THE Third volume of Chronicles, be­ginning at duke William the Norman, commonlie called the Conqueror; and descending by degrees of yeeres to all the kings and queenes of England in their orderlie successions:

First compiled by Raphaell Holinshed, and by him extended to the yeare 1577.

Now newlie recognised, augmented, and continued (with occurrences and accidents of fresh memorie) to the yeare 1586.

Wherein also are conteined manie matters of singular discourse and rare obser­uation, fruitfull to such as be studious in antiquities, or take pleasure in the grounds of anci­ent histories.

With a third table (peculiarlie seruing this third volume) both of names and matters memorable.

Historiae placeant nostrates ac peregrinae.

TO THE Right Honorable and his singular good Lord, Sir William Cecill, Baron of Burghleygh, Knight of the most noble order of the Garter, Lord high Treasu­rer of England, Maister of the Courts of Wards and Liueries, and one of the Queenes Maiesties priuie Councell.

COnsidering with my selfe, right Hono­rable and my singular good Lord, how redie (no doubt) manie will be to accuse me of vaine presumption, for enterprising to deale in this so weightie a worke, and so far aboue my reach to accomplish: I haue thought good to aduertise your Honour, by what occasion I was first induced to vndertake the same, al­though the cause that moued me thereto hath (in part) yer this beene signified vnto your good Lordship.

Whereas therefore, that worthie Citizen Reginald Wolfe late Printer to the Queenes Maiestie, a man well knowne and beholden to your Honour, meant in his life time to publish an vniuersall Cosmographie of the whole world, and therwith also certaine particular histories of euery knowne nation, amongst other whom he purposed to vse for performance of his intent in that behalfe, he procured me to take in hand the collection of those histories, and hauing procee­ded so far in the same, as little wanted to the accomplishment of that long pro­mised worke, it pleased God to call him to his mercie, after fiue and twentie yeares trauell spent therein; so that by his vntimelie deceasse, no hope remained to see that performed, which we had so long trauelled about. Neuerthelesse, those whom he put in trust to dispose his things after his departure hence, wish­ing to the benefit of others, that some fruit might follow of that whereabout he had imployed so long time, willed me to continue mine endeuour for their fur­therance in the same. Which although I was redie to doo, so far as mine abilitie would reach, and the rather to answere that trust which the deceassed reposed in me, to see it brought to some perfection: yet when the volume grew so great, as they that were to defraie the charges for the impression, were not willing to go [Page] through with the whole, they resolued first to publish the histories of England, Scotland, and Ireland, with their descriptions; which descriptions, bicause they were not in such readinesse, as those of forren countries, they were inforced to vse the helpe of other better able to doo it than my selfe.

Moreouer, the Charts, wherein Maister Wolfe spent a great part of his time, were not found so complet as we wished: and againe, vnderstanding of the great charges and notable enterprise of that worthie Gentleman maister Thomas Sackford, in procuring the Charts of the seuerall prouinces of this realme to be set foorth, we are in hope that in time he will delineate this whole land so perfectlie, as shall be comparable or beyond anie delineation heretofore made of anie other region; and therefore leaue that to his well deserued praise. If any well willer will imitate him in so praiseworthie a worke for the two other regions, we will be glad to further his endeuour with all the helpes we may.

The histories I haue gathered according to my skill, and conferred the grea­test part with Maister Wolfe in his life time, to his liking, who procured me so manie helpes to the furtherance thereof, that I was loth to omit anie thing that might increase the readers knowledge, which causeth the booke to grow so great. But receiuing them by parts, and at seuerall times (as I might get them) it may be, that hauing had more regard to the matter than the apt penning, I haue not so orderlie disposed them, as otherwise I ought; choosing rather to want order, than to defraud the reader of that which for his further vnderstanding might seeme to satisfie his expectation.

I therefore most humblie beseech your Honour to accept these Chronicles of England vnder your protection, and according to your wisedome and accusto­med benignitie to beare with my faults; the rather, bicause you were euer so e­speciall good Lord to Maister Wolfe, to whom I was singularlie be­holden; and in whose name I humblie present this rude worke vn­to you; beseeching God, that as he hath made you an instru­ment to aduance his truth, so it may please him to in­crease his good gifts in you, to his glorie, the fur­therance of the Queenes Maiesties ser­uice, and the comfort of all hir faithfull and louing subiects.

Your Honours most humble to be commanded, RAPHAEL HOLINSHED.

THE PREFACE to the reader.

IT is dangerous (gentle reader) to range in so large a field as I haue here vndertaken, while so manie sundrie men in diuers things may be able to controll me, and manie excellent wits of our countrie (as well or better occupied I hope) are able herein to surpasse me; but seeing the best able doo seeme to neglect it, let me (though least able) craue par­don to put them in mind not to forget their natiue countries praise (which is their dutie) the incouragement of their woorthie countriemen, by elders ad­uancements; and the daunting of the vi­cious, by foure penall examples, to which end (as I take it) chronicles and histories ought cheefelie to be written. My labour may shew mine vttermost good will, of the more learned I require their further enlargement, and of fault-finders dispensati­on till they be more fullie informed. It is too common that the least able are readiest to find fault in matters of least weight, and therefore I esteeme the lesse of their carping, but humblie beseech the skilfull to supplie my want, and to haue care of their dutie; and either to amend that wherein I haue failed, or be content with this mine endeuour. For it may please them to consider, that no one can be eie-witnesse to all that is written with­in our time; much lesse to those things which happened in former times, and therefore must be content with reports of others. Therein I haue beene so carefull, that I haue spared no paines or helpe of freends to search out either written or printed ancient authors, or to inquire of moderne eie-witnesses for the true setting downe of that which I haue here deliuered: but I find such want in writers for the necessarie knowledge of things doone in times past, and lacke of meanes to obteine sufficient instructions by re­porters of the time present; and herewith the worthie exploits of our countriemen so manie, that it greeueth me I could not leaue the same to posteritie (as I wished) to their well deserued praise. But I haue here imparted what I could learne, and craue that it may be taken in good part. My speech is plaine, without any rhetoricall shew of eloquence, hauing rather a regard to simple truth, than to decking words. I wish I had beene furni­shed with so perfect instructions, and so many good gifts, that I might haue pleased all kinds of men, but that same being so rare a thing in any one of the best, I beseech thee (gentle reader) not to looke for it in me the meanest.

But now for thy further instruction, to vnderstand the course of these my labours. First concerning the historie of England, as I haue collected the same out of manie and sundrie authors, in whome what contrarietie, negligence, and rashnesse sometime is [Page] found in their reports; I leaue to the discretion of those that haue perused their works: for my part, I haue in things doubtfull rather chosen to shew the diuersitie of their wri­tings, than by ouer-ruling them, and vsing a peremptorie censure, to frame them to a­gree to my liking: leauing it neuerthelesse to each mans iudgement, to controll them as he seeth cause. If some-where I shew my fansie what I thinke, and that the same dislike them; I craue pardon, speciallie if by probable reasons or plainer matter to be produ­ced, they can shew mine errour; vpon knowledge whereof I shall be readie to reforme it accordinglie. Where I doo begin the historie from the first inhabi [...]ation of this Ile, I looke not to content ech mans opinion concerning the originall of them that first peo­pled it, and no maruell: for in matters so vncerteine, if I cannot sufficientlie content my selfe (as in deed I cannot) I know not how I should satisfie others. That which seemeth to me most likelie, I haue noted, beseeching the learned (as I trust they will) in such points of doubtfull antiquities to beare with my skill: sith for ought I know, the mat­ter is not yet decided among the learned, but still they are in controuersie about it, and as yet Sub iudice lis est. Well, howsoeuer it came first to be inhabited, likelie it is, that at the first the whole Ile was vnder one prince and gouernour, though afterwards (and long peraduenture before the Romans set any foot within it) the monarchie thereof was broken, euen when the multitude of the inhabitants grew to be great, and ambiti­on entred amongst them: which hath brought so manie good policies and states to ruine and decaie.

The Romans hauing once got possession of the continent that faceth this Ile, could not rest (as it appeareth) till they had brought the same also vnder their subiection: and the sooner doubtlesse, by reason of the factions amongst the princes of the land, which the Romans (through their accustomed skill) could turne verie well to their most ad­uantage. They possessed it almost fiue hundreth yeares, and longer might haue doone, if either their insufferable tyrannie had not taken awaie from them the loue of the peo­ple, as well here as else-where; either that their ciuill discord about the chopping and changing of their emperours had not so weakened the forces of their empire, that they were not able to defend the same against the irruption of barbarous nations. But as we may coniecture by that which is found in histories, about that time, in which the Ro­mane empire began to decline, this land stood in verie weake state: being spoiled of the most part of all hir able men, which were led awaie into forren regions, to supplie the Romane armies; and likewise (perhaps) of all necessarie armour, weapon, and treasure: which being perceiued of the Saxons, after they were receiued into the Ile, to aid the Britons against the Scots and Picts then inuading the same, ministred to them occasion to attempt the second conquest, which at length they brought to passe, to the ouer­throw not onelie of the British dominion, but also to the subuersion of the Christian religion here in this land: which chanced (as appeareth by Gildas) for the wicked sins and vnthankefulnesse of the inhabitants towards God, the cheefe occasions and cau­ses of the transmutations of kingdoms, Nam propter peccata, regna transmutantur à gente in gentem.

The Saxons obteining possession of the land, gouerned the same, being diuided into sundrie kingdoms, and hauing once subdued the Britons, or at the least-wise remooued them out of the most part of the Ile into od corners and mountaines, fell at diuision a­mong themselues, and oftentimes with warre pursued ech other, so as no perfect order of gouernement could be framed, nor the kings grow to any great puissance, either to mooue warres abroad, or sufficientlie to defend themselues against forren forces at home: as manifestlie was perceiued, when the Danes and other the Northeasterne people, being then of great puissance by sea, began miserablie to afflict this land: at the first inuading as it were but onelie the coasts and countries lieng neere to the sea, but afterwards with maine armies they entred into the midle parts of the land. And al­though the English people at length came vnder one king, and by that meanes were the better able to resist the enimies; yet at length those Danes subdued the whole, and [Page] had possession thereof for a time, although not long, but that the crowne returned a­gaine to those of the Saxon line: till shortlie after, by the insolent dealings of the go­uernours, a diuision was made betwixt the king and his people, through iust punishment decreed by the prouidence of the Almightie, determining for their sinnes and con­tempt of his lawes, to deliuer them into the hands of a stranger; and therevpon when spite and enuie had brought the title in doubt, to whom the right in succession apper­teined, the Conquerour entred, and they remained a prey to him and his: who plucked all the heads and cheefe in authoritie so cleerelie vp by the roots, as few or none of them in the end was left to stand vp against him. And herewith altering the whole state, he planted such lawes and ordinances as stood most for his auaile and securitie, which being after qualified with more milde and gentle lawes, tooke such effect, that the state hath euer sithens continued whole and vnbroken by wise and politike gouernement, although disquieted sometime by ciuill dissention, to the ruine commonlie of the first moouers, as by the sequele of the historie you may see.

For the historie of Scotland, I haue for the more part followed Hector Boece, Iohan­nes Maior, and Iouan Ferreri Piemontese, so far as they haue continued it, interlaced som­times with other authours, as Houeden, Fourdon, and such like; although not often, bi­cause I meant rather to deliuer what I found in their owne histories extant, than to cor­rect them by others, leauing that enterprise to their owne countrimen: so that whatso­euer ye read in the same, consider that a Scotishman writ it, and an Englishman hath but onelie translated it into our language, referring the reader to the English historie, in all matters betwixt vs and them, to be confronted therewith as he seeth cause. For the con­tinuation thereof I vsed the like order, in such copies and notes as Maister Wolfe in his life time procured me; sauing that in these last yeares I haue inserted some such notes as concerned matters of warre betwixt vs and the Scots, bicause I got them not till that part of the English historie was past the presse.

For Ireland, I haue shewed in mine epistle dedicatorie in what sort, and by what helps I haue proceeded therein; onelie this I forgot to signifie, that I had not Giraldus Cambrensis, and Flatsburie, vntill that part of the booke was vnder the presse, and so be­ing constreined to make post hast, I could not exemplifie what I would out of them all, neither yet dispose it so orderlie as had beene conuenient, nor pen it with so apt words as might satisfie either my selfe, or those to whose view it is now like to come. And by reason of the like haste made in the impression, where I was determined to haue trans­posed the most part of that which in the English historie I had noted, concerning the conquest of Ireland by Hen. the second, out of Houeden & others, I had not time there­to; and so haue left it there remaining where I first noted it, before I determined to make any particular collection of the Irish histories, bicause the same commeth there well inough in place, as to those that shall vouchsafe to turne the booke it may appeare.

For the computation of the yeares of the world, I had by Maister Wolfes aduise followed Functius; but after his deceasse, M. W. H. made me partaker of a Chrono­logie, which he had gathered and compiled with most exquisit diligence, following Ge­rardus Mercator, and other late Chronologers, and his owne obseruations, according to the which I haue reformed the same. As for the yeares of our Lord, and the kings, I haue set them downe according to such authors as seeme to be of best credit in that behalfe, as I doubt not but to the learned and skilfull in histories it shall appeare. More­ouer, this the reader hath to consider, that I doo begin the yeare at the natiuitie of our Lord, which is the surest order (in my fansie) that can be followed.

For the names of persons, townes, and places, as I haue beene diligent to reforme the errours of other (which are to be ascribed more to the vnperfect copies than to the authors) so may it be that I haue some-where committed the like faults, either by neg­ligence or want of skill to restore them to their full integritie as I wished. But what I haue performed, aswell in that behalfe as others, the skilfull reader shall easily perceiue, [Page] and withall consider (I trust) what trauell I haue bestowed to his behoofe in this huge volume; crauing onelie, that in recompense thereof he will iudge the best, and to make a freendlie construction of my meaning, where ought may seeme to haue escaped my pen or the printers presse, otherwise than we could haue wished for his better satisfacti­on. Manie things being taken out as they lie in authors, may be thought to giue of­fense in time present, which referred to the time past when the author writ, are not one­lie tollerable, but also allowable. Therefore (good reader) I beseech thee to weigh the causes and circumstances of such faults and imperfections, and consider that the like may creepe into a far lesse volume than this, and shew me so much fauour as hath beene shewed to others in like causes. And sithens I haue doone my good will, accept the same, as I with a free and thankefull mind doo offer it thee; so shall I thinke my labour well bestowed. For the other histories, which are alreadie collected, if it please God to giue abilitie, shall in time come to light, with some such breefe descriptions of the for­ren regions whereof they treat, as may the better suffice to the readers contentation, and vnderstanding of the matters conteined in the same histories, reduced into abridgements out of their great volumes. And thus I ceasse further to trouble thy pa­tience, wishing to thee (gentle reader) so much profit, as by reading may be had, and as great comfort as Gods ho­lie spirit may endue thee with.

FINIS.

The politike Conquest of William the first.

THis William Duke of Nor­mandie, Anno. 1. base son of Robert the sixt Duke of Nor­mandie, and ne­phew vnto Ed­ward King of England, surna­med the Confes­sor, hauing van­quished line 10 the Eng­lish power, and slaine Harold in the field (as you may read at large towards the end of the historie of England) began his reigne ouer England the xv. daie of October being sundaie, in the yeare after the creation of the world 5033. (as W. Harison gathereth) and after the birth of our Saui­our 1066. which was in the tenth yeare of the empe­rour line 20 Henrie the fourth, year 1066 in the sixt of pope Alexander the second, in the sixt of Philip king of France, and a­bout the tenth of Malcolme the third, surnamed Ca­moir, king of Scotland.

Sim. Dun.Immediatlie after he had thus got the victorie in a pight field (as before ye haue heard) he first re­turned to Hastings, and after set forward towards London, wasted the countries of Sussex, Kent, Ham­shire, Southerie, Middlesex, and Herefordshire, bur­ning the townes, and sleaing the people, till he came line 30 to Beorcham. In the meane time, immediatlie after the discomfiture in Sussex, the two earles of Nor­thumberland and Mercia, Edwin and Marchar. Edwin and Marchar, who had withdrawne themselues from the battell togi­ther with their people, came to London, and with all speed sent their sister quéene Aldgitha vnto the citie of Chester, Quéene Ald­githa sent to Chester. and herewith sought to persuade the Lon­doners to aduance one of them to the kingdome: as Wil. Mal. writeth. Wil. Mal. Simon Dun. But Simon of Durham saith, that Aldred archbishop of Yorke, and the said earles with line 40 others would haue made Edgar Etheling king. Howbeit, whilest manie of the Nobilitie and others prepared to make themselues redie to giue a new battell to the Normans (how or whatsoeuer was the cause) the said earles drew homewards with their powers, Wil. Malm. The bishops blamed. to the great discomfort of their freends. Wil. Malm. séemeth to put blame in the bishops, for that the lords went not forward with their purpose in ad­uancing Edgar Etheling to the crowne. For the bi­shops (saith he) refused to ioine with the lords in that line 50 behalfe, and so through enuie and spite which one part bare to another, when they could not agrée vpon an Englishman, they receiued a stranger, insomuch that vpon king William his comming vnto Beorcham, The archbi­shop of Yorke & other submit themselues to king William. Aldred archbishop of Yorke, Wolstane bishop of Worcester, and Walter bishop of Hereford, Edgar Etheling, and the foresaid earles Edwin and Mar­char came and submitted themselues vnto him, whom he gentlie receiued, and incontinentlie made an a­gréement with them, taking their oth and hostages (as some write) and yet neuerthelesse he permitted his people to spoile and burne the countrie.

But now, when the feast of Christs natiuitie (com­monlie called Christmas) was at hand, he approched to the citie of London, and comming thither, caused his vauntgard first to enter into the stréets, where fin­ding some resistance, he easilie subdued the citizens that thus tooke vpon them to withstand him, though not without some bloudshed (as Gemeticen. writeth) but as by others it should appéere, Gemeticensi [...] ▪ he was receiued in­to the citie without anie resistance at all; and so be­ing in possession thereof, he spake manie fréendlie words to the citizens, and promised that he would vse them in most liberall & courteous maner. Not long after, when things were brought in order (as was thought requisite) he was crowned king vpon Christ­mas daie following, by Aldred archbishop of Yorke. William Con­querour crow­ned 1067. ac­cording to their account which begin the yeare on the daie of Christ his natiuitie. For he would not receiue the crowne at the hands of Stigand archbishop of Canturburie, bicause he was hated, and furthermore iudged to be a verie lewd per­son and a naughtie liuer.

At his coronation he caused the bishops and ba­rons of the realme to take their oth, that they should be his true and loiall subiects (according to the maner in that case accustomed.) And being required thereto by the archbishop of Yorke, he tooke his personall oth before the altar of S. Peter at Westmister, to defend the holie church, and rulers of the same, to gouerne the people in iustice as became a king to doo, to ordeine righteous lawes & kéepe the same, so that all maner of bribing, rapine, and wrongfull iudgements should for euer after be abolished.

After this, Polydor. he tooke order how to keepe the realme in good and quiet gouernment, fortifieng the necessa­rie places, and furnishing them with garisons. year 1067 He al­so appointed officers and councellers, such as he thought to be wise and discréet men, and appointed ships to be in the hauens by the coast for the defense of the land, as he thought most expedient. After his coro­nation, Iohn Stow. or rather before (as by some authours it should seeme) euen presentlie vpon obteining of the citie of London, Tho. Spo [...]. he tooke his iourney towards the castell of Douer, to subdue that and the rest of Kent also: which when the archbishop Stigand and Egelsin the abbat of S. Augustines (being as it were the chiefest lords and gouernours of all Kent) did perceiue, and consi­dered that the whole realme was in an euill state; & that whereas in this realme of England, before the comming in of the forsaid duke William, there were no bondmen: now all, Seruitude & bondage of the Nobilitie and Commonaltie to the Nor­mans. as well the Nobilitie as the Commonaltie were without respect made subiect to the intollerable bondage of the Normans, taking an occasion by the perill and danger that their neigh­bours were in, to prouide for the safegard of them­selues [Page 2] and their countrie. They caused all the people of the countie of Kent to assemble at Canturburie, and declared to them the perils and dangers immi­nent, the miserie that their neighbours were come in­to, the pride and insolencie of the Normans, and the hardnesse and griefe of bondage and seru [...]le estate. Whereupon all the people rather choosing to end their vnfortunate life, than to submit themselues to an vn­accustomed yoke of seruitude and bondage, with a common consent determined to meet duke William, line 10 and to fight with him [...]or the lawes of their count [...]ie. Also, the foresaid Stigand the archbishop, and the [...]b­bat Egelsin, choosing rather to die in ba [...]tell, than to see their nation in so euill an estate, being encouraged by the examples of the holie Machabees, became cap­teins of the armie. And at a daie appointed, all the people met at Swanescombe, and being hidden in the woods, laie priuilie in wait for the comming of the foresaid duke William.

Now, bicause it cannot hurt to take great héed, line 20 and to be verie warie in such cases, they agréed before hand, that when the duke was come, and the passages on euerie side stopped, to the end he should no waie be able to escape, euerie one of them, as well horssemen as footmen should beare boughes in their hands. The next daie after, when the duke was come into the fields and territories néere vnto Swanescombe, and saw all the countrie set and placed about him, as it had beene a stirring and moouing wood, and that with a meane pace they approched and drew neare vnto line 30 him, with great discomfort of mind he woondered at that sight. And assoone as the capteins of the Kentish­men sawe that duke William was inclosed in the middest of their armie, they caused their trumpets to be sounded, their banners to be displaied, and threw downe their boughes, & with their bowes bent, their swords drawne, and their speares and other kind of weapons stretched foorth, they shewed themselues rea­die to fight. Duke William and they that were with him stood (as no maruell it was) sore astonied, and a­mazed: line 40 so that he which thought he had alreadie all England fast in his fist, did now despaire of his owne life. Therefore on the behalfe of the Kentishmen, were sent vnto duke William the archbishop Stigand, and Egelsin abbat of S. Augustines, who told him their message in this sort.

‘My lord duke, behold the people of Kent come forth to méet you, and to receiue you as their liege lord, re­quiring at your hands the things which perteine to peace, and that vnder this condition; that all the peo­ple of Kent enioy for euer their ancient liberties, and may for euermore vse the lawes and customes of the countrie▪ othe [...]wise they are readie presentlie to bid battell to you, and them that be with you▪ and are min­ded rather to die here altogither, than to depart from [...]he law [...]s and customes of their countrie, and to sub­mit themsel [...]s to bondage, [...]hereof as yet they ne­uer had experie [...]ce.’

The duke sé [...]ing himselfe to be driuen to such an exigent & [...]a [...]row pinch, consulted a while with them that came with him, prudentlie considering, that if he should take anie repulse or displeasure at the hands of this people, whi [...]h [...]e [...] [...]ey of England, all that he had done before [...] disanulled and made of none effect, and all his hope and safetie should stand in danger and ieopardie: not so willinglie as wiselie he granted the people of Kent their request. Now when the couenant was established, and pledges giuen on both sides: the Kentishmen being ioyfull, conducted the Normans (who also were glad) vnto Rochester, and yéelded vp to the duke the earledome of Kent, and the noble castell of Douer. The ancient liberties and lawes of En­gland remaine in Kent onlie. Thus the ancient liberties of England, and the lawes and customes of the coun­trie, which before the comming of duke William out of Normandie, were equallie kept throughout all England, doo (through this industrie and earnest tra­uell of the archbishop Stigand and Egelsin abbat of S. Augustines) remaine inuiolablie obserued vntill this daie within that countie of Kent. ¶ Thus far Thomas Spot, Wil. Thorn [...]. and after him William Thorne writeth the same. Of the which the former (that is Spot) liued in the daies of king Edward the first, and William Thorne in the daies of king Richard the second.

But now, before we procéed anie further in reci­tall of the Conquerours dooings, we haue here in a table noted all the noble capteins and gentlemen of name, aswell Normans as other strangers, which as­sisted duke William in the conquest of this land: and first, as we find them written in the chronicles of Normandie by one William Tailleur.

The Catalog of such Noble men, Lords, and Gentle­men of name, as came into this land with William the Conquerour.
  • ODo bishop of Bay­eulx.
  • Robert erle of Mor­taing.
  • Roger erle of Beaumont surnamed A la Barbe.
  • Guillaume Mallet seig­neur de Montfort.
  • Henrie seig. de Ferrers.
  • Guillaume d'Aubelle­mare seign. de Fou­gieres.
  • Guillaume de Roumare seig. de Lithare.
  • Le seig. de Touque.
  • Le seig. de la Mare.
  • Neel le Viconte.
  • Guillaume de Vepont.
  • Le seig. de Magneuille.
  • Le seig. de Grosmenil.
  • Le seig. de S. Martin.
  • Le seig. de Puis.
  • Guillaume Crespin.
  • Guillaume de Moyenne
  • Guillaume Desmoul­lins.
  • Guillaume Desgaren­nes.
  • Hue de Gourney, aliàs Geneuay.
  • Le seig. de Bray.
  • Le seig. de Gouy.
  • Le seig. de Laigle.
  • Le seig. de Touarts.
  • Le seig. de Aurenchin.
  • Le seig. de Vitrey.
  • Le seig. de Trassy, aliàs Tracy.
  • Le seig. de Picquigny.
  • Le seig. d Espinay.
  • Osmond seig. du Pont.
  • Le seig. de Estouteuile.
  • Le seig. de Torchy.
  • Le seig. de Barnabost.
  • Le seig. de Breual.
  • Le seig. de Seeulme.
  • Le seig. de Houme.
  • Le seig. de Souchoy.
  • Le seig. de Cally.
  • Le seig. de la Riuere.
  • Euldes de Beanieu.
  • Le seig. de Roumilly.
  • Le seig. de Glotz.
  • Le seig. du Sap.
  • Le seig. de Vanuille.
  • Le seig. Branchou.
  • Le seig. Balleul.
  • Le seig. de Beausault.
  • Le seig. de Telleres.
  • Le seig. de Senlys.
  • Le seig. de Bacqueuille.
  • Le seig. de Preaulx.
  • Le seig. de Iouy.
  • Le seig. de Longueuille.
  • Le seig. d [...]Aquigny.
  • Le seig. de Passy.
  • Le seig. de Tournay.
  • Le seig. de Colombieres
  • Le seig. de Bolleber.
  • Le seig. de Garensieres.
  • Le seig. de Longueile.
  • Le seig. de Houdetot.
  • Le seig. de Malletot.
  • Le seig. de la Haie Ma­lerbe.
  • Le sei. de Porch Pinche.
  • Le seig. de Iuetor.
  • The erle of Tanqueruile
  • The erle d'Eu.
  • The erle d'Arques.
  • [Page 3]The erle of Aniou.
  • The erle of Neuers.
  • Le seig. de Rouuile.
  • Le prince de Ale­maigne.
  • Le seig. de Pauilly.
  • Le seig. de S. Cler.
  • Le seig. d'Espinay.
  • Le seig. de Bremetot.
  • Alain Fergant erle of Britaigne.
  • Le seig. de la Ferte.
  • Robert fils Heruays duc de Orleans.
  • Le seig. de la Lande.
  • Le seig. de Mortimer.
  • Le seig. de Clare.
  • Le seig. de Magny.
  • Le seig. de Fontnay.
  • Roger de Montgomery.
  • Amaury de Touars.
  • Le seig. de Hacqueuile.
  • Le seig. de Neanshou.
  • Le seig. de Perou.
  • Robert de Beaufou.
  • Le seig. Meauuon.
  • Le seig. de Soteuile.
  • Eustace de Hambleuile.
  • Geoffray Bournom.
  • Le seig. de Blainuile.
  • Le seig. de Mauneuile.
  • Geoffrey de Moienne.
  • Auffray and Mauger de Carteny.
  • Le seig. de Freanuile.
  • Le seig de Moubray.
  • Le seig. de Iafitay.
  • Guillaume Patais seig. de la Lande.
  • Eulde de Mortimer.
  • Hue erle of Gournay.
  • Egremont de Laigle.
  • Richard d'Aurinchin.
  • Le seig. de Bearts.
  • Le seig. de Soulligny.
  • Bouteclier d' Aubigny.
  • Le seig. de Marcey.
  • Le seig. de Lachy.
  • Le seig. de Valdere.
  • Eulde de Montfort.
  • Henoyn de Cahieu.
  • Le seig. de Vimers.
  • Guillaume de Mouion.
  • Raoul Tesson de Tig­nolles.
  • Anguerand erle of Her­court.
  • Roger Marmion.
  • Raoul de Gaiel.
  • Auenel de Viers.
  • Pauuel du Montier Hu­bert.
  • Robert Bertraule Tort.
  • Le seig. de Seulle.
  • Le seig. Doriual.
  • Le seig. de la Hay.
  • Le seig. de S. Iohn.
  • Le seig. de Saussy.
  • Le seig. de Brye.
  • Richard Dollebec.
  • Le seig. du Monfiquet.
  • Le seig. de Bresey.
  • Le seig. de Semilly.
  • Le seig. de Tilly.
  • Le seig. de Preaux.
  • Le seig. de S. Denis.
  • Le seig. de Meuley.
  • Le seig. de Monceaux.
  • The archers of Bretuile.
  • The archers of Vaudre­uile.
  • Le seig. de S. Sain.
  • Le seig. de Breansou.
  • Le seig. de Sassy.
  • Le seig. de Nassy.
  • Le vidam de Chartres.
  • Le seig. de Ieanuile.
  • Le vidam du Passais.
  • Pierre du Bailleul seig. de Fescampe.
  • Le feneschal de Tor­chy.
  • Le seig. de Grissey.
  • Le seig. de Bassey.
  • Le seig. de Tourneur.
  • Guillaume de Colom­bieres.
  • Le seig. de Bonnebault.
  • Le seig. de Ennebault.
  • Le seig. de Danuillers.
  • Le seig. de Beruile.
  • Le seig. de Creueceur.
  • Le seig. de Breate.
  • Le seig. de Coutray.
  • The erle of Eureux.
  • Le seig. de seint Valery.
  • Thomas erle d' Aumale.
  • The erle de Hiesmes.

With other lords and men of account in great numbers, whose names the author of the chronicles of Normandie could not come by (as he himselfe confesseth.) In consideration whereof, and bi­cause diuers of these are set foorth onlie by their titles of estate, and not by their surnames; we haue thought it conuenient to make you partakers of the roll which sometime belonged to Battell ab­beie, conteining also (as the title thereof importeth) the names of such Nobles and Gen­tlemen of Marque, as came at this time with the Conqueror, whereof diuerse maie be the same persons which in the catalog aboue written are contei­ned, bearing the names of the places whereof they were posses­sours and owners, as by the same catalog maie appeare.

The roll of Battell abbeie.
  • A
    • AVmarle
    • Aincourt
    • Audeley
    • Adgillam
    • Argentoune
    • Arundell
    • Auenant
    • Abell
    • Auuerne
    • Aunwers
    • Angers
    • Angenoun
    • Archere
    • Anuay
    • Asperuile
    • Albeuile
    • Andeuile
    • Amouerduile
    • Arcy and Akeny
    • Albeny
    • Aybeuare
    • Amay
    • Aspermound
    • Amerenges
  • B
    • BErtram
    • Buttecourt
    • Brebus and Byseg
    • Bardolfe
    • Basset and Bigot
    • Bohun
    • Bailif
    • Bondeuile
    • Brabason
    • Baskeruile
    • Bures
    • Bounilaine
    • Bois
    • Botelere
    • Bourcher
    • Brabaion
    • Berners
    • Braibuf
    • Brande & Bronce
    • Burgh
    • Bushy
    • Banet
    • Blondell
    • Breton
    • Bluat and Baious
    • Browne
    • Beke
    • Bickard
    • Banastre
    • Baloun
    • Beauchampe
    • Bray and Bandy
    • Bracy
    • Boundes
    • Bascoun
    • Broilem
    • Broleuy
    • Burnell
    • Bellet
    • Baudewin
    • Beaumont
    • Burdon
    • Berteuilay
    • Barre
    • Busseuile
    • Blunt
    • Beaupere
    • Beuill
    • Barduedor
    • Brette
    • Barrett
    • Bonret
    • Bainard
    • Barniuale
    • Bonett
    • Barry
    • Bryan
    • Bodin
    • Beteruile
    • Bertin
    • Bereneuile
    • Bellewe
    • Beuery
    • Busshell
    • Boranuile
    • Browe
    • Beleuers
    • Buffard
    • Botelere
    • Bonueier
    • Boteuile
    • Bellire
    • Bastard
    • Bainard
    • Brasard
    • Beelhelme
    • Braine
    • Brent
    • Braunch
    • Belesuz
    • Blundell
    • Burdet
    • Bagot
    • Beauuise
    • Belemis
    • Beisin
    • Bernon
    • Boels
    • Belefroun
    • Brutz
    • Barchampe
  • C
    • CAmois
    • Camuile
    • Chawent
    • Chauncy
    • Conderay
    • Coluile
    • Chamberlaine
    • Chamburnoun
    • Comin
    • Columber
    • Cribett
    • Creuquere
    • Corbine
    • Corbett
    • Chaundos
    • Chaworth
    • Cleremaus
    • Clarell
    • Chopis
    • Chaunduit
    • Chantelow
    • Chamberay
    • [Page 4]Cressy
    • Curtenay
    • Conestable
    • Cholmeley
    • Champney
    • Chawnos
    • Comiuile
    • Champaine
    • Careuile
    • Carbonelle
    • Charles
    • Chereberge
    • Chawnes
    • Chaumont
    • Caperoun
    • Cheine
    • Curson
    • Couille
    • Chaiters
    • Cheines
    • Cateray
    • Cherecourt
    • Cammile
    • Clerenay
    • Curly
    • Cuily
    • Clinels
    • Chaundos
    • Courteney
    • Clifford
  • D
    • DEnauille
    • Dercy
    • Diue
    • Dispencere
    • Daube [...]y
    • Daniell
    • Denise and Druell
    • Deuans
    • Dauers
    • Dodingsels
    • Darell
    • Delaber
    • Delapole
    • Delalinde
    • Delahill
    • Delaware
    • Delauache
    • Dakeny
    • Dauntre
    • Desny
    • Dabernoune
    • Damry
    • Daueros
    • Dauonge
    • Duilby
    • Delauere
    • Delahoid
    • Durange
    • Delee
    • Delaund
    • Delaward
    • Delaplanch
    • Damnot
    • Danway
    • Dehense
    • Deuile
    • Disard
    • Doiuille
    • Durant
    • Drury
    • Dabitot
    • Dunsteruile
    • Dunchampe
    • Dambelton
  • E
    • EStrange
    • Estuteuile
    • Engaine
    • Estriels
    • Esturney
  • F
    • FErrerers
    • Foluille
    • Fitz Water
    • Fitz Marmaduke
    • Fleuez
    • Filberd
    • Fitz Roger
    • Fauecourt
    • Ferrers
    • Fitz Philip
    • Filiot
    • Furniuens
    • Furniuaus
    • Fitz Otes
    • Fitz William
    • Fitz Roand
    • Fitz Pain
    • Fitz Auger
    • Fitz Aleyn
    • Fitz Rauff
    • Fitz Browne
    • Fouke
    • Freuil
    • Front de Boef
    • Facunberge
    • Fort
    • Frisell
    • Fitz Simon
    • Fitz Fouk
    • Filioll
    • Fitz Thomas
    • Fitz Morice
    • Fitz Hugh
    • Fitz Henrie
    • Fitz Waren
    • Fitz Rainold
    • Flamuile
    • Formay
    • Fitz Eustach
    • Fitz Laurence
    • Formibaud
    • Frisound
    • Finere and Fitz Robert
    • Furniuale
    • Fitz Geffrey
    • Fitz Herbert
    • Fitz Peres
    • Fichet
    • Fitz Rewes
    • Fitz Fitz
    • Fitz Iohn
    • Fleschampe
  • G
    • GVrnay
    • Gressy
    • Graunson
    • Gracy
    • Georges
    • Gower
    • Gaugy
    • Goband
    • Gray
    • Gaunson
    • Golofre
    • Gobion
    • Grensy
    • Graunt
    • Greile
    • Greuet
    • Gurry
    • Gurley
    • Grammori
    • Gernoun
    • Grendon
    • Gurdon
    • Gines
    • Griuil
    • Greneuile
    • Glateuile
    • Gurney
    • Giffard
    • Gouerges
    • Gamages
  • H
    • HAunteney
    • Haunsard
    • Hastings
    • Hanlay
    • Haurell
    • Husee
    • Hercy
    • Herioun
    • Herne
    • Harecourt
    • Henoure
    • Houell
    • Hamelin
    • Harewell
    • Hardell
    • Haket
    • Hamound
    • Harcord
  • I
    • IArden
    • Iay
    • Ieniels
    • Ierconuise
    • Ianuile
    • Iasperuile
  • K
    • KAunt
    • Karre
    • Karrowe
    • Koine
    • Kimaronne
    • Kiriell
    • Kancey
    • Kenelre.
  • L
    • LOueny
    • Lacy
    • Linneby
    • Latomer
    • Loueday
    • Louell
    • Lemare
    • Leuetot
    • Lucy
    • Luny
    • Logeuile
    • Longespes
    • Louerace
    • Longechampe
    • Lascales
    • Lacy
    • Louan
    • Leded
    • Luse
    • Loterell
    • Loruge
    • Longeuale
    • Loy
    • Lorancourt
    • Loions
    • Limers
    • Longepay
    • Laumale
    • Lane
    • Louetot
  • M
    • MOhant
    • Mowne
    • Maundeuile
    • Marmilon
    • Moribray
    • Moruile
    • Miriell
    • Manlay
    • Malebraunch
    • Malemaine
    • Mortimere
    • Mortimaine
    • Muse
    • Marteine
    • Mountbother
    • Mountsoler
    • Maleuile
    • Malet
    • Mounten [...]y
    • Monfichet
    • Maleherb [...]
    • Mare
    • Musegros
    • Musard
    • Moine
    • Montrauers
    • Merke
    • Murres
    • Mortiuale
    • Monchenesy
    • Mallory
    • Marny
    • Mountagu
    • Mountford
    • Maule
    • Monhermon
    • Musett
    • Meneuile
    • Manteuenant and Manfe
    • Menpincoy
    • Maine
    • Mainard
    • Morell
    • Mainell
    • Maleluse
    • Memorous
    • Morreis
    • Morleian Maine
    • Maleuere
    • Mandu [...]
    • Mountmarten
    • Mantelet
    • Miners
    • Mauclerke
    • Maunchenell
    • Mouet
    • Meintenore
    • Meletak
    • Manuile
    • Mangisere
    • Maumasin
    • Mountlouel
    • Mawreward
    • Monhaut
    • Meller
    • Mountgomerie
    • Manlay
    • Maulard
    • Mainard
    • Menere
    • Martinast
    • Mare
    • Mainwaring
    • Matelay
    • Malemis
    • Maleheire
    • Moren
    • Melun
    • Marceans
    • Maiell
    • Morton
  • N
    • NOers
    • Neuile
    • Newmarch
    • Norbet
    • Norice
    • Newborough
    • Neiremet
    • Neile
    • Normauile
    • Neofmarch
    • Nermitz
    • Nembrutz
  • O
    • OTeuell
    • Olibef
    • Olifant
    • Osenel
    • Oisell
    • Olifard
    • Orinall
    • Orioll
  • P
    • PIgot
    • Pery
    • Perepount
    • Pershale
    • Power
    • Painell
    • Perche and Pauey
    • [Page 5]Peurell
    • Perot
    • Picard
    • Pinkenie
    • Pomeray
    • Pounce
    • Pauely
    • Paifrere
    • Plukenet
    • Phuars
    • Punchardoun
    • Pinchard
    • Placy
    • Pugoy
    • Patefinc
    • Place
    • Pampilioun
    • Percelay
    • Perere & Pekeny
    • Poterell
    • Peukeny
    • Peccell
    • Pinell
    • Putrill
    • Petiuoll
    • Preaus
    • Pantolf
    • Peito
    • Penecord
    • Pre [...]dirlegast
    • Perciuale
  • Q
    • QVinci
    • Quintiny
  • R
    • ROs
    • Ridell
    • Riuers
    • Riuell
    • Rous
    • Rushell
    • Raband
    • Ronde
    • Rie
    • Rokell
    • Risers
    • Randuile
    • Roselin
    • Rastoke
    • Rinuill
    • Rougere
    • Rait
    • Ripere
    • Rigny
    • Richemound
    • Rochford
    • Raimond
  • S
    • SOuch
    • Sheuile
    • Seucheus
    • Senclere
    • Sent Quintin
    • Sent Omere
    • Sent Amond
    • Sent Legere
    • Someruile
    • Siward
    • Saunsouere
    • Sanford
    • Sanctes
    • Sauay
    • Saulay
    • Sules
    • Sorell
    • Somerey
    • Sent Iohn
    • Sent George
    • Sent Les
    • Sesse
    • Saluin
    • Say
    • Solers
    • Saulay
    • Sent Albin
    • Sent Martin
    • Sourdemale
    • Seguin
    • Sent Barbe
    • Sent Vile
    • Souremount
    • Soreglise
    • Sanduile
    • Sauncey
    • Sirewast
    • Sent Cheueroll
    • Sent More
    • Sent Scudemore
  • T
    • TOget
    • Tercy
    • Tuchet
    • Tracy
    • Trousbut
    • Trainell
    • Taket
    • Trussel and Tri­son
    • Talbot
    • Touny
    • Traies
    • Tollemach
    • Tolous
    • Tanny
    • Touke
    • Tibtote
    • Turbeuile
    • Turuile
    • Tomy and Tauer­ner
    • Trencheuile
    • Trenchelion
    • Tankeruile
    • Tirell
    • Triuet
    • Tolet
    • Trauers
    • Tardeuile
    • Turburuile
    • Tineuile
    • Torell
    • Tortechappell
    • Trusbote
    • Treuerell
    • Tenwis
    • Totelles
  • V
    • VEre
    • Vernoun
    • Ves [...]y
    • Verdoune
    • Valence
    • Verdeire
    • Vauasour
    • Vendore
    • Verlay
    • Valenger
    • Venables
    • Venoure
    • Vilan
    • Verland
    • Valers
    • Veirny
    • Va [...]uruile
    • Veniels
    • Verrere
    • Vschere
    • Veffay
    • Vanay
    • Vian
    • Vernoys
    • Vrnall
    • Vnket
    • Vrnafull
    • Vasderoll
    • Vaberon
    • Valingford
    • Venicorde
    • Valiue
    • Viuille
    • Vancorde and Va­lenges
  • W
    • WArdebois
    • Ward
    • Wafre
    • Wake
    • Wareine
    • Wate
    • Watelin
    • Wateuil
    • Wely
    • Werdonell
    • Wespaile
    • Wiuell.

When king William had set all things in order through the most part of the realme, he deliuered the guiding thereof vnto his brother Odo, Sim. Dunel. the bishop of Bayeux, and his coosine William Fits Osborne, whom he had made erle of Hereford. King William goeth ouer in­to Normandy Hen. Hun [...]. Polychron. Sim. Dun. In Lent follo­wing he sailed into Normandie, leading with him the pledges, and other of the chéefest lords of the En­glish nation: among whom, the two earles Edwine and Marchar, Stigand the archbishop, Edgar Ethe­ling, Walteof sonne to Siward sometime duke of line 10 Northumberland, and Agelnothus the abbat of Gla­stenburie were the most famous. Soone after his departing, Edricke Syluaticus. Edricke surnamed Syluaticus, sonne to Alfricke that was brother to Edricke de Streona, refusing to submit himselfe vnto the king, rebelled and rose against such as he had left in his absence to gouerne the land. Wherevpon those that laie in the castell of Hereford, Richard Fits Scroope. as Richard Fitz Scroope and o­thers, did oftentimes inuade his lands, and wasted the goods of his farmors and tenants: but yet so of­ten as they attempted, to inuade him▪ they lost ma­nie line 20 of their owne souldiers and men of war. Moreo­uer, the said Edricke calling to his aid the kings of the Welshmen, Bleothgent and Rithwall, about the feast of the assumption of our Ladie, wasted the countrie of Hereford, euen to the bridge of the riuer of Wye, and obteined out of those quarters a mar­uellous great spoile. The riuer of Wye. King William returneth into England. In the winter also following, and after king William had disposed his busines in Normandie, he returned into England, and euen then began to handle the Englishmen somewhat line 30 sharpelie, supposing thereby to kéepe them the more easil [...]e vnder his obedience. He also tooke awaie from diuerse of the Nobilitie, and others of the bet­ter sort, all their liuings, and gaue the same to his Normans. Moreouer, H. Hun [...]. he raised great taxes and sub­sidies through the realme: nor any thing regarded th'English Nobilitie, so that they who before thought themselues to be made for euer by bringing a stran­ger into the realme, doo now sée themselues troden vnder foot, to be despised, and to be mocked on all sides, Matth. Paris. insomuch that many of them were constrei­ned (as it were for a further testimonie of seruitude and bondage) to shaue their beards, to round their heare, and to frame themselues as well in apparell as in seruice and diet at their tables after the Nor­man manner, verie strange and farre differing from the ancient customes and old vsages of their countrie. Others vtterlie refusing to susteine such an intollerable yoke of thral [...]me as was dailie laid vpon them by the Normans, chose rather to leaue all both goods and lands, & after the maner of outlawes, got them to the woods, with their wiues, children, and seruants, Englishmen withdraw them to the woods as out­lawes. meaning from thencefoorth wholie to liue vpon the spoile of the countries adioining, and to take whatsoeuer came next to hand. Wherevpon it came to passe within a while, that no man might trauell in safetie from his owne house or towne to his next neighbors, and euery quiet and honest mans house became as it were an hold or fortresse furni­shed for defense with bowes and arrowes, bils, pol­axes, swords, clubs and staues, and other weapons; the doores kept locked and stronglie boulted in the night season, for feare to be surprised as it had beene in time of open warre, and amongst publike eni­mies. Praiers were said also by the maister of the [Page 6] house, as though they had beene in the middest of the seas in some stormie tempest, and when the win­dowes or doores should be shut in and closed, they v­sed to saie Benedicite, and others to answer, Dominus, in like sort as the preest and his penitent were woont to doo at confession in the church.

Notwithstanding all this, K. William sought to tame & vanquish those of the English Nobilitie, who would not be at his becke. They againe on the other side made themselues strong, the better to resist him, choosing for their chéefe capteines and leaders, the line 10 earles Edwine & Edgar Etheling, who valiantlie resisted the Normans, and slue many of them with great rage and crueltie. And as they thus procéeded in their matters, king William being a politike prince, forward and painefull in his businesse, suffe­red them not altogither to escape cléere awaie, but did sore annoy and put them off to remediles losses, though he abode in the meane time many laborious iournies, slaughters of his people, and damages of line 20 his person. Herevpon the English Nobilitie euer after, yea in time of peace, were hated of the king and his Normans, and at length were kept so short, that being mooued partlie with disdaine, and partlie with dread, Polydor. Anno Reg. 2. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. Diuers of the English No­bilitie forsake their natiue countrie. they got them out of the realme, some into Scotland, some into Denmarke, others into Norway; and among these, the two earles Edwine and Marchar, with certeine bishops & others of the cleargie, besides manie also of the temporaltie, es­caped into Scotland. Marleswine & Gospatricke, with a great number of other the Nobles of Nor­thumberland, line 30 Edgar Ethling with his mother A­gatha, and his sisters Christine and Margaret, chan­ced also to be driuen into Scotland by tempest, as they sailed towards the coasts of Germanie, purpo­sing to haue returned into Hungarie, where the said Edgar was borne: howbeit being arriued in Scot­land, he found so friendlie entertainment there, that finallie Malcolme the third then king of that realme, tooke his sister Margaret to wife, and Christine be­came a nunne, as in the Scotish chronicles more line 40 plainelie dooth appéere. Polydor. King William héereby per­ceiuing daily how vnwilling the Englishmen were to be vnder his obeisance, was in feare of rebellious commotions; and therfore to subdue them the better, he builded foure castels, Two at York, wherein he left fiue hun­dred men in garrison. Simon Dun. one at Notingham, another at Lincolne, the third at Yorke, and the fourth néere vnto Hastings, where he landed at his first com­ming into England.

Moreouer, to reduce the English people the sooner line 50 vnto obedience and awe, he tooke from them all their armour and weapons. The Conque­ror taketh frō the English­men their ar­mour. He ordeined also that the maister of euerie houshold about eight of the clocke in the euening, should cause his fire to be raked vp in a [...]hes, his lights to be put out, and then go to bed. Besides this, to the end that euerie man might haue knowledge of the houre to go to rest, he gaue order, that in all cities, townes, and villages, where anie church was, there should a bell be roong at the said houre, which custome is still vsed euen vnto this daie, line 60 and commonlie called by the French word, Couer few first instituted. Couer few, that is, Rake vp the fier.

This yeare on Whitsunday, Maud the wife of king William was crowned Queene by Acldred archbishop of Yorke. year 1068 Matth. We [...]. The same yeare also was Hen­rie his sonne borne here in England: for his other two sonnes Robert and William were borne in Normandie, Edmund the great. before he had conquered this land. About the same time also, Goodwine and Edmund surna­med the great, the sonnes of K. Harold, came from Ireland, and landing in Somersetshire, fought with Adriothus that had béene maister of their fathers horsses, whom they [...]ue, with a great number of o­thers; and so hauing gotten this victorie, returned into Ireland, from whence they came with a great bootie which they tooke in their returne out of Corne­wall, Deuonshire, and other places thereabouts. In like maner, Excester did as then rebell, and like­wise the countrie of Northumberland, wherevpon the king appointed one of his capteines named Robert Cumin, Wil. Mal [...] ▪ Simon Dun. a right noble personage (but more valiant than circumspect) to go against the northerne people with a part of his armie, whilest he himselfe and the other part went to subdue them of Excester: where, at his comming before the citie, the citizens prepared themselues to defend their gates and wals: but after he began to make his approch to assaile them, part of the citizens repenting their foolish at­tempts, opened the gates, and suffered him to enter. Thus hauing subdued them of Excester, he greeuous­lie punished the chéefe offendors. But the countesse Gita, the sister of Sweine K. of Denmarke, and sometime wife to earle Goodwine, and mother to the last K. Harold, with diuers other that were got in­to that citie, found meanes to flie, and so escaped ouer into Flanders. King William hauing passed his businesse in such wise in Deuonshire, hasted backe towards Yorke, being aduertised in the waie, that the Northumbers hauing knowledge by their spials, that Robert generall of the Normans being come to Durham, did not so diligentlie cause watch and ward to be kept about the towne in the night season as was requisite, did set vpon him about midnight, & slue the same Robert with all his companie, This chaun­ced the 28. of Ianuarie on a wednesday. Polydor. so that of seauen hundred which he brought with him, there was but one that escaped to bring tidings to the king their souereigne.

He heard also, how Edgar Etheling at the same time, being in the countrie, riding abroad with a troope of horsemen, and hearing of the discomfiture of those Normans, pursued them egerlie, and slue great numbers of them, as they were about to saue themselues by flight, Polydor. with which newes being in no small furie, be made speed forward, and comming at the last into Northumberland, he easilie vanquished the foresaid rebels, and putting the cheefe authors of this mutinie to death, he reserued some of the rest as captiues, and of other some he caused the hands to be chopped off in token of their inconstancie and rebelli­ous dealing. After this, he came to Yorke, and there in like sort punished those that had aided Ed­gar, which doone, he returned to London.

In the meane time, year 1069 those Englishmen that were fled (as you haue heard) into Denmarke, by continu­all sute made to Sueine then king of that realme, Swetne and Osborne hath Matth. Paris. to procure him to make a iournie into England for recouerie of the right descended to him from his an­cestors, at length obteined their purpose, in so much that king Sueine sent his sonnes Harold and Ca­nutus toward England, who with a nauie of two hundred saile, Thrée hun­dred sailes saith M. W. but Sim. Dun. hath 240. in the companie of Osborne their vn­cle, arriued in the mouth of Humber betwéene the two later ladie daies, and there landing their people with the English outlawes, whom they had brought with them, they straightwaies marched towards Yorke, wasting and spoiling the countrie with great crueltie as they passed. Soone after also came Ed­gar, and such other English exiles as had before fled into Scotland, and ioined their forces with them. When the newes of these things were brought to Yorke, the people there were striken with a maruel­lous feare, insomuch that Aeldred the archbishop (through verie greefe and anguish of mind) departed this life. The Normans also which laie there in gar­rison, after they vnderstood by their spies that the eni­mies were come within two daies iournie of them, began not a little to mistrust the faith of the citi­zens, and bicause the suburbes should not he any aid [Page 7] vnto them, they set fire on the same, which by the hugenesse of the wind that suddenlie arose, the flame became so big, and mounted such a height, that it caught the citie also, and consumed a great part ther­of to ashes, Yorke burnt. togither with the minster of S. Peter, and a famous librarie belonging to the same. Here­vpon the Normans and citizens in like maner were constreined to issue foorth at the same time, and being vpon the enimies before they had any knowledge of their approch, were forced to trie the matter by line 10 disordered battell: whose number though it was far inferiour vnto theirs, yet they valiantlie defended themselues for a time, till being oppressed with mul­titudes, they were ouercome and slaine, so that there perished in this conflict, to the number of three thou­sand of them. Normans slaine. Manie of the Englishmen also that came with them to the field, were saued by the eni­mies, to the end they might gaine somewhat by their ransomes, as William Mallet shirife of the shire, with his wife, Simon Dun. and two of their children, Gilbert de line 20 Gaunt, and diuers other. This slaughter chanced on a saturdaie, being the nineteenth day of Septem­ber; a dismall daie to the Normans.

The two brethren hauing thus obteined this victo­rie, went on further into the countrie of Northum­berland, and brought the same wholie to their subiecti­on, insomuch that all the north parts were at their cōmandement. Upon this they meant to haue gone towards London with the like attempt in the south parts, if the extreame and hard winter which chanced line 30 that yeare, A sharpe win­ter, an enimie to warlike en­terprises. had not staied their enterprise, as it did king William from assailing them; who hearing of all their dooings in the north countrie, would else full gladlie haue set vpon them. In the meane time, the Danes wintered in Yorkeshire, The Danes where they wintered. Hen. Hunt. Polydor. betwixt the two ri­uers Ouse and Trent; but so soone as the snow be­gan to melt, and the yce to thaw and waste away, king William sped him with great hast toward his enimies into Yorkeshire, and comming to the riuer of Trent, where it falleth into Humber, he pitched line 40 his tents there, to refresh his people, for his enimies were at hand. The daie following he brought his ar­mie into the field to fight with the Danish princes, who likewise in battell araie met them. Then began a right sore and terrible battell, continuing a long space in equall balance, till at length in one of the Danish wings the Norman horsemen had put their enimies to flight. Which when the residue of the Danes perceiued, and therewith put in a sudden feare, they likewise fled. Harold and Canutus with line 50 a band of hardie souldiers that tarried about them, retired backe (though with much a doo and great dan­ger) vnto their ships. Edgar also, by helpe of good horses, escaped into Scotland with a few in his com­panie. Earle Walteof, who had fought most manful­lie in that battell, Matth. Paris. & slaine manie Normans with his owne hands, Hen. Hunt. was reconciled into the kings fauour: but the residue were for the most part taken priso­ners, Wil. Malm. and killed. William of Malmesburie writeth, that king William comming at that time into the line 60 north parts, besieged the citie of Yorke, and putting to flight a great armie of his enimies that came to the succour of them within, not without great losse of his owne souldiers, at length the citie was deliue­red into his hands; the citizens and other that kept it, as Scots, Danes, and Englishmen, being constrei­ned thereto through lacke of vittels. Sim. Dunel. Other write, how the Danes, being loden with riches and spoiles gotten in the countrie, departed to their ships before the comming of king William. Here is not to be forgotten, Earle Ed­wines lands giuen vnto A­lane earle of Britaine. that (as Iohn Leland hath noted) whilest the Conquerour held siege before Yorke, at the ear­nest request of his wife Quéene Maud, he aduanced his nephew Alane earle of Britaine, with the gift of all those lands that sometime belonged vnto earle Edwine, the tenor of which gift insueth: ‘ Ego Gulihelmus cognomine Bastardus, do & concedo tibi nepoti meo Alano Britanniae comiti, & haeredibus tuis in perpetuum, omnes illas villas & terras, quae nuper fuerunt comitis Eadwini in Eborashira, cum feodis militum & alijs libertatibus & consuetudinibus, ita liberè & honorificè sicut idem Eadwinus ea tenuit. Dat. in obsidione coram ciuitate Eboraci: that is, I William surnamed Bastard, doo giue and grant to thee my nephue Alane earle of Britaine, and to thine heires for euer, all those townes & lands that latelie were earle Eadwines in Yorkeshire, with the knights fees and other liberties and customes, so freelie and honourablie as the said Eadwine held the same. Giuen in our seege before the citie of Yorke.’

The earle of Britaine, being a man of a stout sto­mach, and meaning to defend that which was thus gi­uen to him, Castell of Richmont. built a strong castell néere to his manor of Gillingham, and named it Richmont. The first originall line of the earles of Richmont (that bare their title of honor of this castell and towne of Rich­mont (as Leland hath set downe the same) is this: Eudo earle of Britaine, the sonne of Geffrey, begat three sonnes, Alane le Rous, otherwise Fregaunte, Alane the blacke, and Stephan. These three brethren after their fathers decease, succéeded one another in the earledome of Britaine; the two elder, Earle of Bri­taine. A­lane the red and Alane the blacke died without issue. Stephan begat a sonne named Alane, who left a sonne, which was his heire named Conan, which Co­nan married Margaret the daughter of William king of Scotland, who bare him a daughter named Constantia, which Constantia was coupled in mar­riage with Geffrey sonne to king Henrie the second, who had by hir Arthur, whom his vncle king Iohn, for feare to be depriued by him of the crowne, caused to be made awaie; as some haue written. But now to returne where we left touching the Danes. Simon Dun. Simon Dunel. affirmeth, that Harold and Canute or Cnute the sonnes of Sweine king of Denmarke, Matth. Paris maketh men­tion but of Sweine and Osborne whom he cal­leth brethren. with their vncle earle Osborne, and one Christianus a bi­shop of the Danes, and earle Turketillus were gui­ders of this Danish armie, & that afterwards, when king William came into Northumberland, he sent vnto earle Osborne, promising him that he would permit him to take vp vittels for his armie about the sea coastes; and further, to giue him a portion of mo­nie, so that he should depart and returne home as soone as the winter was passed. But howsoeuer the matter went with the Danes, certeine it is by the whole consent of writers, that king William ha­uing thus subdued his enimies in the north, he tooke so great displeasure with the inhabitants of the coun­trie of Yorkeshire and Northumberland, that he wasted all the land betwixt Yorke and Durham, so that for the space of threescore miles, Wil. Malm [...]. there was left in maner no habitation for the people, by reason where­of it laie wast and desert for the space of nine or ten yeares. ¶ The goodlie cities with their towers and steeples set vpon a statelie height, and reaching as it were into the aire: the beautifull fields and pa­stures, watered with the course of sweet and pleasant riuers, if a stranger should then haue beheld, and also knowne before they were thus defaced, he would surelie haue lamented: or if any old inhabitant had béene long absent, & newly returned thither, had séene this pitifull face of the countrie, he would not haue knowne it, such destruction was made through out all those quarters, whereof Yorke it selfe felt not the smallest portion. The bishop of Durham Egelwi­nus with his cleargie fled into holie Iland with S. Cutberts bodie, and other iewels of the church of Durham, Simon Du [...] ▪ where they tarried three moneths and od daies, before they returned to Durham againe. The [Page 8] kings armie comming into the countrie that lieth betwixt the riuers Theise and Tine, found nothing but void feelds and bare walles; the people with their goods and cattell being fled and withdrawne in­to the woods and mountaines, if any thing were for­gotten behind, these new gests were diligent inough to find it out.

In the beginning of the spring, king William re­turned to London, Anno Reg. 4. 1070. and now after all these troubles, began to conceiue greater hatred against the En­glishmen line 10 than euer before; Polydor. so as doubting that hee should neuer by gentlenesse win their good willes, he now determined by a harder measure to meete with them; insomuch that he banished a great num­ber, other some also (not a few) he spoiled of their goods, those especiallie of whom he was in hope to gaine any great portion of substance.

Thus were the Englishmen generallie in danger to lose life, lands and goods, without knowledge, or orderlie proceeding in iudgement, so that no greater line 20 miserie in the earth could be imagined, than that whereinto our nation was now fallen. He tooke from the townes and cities, Priuileges and fréedoms reuoked. from the bishops sées and abbeies all their ancient priuileges and freedoms, to the end they should not onelie be cut short and made weaker, but also that they (for the obteinment of their quietnesse) might redeeme the same of him for such summes of monie as pleased him to exact. Among other things, he ordeined that in time of warre they should aide him with armor, Matth. Paris horsse and line 30 monie, according to that order which he should then prescribe: all which he caused to be registred, inrol­led, and laid vp in his treasurie. But diuerse of the spirituall persons would not obey this ordinance, whom he banished without remorse.

Stigand. Alexander bishop of Lin­colne.About this time the archbishop Stigand, and A­lexander bishop of Lincolne fled to Scotland, where they kept themselues close for a season. But the king still continued in his hard procéeding against the Englishmen, insomuch that now protesting how he line 40 came to the gouernance of the realme only by plaine conquest, Polydor. The hard de­ling of K. Wil­liam against the English­men. he seized into his hands most part of eue­rie mans possessions, causing them to redeeme the same at his hands againe, and yet reteined a proper­tie in the most part of them; so that those that should afterwards enioy them, should acknowledge them­selues to hold them of him, in yéelding a yéerlie rent to him and his successors for euer, with certeine o­ther prouisions, whereby in cases of forfeiture the same lands should returne to him, and his said suc­cessors line 50 againe. The like order he appointed to be v­sed by other possessors of lands, in letting them forth to their tenants. He ordeined also, that the Termes should be kept foure times in the yéere, The instituti­on of the foure Termes. in such pla­ces as he should nominate, and that the iudges shuld sit in their seuerall places to iudge and decide causes and matters in controuersie betwixt partie and par­tie, in manner as is vsed vnto this day. He decréed moreouer, that there should be shiriffes in euerie shire, and iustices of the peace to keepe the countries line 60 in quiet, and to sée offendors punished. Further­more, he instituted the court of the Excheker, and the officers belonging to the same, The Exche­ker. The Chan­cerie. as the barons, the clearks, and such other, and also the high court of Chancerie.

After he had in this sort ordeined his magistrates and ministers of the lawes, he lastlie tooke order what ordinances he would haue obserued: wherevpon a­brogating in maner all the ancient lawes vsed in times past, and instituted by the former kings for the good order and quietnes of the people, he made new, nothing so equall or easie to be kept; New lawes. which neuerthe­lesse those that came after (not without their great harme) were constreined to obserue: as though it had béene an high offense against GOD to abolish those euill lawes, which king William (a prince no­thing friendlie to the English nation) had first ordei­ned, and to bring in other more easie and tollerable. ¶ Here by the waie I giue you to note a great absur­ditie; namelie, that those lawes which touched all, and ought to be knowne of all, were notwithstan­ding written in the Norman toong, The lawes were written in the Nor­man toong. which the En­glishmen vnderstood not; so that euen at the begin­ning you should haue great numbers, partlie by the iniquitie of the lawes, and partlie by ignorance in misconstruing the same, to be wrongfullie condem­ned: some to death, and some in the forfeitures of their goods; others were so intangled in sutes and causes, that by no means they knew how to get out, but continuallie were tossed from post to piller; in such wise that in their minds they curssed the time that euer these vnequall lawes were made.

The maner for the triall of causes in controuer­sie, was deuised in such sort as is yet vsed. Matters to be tried by a iurie of 12. men. Twelue ancient men (but most commonlie vnlearned in the lawes) being of the same countie where the sute laie, were appointed by the iudges to go togither into some close chamber, where they should be shut vp, till vpon diligent examination of the matter they should [...]grée vpon the condemnation or acquiting of the prisoner, if it were in criminall causes; or vpon de­ciding in whom the right remained, if it were vpon triall of things in controuersie. Now when they were all agréed, they came in before the iudges, de­claring to what agréement they were growne: which doone, the iudges opened it to the offendors or sutors, and withall gaue sentence as the qualitie of the case did inforce and require. There may happilie be (as Polydor Virgil saith) that will mainteine this maner of procéeding in the administration of iustice by the voices of a iurie, to haue béene in vse before the con­querors daies, but they are not able to prooue it by any ancient records of writers, as he thinketh: al­beit by some of our histories they should séeme to be first ordeined by Ethelred or Egelred. Howbeit this is most true, that the Norman kings themselues would confesse, that the lawes deuised and made by the Conqueror were not verie equall; insomuch that William Rufus and Henrie the sonnes of the Con­queror would at all times, when they sought to pur­chase the peoples fauor, promise to abolish the lawes ordeined by their father, establish other more equall, and restore those which were vsed in S. Edwards daies. The like kind of purchasing fauor was vsed by king Stéephen, and other kings that followed him. But now to the matter, king William hauing made these ordinances to keepe the people in order, set his mind to inrich his cofers, and thervpon cau­sed first a tribute to be leuied of the commons, then the abbeies to be searched, Matth. Paris. Matth. West. Wil. Mal. Wil. Thorne. Abb [...]is sear­ched. Polydor. Simon Dun. and all such monie as any of the Englishmen had laid vp in the same, to be kept. Besides all this, he seized into his hands their charters of priuileges made to them by the Saxon kings of the land, and spared not so much as the iew­els and plate dedicated to sacred vses. All this did he (as some write) by the counsell of the earle of Hertford.

Shortlie after betwixt Easter and Whitsuntid [...], Wil. Thorne. a great synod was holden at Winchester by the bishops and cleargie, where Ermenfred the bishop of Sion or Sitten, Polydor. Sim. Dunel. with two cardinals Iohn and Peter sent thither from pope Alexander the second, did sit as chéefe commissioners. In this synod was Stigand the archbishop of Canturburie depriued of his bishoprike, for thrée speciall causes. Stigand archbishop of Can­turburie de­priued▪

1 First, for that he had wrongfullie holden that bishoprike, whilest the archbishop Robert was li­uing.

[Page 9]2 Secondlie, for that he kept the see of Winche­ster in his hands, after his inuestiture vnto Cantur­burie, which he ought not to haue doone.

3 Thirdlie, for that he had receiued the pall at the hands of pope Benedict the tenth, whom the cardi­nals, as one not lawfullie elected, had deposed.

Howbeit, manie writers burthen king William (who was present at this synod) for the procuring of Stigand his depriuation, to the end he might place a stranger in his roome. For as he had rooted out the line 10 English Nobilitie, and giuen awaie their lands & li­uings to his Normans; so meant he to turne out the English cleargie from bearing any office of honor within the realme, which meaning of his did well ap­peare at his councell, wherin diuers bishops, abbats, and priors were deposed, and Normans preferred to their places. Agelmarus bishop of Thetford was one that was deposed. Simon Dun. Matt. Paris. Stigand after his depriuation was kept in perpetuall prison at Winchester, till he died, and yet (as some write) the same Stigand was an helper vnder hand for king William to atteine the line 20 crowne.

In the feast of Pentecost next insuing, the king being at Windsor, Thomas a canon of Bay­eux made archbishop of Yorke. Lanfranke consecrated archbishop of Canturburie. Matth. Westm. hath the eight Kal. of Maie, but Wil. Mal. and Eadmerus the fourth Kal. of Sep­tember. gaue the archbishoprike of Yorke vnto one Thomas, a canon of Bayeux, and to Wal­kelme one of his chaplins he gaue the bishoprike of Winchester. After this, calling one Lanfranke an Italian from Caen where he was abbat, he made him archbishop of Canturburie, who was con­secrated there in the feast of S. Iohn Baptist, in the yeare folowing, which was after the birth of our Sa­uiour 1071. The foresaid Thomas was the fiue and line 30 twentith bishop that had gouerned in that see of Yorke, & Lanfranke the thrée & thirtith in the see of Canturburie. But yer long, betwixt these two arch­bishops there rose great contention for the primasie of their churches, in so much that the archbishop of Yorke appealed to Rome, 1071 Anno Reg. 5. where they both appeared personallie before pope Alexander, in whose presence Lanfranks cause was so much fauoured, Wil. Mal. Eadmerus. that not onelie the foresaid Thomas, but also Remigius the line 40 bishop of Dorchester were for reasonable causes de­priued of their crosiers and rings: and Lanfranke at their humble request was a meane to the pope for them in the end, that they might be restored to their staues, which was accordinglie obteined. For when the pope heard Lanfranke declare in their fauour, how necessarie their seruice might be to the king, in the establishment of his new gotten kingdome, he said to Lanfranke; ‘Well, looke you then to the mat­ter, you are the father of that countrie, and therefore line 50 consider what is expedient to be done therein: their staues which they haue surrendered, there they be, take them, and dispose them as you shall thinke most profitable for the aduancement of the christian reli­gion in that countrie.’ Wherevpon, Lanfranke tooke the staues, and deliuered them to the former posses­sours, and so were they in the popes presence resto­red to their former dignities. One cause why Tho­mas was depriued (as some writers saie) was, for that he had holpen duke William toward his iour­nie line 60 into England when he came to conquer it, for the which pleasure to him then shewed, the duke pro­mised him a bishoprike, if euer he obteined victorie o­uer the English: an other cause, for that he was a priests sonne. Now, when the pope vnderstood the full ground of their contention to be for the primasie of the two sees, Canturburie and Yorke, and had heard what could be alledged on both sides, Wil. Malm. he remitted the determination thereof to the king and bishops of England, that by the histories and records of the land, the matter might be tried, iudged and ordered.

Wherefore at their comming home, and after long debating and discussing of the cause (as in William Marleburgh it appeareth more at large) at a synod holden at Windsor, Anno Reg. 6. 1072 in the yeare 1072. sentence was giuen on Lanfranks side, so that in all things con­cerning religion and the faith of holie church, Matth. We [...]t. The subiecti­on of the arch­bishoprike of Yorke, to the archbishop­rike of Can­turburie. the archbishop of Yorke should be euer subiect to the archbishop of Canturburie, and come with all the bi­shops of his prouince to what place soeuer the arch­bishop of Canturburie should summon any councell within the realme of England. Moreouer, when anie elected bishop of Canturburie was to be consecra­ted, the archbishop of Yorke (for the time being) should come to Canturburie, and consecrate him there. And if the archbishop of Yorke▪ was to be in­stalled and consecrated, then should he come to Can­turburie, or to what place it should please the archbi­shop of Canturburie to assigne, and there to be con­firmed of him, taking an oth with profession of due obedience vnto the higher see. Now, Polydor. The archbi­shop of Yorke, acknowleged primate of all Scotland. as the said Tho­mas of Yorke did yéeld obedience to Lanfranke of Canturburie, so likewise the elect bishop of Glas­cow in Scotland named Michaell, was soone after consecrated of the foresaid Thomas archbishop of Yorke, and made an oth of obedience vnto the said archbishop, as to the primate of all Scotland: and after him Tothade the bishop of S. Andrewes did the like, by commandement of Malcolme the third of that name king of Scotland, and Margaret his wife, who thought good by this recognisance of obedi­ence and dutie, so to prouide against further incon­uenience to come, that hereafter, one of the bishops of their realme should not take vpon them to conse­crate an other: or doo any thing contrarie to the an­cient decrées of the old fathers, that might be preiu­diciall to the authoritie of the archbishop of Yorke, at whose appointment those and the like things were accustomed to be doone. Ranulph. Ce­stren. lib. 1. cap. 57. & lib. 7. cap. 2. In this controuersie (or the like) it is left written, that in a court held at Rome (the time is not mentioned) the pope perceiuing the strife betwéene these two prelats to be but for the hi­ghest place or primasie in the church; he solemnelie gaue sentence by decree, that the sée of Yorke should haue in title Primas Angliae, & Canturburie Primas totius Angliae, which titles doo yet remain to them both.

But to leaue this, and to speake of other things which chanced in the meane time that this contro­uersie depended betwixt the two archbishops, I find that Edwin and Marchar earles of Mertia and Nor­thumberland, hauing of late obteined pardon for their former misdemeanor, & reconciled to the king, began now so much to mislike the state of the world againe, as euer they did before. For perceiuing how the Englishmen were still oppressed with thraldome & miserie on ech hand, they conspired, & began a new rebellion, but with verie ill successe, as shall herafter appeare. The king vnderstanding of their dealings, Matt. Paris. and being not onelie armed throughlie with tempo­rall force, but also endued with the spirituall power of his archbishop Lanfranke (who aided him in all that he might, for the suppressing of those rebels) wa­sted the countries excéedinglie, where he vnderstood that they had gotten anie releefe, minding vtterlie to vanquish them with sword, fire, and hunger, or by ex­treame penurie to bring them vnder. They on the o­ther part make as stout resistance; and perceiuing that it stood them vpon, either to vanquish or to fall into vtter ruine, they raise a mightie strong host, and make Edgar Etheling their capteine, a comelie gentleman and a valiant, in whome also the whole hope of the English nation was reposed, as appea­reth by this his accustomed by-word, Edgar Etheling Englands dearling. Amongst other noble men that were chiefe dooers in the assembling of this armie, Frederike abbat of S. Albons, a prelate of great wealth and no lesse puissance, was a principall.

The king perceiuing his estate to be now in no [Page 10] small danger, is in a great perplexitie what to doo, in the end, he counselleth with the said Lanfranke arch­bishop of Canturburie, how he might remedie the matter; who told him that in such a desperate case, the best waie for him should be to séeke by faire words and friendly offers to pacifie the English No­bilitie, which by all meanes possible would neuer ceasse to molest him in the recouerie of their liber­ties. Wherevpon he made meanes to come to some agréement with them, and so well the matter procée­ded line 10 on his side, that the Englishmen being deceiued through his faire promises, were contented to com­mon of peace, for which purpose they came also vn­der the conduct of the abbat Frederike vnto Ber­kamsted, where (after much reasoning and debating of the matter for the conclusion of amitie betwixt them) king William in the presence of the archbishop Lanfranke and other of his lords, tooke a personall oth vpon all the relikes of the church of S. Albons, and the holie euangelists (the abbat Frederike mini­string line 20 the same vnto him) that he would from thence­foorth obserue and keepe the good and ancient approo­ued lawes of the realme, which the noble kings of England his predecessors had made and ordeined heretofore; but namelie those of S. Edward, which were supposed to be most equall and indifferent.

The peace being thus concluded, and the English­men growne thereby to some hope of further quiet­nesse, they began to forsake their alies, and returned each one, either to his owne possessions, or to giue line 30 attendance vpon the king. But he warilie cloking his inward purpose, notwithstanding the vnitie latelie made, determineth particularlie to assaile his eni­mies (whose power without doubt so long as it was vnited, could not possiblie be ouercome, as he thought) and being now by reason of this peace disse­uered and dispersed, he thought it high time to put his secret purposes in execution: wherevpon taking them at vnwares and thinking of nothing lesse than warres and sudden inuasion, he imprisoneth manie, line 40 killeth diuers, and pursueth the residue with fire and sword, taking awaie their goods, possessions, lands, and inheritances, and banishing them out of the realme. In the meane time, those of the English No­bilitie, which could escape this his outragious tyran­nie, got awaie, and amongst other, Edgar Etheling fled againe into Scotland: but Edwin was slaine of his owne souldiers, as he rode toward Scotland. earle Marchar, and one Hereward, with the bishop of Durham named Egelwinus, Ran. Higa. H. Hunt. Matth. Paris. got into the Ile of line 50 Elie, in purpose there to defend themselues from the iniurie of the Normans, for they tooke the place (by reason of the situation) to be of no small strength. Howbeit king William endeuouring to cut them short, raised a power, and stopped all the passages on the east side, and on the west part he made a causie through the fennes, Polydor. Hen. Hunt. Matth. Paris. of two miles in length, whereby he got vnto them, and constreined them to yeeld. But Marchar, or (as others haue) Hereward, foreséeing the imminent danger likelie to take effect, made line 60 shift to get out of the Ile by bote, and so by spéedie flight escaped into Scotland. The bishop of Dur­ham being taken, Simon Dun. was sent to the abbey of Abing­don, to be kept as prisoner, where he was so sparing­lie fed, Some write that he was so stubborne-harted, that after he knew he should re­maine in per­petuall prison, he refused his meate, and so pined him selfe to death. that within a short space he died for hunger.

In this meane time, and whilest king William was thus occupied in rooting out the English, Mal­colme king of Scotland had wasted the countries of Theisedale, Cleueland, and the lands of S. Cutbert, with sundrie other places in the north parts. Where­vpon Gospatrike being latelie reconciled to the king & made earle of Northumberland, was sent against him, who sacked and destroied that part of Cumber­land which the said Malcolme by violence had brought vnder his subiection. At the same time Malcolme was at Weremouth, beholding the fire which his people had kindled in the church of Saint Peter to burne vp the same▪ and there hearing what Gospa­trike had doone, he tooke such displeasure thereat, that he commanded his men they should leaue none of the English nation aliue, but put them all to the sword without pitie or compassion, A bloudie cō ­mandement executed vpon the English by the Scots. so oft as they came to hand. The bloudie slaughter which was made at this time by the Scots, through that cruell com­mandement of Malcolme, was pitifull to consider, for women, children, old and yong, went all one way: howbeit, manie of those that were strong and able to serue for drudges and slaues, were reserued, and carried into Scotland as prisoners, where they re­mained manie yeares after; in so much that there were few houses in that realme, but had one or mo English slaues and captiues, whom they gat at this vnhappie voiage. Miserable was the state of the English at that time, one being consumed of ano­ther so vnnaturallie, manie of them destroied by the Scots so cruellie, and the residue kept vnder by the king so tyrannicallie.

But to returne to the purpose in hand, king William hearing of all these things, was not a lit­tle mooued at the same, but chéefelie with Malcolme king of Scots, for that his countrie was the onelie place wherein all the mal-contents of his realme had their refuge. Wherfore, thinking to reuenge the losse of his subiects, and to bring that realme also vnto his subiection, he went thither with an huge armie, a­bout the middle of August, where he first inuaded the bounds of Galloway, bicause he heard how the En­glish were latelie fled thither. Polydor. But after he had wea­ried his souldiers in vaine pursuit of them (who kept themselues in the mountaines and marres grounds) he gaue ouer the enterprise, and drew to­wards Lothiam, where king Malcolme laie with all his power, & sundrie English fugitiues, with whome he determined by battell either to end his trouble, or else to loose his life. Now as both the kings with their armies were readie to encounter, Malcolme began to doubt somewhat of the [...]iersenesse of the battell, Matth. Paris. bi­cause he saw the great puissance and readie willes of the English and Normans to fight, wherevpon he sent an harrold to king William to treat of peace, wherewith he was content at the last (though with much adoo) and so a vnitie insued betwixt them, H. Hunt. vp­on these conditions; namelie, that king Malcolme should doo homage to king William for the realme of Scotland, The king of Scots did ho­mage to king William for Scotland. and therevpon deliuer sufficient hosta­ges: and that on the other side, king William should pardon all the English outlawes in Scotland which then rebelled against him. The place where this peace was concluded, was called Abirnethi. After this, king William returned into England, where he yer long tooke the earledome of Northumberland from Gospatrike, Simon Dun. and gaue it to Waltheof the sonne of Siward; bicause of right it séemed to descend vnto him from his father, The kings iustice. but cheefelie from his mother Alfreda, who was the daughter of Aldred sometime earle of that countrie.

At the same time also the king caused a castell to be built at Durham, and returned to London, where he receiued aduertisement that his subiects in Nor­mandie toward the parties of Angiew had begun a rebellion against him. Heerevpon with all speed he leuied an armie, whereof the most part consisted of English (whose seruice he liked rather in a forren countrie than in their owne) and sailed ouer into Normandie, where he easilie subdued his enimies by the valiancie of the English, whom from thenceforth he began somewhat to fauour and better thinke of than before. Yoong Edgar also grew in verie good [Page 11] credit with him, for though he had twise broken his oth of allegiance, and run to the Scots as a rebell, yet now of his owne motion, returning to the king and crauing pardon, he was not onelie receiued, but also highlie honoured and preferred in his court.

The yeare 1074. thrée moonks of the prouince of Mercia, purposing to restore religion after their ma­ner within the prouince of Northumberland, came into Yorke, and required of Hugh Fitz Baldricke (then shirife of the shire) to haue safe conduct vnto Monkaster, Mount ca­ster now Newcastell. which afterwards hight Newcastell, and line 10 so is called to this day. These moonks, whose names were Aldwin, Alswin, and Remfred, comming vn­to the foresaid place, found no token or remanent of any religious persons, which sometime had habitati­on there (for all was defaced and gone:) wherevpon, after they had remained there a while, they remooued to Iarrowe, where finding the ruines of old decaied buildings and churches, perteining in times past to the moonks that there inhabited, they had such assis­tance at the hands of Walkher bishop of Durham, line 20 that at length, by the diligent trauell and sute of these moonks, three monasteries were newlie founded and erected in the north parts, one at Durham, an other at Yorke, and the third at Whitby. For you must consider, that by the inuasion of the Danes, the churches and monasteries throughout Northumber­land were so wasted and ruinated, that a man could scarselie find a church standing in all that countrie, as for those that remained, they were couered with broome or thatch: but as for any abbey or monaste­rie, line 30 not one was left in all the countrie, neither did any man (for the space of two hundred yeares) take care for the repairing or building vp of any thing in decaie, so that the people of that countrie wist not what a moonke ment, and if they saw any, they woon­dered at the strangenesse of the sight.

Whilest the king remained thus in Normandie, Anno Reg. 9. 1075 Roger earle of Hereford (contrarie to the kings mind and pleasure) married his sister vnto Rafe earle of Cambridge, Rafe Earle of Cambridge. Matth. West. Matth. Paris. Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. A rebellion raised against K. William. or (as other haue) Northfolke, line 40 and withall began a new conspiracie against him. Amongst other also of the associats, earle Walteof the sonne of earle Siward was one, who afterward mistrusting the successe of this deuise, first vttered it to archbishop Lanfranke, and by his aduice sailed ouer into Normandie, and there disclosed the whole matter to king William: but in the meane time, the other two earles; namelie, Hereford and Cambridge had so farre procéeded in the matter, that they were vp in armour. Howbeit, Wolstan bishop of Wor­cester, line 50 and Egelwine abbat of Euesham, with the shirife of Worcester & Walter Lacie, so resisted the earle of Hereford, that he could not passe the Se­uerne to ioine with the earle of Cambridge. On the other side, Iohn Pike. Odo the bishop of Bayeux, and Geffrey the bishop of Constances pursued the earle of Cam­bridge so narrowlie with an other armie, which they had gathered of the English and Normans, that they constreined him to flée into Britaine, whereby the re­bellion was verie much appeased. line 60

Anno Reg. 10. 1076In the meane time, the king vnderstanding by earle Walteof how the matter went in England, came ouer with all spéed out of Normandie, & within a short space brought the residue of the conspirators into such a feare, that they were scattered and put to flight, without attempting anie further exploit or conspiracie against him. Manie of them also were apprehended and put to death, among whom Roger and Walteof were most famous. And though Wal­teof (as yée haue heard before) disclosed the treason, H. Hunt. Earle Walte­of beheaded. yet to the end he should offend no more hereafter, he was beheaded at Winchester by the kings com­mandement, and his bodie hauing béene first buried in the same place where he suffered, was after con­ueied vnto Crowland, and there more honorablie in­terred.

This earle Walteof or Waldeue was sonne (as ye haue heard) to Siward the noble earle of Nor­thumberland, of whose valure in the time of K. Ed­ward the confessor ye haue heard. His son the fore­said Walteof in strength of bodie and hardinesse did not degenerate from his father, for he was tall of personage, in sinews and musculs verie strong and mighty. In the slaughter of the Normans at Yorke, he shewed proofe of his prowesse, in striking off the heads of manie of them with his owne hands, as they came foorth of the gates singlie one by one: yet afterwards, when the king had pardoned him of all former offenses, and receiued him into fauour, hee gaue to him in mariage his néece Iudith the daugh­ter of Lambert earle of Lens, sister to Stephenerle of Albermare, and with hir he had of the kings gift, all the lands and liberties belonging to the honor of Huntingdon: in consideration whereof, Earledome of Huntingdon. he assigned to hir in name of hir dower, all the lands that he held from Trent southward. Shée bare by him two daughters, Maud and Alice. We find, that he was not onlie earle of Northumberland, but also of Nor­thampton and Huntingdon.

The countesse of Cambridge or Northfolke (as other haue) wife of earle Rafe, Matth. Paris. being fled into the citie of Norwich, was besieged in the same by the kings power, which pressed the citie so sore, as it was forced for verie famine to yéeld; but yet by composi­tion; namelie, that such as were besieged within, should depart the realme, as persons abiured and ba­nished the land for euer. This was the end of the foresaid conspiracie. Polydor. Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. At this verie time the Danes being confederate with these rebels, and by them so­licited, set forth towards England vnder the leading of Cnuto, sonne to Sueno, and earle Haco, and (vn­looked for) arriue here in England with two hundred sailes. But hearing that the ciuill tumult was en­ded, and seeing no man readie either to countenance or encourage them in their enterprise, they sailed first into Flanders, which they spoiled, and after in­to their owne countrie, with little desire or will to come againe into England. King William also vn­derstanding that they were thus departed, passed o­uer into Britaine, and there besieged the castell of Doll that belonged to Rafe earle of Cambridge or Northfolke: but by the comming of Philip the French king, king William being vnprouided of sufficient vittels for his armie, was constreined to raise his siege, although with great losse both of men and horsses.

On the 27. daie of March was a generall earth­quake in England, Anno Reg. 11. 1077 and in the winter following a frost that continued from the first of Nouember vn­till the middle of Aprill. Matth. Paris. An earth­quake, a long frost, a comet. A blasing starre appeered on palme sundaie, beeing the sixteenth daie of Aprill, a­bout six of the clocke, when the aire was faire and cleere.

About the same season, pope Gregorie perceiuing that married préests did thoose rather to run into the danger of his c [...]sse, than to forsake their wiues, Married préests. meaning to bridle them by an other prouiso, gaue commandment by his bull published abroad, that none should heare the masse of a married pr [...]est.

King William after his comming from the siege of Doll, remained a certeine time in quiet▪ Anno Reg. 12. 1078 during which season, Polydor. A synod hol­den at Lon­don. Bishops sée [...] remooued. Lanfranke the archbishop called a sy­nod or councell of the cleargie at London, wherein amongst other things it was ordeined, that certeine bishops sees should be [...] small townes to cities of more fame, whereby it came to passe that Chichester, Exceter, Bath, Salisburie, Lincolne & [Page 12] Chester were honored with new sees and palaces of bishops, whereas before they kept their residence at Sellewey, Kirton, Welles, Shireborne, Dorchester and Lichfield.

Woolstan.At this synod also Woolstan bishop of Worcester was present, whom Lanfranke would haue deposed for his insufficiencie of learning; as he colourablie pretended, but indeed to pleasure the king, who faine would haue placed a Norman in his roome: but (as they saie) by a miracle which he presentlie wrought, in causing his crosier staffe to sticke fast in the toome line 10 of saint Edward (to whom he protested and said he would resigne it, for that he obteined the same by his gift) he did put the king and the archbishop into such feare, that they suffered him still to enioy his bishop­prike without any further vexation. These things with other (touching a reformation in the church and cleargie) being handled in this councell, it was soone after dissolued.

Anno Reg. 13. 1079In the yeare following, king William led a migh­tie armie into Wales, and subdued it; receiuing of line 20 the rulers and princes there their homages and ho­stages. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. About the same time, Robert the kings el­dest sonne, a right worthie personage, but yet as one of nature somewhat vnstable, entred into Norman­die as a rebell to his father, and by force tooke diuers places into his hands. Which he did by the practise of Philip the French king, who now began to doubt of the great puissance of king William, as foresee­ing how much it might preiudice him, and the whole line 30 realme of France in time to come. The French king setteth the sonne a­gainst the fa­ther. Wherefore to stop the course of his prosperous successe, he deuised a meane to set the sonne against the father. True it is that king William had promised long afore to re­signe the gouernment of Normandie vnto the said Robert his sonne. Wherevpon the yoong man, be­ing of an ambitious nature, and now pricked for­ward by the sinister counsell of his adherents, seeketh to obteine that by violence, which he thought would be verie long yer he should atteine by curtesie. King William hereof aduertised, was not a little mooued line 40 against his disobedient sonne, and curssed both him and the time that euer he begat him. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. Finallie, rai­sing an armie, he marched towards him, so that they met in the field. Assoone as the one came in sight of the other, they encountred at a place called Archen­braie, and whilest the battell was at the hottest, and the footmen most busied in fight, Robert appointed a power of horssemen to breake in vpon the réere­ward of his enimies; & he himselfe following after line 50 with all his might, chanced among other to haue a conflict with his owne father, so that thrusting him through the arme with his lance, he bare him beside his horsse, and ouerthrew him to the ground. The king being falne, The sonne o­uerthroweth the father. called to his men to remount him. Robert perceiuing by his voice that it was his fa­ther, whom he had vnhorssed, spéedilie alighted, and tooke him vp, asking him forgiuenesse for that fact, and setting him vp on his owne horsse, brought him out of the prease, and suffered him to depart in safe­tie. line 60 King William being thus escaped out of that present danger, and séeing himselfe not able to resist the puissance of his enimies, left the field to his son, hauing lost many of his men which were slaine in battell and chace, Simon Dun. besides a great number that were hurt and wounded, among whom his second sonne William surnamed Rufus or Red, was one; and therefore (as some write) he bitterlie curssed his son Robert, Matth. Paris. by whom he had susteined such iniurie, losse, and dishonor. Howbeit, other write, that for the cour­tesie which his sonne shewed, in releeuing and hel­ping him out of danger, The father and the sonne made friends. when he was cast off his horsse, he was mooued with such a fatherlie affection, that presentlie after they were made friends, the fa­ther pardoned his sonne all his former offenses, and therevpon found him euer after more trac [...]able and obedient than before.

After this battell, king William being thus ac­corded with his sonne, Anno Reg. 14. 1080 returned with him into England, and immediatlie sent him against Mal­colme king of Scotland, who hauing broken the truce in time of the trouble betwixt king William and his sonne, Simon Dunel. had doone much hurt by forraies vp­on the English borders, wasting all Northumber­land euen to the riuer of Tine. Howbeit, when he heard that Robert approched with his armie towards him, he retired into Scotland. Robert Curthuze then lodged with his armie vpon the banks of the riuer of Tine, The founda­tion of New castell vpon Tine, which before that season was called Mon­caster. where he began the foundation of a castell, whereof the towne of Newcastell did after take both beginning and name, for before this season it was called Moncaster.

About the same time, Odo the bishop of Bayeux was sent to Northumberland, to reuenge the death of Walkher bishop of Durham, whom not long be­fore the people of Northumberland had slaine in a tumult. The occasion of his death grew by the death of one Liulfus, a noble man of those quarters, and déerelie beloued of the people, Simon Dun. bicause he was des­cended of honorable parentage, and had married the ladie Algitha daughter vnto earle Alered, and sister to Alfleda the mother of earle Walteof.

This Liulfus, a man of great possessions through England, now that the Normans ruled in all pla­ces, quietlie withdrew himselfe vnto Durham, and grew into such familiaritie and credit with the bi­shop, that touching the order of temporall matters, he would doo nothing without his aduice. Whereat Leofwin the bishops chapline conceiued such enuie (for that he was not so often called to counsell as be­fore) that in the end he procured by his malicious meanes one Gilbert (to whom the bishop had com­mitted the rule of the earledome) to murther the said Liulfus by night in his manor place not farre from Durham. Whereof the bishop hauing vnderstan­ding, and knowing that the matter would be grée­uouslie taken of the people, sent out letters and mes­sengers into the countrie, offering to purge him­selfe of the slaughter of this man, according to the order of the canon lawes: howbeit he did nothing lesse. Among other things concerning his purgati­on, he said that he had banished Gilbert and others, (who had committed the murther) out of Northum­berland. Hervpon the malice of the people was kind­led against him. For when it was knowne that he had receiued the murtherers into his house, and fa­uoured them as before, they stomached the matter highlie: insomuch that when by the trauell of those that went to and fro betwixt the bishop and the kins­folks of Liulfus, a daie was appointed, on the which the bishop should come to farther communication with them at Gateshead, he repaired thither accor­ding to his promise, but refusing to talke with them abroad, he kept himselfe still within the church, and sent foorth such of his counsell as should commune with them. But when the people that were there ga­thered in great numbers, had signified in plaine words that he should either come foorth and shew him­selfe amongst them, or else that they should fire the place where he sat: he caused Gilbert to go foorth vnto them first, whom they slue, and his partakers also that issued out of the church with him for his de­fense. But when the peoples furie was not so quen­ched, the bishop himselfe casting the skirts of his gowne ouer his face, came likewise foorth, and was immediatlie slaine of the people. After this, they set the church on fire, bicause Leofwine the bishops chapline and others were yet within, and refused to [Page 13] come foorth: howbeit in the end, being compelled by the rage of the fire to come out, the said Leofwine was also slaine and hackt in péeces (as he had well deserued) being the ringleader of all the mischéefe.

Note the se­quele of the neglect of iu­stice in the [...]ormer storie.¶ Thus maie we sée what followed of the neglecting of iustice in the bishop: for if he had either banished Gilbert and other his complices (accordinglie as he pretended to doo) or otherwise had séene due punish­ment executed against them, the peoples rage had neuer proceeded so far as it did: for they could not persuade themselues, but that the bishop was guiltie line 10 and priuie to Liulfus death, sith he had receiued the murtherers into his house, the verie same night in which the fact was doone, and kept them still about him, which his bearing with them cost him his owne life. But now to the historie.

When bishop Odo was come into those parties to reuenge the bishops death with an armie (as we haue said) he sore afflicted the countrie, by spoiling it on euerie side with great crueltie. Here king Wil­liam line 20 placed and displaced diuerse rulers ouer the Northumbers: for first he appointed one Copsi to haue the rule of that countrie, Sim. Dunel. in place of Marchar who before had held the same. This Copsi expelled Osulfe the sonne of earle Edulfe brother to earle Al­dred, Copsi. which Osulfe was substitute vnto the earles Edwine and Marchar, who although he was driuen out of his gouernement by Copsi, yet recouering his forces againe, he slue the same Copsi as he en­tred into the church of Newburne. But within a few line 30 moneths after, the same Osulfe (as he ran with his horsse against a theefe) was thrust through the bodie with a speare, which the theefe held in his hand, and so died. Then Gospatrike was assigned by king Wil­liam to haue the gouernement there: Gospatrike. whose mother Aldgitha was daughter to Uthred sometime earle of Northumberland begotten vpon Elfgiua the daugh­ter of king Egelred.

Some write, that Gospatrike purchased the earle­dome of king William, and so held it, till the king line 40 tooke it from him againe, and then gaue it vnto earle Walteof or Waldeue. Next after him Walkher the foresaid bishop of Durham had the whole admi­nistration cōmitted to him, but (after he was slaine as yée haue heard) one Alberike ruled that countrie, and lastlie, Robert Mulbray a right noble perso­nage (for his wisedome and valiancie highlie re­nowmed with all men) was created earle of Nor­thumberland, Robert Mul­bray earle of Northumber­land. and gouerned the people of those par­ties in such politike and wise order, that during his line 50 time, it is hard to saie, whether his quietnesse or the obedience of the people was greater.

In like manner, after the foresaid Walkher; one William was created bishop of Durham, The founda­tion of vni­uersitie col­ledge in Ox­ford. who was the originall founder of vniuersitie colledge in Ox­ford, and by whose assistance, the moonkes gaping both for riches, ease, and possessions, found the means to displace the secular priests of the colledge of Dur­ham, Anno Reg. 15. 1081 that they might get into their roomes, as they did indeed soone after, Anno Reg. 16. 1082 to their great gaine and aduan­tage. line 60 But to returne againe to the course of the hi­storie. Shortlie after the reuenge of the death of Walkher bishop of Durham, the fornamed bishop Odo the kings brother was suspected of some vn­truth and sinister dealing, Odo suspe­cted and ba­nished. whervpon he was sent as a banished man into Normandie, or rather (as other write) committed to prison, where he remained, not as a clerke, but as a baron of the realme; for he was both bishop and earle of Kent.

Anno Reg. 17. 1083The king hauing at length obteined some rest from wars, practised by sundrie meanes to inrich his cofers, and therefore raised a tribute through out the whole kingdome, for the better leuieng whereof, he appointed all the subiects of his realme to be num­bred, all the cities, townes, villages, and hamlets to be registred, all the abbies, monasteries and prio­ries to be recorded. Moreouer, he caused a certificat to be taken of euerie mans substance, and what he might dispend by the yeare; he also caused their names to be written which held knights fees, & were bound therby to serue him in the wars. Likewise he tooke a note of euerie yoke of oxen, Plow land. & what number of plow lands, and how manie bondmen were with­in the realme. This certificat being made & brought vnto him, gaue him full vnderstanding what wealth remained among the English people. Herevpon he raised his tribute, taking six shillings for euerie hide of land through out this realme, which amounted to a great masse of monie when it was all brought togi­ther into his Excheker. ¶ Here note by the waie, Geruasius Tilberiensis. The true de­finition of a hide of land. that an hide of land conteineth an hundred acres, and an acre conteineth fortie perches in length, and foure in bredth, the length of a perch is sixtéene foot and an halfe: so that the common acre should make 240. perches; & eight hides or 800. acres is a knights fée, after the best approued writers and plaine demon­stration. Those therefore are deceiued, that take an hide of land to conteine twentie acres (as William Lambert hath well noted in his De priscis Anglorum legibus) where he expoundeth the meaning of the old Saxon termes perteining to the lawes.

But to procéed & come, a little after the temporals dealing, to some of the spirituall affaires. It hapned about the same time, that when king William had finished the rating of his subiects, that there rose a strife betwixt Thurstane abbat of Glastenburie a Norman, and the moonkes of that house. Anno Reg. 18. 1084 One cause thereof was, Wil. Malm. Simon Dun. Thurstan ab­bat of Gla­stenburie. William of Fescampe. for that the abbat would haue compel­led them to haue left the plaine song or note for the seruice which pope Gregorie had set foorth, and to haue vsed an other kind of tune deuised by one Wil­liam of Fescampe: beside this, the said abbat spent and wasted the goods that belonged to the house, in riot, leacherie, and by such other insolent meanes (withdrawing also from the moonkes their old accu­stomed allowance of diet) for the which they first fell at altercation in words, and afterwards to fighting. The abbat got armed men about him, Hen. Hunt. Wil. Malm. haue two slaine & xiiij. hurt. and falling vpon the moonkes, slue thrée of them at the high altar, and wounded xviij. Howbeit the moonkes for their parts plaied the pretie men with formes and candelsticks, defending themselues as well as they might, Matt. Westm. so that they hurt diuers of the abbats adhe­rents, and droue them out of the quier.

In the end, complaint hereof was brought to the king, by whose iudgement the matter was so orde­red, that Thurstane lost his roome, and returned vnto Caen in Normandie from whence he came, and the moonkes were spred abroad into diuerse hou­ses of religion through the realme, Glastenburie be­ing replenished with more quiet persons, and such as were supposed readier to praie than to quarell, as the other did: yet is it said, that in the time of Wil­liam Rufus this Thurstane obteined the rule of that abbeie againe for fiue hundred pounds.

There be which write, that the numbring of men and of places, the valuation of goods and substance, Sim. Dunel. Hen. Marle. Matth. Paris. as well in cattell as readie monie, was not taken till about the xix. yéere of this kings reigne (although the subsidie afore mentioned was gathered about two yeares before of euerie hide of land as yée haue heard) and that the certificat hereof being inrolled, was put into the kings treasurie at Winchester, Hen. Marle. Anno Reg. 19. Simon Dun. in the xix. yeare of his reigne, and not in the xvj. But in what yeare soeuer it was, and howsoeuer the wri­ters agrée or disagree herein; certaine it is, that the same was exacted, to the great gréefe and impoue­rishment of the people, who sore lamented the mise­rable [Page 14] estate whereinto they were brought, and hated the Normans in their harts to the verie death. How­beit, Polydor. Matth. Paris. the more they grudged at such tolles, tallages, customes, and other impositions wherewith they were pressed; the more they were charged and ouer­pressed. The Normans on the other side with their king perceiuing the hatred which the English bare them, The Conque­rour seeketh to kéepe the En­glish men low. were sore offended, and therefore sought by all meanes to kéepe them vnder. Such as were called to be iustices, were enimies to all iustice; whervpon greater burdens were laid vpon the English, inso­much line 10 that after they had béene robbed and spoiled of their goods, Polydor. they were also debarred of their accusto­med games and pastimes. For where naturallie (as they doo vnto this daie) they tooke great pleasure in hunting of déere, both red and fallow, in the woods and forrests about without restraint, The forrests seized into the kings hands. Matth. Paris. king William seizing the most part of the same forrests into his owne hands, appointed a punishment to be executed vpon all such offendors; namelie, to haue their eies put out. And to bring the greater number of men in line 20 danger of those his penall lawes (a pestilent policie of a spitefull mind, and sauoring altogither of his French slauerie) he deuised meanes how to bréed, nourish, and increase the multitude of déere, and al­so to make roome for them in that part of the realme which lieth betwixt Salisburie and the sea south­ward: he pulled downe townes, villages, churches, & other buildings for the space of 30. miles, to make thereof a forrest, New forrest. which at this daie is called New for­rest. line 30 The people as then sore bewailed their distres, & greatlie lamented that they must thus leaue house & home to the vse of sauage beasts. Which crueltie, not onelie mortall men liuing here on earth, but also the earth it selfe might seeme to detest, Matth. Paris. An earth­quake. as by a woonder­full signification it séemed to declare, by the shaking and roaring of the same, which chanced about the 14. yeare of his reigne (as writers haue recorded.) There be that suppose how the king made that part of the realme waste and barren vpon a policie, Polydor. to the in­tent that if his chance were to be expelled by ciuill line 40 wars, & he compelled to leaue the land, there should be no inhabitants in that part of the Ile to resist his arriuall vpon his new returne.

But to go foorth with our purpose. About the same time, Simon Dun. a rumor was spred in England that Sueine king of Denmarke meant to inuade England with a puissant armie, year 1085 A rumor spred of the cōming of the Danes. hauing the assistance of the earle of Flanders, whose daughter he had maried. Wher­vpon king William being then in Normandie, re­teined a great power of French souldiers, both ar­chers line 50 and footmen, which togither with his Normans he brought ouer into England in haruest season, & meaning to disburthen himselfe of the charge of their keeping, he caused their finding and wages to be borne by the lords and peeres of the realme, by the shirifs of shires, Anno 20. and other officers. Howbeit, when he vnderstood that the Danes changed their purpose, and would not hold on their iourneie, he dismissed part of his power, and sent them home againe, kee­ping line 60 the residue all the winter with him in Eng­land, readie for his defense, if anie rebellion or other necessitie should befall.

The same yeare, he kept his Christmasse at Glo­cester, year 1086 and made his sonne Henrie knight at West­minster in Whitsunwéeke insuing. Matth. West. Shortlie after, calling togither aswell lords spirituall as temporall, year 1087 he caused them all to sweare fealtie to him and his heires after him in the possession of this kingdome. An oth taken to be true to the king.

About this season, the people in all places were pitifullie plaged with burning feuers, Great sicke­nes reigning. Murren of ca [...]tell. Matth. West. which brought manie to their end: a murren also came to their cattell, whereof a woonderfull number died. At the same time (which is more maruellous) tame foules, as hens, géese, & peacocks, forsaking their owners houses, fled to the woods and became wild. Great hurt was doone in manie places of the realme by fire, and speciallie in London, where vpon the 7. daie of Iulie a sudden flame began, Paules church bur­ned. Simon Dun. which burnt Paules church, and a great part of the citie downe to the ve­rie ground.

Now when K. William had taken the oth of feal­tie and loialtie of all his lords, Edgar Etheling, Ran. Higd. Simon Dun. who was reconciled vnto his [...]auour (as you haue heard) obteining licence of him to depart the realme for a season, sailed into Puglia with two hundred souldiers: of whose acts there and returne into Eng­land I spare to speake, bicause I find litle or nothing of moment recorded. And now king William, Anno Reg. 21. who hauing brought the Englishmen so lowe and bare, that little more was to be got out of their hands, went once againe ouer into Normandie with an huge masse of mony, where soone after he fell sicke, so that he was constrained to keepe his bed longer than he had beene accustomed to doo, whereat Philip the French king in iesting maner said, that king William his cousine laie now in childbed (alluding belike to his big bellie, Wil. Malm. Matth. Paris. for he was verie corpulent) and withall added; ‘Oh what a number of candels must I prouide to offer vp at his going to church! certeinelie I thinke that 100000. will not suffice, &c. This frumping spéech so moued the king, that he made this answere: Well, I trust when I shall be churched, that our cousine shall be at no such cost, Wil. M [...]lm. Ran. H [...]gd. but I will helpe to find him a thousand candels my selfe, and light them too, to some of their paines, if God grant me life.’Which promise he bound with an oth, and in déed performed. For in Iulie next insu­ing, when their corne, fruit, and grapes were most florishing, and readie for the sickle, He inuadeth France. he entred France with a great armie, set fire on manie of their cities and townes in the westside of that countrie, & came at last to the citie of Maunt, Gemeticensis. The citie of Maunt burnt by K. William. Matth. West. which he burnt with the church of our ladie, and an ankresse inclosed in the wall thereof as an holie closet, for the force of the fire was such as all went to wrecke. In this heat king William tooke such a sicknesse (which was likewise aggrauated by the fall of an horsse as he rode to and fro, Matth. Paris. bicause he was not able to trauell on foot about his palace by reason of his disease) that cost him his life; so that when he had ordeined his last will, and taken order for the staie of things after his decease, King William departed this life. Simon Dun. Matth. West. The lix. of his age hath W [...]l. Malm. he departed this life on the 9. day of September, in the yeare after the birth of our Sauiour 1087. and 74. (as Polydor saith) of his age, hauing gouerned Normandie about 51. yeres, and reigned ouer Eng­land 20. yeares, ten moneths, and 28. daies (as all writers doo report.)

Not long before his death, he released his brother Odo bishop of Bayeux out of prison, He set all pri­soners at li­bertie saith Wil. Malm. Polydor. Marchar earle of Northumberland, and Wilnotus the sonne of king Harold, or (as some say) his brother. Moreouer he repented him (as some say) when he lay on his deathbed of his cruell dealing with the English, con­sidering that by them he had atteined to such honour and dignitie, as to weare the crowne and scepter of a kingdome: but whether he did so or not, or that some moonke deuised the excuse in fauour of the prince: surelie he was a puissant prince, and though his time was troublesome, yet he was right fortunate in all his attempts. Againe, if a man shall consider that in a strange realme he could make such a conquest, and so exactlie and readilie assure the same to his heires, with new lawes, orders, and constitutions (which are like for euer to endure) he would thinke it a thing al­togither void of credit. Yet so it was, & so honourable were his dooings in the sight of the world, that those kings, which succeeded sithens his death, begin their [Page 15] account at him, as from one that had by his pru­dence renewed the state of the realme, and instituted an other forme of regiment, in atchiuing whereof he did not so much pretend a rightfull challenge by the grant of his coosine king Edward the Confessor, as by the law of armes and plaine conquest, than the which (as he supposed) there could be no better title.

Herevpon also those that haue sithens succeeded him, vse the same armes as peculiar to the crowne of England, which he vsed in his time; namelie, three line 10 li [...]ns passant gold in a field gewels (as Polydor wri­teth) the three floure delices were since that time an­nexed thereto by Edward the third, He bare but two lions or rather leo­pards as some thinke. by reason of his claime to the crowne of France, whereof hereafter ye shall heare. Among other greeuances which the English susteined by the hard deling of the Conque­rour, this is to be remembrd, that he brought Iewes into this land from Rouen, and appointed them a place to inhabit and occupie.

There be that write, how the inconstancie of the line 20 English people by their oft rebellions occasioned the king to be so rough and rigorous against them; Polydor. wher­as (of his naturall disposition and proper inclinati­on) he was rather gentle and courteous than sharpe and cruell. But sith he continued his extremitie euen to his last daies, we may rather beléeue, that al­though from his childhood he shewed some tokens of clemencie, bountie, and liberalitie; yet by following the wars, and practising to reigne with sternenesse, he became so inured therewith, that those peaceable ver­tues line 30 were quite altered in him, and in maner cleare­lie quenched. He was indued with a certeine stout­nesse of courage and skill in feats of warre, which good hap euer followed: he was frée from lecherous lusts, without suspicion of bodilie vices, quicke of wit, desirous of honor, painefull, watchfull, and able to tolerate heat and cold, though he were tall of sta­ture, and verie grosse of bodie.

Toward the end of his daies he waxed verie de­uout, and became desirous to aduance the state of the line 40 church, insomuch that he builded thrée abbeies in three seuerall places, endowing them with faire lands and large possessions, one at the place where he van­quished king Harold, fiue miles from Hastings, which he named Battell, of the field there fought: the other at Celby in Yorkeshire: and the third in Normandie at Caen, where his wife Quéene Maud had builded a nunnerie, which Maud died in the yéere 1084. before the decease of the king hir husband.

After his death, his bodie was buried in Caen, line 50 in S. Stephans church; but before it could be com­mitted to the ground, the executors were cons [...]reined to agree with the lord of the soile where the church stood, They gaue him an hun­dred pound, saith Hen. Marle. which (as he said) the king in his life time had in­iuriouslie taken from him, and gaue him a great summe of monie to release his title.

¶ By this we may consider the great miserie of mans estate, in that so mightie a prince could not haue so much ground after his death as to couer his dead cor [...]s, without dooing iniurie to another. This line 60 also may be a speciall lesson for all men, and namelie for princes, noblemen, and gentlemen, who often­times to enlarge their owne commodities, doo not regard what wrong they offer to the inferiour [...]ort.

The said king William had by Maud his wife the daughter of Baldwine earle of Flanders, foure sonnes, Robert surnamed Curthose (vnto whome he bequeathed the duchie of Normandie) Richard who died in his youth, William surnamed Ru [...]s, to whom he gaue by testament the realme of England, and Henrie surnamed Beauclerke for his cunning, knowledge and learning, vnto whom he bequethed all his treasure and mooueable goods, with the posses­sions that belonged to his mother. Hen. Marle. Besides these foure sonnes, he had also by his said wife fiue daugh­ters, Cecilie, who became a nunne; Constance, who was married to Alane duke of Britaine: Adela, who was giuen in mariage to Stephan earle of Blois (of whom that Stephan was borne which reig­ned after Henrie the first) Adeliza, who was promised in mariage to Harold king of England (as before you haue heard) but she died yer she was maried either to him, or to any other, and so likewise did the fift, whose name I cannot reherse.

But to conclude, Iohn Rou [...]. though king William held the English so vnder foot, that in his daies almost no Englishman bare any office of honor or rule in his time, yet he somewhat fauoured the citie of London, and at the earnest sute of William a Norman then bishop of that see, he granted vnto the citizens the first charter, which is written in the Saxon toong, sea­led with greene wax, and expressed in viij. or ix. lines at the most, exemplified according to the copie, and so printed, as followeth.

Williem king grets Williem Bisceop & Godfred Porterefan, & ealle ya Burghwarn binnen London Frencisce, & Englise frendlice, & Ic kiden eoy, yeet ic wille yeet git ben ealra weera lagayweord, ye get weeran on Eadwerds daege kings. And ic will yeet aelc child by his fader yrfnume, aefter his faders da­ege. And ic nelle ge wolian, yeet aenig man eoy ae­nis wrang beode. God eoy heald.

Wilhelmus rex salutat Wilhelmum Episcopum, & Goffri­dum Portegrefium, & omnem Burghware infra London Frans. & Angl. amicabiliter. Et vobis notum facio, quòd ego volo quòd vos sitis omni lege illa digni qua fuistis Edwar­di dicbus regis. Et volo quòd omnis puer sit patris sui haeres post diem patris sui. Et ego nolo pati quòd aliquis homo ali­quam iniuriam vobis inferat. Deus vos saluet.

But howsoeuer he vsed the rest of the English, Matth. Paris. Hen. Hunt. this is recorded of some writers, that by his rigorous proceedings against them, he brought to passe that the countrie was so rid of theeues and robbers, as that at length a maid might haue passed through the land with a bag full of gold, and not haue met with any misdooer to haue bereft hir of the same: a thing right strange to consider, sith in the beginning of his reigne there were such routs of outlawes and rob­bers, that the peaceabler people could not be safelie possessed of their owne houses, were the same neuer so well fortified and defended.

Among manie lawes made by the said William, Iohn Rous. Hen. Marle. this one is to be remembred, that such as forced any woman, should lose their genitals.

In this kings daies also liued Osmond the se­cond bishop of Salisburie, Salisburie vse. who compiled the church seruice, which in times past they commonlie called after Salisburie vse.

The vse of the long bowe (as Iohn Rous testifieth) came first into England with this king William the Conquerour: Shooting. for the English (before that time) vsed to fight with axes and such hand weapons: and therefore in the oration made by the Conquerour be­fore he gaue battell to king Harold, the better to en­courage his men, he told them they should encounter with enimies that wanted shot.

In the yeare of our Lord 1542. Monsieur de Ca­stres bishop of Baieulx and abbat of Saint Estien­ne in Caen, caused the sepulchre of this William to be opened, wherein his bodie was found whole, faire and perfect; of lims, large and big; of stature and per­sonage, longer than the ordinarie sort of men: with a copper plate fairlie gilt, and this epitaph therevpon ingrauen:

Qui rexit rigidos Normannos, atque Britannos
Audacter vicit, fortiter obtinuit,
Et Coenomenses virtute contudit enses,
Imperij (que) suilegibus applicuit,
[Page 16]Rex magnus parua iacet hac Guilhelmus in vrna:
Sufficit & magno parua domus domino,
Ter septem gradibus se voluerat at (que) duobus
Virginis in gremio Phoebus, & hic o [...]ijt:

that is;

Who ouer Normans rough did rule,
and ouer Britons bold
Did conquest stoutlie win, and con­quest
woone did stronglie hold:
Who by his valure great the fa­tall
vprores calmd in maine,
And to obeie his powers and lawes,
the Manceaux did constraine:
This mightie king within this lit­tle
vault intoomed lies,
So great a lord sometime,
W. Patten collecteth this to be the 23. after the sun was in Virgo: which is the 6 of Septēber
so small
a roome dooth now suffice.
When three times seuen and two by iust
degrees the sunne had tooke
His woonted course in Virgos lap,
then he the world forsooke.
Thus far William Conquerour.

William Rufus or William the Red.

WIlliam, surnamed Rufus or William the Red, 1087 Anno Reg. 1. second sonne to William Conque­ror, began his reigne ouer England the ninth of Sep­tember, in the yeare 1087. about the 31. yeare of the em­perour Henrie the fourth, and the 37. of Philip the first, king of France, Urbane the second then gouer­ning the sée of Rome, and Malcolme Cammoir line 10 reigning in Scotland. Polydor. Sim. Dunel. Matth. Paris. Immediatlie after his fa­thers deceasse, and before the solemnitie of the fune­rals were executed, he came ouer into England with no lesse spéed than was possible, and following the counsell of Lanfranke archbishop of Canturbu­rie (in whome he reposed all his trust) he sought to win the fauour of the Péers and Nobilitie of the realme by great and liberall gifts. For although there were but few of the homeborne States that bare rule in the land at this season; yet those that re­mained, line 20 and whome his father in extreme sort had wronged, he verie gentlie enterteined, promising them not onlie to continue their good lord and soue­reigne, but also to make more fauourable ordinan­ces than his father had left behind him; and further­more to restore the former lawes and liberties of the realme, which his said father had abolished. Thus by faire words and policie he obtained his purpose. Howbeit soone after he forgat himselfe, and impriso­ned Marchar and Wilnot, Sim. Dunel. Marchar and Wilnot. whom he had brought o­uer line 30 with him from Normandie, being set at liber­tie by his father.

The Nobles at the first wished rather to haue had the elder brother duke Robert to haue gouerned them: howbeit by the aide onelie of the said Lan­franke, Lanfranke had fauoured him euen of a child. Matth. P [...]ris. William Ru­fus is crow­ned the 26. of September. Polydor. His bounti­full [...]. whose authoritie was of no small force a­mongst all the lords of the land, this William (ac­cording to his fathers assignation) was proclaimed and crowned at Westminster on the 26. of Sep­tember (being sundaie, the 6. kalends of October) line 40 and the 11. indiction, as the best writers doo report. After his coronation, to gratifie the people he went to Winchester, where he found great treasure which his father had laid vp there for his owne vse: this he freelie spent in large gifts, and all kind of princelie largesse. He set verie manie prisoners at libertie, & did many other things to benefit the people, where­in the diligence and good aduice of Lanfranke did not a little preuaile. For he perceiued that there was in the king a variable mind, an vnstable nature, and a disposition to lightnesse and follie. Wherefore hée tooke oftentimes the more paines in persuading him not onelie to liberalitie (which is none of the least vertues in a prince) but also to vse a discreet and or­derlie behauiour in all his dooings. Moreouer, he sticked not to put him in feare of an euill end, and troublesome regiment likelie to insue, if he did giue himselfe to vice and wilfulnesse, & neglect the charge thus by the prouidence of GOD committed to his hands. After this maner did the said prelat trauell with the king, whom we will leaue at this time as it were hearkening to his admonitions, and set foorth by the waie what his brother Robert did, whilest William Rufus his brother was occupied in such wise as you haue heard.

It happened that this Robert was abroad in Ger­manie, when king William his father died (whither he went to raise a power, to the intent he might ther­by obteine the possession of Normandie, which he trusted to enioy in his fathers life time) where hea­ring newes of his death, he hasted straightwaies in­to Normandie, and there being ioyfullie receiued, was peac [...]ablie proclaimed duke of that countrie, with great gladnesse and shouting of the people.

After this, considering with himselfe how disho­norable a thing it was for him, year 1088 that his yoonger bro­ther should possesse the crowne of England, which of right (as he said) belonged vnto him, by reason of his age; he determined with all expedition to passe the seas with an armie, and recouer that into his hands, which his father had giuen from him, partlie (as it is thought) for his wilfulnesse and disobedience towards him, and partly also bicause he doubted that if he should leaue it vnto him, he would through his too much gentlenesse and facilitie, giue occasion to the English to resume strength, and therby to reuolt. Wherefore he iudged his yoonger brother the saied William (a man of a rougher nature) the m [...]ter of the twaine for the gouernement.

As duke Robert was thus mooued by his owne desire to bereue his brother of the dominion of Eng­land, [Page 17] so he was not a little incensed ther [...]nto by such of the English Nobilitie and Normans, as came dailie ouer vnto him out of the realme, complaining of the present state of the world, as those that misli­ked of the whole maner of regiment vsed in the be­ginning of the reigne of his brother William. His vncle Odo also (then bishop of Baieux) furthered the matter all that he might. This Odo was at first in great estimation with his brother the Conqueror, and bare great rule vnder him, till at length for en­uie line 10 that the archbishop Lanfranke was preferred before him, he conspired against him, who vnder­standing thereof, committed him foorthwith to pri­son, where he remained, till the said prince then lieng on his death-bed, released and restored him to his for­mer libertie. When the king was dead, William Rufus tooke him backe into England, supposing no lesse but to haue had a speciall fréend and a trustie counceller of him in all his affaires. But yer long after his comming thither, he fell againe into the line 20 same offense of ingratitude, wherof he became culp­able in the Conquerors daies: Odo the bi­shop of Bai­ [...]x conspireth against his n [...]phue Wil­liam Rufus. for perceiuing that Lanfranke was so highlie esteemed with the king, that he could beare no rule, and partlie suspecting that Lanfranke had beene cheefe causer ofhis former imprisonment, he conspired with the rest against his nephue, and therevpon wrote sundrie letters ouer vnto duke Robert, counselling him to come ouer with an armie in all hast, to take the rule vpon him, which by his practise should easilie be compassed.

Duke Robert being thus animated on all sides, line 30 and yet wanting sufficient monie to the furniture of this iournie, engaged a portion of his duchie of Nor­mandie, as the countie of Constantine to his yoon­gest brother Henrie, for a great sum of gold, and ther­with returned answer to the foresaid bishop, that he should prouide and looke for him vpon the south coast of England, at a certeine time appointed. Herevp­on Odo fortified the castell of Rochester, & began to make sore wars against the kings friends in Kent: The castell of Rochester. line 40 he procured others of the complices also to do the like in other parts of the realme; and first on the west part of England, where Geffrey bishop of Constans wi [...]h his nephue Robert de Mowbray earle of Nor­thumberland setting foorth from Bristow, Simon Dun. Wil. Malm. The bishop of Constance ta­keth the town of Bath. came to­ward Bath, which towne they tooke and sacked, and likewise Berkley, with a great part of Wiltshire, and brought the spoile and booties backe to Bristow, where they had a castell stronglie fortified for their more safetie. In like maner Roger de Byg [...]d, de­parting line 50 from Norwich, with great forraies ouer­rode and robbed all the countries about, Hugh Grand­mesnill. Hen. Hunt. Wil. Mal. The earle of Shrewsburie and conuei­ed such riches as he had gotten into the said citie. In like sort did Hugh de Grandmesnill at Leiceister, spoiling and wasting all the countries about him.

The earle of Shrewsburie called Roger de Mount­gomerie, with a power of Welshmen set foorth from Shrewsburie, and with him were William bishop of Durham the kings houshold chapline, Barnard of Newmerch, Roger Lacie, and Rafe Mortimer, line 60 (all Normans or Frenchmen) who ioyning their po­wers togither, inuaded the countrie, and with fire and sword did much hurt where they came, killing and taking a great number of people. Afterwards comming to Worcester, they assaulted the citie, o­uerran the suburbs, & set the same on fire. But the ci­tizens shutting fast the gates of their citie (though with the sudden comming of the enimies they were somewhat afraid) made valiant resistance: Wo [...]cester assalted. and con­ueieng their goods, their wiues, and their children in­to the castell, got them to the walles and places of defense, to repell & beat backe the enimies. Among them in the towne was bishop Woolstan, Bishop Wool­stan. whom the citizens would haue compelled to go into the castell for his su [...]er safegard, but he refused it.

At length it chanced that the enimies (continuing the said siege) b [...]gan to wax negligent, and ranged abroad in the countrie, little regarding watch and ward about their campe, wherevpon the English within the citie tooke this oportunitie, being mooued thereto with the comfortable exhortation of bishop Woolstan, and sailing foorth of the towne did set on their enimies with great fiercenes, whome they got at such aduantage, that they slue and tooke that daie aboue fiue M. men (as Henrie of Huntingdon re­cordeth. They slue fiue hundred, and chased the re­sidue as saith Simon Dunel.) For the English bearing a continuall ma­lice in their hearts against the French and Nor­mans, did now their best to be fullie reuenged of them, vpon so conuenient an occasion offered. Those that escaped by flight, hid themselues in the next townes, making such shifts for their liues as the pre­sent necessitie could minister.

Whilest the realme was thus troubled on ech side, The diligence of the archbi­shop Lan­franke. archbishop Lanfranke sendeth, writeth, and admoni­sheth all the kings fréends to make themselues rea­die to defend their prince. And after he vnderstood that they were assembled togither for that purpose, he counselleth the king to march into the field with them spéedilie, to represse his enimies. The king fol­lowing his counsell, first appointed his nauie to scowre and keepe the seas, and to withstand (if it were possible) the arriuall of his brother by faire words. The great curtesie shew­ed to the Eng­lishmen by Wil. Rufus. Simon Dun. Al­so he reconcileth Roger de Mountgomerie earle of Shrewsburie vnto him, and therewith maketh large promises to the English, that he would out of hand giue and restore vnto them such fauourable lawes as they would wish or desire. Moreouer he commanded all vniust imposts, tolles and tallages to be laid downe, and granted frée hunting in the woods, cha­ses and forrests. All which grants and promises he kept not long, though for the time he greatlie conten­ted the people with such a shew of good meaning to­wards them. This doone, Wil. Malm. he goeth with a mightie ar­mie into Kent, where the sedition began, and first comming to the castell of Tunbridge, he compelled capteine Gilbert to yeeld vp the fortresse into his hands. Then went he to Horne castell, where he heard saie Odo was (but the report was vntrue, for he had betaken himselfe to the castell of Pemsey) which when he had ouerthrowne, he hasted foorth vnto Pemsey, and besieged the castell there a long season, which the bishop had stronglie fortified.

During this time, and about the fiftieth daie after the beginning of the siege, word was brought to the king, that his brother duke Robert was landed at Southampton, and minded with all possible spéed to come to the succour of the bishop, and of other his fréends, whom he and his power had not a little af­flicted. ¶ Here authors varie: H. Hunt. Simon Dun. for some report that duke Robert came not ouer himselfe at the first at all, but sent a part of his armie, with a certeine num­ber of ships, which encountring with the kings fleet, were discomfited. Others write that duke Robert hearing of the losse of his men, came after himselfe, and landed with a mightie armie as before, which is most likelie. And certeinlie (as Gemeticen. affir­meth) he might easilie as then haue recouered Eng­land from his brother, if he had not lingred the time, Gemeticensis. Eustace earle of Bullongne. considering that Eustace earle of Bullongne, Odo bishop of Bai [...]ux, and the earle of Mortaigne, with other lords of Normandie that were passed to Eng­land, had alreadie taken Rochester, and diuers other castels in the prouince of Canturburie, keeping the same a certeine time, still looking that he should haue come ouer to their aid, which he deferred to doo, till they were constreined by siege and lacke of necessa­rie succor to returne into Normandie, leauing those places which they had won vnto the king, and that to [Page 18] their great dishonor. But howsoeuer it was, the king still continued the siege before Pemsey castell, till Odo (through want of victuals) was glad to submit himselfe, and promised to cause the castell of Roche­ster to be deliuered: Simon Dun. but at his comming thither, they within the citie suffered him to enter, and streight­waies laid him fast in prison. Some iudge that it was doone vnder a colour by his owne consent.

There were in Rochester a sort of valiant gentle­men (the flower in maner of all Normandie) with line 10 Eustace earle of Bolongne, and manie gentlemen of Flanders, which were in mind to defend the place against the king: who hearing what was doone, came with his armie and besieged the citie of Rochester on ech side so sharpelie, Rochester be­sieged by the king. Anno Reg. 2. Polydor. that they within were glad to deliuer it vp into his hands. Thus lost bishop Odo all his liuings and dignities in England, and so re­turned into Normandie, year 1089 where vnder duke Robert he had the ch [...]efe gouernement of the countrie com­mitted vnto him. line 20

After this he ouercame diuers of his enimies some by faire and some by fowle meanes. Notwith­standing this, there yet remained the bishop of Dur­ham, one of the chéefe conspirators, who withdrew himselfe into the citie of Durham, there to lie in safetie, till he saw how the world would go: but be­ing therein besieged by the king, who came thither personallie, he was at length forced to surrender the citie, The bishop of durham exiled. and yeeld himselfe: wherevpon also he was exi­led the land, with diuerse of his complices. But with­in line 30 two yeares after, he was called home againe, and restored to his church, wherein he liued not long, but died for sorrow, bicause he could not cleere himselfe of offense in the said rebellion, albeit that he laboured most earnestlie so to doo, that he might thereby haue atteined to the kings fauor againe.

Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie departeth this life.Whilest these things were thus in hand, the arch­bishop Lanfranke falleth sicke and dieth, in the 19. yeare after his first entring into the gouernment of the sea of Canturburie. This Lanfranke (as should line 40 seeme) was a wise, politike, and learned prelate, who whilest he liued, mollified the furious and cruell na­ture of king William Rufus, instructing him to for­beare such wild and outragious behauiours as his youthfulnesse was inclined vnto: and moreouer per­suaded the English to obey the same king as their loiall prince, whereby they should occasion him to be their good lord and king, not vsing them rigorouslie as his father had doon. So that Lanfranke could not well haue beene spared in the time of the rebellion, line 50 without great danger of subuerting the state of the commonwealth. He builded two hospitals without the citie of Canturburie, for the releefe of poore peo­ple and strangers, the one of S. Iohn, the other at Harbaldowne. He aduanced the church of Rochester from foure secular clerkes, to the number of fiftie moonkes: he repaired Christes church in Canturbu­rie, Matth. Westm. Paule abbat of S. Albons. and the abbey of S. Albons, whereof he made one Paule that was his nephue abbat, which Paule go­uerned that house by his vncles assistance greatlie line 60 to the aduancement thereof, as well in temporall as spirituall preferments, as it was then iudged. Like­wise the said Lanfranke was verie fortunate in the gouernement of his church and sée of Canturburie, recouering sundrie portions of lands and rents alie­nated from the same before his daies, insomuch that he restored to that sée 25. manors. For amongst o­ther, Eadmerus. whereas Odo the Bishop of Baieux, who also was Earle of Kent, bearing great rule in England vnder his nephue king William the Conquerour, had vsurped diuerse possessions which belonged to the sée of Canturburie, and had seized the franchises apperteining to the same Lanfranke, into his owne hands, by sute and earnest trauell he recouered the same, and being impleaded about that matter by the said Odo, he so defended his cause, that in the end (though with much [...]) he had his will, and so re­mained in qui [...]t possession [...]f his right after that so long as he liued, without any trouble or vexation concerning the said possessions and liberties.

Whereas also not onelie Walkhem the bishop of Winchester, but diuerse, other bishops in Eng­land were in mind to haue displaced moonks out of their cathedrall churches, and to haue brought ca­nons into their roomes, Lanfranke withstood them, Lanfranke praised for holding with the moonks. and would tollerate no such dislocation: an act at that time so well liked, that he was highlie commended for the same. After Lanfrankes death, the king be­gan greatlie to forget himselfe in all his dealings, insomuch that he kept many concubines, and waxed verie cruell and inconstant in all his dooings, so that he became an heauie burthen vnto his people. The king gi­uen to sensuall lust and coue­tousnesse. For he was so much addicted to gather goods, that he con­sidered not what perteined to the maiestie of a king, insomuch that nothing tending to his gaine, and the satisfieng of his appetite, was estéemed of him vn­lawfull, sith he measured all things by the vncontrol­led rule of his roialtie, and considered nothing what so high an office required. He kept the sée of Cantur­burie foure yeares in his hands, to sée who would giue most for it, in the meane time taking the pro­fits thereof, and making the vttermost of the same that by any meanes could be deuised.

The like he vsed when other benefices and abbeies were vacant, Matth. Paris. and furthermore that little which the prince spared, his officers and farmers, no lesse coue­tous than he, conuerted to their aduantage: so that what by the king, and what by his procurators, the church of England was now sore charged and fléeced of hir wealth. Diuerse of hir prelates in like maner were not a little offended, to sée their mother so spoi­led of hir treasure and liuelihood, insomuch that they practised a redresse: and to begin withall, complai­ned of the king to pope Urban: but he was so bu­sied with other troubles of his owne néerer home, that he could haue no time to séeke meanes how to redresse enormities a far off, Wil. Malm. Matt. Paris. whereby the lands and goods belonging to the church here in England were still wastfullie spent and consumed by the king and others, to whome he gaue or let them foorth to farme at his owne pleasure, and to his most commoditie.

But albeit the prince was of such a disposition by nature, yet there is one thing written of him which ought not to be forgotten, to admonish vs that there is no man of so euill an affection, but that sometime he dealeth vprightlie, though it be by hap or other ex­traordinarie motion. It chanced that an abbeie was void of an abbat, wherein were two moonkes verie couetous persons aboue the rest, and such as by scra­ping and gathering togither, were become verie rich, for such (saith Polydor) in those daies mounted to preferment. These two appointed to go togither to the court, ech hoping at their comming thither to find some meanes that he might be made abbat of that house. Being thus agréed, to the court they come, and there offer verie largelie to the king to ob­teine their sute: who perceiuing their gréedie desires, and casting his eies about the chamber, espied by chance an other moonke (that came to beare them companie, being a more sober man, and simple after his outward appearance) whom he called vnto him, and asked what he would giue him to be made abbat of the foresaid abbeie. The moonke after a little pause, made answere, that he would giue nothing at all for anie such purpose, since he entred into that profession of méere zeale to despise riches & all worldlie pompe, to the end he might the more quietlie serue God in holinesse & puritie of conuersation. Saiest thou so, [Page 19] quoth the king, then art thou euen he that art wor­thie to gouerne this house: and streightwaie he be­stowed the house vpon him, iustlie refusing the other two, to their open infamie and reproch.

But to returne to our historie. After the expulsi­on of the bishop of Durham, Matt. Pari [...] ▪ and other of his adhe­rents, Anno Reg. 3. 1090 the king passed ouer into Normandie, purpo­sing to depriue his brother of that dukedome, and be­ing arriued there, he besieged and tooke S. Ualerie, Albemarle, and diuerse other townes and castels, line 10 wherein he placed a number of his best souldiers, the better to mainteine warre against his foresaid bro­ther. Simon Dun. Warres be­twixt the king and his bro­ther Robert. Herevpon also the said Robert sent vnto the French king for aid, who came downe at his request with a noble armie, and besieged one of those castels which king William had latelie woone; howbeit by such meanes as king William made, in sending to the French king an huge summe of monie, he raised his siege shortlie & returned home againe. At length a peace was concluded betwixt king William and line 20 the duke his brother, Anno Reg. 4. 1091 but yet verie dishonorable to the said Robert: Gemeticensis. A peace con­cluded. Simon Dun. M [...]tth. West. Matt. Paris. for it was accorded, that king Wil­liam should reteine & still inioy the countie of Ewe, with Fescampe, the abbasie of mount S. Michell, [...]hersburg, and all those other places which he had woone & gotten out of his hands in this his late voi­age. On the other side it was agréed, that king Wil­liam should aid the duke to recouer all other places beyond the seas, which belonged to their father. Also, that such Normans as had lost anie of their lands & liuings in England, for taking part with the duke line 30 in the late rebellion, should be restored to the same. And furthermore, that whether soeuer of both should die first, the suruiuer should be his heire, and succeed in his dominions.

Gemeticensis.This peace was concluded at Caen, and that by procurement of the French king, at what time king William was verie strong in the field neare vnto Ewe. After which conclusion, they vnited their powers, and besieged their yoongest brother Henrie line 40 in the castell of mount S. Michell, which (being situat in the confines of Normandie and Britaine) he had stronglie fortified not long before for feare of after­claps. But when they had lien about it by the space of all the Lent season, and had made manie bickerings with his m [...]n, more to their losse than lucre, they rai­sed their siege, and voluntarilie departed. Not long after this, Sim. Dunel. king William depriued Edgar Etheling of his honor, which duke Robert had assigned vnto him, banishing him out of Normandie for euer. line 50

Shortlie a [...]ter also the aforesaid Henrie wan a strong towne called Damfront, and furnishing it at all points, he kept the same in his possession as long as he liued, mauger both his brethren. Thus the war waxed hot betwéene those three, howbeit suddenlie (I wot not vpon what occasion) this Henrie was recon­ciled with king William and his brother Robert, so that all debates being quieted on euerie side, they were made friends and welwillers. King William also returned into England, hauing his brother Ro­bert line 60 in his companie, all men reioising at their paci­fication and amitie, which happened in the yeare 1091. and fourth of the reigne of the king.

Toward the end whereof, and vpon the fift daie of October, a maruellous sore tempest fell in sundrie parts of England, but especiallie in the towne of Winchcombe, where (by force of thunder and light­ning) a part of the steeple of the church was throwne downe, and the crucifix with the image of Marie standing vnder the rood-lost, was likewise ouer­throwne, broken, and shattered in péeces; then fo­lowed a foule, a noisome, and a most horrible stinke in the church. On the 17. daie of the same moneth much harme was doone in London with an outragi­ous wind, A mightie wind. the violence whereof ouerturned and rent in péeces aboue fiue hundred houses, at which time and tempest the roofe of S. Marie bowe church in cheape was also ouerthrowne, wherewith two men were slaine. Moreouer, at Salisburie much hurt was doone with the like wind and thunder, Anno Reg. 5. 1092 for the top of the stéeple and manie buildings besides were sore shaken and cast downe. But now we will speake somewhat of the doings of Scotland, as occasion moueth. Whilest (as yée haue heard) variance depen­ded betweene king William and his brother duke Robert, the Scotish king Malcolme made sore wars vpon the inhabitants of Northumberland, The Scots inuade Eng­land. carrieng great booties and preies out of that countrie, which he inuaded euen to Chester in the street. Wherefore king William, soone after his returne, gathered his power togither, and sped him northwards. But king Malcolme hearing of his puissance & great strength sent to him for peace, which was granted in the end.

Some writers affirme, that king William prepa­red a great armie both by sea and land against Mal­colme; Wil. Malm. Sim. Dun. and that his nauie being abroad on the seas, was lost by tempest, and the most part of his ships drowned; that the armie by land entring into Scot­land, suffered manie damages through want of vit­tels, and so recoiled: finallie, that duke Robert lieng on the borders with an armie in his brothers name (wherby it should appeare that the king himselfe was not there) by the helpe and furtherance of Edgar E­theling, who then serued K. Malcolme in his wars, concluded a peace betwixt his brother and the said Malcolme, vpon certeine articles, by vertue wherof certeine places in Northumberland were restored vnto Malcolme, which he had held in William Con­querours daies. Some other write in like maner, that king Malcolme did homage to king William and duke Robert that brought the said Edgar Ethe­ling into the fauour of the king.

Howsoeuer the truth of the storie dooth stand in this behalfe, certeine it is, that the king returned out of Northumberland into the west parts of the realme, reteining still with him duke Robert, who looked dailie when he should performe such coue­nants as were concluded vpon betwixt them in their late reconciliation. But when he saw that the king meant nothing lesse than to stand to those arti­cles, and how he did onlie protract and delaie the time for some other secret purpose, he returned into Nor­mandie in great displeasure, and tooke with him the said Edgar Etheling, of whom he alwaies made ve­rie great account. Soone after king William re­turned into the north parts, and (as it chanced) he staied a few daies about Carleil, where being deli­ted with the situation of the towne (which had beene destroied by the Danes two hundred yeares before) he set workemen to repaire the same (meaning to vse it in steed of a bulworke against the Scots on those west borders) which when he had fensed with walles, The repai­ring and new peopling of Carleil. and builded a castell in the most conuenient place thereof, he caused churches and houses to be e­rected for the benefit of such people as he had deter­mined to bring vnto the same. This being doone, he placed a colonie of southren men there with their wiues and children, and gaue large priuileges vnto the towne, which they inioy at this daie.

¶ Here haue I thought good to aduertise you of an error in Matth. West. crept in either through mispla­cing the matter by means of some exemplifier, Matth. West. either else by the authors mistaking his account of yeares, as 1072. for 1092. referring the repairing of Carle­il vnto William Conquerour, at what time he made a iournie against the Scots in the said yeare 1072. And yet not thus contented; to bewraie the error more manifestlie, he affirmeth, that the king exchan­ged [Page 20] the earledome of Chester with Rafe or Ranulfe de Micenis, aliàs Meschines, for the earledome of Carleil, which the said Meschines held before, and had begunne there to build and fortifie that towne: whereas it is certeine that Ranulfe de Meschines came to enioy the earledome of Chester by way of inheritance, as after shall appeare. For better proofe whereof ye shall vnderstand, that we find by ancient records, how one Hugh Lou or Lupus enioied the earledome of Chester all the daies of the Conqueror, and long after, which Hugh was sonne to Richard line 10 earle of Auranges and the countesse Emma daugh­ter of a noble man in Normandie named Herlow­in, who maried Arlet the daughter of a burgesse in Falois, and mother to William Conquerour. So that the said Hugh, being sisters sonne to the Con­queror, receiued by gift at his hands the earldome of Chester, to hold of him as fréelie by right of the sword, as he held the realme of England in title of his crowne. For these be the words: Tenendum sibi & haeredibus ita liberè ad gladium, sicut ipse (Rex) totam tenebat line 20 Angliam ad coronam.

Earle Hugh then established in possession of this earledome, with most large priuileges and fréedoms, for the better gouernement thereof, ordeined vn­der him foure barons; namelie, his cousine Nigell or Neal baron of Halton, Foure ba­rons, Nigell or Neal, Piers Mal­banke, sir Piers Malbanke baron of Nauntwich, sir Eustace Eustace whose sur­name we find not. Warren Uer­non. baron of Mawpasse, and sir Warren Uernon baron of Shipbrooke. Ni­gell held his baronie of Halton by seruice, to lead the Uauntgard of the earles armie when he should line 30 make any iournie into Wales; so as he should be the foremost in marching into the enimies countrie, and the last in comming backe: he was also conesta­ble and marshall of Chester. From this Nigell or Neal, The Lacies. the Lacies that were earles of Lincolne had their originall. When earle Hugh had gouerned the earledome of Chester the terme of 40. yeares, he de­parted this life, in the yeare 1107. He had issue by his wife Armetrida, Richard the second earle of Chester after the conquest; Robert, abbat of Saint line 40 Edmundsburie: and Otnell, tutor to the children of king Henrie the first. Moreouer, the said earle Hugh had a sister named Margaret, that was maried to Iohn Bohun, Iohn Bohun. who had issue by hir, Ranulfe Bohun, otherwise called Meschines, which Ranulfe by that meanes came to enioy the earledome of Chester in right of his mother (after that earle Richard was drowned in the sea) and not by exchange for the earle­dome of Carleil, as by this which we haue alreadie recited may sufficientlie be prooued. line 50

Now to returne where we left. After that king William Rufus had giuen order for the building, Anno Reg. 6. fortifieng, and peopling of Carleil, he returned south­wards, and came to Glocester, where he fell into a greeuous and dangerous sicknesse; so that he was in despaire and doubt of his life: year 1093 wherefore he repented him of his former misdéeds, Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt. Matth Paris. The king be­ing sicke pro­miseth amend­ment of life. Polydor. Eadmerus. and promised (if he esca­ped that dangerous sicknesse) to amend and become a new man. But when he had his health, that pro­mise was quickelie broken, for his dooings which line 60 were so bad and wicked before his sicknesse, being compared with those which followed after his recoue­rie, might haue béene reputed good and sufferable.

Moreouer, whereas he reteined and kept in his hands the bishoprike of Canturburie the space of foure yeares, he now bestowed it vpon Anselme, who was before abbat of Bechellouin in Normandie; Anselme elec­ted archbishop of Cantur­burie. and for certeine abbeis which he had held long time in his possession, he ordeined abbats: by meane wher­of all men (but especiallie the spiritualtie) began to conceiue a verie good opinion of him. The yere where­in Anselme was thus elected, was from the birth of our Sauiour 1093. on the sixt of March, being the first sundaie in Lent (as Eadmerus recordeth. Eadmerus.) Fur­thermore he gaue the see of Lincolne (being void by the death of bishop Remigius) to his councellour Ro­bert Bluet; Matth. Paris. Polydor. Robert Blu­et L. Chan­celor elected bishop of Lin­colne. but afterward repenting himselfe of such liberalitie, in that he had not kept it longer in his hands towards the inriching of his coffers, he de­uised a shift how to wipe the bishops nose of some of his gold, which he performed after this maner. He caused the bishop to be sued, quarelinglie charging him that he had wrongfullie vsurped certeine posses­sions, togither with the citie of Lincolne, which apper­teined to the sée of Yorke. Which although it was but a forged cauillation, and a shamefull vntruth; yet could not the bishop be deliuered out of that trou­ble, Hen. Hunt. till he had paid to the king fiue thousand pounds. And as he dealt with the spiritualtie, so he caused diuerse of the Nobilitie to be put to gréeuous fines, for transgressing of his lawes, though the fault were neuer so little. He also caused the archbishop Anselme to paie him a great summe of monie, vnder colour of a contribution which was due in Lanfrankes daies, though it was certeinlie knowne that Lanfranke had paied it. Thus grew king William from time to time more sharpe and rigorous to his subiects, so that whosoeuer came within the danger of the laws, was sure to be condemned; and such as would plaie the promooters and giue informations against any man for transgressing the lawes, were highlie re­warded.

In this sixt yeare there chanced such an excessiue raine, and such high flouds, the riuers ouerflowing the low grounds that lay néere vnto them, as the like had not béene seene of many yeares before; and after­wards insued a sudden frost, whereby the great streames were congeled in such sort, that at their dis­soluing or thawing, manie bridges both of wood and stone were borne downe, and diuerse water-milles rent vp and caried awaie.

Furthermore, Polydor. king William perceiuing that by his cruell and couetous gouernment, sundrie of his subiects did dailie steale out of the realme, to liue in forreine countries, he published a proclamation, charging that no man should depart the realme without his licence and safe-conduct. A proclamati­on that none should depar [...] the realme. Hereof it is thought, that the custome rose of forbidding passage out of the realme, which oftentimes is vsed as a law, when occasion serueth. Soone after, he went against the Welshmen, whom he vanquished in battell néere to Brecknocke, and slue Rees their king, who had doone much hurt within the English borders, Ran. Higd. Rées king of Wales slaine. when he was their incamped. This Rise or Rées was the last king that reigned ouer the Welshmen, as au­thors affirme: for afterwards, though they often­times rebelled, yet the kings of England were repu­ted and taken as supreme gouernors of that part of the Iland. Moreouer, to haue the countrie the better in quiet, he did cut downe their woods, Wil. Thorne. and builded manie castels and piles in places conuenient, by meanes whereof they were somewhat tamed, and trained in due time to obedience, though not at the first, nor in the daies of sundrie of his successors.

Hauing thus finished his iournie into Wales, Malcolme king of Scotland came vnto Glocester to sée the king, Malcolme king of Scots commeth to Glocester. Wil. Malm. Polydor. and to common with him of sundrie matters touching the peace betwixt both the realms, as he returned homewards: but bicause king Wil­liam disdained to enterteine him in such pompous maner as he expected and made account of; and for­somuch as he did not at the verie first admit him to his presence, the said Malcolme returned into Scot­land in great displeasure, and immediatlie raising a power, entred into England, K. Malcolme inuadeth England. destroieng the country vnto Alnewike castell, where he was so enuironed with an ambushment laid by Robert earle of Nor­thumberland, [Page 21] that he and his eldest sonne Edward were slaine. At which mishap his whole host being vtterlie discomfited, fled out of the field, with the losse of manie, whereof some were slaine, and some taken by pursute. Simon Dun. Thus came king Malcolme to his end (by the iust prouidence of God) in that prouince which he had wasted and spoiled at fiue seuerall times, as first in the daies of king Edward, when earle Tostie was gone to Rome; the second time, in the daies of Wil­liam Conquerour, when he spoiled Cleueland; third­lie, in the same Conquerours daies, whilest bishop line 10 Walkher possessed the see of Durham, at what time all the countrie was spoiled and forraied, euen to the riuer of Tine; fourthlie, about the fourth or fift yeare of the reigne of this William Rufus, at which time he entered the land as farre as Chester in the stréet, whilest king William was in Normandie; the fift time was now, when he lost his life on saint Brices day, by the hands of a verie valiant knight named Morkell. King Malcolme being thus surprised by death, his bodie was buried at Tinmouth (as in the line 20 Scotish histories more plainelie appeareth) where al­so ye may find, how the sonnes of king Malcolme were aided by king William Rufus to obteine the crowne of Scotland, wherevnto they were interes­sed; whereas otherwise by the force and practise of their vncle Donald they had béene kept from the scepter and crowne of the kingdome.

Ran. Higd.This yeare England and Normandie were sore vexed with mortalitie both of men and beasts, Anno Reg. 7. 1094 inso­much that tillage of the ground was laid aside in line 30 manie places, Ran. Higd. Wil. Malm. Simon Dun. Death & mur­ren of cattell. Strange woonders. Matth. Paris. Polydor. by reason wherof there folowed great dearth & famine. Manie grizelie and hideous sights were seene also in England, as hosts of men figh­ting in the aire, flashes of fier, stars falling from hea­uen, and such like strange wonders. About this time new occasions of breach of amitie grew betwixt the king and his brother Robert, who accused him of periurie, for not obseruing the articles of the last peace concluded betwixt them: wherefore he purpo­sed line 40 to saile ouer into Normandie, Simon Dun. and so came vnto Hastings, about the first of Februarie, where he so­iourned for a time, and caused the church of Battell abbeie to be dedicated in the honour of S. Martin. He depriued Herbert bishop of Thetford of his bi­shops staffe, bicause he meant to haue stolne awaie secretlie to Rome, and there to haue purchased abso­lution of pope Urban for his bishoprike, which he had bought of the king for himselfe; and likewise for the abbasie of Winchester, which he had purchased for his father, paieng for them both a thousand pounds. line 50

King William passeth ouer into Nor­mandie.After this, about midlent he passed ouer into Nor­mandie with an armie, purposing to trie the matter with his brother in plaine battell, that thereby he might rather grow to some certeine point of losse or lucre, than to stand euer vpon vncerteinties, whether to haue peace or war, that he must be constreined to be at all times in a readinesse to defend himselfe. But after he was come into Normandie, Wars betwixt the king and his brother. & had for­raied part of the countrie once or twice▪ he fell to a line 60 parle with his brother duke Robert, & in the end con­descended to put the matter in compromise to the arbitrement of certeine graue persons, whose iudge­ment the king reiected, bicause they gaue not sen­tence on his side. Herevpon both parts prepared for war afresh, Matth. West. insomuch that the king perceiuing how his brother was aided by the French king, and that his power was too weake to withstand them both, he sent his commission into England for the leuieng of 20. thousand men, commanding that they should be sent ouer vnto him into Normandie by a daie, which was diligentlie performed. But as they were come togither about Hastings, readie to enter a shipboord, immediatlie commeth the kings lieutenant with a countermand, and signifieth to them, that the king minding to fauour and spare them for that iournie, would that euerie of them should giue him 10. shil­lings (as Matt. Paris hath, or 20. shillings as others haue) towards the charges of the war, and therevpon depart home with a sufficient safeconduct; which the most part were better content to doo, than to commit themselues to the fortune of the sea, and bloudie suc­cesse of the wars in Normandie. Polydor. In deed king Wil­liam changing his mind, was now determined to end the matter with monie, and not with the sword, as it afterward appeered: for by bribing of king Phi­lip, A peace con­cluded betwixt the king and his brother Robert. in whome duke Robert had reposed his whole trust, he concluded peace vpon such articles and con­ditions as he himselfe required.

Hauing dispatched his businesse in Normandie, he returned into England, where he happened to méet with new and more dangerous wars: for the Welshmen hearing of the variance betwixt the bre­thren, Hen. Hunt. Simon Dun. The Welsh­men inuade England. after their accustomed maner begin to inuade the English marshes, taking booties of cattell, de­stroieng the countries, killing and spoiling many of the kings subiects, both English and Normans. Af­ter this (waxing proud of their good successe) they besieged the castell of Mountgomerie, The castell of Mountgome­ri [...] won by the Welshmen. where though the garison made stout resistance for a time, yet in the end the enimie finding shift to ouerthrow the walles, entred perforce, and slue all that they found within. Wherewith though king William was of­fended when he heard of it, yet could he not remedie the matter as then, Anno Reg. 8. 1095 being troubled with a conspiracie newlie kindled against him by Robert earle of Nor­thumberland, Robert earle of Northum­berland refu­seth to come to the king. who vpon displeasure conceiued a­gainst him (bicause he was not rewarded nor than­ked at his hands for his good seruice shewed in the killing of Malcolme king of Scotland) refused to come vnto him being sent for by letters, and here­with began to practise with certeine other Noble men of that countrie, how to depose king William. But yer he could bring anie peece of his purpose to passe, the king hauing aduertisement of his at­tempts, Matth. Paris. first appointed his brother the lord Henrie to go thither with an armie, and foorthwith foloweth himselfe; and comming to Newcastell, where the most part of his complices were assembled, he sur­prised them yer they could haue time to prouide for their safetie. That doone, he went to Tinmouth, and in the castell tooke the earles brother there, and af­ter came to Banbourgh castell, which the said earle with his wife and children did hold for their better safegard and defense.

Some authors write, Hen. Hunt. that when the king percei­ued it would be hard for him to win Banbourgh ca­stell (by reason of the great strength thereof) with­out famine, he builded vp an other castell or bastili­on fast by it, calling the same Maluoisin, Maluoisin a fortresse built against Ban­bourgh. wherein he placed a great power of men, by whose meanes at length the earle was so narrowlie driuen, that when he sought to haue escaped by night, he was espied, and therewith pursued so closelie by the kings soul­diers, that he was forced to take sanctuarie within the church of S. Oswins at Tinmouth, Polydor. from whence he was quicklie taken, and brought as prisoner to the kings presence. Notwithstanding, those that re­mained within the castell, vpon trust of the strength of that place, would not yeeld by anie meanes; but stood still to their tackling: whervpon the king caused the earle their maister to be brought foorth before the gates, and threatned that he should haue his eies put out, if they within did not streightwaies giue vp the hold into his hands. Herevpon it came to passe, that the castell was yéelded, Banbourgh yéelded to the king. and those that kept it were diuerslie punished, some by banishment, some by loo­sing their eares, & diuerse by the losse of their hands, [Page 22] in example to others. The earle himselfe was conuei­ed to Windsor castell, and there committed to prison.

S [...]mo [...] Dun. [...]he earle of [...]we.Some write that the meaning of the earle and his complices (amongst whom was William earle of Ewe, who renouncing his allegiance to Robert duke of Normandie, was become the kings man) was to haue displaced the king from his roiall throne, and to haue set vp his sonne William de Al­bemarle, whome he had begotten of his concubine. But whatsoeuer their purpose was, after that the line 10 king had quieted his countrie in the north parts, he bent all his force against the Welshmen, Matth. Paris. who the yeare before had destroied and ouerthrowne the ca­stell of Moungomerie, and slaine the Normans that laie there in garison to defend it, whereat he was ve­rie much offended, King William inuadeth Wales. & therefore entering into Wales, he began to spoile and wast the countrie. For he saw that the Welshmen would not ioine in battell with him in the plaine field, but kept themselues still a­loofe within the woods and marishes, and aloft vpon line 20 mountaines: albeit oftentimes when they saw ad­uantage, they would come foorth, and taking the En­glishmen and Normans at vnawares, kill manie, and wound no small numbers, he still pursued them by hils and dales, though more to the losse of his owne people than the hurt of the Welshmen, who easilie eschewed the danger of battell, and still at the straites and combersome passages distressed manie of their enimies: whereby the king at length percei­uing that he could not preuaile against them, ceassed line 30 further to follow on with his purposed voiage, and therewith returned home, The king re­turneth out of Wales with dishonour. Eadme [...]us. Murcherdach king of Ire­land. not without some note of dishonor.

About the same time Murcherdach king of Ire­land, with the clergie and people of the citie of Du­blin, elected one Samuell a moonke of S. Albons, an Irish man borne, to the gouernement of the church and bishops sée of Dublin, and (according to the an­cient custome) presented him by sufficient letters of testimonie vnto Anselme archbishop of Cantur­burie, line 40 to be consecrated of him, who (according to their request) did so, and receiued from him a promise of his canonicall subiection, after the old vsuall ma­ner, hauing foure bishops (suffragans to the sée of Canturburie) ministring to him at that consecra­tion.

In like maner, pope Urban calling a councell at Clermount in Auuergne, The councell of Clermount. exhorted the christian prin­ces so earnestlie to make a iourneie into the holie­land, for the recouerie thereof out of the Saracens line 50 hands, that the said great and generall iournie was concluded vpon to be taken in hand; The iournie into the holie land. Godfray be Bullion. wherein manie Noble men of christendome went vnder the leading of Godfray of Bullion, and others, as in the chroni­cles of France, of Germanie, and of the holie land dooth more plainlie appeare. There went also among other diuers Noble men foorth of this relme of Eng­land, speciallie that worthilie bare the surname of Beauchampe. Robert duke of Normandie minding also to go the same iournie, and wanting monie to line 60 furnish and set foorth himselfe, Anno Reg. 9. 1096. morgaged his duchie of Normandie to his brother king William, Hen. Hunt. Wil. Thorne. Simon Dun. A subsidie. for the summe of ten thousand pounds. About this time an­other occasion was offered vnto king William, to laie a new paiment vpon his subiects, so gréeuous and intollerable, as well to the spiritualtie as the temporaltie, that diuerse bishops and abbats, who had alreadie made away some of their chalices and church iewels to paie the king, made now plaine an­swer that they were not able to helpe him with any more. Unto whom on the other side (as the report went) the king said againe; ‘Haue you not (I beséech you) coffins of gold and siluer full of dead mens bones? Meaning the shrines wherein the relikes of saints were inclosed.’ Which (as his words seemed to import) he would haue had them conuert into mo­nie, therewith to helpe him in that need, iudging it no sacrilege, though manie did otherwise esteeme it, considering (as he pretended) that it was gathered for so godlie an vse, as to mainteine warres against Infidels and enimies of Christ.

The archbishop Anselme tooke the worth of two Eadmerus. hundred markes of siluer of the iewels that belong­ed to the church of Canturburie (the greater part of the couent of moonks winking thereat) towards the making vp of such paiment as he was constreined to make vnto the king towards his aid at that time. But bicause he would not leaue this for an example to be followed of his successours, he granted to the church of Canturburie the profits and reuenues of his manour of Petteham, vnto the vse of the same church for the terme of seauen yeares, which amoun­ted to the summe of thirtie pounds yearelie in those daies.

Thus king William seeking rather to spoile the realme of England, Polydor. than to preserue the roiall state thereof, after he had gotten togither a great masse of monie, sailed ouer into Normandie, and there de­liuering vnto the duke the ten thousand pounds a­foresaid, was put in possession of the duchie, The duchie of Normandie morgaged to king William. to enioy the same, and the profits rising thereof, till the said ten thousand pounds were paid him againe: or (as some write) it was couenanted that in recompense thereof, Eadmerus. the king should enioy the profits for terme onelie of three yeares, and then to restore it with­out any further interest or commoditie. This doone, he returned againe into England. Polydor.

Now duke Robert setteth forward on his iornie, in companie of other Noble men, towards the holie land. In which voiage his valorous hart at all assaies (when any seruice should be shewed) was most mani­festlie perceiued, to his high fame and renowme a­mong the princes and nobilitie there and then as­sembled.

About the same time, the citizens of Waterford in Ireland, Anno Reg. 10. 1097 perceiuing that by reason of the great multitude of people in that citie, it was necessarie for them to haue a bishop, Eadmerus. Waterford in Ireland made a bishoprike. obteined licence of their king and rulers to erect in their citie a bishops sée, and besought them that it might please them to write vnto Anselme the archbishop of Canturburie their primate, to haue his consent therein, so as it might stand with his pleasure to institute and ordeine such a one bishop, to haue gouernement of their church, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie pri­mate of Ire­land. as they should name, knowing him to be a man of such learning, knowledge, discretion, and worthines, as were fit for the roome. Herevpon were letters sent by messengers from Murcherdach king of Ireland vnto Anselme, Murcherdach K. of Ireland. informing him of the whole matter: wherein one Malchus was commended and presented vnto him to be admitted and consecra­ted, if he thought good. These letters were subscribed with the hands, not onelie of king Murcherdach, but also of his brother duke Dermeth, bishop Duf­nald, Idiman bishop of Methe, Samuell bishop of Dublin, Ferdomnachus bishop of Laginia or Lei­nister, and many others both of the spiritualtie and temporaltie.

Anselme considering their request to be iust and necessarie, granted to fulfill their desires, and so vpon examination had of the man, and taking of him his oth of obedience, according to the maner, he conse­crated the same Malchus, Malchus consecrated bishop of Wa­terford. and so ordeined him to rule the church of Waterford as bishop. This was d [...]one at Canturburie the 28. day of October, Rafe bishop of Chichester, and Gundulfe bishop of Rochester hel­ping Anselme in the consecration as ministers vnto him in that behalfe. The said Malchus was a monke, [Page 23] and sometime vnder Walkhelme bishop of Win­chester.

But to the purpose, king William after his re­turne into England, remembring what damage he had susteined two yéeres before at the hands of the Welshmen, determined eftsoones to inuade their countrie, and therefore doubling his power, com­meth into the marshes, The king eft­soones inua­deth the Welshmen. Polydor. pitcheth his field, and consul­teth with his capteines what order he were best to vse in that his enterprise, for the taming of his eni­mies. line 10 The Welshmen hearing of the kings approch, and that his armie was farre greater than the last which he brought into their countrie, fell to their woonted policie, The Welsh­men with­draw into the woods. H. Hunt. and got them into the woods, there to lie in wait, trusting more to the aduantage of starting holes, than to their owne force & puissance.

When the king vnderstood their practise, he set ar­med men in diuers places, and builded towers and fortifications to defend him and his, bicause he durst not assaie to enter into wild and wast grounds where line 20 he had béene hindred and damnified before that time, hoping by this meanes in stopping vp the waies and passages of the countrie, to bring the rebels to more subiection. But when this policie was found by proofe to wearie the kings souldiors rather than to hurt the enimies, which straieng vp and downe in the woods intrapped oftentimes the Normans and English, in taking them at aduantage, the king without brin­ging his purpose to any good effect, departed home into England. Simon Dun. R. Houed. After this, he sent Edgar Etheling line 30 with an armie into Scotland, that he might place his coosine Edgar the sonne of king Malcolme in the gouernement of that kingdome, and expell his vncle Duffnald, who had vsurped the same.

Anno Reg. 11. 1098King William, being still inflamed with ire, for that he could not haue his will, determined with continuall warres to wearie the rebellious stomachs of the Welshmen: and therefore was fixed first to set vpon them of Anglesey, which being an Ile enui­roned with the sea, was euer a refuge for them when line 40 they were sharpelie pursued. Matth. Paris. This enterprise was chéeflie committed vnto Hugh earle of Shrewsbu­rie and Arundell, and to Hugh earle of Chester, who at their first comming wan the Ile, and tempered the victorie with great crueltie and bloudshed, put­ting out the eies of some, cutting off the noses, the armes, or hands of others, and some also they gelded. Moreouer (as authors write) the said earle of Shrew­esburie made a kenell of the church of Saint Fri­dancus, Gyral. Cam. laieng his hounds within it for the night line 50 time, but in the morning he found them all raging wood. How true so euer this report is I wote not, but shortlie after they had executed (in maner as be­fore is said) such strange kinds of crueltie in that Ile, it chanced that a nauie of rouers came thither from the Iles of Orkney, whose chéefe admirall was na­med Magnus, Hugh earle of Shrewsburie slaine. who incountring with the said earle of Shrewesburie, shot him into the eie with an arrow, which part of his body remained bare and vnarmed, so that by & by he fell downe dead out of his ship into line 60 the sea. When Magnus beheld this, he said scorneful­lie in the Danish toong, Leit loupe, that is; Let him leape now: the English neuerthelesse had the victo­rie at that time (as some write) and ouercame their enimies with great slaughter and bloudshed. Not long after, the earle of Chester going ouer to Wales, with long and continuall warres tired and tamed the wild Welshmen▪ [...]ab. ex Guido. de Columna. who for a good while after durst not shew their faces.

The king being thus at quiet and without warre in all places, Anno Reg. 12. 1099 began now to set his mind on buil­ding, and first causes new walles [...]o be made about the tower of London, and also laid the foundation of Westminster hall, which though it be a verie large and roomthie place, yet after it was finished at his returne out of Normandie, he came to view it, Fabian. Ran. Higd. Matth. Paris. and held his court therein with great pompe and honor. He repented that he had made it no larger, saieng; it was too little by the halfe, and therefore determi­ned to haue made a new, and that this other should haue serued but for a dining chamber. A diligent searcher (saith Matthew Paris) might yet find out the foundation of the hall, which he had purposed to build, stretching from the Thames side vnto the common street. But though those his buildings were great ornaments to the realme, yet bicause he tooke vp monie by extortion of his subiects towards the charges of the same, he was euill spoken of; the re­port being spred, Polydor. that he should take them in hand but onelie vnder a colour to spoile his subiects, in ga­thering a far greater summe than the expenses of them did amount vnto. The king go­eth ouer into Normandie. About the same time that king William beganne these buildings, he went ouer into Normandie, to vnderstand in what state that countrie stood.

About the same time also, or rather two yéere be­fore; to wit 1097. néere to Abington, at a towne called Finchamsteed in Barkshire, a well or foun­taine flowed with bloud, Finchamstéed Ran. Higd. Hen. Hunt. Matth. West. Wil. Malm. in maner as before it vsed to flow with water, and this continued for the space of three daies, or (as William Malm. saith) fifteene daies togither.

After the king had dispatched his businesse in Nor­mandie, & was returned into England (as he was making prouision to ride foorth on hunting) a mes­senger came suddenlie vnto him, bringing word, that the citie of Mans was besieged, Hen. Hunt. Matth. Paris. and like to be surprised. The king was then at dinner, meaning first to make an end thereof, and after to take ad­uice in that matter: but being reprooued by the mes­senger, for that to the great danger of his subiects which were besieged he passed not to make delaies, rather than to go and succour them with all spéed, he taketh the mans blunt spéech in so good part, that he called straightwaie for masons to breake downe the wall, to the end he might passe through the next way, and not be driuen to step so farre out of his path, as to go foorth by the doores: and so without any long ad­uisement taken in the cause, he rode straightwaie to the sea, sending his lords a commandement to fol­low; Wil. Malm. who when they came in his presence, counsel­led him to staie till his people were assembled. How­beit he would not giue eare to their aduice in that point, but said; Such as loue me, I know well will follow me, and so went a shipboord, setting apart all doubts of perils; and yet was the weather verie darke, rough and cloudie, insomuch that the maister of the ship was afraid, and willed him to tarrie till the wind did settle in some quiet quarter: but hee commanded to hoise vp sailes, and to make all spéed that could be for life, The saieng of king William Rufus. incouraging the shipmaister with these words, that he neuer heard as yet of anie king that was drowned.

Thus passing the seas, he landed in Normandie, where he gathered his power, and made towards Mans. When those which held the siege before the citie, heard of his approch, Mans deliue­red from an asséege. they brake vp their campe and departed thence: howbeit, the capteine named Helias, that pretended by title and right to be earle of Mans, was taken by a traine, and brought before the king, who iested at him, as though he had beene but a foole and a coward. Wherevpon, Helias. the said Heli­as kindled in wrath, boldlie said vnto him; ‘Whereas thou hast taken me prisoner, it was by méere chance, and not by thy manhood: but if I were at libertie a­gaine, I would so vse the matter with thee, that thou shouldest not thinke I were a man so lightlie to be laughed at▪ No should (saith the king?) Well then I [Page 24] giue thée thy libertie, and go thy waies, doo euen the worst that lieth in thy power against me, for I care not a button for thée’ Helias being thus set at liber­tie, did nothing after (to make anie account of) a­gainst the king, but rather kept himselfe quiet. How­beit some write, Hen. Hunt. Polydor. that he was not taken at all, but es­caped by flight. To procéed, king William being returned into England, and puffed vp with pride of his victories, and now séeing himselfe fullie deliue­red from all troubles of warre, began after his old manner to spoile and wast the countrie by vnreaso­nable line 10 exactions, tributes and paiments.

Uariance be­twixt the king and the arch­bishop An­selme.Here vpon fell a great controuersie betweene An­selme and the king, who pretended a reproch of cruell surcharging of his commons with subsidies, lones, and vnreasonable fines: but the cheefe cause was, for that he might not call his synods, nor correct the bishops, but all to be doone as the king would. The king also chalenged the inuestiture of prelates, and indéed sore tared both the spiritualtie and temporal­tie, line 20 spending the monie vpon the reparations and buildings of the Tower, & Westminster hall, as is before remembred. Besides this, his seruants spoi­led the English of their goods by indirect meanes: but especiallie one Rafe sometime chaplaine vnto William the Conquerour, & at this time the kings proctor and collector of his taskes and subsidies was so malicious & couetous, that in stéed of two taskes, he would leuie thrée, pilling the rich, and powling the poore, so that manie through his cruell dealing were line 30 oftentimes made to forfeit their lands for small of­fenses: and by his meanes also diuerse bishoprikes were bought and sold as other kinds of merchandi­zes, whereby he was in singular fauour with the king. The clergie also were vsed verie streightlie, and (as I suppose) not without good cause; for suerlie in those daies it was far out of order, not onelie in couetous practises, but in all kinds of worldlie pompe and vanitie: for they had vp bushed and brai­ded perukes, long side garments verie gorgeous, gilt girdels, gilt spurs, with manie other vnséemelie disorders in attire. To be short, the contention grew so hot betwixt the king and Anselme, who would also haue corrected such vices in the clergie (as some write) that in the end the archbishop was quite cast out of fauour. Matth. Paris. There are which alledge the verie first and originall occasion of their falling out to be, for that the archbishop denied to paie a thousand marks of siluer at his request: A thousand ma [...]kes de­manded of Anselme. in consideration of the kings great beneuolence shewed in preferring him line 50 to his sée, whereas the archbishop iudged the offense of simonie, to rest as well in giuing after his promo­tion receiued, as if he had bribed him aforehand, and therefore refused to make anie such paiment: but yet (as Eadmerus writeth) he offered him fiue hun­dred pounds of siluer, Eadmer [...]. which would not be receiued, for the king was informed by some of his councell, that the archbishop (in consideration of his bounti­ous liberalitie extended towards him) ought rather to giue him two thousand pounds, than fiue hundred, line 60 adding, that if he would but change his counte­nance, and giue him no freendlie lookes for a while, he should perceiue that Anselme would ad to the first offer, other fiue hundred pounds. But Anselme was so far from being brought to the kings lure with such fetches, that openlie to the kings face he told him, that better it should be for his maiestie to re­ceiue of him a small summe granted of him with a free and franke hart, so as he might helpe him eft­soones with more, than to take from him a great deale at once, without his good will, in such sort as if he were his bondman. For your grace (saith he) may haue me, and all that is mine▪ to serue your turne with fréendlie beneuolence: but in the waie of serui­tude and bondage you shall neither haue me nor mine. With which words the king was in maruel­lous choler, and therewith said in anger: ‘Well then, get thee home, take that which is thine to thy selfe, that which I haue of mine owne I trust will suffice me.’ The archbishop béeing on his knees, rose here­with and departed, reioising in his mind that the king had refused his offer, whereby he was deliuered out of suspicion to haue bribed the king, and giuen him that monie in waie of reward for his prefer­ment to the miter, as of malicious men would hap­pilie haue béene construed. Wherevpon béeing after laboured to double the summe, he vtterlie refused, and determining rather to forsake the realme than to commit such an offense, Matth. Paris. made suit to the king for licence to go to Rome to fetch his pall of the pope. The king hearing the pope named, The king could not a­bide to [...]eare the pope na­med. waxed maruel­lous angrie: for they of Rome began alreadie to de­mand donations and contributions, more impu­dentlie than they were hitherto accustomed. And as it chanced, there was a schisme at that time in the church, by reason the emperour Henrie had placed a pope of his owne aduancing (namely Wibteth arch­bishop of Rauenna) against pope Urban: for the em­perour mainteined that it belonged to his office on­lie to elect and assigne what pope it pleased him.

King William therefore conceiued displeasure against Urban, who withstood the emperours pre­tense, and alledged by the like, that no archbishop or bishop within his realme should haue respect to the church of Rome, nor to anie pope, with whome they had nothing to doo, either by waie of subiection, or otherwise; sith the popes wandered out of the steps which Peter trode, séeking after bribes, lucre, and worldlie honor. He said also that they could not re­teine the power to lose and bind, which they sometime had, since they shewed themselues nothing at all to follow his most vertuous life and holie conuersation. He added furthermore, that for himselfe, sithens the conuersion of the realme to the christian faith, he had as great authoritie, franchises and liberties within the same, as the emperour had in his empire. And what hath the pope then to doo (quoth he) in the em­pire, or in my kingdome touching temporall liber­ties, whose dutie it is to be carefull for the soule of man, and to sée that heresies spring not vp, which if the prelates of the prouince be not able to reforme, then might the pope doo it, either by himselfe or his legats. Againe, by reason of the schisme, & for the dis­pleasure that he bare pope Urban, Eadmerus. The kings demand to An [...]elme. he asked Anselme of which pope he would require his pall, sith he was so hastie to go to Rome for it? Wherto Anselme answe­red, that he would require it of pope Urban. Which words when the king had heard, he said, I haue not as yet admitted him pope: adding further that it was against the custome vsed either in his or his fa­thers time, that anie man within the realme of Eng­land should name or obeie anie man for pope, with­out the kings licence and consent, saieng moreouer, that if the said Anselme would séeke to take that pr [...] ­rogatiue and dignitie from him, it should be all one, as if he should go about to take awaie from him his crowne, and all other roiall dignitie. Wherevnto Anselme answered, that at Rochester (before he was consecrated bishop) he had declared his mind there­in, and that beeing abbat of Bechellouin in Nor­mandie, he had receiued Urban for pope; so that whatsoeuer chanced, he might reuolt from his obedi­ence and subiection.

The king beeing the more kindled herewith, pro­tested in plaine words, that Anselme could not kéepe his faith and allegiance towards him, and his obedi­ence also to the see of Rome▪ against his will and pleasure. But (to conclude) this matter went so far [Page 25] in controuersie betwixt the king and the bishop, that a councell was called at Rockingham in Rutland­shire, A councell at Rockingham in Rutland­shire. and there in the church within the castell, the matter was earnestlie decided, and much adoo on e­uerie side, to haue constreined Anselme to renounce his opinion, but he would not. Wherfore it was then deuised, that if he would not agrée to the kings plea­sure, they would by and by sée if they might by any meanes depriue him: but Anselme still held hard, and could not be feared by all these threats; and in like maner to iudge of an archbishops cause, the o­ther line 10 bishops concluded that they had no authoritie.

Moreouer, while the matter was in consultation among the bishops, another of the kings councell that was a knight, came before Anselme in place where he sat almost alone, to looke for an answer by them from the king, which knight knéeling downe before the archbishop, spake these words vnto him: ‘Reuerend father, your humble children beséech your Grace not to haue your heart troubled with these line 20 things which you heare; but call to remembrance that blessed man Iob, vanquishing the diuell on the dunghill, and reuenging Adam whome he had o­uercome in paradise.’ Which words the archbishop considering with a freendlie countenance, perceiued that the minds of the people remained on his side, whereof both he and such as were about him, were right ioifull and greatlie comforted, hauing hope (according to the scripture) that the If they be Gods people. voice of the people was the voice of God. When the king vnder­stood all these things, he was maruelouslie disquieted line 30 in mind, and therefore perceiuing that the bishops and other of his councell had promised more than they could performe, he blamed them for it: vnto whom the bishop of Durham that was the chéefe doo­er in this matter, framed this answer: ‘He spake so faintlie (quoth he) and so coldlie at the first, that he sée­med not to haue any store of wit or wisdome.’

Finallie, the matter was deferred vntill the next morning, and then the said bishop of Durham, alled­ging that they could not well ouercome him by ar­guments, line 40 so long as he grounded his opinion in such sort vpon the scripture, and the authoritie of Saint Peter; ‘The best way therefore (said he) shall be, to compell him by force, either to agrée to the kings mind, or else to depriue him of his ring and staffe, and after banish him the realme. But the lords of the councell allowed not the bishops words herein. Well (saith the king) and what other way will you thinke good, if this like you not: so long as I may line 50 liue, I will not surelie suffer any to be my péere within my realme: and if you knew his cause to be so good, why did you suffer me to commense this acti­on against him: go your waies therefore, and take aduice togither, for by Gods face (for that was his oth) if you condemne him not at my will, I will re­uenge my selfe vpon you.’ Neuerthelesse, when he was informed, that bicause he was an archbishop, they had no power to iudge or condemne him, though his cause prooued neuer so euill, which they could not line 60 perceiue so to be; he told them yet they might at the leastwise renounce their obedience to him, and for­sake his companie, which they said they might doo. ‘Then doo it (saith the king) with spéed, that he may (when he shall sée himselfe abandoned, and despised of all men) repent that he hath followed Urban, and neglected me his souereigne lord and maister. And that ye may doo it the more safelie, first of all I de­priue him of the suertie and allegiance which he may pretend to haue of me within all my dominions, The king re­nounceth the archbishop for his subiect. and from hencefoorth I will haue no affiance in him, nor take him for an archbishop.’

The bishops would faine haue persuaded An­selme to haue shewed himselfe conformable to the kings pleasure, and therefore tooke paines with him earnestlie in that behalfe, but all would not serue. He answered indéed verie curteouslie, but his bene­fice he would not renounce, as touching the name and office, though in exterior things he were neuer so much disquieted. The king perceiuing him to stand stiffe in his opinion, said vnto his lords; ‘His words are euer contrarie to my mind, and I will not take him for my freend, whosoeuer dooth fauour him. I shall therefore require you that be péeres of my realme, to renounce all the faith and freendship which you beare him, that he may see what he hath gained by that allegiance, which (to the offending of my per­son) he obserueth to the apostolike sée. Whereto the lords answered; As for vs, we were neuer his men, and therefore we cannot abiure any fealtie which we neuer acknowledged. He is our archbishop, and hath rule in matters perteining to christian religion within this land, for which cause we that are christi­ans may not refuse his authoritie whilest we re­maine here on earth, bicause he is attainted with no blemish of any heinous crime, which may constreine vs otherwise to doo.’ The king refrained and dissem­bled his wrath, least he should prouoke them to fur­ther displeasure by speaking against their reason.

The bishops were sore abashed hereat, The bishops driuen to their shifts how to shape an an­swer. and driuen to a shrewd pinch. Now when, not long after, the king required to know of euerie of them apart, whe­ther they vtterlie renounced all maner of subiection and obedience vnto Anselme without any condition intermitted, or else that onelie which he did pretend by authoritie of the pope: the bishops making an­swer diuerslie herevnto, the king appointed those to sit downe by him as faithfull subiects, who acknow­ledged that their renuntiation was absolutelie made, without intermitting of any condition: as for the other, who protested that they renounced their subiection and obedience vnto him onelie in that which he presumed vpon in the behalfe of the pope, he commanded them to go aside, and to remaine in a corner of the house to heare the sentence of their con­demnation pronounced.

Wherefore being put in a maruellous feare, they withdrew themselues aside, but yet straightwaies they deuised a shift wherewith they had beene well acquainted before, The meane to pacifie y e king. as followeth. They presented to the king a great masse of monie to appease his wrath, and so thereby were restored to his fauour. The stiffenes of Anselme in withstanding the kings pleasure. Anselme notwithstanding was obstinate in his opi­nion, so that in the end, the sentence touching this controuersie betwixt him and the king, was respited till the octaues of Pentecost next insuing. All this was notified well inough to the pope, who vsed the matter with such moderation, Matth. Paris. that by secret aduer­tisements giuen, he tooke awaie from his brethren all rigorous waies of procéedings, saieng; ‘Dum furor in cursu est, currenti cede furori.’ But yet the kings enmitie towards Anselme was openlie declared, and that chéefelie for the deniall of the monie which he demanded; but at length he got it, though not with any frée hart or goodwill of the archbishop: insomuch that the king reputed him giltie of treason. Within a few daies after, Wal­ter bishop of Alba, bringing to him his pall, verie wiselie reconciled the pope and the king. Not­withstanding all this, Anselme could not purchase the kings goodwill to his contentment, though he wiselie dissembled for the time: so that when the bishop of Alba should returne to Rome, he made sute for licence to go with him. Neuerthelesse, the king offered him, that if he would desist from his purpose, and sweare vpon the euangelists neither to go to Rome, nor to appeale in any cause to the popes court, he might and should liue in quietnesse frée [Page 26] from all danger: ‘but if he would not be so contented, he might and should depart at his perill, without hope to returne hither againe. Ead [...]eru [...].’ For surelie (saith he) if he go, I will seize the archbishoprike into mine owne hands, and receiue him no more for archbishop.

Anselme herewith departing from the court, came to Canturburie, declaring openlie what had bin said vnto him, and immediatlie sought to flee out of the realme in the night, prouiding for himselfe a shi [...] at Douer. But his purpose being reuealed to the king, line 10 one William Warlewast the kings seruant was sent after him, Fabian. and finding him readie to depart, tooke from him all that he had, & gaue him a free pas­port out of the land. Anselme repairing to Rome, made vnto pope Urban a greeuous information a­gainst the king, Matth. Paris. Anselme com­ming to Rome complaineth of the king. declaring into what miserable state he had brought the Realme, and that for want of as­sistance in his suffragans it laie not in him to re­forme the matter.

Indéed we find not that any of the bishops held line 20 with Anselme in the controuersie betwixt him and the king, Ranulph bishop of Chichester excepted, who both blamed the king, and rebuked all such bishops as had refused to stand with Anselme, and fauoured the king in cases concerning the foresaid variance. Moreouer, the same bishop of Chichester withstood the king and his officers in taking fines of préests for the crime of fornication; Ranulfe bi­shop of Chi­chester. by reason of which presumpti­on, the king became sore offended with him, & found meanes to suspend many churches of his diocesse. line 30 Howbeit in the end, the bishop demeaned himselfe in such wise, that he had his owne will, and his church doores were opened againe, which had béene stopped vp before with thornes. Finess of préests that had wiues as by some wri­ters it séemed. Besides this, the king was contented, that the said bishop should haue the fines of préests in crimes of fornication within his dio­cesse, and enioy many other priuileges in right of his church. But how beneficiall so euer he was vnto the see of Chichester, Polydor. true it is (as Polydor writeth) that he let out diuers abbeies, and the bishoprike of Win­chester line 40 and Salisburie, with the archbishoprike of Canturburie vnto certeine persons that farmed the same at his hands for great summes of monie, in so much that (beside the said sees of Canturburie, Win­chester, and Salisburie, which at the time of his death he kept in his hands) he also receiued the profits of eleuen abbeies which he had let out, or otherwise tur­ned to his most aduantage.

Robert Lo­saunge. Ran. Higd. Wil. Malm.Robert Losaunge, of some called Herbert, that sometime had bin abbat of Ramsey, and then bishop line 50 of Thetford by gift of a thousand pounds to the king (as before ye haue heard) repented him, for that he was inuested by the king, who after he had bewailed his offense, went to Rome, and did penance for the same in all points as the pope enioined him. Which being doone, he returned into England, remoouing yer long his sée from Thetford to Norwich, where he founded a faire monasterie of his owne charges, and not of the churches goods (as some say) wherein is a doubt, considering he was first an abbat, and after line 60 a bishop.

Stephan Harding a moonke.About this time, by the meanes of Stephan Har­ding a Monke of Shireborne, an Englishman, the order of Cisteaux or white moonkes had his begin­ning within the countrie of Burgongne, as witnes­neth Ranulph the moonke of Chester: Ran. Higd. Iacobus Phi­lippus Beri­gonias. but other wri­ters (as Iacob. Philippus) say that this Stephan was the second abbat of that place, and that it was foun­ded by one Robert abbat of Molmense, in the yeare of Grace 1098. This order was after brought into England by one called Walter Espeke, who foun­ded the first abbeie of that religion within this relme at Riuall, Anno Reg. 13. 1100 about the yeare of Grace 1131.

But to returne againe to the king, who still con­tinued in his wilfull couetousnesse, pulling from the rich and welthie, to waste and spend it out in all ex­cesse, vaine riot, and gifts bestowed on such as had least deserued the same. The kings lauish prodi­galitie. And yet he was warned by manie strange woonders (as the common people did descant) to refraine from these euill dooings: for the Thames did rise with such high springs and tides, that manie townes were drowned, Strange woonders. Wil. Malm. and much hurt doone in places about London, and elsewhere. Diuerse rare things happened also at the same time, which I passe ouer. But the king hearing hereof, did nothing regard those which were so bold as to tell him that they were euident significations of some vengeance to follow therevpon. A dreame. Matth. West. Wil. Malm. The king also himselfe on a night as he slept & dreamed, thought that the veines of his armes were broken, and that the bloud issued out in great abundance. Likewise, he was told by Robert Fitz Hammon, that a moonke should dreame in his sléepe, how he saw the king gnaw the image of Christ crucified with his teeth, and that as he was a­bout to bite awaie the legs of the same image. Christ with his feet should spurne him downe to the ground, insomuch that as he lay on the earth, there came out of his mouth a flame of fire, and such abundance of smoke, that the aire was darkened therewith. But the king made a iest of these and the like tales; ‘He is a right moonke (saith he) and to haue a péece of monie, he dreameth such things, giue him therefore an hun­dred shillings, and bid him dreame of better fortune to our person.’ Neuerthelesse, the king was some­what mooued herewith in the end, and doubted whe­ther he should go into the New forrest to hunt on Lammas day (as he had purposed) or no, bicause his freends councelled him not to trie the truth of dreames to his owne losse and hinderance. Where­vpon he forbare to go foorth before dinner, but when he had dined and made himselfe merrie with recei­uing more drinke than commonlie he vsed to doo a­broad he got him into the forrest with a small traine: amongst whom was one sir Walter Tirell a French knight, Sir Walter Tirell. whom he had reteined in seruice with a large stipend.

This sir Walter chanced to remaine with the king, when all the rest of the companie was disper­sed here and there, as the maner in hunting is. Now as the sunne began to draw lowe, the king percei­uing an hart to come alongst by him, shot at the same, and with his arrow stroke him; but not great­lie hurting him, the beast ran awaie. The king, to marke which way the hart tooke, and the maner of his hurt, held vp his hand betweene the sunne and his eies; who standing in that sort, out came another hart, at whom as sir Walter Tirell let driue an ar­row, the same by glansing stroke the king into the brest, so that he neuer spake word, but breaking off so much of the arrow as appeared out of his bodie, The king slaine. he fell downe, and giuing onelie one grone, immediat­lie died, without more noise or moouing. Sir Walter running to him, and perceiuing no spéech nor sense to remaine in him, straitwaies got to his horsse, and riding awaie, escaped and saued himselfe: for few there were that pursued him, euerie man being a­mazed at the chance, some departing one waie, and some another, euerie one for his owne aduantage and commoditie, as the time then serued. The dead bodie of the king was straight conueied to Win­chester, and there buried the morrow after, which was the second day of August, the yere of our Lord 1100. To this end came king William, after he had reig­ned almost 13. yeares, Wil. Malm▪ and liued 43. and somewhat more.

This prince, altho [...]gh euill reported of by writers for the couetous talking of his subiects, and retei­ning of ecclesiasticall liuings in his hands; yet was [Page 27] he endued with manie noble and princelie qualities. He had good knowledge in feats of warre, and could well awaie with bodilie labour. In all his affaires he was circumspect; of his promise, trustie; of his word, stedfast; and in his wars no lesse diligent than fortimate. He gaue to the moonkes called Monachi de charitate in Southwarke, the great new church of S. Sauiour of Bermondsay, and also Bermonds eie it selfe. He founded a goodlie hospitall in the citie of Yorke, called S. Leonards, for the sustentation line 10 and finding of the poore as well brethren as sisters. Towards souldiers and men of warre he was verie liberall, and to enrich them, he passed not for taking from farmers and husbandmen what soeuer could be gotten. He was indéed of a prodigall nature, and therefore when in the begining of his reigne, doub­ting some troubles, he had assembled manie men of warre for his defense, there was nothing that they could aske which he would denie them, in somuch that his fathers treasures were soone consumed, by line 20 reason whereof he was put to his shifts to prouide more. For though substance wanted to shew his li­beralitie, yet there sailed not in him a mind still to be bountifull, sith continuall vse of giuing rewards, was in manner turned in him to a nature, so that to furnish himselfe with monie and necessaries, he was put to extremities vnbeséeming a king; The liberall hart of king William. and to be­stow his beneuolence vpon some, he spared not to im­pouerish others. For in such sort he was liberall, that therewith he was prodigall; and in such wise line 30 stout of courage, as proud withall; and in such maner seuere, as he séemed cruell and inexorable. But what meanes he vsed to make his best of benefices and spirituall liuings, partlie appeereth before.

In déed such was his condition, that who soeuer would giue, might haue, & that oftentimes without respect, whether their sute was reasonable and allow­able or not, in somuch that it is said of him, that be­ing in Roan on a time, there came to him diuerse Iewes who inhabited that citie, Iewes. complaining to line 40 him, that diuerse of their nation had renounced their Iewish religion, and were become christians: wherefore they besought him, that for a certeine summe of monie which they offered to giue, it might please him to constreine them to abiure christianitie, and turne to the Iewish law againe. He was con­tented to satisfie their desires, and so receiuing the monie, called them before him, & what with threats, and putting them otherwise in feare, he compelled diuerse of them to forsake Christ, and returne to their line 50 old errors.

There was about the same time a yoong man a Iew, who by a vision appearing vnto him (as is said) was conuerted to the christian faith, and being bapti­sed, was named Stephan, bicause S. Stephan was the man that had appeared to him in the vision, as by the same he was informed. The father of the yoong-man being sore troubled, for that his sonne was be­come a christian, and hearing what the king had doone in such like matters, presented to him 60. line 60 marks of siluer, conditionally that he should inforce his sonne to returne to his Iewish religion. Here­vpon was the yoong man brought before the king, vnto whom he said; ‘Sirra, thy father here complai­neth that without his licence thou art become a chri­stian: if this be true, I command thee to returne a­gaine to the religion of thy nation, without anie more adoo. To whom the yoongman answered, Your grace (as I gesse) dooth but iest. Wherwith the king being mooued said, What thou dunghill knaue, shuld I iest with thée? Get thee hence quicklie, and fulfill my commandement, or by S. Lukes face I shall cause thine eies to be plucked out of thine head. The yoongman nothing abashed hereat, with a constant voice answered, Trulie I will not doo it, An answer of a good Iew. but know for certeine, that if you were a good christian, you would neuer haue vttered anie such words, for it is the part of a christian to reduce them againe to Christ which be departed from him; & not to separate them from him, which are ioined to him by faith. The king herwith confounded, commanded the Iew to auant & get him out of his sight. But his father perceiuing that the king could not persuade his sonne to forsake the christian faith, required to haue his monie a­gaine. To whom the king said, he had doone so much as he promised to doo, that was, to persuade him so far as he might.’ At length, when he would haue had the king to haue dealt further in the matter, the king (to stop his mouth) tendered backe to him the one halfe of his monie, & reteined the other to himselfe. A pretie deui­sion.

Moreouer, to increase the suspicion which men had of his infidelitie, it is written, King William suspected of infidelitie. that he caused a dispu­tation to be kept betwixt the Iewes & the christians, promising that if the Iewes ouercame the christians in argument, he would be a Iew: but the Iewes be­ing ouercome, and receiuing the foile, would not confesse their errors, but alledged, that by factions (and not by reason) they were put to the worse. How­beit, what opinion soeuer he had of the Iewes faith, it appéereth by writers that he doubted in manie points of the religion then in credit. Eadmerus. For he sticked not to protest openlie, that he beléeued no saint could profit anie man in the Lords sight, and therefore neither would he nor anie other that was wise (as he affirmed) make intercession, either to Peter, Praieng to saincts. or to anie other for helpe.

He was of stature not so tall as the common sort of men, red of haire, His stature. Whereof he tooke his sur­name Rufus. whereof he tooke his surname Rufus, somwhat big of bellie, and not readie of toong, speciallie in his anger, for then his vtterance was so hindered, that he could scarselie shew the conceits of his mind: he died without issue, and vsed concu­bines all the daies of his life. I find that in apparell he loued to be gaie and gorgeous, & could not abide to haue anie thing (for his wearing) estéemed at a small valure. Wherevpon it came to passe on a morning, when he should pull on a new paire of hose, Wil. Malm. he asked the groome of his chamber that brought them to him what they cost? Thrée shillings saith he; ‘Why thou hooreson (said the king) dooth a paire of hose of thrée shillings price become a king to weare? Go thy waies, and fetch me a paire that shall cost a marke of siluer. The groome went, and brought him another paire, for the which he paid scarselie so much as for the first. But when the king asked what they stood him in, he told him they cost a marke: and then was he well satisfied, and said; Yea marie, these are more fit for a king to weare, and so drew them vpon his legs.’

In this kings daies Iohn bishop of Welles ioi­ned the monasterie of Bath vnto his see, Couentrie church ioined to the sée of Chester. and re­pairing the same monasterie, began to inhabit there in the yeere 1094. The church of Couentrie was in like sort ioined vnto the sée of Chester by Robert bi­shop of that diocesse. Woolstan bishop of Worcester died about the same time, and Anselme hauing pur­chased bulles of pope Paschall, wherein was contei­ned an admonition vnto king William to desist from his gréeuous oppressing of the church, and to a­mend his former dooings, was now on his returne towards England, and by the waie heard of the kings death. Hugh earle of Chester in this kings daies builded the abbeie of Chester, and procured An­selme (afterwards archbishop of Canturburie) to come ouer from Normandie, that he might direct the same abbeie, and place such religious persons as were necessarie and conuenient for so good a founda­tion.

[Page 28]Long it was yer Anselme would come ouer, bi­cause he doubted to be had in suspicion of an am­bitious desire in seeking to be made archbishop of Canturburie. For it was talked that if he went o­uer into England, he should surelie be elected before he returned into Normandie. But at length so it chanced, that the foresaid Hugh earle of Chester fell sicke, and despairing of life, sent with all spéed to An­selme, requiring him most instantlie to come ouer to him lieng in extremitie of sickenesse; adding, that if he hasted no [...] the sooner, it would be too late, where­of he would after repent him. Then Anselme, for that he might not faile his fréend in such necessitie, came ouer, and gaue order to the abbeie, according as it séemed best to him for the establishment of reli­gion there.

Thus farre William Rufus.

Henrie the first, yoongest sonne to William the Conquerour.

HEnrie the yoon­gest sonne to Willi­am the first, brother to Rufus latelie de­parted, Anno Reg. 1. 1100. the first of that name that ru­led heere in Eng­land, & for his know­ledge in good lite­rature surnamed Beauclerke, was line 10 admitted king by the whole assent of the lords and commons, and began his reigne ouer England the first of August, in the yeare after the creation of the world 1067. after the birth of our Sauiour 1100. and 44. of the emperour Henrie the fourth, Paschall the second then gouerning the sée of Rome, which was about the 51. yeare of Philip the first of that name king of France, and in the beginning of the reigne of Edgar king of Scotland. Wil. Thorne. Geruasius Do­robernensis. This king was line 20 consecrated and crowned at Westminster, the fift daie of August, by Thomas archbishop of Yorke, and Maurice bishop of London, bicause at that time An­selme archbishop of Canturburie was exiled. This prince had aforehand trained the people to his humor and veine, in bringing them to thinke well of him, and to conceiue a maruellous euill opinion of his brother duke Robert, Matth. Paris. persuading them moreouer, that she said duke was likelie to prooue a sharpe and rigorous gouernour, if he once obteined the crowne and dominion of the land. Moreouer, he caused to be line 30 reported for a certeine truth, that the same Robert was alreadie created king of Ierusalem. And ther­fore considering that the kingdome of Palestine (as the rumor ran) was of greater reuenues than that of England, there was no cause why they shuld staie for him, who would not willinglie leaue the greater for the lesser. By which meanes the Nobilitie and Commons were the sooner persuaded to decline from the election of the said Robert, and to receiue his brother Henrie for their lawfull king, who on the line 40 other side ceased not to promise mountaines, till his enterprise tooke effect; and then at leisure paied some of them with molhils: as by the sequele of the sto­rie shall more at large appéere.

This Henrie therefore comming thus to the crowne, considered furthermore with himselfe, that hereafter, when his eldest brother Robert should re­turne, and vnderstand how the matter was brought about, he would thinke himselfe to haue had much wrong, and béene verie euill dealt withall, sith that as well by birthright, as also by agreement made with his brother William Rufus, he ought of right to be preferred, and therevpon would not faile but make earnest claime against him. The king [...]keth to win the peoples fauour. Wherefore yer he should come home out of the holie land (where he then remained) the king studied by all possible meanes how to gratifie all the states of his realme, & to plant in their harts some good opinion of him. And first of all he reformed such things as his brother had left verie preiudiciall to the estate of the church, setting the same frée which before was s [...]re oppressed. And furthermore, somwhat to reléeue the cōmon-wealth, he promised to restore the lawes of good king Ed­ward, Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt. Matth. Paris. and to abolish or amend those which by his fa­ther and brother were alreadie ordeined to the hurt & preiudice of the old ancient liberties of the realme of England. Anselme cal­led home. He reuoked Anselme the archbishop of Canturburie out of exile, who fled (as yee haue heard) to auoid the wrath of king William. More­ouer, he placed in the see of Winchester, Wil. Malm. William Gif­ford bishop of Winchester. Hen. Hunt. one Willi­am Gifford, a graue and discréet person, and also or­deined moonkes of honest reputation to be abbats in certeine abbeis which had beene long void, and in the hands of William his brother: in like maner he re­mitted certeine paiments which his brother and pre­decessour had caused to be raised by waie of taxes and customes. Besides this, on the 8. daie of Sep­tember, Rafe bishop of Durham com­mitted to the Tower. Simon Dun. The first or­deining of the yard measure. Wil. Malm. he committed Rafe bishop of Durham to the Tower of London, by whose lewd counsell his said brother being seduced, had in his life time doone manie oppressions to his people. He ordeined also that one length of measuring should be vsed through this realme, which was a yard, appointing it to be cut after the length of his owne arme. Manie other things he redressed, to the contentation and commo­ditie of his subiects, who gaue God thanks that he had in such wise deliuered them out of the hands of cruell extortioners.

After he had thus brought the common-wealth in so good estate, he consulted with his Nobilitie▪ Wil. Mal [...] ▪ Polydor. where he might best get him a wise, and thereby leaue vn­lawfull [Page 29] companie keeping with concubines: which demand was not misliked at all. Herevpon they considered that Edgar king of Scotland had a sister named Maud, a beautifull ladie, and of vertuous conditions, who was a professed nunne in a religi­ous house, to the end she might auoid the stormes of the world, and lead hir life in more securitie after hir fathers deceasse. This gentlewoman, notwithstan­ding hir vow, was thought to be a meet bedfellow for the king: wherefore he sent ambassadors to hir brother Edgar, requesting that he might haue line 10 hir in mariage. But she refusing superstitiouslie at the first to breake hir professed vow, would not heare of the offer: wherewithall king Henrie being the mor [...] inflamed, sent new ambassadors to moue the case in more earnest sort than before, in so much that Edgar, vpon the declaration of their ambas­sage, set the abbesse of the house (where then she a­bode) in hand to persuade hir, who so effectuallie and diuerslie telling hir how necessarie, profitable, & ho­norable the same should be both to hir countrie and line 20 kinred, did so preuaile at the last, that the yoong ladie granted willinglie to the mariage. Herevpon she was transported into England, and wedded to the king, who caused the archbishop Anselme to crowne hir queene on S. Martins daie, which fell vpon a sundaie, being the eleuenth of Nouember.

¶It should séeme by Eadmerus, that she was neuer nunne, but onelie veiled by hir mother, and placed a­mongst nunnes against hir will (as she protested to the whole world) at such time as archbishop Anselme line 30 refused to solemnize the mariage betwixt them, till that doubt were cleared, and the occasion remoued, wherevpon euill disposed men would haue surmised ilfauoredlie, and reported the worst. Howbeit whe­ther she were professed, or veiled onelie, loth she was to consent at the first (as partlie ye haue heard) but after that she was coupled with the king in mariage, she prooued a right obedient wife.

About this season the archbishop of Uienna came ouer into England with the popes authoritie (as he line 40 pretended) to be legat ouer all Briteine, The archbi­shop of Uien­na the popes legat. which was strange newes vnto England, and greatlie woonde­red at (as Eadmerus saith) of all men. For ithad not beene heard of in England before that time, that any person should supplie the popes roome, except the arch­bishop of Canturburie. He is not re­ceiued for le­gat. And so he departed as he came, for no man receiued him as legat, neither did he exercise anie legantine authoritie. Not long after, the king sent ambassadours to Rome, about a suit which he had against the archbishop Anselme, for that line 50 he denied not onelie to doo him homage, but also would not consecrate such bishops and ecclesiasticall gouernours as he vndertooke to inuest. Touching which matter no small trouble arose, as hereafter shall appeere.

year 1011 In the meane time, Robert the kings elder bro­ther, returning out of the holie land, came into Normandie: for after he had aduertisement of the death of his brother Rufus, and that his yoonger bro­ther line 60 was crowned king of England, he was great­lie displeased in his mind, and meant with all spéed to assaie if he might recouer it out of his hands.

¶ We read, that when christian princes had woone Hierusalem, Ran. Higd. Duke Robert chosen king of Hierusalem. they met togither in the temple to chuse a king for the gouernement of that citie and coun­trie, in which conuent duke Robert was chosen be­fore all the residue to be king there, by reason of a mi­racle (as some haue left recorded) wrought by quen­ching of a [...]aper, and the sudden kindling thereof a­gaine, as he held the same in his hand, standing in the church before the altar amongst other on Easter euen: so as thereby it should be thought he was ap­pointed among all the residue to be king, and so was nominated. Polydor. But he hauing his mind more inclined to England, refused to take the charge vpon him: wherevpon after that daie he neuer greatlie prospe­red in anie businesse which he tooke in hand: as some doo gather. Other authors of good credit, which haue written that voiage into the holie land, m [...]ke no mention of anie such matter, but declare, that God­fraie of Bolongne was by the generall consent of all the princes and capiteins there elected king, as in the description of that voiage more plainelie ap­péereth. But now to returne from whence I haue digressed.

When the fame was blowne into England, Anno Reg. 2. that duke Robert was returned into Normandie, and that the people had receiued him for their duke with great triumph and ioy: there were diuerse which de­siring innouations, deliting in alterations, and be­ing wearie of the quiet gouernement of king Hen­rie, wrote letters into England to the duke, Duke Robert is solicited to come into En­gland to claim the crowne. signifi­eng to him, that if he would make hast, and come to recouer the realme out of his brothers hands (who v­surped it by an vniust title) they would be readie to aid him with all their power. Herewithall the duke being readie of his owne accord to this enterprise, was not a little inflamed, and grew more earnest to make hast about this businesse: in somuch as, where he would not séeme at the first to estéeme greatlie of the offer made to him by the Englishmen, who had thus written ouer vnto him (blaming generallie all the English Nobilitie, for that while he was abroad in the seruice of the christian common-wealth a­gainst the infidels, they would suffer him to be in such wise defrauded of his fathers inheritance, by his brother, through their vntruth and negligence) yet although he meant to delaie the matter, and thought it rather better to dissemble with them for a time, Wil. Malm. Simon Dun. than to commit the successe of his affaires and person to their inconstancie; shortlie after being set on fire, and still incouraged by the persuasion of Rafe bishop of Durham (who by a woonderfull wilie shi [...]t, about the first of Februarie had broken out of pri­son) with all speed possible he gathered an armie, In the Kal. of Februarie. R. Houe. Hen. Hun [...]. Polydor. pur­posing out of hand to passe ouer with the same into England, and to hazard his right by dent of sword, which was thus by plaine iniurie most wickedlie de­teined from him.

King Henrie in the meane time vnderstanding his meaning, assembled likewise his power, and rig­ged foorth a great number of ships, appointing them to lie in a readinesse to stop his brothers comming to land if it might be. He himselfe also lodged with his maine armie neere the towne of Hastings, to giue him battell if he landed thereabouts.

Duke Robert also meaning to set foreward, sent certeine of his ships before, to choose some conueni­ent place where he might land with his armie: which ships by chance fell into the danger of the kings na­nie, but yet absteining from battell, they recouered the wind, and returned backe to the duke, signifi­eng from point to point how they had sped in this voiage. The duke as he was of a bold courage, and of so gentle a nature that he beleeued he should win their good wils, with whom he should haue any thing to doo, passed forward, and approching to the kings nauie, vsed such mild persuasions, that a great part of the souldiours which were aboord in the kings ships, submitted themselues vnto him, Duke Robert arriued at Portsmouth. Simon Dun. Wil. Malm. Hen. Hunt. Polydor. by whose con­duct he arriued in Portsmouth hauen, and there lan­ded with his host, about the begining of August. Now when he had rested a few daies & refreshed his men, he tooke the way towards Winchester, a great num­ber of people flocking vnto him by the way.

The king hauing knowledge as well of the arri­uall of his enimies, as also of the reuolting of his [Page 30] subiects, raised his campe, and came to lodge neere vnto his enimies, the better to perceiue what he at­tempted and purposed to doo. They were also in ma­ner readie to haue ioined battell, when diuers Noble men that owght good will to both the brethren, and abhorred in their minds so vnnaturall discord, began to entreat for peace, Wil. Malm. Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt. which in the end they concluded vpon, conditionallie that Henrie (who was borne after his father had conquered the realme of Eng­land) should now enioy the same, yeelding and pai­eng line 10 yeerelie vnto duke Robert the summe of iij. M. marks. Prouided, that whose hap of the two it shuld be to suruiue or outliue, he should be the others right and lawfull heire, by mutuall agreement. Conditi­onallie also, that those English or Normans, which had taken part either with the king or the duke, should be pardoned of all offenses that could be laid vnto them for the same by either of the princes. There were twelue Noble men on either part that recei­ued corporall othes for performance of this agrée­ment, Hen. Hunt. Wil. Thorne. Matth. West. Geruasius Dorober. line 20 which being concluded vpon in this sort, duke Robert, who in his affaires shewed himselfe more credulous than suspicious, remained with his brother here in England till the feast of S. Michaell, and then shewing himselfe well contented with the compositi­on, returned into Normandie. In the second yeare of this kings reigne, the Quéene was deliuered of hir daughter Maud or Mathild, so called after hir owne name, who afterward was empresse, of whom yée shall heare by Gods grace anon in this historie. line 30

year 1102 The king being now rid of forren trouble, was shortlie after disquieted with the seditious attempts of Robert de Belesme earle of Shrewsburie, Simon Dun. Robert de Belesme earle of Shrews­burie. sonne to Hugh before named, who fortified the castell of Bridg [...]north, and an other castell in Wales at a place called Caircoue, and furnished the towne of Shrewsburie, with the castels of Arundell & Ticke­hill (which belonged to him) in most substantiall ma­ner. Moreouer he sought to win the fauour of the Welshmen, by whose aid he purposed to defend him­selfe line 40 against the king in such vnlawfull enterprises as he ment to take in hand. But the king hauing an inkeling whereabout he went, straitwaies proclai­med him a traitor, wherevpon he got such Welshmen and Normans together as he could conuenientlie come by, with whom and his brother Arnold, he en­tred into Staffordshire, which they forraied and wa­sted excéedinglie, Stafford wasted. bringing from thence a great bootie of beasts and cattell, with some prisoners, whom they led foorthwith into Wales, where they kept them­selues line 50 as in a place of greatest safetie.

The king in the meane time with all conuenient spéed raised a power, first besieging the castell of A­rundell, Arundell ca­stell besieged. and then planting diuerse bastillions before it, he departed from thence, and sending the bishop of Lincolne with part of his armie to besiege Ticke­hill, Bridgenorth besieged. he himselfe went to Bridgenorth, which he enui­roned about with a mightie armie made out of all parts of his realme: so that what with gifts, large promises, and fearefull threatnings, at the last he al­lured line 60 to his side the fickle Welshmen, and in such wise wan them, that they abandoned the earle, and tooke part against him. Anno Reg. 3. Wherevpon the king within 30. daies subdued all the townes and castels (which he held) out of his hands, The earle of Shrewsburie banished the realme. and banished him the relme, and shortlie after confined his brother Arnold for his traitorous demeanour vsed against him, whereby their attempts were brought vnto an end.

A synod of bishops. Eadmerus.After this, at the feast of saint Michaell, Anselme archbishop of Canturburie held a councell at West­minster, whereat were present the archbishop of Yorke, the bishops of London, Winchester, Lin­colne, Worcester, Chester, Bath, Norwich, Roche­ster, and two other bishops latlie elected by the king, namelie, Salisburie and Hereford: Abbats & pri­ors [...]epriued. the bishop of Ex­cester was absent by reason of sicknesse.

At this councell or synod, diuers abbats and pri­ors, both French and English, were depriued of their promotions and benefices by Anselme, bicause they had come vnto them otherwise than he pretended to stand with the decrées of the church; as the abbats of Persor, Ramsey, Tauestocke, Peterborow, Matth. Par [...] ▪ Middle­ton, Burie, and Stoke, the prior of Elie, and others. The chéefest cause of their deposing, was, The cause why they wer depriued. Hen. Hunt. Sim. Dun. for that they had receiued their inuestitures at the kings hands.

Diuers constitutions were made by authoritie of this councell, but namelie this one.

1 That preests should no more be suffered to haue wiues, Eadmerus. Mariage of préests forbid­den. which decree (as saith Henrie of Huntingdon) séemed to some verie pure, but to some againe verie dangerous, least whilest diuers of those that coueted to professe such cleannesse and puritie of life as pas­sed their powers to obserue, Hen. Hunt. might happilie fall into most horrible vncleannesse, to the high dishonour of christianitie, and offense of the Almightie.

2 That no spirituall person should haue the admi­nistration of any temporall office or function, Decrées insti­tuted in this councell. nor sit in iudgement of life and death.

3 That preests should not haunt alehouses, Against préests that were alehouse hunters. and further, that they should weare apparell of one ma­ner of colour, and shooes after a comelie fashion: for a little before that time, préests vsed to go verie vn­séemelie.

4 That no archdeaconries should be let to farme. Archdeacon­ries.

5 That euerie archdeacon should at the least re­ceiue the orders of a deacon.

6 That none should be admitted to the orders of a subdeacon, without profession of chastitie. Subdeacons.

7 That no préests sonnes should succéed their fa­thers in their benefices. Préests sons.

8 That moonks and préests which had forsaken their orders (for the loue of their wiues) should be ex­communicated, if they would not returne to their profession againe.

9 That préests should weare broad crownes. Préests to wear crowns. Tithes. Benefices.

10 That no tithes should be giuen but to the church.

11 That no benefices should be bought or sold.

12 That no new chappels should be builded with­out consent of the bishop. New chapels

13 That no church should be consecrated except prouision were first had to the maintenance of it and the minister. Consecration of churches.

14 That abbats should not be made knights or men of war, Abbats. but should sléepe & eat within the pre­cinct of their owne houses, except some necessitie mooued them to the contrarie.

15 That no moonks should inioyne penance to any man without licence of their abbat, Moonks. and that ab­bats might not grant licence, but for those of whose soules they had cure.

16 That no moonks should be godfathers, nor nuns godmothers to any mans child.

17 That moonks should not hold and occupie any farmes in their hands. Farmes.

18 That no moonks should receiue any parsona­ges, but at the bishops hands, Parsonages. nor should spoile those which they did receiue in such wise of the profits and reuenues, that curats which should serue the cures might thereby want necessarie prouision for them­selues and the same churches.

19 That contracts made betwéene man and wo­man without witnesses concerning mariage should be void, if either of them denied it. Contracts.

20 That such as did weare their heare long should be neuerthelesse so rounded, Wearing of haire. that part of their eares might appéere.

21 That kinsfolke might not contract matrimo­nie [Page 31] within the seuenth degrée of consanguinitie.

Buriall.22 That the bodies of the dead should not be bu­ried but within their parishes, least the préest might lose his dutie.

Fond wor­shipping of men.23 That no man should vpon some new rash de­uotion giue reuerence or honour to any dead bodies, fountaines of water, or other things, without the bi­shops authoritie, which hath béene well knowne to haue chanced heretofore.

24 That there should be no more buieng and sel­ling of men vsed in England, which was hitherto ac­customed, line 10 as if they had béene kine or oxen.

25 That all such as committed the filthie sinne of Sodomitrie should be accurssed by the decrée of this councell, till by penance & confession they should ob­teine absolution. Prouided that if he were a pr [...]est or any religious person, he should lose his benefice, and be made vncapeable of any other ecclesiasticall pre­ferment if: he were a laie man, he should lose the pre­rogatiue of his estate. Prouided also that no religi­ous man might be absolued of this crime, but at the line 20 bishops hands.

The cursse to be read euerie sundaie.26 That euerie sundaie this cursse should be read in euerie church.

The king also caused some necessarie ordinances to be deuised at this councell, to mooue men to the leading of a good and vpright life.

S. Bartholo­mewes by Smithfield founded. Smithfield sometimes a common laie­stall & a place of execution.About the third yeare of K. Henries reigne, the foundation of saint Bartholomews by Smithfield was begun by Raier one of the kings musicians (as some write) who also became the first prior thereof. line 30 In those daies Smithfield was a place where they laid all the ordure and filth of the citie. It was also the appointed place of execution, where felons and o­ther malefactors of the lawes did suffer for their mis­deeds.

In this third yeare of king Henries reigne the quéene was deliuered of a sonne called William.

Anno Reg. 3▪When the earle of Shrewesburie was banished (as ye haue heard) the state of the realme seemed to be reduced into verie good order and quietnesse: so that line 40 king Henrie being aduanced with good successe in his affaires, was now in no feare of danger any maner of waie. Howbeit herein he somewhat dis­pleased the cleargie: Polydor. The king be­stoweth bi­shopriks. Matth. Paris. for leaning vnto his princelie authoritie, he tooke vpon him both to nominate bi­shops, and to inuest them into the possession of their sées: amongst whom was one Remclid, bishop of Hereford by the kings ordinance. This Remclid or Remeline did afterwards resigne that bishoprike to the king, bicause he was persuaded he had greatlie line 50 offended in receiuing the same at a temporall mans hands. Sim. Dunel.

Trulie not onelie king Henrie here in England, but also other princes and high potentates of the temporaltie about the same season, challenged this right of inuesting bishops and other cleargie men, as a thing due vnto them and their predecessors, with­out all prescription of time, as they alledged, which caused no small debate betwixt them and the spiritu­altie, line 60 as in that which is written thereof at large by others may more easilie appeere.

Anselme refu­seth to conse­crate the bi­shops inuested by the king.Howbeit Anselme the archbishop of Canturburie more earnest in this case than any other, would not admit nor consecrate such bishops as were nomi­nated and inuested by the king, making no account of their inuestiture: and further he tooke vpon him to admonish the K. not to violate the sacred lawes, rites and ceremonies of christian religion so latelie decréed concerning those matters. But so far was the king from giuing any eare to his admonitions, [...]at he stood the more stiffelie in his chalenge. And where Thomas the archbishop of Yorke was not long before departed out of this transitorie life, he gaue that benefice then void to one Gerard, Gerard inue­sted archbi­shop of Yorke. a man of great wit, but (as some writers report) more desi­rous of honor than was requisite for his calling, and willed him in despite of Anselme to consecrate those bishops whom he had of late inuested. This Gerard therfore obeieng his commandement, did consecrate them all, W. G [...]fford bi­shop of Win­chester, Matth. Paris. Wil. Thorne. Polydor. William Gifford bishop of Winchester excepted; who refused to be consecrated at his hands, wherevpon he was depriued and banished the relme. The archbishop Ans [...]lme also was quite out of fa­uour, for that he ceased not to speake against the K. in reproouing him in this behalfe, till time that the king was contented to referre the matter to pope Paschall, and to stand to his decree and determinati­on: also, that such as he had placed in any bishoprike, Polydor. should haue licence to go to Rome to plead their cau­ses, whither he promised shortlie to send his ambassa­dours, and so he did: appointing for the purpose, Her­bert bishop of Norwich, 1102 Anno Reg. 4. and Robert bishop of Lich­field, being both of his priuie councell, and William Warlewast, Ambassadors sent to Rome. of whom mention is made before, who went on their waie and came to Rome, according to their commission.

After them also folowed Anselme archbishop of Canturburie, Gerard archbishop of Yorke, Anselme go­eth also to Rome. & Wil­liam the elect of Winchester, whom the pope recei­ued with a courteous kind of interteinement. But Anselme was highlie honored aboue all the residue, whose diligence and zeale in defense of the ordinan­ces of the sée of Rome, he well inough vnderstood. The ambassadours in like maner declaring the effect of their message, opened vnto the pope the ground of the controuersie begun betweene the king and An­selme, & with good arguments went about to prooue the kings cause to be lawfull. Upon the otherside, Anselme and his partakers with contrarie reasons sought to confute the same. Whervpon the pope de­clared, that sith by the lawes of the church it was de­creed, that the possession of any spirituall benefice, obteined otherwise than by meanes of a spirituall person, could not be good or allowable; from thence­foorth, neither the king nor any other for him, should challenge any suth right to apperteine vnto them.

The kings ambassadours hearing this, were som­what troubled in their minds: wherevpon William Warlewast burst out and said with great vehemen­cie euen to the popes face: Eadmerus. The saieng of Wil. Warle­wast to the pope. Whatsoeuer is or may be spoken in this maner to or fro, I would all that be present should well vnderstand, that the king my maister will not lose the inuestitures of churches for the losse of his whole realme. Unto which words Pas­chall himselfe replieng, said vnto him againe: ‘ The popes answer to him If (as thou saiest) the king thy maister will not forgo the inuestiture of churches for the losse of his realme, know thou for certeine, and marke my words well, I speake it before God, that for the ransome of his head, pope Paschall will not at any time permit that he shall enioie them in quiet.’ At length by the aduise of his councell, the pope granted the king certeine priuileges and customes, which his predecessours had vsed and enioied: but as for the inuestitures of bi­shops, he would not haue him in any wise to meddle withall: Polydor. yet did he confirme those bishops whom the king had alreadie created, least the refusall should be occasion to sowe any further discord.

This businesse being in this maner ordered, the ambassadours were licenced to depart, who recei­uing at the popes hands great rewards, and Gerard the archbishop of Yorke his pall, they shortlie after returned into England, declaring vnto the king the popes decrée and sentence. The king being still other­wise persuaded, and looking for other newes, was no­thing pleased with this matter. Long it was yer he would giue ouer his claime, or yéeld to the popes [Page 32] iudgement, till that in processe of time, ouercome with the earnest sute of Anselme, he granted to ob [...]ie the popes order herein, though (as it should appeare) right sore against his will.

In this meane time, [...]he king had seized into his hands the possessions of the archbishop of Canturbu­rie, Wil. Malm. and banished Anselme, so that he staied at Lions in France for the space of one yeare and foure mo­neths, during which time there passed manie letters and messages to and fro. The pope also wrote to king line 10 Henrie in verie courteous maner, exhorting him to call Anselme home againe, and to release his claime to the inuestitures of bishops, The pope writeth cour­teouslie to the king. wherevnto he could haue no right, sith it apperteined not to the office of any temporall magistrate: adding furthermore, if the king would giue ouer that vngodlie and vsurped custome, that he would shew such fréendlie fauour in all things, as by the sufferance of God in any wise he might be able to performe, and further would re­ceiue not onelie him, but also his yoong sonne Wil­liam line 20 (whom latelie it had pleased God to send him by his vertuous wife queene Maud) into his pro­tection, so that who so euer did hurt either of them, should be thought to hurt the holie church of Rome.

In one of the letters which the said pope wrote vnto Anselme (after that the king was contented to renounce the inuestitures aforesaid) he willed An­selme, according to the promise which he had made, to assoile as well from sinne as from penance due for the same, both the king and his wife queene Maud, line 30 with all such persons of honour as in this behalfe had trauelled with the king to induce him to be agréea­able to his purpose.

year 1104 Moreouer, the earle of Mellent, and Richard de Riuers (who had counselled the king to stand stoutlie in the matter, The earle of Mellent. and not to giue ouer his title of such in­uesritures, sith his ancestors had vsed them so long a time before his daies, Anno Reg. 4. by reason whereof, in renoun­cing his right to the same, he should doo a thing great­lie preiudiciall to his roiall estate and princelie maie­stie) line 40 were now earnest labourers to agree the king and the pope, The K. per­suaded to re­nounce his ti­tle to the inue­stiture of pre­lats. Eadmerus. in so much that in the end the king was persuaded by Anselme and them to let go his hold, resigning the inuestitures with staffe and ring; not­withstanding that, he reserued the right of elections, and such other roialties as otherwise apperteined to to his maiestie, so that such bishops as had doone ho­mage to the king, were not disabled thereby, but qui­etlie permitted to receiue their iurisdictions.

About this time Robert duke of Normandie came line 50 into England to see his brother: Duke Robert commeth into England to visit his bro­ther. who through the su­gred words and sweet enterteinment of the king, re­leased the yeerelie tribute of 3000. markes, which he should haue had out of the realme vpon agreement (as before ye haue heard) but cheefelie indéed at the request of the queene, being instructed by hir husband how she should deale with him that was knowne to be frée and liberall, without any great consideration what he presentlie granted.

Now hauing béene here a certeine time, and sola­ced line 60 himselfe with his brother and sister, he retur­ned into Normandie, where shortlie after he began to repent him of his follie, in being so liberall as to release the foresaid tribute: wherevpon he menaced the king, and openlie in his reproch said that he was craftilie circumuented by him, and flatlie couzened. Diuerse in Normandie desired nothing more than to set the two brethren at square, Wil. Malm. Factious per­sons practise to set the two brethren at variance. and namelie Robert de Belesme earle of Shrewsburie, with William earle of Mortaigne: these two were banished the realme of England. The earle of Shrewesburie for his rebellious attempts (as before you haue heard) and the earle of Mortaigne left the land of his owne willfull and stubborne mind, The earle of Mortaigne. exiling himselfe onelie vpon hatred which he bare to the king. For being not contented with the earledome of Mortaigne in Nor­mandie, and the earledome of Cornewall in Eng­land, he made sute also for the earledome of Kent, which his vncle Odo sometime held. Now bicause he was not onelie denied of that sute, but also by order of lawe had certeine parcels of land taken from him, which he wrongfullie deteined, he got him into Nor­mandie, and there made war both against those pla­ces which the king held, and also against other that belonged to Richard earle of Chester, who was then vnder the kings tuition and gouernement by reason of his minoritie. Richard earle of Chester.

The threatning words of duke Robert comming at the last to king Henries eares, caused him foorth­with to conceiue verie sore displeasure against the duke, in so much that he sent ouer a power into Nor­mandie, which finding no great resistance, A power of men sent into Normandie. did much hurt in the countrie, by fetching and carieng spoiles and preies. Againe, the Normans rather fauoured than sought to hinder the enterprise of king Henrie, bicause they saw how duke Robert with his foolish prodigalitie and vndiscréet liberalitie had made a­waie all that belonged to his estate; so that of the whole duchie of Normandie, he had not any citie or towne of name left in his owne possession, Roan onelie excepted, which he also would haue alienated, if the citizens would haue consented to his fond mo­tion. Gemeticen [...]is.

Now king Henrie hearing of the good successe of his men, year 1105 passed ouer himselfe soone after with a migh­tie armie, The k. passeth ouer to Nor­mandie. Anno Reg. 6. Simon Dun. Gemeticensis. Polydor. and with little adoo tooke Eureux or (as o­thers haue) Baieux and Caen, which cities when he had furnished with sufficient garisons of men, he re­passed the sea into England, bicause the winter ap­proched, and the wether waxed troublesome for such as laie in the field. Herevpon duke Robert conside­ring how vnable he was (by reason that his people failed him at néed) to resist king Henrie, sith the Bri­tans also, and they of Aniou, tooke part with the said king, he thought good to laie armour aside, and to passe ouer into England, to entreat with him by way of brotherlie amitie, in full hope by that meanes to auoid this present danger. But at his arriuall here, 1106 Anno Reg. 7. he learned how the king his brother as then was at Northampton: wherefore he hasted thither, and comming to him, made earnest sute for peace, beséeching the king in respect of brotherlie loue to grant the same; or if it were that he regarded not the goodwill of his naturall brother, to consider at least wise what apperteined to his accustomed gen­tlenesse, and to thinke with himselfe that warre be­twixt brethren could not be mainteined without re­proch, nor that victorie be honorable which was obtei­ned against his owne flesh. Wherefore he required him not to refuse peace, freendship, and voluntarie beneuolence, sith he was now readie to render all that euer he had into his hands.

The king nothing mooued herewith, but as one that disdained to make a direct answer, murmured certeine things with himselfe, and turned away from the duke, as one that either by experience knew his brothers light and vnstable mind, or as one that de­termined to be reuenged of him euen to the vtter­most. Duke Robert also, The brethren depart in dis­pleasure. abhorring and vtterlie de­testing this his brothers pride, streightwaies retur­ned home, purposing with himselfe to trie the hazard of warre, sith he sawe no hope to be had in brotherlie loue and amitie. Wherevpon he prouided for wars with all his power, seeking aid from all places where he might get any, K. Henrie pas­seth into Nor­mandie to pur­sue his bro­ther. though the king his brother gaue him small leisure thereto, who followed him inconti­nentlie with a new supplie of souldiours, desiring no­thing more than to get him within his danger.

[Page 33]Soone after, both the brethren approching néere togither, ech of them pitched their campe within the sight of other, preparing themselues to giue battell with princelie stomachs. They ioine in battell. The king surmounting the duke his brother in number, first bringeth foorth his men in order of battell, and streightwaies the duke likewise, bo [...]h being readie to trie the matter by dint of sword. Then the one prouoking the other, and the trumpets sounding aloft, the conflict began. The kings souldiers trusting too much in their owne line 10 force, by reason of their great multitude, brake their arraie, and assailed their enimies on ech side verie disorderlie: but the Normans being wiselie orde­red and instructed by their duke, kept themselues close togither: so that the kings battell, which had without order stept foorth to assaile them, finding sturdie resistance, began now to result or giue backe: for not onelie duke Robert but also William earle of Mortaigne preased foreward amongst their men, and fought valiantlie with their owne hands. Wher­vpon line 20 the king, when he perceiued how his men be­gan to shrinke, cried vpon them to staie, and withall commanded his horssemen to breake vppon the flanks of his enimies battell: which they did, with such violence that they disparkled the same, and cau­sed the enimies to scatter. Herewith also the kings foot men, The Nor­mans van­quished. togither with the horssemen inuaded the Normans afresh, who neuerthelesse resisted a while, till being compassed about in maner on euerie side, they began to flee: as oftentimes it chanceth, when a few driuen in sunder by a multitude, are assailed on line 30 all sides. The king then hauing vanquished his ad­uersaries, followeth the chase, and maketh great slaughter of them, though not without some losse of his owne: for the Normans despairing of safetie, turned oftentimes againe vpon their pursuers.

The earle of Mortaigne.Duke Robert and the earle of Mortaigne fighting most manfullie in the verie prease of their enimies, were taken, or (as other saie) betraied, and deliuered into their enimies hands: Eadmerus. W. Crispine. W. Ferreis. Robert de E­stoutuille. The number slaine. beside which twaine, Wil­liam Crispine, William Ferreis, Robert Estout­uille line 40 the elder, with foure hundreth men of armes, and to the number of 10. thousand footmen were ta­ken. As for the number that were slaine in this bat­tell, there is none that declareth the certeintie: but yet it is reported by diuers writers, that no one bat­tell in those daies was sorer fought, nor with greater bloudshed either in Normandie, or elsewhere.

Gemeticensis sheweth breeflie, that king Henrie was offended with his brother duke Robert, Gemeticensis. for ali­enating line 50 the duchie of Normandie his inberitance, & for wasting his reuenues with such riotous demea­nour as he vsed, so that he left himselfe nothing but the citie of Roan, which he had not passed to haue gi­uen awaie also, if the citizens would thereto haue granted their consent. The king (I saie) taking dis­pleasure herewith, went ouer into Normandie, and assuming a mightie power, first besieged Baieur, & then halfe destroieng it, he tooke it by force. After this he tooke Caen also, and then besieged a castell called line 60 Tenerchbray perteining to the earle of Mortaigne, during which siege his brother Robert, and the said earle of Mortaigne came with a great multitude of people in hope to be reuenged of the king, and to chase him out of the countrie. But the punishment of God fell so vpon them, that they were both taken, and manie of their freends with them, as Robert de Estoutuille, William de Crispine, and others, who were brought before king Henrie as prisoners. ¶ Thus did almightie God grant vnto the king a no­table victorie without bloodshed, for he lost not a man: as for his aduersaries, there died in the field not past three score persons.

Wil. Malm.This séemeth also to agrée with that which Wil. Malmesburie writeth: for he saith, that king Henrie with small adoo brought into his hands duke Robert, who with a great troope of men came against him then lodging néere the said castell of Tenerchbray. The earle of Mortaigne was also taken, Robert de Belesme. but the erle of Shrewsburie escaped by flight, notwithstanding he was apprehended, as he went about to practise some priuie conspiracie against the king. ¶ This battell was fought (as the same Wil. Malme. affirmeth) vpon a saturdaie, The 27. of September chro. de Nor. being the daie of S. Michaell In gloria, and (as may be thought) by the prouident iudg­ment of God, to the end that Normandie should be subdued vnto England on that daie, in the which 40. yeares passed, king William the Conquerour first set foot on land at Hastings, when he came out of Normandie to subdue England. Simon Dun. Neither dooth Si­mon Dunelmensis varie in any thing from Geme­ticensis touching the conclusion of this businesse, and the taking of duke Robert.

These wars being thus finished, and the countrie set in quiet, which through the méere folie of duke Ro­bert was woonderfullie impouerished, the king re­ceiued the keies of all the townes and castels that belonged either to the duke or the earle of Mor­taigne, and furnished the same with garisons to be kept for his behoofe. Hauing thus pacified the coun­trie of Normandie, he came to Bec or Bechellou [...]n, Matth. West. where archbishop Anselme then remained, year 1107 whome by mediation of freends he receiued to fauour againe, Anselme re­turneth home. and sending him ouer into England, immediatlie after followed himselfe.

Duke Robert being also spoiled of his domini­ons, lands and liberties, Duke Robert prisoner in the castell of Car­diff. was shortlie committed to prison within the castell of Cardiff in Wales, where he remained about the space of 26. yeares, and then died. He gouerned the duchie of Normandie 19. yeares, he was a perfect and expert warrior, Gemeticensis. & com­parable with the best capiteines that then liued, had he béene somwhat more warie and circumspect in his affaires, and therewithall constant in his opinion. Polydor. His woorthie acts valiantlie and fortunatlie atchi­ued against the infidels, are notified to the world by manie and sundrie writers, to his high commenda­tion and long lasting praise. It is said also, that he was after his taking once set at libertie by king Henrie, and bound to forsweare the realme of Eng­land and Normandie, being appointed to auoid with­in the space of 40. daies, and twelue houres. But bi­cause he was perceiued to practise somewhat against the king, he was eftsoones taken againe, and hauing his eies put out, committed to prison, where finallie worne through age and gréefe of mind, he ended his miserable life. ¶ The forme of banishing men out of the realme, was ordeined by Edward the Confes­sor, and remained as a law in vse till these our daies, for the benefit of them which fled to any church or o­ther priuiledged place, thereby to escape the punish­ment of death due for their offenses. By a latter cu­stome it was also deuised, that they should beare a crosse in their hand, as a signe that they were pardo­ned of life, for the holie place sake where they sought for succour.

But duke Robert (as it should appeere by that which others write) found no such fauour, Ma [...]th. West. saue onlie libertie to walke abroad in the kings forrests, parks, and chases néere the place where he was appointed to remaine; so that vpon a daie, as he was walking a­broad, he got a horsse, and with all post hast rode his wai [...], in hope to haue escaped: howbeit his kéepers being aduised thereof, followed him with hue and crie, and at length ouertooke him in a medow, where he had laid his horsse vp to the bellie in a quauemire. Then being brought backe, his kéepers kept him in close prison, aduertising the king of his demeanour: [Page 34] wherevpon he commanded that the sight of his eies should be put out, but so, as the balles of them should remaine vnbroken, for the auoiding of a noisome deformitie that otherwise would ensue, if the glassie tunicles should take hurt.

In his returne out of the holie land, he maried one Sibell, the earle of Conuersans sister in Puglia, hir father hight Roger or Geffrey (as some bookes haue) and was nephue to Robert Guyshard duke of Pu­glia, Iohn Pike. and by hir had issue one sonne named William afterward earle of Flanders, whereof (God willing) line 10 more shall be said hereafter.

Here must I leaue duke Robert, and speake som­what of Anselme the archbishop, who shortlie after his returne into England, receiued letters from pope Paschall, wherein Anselme was authorised to dispose and order things as should séeme to him most expedient. Now, whereas the greater and better part of the English clergie consisted of préests sonnes, he committed to his discretion the order to dispense line 20 with them; namelie, that such as were of commen­dable life and sufficient learning, might be admitted to the ministerie, as the necessitie of time and state of the church should require. The pope also by the same letters gaue Anselme authoritie to absolue Ri­chard the prior of Elie, Richard prior of Elie. vpon his satisfaction preter­mitted, and to restore him to the gouernement of the priorie of Elie, if the king thought it conuenient.

About the calends of August, in this yeare 1107. the king held a councell of bishops, year 1107 abbats, and o­ther line 30 lords of his realme in his pallace at London, where in the absence of Anselme, the matter tou­ching the inuestitures of churches, was argued vpon for the space of thrée daies togither, and in the end bicause the pope had granted the homages of bishops and other prelats to the king, which his predecessor Urban had forbidden, togither with the inuestitu­res; the king was contented to consent to the popes will in forbearing the same. So that when An­selme was come, the king in presence of him and a line 40 great multitude of his people, granted and ordeined, that from thenceforth no bishop nor abbat should be inuested within the realme of England, by the hand either of the king or any laie man: on the other side it was granted againe by Anselme, that no person elected into the prelacie, should be depriued of his consecration for dooing his homage to the king.

These things thus ordred, the churches which through England had bin long vacant, were prouided of go­uernors, which were placed without any inuestiture line 50 of staffe or ring. About this time, Anselme consecra­ted fiue bishops at Canturburie in one day, archbi­shop William to the sée of Winchester, Roger that was the kings chancellor to Salisburie, William Warlewast to Excester, Remaline the quéenes chanc [...]llor to Hereford, and one Urban to Glamor­gan in Wales.

About this season a great part of Flanders being drowned by an exundation or breaking in of the sea, Polydor. Ran. Higd. a great number of Flemings came into Eng­land, line 60 beséeching the king to haue some void place as­signed them, Flemings cō ­ming ouer in­to England, haue places appointed them to in­habit. wherein they might inhabit. At the first they were appointed to the countrie lieng on the east part of the riuer of Twéed: but within foure yeres after, they were remooued into a corner by the sea side in Wales, called Penbrokeshire, to the end they might be a defense there to the English against the vnquiet Welshmen.

¶It should appeare by some writers, that this mul­titude of Flemings consisted not of such onelie as came ouer about that time by reason their countrie was ouerflowne with the sea (as ye haue heard) but of other also that arriued here long before, Wil. Malm. euen in the daies of William the Conqu [...]rour, through the freendship of the quéene their countriewoman, si­thens which time their number so increased, that the realme of England was sore pestered with them: wherevpon king Henrie deuised to place them in Penbrokeshire, as well to auoid them out of the o­ther parts of England, as also by their helpe to tame the bold and presumptuous fiercenesse of the Welsh­men. Which thing in those parties they brought ve­rie well to passe: for after they were setled there, they valiantlie resisted their enimies, and made verie sharpe warres vpon them, sometimes with gaine, and sometimes with losse.

In the yeare 1108. Anselme held an other synod or councell, whereat in presence of the king, year 1108 A counc [...]ll. Sim. Dunel. Eadmerus. Anno Reg. 9. and by the assent of the earles and barons of the realme it was ordeined.

1 That préests, deacons, and subdeacons should liue chastlie, and kéepe no women in their houses, ex­cept such as were neere of kin to them.

2 That such preests, deacons, and subdeacons, as contrarie to the inhibition of the councell holden at London, had either kept their wiues, Préests are sequ [...]stred frō their wiues. or married o­ther (of whom as Eadmerus saith, there was no small number) they should put them quite away, if they would continue still in their préesthood.

3 That neither the same wines should come to their houses, nor they to the houses where their wiues dwelled: but if they had any thing to say to them, they should take two or thrée witnesses, and talke with them abroad in the street.

4 That if any of them chanced to be accused of breaking this ordinance, he should be driuen to purge himselfe with six sufficient witnesses of his owne or­der, if he were a préest: if a deacon, with foure: and if a subdeacon, with two.

5 That such preests as would forgo seruing at the altar, and holie order (to remaine with their wiues) should be depriued of their benefices, and not suffered to come within the quire.

6 That such as contemptuouslie kept still their wiues, and presumed to say masse, if being called to satisfaction, they should neglect it, they should then be excommunicated. Archdeacons and canons. Within compasse of which sen­tence all archdeacons and prebendarie canons were comprised, both touching the forgoing of their wo­men, and auoiding of their companie, and also the punishment by the censures of the church, if they transgressed the ordinance.

7 That euerie archdeacon should be sworne, not to take any monie for fauouring any person trans­gressing these statutes: and that they should not suf­fer any preests, whome they knew to haue wiues, Archdeacons to be sworne. ei­ther to say masse, or to haue any vicars. The like oth should a deane receiue. Prouided that such archdea­cons or deanes as refused this oth, should be depriued of their roomes.

8 That préests, who leauing their wiues, would be content to serue God & the altar, should be suspended from that office, by the space of fortie daies, and be allowed to haue vicars in the meane time to serue for them: and after, vpon performance of their in­ioined penance by the bishop, they might returne to their function. Penance.

In this meane time king Henrie being aduerti­sed of the death of Philip king of France, Polydor. Philip king of Fran. dead. and not knowing what his sonne Lewes, surnamed Crassus might happilie attempt in his new preferment to the crowne, sailed ouer into Normandie, Lewis le gros K. of France. to see the coun­trie in good order, and the townes, castels, and fortres­ses furnished accordinglie as the doubtfull time re­quired. Now after he had finished his businesse on that side, he returned into England, where he met with ambassadours sent to him from the emperour Henrie. The effect of whose m [...]ssage was, to require [Page 35] his daughter Maud in mariage vnto the said em­perour, Ambassadors from the em­perour. wherevnto (though she was not then past fiue yeares of age) he willinglie consented, and shewing to the ambassadours great signes of loue, he caused the espousals by waie of procuration to be solemni­zed with great feasts and triumphs. Maud the kings daugh­ter fianced vnto the em­perour. This being en­ded, he suffered the ambassadors honored with great gifts and princelie rewards to depart.

About this time Gerard archbishop of Yorke died, whom one Thomas the kings chapleine succeeded, Eadmerus. The death of Gerard arch­bish. of Yo [...]ke. Thom [...]s the kings chap­leine succéeded in that sée. who for lacke of monie to furnish his iournie, and for line 10 other causes (as in his letters of excuse, which he wrot to Anselme it dooth appeere) could not come to Can­turburie for to be consecrated of him in so short a time as was conuenient. But Anselme at length admonished him by letters, that without delaie he should dispatch and come to be consecrated. And wheras Anselme vnderstood that the same Thomas was purposed to send vnto Rome for his pall, The doubt of Anselme. he doubted, least if the pope should confirme him in his seey by sending to him his pall, he would happilie re­fuse line 20 to make vnto him profession of his due obedi­ence. Anselme wri­teth to the Pope. Wherefore to preuent that matter, Anselme wrote to pope Paschall, requiring him in no wise to send vnto the nominated archbishop of Yorke his pall, till he had (according to the ancient customes) made profession to him of subiection, least some trou­blesome contentions might thereof arise, to the no small disquieting of the English church. He also ad­uertised pope Paschall, that bicause he permitted the emperour to inuest bishops, and did not therefore ex­communicate line 30 him, king Henrie threatened, that without doubt he would resume the inuestitures in­to his hands, thinking to hold them in quiet as well as he; and therefore be sought him to consider what his wisedome had to doo therein with spéed, least that building which he had well erected, should vtterlie de­caie, & fall againe into irrecouerable ruine. For K. Henrie maketh diligentlie inquirie (saith he) what order you take with the emperour.

The popes answer to Anselme.The pope receiuing and perusing these letters, line 40 wrote againe vnto Anselme a verie freendlie an­swer concerning the archbishop of Yorke. And as for suffering of the emperour to haue the inuesti­tures, he signified to him that he neither did nor would suffer him to haue them: but that hauing borne with him for a time, he now ment verie short­lie to cause him to feele the weight of the spirituall sword of S. Peter, which alreadie he had drawen out of the scaberd, therewith to strike if he did not the soo­ner forsake his horrible errour & naughtie opinion. line 50

There was another cause also that moued An­selme to doubt of the archbishop of Yorke his mea­ning, The archbi­shop of Yorke refuseth to come vnto Canturbu­rie to be con­secrated. as after it appéered. For being summoned to come and receiue his consecration at Canturburie (as alreadie yee haue heard) through counsell of the canons of Yorke he refused so to doo: bicause they informed him that if he so did, it should be greatlie preiudiciall to the liberties of that sée, whose archbi­shop was of like authoritie in all things vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, so that he was bound line 60 onelie to fetch his consecration and benediction at Canturburie, but in no wise to acknowledge anie subiection vnto that sée. ¶ For ye must vnderstand, that there was great stomaching betwixt the clergie of the two prouinces, Looke in the 9. page, and the first columne, of the debate betwéen Tho­mas of Yorke & Lan [...]renke of Cantur­burie. Canturburie and Yorke, about the metropolitane prerogatiue: and euer as occasion serued, and as they thought the fauor of the prince, or oportunitie of time might aduance their quarels, they of Yorke sticked not to vtter their gréefes, in that (as they tooke it) some iniurie was offered them therein.

The archbishop of Yorke being thus instructed by the canons of his church, year 1019 signified to archbishop An­selme the cause why he came not at his summons. The copie of a parcell whereof is here exemplified. Causam, qua differtur sacratio mea, quam nemo studio­sius quàm ego vellet accellerare, qui protulerunt, non desistunt corroborare. Quamobrem, quàm periculosum & quàm turpe sit, contra consensum ec [...]lesiae, cui praefici debeo, regimen ipsius inuadere, vestra discretio nouerit. Sed & quàm sormidabile & quàm sit euitandum, sub specie benedictionis maledictio­nem induere, &c: that is;

‘The cause why my consecration is deferred, which no man liuing would wish to be doone with more speed than I my selfe: those that haue prolonged it, ceasse not to confirme. Wherefore how dangerous and how dishonest it should be for me to inuade the gouernment of that church, which I ought to rule, without cōsent of the same, your discretion rightwell vnderstandeth. Yea and how dreadfull a thing it is, and how much to be auoided to receiue a cursse, vn­der colour of a blessing, &c.’

Anselme hauing alreadie written twice vnto the said Thomas archbishop of Yorke about this matter, and now receiuing this answer, could not be quiet in mind, and therevpon taking aduice with certeine bishops whom he called vnto him, determined to send two bishops vnto the said Thomas of Yorke: and so the bishop of London (as deane to the archbishop of Canturburie) & the bishop of Rochester (as his house­hold chapleine) were sent to commune with him, The bishop of London deane to the archbi­shop of Can­turburie. The bishop of Rochester his chapleine. who met them at his manour of Southwell, where they declared to him the effect of their message: but he deferred his answer, till a messenger which he had sent to the king (as then being in Normandie) was returned, and so without any full answer the bishops came backe againe.

Howbeit shortlie after, there came to Can­turburie a messenger on the behalfe of the archbi­shop of Yorke, with letters inclosed vnder the kings seale, by the tenour whereof the king commanded Anselme, that the consecration of the archbishop of Yorke might staie till the feast of Easter; and if he might returne into England by that daie, he promi­sed (by the aduice had therein of the bishops and ba­rons of his realme) that he would set a direction be­twixt them in all matters, whereof anie controuer­sie had beene moued heretofore: or if he could not re­turne so soone, he would yet take such order, that bro­therlie loue & concord might remaine betwixt them. When he that brought these letters required an an­swer, Anselme answered, A stout prelat. that he would signifie his mind to the king, and not to his maister. Immediat­lie therefore was the deane of Chichester sent ouer from Anselme, with a moonke of Bech [...]llouin to the king, to informe him of all the matter, and to beséech his maiestie, by his authoritie to prouide, that no dis­cord should rise to the diuiding of the present state of the church of England. Furthermore, whereas he had commanded him to grant vnto Thomas the archbishop of Yorke, a time of respit; he should take for certeine answer, that he would rather suffer him­selfe to be cut in peeces, than to grant so much as one hours space on the said Thomas of Yorke, Anselme sen [...] ­ [...]eth to the king. whome he knew alreadie to haue set himselfe vniustlie a­gainst the ancient constitutions of holie fathers, and against the Lord himselfe. The messengers declared these things to the king, and brought word backe a­gaine at their returne, that the king had heard their message with fauourable mind, and promised by the power of God, to declare to the world that he coue­ted vnitie, and not any diuision in the church of Eng­land.

All this while Anselme was deteined with long and gréeuous sicknesse, Ans [...]lme sick. and yet not forgetfull of the obstinate dealing of Thomas of Yorke, he wrote let­ters vnto him, by vertue whereof he suspended him [Page 36] from exercising all pastorall function, till he had re­formed his errour, submitted himselfe to receiue his blessing, and acknowledged his subiection to the church of Canturburie, as his predecessours Tho­mas and Gerard had doone, and before them other ancients, as custome had prescribed. Thus he char­ged him, vpon paine of cursing, except he would re­nounce his archbishops dignitie: for in so dooing he did grant him licence to vse the office and ministerie of a préest (which before time he had taken vpon him) or else not. line 10

In the same letters he prohibited all the bishops within the precinct of the Ile of Britaine, that in no wise they should consecrate him, vpon paine of curs­sing: and if he should chance to be consecrated by any stranger, that in no wise they should (vnder the like paine) receiue him for archbishop, or communi­cate with him in any condition. Euerie bishop also within the whole Ile of Britaine had a copie of these leters directed to him from Anselme vnder his seale, Letters from Anselme. line 20 commanding them to behaue themselues therein ac­cording to the contents, and as they were bound by the subiection which they owght to the church of Can­turburie. The letters were dated alike in March.

Notwithstanding all this, vpon the 21. of Aprill insuing, 1109 Anno Reg. 10. Anselme ended his life in the sixtéenth yéere after his first preferment to that sée, being thréescore and sixtéene yeeres of age. He was an Italian, borne in Piemont, Augusta Prae­toriana▪ néere to the Alpes, in a citie called Ao­sta, he was brought vp by Lanfranke, and before he was made archbishop, was abbat of the monasterie line 30 of Bechellouin in Normandie.

Matth. West. The first erec­tion of the bi­shoprike of Elie. Eadmerus.About the same time was the bishops sée of Elie erected by the king, who appointed one Haruie to be the first bishop there, who before had béene bishop of Bangor. Cambridgeshire was annexed to that see, which bicause it had of former time belonged to the see of Lincolne, the king gaue vnto the bishop of Lincolne (as it were in recompense) the towne of Spalding which was his owne. The prior of Elie, line 40 named Richard, Richard prior of Elie. desirous to honour himselfe and his house with the title of a bishops dignitie, procured the erection of that bishoprike, first moouing the king therein, and after persuading with the bishop of Lin­colne to grant his good will: but yet yer the matter was brought to perfection, this prior died, and so the said Haruie enioied the roome: wherein the prouer be tooke place, that One soweth, but an other reapeth (as Polydor alledgeth it.) But to procéed.

Polydor.Shortlie after the deceasse of Anselme, a Legat line 50 came from Rome, Eadmerus. bringing with him the pall for the archbishop of Yorke. A legate from Rome. Howbeit now that Anselme was dead, the said Legat wist not what to doo in the matter, bicause he was appointed to deliuer the pall first and immediatlie vnto Anselme, and further therein to deale (concerning the bestowing thereof) as should séeme good vnto him.

In the feast of Pentecost next insuing, the king returned from Normandie, and held his court at London, where after the solemnitie of that feast, he line 60 called an assemblie of the bishops, to vnderstand what was to be doone in the matter, for the consecration of the archbishop of Yorke. Here were the letters shewed which the archbishop Anselme had (a little be­fore his death) directed vnto euerie of the bishops as before yee haue heard. The earle of Mellent. Which when the earle of Mel­lent had read, and vnderstood the effect, he asked what he was that durst receiue any such letters without the kings assent and commandement? At length the bishops aduising themselues what they had to doo, re­quired Samson bishop of Worcester to declare his opinion, Samson bi­shop of Wor­cester. who boldlie spake these words; ‘Although this man, who is elected archbishop, is my sonne, whome in times past I begot of my wife, and therfore ought to seeke his aduancement as nature and worldlie re­spects might mooue me: yet am I more bound vnto the church of Canturburie, my mother, which hath preferred me to this honor that I doo beare, and by the ministerie of a bishoplike office hath made me partaker of that grace, which it hath deserued to en­ioy of the Lord. Wherefore I would it should be no­tified vnto you all, that I meane to obeie in euerie condition the commandement conteined in the let­ters of our father Anselme concerning the matter which you haue now in hand. For I will neuer giue mine assent, that Thomas nominated archbishop of Yorke shall be consecrated, till he haue professed his due and canonicall obedience touching his subiecti­on to the church of Canturburie. Looke in pa. 9. in both co­lumns, where you shall sée this matter determined. For I my selfe was present when my brother▪ Thomas archbishop of Yorke, constreined both by ancient customes and in­uincible reasons, did professe the like subiection vnto archbishop Lanfranke, and all his successours the archbishops of Canturburie.’

These words thus vttered by the bishop of Wor­cester, all the bishops returned togither, The protesta­tion of the bi­shops to the king. and com­ming before the kings presence, boldlie confessed that they had receiued Anselmes letters, and would not doo any thing contrarie to the tenour of the same. Whereat the earle of Mellent shooke the head, as though he ment to accuse them of contempt towards the king. But the king himselfe vttered his mind, and said, that whatsoeuer other men thought of the matter, he suerlie was of the like mind with the bi­shops, & would be loth to run in danger of Anselms cursse. Wherefore it was determined, that the elect of Yorke should either acknowledge his subiection to the church of Canturburie, or else forgo his digni­tie of archbishop: wherevpon in the end he came to London, and there vpon the 28. daie of Maie was consecrated by Richard bishop of London, as deane to the sée of Canturburie. Then hauing the professi­on or protestation of his subiection to the sée of Can­turburie deliuered him vnder seale, he brake vp the same, and read the writing in maner and forme fol­lowing: ‘Ego Thomas Eboracensis ecclesiae consecrandus metropolita­nus, The tenour of the professi­on which the archishop of Yorke made vnto the arch­bishop of Can­turburie. profiteor subiectionem & canonicam obedientiam sanctae Dorobernensiecclesiae, & eiusdem ecclesiae primati canonicè e­lecto & consecrato, & successoribus suis canonicè inthroniza­tis, salua fidelitate domini mei Henrici regis Anglorum, & salua obedientia ex parte mea tenenda, quam Thomas ante­cessor meus sanctae Romanae ecclesiae ex' parte sua professus est:’ that is; ‘I Thomas to be consecrated metropolitane arch­bishop of Yorke, professe my subiection and canoni­call obedience vnto the holie church of Canturburie, and to the primate of the same church canonicallie elected and consecrated, and to his successours cano­nicallie inthronized, sauing the faith which I owe vnto my souereigne lord Henrie king of the Eng­lish, and sauing the obedience to be holden of my part, which Thomas my predecessour professed on his behalfe vnto the holie church of Rome.’

When this writing was read, the bishop of Lon­don tooke it, and deliuered it vnto the prior of Can­turburie, appointing him to kéepe the same as a te­stimoniall for the time to come. Thus was Thomas the archbishop of Yorke consecrated, year 1110 being the 27. in number that had gouerned that sée, who when he was consecrated, the popes Legate went vnto Yorke, and there deliuered to the same archbishop the pall, wherewith when he was inuested, he departed and returned to Rome, as he was appointed.

At the feast of Christmasse next insuing, the king held his court at London with great solemnitie. The archbishop of Yorke prepared to haue set the crowne on the kings head, and to haue soong masse afore him, [Page 37] bicause the archbishops see at Canturburie was void. But the bishop of London would not suffer it, claiming as high deane to the sée of Canturburie to execute that office, Strife be­twixt bishops. and so did, leading the king to the church after the maner. Howbeit when they should come to sit downe at dinner, there kindled a strife betwixt the said two bishops about their places, bi­cause the bishop of London, for that he had beene or­deined long before the archbishop, and therefore not onelie as deane to the see of Canturburie, but also by reason of prioritie, pretended to haue the vpper seat. line 10 But the king perceiuing their maner, would not heare them, but commanded them out of his house, and get them to dinner at their innes.

Anno Reg. 11.About the same time the cause of the mariage of préests and their keeping of women came againe in­to question, Préests pro­hibited to ma­rie or kéepe women, so that by the kings commandement, they were more streightlie forbidden the companie of women than before in Anselmes time. For after his deceasse, diuerse of them (as it were promising to line 20 themselues a new libertie to doo that which in his life time they were constreined sore against their willes to forbeare) deceiued themselues by their hastie dealing. For the king being informed thereof, by the force of the ecclesiasticall lawes compelled them to stand to and obeie the decree of the councell hol­den at London by Anselme (as before ye haue heard) at least wise in the sight of men. But if so it be (saieth Eadmerus) that the préests attempt to doo worsse, as it were to the condemnation and reproofe of Anselmes dooings, let the charge light on their line 30 heads, sith euerie man shall beare his owne burthen: for I know (saith he) that if fornicatours and adulte­rers God will iudge, the abusers of their one cousins (I will not say their owne sisters and daughters) shall not suerlie escape his iudgement.

The riuer of Trent dried vp.About the same time manie woonders were seene and heard of. The riuer of Trent néere to Noting­ham, for the space of a mile ceassed to run the woon­ted course during the time of foure & twentie houres, so that the chanell being dried vp, men might passe o­uer line 40 to and fro drie shod.

Monsters.Also a sow brought foorth a pig with a face like a man, & a chicken was hatched with foure feet. More­ouer a comet or blasing star appéered in a strange sort: A comet. Wil. Thorne. Matth. West. for rising in the east, when it once came aloft in the firmament, it kept not the course forward, but seemed to go backeward, as if it had bin retrograde.

About this season the king maried Robert his base sonne to the ladie Maud, Iohn Stow. Robert the kings base son created earle of Glo­cester daughter and heire to line 50 Robert Fitzham, and withall made his said sonne earle of Glocester, who afterwards builded the ca­stels of Bristow and Cardiff, with the priorie of S. Iames in Bristow, where his bodie was buried.

1111 Anno Reg. 12.In the yeare following, Foulke earle of Aniou, enuieng the prosperous estate of king Henrie, and lamenting the case of duke Robert, Fabian. The citie of Constances taken. wan the citie of Constances, by corrupting certeine of the kings subiects the inhabitants of the same. Whereof king Henrie being aduertised, passed ouer into Norman­die, The king passeth into Nor­mandie. recouered the said citie, punished the offendors, line 60 reuenged himselfe of the earle, and returned into England.

Now, as also before, the king continued his inor­dinate desire of inriching himselfe, year 1112 for the fulfilling of which hungrie appetite (called Sacra of the poets Per antiphrasin) he pinched manie so sore, that they ceas­sed not to speake verie ill of his dooings. He did also incurre the misliking of verie manie people, bicause he kept still the sée of Canturburie in his hands, The archbi­shops sée of Canturburie in the kings hand foure yeares. and would not bestow it, for that he found sweetnesse in receiuing all the profits and reuenues belonging therevnto, during the time that it remained vacant, which was the space of foure yeares, or thereabouts. In like maner, 1113 Anno Reg. 13. when he was admonished to place some méet man in the roome, he would saie, that he was willing to bestow it, but he tooke the lon­ger time, for that he meant to find such a one to pre­fer therto as should not be too far behind Lanfranke and Anselme in doctrine, vertue and wisedome. And sith there was none such yet to be found, he suffered that sée to be void till such could be prouided. This ex­cuse he pretended, The kings excuse. as though he were more carefull for the placing of a worthie man, than of the gaine that followed during the time of the vacation. How­beit not long after, 1114 Anno Reg. 14. he translated one Richard bishop of London to that archbishoprike, who enioieng it but a while, he gaue the same to one Rafe then bishop of Rochester, and made him archbishop of Cantur­burie, being the 35. in order that ruled that see. Eadmerus. He was elected at Windsor the 26. of Aprill, and on the 16. daie of Maie installed at Canturburie, great preparation being made for the feast which was hol­den at the same. Soone after likewise he sent for his pall to Rome, which was brought from Paschall by one Anselme nephue vnto the late archbishop An­selme. About this time also the pope found himselfe gréeued, The popes authoritie not regarded in England. for that his authoritie was but little estée­med in England, & for that no persons were permit­ted to appeale to Rome in cases of controuersie, and for that (without seeking to obteine his licence and consent) they did kéepe their synods & councels about ecclesiasticall affaires, neither would obeie such Le­gats as he did send, nor come to the conuocations which they held. In so much that one Cono the popes Legat in France had excommunicated all the préests of Normandie, bicause they would not come to a synod which they had summoned. Wherevpon the king being somewhat troubled, by aduice of his councell, sent the bishop of Excester to Rome, The bishop of Excester sent to Rome. (though he were then blind) to talke with the pope concerning that matter.

Not long after this Thomas the archbishop of Yorke died: after whom succeeded Thurstane, Thurstane archbishop of Yorke. a man of a loftie stomach, but yet of notable learning, who euen at the verie first began to contend with Rafe the archbishop of Canturburie about the title and right of the primasie. And though the king aduised him to stand to the order which the late archbishops of Yorke had obserued, yet he would not staie the matter, sith he saw that archbishop Rafe being sicke and diseased, could not attend to preuent his doings. Thurstane therfore consecrated certeine bishops of Scotland, Giles Aldane bishop of S. Ninian. and first of all Giles Aldane the elect bi­shop of S. Ninian, who promised and tooke his oth (as the manner is) to obeie him in all things as his primate.

The citie of Worcester about this season was by a casuall fire almost wholie burnt vp and consumed. Floriacensis Wigorniensis. Worcester burnt. Polydor. The Welshmē inuade the en­glish marshes. K. Henrie en­treth into Wales with an armie. Which mishap, bicause that citie ioineth néere vnto Wales, was thought to be a signification of trou­bles to folow by the insurrection of the Welshmen: who conceiuing hope of good speed by their good suc­cesse in the wars held with William Rufus, began now to inuade & waste the English marshes. Wher­vpon king Henrie desirous to tame their hautie sto­machs (bicause it was a gréefe to him still to be vex­ed with such tumults and vprisings as they dailie procured) assembled a mightie armie, and went into Wales. Now bicause he knew the Welshmen tru­sted more to the woods and mountains, than to their owne strength, he beset all the places of their refuge with armed men, and sent into the woods certeine bands to laie them waste, & to hunt the Welsh out of their holes. The soldiours (for their parts) néeded no exhortation: for remembring the losses susteined a­fore time at the Welshmens hands, they shewed well by their fresh pursute, how much they desired to [Page 38] be reuenged, so that the Welsh were slaine on each hand, and that in great numbers, till the king percei­ued the huge slaughter, & saw that hauing throwne away their armour and weapons, they sought to saue themselues by flight, he commanded the souldi­ours to ceasse from killing, and to take the residue that were left prisoners, if they would yéeld them­selues: which they did, and besought the king of his mercie and grace to pardon and forgiue them.

The king thus hauing vanquished and ouercome line 10 the Welshmen, Garisons pla­ced in Wales by K. Henrie. Floriacensis Wigorniensis. placed garisons in sundrie townes & castels, where he thought most necessarie, and then re­turned to London with great triumph. Thither shortlie after came ambassadours from the empe­rour, requiring the kings daughter affianced (as be­fore you haue heard) vnto him, and (being now viri­potent or mariable) desired that she might be deliue­red vnto them. A subsidie rai­sed by the king to bestowe with his daughter. Hen. Hunt. Polydor. King Henrie hauing heard their sute and willing with spéed to performe the same, raised a great tax among his subiects, rated after euerie hide line 20 of land which they held, & taking of ech one thrée shil­lings towards the paiment of the monie which was couenanted to be giuen with hir at the time of the contract. Which when the king had leuied, with much more, towards the charges to be emploied in sending hir foorth, he appointed certeine of his greatest péeres to safe conduct hir vnto hir husband, who with all con­uenient speed conueied hir into Germanie, and in verie honorable maner there deliuered hir vnto the foresaid emperour. After this, the king went into Normandie, The king go­eth ouer into Normandie. and there created his sonne William line 30 duke of that countrie, causing the people to sweare fealtie and obedience to him, whereof rose a custome, that the kings of England from thencefoorth (so long as Normandie remained in their hands) made euer their eldest sonnes dukes of that countrie. When he had doone this with other his businesse in Norman­die, he returned into England.

In this yeare about the fiftéenth daie of October, the sea so decreased and shranke from the old accusto­med water-markes and coasts of the land here in line 40 this realme, year 1114 The sea de­creaseth. Woonders. Wil. Thorne. that a man might haue passed on foot o­uer the sands and washes, for the space of a whole daie togither, so that it was taken for a great woon­der. It was also noted, that the maine riuers (which by the tides of the sea vsed to ebbe and flow twice in 24. houres) became so shallow, that in many places men might go ouer them without danger, and nam­lie the riuer of Thames was so lowe for the space of a day and a night, Simon Dun. Ran. Higd. Matth. Westm. that horsses, men, and children pas­sed line 50 ouer it betwixt London bridge and the tower, and also vnder the bridge, the water not reaching a­boue their knées. Moreouer, in the moneth of De­cember, the aire appeared red, as though it had bur­ned. In like maner, the Winter was verie extreame cold with frosts, 1115 Anno Reg. 16. by reason whereof at the thawing and breaking of the yce, the most part of all the brid­ges in England were broken and borne downe.

Not long after this, Griffin ap Rees tooke a great preie and bootie out of the countries subiect to the line 60 king within the limits of Wales, 1116 Anno. Reg. 17. and burned the kings castels, bicause he would not restore such lands and possessions vnto him as apperteined to his father Rées or Rice. Griffin ap Rice dooth much hurt on the marshes Polydor. Howbeit, the king (notwithstanding this businesse) being not otherwise troubled with any other warres or weightie affaires, deferred his voi­age into those quarters, and first called a councell of his lords both spirituall and temporall at Salisbu­rie on the nintéenth daie of March, wherein manie things were ordeined for the wealth and quiet state of the land. And first he sware the Nobilitie of the realme, that they should be true to him and his sonne William after his deceasse. Secondlie, he appeased sundrie matters then in controuersie betwixt the Nobles and great Péers, causing the same to be brought to an end, and the parties made freends: the diuision betwixt the archbishops of Yorke and Can­turburie (which had long depended in triall, and could not as yet haue end) excepted. For ambitious Thur­stane would not stand to any decrée or order therin. except he might haue had his whole will, so that the king taking displeasure with him for his obstinate demeanor, commanded him either to be conforma­ble to the decrée made in Lanfranks time, or else to renounce his miter, Thurstane refuseth to o­bey the kings pleasure. Eadmerus. which to doo (rather than to ac­knowledge any subiection to the archbishop of Can­turburie) he séemed to be verie willing at the first, but afterwards repented him of his speech passed in that behalfe. Now when the councell was ended, and the king went ouer into Normandie, he followed, trusting by some meanes to persuade the king, that he might haue his furtherance to be consecrated, without recognizing any obedience to the sée of Can­turburie: but the king would not heare him, where­by the matter rested long in sute, as heereafter shall appeare.

¶ Hereby it is plaine (as Polydor saith) how the bishops in those daies were blinded with coue­tousnesse and ambition, not considering that it was their duties to despise such worldlie pompe, as the people regard, and that their calling required a stu­dious endeuour for the health of such soules as fell to their charge. Neither yet remembred they the sim­plicitie of Christ, and his contempt of worldlie digni­tie, when he refused to satisfie the humor of the peo­ple, who verie desirouslie would haue made him a king, but withdrew himselfe, and departed to a mountaine himselfe alone. They were rather infec­ted with the ambition of the apostles, contending one with another for the primasie, forgetting the vo­cation where to Christ had separated them, not to rule as kings ouer the gentiles; but to submit their necks to the yokes of obedience, as they had Christ their maister an example and president.

¶ Here is to be noted, The first vse of parlements in England. that before this time, the kings of England vsed but sel­dome to call togither the states of the realme after any certeine maner or gene­rall kind of processe, to haue their consents in matters to be decreed. But as the lords of the priuie councell in our time doo sit on­lie when necessitie requireth, so did they whensoeuer it pleased the king to haue any conference with them. So that from this Henrie it may be thought the first vse of the parlement to haue proceeded, which sith that time hath remained in force, and is continued vnto our times, insomuch that whatsoeuer is to be decreed touching the state of the commonwealth and conser­uation thereof, is now referred to that councell. And furthermore, if any thing be appointed by the king or any other person to be vsed for the wealth of the realme, it shall not yet be receiued as law, till by au­thoritie of this assemblie it be established.

Now bicause the house should not be troubled with multitude of vnlearned cō ­moners, whose propertie is to vnderstand little reason, and yet to conceiue well of their owne dooings: there was a certeine order taken, what maner of ecclesiasticall persons, and what number and sort of tem­porall men should be called vnto the same, and how they should be chosen by voices of [Page 39] free holders, that being as atturnies for their countries, that which they confessed or denied, should bind the residue of the realme to receiue it as a law. This coun­sell is called a parlement, by the French word, for so the Frenchmen call their pub­like assemblies.

The maner of the parlement in England.The maner of their consulting heere in England in their said assemblies of parle­ment is on this wise. Whereas they haue line 10 to intreat of matters touching the com­moditie both of the prince and of the peo­ple, that euerie man may haue free libertie to vtter what he thinketh, they are ap­pointed to sit in seuerall chambers, the king, the bishops, and lords of the realme sit in one chamber to conferre togither by themselues; and the commoners called knights for the shires, citizens of cities, line 20 and burgesses of good townes in another. These choose some wise, eloquent, and lear­ned man to be their prolocutor or speaker (as they terme him) who propoundeth those things vnto them that are to be tal­ked of, and asketh euerie mans opinion concerning the conclusion thereof. In like sort, when any thing is agreed vpon, and decreed by them in this place (which they call the lower house in respect of their e­state) line 30 he declareth it againe to the lords that sit in the other chamber called the higher house, demanding likewise their iudgements touching the same. For no­thing is ratified there, except it be agreed vpon by the consent of the more part of both those houses. Now when they haue said their minds, and yeelded their confir­mation therevnto, the finall ratification is line 40 referred to the prince; so that if he thinke good that it shall passe for a law, he confir­meth also by the mouth of the lord Chan­celor of the realme, who is prolocutor to the lords alwaies by the custome of that house.

The same order is vsed also by the bi­shops and spiritualtie in their conuocati­on houses. For the bishops sit in one place line 50 by themselues as in the higher house, and the deanes, archdeacons, and other procu­rators of the spiritualtie in an other, as in the lower house, whose prolocutor decla­reth to the bishops what is agreed vpon by them. Then the archbishop (by consent of the more part of them that are assem­bled in both those conuocation houses) ra­tifieth and pronounceth their decrees for lawes, remitting (notwithstanding) the fi­nall line 60 ratification of them to the temporall houses.

This is the order of the lawgiuing of England; and in such decrees (established by authoritie of the prince, the lords spiri­tuall and temporall, and the commons of this realme thus assembled in parlement) consisteth the whole force of our English lawes. Which decrees are called statutes, meaning by that name, that the same should stand firme and stable, and not be re­pealed without the consent of an other parlement, and that vpon good and great consideration.

About this season, one Owin (whome some name prince of Wales) was slaine, as Simon Dunelmen. Simon Dun. writeth, but by whom, or in what sort, he sheweth not. In this eightéenth yeare of king Henries reigne, on All hallowes daie, or first of Nouember, great light­ning, thunder, and such a storme of haile fell, that the people were maruellouslie amazed therwith. Also on the thirtéenth of December, there happened a great earthquake, and the moone was turned into a bloodie colour: which strange accidents fell about the mid­dest of the night. At the same time, quéene Maud, wife to king Henrie departed this life. But now to returne to other dooings.

It chanced vpon a small occasion, that verie sore and dangerous warres followed out of hand, betwixt king Henrie and Lewes surnamed the grosse king of France: the beginning whereof grew herevpon. Theobald earle of Champaigne, descended of the earles of Blois, Theobald erle of Cham­paigne. Polydor. was linked in amitie with king Henrie, by reason of affinitie that was betwixt them (for Stephan the earle of Blois married ladie Adila the sister of king Henrie.) Now it happened, that the foresaid Theobald had by chance offended the said Lewes, who in reuenge made sharpe warres vp­on him. But earle Theobald hoping for aid to be sent from his fréends in the meane time valiantlie resis­ted him, Hen. Hunt. and at length (by reason of a power of men which came to him from king Henrie) in such sort vexed and annoied the French king, that he consul­ted with Baldwine earle of Flanders, and Foulke earle of Aniou, Foulke earle of Aniou. by what means he might best depriue king Henrie of his duchie of Normandie, and restore the same vnto William the sonne of duke Robert, vnto whom of right he said it did belong.

Now king Henrie hauing intelligence of his whole purpose, endeuoured on the otherside to resist his attempts, and after he had leuied a sore tribute of his subiects, passed ouer into Normandie with a great power, and no small masse of monie, King Henrie passeth ouer into Norman­die to assist the erle of Cham­paigne. where ioining with earle Theobald, they began to prepare for warre, purposing to follow the same euen to the vttermost. K. Lewes in the m [...]ane time, supposing that all hope of victorie rested in spéedie dispatch of present affaires, determined likewise to haue inua­ded Normandie vpon the sudden. But after he per­ceiued that his enimies were all in a redinesse, and verie well prouided to resist him: he staied and drew backe a little while. Neuerthelesse in the end he be­came so desirous to be dooing with king Henrie, that approching néere vnto the confines of Normandie, The French K. inuadeth Normandie. he made manie skirmishes with the English, yet no notable exploit passed betwixt them in that yeare.

¶ Here will I leaue the kings of England and France skirmishing and encountring one another, and shew something more of the contention that was betwéene the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke, to the end that their ambitious desire of worldlie honor may in some respect appéere.

About this verie time, Anselme the nephue to arch­bishop Anselme came againe from Rome, 1117 Anno. Reg. 13. with frée authoritie to execute the office of the popes legat in England: Ans [...]lme the popes Legat. The bishop of Canturburie goth to Rome. which seemed a thing right strange to the English [...]lergie. Wherefore the bishop of Canturbu­rie, to preuent other inconueniences likelie to insue, tooke vpon him to go vnto Rome, to vnderstand the popes pleasure concerning the truth and certeintie of this matter, and to require him in no wise to diminish the authoritie or to extenuat the preroga­tiue of his sée of Canturburie, which hitherto vsed to determine all causes rising in his prouince.

This said archbishop came to Rome, but finding [Page 40] not the pope there, he sent messengers with letters vnto him, then lieng sicke at Beneuento, and obtei­ned a fauourable answer, wherewith returning to­wards England, he came to the king at Roan (where he had left him at his setting foorth forward) certifi­eng him how he had sped in this voiage. The forsaid Anselme was also staied by the king at Roan, and could not be suffered to passe ouer into England all that time, till it might be vnderstood by the returne of the archbishop, what the popes pleasure should be line 10 further in that matter. Pope Gelasi­us succéeded pope Paschall▪ Shortlie after whose repaire to the king, word was brought that pope Paschall was departed this life, and that Gelasius the second was elected in his place. This Gelasius (to auoid the dangers that might insue to him by reason of the schisme and controuersie betwixt the sée of Rome, 1118 Anno. Reg. 19. and the emperour Henrie the fift) came into France, where he liued not long, but died in the abbe [...] of Clu­gnie, Carlixtus the second of that name pope. after whose decease Calixtus the second was called to the papasie. line 20

Thus by the chance and change of popes, the legat­ship of Anselme could take no place, although his bulles permitted him without limitation of time, not onelie to call and celebrate synods for reformation of disorders in the church, but also for the receiuing of Peter pence to be leuied in England (in the which point pope Paschall in his life time thought them in England verie slacke) as by the same bulles more largelie dooth appéere. The archbishop of Canturbu­rie had alreadie staied foure or fiue yeares in the par­ties line 30 beyond the sées, about the matter in controuer­sie betwixt him and Thurstane archbishop of Yorke, who was likewise gone ouer to solicit his cause. But where as at the first he could not find the king in a­nie wise agréeable to his mind, yet when the councell should be holden at Rhemes by pope Calixt, he sued at the leastwise for licence to go thither: but he could neither haue any grant so to doo, till he had promised (vpon his allegiance which he ought to the king) not to attempt anie thing there that might be preiudici­all line 40 to the church of Canturburie in anie maner of wise. Neuerthelesse, at his comming thither, he so wrought with bribes and large gifts, that the popes court (a thing easilie doone in Rome) fauoured his cause; yea, such was his successe, that the pope conse­crated him with his owne hands, although king Henrie had giuen notice to him of the controuersie depending betwixt Thurstane and Rafe the archbi­shop of Canturburie, requiring him in no wise ei­ther to consecrate Thurstane himselfe, or grant li­cence line 50 to anie other person to consecrate him: for if he did, surelie (for his part) he would banish him quite out of his dominion, which should not be long vn­doone. But now to the purpose.

In this meane time, the warres were busilie pur­sued betwixt the two kings of England & France, and a battell was fought betweene them, 1119 Anno Reg. 20. with great slaughter on both sides for the space of nine houres. The two kings of England & France ioine battell. King Henrie hurt in the battell. The forewards on both parties were beaten downe and ouerthrowne; and king Henrie receiued line 60 sundrie stripes on his head at the hands of one Wil­liam Crispine countie de Eureux, so as (though his helmet were verie strong and sure) the bloud burst out of his mouth: wherewith he was nothing afraid, but like a fierce lion laid more lustilie about him, and stroke downe diuerse of his enimies, namelie the said Crispine, who was there taken prisoner at the kings feet. The earle of Eureux taken prisoner. Now were the kings people incouraged at the valiancie and prowesse of their king and chief­taine, so that at length they opened and ouercame the maine battell, and setting vpon the rereward, ouer­threw the whole armie of France, which neuer recoi­led, but fought it out euen to the vttermost. There died and were taken prisoners in this conflict manie thousands of men. The French king leauing the field, got him vnto a place called Andelie: Andelei. and the king of England, recouering a towne by the waie called Nicasium, which the French king had latelie woone, returned vnto Rouen, Nicasium. where he was with great triumph receiued, and highlie commended for his noble victorie thus atchiued.

The earle of Flanders (as some write) was so wounded in this battell, that he died thereof. Matth. Paris. Ia. M [...]ir. But o­thers affirme, that cōming into Normandie in the yeare last past, to make warre against king Henrie in fauour of king Lewes, he wan the towne of An­delie, and an other which they name Aquae Nicasij. But as he was come before the towne of Augen in the moneth of September, and assailed the same, he receiued his deaths wound in the head, The earle of Flanders wounded. He departed this life. Foulke earle of Aniou be­came the king of Englands man. wherevpon returning home in the ninth moneth after, when he could not be cured of his hurt, he departed this life at Rosilare the 17. daie of Iune.

Shortlie after Foulke earle of Aniou (who before had aided the French king against king Henrie) be­came now kings Henries freend by aliance, mari­eng his daughter to William king Henries eldest sonne. But the French king (as their histories make mention) minding still to be reuenged of the earle Theobald, inuaded his countrie againe with a puis­sant armie, and had destroied the citie of Chartres, which belonged vnto the same earle, had not the citi­zens humbled themselues to his mercie: and so like­wise did the earle, as may be thought. For in the warres which immediatlie followed betwixt Lewes and the emperour Henrie, the erle aided the French king against the same emperour to the vttermost of his power. Soone after this, the king came to an enteruiew with pope Calixtus at Gisors, The king and the pope come to an enter­ [...]ew at Gisors where ma­nie matters were talked of betwixt them: and a­mongst other, the king required of the pope a grant of all such liberties as his father enioied within the limits of England and Normandie, and chéefeli [...], that no legat should haue any thing to doo within England, except he required to haue one sent him for some vrgent cause.

All which matters being determined (as the state of the time present required) the pope besought the king to be good vnto archbishop Thurstane, The pope is a sui [...]er for Thurstan [...]. and to restore him to his sée: but the king protested that he had vowed neuer so to doo whilest he liued. Where vn­to the pope answered, that he was pope, and by his a­postolike power he would discharge him of that vow, if he would satisfie his request. The pope of­ [...]ereth to dis­charge the K. of his vow. The king to shift the matter off, promised the pope that he would take aduice of his councell, and giue him further knowledge, as the cause required, wherevpon depar­ting from thense, Eadmerus. The kings answer sent to the pope. he did afterwards (vpon farther de­liberation) send him this message, in effect as fol­loweth.

‘Whereas he saith he is pope, and will (as he said) assoile me of the vow which I haue made, if contra­rie thereto I will restore Thurstane to the sée of Yorke: I thinke it not to stand with the honor of a king, to consent in any wise vnto such an absolution. For who shall beléeue an others promise hereafter, if by mine example he sée the same so easilie by an abso­lution to be made void▪ But sith he hath so great a desire to haue. Thurstane restored, I shall be conten­ted at his request, to receiue him to his sée, Simon Du [...] ▪ Eadmerus▪ with this condition, that he shall acknowledge his church to be subiect vnto the sée of Canturburie, as his predeces­sours haue doone before him; although in [...] this offer would not seru [...] the turue.’

But now to returne againe to the two princes. Not long after the departure of the pope from G [...]i­sors, year 1120 Simon Dun. Anno Reg. [...]1. Foulke earle of Anio [...] found meanes to make an agréement betwixt king Henrie & king Lewes, [Page 41] so that William sonne to king Henrie did homage vnto king Lewes for the duchie of Normandie. The kings of England and France are accorded. Wil. Malm. And further it was accorded betwéene them, that all those that had borne a [...]mour either on the one side or the o­ther, should be pardoned, whose subiects soeuer they were. Eadmerus. In like maner, Rafe archbishop of Cantur­burie returned into England, after he had remai­ned long in Normandie, bicause of the controuersie betwixt him and Thurstan archbishop of Yorke, as is aforesaid.

Now shortlie after his returne to Canturburie, line 10 messengers came with letters from Alexander king of Scotland vnto him, signifieng, that where the sée of S. Andrews was void, Alexander K. of Scots. the same king did in­stantlie require him to send ouer Eadmer a moonke of Canturburie (of whome he had heard great com­mendation for his sufficiencie of vertue and lear­ning) to be seated there. ¶ This Eadmer is the same which wrote the historie intituled Historia nouo­rum in Anglia, out of which (as may appeare) we haue line 20 gathered the most part of our matters concerning Anselme and Rafe archbishops of Canturburie, Eadmer An­selmes disci­ple. in whose daies he liued, and was Anselmes disciple.

Archbishop Rafe was contented to satisfie the request of king Alexander in that behalfe, and obtei­ning the consent of king Henrie, he sent the said E­admer into Scotland with letters of commendati­on vnto the said king Alexander, who receiued him right ioiullie, and vpon the third daie after his com­ming thither (being the feast of the apostles Peter & Paule) he was elected archbishop of S. Andrews line 30 by the clergie and people of the land, to the great re­ioicing of Alexander, and the rest of the Nobilitie. The next daie after the king talked with him secret­lie of his consecration, and vttered to him how he had no mind to haue him consecrated at the hands of Thurstan archbishop of Yorke. In which case when he was informed by the said Eadmer, that no such thing needed to trouble his mind, since the arch­bishop [...] Canturburie, being primate of all Bri­taine, might consecrate him as reason was; the king line 40 could not away with that answer, bicause he would not heare that the church of Canturburie should be preferred before the church of S. Andrews. Herevp­on he departed from Eadmer in displeasure, and cal­ling one William (sometime moonke of S. Ed­mundsbury) vnto him, a man also that had gouerned (or rather spoiled) the church of S. Andrews in the va­cation: this William was commanded to take vpon him the charge thereof againe, at the kings line 50 pleasure, whose meaning was vtterlie to remooue Eadmer, as not worthie of that roome. Howbeit, within a moneth after (to satisfie the minds of his Nobles) he called for the said Eadmer, Eadmer re­ceiueth his staffe from an altar. and with much adoo got him to receiue the staffe of that bishoprike, taking it from an altar whereon it laie (as if he shuld haue that dignitie at the Lords hands) whereby he was inuested, & went streight to S. Andrews church, where he was receiued by the quier, the schollers, and all the people, for true and lawfull bishop. line 60

In this meane while Thurstan nothing slacking his sute in the popes court, obteined such fauour (wherein the king of England also was greatlie la­boured vnto) that he wrote letters thrice vnto the king of Scotland, and once vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, that neither the king should permit Eadmer to be consecrated, nor the archbishop of Canturburie in any wise consecrate him if he were therevnto required. Herevpon it came to passe, that finally Eadmer, after he had remained in Scot­land twelue moneths or thereabouts, and perceiued that things went not as he would haue wished (for that he could not get the kings consent that he shuld be consecrated of the archbishop of Canturburie, as it was first meant both by the archbishop and E­admer) he departed out of Scotland, and returned a­gaine to Canturburie, there to take further aduice in all things as cause should mooue him. In like ma­ner king Henrie, King Henrie returneth into England. hauing quieted his businesse in France, returned into England, where he was re­ceiued and welcomed home with great ioy and tri­umph; but such publike reioising lasted not long with him. For indéed, this pleasantnesse and m [...]rth was changed into mourning, by aduertisement giuen of the death of the kings sons, Ran. Higd. wil. Malm. Polydor. Matth. Paris. The kings sonnes and his daughter with other Nobles are drowned by shipwracke. William duke of Nor­mandie, and Richard his brother, who togither with their sister the ladie Marie countesse of Perch, Ri­chard earle of Chester, with his brother O [...]well go­uernour to duke William, and the said earle of Che­ster his wife the kings neece, the archdeacon of He­reford, Geffrey Riddle, Robert Manduit, William Bigot, and diuerse other, to the number of an hun­dreth and fourtie persons, besides fiftie mariners, tooke ship at Harflew, thinking to follow the king, and sailing foorth with a south wind, their ship tho­rough negligence of the mariners (who had drunke out their wits & reason) were throwne vpon a rocke, and vtterlie perished on the coast of England, vpon the 25. of Nouember, so that of all the companie none escaped but one butcher, who catching hold of the mast, was driuen with the same to the shore which was at hand, and so saued from that dangerous ship­wracke. Wil. Malm. Duke William might also haue escaped verie well, if pitie had not mooued him more than the regard of his owne preseruation. For being gotten into the shipboat, and lanching toward the land, he heard the skréeking of his sister in dredfull danger of drowning, and crieng out for succour; wherevpon he commanded them that rowed the boat to turne backe to the ship, and to take hir in. But such was the prease of the companie that stroue to leape in with hir, that it streightwaies sanke, Wil. Malm. Matth. Paris. so that all those which were alreadie in the boat were cast awaie.

¶ Here (by the way) would be noted the vna [...]i­sed speech of William Rufus to the shipmaister, Looke in page 23. columne 2. against the number 60. whome he emboldened with a vaine and desperat persuasion in tempestuous weather and high seas to hoise vp sailes; adding (for further encouragement) that he neuer heard of any king that was drowned. In which words (no doubt) he sinned presumptuous­lie against God, who in due time punished that of­fense of his in his pos [...]eritie and kinred, euen by the same element, whose fearsenes he himselfe séemed so little to regard, as if he would haue commanded the stormes to cease; as we read Christ did in the gospell by the vertue and power of his word. Here is also to be noted the variablenes of fortune (as we com­monlie call it) or rather the vncerteine and change­able euent of things, which oftentimes dooth raise vp (euen in the minds of princes) troblesome thoughts, and gréeuous passions, to the great empairing of their quietnesse: as here we sée exemplified in king Henrie, whose mirth was turned into mone, and his pleasures rellished with pangs of pensifenes, con­trarie to his expectation when he was in the midst of his triumph at his returne out of France into England. So that we see the old adage verified, Miscentur tristia Laetis; and that saieng of an old poet iustified; ‘Saeua nouerca dies nunc est, nunc ma [...]er amica. Hesiod. in lib. cui [...]i [...]. opera & dies.’

But to returne to the historie. King Henrie be­ing thus depriued of issue to succeed him, did not a little lament that infortunate chance: but yet to restore that losse, shortlie after, euen the 10. 1121 Anno Reg. 22. of Aprill next ensuing, Eadmerus. Hen. Hunt. The king ma­rieth againe. he maried his second wife named A­delicia, a ladie of excellent beautie, and noble conditi­ons, daughter to the duke of Louaine, and descen­ded of the noble dukes of Loraine, howbeit he could [Page 42] neuer haue any issue by hir. Eadmerus. The archbishop Thur­stan (after the manner of obteining suites in the court of Rome) found such fauour at the hands of pope Calixt, The pope wri­teth to king Henrie, in fa­uour of the archbishop Thurstan, & accurseth him with the archbishop of Canturburie. that he directed his letters as well to king Henrie, as to Rafe archbishop of Canturbu­rie, by vertue whereof he accursed them both, and in­terdicted as well the prouince of Yorke as Cantur­burie from the vse of all maner of sacraments; from baptisme of infants, the penance of them that died onelie excepted: if archbishop Thurstan were not line 10 suffered (within one moneth next after the receipt of those letters) to inioy his see, without compelling him to make any promise of subiection at all. The king to be out of trouble, permitted Thurstan to returne into the realme, and so repaire vnto Yorke; but with condition, that he should not exercise any iurisdicti­on out of his owne diocesse as metropolitane, till he had confessed his obstinat errour, and acknowleged his obedience to the church of Canturburie.

The Welsh­men make sturres. Eadmerus. The king rai­seth an armie to go against the Welshmen.Whilest these things were thus a dooing, king He [...] ­rie line 20 was aduertised, that the Welshmen breaking the peace, did much hurt on the marshes, & speciallie in Cheshire where they had burned two castels. Mea­ning therefore to be reuenged on them to the vtter­most, he assembled an armie out of all parts of his realme, and entred with the same into Wales. The Welshmen, hearing that the king was come with such puissance to inuade them, were afraid, and forth­with sent ambassadours, beséeching him to grant them pardon and peace. The Welsh­men sue for peace. The king mooued with their line 30 humble petitions, tooke hostages of them, & remitted them for that time, considering that in mainteining of warre against such maner of people, there was more feare of losse than hope of gaine. More doubt of losse than hope of gaine, by the warres against the Welshmen. But yet to prouide for the quietnes of his subiects which inhabi­ted néere the marshes, that they shuld not be ouerrun and harried dailie by them (as oftentimes before they had béene) he appointed Warren earle of Shrewes­burie to haue the charge of the marshes, that peace might be the better kept and mainteined in the line 40 countrie.

Simon Dun. A chanell cast from Torksey to Lincolne.Soone after king Henrie caused a chanell to be cast along the countrie in Lincolnshire, from Tork­sey to the citie of Lincolne, that vessels might haue passage out of the riuer of Trent vnto the same. Moreouer, Rafe bishop of Durham began to build the castell of Norham, Norham ca­stell built. H. Hunt. vpon the banke of the riuer of Twéed.

At this time likewise Foulke Earle of Aniou be­ing now come out of the holie land (whither he went line 50 after the peace was made betwixt king Henrie and the French king) began to picke a quarrell against king Henrie, for withholding the ioincture of his daughter, who (as before you haue heard) was marri­ed vnto William the kings sonne that was drow­ned. He also gaue hir sister in mariage vnto Willi­am the sonne of duke Robert, assigning vnto him the earledome of Maime to enioy in the right of his wife.

In the meane time, king Henrie visited the north line 60 parts of his realme, Polydor. to vnderstand the state of the countrie, and to prouide for the suertie and good go­uernement thereof, as was thought requisite.

In the yeare next ensuing, the twentith of Octo­ber, year 1122 Rafe archbishop of Canturburie departed this life, 13. Kalends of Nouember. Anno Reg. 23. after he had ruled that see the space of 8. yeares, in whose roome succéeded one William archbishop, who was in number the eight and twentith from Au­gustine. Moreouer, Henrie the sonne of earle Blois, who before was abbat of Glastenburie, was now made bishop of Winchester, a man for his sin­gular bountie, gentlenesse and modestie greatlie be­loued of the English.

But to returne to the affaires of the king. It chanced about this time, that the parts beyond the sea (being now void of a gouernour (as they suppose) by meanes of the death of the kings sonne) began to make commotions. Soone after it came also to passe that Robert earle of Mellent rebelled against the king, who being spéedilie aduertised thereof, 1123 Anno. Reg. 24. sailed foorthwith into those quarters, Robert earle of Mellent rebelleth. and besieged the ca­stell of Ponteaudemer perteining to the said earle, and tooke it. About the same time also the king forti­fied the castell of Roan, Hen. Hunt. The castle of Roan fortified Matth. Paris. causing a mightie thick wall with turrets therabout as a fortification to be made. Likewise, he repaired the castell of Caen, the castels of Arches, Gisors, Faleise, Argentone, Damfront, Uernon, Ambres, with others, & made them strong. In the meane season, the earle of Mellent (desirous to be reuenged of king Henrie) proeured aid where he could, 1124 Anno. Reg. 25. and so with Hugh earle of Mountfert en­tred into Normandie, Polydor. H. Hunt. Matth. Paris. wasting and destroieng the countrie with fire and sword, thinking yer long to bring the same to obedience. But the kings chamber­laine and lieutenant in those parts, named William de Tankeruile, being thereof aduertised, laid an am­bush for them, and training them within the danger thereof, set vpon them, and after long fight, tooke them twaine prisoners, with diuers other, and pre­sented them both vnto the king, whereby the warres ceassed in that countrie for a time.

The king hauing in this maner purchased quiet­nesse by the sword, gaue himselfe somewhat to the re­formation of his house, and among other things which he redressed, Long haire redressed in the court. Matth. West. he caused all his knights and men of warre to cut their haire short, after the maner of the Frenthmen, whereas before they ware the same long after the vsage of women.

After this also, 1125 Anno. Reg. 26. in the yeare 1125. a cardinall na­med Iohannes Cremensis was sent into England from pope Honorius the second, Iohannes Cremensis a legat sent into England to sée reformation in certeine points touching the church: but his cheefe errand was to correct preests that still kept their wiues with them. At his first comming ouer, he so­iourned in colledges of cathedrall churches, and in abbeies, addicting himselfe to lucre & wantonnesse, reaping where he had not sowen. At length, about the feast of the natiuitie of our ladie, he called a conuoca­tion of the cleargie at London, where making an o­ration, he inueihed sore against those of the spiritual­tie that were spotted with any note of incontinencie. Manie thought themselues touched with his words, who hauing smelled somewhat of his secret tricks, that whereas he was a most licentious liuer, and an vnchast person of bodie and mind, yet he was so blin­ded, that he could not perceiue the beame in his own eies, whilest he espied a mote in another mans. Here­vpon they grudged, that he should in such wise call o­ther men to accompts for their honest demeanor of life, which could not render any good reckoning of his owne: insomuch that they watched him so narrow­lie, that in the euening (after he had blown his horne so lowd against other men; in declaring that it was a shamefull vice to rise from the side of a strumpet, and presume to sacrifice the bodie of Christ) he was taken in bed with a strumpet, to his owne shame and reproch. But being reprooued thereof, he alledged this excuse (as some write) that he was no preest, But this shuld not séem to be any iust excuse, for M. P. saith that y e same day he consecrated the Lords bo­die, & there [...]ore he must néeds be a préest. but a reformer of preests. Howbeit to conclude, being thus defamed, he got him backe to Rome againe from whence he came, without any performance of that whereabout he was sent.

But to returne to king Henrie, who whilest he re­mained in Normandie (which was a long time after the apprehension of the two foresaid earles) vnder­stood that his sonne in lawe Henrie the emperour was departed this life at Utregt, the 23. of Maie last past. 1126 Anno. Reg. 27. Wherevpon he sent for his daughter the [Page 43] empresse to come ouer vnto him into Normandie, and hauing set his businesse in order on that side the sea, and taken hir with him, he returned into England before the feast of S. Michaell, where cal­ling a parlement, Polydor. An oth taken by the lords touching the succession of the crowne. he caused hir by authoritie of the same to be established as his lawfull heire and suc­cessor, with an article of intaile vpon hir issue, if it should please God to send hir any at all. At this par­lement was Dauid K. of Scotland, who succéeded A­lexander the fierce. Stephan earle of Morton and Bullongne, and son of Stephan earle of Blois, ne­phue line 10 to K. Henrie by his sister Adela; these two prin­ces chéefelie tooke their oth amongst other, to obey the foresaid empresse, as touching hir right and law­full claime to the crowne of England. But although Stephan was now the first that was to sweare, Stephan erle of Bullongne the first that offered to re­ceiue the oth. he became shortlie after the first that brake that oth for his owne preferment. ¶ Thus it commeth often to passe, that those which receiue the greatest benefits, doo oftentimes soonest forget to be thankefull.

This Stephan latelie before by his vncle K. Hen­ries line 20 meanes, had purchased & got in marriage the onelie daughter and heire of Eustace earle of Bul­longne, and so after the decease of his father in lawe, became earle there: and further, had goodlie possessi­ons in England giuen him by the king, and yet (as farther shall appeare) he kept not his oth made with K. Henrie. Wil. Malm. Some write that there rose no small strife betwixt this earle Stephan, & Robert erle of Gloce­ster, in contending which of them should first receiue this oth: the one alledging that he was a kings son, line 30 the other affirming that he was a kings nephue.

Shortlie after this parlement was ended, K. Hen­rie held his Christmas at Windsor, year 1127 where Thur­stan archbishop of Yorke (in preiudice of the right of William archbishop of Canturburie) would haue set the crowne vpon the kings head, Matth. Paris. at his going to the church: but he was put backe with no small re­proch; Strife be­twixt the pre­lates for pre­heminence. and his chapleine (whom he appointed to beare his crosse before him at his entrance into the kings chappell) was contemptuouslie and violentlie thrust line 40 out of the doores with crosse and all by the fréends of the archbishop of Canturburie. In short time, this vnseemlie contention betwixt Thurstan and Wil­liam the two archbishops grew so hot, that not one­lie both of them, but also the bishop of Lincolne went to Rome about the deciding of their strife.

Polydor.In this yeare Charles earle of Flanders, the suc­cessor of earle Baldwin, was traitorouslie murthe­red of his owne people: & bicause he left no issue be­hind him to succéed as his heire, Lewes the French line 50 king made William the sonne of duke Robert Curthose earle of Flanders, William sonne to Robert Curthose made erle of Flanders. as the next cousine in bloud to the same Charles. ¶ Truth it is, that by his fathers side, this William was descended from erle Baldwin surnamed Pius, whose daughter Maud be­ing maried vnto William Conqueror, bare by him the foresaid Robert Curthose, father to this Willi­am, now aduanced to the gouernment of Flanders, but he wanted not aduersaries that were competi­tors and malignant sutors for that earledome, who line 60 sought to preferre themselues, and to displace him.

King Henrie misliking the promotion of the said William, although he was his nephue, for that he supposed he would seeke to reuenge old displeasures if he might compasse to haue the French kings assi­stance, thought good with the aduice of his councell towithstand the worst. Wherevpon he tooke order for the maintenance of the warre abroad, and the supplie of souldiers, and other things necessarie to be consi­dered of for the suertie of his realme. The empresse Maud maried to the earle of Aniou. Ger. Dor.

After this, bicause he was in despaire to haue is­sue by his second wife, about Whitsuntide he sent o­uer his daughter Maud the empresse into Norman­die, that she might be married vnto Geffrey Plan­tagenet earle of Aniou, and in August after he fol­lowed himselfe. Now the matter went so forward, that the mariage was celebrated betwixt the said earle and empresse vpon the first sundaie in Aprill, which fell vpon the third of the moneth, and in the 27. of his reigne.

In the yeare ensuing, Anno Reg. 28▪ Matth. Paris. 1128 king Henrie meaning to cause the French king to withdrawe his helping hand from his nephue William earle of Flanders, passed foorth of Normandie with an armie, and inua­ding France, remained for the space of eight daies at Hipard, in as good quiet as if he had béene within his owne dominions, and finallie obteined that of the French king which he sought for; namelie, his re­fusall to aid his nephue the said earle of Flanders. Who at length contending with other that claimed the earledome, chanced this yeare to be wounded, Anno Reg. 29. Ia. Meir. as he pursued his enimies vnto the walles of a towne called Alhust, and soone after died of the hurt the 16. of August.

¶ It was thought that the great felicitie of king Henrie was the chiefe occasion of this earles death, William earl [...] of Flanders deceaseth of a wound. who meant (if he might haue brought his purpose to passe, and be once quietlie set in the dominion of Flanders) to haue attempted some great enterprise against king Henrie for the recouerie of Norman­die, and deliuerie of his father out of prison. The fortunat & good hap of K. Henrie. Which was knowen well inough to king Henrie, who mainteined those that made him warre at home, both with men and monie; namelie, William d [...] Hypres. William of Hy­pres, who tooke vpon him as regent in the name of Stephan earle of Bullongne, whome king Henrie procured to make claime to Flanders also, in the ti­tle of his grandmother queene Maud, wife to Wil­liam Conqueror. But to procéed with our historie.

When king Henrie had sped his businesse in Nor­mandie, 1129 Anno Reg. 30. where he had remained a certeine space both about the conclusion and solemnizing of the mariage made betwixt his daughter Maud the empresse and the earle of Aniou, and also to see the end of the wars in Flanders, he now returned into England, where he called a great councell or parlement at London, in August: 1130 Anno Reg. 31. wherein (amongst other things) it was decreed, that préests, which liued vnchastlie, should be punished, and that by the kings permission, Matth. Paris. Polydor. An act against vnchast préests. who here­by tooke occasion to serue his owne turne: for he re­garded not the reformation which the bishops tru­sted (by his plaine dealing) would haue followed, but put those préests to their fines that were accused, and suffered them to kéepe their wiues still in house with them, which offended the bishops greatlie, who would haue had them sequestred asunder.

After this parlement ended, the king kept his Christmasse at Worcester, and his Eastermasse fol­lowing at Woodstocke, where a certeine Noble man named Geffrey Clinton was accused to him of high treason. In this 31. yeare of king Henries reigne, great death and murren of cattell began in this land so vniuersallie in all places, that no towne nor village escaped frée: and long it was before the same discontinued or ceased. Wil. Malm. In nouella hi­storia. Polydor. King Henrie passing ouer into Normandie, was troubled with certeine strange dreames or visions in his sléepe. For as he thought, he saw a multitude of plough­men with such tooles as belong to their trade and oc­cupation; after whom came a sort of souldiers with warlike weapons: and last of all, bishops approching towards him with their crosier s [...]aues readie to fall vpon him, as if they meant to kill him. Now when he awaked, he lept foorth of his bed, got his sword in his hand, & called his seruants to come & helpe him. Neuerthelesse, repressing those perturbations, and somewhat better aduising himselfe, par [...]lie by his [Page 44] owne reason, and partlie by the counsell of learned gentlemen, was persuaded to put such fantasies a­waie, and was admonished withall, that whilest he had time and space here on earth, he should redeeme his passed offenses and sinnes committed against God, with repentance, almesdéeds, and abstinence. Wherefore being moued herewith, he began to pra­ctise an amendment of his former lewd life.

¶ Here it shall not be amisse to compare the two sonnes of William the Conquerour; namelie Wil­liam line 10 Rufus, and Henrie Beauclerke togither; and to consider among other euents the supernaturall dreames wherewith they were admonished, to excel­lent good purpose (no doubt) if they could haue applied them to the end whereto they were directed. For William Rufus (as you shall read in pag. 26. col. 2.) neglecting to be admonished by a dredfull dreame wherewith he was troubled, shortlie after recei­ued his deaths wound by casualtie or chancemedlie, euen in the prime of his pastime and disport. This o­ther line 20 brother H. Beauclerke had the like warnings by the same meanes, and (to a good effect) as the lear­ned doo gather. Their rash opinion therefore is much to be checked, which contemne dreames as meere de­lusorie, alledging by waie of disproofe an old erroni­ous verse: ‘Somnia ne cures, nam fallunt plurima plures,’ Speaking indefinitelie of dreames without distin­ction: whereas in truth great valure is in them in respect of their kind and nature. For though some line 30 sort of dreames (as those that be physicall) are not greatlie to be relied vpon; yet those of the metaphy­sicall sort, hauing a speciall influence from aboue na­tures reach, are not lightlie to be ouerslipped. To de­termine this matter I remit the studious readers to that excellent chapter of Peter Martyr, in the first part of his common places, pag. 32. columne 2. where dreames In genere are copiouslie handled.

Polydor.About the same time, Maud daughter of this Hen­rie, being forsaken of hir husband Geffrey earle of line 40 Aniou, came to hir father then being in Normandie. What the cause was why hir husband put hir from him, is not certeinlie knowen: but the matter (be­like) was not verie great, sith shortlie after he recei­ued hir againe, and that of his owne accord. During the time also that king Henrie remained in Nor­mandie, pope Innocent the 2. came into France, to auoid the danger of his enimies: and holding a councell at Cleremont, he accursed one Peter Fitz Leo, who had vsurped as pope, and named himselfe line 50 Anacletus. 1131 Anno Reg. 32. Afterward at breaking vp of the same counsell at Cleremont, he came to Orleance, and then to Charters, King Henrie and pope In­nocent méet at Charters. meeting king Henrie by the waie, who offered vnto the pope to mainteine his cause a­gainst his enimies to the vttermost of his power, for the which the pope gaue the king great thankes: and séeming as though he had beene more carefull for the defense of the common cause of the christian com­mon-wealth than for his owne, he exhorted king Henrie to make a iournie into the holie land, a­gainst line 60 the Saracens and enimies of the christian re­ligion.

Wil. Malm.In this enteruiew betwixt the pope and the king, the Romans were mooued to maruell greatlie at the wisedome and sharpnesse of wit which they per­ceiued in the Normans. For king Henrie, to shew what learning remained amongst the people of the west parts of Europe, The sons of Robert erle of Melent prai­sed for their learning. caused the sonnes of Robert earle of Melent to argue and dispute in the points and subtill sophisines of Logike, with the cardinals and other learned chapleins of the pope there pre­sent, who were not ashamed to confesse, that there was more learning amongst them here in the west parts, than euer they heard or knew of in their owne countrie of Italie.

King Henrie after this returned into England, King Henrie returneth in­to England. and vpon the sea was in danger to haue beene drow­ned by tempest: so that iudging the same to be as a warning for him to amend his life, he made manie vowes, and after his landing went to S. Edmunds­burie in Suffolke to doo his deuotions vnto the se­pulchre of that king. Now at his comming from thence, being well disposed, towards the reliefe of his people, he lessened the tributes and impositions, and did iustice aswell in respect and fauour of the poore as of the rich.

Not long after, 1132 Anno. Reg. 33. Geffrey earle of Aniou had a son named Henrie by his wife the empresse, who (as be­fore is said) was after king of England: for his grandfather king Henrie hauing no issue male to succeed him, caused the empresse and this Henrie hir sonne to be established heires of the realme: all the Nobles and other estates taking an oth to be their true and loiall subiects. After this king Henrie kept his Christmasse at Dunstable, 1133 Anno Reg. 34. and his Easter at Woodstocke. In the same yeare, Matth. Paris. Prior of L. Oswald as Wil. Thorne hath, and likewise Matth. Paris. Matt. Westm. or (as some haue) in the beginning of the yeare precedent, or (as other haue) in the yeare following, king Henrie erected a bishops sée at Carleil, in which one Arnulfe or rather Athelwoolfe, who before was abbat of S. Bothoulfs, and the kings confessor, was the first bishop that was instituted there. This man immediatlie after his consecration placed regular canons in that church.

Not long after, or rather before (as by Wil. Mal­mes. it should séeme) king Henrie passed ouer into Normandie, from whence (this being the last time of his going thither) he neuer returned aliue. And as it came to passe, he tooke ship to saile this last iournie thither, euen the same daie in which he had afore time receiued the crowne. An eclipse. On which daie (falling vpon the wednesdaie and being the second of August) a won­derfull and extraordinarie eclipse of the sunne and moone appeared, in somuch that Wil. Malmes. who then liued, writeth that he saw the starres plainlie a­bout the sunne at the verie time of that eclipse. On the fridaie after such an earthquake also happened in this realme, An earth­quake. that manie houses and buildings were ouerthrowne. This earthquake was so sensible, or rather so visible, that the wall of the house wherein the king then sat, was lift vp with a double remoue, & at the third it setled it selfe againe in his due place. Moreouer at the verie same time also fire burst out of certeine riffes of the earth, in so huge flames, that neither by water nor otherwise it could be quenched.

In the 34. yeare of his reigne, his brother Ro­bert Curthose departed this life in the castell of Car­diff. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. Anno Reg. 35. It is said that on a festiuall daie king Henrie put on a robe of scarlet, the cape wherof being streict, he rent it in striuing to put it ouer his head: and per­ceiuing it would not serue him, he laid it aside, and said; Let my brother Robert haue this robe, who hath a sharper head than I haue. Which when it was brought to duke Robert, and the rent place not sow­ed vp, he perceiued it, and asked whether any man had worne it before. The messenger told the whole matter, how it happened. Wherewith duke Robert tooke such a greefe for the scornefull mocke of his bro­ther, that he waxed wearie of his life, and said; Now I perceiue I haue liued too long, The deceasse of Robert Curthose. that my brother shall cloth me like his almes man with his cast and rent garments. Thus cursing the time of his natiui­tie, he refused from thencefoorth to eat or drinke, and so pined awaie, and was buried at Glocester.

King Henrie remaining still in Normandie, rode round about a great part of the countrie, shewing no small loue and courtesie to the people, studieng by all meanes possible to win their fauours, and bring merie amongst them. Howbeit nothing reioised [Page 45] him more, than that his daughter Maud the empresse at the same time was deliuered of hir second sonne named Geffrey, so that he saw himselfe prouided of an assured successour.

But whilest he thus passed the time in mirth and solace, Polydor. he began soone after to be somewhat diseased, and neuer could perceiue any euident cause thereof. 1135 Anno. Reg. 35. Wherefore to driue his greese away, he went abrode to hunt, and being somewhat amended thereby (as he thought) at his comming home he would néeds line 10 eat of a lamprey, Matth. West. Sim Dunel. though his physician counselled him to the contrarie: but he delighting most in that meat (though it be in qualitie verie hurtfull to health) would not be dissuaded from it, so that his stomach being annoied therewith, he fell immediatlie into an ague, King Henrie departeth this life. and so died shortlie after, on the first day of December, being as then about 67. yeares of age, after he had reigned 35. yeres, & foure moneths lack­ing foure daies. His bodie was conueied into Eng­land, and buried at Reading within the abbey church line 20 which he had founded, and endowed in his life time with great and large possessions. It is written, that his bodie, Matth. West. Ran. Higd. Sim. Dunel. to auoid the stench which had infected ma­nie men, was closed in a buls hide, and how he that clensed the head died of the sauour which issued out of the braine.

¶Thus we sée that euen princes come to the like end by as base meanes as other inferiour persons; ac­cording to that of the poet:

Dant alios furiae toruo spectacula Marti,
Exitio est auidis mare nautis: line 30
Mista senum ac iuuenum densantur funera, nullum
Saeua caput Proserpina fugit.

And here we haue to note the neglect of the physici­ans counsell, and that same ill disposition in diet which the king chose rather to satisfie, than by re­straining it to auoid the danger whereinto he fell. But this is the preposterous election of vntoward patients, according to that: ‘Nitimur in vetitum semper, cupimús (que) negata.’

The issue of king Henrie the first.Touching his issue, he had by his first wife a sonne line 40 named William, drowned (as ye haue heard) in the sea: also a daughter named Maud, whome with hir sonnes he appointed to inherit his crowne and o­ther dominions. He had issue also by one of his con­cubins, euen a sonne named Richard, and a daughter named Marie, who were both drowned with their brother William. By an other concubine he had a sonne named Robert, who was created duke of Glo­cester. line 50

His stature.He was strong of bodie, fleshie, and of an indiffe­rent stature, blacke of haire, and in maner bald be­fore, with great and large eies, of face comelie, well countenanced, and pleasant to the beholders, special­lie when he was disposed to mirth.

His vertues.He excelled in three vertues, wisedome, eloquence, and valiancie, which notwithstanding were somewhat blemished with the like number of vices that reig­ned in him; His vices. as couetousnesse, crueltie, and fleshlie lust of bodie. His couetousnesse appeared, in that he line 60 sore oppressed his subiects with tributes and impositi­ons. His crueltie, in that he kept his brother Robert Curtehose in perpetuall prison, and likewise in the hard vsing of his coosine Robert earle of Mortaigne, whome he not onelie deteined in prison, but also cau­sed his eies to be put out: which act was kept secret till the kings death reuealed it. And his fleshlie lust was manifest, by kéeping of sundrie women.

His wisdome.But in his other affaires he was circumspect, in defending his owne verie earnest and diligent. Such wars as might be auoided, with honourable peace he euer sought to appease; but when such iniuries were offered as he thought not meet to suffer, he was an impatient reuenger of the same, ouercomming all perils with the force of vertue and manlie courage, His manlie courage. shewing himselfe either a most louing fréend, or an extreame enimie: for he would subdue his foes to the vttermost, and aduance his fréends aboue mea­sure.

With iustice he ruled the commons quietlie, and enterteined the nobles honorablie. Théeues, His zeale to iustice. counter­feiters of monie, and other transgressors he caused to be sought out with great diligence, and when they were found, to be punished with great seueritie. Neither did he neglect reformations of certeine naughtie abuses. Simon Dun. Théeues ap­pointed to be hanged. And (as one author hath written) he ordeined that théeues should suffer death by hang­ing. When he heard that such peeces of monie as were cracked would not be receiued amongest the people, although the same were good and fine siluer, he caused all the coine in the realme to be either broken or slit. He was sober of diet, vsing to eat rather for the quailing of hunger, than to pamper himselfe with manie daintie sorts of banketting dishes. He neuer dranke but when thirst mooued him, he would sléepe soundlie and snore oftentimes till he awaked there­with. His policie. He pursued his warres rather by policie than by the sword, and ouercame his enimies so neere as he could without bloudshed, which if it might not be, yet with as little slaughter as was possible. To con­clude, His praise for his princelie gouernment. he was not inferiour to any of the kings that reigned in those daies, in wisedome and policie, and so behaued himselfe, that he was honoured of the Nobles, and beloued of the commons. He builded diuerse abbeies both in England and Normandie, but Reading was the chéefe. Reading ab­bey builded. He builded the manour of Woodstocke, with the parke there, wherein (beside the great store of deere) he appointed diuerse strange beasts to be kept and nourished, which were brought and sent vnto him from forren countries, farre dis­tant, as lions, leopards, lynxes, and porcupines. His estimation was such among outlandish princes, that few would willinglie offend him.

Murcherdach king of Ireland & his successors had him in such reuerence, Murcherdach K. of Ireland. that they durst doo nothing but what he commanded, nor write any thing but what might stand with his pleasure, though at the first the same Morchad attempted something against the Englishmen more than held with reason, but after­ward (vpon restraint of the entercourse of merchan­dize) he was glad to shew himselfe more fréendlie.

Moreouer the earle of Orkney, The earle of Orkney. although he was the king of Norwaies subiect, yet did he what he could to procure king Henries fréendship, sending such strange beasts and other things to him often­times as presents, wherein he knew the king tooke great delight and pleasure. He had in singular fa­uour aboue all other of his councell, Roger bishop of Salisburie. Roger the bi­shop of Salisburie, a politike prelate, and one that knew how to order matters of great importance, vnto whome he committed the gouernement of the realme most commonlie whilest he remained in Normandie.

As well in this kings daies, as in the time of his brother William Rufus, men forgetting their owne sex and state, transformed themselues into the habit and forme of women, by suffering their haire to grow in length, the which they curled and trimmed verie curiouslie, after the maner of damosels and yong gentlewomen: The abuse of wearing long haire. insomuch that they made such account of their long bushing perukes, that those which would be taken for courtiers, contended with women who should haue the longest tresses, and such as wanted, sought to amend it with art, and by knit­ting wreathes about their heads of those their long and side locks for a brauerie. Yet we read that king Henrie gaue commandement to all his people to cut their haire, about the 28. yeare of his reigne. year 1127 Matth. West. Prea­chers [Page 46] indeed inueied against such vnseemlie maners in men, as a thing more agréeable and seemelie for the contrarie sex.

Wil. Malm. reciteth a tale of a knight in those daies that tooke no small liking of himselfe for his faire and long haire, who chanced to haue a verie terrible dreame. For it séemed to him in his sléepe that one was about to strangle him with his owne haire, which he wrapped about his throte and necke) the impression whereof sanke so deepelie into his line 10 mind, that when he awaked out of his sléepe, he streightwaies caused so much of his haire to be cut as might seeme superfluous. A great number of o­ther in the realme followed his commendable exam­ple, but the remorse of conscience herein that thus caused them to cut their haire, continued not long, for they fell to the like abuse againe, so as within a twelue moneths space they excéeded therein as farre beyond all the bounds of séemelie order as before.

¶ In this Henrie ended the line of the Normans as touching the heires male, and then came in the Frenchmen by the title of the heires generall, after that the Normans had reigned about 69. yeares: for so manie are accounted from the comming of Wil­liam Conquerour, vnto the beginning of the reigne of king Stephan, who succéeded the said Henrie.

Thus farre the succession and regiment of the Normans; namelie, William Conquerour the father, William Rufus, and Henrie Beauclerke the sonnes.

Stephan earle of Bullongne.

STephan earle of Bullong­ne, the sonne of Stephan erle of Blois, 1135 Anno Reg [...]. by his wife Adela, daughter to William Con­querour, came ouer with all speed after the death of his vncle, and tooke vpon him the line 20 gouernement of the realme of England, partlie through confidence which he had in the puissance and strength of his brother Theobald earle of Blois, and partlie by the aid of his brother Henrie bishop of Winchester and abbat of Gla­stenburie, although that he with other of the Nobles had sworne afore to be true vnto the empresse and hir issue as lawfull heires of king Henrie latelie de­ceassed. line 30

The same day that he arriued in England, there chanced a mightie great tempest of thunder horrible to heare, A tempest. Matth. West. and lightning dreadfull to behold. Now bi­cause this happened in the winter time, it séemed a­gainst nature, and therefore it was the more noted as a foreshewing of some trouble and calamitie to come.

This Stephan began his reigne ouer the realme of England the second day of December, in the yere of our Lord 1135. in the eleuenth yeare of the empe­rour line 40 Lothair, the sixt of pope Innocentius the se­cond, and about the xxvij. of Lewes the seuenth, sur­named Crassus king of France, Dauid the first of that name then reigning in Scotland, & entring in­to the twelfe of his regiment. He was crowned at Westminster vpon S. Stephans day, Matth. Paris Wil. Mal. Simon Dun. by William archbishop of Canturburie, the most part of the No­bles of the realme being present, and swearing feal­tie vnto him, as to their true and lawfull souereigne.

Howbeit, there were diuerse of the wiser sort of line 50 all estates, which regarding their former oth, could haue béene contented that the empresse should haue gouerned till hir sonne had come to lawfull age; not­withstanding they held their peace as yet, and con­sented vnto Stephan. Periurie pu­nished. But this breach of their othes was worthilie punished afterward, insomuch that as well the bishops as the other Nobles either died an euill death, or were afflicted with diuerse kinds of calamities and mischances, and that euen here in this life, of which some of them as occasion serueth shall be remembred hereafter. Wil. Malm. The bishop of Salisburies protestation. Yet there were of them (and namelie the bishop of Salisburie) which protested that they were frée from their oth of allegi­ance made to the said empresse, bicause that without the consent of the lords of the land she was maried out of the realme, whereas they tooke their oth to re­ceiue hir for queene, vpon that condition, that with­out their assent she should not marrie with any per­son out of the realme.

Moreouer (as some writers thinke) the bishops tooke it, The bishops think to please God in brea­king their oth. that they should doo God good seruice in pro­uiding for the wealth of the realme, and the aduance­ment of the church by their periurie. For whereas the late deceassed king vsed himselfe not altogither for their purpose, they thought that if they might set vp and creat a king chéeflie by their especiall meanes and authoritie, he would follow their counsell better, and reforme such things as they iudged to be amisse. But a great cause that mooued manie of the lords vnto the violating thus of their oth, Matth. Paris. was (as some au­thors rehearse) for that Hugh Bigot, sometime stew­ard to king Henrie the first, Hugh Bigot. immediatlie after the decease of king Henrie, came into England, and as well before the archbishop of Canturburie, as diuers other lords of the land, tooke a voluntarie oth (al­though most men thinke that he was hired so to doo bicause of great promotion) declaring vpon the same that he was present a little before king Henries death, when the same king adopted and chose his ne­phue Stephan to be his heire and successour, bicause his daughter the empresse had gréeuouslie displeased him. But vnto this mans oth the archbishop and the [Page 47] o [...]her lords were so hastie in giuing of credit. Now [...] said Hugh for his periurie, by the iust iudgement [...] God, came shortlie after to a miserable end.

Simon Dun.But to our purpose. King Stephan (by what ti­tle soeuer he obteined the crowne) immediatlie after his coronation, year 1136 went first to Reading to the buri­all of the bodie of his vncle Henrie, the same being now brought ouer from Normandie, Polydor. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. from whence after the buriall he repaired to Oxenford, and there calling a councell of the lords & other estates of his realme; The faire pro­mises of king Stephan. amongst other things he promised before line 10 the whole assemblie (to win the harts of the people) that he would put downe and quite abolish that tri­bute which oftentimes was accustomed to be gathe­red after the rate of their acres of hides of land, com­monlie called Danegilt, which was two shillings of euerie hide of land. Also, that he would so prouide, that no bishops sees nor other benefices should re­maine void, but immediatlie after vpon their first vacation, they should be againe bestowed vpon some conuenient person meet to supplie the roome. Fur­ther line 20 he promised not to seize vpon any mans woods as forfeit, though any priuate man had hunted and killed his déere in the same woods, as the maner of his predecessour was. ¶ For a kind of forfeiture was deuised by king Henrie, that those should lose their right inheritance in their woods, that chanced to kill any of the kings déere within the same.

Polydor. Ran. Higd. Licence to build castels,Moreouer, be granted licence to all men, to build either castell, tower, or other hold for defense of them­selues vpon their owne grounds. Al this did he chief­lie line 30 in hope that the same might be a safegard for him in time to come, if the empresse should inuade the land, as he doubted she shortlie would. Moreouer he aduanced manie yoong & lustie gentlemen to great liuings. Wil. Malm. In nouella hi­storia. For such as were of any noble familie, and thereto through a certeine stoutnesse of stomach sought preferment, easilie obteined of him the posses­sion of castels and great lordships, diuerse of whom he honored with titles of dignitie, creating some of them earles and some lords. Now, such was their line 40 importunate sute in demanding, that when he had little more to bestow amongst them, hauing alreadie giuen sundrie portions that belonged to the crowne, they ceassed not to be in hand with him for more, and being denied with reasonable excuses on his behalfe, they thought themselues ill dealt withall, and so tur­ning from him, fortified their castels and holds, ma­king open warre against him: as hereafter shall appeare.

There came ouer vnto him also a great number line 50 of Flemings and Britons to serue him as souldiers, The resort of strangers to serue king Stephan. whom he reteined, to be the stronger and better able to defend himselfe against the malice of the em­presse, by whom he looked to be molested he wist not how soone. Wherefore he shewed himselfe verie libe­rall, courteous, and gentle towards all maner of persons at the first, and (to saie truth) more liberall, familiar, and free harted than stood with the maiestie of a king: which was afterward a cause that he grew line 60 into contempt. ¶ But to such meanes are prin­ces driuen, that atteine to their estates more through fauour and support of others, than by any good right or title which they may pretend of themselues. Thus the gouernement of this prince at the beginning was nothing bitter or heauie to his subiects, but full of gentlenesse, lenitie, courtesie, and mildnes.

Polydor.Howbeit whilest these things were a dooing, cer­teine of the English Nobilitie, abhorring both the king and the present state of his gouernment, went priuilie out of the realme into Scotland to king Dauid, declaring vnto him what a detestable act was committed by the lords of England, in that (contra­rie to their oth made vnto the empresse Maud, and hir issue) they had now crowned Stephan. Where­fore they besought the said king to take in hand to reuenge such a vile iniurie practised against hir, and to restore the kingdome vnto the said empresse, which if he did, it should be a thing most acceptable both to God and man.

King Dauid hauing heard and well weied the ef­fect of their request, The king of Scots inua­deth the En­glish marshes. Sim. Dunel. Matt. Paris. Polydor. foorthwith was so mooued at their words, that in all possible hast he assembled an ar­mie, and entring into England, first tooke the citie and castell of Carleil: afterward comming into Northumberland, he tooke Newcastell, and manie o­ther places vpon the borders there. Whereof king Stephan being aduertised, streightwaies assembled a power, and foorthwith hasted into Cumberland, meaning to recouer that againe by force of armes, which the enimie had stolen from him by craft and subtiltie. At his approch néere to Carleil, K. Stephan encamped néere to his enimie the K. of Scots. he pitched downe his field in the euening, thinking there to staie till the morning, that he might vnderstand of what power the enimie was, whome he knew to be at hand.

King Dauid also was of a fierce courage, and re­die inough to haue giuen him battell, but yet when he beheld the English standards in the field, and di­ligentlie viewed their order and behauiour, he was at the last contented to giue eare to such as intrea­ted for peace on both sides. Wherevpon comming to king Stephan, he entred a freendlie peace with him, wherein he made a surrender of Newcastell, with condition that he should reteine Cumberland by the frée grant of king Stephan, An accord made betwixt the two kings Stephan and Dauid. who hoped there­by to find king Dauid the more faithfull vnto him in time of need: but yet he was deceiued, as after­wards manifestlie appéered. For when king Ste­phan required of him an oth of allegiance, he answe­red that he was once sworne alreadie vnto Maud the empresse. Howbeit to gratifie him, he comman­ded his son Henrie to receiue that oth, for the which the king gaue him the earledome of Huntington to hold of him for euer.

¶ The Scotish chronicles set out the matter in o­ther order, Hec. Boetius. but yet all agrée that Henrie sware feal­tie to king Stephan, as in the said historie of Scot­land you may sée more at large. Now after that king Stephan had concluded a peace with king Da­uid, he returned to London, Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. and there kept his Ea­ster with great ioy and triumphes: who whilest he was yet in the middest of all his pastime, about Ro­gation wéeke, he chanced to fall sicke of a litargie, Simon Dun. King Ste­phan sicke. by reason wherof a rumor was spred ouer all the realme that he was dead. Which though it was but a vaine tale, and of no importance at the first, yet was it af­ter the occasion of much euill. False rumors what hurt they often­times doo. For vpon that report great sedition was raised by the kings enimies a­mongst the people, the minds of his fréends were a­lienated from him, & manie of the Normans (which were well practised in periuries & treasons) thought they might boldlie attempt all mischéefes that came to hand, and hervpon some of them vndertooke to defend one place, and some another. Hugh Bigot. Baldwin Reduers. Robert Quisquere. Hugh Bigot erle of Norfolke a valiant chieftein entred into Nor­wich, Baldwin Reduers tooke Excester, & Robert Quisquere got certeine castels also into his hands.

King Stephan hearing what his enimies had doone, though he was somewhat mooued with this al­teration of things, yet as one nothing afraid of the matter, he said merilie to those that stood about him: ‘We are aliue yet God be thanked, and that shall be knowne to our enimies ye [...] it be long.’ Neither doubted he any thing but some secret practise of treason, and therfore vsing all diligence, he made the more hast to go against his enimies, whose attempts though streightwaies for the more part he repressed, [Page 48] yet could he not recouer the places (without much adoo) that they had gotten, as Excester, and others: which when he had obteined, he contented himselfe for a time, and followed not the victorie any further in pursuing of his enimies. Wherevpon they became more, bold afterward than before; in somuch that soone after they practised diuerse things against him, whereof (God willing) some in places conuenient shall appeare: howbeit they permitted him to re­maine in quiet for a time. But whilest he studied to line 10 take order in things at home (perceiuing how no small number of his subiects did dailie shew them­selues to beare him no hartie good will) he began by little and little to take awaie those liberties from the people, Polydor. which in the beginning of his reigne he had granted vnto them, and to denie those promises which he had made, according to the saieng, ‘That which I haue giuen, I would I had not giuen, and that which remaineth I will kéepe still.’ This sudden alteration and new kind of rough dealing purcha­sed line 20 him great enuie amongst all men in the end. A­bout the same time great commotions were raised in Normandie by meanes of the lord Geffrey earle of Aniou, Geffrey earle of Aniou. husband to Maud the empresse, setting the whole countrie in trouble: but yer any newes there­of came into England, king Stephan went against Baldwin Reduers, who being latelie (though not without great and long siege expelled out of Exce­ster) got him into the Ile of Wight, and there began to deuise a new conspiracie. Howbeit the king com­ming suddenlie into the Ile, Simon Dunel. Wil. [...]aruus. Polydor. tooke it at the first as­sault, line 30 and exiled Baldwin out of the realme.

Hauing thus with good successe finished this en­terprise, Anno Reg. 2. 1137 and being now aduertised of the businesse in Normandie, he sailed thither with a great armie: and being come within two daies iournie of his eni­mie the earle of Aniou, K. Stephan passeth into Normandie. he sent foorth his whole power of horssemen, diuided into three parts, which were not gone past a daies iournie forward, but they en­countred the earle, finding him with no great force about him. The earle of Aniou put to flight. Wherevpon giuing the charge vpon him, line 40 they put him to flight, and slue manie of his people. Which enterprise in this maner valiantlie atchiued, euen according to the mind of king Stephan, he ioi­ned in freendship with Lewes the seuenth king of France: Lewes king of France. Eustace son to king Ste­phan. and hauing latelie created his sonne Eu­stace duke of Normandie, he presentlie appointed him to doo his homage vnto the said Lewes for the same.

Matth. Paris. Theobald erle of Blois.Now whereas his elder brother Theobald earle of Blois at that time in Normandie, found him­selfe line 50 greeued, that Stephan the yoonger brother had vsurped the lands that belonged to their vncle king Henrie, rather than himselfe, Stephan to stop this iust complaint of his brother, and to allaie his mood, agréed with him, K. Stephan agreeth with the earle of Aniou. couenanting to paie him yearelie two thousand marks of such currant monie as was then in vse. Furthermore, wheras Geffrey the earle of Aniou demanded in right of his wife the empresse the whole kingdome of England, to be at an end with him, king Stephan was contented to satisfie line 60 him with a yearelie pension of fiue thousand marks, which composition he willinglie receiued.

Thus when he had prouided for the suertie of Nor­mandie, Polydor. he returned againe into England, where he was no sooner arriued, but aduertisement was gi­uen him of a warre newlie beg [...]n with the Scots, whose king vnder a colour of obseruing the oth to the empresse, The Scots inuade the English bor­ders. made dailie insurrections and inua­sions into England, to the great disturbance of king Stephan and the annoiance of his people. Wherwith being somewhat mooued, he went streightwaies to­ward the north parts, and determined first to besiege Bedford by the waie, which apperteined to the earle­dome of Huntington, by gift made vnto Henrie the sonne of king Dauid, and therevpon at that present kept with a garison of Scotish men.

This place did the king besiege by the space of 30. daies togither, Simon Dun. giuing thereto euerie daie an assault or alarme, in somuch that cōming thither on Christ­masse daie, he spared not on the morow to assaile them, and so at length wan the towne from them by méere force and strength. Anno Reg. 3. 1138 King Dauid hearing those newes, and being alreadie in armour in the field, en­tred into Northumberland, King Dauid inuaded Nor­thumberland. Matth. West. Polydor. Matt. Paris. Simon Dun. and licensed his men of warre to spoile and rob the countrie thereabout at their pleasure. Herevpon followed such crueltie, that their rage stretched vnto old and yoong, vnto preest and clearke, yea women with child escaped not their hands, they hanged, headed, and slue all that came in their waie: houses were burnt, cattell driuen awaie, and all put to fire and sword that serued to any vse for reléefe, either of man or beast.

¶ Here we see what a band of calamities doo ac­companie and waite vpon warre, wherein also we haue to consider what a traine of felicities doo at­tend vpon peace, by an equall comparing of which twaine togither, we may easilie perceiue in how heauenlie an estate those people be that liue vnder the scepter of tranquillitie, and contrariwise what a hellish course of life they lead that haue sworne their seruice to the sword. We may consider also the inordinat outrages of princes, & their frantike fierse­nes, who esteeme not the losse of their subiects liues, the effusion of innocent bloud, the population of countries, the ruinating of ample regions, &c: so their will may be satisfied, there desire serued. M. Pal. in suo Capric. And therefore it was aptlie spoken by a late poet, not be­side this purpose:

Reges atque duces dira impelluntur in arma,
Imperiúmque sibi miserorum caede lucrantur.
O caeci, ô miseri, quid? bellum pace putatis
Dignius aut melius? nempe hoc nil turpius, & nil
Quod magis humana procul à ratione recedat.
Candida pax homines, trux decet ira feras.

But to our storie. Ouid. King Stephan hearing of this pitifull spoile, K. Stephan maketh hast to rescue the north parts. The Scots retire. K. Stephan burnt the south parts of Scotland. hasted forward with great iournies to the rescue of the countrie. The Scots put in feare of spéedie comming to encounter them, drew backe in­to Scotland: but he pursued them, and entring into their countrie, burned and destroied the south parts of that realme in most miserable maner. Whilest king Stephan was thus about to beat backe the forren enimies, and reuenge himselfe on them, he was assailed by other at home, & not without the iust vengeance of almightie God, who meant to punish him for his periurie committed in taking vpon him the crowne, contrarie to his oth made vnto the em­presse and hir children. For Robert earle of Gloce­ster, base brother vnto the empresse, Robert earle of Glocester. and of hir priuie councell, sought by all meanes how to bring king Stephan into hatred, both of the Nobles and com­mons, that by their helpe he might be expelled the realme, and the gouernment restored to the empresse and hir sonne.

Such earnest trauell was made by this earle of Glocester, that manie of his freends which fauoured his cause, now that king Stephan was occupied in the north parts, ioined with him in conspiracie a­gainst their souereigne. First the said earle him­selfe tooke Bristowe: Bristow ta­ken. and after this diuerse other townes and castels there in that countrie were ta­ken by him and others, with full purpose to kéepe the same to the behoofe of the empresse and hir sonne. A­mongst other William Talbot tooke vpon him to defend Hereford in Wales: Simon Dun. Talbot. Matt. Paris. Louell. Painell. William Louell held the castell of Cary: Paganell or Painell kept the castell of Ludlow: William de Moun the castell of [Page 49] Dunestor: Fitz-Iohn. Fitz-Alain. Robert de Nicholl, the castle of Warram: Eustace Fitz-Iohn, the castle of Walton; and Wil­liam Fitz-Alain, the castle of Shrewesburie.

When word hereof came to king Stephan, he was maruellouslie vexed: for being determined to haue pursued the Scots euen to the vttermost limits of their countrie, he was now driuen to change his mind, and thought it good at the first to stop the pro­ceedings of his enimies at home, least in giuing them space to increase their force, they might in pro­cesse line 10 of time growe so strong, that it would be an hard matter to resist them at the last. Herevpon ther­fore he returned southward, Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. The castle of Douer deli­uered to the quéene. Polydor. and comming vpon his enimies, recouered out of their hands diuers of those places which they held, as Hereford, and the castle of Shrewesburie. About the same time one Walkeline yéelded the castle of Douer vnto the quéene, who had besieged him within the same.

Now king Stephan knowing that the Scots were not like long to continue in quiet, returned line 20 northwards againe; Thurstan archbishop of Yorke made lieutenant of y e north parts. and comming to Thurstan the archbishop of Yorke, he committed the kéeping of the countrie vnto his charge, commanding him to be in a redinesse to defend the borders vpon any sud­den inuasion. Which thing the couragious archbishop willinglie vndertooke. By this meanes king Ste­phan being eased of a great part of his care, fell in hand to besiege the residue of those places which the rebels kept: but they fearing to abide the danger of an assault, fled away, some into one part, and some line 30 into an other; whom the kings power of horssemen still pursuing and ouertaking by the way, slue, and tooke no small number of them prisoners in the chase. Thus was the victorie in maner wholie atchiued, and all those places recouered, which the enimies had fortified.

In like maner when king Dauid heard that the king was thus vexed with ciuill warre at home, he entred England againe in most forceable wise: The Scots eftsoones in­uade Nor­thumberland. and sending his horssemen abroad into the countrie, line 40 commanded them to waste and spoile the same after their accustomed maner. But in the meane time he purposed with himselfe to besiege Yorke: which citie if he might haue woone, he determined to haue made it the frontier hold against king Stephan, and the rest that tooke part with him. Herevpon calling in his horssemen from straieng further abroad, he marched thitherwards, and comming neere to the citie, pitched downe his tents.

Archbishop Thurstan raiseth a pow­er to fight with the Scots.In this meane while the archbishop Thurstan, to line 50 whom the charge of defending the countrie cheefelie in the kings absence apperteined, called togither the Nobles and gentlemen of the shire and parties ad­ioining, whom with so pithie and effectuall words he exhorted to resist the attempts of the Scots (whose cruell dooings could kéepe no measure) that inconti­nentlie all the power of the northparts was raised, and (vnder the leading of William earle of Albe­marle, Simon Dun. Capteines of the armie. Walter Espeke, William Peuerell of Not­tingham, and two of the Lacies, Walter and Gil­bert) line 60 offered euen with perill of life and limme to trie the matter against the Scots in a pight field, and ei­ther to driue them out of the countrie, or else to loose their liues in the quarell of their prince.

It chanced at this time, that archbishop Thur­stan was sicke, and therefore could not come into the field himselfe, but yet he sent Rafe bishop of Dur­ham to supplie his roome, Rafe bish. of Durham sup­plieth the roome of the archbishop. who though he saw and per­ceiued that euerie man was readie enough to en­counter with their enimies; yet he thought good to vse some exhortation vnto them, the better to encou­rage them, in maner as here ensueth.

‘Most noble Englishmen, and ye right valiant Normans, Matth. Paris. Sim. Dun. of whose courage the Frenchman is a­fraid, by you England is kept vnder, by you Apulia dooth florish, and vnto you Ierusalem and Antioch haue yéelded their subiection. We haue at this pre­sent the rebellious nation of Scotland (which of right ought to be subiect to the crowne of England) come into the field against vs, thinking for euermore to rid themselues of their submission, and to bring both vs and our countrie into their bondage and thral­dome. Now albeit I see in you courage sufficient, to beat them backe from any further attempt; yet least when you shall come to the triall, by any manner of chance, you should loose any péece thereof, I lamen­ting the state of my countrie (whose gréeuances I wish you should redresse) doo meane to vse a few words vnto you, not for that I would exhort you to doo any man wrong, but rather to beat them backe which offer to doo you iniurie. Consider therefore that you shall here fight with that enimie, whom you haue oftentimes vanquished, and oftentimes offending in periurie, haue oftentimes most worthilie punished: whome also (to be bréefe) raging after the maner of cruell robbers, wickedlie spoiling churches, and ta­king away our goods, you did latelie constreine to lurke in desert places and corners out of sight. A­gainst this enimie (I say) therefore worthie of re­uengement for his so manifold outrages, shew your selues valiant, and with manlie stomaches driue him out of our confines. For as far as I can perceiue, the victorie is yours, God surelie will aid you, who can­not longer abide the sinnes of this people. Wherefore he that loseth his life in so iust a quarell (according to the saieng of our sauiour) shall find it. Let not their rash and presumptuous boldnesse make you afraid, sith so manie tokens of your approoued vali­ancie cannot cause them to stand in doubt of you. You are clad in armour, and so appointed with hel­met, curase, gr [...]iues, and target, that the enimie knoweth not where to strike and hurt you. Then sith you shall haue to doo with naked men, and such as vse not to weare any armour at all, but more méet for brablers and ale-house quarrellers than men of war vsed to the field: what should you stand in doubt of? Their huge number is not able to stand against your skilfull order and practised knowledge in all warlike feats and martiall discipline. A rude multitude is but a let, rather than a furtherance to atchiue the victo­rie. A small number of your worthie elders haue of­tentimes vanquished great multitudes of enimies.’ As the bishop was thus speaking to the English ar­mie, and before he grew to an end of his exhortati­on, the Scots approched with their battels, & first cer­teine of their bands of horssemen were sent afore, to take the higher ground: which when the Englishmen perceiued, The English­men set vpon the Scots. they staied not till the enimies should be­gin the battell, but straightwaies caused their trum­pets to sound, and so gaue the onset.

The Scots were as readie to encounter with them, so that the battell began to be verie hot, and e­uen at the first out flew the arrowes, and then the footmen ioined, who fought most fiercelie on both sides. Herewith a wing of them of Lodian, The Scots of Lodian dis­order the Englishmen. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. which were in the Scotish vauntgard, brake in vpon the vauntgard of the English: but yet closing togither againe, they kept out the enimies, and casting about with a wing, compassed the Scotish horssemen round about, and panching their horsses, they slue a great number, and constreined the residue to retire. Which thing when their felowes in the other wing saw, their hearts began to faint, and by and by betooke them to their heeles.

The rumor of this flight being notified to the maine battell of the Scotish men, where king Dauid him­selfe was fighting with his enimies, The Scots put to flight. discomfited them also, in such wise, that they in like sort began to [Page 50] shrinke backe: first by parts, and after by heaps togi­ther. The king did what he could to staie them: but the English pressed so vpon them, that there was no re­couerie. Wherefore he himselfe was glad in the end to beare his men companie, in séeking to saue him­selfe by flight, and make such shift as he could a­mongst the residue.

Henrie earle of Hunting­ton his vali­ancie.His sonne Henrie the earle of Huntington more regarding his honour, than the danger of life, neither mooued with the flight of his father, nor the ouerthrow of the other, came in amongst his men, being readie line 10 to turne their backes, and with bold countenance spake these or the like words vnto them, as the short­nesse of the time would permit. ‘Whither go you good fellowes? Here shall you find armour and force, neither shall you, whilest life remaineth in your cap­teine (whom ye ought to follow) depart without the victorie. Therefore choose whether yee had rather trie the matter with the enimies by battell, or to be put to a shamefull death at home after your returne thi­ther.’The Scots mooued with these vehement words line 20 of their valiant capteine, recoiled vpon their eni­mies, and began to make hauocke of them: but be­ing no great number, and beset with the English footmen before, and the horssemen behind, they were shortlie brought to distresse, and for the more part ei­ther taken or slaine.

At length earle Henrie perceiuing how the mat­ter went, and that there was no hope left of recoue­rie, fled also with those that could escape, bitterlie cur­sing the frowardnesse of fortune, and mishap of that line 30 daies chance. The number of them that were killed at this battell was aboue ten thousand. Polydor. Hen. Hunt. The number. In which number there were not manie of the English: but yet among other, Walter Lacie the brother of Gil­bert Lacie, one of their cheefe capteines is remem­bred to be one. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. Wil. Paru. Polydor. This battell was fought in the mo­neth of August, in the fourth of king Stephan, who hearing of this victorie, greatlie reioised, and gaue infinite commendations to his subiects (the En­glishmen and the Normans) but principallie prai­sed line 40 archbishop Thurstan and the bishop of Durham for their faithfull and diligent seruice shewed in this behalfe.

On the other side he himselfe vsing the like good successe amongst the rebels at home, ouercame them, and chased them out of the land. Ran. Higd. Castels reco­uered by king Stephan. For in this meane time he had taken the castels of Hereford, Glocester, Webbeley, Bristowe, Dudley, and Shrewesburie. Likewise Robert earle of Glocester not being able to resist the king thus preuailing against his aduer­saries line 50 on ech hand, fled into France vnto his sister the empresse. After this, about Aduent, the popes le­gat one Alberike bishop of Hostia, N. Triuet. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. held a synod at London, within Paules church, where by the kings consent, Theobald archbishop of Canturburie. Theobald abbat of Bechellouin was conse­crated archbishop of Canturburie, being the 37. arch­bishop which had ruled that see, after Augustine the moonke.

The king hauing now accomplished his purpose, line 60 taken the castell of Leides, Anno Reg. 5. 1140 and brought the state of the realme to a meetlie good staie, thought it expedi­ent after the late ouerthrow giuen to the Scots, Polydor. Matth. Paris. to pursue the victorie, and vtterlie to subdue them with all expedition. K. Stephan inuadeth Scotland. He brought his armie therefore into Scotland, first wasting and spoiling the countrie, and afterward preparing to fight with such Scots as came foorth to defend their goods and houses. K. Da­uid perceiuing himselfe to be too weake, made sute to the king for peace, A peace con­cluded be­twéene the two kings of England and Scotland. which with much difficultie he obteined at length, by deliuering his sonne Henrie vnto king Stephan in pledge for the sure perfor­mance of couenants concluded vpon betwixt them. Herevpon king Stephan hauing thus ended his bu­sinesse in Scotland, returned into England: and af­ter directing his iornie towards Wales, he came to Ludlow: Ludlow roun. which towne (being held by his aduersa­ries) he wan yer long out of their hands.

After this he went to Oxenford, where whilest he remained, a great brute was spred abroad, that the empresse was comming with hir brother the earle of Glocester: which caused him to put the lesse trust in his people from thenceforth, in so much that he began to repent himselfe (although too late) for that he had granted licence to so manie of his subiects to build castels within their owne grounds. For he had them all in suspicion: and amongst other, he vehementlie suspected Roger bishop of Salisburie (who had doone verie much for him) and Alexander bishop of Lin­colne nephue to the said bishop of Salisburie, Roger bishop of Salisburie. Alexander B. of Lincolne. Wil. Malm. or (as some thought) more néere to him in kindred than his nephue, I meane, his sonne. For the said Roger had builded diuerse castels, as at Shierborne, at the Uies, and at Malmesburie. The said Alexander like­wise following his vncles example, Castels built by the bishop of Salisburie. bestowed his monie that way verie fréelie, hauing builded one ca­stell at Newarke, and an other at Sléeford.

The king therefore hauing committed both these bishops to prison, Simon Dun. Newarke castel built by the bishop of Lincolne. The B. of E­lie banished. and furthermore sent Nigell or Ne­ill the bishop of Elie into exile (which Nigell was ne­phue also to the foresaid bishop of Salisburie) he threatened to keepe them without either meate or drinke, if they would not cause these castels to be de­liuered into his hands, whereby he obteined them, and moreouer found in the bishop of Salisburies co­fers 40. thousand marks, which he tooke to his owne vse, by way of confiscation for his disloiall demeanor: The bishop of Salisburie dieth of thought. Wil. Malm. In nouella hi­storia. This ingratitude of the king wounded the bishops hart, insomuch that taking thought for the losse of his houses and monie, he pined awaie, and died within a while after.

The quarrell which was first picked at these bi­shops, rose by occasion of a fraie betwixt the bishops men and the seruants of Alaine duke of Britaine, about the taking vp of Inues at their comming to Oxenford. In which fraie one of the dukes men was killed, his nephue almost slaine, and the residue of his folkes sore beaten and chased. Herevpon were the bishops first committed to ward, and afterward handled at the kings pleasure, as partlie ye haue heard.

¶ Héere by the way, good reader, Fortunes in­constancie. Wil. Paru. thou hast one ex­ample worthie to be marked of fickle fortunes in­constancie, whereof the poet speaketh verie excel­lentlie;

—variat semper fortuna tenorera,
M. Pal. in s [...] sc [...]r.
Diuerso gaudens mortalia voluere cafis.
Nam qui scire velit, cur hunc fortuna vel illum
Aut premat aut sursum tollat, nimis arduae quaerit:
Terrarum siquidem est illi concessa potestas
Maxima, & huic illam praesecit Iuppiter erbi.

For this Roger bishop of Salisburie, was in the daies of William Rufus a poore préest, seruing a cure in a village néere the citie of Caen in Norman­die. Now it chanced, that the lord Henrie the kings brother came thither on a time, and called for a préest to say masse before him. Whervpon this Roger com­ming to the altar, was by and by readie and quicke at it, and therewithall had so speedilie made an end thereof, that the men of warre then attendant on the said lord Henrie, affirmed that this préest aboue all other, was a chapleine meet to say masse before men of warre, bicause he had made an end when manie thought he had but newlie begun. Herevpon the kings brother commanded the preest to follow him, insomuch that when oportunitie serued, for his dili­gent seruice, and readie dispatch of matters, when Henrie had atteined the crowne, he was by him [Page 51] aduanced to great promotions: The bishop of Salisburie made lord Chancelour. as first to be Chance­lour of England, & after bishop of Salisburie, grow­ing still into such estimation, that he might doo more with the king than any other of the councell.

But to returne to king Stephan, who after he had thus imprisoned the aforesaid bishops, manned those castles which he tooke from them with his owne sol­diers, in like maner as he had doone all the rest which he had taken from the rebels, that he might the bet­ter withstand the empresse and hir sonne, whose com­ming line 10 he euer feared. He began also to shew himselfe cruell towards all men, and namelie against those that had chieflie furthered his title to the obteining of the crowne. ¶ This (as manie tooke it) came to passe by the prouidence of almightie God, that those should suffer for their periuries, which contrarie to law and right had consented to crowne him king.

In déed he wist not well whom he might trust, for he stood in doubt of all men, K. Stephan doubts whom to trust. bicause he was aduerti­sed by credible report, that the empresse sought for aid line 20 on all sides, meaning verie shortlie to come into England. For this cause also he thought good to pro­cure the fréendship of Lewes king of France, which he brought to passe, He cōtracteth affinitie with the French king. by concluding a mariage be­twéene his sonne Eustace and the ladie Constance sister to the said Lewes. But within a few yeares after, this Eustace died, and then was Constance maried to Raimond earle of Tholouse.

Wil. Malm. Polydor. Matt. Paris. Alberike de Uéer plea­deth the kings cause.In the meane time, namelie on the first daie of September, a councell was holden at Winchester, line 30 wherein earle Alberike de Ueer pleaded with great eloquence the kings case, in excuse of his fault for imprisoning the bishops, which was sore laid to his charge by his owne brother the bishop of Winche­ster, being also the popes legat: who (togither with the archbishop of Canturburie and other bishops) had called this councell for that purpose. Howbeit they got nothing of the king but faire words, and promi­ses of amendment in that which had béene doone o­therwise than equitie required, which promises were vtterlie vnperformed, and so the councell brake vp. line 40

In the moneth of Iulie the empresse Maud lan­ded here in England at Portesmouth, The empresse landed here in England. & went strait to Arundell, which towne (togither with the countie of Sussex) hir mother in law Adelicia king Henries second wife, wedded to William de Albenay, held in right of assignation for hir dower. There came in with the empresse hir brother Robert and Hugh Bi­got, of whom ye haue heard before.

What power she brought with hir.Some write that the empresse brought with hir a great armie, to the intent that ioining with Ra­nulph line 50 earle of Chester (who tooke part with Robert erle of Glocester, bicause the same Rob. had maried his daughter) she might fight with king Stephan, and trie the battell with him. Other declare that she came to England now at the first, Wil. Malm. but with a small power (as seuen score horssemen or men of armes as we may call them) in hope of Gods assurance (who seldome faileth those that fight in a rightfull cause) and againe vpon trust of aid of fréends, Polydor. who for the line 60 benefits receiued at hir fathers hands, would be rea­die to go against king Stephan. Wherevpon hir brother earle Robert leauing his sister in the castle of Arundell, rode with all spéed vnto Glocester tho­rough his enimies countrie, not taking with him past 12. men of armes, and as manie archers on horssebacke, that vpon his cōming thither he might leuie an armie with so much speed as was possible. Now when he came to Glocester, though the citie was kept with a garison of soldiours placed there by king Stephan, Earle Robert commeth to Glocester. yet the townesmen, after they heard that their earle was approched to the gates, they droue out the garison, & receiued him into the towne, where he remained a time, partlie to assemble an ar­mie, and partlie to practise with other townes and ca­stels thereabouts, to reuolt vnto his sister. Matt. Paris. Brian the earle of Glo­cesters sonne. Miles earle of Hereford. Polydor. The empresse besieged in A­rundell castel. Amongst all other, the earles sonne Brian, and Miles of Glo­cester were right ioifull of the news of the empresses arriuall, and gladlie prepared themselues to fight in defense of hir cause.

In the meane time king Stephan, hauing know­ledge of the landing of the empresse, and other his e­nimies, came strait to Arundell, where he besieged hir in the castle, and spent his labour certeine daies in vaine about the winning of it. Howbeit at that present he did not preuaile, for there were certeine with him, who in fauour of the empresse bare him in hand, that it was not possible to win that fortresse, and therefore aduised him to raise his siege, and suf­fer the empresse to be at libertie to go to some other place, where he might with more ease and lesse da­mage get hir into his hands. The king raiseth his siege. The king not percei­uing the drift of those secret practisers, followed their counsell. Wherevpon the empresse being now at li­bertie, went from place to place to trie and solicit hir fréends: and as a riuer increaseth in the passage, so the further the ladie went, the more hir power increa­sed. About the midst of the next night after the siege was raised, she departed out of the castle, and with great iournies sped hir towards Bristow, The empresse goeth to Bri­stow. which was alreadie reuolted to hir side.

These things being thus bruted abroad, the Peeres of the realme resorted to hir, as they that well re­membred how in time past by oth of allegiance they were suerlie bound to hir and hir issue. The king in the meane time besieged the castle of Wallingford, K. Stephan besiegeth Wallingford. but after he vnderstood that the empresse was got­ten to Bristow, repenting himselfe for his light cre­dit giuen to euill counsell, he left off the siege of Wallingford, and drew towards Bristow, that he might (if it were possible) inclose his aduersaries within that walled citie. But the empresse, being ad­uertised of his determination (by such of hir fréends as were resident about him) first went to Gloce­ster, and after to Lincolne, where she prouided vit­tailes and all other things necessarie for hir armie and defense: purposing to remaine in that citie, till the matter were either tried by chance of warre be­twixt hir and king Stephan, or that by the peoples helpe reuolting to hir side, he might be driuen out of the realme, and she restored to the whole gouerne­ment. The king followed hir verie earnestlie, and comming vnto Lincolne besieged it, Anno Reg. 6. 1141 assaieng on e­uerie side which waie he might best find meanes to win it, & enter into the same. Sim. Dunel. R. Houe. K. Stephan winneth Lincolne. Ran. Higd. Simon Dun. At length the empresse found shift to escape from thence, and within a little while the king got possession of the citie. But short­lie after, Robert earle of Glocester, and Ranulph earle of Chester, Hugh Bigot, and Robert of Mor­ley assembling their power, aswell of Welshmen as others, to come to the succour of those that were thus besieged, came to Lincolne, Polydor. N. Triuet. & pitching downe their tents néere to the enimies, they rested the first night without making any great attempt.

In the morning being the second daie of Februa­rie, so soone as it was daie, they set their men in order of battell, and brought them foorth in sight of the king and his host: who on the other side, The ordering of the kings armie readie to giue bat­tell. Simon Dun. Matt. Paris. not meaning to refuse the conflict, ordered his men readie to encoun­ter them, whome he diuided into 3. seuerall battels, The chiefest part of his armed men he appointed to remaine on foot, amongst whom he placed himselfe, with certeine noble men, as earle Baldwin, and o­thers. The residue being horssemen, he disposed into two seuerall wings, The earles of Norfolke. Hampton, Mellent, & Waren. in one of which were Alaine duke of Britaine, Hugh Bigot earle of Norfolke, Simon earle of Hampton, and two other earles, Mellent and Waren: howbeit they were not furni­shed [Page 52] with such number of men as had béene requisit; for as it fell out, they brought no great retinues with them. The earle of Albemarle. William de Ypres. The ordering of the battels on the kings aduersaries part. The other wing was gouerned by the earle of Albemarle, and William de Ypres.

Now on the aduersaries side, the earle of Chester led the fore ward, and those whome king Stephan had disherited, were placed in the middle ward. In the rere ward the earle of Glocester with his compa­nie had the rule. And besides those thrée battels, the Welshmen were set as a wing at one of the sides.

Here the earle of Chester (to vtter the good will line 10 which he had to fight) appointed in faire armour as he was, spake these words in effect as followeth, dire­cting the same to the earle of Glocester, and other the capteines, saieng: ‘I giue you hartie thanks, most inuincible chiefteine, The oration of the earle of Chester. Ran. Higd. and you my fellow soldi­ers, which declare your hartie good wils towards me, euen to the ieoparding of your liues at this my re­quest and instance. Sith then I am the occasion of your perill, it is conuenient that I make the first en­trance, line 20 and giue the onset of the battell vpon that most disloiall king, who granting a truce, hath bro­ken the peace; and swearing to be a subiect, is now prooued a most wicked vsurper: I therefore trusting both vpon reuenge of the vniust dealings of this king, and also vpon mine owne force and courage, shall straitwaies breake in sunder the arraie of his armie, and make waie through the middest of the e­nimies with sword in hand. It shall be your parts then to follow me, who will lead you the waie: for e­uen now my mind giueth me, that I shall passe tho­rough line 30 the battels, tread the capteines vnder foot, and run the king through with this my sharpe sword.’

When he had thus ended, the earle of Glocester answered in this wise: The earle of Glocesters answer to the earle of Che­sters oration. ‘It is not against reason that you should require the honor of the first onset, both for the nobilitie of your house, and also in respect of the prowesse wherein you excell: but yet if you stand vpon nobilitie, for my part, being the sonne and ne­phue of a king, ought not I to be preferred? If vpon line 40 valiancie, here are manie verie worthie men, afore whom there is not one aliue that may chalenge any prerogatiue. But another reason moueth me most chieflie to be the formost. The king, who contrarie to his oth made to my sister, hath cruellie vsurped the kingdome, and setting all in trouble, hath beene the cause of manie thousand mens deaths, and distri­buted lands and liuings to such as haue no right to the same, which he hath violentlie taken from the rightfull owners, who are quite disherited. This king (I saie) is first to be assailed with the assistance of the line 50 righteous iudge, who prepareth punishment for wic­ked dooers. For almightie God, who iudgeth his peo­ple with equitie, will looke downe from his heauen­lie habitation, and will not leaue vs comfortlesse in this so great a necessitie. One thing there is, most valiant capteines, and all you right hardie souldiers, which I would haue you to consider, that through the fennes, which with much adoo you haue passed, there is no waie to escape by flight. Here must we either line 60 vanquish the enimies, The necessi­tie to fight valiantlie. or else die in the field: for no hope of safegard remaineth in fléeing awaie. This onelie resteth (I saie) that you make waie for you to enter the citie with force of your weapons. If I be not deceiued in that which my mind giueth me to coniecture, the lacke of meanes to escape, otherwise than by shewing your selues valiant men, by Gods helpe will bring vs the victorie. For he must néeds plaie the man, who hath not other succor to auoid the danger of destruction. The citizens of Lincolne, who shall fight so néere their houses as you shall sée, will not staie long to get them thither for their refuge. And herewith consider and weie (I beseech you) a­gainst whom you shall match in this battell. There is Alane duke of Britaine, Alane duke of Britaine. who commeth armed a­gainst you, yea rather against God, a wicked person, and spotted with all kind of filthinesse; who in ma­lice hath no péere, as one that neuer wanted desire to doo mischéefe: and who to be comparable in cruel­tie, would iudge it a great reproch. There commeth also the earle of Mellent, The earle of Mellent. a man full of all guile and deceit, in whose hart iniquitie is rooted, and nothing sounding in his mouth but vnthankfulnesse; besides this, he is slothfull in déeds, presumptuous in words, not hastie to fight, but swift to run awaie. Then com­meth earle Hugh, who hath not thought it sufficient to breake his oth to my sister the empresse, Earle Hugh. but he must commit periurie the second time, in aduouch­ing (vpon a new oth) that king Henrie granted the kingdome to Stephan, and disabled his daughter. After him marcheth the earle of Albemarle, a man of singular constancie in euill, The earle of Albemarle. verie readie to at­tempt and loth to giue ouer a mischeefe: whose wife, through irkesomnes of his filthie behauiour is gone from him; & he that keepeth hir, The earle of Albermarles wife. cōmeth with him also against vs, an open adulterer, & one well esteemed of Bacchus, but nothing acquainted with Mars. Then setteth foorth Simon earle of Hampton, whose déeds consist in words, & whose gifts rest in promises. Simon earle of Hampton. For when he hath said, he hath doone; & when he hath pro­mised, ye get no more. Finallie there come togither a knot of Péeres & Noble men, Like maister, like seruants. like to their king and maister, accustomed to robberies, enriched with ra­pines, embrued with manslaughters, & defamed with periurie. You therefore (most valiant capteins & har­die souldiers) whom king Henrie hath aduanced, and this man hath brought vnder foot; whom he made wealthie, and this man hath impouerished; vpon trust of your worthy valiancie, yea rather vpon trust of Gods iustice seeke your reuenge thus offered by God vpon these wicked wretches, & with manlie sto­machs vow to go forward, & forswere stepping back.’ When the earle had made an end, all the armie (lift­ing vp their hands to God) abiured all intention to flée, and so made themselues readie to set forward.

King Stephan hauing no pleasant voice of him­selfe, appointed earle Baldwin to giue an exhortati­on to his armie, wherevpon getting himselfe to an high place where he might be seene & heard of them, he thus began. All such as shall giue battell, Earle Bald­win his ora­tion in the be­halfe of king Stephan. Thrée things to be fore­séene by them that shall giue battell. ought to foresée thrée things: first, that their cause be righteous: secondlie, the number of their men to be equall at the least: and thirdlie, the goodnesse and suf­ficiencie of them.

The righteousnes of their cause ought to be regarded, least men runne in danger of the soule; the number of men is to be respected, least they should be oppressed with multitude of enimies; and the goodnesse of the soldiers is to be considered, least trusting in the multitude, they should presume vpon the aid of feeble persons, & such as are of small valure. In all these points we see our selues suffici­entlie furnished. The iustice of our cause is this: that obseruing the thing which we vowed to our king be­fore God, we stand to the same against those that haue falsified their faith, euen to the perill of death. Our number is not much lesse in horssemen, and in footmen we excéed them. As for the goodnesse or suffi­ciencie of our men, who is able to expresse the noble prowesse of so manie earles, of so manie lords and soldiers, trained vp euer in warres? The passing va­liancie of our king may stand in place of innumera­ble souldiers. Sith then he being the lords annoin­ted, is here amongst you, vnto whom ye haue vowed allegiance, performe your vow. For the more ear­nestly and faithfully ye serue your prince in this bat­tell, which you are readie to fight against periured persons, the more shall your reward be at the hands of God and him. Therfore be of good comfort, & haue [Page 53] in remembrance against whom you doo darraine the battell. Erle Robert. The force of erle Robert is well knowne, his maner is to threaten much, & to worke little, furious in words, eloquent of speach, but cold or rather dead harted in déeds. The earle of Chester. The earle of Chester what is he? A man of vnreasonable boldnesse, bent to conspira­cie, inconstant to performe that which he rashlie ta­keth in hand, readie to run into batell, vncircumspect in danger, practising things of great importance, sée­king after things vnpossible, bringing with him few good soldiers, but gathering a vagarant rout of ras­cals. line 10 There is nothing in him that we ought to be afraid of, for looke whatsoeuer he attempteth man­fullie, the same he giueth ouer womanlie, in all his dooings vnfortunate, in all encounters either he is ouercome and fléeth awaie, or if he get the vpper hand (which seldome times chanceth) he susteineth greater losse than they whom he dooth vanquish.

The Welshmen, whom he bringeth with him are little estéemed of vs, who pretend a naked rashnesse without any vse of armor, so that as men without line 20 any knowledge of martiall policie, they fall as brute beasts vpon the hunters iaueline. The other, as well the nobles as the common souldiers are but runna­gates and vagabounds; of whom I would wish the number greater than it is: for the more they be, the woorsse in effect their seruice shall prooue in time of need. You therefore (most worthie cheefetaines) you men of honor, it standeth you vpon to haue in regard your vertue and dignities. This day aduance your line 30 renowme, and follow the foresteps of your famous ancestors, leaue to your sonnes an euerlasting com­mendation. Continuall good successe a prouocation of boldnesse. The continuall successe of victorie ought to be a prouocation vnto you to doo manfullie: the continuance of euill speed may be to yonder side an occasion to run away. For euen alreadie (I dare say) they repent them of their comming hither, and could be contented to be gone, if the nature of the place would suffer them to depart. Then sith it is not possi­ble for them either to fight or to flée, what other thing line 40 can they doo, but (as appointed by Gods ordinance) offer themselues and all they haue about them pre­sentlie vnto vs. Yée sée then their horsses, their ar­mour, and their bodies readie here at your pleasure, lift vp your hearts therefore, and reach your hands to take that with great chearefulnesse of mind, which the Lord hath thus offered and freelie presented vnto you.

Now yer he had all made an end of his words, the batels were readie to ioine, they met with great line 50 noise of trumpets and other instruments, and the fight began with a verie sore and cruell slaughter. Hard it was in the beginning to gesse who should haue the better. Matth. Paris. Hen. Hunt. The wing of the disherited men ouerthrew and bare downe their aduersaries, which were led by the duke of Britaine, and the forenamed earles. On the contrarie part, the earle of Albemarle and William de Ypres put the Welshmen to flight, but by the earle of Chester and his retinue, the same earle and William de Ypres were fiercelie assailed line 60 afresh, and put out of order. Thus was the kings side put to the worse, W. Paru. Hen. Hunt. namelie his horssemen, who being placed in the forefront, and there ouermatched, fell to galoping. Which thing when the king beheld, he was not yet any whit therewith abashed, but like an har­die captein (as he was no lesse indéed) comforted his footmen whom he had about him, and rushing vpon his enimies, bare them downe, and ouerthrew so manie as stood before him, so that with the point of his weapon he made himselfe waie. His footmen, who were but a few in number to the multitude of his enimies, Polydor. counteruailed in all points the prowes and manlike dooings of their king and capteine, in­somuch that few battels had beene better fought, nor with greater slaughter on both sides, if the kings fore ward (which in maner at the first shranke backe and was disordered, not without some supicion of treason) had staied the brunt of the enimies a while, as it had béene requisite. At length the king encoun­tring with the earle of Chester, being ouercharged with multitude, was taken prisoner by one William de Cahames.

Earle Baldwine, Simon Dun. Hen. Hunt. who had made the oration in the kings behalfe, was also taken, after he had fought valiantlie and receiued manie sore wounds: like­wise Richard Fitzvrse, who on that daie had shewed good proofe of his manhood, and had giuen and recei­ued manie a sore stripe. To conclude, Matth. Paris. all those that abode with the king, and namelie all the footmen were taken prisoners, those which were slaine in the place excepted. W. Paru. This battell was fought in the sixt yeare of king Stephans reigne, vpon Candlemas daie, being sundaie, as Niger saith.

The king being apprehended and brought to the empresse lieng at Glocester, Polydor. The king led to Bristow. was commanded by hir to be conueied in safetie vnto Bristow, where he was kept as prisoner from that time of his taking, vntill the feast of All saints next ensuing. Not long after this field fought, as ye haue heard, Geffrey earle of Aniou husband to the empresse, W. Paru. receiuing ad­uertisement of this victorie atchiued in England, foorthwith inuaded Normandie, inducing all the No­bles of the countrie to incline vnto him: for by pub­lishing the captiuitie of king Stephan, it was easie for him to come by the possession of the same.

Moreouer, Dauid king of Scotland entred into Northumberland, The king of Scots taketh Northumber­land into his possession. Polydor. The empresse foloweth the victorie. and by commandement of the em­presse tooke the countrie into his hands, whilest she (like a woman of great wisedome, as she was no lesse indéed) iudging that it stood hir vpon to vse the victorie which fell to hir lot, slept not hir businesse, but went forward, and setting from Glocester, she came to Winchester, where she was honorablie receiued of bishop Henrie, though he was king Stephans brother, and inwardlie lamented the misfortune of the king. Then came she backe againe to Wilton, and so to Oxenford, from thence to Reading, and then to S. Albons, into all which cities and townes she was receiued with great triumph and honour.

Hauing thus passed through all the south parts of the realme on that side, Shée cōmeth to London. she finallie came to London, where the citizens welcomed hir in most ioifull and hartie maner. Now being come to London, and con­sulting with those of hir councell for the quieting of the whole state of the realme, queene Maud wife to king Stephan (for so she was also called) made humble suit vnto hir to haue hir husband set at li­bertie, The quéene sueth to the empresse for the deliuerie of hir husband promising that he should resigne his whole claime and title into hir hands, and content himselfe with a priuate life. But hir suit was so farre off from being granted, that she was reiected and cast off with reprochfull words. Wherevpon she conceiued a most high displeasure, and vnderstood well inough; that peace was to be purchased by force of armes onelie, and not by any other meanes: insomuch that with all diligence she sent to hir sonne Eustace (then be­ing in Kent) & willed him to prepare an armie, which he did most spéedilie.

It chanced at the same time that the citizens of London made great and laborious suit vnto the said empresse, that they might haue the lawes of king Edward the Confessour restored, and the straight lawes of hir father king Henrie abolished. But for so much as they could get no grant of their petition, and perceiued the empresse to be displeased with them about that importunat request, The Londo­ners conspire to take the empresse. wherein onelie she ouershot hir selfe, they deuised how and by what meanes they might take hir prisoner, knowing that [Page 54] all the Kentishmen would helpe to strengthen them in their enterprise. But reckoning with hir selfe that ‘Nil p [...]terit propera tutius esse fuga,’ And being warned thereof, she fled by night out of the citie, Shée fled in the night time out of the citie. and went to Oxenford, determining to be reuenged vpon hir aduersaries when time should serue hir turne. Herewith she began to wax more displeased both against those Nobles whom she kept in prison, & other also whom she troubled, but name­lie king Stephan, whom she commanded to be loden with yrons, and serued with verie slender diet. line 10

N. Triue [...].Now when she had thus fled out of London, which was about the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Bap­tist, the tower of London was besieged, which Geffe­rey de Mandeuile held, Geffrey de Mandeuile. and valiantlie defended. The same Geffrey rushing out on a time, came to Ful­ham, The bishop of Londō taken. where he tooke the bishop of London then lodg­ing in his manor place, being one of the contrarie faction.

Henrie bishop of Winchester perceiuing the wrath of the empresse more and more to increase dailie a­gainst line 20 hir people, Polydor. thinking it wisedome to serue the time, Castels forti­fied by the bi­shop of win­chester. manned all the castels which he had builded within his dieces; as at Waltham, Farnham, and o­ther places, and withdrew himselfe into the castell of Winchester, there to remaine, till he might sée to what end the furie of the woman would grow. This being knowne, the empresse tooke vnto hir Dauid king of Scotland that was hir vncle, who immediat­lie ioining their armies togither, went to Winche­ster and besieged the castell. In the meane time the line 30 quéene and hir sonne Eustace, with the helpe of their freends, as the Kentishmen, the Londoners and other had assembled a great armie, and appointed the go­uernement and generall conduct thereof vnto one William of Ypres a Fleming, William de Ypresse. who for his valian­cie was by king Stephan created earle of Kent: he was sonne to Philip of Flanders, Ia. Meir. begotten of a con­cubine, his father also was sonne to Robert earle of Flanders, surnamed Frisius. This William was ba­nished out of his countrie by Theodorike Elsas earle line 40 of Flanders, bicause he attempted to bereaue him of his earledome.

The quéenes armie thus committed to his gui­ding, came néere vnto Winchester, and kept the em­presse and hir people in maner besieged: Wil. Malm. In nouella hi­storia. N. Triue [...]. Sim. Dun. Polydor. The empresse armie put to flight. Wil. Malm. Robert earle of Glocester taken priso­ner. at length perceiuing the aduantage after the comming of a great supplie of Londoners to their aid, they set vpon hir armie as the same was departing, with such vio­lence, that straightwaies hir host was put to flight and discomfited. The empresse was glad to saine hir line 50 selfe dead, and so to be conueied in a coch as a dead corps vnto Glocester. Hir brother Robert with ma­nie other of the Nobles that staied behind, till she and other might get out of danger, were taken pri­soners. And bicause the king was kept at Bristow vnder the custodie of the said Robert, the queene cau­sed him to be hardlie handled, that he might prooue the words of the gospell true: With what measure yée meat vnto other, Matt. Paris. with the same by other shall it be line 60 remeasured vnto you. He had deserued verie euill of the king heretofore, and therefore it was now re­membred. He was taken (in maner abouesaid) on the feast day of the exaltation of the crosse.

Wil. Paruus. N. Triuet. Dauid king of Scots reti­red home. Simon Dun. R. Houe. Alberike de Uéer slaine.Dauid king of Scotland was not at the battell himselfe, but hearing of the discomfiture, got him out of the countrie, and by helpe of trustie guides re­turned into Scotland, whilest Alberike de [...]éer was slaine at London in a seditious tumult raised by the citizens. The kingdome being thus diuided into two seuerall factions, was by all similitudes like to come to vtter ruine: for the people kindled in hatred one against another, sought nothing else but reuenge on both sides, Wil. Malm. and still the land was sp [...]iled and wasted by the men of warre which lodged within the castels and fortresses, Polydor. and would often issue out to harrie and spoile the countries. But now that the two cheefest heads were prisoners, there was good hope conceiued that God had so wrought it, whereby might grow some ouerture of talke, to quiet such troubles by fréendlie peace and agreement.

Herevpon those lords that wished well to the com­mon-wealth, began to intreate betwixt them, and articles were propounded for a concord to be had, and an exchange of prisoners on both sides. But the em­presse and hir brother would not hearken to any a­gréement, except that the realme might wholie re­maine to the said empresse. Whereby the enimies were rather increased than decreased by this treatie, so that at length the king and the earle (weried with tedious yrksomnesse of yrons and hard imprison­ment, Geruasius Dorober. The king and the earle of Glocester de­liuered by ex­change. and putting all their hope in the chance of war) about the feast of All saints made exchange by de­liuering of the one for the other, without making mention of any peace at all: Anno Reg. 7. 1142 and so kindled with new displeasures, they renewed the warre.

King Stephan being deliuered in such wise as you haue heard, comming to London, Geruasius Do­robernensis. A parlement called. and there being accompanied with his brother Henrie bishop of Winchester (then the popes legat) Theobald archbi­shop of Canturburie, and others, he called a parle­ment, wherein the king declared the present state, how the enimie was brought to this point, that if it would please the Nobles of the realme to mainteine him with men & monie, he trusted now so to worke, as they should not need to feare submission to the yoke of a womans gouernment: which at the first they seemed much to mislike, and now sithens (to their great gréefe) had prooued to be intollerable. The summe of his talke tended to this end, that those which were able of themselues to aid him with their owne persons, should prepare them out of hand so to doo; and the residue that were not meet (as bishops, and such like maner of men) should be contributors to aid him with hired souldiers, armour, and monie.

This was gladlie agréed vpon, with the generall consent of all the assemblie. And bicause the bishops shewed themselues verie liberall towards the ad­uancing of the kings purpose, there was a statute made at the same parlement, that who so euer did laie any violent hands on a sacred person, or else tooke vpon him to apprehend any of them, A statute esta­blished in fa­uour of préests for what fault soeuer, without the bishops licence, he should be accursed, and not be assoiled of any maner of person, except of the pope, as by a canon it was alreadie de­créed, but not obeied among the Englishmen till that daie. ¶ The cause of making this statute was chéef­lie, for that preests during the time of the ciuill wars, were dailie either slaine, or taken prisoners, and so put to their ransoms, or charged with great penal­ties and gréeuous fines.

The bishop of Winchester at this councell also began an other brall among the cleargie, for being brother to king Stephan, & armed with the popes au­thoritie as his legat in England, by reason of exer­cising his authoritie, fell at variance with the bishop of Canturburie, who tooke himselfe for his superior, bicause he was his primat. This quarell grew so far in question, that they went both to Rome to haue the controuersie decided, and so bringing their sutes thither, contented well the eares of them that had the hearing of the same: for the more weightie the cause seemed, the better it liked them.

¶A late writer, noting in clergiemen of his age & countrie not onelie the aspiring vice of ambition, Paul. Lang. in Chron citizen. pag. 760. but other disorders also, and monstrous outrages, after a complaint made that gold (by which title he calleth those of the ecclesiasticall order) is turned in­to [Page 55] drosse, and swéet wine become tart vineger, con­cludeth with the illation of the cause hereof compri­sed in this metricall accouplement, saieng:

Dum factor rerum priuaret flamine clerum,
Ad satanae votum successit turba nepotum.

Which he inferred vpon occasion against the pre­posterous elections of vnmeet men into episcopall [...]ées, for that they were not so qualified as the dig­nitie of the place required; otherwise peraduenture enabled with competent knowledge and learning. And suerlie, we may note these inordinate affections line 10 from the beginning of this our chronicle in the best (I meane in respect of their estates) of this liuerie, and may iustlie impute it to the defection of Gods spirit in them, whose nature is to plant peace and méekenesse in the harts of his tenants, not discord, not ambition, not the works of darknesse, which be­séeme not the children of light. But to the purpose.

As the king began (after his libertie obteined) to prouide for warres, Matth. Paris. Earle Robert passeth ouer into Nor­mandie. so earle Robert (after he was line 20 discharged) sailed ouer into Normandie, taking with him the sonnes of diuerse Noble men who fauo­red the empresse, whome he deliuered to hir husband the earle of Aniou to be kept as pledges, & earnestlie besought him to passe ouer into England with an armie to aid the empresse. Normandie woone by the earle of An­iou. Howbeit bicause he was newlie intred into the conquest of Normandie, and had alreadie won the most part thereof, he thought good to make first an end of his warres there, ha­uing somewhat to doo against certeine rebels of his owne countie of Aniou, which did not a little molest line 30 him. But he recouered (whilest the earle of Gloce­ster was there with him) Alney, Mortaigne, Te­nerchbray, and diuerse other places perteining chief­lie to the earle of Mortaigne: about the same time al­so they of Constances submitted themselues vnto him. Thus the earle of Aniou being occupied in those parties, could not well come into England.

Wil. Malm. Earle of Glo­coster retur­neth.Wherevpon the earle of Glocester came backe a­gaine himselfe, and bringing with him somewhat lesse than foure hundred men of armes (imbarked in line 40 52. ships) landed with the same at Warrham, and besieged the castell there, which his enimies had won out of his hands whilest he was absent in Norman­die. Ger. Dor. In the end they that were within it (vnder the gouernment of Herebert de Lucy) fell to agreement by composition, that if they were not succoured by a certeine time, they should deliuer the castell vnto the earle. Wil. Malm. King Stephan himselfe the same time held a siege before Oxford, within the which he had inclosed line 50 the empresse, as hereafter shalbe shewed: so that they within the castell of Warrham had no succour sent vnto them, and therefore (according to the articles of their composition) they yeelded vp the hold, after erle Robert had lien three wéekes before it.

This castell being thus woone, earle Robert sub­dued also such as kept the Ile of Portland, The Ile of Portland. Circester. and had fensed it after the maner of a fortresse: afterwards he came to Circester, and there assembled all those that fauoured the part of the empresse, meaning with all conuenient spéed to go to Oxford, & there to giue line 60 battell to king Stephan, if he would abide it. Who after his deliuerance from captiuitie, had assembled a great host of men, The empresse besieged in Oxford. and comming to Oxford, where the empresse then laie, suddenlie besieged hir, before she looked for him. And to the end also that he might compell the townsmen to yeeld, or else kéepe them from entring which would come to their succors, he ranged abroad into the countrie with part of his ar­mie, wasting all afore him by fire & sword. This siege continued almost two moneths, in maner from his deliuerie in the beginning of Nouember, vntill Christmasse immediatlie following: in somuch that through lacke of vittels they within the towne be­gan to raise mutinies. The empresse therefore doub­ting the sequele, and séeing hir prouision to decaie, deuised a shift how to escape that present danger, which by force she was vnlikelie to performe.

It was a verie hard winter that yeare, the Thames and other riuers thereabouts were frosen, so that both man and horsse might safelie passe ouer vpon the yce, N. Triuet. Simon Dun. Wil. Paru. Ran. Higd. Matth. Paris. The empresse escapeth out of Oxford. Polydor. Wil. Malm. Simon Dun. Matth. Paris. Brian sonne to the earle of Glocester. the fields were also couered with a thicke and déepe snow. Herevpon taking occasion, she clad hir selfe and all hir companie in white appa­rell, that a far off they might not be discerned from the snow; and so by negligence of the watch that kept ward but slenderlie, by reason of the excéeding cold weather, she and hir partakers secretlie in the night issued out of the towne, and passing ouer the Thames, came to Walingford, where she was recei­ued into the castell by those that had the same in kée­ping to hir vse: of whom Brian the sonne to the erle of Glocester was the chiefe.

¶ Here we may see the subtiltie of the empresse, whereby she obteined frée and safe passage out of hir enimies hands, who otherwise had taken hir in their net. So that it will be true, that hath neuer béene false, Aeneas Syluius. which Aeneas Syluius (and before him many more driuing vpon the like argument) dooth saie in this distichon:

Non audet stygius Pluto tentare, quod audent
Effraenis monachus plenáque fraudis illa,

Meaning Mulier, a woman. And therefore looke what they want in magnanimitie, in strength, in courage, the same is supplied by deceit, by circum­uention, by craft, by fraud, by collusion; sometimes applied to a good intent, but most commonlie dire­cted to an euill meaning and purpose, as the euents themselues doo manie times declare. But let vs sée what followed vpon this escape of the empresse.

After hir departure from Oxford, Polydor. Simon Dun. N. Triuet. the townesmen yeelded vnto the king, who hauing taken order for the kéeping of them in obedience, marched toward Walingford, minding to besiege the castell there: but being encountred in the way by his enimies, he was driuen backe, and so constreined to turne ano­ther waie. Anno Reg. 8. 1143 Earle Robert hearing that his sister was escaped and gotten to Wallingford, hasted thither with all spéed to visit hir: The empresse hir sonne lord Henrie. & (as some write) brought with him hir sonne the lord Henrie that was come with him from beyond the seas, to sée his mother: so that the empresse now beholding both hir sonne and brother, receiued them with all the ioy and honour that she could or might presentlie make them. Hir son remaining vnder the gouernement of earle Ro­bert, was then appointed by him to abide within the citie of Bristow, & there continued for the space of 4. yéeres, being committed to one Matthew his schoole­maister, to be instructed in knowledge, and trained vp in ciuill behauiour.

King Stephan (after the spoiling of sundrie chur­ches, the robbing and burning of manie townes and villages by the hands of his hired souldiers, who for the more part were Flemings) came at leng [...]h with his brother the bishop of Winchester stronglie ar­med vnto Wilton, The king commeth to wilton. where he tooke in hand to fortifie the nunrie in steed of a castell, to resist the incursi­ons and inrodes of them of Salisburie, who in the behalfe of the empresse had doone manie displeasures vnto his fréends: but earle Robert vnderstanding of his dooings, got a power togither with all speed, and the first daie of Iulie about sunne setting came to Wilton, and suddenlie set the towne on fire.

The king being lodged within the nunrie, and fea­ring no such matter, after he heard of the sudden as­semblie of his enimies, was put in such feare, that he tooke himselfe dishonourablie to flight, leauing his men, his plate, and other riches altogither behind [Page 56] him. Wil. Paru. Sim Dun. M. Triuet. Matt. Paris. The earles souldiers egerlie assailed the kings people, killed and spoiled them at their pleasure, rifled the kings treasurie without resistance, and satisfied themselues with greedines. In this broile was Wil­liam Marcell or Martell taken prisoner by earle Ro­berts men, & led to the castell of Wallingford, where Brian the earle of Glocesters sonne hauing charge of that castell, kept him in close prison, and vsed him hardlie, who by reason of the opinion which men had conceiued of his valiancie, could not be deliuered, till he had paid 300. marks for his ransome, and deliue­red line 10 the castell of Shirborne into the earles hands. Within a few daies after, Miles earle of Hereford deceased. Miles earle of Hereford departed this life, whose death was verie gréeuouslie taken of the empresse, for he was one of hir chéefe fréends and councellers. His eldest sonne Roger suc­céeded him, a gentleman though yoong in yeares, yet valiant and forward in feats of armes. William Mandeuile earle of Essex, Ger. Dor. The earle of Essex taken. an ancient capteine, & an expert warriour (who had serued the empresse, was taken also at S. Albons) but not without great line 20 slaughter of the kings souldiers: in so much that a­mong other, the erle of Arundell mounted on a cou­ragious palfrie & a verie valiant man was ouer­throwen in the middest of a water called Haliwell, by a knight named Walkeline de Orcaie, so that the same earle was sore bruised in his bodie, The earle of Arundell. and al­most drowned. The king was present himselfe at the taking of the said Mandeuile, whom he spoiled of all his goods, N. Triuet. Wil. Paru. and constreined by way of redempti­on of his libertie, to deliuer into the kings hands the line 30 Tower of London, the castell of Walden, and Ple­shey. Herevpon the same earle being released was driuen through pouertie to seeke some recouerie of his losses by sundrie spoiles and roberies. First of all therefore he spoiled the abbeie of S. Albons, Anno Reg. 9. 1144 and then the abbeie of Ramsey, which he fortified and defen­ded as a fortresse, Hen. Hunt. casting the moonks out of doores, and in euerie place where soeuer he came, he robbed the countrie before him, till at length in the midst of his reuenge and malicious dooings, he was shot tho­rough line 40 with an arrow amongst his men by a sillie footman, and so ended his life with confusion, recei­uing worthie punishment for his vngodlie behaui­our. For he was a man of high stomach & loftie cou­rage, Sim. Dunel. Iohn Pike. Matth. West. N. Triuet. but verie obstinate against God, of great in­dustrie in worldlie businesse, but passing negligent towards his maker, as writers report of him.

Likewise Robert Marmion, who had attempted the semblable robberie & spoile in the abbeie church of Couentrie, was slaine before the same abbeie by line 50 a like mischance. For going foorth to encounter with the earle of Chester (his mortall enimie, Wil. Malm. Wil. Paru. and being approched as then towards the citie) he fell with his horsse into a ditch, which he caused to be couertlie made for the destruction of his enimies: and before he could be relieued, a souldier of the earles part stept to him, and stroke his head from his shoulders in sight of both armies. Ernulfus the sonne of earle Geffrey Mandeuile that kept the church of Ramsey as a fortresse, after his fathers death, was taken at line 60 length and banished.

¶ Thus we see how Gods iudgement hunteth and pursueth the wicked, in somuch that they be o­uertaken in their owne imaginations: according to that of the scripture, The wicked and bloudthirstie man shall not liue halfe his daies. And true it is, that as men liue, so commonlie they die: for, as one saith verie well;

— bona nulla scelestis
Et iustis mala nulla quidem contingere possunt.
M. Pal. in suo scor.

About the same time aduertisement was giuen, that the citie of Lincolne, which the earle of Chester had in keeping, was but slenderlie manned. Where­vpon the king conceiuing some hope to win the same, hasted forward: and comming thither in the night, laid siege therevnto, Lincolne be­sieged. and began to cast a trench to stop them within frō making any salies without.

The earle at the first being somewhat amazed with the sudden approch of the enimie, yet beholding from the walles the maner of them without, he perceiued the rankes to be verie thin: and thereby gessing their number to be but small, suddenlie issued foorth at the gates to encounter with them. The king a­bode not the giuing of the charge, bicause he was but weake and therefore fled; The siege raised. neither could the earle follow the chace conuenientlie, for the like cause; but setting vpon those that were about to make the trench, he slue 80. of the workemen, N. Triuet. and then retired into the castell.

This yeare was an heinous act committed by the Iewes at Norwich, where they put a child to death, A child cru­cified by the Iewes. in crucifieng him vpon a crosse to the reproch of chri­stian religion.

In the yeare following; namelie, in the 10. Matth. Paris. Simon Dun. yeare of king Stephans reigne, Robert earle of Glocester and other capteins tooke in hand to build a castell at Faringdon. Anno. Reg. 10. 1145 But king Stephan assembling an ar­mie of Londoners and other, A castell built at Faring­don. Hen. Hunt. came thither, and besie­ged them within. Now whilest earle Robert and o­thers of the empresses capteins remaining not far off, taried for a greater power to come to their aid, the king with sharpe assaults (but not without losse of his men) wan the fortresse: The king winneth it by force. whereby his side be­gan to wax the stronger, and to be more highlie ad­uanced. After this he came with a mightie armie vn­to Wallingford, Anno Reg. 11. 1146 and there builded a strong castell ouer against the other castell which his aduersaries held against him.

Thither also came the earle of Chester with a great traine of knights and gentlemen vnto the king, Ran. Higd. Matth. Paris. N. Triuet. Simon Dun. and so at length they were not vnfeignedlie accorded and made freends, but in apperance on the kings behalfe. For shortlie after, the earle was craftilie taken at a parlement holden at Northampton, by the practise of K. Stephan, and could not be deliuered, till he had surrendred the citie and castell of Lincolne, with o­ther fortresses perteining to the crowne into the kings hands. Ran. Higd. The Welsh­men wafte Cheshire. Ger. Dor. About that time did the Welshmen destroie the prouince of Chester, but at last they were distressed. This yeare also the lord Geffrey earle of Aniou sent thrée Noble men into England, accom­panied with certeine men of warre, vnto earle Ro­bert, requesting him to send ouer his sonne Henrie into France, that he might sée him, and if need requi­red, he promised to send him backe againe with all conuenient speed. Earle Robert was contented to satisfie his request: and so with a good power of ar­med men brought the lord Henrie vnto Warham, where he tooke leaue of him, neuer after to sée him in this world. For when the child was transpor­ted, earle Robert returned spéedilie to the parties from whence he came, and there falling into an ague, The earle of Glocester departeth this life. departed this life about the beginning of Nouem­ber, and was buried at Bristow. The lord Henrie comming to his father, was ioifully receiued, and re­mained in those parties for the space of two yeares and foure moneths.

In the meane season, Anno Reg. 12. 1147 the vniust procéedings of K. Stephan against the earle of Chester, purchased him new hatred of his old aduersaries, and like supicion of such as were his freends, for it sounded not a little to his dishonor. Euerie man therefore was in doubt of his dealing, Simon Dun. K. Stephan entreth into Lincolne with his crowne on his head. and iudged that it stood them vpon to take héed to themselues. But he (as one that thought he had atchiued some high exploit) in triumphant wise shortlie after entred into Lincolne in his roiall robes, and his crowne on his head, whereas it had [Page 57] not béene heard that any king had doone the like ma­nie yeares before.

¶ It is reported by some writers, that he did this, to root out of mens minds a foolish superstitious con­ceit, which beléeued that no king with his crowne vp­on his head might enter that citie, but some mis­chance should light vpon him: wherevpon he seemed by this meanes to mocke their superstitious imagi­nation.

About the same time manie of the Nobles of the line 10 realme (perceiuing the kings authoritie to represse violent wrongs committed by euill dooers to be de­fectiue) builded sundrie strong castels and fortresses vpon their owne grounds, either to defend them­selues, or to make force vpon their enimies néere adioining. After the departing of the king from Lincolne, the earle of Chester came thither with an armie, to assaie if he might recouer that citie. But his lieutenant that had the leading of his men, was slaine at the entring of the northgate, and so the erle line 20 was beaten backe with the losse of manie of his men: Simon Dun. and the citizens hauing got the vpper hand, re­ioised not a little for the victorie.

But here (to stay a litle with temporall affaires) it shall not be amisse to rehearse the effect of a conten­tion, which fell about this time betwéene that king and the archbishop of Canturburie. For so it happe­ned (as Geruasius Dorobernensis writeth) that pope Eugenius came this yeare into France, Ger. Dor. about the middest of Lent, and afterward held a synod or coun­cell at Rhemes: wherevnto Theobald archbishop of line 30 Canturburie, with others of the English bishops were summoned. The archbishop therevpon asking licence of the king, & not obteining it, found meanes to steale awaie in a small bote, not without danger of his person.

Now therefore the case of this Theobald stood ve­rie hard: for Henrie bishop of Winchester the kings brother through enuie had so wrought, that if the archbishop passed ouer without licence, he should be confined of the king. Againe, he was sure, if he came line 40 not to the councell, that he should be suspended by the pope. Herevpon the archbishop meaning rather to offend the king than the pope, got ouer, as it were swimming, rather than sailing; the vessell where­in he passed ouer being starke naught: for all the ports were kept by the kings seruants, so that he was glad to take such a bote as came next to hand. In consideration whereof he was highlie commen­ded by the pope. line 50

In this councell the prebendaries of Yorke, togi­ther with Henrie Mordach then abbat of Fount­ney, presented themselues, exhibiting their com­plaint against William archbishop of Yorke, for that (as they alledged) he was neither canonicallie chosen, nor lawfullie consecrated, but intruded by the kings authoritie. At length archbishop Willi­am was conuicted and deposed, Albert bishop of Ho­stia pronouncing sentence in this wise: ‘We doo de­crée by the apostolike authoritie, that William arch­bishop line 60 of Yorke is to be deposed from his sée, bicause Stephan king of England, before any canonicall e­lection, named him.’

Then, for that pope Eugenius had thus deposed archbishop William, although not with the consent of the more part of the cardinals, the chapiter of the church of Yorke, by his commandement comming togither, part of them chose Hilarie bishop of Chiche­ster, and the other part elected Henrie Mordach ab­bat of Fountney. Now pope Eugenius, when both elections were shewed him at Auxerre, confirmed the election of Henrie Mordach, and disanulled the other, and then consecrated the foresaid Henrie with his owne hands. The late nominated archbishop William being thus deposed, returned into Eng­land, and remained at Winchester with king Hen­rie till the death of pope Eugenius, following the counsell of the same bishop in all things.

Now when the councell at Rhemes was ended, archbishop Theobald returned into England, and comming to Canturburie, was receiued with great ho [...]or of the couent and citizens there. But the king remaining then at London, when he heard of it, was sore displeased, and came with great spéed vnto Can­turburie, where much conference being had betwixt him and the archbishop (although to small purpose) for the bringing of them to an agréement, at length the king compelled the archbishop to depart the realme. Wherevpon, after a few daies respit, he went to Douer, where he tooke ship and sailed into France. But within a while he was called backe by the quéene and William of Ypres, vnto S. Omers, that they might the sooner aduertise him of the kings mind and pleasure. Here he consecrated Gilbert the elect bishop of Hereford, the fift daie of Septem­ber, Theodoric bishop of Amiens and Nicholas bi­shop of Cambre assisting him.

After this, when by sending of messengers to and fro, aswell bishops, abbats, and other, both spirituall persons and temporall, there could no agréement be made, he directed his letter to certeine churches here in England, pronouncing by a certeine day, namelie the twelfe day of September, a sentence of inter­diction to be obserued through the relme. The monks of Canturburie sore offended herewith, before the prefixed day of this sentence to be put in vre, sent two moonkes of their owne house, Nigell and Absolon, vnto the pope: whose errand when the pope had vn­derstood, he commanded them to returne home, and to obeie their archbishops sentence in all things.

In the meane time the archbishops men and te­nants were sore oppressed, and his rents and reue­nues seized to the kings vse, yea euen before the daies of paiment. Which maner of proceeding sore gréeued the archbishop: in so much that departing from S. Omers, he came to Graueling, and there ta­king the sea, crossed ouer to a towne called Goseford that belonged vnto Hugh Bigot erle of Northfolke: which earle receiued him with great honour, and sent him all necessarie prouision, so long as he remained in his countrie. At the terme appointed, he interdic­ted all the kings dominions, and would not reuoke the sentence, till Robert bishop of London, Hilarie bishop of Chichester, and William bishop of Nor­wich, with manie other Noblemen, came to him vn­to Framelingham in Northfolke, a castell appertei­ning to the said earle, where at length an attonment was concluded betwixt him and the king: wherevp­on he was brought home vnto Canturburie with great ioy and honor.

He accused the moonks of Canturburie, for diso­beieng the interdiction, trusting that the pope would not heare those two moonkes whom they had sent, as he did not indéed. He excommunicated also all those that had receiued the sacraments amongst them, du­ring the time of the interdiction. Now these moonkes being at their wits end, dispatched with all speed o­ther two moonkes to the pope, to obteine an absoluti­on, before the archbishop should vnderstand it: but they were sent backe againe with checks, and com­manded to obeie their archbishop in all things, as the other were, which had béene there with him be­fore.

The moonks of Canturburie that were sent to Rome, returning, came from thence to Bullongne, Geruasius. Anno Reg. 13. 1148 where they found those that were first sent thither: and so they all foure came to Canturburie. The pope also had sent a priuie commandement to the archbi­shop, [Page 58] that he should duelie punish as well them as the other. Wherevpon the archbishop taking counsell with his fréends, deposed Syluester the prior, and sus­pended William the secretarie of the house from en­tring the quéere. It was decreed also, that the residue should cease so long a time from saieng seruice, as they had said it before vnlawfullie, against the arch­bishops commandement. For it was thought reason, that whilest other sang and were merrie, they should keepe silence, which wilfullie tooke vpon them to sing, line 10 whilest other held their peace and were still. They began therefore to cease from saieng diuine seruice, and from ringing their bels in the second wéeke of Lent: & so kept silence from the twelfe day of March, vntill the first day of August.

The quéene wife to king Stephan in this meane while lay much at S. Augustines in Canturburie, bicause of hastening forward the building of Feuer­sham abbeie, which she and hir husband had begonne from the verie foundation. And bicause the moonkes line 20 of S. Augustine might not celebrate diuine seruice, she called thither commonlie the moonks of Christes church to say seruice before hir. Thus much for that purpose: and now to other matters.

The lord Henrie Fitzempresse after all these businesses returned into England, The L. Hen­rie returneth into England in the moneth of May, with a great companie of men of warre both horssemen and footmen: Anno Reg. 14. 1149 by reason whereof many re­uolted from king Stephan to take part with him: whereas before they sat still, and would not attempt line 30 any exploit against him. But now incouraged with the presence of the lord Henrie, they declared them­selues freends to him, and enimies to the king. Im­mediatlie after his arriuall, he tooke with him the earles of Chester and Hereford, Ranulfe and Roger, and diuers other Noble men and knights of great fame, beside those whom he had brought with him out of Normandie, and went vnto Carleil, where he found his coosin Dauid king of Scotland, of whome he was most ioifullie receiued: and vpon Whitsun­day line 40 with great solemnitie, being not past sixtéene yeares of age, He is made knight. R. Houed. was by the same king made knight, with diuerse other yoong gentlemen that were much about the same age.

¶Some write, that the king of Scots receiued an oth of him before he gaue him the honor of knight­hood, that if he chanced to atteine vnto the possession of the realme of England, he should restore to the Scots the towne of Newcastle, with the countrie of Northumberland, from the riuer of Twéed, to the ri­uer line 50 of Tine. But whether it were so or not, I am not able to make warrantize.

Now king Stephan hearing that the king of Scots, and his aduersarie the lord Henrie with the chéefest lords of the west parts of England lay thus in Carleil, he raised an armie, and came to the citie of Yorke, where he remained for the most part of the moneth of August, K. Stephan with an armie commeth to Yorke. fearing least his enimies should attempt the winning of that citie. But after the one part had remained a time in Carleil, and the other in line 60 Yorke, they departed from both those places without any further exploit for that season, sauing that Eu­stachius king Stephans sonne (hauing also latelie receiued the order of knighthood) did much hurt in the countries which belonged to those Noble men that were with the lord Henrie.

The great raine that fell in the summer season this yeare did much hurt vnto corne standing on the ground, Matth. Paris. Great raine. so that a great dearth followed. In the win­ter also after, about the tenth day of December, it began to fréese extreamelie, and so continued till the nineteenth of Februarie: A sore frost. wherby the riuer of Thames was so frosen, that men might passe ouer it both on foot and horssebacke.

In the meane while Henrie Duke of Normandie, Anno Reg. 15. 1150 after he had returned from the king of the Scots, sailed backe into Normandie, about the beginning of August, leauing England full of all those calami­ties, which ciuill warre is accustomed to bring with it, as burning of houses, killing, robbing, and spoi­ling of people, so that the land was in danger of vtter destruction, by reason of that pestilent discord.

This yeare the 23. of Februarie, Galfridus Monu­metens [...]s, otherwise called Galfridus Ar [...]h [...]rius, who turned the British historie into Latine, was conse­crated bishop of S. Assaph, by Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, at Lambeth, William bishop of Norwich and Walter bishop of Rochester assisting him.

Morouer, Ger. Dor. The earle of Aniou father to Henry Fitz empresse de­parteth this life. this yeare (as some writers haue recor­ded) Geffrey earle of Aniou, husband to the empresse Maud, departed this life, on the seuenth day of Sep­tember, leauing his sonne Henrie onelie heire and successor in the estates of the duchie of Normandie and countie of Aniou. The bodie of the said earle was buried at Mans, with a great funerall pompe: his three sonnes Henrie, Geffrey, and William being present.

But king Stephan assaulting the faire citie of Worcester with a great power of men of warre, Worcester as­saulted. tooke it, and consumed it with fire, but the castell he could not win. This citie belonged to earle Waleran de Mellent, at that season: for king Stephan to his owne hinderance had giuen it vnto him. Now after the men of warre had diuided the spoile amongst them, they came backe, and passing through the lands of their enimies, got great booties, which they also tooke away with them, finding none to resist them in their iournie.

In the yeare following Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, and legat to the sée apostolike, Anno Reg. 16. 1151 held a generall synod or councell at London in the Lent season, Ger. Dorobe [...]. A synod at London. where king Stephan himselfe with his sonne Eustachius, and other the péeres of the realme were present. This councell was full of appeales, contrarie to that had beene vsed in this land, till the time that Henrie bishop of Winchester vnto his owne harme (whilest he was likewise the popes legat) had by vn­iust intrusion brought them in, and now at this coun­cell he was himselfe thrise appealed to the hearing of the popes owne consistorie. After this king Stephan in the same yeare brake into the citie of Worcester, and whereas he could not the last time win the ca­stell, he now endeuoured with all his force to take it. But when those within made valiant resistance, he raised two castels against it, and leauing in the same certeine of his Nobles to continue the siege, he himselfe returned home. ¶ Thus (as yee see) the kings propertie was to attempt manie things va­liantlie, but he procéeded in them oftentimes ve­rie slowlie: howbeit, now by the policie of the earle of Leicester, those two castels which the king had rai­sed to besiege the other castell, were shortlie after de­stroied: and so the besieged were deliuered from dan­ger. This earle of Leicester was brother to the earle of Mellent. The earle of Leicester bro­ther to the erle of Mellent. Thus the kings purposed intention and painefull trauell on that behalfe came to none effect.

In the meane while Henrie duke of Normandie maried Elianor duches of Guien or Aquitaine, Anno Reg. 17. 1152 late­lie diuorsed from the French king, The duke of Normandie Fitzempresse marieth the duchesse of Aquitaine. and so in right of hir he became duke of Aquitaine, and earle of Poic­tou; for she was the onelie daughter to William duke of Guien, and earle of Poictou, and by hir father created his sole and lawfull heire.

The French king was nothing pleased with this mariage, The French king maketh warre against the duke of Normandie. in somuch that he made sore warre vpon duke Henrie, ioining himselfe in league with king Stephan, with his sonne Eustace, and with the lord [Page 59] Geffrey brother to duke Henrie, so that the said Henrie was constreined to defer his iournie into England, and applie his power to de [...]end his coun­tries and subiects on that side of the sea. For where­as he was readie at the mouth of the riuer of Barbe to passe ouer into England, not long after midsum­mer, the French king, with Eustace king Stephans sonne, Robert earle of Perch, Henrie erle of Cham­paigne, and Geffrey brother to duke Henrie, hauing assembled a mightie armie, came and besieged the line 10 castell of Newmarch, and sent foorth the lord Geffrey with a strong power to win the castell of Angers. Duke Henrie aduertised hereof, departing from the place where he soiourned, hasted foorth to succour his people that were besieged, but the castell of New­march was deliuered to the French king, The castell of Newmarch deliuered to the French king. through treason of those that had it in kéeping, before the duke could come to their rescue.

Wherevpon the said duke hauing knowledge by the waie that he should come too late thither, he en­camped line 20 first vpon the fide of the riuer of Andell, and wasted a great part of the countrie of Ueuxin or Ueulquesine, Ueulquesine. or Ueuxin. surnamed Le Normant, which lieth be­twixt the riuer of Epte and Andell. This countrie belonged somtime to Normandie, but Geffrey earle of Aniou the dukes father had resigned it to the French king, to the end he should not aid king Ste­phan. The duke also burned the castels of Bascher­uisle, Chitrey, Stirpiney, and the castell of Fort, that belonged to Hugh de Gourney, with diuerse other. line 30 About the end of August he left his townes in Nor­mandie sufficientlie furnished with garisons of soul­diers, and went into Aniou, where he besieged the ca­stell de mount Sotelli, till he had taken it, and all those that were within it, amongst whome was the lord thereof named William. The French king on the other side entring into Normandie, burnt part of the borough of Rieule, and either then or shortlie after that duke Henrie was gone ouer into Eng­land, The castell of Uernon. Simon Dun. he tooke the towne and castell of Uernon. line 40

Whilest these things were thus a dooing in France, K. Stephan would haue caused the archbi­shop of Canturburie & diuerse other bishops, whom for that purpose he had assembled, to crowne, an­noint, and confirme his sonne Eustace king ouer the realme of England. The pope is against it. But the archbishops and bi­shops refused so to doo, bicause the pope by his letters sent to the archbishop, had commanded to the contra­rie; namelie, that he should in no wise crowne the kings son, bicause his father king Stephan had got line 50 the possession of the land against his oth receiued in behalfe of the empresse. The father and sonne being not a litle offended herewith, committed most of his bishops to ward, The bishops are threatned. séeking by threats and menacings to bring them to his purpose. The bishops also were in no small perplexitie: for according to the truth, the king neuer seemed greatlie to fauor church­men, bicause of their strength (as in former times by his rigor vsed against the bishops of Salisburie and Lincolne it plainelie appeared) and yet would not line 60 these men yéeld to his pleasure: wherevpon although they were set at libertie, they were neuerthelesse de­priued of their temporall possessions, which notwith­standing afterwards vpon the kings owne motion were restored vnto them.

Howbeit the archbishop of Canturburie persi­sting still in his opinion, Ger. Dor. was forsaken of diuerse of the bishops, who throgh feare durst not stand against their princes pleasure. But the archbishop, when he perceiued how the matter went, & that all the blame was like to light and rest on his shoulders, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie flieth out of the realme. he got himselfe by a maruellous hap ouer the Thames, and with spéed riding to Douer, passed the sea, to auoid both the fathers and sonnes reuengefull displeasure. Herevpon the king seized into his hands all the lands & possessions that belonged to the archbishop.

This yeare quéene Maud wife to king Stephan departed this life at Hangey castell, Matth. Paris. Ger. Dor. that belonged to earle Alberike de Uéer, about the third daie of Maie, and was buried in the abbeie of Feuersham, which she with hir husband king Stephan had latelie founded.

This yeare through great and immoderate raine that fell in the summer, the growing of corne was so hindred, that a great death of people insued.

This yeare also was the battell of Monadmore fought in Ireland, The battell of Monadmore. where the flower and chiefest per­sonages of Mounster and Leynister were slaine. Moreouer one Iohn, a moonke of Sagium, Matth. Paris. The second & also the first bishops of Man. was made the second bishop of the Ile of Man: the first bishop that was there instituted hight Wimond a moonke of Sauinie, who for his importunate misde­menour in some respects, had his eies put out, and was displaced.

Iohn Papirio a cardinall, Hen. Marle. being sent from the pope as legat into Ireland, ordeined foure archbi­shops there, one at Dublin, an other at Ardmach, the third at Cassels, and the fourth at Connach. The sée of Dublin he changed into an archbishops sée, The bishop of Dublin made archbishop. one Gregorie at that time possessing the same: to whom he gaue the first and chiefe pall, and appointed the church of the blessed Trinitie to be church metropo­litane. As this cardinall passed through England, he receiued an oth of fealtie vnto king Stephan.

The same yeare also king Stephan by siege and force of assault did win the castell of Newberie not far from Winchester. The castell of Newberie won. This doone he went to Wal­lingford, and besieging the castell, he builded at the entring of the bridge a fortresse to stop them within from issuing out, and likewise from receiuing any reliefe or succour by their fréends abroad. The defen­dants perceiuing themselues so hardlie laid at, sent to the duke of Normandie (in whose name they kept that castell) desiring him either to succour them, or else giue them licence to yéeld vp the castell to the king. Herevpon duke Henrie hauing dispatched his businesse on the further side of the sea, began to be kindled with a feruent desire once againe to at­tempt his fortune here in England for recouerie of that kingdome, and so with three thousand footmen, Duke Henrie Fitzempresse returneth into England. & 7. score horssemen, with all spéed possible failed o­uer into England, where he landed about the 12. daie in Christmasse. He was no sooner arriued, Ger. Dor. but a great number of such as tooke part with his mother came flocking in vnto him: wherevpon being now furnished with a great and puissant armie, he mar­ched foorth to Malmesburie, He besiegeth the castell of Malmesbury. Matth. Paris. Polydor. where in the castell was a great garison of soldiers placed by king Stephan. Duke Henrie planted his siege about this castell the thirtéenth daie of Ianuarie, and enforced himselfe to the vttermost of his power to win it.

Now king Stephan hearing of his enimies arri­uall, with all hast possible got his armie on foot, and comming suddenlie towards the place where his e­nimies were pitched, K. Stephan constreineth him to raise his siege. he caused duke Henrie to raise his siege, and following after, offered him battell. But duke Henrie, knowing that his enimies were far more in number than he was at that present, and also conceiuing with himselfe that by prolonging of time his owne power would increase, absteined from fighting, and kept him within the closure of his campe. ¶ Thus haue some written, but other au­thors write, Wil. Par [...]. that Henrie kept himselfe indeed with­in his campe, and refused to giue battell, but yet re­moued not his siege, till the king departed from thence, after he saw he could not haue his purpose, and then did duke Henrie win the castell of Malmes­burie, or rather the maister tower or chéefe dungeon [Page 60] of that castell. For as ( Simon of Durham writeth) he had won by assault the other parts and lims of the castell before king Stephan came to remoue him. Simon Dun. Ger. Dor.

This tower that thus held out, was in the keeping of one capteine Iordan, who escaping foorth came to the king, informing him in what state he had left his men within the tower: wherevpon the king (making all the power that he was able) set forward, and com­ming to Circiter, lodged there one night, and in the morning purposing to raise the siege, or to fight with line 10 his enimies (if they would abide battell) marched foorth towards Malmesburie. But vpon his approch to the dukes campe, the daie following his comming thither, A sore storme. there rose such a hideous tempest of wind and raine, beating full in the faces of king Stephans people, that God seemed to fight for the duke, who in respect of the number of people was thought too weake to deale with the strong and puissant armie of the king: howbeit the storme being on his backe, and beating extremelie in king Stephans mens fa­ces, line 20 they were not able to hold their weapons in their hands, in somuch that he perceiued he could not passe the riuer that ran betwixt the armies: where­vpon constreined in that sort through the violent rage of that cold and wet weather, he returned to London full euill appaied, in that he could not satis­fie his expectation at that present.

The tower that duke Henrie had hardlie besieged immediatlie herewith was surrendred vnto him, & then making prouision for vittels and other things, line 30 to the reliefe of them that kept the castell of Wal­lingford, The castell of Wallingford. he hasted thither, and finding no resistance by the way, easily accomplished his enterprise. There were diuerse castels thereabouts in the countrie fur­nished with garisons of the kings souldiers, but they kept themselues close, and durst not come abroad to stop his passage. Shortlie after he besieged the castell of Cranemers, The castell of Cranemers. and cast a trench about it, so as his people within Wallingford castell might haue free libertie to come foorth at their pleasure: but as for line 40 those within the castell of Cranemers, they were so hardlie holden in, that there was no waie for them to start out.

The king aduertised hereof, got all his host togi­ther, and marched forward verie terriblie toward duke Henries campe. But shewing no token of feare, he caused the trench wherewith he had inclosed his campe foorthwith to be cast downe, and leauing the siege, came into the fields with his armie set in order of battell, meaning to trie the matter by dint line 50 of sword, although he had not the like number of men as the king had: whose armie perceiuing their enimies to come in the face of them, were stricken with a sudden feare: neuerthelesse, he himselfe be­ing of a good courage, commanded his people to march forward. But herewith certeine Noble men, that loued not the aduancement of either part, vnder a colour of good meaning sought to treat an agrée­ment betwixt them, so that an intermission or cesing from war was granted, and by composition the ca­stell line 60 which the king had built, and the duke besieged, was razed to the ground. The king and the duke al­so came to an enteruiew and communication togi­ther, a riuer running betwixt them. Some write that they fell to agreement, Matth. Paris. Ger. Dor. Eustace king Stephans sonne. king Stephan vndertaking to raze the castell of Cranemers himselfe, and so lai­eng armour aside for that time, they parted asunder.

But Eustace K. Stephans son was sore offended herewith, and reprouing his father for concluding such an agréement, in a great rage departed from the court, & taking his waie toward Cambridgeshire (which countrie he meant to ouerrun) he came to the abbeie of Burie, and vpon S. Laurence daie caused all the corne in the countrie about, and namelie that which belonged to the said abbeie, to [...]e spoiled and brought into a castell which he had in keeping not far from thence. But as he sat downe to meat the same daie vpon receiuing the first morsell he fell mad (as writers haue reported) and miserablie ended his life▪ Eustace king Stephans son and Si­mon earle of Northāpton depart this life both in one wéeke. The same weeke Simon earle of Northampton de­parted this world of a like disease, and so two of the chiefest aduersaries which duke Henrie had, were rid out of the waie. Eustace was buried at Feuersham in Kent, and earle Simon at Northampton.

About the same time also that noble and valiant earle of Chester called Ranulfe departed this life, The earle of Chester de­ceasseth. a man of such stoutnesse of stomach, that death could scarselie make him to yeeld, or shew any token of feare: he was poisoned (as was thought) by Willi­am Peuerell. After him succeeded his sonne Hugh, a man likewise of passing strength and vertue. Now although earle Ranulfe fauoured the part of duke Henrie, yet in these later yeares he did but little for him: wherefore it was thought that the death of this earle was not so great a losse to the duke, as the deaths of Eustace, earle Simon, and other the kings fréends deceasing about the same time seemed to fur­ther him: so that his part became dailie stronger, and the kings weaker.

About the same time the castels of Reading and Béertwell were deliuered to duke Henrie, and the la­die Gundreda countesse of Warwike draue out the souldiers that held it for king Stephan, Matth. Paris. Rob. Mont. and deliue­red the towne to duke Henrie. In this yeare duches Elenor, wife to Henrie Fitzempresse, was brought to bed of hir first borne son, whom they named Wil­liam, after the maner of the ancient dukes of Aqui­taine.

Thus came things to passe in sundrie places wi [...]h so good successe as duke Henrie could wish, where­vpon meaning to follow the steps of prosperous for­tune, he marched foorth to Stamford, Stamford was taken. Simon Dun. Ger. Dor. and taking the towne at his first comming laid siege to the castell. Now they that had it in keeping sent messengers to king Stephan, requiring rescue, but the same time he had laid siege to the castell of Gipswich, which Hugh Bigot kept against him: Gipswich or Ipswich be­sieged. and bicause he wold not depart from that siege till he had the castell gi­uen vp into his hands (which came at last to passe) in the meane time the castell of Stamford was yéelded vp to duke Henrie, N. Triuet. who immediatlie therevpon de­parted from Stamford eastward, meaning to come to the succour of his fréends besieged at Gipswich or Ipswich (as it is commonlie called) not vnderstan­ding as yet that they had surrendred the hold: but ha­uing knowledge by the way what was happened, he returned and marched streight to Notingham, and got the towne easilie; Notingham. for they within the castell had set it on fire, therfore he besieged the castell stan­ding vpon the point of a stéepe craggie rocke, and was furnished with a strong garison of men, and all things necessarie for defense, so that it could not ea­silie be woone.

When duke Henrie had assaied all the waies how to take it, and saw that he could not preua [...]le, Duke Henrie raiseth his siege from Notingham. Polydor. he min­ded to loose no more time: but raising his siege from thence, he ranged abroad to get other places into his possession, and finallie came to his mother, and laie at Wallingford. King Stephan in the meane time being strong in the field, sought time and place to haue Henrie at s [...]me aduantage, who in his yoong yeares (as yet not hauing tasted any misfortune) he thought would rashlie attempt some vnaduised en­terprise. ¶ But whereas the realme of England had béene now manie yeares miserablie turmoiled with ciuill warre (which the verie heathen haue so de­tested, The miserie of this land in time of the ci­uill warre. that they haue exclaimed against it with a kind of irksomnesse; as:

[Page 61]
Eheu cicatricum & sceleris pudet,
Hor. lib. car. 1. ode. 35.
Fratrúmque: quid nos dura refugimus
Aetas? quid intactum nefasti
Linquimus? vnde manus iuuentus
Metu deorum continuit? quibus
Pepercit aris?
Idem. lib. car. 2. ode. 1.
iam litui strepunt,
Iamfulgor armorum fugaces
Terret equos equitúmque vultus)

Wherein (besides millians of extremities) honest matrones and mens wiues were violated, maids and virgins rauished, churches spoiled, townes and line 10 villages robbed, whole flocks and heards of shéepe and beasts destroied (wherein the substance of the realme cheeflie consisted) and men without number slaine and murthered, it pleased the goodnesse of al­mightie God at length to deliuer the land of these miseries, which were notified to all countries round about that sore lamented the same.

Now whereas king Stephan was the cause of all the troubles, in hauing vsurped an other mans right­full inheritance, it pleased God to mooue his hart at line 20 length to desire peace which he had euer before abhor­red. The cause that mooued him chéefelie to change his former purpose, was for that his sonne Eustace by speedie death was taken out of this world (as be­fore you haue heard) which losse séemed great not one­lie to the father, but also to all those lords and others which had alwaies taken his part, bicause he was a yoong man so well liked of all men, that he was iud­ged to be borne to much honour. But his wife Con­stance tooke his death verie sorowfullie, The ladie Constance wife to Eu­stace sent home. and the more line 30 indeed, for that she had no issue by him, wherevpon shortlie after she was sent honourablie home to hir father king Lewes with hir dower, and other rich and princelie gifts.

King Stephan séeing himselfe thus depriued of his onlie sonne, vnto whom he minded to leaue the kingdome which he so earnestlie sought to confirme and assure vnto him by warlike endeuor, and that a­gaine the French kings aid would not be so readie as heretofore it had béene (wherevpon he much stai­ed, line 40 now that the bonds of affinitie were abolished) he began at length (though not immediatlie vpon his sonnes deceasse) to withdraw his mind from war, K. Stephan began to in­cline his mind to peace. Matth. Paris. and bequeashed it wholie to peace. Which alte­ration being perceiued, those Nobles that were glad to sée the state of their countrie quieted, did their best to further it; & chéeflie Theobald archbishop of Canturburie trauelled earnestlie to bring the princes to some agréement, now talking with the king, now sending to the duke, and vsing all means line 50 possible to set them at vnitie. Ger. Dor. The bishop of Win­chester also, who had caused all the trouble, vpon con­sideration of the great calamities wherewith the land was most miserablie afflicted, began to wish an end thereof. Wherevpon the lords spirituall and temporall were called togither at Winchester a­about the latter end of Nouember, that they with their consents also might confirme whatsoeuer the king and the duke should conclude vpon. line 60

An assemblie of lords at Winchester.Thus was a publike assemblie made in the citie of Winchester, whither also duke Henrie came, who being ioifullie receiued of the king in the bishops pa­lace, they were made freends, the king admitting the duke for his sonne, and the duke the king for his fa­ther, insomuch that the agreement, which (through the carefull sute of the archbishop of Canturburie) had beene laboured with such diligence to good effect, A peace con­cluded betwixt the king and the duke. was now confirmed: the cheefe articles whereof were these.

Some wri­ters haue re­corded that duke Henrie should pre­sentlie by this agréement en­ioy halfe the realme of England.1 That king Stephan, during his naturall life, should remaine king of England, and Henrie the empresses sonne should enioy the dukedome of Nor­mandie, and be proclaimed heire apparant to suc­céed in and haue the regiment of England, after the deceasse of Stephan.

2 That such noble men, and other, which had held either with the one partie or the other, during the time of the ciuill warres, should be in no danger for the same, but enioy their lands, possessions and liuings, according to their ancient rights and titles.

3 That the king should resume and take into his hands againe, all such portions and parcels of inhe­ritance belonging to the crowne, as he had giuen a­way, or were otherwise vsurped by any maner of person, and that all those possessions which by any in­trusion had béene violentlie taken from the right owners, since the daies of king Henrie, should be re­stored to them that were rightlie possessed in the same by the daies of the said king.

4 That all those castels, which contrarie to all rea­son and good order had béene made and builded by any maner of person in the daies of king Stephan, Matth. Paris. Castels to be razed in num­ber. 1115. should be ouerthrowne and cast downe, which were found to be eleuen hundred and fifteene.

5 That the king should reforme all such disorders as warre had brought in; to restore farmers to their holdings, to repaire decaied buildings, to store pa­stures and leassues with cattell, hils with sheepe, &c.

6 That by his meanes the cleargie might enioy their due quietnesse, and not be oppressed with any vn­iust exactions.

7 That he should place shirifes where they had béene accustomed to beare rule, with instructions gi­uen them to deale vprightlie in causes, so as offen­ders might not escape through bribes, or any other respect of freendship; but that euerie man might re­ceiue according to right and equitie.

8 That soldiours should conuert their swords (as Esaie saith) into culters & plough shares, their speares into mattocks, and so returne from the campe to the plough: and that such as were woont to keepe watch in the night season, might now sléepe and take their rest without any danger.

9 That the husbandman might be set frée from all trouble and vexation, by meanes wherof he might follow his tilth, and plie his culture.

10 That merchant men and occupiers might en­ioy their trades and occupations to their aduance­ment.

11 That one kind and manner of siluer coine should run through the land, &c.

12 There was also consideration had of a sonne which king Stephan had, named William, who though he were verie yoong, was yet appointed to sweare fealtie vnto duke Henrie as lawfull heire to the crowne. The same William had the citie of Norwich, and diuerse other lands assigned him for the maintenance of his estate, and that by the consent and agréement of duke Henrie his adopted brother.

These things being thus concluded at Winche­ster, and the warre that had continued for the space of 17. yeares now ended and fullie pacified: the king tooke the duke with him to London, dooing to him all the honour he could deuise. The newes whereof be­ing spred abrode, euerie good man reioised thereat. Thus through the great mercie of God, peace was restored vnto the decaied state of this relme of Eng­land. Which things being thus accomplished with great ioy and tokens of loue, king Stephan and his new adopted sonne duke Henrie tooke leaue either of other, appointing shortlie after to méet againe at Oxenford, there to perfect euerie article of their a­gréement, which was thus accorded a little before Christmas.

¶ But by the way, for the better vnderstanding of the said agreement, I haue thought good to set downe the verie tenor of the charter made by king Stephan, [Page 62] as I haue copied it out, and translated it into Eng­lish out of an autentike booke conteining the old lawes of the Saxon and Danish kings, in the end whereof the same charter is exemplified, which booke is remaining with the right worshipfull William Fléetwood esquire, now recorder of London, and sargeant at law.

The charter of king Stephan, of the pacification of the troubles betwixt him and line 10 Henrie duke of Normandie.

STephan king of England, to all archbishops, bishops, abbats, earles, iusticers, sherifes, barons and all his faithfull subiects of England sendeth greeting. Know yee that I king Stephan, haue ordeined Henrie duke of Normandie after me by right of in­heritance to be my successour, and heire of line 20 the kingdome of England, and so haue I giuen and granted to him and his heires the kingdome of England. For the which honour, gift, and confirmation to him by me made, he hath doone homage to me, and with a corporall oth hath assured me, that he shall be faithfull and loiall to me, and shall to his power preserue my life and ho­nour: and I on the other side shall maine­teine line 30 and preserue him as my sonne and heire in all things to my power, and so far as by any waies or meanes I may.

And William my sonne hath doone his lawfull homage, William sonne to king Ste­phan. and assured his fealtie vnto the said duke of Normandie, and the duke hath granted to him to hold of him all those tenements and holdings which I held before I atteined to the possession of the realme of England, wheresoeuer the line 40 same be in England, Normandie, or else­where, and whatsoeuer he receiued with the daughter of earle Warren, either in England or Normandie, Earle War­ren. & likewise what­soeuer apperteineth to those honoures. And the duke shall put my sonne William and his men that are of that honour in full possession and seizine of all the lands, bo­roughs and rents, which the duke there­of line 50 now hath in his demaine, and namelie of those that belong to the honour of the earle Warren, and namelie of the castels of Bellencumber and Mortimer, The castels of Bellencum­ber and Mor­timer. so that Reginald de Warren shall haue the kee­ping of the same castels of Bellencumber, and of Mortimer, if he will; and therevpon shall giue pledges to the duke: and if he will not haue the keeping of those castels, line 60 then other liege men of the said erle War­ren, whome it shall please the duke to ap­point, shall by sure pledges and good suertie keepe the said castels.

Moreouer, the duke shall deliuer vnto him according to my will and pleasure the other castels, which belong vnto the earle­dome of Mortaigne by safe custodie and pledges, The earldome of Mortaigne. so soone as he conuenientlie may, so as all the pledges are to be restored vnto my sonne free, so soone as the duke shall haue the realme of England in possession. The augmentation also which I haue gi­uen vnto my sonne William, he hath like­wise granted the same to him; to wit, the castell and towne of Norwich, Norwich. with seauen hundred pounds in lands, so as the rents of Norwich be accounted as parcell of the same seauen hundred pounds in lands, and all the countie of Norfolke; the profits and rents which belong to churches, bishops, abbats & earles excepted; and the third pennie whereof Hugh Bigot is earle, Hugh Bigot. also excepted: sauing also and reseruing the kings roiall iurisdiction for administration of iustice. Also the more to strengthen my fauour and loue to himwards, the duke hath giuen and granted vnto my said sonne whatsoeuer Richer de Aquila hath of the honour of Peuensey. Richer de Egle. And moreouer the ca­stell and towne of Peuensey, and the ser­uice of Faremouth, beside the castell and towne of Douer, and whatsoeuer apper­teineth to the honour of Douer.

The duke hath also confirmed the church of Feuersham with the appurtenances; The church of Feuersham. and all other things giuen or restored by me vnto other churches, he shall confirme by the counsell and aduice of holie church and of me. The earles and barons that be­long to the duke, which were neuer my leeges, for the honour which I haue doone to their maister, they haue now doone ho­mage and sworne fealtie to me, the coue­nants betwixt me & the said duke alwaies saued. The other which had before doone homage to me, haue sworne fealtie to me as to their souereigne lord. And if the duke should breake and go from the premisses, then are they altogither to ceasse from doo­ing him any seruice, till he reforme his mis­dooings. And my sonne also is to constreine him thereto, according to the aduice of ho­lie church, if the duke shall chance to go from the couenants afore mentioned. My earles and barons also haue doone their leege and homage vnto the duke, sauing their faith to me so long as I liue, and shall hold the kingdome with like condition, that if I doo breake and go from the premitted couenants, that then they may ceasse from dooing me any seruice, till the time I haue reformed that which I haue doone amisse.

The citizens also of cities, and those persons that dwell in castels, which I haue in my demaine, by my commande­ment haue doone homage, and made assu­rance to the duke, sauing the fealtie which they owe to me during my life time, and so long as I shall hold the kingdome. They which keep the castle of Wallingford haue doone their homage to me, Wallingford castell. and haue giuen to me pledges for the obseruing of their fealtie. And I haue made vnto the duke such assurance of the castels and strengths which I hold by the counsell and aduice of holie church, that when I shall depart this life, the duke thereby may not run in­to any losse or impeachment, wherby to be debarred from the kingdome. The tower of London. Mo [...]a de Windsor. The tower of London, and the fortresse of Windsor, by the counsell and aduice of holie church [Page 63] are deliuered vnto the lord Richard de Lu­cie, Richard de Lucie. safelie to be kept, which Richard hath taken an oth, and hath deliuered his sonne in pledge to remaine in the hands and cu­stodie of the archbishop of Canturburie, that after my decease he shall deliuer the same castels vnto the duke. Likewise by the counsell and aduise of holie church, Roger de Bussey keepeth the castell of Ox­ford, Mo [...] de Ox­ford. and Iordaine de Bussey the castell of line 10 Lincolne, which Roger & Iordaine haue sworne, and thereof haue deliuered pled­ges into the hands of the archbishop, that if I shall chance to leaue this life, they shal render the same castels to the duke with­out impeachment. The bishop of Winchester. The bishop of Winche­ster hath also giuen his faith in the hands of the archbishop of Canturburie, that if I chance to depart this life, he shall render line 20 vp vnto the duke the castels of Winche­ster, and the fortresse of Hampton.

And if any of them, vnto whom the cu­stodie of these fortresses shall be commit­ted, fortune to die, or otherwise to depart from his charge, an other shall be appoin­ted to the keeping of the same fortresse, be­fore he shall depart foorth thereof, by the counsell and aduice of holie church. And if any of those persons that haue any castels line 30 or fortresses belonging to me in their cu­stodie shall be found disobedient and rebell, I and the duke shall constreine him to sa­tisfie our will & pleasure, not leauing him in rest till he be so constreined. The arch­bishops and bishops of the realme of Eng­land, and the abbats also, haue by my com­mandement sworne fealtie vnto the duke; and the bishops and abbats that hereaf­ter line 40 shall be made and aduanced here with­in the realme of England shall likewise sweare fealtie to him. The archbishops al­so and bishops on either part, haue vnder­taken, that if either of vs shall go from the foresaid couenants, they shall so long cha­stise the partie offending with the ecclesi­asticall censures, till he reforme his fault, and returne to fulfill and obserue the said line 50 couenants. The mother also of the duke, and his wife, and his brethren, & subiects whom he may procure, shall likewise as­sure the premisses.

In matters belonging to the state of the realme, I shall worke by the dukes ad­uice. And through all the realme of Eng­land, as well in that part which belongeth to the duke, as in that which belongeth to line 60 me, I shall see that roiall iustice be execu­ted. These beeing witnesses, Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, Hen. of Win­chester, Robert of Excester, Rob. of Bath, Goceline of Salisburie, Robert of Lin­colne, Hilarie of Cicester, William of Norwich, Richard of London, Nigell of Elie, Gilbert of Hereford, Iohn of Wor­cester, Walter of Chester, Walter of Ro­chester, Geffrey of S. Asaph, Bishops: Ro­bert prior of Bermondsey, Othon knight of the temple, William earle of Cicester, Robert earle of Leicester, William earle of Glocester, Renold of Cornewall, Bald­win de Toning, Roger de Hereford, Hugh Bigot, Patrike de Salisburie, William de Albemarle, Earle Alberike, Roger Clare, Richard erle of Pembroke, Richard de Lucie, William Martell, Richard de Humer, Reginald de Warren, Mahaser Biset, Iohn de Port, Richard de Came­uille, Henrie de Essex. Yeuen at West­minster.

Thus far the Charter: and now to proceed with the historie. Immediatlie after Christmasse, 1154 Ger. Dor. Anno Reg. 19. euen in the Octaues of the Epiphanie, the king and duke Henrie met againe at Oxenford, where all the earls and barons of the land being assembled, sware feal­tie vnto duke Henrie, their allegiance due vnto king Stephan, as to their souereigne lord and su­preme gouernour so long as he liued, alwaies reser­ued. The forme of the peace was now also ingrossed and registred for a perpetuall witnesse of the thing, in this yeare 1154. after their account that begin the yeare at Christmasse, as about the feast of S. Hi­larie in Ianuarie commonlie called the twentith daie. Thus was Henrie the sonne of the empresse made the adopted sonne of king Stephan, and there­vpon the said Henrie saluted him as king, and na­med him father. After conclusion of this peace, by the power of almightie God, all debate ceassed, in such wise, that the state of the realme of England did maruelous [...]ie for a time flourish, concord being mainteined on ech hand. ¶ There be which affirme, that an other cause bound king Stephan to agrée to this attonement chiefelie, namelie for that the em­presse (as they saie) was rather king Stephans par­amour than his enimie: Polydor. and therefore (when she saw the matter growne to this point, that they were rea­die to trie battell with their armies readie ranged on a plaine in the westerne parts called Egelaw heath) she came secretlie vnto king Stephan, Matth. Paris. Egelaw heath. & spake vnto him on this wise: What a mischieuous and vn­naturall thing go ye about? The words of the empresse to king Ste­phan. ‘Is it méet that the father should destroie the sonne? Is it lawfull for the sonne to kill the father? For the loue of God (man) refraine thy displeasure, and cast thy weapons out of thy hand, sith that (as thou thy selfe knowest full well) Henrie is thine owne sonne.’ With these and the like words she put him in mind, and couertlie told him, The empresse confesseth hir selfe to be naught of hir bodie. that he had to doo with hir a little before she was maried vn­to earle Geffrey.

The king by such tokens as the empresse gaue him, tooke hir words to be true, and therevpon all his malice was streightwaies quenched: so that calling foorth the archbishop of Canturburie, he vttered to him the whole matter, and tooke therewith such dire­ction, in sending to his aduersaries for auoiding bat­tell at that present, that immediatlie the armies on both sides wrapped vp their ensignes, and euery man was commanded to kéepe the peace, that a commu­nication might be had about the conclusion of some pacification, which afterwards ensued in maner a­boue mentioned.

¶ But whether this or some other cause moued the king to this peace, it is to be thought that God was the worker of it. And surelie a man may thinke it good reason, that the report of such secret companie-keeping betwixt the king and the empresse, Slanders de­uise [...] by mali­cious heads. was but a tale made among the common people vpon no ground of truth, but vpon some slanderous deuice of a malicious head. And admit that king Stephan had to doo with hir; yet is it like that both of them would doo for best to kéepe it secret, that no such reproch might be imputed either to Henrie, who was taken to be legitimate; or to his mother, whose honour ther­by [Page 64] should not a little be stained.

Oxenford. Ger. Dor. The king and duke meet at Dunstable.But now to the purpose. Shortlie after that the king and duke Henrie had béene togither at Oxen­ford, where they ended all things touching the peace & concord betwixt them concluded, they met againe at Dunstable, where some cloud of displeasure see­med to darken the bright sunshine of the late begun loue and amitie betwixt those two mightie princes the king and the duke. Articles not performed. For where it was accorded (among other articles) that all the castels which had béene built since the daies of the late king Henrie line 10 for euill intents and purposes, should be razed and throwne downe: contrarie therevnto (notwithstan­ding manie of them were ouerthrowne and destroied to the accomplishment of that article) diuers through the kings permission were suffered to stand. And when the duke complained to the king thereof, he could not get at that time any redresse, which some­what troubled him: but yet bicause he would not giue occasion of any new trouble, nor offend the line 20 king, to whom (as to his reputed father) he would seeme to yeeld all honour and due reuerence, he pas­sed it ouer.

The king and duke come to Canturburie.Within a while after, the king and he came to Canturburie, where they were solemnlie receiued of the couent of Christes church with procession. After this, in the Lent season they went to Douer, where they talked with Theodorike earle of Flanders, and with the countesse his wife who was aunt to duke Henrie. At their comming towards Canturburie (as it was bruted) the duke should haue béene mur­thered, line 30 through treason of the Flemings that enui­ed both the dukes person, The enuie of the Flemings and also that peace which he had concluded with the king. But sée the hap. As this feat should haue béene wrought on Berhamdowne, William earle of Northfolke king Stephan his sonne, who was one of the chéefe conspirators, fell be­side his horsse, and brake his leg, so that euerie man by that sudden chance was in a maze, & came woon­dering about him. ¶ This no doubt came to passe by the prouidence of God, though such accidents are line 40 commonlie imputed to casualtie or chance medlie. For it is the worke of God either to preuent, or to in­tercept, or to recompense the vnnaturall conspira­cies of traitors and rebels with some notable plague: according to that of the poet;

Hesiod in lib. cui [...]it. op. & di.
[...],
[...],
Noxius ipse sibi est alij qui quaerit obesse,
Consiliúm (que) malum danti fert maxima damna. line 50

Duke Henrie herewith getting knowledge of the treason intended against him, or at the least sus­pecting somewhat, got him backe againe to Cantur­burie, and so auoided the danger. After this, taking his way to Rochester, Duke Henrie passeth ouer into Nor­mandie. and so to London, he got him a shipboord, and sailed by long seas into Normandie, where he arriued in safetie.

After his departure, king Stephan spent the sum­mer season of this yeare, in going about the most line 60 part of the realme, shewing all the courtesie he could deuise to the people in all places where he came; ex­cept where he found any rebellious persons, Wil. Paru. Philip de Co­leuille. The castell of Drax. as in Yorkshire, where Philip de Coleuille (in trust of his castell which he had stronglie fortified at a certeine place called Drax) shewed himselfe disobedient to the king, who assembling a power in the countrie, besie­ged that castell, and shortlie wanne it, without any great adoo.

When duke Henrie was departed (as ye haue heard) and gone ouer into Normandie, now that he had concluded a peace with king Stephan, his puis­sance was thought to be such, The puissance of duke Hērie. that he was able to mainteine warres with the mightiest prince that then reigned. For in right of his wife, he had gotten possession of the duchie of Aquitaine, and the earle­dome of Poictou; and further by his mother, he en­ioied the duchie of Normandie, and looked to succéed in the kingdome of England: and in right of his fa­ther he was earle of Aniou, Thouraigne, and Maine. He also reuoked into his hands certeine parcels of his demeane lands, which his father had giuen away, and passing from thence into Aquitaine, mightilie subdued certeine lords and barons there, that had re­belled against him.

About the same time a peace was concluded be­twixt the French king, and this duke Henrie: A peace con­cluded be­twixt the French king and duke Henrie. Matth. West. the king restoring vnto the duke the townes of New­march and Uernon, which he had before taken from him, and the duke giuing to the king 20000. markes of siluer, for the harmes doone by him, within the realme of France.

But now to returne vnto king Stephan. Yee shall vnderstand, that within a while after he had made his foresaid progresse almost about the whole realme, he returned vnto London, where he called a parlement as well to consult of matters touching the state of the commonwealth, as to furnish the see of Yorke with a sufficient archbishop. Wil. Paru. Roger Arch­decon of Can­turburie made archbishop of yorke. Wherevpon one Roger that was before archdeacon of Canturburie, was chosen to that dignitie, and consecrated the tenth day of October, by archbishop Theobald, as legat to the pope, and not as archbishop of Canturburie. Then also was Thomas Becket made archdeacon of Can­turburie by the said Theobald. Thomas Becket arch­deacon of Canturburie. The new archbishop Roger first went to his see at Yorke, where after he had receiued his inthronization, and set his businesse there in order, he tooke his iournie towards Rome to fetch his pall in his owne person.

King Stephan also after the end of the parlement went to Douer, The earle of Flanders. there to meet the earle of Flan­ders, who came thither to talke with him of certeine businesse. The earle was no sooner returned backe, but the king fell sicke, and was so gréeuouslie tor­mented with a paine in his bellie, and with an old dis­ease also, King Ste­phan depar­ted this life. wherewith (as should appeare) he had beene often troubled, namelie, the emrods, that finallie he died in the abbey on the fiue and twentith day of Oc­tober, in the nine and fortith yeare of his age, and af­ter he had reigned eighteene yeares, ten moneths, and od daies, in the yeare after the birth of our Saui­our 1154. Matth. Paris. N. Triuet. His bodie was interred in the abbeie of Feuersham in Kent, which he had builded, where his wife also, and his sonne Eustace were buried before. year 1154 ¶ Thus farre of the acts and deeds of Stephan; now a little of other breefe remembrances, and first tou­ching the profopographie or description of his per­son.

He was comelie of stature, of a verie good com­plexion and disposition, of great strength, His stature. in quali­ties of mind verie excellent, expert in warre, gentle, curteous, and verie liberall. For though he continued all his time in a maner in the maintenance of wars, yet he leuied but few tributs, or almost none at all. Indéed he put diuers bishops to greeuous fines, and that not without the iust iudgement of Almightie God, that they might so be punished duelie for their periurie committed in helping him to the crowne. Uices wherewith he should be noted I find none, but that vpon an ambitious desire to reigne, he brake his oth which he made vnto the empresse Maud.

In his daies, the abbeies of Tiltey, Fontneis, Abbeies founded. Coggheshall he founded himselfe, and Fontneis in Lancashire, & Feuersham in Kent. Rieualle, Coggeshall in Essex, Newbourgh and Béeland, Meriuale in Warwikeshire, Garedon in Leicestershire, Kirkstéed in Yorkeshire, with diuerse other in other parts of the realme, were founded, in so much that more abbeis were erected in his daies, than had béene within the space of an hundred yeares [Page 65] before, Wil. Paruus. as William Paruus writeth.

A great number of castels also were builded in his daies (as before ye haue heard) by the Nobles of the realme, either to defend the confines of their countries from inuasions of forrenners, and vio­lence of homelings; or as fortifications to them­selues when they ment or intended any inrode or breaking vpon their neighbours.

Diuerse learned men namelie historiographers liued in these daies, as William Malmesburie, Hen­rie Huntington, Simon Dunelmensis, Galfridus Ar­turius, otherwise called Monumetensis, Caradoc Lancarnauensis, William Reuellensis, among whom Thurstan archbishop of Yorke is not to be forgotten, besides many more, who in diuerse sciences were verie expert and skilfull, as by treatises of their setting foorth to the world hath sufficientlie ap­peared.

Thus far Stephan of Bullongne.

Henrie the second, the second sonne ofGeffrey Plantagenet.

HEnrie the second of that name, a French man borne, the second sonne of Geffrey Plantagenet earle of An­iou, begotten of Maud the empresse, Anno Reg. 1. daughter to Hen­rie the first, began his reigne ouer England the fiue and twentith of October, in the yeare after the creation of the world 5121. year 1154 and in line 10 the yeare after the incarnation of our sauiour 1154. about the beginning of the third yeare of the empe­rour Frederike the first, the second of pope Anasta­sius the fourth, the seuenteenth yeare of Lewes the seuenth king of France, and second of Malcolme then king of Scotland. Immediatlie after he was aduertised of the death of king Stephan, he came o­uer into England, landing at Ostreham about the seuenth day of December. N. Triuet. Matth. Paris▪ After he had got his com­panies togither, which by tempest were scattered in his passage, he came first to Winchester, where he line 20 receiued homage and fealtie of the Nobles of the realme resorting vnto him. This doone he set foorth to­wards London, where he was crowned king by Theobald archbishop of Canturburie the twentith daie of December.

N. Treuet. The archbi­shop of Rouen.The archbishop of Rouen, with thrée of his suffra­gans, the archbishop of Yorke, and manie other bi­shops of England: Theodorus the earle of Flan­ders, with a great number of other earles, lords and barons were present there at his coronation. He line 30 was at that time about the age of three and twentie yeares, Polydor. and to win the peoples loue, he spake manie comfortable words vnto them, to put them in hope (as the manner is) that they should find him a louing prince. He vsed the lords also verie coueteouslie. And first of all, after his atteining to the crowne, he chose to him councellers of the grauest personages, Councellers chosen. and best learned in the lawes of the realme, with whose prudent aduice be perused those lawes, and amended line 40 them where he thought necessarie, commanding chieflie, that the lawes established by his grandfa­ther Henrie the first should be obserued: Ran. Higd. and in ma­nie things he relied vpon the aduice of Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, at whose su [...]e he admit­ted Thomas Becket to be his chancellour, Thom. Bec­ket lord chan­cellor. which Becket the said archbishop had made archdeacon of Canturburie the yeare before.

Moreouer, by the sentence and doome of his coun­cellers, to the intent that peace and quiet order might take place, and be the better mainteined, he commanded by waie of publishing a proclamation, Anno Reg. 2. 1155 that all strangers (which to get somwhat by the wars had flocked into the realme, Nic. Triuet. Polydor. Wil. Paruus. Strangers appointed to depart the realme. during the time of the ciuill discord betweene him and king Stephan) shuld depart home without further delaie: wherefore he appointed them a daie, before the which they should a­uoid vpon perill that might insue. It was a worlds woonder to sée and marke how suddenlie these ali­ens were quite vanished, Aliens auoid the land. as though they had béene phantasmes. Their abiding here was nothing pro­fitable to the subiects of the realme, as they that were accustomed to attempt one shrewd turne vp­on an others necke, and thought it lawfull for them so to doo. Amongst them was a great number of Flemings, whom the king hated more than the re­sidue.

By vertue also of this edict, William of Ypres, William de Ypres. whom king Stephan (as ye haue heard) had made earle of Kent, was constreined with others to de­part the realme, king Henrie seizing all his possessi­ons into his owne hands. Castels ouer­throwne. Polydor. Matth. Paris. Diuerse castels were throwne downe and made plaine with the ground at the kings commandement, which priuate men by king Stephans permission had builded, or else for that they stood not in such places as was thought meet and expedient; Wil. Paruus. Matth. Paris. yet some he caused to be fortifi­ed: and furthermore, tooke into his hands againe such lands and possessions as apperteined to the crowne, and were alienated vnto any manner of person, of what degrée so euer he was. This wounded the minds of many with an inward grudge, as well e­nough perce [...]uing that the king would looke so néere to his owne commoditie, that nothing should be left for them that might any way be recouered and got­ten to his vse.

In this yere queene Elianor being then in the citie of London, on the last of Februarie was deliuered of hir second sonne named Henrie. N. Triuet. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. William Pe­uerell dishe­rited. About the same time also, William Peuerell of Notingham a noble man and of great possessions was disherited by the king for sorcerie and witchcraft, which he had practi­sed to kill Ran [...]fe earle of Chester, as it was reuea­led openlie, and brought to light. In accomplishing of which hainous crime and detestable act, many o­thers were of counsell, and found giltie with him, which escaped not vnpunished.

On the tenth of Aprill, king Henrie assembled the [Page 66] péeres & great lords of his realme togither at Wal­lingford, [...]ic. Treuet. and caused them to sweare allegiance vnto his eldest sonne William: prouiding, that if he chan­ced to die, Matth. Paris. Nic. Treuet. Hugh de Mortimer. The castell of Cleberie. then they should doo the like vnto his bro­ther Henrie. Also whereas Hugh de Mortimer had fensed his castels against king Henrie, he besieged the same, and taking the castell of Cleberie, he de­stroied it. Wherevpon, the foresaid Hugh shortlie af­ter was at peace with the king, and surrendred to him the two castels of Wigmore and Bridgenorth, line 10 which hitherto he had holden. Moreouer, whereas there was variance kindled betwixt the king, and Roger Fitz Miles of Glocester (who was earle of Hereford) for the lands of Glocester, Roger Fitz Miles. that variance was also quenched: for after the same Roger was dead, his brother Walter succeeding him in the earl­dome of Hereford, was constreined to depart with the citie of Glocester, which the king held and retei­ned in his owne hands.

In the second yeare of his reigne, king Henrie line 20 went to Yorke, Anno Reg. 2. The king go­eth into the north. The castell of Scarborough Wil. Paruus. Nic. Treuet. The death of the kings son William. and in that countrie tooke into his hands diuers castels which had béene long in possessi­on of priuate men; namelie, the castell of Scarbor­rough, which William earle of Albemarle held, and now was constreined to resigne it vp, full sore a­gainst his will. This yeare William the kings el­dest sonne departed this life, and was buried at Rea­ding. The realme of England was brought on all sides into verie good quiet; but yer long, word came to K. Henrie, Geffrey the kings brother rebelleth. that his brother Geffrey had begun a line 30 rebellion on the other side of the sea. For their father Geffrey (when he died) left thrée sonnes behind him, Henrie, Geffrey, and William, ordeining by his te­stament, when Henrie should haue gotten possession of England and Normandie, that then the countrie of Aniou should remaine vnto Geffrey, and in the meane time, he to haue these three townes, Chinon, Lodun, and Mirabell, to mainteine his estate; and when the time came that the whole heritage should fall vnto him, he [...]ight by possession of these thrée line 40 haue a readier meane to come by all the rest. Fur­thermore, fearing least his eldest sonne Henrie (who as then was absent) would not consent to the perfor­mance of this his will, Wil. Paruus. he caused certeine bishops and other of the Nobles to sweare, that they should not suffer his bodie to be committed to buriall, till his sonnes had sworne to fulfill his last will and te­stament in all other things, but especiallie in this be­halfe, wherin he iudged not amisse. For though Hen­rie was loth to take his oth, yet bicause his fathers line 50 bodie should not remaine vnburied, he was conten­ted to sweare.

But after he had obteined the kingdome of Eng­land, his couetous desire, increasing still with abun­dance alreadie obteined, found meanes to procure of pope Adrian the fourth (who was an Englishm [...]n borne) a dispensation for that oth: Pope Adrian an Englsh­man borne. A dispensatiō for an oth. Nic. Treuet. wherevpon (hauing got licence to depart from the office both of right, law and equitie) neglecting his fathers ordinance, he passed ouer into Normandie, and making war a­gainst line 60 his brother the said Geffrey, easilie expelled him out of those places, which were assigned him by bequest in his fathers testament, and so tooke the earledome of Aniou into his owne possession. How­beit, he gaue vnto his said brother a pension of a thousand pounds English, & two thousand pounds of the monie of Aniou, with the towne of Lodun, and certeine other lands to liue vpon; who neuerthelesse thinking himselfe euill vsed at the kings hands, re­belled and died.

¶ Here we haue to note the lacke of conscience and religion, not onlie in the pretended successor of Peter in giuing a dispensasion for an oth, but also in his good ghostlie sonne, who was no lesse forward in reuolting from his oth, than the other was willing to acquite him from the force thereof. But if these men had beene profiting scholers in the vniuersitie of the pagans, as they were arrand truants and ranke dullards in the schoole of christians, they might haue learned by profane examples, that as oths are not to be rashlie taken, so they are not to be vnaduisedlie broken. Herevnto alludeth Aristotle in his Meta­physikes, shewing the cause why poetrie hath feig­ned that the gods in old time vsed to sweare by wa­ter, as Iupiter is reported to haue doone in this manner;

—per flumina iuro
Infera sub terra Stygio labentia luco.
Ouid. Met. lib. 1. fab. 6.

To signifie vnto vs, that as water is a verie anci­ent and excellent element, and so necessarie that with­out it the life of man cannot consist; euen so we ought to estéeme of an oth, than the which we should thinke nothing more religious, nothing more holie, nothing more christian. Herevnto also tendeth the fable of the transmutation of mariners into dolphins for periurie: Ouid. Met. lib. 3. fab. 8, 9, 10. importing thus much for our instructi­on, that the breaking of an oth, in a case that may pre­iudice, procureth greeuous punishments from God against them that so lewdlie doo offend. But such is the impudencie of the pope, that he will not grant di­spensations onlie for oths, but for incest, for treason, and for any other sinne: which he may doo (as he boa­steth) by vertue of his absolute and vniuersall iuris­diction: as we haue latelie in most lamentable sort séene exemplified. But to the course of our storie.

Shortlie after, when king Henrie had dispatched his businesse in Normandie, year 1156 and made an end of troubles there betwixt him and his brother Geffrey, he returned into England, King Henrie goeth against the Scots. bicause he receiued ad­uertisement, that Malcolme king of Scotland be­gan to make war against his subiects that bordered next vnto him, wherevpon he hasted northwards: and comming first into Cumberland, he tooke the ci­tie of Carleil, seizing all that counrie into his hands; and going after into Northumberland, He wan Car­leil and New­castell and o­thers. he wan the towne of Newcastell, with the castell of Bamburg, and tooke into his possession all that coun­trie which his mother the empresse had sometimes granted vnto king Dauid, as before ye haue heard: howbeit, bicause he would not seeme to offer too much wrong, and be esteemed vnmindfull of former bene­fites receiued, he suffered king Malcolme to enioy the earledome of Huntington, The earldome of Huntingtō. which king Stephan had giuen vnto his father earle. Henrie, sonne to king Dauid, as before is partlie touched.

William also the earle of Mortaigne, William earle of Mortaigne. Matth. Paris. Nic. Treuet. and War­ren sonne of king Stephan, were compelled to sur­render to king Henrie, the castell of Pemsey, the ci­tie of Norwich, and other townes and castels which he held, apperteining to the demeane of the crowne: to whom the king in recompense restored those lands which his father king Stephan held in the daies of king Henrie the first.

About this time Theodorike earle of Flanders (going with his wife vnto Ierusalem) committed his sonne Philip with all his lands, Anno Reg. 3. 1157 to the custodie of the king of England. Theoderike earle of Flan­ders. Hugh Bigot also resigned his castels into the kings hands.

But whilest king Henrie was about (as before ye haue heard) to recouer and get backe the portions of his kingdome made away and dismembred by his predecessors, Rebellion of Welsh [...]en. he was informed that the Welshmen raised a rebellion against him; to represse whose at­tempts, he hasted foorth with all diligence. Now at his first approch to their countrie, The king i [...] ­uadeth them. his souldiers being set vpon in the straits, were verie fiercelie put back by the enimies, in somuch that a rumor ran how king Henrie was slaine, which puffed vp the Welsh­men [Page 67] with no small hope, and dawnted the English­men with great feare. In déed, diuerse of the Eng­lish nobilitie were slaine, and (amongst others) Eu­stace Fitz Iohn, and Robert de Curcy, men of great honor and reputation. Eustace Fitz Iohn, & Ro­bert de Curcy slaine.

Those which escaped in returning backe, not know­ing that the king passed through the straits without danger, declared to their fellowes that followed and were approching to the said straits, that (so farre as they knew) the king and all the residue were lost. These newes so discomforted the companies, that line 10 Henrie of Essex, which bare the kings standard by right of inheritance, Henrie of Essex. Matth. West. Wil. Paruus. A combat be­twixt Henrie de Essex, and Robert de Mountfort. Matth. West. threw downe the same, and fled: which dishonorable déed was afterward laid to his charge by one Robert de Mountfort, with whom (by order taken of the king) he fought a combat in triall of the quarrell, and was ouercome: but yet the king qualifieng the rigor of the iudgement by mercie par­doned his life, and appointed him to be a shorne moonke, and put into the abbey of Reading, taking line 20 his lands and possessions into his hands as forfeited: howbeit this combat was not tried till about the 9. yeare of this kings reigne.

Now the king, hearing that his armie was dis­comfited, came to his men, and shewing himselfe to them with open visage, greatlie reuiued the whole multitude, and then procéeding against the enimies, his people were afterwards more warie in looking to themselues, insomuch that at length (when the K. prepared to inuade the Welshmen both by water & line 30 land) they sought to him for peace, The Welsh­men submit themselues. The castell of Rutland and Basingwerke built. Matth. Paris. Anno Reg. 4. Thomas Becket lord Chancelor. and wholie submit­ted themselues vnto his grace and mercie.

About the same time, king Henrie builded the ca­stell of Rutland, the castell of Basingwerke, and one house also of Templers. In the moneth of Septem­ber also this yeare, the kings third sonne was borne at Oxenford, & named Richard. This yeare was Tho­mas Becket preferred to be the kings Chancellor. The king holding his Christmas at Worcester in great royaltie, year 1158 sat in the church at seruice, with his line 40 crowne on his head, Matth. Paris. The king lai­eth his crown on the altar. Coine altered. as the kings vsed in those daies to doo on solemne feasts: but as soone as masse was ended, he tooke his crowne from his head, and set it downe vpon the altar in signe of humblenes, so that he neuer after passed for the wearing of a crowne. The same yeare also the king altered his coine, abro­gating certeine peeces called basels.

In the moneth of August he went ouer into Nor­mandie, and came to an enteruiew with the French king neere to the riuer of Eata, where they intreated line 50 of a league, and of a marriage, which was after a­gréed vpon, Additions to Iohn Pike. The lord chancellor Becket sent into France. Matth. West. betwixt Henrie the sonne of king Hen­rie; and the ladie Margaret, daughter to the French king: at which time Thomas Becket (then being the kings chancellor) was sent to Paris in great araie to fetch hir: who among other furnitures had nine long charrets (as Matthew Paris writeth.) Now when this ladie was deliuered to Thomas Becket the lord chancellor, and brought from Paris, she was appointed from thencefoorth to remaine in the house line 60 of Robert de Newburge, a Noble man of great ho­nor, vntill such time as the mariage should be solem­nized.

After the two kings were departed in sunder, K. Henrie prepared an armie against Conan duke of Britaine, who had seized the citie of Naunts into his hands, after the decease of Geffrey the kings brother, who was earle of Naunts. At length, the same Co­nan perceiuing himselfe not able to resist the king of England, vpon the daie of the feast of saint Micha­el the archangell came to king Henrie, and surren­dred the citie of Naunts into his hands, with all the whole countrie therevnto belonging. Soone after which resignation, and vpon the 24. of August, Gef­frey the kings fourth sonne was borne of his wife queene Elianor. Geffrey the kings fourth sonne borne.

In December following, Theobald earle of Blois was accorded with king Henrie, to deliuer to him two of his castels. Likewise Petroke earle of Perch surrendred two castels vnto king Henrie, Petroke earle of Perch. which he had vsurped of the demeanes of Normandie in the daies of king Stephan: one of which castels the king gaue him againe, receiuing homage of him for the same.

Moreouer king Henrie and Raimond earle of Barzelone met togither at Blaime, Raimond erle of Barzelone. Richard the kings sonne offered to erle Raimonds daughter. where they con­cluded a league by waie of allegiance, so that Ri­chard the sonne of king Henrie should take to wife the daughter of the said Raimond in time conueni­ent▪ and that the king of England should giue vnto the said Richard the duchie of Aquitane, & the coun­tie of Poictow. This earle Raimond had married the daughter and heire of the king of Aragon.

In the meane time, a secret grudge that had long depended betwéene king Henrie and king Lewes of France did still continue, and though there was a friendship agreed betweene them (as ye haue heard) to haue extinguished the same; A fained friendship. William duke of Aquitane. yet was it but a fai­ned friendship: for vpon euerie new occasion they were readie to breake againe, as it came to passe shortlie after.

William duke of Aquitane, grandfather to queene Elianor, married the daughter and heire of the earle of Tholouze, and going vnto the warres of the holie land, he engaged that earledome vnto Raimond the earle of saint Giles, and died before he could returne. Earle of saint Giles other­wise Tho­louze. His sonne William, father to quéene Elianor, suf­fered his earledome to remaine still vnredéemed, ei­ther for want of sufficiencie, or through negligence and carelesnesse: so that the earle of saint Giles kée­ping possession thereof vnto his dieng daie, left it to his sonne Raimond, who inioyed it likewise. Now when king Lewes (hauing married the foresaid E­lianor) demanded restitution as in the right of his wife, earle Raimond flatlie at the first denied to re­store it, but after considering his lacke of power to resist the kings puissance, he plied the K. with hum­ble petitions, and so preuailed by faire words, that in the end king Lewes granted him his sister Con­stance in marriage (which Constance, as ye haue heard, was married before vnto Eustace the sonne of king Stephan) & with hir granted him libertie to reteine the earldome of Tholouze as it were by waie of endowment: whereto the other accorded. How­beit king Henrie hauing maried the foresaid quéene Elianor, Anno. Reg. 5. 1159 after the diuorse had betwixt hir and king Lewes, Matth. Paris. Matt. Westm. made claime to the said countie of Tho­louze in the right of his wife. Herevpon earle Rai­mond, trusting now to the aid of his brother in law king Lewes, denied to restore it; so that king Hen­rie determined to recouer it by force, and entring by and by into Gascoine with an armie, he drew to­wards the countrie of Tholouze, & began to inuade the same with great force and courage.

Diuers great lords of those parties ioyned with king Henrie in his war which he attempted against the earle of saint Giles, as the earle of Barzelone, Wil. Paruus. and the lord William Trencheuile, a man of great power in those quarters, William Trencheuile. hauing vnder his rule ma­nie cities, castels and townes, notwithstanding that he had of late lost many of them by violence of the foresaid earle of Tholouze, but now by the aide of king Henrie he recouered them all. Malcolme also king of Scotland came vnto king Henrie, N. Triuet. whilest he was foorth in this iournie, to associate him in this businesse.

The earle hearing of king Henries comming with an armie, was put in great feare, and therevp­on [Page 68] wrote letters to his brother in law king Lewes, requiring him with all spéed possible to come vnto his aid. King Lewes vpon receipt of the letters, & vn­derstanding the present danger of the earle, made such hast in continuing his iournie both daie and night, that he came to Tholouze, before king Henrie could arriue there. Which when king Henrie vnder­stood, and perceiued how he was preuented, he chan­ged his purpose of besieging the citie, and fell to spoi­ling of the countrie thereabouts: at which time he line 10 recouered certaine places that latel [...]e before had re­uolted from his gouernment, & (amo [...]gst the rest) the citie of Cahors, The citie of Cahors. N. Triuet. The lord chancellor Becket. which he furnished with men, [...] on and vittels, appointing his chancellor Thomas Becket to the custodie and keeping thereof: he for [...] ­fied other places also which he had gotten, placing capteines and men of warre to looke vnto the de­fense of the same. Whilest the king was thus abrode on his iournie in the parties of Aquitaine, Rob. Houed. William earle of Bullongne. William earle of Bullongne and Mortaine the sonne of king line 20 Stephan, and Hannon earle of Glocester departed this life, which two earles went thither with him.

Finallie, when he had set things at a staie in those parties, he returned towards Normandie, and com­ming to the citie of Toures, he gaue the order of knighthood vnto Malcolme king of Scotland, and so in the moneth of October he came backe into Nor­mandie, and there augmenting his armie with new supplies, The countie of Beaunoisin entred into the countie of Beau [...]oisin, bur­ned manie villages in the same, and destroied the strong castell of Gerberie, except one turret, which line 30 his souldiers could not take, by reason of the fire and smoke which staied and kept them from it. Moreouer, Simon earle of Auranches deliuered vnto king Henrie such fortresses as he held in France, as Roch­fort, Montfort, and such like, which was no small dis­commoditie and inconuenience to the French king, bicause the garisons placed in those fortresses im­peached the passage betwixt Paris and Orleance. But shortlie after, a truce was taken to last from the moneth of December, A truce taken Anno Reg. 6. vnto the feast of the holie line 40 Trinitie in the yeare next following.

In the moneth of Maie also insuing, a peace was concluded vpon the former articles and conditions: year 1160 for further confirmation whereof, A peace con­cluded. A marriage concluded. the mariage was solemnized betwixt Henrie the kings sonne being seuen yeares of age, and the ladie Margaret daugh­ter to the French king, being not past three yeares old: Matth. Paris. as writers doo report. The marriage was cele­brated at Newborough on the second daie of No­uember, Legats. line 50 by the authoritie of two legats of the apo­stolike sée, Henrie bishop of Pisa, and William bi­shop of Pauia, both preests and cardinals.

About the same time came certeine Dutchmen of the sort called Ualdoies ouer into this realme, Wil. Paruus. Certeine of the Ualdoies came into England be­ing Dutchmē. to the number of thirtie or more, who held opinions in reli­gion contrarie to the faith of the Romane church, for (as one author affirmeth) they which first spred the o­pinions which these men held, came from Gascoigne, and preuailed so greatlie in setting foorth their do­ctrine, line 60 that they mightilie increased through the large regions of Spaine, France, Italie, and Germanie: simple men (God wote) they were for the most part, as is written of them, and of no quicke capacitie. Howbeit, those which at this time came ouer into England, were indifferentlie well learned, and their principall or ringleader was named Gerard. Now also was a councell assembled at Oxford, A councell at Oxford. whereat these dogmatists were examined vpon certeine points of their profession. The forsaid Gerard vnder­taking to answere for them all, protested that they were good christians, The profes­sions of the Ualdoies. and had the doctrine of the apo­stles in all reuerence. Moreouer, being examined what they thought of the substance of the godhead and the merits of [...], they answered rightlie, and to the point▪ Their exami­nation & pro­testation. but being further examined vpon o­ther articles of the religion then receiued, then swar­ [...]ed from the church, and [...], in the vse of the di­uine sacraments, derogating such grace [...] the same, as the church by hir authoritie had then ascri­bed thereto. To conclude, they would in no wise re­nounce their opinions▪ The Ualdels condemned. in somuch that they were condemned, burned in the fo [...]head with an hot iron, and in the cold season of winter [...]ipped naked from the girdle [...] vpward▪ and so whipped out of the towne; with proclamation [...] that [...]o man should be so hardi [...] as to [...] them into any house [...] haue them with meat, drinke▪ [...] any other kind of meanes: They are for­bidden meat and drinke. They are star­ued to death. wherevpon it fell out in fine that they were starued to dea [...] through cold and hunger: howbeit in this their affliction the [...] séemed to reioise▪ in that they suffered for Gods c [...]se▪ as they made account.

The same yeare, Matt [...]ew sonne to the earle of Flanders married the ladie Marie the abbesse of Ramsie, daughter to king Stephan, N. Triuet. and with hir had the countie of Bullongne. About this mariage grew the first falling out betwixt the king and his chancel­lor Thomas Becket (as some haue written) but none more than the said Matthew was offended with the said chancellor, The first fal­ling out be­twixt the K. & Thomas Becket. Anno Reg. 7. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. bicause he was so sore against the said contract.

King Henrie, shortlie after the marriage was consummate betwixt his sonne & the French kings daughter, got into his hands the castell of Gisors, year 1161 with two other castels▪ situate vpon the riuer of Ea­ta in the conf [...]nes of Normandie and France. For it was accorded betwixt the two kings, that when the marriage should be finished, king Henrie should haue those thrée castels, bicause they apperteined to Normandie; in the meane time, the same castels were deliuered into the hands of Robert de Poi­ron, Tostes de Saint Omer, and Robert Hastings, Rog. Houed. thrée knights templers, who vpon the consumma­tion of the marriages before said, and according to the trust committed to them, surrendred the pos­session of the said castels into the hands of king Henrie.

But the French king was not a little moued, for that king Henrie had seized vpon them without his licence, in so much that he raised a power of armed men, and sent them into Normandie, where they had one cruell conflict aboue the rest with the Normans, till the night parted them in sunder, Gaguinus. The French & Normans fight. by meane where­of the Frenchmen withdrew to Chaumount, and the Romans to Gisors. The next daie, as the French­men came foorth againe, purposing to haue won Gi­sors, they were beaten backe by the Normans, who issued out of the towne to skirmish with them. Thus was the warre renewed betwixt these two princes; Nic. Triuet. and by setting on of Theobald earle of Blois, the matter grew to that point, that the English and French powers comming foorthwith into the field, and marching one against an other, they approched so neere togither, that battell was presentlie looked for, first in Ueulgessine, and after in the territorie of Dune; but yet in the end such order was taken be­twixt them, that their armies brake vp.

The three Templers also ran in displeasure of the French king, Thrée knights templers. Rog. Houed. for the deliuerie of the castels before they knew his mind, so that he banished them the realme of France for euermore: but king Henrie receiued them, and gaue them honorable enterteine­ment. Some write that there were but two castels, Gisors and Meall, which were thus put into their hands, and by them deliuered as before is menti­oned. Matth. Paris. The death of Theobald archbishop of Cāturburie.

About this time Theobald archbishop of Cantur­burie departed this life, after he had gouerned that [Page 69] sée the space of 22. yeares, who at his going to Rome, and receipt of the pall of pope Innocent the second, was also created legat of the see apostolike, which of­fice he exercised so diligentlie, and so much to the auaile of the church, The power legantine an­nexed to Cant. Wil. Paru. that the dignitie of legatship re­mained euer after to the archbishop of Canturburie by a speciall decrée, so that they were intituled Legati nati, that is to say Legats borne (as mine author dooth report.) This Theobald greatlie fauoured Thomas Becket. line 10

This Becket was borne in London, his father hight Gilbert, but his mother was a Syrian borne, and by religion a Saracen: howbeit (no regard had of his parents) he grew so highlie in fauour with the king, The authori­tie of Becket. Anno Reg▪ 6. and might doo so much in England, that he see­med to reigne as if he had beene associat with him al­so in the kingdome, and being Lord chancellor, the king sent him ouer into England (Richard Lucie be­ing in his companie) with sundrie letters in his fa­uour, thereby to procure his election to that sée: which line 20 was brought to passe according to the kings desire at Westminster. Afterward he was ordeined at Canturburie on saturdaie in Whitsunwéeke, He is conse­crated archb. Wil. Paru. by Henrie bishop of Winchester (although there be that write how Walter bishop of Rochester did conse­crate him) which consecration was in the 44. yeare of his age, year 1162 Quadrilogium ex vita eiusdem Th [...]ae. and in the fift yere after his first aduance­ment to the office of Lord chancellor, so that he was the eight and thirtith archbishop which gouerned in that see. line 30

Toward the end of the same yeare, Henrie the kings sonne receiued homage of the barons, first in Normandie, and after in England. In the yeare en­suing, The archbish. a better cour­tier than a preacher. the king his father committed him to archbi­shop Becket, that he might sée him brought vp and trained in maners and courtlie behauiour, as apper­teined to his estate: wherevpon the archbishop in iest called him his sonne.

The quéene brought to bed of a daughter. An enteruew.This yeare Quéene Elianor was brought to bed at Rohan of a daughter named Elianor.

In like maner the kings of England and France line 40 receiued pope Alexander the third at Cocie vpon Loire with all honor and reuerence, Anno Reg. 9. 1163 N. Triuet. insomuch that they attended vpon his stirrup on foot like pages or lackies, the one vpon his right side, and the other on his left.

¶Note here the intollerable pride of this antichri­stian pope in assuming, and the basemindednesse of these two kings in ascribing vnto that man of sinne such dignitie as is vtterlie vnfit for his indignitie. line 50 But what will this monster of men, this Stupor mun­di, this Diaboli primogenitus & haeres not arrogate for his owne aduancement; like yuie climing aloft, & choking the trée by whose helpe it créepeth vp from the root to the top. But the end of this seauen horned beast so extolling and lifting it selfe vp to heauen, is

— Erebo miserè claudetur in imo
Atque illic miris cruciatibus afficietur.

Homage of the K. of Scots.In Ianuarie ensuing, the king returned into England, and the same yeare the king of Scots did line 60 homage vnto Henrie the yonger, and deliuered his yonger brother Dauid to the king his father, with di­uerse other the sonnes of his lords and barons in pledge, for assurance of a perpetuall peace to be kept betweene them, with some such castels as he re­quired.

In the meane time archbishop Thomas went to the councell holden by pope Alexander at Tours in the Octaues of Pentecost, A councell at Tours. where he resigned his bi­shoprike into the popes hands (as the [...]ame went) be­ing troubled in conscience for that he had receiued it by the kings preferment. The pope allowing his purpose, committed the same pastorlike dignitie to him againe by his ecclesiasticall power, whereby the archbishop was eased verie well of his greefe, and shortlie after his returne from his councell, seemed desirous to reduce & cause to be restored such rights as he pretended to belong vnto the church of Can­turburie, whereby he ran into the displeasure of ma­nie, and namelie of the mightiest.

Moreouer he required of the king the kéeping of Rochester castell, & the custodie of the tower of Lon­don. He alledged also that Saltwood & Hith belong­ed peculiarlie to the seigniorie of his see. The archbish. practiseth tre­son secretlie. He called Roger earle of Clare vnto Westminster, to doo his homage vnto him for the castell of Tunbridge▪ but the earle denied it through the setting on of the king, Homage for the castell of Tunbridge. alledging all the fee thereof to apperteine rather to the king than to the archbishop. Thus was the archbi­shop troubled, and he grew dailie more and more out of the kings fauour. For yee must vnderstand, that this was not the first nor the second, but the eight time that the king had shewed tokens of his displea­sure against him.

After this, vpon the first day of Iulie, Rice prince of Southwales, Matth. Paris. Matth. West. with diuerse other lords and nobles of Wales, did homage both to the king and to his sonne Henrie at Woodstocke. Hamline the kings bastard brother married the countesse of Warren, the widow of William earle of Mortaigne bastard sonne to king Stephan. Anno Reg. 10 Homage of the welshmen. This countesse was the sole daughter and heire of William the third earle of Warren, year 1164 which went with Lewes king of France into the holie land, and there died. Soone after, N. Triuet. the Welshmen rebelling with their prince Rice and his vncle Owen, did many mischéefes on the marshes: and by the death of Walter Gifford earle of Buc­kingham (who deceased this yeare without heire) that earledome came to the kings hands.

On the 20. daie of September were three circles seene to compasse the sun, Matth. Paris. and so continued the space of thrée houres togither: which when they vanished a­waie, two sunnes appeared and sprang foorth after a maruellous maner. Which strange sight the com­mon people imagined to be a signe or token of the controuersie then kindling betwixt the king and the archbishop.

About this time the king called a parlement at Westminster, to treat of matters concerning the commonwealth, Discord still kindleth be­twixt the king and the archb. wherein great discord arose betwixt the king & archbishop Becket, about certeine points touching the liberties of the church. For the king ha­uing an earnest zeale vnto iustice, and commanding the iudges to punish offenders without respect, vn­derstood by their information, that manie things by them of the spiritualtie (against whome their authori­tie might not be extended) were committed contra­rie to common order: as theft, rapine, murther, and manslaughter; in so much that in his presence it was made notorious, that sith the beginning of his reigne, aboue an hundred manslaughters had béene committed within his realme of England by préests and men of religious orders. Herevpon being moo­ued in mind, Murthers committed by préests. he set forth lawes against the spiritual­tie, wherein he shewed his zeale of iustice. For as the cause procéeded from the bishops of that age, so did the fault also, sith contrarie to their owne canons they permitted préests to liue ouer licentiouslie with­out due correction, studieng onelie to mainteine the liberties and immunities of the church, W. Paruus. and not to re­forme the irregularitie of the regulars. Matth. Paris. Of this crew was one Philip de Broc, a canon of Bedford, who being arreigned before the kings iusticer for a mur­ther, vttered disdainefull words against the same i [...] ­sticer: which when he could not denie before the arch­bishop, he was depriued of his prebend, and banished the land for two yeares space.

These things troubled the king, who therefore ha­uing [Page 70] alreadie set down [...] such [...] as should bridle the spiritualtie from their wicked dooings, thought that if he might get them confirmed in parlement by consent of the bishops and clergie▪ [...] the same should take place and be receiued for [...]. Where­fore he earnestlie required at this parlement, [...] [...]ha [...] it might be enacted against all such of the spirit [...]al­tie, as should be taken and conuicted for [...] offense, they should loose [...]he priuiledge of the church, and be deliuered vnto the ciuill magistrate, [...] line 10 should see them [...]uffer execution for t [...]eir [...], in like maner as he might any of the kings [...] being laie men. For otherwise the [...], that they would boldlie presume [...], if after ecclesiasticall discipline, no secu­lar [...] should follow. And lik [...]lie it was [...]hat they would passe but little for their disgrading and lo [...]e of their order, who in contempt of their calling would not absteine from committing most mischie­uous abhominations and hainous [...]. line 20

Unto these reasons thus propo [...]ed by the king (to [...] his purpose take effect) the archbishop and his [...] the rest of the bishops, answered verie pithilie, labouring to proue that it was more a­gainst the liberties of the church, than that they might with reason well allow. Wherevpon the king being moued exceedinglie against them, demanded whether they would obserue his roiall lawes and cu­stomes, which the archbishops and bishops in the time of his grandfather did hold and ob [...]ie or not? Where­vnto line 30 they made answere, that they would obserue them, [...] Salu [...] ord [...] suo, Their order in all things saued. But the king being highlie offended with such excep­tions▪ vrged the matter so, that he would haue them to take their oth absolutely, & without all exceptions, but they would none of that. At length he departed from London in verie great displeasure with the bi­shops, The king of­fende [...] with the b [...]shops. hauing first taken from the archbishop Tho­mas all the offices and dignities which he enioied since his first being created chancellor.

Howbeit, after this, manie of the bishops séeing line 40 whervnto this broile would grow, began to shrinke from the archbishop, and inclined to the king. But the archbishop sto [...]d stiflie in his opinion, and would not bend at all, till at length not onelie his suffra­gans the bishops, but also the bishop of Liseur (who came ouer to doo some good in the matter) and the ab­bat of Elemosina (who was sent from the pope) per­suaded him to agree to the kings will, R [...]oued. in so much that being ouercome at last with the earnest suit of line 50 his freends, he came first to Woodstocke, and there promised the king to obserue his lawes, Bona fide, Faithfullie, R Houed. 1164 Ge [...]. Dor. A councell at Clarendon. and without all collusion or deceit.

Shortlie after, in the feast of S. Hilarie, a councell was holden at Clarendon, whereto the archbishop, and in manner all the lords spirituall and temporall of the land made their repaire. Here the archbishop would haue willinglie started from his promise, if first the bishops, and after the earles of Leicester and Cornewall, Ger. Dor. Robert and Reignald (which Reignald was vncle to the king) and lastlie two knights tem­plers, line 60 had not moued him to yéeld to the kings will. But (among the rest) these two knights, namelie Ri­chard de Hastings, and Hoste [...]s de Boloigne were verie earnest with him, & at length preuailed, though not for conscience of dutie, wherewith he should haue beene touched; yet with feare of danger, which (by re­fusing to satisfie the kings will) he should haue brought not onelie vpon himselfe, but also vpon the the other bishops there present.

These knights séemed to lament his case, as if al­readie they had séene naked swords shaken about his eares. And indeed, certeine of the kings seruants that attended vpon his person after the manner of a [...] Saluo ordine meo, [...] Mine order saued, which he had vsed before. The like [...] did all the bishops sake. But the archbishop refused at that [...] to se [...]le to the [...] ­ting that conteined the articles of the oth which he should haue obserued, requiring as it were [...] to consider of them, sith in so weightie a master no­thing ought to be do [...]ne without good and deliberate aduice, wherefore he tooke wi [...]h him a copie thereof, and so did the archbishopof Yorke an other, and the third remained with the king.

Shor [...]lie after, the archbishop considering further of this oth which he had taken, [...] repente [...] himselfe greeuouslie therof, in so much that he [...] from [...] masse, till he had by confession and fruits of penance (as saith Matth. Paris) obteined [...] of the pope. For addressing and sending out mes­sengers with all spéed vnto the pope, with a certifi­cat of the whole matter as it laie, he required to be ass [...]iled of the bond which he had vnaduisedlie entred into. This suit was soone granted, in so much that the pope directed his especiall letters vnto him, con­teining the same absolution in verie ample and large manner, as Matth. Paris dooth report it. And thus began a new broile.

The archbishop in the meane time, perceiuing that the liberties of the church were now not onelie em­bezelled, but in maner extingu [...]hed, and being losh to make any further attempt against his former dea­lings, would now (without the kings knowledge) haue departed the realme, wherevpon comming to Romnie, he tooke shipping, to haue passed ouer into France, and so to haue gone to the popes court. The archbi­shop Becke [...] would haue [...] out of the realme. But by a contrarie wind he was brought backe into England, and thereby fell further into the kings dis­pleasure than before, in so much that, whereas an ac­tion was commensed against him of late for a ma­nor, which the archbishops of Canturburie had of long time held: now the matter was so vsed, that the archbishop lost the man [...]r, and was more [...]uer con­demned to paie the ar [...]rages, and thus his troubles increased euen through his owne malaper [...]nesse and brainesicknesse; whereas all these tumults [...]ight haue béene composed and laid asléepe, if he had béene wise, peaceable, patient, and obedient. For,

Vir b [...]nus & sapiens quaerit super omnia pacem,
Vid [...]que min [...]ra pati, metuens grauiora,
M. [...] sag.
[...]
Ne parus ex igni seelerata incendi [...] surg [...]nt.

In the end, The archbi­shop cited to appeare at Northamp­ton. the archbishop was cited to appeere be­fore the king at Northampton, where the king vsed him somewhat roughlie, placing his horsses at his Inne, and laid disobedience to his charge, for that he did not personallie appeare at a certeine place before his highnesse, R Houed. vpon summons giuen vnto him for the same purpose. Wherevnto though the archbishop alledged that he had sent thither a sufficient deputie to make answere for him; Sentence g [...] ­uen against the archbi­shop. yet could he not be so ex­cused, but was found giltie, and his goods co [...]fiscat to the kings pleasure.

Now when the archbishop heard that sentence was in such wise pronounced against him; ‘What maner of iudgement (saith he) is this? Though I hold my peace, yet the age that shall hereafter follow, will not hide it in silence; for sithens the world began, it hath not beene heard, that any archbishop of Canturburie hath béene iudged in any of the king of Englands [Page 71] courts for any maner of cause; partlie in regard of the dignitie and authoritie of his office, and partlie bicause he is spirituallie the father of the king and all his people. This is therefore a new forme and or­der of iudgement, that the archbishop should be iud­ged by his suffragans, or the father by his sons.’

The next daie the king required of him the repai­ment of fiue hundred marks, which he had lent him when he was chancellor. Now although he affirmed that he receiued the same by waie of gift, and not by waie of lone; The archbish. condemned in fiue hundred markes. yet bicause he confessed the receit, he line 10 was condemned in that debt, forsomuch as he could not prooue the title of the gift.

An assemblie of bishops.On the morrow after, the archbishop with his fe­low bishops being set in councell, by commande­ment of the king (& the doores fast locked that they should not get out) this was proponed against the archbishop, that whereas he held certeine bishops sées as then vacant, with abbeies, and other reuenues of his souereigne lord the king in his hands, and had made none account to him for the same of long line 20 time; The archbish. called to an account. the king required now to be answered at his hands, and that with all spéed, for he would haue no delaie. The summe amounted to thirtie thousand markes.

When the archbishop had heard the variable sen­tences of the bishops in this case, he answered after this manner: ‘I would (said he) speake with two earles which are about the king, and named them. Who be­ing called, and the doores set open, he said vnto them; line 30 We haue not héere at this present to shew whereby the thing may be more manifest: therefore we aske respit for answer till to morrow.’ The councell there­fore brake vp, and the multitude of people, which came with the archbishop thither, being afraid of the kings displeasure, fell from him. Wherefore he caused his seruants to fetch a great number of poore and impo­tent people to his lodging, saieng that by the seruice of such men of warre, a more speedie victorie in short space might be gotten, than by them which in time of temptation shamefullie drew backe. Herevpon his line 40 house was filled full, and the tables set with such as his seruants had brought in, out of the lanes and streats abroad.

Upon the tuesdaie, the bishops all amazed and full of care, came vnto him; and bicause of the displea­sure which the king had conceiued against him, coun­selled him to submit himselfe to the kings will, or else in fine, The bishops persuade the archbishop to submit him­self to y • kings pleasure. they told him plainelie, that he would be iud­ged a periured person; bicause he had sworne vnto the king as to his earthlie souereigne, touching all line 50 temporall honor in life, lim, and member; and name­lie to obserue all his roiall lawes and customes, which of late he had established.

The archbish. answer to his brethren.Wherevnto he answered: ‘My brethren, ye see how the world roreth against me, and the enimie riseth vp, but I more lament that the sonnes of my mother fight against me. If I should hold my peace, yet would the world come to declare how ye leaue me alone in the battell, and haue iudged against me line 60 now these two daies past, I being your father, though neuer so much a sinner. But I command you by vertue of your obedience, and vpon perill of your order, that you be not present in any place of iudge­ment, where my person may fortune to be adiudged: in testimonie whereof I appeale to our mother the church of Rome. He appealeth to the church of Rome. Furthermore, if it chance that tem­porall men laie their hands vpon me, I charge you likewise by vertue of your obedience, that ye exer­cise the censures of the church in the behalfe of your father the archbishop as it becommeth you. This one thing know ye well, that the world roreth, the flesh trembleth and is weake, but I (by Gods grace) will not shrinke, nor leaue the flocke committed vn­to me.’

After this he entred into the church, and celebrated the masse of saint Stephan (otherwise than he was accustomed to doo) with his pall: which being ended, he put on his sacrificing vestures, He goeth to the court. with a cope vpon them all, and so went to the court. Furthermore, bi­cause he was afraid, he receiued the sacrament se­cretlie with him, and bearing the crosse in his right hand, and the reine of his bridell in his left, he came in that order to the court, where he alighted, and entred the place, still bearing the crosse himselfe, till he came to the kings chamber doore, the other bishops follow­ing him with great feare and trembling. Now being come thither, the bishop of Hereford would gladlie haue taken the crosse, and haue borne it before him, but he would not suffer him, saieng: ‘It is most rea­son that I should beare it my selfe, vnder the defense whereof I may remaine in safetie: and beholding this ensigne, I néed not doubt vnder what prince I serue.’

At length, when the king had exhibited great com­plaints vnto them all generallie against him, He is reputed a traitour. they cried that he was a traitor, sith he had receiued so manie benefits at the kings hands, and now refused to doo him all earthlie honor as he had sworne to doo. To be short, when the bishops came to sit vpon the matter in councell, they appealed to the sée of Rome against the archbishop, accusing him of periurie: and in the word of truth bound themselues by promise, to doo what they might to depose him, if the king would pardon them of that iudgement which now hanged ouer the archbishops head. Then comming to the archbishop they said: ‘Thou wast sometime our arch­bishop, and we were bound to obeie thée: but sith thou hast sworne fealtie to the king, that is, life, member, and earthlie honour, & to obserue his lawes and customes, and now goest about to destroie the same, we say that thou art guiltie of periurie, The bishops disallow their archbishop. and we will not from hencefoorth obey a periured archbishop. Therefore we cite thée by appellation to appeare be­fore the pope, there to answer thine accusors. Then they appointed him a day, in which they ment to pro­secute their appeale. I heare you well (said the arch­bishop.)’

The princes and péeres of the realme did also iudge him a periured person and a traitour. Among whome (manie then being present) the earle of Lei­cester accompanied with Reignald earle of Corne­wall, came vnto him and said; ‘The king comman­ded thée to come and render an accompt of that which is obiected against thée, or else heare thy iudgement. Iudgement? said the archbishop, [and therewith ri­sing vp said,] Naie sonne earle, first heare thou: It is not vnknowne to thée how faithfull I haue béene to the king, in consideration whereof he aduanced me to the archbishops see against my will (as God can be my iudge:) for I knew mine owne infirmitie, and I was contented to take it vpon me rather for his pleasure, than for Gods cause, and therfore dooth God both withdraw himselfe and the king from me. In the time of mine election he made me frée, and dis­charged me of all courtlie bondage. Wherefore as touching those things from which I am frée and de­liuered, I am not bound to answer, neither will I. So much as the soule is more worth than the bodie, so much the more art thou bound to obeie God and me, rather than any earthlie creature. Neither will law nor reason permit, that the sonnes should iudge or condemne the father: and therefore I refuse to stand to the iudgement either of the king, or of any other, and appeale to the pope, by whome (vnder God) I ought to be iudged, referring all that I haue vnto Gods protection and his, and vnder the defense of his authoritie I depart out of this place.’ Hauing thus [Page 72] spoken, went incontinent to fake horsse.

Now as he passed on his waie, the kings seruants and others of the court did cast out manie reproch­full words against him, calling him traitor and false forsworne caitife. Ger. Dor. The stout courage of the archbi­shop. At which words turning himselfe, and looking backe with a sterne countenance he said; That if it were not for his order of priesthood, and that it were lawfull for him, he would suerlie cléere himselfe of periurie and treason, in defending and mainteining his cause against them with wea­pon in hand. line 10

When he was come to the vtter gate, he found the same fast locked, whereat they began all to be ama­zed: but one of his seruants espieng where a bunch of keies tied to a clubs end were hanging on a pin, he tooke them down, & tried which was the right key, by proofe whereof he found it at the last, opened the gate, and let the archbishop out, the porters standing still as men amazed, and speaking not one word a­gainst it.

Now when he was got out, a great number of line 20 poore, weake and impotent people met him, saieng: ‘Blessed be God, which hath deliuered his seruant from the face of his enimie.’ Thus with a great rout or companie, and with the clergie, he was honorablie conueied to the abbeie of S. Andrews: and looking behind and before him, as he passed thitherward, he said vnto those that went with him; ‘How glorious a procession dooth bring me from the face of the eni­mie? Suffer all the poore people to come into the place, that we may make merie togither in the Lord.’ line 30 Hauing thus spoken the people had entrance, so that all the hall, parlours, and chambers being furnished with tables and stooles, they were conuenientlie pla­ced, and serued with vitt [...]ls to the full.

The verie same night before the cockcrowing he issued foorth by a little posterne gate, Rog. H [...]ed. The archbi­shop B [...]cket fled awaie in the night. and taking with him onelie two moonks of the Cisteaur order, the one named Robert Canne, and the other S. Cap­man, with one of his owne seruants called Roger de Broc, he fled awaie disguised in a white vesture line 40 and a moonks coule, and changing his name, caused himselfe to be called Dereman, & iourneied still all the night, and by daie laie close in one fréends house or other; till at last he got to Sandwich, and there ta­king ship, he sailed ouer into Flanders, and so went to France, where at the citie of Sens he found pope Alexander, into whose bosome he emptied whole cart lodes of complaints and greeuances.

The king vpon knowledge that the archbishop was fled the realme, Gilbert Fol­lioth bishop of London was sent to the French king. sent Gilbert Follioth bishop of line 50 London, and William earle of Arundell in spe [...]die ambassage to the king of France, to signifie vnto him the whole matter and circumstance of the fal­ling out betwixt him and the archbishop, requiring him not to receiue the archbishop into his realme, but this request was little regarded of the French king, as appeared: for the archbishops cause was fa­uoured of manie, and the blame imputed to king Henrie, so that the archbishop found great grace with the French king, and no small fauour at the line 60 hands of the pope.

Now when king Henrie heard that he was accu­sed by the archbishop vnto the pope, he appointed Ro­ger archbishop of Yorke, Additions to Iohn Pike. Matth. Paris▪ Ger. Dor. the foresaid Gilbert bishop of London, Hilarius bishop of Chichester, Roger bi­shop of Worcester, Bartholomew bishop of Exce­ster, with diuerse bishops, deanes, archdeacons, & o­ther learned men of good accompt, to the number of 15. to passe in ambassage vnto the pope, that they might excuse his dooings, and burden the archbishop with the note of rebellion, whereof he had good proofe.

Being admitted to declare their message in the consistorie before the pope, Roger archbi­shop of Yorke with others, are sent to the pope. they opened the whole cir­cumstance of the matter, from the beginning to the end, declaring that betwixt Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie and the king there was a controuer­sie moued, and by both their consents a daie appoin­ted for the hearing and determining thereof, as iu­stice should require. At the which daie (by the kings commandement) all the chéefest lords of the realme both spirituall and temporall were assembled, to the end that the more generall the méeting should be, the more manifest might the discouerie of the fraud and malice of the archbishop appeere.

‘At the daie appointed (saie they) there came before the catholike prince his presence, the Nobles of his realme: and amongst other, the archbishop the dis­quieter both of the kingdome & church, who (as one not well assured of the qualitie of his owne deser­uings) blessed himselfe with the signe of the crosse at his comming into the court, as though he should haue come before some tyrant or schismaticall per­son. Notwithstanding all which contemptuous and ambitious behauiour, the kings maiestie was no­thing offended, but committed the iudgement of his cause to the faithfull order of the bishops, meaning so to deliuer himselfe of all suspicion of wrong dea­ling. Then it rested in the bishops hands to make an end of the controuersie, and to set a small vnion and agréement betwixt them. But the archbishop would none of that, alleging how it should be a de­rogation to the sée apostolike and his metropoliticall dignitie, to stand before the king in iudgement, or a­nie other temporall magistrate. And albeit (saie they) some diminution or eclipse might haue chanced to the dignitie of the church by that iudgement, yet it had beene his part to haue dissembled the matter for the time, to the end that peace might haue béene re­stored to the church. He further obiected (ascribing to himselfe the name of father, which seemed to sauour somewhat of arrogancie) that the children ought not to come togither to iudge the fathers cause, but it had béene far more necessarie that the humblenesse of the sons should mitigate the pride and temper the ambition of the father.’

To conclude, the kings ambassadors made ear­nest suit, that two legats might be sent from the pope, The kings tale could not be heard. to haue the hearing & discussing of all the mat­ter betwixt the king and the archbishop without any other appealing. But the kings tale could not be heard in that court, the archbishop hauing alreadie persuaded the pope to the contrarie. For comming to the pope, he vttered his complaint as followeth: The archbi­shop Bec [...]ct. Matt. Paris.

‘Most holie father, I doo here come for succour to your audience, lamenting that the state of the church, and the liberties [...]hereof are brought to ruine by the couetous dealing of kings and princes. Wher­fore when I thought to resist the disease approching, I was suddenlie called before the king, to render ac­compts as a laie man about certeine wards, for whom (while I was the kings chancellor) I had not­withstanding giuen accounts; and also, when I was made bishop, and entred into the dignitie of ruling the archbishops sée, I was released and discharged of all reckonings and bonds by the kings eldest sonne, and by the cheefe iusticer of the realme: so that now, where I looked to haue found aid, I was destitute thereof, to my great hinderance and vexation. Con­sider furthermore (I praie you) how my lords and brethren the bishops are readie at the pleasure of the Noble men of the court to giue sentence against me, so that all men being about to run vpon me, I was almost oppressed: and therfore am now come as it were to take breath in the audience of your clemen­cie, which dooth not forsake your children in their ex­treme necessitie, before whom I here stand, readie to declare and testifie that I am not to be iudged there, [Page 73] nor yet at all by them. For what other thing should that be, but to plucke awaie the right of the church▪ What else then to submit spirituall things to tempo­rall? This example therefore once sproong vp, might giue an occasion to manie enormities to follow. The bishops doo say, Those things that are Cesars, ought to be restored to Cesar. But admit that in manie things the king is to be obeied, is he therefore to be obeied in things wherein he is no king? For those belong not to Cesar, but to a tyrant▪ Wherein if for line 10 my sake they would not, yet ought the bishops for their owne sakes to haue resisted him. For what should be the cause of such deadlie and vnnaturall ha­tred, that to destroie me, they should destroie them­selues? Therefore whilest for temporall things they neglect spirituall, they faile in both. Weigh then most holie father, my fleeing awaie, and my persecu­tion, and how for your sake I haue beene prouoked with iniuries, vse your rigour, constraine them to amendement, through whose motion this hath chan­ced; line 20 let them not be borne out by the king, who is ra­ther the obstinate minister, than the finder out of this practise.’

The pope hauing heard his words, tooke delibera­tion in the matter, with the aduice of his cardinals, and therevpon answered the archbishop in effect as followeth: ‘That the lower power may not iudge the higher, The popes answer to the archbishop. and chéefelie him whome he is bound to obeie, all the lawes both of God and man doo witnesse, and the ordinances of the ancient fathers doo manifestlie line 30 declare: Herevpon we (to whome it apperteineth to reforme disorders) doo clearelie reuerse and make void the iudgement pronounced against you by the barons and bishops, whereby as well against the or­der of law, as against the customes of the church, your goods were adiudged forfeit, whereas the same goods were not yours, but the churches of Canturbu­rie, ouer which you haue the onelie cure and charge. But if those that haue violentlie entred vpon the pos­sessions and goods of your church, and haue thereby line 40 wronged either you or yours, will not vpon admoni­tion giuen to them, make restitution with sufficient amends, then may you (if you shall thinke conueni­ent) exercise ecclesiasticall iustice vpon them, and we shall allow of that which you shall reasonablie doo in that behalfe. Howbeit as touching the king himselfe we will not giue you any speciall commandement, neither yet doo we take from you any right belong­ing to your bishoplike office, which you receiued at your consecration.’ But the king onlie we will spare, line 50 and exempt from your excommunications and cen­sures. After these and manie by-matters were ouer­passed, The archbish. resigneth his pall. the archbishop resigned his pall vnto the pope, but the pope gaue it him againe, and appointed him to remaine at Pountney an abbeie of moonks Ci­steaux in the diocesse of Auxerre, till the variance were brought to some good end betwixt the king and him. This was doone in the yeare of our Lord 1164.

The king hauing knowledge by his ambassadors line 60 what answer the pope had made, became gréeuouslie offended in his mind, and therevpon confiscated all the goods that belonged to the archbishop and his complices, and seized their reuenues into his hands, appointing one Randall de Broc to haue the custodie of all that belonged to the see, Ger. Dor. which Broc was no­thing fréendlie to the archbishop, being his knowne enimie of old, but fauoured the moonkes, and would not suffer that they should take wrong or displeasure at any hand.

year 1165 In the yeare 1165. queene Elianor was deliue­red of a daughter which was named Ioane. Matth. West. Matth. Paris. Also on the 26. day of Ianuarie, there chanced a maruellous earthquake in Northfolke, in the Ile of Elie, and in Suffolke, so that men as they stood on the ground were ouerthrowne therewith, and buildings so sha­ken, that the belles in stéeples knolled: the like had also chanced in the Aduent season then last before passed.

The Welshmen this yeare spoiled a great part of those countries that bordered vpon them: The Welsh­men make wa [...] on the Eng­lish marshes. where­with the king being sore mooued, leuied an armie with all spéed as well of Englishmen as strangers, and (without regard of difficulties and dangers) did go against the rebels, Wil. Paruus. Polydor. The king in­uadeth Wales. and finding them withdrawne into their starting holes (I meane the woods a [...]d strait passages) he compassed the same about in verie forceable maner. The Welshmen perceiuing them­selues now to be brought into such ieopardie, as that they could not well deuise how to escape the same, consulted what was best to be doone. After consulta­tion, casting awaie their weapons, they came foorth to the king, asking mercie; which somewhat hardlie they obteined. Few of them were executed in com­parison of the numbers that offended: but yet the capteines and chéefe authors of this rebellion were so punished, that it was thought they would neuer haue presumed so rashlie to offend him in like sort a­gaine. Rog. Houed. The seuere punishment vsed by king Henry against the Welshmen. For (as some writers affirme) he did iustice on the sonnes of Rice or Rees, & also on the sonnes and daughters of other noble men that were his compli­ces verie rigorouslie: causing the eies of the yoong striplings to be pecked out of their heads, and their noses to be cut off or slit: and the eares of the yoong gentlewomen to be stuffed.

But yet I find in other authors, that in this iour­nie king Henrie did not greatlie preuaile against his enimies, but rather lost manie of his men of warre, both horssemen and footmen: for by his seuere proceeding against them, he rather made them more eger to séeke reuenge, than quieted them in any tu­mult. They tooke the castell of Cardigan, Ger. Dor. Ran. Cogge. Cardigan ca­stell wonne by the Welshmen. and in be­sieging of Briges, the king was in no small danger of his life: for one of the enimies shooting directlie at him, had persed him through the bodie, if Hubert de Saint Clere conestable of Colchester, Hubert de S. Clere conesta­ble of Colche­ster. perceiuing the arrow comming, had not thrust himselfe betwixt the king and the same arrow, and so preseruing his maister, receiued the stripe himselfe, whereof he died presentlie after, beséeching the king to be good lord to one onelie daughter which he had, whome the king bestowed in mariage vpon William de Langualée, William de Langualée. togither with hir fathers inheritance, which William begat of hir a sonne that bare both his name and surname. ¶A president of gratitude & thankfulnes is here committed to memorie. And surelie the king could doo no lesse, than some way requite the ventu­rous courage and hartie zeale of the gentleman, who with the losse of his owne life preserued the king, if not from death, yet from some dangerous wound that might haue put him to extreame anguish and paine. This may incite men to be mindfull of bene­fits receiued, a vertue no lesse rare than the contra­rie is common, and as one saith,

—inueniuntur
Quidam sed rari, acceptorum qui meritorum
Assiduè memores, &c.

But to conclude with this iourneie which king Henrie made at this time against the Welshmen, W. Paru [...]s. although by reason of the cumbersome difficulties of the places, he could not enter within the countrie so farre as he wished, yet he so impounded and constrei­ned them to kéepe within the woods and mountains, that they durst not come abroad, insomuch that at the length they were glad to sue for peace.

William king of Scots, William king of Scots doth his homage to king Henrie. successor of Malcolme (who departed this life in the yeare last past) after he had receiued the crowne of Scotland, came about [Page 74] this present time into England, and finding king Henrie at London, did his homage to him as his predecessour Malcolme had doone before. He made suit also to haue Northumberland restored vnto him, which the king of Englands mother the empresse had in times past giuen vnto king Dauid. But king Henrie gaue diuerse reasons to excuse himselfe whie he might not deliuer that countrie to him at that present, namelie, without consent of a parlement: where vpon king William perceiuing how the ma [...] ­ter went, gaue ouer his suit for that present, meaning line 10 (when occasion serued) to attempt the getting thereof by force, sith that by praier and suit he sawe well in­ough he should not obteine it.

Moreouer, the Scottish king being required by king Henrie to go ouer with him into Normandie, granted so to doo; insomuch that king Henrie, hauing set all things in order within his realme of England, in the Lent following passed ouer into Normandie. But before he tooke his iourneie, N. Triuet. Matth. Paris Ger. Dor. An edict a­gainst the archbishop Becket. he set foorth a decree consisting of these points in effect as followeth. line 20

1 That no man should bring any letters or com­mandement from pope Alexander, or Thomas arch­bishop of Canturburie into England, conteining an interdiction of the realme: vpon perill to be appre­hended and punished as a traitour to the king, and an enimie to the realme.

2 That no religious person or préest should be permitted to passe the seas, or to come into the relme of England, except he had letters of safe conduct line 30 from the iusticers for passage ouer, and of the king for his returne from thence.

Appeales forbidden.3 That no man should appeale to the said pope or archbishop, nor by their appointment hold any plée: and if any person were found dooing the contrarie herevnto, he should be taken and committed to pri­son.

4 That if any maner of person, either spirituall or temporall, were obedient to the sentence of the in­terdiction, the same person should be banished the line 40 realme without delaie, and all his linage with him, so as they should not conueie with them any of their goods, the which togither with their possessions should be seized into the kings hands.

5 That all spirituall persons, which had any bene­fices within England, should haue warning giuen to returne into England within foure moneths af­ter the same summons pronounced, and that if they failed hereof, then should the king seize vpon their goods and possessions. line 50

6 That the bishops of London and Norwich, should be (and by vertue hereof were) summoned to appeare before the kings iusticers, to make answer for that they had interdicted the lands of erle Hugh, and excommunicated him.

7 That the Peter pence should be gathered and kept.

In the octaues of Easter king Henrie came to an enterview with the French king at Gisors, The kings of England and France enter­uiew. Chro. Sigeb. Matth. Paris. King Iohn borne. where they had conference togither of sundrie mat­ters. line 60

This yeare the quéene was deliuered of a sonne named Iohn, who afterward was king of this realme.

Moreouer, king Henrie calling a councell of his bishops and barons in Normandie, Ger. Dor. caused and ordei­ned a collection (by their aduise) to be made through all his countries and dominions, A contri­bution. of two pence in the pound of euerie mans lands and goods, iewels and apparell onelie excepted: to be paid this yeare 1166. and for the space of foure yeares next ensuing, one penie of euerie pound to be paid yearelie: and those that were not worth twentie shillings in goods or lands (being housholders notwithstanding) or bare any office, should paie a penie to this contribution, which was onelie granted for the releefe of the christi­ans in the east parts, and those that warred against the miscreants there. The paiment thereof was ap­pointed to be made in the feast daie of saint Remi­gius, or within fiftéene daies after. It was also ordei­ned, that all such as departed this life, within the terme that this collection was in force (their debts being paid) should giue the tenth part of the residue of all their goods vnto this so necessarie a contri­bution.

King Henrie remaining now in Normandie, and vnderstanding that diuerse lords and barons of Maine, and the marshes of Britaine, would not in his absence shew themselues obedient vnto his wife quéene Elianor, but were about to practise a rebelli­on, raised an armie, and went against them, easilie subduing them whom he found obstinate: and besie­ging the castell of Foulgiers, The castell of Foulgiers. Matth. Paris. Uizeley. The archbi­shop Becket accursed those in England that maintei­ned the cu­stoms of their elders. tooke and vtterlie de­stroied it.

Soone after the archbishop of Canturburie came from Pountney to Uizeley, and there (on Ascension daie) when the church was most full of people, got him into the pulpit, and with booke, bell, and candell solemnelie accurssed all the obseruers, defenders, and mainteiners, with the promoters of such cu­stoms, as within the realme of England they terme the custome of their elders: amongst others that were accursed, was Richard de Lucie, Richard the archdeacon of Poictiers, Iocelin de Bailleuille, A­lane de Neuille, and manie other. But they being absent, & neither called nor conuinced (as they alleged notwithstanding they were thus excommunicated) sent their messengers vnto the archbishop, and appea­led from him, and so feared not to enter into their churches.

He had before this also written certeine letters vnto his suffragans, R. Houe. denouncing some of these and other persons by expresse name accursed, not onelie for mainteining the matter against him, touching the ancient custome of the realme: but also for the schisme raised in Almaine by Reignald archbishop of Colein, for the which he accursed one Iohn of Ox­ford. Moreouer, he accursed Ranulfe de Broc, Hugh de S. Clete, & Thomas Fitz Bernard, for violentlie seizing vpon and deteining the goods and possessions belonging to his archbishoprike, without his consent or agréement therevnto.

The king on the other part banished out of Eng­land, and all parts of his other dominions, all those persons that were knowen to be of kin vnto the archbishop, both yoong and old: and furthermore sent aduertisement to the abbat of Pountney and to his moonks, with whom the archbishop by the popes ap­pointment remained, that if they kept him still in their house, he would not faile to banish all the moonks of their order out of England. Now the archbishop, after he had remained there scarse two yeares, departed from thence of his owne accord, and came to the king of France, who courteouslie re­ceiued him, and sent him to the abbeie of saint Co­lumbes neere to the citie of Sens, where he remai­ned a certeine season, as shall be shewed hereafter.

Shortlie after this, two legats named William of Pauia, and Iohn of Naples both cardinals, Matth. Paris. Legats from the pope. came from the pope to Montmiriall, whom the archbishop suspected rather to fauour the kings cause than his: yet he was contented that they should haue the iudg­ment thereof committed vnto them: so that first (ac­cording to the rules of the church) restitution might be made both to him and his, of such goods as had beene taken from them. For being spoiled, as he was, he would not stand to any iudgement, nor could not be compelled thervnto by any reason (as he said.) [Page 75] Now when the two legats saw that they could not bring any thing to passe, they departed without any thing concluded.

Comes Sa­giens [...]s.About this time William Taiuan earle of Sa­gium (by the consent of his sons and nephues) deliue­red into the hands of king Henrie the castels of Ale­rium, N. Triuet. Alerium. and Roch Laberie, with all the appurtenances to the castels belonging.

About this season also Conan the duke of Britaine departed this life, Conan duke of Britaine deceasseth. Matt. Paris. leauing behind him no issue, but one onelie daughter begot of his wife the dutchesse line 10 Constance, the daughter of the king of Scotland, which succéeded him in the estate. Wherevpon king Henrie made earnest suit to procure a marriage be­twixt hir and his sonne Geffrey, A mariage concluded be­twixt Geffrey the kings son and the Du­chesse of Bri­taine. Wil. Paruus. which at length he brought to passe, to the great comfort and contenta­tion of his mind, in that his sonne had by such good fortune atteined to the dukedome of Britaine.

At that season in Britaine were certeine Noble men of such strength and power, that they disdained line 20 to acknowledge themselues subiect to any superior, in somuch that through ambitious desire of rule and preheminence, they warred continuallie one against an other, to the great destruction and vtter vndooing of their miserable countrie, so that the land some­time fruitfull by nature, was as it were a wildernes. Wherevpon, those that were the weaker, perceiuing themselues too much oppressed by the stronger, sub­mitted themselues vnto king Henrie, and required his aid and succour. King Henrie reioising to haue so good an occasion and opportunitie to reduce them line 30 to reason, with all speed aided these supplicants and subdued the resistants, Anno Reg. 13. notwithstanding their great puissance, & the strength of the places which they kept.

year 1167 In the meane while Henrie came ouer to his fa­ther, N. Triuet. King Henrie inuadeth the erle of Aluer­gnes lands. and found him at Poictiers, from whence (short­lie after Easter) he remoued, and with an armie en­tred into the lands of the earle of Aluergnes, which he wasted and spoiled, bicause the said earle had re­nounced his allegiance to king Henrie, and made line 40 his resort to the French king, séeking to sow discord betwixt the foresaid two kings: which was kindled the more by a challenge pretended about the sending of the monie ouer into the holie land, which was ga­thered within the countie of Tours: for the French king claimed to send it, by reason that the church there apperteined to his dominion: and the king of England would haue sent it, bicause it was gathe­red within the countrie that belonged to his go­uernement. line 50

Ger. Dor. The earle of Bolongne prepareth 600▪ ships to inuade Eng­land.This yeare a great preparation of ships was made by the earle of Bullongne, to haue inuaded Eng­land, but by the warlike prouision of Richard Lucie, lord gouernour of the realme, the sea-coasts were so prouided of sufficient defense, that the earles at­tempts came to nothing. The cause why he made this brag, was for that the king withheld from him cer­teine reuenues which he claimed to haue here in England▪ and therefore he ment to recouer them by force. The empresse Maud mother to the king of line 60 England (a woman in stoutnesse of stoma [...]h and warlike attempts more famous than commonlie a­ny of that sex) deceassed this yere the 10▪ of Septem. The deceasse of the empresse Maud. Matth. West.

Also Robert bishop of Lincolne departed this life, after whose deceasse the [...] of Lincolne was vacant by the space of seuentéene yeares, The fée of Lincolne void 17. yeares. the king in all that meane time receiuing the profits. Anno. Reg. 14. The [...] of Co­lein came ambassadour from the emperour vnto the king of England, An embassage from the em­perour. requiring to haue ou [...] of his daughters giuen in marriage vnto the emperour [...] sonne▪ and an other of them vnto Henrie duke of Saxonie: which request [...]he K. bid w [...]inglie grant, and therevpon was the queene sent for to come ouer into Normandie, an [...] to bring hi [...] [...]aithe the lord Ri­chard and hir daughter the ladie Maud with hir: which ladie was married vnto the duke of Saxonie, year 1168 in the beginning of the yeare next insuing; and had issue by him three sons, Henrie, Otho, and William, of which the middlemost came to be emperour. Matth. West.

The variance still depending betwixt the king and the archbishop of Canturburie: there was also about the same time a great debate betwixt the em­perour Frederike the first and pope Alexander the third: whervpon king Henrie wrote to the emperor, Debate be­twixt the pope and the em­perour. and signified vnto him, that he would aid him if néed should require against the pope, K. Henrie of­fereth to aid the emperour. who mainteined such a runnagate traitor as the archbishop Becket was. Moreouer at the same time the king caused all his subiects within the realme of England, from the child of twelue yeares old vnto the aged person, to forsweare all obedience that might be pretended as due to the same pope Alexander. The king for the space of two yeares togither, remaining still in Nor­mandie, and in other places beyond the seas, subdued diuerse rebels, as the earle of Angoulesme, Aime­rike de Lucignie, and his sonnes Robert and Hugh.

Also he came to an enterview with the king of France betwixt Pacie and Maunt, An enterview betwixt the king of Eng­land and king of France. The kings met againe to commen of peace. where they com­muned of such iniuries as were thought to be at­tempted on either part. For the Poictouins had made their resort to the French king, and were con­federate with him against their supreme lord king Henrie, and had deliuered pledges for assurance thereof, which pledges the French king would not re­store. But yet there was a truce concluded betwixt them, to endure till the feast of S. Iohn Baptist.

About the feast of Easter Patrike the earle of Salisburie was slaine by treason of the Poictouins, A truce. Patrike earle of Salisburie slaine. and was buried at Saint Hilaries: after whome his sonne William succeeded in the earledome.

The Britons practised rebellions dailie: but king Henrie entring their countrie, wan diuerse strong townes and castels, and brought them at length vn­der his subiection. Moreouer in this summer season the two kings met againe at Fert Bernard to treat of peace, but they departed without concluding any agréement at all. For there were manie of the Poic­touins and Britons, which tooke part with the king of France, and hauing deliuered vnto him hostages, had a promise made them, that the French king should not conclude an agréement with the king of England without their consent. Hervpon they made warres either vpon other, till finallie (about the feast of the Epithanie) a peace was accorded betwixt them: Anno. Reg. 15. 1169 and then Henrie the king of Englande sonne made his homage vnto the French king for the countie of Aniou: Ger. Dor. N. Triuet. and the French king granted him the office of the Seneschalcie of France, which ancientlie belonged vnto the earles of Aniou. Also Geffrey duke of Britaine did homage to his elder brother the aforesaid Henrie, Geffrey duke of Britaine. by commandement of his father, for the duc [...]ie of Britaine. And afterwards the same Geffrey went into Britaine, and at Rhei­nes receiued the homage and fealtie of the lords and barons of that countrie.

King [...] in the mean [...] while su [...]dued certeine rebels in Gascoin [...], and returning into Normandie, built a goodlie towne and fortresse neere to Haie de [...].

About [...] same time one Haruey de Yuon, Haruey de Yuon. who had married the daughter of one William Goieth, [...] in his iournie which he tooke into the holie [...] into the hands of king Henrie, [...] he was in despaire to keepe them [...] of Chartres, who through the French kings [...] to dispossesse him of the same castels: wherevpon the war was renewed be­twixt the king of England and the said earle of Char­tres. [Page 76] Neuerthelesse king Henrie making no great accompt of those wars, went into Britaine with his sonne Geffrey, where going about the countrie to visit the cities and townes, he reformed many disor­ders, laieng as it were a maner of a new foundati­on of things there, fortifieng the castels, cities and townes, and communing in courteous manner with the lords and péeres of the countrie, sought to win their good wils: and so in such exercises he spent a great part of the time. line 10

Anno Reg. 16. 1170He kept his Christmasse at Nauntes, whither all the great lords and barons of Britaine resorted to him. The solemnitie of which feast being past, he en­tred into the lands of earle Eudo, and wasted the same, till the said earle submitted himself. At length, after the king had taken order for the good gouerne­ment of Normandie, and his other countries on that side the sea, he returned into England in the first wéeke of March, but not without great danger, by reason of a tempest that tooke him on the seas, begin­ning line 20 about midnight, and not ceassing till 9. of the clocke in the morning, about which houre he came on land at Portesmouth, not with many of his ships, the rest being tossed and driuen to séeke succour in sun­drie créeks and hauens of the land, and one of them which was the cheefest and newest, was lost in the middle of the flouds, togither with 400. persons, men & women: among whome was Henrie de Aguell with two of his sons, Gilbert Sullemuy, and Rafe Beumount the kings physician & houshold seruant. line 30

Polydor. Dauid was made knight by K. Henrie as Houeden hath.After this the king held his Easter at Winsor, whither William the Scotish king came with his brother Dauid, to welcome him home, and to con­gratulat his happie successe in his businesse on the further side the seas. They were honorablie entertei­ned, and at their departure princelie rewarded. The king thus returned into England, punished the shi­riffes of the land very gréeuouslie for their extortion, briberie, A prudent considera­tion of the king. and rapine. After this, studieng how to as­sure the estate of the realme vnto his sons, vpon good line 40 consideration remembring that no liuing creature was more subiect to the vncerteintie of death than Adams heires, and that there is ingraffed such a fer­uent desire in the ambitious nature of man to go­uerne, Mans nature ambitious. that so oft as they onee come in hope of a kingdome, they haue no regard either of right or wrong, God or the diuell, till they be in possession of their desired prey: he thought it not the worst point of wisedome to foresee that which might happen. For if he should chance to depart this life, and leaue his line 50 sons yoong, and not able to mainteine wars through lacke of knowledge, it might fortune them through the ambition of some to be defrauded and disappoin­ted of their lawfull inheritance. Theref [...]e to pre­uent the chances of fortune, he determined whilest he was aliue to crowne his eldest sonne Henrie, being now of the age of 17. yeares, and so to inuest him in the kingdome by his owne act in his life time: which deed turned him to much trouble, as after shall ap­peare. line 60

Being vpon this point [...] called togither a parlement of the lords both sp [...]rituall and tem­porall at London, R. Houed. and there ( [...] S▪ B [...]rtholomew [...] daie) proclaimed his said sonne Henrie fellow [...] him in the kingdome, whom after this on the [...] following, Henrie the son crowned the 18. of Iulie saith Matth. Paris. being the fouretéenth daie of Iune 1 [...]70. Roger archbishop of [...] to the manner, being [...] the king. This [...] a [...]erteined [...] of Canturburie, but bicause he was [...] the realme, the king appointed the archbishop of Yorke to doo it, which he ought not to haue doone without li­cence W. Paruus.of the archbishop of Canterburie within the precinct of his prouince (as was [...]lledged by arch­bishop Becket) who complained thereof vnto pope Alexander, and so incensed the pope, that he being highlie moued by his letters, for bad not onelie the archbishop of Yorke, but also Gilbert bishop of Lon­don, The archb. of Yorke is for­bidden the vse of the sacra­ments. and Iocelin bishop of Salisburie (who were pre­sent at the coronation) the vse of the sacraments, which made king Henrie far more displeased with the archbishop Thomas than he was before.

Upon the daie of coronation, Matt. Paris▪ Polydor. The king be­came seruitor to his sonne. king Henrie the fa­ther serued his sonne at the table as sewer, bringing vp the bores head with trumpets before it, according to the maner. Whervpon (according to the old adage, ‘(Immutant mores homines cùm dantur honores)’ the yoong man conceiuing a pride in his heart, Honours change ma­ners. be­held the standers-by with a more statly countenance than he had béen woont. The archbishop of Yorke, who sat by him, marking his behauior, turned vnto him, & said; ‘Be glad my good sonne, there is not an other prince in the world that hath such a sewer at his ta­ble. Yong men set vp in dignitie easilie forget themselues. To this the new king answered, as it were dis­dainefullie, thus: Why doost thou maruell at that? My father in dooing it, thinketh it not more than be­commeth him, he being borne of princelie bloud onlie on the mothers side, serueth me that am a king borne hauing both a king to my father, and a queene to my mother. Thus the yoong man of an euill and per­uerse nature, was puffed vp in pride by his fathers vnseemelie dooings.’

But the king his father hearing his talke, was verie sorrowfull in his mind, and said to the archbi­shop softlie in his eare: ‘It repenteth me, it repenteth me my lord, that I haue thus aduanced the boy.’ For he gessed hereby what a one he would prooue after­ward, that shewed himselfe so disobedient and fro­ward alreadie. But although he was displeased with himselfe in that he had doone vndiscréetlie, yet now when that which was doone could not be vndoone, he caused all the Nobles and lords of the realme, togi­ther with the king of Scots and hi [...] brother Dauid, to doo homage vnto his said sonne thus made fellow with him in the kingdome: but he would not release them of their oth of allegiance, wherein they stood bound to obeie him the father, so long as he li [...]d.

¶ Howbeit some write that he renounc [...] his estate, first before all the lords of the land, and after caused his sonne to be crowned: but in such vncer­teine points set foorth by parciall writers, tha [...] is to be receiued as a truth, which is confirmed by the or­der and sequele of things after doone and put in pra­ctise. For true it is, that king Henrie the father (so long as his son [...]e liued) did shew himselfe [...] as fellow with his sonne in gouernment, and some­time as absolute king: and after his sons decease, he continued in the entier gouernment, so long as he liued. But to procéed.

The French king hearing that his sonne in law was [...]hus crowned, The French king offended. and not his [...]aughter the wife of Henrie the sonne, was highlie offended there­with, and threatned to make war against king Hen­rie the father, except [...] daughter Margaret might [...] crowne also as quéene immediat [...]e.

[...] An [...] of the [...]. R. Houed.

The French king [...] [Page 77] homewards, and king Henrie returning came to Uernon, where he fell into so great a sicknesse, that anon it was noised ouer all the countrie. Insomch that he was in such despaire of life, that he made his testament: He made his testament. Rog. Houed. wherein he assigned his sonne Richard the dutchie of Aquitaine, and all those lands which came by quéene Elianor the mother of the same Ri­chard. And to his sonne Geffrey he bequeathed Bri­taine (with the daughter of earle Conan) which he had purchased to his vse of the French king. And to line 10 his sonne king Henrie he gaue the dutchie of Nor­mandie, and all those lands which came by his father Geffrey earle of Aniou. And to his yoongest sonne Iohn he bequeathed the earledome of Mortaine. And finallie appointed where he would haue his bodie to be buried.

Polydor. [...]ing Henrie the sonne his misorder.In the meane time Henrie the sonne remaining at home in England, fell from all good order of mea­sure kéeping, and gaue himselfe to all excessiue riot, spending and wasting his reuenues inordinatelie. line 20 Of which behauiour his father being aduertised, re­turned into England, where he taried not long, but passed ouer againe into Normandie, hauing his said sonne in his companie, Anno Reg. 16 1170 meaning thereby to remooue him from the companie of those that were verie like to corrupt his nature, and frame the same to all lewd­nesse: for he knew that

—commercia turpia sanctos
Corrumpunt mores: multi hoc periere veneno,
Labimur in vitium & facilè ad p [...]ior [...] mouemur. line 30

In this meane while Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie remained in exile almost six yeares, and could not be restored, till partlie by swelling threats of the pope, and partlie at the earnest suit of Lewes the French king, Theobald earle of Blois, and others, king Henrie began somewhat to shew himselfe conformable towards an agréement.

Wherevpon the two kings met diuerse times, and the archbishop Thomas comming with the French king, Ex Quadrilogio. The king and the arch. Becket met togither in presence of the French king. at one time humbled himselfe so to the king of line 40 England, that knéeling downe at his féet, he said: ‘My souereigne liege lord, I commit the whole cause of the controuersie betwixt your grace and me, vn­to your maiesties order, Gods honour onelie reser­ued.’

The king offended with that ambiguous excepti­on, said to the king of France:

Whatsoeuer displea­seth this man, is taken (as he interpreteth it) contra­rie to Gods honour, and so by that shift will he cha­lenge to himselfe all that belongeth vnto me. But bi­cause line 50 you shall not thinke that I go about to resist Gods honour, or him, in any reasonable order, looke what the greatest and most holie of all his ancestors haue doone vnto the meanest of mine ancestours, let him doo the same vnto me, and I am contented therewith.

All the companie present cried, that the king hum­bled himselfe enough. My lord archbishop (said the French king) will you be greater than saints, and better than saint Peter? Wherof stand you in doubt? line 60 Behold, your peace is at hand. The archbishop made answer in commendation of the present state of ho­lie church, as thus: My holie predecessours in their time, The present state of the church in Beckets daies. although they cut not all things away that ex­tolled it selfe against God, yet did they cut off diuers: but if they had plucked vp all by the hard roots, which might offend, who should now haue raised the fire of temptation against vs? We are in much better case (thanks be to God) and as we haue laboured in their lot and number, so are we partakers of their labour and reward. What if any of them had béene defectiue or excessi [...]e in any point, are we bound to [...]ollow the example of their defection or excesse? We blame Pe­ter for his denieng of Christ, but we praise him in re­proouing of Neros violence with danger of his life. The church hath risen and increased out of manie dangerous oppressions, our fathers haue suffered ma­nie things, bicause they would not forsake the name of Christ; and ought I to suppresse his honour, to be reconciled vnto any mans fauour? God forbid, God forbid.

When the Noble men present heard this answer of a subiect against his souereigne, The archb. Becket bla­med of arro­gancie. they all held against him, imputing the fault to the archbishops arro­gancie, that the peace was not made betweene the king and him, insomuch that there was an erle which openlie said; ‘Sith he resisteth the will of both the realmes, he is not worthie to be succoured by either of them from hencefoorth: and therefore being cast out of England, let not France receiue him.’

The councell then being broken vp, the kings de­parted without bidding the archbishop farewell, and such as were mediatours for peace, in departing from this meeting, spake manie reprochfull words to him, Archb. Bec­ket wilfull in his owne opi­nion. alledging that he had béene euer stout and wise in his owne conceit, and a folower of his owne will and opinion: adding that it was a great hinderance to the church, that he was ordeined archbishop, and that by him the church was alreadie in part destroi­ed, and would shortlie be altogither brought to vt­ter ruine.

But the archbishop setting a watch before his mouth, kept silence (as though he had not heard) and folowed the French king with his people. Manie said by the waie as they iourneied, ‘Behold the arch­bishop yonder, which in talke the last night would not for the pleasure of the king denie God, nor kéepe his honor in silence.’

After this, when the archbishop was come to Sens, and aduised with himselfe whether it should be best for him to go, at length he said, ‘God is able in the last point of miserie and distresse, to helpe those that be his.’ Herewith came a messenger from the French king to bring him to the court, for the French king (as one that had béene better instructed in the mat­ter) repented himselfe that he had iudged euill of his answers at the last meeting, The French K. receiueth the archbishop Becket a­gaine into fa­uour. and herevpon receiued him againe into his fauour, and rested not to trauell so much in his cause, that at length another méeting was assigned at a certeine place neere the confines of Normandie, whither king Henrie came, and there found king Lewes, the archbishop of Rouen, and di­uerse other bishops together, The archb. is reconciled to the king. with the foresaid arch­bishop, who after they had reasoned of the matter throughlie as they saw cause, king Henrie receiued the archbishop into his fauour againe, and promised to redresse all that had béene doone amisse, and pardon all those that had followed him out of the realme. Wherevpon the king and the archbishop being recon­ciled, the archbishop the same day came before the king, and talked with him.

Now among other things he required of the K. that it might be lawfull for him (without offending of his maiestie) to punish (according to the censures of the church) the iniurie doone vnto him by the archbi­shop of Yorke, and other bishops in the coronation of his sonne. The king granted this, and shewed him­selfe so courteous at that time, that (as it is said) he held his stirr [...]p whiles he m [...]unted on horssebacke. ¶ Notwithstanding which obsequiousnes of the king, it is to be presumed that all inward rep [...]i [...]g [...] not be so abolished, as that no fragments remained; but that the archbishop for his part, for the mainte­nance of his great title, & the K. for the s [...]ppo [...]ation of his souereigntie, when opportunitie s [...]rued, [...]ought to get aduantage one of another, & acq [...]it their harts with a new reuenge of an old gr [...]dg [...]: for ‘Immortal [...] odium & nunqu [...]m s [...]nabile vulum. [...]umen. sat. 15.’

[Page 78] The king would not kisse the pax with the arch­bishop.But whereas twise within a few daies after, the king and the said archbishop met at masse, the king refused to kisse the pax with him. This was marked as a signe of a fained reconciliation, though in déed he afterwards interteined him verie courteouslie, and at his departure ouer into England, tooke leaue of him in fréendlie manner, and directed letters vn­der his seale to his sonne the new king in forme as followeth. Matt. Paris.

A letter of the king touch­ing line 10 the pacification betweene him and Thomas Becket.

KNow ye that Thomas the archbi­shop of Canturburie hath made his peace with me at my will and pleasure; and therefore I command you, that both he and his may re­maine line 20 in peace; and that he and al those which for his cause departed out of the realme, may haue all their goods restored, and in such quiet estate be now possessed of them as at any time within three moneths before their departure from thence. And further, cause to come be­fore vs of the best and most ancient knights of the honor of Saltwood, The honor of Saltwood. that vpon their oths they may find what fee the archbishop ought to haue within that honor, & that which shall line 30 appeare to apperteine vnto him, as in fee, let him inioy the same. And thus farewell.

The archbishop (before he tooke his iournie into England) went to visit the French king, and to giue him thanks for his great paines and trauell sustei­ned in his cause, The French kings aduice to the arch­bish. Becket. who aduised him in no wise as yet to commit himselfe to present danger amongst his new reconciled enimies, but rather to staie till their malice were somewhat asswaged. For he perceiued line 40 by king Henries words & countenance such a deepe rooted displeasure in his hart, that he agréed to re­ceiue him into fauour rather by compulsion and a­gainst his will than otherwise.

But when the archbishop would needs depart & go ouer into England, the French K. suffered him so to doo, dooing him all the honor he could at his leaue ta­king. Then the archbishop departing out of France, came into England, Matth. Paris. The archbi­shop Becket returneth into England. and landed at Sandwich about the first of December, in the seuenth yeare after his line 50 first departure out of the realme. Shortlie after his arriuall, Roger the archbishop of Yorke, Gilbert bi­shop of London, and Iocelin bishop of Salisburie, with diuerse other, came vnto him as to the popes le­gat, and required that it might please him to restore them to the ministration of their offices againe: whose request he granted, but yet vpon condition, that they should vndertake to stand to his iudge­ment and order in all things, which (by the counsell line 60 of the archbishop of Yorke) they vtterlie refused.

¶ Here authors agrée not (as Polydor trulie saith) for some write that archbishop Thomas (immediatlie vpon his returne into England) denounced the arch­bishop of Yorke with the bishops of Salisburie and London accurssed, whereas before they were depri­ued of the vse and administration of the sacraments. So [...]e [...]hers write, that now at his comming ouer into England from his [...]ile, he depriued them onlie of the ministration of the sacraments, togither with the bishops of E [...]ester, Chester, Rochester, S. Asaph, & Landa [...], which had [...]sonallie béene present at the coronation of king Henrie the sonne, to the deroga­tion of the dignitie of their primat the archbishop of Canturburie (as before you haue heard.) It shuld seeme yet by G [...]r. Doro [...]e [...] ▪ that the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Durham were suspended, and the bishops of London, Salisburie, and diuerse other excommunicated.

But how soeuer he vsed them, the archbishop of Yorke, the two bishops London and Salisburie, The archbish. of Yorke and other go ouer to the king to complaine of the archbishop Becket. Ger. Dor. being offended with his dooings, sailed ouer in­to Normandie, and there complained to king Hen­rie of iniuries doone to them by archbishop Thomas, gréeuouslie accusing him that he went about to take awaie their libertie of priesthood, to destroie, corrupt, and finallie to abolish both the lawes of God and man, togither with the ancient decrées and statutes of their elders; in somuch that he tooke vpon him to exclude bishops at his pleasure from the companie of christian men, and so being excluded, to banish them for euer: to derogat things meerelie preiudiciall to the kings roiall prerogatiue; and finallie to take a­waie from all men the equitie of lawes and ciuill orders.

The king giuing eare to their complaint, was so displeased in his mind against archbishop Thomas, that in open audience of his lords, knights, and gen­tlemen, he said these or the like words: The occasion of the kings words that cost bish. Bec­ket his life. In what mi­serable state am I, that can not be in rest within mine owne realme, by reason of one onelie préest? Neither is there any of my folkes that will helpe to deliuer me out of such troubles.

There were some that stood about the king, which gessed by these words, that his mind was to signifie how he would haue some man to dispatch the archbi­shop out of the waie. The kings displeasure against the archbishop was knowne well inough, which cau­sed men to haue him in no reuerence at all, so that (as it was said) it chanced on a time, that he came to Strowd in Kent, where the inhabitants meaning to doo somewhat to his infamie, being thus out of the kings fauour, and despised of the world, cut off his horsses taile.

There were some also of the kings seruants, that thought after an other maner of sort to reuenge the displeasure doone to the kings maiestie, The knights that slue the archbishop Becket. as sir Hugh Moreuile, sir William Tracie, sir Richard Bri­taine, and sir Reignold Fitz Urse, knights, who ta­king aduice togither, and agréeing in one mind and will, tooke shipping, & sailed ouer into England, lan­ding at a place called Dogs hauen, néere Douer.

Now the first night they lodged in the castell of Saltwood, which Randulfe de Broc had in keeping. The next morning (being the 29. of December, and fift daie of Christmasse, which as that yeare came a­bout fell vpon a tuesdaie) hauing gotten togither certeine souldiers in the countrie thereabouts, came to Canturburie, and first entring into the court of the abbeie of S. Augustine, they talked with Claren­bald the elect abbat of that place: and after confe­rence had with him, they proceeded in their businesse as followeth.

The first knight sir Reignold Fitz Urse came to him about the eleuenth houre of the daie, Reignold Fitz Urse. Th [...]t is be­twéene 4. and 5. in the eue­ning. as the archbishop sat in his chamber, and sitting downe at his feet vpon the ground without any manner of greeting or salutation, at length began with him thus: ‘Being sent of our souereigne lord the king from beyond the seas, we doo here present vnto you his Graces commandements, to wit, that you should go to his sonne the king, to doo vnto him that which apperteineth vnto you to doo vnto your souereigne lord, and to doo your fealtie vnto him in taking an oth, and further to amend that wherein you haue of­fended his maiestie. Wherevnto the archbishop an­swered: For what cause ought I to con [...]me my fe­altie vnto him by oth? or wherin am I giltie in offen­ding [Page 79] the kings Maiestie? An oth requi­red of him for his baronie. Sir Reignold said: For your baronie, fealtie is demanded of you with an oth, and an other oth is required of those clerkes, which you haue brought with you, if they meane to continue within the land. The archbishop answered: For my baronie I am readie to do to the king what­soeuer law or reason shall allow: but let him for certeine hold, that he shall not get any oth either of me or of my clerks. We knew that (said the knight) that you would not doo any of these things which we line 10 proponed vnto you. Moreouer the king commandeth you to absolue those bishops that are excommunica­ted by you without his licence. Wherevnto he said: The bishops are excommunicated not by me, but by the pope, who hath therto authoritie from the Lord. If in déed he hath reuenged the iniurie doone to my church, I confesse that I am not displeased therwith. Then said the knight: Sith that such things in des­pite of the king doo please you, it is to be thought that you would take from him his crowne, and be called line 20 and taken for king your selfe, but you shall misse of your purpose surelie therein. The archbishop answe­red: I doo not aspire to the name of a king, rather would I knit three crownes vnto his crowne if it lay in my power.’

At length after these and such words, the knights turning them to the moonks, The knights command the moonks to sée the archbishop kept safe. said: ‘In the behalfe of our souereigne lord the king, we command you, that in any wise ye keepe this man safe, and present him to the king when it shall please his grace to send for line 30 him.’ The archbishop said: ‘Doo ye thinke that I will runaway? I came not to run away, but looke for the outrage and malice of wicked men. Truelie (said they) you shall not runne away, and herewith went out with noise and threatnings. Then maister Iohn of Salisburie his chancellor said vnto him: Iohn de Sa­lisburie the archb. Bec­kets chan­cellor. My lord, this is a woonderfull matter that you will take no mans counsell: had it not beene méet to haue giuen them a more méeke and gentle answer? But the arch­bishop said: Surelie I haue alreadie taken all the counsell that I will take, The archbi­shops resolu­tion. I know what I ought to line 40 doo. Then said Salisburie, I pray God it may be good. Now the knights departing out of the place, and go­ing about to put on their armour, certeine came to the archbishop, The knights put on their armor. & said; My lord, they arme themselues. What forceth it? said he, let them arme themselues.’

Now when they were armed, and manie other a­bout them, they entred into the archbishops palace. Those that were about the archbishop cried vpon him to flée, but he sat still and would not once remooue, line 50 till the moonks brought him euen by force & against his will into the churth. The comming of the armed men being knowne, The moonks with force bring the archbishop into the church. some of the moonks continued singing of euensong, and some sought places where to hide themselues, other came to the archbishop, who was loth to haue entred into the church, and when he was within, he would not yet suffer them to make fast the doores, so that there was a great stur among them, but cheeflie when they perceiued that the armed men went about to séeke for the archbishop, by meane whereof their euensong was left vnfinished. line 60

At length the knights with their seruants hauing sought the palace, came rushing into the church by the cloister doore with their swords drawne, The knights enter the church. As though archbishops can be no traitors. some of them asking for the traitor, and some of them for the archbi­shop, who came and met them, saieng; Here am I, no traitor, but the archbishop. The formost of the knights said vnto him: ‘Flee, thou art but dead. To whome the archbishop said, I will not flée. The knight s [...]ept to him taking him by the sléeue, and with his sword cast his cap besides his head, and said, Come hither, for thou art a prisoner. I will not (said the arch­bishop) doo with me here what thou wilt: and plucked his sleeue with a mightie strength out of the knights hand. Wherewith the knight stepped backe two or thrée paces. Then the archbishop turning to one of the knights, said to him, What meaneth this, The courage of the archb. Reig­nold? I haue doone vnto thée manie great pleasures, and commest thou now vnto me into the church ar­med? Unto whome the knight presentlie answered and said; Thou shalt know anon what is ment, thou art but dead: it is not possible for thee any longer to liue. Unto whom the archbishop answered: I am readie to die for my God, and for the defense of his iustice and the libertie of the church; gladlie doo I im­brace death, so that the church may purchase peace and libertie by the shedding of my blood.’ And here­with taking on other of the knights by the haberge­on, he floong him from him with such violence, that he had almost throwne him downe to the ground. This was sir Will. Tracie, as he after confessed.

Then the archbishop inclined his head after the maner of one that would praie, pronouncing these his last words: ‘To God, to saint Marie, and to the saints that are patrones of this church, and to saint Denise, I commend my selfe and the churches cause.’ Therewith sir Reignold Fitz Urse striking a full blow at his head, Edward of Cambridge. chanced to light vpon the arme of a clerke named Edward of Cambridge, who cast vp his arme to saue the archbishop: but when he was not able to beare the weight of the blow, he plucked his arme backe, and so the stroke staied vpon the arch­bishops head, in such wise that the bloud ran downe by his face. Then they stroke at him one after an o­ther, and though he fell to the ground at the second blow, The archbish. is slaine. yet they left him not till they had cut and pash­ed out his braines, and dashed them about vpon the church pauement. All this being doone, they rifled his house, spoiled his goods, and tooke them to their owne vses, supposing it lawfull for them being the kings seruants so to doo.

But doubting how the matter would be taken, after they had wrought their feat, they got them into the bishoprike of Duresme, there to remaine till they might heare how the king would take this their vn­lawfull enterprise: though (as they alledged) they had lustilie defended his cause, and reuenged his quarell as faithfull seruants ought to doo. Howbeit, it chan­ced otherwise than they looked it should haue doone: for king Henrie gaue them so litle thankes for their presumptuous act, The murthe­rers come to an euill end. Matth. Paris. W. Paruus. sounding to the euill example of other in breach of his lawes, that they despairing vt­terlie of pardon, fled one into one place, and another into another, so that within foure yeares they all di­ed an euill death (as it hath béene reported.) Some write, that they went to Rome by the kings com­mandement, and there presented themselues before the pope, to receiue such penance for their wicked act as he should enioine them. Herevpon the pope ap­pointed them to go vnto Ierusalem, there to doo their penance, where they remained certeine yeares, ap­plieng themselues verie diligentlie to performe the satisfaction of their offense, according to the maner prescribed to them by the pope, and so at length died.

This was the end of Thomas Becket archbishop of Canturburie, Anno Reg. 17. which was after he had entred into that see eight yeares and six moneths, year 1171 in the yeare after the birth of our Lord 1171. [...]ter their account that begin the yere on Christmas day. Robert de Broc. On Christmas day before his death, which fell that yeare on the fridaie, he preached a sermon to the people, and when he had made an end thereof, he accurssed Nigell de Sacke­uille, the violent incumbent of the church of Berges, and Robert de Broc, both which had (vpon spite) curtailed the horsse of the said archbishop: and as the same day whilest he was at the altar, according to his custome, altogither in teares and lamen [...]ati­on; so at dinner he shewed himselfe verie pleasant & merrie, insomuch that when those that were at the [Page 80] table séemed somewhat doubtfull to eat of the flesh that was set before them, bicause it was friday; Why doo ye abhorre (saith he) to eat flesh? This day flesh hath a great priuilege, for this same day the word was made flesh, and came into light, and appeared vnto vs. These his words greatlie contented all the com­panie.

¶Thus you haue heard the tragicall discourse of am­bitious Becket, a man of meane parentage, and yet through the princes fauour verie fortunate, if he had not abused the beneuolence of so gratious a soue­reigne line 10 by his insolencie and presumption. Wherein we haue to note, how vnseemelie a thing it was for him, being called to so sacred a function, to lead so se­cular and prophane a life, as if he had professed open hostilitie to the vocation which he pretended to ho­nour and reuerence. We are also taught, that promo­tions atchiued by ambition are not permanent, and are so farre from procuring fame and renowne to the obteiners, that they turne them in the end to shame, infamie and reproch, after losse of life and effu­sion line 20 of bloud. The issue of all which tragedie is to be imputed to the prouidence and counsell of almightie God, as one writeth verie agréeablie to this pur­pose, saieng,

H [...]si. in lib. cui tit. op. & dies.
Nam facile extolli [...] facilè elatúm (que) refraenat,
Et clarum obscurans, obscuri nomen adauget.
Erigit & miserum facilè extinguitque superbum
Iuppiter altifremus, cui celsum regia coelum.

But to let this matter passe. King Henrie doubt­lesse was right pensiue for his death, King Henrie sorie for the archb. Bec­kets death. bicause he wist line 30 well inough that it would be iudged, that he himselfe was priuie to the thing: and euen so came it to passe, for immediatlie vpon notice giuen into France of the archbishops death, Polydor. king Lewes, and Theobald the earle of Blois, as they that loued him most deerelie were most sorowfull for it, and iudging straightwaie that king Henrie was the procurer, they wrote their letters vnto pope Alexander, giuing him to vnder­stand both of the slaughter, and how king Henrie had caused it to be put in execution, requiring most in­stantlie, line 40 that such an iniurie doone to the Christian religion, might spéedilie be punished. The pope was much offended, and determined to haue the matter throughlie considered and ordered, so as might stand with his dignitie, and accordinglie as the hainous state of the case required. King Henrie whilest these things were a dooing, lay certein daies at Argenton, so much displeased in his mind, that he would suffer no man once to speake to him about any maner of businesse. line 50

At length, he sent his ambassadors to Rome, part­lie to purge himselfe of the archbishops death, King Henrie sendeth am­bassadours to the pope. partlie to excuse his fault, for that in his furie he had vtte­red words against the archbishop, which had giuen oc­casion to naughtie men to contriue his death, & part­lie to require the pope to send his legats into Eng­land, to make inquirie both for the death of the arch­bishop, and also of the state of the clergie. The kings ambassadors found the pope at Tiuoli, and there were heard to declare their message: but little cre­dit line 60 was giuen to their words, in so much that the pope plainelie told them, that he vnderstood the mat­ter to be much otherwise than they had declared. Yet according to the kings request, he sent two of his cardinals into England, which vpon due examinati­on, might vnderstand the truth of the matter tho­roughlie as apperteined.

There be that write, that the king sent ambassa­dours twice vnto the pope, Matth. Paris. for the first that went, could not come to his presence, nor be suffered to de­clare their message: those that were sent the second time, were receiued of some of the cardinals, but yet onelie with words without anie other way of freend­lie interteinement. At length, when the feast of Ea­ster drew néere, on the which either absolution or ex­communication was to be denounced against eue­rie man, there were certeine of the cardinals which gaue intelligence to the English ambassadours, that the pope by aduice of the colledge, meant on the thursdaie before Easter daie to declare the sentence of interdiction against the king of England, and a­gainst all his dominions, and to confirme that which had beene alreadie pronounced against Richard the archbishop of Yorke, and the other bishops his com­plices.

The ambassadours being brought to a streict issue herewith, by helpe of some of the cardinals found meanes to haue it put into the popes head, how the English ambassadours had commission to vnder­take, that the king of England should obeie in all things what order soeuer it pleased the pope and his court to award him. Herevpon they tooke their oth, that it should so be, and by that meanes they auoi­ded the interdiction. The messengers of the archbi­shop of Yorke & the other bishops vsed the like shift, but yet the same daie the pope did excommunicate the knights that had murthered the archbishop Tho­mas, and all those that had procured, aided, succoured, or abetted them therein. Some write, Ger. Dor. that those am­bassadours which the king sent to the court of Rome, could not be suffered to come to the popes presence, The ambassa­dours were glad to vse a shift by briberie. till according to the fashion, they had giuen 500. marks in reward, and so at length were admitted to his presence.

Howsoeuer that matter passed, the king stood in great feare least his land should be interdicted, in so much that he commanded the wardens of the ports both on this side the sea and beyond, to take good héed, least any cōming with letters of interdiction should passe into England; but if any such came, that the bringer should be arrested and committed to prison. Also he commanded, that no clearke were suffered to come ouer into England, except he first tooke an oth that he came about no businesse that might turne to the preiudice of the king or his realme. This com­mandement he set forth, at what time he transported ouer into England himselfe, where he landed this yeare at Portesmouth the third daie of August. A­bout which time it came into the kings mind, to make a conquest of Ireland vpon this occasion.

It chanced, Sundrie ru­lers in Ire­land. whereas diuerse rulers or (as we may call them) petie kings reigned the same seson in that Iland (which was diuided into seuerall esta [...]es or kingdomes) that continuall strife and dissention re­mained amongst them, so that oftentimes they made sore war after the manner of their countrie one a­gainst an other, (for

Nulla fides regnisocijs, omnisque potestas
Luc. lib. 1.
Impatiens consortis erit.)

Herevpon it fortuned, that one of those kings or rulers, about the 14. yeare of this kings reigne, was sore afflicted and oppressed by his neighbours, where­vpon taking aduice what he might best doo for reme­die in that case, at length he sent his son into Eng­land to reteine souldiours and men of warre, Matth. Paris. W. Paruus. Sée more hereof in Ireland. and to bring them ouer vnto his aid in hope of gaine, & such commodities as he assured them of.

Now it came to passe, that by the assistance of such Englishmen as then came ouer, the foresaid Irish king began to recouer his losses, and in the end waxed so strong, that he subdued all his enimies. When he had thus obteined the victorie, he did not onelie not send backe his aiders, but so liberallie re­teined them still with him, that they had no hast to re­turne home, but setled themselues in that countrie, where they liued a pleasant and verie licentious life. For this cause also the stoutest lords and rulers of [Page 81] and Irish nation began sore to stomach the matter against him that had thus brought the English nati­on into their countrie, in so much that the English­men perceiuing their malice, and therewithall ha­uing some feare of themselues, bicause of their small number, they sent ouer into England for such as wanted liuing, and were willing to seeke for it in o­ther countries, of which sort, great numbers went o­uer thither within a short space, whereby the multi­tude of the English greatlie increased: but for as line 10 much as they had no ruler to gouerne them, they pro­cured Richard Strangbow earle of Struguille, aliàs Chepstow in Wales to come ouer thither, and to receiue the souereigne gouernement, Erle Strangbow. N. Triuet. with such honorable prouision for maintenance of his estate, as should séeme requisit.

N. Triuet. Wil. Paruus.¶ Some write, that this earle Richard (being also earle Marshall of England) for a rebellion moued a­gainst king Henrie, had before this time forfeited all his lands; but others affirme that through riot and line 20 more sumptuous port than his abilitie might beare, he had made awaie and consumed the most part of his liuing, and was run so far in debt, that he knew not how to satisfie his creditors, and therefore was he the readier to incline to their request, which made labour vnto him to come ouer into Ireland to haue the gouernance of such English people, as had alrea­die planted themselues there to inhabit & remaine. Herevpon he prepared a nauie, and assembled togi­ther a great number of such as lacked liuing, and shortlie determined to passe ouer into Ireland. But line 30 euen as he was readie to set forward, Strangbow contermanded there came vn­to him messengers from king Henrie, comman­ding him to staie, and not to take that iournie in hand. Howbeit the earle hauing nothing in Eng­land whereof to make anie great accompt, notwith­standing the kings commandement, tooke the sea, and passed ouer into that countrie, where he great­lie delited such Englishmen as dailie had looked for his repaire and comming thither. line 40

Shortlie after, ioining those which he brought ouer with him, with the other that were there before his comming, he thought to worke some feat, whereby he might make his name famous, & cause the Irish­men to haue him in feare. Dublin won. Additions to Iohn Pike. Wherevpon he first assai­led the citie of Dublin, and by force wan it. He like­wise wan Waterford, & diuerse other townes neere vnto the sea side. Also to haue some freendship a­mongst those barbarous people, Strangbow marrieth Dermutius his daughter. he maried the daugh­ter of the confederate king, and so grew into verie line 50 great estimation in that countrie and region.

Howbeit, with these and the like dooings of the earle, king Henrie tooke such displeasure (but chéeflie for disobeieng his commandement) that he confined him the realme, Strangbow confined. seized his lands as forfeited, and by proclamation restreined all his subiects from passing into Ireland with any kind of merchandize, prouisi­on of vittels, or other commodities whatsoeuer. By reason whereof, earle Strangbow, partlie by con­streint, and partlie in hope to returne into fauour line 60 with king Henrie, and for other respects as may be coniectured, He séeketh to procure the kings fauour. aduertised him of the whole state of the countrie of Ireland, promising him, that if it would please his grace to come ouer thither, he would so worke that he should be admitted souereigne lord of all the land. Heerevpon king Henrie pardoned him of all former trespasses, and restored vnto him all his lands and inheritances within England and Nor­mandie: The king pardoneth him. N. Triuet. and further, confirmed to him such liuings abroad in Ireland out of the walled townes, as he held alreadie in right of his wife: and furthermore ordeined, that he should be high steward of Ire­land vnder him.

King Henrie then returning out of Normandie into England about the sixt day of August (as is a­foresaid) caused a nauie of 400. ships to be made readie, and to assemble at Milford hauen in Pen­brokshire, Rog. Houed. with all such prouision and furniture as was thought necessarie for such a iournie. Herewith also he leuied a great armie both of horssemen and footmen, Milford hauen. King Henrie landeth in Ireland. and came forward with the same vnto Pen­broke, and so when all his prouision and ships were readie, he entred the sea at Milford hauen aforesaid the sixtéenth daie of October, and landed in Ireland, at a place called Crowch, Crowch. not past seauen miles from Waterford the day next folowing, about nine of the clocke: and on the morrow after being S. Luke the euangelists day, he with all his armie marched foorth to Waterford, where he found William Fitz Al­delme his sewer, and Robert Fitz Bernard, with other whome he had sent thither before him for such purposes as he thought most conuenient. He re­mained at Waterford fiftéene daies, during which time, there came in vnto him the king of Corke, the king of Limerike, the king of Ossorie, the king of Méeth, Reignald de Waterford, and diuerse other great princes of Ireland. At his first arriuall, The surren­der made by erle Strang­bow. the foresaid earle Richard surrendred into his hands all those townes and places which he had subdued in that countrie.

Herewithall the whole land began to tremble, so that the rulers of townes and countries sent vnto him messengers; offering to become tributaries, and to deliuer hostages: for whilest euerie of those rulers which had the gouernment of Ireland in their hands, Sundrie ru­lers in a land what weake­nes it causeth. feared their owne estate, and mistrusted their owne powers, they all in maner submitted themselues, so that this victorie chanced to king Henrie, without the drawing foorth of his sword, and in such wise, that he could not haue wished for better or more speedie successe therein. For whereas the whole Iland was diuided into sundrie dominions, and ruled by sundrie gouernours, not drawing all one waie, but through factions and contrarie studies one enuieng an others wealth (for

Non bene cum socijs regna venúsque manent,
Ouid. li. 3. de [...]rr. Siat. 1. Th.
—Socijs (que) comes discordia regnis)

nothing more hindred the fierce and vnquiet na­tion from making resistance, than in that they could not agrée to take councell togither for defending of their liberties, and entier state of the commonwelth. Whervpon, whilest euerie of them apart by himselfe was in doubt to attempt the hazard of war against so mightie a king, they were all ouercome, as were the Britons likewise in the time of Cesar and the Saxons. King Henrie therefore gladlie receiued their humble submission, and they dooing homage vnto him, sware to be his liege and faithfull subiects. Onelie Roderike gouernour of Connagh refused to submit himselfe.

This Roderike pretended to be the chéefe king of Ireland, Roderike K. of Connagh. and therefore kept continuall war with the other rulers, which was partlie the cause wherefore they submitted themselues so soone vnto king Hen­rie. The said Roderike held that part of Ireland which lieth toward the west, Matth. Paris. Polydor. The nature of the countrie of Connagh. being full of great and thicke woods, and defended with verie high & great mountaines, closed also with waters and marishes, so that it should be verie hard, and speciallie in the winter season, to bring an armie vnto it: which was the onelie cause whie king Henrie attempted no­thing against Roderike at that time, but tooke in hand to plant garisons of souldiers in places con­uenient to kéepe the land in quiet, which he had woone alreadie, and to giue order for the gouernement of the whole estate of the countrie to his behoofe and commoditie. Hervpon going to Dublin, which is the cheefest citie of all Ireland, he assembled all the ru­lers [Page 82] and lords as well spirituall as temporall togi­ther in councell, consulting with them for the as­surance of the dominion of the land to him and his heires for euermore.

The allegati­on of the I­rishmen.The Irish men alleged for themselues, that his deuise therin could not be compassed, vnles the popes authoritie were therein first obteined: for they affir­med, that immediatlie vpon receiuing the christian faith, they did submit themselues, & all that they had, vnto the see of Rome, so that they could not acknow­ledge line 10 any for their souereigne lord, but onelie the pope. Which opinion some of them (although vaine­lie, haue holden vnto these our daies. King Henrie then vnderstanding this matter, dispatched ambassa­dours to Rome, requiring of pope Alexander, that he would by his authoritie grant him licence to ioine the countrie of Ireland vnto the realme of En­gland, who went thither with all expedition according to their charge.

And certeinelie, these ambassadors whom the king line 20 sent now out of Ireland to Rome in this behalfe, re­turned with better spéed in their message, than did the other whom he had sent to him out of Norman­die, to excuse him of the death of the archbishop Tho­mas. For the pope vpon good aduice taken in this matter considering that he had now no profit grow­ing to him by that Ile, and that the Irish people be­ing wild and rude, were far off from all good order of christianitie in diuerse points) thought it would be a meane to bring some gaine to his cofers, and the peo­ple line 30 more easilie from their naughtie customes, if they were once made subiect vnto some christian prince of puissance able to tame them, and constreine them by force to be more meeke and tractable. In con­sideration wherof, he was content to grant vnto the king all that herein he required.

Herevpon, king Henrie considering in what re­spect the pope was so readie to accomplish his re­quest, A councell at Cassill called a councell of the bishops to assemble at Cassill, where manie things were decréed and ordei­ned for the reforming of diuerse customes vsed be­fore line 40 amongst the Irish men, and méerelie repugnant to the lawes of the christian religion. There were al­so appointed as solicitors in these matters, R. Houed. and to sit as assistants with the Irish bishops, one of the kings chaplaines named Nicholas, The archdea­con of Landaf. and one Rafe the arch­deacon of Landaf.

1 Amongst other things there concluded, it was ordeined, that children shuld be brought to the church, there to receiue baptisme in faire water, with thrée line 50 dippings into the same, in the name of the father, the sonne, and the Holie-ghost, and that by the préests hands, except in case where danger of death was fea­red, which then might be doone by any other person, and in any other place.

2 Also it was ordeined, that tithes should be paid to churches, and that such laie men as would kéepe wiues, should keepe them according to the lawes of holie church, and not otherwise.

3 The Peter pence also that Adrian reserued in line 60 his buls, sent to the king touching the same matter in the beginning of his reigne (with diuerse other things) were in like maner appointed to be paid, so that nothing was omitted that might pleasure the pope, or recouer his gratious fauour alreadie lost in the matters of Thomas Becket, whereof you haue alreadie heard. Thus you heare what successe our ambassadours had in this voiage. ¶ Now will I tell you (yer I procéed any further) what strange things did happen in England whilest the king was thus oc­cupied in Ireland, and within the compasse of that yeare, Anno Reg. 18. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. A sore tempest and first of all, in the night before Christmas day last passed, there chanced such a tempest of light­ning and thunder, that the like had not bin heard of, which tempest was not onelie generallie throughout all England, but also in other forreine parts néere adioining, namelie in Ireland, where it continued all that night, and Christmas daie following, year 1172 to so great terror of the people, that they looked for present death.

The same night at Andeuer in Hamshire, a préest being in his praiers before the altar, was striken with the tempest, so that he died ye [...] it was nine of the clocke in the morning. Also, a temporall man that was there the same time, was burned with the light­ning, Lightning. and whereas his brother being present, ran to him to haue succoured him, he likewise was caught with the fire, and in like maner consumed. Polydor. In Ire­land also, euill diet in eating of fresh flesh and drin­king of water, contrarie to the custome of the En­glishmen, brought the flix and other diseases in the kings armie, so that manie died thereof, for ‘Gra [...]issimum est imperium consuetudinis. Pub. [...].’ Wherfore, about the beginning of Lent, the king re­moued from Dublin, & went vnto the citie of Wer­ford, where he remained till toward Easter, and then prepared to returne into England: but before he tooke the sea, he gaue and by his charter confirmed to Hugh Lacie, all the lands of Meeth, with the appurte­nances, The kings gift vnto Hugh Lacie. to hold of him & his heires in fee by knights seruice, as to find him an hundred knights or men of armes (as we may terme them) for euermore. He gaue also vnto the same Hugh, the kéeping of the ci­tie of Dublin, and made him chéefe iusticer of Ire­land. Unto Robert Fitz Bernard he committed the cities of Waterford, and Wesseford, that he should kéepe the same to his vse, and build in them castels, for a more sure defense against the enimies.

Thus when the king had planted garisons of soul­diers in those & other places also where was thought néedfull; and further had giuen order for the politike gouernement of the whole countrie, so far as he had conquered; he first sent ouer his houshold seruants, which tooke the water on Easter daie, and landed at Milleford, but he himselfe and other of the Nobles staid there all that daie, by reason of the high solem­nitie of that feast: howbeit the daie next after they tooke the sea togither, and landed néere to S. Dauids in south Wales, The king r [...] ­turneth into England. from whence (without delaie) he ha­sted foorth to Douer, and hauing his sonne the yoong king with him, he sailed ouer into Normandie in the crosse weeke to meet the popes legats, Ger. Dor. The popes legats. whom he vn­derstood to be alreadie come thither. At his méeting with them there, he gaue them verie good counte­nance, and right honorable enterteinment, omit­ting nothing that might doo them pleasure.

Here when the matter came to be discussed tou­ching the death of archbishop Thomas, bicause it could not be certeinelie tried out in whom the fault rested, much reasoning to and fro passed, about obie­ctions and excuses laid (as in doubtfull cases it of­ten happeneth) so that welneere the space of foure moneths was spent in debating of that matter. In which meane time, the king to auoid all contention and strife betwixt him and king Lewes, sent his son Henrie togither with his wife ouer into England, there eftsoones to receiue the crowne, and with them came Rotrod the archbishop of Rouen, Ger. Dor. R. Houed. Giles bishop of Eureux, Roger bishop of Worcester, and diuerse others.

Herevpon the yoong king being arriued in Eng­land, called an assemblieof the lords spirituall and temporall at Winchester, where both he and his said wife Margaret daughter to the French king was crowned with all solemnitie, Rog. Houed. by the hands of the said Rotrod archbishop of Rouen vpon the twentie one of August.

In the meane time (saith one writer) his father [Page 83] king Henrie might haue foreséene and found means to haue auoided the discord, which euen now began to spring vp betwixt him and his children, causing a sore and ciuill warre, if he had not beene a man that vt­terlie did detest all superstitious admonitions. For being told (I wot not by whome) that if he did not re­pent, and take more regard to minister iustice, which is a vertue that conteineth in it selfe all other ver­tues; it would come to passe, that within short time he should fall into great and manifold calamities. line 10

In his returne also out of Ireland (saith an other) vpon the sundaie next after the feast of Easter, A strange apparition. com­monlie called Lowsundaie, as he should take his horsse at Cardiffe in Wales, there appeared vnto him a man of pale and wanne colour, barefooted, and in a white kirtell, who boldlie in the Dutch lan­guage spake vnto him, and admonished him of a­mendment of life, and to haue regard that the sab­both daie (commonlie called the sundaie) might be more duelie kept and obserued, so that no markets line 20 nor bodilie workes be holden, vsed, or doone vpon that day within the bounds of his dominions, except that which apperteineth to dressing of meats. And if thou doo (saith he) after this commandement, I assure thée that all things which thou dooest enterprise of good in­tent and purpose, shall sort to good effect and verie luckie end.

But the king was not greatlie pleased with these words, and in French said to the knight that held his bridle; Aske of this churle, whether he hath dreamed all line 30 this that he telleth or not. When the knight had ex­pounded it in English, the man answered, Whether I haue dreamed it in my sleepe or not, take thou héed to my words, & marke what day this is: for if thou amend not thy life, and doo as I haue aduertised thée, before a twelue moneth come to an end, thou shalt heare such tidings as will make thee sorowfull all the daies of thy life after.

The man hauing thus spoken, vanished awaie suddenlie, and the king tooke his words but in sport: howbeit he woondered that he line 40 was so suddenlie gone, as he did likewise at his sud­den appearing. Manie other warnings the king had (saith mine author) but he set little thereby.

The second warning he receiued of an Irishman, that told him of tokens verie priuie. The third time a knight of Lindsey called Philip de Chesterby, pas­sing the sea, came to the king into Normandie, and there declared vnto him seauen articles, which he should amend, which if he did, then he should reigne seauen yeares in great honor, and subdue Gods eni­mies. line 50 If he did not amend and redresse those points, then should he come to death with dishonour in the fourth yeare.

1 The first article or point was, that he should séeke to mainteine holie church.

2 The second, that he should cause rightfull lawes to be executed.

3 The third, that he should condemne no man without lawfull processe.

4 The fourth, that he should restore the lands, line 60 goods and heritages to those rightfull owners from whome he had taken them by any wrong or vnlaw­full meanes.

5 The fift, that he should cause euerie man to haue right, without bribing and giuing of méed.

6 The sixt, that he should paie his debts as well due to any of his subiects, for any stuffe taken vp of them to his vse, as to his seruants and souldiers, who bicause they could not haue their wages true­lie paid them, fell to robbing and spoiling of true la­bouring men.

7 The seauenth and last article was, that he should cause the Iewes to be auoided out of the land, by whom the people were sore impouerished with such vnmercifull vsurie as they exercised.

The king (notwithstanding these and other like warnings) tooke no regard to the amendment of his sinfull life, wherevpon (as is thought) the troubles which ensued did light vpon him by Gods iust ap­pointment.

¶ Howsoeuer this may séeme a fable, but no writ­ten veritie, & therefore esteemed as the chaffe of sum­mer flowers; yet as in the tales of A [...]sop many good morals are comprised, so the scope whereto this appa­rition tendeth being necessarie, maketh the argu­ment it selfe of the more authoritie. The end therefore being (as you sée) to reuoke the king from woorse to better, from the swines-stie of vice to the statelie throne of vertue, from the kennell of sinne to the ri­uers of sanctitie, prooueth that euen verie fictions of poets (though of light credit) haue their drift manie times to honest purpose, and therefore bring with them a competent weight of profit to the readers. So the scope of this tale being the same that Dauid pointeth at in the second psalme, when he saith,

(At vos in populos quibus est permissa potefias,
Ex. G. Buch. paraph. in psal. 2.
Et ius ab alta sede plebi dicitis,
Errorum tenebras depellite, discite verum, &c.)

maketh the narration it selfe (though otherwise sée­ming méere fabulous) to be somewhat authenticall. But to returne to the course of our storie, and now to saie somewhat of this Henrie the seconds sonne the yoong king, by whom the troubles were moued, (note you this) that after he had receiued the crowne togither with his said wife, they both passed the seas incontinentlie backe againe into Normandie, R. Houed. Ger. Dor. where on the seauen and twentith of September, at a ge­nerall assemblie holden within the city of Auranches in the church of the apostle S. Andrew, King Henrie purgeth him­selfe of the archbishop Beckets death. king Henrie the father, before the cardinals the popes legats, and a great number of bishops and other people, made his purgation, in receiuing an oth vpon the ho­lie relikes of the saints, and vpon the sacred euange­lists, that he neither willed, nor commanded the arch­bishop Thomas to be murthered, and that when he heard of it, he was sorie for it. But bicause he could not apprehend them that slue the archbishop, and for that he feared in his conscience least they had execu­ted that vnlawfull act vpon a presumptuous bold­nesse, bicause they had perceiued him to be offended with the archbishop, he sware to make satisfaction (for giuing such occasion) in this maner.

1 In primis, O vile sub­iection vnbe­séeming a king▪ that he would not depart from pope Alexander, nor from his catholike successours, so long as they should repute him for a catholike king.

2 Item, that he would neither impeach appeales, nor suffer them to be impeached, but that they might freelie be made within the realme vnto the pope, in causes ecclesiasticall; yet so, that if the king haue the parties suspected, they shall find him suerties that they shall not procure harme or hinderance whatsoe­uer to him or to his realme.

3 Item, that within thrée yeares after the natiui­tie of our lord next ensuing, he should take vpon him the crosse, and personallie passe to the holie land, ex­cept pope Alexander or his successours tooke other or­der with him.

4 Prouided, that if vpon any vrgent necessitie he chanced to go into Spaine to warre against the Saracens there, then so long space of time as he spent in that iournie, he might deferre his going in­to the east parts.

5 Item, he bound himselfe in the meane time by his oth, to emploie so much monie as the templers should thinke sufficient for the finding of two hun­dred knights or men of armes, for one yeares terme in the defense of the holie land.

6 Item, he remitted his wrath conceiued against [Page 84] those which were in exile for the archbishop Thomas his cause, so that they might returne againe into the realme.

7 Item, to restore all the lands and possessions which had béene taken awaie from the sée of Can­turburie, as they were belonging thereto in the yere before the departure of the archbishop Thomas out of England.

8 Item, he sware to take awaie and abolish all those customes, which in his time had béene brought line 10 in against the church, as preiudiciall thereto.

All these articles faithfullie, and without male­ingene to performe and fulfill in euerie degrée, he re­ceiued a solemne oth, and caused his sonne the yoong king being there present, to receiue the same for per­formance of all those articles, such as touched his owne person onelie excepted. And to the intent the same should remaine in the popes consistorie as matter of record, he put his seale vnto the writing wherein the same articles were ingrossed, togither line 20 with the seales of the aboue mentioned cardinals.

Shortlie after king Henrie the father suffered the yoong king his son to go int France, togither with his wife, to visit his father king Lewes, according as their deputies required, which iournie verelie bred the cause of the dissention that followed betwixt him and his father. King Lewes most louinglie re­ceiued them (as reason was) and caused diuers kinds of triumphant plaies and pastimes to be shewed for the honour and delectation of his sonne in law and line 30 daughter.

Neuerthelesse, whilest this yoong prince soiour­ned in France, king Lewes not hartilie fauouring the king of England, and therewithall perceiuing the rash and headstrong disposition of the yong king did first of all inuegle him to consider of his estate, and to remember that he was now a king equall vnto his father, The French king séeketh to sow sediti­on betwixt the father and the sonne. and therefore aduised him so shortlie as he could, to get the entire gouernment out of his fathers hands: wherevnto he furthermore promised line 40 all the aid that laie in him to performe.

The yong king being readie inough not onelie to worke vnquietnesse, but also to follow his father in lawes counsell (as he that was apt of nature to as­pire to the sole gouernement, and loth to haue any partener in authoritie (according to that of the tra­gedie-writer, ‘Nec regna socium ferre nec tedae sciunt)’ and namelie such one as might controll him) was the more encouraged thereto by a number of prodi­gall line 50 currie fauours, Sen. in Agam. who by flatterie set him aloft, de­claring vnto him that he was borne to rule, and not to obeie, and therefore it became not his highnesse to reigne by the appointment of an other, but rather to haue the gouernement fréelie in his owne hands, that he might not be counted prince by permission. Herevpon the youthfull courage of the yong king be­ing tickled, began to wax of a contrarie mind to his father: who suspecting indéed that which chanced; to wit (least his sonnes yoong yeares not able yet to dis­cerne line 60 good and wholesome counsell from euill, might easilie be infected with some sinister practise) thought it not good to suffer him to be long absent from him, and therefore sent for him: who taking leaue of his father in law king Lewes in courteous maner, Rog. Houed. re­turned and came to his father king Henrie into Nor­mandie, Anno Reg. 19. 1173 who when the feast of Christmas drew néere, repaired towards Aniou, where in the towne of Chi­non, he solemnized that feast, hauing left his sonne the yong king and his wife all that while in Norman­die: but sending for him after the feast was ended, they went both into Auvergne, where being at mount Ferrat, Hubert earle of Morienne. Hubert earle of Morienne came vn­to them, bringing with him his eldest daughter A­lice, whom king Henrie the father bought of him for the summe of fiue thousand markes, that he might bestow hir in mariage vpon his yongest sonne Iohn with the heritage of the countie of Morienne, A marriage contracted. if hir father died without other issue, or at the leastwise the said Hubert chanced to haue any sonne lawfullie begotten, that then he should leaue vnto them and to their heires the countie of Russellon, Comitatus bellensis. the countie of Belle, as he then had and held the same, Pierre ca­stell with the appurtenances, the vallie of Noual­leise, also Chambrie with the appurtenances, Aiz, Aspermont, Rochet, mont Magor, and Chambres, with Burg, all which lieng on this side the moun­taines with their appurtenances, the said Hubert granted to them immediatlie for euer. And beyond the mountaines he couenanted to giue vnto them Turine with the appurtenances, the colledge of Ga­uoreth with the appurtenances, and all the fées which the earles of Canaues held of him, togither with the fealties and seruices. And also, the fées, fealties, and seruices which belonged to him in the countie of A­mund, and in the vallie called Uale Dosta; and in like maner, the towne of Castellone.

All the forenamed places the said earle gaue and granted to the said Iohn, sonne to the king of Eng­land for euermore, with his daughter, so fréelie, who­lie and quietlie (in men and cities, castels, fortresses, or other places of defense, in medowes, leassewes, milnes, woods, plaines, waters, vallies and moun­taines, in customes and all other things) as euer he or his father had held or enioied the same. And fur­thermore, the said earle would, that immediatlie (when it pleased the king of England) his people should doo homage and fealtie to the king of Eng­lands sonne, reseruing the fealtie due to him so long as he liued. Moreouer, the said earle Hubert granted to the said Iohn and his wife all the right that he had in the countie of Granople, and whatsoeuer might be got and euicted in the same countie. It was also co­uenanted, The countie of Granople. if the elder daughter died, that then the said Iohn should marrie the yoonger daughter, and enioy all the like portions and parts of inheritance as he should haue enioied with the first.

Finallie, that these couenants, grants and agrée­ments should be performed on the part and behalfe of the said earle Hubert, both he, the said earle, and the erle of Geneua, and in maner all the great lords and barons of those countries receiued an oth, and vndertooke to come and offer themselues as hostages to remaine with the king of England, in case the said earle Hubert failed in performance of any of the a­foresaid articles, till he framed himselfe to satisfie the kings pleasure in such behalfe.

Furthermore, Peter the reuerend archbishop of Tarenfasia, and Ardune the bishop of Geneua, and also William the bishop of Morienne, with the abbat of S. Michell promised vpon their oth to be readie at the appointment of the king of England, to put vn­der the censures of the church the said earle and his lands, refusing to performe the foresaid couenants, and so to kéepe him and the same lands bound, till he had satisfied the king of England therein.

William earle of Mandeuill, The earles of Mandeuille and Arundell. and William earle of Arundell sware on the part of king Henrie, that he should performe the articles, couenants and agrée­ments on his part, as first to make paiment imme­diatlie vnto the said Hubert of one thousand marks, and assoone as he should receiue his daughter, he should pay him an other thousand markes at the least, and the residue then remaining of the said sum of fiue thousand markes, should be paid when the ma­riage was consummate.

It was prouided also, that the said earle Hubert might marrie his yoonger daughter where he would, [Page 85] without any great diminishing of the earledome af­ter the first marriage consummate with the lord Iohn, the king of Englands sonne. And that if either the said lord Iohn, or his affianced wife chanced to die before the consummation of the marriage, then should the monie which the earle had receiued, be re­paied to the king, or bestowed as the king should appoint.

Shortlie after that the parties were agreed vpon the couenants afore cited, the marques of Montfer­rat line 10 & one Geffrey de Plozac with his sonne Miles and other Noble men came to the king as ambassa­dors from the earle of Morienne, and receiued an oth, that they should see and procure the said earle to performe the couenants and agreements concluded betwixt the king and him. When these things were thus ordered, as séemed good to both parties, for the e­stablishment of the foresaid marriage, the king the father, and the king the sonne remoued to Limoges, whither the earle of S. Giles came, The earle of S. Giles. and was there line 20 accorded with king Henrie and his sonne Richard duke of Guien, concerning the controuersie that had béene moued for the countie of Tholouze, dooing his homage as well vnto the father as to the sonne for the same countie, Nic. Triuet. and further couenanted to serue them with an hundred knights or men of armes (as we may call them) for the terme of fourtie daies at all times, vpon lawfull summons. And if the king or his sonne duke Richard would haue his seruice longer time after the fourtie daies were ex­pired, line 30 they should paie wages both to him and his men in reasonable maner. Moreouer, the said earle condescended & agreed to giue yearelie for Tholouze an hundred marks, Tribute for Tholouze. or else 10. horsses with 10. marks a péece. Now also, whilest the king soiourned at Li­moges, the earle of Morienne came thither to him, and required to vnderstand what parcels of land he would assigne vnto his sonne Iohn. Wherevpon the king resolued to allot vnto him the chappell of Chi­non, Ger. Dor. Lodun and Mirabell, whereby he offended his line 40 eldest sonne the yoong king (as after may appeare) who was glad to haue occasion (whome the poets faine to be bald behind and hairie before, as this monastich insinuateth, ‘Fronte capillata est post est occasio calua)’ offered to broch his conceiued purpose of rebellion which of late he had imagined, and now began to put in practise, vsing the opportunitie of the time and the state or qualitie of the quarell then taken for his best aduantage, and meaning to make it an ingredience line 50 or entrance to the malicious conceit which he had kept secret in his hart.

This yeere the moonks of Canturburie (by the kings assent) chose for their archbishop one Richard, who before was prior of Douer, this man was the 39. in number that had ruled the church of Canturburie, Matth. West. N. Triuet. being of an euill life, as he well shewed, in that he wasted the goods of the church inordinatlie. Roger the abbat of Bechellouin was first chosen, but he re­fused that dignitie rather for slothfulnes and idlenes line 60 (as some take it) than for modestie or wisedome: so hard a thing it is to please the people, which measure all things to be honest or dishonest, as they eb or flow in profit and gaine. Matth. Paris.

The said Richard, after that he was elected, did ho­mage vnto king Henrie, and sware fealtie vnto him ( Saluo semper ordine suo, His order alwaies saued) with­out making mention of the customes of the king­dome. This was doone at Westminster in the chap­pel of S. Katharine, A councell holden at westmin­ster. the kings iusticer giuing his as­sent therevnto, where a councell was held the same time, and a letter of the popes read there before the bishops and barons of the realme, conteining a­mongst other things this that followeth.

A breefe extract or clause of a letter which the pope sent to the clergie of England, &c: for the making of a new holie daie.

WE admonish you all, & by the autho­ritie which we reteine, doo streight­lie charge you, that you celebrat the daie of the suffering of the blessed man Thomas the glorious martyr, sometime archbishop of Canturburie, euerie yere in most solemne sort, & that with deuout praiers ye en­deuour your selues to purchase forgiuenes of sins; that he which for Christes sake suffered banishment in this life, and martyrdome in death by constancie of vertue, through conti­nuall supplication of faithful people, may make intercession for you vnto God.

The tenor of these letters were scarslie read, but euerie man with a lowd voice began to recite this psalme or hymne, Te Deum laudamus. Furthermore bicause his suffragans had not exhibited due reue­rence to him their father, either in time of his ba­nishment, or at his returne from the same, but ra­ther persecuted him; that they might openlie con­fesse their errour and wickednesse to all men, they made this collect: Be fauourable good Lord to our supplication and praier, A collect deui­sed in honor of the archbishop Becket. that we which acknowledge our selues guiltie of iniquitie, may be deliuered by the intercession of Thomas thy blessed martyr and bishop, Amen.

This praier was vsed by the couent of S. Albons on the daie of his martyrdome. Thus

—caeca superstitionis
Est facilísque via & cunctis iam cognita saeclis.

¶ Notwithstanding all which honour of the pope then exhibited to his saint, as his canonization, with other solemnities procured for the maintenance of his memoriall in all ages succeeding; what remem­brance is there now of Thomas Becket? Where be the shrines that were erected in this church and that chappell for perpetuities of his name and fame? Are they not all defaced? are they not all ruinated? are they not all conuerted to powder and dust? And al­though the pope ment by causing such ikons to be e­rected, to prefer Thomas as a perpetuall saint to all posterities, and thought as he that said of his poems,

Exegi monumentum aere perennius,
Regalíque situ pyramidum altius,
Quod non imber edax non aquilo impotens
Possit diruere aut innumerabilis
Annorum series & fuga temporum,

Yet is he growne not into renowme, but infamie and shame in England, as our chronicles declare, which haue published that Romish rakehels ambiti­ous and traitorous heart to all successions. Naie, whereas in times past he was reckoned in the popes rubricke for a saint and a martyr, now it is come to passe (by the meanes belike of other saints whose me­rits haue surpassed Beckets) that he is growne in ob­liuion euen at Rome, and his name raced out of the popes calendar (as a learned man preached in a so­lemne audience at a high festiuall time) by whom he was so magnified. M. Uagh [...]n at Spitle the tuesdaie in Easter wéeke 1585. In which kind of discontinuing his fauour to his sworne children, he sheweth him­selfe verie ingratefull, and not worthie of the duti­fulnesse wherewith (like buzzards as they be) they ouercharge their hellish (holie I would saie) father.

This yeare the sister of the said archbishop Ri­chard was made abbesse of Berking. Ger. Dor. The archbi­shops conse­cratiō distur­bed by the yoong king. But now tou­ching the new elected archbishop Richard, we find, that comming to Canturburie on the saturdaie af­ter his election, in hope to be there consecrated, he [Page 85] [...] [Page 86] was disappointed by letters that came from king Henrie the sonne, in forme as followeth.

A letter of yoong king Henrie touching the disappointment of archbishop Richards consecration.

HEnrie by the grace of God king of England, duke of Normandie, and earle of Aniou, sonne of king Hen­rie; line 10 to our deere and faithfull freend Odo, prior of the church of Canturburie, and to all the conuent there, sendeth greeting. By the assured report of some we vnderstand, that in your church and in other churches also, my father goeth about to institute certein persons not verie meet for such calling: and bicause (without our consent) it ought not so to be doone, who by reason of our kinglie annoin­ting line 20 haue taken vpon vs the kingdome and charge of the whole realme: hervpon we haue in the presence of many persons appealed to the see of Rome, and haue signified our appeale in that behalfe, made vnto our reuerend fathers and freends Albert and Theodorike, cardinals and legats of the apostolike see, by our writing and messenger, who like wise and discreet per­sonages haue assented therevnto. We haue likewise signified the same our appeale to our line 30 faithfull freends the bishops of London, Exce­ster, and Worcester, and as we haue appealed, so likewise we doo appeale vnder your testi­monie.

After the perusall of this letter, and the due consi­deration of the substance and summe of the same, (albeit no such afterclaps were suspected before) the bishops were altogither driuen to their shifts, line 40 some of them desiring to go forward with the conse­cration, and some supposing it better to yéeld vnto the appeale. The elect archbishop therefore first sent messengers to Rome with letters, not written onelie by himselfe, but also by all the bishops and conuent of Canturburie. After this he followed himselfe in person, and comming to the popes court, found there diuers aduersaries to his cause. For some were there that tooke part with the king the father, and some with the king the sonne, and so his businesse could line 50 haue no spéedie dispatch. In the meane time the ran­cor which king Henrie the sonne had conceiued a­gainst his father was so ripened, that it could not but burst out, and shew it selfe to the breach of all dutifull obedience which nature requireth of a sonne towards his father.

You haue heard how king Henrie promised the earle of Morienne, when the marriage was conclu­ded betwixt his son Iohn and the said earles daugh­ter, to giue vnto the said Iohn certeine townes in line 60 Normandie, for the better mainteining of his estate and his wiues. This gift of the fathers caused his el­dest sonne the yong king Henrie, the sooner to powre out his poison which he had sucked before at his being with his father in law king Lewes. For conceiuing an offense, that his father should giue away any por­tion of his inheritance, Wil. Paruus. he would not condescend to any such gifts, but alledged that sithens he was king of England, and that all belonged to him, his father could not now haue any title to giue awaie that which did in no wise apperteine vnto him.

There was another cause that troubled his mind also, and mooued him to grudge at his father, which was; for that the proportion of his allowance for maintenance of his houshold and port was verie slender, and yet more slenderlie paied. Also his father remooued from him certeine of his seruants, as As­tulfe de S. Hilarie, Astulfe de S. Hilarie a counsellor or rather corrup­ter of king Henrie the sonne. Polydor. and other whome he suspected to giue him euill counsell. Wherefore those that were procurers of him to attempt the seizing of the go­uernement into his hands, vpon this occasion slept not, but put into his head such matter, that at length he openlie demanded to haue the whole rule commit­ted to him: which when he saw would not be obtei­ned of his father by quiet meanes, he fled secretlie a­waie vnto his father in law king Lewes, King Henrie the sonne fled to the French king. requiring aid of him to recouer his right, which king Henrie the elder vniustlie deteined from him.

The French king comforted him, and bad him be of good cheare, for he ment to doo for him all that in him laie. Herewith he proclaimed him duke of Nor­mandie, and receiued homage of him for the same. King Henrie the father vnderstanding that his sonne was thus fled to the French king, sent am­bassadours foorthwith to the same king, requiring him to giue his son some good & wholesome counsell, that he might repent, and not follow such wilfulnesse of mind in swaruing from his fathers freendship, but rather with spéed to returne home againe; & to pro­mise in his name, that if any thing were otherwise than well, he would be contented the same should be reformed by his order and correction. But so farre was king Lewes from meaning to set a quietnesse betwixt the father and the sonne, that he would not heare the ambassadors declare their message, bicause they named the father, king, W. Paruus. to the derogation of the sonnes right, to whome he said he offered mani­fest wrong in vsurping the gouernement, which he had alreadie giuen ouer and resigned. Insomuch that when the ambassadours had declared some part of their message, he asked them what he was that willed such things of him: and when they answered that the king of England had sent them with that message, That is a false lie (saith he) for behold here is the king of England, who hath giuen you no commission to declare any message from him vnto me at all.

¶ Here we sée philautie or selfe-loue, which rageth in men so preposterouslie, that euen naturall dutie and affection quite forgotten, they vndertake what mis­chéefe soeuer commeth next to hand, without excepti­on of place or person; and all for the maintenance of statelie titles, of loftie stiles, of honorable names, and such like vanities more light than thistle-downe that flieth in the aire. A vice that hath beene noted to reigne in all ages, among all péeres and people of all nations, both at home and abroad, as one verie well noteth and giueth his verdict therevpon, saieng,

— proh dij,
M. Pal. in virg. & sag.
nunc nomina tantùm
Magnifica, & claros titulos sibi quilibet optat,
Arrogat, affectat, sequitur, rapit; vt meritò iam
Et [...] asinus pardum vocet & formica leonem.
Quid tituli illustres praeclará (que) nomina prosunt?
Quae citò mors rapit, & lethaeas mergit in vndas.

King Henrie the father perceiuing hereby that warres would follow, King Henrie the father knoweth not whome he may trust. Polydor. prepared the best he could for his owne defense: but he was in great doubt on e­uerie side, not knowing whome he might trust. And to increase this mischéefe, his wife quéene Elianor studied to mainteine the strife betwixt hir sonnes. The yoong king then getting an armie togither en­tred into Guian.

King Henrie was not hastie to go against him, Richard Bart chan­cellor to the yoong king, al­so his chap­laine, sir Wal­ter Ailward with others▪ Rog. Houed. but sought rather with gentlenesse and all courteous meanes to reconcile him: insomuch that whereas diuerse graue personages being of the yoong kings counsell, and doubting to runne into the displeasure of his father, reuolted from the sonne to the father, and brought with them the sonnes seale, which he vsed [Page 87] in sealing of letters. Howbeit, the father receiued them not, but sent them backe againe to his sonne, commanding them to continue faithfull in seruing him as he should appoint them, and herewith he sent ambassadours vnto his sonne to entreate with him of peace and concord.

Now whilest the father went about to asswage the sonnes displeasure, the mother queene Elianor did what she could to pricke him forward in his dis­obedient attempts. For she being enraged against line 10 hir husband bicause he kept sundrie concubines, and therefore delited the lesse in hir companie, cared not what mischéefe she procured against him. Herevpon she made hir complaint so greeuouslie vnto hir sons Richard and Geffrey, that they ioined with their bro­ther against their father, & came to him into Guien, to aid him to the vttermost of their powers.

¶ This may well séeme to be brought vpon the king as a plague of his incontinent, vnchast and li­bidinous life; who hauing Chara coniugij pignora, a no­table motiue to kindle and continue honest loue in line 20 wedlocke, did notwithstanding most inordinatlie a­bandon his bodie to beastlie and vnlawfull compa­nie kéeping with strange flesh. Note heere how God stirreth vp the wife of his owne bosome, & the sonnes descending of his owne loines to be thornes in his eies and godes in his sides for profaning so diuine and holie an ordinance; which the verie pagans did so honour and reuerence, that they did not onlie giue precepts touching the due obseruation thereof, but denounced vndoubted vengeance for the violation line 30 of the same, as appeareth in this old testimonie,

Hesiod. in lib. cui tit. op. & di.
Patrat & ingreditur quicun (que) cubilia fratris
Vxorem maculans, & sancta cubilia stupro,
Hunc pater ipse deûm Saturnius odit, & ipsi
Hunc malè dij vexant, &c.

But we will remit this to the readers considerati­on, and note the issue of this mischéefe now broched. The yoong king reioising that he had his brethren thus on his side, readie to take his part, became more line 40 stout than before, and for answere vnto the messen­gers that came to him from his father, he declared that if his father would deliuer vp the whole gouern­ment into his hands, he would be content to breake vp his armie. As for such souldiers as would willing­lie take his part in this quarell, he caused them to sweare that they should faithfullie serue him against his aduersaries: and those that had rather serue on the other side, he licenced them fréelie to depart and go to his father. line 50

King Henrie the father receiuing such a rebelli­ous answer from his sonne, much lamented the mat­ter, Twētie thou­sand Braban­ders were re­teined by king Henrie the fa­ther as saith R. Houed. and so much the more, for that he saw there was no remedie, but to haue the controuersie decided by the sword. Therefore least he should be taken vnpro­uided, he kept his armie in a readinesse about him, hauing reteined certeine bands of Brabanders cal­led the Rowts.

The lords that tooke part with his sonne, being ad­uertised by espials of the dooings of the father, and hearing that he was readie (if he were constreined) line 60 to defend himselfe by battell, Wil. Paruus. N. Triuet. Polydor. and yet willing to re­ceiue his sons into his fauour againe, if they would be reformed, they tooke great care how to cause his sons to persist in their enterprise, till the father were compelled by force to resigne the gouernment vnto them. But none more than the French king coueted to mainteine the discord, till it might be ended by force of armes: and therfore sent vnto king Henrie the sonne, willing him to come to Paris, where he caused a councell to be called, & there made a league betwixt the said Henrie and himselfe, with William king of Scotland, Hugh earle of Chester, William Patrike the elder, N. Triuet▪ Polydor. the thrée sons of Robert earle of Mellent, whose castels king Henrie the elder had in possession, Roger Moumbray, Hugh Bigot, and di­uerse other complices of the conspiracie, Flabella sedi­tionum, that tooke part with Henrie the sonne.

Here after they had consulted of the maner how to mainteine warre, bicause they would assure the yoong king that they ment not to forsake him, first king Lewes, and after all the residue tooke an oth to aid him with men and monie, The French king taketh an oth to aid king Henrie the sonne. Rog. Houed. Ger. Dor. till his father should either be driuen out of his kingdome, or brought to agrée with him at his will and pleasure. On the o­ther part, he sware neuer to conclude any peace with his father without their consent and good will. He also promised vpon his oth to giue, & by his char­ter vnder his s [...]ale he confirmed vnto Philip earle of Flanders (for his homage) a thousand pounds of yearelie reuenues in England, Philip earle of Flanders. Matthew erle of Bullongne. and the countie of Kent, with the castels of Douer and Rochester. And to Matthew earle of Bullongne (for his homage) he likewise promised and confirmed the Soke of Kir­keton in Lindsey, and the earldome of Morton, with the honour of Hey. Also to Theobald earle of Blois (for his homage) he gaue and granted fiue hundred marks of yearelie reuenue in Aniou with the castell of Ambois, and all that which he claimed as his right within the countrie of Touraine, and surrendred to him all the right which he and his father claimed and demanded to haue in Chateau Reignold. Chateau Reignold. To the K. of Scots (for his assistance) he gaue and granted all Northumberland as far as the riuer of Tine. And to his brother Dauid (to haue his seruice) he granted the counties of Huntington and Cambridge. Earle Dauid. To Hugh Bigot (for his seruice) he gaue the castell of Norwich. Hugh Bigot. All these gifts and grants (with diuerse o­ther to other persons) promised & granted, he confir­med with his new seale, which the king of France had caused him to make. These things being thus ordered at Paris, euerie man resorted to his charge, Polydor. that he might prouide for the warre with all spéed conuenient.

King Henrie the father aduertised of this new league of the conspirators against him, was in great perplexitie of mind, for that he saw himselfe in dan­ger, not onelie of outward enimies, but also of his owne subiects at home. Yet bicause the winter sea­son was alreadie at hand, taking awaie all conueni­ent occasions of attempting any great exploit by war for that time, he was in hope to compasse some agreement with his sons yer the spring of the yeare should returne, and therefore he made not so great prouision for his defense, as had béene necessarie in so dangerous a case. But the Frenchmen, who were bent to set forward this war with all diligence, were readie in the field immediatlie vpon the comming of the spring with king Henrie the sonne, The confede­rats inuade [...] dominions of king Henrie the father. and euen at one instant made their inuasions vpon the lands of king Henrie the father in three seuerall parties; namelie, in Normandie, Guien, and Britaine, which (against the will of his sonne Geffrey duke thereof) king Henrie the father did hold and reteine in his owne hands. The Frenchmen thus inuading the for­said countries, did much hurt with robbing and spoi­ling, and also tooke diuerse castels and townes.

Moreouer, about the same time, The king of Scots inua­deth Cum­berland. William king of Scotland entred with a great power, first into Cum­berland, and besieged Carleil: but hearing that an armie was prepared against him in the south par­ties of the realme, and readie to set forward, he raised his siege, and entred into Northumberland, (which prouince king Henrie the sonne had giuen him in the last assemblie holden at Paris) endeuouring to bring it into his possession. But the more earnestlie he went about to inforce the people to his will, the more sti [...]lie did they withstand his purpose, hating [Page 88] him so much, that in no condition they were willing to come vnder his rule, whereby the Scots were put backe and repelled, and that to their great losse. The kings power also comming into the countrie fol­lowed them, Wil Paruus. and passing ouer the water of Tweed, which diuided then (as it dooth at this daie) the two realmes, made the like spoile in the land of the eni­mies, as they had made in the countries of Nor­thumberland and Cumberland.

But in Normandie, whilest others in other places, line 10 made their hand in fetching preies and booties out of the enimies countrie, king Lewes besieged Uernu­eil, Uernueil besieged. which towne being strong of it selfe, Hugh Beau­champe and others that had charge thereof valiant­lie defended, R. Houed. Hugh Beau­champe. so that the French king was a moneth before it, yer he could win anie part thereof. This towne of Uernueil was in those daies diuided into three portions, beside the castell, euerie of them a­part from other with mightie wals and déepe ditches full of water. One of these parts was called the line 20 great Burrow without the wals, where the French king had pitcht his field & planted his engins. About a moneth after whose cōming thither, vittels began to faile them within, so that at length they required a truce onlie for thrée daies, & if no succour came with­in those thrée daies, they promised to yeeld that part of the towne called the great Burrow, & the perempto­rie daie was the vigill or eeue of S. Laurence. Here­vpon were hostages deliuered by the burgesses vnto the French king. Now it was agréed that if they line 30 yéelded the towne at the daie appointed for want of succor, king Henrie the son, and Robert the French kings brother, with the earls of Trois & Blois, Hen­rie and Theobald, and William archbish. of Sens, vndertooke vpon their othes that the hostages should then be restored free & without any hurt or damage.

King Henrie being certified from them within of the composition thus made, was driuen to a verie hard shift: for he doubted nothing lesse than that any such thing should haue chanced. Yet considering with line 40 himselfe, that the sauing of the towne stood in his speedie comming to the rescue, he hasted thither with­out any staie, and came to the place the daie before the third and last daie of the truce. The French king requi­reth to ta [...]ke. King Lewes per­ceiuing him to be come, doubting least he should lose the preie which he looked for, sent vnto the king, and required that he might common with him on the next daie, touching some means of agréement to be had betwixt him and his sons. This did he of policie, to féed him with hope of some end to be made in the line 50 troubles betwixt him and his sons, till he had gotten possession of the towne.

Now as he forecast that matter, euen so it came to passe, for whilest a great péece of the next daie was spent in feined talke about an agréement; K. Lewes appointed a great part of his host to close the towne about, and to declare vnto them within, that king Henrie was put to flight; which talke they within Uernueil beléeuing, yéelded the towne & themselues to the French men. Soone after, king Lewes mi­strusting line 60 least he should not be able to kéepe it, set it on fire, and so burnt it, contrarie to the composition betwixt him and them agréed and concluded vpon. He kept also the souldiers that had yeelded it into his hands, Rog. Houed. togither with the hostages as prisoners, and doubting to cope with his enimie, The ninth of August being thursdaie sai­eth R. Houed. king Lewes fleeth awaie in the night. went awaie in the night with as still noise as was possible. Which euill dealing had not inuaded his hart, but that euill mea­ning had possessed it before, euen at the composition making: but he neuer learned that, ‘ Pub. Mim.Fidem qui perdit nihil potest vltra perdere.’

King Henrie at length perceiuing the fraud, sent certeine bands of his horssemen after to pursue the enimie: but for that king Lewes was alreadie got­ten into the inner parts of his owne countrie, those which were sent, turned vpon those that were left in the hindermost ward, of whome they slue a great number both horssemen and footmen.

K. Henrie following his men, came to Uernueil, and staieng there that night, tooke order for the repai­ring and new fortifieng of the towne. On the mor­row after he went to the castell of Danuille, and wan it, Danuille. taking diuerse knights and yeomen within it: this castell belonged to one Gilbert de Tileres. Gilbert de Tileres. And thus it came to passe touching the attempt of the French king for the winning of Uernueil, as in some authors we find reported. Wil. Paruus. ¶Other write other­wise of the mater, as thus, the French K. being sum­moned by K. Henrie the father, either to depart from the siege of Uernueil, or to looke for battell; & hearing also that in performance of the message K. Henrie approched with his power, he sent a bishop & an ab­bat vnto him to vnderstand if he meant to giue bat­tell in deed. K. Henrie his short answere to the French kings messen­gers. The messengers met king Henrie as he was aduanced before his host vpon some occasion, with a small companie about him, vnto whom they declared that their maister the French king requi­red to be assured whether he should haue battell or no. King Henrie armed as he was, with fierce counte­nance and dreadfull voice made this short answere; ‘Get you hence, and tell your king that I am here at hand.’ The messengers returning to their maister, declared what they had séene and heard. Wherevpon (without longer staie) he raised his field, and with a gallant and mightie armie departed home to his great dishonour, not winning the towne at all, as by the same author it should appeere.

About the same time the earle of Flanders, one of the confederats besieged the towne of Albe­marle, Albemarle woon by the earle of Flanders. and the earle therof within it, which earle was thought to betraie the towne, bicause it was so easi­lie woone, and both he himselfe, and those which king Henrie the father had sent thither to defend the towne were taken prisoners. Diuerse other places which belonged to the same earle were also immedi­atlie deliuered into the enimies hands, which increa­sed the suspicion.

After this towne of Newcastell (otherwise called Drincourt) in those frontiers was besieged, R. Houed. Ia. Meir. Ger. Dor. The earle of Bullongne wounded, and di [...]th. and fi­nallie woone by surrender, by the said earle of Flan­ders, who reioised nothing at the gaine of that towne: for his brother Matthew the earle of Bullongne who should haue béene his heire, was shot into the knée with an arrow, as he approched to the wals, and died of the hurt within a few daies after. The earle of Flanders was so pensife for his brothers death, that he brake vp his iournie and returned, blaming his euill hap and follie in that he had attempted war against his coosen germane king Henrie, who neuer had harmed him, but rather had doone him manie great and singular pleasures from time to time.

¶ Good cause had the earle to giue ouer the prose­quuting of violence against his souereigne, being dawnted with so heauie a chance, & griped also with the grudge of conscience, in so vnkindlie rewarding his welwiller, at whose hands he confessed himselfe to haue receiued manie a benefit. Wherein we are to note, that ingratitude neuer hurieth anie so much as him or them in whom it is nestled. And hereto allu­deth the comedie-writer, when he saith verie neatlie,

—morem hunc homines habent, quod sibi volunt
Pl [...]nt. in C [...] ▪
Dum id impetrāt, boni sunt: sed id vbi iam pene [...] se habēt,
Ex bonis pessimi & fraudulentissimi sunt.

Moreouer Henrie the elder (after the iournie of Uernueil ended) came backe to Rouen, and there vnderstanding that Hugh earle of Chester, and Raft de Foulgiers, men of singular prowesse (who long be­fore were reuolted to his sonne Henrie) had taken [Page 89] the castell of Dole in Britaine, and there making warre, brought all the countrie into trouble, he sent foorth streightwaies certeine of his capteines with the Brabanders to aid his people in those parts who on the twentith day of August (being monday) encountring with the enimies, [...] Houed. discomfited them in battell, tooke seauenteene knights, besides diuerse o­thers both horssemen and footmen, slue aboue fifteene hundred of the enimies being Britaines, and pursu­ing the residue, entred the towne which they wan, and droue their aduersaries into the castell, where line 10 they besieged them, and with all spéed aduertised the king of that enterprise, who immediatlie with all pos­sible hast came thither, applieng his whole diligence to win the place, that he might haue them which were within the same at his commandement.

To be short, it was not long yer he had his desire, for being such a multitude, that they were not able long to continue within so streict a roome, for want of vittell they fell to a composition, yeelding the ca­stell line 20 vnto the king, their bodies liues and lims saued, on the 25. day of August. There were taken within this castell 80. knights, besides yeomen and other common souldiers. In like maner, and with the sem­blable good fortune, about the same time, his capteins in England ouercame his enimies: for whereas Robert earle of Leicester that tooke part with king Henrie the sonne, had assembled at the towne of Leicester a great host of men, in purpose to set vpon Reignold earle of Cornewall and Richard Lucie capteines on the side of king Henrie the father: they line 30 vnderstanding his meaning, marched streight to­wards Leicester, and by the way met with their eni­mie earle Robert, whome they so fiercelie assailed, that they put him to flight, and after approching the towne, The earle of Leicester put to flight. had it surrendered vnto them, permitting the inhabitants to depart with bag and baggage, and then burned the towne: but the castell (which in those daies was of great strength by reason of the situati­on) they could not win. line 40

Matth. Paris. Leicester was by force.Howbeit some write, that by vndermining, the walles of the towne were subuerted and throwne downe, so that the towne was entred by force, al­though they within withdrew themselues into the castell and other strong houses, which they defended for a time, till at length they surrendered all, one par­cell of the castell excepted, for the which by compositi­on they paied by way of a fine the sum of thrée hun­dred pounds to the vse of K. Henrie the father. The siege began the seauenth day of Iulie, and on the 28. line 50 day of the same moneth the armie departed from thence, a truce being granted to those that still defen­ded a certeine tower of the castell into the which they were withdrawne.

The king of Scots inua­deth Nor­thumberland.William also the Scotish king, with an armie of Scots and Gallowaimen inuaded Northumber­land, and passing by the confines of the bishoprike of Durham did much hurt by slaughter, burning and spoiling the countrie. Neuerthelesse, hearing of a power raised by the English lords in those parts line 60 to resist him, He retireth. he withdrew into his countrie. The English armie folowing him, The English sp [...]le Lou­thian. wasted the countrie of Louthian, till at length by mediation of certeine re­ligious men, a truce was granted to the Scots to in­dure till the feast of S. Hilarie. A truce. For the which truce happilie some rewards went betwixt, and so the Eng­lish lords with spoiles and gaines returned home­wards.

A few daies after these luckie chances thus happe­ning to king Henrie, king Lewes perceiuing for­tune to be on that side, determined to assaie whether he could obteine his purpose by some means of trea­tie▪ or at the least put king Henrie in hope of a peace for a time, knowing that he would rather suffer all discommodities whatsoeuer, than once to trie the matter by battell with his sonnes: Rog. Houed. A treatie of peace. wherefore he of­fered to come to a communication with him betwixt Gisors and Trie, shewing bread in the one hand (as they say) and hiding a stone in the other.

King Henrie was easilie intreated to heare of a­nie talke for peace, and therefore comming to the place on tuesdaie the fiftéenth daie of September, made so large offers, that he had almost conuerted the yoong mens minds vnto concord. First he offe­red to his sonne Henrie the yoong king, Rog. Houed. The offer of K. Henrie the father to his sonnes. the moitie or one halfe of all the reuenues belonging to the de­maines of the crowne within England, and foure conuenient castels within the same. Or if his sonne had rather remaine in Normandie, he offered the halfe of all the reuenues of that dutchie, with all the rents and profits that were his fathers perteining to the earledome of Aniou, with certeine castels in Normandie, one castell in Aniou, one in Maine, and one in Towraine. To his sonne Richard, he offered halfe the reuenues of Guien, and foure conuenient castels in the same. And to his sonne Geffrey he offe­red all those lands that belonged by right of inheri­tance vnto the daughter of Conan erle of Britaine, if he might by the popes good licence marrie hir. And further king Henrie the father yéelded him­selfe to stand to the order of the archbishop of Tharent and other the popes legats, not refusing to giue his sonnes what rents and reuenues soeuer they should say were reasonable, reseruing onelie to himselfe the administration of iustice, and the power roiall.

These séemed to be large offers, but yet they could not be accepted. For certeine sonnes of Beliall, set vpon nothing but mischéefe, troublers of common peace and quietnesse, wrought so with them, that no conditions of peace (were the same neuer so reaso­nable) could content them, so that without effect this communication brake vp, but not without contume­lious words passed betwixt the parties, insomuch that the earle of Leicester (who being put from all his aid in England, was come ouer to the French king to purchase aid at his hands) could not restraine but giuing credit to the old adage, ‘Homo extra corpus suum est cùm irascitur, Pub. Mim.’ after many opprobrious words vttered against king Henrie the father, The earle of Leicester of­fred to strike the king. laid hand on his sword to haue striken him, but the standers by would not suffer him and so they departed; which rash attempt or rather disloiall enterprise, ‘Non sani esse hominis non sanus iuret Orestes.’

On the morrow after, the French and English skirmished togither betwixt Curseils and Gisors, in which conflict Enguerane Chastillone de Trie was taken prisoner by earle William de Mandeuille, who presented him to the king of England. King Lewes though he iudged it his part to preserue his sonne in law from danger, yet he ment nothing lesse than to ioine battell with the English at that pre­sent. But within a few daies after, he sent Robert earle of Leicester into England with an armie of Flemings and others, there to ioine with Hugh Bi­got, that both of them might as well by force as faire promises and gentle persuasions bring the whole realme vnto the obedience of king Henrie the sonne.

The earle of Leicester therefore landing at Wal­ton the 21. of September, Additions to Iohn Pike. passed through the coun­trie vnto Fremingham, where he was receiued of Hugh Bigot earle of Northfolke; and after that an other fléet of Flemings were arriued for their aid, they went vnto Gipswich, where when they had re­mained a few daies, Rog. Houed. and augmented their forces by certeine bands of men of warre that belonged vnto earle Bigot, they went to the castell of Haghenet [Page 90] (that belonged vnto Ranulph Broc) which they tooke, spoiled & burned, & then returned to Fremingham.

After this, hearing that the countesse of Leicester w [...]s arriued at Orreford with an other power of Flemings, they went to méet hir: and so the earle of Leicester, hauing now a strong armie about him, tooke leaue of earle Bigot, and ment to passe through the countrie into Leicestershire, there to succour his freends, and to worke some feat for the behoofe and furtherance of their quarell. line 10

In the meane time the arriuall of the earle of Leicester being knowne, the people of the countrie were assembled togither. Also Richard Lucie lord cheefe iustice, and Humfrey de Boun high conesta­ble of England, Rog. Houed. with the kings power of horssemen which latelie before had béene in Scotland and made inrodes there (as before is mentioned) came with all spéed to saue the countrie from spoile, hauing first ta­ken a truce (as before is said) with the king of Scots, till the feast of Saint Hilarie next ensuing (or rather line 20 Ester) hostages being deliuered on both sides. Upon knowledge then had where the enimies were lodged, and what they intended to doo, the said Richard Lucie & Humfrey de Boun came to Saint Edmundsbu­rie, whither Reignold earle of Cornewall the kings vncle, Rog. Houed. Robert earle of Glocester, and William erle of Arundell resorted.

In the meane while, the earle of Leicester passed forward on his waie so farre as Fornham a little village beside S. Edmundsburie. The lord chéefe ius­tice line 30 & the earls before mentioned with a great armie, and amongst others the said Humfrey de Boun, who had the leading of 300. knights, or men of armes at the kings wages, came out of S. Edmundsburie, ha­uing the baner of S. Edmund borne before them, & in a marish ground betwixt Fornham & Edmunds­burie, they encountred with the said earle of Leice­ster, and after long and cruell fight discomfited his people, The earle of Leicester ta­ken prisoner. and tooke him prisoner, togither with his wife the countesse Petronill, after he had doone all that line 40 belonged to a valiant capteine.

Rog. Houed. Polydor.Some write that there were killed on that day of his people to the number of ten thousand [and almost as manie taken] verelie [all the footmen of the Fle­mings being in number foure or fiue thousand were either taken or slaine:] the residue that escaped fled towards Leicester, that they might both defend the towne & themselues from the danger of their foes. Wil. Paruus.

¶ But here is to be noted, that it séemeth by the re­port of some writers, how the earle of Leicester had line 50 not so great an armie there at that battell, as by o­thers account of the number slaine and taken it should appeare he had. For at his departure from his companion in armes Hugh Bigot, he tooke vp­on him to passe through the countrie (as some write) partlie vpon trust that he had of the force and num­ber of his souldiers, being about foure or fiue thou­sand stout and valiant footmen, besides 80 chosen and well appointed horssemen; and partlie in hope that manie of those which were in his aduersaries campe, line 60 would rather turne to him than fight against him.

He had a great confidence in the Flemings, who indéed presumed much vpon their owne strength, so that they made account of some great conquest, in such wise, that when they came into any large plaine where they might rest, they would take ech others by the hand, and leading a danse, sing in their countrie language,

[...]atth. Paris.
Hop hop Wilkine, hop Wilkine,
England is mine and thine.

King Henrie receiuing aduertisement of the vic­torie which his capteines had thus gotten in Eng­land, was maruellous ioifull, and commanded that the prisoners should be brought ouer vnto him into Normandie: which being doone, he went into Aniou, and there fortified the towns and castels of the coun­trie with sure garrisons of men, to resist all sudden inuasions, secret practises, R. Houed. The towne of Uandosme woone. and other attempts of the enimies. On the feast of S. Andrew the apostle, he tooke the towne of Uandosme by force, which Bu­chard de Lauerdin held against him, hauing first ex­pelled his father the earle of Uandosme.

About this season, or rather somewhat before, Sée his letter before in page 86. king Henrie the father (contrarie to the prohibition of the king his sonne) and after the appeale made vnto the pope) gaue not onelie vnto Richard prior of Douer, the archbishoprike of Canturburie; but also to Reig­nold Fitz Ioceline the bishoprike of Bath; to Ri­chard de Worcester archdeacon of Poictiers the bishoprike of Winchester; to Robert Foliot the bi­shoprike of Hereford; to Geffrey Ridell archdeacon of Canturburie he gaue the bishoprike of Elie, and to Iohn de Oxenford the bishoprike of Chichester.

But now to our purpose. Matt. Paris. The nobles of the realme of England (after the Which was fought on the 17. of October. battell of S. Edmundsburie) with an infinit number of men went against Hugh Bigot in purpose to abate his pride. But whereas they might easilie haue had him at their pleasure, by meanes of such summes of monie as he gaue in bribes, a peace was granted to him till Whitsuntide, within which time hauing gotten togither fourteene thousand Flemings, he passed through Essex, and so getting ouer into Kent, came to Douer, where he tooke ship and transported ouer into France.

King Henrie the father held his Christmasse this yeare at Caen in Normandie, Anno. Reg. 20. 1174 about which time a truce was made betwixt him and king Lewes to endure till Easter, or (as others write) for the terme of six moneths. For ye haue to vnderstand, that the fame of the victorie gotten by the capteines of king Henrie the father against the earle of Leicester (be­ing not onlie spred through England, but also blown ouer into France) put those that tooke part with him in great feare; but speciallie king Lewes mistrus­ting the matter began to wax wearie that he had at­tempted so far, and susteined so great trauell and ex­penses in another mans cause.

Whilest this truce indured, the archbishop of Can­turburie being readie to returne home in despaire of his businesse, Ger. Dor. vpon a feigned rumor spred that there was a peace concluded betwixt the two kings, the father and sonne, he was called backe and conse­crated by the pope the sundaie after Easter: and then furnished with the dignities of primat and le­gat of England, and other priuileges according, he tooke his waie homewards towards England, after he had laid foorth great summes of monie to disap­point the purposes of his aduersaries.

This yeare in Iune, the lord Geffrey the elect of Lincolne the kings sonne besieged the castell which Roger de Mowbray had repaired at Kinard Ferie, within the Ile of Oxholme, and compelling the soul­diers within to yéeld, he beat downe and raced the same castell vnto the verie ground. Robert Mow­bray conestable of that castell, as he passed thorough the countrie towards Leicester, there to procure some aid, was taken by the men of Claie, and kept as prisoner. Moreouer, the said elect of Lincolne tooke the castell of Malesert that belonged to the said Roger Mowbray, which being now taken, was deli­uered vnto the keeping of the archbishop of Yorke. The said elect also fortified a castell at Topclife, and tooke it to the kéeping of William Stuteuille. In this meane while the king tooke the strengths and for­tresses which his sonne Richard had fortified at Xan­ctes, and in the same forts and church (which was also fortified against him) 60. knights or men of armes, and 400. archbalisters, that is, the best of them that [Page 91] bare crossebowes.

The oth of the earle of Flanders.Philip earle of Flanders in the presence of the French king and other the peeres of France, laieng his hand vpon the holie relikes, sware that within 15. daies next insuing the feast of S. Iohn then in­stant to enter England with an armie, and to doo his best to subdue the same to king Henrie the son. Upon trust whereof the yoong king the more presu­ming came downe to Whitsand, Additions to Iohn Pike. the 14. daie of Iu­lie, that he might from thence send ouer into Eng­land line 10 Rafe de la Haie with certeine bands of soul­diers. Before this the earle of Flanders had sent o­uer 318. knights or men of armes, as we may call them. But after their arriuall at Orwell, which chan­ced the 14. of Iune, by reason that their associats were dispersed, and for the more part subdued, they tooke with them earle Hugh Bigot, and marching to Norwich, assaulted the citie and wan it, gaining there great riches, and speciallie in readie monie, and led awaie a great sort of prisoners whome they line 20 ransomed at their pleasure. Matth. Paris. Ger. Dor. This chanced the 18. of Iune.

¶ I remember that William Paruus writeth, that the citie of Norwich was taken by the Flemings that came ouer with the earle of Leicester in the yeare last past, by the conduct of the said earle before he was taken, and that after he had taken that citie, being accompanied with earle Bigot, he led those Flemings also vnto Dunwich, purposing to win and sacke that towne also: but the inhabitants be­ing line 30 better prouided against the comming of their e­nimies than they of Norwich were, shewed such countenance of defense, that they preserued their towne from that danger, so that the two earles with Flemings were constreined to depart without at­chiuing their purpose. But whether that this at­tempt against Dunwich was made by the earle of Leicester (before his taking) in companie of earle Bigot, I haue not to auouch. But verelie for the win­ning of Norwich, I suppose that William Paruus mi­staketh line 40 the time, except we shall saie that it was twise taken, as first by the earle of Leicester in the yeare 1173. For it is certeine by consent of most writers, and especiallie those that haue recorded par­ticularlie the incidents that chanced here in this land during these troubles betwixt the king and his sons, that it was taken now this yeare 1174. by earle Bi­got (as before we haue shewed.)

But now to procéed. The lords that had the rule of the land for king Henrie the father, perceiuing line 50 earle Bigots procéedings, sent knowledge thereof with all expedition to the king, as yet remaining in the parties beyond the seas. Whilest these things were a dooing, although the minds of manie of the conspirators against king Henrie the father were inclined to peace, Additions to Iohn Pike. yet Roger Mowbray, and Hugh Bigot (by reason of this new supplie of men got out of Flanders) ceassed not to attempt fresh exploits: and chéeflie they solicited the matter in such wise with William king of Scotland, that whilest they in line 60 other quarters of the realme plaied their parts, he entred into the confines of Cumberland, The king of Scots inua­deth Eng­land. and first be­sieged the citie of Carleil, but perceiuing he could not win it in any short time, he left one part of his armie to keepe siege before it, and with the residue marched into the countrie alongst by the riuer of E­den, Castels woon by the Scots. taking by force the castels of Bourgh and Apple­bie, with diuerse other. This doone, he passed ouer the riuer, and came through Northumberland (wasting the countrie as he went) vnto Alnewike, which place he attempted to win, though his labour therein pro­ued but in vaine.

This enterprise which he made into Northumber­land, he tooke in hand chéefelie at the suit and request of Roger Mowbray, from whome Geffrey (who after was bishop of Lincolne) K. Henries eldest base son had taken two of his castels, so that he kept the third with much adoo. He had giuen his eldest sonne in ho­stage vnto the said king of Scots for assurance of such couenants to be kept on his behalfe as were passed betwixt them. Polydor. Duncane a Scotish cap­teine wasteth Kendall. In the meane time one Dun­cane or Rothland, with an other part of the Scotish armie entered into Kendall, and wasted that coun­trie in most cruell wise, neither sparing age nor sex, insomuch that he brake into the churches, slue those that were fled into the same for safegard of their liues as well preests as other. The English power of horssemen which passed not the number of 400. was assembled at Newcastell, vnder the leading of Ro­bert de Stouteuille, Ra [...]e Glanuille, Wil. Paruus. R. Houed. William Ur­sie, Bernard Balliolle [and Odonet de Umfrei­uille.]

These capteines hauing knowledge that Dun­cane was in one side of the countrie, and king Wil­liam in another, determined to issue foorth and trie the chance of warre (which is doubtfull and vncer­teine, according to the old saieng, ‘Fortuna belli semper ancipiti in loco est) Sen. in The.’ against the enimies, sith it should be a great rebuke to them to suffer the countrie to be wasted after that sort without reuengement. Herevpon riding foorth one morning, there arose such a thicke fog and mist that they could not discerne any waie about them, so that doubting to fall within the laps of their enimies at vnwares, they staied a while to take aduise what should be best for them to doo. Now when they were almost fullie resolued to haue turned backe againe, by the comfortable words and bold exhortation of Bernard Balliolle, they changed their purpose, Bernard de Balliolle. and rode forward, till at length the northerne wind be­gan to waken, and droue awaie the mist, so that the countrie was discouered vnto them, and perceiuing where Alnewike stood, not knowing as yet whether the Scots had woone it or not, they staied their pace, and riding softlie, at length learning by the inhabi­tants of the countrie, that the Scotish king despai­ring to win Alnewike, had raised his siege from thence the same day, they turned streight thither, and lodging there all night, in the morning got to their horsses verie earelie, riding foorth towards the eni­mies that were spred abroad in the countrie to forrey the same. They had anon espied where the king was, and incontinentlie compassed him about on euerie side, who perceiuing the English horssemen readie thus to assaile him, with all diligence called backe his men from the spoile; but the more part of them being straied far off through the swéetnes they found in getting of preies, could not heare the sound of the trumpets, yet notwithstanding with those his horsse­men which he could get togither, he encountred the English men which came vpon him verie hastilie.

The battell was begun verie fiercelie at the first, and well fought for a time, but the Scotish horsse­men being toiled before in forreieng the countrie, could not long continue against the fierce assault of the English, but were either beaten downe, or else constreined to saue themselues by flight. The king with a few other (who at the first had begun the bat­tell) was taken. The king of Scots taken. Also manie of the Scots who being far off, and yet hearing of the skirmish, came run­ning toward the place, & were taken yer they could vnderstand how the matter had passed. This taking of the king of Scots was on a saturdaie, being the seuenth of Iulie. Ger. Dor.

The English capteines hauing thus taken the Scotish king in the midst of his armie, conteining the number of 80000 men, returned to Newcastell, Wil. Paruus. greatlie rei [...]ising of their good successe, aduertising [Page 92] king Henrie the father hereof with all speed, who as then was come ouer from Normandie, Matt. Paris. Matth. West. Wil. Paruus. Ger. Dor. and was (the same day that the Scotish king was taken) at Can­turburie, making his praiers there before the sepul­ture of the archbishop Becket (as after it shall ap­péere.)

Polydor.In the meane while and somewhat before this time, the earle of Leicesters men, which laie at Leicester vnder the conduct of Robert Ferreis earle of Dar­bie (as some write) or rather of Anketille Malorie line 10 constable or gouernour (if we shall so call him, as Roger Houeden saith) came to Northampton, where they fought with them of that towne, and getting the victorie, This chanced a little after Whitsuntide. tooke two hundred prisoners, and slue or wounded néere hand as manie more, and so with this good successe in that enterprise returned againe to Leicester, from whence they first set foorth. The kings horssemen herevpon came streightwaies to Northampton, and following the enimies, could not ouertake them. line 20

Rob. Ferreis.Robert Ferreis earle of Darbie being now come vnto Leicester in aid of them that laie there, staied not past ten daies: but finding meanes to increase his number of horssemen, Polydor. Rog. Houed. Notingham taken. suddenlie made to Notin­gham, which Reignold de Lucie had in kéeping, and comming thither earelie in the morning tooke it, droue out the kings souldiers that laie there in gari­son, burned the towne, slue the inhabitants, and di­uided their goods amongst his souldiers: which thing put the countrie about in such feare, that manie of line 30 the inhabitants submitted themselues vnto him.

King Henrie the sonne being hereof aduertised by letters oftentimes sent vnto him by this Robert Ferreis, and other his fréends here in England, est­soones concei [...]ed some good hope to obteine his pur­pose: and therefore determined to prepare for the warre. Herevpon he purchased aid of king Lewes, who (bicause the truce which he had taken with king Henrie the father was now expired) thought it was reason to further his sonne in lawes enterprise so line 40 farre as in him laie. Wil. Paruus. Wherfore he made his prouision at Graueling, and there incamping with his people, staied till his ships were readie to transport him and his armie, which consisted of certeine horssemen, and of a number of Brabanders.

King Henrie the father being informed both of his sonnes purpose, and of the dooings in England, with all possible spéed determined to passe ouer into England, and therefore got his souldiers a shipboord, among whom were certeine bands of his Braban­ders: Polydor. line 50 and so soone as the wind blew to his mind, he caused the sailes to be hoised vp, and the nauie to set forward. Being landed, he repaired first vnto Can­turburie, there to make his praiers, doubting least the bloud of the archbishop Thomas Becket being shed through his occasion, Wil. Paruus. did yet require vengeance against him for that fact. From Canturburie he came to London, and tooke order for the placing of capteins with their bands in certeine townes about the coast, to defend the landing places, where he line 60 thought his sonne was like to arriue. Then went he to Huntington, Huntington castell woone. and subdued the castell there the 19. of Iulie: for the knights and other souldiers that were within it yéelded themselues to the kings mer­cie, their liues and lims saued.

After this, assembling his people on all sides, he made his generall musters at S. Edmundsburie, R. Houed. and determined to besiege the castels of Bunghey and Fremingham, Matth. Paris. Earle Bigot is accorded with the K. which the earle Hugh Bigot held against him, who mistrusting that he was not able to defend himselfe and those places against the king, agréed with the king to haue peace, paieng him the summe of a thousand markes by composition. This agréement was concluded the 25. of Iulie. Herevp­on a multitude of the Flemings which Philip earle of Flanders had sent into England (as before is men­tioned) vpon their oth receiued, The Fle­mings sent home. not afterwards to come as enimies into England, had licence to re­turne into their countrie. Also the bands of souldiers that came into the realme with Rafe de la Haie de­parted without impechment by the kings sufferance.

The king hauing thus accomplished that which stood with his pleasure in those parties, R. Houed. remoued from thence and drew towards Northampton. To which towne after his comming thither, The king of Scots pre­sented to the king of En­gland. the king of Scots was brought with his féet bound vnder the horsses bellie. Thither also came the bishop of Dur­ham, and deliuered to the king the castels of Dur­ham, Norham, and Allerton. Thither also came to the king Roger Mowbraie, and surrendred to him the castell of Treske, and Robert earle Ferreis deli­uered vp into his hands the castels of Tutburie and Duffield, and Anketill Mallorie, and William de Diue constables to the earle of Leicester yeelded to the king the castels of Cicester, Grobie, and Mount­sorell, to the intent that he should deale more courte­ouslie with the earle their maister. The earle of Glocester. The earle Ri­chard of Clare Also William earle of Glocester, and earle Richard of Clare sub­mitted themselues to the king, and so he brought all his aduersaries within the realme of England vnto such subiection as he himselfe wished; so that the king hauing atchiued the vpper hand of his enimies re­turned to London.

¶ All this hurlie burlie and bloudie tumult, was partlie to be ascribed to the king himselfe, who ouer tenderlie fauouring his sonne, did deiect and abase himselfe to aduance the other; partlie to the ambiti­ous disposition of the youth, who was charged with roialtie, before he had learned sufficient loialtie, else would he not haue made insurrections against his father, that himself might obteine the monarchie, and the old king doo him homage: and partlie to the quéenes discontented or rather malicious mind, whose dutie it had béene (notwithstanding such disho­nour doone hir by the king in abusing his bodie vn­lawfullie) so little to haue thought of stirring com­motions betwixt the father and the sonnes, that she should rather haue lulled the contention asléepe, and doone what she possiblie could to quench the feruent fier of strife with the water of pacification. But true it is that hath béene said long ago,

Mulier nihil nouit nisi quod vult,
Et plenum malorum est onus.
Pub. Mi [...].

But what insued herevpon euen by waie of cha­stisement, but that which commonlie lighteth vp­on tumult-raisers; namelie, either losse of life, or at least restraint of libertie? For the king after this happie atchiuement of his warlike affaires, being ruled by reason and aduise (as it is likelie) would not that so smoking a fierbrand (as quéene Elianor had prooued hirselfe to be) should still annoie his eies, Quéene Eli­anor is com­mitted to close prison. and therefore (whether in angrie or quiet mood, that is doubtfull) he committed hir to close prison, bicause she had procured his sons Richard and Geffrey to ioine with their elder brother against him their fa­ther (as before ye haue partlie heard).

But to procéed, king Lewes being aduertised that there was no great number of men of war left in Normandie to defend the countrie, raised a power, and comming to Rouen, besieged it verie streitlie. Polydor. Shortlie after also king Henrie the sonne and Philip earle of Flanders came thither, meaning to obteine the possession of Normandie first, and af­ter to go into England. Rouen besie­ged by the Frēch king. Wil. Paruus. The citizens of Rouen per­ceiuing in what danger they stood, without faint harts prepared all things necessarie for defense, and did euerie thing in order, purposing not to giue ouer their citie for any threats or menaces of their eni­mies. [Page 92] [...] [Page 93] Now whilest they within were busie in deui­sing how to repell the assault, and to defend them­selues, the aduersaries about midnight came forth of their campe, and approching the walles with their ladders, raised them vp, and began to scale the citie. But the citizens being aduised thereof, boldlie got them to the loops and towers, ouerthrew the lad­ders of the enimies that were comming vp, and with arrowes, stones and darts beat them backe, to their great losse and ouerthrow. Howbeit though the eni­mies line 10 could not preuaile thus to get the citie by this assault, yet they continued the siege, and suffered not them within to be in quiet, but daie and night assai­led them by one meanes or other.

Rog. Houed. King Henrie returneth into Normandie.King Henrie the father being aduertised héereof, after he had set his businesse in order, touching the suertie and safe defense of the English estate, he re­turned into Normandie, and landed at Harfleet on a thursdaie being the eight daie of August, bringing backe againe with him his Brabanders, and a thou­sand line 20 Welshmen. In this meane while, king Lewes continued still his siege before Rouen, constreining them within by all meanes he could deuise to yeeld vp their citie. At length came the feast of Saint Lau­rence, on which daie the French king commanded that no man should attempt any enterprise against the citizens, granting them truce for that day, in worship of that saint. This truce was so acceptable a thing to them within, that they forgetting them­selues, without all respect to the danger wherein the line 30 citie stood, threw off their armour, and gaue them­selues to sléepe and rest. Some also fell to banketting and other pastimes in verie dissolute maner.

¶ But through this their remisse vsage and loose behauiour, and forgetting that a temporarie truce is no safe warrant of securitie and peace, they deriued danger and destruction to themselues; which it had beene their parts prouidentlie to haue preuented, and not through their carelesnesse to set open a gap of aduantage to their enimies, who pursued them with line 40 professed hostilitie, notwithstanding they reposed confidence in the truce that was granted. Héerein they are to be resembled to the cooks of whome Plau­tus speaketh verie neatlie, saieng,

—coquos equidem nimis
Demiror, qui tot vtuntur condimentis, eos eo
Condimento non vtier quod praestat omnibus,

Meaning sobrietie: so these delighting more in their dishes, than mistrusting their enimies, remem­bred to take the vse of any pleasure that the conueni­entnesse line 50 of this present time might proffer; onelie as cookes among all their sawces doo mind nothing lesse than sobernesse: so these in the abundance of their ioies, thought nothing of afterclaps, which af­terwards made them (like fooles) to sing an vnhappie had I wist. For the Frenchmen, perceiuing this their negligence, required licence of the French king to giue assault to the citie, declaring in what state the matter presentlie stood; who not meaning to violate the reuerence of that day, and his promi­sed line 60 faith, with any such vnlawfull attempt, comman­ded his men of warre that made the request in no wise to stirre. The French­men assault the citie, with­out comman­dement of their king. Two préests. Howbeit the souldiers vpon couetous­nesse of the spoile, raised the ladders to that part of the wall which they iudged to be most without war­ders, so that some of them mounting aloft, got vp, and were about to helpe vp their fellowes.

Now it happened (as God would haue it) that two préests being gone vp into the steeple of the cheefe church, to looke about them for their pleasures, fortu­ned to sée where the French men were about to en­ter the citie, and streightwaies gaue knowledge to the citizens beneath. Wherevpon the alarum rose, in­somuch that with all spéed the people ran to the place, and with such violence came vpon their enimies which were entred vpon the walles, The French­men are re­pelled. that streight­waies they slue manie of them, and chased the resi­due out of the ditches, so that they returned with blee­ding wounds to their campe, repenting them of their vnhappie enterprise, that turned them to such wo and greeuance.

The same day a little before night, Polydor. king Henrie the father came vnto Rouen, and was receiued into the citie with great ioy and gladnesse: for he came thi­ther by chance, euen about the time that the citie had thus like to haue bin surprised & taken at vnwares.

¶There be that write, Matt. Paris. how the French king (im­mediatlie vpon the arriuall of king Henrie) left his field and departed, greatlie to his dishonor, bur­ning vp his engines of warre, and not staieng till his men might haue leisure to charge their wagons with their armor and other stuffe, which they were glad to leaue behind for a prey to the English men issuing foorth vpon them. But other declare, that the French king being nothing abashed of king Hen­ries comming, continued the siege, in hope to win the citie.

The next day earlie in the morning (or as other say in the night season) the king did send foorth a cer­teine number of Welshmen to passe ouer the riuer of Saine, which they did, R. Houed. The Welsh­mens good seruice. and by force made them­selues waie through the French campe, getting without losse or danger vnto a great wood, and slue that day of their aduersaries aboue an hundred men. After this, lieng abroad in the countrie, they skirmi­shed dailie with the French horssemen, Nic. Triuet. and oft times cut off such prouision of vittels as came to nourish the campe. The king himselfe on the other side remai­ning within the citie, caused his people to issue out at the gates, and to kéepe the enimies occupied with skirmishes afore the citie. And moreouer, Rog. Houed. where there was a great trench cast betwixt the French campe and the walles of the citie, he caused the same to be filled vp with fagots, stones, and earth. But although the French men sawe this the kings deed well en­ough, yet none of them issued foorth of their tents to hinder the English of their purpose.

Now king Lewes being sore vexed with his eni­mies on ech side, and perceiuing the citie would not be woone within any short time, began to wax wea­rie, and to repent himselfe (as afore) for taking in hand so chargeable and great a warre for another mans quarell. The French king maketh an ouerture for peace. Wherevpon he caused William bi­shop of Sens, and Theobald earle of Blois to go to king Henrie, and to promise vpon forbearance from warre for a time, to find means to reconcile him and his sonnes, betweene whome vnnaturall variance rested. Whereof K. Henrie being most desirous, and taking a truce, appointed to come to Gisors [in the feast of the natiuitie of our ladie] there to meet king Lewes, N. Triuet. A truce. that they might talke of the matter and bring it to some good end.

The French king, The French king leaueth his siege. so soone as he knew that truce was taken, raised his siege, and returning home, within a few daies after (according to the appoint­ment) came to Gisors, and there communed with king Henrie: but bicause he could not make any a­gréement betwixt him and his sonnes at that time, he appointed another time to meet about it. King Henrie the father (whilest the truce continued with the French king) and his sonne Henrie went to Poictou, where his sonne Richard (whilest his father had beene occupied in other places) had gotten the most part of the countrie into his possession. But now hearing of his fathers comming, and that a truce was taken with the French king and with his brother, he considered with himselfe, that without their assistance he was not able to withstand his fa­thers [Page 94] power. Howbeit at length choosing rather to trie the matter with force of armes, Richard the kings sonne prepareth to resist his fa­ther. than cowardlie to yéeld, he prepared for defense, furnishing diuerse townes and castels with garisons of men: and as­sembling togither all the other power that he was able to make, c [...]me into the field, & pitched his tents not far off from his father. In the meane while, which way soeuer his father passed, the townes and castels submitted themselues vnto him, He beginneth to despaire of good successe. so that Richard be­gan to despaire of the matter, insomuch that he durst line 10 not approch néere his father, but kept aloofe, doubting to be entrapped.

At length when he had considered his owne state, and weled how vnthankefullie the French king and his brother had dealt with him, in hauing no consi­deration of him at such time as they tooke truce, Polydor. he determined to alter his purpose, and hauing some good hope in his fathers clemencie, thought best to trie it, which he found to be the best waie that he could haue taken. For oftentimes it chanceth, that latter line 20 thoughts are better aduised than the first, as the old saieng is, ‘ [...].’

Herevpon Richard laieng armour aside, came of his owne accord vnto his father on the 21. of Sep­tember, The son sub­mitteth him­selfe to the father. and asked pardon. His father most courte­ously receiuing him, made so much of him as though he had not offended at all. Which example of courte­sie preuailed much to the alluring of his other sons to come to a reconciliation. For the bringing where­of line 30 to speedie effect, he sent this Richard vnto king Lewes, and to his other sonne Henrie, to commen with them of peace, at which time earle Richard did so effectuallie his message, that he brought them both in good forwardnesse to agree to his fathers purpose, so that there was a daie appointed for them to meet with their father, betwixt Towres in Touraine and Ambois.

Ger. Dor. The father & sonnes are ac­corded.King Henrie reioising hereat, kept his daie (be­ing the morrow after the feast of S. Michaell) and line 40 there met him both king Lewes, and his two sonnes Henrie and Geffrey, where finallie the father and the sonnes were accorded; he promising to receiue them into fauour vpon these conditions. The conditi­ons of the a­gréement.

1 First the prisoners to be released fréelie with­out ransome on both sides, and their offenses, which had taken either the one part or the other, to be like­wise pardoned.

R. Houed.2 Out of this article were excepted all those which before the concluding of this peace had alreadie line 50 compounded for their raunsomes, as the king of Scots, the earles of Leicester and Chester, and Rafe Fulgiers, with their pledges.

3 It was also agréed, that all those castels which had beene builded in time of this warre, should be ra­ced and throwne downe, and all such cities, townes, castels, countries and places, as had beene woone by either part during these wars, should be restored vn­to those persons that held the same, and were in pos­session of them 15. daies before the departure of the line 60 sonnes from king Henrie the father.

4 That king Henrie the father should assigne to his sons more large reuenues for maintenance of their estates, with a caution included, that they should not spend the same riotouslie in any prodigall sort or maner.

5 To the king his sonne, he gaue two castels in Normandie, R. Houed. with an increase of yearelie reuenues, to the summe of 15. thousand pounds Aniouin.

6 To his sonne Richard he gaue two houses in Poictou, Richard. with the one halfe of all the reuenues of the countie of Poictou to be receiued and taken in readie monie.

Geffrey.7 And to his sonne Geffrey he granted in monie, the moitie of that which he should haue by the ma­riage of earle Conans daughter, and after he had maried hir by licence purchased of the pope, he should enioy all the whole liuings and reuenues that de­scended to hir, as in hir fathers writing therof more at large was conteined.

8 On the other part, king Henrie the son couenan­ted to & with the king his father, that he would per­forme and confirme all those gifts, which his father should grant out of his lands, & also all those gifts of lands which he either had made and assured, or here­after should make and assure vnto any of his men for any of their seruices: & likewise those gifts which he had made vnto his sonne Iohn the brother of king Henrie the sonne; namelie, Iohn, a thousand pounds in lands by yeare in England of his demaine and ex­cheats with the appurtenances, and the castell and countie of Notingham, with the castell of Marle­brough, & the appurtenances. Also a thousand pounds Aniouin of yearelie reuenues in Normandie, and two castels there. And in Aniou a thousand pounds Aniouin, of such lands as belonged to the earle of Aniou, with one castell in Aniou, and one in Tou­raine, and another in Maine.

Thus were the father and sons agréed and made freends, the sonnes couenanting neuer to withdraw their seruices and bounden dueties from their fa­ther, but to obeie him in all things from that day for­ward. Herewith also the peace was renewed betwixt king Henrie and king Lewes, and for the further confirmation, A marriage concluded. a new aliance was accorded betwixt them, which was, that the ladie Adela the daughter of king Lewes should be giuen in mariage vnto earle Richard the sonne of king Henrie, who bicause she was not yet of age able to marie, she was con­ueied into England to be vnder the guiding of king Henrie, till she came to lawfull yeares.

Thus the peace being concluded, king Henrie forgetting all iniuries passed, brought home his sons in maner aforesaid, who being well pleased with the agreement, attended their father into Normandie, Wil. Paruus▪ where Richard and Geffrey did homage to him, re­ceiuing their othes of allegiance according to the maner in that case required. But king Henrie the sonne did no homage, R. Houed. Wil. Paruus saieth that he did homage also. for his father (in respect that he was a king) would not suffer him, and therefore tooke onelie sureties of him for performance of the coue­nants on his part, as was thought expedient.

¶ All this dissention and strife was kindled (no doubt) by the meanes of certeine sowers of discord, sycophants, parasits, flatterers, clawbacks, & picke­thanks, who had learned their lesson, that ‘Principibus placuisse viris non vltima laus est,’ and thinking by their embossed spéech to tickle the eares and harts of the yoong princes, who by reason of their yoong yeares and nakednesse of experience in the course of worldlie maters, sought their owne aduancement, euen by flinging firie faggots of dis­sention betweene them, whose harts naturall affecti­on had vnited. For by the tenor of the storie (marke it who will) we shall fée that no attempt of the sons against the father but had originall from the sugge­stions of euill disposed persons, who (like eeles that fatten not in faire running water, but in muddie motes and ponds) sought honour in hurlie burlies, & reached out long armes to riches by manie a ones impouerishment. This to be true, the small euent and issue prooueth; namelie, the mutuall attonement and reconciliation wouen betweene the father and the sonnes; their remorse for their vndutifulnes, his louing fauour and gratiousnesse; their promptnesse to yéeld to conditions of agreement, his forwardnes to giue consent to couenants required; their readi­nesse to doo the old king homage, his acceptable ad­mission [Page 95] of their proferred seruice; with other circum­stances to be collected out of the storie, all which doo prooue that this their disloiall resistance sprang ra­ther by others incitement, than of their owne seek­ing. Thus we sée what alterations happen in the acti­ons of men, and that euill things manie times (though naturallie bad) doo inferre their contraries, as one aptlie saith, ‘Discordia fit charior concordia.’

Willi. king of Scots deliue­red out of pri­son with otherAt length king Henrie went to Faleise, and there deliuered out of captiuitie William king of Scot­land, line 10 Robert earle of Leicester, Hugh earle of Che­ster, with diuerse other Noble men which were kept there as prisoners, putting them to their ransomes, and receiuing of them pledges with an oth of alle­giance. This king Henrie the father released for his part the number of nine hundred 69. knights or men of armes (if yée list so to terme them) which had beene taken since the beginning of these passed warres. Matth. Paris. Prisoners re­leased.

As for king Henrie the sonne he also set at liber­tie aboue an hundred, and that without ransome line 20 paieng, according to the articles of the peace (as be­fore you haue heard.) But yet some (as is alreadie specified) were excepted out of the benefit of that arti­cle, as William king of Scotland, who being not a­ble to paie his ransome in present monie, deliuered vp in gage foure of the strongest castels within his realme into king Henries hands, namelie, Bar­wike, Castels deli­uered by the K. of Scots. Edenbourgh, Roxbourgh, and Sterling, with condition, that if he brake the peace, and paied not the monie behind due for his raunsome, king Henrie line 30 and his successours should enioy for euer the same castels. He also couenanted, not to receiue any English rebels into his realme. Other write that the king of Scots did not onelie become the king of Englands liegeman at this time, N. Triuet. Matth. Paris. and couenanted to doo homage vnto him for the realme of Scotland, and all other his lands, but also deliuered the castels of Barwike, and Roxbourgh to be possessed of the same king of England and his heires for euer, with­out any couenant mentioned of morgage. line 40

Things being setled thus in good order, king Hen­rie leauing his sonne Henrie at Rouen, went to Ar­genton, and there held his Christmasse, and after­wards, namelie in the feast of the purification of our ladie, Rog. Houed. both the kings (as well the father as the sonne) were at Mauns, year 1175 and vpon their returne from thence into Normandie, came to a communication with the French king at Gisors, The kings of England and France méet at Gisors. and then being come backe into Normandie at Bure, the sonne (to put the father out of all doubt and mistrust of any euill mea­ning line 50 in him) sware fealtie to him against all persons, and so became his liegeman in the presence of Ro­throd archbishop of Rouen, Henrie bishop of Baieux William earle of Mandeuille, Richard de Hun [...]ez his conestable, and manie other.

After this they kept their easter at Chirebourgh▪ from whence they came to Caen, where they met with Philip earle of Flanders, Philip earle of Flanders. who had latelie before taken on him the crosse, to go to the holie land: where king Henrie the father required him to release all line 60 such couenants as king Henrie the sonne had made vnto him in time of his last warres, which he fréelie did, and deliuered vp the writing that he had of the same king concerning those couenants, and so they confirmed vnto him the yearelie rent which he was woont to receiue out of England, before the said warres.

Polydor.Finallie, when king Henrie had visited the most part of the countrie, he came to Harflew, and caused his nauie to be decked and rigged, that he might saile ouer into England. Whilest he tarried heere till his ships were readie, he sent letters to his sonne king Henrie, willing him to repaire vnto him, and meaning that he should accompanie him into England. Enuious per­sons readie to forge matters of suspicion. Who at the first was loth to obeie his fa­thers will and pleasure herein, bicause some enui­ous persons about him had put in his head a doubt, least his father had not altogither forgot his former grudge, and that he ment at his comming into Eng­land to commit him to prison. Which was a surmize altogither void of likeliehood, considering that the fa­ther, in the whole processe of his actions betweene himselfe and his sonnes, was so farre from the desire of inflicting any corporall punishment, or leuieng a­nie fine vpon them for their misdemenour, that he alwaies sought meanes of reconcilement and paci­fication. And though this Henrie the sonne for his part deserued to be roughlie dealt withall; yet the fa­ther handled him so gentlie with courteous letters & messages, that shortlie after he came of his owne accord vnto Harflew, from whence shortlie after they sailed both togither ouer into England, landing at Portsmouth on a fridaie being the ninth of Maie, The two kings the fa­ther and the sonne returne into England. from thence they tooke their iournie streight to Lon­don, all the waies being full of people that came to see them, and to shew themselues glad and ioifull of their concord and happie arriuall. At their comming to the citie they were receiued with great reioising of the people, beseeching God long to preserue them both in health and honour.

The same yeare William de Breause hauing got a great number of Welshmen into the castell of Abergauennie, William de Breause. vnder a colourable pretext of com­munication, proponed this ordinance to be receiued of them with a corporall oth; That no traueller by the waie amongst them should beare any bow, or other vnlawfull weapon. Which oth when they refused to take, The Welshmē not well dealt withall. bicause they would not stand to that ordinance he condemned them all to death. This deceit he vsed towards them in reuenge of the death of his vncle Henrie of Hereford, whom vpon easter euen before, they had through treason murthered, and were now acquited with the like againe.

The same yeare died Reignold earle of Cornwall, N. Triuet. Reignold erle of Cornewall departed this life. bastard sonne to king Henrie the first without heirs male, by reason whereof the king tooke into his hands all the inheritance of lands and liuings which he held within England, Normandie and Wales, except cer­teine portions which the daughters of the same earle had by assignement allotted to them. Also Richard earle of Glocester deceassed this yeare, and his sonne Philip succeeded him.

The same yeare was a synod of the cleargie kept at Westminster, Matth. West. A synod held at London. wherein many things were decréed for the conseruation of religion. Amongst other things it was prouided, that those abbeies and chur­ches which were void of gouernours, and could haue none placed in them by the time of the late ciuill warres, should now be committed vnto men wor­thie to enioy the same, for the reformation of disor­ders growne and plentifullie sproong vp in time of the vacations.

The realme now brought into good order and de­liuered from the troubles of warre, as well at home as abroad, W. Paruus. The king of Scots dooth homage to the king of Eng­land. the king being at good leisure determined to ride about a great part of the realme, and com­ming to Yorke, sent for the king of Scots to come and doo his homage. Now the king of Scots (accor­ding to couenants before concluded) came vnto Yorke in the moneth of August, where dooing his ho­mage about the twentith day of the same moneth in S. Peters church, the king granted further by his letters patents, that he and his successours kings of Scotland, should doo homage and fealtie to the kings of England, so often as they should be necessarilie required therevnto. In signe and token of which sub­iection, the king of Scots offered his hat and his sad­dle [Page 96] vpon the altar of S. Peter in Yorke, which for a remembrance hereof was kept there many yeares after that day.

The charter conteining the articles of the peace and agreement concluded betwixt the two kings, which was read in S. Peters church at the same time, exemplified as followeth. line 10

WIlhelmus rex Scotiae deuenit homo ligius domi­ni regis Angliae contra omnes homines, R. Houed. de Sco­tia & de alijs terris suis, & fidelitatem ei fecit vt ligio domino suo sicut alij homines sui ipsi fa­cere solent. Similiter fecit homagium Henrico filio regis salua fide domini regis patris sui.

2 Omnes vero epis [...]. abbates & clerus terrae Scotiae & suc­cessores suifacient domino regi sicut ligio domino fidelitatem, de quibus habere voluerit, sicut alij episcopi sui ipsi facere solent, & line 20 Henric [...] filio suo & Dauid & haeredibus eorum.

3 Concessit autem rex Scotiae, & frater eius, & barones, & alij homines sui domino regi, quòd ecclesia Scotiae talem subie­ctionem amodò faciet ecclesiae Angliae, qu [...]lem facere debet, & solebat tempore regum Angliae praedecessorum suorum.

4 Similiter Richardus episcopus Sancti Andreae, & Richar­dus episcopus Dunkelden▪ & Gaufridus abbas de Dunfermlin. & Herbertus prior de Coldingham concesserunt, vt ecclesia Anglicana illud habea [...]ius in ecclesia Scotiae, quod de iure de­bet habere: & quod ipsi non erunt contraius Anglicanae ec­clesiae. line 30 Et de hac concessione sicut quando ligiam fidelitatem domino regi & domino Henrico filio suo fecerint, ita eos inde assecurauerint.

5 Hoc idem facient alij episcopi & clerus Scotiae, per conuen­tionem inter dominum regem Scotiae & Dauid fratrem suum & barones suos factam, comites & barones & alij homines de terra regis Scotiae (de quibus dominus rex habere voluerit) fa­cient ei homagium contra omnem hominem, & f [...]delitatem vt ligio domino suo sicut alij homines sui facere ei solent, & Hen­rico filio suo & haeredibus suis salua fide domini regis patris line 40 fui. Similiter haeredes regis Scotiae & baronum & hominum suorum homagium & ligiantiam facient haeredibus domini re­gis contra omnem hominem.

6 Praeterea rex Scotiae & homines sui nullū am [...]o fugitiuum de terra domini regis pro felonia receptabunt, vel in alia terra sua nisi voluerit venire ad rectum in curia domini regis & stare iud [...]io curiae. Sed rex Scotiae & homines sui quàm citius poterunt eum capient, & domino regi reddent, vel iusticiarijs suis aut balliuis suis in Anglia. line 50

7 Si autem de terra regis Scotiae aliquis fugitiuus fuerit pro felonia in Anglia, nisi voluerit venire ad rectū in curia do­mini regis Scotiae, &▪ stare iudicio curiae, non receptabitur in terra regis, sed liberabitur hominibus regis Scotiae▪ per balliuos domini regis vbi inuentus fuerit.

8 Praeterea homines domini regis habebunt terras suas quas habebant, & habere debent de domino rege, & hominibus su­is, & de rege Scotiae & de hominibus suis. Et homines regis Scotiae habebunt terras suas, quas habebant, & habere debent de domino rege & hominibus suis. Pro ista vero conuentione line 60 & fine firmiter obseruando domino regi & Henrico filio suo & haeredibus suis à rege Scotiae & haeredibus suis, liberauit rex Scotiae domino regi castellum de Roxburgh, & castellum Puel­larum, & castellum de Striueling, in manu domini regis, & ad custodienda castella assignabit rex Scotiae de redditu suo mesurabiliter ad voluntatem domini regis.

9 Praeterea pro praedicta conuentione & fine exequendo, libe­rauit rex Scotiae domino regi Dauid fratrem suum in obside [...] & comitem Duncanum, & comitem Waldenum, similiter alios comites & barones cum alijs viris potentibus quorum nu­merus 18. Et quando castella reddita fuerint illis, rex Scotiae & Dauid frater suus liberabuntur. Comites quidem & baro­nes praenominati vnusquis (que) postquam liberauerit obsidem suum, scilicet filium legitimum, qui habuerit, & alij nepotes suos vel propinquiores sibi haeredes, & castellis vt dictum est redditis liberabuntur.

10 Praeterea rex Scotiae & barones sui praenominati assecura­uerunt, quòd ipsi bona fide, & sine malo ingenio, & sine occasio­ne facient vt episcopi & barones & caeteri homines terrae suae, qui non affuerunt quando rex Scotiae cum domino rege finiuit [...] eandem ligiantiam & fidelitatem domino regi & Henrico fi­lio suo quam ipsi fecerunt, & vt barones, & homines qui affu­erunt obsides, liberabunt domino regi de quibus habere voluerit.

11 Praeterea episc. comites & barones conuentionauerunt do­mino regi & Henrico filio suo, quòd sirex Scotiae aliquo casu à fidelitate domini regis & filij, & à conuentione praedicta rece­deret, ipsi cum domino rege tenebunt sicut cum ligio domino suo contra regem Scotiae, & contra omnes homines ei inimican­tes. Et episcopi sub interdicto ponent terram regis Scotiae donet ipse ad fidelitatem domini regis redeat.

12 Praedictam ita (que) conuentionem firmiter obseruandam bo­na fide, & sine malo ingenio domino regi & Henrico filio suo & haeredibus suis à Wilhelmo rege Scotiae & Dauid fratre suo & baronibus suis praedictis, & haeredibus eorum assecurauit ipse rex Scotiae, & Dauid frater eius, & omnes barones sui praenominati sicut ligij homines domino regis contra omnem hominem, & Henrici filij sui (salua fidelitate patris sui) hijs testibus, Richardo episcopo Abrincensi, & Iohanne Salisbu­riae decano, & Roberto abbate Malmesburiae, & Radulpho ab­bate Mundesburg, nec non alijs abbatibus, comitibus & baro­nibus, & duobus filijs suis scilicet Richardo & Galfrido.

These things being recited in the church of S. Pe­ters in Yorke, in the presence of the said kings, & of Dauid the king of Scots brother, and before an in­numerable number of other people, the bishops, earles, barons and knights of Scotland sware feal­tie to the king of England and to Henrie his sonne, and to their heires against all men, as to their liege and souereigne lords.

King Henrie hauing ended his businesse at Yorke with the king of Scots and others, which likewise did homage to him there, returned to London, in the oc­taues of S. Michaell, A parlement at Windsor. and he called a parlement at Windsor, whereat were present king Henrie the sonne, Richard archbishop of Canturburie, and other bishops of England, Laurence archbishop of Dublin with a great number of earles and barons of this realme. Ambassadors from K. Con­nagh. About the same time the archbishop of Tua­mon, and the abbat of S. Brandon, with Laurence the chancellor of Roderike king of Connagh in Ireland were come as ambassadours from the said Roderike, vnto king Henrie, who willinglie heard them, as he that was more desi [...]s to grow to some accord with those sauage people by some freendlie or­der, than to war with them that had nothing to lose: so that he might in pursuing of them seeme to fish with an hooke of gold. Therefore in this parlement the matter was debated, and in the end a peace con­cluded at the request of the said ambassadours, the king appointing Roderike to paie vnto him in token of subiection, a tribute of ox hides. A tribute of ox hides.

The charter of the agreement was written and subscribed in forme as followeth.

HAec est finis & concordia quae facta fuit apud Windshore in octauis sancti Michaelis an. Gra­tiae 1175. inter dominum regem Angliae Henr. secundum, The tenor of the charter of the agrée­ment. & Rodericum regem Co­naciae, per catholicum Tuamensem archiep. & abbatem C. san­cti Brandani, & magistrum L. cancellarium regis Conaciae.

1 Scilicet quòd rex Angliae concedit praedicto Roderico ligi [...] homini suo regnum Conaciae, quamdus ei fideliter seruiet, vt sit rex sub eo, paratus ad seruicium suum sicut homo suus, & vt teneat terram suam ita bene & in pace, sicut tenuit antequam dominus rex Angliae intraret Hiberniam, reddendo ei trilu­tum [Page 97] & totam aliam terram, & habitatores terrae habeat sub se, & iusticiet vt tributum regi Angliae integrè persoluant, & per manum eius suai [...]ra sibi conseruent. Et illi qui modò tenent, teneant in pace quamdiu manserint in fidelitate regis Angliae, & fideliter & integrè persoluerint tributum & alia iura sua quae ei debent per manum regis Conaciae, saluo in omnibus iure & honore domini regis Angliae & suo.

2 Et si qui ex eis regi Angliae & ei rebelles fuerint, & tributum & alia iura regis Angliae per manum eius soluere noluerint, & à fidelitate regis Angliae recesserint, ipse line 10 eos iusticiet & amoueat. Et si eos per se insticiare non poterit, constabularius regis Angliae, & familia sua de terra illa iuua­bunt eum ad hoc faciendum, cùm ab ipso fuerint requisiti, & ipsi viderint quòd necesse fuerit. Et propter hunc finem reddet praedictus rex Conaciae domino regi Angliae tributum singulis annis, scilicet de singulis decem animalibus vnum corium placabile mercatoribus, tam de tot [...] terra sua, quám de a­liena.

3 Excepto quòd de terris illis quas dominu [...] rex Angliae retinuit in dominio suo, & in dominio baronum suorum, ni­hil line 20 se intromittet, scilicet Duuelin [...] cum pertinentijs suis, & Midia cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, sicut vnquam Marchat Wamailethlachlin eam meliùs & pleniùs tenuit, aut aliqui qui eam de eo tenuerint. Et excepta Wesefordia, cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, scilicet cum tota lagenia. Et excepta Water­fordia cum tota terra illa, quae est à Waterford vs (que) ad Dun­carnam, ita vt Duncarnam sit cum omnibus pertinentijs suis infra terram illam.

4 Et si Hibernenses qui aufugerint, redire voluerint ad terram baronum regis Angliae, redeant in pace, reddendo tri­lutum line 30 praedictum quod alij reddunt, vel faciendo antiqua ser­uicia quae facere solebant pro terris suis. Et hot sit in arbitrio dominorum suorum. Et si aliqui eorum redire noluerint, domi­ni eorum & rex Conaciae accipiat obsides ab omnibus quos ei commisit dominus rex Angliae ad voluntatem domini regis & suam. Et ipse dabit obsides ad voluntatem domini regi [...] Angliae illos vel alios, & ipsi seruient domino de canibus & auibus suis singulis annis de praesentis suis. Et nullum omninò de quacunque terra regis sit, retinebunt contra voluntatem domini regis & mandatum. Hijs testibus, Richardo episcopo line 40 Wintoniae, Gaufrido episcopo Eliensi, Laurentio Duuelinensi archiepiscopo, Gaufrido, Nicholao, & Rogero capellanis regis, Guilhelmo comite de Essex, & alijs multis.

Moreouer, at this parlement the king gaue an Irishman named Augustine, the bishoprike of Wa­terford, which see was then void, and sent him into Ireland with Laurence the archbishop of Dubline to be consecrated of Donat the archbishop of Cassels. The same yeare, both England and the countries ad­ioining line 50 were sore vexed with a great mortalitie of people, A great derth. and immediatlie after followed a sore dearth and famine.

King Henrie held his Christmas at Windsor, and about the feast of the conuersion of saint Paule he came to Northampton, Anno Reg. 22. 1176 & after the mortalitie was well ceassed, A parlement at North­hampton. he called a parlement, whereat was pre­sent a deacon cardinall intituled of S. Angelo, being sent into England as a legat from the pope, to take order in the controuersies betwixt the two archbi­shops line 60 of Canturburie and Yorke. This cardinall whose name was Hugh Petro Lion, assembled in the same place a conuocation or synod of the bishops and cleargie, Matth. Paris. as well of England as Scotland: in which conuocation, after the ceassing of certeine strifes and decrées made as well concerning the state of common-wealth, as for the honest behaui­our of mans life, the cardinall consented that (accor­ding as by the kings lawes it was alreadie ordei­ned) all maner of persons within the sacred orders of the cleargie, An act against preests that were hunters. which should hunt within the kings grounds and kill any of his deare, should be conuen­ted and punished before a temporall iudge. Which li­bertie granted to the king, did so infringe the immu­nitie which the cleargie pretended to haue within this realme, that afterwards in manie points, préests were called before temporall iudges, and punished for their offenses as well as the laitie, though they haue grudged indéed and mainteined that they had wrong therein, as they that would be exempted and iudged by none, Polydor. except by those of their owne order.

Moreouer, in this councell the matter came in question touching the obedience which the bishops of Scotland did owe by right vnto the archbishop of Yorke, Obedience of the church of Scotland to the church of England. whom from the beginning the popes of Rome had constituted and ordeined to be primat of all Scotland, and of the Iles belonging to that realme, as well of the Orkeneis as all the other. Which con­stitution was obserued by the bishops of those parts manie yeares togither, though after they renounced their obedience. Whervpon the archbishops of Yorke (for the time being) continuallie complained, so that these popes, Paschall the second, Calyxt the second, Honorius, Innocentius, Eugenius the third, and A­drian the fourth, had the hearing of the matter, and with often sending their letters, went about to re­duce them to the prouince of Yorke. But the Scots still withstanding this ordinance, at length the mat­ter thus in controuersie was referred to pope Alex­ander, who sent the foresaid cardinall Hugh as well to make an end of that contention, as of diuerse o­ther: but yet he left it vndecided.

William king of Scotland came personallie vn­to this parlement at Northhampton, Rog. Houed. The king of Scots com­meth to the parlement. by commande­ment of king Henrie, and brought with him Richard bishop of S. Andrew, and Iosseline bishop of Glas­cow, with other bishops and abbats of Scotland, the which being commanded by king Henrie to shew such subiection to the church of England as they were bound to doo by the faith which they owght to him, and by the oth of fealtie which they had made to him, they made this answer, that they had neuer shewed any subiection to the church of England, nor ought. Against which deniall, the archbishop of Yorke replied, and brought foorth sufficient priuileges gran­ted by the forenamed popes, to prooue the subiection of the Scotish bishops, and namelie Glascow and Whiterne vnto the see of Yorke. But bicause the archbishop of Canturburie meant to bring the Sco­tish bishops vnder subiection to his see, he wrought so for that time with the king, that he suffered them to depart home, without yéelding any subiection to the church of England. The letters which the foresaid popes did send touching this matter, were remain­ing safe and sound amongst other writings in the colledge at Yorke, when Polydor Virgil wrote the histories of England, the copies whereof in an old ancient booke he confesseth to haue séene and read.

But to speake further of things ordered and doone at this parlement holden at Northampton, R. Houed. Diuision of circuits for iustices iti­nerants. the king by common consent of his Nobles and other states, diuided his realme into six parts, appointing thrée iustices itinerants in euerie of them, as here follow­eth, Hugh de Cressie, Walter Fitz Robert, and Ro­bert Mantell, were deputed vnto Northfolke, Suf­folke, Cambridgeshire, Huntingtonshire, Bedford­shire, Buckinghamshire, Essex and Hertfordshire: Hugh de Gundeuille, William Fitz Rafe, and William Basset were appointed to Lincolnshire, Notinghamshire, Derbishire, Staffordshire, War­wikeshire, Northamptonshire, and Leicestershire: Robert Fitz Bernard, Richard Gifford, Roger Fitz Remfrey, were assigned to Kent, Surrey, Hamp­shire, Sussex, Berkshire and Oxfordshire: William Fitz Stephan, Berthram de Uerdon, Thurstan Fitz Simon were ordeined to Herefordshire, Glocester­shire, Worcestershire, and Salopshire: Rafe Fitz [Page 98] Stephan, William Ruffe, and Gilbert Pipard were put in charge with Wilshire, Dorsetshire, Summer­setshire, Deuonshire & Cornwall: Robert de Wals, Ranulf de Glanuile, and Robert Pikenet were ap­pointed to Yorkeshire, Richmondshire, Lancashire, Copeland, Westmerland, Northumberland, and Cumberland.

The oth of the iustices.The king caused these iustices to sweare vpon the holie euangelists, that they should kéepe his assi­ses which he first had ordeined at Clarendon, and af­ter had renewed here at Northampton, & also caused line 10 all his subiects within the relme of England to kéepe and obserue the same.

Ger. Dor.Moreouer at this councell, king Henrie restored vnto Robert earle of Leicester all his lands, both on this side the sea, and beyond, in maner as he held the same fiftéene daies before the warre. To William de Albenie earle of Arundell, he gaue the earledome of Sussex. About midlent, the king with his sonne and the legat came to London, where at Westmin­ster a conuocation of the cleargie was called, but line 20 when the legat was set, and the archbishop of Can­turburie on his right hand as primat of the realme, the archbishop of Yorke comming in, The presum­ptuous de­meanor of y e archbishop of Yorke. and disdaining to sit on the left, where he might séeme to giue prehe­minence vnto the archbishop of Canturburie (vn­manerlie inough indeed) swasht him downe, mean­ing to thrust himselfe in betwixt the legat, and the archbishop of Canturburie. And where belike the said archbishop of Canturburie was loth to remooue, he set his buttocks iust in his lap, but he scarslie touched line 30 the archbishops skirt with his bum, when the bishops and other chapleins with their seruants stept to him, pulled him away, and threw him to the ground, and beginning to lay on him with bats and fists, the arch­bishop of Canturburie yeelding good for euill, sought to saue him from their hands. Thus was verified in him that sage sentence, ‘ Pub. Mim.Nunquam periculum sine periculo vincitur.’The archbishop of Yorke with his rent rochet got vp, line 40 and awaie he went▪ to the king with a great com­plaint against the archbishop of Canturburie: but when vpon examination of the matter the truth was knowne, he was well laught at for his labour, and that was all the remedie he got. As he departed so be­buffeted foorth of the conuocation house towards the king, they cried out vpon him; ‘Go traitor that did­dest betray that holy man Thomas, go get thee hence, thy hands yet stinke of bloud.’ The assemblie was by this meanes dispersed, and the legat fled and got him out of the waie, as he might with shame enough, line 50 which is the common panion and waiting-woman of pride, as one verie well said, ‘ Pub. Mim.Citò ignominia fit superbi gloria.’

Appeales made.After this, followed appealings, the archbishop of Yorke appealed to Rome, and the legat also for his owne safegard appealed the archbishop of Canturbu­rie vnto Rome, which archbishop submitting him­selfe and his cause vnder the popes protection, made a like solemne appeale from the legat to the pope. The line 60 legat perceiuing that the matter went otherwise than he wished, and séeing little remedie to be had at that present, gaue ouer his legatship as it had béene of his owne accord, though greatlie against his will, and prepared himselfe to depart. Neuerthelesse, through mediation of fréends that tooke paines be­twixt them, they gaue ouer their appeales on either side, and dissembled the displeasures which they had conceiued either against other, but yet the conuoca­tion was dissolued for that time, The conuo­cation dissol­ued. and the two archbi­shops presented their complaints to the king, who kept his Easter this yeare at Winchester, and about the same time or shortlie after, licenced his sonne Henrie to saile ouer into Normandie, meaning shortlie after to go vnto Compostella in Spaine, to visit the bodie of saint Iames the apostle, but beeing otherwise aduised by his fathers letters, he disconti­nued his purpose and staied at home.

The same yeare, the ladie Iohan the kings daugh­ter was giuen in marriage vnto William king of Sicill. Also the same yeare died the lord cheefe iustice of Ireland, Robert earle of Striguill otherwise Chepstow, N. Triuet. then was William Fitzaldelme ordeined lord cheefe iustice in his place, who seized into the kings hands all those fortresses which the said earle of Striguill held within the realme of Ireland. R. Houed. N. Triuet. The Irishmen also paied to the king a tribute of twelue pence yearelie for euerie house, A tribut grā ­ted by the I­rish. or else for euerie yoke of oxen which they had of their owne. William earle of Arundell died also this yeare at Wauerley, and was buried at Wimondham.

This yeare, R. Houed. when it might haue beene thought that all things were forgotten touching the rebellious at­tempts made against king Henrie the father by his sons, and other (as before ye haue heard) he caused the wals both of the towne and castell of Leicester to be raced, The wals of the towne and castell of Lei­cester raced. and all such castels and places of strength as had béene kept against him during the time of that rebellion, to be likewise ouerthrowne and made plaine with the ground, as the castels of Hunting­ton, Waleton, Growby, Hey, Stutesbirrie or Ster­desbirrie, Malasert, the new castell of Allerton, the castels of Fremingham and Bungey, with diuers o­ther both in England and Normandie. But the ca­stels of Pascie, and Mountsorell he reteined in his owne hands as his of right, being so found by a iurie of fréeholders impanelled there in the countrie; fur­ther, he seized into his hands all the other castels of bishops, earles and barons, Elianor the kings daugh­ter married to the king of Castile. both in England and Normandie, appointing keepers in them at his plea­sure. This yeare also he married his daughter E­lianor vnto Alfonse king of Castile.

Moreouer, Gilbert the sonne of Fergus lord of Galloway, Gilbert Fitz Fergus. who had slaine his brother Uthred coosen to king Henrie, came this yeare into England, vn­der conduct of William king of Scotland, and be­came king Henrie the fathers man, swearing fealtie to him against all men: and to haue his loue and fa­uour gaue him a thousand marks of siluer, and de­liuered into his hands his son Duncane as a pledge. It is to be remembred also, that in this yeare, Richard earle of Poictow. Ri­chard earle of Poictow sonne to king Henrie, fought with certeine Brabanders his enimies betwixt S. Megrine and Buteuille, where he ouercame them.

¶ Here I haue thought good to aduertise the rea­der, that these men of war, whom we haue general­lie in this part of our booke named Brabanders, we find them written in old copies diuerslie, as Breba­zones, Brebanceni, and Brebationes, the which for so much as I haue found them by the learned transla­ted Brabanders, and that the French word some­what yeeldeth thereto, I haue likewise so named them: wherein whether I haue erred or not, I must submit mine opinion to the learned & skilfull search­ers of such points of antiquities. For to confesse in plaine truth mine ignorance, or rather vnresolued doubt herein, I can not satisfie my selfe with any thing that I haue read, whereby to assure my con­iecture what to make of them, although verelie it may be, and the likelihood is great, that the Braban­ders in those daies for their trained skill and vsuall practise in warlike feats, wan themselues a name, whereby not onelie those that were naturallie borne in Brabant, but such also as serued amongst them, or else vsed the same warlike furniture, order, trade and discipline, which was in vse among them, passed in that age vnder the name of Brabanders. Or else I must thinke, that by reason of some od kind of ha­bit [Page 99] or other speciall cause, a certeine sort of souldi­ers purchased to themselues the priuilege of that name, so to be called Brabanceni or Brebationes (whe­ther ye will) as hath chanced to the Lansquenetz and Reisters in our time, and likewise to the compa­nions Arminaes and Escorchers in the daies of our forefathers, and as in all ages likewise it hath fortu­ned amongst men of warre. Which if it so chanced to these Brabanceni, I know not then what countrie­men to make them: for as I remember, Marchades line 10 that was a chiefe leader of such souldiers as were knowne by that name (as after ye shall heare) is re­ported by some authors to be a Prouancois.

It should séeme also that they were called by other names, as the Routs (in Latine Ruptarij) which name whether it came of a French word, as ye would say some vnrulie and headstrong companie, or of the Dutch word Rutters, that signifieth a rider, I can­not say. But it may suffice for the course of the histo­rie to vnderstand that they were a kind of hired soul­diers, in those daies highlie estéemed, and no lesse fea­red, line 20 in so much that against them and others there was an article conteined among the decrées of the Laterane councell holden at Rome, in the yeare 1179, Wil. Paruus, lib. 3. cap. 3. whereby all those were to be denounced ac­cursed, which did hire, mainteine or any way nourish those Brebationes, Aragonois, Nauarrois, Basques and Coterelles, which did so much hurt in the christi­an world in those daies.

But to returne where we left to earle Richard, beside the aboue mentioned victorie against those line 30 Brabanders, if we shall so take them; he also van­quished Hamerike vicount of Limoges, and Willi­am earle of Angolesme, with the vicounts of Uen­tadore and Cambanais, who attempted rebellion a­gainst him, whome earle Richard subdued, and tooke prisoners, with diuerse castels and strong holds which they had fortified.

The depar­ture of the legat foorth of the Realme.About the feast of Peter and Paule, the legat de­parted out of the realme, of whom we find that as he granted to the king some liberties against the priui­leges line 40 which the cleargie pretended to haue a right vnto: Liberties ob­teined for churchmen. so he obteined of the king certeine grants in fauour of them and their order, as thus.

1 First, that for no offense, crime or transgression any spirituall person should be brought before a tem­porall iudge personallie, except for hunting, or for some laie fee, or that for which some temporall seruice was due to be yéelded, either to the king, or some o­ther that was cheefe lord thereof. line 50

2 Secondlie, that no archbishops see, nor bishops sée, nor any abbaie should be kept in the kings hands more than one yeare, except vpon some euident cause or necessitie constreining.

3 Thirdlie, that such as slue any spirituall per­son, and were of such offense conuicted, either by eui­dence or confession before the iustice of the realme in presence of the bishop, should be punished as the temporall law in such cases required.

4 Fourthlie, that spirituall men should not be compelled to fight in lists for the triall of any matter line 60 or cause whatsoeuer.

It should appeare by Nicholas Triuet, that the archbishop of Canturburie procured the bishops of Winchester, N. Triuet. Elie, and Norwich, thrée prelats high­lie at that present in the kings fauour, to further these grants; namelie, that such as slue any préest or spirituall person might haue the law for it: where be­fore, there was no punishment for a season vsed a­gainst such offendors but onelie excommunication. But now to leaue préests, we will passe to other matters.

In this meane time, king Henrie the sonne re­maining in Normandie, began to deuise new practi­ses how to remooue his father from the gouernment and to take it to himselfe: The yoong K. beginneth new p [...]actises against his father. but one of his seruants named Adam de Cherehedune being of his secret counsell, aduertised king Henrie the father thereof, for the which his maister king Henrie the sonne ‘(Cereus in vitium flecti, monitoribus asper)’ put him to great shame and rebuke, causing him to be stripped naked, and whipped round about the streets of the citie of Poictiers, where he then was vpon his returne from his brother earle Richard, with whome he had beene to aid him against his enimies. King Henrie the father perceiuing the naughtie mind of his sonne, R. Houed, and that he ceassed not from his wilfull maliciousnesse, thought to dissemble all things, sith he saw no hope of amendment in him: but yet to be prouided against his wicked attempts, he furnished all his fortresses both in England & in Normandie with strong garisons of men, and all necessarie munition.

About this time, the sea rose on such a heigth, that manie men were drowned thereby. Also a great snow fell this yeare, which by reason of the hard frost that chanced therewith, continued long without wa­sting away, so that fishes both in the sea and fresh water died through sharpenesse and vehemencie of that frost, neither could husbandmen till the ground. A sore eclipse of the sunne chanced also the sixt ides of Ianuarie. The monasterie of Westwood or Les­nos was begun to be founded by Richard de Lucie Lord chéefe iustice. The same yeare also at Wood­stocke the king made his sonne the lord Geffrey knight.

In the yeare 1177. king Henrie held his Christ­mas at Northampton, Rog. Houed. with his two sonnes Geffrey and Iohn, year 1177 his other two sonnes the yoong king Hen­rie, and Richard earle of Poictou, were in the parts beyond the seas, as the king in Normandie, and the earle in Gascoigne, where he besieged the citie of Aques, The citie of Aques or Aigues. which the vicount of Aques and the earle of Bigorre had fortified against him, but he wan it within ten daies after his comming thither. Within the like terme also he wan the citie of Baion, which Arnold Berthram had fortified against him, and cōming to the vttermost frontiers of that countrie adioining to Spaine, he tooke a castell called saint Piero which he destroied, and constreined the Bas­ques and Nauarrois to receiue an oth, that from thencefoorth they should suffer passengers quietlie to come and go through their countrie, and that they should liue in quiet and keepe peace one with an o­ther, and so he reformed the state of that countrie, and caused them to renounce manie euill customes which they before that time had vnlawfullie vsed.

Moreouer, king Henrie, to auoid further slander, Anno Reg. 23. Polydor. Geffrey the kings base sonne made bishop of Lincolne. placed for bishop in the see of Lincolne a bastard son which he had named Geffrey, after h [...] had kept that bishoprike in his hands so long till he had almost cleerelie destroied it. And his sonne that was now made bishop to helpe the matter for his part, made hauocke in wasting and spending in riotous man­ner the goods of that church, and in the end forsooke his miter, and left the sée againe in the kings hands to make his best of it.

Furthermore, the king in times past made a vow to build a new monasterie in satisfaction of his of­fenses committed against Thomas the archbishop of Canturburie: wherefore he required of the bishops and other spirituall fathers, to haue some place by them assigned, where he might begin that foundati­on. But whilest they should haue taken aduise here­in, he secretlie practised with the cardinals, and with diuerse other bishops, that he might remoue the se­cular canons out of the colledge at Waltham, and place therein regular canons, so to saue monie in his [Page 100] cof [...]rs, planting in another mans vineyard. How­beit, bicause it should not be thought he did this of such a couetous meaning, he promised to giue great possessions to that house, Préests dis­placed, & ca­ [...]ns regular put in their r [...]omes. which he after but slender­lie performed, though vpon licence obteined at the bishops hands, he displaced the preests, and brought in to their roomes the canons as it were by waie of exchange.

R. Houed. Nunnes of Amesburie.The same yeare also he thrust the nunnes of A­mesburie out of their house, bicause of their inconti­nent line 10 liuing, in abusing their bodies greatlie to their reproch, and bestowed them in other monasteries to be kept in more streightlie. And their house was committed vnto the abbesse and couent of Founte­uered, who sent ouer certeine of their number to fur­nish the house of Amesburie, wherein they were pla­ced by the archbishop of Canturburie, in the presence of the king and a great number of others.

Philip earle of Flanders by sending ouer ambas­sadours to king Henrie, Philip earle of Flanders. promised that he would not line 20 bestow his two néeces, daughters to his brother Matthew earle of Bullongne, without consent of the same king: but shortlie after he forgot his pro­mise, & married the elder of them to the duke of Za­ringes, & the yoonger to Henrie duke of Louaine.

Iohn de Curcie lord cheefe iustice of Ireland dis­comfiting a power of Irishmen, wan the citie of Dun in Ulnestre, Iohn de Curcie. where the bodies of S. Patrike and S. Colme confessors, and S. Brigit the virgin are buried, for the taking of which citie, Roderike king of Ulnestre being sore offended, raised a migh­tie line 30 host, Roderike K. of Ulnestre vanquished. and comming into the field, fought with the lord cheefe iustice, and in the end receiued & tooke the ouerthrow at his hands, although the lord cheefe iu­stice at that encounter lost no small number of his men. Amongst prisoners that were taken, the bishop of Dun was one, whom yet the lord cheefe iustice re­leased and set at libertie, in respect of a request and suit made to him by a cardinall the popes legat that was there in Ireland at that time. line 40

Uiuiano a cardinall.This cardinals name was Uiuiano, intituled the cardinall of S. Stephan in Mount Celio; he was sent from the pope the yeare before, and comming in­to England, though without licence, was pardoned vpon knowledging his fault for his entring without the kings leaue first obteined, and so permitted to go into Scotland, whither (as also into other the north­west regions) he was sent as legat, authorised from the pope. Now when he had ended his businesse in Scotland, he passed ouer into Man, and there held line 50 his Christmasse with Euthred king of Man, and af­ter the feast of the Epiphanie, sailed from thence in­to Ireland, and chanced (the same time that the Eng­lishmen inuaded that countrie) to be in the citie of Dun, [...] Paruus. where he was receiued of the king & bishops of that land with great reuerence.

The inuasion then of the Englishmen being signi­fied to them of the countrie aforehand, they asked counsell of the legat what he thought best to be doone in that matter; who streightwaies told them, that line 60 they ought to fight in defense of their countrie, and at their setting forward, he gaue them his benedicti­on in waie of their good speed. But they comming (as ye haue heard) to encounter with the Englishmen, were put to flight, and beaten backe into the citie, which was herewith also woone by the Englishmen, so that the Romane legat was glad to get him into the church for his more safegard, and like a wise fel­low had prouided afore hand for such haps if they chanced, hauing there with him the king of Eng­lands letters directed to the capteins in Ireland in the legats fauour, The legat holdeth a councell at Dublin. so that by the assistance and autho­ritie of the same, he went to Dublin, and there (in the name of the pope and the king of England) held a councell.

But when he began to practise, after the manner of legats in those daies, somewhat largelie for his owne aduantage, in the churches of that simple rude countrie, the English capteins commanded him ei­ther to depart, or else to go foorth to the wars with them: whervpon he returned into Scotland, hauing his bags well stuffed with Irish gold, for the which it seemed he greatlie thirsted.

¶ Where we haue to note the drift of the pope and all popelings to be far otherwise than they pretend. For who (vnlesse he will be wilfullie ignorant) know­eth not, that he and his neuer attempt any thing, but the same beareth the hew and colour of holinesse and honestie? Hereto tend the sendings out of his legats and cardinals to make pacifications, to redresse dis­orders, to appease tumults, & I wot not what infinit enormities (for he must haue his ore in euerie mans bote, his spoone in euerie mans dish, and his fingers in euerie mans pursse) but the end and scope of all his dooings consisteth in this; namelie, to set himselfe aboue all souereigntie, to purchase and assure to him­selfe an absolute and supereminent iurisdiction, to rob christian kingdomes, to impouerish churches, chapels, and religious places. Our chronicles are full of these his pranks, and here we haue one practi­sed by a lim of his, who (as you sée) verie impudentlie and licentiouslie preied vpon the church-goods, and conuerted the same to his owne profit and commodi­tie: which he had if not trembled, yet blushed to doo, considering that the goods of the church are the trea­surie of Christ (or at leastwise ought to be) and that none ought to alienate or change the propertie of such goods, as the canon law hath prouided. Besides, the wretch ought to haue remembred that which euen the verie pagans did not forget; namelie,

Haud vllas portabis opes Acherontis ad vnd [...]s,
P [...]p. lib. 3 ▪
Nudus ad infernas stulte vehere rates.

But now to the dooings of Iohn de Curcie, and of those Englishmen that were with him, who did not onelie defend such places as they had woone out of the Irishmens hands against those kings and their powers, but also inlarged dailie more and more their frontiers, and wan the towne of Armach (wherein is the metropolitane see of all that land) with the whole prouince thereto belonging.

About the same time came ambassadours vnto king Henrie from Alfonse king of Castile and Gar­sias king of Nauarre, to aduertise him, Matth. Paris. Polydor. that in a controuersie risen betwi [...]t the said two kings tou­ching the possession of certeine grounds néere vnto the confines of their realms, they had chosen him for iudge by compromise, promising vpon their oths to stand vnto & abide his order and decrée therein. Ther­fore they required him to end the matter by his au­thoritie, sith they had wholie put it to his iudgement. R. Houed. Furthermore, either king had sent a most able and valiant knight furnished with horsse and armour readie in their princes cause to fight the combat, if king Henrie should happilie commit the triall of their quarrell vnto the iudgement of battell. King Henrie gladlie accepted their request, Polydor. so that thervp­on calling his councellors togither, he consulted with them of the thing, and hearing euerie mans opini­on, at length he gaue iudgement so with the one, that the other was contented to be agreeable therevnto.

Within a while after, Philip earle of Flanders came ouer into England to doo his deuotions at the toome of Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, of whome the most part of men then had conceiued an opinion of such holinesse, that they reputed him for a saint. The king met him there, and verie fréendlie enterteined him, and bicause he was appointed short­lie after to go ouer into the holie land to war against [Page 101] Gods enimies, the king gaue him fiue hundred marks in reward, and licenced William Mandeuile earle of Essex to go in that iourneie with other lords, knights and men of warre of sundrie nations that were of his dominions.

The king then returning vnto London, tooke order for the establishing of things touching the suertie of the realme, R. Houed. and his owne estate. And first he appoin­ted the custodie of such castels as were of most im­portance by their situation, vnto the keeping of cer­teine worthie capteins. To sir William de Stute­uille line 10 he assigned the custodie of Rockesburgh castell, to sir Roger de Stuteuille the castell of Edenburgh, to sir William Neuille the castell of Norham, to sir Geffrie Neuille the castell of Berwike, and to the archbishop of Yorke he deliuered the castell of Scar­borough, and sir Roger Coniers he made capteine of the tower of Durham, which he had taken from the bishop, Durham tower. bicause he had shewed himselfe an vnsted­fast man in the time of the ciuill warre, and therfore to haue the kings fauour againe, he gaue to him two line 20 thousand marks, with condition that his castels might stand, and that his sonne Henrie de Putsey aliàs Pudsey, Henrie de Pudsey. A parlement at Oxford. might enioy one of the kings manor places called Wighton.

After this, the king went to Oxenford, and there held a parlement, at the which he created his sonne Iohn king of Ireland, hauing a grant and confirma­tion thereto from pope Alexander. About the same time it rained bloud in the Ile of Wight, Iohn the kings sonne created king of Ireland. Polydor. It rained bloud. by the space of two daies togither, so that linen clothes that hoong line 30 on the hedges were coloured therewith: which vn­vsed woonder caused the people, as the manner is, to suspect some euill of the said Iohns gouerne­ment.

Moreouer, to this parlement holden at Oxenford, all the chéefe rulers and gouernours of Southwales and Northwales repaired, and became the king of Englands liege men, R. Houed. swearing fealtie to him a­gainst all men. Héerevpon he gaue vnto Rice ap Griffin prince of Southwales the land of Merio­nith, line 40 and to Dauid ap Owen he gaue the lands of Ellesmare. Also at the same time he gaue and confir­med vnto Hugh Lacie (as before is said) the land of Meth in Ireland with the appurtenances, for the ser­uice of an hundred knights or men of armes, to hold of him and of his sonne Iohn by a charter which he made thereof. Also he diuided there the lands and possessions of Ireland with the seruices to his sub­iects, as well of England as Ireland, appointing some to hold by seruice to find fortie knights or men line 50 of armes, and some thirtie, and so foorth.

Unto two Irish lords he granted the kingdome of Corke for the seruice of fortie knights, and to other three lords he gaue the kingdome of Limerike for the seruice of the like number of knights to be held of him & his sonne Iohn, reseruing to himselfe & to his heires the citie of Limerike with one cantred. To William Fitz Adelme his sewer, William Fitz Adelme. Robert de Poer. Hugh Lacie. he gaue the citie of Wesseford with the appurtenances and seruices: and to Robert de Poer his marshall, he gaue the ci­tie line 60 of Waterford; and to Hugh Lacie, he committed the safe keeping of the citie of Diueline. And these persons, to whome such gifts and assignations were made, receiued othes of fealtie to beare their allegi­ance vnto him and to his sonne for those lands and possessions in Ireland, in maner and forme as was requisite.

The cardinall Uiuian hauing dispatched his bu­sinesse in Ireland, came backe into England, and by the kings safe conduct returned againe into Scot­land, where in a councell holden at Edenburgh, he suspended the bishop of Whiterne, bicause he did re­fuse to come to that councell: but the bishop made no account of that suspension, hauing a defense good inough by the bishop of Yorke, whose suffragane he was.

After the king had dissolued and broken vp his parlement at Oxenford, he came to Marleborrough, and there granted vnto Philip de Breause all the kingdome of Limerike for the seruice of fortie knights: Philip de Breause. for Hubert and William the brethren of Reignold earle of Cornewall, and Iohn de la Pu­meray their nephue, refused the gift thereof, bicause it was not as yet conquered. For the king thereof, surnamed Monoculus, that is, with one eie, who had held that kingdome of the king of England, being latelie slaine, one of his kinsemen got possession of that kingdome, and held it without acknowledging any subiection to king Henrie, nor would obeie his officers, bicause of the losses and damages which they did practise against the Irish people, without occasi­on (as they alleadged) by reason whereof the king of Corke also rebelled against the king of England and his people, and so that realme was full of trouble.

The same season, Matth. Paris. Polychr. quéene Margaret the wife of king Henrie the sonne was deliuered of a man child which liued not past thrée daies. Iewes in England. In that time there was also through all England a great multitude of Iewes, and bicause they had no place appointed them where to burie those that died, but onelie at London, they were constreined to bring all their dead corpses thither from all parts of the realme. To ease them therfore of that inconuenience, they obteined of king Henrie a grant, to haue a place assigned them in e­uerie quarter where they dwelled, to burie their dead bodies. The same yeare was the bodie of S. Amphi­bulus the martyr, who was instructor to saint Albone found, not farre from the towne of S. Albones, and there in the monasterie of that towne buried with great and solemne ceremonies.

In the meane time, king Henrie passed ouer into Normandie, hearing that the old grudge betwixt him & king Lewes began to be renewed vpon this occasion, that whereas king Henrie had receiued the French kings daughter Alice, promised in mariage vnto his sonne Richard, to remaine in England with him, till she were able to companie with hir husband, king Henrie being of a dissolute life, and giuen much to the pleasure of the bodie (a vice which was graffed in the bone and therefore like to sticke fast in the flesh, for as it is said, ‘Quod noua testa capit inueterata sapit)’ at leastwise (as the French king suspected) began to fantasie the yoong ladie, and by such wanton talke and companie-kéeping as he vsed with hir, he was thought to haue brought hir to consent to his fleshlie lust, which was the cause wherefore he would not suf­fer his sonne to marrie hir, being not of ripe yeares nor viripotent or mariable. Wherefore the French king imagining (vpon consideration of the other kings former loose life) what an inconuenience & in­famie might redound to him and his, R. Houed. bethought him­selfe that ‘Turpe senex miles turpe senilis amor,’ and therefore déemed iustlie that such a vile reproch wrought against him in his bloud, was in no wise to be suffered, but rather preuented, resisted & withstood. Herevpon he complained to the pope, who for re­dresse thereof, sent one Peter a preest, & cardinall in­tituled of saint Grisogone as legat from him into France, with commission to put Normandie and all the lands that belonged to king Henrie vnder in­derdiction, if he would not suffer the mariage to be solemnized without delaie betwixt his sonne Richard and Alice the French kings daughter. The king ad­uertised hereof, came to a communication with the French king at Yurie, vpon the 21. of September, The kings meet at Yur [...]e. [Page 102] and there offered to cause the mariage to be solemni­zed out of hand, if the French king would giue in marriage with his daughter the citie of Burges, with all the appurtenances as it was accorded, and also vnto his sonne king Henrie the countrie of Ue­ulgesine, that is to say, all the land betwixt Gisors and Pussie, as he had likewise couenanted.

But bicause the French king refused so to doo, king Henrie would not suffer his sonne Richard to marrie his daughter Alice: howbeit at this enter­vew line 10 of the two princes, by the helpe of the cardinall, and other Noble men of both sides, they agreed to be freends, and that if they could not take order betwixt them, to end all matters touching the controuer­sies depending betwixt them for the lands in Anuer­gne and Berrie, and for the fée of Chateau Raoul; then should the matter be put to twelue persons, six on the one side, and six on the other, authorising them to compound and finish that controuersie and all o­ther which might rise betwixt them. For the French line 20 king these were named, the bishops of Claremount, Neuers, and Trois; and three barons, erle Theobald, Robert, and Peter de Courtneie, the kings brethe­ren. For the king of England were named the bi­shops of Mauns, Peregort, and Naunts; with three barons also, Maurice de Croume, William Maigot and Peter de Mountrabell.

At the same time also, both these kings promised and vndertooke to ioine their powers togither, and to go into the holie land to aid Guido king of Ierusa­lem, whome the Saracen Saladine king of Aegypt line 30 did sore oppresse with continuall and most cruell war. This doone, R. Houed. A law. the French king returned home, and king Henrie came to Uernueil, where he made this ordi­nance, that no man should trouble the vassall or ten­nant, as we may call them, for his lords debt.

After this, king Henrie went into Berrie, and tooke Chatean Roux or Raoul, and marching to­wards Castre, the lord of that towne came and met him on the waie, surrendring into his hands the line 40 daughter of Rafe de Dolis latelie before deceassed, whome the king gaue vnto Baldwine de Riuers, with the honour of Chateau Roux or Raoul. Then went he vnto Graundemont, where Audebert earle of March came vnto him, and sold to him the whole countrie of March for the summe of fifteene thou­sand pounds Anionin, The purchase of the erldome of March. twentie mules, and twentie palfreis. The charters of this grant and sale made and giuen vnder the seale of the said earle of March, bare date in the moneth of September Anno Chri­sti line 50 1177. Then did the king receiue the fealtie and homages of all the barons and knights of the coun­trie of March, Anno Reg. 24. after he had satisfied, contented, and paid the monie vnto the earle according to the co­uenants.

The king this yeare held his Christmas at Angi­ers, year 1178 and meaning shortlie after to returne into Eng­land, he sent to the French king for letters of pro­tection, which were granted, and sent to him in forme as followeth. line 60

The tenour of the French kings letters of protection.

LVdouicus rex Francorum, omnibus ad quos prae­sentes literae peruenerint salutem. Nouerit vni­uersitas vestra quòd nos recipimus in protectione & custodia nostra totam terram Henrici regis Angliae charissimi fratris nostri, in cismarinis partibus sitam, si contigerit eumin Angliam transfretare vel peregrè profici­sci. Ita planè, vt quādo balliui sui de terra transmarina nos re­quisierint, bona fide & sine malo ingenio eis consilium & aux­ilium praestabimus, ad eiusdem terrae defensionem & protectio­nem. Actum apud Nicenas. The English wherof is thus.

Lewes king of France, to all those to whom these present letters shall come greeting. Know all ye that we haue receiued into our protection & custodie all the lands of Henrie king of England our deare bro­ther, lieng and being in the parts of this side the sea, if it chance him to passe ouer into England, or to go any waie foorth from home, so that when the bailiues of his lands on this hither side the sea shall require vs, we shall helpe them and counsell them faithfullie and without male-engine for defense and protecti­on of the same lands. Giuen at Nicens.

Shortlie after, king Henrie returned into Eng­land from Normandie, and at Woodstocke made his sonne Geffrey knight. This yeare pope Alexander sent into all parts legats to summon the bishops and prelates to a generall councell to be holden at Rome in the beginning of the Lent in the yere next follow­ing. Whereabout two legats came into England, A generall councell sum­moned at Rome. the one named Albert de Suma, who had in commis­sion to summon them of England and Normandie: and the other called Petro de Santa Agatha, who was appointed to summon them of Scotland, Ire­land, and the Iles about the same: wherevpon obtei­ning licence to passe through the king of Englands dominions, he was constreined to sweare vpon the holie euangelists, that he should not attempt any thing in his legatship that might be hurtfull to the king or his realme, and that he should come and visit the king againe as he returned homewards.

This yeare on the sundaie before the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist, being the 18 of Iune, Ger. Dor. after the set­ting of the sunne, there appeared a maruellous sight in the aire vnto certeine persons that beheld the same. For whereas the new moone shone foorth verie faire with his hornes towards the east, A strange sight about the moone. streightwais the vpper horne was diuided into two, out of the mids of which diuision a burning brand sprang vp, casting from it a farre off coles and sparks, as it had beene of fire. The bodie of the moone in the meane time that was beneath, séemed to wrest and writh in resemblance like to an adder or snake that had béene beaten, and anon after it came to the old state a­gaine. This chanced aboue a dozzen ti [...]es, and at length from horne to horne it became blacke.

In September following, the moone being about 27. daies old, at six of the clocke, a partile eclipse of the sunne happened, A strange eclipse of the sunne. for the bodie thereof appeared as it were horned, shooting the horns towards the west as the moone dooth; being twentie daies old. The resi­due of the compasse of it was couered with a blacke roundell, which comming downe by little and little, threw about the horned brightnesse that remained, till both the hornes came to hang downe on either side to the earthwards; and as the blacke roundell went by little & little forwards, the hornes at length were turned towards the west, and so the blacknesse passing awaie, the sunne receiued his brightnesse a­gaine. In the meane time, the aire being full of clouds of diuerse colours, as red, yellow, greene, and pale, holpe the peoples sight with more ease to dis­cerne the maner of it.

The king this yeare held his Christmasse at Win­chester, Anno. Reg. [...]5. R. Houed. at which time newes came abroad of a great wonder that had chanced at a place called Oxenhale, year 1179 within the lordship of Derlington, A strange wonder of the earth. in which place a part of the earth lifted it selfe vp on high in appea­rance like to a mightie tower, and so it remained from nine of the clocke in the morning, till the euen tide, and then it fell downe with an horrible noise, so that as such as were thereabout, were put in great feare. That péece of earth with the fall was swallow­ed [Page 110] vp, leauing a great déepe pit in the place, as was to be seene many yeares after.

¶ Touching these celestiall apparitions, the com­mon doctrine of philosophie is, that they be méere na­turall, and therefore of no great admiration. For of eclipses, as well such as are proper to the sunne, as also those that are peculiar to the moone, the position is not so generallie deliuered, as it is constantlie be­léeued. For the philosophers giue this reason of e­clipses. line 10

M. Pal. in A­quar.
—radios Phoebi luna interiecta repellit,
Nec sinit in terras claram descendere lucem.
Quippe aliud non est quàm terrae atque aequoris vmbra,
Quae si fortè ferit nocturnae corpora lunae,
Eclipsin facit.

In somuch as obseruing them to be ordinarie ac­cidents, they are ouerpassed and nothing regarded. Howbeit Lucane maketh a great matter of eclip­ses, Luc. lib. 1. and of other strange sights precéeding the blou­die battels betweene Pompeie and Cesar; intima­ting thereby, that prodigious woonders, and other line 20 rare and vnaccustomed accidents are significations of some notable euent insuing, either to some great personage, to the common-wealth, or to the state of the church. And therefore it is a matter woorth the marking, to compare effects following with signes and woonders before going; since they haue a do­ctrine in them of no small importance. For not ma­nie yeares after, the kings glorie was darkened on earth, nay his pompe and roiall state tooke end; a pre­diction line 30 whereof might be imported by the extraordi­narie eclipse of the sunne, a beautifull creature, and the ornament of the skie.

Laurence archbishop of Dublin, and Catholicus the archbishop of Tuamon, with fiue or six other I­rish bishops, and diuerse both bishops and abbats of Scotland, passed through England towards the ge­nerall councell, and withall tooke their oth, that they shuld not procure any damage to the king or realme of England. There went but onelie foure bishops line 40 out of England, to wit, Hugh Putsey or Pudsey bi­shop of Durham, Iohn bishop of Norwich, Reig­nold bishop of Bath, and Robert bishop of Hereford, beside abbats: for the English bishops firmelie stood in it, that there ought but foure bish. onlie to go foorth of England to any generall councell called by the pope. Richard de Lucie lord chéefe iustice of England deceasseth. This yeare Richard de Lucie lord chéefe iu­stice of England gaue ouer his office, and became a canon in the abbeie of Westwood or Lesnos, which he had founded, and built vpon his owne ground, en­dowing line 50 it with great reuenewes, and in Iulie after he died there.

A parlement at Windsore.King Henrie the father called a parlement at Windsore, at the which was present king Henrie the sonne, and a great number of lords, earles and ba­rons. At this parlement, order was taken for parti­tion of the realme, so that it was diuided into foure parts, certeine sage personages being allotted vnto euerie part to gouerne the same, but not by the name of iustices, Ranulfe de Glanuille. albeit that Ranulfe de Glanuille was line 60 made ruler of Yorkeshire, & authorised iustice there, as he that best vnderstood in those daies the ancient lawes and customes of the realme. The same yeare, Geffrey earle of Britaine by his fathers comman­dement leuied an armie, Geffrey earle of Britaine son to king Henrie. Guidomer de Leons. and passing ouer into Bri­taine, wasted the lands of Guidomer de Leons, and constreined him to submit himselfe vnto him. The 18. day of August, the moone was eclipsed, which was séene of king Henrie and his companie as he rode all that night towards Douer there to méet the French king, The moone eclipsed. The French K. commeth a madding to visit the arch­bishop Bec­kets toome. who was comming towards Eng­land to visit the toome of archbishop Thomas Bec­ket, as he had before time vowed. He landed at Do­uer the 22. day of August. There came ouer with him Henrie duke of Louaine, Philip earle of Flanders, Baldwin earle of Guines, earle William de Man­deuille, and diuerse other earles, lords, barons and knights; whome king Henrie was readie to receiue at the water side, and the morow after brought them with great honor to Canturburie, where they were with due reuerence and vnspeakeable ioy re­ceiued of archbishop Richard, and diuerse other bi­shops there assembled togither with the couent of Christes-church, and an infinit multitude of Nobles and gentlemen. The French word is Muis. The French king offered vpon the toome of the said archbishop Thomas, a rich cup of gold; and gaue to the moonks there an hundred tuns of wine to be receiued yearelie of his gift for euer at Poissie in France. Further he granted to the same moonks, that whatsoeuer was bought in his domini­ons of France to their vse, should be free from toll, tallage, and paieng any maner of excise for the same. These grants he confirmed with his charter there­of, made & deliuered to them by the hands of Hugh Putsey, son to the bishop of Duresme that was his chancellor. King Lewes hauing performed his vow, Polydor. and receiued manie rich gifts of king Henrie, retur­ned home into France, and shortlie after causing his sonne to be crowned king, resigned the gouernment to him (as by some writers appeareth. Matth. Paris. Cadwallon prince of Wales.) About the same time, Cadwallon prince of Wales, being brought before the king to make his answer to di­uerse accusations exhibited against him, as he retur­ned toward his countrie vnder the kings safe con­duct, was laid for by his enimies, and slaine, to the kings great slander, though he were not giltie in the matter. After this, king Henrie the father held his Christmasse at Notingham, Anno Reg. 26. R. Houed. and William king of Scotland with him. 1180.

The same yeare fell discord betwixt the yoong king of France, and his mother and vncles, hir brethren, Discord be­twixt the French K. and his no­bles. earle Theobald and earle Stephan, who thinking themselues not well vsed, procured king Henrie the sonne to ioine with them in fréendship, and to go ouer into England to purchase his fathers assistance in their behalfe against their nephue. Who being come ouer to his father, informed him of the whole mater, and did so much by his earnest suit therin, that before the feast of Easter, his father went ouer with him in­to Normandie, and immediatlie vpon their arriuall in those parts, the old French queene, mother to the yoong king Philip, with their brethren the said earles, and manie other Noble men of France, came vnto him, and concluding a league with him, deliuered hostages into his hands, and receiued an oth to fol­low his counsell and aduice in all things.

Herevpon king Henrie assembled a great armie, in purpose after Easter to inuade the French kings dominions: but before any great exploit was made, he came to an enteruew with the new king of France, betwixt Gisors and Treodsunt, where part­lie by gentle words, R. Houed▪ and partlie by threatnings which king Henrie vsed for persuasion, the French king released all his indignation conceiued against his mother and vncles, and receiued them againe into his fauour, couenanting to allow his mother for e­uerie day towards hir expenses seuen pounds of Paris monie, during his father king Lewes his life time; and after his death, she should inioy all hir dower, except the cas [...]els which king Philip might re­teine still in his hands. Also at this assemblie, king Henrie the father in the presence of the French king, receiued homage of Philip earle of Flanders, The earle of Flanders doth homage to the king of England. and granted to him for the same a thousand markes of siluer, to be receiued yearelie out of the checker at London, so that in consideration thereof he should find fiue hundred knights or men of armes, to serue the king of England for the space of 40. daies, when [Page 104] soeuer he should haue warning giuen vnto him.

Moreouer, the two kings at this assemblie con­cluded a league togither, and whereas certeine lands were in controuersie betwixt them, as the fée of Cha­teau, Raoul, and other small fees, if they could not a­gree among themselues concerning the same, either of them was contented to commit the order thereof, and of all other controuersies betwixt them vnto six bishops, to be chosen indifferentlie betwixt them, the one to choose three, and the other thrée. line 10

Matth. Paris. Tailbourg woone.In this yeare, or (as the annales of Aquitaine say) in the yeare last passed, Richard earle of Poictou sub­dued the strong fortresse of Tailbourg, which was iudged before that time inexpugnable: but earle Ri­chard oppressed them that kept it so sore with streight siege, that first in a desperate mood they issued foorth, and assailed his people verie valiantlie, but yet ne­uerthelesse they were beaten backe, and forced to re­tire into their fortresse, which finallie they surren­dred into the hands of earle Richard, who caused the line 20 wals thereof to be raced. The like fortune chanced to diuers other castels and fortresses that stood in rebel­lion against him within a moneth space.

Tailbourg belonged vnto one Geffrey de Ran­cin, who of a proud and loftie stomach practising rebel­lion against duke Richard, tooke this enterprise in hand, Matth. Paris. and when he had atchiued the same to his owne contentation, he passed ouer into England, and was receiued with great triumph, pompe & magnificence.

W. Paruus. The forme of the kings coine chan­ged.About the same time, the forme of the kings coine line 30 was altered and changed, bicause manie naughtie and wicked persons had deuised waies to counter­feit the same, so that the alteration thereof was verie necessarie, but yet gréeuous and chargeable to the poore inhabitants of the realme.

Anno Reg. 27. R. Houed.King Henrie the father, whilest he was at Ma­uns after Christmasse made this ordinance, that eue­rie man being worth in goods to the value of an hun­dred pounds Aniouin, 1181. should keepe one horsse able for seruice in the wars, and complet armour for a line 40 knight or man of armes, as we may rather call them. Also that such as had goods woorth in value from 40. pounds to 25. of the same monie, should at the least haue in his house for his furniture an ha­bergeon, a cap of stéele, a speare, and a sword, or bowe and arrowes. Furthermore he ordeined, that no man might sell or laie to gage his armour and weapon, but should be bound to leaue it to his next heire. When the French king and the earle of Flanders were aduertised that king Henrie had made this or­dinance line 50 amongst his subiects, they gaue commande­ment that their people should be armed after the like manner.

This yeare after Candlemasse, Laurence archbi­shop of Dublin came ouer to the king into Norman­die, Matth. Paris. and brought with him the son of Roderike king of Conagh, to remaine with him as a pledge, for per­formance of couenants passed betwixt them, as the paiment of tribute and such like. The said archbishop died there in Normandie, wherevpon the king sent line 60 Geffrey de Haie one of his chapleins, and chapleine also to Alexius the popes legat into Ireland, to seize that archbishops sée into his hands. He also sent Iohn Lacie conestable of Chester, and Richard de Peake, to haue the citie of Dublin in kéeping, which Hugh Lacie had in charge before, and now was dis­charged, bicause the king tooke displeasure with him, for that without his licence he had maried a daugh­ter of the king of Conagh, according to the manner of that countrie.

This yeare also, Geffrey the kings bastard sonne, who was the elect of Lincolne, and had receiued the profits of that bishoprike by the space of seuen years, and had his election confirmed by the pope in the feast of the Epiphanie at Marlebridge, in presence of the king and bishops renounced that preferment, of his owne free will. R. Houed. Within a while after the pope sent a streit commandement vnto Richard archbi­shop of Canturburie, either to cause the same Gef­frey by the censure of the church to renounce his mi­ter, or else to take vpon him the order of préesthood. Wherefore vpon good aduice taken in the matter with his father and other of his especiall fréends, iud­ging himselfe insufficient for the one, he was con­tented to part with the other; and therevpon wrote letters vnto the said archbishop of Canturburie, in forme as followeth.

A letter of Geffrey the kings base sonne elect of Lincolne to Richard archbishop of Canturburie.

VEnerabili patri Richardo Dei gratia Cantuari­ensi archiepiscopo apostolicae sedis legato, Galfri­dus domini regis Angliae filius & cancellarius salutem & reuerentiam debitam ac deuotam. Placuit maiestati apostolicae vestrae iniungere sanctitati, v [...] me certo tempore vocaretis ad suscipendum ordinem sacerdotis, & pontificalis officij dignitatem. Ego verò considerans quam­plures episcopos maturiores ac prouectiores prudentia & aetate vix tantae administrationi sufficere, nec sine periculo anima­rum suarum sui officium pontificatus ad perfectum explere, ve­ritus sum onus importabile senioribus mihi imponere iuniori: faciens haec nō ex leuitate animi, sed ob reuerentiam sacramen­ti. Habito itaque tractatu super eo cum domino rege patre meo, dominis fratribus meísque rege & Pictauensi & Britannorum comitibus: episcopis etiam Henrico Baiocensi, Frogerio Sagien­si, Reginaldo Batoniensi, Sefrido Cicestrensi, qui praesentes ade­rant, aliter de vita & statu meo disposui, volens patris mei obsequijs militare ad tempus, & ab episcopalibus abstinere: omne itaque ius electionis inde & Lincolnensem episcopatum spontaneè, liberè, quietè, & integrè, in manu vestra pater sa [...] ­cte resigno, tam electionem quàm episcopatus absolutionem po­stulans à vobis, tanquam à metropolitano meo, & ad hoc ab a­postolica sede specialiter delegato. Bene vale.

The king for his maintenance, now after he had resigned his bishoprike, gaue him 500. markes of yearelie rent in England, and as much in Norman­die, and made him moreouer lord chancellor.

This yeare also after Easter, the kings of Eng­land and France came to an enteruew togither, at a place in the confines of their countries called by some writers Vadum Sancti Remigij, on a mondaie being the 17. of April, in which assemblie of those two princes, the knights templers and hospitallers pre­sented to them letters directed from pope Alexander vnto all christian princes, aduertising them of the danger wherein the holie land stood at that present, The danger of the holie land. if spéedie remedie were not the sooner prouided. Where­fore he exhorted them to addresse their helping hand towards the releefe thereof, granting vnto all such as would enterprise to go thither in person (to re­maine there vpon defense of the countrie against the infidels) great pardon, as to those that did conti­nue there the space of two yéeres, pardon of penance for all their sins, except theft, extortion, roberie, and vsurie; in which cases restitution was to be made, if the partie were able to doo it; if not, then he should be absolued as well for those things as for other. And those that remained one yeare in those parties were pardoned of halfe their whole penance due for all their sinnes. And to those that went to visit the holie sepulchre, he also granted great pardon, as remission of their sinnes, whether they came thither or perad­uenture died by the waie. He also granted his frée indulgence vnto those that went to warre against the common, the professed and open enimies of our [Page 105] religion in the holie land, as his predecessors the popes Urbanus and Eugenius had granted in time past: and he receiued likewise their wiues, their chil­dren, their goods and possessions vnder the protection of S. Peter and the church of Rome.

The two kings hauing heard the popes letters read, and taken good aduice thereof, promised by Gods fauour shortlie to prouide conuenient aid for reléefe of the holie land, and of the christians as yet remaining in the same. This was the end of their line 10 communication for that time, and so they departed, the French king into France, and the king of Eng­land into Normandie.

In the meane time, by the king of Englands ap­pointment, William king of Scotland went ouer into Normandie, and by the aduice and good admo­nition of king Henrie, he granted licence vnto two bishops of his realme of Scotland, to wit, Aberdene and saint Andrewes, to returne into Scotland, whom he had latelie before banished, and driuen out of his line 20 realme. Moreouer, as king Henrie laie at Harfléet readie to saile ouer into England, discord fell betwixt the king of France and the erle of Flanders, so that the king of England at desire of the French king returned backe, and came vnto Gisors, where the French king met him, and so did the earle of Fland­ers, betwixt whom vpon talke had in the matter de­pending in controuersie, he made a concord, and then comming downe to Chirburge, he and the king of Scots in his companie passed ouer into Eng­land, line 30 landing at Portesmouth the 26. of Iulie.

The king now being returned into England, or­deined a statute for armour and weapon to be had a­mongst his subiects heere in this realme, which was thus. An ordinance for armour. Euerie man that held a knights fée should be bound to haue a paire of curasses, an helmet, with shield and speare; and euerie knight or man of arms should haue as manie curasses, helmets, shields and speares as he held knights fées in demaine. Euerie man of the laitie hauing goods or reuenues to the line 40 value of sixteene marks, should haue one paire of cu­rasses, an helmet, a speare, and a shield. And euerie free man of the laitie hauing goods in value worth ten marks, should haue an habergeon, a steele cap, & a speare; and all burgesses, and the whole communal­tie of frée men should haue a wambais, a cap o [...] stéele, and a speare.

Further it was ordeined, that euerie man thus bound to haue armour, should be sworne to haue th [...] same before the feast of S. Hilarie, and to be true vn­to line 50 king Henrie Fitz empres, in defense of whome and of his realme they should kéepe with them such armour and weapon, according to his precept and commandement thereof had and made. And no man being furnished with such armour, should sell, pledge, lend, or otherwise alien the same, neither may his lord by any means take the same from him, either by waie of forfeiture, by distresse or pledge, nor by any other means: and when any man died, hauing such armour, he shall leaue it to his heire, and if his line 60 heire be not of lawfull age to weare it into the field, then he that hath the custodie of his bodie shall haue the armour, and find an able man to weare it for him, till he come to age.

If any burgesse of any good towne haue more ar­mour than he ought to haue by this statute, he shall sell it or giue it to some man that may weare it in the kings seruice. No Iew might haue armour by this statute: Iewes might haue no ar­mour. but those that had anie, were appointed to sell the same to such as were inhabitants within the realme, for no man might sell or transport anie armour ouer the sea, without the kings licence. For the better execution of which ordinance, it was ordei­ned, that inqu [...]sts should be taken by sufficient iu­rors, what they were that were able to haue armour by their abilitie in lands and goods. Also the K. would, that none should be sworne to haue armour, except he were a frée man of birth and bloud.

The same yeare, the king being at Waltham, as­signed an aid to the maintenance of the christian souldiers in the holie land, that is to wit, Matt. Paris. 42. thousand marks of siluer, and fiue hundred marks of gold. Hugh Bosun otherwise called Keuelocke the sonne of Ranulfe the second of that name earle of Chester, died this yeare, and was buried at Léeke. The dec [...]sse of Hugh earle of Chester. Ran. Higd. He left be­hind him issue by his wife the countesse Beatrice daughter of Richard Lacie lord iustice of England, a sonne named Ranulfe, who succéeded him, being the first erle of Chester, & third of that name after the conquest. Besides this Ranulfe he had foure daugh­ters by his said wife; to wit, Maud married to Da­uid earle of Angus, Huntington and Galloway; Ma­bell coupled with William Daubignie earle of A­rundell, Agnes married to William Ferrers earle of Derbie, and Hauise ioined with Robert Quincie earle of Lincolne.

The 21. of Nouember, Roger archbishop of Yorke died, The archbish. of Yorke de­ceasseth. who (when he perceiued himselfe in danger of death by force of that his last sicknesse) deliuered great summes of monie vnto certeine bishops and other graue personages to be distributed amongst poore people: but after his death, the king called for the monie, and seized it to his vse, alleadging a sen­tence giuen by the same archbishop in his life time, that no ecclesiasticall person might giue any thing by will, except he deuised the same whilest he was in perfect health: yet the bishop of Durham would not depart with foure hundred marks which he had recei­ued to distribute amongst the poore, alledging that he dealt the same awaie before the archbishops death, and therefore he that would haue it againe, must go gather it vp of them to whom he had distributed it, which he himselfe would in no wise doo. But the king tooke no small displeasure with this vndiscréet an­swer, insomuch that he seized the castell of Durham into his hands, and sought means to disquiet the said bishop by diuerse maner of waies.

The king held his Christmasse this yeare at Win­chester, and afterwards sailed ouer into Normandie, year 1182 bicause he heard that the king his sonne was gone to his brother in law king Philip, The k. passeth ouer into Normandie. and began to prac­tise eftsoones new trouble, which was true indéed: but yet at length he came backe, The K. & his sonne eftsoons reconciled. and was reconciled to his father, and tooke an oth, that from thenceforth he would neuer swarue from him, nor demand more for his maintenance but an hundred pounds Anio­nin by the daie, and ten pounds a day of the same mo­nie for his wife. His father granted this, and also co­uenanted, that within the tearme of one yeare he would giue him the seruices of an hundred knights. Neuerthelesse all this did little amend the matter, for though he set a new copie of countenance there­vpon, yet he reteined his old peruerse purpose in his discontented mind, hauing learned that ‘Qui nescit fingere nescit regere.’ After this, king Henrie the father as a mediator be­twixt the king of France, and the earle of Flanders touching controuersies betwixt them did so much in the matter, that he set them at one for that time.

About the same season, king Henrie the father sent William de Mandeuille earle of Albemarle, and other ambassadors vnto the emperour Frede­rike, Rog. Houed. to intreat for his sonne in law the duke of Sax­onie, The duke of Saxonie. that he might be againe restored into his fauor, which could not be obteined: for he was alreadie condemned to exile, but yet thus much to pleasure the king of England the emperour granted, that so ma­nie as went with him out of their countrie, might re­turne [Page 106] againe at their pleasure, and that his wife the dutches Maud the K. of Englands daughter, should inioy hir dowrie, and be at libertie, whether she would remaine vpon it, or follow hir husband into exile, therefore when the daie came that he must depart out of his countrie, he set forward with his wife and children, and a great number of the Nobles of his countrie, and finallie came into Normandie, where he was right ioifullie receiued of his father in law king Henrie. line 10

Shortlie after his comming thither, he gaue li­cence to the Noble men that were come thither with him, to returne home, and then he himselfe went into Spaine to visit the bodie of S. Iames the apostle. His wife being great with child, The duchesse of Saxonie deliuered of a sonne. Ranulfe Po­er slaine. remained with hir father in Normandie, and at Argenton she was de­liuered of a sonne. This yeare the Welshmen slue Ranulfe Poer shirife of Glocestershire. King Hen­rie held his Christmasse at Caen, with his thrée sons, Henrie the king, Anno Reg. 29. 1183. Richard earle of Poictow, and Gef­frey line 20 earle of Britaine. There was also Henrie duke of Saxonie, with his wife and their children, besides the archbishops of Canturburie and Du­blin, with other bishops earles and barons in great number.

Here would king Henrie the father, that his son the king should receiue homage of his brethren Ri­chard earle of Poictow, and Geffrey earle of Bri­taine. The earle of Britaine did not staie at the matter, but the earle of Poictow refused, alledging line 30 that it was not conuenient so long as their father li­ued, to acknowledge any superioritie to their bro­ther: Wil. Paruus. for as the fathers inheritance was due to the eldest sonne, so he claimed the lands which he held due to him in right of his mother. This deniall so much offended his brother the king, that afterwards when Richard would haue doone homage, he would not receiue it, whervpon Richard departed from the court in great displeasure, Polydor. & comming into Poictow, began to fortifie his castels & townes, that he might line 40 be in a readinesse to stand vpon his safegard, if his father or brethren should come to pursue him. King Henrie the sonne followed him, set on by the earles and barons of Poictow, which for the sharpe and cru­ell gouernement of earle Richard, hated him mortal­lie. Ger. Dor. Againe on the other side; the fauourable courte­sie, séemelie personage, and other noble qualities which they saw in the yoong king, moued them to take part with him against Richard, and shortlie af­ter their brother Geffrey came with a great armie in aid of his brother the king, Rog. Houed. war betwixt the brethren. in so much that earle line 50 Richard not knowing how to shift off the present danger, sent to his father for aid, who being verie so­rie in his mind to sée such vnnaturall dealing among his sonnes, gathered an armie and set forward.

He had a little before trauelled to set them at one, in somuch that where earle Richard held a ca­stell named Clareualx, which after the fathers de­ceasse ought to remaine vnto king Henrie the son, vpon his complaint thereof made, th [...] father did so line 60 much with the earle, that he surrendered it into his fathers hands. The father séeketh to ap­pease the qua­rell betwixt his sonnes. Immediatlie after all the three sonnes came to Angers, and there sware to be obedient vn­to their fathers will, and to serue him against all men: whervpon he appointed them a daie to meet at Mirabell, where the barons of Guien should also be, vnto whom king Henrie the sonne had sworne to aid them against earle Richard. Herewith was earle Geffrey sent vnto them to persuade them to peace and quietnesse, Earle Geffrey dealeth vn­faithfullie. and to come vnto Mirabell according to king Henrie the fathers appointment: but in stéed of persuading them to peace (contrarie to his oth so oftentimes receiued) he procured them to pur­sue the warre both against his father and his brother earle Richard: and no maruell, for ‘Malè sarta gratia nunquam benè coalescit.’

King Henrie the sonne remaining with his fa­ther, shewed outwardlie that he wished for peace, but his meaning was all contrarie, and so obteined licence of his father to go vnto Limoges, that he might labour to reduce both his brother Geffrey, and the barons of Guien vnto quietnesse. But such dis­sembling was put in practise by king Henrie, that when the father followed with an armie, and came vnto Limoges, in stéed of receiuing him with honor, as it had béene their duties to haue doone, they shot at him, and pearsed through his vppermost armor, so that both he and his sonne Richard were constrei­ned to depart. Howbeit afterwards he entered that citie, and comming foorth of it againe to talke with his sonnes, those within Limoges eftsoones rebelled, so that certeine of them within, shot the horsse where­on king Henrie the father rode into the head. And if it had so chanced, that the horsse in casting vp his head had not receiued the blow, the arrow had light in the kings brest, to the great danger & perill of his person. Neither did his sonnes the king and his bro­ther Geffrey go about to sée such an heinous attempt punished, but rather séemed to like well of it, and to mainteine those most malicious enimies of their so­uereigne lord and father, for they ioined with them a­gainst him, although king Henrie the sonne made countenance to be willing to reconcile his brother and the barons of Guien to his father by waie of some agréement: The disloiall dissembling of the yoong king. but his double dealing was too ma­nifest, although indeed he abused his fathers patience for a while, who was desirous of nothing more than to win his sonnes by some courteous meanes, and therfore diuerse times offered to pardon all offenses committed by his enimies, at the suit of his sonne the king, who in déed offered himselfe now and then as an intreatour, but that was onelie to win time that his brother with such Brabanders and other souldi­ers as he had with him in aid, beside the forces of the barons of Guien, might worke the more mischéefe a­gainst their father and their brother earle Richard, in wasting and destroieng their countries that stood stedfast on their side.

In the meane time Richard the archbishop of Canturburie, and diuerse other bishops and abbats both of England and Normandie assembled togither at Caen, and in the abbeie church of S. Stephan pro­nounced the sentence of excommunication against all those that did hinder and impeach their purpose, which was to haue peace and concord concluded be­twixt the king and his sonnes, the same sonnes onlie out of the said sentence excepted.

Diuerse shiftes were made by king Henrie the sonne, and his brother earle Geffrey also to get mo­nie for the paiment of their souldiers, as spoiling of shrines, and such like. But at length when things framed not to their purpose, and that the harme which they could doo against their father was much lesse than they wished, if power had béene answerable to their w [...]es, King Henrie the sonne fal­leth sicke. king Henrie the sonne through indigna­tion and displeasure (as some write) fell into a grée­uous sicknesse in a village called Mertell, no [...] farre from Limoges, where his father laie at siege.

At the first he was taken with an extreame fe­uer, and after followed a sore flixe. Now perceiuing himselfe in danger of death, and that the physicians had giuen him ouer, He sendeth to his father [...] he sent to his father (better late than neuer) confessing his trespasse committed a­gainst him, and required of all fatherlie loueth [...] & sée him once before he died▪ But for that the father thought not good to commit himselfe into the hands of such vngratious persons as were about his sonne, he sent his ring vnto him in token of his blessing, [Page 107] and as it were a pledge to signifie that he had forgi­uen him his vnnaturall doings against him. The son receiuing it with great humilitie, kissed it, and so en­ded his life in the presence of the archbishop of Bur­deaux and others, on the day of saint Barnabie the apostle. He died (as some write) verie penitent and sorowfull.

And whereas in his life time he had vowed to make a iourneie into the holie land against Gods enimies, His repen­tance before h [...]s death. and taken vpon him the crosse for that in­tent, he deliuered it vnto his familiar freend Willi­am line 10 Marshall to go thither with it in his stead. More­ouer when he perceiued present death at hand, he first confessed his sinnes secretlie, and after openly before sundrie bishops and men of religion, and receiued absolution in most humble wise. After this, he caused his fine clothes to be taken from him, and therewith a heare cloth to be put vpon him, A strange kind of super­stitious deuo­tion, if this report of our author be true and after tieng a cord about his necke, he said vnto the bishops and o­ther that stood by him; ‘I deliuer my selfe an vnwor­thie and greeuous sinner vnto you the ministers of line 20 God by this cord, beséeching our Lord Iesus Christ, which pardoned the théefe confessing his faults on the crosse, that through your praiers and for his great mercies sake it may please him to be mercifull vn­to my soule; wherevnto they all answered, Amen. Then he said vnto them, He is drawne out of his bed, a thing vnlike to be true. Draw me out of this bed with this cord, and laie me on that bed strawed with ashes (which he had of purpose prepared) and as he commanded so they did: and they laid at his feet and at his head two great square stones. Thus being pre­pared line 30 to die, he willed his bodie after his deceasse to be conueied into Normandie, and buried at Rouen.’ And so after he had receiued the sacrament of the bo­die and bloud of our Lord, His death. he departed this life as a­fore is said, about the 28. yeare of his age.

His bodie after his death was conueied towards Rouen, N. Triue [...]. there to be buried accordinglie as he had willed: but when those that had charge to conueie it thither were come vnto the citie of Mauns, the bi­shop there and the cleargie would not suffer them to line 40 go any further with it, but committed it to buriall in honourable wise within the church of saint Iulian. Whereof when the citizens of Rouen were aduerti­sed, they were sore offended with that dooing, and streightwaies sent vnto them of Mauns, requiring to haue the corps deliuered, threatening otherwise with manie earnest oths to fetch it from them by force. Wherefore king Henrie, to set order in this matter, commanded that the corps of his sonne the king should be deliuered vnto them of Rouen to be line 50 buried in their citie, as he himselfe had willed before his death. The bodie of the yong king lastlie buried at Rouen. And so it was taken vp and conueied to Rouen, where it was eftsoones buried in the church of our ladie.

¶Thus ended this yoong king in his floorishing youth, to whome through his owne iust deserts long life was iustlie denied, sith he delighted to begin his gouernement with vnlawfull attempts, as an other Absolon against his owne naturall father, seeking line 60 by wrongfull violence to pull the scepter out of his hand. He is not put in the number of kings, bicause he remained for the more part vnder the gouernance of his father, so that he rather bare the name of king as appointed to reigne, than that he may be said to haue reigned in deed. So that héere by the waie a no­table obseruation dooth occurre and offer it selfe to be noted of vs; namelie, that euen princes children, though borne to great excellencie, and in high deg [...]e [...] of dignitie, a [...]e to consider with themselues, that not­withstanding their statelie titles of souereigntie, they haue a dutie to discharge vnto their parents, which if it be neglected, and that in place thereof diso­bedience is substituted, God himselfe (when politike lawes prouide not to punish such offenses) will take the cause in hand, & will powre vengeance vpon such vngratious children. For he will be true of his word both in blessing and curssing, in blessing the dutifull child with long life and happie daies, and in curssing the obstinate and froward with short life and vnfor­tunate daies, according to the tenure of his law. If this man had liued in the old Romans time, when a­ged persons were so reuerenced and honoured (much more parents) he had beene cut off in the prime of his disobedience, and present death had beene inflicted vp­on him as a due and deserued reward; which Iuuenal noteth excellentlie well in these words,

Credebant hoc grande nefas, & morte piandum,
Si iuuenis vetulo non assurrexerat,
Iuuen. sa [...]. 13.
& si
Barbato cuicun (que) puer, licèt ipse videret
Plura domi farra, & maioris glandis aceruos,
Tam venerabile erat praecēdere quattuor annis,
Primá (que) par adeò sacrae lanugo senectae.

King Henrie (after his sonne the king was thus dead) inforced his power more earnestlie than be­fore to winne the citie and castell of Limoges which he had besieged, Limoges ren­dred to king Henrie. and at length had them both surren­dered into his hands, with all other castels and places of strength kept by his enimies in those parts, of the which some he furnished with garisons, and some he caused to be laied flat with the ground.

There rose about the same time occasion of strife and variance betwixt king Henrie and the French king, about the enioieng of the countrie lieng vpon Gisors, called Ueulquesine, on this side the riuer of Hept, which was giuen vnto king Henrie the sonne, Ueulquesine. in consideration of the marriage betwixt him and queene Margaret the French kings sister. For the French king now after the death of his brother in law king Henrie the sonne, required to haue the same restored vnto the crowne of France: but king Henrie was not willing to part with it. The kings of England and France talke togither. At length they met betwixt Trie and Gisors to talke of the matter, where they agréed that quéene Margaret the widow of the late deceased king Henrie the son, should receiue yearelie during hir life 1750 pounds of Aniouin monie at Paris, of king Henrie the fa­ther and his heires; in consideration whereof she should release and quit claime all hir right to those lands that were demanded, as Ueulquesine and o­thers. Shortlie after, Geffrey erle of Britaine came to his father, and submitting himselfe, was reconci­led to him, and also to his brother Richard earle of Poictow. Anno Reg. 30 Also I find that king Henrie at an enter­uiew had betwixt him and the French king at their accustomed place of meeting betwixt Trie and Gi­sors on saint Nicholas day, did his homage to the same French king for the lands which he held of him on that side the sea, which to doo till then he had refu­sed. The same yeare king Henrie held his Christmas at the citie of Mauns.

When the king had set the French king and the earle of Flanders at agréement for the controuersie that chanced betwixt them about the lands of Uer­mendois, year 1584 he passed through the earle of Flanders countrie, and comming to Wi [...]nd, tooke ship and sailed ouer into England, landing at Douer the tenth day of Iune, The duchesse of Saxonie deliuered of a sonne. with his daughter the dutches of Saxonie, who was afterwards deliuered of a sonne at Winchester, and hir husband the duke of Saxonie came also this yeare into England, and was ioifullie receiued and honourablie interteined of the king his father in law.

And whereas the archbishop of Colen came ouer into England this yeare to visit the toome of Tho­mas late archbishop of Canturburie, The archbish. of Colen. the king tra­uelled to make an agréement betwixt him and the Saxonish duke touching a certeine variance depen­ding [Page 108] betwixt them, wherin the king did so much, that the archbishop forgaue all iniuries past, and so they were made fréends. Also by the counsell of the same archbishop the king sent Hugh Nouant archdeacon of Liseux and others, Hugh No­uant. ambassadours from him vnto pope Lucius, that by his helpe there might be made some waie to obteine a pardon for the said duke, and licence for him to returne into his countrie. Those that were sent demeaned themselues so discréetly in dooing their message, that the emperour comming line 10 where the pope then was, that is to say, at Uerona in Italie, at the earnest suit of the said pope was contented to release all his euill will which he bare towards the duke, The duke of Saxonie par­doned and re­uoked out of exile. pardoned him for all things past, and licenced him now at length to returne home in­to his countrie, his condemnation of exile being cléerlie reuoked.

There died this yeare sundrie honorable perso­nages, as Simon earle of Huntington son to Si­mon earle of Northampton, after whose decease the line 20 king gaue his earledome vnto his brother Dauid, or (as Radulfus de Diceto saith) bicause the said Si­mon died without issue, Death of No­ble men. the king gaue the earledome of Huntington vnto William king of Scots sonne to earle Henrie that was sonne to king Dauid. Also the earle of Warwike died this yeare, and Thomas Fitz Bernard lord chéefe iustice of the forests, which roome Alaine de Neuill had inioied before him. Now after the death of this Thomas Fitz Bernard, the king diuided his forests into sundrie quarters, The gouerne­ment of the fo­rests diuided. and line 30 to euerie quarter he appointed foure iustices, two of the spiritualtie, and two knights of the temporaltie, beside two generall wardens that were of his owne seruants, to be as surueiers aboue all other fore­sters of vert and venison, whose office was to sée that no disorder nor spoile were committed within any grounds of warren contrarie to the assises of fo­rests. Diuerse prelates died this yeare also, as foure bishops, to wit, Gerald surnamed la Pucelle bishop of Chester, Walran bishop of Rochester, Ioceline line 40 of Salisburie, and Bartholomew of Excester.

Besides these, diuerse abbats, & on the 16. of Fe­bruarie died Richard archbishop of Canturburie in the 11. yeare after his first entring into the gouern­ment of that sée. His bodie was buried at Cantur­burie. He was noted to be a man of euill life, and wa­sted the goods of that church inordinatlie. It was re­ported that before his death there appeared to him a vision, which said; ‘Thou hast wasted the goods of the church, and I shall root thée out of the earth.’ Where­vpon line 50 he tooke such a feare, that he died within eight daies after. Then Baldwin who before was bishop of Worcester succéeded him, he was the 40. archbi­shop that had ruled the church of Canturburie. The king and bishops procured his election not without much adoo: for the moonks pretending a right there­to, were sore against it. It is reported of him, that after he was made a white moonke, he neuer eat flesh to his liues end. On a time an old woman met him, and asked him if it were true that he neuer eat line 60 any maner of flesh; ‘It is true said he. It is false quoth she, for I had but one cow to find me with, and thy seruants haue taken hir from me. Wherevnto he answered, that if it so were, she should haue as good a cow restored to hir by Gods grace as hir [...]wne was.’ The same time also Margaret the wife of the late de­ceased king Henrie the son, returned into France to hir brother king Philip, and was after ioined in mariage with Bela king of Hungarie.

But after long digression to returne againe to our purpose. The king being aduertised of the de­struction and spoile which the Welshmen daitie did practise against his subiects, both in their persons and substance, assembled a mightie armie, and came with the sa [...]e vnto Worcester, meaning to inuade the e­nimies countries. But Rées ap Griffin fearing his puissance thus bent against him and other the lea­ders of the Welshmen, came by safeconduct vnto Worcester, and there submitting himselfe, sware f [...] ­altie to the king, and became his liegeman, promi­sing to bring his sonne and nephues vnto him as pledges. But when (according to his promise) he would haue brought them, they refused to go with him, and so the matter rested for a time.

After this, king Henrie held his Christmasse at Windsore, and the same yeare Heraclius the patri­arch of Ierusalem, Heraclius pa­triarch of Ie­rusalem. and Roger master of the house of S. Iohns of Ierusalem came into England, to make suit vnto king Henrie for aid against the Sa­racens that dailie wan from the christians, townes and holds in the holie land, taking and killing the people most miserablie, as in the description of the holie land may more plainelie appeare, where the doo­ings of Saladine the Saracen are touched. The pa­triarch made earnest request vnto the king, proffe­ring him the keies of the citie of Ierusalem, and of the holie sepulchre (with the letters of Lucius the third then pope of Rome) charging him to take vpon him the iournie, and to haue mind of the oth which be­fore time he had made.

The king deferred his answer for a time, and cal­ling a councell of his lords togither at Clerkenwell, A councell at Clerkenwell. on the 15. of Aprill, asked their aduice in this mat­ter: who declared to him, that as they tooke it, he might not well depart so far out of his realme and o­ther dominions, leauing the same as a prey to his e­nimies. And wheras it was thought by some, that he might appoint one of his sonnes to take vpon him that iournie, yet bicause they were not as then with­in the realme, it was iudged that in their absence there was no reason why it should be so decréed.

Howbeit in the meane time vpon licence granted by the king, that so manie might go as would, Baldwin archbishop of Cantur­burie exhor­teth men to go to warre against the Saracens. Bald­win the archbishop of Canturburie preached, and ex­horted men to take vpon them the crosse so effectual­lie, that a great number receiuing it, fullie purposed to go on in that iournie. At length the king gaue an­swer to the patriarch, excusing himselfe in that he could go, for he declared that he might not leaue his land without keeping, being in danger to remaine as a prey to the robberie and spoile of the Frenchmen: but he offered to giue large summes of gold and siluer to such as would take vpon them that voi­age. Fiue thou­sand marks saieth Gen [...]. Dor. With this answer the cardinall was nothing pleased, and therefore said; ‘We séeke a man and not monie: euerie christian region well neere sendeth vs monie, but no countrie sendeth vs a prince; Ran. Higd. and therfore we require a prince that néedeth monie, and not monie that needeth a prince.’ But the king still alledged matter for his excuse, so that the patriarch departed from him comfortlesse, and greatlie discon­tented in his mind: whereof the king hauing know­ledge, and intending somewhat to recomfort him with sweet and pleasant words, followed him to the sea side. But the more the king thought to satisfie the patriarch with words, the more wroth and disconten­ted he shewed himselfe to be; in so much that at the last he said vnto him, The words of the partri­arch to the king. ‘Hither to hast thou reigned glo­riouslie, but hereafter shalt thou be forsaken of him, whom thou at this time forsakest. Consider of him, and remember what he hath giuen thee, and what thou hast yéelded to him againe, how first thou wast false to the king of France, and after [...]uedst archbishop Becket, and now lastlie thou forsakest the protection of Christes faith.’

The king was stirred with these words, and said vnto the patriarch, ‘Though all the men of the land were one bodie, and spake with one mouth, they durst [Page 109] not vtter such words against me. No woonder (said the patriarch) for they loue thine and not thée; that is to say, they loue thy temporall goods, and stand in feare of thée for losse of promotion, but thy soule they loue not. And when he had so said, he offered his head to the king; saieng, Doo by me euen as thou diddest by archbishop Becket, for all is one to me, either to be slaine heere in Europe of a wicked christian, or in the holie land by a Saracen, for thou art woorse than a Saracen, and thy people follow the prey and spoile and not a man. The king kept his patience, and said, line 10 I may not go out of my land, for if I should, mine owne sonnes would rise and rebell against me. No maruell (said the patriarch) for of the diuell they came, and to the diuell they shall. And thus he depar­ted from the king in great displeasure. ¶Thus haue some written: but by others it appeareth that the pa­triarch remained here till the king went ouer into Normandie himselfe, Rash iudge­ment in an ho­lie father. in companie of whom the pa­triarch went also (as after shall appeare.) line 20’

R. Houed. Iohn the kings sonne made king of Ireland. Ger. Dor.This yeare the last of March, king Henrie made his sonne Iohn knight, and shortlie after sent him ouer into Ireland, of which countrie he had made him king. At his comming into Ireland, he was ho­nourablie receiued of the archbishop of Diueline, and other noble men that had béene sent thither be­fore him. The king allowed him great abundance of treasure, but he hauing learned that ‘Non minor est virtus quàm quaerere parta tueri,’ keeping it in his coffers (as one now come into a line 30 strange place, and not knowing what he shuld want) would not depart with it so fréelie amongst his soul­diers and men of warre as they looked for: by reason whereof their seruice was such, that in diuerse con­flicts he lost manie of his men, and at length was driuen through want of conuenient aid, to returne againe into England, hauing appointed his cap­teins and souldiers to remaine in places most expe­dient for the defense of that countrie. ¶ But héere­of yée may read more at large in the historie of Ireland. line 40

On the mondaie in the wéeke before Easter, chan­ced a sore earthquake thorough all the parts of this land, An earth­quake. such a one as the like had not beene heard of in England sithens the beginning of the world. For stones that laie couched fast in the earth, were remoo­ued out of their places, stone houses were ouer­throwne, and the great church of Lincolne was rent from the top downwards.

The day next after this terrible woonder, the king line 50 and the patriarch with the bishop of Durham and a great sort of other Noble men of this realme, The king and the patriarch passe ouer in­to France. pas­sed the seas from Douer to Wissand, and so rode foorth towards Normandie, where immediatlie vpon his comming thither he raised a power, and sent word to his sonne Richard earle of Poictou (which had fortified the townes and castels of Poictou a­gainst him, The kings message to his sonne earle Richard. and taken his brother Geffrey prisoner) that except he deliuered vp into his mothers hands the whole countrie of Poictou, he would surelie come line 60 to chastise him with an iron rod, and bring him vn­der obedience smallie to his ease. Upon this message earle Richard being somewhat better aduised, obeied his fathers commandements in all points, Erle Richard obeieth his father. rendring vp into his mothers hands the earldome of Poictou, and comming to his father as an obedient sonne, shewed himselfe readie to serue him at commande­ment with a glad and willing mind. Soone after this, and about the seauenth houre of the day, Rog. Houed. the sunne suffered a generall eclipse, Particular and not gene­rall, saith Ger. Dor. so that no part of it appea­red, and therwith followed great thunder with light­ning and sore tempest, with the violence whereof both men and beasts were destroied, and manie hou­ses burned.

Shortlie after this, the kings of England and France met and communed togither for the aiding of them in the holie land, and they promised indéed to send thither both men and monie: but the patriarch made small account thereof, for he was much decei­ued of that which he hoped to haue brought to passe, which was, either to haue got the king of England, or one of his sonnes, or some other man of great autho­ritie with him into the holie land: but bicause that would not be, he departed from the court verie sor­rowfull and sore displeased, so that it may be thought, that then (and not before his departure out of Eng­land) he spake his mind so plainlie vnto the king (as before yee haue heard.)

Moreouer, about this time king Henrie obteined of pope Urbane the third, Anno Reg. 32. that he might crowne which of his sonnes it should please him king of Ire­land, in token of which grant and confirmation, the said pope sent vnto him a crowne of peacocks fea­thers, after a feat maner wouen in with gold.

This yeare the king held his Christmasse at Dan­frount, year 1186 and shortlie after came to a communication with the French king, at the which he tooke a solemne oth that he would deliuer the ladie Alice the French kings sister (whome he had as yet in his custodie) vnto his sonne Richard erle of Poictou in mariage. For the which mariage to be had and solemnized, the French king granted to deliuer vnto the said Ri­chard the towne of Gisors, with all that which his fa­ther king Lewes promised vnto king Henrie the sonne (latelie deceassed) in marriage with quéene Margaret the wife of the same Henrie, receiuing an oth thereto, neuer to make anie claime or chalenge to the same towne and lands.

King Henrie (after he had thus concluded and finished his affaires with the French king) returned backe into England in Maie, King Henrie returneth in­to England. Ger. Dor. Hugh prior of Witham made bishop of Lin­colne. and then was Hugh prior of Witham instituted bishop of Lincolne af­ter that the see there had béene void and without any lawfull gouernour almost the space of seauenteene yeares. This Hugh was reputed a verie godlie and vertuous man. Before him Walter Constance was nominated to that sée, but bicause he was made archbishop of Rouen before he was inuested in the church of Lincolne, he is not accounted in number of the bishops of Lincolne.

Moreouer king Henrie shortlie after his returne at this time into England, assembled a great armie, and went with the same to Caerleill, in purpose to haue entred Galloway, and there to haue chastised Rouland lord of that countrie, who was sonne to U­thred the sonne of Fergus, for the iniuries doone to his coosine germains, namelie to Duncane sonne to Gilbert, who was sonne to the same Fergus, in spoi­ling him and the residue (after the deceasse of the said Gilbert) of their parts of inheritance, vsurping the whole to himselfe. But as the king was now readie to inuade his countrie, Rouland came to him, and vsed such meanes vnder pretense of satisfaction, that he made his peace with the king, who therevpon brought backe his armie, and did no more at that time.

About the same time came newes to the king, Hugh Lacie slaine. that Hugh Lacie was slaine in Ireland by an Irish gentleman that was his confederate (or rather by a labourer, as in the Irish historie you may read) whereof the king was nothing sorie, bicause the same Hugh was growne to so high degrée of puis­sance in that countrie, that he refused to obeie the kings commandement when he sent for him.

¶ It is to be noted, that when king Henrie had conquered the most part of Ireland, and set the coun­trie in some good order, after his comming from thence, such capteines as he left there behind him, [Page 103] were not idle, but still did what they could to inlarge the confines which were committed to their gouer­nance: but amongst them all this Hugh Lacie was the chéefest, in somuch that after the death of Richard earle of Striguile, Hugh Lacies diligence to inlarge his possessions in Ireland. the king made him gouernour of the countrie in place of the said earle, by reason whereof he so inlarged his possessions, that within a while he became dreadfull, not onelie to the enimies, but also to his associats, as to such English capteins as were abiding in Ireland vpon gard of the Eng­lish line 10 frontiers. For if any of them disobeied his com­mandement, he would not sticke to chastise them at his pleasure, so that by such meanes he seemed rather to conquer the countrie to his owne vse, than to the kings. Wherein he dealt not so directlie or discréetlie as he might; for, ‘Homines volunt allici non impelli.’

He had also ioined himselfe in mariage with a daughter of the king of Unlester, not making king Henrie priuie to the same. Wherevpon the king ha­uing sundrie informations presented to him of such line 20 his presumptuous demeanour, commanded him by his letters to returne home, and come before his pre­sence, which to doo (as before I haue said) he refused, by reason whereof he confirmed the suspicion which was conceiued of him, to rise vpon no vaine conie­ctures, and therefore the euill that came to him was nothing lamented of king Henrie, King Henrie not sorie for the death of Lacie. who with good cause was highlie offended towards him for the con­tempts and considerations aforesaid. line 30

This yeare Geffrey the kings son who was earle of Britaine died at Paris, The death of Geffrey the kings sonne. and was buried in the same citie, leauing behind him (besides two daugh­ters) one onlie sonne as then in his mothers wombe, of whom she was deliuered in the night of the feast of Easter next insuing hir husbands death: he was named Arthur, and succeeded his father in the earle­dome of Britaine. His fathers death was occasio­ned (as men iudge) by a fall which he caught at a iour­nie, for he was sore bruised therewith, and neuer had his health, but finallie fell into a flix and so died. line 40

About this season pope Urbane wrote vnto Bald­win archbishop of Canturburie, granting him li­cence to build a church at Alkinton, in honour of S. Stephan and Thomas Becket now reputed a mar­tyr, and that the fourth part of the offerings which came to the box of Thomas the martyr should be as­signed to the vse of the moonks, & an other fourth part to the buildings of that church, and an other fourth part to be giuen to the poore, and the other fourth part line 50 remaining he might reserue to himselfe to bestow at his pleasure. But within a while after, at the suit and supplication of the prior and couent of Can­turburie (who liked nothing of the former partition) the pope sent letters of prohibition to the said archbi­shop, that he should ceasse from building of the fore mentioned church, bicause the building therof would be preiudiciall to the church of Canturburie.

The ladie Ermengard the vicount Beaumonts daughter, ma­ried to Willi­am king of Scots. About the same time also king Henrie gaue his coosen the ladie Ermengard (who was daughter to Richard Uicount Beaumount) in marriage vnto line 60 William king of Scotland, causing the archbishop of Canturburie to ioine them togither in the bond of matrimonie within the chappell at Woodstocke, where he kept great cheere in honour of that marri­age for the space of foure daies togither. And further he gaue at the same time vnto the king of Scots the castell of Edenbourgh: Castell of E­denbourgh. and the king of Scots streit­waies gaue it vnto his wife the forsaid Ermingard, as a portion of hir dower, augmented with an hun­dred pounds of lands by the yeare, and 40. knights fées.

The French king required to haue the custodie of the infant Arthur, heire to Geffrey earle of Bri­taine: but king Henrie would in no wise grant thereto. Ambassadors sent to the French king. Wherefore he sent Walter archbishop of Rouen, William de Mandeuille earle of Albe­marle, and Ranulfe de Glandeuille lord cheefe iustice of England to the French court, to talke with king Philip about that matter, so that king Philip hauing heard them, was contented to staie from attemp­ting force till the feast of S. Hilarie. But in the meane time it chanced, Sir William de Walles. that one sir Richard de Wal­les a knight of the realme of France went about to fortifie a castell in a village that belonged to him cal­led Walles, situated betwixt Trie & Gisors. Where­vpon Henrie Uere (constable of Gisors vnder Wil­liam earle of Albemarle) was nothing content ther­with, and therefore got a companie togither, & went foorth to disturbe the worke. Upon this occasion the seruants of the said sir Richard de Walles came foorth, and encountred with him in the field, in somuch that Rafe the sonne of sir Richard de Walles was slaine, and the residue that were with him fled, many of them being sore beaten and wounded.

When the French king was informed hereof, The king of Englands subiects are­sted in Frāce. he caused all the kings of England his subiects, that could be found within his countries and dominion of France to be apprehended, and their goods seized. The stewards, bailifes, The French subiects are­sted in Nor­mandie. & officers then of king Hen­rie, did the like by the French kings subiects that chanced to be at that present within the king of En­glands countries, on that further side of the sea. But within a little while after, the French king set the English subiects at libertie, and so likewise did the K. of Englands officers release the French subiects.

At this time king Henrie held his Christmasse at Gilford, Anno Reg. 33 1187 and shortlie after came one Octauianus a subdeacon cardinall, Octauianus a cardinall. and Hugh de Nouant from the court of Rome, sent as legats from pope Urbane into Ireland, that they might crowne earle Iohn the kings sonne king of that land. But king Henrie made a delaie therein, King Henrie passeth ouer into Nor­mandie. taking the legats with him into Normandie, whither he sailed at the same time, and landing at Wissand, he went from thence into Normandie, and shortlie after came to a communi­cation with the French king, at a place called Va­dum Sancti Remigij, where after much talke they could not agrée, by reason the French king deman­ded things vnreasonable, Ger. Dor. and so they departed with­out any thing concluded [sauing a truce] till after Whitsuntide.

About the same time, the citie of Ierusalem was taken by Saladine the chéefe prince of the Sara­cens. Ierusalem taken. Wherevpon much conference was had among the christian princes for the succoring of those christi­ans, which as yet held and defended other péeces in the holie land, so that by publishing of the popes buls, manie tooke on them the crosse: and amongst other Richard the sonne of king Henrie (without anie li­cence obteined of his father) receiued the same, vow­ing to go thither out of hand, and to fight against Gods enimies to the vttermost of his power.

In the meane time the grudge still increased be­twixt king Henrie and Philip the French king, part­lie for one cause, and partlie for an other, Out of the annales of France writ­ten by Ni­coll Gallis. but special­lie one cheefe occasion was for that earle Richard de­ferred the dooings of his homage vnto king Philip for the dutchie of Poictou, which by his fathers ap­pointment he now inioied and held. The French king to preuent his enimies, immediatlie vpon the expiring of the truce raised a power, and entring in­to the dominions belonging to king Henrie, wasted the countrie till he came vnto Chateu Raoul: about which castell also he foorthwith planted his siege.

When king Henrie was aduertised hereof, he raised his power also, and togither with his sonne earle Richard came with all spéed to succour his peo­ple, [Page 111] and to saue his castell from the hands of his eni­mies. Now when he approched néere vnto the place, he pitcht downe his tents ouer against the one side of the French campe, and earle Richard on the other, so that they were readie to assaile the French king on both sides at once, but before they came to ioine bat­tell, by the mediation of a cardinall (as some write) or (as other saie) through meanes made by the earle of Flanders, Ger. Dor. the matter was taken vp. For earle Richard through persuasion of the said earle of Flan­ders came to the French king, and agréed with him, line 10 before that his father king Henrie was resolued of any such matter for his part, so that he was now in a maruellous perplexitie, & almost to séeke what was best to doo, as a man fearing his owne suertie, by rea­son of mistrust which he had in his sonne Richard: but yet at the length through humble suit made by his said sonne vnto the French king, A truce granted. a truce was gran­ted by the space of two yeares.

Earle Richard, after the matter was thus taken vp, went into France with the French king, of line 20 whom he was so honoured whilest he was there, that they kept one table at dinner and supper in the daie time, and (as was said) one bed serued them both to sléepe on in the night.

In the meane time king Henrie hearing of all this, fell into great suspicion whereto this great fa­miliaritie betwixt the French king and his sonne would tend, and doubting the likeliest, sent for him to returne vnto him. Erle Richard giueth his fa­ther faire words. But earle Richard perceiuing his father to mistrust his loialtie, gaue faire words, line 30 and promised to returne with all conuenient spéed. Howbeit he ment an other matter, and so departing from the French court, came to Chinon, where he got into his hands a great portion of his fathers trea­sure that was kept there, against the will of him that had the custodie of it, He seizeth vp­on his fathers treasure. and taking it thus awaie with him, he began to fortifie his castels and townes within his countrie of Poictou, and clearlie refused to come backe to his father for a time, although at length forsaking the counsell of naughtie men, he line 40 turned home vnto him, and humblie submitted himselfe, in such wise as to his dutie apperteined. And for the more assurance therof, he renewed his fealtie, in receiuing an oth vpon the holie euangelists. Which doone, king Henrie went into Britaine with an armie, and woone the castell of Mountreleis by siege, which one Henrie de Lions, and one Guine­mer his brother had gotten into their hands, after the deceasse of Geffrey earle of Britaine. line 50

This yeare the twentie of October, the citie of Chichester was almost wholie consumed to ashes by mischance of fire. The head church with the bishops palace, and the houses of the canons were burnt e­uen downe to the ground. After this king Henrie held his Christmasse at Caen, Anno Reg. 34. 1188 from whence he went to Harfleet, King Henrie returneth into England. and there taking the sea passed ouer into England. The French king hearing by and by of his departure, assembled a great armie, and threatned to destroie the countrie of Normandie, and other line 60 lands on that side the sea, except king Henrie would deliuer into his hands the towne of Gisors, with the appurtenances, or cause his sonne Richard earle of Poictou to take to wife his sister Alice, according to his promise.

King Henrie passeth againe into Nor­mandie.When king Henrie was aduertised hereof, he turned with all speed into Normandie, that he might prouide for timelie resistance, if the French king came forward to inuade his dominions. About the selfe same time came newes out of the holie land, Polydor. Heauie newes from the east paris. that Saladine after the winning of Ierusalem, pur­sued his victorie with such successe, that he had taken from the christians the more part of all other towns and strengths within the land. These newes were no­thing pleasant to the christian princes, and namelie the two kings Henrie and Philip séemed sorowfull for the same, and therefore came to an enterview to­gither on the 21. day of Ianuarie betwixt Trie and Gisors, where the archbishop of Tire was present, An enteruiew betwixt the two kings. through whose earnest exhortation the two kings were made freends, and the same day receiued the crosse at his hands in purpose to make a iourneie to­gither against those Saracens that had doone such iniuries to the christian name. The two kings receiue the crosse. And for a difference that one nation might be knowne from an other, the French king and his people tooke vpon them to weare read crosses, The French ware red crosses, The English white, The Fle­mings gréene. the king of England and his subiects white crosses: but the earle of Flanders and his men ware gréene.

Herewith they departed asunder, each one repai­ring to their countries to prouide their armies, and make them in a readinesse to set forward by a day towards this necessarie iournie. King Henrie com­ming to Chinon, by aduise of his councell, ordeined that euerie one of his subiects should yeeld a tenth part of his reuenues and mooueable goods for that yeare towards the aid of them in the holie land (corne of that yeares growth excepted, and also all armour, An aid gran­ted to them in the holie land. Wil. Paruus. horsses, bookes, apparell, ornaments of chappels, and pretious stones, which should not come in the rate of goods now taxed, nor be charged with this paiment.) Moreouer those knights and men of warre that were appointed to go in this iourneie paied nothing, but had that monie also towards their furniture, which were gathered of their tenants and farmers, how­beit burgesses and others that tooke vpon them the crosse without licence of their lords, paied his tenth, so that none of them went free.

There were also good orders deuised, Good orders and discipline, instituted. both for the aduancement of Gods glorie, and the releefe of the common-wealth, as that no man should sweare in any outragious maner, that no man should plaie at cards, dice or tables, and that no maner of person af­ter Easter should weare any costlie furs or cloth of scarlet, nor that men should vse to haue their tables serued with more than two dishes of meat at one meale, nor should haue their apparell cut, iagged, or laced: and further, that none of them should take any women foorth with them in this iourneie, except such a landresse, of whome there might not growe a­nie suspicion of wanton life. It was also ordeined, that the monie of such as died in this iournie, should go towards the finding and maintenance of their seruants and of poore people, and towards the aid of the christians in the holie land. Moreouer, the pope granted that all those that went foorth in this iournie, repenting and confessing their sinnes, should be ab­solued and pardoned of the same. The king re­turneth into England. The king hauing thus taken order for his businesse in the parts on the further side the sea, came now ouer into England againe, landing at Winchelsey on a saturday the thirtith day of Ianuarie, and calling a councell togi­ther at Gaitington, A councell helden at Gaitington. Ger. Dor. which is eight or nine miles from Northampton, he there declared what orders he had taken for his iournie into the holie land. Wherevpon the bishops of Norwich and Lincolne, and a great number of other people tooke vpon them the crosse at the preaching of the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Rochester.

This doone, king Henrie tooke order also for the le­uieng of the tenth, as well here in England, A tenth leuied as he had doone in the parts subiect to him on the further side the sea. He also sent Hugh bishop of Durham, and other both spirituall and temporall persons, vnto William king of Scots, to gather the tenth likewise within his countrie, but he met them betwixt W [...]rk and Brightham, The king of Scots. and would not suffer them to enter into Scotland, but he offered to giue vnto the king of [Page 112] England in recompense of the tenths, and for to haue againe his castels, the summe of 5000. marks of siluer, which could not be accepted. The French king likewise gathered the tenths in his countrie to­wards this intended iournie. But by the working of some wicked spirit (as we may well thinke) which en­uied the aduancement of the christian common­wealth, The good meaning of the two kings disappointed. Polydor. that good meaning of the two kings was broken and disappointed: for the peace latelie conclu­ded betwixt them continued not long vnuiolated. line 10

The French writers impute the fault thereof vn­to English men, and the English writers laie it to French men. Reimond erle of Tholouze. The French writers say, that earle Ri­chard the son of king Henrie in breach of the league, made warre vpon Reimond earle of Tholouze. The English writers reproue the French king as a wic­ked man, in that he should of purpose breake the peace and moue warre against king Henrie, to with­draw him from going to make warre against the Saracens, to the which enterprise he was wholie line 20 bent and inclined. Such is the maner of manie wri­ters, who more affectionat to the loue of their coun­trie than to the truth, doo not obserue the law of histo­ries in their writings, but rather inueie one against another in a bralling and reprouing maner.

¶ Examples hereof are more than by any possibi­litie may be remembred, and namelie for breuitie sake George Bucchanan in the 8. booke of his Sco­tish historie verie reprochfullie speaketh of Richard Grafton (a right reuerend man whiles he liued and line 30 of entier name also being dead) charging him with ignorance, and the report of a shamelesse lier. Whose case, bicause it is not so conuenient to be handled in this place as els where, we will remit to the reigne of where he shall be fullie & sufficient­lie answered. Edward the third, in whose time Iohn Balioll was king of Scots, and cleere him (as well as we can) from a Scotish slander. Another example also we haue, and that most notorious, of Gabriel Pra­teolus the Iesuit, who hauing neuer beene in Eng­land, nor yet vnderstanding the English toong, blush­eth line 40 not to say that the translation of the English bi­ble hath in it a thousand faults. O singular and in­sufferable impudencie, when men passe not what they vomit and cast vp out of a full gorge surfetting with malice and rancour! But what shall we say, ‘ Horat. in art. poet.Omne superuacuum pleno de pectore manat.’

Indeed (as Roger Houeden and other doo witnes) the foresaid earle Reimond, and also Aimer earle of Angolesme, Rog. Houed. The nobles of Poictou rebell against earle Richard. Geffrey de Racon, and Geffrey de Lu­signan, with the most part of all the Nobles of line 50 Poictou, made warre against earle Richard, and he held tacke against them all, and in the end ouercame them. Amongst other of earle Reimonds part whom he tooke, was one Peter Seille, by whose counsell earle Reimond had taken diuerse merchants of Poictou that were subiects to earle Richard, Peter Seille. & doone manie other displeasures to him and to his countrie, wherefore earle Richard kept this Peter in verie close prison, and would not put him to his ransome: in somuch that earle Reimond tooke two of the king line 60 of Englands knights, sir Robert Poer, and sir Ri­chard Fraser, as they were returning from Compo­stella, where they had béene to visit the bodie of S. Iames, but they were quicklie set at libertie by the French kings commandement, for the reuerence of S. Iames whose pilgrims they were.

Erle Richard inuadeth the earle Tho­louze lands.After this, earle Richard entred with a great ar­mie into the lands of earle Reimond, wasted the same, and tooke by siege a castell of his situate néere vnto Tholouze, called Moisac: whereof the French king hearing, sent out of hand to the king of Eng­land, requiring to know if the damages doone by his sonne earle Richard vnto him & his people in Tho­louze, were doone by his commandement, for the which he demanded restitution. Herevnto the king of England answered, that his sonne earle Richard did nothing in that behalfe, either by his knowledge or commandement: but that as he had signified to him by the archbishop of Dublin, what soeuer he did therin, was doone by the counsell of the French king himselfe.

Howsoeuer this matter went, certeine it is, that king Philip taking weapon in hand, vpon a sudden entred into Berrie, and tooke from king Henrie Chasteau Raoull, Brezancois, Argenton, Annales de France. Mountri­chard, Mountresor, Uandosine, Leprose, Blanc en Berrie, Culan and Molignon. Wherfore king Hen­rie (who was at this time in England about to pre­pare an armie to go therewith into the holie land) when he heard thereof, Rog. Houed. The archbi­shop of Can­turburie with the bishops of Chester, saith Ger. Dor. with all spéed possible he sent Baldwin archbishop of Canturburie, and Hugh bi­shop of Durham ouer into France, to appease the French kings displeasure with courteous words and reasonable persuasions if it might be: but when that could not be brought to passe, he sailed ouer into Nor­mandie himselfe, with an armie of Englishmen and Welshmen, landing with the same at Herflue the 10. daie of Iulie, Ger. Dor. after he had beene sore tossed by a cruell tempest that rose as he was on the sea, to the great danger of his person, & all that were with him.

Now after his comming to land, he repaired vn­to Alencon, increasing his power by gathering vp souldiers and men of warre out of Normandie and other his countries on that side the sea. In the meane time his sonne Richard earle of Poictou entred into Berrie with a mightie armie, and the French king deliuering Chateau Raoull vnto the keeping of sir William de Berres returned into France, Chateau Roux it is called in the French an­nales: but y t chronicles of Aniou name it Chasteau Raoul, and rightlie as I thinke. so that earle Richard spoiled and wasted the lands of those earls and barons which tooke the French part excee­dinglie. The French king kept him as yet within France, and durst not come foorth now after the arri­uall of king Henrie, but manie enterprises were at­chiued by the capteines on both sides. Philip bishop of Beauuois inuading the frontiers of Normandie, burned Blangeuille, belonging to the earle of Angi, and the castell Albemarle (that belonged to Willi­am de Mandeuille, whereof he bare the title of earle) and wasted the countrie round about. The French king alse came to the towne of Trow, and burned it, and tooke 40. men of armes there, but the castell he could not win. On the other part, Richard earle of Poictou tooke a strong place called Les Roches, Sergeants. be­yond Trow towards Uandosme, with 25. men of armes, and 60. yeomen.

About this time king Henrie sent ambassadours vnto the French king, as Walter the archbishop of Rouen, Iohn bishop of Eureux, and William Mar­shall, to require restitution for the damages doone to him and his people. And furthermore, that if the French king refused to make restitution, then had they in commandement to declare defiance against him. Wherevnto the French king answered, that he would not giue ouer to make warre till he had Ber­rie, and the countrie of Ueuxin or Ueulgesine wholie in his possession. Wherefore king Henrie with a mightie armie (on the tuesdaie after the feast of the decollation of S. Iohn) entred into the realme of France, and burned manie townes and villages, ap­proching the same day néere to the towne of Maunt▪ where the French king was thought to be. Now as it chanced, William de Berres and Drogo de Mer­lo encountred with Richard earle of Poictou and William de Mandeuille earle of Albemarle, so that William de Berres was taken by earle Richard, but by negligence of them that should haue taken héed to him, he escaped awaie vpon his page [...] horsse. The morrow after also, earle Richard departed [Page 113] from his father towards Berrie, and vpon the thurs­daie the Welshmen burned manie villages, The Welsh­men. with the castell of Danuille that belonged to Simon Daneth, and tooke manie rich preies and booties. Also William Mandeuille earle of Albemarle burned a place called saint Clare, that was belonging vnto the demaine of the French king.

But see, when the English were fullie bent to pro­secute the warres (with all extremitie) now in hand, there came messengers vnto king Henrie from the line 10 French king, requiring him that he would grant a peace to be had betwixt them, with promise that if he would condescend therevnto, that he should receiue by way of restitution all that the French king had now taken from him in Berrie. Herevpon they came to a communication betwixt Trie & Gisors, and when they could not agrée, The two kings come to a treatie. the French king cau­sed a great elme standing betwixt those two places to be cut downe, at which the kings of England and France were accustomed to méet when they treated line 20 of matters in controuersie betwixt them, An elme cut downe. swearing that from thencefoorth there should neuer be anie more méetings holden at that place.

Afterward, when the earle of Flanders and the earle of Blois with diuerse other earles and barons of the Realme of France, laid their armor aside, pro­testing openlie that they would not put on the same againe to make warre against any christian, A commenda­ble protestati­on and wor­thie to be noted. till they should returne from their iournie which they had vowed into the holie land, the French king destitute line 30 of men to serue him, made sute once againe to king Henrie, that they might méet and talke of peace, which was hardlie granted, and so they met on the morrow after saint Faithes daie, or the seauenth of October, at Chatellon, where they entreated of a forme of peace, Castellium. so that the French king should haue restored all that he had taken within the coun­tries belonging to king Henrie, and likewise Ri­chard earle of Poictou should deliuer vp vnto the earle of saint Giles (otherwise called earle of Tho­louse) line 40 all that he had taken from him since the breach of the last truce. But when king Henrie would not deliuer the castell of Pascie in pledge to the French king, they departed in sunder (as before) without any thing concluded. The king of France after this tooke the castell of Paiuell.

Upon the eightéenth day of August the two kings came againe togither about a new treatie of peace betwixt Bonsemblance and Sukennie, Another trea­tie betwixt the two kings where the French king offered king Henrie, to restore to him line 50 all that he had taken by his last warres, if his sister Alice might be ioined in marriage with Richard erle of Poictou, now eldest sonne aliue to king Henrie, and that all king Henries subiects might doo homage and sweare fealtie to the same Richard. But king Henrie after the old prouerbe, Ictus piscator sapit, ha­uing bought his experience with the féeling of smart, & bearing in memorie the iniuries done to him by his sonne Henrie, after such his aduancement to king­lie degrée, would not grant the French kings re­quest line 60 herein. Wherevpon a further mischeefe happe­ned, for his sonne earle Richard (taking displeasure that his father should denie him that honour, which made altogither for his more assurance to succeed him as king) fell from his said father manifestlie, and became the French kings man, Erle Richard reuolteth from his father to serue the French king. dooing homage to him also without consent of king Henrie, for all those lands that belonged to his said father on that further side the sea. The French king for his homage and fealtie gaue him Chateau Raoull and Ysoldun, with all the honour thereto belonging.

¶ Some write, that the cheefest cause which mooued king Henrie to refuse to ioine his sonne earle Ri­chard and the ladie Alice, Polydor. daughter vnto the French king in marriage togither, was, for that he was lin­ked in the combersome chaine of hot burning loue with the same ladie, and therefore he sought all the shifts of excuses & delaies that might be imagined; so that it appeared he had no mind to part with hir. The truth was (as writers affirme) he had alreadie persuaded hir to satisfie his lust, insomuch that he li­ked hir so well, that he ment to be diuorsed from his wife quéene Elianor, and to marrie this yoong ladie, which if he might bring to passe, and haue children by hir, he purposed to disherit those which he had by Elianor, and to make the other which he should haue by Adela his legitimat and lawfull heires. Rog. Houed. Yet before they departed from this communication, a truce was taken to endure till the feast of S. Hilarie. And Henrie bishop of Alba a cardinall that was sent from the pope to end this controuersie betwixt these two mightie princes, accursed Richard earle of Poi­ctou, for that by his meanes the troubles rose and were continued betwixt them.

The towne of Beuerley, Beuerley burnt. with the church of saint Iohn the archbishop, was in maner wholie consumed with fire, on the 20. of September. Also the same yeare died William of Sempringham, William de Sempring­ham decesseth. the author and first founder of the religious order of Sem­pringham. Moreouer Gilbert de Ogerstan a knight templer put in trust by king Henrie, with others, Gilbert de Ogerstan. to gather the tenths towards the reléefe of the holie land, was prooued to vse falshood in the receipt, and so was deliuered vnto the maister of the temple at London to be punished according to the statutes of his order. Also this yere in the vigill of S. Laurence, there was séene at Dunstable by diuerse persons a figure of the crosse verie long and large in the aire, with the shape of a crucifix thereon, A strange ap­perance in the aire. and streames of bloud to their sight seemed to run out of the wounds of the feet, hands and sides. This strange appearance continued in sight from noone till almost night.

¶ Some will déeme this a méere fable, and saie it sauoureth of grosse superstition and idolatrie, where­vpon they will conclude that no such fragments pou­dered with papistrie should be inserted into a chroni­cle. But (to auoid all suspicion of iustifieng the fan­sies of men) note you this, that in the ecclesiasticall historie, no small number of things no lesse strange and true than this seemeth vaine and false, are recor­ded; yea euen touching the verie crosse. But consi­dering that this our age is verie nice and deintie in making choise of matter pleasing their owne humor we will not wade too farre in this kind of argu­ment, which we know may as soone offend as it is ta­ken, as a thorne may pricke, or a netle sting when it is touched. Neuerthelesse, we would not wish that the forme of a thing should be quite condemned for some scandalous peoples pleasures, whome nothing will please, vnlesse it come out of their owne drie­uat or casket of conceits.

King Henrie held his Christmas at Saumur in Aniou, Anno. Reg. 35. 1189 but manie of his earles and barons were gon from him, and tooke part with the French king, and with his sonne Richard earle of Poictou. Now when the day was come, in which the truce expired, the Bri­tains (which had a charter of couenants of the French king and earle Richard, that if they conclude [...] any peace with king Henrie, the Britains should be par­takers in the same) entred into the confines of those countries, which still continued their due obedience towards king Henrie, spoiling and wasting the same on each side with barbarous crueltie. A legat. At which time also a legat came from the pope named Iohn de Anagnia, who assaied both by courteous meanes and also by threats and menacings to reduce the par­ties vnto peace and concord: insomuch that by his procurement they met this yeare after Easter néere [Page 114] vnto Fler [...] Bernard, twise within a few daies togi­ther, to trie if by talke they might sort to some reaso­nable conditions of agreement.

The last time of those their meetings was in the Whitsunwéeke, Matth. Paris. at what time the French king requi­red not onelie to haue his sister Alice deliuered vnto earle Richard for wife, according to the former coue­nants, but also some assurance giuen vnto the same earle Richard, that he should inherit his fathers lands after his deceasse. Also he required that earle line 10 Iohn might take vpon him the crosse to passe ouer into the holie land also, for otherwise earle Richard would not go. R. Houed. Howbeit king Henrie would in no wise consent to any of these demands: but yet as some write, he offered thus much vnto king Philip, that if he could be so content, his sonne Iohn should marrie his sister Alice, and inioy with hir all such things as he demanded in preferment of his sonne Richard, and that in more large maner than he had requested the same. But king Philip would none line 20 of that.

Thus how soeuer it was, whilest the one deman­ded that which the other thought no reason to grant, they departed without concluding any agréement, so that king Philip hauing got by this meanes a good occasion to further his enterprises, King Philip entereth the countrie of Maine. with all his whole puissance entred into Maine, where he destroi­ed a great part of that countrie, and approched to the citie of Mauns, where king Henrie as then laie, in purpose to besiege it. But king Henrie being war­ned of his comming set the suburbs on fire, bicause line 30 his enimies should haue no succour in them. Howbe­it the flame of the fire was by force of the wind dri­uen so directlie into the citie, that what with heat and assault of the enimie, the king being without any store of souldiers to defend it longer, was constrei­ned to forsake it. The words of king Henrie in his displea­sure towards earle Richard. Herewith he was so mooued, that in departing from the citie, he said these words of his sonne Richard to himselfe: Sith thou hast taken from me this daie the thing that I most loued in this world, I will requite thee, for after this daie, I shall line 40 depriue thée of that thing which in me should most please thée, euen mine owne hart.

Being thus driuen to leaue the defaced citie of Mauns, Mauns yéel­ded to the French king. Wil. Paruus. he repaired vnto Chinon, the citizens where­of being left destitute of aid, yéelded themselues to the French king, who taking a great pride in his doo­ings for that victorie, passed ouer Loire, and wan the citie of Towrs, wherein he placed a garison, and so hauing sped his businesse with good successe, line 50 brought home his armie laden with preies & booties. King Henrie being thus put to the worsse, and not perceiuing anie readie meane how to recouer his losses, Polydor. began to despaire in himselfe, and therefore of necessitie thought it best to séeke for peace, but his suit was in vaine: for the enimie hauing now the aduantage, The earle of Flanders sée­keth to agrée the parties. Matth. Paris. would not grant to agrée vpon any rea­sonable conditions.

At the last Philip the earle of Flanders and Wil­liam archbishop of Reimes, with Hugh duke of line 60 Burgoine, came to king Henrie to moue waies of agréement, and to conclude the same betwixt him on the one partie, and the French king and earle Ri­chard on the other partie. Earle Richard had the Bri­taines and them of Poictou confederate with him, vnder such conditions, as he might not agrée with his father, vnlesse they might be comprised in the a­gréement. At length they agreed vpon conditions, A peace con­cluded. not altogither aduantageable to the king of Eng­land, yet in the end, Chateau Raoul was restored to king Hnerie with all that had béene taken from him since the time that the French king & he tooke vpon them the crosse: on the other part king Henrie did homage to the French king, which in the beginning of this warre he had surrendred and renounced. He was bound also to paie to the French king 20. Thirtie thou­sand to the [...] and twentie [...] the barons [...] France, [...] Ger. Dor. thousand markes for the aid which earle Richard had receiued of him: moreouer to resigne and acquite vnto the French king, all that which either he or his predecessours held or possessed within Aluergue. Other articles there were which king Henrie a­gréed vnto sore against his will, as the deliuerie of the ladie Alice or Adela, and such other, which (as not much materiall) we passe ouer.

This peace was concluded not farre from Towrs, Rog. Houed. It Gisor [...] saith Ger. Dor. in a place appointed conuenient for both the kings to méet in, about the feast of the apostles Peter and Paule. And (as writers record) there chanced great thunder and lightening at the verie time when the two kings came to enteruiew and talke togither, so that the thunderbolt did light betwixt them two: & yet (notwithstanding such thunder & lightening) the aire was cleare and nothing troubled. Strange thunder & lightning. The two kings parted a sunder through feare thereof for that day, and on the next day the like chance happened, greatlie to the terrour of them both. Which mooued king Henrie the sooner to condescend to the agree­ment.

Moreouer this is not to be forgotten, that when all matters were quieted and accorded amongst them, King Henrie required to haue all their names deli­uered vnto him in writing, which had promised to take part (and were ioined as confederates) with the French king and earle Richard. This was granted, and when the roll was presented vnto him, he found his sonne Iohn the first person that was named in that register, wherewith he was so troubled and dis­quieted in his mind, that comming to Chinon he felt such gréefe hereof, that he curssed euen the verie daie in which he was borne, and as was said, gaue to his sonnes Gods cursse and his, the which he would ne­uer release, although he was admonished to doo it both of sundrie bishops and other religious and god­lie men. Thus saith Houeden.

Howbeit, it is not like that earle Richard at this time had procured his brother Iohn to be confede­rate with him in his rebellious dealings, but rather bicause earle Richard had some suspicion, least his father would make Iohn his heire and successour in the kingdome, it might be a policie wrought by the French king and earle Richard, to alienate his fa­thers mind from the said Iohn.

¶ These euils were estéemed to fall vnto king Henrie by the iust iudgement of God, for that being admonished diuerse waies, as well by diuine reuela­tion, as by the wholesome aduise of graue men, as Hugh bishop of Lincolne and others, he would not reforme his licentious appetite of heaping vp sinne vpon sinne, but still wallowed therein to his owne destruction. Wherevpon being brought to such an ex­tremitie as ye haue heard, he was taken with a gree­uous sicknesse, which bringing him to vtter despera­tion of recouering of health, he finallie departed this life, though more through verie anguish and gréefe of his late losse and troubles susteined, than by the force of his bodilie disease (as writers haue affir­med.) But howsoeuer it was, King Henrie departeth this life. he ended his life the sixt of Iulie in the 61. yeare of his age, and after he had reigned 34. yeares, nine moneths, and two daies, which was in the yeare after the birth of our sa­uiour 1189. and of the creation of the world 5155. His bodie was buried at Founteuerard, year 1189 which is an abbeie situate not farre from the towne of the eagle within the dutchie of Alanson.

Immediatlie vpon his death, those that were about him, applied their market so busilie in catching and filching awaie things that laie readie for them, that the kings corps laie naked a long time, till a child co­uered [Page 115] the ne [...]her parts of his body with a short cloke, His surname whereof it came. and then it séemed that his surname was fulfilled that he had from his childhood, which was Shortman­tell, being so called, bicause he was the first that brought short clokes out of Aniou into England. As his sonne Richard met the corps going towards the buriall, suddenlie there issued bloud out of the dead bodies nosthrilles, which was taken for a significa­tion that it abhorred the presence of so wicked a son, which in his life time had so persecuted the father. His death was signified by a maruellous strange woon­der, A strange maner of fight betwixt fishes. line 10 for a few daies before he died, all the fishes in a certeine méere or poole in Normandie, leapt foorth on land in the night season, and fought togither with such a noise, that a great multitude of men came running thither to behold the woonder, and could not find on fish aliue in the meere.

The issue of Henrie the second. His sonnes.He had issue by his wife quéene Elianor (as may appeare by that which alreadie is rehearsed) foure sonnes, Henrie, Richard, Geffrey, and Iohn, besides two other that died yoong, as some authors haue re­corded: line 20 also three daughters, Maud, married vnto Henrie the duke of Saxonie; His daugh­ters. Elianor the wife of Alfonse the eight of that name king of Castile, and Ioane giuen in marriage vnto William king of Sicill. He had also two bastard sonnes by a concu­bine, the one named William, & the other Geffrey. He was one of bodie fleshie and strong, His base sons. The constitu­tion of his bodie. and could abide verie patientlie the displesures both of cold and heat, he had a large head, a broad breast, a broken voice, and was furthermore verie spare of diet, cheefelie line 30 bicause he would not be too fat; and therefore when he was at quiet without any trouble of warres, he would exercise himselfe in hunting or trauelling a­broad. He was of a good stature and verie well for­med, His stature. of a comelie countenance, partlie red heared, with graie eies, of wit quicke, and of a perfect good memorie, so that he would long remember those things which he had either read, His qualities and conditi­ons of mind. heard, or seene. He was stout of stomach, and more constant in time of aduersitie than in time of prosperitie, except at the line 40 time of his death, when being destitute in maner of all hisfréends, he shewed himselfe almost in despaire. He was liberall towards all men, oftentimes gi­uing rewards to his souldiers ouer and besides their wages.

Moreouer, of nature he was pitifull towards the poore, Radulphus de Diceto. as it well appeared by diuerse his charitable deeds; as for example. When in the yeare 1176. there was a great dearth & scarsitie of bread in the parts of Aniou & Maine, he fed euerie daie with sufficient sus­tenance line 50 ten thousand persons, from the begining of Aprill, till the time that new corne was inned: and what prouision soeuer was laid vp in garners, cellers and storehouses, for the kings necessarie vses, he cau­sed the same to be imploied towards the reléefe of re­ligious houses, and poore people. He tooke of his sub­iects but sildome times any great tributes. He was verie expert in feats of warre, and right fortunate therein. He praised his capteins and men of warre line 60 when they were dead, and lamented their losse more than he shewed to loue them when they were aliue. And this did he of policie, that they might vnder­stand that they should be honoured after death, and therefore feare it the lesse. He was somwhat learned, and also knowne to be wise.

Radulphus de Di [...]eto.His care to haue iustice dulie ministred in his realme was exceeding great, insomuch that finding how the shirifes were rather inclined to seeke their owne gaine, than to deale vprightlie with his sub­iects, he appointed other officers to haue a regard to their dooings, as if they had béene controllers, that they knowing how there were such appointed to haue a sound ouersight in their dealings, might be the more circumspect in their duties. He ordei­ned also punishments for hunters in forrests and grounds of warren, either by fining them, or by im­prisonment.

Moreouer, he ordeined that murtherers should suffer death by hanging: and so for other transgres­sours he appointed other kinds of punishments, as some to be condemned to exile, and other to losse of lims, &c: according to the qualitie of the offense com­mitted. And to haue the lawes dulie executed, and iustice vprightlie ministred on all hands, he was so carefull that he tried all orders of men, in placing them in roomes of iustice. And lastlie, trusting to find among the cleargie such as would not be cor­rupted with bribes, nor for respect of feare or freend­ship decline from right iudgement, he chose foorth the bishops of Winchester, Elie, Bishops cho­sen principall iustices. and Norwich to be principall iustices of the relme, so as they might end and determine all matters, except in certeine cases reserued to the hearing of the prince himselfe.

His vices were these, as they are remembred. In time of aduerse fortune no man could shew himselfe more courteous, gentle, méeke, The vices of K. Henrie. and promising more largelie than he would. But when fortune once be­gan to smile, no man was more sharpe, hard to deale with, nor more redie to breake his promise and faith. He was also partlie noted of couetousnesse: for al­though he was liberall towards souldiers and stran­gers, yet was he streict inough towards his owne people, and namelie towards his sonnes, which cau­sed them to estrange themselues and their good wils from him. He was not so zealous toward the execu­tion of right and equitie as to the furtherance of his owne priuat commoditie.

He was out of measure giuen to fleshlie lust, His inconti­nencie. and satisfieng of his inordinate concupiscence. For not contented with the vse of his wife, he kept manie concubines, but namelie he delited most in the com­panie of a pleasant damsell, whom he called the Rose of the world (the common people named hir Rosa­mund) for hir passing beautie, propernesse of person, and pleasant wit, with other amiable qualities, be­ing verelie a rare and péerelesse péece in those daies. He made for hir an house at Woodstocke in Oxford­shire, Rosamund his concubine. like a labyrinth, with such turnings and wind­dings in & out as a knot in a garden called a maze, that no creature might find hir nor come to hir, ex­cept he were instructed by the king, or such as were secret with him in that matter. But the common re­report of the people is, that the quéene in the end found hir out by a silken thread, which the king had drawne after him out of hir chamber with his foot, and dealt with hir in such sharpe and cruell wise, that she liued not long after. She was buried in the nun­rie of Goodstow beside Oxford, with these verses vp­on hir toome:

Hîc iacet in tumulo, Rosa mundi non Rosa munda,
Non redolet sed olet, quaeredolere solet.

The meaning whereof may be found in Graftons large chronicle, page 77. in an English septenarie.

Long time after the death of this damsell, in the said abbeie was shewed a cofer, Ran. Higd. that sometimes was hirs, of the length of two foot, in the which appeared gi­ants fighting, startling of beasts, swimming of fi­shes, and flieng of foules, so liuelie, that a man might woonder at the fine deuise thereof.

Moreouer, king Henrie was noted not to be so fauourable to the liberties & fréedoms of the church as he might haue béene. For besides the persecuting of the foresaid Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, he would not suffer the legats sent from the pope, to enter within the bounds of his dominion, till they had sworne that they should doo nothing preiudiciall to the customs of his kingdome, neither by prescri­bing [Page 116] orders, nor any other maner of act or meanes. He was thought to be negligent in aiding the chri­stian common-wealth in the holie land. Hi [...] negligēce in a [...]ding the Christians a­gainst the Sarace [...]s. For though he had appointed twice or thrice to go thither in per­son, yet being letted by light occasions, he staied at home, and sent small reléefe thither, though he was earnestlie called vpon for the same. His estimation was such amongst forren princes, that Philip king of France being newlie entred into the gouerne­ment of that realme after his fathers deceasse, com­mitted line 10 himselfe and his kingdome to the disposition and order of king Henrie, as if he had béene regent of his realme, and gouernour of his person.

There liued in the daies of this king Henrie the second, diuerse honourable personages and capteins of great fame, for their approoued valiancie and expe­rience in warlike enterprises, as Robert earle of Leicester, Hugh Bigot earle of Northfolke, Reig­nold earle of Cornewall, Robert Ferreis earle of Darbie, Richard Lacie, Roger Mowbray, Rafe de Fulgiers, Humfrey Bohun conestable of England, line 20 Ranulfe Glandeuille, William Uesey, & Bernard de Ballioll. Also there flourished in his time here in this land, Bale. men of singular learning in arts and scien­ces, as Nicholas Breakespeare, Serlo surnamed Grammaticus, William Rheualensis, Adam de Euesham, Thomas of Munmouth, Adelbertus Le­uita, Geruasius Cicestrensis, Odo Cantianus, Eal­red Rhieuellensis, Iohannes Sarisburiensis, Cle­mens Lanthoniensis, Walter Daniell, Robert line 30 Knought aliàs Camtus, Robert Folioth, William Ramsey, Senatus Brauonus, Robert the Scribe, Odo Miremuth, Hugh of Reading, Richard of Do­uer, William of Peterburough, Cicerciensis, Bar­tholomew Iscanus, and Gilbert de Sempringham, with others.

¶And here to make an end with this high and mightie prince Henrie the second, I haue thought good to make you partaker of an epitaph, which we find in Matthew Paris and others written of him as line 40 followeth.

Epitaphium in Henricum secundum regem mortuum & hîc sepultum.

REx Henricus eram, mihi plurima regna subegi,
Multiplicí (que) modo dúx (que) comés (que) fui,
Cui satis ad votum non essent omnia terrae
Climata, terra modò sufficit octo pedum.
Qui legis haec, pensa discrimina mortis, & indè line 50
Humanae specula conditionis habe.
Quod potes instanter operare bonum, quia mundus
Transit, & incautos mors inopina rapit.

Aliud.

TVmuli regis superscriptio breuis exorna [...],
Sufficit hic tumulus, cui non suffecerat orbis,
Res breuis est ampla, cui fuit ampla breuis.

An epitaph vpon king Henrie the second dead and heere in­toomed.

OF late king Henrie was my name,
which conquerd manie a land,
And diuerse dukedoms did possesse,
and earledoms held in hand.
And yet while all the earth could scarse
my greedie mind suffice,
Eight foot within the ground now serues,
wherein my carcase lies.
Now thou that readest this, note well
my force with force of death,
And let that serue to shew the state
of all that yeeldeth breath.
Doo good then here, foreslowe no time,
cast off all worldlie cares,
For brittle world full soone dooth faile,
and death dooth strike vnwares.

An other.

SMall epitaph now serues, to decke
this toome of statelie king:
And he who whilome thought whole earth
could scarse his mind content,
In little roome hath roome at large,
that serues now life is spent.

¶ Here may be thought that the reigne of the Nor­mans and French men ouer the realme of England tooke end, a hundred twentie two yeares after the comming in of the Conquerour; for those that reig­ned after this Henrie the second, we may rightlie estéeme to be Englishmen, bicause they were borne in England, and vsed the English toong, customes, and maners, according to the nature and qualitie of the countrie.

Thus farre the succession and regiment of the Frenchmen ouer this Iland; namelie, Stephan of Bul­longne and Henrie the second.

Richard the first, second sonne to Henrie the second.

Anno Reg. 1. RIchard the first of that name, and second sonne of Henrie the second, began his reigne ouer England the sixt day of Iulie, in the yere of our Lord 1189. year 1189 in the seauen and thir­teeth yeare of the emperour Frederike the first, in the e­leuenth yere of the reigne of Philip the second king of France, Wil. Paruus. and king William surnamed the Lion line 10 as yet liuing in the gouernement of Scotland.

This Richard, immediatlie after the solemnities of his fathers funerals were ended, made hast to Ro­uen, where he was ioifullie receiued, and proclamed duke of Normandie, receiuing the inuesture accor­ding to the custome, Matt. Paris. on the twentith day of Iulie. Then studieng to set all things in good order on that side the sea, he made search where his fathers treasure was preserued, and therevpon attached Stephan de Turnham, who was seneschall or gouernour (as we line 20 may call him) of Aniou, Stephan de Turnham committed to prison. and committing him to pri­son, compelled him to make deliuerie of all such summes of monie as he had hid and laid vp in cer­teine castels by the commandement of the late king his father.

Whilest he was thus occupied, his brother Iohn came to him, Matth. Paris. Polydor. to whom he ioifullie gaue the welcome, and besides all other things which his father had be­queathed vnto him by his testament in England, amounting to the value of foure thousand pounds of line 30 yearelie rent, with the earledome of Mortaigne, he procured a marriage for him (being now a widower) for his further aduancement with the ladie Isabell, Isabell daughter to the earle of Glocester married to Iohn y e kings brother. daughter to Robert earle of Glocester, which earle had appointed the said Iohn to be his heire as before is mentioned, although Baldwine the archbishop of Canturburie forbad the mariage, bicause they were coosens in the third degree of consanguinitie. She is named by diuerse au­thors Ha [...]isia. Matth. Paris. R. Houed. To Robert earle of Leicester also he restored all his lands which had béene taken from him, and such per­sons line 40 as his father had disherited, he restored like­wise to their former rights and possessions, howbeit those had forsaken his father, and taken part with him against his said father, he séemed now so much to mislike, that he remooued them vtterlie from his presence, and contrariwise preferred such as had continued faithfull vnto his father in time of the troubles.

At length, king Richard remembring himselfe of his mother quéene Elianor, Matt. Paris. who had béene separated line 50 from the bed of hir husband for the space of sixtéene yeares, and was as yet deteined in prison in Eng­land, wrote his letters vnto the rulers of the realme, commanding them to set hir againe at libertie, The kings mother set at libertie. and withall appointed hir by his letters patents, to take vpon hir the whole gouernment of the kingdome in his absence. The quéene being thus deliuered, and hauing now the cheefe authoritie & rule in hir hands, rode in progresse about the realme, to sée the estate thereof; and as she passed from place to place, she shewed gladsome countenance to the people where­soeuer she came, dooing also what she could to plea­sure them, that she might thereby win their good willes to hir, and to hir sonne: but speciallie remem­bring by hir late experience and tast thereof, what an irksome & most gréeuous thing imprisonment was, she caused the gailes to be opened, and foorthwith set no small number of prisoners at libertie by the way as she passed through the countries, according to the verse of Virgil, ‘Non ignara mali miseris succurrere disco.’

In the meane time, king Richard concluding a league with Philip king of France, receiued all those places againe which were taken from his father by the same Philip, togither with his wife Adela, whom vpon suspicion that she had beene dishonested in hir person before, without anie sufficient proofe thereof had, he forsooke, & sent hir home with hir dowrie, and otherwise with great and princelie gifts, most boun­tifullie inriched, hauing alreadie concluded a marri­age with the ladie Berengaria, daughter to Garsias king of Nauarre, who was sent into Sicill vnto hir sister Ioane, that he might marrie hir there, as he passed that waie towards the holie land.

Whilest these things passed thus in these parties, the christians in the holie land dailie sent hither for aid, wherevpon the two kings of France and Eng­land tooke counsell togither, The 2. kings of England & France deter­mine to go in­to the holie land. and determined with all conuenient speed to ioine their powers, & with ships prepared for that purpose to saile into Syria. Ha­uing thus concluded, they went about to prepare themselues of necessarie prouision for so long a iour­nie. At South­hampton the 21 of August saith Ger. Dor. Now when king Richard had set in order his af­faires in Normandie and France, he came ouer in­to England, landing at Portesmouth the 13. of Au­gust. With him also came his brother Iohn, vnto whom he assigned the castels of Marlebridge, Rog. Houed. Matth. Pari [...]. Lute­gareshall, Peake, Bollesour, the honor of Walling­ford, Tikehill and Eie, with the earledoms of Mor­taigne, Dorset, Sumerset, Notingham, Derbie, Deuonshire, and Cornewall, with the earledome of Lancaster, intituling him earle of the same, whereby he was so exalted in state and degree, that he séemed in manner of a tetrarch, hauing as it were a fourth part of the realme in gouernance: but yet the king held some of the castels (in those counties and honors thus giuen to his brother) in his owne hands. More­ouer, vnto William Marshall he gaue in marriage the daughter of Richard earle of Chepstow, togither with the earledome which hir father possessed; and to Gilbert Fitz Roger the sonne of Rainfrey he gaue the daughter of William de Lancaster. After he was landed (as before ye haue heard) he hasted to Winchester, where his mother quéene Elianor with the most part of the English nobilitie had laine a good space to attend his comming, and there on the e­uen of the assumption of our ladie, the king was by them receiued with great ioy and triumph.

¶ Here is to be noted, that whilest the quéene and lords laie in Winchester waiting for the kings arri­uall, [Page 118] Geffrey Riddle the bishop of Elie departed this life. He is named by Geruasius Dorobernensis the proud bishop of Elie: but he might rather haue named him the rich bishop, for he left in his cofers no small quantitie of treasure, of the which thrée thou­sand and two hundred marks came to the kings part towards the charges of his coronation. No maruell though Geruasius spake somewhat in his dis­praise, for (as he himselfe confesseth) he was no fréend but an enimie to moonks. line 10

But to let this passe, soone after the kings com­ming into England, he was informed that the Welshmen had broken into the English marshes, and destroied certeine townes; to represse whose pre­sumptuous attempts he made towards them, but was yet staied for that time, & reuoked by his mother. At Salisburie he found his fathers treasure, His fathers treasure. highlie reioising, for that the summe was far greater than he thought it would haue prooued, for besides the pre­tious stones, apparell, and iewels, it was reported he line 20 had there the sum of nine hundred thousand pounds in readie coine. With this good hap king Richard not a little aduanced, came to London on the first of September, R. Houed. Gau. Vinsaf. Nic. Triuet. The second of September saith Ger. Dor. where he had appointed prouision to be made for his coronation, and so calling a councell of the Nobles of the realme, he receiued the crowne with all due and accustomed solemnitie, at the hands of Baldwin the archbishop of Canturburie, the third daie of September.

The order of his coronatiō. Matth. Paris.At his coronation, first the archbishops of Can­turburie, line 30 Roan, Trier, and Dublin, which were pre­sent, with all the other bishops, abbats and cleargie, apparelled in rich copes, and hauing the crosse, holie water and censures carried afore them, came to fetch him vnto the doore of his priuie chamber, and there receiuing him, they led him vnto the church at West­minster, till he came before the high altar with a so­lemne procession. In the middle of the bishops and cleargie went foure barons, Rog. Houed. bearing candlesticks with tapers, after whom came Geffrey de Lucie bea­ring line 40 the cap of maintenance, and Iohn Marshall next to him, bearing a great and massiue paire of spurs of gold: then followed William Marshall earle of Striguill aliàs Pembroke, who bare the roi­all scepter, in the top wherof was set a crosse of gold: and William de Patrike earle of Salisburie going next him, bare the warder or rod, hauing on the top thereof a doue. Then came thrée other earles, Dauid brother to the king of Scots, the earle of Hunting­ton, Iohn the kings brother earle of Mortaigne, and line 50 Robert earle of Leicester, ech of them bearing a sword vpright in his hand with the scabberds richlie trimmed and adorned with gold.

The earle of Mortaigne went in the midst be­twixt the other two. After them followed six earles and barons, bearing a checker table, vpon the which was set the kings scochens of armes, Rog. Houed. and then fol­lowed William Mandeuill earle of Albemarle, bea­ring a crowne of gold a great heigth before the king, who followed the same, hauing Hugh bishop of Dur­ham line 60 on the right hand, and Reignold bishop of Bath on the left, ouer whom a canapie was borne: and in this order he came into the church at Westminster, where before the high altar in the presence of the cleargie & the people, The king his oth. laieng his hand vpon the holie euangelists and the relikes of certeine saincts, he tooke a solemne oth, that he should obserue peace, ho­nour, and reuerence to almightie God, to his church, and to the ministers of the same all the daies of his life. Also that he should exercise vpright iustice to the people committed to his charge, and that he should abrogate and disanull all euill lawes and wrongfull customes, if anie were to be found within the pre­cinct of his realme, and mainteine those that were good and laudable.

This doone, he put off all his garments from the middle vpwards, his shirt excepted, which was open on the shoulders, that he might be annointed. The archbishop of Canturburie annointed him then in thrée places, to wit, on the head, on the shoulders, and on the right arme, with praiers in such case accusto­med. After this, he couered his head with a linnen cloth hallowed, and set his cap aloft thereon; and then when he had put on his roiall garments and vpper­most robe, the archbishop tooke vnto him the sword wherewith he should beat downe the enimies of the church; which doone, two earles put his shooes vpon his feet, and hauing his mantell put on him, the arch­bishop forbad him on the behalfe of almightie God, not to presume to take vpon him this dignitie, ex­cept he faithfullie meant to performe those things which he had there sworne to performe. Wherevnto the king made answer, that by Gods grace he would performe them. Then the king tooke the crowne be­side the altar, and deliuered it to the archbishop, which he set vpon the kings head, deliuering to him the scepter to hold in his right hand, and the rod roiall in his left hand, & thus being crowned he was brought backe by the bishops and barons, with the crosse and candelsticks, and three swords passing foorth before him vnto his seat. When the bishop that sang the masse came to the offertorie, the two bishops that brought him to the church, led him to the altar, and brought him backe againe.

Finallie when masse was doone, and all things en­ded in order as was requisit, he was brought with solemne procession into his chamber, where he put off his heauie rich apparell, and put on a crowne and other garments more light and easie, and so went to dinner, whereat wanted no store of meats & drinks, which were serued out in most princelie and boun­tifull wise.

Upon this daie of king Richards coronation, the Iewes that dwelt in London and in other parts of the realme, being there assembled, had but sorie hap, Wil. Paru [...]s. as it chanced. For they meaning to honour the same coronation with their presence, and to present to the king some honorable gift, The Iewes meant to pre­sent him with a rich gift. wherby they might declare themselues glad for his aduancement, and procure his freendship towards them, for the confirming of their priueleges & liberties, according to the grants and charters made to them by the former kings: he of a zealous mind to Christes religion, abhorring their nation (and doubting some sorcerie by them to be practised) commanded that they should not come within the church when he should receiue the crowne, Matt. Paris. nor within the palace whilest he was at dinner.

But at dinner time, among other that pressed in at the palace gate, diuerse of the Iewes were about to thrust in, A Iew stri­ken. till one of them was striken by a christi­an, who alledging the kings commandement, kept them backe from comming within the palace. Which some of the vnrulie people perceiuing, and supposing it had béene doone by the kings comman­dement, tooke lightlie occasion thereof, The people fall vpon the Iewes and beat them. and falling vpon the Iewes with staues, bats and stones, beat them and chased them home to their houses and lodg­ings. Héerewith rose a rumor through the citie, that the king had commanded the Iewes to be destroied, and therevpon came running togither, to assault them in their houses, which when they could not easi­lie breake vp nor enter, by reason the same were strongly builded, they set fire on them, so that diuers houses were consumed, not onelie of the Iewes, but also of their neighbours, Their houses are set on fire. so hideous was the rage of the fire. Here we see that ‘Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis.’

The king being aduertised of this riotous attempt [Page 119] of the outragious people, sent some of his councel­lours, as Ranulfe de Glanuille lord iustice, and other officers to appease the tumult: but their authoritie was nothing regarded, nor their persuasions any whit reuerenced, but their thretnings rather brought themselues in danger of life among the rude sort of those that were about to spoile, rob, and sacke the houses and shops of the Iewes: to the better accom­plishment of which their vnlawfull act, the light that the fire of those houses which burned, gaue after it line 10 was once night, did minister no small helpe and oc­casion of furtherance. The Iewes that were in those houses which were set on fire, Iewes burnt to death. were either smoldred and burned to death within, or else at their com­ming foorth most cruellie receiued vpon the points of speares, billes, swords and gleaues of their aduer­saries that watched for them verie diligentlie.

This outrage of the furious and disordered people continued from the middest of the one day, till two of the clocke on the other; the commons all that line 20 while neuer ceassing their furie against that nation, but still killing them as they met with any of them, in most horrible, rash and vnreasonable maner. At length, rather wearied with their cruell dooings, than satisfied with spoile, or mooued with respect of reason or reuerence of their prince, they withdrew them­selues from their riotous enterprise, after they had executed manie vnlawfull and horrible enormities. This great riot well deserued sore and gréeuous pu­nishment, but yet it passed ouer without correction, line 30 in respect of the great number of the transgressors, and for that the most part of men for the hatred gene­rallie conceiued against the obstinate frowardnesse of the Iewes, liked the dooings hereof well inough, interpreting it to be a good token, that the ioifull daie of the kings aduancement to the crowne should be dolefull vnto the Iewes, in bringing them to such slaughter and destruction. Finallie, after that the tu­mult was ceassed, the king commanded that no man should hurt or harme any of the Iewes, and so line 40 they were restored to peace, after they had susteined infinit damage.

¶ The occasion of this tragedie and bloudie tu­mult (redounding to the Iewes great vexation and pitifull distresse, but to the satisfieng of the peoples furious and vnbridled pronesse to crueltie) sprang principallie from the king, who if he had not so light­lie esteemed of the Iewes when they repaired vnto him with their present, in signe of submission and hope of obteining their sute then purposed to be exhi­bited; line 50 this hurlie burlie had not insued. For it was a violent example & a mightie motiue to the people to maligne the Iewes; as also a hart-gréefe to them in respect of their reiection, when the prince gaue them so discourteous a repulse. Here therefore is to be ob­serued, that the people is the princes ape, as one ve­rie well saith. For looke whereto he is inclined, note wherein he delighteth; the same is the practise of the people: in consideration whereof the mightie ones of the world haue speciall cause to haue an eie to line 60 their course of life, & to set caueats before their acti­ons, that the people may in them sée none but good signes of commendable & vertuous imitation. For

—regis imago
Vulgus,
Pal. in suo sag.
& ad mores accedere principis optat.
Qualis enim rex est talis quoque subditus illi▪
Esse solet populus, studijsque tenetur [...]

Shortlie after, to wit, the 15. day of September, a councell was holden at Pipewell, A councell at Pipewell. where the bishops and abbats being assembled, there were in presence of the king and of the archbishop of Canturburie e­lected certeine bishops and abbats to such places as then were vacant: and amongst other▪ William de Longchampe the kings chancellor was elected to the sée of Elie, Wil. Paruus. Geffrey the kings bastard brother vnto the archbishoprike of Yorke, who was the 32. in number that had gouerned the same, Geffrey de Lu­cie to Winchester, one Hubert Walter to Salisbu­rie, and Richard archdeacon of Elie, and the kings treasurer to the see of London. The abbeies that were prouided of abbats were these, Glastenburie, Shirborne, Persore and Feuersham. In like maner, Iohn the elect of Whitherne was consecrated bi­shop of that see, The bishop of Whitherne consecrated. Rog. Houed. by the hands of the archbishop of Du­blin. Also in this councell the king ordeined Hugh bishop of Durham, and William Mandeuille earle of Albemarle, lord chéefe iustices of England, hauing deposed Ranulfe de Glanuille from that roome.

Moreouer, the king being thus established in the estate of the kingdome, did not forget his iournie which he had promised into the holie land, but with all diligence made his prouision, and namelie he sought to gather monie to furnish his charges, and so there­vpon leuied a tax, engaged, sold, and let to farme his lands, tols, customs, and other his reuenewes▪ with certeine counties and offices, so that he made an ex­ceeding summe of monie. Matt. Par. He also found, that Ra­nulfe de Glanuille lord chéefe iustice, and other of the head magistrates had not behaued themselues vp­rightlie in the administration of their offices; so that he both deposed the said lord cheefe iustice as is afore­said, and almost all the shiriffes and their deputies within the realme of England, putting them to gree­uous fines for their offenses and transgressions, and so by that meanes he got no small deale of monie.

¶ Here note by the waie, Wil. Paruus. how William Paruus af­firmeth, that where this Ranulfe Glanuille, being a man of high wisedome and stept into age, saw that manie things were doone by the new king, not so ad­uisedlie, nor with such foresight as they ought to be, sought of his owne accord to be discharged of his of­fice, that he might the better prepare himselfe to go in that iournie to the holie land, as by taking vpon him the crosse he had vowed in the daies of king Henrie, and so he solemnelie renounced his office, which other (nothing so worthie of it) did afterwards inioy.

Moreouer, the king vnderstanding that Hugh Putsey or Pudsey bishop of Durham, being a verie aged man, had much monie, he sold to him the ma­nour of Seggesfield or Sadberge; with the wapen­take belonging to the same, and also found meanes to persuade him to buy his owne prouince, which he did, giuing to the king an inestimable summe of mo­nie, and was therevpon created an earle by the king for the same: The bishop of Durham. Sadberge. The bishop of Durham made an earle. wherevpon he was intituled both bi­shop and earle of Durham, whereat the king would iest afterwards and saie; What a cunning craftes­man am I, that haue made a new earle of an old bishop?

Furthermore, the same bishop gaue to the king a thousand markes to be made chéefe iustice of Eng­land, and that he might tarrie at home, and not go in­to the holie land. And bicause he would not be re­prooued of any person, he obteined of the apostolike sée (which faileth no man that is surcharged with white or red mettall, and would be eased) a licence for a summe of monie to be dispensed with for that iour­nie. The king thus being earnestlie bent to make commoditie of those things, The citizens of London present monie to the king. Polydor. Liberties granted to London. for the which he might get any monie at all, the citizens of London presen­ted vnto him a great summe towards the furni­shing foorth of his enterprise. Wherevpon to acquite their courtesie, he granted them large priuileges, and ordeined that the citie should be ruled by two head officers, which they should choose amongst themselues remoueable from yeare to yeare by the name of bailiffes. Two bailiffes The names of the two first bailiffes chosen [Page 120] by force of that ordinance, were Henrie Cornehill, and Richard Fitz Reiner.

The citie before those daies euer since the comming in of William Conquerour, and a good while before his time, was gouerned by certeine officers or ru­lers named Port Greues (which word is deriued of two Saxon words, Port Greues. as Port and Greue. By Port is meant a towne, and by Greue a gardian or ruler, as who should saie, A kéeper or ruler of a towne.) These rulers with the lawes & customes then vsed within line 10 this citie, were registred in a booke called (as some haue said) Doomesdaie, but through negligence after these lawes and customes were changed and altered, the booke was lost, so that the remembrance of such rulers as were before the daies of this Richard the first, are not to be had. These bailiffes euer entred at Michaelmasse, and so continued foorth their yeare.

Thus began the citie first to receiue the forme and state of a common-wealth, and to be diuided into fe­lowships, which they call crafts or corporations. Such line 20 also are admitted to the fellowships of these compa­nies, Apprentises. as haue truelie serued as apprentises a certeine number of yeares, as seuen at the least, vnder which time of seruice expired, there is none made frée, nor suffered to inioy the liberties of that citie, sauing such as are borne free, that is to saie, of fréemen with­in the citie, Fréemen. of whome at this time, it is not much ma­teriall to make any further report. The citie thus consisting of the said craftes or occupations, chooseth out of the same a senat or companie of graue coun­cellours, line 30 whom they name Aldermen (E) changed into (A) according to the old Saxon pronuntiation. Wards. It is also diuided into 26. tribes or wards, of the which euerie one hath his seuerall Alderman, or ouer­s [...]er, who haue both authoritie sufficient, and large priuileges to mainteine the good gouernement of their portions withall. Out of the number of these, there is another officer yearelie chosen and appoin­ted, called the Maior, The Maior. who ruleth all the rest.

But now to returne vnto the further dooings of line 40 king Richard before his departure out of England towards his iournie into the land of Palestine, com­monlie called Holie land, it is said, he made such sale of things apperteining to him, as well in right of the crowne, as otherwise, that it séemed to diuerse he made his reckoning neuer to returne againe, in so much that some of his councellours told him plaine­lie, that he did not well in making things awaie so freelie, K. Richard setteth things on sale. Ran. Higd. Wil. Paruus. to the dishonoring of his maiestie, and preiu­dice of his successour; vnto whom he answered, that line 50 in time of néed it was no euill policie for a man to helpe himselfe with his owne, and further ioined hereto these words, ‘that if London at that time of néed would be bought, he would surelie sell it, if he might méet with a conuenient merchant that were able to giue him monie inough for it.’

Another way he had also to gather riches, and that was this. He had a licence of pope Innocent the third, to dispense with such as pleased him within his realme, for their vowes made to go into the holie line 60 land, although they had taken on them the crosse for that purpose, namelie such as he should appoint to re­maine behind him for the defense of his countrie: and of these also he tooke abundantlie, and diuerse o­ther he compelled to fine, namelie, to the end that he might get their monie likewise, that hereby he ob­teined no small summe toward the furniture of his iournie. But both pope & prince forgat in the meane while, that ‘Boni pastoris est tondere pecus non excoriare.’

This yeare also in the moneth of Nouember, as Matthew Paris saith, Iohannes de Anagnia a cardi­nall and legat from the pope arriued here in Eng­land, comming on land at Douer, and bicause the king was as then in the north parts, the same cardi­nall was prohibited on the behalfe of the kings mo­ther queene Elianor, to passe any further without the kings commandement. And so he staied there thir­téene daies at the charges of the archbishop of Can­turburie, till the king came to those parties, by whose wisedome a direction was taken for the quieting of the controuersie betwixt the archbishop, and the moonkes of Canturburie, for the chappell church of Hakinton now called S. Stephans.

In the same moneth of Nouember, by the kings appointment, Geffrey the elect of Yorke, R. Houed. who was the kings brother, with other barons and lords of Yorkeshire, William king of Scots. receiued William king of Scotland at the water of Tweed, and from thence with all due reuerence and honour they brought him vnto Can­turburie, where the king had called a councell of the lords of his realme both spirituall and temporall, A councell c [...]lled at Can­turburie. Polydor. An oth. Matth. Paris. in the which euerie of them tooke an oth to be true to the king, and to continue in due obedience vnder him and his lawes, which oth also the king of Scots recei­ued, being there present, and likewise king Richards brethren earle Iohn and Geffrey the archbishop of Yorke.

The king of Scots therefore hauing receiued this oth, Matth. Paris▪ Polydor. and thinking the time to serue his purpose for re­déeming of those castels, which were deliuered to king Henrie as gages for his ransome, paid now vnto king Richard ten thousand markes, and had re­stitution of the same, that is of Berwike, Roxburgh, Restitution made to the K. of Scots. Wil. Paruus. Sterling, and Edenburgh. But William Paruus sai­eth, that Edenburgh was restored to him in the daies of king Henrie, by reason of his wife which he tooke in the parties beyond the seas: and herewith agréeth the Scotish chronicle. King Richard also as­signed to queene Elianor his mother, the accusto­med dower, with manie lordships and honours be­side, as an augmentation thereof. Rog. Houed. About which time died William de Mandeuille earle of Albemarle at Rouen, and Hugh de Putsey the nephue of the bi­shop of Durham died at Ac [...]et, and was buried at Durham. N. Triuet. Also Formalis archbishop of Trier died at Northampton, and was there buried in the church of S. Andrews.

In the meane time, king Richard still desirous to furnish himselfe with monie, deuised yet another shift, and feigned that he had lost his seale; wherefore he commanded a new to be made, which being doone, he caused it to be proclaimed and published in euerie countrie, that those to whome he had granted any thing by his déed or charter, Matth. Paris. meaning to inioy the same in suertie, should not thinke it much to come and haue it confirmed by his new seale, least after­ward the other being lost, their lawfull titles might be called into question. Wherevpon manie that could not come to him whilest he was in England, were glad to follow him, and saile ouer into Nor­mandie, and there to fine at his pleasure for the new seale, to the end that their writings might be confir­med thereby, and made so much the more sure to them and their successours. For the same businesse also Remigius the prior of S. Albons, and manie other went ouer to their great costs, charges, and tra­uell, after he was transported into France.

I find moreouer about the same time, that the kings brother earle Iohn exhibited a sore complaint against the Romane legat and other bishops▪ for that the archbishop of Canturburie, after the appeale made vnto the apostolike sea [...], had put his lands vn­der interdiction for his mariage made with the earle of Glocesters daughter: which when the legat heard, he foorthwith confirmed the appeale, and released the earles lands of the aforesaid interdiction. The same time also, the tenth part of all the mooueable goods [Page 121] thorough the realme of England was leuied to the aid of the warres in the holie land. And this collecti­on, passing vnder the name of an almes, was exten­ded vpon the goods as well of the spirituall men as temporall.

After all this, K. Richard desirous to set order in the gouernment of his realme, appointed Hugh bi­shop of Durham to haue the rule of the north parts as cheefe iustice from Humber northwards toward Scotland, Hugh bishop of Durham gouerneth the north parts. Matth. Paris. deliuering vnto him also the kéeping of line 10 Winchester castell: the residue of the kingdome (with the custodie of the towre) he assigned to the go­uernance of William Longchampe bishop of Elie, William Lōg­champe bishop of Elie. whome he had made cheefe iustice of that part, and chancellour of the realme, a man of great diligence and knowledge in the administration of things, but verie factious and desirous of rule, honour and riches farre aboue all measure. And with these two he ioi­ned in commission Hugh Bardulfe, William Mar­shall earle of Chepstow, or rather Penbrooke, Gef­frey Fitz Peter, & William Brewer, men of great line 20 honour, wisedome, and discretion.

R. Houed. King Richard passeth ouer in to NormandieOn the fift day of December, he departed from Canturburie, and went to Douer, there to take wa­ter, and so on the eleuenth day of December he pas­sed ouer vnto Calice, where he found Philip earle of Flanders readie to receiue him, who attended vpon him till he came into Normandie, where the king held his Christmas at Burun, and immediatlie he came to an enteruiew with the French king at Gue S. Remige, year 1190 Vadum sancti Remegij. A league be­twixt y e kings of England and France. where they concluded peace togither, to line 30 be kept betwixt them & their countries on ech part: the which was put in writing, and confirmed with their oths and seales in the feast of saint Hilarie.

Furthermore, about the purification of our ladie, Elianor the quéene mother, and the ladie Alice sister to the French king, R. Houed. Baldwine archbishop of Can­turburie, Iohn bishop of Norwich, Hugh bishop of Durham, Geffrey bishop of Winchester, Reignold bishop of Bath, William Bishop of Elie, Hubert bi­shop line 40 of Salisburie, and Hugh bishop of Chester, with Geffrey the elect of Yorke and Iohn earle of Mor­taigne the kings two brethren, by commandement of the king passed ouer into Normandie to commen with him before hi [...] setting forward▪

¶ Some write, that now at this present, the king should ordeine or rather confirme the bishop of Elie his chancellour to be lord chéefe iustice ouer all Eng­land, and the bishop of Durham to be lord iustice from Trent northwards. But whensoeuer they were line 50 thu [...] aduanced to such dignities, Contention betwixt two ambitious bishops. howsoeuer they came by them, directlie or indirectlie, tr [...] it is, that immediatlie therevpon, strife and discord did arise betwixt them: for [...] proud and insolent, they disdained ech other, contending which of them should beare most rule and authoritie▪ insomuch that whatso­euer séemed good to the [...] misliked, as in cases where parteners in authoritie are equall, it of­ten happeneth. The like hereof is [...] before be­twéene the archbishops of Canturburie [...] Yorke line 60 in diuerse kings reignes▪ Fo [...] the nature of ambiti­on is to delight in singularitie, to admit no peers▪ to giue place to no superior, to acknowledge no equall. Hereto alludeth the poet verie nea [...]l [...], and exempli­fieth it in the old Romans, the [...]rder of whose actions is continued at this day, as by th [...] wo [...]s insuing may be gathered, and ordinarilie obserued, booth here and elsewhere;

[...] pladoxe,
Plebei [...] ▪ quo [...]ie [...] suffragi [...] [...],
M. Pal [...]n sua v [...]g.
Cerdo [...]úm (que) ani [...] precibus sosuilibus (que)
Turpibus obsequijs [...]
Vt proprijs rebus cur [...] publica [...]
Pér (que) foram medium multis comitantibus irent,
Inflati v [...] vento folies, ac fronte superba, &c.

Moreouer, at the same time he caused his two bre­thren, earle Iohn, and Geffrey the elect archbishop of Yorke to take an oth not to returne into England during the terme of thrée yeares next insuing, with­out his consent and licence first had. This he did, fore­séeing what might happen, prouiding as it were a­gainst such practises as his brethren might happilie attempt against him. But yet his mother quéene E­lianor procured him to reuoke that decree immediat­lie, least it might seeme to the world, that hir sonnes should stand in feare one of another. And so the earle of Mortaigne was licenced to returne into Eng­land at his pleasure, Earle Iohn licenced to re­turne into England. swearing an oth at his depar­ture to obeie the kings beheast, and truelie to serue him, according to the dutie of a good and loiall sub­iect. The bishop of Elie lord chancellour and cheefe iustice of England was also sent backe hither into this realme, to set forward things behoouefull for the kings iournie.

In like maner the king sent to Rome to obteine that the said bishop of Elie might be constituted the popes legat through both the prouinces of Cantur­burie and Yorke, The bishop of Elie re­turneth. and likewise through Wales and Ireland. Which was soone granted by the bulles of pope Clement the third, bearing date the 5. of Iune. For the which office the bishops gaue him 1500. marks, to the great offense of the king, as he shewed afterward to cardinall Octauian that came to visit him when he arriued in the riuer of Tiber, being vp­on his iourneie towards Messina, as after may ap­peare. But in the meane time, calling togither the lords and peeres of those his dominions on that side the sea, to wit, Normandie, Britaine, Aniou, Poitou, Polydor. and Guien, he consulted with them what number of soldiors and how manie ships it should be conueni­ent for him to take with him and furnish into Alla: and herewith he did command them also to obeie Robert earle of Leicester, whome he appointed to re­maine amongst them as his lieutenant or vicege­rent of those parts during his absence.

¶ But here to leaue king Richard in consultati­on for matters apperteining to his iournie, and shew brieflie what happened (by the waie) to the Iewes, which as then dwelt heere in England, after that king Richard was passed euer into Normandie: W. Paruu [...]. ye haue heard how after the riot against them at Lon­don, when the king was crowned, he tooke order that they should remaine in peace vnder his prote­ction, and commanded that no person should in anie wise molest them. But now after that he was gone ouer, and that the souldiers (which prepared them­selues to follow him) began to assemble in r [...]s, the heads of the common people began to wax wild, [...] faine would they haue had some occasion of raising a new tumult against the Iewes, The hatred borne to the Iewes. whome (for these vn­mercifull vsurie practised to the vndooing of manie an honest man) they most [...]adlie hated, wishing most earnestlie these expulsion out of England▪ Her­vpon by reason of a riot committed latelie against them, at the towne of L [...]n in Norfolke, where ma­ [...]ie of them were slaine, other people in other parts of the realme, taking o [...]casion hereat, as if they had béene called vp by the sound of a bell or trumpet, a­ [...]ose against them in those [...] where they had any habit [...] them afte [...] a disordered [...].

As at Stamford (on the faire day in Lent) at Lin­colne, and at Yorke, Iohn Textor. in which citie after a number of them had béene besieged certeine daies within a [...] of the kings (whither they fled for succour) one of them learned gouernours caused foure hundred of Five hundred saith Houeden and Textor. their companie to consent to haue their thro [...]s cut [Page 122] one at an others hands, he himself cutting his wiues throt first, whose name was Anna, then his childrens, one after another, and last of all slue himselfe, onlie rather than he would fall into the hands of the chri­stians, that had thus long besieged them. The rest perceiuing what their great Rabbi had doone, set fire vpon all their goods and substance, which they had got­ten into the tower with them, and so consuming the same, would haue burnt also the residue of their fel­lowes which would not agrée to the Rabbies coun­sell, line 10 in the cruell murthering of themselues, if they had not taken a strong turret hard by within that tower, and defended themselues both from the fire and crueltie of their brethren, who had made awaie themselues in such manner as I haue said: and that to the number of foure hundred, or (as some write) fiue hundred at the least.

On the morow, those that were saued, called out to the people, and not onelie shewed how and after what sort their fellowes were dispatched, but also of­fered line 20 to be baptised, and forsake their Iudaisme, if they might haue their liues saued from the immi­nent & present danger wherein they saw themselues to be wrapped, through the furie of the people. To be short, this thing was granted, and they came foorth, howbeit they were no sooner entred into the prease, but they were all slaine, and not one man of them preserued.

After this also, the people ran to the cathedrall church, and broke into those places where their bonds line 30 and obligations laie, by the which they had diuerse of the kings subiects bound vnto them in most vncon­scionable sort, and for such detestable vsurie as (if the authors that write thereof were not of credit) would hardlie be beleeued. All which euidences or bonds they solemnelie burned in the middest of the church. After which, ech went his waie, the souldiers to the king, and the commons to their houses, and so was the citie quieted. This happened at Yorke on Palmesundaie eeue, being the 17. of March: and vp­on line 40 the 15. of that moneth, those that inhabited in the towne of S. Edmundsburie in Suffolke, were set vpon, and manie of them slaine. The residue that es­caped, through the procurement of the abbat then named Samson, were expelled, so that they neuer had anie dwellings there since that time.

Thus were the Iewes vnmercifullie dealt with in all places in maner through this realme, the first be­ginning whereof chanced at London (as before ye haue heard) and the next at Lin, of which I thinke it line 50 good to note some part of the maner therof, although breeflie, and so to returne to my purpose. The occa­sion therefore of the tumult at Lin chanced by this meanes: it fortuned that one of the Iewes there was become a christian, wherewith those of his nati­on were so mooued, that they determined to kill him where soeuer they might find him. And herevpon they set vpon him one daie as he came by, through the stréets: he to escape their hands fled to the next church; but his countriemen were so desirous to ex­ecute line 60 their malicious purpose, that they followed him still, and inforced themselues to breake into the church vpon him. Herewith the noise being raised by the christians that sought to saue the conuerted Iew, a number of mariners being forreners, that were arriued there with their vessels out of sundrie parts, and diuerse also of the townesmen came to the re­scue, and setting vpon the Iewes, caused them to flée into their houses.

The townesmen were not verie earnest in pursu­ing of them, bicause of the kings proclamation and ordinance before time made in fauour of the Iewes: The slaugh­ter made of the Iewes at Lin. but the mariners followed them to their houses, [...] diuerse of them, robbed and sacked their goods, and finallie set their dwellings on fire; and so burnt them vp altogither. These mariners being inriched with the spoile of the Iewes goods, and fearing to be cal­led to accompt for their vnlawfull act by the kings of­ficers, got them foorthwith to shipboord, and hoising vp sailes, departed with their ships to the sea, and so escaped the danger of that which might haue béene o­therwise laid to their charge▪ The townesmen being called to an accompt excused themselues by the ma­riners, burdening them with all the fault. But al­though they of Lin were thus excused, yet they of Yorke escaped not so easilie. For the king being ad­uertised of such outrage, doone contrarie to the order of his lawes and expresse commandement, wrote o­uer to the bishop of Elie his chancellour, charging him to take cruell punishment of the offendors.

The bishop with an armie went to Yorke, but the cheefe authors of the riot hearing of his comming, fled into Scotland: yet the bishop at his comming to the citie, caused earnest inquirie to be made of the whole matter. The citizens excused themselues, & offe­red to proue that they were not of counsel with them that had committed the riot, neither had they aided nor comforted them therein in anie maner of wise. And in déed the most part of them that were the of­fendors, were of the countries and townes néere to the citie, with such as were crossed into the holie land, and now gone ouer to the king, so that verie few or none of the substantiall men of the citie were found to haue ioined with them. Howbeit this would not excuse the citizens, The citizens of Yorke put to their fine for slaugh­ter of the Iewes. but that they were put to their fine by the stout bishop, euerie of them paieng his portion according to his power and abilitie in substance, the common sort of the poore people being pardoned, and not called into iudgement, sith the ringleaders were fled and gone out of the waie: and thus much by waie of digression touching the Iews.

Now to returne vnto the king, who in this meane time was verie busie to prouide all things necessa­rie to set forward on his iournie; his ships which laie in the mouth of the riuer of Saine, being readie to put off, he tooke order in manie points concerning the state of the common-wealth on that side, and chéefelie he called to mind, that it should be a thing necessarie for him, to name who should succeed him in the kingdome of England, if his chance should not be to returne againe from so long and dange­rous a iournie. Matt. Wes [...]. He therefore named (as some suppose) his nephue Arthur, the sonne of his brother Geffrey duke of Britaine, to be his successour in the king­dome, a y [...]ng man of a likelie proofe and princelie towardne [...]e, but not ordeined by God to succéed o­uer this kingdome.

About the same time the bishop of Elie, lord chan­cellour and cheefe iustice of England, tooke vp to the kings vse, of euerie citie in England two palfries and two sumpter horsses, & of euerie abbeie one pal­frie and one sumpter horsse; & euerie manour within the realme [...]ound also one palfrie and one sumpter horsse. Moreouer, the said bishop of Elie deliuered the gouernment of Yorkeshire to his brother O [...] ­bert de Longchampe: and [...]ll those knights of the said shire, the which would not come to make answer to the law vppon summons giuen them, he comman­ded to be apprehended and by and by cast in prison. Also when the bishop of Durham was returned from the king and co [...]e ouer int [...] England to go v [...]to his charge, at his meeting with the lord chancellour at Elie (notwithstanding that he shewed him his let­ters patents of the grant made to him to be iustice from Trent northward) the said lord ch [...]ncellour ta­king his iournie to Southwell with him, The bishop [...] Durham re­streined of li­bertie. there detei­ned him as prisoner, till he had made surrender to him of the castell of Windsor, & further had deliue­red [Page 123] to him his sonnes, Henrie de Putsey, and Gil­bert de la Ley, as pledges that he should keepe the peace against the king and all his subiects, vntill the said prince should returne from the holie land. And so he was deliuered for that time, though shortlie after, and whilest he remained at Houeden, there came to him Osbert de Longchampe the lord chancellors brother, and William de Stuteuille, the which caused the said bishop to find sufficient suertie that he should not thence depart without the kings licence, or the line 10 lord chancellors, so long as the king should be ab­sent o [...] Herevpon the bishop of Durham sent know­ledge to the king how and in what sort he had béene handled by the chancellor.

In the meanetime the king was gone into Gas­coigne, where he besieged a castell that belonged to one William de Chisi, William de Chisi. and tooke both the castell and the owner, whome he caused to be hanged for the spoiles and robberies which he had committed vpon pilgrims that passed by those parts toward Compo­stella, line 20 to visit the bodie of saint Iames. After this, the king came backe vnto Chinon in Aniou, The kings nauie is set foorth. and there tooke order for the setting foorth of his nauie by sea, ouer which he appointed chéefe gouernours Gerard archbishop of Aux, Bernard bishop of Baieux, Ro­bert de Sablius, Richard de Camuille, and Willi­am de Forz de Ulerun, commanding all those that should passe foorth with his said nauie, Baion. Sablius, or Sabuille. to be obedi­ent vnto these persons as his deputies and lieute­nants. Herewith they were appointed to prouide line 30 victuals to serue all those that should go by sea for the space of 60. daies.

Polydor.The king also made the same time certeine or­dinances to be obserued among the seafaring men which tended to this effect:

1 First, that if any man chanced to [...]lea an other on the shipboord, Sleiers of men. he should be bound to the dead bodie and so throwne into the sea.

2 Secondlie, if he killed him on land, he should yet be bound to him as before, and so buried quicke line 40 togither.

Brallers.3 Thirdlie, if any man should be conuicted by lawfull witnesse, that he drew any weapon to strike any other, or chanced by striking at any man to draw bloud of him that was smitten, Punishment for bloud-drawers. he should lose his hand.

4 Fourthlie, if he gaue but a blowe with his fist without bloudshedding, he should be plunged three seuerall times ouer head and eares in the water.

5 Fiftlie, if any man reuiled another, he should line 50 for euerie time so misusing himselfe, Reuilers. forfeit an ounce of siluer.

Theft and pickerie.6 Sixtlie, that if any man were taken with theft or pickerie, and thereof conuicted, he should haue his head polled, and hot pitch powred vpon his pate, and vpon that, the feathers of some pillow or cushion shaken aloft, that he might thereby be knowne for a theefe, and at the next arriuall of the ships to any land, be put foorth of the companie to seeke his aduen­ture, without all hope of returne vnto his fellowes. line 60

These were the statutes which this famous prince did enact at the first for his nauie, which sithens that time haue been verie much inlarged. About the same time Iohn Bishop of Whiterne in Scotland, suffra­gane to the church of Yorke, ordeined Geffrey arch­bishop of Yorke, Wil. Paruus. préest. At the same season also the e­lection of the same Geffrey was confirmed by pope Clement, who among other things that he wrote to the chapiter of Yorke on his behalfe, in the end he addeth these words: ‘We doo therefore admonish you all, and by the apostolicall bulles command you, that you exhibit both reuerence and honour vnto him as vnto your prelat, that thereby you may appeare com­mendable both before God and man.’ Giuen at La­teran in the nones of March and third yeare of our gouernment.

Whilest these things were in dooing, there came into France legats from the said Clement, to mooue the two kings to make all the spéed possible towards their iourneie, bicause of the great danger wherein things stood in Palestine, requiring present helpe. Herevpon king Richard (his men and prouision be­ing readie) commanded that his ships should set for­ward, Polydor. King Richard set forward on his iourneie. Rog. Houed. & to coast about by the streicts of Giberalter­re to come vnto Marseilles, where he appointed to méet them, and so with a chosen companie of men he also set foorth thitherwards by land, and comming to Towrs, receiued the scrip and staffe as a pilgrime should, at the hands of the archbishop there.

After this, both the kings of England and France met at Uizeley in the octaues of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist, and when they had remained there two daies they passed foorth to the citie of Lion; where the two kings departed in sunder, Anno Reg. 2. and each one kept his iournie, the one toward Guenes, where his nauie was appointed to come to him, and the other to Mar­seilles, there to méet with his fléet, according to his appointment. But the English ships being let and staied by the way by contrarie winds and rigorous tempests, The English fléet staied by contrarie winds. which tossed them to and fro vpon the coasts of Spaine, could not come in any conuenient time vnto Marseilles, so that king Richard thinking long to tarrie for them, Twentie gal­lies & twelue other vessels saith Houed. & perceiuing they could not kéepe their appointed time, he hired ships from all places thereabouts, and embarking himselfe and his men in the same, vpon saint Laurence euen, Upon the sea­uenth day of August saith Houeden. sailed foorth to­wards Sicile, where he was appointed to méet with king Philip.

Here is to be noted, that king Richard made not all that iourneie from Marseilles to Messina by sea, Rog. Houed. but sundrie times comming on land, hired horsses, and rode foorth alongst the coast, appointing with his ships and gallies where to meet him, and sometimes he rested certeine daies togither in one place or other as at Portdelphin, at Naples, and at Salerne, from whence there departed from him Baldwine archbi­shop of Canturburie, Hubert bishop of Salisburie, and the lord Ranulfe de Glanuille, the which taking vpon them to go before, with prosperous wind and weather in short space landed at Acon, which was then besieged, as you shall heare hereafter.

At Rome the king came not, but being within the streame of the riuer of Tiber, there came to him a cardinall named Octauianus, bishop of Hostia, to whome he spake manie reprochfull words of the co­uetousnesse vsed in the court of Rome (a vice repu­ted the common nursse of all mischéefes, King Richard blameth the court of Rome for couetous­nesse. as one ve­rie well noteth,

Vbi auaritia est, habitant fermè omnia ibidem
Flagitia, impietas, periuria, furta, rapinae,
Fraudes at (que) doli, insidiae (que) & proditiones,
Iurgia & infandae caedes, &c.)

Bicause they had receiued seauen hundred marks for the consecration of the bishop of Mauns, and 1500. marks for the confirming of the bishop of Elie the popes legat. And againe no small summe of monie they had receiued of the archbishop of Burde­aux, when vpon an accusation brought against him by the cleargie of his prouince he should haue béene deposed. In the meane time whiles king Richard thus passed forward towards Messina, the nauie that was appointed to coast about Spaine and to méet him at Marseilles, was tossed (as before is said) with wind and tempests, and a part thereof, that is to wit, ten ships driuen here and there on the coasts of Spaine, of which number nine arriued at Lisbone and the tenth being a ship of London arriued at the citie of Sylua, which was then the vttermost citie of [Page 124] Spaine, that was inhabited with christians.

The Saracens at that time made warres against the king of Portingale, so that the Portingales stood in néed of aid, in so much that they of Sylua did not onelie intreat the Englishmen to staie with them for a time, but also got grant of them to breake their ship, with the timber whereof they might the bet­ter fortifie their towne, promising that their king should recompense them with an other as good as theirs, and also further satisfie them for their seruice, during the time of their abode there in defense of line 10 that citie. Likewise of those that arriued at Lisbone there went to the number of fiue hundred vnto saint Iranes, where the king of Portingale then was, loo­king to be assaulted by his enimies: The king of Portingale. but by the coun­terfet death of the great K. of the Saracens named Boiac Almiramumoli (who feared these new suc­cours, Almiramumoli king of the Saracens. and doubted the sequele of his dooings, to the end he might depart with honour, he fained himselfe dead) the king of Portingale was for that time pre­sentlie deliuered out of danger. line 20

Herevpon he returned to Lisbone, where he found three score and three other ships of king Richards na­uie there newlie arriued, ouer the which were chéefe capteins Robert de Sabuuille, Robert de Sabuuille. Richard de Camuille. and Richard de Camuille: which at their comming to land could not so gouerne their people, but that some naughtie fel­lowes amongst them fell to breaking and robbing of orchards: some also entring into the citie, behaued themselues verie disorderlie. But yet by the com­ming of the king, their lewdnesse was staied, so that line 30 he seemed not to séeke reuenge of the pilgrims, but rather with courteous meanes to bridle their vn­lawfull attempts: wherevnto the diligence of the English capteins not a little preuailed for a while, but yet for all that could be done on both sides, within three daies after, a new tumult was raised betwixt the English pilgrims and the townesmen, and di­uerse hurt and killed on either part.

A mutinie be­twixt the En­glishmen and the townsmen of Lisbone. Englishmen committed to prison.Wherevpon the king caused the gates of the ci­tie to be shut, and all those that were come from the line 40 ships into the citie to eat and drinke (being in num­ber about seauen hundred) were apprehended and committed to ward: and before they could be relea­sed, sir Robert Sabuuille and sir Richard Camuille were glad to agree with the king, so as all former of­fenses being remitted, and things taken by either part restored, the Englishmen promised to obserue the peace against the king of Portingale and his peo­ple; and he likewise couenanted for him and his sub­iects, that they should kéepe the peace against all pil­grims line 50 that went foorth in this voiage, and vse them like his fréends, and thus the quarell ceased.

Soone after, the English nauie departed from Lisbone, and came vnto the mouth of the riuer of Taie, betwéene Caperico and Belem, where the same daie on saint Iames éeue the lord William de Forzdulerun arriued also with thrée and thirtie other ships, The English ships méet togither. and so then they were in all about an hundred and six sailes verie well furnished and manned, and so from thence taking their course towards Marsci­les, line 60 finallie they arriued there in the octaues of the assumption of our ladie; and staieng there an eight daies (till they had repaired such things about their ships as were néedfull) they set forward againe, and came to Messina in Sicile in the feast of the exaltati­on of the crosse. On the sunday following also came the French king thither, hauing lost no small part of his nauie by tempests of weather.

King Richard as then remained at Saleru, and hearing that his nauie was gone towards Messina, They arriue at Messina. he departed thence on the thirteenth day of Septem­ber, and hasted forth towards Messina, passing by Melphi and Cocenza, and so at length comming to Faro de Messina, he passed the same, K. Richard arriueth at Messina. and on the 23. day of September arriued at Messina with great noise of trumpets and other instruments, to the woonder of the French king and others that beheld his great puissance and roiall behauiour now at his comming. The same time he went vnto the French kings lodging, to commen with him of their busi­nesse: and immediatlie the French king tooke the sea, in purpose to haue passed forward on his iournie but by contrarie wind he was staied and kept backe within the hauen, wherevpon both the kings deter­mined to winter there, and in the meane time to pro­uide themselues of all things necessarie for their ior­nie, against the beginning of the next spring. On the 30 of September he receiued his sister the quéene of Sicile, the widow of William late king of that Ile, whome he placed in a strong fortresse, which he tooke the same day, and left therein a conuenient garison of men of armes and demilances for the safegard of the place and of his said sister.

¶But now for the better vnderstanding of the cause of such quarelling as fell out betwixt the Eng­lishmen and the Sicilians, yée shall vnderstand that a little before the arriuall of the kings of England and France in those parts, king William of Sicile was departed this life, leauing no issue behind him. Whervpon the lords of the Ile elected one Tancred to their king, a bastard sonne of Roger sometime king of that land, and grandfather to this last decea­sed king William. This Tancred though he recei­ued king Richard verie courteouslie: yet he great­lie trusted him not, bicause he demanded the dowrie of his sister quéene Ioane, wife to the late king Wil­liam to be restored, whereas he had not readie mo­nie to discharge it.

Furthermore to depart with the citie of Mount saint Angelo, A chaire of gold. with all the countrie thervnto belong­ing, which was indéed assigned to hir for hir dowrie, he thought in no wise profitable: but king Richard did not onelie require that citie and countie with a chaire of gold, K. Richards demands for the dowrie of his sister wife to K. William▪ according to the custome of that king­dome in right of his sister, as due to hir by way of hir dowrie, but also he required to his owne vse a ta­ble of gold conteining twelue foot in length, and one foot and an halfe in breadth, & two tressels of gold to beare vp the same table, with 24. siluer cups, and as manie dishes of siluer, with a tent of silke of such largenesse that two hundred knights might sit at meat within it: also fortie thousand measures of wheat, with as manie of barlie, and as manie of wine, beside one hundred armed gallies, with all fur­niture and vittels sufficient to serue the gallie-men in the same for the terme of two yeares. These things he demanded as due to him being heire to his father king Henrie, accordinglie as was deuised by king William in his last will and testament, which de­mands seemed intollerable to the said Tancred: so that if he could haue shifted the matter, he was loth to haue heard thereof.

Moreouer, bicause pope Clement in right of the church pretended a title to the realme of Sicile, now that king William was dead without heires, he doubted of some practise that might be made against him betwixt king Richard and the pope. Wherevpon he thought to prouide against all attempts that might be made, fortifieng his townes & castels with strong garisons, and tooke counsell with the citi­zens of Messina, by what meanes he might soonest dispatch his countrie of that present danger, and pro­cure K. Richard to get him forward on his iournie.

Whilest these things were in hand, there was mi­nistred to the English men occasion of displeasure▪ for as it oftentimes chanceth (where an armie is) cer­teine of the vnrulie souldiers within Messina vsed [Page 125] themselues somewhat riotouslie, wherevpon the citi­zens offended therewith, got them to armour, and chased all the souldiers out of the citie. King Ri­chard who laie in campe without the walles néere to the citie, was so highlie displeased herewith, that he caused his men to arme themselues, and to prepare ladders and other necessarie things to assault the ci­tie: but by the mediation of the French king & cur­teous excuse of king Tancred (alledging the fault to rest onelie in a sort of rude citizens, whom he promi­sed to punish) the matter was taken vp, and staied line 10 for a time, till at length it was perceiued, that the Sicilians subtilie went about to feed king Richard with faire words, till he should be readie to set for­wards on his iournie, and so should the matter passe without further punishment.

Herevpon king Richard, not minding to be so mocked at their hands, approched one daie to the wals and gates with his armie in good araie of bat­tell to giue the assault, which was doone so earnestlie, line 20 and so well mainteined, k. Richard assalteth and entreth the citie by force. that finallie the citie was en­tred by force, and manie of the citizens slaine, but the slaughter had beene much greater, if king Richard had not commanded his men to spare the sword, moo­ued with the lamentable noise of poore people crieng to him for mercie and grace. The Englishmen ha­uing got possession of the citie pight vp the banners with the armes of the king of England round about the wals, wherewith the French king was sore dis­pleased, and required that the same might be taken line 30 downe, and his set vp: but the king of England would not so agrée. Neuerthelesse to pacifie the French kings mood, he deliuered the citie of Messina into the custodie of the knights Templers and Hos­pitalers, till he might be satisfied of such things as he demanded of king Tancred.

After this on the 8. daie of October, the two kings of England and France, before a great number of earles, The two kings of En­gland and France re­ceiue a so­lemne oth. barons, and others, both of the cleargie and temporaltie, tooke their solemne othes, that the one should defend the other, and also either others armie line 40 in this iournie, both comming and going, without fraud or deceipt: and the like oth was receiued by the earles and barons on both parties. Then the two kings by aduise and consent of both their ar­mies deuised these ordinances.

Ordinances deuised.1 That all pilgrims which chanced to die in this iournie might dispose at their pleasure all their ar­mour, horsses, and apparell, and halfe of those things which they had with them, so that they sent nothing line 50 home into their countries, and the other halfe should be at the discretion of Walter archbishop of Rouen, Manser bishop of Langres, of the maister of the temple, and of the maister of the Hospitall, of Hugh duke of Burgoigne, of Rafe de Coucie, of Drogo de Marlow, of Robert Sabuill, Andrew de Chauen­nie, and of Gilbert Wascoile, which should implo [...]e the same towards the support of the wars in the ho­lie land against the infidels as they thought most ex­pedient. line 60

Plaie forbid­den.2 That no man should plaie at anie game within the armie for monie, except knights and chapleins, the which should not loose in one daie and night aboue 20 shillings, they to forfeit an 100 shillings so oft as they lost aboue that summe: the persons aforena­med to haue the same to be distributed as afore is said. The two kings might plaie, and command their seruants in their presence likewise to plaie, so that they excéeded not the summe of 20 shillings. And al­so the seruants of archbishops, bishops, earles and ba­rons, by their maisters commandement might play, not excéeding that summe: but if anie seruants or mariners, or other of like degrée, were found to play without licence, the seruants should be whipped na­ked three daies round about the campe, except they ransomed foorth themselues, at the pleasure of the persons aboue named: and the mariners should be plunged ouer head and eares in the sea three mor­nings togither, after the vse of seamen, except they redeemed that punishment, at the discretion likewise of the said persons: and those of other like meane de­grées being neither knights nor chapleins should be punished as seruants.

3 That if anie pilgrime borrowed anie thing of an other whilest he was on his iournie, Borrowing. he should be bound to paie it: but if he borrowed it before his set­ting foorth, he was not bound to answer it till his re­turne home.

4 That if anie mariner or seruant, Souldiers or mariners de­parting from their masters. retoined in wages with anie man in this iournie, departed from his master without licence, no other person might re­ceiue him, and if he did, he should be punished at the discretion of the forenamed persons.

5 That no vitteler or other should buy any bread to sell againe, Uittelers. nor any meale within the compasse of the campe, except the same were brought by a stran­ger, neither might they buy any paast or other thing to sell againe in the campe, or within a league of it.

6 That if anie man bought corne wherof to make bread, it was appointed how much he should gaine in one measure beside the bran.

7 That other occupiers, which vsed buieng and selling of wares, should gaine one penie in 10 pence, neither should anie man refuse anie of the kings coine, except it were broken within the circle.

8 That no man should buy anie flesh to sell it a­gaine, except a liuing beast, which he should kill with­in the campe.

9 That no man should make bread to sell, but after the rate of penie loaues. Wherin the penie En­glish was appointed to go for foure pence Aniouine. All these ordinances with other were decreed and or­deined to be obserued and kept by the counsell, con­sent, and agreement of the kings of England, France, and Sicile.

But to returne now to the dissention betwixt the Englishmen and them of Messina: Polydor. ye shall vnder­stand that the tumult being once ceassed, and diuerse of the chéefe offendors in the late commotion put to death, king Tancred shortlie after came thither, and sought to auoid all suspicion out of king Richards head, that he might conceiue of him for béeing in a­nie wise culpable in that which his subiects of Messi­na had attempted against him, and therefore hauing recouered monie of his freends, he restored vnto king Richard the dowrie of his sister quéene Ioane, and further offered vnto him to ioine in new alli­ance with him, offering his daughter in mariage vnto Arthur duke of Britaine, the kings nephue, with a great summe of monie for hir dowrie, if it so should please him.

King Richard accepted the offer, and so ioined in peace and affinitie with the king of Sicile, receiuing of him twentie thousand ounces of gold for the same mariage to be had, and an honorable dowrie assig­ned foorth of the lands that belonged to the said Ar­thur for the said ladie to inioy during hir life, in case she suruiued hir husband. And if it so chanced, that by the death of either of them the mariage could not take place, then should king Richard restore the same twentie thousand ounces of gold againe. But beside these twentie thousand ounces of gold thus giuen by king Tancred for the mariage of his daughter, he gaue other twentie thousand ounces to king Richard for an acquitance and quite claime of all manner of duties, rights, and demands, which either he or his si­ster might pretend, either by reason of anie bequest, dowrie, or anie other manner of waie.

[Page 126] [...] [Page 129] England seeketh to haue some quarell whie he may refuse to marrie with my sister. For these are but forged matters, and no truth resteth in them.

When the king of England vnderstood this maner of answer, he replied in this wise; That as for the French kings sister, he might not marrie, for as much as he was able to produce good witnesse to prooue that his father had lien with hir and got a child of hir. And as for his priuie procéeding and practise with Tancred, he néeded no further testimonie than line 10 his owne hand and his seale, the partie himselfe be­ing present who receiued them, the messenger also be­ing not far off that carried them betwéene both the parties.

When the French king was throughlie infor­med of the first point, through counsell of the earle of Flanders and others, he pacified himselfe, and was contented to release the king of England of his faith giuen by oth for the contract made with his sister A­lice: in consideration of which releasement and de­liuerance, the king of England couenanted to giue line 20 yearelie to the French king two thousand marks of starling coine for the terme of fiue yeares togither: and at his returne home, it was agreed, that he shuld also deliuer vnto the French king his sister the said ladie Alice, with the towne of Gisors, and all other things which the French king had granted to him with his said sister. On the other part, the French king granted, that the dutchie of Britaine should apperteine to the dominion of the dutchie of Nor­mandie, so as the duke of Britaine should be accomp­ted line 30 the liege man of the duke of Normandie, and that the duke of Normandie should answer the French king for both the dutchies, as well of Bri­taine as Normandie. These agréements were rati­fied and confirmed with solemne oths receiued, and charters giuen vnder their hands and seales, vpon the 30. of March.

About this time the French king (now that the season of the yeare was come) set forward toward the holie land, The French king setteth foorth from Messina to­wards the holie land. leauing king Richard behind him in line 40 Sicile: and the two and twentith day after his set­ting foorth from Messina, he arriued at the siege of Acres or Acon. The same day also that the French king departed from Messina, queene Elianor the mother of king Richard arriued there, bringing with hir the ladie Berengaria the daughter of Sanctius the king of Nauarre, and the fourth day after quéene Elianor tooke leaue of hir sonne king Richard, Quéene Eli­anor retur­neth by Rome. and departed homeward towards England, taking hir line 50 iournie by Rome about the businesse of Geffrey the elect of Yorke, as to intreat the pope that he would confirme and consecrate him archbishop, or to autho­rise some other to doo it in his name. The ladie Be­rengaria remained behind with the kings sister Ioane quéene of Sicile.

After this in the moneth of Aprill, on the wednes­day in the passion weeke, king Richard (after he had finished and made an end of all conclusions with king Tancred) did also set forward with his sister Ioane, who tooke with hir the ladie Berengaria line 60 daughter to the king of Nauarre, affianced to him long before, Matth. Paris. 150. ships and 53. galies saith Rog. Houed. as aboue is partlie mentioned. His na­uie consisted in thirteene mightie great ships with triple sailes, an hundred carikes or rather hulkes, and fiftie gallies. He was no sooner abroad in the maine sea, but a great tempest arose, wherewith his whole nauie was sore tossed and turmoiled vp and downe the seas, and at length driuen on the coast of Cypres, where séeking to take harbour, & to come on land, the Cypriots would not suffer him, but shew­ed countenance to driue him backe, and to resist his landing. Also whereas six of his ships were so driuen by force of tempest from the residue, that thrée of them perished, and three being cast vpon the shoare of Cypres before the kings arriuall there, the souldiers and other people in the same were compelled to come on land for sauing their liues, where otherwise they stood in danger of drowning, the people of the Ile assailing them in right cruell sort, slue diuerse, and tooke the residue prisoners, and so deteined them for a certeine season.

King Richard then vnderstanding this iniurie to him doone by the Cypriots, & perceiuing they would resist his landing, prepared himselfe and his people to enter vpon them by force. The king of Cypres I­sakius or Cursach (whome Houeden nameth empe­rour of Cypres) had assembled the most part of all the power of men that he might make (though few of them were armed, or had any great skill in feats of warre) and caused them to set boords, logs of wood, benches, formes, and great chests afore them, as a de­fense, and as it were in steed of a wall, that by suc­cour thereof they might the better kéepe off their eni­mie from landing.

But K. Richard so incouraged his men by his pre­sence, & hartened them with such comfortable words as he vttered vnto them, that rowing to the shoare with their galies and small botes, The English­men take land & chase their enimies. hauing the archers afore them, they easilie got to land, droue their eni­mies backe, and so farre pursued them (being but footmen, weatherbeaten, wearie, and weat) as con­uenientlie they might, for the shortnes of time. King Richard hauing thus got foot on land, approched the towne of Limezun, which he with his souldiers en­tred, and finding it emptie of people (which were fled awaie) but full of riches and great plentie of victu­als, as corne, wine, oile, and flesh, he seized there­vpon.

The same day also the kings sisters and the ladie Berengaria with the residue of the kings nauie en­tred the hauen of Limezun. In the meane time the king of Cypres (hauing escaped from the battell) got togither his men which were fled and dispersed sun­drie waies, and incamped within six miles of king Richard, threatning that the next day he would eft­soones giue battell: which when king Richard vnder­stood, he caused his people to be armed the next mor­ning long before day, and so comming by guides vn­to the place where the Cypriots with their king were lodged, King Richard with a cami­sado vanqui­ [...]heth the Cy­priots, & cha­seth them out of their campe. Iohn Textor. suddenlie they assailed them yer they had a­nie warning of his marching towards them, by rea­son whereof they were slaine like beasts in great numbers. Howbeit, their king and a few other▪ esca­ped and fled away naked, hauing no time to put on their apparell, his treasure, horsse, armour and stan­dard were taken, which standard king Richard strait­waies determined to send vnto saint Edmunds shrine, and so did.

Hauing thus vanquished his aduersaries, The K. of Ie­rusalem and other noble men doo fealtie vnto king Richard. he came backe to Limezun: and the third day after, Guie king of Ierusalem and his brother Geffrey de Lu­cignan with the prince of Antioch Raimond and his sonne named also Raimond earle of Tripoli, with other noble men, arriued at Limezun aforesaid, to visit king Richard, and to offer him their seruices, and so became his men, in swearing fealtie to him a­gainst all other persons whatsoeuer.

The same day the king of Cypres perceiuing him­selfe vnable to resist the great puissance of king Ri­chards armie, sent ambassadours, and offered to king Richard the summe of twentie thousand marks of gold, The offers of the king of Cypres. in recompense of the monie which his men that were drowned had about them, and also to restore those to libertie which he had taken prisoners, and to make deliuerie to their hands of all their goods. Fur­thermore, he offered to go with him into the holie land personallie, and to serue him with an hundred [Page 128] knights, 400 light horssemen, and 500 well armed footmen, & also to deliuer to king Richard his daugh­ter and heire in hostage, The king of Cypres sub­mitteth him­selfe. and to acknowledge him his souereigne lord, by swearing to him fealtie for his kingdome, as for that which he should confesse to hold of him.

King Richard accepted these offers, and so the king of Cypres came in and sware fealtie to king Richard, in presence of the king of Ierusalem, the prince of Antioch, and other barons, and promised line 10 vpon his oth then receiued, not to depart till all things couenanted on his part were performed. Then king Richard assigned tents for him and his to lodge in, and appointed certeine knights and other men of warre to haue the custodie of him. But the same day after dinner vpon repentance of that which he had doone, he deceiued his keepers and s [...]ale a­waie, sending knowledge backe to the king that he would not stand to the couenants, which were con­cluded vpon betwixt them. line 20

King Richard seemed to like the matter well i­nough, and foorthwith deliuered a part of his armie vnto the king of Ierusalem and to the prince of An­tioch, appointing them to pursue the king of Cypres by land, whilest he with one part of his gallies and Robert de Turneham with the other might search about the coast by sea, to prohibit his passage by wa­ter. In euerie place where they came, such ships and gallies as they found they seized into their hands, and no resistance was made against them, by reason line 30 the people fled to the woods and mountains, leauing the cities, townes and castels void in all stéeds, where the king or the said sir Robert de Turneham with their vessels began to appéere. Robert de Turneham. When they had taken their pleasure thus alongst the coasts, they returned againe vnto Limezun. The king of Ierusalem and the other that went foorth by land, when they could not spéed of their purpose, returned also, in which meane time a great number of Cypriots came in, and submitting themselues to king Richard, were line 40 receiued as his subiects.

On the 12. daie of Maie, the ladie Berengaria daughter to the king of Nauarre was maried accor­ding to a precontract vnto king Richard at Lime­zun aforesaid in the Ile of Cypres, The king of England ma­rieth the ladie Berengaria. She is crow­ned quéene. one of the kings chaplins executing the order of the marriage. The same daie also she was crowned by the bishop of Eureux, the archbishops of Apamea and Aur, with the bishop of Baion ministring vnto him. After the solemnitie of this marriage and coronation ended, line 50 king Richard se [...] forward with his armie into the countrie of Cypres, and first wan (by surrender) the citie of Nichosia, and after the strong castell of Che­rin, within the which was the daughter of the king of Cypres, which ladie humblie yeelded hir selfe vnto K. Richard, who (counting it reproch to be extreame with such as submit themselues, and speciallie the fe­male sex, according to the old saieng, ‘Parcere subiectis nobilis s [...]it ira leonis)’ had pitie of hir case, and sent hir to his wife the new line 60 quéene, willing that she might be honorablie vsed. From thence passing forward, these castels were de­liuered into his hands, Castels deli­uered to the king of En­gland. Baffes and Buffenent▪ Den, Amur, Candace, and afterwards all the other ca­st [...]ls and cities, townes and places of strength with­in that Ile one after an other. Finallie, hearing that the king of Cypres was inclosed in an abbeie called Cap S. Andrew, he marched thitherwards: but when the king of Cypres heard of his approch, The king of Cypres again submitteth himselfe to the king of England. Rafe Fitz Geffrey. he came foorth and submitted himselfe wholie into his hands. The king first appointed him to the kéeping of his chamberlaine Rafe Fitz Geffrey, and after sent him vnto the citie of Tripoli, there to be kept in close pri­son. Who when he heard he should be committed to close prison, and remaine in fetters, said, that if he laie in irons, he should shortlie end his life. Where­vnto king Richard when he heard of it, answered: ‘He saith well, and therefore bicause he is a noble man, and our mind is not to haue him dead, but one­lie to be kept safe from starting anie more awaie, and dooing new hurt, let him be chamed in giues and fetters made of siluer, and so he was.’

But to procéed. After the king had set the countrie of Cypres in good staie, he deliuered the keeping thereof vnto Richard de Camuille and Robert de Turneham. This doone, He arriued there on the saturdaie in Whitsunwéek, being the sa­turdaie also next before the feast of S. Barna­bie. Galfridus Vinsant. vpon the wednesdaie in the Whitsunwéeke he tooke the sea againe, and passed o­uer to the citie of Acres, which as then was besieged by the christian armie, as ye may read in the descrip­tion of the holie land, onelie giuing you to vnder­stand, that such was the valiancie of king Richard shewed in manfull constreining of the citie, that his praise was greatlie bruted both amongst the christi­ans and also the Saracens.

Howbeit the secret enimitie betwixt him and the French king estsoones reuiued, by occasion of such discord as chanced betwixt Guido king of Ierusa­lem, and Conrade the marques of Tire, so that par­ties were taken, and whereas both the Pisans and Geneuois did offer their seruice vnto king Richard, yet bicause the Geneuois were confederat with the French king, who tooke part with the marques, he re­fused them, and receiued the Pisans, ioining him­selfe with king Guido to support him against his e­nimies. Pisans and Geneuois.

Here is to be remembred, that before king Ri­chard arriued at the siege, he incountred on the sea a mightie great ship called a Drommond, which one Saphaldine the brother of Saladine a prince of the Saracens had sent, Matt. Paris. Nic. Triue [...]. Saphaldine, the brother of Saladine. to refresh them with vittels. This ship king Richard caused féercelie to be assailed with his gallies, and at length bowged hir with all the vittels and prouision within the same, as wild­fire, barels of firie serpents, armour and weapons of sundrie sorts, besides all the mariners and men of warre, except such as were taken to mercie and sa­ued aliue, being about 200 in the whole, whereas there were aboord the same ship 500 men of warre, as some write, though other haue but 800. Matth. Paris▪ N. Triue [...].

¶ But now to other accidents that chanced this yere. An eclipse of the sunne. On Midsummer eeue there was such an eclipse of the sunne, the moone being the same time 27. daies old, that for the space of thr [...]e houres (for so long it la­sted) such darknesse came ouer the face of the earth, that euen in the daie time (for this eclipse began a­bout nine of the clocke in the morning) the stars ap­peared plainelie in the element. The seuenth houre of the daie saith Matth. Paris.

In the same moneth of Iune, Richard de Cam­ville, whome the king had left (as ye haue hea [...]d) go­uernour in Cypres, chanced to fall sicke, Richard de Camuille de­ceasseth. and com­ming without licence to the siege of Acres, there di­ed. After whose death the Cypriots and those called Griffones and [...]r [...]ians reuolted from the English obedience, and chose to them a king, one that was a moonke of the familie of Is [...]chus their former [...] but Robert de Turneham, who after the deceasse of Richard Camuille remained so [...] gouernour of the Ile, gathered a power of men togither, and giuing battest to the new king (whom [...]oueden name [...] al­so emperour) vanquished him with his complices, tooke him prisoner, and hanged him on a paire of ga­lowes. The same moneth also died [...]afe Fi [...]z Gef­frey, who had the other king Isac in cu [...]odie▪ and then king Richard deliuered him to the [...]nights of the hospitall, who sent him to the ca [...]ell of Marg [...]t, there safelie to be kept as prisoner to the vse of the king of England.

Now will we returne vnto the affaires of Eng­land [Page 129] and make [...] mention of [...]he dooings there. Yee shall vnderstand, that a [...]er king Richard was set forward on his iournie, William Longchampe lord chan [...]ellour and bishop of E [...]ie, appointed (as ye haue hear [...]) gouernour of the realme, Polydor. began to exer­cise his a [...]oritie to the v [...]termost, taking vpon him the state of a prince, rather [...]han of a subiect. He had [...] late (as before [...] heard) procured such fauor at the hands of pope Clement, that he was instituted by him l [...]gat of the apostolike see here in England, The Lord chancellor called the popes legat in England. line 10 so that pretending a rule [...]oth ouer the clergie and temporaltie, and by reason that he had both the autho­ritie of pope and king [...] his hands, he vsed the same to his most aduantage, as well in causes ecclesiasti­call as temporall, whereby he wrought manie oppres­sions both against them of the clergie and temporal­tie. The statelie port of the lord chancel­lor. Ran. Higd. He mainteined such a port and countenance in his dooings, that he would ride with a thousand hors­ses, by meanes wherof [...]hen he came to lie at abbeis and other places (bringing with him such a traine) he line 20 was verie burdenous vnto them, speciallie when he laie at their houses any space of time.

This man called a conuocation at Westminster, wherein at the suit of Hugh Nouant bishop of Che­ster, A conuocati­on. it was decreed, that the moonks of Couentrie should be displaced, Moonks of Couentrie displaced. Polydor. Ran. Higd. Wil. Paruus. The occasion. Ran. Higd. and secular canons brought into that house to supplie their roomes. Which was doone by the authoritie of the said lord chancellour, being bribed by the foresaid bishop of Chester (as some wri­ters haue recorded) for displeasure which he bare to line 30 the moonks, by reason of a fraie which they had made vpon the said bishop in their church at Couentrie, and drawne bloud of him before the altar there, as he alledged.

But some haue written, that the bishop of Chester procured a licence of the pope, Wil. Paruu [...]. to alter the state of that church in sort aboue mentioned, which is most likelie, surmising against the moonks, that they were most manifest and stubborne disturbers of that peace and quietnesse which ought to remaine amongst line 40 churchmen: and yet he himselfe sowed the strife and dissention amongst them, and namelie betwéene the prior and his couent. Moreouer, the said lord chan­cellour depriued such rulers of their administrati­ons and gouernements, Ran. Higd. Polydor. as the king had appointed to beare any high authoritie within the realme, pretending not onelie the kings commandement, but also alleadging a reason which mooued him so to doo, as thus, that he might thereby take awaie all occasions of grudges from the people, The L. chan­cellors reason. which line 50 otherwise might thinke, and would not sticke to saie, that they were oppressed by the rule of manie kings in stéed of one king. The bishop of Durham. The bishop of Winchester. He did also depriue Hugh the bishop of Durham of all his honour and dignitie, and put the bishop of Winchester to great trouble. Moreouer, doubting least the Nobles of the realme would rise against him, and put him out of his place; he sought to keepe them lowe, and spoiled them of their monie and substance. Likewise pretending a colour of doubt, least earle Iohn the kings brother line 60 should attempt any thing against his brother the king now in his absence, The lord chancellors meaning to kéepe earle Iohn lowe. he sought also to kéepe him vnder. To be breefe, he plaied in all points the right part of a tyrant, and shewed himselfe such a one in all respects as mainteined his title,

Non disceptando aut subtilibus argumentis
Vincere, sed ferro mauult sua iura tueri,
Pal [...]in suo cap.
Pontifices nunc bella iuuant, sunt caetera nuga,
Nec praecepta patrum nec Christi dogmata curant,
Iactant se dominos rerum & sibi cuncta licere.

At length the king receiued aduertisement from his mother queene Elianor of his demeanor, and that there was great likeliehood of some commotion to insue, if spéedie remedie were not in time proui­ded. Wherevpon being then in Sicile, Walter the archbishop of Rouen sent into England he sent Wal­ter the archbishop of Rouen into England with commission, to ioine in administration of the king­dome with his chancellor the said bishop of Elie. But the archbishop comming into England was so slen­derlie interteined of the chancellour, and in effect so lit [...]e regarded, that notwithstanding his commission and instructions brought from the king, He is little re­garded of the lord chancel­lor. he could not be permitted to [...] any rule. But the chancellour deteinin [...] the same who [...]e in his h [...]ds, ordered all things at his pleasure, without [...] the archbish. [...] Rouen, or any other of counsell with him, except such a [...] it pleased him to [...] for the seruing of his owne turne.

¶ He certeinlie beléeued (as ma [...]e other [...]) that king Richard would neuer returne with life into England againe, which caused him to attempt so manie vnlawfull [...]nterprises, and therefore he got in­to his hands all the castels and fortresses belonging to the crowne, and furnished them with garisons of souldiers, as he thought necessarie, depriuing such capteins of their roomes as he suspected not [...]o fauour his procéedings.

One Gerard de Camuille had bought of the king the kéeping of the castell of Lincolne, vnto whom al­so the shiriffewike of the shire was committed for a time, but the lord chancellour, perceiuing that he bare more good will vnto earle Iohn the kings brother than to him (which Iohn he most suspected) he tooke from him the shiriffewike, & demanded also to haue the castell of Lincolne deliuered into his hands, which Gerard refused to deliuer, and perceiuing that the chancellor would practise to haue it by force, he fled vnto earle Iohn, requiring him of competent aid and succour.

The chancellor on the other part, perceiuing what hatred diuerse of the Nobles bare him, thought good to prouide for his owne suertie the best that he could, and therefore sent for a power of men from beyond the sea: but bicause he thought it too long to staie till they arriued, he came to Lincolne with such power as he could make, and besieged the castell. Erle Iohn the kings brother aduertised hereof, The lord chancellor besiegeth the castell of Lin­colne. Earle Iohn winneth the castels of No­tingham and Tickhill. raised such num­bers of men as he might make of his freends, ser­uants and tenants, and with small a doo wan the ca­stels of Notingham and Tickhill within two daies space. This doone, he sent to the lord chancellour, com­manding him either to breake vp his siege, or else to prepare for battell. The chancellour considering with himselfe that there was small trust to be put in di­uerse of those lords that were with him, bearing good will to earle Iohn, and but hollow harts towards him, raised his siege and departed with dishonour.

Not long after, The chan­cellor raiseth his siege with dishonor. The lord chancellor and earle Iohn are agréed. one of his hornes was broken off by the death of pope Clement, whereby his power legantine ceased: wherewith being somewhat aba­shed, he came to a communication with earle Iohn, and vpon certeine conditions made peace with him. Shortlie after the souldiers which he had sent for, ar­riued in England, and then he began to go from the agréement made with earle Iohn, affirming that he would either driue the same earle out of England, or else should earle Iohn doo the like to him: for it was not of sufficient largenesse to hold them both. The chancel­lor breaketh the agréement. The lord chancellor and earle Iohn make another agréement. How­beit shortlie after, a peace was eftsoones concluded betwixt them with condition, that if it chanced king Richard to depart this life before his returne into England, not leauing any issue of his bodie begot­ten, that then the chancellour renouncing the ordi­nance made by king Richard (who had instituted his nephue Arthur duke of Britaine to be his heire and successour) should consent to admit earle Iohn for king of England, contrarie to the said ordinance.

But in the meane time it was agréed, that earle [Page 130] Iohn should deliuer vp the castels of Notingham and Tickhill, Notingham to the hands of William Marshall, and Tickhill to the hands of William Wendenall, they to kéepe the fame vnto the vse and behoofe of king Richard, that vpon his returne he might do [...] with them as should please him▪ prouided that if it so chanced, that he should die before he [...]o [...]ld returne from his voiage, or that the chancellour went from the agréement now taken▪ then immedi­atlie should the foresa [...]d castels of Notingham and line 10 Tickhill be restored vnto earle Iohn.

Moreouer, [...]he other castels of such honours as were assigned to each Iohn by the king his brother, were committed vnto the custodie of certeine per­sons of great trust and loialtie, as the castell of Wal­lingford to the archbishop of Rouen, the castell of Bristow to the bishop of Linc [...]lne, the castell of the Peake to the bishop of Couentrie, the castell of Bolesofres vnto Richard de Peake (or if he refused, then should the bishop of Couentrie haue it in kee­ping) line 20 the castell of Eie was committed to Walter Fitz Robert▪ the castell of Herford to Roger Bi­got, and to Richard Reuell the castell of Excester and Launston. These persons to whom these castels were thus committed to be kept, receiued also an oth, that they should faithfullie kéepe them to the kings be­hoofe, and if he chanced to die, before he should re­turne, then the same should be deliuered vnto earle Iohns hands. Also there were three castels that per­teined to the crowne, Castels deli­uered in trust to the keeping of certeine persons. deliuered likewise in trust, as line 30 the castell of Windsor vnto the earle of Arundell, the castell of Winchester vnto Gilbert de Lacie, and the castell of Northampton vnto Simon de Pateshull.

It was also agréed, that bishops, abbats, earles, and barons, valuasors, and freeholders should not be disseized of their lands, goods or cattels, otherwise than by order of the iustices or officers of the king, so that they should be iudged in the kings courts accor­ding to the lawfull customes and ordinances of the line 40 realme: and likewise that earle Iohn should cause the same orders to be obserued through all his lands. Prouided that if any man attempted to doo other­wise vpon support or maintenance of earle Iohn, he should stand to be reformed by the archbishop of Ro­uen if he chanced then to be in England, and by the kings iustices, and by those that had sworne to ob­serue this peace: and also earle Iohn himselfe at their request should see such reformation to be had.

Moreouer, it was agréed that all those castels that line 50 had bin built or begun to be builded since the kings passage ouer towards his iournie, should be razed, and no new made or fortified till his returne, except in manours perteining to the kings demaine, if need required, or by his speciall commandement, ei­ther by letters, or sufficient messengerrs. That the shiriffewike of Lincolne, which the lord chancellour had assigned vnto William de Stuteuille should be restored to Gerard de Camuille, who had a daie ap­pointed him to appéere in the kings court, to heare line 60 what might be laid against him: and if such matter could be prooued, for the which he ought to loose the said shiriffewike and the castell of Lincolne, then he should depart from them by the iudgement of the court, or else not. Neither should earle Iohn main­teine him against the iudgement of that court, nor should receiue any outlawes, or such as were noto­riouslie knowen for enimies to the king, and so na­med, nor should suffer them to be receiued within the precinct of his liberties.

To hold, mainteine and obserue this peace, the said earle and chancellour sware in the hand of the archbishop of Rouen with seuen barons on either part. On the part of earle Iohn these were the [...] No­tingham and Tickhill be restored vnto earle Iohn, notwithstanding what soeuer the king should com­mand touching the same▪ Thus was the peace con­cluded eftsoones betwixt earle Iohn and the chan­cellour. Anno Reg. 3. Matth. We [...]. Polydor. Geffrey the archbishop of Yorke. Rog. Houed.

In this meane while, Ge [...]rey the elect archbishop of Yorke, after long suit and manie delaies contri­ued, speciallie by the chancellour, obteined his pall, being consecrated by the archbishop of Towrs, by vertue of his buls obteined from pope Celestine. The chancellour aduertised herof, and vnderstanding that he meant to come shortlie into England to be installed, was in a great chafe, bicause that during the time of the vacation, he had vsed the reuenues of that see at his pleasure, and therefore now to forgo them he was nothing contented. Herevpon he wrote his letters vnto Matthew de Clere shiriffe of Kent in this forme. Matth. Pari [...].

The lord chancellours letters to the shiriffe of Kent.

PRaecipimus tibi quòd si Eb [...]racen. electus ad a­liquem portum in balliua tua applicuerit, aut aliquis nunci [...]rum eius, eum retineri fa [...]ias, do­nec mandatum nostrum indè receperis. Et simi­liter praecipimus, quòd omnes literas papae aut magni alicuius viri quae illic venerint, facias retineri. The English wher­of is thus.

We command you that if the elect of Yorke shall arriue at any port or hauen within your bailiwicke, or any messenger of his, that you cause them to be a­rested and kept, till you haue commandement from vs therein. And we command you likewise, to stay, attach, and keepe all letters that come from the pope, or any other great man.

Likewise, Polydor. The death of the archbi [...]hop of Cantur [...] ­rie. Io. Textor. whereas Baldwine archbishop of Can­turburie, hauing taken his iournie into the holie land, and arriuing there before the king, chanced to depart this life at Tyrus, the last yeere, vpon the feast daie of S. Edmund, the chancellour found meanes to keepe that sée also vacant, that he might receiue the profits thereof, during the vacation, and find meanes to be prepared to it in the end. But as touch­ing the sée of Yorke, although he had (as before is said) made his hand of the reuenues belonging to the same from time to time at his pleasure, yet now af­ter that he heard how Geffrey had receiued the pall, he made hauocke, wasting & spoiling all that would yeeld him anie monie, without respect of right or wrong. Moreouer, he caused the hauens to be watch­ed, with commandement giuen to the townes on the sea coast, that they should not suffer the archbishop Geffrey to take land. The arc [...]bi­shop arriued and is com­mitted toward. At length yet he arriued at Douer, where he was by the foresaid Matthew de Clere first staied, and after taken out of the abbeie by the chancellours commandement, and commit­ted to prison within the castell, where a Noble man [Page 131] that had maried the chancellors sister was capteine.

The newes of whose imprisonment was anon bruted thorough the realme, wherewith the Nobles fretted, and the commons curssed: finallie all men detested such tyrannie in the chancellour. But name­lie the kings brother earle Iohn stormed at the mat­ter, and with all spéed assembled an armie out of those places where he bare rule, increasing the num­ber with a power of Welshmeir. There came to him the bishop of Winchester, with manie earles and barons, also the bishop of Bath and Chester, which line 10 latelie before had béene chéefe fauourers of the chan­cellour in all his dooings: but now that the world was changed, they shewed themselues the most ear­nest enimies he had, as well in words as déeds.

In an assemblie of all the bishops of England, all those were excommunicate in solemne wise, with candels light, and other such ceremonies, which had either giuen commandement, or were present as partakers, to pull out of the church the archbishop of Yorke, or his people by violence, and had imprisoned line 20 them in maner (as before yée haue heard:) but this was after the archbishop was set at libertie, as shuld appeare by Matthew Paris, for the chancellour repen­ting himselfe (though now too late) of his cruell dea­ling against the archbishop of Yorke, wherewith he had kindled such a brand against him, commanded the said archbishop (namelie at the instant sute of the bishop of London, or rather at the commandement of earle Iohn, as Houeden saith) to be set at libertie. But the displeasure once kindled in the hearts of the line 30 Nobles, could not so easilie be quenched with his de­liuerie, as it was spéedilie set on fire by his imprison­ment, so that they being now in armour, purposed to abate the pride of the chancellour, and to deliuer the common-wealth of such an vglie tyrant. And to be­gin, they summoned and assigned him a peremptorie day to appeare at Reading, R. Houed. The chancel­lour summo­ned to appeare to make answer vnto such iniuries as he had doone against the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Durham, sithens the de­parture line 40 of his souereigne lord the king.

At which day there came to Reading earle Iohn, and the archbishop of Rouen, with manie other bi­shops, earles, and barons, abiding there all that day, to sée if the chancellour would appeare or no; but he came not: wherevpon they prepared to march foorth towards London, and therewithall set forward in like maner. He on the other side being a man of a great courage, had gathered an armie of such stran­gers and other his fréends as he could make, and therewith went foorth, and encamped neere to Wind­sor, line 50 there to abide his aduersaries, and to giue them battell, if they came forward and would abide it. But when they approched, and he perceiued also how diuerse of his freends shranke from him, and went to his enimies, he durst not attempt the hazard of a field, but fled backe to London, and there withdrew into the tower, The chancel­lour retireth to London. with all his host, bicause he durst not commit himselfe to the doubtfull fellowship of the ci­tizens. Through his great pride and statelie port line 60 which he mainteined, as partlie yée haue heard, he had procured to himselfe no small hatred amongst all degrees of men, and namelie such as by the kings appointment ought to haue beene parteners with him in gouernement of the realme sore repined at his presumptuous proceedings, for that he disdained (as it séemed) to vse their aduise, or to ioine them with him in the administration of things, so that now in time of his trouble he wist not in whome he might put his trust.

After he was thus retired into the tower of Lon­don, earle Iohn the archbishop of Rouen, and the other bishops, earles, and barons associated togi­ther against him, followed him at the héeles, entered the citie, and besieged the tower on ech side. On the morrow after, being the fourth day after the octaues of saint Michaell, they came togither into Paules churchyard, where they publikelie declared the iniuri­ous wrongs doone and practised by the chancellour; A declaration made against the lord chan­cellour. namelie against the archbishop of Yorke, and the bi­shop of Durham. Those also that had beene appointed as associats with him, accused him, in that he had taken vpon him to rule and gouerne all things after his owne will, not vouchsafing to haue their aduise or councell in such sort as had béene conuenient.

The archbishop of Rouen and William Marshall earle of Pembroke shewed there before all the peo­ple the kings letters which he had sent from Messina, appointing that they should be associats with him in gouernment of the kingdome; The tenor of this leter shall héereafter appeare. and that without the counsell and aduice of them and others assigned ther­to, he should not meddle with the rule of the land, and that if he should doo any thing to the hinderance of the common-wealth, or séeke to meddle with the af­faires of the realme, without their good aduise, that then he should be deposed. Héerevpon it seemed good to earle Iohn, and to all the bishops, earles and ba­rons of the realme, and to the citizens of London there assembled, that the said chancellour should be deposed, and so they proceeded, and deposed him in­déed, appointing the archbishop of Rouen in his place, who would not take vpon him to doo anie thing tou­ching the rule of the land, without consent of his as­sociats assigned to him, and the barons of the es­checker.

The same day, earle Iohn, and the archbishop of Rouen, and other of the kings iustices, granted to the citizens of London the priuilege of their com­munaltie; The citizens of London. and the said earle and archbishop, and in maner all the bishops, erls and barons of the realme sware to mainteine the said priuilege firme and sta­ble, so long as should please their souereigne lord. And the citizens of London sware to be true, and to doo their faithfull seruice vnto king Richard and his heirs, and if he chanced to die without issue, then to receiue earle Iohn the brother of king Richard for their king and souereigne lord, and therevpon sware fealtie to him against all men, sauing that which they owed vnto his brother king Richard.

The chancellour perceiuing the multitude to be such which he had with him in the tower, as the place was not able to hold them any long time, after he had remained within it one night, he came foorth vn­to earle Iohn, and to the other that were thus entred the citie, and now readie to besiege him, of whome he got licence for them that were inclosed within the tower, to depart without damage, and therewith de­liuered vp the tower vnto the hands of the archbi­shop of Rouen, with the castell of Windsor, The chancel­lour yéeldeth vp the tower. and cer­teine other castels, which he held within the realme, but not all: notwithstanding he couenanted to make deliuerie of the residue, which yet remained in the hands of them whome he had appointed to the kéep­ing of the same. And for assurance of that couenant to be performed before he departed the realme, he deliuered his brethren, and one that was his cham­berleine, to remaine with the lords as hostages.

This doone, he hasted to Canturburie, where he promised to receiue the crosse of a pilgrime to go in­to the holie land, and to render vp the crosse of his legatship, which he had vsurped a yeare and a halfe after the death of pope Clement, to the preiudice of the church of Rome, and to the detriment and great hinderance of the English church. For there was not any church within the realme, The print of the legats crosse. which had not béene put to fine and ransome by that crosse, nor any ecclesia­sticall person went frée, but the print of the crosse ap­peared in him and his purse. From Canturburie he [Page 132] got him to Douer to his brother in law, and finallie séeking means to passe ouer into France, and doub­ting to be discouered, The bishop of Elie late lord chancellour disguiseth himselfe in womans apparell. he apparelled himselfe in wo­mans raiment, & got a web of cloth on his arme, as though he had beene some housewifelie woman of the countrie: but by the vntowardlie folding and vncunning handling of his cloth (or rather by a lewd fisherman that tooke him for an harlot) he was suspected and searched so narrowlie, that by his pri­uie members he was prooued to be a man, He is be­wraied. and at line 10 length knowne, attached, and committed to prison, after he had beene reprochfullie handled by them that found him, and by the wiues of the towne, in such vnséemelie apparell.

Earle Iohn not y e bishops fréend.Earle Iohn would haue had him punished, and put to some open reproofe for his passed tyrannicall dooings; but the bishops, and other of the barons, for reuerence of his order, procured his deliuerance, with licence to passe ouer into Normandie where he was borne. Thus was the bishop of Elie a man full line 20 of pride and couetousnesse ouerthrowne with shame, and receiued for his hie climing a reprochfull downe­fall: for none are more subiect to ruine and rebuke, than such as be aloft and supereminent ouer others, as the poet noteth well, saieng:

Ouid. lib. [...]. de rem. am.
Summa petit liuor, perflant altissima venti,
Summa petunt dextra fulmina missa Iouis.

In time he was deposed from his office of being chancellour, and not without warrant, for in verie deed, Matth. Paris. king Richard hauing receiued aduertisements line 30 from the lords and peeres of the realme, of the chan­cellours presumptuous and hautie demeanour, with wrongs offered to diuerse persons, wrote to them a­gaine as followeth.

A letter of king Richard directed to the States of the land for the deposing of the bishop of Elie from his office of lord chancellour.

line 40

RIchard king of England sendeth gree­ting to William Marshall, to Gilbert Fitz Peter, and Henrie Berdulfe, and to William Brewer, peeres. If it so chance that our chancellour hath not faithfullie handled the affaires and businesse of our realme (committed vnto him) by the aduise and counsell of you, and others to whom we haue also assigned the charge of gouernement of the same realme: line 50 we command you, that according to your disposi­tion in all things to be doone concerning the go­uernement thereof, you order and dispose as well for eschetes, as all other things, &c.

By force of this commission, the lords were the bolder to procéed against him as ye haue heard. Now after his comming into the parties beyond the seas, The bishop of Elie complai­neth of his wrongs re­ceiued. he ceassed not with letters and messengers to present his complaint to the pope of Rome, and to line 60 king Richard of the iniuries receiued at the hands of earle Iohn and his complices. Herevpon pope Ce­lestine wrote in déed to all the archbishops and bi­shops that were within the realme of England, The popes letters vnto the archbi­shop and bi­shops of England. in behalfe of the said bishop of Elie, declaring, that for so much as the king of England was gone into the holie land to warre against the enimies of our faith, leauing his kingdome vnder the protection of the a­postolike see, he could not but haue speciall regard to see that the state, rights and honour thereof were pre­serued from all danger of decaie.

Note how the pope defen­deth his chaplins.Wherefore, vnderstanding that there had beene certeine attempts made by Iohn erle of Mortaigne and others, both against the king and the bishop of Elie, that was not onelie legat of the apostolike sée, but also gouernour of the land appointed by the king, which attempt sounded greatlie to the reproch of the church of Rome, and danger of damage to insue to king Richard, if remedie were not the sooner found: therefore he commanded them by the vertue of their obedience, to excōmunicat the earle of Mortaigne, or any other that was knowne to haue laid any vio­lent hands vpon the said bishop of Elie, or deteined him as captiue, or inforced him to any oth, or else had changed the state of rule in the kingdome of Eng­land to other forme, than king Richard had ordei­ned at his setting forward towards the holie land: and that not onelie all the councellours, authors, ai­ders and complices of those that had committed such outrage, but also their lands should stand interdicted, so that no diuine seruice should be vsed within the precinct of the same, except penance and christning of infants. This to remaine till the said bishop & king­dome were restored into the former estate: and that the parties excommunicated should present them­selues with letters from the bishops vnto the aposto­like see to be absolued, &c.

Herevpon also the bishop of Elie himselfe wrote vnto the bishop of Lincolne and other, touching this matter: but the bishops did neither any thing in ac­complishment of the effect of the popes letters, nor at his owne supplication. And therefore percei­uing small helpe to come that waie, he sought to ob­teine the fauour and fréendship of earle Iohn, and of his mother quéene Elianor. In the meane time, the lords, barons and prelates of the realme, after they had depriued him of all authoritie, and banished him out of the land, ordeined the archbishop of Rouen in fauour of the kings commission, The arch [...]i­shop of Rouen chéefe gouer­nour of Eng­land. to haue the chéefe rule and administration of things touching all the affaires of the common-wealth; but yet so as earle Iohn had the dooings in manie points, so that he might séeme in manner an associat with him, wher­of sprang much inconuenience. For this Iohn being a man (as he is noted by some writers) of an ambiti­ous nature, was suspected to aspire vnto the king­dome: in somuch that he had ioined with the French king, after the same king was returned foorth of the holie land, against his brother king Richard, if his mother quéene Elianor had not persuaded him to the contrarie.

Whilest these things were a dooing, R. Houed. Wil. Paruus. Fiftene saith Functius, but others agrée with Houed. as Gerardus Mercator, ci­ting Alberi­cus a moonke. on the twelfth daie of Iulie, the citie of Acres was surrendred into the christian mens hands, for the Soldan Saladine (being approched néere to the siege of the christians with a puissant armie, in hope to haue raised their siege) when he perceiued it laie not in his power to worke any feat to the succour of his people within the citie, and that they were so constreined that they must néeds yéeld, he holpe to make their compositi­on, and promised to performe certeine couenants on their behalfe. Herevpon, the Saracens within A­cres couenanted not onelie to deliuer the citie vnto the christians with fiue hundred prisoners of christi­ans which they had within the same, but also to pro­cure that the holie crosse should be to them deliuered, with a thousand other christian prisoners, such as the christian princes should appoint out of those numbers which Saladine had in his custodie, and further, to giue them two hundred thousand Besans. And till these couenants were performed, it was agréed, that the Saracens, which were at that present left within the citie, should remaine as pledges, vnder conditi­on, that if the same couenants were not performed within fortie daies, then should they stand at the mer­cie of the christian princes as touching life and lim.

These things thus concluded, The citie of Acres. and the citie yéelded vp into the christian mens hands, the French king [Page 133] vpon enuie and malice conceiued against king Ri­chard (although he pretended sicknesse for excuse) de­parted homewards, The French K. returneth home. setting from Acres the last day of Iulie. Now then, after the departure of king Phi­lip, when the day approched, in the which the Saracens should performe the couenants; or else stand to the iudgement of life and death at the pleasure of the christian princes: it was perceiued that the coue­nants would not be fullfilled according to the agrée­ment. For Saladine, as it well appeared, ment not to performe that which for the safegard of his men he line 10 had vndertaken, and did but dallie with the christi­ans to prolong the time: wherevpon sentence was giuen foorth, that for default in such behalfe, the Sa­racens remaining as pledges should loose their heads.

Saladine hauing knowledge thereof, sent word to king Richard and to the whole christian armie, that if his people that were in the christian mens hands lost their heads, he would not faile but cause the heads of all those christians which he had in captiuitie line 20 to be cut off also. Notwithstanding which answer, on the fourteenth day of August king Richard issued foorth of the citie, passing the vttermost ditches, and incamped himselfe neere the armie of Saladine, who the same daie sent rich presents vnto king Ri­chard, requiring of him a longer day for perfor­mance of the couenants, but that would not be gran­ted. Wherefore vpon the said deniall, Saladine cau­sed all those christian prisoners which he had in his hands to be beheaded on the eightéenth day of Au­gust, Saladine causeth the christian pri­soners to be beheaded. line 30 on which day king Richard aduanced foorth to­wards the lodgings of the Saracens, and skirmished with them verie hotlie, so that manie were woun­ded and slaine on both parts: and amongst other one of king Richards companions at all exercises na­med Peter Mignot lost his life there. Furthermore, although king Richard knew that Saladine had put the christian prisoners to death in such wise as you haue heard, yet would not he preuent his terme ap­pointed for the execution of the Sarace [...]s that were line 40 in his custodie, but abiding vnto the twentith day of August, he then caused those Saracens which fell to his lot, at the time of the surrender of Acres, being in number about 2600. to be brought foorth of the ci­tie, and néere to the walles in the sight of Saladine and all his host they had their heads chopped off. The duke of Burgoigne caused execution to be doone within the citie vpon those which fell to the French kings share, the number of the which rose to two line 50 thousand and foure hundred, or thereabouts: for the whole number was reckoned to be about fiue thou­sand that thus lost their liues through the inconstan­cie of their prince: yet diuerse of the principall had their liues saued. The Saracens themselues also spake much euill of Saladine for this matter, bicause that refusing to performe the articles of couenants, R. Houed. he had occasioned the enimie to slea those that had so valiantlie serued in defense of the citie, to the vtter­most ieopardie of their liues. And her [...]e is verified line 60 that knowne verse, ‘Quicquid delirant reges plectu [...]tur Achiu [...].’

But now to leaue forren matters, and to returne home into England: Ger. Dor. we find, that on the second of December, the monks of Canturburie chose to their archbishop Reignold bishop of Bath, who within fif­teene daies after his election, departed this life, and lieth buried at Bath. Also this yeare, or (as Ger. Dor. saith) in the yeare following, the bishop of Durham sought meanes to withdraw his subiection from the archbishop of Yorke, Strife be­twixt y e arch­bishop of York and the bishop of Durham. for which attempt the archbi­shop of Yorke, vpon trust of the popes grant, did not excommunicate the said bishop, notwithstanding that he appealed to the popes consistorie three seue­rall times, putting his owne matter and his chur­ches to be examined and tried by the pope, wherevp­on he obeied not the excommunication: and signifi­eng the cause vnto Rome, obteined such fauour, that the pope and his cardinals reuersed the sentence, and iudged the excommunication to be of none effect. And further they decreed, that if the archbishop of Yorke had broken the altars and chalices, as infor­mation was giuen, in which the bishop of Durham had celebrated after his appeale made to the court of Rome, that then should the said bishop of Durham be acquited from owing any subiection to the said archbishop for so long as they two should liue to­gither.

True it is, that the archbishop had not onelie bro­ken the altars and chalices which the bishop had vsed in déed for the celebration of masse, but also held his owne brother Iohn earle of Mortaigne for excom­municate, bicause he had eat and dronke in compa­nie of the said bishop, and would not communicate with him, till he came to receiue absolution, and to make satisfaction for his fault. In the end the bishops of Lincolne and Rochester, with the abbat of Peter­burrow, were appointed by the pope to haue the hea­ring of this matter, as iudges authorised by his buls, who sat therevpon at Norshampton, vpon S. Calixt his day, where after they had heard both parties ar­gue what they could in either of their cases, they gaue a longer day, to wit, vntill the feast of the nati­uitie of saint Iohn Baptist next after, to see if by a­nie good means there might some agréement haue beene had betwixt them, or (if that could not be) that then the popes leters should stand in force as before, & the helpes of either part saued, as though no delaie had béene vsed. And to this, both parties were agree­able, speciallie at the motion of the bishop of Lin­colne.

This yeare also, Roger Lacie conestable of Chester. Roger de Lacie conestable of Chester tooke Alan de Lec and Peter de Bouencort, and vpon despite hanged them, for that being put in trust amongst other with the kéeping of the castels of Notingham and Tickhill, which he had receiued into his custodie of the bishop of Elie quandam lord chancellour, they had consented to the treason of Ro­bert de Crokeston, & Eudo de D [...]uille, which deliue­red the same castels vnto Iohn earle of Mortaigne. The same earle of Mortaigne was highlie offended for the death of those two persons, and therefore wa­sted the lands of the said Roger which lay within the compasse of his iurisdiction.

But now touching the depa [...]tu [...]e of the French king from Aeres, diuerse occasions are remembred by writers of the emulation and secret spite which he should beare towards king Richard, and beside other alreadie touched, one was for enterteining and relée­uing the earle of Champaigne in such bountifull wise in his necessitie, that he was readie to forsake the French kings ser [...], and clea [...]e to king Richard. But howsoeuer it came to passe▪ partlie through en­uie (as hath béene thought) conceiued at the great déeds of king Richard, whose mightie power and va­liantnesse he could not well abide, and partlie for o­ther respects him moouing, he tooke the sea with thrée gallies of the Geneuois, and returned into Italie, and so home into France, hauing promised first vnto king Richard at his departure out of the holie land, and after to pope Celestine at Rome, that he would not attempt any hurtfull enterprise against the English dominions, till king Richard should be re­turned foorth of the holie land. But this promise was not kept, for after that he was returned into France, The euill dea­ling & breach of promise of the French king. he first sought to procure the foresaid erle Iohn, king Richards brother, to rebell against him, promising him not onelie aid to reduce all his brothers domini­ons [Page 134] into his hands, but also to giue his sister Adela in marriage, whom king Richard vpon suspicion of vnchast liuing, had forsaken, as before ye haue heard. But when earle Iohn was dissuaded by his mother, from accepting this offer (which otherwise as it is said he would willinglie haue receiued) king Philip still reteined a malicious rancor in his hart, and in reuenge of old displeasures, would haue at­tempted the warre against the subiects of king Ri­chard, if his lords would haue ioined with him: but line 10 they considering what slander would redound here­by both to him and them for the iniurie doone to the christian common-welth, in making warre against him that was occupied in defense of the faith against the common enimies of christendome, would not giue their consent thereto, and so the matter rested, till king Richard was taken prisoner in Almaigne, and then what followed, it shall after appeare.

Wil. Paruus. Enuious dis­cord among the christians.In the meane while, the christian armie atchiued some worthie enterprises in the holie land, though line 20 not manie, by reason of such enuious discord as reig­ned amongst the chéefe gouernours. It chanced yet on the éeue of the Natiuitie of our ladie next after the departure of king Philip, as king Richard mar­ched foorth towards Iaph ancientlie called Ioppa, that the Soldan Saladine taking aduantage of the place, did set vpon the rereward of the christians: but his Saracens (after they had fought right fierce­lie from noone till sunne setting) were so beaten backe at length, K. Richard discomfiteth the Saracens néere to Port Iaph. and repelled with such losse and disad­uantage, line 30 that in 40. yeares before they had not su­steined at one time greater damage. Amongst other of the christians slaine at that encounter, was one Iames Dauenes, a man of high prowesse and vali­ancie.

Moreouer, king Richard wan diuerse townes and castels out of the enimies hands, Rog. Houed. as Ascalon, Da­rus, and diuerse other, and some he fortified, as Asca­lon aforesaid, and Port Iaph, otherwise called Ioppa. There were sundrie encounters also betwixt the Sa­racens line 40 and christians, wherein king Richard and his people bare themselues so manfullie, that the victo­rie for the most part continuallie rested on their side. At one time also, hearing of a great conueie of vit­tels, year 1192 munitions, and other things which came from Babylon towards Ierusalem to furnish Saladine and his armie (which conueis they call carauannes) king Richard with a competent power of men met them on the waie, and distressed those that were at­tendant vpon the safegard of that carriage, being in line 50 number about two thousand horssemen, besides a great multitude of footmen, and therewith tooke the carriages with foure thousand and six hundred ca­mels and dromedaries, besides an innumerable sort of mules, asses, and other beasts of burthen.

¶ But to speake of all the worthie exploits atchi­ued by king Richard and his valiant capteins there in the holie land against the infidels, it would re­quire a long treatise, and therefore here we passe them ouer. This is to be noted, that amongst other line 60 of whom we find honorable mention made by wri­ters for their high valiancie shewed in those exploits, these are named as cheefe, The names of such noble men as were famous for their valiant dooings in this voiage. Robert earle of Leicester, Hubert bishop of Salisburie, with the earles of S. Paule and Dreux, beside diuerse other, as Hugh de Gourney, William de Borrez, Walcline de Fer­rers, Roger de Toonie, Iames de Auencs, the bishop of Beauuois, William de Barres, William de Tarland, Drogo de Merlo, Robert de Nealle, Hen­rie Fitz Nicholas, Robert de Newburg, Rafe de S. Marie, Arnold de Bois, Henrie de Mai [...]oc, Willi­am & Saule de Bruil, Andrew de Chauignie, Henrie de Graie, Peter de Pratellis, Stephan de Turne­ham, Baldwin Carron, Clarenbald de Mount Cha­blon, Manser de Lisle, Richard de Orques and Theo­dorike [...]hilip, Ferrike de Uienne, Gilbert Male­maine, Alexander d' Arsie, Stephan de Longchamp, Seguin de Barret, Roger de Glanuille, Raimond Fitz Prince, Bartholomew de Mortimer, Gerard Furniuall, Rafe de Malleon, Roger de Sa [...]ie, Wil­liam de Poole, Hugh de Neuill, De Poole [...] de Stagno. Henrie Teutch or (if ye will) Teutonicus the kings standardbearer, with diuerse others, as well Englishmen, Frenchmen, Normans, Poictouins, Aniouines, Britans, Gas­coignes, as other nations, of whome partlie men­tion is alreadie made before in this booke, and partlie for breefenesse diuerse are omitted.

But now to returne, sure it is, that king Richard meant to haue recouered the citie of Ierusalem, and all the holie land out of the Saracens hands, by the assistance of almightie God: if the doubt which he had of his brother the earle of Mortaigns practi­ses, & the French kings dooings, which were brought to him with a greeuous report, had not reuoked him home. For diuerse messengers were sent dailie into the holie land, Galf. Vinsa [...]. to aduertise him of such dangers as were like to insue, if by his speedie returne the same were not preuented. And first after Easter, there came to him the prior of Hereford with letters from the bishop of Elie, conteining a sore information a­gainst his brother earle Iohn, for hauing expelled those whom he had appointed rulers ouer the realme of England, and altered the state of things there con­trarie to the ordinances by him deuised afore his set­ting forward vpon his iournie (as before ye haue partlie heard.)

Upon receipt of which letters, he meant inmedi­atlie at the first to haue returned, and to haue left be­hind him a conuenient power of men, to wit, thrée hundred knights or men of armes, and two thousand chosen footmen, to abide vpon the defense of the holie land, with other christians at his costs and charges. But yet at length he was persuaded to tarrie, speci­allie till things were set in some better state, which then were out of order by the death of the marques of Montferrato, lord of Tire, The marques of Montfer­rato murth [...] by the Assas­sini. whom two traitorous Saracens of the kind which they name Assassini had murthered. After whose death Henrie earle of Cham­paigne nephue to king Richard married his wife, and was made king of Ierusalem, Guido resigning to him his title, vnto whome as it were in recom­pense king Richard gaue the Ile of Cypres: al­though some write, that the knights Templers had bought it of him before. Thus king Richard remai­ning still in the holie land, shortlie after Whitsun­tide, there came an other messenger to him, one Iohn de Alanzon a clearke, bringing worsse newes out of England than the prior of Hereford had brought be­fore, which in effect conteined, that his brother earle Iohn was alied as a confederat with the French king, and meant through his setting on, Earle Iohn purposed to seize vpon the kingdom in his bro­thers absence. to seize into his possession the whole realme of England, notwith­standing the persuasion of his mother quéene Eli [...] ­nor and other his fréends to the contrarie.

Herevpon king Richard was fullie persuaded to returne home, but yet through the admonition of certeine persons, and namelie of one William d [...] Poicters, a chapleine of his, William de Poicters K. Richards chapleine. he estsoones altered his purpose, and so remained there, till at length through enuie and malice still increasing amongst the c [...]risti­ans, he perceiued how no good purpose could go for­ward, since that which séemed good to some, was mis­liked of other; and speciallie our writers put great blame in the French men, who either vpon disdaine or other displeasure would not be persuaded to fol­low their aduise, which were knowne b [...]st to vnder­stand the state of things in those parties. And here­vpon, when the armie was aduanced to Betenoble, [Page 135] a place not past foure leagues distant from Ierusa­lem, bicause their mind might not be fulfilled for the besieging of Ierusalem, which they had intended to take in hand (whereas the residue would rather that they shuld haue gone to besiege Babylon in Aegypt, and that vpon sundrie great respects) the Frenchmen raised their field, and returned againe to Acres in great despite, putting the rest of the armie also (so much as in them laie) in danger of vtter ruine and distresse. line 10

Then king Richard and the other christian cap­teins perceiuing how the matter inclined, Anno Reg. 4. and gi­uing ouer all hope of any more good successe, follow­ed them. So that after they were thus returned to Acres, king Richard still doubting least his long ab­sence from home might put him in danger of more losse here, than he saw hope of present gaine to be had there, in such diuersitie of humours and priuie malice which reigned among them, he determined fullie to depart homewards, with no lesse purpose to line 20 returne thither againe after he had setled things at home in such sure stay as was expedient for the suer­tie of his owne estate and quietnesse of his people. Herevpon being readie to enter into his ships at Acres [or as some haue, Wil. Paruus. being on his iournie home­wards in Cypres] he was aduertised that the Soul­dane Saladine had taken the towne of Iaph, slaine a great number of the christians within it, and besie­ged the residue within the castell, the which (constrei­ned through feare) had compounded to yéeld, if with­in line 30 thrée daies there came no succour.

King Richard being hereof aduertised, and tur­ning gréef into valiancie, with all spéed sailed backe vnto Iaph, and landing there with his people, caused his enimies to forsake the towne: but anon assem­bling themselues againe togither, they turned once more to besiege it, wherevpon he issued foorth into the fields, K. Richard rescueth Port Iaph. and fought with them sundrie daies togither, till finallie they were content to forsake their enter­prise, and to depart thence for altogither. In these line 40 conflicts the valiant courage of king Richard, and the worthie manhood of his souldiers right well ap­peared: Rad. Niger. Matth. Paris. for he brought not with him at that time vn­to Iaph aboue 80 men of armes, and foure hundred other souldiers with crossebowes, and yet with that small handfull of men, and some aid of them that he found there in the castell, he did not onelie bid battell to the enimies, which were numbred to 62 thousand, but also put them to the woorsse, and caused them to flee backe, to their great shame and confusion. line 50

Thus Iaph being deliuered out of the enimies hands, Cephas. K. Richard fell sicke. king Richard fell sicke at a castell called Ce­phas, and so remained there certeine daies, till he had recouered his health. In which meane time the Soldane Saladine seeming to lament his [...]ase, sent vnto him certeine of his councellors to common with him of peace, declaring that although he well vnderstood that king Richard ment shortlie to re­turne into his countrie, and that after his departure out of the east parts, he could with small adoo recouer line 60 all that the christians yet held within the holie land, he would neuerthelesse in respect of king Richards high prowes; and noble valiancie, grant a peace for a certeine time, so that not onelie Ascalon, but also all other such townes and places as the christians had fortified or woone since the conquest of Acres should be raced, as touching their walles, bulworks, gates, and other fortifications.

King Richard (though he perceiued that this of­fer of peace tended vnto this point cheefelie, that Sa­ladine would thereby adnihilate whatsoeuer the chri­stian armie had doone in the holie land since his & the French kings arriuall, so that by the said peace he should gaine more than by the edge of his sword) did somewhat staie at this offer and demand, as a thing greatlie dishonourable to the christians, to lose by treatie of peace so much or rather more than they got by force of warres (a meere token of faint and féeble courage) yet considering that in such necessitie both of his departure from thence, and also of lacke of other succors to resist the puissance of the enimies, after his comming awaie, he iudged it best to take the offer at the enimies hands in auoiding of some greater euill. Herevpon therefore was a peace con­cluded to endure for thrée yeares, thrée moneths, thrée wéeks, thrée daies, and three houres, A peace con­cluded be­twixt the Christians & Saracens. to begin at Ea­ster next insuing. And among other articles, it was couenanted, that the christians should haue frée pas­sage to come and go vnto the citie of Ierusalem, to visit the holie sepulchre there, which was granted; so that amongst a great number of christians that pre­sentlie vpon this conclusion went thither, Hubert bi­shop of Salisburie was one, Hubert bishop of Salisburie. who had continued a­bout the king during the time of all his iournie till this time.

King Richard hauing thus concluded with Sala­dine, tooke the sea, and comming againe into Cypres, sent his wife queene Berengaria with his sister Ioane (late quéene of Sicile) into England by the long seas, K. Richard taketh his iornie home­wards. but he himselfe not minding to lie long on the seas, determined to take his course into Gre­cia, and so by land to passe homewards with all speed possible. Howbeit yer he could atteine his purpose, his chance was to be driuen by tempest into the coast of Istria, not farre from Aquilia, where he stood in some doubt of his life. For if he had beene knowne and taken, they would surelie haue killed him, bi­cause of the slander that went of him, K. Richard slandered for the death of y e marques of Montferrato. as guiltie of the death of Conrade the marquesse of Montferrato, who indéed was slaine by two of the Assassini in the citie of Tyrus, whilest king Richard was in the holie land (as before yée haue heard.)

He therefore hauing here made shipwracke, and doubting to fall into the hands of any person in those parts that bare good will vnto the marquesse (against whome he had indéed shewed himselfe not freendlie in a quarrell betwixt the said marquesse and Guido the king of Ierusalem) made the best shift he could to get away, yet knowledge being had of him, and serch made after him by one Meinard of Gorezein, he lost eight of his seruants, W. Paruus. Erle of Gorze Saltzburge. and so came to a towne within the bishoprike of Saltzburge called Frisake, where he was estsoones in danger to haue beene taken a­gaine by one Frederike de saint Soome, who not­withstanding tooke six of his men, but yet he him­selfe with three other of his companie made shif [...] to get away. Finallie comming to Uienna in Austrich, K. Richard commeth to Uienna. and there causing his seruants to prouide meat for him, more sumptuous and fine than was thought re­quisit for so meane a person as he counterfeited then to beare out in countenance, it was streightwaies suspected that he was some other maner of man than he pretended, and in fine, Polydor. those that marked more di­ligentlie the maner of him, perceiued what he was, and gaue knowledge to the duke of Austrich named Leopold, being then in the citie of Uienna, what they had seene. His page that had the Dutch toong, going about the towne to change gold, and buy vittels, be­wraied him, hauing by chance the kings gloues vn­der his girdle: wherevpon comming to be examined for feare of tortures confessed the truth.

The duke streightwaies caused the house where he was lodged, to be set about with armed men, Ra. Niger. and sent other into the house to apprehend him. He being warie that he was descried, got him to his weapon: but they aduising him to be contented, and alledging the dukes commandement, he boldlie answered, ‘that sith he must be taken, he being a king, would yéeld [Page 136] himselfe to none of the companie but to the duke alone, and therefore if it would please him to come, he would yéeld himselfe into his hands.’ The duke hearing of this, K. Richard submitteth himselfe to the duke of Austrich. spéedilie came vnto him, whom he meeting, deliuered vp his sword, and committed him vnto his custodie. The duke reioising of such a preie, brought him vnto his palace, and with gentle words enterteined him, though he meant no great good to­wards him, as well inough appeared in that he com­mitted him to the keeping of certeine gentlemen, which without much courtesie looked streightlie i­nough line 10 to him for starting awaie, in somuch that they kept him in cold irons (as some authours doo write. N. Triuet.) He was taken after the maner aforesaid in December vpon S. Thomas éeue, in the yéere of our Lord 1192. and in the fourth yeare of his reigne.

Polychron.The duke of Austrich owght the king no good will, bicause he had cast downe his ensignes pitcht vp in a turret at Acres, which he had woone at the verie time when that citie was deliuered by the Sara­cens: for while they were in tretie on the one side, the line 20 duke on the other, The cause of the displeasure betwixt the duke of Au­strich & king Richard. not knowing anie thing thereof, gaue the assault vnto that part of the towne which was appointed vnto him to besiege. And so being entred the towne, and perceiuing that by treatie it was to be deliuered, he retired into the turret which he had first woone and entred, and there set vp his standard and ensignes, which king Richard (as the Dutch writers affirme) comming thither, threw downe and trode vnder his féet.

Ger. Dor.But Geruasius Dorobornensis declareth this mat­ter line 30 somewhat otherwise, as thus. After that the said citie of Acres was rendred into the christian mens hands (saith he) diuerse lords tooke their lodgings as they thought good, and hanged foorth their ensignes. And as it chanced, the duke of Austrich placing him­selfe in one of the fairest palaces of all the citie, put foorth his ensigne, whereof king Richard being wa­rie, came thither with a companie of hardie souldiers about him, and threw downe the dukes ensigne, so displacing him out of that so pleasant and beautifull line 40 a lodging. For this cause, and also surmizing that king Richard should be guiltie of the death of the marques, Rog. Houed. Conrade the duke of Austrich shewed such discourtesie towards him. But concerning the mut­ther of the marques, the chéefe gouernour of those Saracens called Assassini cleared king Richard by a letter written and directed vnto the duke of Austrich in manner as followeth.

A letter directed to the duke of Au­strich, wherein king Richard is cleared of the death of the marquesse of Mountserrat, whereof he was vehementlie suspected.

Note: line 50

LVpoldo duci Austriae, Vetus de Mon­te salutem. Cùm plurimi reges & prin­cipes vltra mare Richardum regem Angliae & dominum de morte mar­chisi inculpent, iuro per dominum qui regnat in line 60 aeternum, & per legem quam tenemus, quòd in [...] ­ius mortem nullam culpam habuit. Est siquidem causa mortis ipsius marchisi talis. Vnus ex fratri­bus nostris in vnam nauem de Satalei, ad partes nostras veniebat, & tempestas illum fortè ad Ty­rum appulit, & marchisus fecit illum capere & occidere, & magnam pecuniam eius rapuit. Nos verò marchiso nuncios nostros misimus, mandan­tes vt pecuniam fratris nostrinobis redderet, & de morte fratris nostri nobiscum se concordaret, & noluit.

Nec non & nuncios nostros spreuit, & mortem fratris nostri super Reginaldum dominum de Si­donis posuit, & nos tantùm fecimus per amicos no­stros, quod in veritate scimus, quòd ille fecit illum occidere & pecuniam rapere. Et iterum alium nuncium nostrum nomine Edrisum misimus ad eum, quem in mare mergere voluit, sed amici no­stri illum à Tyro festinanter fecerunt recedere, qui ad nos peruenit, & ista nobis nunciauit. Nos quoque ex illa hora marchisum desiderauimus oc­cidere. Túncque duos fratres misimus ad Tyrum, qui eum apertè & ferè coram omni populo Tyri oc­ciderunt.

Haec ergò fuit causa mortis marchisi, & benè dicimus vobis in veritate, quòd dominus Richar­dus rex Angliae in hac marchisi morte nullam cul­pam habuit. Et qui propter hoc domino regi An­gliae malum fecerunt, iniustè fecerunt, & sine cau­sa. Sciatis pro certo, quòd nullum hominem huius mundi pro mercede aliqua vel pecunia occidimus, nisi priùs nobis malum fecerit. Et sciatis quòd has liter as fecimus in domo nostra ad castellum no­strum Messiat in dimidio Septembri, anno ab A­lexandro 1505.

The same in English.

VEtus de Monte to Lupold duke of Austrich sendeth greeting. Where manie kings and princes beyond the seas blame Richard king of England of the marques his death, I sweare by the lord that reigneth euerlastinglie, and by the law which we hold, that he was not in fault for his death. For the verie cause of the marques his death was such as followeth. One of our bre­thren in a ship of Satalie came towards our parties, and chanced by tempest to be driuen vnto Tyre, and the marques caused him to be taken and slaine, and tooke a great portion of monie that he had in the ship with him. Wher­vpon we sent our messengers to the marques, commanding him to restore vnto vs the mo­nie of our brother, and to compound with vs for our said brothers death, and he would not.

Moreouer, he also contemned our messen­gers, & laid the fault of our brothers death vp­on Reginald lord of Sidon, and we did so much through our freends, that we got full vnder­standing that the marques himselfe caused him to be slaine, and tooke his monie. And there­fore we sent vnto him againe an other messen­ger named Edrisus, whome he would haue drowned in the sea, but our freends made such shift, that they procured him to depart with speed from Tyre, who returned to vs, [...] signi­fied these things to vs for certeine. And from that houre euer after we had a desire to slea the marques: and so then we sent two of our bre­thren vnto Tyre, who openlie, & in a manner in presence of all the people of Tyre slue him.

This therefore was the verie cause of the death of the marques; & we say to you in good sooth, that the lord Richard king of England, in this death of the marques was nothing cul­pable: and they that haue doone anie displea­sure vnto the king of England for this cause, they haue doone it wrongfullie, and without a­nie iust occasion. Know ye for certeine, that we doo not vse to kill anie man of this world for a­nie [Page 137] bribe, or for monie, except he haue doone to vs some harme afore time. And know ye that we haue made these letters in our house at our castell of Messuat, in the midst of Septem­ber, in the yeare from Alexander the great, 1505.

¶ Thus we see how king Richard was cleared of that crime concerning the marques his death by the tenour of this letter. And verelie it is most like that line 10 king Richard would haue béene loth to haue com­municated his purpose vnto such a wicked kind of pagans as the Assassini were, if he had pretended any such matter, but rather would haue sought his reuenge by some other meanes. Now therefore to our purpose.

The newes of the taking of king Richard was anon bruted and blowne ouer all Germanie, where­vpon the emperour Henrie the sixt, the sonne of Fre­derike the first, year 1193 sent in all hast vnto the duke, persua­ding line 20 him to deliuer the king into his hands, being a­ble to susteine and abide the malice of all them that would be offended with the taking and deteining of him prisoner, as the pope and others. The emperour well vnderstood the wealth and riches of England, and therefore hoped to make some good purchase by ransoming the king, if he might get him out of the dukes hands. The duke perceiuing also the empe­rours meaning, durst not well denie his request, and therefore he deliuered the king vnto them that line 30 were sent from the emperour, The king is deliuered to the emperor. Matth. Paris. who couenanted to giue vnto the said duke the summe of 6000. pounds of Cullen weight for the hauing of the said king. The emperour thus receiuing the king at the hands of the duke of Austrich, commanded that he should be committed to close prison, and would not doo so much as once speake with him. This he did, to cause the king vpon an indignation and wearinesse of that maner of life, to make speed in offering some large masse of monie for his libertie & deliuerance. ¶ Thus line 40 we sée how couetousnesse infected the hearts of the mightie, and what occasion the emperour and duke did take, to inrich themselues by the meanes of the king, whome they forced not to impouerish, so their owne greedie worme were serued. But this hath béene a disease not so generall as ancient, according to his words that said,

Vix ego Saturno quenquam regnante videbam,
Ouid. lib. Fast. 1.
Cuius non animo dulcia lucra forent.

Rog. Houed.Here is to be remembred by the waie, that about line 50 the same time, or somewhat before, in the yeare of our Lord 1192. the pope sent two legats (namelie, Octauian bishop of Hostia, and Iordane de Fossa noua) into Normandie, Two legats from y e pope. to reconcile the bishop of Elie and the archbishop of Rouen: but comming vnto Gisors, they were staied from entring any fur­ther into the countrie, wherevpon they did interdict the whole duchie of Normandie, togither with Willi­am Fitz Radulfe lord steward of that countrie, Normandie interdicted. bi­cause he was the man that had so staied them. Im­mediatlie line 60 herevpon, queene Elianor, and the archbi­shop of Rouen sent vnto those legats Hugh bishop of Durham, requiring them to release that sentence of interdiction so pronounced against the steward and countrie of Normandie in the kings absence, but they would not, except they might be receiued in­to Normandie: howbeit, the pope being sent vnto, released it, and caused the legats to release it also, and yet they entred not into Normandie at all.

The earle of Pieregort & others wast the K. of Englands lands.This yeare, whilest the seneschall of Gascoigne laie sicke, the earle of Pieregort, and the vicount of March, and almost all the lords and barons of Gas­coigne, began to waste and destroie the lands of king Richard. And though the seneschall manie times by messengers required a peace, or at the least some truce, yet could he not haue any grant thereof: wher­fore vpon his recouerie of health he inuaded the lands of the said earle, tooke the castels and fortresses and some of them he fortified, The senes­chal of Gas­coigne reuen­geth iniurie. and kept to the kings vse, and some of them he raced downe to the ground. He also inuaded the vicounts countrie, and subdued it to the kings gouernement. Shortlie after came the brother of the king of Nauarre, with eight hundred knights or men of armes to the seneschals aid, The king of Nauars brother. and so they two togither entring into the lands of the earle of Tholouse, tooke diuerse castels and fortresses with­in the same, of the which some they fortified, and some they raced, and rode euen to the gates of Tholouse, and lodged in maner vnder the walles of the citie.

A little before Christmas also, diuerse of those that had béene in the holie land with king Richard, came home into England, not knowing but that king Ri­chard had beene at home before them, and being asked where they thought he was become, they could say no more but that they had seene the ship wherein he first went aboord, arriuing at Brendize in Puglia. At length, when newes came that he was taken and staied as prisoner, the archbishop of Rouen and other the rulers of the realme of England, sent the abbat of Boxeley and the abbat of Roberts-bridge with all spéed into Almaine to speake with him, The abbats of Boxley and Roberts-bridge. and to vnder­stand his state, and what his pleasure was in all things. Who comming to Germanie, passed through the count [...] into Baierland, where at a place called Oxefer they found the king as then on his iournie towards the emperour, to whom (as yée haue heard) the duke of Austrich did send him. The said abbats attended him to the emperours court, and remained there with him till the emperour and he were accor­ded, in manner as after shall be shewed: and then after Easter they returned with the newes into England.

Upon report hereof order was taken for manie things, but cheefelie for the state: in which dealings, Ger. Dor. forsomuch as those which had the rule of the land stood in great doubt of things (for the inconstant nature of earle Iohn was of them much suspected) first they caused a new oth of allegiance to be made to king Richard, and receiued of the people. They fortified al­so such townes and castels as were of importance, both with repairing the walles and other defenses about the same, and furnishing them with men, mu­nition and vittels. Thus was the land brought into some order.

In the meane while, The French king counsel­leth K. Iohn to vsurpe a­gainst his brother. the French king being aduer­tised that king Richard was deteined as prisoner, reioised not a little thereat, and with all speed by se­cret messages did send for his brother earle Iohn, who was readie to come at his call. And being come, he exhorted him not to suffer so conuenient an occa­sion to passe, but to take the gouernement of the realme of England now into his hands, promising him all such aid as he could of him reasonablie re­quire: with other like talke still tending to the pro­uocation of the earle to forsake his allegiance vnto his brother. And to say the truth, earle Iohn was easi­lie persuaded so to doo, and therefore vpon his imme­diat returne into England, assembled an armie, and with the same (and such strangers as he brought with him) began to prooue maisteries, first winning the castels of Windsore, Wallingford, Notingham, and diuerse other, and fortifieng the same to his owne vse and defense.

The barons of the land, iudging such vnlawfull doings not to be anie longer suffered, first besieged the castell of Windsore, and after preparing to leuie a greater force, did put them within in such feare, that they yéelded vp the same, séeking to escape by [Page 138] flight, some into one place, and some into an other, the which yet being apprehended were put to worthie ex­ecution. Ger. Dor. But this was not doone without continu­ance of time, & without great trouble & charges to the realme: for whereas there was a practise betwixt the French king and earle Iohn, that a great power of strangers, & namelie Flemings should haue come into the realme (for whose transporting a great num­ber of ships were brought togither at Witsand) yet the high prouidence and goodnesse of God disappoin­ted line 10 their purpose. For their messengers being taken which were sent hither into England, the treason was reuealed, and by the queene mothers appoint­ment (who cheefelie then ruled the land) a great com­panie of knights, men of armes, and commons of the countrie, watched the sea coasts ouer against Flanders, to keepe the enimies from landing. They began thus to watch in the passion wéeke, and so continued till a certeine time after Easter. Howbeit earle Iohn came secréetlie ouer, in hope to haue not line 20 onelie the assistance of the Welshmen and of manie other his freends in England, but also of the Scots, howbeit, the king of Scots would not meddle. He therefore with such Welshmen and other as he had brought ouer, and such Englishmen as he could get to take his part, began such attempts (as before ye haue heard) to the disquieting of the whole realme, and great displeasure of the king.

Moreouer, beside that power of the barons which laid siege to Windsor castell, there were Noble men line 30 also in other parts of the realme that were readie to resist him. The archbi­shop of Yorke. Hugh Bar­dolfe. William de Stuteuille. And amongst other, Geffrey the archbi­shop of Yorke, with Hugh Bardolfe one of the kings iustices, and William de Stuteuille, assem­bled an armie, and comming to Doncaster, fortified the towne: but when the archbishop would haue gone forward to besiege the castell of Tickhill, which earle Iohn had in possession, the other two his asso­ciats would not consent to go with him, bicause they were seruants, and reteined with earle Iohn. Here­with line 40 the archbishop being sore offended, departed from them, calling them traitors to their king, and enimies to the realme.

About the same time did the French king enter into Normandie with an armie, & comming to the towne of Gisors, besieged it, the which one Gilbert de Uascoll or Guascoill capteine thereof (to his high re­proch) yéelded vp vnto him, with an other castell also called Nefle, which he had likewise in kéeping. Af­ter this, Wil. Paruus. the French king entring into the countrie line 50 of Ueurine or Ueulquessine, wan diuers towns and fortresses in the same, and passing forward, tooke Ual de Rueil, and Neusburge, and finallie comming be­fore the citie of Rouen he laid siege thereto: Rouen be­sieged. The earle of Leicester. but the earle of Leicester being gotten into the citie before the French kings comming thither, so incouraged the citizens, that they stoutlie standing to their de­fense, caused the French king to his great dishonour to raise his field, hauing lost there more than he wan. Yet to saue other townes and castels from taking, line 60 and the countrie from destruction, Polydor. the rulers of the same procured a truce for a great summe of monie, which they couenanted to giue, deliuering vp foure notable castels by waie of engagement, till the summe agreed vpon should be to him contented and dulie paid.

In the meane time, earle Iohn as head of all the conspiratours, perceiuing himselfe not able to at­chiue his purpose as then, nor to resist the lords and barons of the realme, being vp in armour against him, and now growen to greater stomach, bicause they vnderstood by the bishop of Salisburie latelie arriued, of the kings welfare, and hope of deliue­rance; and furthermore, considering that he was disappointed both of Scots and Flemings as he had well hoped should haue come to his aid: he tooke a truce with the lords of the kings side, by the earnest trauell of the bishop of Salisburie, Michaelmas: saith Ger. Dorob. till the feast of All saincts, so as the castels of Windsore, Walling­ford, and the Peake, should remaine in the hands of his mother queene Elianor; but the castels of No­tingham and Tickhill remained still in his owne possession, the which with such other castels as he held within the land, he furnished with garrisons of his owne men and freends, and then went againe ouer into France to the French king, to purchase some new aid at his hands according to his promise.

Here will we leaue earle Iohn conferring with the French king, Wil. Paruus. and returne to the king of Eng­land. Upon Palmesundaie after that he was deliue­red (or rather betraied) into the emperours hands, he was brought before the princes and lords of the em­pire, The empe­rour chargeth king Richard with iniuries doone to the Sicilians. in whose presence the emperour charged him with diuerse vnlawfull dooings: and namelie picked a quarell at him for the wrongs and hurts doone to the Sicilians in time of his soiourning in their Ile, as he went towards the holie land. For albeit the said emperour had nothing as then to doo in the countrie, yet for somuch as he had latelie recouered the Ile of Sicile out of king Tancreds hands, and was now intituled king thereof by the pope, in right of his wife Constance, the daughter of Roger king of Si­cile, and so by reason therof seemed to be gréeuouslie offended with him for his dooings about the recoue­ring of the monie from Tancred, which neuerthe­lesse was iustlie due vnto his sister for hir dowrie, as in the processe afore I haue alreadie declared. King Richard notwithstanding these vaine and other fri­uolous obiections laid to his charge, W. Paruus. Matth. West. The kings wisedome in making his answere. made his an­swears alwaies so pithilie and directlie to all that could be laid against him, and excused himselfe in e­uerie point so throughlie, that the emperour much maruelled at his high wisedome and prudence, and not onelie greatlie commended him for the fame, but from thencefoorth vsed him more courteouslie, and suffered that his fréends might haue accesse to him more fréelie than before they could be permitted.

The Pope also being aduertised of the taking of king Richard, was much offended, Polydor. that anie christi­an prince, hauing taken vpon him the defense of the christian faith against the infidels, should be so vsed in his returne from so godlie an enterprise: and there­fore sent both to the duke of Austrich, and to the em­perour, requiring them to set him at libertie. But the emperour declared plainlie that he would be an­swered for such summes of monie as king Richard had taken out of Sicile before he would release him or set him at libertie.

When king Richard perceiued that no excuses would serue, though neuer so iust, The bishop of Salisburie sent into En­gland. but that he must néeds paie to his couetous host some great summe of monie for his hard interteinment, he sent the bishop of Salisburie into England, to take order with the barons of the realme to prouide for the paiment of his ransome, which bishop (as yée haue heard) after the peace concluded with Saladine, went vnto Ierusa­lem to visit the holie sepulchre, and now comming into Sicile, as he returned homewards, had know­ledge there how king Richard was taken prisoner in Austrich, and remained in the emperours hands: wherevpon he turned that waie foorth, and comming to him, was now sent into England with commissi­on (as I haue said) to leauie monie for the kings ran­some. He landed bere the twentith day of Aprill, by whose comming the land was the sooner brought in quiet: for the agréement which earle Iohn tooke (as before yée haue heard) was cheefelie procured by his meanes. For till his comming, Ger. Dor. the castell of Wind­sore [Page 139] was not woone, the siege being but slackelie fol­lowed by the archbishop of Rouen, who had diuerse of his fréends within it, and therefore was not verie earnest against them.

Rog. Houed. The bishop of Elie commeth to the king.When the bishop of Salisburie was departed to­wards England, the bishop of Elie came to the king and trauelled so earnestlie betwixt the emperour and him, that finallie the emperour (partlie through his suit, & partlie for that he had beene verie much called vpon by the pope and other for his deliuerie) tooke or­der with him for the redéeming of his libertie, and ap­pointed line 10 what summe he should pay for his ransome, The emperor agréeth with king Richard for his ran­some. N. Triuet, Matt. Paris. which (as some write) was two hundred thousand markes: other saie that it was but 140 thousand marks of the poise of Cullen weight. But William Paruus, who liued in those daies, affirmeth it was one hundred thousand pounds, and Roger Houeden saith an hundred thousand marks of Cullen poise, to be paid presentlie at the kings first comming into Eng­land, and fiftie thousand marks afterwards, that is to say, thirtie thousand to the emperour, and twentie line 20 thousand to the duke of Austrich, as it were in re­compense of the iniurie done to him in the holie land; where king Richard ouerthrew his ensignes: and for the same to deliuer sufficient suerties.

Moreouer, we find in Roger Houeden that the em­perour amongst other the articles of this agréement thus concluded betwixt him and king Richard, R. Houed. Lands assig­ned to king Richard. gaue and granted, and by his letters patents confirmed vnto him these lands hereafter mentioned, that is to saie: Prouance with the citie of Uienne, and Uien­nois, line 30 the citie of Marseils, Narbon, Arles and Lion vpon the Rhone, with the countrie vp to the Alps, and all those possessions which belonged to the empire in Burgoine, with the homages of the king of Aragon and of the earle of S. Giles: wherein is to be noted, that with the precinct of the premisses thus granted to king Richard, fiue archbishops sées, and thirtie three bishops sées are included. Howbeit the truth is, that the emperour neuer had possession of these countries, cities, and towns himselfe, neither would line 40 the inhabitants receiue any person so by him appoin­ted to their lord and gouernour, wherefore the king made small account of that his so large grant. But after he once vnderstood the certeintie of the summe that he should paie for his ransome (which businesse he most attended) he sent one with letters by and by and in great hast into England to his treasurers, requiring them with all conuenient spéed to prouide monie, Polydor. and to send it to him by a day, that he might be set at libertie with spéed. line 50

Rog. Houed. Order taken for leuieng monie to paie the kings ransome.These letters being come to the quéene mother, and other that had charge in gouernance of the realme, tooke order that all maner of persons as well spiritu­all as temporall, should giue the fourth part of their whole reuenues to them for that yeare accrewing, and as much more of their mooueable goods, and that of euerie knights fée there should be leuied the sum of twentie shillings. Also that the religious houses of the orders of the Cisteaux and Sempringham should line 60 giue all their wools for that yeare towards the kings ransome.

Now those that had commission to leuie this mo­nie, The hard dealing of of­ficers in the collection. being poisoned with couetousnesse, and incensed with a gréedie desire (than the which as the poet saith,

—nulla est hac maior Erinnys,
Hanc memorant Acheronte satam, per tristia Ditis
Regna truces agitare faces, &c.)

vsed much streightnesse in exacting it, not onelie le­uieng it to the vttermost value and extent of mens lands, goods, and possessions, but after their owne willes and pleasures: so that vnder colour of the kings commission, and letters to them directed, there séemed not a tribute or subsidie to be raised, but by some publike proclamation all the goods and sub­stance of the people to be appointed as a prey to the kings officers, whereby it came to passe, that not onelie priuate mens goods, but also the chalices, iew­els, Church iewels. and vessels belonging to the church were tur­ned into monie, and a farre greater summe made than was at the first commanded, a great part of the ouerplus being conuerted to the vse of those, through whose hands the receipt passed. There was no priui­lege nor freedome allowed to exempt any person or place for being contributorie towards the paiment of this monie. The order of Cisteaux that were neuer charged with any paiment before, were now assessed more déepelie than the rest.

The bishop of Norwich lamenting the iniurious dealings of the pettie officers, The bishop of Norwich. and pittieng the peo­ple of the church, collected halfe the value of all the chalices within his diocesse himselfe, and to make vp the other halfe of the whole summe, he spared not to giue a great portion of his owne treasure. The ab­bat of S. Albons acquitted all those churches with­in the compasse of his iurisdiction, The abbat of saint Albons. by the gift of an hundred marks. The bishop of Chester. But the bishop of Chester had verie ill lucke with his collections; for hauing gathered a great summe of monie to the kings vse, he was spoi­led thereof in one night, as he lodged neere vnto Canturburie, being vpon his iournie towards the king. Matthew de Cléere. And bicause Matthew de Cléere that laie in the castell of Douer was knowne to aid those that robbed the said bishop, the archbishop of Canturburie pronounced him accurssed.

About this time, and on the morrow after the na­tiuitie of saint Iohn Baptist, R. Houed. The bishop of Elie. the bishop of Elie lord chancellour arriued in England, not shewing him­selfe in any statelie port (for he tooke vpon him nei­ther the dignitie of chancellour nor legat, nor yet of iustice) but onelie as a simple bishop and messenger sent from the king. The quéene mother, the archbishop of Rouen, and such other as had gouernment of the land, hearing of his comming, met him at saint Al­bons, where he shewed to them the emperours let­ters, conteining the agreement made betwixt him and king Richard, and withall appointed certeine lords & barons to go with him at his returne backe to the king, as Gilbert bishop of Rochester, Sifrid bishop of Chichester, Bennet abbat of Peterborow, Richard earle of Clare, Roger Bigot earle of Nor­folke, Geffrey de Saie, and diuerse other. It was also ordeined at this same time, that the monie ga­thered towards the paiment of the kings ransome should remaine in custodie of Hubert bishop of Sa­lisburie, Richard bishop of London, William earle of Arundell, Hameline earle of Warren, and of the Maior of London, vnder the seales of the quéene mother, and of the archbishop of Rouen.

¶But sée the hap of things, whilest ech one was thus occupied about the aforesaid monie; Anno Reg. 5. Wil. Paruus. it chanced that king Richard was at the point to haue béene deliue­red into the hands of his deadlie aduersarie the French king, as hereafter you shall heare, noting by the waie the dangerous estate of princes, the mani­fold distresses whereinto by sinister fate (as well as the inferior & rascall rout of common drudges) they be driuen. For what greater calamitie, what grée­uouser hartach, what more miserable casualtie could haue happened vnto a bondman, than to be deliuered to and fro from the hand of one enimie to another, to be bought and sold for monie, to stand to the courte­sies of forren foes, of a king to become a captiue? whervnto the poet did right well allude, when he said,

Saepius ventis agitatur ingens
Pinus,
Hor. lib caer. 1. ode. 10.
& celsae grauiore casis
Decidunt turres, feriúnt (que) summos
Fulminae montes.

[Page 140]The emperour vpon displeasure conceiued against the bishop of Liege, which latelie had atteined to that benefice contrarie to the emperours pleasure, who wished the same rather to an other person, The bishop of Liege mur­thered. hired cer­teine naughtie fellowes to go into France, where the bishop remained for feare of the emperours ma­lice, and there to find meanes traitorouslie to slea him, which they accordinglie did, by reason whereof the duke of Louaigne that was brother to the bi­shop, and other of his kinsmen, vpon knowledge had line 10 thereof, meant to haue made the emperour warre, in reuenge of that murther: insomuch that the empe­rour, to haue the French kings aid against them, was minded to haue deliuered K. Richard vnto him.

Howbeit after that the matter was taken vp, and a concord made betwixt the emperour and his nobles, he changed his purpose also touching the de­liuering ouer of king Richard, who perceiuing that till his ransome were paid (which would amount to the summe of an hundred & fiftie thousand marks) he line 20 should not get libertie: and putting great confidence in the dexteritie and diligence of Hubert bishop of Salisburie (whome he sent as ye haue heard into England to deale for the leuieng of the same) he thought good to aduance the same bishop to the me­tropolitane sée of Canturburie, which had beene va­cant euer sithence the decease of archbishop Bald­wine, that died (as ye haue heard) in the holie land.

Wil. Paruus.Herevpon writing to the bishops of the realme, and to the moonks of Canturburie, he required them line 30 to procéed to the election of an archbishop for that see, and withall commended vnto them the foresaid Hu­bert, as a man most sufficient and méet for that roome. Hubert bishop of Salisburie elected archbi­shop of Can­turburie. He wrote likewise to the queene to further that matter, and easilie hereby obteined his desire. For shortlie after, the same Hubert was elected by the bishops and moonks, which assembled togither for that purpose. He was the 41 archbishop that gouer­ned that see: for although Reginold bishop of Bath was elected before him, yet bicause he died yer he line 40 was installed, he is not put in the number.

The king being now put in good hope of his spée­die deliuerance, sent into England, willing his mo­ther quéene Elianor, the archbishop of Rouen and o­thers, Hubert arch­bishop of Cā ­turburie, lord chéefe iustice. to come ouer vnto him into Almaine, and in the meane time he ordeined Hubert the archbishop of Canturburie to remaine at home as lord cheefe iustice. After this, the emperour with the aduice of the princes of the empire, assigned a day to king Ri­chard, in which he should be deliuered out of captiui­tie, line 50 which was the mondaie next after the twentith day of Christmasse. Wherevpon king Richard wrote vnto Hubert archbishop of Canturburie in forme as followeth.

The tenour of king Richards let­ters to the said archbishop.

RIchardus Dei gratiarex Angliae, & line 60 dux Normaniae & Aquitaniae, & co­mes Andigauiae, venerabili patri nostro in Christo, & amico charissimo Huber­to eadem gratia Cantuariensi archiepiscopo salu­tem & sincerae dilectionis plenitudinem. Quo­niam certiores sumus, quod liberationem nostram plurimùm desideratis, & quòd liberatio nostra ad­modum vos laetificat, scripto volumus quod laetitiae nostrae participes sitis. Inde est quòd dilectioni ve­strae dignum duximus significare, dominum impe­ratorem certum diem liberationis nostrae nobis praefixisse, in die lunae proxima post vicessimum diem natiuitatis Domini, & die dominica proxi­ma sequenti coronabimur de regno prouinciae, quod nobis dedit. Vnde mittimus in Angliam lite­ras domini imperatoris super hijs patentes, vobis & caeteris amicis nostris beneuolis. Vos autem in­terim pro omni posse vestro quos scitis nos dilige­re, consolari velitis, & quos scitis promotionem nostram desiderare. Testemeipso apud Spiram 22. die Septembris.

The emperour also signified by his letters to the lords of England his resolute determination in this matter, as followeth.

The tenour of the emperours letters to the States of England touching king Richard, and the day of his deliuerance, &c.

HEnricus Dei gratia Romanorum impe­rator, & semper Augustus, dilectis su­is archiep. episcopis, comitibus, baroni­bus, militibus, & vniuersis alijs fideli­bus Richardi illustris regis Anglorum gratiam suam & omne bonum. Vniuersitati vestrae duxi­mus intimandum, quòd dilecto amico nostro Ri­chardo illustri regi Anglorum domino vestro cer­tum diem liberationis suae statuimus, à secunda fe­ria post diem natiuitatis domini in tres septimanas apud Spiram siue apud Berenatiam, & inde in sep­tem dies posuimus ei diem coronationis suae de reg­no Prouinciae, quod ei promisimus: & hoc certum habeatis, & indubitatum, nostri siquidem proposi­ti est, & voluntatis, praefatum dominum vestrum specialem promouere sicut amicum nostrum, & magnificentiùs honorare. Datum apud Theallu­sam vigilia beati Thomae Apostoli.

Before this king Richard had sent the bishop of Elie into France vnto his brother earle Iohn, who preuailed so much with him, that he returned into Normandie, and there sware fealtie vnto his brother king Richard, and so was contented to forsake the French king. But whereas king Richard comman­ded that all such castels and honours as he had giuen to him afore time, should now be restored to him a­gaine, as well those in England, as the other on the further side the sea: such as had the same castels in kéeping would not obeie the kings commandement herein, refusing to make restitution of those places, The kings commande­ment not obeied. according to the tenour & purport of the kings writ, vnto the said earle of Mortaigne, by reason of which refusall, he returned againe to the French king, and stucke to him. Herevpon the French king gaue vn­to him the castels of Dreincourt, and Arques, the which ought to haue béene deliuered vnto the archbi­shop of Reimes as in pledge, who had trauelled as a meane betwixt the French king to whom he was vncle, and the king of England to whom he was cou­sine, procuring a meeting for agreement to be had be­twixt them at a certeine place betwixt Uaucolour and Tulle in the borders of Lorraine. But notwith­standing all that he could doo, matters were so farre out of frame, and such mistrust was entred into the minds of the parties, that no conclusion held. So that all the hope which king Richard had, was by pai­ment of his ransome to redéeme his libertie, and then to shift with things as he might. And so finallie when the monie was once readie, or rather a suffici­ent portion thereof, the same was conueied ouer in­to Germanie, and paiment made to the emperour of the more part of the kings ransome, and sufficient pledges left with him for the rest, year 1194 as the archbishop [Page 141] of Rouen, the bishop of Bath [Baldwin Wac] and other which were of late come out of England to see and salute the king.

Herevpon king Richard, after he had beene priso­ner one yeare, R. Houed. King Ri­chard relea­sed out of cap­tiuitie. six weekes, and thrée daies, was set at libertie on Candlemasse day (as most writers agrée) and then with long and hastie iournies, not kéeping the high waies, he hasted foorth towards England. It is reported that if he had lingred by the way, he had béene eftsoones apprehended. For the emperour be­ing line 10 incensed against him by ambassadors that came from the French king, immediatlie after he was set forward, began to repent himselfe in that he had suf­fered him so soone to depart from him, and herevpon sent men after him with all speed to bring him backe if they could by any meanes ouertake him, meaning as then to haue kept him in perpetuall prison.

Some write that those ambassadours sent from the French king, R. Houed. The offers of the French K and erle Iohn to haue the K. of England kept still in prison. with other from earle Iohn, came to the emperor before king Richard was deliuered, line 20 offering in the French kings name fiftie thousand marks of siluer, and in the name of earle Iohn thir­tie thousand, vpon condition that K. Richard might remaine still in captiuitie vntill the feast of S. Mi­chaell next insuing; or else if it might so please him, he should receiue a thousand pounds of siluer for euerie moneth, whilest king Richard should be deteined in his prison, or otherwise fiftie thousand marks of sil­uer more than the first offer, at one entire paiment, if he would deliuer him into their hands, or at the line 30 leastwise to kéepe him prisoner by the terme of one whole yeare.

The emperour hearing of such large offers, and yet hoping for more, contrarie to his promise and let­ters patents therefore granted, proroged the day in which king Richard should haue béene set at libertie, till Candlemasse after, at which day he was brought from Haguenaw vnto Spiers, where the emperour had called a councell to intreat further of the mat­ter touching his redemption. Here the emperour line 40 shewed the letters which he had receiued from the French king and earle Iohn vnto king Richard, who vpon sight and perusing of the same, was maruel­louslie amazed, and began to despaire of all speedie de­liuerance.

Indéed the emperour sought delaies vpon a coue­tous desire of the monie offered by the French king and earle Iohn, but yet such princes and great lords as had vndertaken for the emperour, The princes that had vn­dertaken for the emperor to performe the couenants. that the coue­nants and articles on his part agréed vpon in the ac­cord line 50 passed betwixt him and king Richard, should be in ech behalfe performed [that is to saie, the archbi­shops of Ments, Cullen, and Saltzburge, the bishops of Wormes, Spiers, and Liege, the dukes of Sua­ben, Austrich, & Louain, the Palsgraue of the Rhine, and others] came to the emperour, and reproouing him for his couetous mind, in that he deferred the re­storing of king Richard to his libertie, contrarie to the composition, did so much preuaile, that the empe­rour receiuing pledges for the paiment of the monie line 60 yet behind (as before ye haue heard) released king Richard out of captiuitie on the second or (as Roger Houeden saith) the fourth day of Februarie, being a dismall day and an infortunate (as they note them in kalendars.) And where the king would haue left Robert de Nouant the bishop of Couentries brother for a pledge amongst the other, Robert de Nouant. he refused to be one of the number, alledging that he was seruant to earle Iohn. King Richard greeuouslie offended herewith, commanded that he should be apprehended, and com­mitted to prison, & so he was. This Robert was one of those that came with the letters from the French king and earle Iohn to the emperour, about the stai­eng of king Richards deliuerance.

Furthermore, king Richard the same day in which he was restored to libertie, summoned by his letters Hugh Nouant bishop of Couentrie, to appeare in his court, to answer such things as were to be obiec­ted against him, both before spirituall iudges in that he was a bishop, and also before temporall in that he had holden and exercised a temporall office. On the verie same day also the emperour and the princes of the empire, sent letters vnder their hands and seales to the French king, and to Iohn erle of Mortaigne, commanding them immediatlie vpon sight of the same letters, to restore vnto king Richard all those castels, cities, townes, lands, and other things, which they had taken from him during the time of his re­maining in captiuitie, and if they refused thus to doo, then they gaue them to vnderstand by the same letters, that they would aid king Richard to recouer that by force, which had beene wrongfullie taken from him.

Moreouer king Richard gaue and by his deed con­firmed vnto sundrie princes of the empire for their homage and fealtie, certeine yearelie pensions, Yéerelie pensi­ons giuen by the king [...]o certeine prin­ces of the em­pire. Memburge. as to the archbishop of Ments and Cullen, to the bishop of Liege, to the dukes of Austrich and Louaine, to the marquesse of Mountferrat, to the duke of Me­glenburge, to the duke of Suaben the emperors bro­ther, to the earle of Bins, to the earle of Holland, and to the sonne of the earle of Henault, of all the which, and other mo, he receiued homage, or rather had their promise by oth to aid him against the French king, which French king, now that he sawe no hope nor likelihood remaining to bring the emperour to the bent of his bowe for the deteining of K. Richard still in captiuitie, raised a power foorthwith, & entring in­to Normandie (the truce notwithstanding) tooke the towne of Eureux, Wil. Paruus. The French king inuadeth Normandie. with diuerse other fortresses there­abouts, and after he had doone mischéefe inough, as it were wearied with euill dooing, he granted eftsoones to stand to the truce, and so returned home.

Finallie after king Richard had dispatched his businesse with the emperour, and the princes of Al­maigne, he set forward on his iornie towards Eng­land, and hauing the emperours passeport, came to Cullen, where he was ioifullie receiued of the arch­bishop, the which archbishop attended on him till he came to Antwerpe, where king Richard tooke the water in a gallie that belonged to Alane de Trench­mere, but in the night he went into a ship of Rie, R. Houed. be­ing a verie faire vessell, and so laie aboord in hir all the night, and in the morning returned to the gallie, and so sailed about the coast, till he came to the hauen of Swin in Flanders, and there staieng fiue daies, on the sixt day he set foorth againe, and at length in good safetie landed at Sandwich the twelfe daie of March, and the morrow after came to Canturburie, He landed the 20. of March being sundaie as R. Houeden and Rafe de Diceto write. where he was receiued with procession, as Ger. Dor. saith. From thence he went to Rochester, and on the wednesday being the sixteenth of March, he came vn­to London, where he was receiued with great ioy and gladnesse of the people, giuing heartie thanks to almightie GOD for his safe returne and de­liuerance.

¶ It is recorded by writers, that when such lords of Almaine as came ouer with him, saw the great riches which the Londoners shewed in that trium­phant receiuing of their souereigne lord and king, they maruelled greatlie thereat, insomuch that one of them said vnto him; ‘Surelie oh king, your people are wise and subtile, which doo nothing doubt to shew the beautifull shine of their riches now that they haue receiued you home, whereas before they seemed to bewaile their need and pouertie, whilest you re­mained in captiuitie. For verelie if the emperour had vnderstood that the riches of the realme had bin [Page 142] such, neither would he haue beene persuaded that England could haue béene made bare of wealth, nei­ther yet should you so lightlie haue escaped his hands without the paiment of a more huge and intollera­ble ransome.’

The same yeare that king Richard was taken (as before is mentioned) by the duke of Austrich, one night in the moneth of Ianuarie about the first watch of the same night, the northwest side of the ele­ment appeared of such a ruddie colour as though it line 10 had burned, without any clouds or other darknesse to couer it, so that the stars shined through that red­nesse, and might be verie well discerned. Diuerse bright strakes appeared to flash vpwards now and then, diuiding the rednesse, thorough the which the stars séemed to be of a bright sanguine colour. In Februarie next insuing, one night after midnight the like woonder was séene, and shortlie after newes came that the king was taken in Almaigne.

On the second daie of Nouember also a little be­fore line 20 the breake of the daie, the like thing appeared a­gaine with lesse feare and woonder to the people (than before) being now better accustomed to the like sight againe. And now the same daie and selfe houre that the king arriued at Sandwich, being the second houre of that daie, whilest the sunne shone verie bright and cleare, there appeared a most brightsome and vnaccustomed clearnesse, not farre distant from the sunne, as it were to the length and breadth of a mans personage, hauing a red shining brightnesse line 30 withall, like to the rainbow, which strange sight when manie beheld, there were that prognosticated the king alreadie to be arriued.

In this meane while the bishop of Durham with a great armie besieged the castell of Tickhill; Rog. Houed. Diuerse sieges held at one time. and earle Dauid brother to the king of Scots, with Ra­nulfe earle of Chester, and earle Ferrers, besieged the castell of Notingham, whilest at the same present the archbishop of Canturburie with a great power besieged Marleburgh castell, the which within a few line 40 daies was rendred into his hands, the liues and lims of them within saued. Also the castell of Lancaster was deliuered to him, the which the same archbishops brother had in kéeping vnder earle Iohn, and like­wise the abbeie of S. Michaels mount in Cornwall, S. Michaels mount. the which abbeie Henrie de la Pomerey chasing out the moonks, had fortified against the king, and hea­ring newes of the kings returne home, died (as it was thought) for méere gréefe and feare. These three places were surrendered to the archbishop before the line 50 kings returne, but Tickhill & Notingham held out.

King Richard being returned into England, and vnderstanding both how the French king made warre against him in Normandie, and that the state of England was not a little disquieted, by the pra­ctise of his brother earle Iohn and his complices, spe­ciallie by reason that diuerse castels were defended by such as he had placed in them, he thought good with all speed to cut off such occasions as might bréed a further mischéefe. Wherevpon he first went to No­tingham, The king go­eth to Notingham and win­neth the castel. line 60 and within thrée daies after his comming thither (which was on the daie of the Annunciation of our ladie) he constreined them that kept the castell there in his brothers name, to yeeld themselues sim­plie vnto his mercie, Rog. Houed. after they had abidden diuerse assaults, by the which euen the first daie the vtter gates were burnt, and certeine defenses destroied, which they had made before the same.

The cheefe of them that were within this castell to defend it were these, William de Uendeuall co­nestable there, Roger de Mountbegun, Rafe Mur­dac, Philip de Worceter and Ranulfe de Worceter brethren. The morow after the surrender was made, the king went to Clipstone, and rode into the forrest of Shirewood, where he had neuer béene before, the view whereof pleased him greatlie. The forrest [...] Shirewood. The castell of Tickhill was likewise at the same time yéelded vn­to the bishop of Durham, who receiued it to the kings vse, and them that kept it as prisoners, without anie composition, but standing simplie to the K. mercie. For although those that had these castels in keeping, were sufficientlie prouided of all necessarie things for defense, yet the sudden comming of the king (whom they thought verelie would neuer haue re­turned) put them in such feare, that they wist not what to make of the matter, The castell of Tickhill yee [...] ­ded. and so (as men amazed) they yéelded without anie further exception. The bi­shop of Durham bringing those prisoners with him which had yéelded vp this castell of Tickhill, Rog. Houed. came to the king the 27 daie of March, the verie daie before that Notingham castell was giuen ouer.

Moreouer, this is to be remembred, that during the siege of Notingham, Strife be­twixt y e arch­bishops for ca­rieng of their crosses. contention arose betwixt the two archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke, a­bout the carriage of their crosses. For Hubert arch­shop of Canturburie comming thither, had his crosse borne before him; the archbishop of Yorke (hauing no crosse there at all) was verie sore offended, that anie other should go with crosse borne before him in his diocesse, and therfore complained hereof to the king. But the archbishop of Canturburie mainteined that he had not doone anie thing but that which was law­full for him to doo, and therevpon made his appeale to Rome, that the pope might haue the hearing and iudging of that controuersie betwixt them.

In the meane time, after the king had got the ca­stels of Notingham and Tickhill into his hands (as ye haue heard) he called a parlement at Noting­ham, where the quéene mother sat on the right hand of him, and the archbishops of Canturburie & Yorke on the left, with other bishops, earles and barons ac­cording to their places. On the first daie of their ses­sion was Gerard de Camuille discharged of the of­fice which he had borne of shiriffe of Lincolne, Officers dis­charged. and dispossessed both of the castell & countie. And so like­wise was Hugh Bardolfe of the castell and countie of Yorke, and of the castell of Scarbourgh, and of the custodie and kéeping of the countrie of West­merland, Lieutenant­ships set on sale. the which offices being now in the kings hands, he set them on sale to him that would giue most. Hereof it came to passe, that where the lord chancellour offered to giue fiftéene hundred markes before hand, for the counties of Yorke, Lincolne and Northampton, and an hundred markes of increase of rent for euerie of the same counties, The archbi­shop of Yorke offer. Geffrey arch­bishop of Yorke offered to the king thrée thousand markes aforehand, onelie for the countie of Yorke, and an hundred markes yearelie of increase, and so had the same committed to his regiment.

Moreouer in this parlement, the king demanded iudgement against his brother Iohn, and Hugh No­uant the bishop of Couentrie and Chester, The bishop of Chester. for such traitorous and most disloiall attempts as they had made against him and his countries, and iudgement was giuen that both the said earle and bishop should haue summons giuen them peremptorilie to ap­peare, and if within fortie daies after, they came not to answer such plaints as might be laid against them, then should earle Iohn forfeit all that he had within the realme, and the bishop should stand to the iudgement of the bishops, in that he was a bishop, and to the temporall lords in that he had béene the kings shiriffe.

In this parlement also, in the kalends of Aprill, the king procured a subsidie to be granted to him, to wit, A subsid [...]. two shillings of euerie plough land through England, which maner of subsidie by an old name is called Teemen toll, or Theyme toll. He also com­manded [Page 143] that euerie man should make for him the third part of knights seruice, accordinglie as euerie sée might beare, to furnish him foorth into Norman­die. He demanded of the moonks Cisteaux, all their woolles for the same yeare. But bicause that seemed an ouer greeuous burthen vnto them, they fined with him, as after shall appeare. The fourth day of this parlement, by the kings permission manie greeuous complaints were exhibited against the archbishop of Yorke, The archbi­shop of Yorke accused. for extortion and other vniust vexations, line 10 which he had practised: but he passed so little thereof, that he made no answer vnto their billes.

Gerard de Camuille charged with felonie and treason.Moreouer through the procurement of the lord chancellour, Gerard de Camuille was arreigned for receiuing théeues, and robbers, which had robbed cer­teine merchants of their goods, that were going to the faire of Stamfort; also they appealed him of trea­son for refusing to stand to his triall by order of the kings lawes at commandement of the kings iusti­ces, bearing himselfe to be earle Iohns man, and ai­ding line 20 the same earle against the king. But all these accusations he flatlie denied, and so his aduersaries put in pledges to follow their suit, and he put in the like to defend himselfe by one of his fréeholders.

The same daie king Richard receiued the king of Scots at Clipstone, The king of Scots com­meth to sée the king of England. comming now to visit him, and to reioise with him for his safe returne home after so long a iournie, and so manie passed perils. After they had spent the time a certeine space in ioy and mirth, the fourth of Aprill at their being togither at Mal­ton, line 30 the king of Scots required of king Richard to haue restored to him the counties of Northumber­land, Cumberland and Westmerland, with the coun­tie of Lancaster also, the which in right of his prede­cessors belonged to him (as he alledged▪)

A parlement.King Richard assembling a parlement of the Nobles of his realme at Northampton, about six­téene daies after that the Scotish king had made this request, gaue him answer that by no means he might as then satisfie his petition: for if he should so line 40 doo, his aduersaries in France would report that he did it for feare, and not for any loue or hartie fréend­ship. But yet king Richard in the presence of his mother queene Elianor▪ A grant made to the king of Scots what allowance he should haue when he came to England. and the lords spirituall and temporall of his realme togither at that present assembled, granted and by his déed confirmed vnto the said king of Scots, and to his heires for euer, that whensoeuer he or any of them should come by summons of the king of England vnto his court, the bishop of Durham, and the shiriffe of Northum­berland line 50 should receiue him at the water of Twéed, and safe conduct him vnto the water of These, and there should the archbishop of Yorke, and the shiriffe of Yorke be readie to receiue him of them, and from thence giue their attendance vpon him vnto the borders of the next shire.

It was also granted to the said king, that he should be attended from shire to shire by prelats and shi­riffes, till he came to the kings court, also from the time that the king of Scotland should enter this line 60 realme of England, he should haue dailie out of the kings pursse for his liuerie an hundred shillings, and after he came to the court, he should haue in allow­ance dailie for his liuerie, so long as he there remai­ned, thirtie shillings and twelue manchet wastels, twelue manchet simnels, foure gallons of the best wine, and eight gallons of houshold wine, two pound of pepper, foure pound of cumin, two stone of wax, or else foure links, and fortie great and long col­pons of such candels as are serued before the king, and foure and twentie colpons of other candels that serue for the houshold. And when he should returne into his countrie againe, then should he be conueied with the bishops and shiriffes from countie to coun­tie, till he come to the water of Twéed, hauing an hundred shillings a day of liuerie, &c: as is before appointed. The charter of this grant was deliuered vnto William king of Scots in the towne of Nor­thampton in Easter weeke, by the hands of William bishop of Elie lord chancellour, in the yeare of our lord 1194, and in the fift yeare of king Richard his reigne.

After this, on the fiftéenth day of Aprill, king Ri­chard hauing the said king of Scots in his companie came to Winchester, where he called a councell, A councell holden at Winchester. and there in open assemblie he highlie commended all those of the Nobilitie, that in his absence had shewed themselues faithfull, and resisted his brother, and such other his complices, which had as disloiall persons re­belled against him. Here he also proclaimed his said brother, and all those that tooke his part, traitours to the crowne, and tooke order for the punishment of them, that (being of their faction) could by any means be apprehended.

Furthermore, to put awaie as it were the reproofe of his captiuitie and imprisonment) by the reuiuing of his noblenesse, which he had in high estimation,

—pretio nam dignior omni est
Nobilitas, haec non emitur nec venditur auro)

he caused himselfe to be estsoones crowned by the archbishop Hubert, on the 18 of Aprill, at Win­chester, The king crowned a­new. and so shewed himselfe as a new crowned king (in hope of good successe and better lucke to fol­low) in the presence of the said king of Scots, who bare one of the three swords before him, R. Houed. The king of Scots bea­reth one of the swords before the king of England. going in the middle betwixt two earles, that is to saie, Hamelin earle of Warren going on his right hand, and Ra­nulfe earle of Chester on his left. The canapie vnder the which he went was borne vp also by foure earles, Norffolke, Lislewight, Salisburie, and Ferrers. The bishop of Elie lord chancellour went on the right hand of the king, and the bishop of London on the left. At dinner also the citizens of London serued him in the butterie by reason of two hundred marks which they had giuen the king that they might so doo, The citizens of London. notwithstanding the claime and challenge made by the citizens of Winchester, the which serued him in the kitchin.

The archbishop of Yorke was commanded that he should not be present at the coronation, least some tumult might arise about the hauing of his crosse borne afore him, to the displeasure of the archbishop of Canturburie, who stood in it, that no prelat with­in his prouince ought to haue any crosse borne be­fore him, himselfe excepted.

After this, he called a parlement, A parlement called. by vertue where­of he reuoked backe and resumed into his hands all patents, annuities, fées, and other grants (before his voiage into the holie land) by him made, or otherwise granted or alienated. And bicause it shuld not seeme that he vsed a méere violent extortion herein, he trea­ted with euerie one of them in most courteous wise, bearing them in hand, that he knew well they ment not to let foorth their monie to him vpon vsurie, but would be contented with such reasonable gaine and profit, as had béene raised to their vse in time of his absence of those things which they held of him by as­signation in way of lone, so that now the same might be restored to him againe, sith he ment not to sell them, but to let them foorth as it were to farme for the time, as all men might well vnderstand, considering that he could not mainteine the port of a king with­out receipt of those profits which he had so let foorth. With these gentle words therefore mixed with some dreadfull allegations, he brought them all into such perplexitie, The bold cou­rage of the bi­shop of Lin­colne. that not one of them durst withstand his request, nor alledge that he had wrong doone to him, except Hugh the bishop of Lincolne, who sticked not [Page 144] to saie, that the king in this demand did them and the rest open iniurie. The bishop of Durham lost his earldome. The bishop of Durham lost his earledome, and was constreined to content himselfe with his old bishoprike, and to leaue the dignitie of an earle, or at the leastwise the possessions which he had bought of the king before his setting forward in­to the holie land.

Thus the king recouered those things for the which he had receiued great summes of monie, without making any recompense, where the most part of the line 10 occupiers had not receiued scarselie a third part of the principall which they had laid foorth. For no suffi­ciencie of grant, patent, or other writing to any of them before made, did any thing auaile them. More­ouer, K. Richards practises. where he had borrowed a great summe of mo­nie of the merchants of the staple, he wrought a feat with the moonks of the Cisteaux order to discharge that debt. The moonks Cisteaux. He told these moonks that being constrei­ned with vrgent necessitie, he had borowed that mo­nie of the merchants beyond the sea, vpon confi­dence line 20 of their good beneuolence, and therefore he re­quired them to extend their liberalitie so farre to­ward him, as to deliuer so much wooll in value, as should discharge that debt. To be short, the moonks being ouercome with the kings words, threatning kindnesse vpon them, fulfilled his request. Moreouer not satisfied herewith, he leuied a taske throughout the realme, exacting of euerie hide of land two shil­lings, according to the grant made to him at No­tingham: and the same was generallie gathered, as line 30 well of the spirituall mens lands as of the temporall.

The king of Scots vnderstanding that the bishop of Durham had giuen ouer and resigned the earle­dome of Northumberland into the kings hands, Rog. Houed. The king of Scots ma­keth suit for Northum­berland. thought good once againe to assaie if he might com­passe his desire, and herewith he began his former suit afresh, offering to king Richard fiftéene thou­sand markes of siluer for the whole earledome of Northumberland with the appurtenances, as his fa­ther earle Henrie did hold the same before. The king line 40 taking counsell in the matter, agreed that he should haue it for that monie, excepting the castels: but the king of Scots would haue castels and all, or else he would not bargaine.

Finallie, after he had sundrie times [...]ooued this suit for the hauing of the lands vnto which he preten­ded a title, and could get nothing of king Richard but faire words, putting him as it were in hope to obteine that he required at his next returne out of France, vpon the 22 daie of Aprill being fridaie, line 50 he tooke leaue of the king, and returned towards his countrie, not verie ioifull, in that he could not ob­teine his suit. King Richard in this meane while cau­sed all those prisoners that were taken in the castels of Notingham, Tickhill, Marleburgh, Lancaster, and S. Michaels mount, Mainprise. which were of any wealth to be put in prison, that they might fine for their ran­soms. The residue he suffered to depart vpon suer­ties, that were bound for them in an hundreth marks a peece, to be forth comming when they should line 60 be called.

Now the king (after he had gathered a great por­tion of monie, and ordeined diuerse things for the be­hoofe of the common-wealth, thereby to satisfie the harts of the people) prepared himselfe to saile into Normandie. Rog. Houed. But first he reconciled the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of Elie lord chancellour, as­well for the apprehension & imprisoning of the arch­bishop at Douer, as for the dishonourable expulsion of the chancellour out of England, in such wise that the chancellour should vpon reasonable summons giuen to him by the archbishop, sweare with the hands of an hundred préests with him, that he neither commanded nor willed that the archbishop should be apprehended. The controuersie betwixt the two archbishops about the bearing of their crosses, the king would not meddle withall, for (as he said) that perteined to the pope. Yet the archbishop of Cantur­burie complained to king Richard of the iniurie doone to him at that present by the archbishop of Yorke, presuming within his prouince to haue his crosse borne before him. At length when the kings prouision was once readie for his voiage into Nor­mandie, he came to Douer, and hearing that the French king had besieged the towne of Uernueil, and that the same was in danger to be taken, he tooke the sea togither with his mother quéene Elia­nor on the ninth daie of Maie, The king transporteth ouer into France. and transporting ouer into Normandie, arriued at Harfléet with an hun­dred great ships fraught with men, horsses and ar­mour.

The French king hearing of king Richards arri­uall, and that he was comming with a great power to the succour of them within Uernueil, and was alreadie incamped néere to the towne of the Eagle, The French king raiseth his siege from Uernueil. he plucked vp his tents in the night before Whitsun­daie, and leauing the siege, departed from thence, and tooke a certeine small fortresse by the waie as he marched, wherein he left a few souldiers to keepe it to his vse. King Richard herewith entring into the French dominions, sent three bands of souldiers to­wards Uale de Ruell, and went himselfe vnto Lo­ches, and besieging that castell wan it within a short time. The Normans also recouered the citie of Eu­reux out of the French mens hands, N. Triuet. but those that were sent vnto Ruell, and had besieged the castell there an eight daies without anie gaine, hearing that the French king was comming towards them, departed thence, & came backe to the kings campe, wherevpon the French king comming to Ruell ra­ced it to the ground, bicause his enimie should not at anie time in winning it nestle there to the further damage of the countrie.

About the same time▪ Rog. Houed. Robert earle of Leicester is­suing foorth of Rouen in hope to worke some feat to the damage of the Frenchmen, as he rode somewhat vnaduisedlie in the lands of Hugh Gourney, The earle of Leicester ta­ken prisoner. fell within danger of his enimies, who tooke him priso­ner, and a few other that were in his companie. The French king after this came with his armie into the coasts of Touraine, and marched neere Uandosine, and there incamped, whereof king Richard being ad­uertised, drew néere to Uandosme, meaning to as­saile the French king in his campe, who hauing knowledge thereof dislodged with his armie earlie in the morning, and fled awaie (to his great disho­nour) in all hast possible. The king of England with his people following in chase of the French men slue manie, and tooke a great number of prisoners, a­mongst whom was the French kings chéefe treasu­rer. Also the Englishmen tooke manie wagons and sumpters laden with crossebowes, armour, plate, ap­parell, and the furniture of the French kings chapell. This chanced about 37 daies after his fléeing in the night from Uernueil, of which two flights of the French king (in maner as ye haue heard) we find these verses written:

Gallia fugisti bis, & hoc sub rege Philippo,
Nec sunt sub modio facta pudenda tuo.
Vernolium sumit testem fuga prima, secunda
Vindocinum, noctem prima, secunda diem.
Nocte fugam primam rapuisti manè secundam,
Prima metus vitio, ví (que) secunda fuit.
France, twice thou fledst, while Philip reignd,
the world dooth know thy shame,
For Vernueil witnesse beares of th'one,
next Vandosme knowes the same.
[Page 145]The first by night, the next by day,
thy heart and force doo showe,
That first through feare, and next by force,
was wrought thine ouerthrowe.

Geffrey de Rancon. The earle of Engolesme. The king of Nauars bro­ther.In this meane while certeine rebels in Guien, as the lord Geffrey de Rancin or Rancon, and the earle of Engolesme with their complices, vpon con­fidence of the French kings assistance, sore disquie­ted the countrie. Howbeit, the sonne of the king of line 10 Nauarre, and brother to Berengaria the quéene of England, entring into Guien with an armie, wa­sted the lands of both those rebels, till he was called home by reason of his fathers death which chanced a­bout the same time. Shortlie after Geffrey Rancin died, Anno Reg. 6. and king Richard comming into his countrie, wan the strong castell of Tailleburge by surrender, which apperteined to the same Geffrey with others, and then going against the other rebels, he wan the citie of Engolesme from him by force of assault. Engolesme woone. All line 20 which time the French king stirred not, by reason that there was some communication in hand for a truce to be taken betwixt him and king Richard, which by mediation of certeine bishops was shortlie after concluded, Polydor. Wil. Paruus. to endure for twelue moneths. The bishop of Elie was chéefe commissioner for the king of England, and this truce was accorded about Lammas, and serued to little purpose, except to giue libertie to either prince to breath a little, and in the meane time to prouide themselues of men, Polydor. muniti­on, line 30 ships & monie, that immediatlie after the terme was expired, they might with greater force returne to the field againe, for they had not onelie a like de­sire to follow the warres, but also vsed a like meane and practise to leuie monie.

For whereas they had alreadie made the temporal­tie bare with often paiments, Great exac­tions. and calling them foorth to serue personallie in the warres, they thought best now to fetch a fleece from the spiritualtie and church­men, considering also that they had béene by reason line 40 of their immunitie more gentlie dealt with, and not appointed to serue themselues in any maner of wise. The colour pretended in leuieng of mo­nie. To colour this exaction which they knew would be euill taken of manie, they bruted abroad, that they le­uied this monie vpon purpose, to send it into the ho­lie land, towards the paiment of the christian souldi­ers, which remained there vpon the defense of those townes, which yet the Saracens had not conquered. King Richard therfore comming to Towrs in Tou­raine, required a great summe of monie of the clear­gie line 50 in those parts, and the like request he made through out all those his dominions, on that further side of the sea. King Philip for his part demanded likewise intollerable tithes and duties of all the churchmen in his territories, and those that had the gathering of that monie serued their owne turne, in dealing most streightlie with sillie préests, making them to paie what they thought good, though some­time beyond the bounds of equitie and reason.

Rog. Houed. Inquisitions taken by a iu­rie of sundrie matters.In September, the iustices itinerants made their line 60 circuits thorough euerie shire and countie of this realme, causing inquisitions to be taken by substan­tiall iuries of plées of the crowne both old and new, of recognisances, of escheats, of wards, of mariages, of all maner of offendors against the lawes and or­dinances of the relme, and of all other transgressors, falsifiers, and murtherers of Iewes; of the pledges, goods, lands, debts, and writings of Iewes that were slaine, and of other circumstances touching that matter. Likewise of the accompts of shiriffes, as to vnderstand what had béene giuen towards the kings ransome, how much had beene receiued, and what re­mained behind to receiue. Also of the lands that be­longed to erle Iohn, and what goods he had, and what he held in demaine, in wards, escheats, and in gifts, and for what cause they were giuen. Furthermore, of his fautors and partakers, which had made fines with the king, and which not, Usurers. with manie other arti­cles touching the same earle. Also of vsurers, and of their goods being seized, of wines sold contrarie to the assise, of false measures, and of such as hauing re­ceiued the crosse to go into the holie land, died before they set forward. Also of grand assises that were of an hundred shillings land or vnder, and of defaults, and of diuerse other things, the iurats were charged to inquire, and present the same.

The iustices also were appointed to cause the ma­nours, farmes and lands which the king held in de­maine, or by wards and escheats, to be surueied by a substantiall iurie, and to take order for the conuer­ting of them to such vse, as the king might be answe­red of the gaines rising by the same at the farmers hands. Also, Iewes. the Iewes were appointed to inroll all their debts, pledges, lands, houses, rents and possessi­ons. Moreouer, inquisition was taken of iustices, shiriffes, bailiffes, conestables, foresters and other officers belonging to the king, Iustices, shi­riffes and o­ther officers. to vnderstand in what maner they had behaued themselues in taking and seizing of things into their hands, and of all such goods, gifts and promises had and receiued by occasi­on of leasure made of the lands of earle Iohn and his fautors, and who receiued the same, and what delaie was granted by commandement of Hubert archbi­shop of Canturburie, then lord chéefe iustice. Hubert arch­bishop of Can­turburie lord chéefe iustice.

In this meane time, whilest these inquisitions were thus taken in England, king Richard comming foorth of Poictou into Aniou, Officers dri­uen to fine for their offices. The king of­fended with the lord chan­cellor. caused all the bailiffes and officers of that countrie, and also of Maine, to fine with him for their offices. After this, when he came downe into Normandie, he seemed in shew to be offended with his chancellour the bishop of Elie, about concluding of the truce with the French king (where as ye haue heard he was cheefe commissio­ner) misliking greatlie all that was doone therein, and therefore he tooke the seale from him, and caused a new seale to be made, commanding to be proclai­med thorough all his dominions, that whatsoeuer had béene sealed with the old seale, should stand in no force, both for that his chancellor had wrought more vndiscreetlie than was conuenient; and againe, bi­cause the same seale was lost, when Roger Malus Catulus his vicechancellour was drowned, who pe­rished among other by shipwracke, A new scale. néere to the Ile of Cypres, before the king arriued there, being as then on his iournie into the holie land. Therefore all men had commandement to come to this new seale, that they might haue their charters and writings confirmed.

Furthermore, whilest the truce yet lasted, king Richard sailed ouer into England, Matth. Paris. The king re­turneth into England. He granteth the English men licence to iournie. where he caused turneis to be exercised in diuerse places, for the bet­ter training vp of souldiers in feats of warre, that they might growe more skilfull and perfect in the same, when they should come to the triall of their forces, whereby he raised no small summes of monie for granting license to his subiects so to tournie. E­uerie earle that would tournie, paid to him for his li­cence twentie marks, euerie baron ten marks, and euerie knight hauing lands, did giue foure marks, Rog. Houed. Fines paid for licence to exercise tur­nements. and those that had no lands two marks, to the great damnifieng of the people; hauing learned the com­mon lesson, and receiued the ordinarie rule follow­ed of all, and neglected of none; namelie,

—opus est nummis vel morte relictis,
M [...]l. Pal▪ [...]n suo cap.
Vel sorte inuentis, vel quauis arte paratis,
Quippe inopem mala multa pati contingit vbi (que),
Nec sine diuitijs fas cuiquam ducere vitam
Foelicem, &c.

[Page 146]The charter of this grant was deliuered by the king vnto William earle of Salisburie, to haue the kéeping thereof: but Hubert Walter the archbishop of Canturburie, and lord cheefe iustice, made his bro­ther Theobald Walter collector of the monie, for the scraping and raking togither whereof, in huge sums, he put the former shifts of extortion and exaction in practise.

The tenour of the charter con­cerning line 10 the turnements before remembred.

RIchard by the grace of God king of England, duke of Normandie and Aquitaine, and earle of Aniou, to the reuerend father in Christ, Hu­bert archbishop of Canturburie, and primat of all England, sendeth greeting. Know ye that line 20 we haue granted turnaments to be kept in En­gland in fiue steeds, to wit, betwixt Sarisburie and Wilton, betwixt Warwike and Kenel­worth, betwixt Stanford and Warmeford, be­twixt Brackeley and Nixburgh, betwixt Blie & Tickhill, so that the peace of our land be not broken, nor yet our iustices authoritie dimini­shed, nor any damage doone to our forrests. Prouided that what earle soeuer will turney there, shall giue to vs twentie markes, a baron line 30 ten marks, a knight that hath lands foure marks and he that hath no lands shall giue two marks.

Moreouer, no stranger shall be admitted to turney there, wherevpon we command you, that at the daie of the turnieng, ye haue there two clarkes, and two of our knights to receiue the oth of the earles and barons, which shall satisfie vs of the said summes of monie, before the turnieng begin, & that they suffer none to line 40 turney, till (before) they haue made paiment, and haue caused to be entred how much & of whom they haue receiued: and ye shall take ten marks for this charter to our vse, whereof the earle of Salisburie, and the earle of Clare, and the earle of Warren are pledges. Witnesse my selfe, Bishops towne. at Ville Leuesche, the two and twen­tith of August.

Furthermore, ordinances were made and set foorth for the safe keeping of the peace, so that such as would turney, neither by the way in comming or going, or whilest the turnieng lasted, should violentlie take a­ny thing to serue their necessarie vses, without pai­eng therefore to the owner according to the woorth, nor should doo iniurie to any man in any manner of wise. But now to the other dooings of king Ri­chard, who made no long abode in England at this time, but shortlie returned into Normandie, bicause line 60 he heard that king Philip had an armie readie leui­ed. I thinke he came not ouer at all into En­gland at this time, but ra­ther sent his mind vnto the archbi­shop. Wherefore meaning to buckle with him vpon oc­casion offered, he made the more hast, and being lan­ded there, approched vnto the borders of the French dominions, incamping himselfe with his armie in the field, to wait for the time that the truce should be expired, least the enimie should in any exploit preuent him. In like manner king Philip hauing with him earle Iohn king Richards brother, kept his souldiers and men of warre in a readines with him, to worke any feat that should be thought expedient assoone as the truce should end.

Whilest both these kings were thus bent to powre out their malice, year 1195 and to ease their stomachs with dint of sword, there came messengers from the pope, Messengers from the pope. exhorting him vnto peace and quietnesse, but his ex­hortation little auailed. For they regarding it little or nothing, immediatlie as the truce was expired, got them abroad into the field, & king Richard drew towards Isoldune, Isoldune▪ a towne situat in the confines of Berrie, whither it was reported that the French king meant to come: and there staid for him a whole day togither. But the French king hearing that king Richard was there to looke for him, thought i [...] best not to come there at all. Wherfore king Richard went the next daie vnto a castell called Brison, and tooke it vpon his first approch. Then went he to a towne called Nouencourt, and perceiuing the same to be strong and well manned, tooke not in hand to assaile it till the third daie after his comming thi­ther, at what time he so inclosed the same round a­bout with diligent watch and ward, that a cat could not haue escaped out of the place, Nouencour [...] yeeldeth to K. Richard. Albemarle besieged. Matt. West. Polydor. neither by daie nor night, but that she should haue béene espied. They within being put in feare herewith, yeelded vp the towne the daie next following, in which meane time the French king besieged Albermarle.

Herevpon king Richard, hauing left a garrison of souldiers in Nouencourt, came to raise the eni­mie from his siege, & setting vpon the Frenchmen, there began a sharpe fight: but the Englishmen being wearie with trauell of their passed iournie, and hauing rashlie entred into the battell, were not able to indure the Frenchmens violence, so that (not without great losse) they were constreined to re­tire with swift flight, or (to saie the truth) to run a­waie a maine pase. The French king hauing thus chased his enimies, returned to assault Albemarle, woone the castell by force, and the towne by composi­tion, permitting the garrison there to depart with all their armour. This doone, he ruinated the castell flat to the ground. Rog. Houed▪ The earle of Leicesters offer for his ransome. Robert earle of Leicester offered to the French king a thousand marks sterling for his ransome, and to quite claime to him and his heires for euer all the right which he had to the castell of Pascie, with the appurtenances, and to get a confir­mation thereof for him both of the pope, and of the king of England: but for that the warre still lasted, the French king tooke a respite in answering this offer, neuerthelesse afterwards in the yeare next in­suing, he tooke it, and so the earle was set at libertie.

Not long after this foresaid repulse, the king of England hauing refreshed his souldiers with some rest after their great trauell, went to Million, Million [...] and rased. and giuing assault to the towne wan it at the first brunt, and made it plaine with the earth. Then was a mo­tion made for peace betwixt the two kings, A motion for peace. being now wearied with long wars: whereof when earle Iohn was aduertised, who (as it should séeme by some writers) hauing tarried with the French king till this present, began now to doubt least if any agrée­ment were made, he might happilie be betraied of the French king by couenants that should passe be­twixt them: he determined therefore with himselfe to commit his whole safetie to his naturall brother, and to no man else, perceiuing that the French king made not so great accompt of him after the losse of his castels in England, as he had doone before.

Herevpon comming to his brother king Richard, he besought him to pardon his [...]ense, and though he had not dealt brotherlie towards him, yet that he would brotherlie forgiue him his rebellious trespasse, adding furthermore, ‘that whereas he had not hereto­fore beene thankefull for his manifold benefits which he had receiued at his hands, yet he was now most sorie therefore, and was willing to make amends: wherewith he acknowledged the safegard of his life to rest in him, for the which he was bound to giue him [Page 147] thanks, if he would grant thereto.’ The king mooued with his words, made this answer (as it is said) that he pardoned him indéed, but yet wished that he might forget such iniuries as he had receiued at his hands, which he doubted least he should not easilie doo. Earle Iohn returneth to the king his brother, and is pardoned. Here­with erle Iohn being yet put in good hope of forgiue­nesse, sware to be true euer after vnto him, and that he would endeuour himselfe to make amends for his misdeeds past, and so was shortlie after restored vnto his former degree, honour and estimation in all respects. line 10

Wil. Paruus. R. Houed. Matth. Paris.But by some writers it should appeare, that earle Iohn, immediatlie vpon conclusion of the first truce, came from the French king, and submitted himselfe to his brother, and by mediation of the quéene their mother was pardoned, receiued againe into fauour, and serued [...] after against the French king verie dutifullie, Rog. Houed. séeking by new atchiued enterpises brought about (to the contentation of his brother) to make a recompense for his former misdemeanor, re­puting it meere madnesse to make means to further line 20 mischeefe; for

—stultum est hostem iritare potentem▪
At (que) malum maius tumidis, sibi quaerere verbis.

But at what time soeuer he returned thus to his bro­ther, this yeare (as Roger Houeden saith) he was re­stored to the earledoms of Mortaigne in Norman­die, R. Houed. and Glocester in England, with the honour of Eie (the castels onelie excepted) and in recompense of the residue of the earledoms which he had before inioied, togither with certeine other lands, his bro­ther line 30 king Richard gaue vnto him a yeerelie pension amounting to the summe of eight thousand pound of Aniouin monie. ¶ Now here to staie a while at mat­ters chancing here about home, Rog. Houed. Wil. Paruus. Matth. Paris. Polychron. I will speake some­what of the dooings of Leopold duke of Austrich, who as one nothing mooued with the pestilence and fa­mine that oppressed his countrie in this season, but rather hauing his hart hardened, began to threaten the English hostages that they shuld loose their liues, if king Richard kept not the couenants which he had line 40 vndertaken to performe by a day appointed. Where­vpon Baldwin Betun one of the hostages was sent by common agréement of the residue vnto king Ri­chard, Baldwin de Betun. to signifie to him their estate. King Richard willing to deliuer them out of further danger, sent with the same Baldwin his coosen, the sister of Ar­thur duke of Britaine, and the daughter of the em­perour of Cypres, to be conueied vnto the said duke of Austrich, the one, namelie the sister of Arthur to be ioined in marriage with the dukes sonne, and the line 50 other to continue in the dukes hands to bestow at his pleasure.

But in the meane time, on saint Stephans day, duke Leopold chanced to haue a fall beside his horsse, Duke Leo­pold catcheth a fall beside his horsse and dieth of the hurt. and hurt his leg in such wise, that all the surgions in the countrie could not helpe him, wherevpon in ex­treame anguish he ended his life. And whereas be­fore his death he required to be absolued of the sen­tence of excommunication pronounced against him by the pope (for apprehending of king Richard in line 60 his returning from his iournie made into the holie land) he was answered by the cleargie, that except he would receiue an oth to stand to the iudgement of the church for the iniurie doone to king Richard, and that vnlesse other of the Nobilitie would receiue the like oth with him if he chanced to die (whereby he might not fulfill that which the church héerein should decrée) that yet they should see the same performed, he might not otherwise be absolued.

Wherefore he tooke the oth, and the Nobles of his countrie with him, and therewithall released the English pledges, remitted the monie that yet remai­ned behind of his portion aforesaid, and immediatlie therewith died. After his deceasse, bicause certeine pée [...]es of the countrie withstood the performance of the premisses, his bodie laie eight daies longer aboue ground than otherwise it should haue doone, for till such time as all the pledges were perfectlie released, it might not be buried. Also Baldwin de Betun ap­proching neere to the confines of Austrich, when he heard that the duke was dead, returned with the two ladies▪ vnto his souereigne lord king Richard. Th [...]s (as ye haue heard) for feare of the censures of the church were the pledges restored, and the residue of the monie behind released.

¶All this was [...]th pleasant and profitable for king Richards soules helth (as may [...] thought) bicause he tooke occasion therof to amend hi [...] owne former [...] ▪ by considering how much he might be reprehe [...]e [...] ▪ for his sundrie faults committed both against God and man. A maruellous matter to [...]eare, how much frō that time forward he reformed his former trade of liuing into a better forme & order. Moreouer, the emperour gaue to the Ci [...]teau [...] moonks 3000 marks of siluer, parcell of king Richards ransome, White monks to make siluer censers in euerie church throughout where they had any houses: but the abbats of the same order re­fused the gift, being a portion of so wrongfull and vn­godlie a gaine. At which thing, when it came to the knowledge of K. Richard, he greatlie maruelled at the first, but after commended the abbats in their dooings, and cheeflie for shewing that they were void of the accustomed gréedinesse of hauing, which most men supposed them to be much infected withall.

King Richard this yeare pardoned Hugh Nouant bishop of Couentrie of all his wrath and displeasure conceiued toward him, Rog. Houed. Hugh Nouāt bishop of Co­uentrie resto­red to his sée. and restored to him his bi­shoprike for fiue thousand marks of siluer. But Ro­bert Nouant the same bishops brother died in the kings prison at Douer. Also whereas the archbishop of Yorke had offended king Richard, The archbish­op of Yorke. he pardoned him, and receiued him againe into fauour, with the kisse of peace. Wherevpon the archbishop waxed so proud, that vsing the king reprochfullie, he lost his archbishoprike, the rule of Yorkeshire which he had in gouernment as shiriffe, the fauour of his soue­reigne, and (which was the greatest losse of all) the loue of God. For

Nemo superbus amat superos, nec amatur ab illis,
M. Pal. in suo sag.
Vult humiles Deus ac mites, habitát (que) libenter
Mansuetos animos procul ambitione remotos,
Inflatos verò ac ventosos deprimit idem,
Nec patitur secum puro consistere olympo.

Moreouer, through the kings request, pope Cele­stine this yeare made the archbishop of Canturbu­rie legat of all England by his buls directed to him, Pope Cele­stine. The archbish. of Canturbu­rie is made y • popes legat. bearing date at his palace in Rome called Lateran the fifteenth kalends of Aprill, in the fourth yeare of his papasie. Furthermore, the pope wrote to the English cleargie, giuing them to vnderstand that he had created the said archbishop of Canturburie his legat, commanding them so to accept him: by vertue of which letters, A trinitie of offices in vni­tie of person. the archbishop Hubert being now both archbishop of Canturburie, legat of the apostolike sée, and lord chéefe iustice of England, appointed to hold a councell at Yorke, and therefore gaue knowledge by the abbat of Binham in North­folke, and one maister Geruise, vnto the canons of Yorke, and to the archbishops officials of his purpo­sed intention.

The said canons and officials well considering of the popes letters, which were deliuered vnto them by the messengers, signified for answer, that they would gladlie receiue him as legat of the apostolike sée, but not as archbishop of Canturburie, nor as their pri­mat. Herewith he came to Yorke vpon saint Bar­nabies daie being sundaie, and was receiued with [Page 148] procession. On the morrow after, he held a court of plees of the crowne, of assises, and such other matters touching the king. On the next day being Tues­day, he entred into the monasterie of saint Maries in Yorke, and deposed the abbat, bicause of his infir­mitie of bodie, at the request of the moonks, but the abbat appealed to the popes consistorie. Then he as­sembled the cleargie in the church of Saint Peter in Yorke, A synod hol­den at Yorke. and there held a synod for reformation of things amisse in the church, and amendment of man­ners line 10 in the cleargie▪ so that diuerse decrées were made, the which for bréefenesse we [...] to speake of in particular. This yeare also, the said archbishop [...] throughout the realme of England to receiue an oth of obseruing the kings [...], and to sweare that they should not be robbers, nor abbettors of ro [...]bers, nor in any wise consenting vnto them, but should doo what in them might lie to [...] offendors, and to discouer them to the kings officers to be apprehended, and to pursue line 20 them vpon hew and crie to the vttermost of their powers, and those that withdrew themselues from such pursuit; should be apprehended as partakers with the offendors.

The emperor sendeth to the king.About this time the emperour sent to king Ri­chard, requiring him in no wise to conclude any peace with the French king, but rather to inuade his dominions, promising to aid him all that he might. But king Richard, Anno Reg. 7. to vnderstand further of the em­perours mind herein, sent ouer his chancellour the line 30 bishop of Elie vnto him in ambassage. The bishop of Elie is sent to the emperour. In the meane time the warre was still continued betwixt him and the French, by the which they were com­monlie put to the worse, and king Richard inuading their borders, did much hurt in wasting the coun­tries on each side. The French king was at one time so narrowlie chased, that as he would haue passed a bridge that laie ouer the water of Saine, he was in danger of drowning by the fall of the same vnder him, but yet at the length he escaped, and got to the line 40 further side.

After this, the two kings came to a communica­tion togither, The 2 kings talke togither. in the which a motion was made, that Lewes the French king his sonne and heire should haue the sister of Arthur duke of Britaine in marri­age, and that king Richard in consideration thereof should surrender vnto them and to their heires the townes of Gisors, Bademont, with the countrie of Ueulquessine or Ueuxine le Normant, Uernon, I­uerie and Pascie; and further should giue vnto them line 50 twentie thousand marks of siluer. On the other side it was mooued, that the French king should resigne vnto king Richard all that he could demand in the countie of Engeulesme, and should restore vnto him the counties of Albemarle and Augie, with the ca­stell of Arkes, and all other castels which he had taken in Normandie, or in any partie during these last warres. But there was a respit taken for the full concluding and assuring of these conditions, till the octaues of All saints, that king Richard might vn­derstand line 60 the emperours pleasure, without whose con­sent he might not conclude any thing concerning that matter, bicause he had sent such word vnto him by the lord chancellour, who at this time was atten­dant in his court.

In the meane time, the emperour being aduerti­sed of the whole matter, and of the articles afore men­tioned, gaue knowledge to king Richard by the bi­shop of Elie at his returning backe, that this forme of peace nothing liked him, but rather made direct­lie to his discontentment: the which least he might séeme to saie without sufficient ground of reason, he alledged, that it should sound to king Richards di­shonour, if he surrendred and gaue vp anie thing that he had not in possession. The emperor dissuadeth the king from a­gréeing to the peace. And to encourage him to recouer those things which had beene taken from him, [...]he emperour pardoned him of the seauen­téene thousand marks of siluer, which yet remained behind due to him for the kings ransome. Howsoe­uer the matter passed▪ the two kings met not in the octaues of all saints, according to the appointment, although they were [...], and approched verie néere to the pla [...]e where they should haue communed togi­ther▪ but through the dissimulation of the French­men, they departed, without seeing one another, and [...] began the warre as fiercelie as at anie time before.

The French king tooke the towne of Diep, The warre [...] begun afresh. which king Richard had latelie repared, and burned it, with the ships that harbored [...] the hauen: after this, com­ming to Isoldun, he wan the towne and besieged the castell▪ But king Richard aduertised thereof, came with quicke spéed (making of thrée daies iournie but one) and entred into the castell of Isoldun to defend the same against his aduersaries: The has [...] which king Richard made and foorthwith there resorted such numbers of men vnto him, when they heard how he was besieged, that the French king doubting how to retire from thence in safetie, made suit first to haue licence to depart, and after when that would not be granted, he required at the leastwise to talke with the king of England about some agréement.

Wherevnto king Richard condescended, The 2 kings againe talke togither of peace, and so comming togither, they concluded vpon a truce to indure from that daie, being saturdaie next after the feast of saint Nicholas, vnto the feast of saint Hila­rie next insuing, and then to méet againe néere vnto Louiers with their councels, that they might grow by some reasonable way vnto a finall peace and con­cord. And according to this article, year 1196 shortlie after the same feast of S. Hilarie, they met at Louiers, where finallie they were accorded to conclude a peace on these conditions, The conditi­ons of peace concluded be­twixt the two kings. Matth. Paris▪ that the French king should release to the king of England Isoldun, with the countrie about, woon by him sith the beginning of these wars; likewise, all the right which he had in Berrie, Au­ [...]ergine, and Gascoigne, and the countie of Al­bemarle. On the other part, Matth. West. the king of England should resigne Gisors, and certeine other places, and namelie Ueurine or Ueulquesine vnto the king of France.

Herevpon were suerties also bound for perfor­mance, Matth. West. Matth. Paris. and the forfeiture of fiftéene thousand marks assigned to be paid by the partie that first brake the peace. Shortlie after, the French king repenting him selfe of the agreement, began to make a warre a­new, so that king Richard seized into his hands all the goods and possessions which belonged to the ab­bats of the order of the great monasterie of Clunie, and of saint Denise & la Charitie, which had become suertie for the French king in the summe of 1500 marks aforesaid. Rog. Houed. The earle of Albemarle de­parted this life This yeare died William de Forz earle of Albemarle, in whose place succéeded Bald­wine de Betun by the kings gift, and married the countesse of Albermarle.

There was a motion also made for a marriage be­twixt the lord Otho, Otho sonne to the duke of Saxonie. sonne to Henrie duke of Saxo­nie, king Richards nephue by his sister, and the ladie Margaret, daughter to the king of Scots, so as they should haue inioied the countries of Lothian, Nor­thumberland, and the countie of Caerleill with the castels. For the conclusion of which marriage, Lawnes. the archbishop of Canturburie was sent about Christ­mas to commune with the king of Scots: but bi­cause the Scotish quéene was then conceiued of child, hir husband (in hope that God would send him a sonne) refused to stand vnto the aboue mentioned couenants.

[Page 149] Wil. Paruus. Ran. Higd. The abbat of Caen sent in­to England.At this time king Richard sent the abbat of Caen (who was also the elect of Durham) into England, to take an accompts of those that had the receipts of the kings monie: for this abbat had informed the king, that his receiuers and officers here in the realme dealt not iustlie in making their accompts, but both deceiued the king, and oppressed his people, in exacting more than was due, Fraudulent dealing in of­ficers. and concealing that which they ought to stand accomptable for. The king supposing his words to be true, or at least likelie so to line 10 be, and that in reforming such vntruth in his officers, it should be both profitable to him, and well liked of the people, sent this abbat ouer with commission, to be as it were his generall auditour.

Howbeit, Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, which was gouernour of the realme in causes both temporall and spirituall (by reason he had the kings authoritie as his vicegerent, & therefore sufficientlie countenanced, & also the popes as his legat authori­sed) did somewhat stomach the matter, in that it line 20 should be thought he did suffer such abuses in the kings officers, and not reforme them. But he held him content and said little, sith the abbat shewed him the kings commission to doo that which he went a­bout, although he brought it not to passe. For where­as he came ouer in lent, and gaue out commande­ments, that all such as had any thing to doo in receipt of the kings monie, should appeare before him af­ter Easter, he tarried not to see Easter himselfe, but was called into another world by the stroke of death, line 30 there to render accompts for his owne acts here in this life committed.

Fabian. Wil. Paruus. Matt. Paris. Ran. Higd. William Fitz Osbert.At the same time there was another person in London called William with the long beard ( aliàs Fitz Osbert) which had likewise informed the king of certeine great oppressions and excessiue outrages vsed by rich men against the poore (namelie the wor­shipfull of the citie, the Maior and Aldermen) who in their hoistings, when any tallage was to be gathe­red, burdened the poore further than was thought rea­son, The [...]oule dis­order in the citizens of London. line 40 to ease themselues; wherevpon the said William being a seditious person, and of a busie nature, ceas­sed not to make complaints. Now bicause the king gaue eare vnto him at the first, he tooke a boldnesse thereof, & drawing vnto him great routs of the poo­rer sort of people, would take vpon him to defend the causes of those that found themselues greeued with the heauie yoke of richmen and gentlemen. He was somewhat learned, and verie eloquent: he had also a verie good wit, but he applied it rather to set dissenti­on line 50 betwixt the high estates and the low, than to anie other good purpose. He accused also his owne brother of treason, who in his youth had kept him to schoole, & beene verie good and beneficiall brother vnto him, bicause now he would not still mainteine him with monie to beare out his riottous port. The vnnatu­rall ingrati­tude of Fitz Osbert. Moreouer, he declared to the king that by extortion and briberie of certeine men of great wealth, he lost manie forfeits and escheats.

Manie gentlemen of honour sore hated him for line 60 his presumptuous attempts to the hindering of their purposes: but he had such comfort of the king, that he little passed for their malice, but kept on his intent, till the king being aduertised of the assem­blies which he made▪ commanded him to ceasse from such dooings, that the people might fall againe to their sciences and occupations, which they had for the more part left off at the instigation of this William with the long beard, Why he ware his long berd. Matth. Paris. so named of the long heare of his [...]eard, which he nourished of purpose to seeme the more graue and manlike, and also as it were in despite of them which counterfeited the Normans (that were for the most part shauen) and bicause he would resemble the ancient vsage of the English nation. Fabian. The kings commandement in restraint of the peoples resort vnto him, was well kept a while, but it was not long yer they began to follow him againe as they had doone before.

Then he tooke vpon him to make vnto them cer­teine collations or sermons, taking for his theme, Haurietis aqu [...] in gaudio de fontibus saluatoris, His oration to the people. that is to saie: Ye shall draw in gladnesse waters out of the founteins of your sauiour. And hereto he added, ‘I am (said he) the sauiour of poore men; ye be the poore, and haue assaied the hard hands and heauie burdens of the rich: now draw ye therefore the healthfull wa­ters of vnderstanding out of my wels and springs, and that with ioy. For the time of your visitation is come: I shall part waters from waters, by waters I vnderstand the people, and I shall part the people which are good and méeke, from the people that are wicked and proud, and I shall disseuer the good and euill, euen as light is diuided from darkenesse.’

By these and such persuasions and means as he v­sed, he had gotten two and fiftie thousand persons, Ger. Dor. readie to haue taken his part, as appeared after by a roll of their names found in his kéeping, besides diuerse instruments of iron to breake vp houses, and other things seruing to such like purposes. So that he brought the commoners into a great liking of him: but the rich and wealthie citizens stood in much feare, so that they kept their houses, in armes, in doubt to be robbed and murthred by him in the night season.

The archbishop of Canturburie (vnto whome the rule of the realme chéefelie belonged) being aduerti­sed hereof, sent for the greatest number of the citi­zens, and vsing them with gentle words, persuaded them to deliuer pledges, the better to assure him, that no such thing should chance, which was suspected of manie, though he was loth to conceiue any such opi­nion of them. They being ouercome with his cour­teous words, gaue vnto him pledges.

After this, when the foresaid William ceased not to make congregations of the people, He is called before the archbishop of Canturburie lord chéefe iu­stice or presi­dent of the realme. at length the archbishop sent a commandement vnto him, that he should appeare before him and other of the councell, at a certeine prefixed daie, to answer to such things as might be laid to his charge. To be short, he did so at the time appointed, but with such a rout of the com­mon people about him, that the archbishop durst not pronounce against him, but licenced him to depart for that time, giuing him soft and gentle words. Howbeit, certeine persons were then appointed by the said archbishop and other of the councell to watch him sometime, when he should haue no great compa­nie about him, and then to apprehend him.

Amongst those that were thus commanded to at­tach him, were two burgesses of the citie, who ha­uing espied a conuenient time for the execution of their purpose, set vpon him to haue taken him, but he getting an ax, defended himselfe manfullie: and in resisting slue one of them, and after that fled into the church of S. Marie Bow, He fléeth in [...]o the church of S. Marie Bow. kéeping the same not as a place of sanctuarie, but as a fortresse: in somuch that by the helpe of such as resorted vnto him, he de­fended it against his aduersaries, till with fire and smoke they constreined him to come foorth and all those that were there with him: His concu­bine. amongst them also was his concubine, who neuer left him for any dan­ger that might be [...]ide him.

The people regarding the danger of their pled­ges, came not out to aid him, as it was much doub­ted they would haue doone. Wherefore being thus at­tached, he was brought foorth, and comming out of the church, the sonne of that burgesse whome he had slaine (as you haue heard) strake him verie sore into the bellie with a knife, in reuenge of his fathers [Page 150] death▪ After this, he was had to his arraignment be­fore the archbishop, sitting within the towre, and be­ing condemned, was from thence drawne with hors­ses to the place of execution called the Elmes, and there hanged on a gibet, He is exe­cuted. with nine of his adherents, which had defended the church against the kings power: and yet for all this, the grudge ceassed not, but the common people raised a great slander vpon the archbishop, Wil. Paruus. Matth. Paris. both for causing him to be taken out of the church, The archbish. of Canturbu­rie euill spokē of, for y e death of William Fitz Osbert. where he claimed priuilege of sanctu­arie, line 10 and also for putting him to death, who was inno­cent (as they alledged) and not giltie of those crimes that were laid against him: who sought onelie the de­fense of poore people against extortioners, and such as were wrong dooers.

This rumor rose so fast, that at length (by bruting abroad, that certeine miracles should be wrought by a chaine, An old whor­monger, and a new saint. wherein he was bound in time of his im­prisonment) he was taken for a saint. The place also where he suffered, was visited by women, and other line 20 superstitious folks, as a plot of great holinesse, till at length the archbishop caused it to be watched, to the end that no such foolishnesse should be vsed there. In fine, the opinion which the people had thus fondlie conceiued of his vertue and innocencie, was by lit­tle and little remooued out of their heads, when his acts were more certeinlie published: as the sleaing of a man with his owne hands, and the vsing of his concubine within Bowe church, during the time of his being there. Also the archbishop accursed a préest, line 30 which had first brought vp the false report and fained fable of the miracle wrought by the chaine, whereby the occasion of idolatrie was first giuen, and might easilie haue béene continued, if the archbishop had not béene the wiser man, and by such means repressed the rumour. ¶ So that we are to note by this example the force of counterfeit holinesse and feigned harme­lesnesse in hypocrits,

—qui pelle sub agni
Vipereum celant vi [...]us morés (que), luporum, line 40
Et stol [...]dos ficta virtutis imagine fallunt.

But now to returne vnto the dooings of king Ri­chard in France. Ye haue heard how a peace was concluded (as some haue written) but the same con­tinued not long: for the French king séeming to re­pent himselfe of that he had doone (as is aforesaid) brake the peace, and raising a power, besieged Albe­marle, at length wa [...] it, and raced it downe to the ground, then king Richard gaue vnto him thrée thou­sand marks of siluer for the ransome of his knights line 50 and yeomen, or demilances (as I may call them) that were taken in that fortresse. After this, the French king wan Nouencourt, and earle Iohn tooke the ca­stell of Gamages.

The erledome of Poictou.About the same time also king Richard gaue vnto his nephue Otho the earledome of Poictou. Which I haue thought good to note out of Roger Ho [...]eden, to remooue the doubt of Iohn Bouchet, who in the third part of his annales of Aquitaine, Iohn Bou­chet his dou [...]. maruelleth at an old panehart or record which he had séene, by line 60 the tenour whereof it appeared, that this Otho inti­tuled himselfe duke of Aquitaine and earle of Poic­tou, being in his castell of Monstereulbonin neere to Poictiers, in the yeare a thousand, one hundreth, ninetie nine, in presence of Geffrey de Lusignen, and others, and granted vnto a certeine person the office of cutting the monie in the mint of that towne, as by the same [...] hart it further appeareth.

The sight whereof brought the sai [...] Bouchet into a great perplexine, considering that no chronicle which he had either seene, or heard of, made mention of any Otho that shuld be duke of Aquitaine, or erle of Poicto [...], either before that time, or after. Where againe it was euident to him, that queene Elianor the mother of king Richard, as then liuing, named hir selfe dutchesse of Aquitaine, and countesse of Poictou; & likewise king Richard intituled himselfe duke of Aquitaine, and earle of Poictou, euer after he had fianced the earle of Barcelons daughter, as by diuerse records both of the mother and the sonne he had séene perfect notice. At length yet he gesseth (and that trulie) that it should be this Otho, to whom the mother and sonne had assigned the dutchie of A­quitaine and countie of Poictou, for the mainte­nance of his estate, he holding the same till the yeare 1199, in the which he was made emperour by king Richards good helpe, as after shall be shewed more at large.

About this time also as the countesse of Britaine, Ranulph erle of Chester tooke his wife the dutchesse of Britaine prisoner. the mother of duke Arthur came into Normandie to haue spoken with king Richard, Ranulph earle of Chester hir husband meeting hir at Pountourson, tooke hir as prisoner, and shut hir vp within his ca­stell at S. Iames de Beumeron: and when hir sonne Arthur could not find means to deliuer hir out of captiuitie, he ioined with the king of France, and made great hauocke in the lands of his vncle king Richard, wherevpon the king gathered a mightie ar­mie, and inuading Britaine with great force, cruel­lie wasted and destroied the countrie.

Here is also to be noted, that in this seuenth yeare of king Richard, A dearth. a great dearth chanced through this realme of England, and in the coasts about the same. Also about the same time died William earle of Sa­lisburie, The death of the earle of Salisburie. the sonne of earle Patrike, whose daughter and heire king Richard gaue in marriage, togither with the earledome of Salisburie, vnto his base bro­ther, surnamed Long Espée.

It chanced moreouer about the same time, R. Houed. Matth. Paris. that earle Iohn the kings brother, with certeine capi­teins of such hired souldiors as some call Brabance­ni; others, the Routs; and the French histories name them Costereaux, or Co [...]erels, went abroad to at­chiue some enterprise against the bishop of Beau­ [...]ois, and other Frenchmen, which had doone much hurt to king Richards subiects in those parties. The chéefe leaders of those Routs or Costereaux; which went foorth with earle Iohn, and serued vnder him at that time, were two Prouancois, Marchades & Lupescaro. Marchades & Lu­pescaro. These riding foorth into the countrie about Beauuois, made hauocke in robbing and spoiling all afore them.

Anon as Philip the bishop of Beauuois, a man more giuen to the campe than to the church, had knowledge hereof, thinking them to be a méet preie for him, with sir William de Merlow and his sonne, and a great number of other val [...]ant men of warre, came foorth into the fields, and encountring with the enimies, fought verie stoutlie. The bishop of Beauuois ta­ken prisoner. But yet in the end the bishop, the archdeacon, and all the chéefe capteins were taken: the residue slaine and chased. After this, earle Iohn and the foresaid capteins passed foorth, and wan the towne of Millie, and so returned.

Earle Iohn and Marchades presented the two prelats with great triumph vnto K. Richard earlie in the morning, lieng yet in his bed, as those that were knowne to be his great enimies, saieng to him in French; ‘Rise Richard, rise, we haue gotten the great chantour of Beauuois, and a good quie [...] man (as we take it) to answer him in the same note, and here we deliuer them vnto you to vse at your discre­tion.’ The king séeing them, smiled, and was verie glad for the taking of this bishop, for that he had euer found him his great aduersarie: and therefore being thus taken fighting in the field with armour on his backe, thought he might be bold in temporall wise to chastise him: sith he (not regarding his calling) prac­tised to mo [...]es [...] him wich temporall weapons: where­vpon [Page 151] he committed him to close prison all armed as he was.

It chanced soone after, that two of his chaplins came vnto the king to Rouen, where this bishop was deteined, beseeching the king of licence to attend vpon their maister now in captiuitie: vnto whome (as it is of some reported) the king made this an­swer; ‘I am content to make you iudges in the cause betwixt me and your maister, as for the euils which he hath either doone, either else gone about to doo vn­to line 10 me, let the same be forgotten. This is true, that I being taken as I returned from my iournie made into the holie land, and deliuered into the emperours hands, was in respect of my kinglie state, vsed accor­ding therevnto verie fréendlie and honourablie, till your maister comming thither (for what purpose he himselfe best knoweth) had long conference with the emperour. After which, I for my part in the next morning tasted the fruit of their ouernights talke, being then loden with as manie irons as a good asse line 20 might not verie easilie haue borne. Iudge you there­fore, what maner of imprisonment your maister de­serued at my hands, that procured such ease for me at the emperours hands.’

The two chaplins had their mouths stopped with these words thus by the king vttered, and so departed their waies. The bishop being still deteined in pri­son, procured suit to be made to the pope for his deli­uerance: but the pope, being truelie informed of the matter, and wiselie considering that the king had line 30 not taken the bishop preaching, but fighting, and kept him prisoner rather as a rough enimie, than as a peaceable prelat, would not be earnest with the king for his deliuerance, but rather reprooued the bi­shop, in that he had preferred secular warfare before the spirituall, and had taken vpon him the vse of a speare in stéed of a crosier, an helmet in steed of a mi­ter, an herbergeon in stéed of a white rocket, a target for a stoale, and an iron sword in lieu of the spirituall sword: and therefore he refused to vse any comman­dement line 40 to king Richard for the setting of him at li­bertie. But yet he promised to doo what he could by waie of intreating, that he might be released.

It is reported by some writers, that the pope at first, not vnderstanding the truth of the whole cir­cumstance, should send to king Richard, comman­ding him by force of the canons of the church to deli­uer his sons the bishop and archdeacon out of their captiuitie. To whom the king sent their armour with this message written in Latine, ‘ Vide an tunica filij tui line 50 sit an non’, that is, See whether these are the garments of thy sonnes or not: alluding to the saieng of those that caried Iosephs coate to Iacob. Genes. 37. Which when the pope saw, he said: ‘Naie by S. Peter, it is neither the apparell of my sonnes, nor yet of my brethren: but rather they are the vestures of the children of Mars: and so he left them still to be ransomed at the kings pleasure’. The bishop thus séeing no hope to be deli­uered without some agréement had betwixt the two kings, became now through irkesomnesse of his line 60 bonds, an earnest mediatour for peace, whereas be­fore he had beene an extreme stirrer vp of war. Such a schoolemaister is imprisonment, & plucker downe of loftie courages. But to proceed.

Anno Reg. 8.About the same time the archbishop of Rouen put all the countrie of Normandie vnder sentence of in­terdiction, bicause king Richard had begun to fortifie a castell at Lisle Dandelie, Normandie interdicted by y e archbishop of Rouen. vpon a péece of ground which the archbishop claimed to apperteine vnto his sée. The matter was brought before the pope, who perceiuing the intent of king Richard was not o­therwise grounded vpon any couetous purpose to defraud the church of hir right, but onelie to build a fortresse in such place as was most expedient for de­fense of the countrie about, to preserue it from inua­sion of the enimies; he counselled the archbishop not to stand against the king in it, but to exchange with him for some other lands: which was doone, and the interdiction by the pope released. The bishop of Elie lord chancellour, being sent about this businesse towards Rome, The bishop of Elie departed this life. departed this life by the way at Poictiers, in Ianuarie.

But the bishops of Durham & Lisieux that were sent with him, passed forward, and comming to Rome, informed the pope of the matter, who tooke order with the bishops (as before is mentioned.) The king gaue to the church in Rouen in recompense, his milles which he had in Rouen, so that the said church should paie the almes of old time appointed to be giuen for the same. He gaue to the said church like­wise the towne of Diepe, and the towne of Bussels, so that the church should likewise paie the almes as­signed foorth of the same, being the summe of 372 pounds of Aniouine monie: also the manour of Lo­uers, and the forrest of Alermound with the deere and the appurtenances. But now to other dooings.

About the same time, or not long before, whereas there had beene long contention betwixt the kings of England, Rog. Houed. The king and the earle of Tholouse a­greed. and the earles of S. Giles for the earle­dome of Tholouse, king Richard by way of aliance fell now at an appointment with the earle Raimond that held those lands: for whereas the countesse Con­stance wife to the said Raimond earle of Tholouse and aunt to king Philip was now departed this life, king Richard concluded a mariage betwene the said earle and his sister Ioane quéene of Sicile, some­time wife to William king of Sicile, so that being thus ioined in aliance with the said earle of Tho­louse on the one side, Matt. Paris. The earle of Flanders a­lied with K. Richard. he procured a league also with Baldwine earle of Flanders on the other, vnto whome he gaue fiue thousand markes in reward, vpon condition, that he should couenant not to grow to any agréement with the French king without his consent. Likewise Reginold the earle of Bolongne, Iacob. Meir. Les annales de France. that was sonne to the earle of Chasteau Martine, ali­ed himselfe with them against the French king, and so did Baldwine earle of Guines with diuerse other.

Thus king Richard by such aliance hauing his part greatlie strengthened, prepared himselfe to the warre more earnestlie than before, and tooke order with the earle of Flanders, that they should inuade the French dominions in two seuerall quarters both at one time, as the earle by Flanders, & he himselfe by Normandie, according to the appointment be­twixt them deuised. The earle preparing an armie, Iacob. Meir. Wil. Paruus. first wan the towne of Dowaie, and then besieged saint Omers, and wan it after fiue weekes siege: whervpon they of Aire yeelded to him; Towns won by the earle of Flanders. shortlie after he entred into Artois, & besieged the citie of Arras.

At the same time king Richard marching towards Gisors, wan in his waie the castell of Corselles, & de­stroied it; that doone, he came to Gisors, and besieged the towne, Gisors be­sieged. wasting all the countrie round about him where he came. The French king being thus trou­bled with the inuasion of his enimies in two seuerall places at one present time, sent certeine bands of his souldiors towards Arras to kéepe the earle of Flan­ders plaie, whilest he himselfe went against king Ri­chard: and comming vnto Gisors, found it streictlie besieged of the same king, so that he wist not well how to enter the towne. But yet at length faining to giue battell to king Richard (who vpon desire to receiue it, came abroad into the field) the French king rushed foorth with all his whole force to make towards the towne, & so got into it, The French king entreth into Gisors. though not with­out great losse and damage of his people.

King Richard not meaning to breake vp his siege from before the towne, notwithstanding the French [Page 152] king had entred it) staied a certeine time of purpose to win it, knowing the gaine to be the greater, and his name more famous, if he might atchiue his pur­pose, now that his aduersarie was within it. But when he saw it would not be, K. Richard raiseth his siege. he raised his siege, and departed towards Cleremont, spoiling all the coun­trie by his forrais as he went, so that he wan great pillage, wherewith his souldiers were loden and made verie rich.

It chanced, that in a skirmish Hugh de Chan­mount was taken prisoner, Hugh de Chaumount taken prisoner one that was of the line 10 French kings priuie councell, and king Richard ap­pointed him to the kéeping of Robert Ros, who char­ged one of his seruants named William de Spinie with the custodie of him. But the said Hugh corrup­ting his kéeper the foresaid William with rewards, (whereof it is said,

Ouid in 3. Art am. ep. 16.
—acceptissima semper
Munera sunt, author quae preticsa facit)

escaped out of the castell of Bonneuille, where he was within ward, Robert Rosse put to his fine for an escape. to the great displeasure of king line 20 Richard, who caused Robert Ros to paie for a fine, the summe of twelue hundred marks, which the priso­ner should haue paied for his ransome: and further, commanded William de Spinie to be hanged for his disloiall dealing.

King Philip, after that the king of England was remooued from Gisors (as before yée haue heard) as­sembled a great host, and with banner displaied, en­tred into Normandie, Matth. Paris. and wasted the countrie from Newburge to Beaumont le Rogier, and that doone, line 30 returned into France, licencing his men to returne vnto their homes. About the same time, he sent vnto king Richard, Nic. Treuet. The French kings request for a combat. requiring him to appoint fiue champi­ons, and he would appoint other fiue for his part, which might fight in lists, for triall of all matters in controuersie betwixt them, so to auoid the shedding of more giltlesse bloud. King Richard accepted the offer, K. Richards answer. with condition, that either king might be of the number, that is, the French king one of the fiue vp­on line 40 the French part; & K. Richard one of the fiue vp­on the English part. year 1197 But this condition would not be granted. Herevpon, when shortlie after it was signified to king Richard, Matth. Paris. that ships vsed to come out of England to saint Ualerie with victuals, which were sold and conueied awaie vnto the French K. and other his enimies, he rode to saint Ualeries, and set the towne on fire, and such ships of England as he found there he also burnt, and hanged the mariners by the necke, Ships burnt, and mariners hanged. diuiding the graine and other victuals which were found in the same ships amongst his line 50 owne souldiors.

About the same time he got the fauour of them of Champaigne and of the Britons, Les annales de France. and William Crespine also was constreined to deliuer vnto him the castell of Auge, but the French king recouered it by siege, whilest king Richard entring into Aluer­gne wan diuerse castels there, to the number of ten out of king Philips hands. Anno Reg. 9. In the meane time the earle of Flanders made sore warre against the line 60 French king for his part, and training the same king within streits, so that he was almost inclosed on ech side, he constreined him to agrée to such composition as pleased the same earle to appoint, but afterwards the French king refused to stand to the couenants of that agréement, and so the warre continued betwixt them as before.

R. Houed.At length king Richard and the French king con­cluded vpon an abstinence of warre to indure from the feast of S. Hilarie for one whole yere, One yeare & 4 moneths saith Wil. Paruus. purposing in the meane time to make a finall peace and agréement. In which season Baldwine earle of Flanders came into England to doo his deuotions vnto the shrine where Thomas the archbishop laie buried at Canturburie. Griffin king of Wales de­parted this life. The same yeare also some what before this time, Rise ap Griffin king of Wales departed this life, after whose death there fell discord betwixt his sonnes for the succession, till the archbishop Hu­bert went to the marshes of that countrie and made an agréement betwixt them. Not long after, Roger the brother of Robert earle of Leicester, elected bi­shop of saint Andrews in Scotland, receiued the or­der of priesthood, and was consecrated bishop by the hands of the bishop of Aberdine.

This yeare it was ordeined that measures of all manner of graine should conteine one quantitie throughout the realme, that is to saie, Weights and measures. one resonable horsselode, and that the measures of wine and ale with all maner of liquors should be of one iust quan­tie according to the diuersitie of the liquor: also that weights should be of like rate throughout the relme, and that cloth should conteine two yards in breadth within the lists, of perfect goodnesse throughout, as well in the middest as by the sides, and that one man­ner of yard should be vsed through the relme. It was also ordeined that no merchants within the realme should hang any red or blacke clothes before their windowes, nor set vp any pentises or other thing whereby to darken the light from those that come to buy their cloth, so as they might be deceiued in choo­sing thereof.

Also it was enacted that there should be foure or six substantiall honest men chosen in euerie towne, and likewise in shires, with the head officers of cities and boroughes, which had a corporation, to see that the assises aforesaid were truelie kept, and that if any were found to be offending in the premisses, to cause their bodies to be attached and committed to prison, and their goods to be seized to the kings vse: and if those that were chosen to haue regard thereto, were tried to be negligent, so that by others, and not by them any offendors chanced to be conuicted before the iustices, then should the regarders be put to their fines, for the negligent looking to their offices.

King Richard held his Christmasse this yeare at Roan, and Hubert the archbishop of Canturburie le­gat of the apostolike sée, year 1198 named lord chéfe iustice of England, was about the same time in the marshes of Wales at Hereford, and there receiued into his hands the castels of Hereford, Bridgenorth and Lud­low, remoouing those that had the same in kéeping, and appointing others in their roomes. Moonks pla­ced againe in the church of Couentrie. Afterwards comming by Couentrie, he placed the moonks a­gaine in the cathedrall church of that citie, by com­mandement of pope Celestine, and chased out the se­cular canons, which the bishop Hugh Nouant had brought into the same church when he remooued the moonks.

In the Christmasse wéeke also there came messen­gers to Rouen from the archbishops of Cullen and Mentz, and from other states of the empire, Messengers from the stats of Germanie. which de­clared vnto king Richard, that all the princes of Germanie were appointed to assemble at Cullen, the two & twentith of Februarie, about the choosing of a new emperour, in place of the late deceassed Henrie: and therefore they commanded him by force of the oth and league in which he was bound to the emperour and empire, that all excuse of deniall or occasions to the contrarie ceasing and set apart, he should make his repaire vnto Cullen at the aforesaid day, to helpe them in choosing of some worthie perso­nage that might and was able to haue the empire. King Richard doubting to put himselfe in danger, bicause he had not discharged all the debts due for his ransome, staied at home, but yet he sent diuerse noble men thither, and did so much in fauour of his nephue Otho, that by the helpe of the foresaid two archbishops of Cullen and Mentz, the same Otho [Page 153] was elected emperour. But of this matter more shall be said hereafter.

Three hun­dred knights of men of armes to be found.Moreouer, about the same time king Richard re­quired by the archbishop of Canturburie his chéefe iustice, an aid of 300 knights to be found by his sub­iects of England, to remaine with him in his seruice for one whole yeare, or else that they would giue him so much monie, as might serue to reteine that num­ber after the rate of thrée shillings a daie of English monie for euerie knight. Whereas all other were contented to be contributors herein, onelie Hugh line 10 bishop of Lincolne refused, The bishop of Lincolne. and spake sore against the archbishop that moued the matter. But how so­euer that request tooke place, king Richard (as we find) leuied this yeare a subsidie of fiue shillings of e­uerie hide of land within the realme, two commissio­ners, that is to say, one of the spiritualtie, & a knight of the temporaltie, being appointed as commissio­ners in euerie shire, with the assistance of the shi­riffe, and others, to see the same assessed & rated after an hundred acres of land to the hide of land, accor­ding line 20 to the custome.

The same yeare also the moonks of the house of the holie Trinitie, The moonks of Christes church send to the pope, complaining of their arch­bishop. otherwise called Christes church in Canturburie, exhibited their complaint vnto pope Innocent, that their archbishop Hubert (contrarie to his order and dignitie) exercised the office of high iustice, and sate in iudgement of bloud, being so in­cumbred in temporall matters, that he could not haue time to discharge his office touching spirituall causes: wherevpon the pope sent vnto king Richard, line 30 admonishing him not to suffer the said archbishop to be any longer troubled with temporall affaires, The pope sen­deth to the king. but to discharge him thereof, and not to admit any spiri­tuall person from thencefoorth vnto any temporall administration.

He further prohibited by vertue of their obedi­ence, all manner of prelats and men of the church, that they should not presume rashlie to take vpon them any maner of secular function or office. Wher­vpon the archbishop was discharged of his office of line 40 chéefe iustice, and Geffrey Fitz Peter succeeded in gouernement of the realme in his steed. ¶ Geruasius Dorobernensis saith, that the archbishop resigned that office of his owne accord, and that not till after his returne from the marshes of Wales, where he had ouerthrowne the Welshmen, and slaine fiue thousand of them. Which victorie other ascribe vnto Geffrey Fitz Peter, which Geffrey (as the said Do­robernensis saith) succeeded the archbishop in the of­fice of lord cheefe iustice, but not vntill August, in the line 50 tenth yeare of the kings reigne.

In this yeare, immediatlie vpon the expiring of the truce which was taken till haruest might be en­ded, Anno Reg. 10. the warre betwixt the two kings of England & France began eftsoones to be pursued with like ear­nestnesse as before: wherevpon manie encounters chanced betwixt the parties, with taking of townes and fortresses, as commonlie in such cases it happe­neth. Twise the French king was put to the worsse, line 60 once in September betwixt Gamages and Uer­non, where he was driuen to saue himselfe by flight, loosing twentie knights, and thréescore seruitors or yeomen, which were taken, besides those that were slaine: and againe, in the same moneth on Michael­masse euen betwixt Curseilles and Gisors, at what time he came to succour Curseilles, bringing with him 400 knights, besides seruitors, and a great mul­titude of commons. But the castell was woone be­fore he could approch it.

King Richard being aduertised of his comming, hasted foorth to méet him, and giuing the onset vp­on him, forced him to flee vnto Gisors, where at the entring of the bridge there was such preasse, that the bridge brake, so that amongst other, the king him­selfe with his horsse and all fell into the riuer of Geth, King Philip almost drow­ned. and with much adoo was releeued, and got out of the water, no small number of right hardie and valiant gentlemen being taken at the same time, which put themselues forward to staie the Englishmen, till the king was recouered out of that present danger. To conclude, Seuen score saith R. Houed. there were taken to the number of an hundred knights, and two hundred barded horsses, besides seruitors on horssebacke, Matth. Paris. R. Houed. and footmen with crossebowes. Amongst other prisoners these are na­med, Matthew de Montmorancie, Gales de Ports, Iollen de Bray, and manie other also innumerable. King Richard hauing got this victorie, wrote let­ters thereof vnto the archbishops, bishops, abbats earles and barons of his realme, that they might praise God for his good successe.

¶ A notable example to all princes that haue the conquest ouer their enimies, to referre the happie getting thereof to God, and to giue praise vnto him who giueth victorie vnto whom it pleaseth him. Which the Psalmograph saw verie well, and therefore ascri­bed all the issue of his prosperous affaires to God, as may well be noted by his words, saieng expresselie,

— ab illo
Munior, hic instar tur [...]is & arcis erat,
Eo [...]. H [...]ss. in Psal. 144.
Dura manus in bella meas qui format & armat,
Ad fera qui digitos instruit arma meos.

Now will we staie the proceedings of the king of France at this time, and make no further relation thereof for a while, till we haue touched other things that happened in England at the same season. And first ye shall vnderstand, that Hugh Bardolfe, Ro­ger Arundell, and Geffrey Hachet, to whom as iu­stices, the counties of Lincolne, Notingham, Yorke, Derbie, Northumberland, Westmerland, Cumber­land, and Lancaster were appointed for circuits, held not onelie plées of assises, and of the crowne, but al­so tooke inquisitions of escheats, Inquisitions taken. and forfaitures of all maner of transgressions, and of donations of be­nefices, of marriages of widowes and maids, and other such like things as apperteined to the king, whereby any aduantages grew to his vse, the which for tediousnesse we passe ouer. These things were streightlie looked vnto, not without the disquieting of manie.

Herewith came an other trouble in the necke of this former, to diuerse persons within the realme, through inquiries taken by the iustices of the for­rests: for Hugh Neuill, Hugh Waley, and Heruisi­us Neuill, appointed iustices itinerants in that case, were commanded by the king to call before them archbishops, bishops, earles, barons, knights, and fréeholders, with the reeue, and foure of the substan­tiall men of euerie towne or village, Ordinances of forrests. to heare and take knowledge of the kings commandement, tou­ching the ordinances of forrests, the which were ve­rie straight in sundrie points, so that whereas before those that offended in killing of the kings deere were punished by the purse, now they should lose their eies and genitals, as the lawe was in the daies of king Henrie his grandfather: and those that offended in cutting downe woods or bushes, or in digging and deluing vp of turues and clods, or by any other ma­ner of waie made waste and destruction in woods or grasse, or spoile of venison, within the precinct of the forrests, contrarie to order, they should be put to their [...]ines.

He gaue commandement also, that it should be lawfull to the forresters to take and put vnder arrest, Préests to be arrested offen­ding in for­rests. as well préests and those of the cleargie, as temporall men, being found offenders in forrest grounds and chases. Manie other ordinances were decréed tou­ching the preseruation of forrests, and the kings pre­rogatiue, [Page 154] aduantages and profits rising and grow­ing by the same, as well for sauing of his woods and wasts, as in pannage and agistements, greatlie to the restraint of them that might vsurpe or incroch vpon the grounds within the compasse of his for­rests.

Ye haue heard before, how the moonks of Cantur­burie did send to exhibit a complaint to the pope, for that their archbishop tooke vpon him to deale in exer­cise of matters belonging to a temporall man, and line 10 not to such a one as had rule ouer the spiritualtie: but this was not the cause that did gréeue them so much, as that he went forward with the erection of that church at Lameth, Ger. Dor. which his predecessor archbishop Baldwine had first begun at Haketon, now called S. Stephans (as before ye haue heard) and after was driuen through the importunate suit of the moonks to leaue off, The church of Lameth. and race that which he had there begun, to obeie the popes pleasure: and after laid a new foundation at Lameth. line 20

The moonks of Canturburie therefore still fea­ring least that church should greatlie preiudice such rights and liberties, as they pretended, namlie in the election of their archbishop, would neuer rest, but still complained and followed their suit in most obsti­nate maner in the court of Rome, as well in the daies of the said Baldwine, as now against Hubert, (when he tooke in hand to continue the worke accor­ding to the purpose of his predecessour the said Bald­wine, which was to haue instituted a colledge there, line 30 and to haue placed secular canons in the same) and such was the earnest trauell of the moonks herein, that in the end now after the deceasse of pope Cele­stine, they found such fauour at the hands of pope Innocent his successor, The pope cō ­mandeth the church of La­meth to be raced. that the same Innocent di­rected his letters of cōmandement to the archbishop, and other bishops of this land, to destroie and race the same foundation, as a péece of worke derogatorie to the sée of Canturburie, and verie preiudiciall to the estate of holie church. line 40

The archbishop at the first trusted to be borne out by the king (who was highlie offended with the moonks for their presumptuous dealing) and therfore refused to obeie the popes commandement. The king in deed stomached the matter so highlie, that he sent letters vnto the moonks by no worsse messengers than by Geffrey Fitz Peter, and Hugh Fitz Bar­dolfe his iustices, signifieng to them not onelie his high displeasure for their presumptuous proceedings in their suit without his consent, but also command­ing line 50 them to surceasse, and not to procéed further in the matter by vertue of any such the popes letters, which they had purchased contrarie to the honour and dignitie of his crowne and realme. Moreouer, he wrote to the bishops, commanding them to appeale; and to the archbishop, forbidding him in any wise to breake downe the church which he had so builded at Lameth.

The presum­tuous stout­nesse of the moonks.The shiriffe of Kent also was commanded to seize into his hands all the tenements and possessions that line 60 belonged to the moonks (a frie of satan, and as one saith verie well of them and the like leuen of lewd­nesse,

—sentina malorum,
Agnorum sub pelle lupi, mercede colentes
Non pietate Deum, &c.)

who neuerthelesse were so stout in that quarell, that they would not prolong one daie of the time appoin­ted by the pope for the racing of that church. Herevp­on the king for his part and the bishops in their owne behalfes wrote to the pope. Likewise the abbats of Boreley, Fourd, Stratford, Roberts-bridge, Stan­leie, and Basing Warke, wrote the matter to him: and againe the pope and the cardinals wrote to the king, to the archbishops, and bishops: and so letters passed to and fro, till at length the pope sent a Nun­cio of purpose, to signifie his full determination, as in the next yeare it shall be shewed at full.

About the same time Geffrey Fitz Peter, Welshmen vanquished. Ger. Dor. as­cribeth this victorie vnto Hubert arch [...]. of Canturbu­rie and saith there were slaine about 500 of the enimies. Mauds castle lord cheefe iustice of England, raised a power of men, and went into Wales to succour the tenants of Willi­am de Brause, which were besieged of the king, or ra­ther prince of that countrie, named Owen, the bro­ther of Cadwalaine, in Mauds castell: but the lord chéefe iustice comming to the reskue of them within, gaue battell to the aduersaries, and vanquishing them, slue three thousand of them, and seauen hundred of those that were taken prisoners and wounded. And all the while the warres continued in France, the losse for the most part still redounded to the Frenchmen. Earle Iohn burnt Newburg, and tooke eighteene knights of such as were sent to the re­skue.

The earle of Leicester with a small companie came before the castell of Pascie, The earle of Leicester. which (although the Frenchmen held it) did yet of right belong vnto the said earle. The souldiors within issued foorth, and be­ing too strong for the earle, caused him to flee, for o­therwise he had béene taken. But returning on the morrow after with more companie about him, and laieng ambushes for the enimie, he approched the said castell, and trained the Frenchmen foorth till he had them within his danger, and then causing his men to breake out vpon them tooke an eightéene knights, and a great multitude of other people. Marchades. Also Marcha­des with his rout of Brabanders did the French­men much hurt, in robbing and spoiling the coun­tries.

About this season the archbishop of Canturburie went ouer into Normandie to speake with king Ri­chard, and at the French kings request he passed in­to France, to common with him of peace, which the French king offered to conclude, in restoring all the townes and castels which he had taken (Gisors one­lie excepted) and touching the possession and title ther­of, he was contented to put the matter in compre­mise, to the order and award of six barons in Nor­mandie to be named by him; and of six barons in France which king Richard should name. But king Richard would not thus agree, except the earle of Flanders and others which had forsaken the French king to take his part, might be comprised in the same peace. At length yet in Nouember, there was truce taken betwixt the two kings till the feast of S. Hilarie next insuing.

In the meane time pope Innocent the third, vn­derstanding in what present danger things stood in the holie land, and on the other side, A truce taken betwixt the two kings. considering what a weakening it was vnto christendome, to haue these two kings thus to warre with mortall hatred one against the other: he thought it stood him vpon to trauell betwixt them, to bring them vnto some peace and agreement. Héerevpon he dispatched one Peter the cardinall of Capua into France, as legat from the sée of Rome, vnto the two foresaid kings, to instruct them in what present danger the state of the christians in Asia presentlie stood, so that without the aid of them and of other christian princes, it could not be holpen, but needs it must come to vtter ruine, and the Saracens yer long to be possessed of the whole. Therefore both in respect hereof, and also for the auoiding of the further wilfull spilling of christi­an bloud in such ciuill and vngodlie war, he besought them to staie their hands, and to ioine in some fréend­lie band of concord, whereby they might with mutu­all consent bestow their seruice in that necessarie and most godlie warre, wherein by ouercomming the enimies of Christ, they might looke for worthie [Page 155] reward at his hands, which is the free giuer of all victories.

The cardinall comming into France, and dooing his message in most earnest wise, was present at the enteruiew appointed betwixt the two kings in the feast of S. Hilarie, year 1199 R. Houed. but yet could not he bring his purpose to full effect: onelie he procured them to take truce for the terme of fiue yeares, A truce con­cluded for fiue yeares. further he could not get them to agrée. ¶ The fault by authors is a­scribed aswell to king Richard, as to king Philip: for line 10 king Richard being first euill vsed, and put to hinde­rance, determined either to vanquish, or neuer to giue place.

This forbearance from warre was concluded and taken in the yeare 1199 after the incarnation, and tenth of king Richards reigne. But immediatlie af­ter, there arose matter of new displeasure betwixt these two kings to kéepe their minds in vre with se­cret grudges, though by reason of the truce they out­wardlie absteined from declaring it by force of line 20 armes. Contention about the choo­sing of the em­perour. It chanced that in the election of a new em­perour, the electors could not agrée, one part of them choosing Otho duke of Saxonie, nephue to king Ri­chard by his sister Maud, and another part of them naming Philip duke of Tuscaine, and brother to the last emperour Henrie.

King Richard (as reason was) did procure what fa­uour he could to the furtherance of his nephue Otho: and king Philip on the contrarie part, did what he could in fauour of the foresaid Philip. At length O­tho line 30 was admitted by the pope to end the strife: but yet the grudge remained in the harts of the two kings; Philip finding himselfe much greeued in that he had missed his purpose, and Richard being as lit­tle pleased, for that he had woone his so hardlie, and with so much adoo. And thus matters passed for that yeare.

R. Houed. The popes letters to the king for the church of Lameth.In the beginning of the next, the popes Nuncio came with letters, not onlie to the archbishop and bi­shops of England, but also to the king himselfe, sig­nifieng line 40 the popes resolute decree touching the church and colledge of Lameth to be broken downe and sup­pressed. Wherevpon the king and archbishop (though sore against their willes) when they saw no waie lon­ger to shift off the matter, yéelded to the popes plea­sure: and so the archbishop sent his letters to La­meth, where the 21 daie of Ianuarie they were read, and the 27 daie of the same moneth was the church cast downe, & the canons which were alreadie there placed, had commandement to depart from thence line 50 without further delaie. Thus the moonks in despite of the king and archbishop had their willes, but yet their vexation ceassed not, The moonks borne out by the pope. for the king and archbi­shop bearing them no small euill will, for that they had so obteined their purpose contrarie to their minds and intents, molested them diuerse waies, al­though the moonks still vpon complaint to the pope, were verie much releeued, and found great freend­ship both with him and likewise with his court. ¶ So that it may be obserued that these dishclouts line 60 of the popes kitchen haue in all ages, since their first quickening béene troublesome and mutinous, saw­cie and insolent, proud and malapert. But

Proh pudor! hos tolerare potest ecclesia porcos,
M. Pal. in suo sag.
Cùm sint lasciui nimiùm, nimiúm (que) superbi,
Duntaxàt ventri, veneri somnó (que) vacantes?

In this meane time, king Richard being now at rest from troubles of warre, studied busilie to pro­uide monie, meaning to make a new voiage into the holie land. A tax. Fiue shillings of euerie plough land, as saith Matt. Westm. Therefore finding himselfe bare of treasure, by reason the French warres had emptied his cofers, he set a great tax vpon his subiects, and by that meanes, hauing recouered a great summe, he builded that notable strong castell in Normandie, vpon the banke of the riuer of Saine, Chasteau Ga­liard built. named Cha­teau Galiard: which when it was finished, he fell a iesting thereat and said; ‘Behold, is not this a faire daughter of one yeares growth.’ The soile where this castell was builded, belonged to the archbishop of Rouen, for which there followed great strife betwixt the king and the archbishop, till the pope tooke vp the matter (as before ye haue heard.)

After this, he determined to chastise certeine per­sons in Poictou, which during the warres betwixt him and the French king, had aided the Frenchmen against him: wherevpon with an armie he passed foorth towards them, but by the waie he was infor­med, that one Widomer a vicount in the countrie of Britaine, had found great treasure: Images of an emperour and of his wife & children all of fine gold. The annales of Aquitaine. and there­fore pretending a right thereto by vertue of his pre­rogatiue, he sent for the vicount, who smelling out the matter, and supposing the king would not be in­different in parting the treasure, fled into Limosin, where although the people were tributaries to the king of England, yet they tooke part with the French king.

There is a towne in that countrie called Chalus Cheuerell, Chalus Che­uerell. R. Houed. into which the said vicount retired for safegard of himselfe, and then gaue the townesmen a great portion of treasure, to the end they should de­fend him and his quarell for the rest. King Richard still following him, as one that could not auoid his fatall ordinance, hasted into the confines of Limo­sin, fullie determining either to win the towne by force, if the inhabitants should make resistance, or at least wise, to get into his hands the preie, which he so earnestlie pursued. At his first approch he gaue ma­nie fierce assaults to the towne, but they within ha­uing throughlie prouided aforehand for to defend a siege, so resisted his attempts, K. Richard besiegeth Chalus. that within thrée daies after his comming, he ceassed to assaile the towne, meaning to vndermine the walles, which otherwise he perceiued would verie hardlie be gotten, conside­ring the stoutnesse of them within, and withall, the naturall strength and situation of the place it selfe.

Herevpon therefore on the 26 of March, whiles he (togither with capteine Marchades) went about vnaduisedlie to view the towne (the better to consi­der the place which waie he might conueie the course of his mine) they came so farre within danger, that the king was striken in the left arme, He is woun­ded. or (as some write) in the shoulder, where it ioined to the necke, with a quarell inuenomed (as is to be supposed by the sequele.) Being thus wounded, he gat to his horsse, Ra. Niger. and rode home againe to his lodging, where he cau­sed the wound to be searched and bound vp, and as a man nothing dismaid therewith, continued his siege with such force and assurance, that within 12 daies after the mishap, the towne was yéelded vnto him, although verie little treasure (to make any great ac­compt of) was at that time found therein.

In this meane season, the king had committed the cure of his wound to one of Marchades his sur­gions, who taking in hand to plucke out the quarell, drew foorth onelie the shaft at the first, and left the iron still within, and afterwards going about most vnskilfullie to get foorth the head of the said quarell, he vsed such incisions, and so mangled the kings arme, yer he could cut it, The king des­paired of life. that he himself despaired of all helpe and longer life, affirming flatlie to such as stood about him, that he could not long continue by reason of his butcherlie handling. To be short, fée­ling himselfe to wax weaker and weaker, preparing his mind to death, which he perceiued now to be at hand, he ordeined his testament, He ordeineth his testament. or rather reformed and added sundrie things vnto the same which he be­fore had made, at the time of his going foorth to­wards the holie land.

[Page 156]Unto his brother Iohn he [...]ssigned the crowne of England, and all other his lands and dominions, cau­sing the Nobles there present to sweare fealtie vnto him. His monie, his iewels, and all other his goods mooueable he willed to be diuided into thrée parts, of the which Otho the emperor his sisters sonne to haue one, R. Houed. his houshold seruants an other part, and the third to be distributed to the poore. Finallie, re­membring himselfe also of the place of his buriall, he commanded that his bodie should be interred at line 10 Fonteuerard at his fathers feet, but he willed his heart to be conueied vnto Rouen, Matth. Paris. and there buried, in testimonie of the loue which he had euer borne vn­to that citie for the stedfast faith and tried loialtie at all times found in the citizens there. His bowels he ordeined to be buried in Poictiers, as in a place na­turallie vnthankefull and not worthie to reteine any of the more honorable parts of his bodie.

Moreouer he caused the arcubalistar that woun­ded him, to be sought out, whose name was Bar­thram line 20 de Gurden, or Peter Basill (for so he named himselfe as some write) who being brought before the king, Rog. Houed. he demanded wherein he had so much offended him, that he should so lie in wait to slea him, rather than Marchades, who was then in his companie, and attendant on his person? The other answered bold­lie againe, saieng; ‘I purposed to kill thee, bicause thou sluest my father, and two of my brethren heretofore, and wouldest also now haue slaine me, if I had hap­ned to fall into thy hands. Wherefore I intended to line 30 reuenge their deaths, not caring in the meane time what became of my selfe, so that I might in anie wise obteine my will of thée, who in such sort hast be­rest me of my freends.’ The king hearkening vnto his words, A notable ex­ample of for­giuing an enimie. Matth. Paris. and pondering his talke by good aduise­ment, fréelie pardoned him, and withall commanded that he should be set at libertie, and thereto haue an hundred shillings giuen him in his pursse, and so to be let go. Moreouer, he gaue strait charge that no man should hurt him, or séeke any reuenge for this line 40 his death hereafter. Thus the penitent prince not onelie forgaue, but also rewarded his aduersarie. Howbeit after his deceasse, Marchades getting him into his hands, first caused the skin to be stripped of his bodie, and after hanged him on a gibet.

At length king Richard by force of sicknesse (in­creased with anguish of his incurable wound) depar­ted this life, on the tuesdaie before Palmesundaie, being the ninth of Aprill, King Richard departed this life. and the xj. day after he was hurt, in the yeare after the birth of our Sauior 1199. line 50 in the 44 yeare of his age, and after he had reigned nine yeares, nine moneths, and od daies: he left no issue behind him. He was tall of stature, and well proportioned, His stature & shape of bodie. Gal. Vinsaf. faire and comelie of face, so as in his countenance appeared much fauour and grauitie, of haire bright aborne, as it were betwixt red and yel­low, with long armes, and nimble in all his ioints, his thighes and legs were of due proportion, and an­swerable to the other parts of his bodie.

His dispositi­on of mind.As he was comelie of personage, so was he of sto­mach line 60 more couragious and fierce, so that not with­out cause, he obteined the surname of Cueur de li­on, that is to saie, The lions hart. Moreouer, he was courteous to his souldiors, and towards his fréends and strangers that resorted vnto him verie liberall, but to his enimies hard and not to be intreated, desi­rous of battell, an enimie to rest and quietnesse, ve­rie eloquent of speech and wise, but readie to enter into ieopardies, and that without feare or forecast in time of greatest perils.

These were his vertuous qualities, but his vices (if his vertues, The vices that were in king Richard. his age, and the wars which he main­teined were throughlie weied) were either none at all, or else few in number, and not verie notorious. He was noted of the common people to be partlie subiect vnto pride, which surelie for the most part fo­loweth stoutnesse of mind: of incontinencie, to the which his youth might happilie be somewhat bent: and of couetousnesse, into the which infamie most ca­piteins and such princes as commonlie follow the warres doo oftentimes fall, when of necessitie they are driuen to exact monie, as well of fréends as eni­mies, to mainteine the infinit charges of their wars.

Hereof it came, that on a time whiles he soiourned in France about his warres, which he held against K. Philip, there came vnto him a French préest whose name was Fulco, who required the K. in any wise to put from him thrée abhominable daughters which he had, and to bestow them in marriage, Fulco a préest least God pu­nished him for them. Thou liest hypocrite (said the king) to thy verie face, for all the world knoweth that I haue not one daughter. I lie not (said the préest) for thou hast three daughters, one of them is called pride, the second couetousnesse, and the third lecherie. With that the king called to him his lords & barons, and said to them; ‘This hypocrite heere hath required me to marrie awaie my three daughters, which (as he saith) I cherish, nourish, foster and mainteine, that is to say, pride, couetousnesse, and lecherie. And now that I haue found out necessarie & fit husbands for them, I will doo it with effect, and seeke no more de­laies. I therefore bequeath my pride to the high min­ded templers and hospitallers, which are as proud as Lucifer himselfe. My couetousnesse I giue vnto the white moonks, otherwise called of the Cisteaux order, for they couet the diuell and all. My lecherie I com­mit to the prelats of the church, who haue most plea­sure and felicitie therein.’

There liued in the daies of this king Richard, Baldwine & Hubert arch­bishops of Canturburie▪ men of worthie fame amongst those of the cleargie, Bald­wine archbishop of Canturburie, and Hubert who succeeded him in that sée, also Hugh bishop of Lin­colne, a man for his worthinesse of life highlie to be commended. Moreouer, William bishop of Elie, who though otherwise he was to be dispraised for his ambition and pompous hautinesse, yet the king vsed his seruice for a time greatlie to his profit and ad­uancement of the publike affaires. Also of learned men we find diuerse in these daies that flourished here in this land, as Baldwine of Deuonshire that came to be bishop of Worcester in this kings time, and after his deceasse, he was aduanced to the go­uernment of the archbishops sée of Canturburie, he wrote diuerse treatises, namelie of matters pertein­ing to diuinitie. Iohn Bale. Daniell Morley well seene in the Mathematicals, Iohn de Hexam, and Richard de Hexham two notable historicians, Guilielmus Ste­phanides a moonke of Canturburie, who wrote much in the praise of archbishop Becket. Beside these, we find one Richard, that was an abbat of the order Premonstratensis, Richard Diuisiensis, Nicholas Walkington, Robert de Bello Foco, an excellent philosopher, &c. ¶ See Bale in his third Centurie.

In martiall renowme there florished in this kings daies diuerse noble capteins, as Robert earle of Leicester, Ranulfe de Fulgiers, two of the Bar­dulphes, Hugh and Henrie, thrée Williams, Mar­shall, Brunell, and Mandeuill, with two Roberts, Ros and Sabeuile. Furthermore, I find that in the daies of this king Richard, A great derth a great derth reigned in England, and also in France, for the space of three or foure yeares during the wars betwéene him & king Philip, so that after his returne out of Germanie, and from imprisonment, a quarter of wheat was sold at 18 shillings eight pence, no small price in those daies, if you consider the alay of monie then currant.

Also immediatlie after, that is to say, in the yeare of our Lord, a thousand, one hundred, nintie six, which [Page 157] was about the seuenth yere of the said kings reigne, there followed a maruellous sore death, which dailie consumed such numbers of people, that scarse there might be found any to kéepe and looke to those that were sicke, A great mor­talitie of peo­ple. W [...]l. Paruus. or to burie them that died. Which sicke­nesse was a pestilentiall feuer or sharpe burning a­gue. The accustomed manner of buriall was also neglected: so that in manie places they made great pits, and threw their dead bodies into the same, one vpon an other. For the multitude of them that died line 10 was such, that they could not haue time to make for euerie one a seuerall graue. This mortalitie conti­nued for the space of fiue or six months, and at length ceassed in the cold season of winter.

Two sunnes.In the octaues of Pentecost before this great death, in the first houre of the day, there appeared two sunnes, the true sunne & another, as it were a coun­terfeit sunne: but so apparentlie, that hard it was to the common people, to discerne the one from the o­ther. The skilfull also were compelled by instruments to distinguish the one from the other: in taking their altitudes and places, whereby in the end they found the new apparition, as it were, to wait vpon the pla­net, and so continued by the space of certeine houres. At length when the beholders (of whom Wil. Paruus that recorded things in that age was one) had well wearied their eies in diligent marking the maner of this strange appearance, the counterfeit sunne va­nished awaie.

¶ This strange woonder was taken for a signifi­cation of that which followed, that is to say, of war, famine and pestilence: or to say the truth, it betoke­ned rather the continuance of two of those mischiefs. For warre and famine had sore afflicted the people before that time, and as yet ceassed not: but as for the pestilence, it began soone after the strange sight, whereof insued such effect, as I haue alreadie re­hearsed.

Thus farre king Richard.

Iohn the yongest sonne of Henrie the second.

IOhn the yoongest son of Henrie the second was proclaimed king of England, beginning his reigne the sixt daie of A­prill, Anno Reg. 1. in the yeare of our Lord 1199, the first of Phi­lip emperour of Rome, and the 20 of Philip king of France, K. William line 20 as yet liuing in gouernement ouer the Scots. This man, Rog. Houed. so soone as his brother Richard was deceassed, sent Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and Wil­liam Marshall earle of Striguill (otherwise called Chepstow) into England, both to proclaime him king, and also to sée his peace kept, togither with Geffrey Fitz Peter lord cheefe iustice, and diuerse o­ther barons of the realme, whilest he himselfe went to Chinon where his brothers treasure laie, which was foorthwith deliuered vnto him by Robert de line 30 Turneham: Matth. Paris. Chinon. Robert de Turneham. Sawmer. Rog. Houed. Thomas de Furnes. and therewithall the castell of Chinon and Sawmer and diuerse other places, which were in the custodie of the foresaid Robert. But Thomas de Furnes nephue to the said Robert de Turneham deliuered the citie and castell of Angiers vnto Ar­thur duke of Britaine. For by generall consent of the nobles and yéeres of the countries of Aniou, Maine, and Touraine, Arthur was receiued as the liege and souereigne lord of the same countries.

Strife a­mongst the English sub­iects on the other side of the sea.For euen at this present, and so soone as it was line 40 knowne that king Richard was deceased, diuerse ci­ties and townes on that side of the sea belonging to the said Richard whilest he liued, fell at ods among themselues, some of them indeuouring to preferre king Iohn, other labouring rather to be vnder the gouernance of Arthur duke of Britaine, conside­ring that he séemed by most right to be their chéefe lord, forsomuch as he was sonne to Geffrey elder brother to Iohn. And thus began the broile in those quarters, whereof in processe of time insued great inconuenience, and finallie the death of the said Ar­thur, as shall be shewed hereafter.

Now whilest king Iohn was thus occupied in re­couering his brothers treasure, and traueling with his subiects to reduce them to his obedience, quéene Elianor his mother by the helpe of Hubert archbi­shop of Canturburie and other of the noble men and barons of the land, trauelled as diligentlie to pro­cure the English people to receiue their oth of alle­giance to be true to king Iohn. For the said archbi­shop and William Marshall earle of Striguill, be­ing sent ouer into England (as before you haue heard) to proclaime him king, Matth. Paris. The states assembled at Northamp­ton. and to kéepe the land in quiet, assembled the estates of the realme at Nor­thampton, where Geffrey Fitz Peter lord chéefe iu­stice was present with other of the Nobles, afore whom those lords whose fidelities were earst suspe­cted, willinglie tooke their oths of obedience to the new king, and were assured by the same lords on his behalfe, that they should find him a liberall, a noble and a righteous prince, and such a one as would sée that euerie man should inioy his owne, and such as were knowne to be notorious transgressors, should be sure to receiue their condigne punishment.

They sent Eustace de Uescie also vnto Willi­am king of Scotland, to signifie to him, Eustace Ue­scie sent into Scotland. that king Iohn vpon his arriuall in England, would satisfie him of all such right as he pretended to haue within the English dominions. And thus was king Iohn accompted and proclaimed king of England by the [Page 158] generall consent of all the lords and barons of the same. The names of the cheefe of those péeres that were sworne (as you haue heard) are as followeth. Dauid earle of Huntington brother vnto William king of Scots▪ Richard earle of Clare, Ranulfo earle of Chester, William earle of Tutherie or ra­ther Darbie, Walran earle of Warwike, Roger Lacie constable of Chester, and William de Mow­braie, with diuerse other, whose names I here omit, bicause I would not be tedious and irksome to the line 10 readers.

Now the king of Scotland being informed by the lord Eustace Uescie (who had maried his daugh­ter) that there was some hope to be had on his part, for the recouerie of such seigniories as he and his pre­decessours somtime held in England, did further dis­patch sundrie ambassadours with full purpose to send them ouer into Normandie vnto king Iohn, there to require restitution of the countries of Nor­thumberland and Cumberland, with their appurte­nances, line 20 and he promised also by his letters, that if the same might be granted vnto him, in as ample man­ner as they had béene in times past to his ancestors, he would gladlie doo his homage to king Iohn, as to the true & lawfull king of England for the same, and furthermore yéeld to him his faithfull seruice a­gainst all men, so often as he should be required ther­vnto. Howbeit when the archbishop of Canturburie and the rest of the councell, vnderstood that these am­bassadors should passe through England, they would line 30 not suffer them so to doo, but spéedilie sent Dauid earle of Huntington into Scotland vnto the king his brother, requiring him earnestlie that he would not send any ambassadours ouer as yet, but rather tarie, and take patience a while, till the king should come ouer into England: which (as they said) he purposed to doo verie shortlie.

King Iohn also hauing vnderstanding of his pur­pose, sent ouer the said lord Eustace againe vnto him with the like request, who in such wise persuaded him, line 40 that he was contented to abide a time, in hope of the better successe in his late attempted suit. And all this was doone chéeflie by the working of the kings mo­ther, whom the nobilitie much honoured and loued. For she being bent to prefer hir sonne Iohn, left no stone vnturned to establish him in the throne, com­paring oftentimes the difference of gouernement betweene a king that is a man, and a king that is but a child. For as Iohn was 32 yeares old, so Arthur duke of Britaine was but a babe to speake of. In line 50 the end, winning all the nobilitie wholie vnto hir will, and séeing the coast to be cleare on euerie side, without any doubt of tempestuous weather likelie to arise, she signified the whole matter vnto K. Iohn, who foorthwith framed all his indeuours to the ac­complishment of his businesse.

Surelie quéene Elianor the kings mother was sore against hir nephue Arthur, Quéene Elia­nors enuie a­gainst Arthur. rather mooued there­to by enuie conceiued against his mother, than vpon any iust occasion giuen in the behalfe of the child, for line 60 that she saw if he were king, how his mother Con­stance would looke to beare most rule within the realme of England, Constance dutchesse of Britaine. till hir sonne should come to law­full age, to gouerne of himselfe. ¶ So hard it is to bring women to agree in one mind, their natures commonlie being so contrarie, their words so varia­ble, and their déeds so vndiscréet. And therfore it was well said of one (alluding to their disposition and qua­lities, ‘—nulla diu foemina pondus habet)’

Prop. lib. 2.When this dooing of the quéene was signified vn­to the said Constance, she doubting the suertie of hir sonne, committed him to the trust of the French king, who receiuing him into his tuition, promised to defend him from all his enimies, and foorthwith furnished the holds in Britaine with French souldi­ers. Quéene Elianor being aduertised hereof, Quéene Eli­anor passeth into Nor­mandie. stood in doubt by and by of hir countrie of Guien, and therefore with all possible speed passed ouer the sea, and came to hir sonne Iohn into Normandie, and shortlie after they went foorth togither into the coun­trie of Maine, and there tooke both the citie and ca­stell of Mauns, The citie of Mauns takē. throwing downe the wals and tur­rets therof, with all the fortifications and stone-hou­ses in and about the same, and kept the citizens as prisoners, Matth. Paris. R. Houed. bicause they had aided Arthur against his vncle Iohn.

After this, king Iohn entring into Aniou, held his Easter at Beaufort (which feast fell that yeare the 18 day of Aprill) and from thence he went streight vnto Rouen, where on the sundaie next after Easter being S. Marks day, he was girded with the sword of the dutchie of Normandie in the high church there by the hands of Walter archbishop of Rouen. And so being inuested duke of Normandie, receiued the oth according to the custome, K. Iohn inue­sted duke of Normandie. that he should defend the church, and mainteine the liberties thereof, sée iustice ministred, good lawes put in execution, and naughtie lawes and orders abolished. In the meane time his mother quéene Elianor, togither with cap­teine Marchades entred into Anion, and wasted the same, bicause they of that countrie had receiued Ar­thur for their souereigne lord and gouernour. And a­mongst other townes and fortresses, they tooke the ci­tie of Angiers, slue manie of the citizens, The citie of Angiers ta­ken. and com­mitted the rest to prison.

This enterprise being thus luckilie atchiued, the residue of the people in those parties were put in such feare, that of their owne accord they turned to their woonted obedience, séeming as though they would continue still therein. The French king all this while conceiuing an other exploit in his head, more commodious vnto him than as yet to attempt warre against the Englishmen vpon so light an oc­casion, dissembled the matter for a time, as though he would know nothing of all that was doone, till the king should be otherwise occupied in England about his coronation.

In the meane season king Iohn hauing set some stay in his businesse on the further side of the sea, he left his mother still in Guien, to defend that coun­trie against the enimies, and taking the sea, came o­uer himselfe into England, landing at Shorham, K. Iohn com­meth ouer in­to England. the 25 day of Maie. On the next day, being Ascension éeue, he came to London there to receiue the crowne. On the morow after being Ascension daie, when the Nobilitie and commons were assembled, and the king brought into the church of S. Peter at West­minster there to receiue his diademe; Hubert the archbishop of Canturburie being cheefe in authoritie and honour, both for his age and calling, spake these words or the like in substance before the whole as­semblie, as followeth.

Hubert the archbishop of Canturbu­ries oration to the lords spirituall and tem­porall in the presence of the king, &c.

MOst honorable lords of the spiri­tualtie, and most graue and poli­tike peeres and barons of the temporaltie, you are come hither this day to choose you a king, and such a one as (if need should require) may be able of himselfe to take such a charge vpon him, and (hauing vndertaken the same) readie to execute that which he shall thinke to be [Page 159] expedient for the profit of his subiects: we haue therefore one present heere among vs, vpon whome harts and good willes of high and low, rich and poore, doo generallie depend: a man I doubt not, but that for his owne part will applie his whole inde­uour, studie, and thought vnto that onelie end, which he shall perceiue to be most pro­fitable for the commonwealth, as knowing himselfe to be borne not to serue his owne line 10 turne, but for to profit his countrie, and to seeke for the generall benefit of vs that are his subiects.

And albeit I am sure that you doo well know, how all these qualities are most a­bundantlie planted in the person of Iohn duke of Normandie (a person of high prow­esse and no lesse prudence, for the which yee ought to iudge him right worthie of the line 20 gouernement) yet beeing in doubt least the common fame should carrie you awaie, or least you should turne your minds to the fa­uour of an other, as in respect of some bet­ter right, by title of a more lawfull descent of inheritance pretended by others than he hath to shew, I require you to giue eare vnto my words: who bearing the state of two manner of persons, ought to be profi­table to my countrie, not onelie by example line 30 and exhortation, but also by loialtie and good counsell, which hitherto I haue euer studied to performe, and wherein (God wil­ling) I meane to persist, so long as I shall continue in this mortall and transitorie tabernacle.

Therefore whereas at this present we haue in hand to conclude vpon such a wei­tie matter, which beeing once doone, can line 40 not be vndoone, I commend vnto you this Iohn, euen with all my verie heart, and iudge that you ought to accept him for your king, who in all things which he shall ordeine, purpose, or take in hand, shall not faile so to answer your opinions with his well dooing, and so satisfie your good erpec­tations alreadie conceiued of him with his diligent prouidence, that all the whole line 50 realme shall not onelie like of and allow your dooing heerin, but also with high com­mendation extoll the same to the verie stars. These things do I promise vnto you, and so farforth as in me may lie, I dare take vpon me all chances and perils that may proceed thereof.

When the archbishop had ended his speach, diuerse line 60 held their peace, and manie with great zeale saluted king Iohn, whom the same daie the said archbishop crowned at Westminster, after the maner then vsed with great solemnitie, and no lesse reioising of all such as were present. Matth. Paris. At the same time also he recei­ued the homages of the lords and barons of the realme, and promised with all spéed to haue conside­ration of things that apperteined as well to religion as to the due execution of laws, Polydor. whereby euerie man might come to inioie that which was his owne, by right and due course of iustice. We find that there were present at this solemnitie and coronation of king Iohn, which was celebrated on the Ascension day the 27 of Maie, Rog. Houed. archbishops and bishops to the number of seauentéene, as Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, Iohn archbishop of Dubline, also the archbishop of Raguse, William bishop of London, Gilbert bishop of Rochester, Iohn bishop of Nor­wich, Hugh bishop of Lincolne, Eustace bishop of Elie, Godfrey bishop of Winchester, Henrie bishop of Exeter, Sefride bishop of Chichester, Godfrey bi­shop of Couentrie, Sauarie bishop of Bath, Herbert bishop of Salisburie, Philip bishop of Duresme, Ro­ger bishop of saint Andrew in Scotland, and Henrie bishop of Landaffe in Wales. Matth. Paris. Additions to Iohn Pike. The bishop of Dures­me found himselfe somewhat gréeued in the matter, making obiections, that the coronation ought not to be celebrated without the presence of Geffrey archbi­shop of Yorke: but it preuailed not.

Besides these bishops, there were of the temporall lords and earles, Robert of Leicester, Richard of Clare, William of Tutburie, Hamlin of Warren, William of Salisburie, William of Chepstow o­therwise called Striguille, Walran of Warwike▪ Roger Bigot, William of Arundell, and Ranulfe of Chester, with manie other barons, lords, knights, and no small multitudes of gentlemen and other common people. The same daie of his coronation al­so, Rog. Houed. Williā Mar­shall earle of Striguille. Geffrey Fitz Peter created earle of Essex. he inuested William Marshall with the sword of the earledome of Striguille, and Geffrey Fitz Pe­ter, with the sword of the earledome of Essex. For al­though they were called earles, and exercised the ad­ministration of their earledoms; yet were they not till that daie girded with the sword of those earle­doms, and so that day they serued at the table with their swords girded vnto them.

In like maner, Hubert the archbishop of Cantur­burie was made lord chancellour of England; The archb. of Canturburie made lord chancellour. who as he vttered some words vnaduisedlie, that shewed how he inwardlie reioised at the kings fauour to­ward him in the gift of this office, and so gloried in the honour whereto he was preferred (which he would neuer haue doone, if he had weied of worldlie pompe as by his profession he ought, and as one asketh the question in the same case:

—dic mihi, nunquid
Corporibus prosunt? certè nil; dic animisue?
Tantundem, &c.)

the lord Hugh Bardolfe said vnto him, The saieng of the lord Bardolfe. yet not so soft­lie in his eare, but that some ouer-heard it; ‘My lord, to speake and not offend you, suerlie if you would well consider the dignitie and honor of your calling, you would not willinglie yéeld to suffer this yoke of bondage to be laid vpon your shoulders, for we haue oftentimes heard of a chancellour made an archbi­shop, but neuer an archbishop made a chancellour till now.’ The coronation being thus ended, Ambassadors from the king of Scots. it was not long yer there came ambassadors from the Sco­tish king, namelie William the prior of May, Wil­liam the prior of saint Colmes Ins, and one Willi­am Hay, the which on the behalfe of the said Scotish king required restitution of Northumberland and Cumberland, with the appurtenances, promising that if the same were restored to him, he would serue the king of England with all his power against all men then aliue; otherwise, that is, if he could not haue those countries, which of right to him appertei­ned by law, as he pretended, he would doo the best he could to recouer them by force.

King Iohn made answer héerevnto, that if his coosen the king of Scots would come vnto him, he should be assured to receiue at his hands all that was reason, as well in those demands, as in all other things. He also sent to him the bishop of Duresme, to require him to come vnto Notingham, where he would meet with him. Howbeit, king William refu­sed to come himselfe as then, but sent the bishop of saint Andrew, and Hugh Malebisse to follow his [Page 160] suit, with promise to absteine from any forceable in­uasion of England, by the space of fortie daies, so that he might within that terme haue some resolute answer from king Iohn, wherevnto he might stand either on the one side or the other.

N. Triuet. The French K. inuadeth Normandie.Whilest these things were a dooing in England, Philip K. of France hauing leuied an armie, brake into Normandie, and tooke the citie of Eureux, the towne of Arques, and diuerse other places from the English. And passing from thence into Maine, he recouered that countrie latelie before through feare line 10 alienated. In an other part, an armie of Britains with great diligence wan the townes of Gorney, Buteuant and Gensolin, and following the victorie, tooke the citie of Angiers, which king Iohn had woon from duke Arthur, in the last yeare passed. These things being signified to king Iohn, he thought to make prouision for the recouerie of his losses there, with all speed possible. Rog. Houed. And therevpon perceiuing that the Scotish king meant not to meet with him at line 20 Notingham whither he was come, and where he kept the feast of Whitsuntide, he determined to passe the seas ouer into Normandie: but first he tooke order for the gouernement and defense of the realme in his absence.

L. William de Stuteuille.Wherevpon he deliuered the charge of the coun­ties of Northumberland and Cumberland, vnto the lord William de Stuteuille, with all the castels, and other the appurtenances, which the lord Hugh Bar­dolfe before held, and had in kéeping. He also deliue­red line 30 vnto Roger de Lacie conestable of Chester, Roger de La­cie conestable of Chester. the castell of Pomfret, hauing first the sonne and heire of the same Lacie deliuered vnto him as an hostage for his loialtie and faithfull obedience. King Iohn passeth ouer into Nor­mandie. This doone, he hasted vnto the sea side, and sailed ouer into Nor­mandie, landing first at Diep, and from thence went to Rouen, whither he came vpon the sundaie before Midsummer day, which was the 26 of Iune as W. Harison hath noted.

Immediatlie vpon his arriuall in those parts, line 40 there resorted vnto him a great number of souldiers both horssemen and footmen, hoping to be intertei­ned, but by reason of ambassadours riding to and fro betwixt the two kings, they came to a communi­cation, and tooke truce for fiftie daies. A truce for fiftie daies. The earle of Flanders being certified thereof, was sorie in his hart, and loth that the French king should come to a­ny accord with the king of England, and therefore to turne the mind of king Iohn from the purpose of peace, The earle of Flanders. Polydor. The league renewed be­twixt Eng­land and Flanders. he came to visit him at Rouen, where they re­newed line 50 the league betwixt England & Flanders, to be the better able to defend themselues from the French power: and withall determined fullie, that immediatlie vpon the expiring of this last truce they would make the French king warre, to reuenge their late receiued iniuries. The French king aduer­tised by espials of their determination, prepared also for the warres.

In this meane time it chanced, that Henrie earle of Namure, Rog. Houed. The earle of Namure. brother to Philip earle of Flanders, and line 60 one Peter of Doway, a right valiant knight, with his brother that was the elect bishop of Cambrey, were taken prisoners in a skirmish, and presented to the French king. Wherevpon the cardinall of Ca­pua (being at the same time the popes legat in France) interdicted that realme for the taking of the same elect of Cambrey, France inter­dicted. Normandie interdicted. & also all Normandie, for the deteining of the bishop of Beauuois in prison (who had laine there a long time, & was taken in the field after such manner as is before rehearsed) so that the French king was glad to restore the elect of Cambrey to his libertie. And likewise king Iohn deliuered the bishop of Beauuois, Rog. Houed. who paied two thousand marks, besides expenses of diet during the time of his captiuitie, and furthermore tooke an oth, that he should neuer after beare armour in the war against any christian or christians.

About the same time, Arthur duke of Britaine made knight. king Philip made Arthur duke of Britaine knight, and receiued of him his ho­mage for Aniou, Poictiers, Maine, Touraine, and Britaine. Also somewhat before the time that the truce should expire; to wit, on the morrow after the feast of the Assumption of our ladie, and also the day next following, the two kings talked by commissio­ners, in a place betwixt the townes of Buteuant and Guleton. Within three daies after, they came to­gither personallie, and communed at full of the va­riance depending betwéene them. But the French king shewed himselfe stiffe and hard in this treatie, demanding the whole countrie of Ueulquessine to be restored vnto him, The French kings de­mand. as that which had béene gran­ted by Geffrey earle of Aniou, the father of king Henrie the second, vnto Lewes le Grosse, to haue his aid then against king Stephan. Moreouer, he de­manded, that Poictiers, Aniou, Maine, and Tou­raine, should be deliuered and wholie resigned vnto Arthur duke of Britaine.

But these, & diuerse other requests which he made, king Iohn would not in any wise grant vnto, and so they departed without conclusion of any agrée­ment. Therfore diuerse earls and barons of France, which before that time had serued king Richard, re­paired vnto king Iohn, and tooke an oth to assist him, and not to agrée with the French king without his consent: and he likewise sware vnto them, not to make peace with the French king, except they were therein comprised. In the moneth of September, Ione king Iohns sister, wife to Raimond earle of S. Giles, and somtime quéene of Sicile, died at Ro­uen, and was buried at Fonteuerard. The French king also tooke diuerse townes and castels, but a­mongst other the castell of Balun, and raced the wals thereof downe to the ground, Balun [...] wherewith Wil­liam de Roches, generall of the armie of Arthur duke of Britaine, was greatlie offended, and did so much by his drift, that shortlie after a peace was concluded betwixt king Iohn and his nephue duke Arthur, though the same serued but to small purpose. A peace be­twixt king Iohn & his nephue.

The French king hauing (as I haue said) ouer­throwne the wals of Balun, besieged a fortresse cal­led Lauardin, Lauardin. but king Iohn comming with an ar­mie, caused him to raise his siege, and to withdraw himselfe to the citie of Mauns, whither he followed, and compelled him (manger his force) to remoue from thence. All this while was William de Ro­ches busilie occupied about his practise, William de Roches. to make king Iohn and his nephue Arthur fréends, which thing at length he brought about, and therevpon deliuered in­to king Iohns hands the citie of Mauns which he had in kéeping. The vicount of Tours. Also the vicount of Tours came to the king of England, and surrendred vnto him the ca­stell of Chinon, the keeping whereof he betooke vnto Roger de Lacie the conestable of Chester. But in the night folowing, vpon some mistrust and suspicion gathered in the obseruation of the couenants on K. Iohns behalfe, both the said Arthur, The mistrust that duke Ar­thur had in his vncle king Iohn. with his mother Constance the said vicount of Tours, and diuerse o­ther, fled awaie secretlie from the king, and got them to the citie of Angiers, where the mother of the said Arthur refusing hir former husband the earle of Che­ster, married hir selfe to the lord Guie de Tours, bro­ther to the said vicount, by the popes dispensation. The same yere, Philip bastard sonne to king Richard, to whome his father had giuen the castell and honor of Coinacke, killed the vicount of Limoges, Philip king Richards ba­stard son [...] the vicount of Limoges. in re­uenge of his fathers death, who was slaine (as yee haue heard) in besieging the castell of Chalus Cheuerell.

[Page 161]Moreouer, there fell manie great flouds in Eng­land, Great flouds. and on the borders of Scotland, by violence whereof diuerse bridges were borne downe, and a­mongst other, the bridge at Barwike. For the buil­ding vp againe whereof, some variance arose be­twixt Philip bishop of Durham and earle Patrike lord chéefe iustice of Scotland, Uariance be­twixt the bi­shop of Dur­ham and earle Patrike. and capiteine at the same time of the towne of Barwike, who by the Scotish kings commandement would haue repa­red againe the same bridge, which c [...]uld not be doone, line 10 but that the one end thereof must be builded on the bishop of Durhams ground, which he would not suf­fer, till by the counsell of the lord William de Stu­teuille, he agréed, so that the conuention accorded and concluded betwixt the king of Scots and his prede­cessour bishop Hugh might be reserued inuiolable.

A rate of y e pri­ces of wines.Furthermore, king Iohn did set a rate vpon the prices of wines, as Rochell wine to be sold for twen­tie shillings the tun, and not aboue. The wine of An­iou for twentie foure shillings the tun, and no other line 20 French wines aboue fiue and twentie shillings the tun, except it were of such notable goodnesse as that some peraduenture for their owne expenses would be contented to giue after twentie six shillings eight pence for the tun, and not aboue. Moreouer, the galon of Rochell wine he appointed to be sold at foure pence: and the galon of white wine at six pence. It was also ordeined, that in euerie citie, towne, and place where wine was vsed to be sold, there should be twelue honest men sworne to haue regard that this line 30 assise should not be broken: and that if they found any vintner that should from the pin sell any wine by small measures contrarie to the same assise, his bodie should be attached by the shiriffe, and deteined in prison, till other commandement were giuen for his further punishment, and his goods seized vnto the kings vse. Furthermore, if any persons were or should be found to buy and sell by the hogshead or tun, contrarie to this assise, they should be committed to prison, there to remaine, till other order were ta­ken line 40 for them: neither should there be any regrating of wines that were brought into England. But this ordinance lasted not long, for the merchants could not beare it, and so they fell to and sold white wine for eight pence the gallon, & red or claret for six pence.

King Iohn returneth into England.King Iohn also came ouer from Normandie into England, and there leuied a subsidie, taking of eue­rie ploughland three shillings. In the Lent follow­ing, year 1200 he went to Yorke, in hope to haue met the king of Scots there, A subsidie. but he came not, and so king Iohn line 50 returned backe, and sailed againe into Normandie, bicause the variance still depended betweene him and the king of France. He saileth a­gaine into Normandie. Anno Reg. 2. Finallie vpon the Ascension day in this second yeare of his reigne, they came eft­soones to a communication betwixt the townes of Uernon and Lisle Dandelie, where finallie they con­cluded an agréement, with a marriage to be had be­twixt Lewes the sonne of king Philip, and the ladie Blanch, A peace con­cluded with a marriage. daughter to Alfonso king of Castile the 8 of that name, & néece to K. Iohn by his sister Elianor. line 60

In consideration whereof, king Iohn, besides the summe of thirtie thousand markes in siluer, Matth. Paris. as in re­spect of dowrie assigned to his said néece, resigned his title to the citie of Eureux, and also vnto all those townes which the French king had by warre taken from him, the citie of Angiers onelie excepted, which citie he receiued againe by couenants of the same a­gréement. The French king restored also to king Iohn (as Rafe Niger writeth) the citie of Tours, and all the castels and fortresses which he had taken within Touraine: Ra. Niger. and moreouer, receiued of king Iohn his homage for all the lands, fees and tene­ments which at anie time his brother king Richard, or his father king Henrie had holden of him, the said king Lewes or any his predecessors, the quit claims and marriages alwaies excepted. The king of Eng­land likewise did homage vnto the French king for Britaine, and againe (as after you shall heare) re­ceiued homage for the same countrie, and for the countie of Richmont of his nephue Arthur. He also gaue the earledome of Glocester vnto the earle of Eureux, as it were by way of exchange, for that he resigned to the French king all right, title & claime that might be pretended to the countie of Eureux.

By this conclusion of marriage betwixt the said Lewes and Blanch, the right of king Iohn went awaie, which he lawfullie before pretended vnto the citie of Eureux, and vnto those townes in the con­fines of Berrie, Chateau, Roux or Raoul, Cressie and Isoldune, and likewise vnto the countrie of Ueuxin or Ueulquessine, which is a part of the territorie of Gisors: the right of all which lands, townes and countries was released to the king of France by K. Iohn, who supposed that by his affinitie, Polydor. and resigna­tion of his right to those places, the peace now made would haue continued for euer. And in considerati­on thereof, he procured furthermore, The king cō ­meth backe againe into England. that the foresaid Blanch should be conueied into France to hir hus­band with all spéed. That doone he returned into England.

¶ Certes this peace was displeasant to manie, but namelie to the earle of Flanders, who herevpon making no accompt of king Iohns amitie, conclu­ded a peace with king Philip shortlie after, and ment to make warre against the infidels in the east parts, wherby we may see the discontented minds of men, and of how differing humors they be, so that nothing is harder than to satisfie manie with one thing, be the same neuer so good,

—ô caecis mortalia plena tenebris
Pectora, & ô mentes caligine circumseptas!

But by the chronicles of Flanders it appeareth, that the earle of Flanders concluded a peace with the French king in Februarie last past, Ia. Me [...] ▪ before that king Iohn and the French king fell to any composition. But such was the malice of writers in times past, which they bare towards king Iohn, that whatsoeuer was doone in preiudice of him or his subiects, it was still interpreted to chance through his default, so as the blame still was imputed to him, in so much that although manie things he did peraduenture in mat­ters of gouernement, for the which he might be hardlie excused, yet to thinke that he deserued the tenth part of the blame wherewith writers charge him, it might seeme a great lacke of aduised conside­ration in them that so should take it. But now to procéed with our purpose.

King Iohn being now in rest from warres with forren enimies, began to make warre with his sub­iects pursses at home, emptieng them by taxes and tallages, to fill his coffers, which alienated the minds of a great number of them from his loue and obedi­ence. At length also, when he had got togither a great masse of monie, he went ouer againe into Norman­die, where by Helias archbishop of Burdeaux, and the bishop of Poictiers and Scone, he was diuorsed from his wife Isabell, that was the daughter of Ro­bert earle of Glocester, R. Houed. King Iohn is diuorsed. Matt. West. Matth. Paris. R. Houed. bicause of the néerenesse of bloud, as touching hir in the third degrée. After that, he married Isabell the daughter of Amerie earle of Angolesme, by whome he had two sonnes, Henrie and Richard, and thrée daughters, Isabell, Elianor, and Iane.

Moreouer, about this time, Matth. Paris. Geffrey arch. of Yorke de­priued. Geffrey archbishop of Yorke was depriued of all his manours, lands, and possessions, by the kings commandement, directed to the shiriffe of Yorkeshire for diuerse causes, for that he would not permit the same shiriffe to leuie the du­tie [Page 162] called Charugage, that was; thrée shillings of e­uerie ploughland within his diocesse, rated and ap­pointed to be leuied to the kings vse, throughout all parts of the realme. Secondlie, for that the same archbishop refused to go ouer with the king into Normandie to helpe to make the marriage betwixt the French kings sonne and his néece. Thirdlie, bi­cause he had excommunicated the same shiriffe and all the prouince of Yorke: wherevpon the king tooke displeasure against him, and not onelie spoiled him line 10 (as I said) of his goods, but also banished him out of the court, not suffering him to come in his presence for the space of twelue moneths after.

Rog. Houed. A councell called at West­minster by the archbishop of Canturburie.In this yeare also, Hubert archbishop of Cantur­burie held a councell at Westminster against the prohibition of the lord chiefe iustice, Geffrey Fitz Peter earle of Essex. In the which councell or synod, diuerse constitutions were made and ordeined for orders and customes to be vsed touching the seruice and administration of sacraments in the church, and line 20 other articles concerning churchmen and ecclesiasti­call matters. Arthur duke of Britaine doth homage to the king of England. About the same time, king Iohn and Philip king of France met togither néere the towne of Uernon, where Arthur duke of Britaine (as vas­sall to his vncle king Iohn) did his homage vnto him for the duchie of Britaine, & those other places which he held of him on this side and beyond the riuer of Loir, and afterward still mistrusting his vncles cur­tesie, he returned backe againe with the French king, and would not commit himselfe to his said vn­cle, line 30 who (as he supposed) did beare him little good will. These things being thus performed, king Iohn re­turned into England, King Iohn returneth in­to England. The quéene is crowned. and there caused his new mar­ried wife Isabell to be crowned on the sundaie be­fore the feast of S. Denise, the eight of October.

At the same time he gaue commandement vnto Hugh Neuill high iustice of his forrests, that he should award his precepts vnto all forresters within the realme, to giue warning to all the white moonks, that before the quindene of S. Michaell they should line 40 remooue out of his forrests all their horsses of Ha­raz, and other cattell, vnder the penaltie to forfeit so manie of them, as after that day chanced to be found within the same forrests. The cause that mooued the king to deale so hardlie with them was, for that they refused to helpe him with monie, when before his last going ouer into Normandie, he demanded it of them towards the paiment of the thirtie thousand pounds which he had couenanted to pay the French king, to liue in rest and peace, which he coueted to line 50 haue doone for reliefe of his people, and his owne suertie, knowing what enimies he had that laie in wait to destroie him, and againe, what discommodi­ties had chanced to his father and brethren, by the of­ten and continuall wars. But now to procéed with other dooings.

Immediatlie after the solemnization of the quéens coronation ended, In ambassage sent vnto the K. of Scots. he sent Philip bishop of Duresme, Roger Bigot earle of Northfolke, and Henrie de Bohun earle of Hereford, nephue to William king line 60 of Scotland, and Dauid earle of Huntington, bro­ther to the said king, and Roger de Lacie conestable of Chester, the lord William de Uescie, and the lord Robert de Ros, which had married two of the daugh­ters of the said king, & Robert Fitz Roger shiriffe of Northumberland, as ambassadours from him vn­to the foresaid William king of Scotland, with let­ters patents, The king of Scots came to the king of England at Lincolne. Matth. Paris. Ran. Higd. R. Houed. Polydor. conteining a safe conduct for him to come into England, and to méet with king Iohn at Lincolne on the morrow after the feast of S. Ed­mund, who gladlie granted therevnto, and so accor­ding to that appointment, both the kings met at Lincolne the 21 day of Nouember. And on the mor­row after king Iohn went to the cathedrall church, and offered vpon the high altar a chalice of gold.

On the same day, vpon a hill without the citie, the king of Scots did homage vnto king Iohn, in the presence and fight of a great multitude of people, swearing fealtie of life, limme, and worldlie honour vnto king Iohn, which oth he made vpon the crosse of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie. There were pre­sent at that time, beside other Noblemen, three arch­bishops, Canturburie, Yorke, and Raguse, with o­ther bishops, to the number of thirtéene, as Duresme London, Rochester, Elie, Bath, Salisburie, Win­chester, Hereford, Norwich, S. Andrews in Scot­land, Landaffe, and Bangor in Wales, and Meth in Ireland, beside a great multitude of earles, barons, and other Noblemen. When the king of Scots had thus doone his homage, he required restitution of Northumberland, Cumberland and Westmerland, which he claimed as his right and lawfull heritage. Much talke was had touching this matter, but they could not agrée, and therefore king Iohn asked respit to consider of it till the feast of Pentecost next insu­ing, which being granted, the king of Scots the next morrow being the 23 of Nouember returned home­wards, and was conducted backe againe into his countrie by the same Noble men that brought him to Lincolne.

The same day that the king of Scots tooke his iournie homewards from Lincolne, the corps of Hugh bishop of that citie (latelie before, departed this life at London, after his returne from the parts of beyond the seas) was brought thither to be buried, the king and all the bishops, earles and barons went to receiue it, and honoured his buriall with their pre­sence. On the morrow after being fridaie, he was interred within the new church which he had builded. This Hugh was a Frenchman by nation, borne at Granople, a man of a pregnant wit, and skilfull both in science of holie scripture and humane knowledge. He was first a regular canon, and after became a Carthusian moonke. King Henrie the second mooued with the fame of his vertue and godlie life, sent the bishop of Bath to bring him into England, and after he was come, made him first abbat of Whithing in the diocesse of Welles, and after created him bishop of Lincolne.

He was noted to be of a verie perfect life, name­lie, bicause he would not sticke to reprooue men of their faults plainelie and frankelie, not regarding the fauour or disfauour of any man, in somuch that he would not feare to pronounce them accurssed, which being the kings officers, would take vpon them the punishment of any person within orders of the church, for hunting and killing of the kings game within his parkes, forrests and chases, yea (and that which is more) he would denie paiments of such subsidies and taxes as he was assessed to paie to the vses of king Richard and king Iohn, A presumptu­ous part in a bishop. towards the maintenance of their wars, and did oftentimes ac­cursse by his ecclesiasticall authoritie, such shiriffes, collectors, or other officers, as did distreine vpon his lands and goods for to satisfie these kings of their de­mands, alledging openlie, that he would not paie a­ny monie towards the maintenance of wars, which one christian prince, vpon priuate displeasure and grudge, made against another prince of the same re­ligion. This was his reason.

And when he came before the king to make answer to his disobedience shewed herein, he would so han­dle the matter, partlie with gentle admonishments, partlie with sharpe reproofes, and sometime mixing merrie and pleasant spéech amongst his serious ar­guments, that often times he would so qualifie the kings mood, that being driuen from anger, he could not but laugh and smile at the bishops pleasant talke [Page 163] and merrie conceits, so that it might well be said of him, ‘Omne tulit punctum quimiscuit vtile dulci.’ This maner he vsed, not onelie with the king alone, but with the father and the two sonnes, that is to say, Henrie the second, Richard and Iohn, in whose time he ruled and gouerned the sée of Lincolne. He was after his decesse, for the opinion which men con­ceiued of his holinesse and vertues, admitted into the number of the saints.

Yee haue heard how king Iohn had conceiued no line 10 small displeasure against the moonks of the white or­der, for that they would not part with any monie, excusing themselues that they might not doo it, with­out consent of a generall chapiter of their order. Wherevpon the king had caused them diuerse waies to be molested, but cheefelie in restreining them of libertie to haue any horsses or other cattell going to pasture within his forrests. They therefore taking aduise togither, chose foorth twelue abbats amongst them of that order, the which in all [...]heir names went line 20 to Lincolne, there to make suit to the king (comming thither at this time to méet the king of Scots) that it would please him to remit his displeasure conceiued against them, and to take them againe into his protection.

This suit was so followed, although with some dif­ficultie, that at length, to wit, the sundaie after that the king of Scots had doone his homage, through the helpe and furtherance of the archbishop of Cantur­burie, they came to the kings spéech, and obteined so line 30 much, as they in reason might desire: for he pardo­ned them of all his passed displeasure, receiued them againe into his fauour, tooke them into his protecti­on, and commanded that all iniuries, greeuances and molestations should be reformed, redressed and amended, which in respect of his indignation had béene offered and doone to them by any manner of meanes. And to see the same accomplished, writs were directed vnto the shiriffes of the counties, bea­ring date from Lincolne the 27 of Nouember. And line 40 thus were those moonks for that time restored to the kings fauour, to their great commoditie and comfort.

Fiue moones.About the moneth of December, there were séene in the prouince of Yorke fiue moones, one in the east, the second in the west, the third in the north, the fourth in the south, and the fift as it were set in the middest of the other, hauing manie stars about it, and went fiue or six times incompassing the other, as it were the space of one houre, and shortlie after vanished a­waie. line 50 The winter after was extreamelie cold, more than the naturall course had beene aforetime. And in the spring time came a great glutting and continu­all raine, causing the riuers to rise with higher flouds than they had béene accustomed.

year 1201 In the yeare 1201 king Iohn held his Christmas at Gilford, and there gaue to his seruants manie faire liueries and suits of apparell. Matt. Paris. Anno. Reg. 3. The archbishop of Canturburie did also the like at Canturburie, see­ming in déed to striue with the king, which of them line 60 should passe the other in such sumptuous appareling of their men: whereat the king (and not without good cause) was greatlie mooued to indignation against him, although for a time he coloured the same, going presentlie into the north, where he gathered of the countrie there no small summs of monie, as it were by way of fining them for their transgressions com­mitted in his forrests.

From thence he returned and came to Cantur­burie, where he held his caster, which fell that yeare on the day of the Annunciation of our ladie, in the which feast he sat crowned, togither with his wife quéene Isabell, the archbishop of Canturburie bea­ring the charges of them and their trains while they remained there. At the feast of the Ascension next in­suing, king Iohn set out a proclamation at Tewkes­burie, that all the earles and barons of the realme, and also all other that held of him by knights seruice, should be readie in the feast of Pentecost next insu­ing, with horsse and armour at Portesmouth, to passe ouer with him into Normandie, who made their appearance accordinglie. Howbeit, a great number of them in the end gat licence to tarrie at home, pai­eng for euerie knights fée two markes of siluer for a fine, which then was a great matter.

But he sent before him into Normandie Willi­am Marshall earle of Striguille with an hundred knights or men of armes, which he had hired, Rog. Houed. and Roger de Lacie with an other hundred men of armes to defend the confines of Normandie against the enimies: and to his chamberleine Hubert de Burgh he deliuered the like number of knights or men of armes also, to keepe the marshes betwixt England and Wales as warden of the same. This doone, The archbish. of Yorke re­stored. he pardoned his brother the archbishop of Yorke, and restored him to all his dignities, possessi­ons and liberties, confirming the same vnto him in as full and large manner, as euer Roger late arch­bishop of that see had enioied the same: for the which confirmation his said brother vndertooke to paie to the king within the terme of one yeare the summe of a thousand pounds starling: and for the as­surance thereof, engaged his baronie to the king in pledge.

Moreouer, about the same time, Ambassadors sent to Scot­land. the king sent Gef­frey bishop of Chester, and Richard Malebisse, with Henrie de Poisie, vnto William king of Scotland, requiring him that the time appointed for him to make answer touching his demand of Northum­berland, might be proroged vntill the feast of saint Michaell the archangell next insuing, which was ob­teined, and then the king and queene (being come to Portsmouth on the mondaie in Whitsunwéeke) tooke the sea to passe ouer into Normandie, but not both in one ship, The king passeth ouer into Nor­mandie. so that the quéene with a prosperous gale of wind arriued there at hir owne desire. But the king was driuen by reason of a pirrie, to take land in the Ile of Wight, and so was staied there for a time: howbeit, within a few daies after, he tooke ship againe at Portsmouth, and so passed ouer into Normandie, where shortlie after his arriuall in those parties he came to an enteruiew with the king of France, neere to Lisle Donelie, where comming a long time togither alone, they agreed so well, He commeth to talke with the king of France. that within thrée daies after, king Iohn at the French kings request went into France, and was receiued of him with much honour, first at S. Denise with procession of the cleargie: and there lodging one night, vpon the morrow the French king accompa­nied him vnto Paris, where he was receiued of the citizens with great reuerence, King Iohn entreth into Paris. the prouost presen­ting vnto him in the name of the whole citie manie rich gifts for his welcome. K. Philip feasted him also in his owne palace, & for his part gaue to him, to his lords, and to his seruants manie great and princelie gifts. Morouer, the league at this time was renewed betwixt them, and put in writing, with this caution, The league renewed. Matth. Paris. R. Houed. that whether of them first brake the couenants; such lords on his part as were become suerties for perfor­mance, should be released of their allegiance which they owght to him that so should breake, & that they might therevpon freelie become subiects to the other prince.

These things doone, at length when as king Iohn had remained at Paris with great mirth and solace certeine daies, the French king brought him foorth of the citie, and tooke leaue of him in verie louing wise. [Page 164] After this b [...]ing Iohn went to Chinon, & from thence into Normandie; about which time there chanced some troubles in Ireland, for where Walter Lacie vnder pretense of a communication that was ap­pointed betwixt him and Iohn de Curcie, Walter Lacie meant to haue taken the lord Curcie. lord of Ul­nester, meant to haue taken the said Curcie, and for the accomplishment of his purpose set vpon him, slue manie of his men, and for his safegard constreined Curcie in the end to take a castell which belonged vnto Hugh Lacie, vpon faire promises made to him by the same Hugh, to be preserued out of all danger, line 10 it came to passe, that when he was once got in, he might no more be suffered to depart. For the Lacies thought to haue deliuered him to king Iohn, but the seruants and fréends of the said Curcie made such cruell war, in wasting and destroieng the lands and possessions that belonged vnto the said Walter and Hugh Lacies, that finallie they were constreined to set him againe at libertie whether they would or no.

Polydor. Aid against the Turkes and infidels.At the same time also, the kings of France and line 20 England gaue large monie towards the mainte­nance of the armie, which at this present went foorth vnder the leading of the earle of Flanders and o­ther, to warre against the enimies of the christian faith, Matth. Paris. at the instance of pope Innocent. There was furthermore granted vnto them the fortith part of all the reuenues belonging to ecclesiasticall per­sons, towards the aid of the christians then being in the holie land, and all such as well of the Nobilitie as other of the weaker sort, which had taken vpon them the crosse, and secretlie laid it downe, were compel­led line 30 eftsoones to receiue it now againe.

Unseasonable weather.There chanced this yeare woonderfull tempests of thunder, lightning, haile, and abundance of raine, in such wise, that mens minds were greatlie astonied therwith: medowes and marsh grounds were quite ouerflowne, bridges broken and borne downe, and great quantitie of corne and haie lost and carried a­waie, and diuerse men and women drowned. Mar­garet mother of Constance, duches of Britaine, si­ster to William king of Scots, and mother to Hen­rie line 40 Boun earle of Hereford, deceassed. This yeare also by the counsell and aduice of the burgesses of London, Fabian. there were chosen 35 of the most substanti­all and wisest men, which after the report of some writers, were called the councell of the citie of Lon­don, out of which number the Maior and Bailiffes were yearelie chosen.

Matth. Paris.In the yeare 1202 king Iohn held his Christ­masse at Argenton in Normandie, year 1202 and in the Lent line 50 following he and the French king met togither, neere vnto the castell of Gulleton, and there in talke had betwéene them, he commanded king Iohn with no small arrogancie, and contrarie to his former promise, to restore vnto his nephue Arthur duke of Britaine, all those lands now in his possession on that side the sea, The French K. beginneth to make war against king Iohn. which king Iohn earnestlie denied to doo, wherevpon the French king immediatlie after, began war against him, and tooke Buteuant, Augi, and the castell of Linos. Moreouer, he besieged the line 60 castell of Radepont for the space of eight daies, till king Iohn came thither, and forced him to depart with much dishonor. Howbeit after this, the French king wan Gourney, and then returning to Paris, he appointed certeine persons to haue the gouerne­ment of the foresaid Arthur duke of Britaine, and then sent him foorth with 200 men of armes into Poictou, that he might bring the countrie also vnder his subiection.

Polydor. Hugh earle of March.Herevpon Hugh le Brun earle of March (vnto whome queene Isabell the wife of king Iohn had beene promised in mariage, before that king Iohn was motioned vnto hir, and therefore bare an in­ward displeasure towards the king of England, for that he had so bereft him of his promised spouse) be­ing now desirous to procure some trouble also vnto king Iohn, The Poicto­uins reuolt from king Iohn. ioined himselfe with Arthur duke of Britaine, and found meanes to cause them of Poi­ctou (a people euer subiect to rebellion) to reuolt from king Iohn, and to take armour against him, so that the yoong Arthur being incouraged with this new supplie of associats, first went into Touraine, and after into Aniou, compelling both those coun­tries to submit themselues vnto him, Arthur pro­claimeth him­selfe earle of Aniou, &c. and proclai­med himselfe earle of those places, by commission and grant obteined from king Philip.

Queene Elianor that was regent in those parties being put in great feare with the newes of this sud­den sturre, got hir into Mirabeau a strong towne, Quéene E­lianor. situat in the countrie of Aniou, and foorthwith dis­patched a messenger with letters vnto king Iohn, requiring him of speedie succour in this hir present danger. In the meane time, Arthur following the victorie, shortlie after followed hir, and woone Mira­beau, where he t [...]oke his grandmother within the same, whom he yet intreated verie honorablie, and with great reuerence (as some haue reported. Matth. Paris. Matth. West.) ¶But other write far more trulie, that she was not taken, but escaped into a tower, within the which she was straitlie besieged. Thither came also to aid Arthur all the Nobles and men of armes in Poictou, and namelie the foresaid earle of March according to ap­pointment betwixt them: so that by this meanes Ar­thur had a great armie togither in the field.

King Iohn in the meane time, hauing receiued his mothers letters, and vnderstanding thereby in what danger she stood, was maruellouslie troubled with the strangenesse of the newes, and with manie bitter words accused the French king as an vntrue prince, and a fraudulent league-breaker: Polydor. and in all possible hast speedeth him foorth, continuing his iour­nie for the most part both day and night to come to the succour of his people. To be briefe, K. Iohn com­meth vpon his enimies not looked for. he vsed such diligence, that he was vpon his enimies necks yer they could vnderstand any thing of his comming, or gesse what the matter meant, when they saw such a companie of souldiers as he brought with him to ap­proch so néere the citie. For so negligent were they, that hauing once woone the towne, they ranged a­broad ouer the countrie hither and thither at their li­bertie without any care. So that now being put in a sudden feare, as preuented by the hastie comming of the enimies vpon them, and wanting leisure to take aduice what was best to be doone, and hauing not time in manner to get any armour on their backs, they were in a maruellous trouble, not knowing whether it were best for them to fight or to flée, to yeeld or to resist.

This their feare being apparent to the Englishmen (by their disorder shewed in running vp and downe from place to place with great noise and turmoile) they set vpon them with great violence, and compas­sing them round about, they either tooke or st [...]e them in a manner at their pleasure. And hauing thus put them all to flight, they pursued the chase towards the towne of Mirabeau, into which the enimies made ve­rie great hast to enter: but such spéed was vsed by the English souldiers at that present, that they entred and wan the said towne before their enimies could come néere to get into it. Great slaughter was made within Mirabeau it selfe, Arthur duke of Britaine takē prisoner. and Arthur with the residue of the armie that escaped with life from the first bic­kering was taken, who being herevpon committed to prison, first at Falais, Matth. Paris. and after within the citie of Rouen, liued not long after as you shall heare. The other of the prisoners were also committed vnto safe kéeping, some into castels within Normandie, and some were sent into England.

King Iohn hauing gotten this victorie, and taken his nephue Arthur, he wrote the ma­ner of that his successe vnto his ba­rons in England, in manner as followeth.

IOhn by the grace of God king of England, and lord of Ireland, to all his barons sendeth greeting. Know line 10 yee that we by Gods good fauour are in sound and perfect health, and through Gods grace that maruellouslie worketh with vs, on tuesdaie before Lammas daie, we being before the citie of Mauns, were aduertised that our mother was besieged in Mirabeau, and therfore we hasted so fast as we possibly might, so that we came thither on Lammas daie, and there we tooke our nephue Arthur, Hugh le line 20 Brun, De Castre Erald. Andrew de Chauenie, the vicount of Chateau Erald, Raimond de Touars, Sauerie de Mauleon, and Hugh Bangi, and all other e­nimies of Poictou that were there assembled against vs, to the number of two hundred knights and aboue, 252 knights or men of armes besides demilances. so that not one of them es­caped. Giue God therefore thanks, and reioise at our good successe.

The French king at the same time lieng in siege line 30 before Arques, immediatlie vpon the newes of this ouerthrow, raised from thence, and returned home­wards, destroieng all that came in his waie, till he was entred into his owne countrie. Anno Reg. 4. It is said that king Iohn caused his nephue Arthur to be brought before him at Falais, and there went about to per­suade him all that he could to forsake his freendship and aliance with the French king, and to leane and sticke to him being his naturall vncle. But Arthur line 40 like one that wanted good counsell, and abounding too much in his owne wilfull opinion, made a pre­sumptuous answer, not onelie denieng so to doo, but also commanding king Iohn to restore vnto him the realme of England, with all those other lands and possessions which king Richard had in his hand at the houre of his death. For sith the same apperteined to him by right of inheritance, he assured him, except re­stitution were made the sooner, he should not long continue quiet. King Iohn being sore mooued with line 50 such words thus vttered by his nephue, appointed (as before is said) that he should be straitlie kept in pri­son, as first in Falais, and after at Roan within the new castell there. Thus by means of this good suc­cesse, the countries of Poictou, Touraine, and Aniou were recouered.

Shortlie after king Iohn comming ouer into England, Matth. Paris. King Iohn eftsoones crowned. caused himselfe to be crowned againe at Canturburie by the hands of Hubert the archbishop there, on the fourteenth day of Aprill, and then went line 60 backe againe into Normandie, where immediatlie vpon his arriuall, a rumour was spred through all France, of the death of his nephue Arthur. True it is that great suit was made to haue Arthur set at li­bertie, Rafe Cog. as well by the French king, as by William de Riches a valiant baron of Poictou, and diuerse other Noble men of the Britains, who when they could not preuaile in their suit, they banded them­selues togither, and ioining in confederacie with Robert earle of Alanson, the vicount Beaumont, William de Fulgiers, and other, they began to leuie sharpe wars against king Iohn in diuerse places, insomuch (as it was thought) that so long as Arthur liued, there would be no quiet in those parts: where­vpon it was reported, that king Iohn through per­suasion of his councellors, appointed certeine per­sons to go vnto Falais, where Arthur was kept in prison, vnder the charge of Hubert de Burgh, and there to put out the yoong gentlemans eies.

But through such resistance as he made against one of the tormentors that came to execute the kings commandement (for the other rather forsooke their prince and countrie, than they would consent to obeie the kings authoritie héerein) and such la­mentable words as he vttered, Hubert de Burgh did preserue him from that iniurie, not doubting but rather to haue thanks than displeasure at the kings hands, for deliuering him of such infamie as would haue redounded vnto his highnesse, if the yoong gen­tleman had béene so cruellie dealt withall. For he considered, that king Iohn had resolued vpon this point onelie in his heat and furie (which moueth men to vndertake manie an inconuenient enterprise, vn­beseeming the person of a common man, much more reprochfull to a prince, all men in that mood being meere foolish and furious, and prone to accomplish the peruerse conceits of their ill possessed heart; as one saith right well,

—pronus in iram
Stultorum est unimus, facilè excandescit, & audet
Omne scelus, quoties concepta bile tumescit)

and that afterwards, vpon better aduisement, he would both repent himselfe so to haue commanded, and giue them small thanke that should sée it put in execution. Howbeit to satisfie his mind for the time, and to staie the rage of the Britains, he caused it to be bruted abroad through the countrie, that the kings commandement was fulfilled, and that Arthur also through sorrow and greefe was departed out of this life. For the space of fiftéene daies this rumour in­cessantlie ran through both the realmes of England and France, and there was ringing for him through townes and villages, as it had béene for his funerals. It was also bruted, that his bodie was buried in the monasterie of saint Andrewes of the Cisteaux order.

But when the Britains were nothing pacified, but rather kindled more vehementlie to worke all the mischeefe they could deuise, in reuenge of their souereignes death, there was no remedie but to sig­nifie abroad againe, that Arthur was as yet liuing and in health. Now when the king heard the truth of all this matter, he was nothing displeased for that his commandement was not executed, sith there were diuerse of his capteins which vttered in plaine words, that he should not find knights to keepe his castels, if he dealt so cruellie with his nephue. For if it chanced any of them to be taken by the king of France or other their aduersaries, they should be sure to tast of the like cup. ¶But now touching the maner in verie deed of the end of this Arthur, wri­ters make sundrie reports. Neuerthelesse certeine it is, that in the yeare next insuing, he was remooued from Falais vnto the castell or tower of Rouen, out of the which there was not any that would confesse that euer he saw him go aliue. Some haue written, that as he assaied to haue escaped out of prison, and proouing to clime ouer the wals of the castell, he fell into the riuer of Saine, and so was drowned. Other write, that through verie gréefe and languor he pined awaie, and died of naturall sicknesse. But some af­firme, that king Iohn secretlie caused him to be mur­thered and made awaie, so as it is not throughlie agréed vpon, in what sort he finished his daies: but verelie king Iohn was had in great suspicion, [...]ether worthilie or not, the lord knoweth. Yet how extreamelie soeuer he delt with his nephue, he relea­sed and set at libertie diuerse of those lords that were [Page 166] taken prisoners with him, namelie Hugh le Brun, and Sauerie de Mauleon, the one to his great trou­ble and hinderance, and the other to his gaine: for Hugh le Brun afterwards leuied and occasioned sore warres against him, but Sauerie de Mauleon continued euer after his loiall subiect, dooing to him verie agréeable seruice, as hereafter may appeare.

Guie sonne to the vicount of Touars.The Lord Guie, sonne to the vicount of Touars, who had taken Arthurs mother Constance to wife, after the diuorse made betwixt hir and the earle of Chester, in right of hir obteined the dukedome of line 10 Britaine. But king Philip after he was aduertised of Arthurs death, tooke the matter verie gréeuouslie, and vpon occasion therof, Constance the mother of duke Arthur accuseth king Iohn. cited king Iohn to appeare before him at a certeine day, to answer such obiecti­ons as Constance the duches of Britaine mother to the said Arthur should lay to his charge, touching the murther of hir sonne. And bicause king Iohn appea­red not, he was therefore condemned in the action, and adiudged to forfeit all that he held within the pre­cinct line 20 of France, aswell Normandie as all his other lands and dominions.

Matt. Paris. The ordināce for the assise of bread.About the same time the king caused a proclama­tion to be published for the lawfull assise of bread to be made by the bakers, vpon paine to be puni­shed by the pillorie: which assise was approoued and assessed by the baker of Geffrey Fitz Peter, lord chéefe iustice of England, and by the baker of Robert de Tuinham. So that the baker might sell and gaine in euerie quarter three pence, besides the bran, and two loaues for the heater of the ouen, and for foure line 30 seruants foure halfepence, for two boies a farthing, for allowance in salt an halfepenie, yest an halfe­penie, for candell a farthing, for fewell thrée pence, and for a bulter an halfepenie. And this was the rate.

When wheat was sold for six shillings the quar­ter, then shall euerie loafe of fine manchet wey 41 shillings, and euerie loafe of cheat shall wey 24 shil­lings. When wheat is sold for fiue shillings and six pence, then manchet shall wey 20 shillings, and cheat 28 shillings. When wheat is sold for fiue shillings, line 40 then manchet shall wey 24 shillings, and the cheat bread 32 shillings. When wheat is sold for foure shil­lings six pence, manchet shall wey 32 shillings, and cheat 42 shillings. When wheat is sold for foure shil­lings, manchet shall wey 36 shillings, and cheat 46 shillings. When wheat is sold for thrée shillings six pence, then shall manchet wey 42 shillings, and cheat 54 shillings. When wheat is sold for thrée shillings, manchet shall wey 48 shillings, and cheat 44 shil­lings. line 50 When wheat is sold for two shillings and six pence, manchet shall wey 54 shillings, and cheat 72 shillings. When wheat is sold for two shillings, manchet shall wey sixtie shillings, and cheat foure pound. When wheat is sold for 18 pence the quarter, manchet shall wey 77 shillings, & cheat foure pound and eight shillings. This ordinance was proclaimed throughout the realme, as most necessarie and profi­table for the common-wealth.

This yeare manie woonderfull things happened, line 60 for besides the sore winter, which passed any other that had beene heard of in manie yeares before, both for continuance in length and extreame coldnesse of frosts, Great tem­pests. there followed grifelie tempests, with thun­der, lightning, and stormes of raine, and haile of the bignesse of hens egs, wherewith much fruit & great store of corne was perished, beside other great hurts doone vpon houses and yoong cattell. Also spirits (as it was thought) in likenesse of birds and foules were séene in the aire flieng with fire in their beaks, wherewith they set diuerse houses on fire: which did import great troubles yer long to insue, and follo [...] ­ed in déed, as shall appeare hereafter.

With this entrance of the yeare of our lord 1203, king Iohn held his Christmasse at Caen, where not hauing (as s [...]me writers say) sufficient regard to the necessarie affaires of his wars, year 1203 Matth. Par [...]. he gaue his [...]ind to bankettin [...], and passed the time in pleasure with the queene his wife, to the great gréefe of his lords, so that they perceiuing his retchlesse demeanour (or as some write, the doubtfull minds of the Nobilitie which serued on that side, and were readie dailie to reuolt from his obedience) withdrew their dutifull hearts from him, and therefore getting licence, re­turned home into England.

In this meane time the French king, Anno Reg. 5. to bring his purpose to full effect, entred int [...] Normandie, wasted the countries, and wan the townes of Cowches, Matth. Paris. Polydor. The French king inuadeth Normandie. le Ual de Rueil, and Lis [...]e Dandel [...] ▪ Le Ual de Rueil wis giuen ouer without any great inforcement of assault, by two noble men that had charge thereof, the one named Robert Fitz Walter, and the other Saer de Quin [...]ie. Howbeit Lisle Dandele was valiantlie for a certeine time defended by Roger de Lacie the conestable of Chester. But at length they within were so constreined by famine and long siege, that the said Lacie and others perceiuing it to be more honourable for them to die by the sword, than to starue through want of food, brake out vpon their enimies, and slue a great sort of the Frenchmen, Roger de La­cie conestable of Chester taken. but yet in the end they were taken prisoners, and so these fortresses came into the French kings hands.

The pope hearing of these variances betwixt the two kings, sent the abbat of Casmer into France, The pope sendeth his Nuncij into France. accompanied with the abbat of Troissons, to moue them to a peace. These two abbats tooke such paines in the matter; that the kings were almost brought to agréement. But the French king per­ceiuing himselfe to be aforehand in his businesse, sticked at one article, which was to repaire all such abbeies as he had destroied within the dominions of king Iohn: and king Iohn to doo the like by all those that he had wasted within the French kings coun­tries. Gaguin [...] ▪ The popes Nuncij would haue excommuni­cated king Philip, bicause he would not thus agrée. But king Philip appealing from them, pursued the warre, and besieged the towne of Radpont. Polydor. The soul­diers within the towne defended the first assault ve­rie manfullie, and caused the Frenchmen to retire backe: but king Philip meaning to haue the towne yer he departed, did so inclose it about, that within ten daies he wan it, Radpont woone. and tooke there twentie men of armes, an hundred demilances, and twentie ar­cubalisters.

After this, when he had fortified this place, he went to castell Galiard, which he besieged; Castell Ga­liard. and though by the high valiancie of Hugh de Gourney the cap­teine there, the Frenchmen were manfullie beaten backe, and kept out for a moneth and more, yet at length by streict siege and neare approches hardlie made, Matth. Paris. the fortresse was deliuered into the French kings hands. Hugh de Gourney re­uolteth from king Iohn. And in the end the said Hugh Gourney reuolted from his obedience, deliuering also the ca­stell of Mountfort vnto the French king, which ca­stell with the honor thereto apperteining king Iohn had giuen to the same Hugh, not verie long before. All this while king Iohn did lie at Rouen: but forso­much as he could not well remedie the matter as then, bicause he wanted such helpe as he dailie looked for out of England, and durst not trust any of that side, he passed it ouer with a stout countenance for a while, and would saie oftentimes to such as stood a­bout him; ‘What else dooth my c [...]sen the French [...] now, than steale those things from me, which herea [...] ­ter I shall indeuour my selfe to cause him to restore with interest?’ But when he saw that his enimies would still procéed, K. Iohn com­meth back in­to England. and that no aid came out of Eng­land, he came ouer himselfe, and landed at Portes­mouth [Page 167] on S. Nicholas day.

King Philip doubting by vsing the victorie with too much rigor, least he should bring the Normans into a desperate boldnesse, and so cause them for safegard of their liues to hazard all vpon resistance, [...]e staied for a time, and withdrew his souldiers backe againe into France, hauing not onelie furnished those pla­ces in the meane time which he had w [...]n, with strong garisons of his souldiers, but also appointed certeine personages to trauell with the people, yet remaining line 10 in the English subiection, to reuolt and turne from king Iohn, to his obeisance and subiection.

King Iohn being returned into England▪ accused diuerse of his Nobles for shewing themselues neg­ligent and slouthfull in aiding him, according to his commandement, alledging furthermore, that being destitute of their due and requisite seruice, he was constreined to lose his time in Normandie, as not being able for want of their aid to resist his enimies. Wherefore for this and other matters laid to their line 20 charges, he did put them to greeuous [...]ines. By meanes whereof, and by leauieng a subsidie of his people, he got togither an huge summe of monie. This subsidie was granted him in a parlement hol­den at Oxenford, Matth. Paris. A parlement at Oxenford. and begun there vpon the second of Ianuarie 1204, wherein of euerie knights fée was granted the summe of two markes and an halfe. year 1204 Neither were the bishops, A subsidie granted. abbats, nor any other ec­clesiasticall persons exempted, by meanes whereof he ran first into the hatred of the clergie, and conse­quentlie line 30 of manie other of his subiects: so that they failed him at his néed, whereby he often susteined no small damage, which he might haue preuented and withstood, if he had beene so qualified with discretion as to haue séene what was conuenient and what in­conuenient for his roiall estate. But

—voluntas
Improba perniciem ingentem mortalibus affert,

as it did to him, which may be gathered by a due ob­seruation of the consequence. ¶This yeare the aire line 40 toward the north and east parts séemed to be on a bright fire for the space of six houres togither. It be­gan about the first watch of the night, on the first of Aprill.

King Iohn about the beginning of this sixt yeare of his reigne, Anno Reg. 6. sent in ambassage to the French king the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishops of Nor­wich and Elie, Rafe Cog. Ambassadors sent into France. the earles Marshall and Leicester, to treat with him of peace: but he was so far off from comming néere to any reasonable motions, bicause line 50 he saw the world frame as he wished, that still by de­manding somewhat that might not be granted, he kept off, and brought in such hard conditions, that it was not possible to conclude anie agréement. And this he did of purpose, hoping within short time to conquer all that the king of England possessed as yet on that side the seas. He was the more vntoward to compound, for that he was informed how Arthur the duke of Britaine was dispatched of his life, and therfore not doubting but to haue manie to take line 60 part with him in seeking reuenge of his death, he made that his chéefe quarell, swearing that he would not ceasse to pursue the warre against king Iohn, till he had depriued him of his whole kingdome. So the ambassadors departed without all hope to come to any agreement. ¶This yeare Easter day fell so high as it possiblie might, year 1204 that is to saie, on saint Marks day.

King Philip vnderstanding that king Iohn re­mained still in England, rather occupied in gathe­ring of monie amongst his subiects, than in making other prouision to bring them into the field (to the great offense of his said people) thought now for his part to lose no time: but assembling a mightie ar­mie, he came with the same into Normandie, Towns w [...]n by the French king. and vpon his first comming, he wan the towne of Fa­laise, and shortlie after was Dampfront deliuered vnto him by surrender. This doone, he marched fur­ther into the countrie, and with his sudden inuasion so oppressed the people euerie where, that they could haue no time to make shift by flight to get into the townes. With this swiftnesse of spéed, he brought al­so such a feare into the hearts of most men, that he wan all the countrie of Normandie euen to Mount S. Michaell. The inhabitants in euerie place submit­ted themselues, as those of Baieulx, Constances, Liseux, and other townes thereabouts.

Finallie, he came before Rouen, Rouen besie­ged by the French king. the principall ci­tie of all the countrie, and incamped so in sundrie pla­ces about the citie, that all the issues, entries and waies were closed vp by his armie, being so diuided into seuerall camps, that the distance was not great from one to another, making a terrible shew to them within. At length after he had prouided all things ne­cessarie for his purpose, and taken good aduise of his capteins how he should best imploie his force for the winning of this citie (in which exploit he knew the full perfection of all his passed conquests cheefelie to consist) he did manfullie assault it, and they within as manfullie defended themselues, so that he got little by the assaults and approches which he made. Where­vpon he fell in hand to practise with the citizens to win them with méed, curtesie, gentle speech, and great promises. So that in fine, they within were so mooued with such reasons as he vsed to persuade them with­all, that they made request for a truce to be had for certeine daies, within the terme whereof if no suc­cour came, they couenanted to yeeld without any further trouble.

This truce being obteined, ambassadours were sent from them of Rouen into England, to signifie vnto king Iohn the whole state of the citie, and of the truce, so that if aid came not within the time ap­pointed, the citie must néeds be deliuered into the e­nimies hands. The king hauing no armie in readi­nesse to send ouer, nor other shift to make for the succour of the citie, permitted the ambassadours to depart without comfort of any aid, who herevpon re­turning to Rouen, and reporting what they had hard, séene, and found, brought the citie into great sorrow. For whereas that citie had euer béene accustomed to glorie for the great loialtie and faithfull fidelitie which the same had euer shewed towards their liege lords and naturall princes; The great fi­delitie of the citizens of Rouen. now the citizens percei­ued manifestlie, that vnlesse they would cast awaie themselues, and lose all they had, they must of force yeeld into the hands of their enimies. Wherefore to make their true allegiance more apparant to the world, they staied the surrender as long as they had any store of vittels within the citie to releeue their fainting bodies withall: Rouē through famine is sur­rendred to the French king. and so in the end being van­quished with hunger, they submitted themselues to the French king. Their submission being once knowne, caused all those other townes which had not yéelded, to deliuer vp their keies vnto the French­men, as Arques, Uernueill, and others.

Moreouer the townes in Poictou, Touraine, and Aniou, which king Iohn had recouered latelie before, did now againe (being in no small feare) yeeld them­selues vnto king Philip: Matth. Paris. so that of all the townes within those countries, there remained none vnder the English obeisance, saue onelie Rochell, Tours, Niorth, and a few other. Thus Normandie which king Rollo had purchased and gotten 316 yeares before that present time, was then recouered by the French men, to the great reproch and dishonour of the Eng­lish, in this yeare 1204. About this time quéene Eli­anor the mother of king Iohn departed this life, con­sumed [Page 168] rather through sorow and anguish of mind, than of any other naturall infirmitie.

[...] this s [...]ould [...] in the dai [...]s of K. Henrie the second. A fish like to a man.In this sixt yeare of king Iohns reigne, at Oxe­ford in Suffolke, as Fabian saith (although I sh [...]ke he be deceiued in the time) a fish was taken by fish­ [...]rs in their nets as they were at sea, resembling in s [...]ape a wild or sauage man, whome they presented vnto sir Bartholomew de Glanuille knight, that had then the kéeping of the castell of Oreford in Suf­folke. He was naked, and in all his liues and mem­bers line 10 resembling the right proportion of a man; he had haires also in the vsuall parts of his bodie▪ albeit that the crowne of his head was bald, his beard was long and rugged, and his breast hairie. The knight caused him to be kept certeine daies & nights from the sea, me [...]t set afore him he greedilie deuoured, & did eat fish both raw and sod. Those that were raw he pressed in his hand till he had thrust out all the moisture, and so then did eat them. He would not or could not vtter any speach, although to trie him they line 20 hung him vp by the héeles, and miserablie tormented him. He would get him to his couch at the setting of the sunne, and rise againe at the rising of the same.

One day they brought him to the hauen, and suf­fered him to go into the sea, but to be sure he should not escape from them, they set [...]hrée ranks of mightie strong nets before him, so to catch him againe at their pleasure (as they imagined) but he streight­waies diuing downe to the bottome of the water, got past all the nets, and comming vp, shewed him­selfe line 30 to them againe that stood waiting for him, and dowking diuerse times vnder water and comming vp againe he beheld them on the shore that stood still looking at him, who seemed as it were to mocke them, for that he had deceiued them, & got past their nets. At length after he had thus sported himselfe a great while in the water, and that there was no more hope of his returne, he came to them againe of his owne accord, swimming through the water, and re­mained with them two moneths after. But finallie, line 40 when he was negligentlie looked to, and now séemed not to be regarded, he fled secretlie to the sea, and was neuer after séene nor heard of.

¶ Thus much out of Rafe Coghshall, who affirmeth that this chanced in the daies of Henrie the second, about the 33 of his reigne, Iohn Stow. as Iohn Stow in his sum­marie hath also noted. Which report of theirs in re­spect of the strangnesse thereof might séeme incredi­ble, speciallie to such as be hard of beléefe, and refuse to giue faith and credit to any thing but what their line 50 owne eies haue sealed to their consciences, so that the reading of such woonders as these, is no more be­neficiall to them, than to carrie a candle before a blind man, or to sing a song to him that is starke deafe. Neuerthelesse, of all vncouth and rare sights, speciallie of monstruous appearances we ought to be so farre from hauing little regard; that we should rather in them and by them obserue the euent and falling out of some future thing, no lesse miraculous in the issue, than they be woonderfull at the sudden line 60 sight. This was well noted of a philosopher, who to the purpose (among other matters by him touched) hath spoken no lesse pithilie than crediblie, saieng;

M. P [...]. in [...].
Nec fieri aut errore aut c [...]su monstra putandum,
Cum certas habeant causas, vt tristia monstrent,
Vnde il [...]as nomen, quare & portenta vocantur.

The war was mightilie mainteined all this while betwixt them of Poictou and Aquitaine, and manie sharpe incounters chanced betwixt the parties, of which the one following the king of Englands lieute­nant Robert de Turneham▪ valiantlie resisted the other that held with the French king vnder the con­duct of William de Roches, & Hugh le Brun earle of March, chiefe leaders of that faction. But Robert [...].

The bishop of London was sent ambassador from king Iohn vnto the emperour vpon certeine earnest businesse. The duke of Lo [...]in [...], and the earle of Bullongne were made friends by the French kings [...], and promised to inuade England with an armie, and to make warre against king Iohn for the withholding of such lands and reuenues as they claimed to be due vnto them, in right of their wiues. King Philip also vndertooke to follow them within a moneth after they should be entred into England, & thus did the French king seeke to make him str [...]ng with fréends, which [...]a [...]lie fell from king Iohn [...]n ech hand. ¶Godfrey bishop of Winchester, that was son to the lord Richard de L [...]ie departed this life. This yeare the king was on Christmasse day at Tenkes­burie, 120 [...] where he staied not past one day.

The 14 day of Ianuarie it began to fréeze, and so continued till the 22 of March, with such extremitie, An extreame frost. that the husbandmen could not make their [...]ilth, by reason wherof in the summer following, corne began to grow to an excessiue price, so that wheat was sold by the quarter at 12 shillings of monie then cur­rant. This yeare about the feast of Pentecost, the king (by the aduise of his councell assembled at Northampton) prepared a nauie of ships, Anno. Reg. [...]. Polydor. Matth. Paris. King Iohn prepareth an armie to go into France. mustered souldiers, and shewed great tokens that he would renew the war, and séeke to be reuenged of his eni­mie the French king. The Nobles of the realme indeuoured themselues also to match the diligence of the king in this preparation, vpon an earnest de­sire to reuenge the iniuries latelie doone to the com­mon-wealth.

Now when all things were readie, and the ships fraught with vittels, armour, and all other prouisi­ons necessarie, the king came to Porchester, there to take the sea, purposing verelie to passe ouer into France, in hope of such faire promises as his fréends of Normandie and Poictou had made, in sending of­tentimes to him, to procure him with spéed to come to their succours. Rafe Cog. The archbi­shop of Can­turburie, and the earle of Penbroke persuade the king to staie at home. But as the king was readie to en­ter on shipboord, Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, and William Marshall earle of Penbroke came to him, and with manie great reasons went about to persuade him to staie his iournie. Who although he was verie loath to follow their counsell, yet they put foorth so manie doubts and dangers that might fol­low of his departing the realme at that present, to the hazarding of the whole state, that in the end (sore to his greefe) he was ouercome by their importunate persuasions, and so dismissing the most part of his armie, appointed his brother the earle of Salisburie with a certeine number of knights & men of armes to passe ouer into Rochell, whither the lord Geffrey the kings base sonne was gone before him, with ma­nie other knights and men of armes.

The lords and other that were dismissed, tooke it verie euill, considering the great preparation that had béene made for that iournie. But speciallie the [Page 169] mariners were sore offended, cursing the archbishop and the said earle of Penbroke, that were knowne to be authors of so naughtie counsell as they tooke this to be. It was thought there was neuer so manie ships gotten togither at one time before, as were at that present, to haue attended the king: for (as wri­ters haue recorded) there were to the number of fourtéene thousand mariners that had brought their ships thither for that purpose. But as the breaking vp of this voiage gréeued others, so it pinched the king so néere the heart, that he being come backe line 10 from the sea side to Winchester, The king re­penting him goeth backe to the sea side. repented so much that he had not gone forward with his iournie, that the next daie he returned againe to the coast, and at Portesmouth, entring the sea with his ships, on the fiftéenth of Iulie he sailed to the Ile of Wight, He goeth to the sea the 15 of Iulie, as some authors haue. and wasted vp and downe for the space of two daies to­gither, till by aduise of his fréends he was persuaded not to aduenture to passe ouer, sith his armie was dismissed and gone home, and so he returned backe to the shore againe, arriuing at Scotland, neere vnto line 20 Warham, the third daie after his setting foorth: yet such as were behind, and hasted after him, thought verelie he had beene gone ouer, and such a brute was spred ouer all, till at length in time the truth was knowne.

At his comming backe (as some write) he charged certeine of the Nobilitie with treason, bicause they did not follow him: wherevpon shortlie after he pu­nished them verie gréeuouslie, and peraduenture not without some ground of iust cause. For likelie it is, line 30 that some greater matter forced him to breake vp his iournie, than appeareth in our writers, although Rafe Cogheshall setteth downe some reasons alled­ged by the archbishop Hubert, and earle Marshall, to persuade him not to depart the realme. But perad­uenture other causes there were also of farre more importance that constreined him so greatlie against his mind & full resolution, both at the first, and now at this second time to returne. ¶ Uerelie to vtter my coniecture, it may be that vpon his last determi­nation line 40 to go ouer, he gaue new commandement to his lords to follow him, and they peraduenture vsed not such diligence in accomplishing his pleasure therein, as he looked they should haue doone: or it may be, when the armie was once discharged, the souldi­ers made such hast homewards, ech man towards his countrie, that it was no easie matter to bring them backe againe in any conuenient time. But howsoeuer it was, as it had béene vpon a change of purpose, he came backe againe (as before yée haue line 50 heard.)

The thirteenth of Iulie Hubert archbishop of Can­turburie departed this life at Tenham, The death of the archb. of Canturburie. Matt. Paris. Polydor. the king not being gratlie sorie for his death (as some haue writ­ten) bicause he gathered some suspicion that he bare too much good will towards the French king. In ve­rie déed (as some write) the archbishop repented him­selfe of nothing so much, as for that he had commen­ded king Iohn to the Noblemen and Péeres of the line 60 realme, sith he prooued an other manner of man than he looked to haue found him. This archbishop had go­uerned the sée of Canturburie eleuen yeares, eight moneths, and six daies.

After his deceasse, the moonks of Canturburie without knowledge of the king, chose one Reignold the subprior of their house to be their archbishop, An archbishop chosen. who secretlie went to Rome to obteine his confirmation of the pope. Which thing bred much mischéefe and great discord betwixt pope Innocent & king Iohn, since the pope would not confirme the election, bi­cause he saw some péece of secret practise, till he might vnderstand and be certified by report of suffici­ent witnesse (for that he wanted the letters com­mendatorie from the king) that the same election was lawfull and orderlie made. Of this delaie also the moonks being spéedilie aduertised, and to the end they might now recouer the kings fauour, whome they had verie sore offended in not making him pri­uie to the first election, they made request vnto him, that by his nomination it might be lawfull for them to choose an other archbishop.

The king gladlie herevnto assented, Matth. West. Iohn Gray bishop of Nor­wich president of the councell. Matth. Paris. requiring them to grant their voices vnto Iohn Gray the bi­shop of Norwich, being both his chapleine and presi­dent of his councell. The moonks to gratifie the king obeied his request, and so electing the same bishop of Norwich, they sent their procurators to Rome in the yeare following, to signifie the same vnto the pope, and to require him to confirme this their second elec­tion, as vnmindfull of their first, and clearelie adni­hilating the same to all intents and purposes. A­mongst other that were sent to Rome about this bu­sinesse, Helias de Brantfield was one, Helias de Brantfield. a moonke of great estimation, and had in good credit with the king, who ministred vnto them that were thus sent, sufficient allowance wherewith to beare their char­ges and expenses.

Also at the same time the bishops that were suf­fragans to the see of Canturburie, The bishops quarell with the moonks of Canturburie about the elec­tion of an archbishop. sent their procu­rators to Rome, about a quarrell which they had a­gainst the moonks there, for that the same moonks presumed to procéed to the election of an archbishop without their consent, hauing (as they alledged) a right by ancient decrées and customes to be associat with them in the said elections. But how this mat­ter was answered, yée shall sée hereafter. In the meane time, these and other like things procured the pope to reiect both the elections, and of his owne au­thoritie to nominate the third person, whereby the trouble begun was not a little augmented (as you shall heare heereafter.) Now whilest these procura­tors were thus occupied in Rome, Philip the French king minding to conquer all that which king Iohn yet held within France, assembled an armie, and comming before the towne of Loches, wan it, and tooke Gerard de Atie prisoner, Gerard de A­tie & Robert de Turnham takē prisoners that had so long time and with such valiancie defended it. The same time also was Robert de Turnham taken prisoner, who with great manhood had all this while repressed and chastised the rebellious Poictouins.

Moreouer, when the French king had woone Lo­ches, he went to Chinon, Hubert de Burgh a vali­ant capteine. within the which Hubert de Burgh was capteine, a right valiant man of warre as was any where to be found, who hauing prepared all things necessarie for defense, manfullie repelled the Frenchmen, who inforced themselues to win the towne with continuall assaults and alarms, not suf­fering them within to rest neither day nor night, who yet for certeine daies togither, by the valiant in­couragement of their capteine defended the towne, with great slaughter of the Frenchmen. Neuerthe­lesse, at length beginning to despaire by reason of their incessant trauell, certeine of them that were somewhat faintharted stale ouer the walles in the night, and ran to the Frenchmen, and for safegard of their liues instructed them of the whole estate of the towne. The French vnderstanding that they within were in no small feare of themselues, Polydor. Chinon taken by force of assault. with such violence came vnto the walles, and renewed the assault vpon all sides, that streightwaies they entred by force. A great number of Englishmen were ta­ken, and amongst other their capteine the foresaid Hubert de Burgh. [This chanced on the vigill of S. Iohn Baptist.]

After this king Philip tooke diuerse other townes and castels in that countrie, of the which some he ra­ced, and some he fortified and stored with garisons [Page 170] of his souldiers. This doone he passed ouer the riuer of Loir, and wan a castell situat néere vnto a pro­montorie or head of land called Grapelitum, which was woont to be a great succour & aid to English­men arriuing on that coast. The occasion why he made wars thus vpon the Britains, was (as some write) for that Guie duke of Britaine, who had mar­ried the duches Constance, and succéeded in the du­chie after hir son Arthur, without regard to reuenge the death of the same Arthur, was ioined in league with king Iohn togither with Sauere de Maule­on, line 10 and Almerike de Lusignian, lords of great ho­nour, power, and stoutnesse of stomach.

1206 Anno. Reg. 8.King Iohn also in this meane while, mooued with the increase of these his new associats, and also with desire to reuenge so manie iniuries and losses sustei­ned at the French kings hands, preparing an armie of men, and a nauie of ships, tooke the sea with them and landed at Rochell the ninth of Iulie, P [...]lydor. where he was receiued with great ioy and gladnesse of the line 20 people; and no small number of gentlemen and o­thers that inhabited thereabout repaired vnto him, offering to aid him to the vttermost of their powers. He therefore with assured hope of good spéed depar­ted from thence, Montal­ban woone. and wan the towne of Montalban, with a great part of all the countrie thereabouts. Finallie he entred into Aniou, Les annales de France. Polydor. and comming to the citie of Angiers, appointed certeine bands of his foot­men, & all hislight horssemen to compasse the towne about, whilest he, with the residue of the footmen, & line 30 all the men of armes, did go to assault the gates. Which enterprise with fire and sword he so manfullie executed, King Iohn wan the citie of Angiers by assault. that the gates being in a moment broken open, the citie was entered and deliuered to the soul­diers for a preie. So that of the citizens some were taken, some killed, and the wals of the citie beaten flat to the ground. This doone, he went abroad into the countrie, and put all things that were in his way to the like destruction. Then came the people of the countries next adioining, of their owne accord to line 40 submit themselues vnto him, promising to aid him with men and vittels most plentifullie.

King Iohn being verie ioyfull of this good suc­cesse, marched towards Poictou, sending out his troops of horssemen to waste the countrie on euerie side. In the meane while the French king being here­of aduertised, came foorth with his armie readie fur­nished to resist king Iohn, The duke of Britaine and other of king Iohns friēds ouerthrowne. and by the way encoun­tred with the duke of Britaine, Sauerie de Maule­on, and Almerike de Lusignian, which had beene a­broad line 50 to spoile the French kings countries. But be­ing now ouerset with the kings puissance, they were taken, and all their companie stripped out of their ar­mour, to their great confusion. This mishap sore weakened the power and courage of king Iohn. But the French king proud of the victorie, kept on his iournie, and approching néere vnto the place where king Iohn was as then lodged, did cause his tents to be pitched downe for the first night, and on the morrow after, as one desirous of battell, brought his line 60 armie into the fields, ranged in good order and rea­die to fight.

The like did king Iohn, so that with stout stomachs and eger minds, they stood there in the field readie to trie the matter with dint of sword vpon sound of the warning-blast giuen by the trumpets. Howbeit, by the mediation of certeine graue personages, Matt. West. Matth. Paris. This truce was conclu­ded vpon All hallowes day. as well of the spiritualtie as of the temporal [...]ie, which were in good estimation with both the princes, a communi­cation was appointed, which tooke such effect, that a truce was taken betwixt them for the terme of two yeares, the prisoners on either side being released by waie of exchange: and thus the wars ceased for that time. Then king Philip returned into France, and king Iohn into England, where he landed at Portes­mouth the 12 of December.

About this time came one Iohn Ferentino (so called peraduenture A ferends, Iohn Feren [...]tino the popes legat. a common name to all the whelps of that litter, for they neuer came into the land as legats but they would be sure to carrie out with them manie large legacies and vsurped du­ties) a legat from the pope into England, and passing through the same as it were in visitation, gathered a great summe of monie; and finallie at Reading on the morow after saint Lukes day, celebrated a councell, which being ended, he caused his coffers to be packed vp and sent awaie, hasting himselfe after to depart the realme, and so taking the sea bad Eng­land farewell. The pope g [...] ­ueth sentence with y e moonks against the bi­shops. About the same season also pope In­nocent confirmed the authoritie and power which the prior and moonks of Canturburie had to elect and choose the archbishop of that see, giuing sentence a­gainst the suffragans which claimed a right to be ioined with the said prior and moonks in the election, Sée Matt. Pa­ris pag 28 [...]. in the printed copie. as by a letter directed to the same suffragans from the said pope it may more plainelie appeare.

After this it chanced that king Iohn remembring himselfe of the destruction of the citie of Angiers, which (bicause he was descended from thence) he had before time greatlie loued, began now to repent him, in that he had destroied it, and therefore with all spéed he tooke order to haue it againe repaired, King Iohn repaireth the citie of An­giers. which was doone in most beautifull wife, to his great cost and expenses, which he might haue saued, had not his foolish rashnesse driuen him to attempt that, where­of vpon sober aduisement afterwards he was asha­med. But what will not an ordinarie man doo in the full tide of his furie; much more princes & great men, whose anger is resembled to the roring of a lion, e­uen vpon light occasions oftentimes, to satisfie their vnbrideled and brainesicke affections, which carrie them with a swift and full streame into such follies and dotages as are vndecent for their degrées. Her­to assenteth the poet, saieng,

— magni regésque ducésque
Mal. Pal [...] suo cap.
Delirant saepe, & vitiorum peste laborant,
Stultiti [...]sque suis saepe vrbes exitio dant,
Imperiúmque sibi miserorum caede lucrantu [...].

Moreouer, in this yeare about Candlemasse, the K. caused the 13 part of euerie mans goods, 1207 A tax leuied. as well of the spiritualtie, as of the temporaltie, to be leuied and gathered to his vse, all men murmuring at such dooings, but none being so hardie as to gainesaie the kings pleasure, The archbi­shop of Yorke stealeth out of the realme. except onelie Geffrey the archbishop of Yorke, who therevpon departing secretlie out of the realme, accursed all those that laid any hands to the collection of that paiment, within his archbishop­rike of Yorke. Also vpon the 17 of Ianuarie then last past, about the middest of the night, A mightie tempest. there rose such a tempest of wind vpon a sudden, that manie houses were ouerthrowne therewith, and sheepe and other cattell destroied and buried in the drifts of snow, which as then laie verie déepe euerie where vp­on the ground.

The order of frier Minors began about this time, and increased maruellouslie within a short season. And the emperour Otho came ouer into England in this yeare, The [...]mperor Otho cōmeth into England. where he was most roiallie receiued by king Iohn, who taking councell with the said empe­rour to renew the warre against the French king (bicause he was promised great aid at his hands for the furnishing of the same) gaue vnto him at his de­parting foorth of the realme, Fiue thou­sand marks of siluer, as Matth. West. and Matth. Paruus do [...] write. Anno Reg. 9. great summes of monie in hand towards the paiment of such souldiers as he should leuie for this businesse.

In this meane while, the strife depended still in the court of Rome betwixt the two elected archbi­shops of Canturburie, Reginald and Iohn. But [Page 171] after the pope was fullie informed of the manner of their elections, Stephan Langton cho­sen archbishop of Canturbu­rie by y e popes appointment. he disanulled them both, and procured by his papall authoritie the moonks of Canturburie (of whome manie were then come to Rome about that matter) to choose one Steph [...]n L [...]gton the car­dinall of S. Chrysogon an Englishman borne, and of good estimation and learning in the court of Rome to be their archbishop. The moonks at the first were loth to consent thereto, alledging that they might not lawfullie doo it without consent of their king, line 10 and of their couent.

But the pope as it were taking the word out of their mouths, said vnto them: ‘Doo yée not consider that we haue full authoritie and power in the church of Canturburie: neither is the assent of kings or princes to be looked for vpon elections celebrated in the presence of the apostolike sée. Wherefore I com­mand you by vertue of your obedience, and vpon paine of curssing, that you being such and so manie here as are sufficient for the election, to choose him to line 20 your archbishop, whome I shall appoint to you for fa­ther and pastor of your soules.’ The moonks doubting to offend the pope, consented all of them to gratifie him, except Helias de Brantfield, who refused. And so the foresaid Stephan Langton being elected of them, was confirmed of the pope, who signified by letters the whole state therof to king Iohn, commen­ding the said Stephan as archbishop vnto him.

The king [...]ore offended in his mind that the bishop of Norwich was thus put beside that dignitie, to the line 30 which he had aduanced him, caused forthwith all the goods of the moonks of Canturburie to be confiscate to his vse, The moonks of Canturbu­rie banished. King Iohn writeth to the pope. and after banished them the relme, as well I meane those at home, as those that were at Rome, and herewith wrote his letters vnto the pope, giuing him to vnderstand for answer,

that he would neuer consent that Stephan which had béene brought vp & alwaies conuersant with his enimies the French­men, should now enioy the rule of the bishoprike and dioces of Canturburie. Moreouer, he declared in the line 40 same letters, that he maruelled not a little what the pope ment, in that he did not consider how necessarie the freendship of the king of England was to the see of Rome, How gainfull England was to the court of Rome sith there came more gains to the Romane church out of that kingdome, than out of any other realme on this side the mountaines. He added here­to, that for the liberties of his crowne he would stand to the death, if the matter so required. And as for the election of the bishop of Norwich vnto the sée of Canturburie, sith it was profitable to him and to line 50 his realme, he meant not to release it.

Moreouer, he declared that if he might not be heard and haue his mind, he would suerlie restraine the passages out of this realme, that none should go to Rome, least his land should be so emptied of mo­nie and treasure, that he should want sufficient abi­litie to beat backe and expell his enimies that might attempt inuasion against the same. Lastlie of all he concluded, sith the archbishops, bishops, abbats, and other ecclesiasticall persons, as well of his realme of line 60 England, as of other his lands and dominions, were sufficientlie furnished with knowledge, that he would not go for anie néed that should driue him thereto, to séeke iustice or iudgement at the prescript of any for­ren persons.

The pope greatlie maruelling hereat, wrote a­gaine to the king, ‘ The popes answer vnto the king. requiring him to absteine from the spoiling of those men that were priuileged by the canons of the church, that he would place the moonks againe in their house and possessions, and receiue the archbishop canonicallie elected and confirmed, the which for his learning and knowledge, as well in the liberall sciences, as in holie scripture, was thought worthie to be admitted to a prebend in Paris: an [...] what estimation he himselfe had of him it appeared, in that he had written to him thrice since he was made cardinall, declaring that although he was minded to call him to his seruice, yet he was glad that he was promoted to an higher roome; adding further, how there was good cause that he should haue consideration of him, bicause he was borne within his land, of father and mother that were his faithfull subiects, and for that he had a prebend in the church of Yorke, which was greater and of more dignitie than that he had in Paris. Whereby not onelie by reason of flesh and bloud, but also by hauing ecclesiasticall dignitie and office, it could not be but that he loued him and his realme with sincere affection.’

Manie other reasons the pope alledged in his let­ters to king Iohn, to haue persuaded him to the al­lowing of the election of Stephan Langton. But king Iohn was so far from giuing care to the popes admonitions, that he with more crueltie handled all such, not onelie of the spiritualtie, but also of the tem­poraltie, which by any manner means had aided the forenamed Stephan. The pope being hereof aduerti­sed, thought good not to suffer such contempt of his authoritie, as he interpreted it; namelie, in a matter that touched the iniurious handling of men within orders of the church. Which example might procure hinderance, not to one priuat person alone, but to the whole estate of the spiritualtie, which he would not suffer in any wise to be suppressed. Wherefore he de­créed with speed to deuise remedie against that large increasing mischéefe. And though there was no spee­dier waie to redresse the same, but by excommunica­tion, yet he would not vse it at the first towards so mightie a prince, but gaue him libertie and time to consider his offense and trespasse so committed.

¶ These things being brought to this issue, the fur­ther narration of them shall staie for a time, till I haue told you of a little trouble which about this time happened in London. For vpon the seauenth of Iune, the bailiffes of London, Roger Winchester and Edmund Hardell were discharged, Bailiffes o [...] London dis­charged and committed toward. and Serle the mercer and Hugh of saint Albons chosen in their roomes. The two former bailiffes were discharged and committed to prison by the kings commande­ment, vpon displeasure taken against them, bicause they had resisted his purueier of wheat, and wo [...]l [...] not suffer him to conueie anie of that kind of graine out of the citie, till the citie was stored. The thirtie & fiue rulers of the citie, hauing fulfilled the kings commandement to them directed for the discharging of those bailiffes, and imprisoning them, did after take aduice togither, and appointed a certeine num­ber of themselues with other to ride vnto the king, as then being at Langley, to obteine pardon for the said bailiffes, and so comming thither, they made such excuse in the matter, shewing further, that at the same season there was such scarsitie of wheat in the citie, that the common people were at point to haue made an insurrection about the same. By which means, and through freendship which they had in the court, the king was so satisfied, that he released them from prison, and pardoned their offenses.

Also vpon the first of October, The birth of king Henrie the third. N. Triuet. Henrie the sonne of king Iohn, begotten of his wife quéene Isabell, was borne at Winchester, who after succeeded his father in the kingdome. But now againe to our pur­pose. year 1208 The pope perceiuing that king Iohn continued still in his former mind (which he called obstinacie) sent ouer his bulles into England, The pope writeth to the bishops. Matt. Paris. Nic. Treue [...]. directed to Willi­am bishop of London, to Eustace bishop of Elie, and to Mauger bishop of Worcester, commanding them that vnlesse king Iohn would suffer peaceablie the archbishop of Canturburie to occupie his see, and his moonks their abbie, they should put both him and [Page 172] his land vnder the sentence of interdiction, denoun­cing him and his land plainelie accurssed. And fur­ther he wrote expresse letters vnto all the suffragans of the church of Canturburie, that they should by vertue of their obedience, Matth. Paris. which they owght to the [...] ­postolike sée, receiue and obeie the archbishop Ste­phan for their father and metropolitane.

These bishops with other to them associate, made instant request and suit to the king for the obseruing of the popes commandement, and to eschew the cen­sures line 10 of the church, but that was in vaine: for the king in a great rage sware, that if either they or any other presumed to put his land vnder interdiction, he would incontinentlie therevpon send all the prelats within the realme out of the same vnto the pope, and seize all their good [...] vnto his owne vse. And further he added, Romans, that is such chap­leines stran­gers as be­longed to the pope. that what Romans soeuer he found within the precinct of any his dominions, he would put out their eies, and slit their noses, and so send them pack­ing to Rome, that by such marks they might be line 20 knowne from all other nations of the world. And herewith he commanded the bishops to packe out of his sight, if they loued their owne health and preser­uation.

Herevpon the said bishops departed, and accor­ding to the popes commission to them sent, vpon the euen of the Annuntiation of our Ladie, The mondaie in the passion weeke saith Matth West. The king and realme put vnder the popes cursse. denoun­ced both the king and the realme of England accur­sed, and furthermore caused the doores of churches to be closed vp, and all other places where diuine seruice line 30 was accustomed to be vsed, first at London, and af­ter in all other places where they came. Then percei­uing that the K. ment not to stoope for all this which they had doone, but rather sought to be reuenged vp­on them, they fled the realme, and got them ouer vn­to Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie, to wit, William bishop of London, Eustace bishop of Elie, Malger bishop of Worcester, Ioceline bishop of Bath, and Giles bishop of Hereford.

Anno Reg. 10. The dealing of the king af­ter the inter­diction was pronounced.The king taking this matter in verie great dis­pleasure, seized vpon all their temporalties, and con­uerted line 40 the same to his vse, and persecuted such other of the prelacie as he knew to fauour their dooings, banishing them the realme, and seizing their goods also into his hands. Howbeit the most part of the pre­lats wiselie prouided for themselues in this point, so that they would not depart out of their houses, except they were compelled by force, which when the kings officers perceiued, they suffered them to remaine still in their abbies, and other habitations, bicause they line 50 had no commission to vse any violence in expelling them. But their goods they did confiscat to the kings vse, allowing them onelie meat and drinke, and that verie barelie in respect of their former allowance.

¶ It was a miserable time now for preests and churchmen, An heauie time for churchmen. which were spoiled on euerie hand, with­out finding remedie against those that offered them wrong. It is reported that in the borders of Wales, the officers of a shiriffe brought before the king a fel­low which had robbed and slaine a préest, desiring to line 60 vnderstand his pleasure what should be doone with that offender: vnto whome the king made this an­swer, He hath slaine mine enimie, and therefore set him at libertie. Matth. Paris.

The king also doubting least the pope should pro­ceed further, and absolue all his subiects of their alle­giance which they owght to him, and that his lords would happilie reuolt and forsake him in this his trouble, tooke hostages of them whom he most suspec­ted. And as the messengers, which were sent abroad for that purpose, Lord William de Breuse. came vnto the lord William de Breuse, requiring to haue his sonnes for the said pur­pose, his wife (like a quicke and hastie dame) taking the word out of hir husbands mouth, made this round answer, ‘that she would n [...]t [...]liuer hir sonnes vnto King Iohn▪ who alreadie ha [...] [...] his [...] Ar [...]ur, [...] he ought r [...]her honourablie to haue loued and [...]serued▪’ These words being signified vn­to the [...] at against hir hus­band ( [...]) [...]hat [...]he [...] was glad togither with his [...]ife and [...] of the realme into Ireland for safe­gard of their liues.

Whereas before this [...] London bridge was made of timber, and was ruled, Londō bridge repaired. guided & repai [...]e [...] by a fraternitie or colledge of priests▪ this yéere by great aid of the citizens of London and others [...] that waie, the same bridge was beg [...]n to be [...] of [...]one. And in the same yeare [...] Marie Ouer [...]es in Southwarke was begun to be repaired. The same yeare also, the citizens [...] London made such suit vnto the king, that he granted vnto them by his let­ters patents, licence to [...] to themselu [...] a m [...]ior, and two shiriffes euer [...]e yeare. A [...]ter which gran [...] vn­to them confirmed, they chose for their [...] He [...]rie Fitz Alwin, who was sworne and charged at that present maior of that citie, vpon the day of [...] Mi­chaell the archangell, in [...]he said tenth yeare of king Iohn his reigne. On the same day and yeare, were Peter Duke & Thomas N [...]te sworne for shiriffes. Thus the name of ba [...]liffes from thence forth was clearelie extinguished.

But here yée haue to vnderstand, that this Hen­rie Fitz Alwin had béene maior of London long be­fore this time, euen from the first yeare of king Ri­chard (as Iohn Stow hath gathered out of ancient in­struments and records) vnto this present tenth yeare of king Iohn, and now vpon grant made to the citi­zens, Iohn Stow. that it should be lawfull for them to choose euerie yeare a maior, and two shiriffes, for the better go­uernment of their citie, the said Henrie Fitz Alwin was newlie by them elected, and likewise after­wards from yeare to yeare, till he departed this life, which chanced in the yeare 1213, and fifteenth of king Iohns reigne, so that he continued maior of the same citie of London, by the terme of twentie and foure yeares.

¶ Now therefore bicause it appeareth here how the gouernors of the citie of London had their names altered for their greater honour, and the state of go­uernment thereby partlie changed, or rather confir­med; I haue thought good (though verie breefelie) to touch somewhat the signification of this word Maire, The signifi­cation of this word Maire. Wulf. Laz. Berosus. before I procéed any further with the rest of this hi­storie. The ancient inhabitants of Franconia, or Frankenland, from whome the Frenchmen are des­cended, and their neighbors the old Saxons, of whom the Englishmen haue their originall, being people of Germanie, and descended (as Berosus saith) of the the old Hebrues, haue reteined manie Hebrue words, either from the beginning, or else borowed them abroad in other regions which they conquered, passing by force of armes through a great part of the world. For no doubt, by conuersation with those peo­ple whom they subdued, they brought home into their owne countrie and toong manie borowed words, so that their language hath no small store of them fet­ched out of sundrie strange toongs.

Now among other old words remaining in their toong, this word Mar was one, which in Hebrue signi­fieth Dominus, (that is to saie, lord) but pronounced now somewhat corruptlie Maire. So as it is to be supposed, hereof it came to passe that the head officer and lieutenant to the prince, as well in London as in other cities and townes of the realme, are called by that name of maior, though in the cities of London and Yorke, for an augmentation of honour by an an­cient custome (through ignorance what the title of [Page 173] maire d [...]oth signifie) they haue an addition, and are intituled by the name of lord maire, where Maire simplie pronounced of it selfe, signifieth no lesse than lord, without any such addition. Thus much for the name of Maire. And now to procéed.

King Iohn holding his Christmasse this yeare at Bristow, year 1299 set foorth a commandement, whereby he re­streined the taking of wild foule. Matth. Paris. About the same time, Henrie duke of Suaben came into England from the emperour Otho, and receiuing no small line 10 portion of monie of the king, departed backe into his owne countrie againe. In the vigill of the Epi­phanie also, the kings second sonne was borne, and named Richard after his vncles name. The esche­quer remoued. And the court of the eschequer was remoued from West­minster vnto Northampton. Moreouer in the same yeare, Walter Gray was made lord chancellour, who in all things studied to satisfie the kings will and purpose, for the which he incurred great indignation of the cleargie, and other that fauoured not the pro­ceedings line 20 of the king.

¶It was suerlie a rufull thing to consider the estate of this realme at that present, when as the king nei­ther trusted his péeres, neither the nobilitie fauou­red the king; no, there were verie few that trusted one another, but ech one hid & hourded vp his wealth, looking dailie when another should come and enter vpon the spoile. The communaltie also grew into fa­ctions, some fauouring, & some cursing the king, as they bare affection. The cleargie was likewise at dis­sention, line 30 so that nothing preuailed but malice and spite, which brought foorth and spred abroad the fruits of disobedience to all good lawes and orders, greatlie to the disquieting of the whole state▪ So that herein we haue a perfect view of the perplexed state of prin­ces, chéeflie when they are ouerswaied with forren & prophane power, and not able to assure themselues of their subiects allegiance and loialtie. Whereto this clause alludeth,

M. Pal. in suo Le [...].
—cruciat comes improbus ipsos line 40
Assiduimetus atque timor, suspectáque ijsdem
Omnia sunt: hinc insidias, hinc dira venena
Concipiunt, soli nec possunt ire nec audent,
Nec sine fas illis praegustatore comesse.

Anno Reg. 11. Polydor.King Iohn notwithstanding that the realme was thus wholie interdicted and vexed, so that no preests could be found to saie seruice in churches or chapels, made no great account thereof as touching any of­fense towards God or the pope: A new oth of allegiance. but rather mistru­sting the hollow hearts of his people, he tooke a new line 50 oth of them for their faithfull allegiance, and imme­diatlie therevpon assembled an armie to go against Alexander king of Scots, Alexander K. of Scots. vnto whome (as he had heard) diuerse of the nob [...]litie of this realme were fled, which Alexander was the second of that name that had ruled the Scots, and latelie before was en­tred into the rule as lawfull successor to the crowne of Scotland, by the death of his father K. William.

In this meane while also Stephan archbishop of Canturburie lamenting (as some haue reported) the line 60 state of his natiue countrie, and yet not minding to giue ouer his hold, obteined of pope Innocent, that vpon certeine dais it might be lawfull for an appoin­t [...]d number of preests within the realme of Eng­land, to celebrate diuine seruice, that is to say, for those of conuentuall churches once in the wéeke. But the moonks of the white order were forbidden to vse that priuilege, Matth. Paris. The white moonks. bicause in the beginning of the inter­diction they had at the appointment of their princi­pall abbat presumed to celebrate the sacraments without the popes consent o [...] knowledge.

In like maner on the otherside, king Iohn ha­uing his armie in a readinesse, Polydor. Matth. Paris. hasted foorth towards the borders of Scotland, and comming to the castell of Norham, prepared to inuade the Scots. But king Alexander wanting power to giue him battell, sought to come vnto some fréendlie agréement with him, and so by counsell of his lords, casting off his ar­mour, Alexander K. of Scots compoundeth for peace with king Iohn. he came to the king, and for a great summe of gold (or 11 thousand marks of siluer as some write) with much adoo he purchased peace, deliuering two of his daughters in hostage for more assurance of his dealing. Wherevpon king Iohn, after his re­turne from Norham, Polydor. which was about the 24 of Iune, shewed himselfe not a little displeased with those of the nobilitie, which had refused to attend vp­on him in that iournie, hauing receiued streit com­mandement from him to attend vpon him at that time. Certes the cause why they refused to follow him, was euident, as they said, in that they knew him to stand accursed by the pope. About the same time also, when corne began to wax ripe, to reuenge himselfe of them that had refused to go with him in that iournie, he caused the pales of all the parks & for­rests which he had within his realme to be throwne downe, & the diches to be made plaine, Matth. Paris. that the déere breaking out and ranging abroad in the corne fields, might destroie & eat vp the same before it could be ri­pened, for which act (if it were so in déed) manie a bit­ter cursse procéeded from the mouths of the poore hus­bandmen towards the kings person, and not vnwor­thilie. Moreouer in this season the Welshmen (which thing had not beene séene afore time) came vnto Woodstoke, and there did homage vnto the king, al­though the same was chargeable, aswell to the rich as the poore so to come out of their countrie.

About the same time also, it thanced that a preest slue a woman at Oxford, Matth. Paris. A murther at Oxford. and when the kings offi­cers could not find him that had committed the mur­ther, they apprehended thrée other préests not guiltie of the fact, and streightway hanged them vp without iudgement. Thrée thou­sand as saith Matth. Paris. With which crueltie others of the Uni­uersitie being put in feare, departed thence in great numbers, and came not thither againe of a long time after, some of them repairing to Cambridge, and some to Reading to applie their studies in those pla­ces, Oxford forsa­ken of the scholers. leauing Oxford void. The same yeare one Hugh archdeacon of Welles, Hugh archde­acon of Wels made bishop of Lincolne. Polydor. Matth. Paris. and kéeper of the kings great seale, was nominated bishop of Lincolne; and here­withall he craued licence to go ouer into France vnto the archbishop of Rouen, that he might be con­secrated of him. Wherewith the king was contented and gladlie gaue him leaue, who no sooner got ouer into Normandie, but he streight tooke the high waie to Rome, and there receiued his consecration of Stephan archbishop of Canturburie. Now when the king vnderstood this matter, and saw the dulnesse of the bishop, he was in a wonderfull chafe toward him, and thervpon made port-sale of all his goods, and re­ceiued the profit of the reuenues belonging to the sée of Lincolne for his owne vse.

¶ There liued in those daies a diuine named Alex­ander Cementarius, surnamed Theologus, Cementarius who by his preaching incensed the king greatlie vnto all crueltie (as the moonks and friers saie) against his subiects, affirming that the generall scourge where­with the people were afflicted, chanced not through the princes fault, but for the wickednesse of his peo­ple, for the king was but the rod of the Lords wrath, and to this end a prince was ordeined, that he might rule the people with a rod of iron, and breake them as an earthen vessell, to chaine the mighty infetters, & the noble men in iron manacles. He did see (as it should seeme) the euill disposed humors of the people concerning their dutifull obedience which they ought to haue borne to their naturall prince king Iohn, and therefore as a doctrine most necessarie in that dangerous time, he taught the people how they were [Page 174] by Gods lawes bound in dutie to obeie their lawfull prince, and not through any wicked persuasion of bu­sie heads and lewd discoursers, to be carried away to forget their loiall allegiance, and so to fall into the damnable sinke of rebellion.

He went about also to prooue with likelie argu­ments, that it apperteined not to the pope, to haue to doo concerning the temporall possessions of any kings or other potentats touching the rule and go­uernment of their subiects, sith no power was gran­ted line 10 to Peter (the speciall and cheefe of the apostles of the Lord) but onlie touching the church, and matters apperteining therevnto. By such doctrine of him set foorth, he wan in such wise the kings fauour, that he obteined manie great preferments at the kings hands, and was abbat of saint Austines in Cantur­burie: but at leng [...]h, when his manners were notifi­ed to the pope, he tooke such order for him, that he was despoiled of all his goods and benefices, so that after­wards he was driuen in great miserie to beg his line 20 bread from doore to doore, as some write. This did he procure to himselfe by telling the trueth against that beast, whose hornes were pricking at euerie christian prince, that he might set himselfe in a seat of supre­masie aboue all principalities: so that we may saie, ‘In audaces non est audacia tuta.’

Furthermore, about the same time the king taxed the Iewes, year 1210 and gréeuouslie tormented and empriso­ned them, bicause diuers of them would not willing­lie pay the summes that they were taxed at. Matth. Paris. Iewes taxed. Amongst line 30 other, there was one of them at Bristow, which would not consent to giue anie fine for his deliue­rance: wherefore by the kings commandement he was put vnto this penance, that euerie daie, till he would agrée to giue to the king those ten thousand marks that he was seized at, he should haue one of his téeth plucked out of his head. By the space of sea­uen daies togither he stood stedfast, loosing euerie of those daies a tooth, but on the eight day, when he shuld come to haue the eight tooth and the last (for he had but line 40 eight in all) drawne out, A Iew hath his téeth drawne out. he paid the monie to saue that one, who with more wisedome and lesse paine might haue doone so before, and haue saued his seauen teeth, which he lost with such torments, for those home­lie toothdrawers vsed no great cunning in plucking them foorth (as may be coniectured.)

Whilest king Iohn was thus occupied, newes came to him, Anno Reg. 12. that the Irish rebels made foule worke and sore annoied the English subiects. He therefore assembling a mightie armie, Matth. Paris. King Iohn passeth ouer into Ireland. Polydor. Matth. Paris. imbarked at Pen­broke line 50 in Wales, and so hasting towards Ireland, arriued there the twentie fiue of Maie, and brought the people in such feare immediatlie vpon his arri­uall, that all those that inhabited vpon the sea coasts in the champaine countries, came in, and yeelded themselues, receiuing an oth to be true and faithfull vnto him. There were twentie of the cheefest rulers within Ireland, which came to the king at his com­ming to Dublin, and there did to him homage and fealtie as apperteined. The king at the same time line 60 ordeined also, that the English lawes should be vsed in that land, and appointed shiriffes and other officers to haue the order of the countrie, to rule the same ac­cording to the English ordinances. After this, he marched forward into the land, and tooke diuerse for­tresses and strong holds of his enimies, which fled be­fore him, for feare to be apprehended, as Walter de Lacie and manie other. Walter de Lacie. At length, comming into the countrie of Meth, he besieged a castell, wherein the wife of William de Breuse, and hir sonne named also William were inclosed, but they found means to escape before the castell was woone, though after­ward they were taken in the Ile of Man, The Ladie de Breuse & hir sonne taken. and sent by the king into England, where they were so strait­lie kept within the castell of Windsor, that (as the fame went) they were famished to death.

¶We read in an old historie of Flanders, written by one whose name is not knowne, but printed at Lions by Guillaume Rouille, in the yeare 1562, that the said ladie, wife to the lord William de Breu­se, presented vpon a time vnto the queene of Eng­land, A present of white kine. a gift of foure hundred kine, and one bull, of colour all white, the eares excepted, which were red. Although this tale may séeme incredible, yet if we shall consider that the said Breuse was a lord mar­cher, and had goodlie possessions in Wales, and on the marshes, in which countries the most part of the peoples substance consisteth in cattell, it may carrie with it the more likelihood of truth. And suerlie the same author writeth of the iournie made this yeare into Ireland, so sensiblie, and namelie touching the manners of the Irish, that he seemeth to haue had good informations, sauing that he misseth in the names of men and places, which is a fault in ma­ner common to all forreine writers. Touching the death of the said ladie, he saith, that within eleuen daies after she was committed to prison héere in England, she was found dead, sitting betwixt hir sonnes legs, who likewise being dead, sate directlie vp against a wall of the chamber, wherein they were kept with hard pitance (as writers doo report. He himselfe escapeth.) Wil­liam the father escaped, and got away into France.

Thus the more part of the Irish people being brought vnder, The bishop of Norwich lor [...] lieutenant of Ireland. he appointed Iohn Gray the bishop of Norwich, to be his deputie there, remoouing out of that office Hugh Lacie, which bare great rule in that quarter before. The bishop then being appointed de­putie and cheefe iustice of Ireland, Irish moni [...] reformed. reformed the coine there, causing the same to be made of like weight and finenesse to the English coine, so that the Irish mo­nie was currant, as well in England, as in Ireland, being of the like weight, forme, and finenesse to the English. Moreouer, those that inhabited the wood-countries and the mounteine places, though they would not as then submit themselues, he would not at that time further pursue, bicause winter was at hand, which in that countrie approcheth timelie in the yeare. Hauing thus subdued the more part of all Ire­land, and ordred things there at his pleasure, he tooke the sea againe with much triumph, The king r [...]turneth into England. and landed in England about the thirtith day of August.

From hence he made hast to London, and at his comming thither, tooke counsell how to recouer the great charges and expenses that he had béene at in this iournie, and by the aduise of William Brewer, An assemblie of the prelats at London. Robert de Turnham, Reignold de Cornhill, and Ri­chard de Marish, he caused all the cheefe prelats of England to assemble before him at S. Brides in London. So that thither came all the abbats, abbes­ses, templers, hospitallers, kéepers of farmes and pos­sessions of the order of Clugnie, and other such for­reners as had lands within this realme belonging to their houses. All which were constreined to paie such a greeuous tax, A tax leuied. that the whole amounted to the summe of an hundred thousand pounds. The moonks of the Cisteaux order, otherwise called white moonks, were constreined to paie 40 thousand pounds of sil­uer at this time, all their priuileges to the contrarie notwithstanding. Moreouer, the abbats of that order might not get licence to go to their generall chapter that yéere, which yeerelie was vsed to be holden, least their complaint should mooue all the world against the king, for his too too hard and seuere handling of them. 1211 Anno Reg. 13. King Iohn goeth into Wales with an armie.

In the summer following, about the 18 day of Iu­lie, king Iohn with a mightie armie went into Wales, and passing foorth into the inner parts of the countrie, he came into Snowdon, beating downe [Page 175] all that came in his way, so that he subdued all the rulers and princes, without contradiction. And to be the better assured for their subiection in time follow­ing, he tooke pledges of them, to the number of 28, & so returned to Album Monasterium on the daie of the Assumption of our ladie, Matth. Paris. White church I thinke. from whence he first set foorth into the Welsh confines. In the same yeare also, the pope sent two legats into England, the one named Pandulph a lawier, Pandulph & Durant the po [...]s lega [...]s. Polydor. and the other Du­rant a templer, who comming vnto king Iohn, ex­horted line 10 him with manie terrible words to leaue his stubborne disobedience to the church, and to reforme his misdooings. The king for his part quietlie heard them, and bringing them to Northampton, being not farre distant from the place where he met them vpon his returne foorth of Wales had much confe­rence with them; but at length, when they perceiued that they could not haue their purpose, neither for re­stitution of the goods belonging to préests which he had seized vpon, neither of those that apperteined to line 20 certeine other persons, which the king had gotten al­so into his hands, by meanes of the controuersie be­twixt him and the pope the legats departed, leauing him accursed, and the land interdicted, as they found it at their comming.

¶ Touching the maner of this interdiction there haue béene diuerse opinions, Fabian. some haue said, that the land was interdicted throughlie, and the churches and houses of religion closed vp, that no where was anie diuine seruice vsed: but it was not so streit, for there line 30 were diuerse places occupied with diuine seruice all that time, Matth. Paris. by certeine priuiledges purchased either then or before. Children were also christened, and men houseled and annoiled through all the land, except such as were in the bill of excommunication by name expressed. But to our purpose.

King Iohn, after that the legats were returned to­ward Rome againe, punished diuerse of those per­sons which had refused to go with him into Wales, in like maner as he had doone those that refused to line 40 go with him into Scotland: he tooke now of ech of them for euerie knights fée two marks of siluer, as before is recited. About the same time also, Regi­nald earle of Bullongne being accursed in like ma­ner as king Iohn was, Reginald erle of Bullongne. for certeine oppressions doone to poore men, and namelie to certeine preests, fled o­uer into England, bicause the French king had ba­nished him out of France.

The chéefest cause of the French kings displea­sure towards this earle, The like lea­gue was made in the same first yeare of king Iohn betwixt him & Ferdinan­do earle of Flanders. may séeme to proceed of the line 50 amitie and league which was concluded betwixt king Iohn, and the said earle, in the first yeare of the said kings reigne, whereby they bound themselues either to other, not to make anie peace, or to take a­nie truce with the king of France, without either o­thers consent first thereto had, and that if after anie agréement taken betwixt them and the king of France, he should chance to make warre against ei­ther of them, then should the other aid and assist him, against whom such warre should be made, to the vt­termost line 60 of his power.

This league was accorded to remaine for euer betwixt them and their heires, with suerties sworne on either part: and for the king of England, these, whose names insue, William Marshall earle of Penbroke, Ranulfe earle of Chester, Robert earle of Leicester, Baldwine earle of [...]; William earle of Arundell, Ralfe earle of Augi, Robert de Mellet, Hugh de Gourney, William de Kaeu, Ge­ffrey de Cella, Roger c [...]estable of Chester, Ralfe Fitz Water, William de Albanie, Robert de Ras, Richard de Montfichet, Roger de [...], Saer de Quincie, William de M [...]ntchenise▪ Peter de Pra­tellis, William de Poo [...]e alias de [...] Adam de Port, Robert de Turneham, William Mallet, Eu­stace de Uescie, Peter de Brus, William de Pre­sennie, Hubert de Burgh, William de Ma [...]sey, and Peter Sauenie. For the earle, these were suerties, Anselme de Kaeu, Guy Lieschans, Ralfe the said earles brother &c. But now to returne.

After that the earle of Bullongne was expelled out of France (as before ye haue heard) he came o­uer to king Iohn, and was of him ioifullie receiued, hauing thrée hundred pounds of reuenues in land to him assigned within England, for the which he did homage and fealtie vnto him. Shortlie after this also, died William de Breuse the elder, which fled from the face of king Iohn out of Ireland into France, and departing this life at Corbell, was bu­ried at Paris in the abbeie of S. Uictor.

In the meane time pope Innocent, Polydor. after the re­turne of his legats out of England, perceiuing that king Iohn would not be ordered by him▪ determined with the consent of his cardinals and other councel­lours, and also at the instant suit of the English bi­shops and other prelats being there with him, to de­priue king Iohn of his kinglie state, and so first ab­solued all his subiects and vassals of their oths of al­legiance made vnto the same king, and after depri­ued him by solemne protestation of his kinglie ad­ministration and dignitie, and lastlie signified that his depriuation vnto the French king and other chri­stian princes, admonishing them to pursue king Iohn, being thus depriued, forsaken, and condem­ned as a common enimie to God and his churc [...]. He ordeined furthermore, that whosoeuer imploied goods or other aid to vanquish and ouercome that disobedi­ent prince, should remaine in assured peace of the church, as well as those which went to visit the sepul­chre of our Lord, not onlie in their goods and persons, but also in suffrages for sauing of their soules.

But yet that it might appeare to all men, that no­thing could be more ioifull vnto his holinesse, than to haue king Iohn to repent his trespasses commit­ted, and to aske forgiuenesse for the same, he appoin­ted Pandulph, Pādulph sent into France to practise with the frēch king, for king Iohn his de­struction. which latelie before was returned to Rome, with a great number of English exiles to go into France, togither with Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie, and the other English bishops, gi­uing him in commandement, that repairing vnto the French king, he should communicate with him all that which he had appointed to be doone against king Iohn, and to exhort the French king to make warre vpon him, as a person for his wickednesse ex­communicated. Moreouer this Pandulph was com­manded by the pope, if he saw cause, to go ouer [...] England, and to deliuer vnto king Iohn such letters as the pope had written for his better instruction, and to séeke by all means possible to draw him from his naughtie opinion.

In the meane time, when it was bruted through the realme of England, that the pope had released the people & absolued them of their oth of fidelitie to the king, and that he was depriued of his gouerne­ment by the popes sentence, by little and little a great number both of souldiers, citizens, burgesses, capteins and conestables of castels, leauing their charges, & bishops with a great multitude of preests reuolting from him, and auoiding his companie and presence, secretlie stale awaie, and got oue [...] into France.

Notwithstanding that diuerse in respect of the popes cursse▪ and other considerations them [...], Matth. West. Matt. Paris. otherlie refused in this manner to obeie king Iohn, yet there wer [...] manie others that did take his Part, [...] the noble men that cōtinued true vnto K. Iohn. and mainteine his quarell verie earnestlie, as his brother William earle of Salesburie, Alber [...]ke de [...]eere erle of Oxford, Geffrey Fitz Peter lord chéefe [Page 176] iustice of England, also thrée bishops, Durham, Winchester, and Norwich, Richard de Marish lord chancellour, Hugh Neuill chiefe forrester, William de Wroshing lord warden of the ports, Robert Uei­pount and his brother Yuan, Brian de Lisle, Geffrey de Lucie, Hugh Ballioll, and his brother Barnard, William de Cantlow and his son William Fulke de Cantlow, Reginald de Cornehull shiriffe of Kent, Robert Braibrooke and his son Harrie, Philip de Louecotes, Iohn de Bassingborne, Philip March, line 10 Chatelaine of Notingham, Peter de Maulley, Ro­bert de Gaugy, Gerard de Athie and his nephue In­gelrand, William Brewer, Peter Fitz Hubert, Tho­mas Basset, and Foulks de Brianta Norman, with many other, too long here to rehearse, who as fautors and councellors vnto him, sought to defend him in all causes, notwithstanding the censures of the church so cruellie pronounced against him; knowing that they were bound in conscience to sticke to him, now speciallie in this generall apostasie of his péeres and line 20 people. For they were opinioned, that it was

Ouid. lib. 2. de Pont.
Turpe referre pedem, nec passu stare tenaci,
Turpe laborantem deseruisse ratem.

The same yeare king Iohn held his Christmasse at Windsor▪ year 1212 and in the Lent following, on midlent sundaie being at London, he honoured the lord Alex­ander sonne and heire to the king of Scots, with the high order of knighthood. And (as I find it mentio­ned by some writers) wheras he vnderstood how there were diuerse in Scotland, Bernewell. that contemning their na­turall line 30 lord and king by reason of his great age, king Iohn went thither with an armie to represse the re­bels, and being come thither, he sent his men of war into the inner parts of the country, who scowring the coasts, tooke Guthred Macwilliam capteine of them that moued sedition, whom king Iohn caused to be hanged on a paire of gallowes. This Guthred was descended of the line of the ancient Scotish kings, and being assisted with the Irishmen and Scots that fauoured not the race of the kings that presentlie line 40 reigned, wrought them much trouble, as his father (named Donald) had doone before him, sometime se­cretlie vnder hand, and sometime againe by way of open rebellion.

Shortlie after, the Welshmen began to sturre also, who rushing out of their owne confines, The Welsh­men mooue rebellion. Matth. Paris. fell vpon their next neighbours within the English marshes, wasted the countrie, and ouerthrew diuerse castels slat to the ground. Whereof the king hauing know­ledge, Anno Reg. 14. assembled a mightie armie out of hand, and line 50 comming to Notingham, he hanged vp the Welsh hostages which the last yeare he had receiued, King Iohn hangeth the Welsh pled­ges. to the number of eight and twentie yoong striplings. And by reason he was now set in a maruellous chase, he roughlie proceeded against all those whom he knew not to fauor his case: some he discharged of their offi­ces, other he depriued of their capteineships and o­ther roomes, & reuoked certeine priuileges & immu­nities granted to moonks, préests, & men of religion.

Furthermore, hauing his armie readie to passe line 60 on into Wales, he receiued letters the same time, both from the king of Scots, and from his daughter the wife of Leoline prince of Wales, conteining in effect the aduertisement of one matter, which was to let him know, that if he proceeded on his iournie, he should either through treason he slaine of his owne lords, or else be deliuered to be destroied of his enimies. The king iudging no lesse, but that the te­nor of the letters conteined a truth, Matth. Paris. King Iohn breaketh vp his armie. brake vp his ar­mie and returned to London. From whence he sent messengers vnto all such lords as he suspected, com­manding them to send vnto him hostages for more assurance of their fidelities. The lords durst not dis­obeie his commandement, but sent their sons, their nephues, and other their kinsmen, accordinglie as he required, and so his rancour was appeased for a time. But Eustace de Uescie, Robert Fitz Walter, and Stephan Ridell, being accused an [...] suspected of the K. for the said treason, were glad to flée the realme, Uescie departing into Scotland, and the other two into France.

The same yeare, the church of S. Marie Oueries, and all the buildings vpon London bridge on both sides the same, were consumed with fire, Matth. Paris▪ Matt. West. Saint Marie Oueries burnt. which was iudged to be a signification of some mishap to fol­low. The king held his Christmasse this yeare at Westminster, year 1213 with no great traine of knights a­bout him. About the same time Geffrey archbishop of Yorke departed this life, The deceasse of Geffrey the archbishop o [...] Yorke. after he had remained in exile about a seauen yeares. But now to returne a­gaine to the practises of the popes legats.

Ye shall vnderstand, the French king being re­quested by Pandulph the popes legat, to take the warre in hand against king Iohn, was easilie per­suaded thereto of an inward hatred that he bare vn­to our king, The French king prepa­red to inuade England. and therevpon with all diligence made his prouision of men, ships, munition and vittell, in purpose to passe ouer into England: and now was his nauie readie rigged at the mouth of Saine, and he in greatest forwardnesse, to take his iournie. When Pandulph vpon good considerations thought first to go eftsoones, or at the least wise to send into England, before the French armie should land there, and to assaie once againe, if he might induce the king to shew himselfe reformable vnto the popes pleasure: king Iohn hauing knowledge of the French kings purpose and ordinance, assembled his people, and lodged with them alongst by the coast to­wards France, that he might resist his enimies, and kéepe them off from landing.

Here writers declare, that he had got togither such an armie of men out of all the parts of his realme, Anno Reg. 15. Matth. Paris. The great ar­mie which k. Iohn assem­bled togither. both of lords, knights, gentlemen, yeomen, & other of the commons, that notwithstanding all the proui­sion of vittels that might possible be recouered, there could not be found sufficient store to susteine the huge multitude of them that were gathered alongst the coast, namelie at Douer, Feuersham, Gipse­wich, and other places. Wherevpon the capteins dis­charged and sent home a great number of the com­mons, reteining onelie the men of armes, yeomen, and fréeholders, with the crossebowes and archers. There came likewise to the kings aid at the same time, the bishop of Norwich out of Ireland, The bishop of Norwich. bring­ing with him fiue hundred men of armes, & a great sort of other horssemen.

To conclude, there was estéemed of able men as­sembled togither in the armie on Barhamdowne, what of chosen men of armes, and valiant yeomen, and other armed men, the number of sixtie thousand: so that if they had béene all of one mind, and well bent towards the seruice of their king and defense of their countrie, there had not béene a prince in christendome, but that they might haue beene able to haue defended the realme of England against him. He had also prouided a nauie of ships farre stronger than the French kings, readie to fight with them by sea, if the case had so required.

But as he lay thus readie, néere to the coast, to withstand and beat backe his enimies, Polydor. Two knights of the temple. there arriued at Douer two Templers, who comming before the king, declared vnto him that they were sent from Pandulph the popes legat, who for his profit coueted to talke with him: for he had (as they affirmed) meanes to propone, whereby he might be reconciled, both to God and his church, although he were adiud­ged in the court of Rome, to haue forfeited all the right which he had to his kingdome.

[Page 177]The king vnderstanding the meaning of the mes­sengers, sent them backe againe to bring ouer the le­gat, The legat Pandulph cōmeth ouer. who incontinentlie came ouer to Douer, of whose arriuall when the king was aduertised, he went thither, and receiued him with all due honour and reuerence. Now after they had talked togither a little, and courteouslie saluted each other (as the course of humanitie required) the legat (as it is re­ported) vttered these words following.

The sawcie speech of proud Pandulph the popes lewd legat, to king Iohn, in the pre­sumptuous popes behalfe.

I Doo not thinke that you are ig­norant, how pope Innocent, to do that which to his dutie apper­teineth, hath both absolued your subiects of that oth which they made vnto you at the beginning, and also taken from line 20 you the gouernance of England, according to your deserts, and finallie giuen com­mandement vnto certeine princes of Chri­stendome, to expell you out of this kingdom and to place an other in your roome; so worthilie to punish you for your disobedi­ence and contempt of religion: and that Philip king of France, with the first being readie to accomplish the popes comman­dement, line 30 hath an armie in a readinesse, and with his nauie newlie decked, rigged and furnished in all points, lieth at the mouth of the riuer of Saine, looking for a prospe­rous wind, that as soone as it commeth a­bout, he may saile therewith hither into England, trusting (as he saith) with the helpe of your owne people (which neither name you, nor will take you for their king) line 40 to spoile you of your kingdome with small adoo, and to conquer it at his pleasure, for he hath (as he sticketh not to protest open­lie to the world) a charter made by all the cheefest lords of England touching their fealtie and obedience assured to him. Ther­fore, sith God for your iust desert is wroth with you, and that you are as euill spoken of by all men, as they that come against line 50 you be well reported, I would aduise you, that whilest there is a place for grace and fauour, rather to obeie the popes iust de­mands, to whose word other christian prin­ces are readie to giue eare, than by stri­uing in vaine to cast awaie your selfe and all others that take your part, or are bent to defend your quarell or cause.

These words being thus spoken by the legat, king line 60 Iohn as then vtterlie despairing in his matters, when he saw himselfe constreined to obeie, was in a great perplexitie of mind, and as one full of thought, looked about him with a frowning countenance, wai­eng with himselfe what counsell were best for him to follow. At length, oppressed with the burthen of the imminent danger and ruine, against his will, and verie loth so to haue doone, he promised vpon his oth to stand to the popes order and decree. Wherefore shortlie after (in like manner as pope Innocent had commanded) he tooke the crowne from his owne head, K. Iohn de­liuereth his crowne vnto Pandulph. and deliuered the same to Pandulph the legat, neither he, nor his heires at anie time thereafter to receiue the same, but at the popes hands. Upon this, he promised to receiue Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie into his fauour, with all other the bishops and banished men, making vnto them suffi­cient amends for all iniuries to them doone, and so to pardon them, that they should not run into any dan­ger, for that they had rebelled against him.

Then Pandulph kéeping the crowne with him for the space of fiue daies in token of possession thereof, Pandulph restoreth the crowne again to the king. at length (as the popes vicar) gaue it him againe. By meanes of this act (saith Polydor) the same went a­broad, that king Iohn willing to continue the memo­rie hereof, made himselfe vassall to pope Innocent, with condition, that his successors should likewise from thencefoorth acknowledge to haue their right to the same kingdome from the pope. But those kings that succeeded king Iohn, haue not obserued any such lawes of reconciliation, neither doo the auten­tike chronicles of the realme make mention of any such surrender, so that such articles as were appoin­ted to king Iohn to obserue, perteined vnto him that had offended, and not to his successors. Thus saith Polydor.

Howbeit, Ran. Higd. Ranulph Higden in his booke intituled Polychronicon, saith indéed, that king Iohn did not onelie bind himselfe, but his heires and successors, being kings of England, England be­came tributa­rie to the pope. to be feudaries vnto pope Innocent and his successors popes of Rome, that is to say, that they should hold their dominions of them in fee, yeelding and paieng yéerelie to the sée of Rome the summe of seauen hundred marks for England, Matth. West. and thrée hundred marks for Ireland. Furthermore, by report of the most autentike and approued wri­ters, king Iohn, to auoid all dangers, Matth. Paris. which (as he doubted) might insue, despairing as it were in him­selfe, or rather most speciallie for lacke of loiall du­tie in his subiects, consented to all the persuasions of Pandulph, and so (not without his great hart­gréefe) he was contented to take his oth, togither with sixtéene earles and barons, who laieng their hands vpon the holie euangelists, sware with him vpon perill of their soules, that he should stand to the iudgement of the church of Rome, and that if he re­pented him, and would refuse to stand to promise, they should then compell him to make satisfaction. Héervpon, they being all togither at Douer, the king and Pandulph, with the earls and barons, and a great multitude of other people, agréed and concluded vp­on a finall peace in forme as here insueth.

The charter of king Iohn his submissi­on, as it was conueied to the pope at Rome.

IOhannes Deigratia rex Angliae, omni­bus Christi fidelibus hanc chartam in­specturis, salutem in Domino. Vniuer­sitati vestrae per hanc chartam sigillo nostro munitam, volumus esse notum, quòd cùm Deum & matrem nostram sanctam ecclesiam of­fenderimus in multis, & proinde diuina misericor­dia plurimùm indigeamus, nec quid dignè offerre possimus pro satisfactione Deo & ecclesiae debita facienda, nisi nosmetipsos humiliemus & regna nostra, volentes nosipsos humiliare, pro illo qui se pro nobis humiliauit vs (que) ad mortem, gratia sancti spiritus inspirante, non vi interdicti nec timore coacti, sed nostra bona spontaneá (que) volun ate, ac communi consilio baronum nostrorum conferimus, & liberè concedimus Deo & sanctis apostolis eius Petro & Paulo, & sanctae Romanae ecclesiae matri nostrae, ac domino papae Innocentio, eiús (que) catholi­cis successoribus, totum regnum Angliae, & totum [Page 178] regnum Hyberniae, cum omni iure & pertinentijs suis, pro remissione omnium peccatorum nostro­rum, & totius generis nostri, tam pro viuis quàm pro defunctis, & amodò illa ab eo & ecclesiae Roma­na tanquam secundarius recipientes & tenentes, in praesentia prudentis viri Pandulphi domini papae subdiaconi & familiaris.

Exindè praedicto domino papae Innocentio, e­iúsque catholicis successoribus, & ecclesiae Roma­nae, secundùm subscriptam formam fecimus & iu­rauimus, line 10 & homagium ligium in praesentia Pan­dulphi; si coram domino papaesse poterimus, eidem faciemus: successores nostros & haeredes de vxore nostra in perpetuum obligantes, vt simili modo summo pontifici, quipro tempore fuerit, & eccle­siae Romanae, sine contradictione debeant fidelita­tem praestare, & homagium recognoscere.

Adindicium autem huius nostrae perpetua ob­ligationis & concessionis, volumus & stabilimus, line 20 vt de proprijs & specialibus redditibus nostris prae­dictorum regnorum, pro omni seruitio & consue­tudine, quae pro ipsis facere debemus, saluis per om­nia denarijs beati Petri, ecclesia Romana mille marcas Esterlingorum percipiat annuatim: in festo scilicet sancti Michaëlis quingentas mar­cas, & in Pascha quingentas: septingentas scilicet pro regno Angliae, & trecentas pro regno Hyber­niae, saluis nobis & haeredibus nostris, iustitijs, li­bertatibus, & regalibus nostris. Quae omnia, sicut line 30 supra scripta sunt, rata esse volentes at que firma, ob­ligamus nos & successores nostros contranon veni­re, & si nos vel aliquis successorum nostrorum con­tra haec attentare praesumpserit, quicun (que) ille fuerit, nisi ritè commonitus resipuerit, cadat à iure regni.

Et haec charta obligationis & concessionis no­strae, semper firma permaneat. Teste meipso, apud domum militum templi iuxta Doueram, coram H. Dublinensi archiepiscopo, Iohanne Norwicensi e­piscopo, line 40 Galfrido filio Petri, W. comite Sarisburiae, Willielmo comite Penbroc, R. comite Bononiae, W. comite Warennae, S. comite Winton, W. comite A­rundel, W. comite de Ferarijs, W. Briwere, Petro filio Hereberti, Warino filio Geroldi, 15 die Maij, anno regni nostri decimo quarto.

This deed and instrument being written and in­grossed, the king deliuered it vnto Pandulph, to take line 50 with him to Rome, there to make deliuerie thereof to pope Innocent, and herewith did homage to the same pope, in forme as followeth.

The words of fealtie made by king Iohn to the pope.

EG [...] Iohannes Dei gratia rex Angliae, & dominus Hyberniae, ab hac hora & line 60 in antea, fidelis ero Deo & beato Pe­tro & ecclesiae Romanae, & domino meo papae domino Innocentio, eiús (que) successoribus catholicè intrantibus. Non ero in fa­cto, in dicto, consensu vel consilio, vt vitam per­dant vel membra, vel mala captione capiantur. Eo­rum damnum si sciuero, impediam, & remanere faciam sipotero: alioquin eis quàm citiùs potero in­timabo, vel tali personae dicam, quàm eis creda [...] pro certo dicturam. Consilium quod mihi credide­rint, per se vel per nuncios suos seu literas suas, se­cretum, tenebo, & ad eorum damnum nulli pan­d [...] me sciente. Patrimonium beati Petri, & spe­cialiterregnum Angliae, & regnum Hyberniae ad­iutor ero ad: tenendum & defendendum, contra omnes homines pro posse meo. Sic me adiuuet Deus, & haec sancta euangelia, Amen▪ Act a autem sunt haec, vt praedictum est, in vigilia dominicae Ascen­sionis ad Doueram, Anno 1213.

An English thus.

IOhn by the grace of God king of England, and lord of Ireland, from this houre forward, shall be faithfull to God and to saint Peter, and to the church of Rome, and to my lord pope Inno­centius, and to his successours lawfully entring. I shall not be in word nor deed, in consent or counsell, that they should lose life or member, or be apprehended in euill manner. Their losse if I may know it, I shall impeach and staie, so far as I shalbe able, or else so shortlie as I can I shall signifie vnto them, or declare to such person the which I shall beleeue will declare the same vnto them. The counsell which they shal com­mit to me by themselues, their messengers, or letters, I shall keepe secret, and not vtter to any man to their hurt to my knowledge. The patri­monie of S. Peter, and speciallie the kingdomes of England and Ireland, I shall indeuour my selfe to defend against all men to my power. So helpe me God, and these holie euangelists, A­men. These things were done on the eeue of the Ascension of our Lord, in the yeare 1213.

Pandulph hauing thus reconciled king Iohn, thought not good to release the excommunication, till the king had performed all things which he had promised, Matth. Paris. and so with all speed hauing receiued eight thousand markes sterling in part of restitution to be made to the archbishop, and the other banished men, he sailed backe into France, & came to Roan, where he declared to king Philip the effect of his trauell, and what he had doone in England. But king Philip hauing in this meane while consumed a great masse of monie, to the summe of sixtie thousand pounds, Fortie thou­sand marks of siluer saith Matth. West. as he himselfe alledged, about the furniture of his iour­nie, which he intended to haue made into England, vpon hope to haue had no small and within the realme, by reason of such bishops and other banished men as he had in France with him, was much offen­ded for the reconciliation of king Iohn, and determi­ned not so to breake off his enterprise, least it might be imputed to him for a great reproch to haue beene at such charges and great expenses in vaine. The French K. displeases for the recon­ciliation of K▪ Iohn with the pope. There­fore calling his councell togither, he declared vnto them what he purposed to doo.

All his Nobles in like manner held with him, and allowed his purpose to be verie good and requi­site, except the earle of Flanders named Ferdinan­do, who (in hope to recouer againe those townes, which the French king held from him in Arthois, as Aire, and S. Omers) had ioined secretlie in league with king Iohn, and with the earle of Bullongne, and therefore misliked the conclusion of their ad­uise. The French king meaneth to procéed in his iournie against the realme of England. Howbeit king Philip not being yet fullie certi­fied hereof, caused his nauie to draw alongest the coast towards Flanders, whither he himselfe hasted to go also by land, that comming thither, he might from thence saile ouer into England, and take land at a place to him assigned.

Now it came to passe, that at his comming to Gra­ueling, he had perfect knowledge, that the earle of Flanders was ioined in league with his enimies, wherfore he determined first to subdue the earle, least [Page 179] whilest he should be out of his realme, some great trouble or sedition might rise within his owne domi­nions. Therfore, leaning the enterprise which he ment to haue made against England, he turned his power against the earle of Flanders, The French K. inuadeth Flanders. and first commanded his nauie to saile vnto the port of Dam, whilest he himselfe keeping on his iournie still by land, tooke the towne of Cassile, and likewise Ypres. From thence he went to Bruges, and besieged the towne, but he could not win it at the first, and therefore lea­uing a power of men to mainteine the siege before line 10 it, Gaunt besie­ged by the French king. he himselfe went to Gaunt, and thereto also laid his siege.

In the meane time, the earle of Flanders percei­uing that he was not able to resist so puissant an eni­mie as the French king, sent ouer in hast vnto the king of England for aid. Wherevpon king Iohn vnderstanding that his aduersarie king Philip had turned all his force against the earle of Flanders, and that thereby he was deliuered out of the feare of the Frenchmens comming into England; that line 20 same nauie (which as before is recited) he had put in a readinesse, conteining the number of fiue hundred saile, Matth. Paris. he sent streight into Flanders with a strong armie, both of horssemen and footmen, vnder the gui­ding of William duke of Holland, William Long­spée earle of Salisburie base brother to king Iohn, and Reignold earle of Bullongne.

These capteins being now passed foorth with their fléets into the maine sea, espied anon manie ships lieng without the hauen of Dam (for the number of line 30 ships of the French fléet was so great, that the hauen could not receiue them all, so that manie of them laie at anchor without the hauen mouth, and all alongst the coast.) Wherefore they sent foorth certeine shal­lops, to espie whether they were freends or enimies, and what their number and order was. It chanced, that the same time, the men of warre which were ap­pointed to kéepe the French fleet, were gone foorth, togither with a great number of the mariners, to line 40 spoile and fetch booties abroad in the countrie.

The English espials therefore, making semblance as though they had beene some fishermen of those parts, came verie neere the French ships lieng at anchor, and perceiuing them to be vnfurnished of people necessarie to defend them, came backe to their companie, and declared what they had séene, certifi­eng their capteins that the victorie was in their hands, if they would make speed. The capteins glad of these newes, commanded their men to make them readie to giue battell, and causing their mariners line 50 to make saile directlie towards the French fléet, at their first approch they wanne those tall ships that laie at anchor abroad before the hauen, The English men assaile the French ships. without any great resistance, the mariners onelie making re­quest to haue their liues saued. The other smaller ves­sels which (after the tide was gone) remained vpon the sands (spoiling them first of their tackle and other things that would serue to vse) they consumed with fier, the mariners escaping by flight. line 60

Thus the Englishmen hauing dispatched this bu­sinesse with good successe, did set vpon those ships that laie in harbrough within the hauen. But here was hard hold for a while, bicause the narrownesse of the place would not giue any great aduantage to the greater number. And those Frenchmen that were gone abroad into the countrie, perceiuing that the enimies were come, by the running awaie of the mariners, returned with all spéed to their ships to aid their fellowes, and so made valiant resistance for a time, till the Englishmen getting on land, and ran­ging themselues on either side of the hauen, The English men wanne the French ships. beat the Frenchmen so on the sides, and the ships grapling togither on front, that they fought as it had bin in a pitcht field, till that finallie the Frenchmen were not able to susteine the force of the Englishmen, but were constreined (after long fight and great slaugh­ter) to yéeld themselues prisoners.

The English capteins glad of this victorie gotten, contrarie to expectation, first gaue thanks to God for the same, and then manning thrée hundred of those French ships, which they had taken fraught with corne, wine, oile, flesh, and other vittels, and also with armour, they sent them awaie into England, and af­terwards they set fire vpon the residue that laie on ground, which were aboue an hundred, bicause they were drawne vp so farre vpon the sands, that they could not easilie get them out, without their further inconuenience. After this, comming on land with their power, they marched foorth into the countrie in good order of battell, to the end that if they should en­counter with king Philip by the way comming to the rescue of his ships, they might be readie to giue them battell, which thing was not deuised, without good and great consideration.

For king Philip being certified of the danger wherein his ships stood by the sudden comming of his enimies, and therewithall being in good hope to come to their succours in time, and yer the Englishmen had wrote their full feat, he raised his siege, and made hast toward the coast: but as he was comming for­ward towards his nauie, he was aduertised that the enimies had woone all his whole fléet, and were now marching foorth to méet him, and to giue him battell. Also it was told him, how Ferdinando the earle of Flanders, being certified of the victorie atchiued by his freends, followed at his backe. Wherefore, least he should séeme ouer rashlie to commit himselfe into manifest perill, he staied a little from Bruges, and there incamped for that day, as if he ment to abide the comming of his enimies.

The next morrow he raised and returned towards France, the verie same waie that he came, The French K. returneth into France. no man pursuing him. For the Englishmen contented with that victorie which they had gotten, thought it not ne­cessarie to follow him with their further hazard. In the meane time, king Iohn receiuing newes of this prosperous victorie thus gotten by his people, did woonderfullie reioise for the same, conceiuing an hope, that all his businesse would now come forward and growe to good successe.

¶ This is the truth of this historie, Matt. Paris. Polydor. Iacob. Meir. as some authors haue set it foorth. But Iames Meir in his discourse of Flanders declareth the matter somwhat otherwise, as thus: Vpon the thursdaie before the Pentecost (saith he) the English fléet setting vpon the French nauie, which laie at anchor in the hauen of Dam, drowned certeine of the French vessels, and tooke to the number of foure, which they conueied awaie with them. Ferdinando the earle of Flanders hauing an armie of men readie by land, was lodged the same time not far off from the coast, and therefore hearing what had chanced, came the next day, and ioined with the Englishmen.

There were yet remaining also diuerse other of the French ships (besides those which the English­men had sunke and taken) which were drawne vp further into the land ward. The earle of Flanders therefore, and the English capteins iudged, that it should much hinder the French kings attempts, if they might win those ships also with the towne of Dam, wherin the king had laid vp a great part of his prouision for the furniture of his warres. Héerevpon the Englishmen were set on land, and ioining with the earls power, they marched strait towards Dam. This was vpon Whitsun éeuen, on the which day, as they were most busie in assaulting the towne and ships which laie there in the hauen, the French king [Page 180] being come awaie from Gaunt, suddenlie set vpon them, and though in the beginning he found sharpe resistance, yet in the end, the Englishmen and Flem­mings ouerset with the great multitude of the Frenchmen, The English­ [...] were put to flight, and chased to their ships, with the losse of two thousand men, besides those that were taken prisoners, amongst the which were found to be 22 knights.

The earle of Flanders with the earles of Bullen and Salisburie, doubting to lose their ships, and la [...]e line 10 gotten bootie, sailed strait into one of the Iles of Ze­land called Walkeren. Then the French king con­streining them of Gaunt, Bruges, and Ypres, to de­liuer vnto him pledges, caused the towne of Dam, and his ships lieng there in the hauen to be burned, The French [...] his ships. doubting least they should come into the hands of his enimies. This doone, he returned into France, leauing his sonne Lewes and the earle of S. Paule in garrison at Lis [...]e and Doway, and for great sums of monie, which by agreement he receiued of the line 10 townes of Gaunt, Bruges, and Ypres, he restored vnto them their pledges. Thus saith Meire and Mat­thew Paris differeth not much from him touching the successe which chanced to the Englishmen by land. ¶ Héere will I staie a while in the further narration of this matter, and touch by the way a thing that hap­pened to king Iohn about this present time.

In [...] of [...], or [...] as [...] writers haue. Sée M. Fox, [...] first, pag. 331. There was in this season an heremit, whose name was Peter, dwelling about Yorke, a man in great reputation with the common people, bicause that ei­ther inspired with some spirit of prophesie as the peo­ple line 30 beleeued▪ or else hauing some notable skill in art magike, he was accustomed to tell what should fol­low after. And for so much as oftentimes his saiengs prooued true, great credit was giuen to him as to a verie prophet: which was no good consequence that therefore his predictions comprised vndoubted e­uents. Naie rather, sith in this pseudoprophet or false foreteller of afterclaps, these necessarie concurrents (namelie, line 40

si sensus at (que) effectus compresserit omnes,
Si spernens prorsiss mortalia gaudia, sese
Abdicet a cur [...]s terrenis, assiduò (que)
Conetur studio ad superos extollere mentem,
Tunc etenim sapiens fiet, poterít (que) futura
Cer [...]ere, vel vigilant vel s [...]mno oppressus inerti,
Hoc pacto cecinêre olim ventura prophetae)

were wanting, and that he was contrarilie qualified to that which this heptastichon comprehendeth, neces­sarilie it foloweth, that he was not as he was taken, line 50 but rather a deluder of the people, and an instrument of satan raised vp for the inlargement of his king­dome; as the sequele of this discourse importeth. This Peter about the first of Ianuarie last past, had told the king, that at the feast of the Ascension it should come to passe, that he should be cast out of his king­dome. And (whether, to the intent that his words should be the better beléeued, or whether vpon too much trust of his owne cunning) he offered himselfe to suffer death for it, if his prophesie prooued not true. line 60 Herevpon being committed to prison within the ca­stell of Corf, when the day by him prefixed came, without any other notable damage vnto king Iohn, he was by the kings commandement drawne from the said castell, The heremit and his sonne hanged. vnto the towne of Warham, & there hanged, togither with his sonne.

The people much blamed king Iohn, for this ex­treame dealing, bicause that the heremit was suppo­sed to be a man of great vertue, and his sonne no­thing guiltie of the offense committed by his father (if any were) against the king. Moreouer, some thought, that he had much wrong to die, bicause the matter fell out euen as he had prophesied: for the day before the Ascension day, king Iohn had resig­ned the superioritie of his kingdome (as they tooke the matter) vnto the pope, and had doone to him ho­mage, so that he was no absolute king indeed, as au­thors affirme. One cause, and that not the least which mooued king Iohn the sooner to agree with the pope, rose through the words of the said heremit, that did put such a feare of some great mishap in his hart, which should grow through the disloialtie of his peo­ple, that it made him yéeld the sooner. But to the mat­ter againe.

King Iohn (after his capteins in Flanders had sped so well as before yee haue heard) prepared to make a voiage into Guien, not much regarding the matter, in that the realme stood as yet interdicted. But when he vnderstood by his lords, that they would not go with him except the interdicting might first be released, and he clearlie absolued of the popes cursse, to the end that Gods wrath and the popes being ful­lie pacified towards him, he might with better speed mooue and mainteine the warres, he was constrei­ned to change his purpose, and so comming to Win­chester, dispatched foorth a messenger with letters, sig­ned with the hands of foure and twentie earles and barons, to the archbishop of Canturburie, King Iohn writeth to the archbi [...]hop & the other bi­shops to re­turne. and the bi­shops of London, Lincolne, and Hereford, as then so­iourning in France, requiring them with all the o­ther banished men to returne into England, promi­sing them by his letters patents, not onelie a sure safeconduct for their comming ouer, but that he would also forget all passed displeasures, and franke­lie restore vnto euerie man all that by his means had beene wrongfullie taken from them, and as yet by him deteined.

The archbishop and the other bishops receiuing the kings letters, The bishops doo returne. with all speed made hast to come into England, and so arriuing at Douer the sixtéenth day of Iulie, with other the banished men, they went to Winchester, where the king yet remained, They came to Winchester y • 20 of Iulie. who hea­ring that the bishops were come, went foorth to re­ceiue them, and at his first méeting with the archbi­shop of Canturburie, he knéeled downe at his féet, The K. kn [...] ­leth to the archbishop. and besought him of forgiuenesse, and that it would please him and the other bishops also to prouide for the releefe of the miserable state of the realme. Here­with the water standing in diuerse of their eies on both sides, they entred into the citie, the people great­lie reioising to behold the head of the commonwealth agrée at length with the members. This was in the yeare after the birth of our Sauiour 1213.

King Iohn required of the archbishop (hauing as then the popes power in his hands, bicause he was his legat) to be absolued, promising vpon his solemne receiued oth, The king praieth to be absolued. that he would (afore all things) defend the church and the order of priesthood from recei­uing anie wrongs. Also, that he would restore the old lawes made by the ancient kings of England, and namelie those of S. Edward, which were almost ex­tinguished and forgotten. And further, that he would make recompense to all men whom he had by anie meanes in damaged. This doone, He is ab­solued. he was absolued by the archbishop, & shortly after he sent his oratours to Rome, to intreat with the bishop to take awaie the interdiction of the land. On the morrow after also, the king sent his letters vnto all the shiriffes of the counties within the realme, commanding them to summon foure lawfull men of euerie towne belong­ing to the demeans of the crowne, to make their ap­pearance at S. Albons, vpon the 4 daie of August, that they and other might make inquisition of the losses which euerie bishop had susteined, A quest of inquirie. what had beene taken from them, and what ought to be resto­red to them as due for the same.

The archbishop for that time taking his leaue of the king, went to Canturburie, where he restored the [Page 181] moonks to their abbie, The archbi­shop taketh possession of his sée. and then tooke possession of his see, being the two and fortith archbishop that had ruled the same. In the meane time, the king repai­red to Portesmouth, there to take the sea to saile o­uer into Poictow, committing the rule of the realme vnto Geffrey Fitz Peter or Fitz Peers, lord chéefe iustice, and to the bishop of Winchester, comman­ding them to vse the counsell and aduise of the arch­bishop of Canturburie, in gouerning things touch­ing the common-wealth. Herewith there came also line 10 to the king a great multitude of men of warre, al­ledging, that they had spent in staieng for him, and his going ouer sea all their monie, so that he must now needs giue them wages, The lords re­fuse to follow the king int [...] France. if he would haue them to passe ouer with him into France. The which when he refused to doo, he was constreined to take the wa­ter with his owne seruants, arriuing about a thrée daies after at the Ile of Iersey: but perceiuing that none of his lords followed him according to his com­mandement, as one disappointed of aid, he returned line 20 backe againe into England, there to take further or­der for this their misdemeanour.

Whilest these things were thus in dooing, Geffrey Fitz Peter, and the bishop of Winchester were come to S. Albons, togither with the archbishop of Canturburie, and other bishops and peeres of the realme, where the kings peace being proclaimed to all men, it was on his behalfe streitlie commanded, that the lawes of K. Henrie his grandfather should be obserued vniuersallie within his realme, King Henrie the first his lawes. and that all vniust lawes and ordinances should be abroga­ted. line 30 It was also commanded, that no shiriffe, nor for­rester, nor other minister of the kings, should vpon paine of life and limme, take violentlie anie thing of any man by waie of extortion, nor presume to wrong anie man, or to fine anie man, as they had afore time béene accustomed to doo.

After this, the king being come backe from his iournie, which he purposed to haue made into Poi­ctow, assembled an armie, and ment to haue gone line 40 against those lords which had refused to go with him, but the archbishop of Canturburie comming to him at Northampton, sought to appease his mood, and to cause him to staie, but yet in his furious rage he went forward till he came to Notingham, and there with much adoo, The archbi­shop menaceth to excommu­nicate those y t assist the king. the archbishop following him with threatning to excommunicate all those that should aid him, procured him to leaue off his enterprise.

Then the archbishop (about the fiue and twentith day of August) came to London, there to take aduise line 50 for the reformation of things touching the good go­uernement of the common-wealth. But here whilest the archbishop, with other péeres of the realme deui­sed orders verie necessarie (as was thought) for the state of the common-wealth, the king doubting least the same should be a bridle for him to restreine his authoritie roiall from dooing things to his pleasure, he began to find fault, and séemed as though he had repented himselfe of his large promises made for his reconciliation: but the archbishop of Canturburie line 60 so asswaged his mood, and persuaded him, by opening vnto him what danger would insue both to him and to his realme, if he went from the agreement, that he was glad to be quiet for feare of further trouble.

In this hurlie burlie also the lords and péeres of the realme (by the setting on of the archbishop) were ear­nestlie bent to haue the king to restore and confirme the grant which his grandfather king Henrie the first had by his charter granted and confirmed to his sub­iects, which to doo, king Iohn thought greatlie preiu­diciall to his roiall estate and dignitie. The earle of Tholouse hauing lost all his possessions, Ralfe Cog. The earle of Tholouse. the citie of Tholouse onelie excepted, came ouer into England, & rendred the said citie into the hands of king Iohn, and receiued at his departure, the summe of ten thou­sand marks as was reported, by the bountifull gift of king Iohn.

Upon the second of October, Matth. Paris. Geffrey Fitz Péers or Fitz Peter depar­teth this life. Geffrey Fitz Peter earle of Essex and lord cheefe iustice of England de­parted this life, a man of great power and autoritie, in whose politike direction and gouernement, the or­der of things perteining to the common-wealth chéefelie consisted. He was of a noble mind, expert in knowledge of the lawes of the land, rich in possessi­ons, and ioined in blood or affinitie with the more part of all the Nobles of the realme, so that his death was no small losse to the commonwelth: for through him and the archbishop Hubert, the king was often­times reuoked from such wilfull purposes, as now and then he was determined to haue put in practise, in so much that the king, as was reported (but how trulie I cannot tell) séemed to reioise for his death, bicause he might now worke his will without anie to controll him.

The same time, to wit, about the feast of saint Mi­chaell, A cardinall sent into En­gland. came Nicholas the cardinall of Tusculane in­to England, sent from the pope, to take awaie the in­terdiction, if the king would stand to that agreement which he had made and promised by his oth to per­forme. King Iohn receiued this cardinall in most ho­norable wise, and gladlie heard him in all things that he had to saie. This legat at his comming to Westminster, deposed the abbat of that place, na­med William from his roome, for that he was accu­sed both of wasting the reuenues of the house, and al­so of notable incontinencie. Moreouer the burgesses of the towne of Oxford came vnto him to obteine absolution of their offense, The burges­ses of Oxford require abso­lution. in that through their pre­sumption, the thrée schollers (of whom ye haue heard before) were hanged there, to the great terror of all the residue. To be short, they were absolued and pe­nance inioined them, that they should strip them out of their apparell at euerie church in the towne, and going barefooted with scourges in their hands, they should require the benefit of absolution of eue­rie parish preest within their towne, saieng the psalme of Miserere.

After this, the said cardinall called a councell or conuocation of the cleargie, A cōuocation called by the cardinall. to reforme such things touching the state of the church as should be thought requisite. And though he handled not this matter with such fauour and vprightnesse as the bishops wi­shed on their behalfes, yet he caused king Iohn to re­store the most part of all those goods that remained vnspent, and also the value of halfe of those that were consumed and made awaie, vnto those persons as well spirituall as temporall, from whom they had béene taken in time of the discord betwixt him and the pope. But before all things could be thus quie­ted and set in order betwixt the king and the bishops, manie méetings were had, as at London, Reading, Wallingford, and in other places.

Now the archbishop and prelates for their parts thought this recompense to be but small, in respect of the great losses and hinderances which they had su­steined: and to haue the whole restitution delaied, they tooke it not well. Howbeit the cardinall leaned so to the kings side (hauing receiued of him to the popes vse the charter of subiection of the realmes of England and Ireland, now bulled with gold, where at the first it was deliuered to Pandulph sealed one­lie with wax. But their suit came to little effect, and in the end it fell out in such wise, that their com­plaint was lesse regarded. Moreouer, the rating of the value which the king should restore vnto the arch­bishop, and the other bishops, was by agréement of the king and them togither, appointed vnto foure ba­rons indifferentlie chosen betwixt them.

[Page 182]At length notwithstanding that deuise tooke no place: for it was otherwise decréed by the pope, that the king should restore to them the summe of fortie thousand marks, [...] of the which he had paid alreadie twelue thousand, before the returne of the said arch­bishop and bishops into the realme, and fifteene thou­sand more at the late meeting had betwixt them at Reading, so that there remained onelie 13000 be­hind: for not onelie the king, but also the cardinall had sent to the pope, requiring him to take direction in the matter, and to aduertise him, that there was a line 10 great fault in the archbishop and his fellowes. In so much that Pandulph which was sent to him from the legat, King Iohn commended to the pope for an hum­ble prince. declared in fauour of the king, that there was not a more humble and modest prince to be found than king Iohn, and that the archbishop and his fel­lowes were too hard, and shewed themselues too co­uetous in requiring the restitution that should be made to them for losses susteined in time of the in­terdiction.

Now the cause wherefore the legat and the king line 20 did send vnto the pope, was this. There was some grudge betwixt the legat and the archbishop, for that where the pope had written to the legat, how he should (according to the order of the ancient canons of the church) place in euerie bishops sée and abbeie (that was void) méet and able persons to rule and guide the same, Matth. Paris. The presum­ption of the cardinall. the legat presuming on that autho­ritie granted him by the pope, without the aduise of the archbishop or other bishops, tooke onelie with him certeine of the kings chapleins, and comming with line 30 them to such churches as were vacant, ordeined in them such persons as were nothing méet to take such charge vpon them, and that according to the old abuse of England, as Matthew Paris saith. Where­vpon the archbishop of Canturburie repining at such dooings, year 1214 sent to the legat as then being at Burton vpon Trent, Burton vpon Trent. Dunstable. A synod. Discord be­twixt the car­dinall and the archbishop of Canturburie. two of his chapleins from Dunstable (where he and his suffragans held as then a synod, after the feast of the Epiphanie) commanding him by waie of appeale, in no wise to meddle with institu­ting line 40 any gouernours to churches, within the precinct of his iurisdiction, where such institutions belonged onelie to him.

Herevpon therefore the legat dispatched Pandulph to Rome vnto the pope as is aforesaid, and the king likewise sent ambassadors thither, as the bishop of Norwich, and the archdeacon of Northumberland, with others, the which in the end so behaued them­selues in their suit, that notwithstanding Simon Langton the archbishops brother earnestlie with­stood line 50 them, as proctor for the bishops, yet at length, the pope tooke order in the matter, writing vnto his le­gat, that he should sée the same fulfilled, and then ab­solue the realme of the former interdiction. In this meane time, king Iohn made prouision to go ouer into France (as after yee shall heare) but at his go­ing ouer he committed the whole ordering of this matter vnto the legat, and to William Marshall the earle of Penbroke. The legat therefore vpon the re­ceipt of the popes bulles, called a councell at Lon­don, line 60 and there declaring what was conteined in the same, he tooke hands for paiment of the residue of the fortie thousand marks which was behind, being 13000 onelie, as before I haue said.

About the same time also, Walter Gray bishop of Worcester was remooued to the gouernement of the sée of Yorke, Walter Gray bishop of Wor­cester is re­mooued to the sée of Yorke. which had béen vacant euer since the death of the archbishop Geffrey. This Walter was the three & thirtith archbishop that gouerned that sée. But now to returne and speake of the kings af­faires in the parts beyond the sea. Ye shall vnder­stand, that hauing set his businesse in some good staie at home with the legat, he applied his studie to the performance of his war [...] abroad, and therefore he first sent monie into Flanders to paie the souldiers wages, Monie sent [...] to Flanders. which he had sent thither to aid the erle there against king Philip. Which earle came ouer this yeare into England, and at Canturburie the king receiued him, where he did homage to the king for the whole earledome of Flanders: Rafe Cog. The earle of Flanders do [...]th homag [...] to K. Iohn. and on the other part, the king as well to the said earle, as to such lords and bishops which came ouer with him, declared his roiall liberalitie by princelie gifts of gold, siluer, iewels, and p [...]etious stones. After his returne, such capteins as remained in his countrie with their bands at the king of Englands paie, Matth. Par [...]. The lands of y e erle of Gu [...]s­nes wasted. made a iournie into France, and wasted the lands that belonged to the earle of Guisnes, wanne the castell of Brun­cham, and raced it, taking within it diuerse men of armes and demilances. They also wanne by siege the towne of Aire, and burnt it. The castell of Liens they tooke by assault, and slue manie souldiers that defended it, beside those which they tooke prisoners.

Moreouer, they wasted and destroied the lands which Lewes the French kings sonne was possessed of in those parts. In the meane time, king Iohn ha­uing prepared a mightie nauie, and a strong armie of valiant soldiers, tooke sea at Portsmouth on Can­dlemas day, with his wife, his sonne Richard, & Elia­nor the sister of Arthur duke of Britaine. He had not many of his earles or barons with him, but a great number of knights and gentlemen, with whome he landed at Rochell in safetie, within a few daies after his setting foorth. He tooke ouer with him inestima­ble treasure, as it was reported; in gold, siluer, and iewels. Immediatlie vpon his arriuall at Rochell, the barons of Poictow reuolted from the French king, and comming in to king Iohn, did homage vn­to him, as to their king and souereigne lord.

But howsoeuer it was, after the truce began to expire which he had granted vnto the earls of Marsh and Augi, on the friday before Whitsunday he came with his armie before the castell of Meireuent, Anno. Reg [...] which belonged vnto Geffrey de Lucignam, and on the day next insuing, being Whitsun éeue, he wanne the same. On Whitsunday he laid siege vnto Nouant, Meireuent. Geffrey de Lucignam. an other castell belonging to the same Geffrey, who as then was lodged in the same, and also two of his sonnes: but within thrée daies after that the siege was laid, the earle of Marsh came to king Iohn, Nouant. and did so much preuaile, that through his means, both Geffrey and his two sonnes were receiued to mer­cie, and king Iohn put in possession of the castell. Af­ter this, bicause king Iohn was aduertised, that Lewes the French kings sonne had now besieged Mountcounter, a castell that was apperteining to the said Geffrey, he hasted thitherwards, and came to Parthenay, whither came to him as well the fore­said earle of Marsh, as also the earle of Augi, and both they togither with the said Geffrey de Lucig­nam, did homage to our king, Mount­counter. and so became his liege men. The same time also, the ladie Iane the kings daughter was affianced to the said earle of Marsh his sonne, Parthenay. whereas the French king made means to haue hir married to his sonne: Iane the daughter of king Iohn married to the erle of Mars [...]. but bicause king Iohn doubted least that suit was attempted but vnder some cloked pretense, he would giue no eare thereto, but rather made this match with the earle of Marsh, in hope so to assure himselfe of the said earle, that he might stand him in no small stéed to defend his cause against his aduersaries of France. But now to the dooings in England.

¶ Ye haue heard before how pope Innocent (or r [...] ­ther Nocent, who was the root of much mischiefe and trouble, which qualities are nothing consonant to his name) according to that king Iohn had required of him by solemne messengers, directed his bulles vnto [Page 183] his legat Nicholas, declaring vpon what conditions his pleasure was to haue the sentence of interdi­ction released. Wherein first he commanded that the king should satisfie and pay so much monie vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, and to the bishop of London and Elie, as should fullie amount to the summe of 40 thousand markes (with that which al­readie he had paied, which was 27 thousand markes, at two seuerall paiments, as vpon his accounts ap­peared.) For true contentation and paiment to be line 10 made of the residue, he ordeined that the king should be sworne, and also seale to an obligation, and cer­teine suerties with him (as the bishops of Norwich and Winchester, with the earles of Chester, Win­chester, and Marshall) all which things were perfor­med at this present, so that after the assurance so ta­ken for paiment of the od 13 thousand marks behind, residue of the 40 thousand marks, The interdic­tion released. the interdiction was taken vtterlie awaie, and the land solemnelie released by the legat, sitting within the cathedrall line 20 church of S. Paule at London, vpon the 29 of Iune, in the yeare 1214, after the terme of six yeares, three moneths, and 14 daies, that the realme had béene stri­ken with that dreadfull dart of correction, as it was then estéemed.

King Iohn in the meane time remaining still in France, and finding at the beginning fortune fauo­rable inough vnto him, by reason his power was much increased by the aid of the Poictouins, determi­ned to attempt the winning of Britaine, for this line 30 cause speciallie, that he might by so dooing weaken the French kings power, and partlie also to with­draw him from the wars of Flanders, on which side he had procured likewise the French borders to be inuaded with great force, and that not onelie by the earle and such capteins as he had sent thither, and re­teined in wages, but also by the emperour Otho, who in proper person came downe into that countrie himselfe. The emperor Otho.

Herevpon king Iohn went foorth with all his line 40 power of horssemen, K. Iohn in­uadeth Bri­taine. and entering into Britaine, made rodes through the countrie, wasting the same euen to the walles of Naunts: but shortlie after the Britaines assembled togither, vnder the leading of Peter, the son of Robert earle of Drieux (the French kings vncle, who had maried the ladie Adela, daugh­ter to duke Guie of Britaine) and marching foorth in­to the field to defend their countrie from the eni­mies, came to ioine with them in battell. At the first there was a verie sharpe incounter, but at length the line 50 Britains being vanquished and put to flight, The Bri­taines put to flight. a great number of them were taken prisoners, and amongst other their capteins, the foresaid Peter was one, whom king Iohn sent awaie with all the rest vnto Angiers, Peter the erle of Drieux his sonne taken prisoner. to be kept in safegard vntill he should re­turne.

After this, he besieged a castell that stood vpon the banke of the riuer of Loier, called La Roch au­moyne, inforcing his whole indeuour to haue woone it. The French kings sonne came to fight with king Iohn. But yer he could atteine his purpose, he was ad­uertised line 60 that Lewes the sonne of king Philip was comming towards him with a great power to raise his siege. Wherefore hauing no great confidence in the Poictouins, and vnderstanding that Lewes brought with him a verie strong armie, he tooke ad­uise of his councell, who iudged that it should be best for him to breake vp his siege and to depart, which he did, K. Iohn re­moueth to Angiers. The Poicto­uins subdued by the Frēch. The battell at the bridge of Bouins, and went streight waies to Angiers. Lewes (af­ter king Iohn was thus retired) brought the Poicto­uins againe to subiection, and put the chiefe authours of the rebellion to death. In the meane time also his father king Philip with like successe, but in a fough­ten field, vanquished the emperour Otho at the bridge of Bouins on the 28 day of Iulie, as in the hi­storie of France more at large appeare. There a­mong other prisoners, the thrée earles of Flanders Salisburie and Bullogne were taken.

Now king Iohn being aduertised of that ouer­throw, was maruellouslie sad and sorrowfull for the chance, in somuch that he would not receiue any meat in a whole daie after the newes thereof was brought vnto him. The saieng of king Iohn. At length turning his sorrow in­to rage, he openlie said, ‘that since the time that he made himselfe & his kingdom subiect to the church of Rome, nothing that he did had prospered well with him.’ Indéed he condescended to an agréement with the pope (as may be thought) more by force than of de­uotion, and therefore rather dissembled with the pope (sith he could not otherwise choose) than agreed to the couenants with any hartie affection.

But to the purpose. Perceiuing himselfe now de­stitute of his best fréends, of whom diuerse remained prisoners with the French king (being taken at the battell of Bouins) he thought good to agrée with king Philip for this present, by way of taking some truce, which by mediation of ambassadours riding to and fro betwixt them, A truce taken betwixt the two kings of England & France. was at length accorded to endure for fiue yeares, and to begin at Easter, in the yeare of our Lord, 1215. After this, about the 19 daie of October he returned into England, to appease cer­teine tumults which began alreadie to shoot out buds of some new ciuill dissention. And suerlie the same spred abroad their blossoms so freshlie, that the fruit was knit before the growth by anie timelie prouisi­on could be hindered. For the people being set on by diuerse of the superiours of both sorts, finding them­selues gréeued that the king kept not promise in re­storing the ancient lawes of S. Edward, determi­ned from thencefoorth to vse force, since by request he might not preuaile. To appease this furie of the peo­ple, not onlie policie but power also was required, for the people vndertaking an euill enterprise, speci­allie raising a tumult or ioining in a conspiracie are as hardlie suppressed and vanquished as Hydra the monster hauing manie: heads and therefore it is well said, that

—comes est discordia vulgi,
Námque à turbando nomen sibi turba recepit.

The Nobles supposing that longer delaie therein was not to be suffered, assembled themselues togi­ther at the abbeie of Burie (vnder colour of going thither to doo their deuotions to the bodie of S. Ed­mund which laie there inshrined) where they vttered their complaint of the kings tyrannicall maners, A cloked pil­grimage. al­ledging how they were oftentimes called foorth to serue in the wars & to fight in defense of the realme, and yet notwithstanding were still oppressed at home by the kings officers, who (vpon confidence of the lawes) attempted all things whatsoeuer they concei­ued. And if anie man complained, or alledged that he receiued wrong at their hands, they would an­swer by and by, that they had law on their side to doo as they had doone, so that it was no wrong but right which they did, and therfore if they that were the lords and péeres of the realme were men, it stood them vp­on to prouide that such inconueniences might be a­uoided, and better lawes brought in vse, by the which their ancestours liued in a more quiet and happie state.

There was brought foorth and also read an ancient charter made sometime by Henrie the first (which The charter of K. Henrie the first. charter Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie had deliuered vnto them before in the citie of London) conte [...]ning the grant of certeine liberties according to the lawes of king Edward the confessor, A firebrand of dissention. profita­ble to the church and barons of the realme, which they purposed to haue vniuersallie executed ouer all the land. And therfore being thus assembled in the quéere [Page 184] of the church of S. Edmund, they receiued a solemne oth vpon the altar there, that if the king would not grant to the same liberties, with others which be of his owne accord had promised to confirme to them, they would from thencefoorth make warre vpon him, till they had obteined their purpose, and inforced him to grant, not onelie to all these their petitions, but also yéeld to the confirmation of them vnder his scale, for [...]uer to remaine most stedfast and inuio­lable. line 10

Bernewell.The cheefe cause that mooued the lords to this con­spiracie, rose by reason the king demanded escuage of them that refused to go with him into Poictow: and they on the other part mainteined, that they were not bound to paie it, for any warres which the king made in the parts beyond the seas. But he to prooue that he ought to haue it, declared how in his fathers and brothers time it was paied, and there­fore he ought to haue it. Much adoo there was about this matter at the first broching thereof, and more a­doo line 20 there had beene, if the legats presence had not somewhat sta [...]ed the parties. But after they had got­ten the charter of king Henrie the first at the hands of the archbishop of Canturburie, they made such a sinister interpretation thereof, that supposing it to serue their turnes, they procéeded in their wil­full opinions (as aboue is mentioned.)

Finallie it was determined amongst them, that shortlie after Christmasse, they should go to the king, and require of him that they might haue those laws line 30 restored, which he had promised to them (as is afore­said.) But forasmuch as they knew well that their sute would not be thankfullie accepted, in the meane time they prouided themselues of horsse, armour, and other furniture for the warre, thereby to be in the bet­ter readinesse and safegard, if in exhibiting their re­quest, the matter did grow to any such inforcement. They appointed also diuerse of the most ancient lords to mooue the said matter to the king, in all their names, who was as then at Worcester, and being line 40 aduertised of this conspiracie, as soone as the feast of Christmasse was past, he went streight to London: thither came the lords also with like spéed, year 1215 leauing their men in the townes and villages abroad, Matt. Paris Polydor. to be readie vpon any sudden warning to come vnto them, if néed should so require.

Being come into his presence, they required of him that it might please him, The lords present their request to the king. first, to appoint the ex­ercise and vse of those ancient lawes vnto them, by the which the kings of England in times past ruled line 50 their subiects: secondlie, that according to his pro­mise, he would abrogate those newer lawes, which euerie man might with good cause name méere wrongs, rather than lawes: and thirdlie they requi­red of him the performance of all other things, which he had most faithfullie of late vndertaken to obserue. The king (though somewhat contrarie to his nature) hauing heard their request, gaue them a verie gentle answer. For perceiuing them readie with force to constreine him, if by gentlenesse they might not pre­uaile, line 60 he thought it should be more safe and easie for him to turne their vnquiet minds with soft remedies than to go about to breake them of their willes by strong hand, which is a thing verie dangerous, especi­allie where both parts are of like force. The K. pro­miseth to con­sider of their requests. Therefore he promised them within a few daies, to haue conside­ration of their request.

And to the intent they might giue the more credit to his words, he caused the archbishop of Canturbu­rie, and the bishop of Elie, with William Marshall earle of Penbroke (vnto whome he had giuen his daughter Elianor in marriage) to vndertake for him, and as it were to become his suerties: which willinglie they did. Herewith the minds of the No­bilitie being somewhat pacified, returned home to their houses. The king soone after also, Matth. Paris. The king [...] ­mandeth a new oth of al­legiance of his subiects. to assure him­selfe the more effectuallie of the allegiance of his peo­ple in time to come, caused euerie man to renew his homage, and to take a new oth to be faithfull to him against all other persons. And to prouide the more suerlie for himselfe, on Candlemasse day next insu­ing, he tooke vpon him the crosse to go into the holie land, The king [...]keth on him the crosse. which I thinke he did rather for feare than any deuotion, as was also thought by other, to the end that he might (vnder the protection thereof) remaine the more out of danger of such as were his foes. In which point of dissimulation he shewed himselfe pru­dent, obseruing the counsell of the wiseman,

—in [...]lusum corde dolorem
Dissimula at (que) tace, ne deteriora subinde
Damma feras.

¶Some say that a great part of this variance that chanced betwéene king Iohn and his barons, The causes [...] the discord betwixt the king and his barons. Fabian. Caxton. The earle of Chester. Hector Boet. The kings couetousnesse. was bicause the king would without skilfull aduise haue exiled the earle of Chester, and for none other occasion than for that he had oftentimes aduised him to leaue his cruell dealing, and also his accustomed adulterie with his brothers wife and others. Other write, that the same dissention rose by reason of the great cruel­tie, and vnreasonable auarice, which the king vsed towards all the states and degrées of his subiects, as well towards them of the spiritualtie, as of the tem­poraltie. The prelats therefore of the realme sore re­pining at his dooings, The repining of the cleargie against the K▪ for that they could not pati­entlie suffer such exaction to be leuied of their liuings (contrarie as they toke it to the libertie of the church) found means through practise, to persuade both the kings of Scotland and France to aid and support them against him, by linking themselues togither with sundrie noblemen of England. But these séeme to be coniectures of such writers as were euill affec­ted towards the kings cause.

Now therefore to the sequele of the matter. The king hauing sent awaie the barons with a gentle answer, Polydor. though he minded nothing lesse than to satis­fie them in that they did demand, bicause it made much against his roiall prerogatiue: and therewith foreseeing that the matter would be like to grow at length to be tried by force, he began to dout his owne estate, and therefore prepared an armie, and forti­fied diuerse castels and places with men, munition, and vittels, into the which he might retire for his safe­tie in any time of need. The barons which vnderstood the kings diligence herein, and coniecturing thereof his whole intent, made readie also their power, ap­pointing for their generall one Robert Fitz Wal­ter, a man both excellent in counsell, Robert Fitz Walter. and valiant in warre. Herewith they came vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, presenting vnto him a booke, wherein was conteined a note of all the articles of their peti­tions, The archb. of Canturburie mooueth the K. to satisfie the requests of the barons. & required him to vnderstand the kings mind touching the same. The archbishop coueting to ex­tinguish the sedition (whereof he himselfe had beene no small kindler) which was like to grow, if the Nobilitie were not pacified the sooner, talked with the king, and exhorted his grace verie instantlie to satisfie the requests of his barons, and herewith did shew the booke of the articles which they had deliue­red vnto him.

The king, when he saw what they demanded (which in effect was a new order in things touching the whole state of the common wealth) sware in a great furie, The king re­fuseth to gri [...] their petitions Matt. Paris. that he would neuer condescend vnto those pe­titions. Whereof when the barons had knowledge, they gat them strait vnto armour, making their as­semblie at Stamford in the Easter weeke, whither they had drawne vnto them almost the whole Nobi­litie, and gathered an excéeding great armie. For the [Page 185] commons flocked vnto them from euerie part, bi­cause the king was generallie hated of the more part of his subiects.

It was coniectured that there were in that armie the number of two thousand knights, beside yeomen on horssebacke or demilances (as I may call them) and footemen apparelled in diuerse sorts of armour. The chiefe ringleaders of this power were these, whose names insue: The names of the lords that banded themselues against the king. Robert Fitz Walter, Eustace Uescie, Richard Percie, Robert Roos, Peter de Breuse, Nicholas de Stuteuill, Saer earle of Win­chester, line 10 Robert erle of Clare, Henrie earle of Clare, Richard earle de Bigot, William de Mowbray, William de Cressey, Ralfe Fitz Robert, Robert de Uere, Foulke Fitz Warren, Will. Mallet, Wil­liam de Montacute, William de Beauchampe, Si­mon de Kime, William Marshall the yoonger, Wil­liam Manduit, Robert de Montibigonis, Iohn Fitz Robert, Iohn Fitz Alane, G. Lauale, O. Fitz A­lane, W. de Hobrug, O. de Uales, G. de Gaunt, line 20 Maurice de Gaunt, Robert de Brakesley, Robert de Mounfichet, Will. de Lanualley, G. de Maunde­uile earle of Essex, William his brother, William de Huntingfield, Robert de Gresley, G. constable of Menton, Alexander de Panton, Peter Fitz Iohn, Alexander de Sutton, Osbert de Bodie, Iohn con­stable of Chester, Thomas de Muleton, Conan Fitz Helie, and manie other; they had also of councell with them as chiefe the archbishop of Canturburie.

The king as then was at Oxford, who hearing of the assemblie which the barons made, Anno Reg. 17. and that they line 30 were come to Brakesley, Matth. Paris. on the mondaie next after the octaues of Easter, he sent vnto them the archbi­shop of Canturburie, The king sen­deth to the lords. in whom he reposed great con­fidence, and William Marshall earle of Penbroke, to vnderstand what they meant by that their assem­bling thus togither. Wherevpon they deliuered to the same messengers a roll conteining the ancient liberties, priuiledges and customs of the realme, sig­nifieng that if the king would not confirme the same, they would not cease to make him warre, till line 40 he should satisfie their requests in that behalfe.

The archbishop and the earle returning to the king, shewed him the whole circumstance of that which the barons demanded, who tooke great indig­nation thereat, and scornefullie said; ‘Why doo they not aske to haue the kingdome also? Finallie, he af­firmed with an oth, that he would neuer grant any such liberties, whereby he should become a slaue.’ Herevpon the archbishop and the earle of Penbroke line 50 returned to the barons, and declared the kings deni­all to confirme their articles. Then the barons na­ming their hoast The armie of God and the holie church, The barons giue a plausi­ble name to their armie. set forward, and first came vnto Northamp­ton, and besieging the towne, when they could not preuaile, bicause the same was well prouided for de­fense aforehand, Northamp­ton besieged. they departed from thence, and came towards Bedford to besiege the castell there, in which sir William Beauchampe was capteine, They wan the towne but not the castell. Matth. West. who being secretlie confederate with them, deliuered line 60 the place incontinentlie into their hands.

Bedford ca­stell deliuered to the barons.Whilest they remained here a certeine time to for­tifie and furnish the castell with necessarie prouision, there came letters to them from London, giuing them to vnderstand, that if they would send a conue­nient power of souldiers to defend the citie, the same should be receiued thereinto at some meet and reaso­nable time in the night season by the citizens, who would ioine with them in that quarell against the king to the vttermost of their powers. The lords were glad of these newes, to haue the chiefe citie of the realme to take part with them, and therfore they sent foure bands of souldiers streightwaies thither, which were brought into the citie in the night season (according to order aforehand taken.) But as Matt. Paris saith, they were receiued into the citie by Al­gate, the 24 of Maie being sundaie, whilest the citi­zens were at masse. The next day they made open re­bellion, tooke such as they knew fauoured the king, brake into the houses of the Iewes, & spoiled them.

The barons hauing thus gotten possession of the citie of London, wrote letters vnto all those lords which as yet had not ioined with them in this confe­deracie, Matth. Paris. threatening that if they refused to aid them now in this necessitie, The barons write to other of the nobilitie to ioine with them against the king, they would destroie their ca­stels, manours, parkes, and other possessions, ma­king open warre vpon them as the enimies of God, and rebels to the church. These were the names of those lords which yet had not sworne to mainteine the foresaid liberties, William Marshall earle of Pen­broke, Rainulfe earle of Chester, Nicholas earle of Salisburie, William earle Warren, William erle of Albemarle, H. earle of Cornewall, W. de Albe­nie, Robert de Ueipount, Peter Fitz Herbert, Bri­an de Lisley, G. de Lucie, G. de Furniuall, Tho­mas Basset, H. de Braibrooke, I. de Bassingborne, W. de Cantlow, H. de Cornwall, Iohn Fitz Hugh, Hugh de Neuill, Philip de Albenie, Iohn Marshall, and William Brewer. All these vpon receipt of the barons letters, or the more part of them came to London, and ioined themselues with the barons, vt­terlie renouncing to aid king Iohn.

Also the plées in the eschequer ceased, and the shi­riffes staied from executing their office. The king lest desolate of fréends. For there was none that would paie anie monie to the kings vse, nor anie that did obeie him, in somuch that there remained with him but onelie seuen horssemen of all his traine at one time (as some write) though soone after he had a great power, which came to him to the castell of Windsore, where he then laie, Polydor. and meant to haue led the same against the lords with all spéed. But hearing now of this new rebellion of the Londoners, he changed his purpose and durst not de­part from Windsore, being brought in great doubt least all the other cities of the realme would follow their example. Herevpon he thought good to assaie if he might come to some agreement by waie of com­munication, and incontinentlie sent his ambassa­dours to the barons, promising them that he would satisfie their requests, if they would come to Wind­sore to talke with him.

Howbeit, The lords incamped be­twixt Stanes and Windsore. the lords hauing no confidence in his promise came with their armie within thrée miles of Windsore, and their pitcht downe their tents in a medow betwixt Stanes and Windsore, whither king Iohn also came the 15 daie of Iune, and shew­ed such friendlie countenance towards euerie one of them, K. Iohn com­meth to them to talk of some pacification. that they were put in good hope he meant no deceipt. Being thus met, they fell in consultation a­bout an agréement to be had. Matth. Paris. On the kings part (as it were) sate the archbishops of Canturburie and Dublin, the bishops of London, Winchester, Lin­colne, Bath, Worcester, Couentrie, Rochester, and Pandulph the popes Nuncio, with Almerike master of the knights templers: the earles of Penbroke, Salisburie, Warren, Arundell, Alane de Galoway, William Fitz Gerald, Peter Fitz Herbert, Alane Basset, Hugh de Neuill, Hubert de Burgh sene­schall of Poictou, Robert de Ropley, Iohn Marshall, and Philip de Albenie. On the barons part, there were innumerable, for all the nobilitie of England was in a maner assembled there togither.

Finallie, when the king measuring his owne strength with the barons, perceiued that he was not able to resist them, he consented to subscribe and seale to such articles concerning the liberties dem [...]nded, in forme for the most part as is conteined in the two charters Magna Charta, and Charta de Foresta, Magna Charta and Charta de Foresta. be­ginning [Page 186] Iohannes Deigratia, &c. And he did not onlie grant vnto them their petitions touching the forsaid liberties, but also to win him further credit, was contented that they should choose out certeine graue and honourable personages, which should haue autho­ritie and power to sée those things performed which he then granted vnto them.

There were twentie fiue of those that were so elec­ted, namelie these. The earles of Clare, Albemarle, Glocester, Winchester, and Hereford: also earle Roger, earle Robert, earle Marshall the yoonger, line 10 Robert Fitz Walter the yoonger, Gilbert de Clare, Eustace de Uescie, Hugh Bigot, William de Mowbray, the maior of London, Gilbert de la Ua­le, Robert de Roos, Iohn constable of Chester, Ri­chard de Percie, Iohn Fitz Robert, William Mal­let, Geffrey de Saie, Roger de Mowbray, William de Huntingfield, Richard de Mountfichet, and Wil­liam de Albenie. These fiue and twentie were sworne to sée the liberties granted and confirmed by the king to be in euerie point obserued, but if he went against line 20 the same, then they should haue authoritie to compell him to the obseruing of euerie of them.

Moreouer, there were other that were sworne to be obedient, and as it were assistant vnto these fiue and twentie péeres in such things as they should ap­point, which were these. The earle of Arundell, the earle Warren by his attornie, Henrie Doilie, Hu­bert de Burgh, Matthew Fitz Herbert, Robert de Pinknie, Roger Huscarle, Robert de Newburgh, Henrie de Pont Audoin, Rafe de la Hay, Henrie line 30 de Brentfield, Warren Fitz Gerald, Thomas Bas­set, William de Buckland, William de saint Iohn, Alane Basset, Richard de Riuers, Hugh de Bone­uale, Iordain de Sackuille, Ralfe Musgraue, Ri­chard Siflewast, Robert de Ropeley, Andrew de Beauchampe, Walter de Dunstable, Walter Foli­oth, Foukes de Brent, Iohn Marshall, Philip Daub­nie, William de Perca, Ralfe de Normandie, William de Percie, William Agoilum, Engerand line 40 de Pratellis, William de Cirenton, Roger de Zu­che, The chate­lains of foure castels. Roger Fitz Barnard, and Godfrie de Gran­combe. It was further ordered, that the chatelains or constables (as I may call them) of the foure ca­stels of Northampton, Killingworth, Notingham, and Scarborow, should be sworne to the fiue and twentie péeres, to gouerne those castels in such wise as they should haue in commandement from the said fiue and twentie péeres, or from the greater part of them: and that such should be placed as chatelains in the same, as were thought to be most true and line 50 faithfull vnto the barons and the realme. ¶ It was also decreed, that certeine strangers, as Flemings and other, should be banished out of England.

The king herevpon sent his letters patents vnto the shiriffes of all the counties of this realme, com­manding them to see the ordinances and liberties which he granted and confirmed, to be diligentlie ob­serued. And for the more strengthening of this his grant, he had gotten the pope to confirme a like char­ter line 60 granted the yeare before. For the pope (sith king Iohn was become his obedient vassall, and the apo­stolike king) easilie granted to gratifie both him and his lords herein, and so was the grant of the liber­ties corroborated & made good with a double confir­mation, and so sealed, that it was impossible for them to be separated in sunder, the kings grant being an­nexed to the popes bull.

Immediatlie also vpon the confirmation now made by the king, diuerse lords came to him, and re­quired restitution of such possessions, lands, and hou­ses, as he had in his hands▪ the right whereof (as they alledged) apperteined to them: but he excused the matter, and shifted them off, till by inquest taken, it might appeare what right euerie man had to those things which they then claimed: and furthermore as­signed them a daie to be holden at Westminster, which was the sixtéenth day of Iulie. But yer he restored at that time the castell of Rochester vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, the barons hauing obteined a great peece of their purpose (as they thought) returned to London with their charter sea­led, the date whereof was this: Rochester c [...] ­stell restored to the archb. [...] Canturburie. Giuen by our owne hand, in the medow called Kuningsmede or Rime­mede, betwixt Stanes and Windsore, the fifteenth of Iune, in the eighteenth yeare of our reigne.

Great reioising was made for this conclusion of peace betwixt the king and his barons, the people iudging that God had touched the kings heart, Matt. Paris. and mollified it, whereby happie daies were come for the realme of England, as though it had béene deliuered out of the bondage of Aegypt: but they were much deceiued, The kings impatiencie [...] sée himselfe brideled by [...] subiects. for the king hauing condescended to make such grant of liberties, farre contrarie to his mind▪ was right sorowfull in his heart, curssed his mother that bare him, the houre that he was borne, and the paps that gaue him sucke, wishing that he had re­ceiued death by violence of sword or knife, in stéed of naturall norishment: he whetted his teeth, he did bite now on one staffe, and now on an other as he wal­ked, and oft brake the same in péeces when he had doone, and with such disordered behauiour and furious gestures he vttered his gréefe, in such sort that the Noble men verie well perceiued the inclination of his inward affection concerning these things, before the breaking vp of the councell, and therefore sore la­mented the state of the realme, gessing what would follow of his impatiencie and displesant taking of the matter.

Herevpon they said among themselues, ‘Wo be to vs, yea rather to the whole realme that wanteth a sufficient king, and is gouerned by a tyrant that sée­keth the subuersion therof. Now hath our souereigne lord made vs subiect to Rome, and to the Romish court, so that we must hence [...]oorth obteine our pro­tection from thence. It is verie much to be feared, least we doo féele hereafter some further peece of mis­chéefe to light vpon vs suddenlie. We neuer heard of any king that would not gladlie indeuor to with­draw his necke from bondage & captiuitie, but ours of his owne accord voluntarilie submitteth himselfe to become vassall to euerie stranger. And thus the lords lamenting the case, left the king, and returned to London (as before yee haue heard.)’

But the king disquieted not a little, for that he was thus driuen to yéeld so farre vnto the barons, The king de­parteth into the Ile of Wight. not­withstanding as much as was possible he kept his purpose secret, deuised by what means he might dis­appoint all that had beene doone, and promised on his part, at this assemblie betwixt him and the lords a pacification (as yée haue heard.) Wherefore the next day verie late in the euening, he secretlie departed to Southampton, and so ouer into the Ile of Wight, where he tooke aduice with his councell what remedie he might find to quiet the minds of his lords and ba­rons, and to bring them vnto his purpose. He sendeth ambassadors to the pope. At length after much debating of the matter, it was conclu­ded by the aduise of the greater part, that the king should require the popes aid therein. And so Walter the bishop of Worcester, & Iohn the bishop of Nor­wich, with one Richard Marish his chancellor, with all speed were sent as ambassadors from the king vnto pope Innocent, to instruct him of the rebellion of the English Nobilitie, and that he constreined by force had granted them certeine lawes and priui­leges, hurtfull to his realme, and preiudiciall to his crowne.

Moreouer, sith that all this was doone by the au­thoritie [Page 189] of the pope, the king besought him to make the same void, and to command the barons to obeie him being their king, as reason required they should. There were also sent by him other messengers, as Hugh de Boues and others, Hugh de Boues. into diuerse parts be­yond the sea, to bring from thence great numbers of men of war and souldiers, appointing them to meet him at Douer, at the feast of saint Michaell next in­suing. Matth. Paris. He sent likewise vnto all his chateleins and constables of castels within the realme, requiring line 10 them to prouide themselues of all things necessarie for defense of the holds committed to their charge, if they should chance to be besieged, though it were on the next morrow.

His ambassadours and other messengers being thus dispatched, and hauing but few persons left a­bout him, or in maner none, except such of the bishop of Norwich his seruants as he had borowed of him, he fell to take prises as any ships came by suspected not to be his fréends, so séeking to win the fauour of line 20 the mariners that belonged to the cinke ports, and so lay close in the Ile of Wight and there about the sea-coasts for the space of thrée moneths togither. In which meane time, manie things were reported of him, some calling him a fisher, some a merchant, and some a pirat and rouer. And manie (for that no certeine newes could be heard of him) iudged that he was either drowned, or dead by some other means. But he still looking for some power to come ouer to his aid, kept himselfe out of the way, till the line 30 same should be arriued, and dissembled the conceit of his reuenge and hart-grudge, till opportunitie ser­ued him with conuenient securitie to put the same in execution. Wherein he shewed himselfe discréet and prouident, and did as in such a case one wiseman dooth counsell another, saieng,

—sapiens irámque coërcet,
Saepè etiam vtiliter cedit, placidísque furentem
Demulcet dictis, & dulcibus allicit hostem
Blanditijs, donec deceptum in retia mittat.

Polydor.The lords all this while lay at London, and began line 40 to doubt the matter, bicause they could heare no cer­teine newes where the king was become: for doub­ting (as I said) the suertie of his person, he conueied himselfe secretlie from one place to another, lodging and taking his diet oftentimes more meanlie than was decent for his estate: and still he longed to heare how his ambassadours sped with the pope, who in the meane time comming vnto Rome, The ambassa­dours cōming to the popes presence de­clare their message. and declaring their message at full, tooke it vpon their solemne oth, line 50 that the right was on the kings side, and that the fault rested onelie on the lords, touching the whole controuersie betweene them and him, who sought with great rigour and against reason to bridle him at their pleasures.

They shewed also a note of certeine articles con­teined in the charter, Matth. Paris. which seemed to make most for the kings purpose, and withall declared that the king in open assemblie, where he and the barons met to talke of such matters, had protested that the king­dome line 60 of England speciallie apperteined (as touching the souereingtie) vnto the church of Rome, whervpon he neither could nor ought without knowledge of the pope to ordeine anie thing anew, or change ought within that kingdome in preiudice thereof. Where­fore whereas he put himselfe and all the rights of his kingdome by way of appealing vnder the protection of the apostolike sée: the barons yet without regard had to the same appeale, did seize into their possessi­on the citie of London, and getting them to armour, inforced the king to confirme such vnreasonable ar­ticles, as there appeared for him to consider.

The popes answer vnto the kings am­bassadours.The pope hauing heard their tale, and considered of the articles, with bending browes (in witnesse of his indignation) made foorthwith this short answer: ‘And is it so, that the barons of England doo go about to expell their king, which hath taken vpon him the crosse, and is remaining vnder the protection of the apostolike sée▪ And doo they meane indéed to tran­slate the dominion that belongeth to the church of Rome vnto another? By S. Peter we cannot suffer this iniurie to passe vnpunished. Herevpon (credi­ting the ambassadours words) by the aduice of his cardinals, he decréed that all those priuiledges, which the king had granted vnto the lords and barons of this realme, as inforced thereto by their rebellious attempt, should be accounted void and of none ef­fect.’ Also he wrote vnto the lords, admonishing them by his letters that they should obeie their king, vpon paine of his cursse if they should attempt anie thing that sounded to the contrarie.

¶At the same time there was in the court of Rome (as Hector Boetius saith) a cardinall named Gualo or Wallo, a verie couetous person, Hect. Boetius. Cardinall Gualo. and such a one (as in that place some are neuer wanting) which for mo­nie passed not what he did further anie mans suit, without regard either to right or wrong, by whose chiefe trauell and means the pope was greatlie in­duced to fauour king Iohns cause, and to iudge with him in preiudice of the lords purposes, as before is expressed.

But to proceed. Polydor. The ambassa­dours returne from the pope. The ambassadours being dispatch­ed, and hauing the popes prescript, and such other his letters with them as they had obteined of him, re­turned with all spéed into England vnto the king (who was come a litle before vnto Windsore castell) and there declared vnto him how they sped. K. Iohn being ioifull in that they had brought the matter so well about for his purpose, The popes decrée is de­clared to the lords. caused the popes decree to be declared vnto the barons, commanding them streitlie to obeie the same. The barons taking the matter grieuouslie to be thus mocked, with great in­dignation both blamed king Iohns vniust dealing, and the popes wrongfull iudgement, in that he had pronounced against them, without hearing what they had of right to alledge for themselues. Where­vpon out of hand (notwithstanding the popes prohi­bition and prescript to the contrarie) they determined to trie their cause by dint of sword, The barons will trie their quarel by dint of sword. and with all speed assembled their powers, which for the greater part they had latelie dismissed and sent home. They fur­nished the castell of Rochester with a strong garri­son of men, and placed therein as capteine one Wil­liam Albeney, a verie skilfull warriour.

King Iohn, after he vnderstood that the barons (contemning the popes decrée and inhibition) were more offended and bent against him than before, The K. sen­deth eftsoons to the pope. sent once againe to the pope, to aduertise him of their dis­obedience and great contumacie shewed in refusing to stand to his prescript. This doone, he returned to the Ile of Wight, and sailed from thence to Douer, The king re­turneth into the Ile of Wight. where diuerse of those his commissaries which he had sent to hire soldiers in forren parts returned to him, bringing with them out of diuerse countries such a multitude of souldiers and armed men, Matt. Paris. Polydor. that the one­lie sight of them stroke the harts of all the beholders with great feare and terror. The arriuall of forren soul­diers to the kings aid. Sancrie de Mauleon. For out of the parties of Poictou and Gascoine, there came men of great no­bilitie, and right worthie warriours, as Sauerie de Mauleon, Geffrey and Oliuer de Buteuile two bre­thren, hauing vnder them great numbers of good souldiers and tall men of warre. Also out of Bra­bant there came Walter Buc, Gerard de Sotignie, and on [...] Godestall, with thrée legions of armed men and crossebowes. Likewise there came out of Flan­ders other capteins, with diuerse bands of souldiers, which Ferdinando earle of Flanders (latelie retur­ned Ferdinando erle of Flan­ders. out of the French captiuitie) for old fréendships [Page 188] [...] furnished and sent ouer to aid him against his [...] as he had [...].

King Iohn then hauing recouered strength [...] him and being aduertised that William de [...] was entred into the castell of Rochester with a great number of knights, [...] men of armes and other souldiers, hasted thither with his whole arme, and be­sieged them within, inforcing himselfe by all waies possible to win the castell as well by battering the walles with engines, [...] as by giuing thereto manie as­saults: line 10 but the garison within consisting of nintie and foure knights beside demilances, and other soul­diers defended the place verie manfullie, in hope of reseue from the barons, which laie as then at Lon­don: but they comming forward one daies iournie vnto Dartford, when they heard that the king was comming forward in good araie of battell to meet them vpon consideration had of their owne forces, for that they were not able to match him with foot­men, they returned barke againe to the citie, break­ing line 20 that assured promise which they had made and al­so confirmed by their solemne oths, which was that if the castell should chance to be besieged, [...] they would not faile but raise the siege.

At length they within for want of vittels were constreined to yeeld it vp vnto the king, after it had beene besieged the space of three score daies: [...] during which ti [...]e they had beaten backe their enimies at sundrie assaults, with great slaughter and losse. But the king hauing now got the possession of that hold, line 30 vpon greefe conceiued for the losse of so manie men, and also bicause he had line so long about it yet he could w [...]nne it, to his inestimable costs and charges, was determined to haue put them all to death that had kept it. [...] But Sauerie de Ma [...]leon aduised him otherwise, lest by such crueltie, the barons in any like case should be occasioned to vse the same extremitie towards such of his people, as by chance might fall into their hands. Thus the king spa [...]ed the Nobles and gentlemen, sending William de Albenie, Wil­liam line 40 de Lancaster, William de Emeford, Thomas de Muleton, Osbert Giff [...]d, Os [...]ert de Bobie, Odi­nell de Albenie, and diuerse other to the castell of Corfe, there to be kept as prisoners. But Robert Charme, Richard Gifford, and Thomas de Lincolne were sent to Notingham, and so other were sent to other places. As for all the demilances or yeomen (if I shall so call them) and the arcubalisters which had slaine manie of his men during the siege (as Mat­thew Paris saith) the king caused them to be hanged, A [...]cubalisters those y • beare cr [...]ss [...]bowes. line 50 to put other in feare that should so obstinatlie resist him.

Neuerthelesse as the booke that belonged to Berne­ [...]ell abbie saith) there was not any of them hanged, [...] sauing one arcubalister onelie, whome the king had brought vp top a child. But howsoeuer the king dealt with them after they were yéelded, true it is (as by the same booke it appeareth▪ there had beene no siege in those daies more earnestlie inforced, nor more ob­stinatlie defended: for after that all the limmes of line 60 the castell had beene reuersed and throwne downe, they kept the maister tower, till halfe thereof was also ouerthrowne, and after kept the other halfe, till through famine they were constreined to yéeld, ha­uing nothing but horsseflesh and water to susteine their liues withall.

Here is to be remembred, that whilest the siege laie thus at Rochester, Hugh de Boues a valiant knight, but full of pride and arrogancie, a French­man borne, but banished out of his countrie, came downe to Calice with an huge number of men of warre and souldiers to come to the aid of king Iohn. But as he was vpon the sea with all his people, mea­ning to land at Douer, by a sudden tempest which ro [...]e at that instant, [...] the said Hugh with all his com­panie was drowned by sh [...]pwracke. So [...]e after the [...] of the same Hugh with the carcases of other innumerable, both of men, women, and children, were found not farre from Yeu [...]ou [...]h, and all along that coast. There were of them in all fortie thousand, as saith Matthew Paris, for of all those which he brought with him, there was (as it is said) not one man le [...]t aliue.

The king (as the [...]ame went, but h [...]w [...] I know not) had giuen by charter vnto the [...] Hugh de Boues, the whole countrie of Northfolke, so that he ment to haue expelled the old inhabitants, and to haue peopled it with strangers. But whether this was so or not, sure it is that he was verie sorowfull for the losse of this [...] and aid which thus perished in the seas, though it happened verie well for his sub­iects of England, that should haue béene fore oppres­sed by such multitude of strangers, which for the most part must néeds haue liued vpon the countrie, to the vtter vndooing of the inhabitants wheresoeuer they should haue come.

Héere is to be noted, [...] that during the siege of Ro­chester (as some write) there came out of France to the number [...]eere hand of seauen thousand men sent from the French king vnto the aid of the barons, at the suit of Saer de Quincie earle of Winchester and other ambassadours that were sent from the ba­rons, during the time of this siege, although it should seeme by Matthew Paris, that the said earle was not sent till after the pope had excommunicated the ba­rons (as after yée shall heare.) The Frenchmen that came ouer at this first time landed at Orwell, and at other hauens there neere adioining.

About this season, the canons of Yorke (bicause the archbishops sée there had remained void a long time) obteining licence of the king, assembled togi­ther about the election of an archbishop. And though the king had once againe earnestlie mooued them to preferre Walter Graie bishop of Wo [...]cester, yet they refused so to doo, and therefore chose Simon de Langton, brother to the archbishop of Canturburie, which election was afterward made vo [...] by the ear­nest trauell of the king to the pope, bicause his bro­ther the said archbishop of Canturburie was known to fauour the part of the barons against him, so that the said Walter Graie was then elected and promo­ted to the guiding of the sée of Yorke, Walter [...] elected arc [...], of yorke. according to the kings speciall desire in that behalfe.

About the same time also, pope Innocent being certified, how the barons of England would not o­beie his prescript, iudged them enimies to the church and gaue commandement to Peter the bishop of Winchester, to the abbat of Reading, and to the sub­deacon Pandulph, to pronounce the sentence of ex­communication against them. But they could not at the first execute the popes commandement here­in, by reason that the archbishop of Canturburie, The arc [...]b. [...] Canturburi [...] fauoureth the barons par [...]. who fauoured the barons cause, would not permit them. Wherefore the same archbishop was interdicted out of the church, and from saieng diuine seruice, and also being cited to appeare at Rome, was in danger to be depriued of his miter; had not certeine cardinals intreated for him, and obteined his pardon. The arch­bishop being gone to Rome, as well to excuse him­selfe in this matter, as to be present at the generall councell there holden at that time (for he was readie to go take the sea thitherwards when the bishop of Winchester and Pandulph came to him with the popes letters) the said bishop of Winchester & Pan­dulph proceeded to the pronouncing of the excommu­nication against the barons, Matth. Paris. The bar [...] denounced [...] ­curssed by the popes com­mandement. renewing the same euerie sundaie and holieday: albeit the barons (bicause none of them were expresselie named in the popes [Page 189] letters) made none account of the censure, reputing it as void, and not to concerne them in any manner of point. But now to returne to king Iohn.

After he had woone the castell of Rochester (as be­fore you haue heard) he hasted to S. Albons, and there diuided his armie into two parts, K. Iohn diui­deth his armie in two parts. appointing the one to remaine about London, whilest he him­selfe with the other might go into the north to waste and destroie the possessions of certeine lords there, which (as he was informed) went about to raise an armie against him. He made capteins of that armie line 10 which he left behind him, Polydor. Matth. Paris. his brother William earle of Salisburie, Sauerie de Mauleon, Will. Brewer, Walter Buc, and others. He himselfe departed from S. Albons about the 21 day of December, leading his said armie northwards: in which were chiefe cap­teins these that follow, William erle of Albemarle, Philip de Albeney, and Iohn Marshall. Also of stran­gers, Gerard de Sotigam, and Godstall, with the Flemings, the crossebowes, and others.

K. Iohn goeth northward. Matth. Paris.The first night he laie at Dunstable, and from thence passing forwards towards Northampton, he destroied by the waie all the manours, places and houses, which belonged to the aduersaries, and so kept on his iournie till he came to Notingham, Notingham. where he laie in the castell on Christmasse day, year 1216 and in the mor­ning (being S. Stephans day) he went to Langar, and lodged there that night, sending his summons in the morning to the castell of Beauer, Beauer castle summoned to yeeld. William de Albeney. willing them within to yeeld. This castell apperteined to William Albeney, who had committed the custodie line 30 thereof vnto his sonne Nicholas de Albeney préest, to sir William de Stodham, Stodham. Charnelles. and to sir Hugh Char­nelles knights: the which came to the king with the keies of the castell, and surrendered the same vnto him, with condition that he should be good to their master the said William Albeney, and grant vnto them their horsses and armour, wherwith they would remaine with him vnder his peace and protection. On the next morrow (being S. Iohns day) the king line 40 went to the castell, The castell of Beauoir ren­dered to the king. and receiuing the same, deliuered it to the kéeping of Geffrey Buteuile, and his bro­ther Oliuer.

Dunnington castell taken and raced.After this the castell of Iohn Lacie at Dunning­ton was taken and laid flat to the ground, by com­mandement of the king, who hauing accomplished his will in those parties, drew towards Yorkeshire, and at his comming thither destroied the houses, townes and manours of those lords and gentlemen which were against him. It is horrible to heare, and line 50 lothsome to rehearse the crueltie which was practised by the souldiers and men of warre in places where they came, Matth. Parris. who counting no honour or renowme more excellent, nor glorie (as warriours say)

Maior nulla quidem quàm bello parta videtur,
Horrida Mauortis tractare ferociter arma,
Hostilìque suam temerare in sanguine dextram,

and therfore were wholie bent to spoile and ransacke the houses of the people without pitie or compassion, besides the robberies, spoiles and great outrages line 60 vsed by the souldiers generallie against the common people. Few there were in that countrie of great li­nage or wealth, whom the king for their assembling themselues with the barons either spoiled not, or put not to execution. K. Iohn ta­keth y e castell of Barwike. Thus with his armie (to the great desolation of the countrie) he passed foorth to the bor­ders of Scotland, and entring that realme, tooke the castell of Barwike, and other places of strength in those parts, meaning to haue woone more from the Scots, if other vrgent businesse had not called him backe againe. This being doone, he committed the countrie which lieth betwixt the riuer of These, and the confines of Scotland, Hugh de Ba­lioll & Philip de Hulcotes. to the keeping of Hugh de Balioll and Philip de Hulcotes, assigning to them such conuenient number of men of warre as was thought expedient, Robert de Uepount, Brian de Lisle, Gef­frey de Lucie. and the custodie of the castels in Yorkeshire he deliuered to Robert de Uepount, to Brian de Lisle, and to Geffrey de Lucie.

Finallie, when he had so ordered things in the North parts as stood with his pleasure, so that there remained no more but two castels, that is to saie, Mountsorrell, Mountsorell betwixt Lei­cester & Lug­borough. and another in Yorkeshire that apper­teined to Robert de Roos in possession of the barons, he returned by the borders of Wales into the south parts: and by all the way as he passed, he shewed great crueltie against his aduersaries, besieging and taking their castels and strong houses, of the which some he caused to be fortified with garrisons of souldiers to his owne vse, and some he raced. The like feats were wrought by the other armie in the parts about London: for▪ William earle of Salisburie, and Foukes de Brent, with the other capteins which the king had left behind him there, perceiuing that the citie would not easilie be woone by anie siege, first furnished the castell of Windsore, Hertford, and Barkhamsted, with such strong garrisons of souldi­ers as might watch, vpon occasion giuen to assaile those that should either go into the citie, or come from thence: they marched foorth with the residue of the armie, The earle of Salisburie with his ar­mie inuadeth the countries about Lon­don. and passing through the counties of Essex, and Hertford, Middlesex, Cambridge, Huntington, they wasted the countries, and made the townes be­come tributaries to them. As for the houses, manour places, parkes, and other possessions of the barons, they wasted, spoiled and destroied them, running e­uen hard to the citie of London and setting fire in the suburbs.

In this meane time, whilest the king went for­wards on his iournie northwards, vpon the 18 of December last past, The castell of Hanslap. the castell of Hanslap was ta­ken by Foukes de Brent, which apperteined vnto William Manduit. On the same day also was the castell of Tunbridge taken by the garrison of Ro­chester, Tunbridge castell. which castell of Tunbridge belonged to the earle of Clare. Moreouer, the foresaid Foukes de Brent comming vnto Bedford, Bedford takē by Foukes de Brent. wan both the towne and castell: for they that had the castell in kéeping, after 7 daies respit (which they obteined at the hands of the said Foukes) when rescue came not from the lord William Beauchampe their maister, Will. Beau­champe. they deli­uered it vnto the said Foukes. Unto whom K. Iohn gaue not onlie that castell, but also committed to his kéeping the castels of Northampton, Castels deli­uered to the kéeping of Foukes de Brent. Oxford and Cambridge.

The king had this Foukes in great estimation, and amongst other waies to aduance him, he gaue to him in marriage Margaret de Riuers, a ladie of high nobilitie, Foukes de Brent ad­uanced by marriage. Rockingham, Sawey, and Biham. with all the lands and possessions that to hir belonged. Moreouer, to William earle of Al­bemarle the king deliuered the custodie of the ca­stels of Rockingham, Sawey and Biham. To one Ranulfe Teutonicus, the castell of Barkehamsted, and to Walter Godreuill seruant to Foukes de Brent, Barkhamsted he betooke the kéeping of the castell of Hert­ford. Thus what on the one part, Hertfort ca­stell. and what on the o­ther, the barons lost in maner all their possessions from the south sea vnto the borders of Scotland, the king seizing the same into his hands, and commit­ting them to the kéeping of strangers, and such other as he thought more trustie and conuenient. All this while the barons laie at London banketting and making merrie, without attempting anie exploit praise-worthie. But yet when they heard by certeine aduertisement, what hauocke and destruction was made of their houses & possessions abroad, they could not but lament their miseries, and amongst other their complaints which they vttered one to another, they sore blamed the pope, as a cheefe cause of all [Page 190] these euils, for that he mainteined and defended the king against them.

Indeed about the same time pope Innocent, who before at the instant suit of king Iohn had excom­municated the barons in generall, The barons accursed by name. did now excom­municate them by name, and in particular, as these. First all the citizens of London which were authors of the mischéefe that had happened by the rebellion of the said barons. Also Robert Fitz Walter, Saer de Quincie earle of Winchester, R. his sonne, G. de Mandeuille, and W. his brother the earle of Clare, line 10 and G. his sonne, H. earle of Hereford, R. de Percie, G. de Uescie, I. conestable of Chester, W. de Mow­braie, Will. de Albenie, W. his sonne, P. de Breuse, R. de Cressey, I. his sonne, Ranulfe Fitz Robert, R. earle Bigot, H. his sonne, Robert de Uere, Foulke Fitz Warren, W. Mallet, W. de Mountacute, W. Fitz Marshall, W. de Beauchampe, S. de Kime, R. de Montbigons, and Nicholas de Stuteuille, with diuerse other. line 20

The armie which king Iohn had left behind him in the south parts, vnder the leading of the earle of Salisburie and other, laie not idle, but scowring the countries abroad (as partlie yee haue heard) came to S. Edmundsburie, Ralfe Cog. and hauing intelligence there, that diuerse knights, ladies and gentlewomen that were there before their comming, had fled out of that towne, and for their more safetie were with­drawne into the Ile of Elie, they followed them, be­sieged the Ile, and assailed it on ech side, so that al­though line 30 they within had fortified the passages, and ap­pointed men of warre to remaine vpon the gard of the same in places where it was thought most néed­full; yet at length they entred vpon them by force, Walter Bucke with his Brabanders being the first that set foot within the Ile towards Herbie. For by reason the waters in the fenes and ditches were hard frosen, so that men might passe by the same into the said Ile, they found means to enter, and spoiled it frō side to side, The Ile of Elie spoiled. Polydor. Bernewell. togither with the cathedrall church, line 40 carieng from thence at their departure a maruel­lous great prey of goods and cattell.

The barons of the realme being thus afflicted with so manie mischéefes all at one time, as both by the sharpe and cruell warres which the king made a­gainst them on the one side, and by the enmitie of the pope on the other side, they knew not which way to turne them, nor how to séeke for releefe. For by the losse of their complices taken in the castell of Roche­ster, they saw not how it should any thing auaile line 50 them to ioine in battell with the king. Therefore con­sidering that they were in such extremitie of despaire they resolued with themselues to seeke for aid at the enimies hands, The lords send to the French kings sonne, offering to him the crowne. and therevpon Saer earle of Win­chester, and Robert Fitz Walter, with letters vnder their seales were sent vnto Lewes the sonne of Phi­lip the French king, offering him the crowne of England, and sufficient pledges for performance of the same, and other couenants to be agréed betwixt them, requiring him with all speed to come vnto their line 60 succour. This Lewes had married (as before is said) Blanch daughter to Alfonse king of Cas [...]ile, néere to king Iohn by his sister Elianor.

Now king Philip the father of this Lewes, be­ing glad to haue such an occasion to inuade the relme of England, which he neuer looued, promised willing­lie that his sonne should come vnto the aid of the said barons with all conuenient spéed (but first he recei­ued foure and twentie hostages which he placed at Campaine for further assurance of the couenants ac­corded) and herewith he prepared an armie, and di­uerse ships to transport his sonne and his armie o­uer into England. In the meane time, and to put the barons in c [...]mfort, he sent ouer a certeine number of armed men, vnder the leading of the chatelaine of saint Omers and the chatelaine of Arras, French [...] sent ouer to the aid of the barons. Hugh Thacon, Eustace de Neuille, Baldwin Brecell, Wil­liam de Wimes, Giles de Melun, W. de Beamont, Giles de Hersie, Biset de Fersie, and others, the which taking the sea, arriued with one and fortie ships in the Thames, The [...] after the [...] Rafe Co [...]. and so came to London the sea­uen and twentith of Februarie, where they were re­ceiued of the barons with great ioy and gladnesse. Moreouer the said Lewes wrote to the barons, that he purposed by Gods assistance to be at Calice by a day appointed, with an armie redie to passe ouer with all spéed vnto their succours.

The fridaie before Candlemasse day, Rafe Co [...] ▪ Sauarie de Mauleon, and other capteines of the kings side, laid siege to the castell of Colchester, but hauing intelli­gence that the barons which laie at London made forward with all speed to come to succour that castell, on the Wednesday after Candlemasse day, being the third of Februarie, they raised their siege, and went backe towards S. Edmundsburie.

In the meane while, the K. being gone (as yee haue heard) to the borders of Scotland, a brute was raised that he was dead, and secretlie buried at Reading. But this rumour had not time to worke any great alteration, for after he had dispatched his businesse in the north, as he thought expedient, he returned, and comming into the east parts about the midst of Lent himselfe in person besieged the castell of Colchester, and within a few daies after his comming thither, it was deliuered vnto him by Frenchmen that kept it, with condition that they might depart with all their goods and armour, vnto their fellowes at Lon­don, and that the Englishmen there in companie with them in that castell, might likewise depart vpon reasonable ransoms.

But although that couenant was kept with the Frenchmen, yet the Englishmen were staied and committed to prison. Wherevpon when the French­men came to London, they were apprehended and charged with treason for making such composition, whereby those Englishmen that were fellowes with them in arms were secluded from so beneficiall con­ditions as they had made for themselues. They were in danger to haue béene put to death for their euill dealing herein, albeit at length it was concluded that they should remaine in prison till the comming of Lewes, vnto whose pleasure their cause should be referred.

After this the castell of H [...]dingham was woone, which belonged vnto earle Robert de Uere. Then the king prepared to besiege London, but the Londo­ners were of such courage, that they set open their gates, and hearing of the kings approach, made rea­die to issue forth to giue him battell: wherof the king being aduertised, withdrew backe, but Sauerie de Mauleon was suddenlie set vpon by the Londoners, lost manie of his men, and was sore hurt and woun­ded himselfe.

The king perceiuing that it would not preuaile him to attempt the winning of the citie at that time, drew alongst the coast, fortified his castels, and pre­pared a great name, meaning to encounter his eni­mie Lewes by sea: but through tempest the ships which he had got togither from Yarmouth, Dunwich Lin, and other hauens, were dispersed in sunder, and manie of them cast awaie by rage and violence of the outragious winds.

Somewhat before this time also, King Iohn once agai [...] sendeth to the pope. when he heard of the compact made betwixt the barons and his ad­uersaries the Frenchmen, he dispatched a messenger in all hast to the pope, signifieng to him what was in hand and practised against him, requiring further­more the said pope by his authoritie to cause Lewes [Page 191] to staie his iournie, and to succour those rebels in England which he had alreadie excommunicated. This he néeded not haue doone, had he beene indued with such prudence and prowesse as is requisit to be planted in one that beareth rule, of whom it is said,

Cui si quando Deus rerum permittat habenas,
Imperij (que) decus, tunc aurea secula fiunt,
Tunc floret virtus, terrásque Astrea reuisit,
Pax viget, & vitium duris cohibetur habenis,

whereas by meanes of defects in the contrarie, he line 10 bare too low a saile, in that he would be so foolified as being a king, to suffer vsurped supremasie to be car­uee of his kingdome. But let vs sée the conse­quence. Anno. Reg. 18. Cardinall Gualo. Matth. Paris. The pope desirous to helpe king Iohn all that he might (bicause he was now his vassall) sent his legat Gualo into France, to disswade king Phi­lip from taking anie enterprise in hand against the king of England. But king Philip though he was content to heare what the legat could saie, The French kings allega­tions to the popes legat Gualo. yet by no meanes would be turned from the execution of his line 20 purpose, alledging that king Iohn was not the law­full king of England, hauing first vsurped and ta­ken it awaie from his nephue Arthur the lawfull in­heritour, and that now sithens as an enimie to his owne roiall dignitie he had giuen the right of his kingdome awaie to the pope (which he could not doo without consent of his nobles) and therefore through his owne fault he was worthilie depriued of all his kinglie honor. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. For the kingdome of England (saith he) neuer belonged to the patrimonie of S. Peter, nor at anie time shall. For admit that he were right­full line 30 king, yet neither he nor anie other prince may giue awaie his kingdome without the assent of his barons, which are bound to defend the same, and the prerogatiue roiall, to the vttermost of their powers. Furthermore (saith he) if the pope doo meane to mainteine this errour, he shall giue a perilous exam­ple to all kingdomes of the world. Herewithall the Nobles of France then present, protested also with one voice, that in defense of this article they would stand to the death, which is, that no king or prince at line 40 his will and pleasure might giue awaie his king­dome, or make it tributarie to anie other potentate, whereby the Nobles should become thrall or subiect to a forren gouernour. These things were doone at Lions in the quindene after Easter.

Lewes on the morrow following, being the 26 of Aprill, by his fathers procurement, came into the councell chamber, Lewes the Frēch kings sonne main­te [...]neth his pretended ti­tle to the crowne of England. and with frowning looke beheld the legat, where by his procurator he defended the cause that moued him to take vpon him this iournie into line 50 England, disprouing not onelie the right which king Iohn had to the crowne, but also alledging his owne interest, not onelie by his new election of the barons, but also in the title of his wife, whose mother the quéene of Castile remained onelie aliue of all the brethren and sisters of Henrie the second late king of England (as before ye haue heard.) The legat made answer herevnto, that ‘king Iohn had taken vpon him the crosse, as one appointed to go to warre line 60 against Gods enimies in the holie land, wherefore he ought by decrée of the generall councell to haue peace for foure yeares to come, The priuilege of those that tooke vpon them the crosse. and to remaine in suertie vnder protection of the apostolike sée.’ But Lewes replied thereto, that king Iohn had by warre first inuaded his castels and lands in Picardie, and wasted the same, as Buncham castell and Lien [...], with the countie of Guisnes which belonged to the fée of the said Lewes.

Matth. Paris.But these reasons notwithstanding, the legat war­ned the French king on paine of cursing, not to suf­fer his sonne to go into England, and likewise his sonne, that he should not presume to take the iournie in hand. But Lewes hearing this, declared that his father had nothing to do to forbid him to prosecute his right in the realme of England, which was not hol­den of him, and therefore required his father not to hinder his purpose in such things as belonged no­thing to him, but rather to licence him to séeke the recouerie of his wiues right, which he meant to pur­sue with perill of life, if need should require.

The legat perceiuing he could not preuaile in his sute made to king Philip, thought that he would not spend time longer in vaine, in further treating with him, but sped him foorth into England, obteining yet a safeconduct of the French king to passe through his realme. Lewes in like maner, purposing by all meanes to preuent the legat, The French kings sonne sendeth to the pope. first dispatched foorth ambassadours in all hast vnto the court of Rome to excuse himselfe to the pope, and to render the rea­sons that most speciallie mooued him to procéed for­ward in his enterprise against king Iohn, being cal­led by the barons of England to take the crowne thereof vpon him. This doone, with all conuenient speed he came downe to Calice, He commeth to Calice. where he found 680 ships well appointed and trimmed, which Eustace surnamed the moonke had gathered and prepared there readie against his comming.

Lewes therefore foorthwith imbarking himselfe with his people, He taketh the sea. and all necessarie prouisions for such a iournie, tooke the sea, and arriued at a place called Stanchorre in the Ile of Tenet, vpon the 21 day of Maie, and shortlie after came to Sandwich, He landeth in Kent. & there landed with all his people, where he also incamped vpon the shore by the space of thrée daies. In which meane time there came vnto him a great number of those lords and gentlemen which had sent for him, and there euerie one apart and by himselfe sware fe­altie and homage vnto him, The lords doo homage vn­to him. as if he had béene their true and naturall prince.

King Iohn about the same time that Lewes thus arriued, came to Douer, meaning to fight with his aduersaries by the way as they should come for­ward towards London. But yet vpon other aduise­ment taken, he changed his purpose, bicause he put some doubt in the Flemings and other strangers, of whome the most part of his armie consisted, Matth. Paris. bicause he knew that they hated the French men no more than they did the English. Therefore furnishing the castell of Douer, with men, munition, and vit­tels, he left it in the kéeping of Hubert de Burgh, a man of notable prowesse & valiancie, and returned himselfe vnto Canturburie, and from thence tooke the high waie towards Winchester. Lewes being aduertised that king Iohn was retired out of Kent, passed through the countrie without anie incounter, and wan all the castels and holds as he went, but Douer he could not win.

At his comming to Rochester, Rochester ca­stell woone. he laid siege to the castell there, and wan it, causing all the strangers that were found within it to be hanged. This doone, he came to London, Lewes com­meth to Lon­don. and there receiued the homage of those lords and gentlemen which had not yet doone their homage to him at Sandwich. On the other part he tooke an oth to mainteine and performe the old lawes and customes of the realme, and to restore to euerie man his rightfull heritage and lands, re­quiring the barons furthermore to continue faithfull towards him, assuring them to bring things so to passe, that the realme of England should recouer the former dignitie, and they their ancient liberties. Moreouer he vsed them so courteouslie, gaue them so faire words, and made such large promises, that they beléeued him with all their harts. But alas! Cur vincit opinio verum?

The rumour of this pretended outward courtesie being once [...]ored through the realme, caused great numbers of people to come flocking to him, among [Page 192] whome were diuerse of those which before had taken part with king Iohn, as William earle Warren, William earle of Arundell, Noblemen reuolting frō K. Iohn vn­to Lewes. William earle of Sa­lisburie, William Marshall the yoonger, and diuerse other, supposing verelie that the French kings sonne should now obteine the king dome, who in the meane time ordeined Simon Langton afore mentioned, Simon Lāg­ton chancellor to Lewes. to be his chancellour, by whose preaching and exhortati­on, as well the citizens of London as the barons that were excommunicated, caused diuine seruice to be celebrated in their presence, induced thereto, bicause line 10 Lewes had alreadie sent his procurators to Rome before his comming into England, there to shew the goodnesse of his cause and quarell.

But this auailed them not, neither tooke his excuse any such effect as he did hope it should: for those am­bassadors that king Iohn had sent thither, replied a­gainst their assertions, so that there was hard hold about it in that court, albeit that the pope would de­crée nothing till he hard further from his legat Gua­lo, who the same time (being aduertised of the procée­dings of Lewes in his iournie) with all diligence ha­sted ouer into England, Cardinall Gualo com­meth ouer in­to England. and passing through the mid­dle of his aduersaries, came vnto king Iohn, then so­iourning at Glocester, of whome he was most ioiful­lie receiued, for in him king Iohn reposed all his hope of victorie. This legat immediatlie after his comming did excommunicate Lewes by name, with all his fautors and complices, but speciallie Si­mon de Langton, with bell, booke, and candle, as the maner was. Howbeit the same Simon, and one line 30 Geruase de Hobrug deane of S. Pauls in London, with other, alledged that for the right and state of the cause of Lewes, they had alreadie appealed to the court of Rome, and therefore the sentence published by Gualo they tooke as void.

At the same time also, all the knights and men of warre of Flanders and other parts beyond the seas, The more part of the strangers de­part from the seruice of K. Iohn. which had serued the king, departed from him, the Poictouins onelie excepted: and part of them that thus went from him resorted vnto Lewes, and en­tred line 40 into his wages; but the residue repaired home into their owne countries, so that Lewes being thus increased in power, departed from London, and marching towards Winchester, he wan the castels of Rigat, Castels woon by Lewes. Gilford, and Farnham. From thence he went to Winchester, where the citie was yéelded vn­to him, with all the castels and holds thereabout, as Woluesey, Odiham, and Beaumere.

¶ Whilest the said Lewes was thus occupied in Sussex, about the subduing of that countrie vnto his line 50 obeisance, there was a yoong gentleman in those parts named William de Collingham, being of a valorous mind, and loathing forren subiection, who would in no wise doo fealtie to Lewes, William de Collingham a gentleman of Sussex. but assem­bling togither about the number of a thousand ar­chers, kept himselfe within the woods and desert pla­ces, whereof that countrie is full, and so during all the time of this warre, shewed himselfe an enimie to the Frenchmen, slaieng no small numbers of them, as he tooke them at any aduantage. O worthie gentle­man line 60 of English bloud! And O ‘Grandia quae aggreditur fortis discrimina virtus!’

In like manner, all the fortresses, townes, and ca­stels in the south parts of the realme were subdued vnto the obeisance of Lewes (the castels of Douer and Windsore onelie excepted▪) Within a little while after, Will. de Mandeuille, Robert Fitz Walter, and William de Huntingfield, with a great power of men of warre, did the like vnto the countries of Essex and Suffolke. In which season, king Iohn for­tified the castels of Wallingford, Castels forti­fi [...]d by king Iohn. Corse, Warham, Bristow, the Uies, and diuerse others with muniti­on and vittels. About which time letters came also vnto Lewes from his procurators, whom he had sent to the pope, by the tenor whereof he was aduertised, that notwithstanding all that they could doo or say, the pope meant to excommunicate him, and did but onelie staie till he had receiued some aduertisement from his legat Gualo.

The chéefest points (as we find) that were laid by Lewes his procurators against king Iohn were these, The points wherewith king Iohn was charged. that by the murther committed in the person of his nephue Arthur, he had béene condemned in the parlement chamber, before the French king, by the péeres of France, and that being summoned to ap­peare, he had obstinatelie refused so to doo, and there­fore had by good right forfeited not onelie his lands within the precinct of France, but also the realme of England, which was now due vnto the said Lewes as they alledged, in right of the ladie Blanch his wife, daughter to Elianor quéene of Spaine. But the pope refelled all such allegations as they produ­ced for proofe hereof, & seemed to defend king Iohns cause verie pithilie; but namelie, in that he was vn­der the protection of him as supreme lord of Eng­land: againe, for that he had taken vpon him the crosse (as before yée haue heard.) But now to re­turne where we left.

About the feast of saint Margaret, Lewes with the lords came againe to London, at whose com­ming, the tower of London was yeelded vp to him by appointment, after which the French capteins and gentlemen, thinking themselues assured of the realme, began to shew their inward dispositions and hatred toward the Englishmen, The French men begin to shew them­selues in their kind. I [...]en. sat. 9. and forgetting all former promises (such is the nature of strangers, and men of meane estate, that are once become lords of their desires, according to the poets words, ‘Asperius nihil est humili cùm surgit in altum)’ they did manie excessiue outrages, in spoiling and robbing the people of the countrie, without pitie or mercie. Moreouer they did not onelie breake into mens houses, but also into churches, and tooke out of the same such vessels and ornaments of gold and sil­uer, as they could laie hands vpon: for Lewes had not the power now to rule the gréedie souldiers, be­ing wholie giuen to the spoile.

But most of all their tyrannie did appeare in the east parts of the realme, when they went through the countries of Essex, Suffolke and Northfolke, where they miserablie spoiled the townes and villages, re­ducing those quarters vnder their subiection, and making them tributaries vnto Lewes in most ser­uile and slauish manner. Furthermore, The castell of Norwich le [...]t for a prey to Lewes. at his com­ming to Norwich, he found the castell void of de­fense, and so tooke it, without any resistance, and put into it a garison of his souldiers. Also he sent a pow­er to the towne of Lin, which conquered the same, and tooke the citizens prisoners, Lin. causing them to paie great summes of monie for their ransoms. Mor­ouer, Thomas de Burgh, Thomas de Burgh taken prisoner. chateleine of the castell of Norwich, who vpon the approch of the Frenchmen to the citie, fled out in hope to escape, was taken priso­ner, and put vnder safekéeping. He was brother vnto Hubert de Burgh capteine of Douer castell.

Now when Lewes had thus finished his enterpri­ses in those parts, he returned to London, Gilbert de Gaunt made earle of Lin­colne. and short­lie therevpon created Gilbert de Gaunt earle of Lincolne, appointing him to go thither with all con­uenient speed, that he might resist the issues made by them which did hold the castels of Notingham and Newarke, wasting and spoiling the possessions and lands belonging to the barons neere adioining to the same castels. This Gilbert de Gaunt then, togither with Robert de Ropeley, comming into that coun­trie, tooke the citie of Lincolne, and brought all the countrie vnder subiection (the castell onlie excepted▪ Lincolne woone.) [Page 193] After that, Holland in Lincolnshire inuaded. they inuaded Holland, and spoiling that countrie, made it also tributarie vnto the French. Likewise, Robert de Roos, Peter de Bruis, and Ri­chard Percie, subdued Yorke and all Yorkeshire, bringing the same vnder the obeisance of Lewes. Yorkeshire subdued to Lewes. The king of Scots in like sort subdued vnto the said Lewes all the countrie of Northumberland, except the castels which Hugh de Balioll, and Philip de Hul­cotes valiantlie defended against all the force of the enimie. line 10

And as these wicked rebels made a prey of their owne countrie, so the legat Guallo not behind for his part to get something yer all should be gone, vpon a falkonish or woolnish appetite fleeced the church, con­sidering that,

[...],
— [...]

and tooke proxies of euerie cathedrall church & house of religion within England, that is to say, for euerie proxie fiftie shillings. The legat Gualo gathe­reth proxes. Sequestratiō of benefices. Moreouer, he sequestred all the line 20 benefices of those persons and religious men, that either aided or counselled Lewes and the barons, in their attempts and enterprises. All which benefices he spéedilie conuerted to his owne vse, and to the vse of his chapleins.

In the meane time, Lewes was brought into some good hope thorough meanes of Thomas de Burgh, whom he tooke prisoner (as before you haue heard) to persuade his brother Hubert to yéeld vp the castell of Douer, the siege whereof was the next line 30 enterprise which he attempted. For his father king Philip, hearing that the same was kept by a garri­son, to the behoofe of king Iohn, wrote to his sonne, blaming him that he left behind him so strong a for­tresse in his enimies hands. Lewes tra­uelleth in vaine to take Douer. Rafe Cog. But though Lewes in­forced his whole indeuour to win that castell, yet all his trauell was in vaine. For the said Hubert de Burgh, and Gerard de Sotigam, who were chéefe capteins within, did their best to defend it against him and all his power, so that despairing to win it by force, he assaied to obteine his purpose, by threatning line 40 to hange the capteins brother before his face, if he would not yeeld the sooner. But when that would not serue, he sought to win him by large offers of gold and siluer. Howbeit, such was the singular constan­cie of Hubert, that he would not giue anie eare vnto those his flatering motions. Then Lewes in a great furie menaced that he would not once depart from thence, till he had woon the castell, and put all them within to death, and began to assaile it with more line 50 force than before he had doone.

The barons also, which at this season lay at Lon­don, making a rode to Cambridge, tooke the towne, and after went foorth into Northfolke and Suffolke (as it were to gather vp such scraps as the French had left) spoiling those countries verie pitifullie, chur­ches and all. Yermouth, Dunwich, & Gipswich r [...]nsomed. They constreined the townes of Yer­mouth, Dunwich & Gipswich, to pay to them great summes of monie by waie of ransoming. And at length returning by Colchester, they vsed like prac­tises line 60 there. From thence they returned to London, and shortlie after, vnder the conduct of the earle of Neuers (vpon a sudden) going to Windsore, they laid a strong siege about that castell; in the which was capteine Ingelard de Athie, with sixtie valiant knights, & other men of war of their suit, the which manfullie stood at defense.

In the moneth of August, Alexander king of Scotland came through the countrie vnto the siege of Douer, Alexander K. of Scots doth homage to K. Lewes. and there did homage vnto Lewes, in right of his tenure holden of the kings of England, and then returned home, but in his comming vp, as he came by castell Bernard in the countrie of Ha­liwerkfolke (which apperteined vnto Hugh de Ba­lioll) he lost his brother in law the lord Eustace de Uescie, This Eustace had married the sister of K. Alexander. who was striken in the forehead with a quar­rell, as he rode in companie of the king néere vnto the same castell, to view if it were possible vpon a­nie side to win it by assault.

About the same time, or rather in the yeare last past as some hold, it fortuned that the vicount of Melune a French man, fell sicke at London, and perceiuing that death was at hand, Matth. Paris. he called vnto him certeine of the English barons, which remained in the citie, vpon safegard thereof, The vicount of Melune discouereth the purpose of Lewes. and to them made this protestation: ‘I lament (saith he) your destruc­tion and desolation at hand, bicause ye are ignorant of the perils hanging ouer your heads. For this vn­derstand, that Lewes, and with him 16 earles and barons of France, haue secretlie sworne (if it shall fortune him to conquere this realme of England, & to be crowned king) that he will kill, banish, and confine all those of the English nobilitie (which now doo serue vnder him, and persecute their owne king) as traitours and rebels, and furthermore will dispos­sesse all their linage of such inheritances as they now hold in England. And bicause (saith he) you shall not haue doubt hereof, I which lie here at the point of death, doo now affirme vnto you, and take it on the perill of my soule, that I am one of those sixteen that haue sworne to performe this thing: wherefore I ad­uise you to prouide for your owne safeties, and your realmes which you now destroie, and kéepe this thing secret which I haue vttered vnto you. The vicount of Melune dieth.’ After this spéech was vttered he streightwaies died.

When these words of the lord of Melune were o­pened vnto the barons, they were, and not without cause, in great doubt of themselues, for they saw how Lewes had alredie placed and set Frenchmen in most of such castels and townes as he had gotten, the right whereof indeed belonged to them. And a­gaine, it gréeued them much to vnderstand, The English nobilitie be­ginneth to mislike of the match which they had made with Lewes. how be­sides the hatred of their prince, they were euerie sun­daie and holiedaie openlie accursed in euerie church, so that manie of them inwardlie relented, and could haue bin contented to haue returned to king Iohn, if they had thought that they should thankfullie haue béene receiued.

In this yeare, about the 17 of Iulie, pope Inno­cent died, The death of pope In­nocent. at whose death (being knowen in England) all they that were enimies to king Iohn greatlie re­ioised, for they were in great hope that his succes­sour would haue rather inclined to their part, than to the kings. But it fell out otherwise, Honorius the third chosen pope. for Honorius the third that succeeded the same foresaid Innocent, mainteined the same cause in defense of king Iohn, as earnestlie or rather more than his predecessour had doone, sending with all spéed his buls ouer into England to confirme Gualo in his former authoritie of legat, commanding him with all indeuour to pro­céed in his businesse, in mainteining the king a­gainst Lewes, and the disloiall English nobilitie that aided the said Lewes. But now to our purpose.

King Iohn lieng all this while at Winchester, and hauing knowledge how his aduersaries were dailie occupied in most hard enterprises, as in besieging sundrie strong and inuincible places, sent foorth his commissioners to assemble men of warre, and to al­lure vnto his seruice all such, as in hope of prey, were minded to follow his standard, of the which there resorted to him no small number. So that ha­uing gotten togither a competent armie for his pur­pose, he brake foorth of Winchester, as it had béene an hideous tempest of weather, beating downe all things that stood in his waie, The hauocke which king Iohn made in the possessions of his aduer­saries. sending foorth his peo­ple on ech side to wast the countries, to burne vp the townes and villages, to spoile the churches & church­men. With which successe still increasing his furie, [Page 192] he turned his whole violence into Cambridgeshire, where he did excéeding great hurt. Then entring into the countries of Northfolke and Suffolke, Northfolke and Suffolke. he com­mitted the like rage, wast, and destruction, in the lands and possessions that belonged vnto the earle of Arundell, to Roger Bigot, William de Hunting­field, and Roger de Cressey.

The barons in the meane time that lay at siege be­fore the castle of Windsore, The siege raised from Windsor. hearing of that hauocke which king Iohn had made in the east parts of the line 10 realme, secretlie in the night season raised their camps, and leauing their tents behind them, with all spéed made towards Cambridge. But king Iohn by faithfull espials, hauing aduertisement of their in­tent, which was, to get betwixt him and the places of his refuge, withdrew him and got to Stamford, yer they might reach to Cambridge, so that missing their purpose, after they had taken some spoiles abroad in the countrie, they returned to London. King Iohn from Stamford, marched toward Lincolne, bicause line 20 he heard that the castell there was besieged.

But those that had besieged it, as Gilbert de Gaunt, Gilbert de Gaunt fléeth from the face of king Iohn. and others, hearing that king Iohn was comming towards them, durst not abide him, but fled, and so escaped. The king then turned his iournie towards the marshes of Wales, and there did much hurt to those places that belonged to his aduersaries. After this also, and with a verie puissant armie he went e [...]tsoones eastwards, and passing through the countries, came againe into the counties of North­folke line 30 and Suffolke, wasting and afflicting all that came in his waie, and at length comming to Lin, was there ioifullie receiued. Lin. The abbeies of Peter­burgh & Crowland spoiled. Bernewell. Then keeping foorth northwards, he spoiled the townes and abbeies of Peterburgh and Crowland, where a number of the kings enimies were withdrawne into the church, but Sauerie de Mauleon, being sent foorth to séeke them, found them in the church the morrow after S. Micha­ell, and drew them out by force, spoiled the house, and getting a great bootie and prey of cattell and other line 40 riches, he with his people conueied the same awaie at his departing, after he had ransacked euerie cor­ner of the church, and other the houses and places be­longing to that abbeie.

Thus the countrie being wasted on each hand, the king hasted forward till he came to Wellestreme sands, where passing the washes he lost a great part of his armie, The losse of the kings carriages. with horsses and carriages, so that it was iudged to be a punishment appointed by God, that the spoile which had béene gotten and taken out line 50 of churches, abbeies, and other religious houses, should perish, and be lost by such means togither with the spoilers. Yet the king himselfe, and a few other, escaped the violence of the waters, Matth. Paris. Matth. West. by following a good guide. But as some haue written, he tooke such greefe for the losse susteined at this passage, that im­mediatlie therevpon he fell into an ague, the force and heat whereof, King Iohn falleth sicke of an ague. Matth. Paris. togither with his immoderate feeding on rawe peaches, and drinking of new si­der, so increased his sicknesse, that he was not able to line 60 ride, but was faine to be carried in a litter presentlie made of twigs, with a couch of strawe vnder him, without any bed or pillow, thinking to haue gone to Lincolne, but the disease still so raged and grew vpon him, that he was inforced to staie one night at the ca­stell of Laford, Laford. Matth. West. Matt. Paris. and on the next day with great paine, caused himselfe to be caried vnto Newarke, where in the castell through anguish of mind, rather than through force of sicknesse, King Iohn departed this life. he departed this life the night before the ninetéenth day of October, in the yeare of his age fiftie and one, and after he had reig­ned seauenteene yeares, six moneths, and seauen and twentie daies.

¶There be which haue written, that after he had lost his armie, he came to the abbeie of Swineshead in Lincolneshire, and there vnderstanding the cheape­nesse and plentie of corne, shewed himselfe greatlie displeased therewith, as he that for the hatred which he bare to the English people, that had so traitorous­lie reuolted from him vnto his aduersarie Lewes, wished all miserie to light vpon them, and therevp­on said in his anger, that he would cause all kind of graine to be at a farre higher price, yer manie daies should passe. Where vpon a moonke that heard him speake such words, being mooued with zeale for the oppression of his countrie, gaue the king poison in a cup of ale, wherof he first tooke the a [...]aie, Caxton. to cause the king not to suspect the master, and so they both died in manner at one time.

There are that write, Gisburn & [...] how one of his owne ser­uants did conspire with a conuert of that abbeie, and that they prepared a dish of peares, which they poiso­ned, three of the whole number excepted, which dish the said conuert presented vnto him. And when the king suspected them to be poisoned indéed, by reason that such pretious stones as he had about him, cast foorth a certeine sweat, as it were bewraieng the poison, he compelled the said conuert to tast and eat some of them, who knowing the thrée peares which were not poisoned, tooke and eat those three, which when the king had séene, he could not longer absteine, but fell to, and eating gréedilie of the rest, died the same night, no hurt happening to the conuert, who thorough helpe of such as bare no good will to the K. found shift to escape, and conueied himselfe awaie from danger of receiuing due punishment for so wicked a deed.

Beside these reports which yee haue heard, there are other that write, The variable reports of writers, con­cerning the death of king Iohn. how he died of surfeting in the night, as Rafe Niger; some, of a bloudie flix, as one said that writeth an addition vnto Roger Houeden, And Rafe Cogheshall saith, that comming to Lin, (where he appointed Sauerie de Mauleon to be cap­teine, and to take order for the fortifieng of that towne) he took a surfet there of immoderat diet, and withall fell into a laske, and after his laske had left him, at his comming to Laford in Lindsey, he was let bloud: furthermore to increase his other greefes and sorrowes for the losse of his carriage, iewels and men, in passing ouer the washes, which troubled him sore; there came vnto him messengers from Hubert de Burgh, and Gerard de Sotegam capteins of Douer castell, aduertising him, that they were not a­able to resist the forceable assalts and engins of the enimies, if spéedie succour came not to them in due time. Whereat his gréefe of mind being doubled, so as he might séeme euen oppressed with sorrow, the same increased his disease so vehementlie, that within a small time it made an end of his life (as be­fore yée haue heard.)

The men of warre that serued vnder his ensignes, being for the more part hired souldiers and stran­gers, came togither, and marching foorth with his bo­die, each man with his armour on his backe, in war­like order, conueied it vnto Worcester, where he was pompouslie buried in the cathedrall church be­fore the high altar, not for that he had so appointed (as some write) but bicause it was thought to be a place of most suertie for the lords and other of his fréends there to assemble, Bernewell. and to take order in their businesse now after his deceasse. And bicause he was some­what fat and corpulent, his bowels were taken out of his bodie, and buried at Croxton abbeie, a house of moonks of the order called Praemonstratenses, in Staffordshire, the abbat of which house was his physician.

¶ How soeuer or where soeuer or when soeuer he died, it is not a matter of such moment that it should [Page 195] impeach the credit of the storie: but certeine it is that he came to his end, let it be by a surfet, or by o­ther meanes ordeined for the shortening of his life. The manner is not so materiall as the truth is cer­teine. And suerlie, he might be thought to haue pro­cured against himselfe manie molestations, manie anguishes & vexations, which nipt his hart & gnawd his very bowels with manie a sore symptome or pas­sion: all which he might haue withstood if fortune had beene so fauourable, that the loialtie of his subiects line 10 had remained towards him inuiolable, that his No­bles with multitudes of adherents had not with such shamefull apostasie withstood him in open fight, that forren force had not weakened his dominion, or ra­ther robbed him of a maine branch of his regiment, that he himselfe had not sought with the spoile of his owne people to please the imaginations of his ill af­fected mind; that courtiers & commoners had with one assent performed in dutie no lesse than they pre­tended in veritie, to the preseruation of the state and line 20 the securitie of their souereigne: all which presuppo­sed plagues concurring, what happinesse could the king arrogate to himselfe by his imperiall title, which was through his owne default so imbezelled, that a small remanent became his in right, when by open hostilitie and accurssed papasie the greater por­tion was pluckt out of his hands.

Here therefore we sée the issue of domesticall or homebred broiles, the fruits of variance, the gaine that riseth of dissention, whereas no greater nor sa­fer line 30 fortification can betide a land, than when the in­habitants are all alike minded. By concord manie an hard enterprise (in common sense thought vnpos­sible) is atchiued, manie weake things become so de­fended, that without manifold force they cannot be dissolued. From diuision and mutinies doo issue (as out of the Troiane horsse) ruines of roialties, and de­caies of communalties. The sinewes of a realme is supposed of some to be substance and wealth; of other some policie and power; of other some conuenient line 40 defenses both by water and land: but a most excel­lent description of a well fortified countrie is that of Plautus, set downe in most pithie words and graue sentences; no lesse worthie to be written than read and considered. The description is this.

Plaut. in Pers.
Si incolae bene sunt morati pulchrè munitū regnū arbitror:
Perfidia & peculatus ex vrbe & auaritia si exulent,
Quarta inuidia, quinta ambitio, sexta obtrectatio,
Septimum periurium, octaua indulgentia,
Nona iniuria, decima quod pessimum aggressu scelus: line 50
Haec nisi inde aberūt cētuplex murus reb secundis parū est.

And therefore no maruell though both courtiers and commoners fell from king Iohn their naturall prince, and tooke part with the enimie; not onelie to the disgrace of their souereigne, but euen to his ouer­throw, and the depopulation of the whole land; sith these maine bulworks and rampiers were wan­ting; and the contrarie in most ranke sort and de­testable manner extended their virulent forces.

But we will surceasse to aggranate this matter, line 60 sith the same is sufficientlie vrged in the verie course of the historie concerning his acts and déeds, conti­nued to the verie day of his death, and the verie time of his buriall, whereof I saie thus much, that whether it was his will to be interred, as is aforesaid, or whe­ther his corpse being at the disposing of the surui­uers, to elect the place as a conuenient storehouse for a princes bones, I leaue it as doubtfull, and therfore vndetermined, esteeming the lesse to labour therein, bicause the truth can hardlie by certeintie be win­nowed out, but by coniecturall supposals aimed and shot at. Notwithstanding, in my poore iudgement it is verie likelie (first in respect of the time which was superstitious and popish; secondlie by reason of the custome of funerall rites then commonlie vsed) that he was buried in the said place for order sake, & his bodie (if I may presume so farre by warrant of mine author) wrapped in a moonks cowle and so laid in his graue or toome. For the manner was at that time, in such sort to burie their Nobles and great men, who were induced by the imaginations of moonks and fond fansies of fréers to beleeue, that the said cowle was an amulet or defensitiue to their soules from hell and hellish hags, how or in what soeuer sort they died; either in sorrow and repentance for sinne, or in blasphemie, outrage, impatiencie, or desperation.

This forme of funerals was frequented in Wales, hauing béene first brewed and broched in England, from whence (if we may giue credit to our late Chro­nographers) as from a poisoned spring it spred it selfe into Wales. Humf. Lhloyd. Dauid Powell. For the first abbeie or frierie that is read to haue béene erected there, since the dissoluti­on of the noble house of Bangor, which sauoured not of Romish dregs, was the Twy Gwyn, which was builded in the yeare 1146. Afterwards these ver­mine swarmed like bées, or rather crawled like lice ouer all the land, and drew in with them their lowsie religion, tempered with I wot not how manie mil­lians of abhominations; hauing vtterlie forgotten the lesson which Ambrosius Telesinus had taught them [who writ in the yeare 540, when the right chri­stian faith (which Ioseph of Arimathia taught the Ile of Aualon) reigned in this land, before the proud and bloodthirstie moonke Augustine infected it with the poison of Romish errors] in a certeine ode, a part whereof are these few verses insuing,

Gwae'r offeiriad byd,
Nys angreifftia gwyd,
Ac ny phregetha:
Gwae ny cheidw ey gail,
Ac efyn vigail,
Ac nys areilia:
Gwae ny theidw ey dheuaid,
Rhae bleidhie Rhiefeniaid,
Ai ffon grewppa,
Wo be to that preest yborne,
Thus in En­glish almost word for word.
That will not cleanelie weed his corne,
And preach his charge among:
Wo be to that shepheard (I saie)
That will not watch his fold alwaie,
As to his office dooth belong:
Wo be to him that dooth not keepe,
From rauening Romish wolues his sheepe,
With staffe and weapon strong.

This (as not impertinent to the purpose) I haue re­corded, partlie to shew the palpable blindnes of that age wherein king Iohn liued, as also the religion which they reposed in a rotten rag, estéeming it as a Scala coeli or ladder to life; but speciallie inferred to this end, that we may fetch some light from this cléere candle (though the same seeme to be duskish & dim) whereby we may be lead to conceiue in reason and common sense, that the interrement of the king was according to the custome then in vse and re­quest, and therefore by all likelihoods he was buried as the péeres and states of the land were woont to be in those daies, after the maner aboue mentioned.

But to let this passe as a cold discourse of a cof­fen of bones couered with clods of claie; King Iohns children. you shall vnderstand that he left behind him posteritie of both sexes. For he had issue by his wife queene Isabell two sonnes, Henrie who succéeded him in the king­dome, and Richard; thrée daughters, Ioane married to Alexander king of Scotland, Isabell coupled in matrimonie with the emperour Frederike the se­cond, [Page 196] and Elianor whome William earle of Gloce­ster had to wife. He had also another daughter (as some haue left in writing) called Elianor.

He was comelie of stature, but of looke and coun­tenance displeasant and angrie, somewhat cruell of nature, as by the writers of his time he is noted, and not so hardie as doubtfull in time of perill and dan­ger. But this séemeth to be an enuious report vtte­red by those that were giuen to speake no good of him whome they inwardlie hated. Howbeit some giue line 10 this witnesse of him (as the author of the booke of Bernewell abbeie and other) that he was a great and mightie prince, but yet not verie fortunate, much like to Marius the noble Romane, tasting of for­tune both waies: bountifull and liberall vnto stran­gers, but of his owne people (for their dailie treasons practised towards him) a great oppressour, so that he trusted more to forreners than to them, and therfore in the end he was of them vtterlie forsaken.

¶ Uerelie, whosoeuer shall consider the course of the line 20 historie written of this prince, he shall find, that he hath beene little beholden to the writers of that time in which he liued: for scarselie can they afoord him a good word, except when the trueth inforceth them to come out with it as it were against their willes. The occasion whereof (as some thinke) was, for that he was no great freend to the clergie. And yet vndoub­tedlie his déeds shew he had a zeale to religion, as it was then accompted: for he founded the abbeie of Beauleau in the new forrest, as it were in recom­pense line 30 of certeine parishchurches, which to inlarge the same forrest he caused to be throwne downe and rui­nated.

He builded the monasterie of Farendon, and the abbeie of Hales in Shropshire; he repaired God­stow where his fathers concubine Rosamund laie in­terred; he was no small benefactor to the minster of Lichfield in Staffordshire; to the abbeie of Cro­kesden in the same shire, and to the chappell at Kna­tesburgh in Yorkshire. So that (to say what I thinke) line 40 he was not so void of deuotion towards the church, as diuers of his enimies haue reported, who of meere malice conceale all his vertues, and hide none of his vices; but are plentifull inough in setting foorth the same to the vttermost, and interpret all his doo­ings and saiengs to the woorst, as may appeare to those that aduisedlie read the works of them that write the order of his life, which may séeme rather an inuectiue than a true historie: neuerthelesse, sith we cannot come by the truth of things through the ma­lice line 50 of writers, Matth. Paris. Polydor. & alij. we must content our selues with this vnfréendlie description of his time. Certeinelie it should séeme the man had a princelie heart in him, and wanted nothing but faithfull subiects to haue as­sisted him in reuenging such wrongs as were doone and offered by the French king and others.

Moreouer, the pride and pretended authoritie of the cleargie he could not well abide, when they went a­bout to wrest out of his hands the prerogatiue of his princelie rule and gouernement. True it is, that to mainteine his warres which he was forced to take in hand, as well in France as elsewhere, he was con­streined to make all the shift he could deuise to reco­uer monie, and bicause he pinched their pursses, they conceiued no small hatred against him, which when he perceiued, and wanted peraduenture discretion to passe it ouer, he discouered now and then in his rage his immoderate displeasure, as one not able to bridle his affections, a thing verie hard in a stout sto­mach, and thereby missed now and then to compasse that which otherwise he might verie well haue brought to passe.

It is written, that he meant to haue become feu­darie (for maintenance sake against his owne disloi­all subiects, Matth. Paris▪ and other his aduersaries) vnto Mira­mumeline the great king of the Saracens: but for the truth of this report I haue little to saie, and therefore I leaue the credit thereof to the authors. It is reported likewise, that in time when the realme stood interdicted, as he was abroad to hunt one day, it chanced that there was a great stag or hart killed, which when he came to be broken vp, prooued to be ve­rie fat and thicke of flesh; ‘Oh (saith he) what a plesant life this déere hath led, and yet in all his daies he neuer heard masse.’ To conclude, it may séeme, that in some respects he was not greatlie superstitious, and yet not void of a religious zeale towards the maintenance of the cleargie, as by his bountifull li­beralitie bestowed in building of abbeies and chur­ches (as before yée haue hard) it may partlie appeare.

In his daies manie learned men liued, as Gef­frey Uinesaufe, Simon Fraxinus aliàs Ash, Ada­mus Dorensis, Gualter de Constantijs first bishop of Lincolne and after archbishop of Rouen, Iohn de Oxford, Colman surnamed Sapiens, Richard Ca­nonicus, William Peregrine, Alane Te [...]kesburie, Simon Thurnaie, Bale, who being an excellent philosopher but standing too much in his owne conceit, vpon a sudden did so forget all his knowledge in learning, that he became the most ignorant of all other, a pu­nishment (as was thought) appointed him of God, for such blasphemies as he had wickedlie vttered, both against Moses and Christ. Geruasius Dorobernen­sis, Iohn Hanwill, Nigell Woreker, Gilbert de Hoiland, Benet de Peterburgh, William Parnus a moonke of Newburgh, Roger Houeden, Hubert Walter, first bishop of Salisburie and after archbi­shop of Canturburie, Alexander Theologus, of whome yee haue heard before, Geruasius Tilberien­sis, Syluester Giraldus Cambrensis, who wrote manie treatises, Ioseph Deuonius, Walter Mapis, Radulfus de Diceto, Gilbert Legley, Mauricius Morganius, Walter Morganius, Iohn de Forde­ham, William Leicester, Ioceline Brakeland, Ro­ger of Crowland, Hugh White aliàs Candidus that wrote an historie intituled Historia Petroburgensis, Iohn de saint Omer, Adam Barking, Iohn Gray an hi­storiographer and bishop of Norwich, Walter of Couentrie, Radulphus Niger, &c. Sée Bale Scripto­rum Britanniae centuria tertia.

Thus farre king Iohn.

Henrie the third, the eldest sonne of king Iohn.

HEnrie, the third of that name, the eldest sonne of K. Iohn, a child of the age of nine yeres, began his reigne ouer the realme of England the ninetéenth day of Octo­ber, Anno Reg. 1. in the yeare of our Lord 1216, in the seuenth yeare of the emperour Frederike the second, year 1216 and in the 36 yeare of the reigne of Philip line 10 the second king of France.

Immediatlie after the death of his father king Iohn, William Marshall earle of Penbrooke. William Marshall earle of Penbroke, gene­rall of his fathers armie, brought this yoong prince with his brother and sisters vnto Glocester, and there called a councell of all such lords as had taken part with king Iohn. Anon after it was once openlie knowne, that the sonnes and daughters of the late deceassed prince were brought into a place of safetie, a great number of the lords and cheefe barons of the line 20 realme hasted thither (I meane not onelie such as had holden with king Iohn, but also diuerse other, which vpon certeine knowledge had of his death, were newlie reuolted from Lewes) in purpose to aid yoong king Henrie, to whome of right the crowne did ap­perteine.

Thither also came Uallo or Guallo the popes le­gat (an earnest defender of the kings cause) with Pe­ter bishop of Winchester, & Iocelin bishop of Bath: also Ranulph earle of Chester, William Ferrers line 30 earle of Derbie, Matth. Paris. Iohn Marshall, and Philip de Albe­nie, with diuerse other lords and peeres of the relme, and a great number of abbats and priors, who by and by fell to councell togither what waie should be best to take, for the good order of things now in so doubtfull and perilous a time as this. The péeres of the realme being thus assembled, William earle of Penbroke, bringing the yoong king into their pre­sence, and setting him before them, spake these words following. line 40

The earle of Penbroks short and sweet oration as it is borrowed out of maister Fox.

BEhold right honourable and wel­beloued, although we haue perse­cuted the father of this yoong prince for his euill demeanor, and worthilie, yet this yoong child whome heere line 50 you see before you, as he is in years tender, so is he pure and innocent from those his fathers dooings. Wherefore, in so much as euerie man is charged onelie with the bur­then of his owne works and transgressi­ons, neither shall the child (as the scripture teacheth vs) beare the iniquitie of his fa­ther: we ought therefore of dutie and con­science to pardon this yoong and tender prince, and take compassion of his age as yee see. And now, for so much as he is the kings naturall and eldest sonne, and must be our souereigne king, and successour in this kingdome, come and let vs appoint him our king & gouernour, let vs remooue from vs this Lewes the French kings sonne, and suppresse his people, which are a confusion and shame to our nation: and the yoke of their seruitude let vs cast from off our shoulders.

When the barons had heard this earles words, after some silence and conference had, they allowed of his saiengs, and immediatlie with one consent, proclaimed the yoong gentleman king of England, whome the bishops of Winchester and Bath did crowne and annoint with all due solemnities at Glocester, vpon the day of the feast of the apostles Simon & Iude, in presence of the legat. Being thus crowned, he was committed to the gouernance of his brother in law, the foresaid William Marshall earle of Penbroke, who to win the good will of the people towards the yoong king, sent foorth messen­gers with letters into all parts of the realme, to sig­nifie the newes of the kings coronation, with an of­fer also of pardon to all such of the barons side as would turne to his part: and likewise of great re­wards to those, which hauing hitherto continued faith­full, would so remaine vntill this trouble should be ouerpast. By this means it came to passe, that his freends greatlie reioised at these newes, and manie of those which till that time had aided the French­men, reuolted from them, and in hope of pardon and reward turned to king Henrie.

It is reported by writers, that amongst other things, as there were diuerse which withdrew the hearts of the Englishmen from Lewes, the conside­ration of the confession which the Seé pag. 193. col. 2. vicount of Me­lune made at the houre of his death, was the princi­pall. The order whereof, in the later end of the life of king Iohn, yée haue heard. Truelie how little good will inwardlie Lewes and his Frenchmen bare to­wards the English nation, it appéered sundrie waies. And first of all, in that they had them in a manner in no regard or estimation at all, but rather sought by all means to spoile and keepe them vnder, not suffe­ring them to beare anie rule, nor putting them in trust with the custodie of such places as they had brought them in possession of. Secondlie, they cal­led them not to councell, so often as at the first they vsed to doo, neither did they procéed by their directi­ons in their businesse, as before they were accusto­med. [Page 198] Thirdlie, The pride of the French­men procu­reth them hatred. in all manner of their conuersation, neither Lewes nor his Frenchmen vsed them so fa­miliarlie, as at their first comming: but (as their ma­ner is shewing more loftie countenances toward them, they greatlie increased the indignation of the English lo [...]ds against them, who might euill abide to be so ouer-ruled.

To conclude, where great promises were made at their entring into the land, they were slowe inough in performing the same, so as the expectation of the line 10 English barons was quite made void: for they per­ceiued dailie that they were despised & scoffed at for their disloialtie shewed to their owne naturall prince, hearing now and then nips and tawnts openlie by the Frenchmen, that as they had shewed themselues false and vntrustie to their owne lawfull king, so they would not continue anie long time true vnto a stranger. Thus all these things laid togither, gaue occasion to the English barons to remember them­selues, and to take iust occasion to reuolt vnto king line 20 Henrie, as before wée haue mentioned. But now to the purpose of the historie.

Ye haue heard how Lewes had spent long time in vaine about the besieging of the castell of Douer, for although he plagued them within verie sore, yet Hubert de Burgh and Gerard de Sotigam bare themselues so manfullie, and therwith so politikelie, that their aduersaries could not come to vnderstand their distresse & danger within the castell, in so much that despairing to win it in anie short time, euen be­fore line 30 the death of king Iohn was knowne (as some write Lewes was contented to grant a truce to them that kept this castell, till the feast of Easter ne [...]t insuing: but (as it appeareth by other) this truce was not concluded till after the death of king Iohn was signified to Lewes, who greatlie reioising ther­at, supposed now within a short time, to bring the whole realme vnder his subiection: and therefore rai­sing his siege from Douer, in hope to compasse en­terprises of greater consequence, he came backe vn­to line 40 the citie of London.

When they within the castell of Douer saw the siege remooued, they came foorth, and burnt such hou­ses and buildings as the Frenchmen had raised be­fore the same castell, and comming abroad into the countrie, got togither such vittels and other necessa­rie prouision, as might serue for the furnishing of their fortresse for a long season. After that Lewes was returned vnto London, he remained not long there, but with a great armie marched foorth vnto line 50 Hertford, where he besieged the castell, which was in the keeping of Walter de Godardule seruant in household vnto Fouks de Brent, Matth. Paris. who defended the place from the feast of S. Martine, vntill the feast of S. Nicholas, Hertford ca­stell del [...]ered to Lewes. and then deliuered it by composition, that he and his people might depart with all their goods, horsse and armour. From thence Lewes went vnto Berkehamstéed, and besieged the castell, which was valiantlie defended by a Duch capteine named Waleron, who with his people behaued himselfe so line 60 manfullie, that a great number of Frenchmen and other of them without, were left dead in the ditches. At an issue also made vpon the side, towards the north where the barons lay, they spoiled the carriage and trusse of the said barons, and tooke therewithall the standard of William Mandeuile. Finallie about the [...]0 day of December, they yet yéelded the place vnto Lewes, The cast [...]l of Berkeham­s [...]d s [...]rre [...] ­red. bicause they were no longer able to keepe▪ it their liues, goods▪ horsse and armour saued.

Lewes hauing furnished this castell with a suffici­ent garrison, returned backe towards London, and comming to S. Albons, Ma [...]h. P [...]ris. constreined the abbat to giue vnto him foure score marks of siluer, for a fine, [...] recognisance of dooing his homage till the feast of the purification of our ladie next insuing. Which poore abbat was made to beléeue, that he ought to take this dealing to be an act of great courtesie, the earle of Winchester being an earnest meane for him that he might so easilie escape. Bernewe [...]. A truce. About the same time was a generall truce taken betwixt the king and Lewes, and all their partakers, till the 20 day af­ter Christmasse, for the obteining of which truce (as some write) the castell of Berkehamstéed was sur­rendered vnto the same Lewes, as before ye haue heard.

After Christmasse, and whilest the truce yet dured, year 1218 Lewes and the barons assembled at the councell which they held at Cambridge, & the lords that tooke part with the king met likewise at Oxford, and much talke there was, and great trauell imploied to haue concluded some agréement by composition be­twixt the parties, but it would not be, nor yet anie longer truce (which was also so [...]ght for) could be granted: wherevpon Lewes besieged the castell of Hidingham, the which togither with the castels of Norwich, Colchester, and Oxford, were surrendered vnto him, to haue a truce granted vntill a moneth after Easter next insuing. And so by this meanes all the east part of the realme came vnto the possession of Lewes. For the Ile of Elie was woon by his peo­ple a litle before the last truce, whilest he himselfe lay in siege at Berkehamstéed, except one fortresse be­longing to the same Ile, into the which the souldiers that serued there vnder the king were withdrawen. But yet although Lewes might seeme thus partlie to preuaile, in hauing these castels deliuered into his hands, yet being aduertised that dailie there re­uolted diuerse of the barons of England vnto king Henrie, which before had taken part with him: he stood in great doubt and feare of the rest, and there­fore furnished all those castels which he had woone with conuenient garrisons, and namelie the castell of Hertford, and after went to London, Polydor. there to vn­derstand what further trust he might put in the rest of the English lords and barons: for as diuerse had alreadie forsaken him, as it is said, so the residue were doubtfull what they were best to doo.

For first they considered, The perpl [...]tie in which the barons stood. that the renouncing of their promised faith vnto Lewes, whome they had sworne to mainteine as king of England, should be a great reproch vnto them: and againe they well saw that to continue in their obedience towards him, should bring the realme in great danger, sith it would be hard for any louing agréement to continue betwéene the French & Englishmen, their natures being so contrarie. Thirdlie, they stood somewhat in feare of the popes cursse, pronounced by his legat, both against Lewes and all his partakers. Albeit on the other side, to reuolt vnto king Henrie, though the loue which they did beare to their countrie, and the great towardnesse which they saw in him greatlie mooued them; yet sith by reason of his yoong yeares, he was not able either to follow the wars himselfe, or to take counsell what was to be doone in publike go­uernement, they iudged it a verie dangerous case. For whereas in wars nothing can be more expedi­ent than to haue one head, by whose appointment all things may be gouerned: so nothing can be more hurtfull than to haue manie rulers, by whose autho­ritie things shall passe and be ordered.

Wherefore these considerations sta [...]ed and kept one part of the English lords still in obedience to Lewes, namelie, for that diuerse of the confederats thought that it stood not with their honours so to for­sake him, till they might haue some more honorable colour to reuolt from their promises, or that the mat­ter should be taken vp by some indifferent agrée­ment to be concluded out of hand betwixt them. Her­vpon [Page 199] they resorted in like maner vnto London, and there with Lewes tooke councell what was to be doone with their businesse touching the whole state of their cause. ¶Here ye shall note, that before the con­cluding of this last truce, Fouks de Brent the cap­teine of the castell of Bedford gat togither a num­ber of souldiers out of the garrisons [...] the castels of Oxford, Northampton, Bedford, and Windsor, and comming with them to S. Albons the 22 of Februa­rie, S. Albons destroied. he spoiled the towne & abbie, in like maner as he line 10 had doone all the townes and villages by the way as he passed through the countrie, from Bedford vnto S. Albons.

The messengers which Lewes had remaining in the court of Rome, signified vnto him about the same time, that except he departed out of England, the sentence of excommunication, which Gualo or Walo the legat had pronounced against him, should be confirmed by the pope on Maundie thursdaie next insuing. Wherevpon Lewes was the more inclined line 20 to yéeld to the truce before mentioned, that he might in the meane time go ouer into France to his fa­ther, who had most earnestlie written and sent in commandement to him, that in any wise he should returne home to talke with him, and so about mid­lent after the truce was concluded, he prepared him­selfe, and sailed ouer into France, and as Polydor saith (but with what authoritie I know not) the king of Scots went also with him.

After his departure ouer, William earle of Sa­lisburie, Matth. Paris. Noble men reuolting frō Lewes. line 30 William earle of Arundell, William earle Warren, and diuerse other reuolted to king Henrie. Moreouer, William Marshall earle of Penbroke so trauelled with his son William Marshall the yoon­ger, that he likewise came to take part with the yoong king: whereby the side of Lewes and his French­men was sore weakened, and their harts no lesse ap­palled for the sequele of their affaires. Lewes retur­ned yet into England before the truce was expired. The lords that held on the kings part in the absence line 40 of Lewes, were not forgetfull to vse opportunitie of time: for beside that they had procured no small number of those that before time held with Lewes to reuolt from him to the kings side, they at one selfe time besieged diuerse castels, and recouered them out of their aduersaries hands, as Marlebrough, Farneham, Winchester, Cicester, and certeine o­ther, which they ouerthrew and raced, bicause they should not be taken and kept againe by the enimie. For ye must vnderstand, that the going ouer of line 50 Lewes now at that time, when it stood him most vp­on to haue beene present here in that troublesome season (which he ought to haue regarded with singu­lar circumspection, and warilie to haue watched, for ‘Virtus est, vbi occasio admonet, dispicere)’ brought no small hinderance to the whole state of all his businesse, in so much that he was neuer so highlie regarded afterwards among the English­men as before.

About the same time Ranulfe earle of Chester, line 60 William earle of Albermarle, Matth. Paris. The earle of Chester. William earle Fer­rers, Robert de Ueipount, Brian de Lisle, William de Cantlow, Philip de Marc, Robert de Gaugi, Fouks de Brent, & others assembled their powers, and comming to Mountsorell beside Loughborough in Leicestershire, The castell of Mountsorell besieged. besieged the castell there, the cap­teine whereof was one Henrie de Braibroke. This Henrie defended the place right manfully, Henrie Brai­broke. and doub­ting to be in distres by long siege, sent with all spéed to the earle of Winchester, Saer de Quincie erle of Win­chester. Saer de Quincie as then being at London with the Frenchmen, requi­ring him to send some succour to remoue the siege. Herevpon the earle of Winchester, to whom that castell belonged, required Lewes that some conue­nient power might be sent, whereby the siege might be remooued. Wherefore vpon councell taken with deliberate aduise, it was ordeined that an armie should be sent thither with all spéed, not onlie to raise the siege, but also to subdue that countrie vnto the o­bedience of Lewes. Herwith there went out of Lon­don 600 knights, and with them aboue twentie thou­sand men in armour, gréedie (as it seemed) to haue the spoile of other mens goods.

Their chiefe capteins were these: Saer de Quin­cie earle of Winchester, Robert Fitzwater, and o­thers, and they did set forward vpon the last of Aprill, which was the mondaie before the Ascension daie, passing through S. Albons, where they lodged the first night, and so to Dunstable, and by the waie such souldiers as were vsed to spoile and pillage, plaied their parts, not sparing to rob and ransacke as well religious houses as other. From Dunstable kée­ping on their iournie northwards, at length they came to Mountsorell, but the earle of Chester and the other lords, aduertised of their approch, The earle of Chester rai­seth his siege. were retired before to Notingham, determining there to abide, till they might vnderstand what waie the enimies would take.

In the meane time the earle of Winchester and the other barons, finding their enimies departed and the siege raised, determined foorthwith to go vnto Lincolne, where Gilbert de Gaunt and other had kept siege a long time before the castell, but yet in vaine. Bernewell. For there was a noble ladie within that ca­stell named Nichola, who demeaned hir selfe so vali­antlie in resisting all assaults and enterprises, which the enimies that besieged hir could attempt by anie meanes against hir, that they rather lost than wan honour and estimation at hir hands dailie. Therefore Robert Fitzwater and the other leaders of this ar­mie, to the end they might get that castell out of hir and other their enimies hands, tooke their iour­nie forward, and passing through the vale of Beau­uere, all things there that came to sight fell into the hands of the greedie souldiers. For the French foot­men, which were as it had béene the scum & reffuse of their countrie, least nothing vntouched that they might lay hands vpon, not sparing church or church­yard, nor hallowed place more than common or pro­phane. For they were so poore and ragged, The poore estate of the French sol­diers. that they had scarse anie tatters to couer their priuie parts withall. Finallie comming vnto Lincolne, they as­saulted the castell with all maner of engins, and as­saied by all waies possible whereby they hoped to ad­uance their purpose.

Thus whiles the barons with the Frenchmen were much busied about the siege of Lincolne castell, W. Marshall earle of Penbroke, by the aduise of the le­gat Gualo or Walo, and of Peter bishop of Win­chester, and other of the councell with king Henrie, caused summons to be giuen to all capteins and chateleins on the kings part, Summons to raise an ar­mie for the king▪ to be at Newarke vp­on mondaie in Whitsunwéeke, with such power as they might make, from thence to march to Lincolne, there to raise the siege, and deliuer the countrie from imminent oppression. Wherevpon there assembled at the daie and place prefixed, a great puissance of people desirous to fight for the defense of their coun­trie against the Frenchmen and other aduersaries, rebels to the pope, and excommunicated persons, so that when the muster was taken, there was num­bered 400 knights, 250 crossebowes, besides demi­lances and horssemen in great numbers, which for need might haue supplied and serued in stéed of men of armes, being verie well furnished for the purpose, and armed at all points.

The chiefe capteins of this companie were these: The capteins of the kings armie. William Marshall earle of Penbroke, and his son [Page 200] William Marshall the yonger, Peter bish. of Win­chester, a man right skilfull in feats of warre, Ra­nulph earle of Chester, William earle of Salisburie, William earle Ferrers, William earle of Albe­marle, besides barons, as William de Albenie late­lie released out of captiuitie, Iohn Marshall, Wil­liam de Cantlow, and William his sonne, Fouks de Brent, Thomas Basset, Robert de Ueipount, Brian de Lisle, Geffrey de Lucie, Philip de Albe­nie, with manie other chateleins and constables of line 10 sundrie castels.

The legat ac­curseth Lew­es & his com­plices.The legat being there present also on the fridaie in the Whitsunwéeke aforesaid, reuested in a white albe, accompanied with the cleargie, accursed in so­lemne wise Lewes the French kings sonne, with all his fautours and complices, & especiallie those which held siege before the castell of Lincolne, with all the citie: and the more to incourage all those that should passe foorth in this armie, to raise the siege, he granted to them free remission of all their sins, whereof they line 20 were trulie confessed, and by authoritie which he had from almightie GOD, and the apostolike sée, he promised to them the guerdon of euerlasting salua­tion. Herewith when the armie had receiued absolu­tion, and the legats blessing, euerie man marched foorth in his order and place appointed, and comming to Stow, an eight miles from Lincolne, they lod­ged there all night.

In the morning they passed foorth towards Lin­colne, vnder the conduct of the said earle of Pen­broke as generall of the whole armie, who being line 30 come thither, compassed about the citie with his ar­mie. And to cause the enimie the sooner to leaue the siege of the castell, he assaulted the gates of the citie, inforcing his power to beare downe and breake them open. The Frenchmen perceiuing all the dan­ger to be about the gates, withdrew a little from the assailing of the castell, and resorting to the walles of the citie, did their best with shooting and casting of stones and other things, to driue their aduersaries line 40 from the gates.

Fouks de Brent.Thus whiles they were occupied on both parts, Fouks de Brent entered into the castell by a po­sterne gate on the backeside, and a great number of souldiers with him, and rushing into the citie out of the castell, he began a fierce battell with the citizens within the citie: which when the Frenchmen percei­ued, by the noise and crie raised at their backs, they ran to the place where the skirmish was, dooing their best to beat backe the aforesaid Foukes de Brent line 50 with his companie. But in the meane time the En­glishmen, vnder the leading of Sauerie de Maule­on, a Poictouin (of whom you haue heard in the life of king Iohn) brake open the gates and entred the citie. Then the fight was sore increased and maintei­ned for a time with great furie: so that it was hard to iudge who should haue the better. But at length the Frenchmen and those English lords that were with them, being sore laid at on ech side, began to re­tire towards the gates, and finalie to turne their line 60 backs and so fled awaie: The French­men put to flight at Lin­colne. but being beset round a­bout with the kings horssemen, they were streight­waies either slaine or taken for the most part of them.

Amongst other that were there slaine, the earle of Perch a Frenchman was one, The earle of Perch slaine. who being gotten into a churchyard manfullie defended himselfe till his horsse was killed vnder him, and lastlie himselfe was also beaten downe and slaine. There were ta­ken of Englishmen, Noble mē ta­ken prisoners. Saer de Quincie erle of Win­chester, and Humfrey de Bohun earle of Hereford, Gilbert de Gaunt earle of Lincolne by the gift of Lewes, Gilbert de Gaunt by the gift of Lewes. Richard de Montfichet, William de Mow­braie, William de Beauchampe, William de Man­duit, Oliuer de Harecourt, Roger de Cressie, Wil­liam de Coleuill, William de Roos, William de Ropeley, Ralfe Chanduit, and diuerse other: so that of knights there were taken to the number of foure hundred, beside such multitude of demilances, and o­ther horssemen and footmen, as could not well be numbered. Moreouer, all the prouision, trusse, and baggage loden in carts, clothsackes, and males be­longing to the barons and Frenchmen was taken, and the citie was spoiled, rifled and sacked.

This enterprise and discomfiture at Lincolne, which was in derision called Lewes his faire, Lewes his faire. chanced the 14 kalends of Iune, being saturdaie in the Whitsun­wéeke. Manie honest matrons of the towne were drowned, as they were got into boates to auoid the danger of their persons, wanting skill how to guide the same boates. The earle of Penbroke the same daie before he receiued any repast, rode backe in post to the king, whom he had left at Stow, and there de­clared the ioifull newes of his good speed, in vanqui­shing of the enimies. On the next morrow, newes came to the king, that they which had kept the castell of Mountsorell were fled out of the same, The K. com­mandeth y e ca­stell of Mountsorell to be r [...] ­ced. and had left it void. Wherevpon immediatlie he sent in com­mandement vnto the shiriffe of Notinghamshire, that going thither in his owne person, he should rui­nat the said castell, & make it plaine with the ground.

The Frenchmen which escaped with life from the slaughter of Lincolne, as the Marshall of France, the chateleine of Arras, with others, made towards London with all possible speed, in hope to escape so well as they might: but manie of them, and namelie the footmen were slaine by the countrie people where they passed, and that in great numbers: for the hus­bandmen fell vpon them with clubs and swords, not sparing those whom they got at aduantage. Two hundred knights or men of armes (as we may call them) getting to London, Milites. presented vnto Lewes the sorowfull report of their misaduenture, and were of him not moaned, but blamed and sore rebuked, for that they had fled, and shamefullie left the residue of their companies to be distressed, taken, and slaine by the aduersaries, where if they had manfullie stood to it, they might happilie haue saued their fellowes, and obteined victorie.

¶ The chronicle of Dunstable sheweth in déed that Simon de Peschie and Henrie Braibroc, Chr. Dunsta. perceiuing that Fouks de Brent was entered into the citie, and that they were now assailed both afront, and on the backes, they withdrew, and getting togither 80 French knights or men of armes (if we shall so call them) departed out of the citie, and fléeing through the countrie by Lin and saint Edmundsburie, at length got through to London. How soeuer they were welcomed of Lewes, certeine it is, that the lords that tooke part with king Henrie, were put in no small hope by the atchiuing of this so great a vic­torie, to bring within a short time all the realme to the obedience of king Henrie: and herevpon march­ing foorth into the countrie, put the people in such feare, that they submitted themselues vnto the go­uernment of king Henrie in all places where soeuer they came.

On the other part, Lewes who all this season re­mained at London, being sore dismaied for the losse of his people, began to feare euerie daie more and more, least by some practise he should be betraied and deliuered into his enimies hands. Therefore he went about to make himselfe as strong as was possible, Lewes sen­deth to his father for aid. & fortifieng the citie, sent messengers into France, to require his father to send him more aid. His [...]ther sorie to heare of his sons distresse, and loth that he should take the foile, caused his daughter the wife of Lewes, to prepare a power of men, that the same [Page 201] might passe with all speed ouer into England to the aid of hir husband. For the French king himselfe would not séeme to aid his sonne, bicause he was ex­communicated: but his daughter in law, hauing licence and commission thereto, gat togither three hundred knights, In armie prepared in Frāce to come to the succour of Lewes. or men of armes, whome with a great number of other souldiers and armed men, she sent downe to Caleis, where Eustace the moonke had prouided a nauie of ships to conueie them ouer into England. But how they sped you shall heare line 10 anon.

In the meane time the earle of Penbroke appro­ched towards London, Polydor. purposing to assaile the citie now in this opportunitie of time, letting passe no oc­casion that might further his procéedings, night and day studieng how to recouer the realme wholie out of the Frenchmens hands, and to set the same at li­bertie: The diligence of the earle of Penbroke. so that what was to be deuised, he did deuise, and what was to be doone, that he did, not forslowing anie occasion or opportunitie that might be offered. line 20 The English barons also calling to mind the benefit which they had receiued at the Frenchmens hands in time of their most need, sought now by all means pos­sible, some waie how to procure a peace betwixt king Henrie and the said Lewes, thinking by that means to benefit themselues, and to gratifie him in lieu of his former courtesie bountifullie shewed in a case of extremitie, which bicause it was obteined in a wished time was the more acceptable, whereas being linge­red it had beene the lesse welcome, as one saith, line 30

Gratia quae tarda est ingrata est, gratia nám (que)
Anson in epig.
Quùm fieri properat, gratia grata magis.

Hervpon they caused dailie new articles of agree­ment to be presented in writing vnto the said Lew­es, as from king Henrie. But while these things were a dooing, Matth. Paris. the earle of Penbroke and other the lords that tooke part with king Henrie, hauing ad­uertisement, that a new supplie of men was readie to come and aid Lewes, they appointed Philip de Al­benie and Iohn Marshall to associat with them the line 40 power of the cinque ports, and to watch for the com­ming of the aduersaries, that they might kéepe them from landing, who on saint Bartholomews day set forth frō Caleis, in purpose to arriue in the Thames, and so to come vp the riuer to London. Howbeit Hu­bert de Burgh capiteine of the castell of Douer, to­gither with the said Philip de Albenie and Iohn Mar­shall, with other such power as they could get togi­ther of the cinque ports, hauing not yet aboue the number of 40 ships great & small, vpon the discoue­ring line 50 of the French fleet, which consisted of 80 great ships, besides other lesser vessels well appointed and trimmed, made foorth to the sea. And first coasting a­loofe from them, Hubert de Burgh as­saileth the French fléet. till they had got the wind on their backs, came finallie with their maine force to assaile the Frenchmen, and with helpe of their crossebowes and archers at the first ioining, made great slaugh­ter of their enimies, and so grapling togither, in the end the Englishmen bare themselues so manfullie, The French fléet is van­quished. that they vanquished the whole French fléet, and ob­teined line 60 a famous victorie.

Matth. Paris.Eustace the moonke was found amongst the cap­teins, who although he offered great summes of gold for his ransome, Eustace the moonke taken and beheaded. so that he might haue had his life saued, and also to serue king Henrie, yet the English capitoins would none of that: but Richard the ba­stard sonne of king Iohn, tooke him, and cut off his head, Richard base sonne to king Iohn. Eustace the moonke what he was. and sent it vnto king Henrie his brother, as a witnesse of this their atchieued victorie. This Eu­stace was a Fleming borne, and somtime a moonke, but renouncing his cowle to receiue such heritage as fell to him by the death of his brethren, deceassing without issue, he became a notable pirat, and had doone in his dais much mischeefe to the Englishmen, and therefore was now rewarded according to his demerits. For

Rarò antecedentem scelestum
Hor. lib. 3. car. od. 2.
Deseruit pede poena claudo.

The spoile and prey of the French ships was verie rich, A rich spoile. so that the Englishmen being loden with riches and honour, vpon their safe returne home were recei­ued with great ioy and gladnesse. But Lewes, after he vnderstood of this mischance happening to his peo­ple that came to his aid, began not a litle to despaire of all other succour to come vnto him at any time héerafter: wherfore he inclined the sooner vnto peace, so that at length he tooke such offers of agreement as were put vnto him, and receiued furthermore a sum of monie for the release of such hostages as he had in his hands, An accord be­twixt K. Hen­rie & Lewes. togither with the title of the kingdome of England, and the possession of all such castels and holds as he held within the realme. ¶The French chronicle (to the which the chronicle of Dunstable and Matthew Paris doo also agrée) affirmeth that he recei­ued fiftéene thousand marks. Moreouer, The English chronicle saith a thousand pounds. the popes le­gat absolued Lewes and all those that had taken his part in the offense of disobedience shewed in at­tempting the warre against the popes commande­ment. Matth. Paris.

Then Lewes with all his complices that had bin excommunicated sware vpon the holie euangelist, that they should stand to the iudgement of holie church, and from thencefoorth be faithfull vnto the pope and to the church of Rome. Moreouer, that he with his people should incontinentlie depart out of the realme, and neuer vpon euill intent returne a­gaine. And that so farre as in him laie, he should pro­cure his father king Philip, to make restitution vnto king Henrie of all the right which he had in the parts beyond the sea: and that when he should be king of France, he should resigne the same in most quiet manner.

On the other part, king Henrie tooke his oth to­gither with the legat, and the earle of Penbroke go­uernour of the realme, that he should restore vnto the barons of his realme, and to other his subiects, all their rights and heritages, with all the liberties be­fore demanded, for the which the discord was mooued betwixt the late king Iohn and his barons. Moreo­uer, all prisoners on both parts were released and set at libertie, without paieng anie ransome: yea and those which had couenanted to paie, and vpon the same were set at libertie before the conclusion of this peace, were now discharged of all summes of monie which then remained vnpaid.

This peace was concluded on the eleuenth day of September, not farre from Stanes, hard by the riuer of Thames, where Lewes himselfe, the legat Guallo, and diuerse of the spiritualtie with the earle of Penbroke lord gouernor of the realme, and others, did méet and talke about this accord. Now when all things were ordered and finished agreeable to the articles and couenants of the peace, so farre as the time present required, the lords of the realme (when Lewes should depart homeward) attended him to Douer in honorable wise, as apperteined, and there tooke leaue of him, and so he departed out of the realme about the feast of saint Michaell.

King Henrie by this meanes being put in full pos­session of the relme, according to the prescript of that article conteined in those conditions of the peace latelie specified, pardoned all those that had aided his aduersarie Lewes during the wars, except certeine of the spiritualtie, which were put to such fines, that they were compelled to laie all that they had to pledge, to leuie such summes of monie, as they might with the same obteine the kings fauour againe: The prelats are fined. and beside that, to sue to Rome for their entier absolution [Page 202] at the popes owne hands. Amongst other, Hugh bi­shop of Lincolne returning into England, was compelled to paie a thousand marks to the popes vse for recouerie of his bishoprike, & an hundred marks also to the legat of good and lawfull monie. Such che­uance made the legat amongst them of the church, Anno Reg. 2. What che­uance the legat made. as well persons secular as regular, that he got togither twelue thousand marks towards his charges, where­by it appeared, that he lost no time in England. But to procéed. line 10

The realme now being quiet and in all outward fe­licitie, a number of vnrulie persons, such as delight­ing in idlenesse, knew not how to liue in time of peace, assembled themselues togither and (appointing Fouks de Brent, Fouks de Brent. who was a man of great stomach and more rashnesse, to be their capteine and ringle­der) began to make warre against the king, and to spoile the townes and countries about them, so that their euill dooings might haue caused no small perill to haue insued by some great ciuill sedition, if the line 20 earle of Penbroke had not in time preuented their attempts. For he assembling the kings power, ha­sted towards the rebels, and what by his owne au­thoritie, and by the reuerend regard of some bishops in his companie; more than by vsing any force of armes, he staid the matter for that time, so that no further mischeefe followed of this mutinie. Matth. Paris.

Besides the foresaid Fouks de Brent, there were other of the Nobilitie also which practised the like dis­order, as William earle of Albemarle, Robert de line 30 Ueipount, Brian de Lisle, Hugh de Balioll, Philip de Marc, and Robert de Gaugi, the which Robert withheld the castell of Newarke that belonged to the bishop of Lincolne, and would not deliuer it, till the king with William Marshall erle of Penbroke had laine at siege before it an eight daies, The castell of Newarke re­stored to the bishop of Lin­colne. in the end of which terme by mediation of fréends the matter was taken vp, and the bishop recouered his castell, paieng to the said Robert de Gaugi an hundred pounds sterling for the victuals which he left within line 40 the same castell.

Soone after this, Ranulph earle of Chester was sent into the holie land by king Henrie, with a good­lie companie of souldiers and men of warre, to aid the christians there against the infidels, Matt. Paris. The earle of Chester goeth into the holie land. which at the same time had besieged the citie of Damieta in Ae­gypt, in which enterprise the valiancie of the same earle after his comming thither, was to his great praise most apparant. There went with him in that iournie Saer de Quincie earle of Winchester, line 50 William de Albenie earle of Arundell, besides di­uerse barons, as the lord Robert Fitz Walter, Iohn constable of Chester, William de Harecourt, and O­liuer Fitzroie sonne to the king of England, Sonne to K. Iohn belike. and di­uerse other.

The next yeare, which was after the birth of our lord 1219, Anno Reg. 3. 1219 William Marshall the foresaid earle of Penbroke died, gouernour both of the realme and also of the kings person, The deceasse of the earle of Penbroke. a man of such worthinesse both in stoutnesse of stomach and martiall know­lege, line 60 as England had few then liuing that might be compared with him. He was buried in the new tem­ple church at London vpon the Ascension day. He is buried in the temple church. The same yeare also Wallo or Guallo the legat retur­ned to Rome, and Pandulph, who (as before is expres­sed) did the message so stoutlie from pope Innocent to king Iohn, Pandulph made bishop of Norwich. was also made bishop of Norwich.

Moreouer, the gouernement of king Henrie af­ter the death of William Marshall the elder, The bishop of Winchester gouernour to the king. earle of Penbroke, was committed vnto Peter bishop of Winchester: for the yoong king was almost desti­tute of any of his kindred that were worthie to haue the rule of him: Quéene Isa­b [...]ll married to the earle of Marsh. forasmuch as his mother queene I­sabell was latelie maried to Hugh Brime the earle of Marsh in France, vnto whome she was promised before king Iohn tooke hir to wife, as in the life of the same king Iohn is mentioned.

The bishop of Winchester being now in the pos­session of the kings person, doubting least he had ta­ken a greater charge vpon him than he might well answer, caused diuerse sage and honourable perso­nages to be admitted of the kings councell, to assist him in the administration of the common-wealth and good gouernance of the realme. Which being doone, a parlement was holden at London, A parlemen [...] and a subsid [...]e. R. Fabian. wherein a subsidie was granted to the king of two shillings to be gathered and leuied of euerie ploughland with­in his dominions, towards the relieuing of the great charges which he had susteined by the warres against the foresaid Lewes.

About the same time also he began the building of the new worke of the church at Westminster. The new church of Westm. begun. In which meane time the citie of Damieta afore menti­oned, was woone by the christian princes, Anno. Reg. 4. Matth. West. The earle of Chester returneth home. Polydor. and Ra­nulph earle of Chester returned home, leauing the earle of Arundell with a great number of souldiors behind him there in aid of the christians against the Saracens, which dailie attempted the recouerie of the same. Moreouer, in the yeare insuing, year 1220 which was of our lord 1220, and vpon the seauenteenth day of Maie being Whitsunday, the king was eftsoones so­lemnelie crowned at Westminster, The K. crow­ned the second time. to the end it might be said, that now after the extinguishment of all seditious factions, he was crowned by the gene­rall consent of all the estates and subiects of his realme.

The same yeare also was the bodie of Thomas archbishop of Canturburie translated, Matth. Paris. and Hugh bi­shop of Lincolne canonized for a saint. Matth. Paris. In like man­ner in the vigile of Peter and Paule, the king find­ing the castels of Rokingham and Sauueie at that present vnpurueied of victuals, tooke the same into his hands against the will of William of Albemarle which before held the same. ¶ This yeare also was a proclamation made in London, Ran. Higd. A proclamati­on to auoid strangers. and throughout all the realme, that all strangers should auoid the land before the feast of saint Michaell then next following except those that came with merchandize. Further­more Ranulph earle of Chester, after he was come from the holie land, began to build the castels of Chartleie and Béeston, The castles of Chartley & Béeston built. Ran. Higd. and afterward he also builded the abbeie of Dieu Lencresse, commonlie called Delacresse of the white order. Toward his charges susteined about the building of which castels and ab­beie, he tooke toll throughout all his lordships of all such persons as passed by the same with any cattell, chaffre or merchandize.

This yeare deceassed Henrie de Boun earle of Hereford, Anno Reg. 5. 1121 and Saer de Quincie earle of Winche­ster in their iournie which they made into the holie land. Also the same yeare the preests or canons that inhabited within the kings castell of old Salisburie, remooued with the bishops sée vnto new Salisburie, Salisburie. which by the king was made a citie. The bishop Ri­chard procured this remoouing, through the kings helpe, who was verie willing therevnto, as it séemed by his charters largelie granted in that behalfe. Af­ter this, Matth. Paris. king Henrie held his Christmasse at Oxen­ford, at what time William de Fortz earle of Albe­marle meaning to trouble the kings peace, The earle of Albemarle. and to set things in a new broile, departed from the court in the night season, without leaue or licence, and hasted with all spéed vnto the castell of Biham, The castell of Biham. where he as­sembled a sort of youthfull persons, giuen to lewd de­meanor, and wearie of quietnesse (as to whome theft and robberies were verie plesant) by whose helpe he spoiled diuers townes and villages about him, as Tenham and Deping, with others.

[Page 203]There were of counsell with him also (as was thought) Fouks de Brent, Philip de Marc, Peter de Mauleon, Engellard de Athie, and manie other, who priuilie sent men to his aid, and furthered him in his tumultuous affaires, that they might partici­pat with him the sweetnesse of the spoile, which is the marke whereat euerie one shooteth that is

—iners & inops, qui viuere luxuriosè
Vult quamuis nequeat, non respondente crumena,
Proinde animam vendit pretio, seséque periclis
Obijcit, vt raptis alienis victor ouánsque
Ad proprios referat praedam & spolia ampla penates.

In the meane time the countrie people withdrew to the churches, and gat their goods into the church­yards. Moreouer, the péeres of the realme assem­bled themselues in councell at Westminster where the king was present, whither the earle of Alber­marle was summoned to come, who faining as though he had meant to haue gone thitherward dire­ctlie, The castell of Fodringhey. turned suddenlie his waie to the castell of Fo­dringhey, line 20 and tooke it vpon the sudden, furnishing it also with a garrison of souldiers, to be kept hereafter to his owne vse. That castell was in the kéeping of the earle of Chester, who at that instant had but few souldiers there in garrison, wherby it was the sooner surprised. When these newes were brought to the king, he raised a power and came with all spéed to the castell of Biham, The castell of Biham yéel­ded. vpon the wednesdaie next after the feast of Candelmasse, and then compassing the same about with a strong siege, he constreined them line 30 within by force of such engins as they vsed in those daies, that finallie on the eight daie of Februarie they came foorth, and submitted themselues and all that they had vnto the kings pleasure. Who caused them to be safelie kept, till he might take further ad­uisement what should be doone with them.

In the meane while also came the earle of Albe­marle, who by the helpe & means of the archbishop of Yorke, and the legat Pandulph, purchased peace at the kings hands, the rather indeed bicause he had line 40 faithfullie serued both the king and his father king Iohn in their wars, Matth. Paris. Old seruice remembred. before that time. All those men of armes & souldiers also, which had submitted them­selues and remained as prisoners, were pardoned. Which ouer-great clemencie caused other vnrulie persons to attempt the like offense of rebellion shortlie after. At the very selfe same time the Welsh­men began to sturre, The Welshmē begin to stur. and vnder their prince and lea­der Leolin they entered vpon the English marshes, and with great crueltie spoiled and robbed the same, line 50 wherevpon it was determined by the councell, that the king (as he was comming toward the castell of Biham) should diuide his armie, and so he did, sen­ding one part thereof against the Welshmen: Polydor. wher­vpon Leolin, after he vnderstood that the kings power came toward him, as one not able to resist the same, cast off his armour, and submitted himselfe to his mercie.

There be which write, that where prince Leolin had besieged the castell of Buet belonging to Regi­nald line 60 de Breuse, Matth. Paris. the same Reginald besought the K. to helpe to remooue that siege. Reginald de Breuse. The king contented with his request, came with a puissant armie into those parts, and therewith the siege was raised, for the Welshmen (according to their accustomed ma­ner) fled. The king then entring further into the countrie, Mountgome­rie castle built. came to the place where Mountgomerie now standeth, and perceiuing the site of the same to serue well for fortification, he caused a castell to be builded there, to restreine the Welshmen from their accustomed trade of harrieng the countrie. And so after he had foraied those quarters, and taken order for the full accomplishment of that castell, he retur­ned, [...]scuage paid. the Nobles granting to him of euerie knights sée two markes of siluer.

Things being thus in quiet, the king (who by dai­lie experience of matters grew to more knowledge from time to time) began now of himselfe to order his affaires for his owne behalfe, namelie touching the estate of his kingdome: Polydor. and bicause he was min­ded to assaie the recouerie of those places which his father had lost in France, he ordeined Sauerie de Mauleon to be his lieutenant in Guien, whereof a gret part as yet remained in his hands, K. Henrie re­quireth resti­tution of his right of the Frēch king. and more­ouer sent ambassadours vnto the French king, re­quiring of him restitution of those places which he had taken from his father.

These oratours being come into France, and ad­mitted to the kings presence, receiued answer, The French kings answer that nothing ought to be restored, which by law of armes was rightlie conquered: and other redresse at that time would none be granted. ¶ But a maruell it was to consider here at home, in how short a space the state of the English common-wealth was chan­ged, and from a troubled fourme reduced to a flouri­shing and prosperous degrée: chiefelie by the diligent heed and carefull prouision of the king himselfe. So much auaileth it to haue him that ruleth, to attend that which belongeth to his office.

After this, to the intent that whiles he might be occupied in warres abroad, he should not be troubled with ciuill discord at home, he deuised to ioine in af­finitie with the Scots, Matt. Westm. Matth. Paris. Marriages concluded. giuing his sister Ione in ma­riage vnto Alexander the king of Scotland, and Hu­bert of Burgh on the other side married the sister of the same Alexander called Margaret. These mar­riages were solemnized at Yorke on the morrow af­ter the feast of S. Iohn Baptist, in the presence of a great number of the Nobles both of England and Scotland. Anno Reg. 6. 1222 A councell also was holden by the arch­bishop of Canturburie at Oxford for reformation of the state ecclesiasticall and the religion of moonks. A councell or synod at Ox­ford. ¶ In which councell two naughtie felowes were pre­sentes before him, that of late had beene apprehen­ded, either of them naming himselfe Christ, and prea­ched manie things against such abuses as the clear­gie in those daies vsed. Moreouer, to prooue their er­rour to haue a shew of truth, Two dissem­bling persons apprehended. Matth. Westm. they shewed certeine tokens and signes of wounds in their bodies, hands and féet, like vnto our sauiour Iesus that was nai­led on the crosse. In the end being well apposed, they were found to be but false dissemblers, wherefore by doome of that councell, they were iudged to be nailed vnto a crosse of wood, and so those to whom the execu­tion was assigned, had them foorth to a place called Arborberie, where they nailed them to a crosse, They are exe­cuted. and there left them till they were dead. The one of them was an Hermophrodite, that is to say, both man and woman. Also there were two women condemned, Two women counterfei­ting them­selues to be, the one our ladie, the o­ther Marie Magdalene. Ralfe Cog. of whom the one had taken vpon hir to be that bles­sed virgine Marie, and the other fained hir selfe to de Marie Magdalene.

Ralfe Coghshall sheweth this matter otherwise, and saith, that there were two men and two women brought before the archbishop at this councell, of the which one of the men being a deacon, was accused to be an apostata, & for the loue of a woman that was a Iew, he had circumcised himselfe: & being herof con­uicted & disgraded, he was committed to the secular power, & so burnt by the seruants of Fouks de Brent. The other being a yoong man, was accused of con­temning the sacraments of the church, & that he suf­fered himselfe to be crucified, hauing the prints of the fiue wounds appearing in his bodie, and counterfei­ting himselfe to be Christ, reioised to haue the two women giue out and spread the rumour abroad, that he was Christ in déed, one of the which women being verie aged, was also accused of witcherie, ha­uing [Page 204] with hir so [...]cerie and witchcraft brought that yoong man vnto such wicked fo [...]ie and madnesse. They two being hereof conuicted, were closed vp be­twixt two walles, where they remained till they died, the other woman being sister to the yoong man, was pardoned and let go, bicause she had reuealed the di­uelish practise of the other.

This yeare also was the building of the stéeple be­longing to the church of S. Paule in London fini­shed. And this yeare also vpon saint Iames day the line 10 citizens of London kept a plaie of defense and wre­stling at the hospitall of saint Iames, Matth. Paris. against other their neighbours of the suburbes, and the quarters next ad [...]ning. In the end whereof it so fortuned, that the Londoners had the vpper hand: Matt. Paris. Matt [...]. West. and amongst other that were put to the foile, the steward of the ab­bat of Westminster with his folkes went awaie with the worst, to their great gréefe. Wherevpon the same steward deuised an other game of wrestling to be holden at Westminster on Lammas day next line 20 following, and that whosoeuer could get the vpper hand there, should haue a ram for the price, which the steward had prepared. A [...] wedder some saie.

At the day appointed, there was a great assem­blie, and the steward had got togither out of all parts the best wrestlers that might be heard of, so that there was hard hold betwixt them and the Londo­ners. But finallie, the steward vpon desire of re­uenge, A not com­mitted vnder pretense of wrestling. procured them to fall togither by the eares without any iust cause, so that the Londoners were beaten and wounded, and constreined to flée backe line 30 to the citie in great disorder. The citizens sore offen­ded to see their people so misused, rose in tumult, and rang the common bell to gather the more companie to them. Robert Serle maior of Lon­don. Robert Serle maior of the citie would haue pacified the matter, persuading them to let the iniu­rie passe, till by orderlie plaint they might get re­dresse, as law and iustice should assigne. But a cer­teine stout man of the citie namedConstantine Fitz Arnulfe, Constant [...]ne, a citizen of London pro­cureth the ci­tizens to re­uenge their cause by waie of rebellion. Matth. Paris. of good authoritie amongst them, aduised line 40 the multitude not to harken vnto peace, but to seeke reuenge out of hand (wherein he shewed himselfe so farre from true manhood, that he bewraied himselfe rather to haue had a womans heart,

—quod vindicta
Nemomagis gaudet quàm foemina)

still prosecuting the strife with tooth and naile, and blowing the coles of contention as it were with full bellowes, that the houses belonging to the abbat of Westminster, and namelie the house of his steward line 50 might be ouerthrowne and beaten downe flat with the ground.

This lewd counsell was soone receiued and exe­cuted by the outragious people, & Constantine him­selfe being cheefe leader of them, cried with a lowd voice, Mount ioy mount ioy, God be our aid and our souereigne Lewes. The lord chéefe iu­stice taketh inquisition of the riot. This outragious part comming to the notice of Hubert de Burgh lord chéefe iustice, he gat togither a power of armed men, and came to the citie with the fame, and taking inquisition of the cheéfe offendors, found Constantine as constant in line 60 affirming the déed to be his, Constantine apprehended. as he had before con­stantlie put it in practise, wherevpon he was appre­hended and two other citizens with him. On the next day in the morning Fouks de Brent was appointed to haue them to execution: and so by the Thames he quietlie led them to the place where they should suf­fer. Now when Constantine had the halter about his necke, he offered fifteene thousand marks of siluer to haue béene pardoned, but it would not be. There was hanged with him his nephue named also Constan­tine, He is executed and one Geffrey, who made the proclamation deuised by the said Constantine. The crie also which Constantine vsed to the setting forward of his vn­lawfull enterprise in the name of Lewes most of all offended the kings fréends, as the lord cheefe iustice and others, who not satisfied with the death of the three before remembred persons, but also entring the citie againe with their hands of armed men, apprehended diuerse of those whome they tooke to be culpable, not onelie putting manie of them into prison, but also punishing other of them, as some with losse of a foot, some of an hand, and other of their eie-sight. The king furthermore to reuenge this matter, deposed all the magistrats of the citie, and ordeined new in their roomes. Which caused great hartburning against di­uerse of the Nobilitie, but cheefelie the lord Hubert and Fouks de Brent, on whome in time they hoped to haue reuenge.

As this bro [...]le vexed the citie of London, Great tempe [...] so in this yeare there chanced great tempest of thunder, light­ning and raine, whereby much hurt was doone in di­uerse parts of the realme, and at sundrie times, A generall thunder. as by throwing downe of steeples, churches, and other buil­dings, with the rootwalting of trées, as well in woods as orchards, verie strange to consider, chéefelie on the eight day of Februarie at Grantham in Lincolne­shire, where there chanced (beside the thunder) such a stinke and filthie fauour to follow in the church, that the people fled out, for that they were not able to a­bide it. Likewise in the day of the exaltation of the crosse, a generall thunder happened throughout the realme, and thervpon followed a continuall season of foule weather and wet, till Candelmas next after, which caused a dearth of corne, Great dearth of corne. so as wheat was sold at twelue shillings the quarter. Likewise on the day of saint Andrew an other terrible tempest of thunder happened through the realme, In other tem­pest of thunder throwing downe and shaking buildings in manie places, in so much that at Pillerdeston in Warwikeshire, in a knights house, the ladie thereof and six other persons were de­stroied by the same. And a turbarie thereby compas­sed about with water and marresse was so dried vp, Polydor. that neither grasse nor mire remained, after which insued an earthquake. Moreouer on the euen of saint Lucie, a mightie wind raged, which did much hurt in sundrie places of the realme. Furthermore, about this time there appeared in England a wonderfull comet or blasing starre. The sea also rose with higher tides and springs than it had beene accustomed to doo. A comet or blasing star. All which woonders were afterward iudged to be­token and signifie the losse which the christians sustei­ned the same yeare in Aegypt, when they were con­streined to surrender the citie of Damieta into the Saracens hands, The losse of the citie of Damieta. which latelie before (as yée haue heard) they had woone with long and chargeable siege. After the yéelding vp of Damieta, William de [...] benie earle of Arundell de­parted this [...] William de Al­benie earle of Arundell (whome Ranulfe earle of Chester left behind him in the holie land) with manie souldiers and men of warre (when he returned from thence) came now homewards towards England, and died by the waie.

About the same time Iohn the sonne of Dauid earle of Anguish in Scotland, Anno Reg. 7. Iohn Scot marrieth the daughter of Leolin prince of Wales. sisters sonne vnto Ra­nulfe earle of Chester, married the daughter of Leo­lin prince of Wales, as it were to procure a finall accord betwéene the said Leolin and Ranulfe. After which marriage, king Henrie held his Christmasse at Oxenford, and shortlie after the twelftide came to London: where assembling a councell of his barons, year 1223 he was earnestlie required by the bishop of Cantur­burie and other peeres, to confirme the liberties, A councell [...] London. fra [...] ­chises, and frée customes of the realme, Note the re­dinesse of the bish. to [...] new conten­tion. for which the warres in his fathers time had béene mooued: which to denie (as the archbishop seemed to alledge, & shuld haue béene ashamed so to open his mouth, to the dis­aduantage of his souereigne, but that it is likelie he forgat the old posie, namelie that, ‘ [Page 205]Imago rex est animatae Dei.)’ he might not with anie reason, sith he had couenan­ted (and all the baronage with him) to sée the same obserued, by the articles of the peace conclu­ded with Lewes, when the same Lewes departed the realme.

Herevpon William Brewer one of the kings councell, The answer of William Brewer to the archbi­shops de­mand. hearing the archbishop so earnest in these matters, told him, that sith these liberties were pro­cured & extorted rather by force than otherwise, of line 10 the king being vnder age, they were not to be obser­ued. Wherevnto the archbishop replied, that if he lo­ued the king, Ahab accu­seth Helias. he would be loth to séeke to trouble the quiet state of the realme. The king perceiuing the archbishop to be chafed, & taking the tale himselfe, made a courteous answer, and further aduise had in the matter, sent foorth writs to the shiriffe of euerie countie, commanding them by inquirie of a suffici­ent iurie impanelled, An inquisi­tion. to make certificat within the quindene of Ester, what were the liberties in times line 20 past of his grandfather K. Henrie, vsed within the realme of England.

Matth. Paris.The same yeare, whiles William Marshall earle of Penbroke was busie in Ireland in war against Hugh Lacie, Leolin prince (or king) of Wales, as some haue intitled him, tooke by force two castels that belonged to the same earle: whereof when he was aduertised, with all spéed he returned out of Ireland, raised an armie, and recouered the said castels, put­ting to death all such as he found in the same, to re­quite Leolin with the like damage as he had shewed line 30 him before in his absence. The earle of Penbroke re­couereth his castels taken by the prince of Wales. This doone he entered in­to the land of Leolin, wasting and spoiling the same, whereof when the said Leolin was informed, he as­sembled an host of Welshmen, and comming into the field gaue battell, but the victorie rested on the earle of Penbroks side: The prince of Wales dis­comfited. so that there were taken and slaine in this bickering to the number of 9000 Welshmen. There was in this yeare a conspiracie also begun by the earle of Chester, and other Noble men, A conspiracie against the lord chiefe iustice. against Hubert de Burgh lord chiefe iustice line 40 of England, by whose counsell (as it was thought) the king was more streict towards the nobilitie and other his subiects, in staieng his grant to confirme the charter of liberties, than otherwise he would haue beene, if the same Hubert and other had not aduised him to the contrarie.

In this season also Iohn de Bren king of Ierusa­lem, Matt. Paris. The king of Ierusalem commeth into England. and the lord great maister of the knights hospi­tallers came into England, where they were hono­rablie line 50 receiued of king Henrie, and liberally rewar­ded. The cause of their comming was to require aid of the king for the recouerie of the holie land out of the possession of the Saracens. In like maner about the same time Leolin prince of Northwals, with cer­teine English lords, as Hugh Lacie and others, vp­on an hatred which they bare towards king Henrie for his fathers sake, supposing that so euill a stocke as they tooke him to be, could not bring foorth anie good branch, sought by open warres to bring William line 60 Marshall earle of Penbroke and other barons that were faithfull friends to the king vnto their purpose: but the whole countrie rising against them, they were disappointed to their owne confusion, and so they could neuer bring that to passe which they so earnest­lie intended.

In this yeare Philip the French king departed this life, The death of the French king. Ambassadors sent into France. and after him succéeded Lewes his sonne, vnto whom king Henrie sent in ambassage the arch­bishop of Canturburie with three other bishops, to re­quire, that (according to his oth made and receiued at his returne out of England) he would restore and deliuer vp to him the dukedome of Normandie, with other such lands and possessions as his father in times past had taken from king Iohn, and still did wrongfullie withhold. K. Lewes answered herevn­to, that he held Normandie & the other lands by good right and iust title, as he could well prooue and iusti­fie, if king Henrie would come to the parlement in France to heare it. And as touching the oth which he had sworne in England, he affirmed that the same was first broken by king Henrie, both in that his men which had béene taken at Lincolne were put to greeuous ransoms, and also for that their liberties for which the warre first began, were not obserued, but denied to the English subiects, contrarie to that which was concluded at the agréement betwixt them at the same time made.

Moreouer, king Henrie sent other ambassadours to Rome, who purchased a bull of the pope, wherby he was adiudged to be of age sufficient to receiue the gouernement of the kingdome of England into his owne hands, thereby to order and dispose a [...] things at his pleasure, & by the aduise of such councellours as he should elect and choose to be about him. Where­vpon after the said ambassadours were returned, all those earles, barons and nobles, which held anie ca­stels, honors, manors or places apperteining to the king, were commanded to deliuer and resigne the same to his vse, which caused much trouble, as after shall appeare. For diuerse Noble men, whose harts were filled with couetousnesse, would not obeie the popes order herein, but sore repined; yet not so much against the king as against the lord Hubert de Burgh, by whose councell the king was most led and ruled. And therefore they did put him in all the blame, as one that should set the king against them, and staie him from suffering them to inioy those li­berties, which they from time to time so much labou­red to haue had to them granted and confirmed. Anno Reg. 8.

Upon this occasion therfore, Polydor. The king gi­ueth a gentle answer to his lords. they sued to the king for the restitution of the ancient lawes according to his promise, who to pacifie them for the time, gaue them a gentle answer, assuring them, that he would perfourme all that he had promised, so soone as oppor­tunitie would permit and suffer him so to doo. How­beit, afterwards by the aduise of certeine old coun­cellours, which had béene of the priuie councell with king Iohn his father, he found a shift to disappoint them of their demands, by requiring them on the o­ther side, to restore vnto him those things which they had in times past receiued of his ancestors. Fur­thermore, bicause he would the more easilie obteine his purpose, and make the residue afraid to follow a suit so displeasant and irkesome, he thought best to begin with the chiefe authors and first procurers of the said petitions, and to take from them whatsoeuer they held belonging to his crowne.

Herevpon therefore assembling a great power about him, year 1224 he demanded of Ranulph earle of Chester the restitution of certeine lordships which ancientlie apperteined to the crowne of the realme, The king de­manded resti­tution of par­cels of inheri­tance belon­ging to the crowne. which earle not being as then able to resist, readilie obeied the kings pleasure, and resigned them all. By this en­trance of the king into the execution of his purpose▪ diuerse of the rest of the barons were brought into such feare, that they were contented also to doo the like, so that by this meanes the lords being cut short and weakened in power, surceased as then from mo­lesting the king anie further with the demand of o­ther lands or liberties.

The archbishop of Canturburie also threatened them with the dart of excommunication, if they went about to disquiet the realme with anie ciuill commotions, though no man was more desirous to haue that matter go forward than he, as appéered by his diligent trauell therein (hoping as now in short processe of time, and that by courteous meanes, to [Page 206] persuade the king to his purpose) but the king droue him off with faire words, and minded nothing lesse than to alter anie one of the lawes which he knew to be profitable to himselfe and his successours after him. Wherevpon diuerse misliking his dealing here­in, withdrew themselues secretlie, some into one place, and some into an other, to the intent they might auoid the dailie sight of such abuses, as they for the most part could not well abide to beare.

Whilest king Henrie thus politikelie prouided line 10 for his affaires at home, Sauerie de Mauleon made prouision in Guien to withstand such perils and dan­gers as he saw most likelie to insue by the practises of the Frenchmen. But as he was most busilie oc­cupied about the purueiance of such things as should be verie necessarie for his dooings, there sprang a great dissention betwixt him and William the earle of Salisburie, Discord be­twixt Saue­rie de Mau­leon and the earle of Sa­lisburie. who was sent ouer into that countrie with commission to surueie the state thereof, and by colour of the same commission, tooke vpon him line 20 to order all things at his owne pleasure. Whereas the foresaid Sauerie de Mauleon (being a man of high parentage in those parts where he was borne) iudged it to be a matter nothing standing with his honour, that another man should order things at his will and commandement within the countrie, where­of he himselfe had the chiefe charge, as the kings lieutenant; and therefore determined not to suffer it anie longer.

Herevpon verelie arose the contention betwixt line 30 them, which the English souldiers that were there, did greatlie increase, fauouring the earle as the kings vncle, and contemning the lieutenant as a stranger borne, by meanes whereof the foresaid Sa­uerie doubting least if he should fight with his eni­mies, and through such discord as was now amongst them, be put to the worse, the fault should be laid wholie on his necke: he secretlie departed and fled to Lewes the French king, Sauerie de Mauleon re­uel [...]th to the French king. who was latelie come to the crowne of France by the death of his father line 40 king Philip, as you before haue heard: wherein he dealt wiselie in respect of safetie. For ‘Quid poterit iusta tutius esse fuga?’

Matth. Paris. Matt. Westm. Fouks de Brent an eni­mie to rest and quietnesse.About the same time Fouks de Brent, being a man of an vnquiet mind, readie to mischiefe and lo [...]h to liue in peace (as some saie) conspired against the king of England, and aduertised the king of France that if he would boldlie begin the warres against king Henrie in France, he would not faile but raise warre against him here in the middest of his realme line 50 of England, hauing diuerse noble men in a readi­nesse, that would willinglie take his part. But how soeuer it fell out, certeine it is that this Fouks ha­uing fortified his castell of Bedford, attempted ma­nie enterprises greatlie to the preiudice of the kings peace, aswell in robbing and spoiling the countrie a­bout him, as otherwise.

And now fearing to be punished therefore by or­der of law he shewed his malice against such as had the execution of the same lawes chieflie in their line 60 hands. Herevpon he tooke prisoner Henrie Bra [...] ­broke, one of the kings iustices of his bench, and led him to his castell of Bedford, and there shut him vp close [...] his lawfull prisoner. Indeed the said Henrie de Braibroke, Matth. Paris. Henrie Brai­broke taken by Fouks de Brent, and imprisoned. with Martine de Pateshull, Thomas de Multon, and other of the kings iustices were come to kéepe their circuit at Dunstable. Where, vp­on information giuen and presented before them, Fouks de Brent was condemned to the king in great [...] of monie. Wherewithall this Fouks tooke such indignation and displeasure, that he com­manded his men of warre which laie in the castell of Bedford, to ride vnto Dunstable, and there to appre­hend the said iustices, and to bring them vnto Bed­ford, where (as he said) he meant to commen further with them. But they hauing knowledge of his pur­pose, fled quicklie out of the towne, séeking to escape euerie man which waie he might best deuise. How­beit, the souldiers vsed such diligence, that Henrie de Braibroke fell into their hands, & so was brought captiue to Bedford as their maister had comman­ded them.

The king aduertised hereof by the gréeuous com­plaints of his subiects, was as then at Northamp­ton (where he had assembled his parlement) and ther­vpon hauing gathered speedilie a power, with all ex­pedition he hasted towards Bedford. At his com­ming thither, he besieged the castell on ech side, Bedford ca­stell besieged. and at length after two moneths, though not without much adoo, he wan it, and hanged them all which were taken within, being in number 80 or aboue: and a­mongst other William de Brent, the brother of the said Fouks was one. There were but thrée that e­scaped with life, who were pardoned, vpon condition they should passe into the holie land, there to serue a­mong the Templers. The siege began on the Ascen­sion eeuen, and continued till the 15 daie of August, being the feast daie of the assumption of our ladie.

Fouks himselfe, whilest the siege continued, laie aloofe in [...]eshire, and on the borders of Wales, He was in the borders of Wales, where the earle of Chester was lord. as one watching to doo some mischiefe: but after the ca­stell was woone, he got him to Couentrie, and there was yer long apprehended, and brought to the king, of whom he obteined pardon of life, but yet by the whole consent of the nobles and péeres of the realme, he was exiled the land for euermore, and then went to Rome, where he knew to purchase his pardon ea­silie inough for mony, of what crime soeuer he should be iudged culpable. His wife, bicause she neuer con­sented to his dooings, nor yet willinglie to the mar­riage had betwixt hir and him, was acquited of all blame, and so likewise was his sonne Thomas.

Howbeit at length the foresaid Fouks, hauing obteined his purpose at Rome (by meanes of his chapleine Robert Paslew an Englishman, The end of Fouks [...] Brent. who was his sollicitor there) as he returned towards Eng­land in the yeare insuing, was poisoned and died by the waie, making so an end of his inconstant life, which from the time that he came to yeares of discre­tion was neuer bent to quietnes. Which may be re­ported of him, not to his honour or renowme (for a­las what same is gotten by giuing occasions of euill) but to his euerlasting shame and infamie, for the same shall neuer die, but remaine in perpetuall me­morie, as one saith right well,

H [...]minum immortalis est infamia,
Plaut. in P [...]sa.
Etiam tunc viuit cùm essecredas m [...]rtuam.

But now to leaue these things, and returne to the dooings in France where we left. Ye shall vnder­stand, that after Sauerie de Mauleon was reuolted to the French king, the said king with all spéed de­termined to make warre vpon king Henrie, and to win from [...] certeine townes and fortresses with­in the countrie of Poictou.

The French writers affirme, that king Lewes to couered out of the Englishmens hands the townes of Niort, S. Iohns d'Angeli, & Rochell, before Saue­rie de Mauleon reuolted from the French part. In deed, the chronicle of Dunstable saith, Dunstable▪ that after the truce tooke end, this [...]eare the French king raised an armie, and tooke Niort, and after they of S. Iohn d'Angeli submitted themselues vnto him. From whence he went to Rochell, within the which at [...]at p [...]esent was the said Sauerie de Mauleon with se­uentie knights, and Richard Graie, with Geffrey Neuill, who had in their retinue sixtie knights. These with the forces of the towne [...]allied foorth, & encoun­tring with the French armie, [...]ue manie of their ad­uersaries, [Page 207] and lost some of their owne people. Yet af­ter this, the French K. besieged the towne, and in the end wan it, whilest the king of England being occu­pied about the besieging of Bedford castell, neglected to send them within Rochell necessarie succours.

But Polydor Virgil writeth, that now after that Sauerie de Mauleon was become the French king his man, The Poicto­uins send to king Henrie. the Poictouins sent vnto king Henrie, sig­nifieng, that they were readie to reuolt from the French kings subiection, and yéeld themselues vnto him, if he would send vnto them a power of men to line 10 defend their countrie from the French men. Now king Henrie hauing receiued these letters, intertei­ned them that brought this message verie courteous­lie, and promising them to send ouer aid with all ex­pedition, he caused his nauie to be made readie for that voiage. In the meane time, the French king sent foorth an armie vnder the leading of Sauerie de Mauleon, who then tooke Niort and Rochell, placing in the same sundrie garrisons of souldiers, Rochel woon. but chéefe­lie he fortified Rochell, which had beene long in the line 20 Englishmens hands, and alwaies serued them to verie good purpose, for the handsome landing of their people, when any occasion required. The French king therefore hauing got it, fortified it, and meant to kéepe it, to the intent the Englishmen should not haue hereafter in time of warre, so necessarie a place for their arriuall in those coasts. Matth. Paris.

Anno Reg. 9. A parlement.King Henrie holding his Christmasse at West­minster, called his high court of parlement there the same time, year 1225 and demanded a reléefe of monie, toward line 30 the maintenance of his warres in France, and had granted to him the fiftéenth penie in value of all the mooueable goods to be found within the realme, A fiftéenth granted to the king. as well belonging to the spiritualtie as temporaltie, but vnder condition that he should confirme vnto his subiects their often demanded liberties. The king vpon desire to haue the monie, was contented to condescend vnto their requests, and so the two char­ters were made, and by the king confirmed, the one line 40 intituled Magna Charta, & the other Charta de For­resta. Magna Charta and Charta de Forresta confirmed. Thus at this parlement were made and con­firmed these good lawes and laudable ordinances, which haue beene from time to time by the kings and princes of this realme confirmed, so that a great part of the law now in vse dependeth of the same. The same charters also were directed and sent foorth into euerie countie within the realme to be pro­claimed.

It was moreouer decreed, that at a certeine daie after Easter, there should be an inquisition taken by line 50 the inquest of a substantiall iurie, for the seuering of forrests, Forrests. the new from the old, so as all those grounds which had beene made forrests, since the daies of king Henrie the grandfather of this Henrie the third, should be disforrested. And therevpon after Easter, Hugh de Neuill, and Brian de Lisle, were sent foorth as commissioners, to take that inquisition. By force whereof, manie woods were asserted and im­prooued to arable land by the owners, and so not one­lie line 60 men, but also dogs, which for safegard of the game were accustomed to lose their clawes, had good cause to reioise for these confirmed liberties.

In the meane time, and about the feast of the pu­rification, king Henrie (hauing iust occasion to pur­sue the warre, for recouerie of those townes taken, as before you haue heard by the Frenchmen) sent o­uer his brother Richard, whom he had made earle of Cornewall and Poictow, with a mightie nauie of ships vnto Gascoigne. Matth. Paris. Polydor. This earle, hauing in his com­panie the earle of Salisburie, Philip de Albenie, and others, with prosperous wind and weather arriued at Burdeaux with foure hundred sailes, Thrée hun­dred sa [...]th Gaguin. and there landing his men, went straight vnto the towne of saint Machaire, situated vpon the banke of Garon, where, vpon his first comming, he gat the castell, and sacked the towne, and then passing further, Towns woon by the Eng­lishmen. wan di­uerse other townes, as Longuile, Bergerat, and o­ther, and after went with great diligence to besiege and recouer Rochell, or rather Rioll. The French king aduertised of the earls arriuall, and of these his atchiued enterprises, The earle of Marsh, saith Matth. Paris. sent foorth by and by the earle of Champaigne with a mightie armie into Guien to aid his people there.

The earle of Cornewall vnderstanding of the com­ming of that French armie, tooke a part of his host, and therewithall went to méet his enimies, and lieng in ambush for them by the way, had them at a good aduantage, and slue great numbers of them. The French­men taken at aduantage. After this, the earle of Champaigne keeping his men with­in their trenches and campe, without attempting a­nie other exploit, the earle of Cornewall thought it sufficient, if he might keepe the Gascoignes in obedi­ence, which had alreadie practised a rebellion, by send­ing letters and messengers for the same intent vnto the French king, The earle of Cornewall raiseth his siege from the Rioll. and therefore breaking vp his siege before the Rioll, he staied a while from exploiting any further enterprise. About the same time, the earle of Salisburie returning homwards out of Gascoigne, was so tossed and turmoiled on the seas by tempests of weather, that he fell sicke therof, The death of the earle of Salisburie. Matth. Paris. and within a few daies after his arriuall died.

¶ This yeare also, there came foorth a decrée from the archbishop of Canturburie, and his suffragans, Préests con­cubines for­bidden chri­stian buriall. that the concubines of préests and clearkes within orders (for so were their wiues then called in con­tempt of their wedlocke) should be denied of christi­an buriall, except they repented whilest they were a­liue in perfect health, or else shewed manifest tokens of repentance at the time of their deaths. The same decree also prohibited them from the receiuing of the pax at masse time, & also of holie bread after masse, so long as the preests kept them in their houses, or vsed their companie publikelie out of their houses. Moreouer, that they should not be purified when they should be deliuered of child, as other good women were, vnlesse they found sufficient suertie to the arch­deacon, or his officiall, to make satisfaction at the next chapter or court to be holden, after they should be purified. And the préests should be suspended, which did not present all such their concubines as were re­siant within their parishes. Also, all such women as were conuict to haue dealt carnallie with a preest, were appointed by the same decree to doo open pen­ance. Where the question may be asked, whether this decree was extended to preests wiues or no? Where­vnto answer may be made, that as a quadrangle in geometrie compriseth in it a triangle, and a quater­nion in arithmetike conteineth a ternion; so in lo­gike a vniuersall proposition comprehendeth a parti­cular. But it is said here, that all such women as had carnall knowledge with a préest, were to be pu­nished, therefore some, and consequentlie all préests wiues. But yet this seemeth not to be the meaning of that decrée, for préests were allowed no wiues, naie Sericius the pope iudged that all such of the cleargie as had wiues could not please God, bicause they were In carne, which words he and the residue of that litter restreined to marriage, admitting in no case that churchmen should inioy the rights of matrimo­nie. Wherin they offer God great iniurie, in séeking to limit that large institution of wedlocke, wherein all estates are interressed; and they seeme likewise to bridle nature, and to compell hir within certeine pre­cincts, wherein they offer intollerable iniurie to all mankind, considering that

—ad venerem compellimur exercendum
Non modò nos, verùm omne animal, terrae (que) marís (que),
[Page 208]Natur [...] imperio: facias peiora necesse est,
Si non foeminei sorberis abore barathri.

This yeare, or (as some saie) in the next, the king granted to the citizens of London frée warren, that is to saie, libertie to hunt within a certeine cir­cuit about London, & that all weires in the Thames should be plucked vp and destroied. Also in this tenth yeare of his reigne, Anno Reg. 10. king Henrie granted to the citi­zens of London, that they might haue and vse a com­mon seale. About the time of the making of which or­dinances, A legat from the pope. Matth. Paris. line 10 Otho the cardinall of S. Nicholas in Car­cere Tulliano came as legat from pope Honorius into England to king Henrie, presenting him with letters from the pope. The tenour whereof when the king had well considered, he declared to the legat, that without the whole assent of the estates of his realme, he could doo little in that which the pope as then required.

A parlement called.Herevpon therefore he caused a parlement to be summoned at Westminster, there to be holden in line 20 the octaues of the Epiphanie: this legat also mooued the king in the behalfe of Fouks de Brent, that he might be restored to his possessions, and inioy his wife as before time he had doone: but the king decla­red that for his manifest treason committed he was iustlie exiled, and not onlie by his, but by the sentence of the nobles and other estates of the whole realme: which answer when the legat had heard, he left off to solicit the king for Fouks, and from thencefoorth tal­ked no more of that matter. Shortlie after by waie line 30 of proxie, the said legat gathered a dutie which he claimed of the spiritualtie, that was of euerie con­uentuall church within the realme two markes of siluer.

year 1226 In this yeare the king held his Christmasse at Winchester, and after comming to Marlebridge, chanced there to fall sicke, The king to sicke. so that he laie in despaire of life for certeine daies togither. In the meane time also came the daie appointed for the parlement to be­gin at Westminster, where the legat and other of the spiritualtie and temporaltie being assembled, the said line 40 Otho shewed the popes letters, and according to the tenour and purport of the same, was earnestlie in hand to haue the priests to grant the yearelie pai­ment of a certeine pension or tribute to the pope, towards the maintenance of his estate, which they generallie denied. When he saw that this bait would not take, he onelie demanded a tenth part of all their spirituall liuings for maintenance of the wars a­gainst the Saracens, which was easilie granted, as more reasonable than the first. line 50

Matt. Westm. Matth. Paris. The cardi­nals request.¶ Here by diuerse credible writers of good credit, it should appeare, that the pope demanded to haue assig­ned vnto him out of euerie cathedrall church two pre­bends, one out of the portion belonging to the bishop, & an other out of the portion belonging to the deane and chapiter: and likewise of the abbeies, where there were seuerall portions, that is to saie, so much of the conuent as belonged to the finding of one moonke, and as much also of euerie abbats liuing as should counteruaile the same. The cardinall vsed iollie per­suasions line 60 to induce the prelats to assent to this grant, alledging that the church of Rome was run in great slander for taking of monie in dispatch of suiters causes, which arose by meanes there was no mainte­nance of liuing sufficient for the churchmen there: and therefore he added, how it was the parts of na­turall children to releeue the necessitie of their louing mother, and that except the charitable deuotion of them and other good and well disposed persons were shortlie extended, they should want necessarie main­tenance for the sustentation of their liues, which shuld be altogither an vnséemelie thing for the dignitie of the Romane church.

The clergie resorting togither to take aduise what answer they should make, at length vpon their re­solute determination, The answer of Iohn the archdeacon of Bedford. Iohn the archdeacon of Bed­ford was appointed to tell the tale for them all: who comming before the cardinall, declared boldlie vnto him, that the demand which he had proponed, touched the king especiallie, and generallie all the nobilitie of the realme, which were patrons of anie churches. He added furthermore, how the archbishops and bi­shops, and manie other of the prelats of England (si­thens the king by reason of his sickenesse could not be there) were also absent, so that they which were there present, being but as it were the inferiour part of the house, neither might nor ought to make anie resolute answer as then in this matter. Immedi­atlie herewith also came the lord Iohn Marshall, and other messengers from the king vnto all the prelats that held anie baronies of the king, streightlie com­manding them, that they should in no wise bind and indanger his laie fée vnto the church of Rome, where­by he might be depriued of his due and accustomed seruices, and so euerie man herevpon departed and went home.

This yeare, the plées of the crowne were pleaded in the tower of London. Fabian▪ And on the sixtéenth daie of March in this tenth yeare of his reigne, the king granted by his charter insealed, A grant to the citizens of London. that the citizens of London should passe toll frée through all England, and if anie of them were constreined in anie citie, borough or towne within the realme, to paie toll, that then the shiriffes of London might attach anie man of the said citie, borough or towne, where such toll was exacted, being found within the liberties of London, and him reteine with his goods and cattels, till the citizens that paid such toll were sa [...]is [...]ied, by restitution of the same, with all costs and charges su­steined in the suit. Howbeit, about the same time, the king constreined the Londoners to giue vnto him the summe of fiue thousand marks as a fine, Matth. Paris▪ for that they had aided and succoured his aduersarie Lewes against him, and lent to the said Lewes at his departure out of the realme a like summe. But it may rather be thought they gaue vnto the king the said fiue thousand marks for his fauour shewed in granting vnto them the aboue mentioned fréedome and liberties. At the same time, he had also twelue hundred pounds of the burgesses of Northampton, besides the fifteenth, which not onelie they, but also the Londoners, and all other generallie through the realme, paid accordinglie as it was granted.

In Februarie, the king called a parlement at Ox­ford, in the which he made open declaration vnto all the assemblie, Anno Reg. 11. 1227 that he was now of lawfull age to go­uerne of himselfe, A parlement at Oxford. The king at lawfull age. Matth. Paris. Polydor. without anie to haue rule ouer him, and so whereas before he was gouerned first by the earle of Penbroke lord protectour, whilest he li­ued, & after by the bishop of Winchester and others, he now remooued them from him by the counsell of the lord chiefe iustice, taking the regiment wholie to himselfe, & to such as should please him from thence­foorth to appoint. Also in the same parlement, he did cancell and disanull the two charters before mentio­ned, The charters cancelled. after that the same had béene vsed through the realme for the space of two yeares, pretending them to be of no value, sith they were sealed and signed whilest he was vnder age. This déed of the king was gréeuouslie taken, and all the blame put in the lord chiefe iustice. Herewith all such also as claimed anie manner charters of liberties, were appointed to re­mooue the same (a practise onelie to get monie) and to get them confirmed with the kings new seale, the old being made void and pronounced of none effect.

In this yeare died the French king Lewes the eighth, and his son Lewes the ninth succeeded him, The death [...] Lewes the French king. [Page 209] a child of twelue yeares of age, by reason of whose in­fancie diuerse peeres of the realme began to with­draw their obedience from him, as Theobald earle of Champaigne, Hugh earle of Marsh, and Peter duke of Britaine. Howbeit, the earle of Champaigne was easilie reduced againe to his former obedience, by the high wisedome and policie of the quéene mother, who had the gouernement of hir sonne the yoong king and his realme committed vnto hir. The earle of Marsh com­meth ouer to the king and offereth him his seruice. But the earle of Marsh constant in his purpose, came ouer to king Henrie, whose mother he had married, and line 10 declared vnto him, that now was the time for him to recouer those places, which king Philip had vniustlie taken from his father king Iohn: and to bring the same to passe, he offered himselfe and all that he could make, in the furthering of this voiage. The K. being thus pricked forward with the earle of Marsh his words, Polydor. determined without delaie to take in hand the warre.

¶ Here authors varie, for some write, that king line 20 Henrie sent ouer certeine persons, Matth. Paris. Ambassadors sent into France. as the archbishop of Yorke, the bishop of Careleill, and the Lord Phi­lip Dalbenie, to vnderstand the minds of the Nor­mans, the Britains and Poictouins. And for that those that were sent, brought word againe that the said people were not greatlie minded to forsake the French gouernment, he surceassed from attempting any exploit at that time. Other write, that gathering a great summe of monie of his subiects, towards the maintenance of his charges, he prepared a nauie of ships, and sailed ouer with the said earle of Marsh line 30 into Britaine, and there wasted the confines of the French dominions, and that when the French king was readie with an armie to succour his subiects, he suddenlie retired to his ships, and returned into England, without atchiuing anie enterprise wor­thie of remembrance, so that whether he went him­selfe or sent, Polydor. it forceth not: for certeine it is that he profited nothing at that seson, either by sending mes­sengers to procure him fréendship, or by going ouer himselfe to make an entrie to the warres. line 40

When the French affaires were thus at a staie, within a few moneths after, Richard earle of Corne­wall returned foorth of Gascoigne into England, and shortlie after, The earle of Cornewall re­turneth home. Matth. Paris. bicause he heard and was crediblie in­formed, that a certeine manour place which Wale­rane the Duchman, capteine of Berkamstéed castell held, by the gift and assignement of king Iohn, ap­perteined to his earledome of Cornewall, he seized the castell into his hands. The earle of Cornewall. So that Walerane being line 50 thus dipossessed, exhibited his bill of complaint to the king, who incontinentlie sent to the earle, comman­ding him to make restitution, which he vtterlie refu­sed to doo. But foorthwith, comming to the king, and without reteining any aduocate, he declared his right which he offered to auerre in open presence, & in any of the kings courts, before whatsoeuer péeres of the realme should be there assembled.

This addition [the peeres of the realme] nothing pleased the king and his councell, namelie the lord line 60 chéefe iustice, by whose aduice the king meant to haue apprehended the earle the same night, after he was withdrawne to his lodging. But the earle warned thereof, He departeth from the court secretlie. secretlie departed, accompanied onelie with one man, and neuer drew bridle out of his horsses mouth, vntill he came to Reading (whither his ser­uants resorted to him) and from thence he rode straight to Marlebridge, He wineth himselfe with the earles of Chester and Penbroke and others. where he found his deare freend William earle Marshall, to whome he did im­part the danger likelie to haue befallen him. Then they drew to the erle of Chester, & taking order with him for the raising of an armie, there met shortlie af­ter at Stamford the persons whose names hereafter insue; They meét at Stamford with an armie Ranulfe earle of Chester, William Marshall earle of Penbroke, Richard earle of Cornewall the kings brother, Gilbert earle of Glocester, William earle Warren, Henrie earle of Hereford, William earle Ferrers, William earle of Warwike, and di­uerse barons, lords and knights, hauing there with them a great puissance of warlike personages.

The king hauing vnderstanding as well of their demeanor, as also what they required by their letters and messengers to him dailie sent, A day appoin­ted to meét at Northamptō, for a treatie of pacification. thought good for a time to pacifie their furie, and there vpon appointed a day at Northampton, where he would méet, and minister such iustice vnto them, as should be thought reasonable, and to stand with their good willes and contentation. Wherevpon, The kings grant to his brother. the parties comming to Northampton at the day assigned, he granted to the earle his brother (at the instant desire of the lords) all his mothers dowrie, with all those lands which be­longed to the earle of Britaine within England, and withall, those lands also that apperteined to the earle of Bullongne deceassed. Thus the matter being paci­fied, euerie man departed to his home, whereas if the king had béene froward (as he was mild and patient, knowing that

—non solis viribus aequum
Credere,
Val. Flac. lib. 4.
saepè acri potior prudentia dextra)

warres had immediatlie béene raised betwixt them, namelie, bicause manie of the lords bare a secret grudge towards the king, for that he had reuoked certeine liberties which in the begining of his reigne he had granted to be holden, though now to take a­waie the enuie which might be conceiued towards him for his dooing, he alledged, that he did not in­fringe any thing that he had then granted, but such things as his gouernours had suffered to passe whi­lest he was vnder age, and not ruler of himselfe: he caused them therefore to redéeme manie of the same priuileges, whereby he gained great finance for the setting to of his new seale (as before yee haue heard declared.)

Moreouer, in this yeare there were sent certeine persons from pope Gregorie the ninth (that succéeded Honorius) into all the parts of Europe, The pope ex­horteth the christians to make a iour­nie against the Saracens to mooue by preaching the christian people to make a iournie into the holie land against the Saracens. Such a multi­tude by means hereof did assemble togither from all parts, and that within a short time, as the like had sil­dome times beene heard of. It is said, that amongst them there should be to the number of fortie thou­sand Englishmen, Matth. Paris sixtie thousād. of whome Peter bishop of Win­chester, and William bishop of Excester were the cheefe. Capteins also of that great multitude of cros­sed souldiers that went foorth of sundrie countries were these, Theobald earle of Champaigne, and Phi­lip de Albenie, Polydor. through whose negligence the sequels of this noble enterprise came but to small effect. But to procéed.

About this time the king minding the benefit of the commonwealth, Anno Reg. 12. 1228 caused the weights and mea­sures generallie within the land to be reformed after one standard. Matth. Paris. Weights and measures. Polydor. Hubert de Burgh crea­ted earle of Kent. Furthermore, he created Hubert de Burgh earle of Kent, the which Hubert how much praise so euer he got at the beginning for his valian­cie shewed in the defending of Douer castell, and in vanquishing the French fléet that was comming to the succour of Lewes by battell on the sea, it is cer­teine, that now he purchased himselfe double as much hatred and euill will, bicause that being of secret councell with the king, and thereby after a sort seque­stred from the lords, he was knowne to dissuade the said prince from restoring of the ancient lawes and customes vnto the people, which the barons oft re­quired: whereby it came to passe, that the more he grew in fauour with the prince, the further he came into the enuie of the Nobilitie, and hatred of the peo­ple, [Page 210] which is a common reward to such as in respect of their maister doo little regard the profit of others, as the prouerbe saith, ‘Plus quis honoratur hostis tum multiplicatur.’

Stephan archbishop of Can­turburie de­parted this life. Richard We­thersheid ele­cted in his place. Matth. Paris. Walter Hel­mesham.Furthermore, vpon the ninth of Iulie Stephan the archbishop of Canturburie died, after he had go­uerned that sée the terme of 21 yeares, after whome succéeded Richard Wethersheid deane of Paules, who was the thrée and fortith archbishop of that sée. The moonks of Canturburie had first elected one of line 10 their owne conuent, named Walter de Helme­sham: which election was made by the same moonks the third daie of August next insuing the death of their said archbishop Stephan, but the king would not consent that he should haue the place for diuerse causes, which he obiected: as first, for that he knew him to be such a man as should be vnprofitable, both to him and to his kingdome. Secondlie, bicause his father was a theefe, and thereof being conuict, suffe­red death vpon the gallowes. Thirdlie, for that he line 20 himselfe had stood against king Iohn in time of the interdiction.

On the other side, the bishops suffragans to the church of Canturburie obiected also against him, that he had vsed the familiar companie of a nunne, and begot of hir certeine children. Moreouer they al­ledged, that no election without their consent, could be good, nor ought to take place. But the moonke making his appeale, stood in it, and taking with him certeine of his fellow moonks of Canturburie, A new trou­ble about the election of the archbishop of Canturburie. went line 30 to Rome, and there made supplication to the pope, that his election by his authoritie might be ratified and confirmed. Whereof the king and the other bi­shops being aduertised, did put their obiections in writing vnder their seales, & sent the same to Rome to be exhibited to the pope by the bishops of West­chester and Rochester, and Iohn the archdeacon of Bedford, who vsed such means, that his election was iudged void, & then the said Richard Wethersheid was out of hand elected & confirmed. In that yeare line 40 also, Fabian. a grant was made to the citizens of London, that they should haue and vse a common seale.

In this meane while, Hugh the earle of March so laboured with the Normans and Poictouins in the behalfe of the king of England, Polydor. The earle of March wor­keth to induce the Normans & Poictouins to fauour the king of Eng­land. The Nor­mans write to the king of England. that they began to incline to his purpose: wherevpon he sent his let­ters by secret meanes vnto king Henrie, signifi­eng to him, that if it would please him to come ouer with an armie to make warre against the French king, they would be readie to turne vnto his side, and line 50 receiue him as their souereigne. King Henrie ta­king aduise what to answer and doo herein, with his welbeloued councellour Hubert of Burgh, thought it not good to attempt anie thing rashlie in this mat­ter, bicause the dealings of the Normans were ne­uer without some fraud: but yet to satisfie the request of his fréends, he promised to come ouer shortlie vn­to them, if in the meane time he might perceiue that they remained stedfast in their purpose, giuing them furthermore manie great and hartie thanks for their line 60 good meaning and singular kindnesse towards him.

Now things beyond the sea standing in this or­der, Matt. Paris. it happened in the moneth of August, that the sol­diers which laie in garrison within the castell of Mountgomerie, tooke in hand to stocke vp a wood not farre from the said castell, through which lay an high­waie, where oftentimes manie fellonious robberies and murders were committed by the Welsh. As the souldiers were busie at worke in stocking vp the wood, there came vpon them an ambushment of Welshmen, which not onlie draue them awaie from their worke, The Welshmē [...] the ca­stell of Mont­gomerie. but also tooke and slue diuerse of them, constreining the residue to flée into the castell, which immediatlie the Welshmen inuironed also about with a strong siege, thinking to find the defendants vnprouided.

They within aduertised Hugh de Burgh, the lord chéefe iustice (to whome the castell belonged by the kings late gift) of the exploit and enterprise attemp­ted by their enimies, with all possible hast: wherevp­on the king at request of the said Hubert leuied [...] power, and came to raise the siege. But the Welsh­men hearing of the kings approch, The king with an armie commeth to the succour of them [...] the castell. fled awaie like sheepe, so that comming to the castell, he found no re­sistance: howbeit, for so much as he saw the foresaid wood to be troublesome and an annoiance to the said castell, he willed it to be destroied. True it is, that the▪ same wood was verie thicke and rough, and fur­ther it conteined also fiue leagues or fifteene miles in length: yet by such diligence as was vsed, the same was wasted, stocked vp, and quickelie rid out of the waie by fire and other means, so that the coun­trie was made plaine a great waie about.

After this, the king departed foorth into the Welsh confines, The abbeie [...] Cride burnt. and comming to an abbeie of the white moonks called Cride, caused it to be burnt, bicause it serued as a refuge for his enimies. Then by the ad­uise of the lord chiefe iustice Hubert de Burgh, The king [...]ginneth to build a castell. he set in hand to build a castell there, bicause the place séemed verie fit for fortification. But after the king with his armie had laine there thrée months, through lacke of vittels (the Welshmen still cutting the En­glishmen off as they went abroad to fetch in forrage and other prouision) he was constreined to fall to a­gréement with Leolin their prince, and receiuing of the said prince the summe of three thousand marks, he was contented that so much of the castell as was alreadie builded, should be raced and made flat a­gaine with the ground, Pe is cōst [...] ­ned to agree with the Welshmen. before his departure from thence. Herevpon, manie men tooke occasion to iest at the lord chiefe iustice and his dooings about this ca­stell, who at the beginning named it Huberts follie.

Amongst other also that were taken prisoners by the Welshmen, whilest the king thus vainelie spent his time about the building of that fort, The lord Wil­liā de Breuse taken priso­ner. William de Breuse a right valiant man of warre was one, who being taken by Leolin prince of Wales, was by him crueltie put to death (as after shall appeare) for the which act, and other such iniuries receiued at the same Leolins hands, king Henrie at length gree­uouslie punished him. ¶ For the most part of this summer season, Matt. Paris. Strange sights in the aire. great thunders happened in Eng­land: the element also seemed as though it had bur­ned with continuall flames: stéeples, churches, and other hie buildings were striken with lightning, and the haruest was sore hindered by continuall raine. Also in the middest of the day there came a woonder­full darkenesse vpon the earth, Polydor. that the brightnesse of the aire seemed to be couered and taken awaie.

In the thirteenth yeare of this king, Anno. Reg. 13. 1229 Stephan the popes chapleine and his Nuncio came ouer vnto king Henrie, requiring to haue towards the main­tenance of the popes warres against the emperour Frederike, a tenth part of all the mooueable goods within the realmes & countries of England, Wales, and Ireland, as well of spirituall persons as tempo­rall. Wherevpon, a parlement or assemblie of the lords was called at Westminster, A parlement or a councel holden. on the second sun­daie after Easter, which was the 29 of Aprill. At which parlement, when the popes buls were read, and the matter therein conteined plainelie opened and examined, to the end it might appeare vpon what ne­cessarie causes the pope was constreined to pursue the said wars, and to aske releefe of faithfull christian people, being members of the holie church: the king, bicause he had by his procurators at Rome afore­hand promised & bound himselfe to such paiment of tenths, sate still, and answered not to the contrarie [Page 221] (whereas the hope of a great number was reposed in him, that by his deniall the popes request shuld haue béene frustrat) so that when by his silence he was ad­iudged to consent, yet the temporall lords & laie men vtterlie denied to agree vnto such paiment, The temporal lords refuse to [...]d the pope with monie. not wil­ling in any wise to bind their baronies and tempo­rall possessions vnto the church of Rome.

Howbeit, the bishops, abbats, priors, and other ec­clesiasticall persons, after they had shewed them­selues to rest doubtfull (not without great grudging line 10 and murmuring in the meane time, for the space of thrée or foure daies togither) at length, for feare of ex­communication, consented to be contributorie, but in such sort, as they had escaped for a farre more rea­sonable summe, Stephan de Segraue. The tenths of the spiritu­altie granted to the pope. if Stephan Segraue one of the kings councell had not by compact (as was thought) made with the Nuncio, wrought so in the matter, that the tenths were finallie granted, to the great impouerishment and inestimable damage of the church and realme of England. After this, the Nun­cio line 20 shewed the procuratorie letters, whereby he was authorised to gather those tenths, and that not after a common manner, but by a verie straight and hard valuation.

And for the more sure waie of proceeding herein, he had letters of authoritie from the pope, to excom­municate all such as should withstand him or his de­puties in proceeding with those affaires. He shewed himselfe moreouer verie extreame in collecting of this monie, and namelie towards the prelats of the church, insomuch that appointing him a certeine day line 30 in the which vnder paine of excommunication they should make paiment, diuers for want of readie mo­nie, were compelled to make shift with the chalices, and other vessels and ornaments belonging to their churches, and other were glad to take vp monie vp­on interest, Usurers. and for that shift there were come ouer with the Nuncio diuerse wicked vsurers vnder the name of merchants, which when they saw those that stood in need like to be excommunicate for want of readie monie, they would offer themselues to lend line 40 vnto any that would borow, after the rate of one no­ble for the loane of twentie by the moneth, so bring­ing the néedie into their snares, to their irrecouera­ble losses and vndooing. Hereby the land was filled with bitter cursings (though in secret) by those that wished such vnreasonable exactors neuer to sée good end of the vse of that monie.

From that day forward there wanted not in England certeine vsurers called Caursini, which line 50 sought nothing else but the wealth of such persons as they might get into their snares, Matth. Paris. namelie those whome the church of Rome dooth vex and put to trou­ble with hir exactions and paiments. The earle of Chester onlie stood manfullie against the paiment of those tenths, The earle of Chester wold not permit the tenths to be gathered with in his land. insomuch that he would not suffer his lands to be brought vnder bondage, neither wold he permit the religious men and préests that held of his fee to pay the same, although the rest of England, Wales, Ireland, and Scotland were compelled to be contributorie thereto, hauing onelie this comfort, line 60 that not they alone, but also other forren regions were driuen to doo the like. Thus did the locusts of Rome from time to time sucke the swéetnesse of the land, and all to mainteine the pompe and pride of the same, wherein what other practises did they vse, than as one truelie testifieth?

Cuncti luxuriae at (que) gulae, furtis (que) dolis (que)
Certatim incumbunt, &c.

But to let this passe: king Henrie purposing to saile ouer into Britaine and inuade France, King Henrie prepareth to passe ouer into France. came to Portsmouth about Michaelmasse, with such an armie assembled out of England, Wales, Ireland, and Scotland, as the like for number of people had not beene knowne to haue passed ouer with any of his ancesters: howbeit when he should come to the verie point of imbarking his people, with vittels, armor, and other prouision, there were not ships sufficient to passe ouer the one halfe of the armie: wherefore when the king saw this default, he was sore offended, but chéefelie with Hubert the earle of Kent, lord chéefe iustice, insomuch that he openlie called him old trai­tor, and laid to his charge how he had thus vsed the matter of purpose, onelie to pleasure the queene of France, The earle of Kent fallen in to the kings displeasure. of whome (as he said) he had receiued fiue thousand marks to hinder his proceedings. In this heat if the earle of Chester and other had not béene at hand, he had suerlie slaine the chéefe iustice euen there with his drawne sword, who was glad to auoid his presence, till his angrie mood was somwhat ouer­passed.

In the meane time there arriued Henrie earle of Britaine on the ninth of October, Henrie earle of Britaine. The kings iournie de­ferred. which should haue conducted the king into his countrie. But sith win­ter was come vpon them, he aduised him to stay till the next spring, and so he did. Then euerie man was licenced to depart home, and the earle of Kent recon­ciled againe into fauour. The erle of Britaine in like maner did homage to the king for Britaine, and the king restored him to all his rights in England, and further giuing him fiue thousand marks to defend his countrie against the enimies, sent him home a­gaine in most courteous and louing maner. Anno Reg. 14. 1230 In this yeere of our Lord 1230 king Henrie held his Christ­masse at Yorke, togither with the king of Scots, Matth. Paris. The king of Scots kept Christmasse with the king of England at Yorke. whome he had desired to come thither at that time, that they might make merrie: and so for the space of thrée daies togither, there was great banketting and sport betwéene them. On the fourth day they tooke leaue either of other, the king of Scots with rich gifts returning towards his countrie, and the king of England towards London.

Upon the fiue and twentith day of Ianuarie also, Matth. Paris. A strange tempest at London. while the bishop of London was at high masse with­in the church of S. Paule in London, a sudden dark­nesse ouershadowed the quiere, and therewith such a tempest of thunder and lightning, Sée Iohn Stow, pag. 261. of his large collectiō printed 1580. that the people there assembled thought verelie the church and stée­ple had come downe vpon their heads. There came moreouer such a filthie sauour and stinke withall, that partlie for feare, and partlie for that they might not abide the sauour, they voided the church, falling on heapes one vpon another, as they sought to get out of the same. The vicars and canons forsooke their deskes, so that the bishop remained there onelie with one deacon that serued him at masse. Afterward, when the aire began to cleare vp, Matth. Paris. the people returned into the church, and the bishop went forward and fi­nished the masse.

In the meane time the king leuied a great summe of monie of the prelats of his land towards his iour­nie into France: The king ga­thereth monie towards his iournie into France. he had also a great reléefe of the citizens of London. And the Iewes were constrei­ned to giue to him the third part of all their mouea­ble goods. In the moneth of Aprill, Matth. Paris. The Lord W. de Breuse hanged. Leolin prince of Wales caused William de Breuse, whom he had taken prisoner long before (as aboue is mentioned) to be hanged on a paire of gallowes, for that he was taken (as was reported) in adulterie with the wife of the said prince. And on the last day of Aprill, the king with a puissant armie tooke the sea at Portesmouth, and landed at saint Malos in Britaine on the third day of May, The king sai­leth ouer into France. where he was right ioifullie receiued of Henrie earle of that countrie. After he was thus ar­riued in Britaine, he entered into the French domi­nions, with the said earle, and the earle of Marsh his father in law, dooing much hurt within the same. His armie dailie increasing by the great numbers [Page 212] [...] [Page 213] were beaten downe on all parts, and vtterlie van­quished, with losse of 20 thousand men (as it was cre­diblie reported.) The king of Connagh was also ta­ken and committed to prison.

In the meane time king Henrie hauing spent a great deale of treasure in his iournie made into France, year 1221 there was granted vnto him a fiftéenth of the temporaltie, A fifteénth and tenth granted to the king. Polydor. Englishmen sent to Spain against the Saracens. with a disme and a halfe of the spiri­tualtie, towards the furnishing out of a new power of men to be sent into Spaine against the Sara­cens, which made sore warres vpon the christians in line 10 that countrie, wherevpon king Henrie being requi­red of the K. of Aragon to aid him with some num­ber of souldiers, he sent a great power thither with all speed, and so likewise did the French king. By means whereof the Spaniards, being ioined with Englishmen and Frenchmen, obteined a noble vic­torie, in vanquishing those their enimies. Thus saith Polydor. Matth. Paris. But other write that the king on the sea­uen and twentith of Ianuarie, holding a parlement line 20 at Westminster (where the Nobles both spirituall and temporall were assembled) demanded escuage of all those that held any baronies of him, Escuage de­manded. that is to saie, forren knights fée, fortie shillings, or thrée marks.

Moreouer, the archbishop of Canturburie (as they say) stood against the king in this demand, The archb. of Canturburie standeth a­gainst the K. in defense of his cleargie. main­teining that the cleargie ought not to be subiect vnto the iudgement of laie men, sith this escuage was granted in the parts beyond the seas without their line 30 consent. Wherevpon the matter as touching the bi­shops was deferred till the quindene of Easter, albe­it that all the laitie, and other of the spiritualtie con­sented to the kings will. ¶ About this time also there chanced to rise a great strife and contention betwixt Richard the archbishop of Canturburie, and Hubert the earle of Kent, who as gardian to the yoong erle of Glocester had got into his hands the castell of Tun­bridge, Contention betwixt the archb. and the earle of Kent. with the towne, and certeine other possessions which belonged to the archbishops sée, and therefore line 40 did the archbishop complaine to the king of the iniu­rie which he susteined.

Now when he perceiued no hope likelie to come for any redresse a [...] the kings hands, he tooke an other way: Matth. Paris. and first by his pontificall authoritie accursed all those that withheld the same possessions, and all their mainteiners (the king excepted) and therewith appealing to the pope▪ he went to prosecute his ap­peale at Rome, whither the king and the earle sent also their procurators, and made the pope their arbi­tratour line 50 to iudge of the matter. In the end pope Gre­gorie hauing heard the whole processe of the contro­uersie, iudged the right to remaine with the archbi­shop, who hauing then obteined his desire, hasted to­ward England: but as he was returning home­wards, he died by the way, not farre from Rome, whereby the popes iudgement tooke no place: for whilest the sée was void, there was none that would follow the suit: and such was the end of this contro­uersie for this time. line 60

Ralfe Neuill elected arch. of Canturburie. After the deceasse of this archbishop Richard, the moonks elected Ralfe Neuill bishop of Chichester the kings chancellor, an vpright man, and of iust dea­ling in all his dooings. In whome also it is to be no­ted, he would not giue one halfepenie to the moonks towards the bearing of their charges in their iour­nie to Rome, which they should take vpon them from thence to fetch his confirmation, according to the manner, least he should burthen his conscience with the crime of simonie which he greatlie abhorred, al­though some imputed this to proceed rather of a clo­ked spice of couetousnesse. Which practise of his ma­keth greatlie to the confounding of the indirect means now vsed to aspire vnto promotions, for the obteinment whereof no remedie is forborne; no, though the same be repugnant to reason, and vtterlie against conscience and honestie. But this is the tem­ptation of auarice and ambition, which poison the minds of men in such sort, that rather than they will want their wished aduancement, they will vse these meanes that may further them most, namelie, fréendship, monie, and mightie mens countenance; which one no [...]eth verie well in a distichon of neat de­uise, saieng,

Artis, honestatis, recti, praecepta, decus, vim,
Conculcat, superant, spernunt, fauor, aera, potentes,

But to the purpose from whence we are digressed. When the moonks came to the popes presenc [...], vp­on inquirie made, Simō Lang­tons report of the conditi­ons of Ralfe Neuill. and chéefelie by report of Simon Langton, who (as some thinke) gaped for the dignitie▪ he vnderstood that the said Ralfe Neuill should be a man vnlearned, a courtier, hastie and short of word, and that which most displeased the pope, it was to be feared, that if he should be preferred to that roome, he would go about to deliuer the realme of England from the thraldome of the pope, and the court of Rome (into the which being made tributorie by king Iohn it had latelie beene brought) that (as he should alledge) it might serue God and holie church in the old accustomed libertie.

To bring this to passe (hauing the king thereto greatlie inclined, and all the realme readie to assist him in the same) he would not sticke to put his life in ieopardie, namelie vpon confidence of the right and app [...]alos of Stephan the late archbishop of Cantur­burie, made in solemne wise before the altar of S. Paule in the cathedrall church of London, Sée before in pag. 177, & 178. The pope ma­keth void the election. when king Iohn resigning his crowne into the hands of the le­gat, made that writing obligatorie most exeerable to the whole world.

When the pope had heard this tale told, he streit disanulled the election and reques [...] of the confirmati­on of the said Ralfe Neuill, granting libertie to the moonks to chose some other which might proue a whol­some shéepheard for the soule of man, profitable to the church of England, and a faithfull sonne to the sée of Rome, and so the moonks returning home, made relation to the couent how they had sped. After this, the moonks elected the prior of their house na­med Iohn to be their archbishop, who going to Rome for his confirmation, was persuaded in the end to re­nounce his election: so that at length one Edmund that was treasurer of the colledge of Salisburie, was elected, confirmed, and consecrated, a man of great zeale, being the foure & fortith archbishop that had gouerned that sée.

This yeare the kings brother the earle of Corne­wall married the countesse of Glocester, The earle of Cornewall marrieth the countesse of Glocester. widow to the late earle Gilbert, and sister to William Mar­shall earle of Penbroke, the which erle of Penbroke shortlie after the same marriage departed this life, and was buried on the fifteenth day of Aprill, The earle of Penbroke de­parted this life. Polydor. Leolin prince of Wales in­uadeth the English bor­ders. in the new temple at London, néere vnto his father. More­ouer, Leolin prince of Wales about this season enterprising to inuade the English confines, burned and wasted the countrie in most cruell wise. Whereof the king being aduertised, hasted foorth by great iour­nies, with purpose to reuenge such iniuries. But the enimies hearing of his comming (according to the custome of their countrie) withdrew into the moun­teins, bogs, and marishes. Wherefore the king (seeing that he could not haue them at his pleasure, and least he should be thought to spend time in vaine) came backe, and left behind him a small troope of souldiers to resist their attempts, if they should happen to rise vp any more.

The Welshmen hauing intelligence that the king was returned home, brake foorth againe as before in­to [Page 214] to the English marshes, and not onelie tooke preies and booties, but went about to destroie with fire and sword all that stood in their way. Howbe it in their re­turne, and as they ranged abroad somewhat vnadui­sedlie, they were intrapped by the souldiers which the king had left there for the defense of the countrie, and put to flight néere the castell of Mountgomerie, with great slaughter & losse of their people. The Welsh­men put to flight. But Leolin no­thing dismaied therwith, assembled a greater power than he had before, and began foorthwith to rob and line 10 spoile within the English marshes with paganish extremitie. Which thing when it came to the vnder­standing of the king, he was verie sore displeased, that so meane a man as Leolin was, should put him to so much trouble, therefore he raised a farre greater armie than he had doone at anie time before, The king go­eth against the Welshmen. Matt. Paris. and with the same came to the citie of Hereford.

In the meane time Leolin comming néere vnto the said castell of Mountgomerie, by the practise of a traitorous moonke, The English men distressed. trained foorth the English souldi­ers line 20 which laie in garrison there, and counterfeiting to flee, till he had laid them vp in bogs and mires with their horsses, so as they could not helpe them­selues▪ he fell vpon them, and so slue and tooke a great number of them euen as he could haue wished. The king aduertised hereof, hasted the faster forward, and comming into those parts, as he passed by an abbeie of the Ciffeaux order (of which house the moonke was that had betraied the Englishmen of Mountgome­rie) he burned a grange that belonged to the same line 30 abbeie, and further spoiling the same abbeie it selfe, he had set it on a light fire also, if the abbat therof had not redéemed it with the summe of thrée hundred marks of siluer. After this, he caused Mawds ca­stell to be repaired and fortified, Mawds ca­stell repaired. which the Welshmen in times past had ouerthrowne, and when the worke was finished, he left there a strong garrison of soul­diers to kéepe backe the Welshmen from making their accustomed incursions.

Matth. Paris.Whilest the king was thus occupied in Wales, line 40 there was some busines in France: for in the moneth of Iune, the French king with an armie came to in­uade the countrie of Britaine, but earle Henrie with the earle of Chester and the other English capteins found meanes to take and destroie all the cariages and wagons which came with vittels and other proui­sion to serue the French armie. H [...]nrie earle of Britaine, and the earle of Chester distresse the French kings cariages. When the French­men perceiued they could not haue their purpose, by mediation of the archbishop of Reimes, and the earle of Bollongne on the French part, and by consent of line 50 the earles of Britaine and Chester on the English part, a peace was concluded, or rather a truce to in­dure for three yeares betwixt the two kings of Eng­land and France. A truce ta­ken. This agréement was made the fift daie of Iulie, and then the earles of Britaine and Chester, with Richard Marshall, came ouer into England, and rode to the king, whom they found at Mawds castell, where he remained till the work [...] was finished, and then in the moneth of October re­turned into England. line 60

Anno Reg. 16. 1232 In this meane time no small grudge arose among the people, by reason that their churches were occu­pied by incumbents that were strangers, promoted by the popes and their legats, Matth. Paris. who neither instructed the people, nor could well speake anie more English than that which serued for the collection of their tithes, in somuch that for the insolencie of such imcumbents as well the Noble men and those of good reputation, as other of the meaner sort, by an vndiscréet presum­ption attempted a disorderlie redresse, An vnorder­lie & presump­tuous attempt confederating themselues togither, and taking vpon them to write and direct their letters vnto bishops and chapters, commanding them by waie of inhibition, not to séeme to interrupt those that should seize vpon the beneficed strangers, or vpon their reuenues.

They also tooke vpon them to write vnto such re­ligious men and others, which were farmers vnto a­nie of those strangers, forbidding them to stand ac­countable vnto the said strangers, but to reteine the rents and profits in their hands to answer the same vnto such as they should appoint for the receipt ther­of. The superscription of their letters was this. The super­scription of their letters.Ta­li episcopo, & tali capitulo, vniuersitas eorum, qui magis vo­lunt mori quàm à Romanis confundi, salutem. That is to say, To such a bishop and chapter, all those which had rather die than be confounded by the Romans, send greeting. In the seale wherewith the said letters were sealed, were two swords ingrauen.

This matter went so farre foorth, that th [...]e were sundrie persons armed and disguised like mummers, which enterprised not onelie to take diuerse of those strangers that were beneficed men, but also came to their barnes, threshed vp their graine, Masking threshers. and either made sale therof, or gaue it awaie for God his sake, shewing counterfeited letters vnder the kings seale, which they had procured for their warrant, as they did pretend. At length the pope vpon complaint made vnto him of such violent doings, The pope cō ­plaineth to the K. in bla­ming him. The pope cō ­mandeth the offendors to be accursed. wrote to king Henrie, blaming him not a little for suffering such disorders to be committed within his realme, com­manding him vpon paine of excommunication to cause a diligent inquirie to be had of the offendors, and to sée them sharpelie punished, to the example of others.

Moreouer he sent letters to the bishop of Win­chester, and to the abbat of saint Edmundsburie, to make the like inquisition, and to accurse all those that should be found culpable within the south parts of England, as he did to the archbishop of Yorke, to the bishop of Durham, and to an Italian named Iohn a canon of Yorke, to doo the like in the north parts, so that the offendors should remaine accursed, till they came to Rome, there to fetch their absolution. Inquisition taken. Here­vpon therefore a generall inquisition was taken, as well by the king as by the bishops, and manie found guiltie, some in fact, and some in consent: amongst which number there were both bishops and chapleins to the king, with archdeacons and deanes, knights, and manie of the laitie.

There were some shiriffes and batliffes also, which by the kings commandement were arrested and put in prison, and diuerse of all sorts did kéepe themselues out of the waie, and would not as yet be [...]ound. In like maner, H [...]beit earle of Kent, lord cheefe iustice, The earle of Kent put in blame. was accused to be chiefe transgressour in this mat­ter, as he that had giuen foorth the kings letters pa­tents to those disguised and ma [...]ing threshers, who had taken vpon them so to sequester other mens goods, whereto they had no right. There came also to the king one sir Robert de Twing, Sir Robert de Twing. a knight of the north parts (which named himselfe William We­therso, and had led about a companie of the foresaid maskers) profes [...]ing that he had doone it vpon iust cause to be reuenged vpon the Romans, which went about by sentence of the pope, and manifest fraud to spoile him of the parsonage of a certeine church which he held, and therfore he said he had rather stand accur­sed without iust cause for a time, [...]an to lose his bene­fice without due iudgement. Howbeit the king and the other commissioners counseled him in the end to go to Rome to purchase his absolution, sith he was fallen in danger of excommunication, and there to sue for his pardon in the popes consistorie. And to in­courage him the better so to doo, the king wrote also in his fauour to the pope, testifieng the right which he claimed to the church, whereby at length he obteined his suit (as after ye shall heare. Polydor. A parle [...] & subsidie demanded, and denied.)

The king called a parlement at Westminster, [Page 215] wherein declaring what charges he had béene at di­uers waies, A subsidie demanded, and denied. he required to haue a subsidie granted him, for the releefe of his want, which was flat [...]ie denied, the Nobles and other estats excusing the po­uertie amongst all degrees of men, by manie eui­dent reasons. The bishop of Winchesters counsell giuen to the king. Herevpon the bishop of Winchester being a verie eloquent and faire-spoken man, open­lie counselled the king to fauour his people, whom he had alreadie made poore and bare with continuall tri­butes and exactions. And if it were so that he stood in such need as was alledged, that then he should take line 10 into his hands againe such possessions and things, which during the time of his yoong yeeres he had be­stowed vpon his seruants, without any good aduised consideration, for lacke of ripe iudgement and dis­cretion, and againe to take from certeine couetous persons, who now were become horsseleches and ca­terpillers in the commonwealth, all such offices as they held, and had verie much abused, causing them to yeald vp their accounts, and to vse them after the manner of sponges, so that where he had in times line 20 past made them full of moisture, he might now wring them drie, following herein the example of Uespasian. And by this means it was not to be douted but he should haue inough of his owne, with­out dooing iniurie to any man.

The king gaue verie good eare to the bishops words, The king fol­loweth the bishop of Win­chesters coun­sell. and following his counsell, caused his recei­uers, treasurers, and other such as had medled with anie of his receipts to come to a reckoning. And vn­derstanding by the auditors appointed to take their line 30 accounts, that the most part of them had receiued much more and by other means than they had ente­red into their reckoning, he compelled them to re­store it out of hand with interest. Also he caused the magistrats to be called to a reckoning, and manie of them being conuicted of fraud, were condemned to make restitution. And among other Ranulfe Bri­ton treasurer of his chamber was put beside his of­fice, Matth. Paris. Ranulfe Bri­ton, Peter de Riuales. and fined at a thousand marks, in whose place was set Peter de Riuales, or after some copies de line 40 Oruiales, a Poictouin, nephue or rather sonne to the bishop of Winchester, by whose aduice the king tooke a more strait account of his officers, and often remoo­ued such as he iudged guiltie.

At the same time also, Hubert earle of Kent was deposed from the office of high iustice, The earle of Kent dischar­ged of his of­fice of cheéfe iustice. Matth. Paris. and Stephan Segraue appointed in his roome. The said Hubert (bicause he refused to answer a certeine dutie which was demanded of him to the kings vse) ran so farre into his displeasure, that he durst not abide his sight, line 50 but for safegard of himselfe got him to the abbeie of Merton, The earle of Kent taketh sanctuarie. and there tooke sanctuarie. The king hear­ing of this his demeanor, was so highlie offended withall, that he sent to the Londoners, willing them to go thither and fetch him to his presence. The Lon­doners, which in no wise loued him, bicause of the death of their citizen Constantine, were verie rea­die to accomplish this commandement, insomuch that where the maior ouernight late declared to them the effect of the kings commission, The citizens of London their good de­uotion to­wards the earle of Kent. there were line 60 twentie thousand of them in armor gotten forward earlie in the morning towards Merton, in full hope now to be reuenged of him, for the small good-will that he had borne vnto their citie heretofore.

But the king being informed by the earle of Che­ster and others, that if the Londoners being thus in armor, and in so great a number, should commit any other outrage by the way, the matter might grow to some such inconuenience as would not easilie be staied, he sent to them a countermand to returne backe to the citie againe, which they did, though sorie in their hearts that they might not go through with their desired enterprise. Furthermore (sée héere the mutabilitie of fortune and hir inconstancie, whereof complaint hath béene made by our forefa­thers time out of mind, saieng,

Passibus ambiguis fortuna volubilis errat,
Et manet in nullo certa tenáx (que) loco;
Ouid. lib. 2. de trist. 5.
Sed modò laeta manet, vultus modò sumit acerbos,
Et tantùm constans in leuitate sua est.)

now that the erle of Kent was thus out of the kings fauour, there were few or none of those whome he had before beene beneficiall vnto, that shewed them­selues as fréends and louers vnto him, but all for­sooke & were readie to saie the worst of him, the arch­bishop of Dubline excepted, who yet obteined of the king respit for him to make answere vnto such things as should lawfullie be obiected against him, both for the debt which should be due to the king, and also vpon points of treason, which were now laid to his charge. ¶Wherin we may see what hath béene the course of the world in former ages touching fréends, who in the spring of a mans felicitie like swallowes will flie about him; but when the winter of aduersi­tie nippeth, like snailes they keepe within their shels: wherevnto the poet verie well alluding, saith, Hor. lib. car. 1. od. 35.

—diffugiunt cadis
Cum faece siccatis amici,
Ferre iugum pariter dolosi.

After this, as the said Hubert would haue gone to S. Edmundsburie in Suffolke, where his wife as then remained, he was apprehended at Burntwood in Essex, within a chappell there (as saith Fabian. Matth. Paris.) But (as Matthew Paris saith) sir Robert de Crane­combe, with thrée hundred armed men was sent to apprehend him by the kings commandement, and so he was taken in a village belonging to the bishop of Norwich in Essex, and by the kings commande­ment cast into prison, but yet afterwards he was re­conciled to the kings fauor, when he had lien foure moneths in prison, and thirtéene moneths banished the court.

In this yeare, on the exaltation of the crosse, A subsidie granted in a parlement holden at Lambeth. at Lambeth, in the assemblie of the states there, a subsi­die was granted to the K. of the fortith part of eue­rie mans goods towards the discharge of his debts which he owght to the earle of Britaine. Anno Reg. 17. Also in the beginning of the seauentéenth yeere of his reigne, Ranulfe earle of Chester and Lincolne departed this life the six and twentith day of October, Matth. Paris. Ranulfe earle of Chester de­parteth this life. whose bodie was buried at Chester, and his bowels at Walling­ford where he died. This earle Ranulfe was thrice married, Erle Ranulfe thrice maried. first to Constance daughter and heire to Conan earle of Britaine and Richmund, and so in right of hir was intituled earle of those two places: which Constance had beene first married vnto Gef­frey the third sonne of king Henrie the second, by whom she had issue Arthur (as before yée haue heard.) But by earle Ranulfe she had no issue at all, but was from him diuorced, and afterwards married vn­to Guy vicount de Towars. Then after earle Ra­nulfe was so diuorsed from the said Constance, This Cle­mence was daughter to erle Ferrers. he married a ladie named Clemence, and after hir de­ceasse, he married the third time the ladie Margaret, daughter to Humfrey de Bohun earle of Hereford and Essex, constable of England.

Howbeit he neuer had issue by any of those his wiues, The partition of his lands. so that Iohn Scot his nephue by his sister Mawd succéeded him in the earldome of Chester, and William Dalbenie earle of Arundell, nephue to him by his sister Mabell, had the manour of Barrow, and other lands that belonged to the said Ranulfe, of the yerelie value of fiue hundred pounds. Robert Quin­cie, he that married his sister Hauise, had the earle­dome of Lincolne, and so of a baron became an earle who had issue by his wife, Margerie countesse of Lincolne, that was maried to Edmund Lacie earle [Page 216] of Lincolne. William earle Ferrers and of Dar­bie, that had married Agnes, sister to the said Ra­nulfe, had the castell and manour of Chartley, togi­ther with other lands for his pourpart.

Here is also to be remembred, that the afore men­tioned earle Ranulfe (or Randulfe whether ye list to call him) atchiued manie high enterprises in his time, as partlie in this booke ye haue alreadie heard: he held sore warres against the Welshmen, till at length an agréement was concluded betwixt him line 10 and Leolin prince of Wales. I remember I haue read in an old record, that vpon a time as this earle passed into Wales with an armie, his chance was to be ouerset by the Welshmen, so that he was dri­uen to retire into a castell, wherein the Welshmen did besiege him. This Roger Lacie is sur­named Helie. And as it fortuned at that time, Ro­ger Lacie the constable of Chester was not then with him, but left behind at Chester to see the citie kept in order (for as it should séeme, their solemne plaies which commonlie are vsed at Whitsuntide line 20 were then in hand, or else their faire which is kept at Midsummer.)

Wherefore the earle sent a messenger in all possi­ble hast vnto his constable, praieng him with spéed to come to his succour in that extreame point of ne­cessitie. Lacie made no delaie, but assembling all the forreners, plaiers, musicians, and others which he could find within that citie fit to weare armor, went foorth with them, and in most speedie maner marched toward the castell, where the Welshmen kept the line 30 earle besieged, who now perceiuing such a multitude of men comming towards them, incontinentlie left the siege and fled awaie. The earle then being thus de­liuered out of that present danger, came foorth of the castell, returned with his constable vnto Chester, and in recompense of that seruice, gaue vnto his said constable Roger Lacie, the rule, order, and authoritie ouer all the forreners, plaiers, musicians, and other strangers resorting to Chester at the time, when such publike plaies (or else faire) should be kept & holden. line 40

Iohn Lacie the sonne of the said Roger married Alice the daughter of Gilbert de Aquila, and after hir deceasse, he married the ladie Margaret, the daughter of Robert Quincie earle of Lincolne, of whom he begat Edmund Lacie constable of Chester, which Edmund after the deceasse of his father, mar­ried Alice the daughter of the marquesse of Saluces in Italie, which ladie was surnamed the quéene, of whom he begat Henrie Lacie earle of Lincolne, which Henrie married the ladie Margaret, daughter line 50 to William Long espee earle of Salisburie, by whom he had two sons, Edmund and Iohn, and two daugh­ters, Alice and Ioan, which Alice Thomas earle of Lancaster married, who claimed and had the same rights and priuiledges which ancientlie belonged to the said Roger Lacie, and other the constables of Chester, concerning the fines of forreners and o­thers. ¶This haue I the more willingly declared, that it may appeare in what estimation and credit the La­cies constables Chester by inheritance liued in their line 60 time, of whose high valiancie, and likewise of other of that familie, highlie commended for their noble chi­ualrie in martiall enterprises ye may read in sun­drie histories at large.

But now to returne and speake of other dooings, which chanced about the time in which the said Ra­nulfe earle of Chester departed this life. The king in the meane while seized into his hands a great portion of the treasure which Hubert de Burgh earle of Kent had committed to the kéeping of the templers. But whereas there were that trauelled to haue had him put to death, the king in respect of the seruice which he had doone to him and to his predecessors king Ri­chard and king Iohn, granted him life, with those sands which he had either by purchase, or by gift of king Iohn, The earle of Kent kept in prison within the castell of Uées. but neuertheles he caused him to be kept in frée prison at the castell of the Uées, vnder the cu­stodie of foure knights belonging to the earles of Cornewall, Warren, Penbroke, and Ferrers, which foure earles were become suerties for him.

This yeare also about the same time, to wit, Matth. Paris. A great thun­der. the morow after S. Martins daie, chanced great thun­der and lightning, which continued for the space of 15 daies togither, to the great terrour and feare of the people, and namelie of the Londoners, which haue that kind of weather so familiar to them, that if there be anie abroad in the land, they haue their part there­of. Moreouer on the 23 of March, year 1233 was heard an o­ther great and terrible tempest of thunder, A wet sum­mer. and after followed a maruellous wet summer with manie flouds. Also on the 8 daie of Aprill, in the parts a­bout Hereford and Worcester, Foure summer beside the ac­customed sun. there appeared foure sunnes in the element, beside the naturall sunne, of red colour, and a great circle of christaline colour, the which compassed with his largenesse as it had béene the whole circuit almost of the whole realme of Eng­land, Matth. Paris. from the sides whereof went foorth certeine halfe circles, in whose sections appeared the said foure sunnes. The naturall sunne was at the same time in the east part of the firmament, for it was about the first houre of the daie, or betwixt six and seuen in the morning, the aire being the same time verie bright and cleare. The bishop of Hereford, and sir Iohn Monmouth knight, and manie others beheld this woonderfull sight, and testified the same to be most true. Matth. Paris. And after this there followed the same yeare in those parts cruell warre, slaughter, terrible bloud­shed, & a generall trouble through England, Wales, and Ireland. About the same time, to wit, in Iune, A strange woonder. in the south parts of England néere to the sea coast, two huge dragons appeared fighting in the aire, and after a long fight the one ouercome the other, and fol­lowed him, fléeing into the depth of the sea, & so they were séene no more.

Moreouer in this yeare great variance and strife rose betwixt the king and his barons, for the king tooke great displeasure against all other his officers, & so much the more mistrusted them, Polydor. for that he found himselfe deceiued in the earle of Kent, to whom he had committed a further credit than to anie other, and had made him high iustice of England, onelie for the good will that he alwaies bare to him. There­fore perceiuing this, The king be­ginneth to fa­uour strangers. he was doubtfull whom he should trust, discharging the most part of those En­glishmen that bare any office about him, and in their roomes placed strangers, as Poictouins and Bri­tains, of the which there came ouer vnto him manie knights and other, to the number of 2000, which he placed in garrisons within castels of diuerse places of the land, and committed the order of all things for the most part to the bishop of Winchester, The bishop of Winchester. and to his nephue or sonne Peter de Riuales.

Herwith he offended so much the minds of his No­bles, that Richard Marshall erle of Penbroke (chiefe of that familie, & boldest to speake, The earle of Penbroke. now that Ranulfe of Chester was gone) as well in his owne name, as in the names of other, tooke vpon him openlie to re­prooue the kings dooings herein, as pernicious and dangerous to the state of the realme. Strangers alwaies odi­ous to y e hours borne. Herevnto the bishop of Winchester (whose counsell as it séemed he followed) made answer, that the king had doone no­thing in that behalfe vnaduisedlie, but vpon good and déepe consideration: for sith he might perceiue how the English nobilitie had first pursued his father with malicious hatred & open war, and now that he found diuerse of them whom he had brought vp and aduan­ced to high honours, vnfaithfull in the administrati­on of their offices, he did not without iust cause re­ceiue [Page 217] into his fauour strangers, and preferre them before those of his owne nation, which were not so faithfull in his seruice and obedience as they.

This answer of the bishop so pricked and woun­ded the minds of the English Nobilitie, that manie of them (amongst whome the said earle of Penbroke was the chéefe) began an open rebellion, some of them resorting to one place, and some to an other, to gather people for their purpose. The lords y t withdrew into Wales. Matth. Paris. Polydor. The names of such barons as stirred vpon this occasion were these; Ri­chard Marshall earle of Penbroke afore named, line 10 Gilbert Basset and his brethren, men of great honor and right hardie capteins: also Richard Sward a warlike personage, trained vp in feats of armes from his youth, The king proclaimed them traitors. with Walter Clifford a worthie knight, and manie others. The king hauing know­ledge of their dooings proclaimed them all traitors, confiscated their goods, Strangers sent for. and sent for a great power of men out of Flanders to serue him in his warres.

Whilest king Henrie thus prouided himselfe of an armie, the lords with their capteine Richard Mar­shall line 20 ioined themselues to Leolin prince of Wales, & doubting the comming of the king, spoiled all the marshes next adioining to England, leauing no vit­tels nor cattell any where about in those parts wher­by the kings armie might haue reléefe, and further made all things readie for their owne defense so well as they could deuise. The earle of Kent about the same time, Matth. Paris. The earle of Kent escapeth and taketh sanctuarie. by helpe of two yeomen that attended vpon him, escaped out of the castell of Uées, and tooke sanctuarie in the next church: but when those that line 30 had the charge of him and the castell in keeping, mis­sed him, and heard where he was, they fetcht both him, and the two yeomen that holpe him to make the escape out of the church, He is fetcht out. and bringing them backe to the castell, imprisoned the earle.

And though the bishop of Salisburie came thi­ther and threatened to accursse them, if they would not deliuer the earle, and restore him to sanctuarie a­gaine: they made answer, that they had rather the earle should hang for himselfe, than they for him. And line 40 so bicause they would not deliuer him, the bishop did excommunicate them, and after riding to the court, and taking with him the bishop of London, and other bishops, preuailed so much by complaint exhibited to the K. that the earle was restored to the church againe the eighteenth day of October: He is restored to sanctuarie. but so, as the shiriffe of the shire had commandement to compasse the church about with men, to watch that no releefe came vnto him, whereby he might be constreined line 50 through famishing to submit himselfe. Notwithstan­ding, Anno Reg. 18. The earle of Kent rescued and conueied into Wales. shortlie after there came a power of armed men, and fetcht the said earle from thence (setting him on horssebacke in faire complet armour) and so conueied him into Wales, where he ioined with o­ther of the kings enimies, the thirtith day of Octo­ber.

Polydor. The king en­treth into Wales with an armie.Within a few daies after came the king with his armie, and entring into Wales, for want of vittels was constreined to retire backe to the marshes, be­twixt line 60 Worcestershire & Salopshire, where staieng certeine daies togither in those parts, his souldiers straied abroad in the countrie vnaduisedlie, and kéeping no watch nor ward about their campe, were surprised in the night by their enimies, and slaine on euerie side. The slaughter had béene greater, but that the residue which laie in campe, brake foorth about midnight, and in a plumpe togither fled into a castell which was néere at hand, called Grossemound, in the which the king himselfe was lodged. There were slaine aboue fiue hundred men, and all the trusse and baggage of the campe lost. Yet Matthew Paris saith there were but two knights slaine, which cast awaie themselues by their owne wilfulnesse, that would needs stand to it and make resistance, where the resi­due being spoiled of all that they had with them, got awaie by flight, as the bishops of Winchester and Chichester, the lord chéefe iustice Stephan Segraue, Peter de Riuales treasurer, Hugh Bigot earle of Norfolke, William earle of Salisburie, William lord Beauchampe, and William Dalbenie the yoonger, who were witnesses of this losse amongst the residue.

Hereof it came to passe, that manie of the kings armie (speciallie those which had lost their horsses, ar­mour, monie, and other furniture, with their vittels) returned into their countrie, to their great confusi­on. For the Welshmen and other outlawes, hauing spoiled the campe, returned with the cariages and sumpters which they had taken, into places of safe refuge. The king hauing receiued this losse, and of­tentimes tried fortune nothing fauourable vnto him in those parts, Polydor. by reason of the streits and disaduan­tage of the places, thought good to reserue the re­uenge of his receiued iniuries vntill a more conue­nient time, and therevpon returned to Glocester, The king returneth out of Wales. and furnished diuers castels and fortresses in the borders of Wales, with garrisons of souldiers, namelie Poictouins and other strangers to defend the same against William Marshall, and the other his com­plices, who vpon occasions dailie sought to suppresse and distresse the said strangers.

And beside other encounters, in the which manie of those Poictouins and other strangers were slaine and oppressed by the said William Marshall and his adherents, it chanced that vpon saint Katherins day, the said William Marshall comming néere to the castell of Monmouth to view the same, was in danger to haue remained prisoner in the enimies hands, through an issue made by sir Baldwine de Guines, capiteine of that castell, with his Poicto­uins and Flemings. The earle of Penbroke in danger. But by such rescue as came to his aid, he was deliuered out of their hands, and the Poictouins and other of the garrison discomfited. At this skirmish sir Baldwine himselfe being sore wounded, was borne out of the field into the castell, He is rescued. The Poicto­uins discom­fited. losing fiftéene knights of his part, and a great sort of other which were taken prisoners, besides no small number that were slaine in the place.

The same yeare chanced a great dearth, Dearth. by reason that the growth of all things was much hindered with the extreame cold weather. Tempests. Also there happened about the beginning of Nouember great thunder and lightning, An earth­quake. and therewith folowed an earthquake to the great feare of the inhabitants of the towne of Huntington and other places thereabouts. After this, came a great dearth amongst the people, A death. being commonlie a neere companion to great famine and dearth.

Richard Marshall erle of Penbroke in this meane time ceassed not to waste the marshes of England next adioining to Wales, and dailie diuerse of the English Nobilitie repaired to him, so that the king was sore troubled in his mind. It chanced at the same time, that one Iohn of Monmouth a right va­liant capteine, who led the kings armie, receiued a great ouerthrow at the hands of Richard Marshall. For whereas the foresaid Iohn, hauing assembled a mightie host, made great hast towards his enimies, in hope to haue come vpon them at vnwares, and therefore marching by night, that he might be readie to assaile them somewhat afore the breake of the day, which in the summer season is the most silent time of all the night, it chanced farre otherwise than he looked it should haue doone. For the earle of Penbroke, hauing knowledge by his spies of his aduersaries intent, laie himselfe with his people within a wood in ambush by the way, where the said Iohn should passe, [Page 218] and setting vpon him as he approched, put his people in such feare by the sudden incounter, that they knew not what capteine or ensigne they might follow, and so immediatlie fell to running awaie. The slaugh­ter was great on euerie side, Matth. Paris. both of Poictouins and others. Iohn Mon­mouth recei­ueth an ouer­throw. Diuerse of them fléeing also into the next woods, were receiued by such as were laid there to cut them off, and so slaine or taken out of hand. How­beit their chiefe capteine the forenamed Iohn of Monmouth escaped, with a few other in his compa­nie. year 1234 line 10 This ouerthrow chanced the morrow after Christ­masse daie. Polydor.

The next daie Richard Marshall hauing thus got the victorie, destroied certeine houses and lordships there in the marshes which belonged to the said Iohn of Monmouth. Matth. Paris. About the same time also, Richard Sward with other outlawes destroied the possessi­ons belonging to the earle of Cornewall beside Bre­hull, and burned a place there called Segraue, where Stephan de Segraue the lord chiefe iustice was line 20 borne, and likewise a village belonging to the bishop of Winchester, not farre from Segraue aforesaid. This was the maner of those outlawes, that they hurt no person, but onelie those councellers about the king by whom they were exiled, and therefore bea­ring stomach against them, they did not onlie excogi­tate but also execute this reuenge; which till they had obteined, they were no lesse ill appaid, than well plea­sed when the same was past, for ‘—minuit vindicta dolorem. line 30’

Immediatlie within the octaues of the Epithanie, the earle Marshall and Leolin prince of Wales wa­sted and robbed all the marshes betwixt Wales and Shrewsburie, A part of the towne of Shrewsburie burnt. Polydor. a part of which towne they also burnt. King Henrie being hereof certified as yet soiour­ning at Glocester, was sore troubled in his mind, and calling togither his councell, asked aduise what waie he might best take to redresse such iniuries. Af­ter sundrie opinions amongst them declared, they a­greed all in one sentence, that it should be most expe­dient to appease the minds of the rebels with gentle line 40 offers, to grant them pardon of their offenses, wise­lie to winne them to tractablenesse, and not rough­lie afflicting them to exasperat their fiersenesse, sith, ‘—saepe acri potior prudentia dextra.’

Also to banish from his court diuerse that bare great rule, and namelie Peter the bishop of Win­chester, and his sonne or nephue Peter de Riuales, by the counsell of which two persons all things had béene changed in the kings house. Moreouer, to put from him such strangers as bare offices, and to re­store line 50 Englishmen againe to the same.

The king allowing this aduise to be good, follow­ed it accordinglie, and first of all discharging the bi­shop of Winchester of all publike administration of things, he commanded him to repaire home to his diocesse, and to sée to the gouernement thereof, as to his dutie apperteined. He also banished from his pre­sence Peter de Riuales, Matth. Paris. Stephan Segraue, Robert Passelew, and diuerse others of his chiefe councel­lers, by whose means he had procured the euill will of line 60 his Nobilitie. Then receiued he againe his old ser­uants & officers, & finallie sent the archb. of Cantur­burie, the bishops of Chester & Rochester vnto the ba­rons in Wales, to offer them peace & pardon of all iniuries past, if they wold returne to his obedience. Thus in the end there was a truce taken betwixt the king and the rebels, Matth. Paris. to begin at Candlemasse, and to indure vntill Easter next insuing, The earle of Penbroke passeth ouer into Ireland. in which meane time, Richard the earle of Penbroke, hearing that Maurish Fitz Gerald, with Walter Lacie, Richard Burgh and others wasted his lands and possessions in Ireland (according to such commission as they had receiued of late from king Henrie and his councell) passed ouer thither, and there incountering with his enimies, was sore wounded and taken prisoner, He is taken prisoner. ha­uing entered the battell verie rashlie, and with a small companie of his people about him, onlie by the traitorous persuasion of Geffrey Maurish, who with other fled at the first brunt, Geffrey Maurish. and left him in maner alone, to stand to all the danger. Those that thus tooke him, brought him into his owne castell, the which the lord chiefe iustice Maurice Fitz Gerald had latelie woone. This incounter, in which Richard Marshall was thus taken, chanced on a saturdaie, being the first of Aprill; and on the 16 of the same moneth, by reason of the wound which he had receiued, he depar­ted this life. The death [...] the earle of Penbroke.

We find also that the bishop of Winchester, and his sonne (or kinsman as some haue called him) Pe­ter de Riuales had procured the king to send com­mission vnder his seale vnto the foresaid noble men in Ireland, that if the said Richard Marshall earle of Penbroke chanced to come thither, they should doo their best to take him, and in reward of their paines, they should inioy all his lands and possessions which he held in that countrie. But after his death, and when the king had remooued those his councellers from him, he confessed he had put his seale to a wri­ting, but that he vnderstood what were the contents thereof he vtterlie denied. Finallie, this was the end of the worthie earle of Penbroke Richard Mar­shall, a man worthie to be highlie renowmed for his approued valiancie. His death suerlie was greatlie bewailed of king Henrie, openlie protesting that he had lost the worthiest capteine that then liued.

After this, the lords that had remained in Wales, by safe conduct came to the king, and through the dili­gent trauell of the archbishop of Canturburie, he re­ceiued them into fauour. Amongst them were these men of name, Polydor. Matth. Pari [...] Gilbert Marshall the brother of the foresaid Richard Marshall, Hubert earle of Kent, Gilbert Basset, and Richard Sward, be [...]ide diuerse o­ther. Unto Gilbert Marshall he deliuered his bro­thers inheritance, and vpon Whitsundaie made him knight, Gilbert Marshall earle of Penbroke. giuing vnto him the rod of the office of Mar­shall of his court, according to the maner, to vse and exercise as his ancesters had doone before him. And herewith the earle of Kent Gilbert Basset and Ri­chard Sward were receiued againe into the court, and admitted to be of the kings priuie councell.

Soone after this, Peter de Riuales, Stephan Se­graue, & Robert Passelew were called to accounts, that it might appeare how the kings treasure was spent, and how they had vsed themselues with the kings seale. The two last remembred kept them­selues out of the waie, and could not be found. Officers cal­led to ac­counts. Ste­phan Segraue shrowding himselfe in secret within the abbeie of Leicester, and Robert Passelew fei­ning himselfe sicke, kept within the new temple at London. Peter de Riuales also, with his father the bishop of Winchester, tooke sanctuarie at Winche­ster, for they were afraid least their bodies should not be in safetie if they came abroad, bicause they vnder­stood that their manours and grange places were spoiled and burnt by those that bare them displeasure. Howbeit at length, vnder the protection of the arch­bishop of Canturburie, they came to their answer, & were sore charged for their vniust dealing, traito­rous practise, and great falshood vsed in time of their bearing office, and (as it appeareth by writers) they could but sorilie cleare themselues in those matters wherewith they were charged: but yet by reason of their protection they were restored to the places from whence they came, or else otherwise shifted off the matter for the time, so that we read not of anie great bodilie punishment which they should receiue as then. In the end they were pardoned & reconciled to [Page 219] the kings fauor, vpon paiment of such fines as were assessed vpon them.

This yeare, bicause the truce ended betwixt the kings of England and France, king Henrie sent o­uer to aid the earle of Britaine, The truce ended. Welshmen sent ouer to the aid of the earle of Bri­taine. thréescore knights▪ and two thousand Welshmen, the which when the French king came with his armie to enter and in­uade Britaine, did cut off and take his cariage laden with vittels, armor, and other prouision, ouerthrow­ing also no small number of the Frenchmen, and ta­king line 10 from them their horsses, they returned backe in safetie, without any great damage receiued. Not­withstanding this, the French king inforcing a­gaine his power, waxed too strong for the earle of Britaine, so that he was constreined to take a truce to indure till the feast of all saints, that he might in the meane time vnderstand if the king of England would come ouer with some puissant armie to his aid or no: but bicause it was perceiued in the end that the said earle of Britaine sought nothing else line 20 but how to get monie out of king Henries coffers, and to doo him no pleasure for it, bicause he was in manner at an other agreement alreadie with the king of France, king Henrie refused to satisfie his requests at such time as he came ouer vnto him (af­ter the taking of that truce) for more monie. Here­with also the said erle being offended, The earle of Britaine sub­mitteth him­selfe to the French king. got him backe into his owne countrie, and shortlie after apparant­lie submitted himselfe to the French king, which (as the report went) he had doone before in secret. line 30

Anno Reg. 19. 1235These things being thus brought to passe, and all troubles quieted, the king as then being at London, there was brought before him by one Tolie, Polydor. Fabian. a com­plaint exhibited against the Sée the like in pag. 56. col. 1. Iewes of Norwich, which had stolen a yoong child, being not past a twelue moneths old, and secretlie kept him an whole yeare togither, to the end that he might (when Ester came) crucifie him in despite of our sauiour Iesus Christ, and the christian religion. The matter as it happened fell out well for the lad: for within a few daies before line 40 that those curssed murtherers purposed to haue shed this innocents bloud, they were accused, conuicted and punished, whereby he escaped their cruell hands. About the same time, Matth. Paris. to wit the seauenth of Februa­rie died Hugh de Wels bishop of Lincolne, a great enimie to moonks and religious men. Robert Gro­sted was then preferred to his roome, a man of great learning, and trained vp in schooles euen from his infancie.

The emperor Frederike marieth the king of Eng­lands sister.The same yeare, the emperour Frederike the se­cond, maried the ladie Isabell the kings sister. This line 50 Isabell was a most beautifull ladie, of comelie per­sonage, and of age about one and twentie years. She was affianced by procuracie, about the seauen and twentith of Februarie. And after Easter, the archbi­shop of Cullen, and the duke of Louane came ouer from the emperour, to haue the conueiance of hir vn­to the emperors presence. A great and sumptuous feast. There was such a feast hol­den, so sumptuous seruice, so rich furniture, and roi­all banketting kept the day before hir departure line 60 from London towards the sea side, that more could not be imagined. The same feast was kept at West­minster on the fift day of May, and the day follow­ing she did set forward, and by easie iournies came to Sandwich, the king bringing hir thither with thrée thousand horsses. Finallie, she tooke the sea the ele­uenth of May, the king taking leaue of hir not with­out teares, when they thus departed the one from the other. And so with prosperous wind and weather shée arriued at Antwerpe, and from thence passed for­ward, till shée came to hir husband the emperour, by whom shée was receiued with great ioy and comfort at Worms, where the marriage was consummate vpon a sundaie, being the two and twentith day of Iulie, or (as Matthew Westminster saith) the seauen and twentith of May, being Whitsunday.

This yeare the bishop of London pronounced the sentence of excommunication against certeine vsu­rers called Caorsini. But bicause▪ the same vsurers shadowed themselues vnder the pretext of the popes merchants (as they named themselues) they preuai­led so much by the fauour of the court of Rome, Matth. Paris. Usurers cal­led Caorsini, of whome sée more in pag. 211. col. 1. that the said bishop being sicke and feeble, was cited per­emptorilie in the parts beyond the seas, before iud­ges chosen foorth by the same vsurers, to make an­swer for such high iniurie as he had here doone to the popes factors. The bishop willing by the example of [...]em, rather to couer his fathers shame, than to re­ueale it to the whole world, did quietlie put vp the matter: and with commendable patience receiued the proffered wrong, hauing learned this lesson, that ‘Gaudet patientia duris,’ and to pacifie the trouble, suffered their wickednesse, commending in the meane while the cause vnto his patrone S. Paule. And when he preached of the force of faith, he vttered this saieng: The bishop of London his doctrine. If an angell preach contrarie doctrine to vs in these things, let him be accurssed.

In the twentith yeare of king Henries reigne, Anno Reg. 20. in the Aduent time, the noble baron the lord Robert Fitz Water departed this life, and so likewise did a noble yong man descended of most noble parentage, one Roger de Somerie. year 1236 On the foureteenth day of Ianuarie insuing, King Henrie marrieth the ladie Elianor daughter to the earle of Prouance. Matth. Paris. the king married the ladie Elia­nor, daughter to the earle of Prouance named Rai­mond. This marriage was solemnized at Cantur­burie, and in the octaues of S. Hilarie next insuing being sunday, shee was crowned queene of Eng­land at Westminster. At the solemnitie of this feast and coronation of the quéene, all the high peeres of the realme, both spirituall and temporall, were pre­sent there to exercise their offices as to them apper­teined.

The citizens of London were there in great ar­raie, bearing afore hir in solemne wise, thrée hundred and thréescore cups of gold and siluer, in token that they ought to wait vpon hir cup. The archbishop of Canturburie (according to his dutie) crowned hir, the bishop of London assisting him as his deacon. The earle of Chester bare the sword of saint Edward before the king, The earle of Chester. in token that he was earle of the palace, and had authoritie to correct the king, if he should see him to swarue from the limits of iustice, his constable of Chester attended vpon him, The consta­ble of Chester. The earle of Penbroke. and re­mooued where the presse was thicke, with his rod or warder. The earle of Penbroke high Marshall bare the rod before the king, and made roome before him, both in the church and in the hall, placing euerie man, and ordering the seruice at the table. The wardens of the cinque ports bare a canopie ouer the king, The wardēs of the cinque ports. The earle of Leicester. Erle Warren. sup­ported with foure speares.

The earle of Leicester held the bason when they washed. The earle of Warren, in the place of the erle of Arundell, bicause he was vnder age, attended on the kings cup. M. Michaell Bellet was Butler by office. The earle of Hereford exercised the roome of high Marshall in the kings house. The lord William de Beauchampe was almoner. The earle of Hereford. Lord William Beauchampe The citizens of London. The citizens of Winchester. The cheefe iustice of the forrests on the right hand of the king remoo­ued the dishes on the table, though at the first he was staied by some allegation made to the contrarie. The citizens of London serued out wine to euerie one in great plentie. The citizens of Winchester had ouersight of the kitchin and larderie. And so euerie person (according to his dutie) exercised his roome: and bicause no trouble should arise, manie things were suffered, which vpon further aduise taken therin were reformed. The chancellor and all other ordinarie of­ficers [Page 220] kept their place. The feast was plentifull, so that nothing wanted that could be wished. Moreo­uer, in Tuthill field roiall iustes were holden by the space of eight daies togither. And soone after the king called a parlement at London, A parlement at London. Polydor. where manie things were enacted for the good gouernment of the realme, and therewith the king demanded a subsidie.

Strange sights. Matth. Paris.¶ About the same time woonderfull strange sights were séene. In the northparts of England, not farre from the abbie of Ro [...]h o [...] Rupie, there appeared com­ming line 10 foorth of the earth companies of armed men [...] horssebacke, with speare, shield, sword, and baners dis­plaied, in sundrie formes and shapes, riding in order of bat [...]ell, and incountering togither: and this sight was seene sundrie daies ech after other. Sometime they séemed to ioine as it had béene in battell, and fought sore; and sometime they appeared to iust and breake staues, as it had béene at some triumphant iusts of tornie. The people of the countrie beheld them a farre off, with great woonder: for the thing line 20 shewed so liuelie, that now and then they might see them come with their emptie horsses sore wounded and hurt: and then men likewise mangled and blée­ding, that pitie it was to see them. And that which sée­med more strange and to be most maruelled at, the prints of their féet appeared in the ground, and the grasse troden downe in places where they had beene séene. The like sight was also séene more apparent­lie in Ireland, and in the parts thereabout.

Immediatlie followed, or rather precéeded passing great tempests of raine, Great raine. Matth. Paris. which filled the earth full of line 30 water, and caused monstruous flouds: for this raine continued all the space of the moneths of Ianua­rie, Februarie, and a great part of March; and for eight daies it rained (as some write) in maner with­out ceassing: Matth. West. and vpon the tenth of Februarie, imme­diatlie after the change of the moone, the Thames rose with such an high tide, that boats might haue beene rowed vp and downe in Westminster hall. In the winter before, on the twentith of December, there chanced a great thunder, A great thunder. and on the first fridaie line 40 in December, which was the fift of that moneth, there was a counterfet sunne séene beside the true sunne. Moreouer, as in the spring precéeding there happened sore and excéeding great raines, so in the summer following there chanced a great drouth, A drie sum­mer. continuing by the space of foure moneths or more.

This yeare was a parlement holden at Merton, a towne in Surrie, distant from London 7 miles, where was an abbeie of regular canons founded line 50 by one Gilbert a lord of Normandie, that came into the realme with William conquerour. Gilbert Nor­man founder of Merton abbeie. At this par­lement, diuerse good & profitable lawes were made and established, which yet remaine in vse, bearing the name of the place where they were first ordeined.

Anno Reg. 21.¶ In the beginning of the 21 yeare of king Henries reigne, on the morrow after the feast of S. Martine, and certeine daies after, the sea burst out with such high tides and tempests of wind, High tides. Matth. Paris. that the marrish countries néere to the same were drowned vp and o­uerflowen: line 60 and beside great heards and flocks of cattell that perished, there was no small number of men lost and drowned. The sea rose continuallie in flowing the space of two daies and one night, with­out ebbing, by reason of the mightie violence of con­trarie winds. Wisbech peo­ple perishing by rage of waters. At Wisbech also, and in villages there­abouts, the people were drowned in great numbers, so that in one village there were buried an hundred corpses in one daie. Also the daie before Christmasse éeue, there chanced a great wind, with thunder and raine, in such extreame wise, that manie buildings were shaken and ouerthrowen.

In a parlement holden at Westminster about the octaues of the Epiphanie, year 1327 the king required a subsidie of his subiects, which request was not verie well ta­ken, but yet at length, vpon promise that he would be good lord [...] them, and not séeke to instringe and dis­anull the [...] which he had made by pretense of want of the popes confirmation (as it was thought he meant to doo) they agréed to giue him the thirtith part of all moueable goods, A subsidie. as well of the spiritualtie as the temporaltie, reseruing yet to euerie man his readie come▪ with horsse and armour, to be imploied for the profit of the common-wealth. In considerati­on of which grant, the king being of perfect age, and in his owne rule and full gouernance, of his frée and méere goodwill, at the request, and by counsell of the lords of his realme, eftsoones granted and confirmed the liberties and customes conteined in the two char­ters, the one called Magna charta, and the other Char­ta de foresta, with this addition following added in the end.

The confirmation of the charters, vnder the kings acknowledgement and subscription of witnesses.

NVnc autem concessimus, & hac praesen­ti charta confirmauimus omnibus prae­dictis de regno nostro, omnes libertates & liberas consuetudines content as in chartis nostris, quas eis fidelibus nostris fieri fecimus cùm in minori essemus aetate, scili­cet in Magna charta nostra, quàm in charta de Fo­resta. Et volumus pro nobis, & haeredibus nostris, quòd praefati fideles nostri, & successores, & haere­des eorum habeant, & teneant in perpetuum om­nes libertates & liberas consuetudines praedictas, non obstante quòd praedictae chartae confectae fue­rint cùm minoris essemus aetatis, vt praedictum est, hijs testibus, Edmundo Cant archiepiscopo, & om­nibus alijs in Magna charta nominatis. Dat. per manum venerabilis patris Cicestriensis episcopi, cancellarij nostri 28 die Ianuarij, Anno Regni nostri 21.

Beside the confirmation of these charters, Matth. Paris. the king further to win the fauour of his people, was conten­ted to remooue and sequester from him diuerse of his councellours that were thought not to be well min­ded towards the aduancement of the common­wealth, and in their places to admit the earle of Wa­ren, William de Ferrers, and Iohn Fitz Geffrey, who were sworne to giue to the king faithfull coun­sell, and in no wise to go out of the right waie for a­ny respect that might otherwise mooue them. ¶About the first daie of March, there began sore raine and tempestuous weather, whereof insued great flouds, as before in the beginning of the yeare passed, had chanced, though not dooing so much hurt as before.

Iohn Scot also earle of Chester and Huntington died at Deren hall the seuenth daie of Iune, Iohn Scot earle of Che­ster departed this life. without issue, and was buried at Chester. He was poisoned by the diuelish practise of his wife daughter to Leolin prince of Wales (as Matt. Paris saith. Ran. Higd. His sisters.) He had foure sisters, of whom the first named Margaret was mar­ried to Allen of Gallowaie, by whom she had issue a daughter named Deuorgoill; which Deuorgoill was married to Iohn Balioll, by whom she had is­sue Iohn Balioll that was afterward king of Scotland. The second named Isabell, was married to Robert le Bruis. The third named Mawd, died without issue. And the fourth called Alda, was marri­ed to Henrie Hastings. But bicause the land pertei­ning to the earledome of Chester, should not go a­mongst rocks and distaues, hauing such roiall prero­gatiues [Page 221] belonging thereto, the king seized them into his owne hands, and in recompense assigned other lands to the forsaid sisters, as it had beene by way of exchange.

Now sith the earles of Chester (I meane those of the line of Hugh Lupus) tooke end in this Iohn Scot; I haue thought it not impertinent for the ho­nor of so noble a linage, to set downe the descent of the same earles, beginning at the foresaid Hugh the first that gouerned after the conquest, as I haue seen the same collected out of ancient records, according line 10 to their true succession in seauen descents one after another, as here followeth.

The true genealogie of the famous and most honourable earles of Chester.

HUgh Lou or Lupus, first earle of Chester after the conquest, ne­phue line 20 to William Conquerour by his sister Margaret, wife to Richard Uicount of Auranches, married a noble ladie named Armetruda, by whom he had issue Richard that succeeded him in the earledome, Robert abbat of saint Ed­mundsburie, and Otuell. He departed this life about the yeere of our Lord 1102, when he had beene earle about 40 yeeres.

2 Richard Lupus eldest son to Hugh line 30 Lupus, and second earle of Chester, mar­ried Maud the daughter of Stephan erle of Blois, Charters and Champaigne, and sister to K. Stephan. This Richard with his brother Otuell was drowned in the seas, in the yeere of our Lord 1120, as be­fore hath beene shewed, after he had beene earle about ninteene yeares.

3 Ranulfe or Randulfe the first of that line 40 name called Bohun, and otherwise Mest­heins, the sonne of Iohn de Bohun, and of Margaret, sister to Hugh Lupus, succee­ded Richard, as cousin and heire to him in the earldome of Chester, and was the third earle in number after the conquest. He married Maud the daughter of Auberie de Uere earle of Gisney and Oxenford, by whome he had issue Ranulfe surnamed line 50 Geruous the fourth earle of Chester. He died about the yere of our Lord 1130, after he had continued earle eight yeares.

4 Ranulfe or Randulfe Bohun, the se­cond of that name, and fourth erle in num­ber after the conquest, surnamed Geruous, succeeded his father, and married Alice, daughter to Robert erle of Glocester, base sonne to king Henrie the first by whome he line 60 had issue Hugh Keuelocke, the fift earle of Chester. He deceassed about the yeare of our Lord 1153, when he had beéne earle 29 yeares.

5 Hugh Bohun otherwise Keuelocke, the sonne of the said Ranulfe, was the first earle of Chester after the conquest, and se­cond of that name. He married Beatrice, daughter to Richard Lucie lord cheefe ius­tice of England, by whom he had issue Ra­nulfe the third of that name, and foure daughters, Mawd married to Dauid that was earle of Angus and Huntington and lord of Galloway, Mabell maried to Wil­liam Dalbegnie earle of Arundell, Agnes maried to William Ferrers earle of Der­bie, and Hauisa ioined in marriage with Robert Quincie, a baron of great honour. This Hugh died about the yeare 1181, when he had beene earle eight and twentie yeares.

6 Ranulfe Bohun the third of that name, otherwise called Blundeuille, the sonne of Hugh Keuelocke, was the sixt earle of Chester after the conquest. He was also earle of Lincolne, as next cousine and heire to William Romare earle of Lin­colne. He had three wiues (as before yee haue heard) but yet died without issue, a­bout the yeare of our Lord 1232, after he had beene earle 51 yeares.

7 Iohn Scot, the sonne of Dauid earle of Angus & Huntington, was in the right of his mother the seuenth earle of Chester after the conquest. He died without issue (as before yee haue heard) by reason where­of, the erldome came into the kings hands in the yeare 1237. Thus much may suffice (with that which is said before) touching the descent of the earles of Chester. And now to proceed.

The same yeare that Iohn Scot died, Cardinall Otho or O­thobon. cardinall Otho (by some writers named Othobon) about the feast of S. Peter and Paule came into England from pope Gregorie. He was receiued with all ho­nour and solemne reuerence as was decent, yea and more than was decent, the king meeting him at the sea side. His comming was not signified afore to the nobles of the realme, which caused them to mislike the matter, and to grudge against the king, seeing that he did all things contrarie to order, breaking law, faith, and promise in all things. The lords grudge at the king for recei­uing the car­dinall without their know­ledge. He hath coupled himselfe (said they) in mariage with a stranger, with­out consent of his freends and naturall subiects, and now he bringeth in a legat secretlie, who will take vpon him to make an alteration in the whole state of the realme.

But this legat shewed himselfe a verie sober and discréet person, not so couetous as his predecessors, The legat praised for his sober be­hauiour. in so much that he refused diuerse gifts which were offered vnto him, though some he receiued, and indéed commanded the other to be reserued for him. He also distributed liberallie the vacant rents vnto such as he brought with him, as well persons worthie as vn­worthie, and pacified such controuersies as were sproong betwixt the nobles and peeres of the realme, so that he made them fréends. ¶ An act memorable & to be kept in record, that the instrument and seruant of so bad a maister as he serued, namelie the pope, should be the procurer of so good a worke: considering that from the sée of Rome full tides and violent streames of seditions haue flowed, and verie sildome any occasion or means made to plant peace among men, which is the daughter of loue, and the worthiest thing that is, as one saith verie well in these words: ‘Gignit amor pacem, pax est dignissima rerum.’

The bishop of Winchester, the earle of Kent, Gil­bert Basset, Stephen Siward & others were by him accorded, who had borne secret grudge ech to other a long time, which hatred was at point to haue broken foorth, A tournie at Blie. and shewed it selfe in perilous wise at a tornie holden at Blie in the beginning of Lent, where the Southernmen stroue against the Northerne men, and in the end the Southerne men preuailed, and [Page 222] tooke diuerse of their aduersaries, so that it séemed not to be a triumphant iustes, but rather a sharpe challenge and incounter betwixt enimies. But a­mongst all others, Earle Bigot. earle Bigot bare himselfe verie stoutlie.

Anno Reg. 22. The legat holdeth a sy­nod at Lon­don.After that the legat had thus agréed the noblemen, he assembled a synod at London, the morrow after the octaues of S. Martin, wherein manie ordinances were newlie constituted for the state of the cleargie, but not altogither verie acceptable to diuerse yoong line 10 préests and scholers (as some write) in somuch that the legat afterwards comming to Oxford, year 1238 and lodging in the abbie of Osnie, The legat co [...]meth to Oxford. it chanced as certeine scholers pressed to the gates thinking to come in and doo their dutie (as they tooke the matter) vnto the legat, the porter kept them backe, and gaue them ouerthwart words, wherevpon they rushed in vpon him, & so be­gan a fraie betwixt them and the legats men, who would haue beaten them backe. A fraie be­twixt the le­gats men, and the scholers of Oxford.

It fortuned in this hurlie burlie, that a poore Irish line 20 scholer being got in néere to the kitchin dresser, be­sought the cooke for Gods sake to giue him some re­liefe: but the cooke (as manie of that calling are chole­rike fellowes) in a great furie tooke vp a ladle full of hot broath out of a kettell wherein flesh had béene sod­den, A cookes almes. and threw it right vpon the Irishmans face, which thing when another Welsh scholer that stood by beheld, he cried out; What meane we to suffer this villanie, and therewithall tooke an arrow, and set it in his bow, which he had caught vp in his hand at the line 30 beginning of the fraie, and drawing it vp to the head let flie at the cooke, The legats cooke slaine. and so slue him there outright.

Herevpon againe noise and tumult rose round a­bout the house, the legat for feare got him into the belfraie of the abbeie, where he kept himselfe close till the darke of the night had staied the vprore, and then stale foorth, and taking his horsse escaped as secretlie as he could ouer the Thames, and rode with all spéed to the court, which laie not far off at Abing­ton, The legat complaineth to the king. The earle Waren sent to apprehend the offendors. and there made his complaint to the king, in such line 40 lamentable wise, that he foorthwith sent the earle Waren with a power of armed men, to fetch awaie the residue of the legats seruants which remained be­hind in the abbeie, and to apprehend the chiefe offen­dors.

The earle comming thither, tooke thirtie scholers, with one master Odo a lawier, and brought them to Wallingford castell, and there committed them to prison. The legat also in reuenge of the iniurie in this wise to him doone, The legat cursseth. pronounced the cursse against line 50 the misdooers, and handled the matter in such wise, that the regents and masters of the Uniuersitie were at length constreined to come vnto London, & there to go bare-footed through Cheapeside, vnto the church of S. Paule, The regents of y • Uniuer­sitie absolued. Polydor. in such wise to aske him forgiuenesse, and so with much adoo they obteined absolution. This legat among other things demanded soone after the tenth part of all spirituall mens yearelie reuenues, towards the maintenance of the wars against the Saracens in Asia. line 60

Moreouer, the emperour of Constantinople, name­lie, Matth. Paris. The emperor of Constanti­nople cōmeth into Eng­land. Baldwine sonne to Peter earle of Ausserre, be­ing expelled out of his empire, came this yeare into England, to sue for aid: but at his first arriuall at Douer, he was told, that he had not doone well to come so presumptuouslie into the land of another prince, without his safe conduct. But when the said emperour séemed to be sorie for his offense, and to ex­cuse his innocencie and sincere meaning, the king was pacified, & willed him to come to London, where at his comming thither, being the 22 daie of Aprill, he was honorablie receiued, and at his departure with rich gifts highlie honored, so that he had awaie with him to the value of about seuen hundred marks as was reported. About this time also, The coun­tesse of Pe [...] ­broke, sister to the king married to Simon de Montford. Polydor. Elianor the kings sister (that was sometime wife vnto William Marshall earle of Penbroke) was now by the kings meanes married the second time to Simon Mont­ford, a man of high parentage and noble prowesse.

This Simon was indowed with such vertue, good counsell, courteous discretion, and other amiable qualities, that he was highlie fauoured as was sup­posed, both of God and man: in somuch that he might right well, as for birth, so also for education and good demeanour be counted (as he deserued) a notable Noble man, for he was so qualified as standeth with the nature of true nobilitie, according to that of the poet,

—non census, nec clarum nomen auorum,
Sed probitas magnos ingeniùmque facit.

Notwithstanding all which noble indowments concurring in him, he was banished out of France, vpon displeasure, which Blanch the quéene mother conceiued against him. But now comming into England, he was ioifullie receiued of king Henrie, who not onelie gaue vnto him (as aboue is mentio­ned) his sister in mariage with the earledome of Lei­cester in name of a dowrie, but also aduanced him vnto offices of greatest honour within the realme of England. Howbeit, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie dis­pleased with the marriage. this marriage was verie dis­pleasant vnto Edmund the archbishop of Canturbu­rie, bicause that the foresaid Elianor, after the death of hir first husband, had vowed perpetuall chastitie, and betaken hir (as was said) to the mantell and the ring.

As the prelat was not pleased with this match, so the king was as highlie offended with the archbishop for not fauouring the cause, in somuch that the arch­bishop went soone after to Rome, He goeth to Rome to cō ­plaine of the king. where he not onelie complained of certeine iniuries receiued latelie at the kings hands, but also signified the estate of this marriage, to procure a diuorce. In like manner, Ri­chard the kings brother found great fault with the king for the same matter, but chieflie, The earle of Cornewall [...] also offended for the same marriage. Matth. Paris. for that he stroke it vp without making him and other of the Nobles of councell therein. To be short, it was not long yer this grudge grew so far, that ciuill war was verie likelie to haue followed therevpon. But when the king saw that all the lords leaned to his brother, he sought to pacifie the matter by courteous means, and so by mediation of the legat, the king and his bro­ther were reconciled, to the great griefe of the lords, which had brought the matter now to that point, that the king could not haue so resisted their force, but that they were in good hope to haue deliuered the realme out of bondage from all manner of strangers, as well of those Romans that were beneficed men, as of anie other.

Simon the earle of Leicester also perceiuing how the matter went, made shift another waie to get all the monie he could in prest or otherwise (in somuch that he had of one burges of Leicester, The earle of Leicester ga­thereth [...]. named Si­mon Curleuath, fiue hundred markes) and leauing his wife in the castell of Kelingworth, he secretlie de­parted out of the realme, and got him to Rome, He goeth to Rome to get [...] dispensation or rather con­firmation of his marriage to purchase a confirmation of his marriage, which he ea­silie obteined, notwithstanding the archbishop of Canturburies former and verie vehement informa­tion against him, and so hauing brought his purpose about, in the latter end of this yéere, he returned into England, and was ioifullie receiued, first of the king and after of his wife, whome he found at Keling­worth, néere to the time of hir trauell, and shortlie af­ter deliuered of a yoong sonne, whom they called Si­mon after the name of his father.

At the same time, Frederike the emperour going into Italie, Aid sent forth of England [...] the emperour. had a great number of English souldiers with him, which king Henrie furnished for his aid, [Page 223] vnder the leading of a right valiant warriour, na­med Henrie de Trubleuille, Henrie Tru­bleuille. Iohn Mansel Wil. Hardell. with whome went also Iohn Mansell, whose valiancie in that iournie well appeared, and William Hardell a citizen of Lon­don was treasurer and paimaister to the souldiers. Herewith the pope was sore offended, and wrote his mind thereof to the king, who foorthwith returned an eloquent answer, requiring him to be more fauoura­ble to the emperour, considering his cause was such as could not iustlie offend his holinesse. About the same time, or rather (as by some writers it should ap­peare) line 10 somwhat before, the kings sister Ioane quéene of Scotland, comming into England to see hir bro­ther, fell into a sicknesse, and died.

Moreouer, the archbishop of Canturburie retur­ned into England, who at his comming to Rome, obteined little or nothing touching the suit which he had before the pope, for (as some haue written) the le­gat Otho being his heauie fréend, had so stopped the popes eares from hearing any of his complaints, line 20 that all his whole trauell did come to none effect. In like manner, Peter des Roches bishop of Winche­ster died this yeare in his manor at Farnham, The bishop of Winchester departeth this life. about the ninth of Iune, which prelat had gouerned that see about 32 yeares. He was a man of great wise­dome and dexteritie in ordering of weightie affaires touching the state of temporall regiment. He buil­ded manie goodlie monasteries, as the abbeies of Hales, Tikborne and Seleborne, with the hospitall at Portesmouth. He made also a notable testament, line 30 and besides his bequests which were great, he left his bishoprike so stored and throughlie furnished, that there was not so much diminished of that which he found at his comming in value, as the cattell that serued to draw the verie ploughs.

About this time, a learned esquire, or rather a clearke of the vniuersitie of Oxenford, bearing some malice toward the king, fained himselfe mad, and es­pieng thereby the secret places of his house at Wood­stoke where he then laie, Matth. Paris. A naughtie wretch meant to haue de­stroied the K. vpon a night by a window line 40 he got into the kings bedchamber, and comming to the beds side, threw off the couerings, and with a dag­ger strake diuers times into a pillow, supposing that the king had beene there, but as GOD would, that night the king laie in another chamber with the quéene. In the meane time, one of the queenes cham­bermaids named Margaret Biset, hauing espied the traitor, made an outcrie, so that the K. seruants which came to vnderstand what the matter meant, presentlie apprehended the said clearke, who being line 50 conueied to Couentrie, was there arreigned, and by lawfull proofe had of his malicious intent, was con­demned, and executed as a traitor. At his death he confessed, that he was sent from Sée his end in pag. 230. William de Ma­risch the sonne of Geffrie de Marisch to murther the king by such manner of means, not caring what had become of himselfe so he might haue dispatched his purpose.

¶ These practises of treason In summo gradu, which cannot be committed without irrecouerable detri­ment line 60 to the whole estate (speciallie where succession is vncerteine) are of an old brewing, though they be neuer so newlie broched. And trulie, if the curssed mi­screant which vndertaketh an enterprise of this qua­litie, had the grace to consider how manie murthers he committeth by implication in giuing the roiall person of the prince a deadlie wound; I doubt not, if he were a man and not a ranke diuell, he would be weaned from that outragious villanie. For, in wounding and killing the prince, he is guiltie of ho­micide, of parricide, of christicide, nay of deicide. And therefore a thousand woes light on his hart that shall stretch out his hand, naie, that shall once conceiue in thought a murther so heinous, as both God and na­ture dooth abhorre; speciallie if it be commensed a­gainst a christian prince; and such a one as to whome true and vndefiled religion is no lesse pretious and déere than life it selfe. Princes therefore had need to sée to the safegard of their persons, sithens the safetie of manie millians dependeth therevpon. For cer­teine it is, that the state of a poore priuat man is lesse perillous by manie degrées than the state of a poten­tat, which is ment by this true allegorie following.

Quatiunt altas sapèprocellae,
Aut euertit fortuna domos;
Seneca in Octa, & Hippol.
Minùs in paruis fortuna furit,
Raros patitur fulminis ictus
Humida vallis.

In the thrée and twentith yeare of his reigne, Anno Reg. 23. 1239 king Henrie held his Christmasse at Winchester, where a great grudge arose betwixt him and Gilbert the earle of Penbroke, Matth. Paris. Uariance be­twixt the king and the earle of Penbroke. by reason that the said earle with his seruants (hauing tipstaues) in their comming to the court, were not suffred to enter within the gates but were kept backe by the porters and other. Of which iniurie when he had complained, the king made him such an ouerthwart answer, that the earle per­ceiuing him not to like verie well of his seruice, de­parted foorthwith, and rode into the North countrie, so that from that day foorth, neither he nor his brother Walter loued the king as they ought to haue doone. Soone after this departure of earle Gilbert, vpon Candlemas day the king gaue the earldome of Lei­cester vnto Simon de Mountford, and inuested him thereinto, hauing first pacified earle Almerike that was elder brother to the same Simon. Yet about the beginning of the next August, Simon earle of Leicester fled ouer into France. the king was so in­censed against earle Simon, that both he and his wife were glad to get them ouer into France, till the kings wrath were more pacified.

Upon the sixtéenth day of Iune, the kings eldest sonne named Edward, The birth of king Edward the first. and after surnamed Long­shanke by the Scots in mockage, bicause he was a tall and slender man, was borne at Westminster, who after his fathers decease, succeeded him in the kingdome. ¶Before the birth of this Edward, there appeared earlie in the morning certeine daies togi­ther before the sunne was vp, Polydor. A strange star. a star of a large com­passe, the which with swift course was caried through a long circuit of the aire, sometimes shewing as it had borne fire with it, and sometimes leauing as it were smoke behind it, so that it was after iudged, that the great déeds which were to be atchiued by the same Edward, were by this wonderfull constellati­on foreshewed and signified.

About the same time, by reason of an accusation made by a prisoner against Ranulfe Briton (some­time the kings chancellour, but now leading a priuat life, Matth. Paris. being a canon of the cathedrall church of saint Paule in London) the same Ranulfe (by commande­ment from the king sent to the maior of the citie William Ioiner) was taken out of his house, Ranulfe Bri­ton taken out of his house, and led to the tower. had to the tower, and there imprisoned, whervpon the deane of Paules, maister G. Lucie, in absence of the bishop accurssed all those that had presumptuouslie attemp­ted to laie hands on the said Ranulfe, and further, he put his owne church of saint Paule vnder in­terdiction.

To conclude, through threatning of excommuni­cation to be pronounced against the king, and other for this fact by the legat and the bishops of the realme as namelie, Canturburie and London, the king was compelled to release and set at libertie the fore­said Ranulfe. Finallie, the prisoner that had accused the said Ranulfe and other, being one of the kings purseuants, when for his wicked dooings he came to suffer death, openlie confessed, how he had accused those persons, onelie in hope to deferre his owne exe­cution, [Page 224] being conuicted as accessarie to the treason of the clearke that suffered at Couentrie the last yeare. He had accused not onelie the said Briton, but diuers of the nobilitie also to be priuie and giltie of the same conspiracie. ¶ This yeare for the space of foure mo­neths togither, Great raine. fell excéeding great raine, yet at length it began to hold vp about Easter.

In this while, the lords of the realme practised sun­drie drifts likewise, as men that would faine haue béene rid of the legats companie: but the king did what he could on the otherside (by sending to the pope line 10 for licence) to haue him remaine still here, who be­gan now indeed to looke to his owne profit, The legat beginneth to looke to his owne cōmo­ditie. as by way of procuracies and other meanes, so that he got togi­ther great summes of monie, although in the begin­ning he séemed to forbeare, and not to séeke for anie such gaine. Also, he tooke vpon him to bestow bene­fices without consent of the patrones that were tem­porall men, wherevpon complaint was made to the pope, Sir Robert de Twing. namelie, by one sir Robert de Twing, who clai­med line 20 as patrone the presentation of the rectorie of Luthun in Yorkeshire, and could not be permitted to inioy it, by reason of the popes prohibition, but vpon the hearing of his title in the popes consistorie, he ob­teined letters [...]om the pope to be restored, and also an inhibition, that from thence foorth no person should be promoted to anie spirituall benefice or church, with­out consent of the patrone. The king and the péeres of the realme vnderstanding themselues to be touched in this wrong offered to this knight, had written in line 30 his fauour to the pope, so that his suit had the better successe.

Moreouer, the Iewes in this yeare, for a murther which they had secretlie committed, were gréeuouslie punished, The Iewes punished by the pursse. namelie by the pursse to buy their peace, & they were glad to giue the king the third part of all their goods. The legat also assembled a synod of the clergie at London vpon the last of Iulie, A synod hol­den at Lon­don. in the which he demanded procuracies, but the bishops vpon deli­beration had in the matter, answered, that the im­portunatnes line 40 of the Romane church had so often con­sumed the goods of the English church, that they could no longer suffer it, and therefore said they; ‘Let them giue you procuracies which vnaduisedlie haue called you into the realme, if they will, for of vs you shall be sure to come by none at all, howbeit he got his de­mand of the abbats and other religious men.’

About the feast of the assumption of our ladie, Tho­mas earle of Flanders, vncle to the quéene, arriued at Douer, and was receiued of the king with great line 50 ioy and gladnesse, who rode thitherward to méet him, and so brought him to London, where the citizens came foorth also, and meeting him in the waie, brought him into the citie with all honour that might be deui­sed. He did homage to the king (as authors write) and at his departure had in reward fiue hundred marks, and a pension assured him of as much yearelie out of the escheker of the kings frée gift. This earle Tho­mas was sonne to the earle of Sauoy, and a little be­fore his comming into England, he had married line 60 Ione countesse of Flanders, which had first beene coupled in marriage with Ferdinando, as in the life of king Iohn may further appeare.

In the 24 yeare of his reigne, king Henrie held his Christmasse at Winchester, Anno Reg. 24. 1240 where he made Bald­wine de Riuers knight, and inuested him with the right of the earledome of the Ile of Wight, Matth. Paris. Matth. West. Baldwin de Riuers earle of the Ile of Wight. in the presence of the earle of Cornewall, who procured him this honour, bicause he had the wardship of him, and married him to his daughter in law the ladie Ami­cia, that was daughter to his wife the countesse of Glocester by hir former husband. The earle of Leice­ster also, meaning to go into the holie land, returned out of France, where he had remained a certeine time as an exile, but was now receiued honorablie of the king and other péeres of the realme, and after that he had séene the king and doone his dutie as ap­perteined, he went to his possessions to make monie for his furniture necessarie to be had in that iournie, for the which he sold at that time his woods about Lei­cester, The woods about Leice­ster féeld. vnto the knights of the Hospitall, and to the canons of Leicester, receiuing of them for the same about the summe of a thousand pounds.

About the same time, to wit, the 14 of Aprill, died Leolin prince of Wales, Leolin prince of Wales de­parteth this life. and then followed conten­tion betwixt his sons Griffin and Dauid for the prin­cipalitie, which at length Dauid obteined through king Henries support (though he were the yoonger brother) bicause he was begot in lawfull bed on the sister of king Henrie. The whole countrie of Wales was maruellouslie in trouble about their quarels. At length, a daie of méeting was appointed betwixt them, to grow by waie of talke vnto some quiet end; and Griffin meaning no deceit, came in peaceable wise with Richard bishop of Bangor and others to the place assigned, where they should haue met. But Dauid by a traine tooke Griffin, and committed him to prison, wherevpon afterwards, the yeare insuing, by continuall plaint and earnest sute of the bishop of Bangor, king Henrie entred Wales with an ar­mie, and constreined Dauid to submit himselfe, and to deliuer the said Griffin into his hands, and further also to put in suerties to appeare at London, there to receiue such order in the kings courts, as to him by law should be orderlie awarded. Griffin ap Mad­docke and diuerse other great lords of Wales ioined with the king in this iournie against Dauid, Griffin ap Maddocke [...] as in the next yeare ye shall further heare.

About the same time, there was great strife and contention still remaining betwixt the emperour Frederike and pope Innocent the fourth that succée­ded Celestine the fourth, in somuch that sore and mor­tall warre followed. But king Henrie by the pro­curement of the legat Otho, King Henrie aided the pope with monie a­gainst the [...]perour. aided the pope with mo­nie, though he was somewhat loth to doo it, bicause the said emperour had married his sister. Indéed, the emperour wrote to the king to staie his hand, but the diligence of that legat was such in furthering his masters businesse, that the monie was gone ouer yer the emperours letters came. At this time also, Ed­mund the archbishop of Canturburie greatlie dis­alowed the often exactions and subsidies which the le­gat caused dailie to be le [...]ied of the English clergie. Howbeit, in hope to haue his purpose the rather a­gainst the moonks of Canturburie, with whom he was at variance, he first granted to the legats re­quest made on the popes behalfe in a synod holden at Reading, for the hauing of the fift part of spirituall mens reuenues, and so by his example others were inforced to doo the like.

Furthermore he gaue eight hundred marks to the pope, but whether of his owne free will, or by con­streint, I cannot saie; but now vtterlie misliking all things doone by the legat contrarie to his mind, after he had doone and said what he could for redresse, and when he saw no hope at hand for anie reformati­on either in the king or legat, who estéemed not his words, as a man not longer able to see his countrie so spoiled, he went ouer into France, and got him vnto Pontney, there to remaine in voluntarie exile, after the example of his predecessour Thomas Bec­ket, whose dooings he did follow in verie manie things. Uerelie the collections of monie, which the pope in these daies by his legats gathered here in this realme, were great and sundrie, so that (as it ap­peareth by historiographers of this time) the cleargie and other found themselues sore grieued, and repined not a little against such couetous dealings and vn­measurable [Page 225] exactions, in so much that they spake to the king of it, Complaint to the king of the collections made for the pope. and said; ‘Right famous prince, whie suffer you England to be made a prey and desolati­on to all the passers by, as a vineyard without an hedge, common to the waifaring man, and to be de­stroied of the bores of the field, sith you haue a suffici­ent priuilege that no such exactions should be made in this kingdome? And suerlie he is not worthie of a priuilege which abuseth the same being granted.’ The king answered those that went thus about to per­suade him, that he neither would nor durst gainsaie line 10 the pope in any thing: and so the people were brought into miserable despaire. The answer of the king.

There be that write how that there were other oc­casions of the archbishops departure out of the relme of the which this should be one; Polydor. The causes that mooued archbishop Edmund to depart the realme. when he saw religion not to be regarded, and that préests were had in no honor, neither that it laie in his power to reforme the matter, sith the king gaue no eare to his admoni­tions, he determined to absent himselfe till the king (warned by some mishap) should repent him of his line 20 errours, and amend his misdooings. Other ioine an other cause herevnto, which was this; whereas the king by the insample of other kings (begun by Wil­liam Rufus) vsed to keépe bishops sees, and other such spirituall possessions in his hands, during the vacati­on, till a conuenient person were to the same prefer­red, Matth. West. Matth. Paris. Polydor. the archbishop Edmund, for that he saw long de­laies made oftentimes yer any could be admitted to the roome of those that were deceassed, or by any other means depriued, he was in hand with the king, that line 30 the archbishop of Canturburie might haue power onlie to prouide for successors in such roomes as chan­ced to be vacant, aboue the tearme of six moneths, which thing the king for a certeine summe of monie granted: but afterward perceiuing what hinderance he susteined thereby, he reuoked that grant, so much to the displeasure of the archbishop, that he thought good no longer to continue in the realme.

At his comming to Pontney, he so séemed to de­spise all worldlie pompe and honor, giuing himselfe line 40 wholie to diuine contemplation, to fasting and prai­er, that the former opinion, which men had conceiued of his vertues, was maruellouslie confirmed. At length being sore vexed with sicknesse, supposing that he might recouer helth by changing of aire and place, he caused himselfe to be conueied into an other house of religion, named Soisie, two daies iournie from Pontney, The death of Edmund archbishop of Canturburie surnamed of Pontney. where finallie he died the sixtéenth of No­uember, and his bodie was brought againe to Pont­ney, and there buried, where also through sundrie mi­racles line 50 shewed (as they say) at his graue, he was re­puted a saint, and at length canonized by pope Inno­cent the fourth. He was borne at Abingdon, beside Oxenford, and thereby some named him saint Ed­mund of Abingdon, and some S. Edmund of Pont­ney, after the place where he was inshrined. The see of Canturburie was void more than three yeares af­ter his decease, till at length by the kings comman­dement, the moonks of Canturburie elected one Bo­niface of Sauoie vncle to quéene Elianor, being the line 60 45 archbishop which ruled that church.

¶There was this yeare a certeine person of honest conuersation, A Charter­house moonke apprehended. and sober, representing in habit one of the Carthusian moonks, taken at Cambridge, be­ing accused for that he refused to come to the church to heare diuine seruice, and vpon his examination, bicause he answered otherwise than was thought conuenient, he was committed to secret prison, and shortlie after sent vp to the legat to be of him exami­ned. This man openlie protested, that Gregorie was not the true pope, nor head of the church, but that there was another head of the church, and that the church was defiled, so that no seruice ought to be said therein, except the same were newlie dedicated, and the vessels and vestments againe hallowed and con­secrated; The diuell (said he) is losed, & the pope is an heretike, for Gregorie, which nameth himselfe pope, hath polluted the church.

Herevpon (in the presence and audience of the abbat of Euesham, maister Nic. de Fernham, and diuerse other worshipfull personages) the legat said vnto him being thus out of the waie; ‘Is not power granted to our souereigne lord the pope from aboue, both to lose and bind soules, sith he executeth the roome of S. Peter vpon earth? Now when all men looked to heare what answer he would make, belée­uing his iudgement to depend vpon the same, he said by way of interrogation, and not by way of asserti­on; How can I beléeue, that vnto a person spotted with simonie and vsurie, and haplie wrapt in more greeuous sins, such power should be granted as was granted vnto holie Peter, who immediatlie follow­ed the lord, as soone as he was made his apostle, and followed him not onelie in bodilie footsteps, but in cleerenesse of vertues. At which word the legat blu­shed, & said to some of the standers by; A man ought not to chide with a foole, nor gape ouer an ouen.’

In this season the king sent his iustices itine­rants in circuit about the land, Iustices iti­nerants. William de Yorke, Robert Lexinton iu­stices. the which vnder pre­text of iustice punished manie persons, and so leuied great summes of monie to the kings vse. Sir Wil­liam of Yorke prouost of Beuerley was assigned to visit the south parts, and sir Robert de Lexinton the north parts. Also Richard earle of Cornewall the kings brother, with a nauie of ships sailed into Sy­ria, where in the warres against the Saracens, he greatlie aduanced the part of the christians. The earle of Cornewal go­eth into the holy land. There went ouer with him the earle of Salisburie Willi­am Long espee, and William Basset, Iohn Beau­champe, Geffrey de Lucie, Iohn Neuill, Geffrey Beauchampe, Peter de Breuse, and William Fur­niuall. The erle of Montford also went ouer the same time: but where the earle of Cornewall tooke the sea at Marsiles, The earle of Leice [...]ster go­eth thither also. the earle of Leicester passed through Italie, and tooke the water at Brandize, and with him went these persons of name, Thomas de Fur­niuall, with his brother Gerard de Furniuall, Hugh Wake, Almerike de S. Aumond, Wischard Le­det, Punchard de Dewin, and William de Dewin that were brethren, Gerard Pesmes, Fouke de Baugie, and Peter de Chauntenaie. The earle of Albemarle. Shortlie after also, Iohn earle of Albemarle, William Fortis, and Peter de Mallow a Poictouin, men for their vali­ancie greatlie renowmed, went thither, leading with them a great number of christian souldiors.

In this yeare and vpon the day of S. Romigius, was the church of S. Paule in the citie of London dedicated by Roger bishop of that citie, The dedicati­on of the church of S. Paule in London. the king and a great number of bishops and other Noble men be­ing present, which were feasted the same day by the said bishop Roger and the canons. Moreouer, there died the same yeare the countesse Isabell, wife to Richard earle of Cornewall, and two earles, Willi­am earle Warren, and Iohn earle of Lincolne, The death of Isabell the countesse of Cornewall. The lord Iohn Fitz Robert. A comet. A battell be­twixt fishes. Matth. Paris. also the lord Iohn Fitz Robert, one of the chéefe barons in all the north parts of the realme. ¶Also in Februa­arie there appeared a comet or blasing starre verie dreadfull to behold, for the space of thirtie daies togi­ther. Moreouer, on the coast of England there was a great battell amongst the fishes of the sea, so that there were eleauen whales or thirlepooles cast on land, beside other huge and monstruous fishes, which appeared to be dead of some hurts; and one of those mightie fishes, comming into the Thames aliue, was pursued by the fishers, and could scarse passe through the arches of London bridge. At length with darts and other such weapons, they slue him before [Page 226] the kings manour at Mortlake, whither they follow­ed him. The kings manour at Mortlake. There was also a great sound heard this yeare in sundrie parts of England at one selfe time, as if it had beene the noise of some mightie moun­taine that had fallen into the sea. And vpon the se­uenth of Maie there chanced a great boisterous wind that sore troubled the skie. A great wind.

This yeare the king caused the citizens of London, and the gardians of the cinque ports, An oth re­ceiued. and manie o­ther to receiue an oth to be true and faithfull to his line 10 sonne prince Edward. The friers preachers and mi­nors, and other men of the church that were diuines, absolued such as had taken on them the crosse, recei­uing of them so much monie as would suffice to haue borne their charges in that iournie, and this not without slander redounding to the church. The same meanes to get monie was practised also by the legat Otho, hauing authoritie therto of the pope. The same yeare the seneshall of Aquitaine came ouer to the king, The sene­shall of Aqui­taine. and let him know, that if timelie prouision line 20 were not had, all those countries on the further side of the sea wold be lost. No other incident chanced the same yeare neither in warre abroad, nor in the state of gouernement of the common-wealth at home, whereof any great accompt is to be made, but that the legat Otho got great summes of monie di­uerse waies, of religious men to the popes behoofe: wherevpon certeine abbats made complaints to the king, but in place of comfort they receiued discom­fort, & after knowledge thereof giuen to the legat, he line 30 was more extreame with them than he was before.

Shortlie after one of the popes familiars and kins­man named master Peter Rosso came from Rome, Peter Rosso. taking England in his waie to go into Scotland, and vsed in both such diligence in the popes cause, that he got a fiftéenth granted here, which he spéedilie gathered. Peter de Su­pino got a vin­tiesme, that is the 20 part of préests bene­fices. About the same time one Peter de Su­pino was sent into Ireland, and there likewise he got a vintiesme, bringing from these the summe of 115 marks, and aboue. But the collection which Peter Rosso got out of the Scotish confines doubled that line 40 summe, as was thought. In his returne also from thence, visiting the houses of religion, and searching the consciences of religious persons, by new shifts he craftilie got yet more monie to the popes vse, causing them to sweare to keepe this mysterie se­cret, as it were some priuitie of confession for the space of one halfe yeare, whereby he turned the harts of manie men from the loue of the church of Rome, wounding them with great greefe and remorse of conscience to sée this pillage. line 50

Anno Reg. 25. 1241In the 25 yeare of his reigne, king Henrie kept his Christmasse at Westminster, at which time the legat was sent for to returne vnto Rome, and after he had beene honorablie feasted of the king, on the 4 daie of Christmasse he departed from London to­wards the sea side, after he had remained here aboue three yeares. Peter of Sauoie that was vncle to the quéene came into England, and was honorablie re­ceiued and interteined of king Henrie, who had gi­uen to him the earledome of Richmont. His sonne line 60 Boniface was this yeare also elected archbishop of Canturburie, Boniface de Sauoie elec­ted archb. of Canturburie. Matth. Paris. a tall gentleman and of a goodlie per­sonage, but neither so learned nor otherwise meet for that roome. But such was the kings pleasure, who in fauour of the quéene, to whom he was coosen ger­mane sought to aduance him, and getting the popes fauour in that behalfe, procured the monks & bishops to grant their consents, although much against their minds, if they might haue had their owne wils.

The earle of Cornewall returning out of the holie land in safetie, after he had settled things there, by concluding an abstinence of warre betwixt the Sa­racens and christians about the octaues of S. Iohn Baptist, he arriued in Sicill, and hearing there in what place the emperour as then soiourned, he repai­red vnto him, of whom and of his sister the empresse he was most ioifullie receiued. Within a few daies after, he went to the court of Rome, The earle of Cornewall [...] intercessor, [...] a peace to be had betwixt the pope and the emperour▪ to trie if he might driue some agreement betwixt the emperour and the pope, but finding the pope too hard, and no­thing conformable, except he might haue had all his owne will (which was, that the emperour should haue submitted himselfe to the popes pleasure, and stand vnto what soeuer order the church should ap­point) he returned backe to the emperour without concluding any thing with the pope, declaring vnto him as he had found. After this he remained two moneths with the emperour, & then taking his leaue was honoured with great gifts at his departure, and so returning towards England, at length arriued at the towne of Douer on the morrow after the feast of the Epiphanie in the yeare following. He returneth into Eng­land.

About the same time that the earle of Cornewall was in his returne foorth of the holie land, new wars suddenlie arose in Wales, which happened well for king Henrie. There were diuerse of the Welshmen that could not well like of the gouernement of Da­uid, and therefore sore lamenting the captiuitie of his brother Griffin, whom before (as ye haue heard) he had by a traine taken and kept still as prisoner, be­gan to make warre vpon the said Dauid, and those that tooke his part, the which on the other side sought to oppresse their aduersaries, Warres be­twéene the Welshmen. so that there insued much bloudshed and slaughter betwéene the parties. The wife also of the said Griffin, and such other noble men as were become enimies vnto Dauid, sent and writ vnto king Henrie, requiring his aid, that Grif­fin might be deliuered out of his brothers hands, pro­mising him great helpe and furtherance, with large conditions of submission, and assurance furthermore to be at his commandement, and to receiue him for their true and souereigne lord.

King Henrie vnderstanding all their dooings and intents, King Henrie goeth into Wales with an armie. thought that this contention betwéene the two brethren for the title of Wales would serue ve­rie well for his purpose, and therefore he hasted foorth with a spéedie armie of men in that countrie, purpo­sing to reduce the same vnder his obeisance. Here­with Senena or Guenhera, the wife of Griffin (and other of the Welsh Nobilitie, that tooke part with hir) concluded a league with king Henrie, vpon cer­teine conditions as the same are conteined in an in­strument or charter, the tenour whereof beginneth as followeth.

Conuenit inter dominum Henricum tertium re­gem Anglorum illustremex vna parte, & Se­nenam vxorem Griffini, filij. Leolini, quon­dàm principis Northwalliae, quem Dauid fra­ter eius tenet carceri mancipatum, cum Owino filio suo, nomine eiusdem Griff. ex altera, &c.

Articles of agreement betweene Henrie the th [...]d of that name▪ king of England of the one parti [...] ▪ and Senena the wife of Griffin, the sonne of Leolin, sometimes prince of Northwales, whom Dauid his brother deteineth in prison, with Owen his sonne, in the name of the said Griffin of the other partie.

IN primis, the sa [...]d Senena vndertake [...] ▪ line 1 that the said Griffin hir husband will giue vnto the king six hundred markes, vpo [...] condition that the king ou [...] cause the sai [...] Griffin and Owen his sonne to be deliuered from the prison wherein they are kept, and will stand to the iudgement of the kings court, whether by law he [Page 227] ought to be imprisoned or no.

line 2 Item the said Griffin and his heires will stand to the iudgement of the kings court, for and concerning that portion of the inheritance of the said Leolin his father, which of right ought to apperteine vnto him.

Item the said Senena vndertaketh for the said line 3 Griffin and his heires, that the said Griffin and his heires shall yéeld and paie yearelie to the king for the same lands, the summe of thrée hundred markes. Whereof the first third part to be paid in monie, the line 10 second in kine, and the third in horsses, by the estima­tion of indifferent men, and the same to be paid year­lie at Michaelmas and Easter by euen portions, by the hands of the shiriffe of the countie of Salop for the time being.

Item the said Senena vndertaketh further for the line 4 said Griffin and his heires, that they and euerie of them shall obserue the peace against the said Dauid, and suffer him quietlie to inioy such portion of his fa­thers inheritance as to him shall be found to be line 20 due.

Item the said Senena dooth further vndertake line 5 for the said Griffin hir husband and his heires, that in case anie Welshman hereafter shall happen to re­bell against the king, they at their owne costs and charges shall compell the said offendor to make sa­tisfaction to the king for his disobedience.

line 6 Item for the performance of the premisses, the said Senena will deliuer vnto the lord the king, Da­uid and Roderike hir sonnes for pledges, with pro­uiso line 30 that if the said Griffin and Owen or either of them shall happen to die before their deliuerie out of the said prison, it shall be lawfull for the said Senena to haue one of hir sonnes released, the other remain­ing with the king for pledge.

Item the said Senena hath sworne vpon the ho­lie line 7 Euangelist, that the said Griffin hir husband and his heires, and euerie of them shall accomplish and performe all the premisses on their behalfe, and fur­ther vndertaketh that the said Griffin hir husband, line 40 vpon his deliuerie out of prison, shall take the same oth.

Item the said Senena in the name of the said line 8 Griffin hir husband, submitteth hir selfe concerning the obseruation of the premisses vnto the iurisdiction of the reuerend fathers the bishops of Hereford and Lichfield, so that the said bishops or either of them at the kings request shall compell the said Griffin and his heires to obserue all and singular the premisses on their behalfe, by sentence of excommunicati­on line 50 vpon their persons, and interdiction vpon their lands.

line 9 Lastlie, the said Senena dooth vndertake and pro­mise (Bona fide) to see and procure the full perfor­mance of all the premisses, and that the said Griffin hir husband and his heires shall allow and performe the same, and thereof shall deliuer his instrument in writing to the king in forme aforesaid. To this char­ter both parties put their seales, Griffin and Senena to that part which remained with the king, and the K. line 60 to that part which remained with Senena.

Finallie, for the performance of the articles in this instrument or writing conteined▪ the [...]aid ladie in name of hir husband, procured diuerse Noble men to become suerties or pledges, that is to saie, Ralfe de Mortimer, Walter de Clifford, Roger de Monthualt seneshall of Chester, Mailgun ap Mail­gun, Meredoc ap Robert, Griffin ap Maddoc of Bromefield, Houwell and Meredoc brethren, Griffin ap Wenuwen: which persons vndertooke for the said ladie, that the couenants on hir part should be per­formed, and thervpon they also bound themselues by their writings obligatorie vnto the said king, in forme following.

Omnibus hoc scriptum visuris Rogerus de monte alto senescallus Cestriae salutem. Sciatis quòd ego me constitui plegium, &c.

TO all and singular, to whome this writing shall come, Roger de monte alto the steward of Chester sendeth greeting. Know yee that I haue con­stituted my selfe pledge for Senena the wife of Griffin the sonne of Leolin, sometimes prince of Northwales, and haue vndertaken for hir to our souereigne lord Henrie king of England, that the said Senena shall accomplish and per­forme all and singular those couenants and ar­ticles, agreed vpon betweene our said soue­reigne lord and the said Senena, for and con­cerning the deliuerance of the said Griffin hir husband and Owen his sonne out of the prison of Dauid his brother, and the portion of inhe­ritance due vnto the said Griffin, which the said Dauid keepeth from him by force. In wit­nesse whereof to this present writing I haue put my seale. Dated at Salop, the mondaie before the feast of the Ascension of the blessed virgin Marie, in the 15 yeare of his reigne.

But now to our purpose. When Dauid vnder­stood of the kings approach with so puissant an armie, he was brought into great perplexitie, and the more in déed, not onelie bicause there chanced the same yeare for the space of foure moneths togither a great drouth, Dauid driuen to his wits end. so that the marishes and bogges were dried vp and made passable for the kings people, but also for that manie of the Welsh Nobilitie, as cheefelie Griffin Maddoc and others, sought his destruction in fauour of his brother Griffin (whose deliuerance they earnestlie wished) and for that he stood excom­municate by the pope. All which things well conside­red, caused him to doubt of a further mischéefe to hang ouer his head: wherevpon he sent to the king, signifieng that he would deliuer his brother Griffin freelie into his hands, but letting him withall to wit by manie good reasons, that if he did set him at liber­tie, he should minister manie new occasions of conti­nuall warres.

Moreouer, this couenant Dauid required at the kings hands, that the king should reserue him so to his peace vnder the bond of fidelitie and hostages, that he should not disherit him: which when as the king courteouslie granted, Dauid sent vnto him his brother Griffin, to dispose of him as he should thinke requisite. The king receiuing him, sent him to Lon­don, vnder the conduct of sir Iohn de Lexinton, togi­ther with other mo (whome he had receiued as hosta­ges both of Dauid and others the Nobles of Wales) appointing them to be kept in safetie within the tow­er there. Dauid deliue­reth his bro­ther to the K. There was also a charter or déed made by the same Dauid vnto king Henrie, conteining the articles, couenants, and grants made betwixt the said prince and the foresaid Dauid, as followeth.

The charter of the articles of Dauids submission to the king.

Omnibus Christi fidelibus, ad quos praesentes lite­rae peruenerint, Dauid filius Leolini sal [...]tem. Sciatis quòd concessi domino meo Henrico regi Angliae illustri, &c.

TO all christian people, to whom these pre­sent line 1 letters shall come, Dauid the sonne of Leolin sendeth greeting. Know ye that I haue granted and promised to de­liuer [Page 228] vnto the lord Henrie the noble king of Eng­land, Griffin my brother with his sonne and heire whom I keepe in prison, and all other prisoners, who by occasion of the said Griffin lie in durance.

line 2 Item I shall stand to the iudgement of the kings court, aswell in that case, whether the said Griffin ought to be deteined prisoner or no, as also for and concerning the part of the inheritance of the said Leolin my father, claimed by the said Griffin accor­ding to the customes of Wales: so that the peace be line 10 mainteined betweene me and the said Griffin.

line 3 Item I and the said Griffin, and either of vs shall hold our portions of land, of our said souereigne the king in Capite, acknowleging him chiefe lord therof.

line 4 Item I shall restore vnto Roger de monte alto steward of Chester, his land of Montalt or Mould, with the appurtenances.

line 5 Item I shall likewise restore to all other barons, all such lands, lordships and castels, as were taken from them since the beginning of the warres be­twéene line 20 the lord Iohn king of England, and the said Leolin prince of Wales my father, sauing the right of all couenants and grants by writing, to be reser­ued vnto the iudgement and determination of the kings court.

line 6 Item I shall giue and restore vnto our souereigne lord the king all his charges in this present voiage laid out.

line 7 Item I shall make satisfaction for all damages & iniuries doone by me, or anie of my subiects vnto the line 30 king or his, according to the consideration of the kings court, and shall deliuer such as shalbe malefac­tours in that behalfe.

line 8 Item I shall restore vnto the said lord the king all the homages, which the late king Iohn his father had, & which the said lord the king of right ought to haue, especiallie of all the noble men of Wales: and if the king shall set at libertie anie of his captiues, the pos­sessions of that man shall remaine to the king.

line 9 Item the land of Elsmer with the appurtenances line 40 shall remaine to the lord the king and his heires for euer.

line 10 Item I shall not receiue or suffer to be receiued within my countrie of Wales, any of the subiects of England, outlawed or banished by the said lord the king, or his barons of Mercia.

line 11 Item for confirmation and performance of all and singular the premisses on my behalfe, I shall prouide by bonds and pledges, and by all other waies and means as the said lord the king shall award, and will line 50 accomplish the commandement of the said king, and will obeie his lawes.

In witnesse whereof to this present writing I haue put my seale: dated at Alnet by the riuer of Elwey, in the feast of the decollation of S. Iohn Baptist, in the fiue & twentith yéere of the reigne of the said king. For the obseruation of these 11 articles, the said prince Dauid and Edniuet Uachan were sworne. Also the said prince Dauid submitted himselfe to the iurisdiction of the archbishop of Canturburie, and of line 60 the bishops of London, Hereford, and Couentrie, for the time being. That all, or one of them, whom the king shall appoint, may excommunicate him, and in­terdict his land vpon br [...]ach of anie the said articles. And therevpon he procured the bishops of S. Ban­gor, and S. Asaph to make their charters to the lord the king, whereby they granted to execute and de­nounce all sentences, aswell of excommunication as of interdiction sent from the foresaid archbishop, bishops, or anie of them.

The said Dauid also sent priuilie to the king, to de­sire him that he would suffer him being his nephue, and the lawfull heire of Leolin his father, to inioy the principalitie of Wales rather than Griffin, which was but a bastard, and no kin vnto the king. Giuing him withall to vnderstand, that in case he did set Griffin at libertie, he should be sure to haue the war renewed. Whervpon the king knowing these things to be true, and vnderstanding also that Griffin was a valiant stout man, and had manie fréends and fauo­rours of his cause, inclined rather to assent vnto Da­uids request than otherwise to be in danger of fur­ther troubles, & therfore willinglie granted the same.

Shortlie after Dauid did send his brother Griffin vnto the king, and other pledges for himselfe, for per­formance of the said articles, whom the king sent foorthwith to the towre of London, there to be safelie kept, allowing to Griffin a noble a daie for his fin­ding. And within few dais after Michaelmas, Matth. Pari [...]. page, 765. prince Dauid comming to the kings court did his homage, and swore fealtie, who for so dooing, and in that he was the kings nephue, was sent home againe in peace. When Griffin saw how all things went, and that he was not like to be set at libertie, he began to deuise waies and meanes to escape out of prison.

Wherefore deceiuing the watch one night, he made a long line of hangings, couerings, and shéets, Matth. Paris▪ page, 830. and hauing gotten out at a window, let downe himselfe by the same from the top of the towre: but by reason that he was a mightie personage and full of flesh, the line brake with the weight of his bodie, and so falling downe headlong of a great height, his necke and head was driuen into his bodie with the fall: whose miserable carcasse being found the morow after, was a pitifull sight to the beholders. The king being certi­fied thereof, commanded Griffins sonne to be better looked vnto, and punished the officers for their negli­gence.

About the same time there chanced a controuersie to rise betwixt the king and the bishop of Lincolne, for the bestowing of the benefice of Thame, the which Iohn Mansell the kings chapleine had gotten in pos­session by the kings fauour, Iohn Ma [...]sell. through prouision gran­ted of the pope, where the bishop alleging priuileges to the contrarie, had granted it to an other. At length the king hauing his fathers trouble before his eies, and doubting the bishops words, threatning some e­uill mishap to follow, if he should stand long in the matter against the said bishop, gaue ouer his te­nour: and therewithall prouided Iohn Mansell of a farre more rich benefice, that is to saie, of the perso­nage of Maidstone, whereinto the bishop spéedilie in­uested him.

This yeare manie noble men ended their liues, as well such as were gone with the earles of Corne­wall and Leicester into the holie land, Death of [...]ble men. and others re­maining still at home. Amongst which number were these: William Fortz earle of Albemarle, Walter Lacie, one of the chiefest nobles in all Ireland, Lacie l [...]ft [...] issue ma [...]e be­hind him, so y t his daugh­ters inherit [...] his lands. Ste­phan de Segraue, Gilbert de Basset and his sonne and heire named also Gilbert. Moreouer, Iohn Bi­set high iustice of the forrests, and Peter de Mallow, Hugh Wake, Robert Marmion, Peter de Bruis, Guischarde Laidec, Eustace Stoutuill, Eudo Ha­mon surnamed Peccham, Baldwin de Betun, Iohn Fitz Iohn steward in household to earle Richard, Iohn de Beauli [...], Gerard de Furniuall. There di­ed also the ladie Elianor the countesse of Britaine, wife vnto Geffrey, that was sometime earle of Bri­taine (which countesse had béene long kept prisoner at Bristow) with diuerse other.

Moreouer, there died this yeare Roger bishop of London, and Hugh bishop of Chester. Also Gilbert Marshall earle of Penbroke, in a torneie which he had attempted at Hereford against the kings li­cence, was by an vnrulie horsse cast, and so hurt, that immediatlie he died thereof. Neither was this yeare onelie mournefull to England for the losse of such [Page 229] high estates, but also in other places manie notable personages departed out of this transitorie life. As two popes, Gregorie the ninth and his successour Ce­lestine the fourth, besides cardinals: amongst the which▪ Robert Somercotean English man was one. Cardinall Somercotean Englishman. ¶About the later end of this 25 yeare, the sixt daie of October, there appeared a right sore eclipse of the sunne, verie strange to the beholders. ¶ In the 26 yeare died the empresse Isabell, An eclipse. wife vnto Frederike the emperour. line 10

In this yeare also began the wars againe betwixt king Henrie, and Lewes the king of France, for the quarell of Hugh earle of March, Anno Reg. 26. The death of the empresse Isabell. who refused to doo homage vnto Alfonse the brother of king Lewes, which Alfonse had married the onelie daughter and heire of Raimund earle of Tholouse, and therefore should succéed the same earle in his estate and inhe­ritance. year 1242 Wars renued betwixt the kings of England & France The earle of March. Gaguinus. Matth. West. His brother king Lewes had also giuen vn­to him the earledome of Poictou, with all the lands of Aluergne: and bicause the earle of March would not doo homage vnto him, king Lewes made warre line 20 vpon the earle of March, who thervpon sought to pro­cure king Henrie (whose mother he had married) to come ouer with an armie vnto his aid.

King Henrie being sollicited with letters, not one­lie from his father in law, but also from diuerse other noble men of Poictou, who willinglie would haue beene vnder his gouernement, Sundrie opi­nions in the kings coun­cellers. asked aduise of his councell what he ought to doo in the matter. Some were of opinion, that sith there had béene a truce ta­ken betwixt the kings, it were not reason in anie line 30 wise to breake the same: but some other thought, that sith the Frenchmen in times past had taken from king Iohn his lawfull heritage in Normandie and Poictou, and wrongfullie deteined the same still in their possession without restitution, it could not be at anie time vnlawfull vpon occasion giuen to reco­uer the same out of their hands. This opinion was allowed for good, and the best that might be both of the king & also of the earle of Cornewall, who was line 40 latelie returned from his iournie which he had made into the holie land.

But now all the staie rested in gathering of mo­nie, which being earnestlie demanded in a parlement begun at Westminster the tuesdaie before Candle­masse, was as stifflie denied, alledging in excuse their often paiments of subsidies and reléefes, which had béene gathered sith the comming of the king to his crowne, as the thirtéenth, fiftéenth, sixteenth and fortieth parts of all their mooueable goods, besides line 50 charugage, Charugage a certeine dutie for euerie Plowland. hidage, and sundrie escuages, namelie the great escuage granted for the marriage of his sister the empresse: and also beside the thirtieth with­in foure yeares last past, or thereabouts, granted to him, which they thought remained vnspent, bicause it could not be vnderstood about what necessarie affai­res for the common-wealth it should be laid foorth and imploied, whereas the same was leuied vpon condition, that it should remaine in certeine castels, and not to be expended but by the aduise of foure line 60 péeres of the realme, as the earle of Warren, and o­thers. Moreouer, they alledged, that the escheats and amercements which had béene gathered of late were such as must néeds fill the kings coffers: & so to con­clude, they would not consent to grant any subsidie.

Howbeit, the king so handled the matter with the richer sort, and namelie those of the spiritualtie, that partlie by gift and partlie by borrowing, he got togither a great masse of treasure, and so prepared an armie and ships to passe ouer into Gascoine with all conuenient speed. In the meane time, bicause he would leaue things in more suertie at home, The bishops of Durham sent into Scotland. he sent the bishop of Durham into Scotland, by whose dili­gence a marriage was concluded betwixt the lord Alexander eldest sonne to the king of Scots, and the ladie Margaret daughter to king Henrie. The king of Scots war­den of the English mar­shes. The archbi­shop of Yorke gouernor of the realme. Moreouer the marshes of England adioining to Scotland were committed to the king of Scots as warden of the same to kéepe and defend whilest king Henrie should abide in the parts beyond the seas. The arch­bishop of Yorke, in the kings absence, was also ap­pointed chéefe gouernour of the realme.

When this prouision was once readie, about the middest of Maie, the king tooke the sea, togither with the queene his wife, his brother Richard earle of Cornewall, and seauen other earles, and about three hundred knights or men of armes. The Poictouins had written to him that he néeded not bring ouer with him any great armie of men, but rather plen­tie of monie to reteine such as he should find there readie to serue him at his comming. Thirtie bar­rels of En­glish coine. The king passeth ouer into France. Wherevpon he tooke with him thirtie barrels of sterling coine: and at length (but not without contrarie winds) he arri­ued on the coast of Gascoine, in the mouth of the ri­uer of Garon, and taking land, was ioifullie recei­ued of the people, and namelie of Reignold lord of Pons.

The French king aduertised that the king of Eng­land was come ouer into France, to the aid of the earle of March, and other his subiects against him, prepared a mightie armie, in the which were rec­koned to be to the number of foure thousand men of armes, well prouided and armed at all points, be­sides twentie thousand esquires, gentlemen, The French king inuadeth the earle of Marches land. yeo­men and crossebowes: and with the same immedi­atlie he entred the dominions of the earle of March, and tooke from him diuerse townes and castels, as Fountney, wherein he tooke one of the earls sonnes: also Meruant with diuers other. In the meane while the king of England was aduanced forward and come neere vnto Tailborge, lieng with his armie in the faire medow by the riuer side of Charent fast by the castell of Thonay: & he had there with him in campe sixtéene hundred knights, or rather men of armes, and twentie thousand footmen, The number of the English armie. with seauen hundred that bare crossebows. He made there his two halfe brethren, the sonnes of the earle of March knights, and gaue to the one of them fiue hundred marks, and to the other six hundred marks yearelie, to be paid out of his escheker, till he had otherwise prouided for them in lands and reuenues equall to that pension.

Now the French king being aduertised that king Henrie laie thus néere to Tailborge, marched thi­therwards with all his puissance latelie reenforced with new supplies, and approching to Tailborge, Tailborge. had the towne deliuered vnto him. This chanced about the latter end of Iulie. Then after the French king had gotten possession of Tailborge, he ment to passe the water, and if by mediation of a truce politikelie procured by the earle of Cornewall (and as it were at a narrow pinch) the king of England had not found means to remooue in the night season, he had béene in great danger to haue beene taken, through want of such aid as he looked to haue had at the hands of the Poictouins and other his confederats. But yet he got awaie (though with some staine of honour) and withdrew to Xainctes, Xainctes. An encounter betwixt the English and French. whither also the French king folowed, and comming néere to the towne, there was a sharpe incounter begun betwixt the French and the English, wherein the Englishmen were victors, and in which by the Frenchmens owne confession, if the English power had béene like to theirs in num­ber, they had fullie atchiued the honour of a fough­ten field, and for a light skirmish a sound and per­fect victorie. The valiancy of the earle of Leicester and others.

The high prowesse and valiancie of the earles of Leicester, Salisburie, Norfolke, with other Noble [Page 230] men, as Iohn de Burgh, Warren de Mount Che­nill or Cheincie, Hubert Fitz Matthew, [...] Fitz Nicholas did in this [...] right well [...]ppear [...]: and likewise other of the English nation bare them­selues so manfullie, that they deserued no small com­mendation. Iohn Man­sell. Amongst other also sir Iohn Mansell the king [...] [...]apleine, and one of his priuie cou [...]cell did right worthilie, taking prisoner with his owne hands one Peter Orige a gentleman in good place. There was moreouer taken on the French pace sir line 10 Iohn de Barris a man of good accompt, by William de Sey, Sir Iohn Barris. Wil. de Sey. Gilbert de Clare slaine. beside sundrie others. On the English part was slaine Gilbert de Clare, and Henrie Hasting taken prisoner, with other, to the number of twentie knights, or men of armes, if I may so call them.

After this incounter, by reason the French armie increased by new bands still resorting to their king, the earle of March secretlie sought meanes to be re­conciled vnto him: The earle of March is re­conciled to the French king. and finallie by the helpe of the duke of Britaine, his old acquaintance and fréend at line 20 néed, his peace was purchased, so that he had his lands againe to him restored, except certeine castels, which for further assurance the French king reteined in his hands by the space of thrée yeares. The king of England, perceiuing himselfe too too much deceiued in that he had put such confidence in the earle of March and others of that countrie, which should haue aided him at this present, and againe aduertised, that the French king meant to besiege him within the ci­tie of Xainctes, departed with all spéed from thence, line 30 and came to Blaie, a towne in Gascoigne, situat néere to the riuer of Garon, & distant seuen leagues from Burdeaux.

Now whilest he laie here at Blaie, there came vn­to him the countesse of Bierne (a woman mon­struous big of bodie) bringing with hir to serue the king, Matth. Paris. The countesse of Bierne. hir sonne, and three score knights, in hope to get some of his sterling monie, whereof she knew him to haue plentie: and so couenanting for hir intertein­ment, remained still with him, and receiued euerie line 40 daie 13 pounds sterling, and yet she neuer pleasured him the woorth of a groat, but rather hindered him, in making him bare of monie, which she receiued, purssed vp and tooke awaie with hir when she depar­ted from him. The reuol­ting of other French lords But if to hir making and stature she had bin indued with the courage of Uoadicia, whom she exceeded (as it should soome) in proportion, Sée pag. 42, 43, 44. & pag. 152. of the historie of England. or with the prowesse of Elfleda, hir seruice had béene no lesse beneficiall to the K. than anie skilfull capteins mar­ching vnder his banner. So that we sée in this wo­man line 50 a desire rather to satisffe hir hydropicall humor of couetousnesse, than anie true affection to set for­ward the kings affaires; therefore it may well be said of hir in respect of hir greedinesse to get from the king for hir owne commodities sake, that she was

Vt mare, quod das deuorat, nunquam abundat,
Nunquam rependit.

In the meane time the lords de Pons, Mirabeau and Mortaigne suddenlie reuolted, & submitted them­selues to the French king, with the vicount of To­wars, line 60 and all other the lords and knights of Poictou, and the marches therabouts, that not long before had procured king Henrie to come ouer to their aid. The citie of Xainctes was likewise rendred to him imme­diatlie vpon king Henries departure from thence. At which season the French king meant to haue fol­lowed him to Blaie, but by reason of a great death which chanced in his armie, he was constreined to al­ter his purpose. Suerlie, as authors haue recorded, what through pestilence and vnwholesomnesse of the aire, Death in the French camp. a great manie of Frenchmen died at that time, and dailie more fell sicke. The number of them that died (as Matth. Paris, & Matth. Westminster affirme) amounted to twentie thousand persons, beside foure­score of the Nobilitie that bare banners [...]pe [...]o [...]s. King lowes himselfe also began to war [...] diseased and [...], Truce [...] betwixt the two kings. Polydor. The queen [...] England de­liuered of a daughter. so that he was const [...]ei [...]s to [...] the truce with king Henrie, departed therewith home.

King [...] remained at Blaie. untill the feast of the assumption of [...] ladie▪ and then went to [...] to visit the quéene, who in this meane while was brought to bed about midsummer of a yoong [...], whom they named Beatrice after the quéenes mother. Now whilest king Henrie was thus occupied in Poictou and Gascoine, William Mar [...]ch, William Ma­risch executi [...]. the sonne of Ge [...]rie Marisch (by comman­dement [...]ont from the king) was put to death at Lon­don, with sixtéene of his complices on the euen of S. Iames the apostle. This William Marisch falling in to the kings displeasure, got him to the sea, and plaied the rouer, kéeping the Ile of Lundaie in the west countrie, till finallie he was taken and brought pri­soner vnto the towre, where he was charged with sundrie articles of treason, as that he should hire that counterfeit mad man which sought to haue murthe­red the king at Woodstoke, as before ye haue heard. Howbeit when he should die, Sée pag. 223. he vtterlie denied that euer he was priuie to anie such thing. He was first had from Westminster to the towne, & from thence drawne to the gibet, and there hanged till he was dead, and after being cut downe, had his bowels rip­ped out and burned, and when his head was cut off, the bodie was diuided into foure quarters, and sent vnto foure of the principall cities of the realme. His complices were also drawne through the citie of London vnto the same gibet, and there hanged.

In the time of this warre also betwixt England and France, The seas tr [...] ­ebled with men of warre. there was much hurt doone on the sea be­twixt them of the cinque ports and the Frenchmen of Normandie, and other: as the Caleis men and the Britons, which did make themselues as strong as they could against the Englishmen by sea. Where­vpon diuerse incounters chanced betwixt them, but more to the losse of the Englishmen, than of the Frenchmen: in somuch that they of the ports were constreined to require aid of the archb. of Yorke the lord gouernour of the realme. About which time, and after the king was withdrawen to Burdeaux, diuers noble men, as the earles of Norffolke and Winche­ster, with others, got licence to returne into Eng­land. Soone after whose arriuall, escuage was gathe­red through the realme towards the bearing of the kings charges. Moreouer, Escuage ga­thered 20 shil­lings of euerie knights fée. Matth. West. Death of noble men. in this yeare of the king there died sundrie noble men of naturall infirmities, as the earle of Warwike, Gilbert de Gaunt, Bald­win Wake, Philip de Kime, and Roger Berthram of the north, with diuerse other. Howbeit the king himselfe returned not home, but laie all the winter time at Burdeaux, meaning to attempt manie en­terprises, but he brought none to passe, sauing that in protracting the time, he spent much monie, and to lit­tle purpose.

About the beginning of the seuen and twentith yeare of his reigne, Anno. Reg. 27. his brother the earle of Corne­wall, misliking the order of things which he saw dai­lie in the king his brothers procéedings, would néeds returne backe into England, but chieflie when he per­ceiued that his councell & aduise could not be heard. The king was sore offended herewith, but he could not well remedie the matter, nor persuade him to ta­rie. And so the said earle of Cornewall, The earle of Cornwal and other returne home. togither with the earles of Penbroke and Hereford, and diuerse o­ther noble men tooke the sea, and after manie dan­gers escaped in their course, at length on S. Lucies daie they arriued in Cornewall, though some of the vessels that were in the companie were driuen by force of the tempestuous weather vpon other con­trarie coasts. ¶About this season also, that is to saie, [Page 231] on the day of S. Edmund the king, there happened a maruellous tempest of thunder and lightening, and therwith followed such an excéeding raine (which con­tinued many daies togither) that riuers rose on mar­uellous heigth, and the Thames it selfe, which sildome riseth or is increased by land flouds, passing ouer the banks, drowned all the countrie for the space of six miles about Lambeth, so that none might get into Westminster hall, except they were set on horsse­backe.

About the same time the king sent ouer into Eng­land line 10 to the archbishop of Yorke lord gouernour of the realme, to cause prouision of graine and bakon, to be conueied ouer vnto him, Prouision of graine and vi­ctuals taken vp and sent to the king. which he appointed to be taken out of the possessions of the archbishoprike of Canturburie, and other bishoprikes that were va­cant, and out of other such places as seemed to him good to appoint. Herevpon were sent ouer to him ten thousand quarters of wheat, fiue thousand quarters of otes, with as manie bakons. Also there was sent line 20 vnto him great prouision of other things, as cloth for apparell and liueries, but much of it perished in the sea by one meane or other, that little thereof came to his vse, who remained still at Burdeaux to his great cost and charges, and small gaine, sauing that he re­couered certeine townes and holds there in Gas­coigne that were kept by certeine rebels. At which time, bicause he was inclined rather to follow the counsell of the Gascoignes and other strangers than of his owne subiects, year 1243 and gaue vnto them larger en­terteinment, The king led by strangers. not regarding the seruice of his owne line 30 naturall people: He is euill spoken of. he was maruellouslie euill spoken of here in England, and the more in déed, bicause his iournie had no better successe, and was yet so chargeable vnto him and all his subiects. The Noble men that remained with him, as the earles of Lei­cester and Salisburie, with other, were constreined to borrow no small summes of monie to beare out their charges: and so likewise the king himselfe ran greatlie in debt, by taking vp monie towards the discharging of his importable expenses. line 40

At length by mediation of such as were commis­sioners a truce was concluded betwixt him and the French king for fiue yeares, A truce taken for fiue years. and then he returned to­ward England, but he arriued not there till the ninth of October, although the truce was concluded in March vpon S. Gregories day: for beside other oc­casions of his staie, one chanced by such strife and de­bate as rose amongst the Gascoignes, which caused him to returne to land, that he might pacifie the same when he was alreadie imbarked, and had hoised his line 50 saile immediatlie to set forward. He left in Guien for his lieutenant one Nicholas de Mueles or Mo­les, Nicholas de Mueles his lieutenant in Gascoigne. to defend those townes, which yet remained vn­der his obeisance, for he put no great confidence in the people of that countrie, the which of custome be­ing vexed with continuall warre, were constreined not by will, but by the change of times, one while to hold on the French side, and an other while on the English. In déed the townes, namelie those that had line 60 their situation vpon the sea coastes, were so destroied and decaied in their walles and fortifications, that they could not long be any great aid to either part, and therefore being not of force to hold out, they were compelled to obeie one or other, where by their willes they would haue doone otherwise.

This was the cause that the K. of England, often­times vpon trust of these townes, which for the most part were readie to receiue him, was brought into some hope to recouer his losses, and cheefelie for that he was so manie times procured to attempt his for­tune there, at the request of the fickle-minded Poie­touins, who whilest they did seeke still to purge their offenses to the one king or to the other, they dailie by new treasons defamed their credit, and so by such means the king of England oftentimes with small aduantage or none at all, made warre against the French king, in trust of their aid, that could, or (vpon the least occasion conceiued) quickelie would doo lit­tle to his furtherance. And so thereby king Henrie as well as his father king Iohn, was oftentimes de­ceiued of his vaine conceiued hope.

In this seauen and twentith yeare of king Hen­ries reigne, diuerse noble personages departed this life, and first about the beginning of Ianuarie, Death of No­ble men. de­ceassed the lord Richard de Burgh, a man of great honour and estimation in Ireland, where he held manie faire possessions, by conquest of that noble gentleman his worthie father. Also that valiant war­riour Hugh Lacie, who had conquered in his time a great part of Ireland. Hugh Lacie. Also the same yere on the sea­uenth of Maie, Hugh de Albenie earle of Arundell departed this life, in the middest of his youthfull yeares, and was buried in the priorie of Wimund­ham, which his ancestours had founded. After his deceasse, that noble heritage was diuided by partiti­on amongst foure sisters.

About the same time, to wit, on the twelfth day of Maie, Hubert de Burgh earle of Kent departed this life at his manor of Banstude, and his bodie was conueied to London, and there buried in the church of the Friers preachers, vnto the which Fri­ers he had beene verie beneficiall. Amongst other things, he gaue vnto them his goodlie palace at Westminster adioining neere to the palace of the earle of Cornewall, which the archbishop of Yorke afterwards purchased. The moonks of the Cisteaux were this yeare somewhat vexed by the king, Fabian. bicause they had refused to aid him with monie towards his iournie made into Gascoigne. Matth. Paris. Also the plées of the crowne were kept and holden in the towre of Lon­don. Stars fallen after a strange manner. And in the night of the six and twentith day of Iulie, starres were séene fall from the skie after a maruellous sort, not after the common manner, but thirtie or fortie at once, so fast one after another and glansing to and fro, that if there had fallen so manie verie starres in deed, there would none haue béene left in the firmament.

In the eight and twentith yeare of king Henries reigne, Anno Reg. 28. The countesse of Prouance mother to the quéene com­meth ouer in­to England. the quéenes mother the ladie Beatrice coun­tesse of Prouance arriued at Douer on the foure­téenth day of Nouember, bringing with hir the ladie Sanctia hir daughter, and in the octaues of S. Mar­tine they were receiued into London in most so­lemne wise, the stréets being hanged with rich clo­thes, as the maner is at the coronations of princes. On S. Clements day, Richard earle of Cornewall the kings brother married the said ladie Sanctia, The earle of Cornewall maried to the ladie Sanctia. which marriage was solemnized in most roiall wise, and with such sumptuous feasts and banketings, as greater could not be deuised. Finallie, the quéens mother the countesse of Prouance, being a right no­table and worthie ladie, was honored in euerie de­grée of hir sonne in law king Henrie in most cour­teous and sumptuous manner, and at hir departure out of the realme, which was after Christmasse, shée was with most rich and princelie gifts honourablie rewarded.

About the same time also, William Ra­legh bishop of Norwich. whereas William de Ralegh was requested to remooue from the see of Norwich vnto Winchester, and consenting therevn­to, without the kings licence, obteined his confirma­tion of the pope: the king was highlie displeased therewith, bicause he ment it to another. Wherevp­on when the said William Ralegh was returned from Rome to be installed, He is conse­crated bish. of Winchester by the pope. the king sent commande­ment to the maior and citizens of Winchester, that they should not suffer him to enter the citie. Where­vpon [Page 232] he being so kept out, accurssed both the citie and cathedrall church with all the moonks and others that fauoured the prior, which had intruded himselfe onelie by the kings authoritie, and not by lawfull election and means, as was supposed.

At length the said bishop vpon gréefe conceiued that the king should be so heauie lord vnto him, year 1244 got into a ship at London, and stale awaie into France, where he was well receiued of the French king, He steleth out of the realme. and greatlie cherished. Also he found such means that the line 10 pope in fauour of his cause wrote letters both to the king and to the queene, naming hir his coosen, but which waie that kindered should come about, as yet it was neuer knowen. The bishop to shew himselfe thankefull for such freendship, He giueth to the pope 6000 marks. gaue the pope aboue six thousand marks (as is said) and the pope bicause he would not be accompted a disdainefull person, tur­ned not backe one pennie of that which was so gent­lie offered him. At length partlie at contemplation of the popes letters, and partlie by reason the bishop line 20 humbled himselfe in answering the articles which the king had obiected against him in cause of the con­trouersie betwixt them, he granted him his peace, and receiued him into the land, restoring to him all that had beene taken and deteined from him.

Moreouer, in this meane while the pope trusting more than inough vpon the kings simplicitie and pa­tience, who indeed durst not in any case seeme to dis­please him, had sent an other collector of monie into England named Martine, Martine the popes collec­tour. not adorned with power line 30 legantine, but furnished with such authorities and faculties as had not beene heard of. He was lodged in the temple, where he shewed what commission he had to gather vp the popes reuenues, and to exact monie by sundrie maner of meanes, and so fell in hand therewith, vsing no small diligence therein, vn­to the great gréefe and hurt of conscience of manie: he had power to staie the bestowing of benefices, till he was satisfied to the full contentation of his mind. Benefices of small value he regarded not greatlie, line 40 but such as were good liuings in déed felt his heauie and rauenous hands extended towards them. He had power also to excommunicate, to suspend, and to punish all such as should resist his will, although ne­uer so wilfullie bent, in so much that it was said, he had sundrie blankes vnder the popes bulled seale, bi­cause that vpon the sudden he brought foorth such as seemed best to serue for his purpose. He vsed this his vnmeasurable authoritie to the vttermost, and there­in did not forget his owne profit, but tooke palfries and other presents of religious men. line 50

¶ But to declare all the practises of this the popes agent, as it would be too long and tedious a processe, so it is nothing strange that these his landloping legats and Nuncios haue their manifold collusions to cousen christian kingdoms of their reuenues. For if they were not furnished with forlike fraud and wooluish rauine, they were no fit factors for him; sith it is required that like maister haue like man. And therefore he is aptlie described in the likenesse of a line 60 man, his head and face excepted, wherein he resem­bleth a woolfe; besides that, he is set foorth with a cro­siers staffe in his hand, at the hooke whereof hangeth his Iudas pursse, wherein are powched vp his pilfe­red Peter pence, and I wot not what extorted pai­ments and pretended duties. As for his deceits and crafts, he hath more varietie of them, than the cat of the mounteine hath spots in his skin, or the pecocke hath eies in his taile. Wherevpon it is trulie said of a late poet,

Sydera nemo potest quot sunt numerare polorum,
Antichasis de Christi & papae facinorb. sub au­thore an [...]nymo.
Quot ne (que) vere nouo gramina campus habet,
Sic quo (que) nemo potest vafri ludibria papae
Eius & innumeros commemorare dolos:
Huic scopus immension seducere fraudibus orbem,
Huic scopus humanum ludificare genus.

But to proceed, The nobles complain [...] [...] the king [...] popes [...] ▪ when men saw such vnreasonable couetousnes▪ and polling, by the popes procurement; some of the nobilitie of the realme, not able longer to beare it, came to the king, and exhibited to him their complaint hereof, namelie for that the popes procu­rator bestowed diuers rith prebends and other rooms in churches vpon strangres knowne to be infamed for vsurie, simonie, and other heinous vices, which had no respect to preaching, nor to keeping of any hos­pitalitie, for maintenance whereof their ancestors had giuen foorth their lands to the inriching of the church, not meaning to haue the same bestowed on such maner of persons. The king writeth to the pope. The king vnderstood that truth it was which was told him, and therefore writ to the pope in humble wise, beseeching him of his fatherlie care to take order for some redresse therein.

About this time the king began to renew his ima­gination for the following of the warres against the French king, Polydor. The king as [...]keth counsel how to proc [...] in his warres against the French kin [...] ▪ and therefore asked the aduise of his councell how he might best attempt the recouerie of those lands in France which were wrongfullie detei­ned from him. The most part of all his ancient coun­cellors were of this opinion, that to make warre a­gaine in trust of others aid, as had beene attempted so often before without any profit, should be no wise­dome, and therefore he ought either to forbeare, or els so to prouide himselfe of power sufficient, without trusting to the support of strangers, as he might be able with his owne puissance and force to atchiue his enterprise, for otherwise his trauell should prooue but vaine and to verie small effect. The king persua­ded with these sound reasons, thought not good to at­tempt any thing more touching the said warre vn­aduisedlie: and to the end it should not be said how he trusted in vaine vpon the aid of strangers, he cau­sed all such possessions as the Normans held in Eng­land to be confiscated, The posses [...]ons of the Normans confiscated. to the intent that as well the Normans as Britons and Poictouins might well vnderstand, that he minded not from thencefoorth to credit the false promises of rebels, as he that would now vse onelie the seruice of his owne people the Englishmen, which in respect of others painted pro­mises he had before contemned.

The occasion that mooued the king so to disherit the Normans, Matth. Paris. The occas [...] why the N [...]mans were disherited▪ did chéefelie rise of the French kings dealing, who about the same time calling to him all those that had lands in England, required them ei­ther to sticke vnto him inseparablie, either else to the king of England, sith no man might serue two mai­sters. Wherevpon some forsaking their lands in England, liued on those which they had in France, and other forsooke those liuings which they had in France, and came ouer into England to liue on those possessions which they had here. But in the French kings dooings was no inforcing of men, either to forsake the one or the other: wherfore the procéedings of the king of England séemed somewhat more in­iurious, and partlie sounded to the breach of the truce. Howbeit all was passed ouer without apparant trouble.

Whilest all things were thus in quiet, Polydor. Matth. Paris▪ Matt. VVest. Dauid [...] of Wales [...]neth to sub­mit himselfe to the pope. and the king himselfe not troubled with any outward wars, the Welshmen (who though they were subdued, yet could not rest in quiet) receiued againe the fornamed Dauid to their prince, the which for a policie deter­mined himselfe to make offer to the pope to hold his land of him, yéelding therefore yearelie vnto him the summe of fiue hundred marks (as is said) to the end that vnder the wings of the popes protection he might shadow himselfe, and be defended against all men. At length by large gifts of no small summes of monie he purchased letters of the pope in his fauour, [Page 233] to the preiudice of the crowne of England, as touch­ing the right which the king of England had to the dominion of Wales, as by the tenour thereof it may appeare, Matth. Paris pag. 880. beginning as here insueth. Illustri viro domi­no Henrico Dei gratia regi Angliae, &c.

Thus Dauid being incouraged herewith and such o­ther of the Welshmen as tooke his part, at time ap­pointed did set vpon the kings capteins as they stra­gled abroad, whom at the first brunt they put to flight, and slue manie of them here and there as they tooke line 10 them at aduenture. The Englishmen when night was come, and that the Welshmen withdrew to rest, assembled themselues againe togither, and in the morning with new recouered force both of mind and bodie, came vpon all the Welshmen, and began with them a new battell, which continued the space of thrée houres togither, The Welsh­men discom­fited. till at length the Welshmen, which rashlie had entred the fight, began to shrinke backe, and fled to their woonted places of refuge, the woods and mareshes. Their chiefe capteine Dauid fled into line 20 Scotland, Dauid fled in­to Scotland. hauing lost in that battell the most part of all his souldiers which he had there with him. At his comming into Scotland, and whilest he there remai­ned, he incensed king Alexander against king Hen­rie to his vttermost power, putting into his head how reprochfullie the Englishmen did speake of the Scots, He prouoketh the king of Scots to make warre against En­gland. reprouing them of cowardnes & lacke of sto­mach; also that they liued according to the prescript of the English nation, as subiects to the same: and manie other things he forged, which had béene able to line 30 haue mooued a most patient man vnto indignation and displeasure.

The king of Scots inua­deth Englād.Finallie, either by the prouoking of this Dauid, or by som [...] other occasion, king Alexander meant to make warres vpon king Henrie indéed, and in rai­sing an armie made a rode into England, and did some hurt by incursions, and further signified to king Henrie, as some write, that he neither ought nor would hold anie part or portion of Scotland of the king of England. Matth. Paris. King Henrie sore offended here­with, line 40 purposed in time to be reuenged, and shortlie af­ter called a parlement at Westminster, King Henrie requireth an aid of monie of his subiects in the which he earnestlie mooued the lords and other states to aid him with monie towards the furnishing of his cof­fers, being emptied (as they knew) by his excéeding charges in his last iournie into Gascoigne. He would not open his meaning which he had to make warre to the Scots, bicause he would haue his enterprise secretlie kept, till he should be readie to set forward.

But although the king had got the pope to write line 50 in his fauour vnto the lords both spirituall and tem­porall, to aid him in that his demand of monie, there was much adoo, and plaine deniall made at the first, to grant at that time to anie such paiment as was demanded: and eftsoones they fell in hand with deui­sing new orders, and namelie to renew againe their suit for the confirmation of the ancient liberties of the realme, New orders deuised by the lords. so as the same might be obserued, accor­ding to the grant thereof before made by the kings letters patents, without all fraud or contradiction. line 60 They also appointed, that there should be foure lords chosen of the most puissant and discréetest of all other within the realme, which should be sworne of the kings councell, to order his businesse iustlie and tru­lie, and to see that euerie man had right without re­specting of persons. And these foure chiefe councel­lors should be euer attending about the king, or at the least thrée or two of them: also that by the view, knowledge and witnesse of them, the kings treasure should be spent and laid foorth, and that if one of them chanced to fall awaie, an other should be placed in his roome by the appointment of the residue.

They would also that the lord chiefe iustice and the lord chancellour should be chosen by the generall voi­ces of the states assembled, Unreasonable requests. and bicause it was need­full that they should be oftentimes with the king, it was thought they might be chosen out of the number of those foure aboue rehearsed conseruators of iu­stice. And if the king at anie time chanced to take the seale from the lord chancellour, whatsoeuer writing were sealed in the meane time should be of none ef­fect. They aduised also, that there should be two iu­stices of the benches, two barons of the excheker, and one iustice for the Iewes; and these for that present to be appointed by publike voices of the states, that as they had to order all mens matters and businesse, so in their election the assents of all men might be had and giuen: and that afterwards, when vpon anie oc­casion there should be anie elected into the roome of anie of these iustices, the same should be appointed by one of the afore mentioned foure councellors.

But as the Nobles were busie in three wéekes space about the deuising of these ordinances and o­ther, to haue béene decréed as statutes, the enimie of peace and sower of discord, the diuell, hindred all these things by the couetousnesse of the pope, The pope sen­deth for some aid of monie to mainteine wars against the emperour. who had sent his chapleine master Martin, with authoritie to le­uie also an aid of monie for his néed to mainteine his wars withall against the emperour; and the em­perour on the other part sent ambassadours to the king, to staie him and his people from granting anie such aid vnto the pope: so that there was no lesse hard hold and difficultie shewed in refusing to contribute vnto this demand of the popes Nuncio, than vnto the kings. At length yet in another sitting, which was be­gun thrée weekes after Candlemasse, they agreed to giue the king escuage to run towards the marriage of his eldest daughter, Escuage grā ­ted the king. of euerie knights fée holden of the king twentie shillings to be paid at two termes, the one halfe at Easter, and the other at Michelmasse.

After this, the king minding to inuade the Scots, caused the whole force of all such as ought to serue him in the wars to assemble, and so with a mightie host he went to new castell vpon Tine, meaning from thence to inuade the same, The K. with an armie go­eth towards Scotland. in reuenge of such in­iuries as the Scots had doone vnto him and his sub­iects, and namelie, for that Walter Cumin a mightie baron of Scotland and other noble men had built two castels neere to the English confines, the one in Galowaie, and the other in Louthian, and further had receiued and succoured certeine rebels to the king of England, as Geffrey de Marisch or Mareis an I­rish man, and others. The king of Scots was aduer­tised of king Henries approch, and therefore in de­fense of himselfe and his countrie, had raised an huge armie. Herevpon certeine noble men vpon ei­ther side, sorie to vnderstand that such bloudshed should chance as was like to follow (and that vpon no great apparant cause) if the two kings ioined bat­tell, tooke paine in the matter to agrée them, which in the end they brought to passe, The king of England and Scotland made fréends. so that they were made fréends and wholie reconciled. There was a publike instrument also made thereof by the king of Scots vnto king Henrie, signed with his seale, and likewise with the seales of other noble men, testifieng his alle­giance which he owght to the king of England, as su­periour lord, in forme following.

The charter of Alexander king of Scotland made to Henrie the third.

ALexander Dei gratia rex Scotiae, om­nibus Christi fidelibus hoc scriptum vi­suris vel audituris, salutem. Ad ve­stram volumus venire notitiam, nos pro nobis & haeredibus nostris concessisse, & fideliter [Page 234] promisisse charissimo & ligio domino nostro Hen­rico tertio Dei gratia regi Angliae illustri domino Hiberniae, duci Normaniae & Aquitaniae, & co­miti Andegauiae, & eius haeredibus, quòd in per­petuum bonam fidem ei seruabimus, pariter & a­morem. Et quòd nunquam aliquod foedus iniemus per nos velper aliquos alios ex parte nostra, cum inimicis domini regis Angliae vel haeredum suo­rum, ad bellum procurandum vel faciendum, vnde damnum eis vel regnis suis Angliae & Hiberniae, line 10 aut caeteris terris suis eueniat, vel possit aliquate­nus euenire: nisi nos iniustè grauēt: stantibus in suo robore conuentionibus inter nos & dictum domi­num regem Angliae initis vltimo apud Eboracum in praesentia domini Othonis tituli S. Nicholai in carcere Tulliano, diaconi cardinalis, tunc apostoli­cae sedis legati in Anglia. Et saluis conuentionibus super matrimonio contrahendo inter filium nostrū & filiam dicti domini regis Angliae. line 20

Et vt haec nostra concessio & promissio pro no­bis & haeredibus nostris perpetuae firmitatis robur obtineant, fecimus iurare in animam nostram Ala­num Ostiarium, Henricū de Baliol, Dauid de Lin­desey, Wilhelmum Gifford, quòd omnia praedicta bona fide firmiter & fideliter obseruabimus. Et similiter iurare fecimus venerabiles patres, Dauid, Wilhelmum, Galfridum, & Clementem sancti Andreae Glasconiensem, Dunkeldensem, Dublinē ­sem episcopos: & praeterea Malcolmum comitem line 30 de Fife, fideles nostros, Patricium comitem de Dunbar, Malisium comitem de Strathern, Walte­rum Cumin comitem de Menteth, Wilhelmum comitem de Mar, Alexandrum comitem de Buch­quhan, Dauid de Hastings comitem de Athol, Ro­bertum de Bruts, Alanum Ostiarium, Henricum de Baliol, Rogerum de Mowbray, Laurentium de Abirnethiae, Richardum Cumin, Dauid de Lin­desey, Richardum Siward, Wilhelmum de Linde­sey, line 40 Walterum de Morauia, Wilhelmum Gifford, Nicholaum de Sully, Wilhelmum de veteri Ponte, Wilhelmum de Brewer, Anselmum de Mesue, Dauid de Graham, & Stephanum de Suningam.

Quòd si nos vel haeredes nostri, contra concessi­onem & promissionem praedictam (quod absit) ve­nerimus, ipsi & haeredes eorum nobis & haeredibus nostris nullum contra concessionem & promissio­nem praedictam auxilium vel consilium impen­dent, line 50 aut ab alijs proposse suo impendi permittent. Imò bona fide laborabunt erga nos & haeredes no­stros, ipsi & haeredes eorum, quòd omnia praedicta à nobis & haeredibus nostris nec non ab ipsis & eo­rum haeredibus firmiter & fideliter obseruentur inperpetuum. In cuius rei testimonium tam nos quàm praedicti praelati, comites & barones nostri praesens scriptum sigillorum suorum appositione ro­borauimus. Testibus praelatis, comitibus & baro­nibus line 60 superiùs nominatis, Anno regni nostri, &c.

The same in English.

ALexander by the grace of God, king of Scotland, to all faithfull christian peo­ple that shall see or heare this writing, sendeth greeting. We will that it be knowne to you, that we for vs and our heires haue gran­ted and faithfullie promised to our most deare and liege lord Henrie the third, by the grace of God, the noble king of England, lord of Ire­land, duke of Normandie and Guien, and earle of Aniou, and to his heires, that we will beare and keepe vnto him good faith and loue for e­uer, and that we shall not enter into any league with our selues, or by others in our behalfe with the enimies of our said souereigne lord the king of England, or of his heires, to procure or make warre, whereby any damage may happen to come to them or to their kingdoms of Eng­land and Ireland, or to their other lands, except vniustlie they doo molest and oppresse vs. The couenants alwaies standing in force, which were concluded betwixt vs at our last being to­gither at Yorke, in the presence of Otho decon cardinall of saint Nicholas In carcere Tulliano, then legat of the see apostolike in England, and sauing the couenants made vpon the contract of the mariage betwixt our sonne & the daugh­ter of the said king of England.

And that this promise and grant for vs and our heires may haue the force and confirmati­on of an euerlasting assurednesse, The lords sweare to sée the couenants performed. we haue cau­sed these to sweare on our behalfe: Alan Por­ter, Henrie de Balioll, Dauid de Lindesey, Wil. Gifford, that we shall in good faith obserue all the premisses faithfullie and substantiallie, and we haue likewise caused to sweare the reuerend fathers, Dauid, William, Geffrey, & Clement, Bishops of S. Andrewes, Glascew, Dunkeld, and Dublane: and furthermore our faithfull subiects Patrike earle of Dunbar, Malcolme earle of Fife, Malisius earle of Stratherne, Wal­ter Cumin earle of Menteth, William earle of Mar, Alexander earle of Buchquhan, Dauid de Hastings earle of Athol, Robert de Bruis, Alan Porter, Henrie de Balioll, Roger de Mowbraie, Laurence de Abirnethi, Richard Cumin, Da­uid de Lindesey, Richard Siward, William de Lindesey, Walter de Murraie, William de Gif­ford, Nicholas de Sully, William de Veipont, William de Brewer, Anselme de Mesue, Da­uid de Graham, and Stephan de Suningham.

And if that either we or our heires, against the foresaid grant and promise, shall doo anie thing to the breach therof (which God forbid) they and their heires shall not imploie either aid or counsell against the said grant and pro­mise, nor shall suffer other to imploie any such aid or counsell, so far as they may hinder them therein: yea rather they and their heires shall in good faith and plaine meaning endeuour a­gainst vs and our heires, that all the premisses may firmelie and faithfullie be obserued and kept of vs and our heires, and likewise of them and their heires for euer. In witnesse whereof aswell we our selues, as the said prelats, our earles and barons haue confirmed this writing by putting their seales vnto the same, the pre­lats earles and barons before rehearsed beeing true witnesses therevnto, In the yeare of our reigne, &c.

The seales of king Alexander himselfe, of Willi­am de Brewer, William de Ueipont, William de Lindesey, Stephan de Suningham, and the seales of the rest were set to afterwards, and the writing sent ouer to the king of England at Christmasse next in­suing, by the prior of Tinmouth, who had trauelled di­ligentlie and faithfullie in this negotiation to the ho­nour of both parts. This writing also was sent to the pope, that he might confirme the same in manner as followeth.

[Page 235]

A request made to the pope that he would vouchsafe to confirme the fore­said charter.

SAnctissimo in Christo patri I. Dei gra­tia summo pontisici, Alexander eadem gratia rex Scotiae, comes Patricius, co­mes de Strathern, comes Leuenox, co­mes de Anegui, comes de Marra, comes de Atho­lia, line 10 comes de Ros, comes de Catnes, comes de Buth, Rogerus de Mowbray, Rogerus de Abirne­thiae, Petrus de Mauuere, Richardus Cumin, Wil­helmus de veteri Ponte, Robertus de Bruis, Roge­rus Auenel, Richardus de Sully, Wilhelm de Mur­ray de Dunfel, Wilhelmus de Muref de Petin, Io­hannes Biset iuuenis, Wilhelmus de Lindesey, Io­hannes de Vallibus, Dauid de Lindesey, Wilhelmus Gifford, Duncanus de Ergatilia, I. de Matreuers, Hemerus filius eius, Rogerus comes Wintoniensis, line 20 H. comes Oxoniensis, W. de Vescy, Richardus Si­ward, Wilhelmus de Ros, Rogerus de Clere, Hen­ricus filius comitis de Brettere, Eustacius de Stoutville, Malcolmus de Fif comes de Menteth­shire, Walterus filius Alani, Walterus Olifar, Bar­nardus Fraser, Henricus de Bailliol, Dauid Cu­min, Dauid Mareschallus, Dauid filius Ranulfi, Wilhelmus de Fortere, Ioannes de Bailliol, & Ro­bertus de Ros, salutem & debitam cum omni ho­nore line 30 reuerentiam.

Sanctitati vestrae significamus, nos sacramen­tum corporaliter praestitisse coram venerabili patre Othone, tituli S. Nicolai in carcere Tulliano dia­cono cardinalium, in Anglia, Scotia, & Hibernia, nunc Apostolicae sedis legato, ac chartam nostram confecisse, quae ita incipit: Sciant praesentes & fu­turi, quòd ita conuenit in praesentia domini Othonis sancti Nicolai, &c. Quae charta penes dominum line 40 regem Angliae, & nos remanet chyrographata. I­tem aliam quae sic incipit: Ad omnium vestrum notitiam volumus peruenire. Cùm vt ex forma praecedentium nostrarum pateat obligationum subiecimus nos iurisdictioni vestrae, vt nos & hae­redes nostros, per censuram ecclesiasticam possitis coërcere, si aliquo tempore contra memoratam pa­cem venerimus.

Et si nonnunquam continget, quòd quidam no­strum omnes vel vnus contrauenire temerè praesu­mpserint line 50 vel praesumere nituntur vel nitentur; & ex hoc tam animabus nostris quàm haeredum no­strorum graue possit generari periculum, & corpo­ribus nostris & rebus non minimum immineret detrimentum: sanctae paternitati vestrae supplica­mus, quatenus alicui suffraganeorum archiepiscopi Cantuariensis detis in mandatis, vt nos, & haere­des nostros ad praefatae pacis obseruationem compel­lat, prout in instrumentis inde confectis pleniùs line 60 continetur. Aliàs super eadem pace quod canoni­cum fuerit anctoritate vestra statuat contradicto­res, &c. Et ad istius petitionis nostrae consumma­tionem praesenti scripto sigilla nostra apposuimus.

In English thus.

The letter of the lords to pope Inno­cent. TO our holie father in Christ I. by the grace of God, the highest bishop, A­lexander by the same grace king of Scotland, earle Patrike, the earle of Stratherne, the earle of Leuenox, the earle of Angus, the earle of Mar, the earle of Athole, the earle of Ros, the earle of Catnesse, the earle of Buch, Roger de Mowbray, Laurence de Abir­nethie, Peter de Mauuere, Richard Cumin, William de Veipont, Robert de Bruis, Roger Auenel, Nicholas de Sulley, William de Mur­ray de Dunfel, William de Murray de Petin, Iohn Biset the yoonger, William de Lindesey, Iohn de Valeis, Dauid de Lindesey, William Gifford, Duncan de Ergile, Iohn de Matreuers, Eimere his sonne, Roger earle of Winchester, Hugh earle of Oxford, William de Vescy, Ri­chard Siward, William de Ros, Roger de Clere, Henrie Fitz conte de Brettere, Eustace de Stou­teuille, earle Malcolme of Fife, the erle of Men­tethshire, Walter Fitz Alaine, Walter Olifard, Barnard Fraser, Henrie de Baillioll, Dauid Cu­min, Dauid Mareschall, Dauid Fitz Randulfe, William de Fortere, Iohn de Bailioll, and Ro­bert Ros, send greeting and due reuerence with all honour.

We doo signifie vnto your holinesse, that we haue receiued a corporall oth before the reue­rend father Otho, deacon cardinall of S. Ni­cholas In carcere Tulliano, legat to the see apo­stolike, in England, Scotland and Ireland, and haue made our charter or deed, which begin­neth thus; Sciant praesentes, &c. Which char­ter or deed indented and sealed, remaineth with the king of England, and with vs. Also another deed or writing that beginneth thus; Ad om­nium vestrum notitiam volumus peruenire. Whereas therefore by the forme of our prece­dent deeds obligatorie, we haue submitted our selues to your iurisdiction, that you may bridle and restraine vs, and our heires by the ecclesi­asticall censures, if at any time we go against the said peace.

And if it happen at any time, that any of vs all, or one of vs, shall fortune to presume rashlie and vnaduisedlie to go against it, or be about, or hereafter shall be about so to presume, and ther­by may procure great perill as well to the soules of our owne selues, as of our heires, & no small danger may also be readie through the same our default to light vpon our bodies & goods, we beseech your holie fatherhood, that you will giue in commandement vnto some of the suffragans of the archbishop of Canturburie, that he doo compell vs and our heires vnto the obseruing of the same peace, accordinglie as in the instruments thereof more fullie is contei­ned, or else to order by your authoritie vpon the same peace, that which shall be agreeable to the canons, &c. And to the performance of this our petition, we haue to this present wri­ting set our seales.

When all things were throughlie concluded, and order taken in what sort the assurances of this accord should passe, the king of Scots returned into the in­ner parts of his realme, and the king of England likewise returned to London. At the same time also, The Welsh­men stirre coles. the Welshmen were verie busie: for hearing that the kings of England and Scotland were agreed, they doubted least all the burthen of the warre would be turned against them. Wherefore (as it were to pre­uent the matter) they began to wast the English con­fines. The king aduertised thereof, sent Hubert Fitz Matthew with thrée hundreth knights or men of armes to defend the English marshes against the [Page 236] Welshmen, that made dailie war against those that dwelled on the marshes, and namelie against the erle of Herford, which chéeflie occasioned this warre, by deteining the land which apperteined vnto the wife of prince Dauid, as in the right of hir purpartie.

Matth. Paris.Wherevpon when the Welshmen vnderstood that the king had broken vp his armie and was returned to London, they inuaded their enimies, namelie the said earle of Herfords men and the Mortimers, slea­ing and cutting in péeces two valiant and noble line 10 knights, and maiming the third, they slue and ouer­threw of the footbands about an hundred, so that all the English armie was disordered, and the Welsh­men with victorie returned to their places of refuge. Which when the foresaid Hubert Fitz Matthew vn­derstood, the morrow after he made foorth with his thrée hundred waged men of armes, in hope to hem in and take the Welshmen at aduantage: but he was preuented and by them distressed, in so much that he was constreined with losse of men and horsses to line 20 returne to his holds, and scarse could be suffered to remaine there in safetie. This yeare Rafe Neuill bi­shop of Cicester and chancellour of England depar­ted this life. The deceasse of the bishop of Cicester.

Anno. Reg. 29. P. V.In the 29 yeare of his reigne, king Henrie hauing spent much treasure with the great preparation of wars which he had taken in hand against the Scots, and also bicause he was constreined to be at further charges for the Welsh wars, he called a parlement to begin on the third daie of Nouember, in the which line 30 he demanded a great reliefe of monie, A subsidie of the richer sort. but the same being generallie denied of all men, he exacted it in particular of the richer sort of his subiects, Matth. Paris. & amongst other he caused the citizens of London to giue vnto him 15 hundred marks for a fine, The citizens of London. bicause they had receiued a banished man, one Walter Bukerell into their citie, contrarie to the law and order: but this they denied, affirming that his brother had got his pardon, as by the kings owne letters patents they could prooue, but they were answered, that the king line 40 was vnder age when these letters were purchased, and therefore were of none effect. The sene­shall of Gas­coine vanqui­shed the king of Nauarre. Anno, 1242. as Matt. West. saith, & Matth. Paris. About the same time, sir Nicholas de Molis or Mules seneshall of Gascoigne, hauing warres against the king of Na­uarre, got the victorie in battell. ¶ About the midst of Nouember, great thunder and lightning chanced, with a maruellous vntemperat season for the space of 15 daies togither, as a signe of some misfortune to succeed.

On S. Hughs daie died Margaret countesse of Penbroke the widow of Gilbert Marshall late earle line 50 of Penbroke, year 1245 & sister to the king of Scots, and short­lie after the bishop of Excester William de Brewer likewise deceased, as yet being in his florishing age, a man in manners, parentage, and knowledge right honorable, and highlie commended. ¶ On the daie of S. Marcellus was the queene deliuered of a man child, which at the font was named Edmund.

In Lent following néere to the castell of Mount­gomerie in Wales, three hundred Welshmen were line 60 slaine by them that lay in garrison there by a policie of the capteine, which faining a counterfeited flight, drew the Welshmen within danger of an ambush, which he had laid to surprise them vnwares as it came euen to passe according to his deuise. Dauid that tooke himselfe for king of Wales, coueting to be re­uenged of this displeasure, Dauid king or prince of Wales. [...]cassed not daie nor night to make incursions and to exploit enterprises to the damage of the marchers, the which valiantlie resisted the enimies, and droue them oftentimes into the mounteines, woods, bogs, and other places of refuge, and oftentimes the enimies hauing the aduantage of place, did much displeasure to the Englishmen.

Upon a time as they (being got to the heigth of an hill, to cast downe stones and throw darts vpon the Englishmen that assailed them beneath) chanced a­mongst other to slea with a mightie stone (which they threw downe by the side of the hill) sir Hubert Fitz Matthew a right valiant knight, Sir Hubert Fitz Mat­thew slaine, and a man of great accompt for his knowledge and seruice in warres. Thus the wars continued betweene the parties, and oftentimes the Welshmen by the sudden inuasions got the better: their prince Dauid comming to the castell of Monthault besieged it, and within a short time wan it, The castell [...] Monthault taken by the Welshmen. slaieng or taking all those whome he found within it. The owner thereof the lord Roger de Monthault by chance was not at home, which hap­pened well for him, where otherwise he had béene in great danger: but néere to the castell of Mountgo­merie, the Welshmen yet were eftsoons ouerthrowne and 200 of them slaine by an ambush that brake forth vpon their backs. About the middest of Lent the prelats of England were summoned to come to a generall councell, the which pope Innocent had ap­pointed to be holden at the feast of S. Iohn Baptist next following. A generall councell.

It chanced that about this time, a post comming from the pope with letters to his Nuncio maister Martin, The popes letters staied. conteining instructions how he should pro­céed for the gathering of monie, was staied at Do­uer, by the practise of such noble men as were grée­ued to sée anie such summes of monie to be conueied out of the realme in sort as was vsed. He was had into the castell and his letters taken from him, where­in such secrets were conteined for the getting of mo­nie, as ought not to haue beene reuealed. Maister Martin hearing that the post was thus staied and imprisoned, made a gréeuous complaint vnto the king, so that the post was set at libertie, had his let­ters to him restored, & so came vnto master Martin, and deliuered them vnto him that he might vnder­stand the popes pleasure, which others to his griefe vnderstood now as well as himselfe.

The king this yeare caused inquisition to be made through euerie countie within the realme, The valna [...] of benefices taken, that perteined to strangers. to vnder­stand the true valuation of all such benefices and spi­rituall promotions as were in the hands of anie in­cumbents that were strangers borne, and such as had béene preferred by the court of Rome, and the whole summe of all their reuenues was found to be sixtie thousand marks. On Whitsundaie the king made the earle of Glocester, This Gil­bert was erle of Glocester, Hereford & lord of Clare. Gilbert de Clare knight, and 40 other yoong gentlemen that attended vpon him. And perceiuing by the late inquisition what great reuenues the beneficed strangers had and possessed within the realme, and againe conside­ring the excéeding great summes of monie which the court of Rome had recouered of his subiects, he be­gan to detest such couetous dealing. And herevpon a letter was deuised by the whole bodie of the realme, wherein were conteined, the sundrie extortions and manifold exactions of the popes legats, and other of his chapleines, which vnder colour of his authoritie they had vsed. Ambassadors sent to the ge­nerall coun­cell. There were appointed also to go with these letters vnto the generall councell, certeine ho­norable and discreet personages, as Roger Bigod earle of Northfolke, Iohn Fitz Geffrey, William de Cantlow, Philip Basset, These were barons. and Ralfe Fitz Nicho­las, with other, the which presenting the same letters vnto the said assemblie, should declare the greefe of the whole realme; and require some redresse and ease­ment therein.

Moreouer, it chanced that there was a great number of lords, knights, A iusts and tornie appoin­ted, and by the kings com­mandement disappointed. and gentlemen assembled togither at Dunstable and Luiton, to haue kept a martiall iusts, and triumphant tornie, but they had a countercommandement from the king, not to go forward with the same: wherevpon, when they were [Page 237] disappointed of their purpose heerin. Upon occasion of their being altogither, on the morrow after the feast of Peter & Paule, they sent from them Fouke Fitz Warren, Fouke Fitz Warren com­mandeth the popes Nun­cio to auoid the realme. to declare vnto maister Martine the popes Nuncio, as then lodging at the temple in London, in name as it were of all the whole bodie of the realme, that he should immediatlie depart out of the land. Fouke dooing the message somewhat after a rough manner, maister Martine asked him what he was that gaue foorth the said commandement, or whether he spake it of himselfe or from some other? This com­mandment line 10 (saith Fouke) is sent to thée, from all those knights and men of armes which latelie were as­sembled togither at Dunstable and Luiton.

Maister Martine hearing this, got him to the court, and declaring to the king what message he had recei­ued, required to vnderstand whether he was priuie to the matter, or that his people tooke it vpon them so rashlie without his authoritie or no? The kings answer vnto the popes Nuncio. To whome the king answered, that he had not giuen them any au­thoritie so to command him out of the realme: but line 20 indéed (saith he) my barons doo scarselie forbeare to rise against me, bicause I haue mainteined and suffe­red thy pilling and iniurious polling within this my realme, and I haue had much adoo to staie them from running vpon thee to pull thee in peeces. Maister Martine hearing these words, with a fearefull voice besought the king that he might for the loue of God, and reuerence of the pope, haue free passage out of the realme: to whome the king in great displeasure an­swered, The diuell that brought thée in carrie thée out, line 30 euen to the pit of hell for me. Matth. Paris. Matth. West. The Popes Nuncio sent out of the realme. Howbeit at length, when those that were about the king had pacified him, he appointed one of the marshals of his house, called Robert North or Nores, to conduct him to the sea side, and so he did, but not without great feare, si­thens he was afraid of euerie bush, least men should haue risen vpon him and murthered him. Wherevp­on, when he came to the pope, he made a greeuous complaint, both against the king and others.

S. Peters church at Westminster.The church of saint Peter at Westminster was line 40 inlarged, and newlie repared by the king, speciallie all the east part of it, the old wals being pulled down, and builded vp in more comelie forme. ¶The generall councell, according to the summons giuen, was hol­den this yeare at Lions, The English ambassadors come to the councell. where it began about mid­summer, in which the English ambassadors being ar­riued, presented to the pope their leters, directed from the whole bodie of the realme of England, requiring a redresse in such things, wherewith (as by the same letters it appeared) the realme found it selfe sore an­noied. line 50 The pope promised to take aduise therein, but sith the matter was weightie, it required respit. Fi­nallie, when they were earnest in requiring a deter­minate answer, it was giuen them to vnderstand, that they should not obteine their desires, wherevpon in great displeasure they came awaie, The English ambassadors threaten the pope, that he should not haue any tri­bute out of England. threatening and binding their words with oths, that from thence­foorth they would neuer paie, nor suffer to be paid, a­nie tribute to the court of Rome, nor permit the re­uenues of those churches, whereof they were pa­trones, line 60 to be pulled awaie, by any prouision of the same court.

The pope hearing of these things, passed them ouer patientlie, but he procured the English bishops to set their seales vnto that charter, which king Iohn had made concerning the tribute, against the mind of the archbishop of Canturburie Stephan Langton, who at that time, when king Iohn should seale it, spake sore against it. When king Henrie was in­formed hereof, he was gréeuouslie offended; and sware in a great chafe, that although the bishops had doone otherwise than they ought, yet would he stand in defense of the liberties of his realme, and would not so long as he had a day to liue, paie any dutie to the court of Rome, vnder the name of a tribute. In this meane while, the king with a puissant armie in­uaded the Welsh rebels, Matth. Paris. to reduce them to some quiet, whereas with their continuall incursions and other exploits, they had sore harried, vexed, and wa­sted the lands of the kings subiects.

Herevpon the king being entred the countrie, The king in­uades Wales. He buildeth a castell at Gannoke. in­uaded the same, vnto the confines of Snowdon, and there he began to build a strong castell at a place cal­led Gannoke, remaining there about the space often wéeks, during the which, the armie suffered great miserie through want of vittels and other prouisions namelie apparell, and other helps to defend them­selues from cold, which sore afflicted the souldiers and men of warre, bicause they laie in the field, and winter as then began to approch. Moreouer, they were driuen to kéepe watch and ward verie strong­lie, for doubt to be surprised by sudden assaults of the enimies, the which watched vpon occasion euer to doo some mischéefe.

The morrow after the Purification of our ladie, Isabell de Boulbec countesse of Oxenford departed this life, The decease of the coun­tesse of Ox­ford, and of the earle of Deuonshire. Geffrey de March de­ceaseth. The decease of Raimond earle of Pro­uance. The decease of the lord Humfreuile. and likewise the morrow after saint Ualen­tines day died Baldwine de Riuers earle of De­uonshire and of the Wight. Moreouer, Geffrey de March, a man sometime of great honour and posses­sions in Ireland, after he had remained long in ex­ile, and suffered great miserie, ended the same by na­turall death. Also Raimond earle of Prouance, father to the quéenes of England and France deceassed this yeare, for whome was kept in England a most solemne obsequie. Also in the wéeke after Palme-sundaie, died a right noble baron, and warden of the north parts of England, the lord Gilbert Hum­freuile, leauing behind him a yoong sonne, the custo­die of whome the king forthwith committed to the earle of Leicester, not without the indignation of the earle of Cornewall, who desired the same.

Finallie, Anno. Reg. 30. after that the king had lien at Gannoke about the fortifieng of the castell there, the space of ten wéekes, and saw the worke now fullie finished, he appointed foorth such as should lie there in garison, and therewith, on the morrow after the feast of Si­mon and Iude, he raised his field, and returned to­wards England, leauing the Welshmen in great miserie, and like to starue for want of necessarie food. The king' re­turneth foorth of Wales. Irishmen de­stroied An­glesey. For the Ile of Anglesey, which is as a nursse to the Welshmen, those Irishmen that came to the kings aid, had vtterlie wasted and destroied. Againe, the king of purpose had consumed all the prouision of corne and vittels which remained in the marshes, so that in Cheshire, and other the parts adioining, there was such dearth, A dearth. that the people scarse could get suf­ficient vittels to susteine themselues withall.

The king also gaue foorth commandement, that no prouision of corne or vittels should be conueied vnto the Welshmen, out of any parts, either of England or Ireland, on paine of forfeiting life, Brine pits destroied in wales. The lord Maurice chéefe iustice of Ireland. lands & goods. Moreouer, he caused the brine pits in Wales to be stopped vp and destroied. The king hauing thus orde­red his businesse, returned into England, and short­lie after, taking displeasure with the lord Maurice, chéefe iustice of Ireland, bicause he had not made such speed as had béene conuenient in bringing the Irishmen to his aid, he discharged him of the office of chéefe iustice, and placed in his roome Iohn Fitz Geffrey. Iohn Fitz Geffrey lord iustice of I­reland. Matth. Paris. The dece [...]se of Walter erle Marshall▪ In this thirtith yeare of king Henries reigne, Walter earle Marshall and of Penbroke departed this life: and shortlie after, to wit, three daies before Christmasse, his brother Anselme that succeeded him in the inheritance, deceassed also with­out issue: and so all the fine sonnes of the great earle William Marshall, being departed this world with­out [Page 238] heires of their bodies begotten, the whole heri­tage descended to the sisters, and so was diuided a­mongst them as coparteners.

The king this yeare held his Christmas at Lon­don, year 1246 and had there with him a great number of the nobilitie of his realme, which had béene with him in Wales, that they might be partakers of pastime, mirth and pleasure, as they had béene participants with him in suffering the diseases of heat, cold, and other paines abroad in the fields and high moun­teines line 10 of Wales, considering with himselfe (as the truth is) that

Mal. Pal. in suo cap.
—vita est quàm proxi [...] letho,
Quàm meritò spernenda anim [...] si nulla volupt [...]s
Mulceat at (que) leuent solatia nulla laborem.

But that no plesure shuld passe without some staine of greese, there was a rumor spred abroad, that the pope conceiued fresh rankor in his stomach against the king and realme of England, for the complaints which had béene exhibited in the councell at Lion by line 20 the English orator, for the oppression doone to the church of England: that therevpon, minding now to be reuenged, The pope re­quireth the French king to make war against Eng­land. as was said, he earnestlie mooued the French king to make warre against the English­men and to subdue them vnder his dominion: which enterprise the French king vtterlie refused, both for that he and the king of England were coosens, and againe, The French king refuseth to gratifie the pope therein. bicause the king of France had no iust title or right to make claime to England.

Further, there was as then a truce betwixt Eng­land line 30 and France, and before that England could be subdued, much giltlesse bloud should be spilt. Also, the christians in the holie land were sore oppressed, and looked dailie for the arriuall of the king of France, and therefore he would be loth to attempt any new enterprise to hinder his iornie thither. But about the feast of the Epiphanie, other news came out of Pro­uance, that troubled the king of England worse than the other before, The countesse of Prouance dealeth vniust lie with the king of Eng­land hir sonne in law. as thus, That the countesse Beatrice his wiues mother had deliuered vp the countie of Prouance into the French kings hands, togither line 40 with sixtéene castels, which in right of the queene ought to haue remained vnto the king of England. For the safe keeping wherof to his vse, the said coun­tesse Beatrice had receiued yeerelie for the terme of fiue yeares last past, the summe of foure thousand marks of the king of England, and yet now in the deliuering of them, with the residue of the countrie vnto the French king, she neuer made any mention of his right. line 50

Shortlie after also, Charles the French kings bro­ther maried the ladie Beatrice, Charles the French kings brother is made earle of Prouance. yoongest daughter of earle Raimond, and had with hir the same countie of Prouance, and so was intituled earle thereof, as in the French historie appeareth. Moreouer, the archbi­shop of Canturburie procured a grant from the pope to recouer for one yeare the first fruits of all cures that chanced to be void within the citie, The archb. of Canturburie purchaseth grant of the pope to leuie monie. diocesse, and prouance of Canturburie, by and during the tearme of seauen yeares then next following, till the summe line 60 of ten thousand marks were leuied, towards the dis­charge of the said archbishops debts. The collection of the which ten thousand marks was assigned by the popes bulles vnto the bishop of Hereford, who should also leauie two thousand marks of the reuenues belonging to the church of Canturburie, to be con­uerted to the same vse. The king at the first was sore offended herewith, but shortlie after, he was pacified and so the archbishop had his will.

After this, about the beginning of the next spring, Dauid prince of Wales departed this life, Dauid prince of Wales de­parteth this life. after great pensifenesse of mind, for the destruction and miserie into the which his countrie had béene brought through the present warres with the Englishmen. After his deceasse, the Welshmen elected to succeed in his place, the sonne of Griffin, Ap Griffin chosen prince of Wales. whom king Henrie had reteined in seruice, and honourablie vsed, euen of a child: but now that he heard that the Welshmen had elected him to their prince, he stale away, and fled into Wales. ¶On the day of the purification of our ladie, a robberie was committed vpon certeine Iewes at Oxenford, for the which fact, Iews robbe [...] in Oxenford. fiue and fortie of the offendors were put in prison, but at the suit of Robert bishop of Lincolne, they were deliuered by the kings commandement, bicause no man impea­ched them of anie breach of peace, or other crime. The citizens of London also about the beginning of the spring, were compelled to paie a talage, The Londo­ners paie a talage. wherewith they found themselues sore aggreeued.

About the middest of Lent, A parlement. there was a parle­ment holden at London, wherein diuerse statutes and ordinances were deuised, as penalties for those that offended in other mens parks and warrens: but the chéefest occasion of assembling this parle­ment, A statute a­gainst hunters was to take aduise in matters touching the greefes wherewith the church of England séemed to be oppressed by the pope and the court of Rome. The pope indeed to quiet the English ambassadors, and to put the king and realme in some good hope of re­léefe and deliuerance out of such oppressions, as were opened vnto him in the face of the whole councell, did not onelie promise largelie, but also caused diuerse priuileges to be made and deliuered vnto the said ambassadors verie fauorablie, in the behalfe of their request. But yet the same notwithstanding, sith the breaking vp of the said generall councell, and return to the ambassadors, manie things were doone, to the increasing and continuation of the former greefes, so that they stood in doubt of further oppressions to fol­low, rather than in hope of the promised redresse. Herevpon they concluded eftsoones to write vnto the pope, and to the cardinals, both in name of the king, of the bishops and prelats, of the earles, barons, and other estates of the temporaltie, and of the abbats and priors. In the meane time, the pope for a while somewhat relented in the point of bestowing benefi­ces here in England, for when any of his freends or kinsmen was to be preferred to any benefies with­in this realme, he would sue to the king for his grant and good will, that such a one might be admitted, and not seeme of himselfe to grant it without the kings consent.

The earle of Sauoy in the presence of the archbi­shop of Canturburie, The earle of Sauoy dooth homage to the K. of England and the bishop of Hereford and others, did homage to the king of England, acknow­ledging to hold of him certeine fées, as those of Suse, Auislian, S. Maurice de Chablais, and the castell of Bard, which he might well doo, not preiudicing the right of the empire, sith he held nothing of the same empire, except Aigues and the passages. This yeare, Roger Bigod intitled to the office of earle Marshall. the office of the earle Marshall was giuen to Roger Bigod earle of Northfolke, in right of his wife the countesse, that was eldest daughter vnto the great earle William Marshall. ¶Moreouer, Matth. Paris. Harold king of Man. Welshmen re­ceiued to the kings peace, vp on their submission. in this yeare the king holding his Easter at London, honored Ha­rold king of Man with the order of knighthood. A­bout the same time, diuerse noble men of Wales submitted themselues, and were receiued vnto the kings peace. ¶ On saint Markes day was a great frost and snow, which nipped the leaues of trees and hearbes in such extreame wise, that for the more part they withered and faded awaie.

Furthermore, bicause the pope vnderstood, that di­uerse rich beneficed men were of late dead in Eng­land intestate, as Robert Hailes the archdeacon of Lincolne, Almerike the archdeacon of Bedford, and Iohn Hotospe archdeacon of Northhampton, he ordeined a decrée, A decrée of the pope. that all such spirituall per­sons [Page 239] as died intestate, their goods should remaine to the pope. The execution of which decrée he comman­ded to the friers preachers and minors▪ but the king would not suffer it to take place, bicause he saw that it should redound to the preiudice of him and his kingdome. Wherein the popes oppression and wrong offered to the dead (by whose deceasse their suruiuing fréends should be benefited) and his cruell couetous­nes extending to the verie senseles corpse dooth ma­nifestlie appeare, so that it is verified of him, by waie line 10 of comparison,

Carniuorax tumidis vt gaudet hyaena sepulchris,
Sic instat putidis ille cadaueribus.

Also, where the pope required a talage of the clergie, the king flatlie forbad it by his letters inhibitorie.

In this meane while, William Powis chapleine, and sir Henrie de Lamere knight, which were sent with the second letters, deuised in the late parlement (as you haue heard) to be preferred vnto the pope and cardinals, returned againe without obteining anie line 20 towardlie answer, but rather (as they declared) they found the pope sharp and rough in spéech, saieng, ‘The king of England which now kicketh against the church, & beginneth to plaie Frederiks part, hath his counsell, & so likewise haue I, which I intend to fol­low.’ Other answer they cold not obteine. Againe, the Englishmen that were sutors in the court of Rome, were strangelie vsed, and could not get anie dispatch in their businesse, but were rather put backe as schis­matikes, and with rebukes reuiled. Herevpon the line 30 king called a parlement at Winchester, to haue the aduise of his lords in this matter, A proclama­tion inhibi­ting monie to be sent to the pope. where how soeuer they agreed, proclamation was immediatlie set forth, and published in euerie shire & countie through the realme, that no man should consent to the popes contribution, nor send anie monie out of the realme to his aid. When the pope heard of this, he wrote ve­rie sharplie to the bishops, commanding them on paine of excommunication and suspension, to sasisfie his Nuncio remaining at the new temple in Lon­don, line 40 before the feast of the Assumption of our ladie. And whereas the king minded to haue stood in the matter through threats of his brother the earle of Cornewall, and of certeine prelats, namelie, the bi­shop of Worcester (who had authoritie as was said to interdict the land) he yéelded and suffered the pope to haue his will, to the great griefe and discomfort of manie.

A sore tempest of haile.On S. Margarets daie, there fortuned a maruel­lous sore tempest of haile, raine, thunder and light­ning, line 50 which being vniuersall through the realme, did much hurt, & continued the space of 16 houres togi­ther without ceassing. This yéere, sundrie noble perso­nages departed this world, Isabell the kings mother departeth this life. as Isabell the kings mo­ther, wife to the earle of March in Poictou. Also, the countesse of Albemarle, the daughter of Alaine of Galloway, and sister to the countesse of Winchester: wherevpon, a great part of Gallowaie that belonged to hir (for that she died without issue) remained to Ro­ger de Quincie earle of Winchester, Roger de Quincie earle of Winchester. that married line 60 the eldest sister. Moreouer, Iohn lord Neuill died this yeare, Iohn lord Neuill depar­ted this life with diuers other. which had béene chiefe forrester of England: but he was not onelie put out of that office for cer­teine transgressions, but also out of the kings fauor before he died, where (at first) none was more estee­med in the court than he. The bishop of Salisburie, named master Robert de Bingham, died also this yeare, and sir Richard de Argenton knight, a right noble personage, which in the holie land had shewed good proofe of his high valiancie, manhood, & prowesse: likewise sir Henrie Bailioll of the north, and diuerse other.

Anno Reg. 31.In the beginning of the one and thirtith yeare of king Henries reigne, the pope sent into England to haue the third part of one yeares profit of euerie be­neficed man that was resident, and of euerie one not resident the one halfe. The bishop of London should haue seene this aid and collection leuied, but it would not be granted. year 1247 And in a parlement called this yeare on the morrow after the Purification of our ladie it was ordeined, Matth. Paris. that new letters sealed with the com­mon seale of the citie of London should be sent by sufficient messengers, from all the estates of the realme, vnto the pope and cardinals, requiring a mo­deration to be had in such exactions as were intolle­rable for the realme to beare. Intollerable exactions. Whilest this parlement yet lasted, Peter de Sa­uoy earle of Richmond. there came ouer the lord Peter of Sauoy earle of Richmond, bringing with him certein yoong ladies and damsels, to be bestowed in marriage on such yoong lords and gentlemen as were wards to the king.

On S. Ualentines euen, a great earthquake hap­pened here in England, and namelie about London, An earth­quake. on the Thames side, with the which manie buildings were ouerthrowen. These earthquakes, the seldo­mer they chance in England, the more dreadfull the same are, and thought to signifie some great altera­tion. A litle before this earthquake, the sea had ceassed from ebbing and flowing for the space of three mo­neths togither, A strange woonder. by a long tract neere to the English shore, to the great maruell of many, for either it flow­ed not at all, or else so little that it might not be per­ceiued. And after the earthquake, Continuall raine. there followed such a season of foule weather, that the spring séemed to be changed into winter, for scarse was there anie daie without raine, till the feast of the translation of S. Benet.

There were at this time diuerse ordinances de­créed and enacted by waie of prohibition, Acts made to restraine pre­sumptuous authoritie of the spiritual­tie. to restreine the authoritie of spirituall persons, as that no eccle­siasticall judge should determine in causes of anie temporall man, except touching causes of matrimo­nie and testaments. They were also prohibited to sue anie actions touching tithes, before anie spiritu­all iudge, and the writ whereby they were prohibited, was called an Indicauit. Sundrie other such ordinan­ces were deuised, which for breefenesse we omit. What speed or answer so euer the messengers had that were sent to Rome with the letters deuised in the late par­lement, truth it is, The popes collectors. that the pope sent ouer into Eng­land such of his agents as gathered no small sums of monie amongst the cleargie, as one Marinus, and an other named Iohannes Anglicus a frier minor, the which were not intituled by the name of legats, A shift by for­bearing the name of legat. to saue the priuileges which the king had, that no le­gat might come into the realme without his licence. The comming ouer of these men, bicause it was to gather monie, contented not manie mens minds, as well appeared in a parlement called at Oxford a­bout reformation thereof, but yet notwithstanding it was there agreed, that the pope should haue eleuen thousand marks to be leuied amongst them of the spiritualtie, exempt persons and places reserued.

About the same time, Baldwine naming himselfe emperour of Constantinople, The emperor of Constanti­nople com­meth into England. came againe into England, to procure some new aid of the king, to­wards the recouerie of his empire, out of the which he was was expelled by the Greekes. ¶ Also, there arriued in England a cardinall that was bishop of Sabine, hauing first receiued an oth, A cardinall cōmeth into England, re­ceiuing an oth not to preiu­dice y e realme. that he came not for anie hurt to the king or his realme, for other­wise being a legat he might not be suffered to enter the land: he came this waie to passe ouer into Nor­waie, whither he went to crowne and annoint Ha­con king of that realme. The kings halfe brethren came to sée the king. There arriued here with him the thrée halfe brethren to the king, Guy de Lu­cignan, William de Valence, & Athelmare a préest, with their sister Alice. All these were begotten by [Page 240] Hugh [...] earle of March, of quéene Isabell the kings mother, and were therefore ioifullie receiued of the king, with faithfull promise, that he would be to them a beneficiall good brother, which his saiengs with effectuall déeds he [...] fullie performed. The cardinall hauing saluted the king, tooke leaue of him and came to Lin, where he staied at the point of thrée moneths, making such purchase amongst religious men, The cardinall maketh shift for [...]. that what by procuraries and other shifts, he got as was thought, a foure thousand marks towards line 10 his charges, and so departed. Edmund Lacie earle of Lincolne, and Richard de Burgh, as then wards to the king, were married vnto two of those yoong la­dies of Prouance, which Peter de Sauoy earle of Richmond brought ouer with him, whereat manie of the English nobilitie grudged.

Also, about the thirtéenth of August, the ladie Ione daughter to the lord Guarine de Monchenc [...]e, William de Ualence mar­rieth lord Montchēcies daughter. was married vnto William de Ualence the kings halfe brother. The same ladie was heire to hir fathers line 20 lands, by the death of hir brother the sonne of the said lord Guarine. Sir William de Bueles knight a Norman borne, was made seneshall of Gascoigne about this season, and was sore vexed with wars by Gaston the sonne of the countesse of Bierne and o­thers, Gaston de Bierne maketh war against the kings lieutenant. which Gaston shewed himselfe verie vnthanke­full, for the king had giuen both to him and to his mo­ther (a woman of a monstrous stature) verie large in­terteinement to serue him in his wars at his last be­ing in that countrie (as before ye haue heard.) The line 30 archbishop of Canturburie suspended the préests of his prouince, Préests of the prouince of Canturburie suspended. bicause they would not consent (accor­ding to the grant which he had purchased of the pope) that he should haue the first fruits for one yeare, of e­uerie benefice that chanced to be vacant within the same prouince. The earles of Cornewall and Pen­broke got much monie by waie of a collection, to­wards the reliefe of the warres in the holie land, ha­uing purchased of the pope certeine buls of indul­gence for the same. Sir Fouke de Newcastell the kings coo­sen by his mother de­parteth this life. Sir Fouke de Newcastell a va­liant knight, and coosen germane to the king on the line 40 mothers side died at London, during the time of the parlement.

On the thirtéenth of October was a portion of the holie bloud of Christ (as it was then supposed) shewed in most reuerent wise in a solemne procession, for the king comming to the church of S. Paule in Lon­don, receiued there the same bloud conteined in a christalline glasse, the which he bare vnder a canopie supported with foure staues, through the stréets, vnto the abbeie church of Westminster. His armes were line 50 also supported by two lords as aids to him all the waie as he went. The masters of the Templers and Hospitallers had sent this relike to the king. To de­scribe the whole course and order of the procession and feast kept that daie, would require a speciall treatise. But this is not to be forgotten, that the same daie the bishop of Norwich preached before the king in commendation of that relike, pronouncing six years and one hundred and sixtéene daies of pardon, gran­ted by the bishops there present, Pardon granted by bishops to all that came to line 60 reuerence it.

Also the same daie and in the same church, the king made his halfe brother William de Ualence, Knights made. and di­uerse other yoong bachelers, knights. Unto the said William de Valence, for his further aduancement and maintenance, he gaue the castell of Hertford, and the honor therto belonging, with great treasure: & to the elder brother Guy de Lucignan, which about the same time returned into France, he gaue verie great and honorable gifts, lading his sumpters with plate and treasure of sterling monie, which in those daies in all countries was verie much esteemed. The earle of Winchester remaining in Gallowaie, Anno Reg. 32. where he had faire possessions in right of his wife, The earle of Winchester besieged in Galloway by his owne te­nants. was be­sieged of his owne tenants, within a castell wherein he lodged, and being in danger either to die through famine, or else at the discretion of the enimies, he burst forth▪ and making way with his sword, escaped, and comming to the king of Scots, complained of the iniurie doone to him by his people, wherevpon the king tooke such order, that the rebels were punished, and the earle set in quiet possession of his lands a­gaine.

Toward the latter end of Nouember, William earle Ferrers & of Derbie departed this life, William earle Ferrers de­parteth this life. a man of great yeares and long troubled with the gout, a iust man and a peaceable. The same moneth the coun­tesse his wife died also, a woman of yeares, vertue and fame like to hir husband: Thomas Becket the archbishop of Canturburie did minister the priests office at their marriage. Their eldest sonne William succéeded his father in the earledome, a good man and a discreet, but vexed with the gout verie pitifullie, ha­uing that disease also as it were, by inheritance from his father. There died likewise other of the nobilitie, as Richard de Burgh, and William Fitz Ham. Be­atrice the countesse of Prouance mother to the queene, year 1248 and Thomas de Sauoy late earle of Flan­ders, The countesse of Prouance commeth into England. came into England to visit the king and queene and were honorablie receiued, and at their departure backe towards home, richlie rewarded. This yeare in the octaues of the Purification, A parlement. a parlement was holden at London, where all the nobilitie of the realme in manner was present, There were nine bishops, as the archbishop of Yorke, with the bishops of Winchester, Lincolne, Norwich, Worcester, Chi­chester, Elie, Rochester and Carlell, with the earls of Cornewall, Leicester, Winchester, Hereford, North­folke, Oxford, Lincolne, Ferrers, and Warwike, with Peter de Sauoy earle of Richmond, besides lords and barons. The archbishop of Canturburie was at the court of Rome, & the bishop of Duresme was lefted by sickenesse.

In this parlement king Henrie earnestlie requi­red a subsidie, A subsidie d [...] ­manded. Polydor. Matth. Pari [...]. in reliefe of the great charges which he had diuerse waies susteined, wherevpon he was streightwaies by the péeres of the realme noted both of couetousnesse, vnthankfulnesse, and breach of pro­mise, bicause he neuer ceassed gathering of monie, without regard had to his people: and where he had promised manie things, as that he would not be bur­denous vnto them, and such like; he had performed verie little of those his gaie promises. Manie misde­meanors, and wrongfull doings, to the gréeuance of his people were opened and laid before him, as cher­rishing and inriching of strangers, The king charged for his immode­rate inriching of strangers. & vsing his prero­gatiues too largelie, to the great decaie & hinderance of the common-wealth. The king abashed herewith, and supposing that the confession of his fault should make amends, & aswage the displesure which his No­bles and other had conceiued at his misgouernance, to content them all with one answer, he promised that he would reforme all that was amisse, and so quieting the minds of his barons, The parlemēt proroged. the parlement was proroged till the quindene of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist. Wherein his prudence and wisedome was to be commended, but his patience deserueth ex­ceeding great praise, whereby he shewed himselfe princelike-minded, in that he could tollerate the ex­probration and casting of his faults in his face, euen by such as should rather haue concealed than disclo­sed them: wheras it had stood with his roialtie to haue giuen them the counterchecke, and in angrie mood to haue tamed their malapertnesse: but that he proui­dentlie considered that

—parit ira furorem,
Turpia verba furor, verbis ex turpibus exit
[Page 241]Rixa, ex hac oritur [...]ulnus, de vulnere lethum:
—patientia virtus,
Qua quicúnq, caret, careat probitate necesse est.
Qui nil ferre p [...]test, hominum commercia vitet.

About the same time, by reason that the sterling monie was generallie so clipped, An ordinance for monie. that the inscription was cut off for the most part euen to the inner circle, a proclamation was set foorth, that no péeces thereof should passe from one to an other, nor be receiued as currant and lawfull monie, except the same were of iust weight and fashion. Herewith also inquirie was line 10 made for those that had so defaced it, and sundrie Iewes bankers, and cloth-merchants of Flanders were found giltie. Inquirie made for wa­shers & clip­pers of monie. Also, the French king caused serch to be made within his realme for the same offendors, and such as were found giltie, were hanged, so that he was more seuere in punishing those falsifiers of the king of Englands coine, than the king of Eng­land was himselfe.

The parlement began againe at the day appoin­ted, line 20 but nothing to accompt of was then concluded, but rather a displeasure kindled betwixt the king and his barons, for that they looked for a reformation in his dooings, Matth. Paris. The parlemēt dissolued. and he for monie out of their coffers, which would not be granted, and so that parlement brake vp. The king dri­uen to sell his plate. The king herevpon for want of monie, was driuen to so hard a shift, that he was constreined to sell his plate and iewels (which the Londoners bought) so much to his hinderance, that diuers péeces (the workemanship whereof was more woorth than the value of the stuffe) were sold notwithstanding af­ter line 30 the rate as they weied.

This yeare, the king caused a faire to be kept at Westminster at saint Edwards tide, S. Edwards faire at West­minster. to indure for fiftéene daies, and to the end that the same should be the more haunted with all manner of people, he com­manded by proclamation, that all other faires, as Elie, and such like holden in that season, should not be kept, nor that any wares should be shewed within the citie of London, either in shop or without, but that such as would sell, should come for that time vn­to line 40 Westminster: which was doone, not without great trouble and paines to the citizens, which had not roome there, but in booths and tents, to their great disquieting and disease, for want of necessarie prouision, being turmoiled too pitifullie in mire and dirt, through occasion of raine that fell in that vnsea­sonable time of the yeare. The bishop of Elie com­plained sore of the wrong doone to him by suspending his faire at Elie aforesaid. line 50

Sir Richard Sward de­ [...]eth.Sir Richard Sward died this yeare, after he had laien a long time vexed with the palsie, which sir Ri­chard had in his daies beene a right worthie and fa­mous knight. There died also the bishops of Bash and saint Dauids. Death of bishops. In the first day of Iune, the moone immediatlie vpon the setting of the sunne, was al­most wholie eclipsed, An eclipse. so that little of hir might ap­peare. Newcastell burnt by ca­suall fire. The archb. of Cant. curseth. The towne of Newcastell vpon Tine was al­most wholie consumed with fire, togither with the bridge there. The archbishop of Canturburie remai­ning line 60 still with the pope by his procurator the deane of Beauueis, denounced all them accurssed which went about to impeach him of receiuing the first fruits of benefices that voided, which he had by the popes grant, the king and quéene, with their children, and the kings brother the earle of Cornewall onelie excepted out of that cursse.

There chanced another earthquake foure daies before Christmasse, Anno Reg. 33. An erthquake namelie in the west countrie a­bout Bath and Welles, which shooke and ouerthrew some buildings, speciallie the tops and summets of stéeples, turrets and chimnies were shaken therwith, and not the bases or lower parts. ¶In Christmasse following, year 1249 the earle of Leicester returned out of Gascoigne, where he had béene as generall against Gaston de Bierne, whome he had so afflicted and put to the worse, that the same Gaston was glad to sue for an abstinence of warre, where before he had doone much hurt to the kings subiects. The said earle had also with the aid of the kings subiects apprehended an other rebell, one William Berthram de Egremont who had doone much hurt in the parts of Gascoigne, and in the confines there, whome he had left in prison within the castell of the Rioll.

This yeare a little before Candlemas, The bishop of Durham re­signeth his bishoprike. the bishop of Durham being a man of great yeares, by licence obteined of the pope, resigned his miter, reseruing to himselfe onelie thrée manors, Houeden with the ap­purtenances, Stocton and Euerington. The king hauing the last yeare receiued of his subiects a deni­all of a generall subsidie to be granted him, Matth. Paris. The king practiseth to get monie. practised this yeare to get some reléefe at their hands, in cal­ling each of them apart: but first he got two thou­sand marks of the citie of London, and after fell in hand with the abbats and priors, of whome he got somewhat, though sore against their willes. By occa­sion of two merchant strangers of Brabant, which chanced to be robbed about the parts of Winchester, whilest the king was there, vpon their importunate suit and complaint, there was a great nest of theeues broken, A nest of théeues brokē. amongst the which were manie wealthie per­sons and freeholders, such as vsed to passe on life and death of their owne companions, to whom they were fauourable inough you may be sure: also, there were some of the kings seruants amongst them. A­bout thirtie of those offendors were apprehended, and put to execution, besides those that escaped, some into sanctuarie, and some into voluntarie exile, running out of and vtterlie forsaking the countrie.

About Easter, The archbish. of Rone. the archbishop of Rone came ouer into England, and dooing homage for such reuenues as belonged to his church here within this realme, had the same restored vnto him. Matth. Paris. Great raine. In Iune there fell such abundance of raine, speciallie about Abington, that the willow trées, milles, and other houses stand­ing néere to the water side, were borne downe and ouerturned, with one chapell also: and the corne in the field was so beaten to the ground, that bread made thereof after it was ripe, seemed as it had beene made of bran.

About the same time, The earle of Salisburie & other go into the holie land. William de Longespée earle of Salisburie, and Robert de Uéer, with other Eng­lishmen, to the number of two hundred knights, ha­uing taken on them the crosse, went into the holie land, the said earle being their chéefe capteine, and had so prosperous speed in their iornie, that they arri­ued safe and sound in the christian armie, where (the French king being chéefe thereof) they were receiued ioifullie. Matth. Paris. But yet (as Matthew Paris writeth) the pride and disdaine of the Frenchmen was so great, that vpon spite and enuie conceiued at the English­mens glorie, which bare themselues right worthilie, The spite of the French towards the Englishmen. the Frenchmen vsed the Englishmen nothing freendlie; & namelie the earle of Arras sticked not to speake manie reprochfull words against the said William de Longespée and his people, whereat they could not but take great indignation.

Also the same season, the earle of Leicester, who had likewise receiued the crosse, deferred his iournie for a time, and sailing into Gascoigne, mightilie there subdued the kings enimies, as Gaston de Bierne, also one Rusteine, and William de Solares. This yeare died Peter de Geneure, a Prouancois borne, Peter de Ge­neure. whome the king had preferred in marriage vnto the ladie Maud, daughter and heire of Walter Lacie a man of faire possessions in Ireland. Of which marri­age there came issue a sonne and a daughter. Also a­bout Whitsuntide died a noble baron of the north [Page 242] parts, The deceasse of Roger Fitz Iohn. named the lord Roger Fitz Iohn, whose sonne and heire being yoong, was giuen in wardship to William de Ualence the kings halfe brother. Also this yeare Hugh earle of March, father to the same William de Ualence died in Cipres, The death of Hugh le Brun. whilest the French armie wintered there, as then going into the holie hand.

Anno Reg. 34. The archb. of Canturburie inthronized.In the feast of All saints, the archbishop Bonifa­cius was inthronized at Canturburie, and kept a so­lemne feast, at the which the king and queene, with the line 10 more part of all the prelats of the land were present. About this season was a great tornie and iusts hol­den at Brackley, A tornie hol­den at Brack­ley, or (as some copies haue) at Barkley. where the earle of Glocester (con­trarie to his accustomed maner) fauoured the part of the strangers, wherby they preuailed. In somuch that William de Ualence handled one sir William de Odingesselles verie roughlie, the same sir William being a right woorthie knight. year 1250 About the same time, the countesse of Cornewall at Berkehamstéed was deliuered of a sonne named Edmund. Edmond son to Richard earle of Corn­wall borne. This yeare line 20 about the beginning of the spring, the kings brother the earle of Cornewall with other Noble men of the realme, as the earle of Glocester, Henrie Hastings baron, An ambassage sent to the pope. & Roger Thurkebie, went ouer into France in princelie arraie and furniture to visit the pope, who held his court still at the citie of Lions. The bishop of Lincolne also and the bishop of Worcester went thi­ther. For what cause the other went, it was not open­lie knowne. But the bishop of Lincolne went thi­ther about such businesse as he had in hand against line 30 the Templers, Hospitalers, and such other which had appealed from him to the court of Rome, where he could not bring his purpose to passe, for his aduersa­ries with monie had purchased the iudges fauour. And so the bishop returned, hauing spent his trauell and monie in vaine.

The king ta­keth on him the crosse.On the 6 of March being sundaie, the king tooke vpon him the crosse, with his brother de Ualence, and a great number of other Noble men, and amongst other the abbat of Burie, to the preiudice (as was line 40 thought) of his order. Roger de Monthault, a baron of great honour, The lord Ro­ger de Mont­hault. meaning verelie to go in that iour­nie, to recouer monie towards his necessarie furni­ture, set and sold the most part of his liuings. His woods and possessions, which he had about Couentrie, he sold and let to fee farme vnto the couent there. The like chieuance was made by sundrie noble men, which prepared themselues to go in that iournie.

Upon the 27 day of Aprill those that had taken on them the crosse, assembled at Bermondsey besides London, to treat of their setting forward, determi­ning line 50 that the same should be at Midsummer next: but by the popes letters which the king procured, they were commanded to staie till the king himselfe went. Thus their iournie for that time was disap­pointed. There was of them and their retinues that meant thus to haue gone, fiue hundreth knights, be­sides yeomen or demilances and other common soul­diers in great numbers. Gaston de Bierne was so driuen to his shifts by the high prowesse of the earle line 60 of Leicester, Gaston de Bierne sub­miteth himself to the king. that in the end he was constreined to come ouer into England, and submit himselfe to the king, whom he found at Clarendon, where he gat such mercie at the kings hands, that he was pardo­ned and restored to his lands. But the earle of Lei­cester put the king in possession of the castels of Fronsacke, The earle of Leicester his service in Gascoigne. Egremount, and others, and banished Rustein, and William de Solares, with diuerse o­ther stubborne and disloiall rebels, depriuing them of their lands and inheritance in that countrie.

The bishop of Lincolne did excommunicat a préest within his diocesse, The bishop of Lincolne. that was accused of incon­tinencie. And bicause the same preest continued for­tie daies without séeking to be reconciled, the bishop sent to the shiriffe of Rutland, within whose baili­wike the same préest dwelled, to apprehend him as a disobedient and rebellious person: but the shiriffe winked at the matter, and would not execute the bi­shops commandement, wherevpon the bishop did al­so excommunicat the shiriffe: whereof the king be­ing informed, tooke displeasure, and sending to the pope, procured an inhibition, An inhibition procured by the king of the pope. that no archbishop nor bishop should compell anie officer belonging to the king, to follow anie suit afore them, for those things that apperteined to the kings iurisdiction, or give sen­tence against them for the same.

The mondaie before the R [...]gation wéeke, Richard the kings brother earle of Cornewall, The earle of Cornwall r [...]turneth from the pope. returned from the court of Rome, where he had beene about certeine businesse vnknowne to most men: but whatsoeuer the same was, the pope gaue him most courteous and honorable interteinement for his welcome, and made him great cheare during his abode at Lions, where the popes court as then laie. ¶ About this season, the K. to rid himselfe out of debt, wherein he was indangered to certeine merchants, lessened the charges of his houshold, and kept but a meane port, diminishing euen the accustomed almesse of the poore, The king sp [...]reth to bring himselfe out of debt. and also the great number of tapers and lights in his chappell, so that he was noted with the blame of too much niggardlie sparing an [...] pinching: but in that he discharged his debt to the merchants, he was thought to doo wiselie and charitablie, for that he would not see them hindered to whom he was so in­debted; besides the opinion that he had concerning himselfe, namelie that ‘Profectum faciunt rarum quos debita stringunt.’

About the same time also, The Iewes constreined to helpe the king with monie. he caused the Iewes to giue vnto him a great portion of their goods, so that they were greatlie impouerished. There was one of them named Aaron borne in Yorke, the which since the kings last returne out of Gascoigne, had paied to the king the summe of thirtie thousand markes, Matth. Paris. ouer and besides two hundred marks which he had giuen to the quéene, as the same Aaron protested to Matthew Paris ▪ vpon his faith and truth which he bare to his law. In the Whitsunwéeke was a generall chapter holden of the friers preachers at London in Holborne, A generall chapter of y e friers prea­chers. where out of sundrie parts of the world were assembled aboue foure hundred of them, and they had meat and drinke found them of almesse, bi­cause they possessed nothing of their owne. On the first daie the king came into their chapter, that he might be partaker of their praiers, and found them meat and drinke that day, and dined there with them, to doo them the more honour. Another day the quéene likewise fed them, and afterwards the bishop of Lon­don, the abbats of Westminster, S. Albon, and Wal­tham, with others.

About the same season the citizens of London found themselues greeued verie sore, Matth. Paris. Strife be­twixt the Lō ­doners and the abbat of Westminster▪ for such liber­ties as the king granted to the abbat of Westmin­ster, to the great hinderance and decaie of the fran­chises of their citie. The maior and communaltie re­sisted all that they might against those liberties, and finallie by the good helpe and fauour of the lords, as the earles of Cornewall and Leicester, they obteined their purpose. William de Kilkennie keéper of the great seale. This yeare maister William de Kil­kennie, a sober, faithfull and learned man, was made keeper of the great seale. ¶ The same yeare vpon in­quisition made by Geffrey de Langley, one of the kings councell of transgressors in forrests and cha­ses, manie that had offended were presented, and most gréeuouslie punished by imprisonment, fines, and exceeding great amercements, and namelie in the north countrie.

On the nineteenth of Maie died Robert de Lex­inton clearke, Robert de Lexinton de­parteth this life. the which hauing continued a long [Page 243] time in the office of a iudge, purchased to himselfe great fame, and also most large possessions. But cer­teine yéeres before his death, bicause he was diseased with the palsie, he gaue ouer that office, and drew himselfe into a quiet trade of life, so ending his daies in praiers and dooing of almesdeeds. The lord Henrie Hastings deceaseth. Robert Mus­champe. Athelmarie the kings half brother made bishop of Win­chester. The earle of Salisburie slaine by the Saracens. About the feast of S. Margaret died Henrie Hastings a noble ba­ron, and one Robert de Muschampe a man of great renowme in the north parts. Also Walter bishop of Winchester departed this life, about the feast of S. Matthew, in whose place (through the kings earnest line 10 suit) his halfe brother Athelmare was promoted to succéed. Moreouer, in the east parts, that valiant erle of Salisburie William de Longespee, with Robert de Ueer, and others, was slaine in that vnfortunate battell in the which the Saracens vanquished the christian armie, and tooke Lewes the French king prisoner.

On the first day of October, the moone vpon hir change, appearing excéeding red and swelled, began to shew tokens of the great tempest of wind that line 20 followed, A mightie wind. which was so huge and mightie, both by land & sea, that the like had not bene lightlie knowne, and sildome or rather neuer heard of by men then a­liue. Matth. Paris. The sea forced contrarie to hir naturall course, flowed twice without ebbing, yeelding such a roring noise, that the same was heard (not without great woonder) a farre distance from the shore. Moreouer, the same sea appeared in the darke of the night to burne, The sea see­meth to burne as it had béen on fire, and the waues to striue and fight togither after a maruellous sort, so that the line 30 mariners could not deuise how to saue their ships where they laie at anchor, by no cunning nor shift which they could deuise. At Hertburne three tall ships perished without recouerie, Ships lost. Hertburne. Winchelsey. besides other smaller ves­sels. At Winchelsey, besides other hurt that was doone in bridges, milles, breakes and banks, there were thrée hundred houses, and some churches drow­ned with the high rising of the water course. The countrie of Holland beyond the sea, and the marish land in Flanders, susteined inestimable damage, and line 40 in manie other places; by reason that riuers beaten backe and repelled (by the rising of the sea) swelled so high that they ouerflowed their chanels, and much hurt was doone in medowes, bridges, milles, and houses.

Anno Reg. 35. The practise of the bishops to disappoint the archbi. of Canturburie of his purposeAbout the beginning of the fiue and thirtith yeare of king Henries reigne, the bishops of England, vn­derstanding that the archbishop of Canturburie was about to purchase of the pope a grant to gather monie through his whole prouince of the cleargie and line 50 people for synods and procuracies, they thought to preuent him, and therefore made a collection euerie one through his owne diocesse, of two pence in eue­rie marke which any beneficed man might dispend, which monie so collected, they ment to imploie about charges in the popes court, for the staie of the archbi­shops suit, that the grant should not passe.

An erthquake at S. Albons.About the same time, to wit, vpon saint Lucies day, there was a great earthquake at S. Albons, and line 60 in the parts thereabouts with a noise vnder the ground, as though it had thundred. This was strange and maruellous, bicause the ground there is chalkie and sound, not hollow nor loose, as those places be where earthquakes for the most part happen. Doues, rookes, and other birds that sat vpon houses, and in boughes of trées fearing this strange wonder, flick­red vp, and flue to and fro, shewing a token of feare as if a goshauke had beene ouer their heads. The pope required by solemne messengers sent to the king of England, The pope su­eth for licence to soiorne at Burdeaux. that he might come to the citie of Burdeaux in Gascoigne, & there for a time remaine. The king wist not well what answer to make, for loth he was to denie anie thing that the pope should require, and againe he was not willing for sundrie respects, that the pope should come so néere vnto him. Indeed, manie were in doubt, least if he came to Burdeaux, he would also come into England, The popes presence more like to impaire than amend things. and rather impaire the state thereof than amend it by his presence, sith by such vsurers and licentious li­uers as belonged to him, the realme had alreadie beene sore corrupted. Howsoeuer the matter went, there was delaie and such means deuised and made, that the pope came not there at that time.

On Christmasse day in the night, great thunder and lightning chanced in Northfolke and Suffolke past measure, year 1251 Thunder and lightening. in token as was thought of some euill to follow. ¶The king kept his Christmasse at Win­chester, but without any great port or liberalitie, for hospitalitie with him was greatlie laid aside. About this time, Guy de Lusignan the kings halfe brother came ouer into England, after his returne out of the holie land, and was of the king ioifullie receiued. Guy de Lusignan brother to the king. To­wards the releefe of his expenses made in that iour­nie, the king gaue him fiue hundred pounds which he got of the Iewes. Moreouer, he gaue to his brother. Geffrey the custodie of the baron Hastings lands, and so by such liberall and bounteous gifts as he be­stowed on them and other strangers, he greatlie incurred the hatred of his naturall people the Eng­lishmen.

On the day of the Epiphanie, The earle of Leicester re­turneth. the earle of Leice­ster came to the king in great hast out of Gascoigne giuing him to vnderstand, that the Gascoignes were reuolted in such number, that if spéedie succour were not prouided, the whole countrie would fall from the English subiection. Héerevpon the king furnished him with monie, He had of the king 3000 marks. and the earle himselfe got all that he could make of his owne reuenues, and likewise of the Umfreuilles lands, the heire whereof he had in custodie. He made no long abode, but with all speed returned, and reteined two hundred Rutters out of the duke of Brabants countries, Rutters. and with them cer­teine crosbowes. These were eger souldiers, and bloudie, but yet the Gascoignes prepared themselues to resist them all that they might: howbeit the earle put them still to the worse. Before his last returne from thence, he had raced the castell of Fronsacke flat with the ground, and likewise left desolate the castell of Egremount.

About this season, one of the kings iustices named Henrie de Bath fell in the kings displeasure, A iustice accused for taking bribes. bicause he was accused that he had not exercised his office vprightlie, but to his owne priuat gaine, and peruer­ted iustice through bribes, vpon occasion of a suit mooued betwixt him and one Euerard de Trum­pington: he was appealed of falshood and treason by Sir Philip Darcie knight. His wife was of kin to the Bassets and Samfords, the which procured him great freendship at the hands of the earle of Corne­wall, and of Iohn Mansell, and other of the kings councell. But for all that they could doo, he was in great danger to haue lost his life at the parlement holden that yeare, and begun on the sixtéenth day of Februarie. For the king was so sore mooued against him, that he caused proclamation to be made, that if any man had any thing to laie against the said Hen­rie de Bath, they should come foorth, and their infor­mation should be heard. Herevpon diuerse came and presented their complaints, and amongst other, one of his owne fellowes, that was a iustice also, decla­red that he had suffered an offendor conuict, to escape vnpunished, for a bribe, which he receiued to the pre­iudice of the king, and the danger of his associats the other iustices, whereas it is required of one put in trust with the administration of lawes, to be vncor­rupt and sound in iudgement, according to this true position, ‘ [Page 244]Iudicis est recti n [...]c munere nec prece flecti.’

The king herewith rose vp in a great fume, and said openlie: ‘If any man will slea Henrie of Bath, he shall not be impeached for his death: for I doo here plainelie declare him acquit and guiltlesse for the same.’ Herewith diuerse would haue run vpon him to haue murdered him, but that Iohn Mansell staied their outrage, shewing them that the king might well herafter repent the words which he spake thus in his furie, and those that should doo any vio­lence line 10 vnto the man, were not like to escape punish­ment: for both the bishop of London would suerlie accurse them, and other of his fréends would not faile to séeke reuenge by temporall force: and thus was Henrie of Bath in the kings high displeasure for the time. Henrie de Bath put to his fine. Howbeit at length, through intercession of the earle of Cornewall, and the bishop of London, he was put to his fine, and pardoned.

About the same time, Athelmare the kings halfe brother was confirmed bishop of Winchester by the pope, Athelmare or Odomare bi­shop of Win­chester con­firmed. A conuocatiō of the bishops. although he was thought scarselie sufficient to line 20 haue the place, for lacke of learning and ripe yeares. About this time also, the bishops assembling at Dun­stable, tooke aduise togither, how to preuent the arch­bishop of Canturburie, that he should not visit: and in the end they concluded to send their procurator vnto the court of Rome, to trie what purchase might be made there for monie to staie the licence, and not to sticke for the disbursing of foure thousand marks, if néed required. Their procurator did so much in the line 30 matter, that he found the pope fauourable vnto his cause, though no determinate answer was giuen of a long time, till at length, to gratifie the archbishop and his kin, as the duke of Sauoy and other, the pope granted him licence to visit, but not generallie: for he might not visit anie parish church, except the per­son required him thereto. And whereas he had liber­tie to visit conuentuall churches, yet might he not re­ceiue for procuracies aboue foure marks. Six thousand marks giuen to the pope. For this moderation to be had, the procurator for the bishops line 40 gaue vnto the pope six thousand marks.

The same yeare the bishop of Lincolne visited the religious houses within his diocesse, The bishop of Lincolne visi­teth abbeies. to vnderstand what rule was kept amongst them, vsing the matter somewhat strictlie (as they thought:) for he entred in­to the chambers of the moonks & searched their beds. And comming to the houses of the nuns, he went so néere as to cause their breasts to be tried, that he might vnderstand of their chast liuings. In Lent following he was suspended by the pope, The bishop of Lincolne sus­pended by the pope, bicause he line 50 would not suffer an Italian that had no skill of the English toong to inioy a prebend in his church, which the pope had giuen to the same Italian. In this sea­son, Wales subiect to the English lawes. Wales was brought to be subiect vnto the Eng­lish lawes, and that part which ioineth to Cheshire, was committed to the custodie of Alain lord Zouch, Alain lord Zouch. [...]he which gaue, for hauing of the profits thereof to farme, 11 hundred marks, and supplanted lord Iohn Graie which should haue had it for fiue hundred. Cer­teine vsurers and strangers borne called Caorsini, Usurers cal­led Caorsini. line 60 had bought faire houses at London, and so remained there as inhabitants, occupieng their trade without controlment, for the prelats durst not speake against them, bicause they alleged themselues to be the mer­chants of the popes highnesse: and the citizens durst not trouble them bicause they were defended by cer­teine noble men, whose monie (as was said) they oc­cupied, to gaine after the manner of the court of Rome. Howbeit at length they were called before the ciuill magistrate by the kings procurement, and grieuouslie accused for their vnlawfull occupieng of vsurie, and some of them committed to prison, the re­sidue hid themselues out of the way, till at length for a summe of monie they were licenced to be at rest, and so continued for a season. The Iewes reioised hereat, to haue fellowes with them in their miserie.

In this season also there depended a controuersie betwixt the archbishop of Canturburie with the bi­shop of London and his canons of Paules, Contro [...]ersie betwixt pre­lats. so that the said bishop of London & the deane of Paules, and other of the [...] were excommunicated. But the bishop perceiuing which way the world went, recon­ciled himselfe: as for the deane, he stood long in the matter, & at length went himselfe to the pope to vtter his gréefe. This controuersie hanged long betwixt them, and was handled in such wise, that [...]aie-men laughed at their dooings, for now and then whom the pope commanded to be absolued, their aduersaries by colour of the popes authoritie would command to be excommunicated. The earle of Leicester pro­spereth in Gascoigne. The first day of Iulie the earle of Leicester in Gascoigne ouercame manie of the kings enimies, and tooke from them a fortresse called Chattellon.

On S. Dunstans day there was a maruellous sore tempest of weather, A sore tem­pest of thun­der & light­ning. the aire being darkened on euerie side from the foure corners thereof, and with­all chanced such a thunder as few the like had béene heard of. First it began as it had béene a great way off, but after it burst out with such terrible crackes as was woonderfull. But one amongst the rest excée­ded, and withall such lightening flashed foorth, as put men in great feare and terror. The chimnie of the chamber, wherein the quéene and hir children then were, was beaten downe to dust, and the whole buil­ding sore shaken. This was at Windsore, Windsore. where in the parke, okes were rent in sunder, and turned vp by the roots, and much hurt doone; as milles with the millers in them, shéepfolds with their shepheards, and plowmen, and such as were going by the way were destroied and beaten downe. About the same time the sea on the coasts of England arose with higher tides than the naturall course gaue, High tides. by the space of six féet.

About Michaelmasse quéene Dowager of Scot­land, that was daughter to Monsieur de Cousie a Frenchman, came through England to returne in­to France where she was borne, and was of the king honorablie receiued and welcomed. This yeare the nunrie of Marran not far from Lin was founded by the ladie Isabell countesse of Arundell. The nunrie of Mar [...]an founded. ¶ Also this yeare the lord William de Cantlow departed this life, in whose heritage his son also named Willi­am succeeded. ¶ Moreouer, Iohn Cobham & Geffrey Spenser (that was a man of great fame, and one of the kings councell) departed this life, Cobham before Easter, and Spenser shortlie after the same feast. Also in the octaues of Pentecost, Paule Peiuer. Paule Peiuer or Peure departed this life, he was one of the kings cheefe councellors, and lord steward of his house. This man at the first was not borne to anie great possessions, but by purchase atteined to great reue­nues. The ladie Ione his wife compounded with the king for the marriage of hir son named Paule, after his father, but the lord Iohn Grai [...] paied the monie, being fiue hundred marks, and so discharging hir of that debt, maried hir sonne to one of his daugh­ters at his manor of Eiton, and afterwards at Lon­don married the mother of his sonne in law, The lord W [...]l [...]. Graie marrieth the wife of Paule Pe [...]uer. where­with the king was sore displeased, for he had giuen the marriage of hir vnto a stranger, one Stephan de Salines, so that the lord Graie was glad to giue to the king the summe of fiftie marks, by way of a fine to haue his good will.

In the six and thirtith yéere of king Henries reigne, Anno Reg. 3 [...]. Matth. Par [...] ▪ The church of Hales dedicated. the church of Hales was dedicated of the foundation of Richard earle of Cornewall. At which dedication he kept a solemne feast on the euen of saint Leonard being Sunday. There was present the king and the [Page 245] queene, and almost all the Nobilitie of England, both spirituall and temporall. The charges of the buil­ding of the church of Hales. The building of that church, all charges accounted, stood the earle in ten thousand marks, as he himselfe confessed vnto Mat­thew Paris. ¶ About the same time the earle of Lei­cester and Guie de Lusignan the kings halfe bro­ther came into England out of France, and landed at Douer, whome the king receiued with great ioy and gladnesse. He gaue to his brother at his returne great rewards, as he was euer accustomed. In the feast of the Conception of our ladie at a iustes hol­den line 10 at Rochester, Tournies and iusts in those daies were handled in more rough manner than is vsed in our tune. the strangers were put to the worse, and well beaten by the English batchlers and men of armes, so that the dishonour which they did to the Englishmen at Brakley was now recompensed with interest. For the strangers fleeing to the citie for succour, were met by the way by the English knights seruants and yeomen, which fell vpon them, beat them sore with clubs and staues, and handled them verie euill. Hereof sprang a great hatred be­twixt the Englishmen and strangers, which dailie line 20 grew and increased more and more, the rather bicause the king had them in so good estimation, and reteined so manie of them within the realme.

The king did celebrate the feast of Christmasse at Yorke, year 1252 whither came Alexander the yoong king of Scots, and was there made knight by the king of England, and on saint Stephans day he married the ladie Margaret, daughter to the king of England, according to the assurance before time concluded. There was a great assemblie of noble personages at line 30 that feast. The quéene Dowager of Scotland mother to king Alexander, a French woman of the house of Coucie, The house of Coucie. had passed the sea, & was present there with a faire companie of lords and gentlemen. The num­ber of knights that were come thither on the king of Englands part were reckoned to be at the point of one thousand. The king of Scots had with him thrée score knights, The king of Scots did ho­mage to the K. of England. and a great sort of other gentlemen comparable to knights. The king of Scots did ho­mage to the king of England at that time for the line 40 realme of Scotland, and all things were doone with great loue and fauour, although at the beginning some strife was kindled about taking vp of lodg­ings.

This assemblie of the princes cost the archbishop verie déerelie, in feasting and banketting them and their traines. At one dinner it was reported he spent at the first course thréescore fat oxen. ¶At request of the K. of Scots, the K. of England receiued Philip Lunell againe into fauour, or rather Louell (as I line 50 take it) one of his councell, against whome he had conceiued displeasure in the yeare last past, for such briberie as he was thoght to be giltie of for shewing fauour to the Iewes. The king of Scots when he should depart, tooke his leaue in most courteous ma­ner, and led with him his new married wife, on whome attended sir Robert Norice knight marshall of the kings house, Sir Robert Norice, and sir Stephan Bausan. and sir Stephan Bausan, and also the ladie Mawd, the widowe of the lord William line 60 Cantlow, An excéeding great wind. with others. On the octaues of the Epipha­nie chanced an excéeding great wind, which did much hurt in diuerse places of the realme. The bishop of Rochester returning frō the court of Rome, The bishop of Rochest. bull. brought with him a bull, authorising him to receiue to his own vse the fift part of the reuenues of all the beneficed men within his diocesse.

In this meane while the earle of Leicester remai­ning in England, The Gas­coignes make warre against the English subiects. the Gascoignes made sore warre against such as he had left behind him, and withall gaue information to the king that the earle of Leice­ster was a traitor, and one that had spoiled the kings subiects: and furthermore by his vniust dealings had giuen to the Gascoignes cause of rebellion. The king to boult out the truth of this matter, sent first his chapleine Henrie Wingham, and afterwards sir Nicholas de Moles de Ualence, as commissio­ners to inquire of the earles dooing, who went and re­turned without finding any manifest crime in the earles demeanor. The earle was much offended that his innocencie should be thus suspected; but at length being appointed to returne into Gascoigne, he obeied and hauing a great summe of monie, he reteined a power of men of warre, as well Frenchmen as o­thers, and meaning to be reuenged of those that had giuen the information against him, he strengthened himselfe with the aid of the king of Nauarre, and of the earle of Bigorre and other, so that he oppressed his aduersaries on ech hand, and so abated their pride, The earle of Leicester danteth his enimies. that if conuenientlie they might, they would haue yeelded themselues to some other prince, and vtterlie haue renounced the K. of England for euer. Where­by it should seeme that he was throughlie reuenged of them euen to their no small smart, not in word and threatning, but with sword and bloud-shedding, de­fending his innocencie, and manfullie shewing his warlike mind. But yet he had purchased to himselfe a greater portion of praise, if he had not with weapon but with wisedome made a conquest of the enimie: according to this sound counsell of a sage writer;

Ingenio studeas magè quàm superare furore,
Mal. Pal. in suo cap.
Ingenio vires cedunt, prudentia victrix
Cuncta domat.

On the thirtéenth day of March, A strange wonder of the new moone. the new moone was séene, whereas the prime change by naturall course should not haue beene till the sixtéenth day following; and for the space of fiftéene daies that then next insu­ed, the sunne, the moone, and starres appeared of a red colour. And herewith the whole face of the earth sée­med as it had béene shadowed with a thicke mist or smoke, the wind notwithstanding remaining north and northeast. Then began a sore drought, continu­ing a long time, A great drought. the which togither with morning frosts, and northerlie winds, destroied the fruits and other growing things, which were blasted in such wise, that although at the first it was a verie forward yeare, and great plentie towards of corne and fruit, yet by the means aforesaid, the same was greatlie hindered and speciallie in the summer season, when the sunnes heat increased, and the drought still con­tinued.

The residue of such fruits as then remained, wi­thered awaie, so that scarse a tenth part was left, and yet there was indifferent store. For if the abundance which the blossomes promised had come forward, the trées had not béene able to haue borne the same. The grasse was so burned vp in pastures and medowes, that if a man tooke vp some of it in his hands, and rubbed the same neuer so little, it streight fell to poul­der, and so cattell were readie to starue for lacke of meat. And bicause of the excéeding hot nights, there was such abundance of fleas, flies, and gnats, that people were vexed and brought in case to be wearie of their liues. And herewith chanced manie diseases, Manie disea­ses reigned. as sweats, agues, and other. In the haruest time fell there a great death and murren amongst cattell, A murren of cattell. and speciallie in Northfolke, in the fens and other parts of the south. This infection was such, that dogs and rauens feeding on the dead carrens, swelled streight­waies and died, so that the people durst eat no beefe, least the flesh happilie might be infected.

Also this was noted not without great woonder, that yoong heifers and bullockes followed the milch­kine, & as it had beene calues sucked the same kine. Also appletrées and pearetrées, now after the time of yeelding their ripe fruit, began againe to blossome, as if it had beene in Aprill. The cause of the death of cattell. The cause of the death of cattell was thought to come hereof. After so great a [Page 246] drought (which had continued by all the space of the moneths of Aprill, Maie, Iune, and Iulie) when there folowed good plentie of raine, the earth began to yeeld hir increase most plentiouslie of all growing things, though not so wholesome nor of such kindlie sub­stance, as in due time and season she is accustomed to bring foorth, and so the cattell which before were hungerstarued, fed now so greedilie of this new grasse sproong vp in vndue season, that they were sud­denlie puffed vp with flesh, and such vnnaturall hu­mors, line 10 as bred infections amongst them, whereof they died.

The bishop of Lincolne.The bishop of Lincolne would haue inforced all the beneficed men within his diocesse to be preests, but they purchased a licence from Rome, to remaine at the Uniuersities for certeine yeares, without ta­king the order of préesthood vpon them. ¶ The king meaning to go (as he pretended) into the holie land, had grant of the pope to leuie a tenth of his subiects both spirituall and temporall. The Gas­coigns meane to complaine of the earle of Leicester. The Gascoignes sore line 20 repining at the earle of Leicester his streict gouer­nance (who handled them more roughlie than they had béene accustomed) sent the archbishop of Bur­deaux ouer into England to exhibit a complaint a­gainst him in all their names. The earle of Leice­ster aduertised thereof, followed him, and comming to the court, found the archbishop readie to aduouch the information which he had made against the said earle, cheefelie in that he had sought the destruction of those to whom the earle of Cornewall when he was line 30 ruler there, had granted life and peace, and whom sir Henrie Trubleuile, and Waleran the Dutchman, late stewards of Gascoigne, vnder the king, had che­rished and mainteined. With manie other things the archbishop charged him, The earle dis­proueth the allegations of his accusers. the which the earle witti­lie refelled and disprooued, so as he was allowed in his iustification by those that stood by, as the earle of Cornewall and others.

The bishop of Lincolns au­thoritie to in­stitute vicars in churches impropriate.The bishop of Lincolne got authoritie of the pope to institute vicarages in churches impropriat to re­ligious line 40 men, where no vicars were; and where such were as séemed too slenderlie prouided of sufficient allowance, to augment the same as he thought expe­dient: which his authoritie he vsed more largelie than stood with the pleasure of religious persons, bicause he shewed great fauour to the vicars. The copie of the letters which the bishop had procured of the pope, authorising him herein, followeth as we find the same in the chronicles of Matthew Paris.

The tenor of the popes grant.

INnocentius episcopus, &c. Cùm sicut accepimus in tua ciuitate & diocoesi, nonnulli religiosi & alij collegiati ec­clesias perochiales in propriosvsus obti­neant, in quibus nimis exiles aut nullae taxatae sunt vicariae; fraternitati tuae per authoritatem sum­mam mandamus, quòd in ijsdem ecclesijs de ipsa­rum line 60 prouentibus vicarias instituas, & institutas exiles adaugeas vice nostra: prout iuxta consue­tudinem patriae secundū Deum videtur expedire, non obstantibus sipraedicti exempti sint, aut aliàs muniti apostolicis priuilegijs sine indulgentijs, per quae id impediri vel differri possit; & de quibus speciale oporteat in praesentibus fieri mentionem: contradictores per censuras ecclesiasticas apostoli­ca potestate compescendo. Datum Lugduni 7 Octob. pontificatus nostri, An. 8.

The earle of Leicester sent eftsoones into Gascoigne.The earle of Leicester was eftsoones sent into Gas­coigne by the king, who had not cared if he had fallen into his enimies hands, as should appeare. But the earle hired souldiers in France, and comming into Gascoigne, preuailed against his enimies, though in one conflict he was in danger of loosing both life and the honour of the field. But yet through his good hap, Gods fauour, and the valiancie of himselfe and some of his retinue, he got the vpper hand, and put his eni­mies to flight, taking Rusteine, Rusteine taken. one of the cheefe ring-leaders, whom he caused to be presented to the king. At the same time had the king inuested his son Ed­ward with the duchie of Aquitaine to the offense of the earle of Cornewall, The kings eldest son Ed­ward creates duke of Aqui­taine. Sir Arnold de Monteinie slaine. to whom by charter he had be­fore giuen and confirmed the same. In a iusts holden at Walden, sir Arnold de Monteinie a right valiant knight was slaine by sir Roger de Lemborne, for which mischance all the Nobles there assembled made great lamentation, and namelie the said sir Roger: but yet he was suspected to be in blame, bi­cause the socket of his staffe was polished, & not aba­ted. Hereby it should appeare, that in qualitie of wea­pon, and not in maner of their running togither, these iusts and tornies in those daies practised diffe­red from the verie order of warre.

The 17 of September the cathedrall church of Elie was dedicated, The church of Elie dedi­cated. which the bishop of that sée na­med Hugh had builded of his owne proper costs and charges, togither with the palace there. The king and a great number of the péeres & nobles of the realme both spirituall and temporall were present at this so­lemne feast, which was kept in most plentifull man­ner. The 13 day of October, A parlement. the king held a great feast at London, and had called the states of the realme, then and there to assemble in parlement, wherein he opened to them the popes grant, which he had obteined of the tenths due to the church, The king de­mandeth the tenths of the spiritualtie. to be re­ceiued by him for thrée yeares, towards his charges in his iournie which he meant to make into the holie land. The bishops, and namelie Lincolne, vtterlie re­fused to be contributarie to his grant.

They alledged sundrie reasons for their excuse, The bishops refuse to yeild to the popes grant. as the pouertie of the English church being alreadie made bare, with continuall exactions and oppressi­ons; but chéeflie they excused themselues by the ab­sence of the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke, of whom the one was beyond the sea, and the other at home in the north parts. All th' other English bishops were there, except Hereford & Chester, which Chester was sicke, and therefore without the consent of those that were absent, and namelie their primat the arch­bishop of Canturburie, they could not conclude vpon any generall point touching the kings demand. And although the king fretted and stormed against them, yet could he not bring them to his purpose, so that the parlement for that time was dissolued. Yet before their departure from London, he communed with the bishops apart, to sée if he might persuade them to giue him some portion of monie towards his char­ges: but they had tuned their strings all after one note, discording all from his tenor, so that not a pe­nie could be got of them: The king highlie offen­ded with the bishops. wherefore he tooke high dis­pleasure against them, reuiling them in most re­prochfull maner, and amongst other he vpbraided his halfe brother (the elect of Winchester) of great vn­thankefulnesse, who also amongst the residue stood a­gainst him.

The king hauing this repulse at the bishops hands, The king as­saieth to get monie of the lords tem­porall. began to fall in talke with the lords of the temporal­tie touching the troubles in Gascoigne, where things were in broile by the hard dooings of the earle of Lei­cester, against whom the Gascoignes ceassed not to make warre still, and of late hauing besieged him in the castell of Mountalbon, droue him to such shift, that to escape the present danger he was glad to set at libertie certeine rebels, which he had before taken [Page 247] captiues. Therefore to reduce that countrie vnto quietnesse, the king determined to go thither him­selfe, and to remooue the earle of Leicester out of his office: but when he came to the pith of the mat­ter, which was to desire their aid both of men and monie, the lords would not agree to grant him anie. And where he sought to burthen the erle of Leicester with misgouerning things against his honour, they excused the same earle, and so the lords also departed in displeasure of the king as well as the bishops. line 10 Howbeit the king got of the Londoners by way of princelie praier twentie thousand marks of gold at that time. The Londo­ners helpe at a pinch. And to their further gréefe for better meane to be reuenged against the bishop of Elie, he caused the said Londoners to kéepe saint Edwards faire for fiftéene daies togither at Westminster, and in the meane time to keepe their shops shut through all the citie. Which thing (by reason of the foule wea­ther chancing at that time) was verie greeuous vnto them, albeit there was such repaire of people thither, line 20 that London had not beene fuller to the iudgement of old ancient men neuer at anie time in their daies to their remembrance.

This yeare died sir Nicholas Samford knight, a man of great reputation and valiancie. The death of sir Nicholas Samford. Also on the twentith day of October, the countesse of Winche­ster daughter to the earle of Hereford departed this life at Grobie, The countesse of Winchester departeth this life. a manour place belonging to hir hus­band the earle of Winchester, a little besides Leice­ster, and was buried at Braklie. The said earle short­lie line 30 after married an other wife in hope of issue. For neither by this his last wife, neither by his first that was daughter to the lord Alane de Galowaie had he any children. Matth. Paris. Also the same yeare, that noble ladie Margaret countesse of Lisle surnamed Riuers, The deceasse of the coun­tesse de Lisle de Wight. som­time wife to Fouks de Brent, departed out of this world, about the second day of October. In the sea­uen and thirtith yeare of king Henries reigne, one of the popes notaries called Albert came into Eng­land to offer vnto Richard earle of Cornewall the line 40 kings brother, Anno Reg. 37. The pope of­fereth the kingdome of Sicill vnto the earle of Cornewall. the kingdoms of Naples and Sicill. But the earle supposing it not to stand with his ho­nour, to depriue his nephue Henrie, sonne to the em­peror Frederike the second, by his wife the empresse Isabell that was sister to the said erle, refused to take that honour vpon him.

About the same time, that is to say, on the octaues of saint Martin, Boniface the archbishop of Cantur­burie arriued in England, comming from the court of Rome, where he had beene long resiant. ¶ At the line 50 same time there chanced a great occasion of strife betwixt the said archbishop, and the bishop of Win­chester. For where maister Eustace de Lin, officiall to the said archbishop had first excommunicated, and after for his contumacie caused to be attached a preest which by authoritie of the elect of Winchester as diocesane there, was entred into possession of an hospitall in Southwarke, as gouernour thereof, by the name of prior, without consent of the officiall: who pretended title as patrone in his maisters line 60 name. The said elect of Winchester caused a riotous sort of persons after the maner of warre to seeke re­uenge hereof, the which after manie outrages doone, came to Lambeth, and there by violence tooke the said Eustace out of his owne house, and led him to Farnham, where he was kept as prisoner.

The archbishop thus serued at his first comming ouer, and taking the same but for a homlie welcome, was maruellouslie offended, and comming to Lon­don accompanied with the bishops of Chichester and Hereford, in the church of saint Marie bowe, being reuested in pontificalibus, pronounced all those ac­curssed, which were authours or fauourers of such a rash and presumptuous deed, and further commanded all the bishops within his prouince, by vertue of their obedience, to denounce the same in their churches e­uerie sundaie and holie day. The bishop of Winche­ster on the other part, sent commandement to the deane of Southwarke, to resist the archbishop to his face, and to denounce his cursse to be void, vaine, and of no force, but deuised of a craftie purpose and wic­ked meaning. The archbishop continuing in his con­ceiued displeasure, went to Oxenford, and there on the morrow after saint Nicholas day, renewed the same cursse in solemne wise before all the learned men, students, and scholers of the Uniuersitie.

Howbeit, at length the matter was taken vp be­twixt them, for the king in his brothers cause, year 1253 and the queene for hir vncle the archbishop, tooke some paine to agree them: The archb. of Canturburie and the bishop of Winchester made fréends. William de Ualence, and Iohn de Warren. and so in the octaues of the Epiphanie they were made freends, and those absolued that were excommunicated, in which number William de Ua­lence, and Iohn de Warren were thought to be con­teined, as those that should be present in vsing the force against the officiall (as before ye haue heard.) By inquirie taken about this time by the diligence of the bishop of Lincolne, it was found that the yéer­lie profits and reuenues of spirituall promotions and liuings resting in strangers hands preferred by the popes prouisions, The value of spirituall li­uings in strangers hands. amounted to the summe of thréescore and ten thousand marks, which was more by two third parts, than the kings reuenues belong­ing to his crowne.

The earle of Glocester and the lord William de Ualence went ouer into France in most trium­phant manner, to conclude a marriage betwixt the sonne of the said earle of Glocester, and the daughter of the lord Guie of Engolesme. Which marriage the king had motioned for the affection which he bare to­wards the aduancement of his linage, by the mo­thers side. Whereat bicause they were strangers, the English nobilitie somewhat repined. And whereas like lustie yoong gentlemen they attempted a iusts and tornie to shew some proofe of their valiant sto­machs, they were well beaten by the Frenchmen, that disdained to see yoong men so presumptuous, to prouoke old accustomed warriours to the triall of such martiall enterprises. The new moone appea­red before hir time. About the beginning of Lent, the new moone was seene foure daies before shée ought to haue appeared by hir due and common course.

The king by a shift got of the Londoners 1000 marks. For as it happened about the same time the youthfull citizens (for an exercise and triall of their actiuitie) had set foorth a game to run at the quin­tine, and whosoeuer did best, Running at the quintine. should haue a peacocke which they had prepared for a prise. Certeine of the kings seruants, bicause the court laie then at West­minster, came (as it were in spite of the citizens) to the game, and giuing reprochfull names to the Lon­doners (which for the dignitie of the citie and ancient priuileges which they ought to haue inioied were called barons) the said Londoners not able to beare so to be misused, fell vpon the kings seruants, The Londo­ners called Barons. and bet them shrewdlie, so that vpon complaint, the king cau­sed the citizens to fine for their rash dooings. Wherein the Londoners followed the counsell of him that in a case of strife, said

Tu ne cede malis sed contra audentior ito,
Audaces fortuna iuuat.

Moreouer, about the same time, the king vpon displeasure conceiued against the earle of Leicester, had caused him to resigne his office of the warden­ship of Gascoigne: The earle of Leicester re­signeth his gouernment of Gascoigne. and bicause the earle had it by patent, the king not able to find any iust cause of for­feiture, agréed to paie vnto him for the resignation no small portion of monie. And whereas the Gas­coignes had charged the earle with too much streict [Page 248] handling of them, whereby they were occasioned to raise tumults, the matter was now nothing at all a­mended. For after the earle had resigned, they conti­nued still in rebellion, The Rioll, S. Mill [...]on, townes in Gascoigne. so that the Rioll with S. Milli­ons and other places were taken by the aduersaries out of the kings hands, and great slaughter of people made in those parts: wherefore the king minding to go thither, caused musters to be taken, and men put in a redinesse according to the custome, that he might vnderstand what number of able men furnished for the warre were to be had. He also tooke order that e­uerie line 10 man that might dispend yeerlie fiftéene pounds in lands should be made knight. Knights to be made.

Moreouer, for the better preseruation of peace and quietnesse amongst his people, he appointed watch to be kept by night in cities and borough townes. And further by the aduise of the Sauoisines, which were about him, An ordinance against rob­bers. he ordeined that if any man chanced to be robbed, or by any meanes damnified by any théefe or robber, he to whom the kéeping of that coun­trie cheefelie apperteined where the robberie was line 20 doone, should competentlie restore the losse: and this was after the vsage of Sauoy, but was thought more hard to be obserued here, than in those parts, where are not so manie bypaths and starting corners to shift out of the waie. ¶ The Gascoignes continu­ed in their seditious dooings, and namelie Gascon de Bierne, who renouncing his dutie and obedience to the king of England ioined himselfe to the king of Spaine, through his helpe to be the stronger & more able to annoie the English subiects. The euill intrea­ting line 30 vsed towards the Gascoignes which brought hither wines, The cause y t mooued the Gascoignes to rebellion. in that the same were oftentimes ta­ken from them by the kings officers, and other, with­out readie monie allowed for the sale, gaue occasion to them to grudge and repine against the king.

A parlement.In the quindene of Easter a parlement began at London, in which all the states being assembled, the matter was mooued for aiding the king with some reléefe of monie towards the iournie which he ment to make into the holie land: and so at length it was line 40 agréed that a tenth part of all the reuenues belong­ing to the church was granted to him for thrée yeares space, A tenth gran­ted of the spi­ritualtie. Escuage granted. and that escuage should be leuied for that yeare, after thrée markes of euerie knights fée, and the king on the other part promised faithfullie to ob­serue and mainteine the grant of the great charter, Magna charta. and all the articles conteined within the same. For further assurance whereof, on the third day of Maie, in the great hall at Westminster, in the presence and by the assent of the king and the earles of Nor­folke, line 50 Hereford, Oxford, Warwike, and other No­ble men, by the archbishop of Canturburie as pri­mate, and by the bishops of London, Elie, Lincolne, Worcester, Norwich, Hereford, Salisburie, Dur­ham, Excester, Carliell, Bath, Rochester, and S. Da­uies, reuested and apparelled in pontificalibus, with tapers, according to the maner, the sentence of ex­communication was pronounced against all trans­gressors of the liberties of the church, and of the anci­ent liberties and customes of the realme of Eng­land, line 60 and namelie those which are conteined in the great charter, and in the charter of forrest.

Whilest the sentence was in reading, the king held his hand vpon his breast with glad and chéerefull countenance, and when in the end they threw awaie their extinct and smoking tapers, saieng, ‘So let them be extinguished and sinke into the pit of hell which run into the dangers of this sentence; the king said, So helpe me God, as I shall obserue and kéepe all these things, euen as I am a christian man, as I am a knight, and as I am a king crowned and annoin­ted.’ But afterward when he through other counsell brake his promise therein, Godlie coun­sell no doubt. he was aduised by some to giue a portion of that monie which he got at this time, to the Pope, that he might of him be absolued.

Immediatlie after the breaking vp of the parle­ment, that is to saie, about the first of Iune, the king being earnestlie called vpon by messengers sent from the Gascoignes to prouide in time for the de­fense and safegard of that countrie, sith otherwise he stood in danger to loose it, The king p [...] poseth to go himselfe into Gascoigne▪ with all speed he resolued to go thither; and therevpon caused summons to be gi­uen to all those that held of him by knights seruice, to prepare to be at Portesmouth, with horsse and ar­mour in the octaues of the Trinitie. Herewith he made great prouision of ships, the which being assem­bled, and the armie likewise come togither, through lacke of conuenient wind he was inforced to stay a long time, to his great gréefe and no lesse charges.

Finallie, on the 6 of August he tooke the sea, He taketh the sea. lea­uing his brother the earle of Cornewall, and the quéene in charge with gouernance of the realme, and of his sonne the lord Edward. There departed with him from Portesmouth thrée hundred sailes of great ships, besides a number of other smaller vessels. And thus accompanied, he tooke his course to Gascoigne, & about our ladie day named hir Assumption, he ar­riued at Burdeaux, He arriueth at Burdeaux. where he was of the citizens ho­norablie receiued. Immediatlie after his arriuall there, he caused the towne of the Rioll to be compas­sed about with a strong siege, within the which a great number of rebels were inclosed, which valiant­lie defended the place in hope of rescue, which Gaston de Bierne that was fled to the king of Spaine had promised to procure for them. But the king of Eng­land to preuent them in that point, sent the bishop of Bath, Ambassadors sent into Spaine. and his trustie chapleine sir Iohn Mansell vn­to the said king of Spaine, to conclude freendship and aliance with him, so that the lord Edward his eldest sonne might marrie the king of Spaine his daughter.

After long treatie, A marriage concluded be­twixt the K. of Englands sonne & the K. of Spaines daughter. by the diligence of the said am­bassadors, a full conclusion followed of their motion. And whereas the king of England had giuen and as­signed the dominion of Gascoigne to his said sonne the lord Edward, the king of Spaine in the instru­ment that conteined the couenants of the marriage, resigned and quite claimed all the right and title within Gascoigne which he had or might haue by the gift of king Henrie the second, and by confirmation of the kings, Richard and Iohn. In this meane while, the townes and castels which the rebels held, were won and deliuered into the kings hands, and here­with followed a great dearth in the kings armie, so that a hen was sold for six pence sterling, A dearth in the kings campe. a pound weight in bread was at two pence or three pence, a gallon of wine at two shillings, a coome of foure bu­shels of wheat at twentie shillings, so that a knight with his esquire, and coistrell with his two horsses, might scarse be competentlie found for two shillings in siluer. Wherefore the king to relieue his people there with him on that side the sea, sent the prior of Newbourgh with other into England, to cause pro­uision of vittels and other necessaries to be conueied and brought vnto him into Gascoigne, and so there was a great quantitie of graine and powdred flesh taken vp and sent awaie with all conuenient spéed.

The earle of Leicester came to the king, bringing with him out of France where he had remained for a time; a faire companie of souldiers and men of warre to the kings aid, and was verie courteouslie receiued. The Gascoignes then perceiued the kings power to increase, and saw how not onelie the castels wherein they trusted to haue refuge were wo [...]ne and gotten out of their hands by the king of England, but also that their vines (wherein chéeflie consisted their hope of sustentation) were burned vp and de­stroied, [Page 249] they began to humble themselues, and so by little and little returned to their due obedience, The Gas­coigns begin to humble themselues. after that the authors of their seditious tumults were ei­ther apprehended, or chased out of the countrie.

The bishop of Chichester Richard Witz and Grosted b. of Lincolne depart this lifeThis yeare died Richard Witz the bishop of Chi­chester, a man of great vertue and singular know­ledge. Also that famous clearke Robert Grosted bi­shop of Lincolne departed this life on the day of S. Denise in the night, at his manor of Bugdon, whose learning coupled with vertue and vprightnesse of line 10 life wan to him perpetuall commendation. The praise of Grosted. He was a manifest blamer of pope and king, a reproouer of prelats, a corrector of moonks, a director of preests, an instructor of clearkes, a susteinor of scholers, a prea­cher to the people, a persecutor of incontinent liuers, a diligent searcher of the scriptures, a contemnor and a verie mallet of such strangers as sought pre­ferment in this realme by the popes prouisions: in housekeeping liberall, in corporall refection plenti­full, and in ministring spirituall food, deuout and god­lie line 20 affected: in his bishoplike office diligent, reue­rend, and neuer wearied: a singular example of a bi­shop, speciallie in those daies, and at whose life our re­formed bishops may fetch light to abandon their darkenesse, and to amend that which is amisse in them, sith

Validiora sunt exempla quàm praecepta,
Leo papa.
Et pleniùs docemur vita quàm verbo.

The L. Wil. Uescie depar­teth this life.Moreouer there died in Gascoigne, William de Uescie a baron of great fame in the north parts. Also in the spring and summer of this yeare was a great line 30 drought, and in the haruest season fell such wet, that great floods by the rising of the riuers, Great wet. and ouerflow­ing their banks, did much hurt in sundrie places of the realme. Againe in the later end of haruest about Michaelmasse, there was eftsoones such a drought, that men could get no grinding at the milles, Great drout. but were constreined to go in some places a daies iour­nie off, to haue their corne groond. In the eight and thirtith yeare of king Henries reigne, the quéene was deliuered of a daughter which was called Ka­therin, Anno Reg. 38. The ladie Katherin the kings daugh­ter borne. line 40 bicause the same was borne on saint Kathe­rins daie.

On S. Lucies daie, there fell a great snowe, and withall a winters thunder, for a token of some euill to follow. Winter thunder. The king to settle the state of the countrie of Gascoigne in better order, tarried there all the winter, and repared certeine decaied townes and ca­stels. year 1254 The quéene kept hir Christmasse at London, where she laie in child-bed, and was purified on the euen of the Epiphanie, making a roiall feast, at the line 50 which manie great lords were present, as the archbi­shop of Canturburie, the bishop of Elie, the earls of Cornewall and Glocester, and manie other. She sent ouer at the same time to hir husband for a new yeers gift the summe of fiue hundred marks of hir owne reuenues, The quéenes liberalitie to­wards the K. towards the maintenance of his warres. On the euen of the Circumcision of our Lord, A strang sight in the aire. in the night season, whilest the aire was most cleare and bright with shining starres, the moone being eight daies old, there appeared in the element the perfect line 60 forme and likenesse of a mightie great ship, which was first séene of certeine moonks of saint Albons, who remaining at saint Amphibalus, Redborne. were got vp to behold by the starres, if it were time for them to go to mattens; but perceiuing that strange sight, they called vp such of their acquaintance as lodged néere at hand, to view the same. At length it séemed as the bourds and ioints thereof had gone in sunder, and so it vanished awaie. There followed a maruellous sore later end of a winter, through cold and ouer­sharpe weather, which continued till the feast of S. Gregorie in March next insuing. A death of sheepe. Also there chanced the same yeare a great murren and death of shéepe and deere, so that of whole flocks and heards scarse the one halfe escaped.

Whilest the king remained still in Gascoigne, he sent for his wife queene Elenor, with his eldest sonne Edward, but bicause he could not make an end of all his businesse that winter, he continued there the summer also. And forsomuch as he stood in néed of monie, to haue some reasonable pretense to demand a subsidie, in the beginning of March, he sent to his brother Richard the earle of Cornewall (which was come ouer before cheefelie for that purpose) certeine instructions, to declare how there was like to follow great warre, by means of Alfonse the tenth of that name king of Castile, who manaced verie shortlie to inuade the confines of Gascoigne perteining to the English dominion, The king de­mandeth a subsidie. and therefore he required of his faithfull subiects some aid of monie, wherby he might be able to resist his aduersarie the said K. of Castile. Earle Richard did what he could to persuade the peo­ple to this paiment, but he cast his net in vaine be­fore the face of the feathered foule, as the old pro­uerbe saith, ‘Apparens rete fugêre volucria quae (que).’ For though he set forth the matter to the vttermost in the presence of the Nobles and other estates, yet would they not heare of anie paiment to be made, as those that smelled out the feined fetch and forged tale of the kings need. For they had intelligence that there was an agreement concluded betwixt him and the king of Spaine. And for the same cause the quéene and the lord Edward were gone ouer, that the king of Spaine might haue a sight of him, as he had required, when the couenants of the marriage were accorded.

The states of the realme were twise assembled at London about the grant of this paiment, but all in vaine; so that they were constreined to passe it ouer with silence, and to surceasse in the matter to their great gréefe, and namelie the earle of Cornewall, who had taken great paines therein. Yet for that he would not returne with emptie hand, he leuied by rigorous means a great summe of the Iewes (of whom a maine multitude inhabited at that season in London) and therewith returning to his brother king Henrie, shewed him how he had sped. The king was not a little offended with them that thus had denied to helpe him with monie, The king of­fended with them that re­fused to helpe him with monie. insomuch that vpon euerie light occasion, he was readie to reuenge his displea­sure towards them, in taking awaie such grants of priuileges and liberties as before he had made. But now to auoid suspicion of his feined pretense of war betwixt him and king Alfonse, he sent his sonne Ed­ward into Castile vnto the same Alfonse, Edward the kings sonne is sent to the K. of Castile. vnder a co­lor to compound with him for peace, wheras the verie occasion of his going thither, was to purchase him the ladie Elenor to wise, that was sister to the said king Alfonse.

At his comming to the court of Spaine, he was verie honorablie receiued of the king, and in the end, vpon conference had of his message, obteined his suit, so that king Alfonse was content to bestow vp­on him his daughter in marriage, with the countie of Pontieu in France, He marrieth the ladie Ele­nor daughter to K. Alfonse▪ which she held in right of hir mother queene Ione, the second wife of Ferdinando the king of Castile, father vnto this king Alfonse, which Ione was the onelie daughter and heire of Si­mon earle of Pontieu, and had issue by hir husband the said Ferdinando two sonnes, Ferdinando and Lewes, with one daughter; to wit, the foresaid Ele­nor, the which by reason hir brethren died yoong, was heire to hir mother. The lord Edward hauing dis­patched his businesse according to his desire, returned with a ioifull hart to his father, and declared to him what he had doone. His father most glad thereof, Ran. Higd. Polydor. for [Page] an a [...]men [...]anon of honour, [...] created him prince of W [...]les and earle of [...]ester, and appointed him to be his deputie and generall lieutenant both in Guien and in Ireland, and gaue to him the townes of Bri­s [...]ow Stamford and Grantham. Hereof came it, that [...]uer after the kings eldest sonne was made imme­diat [...]ie vpon his birth prince of Wales and earle of [...]ester. [...] He creat [...]d also his other sonne named Ed­mund earle of Lancaster.

About this season were certeine ships driuen by line 10 force of wind and weather into certeine hauens on the north coasts of England towards Barwike, w [...]ich ships were of a verie strange forme and fashi­on, but mightie and strong. The men that were a­boord the same ships were of some farre countrie, for their language was vnknowne, and not vnderstand­able to any man that could be brought to talke with them. The fraught and balast of the ships was ar­mour and weapon, as habergeons, helmets, speares, bowes, arrowes, crosbowes and darts, with great line 20 store of vittels. There laie also without the hauens on the coast diuerse other ships of like forme, mold and fashion. Those that were driuen into the hauens were staied for a time by the bailiffes of the ports. But fi­nal [...]ie, when it could not be knowne what they were, nor from whence they came, they were licenced to de­part without losse or harme in bodie or goods.

Gaston de Bi [...]n [...] [...] to take [...] of B [...]nAbout Candlemasse, Gaston de Bierne, assem­bling togither a multitude of the kings enimies, tho­rough the intelligence of some of the citizens of line 30 Ba [...]on that fauoured not the king, wrought so, that certeine of his number entred that citie, meaning to haue bereft the king of the dominion thereof. But other of the citizins (namelie those of the meaner sort which fauoured the king) made such resistance, that the e [...]imies which were entred, were apprehended, and diuerse of them suffered punishment, as they had well deserued. After this, there chanced a mutinie in the English armie, A [...] in the English a [...]e. bicause the kings brethren and the bishop of Hereford tooke vpon them to punish line 40 certeine Welshmen, for that without commission they had béene abrod to spoile within the French con­fines. Therfore in asmuch as the punishment séemed to exceed the degrée and qualitie of the offense; and a­gaine, for that the earle of Hereford being constable of the host by inheritance ought to haue had the order of all corrections in cases of such offenses, the Eng­lishmen were in mind to haue slaine all the Poi­c [...]ouins in despite of the kings brethren, if the king had not in humble wise sought to haue appeased their line 50 furie.

The wind continuing this yeare for the space of thrée moneths and od daies northerlie, did greatlie hinder the growth and increase of floures and fruits: and about the first of Iulie there fell such a storme of haile and raine, A mightie storme of haile. as the like had not béene seene nor heard of in those daies, breaking downe the tiles and other couerings of houses, with boughes of trées, by the violent aboundance and force of the water and hailestones, which continued aboue the space of an line 60 houre powring and beating downe incessantlie. Af­ter this, when the king had remained a whole yeare in Guien, Anno Reg. 39. The king re­turneth hom­w [...]rds tho­rough France he returned homewards through France, and comming vnto Charters, was honorablie there receiued of Lewes the French king, as then latelie returned out of the holie land, and from thence he was roiallic by the same king Lewes brought vnto Paris. The countesse of Cornewall. The countesse of Cornewall went ouer with a noble traine of lords, gentlemen, and others, to be present at the méeting of hir two sisters, the queenes of England and France, so that the roialtie of the as­semblie on ech part was great.

After that king Henrie had continued there for his pleasure certeine daies, year 1255 he returned to England, landing at Douer in Christmasse weeke. This iour­nie into Gascoigne was verie costlie, and to small purpose (as writers haue recorded) for the kings char­ges amounted to the summe of 27 hundred thousand pounds and aboue, except lands and rents, which he gaue vnaduisedlie to those which l [...]ttle deserued, but rather sought the hinderance both of him and his realme, besides the gift of [...]0 thousand marks, which he bestowed vpon his halfe brethren by the mothers side, not reckoning the lands nor rents, neither yet the wards nor the horsses, nor iewels which he gaue to them besides, being of price inestimable. Thus in two iournies which he made, the one into Poictou, which countrie he lost; and the other into Gascoigne, which he hardlie preserued; he spent more treasure than a wise chapman would haue giuen for them both if they had béene set on sale (as Matthew Par [...] writeth) so that it might be verified in him that is meant by the old prouerbe,

Qui procul excurrit, sed nil mercatur ibidem,
Sivia longa fuit, rediens tristatur hic idem.

Moreouer to increase the kings vaine charges, so it fell out, that pope Innocent bearing grudge to­wards Conrade king of Sicill, offered that king­dome (as before is partlie touched) to Richard duke of Cornewall, who refused the offer, aswell for other causes, as chieflie for that the pope would not agrée to such conditions as earle Richard thought necessa­rie for his assurance. Wherevpon the pope granted that kingdome vnto king Henrie, The pope of­fereth y e king­dome of Si­cill vnto the king of Eng­land. with manie good­lie promises of aid to his furtherance for atteining the possession thereof. King Henrie ioifullie receiued that grant, and called his sonne Edmund openlie by the name of K. of Sicill, and to furnish the pope with monie for the maintenance of his war against Con­rade, he got togither all such sums as he could make, aswell out of his owne coffers, and out of the exche­ker, as by borrowing of his brother earle Richard, and likewise what he could scrape from the Iewes, The K. ma­keth great shift for monie to send to the pope. or otherwise extort by the rapine of the iustices itine­rants: all which he sent to the pope, who not con­tent herwith (when he began ef [...]s [...]ns to want) wrote againe to the king for more.

The king through the instinct of the diuell, to an­swer the popes auarice, He sendeth to the pope a wa­rant to take vp monie. sent him letters patents ob­ligatorie, signed with his roiall seale, by which he might take by way of lone such summes of monie, as would largelie serue his turne of the merchants Ita­lians, willing him not to sticke at the disbursing of treasure, nor at the great quantitie of the interest ri­sing vpon the vsurie, for he would discharge all: and herevnto he bound himselfe vnder paine to forfeit his kingdome and other his heritages. Matth. Paris▪ The pope consenting herevnto, accepted this large offer. If he did well herein (saith Matthew Paris) the Lord the iudge of all iudges iudge it, to whom apperteineth the care of all things. To conclude, The pope is liberall of an other mans pursse. much monie was spent, for the pope spared not the king of Englands pursse, though little good was doone therewith. At length Conrade died, not without suspicion of poi­son. The pope being aduertised of his death, reioised greatlie, as he well vttered in plaine words, saieng; ‘Let vs all that be the children of the Romish church reioise, for now two of our greatest enimies are dis­patched out of the waie; the one a spirituall man, that is to saie, Robert bishop of Lincolne; and the other a laie-man, that is Conrade king of Sicill. Manfred pro­claimed king of Sicill.’ But yet the pope missed of his purpose, for Manfred the ba­stard sonne of the emperour Frederike the second, was shortlie after proclaimed king of Sicill, and so the second errour was greater than the first.

About the quindene of Easter, A parlement. there was a parle­ment holden at London, at the which were assembled all the states of the realme in greater number than [Page 251] had béene commonlie seene. This parlement was chéefelie called, to let them vnderstand the kings ne­cessitie of monie for discharging of his debts, and to require them of their aid towards the same. The states refu [...]e to grant a subsidie. But whereas he requested more than was thought stood with reason, they would not agrée therevnto, but de­sired that he would confirme, and without all cauilla­tion sweare to obserue the liberties which by the char­ter he had promised to hold. Moreouer they required, that by the common councell of the realme they line 10 might choose to them the cheefe iustice, the chancellour and treasuror, but they were answered plainelie by some of the priuie councell, that this request would at no hand be granted.

Furthermore, the prelats complained, that they were driuen to paie the tenths which they promised conditionallie, as it were now by constreint and of dutie, to the preiudice of the liberties of the church. The Nobles also found themselues gréeued for the exactions which they saw at hand, but finallie, after manie things had beene debated touching these mat­ters, line 20 the parlement was adiourned till Michaelmas next, The parlemēt adiourned. and euerie man departed to his home, with no great trust of the kings good will towards them, nor anie hartie thanks receiued of him for their paines, as may be thought by that which writers haue recor­ded. Two Noble men, to whom the custodie and gui­ding of the king and quéene of Scots was commit­ted, that is to say, Robert de Ros, and Iohn de Baili­oll, Rob. de Ros & Iohn Bai­lioll accused. were accused, for misusing themselues in the trust and charge which they had taken vpon them. line 30 King Henrie was the same time at Notingham. The information came foorth by a physician, who was sent from the queene of England, vnto hir daughter the quéene of Scots, to be about hir for gard of hir health, but bicause the same physician (whose name was Reignold of Bath) perceiued the quéene of Scots to be impaired in health through anguish of mind, Reignold de Bath a phy­sician. by reason of the misdemeanor of such as had the gouernement of hir and hir husband, he sticked line 40 not to blame and reprooue them in their dooings, for the which he was poisoned, as some thinke: for the truth was, he shortlie after sickened and died, signifi­eng vpon his death-bed vnto the quéene of England what he misliked and thought amisse in those▪ that had the dooings about hir daughter and hir husband the Scotish king.

An eclipse.The moone suffered a maruellous eclipse on the night following the day of S. Margaret in Iulie. It began afore midnight, and continued foure houres. The king in the behalfe of his daughter the queene line 50 of Scots raised a power, and drew northwards, sending before him the earle of Glocester, The earle of Glocester & Iohn Man­sell sent into Scotland. and Iohn Mansell that was his chapleine and one of his coun­cell. These two so vsed the matter, that they came to Edenburgh, where the king and queene of Scots then laie in the castell, into the which the [...] entred, and altred the order of the houshold, so as stood with the contentation of the king and queene, which were in such wise vsed before that time, that they were not line 60 suffered to lie togither, nor scarse come to talke togither.

Robert de Ros summo­ned to appeare.Robert de Ros was summoned to appeare before the king of England, to answer to such things as might be laid to his charge. At the first he withdrew himselfe, but afterwards he came in, and submitted himselfe to the kings pleasure. Diuerse of the nobles of Scotland tooke it not well, that the earle of Gloce­ster and Iohn Mansell should thus come into the ca­stell of Edenburgh, and order things in the kings house in such sort at their pleasure: wherevpon they assembled a power, and besieged the castell, but at length perceiuing their owne error, they raised their siege and departed. Iohn de Bailioll being accused of the like crime that was laid to the charge of his fellow Robert de Ros, for a p [...]ece of monie bought his peace and was pardoned, but the lands of Robert de Ros were seized into the kings hands. Finallie, the king and queene of England came to an enter­uiew with the king of Scots and the quéene their daughter, and setting all things with them in such or­der as was thought conuenient, they returned to­wards the south parts.

In the meane season, A shift to get monie of the bishops deui­sed by the bish. o [...] Hereford. the bishop of Hereford de­uised a shift to helpe the K. with monie, towards the paiments of his debts, by obteining certeine auten­tike seales of the prelats of this land, wherewith he signed certeine instruments and writings, wherein was expressed, that he had receiued diuerse summes of monie for dispatch of businesse perteining to them and to their churches, of this and that merchant of Florence or Siena, whereby they stood bound for re­paiment thereof by the same instruments and wri­tings so made by him their agent in their names. This shift was deuised by the said bishop of Here­ford, with licence obteined therevnto of the king, and also of the pope, vnto whome for the same intent the said bishop was sent, with sir Robert Walerane knight. The pope was the sooner persuaded to grant licence for the contriuing of such manner of shift, bi­cause the monie should go to the discharging of the kings debts, into the which he was run, by bearing the charges of the warres against the king of Si­cill.

About the feast of saint Edward, the parlement began againe at London, A parlement. in which the states trea­ted of a subsidie to be granted to the king, Richard earle of Cornewall standeth a­gainst his brother for the grant of a subsidie. but they could not conclude thereof, neither would Richard earle of Cornewall disburse anie monie at that sea­son to his brother the king, bicause he allowed not the maner of laieng it out for the warres against Man­fred, being taken in hand without his consent. The same years, the king by the procurement of his bro­ther Richard earle of Cornewall, The liberties of London sei­zed into the kings hands. had seized the li­berties of the citie of London into his owne hands, vnder colour that the maior had not doone his dutie in the iust punishing of bakers for breaking of the assises of their bread. Herevpon, where the maior and communaltie of the citie had by the kings grant the citie to farme, with diuerse customes and offices, at a certeine rate and stinted summe of monie; now the king set officers therein at his pleasure, which were accomptable to him for all the reuenues and profits that grew within the citie.

But whereas the malice which the earle of Corne­wall bare to the citie, was, for that they would not exchange with him c [...]rteine grounds that belonged to their communaltie, they were glad to agree with him, and paie vnto him six hundred marks. After which agréement concluded, about the nintéenth daie of Nouember, they were shortlie after restored to their liberties. This chanced before the kings com­ming ouer, who at his comming to London, lodged in the tower, and vpon new displeasure conceiued a­gainst the citie for the escape of a prisoner (being a clearke conuict) out of Newgate, which had killed a prior, that was of aliance to the king, as cousine to the queene, the king sent for the maior and the shirifs to come before him to answer the matter. The ma­ior laid the fault from him to the shiriffes, for so much as to them belonged the kéeping of all the prisoners within the citie: and so the maior returned home a­gaine, The shiriffes of London imprisoned. but the shiriffes remained there as prisoners by the space of a whole moneth or more, and yet they excused themselues, in that the fault cheefelie rested in the bishops officers: for whereas the prisoner was vnder his custodie, they at his request had granted him licence to imprison the offendor within their [Page 252] ward of Newgate, but so as his officers were char­ged to see him safe kept. The king notwithstanding demanded of the citie thrée thousand marks for a fine.

Moreouer, whereas he stood in great néed of mo­nie, he required by way of a tallage eight thousand marks of the Iewes, The king de­mandeth mo­nie of the Iewes. charging them on paine of han­ging, not to deferre that paiment. The Iewes sore impouerished with gréeuous and often paiments ex­cused themselues by the popes vsurers, and reprooued line 10 plainelie the kings excessiue taking of monie, as well of his christian subiects as of them. The king on the other side, to let it be knowne that he taxed not his people without iust occasion, and vpon necessitie that droue him thereto, confessed openlie, that he was in­debted by his bonds obligatorie, in thrée hundred thousand marks: The kings debt 3000000 marks. and againe, the yearelie reuenues assigned to his sonne prince Edward, arose to the summe of fifteene thousand marks and aboue, where the reuenues that belonged vnto the crowne were line 20 greatlie diminished, in such wise, that without the aid of his subiects, he should neuer be able to come out of debt. To be short, when he had fléeced the Iewes to the quicke, he set them to farme vnto his brother earle Richard, The earle of Cornewall lendeth the king monie. that he might pull off skin and all; but yet considering their pouertie, he spared them, and ne­uerthelesse, to relieue his brothers necessitie, vpon a pawne he lent him an huge masse of monie. These shifts did the king vse from time to time, not caring with what exactions and impositions he burthened line 30 the inhabitants of his land, whereby he procured vn­to himselfe the name of an oppressor and couetous scraper. But what woonder is it in a king, sith ‘ Hor. lib. 2. serm.Maxima paris hominum morbo iactatur eodem?’

About the same time, Lewes the French king sent vnto king Henrie for a present an elephant, An elephant sent to the K. a beast most strange and woonderfull to the English people, sith most seldome or neuer any of that kind had béene séene in England before that time. The French queene also sent for a present vnto the king of Eng­land line 40 an ewer of pearle like to a peacocke in forme and fashion, An ewer of pearle, per­aduenture an agat. garnished most richlie with gold, siluer, and saphires to furnish him foorth in all points of fine and cunning workemanship, to the verie resem­blance of a liuing peacocke. ¶Manie woonders chan­ced about this time. The sea rose with most high tides, riuers were so filled with abundance of water, Strange wonders. High tides. by reason of the great continuall raine, that maruellous flouds followed therevpon. A comet. A comet also appeared, and manie high buildings were striken by force of line 50 tempests. The decease of Walter archbishop of Yorke. The death of Walter archbishop of Yorke followed these prodigious wonders, who had gouer­ned that sée the space of fortie yeares. After him suc­ceeded one Seuall the 34 archbishop of that citie.

Elianor the wife of prince Edward cō ­meth to the citie.About the feast of S. Etheldred, the ladie Elianor wife of prince Edward the kings son, came to Lon­don, where she was honorablie receiued of the citi­zens, & conueied through the citie to S. Iones with­out Smithfield, and there lodged for a season, and yer long she remooued to the Sauoy. It was not long line 60 after, that the king seized the liberties of the citie of London into his hands, for certeine monie which the quéene claimed as due to hir of a certeine right to be paid by the citizens, The liberties of the citie re­stored to the Londoners. so that about the feast of S. Mar­tine in Nouember, they gaue vnto the king foure hundred marks, and then had their liberties to them againe restored, and the kings vnder-treasuror dis­charged, which for the time was made custos or kée­per of the citie.

A legat from the pope na­med Ruscand a Gascoigne.About the same time came another legat from the pope, namelie, one Ruscand a Gascoigne borne, to whom, with the archb. of Canturburie, and the bi­shop of Hereford, the pope had granted authoritie to collect and gather the tenths of the spiritualtie within England, Scotland, and Ireland, Tenths ga­thered for the pope. to the vse of the pope and the king, notwithstanding all priuiledges, for what cause or vnder what forme of words so euer the same had passed. This Ruscand also absolued the king of his vow made to go into the holie land, to the end he might go against Manfred king of Sicill. He also preached the crosse against the same Man­fred, The crosse preached a­gainst Man­fred. promising all those remission of their sins which should go to war against Manfred, as well as if they should go into the holie land, to warre against Gods enimies there, whereat faithfull men much maruel­led, that he should promise as great méed for the shed­ding of christian bloud, as the bloud of infidels.

The craftie and slie fetches which were vsed in this season by this Ruscand the bishop of Hereford, and o­ther their complices, to get monie of the prelats and gouernors of monasteries within this realme, were wonderfull, & verie greeuous to those that felt them­selues oppressed therewith; and namelie, for the debt which the said bishop of Hereford had charged them with, they being not priuie to the receipt, nor hauing any benefit thereby. A councell called at Lon­don by the le­gat. Ruscand called a councell at London, & propounded great causes why the prelats ought to aid the pope, and so therevpon demanded great summes of monie. Amongst other summes, he demanded six hundred marks of the house of S. Albons.

To conclude, his demands were estéemed vnrea­sonable, Matth. Paris. The church­men being pinched by their pursses, fret and fume against the popes procé [...] ­dings in that behalfe. so that the bishops and abbats were in a mar­uellous perplexitie, perceiuing into what miserable state by reason of immoderate exactions the church of England was brought. The bishop of London stic­ked not to saie, that he would rather lose his head, than consent that the church should be brought to such seruitude as the legat went about to inforce. And the bishop of Worcester openlie protested, that he would sooner suffer himselfe to be hanged, than to sée the church subiect to such oppression by their examples. O­ther also taking a boldnesse vnto them, affirmed, The bishops would rather become mar­tyrs, than lose their monie. that they would follow the steps of Thomas sometime archbishop of Canturburie, which for the liberties of the church suffered himselfe to haue his braines cut out of his head. Yet were those prelats euill troubled, for the king was against them on the one side, and the pope gaping after monie was become their vt­ter enimie on the other: neither were the Noble men much mooued with pitie towards the church their mo­ther (as the terme then went) now thus in miserie.

Finallie, the prelats appealed from Ruscand, vnto the popes presence, and would not obeie the wilfull and violent oppressions of the same Ruscand, so that much adoo there was, and a great complaint made to the king by Ruscand, Ruscand cō ­plaineth to the king of the froward­nesse of the prelats. The bishop o [...] London his saiengs. of the stubborne disobedience of the prelats, and namelie of the bishop of London. The king was in a great chafe with him, and threat­ned that he would cause the pope to punish him ac­cording to [...]hat he well deserued: but the bishop an­swered thereto; Let the pope and king (saith he) which are stronger than I am, take from me my bishop­rike, which by law yet they cannot doo: let them take awaie my miter, yet an helmet shall remaine.

This yeare after S. Lukes daie, Anno Reg. 40. the king assem­bled a great number of the nobilitie at London, and thither came the bishop of Bologna la grasse from the pope, bringing with him a ring, Edmund the kings sonne inuested king of Sicill and Naples. Chro. Dun. with the which he inuested Edmund the kings sonne king of Sicill and Naples. About the same time, the burgesse of Darbie obteined of the king for a summe of monie to haue the iustices itinerants to hold their assises at Darbie for the countie of Darbie, and likewise the shiriffes to kéepe their tournies there, and not at Nothingham, as before they had beene accustomed for both the shires. But now to returne to the bi­shops.

[Page 253]In the meane time, the bishop of Hereford and Ruscand sought to set variance and discord amongst the English prelats, whereby being diuided in parts, and not consenting togither, they should be lesse able to giue true information to the pope, how she verie truth rested. But finallie, bicause the archbishop of Canturburie was in the parts beyond the sea, and for that also the sée of Yorke was vacant, and diuerse bishops were absent, The councell proroged. the councell was proroged till the feast of S. Hilarie, and so they departed euerie man to his home in a maruellous doubt what waie line 10 were best for them to take, sith they saw themselues in great distresse, if Ruscand did suspend or excom­municate any of them either iustlie or otherwise. For sure they were, The K. lieth in wait for mens goods. that the king as a lion lieng in wait whome he might deuoure (to get monie) after fortie daies were past, if they submitted not them­selues, would spoile them of all their goods as forfei­ted. So that the pope and the king seemed as though the sheepheard and woolfe had béene confederate to­gither to the destruction of the poore flocke of shéepe, line 20 threatning euerie mans vndooing, to their owne in­riching: and not ceasing, till with fulnesse they were forced to fall from the flesh, much like bloudsucking horsseeches, of whose nature it is notablie noted, that

Non missura priùs carnem, quàm plena cruoris,
Quando haeret tenerae mollis hirudo cuti:
Sic ignara dolis emungitur aere caterua,
Imbelles populi quid nisi praeda manent?

Thus by reason of couetous greedinesse to get mo­nie line 30 for the furnishing of the popes warres against Manfred king of Sicill, both the pope and the king of England ran in slander and hatred of the Eng­lish nation, namelie, of the spiritualtie, so that such as recorded the acts and doings of that time, spared not to make manifest to the world by their writings, Matth. Paris. how iniuriouslie they were handled, blaming the practises of the court of Rome in plaine terms, and affirming that the pope had power in those things which worke to edification, and not to destruction. line 40 About this season, The Lord Gray forsa­keth the court. Iohn lord Grey, being one of the chéefe councellors to the king, a right honourable knight, and for his good demeanor and high valian­cie greatlie commended of all, withdrew himselfe from the court, either by reason of age that desireth rest, or rather (as was thought) for that he doubted to beare blame for such errors as were dailie commit­ted by them that bare rule about the king, which could not but bring the authors into great infamie at length, and therefore was he loth to be partaker with line 50 them of such slander as might haue redounded to him also, if he had still continued and taried amongst them.

Also, vpon the two and twentith of Nouember, were brought vnto Westminster a hundred and two Iews from Lincolne, Iewes accu­sed & executed for crucifieng a child at Lincolne na­med Hugh. that were accused for the cru­cifieng of a child in the last summer, in despight of Christes religion. They were vpon their examinati­on sent to the towre. The child which they had so cru­cified was named Hugh, about an eight yeares of line 60 age. They kept him ten daies after they got him in­to their hands, sending in the meane time vnto di­uerse other places of the realme, for other of their na­tion to be present at the crucifieng of him. The mur­ther came out, by the diligent search made by the mother of the child, who found his bodie in a well, on the backe side of the Iews house, where he was cruci­fied: for she had learned, that hir sonne was lastlie seene plaieng with certeine Iews children of like age to him, before the dore of the same Iew. The Iew that was owner of the house, was apprehended, and being brought before sir Iohn de Lerinton, vpon pro­mise of pardon, confessed the whole matter. For they vsed yearelie (if they could come by their preie) to crucifie one christian child or other. The king vpon knowledge had hereof, would not pardon this Iew that had so confessed the matter, but caused him to be executed at Lincolne, who comming to the place where he should die, opened more matter concerning such as were of counsell and present at the crucifi­eng of the poore innocent. Eighteene Iews hanged Wherevpon at length also eightéene of them that were so brought to London, were conuinced, adiudged and hanged, the other re­mained long in prison.

When the feast of saint Hilarie was come, year 1256 the cleargie met againe at London, and fell to intreat of their former businesse, at what time one maister Leonard aliàs Reignold that was chosen prolocutor for all the prelats, The prolocu­tors answer to the popes legat. amongst other answers made to the legat Ruscand, when the same Ruscand alledged that all churches were the popes; Truth it is said Leonard, to defend, and not to vse and appropriate them to serue his owne turne; as we saie, that all is the princes, meaning that all is his to defend, and not to spoile: and such was the intent of the founders. Ruscand sore offended herewith, said, he would that euerie man should speake afterwards for himselfe, that as well the pope as the king might vnderstand what euerie man said in their businesse and matters. The prelats were striken in a dumpe herewith, for they perceiued how the matter went: The prelats appeale. they appealed yet against the demands that were made by Rus­cand, who would not change a word of that he had written, in which was conteined, that the prelats had acknowledged themselues to haue borrowed of the merchant strangers, no small summes of monie, and the same to be conuerted to the vse of their churches, which was most vntrue as all men well vnderstood: wherevpon the prelats affirmed, and not without rea­sonable cause, Marke the cause of mar­tyrdome. that there was a greater occasion in this cause of martyrdome, than in that of Thomas sometime archbishop of Canturburie.

Ruscand at length, perceiuing their manner, be­came somewhat more mild, and promised that he would talke with the pope of this matter. The deane of saint Paules sent to Rome on the behalfe of the prelats. But first there was sent to Rome the deane of Pauls in Lon­don, and certeine others, as attornies or agents for the whole cleargie of England. These sped so in their suit, that the pope tooke order that if the prelats paid the monie by force of the contriued writings, where­by they stood bound for them, their houses, and chur­ches; then, to ease their burthen, they might reteine in their hands such parcell of tenths as they ought to paie to the king, for furnishing of his wars against the Saracens, amounting to the summe which they should be constreined to paie for the bonds made to the merchants, by the bishop of Hereford (as before is recited.)

In this season the deuotion, which manie had con­ceiued of the pope and the church of Rome, Mens deuo­tion towards the pope wax­eth cold. began to wax cold, reputing the vertue which he shewed at his entring into the papasie, to be rather a colourable hy­pocrisie, than otherwise, sith his proceedings answe­red not to his good beginnings: for as it was mani­fest, where sutors brought their complaints into the court of Rome, such sped best as gaue most bribes, and the two priors of Winchester, the one expelled, and the other got in by intrusion, could well witnesse the same: and all the world knoweth that the vipe­rous generation of Romanists, reckoning from the ringleader to the simplest shaueling, haue made gaine the scope of their holinesse, and as it is true­lie said,

Quae libet arripiunt, lucri bonus est odo [...] ex re
Qualibet, imponunt, hos scelus omne iuuat:
Antith. de pr [...]cl. Chris [...]i, &c.
Accipiunt quoduis, si non sonat aere crumena,
Siue siligo adsit, sordida siue pecus,
The b. of Sa­lisburie depar­teth this life.
&c.

This yeare died William of Yorke bishop of Sa­lisburie, [Page 254] which had beene brought vp in the court, e­uen from his youth. Suit of court when it was first receiued for a law. This bishop first caused that cu­stome to be receiued for a law, whereby the tenants of euerie lordship are bound to owe their suit to the lords court, of whom they hold their tenements.

Matth. Paris. Magnus king of Man.In the feast of Easter this yeare, the king ador­ned Magnus king of Man, with the order of knight­hood, and bestowed vpon him great gifts and honors. ¶ The countesse of Warren Auesia or Atesia (as some bookes haue) sister to the king by his mother, line 10 departed this life in hir flourishing youth, vnto the great griefe of hir brother, but speciallie of hir hus­band Iohn earle of Waren that loued hir intierlie. ¶ About the midst of Maie, the Iewes that were in the towre, and in other prisons for the murther of the child at Lincolne, and had béene indited by an in­quest vpon the [...] of him that had suffered at Lincolne, were [...] and set at libertie, to the number of [...] of them. ¶ In Whit­suntide was holden a [...] at Blie, where the line 20 lord Edward the [...] sonne first began to shew proofe of his chiual [...] There were diuerse o­uerthrowen and hurt, and a [...]gst other William de Longspee was so brused, [...] neuer after recouer his former strength.

A proclama­tion for knighthood.The king caused a proclamation is be set foorth, that all such as might dispend [...]eene pounds in lands, should receiue the [...] of knighthood; and those that would not or could not, should paie their fines. A sore tem­pest of wind and raine. This yeare, thrée daies after the feast of S. line 30 Ciricus, a maruellous sore tempest of wind, raine, haile, and thunder chanced, that did excéeding much hurt. Mill-whéeles by the viole [...]e of waters were carried away, and the wind-milles were no lesse tor­mented with the rage of wind. Arches of bridges, stackes of haie, houses that stood by water sides, and children in cradels were borne awaie, that both woon­derfull and no lesse pitifull it was to see. At Bedford the riuer of Duse bare downe six houses togither, and did vnspeakeable hurt thereabouts. line 40

Alexander the third king of Scots with his wife quéene Margaret, The king of Scots com­meth into England. came about the beginning of Au­gust into England, and found the king at his manor of Woodstoke, where he solaced him a season, and had the lands of the earle of Huntington restored vnto him, which his grandfather king William in his time lost and forfeited. Here he did homage to king Henrie. Upon the day of the decollation of S. Iohn, the two kings with their quéenes came to London, where they were honorablie receiued, and so conuei­ed line 50 vnto Westminster. On the day of S. Augustine the bishop, Iohn Man­sell trusted the two kings. being the eight and twentith of August, Iohn Mansell the kings chapleine besought the two kings, and other states, to dine with him on the mor­row following, which they granted, and so he made a maruellous great dinner. There were seuen hun­dred messes serued vp, but the multitude of ghests was such, that scarse the same sufficed; his house was not able to receiue them all, and therefore he caused tents and booths to be set vp for the [...]. The like dinner line 60 had not beene made by any chapleine before that time. All those that came were worthilie receiued, feasted and interteined, in such sort, as euerie man was satisfied.

Orders deui­sed for the appearance of sh [...]riffes.About foure daies before the feast of S. Edward, K. Henrie came into the excheker himselfe, & there de­uised order for the appearance of shiriffes, and bring­ing in of their accompts. At the same time also, there was fiue marks set on euerie shiriffes head for a fine, The shiriffes fined. bicause they had not distreined euerie person that might dispend 15 pounds land, to receiue the order of knighthood, as was to the same shiriffes commanded. The king of Scots, after he had re­mained a while with the king of England, The king of Scots [...] into his countrie. returned backe into Scotland, and left his wife behind with hir mother till she should be brought to bed, for she was as then great with child.

In the 41 yeare of the reigne of king Henrie, his brother Richard earle of Cornewall was elected em­perour, by one part of the Cornosters: Anno Reg. 4 [...] Richard earle of Cornew [...] elected empe­rour. and diuerse lords of Almaine comming ouer into this land (vpon the daie of the innocents in Christmasse) presented vnto him letters from the archbishop of Colen, and o­ther great lords of Almaine, year 1257 testifieng their consents in the choosing of him to be emperour, and withall, that it might stand with his pleasure to accept that honor. Finallie, vpon good deliberation had in the matter, he consented therevnto: whervpon the lords that came with the message, being right glad of their answer, returned with all spéed to signifie the same vnto those from whom they had béene sent. The trea­sure of this earle Richard now elected king of Al­maine, The great treasure of Richard king of Almaine. was esteemed to amount vnto such a summe, that he might dispend euerie day a hundred marks, for the terme of ten yeares togither, not reckoning at all the reuenues which dailie accrewed to him of his rents in Almaine and England.

In this meane time the vnquiet Welshmen, after the death of their prince Dauid, The Welsh­men choose them a go­uernour, an [...] rebell agai [...] the king. chose in his stéed one Leolin, that was son to the same Griffin that brake his necke as he would haue escaped out of the towre of London; and herewith they began a new rebelli­on, either driuing out such Englishmen as laie there in garisons within the castels and fortresses, or else entring into the same by some traitorous practise, they slue those which they found within them, to the great displeasure of their souereigne lord Edward the kings eldest sonne, who coueting to be reuenged of their rebellious enterprises, could not bring his purpose to passe, by reason of the vnseasonable wea­ther and continuall raine which fell that winter, so raising the waters & setting the marishes on flouds, that he could not passe with his armie.

Moreouer, The king wanteth monie. his father the king wanted monie and treasure to furnish him withall, howbeit prince Ed­ward borrowed of his vncle erle Richard foure thou­sand marks towards the maintenance of that war. The rebellion of the Welshmen speciallie rose by the hard dealing of sir Geffrey de Langlie knight, Sir Geffrey de Langlies hard dealing, cause of the Welshmens rebellion. the kings collector amongst them, who handled them so streightlie, that in defense of their countrie, lawes, and liberties (as they pretended) they put on armour. They tooke and destroied the lands and possessions which were great and large, of Griffin Brunet, be­ing fled for safegard of his life vnto the king of Eng­land. There were of those Welsh rebels at the point of twentie thousand men, Matth. Paris. The number of the Welsh [...]enimies. and of them ten thousand were horssemen, the which perceiuing the season to make for their purpose, defended themselues so man­fullie, that they droue backe prince Edward and his armie, & so continuing the wars, did much [...] to the English marishes. Their power so increased, that at length they diuided the same in two equall parts, The Welsh­men diuide their power into two parts. the better to recouer vittels, and in ei [...]her armie there were estéemed thirtie thousand armed men, after the maner of their countrie of the which there were fiue hundred men of armes in either host, with barded horsses all couered in it on. Thus being of such puissance, they did much mischéefe to the Eng­lishmen that inhabited on the marshes, neither were the lords marchers able to resist them, al [...]ugh the earle of Glocester aided the same lords [...] that he might.

King Henrie being hereof [...]uertised, [...] all spéed Stephan Bauzan, Nic. Treuet. Stephan Bauzan, [...] Baucan. of man skilfull in [...] warie, wi [...] a great number of soldiers into Wal [...] ▪ against the rebels, who comming into that countrie, and entring into the lands of a Welsh [...] [Page 255] Rise Uaughan, was intrapt by such ambushments as his enimies laid for him, and thereby was slaine with the more part of his armie. Englishmen ouerthrowne. This ouerthrowe chanced by the treason of Griffin de Brunet, who at that present reuolting from the English side to his countrimen, instructed them in all things, how they might vanquish their enimies. At that time, North­wales and Southwales ioined in league and fréend­lie amitie togither, Northwales and South­wales ioined togither in league. which commonlie was not séene in those daies, they being for the more part at vari­ance, line 10 the one rather séeking still how to indamage the other: but now in defense of their liberties (as they pretended) they agreed in one.

The king sore mooued herewith, determined to go himselfe into Wales, that he might take worthie punishment of those his aduersaries, that could ne­uer be sufficientlie chastised. Wherevpon raising a great power, The king passeth him­selfe in person into Wales. he hasted foorth, and comming into Wales, put the rebels in such feare, that they with­drew to their accustomed places of refuge, I meane line 20 the woods and mareshes. The king would faine haue had them foorth, that he might haue punished them according to their deserts, and therefore to bring his purpose the better to passe, he sent for an armie of soldiers into Ireland, and tarried for their comming at the castell of Brecknoke, but the yeare was farre spent yer his people could be gathered, so that by the aduise of his lords he strengthened certeine castels, and so returned for that yeare into England, leauing the lord Roger Mortimer his lieutenant in Wales, line 30 to resist the rebels. The lord Mortimer the kings lieute­nant in Wales Polydor. But now let vs speake of other dooings which chanced in the meane while that the warres thus continued and lasted betwixt England and Wales.

Yée shall vnderstand, that in the Lent season, the archbishop of Messina came as legat from the pope hither into England, A legat from Rome. Matth. Paris. with letters of procuration, to demand and receiue, and also with power, to punish such as should denie and séeme to resist, and so being here arriued with a great traine of seruants and hor­ses, line 40 he sent foorth his commandements in writing to euerie prelat, to prouide him monie by way of proxie so that of the house of S. Albons, and of the celles that belonged therevnto, he had one and twentie marks, and when the moonks of S. Albons came to visit him in his house, they could not be permitted to depart, but were kept as prisoners, till they had sa­tisfied his couetous demand: for whereas they alled­ged that they had not brought any monie with them, he asked them whie they were such beggers, and fur­ther line 50 said, Send yée then to some merchant, that will lend you monie, and so it was doone: for otherwise they might not haue libertie to depart. This archbi­shop was of the order of the Friers preachers, A new order of Friers. in whome (saith Matthew Paris) we had hoped to haue found more abundant humilitie. About the same time, there appeared at London a new order of Fri­ers, not knowen till those daies, hauing yet the popes autentike bulles, which they openlie shewed, so that there séemed a confusion of manie orders, as line 60 the same Matthew Paris recordeth, and bicause they were apparelled in sackecloth, they were called sac­ked Friers.

About the middest of Lent, there was a great parlement holden, A parlement. to the which the maisters of the Uniuersitie of Oxford were summoned, that peace might be concluded betwixt them and the bishop of Lincolne, which had them in suit about their liber­ties. There came to the same parlement, the earle of Glocester, and sir Iohn Mansell, latelie returned out of Almaine, where they had béene on ambassage from Richard the elect king of Almaine. Thither came also the same elect king of Almaine, and almost all the Nobilitie of the realme, so that scarse might the citie of London receiue the number that repai­red to that parlement. Matth. Paris. The king of Almaine meant to take his leaue at that time of the lords and péeres of the realme, purposing shortlie after, to take his iournie towards Almaine, and to ordeine the bishop of London gouernor of all his lands and possessions within England.

In this parlement, the lord Edmund the kings yoonger sonne was shewed as king of Naples and Sicill, The lord Ed­mund the kings sonne. for the obteining of the possession of which dominions and kingdoms, his father king Henrie demanded no small subsidie and aid of monie, A subsidie demanded. both of the temporaltie and also of the spiritualtie, but nam­lie, he required to haue the tenths of spirituall mens liuings for the terme of fiue yeares, according to the new taxations without any deductions to be allowed except necessarie expenses: also, the fruits for one yeare of benefices that chanced to fall void within the said terme of fiue yeare. Moreouer, sundrie other duties he required to ha [...]e of the [...]pirituall men, sore to their gréeuance, and speciallie, bicause they knew that such tyrannie first tooke beginning from the pope. In the end (though le [...]h they were to consent) yet conditionallie that the king would confirme the liberties contei [...]ed in the great charter, and obserue the same throughlie, now after it had béene so manie times brought out and redéemed, they offered to giue him towards his instant necessitie two and fiftie thousand marks, The offer of y e spiritualtie. [...] recouerable danger of im­pouerishing the church. And yet, as it is said, the king refused the gift, as that which he thought not to be sufficient.

¶ Truelie it sho [...]ld séeme, that there was a great vntowardlie disposition in the subiects of that time, for the helping of their king with necessarie aid of monie, towards such great charges as he had béene diuers waies occasioned to be at, since his first com­ming to the crowne. But bicause it was perceiued that he bestowed no small quantitie of his treasure to the aduancing of his kinsfolke and aliance, name­lie strangers, and againe defraied great summes in vaine hope to obteine the kingdoms of both the Si­cils which the pope offered to him fréelie inough in words, as before yee haue heard, the English subiects conceiued a great misliking of the whole gouerne­ment, and namelie, for that he séemed to be led and ruled by the aduise and counsell of those strangers, who being not throughlie acquainted with the na­ture of the English people, nor fullie instructed in the lawes and customes of the realme, caused him to doo manie things, that procured both to him and them much ill will, as well of the hie states as of the commons, which as occasion serued, they were readie inough to discouer, and therefore they were verie in­quisitiue, both to learne what he receiued, and also in what sort he bestowed that which he did receiue and take.

It was therefore knowne, that since he first began to waste his treasure, his charges amounted vnto the summe of 950000 marks, as the bookes of ac­compts remaining in the hands of the clearks of his closet plainelie witnessed, and yet of all those vaine expenses no great aduantage was growne thereby to the king or realme, but rather disaduantage, as the most part of men then tooke to, and no maruell: for there was such hart-burning amongst the nobilitie, one enuieng an others aduancement, & repining at each others dooings, that it was not possible to bring any good drift forward amongst men so far at ods to­gither. But we will let this passe as a thing manifest inough to them that shall well consider the course of that time, and will returne to the parlement aboue mentioned.

Before the end of this solemne assemblie of states, [Page 256] the archbishop of Cullen with a duke, The archbish. of Cullen and other ambas­sadors of Al­maine. & an other bi­shop came ouer out of Almaine, vnto their elect king Richard, to whome they did fealtie and homage, as to their souereigne liege lord and gouernor, which thing once doone, he gaue to the said archbishop fiue hun­dred marks to beare his charges, with a rich miter set with stones, & furnished with plates of beaten gold; which miter when the archbishop had set it vpon his head; ‘He hath (saith he) giuen a rich gift to me and to my church, and verelie, euen as I haue put this mi­ter line 10 on my head, so will I set on his head the crowne of the kingdome of Almaine; he hath mitered me, and I will crowne him.’ The other lords of Almaine, which at the same time did homage vnto earle Ri­chard, were also presented with great and rich gifts.

Six archbish. present at London in time of the parlement.Héere is further to be noted, that there were pre­sent at this parlement six archbishops, Canturburie, Yorke, Dubline, Messina, Tarento and Cullen. The archbishop of Messina was come to the king to set him on dotage for the businesse about the conquest of line 20 Naples and Sicill. At the feast of Ester next follow­ing, the archbishop of Cullen returned into his coun­trie, The elect K. of Almaine taketh his leaue of the king his bro­ther. and the third day after Easter, the elect king of Almaine tooke his leaue, and departed toward Yar­mouth, where he purposed to take the sea, to saile ouer into Almaine, but by reason of contrarie winds he was driuen to remaine there a long time, to his great gréefe and inestimable charges before he could passe ouer; yet finallie, about the latter end of Aprill, he got foorth to the sea, and landed at Dordreigh the line 30 first of Maie next insuing. He landeth at Dordreigh. A synod.

About the same time, the archbishop of Canturbu­rie called a synod of the bishops and abbats inhabi­ting within his prouince, that inuocating the grace of the Holie-ghost, they might foresee some redresse for reléefe of the English church, now in these late yeares sore disquieted by new oppressions, more grée­uous than had béene accustomed: for the king by counsell, or rather by the whispering of some flatte­rers and enimies to the realme, was so induced, that line 40 he permitted certeine euill customs, as thornie brem­bles to increase in the fruitfull garden of pleasure, and to choke vp the trees that brought foorth fruit in great plentie. Moreouer in this yeare, king Henrie caused the walles of the citie of London, Matth. Paris. which w [...]re sore decaied and destitute of turrets, to be repared in more seemelie wise than before they had béene, at the common charges of the citie.

A decrée made by the pope.There was an ordinance made at Rome by the pope and his cardinals (which verie diligentlie fore­saw line 50 to aduance their temporall commodities, not much passing for other mens aduantages) that eue­rie one which should be chosen an exempt abbat, should come to the court of Rome to be there confir­med, and receiue the popes blessing, by which heinous ordinance, religion was laid open to great danger, and the church depriued of temporall prosperitie (as saith Matthew Paris) for by this means (saith he) it was needfull for religious men, to choose to their gouernour a man not religious, but rather halfe line 60 temporall, Matth. Paris The moonks of Durham that were ex­cōmunicated are now ab­solued. and such a one as to whome rather Iusti­nians lawes than Christes which conuerteth soules should be familiar. The moonks of Durham, who on­lie with the canons of Gisborne resisted the wicked procéedings of the popes exactors, and stood therefore interdicted a long time, at length, after manie alter­cations, were absolued. Oh (saith Matth. Paris) if in that their tribulation they might haue had fellows, and in their constant doings aidors, how happilie had the church of England triumphed ouer hir tormen­tors and oppressors!

Matth. ParisYou haue heard how Richard earle of Cornewall being elected king of Almaine, sailed thither, where on the Ascension day last, he was crowned king by the archbishop of Cullen, of whom, and diuerse other great princes of Germanie he was holden for their lawfull king and gouernour (as in the Dutch histo­ries you may find more largelie expressed) though o­ther of them had chosen Alfonse king of Castile, the which Alfonse wrote to the king of England, as his confederate and alie, requiring aid of him against the said Richard that was his owne brother, to the which vnreasonable request the king would in no wise consent.

Moreouer, in this fortie one yeare of king Henries reigne, Fabian. An informa [...]on against the lord maior of London. by reason of a roll closed in gréene wax and found in the kings Wardrobe at Windsor, contein­ing as it were an information against the maior and shiriffes of London, for oppression and wrongs doone to the communaltie of the citie, the king tooke great displeasure, and caused streit inquisition to be made, as well by Fouke Moots, as Ward Moots, & diuerse other means. At length, the maior and shiriffes, The lord [...] and shiri­ffes of Lon­don dischar­ged. with the chamberlaine of the citie, were discharged by Iohn Mansell, one of the kings iustices, afore whom and other the kings councell, the inquisition was ta­ken, and then was the custodie of the citie assigned vnto the constable of the tower, and in place of the shiriffes were appointed Michaell Tonie, and Iohn Audrian. At length, the maior, shiriffes and Alder­men that were accused, perceiuing the kings displea­sure towards them, submitted themselues wholie to his mercie, sauing to them and to all other the citi­zens their liberties & franchises, and so in the exche­ker chamber at Westminster afore the king, there sitting in iudgement vpon the matter, they were condemned to paie their fines for their offenses com­mitted, and further, euerie of them discharged of his ward and office. The lord maior and shiriffes fin [...] ▪ Shortlie after was William Fitz Richard by the kings commandement made maior, and Thomas Fitz Thomas, and William Grapis­gate shiriffes.

The archbishop of Yorke was accurssed by the popes commandement through all England, Matth. Paris The archbis [...] of Yorke ac­cursed. with booke, bell and candle, that by such terror his constan­cie might he weakened. But the archbishop (saith Matthew Paris) informed by the example of Thomas Becket, and by the example and doctrine of saint Ed­mund sometime his instructor, and also taught by the faithfulnesse of blessed Robert, late bishop of Lin­colne, despaired not of comfort from heauen, The constan­cie of the arch­bishop of Yorke. in bea­ring patientlie the popes tyrannie; neither would he bestow the wealthie reuenues of his church vpon Italians, being vnworthie persons and strangers; neither would he obeie and incline to the popes will like a faint-harted person, by leaning and setting a­part the rigor of the law, least therby he might séeme to result from his pastorlike office, and animate the woolfe of Rome to breake into the shéepfold of the church, whose purpose was to sucke the verie bloud quite and cleane out of euerie veine, yea to bite out bowels and all. Which qualitie to rest in him, wofull experience hath taught, and the testimonie of writ­ten verities hath shewed, among which this one for the truth thereof is worthie to be reported euen to the praise of the deuiser for his prettie deuise therein comprised, and here set downe as fit for the purpose:

Non pontifex sed potifex,
Non potifex sed panifex,
Non panifex sed: carnifex,
Est papa pater pontifex.

About [...]he beginning of the two: and fortith yeare of king Henries reigne, the lord Iames Audelie that had béene ouer with the king of Almaine, and was latelie returned home in companie of the lord Hen­rie, sonne to the said king (who came backe from his father about the feast of saint Michaell last past) vn­derstanding how the Welshmen in his absence had [Page 257] burnt, wasted, and destroied his lands, possessions, and castels, which belonged vnto him in the confines of Wales, he meant to be reuenged of those iniuries, and inuading them, he slue a great number of them, so reuenging the death of those his freends, The lord Audelie war­reth vpon the Welshmen. seruants and tenants, whome they before had murthered. The Welshmen were not so discouraged herewith, but that they brake vpon him out of their starting-holes and places of refuge through the marishes, and slai­eng their enimies horsses, put them backe to their power, & ceassed not to doo what mischeefe they could, line 10 by spoiling, killing, and burning houses and castels where they might come vnto them, and so the realme of England was dailie put to losses & hinderances. For out of Wales, England was accustomed to be furnished with horsses, cattell, and other things, to the great profit of both the countries. About the same time there was an ambassage sent from the king of England to the French king by the bishop of Wor­cester, Ambassadors sent into France. the elect of Winchester, the abbat of West­minster, the earle of Leicester, & Hugh Bigod earle line 20 Marshall, with Peter de Sauoy, and Robert Wal­cron. The effect of their message was to require re­stitution of those countries, lands, cities, and townes which had bene euicted out of the hands of king Iohn and others, apperteining by right of inheritance to the king of England. These lords did their message, but as was thought, they had no towardlie answer, but rather were put off with trifling words & scorne­full [...]awnts, so that they returned shortlie againe all of them, the abbat of Westminster onelie excepted, line 30 who remained there behind for a fuller answer, not [...]nelie to those requests exhibited on the part of the king of England, but also on the behalfe of the king of Almaine. The marshes towards Wales in this season were brought almost desert, by reason of the continuall wars with the Welshmen, The marshes of Wales sore impouerished. for what with fire & sword, neither building nor liuing creature, nor any other thing was spared, that fire & sword might bring to ruine. line 40

A great dearth. Matth. Paris.In this yeare was an exceeding great dearth, in so much that a quarter of wheat was sold at London for foure and twentie shillings, whereas within two or thrée yeares before, a quarter was sold at two shil­lings. It had beene more déerer, if great store had not come out of Almaine, for in France and in Nor­mandie it likewise failed. year 1258 But there came fiftie great ships fraught with wheat and barlie, with meale and bread out of Dutchland, by the procure­ment of Richard king of Almaine, which greatlie re­leeued the poore; for proclamation was made, and or­der line 50 taken by the king, that none of the citizens of London should buy any of that graine to laie it vp in store, whereby it might be sold at an higher price vnto the needie. But though this prouision did much ease, yet the want was great ouer all the realme. For it was certeinelie affirmed, that in three shires within the realme, there was not found so much graine of that yeares growth, as came ouer in those fiftie ships. The gréedie dealing of the Londoners to the hurt of the cōmon-welth. The proclamation was set foorth, to re­streine the Londoners from ingrossing vp that graine, and not without cause: for the wealthie citi­zens were euill spoken of in that season, bicause in time of scarsitie they would either staie such ships as fraught with vittels were comming towards the citie, and send them some other way foorth; or else buy the whole, that they might sell it by retaile at their plesure to the needie. By means of this great dearth and scarsitie, the common people were constreined to liue vpon hearbs & roots, and a great number of the poore people died through famine, which is the most miserable calamitie that can betide mortall men, and was well marked euen of the heathen, but notablie by Ouid, who making a description of famine, setteth hir foorth in most ouglie and irkesome sort, intending therby the dreadfulnes of that heauie plague, saieng:

Quaesitámque famem lapidoso vidit in antro,
Ouid. lib. 8. Meta. fab. 11.
Vnguibus & raris vellentem dentibus herbas,
Hirtus erat crinis, caua lumina, pallor in ore,
Labra incana situ, scabrirubigine dentes,
Dura cutis, per quam spectari viscera possent,
Ossa sub incuruis extabant arida lumbis,
Ventris erat pro ventre locus, pendêre putares,
Pectus & àspinae tantummodo crate teneri,
Auxerat articulos macies, genuùmque tumebat
Orbis, & immodico prodibant tubere tali, &c.

This yeare after Easter a parlement was hol­den at London, A parlement. Matth. Paris. in the which manie weightie mat­ters were intreated of touching the kings causes, namelie, about the conquest of the realme of Na­ples, Hurtred, a messenger frō the pope. the pope hauing sent a messenger named Hur­tred for the discharge of monie, which the pope had re­ceiued of merchants, as it were to the kings vse, and entred bonds for the paiment thereof. Also, whereas the king was sore disquieted for the warre which the Welshmen made against him, he asked aduise of the states, how he might procéed to seeke his iust re­uenge of them, who by reason of their good hap were become verie stout and loftie, and had of late by the expiring of a truce which had beene accorded betwixt them, The Welsh­men spoile Penbroke­shire. spoiled and wasted the most part of Penbroke­shire, of which iniurie the earle of Penbroke, name­lie William de Ualence, sore complained.

But whereas the king knowing him to be rich, willed him to lay out some great portion of monie, towards the maintenance of his wars, the erle tooke great displeasure therewith, as though the king had made that request by the suggestion and setting on of some of the English lords, Uariance be­twixt the earle of Penbroke and others. in somuch that words passed in displeasant sort betwixt him and the earles of Glocester and Leicester, so far foorth, that the earle of Penbroke called the earle of Leicester traitor, who therewith made towards him, to haue reuenged the iniurie, and so would haue doone indéed, if the king had not beene moderator betwixt them. Fi­nallie at this parlement the lords told the king that they might not aid him with any great summes of monie, except it should redound to their great impo­uerishment: they told him also, that he had not doone wiselie to enter into couenants, for the purchase of the kingdome of Naples for his sonne, without their consents.

They also declared to him, what articles it should be good for him to propone vnto the pope, if he would haue him to continue in bearing the charges of the wars against Manfred. But when those articles were afterwards presented to the pope, he allowed them not, & so the matter remained without any certeine assurance of the promises, which had béene and still were from time to time made to set the king on do­tage. The archbishop of Yorke had his crosse taken from him by the popes commandement, The archbi­shop of Yorke depriued of his crosse. but the arch­bishop would not yet bow his knée vnto Baall, to be­stow the benefices of his church vpon aliens, and such as were vnworthie persons, as it had beene to cast pearles vnto swine. ¶ There came from the pope as his Nuncio, Mansuetus the popes Nuncio. vnto king Henrie, a frier minor named Mansuetus, furnished with great power and authoritie, in somuch that he tooke vpon him to ab­solue men for changing their vowes, and to iustifie those that were excōmunicated persons, false periu­red, and such like. Wherevpon, manie of euill disposi­tion presumed to offend: for easinesse to purchase par­don bred boldnesse in manie, howbeit the wise sée­med to laugh at such dooings.

The parlement still continued, till the sundaie af­ter the Ascension day, with hard hold betwixt the king and the lords, who laid it fore to his charge, that [Page 258] he had not performed the promises which he made touching the obseruing of the liberties conteined in the great charter. They also complained greatlie of his misgouernance, in that he so much aduanced the Poictouins and other strangers, to the impouerish­ment of himselfe and the whole realme, and further, mainteined them so far foorth, that they were readie to offer wrong vnto other, vpon presumption of his fauour and bearing with them, he hauing by com­mandement restreined that no processe should passe line 10 out of the chancerie against certeine of them that were his coosins, as the earle of Penbroke and others. Finallie, when the lords were in doubt which way to worke for their owne safeties, The parlemēt proroged. they caused the parle­ment to be proroged, till the feast of saint Barnabe, then to begin againe at Oxford. In the meane time the lords of the realme, as the earles of Glocester, Leicester, Hereford and Northfolke, with other, did confederate themselues togither, bicause they stood in feare to be intrapped by the kings subtill sleights, line 20 and by the craftie wiles of those strangers whom he retained against them.

In the same yeare by the wind, which continuallie certeine months togither kept northerlie, the flours, with other growing things, were so hindered, that scarselie they appeared to anie purpose, A late growth till the most part of Iune was past, wherevpon the hope of recei­uing the fruits of the earth was quite taken away, I dearth ac­companied with a death. & so vpon the great dearth that happened, a sore death and mortalitie followed, for want of necessarie food line 30 to susteine the pining bodies of the poore people. They died so thicke, that there were great pits made in churchyards to laie the dead bodies in one vpon an other.

About the feast of the Ascension, Seuall the archbi­shop of Yorke departed this life, Seuall archb. of Yorke departeth this life. who constantlie had resisted the tyrannie of the court of Rome, in defense of his church, suffering in this world manie greeuous tribulations, but now was remooued from thense vnto the kingdome of heauen, Matth. Paris. to be crowned with line 40 the elect for his good deseruings, as was then certen­lie beleeued. About this time, a great number of Poi­ctouins were come into England, by reason of their aliance and coosinage to the king, the which by the kings fauour being highlie aduanced, began to war proud thereof, and to require to be restored vnto such lands and liuings as before time they had possessed: namelie the kings halfe brethren, Athelmare or O­domare, The kings halfe brethren. that was a préest, with William, Geffrey and Guie, these were the sonnes of Hugh le Brun line 50 earle of Marsh, by his wife queene Isabell, the mo­ther of king Henrie, and being come into England, they shewed themselues verie loftie & high-minded, partlie, bicause of their coosinage to the king, & part­lie by reason of his courteous interteining of them, insomuch that forgetting themselues, they began to despise (vpon a presumptuous pride) the English no­bilitie, looking still for preferment of honor aboue all other. And suerlie Odomare obteined at the first a great peece of his purpose, being made by the kings line 60 gift bishop of Winchester, and by that means bare a stout port, and greatlie holpe and mainteined his o­ther brethren.

The English barons not well able to suffer such presumption in strangers, who seemed to haue them in derision, complained to the king, in so much that at length, as well for a reformation hereof, as in o­ther things, a parlement was called (as before you haue heard) first at London, and after reiorned to Oxenford, there to be assembled about the feast of saint Barnabe in the moneth of Iune. This (of some writers) is named Insanum parliamentum, Insanum par­liamentum. that is to say, The mad parlement; for at this parlement (to the which the lords came with great retinues of armed men, for the better safegard of their persons) manie things in the same yeare enacted contrarie to the kings pleasure, and his roiall prerogatiue. For the lords at the first determined to demand the confir­mation of the ancient charter of liberties, The demand of the lords. which his father king Iohn had granted, and he himselfe had so often promised to obserue and mainteine, signifieng plainelie, that they meant to pursue their purpose and intent herein, not sparing either for losse of life, lands or goods, according to that they had mutuallie giuen their faiths by ioining of hands, as the manner in such cases is accustomed. Besides the grant of the great charter, they required other things necessarie for the state of the common-wealth, to be established and enacted.

It was therefore first enacted, that all the Poicto­uins should auoid the land, Ordinances made. togither with other stran­gers, and that neither the king nor his sonne prince Edward should in anie secret manner aid them a­gainst the people. Moreouer, that the king & his sonne should receiue an oth, An oth exac­ted of the king to stand vnto the decrees and ordinances of that parlement, and withall spéed to restore the ancient lawes and institutions of the realme, which they both did, rather constreined there­vnto by feare, than of anie good will. Thus not onelie the king himselfe, but also his sonne prince Edward receiued an oth, to obserue the ordinances of that parlement. But Iohn earle Warren, and the kings halfe brethren; namelie the earle of Penbroke refu­sed that oth; and likewise the lord Henrie, sonne to the king of Almaine, excused himselfe by his fathers absence, without whose consent he would not receiue it, vnto whome this answer was made, that if his fa­ther would not consent to the agréement of the baro­nage, he should not possesse one furrowe of land within this realme.

Also, whereas the earle of Leicester resigned the castels of Killingworth and Odiham into the kings hands, which he had latelie receiued by his gift, and newlie repaired, the earle of Penbroke and his other brethren sware déepelie, that they would for no mans pleasure giue ouer such castels, rents, and wardships of theirs, as they had of the kings gift. But the earle of Leicester told the earle of Penbroke flatlie and plainlie, that he should either render them vp, The earle of Leicester threatneth the earle of Penbroke. or else he should be sure to lose his head. This saieng was confirmed by the generall voices of all other the ba­rons, bicause it was a speciall article concluded a­mongst other in that parlement. The kings halfe brethren, perceiuing which waie the world went, The kings halfe brethren shift awaie. stood in doubt of themselues, and secretlie therevpon de­parting from Oxenford, first withdrew vnto Win­chester, where Odomare, one of the same brethren was bishop, through whose support, and by reason of the strength of such castels as he held, they trusted to be in more safetie: but finallie, perceiuing them­selues not to be so out of danger, sith the barons min­ded to pursue them, They depart the Realme. about the eighteenth daie of Iu­lie they departed the realme with a great number of other of their countriemen; and amongest those, William de saint Herman the kings caruer was one.

Henrie Montfort, sonne to the earle of Leicester, Henrie Mōt­fort pursueth the kings ha [...] brethren. vnderstanding of their departure out of the realme, followed; and hearing that they were arriued at Bul­logne, he landed in those parts, & by such freendship as he found there amongst those that bare good will vnto his father, he got togither a power, and after a manner besieged the Poictouins within Bullogne, laieng watch for them in such sort, both by sea and land, that there was no waie left for them to escape. When they saw themselues in that danger, they sent a messenger with all post hast to the French king, They sent to the French [...]. requiring his safe conduct, to passe fréelie through [Page 259] his realme, as they trusted he would be content to grant vnto such, as for refuge and safegard of life should repaire vnto him for comfort. The French king courteouslie granted their request, and so they were in safetie permitted to passe quietlie through the countrie. Richard Gray cap­teine of Do­uer castell, and lord warden of the ports. In the meane while one Richard Gray, chatellaine of Douer castell, a right valiant man and a faithfull, suffered no man to passe that waie vn­searched, according to that which he had in comman­dement: wherevpon he tooke & seized into his hands line 10 a great portion of treasure, which was brought thi­ther to be transported ouer to the Poictouins that were fled out of the realme. Also, there was found a great quantitie of treasure in the new temple at London, which they had gathered & hoorded vp there, which also was seized to the kings vse.

But now to returne vnto the doings in the parle­ment holden at Oxford. It was ordeined (as some write) that the king should choose twelue persons of the realme, Matt. VVest. and the communaltie of the land should line 20 choose other twelue, the which hauing regall authori­tie in their hands, Foure and twentie go­uernours. might take in charge the gouer­nance of the realme vpon them, & should from yeare to yeare prouide for the due election of iustices, chan­cellors, treasurors, and other officers, and see for the safe keeping of the castels which belonged to the crowne. These foure and twentie gouernours appoin­ted as prouiders for the good gouernement of the realme, began to order all things at their pleasure, in the meane time not forgetting to vse things chéeflie line 30 to their owne aduantages, as well in prouiding es­chets and wards for their sonnes and kinsfolks, as also in bestowing patronages of churches (belonging to the kings gift) at their pleasures, so that these pro­uiders séemed to prouide all for themselues, in so much that neither king nor Christ could receiue ought amongst them: The abuses of those go­uernours. and as for iustice they regarded no­thing lesse, their minds were so rauished with desire of priuat wealth; which who so hunteth after, being in place of magistracie, he must néeds neglect the law line 40 and course of equitie, and therefore this counsell is good which a good writer giueth in this behalfe, saieng;

Si iustus vult esse aliquis non vtile quaerat,
M. Pal. in Virg.
Iusticia est multis laudata, domestica paucis.

There be that write, how there were but twelue of these gouernours chosen; Fabian. whose names were as fol­loweth. First, the archbishop of Canturburie, the bi­shop of Worcester, Roger Bigod earle of North­folke and marshall of England, Simon de Mount­fort earle of Leicester, Richard de Clare earle of line 50 Glocester, Humfrey Bohun earle of Hereford, the earles of Warwike and Arundell, sir Iohn Mansell cheefe iustice of England, sir Roger lord Mortimer, sir Hugh Bigod, sir Peter de Sauoy, sir Iames Au­d [...]ley, and sir Peter de Mountfort. To these was au­thoritie onelie giuen to punish and correct all such as offended in breaking of any the ordinances at this parlement established.

It was not long after the finishing of this parle­ment, Contention betwixt the earles of Lei­cester and Glocester. but that strife and variance began to kindle line 60 betwéene the king and the earles of Leicester and Glocester, by reason of such officers as the said earles had remooued, and put others in their roomes: a­mong the which Iohn Mansell was discharged of his office, and sir Hugh Bigod, brother to earle Mar­shall, admitted in his roome. Also bicause the fore­said gouernours had knowledge that the king min­ded not to performe the ordinances established at Oxford, they thought to make their part as strong as was possible for them to doo, and therefore vpon the morrow after the feast of Marie Magdalene, The lords come to the Guildhall to haue their or­dinances con­firmed. the king as then being at Westminster, the earle Mar­shall, the earle of Leicester, and diuerse other came to the Guildhall of London, where the maior and al­dermen, with the commons of the citie were assem­bled, and there the lords shewed the instrument or writing sealed with the kings seale, and with the seales of his sonne prince Edward, and of manie o­ther lords of the land, conteining the articles of those ordinances which had béene concluded at Oxford, willing the maior and aldermen to set also therevn­to their common seale of the citie. The maior and al­dermen vpon aduise amongst them taken, required respit till they might know the kings pleasure there­in, but the lords were so earnest in the matter, and made such instance, that no respit could be had; so that in the end the common seale of the citie was put to that writing, and the maior with diuerse of the citie sworne to mainteine the same, their allegiance saued to the king, with their liberties and franchi­ses, according to the accustomed manner.

Upon the ninth day of August, proclamation was made in diuerse places of the citie, A proclama­tion against purue [...]ers. that none of the kings takers should take any thing within the citie, without the will of the owner, except two tunnes of wine, which the king accustomablie had of euerie ship comming from Burdeaux, paieng but 40 shil­lings for the tun. By meanes of this proclamation, nothing was taken by the kings officers within the citie and liberties of the same, except readie paiment were made in hand, which vse continued not long. Herevpon the king held a parlement at Westmin­ster, and another at Winchester, A parlement. or else proroged and remoued the same thither. Also sir Hugh Bigod lord chéefe iustice, with Roger Turksey, and other cal­led Itinerarij, kept the terme for plées at saint Saui­ours: for you must vnderstand, The iustices sit at S· Sa­uiours. that in those daies they were kept in diuerse places of the realme, which now are holden altogither at Westminster, and iud­ges ordeined to kéepe a circuit, as now they kéepe the assises in time of vacation. Bailiffes and other officers punished. The foresaid iudges sit­ting on that maner at saint Sauiours, punished bai­liffes, and other officers verie extremelie, which were conuict afore them for diuerse trespasses, and special­lie for taking of merciaments otherwise than law gaue them. After this, the same sir Hugh came vnto the Guildhall, and there sat in iudgement, Bakers pu­nished. and kept plees without order of law; yea contrarie to the liber­ties of the citie, he punished bakers for lacke of true size, by the tumbrell; where before they were punished by the pillorie, & manie other things he vsed after such manner, more by will than good order of law.

There was a bruite raised (whether of truth or o­therwise we leaue to the credit of the authors) that the Poictouins had practised to poison the most part of the English nobilitie. Matth. Paris. The Poicto­uins suspected to haue poi­soned y e Eng­lish lords. Indéed diuers of them were greeuouslie tormented with a certeine disease of swelling and breaking out, some died, and othersome verie hardlie escaped, of which number the earle of Glocester was one, who laie sicke a long time at Sunning a place besides Reading. At length he re­couered: but his brother William died of the same disease, and vpon his death-bed laid the fault to one Walter Scotenie, as the occasioner of his death, which afterwards cost the said Walter his life. For although he was one of the chéefe councellors, and steward also to the said earle of Glocester, yet being had in suspicion, and thervpon apprehended and char­ged with that crime, when in the yeare next follow­ing in Iune he came to be arreigned at Winche­ster, and put himselfe to be tried by a iurie, Walter Sco­tonie arreig­ned and con­demned. the same pronounced him guiltie: and when those that were impanneled vpon that iurie were asked by the iud­ges how they vnderstood that he should be giltie, they answered, bicause that where the said Walter was neuer indebted, that they could heare of, either to William de Ualence, or to any of his brethren, they were fullie certified that he had late receiued no [Page 260] small sum of monie of the said W. de Ualence to poi­son both his maister and other of the English nobili­tie as was to be thought, sith there was no other ap­parant cause why he should receiue such a gift at the hands of their enimie the said William de Ualence, and so was the said Walter executed at Winche­ster aforesaid. He suffereth.

The haruest was verie late this yeare, so that the most part of the corne rotted on the ground, A late haruest and that which at length was got in, remained yet abrode till line 10 after Alhallowentide, so vntemperate was the wea­ther, with excessiue wet and raine beyond all mea­sure. Dearth of corne increa­seth. Herevpon the dearth so increased, that euen those which had of late releeued other, were in danger to starue themselues. Finallie solemne fasts and ge­nerall processions were made in diuerse places of the realme to appease Gods wrath, Fasts & pro­cessions vsed. and (as it was thought) their praiers were heard, for the weather partlie amended, and by reason the same serued to get in some such corne as was not lost, the price there­of line 20 in the market fell halfe in halfe. A good and memo­rable motiue, that in such extremities as are aboue the reach of man to redresse, we should by and by haue recourse to him that can giue a remedie a­gainst euerie casualtie. For ‘Flectitur iratus voce rogante Deus.’

Richard Gray the chattellaine of Douer looking diligentlie vnto his charge, Richard Gray lord warden of the ports. tooke a thousand marks which the bishop of Winchester had sent thither to haue beene transported ouer into France. Erlotus line 30 the popes Nuncio perceiuing the trouble that was like to insue within the realme would no longer ta­rie, Erlotus the popes Nuncio returneth houie. but wiselie departed and got him home. Herewith certeine wise personages were sent to Rome on the part of the king and baronage, to informe the pope in what state the realme stood, and to giue him to vnder­stand how gréeuouslie the people had beene handled by the practise of certeine Romane prelats promo­ted in this land.

This yeare neere to Carmardin Patrike of Chau­ton line 40 lord of Kedwelli, Matth. Paris. The lord of Kedwellie slaine. Hugh de Uiun, and diuerse other both horsmen and footmen were slaine through treason by the Welshmen: yet it should appeare by Matthew Paris that the Englishmen procured this mischéefe to light on their owne heads, Matth. Paris. through their disloiall dealing. For where they were come to the place to talke of an agréement, some of the marchers supposing they had béene too strong for the Welsh­men, persuaded the said lord of Kedwellie to assaile them vpon the sudden, in hope to haue destroied them all: but in the end the Englishmen were di­stressed line 50 through the valiancie of Dauid one of the sonnes of the great Leolin and other capteines of the Welsh nation. Neuerthelesse Matthew Westmin­ster saith brieflie, that the English men were treaso­nablie slaine: so that it séemeth that Matthew Paris speaketh rather of an affection and good will which he bare to the Welsh procéedings in those daies, than otherwise.

Matth. Paris not well affe­cted towards the gouerne­ment of the realme as it then stood.For who so marketh the course of his historie, shall line 60 perceiue that he had no good liking of the state in those daies, neither concerning the ecclesiasticall nor temporall policie, in somuch that he sticketh not to commend the Welshmen greatlie for their holding togither, against the oppression (as he meaneth it) of the English gouernement, and no doubt there was cause that mooued him to such misliking, namelie the often paiments and collections of monie by the popes agents, and other such misorders as dailie were permitted or rather mainteined to the impoue­rishing of both estates spirituall and temporall.

Godfrey de Kinton archbishop of Can­turburie.Godfrey de Kinton was consecrated arch­bishop of Canturburie at Rome, about the feast of Christ­masse last past, and so returned from thence home to his cure. An ordinance against ex­tortion. There was an ordinance made about this time, for punishment to be had of the extortion of shi­riffes, so that aswell the receiuer as the giuer of bri­bes was punishable. Which law if it were now exe­cuted vpon all officers & occupiers whatsoeuer, there would not be so much wealth and substance, so great riches and treasure raked vp togither in the possession of some few men, as the old sage saieng importeth, ‘Quisquis ditatur rapidos miluos imitatur.’

The bishops of Worcester and Lincolne, Anno Reg. Ambassadors sent to the councell at Cambrey. with the earles of Norfolke and Leicester, were sent ouer in ambassage vnto a councell holden at Cambrey, for a league and peace to be concluded betwixt the king­doms of England and France, and also the empire: but bicause the French king looked to haue the king of England there, when he heard that the same king came not, he also staied at home, and so no conclusion followed at that assemblie.

Ione countesse of Penbroke, the wife of William de Ualence the kings halfe brother, Ione coun­tesse of Pen­broke. demanded hir right of dower, in such lands as belonged to hir by ti­tle of inheritance. At length she had to the value of fiue hundred marks assigned hir of the same lands, notwithstanding hir heritage amounted to the sum of a thousand marks and aboue of yearelie reue­nues, but for that she should not aid hir husband with part thereof, the one halfe was thought sufficient for hir maintenance. About Aduent next insuing, she went ouer vnto hir husband, either for the desire she had to inioy his personall presence, or for that she thought hirselfe not well dealt with, to be abridged of those reuenues, which by right of inheritance were hir owne. In the first night of December, A great tem­pest of light­ning and thunder. there chan­ced a maruellous sore tempest of lightning and thun­der, with mightie winds and raine, as a token and signe of the troubles that after followed, the more noted, for that thunder in the winter season is not commonlie heard of. Guy de Rochford a Poictouin, to whom about two yeares before the king had giuen the castell of Rochester, Guy de Rochford banished. was now banished the realme, and depriued of all that he held in this land. About this season there rose great variance amongst the scholers of Oxford being of sundrie countries, Uariance and debat betwixt the studēts [...] Oxford. as Scotishmen, Welshmen, Northern men, and Sou­thern men: who fell so farre at square, that they rai­sed baners one against an other, and fought togither, in somuch that diuerse were slaine, and manie hurt on both parties. ¶ The Welshmen this yeare, not­withstanding their good successe had in these late wars, considered with themselues, that if the barons of England did once ioine in one knot of fréendship, they would with maine force easilie subdue them, wherefore to preuent that which might chance vnto them by stubborne resistance, The Welsh­men seeke to agreé with the king. they made suit to be re­ceiued into the kings peace, offering to giue vnto him the summe of foure thousand markes, and to his sonne the lord Edward thrée hundred marks, and to the queene two hundred marks. Yet the king would not accept those offers, and so the matter depended in doubtfull balance a certeine time. The Welsh­men in the meane season attempted not any exploit, but rather sate still in hope to come at length to some reasonable agreement. ¶ The moonks of Winche­ster meaning to prouide themselues of a bishop, now that Athelmare aliàs Odomare the kings halfe bro­ther was banished the realme, elected one Henrie de Wingham the kings chancellor, Henrie de Wingham e­lected bishop of Winchester. in hope that the K. would be contented with his election, and so he was, but yet conditionallie, that if the pope would allow his said halfe brother for bishop, then should the other giue place.

About the feast of S. Hilarie, when knowledge was giuen that king Richard of Almaine meant to returne into England, year 1259 Ambassadors sent to the K. of Almaine. there were sent ouer vnto [Page 261] him the bishop of Worcester, the abbat of saint Ed­mundsburie. Peter de Sauoy, and Iohn Mansell, as ambassadours from the baronage and commu­naltie of the realme, to require of him an oth, to stand vnto and obeie the ordinances of the late parlement holden at Oxenford. When the said ambassadors came before his presence, and declared to him the ef­fect of their message, he beheld them with a sterne looke, and frowning countenance, saieng (and bind­ing it with an oth) that he would neither be sworne, line 10 nor kéepe any such ordinances as had beene made without his consent; His protesta­tion to their demand. neither would he make them of counsell how long his purpose was to staie within the realme, which the ambassadours required also to vnderstand. Herevnto he further added, that he had no péere in England, for he was the sonne of the de­ceased king, and brother of the king that now reig­ned, and also earle of Cornewall, and therefore if the barons of England ment to reforme the state of the kingdome, their duetie had beene first to haue sent line 20 for him, and not to haue proceeded so presumptuous­lie in such a weightie cause, without his presence or consent. When one of the ambassadours was about to haue made answer somewhat roundlie, and also nippinglie vnto this spéech vttered by the king of Al­maine, he was staied by one of his associats. And so the ambassadours vnderstanding his mind, retur­ned with all conuenient speed.

The king of Almaine had assembled a great host of men on the further side the sea, meaning with all line 30 expedition to haue passed hither into England: but when he had aduertisement giuen that there was a power raised in England, and bestowed both by sea and land to resist him, He changeth his purpose and commeth ouer into England. he changed his purpose by ad­uise of his freends, so that he consented to receiue such manner of oth as the barons required, and here­with taking the sea, he arriued at Douer on saint Iu­lians daie with his owne houshold-seruants, bring­ing with him no traine of strangers, except onelie two earles of Almaine, which brought with them but onelie three knights, and he himselfe had but eight line 40 knights: his brother king Henrie was readie to re­ceiue him, and brought him from Douer vnto Can­turburie, for neither of them was suffered to enter into the castell of Douer, the lords hauing them in a gelousie, least they should be about to breake the or­dinances which were concluded. On the morow af­ter, He receiueth an oth not to infringe the statutes of Oxford. the king of Almaine receiued the oth in the pre­sence of Richard earle of Glocester and others, with­in the chapter house of Canturburie. And on the day line 50 of the Purification of our ladie, the two kings with their queenes and a great number of noble persona­ges made their entrie and passage into the citie of London.

In the octaues of the said Purification, the parle­ment began at London, A parlement. to the which came the earle of Leicester from the parts of beyond the sea, where he had for a certeine time remained. There came also an ambassador from the French king, one that was deane of Burges, and so there was an earnest trea­tie line 60 had touching a peace to be concluded betwixt the two kings of England and France, which on the day of saint Ualentine was accorded and put in articles, with condition that the same should remaine firme and stable, A peace con­cluded vpon betwixt the kinges of England & France if the kings would assent to that which had beene talked of and agreed vpon by their speciall and solemne agents. For the further perfecting of this agreement and finall peace betwixt the kings of England and France▪ about the begining of Aprill, the earls of Glocester and Leicester, Iohn Mansell, Peter de Sauoy, and Robert Ualerane were sent ouer into France, hauing also with them letters of credence, to conclude in all matters as had béene tal­ked of by their agents. But when the countesse of Leicester would not consent to quite claime and re­lease hir right in such parcels of Normandie as be­longed to hir, The countesse of Leicester. which king Henrie had couenanted with the residue to resigne vnto the French king. The earle of Glocester fell at words with the earle of Lei­cester, Contention betwixt the earles of Glo­cester and Leicester. about the stubborne demeanor which his wife shewed in that matter, and so by reason that either of them stood at defiance with the other (although by meane of freends they staied from further inconue­nience) they returned backe without concluding any thing in that whereabout they were sent.

About the same time there was a certeine man­sion house by waie of deuotion giuen vnto the friers that are called preachers within the towne of Dun­stable, The friers preachers be­gin to inhabit at Dunstable. so that certeine of them thrusting themselues in there, began to inhabit in that place, to the great annoiance of the prior and conuent of Dunstable, & as it were by the example of the other order called minors (which in the last precéeding yeare, at saint Edmundsburie in Suffolke had practised the like matter against the willes of the abbat and conuent there) they began to build verie sumptuous houses, so that in the eies of the beholders such chargeable workes of building, so suddenlie aduanced by them that professed voluntarie pouertie, caused no small woonder. The said friers building them a church with all spéed, and setting vp an altar, immediatlie be­gan to celebrate diuine seruice, not once staieng for the purchase of anie licence. And so building from day to day, they obteined great aid of such as inhabi­ted neere vnto them, of whome the prior and conuent ought to haue receiued the reuenues that were now conuerted to be imploied on the said friers towards their maintenance. Thus by how much more their house increased, The moonks hindred by the the comming of the friers. by so much more did the prior and conuent decrease in substance and possessions: for the rents which they were accustomed to receiue of the messuages and houses giuen to the friers, were lost, and likewise the offerings (which were woont to come to their hands) now these friers being newlie entred by occasion of their preachings, vsurped to themselues.

Richard Graie constable of the castell of Douer, and lord warden of the cinque ports was this yeare remooued by the lord chéefe iustice Hugh Bigod, Richard Gray dischar­ged of his office of lord warden. Walascho a frier sent from the pope. who tooke into his owne hands the custodie of the said ca­stell and ports. The cause whie the said Richard Graie was discharged, we find to haue fallen out by this means. He suffered a frier minor called Walascho, comming from the pope (bicause he had the kings letters vnder the great seale) to enter the land, not staieng him, nor warning the lords of his comming, contrarie (as it was interpreted) vnto the articles of their prouisions enacted at Oxenford. This frier in­deed was sent from the pope to haue restored Athil­marus or Odomarus (as some write him) the kings halfe brother, vnto the possessions of the bishoprike of Winchester, to the which he had béene long before elected. But the lords were so bent against him, that vpon such suggestions as they laid foorth, Walascho refrained from dooing that which he had in comman­dement, and returned to make report what he vnder­stood, so that Odomarus was now as farre from his purpose as before.

About the feast of saint Michaell, the bishop of Bangor was sent from Leolin prince of Wales vn­to the king of England, The bishop of Bangor sent frō the prince of Wales to king Henrie. The welsh­men offer to resort vnto Chester. to make offer on the behalfe of the said Leolin and other the lords of Wales, of sixtéene thousand pounds of siluer for a peace to be had betwixt the king and them, and that they might come to Chester, and there haue their matters heard and determined, as in time past they had béene accu­stomed. But what answer at his returne was giuen to this bishop by the king and his nobles, it is vncer­teine. [Page 262] In the fortie and fourth yeare of king Henries reigne, Anno Reg. 44. I parlement. the fridaie following the feast of Simon and Iude, in a parlement holden at Westminster, were read in presence of all the lords and commons, the acts and ordinances made in the parlement holden at Oxenford, The statutes of Oxenford read, and the breakers of the same de­nounced ac­curssed. with certeine other articles by the go­uernours therevnto added and annexed. After the reading whereof the archbishop of Canturburie be­ing reuested with his suffragans to the number of nine bishops, besides abbats and others, denounced line 10 all them accurssed that attempted in word or déed to breake the said statutes, or anie of them. In the same parlement was granted to the king a talke called scutagium, Escuage granted. or escuage, that is to saie, fortie shillings of euerie knights fée throughtout England, the which extended to a great summe of monie. For as diuerse writers do agree, Knights feés how manie were then in England. there were in England at that time in possession of the spiritualtie and temporaltie be­yond fortie thousand knights fees, but almost halfe of them were in spirituall mens hands. line 20

Fabian. I folkemote.Upon the sixt day of Nouember the king came vnto Paules, where by his commandement was the folkemote court assembled, and the king (according to the former ordinances made) asked licence of the communaltie of the citie to passe the sea, The king as­keth licence to passe the seas. and promi­sed there in the presence of a great multitude of peo­ple, by the mouth of Hugh Bigod his chéefe iustice, to be good and grafious lord vnto the citie, and to mainteine the liberties thereof vnhurt. Herewith the people for ioy made a great shout. Matth. West. The king sai­leth ouer into France. The eight day line 30 of Nouember he rode through the citie towards the sea side, and vpon the thirtéenth daie of Nouember, he tooke the sea at Douer and arriued at Whitsand, and so from thence he rode vnto Paris, where, of the French king he was most honorablie receiued. The cause of his going ouer was chéefelie to conclude some assured peace with the French king, that he should not néed to doubt any forren enimies, if he should come to haue warre with his owne people, whereof he saw great likelihoods, year 1260 and therefore he line 40 made such agreement with king Lewes (as in the French historie more at large appeareth) which (to be short) I here omit. He compoun­deth all diffe­rences with the French k.

This one thing is here to be noted, that besides the monie which king Henrie had in hand, amoun­ting to the summe of an hundred and fiftie thousand crownes for his resignation then made vnto Nor­mandie, Aniou and Maine, it was accorded, that he should receiue yearelie in name of a tribute the sum of ten thousand crownes. Polydor. N. Triuet. Wil. Risang. ¶Others write that he had line 50 three hundred thousand pounds of small Turon mo­nie, which he receiued in readie paiment, and was promised restitution of lands to the value of twentie thousand pounds of yearelie rent: and that after the decease of the French king, Matt. VVest. that then was, the coun­trie of Poictou should returne vnto the English do­minion. Some write that immediatlie after king Henrie had concluded his agréement, he began to repent himselfe thereof, and would neuer receiue penie of the monie, nor leaue out in his stile the title line 60 of duke of Normandie. But it is rather to be thought that such an agreement was at point to haue béene concluded, or at the leastwise was had in talke, but yet neuer concluded nor confirmed with hands and seales, as it ought to haue beene, if they had gone through with it.

Dissention betwixt prince Edward and the earle of Glocester.In the meane time that king Henrie was thus occupied in France, dissention fell in England be­twéene prince Edward and Richard earle of Gloce­ster, for the appeasing whereof a parlement was cal­led at Westminster, to the which the lords came with great companies, and speciallie the said prince and earle. They intended to haue lodged within the citie: but the maior going vnto the bishop of Worcester, to sir Hugh Bigod, and to sir Philip Basset (vnto whome, and to the archbishop of Canturburie, the K. had committed the rule of the land in his absence) required to know their pleasure herein. Wherevpon they thought it good to haue the aduise of Richard the king of Almaine, and therevpon went to him, where they concluded, Prince Ed­ward and the earle of Gloc [...] ­ster are not suffered to come within the citie of London. that neither the said prince nor earle nor anie of their partakers should come within the citie, the gates whereof were by the maiors appoint­ment closed and kept with watch and ward both day and night. Soone after also, for the more safegard of the citie, the gates were by the maiors appointment closed and kept with diligent watch and ward both day and night. Soone after also for the more safegard of the said citie, and sure kéeping of the peace, the king of Almaine with the said sir Hugh and sir Phi­lip came and lodged in the citie with their compa­nies, and such other as they would assigne, to streng­then the citie if need required. Wherin their prouident consent to withstand so foule a mischeefe as sedition might haue bred in the citie, deserueth high com­mendation, for it was the next waie to preserue the state thereof against all occasions of ruine, to vnite harts and hands in so swéet an harmonie, which the law of nature teacheth men to doo, and as by this sage sentence is insinuated and giuen to vnderstand,

Manus manum lauat & digitus digitum,
Vir virum & ciuitas seruat ciuitatem.

Shortlie after, the king returned out of France, and about the feast of S. Marke came to London, The king re­turneth into England. and lodged in the bishops palace. And bicause of cer­teine rumors that were spred abroad sounding to some euill meaning, which prince Edward should haue against his father, the king brought ouer with him a great power of men in armes being stran­gers, howbeit he brought them not into the citie, but left them beyond the bridge in the parts of Surrie, notwithstanding being entred the citie, he so kept the gates and entries, that none was permitted to en­ter, but such as came in by his sufferance. The earle of Glocester by his appointment also was lodged within the citie, and the prince in the palace at West­minster. Shortlie after by the kings commandement he remooued to S. Iohns, & all the other lords were lodged without the citie, and the king of Almaine remooued againe to Westminster. In which time a direction was taken betweene the said parties, and a now assemblie and parlement assigned to be kept in the quindene of S. Iohn Baptist, and after defer­red or proroged till the feast of saint Edward, at the which time all things were paci [...]ed a while, but so as the earle of Glocester was put beside the roome which he had amongst other the peeres, and so then he ioined in fréendship with the earle of Leiscester, The earle of Glocester con­federateth [...] selfe with the earle of Lei­cester. as it were by way of confederacie against the resi­due, and yet in this last contention, the said earle of Leicester tooke part with the prince against the earle of Glocester.

This yeare the lord William de Beauchampe the elder deceassed. ¶The lord Edward the kings sonne, Chr. Dunstab. with a faire companie of knights and other men of armes, passed the seas to exercise himselfe in iusts, but he himselfe and his men were euill intreated in manie places, so that they lost horsse, armour, and all other things to his great griefe and disliking (as may be estéemed) yet (as some write) he returned home with victorie in the iusts. Matth. West. This yeare at Teu­kesburie, a Iew falling by chance into a iakes vpon the saturdaie, A Iew at Teukesburie falleth into a iakes. in reuerence of his sabboth would not suffer any man to plucke him foorth, wherof the earle of Glocester being aduertise [...], thought the christians should doo as much reuerence to their sabboth which is sundaie, and therefore would suffer no man to go about to take him foorth that day, and so lieng still [Page 263] till mondaie, he was there found dead.

Matt. Westm. Death of No­ble men.Diuers Noble men departed this life in this yeare, as the earle of Albemarle, the lord William Beau­champe, Stephan de Longespee lord cheefe iustice of Ireland, and Roger de Turkeby one of the kings chéese councellors and iustices of the land, William de Kickham bishop of Durham, and Iohn de Crake­hale treasurer of England, a spirituall man, but rich beyond measure: Bach rather. also Henrie de Ba another of the kings iustices of the bench. In the 45 yeare of king line 10 Henries reigne, Matth. West. Anno. Reg. 45. The king of Scots com­meth to Lon­don. Matt. West. Alexander king of Scotland came to London anon after the feast of S. Edward, with a faire companie of Scotishmen, and shortlie after his wife the quéene of Scots came thither also. Moreouer king Henrie kept a roiall feast at West­minster, where he made to the number of foure score knights, amongst whome, Iohn sonne to the earle of Britaine, who had maried the ladie Beatrice, one of the kings daughters was there made knight. Shortlie after was sir Hugh Spenser made lord line 20 chéefe iustice.

After Christmasse the K. comming into the towre of London, year 1261 fortified it greatlie, & caused the gates of the citie to be warded, Chro. Dun. sending forth commandement to his lords that they should come to the towre, there to hold a parlement; but they denied flatlie so to doo, sending him word that if it pleased him, they would come to Westminster, where vsuallie the parlement had béene kept; and not to any other place, whervpon there rose dissention betwixt him and the barons. line 30 After the feast of the Purification, Fabian. A folkemote holden at Pauls crosse. at a folkemote holden at Paules crosse (where the king was present in person, with the king of Almaine, the archbishop of Canturburie, and diuerse other of the Nobles) commandement was giuen to the maior, that euerie stripling of the age of 12 yeares and aboue, should before his alderman be sworne to be true to the king and his hetres kings of England, An oth to be true to the king. and that the gates of the citie should be kept with armed men, as before by the king of Romans was deuised. line 40

About Easter the barons of the land with consent of the péeres, discharged sir Hugh Spenser of his of­fice of chéefe iustice, The lord Spenser dis­charged of his office. and placed in his roome sir Phi­lip Basset without the kings assent, he being not made priuie therevnto. Wherevpon a new occasion of displeasure was ministred to kindle debate be­twixt the king and his lords, but by the policie of the king of Almaine and some prelats, the matter was quieted for a time, till after at Hallowentide next in­suing, which was the 46 yeare of K. Henries reigne. line 50 At that time the barons tooke vpon them to discharge such shiriffes as the king had elected & named gar­dians of the countries and shires, Anno Reg. 46. The presumptuous procée­dings of the barōs against the king. and in their pla­ces put other shiriffes, and besides that would not suffer the iustice which the king had admitted, to doo his office in keeping his circuit, but appointed such to doo it, as it pleased them to assigne, wherwith the king was so much offended, that he laboured by all means to him possible about the disanulling of the ordinan­ces made at Oxford, and vpon the second sundaie in line 60 Lent, he caused to be read at Paules crosse a bull, ob­teined of pope Urbane the fourth, year 1262 as a confirmati­on of an other bull before purchased of his predeces­sour pope Alexander, I bull read at Pauls crosse. for the absoluing of the king, and all other that were sworne to the maintenance of the articles agrees vpon at Oxford. This absolu­tion he caused to be shewed through the realmes of England, Wales & Ireland, giuing streight charge that if any person were found that would disobe [...] this absolution, the same should be committed to pri­son, there to remaine till the kings pleasure were further knowne.

Suerlie the most part of those péeres which had the rule of the king and kingdome thus in their hand, Matth. West. Many gouer­nors pernici­ous to a common-wealth. perceiuing the enormitie that dailie grew of so ma­nifold heads and gouernours, were minded of them­selues to dissolue those prouisions and ordinances so made at Oxford, in somuch that there were but fiue which stiffelie stood in defense of the same, that is to saie, the bishop of Worcester, and the earles of Lei­cester and Glocester, with Henrie Spenser, and Pe­ter de Montfort, the which by no meanes could be brought to confesse that they might with a safe con­science go contrarie to those ordinances which they had confirmed with their solemne oth, notwithstan­ding the popes dispensation; whereas the same oth was rather a bond of iniquitie (as saith Matth. West­minster) deuised to conspire against Christ and his annointed, that is to saie, their naturall liege lord and lawfull king, than any godlie oth aduisedlie ta­ken, or necessarie to be receiued of good meaning sub­iects, yea and of such a friuolous oth it is said, that ‘In aqua scribitur & in puluere exaratur.’

In Iune the king of Almaine tooke shipping and sailed ouer into Dutchland, The king of Almaine go­eth ouer into Germanie. Fabian. The king ha­uing licence passeth ouer into France. and king Henrie at a folkemote holden at Paules crosse the sundaie af­ter S. Peters day, had licence to saile into France, and the morrow after he departed from London to­wards the sea side, with the quéene and other lords, his two sonnes prince Edward and the earle of Lanca­ster being at that present in Guien. When he had béene a season in France, he went vnto Burdeaux, and there fell sicke of a feuer quartane, He falleth sick of a feuer quartane. by occasi­on whereof he taried in those parties till S. Nicholas tide next following. There were few that went ouer with him that escaped frée without the same disease, Chro. Dun. so that in maner all his companie were taken and fore handled therewith. Manie died thereof to the number of thréescore, Death of no­ble men. and amongst them as chéefe were these, Baldwine de Lisle earle of Deuonshire, Ingram de Percie, and William de Beauchampe.

In this yeare died Richard the Clare earle of Glocester, The earle of Glocester de­parteth this life. and his sonne sir Gilbert de Clare was earle after him, vnto whome his father gaue great charge that he should mainteine the ordinances of Oxford. In the 47 yeare of king Henries reigne, Anno Reg. 47. by reason that a Iew had wounded a christian man at London within Colechurch, in the ward of cheap, Iewes slaine. not onelie the said Iew was slaine by other christi­ans that followed him home to his house, but also manie other Iewes were robbed and slaine in that furie and rage of the people. The Welshmen with their prince Leolin made wars against the men and tenants of Roger de Mortimer; Matth. Westm. The Welsh­men warre against y e lord Mortimers tenants. and tooke two of his castels (the one called Kenet) and raced them both to the ground. The said Roger being sore gréeued herwith, got such assistance as he could of other lords there in the marches, He séeketh his reuenge against them. and watching the Welshmen at aduantage, distressed diuerse companies of them, sometime thrée hundred, sometime foure hundred, and other whiles fiue hundred. But at one time he lost thrée hundred of this footmen that were entred the countrie, and so inclosed that they could make no shift to escape.

Upon the euen of S. Thomas the apostle, Fabian. the king landed at Douer, year 1263 and came to London the Wednes­daie before the twelfe day in Christmasse. Thames frosen. In this yeare the frost began about S. Nicholas daie, and continued for the space of a moneth and more, so ex­treamelie, that the Thames was frosen, so that men passed ouer on horssebacke. ¶ The same winter the kings little hall at Westminster, with manie other houses therevnto adioining, was consumed with fire, by negligence of one of the kings seruants. Uariance be­twixt the ci­tizens of Lō ­don and the constable of the towre. Ua­riance rose betwixt the citizens of London, and the constable of the towre, for that contrarie to the liber­ties of the citie he tooke certeine ships passing by the towre with wheat and other vittels into the towre, [Page 264] making the price thereof himselfe. The matter was had before sir Philip Basset lord cheefe iustice and o­thers, who vpon the sight and hearing of all such eui­dences and priuiledges as could be brought foorth for the aduantage of both the parties, tooke order that the constable should (when he lacked prouision of graine or vittels) come into the market holden within the ci­tie, and there to haue wheat two pence in a quarter within the maiors price, and other vittels after the same rate.

Prince Edward the kings sonne returning from line 10 the parts beyond the sea, Matth. West. Prince Ed­ward goeth against the Welshmen. went with a great power (as well of Englishmen as strangers) against the Welshmen towards Snowdon hils: but the eni­mies withdrawing themselues to their strengths within the woods and mounteines, he could not much indamage them, wherevpon after he had fortified cer­teine castels in those parts, with men, numition, and vittels, he returned being sent for backe of his father. The archbishop of Canturburie foreseeing the trou­ble that was like to insue betwixt the king and his line 20 barons, The archb. of Canturburie goeth to Rome. got licence of the king to go vnto Rome, a­bout such businesse as he fained to haue to doo with the pope, and so departed the land, and kept him a­waie till the trouble was appeased. Fabian. Upon Midlent sundaie, at a folkemote holden at Paules crosse, be­fore sir Philip Basset and other of the kings councell, the maior of London was sworne to be true to the king, The lord ma­ior of London sworne to be true to the king. and to his heires kings of England, and vpon the morrow at the Guildhall euerie alderman in presence of the maior tooke the same oth. And vpon line 30 the sundaie following, euerie inhabitant within the citie, of the age of 12 yeares and aboue, before his al­derman in his ward was newlie charged with the like oth.

Cloked malice bursteth out.Then began the displeasure betwéene the king and his barons to appeare, which had béene long kept se­cret, diuers of whom assembling togither in the mar­ches of Wales, The barons raise people. gathered vnto them a power of men, and sent a letter vnto the king, vnder the seale of sir Roger Clifford, The lord Clifford. beséeching him to haue in remem­brance line 40 his oth and manifold promises made for the obseruing of the statutes ordeined at Oxford. But although this letter was indited and written verie effectuallie, yet receiued they no answer from the king, who minded in no wise to obserue the same sta­tutes, as by euident takens it was most apparant. Wherevpon they determined to attempt by force to bring their purpose to passe. Chron. Dun. The king and the quéene for their more safegard got them into the towre of London, and prince Edward laie at Clerkenwell, line 50 but in such necessitie and discredit for monie, that nei­ther had they any store to furnish their wants, nei­ther was there any man that would trust them with a groat.

Prince Edward not able to abide such dishonor, in the feast of the apostle Peter and Paule, Prince Ed­ward taketh monie out of y e treasurie of the temple. taking with him Robert Waleran, and certeine others, went to the new temple, and there easling for the kée­per of the treasure-house, as if he meant to see his mothers iewels, that were laid vp there, to be safelie line 60 kept, he entred into the house, and breaking the cof­fers of certeine persons that had likewise brought their monie thither, to haue it in more safetie, he tooke away from thence the value of 1000 pounds.

Mars. lib. 11. Hor. lib. car. 3. ode 24.
—ô quantum cogit egestas▪
Magnum pauperies opprobrium iubet
Quiduis & facere & pati,
Virtutisque viam deserit arduae.

The citizens of London were so offended herewith that they rose in armour against him and other of the kings councell, The Londo­ners rob the house of the lord Gray. in somuch that they assailed the lodg­ing of the lord Iohn Gray without Ludgate, and tooke out of his stables 32 horsses, and such other things as they might laie hold vpon, kéeping such stur that the lord Gray himselfe was forced to flie be­yond Fleetbridge. The like rule they kept at the house of Iohn de Passelew.

Iohn Mansell departing foorth of the towre to the Thames, with the countesse de Lisle, Iohn Māsell fléeth into France. and other ladies that were strangers borne, sailed into France, and landed at Whitsand, where the said Mansell hearing that the lord Henrie, sonne to the king of Almaine, that then held with the barons was in those parts, he caused the lord Ingram de Fines to staie him as prisoner, and so he remained, till king Henrie vpon the agreement betwixt him and the barons, found meanes to get him released, and so then he returned into England.

But now touching the barons, they procéeded in their businesse which they had in hand with all earnest diligence, of whome these were the chéefe that vnder­tooke this matter: yoong Humfrie de Boun, the lord Henrie son to the king of Almaine, The baron [...] that ros [...] a­gainst the king. Henrie Mont­ford, Hugh Spenser, Baldwin Wake, Gilbert Gif­ford, Richard Gray, Iohn Ros, William Marmion, Henrie Hastings, Haimon le Strange, Iohn Fitz Iohn, Godfrey Lucie, Nicholas Segraue, Roger de Leiborne, Iohn Uesie, Roger de Clifford, Iohn de Uaus, Gilbert de Clare, Gilbert de Lacie, and Ro­bert Uepont, the which with one generall consent e­lected for their chéefe capteins and generall gouer­nours, Simon de Mountfort earle of Leicester, Their chéefe capteins. Gil­bert of Clare earle of Glocester, and Robert Fer­reis earle of Darbie, and Iohn earle of Warren. On the kings part these persons are named to stand with him against the other. First, Roger Bigod erle of Norffolke and Suffolke, The baron [...] that tooke part with the king. Humfrie de Boun earle of Hereford, Hugh Bigod lord cheefe iustice, Philip Basset, William de Ualence, Geffrey de Lucignan, Peter de Sauoy, Robert Walrand, Iohn Mansell, Geffrey Langley, Iohn Gray, William Latimer, Henrie Percie, and manie other. The barons not­withstanding hauing assembled their powers, resol­ued to go through with their purpose.

The first enterprise they made was at Hereford, Risanger no­teth this to be 1264. where they tooke the bishop of that sée named Iohn Breton, and as manie of his canons as were stran­gers borne. After this they tooke sir Matthew de Be­zilles shiriffe of Glocester, a stranger borne; and kée­ping on their waie towards London with baners displaied, so manie as came within their reach, The barons make hauoc [...] whom they knew to be against the maintenance of the sta­tutes of Oxford, they spoiled them of their houses, robbed them of their goods, and imprisoned their bo­dies, hauing no regard whether they were spirituall men or temporall. In diuerse of the kings castels they placed such capteins and soldiers as they thought conuenient, [...] placed others whom they either knew or suspected to be aduersaries to their purpose.

About Midsummer when they drew néere to Lon­don, they sent a letter to the maior and aldermen vn­der the seale of the earle of Leicester, willing to vn­derstand whether they woul [...] [...]bserue the acts and sta­t [...]tes establish [...]d at Oxford, or else aid and assist such persons as meant the breath of the same. And here­with they sent vnto them [...] copie of those articles, with a prouiso, that if any of them were preiudiciall, or in any wife hurtfull to the realme and common­wealth, that then the same by the aduise of discré [...]t persons should be amended and reformed. The maior bare this letter and the copie of the articles vnto the king, who in this meane time remained in the towre of London▪ togither with the quéene and the king of Almaine, latelie returned out of Almaine; also his sonne prince Edward, and manie other of his coun­cell. The king asked of the maior what he thought of those articles? Who made such answer as the king [Page 265] séemed well pleased therewith, and so permitted the maior to returne againe into the citie, The diligence o [...] the lord ma­i [...]r of London. who toke much paine in keeping the citie in good quiet now in that dangerous time.

All such the inhabitants as were strangers borne, and suspected to fauour either of the parties, were ba­nished the citie, but within a while after, prince Ed­ward set them or the most part of them in offices within the castell of Windsore. On the saturdaie next after the translation of saint Benet, as the quéene would haue passed by water from the tower line 10 vnto Windsore, The misde­meanor of lewd persons towards the quéene. a sort of lewd naughtipacks got them to the bridge, making a noise at hir, and crieng; Drowne the witch, threw downe stones, cudgels, dirt, and other things at hir, so that she escaped in great danger of hir person, fled to Lambeth, and through feate to be further pursued, landed there, and so she staied till the maior of London with much adoo appesing the furie of the people, repaired to the quéene and brought hir backe againe in safetie vnto the tow­er. And (as some write) bicause the king would not line 20 suffer hir to enter againe into the tower, Chron. Dunst. the maior conueied hir vnto the bishop of Londons house by Paules, and there lodged hir.

The barons in this meane time hauing got the citie of Worcester and Bridgenorth, Manh. West. with other pla­ces, were come into the south parts, to the end that they might win the castell of Douer, and find some meanes to set the lord Henrie (sonne to the king of Almaine that was prisoner beyond the seas) at liber­tie. In the meane time the bishops of Lincolne, Lon­don line 30 and Chester, Chron. Dunst. Bishops tra­uell to make peace. trauelled betwixt the king and ba­rons for a peace; but the barons would not agree, ex­cept that the king and queene would first cause the lord Henrie to be set at libertie, and deliuer into their hands the castels of Windsore, Douer, and other for­tresses, and send awaie all the strangers, and take such order that the prouisions of Oxenford might be obserued, as well by the king as others.

The king although these conditions seemed verie hard and displeasant to his mind, yet was he driuen line 40 to such an extremitie that he granted to accept them, and so an agreement was made and had betwixt him and the lords. But now all the difficultie was to ap­pease the lord Edward, and to remooue the strangers which he had placed in the castell of Windsore, Strangers kéepe the ca­stell of Wind­sore. which they had not onelie fortified, but also in manner de­stroied the towne, and doone much hurt in the coun­trie round about them. There were to the number of an hundred knights or men of armes (as I may call line 50 them) beside a great number of other men of warre. But now after that the king had agréed to the peace, the barons entred the citie on the sundaie before S. Margarets daie; and shortlie after the king came to Westminster with the quéene, and those of his councell. And immediatlie herevpon, by consent of the king and the barons, sir Hugh Spenser was made cheefe iustice and kéeper of the tower. During the time that the lords remained in London, manie robberies and riots were doone within the citie, and line 60 small redresse had in correcting the offendors, they were so borne out and mainteined by their maisters and others.

The commons of the citie were farre out of order, The great disorder in the citie of London. for in the assemblies and courts, as well at Guild­hall as in other places, the matters and iudgement of things went by the voices of the simple and vndis­creet multitude, so that the substantiall and worship­full citizens were not regarded. The barons on the morrow following the feast of saint Iames, depar­ted from London toward Windsore, Abington. in which meane while prince Edward was gone to Bristow, & there thinking himselfe to be out of danger, by mishap there rose variance betwixt the citizens & his men, so that the whole citie reuolted from him, and prepa­red to besiege him in the castell, not doubting but easilie to win it. When he saw how the world went, he sent to the bishop of Worcester that was of the barons side, promising that he would agrée with the barons, if he would helpe to deliuer him out of the Bristow mens hands. The bishop taking his promise conueied him foorth in safetie toward the court; but when he came neere vnto Windsore, he turned thi­ther, greatlie to the misliking of the bishop: yet ne­uerthelesse when the barons came forward to besiege that castle, the lord Edward met them not farre from Kingston, offering them conditions of peace. Nic. Treuer. Some write that he was staied and not suffered to returne againe to Windsore, after he had ended his talke with the barons: but howsoeuer it was, the castell was surrendred, with condition that those that were within it should safelie depart, and so they did, and were conducted to the sea by Humfrey de Bohun the yoonger. ¶About the same time, Leolin prince of Wales destroied the lands of prince Edward in Cheshire, and the marshes thereabouts. The two ca­stels of Disard and Gannoc he tooke and destroied, being two verie faire fortresses.

About the feast of the Natiuitie of our ladie, there was a parlement holden at London, A parlement. at the which all the nobles of the realme both spirituall and tempo­rall were present; and then the citie of London, Abing [...]on. and the cinque ports ioined in league as confederats with the barons: but the king plainlie protested be­fore all the assemblie, The kings protestation against the articles at Oxeniord. that by the statutes and proui­sions (as they termed them) made at Oxenford, he was much deceiued. For contrarie to that which the barons had promised, he felt himselfe rather charged with more debt than anie thing reléeued: and there­fore sith he had obteined of the pope an absolution of the oth both for himselfe and his people, his request was to be restored vnto his former estate of all such prerogatiues as in time past he had inioied. The ba­rons on the other side stiffelie mainteined, that they could not with safe conscientes go against their oth, and therefore they meant to stand in defense of the articles aforesaid euen so long as they had a daie to liue.

Thus whilest both parts kept so farre from all hope of agreement, and were now in point to haue depar­ted in sunder, through mediation of some bishops that were present a peace was concluded, and the parties so agréed, that all matters in controuersie touching the articles, prouisions, and statutes made at Oxenford should be ordered and iudged by the French king, The matter put to the French king. whom they chose as arbitrator betwixt them. Herevpon, on the thirtéenth of September, both the king and quéene, with their sonnes, and di­uerse other of the nobles of this land, tooke shipping, and sailed ouer to Bullongne, where the French king as then was at a parlement, with a great number of the nobles and péeres of France. The earle of Lei­cester also with diuerse of his complices went thi­ther, and there the matter was opened, argued, and debated before the French king, who in the end vpon due examination, and orderlie hearing of the whole processe of all their controuersies, gaue expresse sen­tence, that all and euerie of the said statutes and or­dinances deuised at Oxford, The French king giueth sentence against the barons. should be from thence­foorth vtterlie void, and all bonds and promises made by king Henrie, or anie other for performance of them, should likewise be adnihilated, fordoone, and clearelie cancelled.

The barons highlie displeased herewith, refused to stand to the French kings award herein, bicause he had iudged altogither on the kings side. Wherevpon after they were returned into the realme, either par­tie prepared for warre: but yet about the feast of S. [Page 266] Edward, the king and the barons eftsoones met at London, holding a new parlement at Westmin­ster, but no good could be doone. Then when the king of Almaine and prince Edward, Anno Reg. 4 8. with others of the kings councell saw that by rapine, oppression, and ex­tortion practised by the barons against the kings sub­iects, Matth. Wes [...]m. as well spirituall as temporall, the state of the realme and the kings honour was much decaied, and brought in manner vnto vtter ruine, they procu­red the king to withdraw secretlie from Westmin­ster vnto Windsore castell, of which his sonne prince line 10 Edward had gotten the possession by a traine. From Windsore he went to Reading, and from thence to Wallingford, and so to Oxford, hauing a great power with him.

At his being at Oxford there came vnto him the lord Henrie, The lords that reuolted to the king. son to the king of Almaine, Iohn earle Warren, Roger Clifford, Roger Leiborne, Hai­mond le Strange, and Iohn de Uaux, which had reeuolted from the barons to the kings side, Iohn Gif­ford also did the like: but he shortlie after returned to line 20 the barons part againe. The kings sonne the lord Edward had procured them thus to reuolt, promi­sing to euerie of them in reward by his charter of grant fiftie pounds lands to aid the king his father and him against the barons.

After this the king went to Winchester, and from thence came backe vnto Reading, Chron. Dun. and then he mar­ched foorth with his armie vnto Douer, where he could not be suffered to come into the castell, being kept line 30 out by the lord Richard Gray that was capteine there. Herevpon he returned to London, where the barons againe were entred, through fauour of the commoners, against the will of the chéefe citizens, and here they fell eftsoones to treat of agréement, Abington. but their talke profited nothing. And so in the Christmasse wéeke the king, year 1264 with his sonne prince Edward and diuerse other of the councell sailed ouer againe into France, The king go­eth again ouer to the French king. and went to Amiens, where they found the French king, and a great number of his Nobles. Al­so for the barons, Peter de Montford, and other were line 40 sent thither as commissioners, and as some write, at that present, to wit on the 24 daie of Ianuarie, the French king sitting in iudgement, pronounced his definitiue sentence on the bahalfe of king Henrie a­gainst the barons: Fabian. but whether he gaue that sentence now, or the yeare before, the barons iudged him verie parciall, and therefore meant not to stand vnto his arbitrement therein.

The king hauing ended his businesse with the French king, returned into England, and came to line 50 London the morrow after S. Ualentines day. And about seuen or eight daies after, the lord Edward his eldest sonne returned also, and hearing that the barons were gone to the marshes of Wales (where ioining with the Welshmen, they had begun to make warre against the kings freends, and namelie against his lieutenant Roger lord Mortimer, whome they had besieged in the castell of Wigmore) the lord Edward therevpon, with such power as he could get line 60 togither, marched thitherwards to raise their siege: but the lord Mortimer perceiuing himselfe in dan­ger, fled priuilie out of the castell, and got to Hereford, whither the prince was come. The barons inforced their strength in such wise that they wan the castell. Nic. Triue [...]. Castels got­ten by prince Edward. Prince Edward on the other side tooke the castels of Haie and Huntington that belonged vnto the earle of Hereford yoong Henrie de Boun.

The castell of Brecknoc was also deliuered into his hands, which he béetooke to the kéeping of the lord Roger de Mortimer, with all the territorie thereto belonging. Robert earle of Darbie that tooke part with the barons, besieged the citie of Worcester, and tooke it by the old castell, Worcester taken. sacked the citizens goods, and constreined the Iewes to be baptised. The citie of Glocester also was taken by the barons: but prince Edward following them and reparing the bridge o­uer Seuerne, which the barons had broken downe af­ter they were come ouer, he entred the castell of Glo­cester with his people. The next day by procurement of Walter bishop of Worcester, a truce was taken betwixt prince Edward and the barons that had ta­ken the towne, during the which truce the barons left the towne, and the burgesses submitted themselues vnto prince Edward: and so he hauing the castell and towne in his hands, Matth. We [...]. The citie of Glocester [...] couered, and put to fin [...]. imprisoned manie of the burgesses, & fined the towne at the summe of a thou­sand pounds. Then he drew towards his father li­eng at Oxford, or at Woodstoke, gathering people to­gither on ech hand.

In the meane time the lords drew towards Lon­don, The cōmo­ners of the citie of Lon­don agree with the barons. R. Fabia [...]. and the new assurance by writing indented was made betweene the communaltie of the citie and the barons, without consent of any of the rulers of the citie. The commoners herewith appointed of them­selues two capteins, which they named constables of the citie, that is to saie, Thomas Piwelsoon & Ste­phan Bukerell, by whose commandement and [...]olling of the great bell of Paules all the citie was warned to be readie in harnesse, to attend vpon the said two capteins. About the beginning of Lent the consta­ble of the towre sir Hugh Spenser, with the said two capteins, and a great multitude of the citizens and o­thers went to Thistlewor [...] ▪ The manor [...] Thistleworth spoiled. and there spoiled the ma­nour place of the king of Almaine, and then set it on fire, and destroied the water milles, and other com­modities which he there had. This déed was the cause (as some haue iudged) of the warre that after insued. The chéef [...] cause that [...] the K. of [...] ­maine so [...] against the barons. For where before this time the said king of Almaine had beéne, by reason of the alliance betwixt him and the earle of Glocester, continuallie an intreater for peace, he was now euer after this time an vtter enimie vnto the barons, and vnto their side, so farre as laie in his power.

The king hearing of this riot [...]us act, and being informed that Peter de Mountfort was at Nor­thampton, assembling people to strengthen the ba­rons part, he got togither such men of warre as he could from all places, and so he had with him his bro­ther Richard king of Almaine, his eldest sonne the lord Edward, The lords that follow [...] the king. William de Ualence his halfe bro­ther on the mothers side, & Iohn Comin of Ward in Scotland with a great number of Scots, Iohn Bal­lioll lord of Gallowaie, Robert Bruis lord of An­nandale, Roger Clifford, Philip Marmion, Iohn Uaux, Iohn Leiborne, Henrie Percie, Philip Bas­set, and Roger Mortimer.

Thus the king hauing these Noble men about him, Northampt [...] taken by [...]. with his armie sped him towards Northamp­ton, and comming thither tooke the towne by force, [...]ue diuerse, and tooke prisoners Peter Mountfort, and Simon Mountfort the earle of Leicesters son, William Ferries, Baldwin Wake, with Nicholas his brother, Berengarius de Wateruile, Hugh Gubiun, Robert Buteuilein, Adam of Newmarch, Robert Newton, Philip Dribie, Grimbald Paunce­f [...]et, Roger Beltram, Thomas Mansell, and diuerse other, to the number of 80 knights (or as Matthew Westminster hath 15 barons, and 60 knights) besides a great number of esquires and burgesses, the which were bestowed abroad in sundrie prisons. The towne (as some write) was taken by this meanes. Whilest diuerse of the capteins within were talking with the king on the one side of the towne towards the me­dowes, the lord Philip Basset approched the walles néere vnto the monasterie of S. Andrew, and there with his people hauing spades, mattocks, and other instruments prouided for the purpose, vndermined a [Page 267] great paine of the wall, and reuersed the same into ditches, making such a breach, that fortie horssemen might enter afront. Some put the blame in such moonks of the abbeie as were strangers, as though they should prepare this entrie for the enimie: but howsoeuer it was, the king got the towne out of his enimies hands.

This also is to be remembred, that where by rea­son of variance, which had chanced that yere betwixt the scholers of Oxford and the townesmen, a great line 10 number of the same scholers were withdrawen to Northampton and there studied. Scholers fight against the king. They had raised a banner to fight in defense of the towne against the king, and did more hurt to the assailants than anie other band; wherevpon the king threatned to hang them all, and so had he doone indéed, if by the persua­sion of his councell he had not altered his purpose, doubting to procure the hatred of their fréends, if the execution should haue béene so rigorouslie prosecuted against them: for there were amongst them manie line 20 yoong gentlemen of good houses and noble paren­tage. Thus was the towne of Northampton taken on a saturdaie being Passion sundaie euen, and the morrow after the daie of S. Ambrose which is the fift of Aprill. On the monday following, the king led his armie towards Leicester, where the burgesses recei­ued him into the towne at his comming thither. From thence he marched to Notingham, burning and wasting the houses and manors of the barons and other of his enimies, and speciallie those that be­longed to the earle of Leicester. Here he also gathe­red line 30 more people, Some write that Iohn de Balioll and Robert de Bruis, and Peter de Bruis, came to him here and not before Matt. West. The castell of Turburie de­faced. and so increased his power: in so­much that diuerse Noblemen, as Roger Clifford, Henrie Percie, Richard Gray, Philip Basset, Ri­chard Sward, and Hubert earle of Kent, doubting the lacke of power in their companions, reuolted in­continentlie to the kings side.

He sent his sonne prince Edward into Darbi­shire and Staffordshire with a strong power, where he wasted the manours and possessions of Robert de Ferrers earle of Darbie, and namelie he ouerthrew line 40 and defaced the castell of Tutburie. Wheresoeuer the kings armie, or that which his sonne prince Edward led, chanced to come, there followed spoiling, burning and killing. The barons on the other side sate not still, for the lord Iohn Gifford, with others that were ap­pointed by the earle of Leicester to kéepe Killing­worth castell (which was furnished with all things necessarie, maruellouslie, and with such strange kind of engines as had not béene lightlie heard of nor seene in these parts) tooke by a policie the castell of line 50 Warwike, and William Manduit earle of War­wike, The castell of Warwike taken. with his wife and familie within it; and lea­ding them to Killingworth, there cōmitted them to prison. The cause was, for that they suspected him that he would take part with the king against them. The castell of Warwike they raced downe, least the kings people should take it for their refuge. The castell of Warwike raced. The Iewes are killed. In the Passion weeke the Iewes that inhabited in Lon­don being detected of treason, which they had deuised against the barons and citizens, were slaine almost line 60 all the whole number of them, and great riches found in their houses, which were taken and caried awaie by those that ransacked the same houses.

After Easter the erle of Leicester, hauing London at his commandement, Rochester besieged. went to Rochester and besie­ged that citie, but the capteine thereof Iohn earle of Warren did manfullie resist the enimies; till the king aduertised thereof, with the power of the mar­shes of the north parts and other came and remooued the siege. N. Triue [...]. Matth. West. This doone, he left a conuenient garrison within the citie to defend it, and comming to Tun­bridge, wan the castell, and taking the countesse of Glocester that was within it, permitted hir to de­part. This doone, he repaired to the sea side towards France, to staie there till his brethren, Geffrey and Guie, the sonnes of the earle of Marsh should arriue with some band of souldiers, The kings halfe brethren come out of France to his aid. The king in­campeth at Lewes. for whom he had now sent and reuoked into the realme, being latelie before banished by the Nobles, as before yée haue heard. They shortlie after landed, wherevpon the king ha­uing his power increased, came to Lewes, and pight downe his field not farre from that towne.

In the end of Aprill the barons hearing where the king was, departed from London with a great multitude of the citizens, whom they placed in the vantward, and marched foorth towards the king, and comming neere to the place where he was lodged; set downe their tents, and incamped themselues a little beside him. Either here or by the waie as they came forward, the barons deuised a letter, and sent it vnto the king, conteining an excuse of their dooings, and a declaration of their well meanings, The barons send a letter to the king. both to­wards him, and the wealth of the realme; and heere­with accused those that were about him, and with e­uill counsell misinformed him, both against them, a­gainst the publike wealth of the land, and his owne honor. This letter was dated the tenth of Maie, and subscribed with the names of a great number of no­ble men, of the which the more part doo here insue, but yet not all; Sir Simon de Montfort earle of Leicester and high steward of England, sir Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester, Robert Ferrers earle of Darbie, Hugh Spenser lord cheefe iustice, & Hen­rie Montfort sonne and heire to the earle of Leice­ster, Richard Grey, Henrie Hastings, Iohn Fitz Iohn, Robert de Uéepont, Iohn Ginuile, Robert Rops, William Marmion, Baldwine Wake, Gil­bert Gifford, Nicholas de Segraue, Godfrey de Lu­cie, Iohn de Ueisie, William de Mountchensie, with other. The king answered this letter, The answer to y • barons. in char­ging them with rebellion, and moouing of open war against him, to the great disquieting of the realme. Also he laid vnto their charge, the burning of the ma­nours, houses and places of his nobles and councel­lors; and herewith defied them by the same answer, He defieth them. which was dated at Lewes aforesaid on the twelfth of Maie.

Also the king of Romanes, and prince Edward sent their defiance to the barons at the same time in writing vnder their seales, for that the barons in their letter to the king, had burthened them and o­ther with misleading the king with vntrue informa­tions and sinister counsell. Matth. West. Thus as they writ to and fro such nipping letters, all the treatie of peace was forgotten and laid aside, so that they prepared to battell. The king had indéed the greater number of armed men, but manie of them were vnfaithfull, and cared not greatlie though the losse fell to his side, and so whilest they went to it without order, & vnaduised­lie, they fought at aduenture, & continued but faintly. N. Triuet. The ordering of the battels. His capteines made thrée battels of their armie, the lord Edward led the foreward, and with him Willi­am de Ualence earle of Penbroke, and Iohn de Warren erle of Surrey and Sussex. In the second, the K. of Almaine, with his sonne Henrie were cheef­taines. The third the king gouerned himselfe.

The barons diuided their host into foure battels, the first was vnder the gouernment of the lord Hen­rie de Montfort and others. The second was led by the lord Gilbert de Clare, the lord Iohn Fitz Iohn, and the lord William de Mountchensie. The third, in which the Londoners were placed, the lord Nicho­las de Segraue ruled. The fourth was led by Si­mon Montfort earle of Leicester himselfe, and one Thomas de Peuelston. Thus being ordered, on the fourtéenth of Maie being Wednesdaie, they ioined in fight, and at the first incounter, The battels ioine. the L. Hen­rie [Page 268] de Hastings, Chron. Dunst. the lord Geffrey de Lucie, & Hum­frey de Bohun the yoonger were wounded, and the Londoners forthwith were beaten backe: Prince Ed­ward pursu­eth the Lon­doners. for prince Edward so fiercelie assailed them, that they were not able to abide the brunt. He hated them indeed aboue all other, namelie for that of late they had mis­vsed his mother, reuiling hir, and throwing durt and stones at hir, when she passed the bridge (as before ye haue heard) which wrong and abuse by them com­mitted was peraduenture on their parts forgotten, line 10 but of prince Edward (as it séemeth) remembred, for ‘Puluere qui laedit, sed laesus marmore scribit.’

Herevpon prince Edward now to be reuenged of them, after they began to flie, most egerlie following them, chased & slue them by heaps. But whilest he se­parated himselfe by such earnest following of the Londoners too farre from the residue of the kings armie, he was the onelie cause of the losse of that field: for the earle of Leicester, perceiuing that the prince with the chiefest force of the kings armie was thus gone after the Londoners (of whom he made no line 20 great account) he exhorted his people to shew their valiancie at that instant, and so comming vpon his aduersaries with great courage, The kings part put to the worse. Matt. Westm. Nic. Triuer. in a moment put them to flight. There were taken the king of Almaine, the lords Iohn de Burgh and Philip Bas­set with all other the chiefest that were about the king, but the king himselfe retired with those few a­bout him that were left, into the priorie of Lewes, and other there were that withdrew into the castell. line 30 The barons pursuing them, entered the towne, and tooke or slue so manie as they found within the castell and priorie. At length, prince Edward returned from the chase of the Londoners, whom he had pursued for the space of foure miles, and finding the field lost, be­gan a new battell: Matth. Paris. but the earle of Surrie, Wil­liam de Valence, and Guy de Lucignan, with Hugh Bigod and others, Seuen hun­dred hath A­bington. Prince Ed­ward com­meth backe to his father. hauing with them thrée hundred armed men, streightwaies fled vnto the castell of Pemsie. Prince Edward then perceiuing slaughter line 40 to be made on each hand, cast about the towne, and with his companie got into the priorie to his father.

In the meane time the barons gaue assault to the castell, but they within valiantlie defended them­selues, with whose hardie dooings prince Edward in­couraged, gathered his people togither againe, and meant e [...]tsoones to giue battell; but the subtill head of the earle of Leicester beguiled them all, for he caused certeine friers to take in hand to be intreators be­twixt them, Fri [...]rs subor­ned to treat a peace. which comming to the king and to the line 50 prince his sonne, declared that the barons, to auoid that more christian bloud should not be spilt, would be contented to haue the matter put in compromise of indifferent persons; but if it were so, that the king and his sonne would néeds stand to the vttermost tri­all of battell, they would not faile but strike off the heads of the king of Almaine and other prisoners, which they would set vpon the ends of their speares in stéed of standards.

The king and his people hauing the respect of pitie line 60 before their eies, changed their purposed intent to fight, and falling to a parle (which continued for the most part of all the night next following) at length it was agreed vpon, An agréement taken. Matth. West. that the French king with thrée prelats and three other noble men of the temporaltie, should choose foorth and name two noble men of France, which comming into England should take a third person to them whom they thought good, and they thrée should haue the hearing of all controuer­sies betwixt the king and the barons, and what order so euer they tooke therein, the same should stand, and be receiued for a perfect conclusion and stable decrée. This agréement was confirmed, and prince Edward and Henrie sonne to the king of Almaine were ap­pointed to remaine as hostages with the barons.

¶ Other write otherwise of this battell at Lewes, Polydor. affirming, that not onelie the king of Romans, but also king Henrie himselfe, hauing his owne horsse thrust through on both sides, was taken, and likewise his sonne prince Edward with other on their side, to the number of fiue and twentie barons and banne­rets: and that moreouer, there died on the kings side that day in the battell and chase, six thousand and fiue hundred men, as Polydor noteth: howbeit, Richard Southwell saith, there died on both parts onlie 3400. But Matth. Westminster writeth, that as the report went, there died fiue thousand on both sides, and a­mongst other, these he nameth as chéefe, William de Wilton one of the kings iustices, & the lord Fouke Fitz Waren a baron that tooke the kings part. On the barons side, Matth. West [...] ▪ Lords ta [...] on the kings side. the lord Rafe Heringander a baron also, and William Blunt the earles standardbearer. Of them that were taken on the kings side, beside such as before are recited, we find these named, Hum­frie de Bohun earle of Hereford, William lord Bar­dolfe, Robert lord of Tatshale, Roger lord Some­rie, Henrie lord Percie, Iohn de Balioll, Robert de Bruis, and Iohn Comin, with other barons of Scot­land, hauing lost all their footmen whom they had brought with them to the kings aid.

Moreouer, it should appeare by some writers, Fabian. N. Triue [...]. Matth. Wes [...] ▪ that the king being thus in captiuitie, was constreined to make a new grant, that the statutes of Oxford shuld stand in force, and if any were thought vnreasonable, the same should be reformed by foure Noble men of the realme of France, two of the spiritualtie and two of the temporaltie. And if those foure could not agrée, then the earle of Anton and the duke of Burgoigne shuld be iudges in the matter. ¶But if either those or the other were appointed to be arbitrators, like it is, that the former report touching the successe of the battell is true; for if both the king and his sonne had béene taken prisoners in the field, the barons would suerlie haue constreined him to haue consented to the obseruance of the statutes, without putting the same in compromise, to be altered at the discretion of any arbitrators, and namelie strangers.

But howsoeuer it was, on the tuesday before the Ascension day, peace was proclaimed in London, Peace pro­claimed. be­tweene the king and the barons; and wheras the king either by constreint for safegard of himselfe or his fréends, either vpon assurance of the barons promise, committed himselfe vnto the companie of the same barons, at their comming with him to London they went from this last agréement, and foorthwith deui­sed other ordinances as thus. They ordeined, A new [...] of the [...] that two earles and a bishop, which being elected out by the communaltie, should choose to them nine other persons, and of these, three of them should still re­maine about the king, and by their order and the o­ther nine, all things should be gouerned both in the court and in the realme. They constreined the king and his sonne prince Edward (menacing to depose the one, and to kéepe the other in perpetuall prison) to consent and agrée to this last ordinance: and so the earles of Leicester and Glocester, and the bishop of Chichester were ordeined there the cheefe rulers, and letters sent with all spéed vnto the cardinall Sabi­nensis the popes legat, and to the king of France, to signifie to them, that the compromise agréed vpon at Lewes was vtterlie reuoked, and that a new peace in freendlie wise was concluded.

But although the bishops of London, Winche­ster, and Worcester instantlie required the said legat, that he would helpe to further the same peace, yet he fore rebuked them, in that they would giue their con­sent, so much to abase and bring vnder the kings roi­all power. And bicause he might not be suffered to [Page 269] enter the realme, he first cited them to appeare before him at Bullongne. And whereas they séemed to con­temne his authoritie, and appeared not, he both sus­pended the said three bishops, and excommunicated the said earles of Leicester and Glocester, and their complices, with the citie of London, and the cinque ports: but the foresaid bishops, earles and barons, feigning to make their appeales to the popes consi­storie, or if néed were, vnto a generall councell and so foorth, though indeed trusting more to the temporall line 10 sword, than fearing the spirituall, they did not for­beare to saie and heare diuine seruice in churches and else-where, as before they had doone, till the comming of the cardinall Othobone.

The capteines and men of warre, whom the king had left at Tunbridge, immediatlie vpon the agrée­ment concluded betwixt the king and the barons, were commanded by the K. to depart, Matth. West. & repaire eue­rie man to his home; but they fearing the malice of their enimies, would not breake in sunder, but kéep­ing line 20 togither, went strait to Bristowe, and there re­mained, till the lord Edward the kings sonne was escaped out of captiuitie. But this is to be remem­bred, that before their departure from Tunbridge, when by report of William de Saie, N. Triuet. who escaping from the battell at Lewes, was come thither, they vnderstood how the matter had passed on both sides, and that the Londoners being chased out of the field, were lodged at Croidon, The Londo­ners spoiled at Croidon. about the euening tide they came thither, and assailing them in their lodgings, line 30 slue manie, and wan a great spoile. The earle of Leicester and the barons hauing the rule of the king and realme in their hands, sought to oppresse all such as they knew to be against them, and not to like of their procéedings; namelie, the northerne lords, and those of the marshes of Wales, as the lord Morti­mer and others: but waxing herewith wilfull, they vsed things with small discretion, which at length brought them to confusion. For the foure sonnes of the earle of Leicester, Henrie, Guie, Simon, and an line 40 other Henrie, which had serued right worthilie indéed on the daie of the battell, began to waxe so proud, that in comparison of themselues, they despised all others.

The lords of the marshes of Wales, as Roger de Mortimer, Iames de Audelie, Roger de Clifford, Roger de Leiborne, Matt. West. Haimon le Strange, Hugh Turberuile, and other that had escaped from the bat­tell at Lewes, began to make against them that had thus vsurped the rule of the land, vnder colour of line 50 hauing the king in their hands. The earle of Leice­ster aduertised hereof, ioined in league with Leolin prince of Wales, and comming with the king into those parts, entered into the castell of Hereford, into the which he remooued the lord Edward from Do­uer, where he was first kept in ward, after he had yéelded himselfe at Lewes. After this, the earle of Leicester recouered the castell of Haie, and wasting the lands and manours of the lord Mortimer, con­streined Hugh Mortimer to yéeld himselfe, so that line 60 his castell called Richar, and other his possessions, were committed to the kéeping of the lord Iohn Fitz Iohn. The earle of Darbie com­meth to Che­ster with 20 thousand men. Robert de Ferrers earle of Darbie, with a great puissance of horssemen and footmen came to Chester, in fauour of the earle of Leicester, against whome although William de Cousche, and Dauid brother to the prince of Wales, taking the contrarie part with the lord Iames Audelie and o­ther, came to incounter, yet they durst not abide him, but fled, and lost an hundred of their men.

In the meane time, the earle of Leicester procée­ding in his businesse, wan the castell of Ludlow, and after marching towards Montgomerie, whither the lords Roger de Mortimer, and Iames Audelie were withdrawne, he constreined them at length to a feigned agreement, so that they gaue hostages, The lords Mortimer and Audeli [...] banished. pro­mising to come to the next parlement that was ap­pointed to be holden, where they were banished the land for a twelue moneths, and all the castels on the marshes, in manner from Bristow to Chester, were deliuered to the earle. After this (as by Nicholas Triuet it appeareth) there was a great assemblie of men of warre made out of all parts of the realme, to resist such strangers as the quéene (remaining in the parts beyond the seas) had got togither, meaning to send them into England to aid the king against the barons, and for that purpose had caused a great number of ships to be brought into the hauen of Dam. But now that the king was in the barons hands, An armie lod­ged on Bar­ham-downe. and that such a multitude of horssemen and footmen were assembled on Barham-downe (as a man would not haue thought had béene possible to haue found within the whole relme) to resist the land­ing of those strangers, the said strangers were sent home againe, without hauing doone anie pleasure to the quéene, other than spent hir monie. Matth. West. The king held his Christmas at Woodstoke; year 1265 and the earle of Leice­ster, who séemed then to rule the whole realme, Chr. Dunstab. kept his Christmasse at Killingworth.

After this, a parlement was holden at London in the octaues of saint Hilarie, and manie things were concluded, couenants accorded, and oths taken for performance by the K. and his sonne prince Edward, which shortlie after came to little effect. Yet prince Edward, and Henrie the sonne and heire of the king of Almaine, which had béene kept as pledges about the tearme of nine moneths and od daies, were in the Lent following set at libertie, vpon assurance made, Abington. that the said prince Edward should remaine in the kings court, and not depart from thence with­out licence of the king and certeine of the barons. He was also constreined to giue vnto the earle of Leicester the countie Palantine of Chester, before he might obteine to haue so much libertie. Betwéene Easter and Whitsuntide, the earles of Leicester and Glocester fell at variance, through the presumptu­ous demeanour of the earle of Leicesters sonnes, and also bicause the earle of Leicester would not de­liuer the king of Almaine and other prisoners vnto the earle of Glocester, requiring to haue the custo­die of them, bicause he had taken them in the battell at Lewes.

The earle of Glocester, perceiuing himselfe not well vsed, secretlie entred into confederacie with the lord Mortimer, and other of the marshes: wherevpon the earle of Leicester hauing thereof some inkeling, came to Hereford, in purpose to haue taken the earle of Glocester, and to haue put him in safe kéeping, as latelie before he had serued the earle of Darbie. But by the practise of the lord Mortimer, shortlie after the lord Edward or prince Edward (whether yee list to call him) assaieng abroad in the fields an horsse or two, such as he should vse at iusts and tornies, which were appointed to be holden, he mounted at length vpon a light courser, which the said lord Mortimer had sent to him; Prince Ed­ward escapeth awaie. Matth. West. and bidding the lord Robert Roos and other (that were appointed to attend on him, as his keepers) farewell, he galloped from them, and could not be ouertaken of them that pursued him, till at length he came to the lord Mortimer, who with a great troope of men was come foorth of his castell of Wigmore to receiue him. This was on the thurs­daie in Whitsunweeke.

About the same time, the earle of Warren, with William de Ualence earle of Penbroke, the kings halfe brother, and others, who (as yée haue heard) fled from the battell at Lewes, were now returned into the realme, landing first in Southwales with a [Page 270] power of crossebowes and other men of warre, the which hearing that the lord Edward was thus esca­ped out of captiuitie, came to Ludlow, and there ioi­ned with him, and so likewise did the earle of Gloce­ster. Now after they had communed togither, and were made freends and confederats, they caused all the bridges to be broken, that the enimies should not come to oppresse them, till they had assembled all their forces, and passing forward towards Glocester, wan the citie, and still came people vnto them from all line 10 sides, namelie those lords and capteins, which all the time since the battell of Lewes had laine in Bri­stow. After this they came to Worcester, and entred there also. When the earle of Leicester was hereof aduertised (who in all this meane time by order ta­ken, was about the king, and ruled all things in the court) h [...] sent in all hast vnto his sonne Simon de Montfort to raise a power of men, The earle of Leicesters sonne raiseth an armie. He wan Win­chester. the which accor­dinglie assembled to him much people, and comming with the same vnto Winchester, wan the citie by line 20 surrender, spoiled it, and slue the more part of the Iewes that inhabited there. Then he laid siege to the castell, but hearing a feined rumor that prince Ed­ward was comming thither with his power, he de­parted from thence with his companie, and went to Killingwoorth.

On the last day of Iulie, prince Edward with his host came to Killingwoorth aforesaid, and there figh­ting with the said Simon de Montfort and his ar­mie, with little slaughter discomfited the same, and line 30 tooke prisoners the erle of Oxford, The armie of the earle of Leicesters sonne is dis­comfited. the lords William de Montchensie, Adam de Newmarch, Baldwine Wake, and Hugh Neuill, with diuerse others: the lord Simon himselfe fled into the castell, and so esca­ped. In this meane while the earle of Leicester ha­uing raised his power, N. Triuet. came to the castell of Mon­mouth, The castell of Monmouth taken. which the earle of Glocester had latelie taken and fortified: but they that were within it being dri­uen to yéeld, it was now raced downe to the ground. This doone, the earle of Leicester entring into Gla­morganshire, line 40 and ioining his power with the prince of Wales, wasted and burned the lands of the said earle of Glocester: but hearing what his aduersaries went about in other places, he returned from thence, and came forward towards the said prince Edward, who likewise made towards him, and at Euesham they met on the sixt day of August, The battell of Euesham. where was fought a verie fierce and cruell battell betwixt the parties.

Polydor.¶ Some write, that the earle of Leicester placed king Henrie in the front of his battell, whom he had line 50 there with him as captiue, and had arraied him in his owne cote-armour, that if fortune went against him, whilest the enimies should be earnest to take the king bearing the semblance of the chéefe capteine, he might himselfe escape: but king Henrie, when they came to ioine, fought not, but called to his people, and declared who he was, whereby he escaped the danger of death, for being knowne of them he was saued. The Welshmen which in great numbers the earle of Leicester had there on his side, The Welsh­men fled. at the first onset fled line 60 and ran awaie; which their demeanor, when the earle saw, he exhorted those that were about him to plaie the men, and so rushing foorth into the prease of his e­nimies, The earle of Leicester slaine. he was inclosed about and slaine, togither with his sonne Henrie. Herevpon, his death being knowne, his people tooke them to flight as men vt­terlie discomfited. There died in that battell about 4000 men (as Polydor saith.) But Richard South­well saith, there were killed of knights or rather men of armes 180, and of yeomen or rather demilances 220, of Welshmen 5000, and of such footmen as were of the earle of Leicesters owne retinue 2000, so that there died in all to the number of ten thousand men, as the same Southwell affirmeth. Among whom of noblemen, Matth. We [...] ▪ these are reckoned Hugh Spenser lord chéefe iustice, the lord Rafe Ba [...]et, the lord Peter de Montfort, the lord Iohn Beauchampe, sir William Yorke, the lord Thomas de Esterlie, the lord Walter de Creppings, Guie de B [...]lioll a Frenchman, the lord William de Mandeuill, the lord Roger S. Iohn, the lord Robert Tregoz, and others.

This ruine fell to the baron [...] by the discord which was sproong latelie before, The pri [...]e of the earle of Leicesters sons brin­geth the ba­rons to con­fusion. betwixt the earles of Lei­cester and Glocester, through the insolencie and pride of the earle of Leicesters sonnes, who (as I said be­fore) despising other of the nobilitie, and forgetting in the meane time the nature of true and vnstained no­blenesse, wherof it is said and trulie remembred, that ‘Nobilitas morum plus [...] [...]genitorum,’ spake manie reprochfull words by the said earle of Glocester, and vsed him in such euill sort, that he vp­on displeasur [...] thereof, had not onelie procured the scape of prince Edward, but ioined with him in aid, against the said earle of Leicester, and other of the ba­rons, to the vtter confusion, [...]th of them and of their cause. The bodie of the same earle was shamefullie abused & cut in peeces, his head and his priuie mem­bers were cut off, and fastened on either side of his nose, and presented vnto the wife of the lord Roger Mortimer.

The people conceiued an opinion, that this earle being thus slaine, Polydor. fighting in defense of the liberties of the realme, & performance of his oth, as they tooke it, died a martyr: which by the bruted holinesse of his passed life and miracles ascribed to him after his death, was greatlie confirmed in the next age. But the feare of the kings displeasure staied the people from hastie honouring him as a saint at this time, where otherwise, they were inclined greatlie thereto, reputing him for no lesse in their conscience, as in se­cret talke they would not sticke to vtter. There were wounded & taken, Matth. West. besides the other that were slaine at that battell of Euesham, Guie de Montfort, the earle of Leicesters sonne, the lords Iohn Fitz Iohn, Henrie de Hastings, Humfrie de Bohun the yoon­ger, Iohn de Uescie, Peter de Montfort the yoon­ger, and Nicholas de Segraue with others. The king being deliuered out of his aduersaries hands, and likewise the king of Romans, went vnto War­wike, and there increasing his power, determined to pursue his enimies.

But first, about the Natiuitie of our ladie was a parlement holden at Winchester, A parlement at Winche­ster. where the statuts of Oxford were cleerelie repealed. Also, all such as had fauoured the barons, and were as then either in prison or abroad, should be disherited. It was also ordeined at this parlement, that the wealthiest citi­zens of London should be cast into prison, and that the citie should be depriued of hir liberties. Also, that the stulps and cheins, wherewith the stréets were fensed, should be had awaie, bicause that the citizens had aided the earle of Leicester against the king and his realme. All this was doone, for the chéefe citizens were committed to ward within the castle of Wind­sor, till they had paid no small summes of monie for their fines. The liberties of the citie were suspended, and the towre of London was made stronger by the stulps and cheins which were brought into it out of the citie. Moreouer, bicause Simon de Montfort might not agrée with the king, being come to this parlement vpon assurance, he was restored to the ca­stell of Killingworth.

After this, A parlement at Westmin­ster. in the feast of the translation of S. Ed­ward, a parlement was holden at Westminster, and the sentence of disheriting the kings aduersaries was pronounced against them, whose lands the king forthwith gaue vnto his trustie subiects, where he thought good. Some of the disherited men redée­med [Page 271] their possessions, with a portion of monie, in name of a fine. Other of them flocking togither, got them into the woods and desert places, where kéeping them out of sight as outlawes, they liued by spoiles and robberies. The cheefest of them was Robert erle of Ferrers, who neuerthelesse was restored to his lands, Erle Ferrers but yet with condition, that if afterwards he fell into the like crime, he should forfeit his earldome for euer. Fabian. Anno Reg. 50. The citie of London sub­mitteth hir­selfe to the K. The Londoners with much adoo, at length, obteined pardon of the king. The maior and alder­men line 10 of the citie were glad to submit themselues, though the commons, without consideration of the great perill which they were in, would haue stood still at defiance with the king, and defended the citie against him. It was no maruell though they were of diuerse and contrarie opinions, for in those daies, the citie was inhabited with manie and sundrie nations which then were admitted for citizens. At length, vp­on their submission, the king tooke them to mercie, vpon their fine, The Londo­ners put to their fine. Cardinall O­thobone the popes legat. Fabian. which was seized at twentie thousand line 20 marks.

About Alhallowentide, cardinall Othobone came from the pope into England as his legat, to helpe towards some agréement to be had betwixt the king and his barons. He was committed to prison (as some write) by the Londoners, for that he spake a­gainst their dooings, when they shut their gates a­gainst the king; but he was shortlie released as should appeare. On the sixt day of Nouember in the fiftith yeare of his reigne, king Henrie came to line 30 Westminster, and shortlie after, he gaue awaie the number of threescore houses, with the houshold stuffe in the same conteined, so that the owners were com­pelled to redeeme them againe of those his seruants, to whome he had giuen the said houses, togither with all such lands, goods and cattels, as the same citizens had within any part of England. Then was one cal­led sir Othon made custos or gardian of the citie, One Othon made gardian of the citie of London. who was also conestable of the tower, he chose to be bailiffes, and to be accomptable to the kings vse, line 40 Iohn Adrian, and Walter Henrie, citizens of the same citie. The king also tooke pledges of the best mens sonnes of the citie, which pledges he caused to be put in the tower, and there kept at the costs of their parents. Matth. West. ¶ The king by aduise of his councell ordeined, that within euerie shire of the relme, there should be a capteine or lieutenant appointed with ne­cessarie allowance of the king for his charges, the which, with the assistance of the shiriffe, should punish and keepe downe the wicked outrage of théeues and line 50 robbers, which in time of the late ciuill warres were sproong vp in great numbers, and growen to excée­ding great boldnesse; but now, through feare of de­serued punishment, they began to ceasse from their accustomed rapine, and the kings power came a­gaine in estimation, so that peace after a manner tooke new root and increase. Nic. Treuet. The legat holdeth a sy­nod at Nor­thampton.

Upon S. Nicholas euen, the king departed from Westminster, towards Northampton, where the cardinall Othobone held a synod, and according to line 60 that he had in commandement, pronounced all the kings aduersaries accurssed, and namelie all the bi­shops which had aided the barons against the king, in time of the late warres, of whome afterward he absolued the most part. Matt. VVest. This suspen­sion was pro­nounced in a councell hol­den by the said cardinall at Paules as Fabian saith. Matth. West. But Iohn bishop of Winche­ster, Henrie bishop of London, and Stephan bishop of Chichester were sent to Rome, to purchase their absolution of pope Clement the fourth, as well for o­ther points of disobedience, as chéeflie for that, where the quéene had procured a cursse of pope Urbane the fourth, that was predecessor to this Clement, to ac­cursse all the barons and their supporters, which war­red against the king hir husband: the said bishops (to whome the commission was sent to denounce that cursse) for feare of the barons deferred the execution. Walter bishop of Worcester; chancing to fall sicke at that time, died about the beginning of Februarie, confessing first, that he had greeuouslie erred, in mainteining the side of the erle of Leicester against the king, and therefore directed his letters to the popes legat, requiring to be absolued, which his peti­tion the legat granted. Moreouer, N. Triuet. in this councell at Northampton, there was published by the cardinall a grant, made to the king by the pope, of the dismes of the english church for one whole yeare then next insuing.

A little before the kings departure from London now in this last time, he ordeined sir Iohn Linde knight, and maister Iohn Waldren clearke, to be gardians of the citie and tower, by the names of se­neshals or stewards: but such earnest suit was made to the king, to obteine a perfect pardon for the Londoners, that at length after the aforesaid seneshals had taken suerties for the paiment of their fine, the K. caused his charter of pardon to be made vnder his broad seale, and sent it vnto them, wherein all former trespasses committed by them in the last warres was cleerelie pardoned; certeine persons, The Londo­ners pardōed. whose bodies and goods were giuen vnto his eldest sonne Edward, excepted out of the same pardon. This charter was dated at Northampton, the tenth day of Ianuarie, in the fiftith yere of king Henries reigne. year 1266 Then also were discharged the foresaid seneshals, Fabian. and the citizens of themselues chose for maior, William Fitz Richard; and for shiriffs, Thomas de la Fourd, and Gregorie de Rockesleg.

Whilest the king laie at Northampton, Simon de Montfort. the lord Simon de Montfort put himselfe vpon the doome and order of the legat Othobone, and was therefore permitted to be at large in the kings court: but at the kings comming to London, he suddenlie depar­ted out of the court, and rode to Winchelsie, where he associated himselfe with rouers, and after some prices taken, departed from them, and went into France, Matth. West. Polydor. where he offered his seruice to the French king, and was receiued. Thus saith Matthew West­minster, and other. But Polydor saith, that by Otho­bons means, he was reconciled to the kings fauour; and therevpon to auoid occasion of further displea­sure, he commanded, that the castell of Killingworth should be restored vnto the king, which the capteine refused to deliuer, hauing fortified it with all man­ner of prouision, and things necessarie to defend a siege.

The wardens of the cinque ports, Fabian. The war­dens of the fiue ports re­conciled to the king. Matth. West. which (during the time of the barons warre) had doone manie robe­ries on the sea, as well against the Englishmen as other, were at length reconciled to the king, who was faine to agrée with them vpon such conditions as they thought good, bicause at that time (as the cōmon fame went) they had the dominion of the sea in their owne hands. But in some writers we find it thus re­corded, that when certeine prisoners which were kept by the barons of the cinque ports in the castell of Douer, heard how all things prospered on the kings side, they got possession of a tower within the same castell, and tooke vpon them to defend it against their keepers; whereof when aduertisement was giuen to the king and to his sonne the lord Edward, they ha­sted forth to come & succour their freends. The kéepers of the castell, Douer castell deliuered to the king. perceiuing themselues beset with their enimies, sent to the king for peace, who granting them pardon of life and limme, with horsse, armour and other such necessaries, the castell was yeelded vn­to his hands. From thence, prince Edward depar­ting, visited the sea coasts, punishing diuerse of the in­habitants within the precinct of the cinque ports, and putting them in feare, receiued diuerse to the king [Page 272] his fathers peace. The inhabitants of Winchelsie onelie made countenance to resist him, but prince Edward with valiant assaults entred the towne, Winchelsie won by force. in which entrie much guiltie bloud was spilt, but yet the multitude by commandement of prince Edward was spared. And thus hauing woone the towne, he commanded that from thencefoorth they should ab­steine from piracies, which they had before time greatlie vsed. Thus were the seas made quiet, and those of the cinque ports brought to the kings peace, and throughlie reconciled. line 10

Matth. westm. The Ile of Oxholme.In this meane while diuerse of the disherited gentlemen, sore repining at the sentence and order giuen against them, had taken the Ile of Oxholme in Lincolneshire, whither a great number of euill doo­ers immediatlie resorted, and began to doo mischéefe in all the countries next adioining. They tooke and sacked the citie of Lincolne, Abington. Lincolne taken. N. Triuet. spoiled the Iewes, and slue manie of them, entred their synagog, and burnt the booke of their law. At length prince Edward, or (as other saie) his brother earle Edmund, was sent line 20 against them, who compelled them by force to come to the kings peace, which to obserue, they receiued an oth shortlie after at London, but neuerthelesse were as soone readie to breake and renounce the same, and began a new broile in sundrie parts of the realme. Diuerse of them fortified the castell of Killingworth, Killingworth castell forti­fied against the king. prouiding themselues of all things necessarie for de­fense out of the countries adioining. The king ad­uertised hereof, sent vnto them a purseuant, com­manding them to cease frō such rebellious attempts, line 30 but the messenger had one of his hands cut off, The kings purseuant had his hand cut off. and so with a contemptuous answer was sent back againe.

Prince Edward in passing through the forrest of Aulton, got sight of sir Adam Gurdon one of the dis­herited men, Adam Gur­don. with whome he coped and tooke him prisoner with his owne hand, yet sauing him, and par­doning the offense of rebellion, Matth. Westm. in respect of the vali­ancie which he tried by proofe to rest in him: but his soldiers and complices being there taken, he caused to be hanged vpon trées within the same forrest. Ro­bert line 40 earle Ferrers contrarie to his oth of late recei­ued, accompanied with the lord d'Euille and others, did much hurt by way of open war against the kings freends in the north parts. Against whom the lord Henrie, sonne to the king of Almaine was sent with a great power: the which comming to Chesterfield fell vpon his enimies in such wise on the sudden, The battell of Chesterfield. that they had not time to arme themselues, and so were distressed and ouercome.

Yet the lord Iohn d'Euille brake out, and incoun­tring line 50 with sir Gilbert Hansard, ouerthrew him, and escaped out of danger. Great slaughter was made on ech hand, and in the meane while the Nobles and gentlemen sought to get out of perill by flight. The earle of Darbie got into a church, but he was descri­ed by a woman, and so was taken. There were ma­nie other also taken: & amongst them the lord Bald­wine Wake, and sir Iohn de la Haie with much paine escaped. This battell was foughten about the midst of Maie, or vpon Whitsun éeue, as the Chroni­cle line 60 of Dunstable saith. Those that escaped, as the lord Iohn d'Euille and others, Euersden. gaue not ouer yet, but as­sembling themselues togither in companies, kéeping within woods and other desert places, brake out of­tentimes, and did much mischéefe. On the ninth of August they tooke the Ile of Elie, and so strengthned it, that they held it a long time after, spoiling and rob­bing the countries round about them, as Norffolke, Suffolke, and Cambridgeshire.

The bishop of Elie had vndertaken to keepe the Ile to the kings vse, but being now dispossessed ther­of, he got him awaie▪ and fell to cursing them that were thus entred against his will, but they séemed to passe litle vpon his thundering excommunications. On the 16 of December, Norwich [...]cked. they came to the citie of Norwich; and spoiling it, tooke manie of the wealthie citizens, and ransomed them at great summes of monie. The lord Henrie Hastings and Simon de Pateshull, with diuerse others, got them into the ca­stell of Killingworth, and dailie went foorth at their pleasures, spoiling and wasting the townes about them, or causing them to fine with them to be spared. Chron. Du [...] ▪ And this they forced not to doo, although the lord Ed­mund the kings sonne laie in Warwike, to cut them short of such their licentious doings. The king ther­fore mening to haue the said castels of Killingworth by force, The siege of Killingworth castell begin­neth. The lord Hastings. began his siege about the same vpon the ée­uen of S. Iohn Baptist. But the lord Henrie Ha­stings, the capteine of that castell, and other his com­plices defended it so stronglie, that though the king inforced his power to the vttermost to win it of them, yet could he not anie thing preuaile, Anno Reg. 51. till at length vittels began to faile them within, and then vpon the eeuen of saint Thomas the apostle before Christmasse, the lord Henrie Hastings deliuered the said castell into the kings hands, Killingworth castell deliue­red to the K. vpon condition that he and all other should haue life and limme, horsse and armour, with all things within the place to them belonging. And thus this siege had continued from the 26 of Iune vnto the 20 day of December.

¶ Here is to be remembred, that at the beginning of the siege, there were within the castell a thousand and seuen hundred armed men, and eight score wo­men, beside lackies and coisterels. Here is also to be remembred, that whilest the siege laie before Killing­worth, by the aduise of the kings councell, and of the legat Othobone, there were twelue péeres appointed and chosen foorth, which should deuise and make ordi­nances touching the state of the realme, and the dis­herited persons, who according to their commissi­on, ordeined certeine prouisions, the which are con­teined within the statute intituled Dictum de Kil­lingworth. Dictum de Killingworth. Abington. Matth. Westm. The king after that the castell of Killing­worth was deliuered to his hand, left therein his sonne Edmund, and went himselfe to Couentrie or (as other haue) to Oxford, and there held his Christ­masse. year 1267 Shortlie after comming to Westminster he held a parlement there, A parlement at Westmin­ster. studieng to set a quietnesse in all matters and controuersies depending betwixt him and the barons. In this parlement sentence was giuen against earle Ferrers for the forfeiture of his earledome: Earle Fer­rers disheri­ted. then was Edmund the kings yoonger sonne put in possession both of the earledome of Dar­bie and Leicester.

On the sixt of Februarie being sundaie, the king came to S. Edmundsburie, and staieng there till the two and twentith of the same moneth, set foreward that day towards Cambridge, where he laie with his armie, the better to bridle them that kept the Ile of Elie against him. He laie there all the Lent season. And in the meane time the earle of Glocester taking great displeasure, The earle of Glocester with an arn [...] commeth to London. for that he might not haue his will, as well for the banishing of strangers, as for re­stitution to be made vnto the disherited men of their lands, he began a new sturre, and assembling a great power in the marshes of Wales came néere vnto London, pretending at the first as though he had come to aid the king, at length he got licence of the maior and citizens to passe through the citie into Southwarke, where he lodged with his people, and thither came to him shortlie sir Iohn d'Euille, by Southerie side, bringing with him a great com­panie.

The maior caused the bridge and water side to be kept and watched both day and night with armed men, and euerie night was the drawbridge drawne vp: but within a while the earle vsed the matter so, [Page 273] that he was permitted to lodge within the citie with certeine of his men, by reason whereof, he drew more and more of his people into the citie, so that in the end he was maister of the citie, and in Easter wéeke tooke the keies of the bridge into his hands. The legat comming foorth of the towre, repaired to the church of S. Paule, vnder a colour to preach the croisey, but in the end of that his exhortation, he tur­ned his words to the earle of Glocester, The legat admonisheth the earle of Glocester to obeie the king. admonish­ing him to obeie the king as he was bound by his line 10 allegiance. And further, whereas the earle had giuen commandement that no victuals should be suffered to be brought into the tower where the popes legat was lodged, he thought himselfe euill vsed in that be­halfe, sith he was a mediator for peace, and no parta­ker. But when the earle seemed to giue small regard to his words, he got him secretlie againe into the tower, with certeine noble men the kings freends, meaning to defend it vnto the vttermost of their powers. line 20

There entred also into the tower a great number of Iewes with their wiues and children, The legat & other meane to defend the to­wer against the earle of Glocester. vnto whome one ward of the tower was committed to defend, which they did in that necessitie verie stoutlie. Manie of the citizens fearing a new insurrection, auoided out of the citie, whose goods the earle seized into his owne vse, or suffered his men to spoile the same at their pleasures. The most part of all the commons of the citie tooke part wich the earle, The citizens of London in vprore chose new officers. and in a tumult got them to the Guildhall, and there chose for their line 30 maior or custos of the citie, Richard de Colworth knight, and for bailiffes, Robert de Linton and Ro­ger Marshall, discharging the old maior and shiriffes of their roomes. Diuerse aldermen were committed to prison, and their goods sequestred, and much part thereof spoiled. Also all such persons as were priso­ners in Newgate, Ludgate, Creplegate, or in any other prison about the citie, Prisoners set at libertie. for the quarrell of the ba­rons warre, were set at libertie.

The legat perceiuing such disorder, accurssed gene­rallie line 40 all such as thus troubled the kings peace, The legat ac­curseth y e troublers of the kings peace. shew­ing themselues enimies to the king and the realme. He also interdicted all the churches within the citie and about it, licencing onlie diuine seruice to be said in houses of religion, and without ringing of any bell or singing: and whilest seruice was in hand, he appointed the church doores to be shut, bicause none of them that stood accurssed, should enter and be present. The king in the meane time laie at Cambridge to defend the countries about from iniuries, The king laie at Cambridge which were dailie attempted by them that held the Ile of line 50 Elie against him, of whome at one time he distressed a certeine number at Ramsey. Ramsey. And bicause now af­ter that the earle was thus come to London, another companie of them brake out to rob and spoile, and were stopped by the kings power from entring into the Ile againe, they repaired streight to London, doo­ing mischeefe inough by the waie.

The earle of Glocester greatlie incouraged by their assistance, fell in hand to assaile the tower, with­in line 60 the which the popes legat Othobone, and diuerse other were inclosed, taking vpon them to defend it against the earle and all his puissance. The king vp­on the first newes of the earle of Glocester his com­motion, The king ma­keth hard shift for monie to hire soldiers & men of war to assist him. ingaged the shrines of saints, and other iewels and relikes of the church of Westminster vn­to certeine merchants for great summes of monie, with the which sending into France and Scotland, he reteined men of warre to come to his aid. Here­vpon his sonne prince Edward came to his succour vnto Cambridge, bringing thither with him thirtie thousand able men out of the north parts, Scots and other. The K. remoo­ueth towards Windsore. The king then leauing a conuenient number to defend Cambridge, marched from thence toward Windsore. After his comming thither, his armie dailie increased. The earle of Glocester and his complices, began to feare the matter, and sent to him for peace which could not be granted: wherevpon they appointed to giue him batell vpon Houndslow heath. The king comming thither in the morning, found no man there to resist him, and therefore, after he had staied there a certeine space, The king commeth to Stratford. Fabian. he marched foorth and came to Stratford, where he was lodged in the ab­beie: his hoast incamped and laie at Ham and ther­abouts.

This chanced about three weekes after Easter. Matth. Westm. The souldiers which laie in London and in South­warke, did much hurt about in the countrie of Sou­therie, & else-where. They also spoiled the towne of Westminster, and the parish-church there: but the moonks and the goods belonging to the abbeie they touched not, Westminster spoiled. but made hauocke in the kings pa­lace, drinking vp & destroieng his wine, breaking the glasse windowes, and defacing the buildings most disorderlie, yea scarse forbearing to set the house on fire. Also there were of them that brake vp & robbed certeine houses in London, of the which misgouerned persons there were foure taken, that ware the cogni­sance of the earle of Darbie, Soldiers sac­ked and thro­wen into the Thames. whome the earle of Glocester caused to be put in sackes, and so throwne into the Thames.

As the king thus laie at Stratford, there came vnto him from the parts of beyond the sea, The earles of Bullongne & S. Paule. A fleét of Gas­coins come to the kings aid. the earle of Bullongne, and S. Paule, with two hundred men of armes, and their suit of other souldiers. Also there ariued in the Thames a fléet of great vessels fraught with Gascoins, and laie afore the tower, abiding the kings pleasure. ¶The earle of Glocester had caused bulworks and barbicans to be made betwixt the tower and the citie; and also in sundrie places where need required ditches and trenches were cast, so that the citie was stronglie fortified. Howbeit now that the said erle and his complices perceiued themselues in manner as besieged, they sought for peace. And by mediation of the king of Almaine, Abington. A peace con­cluded. the lord Philip Basset and the legat Othobone, the same was gran­ted, the ordinance of Killingworth in euerie conditi­on obserued. The Londo­ners pardoned The Londoners were pardoned of their trespasse for receiuing the earle, though they were constreined to paie a thousand marks to the king of Romans, in recompense of the hurts doone to him in burning of his house at Thistleworth.

Whilest the earle of Glocester kept the citie of London against the king, one Henrie de Guderesch, Chron. Dun. Buderesch. steward to the said earle, departing from London, came to the manour house of Geffrey saint Leger at Offeld, which he burnt, and turning from thence came to Brickhill. The lord Graie. The lord Reignold Graie that held of the knights part, aduertised hereof, followed him with his retinue of men of warre, and comming vpon his enimie at vnwares, tooke the said Hen­rie, and slue thirtie of the chéefest of his companie, some he tooke, howbeit manie escaped. But now to our purpose. By this agréement concluded betwixt the king & the earle of Glocester, he also accepted to his grace the lord Iohn Eineley, the lord Nicholas de Segraue, the lord William Marmion, the lord Richard de Graie, the lord Iohn Fitz Iohn, and the lord Gilbert de Lucie, with others: so that all parts of the realme were quieted, sauing that those in the Isle of Elie would not submit themselues: yet at length by mediation of prince Edward they were reconciled to the king, and all the fortresses and de­fenses within that Isle by them made, were plucked downe and destroied.

But it appeareth by other writers, Euersden. that immediat­lie after the agreement concluded betwixt the earle of Glocester, prince Edward the kings sonne, by set­ting [Page 274] workemen in hand to make a caussie through the fens with boords and hurdels, entred vpon them that kept the Ile of Elie, so that manie of them got out, and fled to London vnto the said earle of Gloce­ster, and other their complices. The residue submit­ted themselues, as the lord Wake, Simon Mont­fort the yoonger, the Pechees and other, vpon conditi­on to be pardoned of life and member: and further, that prince Edward should be a meane to his father to receiue them into fauour. But by other it may rather seeme, that some of them kept and defended line 10 themselues within that Ile, till after the agreement made betwixt the king and the earle of Glocester. By order of which agreement there were foure bi­shops and eight lords chosen foorth, which had béene first nominated at Couentrie, to order and prescribe betwixt the king and the disherited men a forme of peace and redemption of their lands. And so in the feast of All saints, Anno Reg. 52. proclamation was made of a full accord and agréement, and what euerie man should line 20 paie for his ransome for redéeming his offense a­gainst the king.

In the octaues of S. Martine, the king held a par­lement at Marleborough, A parlement at Marle­borough. where the liberties contei­ned in the booke called Magna charta were cōfirmed, and also diuerse other good and wholesome ordinances concerning the state of the common-wealth were established and enacted. ¶ In the moneth of Aprill there chanced great thunder, tempestuous raine, and flouds, occasioned by the same, verie sore & horrible, continuing for the space of fifteene daies togither. line 30 The legat Othobone, year 1268 after he had in the synods hol­den at Northampton and London, deuised and made manie orders and rules for churchmen, and leuied a­mongst them great summes of monie, The legat Othobone returneth to Rome. Othobone chosen pope. finallie in the moneth of Iulie, he tooke leaue of the king and re­turned to Rome, where after the deceasse of Inno­cent the fift, about the yeare of our Lord 1276 he was chosen pope, and named Adrian the fift, liuing not past 50 daies after. He went so néere hand to search out things at his going awaie, Abington. that he had inrolled line 40 the true value of all the churches and benefices in England, and tooke the note with him to Rome.

Prince Edward the kings sonne, and diuerse o­ther great lords of England before this legats depar­ture out of the realme, Prince Ed­ward recei­ueth the crosse. receiued the crosse at his hands in Northampton on Midsummer day, mea­ning shortlie after according to promise there made, to go into the holie land to warre against Gods e­nimies. Fabian. A fraie in Lō ­don betwéene the gold­smiths and tailors. In this yeare fell great variance betwéene line 50 the corporations or fellowships of the goldsmiths and tailors within the citie of London, wherevnto e­uill words flowing from the toong gaue originall, for ‘Pondus valde graue verbosum vas sine claue,’ so that one euening there were assembled to the number of fiue hundred in the stréets in armour, and running togither made a fowle fraie, so that manie were wounded and some slaine. But the shiriffes hearing thereof, came & parted them, with assistance of other trades, and sent diuerse of them being taken vnto prison, of the which there were arreigned to the line 60 number of thirtie, and thirtéene of them condemned and hanged.

In the fiftie & third yeare of king Henries reigne, there was such an excéeding great frost, Anno. Reg. 53. Thames frosen. beginning at saint Andrewes tide, and continuing till it was néere candlemasse, that the Thames from the bridge vpwards was so hard frosen, year 1269 that men and beasts passed ouer on féet from Lambeth to Westminster, and so westward in diuerse places vp to Kingston. Also merchandize was brought from Sandwich and other places vnto London by land. For the ships by reason of the yce could not enter the Thames. ¶And about the feast of S. Uedast, which falleth on the 6 of Februarie, fell so great abundance of raine, that the Thames rose so high, as it had not doone at any time before, to remembrance of men then liuing; so that the cellars and vaults in London by the water side were drowned, and much merchandize marred & lost.

About S. Georges day there was a parlement holden at London, Abington. A parlement holden at London. for the appeasing of a controuer­sie depending betwixt prince Edward the kings son and the earle of Glocester: at the which parlement were present almost all the prelats and péeres of the realme. At length they put the matter in compro­mise, into the hands of the king of Almaine, vnder­taking to be ordred by him high and low touching all controuersies: and likewise for the iournie to be made into the holie land, but the king of Almaine did little in the matter to any great effect. ¶ In the beginning of Lent the king gaue to his sonne prince Edward the rule of the citie of London, with all the reuenues and profits thereto belonging. After which gift, the said prince made sir Hugh Fitz Othon con­stable of the towre and custos of the citie of London. ¶ Upon the ninth day of Aprill, Edmund the kings sonne, surnamed Crouchbacke, married at West­minster Auelina the daughter of the earle of Au­marle. Prince Edward commanded the citizens of London to present vnto him six citizens, Prince Ed­ward appoi [...] ­teth the ma [...] and shiriffes of London. of the which number he might nominate two shiriffes, and so ap­pointed William de Hadstocke and Anketill de Al­berne, which were sworne to be accomptants as their predecessours had beene.

In those daies a new custome or toll was vsed to be paid, which prince Edward let to farme vnto cer­teine strangers, for the summe of twentie marks by yeare. Wherefore the citizens being gréeued there­with, bought it of him for two hundred marks. Also this yeare there was granted to the king towards his iournie by him purposed into the holie land, the twentith penie of euerie mans mooueable goods tho­roughout the realme of the laie fee, An aid gr [...] ­ted to the king and of the spiritu­altie was granted by the assent of pope Gregorie the tenth, thrée dismes to be gathered within the terme of thrée yeares. The liberties of the citie confirmed. This yeare the kings sonne the lord Edward obteined a confirmation for the citie of London of the charter of the ancient liberties, so that the citizens did then choose vnto them a maior and two shiriffes, which shiriffes by vertue of the same charter, had their office to farme, in maner as before time was accustomed: The rent of the farme of the shiriffes of London increased. sauing that where they paid afore but thrée hundred and fiftie pounds, they paid now foure hundred and fiftie pounds. After which confirmation granted and passed vnder the kings broad seale, they chose for their maior Iohn Adrian, and for shiriffes Walter Potter and Iohn Tailor, the which were presented the 16 day of Iulie vnto the king at Westminster by his sonne prince Edward, and there admitted and sworne. Then was sir Hugh Fitz Othon discharged of the rule of the citie. The ci­tizens of their owne fréewill gaue vnto the king an hundred marks, and to his sonne prince Edward fiue hundred markes. Chron. Dun [...]. There was no great disorder at­tempted this yeare to the disquieting of the realme, sauing that certeine of the disherited gentlemen that belonged to the earle of Darbie, withdrew vn­to the forrest of the Peake in Darbishire, and there making their abode, spoiled and wasted the countries next adioining.

In the moneth of Maie, prince Edward the kings sonne set forward on his iournie towards the holie land, and taking the sea at Douer, Anno Reg. 14 1270 Wil. Ris [...]am. Prince Ed­ward setteth forward to­wards the holie land. passed ouer into France, and came to Burdeaux, where he staied a while, and after went to Agues Mortes, and there tooke shipping, first sailing (as some write) vnto Thu­nis, where the christian armie, which Lewes the French king as then deceassed had brought thither, [Page 275] was readie to depart, and so prince Edward, with the new French king Lewes and other princes passed ouer into Sicill, where he soiourned for the winter time. Matth. West. The king sick In this yeare the king was vexed with a gree­uous sicknesse: and the Irishmen in rebellion slue a [...]reat sort of Englishmen, as well magistrats, as o­thers in that countrie.

When the spring of the yeare began to approach, prince Edward eftsoones tooke the sea, Anno Reg. 55. 1271 and finallie ar­riued at Acres with a thousand chosen men of warre, line 10 though there be writers that affirme, how there arri­ued with him of sundrie countries fiue thousand hors­men, and double the same number of footmen. But amongst those that went out of England with him, these we find as principall, Iohn de Britaine, Iohn de Uescie, Ot [...]s de Grantson, and Robert de Bruse, besides other. Of his noble chiualrie there atchiued, yée shall find a bréefe note in the description of the ho­lie land, and therefore here we omit the same. How­beit this is to be remembred, Prince Ed­ward arriueth at Acres. Abington. that whilest the lord Ed­ward line 20 soiorned there in the citie of Acres, he was in great danger to haue béene slaine by treason: for a traitorous Saracen of that generation which are called Arsacidae, Arsacide, of some named Assassini. and latelie reteined by the same lord Edward, and become verie familiar with him, found means one day as he sat in his chamber, to giue him three wounds, which suerlie had cost him his life, but that one of the princes chamberleins staied the trai­tors hand, Prince Edw. to traitorous­lie wounded. and somewhat brake the strokes, till other seruants came to the rescue, and slue him there in the line 30 place.

¶ There be that write, how prince Edward him­selfe, perceiuing the traitor to strike at his bellie, warded the blowe with his arme: and as the Sara­cen offered to haue striken againe, he thrust him backe to the ground with his foot, and catching him by the hand, wrested the knife from him, and thrusting him into the bellie, so killed him, though in strugling with him, he was hurt againe a little in the forhead: and his seruants withall comming to helpe him, one line 40 of them that was his musician, got vp a trestill and stroke out the braines of the traitor, as he laie dead on the ground, and was blamed of his maister for striking him, after he saw him once dead before his face, as he might perceiue him to be. Some write, that this traitor was sent from the great admerall of Iapha, on message to the prince Edward, and had béene with him diuerse times before, Port Iapha. & now making countenance to take forth letters, got foorth his knife, and attempted so to haue wrought his feat. Whatso­euer line 50 the man was, the prince was in great danger, by reason of the enuenimed knife wherewith he was wounded, so that it was long yer he could be perfect­lie whole. The genera­tion of the Ar­sacide, or Assass [...]ni. These Saracens called Arsacidae, are a wic­ked generation of men, infected with such a supersti­tious opinion, that they beléeue heauenlie blisse is purchased of them, if they can by anie means slea one of the enimies of their religion, & suffer themselues for that fact the most cruell death that may be deui­sed. ¶Prince Edward, after he was whole and reco­uered line 60 of his wounds, Anno Reg. 56. perceiuing that no such aid came into those parts out of christendome, as was looked for, tooke a truce with the enimies of our faith, and returned towards England, as hereafter shall be shewed.

year 1272 On the fourth nones of Aprill (as some saie) or in the moneth of Februarie (as other write) in the six and fiftith yeare of K. Henries reigne at Berkhamstéed, Nic. Triuer. Matth. West. The [...]easse of the king of Almaine. died Richard king of Almaine and earle of Corne­wall, and was buried in the abbeie of Hailes which he himselfe had founded: he was a worthie prince, and stood his brother king Henrie in great stead, in handling matters both in peace and warre. His issue. He left behind him issue begotten of his wife Sanctla two sonnes, Edmund and Henrie. Edmund erle o [...] Cornewall. This Edmund was he that brought the blood of Hails out of Germanie: for as he was there vpon a time with his father, it chanced that as he was beholding the relikes, and other pretious monuments of the ancient emperors, he espied a box of gold: by the inscription whereof he perceiued (as the opinion of men then gaue) that therein was conteined a portion of the bloud of our sauiour.

He therefore, being desirous to haue some part thereof, so intreated him that had the kéeping of it, that he obteined his desire, and brought it ouer with him into England, bestowing a third part thereof after his fathers deceasse in the abbeie of Hailes, as it were to adorne and inrich the same, The bloud of Hailes. bicause that therein both his father and mother were buried; and the other two parts he did reserue in his owne custo­die, till at length mooued vpon such deuotion as was then vsed, he founded an abbeie a little from his ma­nour of Berkhamsteed: which abbeie was named Ashrug, Ashrug ab­beie built. Bonhommes. in the which he placed moonks of the order of Bonhommes, being the first that euer had beene seene of that order here in England. And herewith he also assigned the two other parts of that bloud to the same abbeie. Wherevpon followed great resort of people to those two places, induced therevnto by a certeine blind deuotion.

Henrie the brother of this Edmund, The L. Hen­rie sonne to the K. of Al­maine murde­red in Italie. and sonne to the foresaid king of Almaine, as he returned from Affrike, where he had beene with prince Edward, was slaine at Uiterbo in Italie (whither he was come about businesse which he had to doo with the pope) by the hand of Guie de Montfort, the sonne of Simon de Montfort earle of Leicester, in reuenge of the same Simons death. This murther was com­mitted afore the high altar, as the same Henrie knee­led there to heare diuine seruice. The foresaid Guie vpon that murther committed, fled vnto his father in law, the earle of Anguilare, then gouernour of Tuskain. There was at Uiterbo the same time Phi­lip king of France, returning homewards from the iournie which his father made into Affrike, where he died. Also Charles king of Sicill was there present, whome the said Guie then serued. Both those kings were put in much blame, for that the murther and wilfull escape was doone and suffred in their presence and no pursuit made after the murtherer. Boniface the archbishop of Canturburie, Robert Kil­warbie archb. of Cāturburie when he had ruled the sea seauen and thirtie yeares, departed this life: and after his deceasse, about two yeares or more, was one Robert Kilwarbie appointed in his place by pope Gregorie, which Robert was the six and fortith arch­bishop that had gouerned the sée of Canturburie.

About the moneth of Iune there fell great de­bate and discord betwixt the moonks of Norwich and the citizens there; which increased so farre, that at length the citizens with great violence assaulted the monasterie, fired the gates, A fraie be­twixt the moonks and citizens of Norwich. and forced the fire so with reed and drie wood, that the church with the bookes, and all other ornaments of the same, and all houses of office belonging to that abbeie were cleane burned, wasted, and destroied, so that nothing was preserued except one little chapell. The king hearing of this ri­ot, rode to Norwich, and causing inquirie to be made thereof, Thirtie of the citizens of Norwich hanged and burnt. thirtie yoong men of the citie were condem­ned, hanged and burnt, to the great greefe of the other citizens, for they thought that the priour of the place was the occasion of all that mischéefe, who had got to­gither armed men, and tooke vpon him to kéepe the belfraie and church by force of armes: but the prior was well inough borne out, and defended by the bi­shop of Norwich, named Roger, who (as it is likelie) was the maister of the mischéefe, though hands were not laid vpon him nor his adherents: perhaps for [Page 276] feare, peraduenture for fauour; & no maruell though the lesse faultie lost their liues as most guiltie, for

—rarus venator ad vrsos
Accedit, tutos conseruat sylua leones,
Debilibus robusta nocent, & grandia paruis,
A les fulminiger timidos infestat olores,
Accipiter laniat turdos millés (que) columbas,
Versicolor coluber ranas miser [...]s (que) lacertas,
Irretit muscas transmittit aranea vespas.

The king returning by saint Edmundsburie, after he had doone his deuotions to S. Edmunds shrine, line 10 began to ware somewhat crasie: but after hauing a little recouered his health, he called a councell there, wherein he went about to haue taken order for the punishment of rebels: but his sicknesse againe re­newing, he brake vp the assemblie, and with all spéed hasted to London. Prince Edward vpon his returne out of the holie land came to Chalons in Burgogne, & at the request of the earle he did attempt with his companie to hold a iustes and tournie against the line 20 said earle & all other commers; And thought through disdaine and spite there was homelie plaie shewed, A iusts and tornie holden at Chalons. vpon purpose to put the Englishmen to the foile & re­proch; yet by high valiancie prince Edward and his companie bare themselues so worthilie, that in the end the aduersaries were well beaten, and constrei­ned to leaue the honor of that enterprise to the said prince Edward and his partakers. After this, he kept on his iornie till he came vnto Paris, where he was honourablie receiued of the French king, and from line 30 thence he went to Burdeaux, and there remained till after his fathers death.

In this meane time king Henrie, being returned to London from saint Edmundsburie (as before yee haue heard) his sicknesse so increased vpon him, Anno Reg. 57. that finallie he departed at Westminster on the sixteenth day of Nouember, in the yeare of our Sauiour 1272. after he had liued threescore and fiue yeares, and reig­ned fiftie and six yeares, King Henrie departeth this life. and seauen and twentie daies. A little before his death, when he perceiued line 40 that he could no longer liue, he caused the earle of Glocester to come before him, The earle of Glocester. and to be newlie sworne to keepe the peace of the land, to the behoofe of his sonne prince Edward. His bodie was buried at Westminster. He had issue by his wife quéene E­lianor two sonnes, the foresaid Edward, prince of Wales, that succéeded him; and Edmund earle of Lancaster, The issue of king Henrie the third. by some authors surnamed Crouchbacke, though (as other affirme vntrulie) that this Edmund was the elder brother: but bicause he was a defor­med line 50 person, therefore his yonger brother Edward was preferred to the kingdome, which was deuised of purpose to conueie a right to king Henrie the fourth, which fetched the descent from the said Ed­mund, and by force vsurped and held the crowne, as after it may appeare. Moreouer, king Henrie had thrée daughters by the said Elianor, as Margaret maried to Alexander king of Scots, His proporti­on of bodie. Beatrice whom the duke of Britaine had to wife, and Catharine which died before she was mariable. line 60

He was of bodie well cast and strong, of a good sta­ture in heigth, well fauoured of face, with the lid of one of his eies comming downe, so as it almost co­uered the apple of the same eie. Of nature he was courteous, His conditiōs and of stomach rather noble than stout; a deuout prince and liberall towards the poore and née­die. Yet he wanted not dispraise in some points, namelie for that in ordering of things and weightie affaires, he vsed small consideration. He was also noted to be a great taker of monie by leanes, taxes, and subsidies: but there vnto he was inforced by ne­cessitie, to beare the charges of warre and other pub­like affaires, than of any couetous mind or purpose to serue his owne turne. ¶What capteins of honour among the nobilitie liued in his time, it may appeare by the course of the historie of his age.

Of sundrie learned men these we find mentioned in maister Bales centuries and others. Walter of Couentrie an historiographer: Radulphus Niger that wrote both histories and other treatises, Gerua­sius de Melkelie, Albricius of London, Robert Cur­son a man excellentlie learned both in diuine and hu­maine letters, so that comming to the court of Rome he there grew in such estimation, that he became a cardinall, of whom we find this recorded by Matthew Westminster and Matthew Paris. [At the taking of Damiate, a citie in Aegypt, there was with Pelagi­us, the cardinall of Alba, the popes legat, master Ro­bert Curson an Englishman a most famous clerke, borne of a noble house, and cardinall of the church of Rome.] These are reported to florish in the daies both of king Iohn and king Henrie his sonne.

In the said kings time also there liued other lear­ned men, as these; Hugh Kirkestéed, Richard of Elie, Peter Henham, Iohn Giles or de Sancto Egidio an excellent physician, Caducan a Welshman borne and bishop of Bangor, Alexander a singular learned man that wrote diuerse and manie treatises aswell in diuinitie as philosophie and humanitie, both in verse and prose; also Stephan Langton, that for his singular knowledge was made high chancel­lor of the vniuersitie of Paris, and at length was ad­mitted archbishop of Canturburie, against the will of king Iohn, in which quarell so great trouble insu­ed, as before yée haue partlie heard; Rafe Coggeshall also liued in king Henries daies, that wrote the ap­pendix vnto the chronicle of Ralfe Niger, he was abbat of Coggeshall abbeie in Essex, whereof he tooke his surname; William Lanthonie, Peter of S. Sauior, a canon of the house called S. Sauior, or of the trinitie by London; Alexander Hailes a fri­er of the order of the minors, who wrote manie trea­tises in diuinitie; Richard surnamed Medicus a most learned physician, and no lesse expert in philosophie and the mathematicals. There be also remembred by maister Bale, Randulfe the earle of Chester, the third and last of that name, who hauing great knowledge and vnderstanding in the lawes of this land, compi­led a booke of the same lawes, as a witnesse of his great skill therein: Alexander Wendocke bishop of Chester, Iohn Blund, Edmund Rich, Robert Rich, Henrie Bracton, that excellent lawier, who wrote the booke commonlie called Bracton after his name, in­tituled De consuetudinibus Anglicanis; Richard surna­med Theologus, Walter de Euesham, Ralfe Fres­borne, Laurence Somercote, brother as it is thought to Robert Somercote, at that time a cardinall of the Romane church; Nicholas Fernham a physician, Robert Bacon a notable diuine, Simon Langton, brother to the archbishop of Canturburie Stephan Langton; Richard Fisaker, Simon Stokes, Iohn of Kent or Kantianus, William Shirwood, Michaell Blaunpaine, Iohn Godard, Uincent of Couentrie, Alberike Ueer, Richard Wich, Iohn Basing aliàs de Basingstoke, Roger Walsham, William Sening­ham, Robert Grosted that learned bishop of Lin­colne, whose memorie amongst the learned will re­maine while the world lasteth.

Thus farre Henrie the third.

Edward the first, surnamed Long­shanks, the eldest sonne of Henrie the third.

EDward, the first of that name after the conquest, be­gan his reigne ouer this king­dome of England, 1272 Anno Reg. 1. the 16 day of Nouember, in the yeere of the world, 5239, of our Lord 1272, of the Saxons 814, af­ter the conquest 206, the va­ration of the empire after the deceasse of Frederike the second as yet induring (though shortlie after in line 10 the yeare next following, Radulfe of Habspurge was elected emperour) in the third yeare of Philip the third then reigning in France, and Alexander the third yet liuing in gouernement of the Scotish kingdome.

This Edward the first, when his father died, be­ing about the age of 35 yeares, was as then in the holie land, or rather in his iournie homewards: but wheresoeuer he was at that present, the nobles of the land, after his father was departed this life, assem­bled line 20 at the new temple in London, Matth. West. A new seale made. and causing a new seale to be made, they ordeined faithfull mini­sters and officers, which should haue the treasure in kéeping, and the administration of iustice for the maintenance of peace and tranquillitie within the land, and on the 22 day of Nouember he was pro­claimed king. Chro. Dun. Who after he had remained a time in the holie land, and perceiued himselfe destitute of such aid as he looked for at the hands both of the Christians and Tartarians, Matt. Westm. he left in the citie of Acon certeine line 30 stipendarie souldiers, and taking the sea sailed home­wards, arriuing first in Sicill, year 1273 where, of Charles K. of that land he was honorablie receiued and conuei­ed, till he came vnto Ciuita Vecchia in Italie, where pope Gregorie as then laie with his court, of whome (as of his old fréend that had been with him in the ho­lie land) he obteined that earle Aldebrandino Rosso, and Guy of Montfort, that had murthered the lord Henrie, eldest sonne to Richard king of Almaine, might be sent for. Earle Aldebrandino purged him­selfe, Guy de Mōt­fort excom­municated. line 40 but Guy de Montfort was excōmunicated, as a violator of the church, a murderer and a traitor, so as he was disherited euen unto the fourth genera­tion, till he had reconciled himselfe to the church, as he was inioined.

After this, it is woonderfull to remember with what great honor king Edward was receiued of the cities, as he passed through Tuscaine and Lumbar­die. At his comming ouer the mounteins at Chalon in Burgundie, he was at a iusts and tornie, which then was there holden by the Frenchmen against line 50 the Englishmen, the honor whereof remained with the Englishmen. In this tornie the fight of the foot­men was great: for the Englishmen being sore pro­uoked, slue manie of the French footmen, but bicause they were but rascals, no great accompt was made of them, for they were vnarmed, gaping for the spoile of them that were ouerthrowen. K. Edward passing foorth, came to the French court, where of his coosine germane king Philip he was ioifullie receiued. Here king Edward, dooing homage to the French king for the lands which he ought to hold of him in France, passed into Guien.

A tenth was granted of the cleargie to the K. and to his brother Edmund earle of Leicester and Lanca­ster by the popes appointment for two yeares, Anno Reg. 2. Matth. Westm. A disine grā ­ted to the king & his brother. a chap­leine of the pope a Gascoine borne named Reimond being sent into England for that purpose, who gaue part vnto them, and part thereof he kept to himselfe towards his charges, year 1274 but the most part was reserued to the popes disposing. ¶ Whilest the king remained in Gascoigne, he had somwhat to do against certeine rebels, as Gaston de Bierne, and other that were re­uolted from him. The castels belonging to the said Gaston he subdued, but his person he could not meet with. Finallie, after he had set things in order aswell in Guien as in other places in the parts of beyond the seas, he hasted homewards, Nic. Treuet. King Ed­ward his re­turne home. and came to London on the second day of August, where he was receiued with all ioy that might be deuised. The stréets were hanged with rich cloths of silke, arras, and tapestrie, the aldermen and burgesses of the citie threw out of their windowes handfuls of gold and siluer, Matth. West. to signi­fie the great gladnesse which they had conceiued of his safe returne: the conduits ran plentifullie with white wine and red, that ech creature might drinke his fill. Upon the 19 day of August in this second yeare of his reigne he was crowned at Westmin­ster, togither with his wife quéene Elianor, by the hands of Robert Kilwarbie archbishop of Cantur­burie.

At this coronation were present Alexander king of Scots, and Iohn earle of Britaine, with their wiues that were sisters to K. Edward. The king of Scots did homage vnto king Edward for the realme of Scotland, in like maner as other the kings of Scot­land before him had doone to other kings of England ancestours to this king Edward. At the solemnitie of this coronation there were let go at libertie (catch them that catch might) fiue hundred great horsses by the king of Scots, the earles of Cornewall, Caxton. Gloce­ster, Penbroke, Warren, & others, as they were al­lighted frō their backs. ¶ On S. Nicholas euen there chanced such an earthquake with lightning and thun­der, and therewithall the appearing of the burning drake, and a blasing starre called a comet, that the people were brought into no small feare vpon consi­deration thereof. But now to the point of the hi­storie.

King Edward at the first like a prudent prince chose the wisest and worthiest men to be of his coun­cell, & to purchase the loue of his subiects, whose minds were somewhat offended towards his father (by rea­son that he refused to kéepe promise with them, touch­ing the restitution of gentle and fauourable lawes) king Edward shewed himselfe so gentle towards all [Page 278] degrées of men, that he séemed to exceed the reasona­ble bounds of courteous humanitie, much more than became his roiall estate. 1275 Anno Reg. 3. After this, he reformed di­uerse lawes and statutes, and deuised some new or­dinances, greatlie for the wealth of the realme. He held his first parlement at Westminster, A parlement. The statutes of Westmin­ster. The prince of Wales Leo­lin. where the ordinances were made, called the statutes of West­minster the first.

To this parlement was Leolin the prince of Wales summoned to come and doo his homage, ha­uing line 10 béene requested first to come to the kings co­ronation, but he refused; and now hauing sum­mons to come to this parlement, he excused him­selfe, affirming that he durst not come for feare of certeine noblemen that laie in wait for his life, re­quiring to haue pledges deliuered for his safe com­ming and going, the kings sonne, and Gilbert earle of Glocester, with Robert Burne [...]l the lord chance­lor. The king was greatlie offended with such a pre­sumptuous demand, but passed it ouer, till after the line 20 end of the parlement, The king cō ­meth to Che­ster. & then repairing to Chester he sent eftsoones messengers to the said Leolin, requi­ring of him to come & doo his homage, but he still de­tracted time, so that in the end the king raised an ar­mie, meaning to recouer that by force, which other­wise he could not obteine by quiet meanes. ¶This yéere the people paid a fifteenth to the king of all their temporall goods, which was said to be granted first to his father.

Matth. Westm. Breton bi­shop of Here­ford departeth this life.The same yeere departed this life Iohn Breton line 30 bishop of Hereford, who being verie expert in the lawes of the land, compiled a booke of them called Le Breton. The 11 of September, a generall earth­quake chanced betwixt the first houre and the third of the same daie, the church of S. Michaell on the hill without Glastenburie, was therwith throwne down to the ground. After this, it rained bloud in the coun­trie of Wales, It rained bloud. as a prodigious euill token to that nation, with whose bloud shortlie after that region was in manie places moistened and stained. For as line 40 it chanced shortlie after, Leolin the sonne of Griffin came to haue the gouernment of Wales, 1276 Anno Reg. 4. who part­lie to raise new seditions in England, and partlie to purchase him friendship and aliance in France, sent vnto king Philip, requiring of him that he might haue in marriage the ladie Eleanor daughter to Si­mon Montfort earle of Leicester, the which togi­ther with hir mother and brother Emerike, remained as banished persons in France. The French king granted his request, and sent hir vnder the conduct of line 50 hir said brother to be conueied into Wales vnto Le­olin, who had promised to marrie hir. But yer they approched to Wales, at the Ile of Sillie both the bro­ther & sister were taken by foure ships of Bristow, The earle of Montforts daughter ap­pointed wife to the prince of Wales ta­ken. the owners whereof that so tooke them, sent them vn­to king Edward. When Leolin vnderstood that his wife was taken from him by the waie as she was comming, he was not a little wroth, and inconti­nentlie began to make warre vpon king Edwards subiects that bordered neere vnto Wales, killing the line 60 people, Leolin prince of Wales be­gi [...]neth to make wars. Matth. West. spoiling their goods, and burning vp their townes and houses on each side.

Herewith the king of England was so mooued, that although the said Leolin made sute for peace, and offred no small sum of monie to haue the daugh­ter of the earle of Leicester his fianced wife deliue­red to him, yet would not the king by any meanes consent to that marriage, nor receiue any monie of him, except he would restore vnto the right owners such lands as he had inuaded and got into his posses­sion, and further repaire such castels as he had de­stroied. Herevpon grew no small grudge betwixt the Welshmen and Englishmen, so that to represse the inuasion of the enimies in the parts towards Bristow, Mountgomerie and Chester, the king sent three hundred men in armes on horssebacke. In the quindene of Easter, the king departing from West­minster, hasted towards Wales with a mightie power, Matth. West. The excheker and the king [...] bench remo­ued to Shre­wesburie. and caused the courts of the excheker and of his bench to remooue vnto Shrewesburie, that they might be néere vnto him, making forward with all conuenient speed to come to the aid and succour of his liege people.

Hervpon entring into Wales he tooke the castell of Rutland, The castell [...] Rutland ta­ken. and sent into Westwales a valiant cap­teine named Paine de Camure [...]js, who with fire and sword wasted that countrie, Anno Reg. 5. 1277 so that the people of­fering themselues to the kings peace, deliuered vnto the said Paine the castell of Stridewie with the countrie adioining. The castell of Stridewie. Leolin sueth for peace. Then Leolin the prince of Wales, perceiuing that he was not able to resist the kings power, and knowing that if he did attempt the conflict against him the danger would redound to himself & his traine, did as th'old verse counselleth, ‘Peruigili cura semper meditare futura,’ and therefore made suit for peace, in so much that fi­nallie it was agreed, N. Triuet. Cōmissioners appointed. that commissioners for both parts should talke concerning certeine articles, and whatsoeuer they concluded, aswell the king as the said Leolin should hold the same for firme and sta­ble. The king appointed one of his commissioners, to wit, the lord Robert de Tiptost, to take an oth for him, & authorised the said Robert, Anthonie Beke, and frier William de Southampton, prior prouin­ciall of the friers preachers, commissioners, nomina­ted on his behalfe, to receiue the like oth of the said Leolin. Which Leolin appointed commissioners for his part, Tuder ap Edeuenet, and Grono ap Helin, the which commissioners with good deliberation con­cluded vpon certeine points and articles, of which the principall were as followeth.

First, that the said Leolin should set at libertie all line 1 prisoners which he held in captiuitie for the king of Englands cause, freelie and without all challenge.

Secondlie, that to haue peace and the kings of line 2 Englands fauour, he should giue vnto the said king fiftie thousand pounds sterling, the daies of the pai­ment whereof to rest in the kings will and pleasure.

Thirdlie, that the land of the foure cantreds with­out line 3 all contradiction should remaine for euer to the king and his heires, with all lands conquered by the king and his people, the Ile of Anglesey excepted, which Ile was granted to the prince, so that he should paie for the same yearelie the summe of one thou­sand marks, and fiue thousand marks for an income. Prouided, that if the prince chanced to die without is­sue, then the said Ile to reuert againe into the kings hands.

Fourthlie, that the prince shall come to Ro­thelan line 4 or Rothland (as it is commonlie called) there to doo fealtie to the king, and before his comming thi­ther, he should be absolued and haue the interdiction of his lands released, and at his being at Rothelan, a daie shall be appointed him by the king for his com­ming to London, there to doo his homage. Herevpon was order taken for his safe conduct, aswell in his comming to Rothelan, as to London. There be that write that he was appointed to come vnto London, at the feast of the natiuitie of our Lord.

Fiftlie, it was couenanted, that all the homages line 5 of Wales should remaine to the king, except onelie of fiue barons which inhabited néere vnto the castell of Snowdon: for otherwise the said Leolin could not conuenientlie call himselfe prince, except he ha [...] some barons vnder him.

Sixtlie, that he should receiue the title and name of line 6 prince so long as he liued, and after his deceasse the homages of those fiue barons should reuert to the [Page 279] king and to his heires foreuer.

line 7 Seuenthlie the king granted vnto the said Leolin, the lands that belonged▪ N. Triuet. Dauid Leo­lins brother prouided for. [...] his brother Dauid, for [...]arme of the said Leolins life, and in recompense thereof was contented to sa [...]fie the said Dauid with other lands in some other place, the which after the de­cease of the said Leolin [...] Dauid should reuert to the king and his heires.

For the assurance of which articles and couenants the prince deliuered for hostages▪ ten persons of the best in Wales, which he could get▪ without imprison­ment, line 10 disheriting, or terme of deliuera [...]e, and of e­uerie cantred twentie persons, In oth to be rec [...]i [...]ed. of the best and most sufficient, to be chosen by such as the king▪ shall send thither yeerelie, & shall from yéere to yéere he sworne vpon the euangelists, in presence of the bailiffes of the said Leolin, that whensoeuer the prince shall breake any of these articles, and vpon admonition dooth not reforme himselfe, they shall forsake him, and in all things, being vnto him open enimies, shall beare him deadlie hostilitie. line 20

Besides this, the prince shall (as farre as in him may lie) pacifie his brethren, Leolins bre­thren. of the which he had put two in prison, Owen and Roderike [...] the third na­med Dauid, escaping his hands, fled into England, and remained many yéeres with king Edward, who receiuing him into his seruice, made him knight in this warre, Dauid rewar­ded by king Edward. and gaue vnto him a castell at Denbigh in Wales, with lands to the yéerelie value of a thou­sand marks, in recompense of those possessions which he ought to haue had in Anglesey, the which (as be­fore line 30 is said) the king granted vnto Leolin for terme of his life, and after his deceasse to reuert vnto the king and to his heires. Dauid prefer­red in mariage Moreouer, he preferred Da­uid to the marriage of a iollie widowe, that was daughter to the earle of Darbie.

The article concerning Owen.As concerning Owen, through the kings fauour he was deliuered out of prison, by force of the arti­cles concluded at this present by the commissioners, vnder this forme and maner: that vpon his being set line 40 at libertie, certeine persons appointed by the king should make offer to him, to choose whether he would first compound with his brother, and therevpon come to the king, and beseech him to allow the composition, or else to put himselfe vnder the safe kéeping of the king, till according to the lawes and customes of Wales, in the place where he did transgresse, iudge­ment should be giuen of the matter: and if he were acquit, then might he demand his heritage if he thought it so expedient: and which of these two waies he should choose, the same should be made firme and line 50 stable in the kings presence.

All these articles, with other additions, were accor­ded by the said cōmissioners at Aberconweie, on the tuesdaie before the feast of S. Martine, in the yeare 1277, and letters of confirmation made thereof by the king, dated at Rutland on the tenth daie of No­uember, in the fift yéere of his reigne. Also the said Leolin, by the name of Leolin ap Griffin prince of Wales, with letters vnder his seale, confirmed the line 60 abouesaid articles on his behalfe, for the releasing of his right to the foure cantreds and other things that should remaine to the king, which letters bare date at Aberconweie, on the foresaid tuesdaie in the said yeere 1277. Also the K. released to the said Leolin, the said summe of fiftie thousand pounds, and the said summe of a thousand marks yéerelie to be paid for the Ile of Angles [...]y, as by his letters dated at Rut­land on the said 10 daie of Nouember in the said fift yéere of his reigne more at large it appéereth. Neuer­thelesse by his letters dated at Rutland, on the said e­leuenth of the said month of Nouember, it is euident that he receiued of the said Leolin the summe of two thousand marks sterling, by the hands of Thomas Beke kéeper of his wardrobe.

Moreouer, The castell of Lamperde­uaur built. the king in the west part of Wales built at the same time▪ a castle at Lamperdeuaur, to kéepe vnder the rebellious attempts of the Welshmen. King Edward gaue in mariage by waie of restituti­on to the fore-remembred Leolin prince of Wales the earle of Leicesters daughter, Anno. Reg. 6. 1278 which was taken (as ye haue heard) at the Ile of Sillie▪ Leolins wife restored to hir husband. He also bare all the charges of the feast at the daie of the marriage, and honored the same with the presence of himselfe and the queene. ¶ A subsidie of the twentieth part of euerie mans goods was granted to the king to­wards his charges susteined in the Welsh warres. Moreouer, in the sixt yéere of his reigne K. Edward held a parlement at Glocester, Statutes of Glocester. in the which were cer­teine acts and statutes made for the wealth and good gouernment of the realme, which vnto this daie are called the statutes of Glocester. ¶Alexander king of Scots came into England, to common with K. Edward, of matters touching his kingdome of Scotland. ¶Shortlie after king Edward went ouer into France, and there receiued certeine townes that were restored to him, but not the moitie of those that were promised to his father, when he released his title vnto the dutchie of Normandie.

Robert Kilwarbie archbishop of Canturburie, The archbish. of Yorke being made cardinal resigneth his archbishoprike was by pope Nicholas aduanced to the dignitie of a cardinall, and made bishop of Portua, so that he went to Rome, and gaue ouer the archbishoprike of Canturburie, to the which through the popes grant frier Iohn Peckham was admitted archbishop. Iohn Peck­ham archbish. of Yorke. This yéere there was inquirie made in London for such as had clipped, washed, & counterfaited the kings coine, wherevpon the Iewes of the citie and diuers gold­smiths that kept the exchange of siluer were indited, Clippers of monie. and after to the number of two hundreth foure score and seuenteene persons were condemned, Anno Reg. 7. Nic. Triuet. and in di­uers places put to execution. There were but 3. En­glishmen among them, all the residue were Iewes, but diuerse christians that were participants with them in their offenses were put to their fines, and not without iust cause.

About the same time the king remooued all such shiriffes as were either préests or strangers, Chron. Dunst. and in their places appointed knights to be shiriffes, that were of the same countrie where their offices laie. Moreouer, The castels of Flint & Rut­land built. about this season king Edward builded the castell of Flint, and fortified the castell of Rut­land and others, placing garrisons of Englishmen in the same to defend the countrie, and to kéepe the Welshmen vnder obedience. But Leolin so smallie regarded all couenants made, year 1279 and bene­fits receiued, that shortlie after, vpon the death of his late married wife, being summoned to come to a parlement holden by king Edward, he disdained to obeie, and vpon a verie spite began to make new warre to the Englishmen, Leolin begin­neth new war in wasting and destroi­eng the countrie: notwithstanding king Edward had so manie waies doone him good, and had giuen him iust cause of thankfulnesse, which is the common reward of benefits, and which little recompense who­so neglecteth to make, being but a little lip-labour, ‘Non est laudari dignus, nec dignus amari.’

But being put in feare with the kings comming towards him with his power, he laid armor aside, He sueth for peace. and began eftsoones to require peace, which the king now the second time did not denie to grant; bicause he would not lose time to warre with the mounteins, woods and marishes, the places of refuge for Welsh­men in those daies, when they wanted power to a­bide battell and keepe the feelds. About the same time the king gaue vnto Dauid the brother of Leolin the lordship of Frodesham in Cheshire, and made him knight. Moreouer▪ in this yeare the king held a parle­ment, [Page 280] in which the statute of Mortmaine was esta­blished. The statute of Mort­maine.

Frier Iohn Peckham, whome the pope had alrea­die consecrated archbishop of Canturburie, being the 47 in number that had gouerned the said s [...], came this yeare ouer into England to supplie the roome. ¶ Also Walter Gifford archbishop of Yorke departed this life, in whose place succéeded William Wickham, the 37 archbishop there. The archbishop of Canturburie held a synod at Reading about the lat­ter line 10 end of Iulie, A synod at Reading. wherin he renewed the constitutions of the generall councell, as thus: That no ecclesiasti­call person should haue aboue one benefice to the which belonged cure of soule; and againe, that all those that were promoted to any ecclesiasticall liuing, should receiue the order of priesthood within one yere after his being promoted therevnto.

The kings come amen­ded.In this yeare the king tooke order for the amen­ding of his monie and coine, which in that season was fowlie clipped, washed, and counterfeited by those line 20 naughtie men the Iewes, and other, as before you haue partlie heard. The king therefore in the octaues of the Trinitie sent foorth commandement to all the shiriffes within the land, that such monie as was counterfeited, clipped or washed, should not be cur­rant from thencefoorth: and furthermore he sent of his owne treasure, good monie and not clipped, vnto certeine cities and townes in the realme, that ex­change might be made with the same till new monie were stamped. About the third daie of August, the line 30 first exchange was made of the new monie of pence and farthings; but yet the old monie went all this yeare togither with the new, and then was the old coine generallie forbidden, and commandement gi­uen by publike proclamation, that from thencefoorth it should no more be allowed for currant. Herewith also halfpence, which had beene stamped in the meane time, began to come abroad the same day in which the old monie was thus prohibited.

The lord Roger Mortimer kept a great feast at line 40 Killingworth, with iusts and triumphs of an hun­dred knights and as manie ladies, to the which resor­ted lords, knights, & gentlemen from diuerse coun­tries and lands, to shew proofe of their valiancie in the practise of warlike feats and exercises. Anno Reg. 8. 1280 In the meane season king Edward standing in need of mo­nie, N. Tr [...]uet. Polydor. Abington. A shift to get monie. deuised a new shift to serue his turne, as this: namely that wheras he was cheefe lord of many lord­ships, manours, possessions and tenements, he well vnderstood, that partlie by length and proces of time, line 50 and partlie by casualties during the troubles of the ciuill warres, manie mens euidences, as their char­ters, déeds, copies and other writings were lost, wa­sted, and made awaie, he therfore vnder colour to put the statute of ( Quo waranto) in execution, which was ordeined this yeare in the parlement holden at Glo­cester in August last past (as some write) did now command by publike proclamation, that all such as held any lands or tenements of him, should come and shew by what right and title they held the same, line 60 that by such meanes their possessions might returne vnto him, by escheat as cheefe lord of the same, and so to be sold or redeemed againe at his hands.

This was thought to be so sore a proclamation, as that a more greeuous had not lightlie beene heard of. Ordinances for monie. Men in euerie place made complaint and shewed themselues gréeuouslie offended, so that the king by meanes thereof came in great hatred of his people: but the meane sort of men, though they stood in de­fense of their right, yet it auailed them but little, bi­cause they had no euidence to shew, so that they were constreined to be quiet with losse, rather than to striue against the streame. Manie were thus called to answer, till at length the lord Iohn Warren earle of Surrie, a man greatlie beloue [...] of the people, per­ceiuing the king to haue cast his net for a preie, and that there was not one which spake against him, de­termined to stand against th [...]se so bitter and cruell procéedings. And the [...]e [...]re b [...]ing called afore the iu­stices about this matter, he appeared, and being asked by what right he held h [...] la [...]s▪ suddenlie drawing foorth an old rustie sword; ‘By this instrument (said he) doo I hold my lands, The saieng [...] the earle of Surrie. [...] by the same I intend to defend them. Our ancestors comming into this realme wi [...]h William the Conquerour, conquered their lands with the sword, and with the same will I defend [...]e from all those that shall be about to take them from me▪ he did not make a conquest of this realme alone, our progenitors were with him as participants and helpers.’

The king vnderstanding into what hatred of his people by this meanes he was fallen, and therfo [...]e de­s [...]rous to auoid ciuill dissention and war that might thereby insue, he left off his [...] practise: so that the thing which generallie should haue touched and béene hurtfull to all men, was now suddenlie staied by the manhood and couragious stoutnesse onelie of one man, the foresaid earle, who in his rare act of de­fending cōmon equitie against the mightie in autho­ritie (who spared not to offer extreme iniurie) shewed himselfe a verie true and naturall branch of nobilitie,

—cupit quae grandia semper,
Vilia contemnit, quae sursum tendere vt ignis
Nititur, & summas penetrat velut ardea [...]ibes.

The archbishop of Canturburie held an other sy­nod at Lambeth, A synod at Lambeth. in the which he receiued and confir­med the orders and constitutions decréed and establi­shed by the legats Otho and Othobone, in councels by them kept here within this realme, adding diuerse other of his owne: & in the same councell he went a­bout to adnihilate certeine liberties belonging to the crowne, as the taking knowledge of the right of pa­tronages and the kings prohibitions In placitis de ca­tallis, and such like, which séemed méerlie to touch the spiritualtie. But the king by some in that councell withstood the archbishop openlie, and with menaces staied him from concluding any thing that might preiudice his roiall liberties and prerogatiues. King Edward held a parlement at London, A parlement. in the which he demanded a fifteenth of the cleargie, which latelie before he had got of the temporaltie. The archbishop of Yorke was content at the first to grant this fif­teenth to be paid of the cleargie within his diocesse in two yeares; The archbi­shop of Yorke. but the archbishop of Canturburie held off, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie. and required re [...]pit till the next parlement to be holden after Easter, and then he granted vnto the king the dismes of all his cleargie for thrée yeares, that in some point he might be different from the archbishop of Yorke.

In the ninth yeare of king Edwards reigne, Anno Reg 9. 1281 the feast of the round table was kept at Warwike with great and sumptuous triumph. The feast of the round ta­ble holden as Warwike. Dauid the brother of Leolin re [...] ­teth, and be­commeth a rebell. Whilest these things were in dooing, Dauid brother to Leolin prince of Wales, forgetting the great benefits which he had receiued at the hands of king Edward, became his aduersarie, and caused his said brother the prince of Wales with a great number of other noble men of that countrie to rebell: and to incourage them the sooner to attempt the warre, he began the first ex­ploit himselfe, The lord Clifford taken. taking the said lord Roger Clifford (a right worthie and famous knight) in his castell of Hawardine, vpon Palme sundaie, the said lord being in no doubt of any such matter. Diuerse knights and other that were in the same castell at that time, and made resistance, were slaine.

After this the foresaid Dauid returned to his bro­ther the prince, and therewith assembling an armie, The castell of Rutland be­sieged. they went both togither and besieged the castell of [Page 281] Rutland. King Edward at the same time being in the parts about Salisburie, where he kept his Easter at the Uies, sent out commissioners to leauie an ar­mie, and commanded such men of warre as he had then in a readinesse, to hast foorth to the rescue of the castell of Rutland. The castell of Lamperde­uaux taken. And in the meane time, the castell of Lamperdeuaux was taken by Rice ap Malgone and Griffith ap Meridoc. Also diuerse other castels were taken by other of the Welsh nobilitie. Moreo­uer, about this time by the labour and suit of Iohn line 10 the archbishop of Canturburie, Emericke de Mont­fort, Emericke de Montfort set at libertie. which had béene reteined in prison (sith that he was first taken togither with his sister at the Isle of Sillie by the Bristowmen) was now set at libertie and permitted to returne into France. The said archbishop of Canturburie was sent into Wales to persuade Leolin and his brother with the other re­bels vnto peace and quietnesse, Leolin and other the W [...]lsh rebels accurssed. Anno Reg. 10. but returning into England, without bringing anie thing to passe, he de­nounced them accurssed. line 20

year 1282 The king hasted foorth to come to the rescue of his people, The king en­treth into Wales. wherevpon Leolin and his brother Dauid re­tired with their people to Snowdon hilles, and forti­fied the castell there with a strong garrison of men. The king entring into Wales, when he heard that his enimies were withdrawne into the mounteins, passed foorth till he came neere vnto them, where he pitched downe his field, and the next day causing his horssemen to issue foorth of the campe, filled all the plaines which compasse the foot of those hilles (aswell line 30 on the east side as toward the south) with the same horssemen, and herewith placed his footmen more a­loft on the side of the hilles in couert: this doone he prouoked his enimie to come foorth to fight, but when he saw this would not be, then that he might stop them from all places of refuge, he caused his ships to take the Isle of Anglesey, bicause the Welshmen vsed to flie thither oftentimes for their safegard, in the which enterprise the mariners of the cinque ports bare themselues right manfullie. The mari­ners of the cinque ports. line 40

After this, ioining certeine vessels togither, he caused a bridge to be made in the riuer of Meneth, Meneth. into the which an other small riuer falleth that riseth at the roots of those hilles of Snowdone, to keepe the enimies from lodging on the further side of that ri­uer. This bridge conteining roome for thréescore ar­med men to passe afront, was made ouer the riuer of Sient, by the which men saile into the Isle, which by the course of the sea ebbeth and floweth euerie twelue houres. But so it came to passe, that before the bridge line 50 was well boorded ouer, whilest the king yet remai­ned at Aberconwaie, diuerse of the English nobili­tie, to the number of seauen banerets with three hundreth armed men rashlie passed ouer, and as they surueied the foot of the mounteine, the tide began to come in so swiftlie, that where the Englishmen were aduanced a good prettie waie from the water side, they could not now get backe againe to the bridge which as yet was not fullie made vp.

The Welshmen perceiuing this, came downe be­side line 60 the mounteine, and assailed the Englishmen verie fiercelie, and with their great multitude so op­pressed them, The English­men distressed by Welshmen. that for feare the Englishmen were driuen to take the water, and so by reason they were loaden with armour, manie of them were drowned: and amongst other, that famous knight sir Lucas de Thanie, The lord Clifford. Robert Clifford, sir William Lindsey, and two gentlemen of good accompt that were bre­thren to Robert Burnell as then bishop of Bath. There perished in all (as some saie) thirtéene knights, Chron. Dunst. seuentéene yoong gentlemen, and to the number of two hundred footmen. Yet sir William Latimer, as good hap would, escaped, and diuerse other. This mischance happened on S. Leonards day.

In this meane time in an other part of the coun­trie the earle of Glocester with an armie, The earle of Glocester ma­keth warre on the Welshmen made sore warre to the Welshmen, and néere vnto the towne called Lantilaware, fought a sore battell with them, in the which manie of the Welshmen being slaine, the earle lost also fiue knights vpon his partie, as William Ualence the yoonger, being one of that number, who was the kings cousine. The earle of Glocester then departing from thence, Leolin the prince of Wales entered into the countrie of Car­digan and Stradwie, destroieng the lands of Rice ap Meridoc, which now held with the king against the said prince. At length, prince Leolin going to­wards the land of Buelth with a small companie, Anno Reg. 11. left his maine armie behind him aloft vpon the top of the mounteine, néere to the water called Waie, Leolin inua­deth the kings fréends. and he had set a number of his people to kéepe the bridge of Orewin: and so the Welshmen kept on the one side, and the Englishmen on the other, of whome were capteins the lord Iohn Gifford and the lord Edmund Mortimer, The lord Gifford and Mortimer. the which perceiuing the Welshmen that were readie to defend the bridge, and a great host of them vpon the top of the moun­teine, they consulted togither what they were best to doo.

At length by the couragious exhortation of one Helias Walewaine they drew on the one hand a­longst the riuer, where was a foord passable in déed, Helias Wal­waine. though not without danger: but yet the Englishmen by the conduct of the same Helias, got ouer by the same foord, so that it bare the name long after of He­lias way. And so the Welshmen that kept the bridge (perceiuing the Englishmen to be got ouer vnto that side) fled, wherevpon the residue of the English armie passed ouer at the bridge, whereof rose a great noise, which Leolin lurking not farre off might well heare, but yet at the first he could not be brought to thinke that by any possible means the Englishmen were got ouer to that side of the water. But yet per­ceiuing it to be true, he drue backe toward the heigth of the mounteine againe, neuerthelesse being disco­uered by one Stephan de Franketon, Prince Leo­lin slaine by Stephan de Franketon. named by some writers Sward, he was so narrowlie pursued of the same Stephan, that he was ouertaken and slaine.

Stephan not knowing whome he had slaine, re­turned to the host, the which was now mounting vp the hill to ioine with the Welsh armie that stood still looking for the returne of their prince Leolin (though in vaine) yet they manfullie abode by their tackle, discharging plentie of arowes and darts at the Eng­lishmen as they came vp towards them. The Eng­lish archers which were mingled amongst the horsse­men, paid them home againe with their shot, so that finallie the English horssemen, winning the top of the hill, slue manie of them standing stoutlie at de­fense, and put the residue to flight. Stephan Sward that had slaine Leolin, after the victorie was atchi­ued, rode to the dead bodie which he had slaine in the beginning of the battell, and vpon [...]ew taken of him perceiued who he was, of which good hap the English­men were verie ioifull. Leolins head presented to the king. His head was herewith cut off, which the lord Edmund Mortimer tooke with him vnto Rutland (where the king as then was lodged) vnto whome he presented it: and the king sent [...] vn­to London, appointing that there should be an yuie crowne set vpon it, in token that he was a prince, and so being adorned, a horsseman carried it vpon the end of his staffe through Cheapside, holding it as he rode on heigth, that all men might sée it, till he came to the tower, & there it was pight vp aloft vp­on one of the highest turrets, remaining there a long time after.

Thus was the prophesie fulfilled, A prophesie fulfilled. which was told [Page] [...] [Page 283] is shewed) in the third yeare of king Henrie, was in this yeare fullie finished.

The death of the Scotish king.The nineteenth of March, died Alexander king of Scotland, by a fall which he caught as he ran a stir­ring horsse: he left no issue behind him, nor any cer­teine knowne heire to succéed him, by reason wherof insued great harme to that relme (as in the Scotish historie may more at large appeare.) The manner of whose death (as in Richard Southwell I find it repor­ted) I haue thought good breeflie to touch, for that in line 10 recitall thereof, he somewhat disagreeth from the Scotish historie. Rich. South. There went (saith he) a common speach through Scotland all this yeare, before the kings death, that on the same ninetéenth of March the daie of iudgement should be: wherevpon, as the said king sat at dinner in the castell of Edenburgh, hauing a dish of excellent good lampries before him, he sent part therof to one of the lords that sat at some other table not far from him, and willed him by the gentleman that bare it, to be merrie, and haue in line 20 min [...] that this was the day of doome. The lord sent him thanks againe, and praied the messenger to tell the king merilie, [...] if this were the daie of doome, they should rise to iudgement spéedilie with their bel­lies filled with good meats and drinks. After they had dined, and the night began to draw on, he tooke his horsse, and onlie accompanied with thrée gentlemen, would needs ride to Kingorne, where the queene his new wife then laie, and before he could get vnto In­nerkenin, it was darke night, so that he tooke there line 30 two guides to lead him the waie: but they had not ridden past two miles, but that the guides had quite lost the waie, so that they were driuen to giue their horsses libertie to beat it out themselues.

Herewithall the king being seuered from his com­panie, how he ruled his horsse it is hard to saie, but downe he was throwne, and immediatlie died with the vehement fall which he thus caught, either head­long downe one of the cliffes or otherwise, and thus he came to his end, on a mondaie, being saint Cuth­berts euen the nineteenth of March (as before is no­ted) line 40 after he had reigned six & thirtie yeares and nine moneths, as the same Southwell saieth; who also (contrarie to that which Hector Boetius writeth) af­firmeth, that the same daie was so tempestuous with wind, snow, haile and raine, that he and manie other that then liued and felt it, durst not vncouer their fa­ces, in going abroad against the bitter northerne wind, that droue the snow and sleet most vehementlie vpon them. And although that such fowle weather line 50 might haue staied him from taking his iournie in that sort, yet he made no accompt thereof, as he that was accustomed to ride as well in fowle weather as faire, and spared neither for tempest, waters, nor craggie rocks, thicke nor thin; for all was one to him, oftentimes taking his iournie in disguised apparell, accompanied onlie with one seruant. But to returne vnto the dooings in England.

In this yeare the king tooke escuage, fortie shillings of euerie knights fee, towards the charges of his line 60 last wars in Wales. ¶ A parlement was holden at Westminster, at the which were made the statutes called Additamenta Glocestriae, or rather the statutes of Westminster the second. Anno Reg. 14. Fabian. Thomas Pi­wilesdon a citizen of London. In the fouretéenth yeare of king Edward, a citizen of London named Tho­mas Piwilesdon, who in time of the barons warres had béene a great dooer, to stir the people against king Henrie, was now accused, that he with other should go about to make new disturbance within the citie: whereof inquirie being made and had before sir Rafe Standish, then custos or gardian of the ci­tie, He with other are banished the citie. the said Piwilesdon and other, to the number of fiftie, were banished the citie for euer. ¶Also, whereas of old time before this season, the merchant strang­ers were vsed to be lodged within the dwelling hou­ses of the citizens of London, and sold all their mer­chandize by procuration of their hosts, for the which their said hosts had a certeine allowance, after the rate of euerie pound: now it was ordeined, that the said merchant strangers might take houses to hire, A new order for merchant strangers. for to inhabit therein, & for stowage of their wares, & no citizen to intermeddle with them or their wares: by reason whereof they vsed manie deceits, both in vttering counterfeit wares, and also vniust weights. Moreouer, much of those wares, which they should haue waied at the K. beame, they weighed at home within their houses, to the hinderance of the kings custome. Strangers [...]mmitted to the towre. Where vpon search being made vpon a sud­den, and their weights found and prooued false, twen­tie of the said strangers were arrested and sent to the towre, and their weights burnt, destroied and broken to péeces in Westcheape, on thursdaie before the feast of Simon and Iude. Finallie, the said merchants were deliuered, being put to a fine of a thousand pounds, after sore and hard imprisonment.

The Iewes in one night were generallie appre­hended, year 1286 and put in prison through all the parts of England, and so kept in durance, till they had fined at the kings pleasure. ¶ It is reported that the com­mons of England granted to the king, the fift part of their mooueables, to haue the Iewes banished out of the land: but the Iewes, to put the Englishmen frō their purpose, gaue to the king great summes of mo­nie, whereby they tarried yet a while longer. King Edward went ouer into France vpon the fiue and twentith of Maie, Nic. Triuet. The king passeth ouer into France. passing through Picardie vnto A­miens, and there the French king, to doo him honor, was readie to receiue him. Here king Edward did homage vnto the French king, for the lands which he ought to hold of him in France. And after, he was also present at a parlement, which the said French king held at Paris, in the which he obteined manie things for the liberties of his said lands, as then by diuerse waies wrongfullie oppressed, though such grant continued not long in force. After Whitsun­tide, king Edward departed from Paris and went into Gascoigne, togither with his wife queene Elia­nor, who was with him in all his iournie.

This yeare the king went into Aragon, Anno Reg. 15. 1287 where his authoritie auailed much, in the making of agreement betwixt the kings of Aragon and Naples; whereby Charles king of Naples was then set at libertie, vp­on certeine contracts or couenants passed and a­greed betwixt them. Rich. South. ¶ The kings mother queene E­lianor this yeare forsooke the world, and tooke vpon hir the habit of a nunne at Ambresburie; but yet she still reteined and inioied hir dower by the popes au­thoritie and dispensation. About this time a squire called Chamberlaine, with his complices, set fire on the merchants boothes, at S. Butolphes faire; Bristow faire robbed. and whilest the merchants were about to quench the fire, the said squire and his complices set vpon the said merchants, slue manie of them, and robbed them of their goods. In this yeare fell variance betwéene the lord Paine Tiptost, Uariance be­twixt the lord Paine Tip­tost, and Rice ap Meridoc. wardeine of certeine castels in Wales, and a Welsh knight called sir Rees ap Meridoc, so that sundrie skirmishes were fough­ten betwixt them, and men slaine on both sides, to the great disturbance of the countrie.

The cause of this warre rose cheeflie, for that the said lord Tiptost, and the lord Alane Plucknet, the kings steward in Wales, would haue constreined the said Rées to appeare at counties and hundreds, as the vse in other parts of Wales then was, con­trarie to such liberties as he had obteined of the king as he pretended. But when the king wrote vnto the same Rées, requiring him to kéepe the peace, till his returne (at what time he promised to reforme all [Page 284] things in due and reasonable order) Rees hauing al­readie put armour vpon his backe, would not now incline to any peace, but to reuenge his cause, assem­bled a great multitude of Welshmen, with whose helpe he burnt & destroied manie townes in Wales, N. Triuet. so that the K. being then beyond the seas, sent to the earle of Cornewall, whom in his absence he had ap­pointed his lieutenant ouer England, requiring him to send an armie into Wales, to resist the malice and riotous attempts of the Welshmen. The earle short­lie therevpon prepared an armie, and went with the line 10 same into Wales, or (as other write) the bishop of E­lie, the lord prior of S. Iohns, the earle of Glocester, and diuerse barons of the land went thither, and cha­sing the said Rées, dispersed his armie, and ouer­threw and raced his castels, but by vndermining and reuersing the wals at the castell of Druslan, with the fall therof, the baron Stafford, and the lord William de Montchensie, with manie other knights and es­quiers, were oppressed and brused to death. ¶ This yeare, the king at Blankfort in Gascoigne, tooke vp­on line 20 him the crosse, purposing eftsoones to make a iour­nie against Gods enimies.

In the winter of this yeare great flouds chanced, by reason of the excéeding abundance of raine that fell: and the sea alongst the northeast coasts from Humber to Yarmouth, brake into the land, ouerflow­ing the same by the space of three or foure leagues in breadth (as the author of the Chronicle of Dunstable affirmeth) ouerthrowing buildings, Chron. Dunst. and drowning vp line 30 men and cattell that could not auoid the danger by the sudden comming in thereof, namelie, about Yar­mouth, Dunwich, and Gippeswich. Likewise in the Mers land of Lincolnshire it did passing great hurt, bringing all the countrie into water. This chanced in the verie night of the beginning of this yéere, to wit, in the feast of the circumcision of our Lord, and in December it brake out againe in Northfolke and Suffolke, where it did much harme, namelie about Yarmouth. line 40

Anno Reg. 16. 1288This yeare, and likewise the yeare last past, was such plentie of graine, that wheat was sold in some places of this land for twentie pence a quarter, Chron. Dunst. Nic. Treuet. and in some places for sixtéene pence, and pease for twelue pence a quarter. The summer this yeare excéeded in heat, so that men thorough the intemperate excesse thereof died in diuers places. ¶ It chanced in Gas­coigne, O woonder by thunder! that as the king & queene sate in their cham­ber vpon a bed talking togither, the thunder bolt comming in at the window behind them, passed line 50 through betwixt them as they sate, and slue two of their gentlemen that stood before them, to the great terror of all that were present. Ri. Southwell. ¶ This yeare diuerse of those that robd the faire at Boston, were executed.

Moreouer, whereas Rees ap Meridoc continu­ed still in his mischieuous dooings, at length, the lord deputie of Wales, Polydor. Ran. Higd. N. Triuet. Robert Tiptost, vsing both spée­die diligence and timelie counsell, gathered all such power as he could make, & passed foorth against his aduersaries. Whereof when sir Rées was aduertised, line 60 and vnderstanding that the Englishmen were farre fewer in number than his Welshmen, he thought to ouerthrow them at his pleasure, and therefore incou­raging his people with manie comfortable words, to shew their manhood vpon the Englishmens approch, he hasted to méet them. The Welshmen being for the more part but yoong souldiers, and not trained to kéepe any order of battell, ran fiercelie vpon their e­nimies, assailing them on the front before, on the sides a flanke, and on the backe behind, inforcing themselues to the vttermost of their power to breake their arraie.

But the Englishmen valiantlie resisted, so that there was a sore battell for a while, and the more cou­ragiouslie the Welshmen assailed, the more stoutlie the Englishmen defended, in keeping themselues close togither, and beating backe their aduersaries: and at length perceiuing them to faint and wax wea­rie, they rushed foorth into the middle of the Welsh­men, & brake them in sunder, so that when they saw themselues thus repelled by the Englishmen, con­trarie vnto all their expectation, they knew not what to doo, for they durst neither fight nor flée, The Welsh discomfited. Rees ap Me­ridoc taken. and so by that meanes were beaten downe on euerie side. Me­ridoc himselfe was taken, but the most part of all his armie was slaine, to the number of foure thou­sand men. Thus were the Welshmen woorthilie cha­stised for their rebellion. Sir Rées ap Meridoc was had to Yorke, where at length, after the king was re­turned out of Gascoigne, he was hanged, drawen and quartered.

This yeare on S. Margarets euen, that is, Anno Reg. [...]. 128 [...] the 9 daie of Iulie, fell a woonderfull tempest of haile, that the like had not beene seene nor heard of by any man then liuing. And after, Hen. Ma [...]. A sore tem­pest of ha [...]e. Ran. H [...]gd. there insued such continuall raine, so distempering the ground, that corne waxed verie deare, so that wheras wheat was sold before at thrée pence a bushell, A great dearth be­ginneth. the market so rose by little and little, that it was sold for two shillings a bushell, and so the dearth increased still almost by the space of 40 yeares, till the death of Edward the second, in so much that sometime a bushell of wheat London mea­sure was sold at ten shillings.

The king, after he had remained and continu­ed three yeares, two moneths, and fiftéene daies in Gascoine, and in other parts there beyond the sea, he returned into England on the fourth day of August, and vpon the euen of the Assumption of our ladie he came to London, where he was most ioifullie re­ceiued, & so [...]ame to Westminster: where shortlie af­ter were presented vnto him manie gréeuous com­plaints and informations against diuerse of his iu­stices, as sir Thomas Weiland, Adam Stretton, and others, the which were had in examination, and thervpon found giltie of manie trespasses and trans­gressions, in so much that it was giuen him to vnder­stand, that there were among them that had giuen consent to the committing of murthers and robbe­ries, and wittinglie had receiued the offendors. Wherevpon, Chron. Dun. the king caused streight inquirie to be made by an inquest of 12▪ substantiall personages, who found by verdict, Thomas Weiland lord chéefe iustice of the kings bench. that Thomas Weiland lord chéefe iustice of the kings bench, had caused a mur­ther to be doone by his seruants, and after succoured and mainteined them: hervpon he was by the kings officers arrested, but escaping their hands, he tooke sanctuarie in the church of the friers minors at saint Edmundesburie, and was admitted into their habit, but within fourtie daies after, order was giuen by the king that no kind of vittels should be suffered to be conueied to that house, so that all the friers came foorth, except three or foure, and at length he was con­streined to take vpon him a laie mans apparell, and comming foorth was deliuered to the hands of Ro­bert Malet knight, Robert Ma­let. who had before the custodie of him, and now hauing him againe brought him to the towre of London. At length, he was put to his choise of thrée waies, which soeuer of them he would take, that is, whether to be tried by his péeres, or to re­maine in perpetuall prison, or to abiure the realme: he chose the last, and so bare-footed and bare-headed, bearing a crosse in his hand, he was conueied from the towre to Douer, where taking the sea, he was transported to the further side of the sea; his goods, mooueable and vnmooueable, William Brampton Roger Lei­cester, [...] Iohn Luneth being confis [...]at [...] to the kings coffers.

William Brampton, Roger Leicester, Iohn Lu­neth, associats of the said Thomas, and iustices of the [Page 285] kings bench: also, Robert Lithburie chapleine, and maister of the rolles, being accused of wrongfull iudgements and other trespasses were committed to prison within the tower, and at length with much a­doo, escaped with paieng their fines, so that he which paied least, Salomon de Roffa. Thomas de Sudington. Richard de Boiland. Walter Hoptō Rafe de Hingham. gaue a thousand marks. Moreouer, Salo­mon of Rochester, Thomas de Sudington, Richard de Boiland, and Walter de Hopton, iustices itine­rants, were likewise punished, and for the semblable offenses put to their fines. Sir Rafe de Hingham line 10 a iustice also, to whome in the kings absence the or­dering of the realme chéefelie apperteined, being ac­cused of diuerse transgressions, and committed to the tower, redeemed his offense for an infinit summe of monie. Adam de Stratton, L. cheefe baron. Adam de Stratton, lord chéefe baron of the excheker, being conuicted of manie hainous crimes, a man plentifullie prouided both of temporall posses­sions, and ecclesiasticall reuenues, lost all his tem­porall liuings, and foure and thirtie thousand marks in readie coine, beside other mooueables, in cattell, line 20 iewels and furniture of houshold, which were all con­fiscated, and forfeited wholie: and it was thought he was gentlie dealt with, that he escaped with life, and such spirituall liuings as to him remained. Henrie Braie escheator, Henrie Braie and the iudges ouer the Iewes, were reported to haue committed manie greeuous offenses, but for monie they bought their peace. To conclude, there was not found any amongst all the iustices and officers cleere and void of vniust dealing except Iohn de Metingham, Iohn de Me­tingham, and Elias de Be­kingham. and Elias de Beking­ham, line 30 who onelie among the rest had behaued them­selues vprightlie. When therfore such gréeuous com­plaints were exhibited to the king, he appointed the earle of Lincolne, the bishop of Elie, and others, to heare euerie mans complaint, and vpon due exami­nation & triall, to sée them answered accordinglie as right and equitie should require. In which admini­stration of iustice against euill iusticiaries, the king performed the charge imposed and laid vpon all such as are in gouernement and magistracie; namelie, line 40

E [...]b. Hess. in Psal. 2.
Nunc igitur reges resipiscite, quaerite rectum,
Quorum iudicijs terra regenda data est.

In the eighteenth yeare of his reigne, the king mar­ried two of his daughters, Anno Reg. 18. 1290 that is to saie, Ioane de Acres vnto Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester, and the ladie Margaret vnto the lord Iohn sonne to the duke of Brabant. H. Marle. N. Triuet. ¶ The king ordeined, that all the wooll, which should be sold vnto strangers, should be brought vnto Sandwich, where the staple thereof was kept long time after. In the same yeare was a line 50 parlement holden at Westminster, The statutes of Westmin­ster the third established. wherein the sta­tutes of Westminster the third were ordeined. It was also decreed, that all the Iewes should auoid out of the land, in consideration whereof, a fifteenth was granted to the king, and so héervpon were the Iewes banished out of all the kings dominions, The Iewes banished out of England. and neuer since could they obteine any priuilege to returne hi­ther againe. All their goods not mooueable were con­fiscated, with their taillies and obligations; but all o­ther their goods that were mooueable, togither with line 60 their coine of gold and siluer, the king licenced them to haue and conuey with them. A sort of the richest of them, being shipped with their treasure in a migh­tie [...]all ship which they had hired, when the fame was vnder saile, and got downe the Thames towards the mouth of the riuer beyond Quinborowe, the mai­ster mariner be thought him of a wile, and caused his men to cast anchor, and so rode at the same, till the ship by ebbing of the streame remained on the drie sands. The maister herewith entised the Iewes to walke out with him on land for recreation. And at length, when he vnderstood the tide to be comming in, he got him backe to the ship, whither he was drawne vp by a cord. The Iewes made not so much hast as he did, bicause they were not ware of the dan­ger. But when they perceiued how the matter stood, they cried to him for helpe: howbeit he told them, that they ought to crie rather vnto Moses, by whose conduct their fathers passed through the red sea, and therefore, if they would call to him for helpe, he was able inough to helpe them out of those raging flouds, which now came in vpon them: they cried indéed, but no succour appeared, Iewes drow­ned. and so they were swallowed vp in water. The maister returned with the ship, and told the king how he had vsed the matter, and had both thanks and reward, as some haue written. But other affirme (and more truelie as should seeme) that diuerse of those mariners, Chro. Dun. which dealt so wickedlie against the Iewes, were hanged for their wicked practise, and so receiued a iust reward of their frau­dulent and mischéeuous dealing. But now to the purpose.

In the foresaid parlement, the king demanded an aid of monie of the spiritualtie, for that (as he preten­ded) he meant to make a iournie into the holie land, to succour the christians there: The eleuenth part of ecclesi­asticall reue­nues gran­ted to the K. whervpon they gran­ted to him the eleuenth part of all their mooueables. He receiued the monie aforehand, but letted by other businesse at home, he went not foorth vpon that iour­nie. In the ninetéenth yeare of king Edward, quéene Elianor king Edwards wife died vpon saint An­drews eeuen at Herdebie, Anno Reg. 19. The deceasse of Q. Elianor or Herdelie (as some haue) neere to Lincolne, the king being as then on his waie towards the borders of Scotland: but ha­uing now lost the iewell which he most estéemed, he returned towards London to accompanie the corps vnto Westminster, Thom. Walsin. where it was buried in S. Ed­wards chapell, at the féet of king Henrie the third. She was a godlie and modest princesse, full of pitie, and one that shewed much fauour to the English na­tion, The praise of the quéene deceassed. readie to releeue euerie mans greefe that sustei­ned wrong, and to make them fréends that were at discord, so farre as in hir laie. In euerie towne and place, where the corps rested by the waie, the king caused a crosse of cunning workmanship to be erec­ted in remembrance of hir, and in the same was a picture of hir ingrauen. Two of the like crosses were set vp at London, one at Charing, Charing­crosse & other erected. and the other in Westcheape. Morouer, he gaue in almes euerie wed­nesday wheresoeuer he went, pence a péece, to all such poore folkes as came to demand the same.

About the same time, bicause the king should be the more willing to go into the holie land, as he had promised to doo, hauing monie to furnish him foorth, year 1291 the pope granted vnto him the tenth of the church of England, Scotland and Ireland, according to the true value of all the reuenues belonging vnto the same for six yeares. The tenth of spirituall re­uenues grā ­ted to the K. He wrote to the bishops of Lin­colne and Winchester, that the same tenth should be laid vp in monasteries and abbeies, till the king was entred into the sea, called Mare Maggiore, forwards on his iournie eastwards, and then to be paid to his vse. But the king afterwards caused the collectors to make paiment to him of the same tenth gathered for three yeares, and laid vp in monasteries, although he set not one foot forward in that iournie, as letted through other businesse.

Also, by reason of the controuersie which depended as then betwixt diuerse persons, Controuersie about the crowne of Scotland. as competitors of the crowne of Scotland, he went into the north parts and kept his easter at Newcastell, and shortlie after, called a parlement at Northampton; where, by the aduise of the prelats and other of his councell, lear­ned in both the lawes, vpon knowledge had by search of records, and chronicles of ancient time, he caused all the prelats and barons of Scotland to be called a­fore him, and there in the parish-church of Norham, he declared vnto them his right to the superioritie of [Page 286] the kingdome of Scotland, and requiring of them, that they would recognise the same, protesting that he would defend the right of his crowne, to the shed­ding of his owne bloud, that a true certificat and in­formation might come to light of his title and right­full claime, vnto the direct and supreme dominion o­uer the realme of Scotland.

He had caused verelie all the histories, chronicles, and monuments that were to be found within Eng­land, Scotland and Wales, to be sought vp and per­used, line 10 that it might be knowen what right he had in this behalfe. Wherevpon it was found by the chroni­cles of Marianus the Scot, William of Malmesburie, Roger Houeden, Henrie Huntington, Rafe de Dice­to, and others, that in the yeare of our Lord 910, K. Edward surnamed Senior, or the elder, subdued to him the kings of Scots and Welshmen, so that in the yeare 921, the same people chose the said Ed­ward to be their king and patrone. And likewise in the yeare 926, Athelstan king of England vanqui­shed line 20 Constantine king of Scotland, and permitted him yet to reigne vnder him. Moreouer, Edred the brother of Athelstan, and king of England, ouercame the Scots and Northumbers, the which submitted themselues to him and sware him fealtie. Also Ed­gar king of England vanquished Kineth the son of Alpine king of Scotland, who sware fealtie to him. Likewise Cnute king of England and Denmarke, in the 16 yeare of his reigne ouercame Malcolme king of Scots, & so became king of foure kingdoms, line 30 England, Scotland, Denmarke, and Norwaie.

Furthermore, that blessed king S. Edward, gaue the kingdome of Scotland vnto Malcolme the sonne of the king of Cumberland, to hold the same of him. Againe, William Bastard the Norman conqueror, in the sixt yeare of his reigne vanquished Malcolme king of Scotland, and receiued of him an oth of feal­tie. Also, Will. Rufus did the like vnto Malcolme king of Scots, and two of his sonnes that successiue­lie reigned ouer that realme. Also, Alexander succee­ded line 40 his brother Edgar in the kingdome of Scotland, by consent of K. Henrie the first. Also Dauid king of Scotland did homage to K. Stephan, & William K. of Scots did homage to Henrie, the son of K. Hen­rie the second, when in his fathers life time he was crowned; and againe, to Henrie the father in the 20 yeare of his reigne, as by an agreement made be­twixt them two it dooth appeare. Also, Roger Houe­den saith, that William king of Scotland came to his souereigne lord king Henrie into Normandie, and likewise to king Richard, and moreouer to king line 50 Iohn at Lincolne, dooing to them his homage. Also, in the chronicles of S. Albons it is found, that Alex­ander king of Scotland married at Yorke Marga­ret the daughter of king Henrie the third, in the 35 yeare of his reigne, and did to him homage.

And further, when king Edward himselfe was crowned at Westminster, in the yeare of our Lord 1274, being the second of his reigne, the last deceas­sed K. of Scotland, Alexander the third of that name line 60 did homage vnto him at Westminster the morrow after the coronation. All which homages and fealties thus done by sundrie kings of Scotland, vnto sun­drie kings of England, were directlie and most ma­nifestlie prooued to be doone for the realme of Scot­land, and not onelie for the lands which they held of the kings of England within England, as the Sco­tish writers would séeme to colour the matter. But things being then fresh in memorie, no such cauilla­tion might be auerred. K. Edward recognised for superiour lord of Scotland. And so herevpon king Ed­wards title being substantiallie prooued, he was re­cognised superiour lord of Scotland, of all them that pretended title at that time to that kingdome, by writings thereof made and confirmed vnder their seales, the which being written in French conteined matter as here followeth.

The copie of the charter in French.

ATous ceulx, qui ceste presente lettre verrunt ou orrunt, Florence counte de Holland, Robert de Brus seigneur du Val Danand, Iehan Baliol seigneur de Galloway, Iehan de Hastings seigneur de Aberge­uenne, Iehan Comin seigneur de Badenaugh, Pa­trique de Dunbar counte de la Marche, Iehan de Vescy pur son pere, Nichol de Seules, & Guilaum de Ros, saluz en dieu. Come nous entendons d'auger droyt en reaume d' Escoce, & celle droyt monstrer, chalēger, & auerer deuant celuy, que plus de poer, iurisdiction, & reeson, eust de trier nostre droyt, & l' noble prince sire Edward, par la grace de dieu, roy d' Angleterre, nous a enforme per bonnes & suffisaunt reesons, que aluy apent, & auer doit la souerein seigneurie, du dict reaume d' Escoce, & la cognisaunce de oir, trier & terminer nostre droyt. Nous de nostre propre volunté, sanz nulle maniere de force ou destresse, voluns, otrions, & grantons de receiuré droyt deuaunt luy, come souerein seig­neur de la terre. Et voluns ialemeins, & promet­tons, que nous auerons, & tendrons, ferme, & esta­ble son fait, & que celuy emportera le reaume, a qui droyt le durra deuant luy. En testimoigne de ceste chose, nous auons mis nous seaules a ceste escript. Fait & donné a Norham, le mardi prochein apres la Ascension, l'an de Grace, 1291.

In English thus.

TO all them that these present letters shall see or heare, Florence earle of Holland, Robert le Bruce lord of An­nandale, Iohn Comin lord of Bade­naw, Patrike de Dunbar earle of March, Iohn de Baliol lord of Gallowaie, Iohn Hastings lord of Abergeuennie, Iohn de Vescy in stead of his father, Nicholas de Sules, & Walter Ros, send greeting in our Lord. Whereas we intend to haue right in the kingdome of Scotland, and intend to declare, chalenge and proue the same before him that hath the best authoritie, iuris­diction and reason to examine our right, and that the noble prince the lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England, by good and suf­ficient reasons hath informed vs, that the supe­rior dominion of Scotland belongeth to him, and that he ought to haue the knowledge in the hearing, examining, and defining of our right, we of our free willes, without all violence and constraint, will, consent and grant, to receiue our right before him, as the superior lord of the land. We will also & promise, that we shal haue and hold his deed for firme and stable, and that he shall haue the kingdome, vnto whom before him best right shall assigne the same. In wit­nesse whereof we haue to these letters put our seales. Giuen at Norham, the tuesdaie next after the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, in the yeare of Grace, 1291.

The recognising therefore made of the superioritie and submission of grant to receiue that, which before the king of England should by law be defined, the [Page 287] said king required to haue the castels, and the whole land deliuered vnto his possession, that by peaceable seizine thereof had, his right of superioritie now re­cognised by their letters and writings, might be the more manifest and apparent to the whole world. They streightwaies agreed to the kings request, and wri­tings thereof were made and confirmed with their seales, being written in French, as followeth.

The copie of the second charter touching the possession of the line 10 land, in French.

ATous iceulx, que ceste presente lettre verrunt ou orront, Florence counte de Holland, Robert de Brus seigneur du Val Danand, Iehan de Baliol seigneur de Galloway, Iehan de Hastings seigneur de Aber­geuenny, Iehan Comin seigneur de Badenaw, Pa­trique Dunbar counte de la Marche, Iehan de Ves­cy, pour son pere, Nichol de Seules, & Guilaume line 20 de Ros, saluz en dieu. Come nous aions otrie, & graunte, de nostre bonne volunté, & comune as­sent sans nulle destresse, a noble prince sire Ed­ward, par la grace de dieu, roy de Angleterre quil come souerein seig▪ de la terre de Escoce puisse oir trier, & terminer nos chalenges, & nos demandes, que nos entendons monstrer, & auerrer pur nostre droyt en la reaume de Escoces & droyt receiuer de­uant luy, come souerein seigneur de la terre, pro­mettons line 30 ia lemains que son fait auerons & ten­drons ferme & estable, & qu' il emportera le reau­me, a qui droyt le durra deuant luy.

Mes pour ce que lauandict roy de Ang. ne puist nulle manier conusance faire ne a complier sauns iugement, ne iugement doit estre sauns execution, ne execution ne peult il faire duement, sauns la possession, & seysine de mesme la terre, & de cha­steaux. Nous volons, otrions, & grantons, quil co­me line 40 souereine seigneur, a parfaire les choses auant dictes, ait la seysine de toute la mesme terre, & de chasteaux de Escoce, tant que droyt soit feit & perfourme, as demandans en tiel maniere, que a­uant ceo qu' il eit le seysine auant dict face bone se­urte, & suffisante as demandants & as gardiens, & a la commune du reaume d' Escoce, a faire lare­uersion de mesme le reaume, & de chasteaux, oue toute la royauté, dignité, seignourie, franchises, coustomes, droitures, leys, vsages, & possessions, & line 50 touz manieres des apurtenances, en mesme le esta­te, quils estoient quant la seysine luy fust bailleé, & liuereé a celuy que le droyt emportera par iugemēt de saroyaute, sauue au roy d' Anglterre le homage de celuy, qui serra rey. Yssint quela reuersion soit feit dedans les deux moys apres le iour que le droyt sera trieé & affirmé. Et que les yssues de mes­me la terre en le moyne temps resceus, soient sau­uement mis en depos & bien gardees par la main le line 60 chamberleyn d' Escoce que ore est, & de celuy qui serra assigne a luy de par le rey d' Angleterre, & de sous leur seaus sauue renable sustinance de la terre, & des chasteaux & des ministres du royau­me. En testimoigne de [...]estes choses auandicts, nous auons mis nos seaules a ceste escript. Fa [...]t & donne a Norham le mecredie prochein apres l' Ascensi­on [...]' an de Grace, 1291.

The same in English.

TO all them that these present writings shall see or heare, Florence earle of Hol­land, Robert le Bruce lord of Annandale, Iohn de Balioll lord of Galloway, Iohn Ha­stings lord of Abergeuenny, Iohn Comin lord of Badenaw, Patrike de Dunbarre the earle of March, Iohn de Vescy in stead of his father, Nicholas de Sules, William de Ros, send greeting in our lord. Bicause that of our good will and common assent, without all constraint, we doo consent and grant vn­to the noble prince the lord Edward, by the grace of God king of England, that he as supe­riour lord of Scotland, may heare, examine, de­fine and determine our claimes, chalenges, and petitions, which we intend to shew and prooue for our right, to be receiued before him as su­periour lord of the land, promising moreouer, that we shall take his deed for firme and stable, and that he shall inioy the kingdome of Scot­land, whose right shall by declaration best ap­peare before him.

Whereas then the said king of England can­not in this manner take knowledge, nor fulfill our meanings without iudgement, nor iudge­ment ought to be without execution, nor exe­cution may in due forme be doone without possession and seizine of the said land and ca­stels of the same; we will, consent, and grant, that he as superiour lord to performe the pre­misses may haue the seizine of all the land and castels of the same, till they that pretend title to the crowne be satisfied in their suit, so that be­fore he be put in possession and seizine, he find sufficient suertie to vs that pretend title, and to the wardens, and to all the communaltie of the kingdome of Scotland, that he shall restore the same kingdome with all the roialtie, dignitie, seigniorie, liberties, customes, rights, lawes, vsa­ges, possessions, and all and whatsoeuer the ap­purtenances, in the same state wherein they were before the seizine to him deliuered, vnto him to whome by right it is due, according to the iudgement of his regalitie, sauing to him the homage of that person that shall be king: and this restitution to be made within two mo­neths after the daie in the which the right shall be discussed and established, the issues of the same land in the meane time shall be receiued, laid vp, and put in safe keeping, in the hands of the chamberlaine of Scotland which now is, and of him, whome the king of England shall to him assigne, and this vnder their seales, reser­uing and allowing the reasonable charges for the sustentation of the land, the castels and offi­cers of the kingdome. In witnesse of all the which premisses, we haue vnto these letters set our seales. Giuen at Norham the wednesday next after the feast of the Ascension of our Lord, in the yeare of Grace, 1291.

These two letters the king of England sent vnder his priuie seale vnto diuerse monasteries within his realme, in the 19 yéere of his reigne, that in perpe­tuall memorie of the thing thus passed, it might be registred in their chronicles. Thus by the common assent of the chéefest of the lords in Scotland, king Edward receiued the land into his custodie, till by due and lawfull triall had, Rich. South. it might appeere who was rightfull heire to the crowne there. The homage or fealtie of the nobles of Scotland was expressed in words as followeth.

[Page 288]

The forme and tenor of the ho­mage doone by the Scots.

BIcause all we are come vnto the allegiance of the noble prince Ed­ward king of England, we pro­mise for vs and our heires, vpon all the danger that we may incurre, that we shall be faithfull, & loiallie hold of him against all maner of mortall men, and that line 10 we shall not vnderstand of any damage that may come to the king, nor to his heires, but we shall staie and impeach the same to our powers. And to this we bind our selues & our heires, and are sworne vp­on the euangelists to performe the same. Besides this, we haue doone fealtie vnto our souereigne lord the said king in these words ech one by himselfe; I shall be true line 20 and faithfull, and faith and loialtie I shall beare to the king of England Edward and his heires, of life, member, and worldlie ho­nour against all mortall creatures.

Master Ste­phansons booke of Re­cords.The king hauing receiued as well the possessions of the realme, castels, manours, as other places be­longing to the crowne of Scotland, he committed the gouernement and custodie of the realme vnto the bishops of S. Andrews and Glasco, Wardens of the realme of Scotland ap­pointed by K. Edward. to the lords Iohn line 30 Comin, and Iames Steward, who had put him in possession, so that vnder him they held the same, in maner as they had doone before. But in diuerse ca­stels he placed such capteines as he thought most meetest to keepe them to his vse, till he had ended the controuersie, & placed him in the kingdome, to whom of right it belonged. He also willed the lords of Scot­land to elect a sufficient personage to be chancellour of the realme, which they did, naming Alane bishop of Catnesse, The bishop of Catnesse elec­ted chancellor of Scotland. whom the king admitted, ioining with him line 40 one of his chapleins named Walter Armundes­ham, so that on the 12 of Iune, vpon the greene ouer against the the castell of Norham, neere to the riuer of Tweed, in the parish of Upsetelington, before Iohn Balioll, Robert Bruce, the bishops of S. An­drews and Glasco, the lords Comin and Steward, wardens of Scotland; the bishop of Catnesse recei­ued his seale, He receiueth his seale. appointed him by the king of Eng­land as supreme lord of Scotland, and there both the said bishop & Walter Armundesham were sworne line 50 trulie to gouerne themselues in the office. He is sworne.

The morrow after were the wardens sworne and with them as associated Brian Fitz Alane, The wardēs sworne. and there all the earles and lords of Scotland that were pre­sent sware fealtie vnto king Edward, as to their su­preme souereigne lord, and withall there was peace proclaimed, and publike edicts set foorth in the name of the same king, intituled supreme lord of the realme of Scotland. The residue of the Scotish nobilitie, earles, The Scotish nobilitie dooth fealtie to king Edward. barons, knights, and others, with the bishops line 60 and abbats, vpon his comming into Scotland, sware fealtie either to himselfe in person, or to such as he ap­pointed his deputies to receiue the same, in sundrie towns and places, according to order giuen in that behalfe. Such as refused to doo their fealties, were at­tached by their bodies till they should doo their fealties as they were bound. Those that came not, but excused themselues vpon some reasonable cause, were heard, and had day giuen vntill the next parlement▪ but such as neither came, nor made any reasonable excuse, were appointed to be distreined to come.

The bishop of S. Andrewes, and Iohn lord Comin of Badenoth, with Brian Fitz Alane, were assigned to receiue such fealties at S. Iohns towne. The bi­shop of Glasco, Iames lord steward of Scotland, and Nicholas Segraue were appointed to receiue them at Newcastell of Are. The earle of Southerland, and the shiriffe of that countrie, with his bailiffes, and the chatellaine of Inuernesse were ordeined to receiue those fealties in that countie; the chattelaine first to receiue it of the said earle, and then he with his said associats to receiue the same of others. The lord Wil­liam de Saintclare, and William de Bomille, were appointed to receiue fealtie of the bishop of Whit­terne, and then the said bishop with them to receiue the fealties of all the inhabitants of Gallowaie. A­mongst other that did their homage to the king him­selfe, was Marie quéene of Man, and countesse of Stratherne, vpon the 24 daie of Iulie, the king be­ing thus in S. Iohns towne, otherwise called Perth. To conclude, he was put in full possession of the realme of Scotland, & receiued there homages and fealties (as before ye haue heard) as the direct and su­preme lord of that land.

This doone, and euerie thing ordered as séemed most expedient, king Edward returned into the south parts of his realme, to be at his mothers buri­all, that in this meane time was departed this life. The kings mother de­ceassed. Hir hart was buried in the church of the Graifriers at London, & hir bodie at Ambresburie in the house of the nunnes. ¶After the funerals were ended, king Edward returned into the north parts againe: he staied a while at Yorke, and during his abode there, Rées ap Meridoc (of whome ye haue heard before) was by order of law condemned & executed. ¶ This yeare after Easter, as the fléet laie before S. Mat­thewes in Britaine, Anno Reg. 2 [...] ▪ 1292 there rose certeine discord be­twixt the Norman mariners, and them of Baion, Nic. Triue [...]. and so farre the quarell increased, that they fell to trie it by force, the Englishmen assisting them of Baion, and the French kings subiects taking part with the Normans, and now they fraught not their ships so much with merchandize as with armour & weapon. At length the matter burst out from sparkes into o­pen flame, the sequele wherof hereafter shall appeare, as we find it reported by writers.

But now touching the Scotish affaires. At length the king comming into Scotland, gaue summons to all those that claimed the crowne, to appeare be­fore him at the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Bap­tist next insuing, that they might declare more at large by what right they claimed the kingdome. Her­vpon, when the daie of their appearance was come, and that king Edward was readie to heare the mat­ter, he chose out the number of 40 persons, the one halfe Englishmen, and the other Scotishmen, which should discusse with aduised deliberation and great diligence the allegations of the competitors, defer­ring the finall sentence vnto the feast of S. Michaell next insuing, the which feast being come, after due ex­amination, full triall, and assured knowledge had of the right, Iohn Balioll obteineth the kingdome of Scotland. the kingdome by all their assents was ad­iudged vnto Iohn Balioll, who descended of the el­dest daughter of Dauid king of Scotland. Robert le Bruce, betwixt whom and the same Balioll at length (the other being excluded) the question and triall onlie rested, was descended of the second daughter of king Dauid, though otherwise by one degrée he was née­rer to him in bloud. Thus writeth Nicholas Triuet. Nic. Triuet.

But others affirme, that after long disputation in the matter, by order of king Edward, Polydor. there were ap­pointed 80 ancient and graue personages, amongst the which were 30 Englishmen, vnto whom (being sworne and admonished to haue God before their eies) authoritie was giuen to name him that should be king. These 80 persons▪ after they had well consi­dered vnto whome the right apperteined, declared with one voi [...]e, that Iohn Balioll was rightful king. [Page 289] king Edward allowed their sentence, and by his au­thoritie confirmed vnto the same Iohn, the possession of the kingdome of Scotland, with condition that if he did not gouerne that realme with iustice, then vp­on complaint, the king of England might put vnto his hand of reformation, as he was bound to doo by his right of superioritie, that in him was inuested. Herevpon king Edward awarded foorth his writ of deliuerie of seizine at the suit of the said I. Balioll, to William and Robert, bishops of S. Andrewes and Glasco, to Iohn lord Comin, Iames lord Steward line 10 of Scotland, and to the lord Brian Fitz Alane, war­dens of Scotland, commanding them to deliuer vn­to the said Iohn Balioll the seizine and possession of that realme, sauing the releefes and debts due to him of the issues and profits of the same realme, vnto the day of the date of the writ, which was the ninetéenth day of Nouember, in the twentie yere of his reigne. Also there was another writ made, and directed to such as had the kéeping of the castels in their hands, line 20 in forme as followeth.

The copie of the writ for the deli­uerie of the castels.

EDwardus Dei gratia rex Angliae, dominus Hiberniae, dux Aquitaniae, & superior dominus regni Scotiae, dilecto & fideli suo Petro Burdet, line 30 constabulario castri de Berwike salu­tem. Cùm Iohannes de Baliolo nuper in parlamen­to nostro apud Berwicum super Tuedam, venisset coram nobis, & petiuisset praedictum regnum Sco­tiae sibi per nos adiudicari, & seisinam ipsius regni vt propinquiori haeredi Margaretae filiae regis Norwegiae dominae Scotiae iure successionis libera­ri, ac nos auditis & intellectis petitionibus, & ra­tionibus diligentur examinatis, inuenerimus prae­fatum Iohannem de Baliolo esse propinquiorem line 40 haeredem praedictae Margaretae, quo ad praedictum regnum Scotiae obtinendum: propter quod idem regnum Scotiae, & scisinam eiusdem, saluo iure no­stro, & heredum nostrorum, cum voluerimus in­de loqui, praedicto Iohanni reddidimus: tibi man­damus quòd seisinam praedicti castri de Beruico cum omnibus pertinentijs suis, vnà cum alijs om­nibus rebus tibi per chirographum traditis, secun­dum quod in praedicti castritibi commissa custodia line 50 res huiusmodi recepisti, sine dilatione praefato Io­hanni de Baliolo, vel attornatis suis has litteras deferentibus, deliberari facias. Teste meipso apud Beruicum super Tuedam 19 die Nouembris, An­no regni nostri 20.

In English thus.

EDward by the grace of God, king of England, lord of Ireland, duke line 60 of Aquitaine, and superiour lord of the realme of Scotland, to his welbeloued and faithfull seruant Peter Burdet conestable of the castell of Ber­wike, sendeth greeting. Where Iohn de Bali­oll late in parlement holden at Berwike vpon Tweed, came before vs, and demanded the said realme of Scotland to be adiudged to him by vs, and seizine of the same realme to be to him deliuered as next heire to Margaret daughter to the king of Norwaie, ladie of Scotland by right of succession. We hauing heard and vn­derstood the same petitions; and reasons being diligentlie weighed and examined, we find the said Iohn Balioll to be next heire vnto the laid Margaret, as to obteine the said kingdome of Scotland, whervpon we haue deliuered to him the said kingdome of Scotland, and the seizine therof, sauing the right of vs & our heires, when it shall please vs to speake therof. We therefore command you, that you deliuer vp vnto the said Iohn Balioll, or to his attornies, that shall bring with them these our present letters, the seizine of the said castell of Berwike, with all the appur­tenances, togither with all other things to you by indenture deliuered accordinglie as you did receiue the same, with the custodie of the said castle to you committed: and this without de­laie. Witnesse our selfe at Berwike vpon Tweed the nineteenth day of Nouember, in the twen­tith yeare of our reigne.

In the same forme of words were writs awarded forth, to all and euerie other the kéepers of castels and manors belonging to the crowne of Scotland, and being at that time in K. Edwards hands, the names of places and the persons that had them in custodie onelie changed. The seale broken. On the same day also in the castell of Berwike was the seale broken, which had béene appointed to the gouernors, during the time that the realme was vacant of a king. It was broken into foure parts, and put into a pursse to be reserued in the treasurie of the king of England, in further and more full token of his superioritie and direct supreme dominion ouer the realme of Scotland.

These things were doone in presence of the said Iohn Balioll then king of Scotland, Iohn arch­bishop of Dubline, Iohn bishop of Winchester, An­thonie bishop of Duresme, William bishop of Elie, Iohn bishop of Carleil, William bishop of S. An­drewes, Robert bishop of Glasco, Marke bishop of Man, and Henrie bishop of Aberdene, with diuerse other bishops, besides abbats and priors of both the realmes; Henrie earle of Lincolne, Humfrie earle of Hereford, Roger earle of Norffolke, Iohn earle of Buchquane, Douenald earle of Mar, Gilbert earle of Angus, Patrike earle of March, and Malisi­us earle of Stratherne; with the foure and twentie auditors of England, and the foure score auditors of Scotland: chapleins also, Henrie de Newmarke deane of Yorke, Iohn Lacie chancellour of Chiche­ster, William de Greenefield canon of Yorke, and Iohn Ercurie notarie, and manie other. Iohn Bali­oll being thus created K. of Scotland, on the twen­tith day of Nouember, in the castell of Norham, did fealtie to king Edward for the kingdome of Scot­land, in maner as followeth.

The forme of the fealtie of Iohn Balioll king of Scots to the king of England in protestation.

THis heare you my lord Edward king of England, souereigne lord of the realme of Scotland, that I Iohn de Balioll king of Scot­land, which I hold and claime to hold of you, that I shall be faithfull and loiall, and owe faith and loialtie to you, I shall beare of life and member, and of earthlie honour, against all people, and lawfullie I shall ac­knowledge and doo the seruices which I owe to doo to you, for the realme of Scot­land aforesaid. So God me helpe and his holie euangelists.

[Page 290]Hereof also he made letters patents, witnessing that he had thus doone fealtie vnto king Edward, which letters he sealed and deliuered in presence of William bishop of saint Andrews, Robert bishop of Glasco, Iohn earle of Bouchquane. William earle of Ros, Patrike earle of March, Walter earle of Menteth, Iames lord steward of Scotland, Alexan­der de Ergay, Alexander de Balioll lord of Caures, Patrike de Graham, and William de Saintclere. This doone, king Edward appointed Anthonie bishop line 10 of Duresme, and the lord Iohn saint Iohn to passe with Balioll into Scotland, and there to put him into the corporall possession of the same realme of Scotland, Anno Reg. 21. Iohn Balioll crowned king of Scotland. which they did, and so he was crowned at Scone vpon saint Andrews day, being placed in the marble chaire within the abbeie church there. The solemnitie of which coronation being ended, he retur­ned into England, and comming to Newcastell vp­on Tine, where K. Edward in that yeare kept his Christmasse, he there did homage vpon saint Ste­phans line 20 daie vnto the said king Edward, in forme of words as followeth.

The forme of the king of Scots homage to king Edward, in action.

MY lord, lord Edward king of Eng­land, superior lord of Scotland, I Iohn de Balioll king of Scot­land, doo acknowledge and recog­nise line 30 me to be your liegeman of the whole realme of Scotland, with all the appurte­nances, and whatsoeuer belongeth there­to, the which kingdome I hold and ought of right and claime to hold by inheritance of you and your heires kings of England, and I shall beare faith and loialtie to you and to your heirs kings of England, of life, of member, and earthlie honour, against all line 40 men, which may liue and die.

This homage in forme aforesaid did king Edward receiue, his owne and others right saued. Then did the king of England without delaie restore vnto the said Iohn Balioll the kingdome of Scotland, 1293 with all the appurtenances. Richard Bagley. This yeare, as one Richard Bagley an officer of the shiriffes of London led a prisoner towards the gaile, A prisoner rescued. three persons rescued the said prisoner, and tooke him from the officer, the which line 50 were pursued and taken, and by iudgement of law then vsed, were brought into Westcheape, and there had their hands striken off by the wrists. The offen­ders lost their hand. A great snow and tempest of wind in Maie On the 14 daie of Maie fell a woonderfull snow, and therewith blew such an excéeding wind, that great harme was doone thereby in sundrie places of England. In the same yeare died frier Iohn Peckham archbishop of Canturburie, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie de­ceasseth. and then was Robert of Winchelsie elected archbishop the 48 in number that had ruled that sée. About the middle of September following, line 60 the earle of Bar a Frenchman, married the ladie E­lianor the kings daughter in the towne of Bristow. The kings daughter ma­ried to the earle of Bar. ¶ This yeare wheat was sold at London for two shil­lings a bushell.

This yeare also the war was begun betwéene the kings of England and France. War betwixt England and France. For whereas king Edward had furnished foorth six ships of warre, and sent them vnto Burdeaux for defense of the coasts thereabouts, two of them, as they sailed alongst the coast of Normandie, and fearing no hurt by enimies, were taken by the Norman fléet, and diuerse of the mariners hanged. Two Eng­lish ships ta­ken. The lord Robert Tiptost that was admerall of the English fleet aduertised therof, got togither a great number of ships, and directed his course with them streight towards Normandie, and finding no ships of the Normans abroad in the seas, vpon a desire to be reuenged, The lord Ad­merall of Eng­land setteth vpō the Nor­man ships. entered the mouth of the riuer of Saine, and set vpon the Norman ships that laie there at anchor, slue manie of the mariners, & tooke six ships awaie with him, and so returning to the sea againe, cast anchor not far off from the land, to prouoke the Frenchmen to come foorth with their fléet to giue battell. And as he laie at anchor, it chan­ced that certeine Norman ships fraught with wine came that waies, as they returned out of Gascoigne. The lord Tiptost setting on them, tooke them with little adoo, and sleaing neere hand the third part of all the mariners, sent the ships into England.

The Frenchmen to reuenge this act, prepared a nauie, and furnishing the same with souldiers went foorth to the sea, to incounter the Englishmen: but yer they met, messengers were sent to and fro, the Englishmen accusing the Frenchmen of truce-brea­king, and the Frenchmen againe requiring restitu­tion of their goods taken from them by violence. And now forsomuch as this businesse had beene mooued rashlie betwixt the Englishmen and the Normans, without any commission of their princes their minds therefore were not so kindled in displeasure, but that there had béen good hope of agréement betwixt them, if Charles earle of Ualois the French kings brother (being a man of a hot nature & desirous of reuenge) had not procured his brother to seeke reuengement by force of armes. Charles earle of Ualois pr [...] cureth warre betwixt Eng­land and France. Wherevpon the French fléet made toward the Englishmen, who minding not to detract the batell, sharplie incountred their enimies in a cer­teine place betwixt England and Normandie, where they had laid a great emptie ship at anchor, to giue token where they meant to ioine. There were with the Englishmen both Irishmen and Hollanders, and with the Normans there were Frenchmen and Fle­mings, and certeine vessels of Genowaies.

The fight at the first was doubtfull, and great slaughter made, as in the meeting of two such migh­tie nauies must néeds insue. Yet in the end the victo­rie fell to the Englishmen, The Englishmen victors by sea. and the French ships put to the chase and scattered abroad. The number of ships lost is not recorded by such writers as make re­port of this conflict, but they write that the losse was great. King Philip being aduertised of this discomfi­ture of his fléet was sore displeased, and as though he would proceed against king Edward by order of law, K. Edward summoned to appeare at Paris. he summoned him as his liegeman to appeare at Paris, to answer what might be obiected against him; but withall bicause he knew that king Edward would not come to make his appearance, he prepa­red an armie.

In the meane time king Edward sent his brother Edmund earle of Lancaster to be his attornie, Edward earle of Lancaster sent to the French king. and to make answer for him before all such iudges as might haue hearing of the matter: but the iudges meaning nothing lesse than to trie out the truth of the cause, admitted no reasons that the earle could al­ledge in his brothers behalfe, and so pronounced king Edward a rebell, and decreed by arest, K. Edward condemned in the French kings court. that he had for­feited all his right vnto the duchie of Guien. These things thus doone, he sent priuie messengers vnto Burdeaux, to procure the citizens to reuolt from the Englishmen, Arnold de Neale sent into Gas­coigne with an armie. and appointed constable of France the lord Arnold de Neale to follow with an armie, who comming thither easilie brought them of Burdeaux vnder the French dominion, being alreadie min­ded to reuolt through practise of those that were latelie before sent vnto them from the French king for that purpose. After this, the said constable brought the people néere adioining vnder subiection, partlie mooued by the example of the chéefe and head citie of all the countrie, and partlie induced therevnto by [Page 291] bribes and large gifts. The Englishmen that were in the countrie, after they perceiued that the people did thus reuolt to the French king, withdrew incon­tinentlie vnto the townes situat néere to the sea side, but speciallie they fled to a towne called the Rioll, which they fortified with all speed. Thus saith Po­lydor.

N. Triuet. Nicholas Triuet, writing hereof, declareth the be­ginning of this warre to be on this manner. The English merchants being diuerslie vexed vpon the seas, made complaint to the king for losse of their line 10 merchandize. The king sent Henrie Lacie earle of Lincolne vnto the French king, Henrie earle of Lincolne. instantlie requi­ring, that by his assent there might some waie be prouided with speed by them and their councell, for some competent remedie touching such harmes and losses by sea as his people had susteind. In the meane time whilest the earle taried for answer, a nauie of the parts of Normandie conteining two hundred ships and aboue, being assembled togither, that they might the more boldlie assaile their enimies, and the more line 20 valiantlie resist such as should encounter them, sai­led into Gascoigne, determining to destroie all those of their aduersaries that should come in their waie. But as these Normane ships returned backe with wines, glorieng as it were that they had got the rule of the sea onelie to themselues, they were assailed by thréescore English ships, which tooke them, & brought them into England the friday before Whitsunday: all the men were either drowned or slaine, those one­lie excepted which made shift to escape by botes. The line 30 newes hereof being brought into France, did not so much mooue the king and the councell to woonder at the matter, as to take thereof great indignation.

Ambassadors were appointed to go into England which on the behalfe of the French king, might de­mand of king Edward restitution of those ships and goods thus taken by his subiects, and conueied into his realme, without all delaie, if he minded to haue any fauour in the French court touching his affairs line 40 that belonged to his countrie of Gascoigne. The king of England hearing this message, The bishop of London sent with an an­swer vnto the French king. tooke there­in deliberation to answer, and then sent the bishop of London, accompaned with other wise and discréet persons into France, to declare for answer vnto the French king and his councell as followeth; that is,

Whereas the king of England hath his regall court without subiection to any man, if there were there­fore any persons that found themselues hurt or in­damaged by his people, they might come to his court, and vpon declaration of their receiued iniu­ries, line 50 they should haue speedie iustice, and to the end they might thus doo without all danger, whosoeuer minded to complaine, he would giue vnto them a safe conduct to come and go in safetie thorough his land: but if this waie pleased not the French king, then he was content there should be arbitrators cho­sen on both sides, who weieng the losses on both parts, might prouide how to satisfie the complaints: and the king of England would for his part enter in­to line 60 bonds by obligation to stand to and abide their or­der and iudgement herein, so that the French king would likewise be bound for his part, and if any such doubt fortuned to arise, which could not be decided by the said arbitrators, let the same be reserued vnto the kings themselues to discusse and determine, and the king of England vpon a sufficient safe conduct had, would come ouer to the French K. if he would come downe vnto any hauen towne néere to the sea coast, that by mutuall assent an end might bée had in the businesse: but if neither this waie should please the French king nor the other, then let the matter be committed to the order of the pope, to whom it apperteined to nourish concord among christian princes; or bicause the see was as then void, let the whole colledge of cardinals or part of them take order therein, as should be thought necessarie, that strife and discord being taken awaie and remo­ued, peace might againe flourish betwixt them and their people, as before time it had doone, and bring with it the blessings therevpon depending; namelie, althings that may make an happie & fortunat state, according to the nature of peace, whereof it is said,
Pax est cunctorum mater veneranda bonorum,
Fit sub pace forum, fit felix cultus agrorum,
Pax pietas mentis, pax est pincerna salutis.

The French councell weied nothing at all these of­fers, and would not so much as once vouchsafe to giue an answer to the English ambassadors ear­nestlie requiring the same. Finallie, the French K. sent vnto the citie of Anion, which is knowne to be­long vnto the dutchie of Guien, where he there caused the king of England to be cited to make his appeerance at Paris, at a certeine daie, The king of England ci­ted to appéere to answer to the iniuries and rebellions by him doone in the countrie of Gascoigne, at the which daie when he appéered not, the French king sitting in the seat of iudgement in his owne proper person, gaue sen­tence there against the king of England, Sentence giuen against the king of England. for ma­king default, and withall commanded the high co­nestable of France to seize into his hands all the du­chie of Guien, and either to take or to expell all the king of Englands officers, souldiers, and deputies, which were by him placed within the said duchie. The king a little before had sent thither a valiant knight, named the lord Iohn saint Iohn, which had furni­shed all the cities, townes, castels, and places, with men, munition, and vittels, for defense of the same. Anno Reg. 22.

In the meane time the king of England, desirous to be at quiet with the Frenchmen, appointed his brother Edmund earle of Lancaster, as then soiour­ning in France, to go vnto the French kings coun­cell to procure some agréement, which both might be allowed of the French king, and not be dishonora­ble vnto him. But when the earle could not preuaile in his sute, he tooke his iournie towards England, vtterlie despairing to procure any peace. But yer he came to the sea side, year 1294 he was sent for backe againe by the two quéenes of France, Ione wife to king Philip, and Marie his mother in law, which promi­sed to frame some accord betweene the two kings, and so therevpon after diuerse communications by them had in the matter with the said earle of Lanca­ster, at length it was accorded, that for the sauing of the French kings honour, which séemed to be tou­ched by things doone by the king of Englands mini­sters in Gascoigne, The peace of the quéenes. six castels should remaine at the said kings pleasure, as Sanctes, Talemond, Tur­nim, Pomeroll, Penne, and mount Flaunton. Al­so there should be set a seruant or sergeant in the French kings name, in euerie citie and castell with­in all the whole duchie of Guien, except Burde­aux, Baion, and the Rioll. And further, hostages should be deliuered at the French kings pleasure, of all ministers to be placed by the king of England in Gascoigne and other places through all the country. These things doone, the French king should reuoke the summons published and pronounced in the court of Paris against the king of England. Also he shuld restore all the castels (his seruants being remooued which he had placed in the same) togither with the pledges incontinentlie, at the request of the same queenes, or of either of them. The king of England hauing a safe conduct should come to Amiens, that there méeting with the French king, peace and ami­tie might be confirmed betwixt them. Then were there writings made and ingrossed touching the for­said articles of agréement, one part deliuered to the [Page 292] earle, sealed with the seales of the quéenes, and other remained with the foresaid quéenes sealed with the seale of the earle.

Letters pa­tents.The king of England certified hereof, sent his let­ters patents, directed vnto all his officers and mini­sters in Gascoigne, commanding them to obeie in all things the French kings pleasure. These letters patents were first sent vnto the earle of Lancaster, that he might cause them to be conueied into Gas­coigne when he should sée time. The earle hauing re­ceiued those letters, doubting whether the French K. line 10 would obserue the agreement which the queenes had made and concluded, or not; required of them that he might heare the French king speake the word, that he would stand vnto that which they had conclu­ded. Wherevpon in the presence of the said earle and his wife Blanch queene of Nauar, mother to the French queene, also of the duke of Burgoigne, Hugh Ueere sonne to the earle of Oxenford, and of a chapline called sir Iohn Lacie, the French king pro­mised by the faith of a prince, that he would fulfill the line 20 promises of the said quéenes, and the couenants by them accorded.

Herevpon a knight of the earles of Lancaster, called sir Geffrey de Langley, Sir Geffrey Langley. was spéedilie sent in­to Gascoigne with letters from the French king, directed to the conestable, to call him backe againe from his appointed enterprise. And the foresaid chap­leine sir Iohn Lacie was sent also thither with the letters patents of the king of England, directed vn­to his officers there, in forme as is aboue mentioned, line 30 whervpon the lord Iohn saint Iohn the king of Eng­lands lieutenant in Gascoigne, vnderstanding the conclusions of the agreement, sold all such prouisions as he had made and brought into the cities, townes, and fortresses for the defense of the same, and depar­ting out of Gascoigne, came towards Paris to re­turne that waie into England.

The French kings mind changed.But behold what followed; suddenlie by the eni­mie of peace was the French kings mind quite changed. And where the king of England was come line 40 vnto Canturburie, and kept his Easter there, that immediatlie vpon the receipt of the safe conduct he might transport ouer the seas, and so come to Ami­ens, His vniust dealing. according to the appointment made by the agree­ment; now not onelie the safe conduct was denied, but also the first letters reuocatorie sent vnto the co­nestable to call him backe, by other letters sent after were also made void, and he by the latter letters ap­pointed to kéepe vpon his iournie, so that the conesta­ble entring into Gascoigne with a power, found no line 50 resistance, the capteins and officers submitting them selues with the townes and fortresses at his pleasure according to the tenor of the letters patents latelie to them deliuered. All the officers and capteins of the fortresses were brought to Paris as captiues and pledges.

Within a few daies after, the earle of Lancaster required the quéenes, that they would call vpon the king to grant his safe conduct for the king of Eng­land, to reuoke the citation or summons, to re­store line 60 the lands taken from him; and to deliuer the pledges: but the French king by the mouths of cer­teine knights sent vnto the earle, The French K. renounceth what he had said. renounced all such couenants as before had béene concluded. The earle of Lancaster then perceiuing that both he and his brother king Edward were mocked thus at the French kings hands, returned into England, and in­formed the king & his councell from point to point of all the matter. Herevpon a parlement being cal­led at Westminster, at the which the king of Scot­land was present, it was decréed by the states, that those lands which were craftilie taken so from the K. should be recouered againe by the sword. And the king herewith sent vnto the French king a frier preacher named Hugh of Manchester, Hugh of M [...] ­chester a [...] sent to the French king▪ and a frier minor called William de Gainesbourgh, both being wise and discréet men, and doctours of diuinitie, to declare vnto him, that sith he would not obserue such agréements as had béene concluded betwixt their ancestours; and further had broken such couenants as were now of late agreed vpon betwixt them, by the trauell of his brother Edmund earle of Lanca­ster: The king of England renounceth the French king▪ there was no cause whie he ought to account him being king of England, and duke of Guien, as his liegeman, neither did he intend or meane further to be bound vnto him by reason of his homage.

About the same time did the king of England send the archbishop of Dubline, Ambassadors sent into Germanie. and the bishop of Duresme into Germanie, about the concluding of a league with Adolph king of Romans, to whome was giuen a great summe of monie (as was said) vpon couenants, that he should aid the king of Eng­land against the French king, with all his maine force, and that neither of them should conclude peace with the said French king without consent of the o­ther. About the Ascension tide, king Edward staied the woolles of this land, Wolles [...] Fabian. aswell belonging to spiritu­all men as temporall men, till the merchants had fi­ned with him for the same, A subsidie raised of [...] so that there was a subsi­die paied for all sarpliers of wooll that went out of the relme, and in semblable wise for felles and hides. He also sent an armie by sea into Gascoigne, vnder the conduct of his nephue Iohn of Britaine that was earle of Richmond, An armie sent to Gascoigne. appointing to him as councel­lours, the lord Iohn saint Iohn, and the lord Robert Tiptost; men of great wisdome, and verie expert in warlike enterprises.

He also caused thrée seuerall fléets to be prepared, N. Triuet. and appointed to them thrée sundrie admerals, for the better kéeping of the seas. Thrée fléets appointed to the sea. To them of Yarmouth and other of those parts, he assigned the lord Iohn Botetourt: to them of the cinque ports, William de Leiborne: and to them of the west countrie, and to the Irishmen, he appointed a valiant knight of Ireland as their chéefteine. This yeare in England was a great dearth and scarsitie of corne, A dearth. Rich. South. so that a quarter of wheat in manie places was sold for thirtie shillings: by reason whereof poore people died in manie places for lacke of sustnance. About Michael­mas, the English fléet tooke the sea at Portesmouth, The English armie passeth to Gascoigne. and after some contrarie winds, yet at last they arri­ued within the riuer of Garon, Towns [...], Nic. Triuet. Polydor. Abington. and so passing vp the same riuer, wan diuers townes, as Burge, Blaines, Rions, and others.

The kings coffers by reason of furnishing foorth of this armie, and other continuall charges which he had susteined, were now in maner emptie: for remedie whereof, William March one of the kings treasu­rers, purposed with other mens losses to supplie that want. Matth. West. A shift for monie. He knew that in abbeies and churches was much monie kept in store, the which if he commanded to be taken from thence, he thought that he should not commit any offense, but rather doo a good déed, that the monie might come abroad to the vse of the people, whereby the souldiers might be satisfied for their wages. Such capteins therefore, as he appoin­ted to worke the feat▪ placing their soldiers in euerie quarter through the realme, made search at one time, Abington. in Iulie, at thrée of the clocke in the afternoone, for all such monie as was hid and laid vp in all hallowed places, and taking the same awaie, brought it vnto the king, who dissembling the matter, The treas [...] ­rer accused. as he that stood in need, excused the act doone by his treasurer so well as he could, to auoid the enuie of the people; and not content herewith▪ he called togither shortlie after, The K. [...] ­seth hi [...]sel [...]. to wit, on saint Matthewes day the apostle, at London, all the archbishops, bishops, deanes, & archdeacons, Abington. [Page 293] not in their proper persons, but by two procurators of euerie diocesse. Here when they were once assem­bled, The spiritu­altie called to a councell. the king declared vnto them the warres which he was driuen to mainteine against the French­men, & the charges which he was at for the same. He also shewed them, that the earles, barons & knights of the realme, did not onlie aid him with their goods, but put their persons forward to serue him in defense of the land, whereof they were members, euen to the shedding of their bloud, and oftentimes with losse of line 10 their liues. Therfore (saith he) you which may not put your persons in perill by seruice in the warres, it is good reason you should aid vs with your goods.

The cleargie hauing no speciall head, by reason that the see of Canturburie was void, wist not well how to gouerne themselues. At length Oliuer bi­shop of Lincolne, required in all their names to haue three daies respit to make answer to the matter, the which time expired, they offered to the king two dis­mes to be paid within one yeare. The which when the line 20 king heard, Their offer not liked. he tooke great disdaine therewith, and threatned by some of his men of war to put the clear­gie out of his protection, except they would grant to him the halfe of their goods. The cleargie put in feare herewith, The halfe part of spiri­tuall liuings granted to the king. R. Fabian. Polydor. Abington. and some of them also desirous to win the kings fauour, granted his request, and so the king at that time got the halfe part of euerie spirituall mans liuing and benefice for one yeares extent, to be paid in portions within thrée yeares next insuing, begin­ning at twentie marks benefice, & so vpwards. And line 30 the sooner to induce them herevnto, he promised the bishops to grant some thing that might be benefici­all to the cleargie, if they would demand it.

The bishops taking councell togither, required of him that the statute of Mortmain might be repealed, The prelates require to haue the sta­tute of Mort­main repealed which they saw to be most preiudiciall to their order. But the king answered them, that without the whole consent of a parlement he could not breake that ordi­nance, which by authoritie of parlement had beene once established, and therefore he wished that they line 40 would not require that thing which laie not in him to grant, The K. shif­teth them off. and so by that means he shifted them off. The spiritualtie was not onelie charged with this subsi­die, but they of the temporaltie were also burthened. For the citizens and burgesses of good townes gaue to the king the sixt part of their goods, N. Triuet. and the residue of the people gaue the tenth part.

Moreouer, about the same time, the Welshmen eftsoones rebelled against the king, The Welsh­men are busie. and in diuerse parts made diuerse rulers amongst them. Those of line 50 Northwales which inhabited about Snowdon hils, hauing to their capteine one Madoc, of the line of their former prince Leolin, Madoc. Carnaruan burnt. burned the towne and ca­stell of Carnaruan, sleaing a great multitude of Englishmen, which doubting no such matter, were come thither to the faire. Those of the west part ha­uing chosen to their ruler one Malgon on the parts of Penbroke and Carmardin shires, Malgon. did much mis­cheefe. And one Morgan hauing them of Southwals at his commandement, Morgan dri­ueth the earle of Glocester out of Glamorganshire. expelled and droue the earle line 60 of Glocester out of his countrie of Glamorgan, which earle had before time disherited the ancestors of the same Morgan. The king therefore to represse the Welshmens attempts, called backe his brother Edmund earle of Lancaster, and the earle of Lin­colne, being readie to haue sailed ouer into Gas­coine, The earles of Lancaster & Lincolne vanquished by the Welshmen. the which earles as they approched néere vnto the castell of Denbigh vpon saint Martins day, the Welshmen with great force incountred them, and giuing them battell, droue them backe and discomfi­ted their people. Polydor iudgeth that this ouerthrow happened to the Englishmen, the rather for that the armie was hired with such monie as had béene wrongfullie taken out of the abbeis and other holie places, howbeit it is but his opinion onelie.

The king kept his Christmasse at Aber [...]onwey in Wales, Anno Reg. [...]3. 1295 and hearing that the new archbishop of Canturburie, doctor Robert Winchelsey, being re­turned from Rome (where, of pope Celestine he had receiued his pall) was comming towards him, he sent one of his chapleines named Iohn Berwike with a power of souldiers to conduct him safelie vn­to his presence▪ And after the archbishop had doone his fealtie to the king, accordinglie as of dutie and custome he was bound, he was licenced to returne with great honour shewed vnto him at the kings hands. Upon the day of the circumcision of our Lord, Baion yéel­ded to the Englishmen▪ was the citie of Baion rendred vnto the lord Iohn saint Iohn, the which the day before had beene taken by the mariners by force of assault. Manie of the ci­tizens which were knowne to be cheefe enimies vnto the king of England, The castell of Baion w [...]n. were apprehended and sent in­to England. The castell was then besieged, and after eight daies taken. The lord of Aspermont with diuerse others that held it, Two French gallies taken. were committed to prison. There were also taken two gallies, which the French king had caused to be made, and appointed to be remaining there vpon defense of that citie. Saint Iohn de Sordes. Short­lie after the towne of saint Iohn de Sordes was de­liuered vnto the Englishmen, who wan manie other townes and fortresses, some by surrender of their owne accord, and some by force and violence. The English armie greatlie increased within a while, af­ter the deceit of the Frenchmen once appeared, The Gas­coins aid the English­men. for the Gascoins returned vnto the English obedience, in such wise that foure thousand footmen and two hundred horsemen came to aid the English capteins.

In the meane time, The king en­treth into Wales. the king of England passing ouer the riuer of Conwey, with part of his armie to go further into Wales towards Snowdon, lost ma­nie carts and other cariages which were taken by the Welshmen, being loden with the prouisions of vit­tels, so that he with his people indured great penu­rie, and was constreined to drinke water mixt with honie, and eat such course bread and salt flesh as he could get, till the other part of the armie came vnto him. There was a small quantitie of wine amongst them, Abington. which they would haue reserued onelie for the king, & therfore refused to tast therof. But least they should repine at his extraordinarie and seuerall fare, and so by conceits of discontentment for not ha­uing the like, he considered in a sympathie, that, ‘Quae mala cum multis patimur, leuiora videntur,’ saieng, that in time of necessitie all things ought to be common, and all men to be contented with like diet. For as touching him (being the cause and pro­curer of their want) he would not be preferred before any of them in his meats and drinks. The Welsh­men compassed him about in hope to distresse him, for that the water was so risen, that the residue of his armie could not get to him. But shortlie after, when the water fell, they came ouer to his aid, and there­with the aduersaries fled.

The earle of Warwike, The earle of Warwike. N. Triuet. hearing that a great number of Welshmen was assembled togither, and lodged in a vallie betwixt two woods, he chose out a number of horssemen, with certeine crossebowes and archers, and comming vpon the Welshmen in the night, compassed them round about, the which pitching the ends of their speares in the ground, and turning the points against their enimies, stood at de­fense so to keepe off the horssemen. But the earle ha­uing placed his battell so, that euer betwixt two horssemen there stood a crosbow, a great part of the Welshmen which stood at defense in maner aforesaid with their speares, The Welsh­men ouer­throwne by the earle of Warwike. were ouerthrowne and broken with the shot of the quarels, and then the earle char­ged the residue with a troope of horssmen, and bare [Page 294] them downe with such slaughter, as they had not sus­teined the like losse of people (as was thought) at a­nie one time before.

In the meane while, king Edward to restreine the rebellious attempts of those Welshmen, The woods in Wales cut downe. caused the woods of Wales to be cut downe, wherein before time the Welshmen were accustomed to hide them­selues in time of danger. He also repared the castels and holds in that countrie, and builded some new, as the citie and castell of Bewmarise with other, Beaumarise built. so that line 10 the Welshmen constreined through hunger and fa­mine, were inforced within a while to come to the kings peace. Also at length about the feast of saint Laurence, the Welshman Madoc, that tooke him­selfe for prince of Wales was taken prisoner, and being brought to London was committed to perpe­tuall prison. ¶By some writers it should appeare, that Madoc was not taken, Madoc ta­ken prisoner. Abington. but rather after ma­nie aduentures & sundrie conflicts, when the Welsh­men were brought to an issue of great extremitie; line 20 the said Madoc came in and submitted himselfe to the kings peace, and was receiued, vpon condition that he should pursue Morgan till he had taken him and brought him to the kings prison, which was doone, and so all things in those parts were set in rest and peace, and manie hostages of the chéefest amongst the Welsh nobilitie were deliuered to the king, Welshmen imprisoned. who sent them to diuerse castels in England where they were safelie kept almost to the end of the warres that fol­lowed with Scotland. line 30

Polydor.About the same time Charles de Ualois brother to the French king, being sent with an armie into Gascoine, and comming vpon the sudden, found the Englishmen wandering abroad in the countrie out of order, by reason whereof taking them at that ad­uantage, he caused them to leaue their booties behind them, slue part of them, and chased the residue, the which fled to their ships, Charles de Valois chaseth the Englishmen. or to such hauen townes as were in their possession. The capteins of the English­men, as Iohn de Britaine earle of Richmond, and line 40 the lord Iohn saint Iohn, after they had got togither their souldiers which had béene thus chased, The Earle of Richmond. sent two bands vnto Pontesey to defend that towne against the enimies: also other two bands vnto saint Seue­re: and they themselues went to Rion to fortifie that place. Charles de Ualois aduertised hereof, thought he would not giue them long respit to make them­selues strong by gathering any new power, and ther­fore appointed the conestable sir Rafe de Neale, (who had woone the citie of Burdeaux from the Eng­lishmen line 50 latelie before) to go vnto Pontesey and be­siege that towne, Rion besieged whilest he went vnto Rion, which he besieged and fiercelie assaulted. But the English­men and Gascoins did not onelie defend the towne stoutlie, but also made an issue foorth vpon their eni­mies, though (as it happened) the smaller number was not able to susteine the force of the greater mul­titude, and so were the Englishmen beaten backe in­to the towne againe.

Pontsey won.Whilest they tried their manhood thus at Rion, line 60 the constable woone Pontesey or Pontsac vpon Dordone, and came to ioine with the earles de Ualois at Rion, and so inforced both their powers to win that towne. The Englishmen and Gascoins, though they were put in some feare, yet they shewed their approoued valiancie in defending the towne, till at length when they saw they could defend it no long­er, and were in no hope of succour from anie part, they fled out about midnight, and made toward their ships: but diuerse of them were taken by the waie, for the Frenchmen hauing knowledge of their in­tent, forlaie the passages, and taking some of them that first sought to escape thus by flight, slue them, but there was not many of those. For all the residue, when they perceiued that the Frenchmen had laid betwixt them and their ships, making vertue of ne­cessitie, stood still in defense of the towne, till the Frenchmen entred it by force of assault the friday in Easter wéeke. Nic. Triuet. Rion wo [...].

Some write, that the same night, in which they so ment to flée to their ships, there chanced a great tu­mult and mutenie betwixt the footmen and horsse­men, so that they fought togither, or else might the whole number of them haue escaped. The horssemen that got foorth left their horsses behind them readie brideled and sadled, which the Frenchmen vpon en­tring the towne in the morning tooke, after they had slaine the most part of the footmen. The Frenchmen hauing got a bloudie victorie, saued onelie the cap­teins and gentlemen, and slue the other, aswell Eng­lishmen as Gascoins. There was taken of knights, sir Rafe Tannie, sir Amis de saint Amand, Englishmen taken. with his brother sir Rafe de Gorges marshall of the armie, sir Roger Leiborne, sir Iohn Kreting, sir Iames Kre­ting, sir Hen. Boding, sir Iohn Mandeuile, sir Iohn Fulborne, sir Robert Goodfield, sir Thomas Turber­uile, & sir Walter, with thrée & thirtie esquiers, Abington. which were sent all vnto Paris. Sir Adam Kreting was killed, a right valiant knight, Sir Adam Kreting [...]. Sir Walter Gifford. by reason of one sir walter Gifford a knight also, which had dwelled in France manie yeares before as an outlaw.

On the same day was the towne of saint Seuere deliuered vnto the Englishmen, Saint Se­uere taken. Nic. Triuet. Hugh Ueer▪ Charles de Ualois. the which Hugh or (as Abington saith) Robert Ueer, brother to the earle of Oxenford tooke vpon him to keepe as capteine there with two hundred men of armes. Charles de Ualois aduertised thereof, departed from Rion with all spéed, to besiege the foresaid towne of saint Se­uere, Saint Se­uere besiged. yer the Englishmen should haue time to fortifie it. But the foresaid Hugh Uéer kept him out the space of thirtéene or (as Abington saith) nine wéekes, to the great losse of the Frenchmen, no small part of their people dieng in the meane time, both of pesti­lence and famine. At length, when vittels began to faile within, a truce was taken for fifteene daies, within the which it might be lawfull for them within the towne to send vnto Baion for succour, which if it came not within that tearme, the towne should be yeelded vnto the Frenchmen, Saint Se­uere yeelded by composi­cion. and so it was vpon these conditions, that the Englishmen and other that would depart, should haue libertie to take with them their armour and goods, and be safelie conueied two daies iornie on their waie from the French armie. Also that those which were minded to remaine still in the towne, should not susteine any losse or damage in their bodies or goods. The pledges also which afore­time were taken out of that towne by the French kings seneshall, should returne in safetie to the towne, and haue their goods restored vnto them. This doone, Charles de Ualois retur­neth into France. Charles de Ualois appointed a garrison of sol­diers to remaine there for the kéeping of the towne, and then returned backe into France. The English­men, which escaped out of those places from the Frenchmens hands, repaired vnto Baion, Polydor. to de­fend that towne with their capteins the foresaid erle earle of Richmond and the lord Iohn de S. Iohn, the which of some are vntruelie said to haue béene slaine at Rion. Shortlie after that Charles de Ualois was departed and gone out of the countrie, the towne of saint Seuere was recouered by the Englishmen.

¶It should appeare by report of some writers, that Hugh Uéer (whome they wronglie name to be earle of Oxenford) was sent ouer as then from king Ed­ward to the aid of his capteins in Gascoine, The Earle of Oxford then liuing high [...] Robert Ueer▪ and not Hugh Ueer. and at his first comming, recouered the towne of saint Se­uere, and afterwards so valiantlie defended it against the Frenchmen, that honorable mention is made of him, both by Nicholas Triuet, and also by some [Page 295] French writers, N. Triuet. for his high manhood therin shewed. But whether he were brother or sonne to the earle of Oxford, I can not saie; howbeit about the 27 yeare of this king Edwards reigne, we find one Hugh Ueer, that was a baron, whom I take to be this man, but earle I thinke he was not. For (as Euersden saith) one Robert Ueer that was earle of Oxford de­ceassed in the yeare next insuing, and after him suc­céeded an other earle that bare the same name (as by records it may appeare. Polydor.) Polydor speaking of the line 10 siege of S. Seuere, rehearseth not who was capteine as then of the towne, but in the yeelding of it vnto Charles de Ualois, after he had laine more than thrée moneths before it, he agreeth with other writers.

In the same yeare Berard bishop of Alba and Si­mon archbishop of Bourges, Polydor. Cardinals sent to the kings of En­gland and France to treat a peace. Matth. Westm. two cardinals of the Romane sée, were sent vnto the kings of England and France, to mooue them to conclude a peace. They first came into France, and after into England, but perceiuing the minds of the kings nothing inclined line 20 to concord, they returned to Rome without any con­clusion of their purpose, but not without monie ga­thered of religious men to beare out their expenses, for they had authoritie by the popes grant to receiue in name of procuracies and expenses, six marks of e­uerie cathedrall and collegiat church thorough the realme, The cardi­nals gather monie. besides diuerse other rewards. And where any poore chapiter of nunnes or religious persons were not able of themselues, the parish churches next adioining were appointed to be contributorie with line 30 them.

At the same time sir Thomas Turberuile a knight, and one of those (as before ye haue heard) which were taken at Rion, Nic. Triuet. Polydor. Matth. Westm. Sir Thomas Turberuiles promise to the French king. to saue his life, and to deliuer him­selfe out of captiuitie, though he was neuer proued false before, promised king Philip that if he would suffer him to returne into England, he would so worke with king Edward, that he might be made by him admerall of the seas; which thing brought to passe he would deliuer the English nauie into the hands line 40 of the said king Philip. Herevpon was he set at li­bertie, and ouer he came into England. And for as much as he had knowne to be a man of singular and approued valiancie, king Edward receiued him verie courteouslie, who remembring his promised practise to the French king, fell in hand by procuring of fréends to be made admerall of the seas. But king Edward (as God would haue it) denied that sute.

The French king sendeth foorth a fléet against Eng­land. Abington.The French king in the meane time hauing pre­pared his nauie, conteining thrée hundred saile, what with the gallies and other ships (for he had got di­uerse line 50 both from Merselles and Genoa) sent the same foorth to the seas, that vpon such occasion the king of England might also send foorth his fléet. But the French nauie comming neere to the coast of Eng­land, and lieng at anchor certeine daies, looking for sir Thomas Turberuile; when he came not at the day prefixed, the capteines of the French fleet appoin­ted one of their vessels to approch néere to the shore, and to set on land certeine persons that knew the line 60 countrie, to vnderstand and learne the cause of such staie. They being taken of the Englishmen and exa­mined, could make no direct answer in their owne excuse, Abington. and so were put to death. Some write that they sent fiue gallies towards the shore to suruey the coast, of the which gallies one of them aduansing foorth afore hir fellowes, arriued at Hide neere to Romney hauen, where the Englishmen esp [...]eng hir, to draw the Frenchmen on land, feined to flie bac [...]e into the countrie, but returning suddenlie vpon the enimies, French men slaine. A gallie burnt. they slue the whole number of them, being about two hundred and fiftie persons. They set fire on the gallie also and burned hir.

The admerall of the French fléet kindled in an­ger herewith, sailed streight vnto Douer, and there landing with his people, Douer rob­bed by the French. robbed the towne and prio­rie. The townesmen being striken with terror and feare of the sudden landing of their enimies, fled into the countrie, and raised people on euerie side, the which being assembled togither in great numbers, towards euening came to Douer, and inuading such Frenchmen as were straied abroad to seeke preies, slue them downe in sundrie places. The French­men chased to their ships. The French ad­merall which had beene busie all the day in pilfering the towne, hearing the noise of those Frenchmen that came running towards the sea side, streight­waies got him to his ships with such pillage as he could take with him. The other Frenchmen, which were gone abroad into the countrie to fetch preies, and could not come to their ships in time, were slaine euerie mothers sonne. Some of them hid them­selues in the corne fields, and were after slaine of the countrie people. Frenchmen slaine about Douer. There was little lesse than eight hundred of them thus slaine by one meane and other at that time. There were not manie of the men of Douer slaine, for they escaped by swift flight at the first entrie made by the Frenchmen: but of wo­men and children there died a great number, for the enimies spared none. There was also an old moonke slaine named Thomas, a man of such vertue (as the opinion went) that after his deceasse, manie mira­cles through him were shewed.

Sir Thomas Turberuile, being troubled in his mind that he could not bring his traitorous purpose to passe, began to assaie another waie, which was to procure Iohn Balioll king of Scotland to ioine in league with the French king, but yer any of his pra­ctises could be brought about, his treason was reuea­led, who being thereof euidentlie conuicted, Sir Tho­mas Tur­beruile exe­cuted. N. Triuet. was put to execution. Nich. Triuet saith, that he had promised the French king to cause Wales to reuolt from king Edward, and that by procurement of the pro­uost of Paris, he consented to worke such treason. And (as some write) he did not onelie homage vnto the French king, Caxton. but also left two of his sonnes in pledge for assurance to worke that which he had pro­mised. His secretarie that wrote the letters vnto the French king, conteining his imagined treasons, Abington. with other aduertisements touching king Edwards purposes, fearing least the matter by some other means might come to light (as the old prouerb saith, ‘Quicquid nix celat solis calor omne reuelat)’ as well to his destruction as his maisters for concea­ling it, disclosed all to the king. Now he hauing knowledge that he was bewraied by his seruant, fled out of the court, but such diligence was vsed in the pursuit of him, that he was taken within two daies after, and brought backe againe to London, where be was conuicted of the treason so by him ima­gined, and therefore finallie put to death. ¶This yeare the cleargie gaue to the king the tenth part of their goods, the citizens a sixt part, and the commons a twelfth part, or rather (as Euersden saith) the bur­gesses of good townes gaue the seuenth, and the com­mons abroad the eleuenth penie.

The same yeare died Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester, which left issue behind him, The death of noble men. begot of his wife the countesse Ione the kings daughter (beside three daughters) one yoong sonne named also Gil­bert to succeed him as his heire. The countesse his wife, after hir husbands deceasse, married a knight of meane estate, borne in the bishopricke of Du­resme, named sir Rafe Monthermer, Sir Rafe Montherme [...] wedded the countesse of Glocester. that had serued the earle hir first husband in his life time. The king at the first tooke displeasure herewith, but at length through the hie valiancie of the knight, oft times she­wed and apparantlie approoued, the matter was so well taken, that he was intituled earle of Glocester, [Page 296] and aduanced to great honor. Anno Reg. 24. N. Triuet. ¶Iohn Romane arch­bishop of Yorke also this yeare died, after whome one Henrie de Newmarke deane of the colledge there succeeded. year 1296 ¶ Moreouer the same yeare Wil­liam de Ualence earle of Penbroke departed this life, and lieth buried at Westminster, and then Ai­mer his sonne succeeded him.

The king of Scots concludeth a league with the French king. Polydor.Iohn king of Scotland affianced his sonne Ed­ward Balioll with the daughter of Charles du Ua­lois brother to the French king, and concluded with the said French king a league against the king of line 10 England. Nothing mooued the Scotish king so much hereto, as the affection which he bare towards his natiue countrie, for he was a French man borne, and lord of Harecourt in Normandie, which segnio­rie was after made an earledome by Philip du Ua­lois king of France. Matth. West. The Scotishmen had chosen 12 peeres, that is to saie, foure bishops, foure earles, and foure barons, by whose aduise and counsell the king should gouerne the realme, by whome he was induced also to consent vnto such accord with the line 20 French men, contrarie to his promised faith giuen to king Edward when he did homage to him.

King Edward not fullie vnderstanding the con­clusion of this league, required aid of the Scotish king for the maintenance of his warres against France, and receiuing a doubtfull answer, began to suspect the matter: whervpon he required to haue thrée castels, as Barwike, Edenburgh, and Rokes­burgh, deliuered vnto him as gages till the end of the warre, and if the Scotishmen continued faithfull line 30 vnto him, K. Edwards request made to the Scots is denied. Abington. he would then restore the same castels to them againe when the warres were ended. This to do the Scotishmen vtterlie denied, alledging that their countrie was frée of it selfe, and acquit of all seruitude or bondage, and that they were in no con­dition bound vnto the king of Scotland, and there­fore they would receiue the merchants of France, of Flanders, The disloiall dealing of the Scots. or any other countrie without excepti­on, as they thought good. line 40

There were in the hauen of Berwike at the same time, certeine English merchants, vpon whome the Scots made assault, and wounded some of them, and some of them they slue, and chased the residue, the which returning into England, made complaint, and shewed in what euill maner they had beene dealt with. King Edward heerevpon perceiuing the pur­poses of the Scots, Nic. Triuet. determined to make warre vp­on them with all speed, & to conquer the whole coun­trie, if they could not cleare themselues of such euill line 50 dealing as of them was reported and thought to be put in practise. About the conuersion of saint Paule in Ianuarie, king Edward sent ouer into Gascoine his brother the lord Edmund earle of Lancaster, The earle of Lancaster sent into Gas­coine. Abington. with the earle of Lincolne and other, to the number of 26 banerets, and 700 men of armes, besides a great multitude of other people. They arriued at Blay, about the midst of Lent, and staied there till towards Easter. In which meane season, a great sort of Gascoins and other people resorted vnto them, line 60 so that they were two thousand men of armes.

Upon Cene thursdaie, the castell de Lesparre was deliuered vnto the earle of Lancaster, The castell of Lespar deliuered vnto him. Nic. Triuet. and after that diuers other castels. At his approching néere vnto Burdeaux, vpon the thursdaie in Easter weeke, as he rested to refresh himselfe and his armie in a little village called Kekell, an armie of French men issu­ing out of Burdeaux, ment to come on the English­men at vnwares: but hauing warning, they pre­pared themselues to battell, so well as the shortnes of time would permit, and so therevpon incountring with their enimies, and fighting a sore battell, at length constreined the French men to returne vnto the citie, The French­men forced to retire. and pursuing them as they fled, two En­glish knights being brethren to sir Peter de Mallow and an other that was a Gascoine, entred the citie with two standard-bearers belonging to the earle of Richmond, & to the lord Alane de la Zouch, whom the Frenchmen tooke, closing them within the gates. The other Englishmen being shut out, first fell to the spoile of the suburbs, and then set fire vpon the same. After this were certeine of the citizens that secret­lie were at a point with the earle of Lancaster, Polydor. to haue deliuered the citie into his hands, but their practise being espied, they were taken and executed yer they could performe that which they had promi­sed.

Then the earle perceiuing he should but lose his labor to staie any longer there, The earle of Lancaster de­parteth this life. vpon certeine weigh­tie occasions returned vnto Baionne, where he shortlie after fell sicke and died. He left behind him three sonnes, Thomas that succéeded him in the earl­dome of Lancaster, Henrie lord of Monmouth, and Iohn whome he had begot of his wife Blanch, the which before had béene married vnto Henrie earle of Champaigne, and king of Nauar, by whome shée had but one onelie daughter, that was married vn­to the French king Philip de Beau. After this the English armie besieged the citie of Aques, Aques besie­ged. The earle of Arthois sent with an armie to Gascoine. N. Triuet. but tho­rough want of vittels he was constreined to raise thence and breake vp the siege. The earle of Arthois being sent of the French king with an armie into Gascoine, incountred with the Englishmen, and chased them with the slaughter of a great number, and after recouered diuers townes and fortresses in the countrie.

Those Englishmen that kept the towne of Burg, Burg desie­ged. being compassed about with a siege by Mounseur de Sully, obteined truce for a certeine space, during the which they sent vnto Blaines for some reléefe of vit­tels, and where other refused to bring vp a ship loden with vittels, which was there prepared, The lord Si­mon de Mon­tagew his en­terprise to res­cue the garri­son of Burg. the lord Si­mon de Montagew, a right valiant chéefetaine, and a wise, tooke vpon him the enterprise, and through the middle of the French gallies, which were placed in the riuer to stop that no ship should passe towards that towne, by helpe of a prosperous wind, he got in­to the hauen of Burg, and so relieued them within of their want of vittels, by meanes whereof, Moun­seur de Sully brake vp his siege, The siege is raised. and returned into France.

In the meane time, The king of England con­cludeth [...] league with the earle of Flanders. He conclu­deth a league also with the earle of Bar. The earle of Bar inuadeth Champaigne. king Edward not sléeping his businesse, procured Guie earle of Flanders to ioine with him in league against the Frenchmen. This Guie was the son of Margaret countesse of Flan­ders, whom she had by hir second husband William lord of Dampire in Burstoine. Also king Edward procured Henrie earle of Bar, to whome (as before ye haue heard) he had giuen his daughter Eleanor in marriage, to make warre vpon the Frenchmen, so that at one time the erle of Bar inuaded the coun­trie of Champaigne, and the earle of Flanders made incursions vpon those countries of France which ioine vnto Flanders. King Philip hereof aduerti­sed, sent forth one Walter de Cressie with a great armie against the earle of Bar, so that besieging the cheefest towne of Bar, he constreined the said earle to leaue off his enterprise in Champaigne, and to re­turne home, for doubt to lose more there than hee should win abroad.

But now to touch more at large the circumstan­ces of the occasion that mooued the earle of Flan­ders to make war against the French king. A mariage concluded. I find (in Iacob Meir) that there was a marriage conclu­ded betwixt the lord Edward the eldest son of king Edward, and the ladie Philip daughter to the fore­said Guie earle of Flanders, which marriage was concluded by Henrie bishop of Lincolne, and the [Page 297] earle Warren, being sent ouer as ambassadours by king Edward, vnto the said earle Guie for the same purpose. The earle of Flanders arrested. In the yeare following, the said earle of Flanders, togither with his wife, comming to visit the French king at Corbeill, were arrested, and sent to Paris, there to remaine as prisoners, bicause that the earle had affianced his daughter to the French kings aduersarie, without his licence: neither might they be deliuered, till by mediation of the pope (who must néeds meddle in the matter by vertue of his line 10 peremptorie power, & all christendome must veile the bonnet to his holinesse, or rather abhominablenesse,

Ille etenim toto sese iubet orbe colendum,
Cui nisi parueris, crede perire licet)

and suertie had vpon the promise of Amedie earle of Sauoy, The pope in­termedleth in the matter. they were set at libertie, with these conditi­ons, that they should deliuer into the French kings hands their daughter, which was so affianced vnto K. Edwards sonne, and further couenanted, not to con­clude any league with the king of England, but in line 20 all points t'obserue a certeine peace which was con­cluded with Ferdinando earle of Flanders, The earle of Flanders forced to a­gree with the French king. in the yeare 1225. And if earle Guie brake the same peace, then should he be excommunicated, and all his coun­trie of Flanders interdicted by the archbishop of Reims, and the bishop of Senlis, iudges appointed herein by authoritie of the pope.

The earles daughter being sent for, and brought vnto Paris, the earle and his wife were released, and suffered to returne into Flanders, The earle of Flanders released re­turneth home. and shortlie after, line 30 the earle made earnest suit to haue his daughter re­stored vnto him againe, insomuch that he procured pope Boniface to be a meane for him to the French king; but all would not serue, no, though as some say the pope accurssed the French king for reteining hir, answer being made, The French kings answer to the pope. that matters perteining to worldlie gouernement, belonged not to the pope to discusse. Finallie, earle Guie, perceiuing he could not preuaile in that suit, to haue his daughter a­gaine, vpon high displeasure concluded to ioine in line 40 league with king Edward & his confederats. A new league betwixt the K. of England, the emperour and others against the French king. Here­vpon, at an assemblie or councell kept at Gerard­mount, there was a solemne league made and a­gréed betwixt Adolph the emperour of Almaine, Ed­ward king of England, Guie earle of Flanders, Iohn Duke of Brabant, Henrie earle of Bar, both sonnes in law to king Edward, and Albert duke of Austrich, against Philip king of France, and Iohn earle of Henault his partaker.

Matth. West.The merchants of Flanders procured the earle to line 50 conclude this league with king Edward, as some write, the rather in respect of the great commodities which rose to their countrie, by reason of the inter­course of merchandize vsed betwixt England and Flanders, and for that through aid of the English­men, they might the better withstand the malice, both of the French and of all other their enimies. This league being proclaimed in England, there were sent ouer into Flanders, the treasurer of the exche­ker, and diuerse other noble men, to fetch hostages line 60 from thence, and to giue to the earle fifteene thousand pounds of siluer, toward the fortifieng of his castels and holds. King Philip being hereof aduertised, by counsell of the peeres of his realme, sent two honora­ble personages, as the capteine of Mounstrell, and the capteine of Belquerke, which should attach the earle of Flanders by his bodie, and summon him to yéeld himselfe prisoner at Paris, within the space of fifteene daies next insuing.

The earle of Flanders [...] the [...]rench king.This attachment made, and summons giuen, the earle of Flanders sent his full defiance vnto the French king by the abbats of Gemblois, and Sene­fles, vnto whome he gaue sufficient letters procura­torie, to authorise them thereto, dated at Male in the yeare of Grace 1296, after the accounts of the chro­nicles of Flanders, which begin their yere at Easter: and so this chanced in the fiue and twentith yeare of king Edwards reigne, the wednesdaie next after the feast of the Epiphanie. The earle of Flanders accurssed. Herevpon was the earle ac­curssed, & Flanders interdicted by the archbishop of Reims, and the bishop of Senlis comming vnto Terwane for that purpose, about the fifteenth day of Iune, in the yeare 1297. But the lord Robert the earles sonne appealed from that interdiction to the pope, His sonne appealeth from the in­terdiction. and so the Flemmings tooke themselues frée & out of danger of the same. Earle Guie also obteined of king Edward, that it might be lawfull for them of Bruges, to buy wools, through England, Scotland and Ireland, as freelie as the Italians might by their priuilege and grant.

But to returne now to the dooings of king Ed­ward, who in this meane time, hauing perfect know­ledge of the league concluded betwixt the king of France and the king of Scotland, prepared an ar­mie, and first sent ambassadors into Scotland, Ambassadors sent to the K. of Scots. to giue summons to king Iohn to appeare at New­castell within certeine daies, that he might there shew the cause whie he had broken the league: and further, to declare vnto him that he was deceiued, if he thought he might serue two maisters, contrarie to the words of the gospell, and according to the old saieng which seldome neuer faileth in consequence, ‘Defuit ambobus qui vult seruire duobus.’ For how much fauour as he purchased at the hands of the Frenth king, so much displeasure might he as­sure himselfe to procure at the hands of the king of England, whome to obeie, it should be most for his aduantage. The ambassadors that were sent, did their message throughlie, but king Iohn was so farre off from answering any thing that might sound to the maintenance of peace, that shortlie after he sent let­ters of complaint vnto king Edward, for wrongs which he alledged he had susteined by his means and at his hands. Herevpon king Edward, by aduise of his councell, determined to set forward with his armie into Scotland.

In the meane time, Robert Ros, Nic. Triuet. The lord Ros reuolteth to y e K. of Scots. capteine of Warke castell, reuolted to the Scotish king, mooued therevnto through the loue of a Scotish gentlewo­man, whome he meant to marrie, notwithstanding he had sworne fealtie vnto king Edward. William de Ros continu­eth faith [...]ull to the king of England. Where vp­on, his brother William de Ros giuing knowledge to king Edward, required to haue some aid, whereby he might defend the castell against the Scotishmen. King Edward sent vnto him a thousand souldiers, ( Polydor saith an hundred) the which as they lodged one night in a towne called Prestfen, Englishmen distressed. were slaine by the Scotishmen of the garison of Rockesborough, that were led and guided by the said Robert Ros: some of them although but few escaped awaie by flight. King Edward aduertised hereof, hasted foorth, and came to the said castell, glad of this (as is repor­ted) that the Scotishmen had first begun the warre, meaning, as it should seeme by their procéedings, to follow the same, for vpon Good friday, diuerse Sco­tishmen entring the borders, burnt sundrie villages, Rich. South. and spoiled the abbeie of Carham.

Furthermore, N. Triuet. whilest king Edward kept his ca­stell at Warke, seauen earles of Scotland, as Bou­chan, Menteth, Stratherne, Lennox, Ros, Atholl, and Mar, with Iohn Comin the maister of Badenaw, hauing assembled an armie togither of fiue hundred men of armes on horssebacke, Abington. The Scots inuade Eng­land. and ten thousand foot­men in Annandale, vpon monday in Easter wéeke entred England, and putting all to fire and sword, approched to Carleill, and laid siege therevnto on each side, passing the water of Eden by a foord vnder Ri­chardston, and did so much preuaile, Nic. Triuet. that they burned [Page 298] the suburbes, and assaulted the gates, at which enter­prise, a gentleman of Galloway as he ventured somewhat neere to the gate, was drawne vp by an iron hooke, of those that stood aloft vpon the gates to defend the same, and there slaine, and thrust through with speares. In the meane time, a spie, the which had béene taken and committed to prison, set fire on the house wherein he was inclosed, and so the flames cat­ching hold vpon the other buildings, a great part of the citie was thereby burned. Yet the men and the line 10 women getting themselues to the wals, droue their enimies backe, and so defended the citie from ta­king. Whervpon, the Scotish lords perceiuing they could not preuaile, The Scots raise their siege from Caricil. left their siege on the thursdaie in Easter weeke, and returned againe into Scotland.

On the same thursdaie, king Edward with his armie passed the riuer of Tweed, and so entring in­to Scotland, Berwike summoned. sent to the burgesses of Berwike, offe­ring them peace vpon certeine conditions, and staied a whole day for an answer: but when he could haue line 20 none that liked him, nor that sounded in anie thing to peace, he approched the towne, and lodged in the monasterie of Caldestreime. Abington. His armie consisted as some write of foure thousand men of armes on hors­backe, and thirtie thousand footmen, besides fiue hun­dred men of armes on horssebacke, and a thousand footmen of the bishoprike of Durham. The English fléet. At the same time, there came foure and twentie English ships, the mariners whereof, beholding where the English armie was placed in battell raie, vpon a plaine, the line 30 king making there certeine knights, they thought his meaning was to haue giuen forthwith an assalt, and so entring the hauen, and approching to the land, began to fight with the townesmen, where they lost foure of their ships, and were constreined to with­draw with the residue, Foure Eng­lish ships lost. with helpe of the falling wa­ter. Some haue written, that they lost but three ships which were consumed with fire, Abington. and that the mari­ners and souldiers of one of those ships, after they had defended themselues by great manhood from the line 40 first houre of the daie, till eleuen of the clocke, esca­ped awaie, some by the bote of that ship, and some lea­ping into the water, were saued by the botes of other ships that made in to succour them.

The rumor of the mariners attempt being bru­ted through the armie, the king passing forward to­wards the towne, got ouer a ditch, which the Scots had cast to impeach his passage, Berwike woone. This sir Ri­chard Corne­wall was bro­ther to the erle of Cornewall. Abington. and so comming to the towne, wan it, not losing any man of renowme, sauing sir Richard Cornewall, the which was slaine by a quarell which a Flemming shot out of a crosse­bowe, line 50 being in the red hall, which the merchants of Flanders held in that towne, and had fortified it in manner of a tower: but when they would not yéeld, and could not easilie otherwise be woone, the house towards euening was set on fire, and so they being thirtie in number, were burned to death within it. Upon the same night, the king lodged in the castell, which was yéelded vnto him by them that kept it, their liues and limmes saued, and receiuing an oth, line 60 that they should not from thencefoorth beare armour against the king of England, they were permitted to depart whither they thought good, their capteine sir William Dowglas excepted, whom the king still kept with him, Caxton. till the end of the warres. Some write that there should be slaine of Scotishmen at this winning of Berwike, aboue the number of twentie thousand men, Abington saith 8000, but Richard Southwell saith 15000 at the least one with an other, with small losse of Englishmen, not past eight and twentie of all sorts. Yée may read more hereof in the Scotish historie.

¶But before I passe ouer this slaughter, so lamenta­ble and woonderfull, Abraham Fleming. I haue bethought my selfe of a promised apologie for and in the behalfe of Richard Grafton, mentioned before in the reigne of Henrie the second, page 112. col. 1. where I shewed how vn­aduisedlie and with vnseemelie modestie for a man of learning, George Buchanan the Scot dooth shoot his bolts at the said Grafton, as now by occasion of the matter conuenientlie occurrent shall be shewed. The said Grafton in his large volume of English chroni­cles, falling vpon the affaires betwéene king Ed­ward the first, and Iohn Balioll king of Scotland, among other things there remembred, R. Grafton, pag. 176. maketh re­port that in the said battell of Berwike, the slaugh­ter was so great, that a mill might well haue béene driuen by the space of two daies, with the streames of bloud which at that time ouerranne the ground. At which words George Buchanan giueth a snatch, G. Buchanan rer. Scotic. [...] 8. pag. 243. [...] finem▪ em­boldened so to doo, bicause the said Grafton referreth this record to Hector Boetius in his fourteenth booke and second chapter.

Iesu, how the Scot taketh vp the Englishman for halting in his allegation, first for the chapter, con­uincing him that Hector Boetius diuided not his booke into chapters, and therefore, where is the second chapter, sith the whole fourteenth booke is a continued discourse without distinction by chapters? Secondlie the said Grafton hath the checke, for setting a lie a­flote, Buchanan flatlie affirming that Hector Boetius hath no such matter once mentioned in his annales, Touching the first fault, wherewith the Scot char­geth the Englishman, this is note-worthie, that it should seeme to anie man of meane iudgement, that Buchanan of a prepensed malice and purposed wilfulnesse hath sharpened his stile in this nipping sort against Grafton. For sith it was Graftons mea­ning to record the truth, so farre foorth as he was warranted by the auerment of writers; why should he be cast in the teeth with Effraenis maledicendi libido, or dishonestlie termed Indoctus & impudenter mendax? Which opprobrious epithets, if they were deserued by an vntrue report of the author; then should Bucha­nan haue sharpened his toong against Belenden his countriman, the translator of Hector Boetius into their mother toong, from whome Grafton hath deri­ued his words; sense for sense vnmangled (as he found the same written.)

Now who knoweth not that Bellenden distingui­shed Hectors annales into chapters, vpon whose au­thoritie Grafton relieng, and citing his authoritie ac­cording to the quotation of his diuision, whie should he rather than Bellenden be barked at, who is the principall in this controuersie? Againe, it could not be hidden from Buchanan, that Bellenden had distri­buted Boerius into chapters; considering that they were [...], both liuing in the reigne of Iames the fift of that name king of Scots: so that it might haue pleased him to haue tried Grafton by the Sco­tish Boetius, and so to haue beene resolued for the se­cond chapter of the fouretéenth booke, according to the archdeacon of Murreis translation.

Now for the matter it selfe, touching the effusion of bloud, wherewith a mill might well haue béene dri­uen for two daies space; Hector Boe [...]us, pag. 29 [...] [...] impress. P [...] ­sij [...] à Iacob [...] Puys, 1574▪ Hector Boetius his owne words are these; Riui sanguinis toto oppido adeo fluxere, vt cumaestu decurrente min [...]r aqua quàm ad molendina cir­cumagenda fuerit, adiuuante aquam sanguine aliqua circum­agi sponte coeperint. Which place, Bellenden hath inter­preted after this manner; So lamentabl' slauhter wes throw all the parts of the toun, that ane mill might ha [...]f gaue two daies ithandlie be stremis of blude. Now examine Graftons words by Bellenden, and Bellendens by Boetius (besides that, marke what Grafton annexeth to the report of this slaugh­ter, who saith that he will not inforce the credit ther­of vpon any man, but counteth it a Scotish lie rather [Page 299] than a matter of truth) and then conclude according to equitie, that Grafton is altogither excusable and fautlesse, and Buchanans curious & furious challenge reproueable. But admit Grafton had fetcht his re­port from Boetius, as he had it from Bellenden; see­meth it a lie or an vnlikelihood, that the bloud gush­ing out of the bodies of 25000, or (as Hector Boetius saith) 7000, would not increase to a streame suffici­ent & able to driue a mill or two about, without any water intermingled therwithall? The Latine copie hath Riui sanguinis, riuers of bloud, noting by the word line 10 the abundance and also the streaming course of the same, which was able with the violent current there­of to beare awaie the verie bodies of the slaine. To conclude this matter, & to set our Englishman by the truth, and let the Scot go with his lieng toong, which I would he had had the modestie to haue tempered, & to haue proffered a practise of that which himselfe pa­raphrasticallie preacheth and teacheth others to ob­serue, saieng; line 20

(Linguae obseraui claustra fraeno, pertinax
In paraph. su­per psal. 39.
Obmutui silentio,
Ac temerè ne quid os mali profunderet,
Verbis bonis clausi exitum.)

And now to the storie. K. Edward remaind at Ber­wike 15 daies, K. Edward fortifieth Berwike. & caused a ditch to be cast about the towne of 80 foot in breadth, & of the like in depth. In the meane time, A scotish frier sent to king Edward. about the beginning of Aprill, the warden and reader of the frier minors of Rockes­borough called Adam Blunt, came vnto him with line 30 letters of complaint from king Iohn, for the wrongs doone and offered vnto him and his realme, as well in claiming an vniust superioritie, and constreining him to doo homage by vndue and wrongfull meanes, as also by inuading his townes, The Scotish king renoun­ceth his ho­mage and fe­altie vnto the king of En­gland. slaieng and robbing his subiects: for the which causes he testified by the same letters, that he renounced all such homage and fealtie for him and his subiects, as he, or any of them owght for any lands holden within England. The king hearing the letters red, receiued the resignation line 40 of the homage, and commanded his chancellor, that the letter might be registred in perpetuall memorie of the thing.

The earles of Scotland before remembred, being assembled togither with their powers at the castell of Iedworth, The Scots inuade the English borders. entred into England the eighth of A­prill, and with fire and sword did much hurt in the countries as they passed. In Riddesdale they besie­ged the castell of Harbotell by the space of two daies, Harbotell. but when they could not preuaile, they remoued, and line 50 passing foorth by the east part of the riuer of Tine, tho­rough Cokesdale, Riddesdale, and Northumberland, vnto Hexham, they did much mischéefe by burning and harrieng the countries. Rich. South. At Hexham they spoi­led the abbeie church, and got a great number of the cleargie, as well moonks, priests, as scholers, and o­thers, whom they thrust into the schoolehouse there, and closing vp the dores, set fire on the schoole, and bur­ned all them to ashes that were within it. It is won­derfull to read, what beastlie crueltie the Scots vsed line 60 in that road which they made at that time in two se­uerall parts. The earle of Boghan. For the earle of Boghan, with them of Galloway, entred by Cumberland in like manner as the other did in Riddesdale, burning and murthe­ring all that came in their waie. The crueltie of the Scots. For whereas all those that were of able age and lustie to get awaie, fled, & escaped their hands; the aged & impotent crea­tures, women in childbed, and yoong children that could not shift for themselues, were vnmercifullie slaine, and thrust vpon speares, and shaken vp in the aire, where they yéelded vp their innocent ghosts in most pitifull wise.

Churches were burned, women were forced with­out respect of order, condition or qualitie, as well she maids, widowes and wiues, as nunnes that were reputed in those daies consecrated to God, and when they had beene so abused, manie of them were after also murthered, and cruellie dispatched out of life. At length, they came to the nunrie of Lamelaie, & bur­ned all the buildings there, sauing the church, The nunrie of Lamelaie burnt. and then returned backe into Scotland with all their pillage and booties by Lauercost, an house of moonks, which they likewise spoiled. So that the cruell & bloudie de­solation whereof Lucan speaketh in his second booke of ciuill warres, may aptlie be inferred here, as fit­lie describing the mercilesse murther of all states and sexes without parcialitie vnder the hand of the e­nimie: for saith he,

Nobilitas cum plebe perit,
Luc. lib. 2.
latéque vagatur
Ensis, & à nullo reuocatum est pectore ferrum,
Stat cruor in templis, multáque rubentia caede
Lubrica saxa madent, nulli sua profuit aetas,
Non senis extremum piguit vergentibus annis
Praecipitasse diem, non primo in limine vitae
Infantis miseri nascentia rumpere fata.

Patrike earle of Dunbar came to the king of England, and submitted himselfe, with all that he had into his hands; The castell of Dunbar ren­dred to the Scots. but the castell of Dunbar vpon saint Markes day, being assieged of the Scots was ren­dred vnto them, by treason of some that were within it, of whome, the countesse (wife to the same erle) was the chéefest; Beside 2000 barded horsses they had in that armie 10000 foot­men. N. Triuet. Matth. Westm. Abington. A sore battell fought at Dunbar. The number slaine. Matth. Westm. Abington. for recouerie whereof king Edward sent Iohn earle of Warren, Surrey and Sussex, & Wil­liam earle of Warwike with a great power, the which laieng siege to that castell, a great host of Sco­tishmen came vpon them to the rescue of them with­in, so that there was foughten a verie sore and terri­ble battell. At length, the victorie abode with the En­glishmen, and the Scotishmen were put to flight, the Englishmen following them in chase eight mile of that countrie, almost to the forrest of Selkirke: the slaughter was great, so that (as was estéemed) there died of the Scotishmen that day, to the number of ten thousand.

The morrow after being saturdaie, which was the eight and twentith day of Aprill, at the kings com­ming thither the castell was surrendred vnto him. There were taken in the same castell three earles, Menteth, Cassels, and Ros; six barons, Iohn Comin the yoonger, William Sanclere, Richard Siward the elder, Iohn Fitz Geffrey, Alexander de Mor­teigne, Edmund Comin of Kilbird, with thirtie knights, two clearks, Iohn de Someruile, and Wil­liam de Sanclere, and thrée and thirtie esquires, the which were sent vnto diuerse castels in England, to be kept as prisoners. After the winning of Dunbar the king went to the castell of Rockesborough, Rockesbo­rough yéelded. which incontinentlie was yeelded by the lord Steward of Scotland, the liues and members of all such as were within it at the time of the surrender.

Then went king Edward vnto Edenburgh▪ where he planted his siege about the castell, and raised en­gines, which cast stones against and ouer the walles, sore beating and brusing the buildings within. But as it chanced, the king writing letters, to aduertise his councell at [...] of his proceedings, and concer­ning other businesse, Rich. South [...]. deliuered that packet vnto a Welshman named Lewin, commanding him to go with the same to London in all hast possible, for he knew him to be a verie spéedie messenger and a tru­stie also (as he tooke it.) But hauing the letter thus deliuered him, togither with monie to beare his charges, he got him to a tauerne, where riotouslie cō ­suming the monie (which he had so receiued) in plaie, & making good cheere, in the morning he caused one of his companions to take a target, and beare it afore him in approching the castell, for that he meant (as he colourablie pretended) not to depart, vntill he had [Page 300] wrought some displeasure to them within with his crossebow, which he tooke with him for that purpose, so that comming vnto the castell gates, he called to the warders on the walles to cast downe to him a cord, that they might plucke him vp to them there­with, for that he had somwhat to say to their capteine touching the secrets of the king of England.

They fulfilling his desire, when he came in, and was brought afore the captein sitting then at break­fast, he said vnto him: ‘Behold sir, here ye may per­use line 10 the king of Englands secrets, and withall raught to him a box, wherein the packet of the kings letters were inclosed, and appoint me (saith he) to some cor­ner of the wall, and trie whether I can handle a crosse­bow or not, to defend it against your aduersaries.’ Héere when others would haue opened the box, and haue read the letters, the capteine would in no wise consent thereto, but going into a turret, called to the Englishmen beelow, and willed them to signifie to the king, that one of his seruants being fled to him, line 20 sought to bewraie his secrets, wherevnto he would by no means agree, and therefore meant to restore both the traitor and the letters. Herevpon, the lord Iohn Spenser, comming to heare what the matter might meane, the capteine caused Lewin to be let downe to him, togither with the letters safe, and not touched by him at all.

When the king vnderstood this, he much commen­ded the honest respect of the capteine, and whereas he had caused engins to be raised to annoie them with­in line 30 (as yée haue heard) he commanded the same to ceasse, and withall, vpon their capteins suit, he gran­ted them libertie to send vnto their king Iohn Bali­oll, to giue him to vnderstand in what sort they stood. As touching the Welshman, A Welshman hanged. he was drawne and hanged on a paire of high galowes, prepared for him of purpose, as he had well deserued. A notable example of a traitorous villaine, so to offer the se­crets of his souereigne to be known to his enimies: and no lesse excellent a president of an honest and line 40 faithfull harted foe, that would not himselfe nor let anie other haue a sight of the contents therein writ­ten; a rare point of good meaning and vpright dea­ling in a souldier, and speciallie in an enimie; but

—multo optimus ille
Militiae cui postremum est primúm (que), tueri
Inter bella fidem.

Now while the messengers were on their waie to Forfair, Striueling castel left void where the Scotish king then laie, king Ed­ward with a part of his armie went vnto Striue­ling, line 50 where he found the castell gates set open, and the keies hanging on a naile, so that he entred there without any resistance, for they that had this castle in gard, were fled out of it for feare before his com­ming. The messengers that were sent from them within Edenburgh castell, comming to their king, declared to him in what case they stood that were be­sieged. King Iohn, for that he was not able to succor them by any manner of means at that present, sent them word, to take the best waie they could for their line 60 owne safetie; with which answer the messengers re­turning, the castell was immedi [...]tlie deliuered vnto the lord Iohn Spenser, Edenburgh castell deliue­red to the king of England. that was left in charge with the siege, at the kings departure towards Striue­ling, with the like conditions as the castell of Roc­kesborough had yeelded a little before.

Thus was that strong castell of Edenburgh sur­rendred by force of siege, to the king of Englands vse, on the 15 daie, after he had first laid his siege about it. A place of such strength by the height of the ground whereon it stood, that it was thought impreg­nable, and had not béene woone by force at any time, since the first building therof, before that present, so farre as anie remembrance either by writing or o­therwise could be had thereof.

Here at Edenburgh, or rather at Rockesborough (as Abington saith) a great number of Welshmen came vnto the king, who sent home the like num­ber of English footmen, of those that séemed most wearie. Moreouer, at Striueling, there came to the king the earle of Ulster, with a great number of I­rishmen. Then passing ouer the riuer of Forth, Saint Ioh [...] towne. The king of Scots su [...]th for peace. the king came vnto saint Iohns towne about Midsum­mer, and there tarried certeine daies. Whilest these things were a dooing, Iohn king of Scotland, percei­uing that he was not of power to resist king Ed­ward, sent ambassadors vnto him to sue for peace: king Edward was content to heare them, and there­vpon appointed, that king Iohn should resort vnto the castell of Brechin, there to commen with such of his councell as he would send thither within fifteene daies next ensuing, to treat of an agréement. The bishop of Durham. King Edward sent thither Anthonie bishop of Durham, with full commission to conclude all things in his name. And within the appointed time came king Iohn, and diuers of his nobles vnto him, the which after many & sundrie treaties holden betwixt them and the said bishop, The king of Scots sub­mitteth him­selfe to the K. of England. at length they submitted them­selues and the realme of Scotland, simplie and pure­lie into the hands of the king of England, for the which submission to be firmelie kept and obserued, king Iohn deliuered his son in hostage, and made letters thereof, written in French as followeth.

The instrument of the said submission.

IEhan per la grace de Dieu, roy de Es­coce, á tous ceulx quae cestes praesen­tes letres verront ou orront, saluz, &c. Iohn by the grace of GOD king of Scotland, to all those that these present letters shall see or heare, sendeth greeting. Bicause that we through euill counsell and our owne sim­plicitie, haue greeuouslie offended our soue­reigne lord, Edward by the grace of God king of England, lord of Ireland, and duke of Aqui­tane, in many things; that is to saie, in that, whereas we beeing and abiding vnder his faith and homage, haue bound our selues vnto the king of France which then was his enimie and yet is, procuring a mariage with the daughter of his brother Charles du Valois, and that we might greeue our said lord, and aid the king of France with all our power by warre and other means, we haue at length by aduise of our per­uerse counsell defied our said lord the K. of Eng­land, and haue put our selues out of his allegi­ance and homage, & sent our people into Eng­land, to burne houses, to take spoiles, to com­mit murther, with many other damages, and also in fortifieng the kingdome of Scotland, which is of his fee, putting and establishing ar­med men in townes, castels, and other places, to defend the land against him, to deforce him of his fee, for the which transgressions our said souereigne lord the king, entring into the realm of Scotland with his power, hath conquered and taken the same, notwithstanding al that we could do against him, as by right he may do, as a lord of his fee, bicause that we did render vnto him our homage, and made the foresaid rebellion. We therfore as yet being in our full power and free will, doo render vnto him the [Page 301] land of Scotland, and all the people therof with the homages. In witnesse whereof, we haue caused these letters patents to be made. Yeuen at Brechin the tenth day of Iulie, in the fourth yeare of our reigne, sealed with the common seale of the kingdome of Scotland.

After this, king Edward went forward to see the mounteine countries of Scotland, K. Edward passeth for­ward through Scotland. the bishop of Durham euer kéeping a daies iournie afore him. At line 10 length, when he had passed through Murrey land, and was come to Elghin, perceiuing all things to be in quiet, he returned towards Berwike, and comming to the abbeie of Scone, he tooke from thence the mar­ble stone, K. Edward bringeth the marble stone out of Scot­land. wherevpon the kings of Scotland were ac­customed to sit as in a chaire, at the time of their co­ronation, which king Edward caused now to be transferred to Westminster and there placed, to serue for a chaire for the priest to sit in at the altar. The king comming to Berwike, called thither vnto line 20 a parlement all the nobles of Scotland, and there receiued of them their homages, The nobilitie of Scotland submit them­selues to the king. the which in perpe­tuall witnesse of the thing, made letters patents thereof, written in French, and sealed with their seales, as the tenor here followeth.

The instrument of the homages of the lords of Scotland to K. Edward.

A Touz ceux que cestes lettres verront ou orront, &c. To all those that these present letters shall see or heare, we Iohn Comin of Badenaw, &c. Bi­cause that we at the faith and will of the most noble prince, and our dearest lord, Edward by the grace of God king ofEngland, lord of Ire­land, and duke of Aquitaine, doo vow and pro­mise for vs and our heires, vpon paine of bodie and goods, and of all that we may haue, that we line 40 shall serue him well and trulie against all men, which may liue and die, at all times when we shall be required or warned by our said lord the king of England or his heires, and that we shall not know of any hurt to be doone to them, but the same we shall let and impeach with all our power, and giue them warning thereof: and those things to hold and keepe, we bind vs, our heires, and all our goods, and further, receiue line 50 an oth thereof vpon the holie euangelists: and after all, we and euerie of vs haue done homage vnto our souereigne lord the king ofEngland in words as followeth; The forme of their homage. I become your liegeman of life, members, and earthlie honour, against all men which may liue and die. And the same our souereigne lord the king receiued this homage vnder this forme of words; We receiue it for the land of the which you be now seized, The words of K. Edward accepting it. the line 60 right of vs, or other saued, and except the lands which Iohn Balioll sometime king of Scotland granted vnto vs, after that we did deliuer vnto him the kingdome of Scotland, if happilie he hath giuen to you any such lands.

Moreouer, all we, and euerie of vs by himselfe haue done fealtie to our said souereigne lord the king in these words; I as a faithfull & liege man, shall keepe faith and loialtie vnto Edward king ofEngland, and to his heires, of life, mem­ber and earthlie honor, against all men which may liue and die, and shall neuer for any person beare armour, nor shall be of counsell nor in aid with any person against him, or his heires in any case that may chance, but shall faithful­lie acknowledge, and doo the seruice that be­longeth to the tenements the which I claime to hold of him, as God me helpe and all his saints. In witnesse wherof, these letters patents are made and signed with our seales. Yeuen at Warke the foure and twentith of March, in the 24 yeare of the reigne of our said lord the king of England.

Then was Iohn Warren earle of Surrey and Sussex made by king Edward warden of Scotland, Officers ap­pointed in Scotland by king Iohn. Hugh Cressingham treasurer, and William Or­mesbie high iustice, whome the king commanded, that he should call all those before him which held any lands of the crowne, and to receiue of them in his name their homages and fealties. Iohn Balioll sent to Lon­don. Iohn Balioll the late king of Scotland was sent to London, and had a conuenient companie of seruants appointed to attend him, hauing licence to go any whither abroad, so that he kept himselfe within the circuit of twentie miles néere to London. Iohn Comin of Badenaw, and Iohn Comin of Lowan, and diuerse nobles of Scotland were brought into England on the south side of Trent, being warned vpon paine of death not to returne into Scotland, till the king had made an end of his wars with France. After this, A parlement at saint Ed­mundsburie. at his re­turne into England, king Edward held a parlement at saint Edmundsburie, which began the morrow af­ter the feast of All saints, in which the citizens & bur­gesses of good townes granted vnto him an eighth part of their goods, A subsidie granted. and of the residue of the people a twelfth part.

The cleargie by reason of a constitution ordeined and constituted the same yeare by pope Boniface, prohibiting vpon paine of excommunication, The preten­ded excuse of the cleargie. that no talages nor other exactions should be leuied or ex­acted of the cleargie in any manner of wise by secu­lar princes, or to be paid to them of things that per­teined to the church, vtterlie refused to grant any manner of aid to the king, towards the maintenance of his wars. Wherevpon the king, to the intent they should haue time to studie for a better answer, de­ferred the matter to an other parlement to be holden on the morrow after the feast of saint Hilarie.

This yeare after the feast of the Epiphanie, Anno Reg. 25. 1297 Eli­zabeth the kings daughter was married vnto king Iohn earle of Holland. The earle of Holland mar­rieth Eliza­beth the kings daughter. N. Triuet. Humfrey de Bohun earle of Hereford and Essex was sent to conueie them into Holland, there to take possession of the earledome, as then descended vnto the said Iohn, by the death of his father latelie before slaine by his owne subiects, bi­cause he would haue disherited this Iohn, and made a bastard sonne which he had to be his heire. ¶ The day appointed for the parlement to be holden at Lon­don being come, and the cleargie continuing in their deniall to grant any subsidie, the king excluded them out of his protection, for the redeeming whereof, ma­nie by themselues, and manie by mediators, did af­terwards giue vnto the king a fift part of all their goods. The archbishop of Canturburie being found stiffe in the matter, the king seized all his lands, and commanded all such debts as were found of his in the rolles of the excheker, to be leuied with all spéed of his goods and cattell. Some write, that when the archbishop of Canturburie in name of all the resi­due, Abington. The archbi­shop his words. had declared to them whom the king had appoin­ted commissioners to receiue the answer, that where­as they of the cleargie had two souereigne lords and gouernours, the one in spirituall matters and the o­ther in temporall, yet they ought rather to obeie their spirituall gouernour than their temporall. Neuer­thelesse, to satisfie the kings pleasure, they would [Page 302] of their owne charges send to the pope, that by his li­cence and permission, they might grant the king some aid, or else receiue some answer from him, what to doo therein: ‘for (saith the archbishop) we beléeue that the king feareth the sentence of excommunication, and would be as glad to auoid it as we.’

When the commissioners heard this answer, they required that they would appoint some of their owne companie to beare this message vnto the king, for they durst not report it to him: which being doone as the commissioners had required, the king in his fu­rie line 10 procéeded against them, in such rigorous manner as ye haue heard, in somuch that the lord chéefe iustice sitting vpon the bench, The declaration of the lord chéefe iustice. spake openlie these words; ‘You sirs that be attornies of my lords the archbi­shops, bishops, abbats, priors, and all other the clear­gie, declare vnto your masters, and tell them, that from hencefoorth there shall no iustice be doone vnto them in the kings court for any manner of thing, al­though neuer so heinous wrong be doone vnto them: but iustice shall be had against them, to euerie one line 20 that will complaine and require to haue it.’

The clearke­lie handling of the matter by the archbi. of Yorke his suffragans.Henrie de Newarke the elect bishop of Yorke, with the bishops of Durham, Elie and Salisburie, with certeine other, fearing the kings indignation thus kindled against them, ordeined to laie downe in the churches, a fift part as ye haue heard, of all their goods, towards the defense of the realme, and main­tenance of the kings warres in such time of great necessitie, and so the king receiuing it, they were re­stored to the kings protection againe. The freends of line 30 the bishop of Lincolne found means, that the shiriffe of the shire leuied and tooke the fift part of all his goods, and restored to him againe his lands and pos­sessions. Also, all the monasteries within his diocesse, and within the whole prouince of Canturburie, were seized into the kings hands, and wardens appointed, which onelie ministred necessarie finding vnto the moonks and other religious persons, and conuerted the ouerplus vnto the kings vse. Wherevpon the ab­bats and priors were glad to follow the court, and su­ed line 40 to redéeme, not their sins, but their goods, with gi­uing a fourth part thereof. The cleargie suffered ma­nie iniuries in that season, for religious men were spoiled and robbed in the kings high waie, and could not haue any restitution nor remedie against them that thus euill intreated them, till they had redéemed the kings protection. Persons and vicars, and other of the cleargie, The miserie of churchmen. when they rode foorth any whither, were glad to apparell themselues in laie mens gar­ments, so to passe through the countrie in safetie. line 50

The archbishop of Canturburie lost all the goods that he had, for he would neither agree to giue any thing, The archbish. of Canturbu­rie his goods confiscate. nor to laie any thing downe in the church, that the king might receiue it. Wherevpon he was brought to such extreme miserie, that all his seruants went from him, & commandement was giuen foorth, that no man should receiue him, neither within mo­nasterie nor without, and so not hauing any one place of all his bishoprike where to laie his head, he remained in the house of a poore person, onelie with line 60 one priest and one clearke: yet he stiffelie stood in the matter, affirming certeinlie, that all those which granted any thing, The obstinate maner of the archbishop of Canturburie. either to the king, or to any other temporall person without the popes leaue, ran with­out doubt into the danger of the sentence pronoun­ced in the canon.

About the feast of S. Matthew in Februarie, the king called a parlement of his nobles (not admitting thereto any of the cleargie) at Salisburie, A parlement at Salisburie and there required certeine of his Nobles to passe ouer into Gascoine, but euerie of them séemed to excuse him­selfe, whereat the king being mooued, threatened that they should either go, or he would giue their lands to other that would go, with which words manie of them were gréeuouslie offended, in so much that the earles of Hereford and Marshall, Humfrie Bohun, and Roger Bigod, declared that they would be rea­die to go with the king if he went himselfe, or else not. And when the earle Marshall was eftsoones re­quired to go, he answered, I will willinglie go with the king, and march before him in the fore ward, as by right of inheritance I am bound. ‘Yea (saith the king) and you shall go with other though I go not. I am not so bound (saith the earle) neither doo I pur­pose to take the iournie in hand with you.’

The king then in a great chafe burst out & sware, By God sir earle, either thou shalt go or hang. And I sweare (saith the earle) the same oth, that I will nei­ther go nor hang: and so he departed from the king without leaue taking. The [...] demeanor [...] the two [...]. Immediatlie herevpon those two earles assembled manie noble men, and o­ther of their fréends togither to the number of thirtie banerets and aboue, so that in all they were found to be fifteene hundred men of armes appointed and rea­die for battell, and herewith they withdrew into their countries, and kept such stir there, that they would not permit the kings officers to take neither wools, leather, nor any thing against the owners will, but forbad them on paine of loosing their heads to come within their roomes, and withall prepared themselues to resist if need were.

In this meane time the warre was prosecuted in Gascoine. They had with them 600 men of armes, and 10000 [...] as Abing [...] saith. ¶ The thursdaie before the Purification of our ladie, Henrie earle of Lincolne, and the lord Iohn saint Iohn departing from Baion towards Bellegard, a place besieged as then by the earle of Arthois, to succour them within the same with vit­tels (whereof they stood in néed) as they approched to a wood distant from the fortresse thrée miles, they di­uided themselues into two seuerall battels, the lord Iohn saint Iohn leading the first, and the earle of Lincolne the second. The lord saint Iohn therefore hauing passed the wood with his battell, Battell be­twixt the [...] of Lincoln and the earle of Arthois, who had [...] him 1500 [...] of armes, [...] Abingtō [...]. and entring into the plaine fields, was incountred by the earle of Arthois, who tarried there for him with a great power, where immediatlie at the first ioining of the battels, the earle of Lincolne retired backe: so that the lord Iohn saint Iohn and his companie ouerset with preasse of enimies were vanquished: and the said lord saint Iohn with sir William de Mortimer, sir William Burmengham and other to the number of eight knights, and diuerse esquires were taken, the which were sent to Paris as prisoners.

Other write somewhat otherwise of this battell, as that vpon the first incounter the Englishmen droue backe one regiment of the earle of Arthois his men of armes, whom he diuided into foure parts; but when they once ioined with the second regiment, to the which they were beaten backe, forward they came againe, and so charging the Englishmen, with helpe of their third squadron, which was now come to them also, they easilie put the Englishmen oppressed with multitude vnto flight, & followed them in chase. After this came the Englishmen which were in the rere­ward, and incountring with the fourth squadron or regiment of the Frenchmen, streightwaies brake the fame. Herewith was the night come vpon them, so that one could not know an other, a fréend from an enimie, and so both the Englishmen and Frenchmen were dispersed till the moone rose, and the French­men withdrew to their fortresses, and amongst them certeine Englishmen were mingled, which being dis­couered were taken prisoners, as the lord Iohn saint Iohn, and others.

The slaughter was not great, for there were no footmen on either part, to spoile or kill the men of armes that were throwne beside their horsses: for the [Page 303] English footmen remained in the wood, or were with­drawne backe, as before ye haue heard, without at­tempting any exploit worthie of praise. Indéed some laie the blame in the Gascoine footmen for the losse of this battell, Matth. West. bicause that they withdrew backe, and left the English horssemen in danger of the enimies which had compassed them about on euerie side. Thrée hundred of the men of armes came through to the towne of Bellegard, Abington. but bicause it was night, so that they could not be discerned whether they were frends line 10 or foes, they within the towne would not suffer them to enter: wherevpon they departed, and went to S. Seuere foure leagues off. Yet further in the night, other of the Englishmen were receiued into Belle­gard, which came thither after the other, and so in the morning they of the garison with their assistance is­sued foorth, and comming to the place where the bat­tell had béene, gathered the spoile of the field, and con­ueied into their towne such prouision of vittels as they found there. line 20

The earle of Lincolne with a great manie of o­ther wandred a great part of the night and knew not whither to go. The earle of Lincolne es­caped. At length about thrée of the clocke in the morning he came to Perforate, where he had lodged with his armie the night before, & there found a great number of his people right glad of his com­ming and happie escape out of danger. He commeth home. From thence he returned vnto Baion with the earle of Richmond sir Iohn de Britaine and all his companie that were left. And such was the hap of this iournie. In Lent line 30 following, those that were dispersed here and there a­broad, resorted to the earle of Lincolne, soiourning at Baion, and in the summer season made a iournie to­wards Tholouse, He inuadeth the countrie about Tho­louse. spoiling and wasting the countries of Tholouse and other there abouts, and remoued also the siege which those of Tholouse had laid vnto a fortresse called S. Kiternes, in chasing them from the same siege: and towards Michaelmasse they retur­ned to Baion, and there laie alle the winter till after Christmasse, and then by reason of the truce conclu­ded, line 40 as after appeareth, betwixt the two kings of En­gland & France, they returned home into England.

In the same yeare the king raised the custome of wooll to an higher rate than had beene paid at any time before: The custome of wool raised. for he tooke now fortie shillings of a sacke or sarpler, where before there was paid but half a marke. Abington. Euer [...]den. Prouision for the kings iournie into France. Moreouer he commanded, that against his iournie which he meant to make ouer into France, there should be two thousand quarters of wheat, and as much of oates taken by the shiriffe in euerie coun­tie line 50 within the realme to be conueied to the sea side, except where they had no store of corne, and there should béeues and bakons be taken to a certeine number. In the meane time the earle of Flanders was sore vexed by war which the French king made against him, Ia. Meir. The French king inuadeth Flanders. being entred into Flanders with an ar­mie of thrée score thousand men, as some authors haue recorded.

Lisle besie­ged.About the feast of the natiuitie of S. Iohn Bap­tist, he laid siege to Lisle, and shortlie after came the line 60 earle of Arthois, being returned out of Gascoine with his power vnto that siege, and was sent foorth to kéepe the Flemings and others occupied, The earle of Arthois van­quisheth the Flemings in battell. which laie at Furneis, and in other places thereabouts in low Flanders, with whome he fought and got the victorie. King Edward therefore, to succour his fréends pre­pared to go ouer into Flanders, and therevpon sum­moned all those that owght him any seruice, N. Triuet. & such also as held lands to the value of twentie pounds and aboue, to be readie with horsse and harnesse at Lon­don about Lammas to passe ouer with him in that iournie.

A rebellion in Scotland by the means of one William Waleis.In the meane time about the moneth of Maie, there began a rebellion in Scotland by the setting on of William Waleis: for the king of Englands iu­stice William Ormsbie, accordinglie as he had in commission, confined and put to outlawrie a great sort of such Scotishmen, as refused to doo fealtie and homage vnto the king of England, the which Sco­tishmen being thus condemned as outlawes, elected the foresaid William Waleis for their capteine, with whome William Douglas being once associa­ted, the number of them increased hugelie. The earle of Surrey and the treasurer being in England, those outlawes purposed to haue taken the iustice at Scone: but he being warned though almost too late, escaped himselfe with much adoo, leauing the most part of his people as a spoile to the enimies. For William Waleis and his companie killed as ma­nie Englishmen as fell into his hands, Englishmen slaine in Scotland. and taking certeine religious men, he bound their hands behind them, and constreined them to leape into the riuer, taking pleasure to behold how they plunged.

The king sent the bishop of Durham into Scot­land, to vnderstand the certeintie of this rebellion, who returning from thence, informed him of the truth. The king not minding to breake his iournie which he had purposed to make into Flanders, ap­pointed that the earle of Surrey should haue the lea­ding of all such men of warre as might be leuied be­yond Trent, to represse the Scotish rebels, and also wrote vnto Iohn Comin earle of Boughan, The vnfaith­full dealing of the Scots. that re­membring their faith and promise, they should re­turne into Scotland, and doo their best to quiet the countrie: they according to his commandement, went into Scotland, but shewed themselues slow i­nough to procure those things that perteined to peace and quietnesse.

In the meane time, whilest these things were a do­ing, the bishop of Carleill, Abington. and other which laie there vpon the gard of that citie and castell, hauing some mistrust of the loialtie in Robert Bruce the yoonger, Robert Bruce. that was earle of Carrike by his mother, they sent him word to come vnto them at a certeine daie, bi­cause they had to talke with him of matters touch­ing the kings affairs. He durst not disobeie but came to Carleill togither with the bishop of Gallowaie, & there receiued a corporall oth vpon the holie and sa­cred mysteries, and vpon the sword of Thomas Bec­ket, to be true to the king of England, Thomas Beckets sword. and to aid him and his against their enimies in all that he might: and further to withstand that the said king receiued no hurt nor damage so far as in him might lie.

This doone, he returned againe into Scotland, and for a colour entred into the lands of William Douglas, and burnt part of them, bringing the wife and children of the same William backe with him in­to Annandale: but shortlie after, Robert Bruce reuolteth to the rebels. he conspired with the Scotish rebels, and ioined himselfe with them, not making his father priuie to the matter, who in the meane while remaind in the south parts of England. He would haue persuaded such knights, gentlemen and other as held their lands of his father in Annan­dale, to haue gone with him, N. Triuet. Three hun­dreth men of armes, and fiftie thou­sand footmen saith Abing­ton. but they would not breake their faith giuen to the king of England, and so left him. The earle of Surrey assembling togi­ther his power in Yorkeshire, sent his nephue the lord Henrie Percie with the souldiers of the countrie of Carleill before into Scotland, who passing foorth to the towne of Aire, went about to induce them of Gallowaie into peace, Henrie Per­cie sent before. and hearing that an armie of Scotishmen was gathered togither at a place about foure miles from thence called Irwin, he made thi­therward, and comming neere to the Scotish host, Irwin. might behold where the same was lodged beyond a certeine lake. In that armie were capteins, the bi­shop of Glasco, Andrew de Murreie steward of Scotland, and William Waleis which (as it should [Page 304] seeme) were not all of one mind.

Discord in the Sco­tish armie. Sir Richard Lundie.There was in the same armie a knight named sir Richard Lundie, which neuer yet had doon homage to the king of England, but now flieng from his com­panie, he came to the English armie, and submitted himselfe with his retinue vnto the king of England, saieng that he ment not to serue amongst them any longer that could not agrée togither. The Scots sue for peace. The residue of the Scotishmen sued for peace, vpon condition to haue liues, members, goods, cattels and lands saued, line 10 with a pardon of all offenses past. The lord Percie vpon pledges & writings heerof deliuered, was con­tented to grant their requests, so that the king his maister would be therewith pleased, who being here­of certified, bicause he would not gladlie be staied of his iournie into Flanders, granted vnto all things that were thus required.

Then after that the earle of Surrie was come to the English campe, bicause William Waleis ceas­sed not in the meane time to assemble more people, line 20 the Englishmen doubting some treason, resolued to giue battell, but whilest they were in mind thus to do, the bishop of Glasco and William Douglas to a­uoid the note of disloialtie and treason, The bishop of Glasco and William Douglas. came and sub­mitted themselues: and so the bishop was commit­ted to ward within the castell of Rokesborough, and William Douglas in the castell of Berwike. It is to be noted, that euen in the verie time that the trea­tie was in hand betwixt the lord Percie and the Sco­tish capteins, the Scots of Gallowaie and other set vpon that part of the English campe, where the line 30 tr [...]s [...]e and baggage laie, which they spoiled and ran­sacked, slaieng aboue fiue hundreth persons, what of men, women and children, but the alarum being rai­sed, the Englishmen came to the rescue, and chasing the Scots, slue aboue a thousand of them, and reco­uered the most part of their owne goods, Abington. with more which they tooke from their enimies.

The archbish. of Canturbu­rie receiued into fauour.In this meane time king Edward at the feast of Lammas held a councell at London, where he recei­ued the archbishop of Canturburie againe into his line 40 fauor, restoring vnto him all his goods and lands. He appointed him and the lord Reinold Grey to haue his eldest sonne prince Edward in kéeping, till his re­turne out of Flanders. But Nicholas Triuet writeth, that the said prince Edward being appointed to re­maine at home, Nic. Triuet. Gardians ap­pointed to the kings sonne in his fathers absence. as lieutenant to his father, there were appointed vnto him as councellors, Richard bi­shop of London, William earle of Warwike, and the forenamed lord Reinold Grey, with the lord Iohn Gifford, and the lord Alane Plokenet, men of line 50 high wisedome, Earles Mar­shall and Hereford refuse to go ouer with the king into Flanders. grauitie and discretion, without ma­king mention of the archbishop of Canturburie in that place. The two earles Marshall and Hereford being commanded to attend the king into Flan­ders, refused, excusing themselues by messenger.

Sir Rafe Monthermer released.After this, the king caused sir Rafe Monthermer (whom his daughter the countesse of Glocester, in hir widowhood had taken to husband without kno­ledge of hir father) to be deliuered out of the castell of Bristow, wherein he had béene kept prisoner a cer­teine line 60 time vpon displeasure for the marriage: but now he was not onelie set at libertie, but also resto­red to his wife, and to all the lands perteining to the earledome of Glocester, appointing him to find 50 men at armes to serue in that iournie into Flan­ders. Scotishmen released. He also deliuered the earles of Cassels and Menteth, Iohn Comin, and diuers other Scotish­men, appointing them also to go with him into Flan­ders. Finallie hauing assembled his armie, ouer the which he made the lord Thomas Berklie constable, and Geffrey Ienuille marshall, The lord Berkley. A libell deli­uered to the king from [...] earles o [...] H [...] ­reford and Marshall. he went to Win­chelsey, and whilst he laie there before he tooke the sea, there was presented vnto him from the earles a wri­ting, which conteined the causes of the gréefe of all the archbishops, bishops, abbats, earles, lords, barons, and of all the communaltie, as well for summoning them to serue by an vndue meane, as also for the vn­reasonable taxes, subsidies, impositions & paiements which they dailie susteined, and namelie the impost augmented vpon the custome of wooll seemed to them verie greeuous. For whereas for euerie sacke of whole wooll there was fortie shillings paid, and for e­uerie sacke of broken wooll one marke: it was well knowne, that the wooll of England was almost in value esteemed to be woorth halfe the riches of the realme, and so the custome thereof paid, would as­cend to a fift part of all the substance of the land.

The kings answer therevnto was, The kings answer. that he could not alter any thing, without the aduise of his coun­cell, of the which part were alreadie passed ouer into Flanders, and part were at London; and therfore he required the said earles, that if they would not at­tend him in that iournie into Flanders, they would yet in his absence doo nothing that might be preiudi­ciall to the realme: for he trusted by Gods fauour to returne againe in safetie, The king [...] ouer [...] Flanders Abington. and set all things in good order. At length, about the 21 daie of August, the king tooke the sea, and landed in Flanders neere to Sluice, about the 27 day of the same moneth. He was no sooner on land, but that through old enuie and malice depending betwéene the mariners of the cinque ports, and them of Yermouth and other quar­ters, a quarell was picked, so that they fell togither, Debate [...] fighting [...] the [...] of [...] and [...] and fought on the water in such earnest sort, notwith­standing the kings commandement sent to the con­trarie, that there were 25 ships burnt and destroied of theirs of Yermouth, and other their partakers: al­so thrée of their greatest ships, part of the kings trea­sure being in one of them, were tolled foorth into the high sea, and quite conueied awaie.

The king from Sluice first went to Bruges, la. Mei [...]. and after to Gaunt, finding the countrie in euill state, by reason that the good towns were not all of one mind: for diuers of them misliked with the dooings of the earle, Lisle [...] to the [...] king. in that he had alied himselfe with the French kings aduersaries. About the beginning of Septem­ber was Li [...]le yeelded vnto the French king, and af­ter that they of Doway, Curtray, and Bruges, did likewise submit themselues to the same king. Charle [...] [...] Ualois [...] to [...] Then was Charles earle of Ualois sent to Bruges to for­tifie that towne, and to take the English nauie that laie at anchor in the hauen of Dam: but the En­glishmen hauing warning thereof, got foorth with their vessels into the sea, and so the earle of Ualois be­ing disappointed of that preie, set in hand to fortifie Bruges and Dam. But the earle of Austrich, & Ro­bert de Neuers son to earle Guy, being sent with a power of Englishmen, Flemings, and other soul­diors vnto Dam, fought with the Frenchmen, slue foure hundreth of them, besides diuers that were ta­ken, and recouered the towne. They might also haue recouered Bruges, as was thought, if the English­men and Flemings had not fallen at strife, & fought togither about diuiding of the preie.

Finallie, after this, the French king came to Bru­ges, The [...] Adul [...] [...] and when the king of England and the earle of Flanders had long looked and all in vaine for the em­peror Adulfe, who had promised to come to their aid with a great armie; for the charges and wages wher­of he had receiued great summes of monie both of the king of England, and also of the earle of Flan­ders: they concluded in the end (when they perceiued he would not come) to make some agreement with the French king: and so first was a truce taken, from the middest of October, vnto the calends of Decem­ber, and after by mediation of Charles (surnamed Claudius) king of Sicill, the same truce was prolon­ged [Page 305] as hereafter ye shall heare.

In this meane while, to wit, about the end of Au­gust, the earle of Surrey, when he saw that the Sco­tishmen would not performe promise touching the deliuerie of the pledges, and that William Waleis still mooued the people to rebellion, he assembled his armie, & with the same entring Scotland, came vn­to Striueling. Then the lord steward of Scotland, and also the earle of Lenox came vnto him, requi­ring him to staie till they might haue leasure to see if they could bring the people of Scotland vnto the line 10 kings peace. But when they could not doo it, they re­turned on the tenth day of September, promising to bring to the aid of the earle of Surrey on the mor­row after fortie horssemen, vpon the which day two friers of the order of preachers were sent vnto Wil­liam Waleis, and to the other Scotishmen lieng be­yond the hill aboue the monasterie of Scambeskin, to mooue them to the kings peace. But their answer was, that they were not come to haue peace, but to trie the matter by battell. line 20

The pride of Hugh Cres­singham.The English armie without good aduise, thorough the presumptuous pride of the lord Hugh Cressing­ham, preased to the bridge, and hasting to passe the same, the Scotishmen came vpon them yer the one halfe could get ouer, and so fiercelie assailed them, that the Englishmen were beaten backe and slaine downe. The Scots assaile the Englishmen. For the Scots, after they saw so manie of the Englishmen to haue passed the bridge, as they thought themselues able to distresse, they made downe to the bridge foot, Abington. and with a number of their line 30 spearemen on foot, closed it vp, that no more should come ouer to the aid of their fellowes, nor those that were alreadie passed, should returne againe: yet one sir Marmaduke Thweng a right valiant knight, The valiancie of sir Mar­maduke Thweng. which was one of the first among the men of armes that came ouer, after that he and his companie had driuen downe one wing of their aduersaries, & had followed them in chase a good waie, as purposing to haue gotten the conquest against them, at length per­ceiuing the companie behind distressed by the Scots, line 40 he returned with those few that were about him, and purposing to repasse the bridge, rushed in among the Scots that stood before him with such violence, that he passed thorough them, making waie for himselfe and his folks by great manhood, sauing one of his nephues also which was set on foot & wounded, after his horsse had béene killed vnder him.

At length the discomfiture was such, and the Scots preassed so earnestlie to win the bridge also of those Englishmen, The English­men discomfi­ted. which were not yet passed, that at line 50 length the earle of Surrey commanded to breake that end of the bridge, where they stood at defense to keepe backe the Scots, for else had there few of the Englishmen escaped. There were slaine (as some haue written) to the number of six thousand men, and amongst other was slaine sir Hugh Cressingham, whose skin (as hath béene reported) the Scots stripped off his dead carcasse, for the malice which they bare toward him. This discomfiture chanced on the 11 day of September. The earle of Surrey, leauing in line 60 the castell of Striueling the said sir Marmaduke Thweng, The earle of Surrey re­turneth in hast to Ber­wike. promised him to come to his aid at all times when néed should be, within ten weekes space, and herewith taking his horsse, rode in such hast to Berwike, that after his comming thither, his stéed being set vp in the stable of the friers minors, neuer after tasted meat, but died: after this, the said earle making no long aboad in Berwike, rode vp to Lon­don vnto prince Edward, and left the towne of Ber­wike as a preie to the Scotishmen: but those yet that had the castell in kéeping, defended it manfullie against the Scots, The Scots enter Ber­wike. the which assembled togither in campe vnder the leading of Alexander earle of Mur­rey: and their capteine William Waleis came to Berwike, and finding the towne void of all defense, The castell holdeth tacke against them. entred it, but they could not win the castell by any meanes.

The Northumberland men conueied their wiues, their children, their cattell, & other goods, which might be remoued, out of the countrie for feare of the eni­mies inuasion: but when the Scots lingered time, The Scots inuade Nor­thumberland, and spoile the countrie. and entred not within the English borders for a sea­son, they brought their goods againe, in hope that the Scots would not come foorth of their owne marches at that time. But the Scots hauing aduertisement thereof, about the feast of S. Luke entred the En­glish borders, and did much hurt within the countrie of Northumberland, so that to auoid the danger, all the religious men fled out of the monasteries situat betwixt Newcastell vpon Tine, and Carleill. The Scots spoiled, harried, and burnt vp the countrie, till the feast of saint Martine, and in the oactues of the same feast they drew togither, and went towards Carleill, which towne they summoned, as you shall heare.

They sent a preest to them that kept it, comman­ding them to yéeld: but receiuing a froward answer, they fell to and wasted all that countrie, passing tho­rough the forrest of Inglewood, Cumberland, The forest of Inglewood. and Al­lerdale, till they came vnto Derwent and Coker­mouth, not sparing either church nor chappell. Their meaning was to haue gone into the bishoprike of Durham, but what through sore weather of haile, snow and frost, & what through vaine feare of wrong information giuen by their spials, that the countrie was well prouided of men of warre for defense, they brake off that iournie, and yet there were not past a hundred men of armes, and thrée thousand footmen in that countrie, which were then also dispersed tho­rough irksomenesse of long staieng for the enimies. The Scots therefore drew vnto Hexham, and there lodged, not without vexing the canons, although they had granted letters of protection vnto the prior and couent of the same house, to indure for one whole yeare: and likewise letters of safe conduct to passe and repasse for one canon, one squire, and two ser­uants, when soeuer they should send to them, during that terme: which letters were giuen foorth vnder the name of the said earle of Murrey, and William Waleis. The towne of Riton burnt. Anno Reg. 26. From thence they went towards Newca­stell, and burnt the towne of Riton. Finallie, percei­uing they could not preuaile in attempting to win the towne of Newcastell, The Scots returne home. they diuided their spoiles and returned home.

About the same time, to wit, a little before Christ­masse, the lord Robert Clifford, The lord Clifford inuadeth Annandale. with the power of the citie of Carleill, entred Annandale, committing all to the spoile of the footmen, of whome there was a great number. The men of armes on horsbacke, be­ing not past an hundred in all, kept togither, and fin­ding their enimies assembled néere to Annankirke, Annankirke. gaue a charge vpon them, and chased them into a marish, within the which they kept them, till the foot­men came in, and assailing them, slue 308 persons, Scots slaine. and tooke diuerse of them prisoners, and returning a­gaine to their market, burnt ten villages, and on Christmasse euen returned with their preie and boo­ties vnto Carleill. year 1298 In the beginning of Lent they made an other rode, Annankirke burnt. in the which they burnt the church of Annan.

Whilest these things were in hand, prince Edward the kings eldest son, and other, which had the rule of the realme in the kings absence, sought meanes to pacifie the earles Marshall and Hereford: N Triuet, The froward dealing of the erles of Here­ford & Mar­shall. but they would not agrée, but vpon such conditions as pleased themselues to prescribe, which were, that the king should confirme the ggeat charter, and the charter of [Page 306] forrests, with certeine new articles to be included in the same great charter, and that from thenceforth the king should not charge his subiects so fréelie at his pleasure as before time he had doone, without consent of the states of parlement, and that he should pardon his displeasure and malice conceiued against them for denieng to go with him into Flanders. Manie other articles they would that the king should grant, confirme, pardon and establish. The which were all sent ouer into Flanders to the king, that he might line 10 peruse them, and declare whether he would agree or disagrée to the same. He as one being driuen to the wall, thought good to yeeld vnto the malice and iniqui­tie of the time, to reconcile the offended minds of the péeres and barons of his realme, and granted vnto all the said articles, confirming the same with his charter vnder his great seale. Abington. A subsidie granted. In consideration wher­of, the nobles of the realme and commons granted to the king the ninth penie of all their goods: the arch­bishop of Canturburie, with the cleargie of his pro­uince, line 20 the tenth penie; and the elect of Yorke and those of his prouince, granted the fift penie; towards the maintenance of the war against the Scots, bicause they were next vnto the danger.

The king also by his speciall letters required the nobles of the realme, that if they continued in their due obedience to him, as they promised at his depar­ture out of the realme to doo, that then they should re­sort and appeare at his parlement, A parlement at Yorke. to begin at Yorke the morrow after the feast of saint Hilarie, without line 30 all excuse or delaie: for otherwise he would accompt them as enimies to the commonwelth of the realme. At which day appeared the earles of Warren and Glocester, with the countesse of Glocester his wife daughter to the king, the earles Marshall, Hereford, and Arundell, Guie sonne to the earle of Warwike in his fathers roome: and of barons, the lord Henrie Percie, the lord Iohn Wake, and the lord Iohn Se­graue, with manie of the nobilitie, the which being assembled togither, would that it should to all men be line 40 notified, in what manner the king had confirmed the great charter, and the charter of forrests: wherevpon the same being read with the articles therevnto ad­ded, Magna charta. and put in, the bishop of Carleill, adorned in pon­tificalibus, did pronounce all them accurssed, that went about to violate and breake the same. And bi­cause the Scotish lords appeared not, being summo­ned to be there, it was decreed that the armie should come togither at Newcastell vpon Tine, in the oc­taues of the feast of saint Hilarie next insuing, so line 50 that the generall musters might then and there be taken.

The king laie the most part of this winter at Gant, Debate be­twixt y e kings men and the Gantners. in the which meane time there chanced sedition betwéene th' Englishmen & the Gantners, insomuch that the Welshmen had set fire on the towne, if the king had not staied the matter. But the Flemish writers saie, the Englishmen set fire in foure parts of the towne indéed, that they might the more frée­lie haue robbed in other parts thereof, whilest the line 60 townesmen had gone about to quench the fire. But the townesmen bent on reuenge, assembled togither in great numbers, and falling on the Englishmen slue thirtie of their horssemen, and of their footmen to the number of seuen hundred, or thereabouts. They had also slaine the king, if a knight of Flanders had not made shift to saue him. ¶ In déed (as should ap­peare by the same writers) the English footmen had doone much hurt in the countrie, and namelie one day they spoiled the towne of Dam, and slue two hundred worthie personages, who had yéelded them­selues to the king at his first comming into the coun­trie.

And although the king caused certeine of those that had doone this outrage to be hanged: yet the Fle­mings bare this & other iniuries in their minds, & meant to be reuenged thereof, before the English­men departed out of their countrie, and therefore there drew out of sundrie parts into the citie of Gant by small companies, to the number of foure thou­sand men of armes, besides a great multitude of footmen, and when they perceiued themselues strong inough (as they tooke the matter) at the day amongst them appointed, and considered in their minds, that

—vnita potentior est vis
Quaelibet, at partes in plures secta peribit,

they clustred togither, and vnder the leading of the earles sonnes, William and Robert, they did first set vpon the Englishmen that were in their lodgings, The [...] ­mings set [...] the Eng­lishmen in their lodg­ings. of whom they slue diuerse, and after comming foorth into the streets, they ment to haue made slaughter of all the residue: but by the noise that was raised, the king had warning in what state the matter stood, and therewith getting him to armour, came foorth of his lodging, and streightwaies his people flocked a­bout him. And furthermore, the footmen which were lodged in the suburbes, hearing of this tumult, got them to armour, & approching the gates, found them shut: but with fire which they kindled with straw, wood, butter and tallow, and other such things, they burnt vp the same gates and so got in, losing not past six persons that were slaine at the first entring.

Herewith the earle of Flanders came to the king, and besought him to staie his people from commit­ting further outrage: but the king as he had reason so to doo, blamed him for the outragious attempt of his people, and bad him go to appease them, or he would take paine with them himselfe to his owne suertie, though not greatlie to their ease. The earle went, and preuailed so much, The earle of Flanders p [...] cifieth his people. that at length he quie­ted them, and then was order giuen for restitution of such things as had béen taken from any man wrong­fullie, according to the order and direction prescribed by certeine discréet persons appointed as commissio­ners in that behalfe. The king perceiuing himselfe in some danger, and that without the fauour of the Flemings he might hardlie escape out of their coun­trie, bare manie things, and spake courteouslie, ma­king partlie amends for the harms doone by his peo­ple, as well abroad in the countries as in the towns. And finallie about Midlent he returned into Eng­land, as after ye shall heare.

In this meane time, by the kings appointment, the earle of Surrey lord warden of Scotland, Nic. Triuet. An armie a [...] ­sembled at Yorke. with other earles and noble men to him associat, about the feast of saint Hilarie, had assembled an armie at Yorke, hauing first summoned the lords of Scotland to appeare there at the same day, who yet came not, but contrarilie had besieged the castell of Rockes­borough. Wherevpon the earle of Surrey hasted thi­therwards, The Scots besiege Ro [...] ­kesborough. so that William Waleis and other of the Scotishmen which laie there at siege, raised the same, and departed from thence. The earle of Sur­rey comming to Rockesborough, and relieuing them that kept it with such things as they wanted, The earle of Surrey en­treth Scot­land. passed foorth to Kelsow, and came afterwards to the towne of Berwike, which the Scotishmen had left void. Here came letters vnto them from king Edward, signifieng that he had taken truce with the French king, and that he meant shortlie to returne into Eng­land, and therefore commanded them not to make a­ny further enterprise than the defending of the fron­tiers, and the recouerie of Berwike, till his com­ming ouer. Herevpon was a great part of the armie discharged, and such onelie remained in Berwike as might suffice for defense thereof.

King Edward hauing made an end of his busi­nesse in Flanders, K. Edward returneth homeward [...] ▪ as before ye haue heard, returned [Page 307] now towards England, and came to a towne called Ardenburge, where the most part of such Scotishmen as he had brought with him into Flanders slipped from him, and went vnto Paris. The king being re­turned into England, remooued the barons of the ex­cheker, and the iustices of the bench vnto Yorke, cal­ling a parlement thither, and gaue summons vnto the lords of Scotland to come to the same: The Scots s [...]mmoned to the parlement at Yorke, refu­sed to come. but ma­king default in their appearance, he sent foorth his commission and letters to warne his subiects to be line 10 readie with horsse and harnesse at Rockesborough in the feast of the Natiuitie of S. Iohn Baptist next in­suing. An armie rai­sed. They obeieng his commandement, assembled there at the day appointed.

There were in this armie now assembled at Roc­kesborough togither with those of the bishoprike, Abington. The number of men armed in this armie. a­bout three thousand men of armes mounted on bar­ded horsses, besides foure thousand other armed men on horssebacke without bards. There were also a great number of footmen, and yet none but such as line 20 came vpon their owne good willes, the which were almost all Welshmen or Irishmen. Welshmen and Irishmen. There came al­so afterwards fiue hundred men of armes well ap­parelled, furnished and mounted out of Gascoine, of the which a certeine number were sent to Berwike by the king: Gascoins. where after the battell fought with the Scots, they remained in garison. The earle of Here­ford, N. Triuet. and the earle Marshall were present with their retinues amongst other in this armie here assembled at Rockesborough, the which vpon suspicion concei­ued of that they had heard, thought it not sufficient line 30 to haue the kings letters patents touching the con­firmation of the two charters, The earles of Hereford and Marshall mis­trust the king. and other the articles aboue mentioned, signed by him, whilest he was out of the realme, and therefore required that he would now within his owne land confirme the same a­gaine. Here the bishop of Durham, Iohn earle of Surrie, William earle of Warwike, and Rafe erle of Glocester, vndertooke for the king, that after he had subdued his enimies, and should be againe re­turned into the realme, he should satisfie them in that line 40 behalfe, and confirme the same articles.

This doone, the king marching foorth with his ar­mie, came to Temple Histon, and sent foorth the bi­shop of Durham to take certeine castels therabouts, Castels woon by the bishop of Durham. as Orinton or (as some copies haue) Drilton, and o­ther two, which enterprise the bishop spéedilie accom­plished. The English fléet that should haue come from Berwike, and kept alongst the coast to haue furnished the armie with victuals, was staied and holden backe with contrarie winds, so that the armie line 50 began to be in great necessitie of victuals. The Sco­tishmen were aduertised hereof, and supposing that the Englishmen by reason of such want of victuals, had not béene able through féeblenesse to make anie great resistance, assembled their powers togither, and came towards the place where the king with his armie was lodged.

At the same time two of the English ships arri­ued there with victuals, the which being bestowed a­mongst line 60 the souldiors, releeued them greatlie of their hunger. Amongest other the Welshmen had two tunnes of wine deliuered to them for their share, the which they tasted so gréedilie, Abington. A fraie be­twixt the Welsh and Englishmen. that ouercome there­with they fell to quarrelling with the Englishmen, and begun a fraie, in the which they slue eightéene, and hurt diuerse. The English horssemen herewith being kindled with displeasure, got them to armor, and setting vpon the Welshmen, slue of them to the number of fourescore, and put the other to flight: wherevpon the next morning it was said that the Welshmen vpon wrath conceiued hereof meant to depart to the Scots: The English­men stand in doubt of the Welshmen. but yet when the campe remoo­ued, they followed the armie though a farre off, and a­part by themselues, insomuch that manie doubted least if the Englishmen had chanced to haue had the worsse at the Scotishmens hands, they would haue ioined▪ with them against the Englishmen. This bloo­die broile sprang of intemperancie, and surfetting drunkennesse, which is worthie to be thus disclaimed,

—animae lethum, & vitiorum
Nutrix ac scelerum, quid non m [...]rtalia cogis
Pectora? Quid per te non audent? Iurgia, litès,
Praelia [...], & ga [...]des sanguine fuso,
S [...]r [...], qu [...] bell [...] vilior? &c.

The king now hearing that the Scots were com­ming towards him, raised his [...]eld, N. Triuet. and went foorth to méet them, lodging the next [...] night in a faire plaine. In the morning verie earlie, a great alarme was raised, so that euerie man got him to armour, supposing the Scots to be at hand. The horsse appoin­ted for the kings saddle that day, as the king should haue got vpon him, frighted with some noise, started aside, and threw the king downe with such violence, that he brake two of his ribbes, as the report went. Other write, that his horsse trod on him in the night, as he and his people rested them, kéeping their hors­ses still bridled, to be readie the sooner vpon occasion of any necessitie: but howsoeuer he came by his hurt, he staied not to passe forward in his purposed iournie, but mounting vpon an other horsse, went foorth with his armie till he came to a place called Foukirke, The battell of Foukirke. where both the armies of England and Scotland met and fought.

The Scots were diuided in foure schiltrons, as they termed them, or as we may saie, round battels, Abington. The order of the Scotish battels. in forme of a circle, in the which stood their people that carried long staues or speares, which they crossed iointlie togither one within another, betwixt which schiltrons or round batels were certeine spaces left, the which were filled with their archers and bowmen, and behind all these were their horssemen placed. They had chosen a strong ground, somewhat sideling on the side of a hill. The earles Marshall, Hereford, The earles Marshall, He­reford, and Lincolne led the fore ward. & Lincolne, which led the fore ward of the English­men, at the first made directlie towards the Scots, but they were staied, by reason they found a marish, or an euill fauoured mosse betwixt their enimies and them, so that they were constreined to fetch a compasse towards the west side of the field. The bi­shop of Durham ruling in the second battell of the Englishmen, The bishop of Durham led the second ward. consisting of six and thirtie standards or banners, knowing the let of that mosse or marish to­ward the east side, hasted foorth to be the first that should giue the onset: but yet when they approched néere to the enimies, the bishop commanded his peo­ple to staie till the third battell, which the king led, might approach. But that valiant knight the lord Rafe Basset of Draiton said to him: My lord bishop, The lord Basset of Draitons words to the bishop of Durham. you may go and say masse, which better becommeth you, than to teach vs what we haue to doo, for we will doo that which belongeth to the order and custome of warre.

Herewith they hasted foorth on that side to charge the first schiltron of the Scots, and the earles with their battell on the otherside, and euen vpon the first brunt the Scotish horssemen fled, The Scotish horssemen flée. a few onelie excep­ted, which staied to kéepe the footmen in order. And a­mongst other was the brother of the lord steward of Scotland, who as he was about to set in order the bowmen of Selkirke, by chance was vnhorssed, and slaine there amongst the same bowmen, and manie a tall mans bodie with him. Their ar­chers slaine. The Scotish archers thus being slaine, the Englishmen assailed the spearemen; These Sco­tish spearemen were of Gal­lowai [...] as Eueriden saith. but keeping themselues close togither, and standing at defense with their speares like a thicke wood, they kept out the English horssemen for a while, & fought manfullie, though they were sore beaten with shot of [Page 308] arrowes by the English archers on [...] & so at length galled with shot; and assailed by the horssemen on ech side, they begun to disorder and [...] from one side to another, and herewi [...]h the horssem [...] br [...]ke in amongst them, and so they were slaine and beaten downe in maner all the whole number of them.

Some saie there died of the Scots that daie (be­ing the two & twentith of Iulie, Nic. Triuet. and the feast of Ma­rie Magdalene) aboue twentie thousand. Other write that there were slaine at the least to the number of line 10 15 thousand. Matth. West. saith fourtie thousand. Polydo [...]. N. Triuet. The Scotish writers alledge that this battell was lost by trea [...]on of the coming and other, as in the Scotish his [...]orie ye may more plainlie per­ceiue, with more [...]ter touching the same battell: after this was the towne of saint Andrews destroi­ed, The towns of S. Andrews. no man being within to make resistance. And from thence the English armie came through Sel­kirke forrest vnto the castell of Aire, which they found [...]: The castell of Aire. and after they came by the towne of Annan, and tooke the castell of Lochmaben, and so returned line 20 into England by the west marches, and came to Carleill.

Abington. Irish lords. The Ile of Araine.About the same time certeine Irish lords, and a­mongst other as chéefe, one Thomas Biset landed in the Ile of Araine, the inhabitants whereof yéelded themselues vnto the same Thomas, who (as was iud­ged) meant to haue aided the Scots: but now hea­ring of the victorie which king Edward had gotten in a pight field, he sent vnto him to giue him to vn­derstand that he was come in his aid, & had woon the said Ile of Araine, Thomas Bi­set requireth the Ile of Araine. and therfore besought him that it line 30 might please him to grant it vnto him and his heires for euer. Which request the king granted: whereof when the earles Marshall and Hereford were aduer­tised, The euill opi­nion of the earles Mar­shall & Here­ford towards the king. they thought this a rash part of the king, consi­dering that he had promised to doo nothing anew without their consents and counsell.

Therefore the king being (as ye haue heard) retur­ned to Carleill, they got licence to depart home with their people, leauing the king still at Carleill, where he remained a time, and held a parlement there, in line 40 the which he granted vnto manie of his nobles, the lands and liuings of diuers noble men of the Scots, as to the earles earledomes, The kings liberalitie to­wards his nobles. to the barons baronies; but Gallowaie and Annandale, with certeine other counties, he assigned to none, reseruing the same (as was thought) vnto the foresaid two earles, least they should thinke themselues euill dealt with, if they had no part bestowed on them amongst the residue.

The king after this went to Durham, and from line 50 thence thought to haue returned streight towards London, but hearing that the Scots meant to make some inuasion, he went to Tinmouth, and remained there till towards Christmasse. Now when the king had laine a certeine time at Tinmouth, Anno Reg. 27. he departed from thence, and drew southward, and comming to Cotingham, Cotingham. a little from Beuerlie, held his Christ­masse there, and after drew towards London, where in the beginning of Lent, year 1299 he held a parlement, at the which he was required to kéepe promise for the confir­mation line 60 of the two charters and articles concluded with the earles of Hereford and Marshall. A parlement. Abington. The king was nothing contented that this matter should be so earnestlie called vpon, for loth he was to grant their full requests; and againe to denie them, he stood in doubt how it might be taken: he therefore prolon­ged time, & would make no answer either to or fro. But when the lords vrged him so sore to giue them answer, The lords call vpon the king to per­forme promise. he got him out of the citie, not making them priuie of his departure, and when they followed him, and seemed not well contented that he should so dis­semble with them, he excused himselfe by blaming the aire of the citie to be against his health, and there­fore bare them in hand, that he onelie sought to re­fresh himselfe in some better aire in the countrie more agreeable to his nature▪ and as for answer to their requests, he willed [...] to repaire againe to the citie, and they should ha [...]e answer by hi [...] coun­cell, His answer▪ so farre as should stand with reason to content them. They returned as he willed [...], and had the charters confirmed according to their requests, sa­uing that [...] a [...]dition was put in the latter end of the same, The [...] put in the [...] ­clusion of [...] articles. [...], coronae [...] With which addition the lord [...] [...] home to their houses in [...] towards the king as before.

The co [...]cell doubting some seditious stir to arise hereof amongst the people, deliuered the charters (so sealed and [...] as they were) vnto the shiriffes of London, that the same might be read openlie before the people, The articles red in Paules churchyard. which was doone in Paules churchyard in presence of a great assemblie there, come togither and gathered for that purpose. The people (than whom the sea in ebbing and fl [...]wing is not more in­constant, nor in iudgment more rash, heddie, sudden, and vnaduised, as one saith verie well, & to purpose,

Iudicium [...]ulgi insulsum, imbecilláque mens est,
Quandoquidem inuisa est vulgo sapientia, &c.)

at the first before they heard the addition, gaue manie blessings to the king for those grants: but when they heard with what words he concluded, they cursed as fast as before they had blessed. Before this parlement was dissolued, the lords had warning to returne a­gaine shortlie after Easter, and then they had all things granted and performed as they could wish or desire. The per [...] ­bulations of forrests. The perambulations of forrestes were ap­pointed vnto three bishops, three earles, and thrée barons.

About the latter end of Iune there came ouer a bishop sent from pope Boniface as his Nuncio, A bishop sen [...] from the pope▪ and diuerse other with him, to declare the order which the pope as arbitrator indifferentlie chosen betwixt the kings of England and France, for the deciding of all controuersies depending betwixt them, had gi­uen foorth & decréed, which was in effect as followeth.

1 First that king Edward being then a wid­dower should marrie the French kings sister named Margaret, The popes decrée of peace betwixt the kings of England & France. notwithstanding the degrées of consan­guinitie, for the which the pope would dispense.

2 That the lord Edward the kings eldest sonne should at conuenient time take to wife the ladie Isa­bell the French kings daughter.

3 That the king of England should make satis­faction for the French ships which his men had taken at the beginning of the war, Nic. Triuet. and that sundrie townes in Gascoine should be put into the popes hands, till it might be vnderstood vnto whome the right appertei­ned. But those two last articles tooke small effect, the French king refusing to deliuer any of those townes which he had gotten in possession. Moreouer, these messengers in the popes behalfe required the king that he would set Iohn Balioll, The popes request for the releasing to libertie of Iohn Balioll▪ sometime king of Scotland at libertie, and restore those lands vnto his sonne Edward Balioll, which he ought to hold within the realme of England, promising and vnder­taking in the popes behalfe to preserue and saue the realme harmelesse from all hurt and damage that might insue by the deliuerie of the said Iohn Ba­lioll.

King Edward vnderstanding that there was great danger in setting him at libertie, Iohn Balioll deliuered out of prison at the popes [...] ▪ was conten­ted to deliuer him vnto the pope, but he refused to make restitution vnto Balioll of the lands which he demanded. The popes ambassadours receiuing Iohn Balioll at king Edwards hands, tooke him ouer with him into France, and there left him in the custodie of the bishop of Cambrie, Polydor. He departet [...] this life. the popes deputie in that behalfe, where shortlie after he died. After this, accor­ding [Page 309] to the couenants of agreement made betwixt the two kings of England and France, N. Triuet. the captiues vpon either part were deliuered. In the feast of the natiuitie of our Ladie, The king marieth the Frēch kings sister. the king married the ladie Margaret sister to the French king at Canturburie with great solemnitie. About the feast of S. Mar­tine in winter the king held a parlement at Yorke, meaning to haue gone from thence into Scotland, A parlement at Yorke. to haue rescued the castell of Striueling, which the Scotishmen had besieged, and had it surrendred vn­to them, yer the king could set forward to come to line 10 raise the siege. The same yeare died Henrie Ne­warke archbishop of Yorke, The deceasse of the archbi­shop of Yorke. Anno Reg. 28. 1300 and Thomas Corbridge a doctour in diuinitie succeeded him.

In the eight and twentith yeare of his reigne, in the Christmasse season king Edward set foorth a pro­clamation, forbidding and prohibiting all forren coins to be receiued and paid as sterling monie with­in his dominion, Abington. A proclamati­on for monie. commanding by the same procla­mation, that two péeces of them should go for one line 20 sterling, vntill the feast of Easter. There were di­uerse monies in those daies currant within this realme, as pollards, crocards, staldings, eagles, leonines, sléepings, and all these were white mo­nies, artificiallie made of siluer, copper, and sulphur, so that it was an ill time for base monies, & much chop­ping and changing was vsed in buieng and selling of things.

At Easter following the king vtterlie forbad that any of those monies should be currant at all, Forren mo­nies forbid­den to go as currant. and held his exchange in sundrie places, and to be rid of line 30 them, men gaue fiue or six of them for one sterling, not caring for them, bicause of their basenesse, and yet within a yeare after that men had learned the skill by proofe how to trie mettall with melted lead in the fire, they found that two péeces of those base monies were in value worth one sterling, and many became rich by the exchange, which had bought good store of them, when they were so smallie esteemed: but the king caused inquirie to be made of them that vsed such exchange without his licence, and put them to line 40 their fines.

At a parlement holden at London in Lent this yeare, the king renewed the confirmation of the charters, and made certeine new statutes concer­ning fines and goale deliueries, verie profitable to the common-wealth. About the feast of saint Iohn Baptist, Abington. The king go­eth with an armie into Scotland. king Edward went with an armie into Scotland, and there granted a truce to the Scots that inhabited the mounteine countries to indure for eleuen moneths, that is to saie, till Whitsuntide line 50 next insuing. As the king was vpon his iournie fore­wards in the north parts, his late married wife queene Margaret was deliuered of hir first sonne at Brotherton, Thomas of Brotherton borne the first of Iune. a place in Yorkeshire not farre from Pontfret; he was named Thomas, and tooke the sur­name of Brotherton, of the place where he was borne.

Moreouer pope Boniface at the sute of the Scots wrote his letters vnto king Edward, commanding him by the same and by the archbishop of Canturbu­rie, line 60 whome he appointed to deliuer the same letters by other letters to him directed, that he should not onelie release and set at libertie all such Scots as he had in prison, but also giue ouer his warres which he made against the realme of Scotland: and if he meant to make anie claime to the same, then to send his procurators vnto the court of Rome, and there to shew what euidence he could for his right thereto, where the mater (as he mainteined) was to be heard, decided, and iudged; and not elsewhere. The archbi­shop, according to the popes commandement, did the message, and presented the popes letters vnto the king, who deferred the answer vnto the assemblie of the estates in parlement, and hereof the archbishop aduertised the pope accordinglie, as in the letters to him diercted he was commanded; which he durst not but satisfie, bicause he was persuaded the popes au­thoritie to haue beene so ample and peremptorie, that there was no resisting or gainesaieng of him, sith,

Vt medijs ludunt in aquis immania coete,
Et patulo pisces quoslibet ore vorant:
Antith, Christ. & Antichrist. pag. 24.
Sic tenet imperium mortales inter, & omnes
Diripit, illicita subdit & arte du [...]es,
Omnibus insultans, sic subijcit impius orbem,
Implicat atque suo regia colla iugo.

This yeare also on saint Remigius daie, which is the first of October, Euersden. died Edmund earle of Corne­wall, the sonne of earle Richard, that was also king of Almaine; and bicause he left no issue behind him to inherit that earledome, the same returned to the crowne. In the 29 yeare of king Edwards reigne, Anno Reg. 29. Matth. Westm. Croxden. on saint Oswalds day, or (as some haue written) the friday after the feast of Peter Ad Vincula, his wife queene Margaret was deliuered of hir second sonne, that had to name Edmund of Woodstoke, year 1301 sur­named so of the place where he was borne. ¶The king also this yeare after Christmasse held a parlement at Lincolne, to the which the earls and barons of the realme came in armour, to the end (as it is said) that they might procure of the king the more speedie exe­cution of the charter of forrests, which by him had hi­therto béene delaied, but now that he perceiued their earnestnesse and importunate suit, he condescended to their willes in all things.

Pope Boniface being sollicited by the instant suit of the Scotishmen, Pope Boni­face prohibi­teth the king of England further to vex the Scots. and offended also that the lands in England, which belonged vnto Edward Balioll sonne of Iohn Balioll, were not to the same Edward restored, he eftsoones wrote to king Edward; forbid­ding him from thence foorth any further to vex the Scots by wars, bicause that the kingdome of Scot­land was surrendred alreadie into his hands by the generall consent of the Scotishmen themselues, and therefore was it in his power to bestow and take a­way the same to whom or from whom soeuer it should please him.

¶ There were reasons alledged why the king of England séemed to do wrong in challenging as then the kingdome of Scotland: and amongst other, N. Triuet. one was, that such homage as had beene doone of ancient time to the kings of England, by the kings of the Scots, was onelie meant for Tindale, Penreth, and such other lands as the Scotish kings held within England, and not for the realme of Scotland. And whereas the kings of Scotland had aided the kings of England in their warres against the rebels of the realme of England, and beene present at their co­ronation, the same was doone of speciall fauour, and not of dutie. K. Edward hauing receiued the popes prescript, and well considered the whole contents ther­of, sent in writing his answer at large, proouing by euident reasons that the right of proprietie in the kingdome of Scotland, did most iustlie apperteine vnto him, and that the allegations were not true, but forged, which had béene by surmised information presented against him.

Beside the kings letters, which he wrote in his owne behalfe, there was an other letter deuised and written by all the lords temporall of the land, assem­bled in parlement at Lincolne, in which letter they answered in name of all the estates there gathered, vnto that point wherein the pope pretended a right to be iudge for the title of the realme of Scotland, pro­testing flatlie, that they would not consent that their king should doo any thing that might tend to the dis­heriting of the right of the crowne of England, and plaine ouerthrow of the state of the same realme, and [Page 310] also hurt of the liberties, customs, and lawes of their fathers, sith it was neuer knowne, that the kings of this land had answered or ought to answer for their rights in the same realme, afore any iudge ecclesia­sticall or secular.

The tenour of the foresaid letter indited and directed to pope Boniface.

line 10

TO our most holie father in Christ, Boniface by Gods prouidence high bishop of the holie Romane and vniuersall church, his deuout sonnes Iohn earle Warren, Thomas erle of Lancaster, Rafe de Monthermer earle of Glocester and Hereford, Humfrey de Bo­hun earle of Hertford and Essex and con­stable of England, Roger Bigod earle of line 20 Norfolke, and mareschall of England, Guie earle of Warwike, Richard earle of Arundell, Adomare de Ualence lord of Monterney, Henrie de Lancaster lord of Monmouth; Iohn de Hastings lord of Bergeuennie, Henrie de Perrie lord of Topclife, Edmund de Mortimer lord of Wigmor, Robert Fitz Walter lord of Wodham, Iohn de S. Iohn lord of Han­nake, line 30 Hugh de Ueer lord of Swanestampe, William de Breuse lord of Gower, Robert de Monthault lord of Hawarden, Robert de Tateshall lord of Wokeham, Reignold de Grey lord of Ruthin, Henrie de Grey lord of Coduore, Hugh Bardolfe lord of Wormegaie, Robert de Clifford chatel­laine of Appelbie, Peter de Malowe lord of Mulgreene, Philip lord of Kime, Robert Fitz Roger lord of Clauerings, Iohn de line 40 Mohun lord of Dunester, Almerike de S. Amound lord of Widehaie, William de Ferrers lord of Grobie, Alane de Zouche lord of Ashbie, Theobald de Uerdon lord of Webbeley, Thomas de Furniuall lord of Schefield, Thomas de Multon lord of Egremont, William Latimer lord of Tor­bie, Thomas lord Berkley, Foulke Fitz Warren lord of Mitingham, Iohn lord line 50 Segraue, Edmund de Eincourt lord of Thurgerton, Peter Corbet lord of Caus, William de Cantelowe lord of Rauens­thorpe, Iohn de Beauchampe lord of Hac­che, Roger de Mortimer lord of Penketh­lin, Iohn Fitz Reignold lord of Blenleueny Rafe de Neuill lord of Rabie, Brian Fitz Alane lord of Bedale, William Marshall lord of Hengham, Walter lord Hunter­combe, line 60 William Martin lord of Cameis, Henrie de Thies lord of Chilton, Roger le Ware lord of Isefield, Iohn de Riuers lord of Augre. Iohn de Lancaster lord of Grise­dale, Robert Fitz Paine lord of Lainnier, Henrie Tregoz lord of Garinges, Robert Hipard lord of Lomford, Walter lord Fan­comberge, Roger le Strange lord of Elles­mer, Iohn le Strange lord of Cnokin, Thomas de Chances lord of Norton, Walter de Beauchampe lord of Alecester, Richard Talbot lord of Eccleswell, Iohn Butetourt lord of Mendesham, Iohn En­gain lord of Colum, Hugh de Poinz lord of Corneualet, Adam L. of Wels, Simon L. Montacute, Iohn L. Sulle, Iohn de Mel­les or Moelles L. of Candeburie, Edmund baron Stafford, Hastings I take it. Iohn Louell lord of Hack­ings, Edmund de N. lord of Elchimhono­kes, Rafe Fitz William L. of Grimthorpe, Robert de Scales lord of Neusels, Willi­am Tuchet lord of Lewenhales, Iohn A­badan lord of Deuerston, Iohn de Haue­rings lord of Grafton, Robert la Ward lord of Whitehall, Nicholas de Segraue lord of Stow, Walter de Tey L. of Ston­graue, Iohn de Lisle lord of Wodton, Eu­stace lord Hacche, Gilbert Peche L. of Cor­bie, William Painell lord Trachington, Rog. de Albo monasterio, Whitemins [...] I thinke. Foulke le Strange lord of Corsham, Henrie de Pinkenie lord of Wedon, Iohn de Hodeleston lord of A­neis, Iohn de Huntingfield lord of Bra­denham, Hugh Fitz Henrie lord of Raue­neswath, Iohn Daleton lord of Sporle, Nicholas de Carrie lord of Mulesford, Thus far [...] of M Par­kins of the in­ner temple. Thomas lord de la Roche, Wal. de Mun­cie lord of Thornton, Iohn Fitz Marma­duke lord of Horden, Iohn lord of Kingston, Robert Hastings the father lord of Che­bessey, Rafe lord Grendon, William lord of Leiborne, Iohn de Greistocke lord of Morpath, Matthew Fitz Iohn lord of Stokenham, Nicholas de Neuell lord of Wherlton, and Iohn Painell lord of Ateli, with all humble submission.

The holie mother church, Out of mai­ster Fox. pag. 427. by whose mi­nisterie the catholike see is gouerned, in hir deeds (as we throughlie beleeue and hold) proceedeth with that ripenesse in iudge­ment, that she will be hurtfull to none, but like a mother would euerie mans right be kept vnbroken, aswell in another, as in hir selfe. Whereas therfore in a generall par­lement called at Lincolne of late, by our most dread lord Edward by the grace of God the noble king of England; the same our lord caused certeine letters receiued from you to be read openlie, and to be decla­red seriousl [...]e afore vs, about certeine busi­nesse touching the condition and state of the realme of Scotland: we did not a lit­tle muse and maruell with our selues, hea­ring the meanings concerning the same, so wondrous and strange as the like we haue not heard at any time before. For we know most holie father, and it is well knowne as­well within this realme of England (as al­so not vnknowne to other persons besides) that from the first beginning of the realme of England, the certeine and direct gouern­ment of the realme of Scotland in all tem­porall causes from time to time belonged to the kings of the same relme of England and relme of Scotland, aswell in the times both of the Britains as also Englishmen, yea rather the same realme of Scotland of old time was in fee to the ancestours of our foresaid lords kings of England, yea and to himselfe.

Furthermore, the kings of Scots and the realme haue not beene vnder any other [Page 311] than the kings of England, and the kings of England haue answered or ought to an­swer for their rights in the foresaid relme, or for anie his temporalities before anie iudge ecclesiasticall or secular, by reason of free preheminence of the state of his roiall dignitie and custome kept without breach at all times. Wherefore, after treatie had, and diligent deliberation of the contents in your foresaid letters, this was the com­mon line 10 agreement & consent with one mind, and shall be without faile in time to come by Gods grace, that our foresaid lord the king ought by no meanes to answer in iudgement in any case, or should bring his foresaid rights into doubt, nor ought not to send any proctors or messengers to your presence, speciallie seeing that the premis­ses tend manifestlie to the disheriting of line 20 the right of the crowne of England, and the plaine ouerthrowe of the state of the said realme, and also hurt of the liberties, customes and lawes of our fathers, for the keeping & defense of which we are bound by the duetie of the oth made, and we will mainteine them with all power, and will defend them (by Gods helpe) with all strength; and furthermore, will not suffer our foresaid lord the king to doo or by anie line 30 means attempt the premisses being so vn­accustomed, vnwont, and not hard of afore. Wherefore we reuerentlie and humblie beseech your holinesse, that yee would suffer the same our lord king of England (who a­mong other princes of the world sheweth himselfe catholike and deuout to the Ro­mish church) quietlie to inioy his rights, liberties, customes, and lawes aforesaid: line 40 without all impairing and trouble, and let them continue vntouched. In witnesse whereof, we haue set our seales to these presents, as well for vs, as for the whole communaltie of the foresaid relme of Eng­land. Dated at Lincolne the twelfth of Fe­bruarie, in the yeare of our Lord 1301, Et anno Edwardi primi 29.

The pope when he heard and deliberatelie ponde­red line 50 the kings answer, with this letter directed to him from the English barons, waxed cold in the matter, The K. goeth to Scotland. and followed it no further. The truce be­twixt the king and the Scots being once expired, the king assembled his armie, and went into Scotland, about the feast of saint Iohn Baptist, and tarieng there all the summer and winter following, his soul­diers lost manie of their great horsses for lacke of forrage, which could not be gotten in the cold winter season. Anno. Reg. 30 1302 He kept his Christmas at Lithquo, and at line 60 length at the request and sute of his brother in law the French king, I truce gran­ted to the Scots. he granted eftsoones a truce to the Scotishmen, vntill the feast of All saints next in­suing.

The king re­turneth into England.Then hauing ordered his businesse for that time in Scotland, he returned into England, and about midlent called a parlement at London. Also this yéere pope Boniface vpon displeasure conceiued a­gainst the French king, The pope ex­horteth the K. of England to make war a­gainst Frāce. sent vnto king Edward, exhorting him to make warres against the same French king, and to persuade him the more easilie therevnto, he promised him great aid: but the king of England hauing prooued the said pope, not the surest man in friendship towards him, forbare to attempt anie forceable exploit against the French king, trusting by some other meanes to recouer his right.

This yeere Humfrey Bohun earle of Hereford departed out of this life, The deceasse of the earle of Hereford. after whome succeeded his sonne Humfrey, who afterwards maried the kings daughter, Elizabeth countesse of Holland, after that hir first husband was dead. Tournies, Re. Tur. Tournies prohibited. iustes, barri­ers, and other warlike exercises, which yoong lords and gentlemen had appointed to exercise for their pa­stime in diuerse parts of the realme, were forbidden by the kings proclamations sent downe to be pub­lished by the shirifs in euerie countie abroad in the realme: the teste of the writ was from Westmin­ster the sixteenth of Iulie. ¶ The citizens of Bur­deaux could not beare the yoke of the French bon­dage, and therefore this yéere about Christmasse ex­pelled them out of their citie. ¶ Shortlie after the French king doubting least the king of England, by the setting on of the pope, should make warres a­gainst him for wrongfull deteining of Gascoine, to purchase his fauor, Townes re­stored to the k. in Gascoine. restored to him all that which he held in Gascoine, and so then they of Burdeaux also submitted themselues to the king of England of their owne accord.

Now after that the truce with the Scots was expired, which tooke end at the feast of All saints last past, the king sent the lord Iohn Segraue, Polydor. The lord Se­graue sēt with an armie into Scotland. a right valiant knight (but not so circumspect in his gouern­ment as was necessarie) with a great armie into Scotland, to haue the rule of the land as lord war­den of the same: with him was ioined also Rafe Confreie, treasurer of the armie. These two cap­teins comming to the borders, Abington. Polydor. and hearing that the Scotishmen alreadie were in armes, they entered into Scotland, and in order of battell passed foorth to Edenburgh, and hearing nothing of their eni­mies which kept them still in the mounteins, they de­uided their armie into three seuerall battels, two of the which came behind the fore ward vnder the lea­ding of the said Rafe Confreie, the third (that is to say) the fore ward, the lord Segraue led himselfe, in such order that there was the distance of foure miles betwixt their lodgings. This they did to be the more plentiouslie serued of vittels.

But the Scots vnderstanding this order of their enimies, became the more hardie, and therevpon ha­uing knowledge where the lord Segraue was lod­ged with his companie, a good way off from the other two parts of the armie, they hasted forwards in the night season, and came néere vnto the place where the same lord Segraue was incamped, a little before daie, making themselues readie to assaile the En­glishmen in their campe. But the lord Segraue hauing knowlege of their comming, though he was counselled by some of them that were about him, ei­ther to withdraw vnto the other battels, or else to send vnto them to come to his aid, he would follow neither of both the waies; but like a capteine more hardie than wise in this point, disposed his compa­nies which he had there in order to fight, and incoura­ging them to plaie the men, immediatlie vpon the rising of the sunne, and that his enimies approched, he caused the trumpets to sound to the battell, and gaue therewith the ouset.

The fight was sore and doubtfull for a while, till the Englishmen ouercome with the multitude of their enimies began to be slaine on ech side, so that few es­caped by flight. To the number of twentie worthie knights were taken, The English men vanqui­shed by the Scots. with their capteine the said lord Segraue being sore wounded, but he was by chance rescued and deliuered out of the enimies hands, by certeine horssemen, which vnder the leading of the [Page 312] lord Robert Neuell a right valiant knight (vpon hearing the noise of them that fled) came on the spurs out of the next campe to the succour of their fellowes. Abington. Rafe Cōfreie was slaine at this incoun­ter, as Abing­ton saith. Rafe Confreie after this mishap (as Polydor saith) brought backe the residue of the armie into Eng­land, not thinking it necessarie to attempt any fur­ther enterprise at that time against the enimies, ouer­matching him both in strength and number. This in­counter chanced on the first sundaie in Lent. ¶I re­member the Scotish chronicles conteine much more line 10 of this enterprise greatlie to their glorie, and more (haplie) than is true, as by conferring the place where they intreat of it, with this that I haue here exem­plified out of our writers it may well appeare. The earle Marshall hauing spent largelie whilest he stood in contention against the king, who was now ear­nestlie called vpon to repaie such summes of monie as he had borowed of his brother Iohn Bigod, N. Triuet. The earle Marshall re­signeth his lands vnto the king. who was verie rich by reason of such benefices and spiri­tuall liuings as he had in his hands, the earle bicause line 20 he had no children, to whom he might leaue his lands, meant to haue left them vnto his said brother: but when he saw him so importunate in calling for the debts which he owght him; he tooke such displeasure therewith, that to obteine the kings fauour, and to disappoint his brother of the inheritance, he gaue vnto the king all his possessions, vpon conditi­on that the king adding thereto other lands in value woorth a thousand markes by yeare, should restore them to him againe to inioy during his life, the re­mainder line 30 after his deceasse to come vnto the king, and further, the king should paie and discharge him of all his debts.

King Edward being aduertised of the losse which his men had susteined in Scotland, A subsidie. streightwaies called a parlement, wherein by assent of the states a subsidie was granted, towards the maintenance of his warres, and then the same being leuied he assem­bled his people, The king go­eth in person into Scot­land. and shortlie after about Whitsuntide entred into Scotland to reuenge the death of his line 40 men. The Scots hearing of the kings comming, fled into the mounteins, mosses, and marish grounds, not once shewing any countenance to fight any set battell with the English host, so that the king in maner without resistance passed through the coun­trie euen vnto Cathnes, Cathnes. which is the furthest part of all Scotland. Manie of the Scots perceiuing their lacke of power to resist the English puissance, came to king Edward, The Scots submit them­selues to the king. and submitted themselues, with condition that they should inioy their lands which he line 50 had giuen awaie to his lords, they redéeming the same with conuenient fines, which was granted.

Abington. William Wa­leis.But Will. Waleis with certeine other, kéeping themselues in places where no armie could come to pursue them, would neuer giue eare to any conditi­ons of agreement: Polydor. Hect. Boetius. Ia. Meir. so that neither with feare, neither with offer of rewards could this Waleis be induced to follow or behold the English K. ruling the realme of Scotland. King Edward returning backe, came to the castell of Striueling (which the Scotishmen line 60 held against him) and besieged it. Anno Reg. 32. Striueling castell besie­ged. Abington. The king himselfe laie at Dunfersing the most part of the winter: and whilest he laie there, the queene which had lien a long time at Tinmouth came to him, and when the win­ter was once past, 1 [...]04 the king himselfe came to the siege, Engins to cast stones. and caused certeine engins of wood to be raised vp against the castell, which shot off stones of two or thrée hundred weight: but yet would not they with­in once talke of any surrender. And where the En­glishmen filled the ditches with wood and boughs of trées, they set the same on fire, and burnt them to ashes: at length the ditches were filled with stones and earth, so that then the Scots within perceiuing themselues in euident perill to loose the castell, on saint Margarets daie they yéelded themselues sim­plie into the kings hands, as the English writers af­firme, though the Scotish writers record the con­trarie.

Finallie, when the king had ordered all his busi­nesse in Scotland at his pleasure, he returned into England, leauing in Scotland for warden the lord Iohn Segraue, Polydor. or (as other writers haue) sir Aimer de Ualence earle of Penbroke. Tho. Wals. The earle of Penbroke lord Warde [...] of Scotland. N. Triuet. Polydor. At his comming to Yorke he caused the iustices of his bench, and the ba­rons of the excheker to remoue with their courts, and all their clearks and officers, togither with the lord chancellor and his court to London, that the termes might be kept there, as in times past they had béene, whereas now the same had remained at Yorke a­boue the space of six yeares, vpon this consideration, that the king and his councell might be néere vnto Scotland to prouide for the defense thereof, as occa­sion from time to time should require. From Yorke he came to Lincolne, and there remained all the win­ter, holding a councell, in the which he eftsoones confir­med the articles of Magna charta, touching the liber­ties, priuileges and immunities of his subiects, the which to declare their thankfull minds towards him for the same, granted to him for the space of one yéere the fifteenth part of all their reuenues. A fiftéenth granted. Others write that the king had in this yeare of citizens and of the burgesses of good townes, the sixt penie according to the valued rate of their goods.

About the same time, Thomas Colebrugh or Cor­bridge archbishop of Yorke departed this life, The decea [...] of the archbi­shop of Yorke Wil. Gréene­field made archbishop of Yorke. and one William Greenefield doctour of both the lawes suc­céeded him. ¶ There died about the same time that valiant knight the lord W. Latimer. ¶ Also Iohn Warren earle of Surrey and Sussex died this yéere & was buried at Lewes. His nephue by his son (na­med also Iohn) succéeded him, obteining to wife the kings néece by his daughter Elianor that was mar­ried to the earle of Bar, as before ye haue heard. Likewise Robert Bruce earle of Carrike, Robert Bruce earle of Carrike departeth this life. the fift of that name died this yeare, who was father to that Robert Bruce that was after K. of Scots. ¶ More­ouer, about this season the king ordeined certeine commissioners of iusticiaries, to make inquisitions through the realme, N. Triuet. Inquisitions taken of the misdemea­nors of iu­stices. Caxton. by the verdict of substantiall iu­ries vpon all officers, as maiors, shiriffes, bailiffes, exchetors, and other that had misused themselues in their offices, either by extortion, briberie, or other­wise, to the gréeuance of the people, contrarie to that they rightlie might doo and iustifie by vertue of their offices: by means of which inquisitions manie were accused and found culpable, and therevpon put to gréeuous fines. Iustices fined.

Also the iustices, which were assigned to take these inquisitions, Matth. Westm. extended the same according to their commission against such as had made intrusions in­to other mens lands, and for doubt to be impleaded for the same had made alienations ouer into the hands of great men; Intrusions punished, and other offenses against the kings peace and iustice. also against such barretors as vsed to take monie to beat any man, and againe would not sticke to take monie of him whom they had so beaten, to beat him that first hired them to beat the other. The malice of such maner people was now restreined by force of these inquisitions: for such as were found culpable, were worthilie punished, some by death, and some by ransoms: diuerse also for feare to come to their answers fled the realme: also forfeits against the crowne were streightlie looked vnto, found out, and leuied; Forfeits. by reason whereof great summes of monie came to the kings coffers, which holpe well towards the maintenance and charges of his warres. This kind of inquisition was named commonlie Traile baston, which signifieth, Traile or draw the staffe. Nic. Triuet. Traile basto [...] And forsomuch as the proceeding in [Page 313] this wise against such misdemenors as then were v­sed, brought so great a benefit to the realme in re­streining such malefactors, which greatlie (as should séeme) disquieted the state of the commonwealth, I haue thought good to set downe the substance of the same, as followeth.

An extract of the foresaid writ, as it is registred in the booke that belonged to the abbeie of Abington. line 10

REx dilectis & fidelibus suis, Radulfo fi­lio Wilhelmi, & Iohanni de Barton de Riton salutem. Quia quàm plures male­factores, & pacis nostrae perturbatores, homicidia, depraedationes, incendia, & alia damna quàm plurima nocte dié (que) perpetrantes, vagantur in boscis, parcis, & alijs locis diuersis, tam infra li­bertates quàm extra, in comitatu Eboracensi, & line 20 ibidem receptantur in maximum periculum tam hominum per partes illas transeuntium, quàm ibi­dem commorantium, in nostri contemptum, ac pa­cis nostrae laesionem manifestam, vt accepimus: per quorum incursum poterunt peiora peioribus de fa­cili euenire, nisi remedium super hoc citiùs appo­natur, nos eorum malitiae in hac parte obuiare, & huiusmodidamnis & periculis praecauere volentes, assignamus vos ad inquirendum per sacramentum tam militum quàm aliorum proborum & legalium line 30 hominum, de contemptu praedicto, tam infra liber­tates quàm extra, per quos ipsa veritas meliùs sciri poterit, qui sint illi malefactores & pacis nostrae perturbatores, & eos conduxerunt & conducunt ad verberandum, vulnerandum, malè tractandū, & interficiendum, plures de regno nostro in ferijs, mercarijs, & alijs locis in dicto comitatu, pro inimi­citia, inuidia, aut malitia. Et etiam pro eo quòd in assisis iuratis, recognitionibus, & inquisitionibus line 40 factis de felonijs positifuerant, & veritatem dixe­runt: vnde per conditionem huiusmodi malefact­orum, iuratores assisarum, iurationum, recognitio­num, & inquisitionum illarum, pro timore dicto­rum malefactorum, & eorum minarum, saepiùs ve­ritatem dicere, seu dictos malefactores indictare minimè ausifuerunt, & sunt. Et ad inquirendum de illis qui huiusmodi munera dederunt, & dant, & quantum, & quibus, & qui huiusmodi munera receperunt, & à quibus & qualiter, & quo modo, line 50 & qui huiusmodi malefactores fouent, nutriunt, & manutenent in comitatu praedicto, & ad ipsos malefactores tamper vos, quàm per vicecomitem nostrum comitatus praedicti arrestandos, & priso­nae nostrae liberandos, & saluò & securè in eadem per vicecomitem comitatus praedicti custodiendos, it a quòd ab eadem prisona nullo modo deliberen­tur, sine mandato nostro speciali. line 60

Et ideo vobis mandamus, quòd ad certos diem & locum, quos ad hoc prouideritis, inquisitiones il­las faciatis. Et assumpto vobiscum sufficienti passe comitatus praedicti, si necesse fuerit, dictos male­factores coram vobis sic indictatos, arrestetis, & ipsos prisonae nostrae liberetis, informa praedicta: & etiam omnia bona, & catalla ipsorum malefactorū qui se subtraxerint, & fugam fecerint, postquam de felonijs aliquibus coram vobis solenniter in­dictati fuerint, per vicecomitem comitatus prae­dicti, in manum nostram capiatis, & ea ad opus no­strum saluò custodire faciatis, donec aliud inde vo­bis praeceperimus. Mandamus enim vicecomiti nostro comitatus praedicti, quòd ad certos diem & locum, quos vos prouidere duxeritis, venire faciat, coram vobis tot & tales, tam milites quàm alios, quos habere decreueritis, de comitatu illo, tam in­fra libertates, quàm extra, per quos ipsa veritas meliùs sciri poterit, & inquiri. Et quod omnes il­los quos per inquisitionem culpabiles inuenire con­tigerit, & quos vos sic liberaueritis, à nobis re­cipiantur, & quorum nomina eis scire faciatis, as­sumpto secum sufficienti posse comitatus prae­dicti, sine dilatione arrestari, & in prisona nostra saluò & securè custodire faciat in forma prae­dicta, & communitati dicti comitatus, quod si­mul cum vicecomite praedicto, vobis quotien­scún (que) opus fuerit in praemissis pareat, assistat, & intendat, prout eis iniungetis ex parte nostra. In cuius reitestimonium, &c. ¶ Heerevnto were annexed certeine articles by way of instructi­ons, of what points they should inquire, as part­lie aboue is noted out of the addition to Mat­thew West. but not so fullie, as in the said chro­nicle of Abington is found expressed, and heere for breefenesse omitted.

In the three and thirtith yeare of his reigne, Anno Reg. 33. 1305 king Edward put his sonne prince Edward in prison, bi­cause that he had riotouslie broken the parke of Walter Langton bishop of Chester; Prince Ed­ward cōmit­ted to ward. Caxton. Fabian. and bicause the prince had doone this déed by the procurement of a lewd and wanton person, one Péers Gauaston, an esquire of Gascoine, the king banished him the realme, least the prince, who delighted much in his companie, might by his euill and wanton counsell fall to euill and naughtie rule. Moreouer, William Wa­leis taken & put to death. Rich. South. the same yeare, William Waleis was taken, and deliuered vnto king Edward, who caused him to be brought to London, where on S. Bartholmewes euen, he was conueied through the streets vnto Westminster, and there arreigned of hie treason, and condemned, and therevpon hanged, drawne and quartered, his head was set ouer London bridge, his right side ouer the bridge at Newcastell vpon Tine, his left side was sent to Berwike and there set vp, his right leg was sent to S. Iohns towne, and his left vnto Aberden, in which places the same were set vp for an example of terror to others.

Also, about the same time, the king of France re­quired the king of England by messengers and let­ters sent vnto him, N. Triuet. that he would banish all the Fle­mings out of his realme, in like manner as at his instance he had latelie before banished all the Sco­tishmen out of France. Flemings banished the land, at con­templation of the king of France. Abington. The archbi­shop of Can­turburie accu­sed by the K. Nic. Triuet. He is suspended. The king of England was contented so to doo, and by that means were all the Flemings auoided out of this land at that season, but shortlie after, they returned againe. King Edward accused Robert archbishop of Canturburie vnto the pope, for that he should go about to trouble the quiet state of the realme, and to defend and succour rebel­lious persons, wherevpon the said archbishop being cited to the popes consistorie, was suspended from executing his office, till he should purge himselfe by order of law, of such crimes as were laid and obiected against him. The king also obteined an absolution of the pope, of the oth which against his will he had ta­ken, for the obseruing of the liberties exacted by force of him, by the earls and barons of his realme, name­lie, touching disforrestings to be made.

This yeare, Robert Bruce, Anno Reg. 34. 1306 contriuing waies how to make himselfe king of Scotland, the nine & twen­tith day of Ianuarie, Iohn lord Comin slaine by Robert Bruce. slue the lord Iohn Comin at Dunfrice, whilest the kings iustices were sitting in iudgement within the castell there, and vpon the day [Page 314] of the Annunciation of our ladie, caused himselfe to be crowned king of Scotland at Scone, where the countesse of Boughan, that was secretlie departed from hir husband the earle of Boughan, and had ta­ken with hir all his great horsses, The countesse of Boughan set the crowne on Robert Bruce his head. was readie to set the crowne vpon R. Bruces head, in absence of hir brother the earle of Fife, to whom (being in England) soiourning at his manor of Whitwike in Leicester­shire, that office of right apperteined. This countesse being afterwards taken the same yeare by the Eng­lishmen, She is taken. where other would haue had hir put to death, line 10 the king would not grant thervnto, but commanded that she should be put in a cage made of wood, Hir punish­ment. which was set vpon the walles of the castell of Berwike, that all such as passed by might behold hir; too slender a punishment for so great an offense. But the king counted it no honour to be seuere against that sex whom nature tendereth, though malefactors, and ther­fore was content with a mild correction tending ra­ther to some shame than smart, to recompense hir of­fense, line 20 whereby she procured against hir selfe no lesse reproch than she susteined, agréeable to the old saieng. ‘Saepe suum proprium fecit puer ipse flagellum’

There were present at his coronation foure bi­shops, fiue earles, and a great multitude of people of the land. Immediatlie vpon the newes brought to the king of Bruces coronation, An armie sent into Scot­land. he sent foorth a power of men, vnder the conduct of the earle of Penbroke, and of the lord Henrie Percie, the lord Robert Clifford, and others, to resist the attempts of the Scots, now readie to worke some mischéefe, through line 30 the incouragement of the new king. Edward prince of Wales was made knight this yeare at London upon Witsundaie, Prince Ed­ward made knight. Thrée hun­dred saith Matth. West. & a great number of other yoong bachelers with him (297 as Abington writeth) the which were sent streightwaies with the said prince towards Scotland, to ioine with the earle of Pen­broke, to resist the attempts of the new king Robert le Bruce and his complices. Prince Ed­ward sent into Scotland. King Edward himselfe followed. The generall assemblie of the armie was appointed at Carleill, fiftéene daies after the Nati­uitie line 40 of saint Iohn Baptist, from thence to march foorth vnder the guiding of the prince into Scotland.

In the meane time, Robert le Bruce went abroad in the countries of Scotland, Robert Bruce. receiued the homages of manie Scotishmen, and got togither an armie of men, with the which he approched néere to saint Iohns towne, Abington. into the which the earle of Penbroke was a little before entred to defend it, with thrée hundred men of armes, beside footmen. Then R. Bruce sent to the earle to come out and giue battell, the earle sent line 50 vnto him word againe, that he would not fight that daie being sundaie, It was the next sundaie after midsum­mer daie. but vpon the next morow he would satisfie his request. Robert Bruce herevpon withdrew a mile backe from the towne, determining to rest himselfe and his people that night. About eue­ning tide came the earle foorth of the towne with his people in order of battell, Rob. Bruce out to flight by the earle of Penbroke. and assailing his eni­mies vpon a sudden, slue diuerse yer they could get their armour on their backs. Robert Bruce and o­thers line 60 that had some space to arme themselues made some resistance for a while, but at length the Eng­lishmen put them to the worse, so that they were con­streined to flee.

Rob. Bruce fled into Ken­tire.The earle following the chase, pursued them euen into Kentire, not resting till he vnderstood that a great number of them were gotten into a castell, which he besieged, in hope to haue found Robert Bruce within it, but he was fled further into the countrie. Howbeit, his wife and his brother Nigell or Neall, His wife and brother are taken. The earle of Itholl taken. Fabian. with diuerse other were taken in this ca­stell, and sent in safetie vnto Berwike. Also shortlie after, the earle of Atholl was taken, being fled out of the same castell. ¶ But some write, that this earle was taken in the battell last remembred, after long fight and great slaughter of Scots, to the number of seuen thousand, and also that in the chase, the lord Si­mon de Friseill was taken, with the bishops of saint Andrews and Glasco, the abbat of Scone, and the said earle of Atholl, named sir Iohn Chambres. The bishops and abbat, Nic. Triuet. Matth. West. king Edward sent vnto pope In­nocent, with report of their periurie: but others write, that the foresaid bishops and abbat being ta­ken indéed the same yeare, were brought into Eng­land, and there kept as prisoners within sunbrie ca­stels.

The wife of Robert le Bruce being daughter to the earle of Ulster, was sent vnto the manour of Brustwike, and there honorablie vsed, hauing a con­uenient number of seruants appointed to wait on hir. The earle of Ulster hir father, Bruces [...] whose daugh­ter she was. in the beginning of these last wars, sent vnto king Edward two of his owne sonnes to remaine with him, in such wise as he should thinke conuenient, to assure himselfe of him, that he would attempt nothing against the English subiects. Also it was said, that the ladie hir selfe, the same daie hir husband and she should be crowned, said, The saieng of Robert Bruces wi [...]e. that she feared they should proue but as a sum­mer king and quéene, such as in countrie townes the yoong folks choose for sport to danse about maipoles. For these causes was she the more courteouslie vsed at the kings hands, as reason no lesse required.

It should appeare by Robert Fabian, that the king was present himselfe at this battell: but other af­firme, Polydor. that prince Edward was there as generall and not his father, and that the battell was fought at Dunchell vpon the riuer of Tay. But neither the Scotish chronicles nor Nicholas Triuet (whom in the historie of this king Edward the first, we haue most followed) make any mention, Nic. Triuet that either the king or prince should be at the foresaid battell, but that the earle of Penbroke with Robert lord Clifford, and Henrie lord Percie were sent before (as ye haue al­readie heard) with an armie, by whome as appeareth this victorie was obteined, at a place called Methfen. Matth. West. Methfen. The castell of Lochdore taken, and Christopher Seiton with­in it. Nic Triuet. He is execu­ted. After this was the castell of Lochdore taken, and within it Christopher Seiton, that had married the si­ster of Robert le Bruce; and bicause he was no Scot but an Englishman borne, the king commanded that he should be led vnto Dunfrise, where he had kil­led one of the kings knights, and there to be hanged, drawen and quartered.

The wife of this Christopher Seiton, he appointed to be kept in the monasterie of Thixell in Lindsey; and the daughter of Robert le Bruce, which was also taken about the same time, was sent to the monaste­rie of Waiton. Moreouer, His lands giuen awaie by the king. the manour of Seiton in Whitebestroud he gaue vnto the lord Edmund de Mauley, and those other lands that belonged vnto the said Christopher Seiton in Northumberland he gaue vnto the lord William Latimer. The lands [...] Rob. Bruce giuen awaie. The earle of Hereford. The lands that belonged to the new Scotish king he bestowed in this wise, to Henrie Bohun earle of Hereford, which had married one of king Edwards daughters, he gaue the lordships of Annandale; Hert & Hertnes he gaue vnto the lord Robert Clifford, Lord Clifford sauing al­waies the right yet that belonged to the church of Durham, Totenham, and Totenhamshire; and the maner of Wrothell in the south parts he gaue to o­ther noble men; and the earledome of Carrike which R. Bruce had holden, as by inheritance from his mother, the king gaue to the lord Henrie Percie, the earledome of Atholl he gaue to Rafe de Monther­mer earle of Glocester, The lord [...] Percie. Rafe de Mōther [...]. who had also married (as be­fore yee haue heard) an other of the kings daughters, after the decesse of hir first husband Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester.

About the feast of saint Michaell, the new Scotish [Page 315] king Robert le Bruce returned foorth of the Iles (in­to the which he had fled) with manie Irishmen and Scots in his companie, and remained a certeine time in Kentire, he sent certeine of his officers, to le­uie and gather vp the rents of the fermes due at the feast of saint Martine for such lands and possessions as they held in that countrie, The L. Per­cie put to flight by the Scotish king Bruce. wherof the lord Percie being aduertised, hasted thither; but the new king comming vpon him, slue certeine of his men, tooke his horsses and plate, with other things, and droue him into a castell, within the which he besieged him, line 10 till at length by a power sent from king Edward, Bruce was constreined to depart. The king in this meane time was come to Lauercost néere to Car­leill, and there remained a long time. From thence he sent his iustices vnto Berwike, where they sate in iudgement vpon Nigell Bruce, and the other pri­soners taken with him, Nigell or Neall Bruce condemned and executed. which were condemned to die, and so they were hanged, drawen and quartered. The earle of Atholl was conueied to London, and al­though he sued for pardon in respect of that he was line 20 of kin to the king, yet was he hanged vpon a gib­bet higher than all the residue, his bodie burned vn­der the same gibbet, The earle of Atholl exe­cuted. and his head first cut off, was set vpon a pole ouer London bridge for example sake that traitors should looke for no pardon.

The elect archbishop of Yorke William Gréene­field was confirmed this yeare by pope Clement the fift, at the citie of Lions in France, where the same pope was crowned about the same time, and held his court there, liuing cheeflie by the monie which he got line 30 of bishops that came to him for their confirmations: he had of the said archbishop of Yorke within one yeare, The summes of monie which the pope had of the archbish. of Yorke. nine thousand and 500 markes, besides the ex­penses which he was at whilest he laie there, and so when this archbishop was returned into England, through pouertie he was driuen to gather monie of the persons, préests, and religious men within his prouince at two sundrie times in one yeare, as first, in name of a courtesie and gratious beneuolence, and the second time by waie of an aid. line 40

Moreouer, pope Clement ordeined Anthonie bi­shop of Durham, patriarch of Ierusalem, dispensing with him, so as he held still the bishoprike of Dur­ham, notwithstanding his other promotion; and this was, bicause the bishop was rich, and the pope poore. For this bishop might dispend in yearelie reuenues by purchases & inheritances, The great re [...]nues of Anthonie B. of Durham. besides that belonged to his miter, aboue fiue thousand marks, and he gaue great rewards to the pope, and to his cardinals, by means whereof he obteined in suit against the prior line 50 of Durham, so that he had the charge and ouersight of the monasterie of Durham, both the spirituall go­uernement and temporall, through informing the pope, that the prior was not able in discretion to rule the house. At his returning home, he caused a crosse of siluer and gilt, adorned with an image of the cruci­fix, to be borne afore him.

But where he appointed certeine persons as his deputies to enter into the priorie of Durham, and to take charge thereof in place of the prior, He is kept out of the abbeie [...] Durham. the moonks line 60 shut the gates against them, appealing to the pope, and pretending the kings protection, which they had purchased. But those that thus came in the bishops name, accursed the moonks, & so departed. The king héerewith was highlie offended, so that he caused them to answer the matter afore the iustices of his bench, and for their presumption in pronouncing the cursse, without making the king priuie to their doo­ings, [...]e is summo­ [...]ed to appéere before the K. [...] refuseth. they were put to their fines. And whereas the bishop was summoned to appeare before the king in person at a certeine daie, he made default, and de­parting out of the realme, got backe againe to the pope, contrarie to the kings prohibition: wherevpon the liberties of the see of Durham were seized into the kings hands, and the king placed his iustices and chancellor there, and in the yeare next insuing, he ex­acted of the tenants of the archbishoprike, the thir­téenth penie of their goods, and otherwise vexed them with sundrie talages.

The conclusion of this matter was this, that the prior was cited by the pope, The conclu­sion of the strife betwixt the bishop and moonks of Durham. to appeare at his consisto­rie, whither he went, hauing the kings letters in his fauour directed to the pope; wherevpon, when the pope had examined the matter, and heard the prior speake in his owne person, he perceiued him to be otherwise than he was informed (a sober and discréet man) and therefore restored him againe to the gouernment of his house; but he remained in the popes court, till after the kings death, and finallie died there himselfe in the yeare 1307. But now to returne to other doo­ings of king Edward. We find, that whilest he lay still at Lauercost, Bernards ca­stell giuen to the earle of Warwike. he gaue to the earle of Warwike Bernards castell, the which he had by escheat, through forfeiture thereof made by Iohn Balioll late king of Scotland. He also tooke and seized into his hands Penreth with the appurtenances.

In the octaues of S. Hilarie, Anno. Reg. 35. 1307 the king held a par­lement at Carleill, in the which, by the peeres of the realme, great complaint was made of the oppressi­ons doone to churches, abbeies, and monasteries, A parlement at Carleill. by reason of paiments latelie raised and taxed by one maister William or Guilelmo Testa the [...]pes cha­pleine. William Te­sta the popes chapleine inhibited to leuie monie. Commandement therefore was giuen to the same chapleine, that from thencefoorth he should not leauie anie such paiments; and for further remedie, messengers were made foorth vnto the pope, to de­clare vnto him the inconuenience thereof. This Te­sta was sent from pope Clement into England with bulles, in the contents whereof it appeared, Abington. that the pope had reserued to himselfe the first fruits of one yeares reuenues of euerie benefice that fell void by anie manner of meanes within the realme of England, Scotland, Wales, and Ireland, and like­wise of all abbeies, priories, and monasteries; so that it may well be said of him & his retinue, according to the processe of all their actions, as it was said of old, ‘Curia Romana non quaerit ouem sine lana.’

But the king and lords of the land thought it a­gainst reason, that the pope should take and receiue the profits of those abbeies and monasteries, which had beene founded by their predecessors for the ser­uice of God, and the maintenance of almesdeeds, and good hospitalitie to be kept: and so the pope chan­ged his purpose, touching abbeies, but granting to the K. the tenth of the English churches for two yéers, he obteined the first fruits of the same churches for himselfe, as before he required. A statute a­gainst the re­ligious per­sons. N. Triuet. In the same parle­ment were statutes made concerning religious men, which had their head and chéefest houses in for­ren regions.

There came also at the same time, Petrus His­panus a car­dinall sent frō the pope. a cardinall from the pope, named Petrus Hispanus, to procure the consummation of the mariage, betwixt the prince of Wales, and the French kings daughter; for the same was delaied, by reason that all couenants were not kept on the French kings behalfe, touching the deliuerie of the townes in Gascoine. For whereas in times past, The cause of his comming. the French king had giuen one of those townes that were taken from the English­men, named Mauleon, vnto a French knight; he kept the same still, and would not deliuer it now at the French kings commandement, where-through (as was said) the marriage had béene hitherto defer­red. The same cardinall by vertue of his bull, Matth. West. His demand of monie of religious houses. would haue had of euerie cathedrall church, colledge, abbeie, and priorie, twelue marks of sterling monie; and of euerie person of parish churches eight pence of eue­rie [Page 316] marke of his reuenues. But the English clear­gie appealed from this exaction, so that by the king and his councell it was ordeined, that he should haue no more than in times past cardinall Othobon did receiue, that is to saie, the halfe of his demand. More­ouer, this cardinall being at Carleill, and hauing made a sermon in praise of peace, vpon the conclu­sion of marriage betwixt the prince of Wales and the French kings daughter, The cardinall preacheth. in the end he reuested himselfe and the other bishops which were present, line 10 and then with candels light, and causing the bels to be roong, He accurseth Rob. Bruce. Nic. Triuet. they accursed in terrible wise Robert Bruce the vsurper of the crowne of Scotland, with all his partakers, aiders and mainteiners.

Neuerthelesse, Robert Bruce in this meane while slept not his businesse, but ranging abroad in the countrie, flue manie that would not obeie him, and sent foorth his two brethren, Thomas that was a knight, and Alexander that was a préest, with part of his armie into an other quarter of the countrie, to al­lure line 20 the people vnto his obedience, partlie with gen­tlenesse, Thomas Bruce and Alexander Bruce taken. and partlie with menaces. But the English­men came vpon them in the night and tooke them both, so that being brought before the iustices they were condemned, and therevpon hanged, drawen and quartered. Matth. West. ¶ Some write, that Duncan Mag­doili, a man of great power in Galloway, tooke these two brethren prisoners, togither with Reginald Crawford (being the principlas) on the ninth daie of Februarie, as they with certeine other capteins line 30 and men of war came by sea, and landed in his coun­trie, vpon whome being seuen hundred men, he with three hundred or few aboue that number boldlie gaue the onset, and not onelie tooke the said thrée persons prisoners, sore wounded as they were, with diuerse other, but also slue Malcolme Makaile a lord of Ken­tice, and two Irish lords, whose heads, and the fore­said prisoners, he presented vnto king Edward, who caused Thomas Bruce to be hanged, Tho. Bruce executed. Alexander Bruce & Re­ginald Craw­ford executed. drawen and quartered, but the other two were onelie hanged and line 40 quartered at Carleill, where their heads were set vp aloft on the castell and gates of the citie.

After Easter their brother Robert Bruce, calling himselfe king of Scotland, and hauing now aug­mented his armie with manie souldiers of the out-Iles, The earle of Penbroke put to f [...]ight. fought with the earle of Penbroke and put him to flight, and slue some of his men though no [...] manie. Within a few daies after, he chased also the earle of Glocester, into the castell of Aire, and besieged him within the same, Bruce besie­geth the earle of Glocester. till an armie was sent from king line 50 Edward to the rescue: for then the said Robert was constreined to flée, and the Englishmen followed, till he got into the woods and marishes, He is chased frō that siege. where they might come néere him without manifest danger, to cast themselues awaie. ¶ The king of England, min­ding to make a full conquest of the Scots, and not to leaue off vntill he had wholie subdued them, sent his commissions into England, commanding all those that owght him seruice, to be redie at Careleill with­in three wéekes after Midsummer. He sent his sonne line 60 Edward into England, that vpon knowledge had what the French king did touching the agreement, he might accordinglie procéed in the marriage to be made with his daughter.

After the prince was departed from the campe, his father king Edward was taken with sore sicke­nesse, yet he remooued from Carleill, where the same sicknesse first tooke him, vnto Burrough vpon Sand, and there the daie after being the seuenth daie of Iu­lie, The death of K. Edward the first. He is buried at Westmin­ster. he ended his life, after he had reigned 34 yeares, six moneths and one and twentie daies. He liued 68 yeares and twentie daies. His bodie was conueied to London, and in the church of Westminster lieth buried. His issue. He had issue by his first wife queene Elianor, foure sons, Iohn, Henrie, Alfonse, & Edward which succeeded him, the other died long before their father. Also fiue daughters; Elianor, Ione, Margaret, and Elizabeth, were bestowed in marriage as before in this booke is expressed: the fift named Marie became a nunne. By his second wife quéene Margaret, he had two sonnes, Thomas of Brotherton, and Ed­mund of Woodstoke, with one daughter named Margaret after hir mother.

He was tall of stature, some what blacke of colour, strong of bodie, and leane, auoiding grosenesse, His stature and forme [...] bodie. with continuall exercise, of comelie fauour, and iettie eies, the which when he waxed angrie, would suddenlie be­come reddish, and seeme as though they sparkled with fire. The haire of his head was blacke and curled, His qualitie of mind. he continued for the most part in good health of bo­die, and was of a stout stomach, which neuer failed him in time of aduersitie. Moreouer, he had an ex­cellent good wit, for to whatsoeuer he applied his stu­die, he easilie atteined to the vnderstanding thereof: wise he was and vertuous, an earnest enimie of the high and presumptuous insolencie of préests, the which he iudged to procéed chéeflie of too much wealth and riches: and therefore, He misliked the pride of prelats. he deuised to establish the statute of Mortmaine, to be a bridle to their inordi­nate lusts and riotous excesse. He built the abbeie of the vale roiall in Cheshire, he was a constant fréend, but if he once tooke displeasure or hatred against any person, he would not easilie receiue him into fauour againe: whilest he had any vacant time from weigh­tie affaires, he spent lightlie the same in hunting.

Towards the maintenance of his warres and o­ther charges, besides the subsidies which he leuied of his people, and other reuenues comming to his cof­fers, he had great helpe, Siluer [...] by reason of the siluer mines which in his daies were found in Deuonshire, and occupied greatlie to his profit, as in the records re­maining in the excheker, concerning▪ the accompts and allowances about the same it dooth and may ap­peare. For in the accompts of master William de Wimondham, it is recorded, that betwixt the twelfth daie of August, and the last of October, The same Wimondha [...] also receiue [...] 82 pounds▪ [...] 26 founder [...] lead, out of [...] which [...] by his [...] ­compts. in the 22 yeare of this king Edwards reigne, there was tried and fined out at Martinestowe in Deuonshire by times, so much of fined siluer▪ as amounted to the summe of 370 pounds weight, which being brought to London, was there refined by certeine finers, that plate might be forged thereof, for the ladie Elianor duches of Bar, and daughter to the said king, married in the yeare then last past to the duke of Bar▪ as be­fore ye haue heard.

In the 23 yeare of his reigne, there was fined at the place aforsaid 521 pounds & ten shillings weight of siluer by times, Betwixt th [...] 10 day of I [...]lie, and the [...] day of Oct [...] ­ber the same yeare. which was also brought to Lon­don. In the 24 yeare of his reigne, there were taken vp 337 miners, within the wapentake of the Peake in Darbishire, and brought into Deuonshire, to worke there in those siluer mines, as appeareth by the allowance demanded by the said master William de Wimondham in his roll of accounts, deliuered that yeare into the excheker: and there was brought from thence to London the same yeare of siluer fined and cast in wedges 700 foure pounds, thrée shillings, one penie weight. In the 25 yeare of his reigne, there were three hundred and fourtie eight miners brought againe out of the Peake into Deuonshine, and out of Wales there were brought also 25 miners, which all were occupied about those siluer mines, beside o­thers of the selfe countrie of Deuonshire, and other places. Also Wil. de Aulton clearke, kéeper of the kings mines in Deuonshire and Cornewall, was accomptant of the issues and profits of the kings mines there, from the fourth of March, Anno 26 of his reigne, till the eightéenth of Aprill, Anno 27, and [Page 317] yéelded vp his account, both of the siluer and lead.

But now to conclude with this noble prince king Edward the first, he was sure not onelie valiant but also politike, labouring to bring this diuided Ile, in­to one entier monarchie, which he went verie neere to haue atchiued, for whereas he was fullie bent to make a conquest of Scotland, in like case as he had alreadie doone of Wales, if he had liued any longer time to haue dispatched Robert le Bruce, that onelie stood in his waie, it was verie likelie that he should haue found none other to haue raised banner against line 10 him about the quarrell or title to the claime of that realme. For as he was a right warlike prince of him selfe, so was he furnished with capteins and souldi­ers answerable to his desire, who being able to lead and command them of himselfe, had them at length obedient inough to serue him, although (as partlie yée haue heard) some of the peeres shewed themselues at times disobedient and stubborne, whom yet in the end he tamed well inough, as the earles of Hereford line 20 and Northfolke, the which in the thirtith yeare of his reigne resigned their castels and manours into his hands, as by the records of the tower it further may appeare.

Now to follow, as in other kings I haue doone heretofore for learned men, these I find to haue flou­rished in this kings daies, Henrie de Henna a Car­melite frier, Goodwine the chantor of the church of Salisburie, Adam de Marisco or Mareis borne in Summersetshire an excellent diuine as he was re­puted line 30 in those daies, Gregorie Huntington a monke of Ramesey verie expert in the toongs; Seuall arch­bishop of Yorke a man singularlie learned and stout in defending the cause of his cleargie against the pope, Haimo de Feuersham, Peter Swanington, Helias Trickingham, Helias de Euesham, Ra­dulfe Bocking borne in Sussex, Alphred [...] surnamed Anglicus, Iames Cisterciensis, William of Ware, Robert Oxenford, Thomas Docking, Iohn surna­med Grammaticus, Robert Dodeford: but the more line 40 part of these are rather to be ascribed vnto the time of Henrie the third, the father of this king Edward, where these that follow are thought to flourish in the time of king Edwards reigne, after the deceasse of his father king Henrie, Thomas Spot a chronogra­pher, Peter de Ickeham a Kentishman borne as Bale thinketh, Iohn Beckton a doctor of both the lawes, William Hanaberge a Carmelite frier, pro­uinciall gouernour of his order heere in England; Robert Kilwarbie bishop of Canturburie, and after made a cardinall and bishop of Portua; Glbert sur­named Magnus, a moonke of the Cisteaux order; Helias Ros, Walter Recluse, Hugh le Euesham, Iohn Euersden a writer of annales, whome I haue partlie followed in this kings life; William Pag­ham, Henrie Esseborne, Iohn de Haida, Roger Ba­con a Franciscane frier, an excellent philosopher, and likewise a mathematician, Iohn Derlington a do­minike frier, Iohn Chelmeston, Thomas Borstale a Northfolke man borne, Gregorie Cairugent a moonke of Glocester a writer of annales, Gregorie de Bredlington, Thomas Bungey a frier minor borne in Northfolke, an excellent mathematician, prouinciall ruler of his order heere in England, he flourished in the daies of king Edward the first, al­though there were another of the same name that li­ued in the time of king Edward the third, Hugh de Manchester a Dominike frier, & prouinciall gouer­nour of his order héere in England, Richard Knap­well a Dominike frier, Iohn Peckham borne in the dioces of Chichester, a Franciscane frier, excellentlie learned, as by his workes it appeareth, he was ad­uanced by pope Honorius the third, to the archbi­shops sée of Canturburie; Thomas de Illey a Suf­folke man borne, and a white or Carmelite frier in the house of Gippeswich, Michaell surnamed Scot, but borne in the bishoprike of Durham (as Leland saith) an excellent physician, and likewise verie ex­pert in the mathematicals, Hugh de Newcastell a frier minor, professed in the same towne, Thomas Sutton a blacke frier, that is of the order of S. Do­minike, Iohn Read an historiographer, William de la Mare a frier minor, Thomas Wicke a chanon of Osney in Oxenford, Simon de Gaunt, William Hothun, prouinciall of the friers Dominiks in Eng­land, Iohn de Hide a moonke of Winchester, Robert Crouch, a cordelier, or a Franciscane frier, Richard Midleton a frier minor, Thomas Spirman a blacke frier, William Lidlington a doctor of diuinitie, and a Carmelite frier in Stanford, Iohn Fiberie or Be­uer, a moonke of Westminster, William Makeles­field borne in Cheshire, in a market towne, whereof he beareth the name, a blacke frier by profession, and an excellent philosopher.

Thus farre Edward the first, surnamed Longshanks.

Edward the second, the sonne of Edward the first.

EDward, the second of that name, the sonne of Edward the first, borne at Carnaruan in Wales, began his reigne ouer England the seauenth day of Iulie, year 1307 in the yeare of our Lord 1307, of the world 5273, of the comming of the Saxons 847, after the conquest 241, about the tenth yeare of Albert emperour of Rome, and the two and twentith of the fourth Philip, surnamed Le Beau, as line 10 then king of France, and in the third yeare after that Robert le Bruce had taken vpon him the crowne and gouernement of Scotland. His fathers corpse was conueied from Burgh vpon Sands, Continuation of Matt. West. vnto the abbeie of Waltham, there to remaine, till things were readie for the buriall, which was appointed at Westminster.

Within three daies after, when the lord treasu­rer Walter de Langton bishop of Couentri [...] and Lichfield (thorough whose complaint Péers de Ga­ueston line 20 had beene banished the land) was going to­wards Westminster, to make preparation for the same buriall, he was vpon commandement from the new king arrested, commi [...]ted to prison, and after deliuered to the hands of the said Péers, being then returned againe into the realme, The bishop of Couentrie committed to prison. who sent him from castell to castell as a prisoner. His lands and tene­ments were seized to the kings vse, but his moouea­bles were giuen to the foresaid Peers. Walter Reig­nold line 30 that had beene the kings tutor in his childhood, was then made lord treasurer, and after when the fée of Worcester was void, at the kings instance he was by the pope to that bishoprike preferred. Also, Rafe bishop of London was deposed from the office of lord Chancellour, Officers re­mooued. and Iohn Langton bishop of Chichester was therto restored. Likewise, the barons of the excheker were remooued, and other put in their places. And Amerie de Ualence earle of Penbroke was discharged of the wardenship of Scotland, line 40 and Iohn de Britaine placed in that office, whom he also made earle of Richmond.

But now concerning the demeanour of this new king, whose disordered maners brought himselfe and manie others vnto destruction; we find that in the beginning of his gouernement, though he was of nature giuen to lightnesse, yet being restreined with the prudent aduertisements of certeine of his coun­cellors, Polydor. to the end he might shew some likelihood of good proofe, be counterfeited a kind of grauitie, ver­tue line 50 and modestie; but yet he could not throughlie be so bridled, but that foorthwith he began to plaie diuers wanton and light parts, at the first indeed not out­ragiouslie, but by little and little, and that couertlie. For hauing reuoked againe into England his old mate the said Peers de Gaueston, Péers de Gaueston. he receiued him into most high fauour, creating him earle of Corne­wall, and lord of Man, his principall secretarie, The yeare next insuing, the Ile of Man was ta­ken by Ro­bert Bruce. and lord chamberlaine of the realme, through whose com­panie and societie he was suddenlie so corrupted, that he burst out into most heinous vices; for then vsing the said Peers as a procurer of his disordred dooings, he began to haue his nobles in no regard, to set no­thing by their instructions, and to take small héed vn­to the good gouernement of the commonwealth, so that within a while, he gaue himselfe to wantonnes, passing his time in voluptuous pleasure, and riotous excesse: and (to helpe them forward in that kind of life, the foresaid Peers, who (as it may be thought, he had sworne to make the king to forget himselfe, and the state, to the which he was called) furnished his court with companies of iesters, ruffians, flattering parasites, musicians, and other vile and naughtie ri­balds, that the king might spend both daies and nights in iesting, plaieng, banketing, and in such o­other filthie and dishonorable exercises: and more­ouer, desirous to aduance those that were like to him selfe, he procured for them honorable offices, all which notable preferments and dignities, sith they were ill bestowed, were rather to be accounted dishonorable than otherwise, both to the giuer and the receiuer, sith

Sufficiens honor est homini, cùm dignus honore est,
Q [...]i datur indigno non est honor, est o [...]us, imò
Iudibrium, veluti in scena cùm ludius est rex,
Quippe honor est soli virtuti debitamerces.

About the thirteenth day of October, A parlem [...] at North­ampton. a parlement was holden at Northampton, in the which it was or­deined by the kings appointment, that the coine of his father king Edward should be still currant, not­withstanding the basenesse thereof, as some reputed it, and therefore it was mooued in the parlement to haue it disanulled. ¶Also, order was taken for the buriall of his fathers corpse, which was solemnelie conueied from Waltham, and brought to Westmin­ster the seauen and twentith day of October follow­ing, where with all funerall pompe it was interred. Moreouer, at [...]he same parlement, a marriage was concluded betwixt the earle of Cornewall Peers de Gaueston, and the daughter of Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester, Péers de G [...]ueston [...] which he had by his wife the coun­tesse Ioane de Acres the kings sister, which marri­age was solemnized on All hallowes day next in­suing.

About the two and twentith of Ianuarie, the king sailed ouer into France, The K. pas­s [...]th ouer [...] France. and at Bullongne in Pi­cardie on the foure and twentith day of Ianuarie, he did homage to the French king for his lands of Gas­coine and Pontieu, and on the morrow after, 1 [...]0 [...] maried Isabell the French kings daughter, He w [...]s mar­ried the 2 [...] [...] Februarie [...] Tho. de la More [...] and on the sea­uenth of Februarie he returned with hir into Eng­land, and comming to London, was ioifullie recei­ued of the citizens, and on the fiue and twentith daie [Page 319] of Februarie, being Shrouesundaie in the leape yeare, The king and quéene crow­ned. they were solemnlie crowned by the bishop of Winchester, bicause that Robert the archbishop of Canturburie was not as then within the realme. There was such prease and throng of people at this coronation, Tho. Walsin. Sir Iohn Blackwell smoothered and thrust to death. Continuation of N. Triuet. that a knight called sir Iohn Bakewell aliàs Blackwell, was thrust or crowded to death. ¶On the day of the circumcision this yeare, a great tem­pest of thunder and lightning began about euensong time, that continued the most part of the night fol­lowing. line 10

On wednesdaie after the Epiphanie, the knights templers in England were apprehended all in one day by the kings commandement, vpon suspicion of hainous crimes & great enormities by them practi­sed, contrarie to the articles of the christian faith. The order of their apprehension was on this wise. The order taken for the apprehension of the tēplers. The king directed his writs vnto all and euerie the shi­riffes of counties within the realme, that they should giue summons to a certeine number of substantiall line 20 persons, knights or other men of good accompt, to be afore them at certeine places within their gouerne­ments, named in the same writs, on the sunday the morrow after the Epiphanie then next insuing, and that the said shiriffes faile not to be there the same day in their owne persons, to execute that which in o­ther writs to them directed, and after to be sent, should be conteined. The date of this writ was the fifteenth of December.

The second writ was sent by certeine chapleins, line 30 in which the shiriffes were commanded vpon the ope­ning of the same, foorthwith to receiue an oth in pre­sence of the said chapleins, to put in execution all that was therein conteined, and not to disclose the contents to any man, till they had executed the same with all expedition, and therewith to take the like oth of those persons, whom by vertue of the first writ they had summoned to appeare afore them. An other writ there was also framed & sent by the same chapleins, by the which the said shiriffes were commanded to line 40 attach by their bodies, all the templers within the precinct of their gouernements, and to seize all their lands and goods into the kings hands, togither with their writings, charters, deeds, and miniments, and to make thereof a true inuentarie and indenture, in presence of the warden of the place, whether he were brother of that order, or any other, & in presence of ho­nest men being neighbors; of which indenture, one part to remaine in the custodie of the said warden, and the other with the shiriffe, vnder his seale that line 50 should so make seizure of the said goods: and further, that the said goods and chattels should be put in safe custodie, and that the quicke goods and cattell should be kept and found of the premisses as should séeme most expedient, and that their lands and possessions should be manured and tilled to the vttermost com­moditie.

Further, that the persons of the said templers be­ing attached, in manner as before is said, should be safelie kept in some competent place out of their line 60 owne houses, but not in streight prison, but in such order, as the shiriffes might be sure of them to bring them foorth when he should be commanded, to be found in the meane time according to their estate of their owne goods so seized, and hereof to make a true certificat vnto the treasurer and barons of the exche­ker, what they had doone concerning the premisses, declaring how manie of the said templers they had attached, with their names, and what lands and goods they had seized by vertue of this precept. The date of these two last writs was from Bi [...]let the 20 of De­cember, and the returne thereof to be made vnto the excheker, was the morrow after the Purification. There were writs also directed into Ireland, as we haue there made mention, and likewise vnto Iohn de Britaine earle of Richmond the lord warden of Scotland, & to Eustace de Cotesbach chamberleine of Scotland, to Walter de Pederton iustice of Westwales, and to Hugh Aldighle aliàs Audlie iu­stice of Northwales, to Robert Holland iustice of Chester, vnder like forme and maner as in Ireland we haue expressed.

The malice which the lords had conceiued against the earle of Cornewall still increased, the more in­deed through the high bearing of him, being now ad­uanced to honour. For being a goodlie gentleman and a stout, he would not once yéeld an inch to any of them, which worthilie procured him great enuie a­mongst the chéefest peeres of all the realme, as sir Henrie Lacie earle of Lincolne, sir Guie earle of Warwike, and sir Aimer de Ualence earle of Pen­broke, the earles of Glocester, Hereford, Arundell, and others, which vpon such wrath and displeasure as they had conceiued against him, thought it not con­uenient to suffer the same any longer, in hope that the kings mind might happilie be altered into a bet­ter purpose, being not altogither conuerted into a ve­nemous disposition, but so that it might be cured, if the corrupter thereof were once banished from him.

Herevpon they assembled t [...]g [...]ther in the parle­ment time, at the new temple, Tho. Walsi. Cōntinuatiō of N. Triuet. on saturdaie next be­fore the feast of saint Dunstan, and there ordeined that the said Péers should abiure the realme, and de­part the same on the morrow after the Natiuitie of saint Iohn Baptist at the furthest, and not to returne into the same againe at any time then after to come. To this ordinance the king (altho [...] against his will) bicause he saw himselfe and the [...]alme in dan­ger, gaue his consent, and made his letters patents to the said earles and lords, to witnesse the same.

The tenour of the kings let­ters patents.

NOtum vobis facimus per praesentes, quòd amodò vsque ad diem dominus Petrus de Gaueston regnum nostrum est abiuraturus & exiturus, videli­cet in crastino natiuitatis S. Iohan­nis Baptistae proximo sequenti: nos in quantum nobis est nihil faciemus, nec aliquid fieri permitte­mus, per quod exilium dicti domini Petri in aliquo poterit impediri, vel protelari, quin secundum for­mam à praelatis, comitibus, & baronibus regni no­stri, ordinatam, & per nos libero consensu confir­matam, plenarie perficiatur. In cuius rei testimo­nium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Datum apud Westm. 18 die May. Anno regni nostri primo.

These letters were read, heard, and allowed in the presence of all the Noble men of this land, the day and yeare abouesaid. ¶ The archbishop of Cantur­burie, being latelie returned from Rome, where he had remained in exile in the late deceassed kings daies for a certeine time, did pronounce the said Péers accursed, if he taried within the realme lon­ger than the appointed time, and likewise all those that should aid, helpe, or mainteine him, as also if he should at any time hereafter returne againe into the land. To conclude, this matter was so follow­ed, that at length he was constreined to withdraw himselfe to Bristow, Anno Reg. 2. The earle of Cornewall banished the realme. and so by sea as a banished man to saile into Ireland.

The king being sore offended herewith, as he that fauoured the earle more than that he could be with­out [Page 320] his companie, The kings fauour to­wards the earle of Corn­wall. threatned the lords to be reuenged for this displeasure, and ceassed not to send into Ire­land vnto Péers, comforting him both with fréend­lie messages, and rich presents, and as it were to shew that he meant to reteine him still in his fauour, he made him ruler of Ireland as his deputie there. Polydor. Fabian. The earle of Cornewall deputie of Ireland. Hen. Marle. A wonderfull matter that the king should be so inchan­ted with the said earle, and so addict himselfe, or rather fix his hart vpon a man of such a corrupt humor, a­gainst whome the heads of the noblest houses in the land were bent to deuise his ouerthrow: but the lesse line 10 maruell it is that the king bare him such a feruent affection, and set his hart vpon him, considering that

—vetus autorum sententia, mores
Quòd similes, similé & studium sunt fomes amoris,
Sic vanus vanum, studiosus sic studiosum
Diligit, & socios adeunt animalia coetus.

The lords perceiuing the kings affection, and that the treasure was spent as lauishlie as before, thought with themselues that it might be that the king would line 20 both amend his passed trade of life, and that Peers being restored home, would rather aduise him there­to, than follow his old maners, considering that it might be well perceiued, that if he continued in the incouraging of the king to lewdnesse, as in times past he had doone, he could not thinke but that the lords would be readie to correct him, as by proofe he had now tried their meanings to be no lesse. Here­vpon to reteine amitie, 1309 Anno Reg. 3. as was thought on both sides, Péers by consent of the lords was restored home againe (the king meeting him at Chester) to his great line 30 comfort and reioising for the time, Hen. Marle. although the ma­lice of the lords was such, that such ioy lasted not long.

1310 Anno Reg. 4In the fourth yeare of king Edward was a coun­cell holden at London against the templers, the which councell indured from the beginning of Maie, The addition to Triuet. till Iune. In this councell they confessed the fame, but not the fact of the crimes laid to their charge, ex­cept two or thrée ribalds that were amongst them: but bicause they could not cleare themselues, they were adiudged vnto perpetuall penance within line 40 certeine monasteries. The earle of Cornewall placed in Bambourgh castell. The king this yeare fearing the enuie of the lords against Peers de Gaueston, placed him for his more safetie in Bambourgh ca­stell, bearing the prelats and lords in hand, that he had committed him there to prison for their plea­sures.

This yeare also there were ordinances made for the state and gouernement of the realme, by the pre­lats, earles, and barons, which were confirmed with line 50 the sentence of excommunication against all them that should go about to breake the same. The king neither allowed of them nor obserued them, although he had confirmed them with his seale, and sent them to all cathedrall churches and counties, to be regi­stred in perpetuall memorie therof. Polydor. The king indeed was lewdlie led, for after that the earle of Cornewall was returned into England, he shewed himselfe no changeling (as writers doo affirme) but through sup­port of the kings fauour, bare himselfe so high in his line 60 doings, which were without all good order, that he see­med to disdaine all the peeres & barons of the realme. Also after the old sort he prouoked the king to all naughtie rule and riotous demeanour, and hauing the custodie of the kings iewels and treasure, he tooke out of the iewell-house a table, & a paire of tre­stels of gold, which he deliuered vnto a merchant cal­led Aimerie de Friscobald, commanding him to conueie them ouer the sea into Gascoine. Caxton. This table was iudged of the common people, to belong some­time vnto king Arthur, and therefore men grudged the more that the same should thus be sent out of the realme.

year 1311 The king this yeare raised a great power to go into Scotland. Rich. [...]. Anno Reg. [...]. And about the feast of the Assumption of our ladie, hauing with him Péers de Gaueston earle of Cornewall, and the earles of Glocester and Warren, he came to Berwike, Berwike [...] ­tified. which towne he cau­sed to be fortified with a strong wall, and a mightie deepe ditch, and although the other earles would not come to serue him in that voiage, The king [...] into Scotland. by reason of a new variance risen amongst them, yet he marched foorth into Scotland, to seeke his aduersarie Robert le Bruce: but Robert refusing the battell, kept him foorth of the waie, so that the king was driuen to re­turne to Berwike againe, without meeting with his enimie. And he was no sooner come backe, but the said Robert and his people entred into Louthian, sore molesting such as were yéelded to the king of Eng­land. The king aduertised therof, followed them, but could doo no good, & so returned. The earle of Corne­wall laie at Rockesbourgh, and the earle of Gloce­ster at Norham to defend those parts. After Can­dlemasse, the king sent the earle of Cornewall, with two hundred men of armes to S. Iohns towne, be­yond the Scotish sea, who receiued to the kings peace all those that inhabited beyond that sea vp to the mounteins. The king laie still at Berwike, but the earles of Glocester and Warren, after the begin­ning of Lent, rode into the forest of Solkirke, and receiued the foresters & other the inhabitants there to the kings peace. ¶ In this fift yeare of the kings reigne, but somwhat before this present, in the yeare 1310, Henrie Lacie earle of Lincolne gouernour of England in the kings absence departed this life, in whose place the earle of Glocester was chosen gouer­nour, and therefore he returned now into England. This erle of Lincolne was buried in the new worke at Paules. Lieng on his death bed, he requested (as was reported) Thomas earle of Lancaster, who had married his daughter, that in any wise he should stand with the other lords in defense of the common­welth, and to mainteine his quarell against the earle of Cornewall, which request earle Thomas faithful­lie accomplished: for by the pursute of him, and of the earle of Warwike cheefelie, the said earle of Corne­wall was at length taken and beheaded (as after shall appeare.) Some write that king Edward the first vpon his death-bed, charged the earles of Lin­colne, Warwike, and Penbroke, to foresée that the foresaid Peers returned not againe into England, least by his euill example he might induce his sonne the prince to lewdnesse, as before he had alreadie doone.

Thomas earle of Lancaster came toward Ber­wike, to doo homage to the king for the earledome of Lincolne fallen to him in right of his wife, now af­ter the deceasse of hir father the late earle of Lin­colne. But he was counselled not to go foorth of the realme to the king, so that therevpon rose no small displeasure, and great doubt least there would haue followed ciuill warres about it. Neuerthelesse, at length the king was persuaded to come ouer the wa­ter vnto Hagerston, foure miles distant from Ber­wike, and there receiued homage of the earle, and so they continued fréends, and for that time departed a­sunder in louing maner. The lords perceiuing the mischeefe that dailie followed and increased by that naughtie man (as they tooke it) the earle of Corne­wall, Fabian. Hen. Marle. assembled at Lincolne, and there tooke counsell togither, and concluded eftsoones to banish him out of the realme, and so therevpon shortlie after, about Christmasse (as some write) or rather, as other haue, within the quindene of saint Michaell, Rich. So [...] The car [...] [...] Cornewall banished [...] Flanders. he was exiled into Flanders, sore against the kings will and plea­sure, who made such account of him, that (as appea­red) he could not be quiet in mind without his com­panie, & therfore about Can [...]lemasse he eftsoones re­uoked [Page 321] [...] [Page 322] Whitsundaie at the coronation of Philip sonne to the French king, created that day king of Nauarre. ¶ Iohn de Drokensford bishop of Bath and Welles was appointed warden of the realme till the kings returne. Anno Reg. 7. Record. Tur. In Iulie the king returned backe from his iournie into France, and landed at Sandwich the mondaie before the feast of S. Margaret, hauing dis­patched his businesse with the French king in good and honorable maner, for his lands and countrie of Gascoine. Hen. Marle. Mariages. ¶ About this season Maurice fitz Tho­mas, line 10 and Thomas fitz Iohn maried two sisters that were daughters to Richard earle of Ulnester. In this meane time, Robert Bruce recouered the most part of all Scotland, year 1314 winning out of the English­mens hands such castels as they held within Scot­land, The successe of Robert Bruce. chasing all the souldiers which laie there in gar­rison, out of the countrie, and subduing such of the Scots as held on the English part.

The king of England pas­seth into Scotland.King Edward to be reuenged herof, with a migh­tie armie brauelie furnished, and gorgiouslie apparel­led, line 20 more seemelie for a triumph, than méet to incoun­ter with the cruell enimie in the field, entred Scot­land, in purpose speciallie to rescue the castell of Sterling, as then besieged by the Scotishmen. But at his approching néere to the same, Robert Bruce was readie with his power to giue him battell. In the which king Edward nothing doubtfull of losse, had so vnwiselie ordered his people, and confounded their ranks, that euen at the first ioining, they were not onelie beaten downe and ouerthrowne, by those line 30 that coped with them at hand, but also were woun­ded with shot a farre off, by those their enimies which stood behind to succour their fellowes when need re­quired, so that in the end the Englishmen fled to saue their liues, The Englishmen chased. and were chased and slaine by the Scots in great number.

The king escapeth.The king escaped with a few about him, in great danger to haue béene either taken or slaine. Manie were drowned in a little riuer called Banokesborne, neere to the which the battell was foughten. The battell of Banokes­borne. There line 40 were slaine of noble men, Gilbert earle of Gloce­ster, Robert lord Clifford, the lord Giles Argentine, the lord Paine Tiptost, the lord William Marshall▪ the lord Reginald Daincourt, the lord Edmund of Mauley the kings steward, with other lords and ba­rons to the number of 42, and of knights and baro­nets to the number of 67. There were slaine of all sorts vpon the English part that daie about ten thou­sand men, The great slaughter of Englishmen. Polydor. ouer and beside the prisoners that were ta­ken. Amongst the which were accounted 22 men of line 50 name, as the earle of Hereford, the lord Iohn Se­graue, Fabian. Croxden. Addition to Triuet and Matth. Paris. William lord Latimer, Maurice lord Berk­ley, and others. He that listeth to heare more of this discomfiture may read thereof further at large in the Scotish historie.

The king of England hauing escaped from this battell, which was fought on Midsummer day in the yeere aforesaid, Anno Reg. 8. A councel hol­den at Yorke. came to Yorke, where he held a coun­cell of his lords, to haue their aduise by what means he might best restore his armie, and reuenge the losse line 60 which he had susteined at the hands of his enimie R. Bruce. Sir Peter Spalding. And shortlie after was sir Peter Spalding sent vnto Berwike, with a crew of souldiers to de­fend the towne against the said Bruce, who intended shortlie to laie siege to that towne, as the king had certeine vnderstanding. Also the Scotishmen ad­uanced highlie in their minds for the late gotten vi­ctorie, year 1315 The Scots in Ireland. passed ouer into Ireland, vnder the conduct of Edward Bruce, the brother of Robert Bruce, sore af­flicting that countrie, by spoile, sword, and fire: the villages were robbed, the townes and castels which they wan were sacked, and after fired, so vtterlie to deface them.

The Irishmen being put in great feare herewith, assembled togither, and ioined themselues with such Englishmen as laie there in garrisons, ouer the which the lord Iohn Bermingham as deputie had the chéefe charge. The lord Berming [...] Thus being ioined togither, they made earnest resistance against the attempts of their eni­mies in defense of the countrie. And so by that means they warred and fought one against an other, with great slaughter on both sides, the Scotishmen on their part dooing their best to obteine the gouerne­ment of the countrie, hauing alreadie obteined no small portion thereof, and created Edward Bruce king there▪ and the Irishmen on the other part, in­forcing their whole indeuor to beat the enimie backe, and to rid him out of the countrie. But at length the inuincible obstinatnesse of the Irishmen preuailed, through aid of the Englishmen (as after shall ap­peare.) Neuerthelesse in the me [...]ne while, Great slaugh­ter of Scots in Ireland. as some English chronicles make mention, there died of the Scots in these warres to the number of thirtie thou­sand, and aboue fiftéene thousand Irishmen.

The Scots not onelie thus inuaded Ireland, Ri. Southw. but also continued their rage against England. For the same yeare about the feast of Peter and Paule, The bishop­rike of Dur­ham spoiled [...] the Scots. they entered into the bishoprike of Durham, & spoi­led the countrie vnto Hartilpoole, which towne they robbed of all the goods which they there found, the in­habitants being fled with their ships to the sea. About Mandelentide following, the king of Scots entred England with a mightie armie on the west borders, Anno Reg. [...]. Rob. Bruce inuadeth [...]gland. Carleill be­sieged. and comming to Carleill besieged the citie, remai­ning before it ten daies, but they within so valiantlie defended themselues and their wals, that the Scots lost more than they wan, sauing that during their a­bode at this siege, they robbed and wasted the coun­tries of Allerdale, Copeland, and Westmerland. The 11 day after their comming thither, when they had assaied all their force and policie to win the citie, and saw themselues nothing to preuaile, but to lose their men and trauell, they raised their field, and re­turned into Scotland with dishonor, The siege raised. leauing behind them all their engines of warre, so that besides the dishonour which he susteined by the repulse, in lieu of lucre he suffered losse, and therefore this lesson by ex­emplification would be learned and practised, that ‘Res le [...]e quisque gereus lucra [...] inde ferens.’ Now as they went their waie, Iohn de Murrey taken. certeine Englishmen following them, tooke Iohn de Murrey, who in the battell of Striueling had for his part 13 English knights prisoners, beside esquiers and others. They tooke also with him one Robert Berdolfe a great e­nemie of the Englishmen▪

This yeare there fell exceeding great raine and abundance of wet, Great rain [...] in the moneths of Iulie and Au­gust, that the husbandmen of the countrie could not get in that small crop which then stood on the ground, and that which they inned, yéelded not the hoped quantitie, as when it came to the threshing well ap­peared. ¶ On the day of the Assumption of our la­die, Iohn the kings second sonne was borne at El­tham. Iohn of El­tham bor [...]. ¶ A knight of Lancashire called sir Adam Banister raised war in this yeare of king Edwards reigne, against his lord the earle of Lancaster; but about the feast of saint Martine he was taken and beheaded. ¶ Also this yeare, Edward de Bruce bro­ther to the king of Scots, entred into the north parts of Ulnester with a great armie, vpon the day of S. Augustine in Maie and afterwards burnt Dun­da [...]ke, Hen M [...]rl [...] Dunda [...]ke burnt. and a great part of Argile. The Irishmen al­so burnt the church of Athird. Moreouer in the battell of Comeran in Ulnester, The battell [...] Comeran. Richard earle of Ulnester fled, and sir Richard Bourgh, & sir Iohn Mandeuile, and sir Alane fitz Waren were taken prisoners. The castell of Norbrough was also taken, & at Kent [...]s in M [...]sh the lord Roger Mortimer was discomfited by [Page 323] the foresaid Edward Bruce, and manie of the said sir Rogers men were slaine and taken.

Also in the ninth yeare of king Edwards reigne, before Christmasse, a blasing starre or comet appeared in the north part of the element, A blasing star dearth and death. by the space of a mo­neth togither, and after followed dearth and death (as after shall appeare.) Guie earle of Warwike, a man of great counsell and skilfull prouidence, The decease of Guie earle of Warwike. Croxden. departed this life this yeare, and was buried at the abbeie of Bordisley. ¶About Midsummer the Scots eftsoones line 10 entred into England, doing much mischéefe with fire and sword, year 1316 in like sort as they had vsed to doo before time, Rich. South. not sparing (as some write) so much as those houses wherin women laie in childbed. At their com­ming to Richmond, the gentlemen of the countrie that were got into the castell to defend it, compoun­ded with the enimies for a great summe of monie, to spare the towne and countrie about it, without doo­ing further damage thereto at that iournie.

The Scots hauing receiued the monie, turned their march toward the west parts, and iournieng line 20 thréescore miles, came to Fourneis, burning all the countrie thereabouts, and tooke awaie with them all the goods and prisoners, both men and women which they might laie hands on, and so returned, reioising most of such iron as they had got in that iournie, for they had great want in Scotland of that kind of me­tall in those daies. The dearth by reason of the vnsea­sonable weather in the summer and haruest last past still increased, Anno Reg. 10. The dearth increased. for that which with much adoo was in­ned, line 30 after when it came to the proofe, yéelded nothing to the value of that which in sheafe it séemed to con­teine, so that wheat and other graine which was at a sore price before, now was inhanced to a farre higher rate, the scarsitie thereof being so great, that a quar­ter of wheat was sold for fortie shillings, which was a great price, if we shall consider the allaie of monie then currant. ¶ Also by reason of the murren that fell among cattell, béefes and muttons were vnreso­nablie priced. line 40

About this season, the lord Henrie Beaumont a man of high valiancie and noble courage, hauing gotten togither a power of men, entred into Scot­land, and after he had taken great booties and spoiles in the countrie, he being intrapped by sir Iames Dowglas, lost the most part of his men, togither with the prey which they had gotten. The lord Be­aumont dis­comfited. The displeasure of these mishaps was increased with the naughtie and bold presumption of sir Gilbert Middleton knight, year 1317 who being offended that maister Lewes Beaumount was preferred vnto the bishops sée of line 50 Durham, Lewes Beaumont taken by sir Gilbert Middleton. and Henrie Stamford put from it, that was first elected and after displaced by the kings suit made vnto the pope, tooke the said Lewes Beau­mont and his brother Henrie on Winglesdon moore néere vnto Darington, Caxton. leading the bishop to Mor­path, and his brother the lord Beaumont vnto the ca­stell of Mitford, and so deteined them as prisoners, till they had redéemed their libertie with great sums of monie. Herewith the said sir Gilbert being ad­uanced line 60 in pride, Sir Gilbert Middleton proclaimeth himselfe duke. proclaimed himselfe duke of Nor­thumberland, and ioining in fréendship with Robert Bruce the Scotish king, cruellie destroied the coun­tie of Richmond. Wi [...] such traitorou [...] parts Will [...] ­am Felton, and Thomas Heton, being not a little stirred, first wan by force the castell of M [...]ford, and after apprehended sir Gilbert Middleton, with his companion Walter Selbie, and sent them vp to London, where shortlie after they were drawne, han­ged and quartered.

G [...]ucellino and Flisco cardinals.Some write that the said sir Gilbert was put to death for robbing two cardinals, to wit, Gaucellino the popes chancellour, and Lucas de Flisco, that were sent from pope Iohn the two and twentith, to consecrate the foresaid Lewes Beaumont bishop of Durham, Thom. Walsi. and to intreat a peace betwixt the realms of England and Scotland, and also to make an a­gréement betwixt the king and the earle of Lanca­ster. The which being met with vpon Winglesdon moore in Yorkeshire by the said Gilbert, Fabian. Caxton. were robbed of such stuffe & treasure as they brought with them, but yet escaped themselues and came to Durham, and from thence sent messengers to Robert Bruce, Polydor. to persuade him to some agreement. But whereas he would not condescend to any reasonable conditions of peace at that time, they determined to go into Scotland to talke with him themselues: but before they came to the borders, king Robert, who iudged it not to stand with his profit to haue any peace in that season, sent certeine of his people to forbid the cardi­nals the entrie of his realme. The cardinals being thus iniuriouslie handled, The cursse pronounced against the Scots. pronounced the Scots by their legantine power accursed; and interdicted their whole realme. And bicause they saw nothing lesse than any hope to doo good with king Robert touching any composition or agreement to be had, they retur­ned againe to the pope, without any conclusion of that for the which they were sent.

After that Edward Bruce had atchiued such en­terprises in other parts of Ireland, Rich. South. as in the last yéere yee haue heard, he went vnto Fenath, and to Ske­res in Leinister, and there the lord cheefe iustice Ed­mund Butler rose against him, with the lord Iohn fitz Thomas, that was after erle of Kildare, sir Ar­nold Power, and diuerse other, with a great armie. But by reason of discord that chanced amongst them, they scaled their armie, and departed out of the field on the 26 daie of Februarie. Edward Bruce then burned the castell of Leis, and after returning into Ulnester, he besieged the castell of Knockfergus, and slue Thomas Mandeuile, and his brother Iohn, at a place called Down, as they came thither out of England. After this the foresaid Edward returned into Scotland.

In this season vittels were so scant and déere, A pitifull famine. and wheat and other graine brought to so high a price, that the poore people were constreined thorough fa­mine to eat the flesh of horsses, dogs, and other vile beasts, which is woonderfull to beléeue, Tho. Wals. Fabian. and yet for de­fault there died a great multitude of people in di­uers places of the land. Foure pence in bread of the courser sort would not suffice one man a daie. Wheat was sold at London for foure marks the quarter and aboue. Then after this dearth and scarsitie of vittels insued a great death and mortalitie of people, A sore morta­litie of people. so that what by warre of the Scots, and what by this mortalitie and death, the people of the land were woonderfullie wasted and consumed. O pitifull depo­pulation!

Edward Bruce before the feast of Easter retur­ned againe into Ireland, with the earle of Murrey and other noble men of Scotland, hauing with them a great armie, and besieged the castell of Knockfer­gus, and after they went to another castell where they tooke a baron prisoner: & there Edward Bruce laie for a season. Also Richard earle of Ulnester lay in saint Maries abbie by Dublin, where the maior and communaltie of the citie tooke him, and put him in prison within the castell of Dublin. They also slue his men, and spoiled the abbie. After this the foresaid Edward Bruce went to Limerike, after the feast of saint Matthew the apostle, and there so­iourned till Easter was past.

In the meane while Roger de Mortimer the kings deputie arriued at Waterford with a great armie, by reason wherof Edward le Bruce for feare depar­ted, and got him into the vttermost parts of Ulne­ster, Iohn fitz Thomas erle of Kildare. and Iohn fitz Thomas was made earle of Kil­dare. [Page 324] Also Occoner of Conneigh, and manie other Irishmen of Cornagh and Meth were slaine néere to Aurie by the Englishmen of those parts. There was a great slaughter also made of the Irishmen néere vnto Thistildermote, by the lord Edmund But­ler, and an other also at Baliteham of Omorth by the same Edmund. The lord deputie deliuered the earle of Ulnester out of prison, and after Whitsuntide ba­nished out of Meth sir Walter Lacie, and sir Hugh Lacie, giuing their lands awaie from them vnto his line 10 knights, and they went ouer into Scotland with Ed­ward Bruce, Croxden. who returned thither about that time. The death still increased as by some writers it should appeare.

Anno Reg. 11. Ri. Southwell. In the eleuenth yeare of king Edward the second his reigne, vpon the saturdaie night before Midlent sundaie, year 1318 the towne of Berwike was betraied to the Scots, Berwike be­traied to the Scots. through the treason of Peter Spalding. The castell held good tacke a while, till for want of vittels they within were constreined to deliuer it into the Scotishmens hands, who wan also the same time the line 20 castell of Harbotell, Castels woon by the Scots. Werke, and Medford, so that they possessed the more part of all Northumberland, euen vnto Newcastell vpon Tine, sauing that cer­teine other castels were defended against them. In Maie they entred with an armie further into the land, burning all the countrie before them, till they came to Ripon, which towne they spoiled, and tarieng there thrée daies, they receiued a thousand marks of those that were got into the church, and defended it a­gainst them, for that they should spare the towne, and line 30 not put it to the fire, as they had alreadie doone the townes of Northalerton and Bourghbridge as they came forwards. Northalerton and Bourgh­bridge burnt. In their going backe they burnt Knaresbourgh, and Skipton in Crauen, which they had first sacked, and so passing through the middest of the countrie, burning and spoiling all before them, they returned into Scotland with a maruellous great multitude of cattell, beside prisoners, men and women, and no small number of poore people, which they tooke with them to helpe to driue the cattell. line 40

Anno Reg. 12. Additions to Triuet. The king & the earle of Lancaster made fréends.In the 12 yeare of Edward the seconds reigne, in August, the king and the earle of Lancaster came to talke togither in a plaine beside Leicester, where they were made freends to the outward shew, so that in the yeare next following, the said earle went with the king to the siege of Berwike. About the feast of the Natiuitie of our ladie, the two cardinals, which were yet remaining in England, sent foorth com­mandements vnto all the prelats and priests with­in the realme, that thrée times in euerie solemne line 50 masse, Rob. Bruce pronounced accursed. they should denounce Robert Bruce that cal­led himselfe king of Scotland accursed, with all his councellors and fautors, and on the behalfe of the pope, they depriued him by denunciation of all ho­nour, and put all his lands vnder interdiction, dis­abling all their children [to the second degrée] that held with him, as vnworthie & vnfit to receiue or take vpon them any ecclesiasticall function. They de­nounced also all the prelats of Scotland and men of line 60 religion, exempt, and not exempt, excommunicate and accursed.

Hen. Marl.The lord Roger Mortimer returned againe into England, and Alexander Bicnor was made cheefe iu­stice of Ireland. ¶ Also Edward Bruce, with sir Walter and sir Hugh La [...]ie, bringing with them a great armie, returned out of Scotland; and arriued at Dundalke, on the day of saint Calix [...] the pope. But neere to the same place sir Iohn Belmingham, Th. Walsing. Continuation of Triuet. Richard Tute, and Miles of Ue [...]don, with a power of 1 [...]24 men incountred them, and slue the said Ed­ward le Bruce, and aboue the number of 8200 men, or (as other haue) but 5800. The said sir Iohn Bir­mingham brought the head of Edward le Bruce ouer into England, and presented it to the king. Wherevpon the king in recompense of his seruice, gaue vnto him the earledome of Louth, to hold to him and his heires males, and the baronie of Athird to him and his heires generall.

About this season, or somewhat before, about Mid­summer (as Southwell saith) a naughtie fellow called Iohn Poidras, or (as some books haue) Ponderham, a tanners son of Excester commmig to Oxford, and there thrusting himselfe into the kings hall that stood without the wals, gaue foorth that he was sonne and right heire of king Edward the first, and that by means of a false nursse he was stolne out of his cra­dle, and this Edward the second being a carters son was brought in and laid in his place, so that he by reason thereof was afterwards hardlie fostered and brought vp in the north part of Wales. At length be­ing laid for, he fled to the church of the white friers in Oxford, trusting there to be safe through the immuni­tie of the place, bicause king Edward the first was their founder. But when he could not keepe his toong, but still fondlie vttered his follie, and stood in his opi­nion, so that great rumor thereof was raised, he was at length taken out of that church, & caried to North­hampton, where he was there arreigned, condem­ned, and had foorth to a place in the countrie called the copped oke, where he was drawne, hanged, and as a traitour bowelled. At the houre of his death he con­fessed, that in his house he had a spirit in likenesse of a cat, which amongst other things assured him that he should be king of England.

In this season, to wit, in the yeare 1319, a great murreine and death of cattell chanced through the whole realme, spreading from place to place, year 1319 Murren of cattell. but spe­ciallie this yeare it reigned most in the north, where as in the yeares before it began in the south parts. The king desirous to be reuenged of the Scots, Anno Reg. 1 [...]. made preparation to leuie a mightie armie; and for want of sufficient numbers of men in other places to­wards the north parts, the king caused much people to come vnto him out of the south and east parts of the realme, amongst the which the citie of London was constreined to find at their costs and charges two hundred men, sending them to Yorke, where the generall assemblie of the armie was made. From thence, after he had receiued his men from sundrie countries and good townes of his realme, he went to Berwike, & laid siege to the towne. The king go­eth to Ber­wike. In which meane time the Scots being assembled, came to the bor­ders, passed by the English host, and entring into England, came in secreet wise downe into the mar­ [...]hes of Yorkeshire, and there slue the people, The Scots come into t [...] parts of Yorke. and rob­bed them in most cruell wise.

Wherefore the archbishop of Yorke, meaning in time of such necessitie to doo his indeuour in defense of his countrie, assembled such power as he could get togither, of clearkes, moonks, canons, and other spi­rituall men of the church, with husbandmen and such other vnapt people for the warres: and thus with a great number of men, and see to warlike or discréet chéefeteins, he togither with the bishop of Elie, as then lord chancellour, came foorth against the Scots, Auesburie. and incountred with them at a place called Mitton vpon Suale, the twelfth day of October. Here as the Englishmen p [...]ssed ouer the [...] of Suale, the Scots set [...] vpon [...]erteine [...] of haie, The disco [...]ture of Mit­ton vpon Suale. Caxton. the smoke whereof was [...], that the Englishmen a might not be where the Scotsla [...]e (And when the English­men were ouer got ouer the [...] the Scots came vpon them with a wing in good order of battell, in [...] to a shield, egerlie assailing their enimies, who for lacke of good gouernement were easilie bea­ten downe and discomfited, without shewing any great resistance: so that there were slaine to the [Page 324] [...] [Page 325] number of two thousand and the residue shamefullie put to flight. Polydor.

The archbishop, Auesburie. the lord chancellor, and the abbat of Selbie, with helpe of their swift horsses escaped, and diuerse other. The maior of Yorke named Ni­cholas Fleming was slaine, & sir William Diremin preest taken prisoner. Manie were drowned, by rea­son that the Scots had gotten betwixt the English­men and the bridge, Caxton. so that the Englishmen fled be­twixt that wing of the Scots and their maine bat­tell, line 10 which had compassed the Englishmen about on the one side, as the wing did vpon the other. And bi­cause so manie spirituall men died in this battell, it was after named of manie writers The white bat­tell. The king of England informed of this ouer­throw giuen by the Scots to the Northerne men, he brake vp his siege incontinentlie, and returned to Yorke.

Polydor.Thus all the kings exploits by one means or o­ther quailed, and came but to euill successe, so that line 20 the English nation began to grow in contempt by the infortunate gouernment of the prince, the which as one out of the right waie, rashlie and with no good aduisement ordered his dooings, which thing so gréeued the noblemen of the realme, that they studi­ed day and night by what means they might procure him to looke better to his office and dutie; which they iudged might well be brought to passe, his nature being not altogither euill, if they might find shift to remooue from him the two Spensers, The enuie of the lords to­wards the Spensers. Hugh the fa­ther, line 30 and Hugh the sonne, who were gotten into such fauour with him, that they onelie did all things, and without them nothing was doone, so that they were now had in as great hatred and indignation (sith

—liuor non deerit iniquus
Dulcibus & laetis, qui fel confundat amarum)

both of the lords and commons, as euer in times past was Peers de Gaueston the late earle of Cornwall. But the lords minded not so much the destruction of these Spensers, but that the king ment as much their aduancement; so that Hugh the sonne was line 40 made high chamberleine of England, contrarie to the mind of all the noblemen, by reason whereof he bare himselfe so hautie and proud, that no lord within the land might gainsaie that which in his conceit see­med good.

In this thirteenth yeare of his reigne, in Iune king Edward went ouer into France, year 1320 where at A­miens he found the French king, Additions to N. Triuet. of whome he re­ceiued the countie of Pontieu, which the said French king vpon his comming to the crowne had seized in­to line 50 his hands, bicause the king of England had not doone to him his homage due for the same. Also this yeare the pope granted to the king of England the tenth of ecclesiasticall reuenues for one yeare, A tenth of the ecclesiasticall liuings gran­ted to the K. as be­fore that time he had likewise doone. ¶About this season, Anno. Reg. 54. Caxton. pope Iohn, being informed of the great de­struction and vnmercifull warre which the Scots made vpon the Englishmen, and namelie for that they spared neither church nor chapell, abbeie nor pri­orie, he sent a generall sentence vnder his bulles of line 60 lead vnto the archbishop of Canturburie and Yorke, appointing them that if Robert le Bruce the Sco­tish king would not recompense king Edward for all such harmes as the realme of England had by him susteined, and also make restitution of the goods that had béene taken out of churches and monaste­ries, they should pronounce the same sentence a­gainst him and his complices. Scots eft­soons accursed

Wherevpon when the Scots tooke no regard to the popes admonition, the archbishop procéeded to the pronouncing of the foresaid sentence, so that Ro­bert Br [...]ce, Iames Dowglas, and Thomas Ran­dulfe earle of Murrey, and all other that kept him companie, or them in any wise mainteined, were ac­curssed throughout England euerie day at masse three times. Howbeit, this nothing holpe the matter, but put the king and the realme to great cost and charge, and in the meane season the commons of the realme were sore oppressed by sundrie waies and means, diuerse of them lost their goods and possessi­ons, being taken from them vpon surmised and fei­ned quarels, so that manie were vtterlie vndoone, and a few singular and misordered persons were ad­uanced.

After the Epiphanie, year 1321 when the truce failed betwixt the two realmes of England and Scotland, Rich. South. The Scots inuade Eng­land. an ar­mie of Scots entred England, and came into the bishoprike of Durham. The earle of Murrey staied at Darington, but Iames Dowglas and the stew­ard of Scotland went foorth to waste the countrie, the one towards Hartlepoole and Cleueland, and the o­ther towards Richmond: but they of the countie of Richmond (as before they had doone) gaue a great summe of monie to saue their countrie from inuasi­on. The Scots at that time remained within Eng­land by the space of fiftéene daies or more. The knights and gentlemen of the north parts did come vnto the earle of Lancaster that laie the same time at Pomfret, offering to go foorth with him to giue the enimies battell, if he would assist them: but the earle séemed that he had no lust to fight in defense of his prince, that sought to oppresse him wrongfullie (as he tooke it) and therefore he dissembled the matter, and so the Scots returned at their pleasure without encounter.

About this season, Thom. Wals. the lord William de Bruce that in the marches of Wales enioied diuerse faire pos­sessions to him descended from his ancestors, but through want of good gouernement was run behind hand, offered to sell a certeine portion of his lands called Gowers land lieng in the marches there, vnto diuerse noble men that had their lands adioining to the same, as to the earle of Hereford, and to the two lords Mortimers, the vncle & nephue, albeit the lord Mowbraie that had maried the onelie daughter and heire of the lord Bruce, thought verelie in the end to haue had it, as due to his wife by right of inheri­tance. But at length (as vnhap would) Hugh Spen­ser the yoonger lord chamberleine, coueting that land (bicause it laie néere on each side to other lands that he had in those parts) found such means through the kings furtherance and helpe, The chéefe cause of the variance be­twixt y e lords and the Spē ­sers. that he went awaie with the purchase, to the great displeasure of the other lords that had beene in hand to buie it.

Hereby such hartburning rose against the Spen­sers, that vpon complaint made by the erle of Here­ford vnto the earle of Lancaster, of their presumptu­ous dealing, by ruling all things about the king as séemed best to their likings, it was thought expedi­ent by the said earles that some remedie in time (if it were possible) should be prouided. Wherevpon the said earls of Lancaster and Hereford, with the lords Roger Tuchet, Roger Clifford, Iocelin Deieuille, Roger Bernsfield, the two Mortimers, Roger the vncle and Roger the nephue, William de Sullie, William de Elmbrige, Iohn Gifford of Brimes­field, and Henrie Tieis, all barons; the which with di­uerse other lords and knights, and men of name, as­sembling togither at Shierborne in Elmedone, sware each of them to stand by other, till they had a­mended the state of the realme. But yet notwith­standing this their oth, the most part of them after­wards forsaking the enterprise, submitted them­selues to the king.

Neuerthelesse, whether for that the king by a pro­clamation set foorth the sixteenth of March, had com­manded (as some write) that the lords Mowbraie, [Page 326] Clifford, and Deieuille for disobeieng to make their personall appearance before him, should auoid the land within ten daies next insuing, or for that they meant with all speed to put their enterprise in execu­tion, we find that the earle of Hereford, the lords Mortimer, the vncle and nephue, the lord Roger Da­morie, the lord Iohn Mowbraie, the lord Hugh Aude­lie, and his sonne named also Hugh, the lord Clifford, the lord Iohn Gifford of Brimesfield, the lord Morice Berkeley, the lord Henrie Tieis, the lord Iohn Ma­trauers, line 10 with manie other that were alied togither, hauing the consent also of the earle of Lancaster, on the wednesdaie next after the feast of the Inuention of the crosse, The lords take armes vpon them against the Spensers. hauing with them to the number of eigth hundred men of armes, fiue hundred hoblers, and ten thousand men on foot, came with the kings banner spread vnto Newport in Wenloks lands, where they tooke the castell that belonged vnto the lord chamberleine Hugh Spenser the yoonger.

They inuade the Spensers lands.They also tooke Kaerdie, Kersillie, Lantrissane, line 20 Taluan, Lamblethian, Kenefegis, Neoth, Druffe­lan, and Diuenor; part of his men which in the fore­said places they found, they slue, as sir Iohn Iwain, and sir Matthew de Gorges knights, with 15 other of his men that were Welshmen: part they tooke and put them in prison, as sir Rafe or Randulfe de Gorges being sore wounded, sir Philip Ioice, sir Iohn de Frissingfield, sir Iohn de Dunstable, Wil­liam de Dunstable, and manie other, of the which the most part were put to their ransome. They tooke, spoi­led line 30 and destroied so much in value of his goods as a­mounted vnto two thousand pounds. They tooke vp in such debts as were owing to him in those parts, to the summe of thrée thousand pounds, and of his rents to the value neere hand of a thousand pounds. They burnt 23 of his manors which he had in those parts of Wales, with his barnes, and did what hurt they could deuise, burning or taking awaie all his wri­tings and euidences. After they had remained 15 daies there, they came into England, with the like line 40 force and disorder inuading his castels, manors and possessions, so that the damage which they did here vnto the said lord chamberleine, amounted to the va­lu [...] of ten thousand pounds.

The king aduertised of their dooings, sent vnto them the archbishop of Canturburie, The king sendeth to the lords. and the lord Bartholomew de Badelismere lord steward of his house, to request them to desist and leaue off from such their outragious dooings, and comming to the parle­ment which he had alreadie summoned, they might line 50 put in their complaints and grieuances, & he would see that they should haue iustice, according as equitie should require. The lord Badelismere forsaking the king, The lord Ba­delismere re­uolt [...]h to the side of the [...]arons. became one of the confederacie with the ba­rons, and so the archbish. was glad to returne alone, leauing the L. Badelismere behind him, who sent the king word by the archbishop, that till they had expel­led the Spensers out of the realme, they would not giue ouer their enterprise. On saint Barnabies day they came to a manour of Hugh Spenser the line 60 father called Fasterne, in the countie of Wiltshire, and spoiled the same with diuerse and manie other manors, aswell in Wiltshire, as else where, to wit, in Glocestershire, Dorsetshire, Hamshire, Barkeshire, Oxfordshire, Buckinghamshire, Surrie, Cam­bridgeshire, Huntingtonshire, Leicestershire, Lin­colneshire, Chesshire, and Warwikeshire, making such hauocke of all such goods or cattell as belonged to the said Hugh Spenser the father, that he was thought to be indamaged to the value of thirtie thou­sand pounds, burning his houses, [...]eating, maiming and ransoming his men.

Furthermore not contented to spoile those places which belonged to him, but hearing that in the abbeie of Stanlie he had laid vp monie and euidences, they brake into that abbeie, and tooke out thereof a thou­sand pounds in readie coine beside euidences and writings, to the indamaging of him to the value of six thousand pounds, and likewise entring into the ca­stell of Marleburgh, where the said Hugh Spenser the father had laid vp in wooll to the number of 36 sacks, they tooke the same and other of his goods, as well in plate as apparell, to the value in all of six thou­sand pounds. And they did not onelie spoile the pos­sessions, houses, goods, and cattels of the two Spen­sers, whersoeuer they could heare that the same were to be found, but also they vsed the like disorder a­gainst all such as were knowne to be fréends or well-willers, to either the father or sonne, sending com­missions vnto such as should see the same executed to the most extremitie, so that in this rage of enuie and hot reuenge there was no parcialitie, but that one with another, the innocent with the nocent, the guiltlesse with the guiltie went to wracke, and (as the old prouerbe saith concurring with common practise ‘Quòd sus peccauit succula saepe luit)’ finallie, after they had satisfied their desires in such riotous sort, they raised the people, The barons raise the peo­ple and came in armes to­wards the parlement. and constrei­ned them to sweare to be of their accord, and so came forward with the like force towards the parlement that was summoned to be holden at London thrée wéeks after Midsummer. At their comming to S. Albons, they sent the bishops of London, Salisburie, Elie, Hereford, and Chichester, They send to the king. to the king with their humble suit in outward apperance, though in effect and verie déed more presumptuous than was requi­site. Their cheefe request was that it might please his highnesse to put from him the Spensers, whose coun­sell they knew to be greatlie against his honour, and hereof not to faile if he tendered the quiet of his realme. They also required letters patents of him, conteining a generall pardon for the indemnitie of themselues, Their re­quests. and all those that had beene in armes with them, so as they should not be impeached by the king for any transgressions past or present, in time hereafter to come.

The king herevnto answered, that as concerning Hugh Spenser the father, The kings answer. he was abroad on his bu­sines beyond the seas, and that Hugh the sonne was on the sea for the safe kéeping of the cinque ports, as by his office he was bound, and that they ought not by any right or custome to be banished, before they haue made answere to the crimes obiected against them. He added further, that their request wanted foundation of law and reason. And if it might be proued that the Spensers had in any wise offended against the statutes and ordinances of the land, they were alwaies readie to make their answere as the lawes of the realme should require. Lastlie he added this with an oth, that he would not be forsworne con­trarie to that which at his coronation he had taken vpon him by oth, through granting letters of peace and pardon to such notorious offendors in contempt of his person, and to the trouble and disquieting of the whole realme.

The barons vpon knowledge had what answer the king made to their requests, foorthwith got them to armour, and with a great power of men of armes and other, came to the parlement, which the king had summoned to begin at Westminster thrée weekes after Midsummer. Fabian. Caxton. Their retinue were apparelled in a sute of [...]ake [...]s or c [...]ats of colours demie, par [...]ie yel­low and gréene, with a band of white [...]ast ouerthwart. By reason whereof that parlement long after was called The parlement of white bands. Then to sée the kings peace kept within the citie, The [...] which the [...] maior of L [...]don tooke. the maior cau­sed a thousand men well a [...]med to watch dailie in diuerse wards, & at diuerse gates of the citie, which [Page 327] watch began at foure of the clocke in the morning, and so continued till six at night, and then as manie were appointed to the night watch, continuing the same till the houre of fiue in the morning. And for the more suertie that this night watch should be well and sufficientlie kept, two aldermen were assigned nightlie to ride about the citie with certeine officers of the towne, to sée the watchmen well and discréetlie guided. The gates were shut at nine of the clocke & opened againe at seauen in the morning. Also euerie line 10 citizen was warned to haue his armour by him, that he might be readie vpon anie occasion when he should be called.

Neuerthelesse the barons being come in forceable wise (as yee haue heard) vnto this parlement, Matt. VVest. they constreined the earle of Richmond, Arundell, War­ren, and Penbroke, to agree vnto their purpose; and likewise some of the bishops they compelled through feare to take an oth to ioine with them in their pur­pose, for the expelling of the Spensers out of the line 20 realme, and so comming all togither before the king, they published certeine articles against the said Spensers, The Spen­sers banished by the decrée of the barons. both the father and sonne, wherevpon they made an award, that they should be disherited and banished the land during their liues, if by the king and consent of all the lords in parlement assembled, they should not be restored. They had day and place appointed where to passe foorth of the land, to wit, at Douer, and not elsewhere, betwixt the daie of his a­ward made, and the feast of the decollation of saint Iohn Baptist, that day to be counted for one. Diuers line 30 articles (as before is said) were laid to the charge of those Spensers.

line 1 Amongst other things it was alledged; First that Hugh Spenser the sonne, Articles wherwith the ba­rons charged the Spēsers. being on a time an­grie and displeased with the king, sought to allie and confederate himselfe with the lord Gifford of Bri­mesfield, and the lord Richard Gray to haue constrei­ned and forced the king by strong hand to haue fol­lowed his will and pleasure. line 40

Secondlie it was alledged, that the said Spensers line 2 as well the father as the sonne, had caused the king to ride into Glocestershire, to oppresse and destroie the good people of his land, contrarie to the forme of the great charter.

Thirdlie, that where the earle of Hereford, and the line 3 lord Mortimer of Wigmore, had gone against one Thlewillin Bren, who had raised a rebellion against the king in Glamorganshire, whiles the lands of the earle of Glocester were in the kings hands, the same line 50 Thlewillin yéelded himselfe to the said earle, and to the lord Mortimer, who brought him to the king, vp­on promise that he should haue the kings pardon, and so the king receiued him. But after that the said earle and lord Mortimer were out of the land, the Spensers taking to them roiall power, tooke the said Thlewillin and led him vnto Kardif, where after that the said Hugh Spenser the sonne had his pur­partie of the said earle of Glocesters lands, he cau­sed the said Thlewillin to be drawne, headed and line 60 quartered, to the discredit of the king, and of the said earle of Hereford and lord Mortimer, yea and con­trarie to the lawes and dignitie of the imperiall crowne.

line 4 Fourthlie, the said Spensers counselled the king to foreiudge sir Hugh Audlie, sonne to the lord Hugh Audlie, and to take into his hands his castels and possessions. They compassed also to haue atteinted the lord Roger Damorie, that thereby they might haue enioied the whole earledome of Glocester.

These and other articles of misdemeanour in the Spensers were exhibited, to persuade the king and others, that they were vnprofitable members in the common-wealth, and not worthie of those places which they occupied. Now after that their disheriting and banishment was concluded in manner as be­fore is said, the earle of Hereford and other the lords that had prosecuted the quarell against them, came before the king, and humblie on their knees besought him of pardon for all things which they had commit­ted against him, his lawes, or any other person in the pursuit of the said Spensers. The king, being brought into a streict, durst not but grant vnto all that which they requested, establishing the same by statute.

The parlement being thus ended, The king go­eth to Can­turburie. the king and quéene went to Canturburie, there to visit the shrine of Thomas Becket somtime archbishop there. From thence he went to the Ile of Tenet, that he might meet with his deare & welbeloued councellour Hugh Spenser the yoonger, whome he had of late sent in ambassage vnto the French king, He commeth to talke with the lord cham­berlaine. and now being re­turned by sea into those parts, he was desirous to see him, that he might haue conference with him: and so comming togither, they spent certeine daies in com­moning of such matters as they thought good. The king calling to him the mariners of the cinque ports, committed to them the custodie of the said Hugh, who for a time kept him with them in their ships, and the king sailing alongst the coast to Por­chester, conferred with him of manie things.

From Porchester the king ment to returne vnto London, there to méet the quéene, who in hir returne from Canturburie would haue lodged one night in the castell of Léeds, which the lord Bartholomew de Badelismere late steward of the kings house had by exchange of the king for other lands, and now taking part with the barons, had left his wife and children with other of his fréends and treasure in the same castell. The quéene not suffered to lodge in the castell of Léeds. Those that were put in trust with keeping this castell, would neither permit quéene nor other to en­ter therein, without expresse commandement from their lord and maister, and so they signified not one­lie to the quéenes seruants that came before to make prouision for hir, but also declared the same to hir selfe comming thither in person.

This chanced verie vnluckilie for the barons: for where the queene had euer sought to procure peace, loue and concord betwixt the king and his lords, shée tooke such displeasure with this deniall made to hir for one nights lodging in that castell, that vpon hir gréeuous complaint sent to the king, he foorthwith raised a mightie armie out of Kent and Essex, from the cinque ports, and of the Londoners, and hauing with him his brethren, Thomas earle Marshall, and Edmund earle of Kent, also the earls of Richmond, Penbroke, Arundell, and Atholl, he hasted thither, The king be­siegeth the ca­stell of Léeds. & laid siege about the castell; constreining them within by all meanes that might be deuised.

In the meane time, The lords came with a power to raise the siege. at the suit of the lord Bade­lismere, the earle of Hereford, and other lords of the confederacie, came with a great power vnto King­stone, about the feast of Simon and Iude, and there staieng certeine daies for some of their companie that were to come vnto them, they sent vnto the king the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of London, with the earle of Penbroke, requiring him to remooue his siege, till by parlement some order might be taken: but the king would not giue eare to their suit, but continued his siege till the castell was yeelded to him. The castell of Léeds yéelded For those that were at Kingstone cowardlie leuing their enterprise, came not forward, but returned backe againe. They that were within the castell, hauing simplie submitted themselues to the king, caused twelue or thirtéene of them to suffer death. Walter Cul­pepper exe­cuted. Amongst other was one Walter Culpepper reckoned for the chéefe of them that defended the ca­stell against the king. The wife of the lord Badelis­mere, [Page 328] with his nephue Bartholomew de Burwash was sent to the tower of London, but his sister was sent to Douer castell, there to remaine in safe kée­ping. The castell of Leeds being thus yéelded to the king, he entred the same on All halowes daie, and shortlie after the castell of Chilham was deliue­red, and the castell of Tunbridge left void by them that had it in keeping. The king thus bestirring him, came into Essex, and seized into his hands the lands of the lord Badelismere, and likewise the lands of such as were his mainteiners, abbettors, line 10 fréends, fauourers, and furtherers; of the which such as he could meet with he put in prison, and here­with summoned an armie to meet him at Cirence­ster about saint Lucies day the virgine. And then a­bout saint Andrews tide he came to London, where the archbishop of Canturburie had called a prouinci­all councell.

At the same time Hugh Spenser the sonne, being latelie come from the sea, The lord chā ­berleine yeel­deth himselfe to the law. yéelded himselfe prisoner to the kings ward, beséeching the king that he might line 20 haue right ministred to him, concerning the wrongs and iniuries to him doone by the barons in maner as before ye haue heard, speciallie for the award which in parlement they had procured to be enacted against him, the errours committed in the processe, whereof he besought the king that he might be ad­mitted to shew: as first, in that they made them­selues iudges: secondlie, in that he was not called to answer: thirdlie, for that the same award was made without the assent of the prelats, who are péeres of line 30 the parlement as well as the temporall lords: fourth­lie, in that the said barons had no record in their pur­suit vpon the causes conteined in that award: fiftlie, in that the award was made against the forme of the great charter of franchises, wherein is conteined that none shall be foreiudged nor destroied but by lawfull iudgement of his péers, according to the law of the land. Further, he alledged that it was to be considered, how the said barons and great men being summoned to come in due maner vnto that line 40 parlement, they came in forceable wise with all their powers. A like petition was also exhibited on the be­halfe of Hugh Spenser the father, for redresse to be had of the wrongs and losses, which in like case he had susteined.

Anno Reg. 15.The king fauouring inough the causes and petiti­ons of the Spensers, granted their requests, and de­liuered the petitions vnto the archbishop of Cantur­burie and his suffragans, The king as­keth the opi­nions of the prelats. the which at the same time were there assembled in their prouinciall councell a­foresaid, line 50 requiring to haue their aduise and opinion therein. He likewise requested of the earles and ba­rons that were then with him, and of the counsellers in law, what they thought of this matter. The prelats vpon deliberation had, declared that in their opini­on, the said award as touching the disheriting and banishing of the Spensers, the father and sonne was erronious, The declara­tion of the prelats. and not rightlie decréed, and for them­selues they denied that they either did or could thinke it reason to consent therevnto, and therefore they re­quired line 60 that it might be repealed, and the kings bro­ther Edmund earle of Kent, Iohn de Britaine earle of Richmond, The declara­tion of the earles. Aimer de Ualence earle of Penbroke, and Edmund earle of Arundell, then being in pre­sence of the king, and likewise of the foresaid prelats, affirmed that the said award pronounced against the Spensers was made contrarie to law and right, and therefore as the prelats requested, that the same might be repealed.

Further, the said earles alledged, that the assent which they gaue in the said award, was for doubt of the vnlawfull force which the barons brought vnto the said parlement, when they made that award, and for that the said earles that now were with the king, had counselled him to suffer the said award to passe, for feare of the said force, and confessed they had doone euill, and besought him of pardon for their of­fenses in so dooing. The king thus hauing caused the prelats, earles, barons, and lawiers there present to vtter their iudgements in maner aforesaid, he iudi­ciallie reuoked and quite disanulled the processe of the said award, made as well touching the banishment, as the disheriting of the Spensers, and restored them to his peace and allegiance, and to their former estates, in all conditions as they inioied the same be­fore the making of the said award, notwithstanding certeine letters to the contrarie of the earle of Lan­caster, and other lords of his faction, which for the ap­prouing and ratifieng of the said processe they direc­ted vnder their seales to the king as yet remaining at London.

They wrote also to the prelats, iustices, and barons of the excheker, to induce the king to giue his assent to that which in the tenor of their letters was contei­ned. The earle of Hereford, the lord Roger Morti­mer of Cherke, The barons againe [...] armour. & the lord Roger Mortimer of Wig­more, entring the marches of Wales, came to Glo­cester, and tooke that citie. The castell was also deli­uered vnto them by the constable thereof. The king hauing his people comming dailie vnto him, where­by his armie was hugelie increased, about the feast of saint Nicholas he set foorth from London, and with him there went his brother Edmund earle of Kent, Iohn earle of Richmond, Edmund earle of A­rundell, and manie other great lords and barons. The quéene with hir children he left in the tower of London. The lord saint Iohn. The lord Iohn de saint Iohn comming to submit himselfe vnto the king, at the intercession of diuerse noble men, with much adoo had his pardon at length granted him.

The king passing forward, seized into his hands the townes, castels, manors, and goods of them that were against him. But in the meane time the lord Henrie de Tieis, The lord Tieis. with certeine other that were en­tred into Glocestershire (hearing that a great multi­tude of people was assembled out of the countrie of Eirencester by the kings commandement) came thither and chased them home to their houses, Cirencester. putting them in feare of their liues, if they should offer to re­sist him. The K. [...] to the [...] of Lancaster. The king comming to Crikelade after the feast of saint Lucie the virgin, wrote to the earle of Lancaster an answer of his letters, which he had re­ceiued from him at London, modestlie reprouing him, for that he had so greeuouslie and vndutifullie re­proched him, without respect had to his roiall estate, and also presumed to assigne him a daie within the which he should reforme those things which he misli­ked in him, as if he were his subiect and vnderling, & beside this was now ioined with his aduersaries against him, where on his behalfe there had béene no let nor staie at any time, but that they might be fréends & remaine in quiet togither. Where in though he did more than stood with the dignitie of his roiall title, in somuch as he had the earles life at his com­mandement, yet for that he tollerated such insolencie of behauiour, as was vnseemelie to be shewed a­gainst the person of his prince, the kings clemencie and patience is highlie therein to be commended; though his forbearing and seeking means of qui­etnesse did neuer a whit amend the malignant mind of the earle, whose hart was so inchanted with ambi­tion and supereminent honour, that he quite forgat this good lesson of submission and due allegiance, ‘V [...] nequeas laedi maiori semper obedi.’

From Crikelade the king went to Eirencester, The K. [...] ­peth his Christmas [...] at Crikela [...] ▪ where he held the feast of Christmasse, the earles of Norffolke, Penbroke, Sur [...]i [...], and other great lords [Page 329] comming thither to ioine their powers with his. Thither came also a great strength of footmen, Earles that came to the king to Erikeland. part of the which vnder the leading of one Robert Aqua­ri [...], a right famous capteine, tooke the castell of Brom­field, those that had the kéeping of it fléeing foorth of it. The king comming to Worcester about Newyeres tide, year 1322 caused the walles of the citie to be repared, committing the custodie thereof vnto William de Longchampe. After the Epiphanie he passed on the side of Seuerne towards Shrewsburie, where, at his line 10 comming thither he was honourablie receiued by the burgesses that came foorth to meet him in armor, and so conueied him into their towne being strong­lie fensed. The Scots inuade Nor­thumberland. In this meane time the Scots now that the truce was ended, entring with a strong power into England, destroied all the countrie to Newca­stell vpon Tine with fire and sword. The Welshmen with their capteine Griffin Loitis tooke the castels in Wales, Castels taken by the Welsh­men. which were kept by the people of the lord Mortimer the elder. They tooke also the castels of line 20 Mole, Chirke, and Olono, the kéepers whereof com­ming vnto the king to Shrewsburie submitted them­selues to him, who shortlie after sent them to the tower of London. The lord Hugh Audelie the elder, the lord Iohn de Hastings, and diuerse other com­ming in, and submitting themselues to the king were likewise committed to ward. The lord Roger Damorie entring into the citie of Worcester de­stroied all that which the K. had appointed to be doone, about the fortification thereof. line 30

The earle of Lācaster wri­teth to the erle of Hereford.The earle of Lancaster lieng at Pomfret, and hearing of all this businesse, wrote to the earle of Hereford, and other lords that were with him, that they should make hast to come to him at Pomfret, promising from thencefoorth to be their generall and leader. The earle of Hereford reioising at these newes, togither with all those that were about him, leauing Glocester and all other strengths which they held in those parts, set forward to passe through the middest of the realme, spoiling by the way mens cat­tell line 40 and goods verie disorderlie, The earle of Hereford cō ­meth to ioine with the earle of Lancaster. and so came through to the earle of Lancaster. The king getting into his hands all the castels of his aduersaries in those parts, went to Hereford, where he was honorablie receiued of the cleargie and citizens. His armie increased dailie, many comming in vnto him, that before durst not for feare of his aduersaries. The bishop of Here­ford was sharplie checked, bicause he had taken part with the kings enimies.

The king sent from hence the lord Iohn Hastings line 50 into Southwales, to take in his name the seizine of the castels belonging to the earle of Hereford, the lord Roger Damorie, and the lord Hugh Spenser the yoonger, which the barons had the last yeare got into their hands, all which being now taken to the kings vse, were furnished with faithfull garrisons. ¶ The king, after this, comming to Glocester, con­demned the shiriffe of Hereford to be hanged, for that he had taken part against him with the barons. The lord Maurice Berkley came to the king to Glo­cester, The lord Berkley sub­mitteth him­selfe to the K. line 60 submitting himselfe to the kings pleasure. After this the king came by Weston vnder edge to­wards Couentrie, where he had appointed aswell such as he had latlie licenced to depart to their homes to refresh themselues for a time, as also diuerse other, to assemble with their powers to go with him from thence against his aduersaries. They appoin­ted to méet at Couentrie. The day of this as­semblie was the friday next after the first sundaie in Lent. The king from Couentrie went to Merinall, and there lodged in the abbeie for his more ease, wri­ting to William Sutton vnder-constable of War­wike castell, Wil. Sutton. commanding him to be attendant on the shiriffe of Warwike, in helping him to watch the entries and issues to and from the castell of Killing­worth that was holden against him. Killingworth holden a­gainst the K. Tik [...]hil castle besieged. In the meane time certeine of the lords that were gone to the earle of Lancaster besieged Tikehill castell fiftéene daies togither, but preuailed not.

There were letters intercepted about the same time, which a messenger brought foorth of Scotland, Letters in­tercepted. thrée closed and thrée open, for there were six in all. The king sent them to the archbishop of Canturbu­rie, who by his commandement published them in o­pen audience at London. The first was closed with the seale of the lord Thomas Randulfe earle of Mur­rie, lord of Annandale and of Man, lieutenant to Ro­bert le Bruce king of Scotland, which conteined a safe conduct for sir Thomas Top [...]liue chapleine, and one to be associate with him to come into Scotland, and to returne from thence in safetie. The second was sealed with the seale of sir Iames Dowglas for a like safe conduct for the same persons. The third was closed with the seale of the said earle of Murrie for the safe conduct of the lord Iohn de Mowbraie, and the lord Iohn de Clifford, and fortie horsses with their pages for their safe comming vnto the said erle into Scotland, and for their abiding there and re­turning backe. The fourth was closed with the seale of Iames Dowglas, directed to king Arthur. King Arthur a name feined of purpose. The fift was closed with the seale of Iames Dowglas directed vnto the lord Rafe Neuill. The sixt had no direction, but the tenour thereof was this as followeth.

The tenor of the said sixt letter lack­ing a direction.

YOu shall vnderstand my lord, that the communication be­fore hand had, is now brought to effect. For the earle of Here­ford, the lords Roger Damorie, Hugh de Audelie the yoonger, Bartholo­mew de Badelesmer, Roger de Clifford, Iohn Gifford, Henrie Teis, Thomas Manduit, Iohn de Willington, and all o­ther are come to Pomfret, and are readie to make you good assurance, so that you will performe couenant with them, to wit for your comming to aid vs, and to go with vs into England and Wales, to liue and die with vs in our quarell. We therefore beseech you to assigne vs day and place, where we may meet, and we will be readie to accomplish fullie our businesse: and we beseech you to make vs a safe conduct for thirtie horsses, that we may in safetie come to your parts.

The king, Record. Tur. when such earles and lords as he had li­cenced for a time were returned (his brother the earle of Northfolke excepted) & that the most part of those men of warre were assembled that had summons, although diuerse came not at all; about the first sun­daie in Lent he set forward towards his enimies, hauing with him to the number of sixtéene hundred men of armes on horssebacke, The king set­teth forward towards his enimies. He made a proclamation. and footmen innume­rable, with this power passing foorth towards his ad­uersaries, he caused proclamation to be made, that he was readie to receiue all men to his peace, that would come and submit themselues, those excepted which had beene at the siege of Tikehill castell, or at the taking of the citie of Glocester, or at the inuasi­on made vpon his men at Bridgenorth.

At his comming to a little village called Cald­well, Burton vpon Trent. he sent afore him certeine bands to Burton vp­on [Page 330] on Trent, where he ment to haue lodged: but the earles of Lancaster and Hereford, the lords Roger Damorie, Hugh Audelie the yonger, Iohn de Mow­braie, Bartholomew de Badelismere, Roger de Clif­ford, Iohn Gifford de Brem [...]sfield, Henrie Tieis, and many other being gotten thither before, kept the bridge, and affailing the kings people which he had thus sent before, some of them they slue, and some they wounded, so defending the bridge, that none could passe, and by reason that the waters, and speci­allie line 10 the riuer of Trent through abundance of raine that was latelie fallen, were raised, there was no meane to passe by the foords, wherevpon the king was constreined to staie the space of thrée daies, in which meane time, the earles and their complices for­tified the bridge at Burton, with barriers and such like defenses, after the maner of warre, but the king at length vpon deliberate aduise taken how to passe the riuer, The earle of Surrie. Peraduen­ture at Wich­nore. ordeined, that the earle of Surrie with cer­teine armed men, should go ouer by a bridge that line 20 was thrée miles distant from Burton, that he might come vpon the backes of the enimies, as they were fighting with those that should assaile them afront.

The earles of Richmond & Penbroke.The earles of Richmond and Penbroke were ap­pointed to passe by a foord, which they had got know­ledge of, with thrée hundred horssemen in complet armour, and the king with his brother the earle of Kent should follow them, with the residue of the ar­mie, Robert A­quarie. sauing that Robert Aquarie or Waters, with certeine bands of footmen was commanded to as­saile line 30 the bridge, which he did verie manfullie, causing the archers & crossebowes to annoie them that kept it, so as he might draw the whole power of the eni­mies that waie, The K. pas­seth by a foord. till the king and the earles were passed by the foord. But after that the earles of Lan­caster and Hereford with their complices, heard that the king was passed with his armie, they came foorth with their people into the fields, The earles of Lancaster & Hereford flée and set fire on the towne. and put them in or­der of battell: but perceiuing the great puissance which the king had there readie to encounter them, line 40 without more adoo they fled setting fire on the towne, and leauing all their vittels and other things behind them. The kings people comming spéedilie forward, and entring the towne, quenched the fire, and fell to the spoile of such things as the enimies for hast had left behind them. The king kept nothing to himselfe, but onelie a faire cup that belonged to the earle of Lancaster, a péece esteemed to be of some great value.

The K. com­meth to Tut­burie.On the same night, being wednesdaie, the king line 50 came to Tutburie, and lodged in the castell, sending foorth the next day with all spéed, letters to the shiriffe of Derbishire and Notinghamshire, aduertising him both of the successe he had against his enimies, and withall, pronouncing them and all their adherents, rebels and traitors to him and his realme, and that for such they should be reputed, taken and vsed. Where­fore he commanded in the same letters or writs, vp­on forfeiture of all that the said shiriffe might forfeit, he should pursue the said rebels, that is, the earles of line 60 Lancaster and Hereford, the lords Roger Damorie, Hugh Andelie the yoonger, Iohn de Mowbraie, Bar­tholomew de Badelismere, Roger de Clifford, Iohn Gifford de Brimesfield, Henrie Tieis, and all and e­uerie other person or persons that were of their con­federacie, or in their companies; causing hue and crie to be raised vpon them, Hue and crie. in what part soeuer they might be heard of, and in all places where the said shiriffe should thinke it expedient, and to inioine and streightlie command all and singular persons, the said rebels and enimies to pursue, take and arrest, and them to deliuer vnto the said shiriffe, and that such as were not able to pursue them, yet with hand or horne they should leuie hue and crie against them, in paine that being found negligent herein, to be ac­compted for fauourers and adherents to the said re­bels and traitors, and that the said shiriffe should ther­vpon apprehend them, and put them in prison. The writ was dated at Tutburie the eleuenth of March, and the like writs were directed and sent foorth to all other shiriffes through the realme, and likewise to the bishop of Durham, and to the iustice of Chester.

Beside this, he directed also other writs to the said shiriffes and others, that although he had béene con­streined to passe in forceable wise through diuerse parts of his realme, and the marches of Wales, to suppresse the malicious rebellion of diuerse his sub­iects, and that as yet he was constreined to conti­nue his iournie in such forceable wise, neuertheles his pleasure was, that the peace should be mainteined and kept throughout his realme, with the statutes, lawes and customes inuiolated, and therfore he com­manded the said shiriffes, that they should cause the same to be proclaimed in places where was thought most expedient, as well within liberties as without, Proclamati­ons made for the peace to be kept. inhibiting that any maner of person, of what state or condition soeuer he was, vpon paine that might fall thereon, to attempt any thing to the breach of peace; but that euerie man should séeke to mainteine and preserue the peace and tranquillitie of the people, with the statutes, lawes and good customes of the land, to the vttermost of his power: this alwaies ob­serued, that the rebels, wheresoeuer they might be found, should be arrested, and committed to safe cu­stodie. The daie of this writ was at Tutburie afore­said on the twelfth of March.

The lord Roger Damorie laie sicke in his bed at the same time in the priorie of Tutburie, The lord Damorie de­parted th [...] life. who after he had heard what iudgement the king had pronounced against him, departed this life within two daies af­ter. But the earles of Lancaster and Hereford, with other in their companie that fled from the discomfi­ture at Burton, lost manie men and horsses in their flieng away, by reason of such pursuit as was made after them. Diuerse of them that had taken part with the lords against the king, came now and sub­mitted themselues vnto him, amongst the which were sir Gilbert de Ellesfield, Sir Gilbert de Ellesfield & sir Robert Helland [...] them­selues to the king. and sir Robert Hel­land knights. The king yet had the said Holland in some suspicion, bicause he had promised to haue come to him before. The earle of Lancaster had sent him at this time to raise his tenants in Lancashire, and to bring them vnto him, but he deceiued him, and came not to him at all, wherevpon the earles of Lan­caster and Hereford, with the other barons, The earle [...] [...] Lancas [...] [...] Hereford came to Pomfr [...]t. being come vnto Pom [...]ret, fell to councell in the Friers there, and finallie, after much debating of the matter, and considering how by the vntrue dealing of the said Robert Holland, their side was much weakened, it was concluded, that they should go to the castell of Dunstanborough, and there remaine till they might purchase the kings pardon, sith their enterprise thus quailed vnder their hands: and herewith setting for­ward that waie foorth, they came to Borough bridge, Rich. So [...]. Sir [...] Herkley. where sir Andrew de Herkley with the power of the countesse of Cumberland and Westmerland had for­laid the passage, and there on a tuesdaie being the 16 of March, he setting vpon the barons, in the end dis­comfited them, and chased their people.

In this fight was s [...]aine the earle of Hereford, the lord William de Sullie, The earle [...] Here [...]ord slaine. The earle [...] Lancaster taken. with sir Roger de Bourgh­field, and diuerse others. And there were taken Tho­mas earle of Lancaster, the lord Roger Clifford son to that lord Roger which died in the battell of Ban­nockesborne in Scotland, the lord Gilbert Talbot, the lord Iohn [...]owbraie, [...] the lord Hugh de Willing­ton, the lord Thomas [...]anduit, the lord Warren de Lisle, the lord Phillip Darcie, the lord Thomas Wi­ther, [Page 331] the lord Henrie de Willington, the lord Hugh de Knouill, the lord Philip de Beche, the lord Hen­rie de Leiborne, the lord Henrie de Bradborne, the lord Iohn de Beckes, the lord Thomas Louell, the lord William fitz William, Robert de Wateuille, Iohn de Strikeland, Odnell Heron, Walter Paue­lie of Stretton, and a great number of other es­quires and gentlemen. The battell of [...]orough bridge. This battell was fought on the fiftéenth day of March, in the yeare 1322 after the accompt of them that begin the yeare at the Cir­cumcision, line 10 which was in the said fiftéenth yé ere of this kings reigne.

The bodie of the earle of Hereford was sent to Yorke, two friers of the order of preachers being appointed to looke to it, till the king tooke order for the burieng of it. The lord Clifford also, bicause he was wounded with an arrow, was sent vnto Yorke. At the same time, the lord Henrie Percie tooke the lord Henrie Tieis, and Iohn de Goldington knight, with two esquires, and within a few daies after, Do­nald de Mar tooke the lord Bartholomew de Bade­lismere, line 20 the lord Hugh Audelie the yoonger, the lord Iohn Gifford, the lord William Tuche [...], and in ma­ner all those which escaped by flight from this battell were taken in one place or other, by such of the kings seruants and fréends as pursued them. The castell of Pom [...]ret is rendred to the king. Upon the one and twentith of March, came sir Andrew de Harkley vnto Pomfret, bringing with him the earle of Lan­caster and other prisoners. The king was come thi­ther a few daies before, and had the castell yeelded to him by the constable, that not manie daies past was line 30 appointed to the kéeping thereof by the earle, which earle now being brought thither captiue, was moc­ked, scorned, and in derision called king Arthur.

On the morrow after being mondaie, the two and twentith of March, he was brought before these no­ble men, Edmund earle of Kent, Iohn earle of Rich­mond, Aimer earle of Penbroke, Iohn erle of Sur­rie, Edmund earle of Arundell, Dauid earle of A­tholl, Robert earle of Anegos, the lord Hugh Spen­ser line 40 the father, the lord Robert de Malmesthorp ius­tice, The earle of Lancaster arreigned. and others with them associate, before whome he was arreigned of high treason, for that he had raised warre against the king, and defended the passage of Burton bridge, for the space of thrée daies togither a­gainst him, and after when it was perceiued that the king had passed the riuer, he with Humfrie de Bo­hun earle of Hereford, and other their complices like traitors, set fire on the said towne, and cruellie burnt part of the houses and men of the same towne, and after, the said earle of Lancaster with his complices, line 50 arranged himselfe in field with his armie and ban­ners displaid readie to fight against the king, till that perceiuing the kings power to be ouerstrong for him & his partakers to resist, he togither with them fled, committing by the waie diuerse felonies and robbe­ries, till they came to Burrough bridge, where find­ing certeine of the kings faithfull subiects readie to resist them, they assailed the said faithfull subiects with force of armes and banners displaied, slaieng line 60 diuerse of them, till finallie the said earle of Lanca­ster was caught, and other of his complices, some ta­ken, some slaine, and the residue put to flight, so that there wanted no good will in the said earle of Lanca­ster and others, whie the king should not haue béene vanquished. Which treasons, murthers, burning of houses, destroieng of the kings people, being plain­lie & manifestlie knowne to the earls, He is found giltie. [...]. Southwell. barons, lords, and other people of the land, the said earle of Lanca­ster was therevpon adiudged to die, according to the law in such cases prouided, that is, to be drawne, han­ged, and headed. But bicause he was the queenes vncle, He is b [...]he [...] ­ded. and sonne to the kings vncle, he was pardoned of all saue heading, and so accordinglie therevnto suf­fered at Pomfret the two and twentith of March.

Thus the king séemed to be reuenged of the dis­pleasure doone to him by the earle of Lancaster, for the beheading of Peers de Gaueston earle of Corne­wall, whom he so déerelie loued, and bicause the erle of Lancaster was the chéefe occasioner of his death, the king neuer loued him entirelie after. ¶So that here is verified the censure of the scripture expressed by the wisedome of Salomon, that the anger and dis­pleasure of the king is as the roring of a lion, and his reuenge ineuitable. Wherefore it is an hie point of discretion in such as are mightie, to take héed how they giue edge vnto the wrath of their souereigne, which if it be not by submission made blunt, the bur­then of the smart insuing will lie heauie vpon the of­fendor, euen to his vtter vndooing, and losse (perhaps) of life. In this sort came the mightie earle of Lan­caster to his end, being the greatest péere in the realme, and one of the mightiest earles in christen­dome: for when he began to leauie warre against the king, he was possessed of fiue earledomes, Lan­caster, Lincolne, Salisburie, Leicester, and Derbie, beside other seigniories, lands, and possessions, great to his aduancement in honor and puissance. But all this was limited within prescription of time, which being expired, both honour and puissance were cut off with dishonour and death, for (O mutable state!)

Inuida fatorum series, summís (que) negatum
Stare diu.

On the same day, the lord William Tuchet, the lord William fitz William, the lord Warren de Lisle, the lord Henrie Bradborne, and the lord Willi­am; Chenie barons, with Iohn Page an esquire, were drawne and hanged at Pomfret aforesaid, and then shortlie after, Roger lord Clifford, Iohn lord Mowbraie, and sir Gosein d' Eeuill barons, Lords exe­cuted. were drawne and hanged at Yorke. At Bristow in like manner were executed sir Henrie de Willington, and sir Henrie Montfort baronets; and at Glocester, the lord Iohn Gifford, and sir William Elmebridge knight; and at London, the lord Henrie Teies ba­ron; at Winchelsie, sir Thomas Culpepper knight; at Windsor, the lord Francis de Aldham baron; and at Canturburie, the lord Bartholomew de Badelis­mere, and the lord Bartholomew de Ashbornham, barons. Also at Cardiffe in Wales, sir William Fleming knight was executed: diuerse were exe­cuted in their countries, as sir Thomas Mandit and others.

But now touching the foresaid earle of Lanca­ster, Auesburie. Nic. Triuer. great strife rose afterwards amongst the peo­ple, whether he ought to be reputed for a saint or no. Some held, that he ought to be no lesse esteemed, for that he did manie almesdéeds in his life time, hono­red men of religion, and mainteined a true quarell till his liues end. Also, his enimies continued not long after, but came to euill end. Others conceiued an other opinion of him, alledging, that he fauoured not his wife, but liued in spouse-breach, defiling a great number of damosels and gentlewomen. If anie offended him, he slue him shortlie after in his wrathfull mood. Apostataes and other euill dooers he mainteined, and would not suffer them to be puni­shed by due order of law. All his dooings he vsed to commit vnto one of his secretaries, and tooke no heed himselfe thereof: and as for the manner of his death, he fled shamefullie in the fight, and was taken and put to death against his will, bicause he could not auoid it: yet by reason of certeine miracles which were said to be doone néere the place both where he suffered, and where he was buried, caused manie to thinke he was a saint; howbeit, at length, by the kings cōmandement, the church doores of the priorie where he was buried, were shut and closed, so that no [Page 332] man might be suffered to come to the toome to bring any offerings, or to doo any other kind of deuotion to the same. Caxton. Also, the hill where he suffered was kept by certeine Gascoines, appointed by the lord Hugh Spenser the sonne then lieng at Pomfret, to the end that no people should come and make their praiers there in worship of the said earle, whome they tooke verelie for a martyr.

A parlement at Yorke.When the king had subdued the barons, shortlie after, about the feast of the Ascension of our lord, he line 10 held a parlement at Yorke, in which parlement, the record and whole processe of the decree or iudgement concerning the disheriting of the Spensers, The record touching the banishing of the Spensers reuersed. ordei­ned by the lords in parlement assembled at London the last summer, was now throughlie examined, and for their errours therein found, the same record and processe was cléerelie adnthilated and reuersed, and the said Spensers were restored to all their lands and offices, Creation of earls. as before. And in the same parlement the lord Hugh Spenser the father was made earle of line 20 Winchester, and the lord Andrew de Herklie earle of Carleill. Moreouer, in the same parlement, all such were disherited as had taken part with the earls of Lancaster & Hereford, The lord Audelie pardoned. except the lord Hugh Aude­lie the yoonger, and a few other, the which lord Hugh was pardoned, bicause he had married the kings néece, that was sister to Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester, which was slaine in Scotland, at the bat­tell of Bannockesborne, as before is mentioned.

Robert Bal­docke is made lord chancel­lour. Polydor.At this time also master Robert Baldocke, a man line 30 euill beloued in the realme, was made lord chancel­lour of England. This Robert Baldocke, and one Simon Reding were great fauourers of the Spen­sers, and so likewise was the earle of Arundell, wher­by it may be thought, that the Spensers did helpe to aduance them into the kings fauour, so that they bare no small rule in the realme, during the time that the same Spensers continued in prosperitie, which for the terme of fiue yeares after that the fore­said barons (as before is expressed) were brought to line 40 confusion, did woonderfullie increase, and the quéene for that she gaue good and faithfull counsell, The quéene giueth good counsell. was no­thing regarded, but by the Spensers meanes cléere­lie worne out of the kings fauour. Moreouer, we find, The kings eldest sonne created prince of Wales. that in this parlement holden at Yorke, the kings sonne Edward was made prince of Wales, and duke of Aquitaine.

Also, the king caused the ordinances made by the earles and barons to be examined by men of great knowledge and skill, and such as were thought neces­sarie line 50 to be established, he commanded that the same should be called statutes, Statutes. and not ordinances. Beside a great subsidie granted to the king by the temporal­tie, A subsidie. the cleargie of all the prouince of Canturburie granted fiue pence of euerie marke, and they of the prouince of Yorke foure pence. Aimer earle of Pen­broke, Addition to Triuet. The earle of Penbroke arrested. being returned home from this parlement holden at Yorke, was arrested by certeine knights, sent with authoritie therevnto from the king, who brought him backe to Yorke, where at length tho­rough line 60 suit of certeine noble men, he was vpon his oth taken to be a faithfull subiect, and in considerati­on of a fine which he paied to the king, set at libertie. The occasion of his imprisonment came, for that he was accused and detected to be a secret fauourer of the barons cause against the Spensers in time of the late troubles.

Fabian.Moreouer, shortlie after the king gathered the sixt penie of the temporall mens goods thorough Eng­land, Ireland and Wales, which had beene granted to him at the foresaid parlement holden at Yorke, to­wards the defending of the realme against the Scots. This ta [...] was not gathered without great murmur and grudge, the realme being in such euill and miserable state as it then was. ¶ This yeare also the sunne appeared to mans sight in colour like to bloud, and so continued six houres, to wit, from se­uen of the clocke in the morning of the last daie of October, vntill one of the clocke in the afternoone of the same daie.

Here is to be noted, Polydor. that during the time whilest the ciuill warre was in hand betwixt king Edward and his barons, the Scots and Frenchmen were not idle, for the Scots wasted & destroied the countrie of the bishoprike of Durham (as before ye haue partlie heard) & the Frenchmen made roades & incursions into the borders of Guien, The Scots inuade the bishoprike of Durham. alledging that they did it vpon good and sufficient occasion, for that king Ed­ward had not doone his homage vnto the king of France, as he ought to haue doone, for the duchie of Aquitaine, and the countie of Pontieu. But the true occasion that mooued them to attempt the warres at that present, was for that they were in hope to reco­uer all the lands which the king of England held within France, cleerelie out of his hands, for so much as they vnderstood the discord betwixt him and his barons, and how infortunatlie he had sped against the Scots, by reason whereof they iudged the time to serue most fitlie now for their purpose.

In the octaues of the natiuitie of saint Iohn Bap­tist, Robert Bruce entring into England by Car­leill, kept on his waie through Cumberland, Rich. South. Rob. Bruc [...] inuadeth England. Coupe­land, Kendall, and so into Lancashire, till he came to Preston in Andernesse, which towne he burnt, as he had doone others in the countries through which he had passed. There were some of the Scots that for­raied the countrie fiue miles on this side Preston southwards, Sée more hereof in Scotland. and thus being fourescore long miles within England, they returned homewards, and en­tred againe into Scotland without incounter, after they had béene at this time within England the space of three wéeks and thrée daies. King Edward being thus beset with two mischiefes both at one time, thought good first to prouide remedie against the nee­rer danger, which by the Scots was still at hand, and therefore he meant to go against them himselfe, and to send his brother Edmund earle of Kent into Gui­en, to defend that countrie from the Frenchmen. Herevpon now in the sixteenth yeare of his reigne, Anno Reg. [...]. after that the Scots were returned home with a great bootie and rich spoile, The king goeth into Scotland with an ar [...] Ri. Southw. Merimou [...]h▪ he got togither a wonder­full great armie of men, and entring into Scotland, passed far within the countrie, not finding any resi­stance at all (as the most part of our writers doo a­gree) but at length, through famine and diseases of the flix and other maladies that fell amongst the Eng­lishmen in the armie, he was constreined to come backe, and in his waie besieged the castell of Nor­ham, which fortresse he wan within ten daies after he had begun to assault it.

Robert Bruce immediatlie after the English ar­mie was retired home, raised a power, and entring into England by Sulwaie sands, laie at a place cal­led Beaumond, not past thrée miles frō Carleill, by the space of fiue daies, sending in the meane time the most part of his armie abroad to spoile and harrie the countrie on euerie side, and afterwards remouing from thence, he passed towards Blackamore, hauing knowledge by diligent espials, that king Edward was in those parts, giuing himselfe more to pastime in hunting there within the woods about Blacka­more, than to the good ordering of his people which he had then about him. Wherevpon the Scotish king Bruce, entring into that wild and moorish countrie, where he had not beene afore, conueied his enterprise so warilie, and with such diligent industrie, that on saint Lukes daie, comming vpon the English armie at vnwares, he put the same to flight, so that the king [Page 333] himselfe was in great danger to haue béene taken prisoner. For (as some authors write) the Scots had almost taken him at dinner in the abbeie of Beigh­land. Sir Iohn Brittaine earle of Richmond was ta­ken at this battell, and the kings treasure was spoi­led and carried awaie, with the prouision and ordi­nance that belonged to the host.

Rich. South.The king escaping awaie, got to Yorke, and the Scots hauing thus the vpper hand, after they had spoiled the monasterie of Rinale, Yorkeswol [...] spoiled by the Scots. Beuerlie ran­ [...]omed. and taken their pleasure there, they passed foorth into Yorkeswold, de­stroieng line 10 that countrie euen almost vnto Beuerlie, which towne they ransomed, receiuing a summe of monie for sparing it, least they should haue burnt it, as they did other. The earle of Carleill rai­seth an armie. The earle of Carleill being com­manded by the king to raise the powers of Cumber­land, Westmerland, and Lancashire, did so, and accor­ding to that he had in commandement, bringing them belowe the countries vnto Yorke, found the K. there in no plight to giue battell to his enimies, all things being brought about him into great con­fusion: line 20 wherevpon he licenced his people to depart to their homes againe, and the Scots so returned without battell home into their countries, entring into Scotland the morrow after All ballowes daie, after they had remained in England at this time, one whole moneth and foure daies. Fabian. Some write, that in their returne, they spoiled Northalerton, and diuerse other townes and places as they passed.

A conspiracie to set priso­ners at li­bertie.In the same yeare, there was a great conspiracie line 30 practised by certein persons that had taken part with the barons in the late warres, purposing to set at li­bertie in one selfe night, all those noble men and o­thers, that were by the king kept in prison for that quarrell. Certeine therefore of those conspirators came to the castell of Walingford, within the which the lord Maurice Berkelie, and the lord Hugh Aud­lie remained as prisoners. The conspirators found shift to enter the castell by a posterne gate towards the Thames side, howbeit not so secretlie but that the line 40 townesmen hauing knowledge thereof, assembled togither, and besieged them that were so entred the castell, till the earles of Kent and Winchester came with a great power to reenforce the siege, so that in the end, they that had made this attempt fled into the chappell of the castell, in hope to be saued through sanctuarie of the place, but they were (against the willes of the deane and preests of the colledge there that sought to defend them) taken foorth by force, so that sir Iohn de Goldington knight, Sir Iohn Goldington. sir Edmund of line 50 the Bech chapleine, and an esquire called Roger Walton, were sent to Pomfret, and there put in pri­son; the esquire was after sent to Yorke, and there drawne and hanged. This enterprise caused all other prisoners to be more streightlie looked vnto.

In this yeare was begun a wicked practise of trea­son vpon this occasion. Where K. Edward hauing as­saied fortune so froward towards him, in chance of warre against the Scots at sundrie times, was ther­by taught to doubt the triall thereof any further, and line 60 rather to seeke for peace, he appointed Andrew Herk­lie earle of Carleill, Polydor. to séeke some means, whereby a peace might be concluded betwixt him and king Robert. Rich. South W. Polydor. The earle by the kings commandement, go­ing into Scotland, and comming vnto king Robert, whome he found at Loghmaban, intreated with him of warre, and not of peace; for whether it were so that he despaired of the state of king Edwards busi­nesse, which prospered neither at home nor abroad; [...]heefelie by reason of his owne wilfull negligence (as some write) or whether of his owne nature this earle delighted in nothing so much, as in deceipt, craft, and treason: he concluded vpon points with the Scotish king, how, when, and where king Ed­ward should be betraied, and to the end that couenan­ted faith on either side might be the more suerlie kept and obserued, the sister of K. Robert was affianced vnto the said earle of Carleill: a verie beautifull la­die and a comelie as was anie where to be séene or found.

This practise being thus contriued, shortlie after the king got knowledge thereof, though by whome it was not certeinlie knowne: so hard a thing it is for man to conceale and keepe secret that thing which he goeth about, though he studie neuer so much so to doo, namelie in matters of treason, Treason will euer come to light by one mean [...] or other. which hath a thou­sand feet to créepe abroad, and which way soeuer it go­eth, it leaueth a thousand prints of the footsteps behind it, by the which it may be discouered to the world. When therefore the earle came backe againe to Car­leill, he was arrested by commandement from the king, and straightwaies being arreigned of the trea­son, he was thereof condemned and put to execution. 1323 The earle of Carleill put to death. His head was sent vnto London, The earle of Carleill put to death. and there set vpon the bridge, or rather vpon some turret of the tower. So hard a matter it is for traitors to escape the hands of the executioner; vnder whose hatchet they submit their heads to be hewen from their shoulders, euen then when they haue conceiued their traitorous attempts in hart, for God who hath placed princes in thrones of roialtie, to this end hath vouchsafed them a superlatiue degrée of dignitie, that they might be obeied, neither will his iustice permit impunitie to the disloiall enterprises and complots of malefactors, common peace-disturbers, hautie-harted Nemrods, ambitious Hamans, or anie lewd malcontent: for

Acer Dei est oculus ad omnia videndum,
Eius poenas non effugit mortalis,
Viuere volens ergo ne faciat morte digna.

¶ But there be that write otherwise (as it may well be) thus, that this earle of Carleill, perceiuing the miserie of his countrie, without consent of the king of England, made peace with the king of Scots, vnder this forme, as by Richard Southwell we find recorded. Ri. Southwell. First, the earle promised faithfullie for him and his heires, that they should with all their force and means possible, séeke to mainteine the said king of Scots, his heires and successors, in the peace­able possession of the kingdome of Scotland, and that to their powers they shuld fight against all those that would not agrée vnto that couenant, as against them that should séeme to be enimies vnto the com­mon-wealth of both the realmes of England and Scotland. The king of Scots promised faithfullie for his part, to defend the said earle, his heires, and adhe­rents in the said couenant or paction, and not onelie to keepe peace with England, but also to build a mo­nasterie within Scotland, assigning reuenues there­to, to the value of fiue hundred marks, to celebrate diuine seruice, and to pray continuallie for the soules of them that were dead, by occasion of the passed warres betwixt England and Scotland; and further, that he should giue to the king of England within ten yeares, fortie thousand pounds of siluer; and that the king of England should haue the king of Scots eldest sonne, to marrie him vnto some ladie of his bloud, as he should thinke expedient. To the perfor­mance of all which couenants well and truelie to be obserued, Thomas Randulfe earle of Murrey sware on the behalfe of the king of Scots, and the earle of Carleill sware for himselfe: and héerewith certeine writings indented were drawne and ingrossed, to the which interchangeablie they set their hands and seales.

After that the earle of Carleill was returned home, he called to Carleill all the cheefe persons of the countrie, as well spirituall as temporall, and there rather through feare, than otherwise, constrei­ned [Page 334] them to receiue an oth, that they should aid & as­sist him to their powers, to see all the couenants a­bouesaid performed and kept. After that these things were knowne to the king and the realme, although some of the communaltie liked well inough of the matter, bicause they hoped thereby to remaine in peace, especiallie those of the north parts, the king yet and his councell (not without cause) were sore offended, for that he whom the king had so latelie ad­uanced, should confederate himselfe with the Scots, line 10 to the preiudice of the king and his crowne, conclu­ding any couenants of peace without his consent, wherevpon reputing him for a ranke traitor, the king sent vnto the lord Antonie Lucie, The lord Lucie. to apprehend the said earle by some meanes if he might, and for his paines he should not faile to be well rewarded.

The lord Lucie watching his time, when the earles men were gone some whither abroad, and but few left about him, the morrow after the feast of saint Matthew the apostle, he entred the castell of Carleill, line 20 as it were to talke with the earle of some businesse, as his manner was at other times to doo. He had with him sir Hugh Lowther, sir Richard Denton, and sir Hugh Moricebie knights, and foure esquiers, beside other priuilie armed, so that leauing some at e­uerie gate and doore as he entred, he came into the hall, and there finding the earle inditing letters, ar­rested him. Herewith when certeine of the earles ser­uants made a noise, and cried, Treason, treason, the porter of the inner gate would haue shut it vpon line 30 them that were thus entred, but sir Richard Denton slue that porter with his owne hands, and there was not one more slaine by them in the apprehension of the earle, for all other his seruants yéelded them­selues and the house vnto the said lord Lucie, with­out more resistance.

Howbeit one of his seruants that saw these doo­ings, got awaie, and with all spéed ran to the péele of He [...]head, Michaell de Herkley. and shewed to the earles brother Michaell Herkeley what was chanced to the earle, wherevpon line 40 the said Michaell foorthwith fled into Scotland, and with him sir William Blunt knight, a Scotishman, and diuerse other that were of the earles priuie coun­cell. The lord Lucie streightwaies sent a messenger to the king vnto Yorke, aduertising him how he had taken the earle, and therefore required to vnderstand further of the kings pleasure. The king foorthwith sent the lord Geffrey Scroobe iustice, with a number of armed men vnto Carleill, the which came thither on saint Chaddes daie, and the morrow after, being line 50 the third of March, he sat in iudgement vpon the said earle, in the castell of Carleill, and there (as out of the kings mouth) he pronounced sentence against him in this wise; first, that he should be disgraded of his earledome, by the taking awaie from him the sword which the king had gird him with, and likewise of his knighthood, by cutting off his spurs from his heeles, and that after this, he should be drawen from the castell through the citie vnto the place of executi­on, The earle of Carle [...]s judgement. where felons were accustomed to suffer, and there line 60 to be hanged, afterwards headed, and then his head to be sent vnto London, there to be set aloft vpon one of the turrets of the tower, and his quarters to be di­uided, one to be set vp at Carleill, an other at New­castell vpon Tine, the third at Bristow, & the fourth at Douer.

When he had heard this iudgement, he said; You haue diuided my bodie at your pleasure, and I com­mit my soule vnto God: and being according to the iudgement drawen to the place where he suffered, he neuer shranke at the matter, but boldlie behaued himselfe, His constan­cie at his death. declaring at the verie houre of his death, that his intention in concluding the agréement with the Scots was good, and procéeding not of any euill meaning, but tending onelie to the wealth and quiet­nes of the realme. Neither could such friers as were permitted to come to him before his arreignement to heare his confession, get any thing more of him, but that his meaning was good, and that which he had concluded with the king of Scots was not doone vp­on any euill purpose, whereby any hurt might insue, either to the king or to the realme. ¶ Thus haue we thought good to shew the cause of this earles death, as by some writers it hath béene registred; although there be that write, Fabian. that the ouerthrow at Beighland chanced through his fault, Ca [...]ton, by misleading a great part of the kings host, and that therefore the king being offended with him, caused him to be put to death, al­beit (as I thinke) no such matter was alleged against him at the time of his arreignement.

About this season was the foundation begun of S. Michaels colledge in Cambridge, Polydor. by one sir Henrie Stanton knight, chancellour of the excheker. About the feast of the Ascension, Rich. Sou [...] Commissio­ners [...] intrea [...] of peace. there came as commissio­ners from the king of England vnto Newcastell, Aimerie earle of Penbroke, and the lord chamber­laine Hugh Spenser the yoonger, and other foure personages of good accompt. And from the king of Scots, there came the bishop of saint Andrews, Tho­mas Randulfe earle of Murrey, and other foure of good credit to treat of peace, or at the leastwise of some long truce, and through the good will and plea­sure of God, the author of all peace and quietnesse, they concluded vpon a truce, to indure for thirteene yeares, A tr [...]ce [...] claded. and so about the feast of saint Barnabe the a­postle, it was proclaimed in both realmes, but yet so, that they might not traffike togither, bicause of the excommunication wherewith the Scots were as yet intangled, although as some write, about the same time, the interdict wherein the realme of Scotland stood bound, was by pope Iohn released. Polydor▪ Hect. [...] ▪ Anno Reg. 1 [...] Messengers from the French king.

The French K. being latelie come to the crowne, sent certeine ambassadors vnto king Edward, to wit, the lord Beouille, and one Andreas de Floren­tia a notarie, to giue summons vnto him from the French king, to come and doo homage for the lands which he held in France, The Fren [...] king taketh townes in A­quitaine. as for the duchie of Aqui­taine, and the countie of Pontieu. And though the lord chamberleine Hugh Spenser the sonne, and the lord chancellour Robert Baldocke did what they could to procure these ambassadors, not to declare the cause of their comming to the king, yet when they should depart, they admonished the king to come and doo his homage vnto the French king, and vpon this admonition the said Andreas framed a publike in­strument, by vertue whereof, the French king made processe against the king of England, and [...]eized into his hands diuerse townes and castels in Aquitaine, alledging that he did it for the contumacie shewed by the king of England, in refusing to come to doo his homage, being lawfullie summoned, although the king was throughlie informed, that the summons was neither lawfull, nor touched him anie thing at all.

About the same time, The lord Mortimer breaketh [...] of the [...] the lord Roger Mortimer of Wigmor, giuing his kéepers a drinke that brought them into a sound and heauie sléepe, escaped out of the tower of London where he was prisoner. This escape of the lord Mortimer greatlie troubled the king, so that immediatlie vpon the first news, he wrote to all the shiriffes of the realme, that if he chan­ced to come within their roomes, they should cause hue and crie to be raised, so as he might be staied and arrested, but he made such shift, that he got ouer into France, where he was receiued by a lord of Picar­die, named monsier Iohn de Fieules, who had faire lands in England, and therefore the king wrote to him, reprouing him of vnthankfulnesse, considering [Page 335] he had beene euer readie to pleasure him, and to ad­uance his profits and commodities, and yet not­withstanding he did succour the said lord Mortimer, and other rebels that were fled out of his realme.

In Lent this yeare, a parlement was holden at London, 1 [...]24 in the which diuerse things were intreated, amongst other the cheefest was, A parlement. to determine for the sending of some honorable ambassage to the French king, to excuse the king for not comming to him to doo his homage, according to the pretended sum­mons. The bishop of Hereford ar­rested. line 10 ¶ In the same parlement, Adam bishop of Hereford was arrested, and examined vpon points of treason, for aiding, succouring, and mainteining the Mortimers, and other of the rebels. This bishop was reckoned to be wise, Thom. de la More. subtill, and learned, but o­therwise wilfull, presumptuous, and giuen to main­teine factions. At the first, he disdeined to make anie answer at all, and finallie, when he was in manner forced thereto, he flatlie told the king, that he might not make any answere to such matters as he was charged with, Thom. Wals. except by the licence and consent of his line 20 metropolitane the archbishop of Canturburie, and other his péeres. Héerevpon, the said archbishop and other bishops made such sute, that he was commit­ted to the kéeping of the said archbishop, with him to remaine, till the king had taken order for his further answer.

Within few daies after, when the king called him againe before his presence, to make answere to the matters laid against him, the archbishops of Can­turburie, line 30 Yorke, Dublin, and ten other bishops came with their crosses afore them, The presam­tuous [...]enica­nor of prelats. and vnder a colour of the priuilege and liberties of the church, tooke him a­waie, before he had made anie answere, forbidding all men on paine of excommunication, to laie anie hands vpon him. The king greatlie offended with this bold procéeding of the prelats, caused yet an in­quest to be impauelled, to inquire of the bishop of Herefords treasons, and vpon the finding of him giltie, he seized into his hands all the temporalties line 40 that belonged to his bishoprike, and spoiled his ma­nours and houses most violentlie, in reuenge of his disloiall dealings.

Re. Tu [...] ▪ Lands belōg­ing to the templers.Moreouer, in this parlement, the lands and posses­sions that belonged sometime to the Templers, and had beene deliuered vnto the knights Hospitalers, otherwise called knights of the Rodes by the king in the seauenth yeare of his reigne (according to the de­crée of the councell of Uienna) were by authoritie of this parlement assured vnto the said knights, to en­ioy line 50 to them and their successors for euer. Also it was concluded, that the earle of Kent, and the archbishop of Dubline should go ouer as ambassadours into France, to excuse the king for his not comming in person to the French king, to doo his homage for the lands he held in France. Moreouer, in the same par­lement, Licence to [...] the bodies of the rebels. Reco [...]d. Tur. the king granted, that all the dead bodies of his enimies and rebels that had suffered and hanged still on the gallowes, should be taken downe, and buried in the churchyards next to the places where line 60 the same bodies were hanging, and not elsewhere, by such as would take paine to burie them, as by his writs directed vnto the shiriffes of London, and of the counties of Middlesex, Kent, Glocester, Yorke, and Buckingham it appeared. And not onelie this li­bertie was granted at that time for the taking down of those bodies, Polydor. but (as some write) it was decréed by authoritie in the same parlement, that the bodies of all those that from thenceforth should be hanged for felonies, should incontinentlie be buried, which ordi­nance hath béene euer since obserued.

Ambassadors sent into France.The earle of Kent, and the archbishop of Dubline going ouer into France, could not light vpon anie good conclusion for the matter about the which they were sent, bicause the same time, or rather somewhat before, the lord Rase Basset of Draiton, The lord Basset. being the kings seneshall in Guien, had ouerthrowne a cer­teine towne, newlie fortified by the Frenchmen on the frontiers, for that the inhabitants, trusting on the French kings fauour and maintenance, refused to obeie the lawes and ordinances of the countrie of Aquitaine, and séemed to despise and set at naught the authoritie of the said lord Basset in that countrie, contrarie to all right, good order or reason. Neuerthe­lesse, the French king tooke the matter so greeuouslie, that except the lord Basset might be constreined to come vnto Paris, and there make answer to his of­fense, he would not hearken to anie other satisfacti­on. And therevpon, when the ambassadours were re­turned, he sent his vncle the lord Charles de Ualois earle of Anio [...], with a mightie armie, Anno Reg. 18. The earle of Amou sent into Guien. against the English subiects into Guien, where entring into Agenois, he tooke and seized all that countrie into the French kings hands. The earle of Kent. The earle of Kent being now gotten into those parts, with a great number of o­ther capteins and men of warre sent thither by the king of England, resisted the enimies verie manful­lie, in so much that vpon their approch to the Rioll, a strong towne in those parts, the earle of Kent as then being within it, did issue foorth, and giuing them battell, slue (as some write) fouretéene hundred of their men, so that they were glad to lodge at the first somewhat further off the towne.

Whilest this siege remained before the towne of the Rioll, Fabian. The king of England writeth to the duke of Bri­taine. Record. Tur. the king of England wrote his letters to the duke of Britaine, as one of the péeres of France, declaring the iniurious dealing of the French king, who had sent his vncle the earle of Aniou with an ar­mie against his people in Agenois, where he had ta­ken manie townes, destroied his people, and now had besieged his nephue Edmund earle of Kent, within the towne of the Rioll, inforsing his whole puissance wrongfullie to bereaue him of all the du­chie of Guien, and against all reason, and the prero­gatiue of the peeres of France, to an euill president or example in time to come of the perpetuall serui­tude of the said péeres. ‘And although saith the king of England, that the French alledge that we haue béen lawfullie summoned to come and doo homage, and haue refused so to doo, that is not so: for we were ne­uer in due order required as was conuenient, nei­ther could we doo homage, by reason of the great in­iuries and hard dealings practised against vs, from the feast of Easter last, till the date of those his pre­sent letters (which was the sixt of October, in this eighteenth yeare of his reigne) and yet, saith he, there was neuer anie lawfull processe had against vs be­fore our péeres, in the great chamber at Paris, as had béene requisite.’

Herevpon he requested the duke of Britaine, that for the preseruation and maintenance of the honora­ble estate of the péeres of France, & for iustice sake he would helpe to aid him, either by waie of request, or other conuenient meanes, so as the said streict dealings and iniurious wrongs may ceasse, and the estate of the péereship may be mainteined as was requisite. He wrote likewise to the lord Iohn the infant, the lord of Biskie, The lord of Biskie. and to the ladie Marie of Biskie gouernesse of the king of Castile and Le­on, and to Iames king of Aragon, requesting them to aid him with men of warre, as well horssemen as footmen, against his aduersarie the French king, that most vniustlie went about to depriue him of his inheritance. But howsoeuer the matter went, no aid came to the earle of Kent from any part, till at length, the Frenchmen so reinforced the siege, that the towne was deliuered to the earle of Aniou, and a truce taken vpon certeine conditions, that [Page 336] further talke might be had, Tho. Wals. A truce takē. for the conclusion of some peace.

Then were sent ouer other ambassadors, as the lord Iohn de Sullie a Frenchman borne, The lord de Sullie sent into France in ambassage. and one maister Iohn de Shordich, but the lord Sullie had so strange interteinment for some displeasure which the French king conceiued against him, that if the French quéene had not the beter intreated for him, he had lost his head; and as for the other, he had also returned home without bringing any thing to passe, of that for the which he was sent. After this, the pope line 10 sent the archbishop of Uienna, The pope sendeth am­bassadors to the kings of England and France. and the bishop of O­range, to the princes of either realme, to exhort them to some agréement, but they could doo no good, and so taking monie of the cleargie for their expenses, they returned. After this, about the twentith daie after Christmasse, year 1325 there was a parlement called at Lon­don, in the which the king required to haue the aduise of the lords, how he might worke for sauing, of the duchie of Guien, sore molested by the French. Hervp­on line 20 it was concluded, Other ambas­sadors sent o­ouer into France. that the bishops of Winchester and Norwich, and Iohn de Britaine earle of Rich­mond, should go ouer as ambassadors to the French king, who comming into France, after manie argu­mentations, allegations, and excuses, made on both parts, at length receiued a certeine forme of pacifica­tion at the French kings hands, with the which the bishop of Winchester was sent backe to England, the bishop of Norwich, and the earle of Richmond re­maining there, till it might be knowen how the king line 30 of England would like thereof.

Finallie it was thought good, that the queene shuld go ouer to hir brother the French king, The quéene is sent ouer into France to talke with hir brother the French king. to confirme that treatie of peace vpon some reasonable conditi­ons. She willinglie tooke vpon hir the charge, and so with the lord Iohn Crumwell, & other foure knights, without any other great traine, taking sea, she landed in France, where of the king hir brother she was ioi­fullie receiued, A peace and concord a­gréed vpon. and finallie she being the mediatrix, it was finallie accorded, that the K. of England should giue to his eldest sonne the duchie of Aquitaine, and line 40 the countie of Pontieu, and that the French king re­ceiuing homage of him for the same, he should re­store into his hands the said countie, and the lands in Guien, for the which they were at variance, and for those countries which had beene forraied and spoiled, the earle of Aniou should fullie see him satisfied, as right did require.

Anno Reg. 19. Upon the couenants the French king wrote his letters patents into England, and other letters also of safe conduct, as well for the sonne as for the king line 50 himselfe, if it should please him to come ouer him­selfe in person. Upon which choise great deliberation was had, as well at Langdon, as at Douer, diuerse thinking it best that the king should go ouer him­selfe: but the earle of Winchester and his sonne the lord chamberleine, that neither durst go ouer them­selues with the king, nor abide at home in his ab­sence, gaue contrarie counsell, and at length preuai­led so, that it was fullie determined that the kings el­dest line 60 sonne Edward should go ouer, which turned to their destruction, as it appeared afterward.

Herevpon the king made a charter of grant vnto his sonne, of the duchie of Guien, and countie of Pontieu, to haue and hold to him & his heires kings of England, with condition, that if he chanced to de­part this life whilest his father liued, those lands should returne to his father againe, so as the French king might not marrie the kings sonne at his plea­sure, nor appoint vnto him any gardians or gouer­nours. The prince of Wales is sent into France. This ordinance was made at Douer by the kings charter, with consent of the prelats and other noble men of the realme there present, the morrow after the Natiuitie of our ladie, and on the thursdaie following, the kings sonne tooke the sea, and with him Walter bishop of Excester and others in competent number, and about the feast of saint Matthew the apostle, he did homage to his vncle the French king at Bois de Vincennes, vnder certeine protestations made, as well on the one part as the other.

The summer this yeare prooued excéeding hot and drie, A drie sum­mer. so that springs and riuers failed to yéeld their accustomed course of waters, by reason wherof great numbers of cattell and beasts, Cattell died. both wild and tame died, through lacke of conuenient liquor to asswage their vehement thirst. In the beginning of the next spring, The king s [...]deth for his wife and so [...] to returne home. king Edward sent into France vnto his wife and sonne, commanding them, now that they had made an end of their businesse, to returne home with all conuenient speed. The queene receiuing the message from hir husband, whether it was so that she was staied by hir brother, vnto whome belike she had complained after what manner she was vsed at hir husbands hands, being had in no regard with him: or for that she had no mind to returne home, bicause she was loth to see all things ordered out of frame by the counsell of the Spensers, whereof to heare she was wearie: or whether (as the manner of women is) she was long about to prepare hir selfe forward, she slac­ked all the summer, and sent letters euer to excuse hir tarriance. The wo­mans dissi­mulation. But yet bicause she would not run in any suspicion with hir husband, she sent diuerse of hir folkes before hir into England by soft iournies. A la­mentable case, that such diuision should be betwéene a king and his quéene, being lawfullie married, and hauing issue of their bodies, which ought to haue made that their copulation more comfortable: but (alas) what will not a woman be drawne and allured vnto, if by euill counsell she be once assaulted? And what will she leaue vndoone, though neuer so in­conuenient to those that should be most déere vnto hir, so hir owne fansie and will be satisfied? And how hardlie is the reuoked from procéeding in an euill action, if she haue once taken a taste of the same? As verie truly is reported by the comedie-writer, saieng,

Malè quod mulier incoepit nisi efficere id perpetrat,
Id illi morbo, id illi senio est; ea illi miserae miseria est:
Si bene facere incoepit, eius eam cito odium percipit,
Plaut. i [...] True.
Nimis (que) paucae sunt defessae, male quae facere occoeperint;
Nimis (que) paucae efficiunt, si quid occoeperint benefacere;
Mulieri nimiò malefacere melius est onus, quàm benè.

But to the purpose. King Edward not a little of­fended with king Charles, by whole meanes he knew that the woman thus lingered abroad, he procured pope Iohn to write his letters vnto the French king, admonishing him to send home his sister and hir sonne vnto hir husband. A proclam [...]tion. Fabian. But when this nothing auai­led, a proclamation was made in the moneth of De­cember, the nineteenth yeare of this kings reigne, that if the quéene and hir sonne entred not the land by the octaues of the Epiphanie next insuing in peaceable wise, they should be taken for enimies to the realme and crowne of England. Polydor. ¶ Here authors varie, for some write, that vpon knowledge had of this proclamation, the queene determined to returne into England foorthwith, that she might be reconciled to hir husband.

Others write, and that more truelie, how she being highlie displeased, both with the Spensers and the king hir husband, that suffered himselfe to be misled by their counsels, did appoint indéed to returne into England, not to be reconciled, but to stir the people to some rebellion, wherby she might reuenge hir ma­nifold iniuries. Which (as the proofe of the thing shew­ed) séemeth to be most true, for she being a wise wo­man, & considering that sith the Spensers had exclu­ded, put out, and remooued all good men, from and be­sides the kings councell, and placed in their roomes [Page 337] such of their clients, seruants and freends as pleased them, she might well thinke that there was small hope to be had in hir husband, who heard no man but the said Spensers, which she knew hated hir deadlie. Wherevpon, year 1326 after that the tearme prefixed in the proclamation was expired, the king caused to be sei­zed into his hands, all such lands, as belonged either to his sonne, or to his wife.

About the same time, one sir Robert Walkfare knight, Sir Robert Walkfare. a right hardie man of his hands, but craftie and subtill (who being taken in the warres which the line 10 lords raised against the king, had beene committed to prison in the castell of Corfe) found means now to kill the constable of that castell most cruellie, and escaping awaie, got ouer to the quéene into France, and so the number of them that ran out of the realme vnto hir dailie increased. This sir Robert Walk­fare was a great procurer of the discord betwixt the king and the lords, and a chéefe leader, or rather sedu­cer of that noble man Humfrie de Bohune earle of Hereford: and whilest other gaue themselues to line 20 seeke a reformation in the decaied state of the com­monwealth, he set his mind vpon murders and rob­beries. Diuerse other about the same time fled out of the realme vnto the queene, and vnto hir sonne the earle of Chester. The bishop of Excester cō ­meth from the quéene. But in the meane time, Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester, which hitherto had re­mained with the queene in France, stale now from hir, and got ouer into England, opening to the king all the counsell and whole mind of the queene: which thing turned first of all vnto his owne destruction, line 30 as shall after appeare.

Sir Oliuer de Ingham lieutenant of Gascoine.About the same time, one sir Oliuer de Ingham, a yoong, lustie, and valiant knight, was by the kings sonne the duke of Aquitaine (not without his fathers consent) established lord warden of the marches of Guien, the which sir Oliuer gathering an armie of hired soldiers, Spaniards, Aragons, and Gascoins, inuaded the countrie of Agenois (which the French king held yet in his hands contrarie to couenant) and recouering it from the French, Agenois recouered out of the French­mens hands. cleerelie reduced it to line 40 the English dominion. Moreouer, sir Iohn Otu­rum, sir Nicholas Kiriell, and sir Iohn Felton, admerals by the kings appointment, with the fléets of the east, south, and west parts, went to the sea, to appre­hend such Frenchmen as they might méet withall. They according to their commission bestirred them­selues so, Ships of Normandie taken. that within few daies they tooke six score saile of Normans, and brought them into England, wherevpon the displeasure sore increased betwixt the line 50 two realmes.

The king of England stood not onelie in doubt of the Frenchmen, but more of his owne people that remained in France, least they thorough helpe of the French should inuade the land, and therefore he com­manded the hauens and ports to be suerlie watched, lest some sudden inuasion might happilie be attemp­ted, for it was well vnderstood, that the queene meant not to returne, till she might bring with hir the lord Mortimer, and the other banished men, who in no line 60 wise could obteine anie fauour at the kings hands, so long as the Spensers bare rule. ¶ The pope la­menting this matter, sent two bishops into Eng­land, to reconcile the king and quéene, and also to a­gree the two kings. These bishops were reuerentlie receiued, but more than reuerence here they obteined not, and so departed as they came.

King Edward vnderstanding all the quéenes drift, Anno. Reg. 20. at length sought the French kings fauour, and did so much by letters and promise of bribes with him and his councell, that queene Isabell was destitute in manner of all helpe there, so that she was glad to withdraw into Heinault, The lord Beaumont [...] H [...]inault. by the comfort of Iohn the lord Beaumont, the earle of Heinault his brother, who being then in the court of France, and lamen­ting queene Isabels case, imagined with himselfe of [...]ome marriage that might be had betwixt the yoong prince of Wales, and some of the daughters of his brother the earle of Heinault, and therevpon requi­red hir to go into Heinault, The quéene of England with hir son goeth into Heinault. Polydor. and he would be glad to attend hir. She gladlie consenting hereto, went thi­ther with him, where she was most ioifullie receiued with hir sonne, and all other of hir traine.

The Spensers (some write) procured hir banish­ment out of France, and that she was aduised by the earle of Arthois▪ chéefelie to repaire into Hei­nault. Also I find, that the Spensers deliuered fiue barrels of siluer, Caxton. the summe amounting vnto fiue thousand marks, vnto one Arnold of Spaine a bro­ker, appointing him to conueie it ouer into France, to bestowe it vpon such freends as they had there of the French kings counsell, by whose means the king of France did banish his sister out of his relme. But this monie was met with vpon the sea by certeine Zelanders, and taken, togither with the said Arnold, and presented to the earle of Heinault, vnder whose dominion the Zelanders in those daies remained, of which good hap the earle and queene Isabell great­lie reioised.

In the time that the quéene and hir sonne laie in the court of the earle of Heinault, Fabian. A marriage concluded. a marriage was concluded betwixt the prince of Wales, and the la­die Philip, daughter to the said earle, vpon certeine conditions, whereof one was, that the said erle should at his proper costs set ouer into England the said prince of Wales, with a crue of foure hundred men of armes. But whether there was any such mariage as then concluded, and that in consideration thereof, the earle of Heinault aided quéene Isabell and hir sonne, it may be doubted, bicause other writers make no such report. Neuerthelesse, certeine it is, that the earls brother sir Iohn de Heinault lord Beaumont, was appointed with certeine bands of men of arms, to the number of foure hundred or fiue hundred, to passe ouer with the said quéene and hir sonne into England, and so therevpon began to make his pur­ueiance for that iournie, which thing when it came to the knowledge of king Edward and the Spensers, they caused musters to be taken through the realme, and ordeined beacons to be set vp, kept and watched, as well in the vallies by the sea side, Caxton. Prouision made in England to resist the quéene. as within the countries, vpon hilles and high grounds, that the same vpon occasion of the enimies arriuall, might be set on fire, to warne the countries adioining to as­semble and resist them.

But quéene Isabell and hir sonne, with such others as were with hir in Heinault, staied not their iour­nie for doubt of all their aduersaries prouision, but immediatlie after that they had once made their purueiances, and were readie to depart, they tooke the sea, namelie the queene, hir sonne, Edmund of Wodstoke earle of Kent, sir Iohn de Heinault a­foresaid, and the lord Roger Mortimer of Wigmore, a man of good experience in the warres, and diuerse others, Tho. Walsin. The quéene with hir son land in Suf­folke. hauing with them a small companie of Eng­lishmen, with a crue of Heinewiers and Almains, to the number of 2757 armed men, the which sai­ling foorth towards England, landed at length in Suffolke, at an hauen called Orwell besides Har­wich, the 25 daie of September. Immediatlie after that the queene and hir sonne were come to land, it was woonder to sée how fast the people resorted vnto them; and first of all, the earle Marshall, in whose l [...]nds she first came on shore, repaired vnto hir, Tho. Walsi, so did the earle of Leicester, and diuerse barons & knights of those parts, with all the prelats in manner of the land, as the bishops of Lincolne, Hereford, Dubline, and Elie, the which being ioined with the queene, [Page 338] made a great armie. The readi­nesse of the prelats to assist the quéene. The archbishop of Canturbu­rie and others aided hir with monie.

After that she had refreshed hir people a little space at saint Edmundsburie, she marched foorth to seeke the aduersaries of hir and of the realme, as she bruted it; but they still kéeping themselues néere to the kings person, that vnder the shadow of the wings of his protection they might remaine in more safegard, durst not depart from his presence. At the time of the queenes landing he was at London, and being sore amazed with the newes, he required aid of line 10 the Londoners. The answer of the Lon­doners to the king. They answered, that they would doo all the honour they might vnto the king, the queene, and to their sonne the lawfull heire of the land: but as for strangers & traitors to the realme, they would kéepe them out of their gates, and resist them with all their forces: but to go foorth of the citie further than that they might returne before sunne-setting, they refused, pretending certeine liberties in that behalfe to them granted in times past, as they alledged.

The king not greatlie liking of this answer, forti­fied line 20 the tower, The king for­saketh Lon­don, and goeth towards the marches of Wales. and leauing within it his yoonger son Iohn of Eltham, and the wife of the lord chamber­leine Hugh Spenser the yoonger that was his neece, he departed towards the marches of Wales, there to raise an armie against the queene. Before his depar­ture from London, A proclama­tion set forth by the king. he set foorth a proclamation, that euerie man vnder paine of forfeiting of life & goods, should resist them that were thus landed, assaile, and kill them, the quéene, his sonne Edward, and his bro­ther the earle of Kent onelie excepted; and whosoeuer line 30 could bring the head or dead corps of the lord Morti­mer of Wigmore, should haue for his labour a thou­sand marks. The quéenes proclamation. The queenes proclamations on the other part willed all men to hope for peace, the Spensers publike enimies of the realme, and the lord chancellor Robert Baldocke, with their assistants onlie excep­ted, through whose meanes the present trouble was happened to the realme. And it was forbidden, that no man should take ought from any person, and who so euer could bring to the quéene the head of Hugh line 40 Spenser the yoonger, should haue two thousand pounds of the queenes gift.

The bishop of Excester le [...]t in charge with the citie of London.The king at his departure from London, left mai­ster Walter Stapleton the bishop of Excester be­hind him, to haue the rule of the citie of London. Then shortlie after, the quéene with hir son, making towards London, wrote a letter to the maior, and the citizens, requiring to haue assistance for the putting downe of the Spensers, not onelie knowne enimies of theirs, but also common enimies to all the realme line 50 of England. To this letter no answer at the first was made, Caxton. wherefore an other was sent, dated at Baldocke the sixt daie of October, vnder the names of Isabell by the grace of God queene of England, ladie of Ireland, and countesse of Pontieu, and of Ed­ward eldest sonne to the king of England, duke of Guien, earle of Chester, of Pontieu and of Muttrell. This letter being directed to the maior and commu­naltie of London, conteining in effect, that the cause of their landing and entring into the realme at that line 60 time, was onelie for the honor of the king and wealth of the realme, meaning hurt to no maner of person, but to the Spensers, was fastened vpon the crosse in Cheape, then called the new crosse in Cheape, on the night before the ninth daie of October. Diuerse co­pies of the same letter were set vp, and fastened vpon windowes and doores in other places of the citie, and one of the same copies was tacked vpon the lord ma­iors gates.

After which letter thus published in the citie, a great number of artificers, Fabian. Thom. Walsi. and other that loued not to sit in rest vpon such occasion of discord offered, now that things were in bro [...]le in other parts of the realme, assembled in great numbers, & with weapon in hand came to the lord maior of the citie, whom they knew to fauor the kings part, The lord maior forc [...] to take [...] & therefore they forced him through feare of some iniurious violence, to re­ceiue an oth to stand to their ordinance, which was to put to death all those that were aduersaries to the quéene, or had by any meanes procured the hinde­rance of the cities liberties, vnder pretext of which oth they ran and tooke one of the citizens, Iohn Ma [...] ­shall taken [...] beheaded▪ called Iohn Marshall, who bicause he was verie familiar with the earle of Glocester, and therefore suspected to haue accused the citizens, they stroke off his head, and spoi­led all his goods.

On the same day, being the fourtéenth of October, continuing their rage, they ran to the house of the bi­shop of Excester, Walter de Stapleton, and setting fire on the gates, they entred and spoiled him of all his plate, iewels, monie and goods. And as it chanced in an infortunate houre for him, the bishop being at the same time returning from the fields, would not seeme to shrinke, although he was admonished of these outragious attempts of the people; but sitting on horssebacke, came to the north doore of S. Paule, where forthwith the furious people laid violent hands on him, threw him downe, and drew him most out­ragiouslie into Cheapeside, where they proclamed him an open traitor, a seducer of the king, and a de­stroier of their liberties. The bishop had vpon him a certeine cote of defense, which was called an aketon, The bishop of Excester beheaded, the same therefore being plucked beside his backe as all other his garments, they shore his head from his shoulders, and to the like death they put two of his seruants, the one an esquire, and the other a yeoman, The bishops head was set on a pole for a spectacle, that the remembrance of his death, and the cause thereof might continue. His bodie was buried in an old churchyard of the pied friers, without a­ny manner of exequies of funerall seruice doone for him.

The chiefest cause of the enimitie which the Londo­ners bare towards this bishop, rose hereof. He being lord treasuror, procured that the iustices itinerants did sit in the citie of London, and where manie of the citizens were found offendors, and iustlie punished, as well by loosing their freedoms, as by paieng their fines, and suffering corporall punishments, they con­ceiued a great displeasure towards him. Moreouer, it was said, that he had raised a great multitude of armed men against the quéene, and hir son the duke of Aquitaine, and therefore did the Londoners (as they affirmed) seeke to preuent his proceedings. ¶ The morrow after that they had thus beheaded the bishop of Excester, they tooke by chance sir Iohn We­ston constable of the tower, and from him they tooke the keies of the same tower, and so entering the tower, they set all the prisoners at libertie, and in like case all those that were imprisoned in maner through the land were permitted to go at large, and all the banished men and outlawes were likewise restored home.

The Londoners hauing the tower thus at their commandement, remooued all the officers therein placed by the king, and put other in their roomes, in the name of the lord Iohn de Eltham the kings son, whom they named warden of the citie and land. And yet they ceassed not to commit manie robberies & o­ther outragious & most insolent parts. In the meane time, the king being come to Bristow, left that citie in the kéeping of the earle of Winchester. And with the earles of Glocester and Arundell, and the lord chancellor sir Robert Baldocke, The king sailed in [...] Wales. he sailed ouer into Wales, there to raise a power of Welshmen in de­fense of himselfe against the quéene and hir adhe­rents, which he had good hope to find amongest the [Page 339] Welshmen, Polydor. His fauour towards the Welshmen. bicause he had euer vsed them gentlie, and shewed no rigor towards them for their riotous misgouernance. Againe, he drew the rather into that part, that if there were no remedie, he might easilie escape ouer into Ireland, and get into some moun­teine-countrie, marish-ground, or other streict, where his enimies should not come at him.

But now to speake of the queene, yée most vnder­stand, that after she had receiued knowledge from the Londoners, that they were wholie at hir deuoti­on, The quéene following the king commeth to Oxenford. Tho. de la Mo [...]e. line 10 she being glad thereof, turned hir iournie toward Wales to follow the king, and comming to Oxen­ford, staied there a while, and still came people to hir from all sides. Héere Adam de Torleton the bishop of Hereford, which latelie before had beene sore fined by the king, for that he was accused to stirre the peo­ple to rebellion, and to aid the barons (as yée haue heard) made a pithie oration to the armie, The bishop of Hereford maketh an oration to the quéenes armie. declaring that the queene and hir sonne were returned onelie into England, to the intent to persecute the Spen­sers, line 20 & reforme the state of the realme. And sith then that they now were come in maner to an end of the tyrannie of most naughtie men, and of the danger that might growe dailie thereof, he exhorted them with patient minds to beare the small trauell that remained in pursuit of the enimies; and as for re­ward, they might looke for all things by the victorie, and the quéenes liberalitie, whose loue was such to­wards the common-wealth, as she onelie applied all hir endeuours and dooings to the aduancement line 30 thereof.

The quéene goeth to Glocester.These words spoken, the queene accompanied with a great power, departed from Oxenford, and went straight vnto Glocester, and sent before hir vn­to Bristow the earle of Kent, the kings brother, sir Iohn of Hennegew, with other, to take the earle of Winchester. They did their endeuour with such dili­gence, that the townesmen, compounding to be sa­ued harmlesse in bodie and goods, deliuered the towne and castell vnto the quéene, & to hir sonne the prince. In the meane time, there came to the quéene at Glo­cester, line 40 the lord Percie, the lord Wake, and diuerse o­ther, as well from the north parts, as foorth of the marches of Wales, so that hir armie hugelie increased.

From Glocester she passed by Berkley, and re­stored the castell of Berkley (which the earle of Glo­cester, The lord Berkley. Hugh Spenser the yoonger had held) vnto the lord Thomas Berkley, heire to the lord Maurice Berkley latelie before deceassed in prison, within the castell of Wallingford, togither with all the appurte­nances line 50 to the honor of Berkley belonging. From thence she went to Bristow, The quéene commeth to Bristow. and the morrow after hir thither comming, being the euen of the apostles Simon and Iude, through the instant calling vpon of the people, The earle of Winchester executed. the earle of Winchester was drawne foorth in his cote armor vnto the common gallows, and there hanged. His head was after cut off, and sent to Winchester, whereof he was earle.

The king in this meane time kept not in one place, but shifting hither and thither, remained in great line 60 care. Sir Thomas Blunt, lord Steward to the king, re­uolteth to the quéene. Wherevpon sir Thomas Blunt, an ancient knight, and lord steward of the kings house, tooke his seruants, with vittels, horsses, and armour in great plentie, and came to the queene, of whome, and likewise of hir sonne he was ioifullie receiued, and diuerse of them which he brought with him were re­teined, and the other had letters of protection, and were sent awaie in louing manner. ¶ The king with the earle of Glocester▪ and the lord chancellor, taking the sea, meant to haue gone either into the Ile of [...]u [...]daie, or else into Ireland, but being tossed with contrarie winds for the space of a weeke togi­ther, at length he landed in Glamorganshire, and got him to the abbeie and castell of Neith, there secret­lie remaining vpon trust of the Welshmens promi­ses. ¶ Hugoline Spenser, the sonne of the earle of Glocester, defended the castell of Kersilie, against the power of the queene and of hir sonne till easter following, and then compounding for the safetie of his owne life, and all theirs within that castell, and likewise for the inioieng of their goods, he yéelded it to the hands of the men of warre that held siege be­fore it in the queenes name, and of hir sonne.

But now touching the king, whilest he was thus abroad, and no man wist where he was become, pro­clamations were made in the queenes armie dailie, in the which he was summoned to returne, and to take the rule of the relme into his hands, if he would be conformable to the minds of his true liege men; but when he appeared not, the lords of the land assem­bled in councell at Hereford, whither the quéene was come from Bristow, A councell at Hereford. and there was the lord Edward prince of Wales and duke of Aquitaine made war­den of England, by common decrée, The prince of Wales made lord warden of the realme. vnto whome all men, as to the lord warden of the realme, made feal­tie, in receiuing an oth of allegiance to be faithfull and loiall to him. After this, they made the bishop of Norwich lord chancellor, A new chan­cellor and treasuror. and the bishop of Winche­ster lord treasuror.

The quéene remained about a moneths space at Hereford, and in the meane while sent the lord Hen­rie erle of Leicester, and the lord William la Zouch, and one Rice ap Howell, that was latelie deliuered out of the tower where he was prisoner, into Wales, to sée if they might find means to apprehend the king by helpe of their acquaintance in those parts, all thrée of them hauing lands thereabouts, where it was knowne the king for the more part kept. They vsed such diligence in that charge, that finallie with large gifts bestowed on the Welshmen, they came to vn­derstand where the king was, and so on the day of saint Edmund the archbishop, being the sixtéenth of Nouember, they tooke him in the monasterie of Neith, neere to the castell of Laturssan, togither with Hugh Spenser the sonne called earle of Glocester, the lord chancellour Robert de Baldocke, and Si­mon de Reading the kings marshall, not caring for other the kings seruants, whome they suffered to escape.

The king was deliuered to the earle of Leicester, who conueied him by Monmouth and Leadburie, The king is brought to Killingworth. to Killingworth castle, where he remained the whole winter. The earle of Glocester, the lord chancellor, and Simon de Reading, were brought to Hereford, and there presented to the queene, where on the foure & twentith of Nouember, the said earle was drawne and hanged on a paire of gallowes of fiftie foot in heigth. Then was his head striken off, Hugh Spen­ser the yonger executed. his bowels taken out of his bodie and burnt, and his bodie diui­ded in quarters. His head was sent to London, and set vpon the bridge with other, & his quarters were sent to foure seuerall parts of the realme, and there pight vpon poles, to be séene of the people. He was drawne in his owne cote armour, about the which there were letters embrodered plaine to be read con­teining a parcell of the 52 psalme, as followeth.

1 QVid gloriaris in malitia potens?

2 Iniquitatem tota die, iniustitiam cogitauit lingua tua, sicut nouacula acuta fecisti dolum,

3 Dilexisti malitiam super bonitatem, iniustiti­am magis quàm loqui iustitiam,

4 Dilexisti omnia verba demersionis lingua do­losa,

5 Propterea Deus destruat te in finem, euellat te & emigrare te faciat de tabernaculo tuo, & ra­dicem [Page 340] tuam de terra viuentium,

6 Videbunt iusti & timebunt, & super eum ride­bunt, & dicent,

7 Ecce homo qui non posuit Deum adiutorem su­um, sed sperauit in multitudine diuitiarum sua­rum, & praeualuit in vanitate sua.

1 WHy boastest thou that thou canst do mischiefe? line 10

2 Thy toong imagineth wickednesse, & with lies thou cuttest like a sharpe rasor,

3 Thou hast loued vngratiousnesse more than goodnesse, and to talke of lies more than righteousnesse,

4 Thou hast loued to speake all words that may doo hurt ô thou false toong,

5 Therefore shall God destroie thee for euer, he shall take thee, and plucke thee out of thy dwelling, and roote thee out of the land of line 20 the liuing,

6 The righteous also shall see this, and feare, and shall laugh him to scorne,

7 Lo this is the man that tooke not God for his strength, but trusted vnto the multitude of his riches, & strengthned himselfe in his wickednesse.

Simon de Reading exe­cuted.On the same daie was Simon de Reading drawne and hanged on the same gallowes, but ten foot lower than the other. This Reading being marshall of the line 30 kings house, had vsed the queene very vncourteouslie, giuing hir manie reprochfull words, which now were remembred, and therefore may serue for an example, how dangerous a thing it is to speake euill of the higher powers. Caxton. The common fame went, that after this Hugh Spenser the sonne was taken, he would receiue no sustenance, wherefore he was the sooner put to death, or else had he beene conueied to London, there to haue suffered. The earle of Arundell ta­ken. Iohn earle of Arundell was line 40 taken on S. Hughs day, in the parts about Shrewes­burie, and the same day seuennight before the execu­tion of the earle of Glocester, Hugh Spenser the yoonger, as well the said earle, who had béene euer a great freend to both the Spensers, Th. Walsing. Execution. as also Iohn Da­niell, and Thomas de Milcheldeure were put to death at Hereford, by procurement of the lord Mortimer of Wigmore, The fauour in which the lord Morti­mer was with the quéene. that hated them extreamelie, by reason whereof they were not like to spéed much better, for what he willed the same was doone, and without him line 50 the queene in all these matters did nothing.

The chancellour Robert de Baldocke being com­mitted to the custodie of Adam de Torleton bishop of Hereford, remained at Hereford in safe kéeping till Candlemasse next, and then the bishop being at London, appointed him to be brought vp, where not without the bishops consent (as was thought) he was taken out of his house by violence, and laid in New­gate, Robert Bal­docke ended his life. where shortlie after through inward sorow and extreame gréefe of mind he ended his life. Thus the line 60 quéene and hir companie hauing compassed their bu­sinesse in so happie maner as they could wish, she with hir sonne and a great companie of lords and gentle­men repaired vnto Wallingford, where they kept Christmasse togither with great ioy and triumph, the king in the meane while remaining (as ye haue heard) at Killingworth, in a kind of honorable estate, although he was prisoner. ¶ After Christmasse, the quéene with hir son and such lords as were then with them, year 1327 remooued to London, where at their comming thither, which was before the feast of the Epiphanie, they were receiued with great ioy, triumph, and large gifts, and so brought to Westminster, where the mor­row after the same feast, A parlement. the parlement which before hand had beene summoned began, in which it was concluded and fullie agréed by all the states (for none durst speake to the contrarie) that for diuerse articles which were put vp against the king, he was not wor­thie longer to reigne, and therefore should be depo­sed, and withall they willed to haue his sonne Ed­ward duke of Aquitaine to reigne in his place. This ordinance was openlie pronounced in the great hall at Westminster by one of the lords, The king's deposed by [...] of parleme [...] on the feast day of saint Hilarie being tuesdaie, to the which all the people consented. The archb [...]shop of Ca [...]turburie preacheth. The archbishop of Canturburie ta­king his theame, Vox populi, vox Dei, made a sermon, exhorting the people to praie to God to bestow of his grace vpon the new king. And so when the sermon was ended, euerie man departed to his lodging. But the duke of Aquitaine, when he perceiued that his mother tooke the matter heauilie in appearance, for that hir husband should be thus depriued of the crowne, he protested that he would neuer take it on him, without his fathers consent, and so therevpon it was concluded, that certeine solemne messengers should go to Killingworth to mooue the king to make resignation of his crowne and title of the kingdome vnto his sonne.

There were sent on this message (as some write) thrée or (as other haue) two bishops, two earles, two abbats, Thom. de la More. Thom. Wals▪ two or (as Tho. de la More and Walsingham haue) foure barons, and for euerie countie, citie, and burrough, and likewise for the cinque ports, cer­teine knights and burgesses. The bishops that were sent were these (as T. de la More noteth) Iohn de Stratford bishop of Winchester, Adam de Torleton bishop of Hereford, and Henrie bishop of Lincolne. The two earles (as Southwell hath) were Lancaster and Warwike: the two barons, Rose and Court­ney: beside these (as he saith) there were two abbats, two priors, two iustices, two friers of the order of preachers, two of the Carmelits, two knights for the commons on the north side of Trent, and two for the other on the south side of the same riuer: two citizens for London, two burgesses for the cinque ports, so as in all there went of this message (as Southwell saith) thrée and twentie or rather foure and twentie per­sons of one degree and other.

None of the frier minors went, bicause they would not be the bringers of so heauie tidings, sith he had euer borne them great good will. The bishops of Winchester and Lincolne went before, and com­ming to Killingworth, associated with them the earle of Leicester, of some called the earle of Lancaster, that had the king in kéeping. And hauing secret con­ference with the king, they sought to frame his mind, so as he might be contented to resigne the crowne to his sonne, bearing him in hand, that if he refused so to doo, the people in respect of the euill will which they had conceiued against him, would not faile but pro­céed to the election of some other that should happilie not touch him in linage. And s [...]th this was the onlie meane to bring the land in quiet, they willed him to consider how much he was bound in conscience to take that waie that should be so beneficiall to the whole realme.

The king being sore troubled to heare such displea­sant newes, was brought into a maruelous agonie: but in the end, for the quiet of the realme and doubt of further danger to himselfe, he determined to fol­low their a [...]uise, and so when the other commissio­ners were come, and that the bishop of Hereford had declared the cause where [...] were sent, the king in presence of them all, notwithstanding his out­ward countenance discouered how much it inward­lie grieued him; yet after [...] [...]as come [...] himselfe, he answered that he [...] that he was [...] into this miserie through his owne offensed, Rich. [...] and therefore [Page 341] he was contented patientlie to suffer it, but yet it could not (he said) but gréene him, that he had in such wise runne into the hatred of all his people: not­withstanding he gaue the lords most heartie thanks, that they had so forgotten their receiued iniuries, The kings answer. and ceassed not to beare so much good will towards his sonne Edward, as to wish that he might reigne ouer them. Therefore to satisfie them, sith otherwise it might not be, he vtterlie renounced his right to the kingdome, and to the whole administration thereof. And lastlie he besought the lords now in his miserie line 10 to forgiue him such offenses as he had committed against them. Ah lamentable ruine from roialtie to miserable calamitie, procured by them chéefelie that should haue beene the pillers of the kings estate, and not the hooked engins to pull him downe from his throne! So that here we see it verefied by triall, that

—miser at (que) infoelix est etiam rex,
Nec quenquam (mihi crede) facit diadema beatum.

The ambassadours with this answer returning to London, Polydor. declared the same vnto all the states, in or­der line 20 as they had receiued it, whervpon great ioy was made of all men, to consider that they might now by course of law proceed to the choosing of a new king. And so thervpon the nine and twentith day of Ianu­arie in session of parlement then at Westminster assembled, was the third king Edward, sonne to king Edward the second, chosen and elected king of England, by the authoritie of the same parlement, first (as before is said) confirmed by his fathers resig­nation: and the first day of his reigne they agréed to line 30 be the fiue and twentith of Ianuarie, in the yeare 1326 after the account of the church of England, be­ginning the yeare the fiue & twentith day of March, but by the common account of writers, Merimuth. it was in the yeare 1327. ¶ On the same daie sir William Trus­sell procurator for the whole parlement did renounce the old king in name of the whole parlement, with all homages and fealties due to him, so that the same fiue and twentith day of Ianuarie hath béene repu­ted line 40 and taken for the first day of the beginning of king Edward the third his reigne, so that whatsoe­uer chanced before that day, is ascribed to be doone during the reigne of his father.

But now to make an end of the life, as well as of the reigne of king Edward the second, I find that after he was deposed of his kinglie honour and title, he remained for a time at Killingworth, Thom. de la More. in custodie of the earle of Leicester. But within a while the queene was informed by the bishop of Hereford, line 50 (whose hatred towards him had no end) that the erle of Leicester fauoured hir husband too much, and more than stood with the suertie of hir sonnes state, wherevpon he was appointed to the kéeping of two other lords, Thomas Berkley, and Iohn Matreuers, who receiuing him of the earle of Leicester the third of Aprill, conueied him from Killingworth vnto the castell of Berkley, situate not farre off from the ri­uer of Seuerne, almost the midwaie betwixt Glo­cester and Bristow. line 60

But forsomuch as the lord Berkley vsed him more courteouslie than his aduersaries wished him to doo, he was discharged of that office, and sir Thomas Gourney appointed in his stead, Sir Thomas Gourney. who togither with the lord Matreuers conueied him secretlie (for feare least he should be taken from them by force) from one strong place to another, as to the castell of Corfe, and such like, still remoouing with him in the night season, till at length they thought it should not be knowne whither they had conueied him. And so at length they brought him backe againe in secret ma­ner vnto the castell of Berkley, where whilest he re­mained (as some write) the queene would send vnto him courteous and louing letters with apparell and other such things, but she would not once come neere to visit him, bearing him in hand that she durst not, for feare of the peoples displeasure, who hated him so extreamelie. Howbeit, she with the rest of hir confe­derats had (no doubt) laid the plot of their deuise for his dispatch, though by painted words she pretended a kind of remorse to him in this his distresse, & would séeme to be faultlesse in the sight of the world; for ‘Proditor illudit verbis dum verbera cudit.’

But as he thus continued in prison, closelie kept, so that none of his fréends might haue accesse vnto him, as in such cases it often happeneth, when men be in miserie, some will euer pitie their state, The earle of Kent conspi­reth to deliuer his brother. there were diuerse of the nobilitie (of whome the earle of Kent was chéefe) began to deuise means by secret confe­rence had togither, how they might restore him to libertie, discommending greatlie both quéene Isa­bell, and such other as were appointed gouernours to the yoong king, for his fathers streict imprisonment. The queene and other the gouernours vnderstanding this conspiracie of the earle of Kent, and of his bro­ther, durst not yet in that new and greene world go about to punish it, but rather thought good to take a­waie from them the occasion of accomplishing their purpose. And herevpon the queene and the bishop of Hereford wrote sharpe letters vnto his keepers, blaming them greatlie, for that they dealt so gentlie with him, and kept him no streictlier, but suffered him to haue such libertie, that he aduertised some of his freends abroad how and in what manner he was vsed, and withall the bishop of Hereford vnder a so­phisticall forme of words signified to them by his let­ters, that they should dispatch him out of the waie, the tenor whereof wrapped in obscuritie ran thus:

Edwardum occidere nolite timere bonum est:
To kill Edward will not to feare it is good.

Which riddle or doubtfull kind of spéech, as it might be taken in two contrarie senses, onelie by placing the point in orthographie called Cōma, they construed in the worse sense, putting the Comma after Timere, and so presuming of this commandement as they tooke it from the bishop, they lodged the miserable pri­soner in a chamber ouer a foule filthie dungeon, full of dead carrion, trusting so to make an end of him, with the abhominable stinch thereof: but he bearing it out stronglie, as a man of a tough nature, continu­ed still in life, so as it séemed he was verie like to es­cape that danger, as he had by purging either vp or downe auoided the force of such poison as had béene ministred to him sundrie times before, of purpose so to rid him.

Wherevpon when they sawe that such practises would not serue their turne, they came suddenlie one night into the chamber where he laie in bed fast a­sléepe, and with heauie featherbeds or a table (as some write) being cast vpon him, Tho. Wals. they kept him down and withall put into his fundament an horne, and through the same they thrust vp into his bodie an hot spit, Thom. de la More. or (as other haue) through the pipe of a trumpet a plumbers instrument of iron made verie hot, the which passing vp into his intrailes, K. Edward the second murthered. and being rolled to and fro, burnt the same, but so as no appearance of any wound or hurt outwardlie might be once percei­ued. His crie did mooue manie within the castell and towne of Berkley to compassion, plainelie hearing him vtter a wailefull noise, as the tormentors were about to murther him, so that diuerse being awake­ned therewith (as they themselues confessed) praied heartilie to God to receiue his soule, when they vn­derstood by his crie what the matter ment.

The quéene, the bishop, and others, that their tyran­nie might be hid, outlawed and banished the lord Ma­treuers, and Thomas Gourney, who flieng vnto Marcels, thrée yeares after being knowne, taken, [Page 342] and brought toward England was beheaded on the sea, least he should accuse the chiefe dooers, as the bi­shop and other. Iohn Matreuers, repenting himselfe, laie long hidden in Germanie, and in the end died penitentlie. Thus was king Edward murthered, in the yeare 1327, The fond opi­nion of the ignorant peo­ple. on the 22 of September. The fame went that by this Edward the second, after his death manie miracles were wrought. So that the like opi­nion of him was conceiued as before had beene of earle Thomas of Lancaster, namelie amongst the common people. He was knowne to be of a good and line 10 courteous nature, The nature & disposition of king Edward the second. though not of most pregnant wit.

And albeit in his youth he fell into certeine light crimes, and after by the companie and counsell of e­uill men, was induced vnto more heinous vices, yet was it thought that he purged the same by repen­tance, and patientlie suffered manie reproofes, and fi­nallie death it selfe (as before ye haue heard) after a most cruell maner. He had suerlie good cause to re­pent his former trade of liuing, for by his vndiscreet line 20 and wanton misgouernance, there were headed and put to death during his reigne (by iudgement of law) to the number of 28 barons and knights, ouer and be­side such as were slaine in Scotland by his infortu­nate conduct.

All these mischeefes and manie more happened not onlie to him, but also to the whole state of the realme, in that he wanted iudgement and prudent discretion to make choise of sage and discréet councellors, recei­uing those into his fauour, that abused the same to their priuate gaine and aduantage, not respecting line 30 the aduancement of the common-wealth, so they themselues might atteine to riches and honour, for which they onelie sought, in somuch that by their coue­tous rapine, spoile, and immoderate ambition, the hearts of the common people & nobilitie were quite estranged from the dutifull loue and obedience which they ought to haue shewed to their souereigne, going about by force to wrest him to follow their wils, and to seeke the destruction of them whome he common­lie fauoured, wherein suerlie they were worthie of line 40 blame, and to tast (as manie of them did) the deser­ued punishment for their disobedient and disloiall de­meanors. For it was not the waie which they tooke to helpe the disfigured state of the common-wealth, but rather the readie meane to ouerthrow all, as if Gods goodnesse had not béene the greater it must néeds haue come to passe, as to those that shall well consider the pitifull tragedie of this kings time it may well appeare. His issue. line 50

But now to procéed with that which remaineth touching this infortunate prince. He had issue by his wife quéene Isabell two sonnes, Edward which was made king whilest he was yet aliue, and Iohn which died yoong: also two daughters, Elianor which died before she came to yeares able for mariage; and Ione which was after giuen in mariage vnto Dauid king of Scotland. He was indifferentlie tall of stature, strong of bodie, and healthfull, neither wanted there in him stoutnesse of stomach, if his euill councellors line 60 had béene remooued, that he might haue shewed it in honorable exploits, which being kept backe by them, he could not doo. So that thereby it appeareth of what importance it is to be trained vp in youth with good and honest companie. ¶ It is said that he was lear­ned, insomuch that there remaine verses, which (as some haue written) he made whilest he was in prison. Certeine it is he fauored lerning, as by the erection of Oriall colledge in Oxford, & S. Maries hall, Oriall & S. Maries hall in Oxford. which were of his foundation, it may well be gathered.

Learned men we find recorded by Bale, to liue in this kings time these as follow. Ex centuria 4. Bale. Iohn Duns that sub­till logician, borne (as Leland hath gathered) in a vil­lage in Northumberland called Emildune, thrée miles distant from Alnwike, although other hold the contrarie, the Scots claiming him for their coun­trieman, and the Irishmen for theirs; Robert Wal­singham a Carmelite frier that writ diuerse treati­ses, Iohn Wilton an Augustine frier, Walter Win­terborne, Rafe Locksley, Nicholas Stanford, Wil­liam Whitley, Thomas Ioice, Walter Ioice, Wil­liam Gainesburgh, Robert Baston borne not farre from Notingham a Carmelite frier of Scarburgh, the same whome king Edward tooke with him into Scotland to write some remembrances of his victo­ries, although being taken by the Scots, he was con­streined by Robert Bruce to frame a dittie to a con­trarie tune; Sée in Scot­land. Iohn Horminger a Suffolke man borne, William Rishanger a moonke of S. Albons an historiographer, Rafe Baldocke bishop of Lon­don wrote also an historie, which was intituled Histo­riae Anglica; Richard Bliton a Lincolnshire man borne a Carmelite frier, Iohn Walsingham borne either in Walsingham or Brunham (as Bale suppo­seth) a Carmelite frier also, and wrote diuerse trea­tises; Thomas Chabham a canon of Salisburie and a doctor of diuinitie, Robert Plimpton borne in De­uonshire a regular canon, Thomas Castleford a moonke of Pomfret, William Mansfield, Iohn Ca­non, Robert Grime, William Askettle of Beuer­ley, Geffrey of Cornewall, Iohn Gatisdene, Theo­bald Anglicus, Stephan Eiton or Edon, Iohn Gold­stone borne in Yorkeshire, Iohn Winchelsey, Nicho­las de Lyra a Iew by birth of those that had their habitations in England, who wrote verie manie treatises, to his great commendation for his singu­lar knowledge and zeale, which he shewed in dispro­uing the Rabines that still sought to kéepe the Iew­ish nation in blindnesse and vaine hope, in looking for another Messias; Rafe Acton an excellent di­uine, Iohn Dumbleton a logician, Thomas Lang­ford borne in Maldon in Essex a logician, Osbert Pickenam a Carmelite frier of Lin in Norffolke, Nicholas Okeham a graie frier, William Ockam a frier minor that wrote diuerse treatises, and namelie against Iohn Duns, and likewise against Iohn the three and twentith pope of that name in fa­uour of the emperour Lewes of Bauier, Richard Walingford, Thomas Haselwood a canon of Léeds in Kent wrote a chronicle called Chronicon compendia­rium, Robert Karew, Robert Perscrutator borne in Yorkeshire a blacke frier and a philosopher or rather a magician, Richard Belgraue a Carmelite, Brink­ley a minorite; and others.

Thus far infortunat Edward the second.

Edward the third, who came to the crowne by the resignation of his father Edward the second.

EDward the third of that name, the sonne of Edward the second, and of Isabell the onelie daughter of Philip le Beau, & sister to Charles the fift king of France, began his reigne as king of Eng­land, his father yet liuing, the 25 daie of Ianuarie, after the creation 5293, in the yeare of our lord 1327, year 1327 after the account of them that line 10 begin the yeare at Christmasse, 867 after the com­ming of the Saxons, 260 after the conquest, the 13 yeare of the reigne of Lewes the fourth then empe­rour, the seuenth of Charles the fift king of France, the second of Andronicus Iunior emperour of the east almost ended, and about the end of the 22 of Ro­bert le Bruce king of Scotland. He was crowned at Westminster on the day of the Purification of our ladie next insuing, by the hands of Walter the archbishop of Canturburie. line 20

Gouernours appointed.And bicause he was but fourteene yeares of age, so that to gouerne of himselfe he was not sufficient, it was decréed that twelue of the greatest lords within the realme should haue the rule and gouernment till he came to more perfect yeares. The names of which lords were as followeth. The archbishop of Cantur­burie, the archbishop of Yorke, the bishops of Win­chester and of Hereford, Henrie earle of Lancaster, Thomas Brotherton earle marshall, Edmund of Woodstoke earle of Kent, Iohn earle of Warren, the lord Thomas Wake, the lord Henrie Percie, the line 30 lord Oliuer de Ingham, & the lord Iohn Ros. These were sworne of the kings councell, and charged with the gouernement as they would make answer. But this ordinance continued not long: for the quéene, and the lord Roger Mortimer tooke the whole rule so into their hands, that both the king and his said coun­cellors were gouerned onelie by them in all matters both high and low. Neuerthelesse, although they had taken the regiment vpon them, yet could they not foresee the tumults and vprores that presentlie vpon line 40 the yoong kings inthronizing did insue: but needs it must come to passe that is left written where chil­dren weare the crowne, & beare the scepter in hand, ‘Vaepueri terrae saepissimè sunt ibi guerrae.’

He confirmed the liberties and franchises of the ci­tie of London, and granted that the maior of the same citie for the time being might sit in all places of iudgement within the liberties thereof for cheefe iustice, The franchi­ses of the citie of London confirmed. aboue all other, the kings person onelie excep­ted; and that euerie alderman that had béene maior line 50 should be iustice of peace through all the citie of Lon­don and countie of Middlesex; and euerie alderman that had not béene maior, should be iustice of peace within his owne ward. He granted also to the citi­zens, that they should not be constreined to go foorth of the citie to anie warres in defense of the land, and that the franchises of the citie should not be seized from thenceforth into the kings hands for anie cause, but onelie for treason and rebellion shewed by the whole citie. Also Southwarke was appointed to be vnder the rule of the citie, and the maior of Lon­don to be bailiffe of Southwarke, and to ordeine such a substitute in the same borough as pleased him.

In the first yeare of this kings reigne, Records of Burie. we find in records belonging to the abbeie of S. Edmundsbu­rie in Suffolke, that the inhabitants of that towne raised a sore commotion against the abbat & moonks of the same abbeie, and that at seuerall times, as first on the wednesdaie next after the feast of the conuer­sion of S. Paule, in the said first yeare of this kings reigne, one Robert Foxton, Richard Draiton, and a great number of other, assembling themselues togi­ther in warlike order and araie, assaulted the said ab­beie, brake downe the gates, windowes, and doores, entered the house by force, and assailing certeine moonks and seruants that belonged to the abbat, did beat, wound, and euill intreat them, brake open a number of chests, coffers, and forssets, tooke out chali­ces of gold and siluer, books, vestments, and other or­naments of the church, beside a great quantitie of rich plate, and other furniture of household, apparell, armour, and other things, beside fiue hundred pounds in readie coine, & also three thousand florens of gold.

All these things they tooke and caried awaie, togi­ther with diuerse charters, writings, & miniments, as thrée charters of Knute sometime king of Eng­land, foure charters of king Hardiknute, one charter of king Edward the confessor, two charters of king Henrie the first, & other two charters of king Hen­rie the third, which charters concerned as well the foundation of the same abbeie, as the grants and confirmations of the possessions and liberties be­longing thereto. Also they tooke awaie certeine wri­tings obligatorie, in the which diuerse persons were bound for the paiement of great summes of monie, and deliuerie of certeine wines vnto the hands of the said abbat. Moreouer they tooke awaie with them ten seuerall buls, concerning certeine exemptions and immunities granted to the abbats and moonks of Burie by sundrie bishops of Rome.

Furthermore, not herewith contented, they tooke Peter Clopton prior of the said abbeie, and other moonks foorth of the house, and leading them vnto a place called the Leaden hall, there imprisoned them, till the thursdaie next before the feast of the Purifica­tion of our ladie, and that daie bringing them backe againe into the chapter-house, deteined them still as prisoners, till they had sealed a writing, conteining that the abbat and conuent were bound in ten thou­sand pounds to be paid to Oliuer Kempe and others by them named. And further, they were constreined [Page 344] to seale a letter of release for all actions, quarels, debts, transgressions, suits and demands, which the abbat might in anie wise claime or prosecute against the said Oliuer Kempe and others in the same let­ters named.

For these wrongs and other, as for that they would not permit the abbats bailiffes and officers to kéepe their ordinarie courts as they were accusto­med to doo, as well thrée daies in the wéeke for the market, to wit, mondaie, wednesdaie and fridaie, as the Portman mote euerie tuesdaie thrée wéeks, line 10 and further prohibit them from gathering such tols, customes, and yearelie rents, as were due to the ab­bat for certeine tenements in the towne, which were let to farme, the abbat brought his action against the said Foxton, Draiton, and others, and hauing it tried by an inquest, on the fridaie next after the feast of saint Lucie the virgine, in a sessions holden at Burie by Iohn Stonore, Walter Friskney, Ro­bert Maberthorpe, & Iohn Bousser, by vertue of the kings writ of oier and determiner to them direc­ted, line 20 the offendors were condemned in 40000 pounds, so that the said Richard Draiton, and others there present in the court, were committed to prison in custodie of the shiriffe Robert Walkefare, who was commanded also to apprehend the other that were not yet arrested, if within his bailiwike they might be found, and to haue their bodies before the said iustices at Burie aforsaid, on thursdaie in Whit­sunwéeke next insuing.

Beside this, there was an other indictement and line 30 action of trespasse found there the same daie against the said Richard Draiton and others, for a like disor­der and riot by them committed, on the thursday next after the feast of the Purification of our ladie, The second riot. in the same first yeare of this king, at what time they did not onelie breake into the abbie, and beat the abbats men, but also tooke the abbat himselfe, being then at home, with certeine of his moonks, kéeping both him and them as prisoners, till the next daie that they were constreined to seale certeine writings. line 40 And amongst other, a charter, in which it was contei­ned, that the abbat and his conuent did grant vnto the inhabitants of the towne of Burie, to be a corpo­ration of themselues, and to haue a common seale with a gild of merchants and aldermen: also they were compelled to seale another charter, wherein was conteined a grant to the said inhabitants, that they should haue the custodie of the towne gates, and likewise the wardship of all pupils and orphans within the same towne, beside diuerse other liber­ties. line 50

Moreouer, they were in like manner constreined to seale thrée seuerall obligations, in which the abbat and conuent were bound to the said inhabitants, as to a communaltie of a corporation, in seauen thou­sand pounds, as in two thousand by one obligation, and in two thousand by an other, and in three thou­sand by the third obligation: and further they were driuen to seale a letter of release of all trespasses, and other things that might be demanded against the line 60 said inhabitants, with a generall acquittance of all debts. Beside this, the said riotous persons tooke at the same time foorth of the abbie great riches, as well in plate, armor, books, & apparell, as in other things. They also brake downe two houses or messuages, that belonged to the abbeie, and situate within the towne of Burie: they also destroied his fish-ponds, and tooke out such store of fish as they found in the same: they cut downe also thréescore ashes there growing on the soile that belonged to the said abbat, and did manie other great outrages and enormities, so that it was found by the inquest, that the abbat was damnified to the value of other fortie thousand pounds.

These riots may seeme gréeuous and verie strange, The third riot. but yet the same were not so heinouslie taken, as an other which the said inhabitants of Burie attempted against the said abbeie in manner of a plaine com­motion, vpon saint Lukes day in the same yeare, at what time (as by the records of that abbeie it should appeare) both the abbat and his house were in the kings speciall protection, and the said inhabitants prohibited by his letters to attempt anie iniurie a­gainst him or his conuent. But neuerthelesse we find that not onelie the inhabitants of Burie, but also a great number of other misgouerned persons, that resorted to them from places there about, arraied and furnished with horsse, armor and weapons, after the manner of warre, came and assaulted the abbeie gates, set fire on them, and burned them with diuerse other houses néere adioining, that belonged to the abbeie, and continued in that their riotous enterprise all that day and the night following.

The same night also they burnt a manor of the ab­bats called Holdernesse barne, The manoor of Holdernesse barne. with two other ma­nors called the Almoners barne, and Haberdone, al­so the granges that stood without the south gate, and the manour of Westlie, in which places they burned in corne & graine, to the value of a thousand pounds. The manour of Westlie burnt. The next daie they entered into the abbeie court, and burnt all the houses on the north side, as stables, brewhouses, bakehouses, garners, and other such ne­cessarie houses and conuenient roomes of offices; and on the other side the court, they burnt certeine hou­ses belonging to the Almonrie. On the next daie they burned the mote hall, and Bradford hall, with the new hall, and diuerse chambers and sollers to the same halles annexed, with the chapell of saint Lau­rence at the end of the hospitall hall. Also the manor of Eldhall, the manor of Horninger, with all the corne and graine within and about the same.

The next day they burnt the soller of the Sollerer, with a chapell there: also the kitchin, the larder, and a part of the farmarie. On the thursdaie they burnt the residue of the farmarie, and the lodging called the blacke lodging, with a chapell of S. Andrew therein. In executing of all these riotous disorders, one Gef­frie Moreman was an aider, who with diuerse other persons vnknowne, departed foorth of the towne of Burie, and by the assent of the other his complices he burnt the manor of Fornham. The manoor of Fornham burnt. The same day also other of their companie, as William the sonne of Iames Neketon, Rafe Grubbe, Richard Kerie, and a great number of other persons vnknowne, by the assent and abbetment of the other that committed the said disorders, burnt two manors belonging also to the said abbeie in great Berton, with all the corne and graine there found.

Upon knowledge had of these great riots, and pe­rillous commotions, there was a commission direc­ted from the king, vnto Thomas earle of Northfolke high marshall of England, to Thomas Bardulfe, Robert Morlie, Peter Wedall, Iohn Howard, and Iohn Walkfare, authorising them with the power of the countesse of Suffolke and Norffolke, to appre­hend, trie and punish such lewd disordered persons, and rebellious malefactors, which had committed such felonious enterprises, to the breach of the kings peace, and dangerous disquieting of his subiects: but the said commissioners procéeded not according to the effect of their commission in triall of anie felo­nies by the same persons committed and doone, but onelie caused them to be indicted of trespasse: albeit Robert Walkfare, and Iohn Clauer, with their as­sociats iustices of peace, in their sessions holden at Elueden the tuesdaie next after the feast of the apo­stles Simon and Iude, in the said first yeare of this [Page 345] K. Edward the third procéeded in such wise against the said malefactors, that Iohn de Berton cordwai­ner, Robert Foxton, and a great number of other were indicted of felonie, for the misdemenours afore mentioned, and the indictements so found were after sent and presented vnto Iohn Stonore, Walter de Friskenie, Robert Malberthorpe, and Iohn Bous­ser, who by vertue of the kings commission of oier and determiner to them directed, sat at S. Edmunds­burie the wednesdaie next after the feast of saint line 10 Lucie the virgine; and then and there sent foorth pre­cepts to the shiriffe, commanding him to apprehend the said Berton, Foxton, and others, that were indi­cted of the foresaid felonies, and also to returne a suf­ficient iurie to trie vpon their arreignment the said malefactors by order of law, the fridaie next after the said feast of S. Lucie. Herevpon Alane de Latoner, and Robert Dalling, with seauenteene others, being arreigned, were found guiltie, and suffered death ac­cording to the order appointed for felons. line 20

One Adam Miniot stood mute, and refused to be tried by his countrie, and so was pressed to death, as the law in such case appointeth. Diuerse other were saued by their bookes, according vnto the order of clerkes conuict, as Alexander Brid person of Hoge­set, Iohn Rugham person of little Welnetham, Iohn Berton cordwainer, and diuerse other. Some were repriued, as one woman named Iulian Bar­bor, who being big bellied was respited, till she were deliuered of child. Benedict Sio and Robert Russell line 30 were repriued, and committed to the safe kéeping of the shiriffe, as triers or appeachers (as we tearme them) of other offendors: and bicause there was not anie as yet attached by their appeales, they were commanded againe to prison. One Robert de Cres­well was saued by the kings letters of speciall par­don, which he had there readie to shew. As for Robert Foxton, Adam Cokefield, and a great number of o­ther, whome the shiriffe was commanded to appre­hend, he returned that he could not heare of them line 40 within the precinct of his bailiffewéeke, wherevpon exigents were awarded against them, and the shi­riffe was commanded, that if he might come to at­tach them, he should not faile but so to doo, and to haue their bodies there at Burie before the said iustices, the thursdaie in Whitsunwéeke, next in­suing.

Diuerse also were arreigned at the same time of the said felonies, and thereof acquited, as Michaell Scabaille, The common people often deceiued by lewd infor­mations. Rafe Smeremonger, and others. Indéed line 50 those that were found guiltie, and suffered, were the chéefe authors and procurors of the commotion, bea­ring others in hand, that the abbat had in his custo­die a certeine charter, wherein the king should grant to the inhabitants of the towne of Burie, certeine liberties, whereby it might appeare that they were free, and discharged from the paiment of diuerse cu­stomes and exactions, wherevpon the ignorant mul­titude easilie giuing credit to such surmised tales, were the sooner induced to attempt such disorders as line 60 before are mentioned. ¶ Thus haue yée heard all in effect that was doone in this first yeare of king Ed­ward the third his reigne, by and against those offen­dors. But bicause we will not interrupt matters of other yeares with that which followed further of this businesse, we haue thought good to put the whole that we intend to write thereof here in this place.

Yée shall therefore vnderstand, that diuerse of those, against whome exigents were awarded, came in, and yéelded their bodies to the shiriffes prison, be­fore they were called on the fift countie daie. Albeit a great manie there were that came not, and so were outlawed. Robert Foxton got the kings pardon, and so purchasing foorth a supersede as, Rob. Foxton pardoned. the suit therevpon against him was staied. The shiriffe therefore in Whitsunwéeke, in the second yeare of this kings reigne, made his returne touching Benedict Sio, Robert Russell, & Iulian Barbor, so that he deliuered them vnto the bailiffes of the libertie of the abbat of Burie, by reason of an ancient priuilege, A priuilege. which the abbat claimed to belong to his house. The bailiffes confessed they had receiued the said prisoners, but for­somuch as they had beene arreigned at a Portmane mote, which was vsed to be kept euerie thrée wéeks, Portman mote. and vpon their arreignment were found guiltie of certeine other felonies by them committed within the towne of Burie, and therevpon were put to exe­cution, The abbats officers bla­med. Adam Finchman the kings attournie there tooke it verie euill, & laid it greeuouslie to the charge of the abbats officers, for their hastie and presumptu­ous proceeding against the said prisoners, namelie, bicause the said Sio and Russell were repriued, to the end that by their vtterance, many heinous offen­ses might haue béene brought to light.

On the same daie, that is to wit, the thursdaie in Whitsunweeke, the foresaid Robert Foxton, and di­uerse other came in, and were attached by the shiriffe to answer the abbat to his action of trespasse, which he brought against them, and putting the matter to the triall of an inquest, A condem­nation. they were condemned in sixtie thousand pounds, to be leuied of their goods and chattels, vnto the vse of the abbat, and in the meane time they were committed to prison. But first they made suit that they might be put to their fines for their offenses committed against the kings peace, and their request in that behalfe was granted, so that vpon putting in sufficient suerties for their good a­bearing, their fines were assessed, as some at more and some at lesse, as the case was thought for to re­quire.

Thus rested the matter a long season after, vntill the fift yeare of this kings reigne, in which the thurs­daie next after the feast of the blessed Trinitie, the K. being himselfe in person at S. Edmundsburie afore­said, An agréemēt. a finall agreement and concord was concluded betwixt the said abbat and his conuent on the one partie, and Richard Draiton and others of the inha­bitants of that towne on the other partie, before the right reuerend father in God Iohn bishop of Win­chester and chancellor of England, and the kings iu­stices Iohn Stonore and Iohn Cantbridge sitting there at the same time, by the kings commandement. The effect of which agreement was as followeth.

The articles of agreement betweene the moonks of Burie and the inha­bitants of Burie.

FIrst, wheras the said abbat had recouered by iudgement before the said Iohn Sto­nore and other his associats iustices of oier and deter­miner in the said towne of Burie, the summe of seuen score thousand pounds for trespasses to him and his house committed and doone by the said Richard Draiton, and other the inhabitants of Bu­rie: now at the desire of the said king, and for other good respects him moouing, he pardoned and released vnto the said Ri­chard Draiton, and to other the inhabi­tants of Burie, to their heires, executors, and assigns the summe of 122333 pounds, eight shillings eight pence, of the said to­tall summe of 140000 pounds.

[Page 346]And further the said abbat and conuent granted and agreed for them and their suc­cessors, that if the said Richard Draiton, & other the inhabitants of the said towne of Burie, or any of them, their heires, exe­cutors or assignes, should paie to the said abbat & conuent, or their successors within twentie yeares next insuing the date of that present agreement, 2000 marks, that is to saie, 100 marks yearelie at the feasts line 10 of S. Michaell & Easter, by euen portions: that then the said Richard & other the in­habitants of the towne of Burie should be acquited & discharged of 4000 marks, par­cell of 17666 pounds, thirteene shillings foure pence residue behind for euer.

Moreouer, whereas the said abbat and conuent, & the said abbat by himselfe, since the 19 yeare of the reigne of king Edward line 20 the second vnto that present time, had sea­led certeine charters, deeds, & writings, as well with the proper seale of the abbat, as with the common seale of the abbat & con­uent, if the said Richard and the inhabi­tants of the said towne of Burie did restore vnto the said abbat & conuent all the same writings, or take such order, that neither the abbat nor conuent be impleaded, or in line 30 any wise hindered, indamaged nor molested by force of the same: and further if neither the said Richard, nor any the inhabitants of the said towne, nor their heires, execu­tors, nor assignes, shall go about to reuerse the iudgements against them, at the suit of the said abbat, nor shall seeke to impeach the executions of the same iudgements by anie false or forged acquitances or relea­ses, line 40 nor implead nor molest any of the iurie, by whom they were conuict, that then they and their heires, executors & assignes shall be acquited & discharged of ten thousand pounds parcell of the said 17666 pounds, 13 shillings foure pence.

And furthermore, if the said Richard and other the inhabitants of the said towne of Burie, doo not hereafter maliciouslie rise against the said abbat or conuent, nor seeke line 50 to vex them by any conspiracie, confedera­cie, or by some other secret vniust cause, nor likewise euill intreat any man by reason of the inditement found against them, nor yet claime to haue any corporation of them­selues within that towne, that then the said Richard, & the said inhabitants, their heires, successors & assignes, shall remaine acquited and discharged of all the residue line 60 of the said 17666 pounds, thirteene shil­lings foure pence for euer. And the said ab­bat and conuent doo grant for them & their successours, that their intention is not, that if any singular person of his owne pri­uate malice, shall rise against the said ab­bat and conuent, their successors, moonks▪ bailiffes, or seruants, to doo them, or any of them iniurie or displeasure; that those which be not partakers of the offense, shall be in any wise punished for the same, so that the offendors be not mainteined by any of the same towne, but that the inhabitants there, doo assist the abbat and conuent their successours, bailiffes, seruants & officers, that the same offendors may be punished, according to their demerits, as reason and law shall allow.

This was the effect of the agréement at length had and made betwixt the abbat and moonks of Bu­rie on the one part, & the inhabitants of that towne on the other part, and for the more confirmation ther­of, it pleased the king to put his seale to the charter conteining the same agréement. ¶ But how soeuer it chanced, it should appeare by such records as came to the hands of master Iohn Fox, This might come to passe before the a­gréement wa [...] made in the fift yeare of the kings reigne as a­boue is men­tioned, and so therevpon he might be re­stored. as he alledgeth in the first tome of his booke of acts and monuments, this agreement was but sorilie kept: for diuerse of the former offendors, bearing grudge towards the abbat for breaking promise with them at London, did confederat themselues togither, and priuilie in the night comming to the manour of Chennington where the abbat then did lie, burst open the gates, and entring by force, first bound all his seruants, and af­ter they had robbed the house, they tooke the abbat, and shauing him, secretlie conueied him to London, and there remoouing him from street to stréet vn­knowne, had him ouer the Thames into Kent, and at length transported him ouer vnto Dist in Brabant, where they kept him for a time in much penurie, thral­dome and miserie, vntill at length the matter being vnderstood, they were all excommunicate, first by the archbishop, & after by the pope. At the last, his freends hauing knowledge where he was, they found means to deliuer him out of the hands of those theeues, and finallie brought him home with procession, and so he was restored to his house againe.

Thus much touching those troubles betwixt the townesmen of Burie & the abbat and moonks there, and now we will returne to other generall matters touching the publike state of the realme. ¶ And first you shall vnderstand, that in the beginning of this kings reigne the land trulie séemed to be blessed of God: for the earth became fruitfull, the aire tempe­rate, and the sea calme and quiet. This king though he was as yet vnder the gouernement of other, ne­uerthelesse he began within a short time to shew to­kens of great towardnesse, framing his mind vnto graue deuises, and first he prepared to make a iornie against the Scotishmen, the which in his fathers time had doone so manie displeasures to the Englishmen, and now vpon confidence of his minoritie, ceassed not to inuade the borders of his realme. And namelie the verie selfe night that followed the day of this kings coronation, they had thought by skaling to haue stolne the castell of Norham: Rich. South. Rob. Ma­ners captein of Norham castell. but Robert Ma­ners capteine of that place, vnderstanding of their enterprise aforehand by a Scotishman of the garison there, so well prouided for their comming, that where sixtéene of them boldlie entred vpon the wall, he slue nine or ten of them, and tooke fiue.

This was thought an euill token, that they should still be put to the worsse in this kings time, sith they had so bad successe in the verie beginning of his reigne: but they continuing in their malicious pur­poses, about saint Margarets tide inuaded the land with three armies, the earle of Murrey hauing the leading of one of the same armies, The [...] inuade Eng­land. and Iames Douglas of another, and the third was guided by the earle of Mar. King Edward aduertised hereof, assembled not onelie a great power of Englishmen, but also required Iohn lord Beaumont de Heinault, whome he had latelie sent home right honorablie re­warded for his good assistance, The lord Beaumo [...] of Hein [...]u [...]. to come againe into England, with certeine bands of men at armes, and he should receiue wages and good interteinement [Page 347] for them. The lord Beaumont, as one that loued déeds of armes, Caxton. was glad to accomplish king Ed­wards request: and so therevpon with seauen hun­dred men at armes, or fiue hundred (as Froissart saith) came ouer into England againe, to serue a­gainst the Scots.

The generall assemblie of the armie was appoin­ted to be at Yorke, and thither came the said lord Beaumont with his people, and was ioifullie recei­ued of the king and his lords. Here whilest not one­lie line 10 the Scotish ambassadours (which had béene sent to treat of peace, were heard to tell their message) but also whilest the councell tooke some leisure in de­bating the matter how to guide their enterprise, which they had now in hand: vpon Trinitie sundaie, it chanced that there arose contention within the ci­tie of Yorke, betwixt the English archers, and the strangers, A fraie be­twixt y e Eng­lish archers and the Hen­uiers. Caxton. which the lord Beaumont of Heinault had brought with him, insomuch that fighting togither there were slaine to the number of foure score per­sons line 20 of those archers, which were buried within the church of saint Clement in Fosgate. ¶Some write that there were slaine to the number of thrée hun­dred Englishmen: yet bicause the Henuiers came to aid the king, their peace was cried vpon paine of life. Froissart. And further, it was found by an inquest of the ci­tie, that the quarrell was begun by the Englishmen, the which (as some write) were of the Lincolneshire men, of those that sometime belonged to the Spen­sers, and to the earle of Arundell, so that there was line 30 cause, Caxton. Froissart. whie they bare euill will to the Henuiers which had aided (as yee haue heard) to bring the said earle and Spensers to their confusion.

In this meane time the Scots being entred into England, had doone much hurt, and were come as farre as Stanop parke in Wiredale: Stanop parke. Caxton. and though they had sent their ambassadours to treat with the king and his councell for peace, yet no conclusion fol­lowed of their talke. At the same time, bicause the English souldiours of this armie were cloathed all line 40 in cotes and hoods embrodered with floures and branches verie séemelie, and vsed to nourish their beards: the Scots in derision thereof made a rime, which they fastened vpon the church doores of saint Peter toward Stangate, conteining this that fol­loweth.

A [...]ime in de­rision of the Englishmen.
Long beards, hartlesse, Painted hoods, witlesse,
Gaie cotes, gracelesse, Make England thriftlesse.

The king when he saw it was but a vaine thing to staie anie longer in communication with the am­bassadors line 50 about peace, departed from Yorke with his puissant armie, and getting knowledge how the Scots were closelie lodged in the woods of Stan­op parke, he came and stopped all the passages, so it was thought that he should haue had them at his pleasure, but through treason (as was after reported) of the lord Roger Mortimer, after that the Scots had béene kept within their lodgings for the space of fiftéene daies, till they were almost famished, they did not onelie find a waie out, but about two hundred of line 60 them vnder the leading of the lord William Dou­glas, [...]roissart. The lord Dowglas. assailing that part of the English campe where the kings tent stood, in the night season, missed not much of either taking the king or sleieng him: and hauing doone hurt inough otherwise, as in the Sco­tish chronicle is also touched, they followed their com­panie, and with them returned into Scotland with­out impeachment.

It is said, that Henrie earle of Lancaster, and Iohn the lord Beaumont of Heinault would gladlie haue passed ouer the water of Wire, to haue assal­ted the Scots, but the earle of March through coun­sell of the lord Mortimer, pretending to haue right to the leading of the fore ward, and to the giuing of the first onset, would not suffer them. Howsoeuer it was the king missed his purpose, and right pensiue there­fore, brake vp his field, and returned vnto London. ¶Walter bishop of Canturburie departed this life in Nouember, and then Simon Mepham was ad­uanced to the gouernement of that sée. The lord Beaumont of Heinalt was honorablie rewarded for his paines and trauell, The lord Beaumōt re­turned home. Polydor. and then licenced to re­turne into his countrie, where he had not beene long, but that through his means then (as some write) the marriage was concluded betweene king Edward, and the ladie Philip daughter to William earle of Heinault, and neece to the said lord Beaumont, who had the charge to sée hir brought ouer thither into England about Christmasse: where in the citie of Yorke vpon the eeuen of the Conuersion of saint Paule, being sundaie, Fabian. year 1328 in the latter end of the first yeare of his reigne, king Edward solemnlie mari­ed hir.

In the second yeare of his reigne, about the feast of Pentecost, Anno Reg. 2. A parlement at North­ampton. king Edward held a parlement at Northampton, at the which parlement by euill and naughtie counsell, whereof the lord Roger Mortimer and the queene mother bare the blame, the king con­cluded with the Scotish king both an vnprofitable and a dishonorable peace. For first, A dishonora­ble peace. he released to the Scots their fealtie and homage. Also he deliuered vnto them certeine old ancient writings, sealed with the seales of the king of Scots, and of diuerse lords of the land both spirituall and temporall: amongst the which was that indenture, Ragman. which they called Rag­man, with manie other charters and patents, by the which the kings of Scotland were bound as feoda­ries vnto the crowne of England; Fabian. Caxton. The blacke crosse. at which season al­so there were deliuered certeine iewels, which before time had béene woone from the Scots by the kings of England, and among other, the blacke crosier or rood is speciallie named.

And not onelie the king by his sinister councell lost such right and title as he had to the realme of Scotland, so farre as by the same councell might be deuised, but also the lords and barons, and other men of England that had anie lands or rents within Scotland, lost their right in like manner, except they would dwell vpon the same lands, and become liege men to the king of Scotland. A marriage concluded. Herevpon was there also a marriage concluded betwixt Dauid Bruce the sonne of Robert Bruce king of Scotland, and the ladie Iane sister to king Edward, which of diuerse writers is surnamed Ione of the tower, and the Scots surnamed hir halfe in derision, Ione Make­peace. Ione Make­peace. This marriage was solemnised at Berwike vpon the daie of Marie Magdalen. The quéene with the bishops of Elie and Norwich, the earle Warren, the lord Mortimer, and diuerse other barons of the land, and a great multitude of other people were pre­sent at that marriage, Ri. Southwell. which was celebrate with all the honour that might be.

After the quindene of saint Michaell, king Ed­ward held a parlement at Salisburie, Tho. Walsin. Adam Meri­muth. Polydor. Creations of earles. in which the lord Roger Mortimer was created earle of March, the lord Iohn of Eltham the kings brother was made earle of Cornwall, and the lord Iames Butler of Ireland earle of Ormond, who about the same time had married the earle of Herefords daughter. But the earle of March tooke the most part of the rule of all things perteining either to the king or realme into his owne hands: The earle of March ruleth all things at his pleasure. so that the whole gouernment rested in a manner betwixt the queene mother and him. The other of the councell that were first appoin­ted, were in manner displaced; for they bare no rule to speake of at all, which caused no small grudge to arise against the quéene and the said earle of March, Caxton. who mainteined such ports, and kept among them [Page 348] such retinue of seruants, that their prouision was woonderfull, which they caused to be taken vp, name­lie for the queene, at the kings price, to the sore oppres­sion of the people, which tooke it displesantlie inough.

The e [...]rle of Lancaster.There was like to haue growen great variance betwixt the queene and Henrie earle of Lancaster, by reason that one sir Thomas Wither, a knight per­teining to the said earle of Lancaster, had slaine Ro­bert Holland, Robert Hol­land slaine. who had betraied sometime Thomas earle of Lancaster, and was after committed to pri­son line 10 by earle Henries means, but the queene had cau­sed him to be set at libertie, and admitted him as one of hir councell. The quéene would haue had sir Tho­mas Wither punished for the murther, but earle Henrie caused him to be kept out of the waie, so that for these causes and other, Henrie the earle of Lanca­ster went about to make a rebellion, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie was the chiefe pro­curor of the agreement & reconciliation of the earle (as Meri­muth saith.) and the quéene hauing knowledge thereof, sought to apprehend him: but by the mediation of the earles Marshall and Kent, the matter was taken vp, and earle Henrie line 20 had the kings peace granted him for the summe of eleuen thousand pounds, which he should haue paid, but he neuer paid that fine, though it was so assessed at the time of the agreement.

There were diuerse lords and great men that were confederat with him, Adam Meri­muth. the lord Thomas Wake, the lord Henrie Beaumont, the lord Foulke Fitz Warrein, sir Thomas Rosselin, sir William Trus­sell, and other, to the number of an hundred knights. ¶ In the third yeare of his reigne, 1 [...]29 Anno Reg. 3. about the Ascen­sion line 30 tide, king Edward went ouer into France, and comming to the French king Philip de Ualois, as then being at Amiens, did there his homage vnto him for the duchie of Guien (as in the French historie appeareth.) ¶ The same yeare Simon the archbishop of Canturburie held a synod at London, wherein all those were excommunicated that were guiltie to the death of Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester, that had béene put to death by the Londoners, as in the last kings time ye haue heard. ¶ This bishop of Ex­cester line 40 founded Excester colledge in Oxford, & Harts hall. But now to the purpose.

The king about the beginning, or (as other saie) a­bout the middle of Lent, Tho. Wals [...]. Ri. Southwell. Additions to Meri. held a parlement at Win­chester, during the which, Edmund of Woodstoke earle of Kent the kings vncle was arrested the mor­row after saint Gregories day, and being arreigned vpon certeine confessions and letters found about him, he was found giltie of treason. There were di­uerse in trouble about the same matter, for the earle line 50 vpon his open confession before sundrie lords of the realme, declared that not onelie by commandement from the pope, but also by the setting on of diuerse nobles of this land (whome he named) he was persua­ded to indeuour himselfe by all waies and meanes possible how to deliuer his brother king Edward the second out of prison, and to restore him to the crowne, whome one Thomas Dunhed, a frier of the order of preachers in London, Thom. Dun­hed a frier. affirmed for certeine to be a­liue, hauing (as he himselfe said) called vp a spirit to line 60 vnderstand the truth thereof, and so what by counsell of the said frier, and of three other friers of the same order, Thom. Wals. he had purposed to worke some meane how to deliuer him, and to restore him againe to the king­dome. Among the letters that were found about him, disclosing a great part of his practise, some there were, which he had written and directed vnto his bro­ther the said king Edward, as by some writers it should appeare.

year 1330 The bishop of London and certeine other great personages, whome he had accused, were permitted to go at libertie, Anno Reg 4. vnder suerties taken for their good demeanour and foorth comming. But Robert de Touton, and the frier that had raised the spirit for to know whether the kings father were liuing or not, were committed to prison, wherein the f [...]ier remai­ned till he died. The earle himselfe was had out of the castell gate at Winchester, and there lost his head the 19 day of March, The earle of Kent behea­ded. chiefelie (as was thought) tho­rough the malice of the quéene mother, and of the earle of March: whose pride and high presumption the said earle of Kent might not well abide. His death was the lesse lamented, bicause of the presumptuous gouernement of his seruants and retinue, Naughtie seruants bring their master into disfauour. which he kept about him, for that they riding abroad, would take vp things at their pleasure, not paieng nor agrée­ing with the partie to whome such things belonged; in so much that by their meanes, who ought to haue doone their vttermost for the inlargement of his ho­nour, he grew in greater obloquie and reproch: a fowle fault in seruants so to abuse their lords names to their priuat profit, to whome they cannot be too trustie. But such are to be warned, that by the same wherin they offend, they shall be punished, euen with seruants faithlesse to plague their vntrustinesse, for ‘Qui violare fidem solet, & violetur eidem.’

The yoong queene Philip was brought to bed at Woodstoke the 15 day of Iune of hir first sonne, The Blacke prince borne. the which at the fontstone was named Edward, and in processe of time came to great proofe of famous chi­ualrie, as in this booke shall more plainelie appeare. He was commonlie named when he came to ripe yeares prince Edward, & also surnamed the Blacke prince. The sixtéenth day of Iulie chanced a great eclipse of the sunne, Croxden. An eclipse. and for the space of two moneths before, and three moneths after, there fell exceeding great raine, so that through the great intemperancie of weather, corne could not ripen, by reason whereof, in manie places they began not haruest till Michael­mas, A late haruest & in some places they inned not their wheat till Alhallontide, nor their pease till saint Andrews tide.

On Christmasse euen, about the breake of day, a maruellous sore and terrible wind came foorth of the west, which ouerthrew houses and buildings, A mightie wind. ouer­turned trees by the roots, and did much hurt in diuerse places. ¶ This yeare shortlie after Easter, the king with the bishop of Winchester, and the lord William Montacute, hauing not past fifteene horsses in their companie, passed the sea, apparelled in clokes like to merchants, he left his brother the earle of Cornewall his deputie & gardian of the realme till his returne. Moreouer, he caused it to be proclaimed in London, that he went ouer on pilgrimage, and for none other purpose. He returned before the later end of Aprill, and then was there holden a turnie at Dertfort.

The mondaie after saint Matthews day in Sep­tember, the king held a solemne iusts in Cheapeside, betwixt the great crosse and Soperlane, he with 12 as chalengers answering all defendants that came. This solemne iusts and turnie continued three daies. The quéene with manie ladies being present at the same, fell beside a stage, but yet as good hap would they had no hurt by that fall, to the reioising of ma­nie that saw them in such danger, and yet so luckilie to escape without harme. ¶ Also in a parlement holden at Notingham about saint Lukes tide, sir Roger Mortimer the earle of March was apprehen­ded the seuenteenth day of October within the castell of Notingham, where the king with the two queenes, his mother and his wife, and diuerse other were as then lodged. And though the keies of the castell were dailie and nightlie in the custodie of the said earle of March, and that his power was such, as it was doub­ted how he might be arrested (for he had, Additions [...] N. Triuet. as some writers affirme, at that present in retinue nine score knights, beside esquiers, gentlemen and yeomen) yet at length by the kings helpe, the lord William Mon­tacute, the lord Humfrie de Bohun, and his brother [Page 349] sir William, the lord Rafe Stafford, the lord Robert Ufford, the lord William Clinton, the lord Iohn Neuill of Hornbie, and diuerse other, which had accu­sed the said earle of March for the murther of king Edward the second, found means by intelligence had with sir William de Eland constable of the ca­stell of Notingham, to take the said earle of March with his sonne the lord Roger or Geffrey Mortimer, and sir Simon Bereford, with other.

Sir Hugh Trumpington or Turrington (as line 10 some copies haue) that was one of his chéefest fréends with certeine other were slaine, as they were about to resist against the lord Montacute, and his compa­nie in taking of the said earle. The manner of his ta­king I passe ouer, bicause of the diuersitie in report thereof by sundrie writers. From Notingham he was sent vp to London with his sonne the lord Ro­ger or Geffrey de Mortimer, sir Simon Bereford, and the other prisoners, where they were committed to prison in the tower. Shortlie after was a parle­ment line 20 called at Westminster, chéefelie (as was thought) for reformation of things disordered through the misgouernance of the earle of March. But who­soeuer was glad or sorie for the trouble of the said earle, suerlie the queene mother tooke it most heauilie aboue all other, as she that loued him more (as the fame went) than stood well with hir honour. For as some write, Maister Fox. she was found to be with child by him. They kept as it were house togither, for the earle to haue his prouision the better cheape, laid his penie line 30 with hirs, so that hir takers serued him as well as they did hir both of vittels & cariages. Of which mis­vsage (all regard to honour and estimation neglec­ted) euerie subiect spake shame. For their manner of dealing, tending to such euill purposes as they conti­nuallie thought vpon, could not be secret from the eies of the people. And their offense héerein was so much the more heinous, bicause they were persons of an extraordinarie degree, and were the more nar­rowlie marked of the multitude or common people, line 40

[...]la [...]di.
—nam lux altissima fati
Occultum nil esse sinit, latebrás (que) per omnes
Intrat, & obtrusos explorat fama recessus.

But now in this parlement holden at Westminster he was attainted of high treason expressed in fiue articles, The earle of March at­tainted. as in effect followeth.

1 First, he was charged that he had procured Edward of Carnaruan the kings father to be mur­thered in most heinous and tyrannous maner with­in the castell of Berklie.

2 Secondlie, that the Scots at Stanop parke line 50 through his means escaped.

3 Thirdlie, that he receiued at the hands of the lord Iames Dowglas, at that time generall of the Scots, great summes of monie to execute that trea­son, and further to conclude the peace vpon such dis­honorable couenants as was accorded with the Scots at the parlement of Northampton.

4 Fourthlie, that he had got into his hands a great part of the kings treasure, and had wasted and line 60 consumed it.

5 Fiftlie, that he had impropried vnto him diuers wards that belonged vnto the king: and had béene more priuie with queene Isabell the kings mother, than stood either with Gods law, or the kings pleasure.

These articles with other being prooued against him, he was adiudged by authoritie of the parlement to suffer death, and according therevnto, vpon saint Andrewes eeuen next insuing, he was at London drawne and hanged, Adam Me­ [...]emuth. The earle of March exe­cuted. at the common place of executi­on, called in those daies The elmes, & now Tiborne, as in some bookes we find. His bodie remained two daies and two nights on the gallowes, and after taken downe was deliuered to the friers minors, who buried him in their church the morrow after he was deliuered to them, with great pompe and fune­rall exequies, although afterwards he was taken vp and carried vnto Wigmore, whereof he was lord. He came not to his answer in iudgement, no more than any other of the nobilitie had doone, since the death of Thomas earle of Lancaster.

Sir Simon de Bereford knight that had béene one of the kings iustices, Sir Simon Bereford ex­ecuted. was drawne also and hang­ed at London, vpon S. Lucies daie. In this parle­ment holden at Westminster, the king tooke into his hand, by aduise of the states there assembled, all the possessions, lands and reuenues that belonged to the quéene his mother, she hauing assigned to hir a thousand pounds by yeare, Some bookes haue 3 thou­sand pounds. for the maintenance of hir estate, being appointed to remaine in a certeine place, and not to go elsewhere abroad: yet the king to comfort hir, would lightlie euerie yeare once come to visit hir. ¶After that the erle of March was execu­ted (as yée haue heard) diuerse noble men that were departed the realme, bicause they could not abide the pride and presumption of the said earle, now retur­ned: as the sonne and heire of the earle of Arundell, Ad. Merem. the lord Thomas Wake, the L. Henrie Beaumont, sir Thomas de Rosselin, sir Foulke fitz Warren, sir Griffin de la Poole, and diuerse other.

In the fift yeare of K. Edwards reigne, 1331 Anno. Reg. 5. Edward Balioll came foorth of France into England, and ob­teined such fauour through the assistance of the lord Henrie Beaumont, Edward Ba­lioll commeth into England the lord Dauid of Strabogie earle of Athole, the lord Geffrey de Mowbraie, the lord Walter Cumin, and others, that king Edward granted him licence to make his prouision in Eng­land to passe into Scotland, with an armie of men to attempt the recouerie of his right to the crowne of Scotland, with condition that if he recouered it, he should acknowledge to hold it of the king of Eng­land as superiour lord of Scotland. The comming a­waie of Edward Balioll out of France is diuerslie reported by writers: some saie that he was aided by the French king, whose sister he had married: Caxton. and o­ther saie, that he being in prison in France, for the escape of an Englishman, Iohn Bar­nabie. one Iohn Barnabie es­quier, which had slaine a Frenchman by chance of quarelling in the towne of Dampierre, where the same Barnabie dwelled with the said Edward Ba­lioll, The lord Beaumont. so it came to passe that the lord Henrie Beau­mont hauing occasion of businesse with the French king, that fauoured him well, came ouer to France, and there vnderstanding of Baliols imprisonment, procured his deliuerance, and brought him ouer into England, and caused him to remaine in secret wise at the manor of Sandhall vpon Ouse in Yorkeshire with the ladie Uesci [...], till he had purchased the kings grant for him to make his prouision of men of war and ships within the English dominions.

In the sixt yeare of king Edwards reigne, 1332 Anno Reg. 6. Reig­nold earle of Gelderland married the ladie Elianor sister to this king Edward the third, Croxden. The earle of Gelderland. who gaue vnto the said earle with hir for hir portion, fifteene thou­sand pounds sterling. ¶ Isabell the kings daughter was borne also this yeare at Woodstoke. ¶ After that Edward Balioll had prepared and made readie his purueiances for his iournie, and that his men of warre were assembled and come togither, being in all not past fiue hundred men of armes, and about two thousand archers, and other footmen, he tooke the sea at Rauenspurgh in Yorkeshire, and from thence directing his course northward, he arriued at length in Scotland, where he atchiuing great victories (as in the Scotish chronicle yée may read more at large) was finallie crowned king of that realme. Edward Ba­lioll crowned k. of Scotlād.

It may séeme a woonder to manie, that the king [Page 350] of England would permit Edward Balioll to make his prouision thus in England, and to suffer his peo­ple to aid him against his brother in law king Da­uid that had married his sister (as before ye haue heard. The cause that mooued K. Edward to aid Edward Balioll.) Indéed at the first he was not verie readie to grant their suit that mooued it, but at length he was contented to dissemble the matter, in hope that if Edward Balioll had good successe, he should then recouer that againe, which by the conclusion of peace during his minoritie, he had through euill counsell line 10 resigned out of his hands. The Scots neuerthelesse in December chased their new king Edward Bali­oll out of Scotland, so that he was faine to retire into England, and celebrated the feast of the Natiuitie at Carleill, in the house of the friers minors, and the morrow after being S. Stephans day, he went into Westmerland, Rich. South. Edward Ba­lioll chased out of Scot­land. where of the lord Clifford he was right honorablie receiued, to whome he then granted Douglas Dale in Scotland, which had béene gran­ted to the said lord Cliffords grandfather in the daies line 20 of king Edward the first, if he might at anie time re­couer the realme of Scotland out of his aduersaries hands. year 1333

After this, he went and laie a time with the ladie of Gines, that was his kinsewoman. Finallie about the téenth day of March, Anno Reg. 7. hauing assembled a power of Englishmen and Scotishmen, he entred Scot­land, Berwike besieged. and besieged the towne of Berwike, during the which siege, manie enterprises were attempted by the parties: and amongst other, the Scots entred line 30 England by Carleill, dooing much mischiefe in Gille­s [...]and, by burning, killing, robbing and spoiling. The king aduertised hereof, thought himselfe discharged of the agréement concluded betwixt him and Dauid Bruce, the sonne of Robert Bruce that had married his sister, & therfore tooke it to be lawfull for him to aid his coosen Edward Balioll the lawfull K. of Scots. And herewith assembling an armie, came to the siege of Berwike, togither with his brother Iohn of El­tham earle of Cornewall, The victorie of English­men at Ha­lidon hill. and other noble men, sée­king line 40 by all meanes possible how to win the towne: and finallie discomfited an armie of Scots, which came to the rescue theerof vpon Halidon hill, in slea­ing of them what in the fight and chase, seuen earles, nine hundred knights and baronets, foure hundred esquiers, and vpon 32 thousand of the common peo­ple: and of Englishmen were slaine but 15 persons, as our English writers make mention. The Scotish writers confesse, that the Scotishmen lost the num­ber of 14 thousand. line 50

Berwike de­liuered.On the morrow following, being S. Margarets day, the towne of Berwike was rendered vnto king Edward with the castell, as in the Scotish chronicle ye may read, with more matter touching the siege and battell aforesaid, and therfore here in few words, I passe it ouer. King Edward hauing thus sped his businesse, left a power of men with Edward Balioll, vnder the conduct of the lord Richard Talbot, The lord Ri­chard Talbot and returned himselfe backe into England, appointing the lord Percie to be gouernor of the towne of Ber­wike, line 60 and sir Thomas Grey knight his lieutenant. The lord Iohn Darcie lord chéefe iustice of Ireland, leauing the lord Thomas Bourgh his deputie in that countrie, The lord iu­stice of Ire­land cōmeth into Scot­land. passed ouer with an armie into Scotland, to aid the king, who (as ye haue heard) was there the same time in person. And so by the king on one side, and by the Irishmen on an other, Scotland was sub­dued, and restored vnto Balioll, who the morrow af­ter the octaues of the Natiuitie of our ladie, held a parlement at saint Iohns towne, in the which he re­uoked and made void all acts, which the late king of Scots Robert Bruce had inacted or made: and fur­ther ordeined, that all such lands and possessions as the said Bruce had giuen to any maner of person, should be taken from them, and restored to the for­mer and true inheritour.

In this yeare about the twelfth of October, Simon Mepham archbishop of Canturburie, departed this life, in whose place succeeded Iohn Stretford, being remooued from the see of Winchester, Adam Me [...] ­muth. whereof he was bishop, before that he was thus called to the see of Canturburie. 1334 Anno Reg. [...] After Candlemas the king of Eng­land repaired towards Yorke, Adam Me [...] ­muth. A parlement at Yorke. there to hold a parle­ment, to the which (beginning on the mondaie in the second wéeke in Lent) when Edward Balioll doub­ting to be surprised by his aduersaries, could not come, yet he sent the lord Henrie de Beaumont, and the lord William de Montacute, to make excuse for him. The king of England passing further into the north parts, held his Whitsuntide at Newcastell vpon Tine, with great roialtie: and shortlie af­ter, Edward Balioll king of Scots came thither, Edward B [...]lioll dooth [...] ­mage vnto the king of England for Sc [...] land. and vpon the nintéenth daie of Iune made his ho­mage vnto the king of England, and sware vnto him fealtie in the presence of a great number of Nobles and gentlemen there assembled, as to his superiour and chiefe lord of the realme of Scotland, binding himselfe by that oth, to hold the same realme of the king of England, his heires and successors for euer. He also gaue and granted vnto the king of England at that time fiue counties next adioining vnto the borders of England, as Berwike and Rocksburgh, Peplis, and Dunfres, the townes of Hadington and Gedworth with the castell, the forrests of Silkirke, Etherike, and Gedworth, so as all these portions should be cléerelie separated and put apart from the crowne of Scotland, and annexed vnto the crowne of England for euer. And these things were confirmed and roborated with oth, scepter, and wit­nesse sufficient.

Which things doone in due order, as was requisite, the king of England returned home, and the kings went backe into Scotland. And then were all such lords restored againe to their lands and possessions in Scotland, which in the daies of Edward the second had béene expelled from the same: and now they did their homage vnto the king of Scotland for those lands as apperteined. ¶ Immediatlie after, the king of England called a councell of his lords spirituall and temporall at Notingham, commanding them to meet him there about the thirtéenth daie of Iulie, there to consult with him of weightie causes concer­ning the state of the realme. This yeare on saint Clements daie at night, Inundation of the sea. which fell on the thrée and twentith of Nouember, through a maruellous in­undation & rising of the sea all alongst by the coasts of this realme, but especiallie about the Thames, the sea bankes or walles were broken and borne downe with violence of the water, and infinite numbers of beasts and cattell drowned, fruitfull grounds and pa­stures were made salt marishes, so as there was no hope that in long time they should recouer againe their former fruitfulnesse.

In this meane time the French king was appoin­ted to haue made a viage against the Saracens, eni­mies of our faith, and had sent to the king of Eng­land, requiring him of his companie in that iournie. But the king of England being otherwise occupied with the affaires of Scotland, made no direct answer therevnto, Ambassad [...] from the French [...] so that the French king perceiuing that the king of England was not in all things well pleased with him, thought good before he set forward on that iournie to vnderstand his meaning, and ther­vpon sent eftsoones vnto him other ambassadours. These ambassadours arriued here in England and had audience, but nothing they concluded in effect, saue that the king promised to send his ambassadors ouer into France, to haue further communication [Page 351] in the matter touching such points of variance as de­pended betwixt them.

Although Edward Balioll by the puissance of the king of Englands assistance had got the most part of the realme of Scotland into his hands, yet diuerse castels were holden against him, and the Scots dai­lie slipped from him, and by open rebellion molested him diuerse waies. The king of England aduertised thereof called a parlement at London, Rich. South. A parlement at London. wherein he tooke order for his iournie into Scotland, had a tenth line 10 and a fiftéenth granted him, and so about Alhallon­tide he came to Newcastell vpon Tine, with his ar­mie, and remained there till the feast of saint Katha­rine, The king en­treth into Scotland with an armie and then entring into Scotland, came to Roc­kesburgh, where he repared the castell which had beene aforetime destroied. After the third daie of Christ­masse was past, the king of England entred into E­thrike forrest, year 1335 beating it vp and downe, but the Scots would not come within his reach: wherevpon he sent the king of Scots that was there present with him, line 20 and the earles of Warwike and Oxenford, and cer­teine other barons and knights with their retinues vnto Carleill, to keepe and defend those west parts of the realme from the Scots.

In their iournie thitherwards, they went by Pe­plis to apprehend certeine Scots, whome they heard to be lodged and abiding thereabouts, but when they found them not, they wasted the countrie, and turned streight to Carleill, where after the Epiphanie there assembled an armie foorth of the counties of Lanca­ster, line 30 Westmerland, and Cumberland, by the kings appointment, which armie togither with the king of Scots and the other lords there found, entred Scot­land, and did much hurt in the countrie of Galloway, destroieng towns and all that they found abroad, Hen. Marle. but the people were fled and withdrawne out of their waie. And when they had taken their pleasure, the king of Scots returned backe to Carleill. This yere there fell great abundance of raine, [...] dearth and [...]eth of cattell. and therevpon insued morren of beasts: also corne so failed this yeare, that a quarter of wheat was sold at fortie line 40 shillings.

Finallie, when the king had finished his businesse in Scotland, Anno Reg. 9. as to his séeming stood with his plea­sure, he returned into England, and shortlie after he sent the archbishop of Canturburie, Ambassadors [...]ent into France. sir Philip de Montacute, and Geffrey Scroope vnto the French king, to conclude a firme amitie & league with him. These lords comming into France, were not at the first admitted to the French kings presence, till they shewed themselues halfe greeued with that strange line 50 dealing: for then finallie were they brought vnto him, who gentlie receiued them, and caused the mat­ter to be intreated of about the which they were sent, in furthering whereof, such diligence was vsed, that finallie a conclusion of peace and concord was a­greed, and so farre passed, that proclamation thereof should haue béene made in Paris, and in the coun­trie thereabout the next day: but scarse were the En­glish ambassadours returned vnto their lodgings, when they were sent for backe againe, and further line 60 informed, that the French king minded to haue Da­uid king of Scotland comprised in the same league, so that he might be restored vnto his kingdome, and the Balioll put out. The English ambassadors an­swered, that their commission extended not so farre, and therfore they could not conclude any thing there­in. Herevpon all the former communication was reuoked, and cléerelie made void, so that the English ambassadors returned home into England without anie thing concluded.

About the feast of the Ascension, the king held a parlement at Yorke, [...]. Southwell. [...] parlement. ordeining for his iournie into Scotland, and also deuising by authoritie thereof di­uerse profitable statutes for the common-wealth. About midsummer, he came with his armie vnto Newcastell vpon Tine, whither came to him from Carleill the king of Scots, and there order was ta­ken, that the king of England, and his brother the earle of Cornwall, the earls of Warwike, Lanca­ster, Lincolne, and Hereford, with all their retinues, and the earle of Gulikerland, that had married the kings sister, and with a faire companie was come to serue the king in these warres, should passe to Carle­ill, and on the twelfe of Iulie enter Scotland. The king of Scots, the earles of Surrie, and Arundell, and the lord Henrie Percie, a baron of great might and power, being all of kin vnto the king of Scots, with their retinues should go to Berwike, and there enter the same day aboue mentioned, and as it was appointed, so it was put in practise. For both kings on the same day entring Scotland in seuerall parts passed forward without resistance at their pleasures, wasting and burning all the countries, both on this side, and beyond the Scotish sea. The Welsh­men. The Welshmen spared neither religious persons nor their houses, making no more accompt of them than of others: the mariners of Newcastell also burnt a great part of the towne of Dundée. Dundée burnt.

The earle of Namure about the same time com­ming into England, to serue the king in his warres, The earle of Namure. tooke vpon him to passe into Scotland with a band of an hundred men of armes, beside seauen or eight knights which he brought ouer with him, and certeine Englishmen to be his guides from Berwike, Fourdon. but he was assailed before he could get to Edenburgh, by the earles of Murrey and Dunbarre, and the lord William Dowglas: so that notwithstanding the strangers bare themselues verie manfullie, yet op­pressed with multitude, they were forced to giue place, but yet still fighting and defending themselues till they came to Edenburgh, and there taking the hill where the ruines of the castell stood, kept the same all the night folowing. But the next day they despai­ring of all succours, and hauing neither meat nor drinke, at length yéelded themselues, whom the earle of Murrey receiuing right courteouslie, The earle of Murrey takē. Rich. Southw. shewed them such fauour, that without ransome he was con­tented they should returne into their countries: and for more suertie, he conueied the said earle of Na­mure (whome the Scotish books call earle of Gelder­land) and his companie backe to the borders; but in his returne, or shortlie after, Fourdon. the same earle of Mur­rey that tooke himselfe for gouernour of Scotland, was encountred by the Englishmen that laie in gar­rison within Rockesburgh, and by them taken priso­ner. The lord William Dowglas being there also with him escaped, but Iames Dowglas brother to the said lord William Dowglas, was at that bicke­ring slaine with diuerse other.

About the feast of the Assumption of our ladie, Scots submit them to the king of Eng­land. di­uerse of the Scotish nobilitie came and submitted themselues to the king, namelie the earle of Atholl and others, but earle Patrike of Dunbarre, and the earle of Rosse, the lord Andrew de Murrey, the lord William Dowglas, and the lord William de Keth, and manie other would not come in, but assembling themselues togither, did all the mischéefe they could vnto those that had receiued the kings peace. The castell of Kildrummie. The earle of Atholl in the winter season, besieging the ca­stell of Kildrummie beyond the Scotish sea was set vpon by the earles of Dunbarre and Rosse, The earle of Atholl slaine. so that they slue him there in field, for his men fled from him (through some traitorous practise as was thought) and left him and a few other in all the danger. ¶The king of England being returned foorth of Scotland, remained for the most part of the winter in the north parts, and held his Christmasse at Newcastell vpon [Page 352] Tine, and after the Epiphanie hauing assembled an armie readie to passe into Scotland, to reuenge the earle of Athols death, which he tooke verie displeasant­lie, there came in the meane time ambassadors both from the pope and the French king, year 1336 and found the king of England at Berwike, readie with his armie to set forwards into Scotland. Anno Reg. 10. But these ambassa­dors did so much by intreatie with the two kings of England and Scotland, that about the feast of the Purification, A truce gran­ted to the Scots. a truce was agréed vpon to indure till line 10 midlent.

Then was a parlement to be holden at London, and herewith articles were drawne, and certeine pe­titions put foorth, vpon the which if the parties in the meane time could agrée, the peace accordinglie might be established, if not, then the warre to be pro­secuted as before. The chiefest article and petition which the Scots proponed, as desirous to be therein resolued, was to vnderstand which of the two that claimed the crowne of Scotland, to wit, Edward line 20 Balioll, and Dauid Bruce, had most right thereto. But when in the parlement time the lord Maurice de Murrey slue sir Geffrey de Rosse a Scotish knight, that was shiriffe of Aire and Lenarke, being of the Baliols side, for that in time of open warre the same sir Geffrey had slaine his brother, The stoutnes of Scots hin­dered the con­clusion of the peace. vpon respect of this presumptuous part, and by reason of such stoutnesse as the Scots otherwise shewed, no conclusion of peace could be brought to effect.

Before the feast of the Ascension, the king of Eng­land line 30 sent forward the king of Scots, the earles of Lancaster, Warwike, Oxford, and Anegos, and di­uerse lords and capteins with an armie, the which af­ter Whitsuntide entring into Scotland, An armie sent into Scot­land. S. Iohns towne for­tified. passed ouer the Scotish sea, and comming to saint Iohns towne (which the Scots had burnt, despairing to defend it a­gainst the English power) they set in hand to fortifie it, compassing it with déepe diches and a strong ram­pier of earth. ¶ About the same time the king called a parlement at Northampton, where leauing the pre­lats line 40 and other to treat of such matters as were pro­poned, Adam Meri­muth. he himselfe rode northwards, and comming to Berwike, tooke with him a small band of men of armes, and setting forward, hasted foorth till he came to saint Iohns towne, The K. goeth into Scot­land. where he found the king of Scots, and other his nobles greatlie woondering at his comming thither so vnlooked for. After he had re­sted there a little, he tooke with him part of the armie, and passed forward ouer the mounteines of Scot­land euen vnto Elgen in Murrey and Inuernes, line 50 further by manie miles than euer his grandfather had gone.

Aberden burnt. Tho. Walsin. Sir Thomas Rosselin slain.In his returne he burnt the towne of Aberden, in reuenge of the death of a right valiant knight called sir Thomas Rosselin, that comming thither by sea tooke land there, and was slaine by the enimies: he burnt diuerse other townes and places in this voi­age, spoiling and wasting the countries where he came, The earle of Cornewall. not finding anie to resist him. About Lammas the earle of Cornewall with the power of Yorkeshire line 60 and Northumberland, and the lord Anthonie Lucie with the Cumberland and Westmerland men en­tred Scotland, and destroied the west parts, as Car­rike, and other which obeied not the Balioll. The lord William Douglas still coasted the Englishmen, The lord Douglas. dooing to them what damage he might. At length this armie loden with preies and spoile returned home, but the earle of Cornewall with his owne retinue came through to saint Iohns towne, where he found the king being returned thither frō his iournie which he had made beyond the mounteins. The king staied not long there, Striueling castell built or rather repa­red. but leauing the king of Scots with his companie in that towne, he went to Striueling, where, on the plot of ground vpon which the destroied castell had stood, he built an other fortresse, called a Pile. And now, bicause he had spent a great deale of treasure in those warres of Scotland, he summoned a parlement to be holden at Notingham, in which there was granted to him a tenth of the cleargie, and likewise of the citizens and burgesses of good towns, and a fifteenth of other that dwelt foorth of cities and boroughes.

About the latter end of October, Iohn of Eltham earle of Cornewall the kings brother departed this life at saint Iohns towne in Scotland: The [...] of the earle [...] Corne [...]l his bodie was afterwards conueied to Westminster, & there buried with all solemne funerals. The Scotish wri­ters affirme that he was slaine by his brother king Edward for the crueltie he had vsed in the west parts of Scotland, in sleaing such as for safegard of their liues fled into churches. Moreouer, in December there deceassed at S. Iohns towne aforesaid, The dec [...] of Hugh de Fresnes [...] of Lincol [...]. Hugh de Fresnes, that in right of the countesse of Lin­colne was intituled earle of Lincolne. He died of the flix, or (as was said) through excessiue cold, which in those quarters in that cold time of the yeare sore af­flicted the English people. ¶ In the meane time, Walter G [...] ­burgh. Thom. Wa [...]. a­bout the feast of saint Luke the euangelist, the king went with an armie into Scotland toward the castell of Bothuille, and comming thither repared the same, which by the Scots had latelie before béene destroied. The baron Stafford at the same time comming to­wards the king with a power of men, The lord Stafford. tooke Douglas Dale in his waie, taking in the same a great preie of cattell and other things.

Before Christmasse the king returned into Eng­land, but the king of Scots remained all the winter in saint Iohns towne with a sober companie. When the king had setled the state of Scotland vnder the gouernement of the Balioll, A statute or­deined by [...] Scots in [...] ­uour of [...] of England. those Scotishmen which tooke part with the Balioll, ordeined as it were in re­compense of king Edwards friendship a statute, whereby they bound themselues to the said king Ed­ward and his heires kings of England, that they should aid and assist him against all other princes: and whensoeuer it chanced that either he or any king of England being rightfull inheritor, had any wars against any prince, either within the land or without, the Scotishmen of their owne proper costs and ex­penses should find thrée hundred horssemen, & a thou­sand footmen well and sufficientlie arraied for the warre, the which thirtéene hundred men the Scots should wage for a whole yeare: & if the king of Eng­land ended not his warres within the yeare, then he to giue wages to the said number of thirteene hun­dred Scots, as he dooth to other of his souldiers and men of warre. There be that write, that the king of England should not onlie fortifie saint Iohns towne about this time, as before is mentioned, Polydor. but also saint Andrews, Cowper, Aberdine, Dunfermeling, with certeine other castels, Townes [...] by [...] Edwards [...] Scotland▪ leauing garisons of men in the same. But for so much as ye may read sufficientlie of those troubles, in Scotland; and of the returne of king Dauid foorth of France, and how his realme was recouered out of the Baliols hands in the Sco­tish chronicles: we néed not here to make anie long discourse thereof.

The quéene was deliuered of hir second sonne at Hatfield, Th. [...] Croxden. who was therfore named William of Hat­field, who liued but a short time, 13 [...] departing this world when he was but yoong. The king being returned home out of Scotland, The king [...] dieth toge­ther [...] mainte [...] [...] warres. sought by all waies possible how to recouer monie, both to supplie his charges for the Scotish wars, and also to furnish the other wars which he meant to take in hand against the French king: he got so much into his hands (as it is reported by writers) that it was verie scant and hard to come by throughout the whole realme: by reason of which [Page 353] scarsitie and want of monie, or vpon some other ne­cessarie cause, Great [...]eap­nesse of w [...]rs end scarsitie of monie. vittels, and other chaffer and merchan­dize were excéeding cheape: for at London a quar­ter of wheat was sold for two shillings, a fat oxe for [...] shillings eight pence, a fat shéepe for six pence or eight pence, halfe a doozen of pigeons for one penie, a fat goose for two pence, a pig for one penie, and so all other v [...]tels after the like rate.

This yeare was the warre proclamed betwixt England and France, cheefelie by the procurement line 10 of the lord Robert Dartois, a Frenchman, as then banished out of France, vpon occasion of a claime by him made vnto the earldome of Artois. This lord Robert after he was banished France, fled ouer vn­to king Edward, who gladlie receiued him and made him earle of Richmond. ¶ All the goods of the Italians were by the kings commandement this yeare confiscate to his vse, and so likewise were the goods of the moonks of the Cluniake and Cisterce­aur orders. ¶ This yeare also a comet or blasing­starre line 20 appeared, with long and terrible streames pas­sing from it. In the eleauenth yeare of his reigne, the king held a parlement at Westminster, 1338 Anno Reg. 11. about the time of Lent, during the which, of the earledome of Cornewall he made a duchie, Thom. Wals. Ran. Higd. Polydor. Fabian. and gaue it vnto his eldest sonne Edward, that was then earle of Che­ster, whom also (as some write) he created at the same time prince of Wales.

Moreouer in reward of seruice, there were six no­ble men at this parlement aduanced to the honour and title of earles, as the lord Henrie sonne to the line 30 earle of Lancaster was created earle of Derbie, Creations of noble men. or after some writers, earle of Leicester; William Bo­hun was created earle of Northampton, William Montacute earle of Salisburie, Hugh Audeley earle of Glocester, William Clinton earle of Hun­tingdon, Additions to Hen. Marle. Croxden. and Robert Ufford earle of Suffolke. This creation was on the second sundaie in Lent, and the same day were twentie knights made, whose names for breefenesse we doo here omit. An act of ar­raie, against sumptuous apparell. In this parlement line 40 it was enacted, that no man should weare any man­ner of silke in gowne, cote, or doublet; except he might dispend of good and sufficient rent an hundred pounds by yeare, which act was not long obserued. For the nature of man is such, that of it owne cor­rupt & euill inclination, it withstandeth good things, and chooseth rather to follow whatsoeuer is forbidden▪ yea though the same be starke naught and offensiue to law and conscience: which preposterous and o­uerthwart disposition the poet noteth well, saieng, line 50

— aliéd (que) cupido
Mens aliud suadet: video meliora, probó (que),
Deteriora sequor.

It was also ordeined by the aduise of this parle­ment, that Henrie of Lancaster newlie created erle of Derbie should go ouer into Gascoine, there to re­maine as the kings lieutenant. But Richard South­well saith, that the earle of Salisburie, and not the earle of Derbie was appointed to go into Gascoine at that time, and the earle of Warwike into Scot­land. An act for re­strain [...] of trās­porting ouer wools. Adam Meri­ [...]uth. line 60 Moreouer in this parlement it was enacted that no wooll of the English growth should go foorth of the land, but be here wrought and made in cloath: and further an act was ordeined for receiuing of stran­gers that were clothworkers, and order taken, that fit and conuenient places should be assigned foorth to them where to inhabit, with manie priuileges and liberties, and that they should haue wages and sti­pends allowed them, till they were so setled as they might gaine commodiouslie by their occupation and science: but now to returne againe to other matters. Rich. South. The castell of Bothuile taken.

The Scots this yeare tooke the castell of Bothuile by surrender, so as the Englishmen that were with­in it, departed with their liues and goods saued. Di­uerse other castels and fortresses were taken by the Scots in Fife, and in other parts, but the countrie of Galloway was by them speciallie sore afflicted, bi­cause the people there held with their lord Edward Balioll. Herevpon it was agreed in this last parle­ment, that the earle of Warwike being appointed to go thither, should haue with him the power beyond Trent northwards. But when about the Ascension tide the Scots had besieged the castell of Striueling, the king of England in person hasted thitherwards, of whose approach the Scots no sooner vnderstood, but that streightwaies they brake vp their siege, and de­parted thence: the king therefore returned backe in­to the south parts. Sir Eustace Maxwell. About the same time sir Eustace de Maxwell knight, lord of Carlauerocke, reuolted from Edward Balioll vnto Dauid le Bruse his side, and so that part dailie increased, and also the warre continued, with damage inough vnto both parts.

In the beginning of September the earle of Warwike with an armie entred Scotland by Ber­wike, and the lord Thomas de Wake, The earle of Warwike inuadeth Scotland. and the lord Clifford, with the bishop of Carleill accompanied with the Westmerland and Cumberland men, en­tred by Carleill, and within two daies after met with the earle of Warwike, as before it was appointed, and so ioining togither, they passed forwards, spoi­ling and wasting Teuidale, Mofeteidale, and Nides­dale. The lord Anthonie Lucie with a part of the ar­mie entred into Galloway, and after he had wasted that countrie, he returned to the armie, which by rea­son of the exceeding great weat that fell in that sea­son, they could not kéepe on their iournie into Dou­glasdale, and to Aire, as they had appointed: but ha­uing remained in Scotland twelue daies, they re­turned altogither vnto Carleill. Edward Balioll was not with them in this iournie, but remained still in England.

The Scots in reuenge hereof made diuerse rodes into England, withdrawing still with their prey and booties, before the English power could assemble to giue them battell. About Alhallontide, the Scots be­sieged the castell of Edenburgh, The castell of Edenburgh besieged. but the bishop of Carleill, the lord Randoll Dacres of Gillesland, with the power of the counties of Cumberland and of Westmerland, and the king of Scots Edward Ba­lioll, with the lord Anthonie Lucie, and such compa­nie as they brought from Berwike, meeting at Roc­kesburgh, marched foorth vnto Edenburgh, The siege is raised. and cha­sing the Scots from the siege, tooke order for the safe keeping of the castell from thencefoorth, and returned into England. In this meane time things happened so well to the purpose of king Edward, The K. prac­tiseth with y e Flemings. that by prac­tise he alienated the hearts of the Flemings from the obedience of their earle, being altogither an ear­nest fréend to the French king. He therefore vnder­standing the minds of his people, sought to winne them by some gentle treatie, and so did euen at the first, concluding an agréement with them of Gaunt, which were fullie at a point to haue entred into league with the king of England, as with him whose fréendship by reason of the traffike of merchandize, (and namelie of the English wools) they knew to be more necessarie for their countrie than the French kings.

Although by the helpe of the bishop of Tournie the earle of Flanders caused them to staie from conclu­ding or ioining in anie such bonds of amitie with the king of England for that time, The bishop of Tournie. yet he doubted the ar­riuall of some power out of England, and therevp­on appointed his bastard brother Guie of Rij [...]ken­burgh, and certeine other noble men and capteins, Ia. M [...]ir. with a crue of men of warre to lie in the Ile of [Page 354] Cadsant, The Ile of Cadsant. to defend the passage there, and to see that no English ships should come or go that waie by the seas: whereof the king of England being aduerti­sed, sent thither the earle of Derbie, the lord Lewes Beauchampe, An armie sent by sea into Flanders. the lord Reginald Cobham, also the lord William sonne to the earle of Warwike, the lord Walter de Mannie an Hanneuier, and other lords, knights, and capteins, with a power of fiue hundred men of armes, Foure thou­sand saith Ia. Meir. and two thousand archers, the which comming to the foresaid Ile of Cadsant, line 10 found the Flemings, about fiue thousand in num­ber, readie arranged on the towne dikes and sands, in purpose to defend the entrie, which they did a cer­teine space right valiantlie: Froissard. but in the end they were discomfited, and three thousand of them slaine in the stréets, hauen, and houses. Sir Guie the bastard of Flanders was taken with diuerse other knights and gentlemen, the towne was burnt, and the goods with the prisoners were carried into England. This chanced on a sundaie the daie before the feast of saint line 20 Martine in Nouember. Where the lord Walter de Mannie might haue had 11 thousand pounds ster­ling for the ransome of the said sir Guie, and other prisoners, the king bought them of him in the foure­téenth yeare of his reigne for eight thousand pounds sterling, as by records in the tower it appeareth.

About the feast of saint Martine in winter, there came vnto London two cardinals, Two cardi­nals come in­to England. sent by the pope to treat for a peace betwixt the kings of England, and France. ¶The archbishop of Canturburie, with line 30 the bishops of Winchester, Elie, Chichester, Couen­trie, & the cōmoners of the citie of London met them on Shooters hill. Additions to Meri. The duke of Cornewall with the earle of Surrie, and manie other of the nobilitie re­ceiued them a mile without the citie. The king him­selfe receiued them at the lesser hall doore of his pa­lace at Westminster, and brought them into the painted chamber, where they declared their message: wherevpon the king caused a parlement to be sum­moned at London, to begin the morrow after Can­dlemasse line 40 day. The king held his Christmasse at Gild­ford, and within the octaues of the same feast he tooke his iournie towards Scotland, year 1339 or rather (as other haue) he sent thither the earles of Salisburie, Ri. Southwell▪ The castell of Dunbar be­sieged. Anno Reg. 12. Gloce­ster, Derbie, and Anegos, with three barons, the lords Percie, Neuill, and Stafford, the which with twentie thousand men besieged the castell of Dunbar.

This siege began euen in the beginning of the twelfth yeare of king Edwards reigne, and continu­ed for the space of nineteene wéeks, with small gaine line 50 and lesse honour to the Englishmen, in so much that the same brake vp vnder a colour of a truce, when there was no hope of winning the place, and that the noble men that laie there at siege, hasted to make an end, that they might attend the king in his iournie o­uer into Brabant. A parlement. The morrow after Candlemasse day the parlement began, in which there was a grant made to the king by the laitie of the one halfe of their woolles through the whole realme for the next sum­mer, Croxden. A subsidie. which he receiued, and likewise he leuied of the line 60 cleargie the whole, causing them to paie nine marks of euerie sacke of the best wooll. But after the rate of the one halfe he tooke in whose hands so euer it was found, aswell merchants as others. After this, he tooke a fiftéenth of all the communaltie of his realme in wooll, the price of euerie stone conteining foure­téene pounds rated at two shillings. The one and twentith of March the two cardinals tooke the sea at Douer, The cardi­nals returne. and in their companie went ouer the archbi­shop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Durham to treat of a peace, if by any good means the two kings might be made fréends. But as it appeared, their tra­uell was in vaine, for although they abode togither for a time on the frontiers, dooing their best indeuor, yet their trauell nothing auailed, as by that which fol­loweth is most manifest.

The Flemings that fauoured king Edward, were put in such comfort by the late victorie obteined by the Englishmen in the Ile of Cadsant, that falling to their former practise, one Iaques or Iacob [...]an Arteueld an hommaker of the towne of Gant, Iames or Iacob Arte­ueld, a hom­maker of Gant. was chosen amongst them to be as it were the defender of the people, and namelie of the weauer [...], and other clothworkers. Finallie, his authoritie grew so huge­lie amongst all the whole number of the commons in Flanders▪ His authori­tie among the commons. that he might doo mo [...]e with them than their earle; and yet the earle to reconcile the people to his fauour, ceassed not to vse all courteous means towards them that he could deuise, as releasing cu­stomes and duties of monie, pardoning offenses, forfeitures, and other such like, but all would not a­uaile him. The king of England had so woon them by the meanes of the said Iaques van Arteueld, that in the end Iohn archbishop of Canturburie, & Richard the bishop of Durham, A league be­twixt Eng­land & Flan­ders. Iac. Meir. came into Flanders as am­bassadors from king Edward, and trauelled so ear­nestlie to draw the Flemings vnto an amitie with their master king Edward, that finallie a league was concluded betwixt the countrie of Flanders, and the said king at Gant, in the presence of the earle of Gelderland, as then being there. The cheefe authors of this league were the said Iaques van Ar­teueld, and a noble man of Flanders, Siger de Curtrey. called Siger de Curtrey.

But this Siger being immediatlie after appre­hended by the earle of Flanders, was put to death. Which act procured the earle so much hatred of the people, that shortlie after comming to Bruges, and attempting to force the towne to his will, he was forced himselfe to flee from thence, for otherwise he had béene either taken or slaine; The Fullers of Gant. the commons of the towne & namelie the fullers, of whome he had slaine some there in the stréets, rose so fast vpon him. Here­vpon fléeing home to his house, he tooke his wife, The earle of Flanders fléeth into France. and a sonne which he had, and fled with them into France, so forsaking his countrie which was now gouerned by Iaques van Arteueld, as though he had béene im­mediatlie lord thereof. After this, the earle returned home againe, He returneth home. as it were with the French kings com­mission, to persuade the Flemings to renounce the league concluded with the king of England: but he could bring nothing to passe, but was still in danger to haue beene arrested and staied of his owne sub­iects, both at Gant and in other places, but namelie at Dixmue, Dixmue. where if he had not made the more hast awaie, he had beene taken by them of Bruges. A­mongst other of his stuffe which he left behind him in that hastie departure, his signet was forgotten, He eftsoones fléeth. and not missed till he came to saint Omers, whither he fled for his safegard.

Thus ye may perceiue that Flanders rested who­lie at king Edwards commandement, Flanders wholie at the deuotion of K. Edward. who to esta­blish amitie also with the duke of Brabant, and other princes of the empire, about the middest of Iulie sai­led ouer vnto Antwerpe, with his wife quéene Philip, his sonne the prince of Wales, K. Edward saileth to Antwerpe. and a great number of other of the péeres and barons of his realme, where he was most ioifullie receiued of the duke of Brabant, and other lords of the empire. There was sent to the emperour to procure his fréendship, from the king of England, Froissard, The marques of Gulike [...] land. the marques of Gulike with certeine noble men of England, and also certeine of the duke of Gelderland his councell, the which mar­ques was made at that time an earle, & the earle of Gelderland was made duke. This duke of Gelder­land named Reginald had married the ladie Isabell sister of king Edward, The earle of Gelderland created [...]uke [...]. and therefore in fauour of the king his brother in law, trauelled most earnestlie to [Page 355] procure him all the freends within the empire that he could make.

The princes and lords then, with whom king Ed­ward was alied and confederated at that time, I find to be these; K. Edwards confederates. the dukes of Brabant and Gelder­land, the archbishop of Cullen, the marquesse of Gulike, sir Arnold de Baquehen, and the lord of Ualkenburgh, who all promised to defie the French king, in the king of Englands quarrell, and to serue him with notable numbers of men, where and when­soeuer line 10 it should please him to appoint. The aliance of the earle of Heinault first procured the king of England all these fréends, vnto the which earle he had sent ouer the bishop of Lincolne and other in ambas­sage, immediatlie after that he had resolued to make warres against France, by the counsell and aduise of sir Robert Dartois, as in the French historie more plainlie appeareth. In this meane season was queene Philip brought to bed at Antwerpe of hir third sonne, Lionell that was after duke of Cla­rence borne. which was named Lionell. ¶The king of England earnestlie followed his businesse, and had line 20 manie treaties with his fréends and confederats, till at length he made sure to him the fréendship of all those townes & countries, which lie betwixt France and the riuer of Rhene: onelie the cities of Tournie and Cambrie held of the French kings part, though Cambrie belonged to the empire.

Additions to Adam Meri­muth. A parlement at Northamp­ton. A subsidie vp­on wooll. The cleargie granteth a tenth.In this twelfth yeare of king Edwards reigne at a councell holden at Northampton by the duke of Cornewall, lord warden of England in absence of line 30 the king his brother, and by manie of the prelats and barons of the realme, there was granted to the king a subsidie in wooll, to the great burthen of the com­mons: but for so much as the cleargie of the land was not present at that councell, it was ordeined that they should be called, and so they assembled in a conuocation at London the first day of October, in which the cleargie granted to the king a tenth for the third yeare then to come, ouer and besides the two tenths before granted, and that the tenth of this pre­sent line 40 yeare should be paid in shorter time than it was appointed: but they flatlie denied to grant their wools, which neuerthelesse the laitie paid, and that to their great hinderance, for it rose double to a fiftéene. From the beginning of October, to the beginning of December this yeare, Great raine. fell such abundance of raine that it hindered greatlie the husbandmen in sowing of their winter corne: and in the beginning of De­cember came such a vehement frost continuing the space of twelue wéeks, that it destroied vp all the séed line 50 almost that was sowne, by reason whereof small store of winter corne came to proofe in the summer following: but though there was no plentie, yet all kinds of graine were sold at a reasonable price, 1339 Anno Reg. 13. through want of monie.

The Frenchmen by sea sore troubled the sea coasts of this realme, speciallie where the champion coun­tries stretch towards the sea coasts. At Hastings in the feast of Corpus Christi, The French­men inuade y e coasts of this land. Plimmouth burnt. they burnt certeine fisher­mens houses, and slue some of the inhabitants. Also line 60 in the hauens about Deuonshire and Cornewall, and towards Bristow, they tooke and burnt certeine ships, killing the mariners that came to their hands, and in the Whitsun-wéeke they landed at Plim­mouth, and burnt the more part of the towne: but Hugh Courtnie earle of Deuonshire, a man almost fourescore yeares of age, The earle of Deuonshire. and other knights and men of the countrie came against these Frenchmen, slea­ing such as came into their hands to the number of fiue hundred, as was estéemed, and chased the resi­due. ¶ The Scots also about the same time did much hurt and great mischéefe to the Englishmen both by sea and land. Rich. South.

William Dowglas.In the beginning of Iulie the lord William Dow­glas, with a number of men of warre, returned from France home into England, and to him vpon his re­turne the castell of Cowper was deliuered, with all the countrie thereabouts. After this, comming to the siege of S. Iohns towne, which the gouernour the earle of Murrey, the erle of March, Hect. Boetius▪ Patrike de Dun­barre, and other of the Scotish lords had besieged, at length it was surrendered by sir Thomas Uthred capiteine there of the English garison, departing in safetie home into England. Thrée daies before the feast of the Assumption of our ladie, there chanced in the night season such a mightie and sudden inunda­tion of water at Newcastell vpon Tine, A floud. that it bare downe a péece of the towne wall, six perches in length, néere to a place called Walknow, where a hundred and twentie temporall men with diuerse préests and manie women were drowned and la­mentablie perished.

But now to returne to the king, which all this while remained in Brabant. Ye haue heard how the citie of Cambrie held with the French king: wher­fore the K. of England assembling togither a migh­tie strong armie aswell of Englishmen as of the low countries of Dutchland, ment to besiege it, but first he sent the archbishop of Canturburie with the bishops of Lincolne and Durham vnto Arras, as commissioners from him to méet there with the archbishop of Rouen, Cōmissioners sent to treat of peace. and the bishops of Langres and Beauuais, appointed to come thither as com­missioners from the French king, to treat with the Englishmen of a peace, but they could not a­grée vpon anie conclusion, wherevpon king Ed­ward, comming forward with his power, They cannot agrée. approa­ched to Cambrie, and planted his siege round a­bout it. But the bishop, Cambrie be­sieged. not meaning to deliuer the citie vnto king Edward nor vnto anie other that should demand it to the behoofe of the emperour Ludouike of Bauiere, as then excommunicated of the pope, had receiued into the towne fiue thou­sand Frenchmen, with the French kings eldest sonne, Ia. Meir. the duke of Normandie latelie returned out of Guien, and the lord Theobald Maruise, The king ra [...]seth his siege and entreth into France▪ Flamin­guerie. with cer­teine companies of Sauoisins, so that the citie was so defended, that the king of England perceiuing he should but lose time, leuied his siege, and entred into France, pitching his field at a place called Flamin­guerie.

In the meane time had the French king not onelie made himselfe strong by land, but also by sea, Fabian. Thom. Walsi. hauing sent foorth a strong nauie of ships and gallies towards the coasts of England, which arriuing at Southampton the mondaie after Michaelmas day, Southamptō burnt. tooke and spoiled the towne, and the morrow after set fire vpon it in fiue places, so that a great part of it was burnt. Also thirteene sailes of the French fléet met with fiue English ships, and after a sore fight which continued nine houres, tooke two of those fiue being tall and goodlie ships, the one called the Ed­ward, and the other the Christopher; the other thrée be­ing smaller vessels, Two English ships taken. as two of them barks and the other a caruell escaped by their swiftnesse of sailing. There was slaine in that fight vpon both parts about the number of six hundred men.

The French king himselfe hearing that the king of England would inuade his realme, make his ge­nerall assemblie of his armie at Peronne; and when he heard that he was entred France, he remooued towards him with his whole power, being at the point of an hundred thousand men, The French kings armie. as in the French chronicle yee may read more at large. The king of England had not pas [...] thréescore thousand in his ar­mie at the most: Iacob. Meir. but whilest he laie there vpon the borders of France, his people did much hurt, making roads abroad beyond the water of Some, burning [Page 356] and spoiling abbies, Townes burnt by the Englishmen in France. towns, and villages, as Orignie, saint Benoit, Rib [...]mont in Thi [...]rasse, saint Gouan, Marle, and Cressie. Also the lord Beaumont of Hei­nault burnt the towne of Guise, though his daugh­ter was as then within the same towne wife vnto Lewes earle of Blois: The towne of Guise burnt. his brother William earle of Heinault was latelie before deceassed, The earle of Heinault. leauing the earledome to his sonne named also William, who continued with the king of England so long as he laie before Cambrie, & kept him within the bounds line 10 of the empire, as though his allegiance had bound him to no lesse, but after the said king was passed the riuer of Lescault, otherwise called the Skell, and in Latine Scaldis, which diuideth the empire from the kingdome of France, he would no longer serue the king of England, but departed from him for feare to offend the French king, accounting that the matter perteined not now to the empire, but to the priuate quarell and businesse of the king of England: not­withstanding his vncle the said sir Iohn like a faith­full gentleman continued still in king Edward his line 20 seruice.

The armies approch néere togither.The two armies of England and France appro­ched within foure miles togither, so that euerie man thought that there would sure haue béene battell be­twixt them, as there had béene in deed, if the French king had béene willing; yet some saie, that he of him­selfe was disposed thereto: Froissard. but his councellors ad­uised him to the contrarie, by reason of certeine signs and tokens which they misliked, as the starting of an hare amongst them, and such like. Also it was said line 30 that Robert king of Naples being then come into France, Robert king of Sicill dis­ [...]uadeth the French king to fight with the king of England. whose knowledge in astronomie was knowne to be great, dissuaded the French king by his letters, that in no wise he should fight with the king of England, for he had vnderstanding by art of the heauenlie influences and disposition of the bo­dies aboue, that if the French king fought with this Edward king of England, he should assuredlie b [...] put to the worse. Whether this was the cause, or anie other, sure it is that the Frenchmen had no mind to line 40 fight, so that these two mightie armies departed in sunder without battell, and the king of England re­turned into Flanders, The armies retire without battell. sorie in déed that he had not with him halfe the number that the French king had, yet in trust of the valiancie of his souldi [...]rs, chosen out of the pikedst men through England and all the low countrie on this side the Rhene, he ment verelie to haue incountered his enimies, if they had come forward.

A councell at Brusse [...].At his comming backe into Brabant, there was a line 50 councell called at Brussels, where were present all those lords of the empire which had béene with him in that iournie, as the dukes of Brabant, Gelderland, and Gulike, the marques of Blankbourgh, the earle of Bergen, the lord Beaumont of Heinault other­wise called sir Iohn de Heinault, the lord of Ualken­bourgh, and manie others. Thither came also Iaques Arteueld chéefe gouernour of Flanders. Here in councell taken how the king of England might best line 60 mainteine the wars which be had begun thus against the French king, he was aduised that he should in a­nie wise require them of Flanders to aid him, and in his quarell to defie the French king, and to go with hi [...] against the said French king, and if they would thus doo, then should he promise them to recouer and deliuer into their hands the towns of Lisle, Dowaie, and Bothon. The king of England, according to this aduise to him giuen, made such request to the Fle­mings, who therevpon desires time to consult togi­ther, what they might [...] there [...], [...]nd finallie they de­clared for answer, that they would gladlie so doo, but yet whereas they were bound by [...]aith and oth, and in the summe of two millians of [...]lorens in the popes chamber, not to make nor mooue any warre against the king of France, whosoeuer he were, on paine to lose that summe, The motiō [...] the [...] to haue the [...] of Englan [...] [...] take vpon [...] the title to [...] crowne of France. and beside to run in the sentence of cursing, they besought him, that it might stand with his pleasure, to take vpon him the title and armes of France, as the same apperteined to him of right, and then would they obey him as rightfull K. of France, and require of him acquittances in discharge of their bonds, and he to pardon them thereof, as rightfull king of France.

The king of England, though he had iust cause to claime the crowne of France, in right of his mother queene Isabell, yet to take vpon him the name and armes of that realme, before he had made conquest of any part thereof, he thought it stood not with much reason: but yet after he had caused the matter to be throughlie debated amongst them of his councell, as well to satisfie the Flemings, as for other respects, he saw it should be the best waie that might be taken to the aduancement of his purpose. The kings answer to the Flemings. Then he answered the Flemings, that if they would sweare, and seale to this accord, and promise to mainteine his warre, he would be contented to fulfill their desire, and also he promised to get for them againe the townes of Lisle, Dowaie, and Be [...]hune. These to [...] had béene in­gaged to the king of Frā [...] for monie. Herevpon was a day assigned to meet at Gant: the king came thither, and the most part of the said lords, and all the councellors of the good townes & places in Flanders were there assembled, and so all the foresaid matters were re­hearsed, sworne, and sealed, The quart [...] ­ring of the armes of England & France. and the armes of France were then quartered with those of England, and from thenceforth he tooke vpon him the name of king of France, in all his writings, proclamations, and commandements. This is noted by Christopher Ok­land, where speaking of the mingling of the French and English armes, he saith amongst other things,

—vt haere [...]
Legitimus regni Celtarum,
In Angl. [...] sub Ed [...]ard [...] 3.
insignia gentis
Ille suis immiscet a [...]r [...]x, quòd auunculus orbus
Carolus è vita ad superas migrauerat oras, &c.

¶ Sith then that we be come to this place, Polydor. it shall not be much amisse to rehearse somewhat of the right and title whereby king Edward did thus claime the crowne of France, hauing of purpose omitted to speake thereof, till now that he intituled himselfe with the name, & tooke vpon him to beare the armes also of France, vpon occasion before expressed. The issue of Philip le Beau. It is well knowne that Philip le Beau king of France had issue by his wife queene Ione three sons, Lewes surnamed Hutine, Philip le Long, and Charles le Beau: also two daughters, the one dieng in hir in­fancie, and the other named Isabell liued, and was maried vnto Edward the second of that name king of England, who begot of hir this Edward the third, that made this claime. The thrée sonnes of the fore­said Philip le Beau reigned ech after other, as kings of France. First after Philip the father, Lewes H [...] ­tine. succéeded his eldest sonne Lewes H [...]tine, who had issue by his first wife Margaret, daughter to Robert duke of Burgogne, a daughter named Ione, the which was anon giuen in mariage vnto Lewes earle of Eu­reux: but she liuing not long, died without issue. Hir father the said Lewes Hutine married after the de­ceasse of his first wife, an other wife named Cle­mence, daughter to Charles Martell, the father of K. Robert of Sicill, whom he left great with child when he died. The child being borne proued a son, & was na­med Iohn, but liued not manie daies after. Then Philip the Long was admitted vnto the cro [...]e of France, Philip le Long. though manie stood in opinion that Ione the daughter of Lewes Hutine, which yet was aliue, ought to haue inherited the kingdome after hir fa­ther: and namelie Odo duke of Burgogne, w [...]le to the said Ione, was most earnest in that ma [...]ter, in fa­uour [Page 357] of his néece. But might ouercame right, so that he was constreined to be quiet. Philip le Long, after he had reigned fiue yeares, died also, and left no issue behind him. Then lastlie Charles le Beau tooke vpon him the kingdome, Charles le Beau. and the seuenth yeare after died, his wife big bellied, which shortlie after brought foorth a maiden named Blanch, shal streightwaies hasting to follow hir father, liued no while in this world. By this means then the bloud roiall in the heires male of Philip le Beau was extinguished in his sonne the line 10 foresaid Charles le Beau, whereof the contention tooke beginning about the right to the crowne of France, betwixt the Frenchmen and Englishmen, which hangeth as yet vndecided till these our daies. For king Edward auerred that the kingdome of France apperteined vnto him as lawfull heire, bi­cause that he alone was remaining of the kings stocke, and touched his mothers father Philip le Be­au, in the next degree of consanguinitie, as he that was borne of his daughter Isabell. line 20

Therefore immediatlie after the deceasse of the said Charles le Beau, by ambassadours sent vnto the peeres of France, he published to them his right, requiring that they would admit him king accor­ding therevnto: King Ed­ward signifi­eth his right to the crowne of France. but his ambassadours could neuer be quietlie heard, and therefore returned home with­out anie towardlie answer, which mooued him in the end to attempt the recouerie of his lawfull inheri­tance by force, sith by law he could not preuaile, and now by aduise of his fréends to take vpon him both line 30 the title and armes of France, to signifie to the world what right he had to the same. Ia. Mair. King Ed­ward tooke vpon him the rule & armes of the K. of France. The Fle­mings swere fealtie to the King of Eng­land. After that this league therefore was concluded with them of Flanders, and that king Edward had taken vpon him the name of king of France with the armes; the duke of Gel­derland and Iaques van Arteueld went vnto all the good townes and iurisdictions of Flanders, to receiue their oths of fidelitie vnto king Edward, persuading with the people, that the supreme rule belonged vnto him, sauing to the townes their ancient lawes and li­berties, line 40 and to their earle his right of proprietie.

About the latter end of this thirteenth yeare of K. Edwards reigne, Additions to Nic. Triuet. the mariners and sea-men of the cinque ports, getting them aboord into a number of small ships and balingers, well trimmed and ap­pointed for the purpose, passed ouer to Bullongne, where they tooke land one day in a thicke foggie wea­ther, and setting on the Base towne, they burnt nine­teene gallies, foure great ships, and to the number of twentie smaller vessels, togither with their tackle line 50 and furniture. They set fire also on the houses that stood néere to the water side, and namelie they burnt one great house, wherein laie such a number of oares, sailes, armour, and crossebowes, as might haue suf­ficed to furnish so manie men as could be well aboord in ninetéene gallies. There were manie slaine on both parts in atchiuing this enterprise, but more of the Frenchmen than of the Englishmen. About the same time the quéene of England was deliuered of his fourth sonne in the towne of Gaunt, the which line 60 was named Iohn, first created earle of Richmond, and after duke of Lancaster. Iohn of Gaunt borne. He was borne about Christmasse, in the thirteenth yere of king Edwards reigne.

year 1340 When king Edward had finished his businesse with the Flemings at Gaunt, Anno Reg. 14. he left his wife quéene Philip there still in that towne, and returned him­selfe vnto Antwerpe, and shortlie after about the feast of Candlemasse tooke the sea, and came backe into England, to prouide for monie to mainteine his be­gun warres. And herevpon about the time of Lent following, A parlement. he called his high court of parlement at Westminster, in the which he asked of his commons towards his charges, for the recouerie of his right in France, the fift part of their mooueable goods, Hen. Marl. Polydor. the customes of wools for two yeares to be paid afore­hand, and the ninth sheafe of euerie mans corne. At length it was agreed, A subsidie. that the king should haue for euerie sacke of wooll fortie shillings, for euerie three hundred wooll fels fortie shillings, and for euerie last of leather fortie shillings, and for other merchandize after the rate; to begin at the feast of Easter, in this fouretéenth yeare of the kings reigne, and to indure till the feast of Pentecost then next following, and from that feast till the feast of Pentecost, then next insuing into one yeare: for which the king granted, that from the feast of Pentecost, which was then to come into one yeare, he nor his heires should not demand, assesse, nor take, nor suffer to be assessed or taken, more custome of a sacke of wooll of any Eng­lishman, but halfe a marke, and vpon the wooll fels and leather the old former custome.

Beside this, the citizens and burgesses of cities and good townes, granted to giue the ninth part of all their goods; and the forren merchants and other not liuing of gaine, nor of bréeding cattell, nor of shéepe, should giue the fiftéenth part of all their goods lawfullie to the value: for the which he granted that as well now in time of warre as of peace, all mer­chants, denizens and forreiners (those excepted that were of the enimies countries) might without let safelie come into the realme of England with their goods and merchandize, and safelie tarie, and likewise returne, paieng the customs, subsidies, and profits, resonable thereof due, so alwaies that the franchises and frée customs granted by him or his predecessours reasonablie to the citie of London, and other cities, burroughes, and townes, might alwaies to them be saued. Moreouer, there was granted vnto him the ninth sheafe, the ninth fléece, and ninth lambe, to be taken by two yeares next comming. And for the le­uieng thereof, the lords of euerie shire through the land, were appointed to answer him, euerie one for the circuit within the which he dwelled. And bicause the king must néeds occupie much monie yer the re­ceit of this subsidie could come to his hands, he boro­wed in the meane time manie notable summes of diuerse cities, and particular persons of this land, The citie of London len­deth the king monie. a­mongst the which he borrowed of the citie of Lon­don 20000 marks, to be paied againe of the monie comming of the foresaid subsidie.

In the meane while, now that king Edward was come backe into England, the warres were hotlie pursued against his fréends, that had their lands néere to the borders of France, and namelie against sir Iohn de Heinault lord Beaumont, for the French men burned all his lands of Chimaie, except the for­tresses, and tooke from thence a great preie. The fronti­ers of France full of men of warre. All the frontiers were full of men of warre, lodged within townes in garrison, as at Tournie, Mortaigne, S. Amond, Dowaie, Cambrie, and in other smaller fortresses. These men of warre late not idle, but were dooing oftentimes in Flanders, and sometime other­where, neither was the countrie of Heinault spared, though the earle (as yee haue heard) did not onelie re­fuse to serue the king of England against France, but also when the same king entred France, he resor­ted to the French king, and serued him; yet by the suggestion of the bishop of Cambrie, who complai­ned of the Hainniers, for the damages which they had doone him, the French garrisons of the frontiers thereabouts were commanded to make a road into that countrie, which they did, The towne of Asper burnt. burning the towne of Asper, and brought from thence a great bootie. The earle of Heinault sore mooued therewith to haue his lands so spoiled and burnt, defied the French king, The erle of Heinault defi­eth the Frēch king. and ioining with his vncle the lord Beaumont, en­tred with an armie into Thierasse, tooke & destroied [Page 358] Aubenton, Townes burnt in Thierasse. with Mawbert, Fonteine, Daubecuille, and diuerse other.

In this meane time the French king procured the pope to pronounce his cursse against the Flemings for their rebellion, and to suspend all diuine seruice that ought to be said in anie hallowed place, Flanders in­terdicted. so that there were no priests to be found that would take vp­on them to saie any diuine seruice: wherevpon the Flemings sent ouer into England certeine messen­gers to giue notice to king Edward how they were line 10 intreated, but he sent them word that he would bring at his comming ouer vnto them, priests that should saie masses and other seruice, whether the pope would or not, for he had priuilege so to doo. ¶ In Aprill, Wil­liam Melton archbishop of Yorke departed this life, after whome variance rose in the election of a new gouernour to that church, so that two were elected, William la Zouch, Ad. Merim. and William Killesbie: but at length William la Zouch tooke place, being the 43 archbishop that had sit in that seat. ¶ The earles of line 20 Salisburie and Suffolke, Adam Me­rimuth. Iac. Meir. which were left in Flan­ders by king Edward to helpe the Flemings, short­lie after Ester, or (as other haue) in the time of Lent, were discomfited by the garrison of Lisle, and taken prisoners as they would haue passed by that towne, to haue ioined with Iaques Arteueld, The earles of Salisburie & Suffolke ta­ken. meaning to besiege Tournie; but now by the taking of those two earles that enterprise was broken. The duke of Nor­mandie with a great armie entered into Heinault, burning and wasting the countrie, The countrie of Heinault inuaded. euen to the gates line 30 of Ualenciennes and Quesnoy. And thus were they occupied in those parts, whilest the king of England prepared himselfe with all diligence to returne into Flanders.

The French king being aduertised, that the king of England meant shortlie to returne into Flan­ders with a great power, Gaguin. in purpose to inuade the realme of France on that side, assembled a nauie of foure hundred ships vnder the leading of three expert capteins of the warres by sea, A great nauie prepared by the French king. as sir Hugh Kiriell, sir line 40 Peter Bahuchet, and a Geneweis named Barbe Noir, appointing them to the coasts of Flanders to defend the king of England from landing there, if by any meanes they might. These three capteins or ad­merals came and laie with their ships in the hauen of Sluise, for that it was supposed the king of England would arriue there, as his meaning was indeed, wherevpon when his men, ships, and prouisions were once readie in the moneth of Iune, he tooke the sea with two hundred saile, and directing his course to­wards line 50 Flanders, The king of England ta­keth the sea. there came vnto him the lord Ro­bert Morley, with the north nauie of England, so that then he had in all about three hundred saile, or (as other saie) two hundred and three score.

The French nauie laie betwixt Sluise and Blanc­bergh, Polydor. Ia. Meir. so that when the king of England approched, either part descried other, & therewith prepared them to battell. The king of England staied, till the sunne which at the first was in his face, came somewhat westward, and so had it vpon his backe, that it should line 60 not hinder the sight of his people, and so therewith did set vpon his enimies with great manhood, who likewise verie stoutlie incountered him, The king of England set­teth vpon his enimies. by reason whereof insued a sore and deadlie fight betwixt them. The nauies on both sides were diuided into three bat­tels. On the English part, the earles of Glocester, Northampton and Huntington, Additions to Triuet. who was admerall of the fléet that belonged to the cinque ports, and the lord Robert Morley admerall of the northerne nauie had the guiding of the fore ward, bearing themselues right valiantlie, so that at length the Englishmen hauing the aduantage, not onlie of the sunne, but al­so of the wind and tide, so fortunatlie, that the French fléet was driuen into the streights of the hauen, in such wise that neither the souldiers nor mariners could helpe themselues, in somuch that both heauen, sea, and wind, seemed all to haue conspired against the Frenchmen. And herewith manie ships of Flan­ders ioining themselues with the English fleet, The victo [...] of the English [...]men at the battell of Sluise. in the end the Frenchmen were vanquished, slaine and ta­ken, their ships being also either taken, bowged, or broken.

When night was come vpon them, there were thirtie French ships, Additions to Triuet & Merimuth. that yet had not entred the bat­tell, the which sought by couert of the night to haue stolne awaie, and one of them being a mightie great vessell, called the Iames of Déepe, The Iames of Déepe. would haue taken awaie with hir a ship of Sandwich that belonged to the prior of Canturburie: but by the helpe of the earle of Huntington, after they had fought all the night till the next morning, the Englishmen at length pre­uailed, and taking that great huge ship of Déepe, found in hir aboue foure hundred dead bodies. To conclude, verie few of the French ships escaped, ex­cept some of their smaller vessels, and certeine gal­lies with their admerall Barbenoir, Barbenoir. Gaguin. Auesburie. Tho. Walsi. Adam Meri­muth. who in the begin­ning of the battell got foorth of the hauen, aduising the other capteins to doo the like, thereby to auoid the danger which they wilfullie imbraced. There died in this battell fought (as some write) on midsummer daie, in the yeare aforesaid, of Frenchmen to the number of 30000, of Englishmen about 4000, Froissard. Ia. Meir. R. Southw. The number slaine. Rich. South. or (as other haue that liued in those daies) not past 400, a­mongst whom there were foure knights of great no­bilitie, as sir Thomas Monhermere, sir Thomas La­timer, sir Iohn Boteler, and sir Thomas Poinings.

It is said also, that the king himselfe was hurt in the thigh. The two English ships that had béene ta­ken the yéere before, the Edward and the Christopher, were recouered at this time, amongst other of the French ships that were taken there. ¶ Sir Peter Bahuchet was hanged vpon a crosse pole fastened to a mast of one of the ships. Through the wilfulnesse of this man, the Frenchmen receiued this losse (as the French chronicles report) bicause he kept the nauie so long within the hauen, till they were so inclosed by the Englishmen, that a great number of the French­men could neuer come to strike stroke, nor to vse the shot of their artillerie, but to the hurt of their fellows. Howsoeuer it was, the Englishmen got a famous victorie, to the great comfort of themselues, and dis­comfort of their aduersaries. ¶ The king of Eng­land, after he had thus vanquished his enimies, re­mained on the sea by the space of three daies, and then comming on land, went to Gant, where he was re­ceiued of the queene with great ioy and gladnesse.

In this meane while had the duke of Normandie besieged the castell of Thuine Leuesques, Rich. South. The king [...] to [...] Froissard. néere to Cambrie, which was taken by sir Walter of Man­nie, a lord of Heinault, at the first beginning of the warres, and euer since till that time kept to the king of England his vse. The earle of Heinault, who had beene of late both in England with king Edward, and also in Almaine with the emperour, to purchase their assistance for the defense of his countrie a­gainst the inuasions of the Frenchmen, was now returned home, and meaning to rescue such as were besieged in Thuine, sent for succours into Flanders, and into Almaine, and in the meane time leuieng such power as he could make with his owne coun­trie, came therewith to Ualenciennes, whither foorth­with resorted vnto him the earle of Namure with two hundred speares, the duke of Brabant with six hundred, the duke of Gelderland, the earle of Ber­gen, the lord of Ualkenburgh, and diuerse other, the which togither with the earle of Heinault went and lodged alongst by the riuer of Lestault ouer against the French host, The riuer [...] Lestault, [...] the [...]. which kept siege (as ye haue heard) [Page 359] vnder the conduct of the duke of Normandie be­fore Thuine Leuesques, that is situate vpon the same riuer.

There came also to the aid of the earle of Heinault Iaques Arteueld, The Fle­mings. with his three score thousand Fle­mings. Now it was thought that they would haue fought yer they had departed in sunder, but they did not. For after it was knowne how the king of Eng­land was arriued in Flanders, and had discomfited the French fléet, the duke of Brabant and others line 10 thought good to breake vp their enterprise for that time, and to resort vnto the king of England, to vn­derstand what his purpose was to doo. Neither were the Frenchmen hastie to giue battell, so that after the capteins of Thuine Leuesques, sir Richard Limo­sin knight an Englishman, Sir Richard Limosin. and two esquiers, bre­thren to the erle of Namure, Iohn and Thierrie, had left their fortresse void, and were come ouer the ri­uer by boats vnto the earle of Heinaults campe, the armies on both sides brake vp and departed, the line 20 Frenchmen into France, and the other to Ualenci­ennes, The armies breake vp. and from thence the princes and great lords drew to Gaunt, to welcome the king of England into the countrie, of whome they were right ioifullie receiued: and after they had communed togither of their affaires, it was appointed by the king, that they should meet him at Uillefort in Brabant at a daie prefixed, where he would be readie to consult with them about his proceedings in his warres against his aduersaries the Frenchmen. line 30

The assemblie of the princes at Uilleford.At the day appointed, there came to Uillefort the dukes of Brabant, and Gelderland, the earle of Hei­nault, Gulike, Namure, Blackenheim, Bergen, sir Robert Dartois earle of Richmond, the earle of Ualkenburgh, and Iaques Arteueld, with the other rulers of Flanders, and manie others. Here it was ordeined, The couenāts betwixt the k. of England & his cōfederats that the countries of Flanders, Brabant, and Heinault, should be so vnited and knit in one corporation, that nothing should be doone amongst them in publike affaires, but by common consent, line 40 and if anie warres were mooued against anie of them, then should the other be readie to aid them, a­gainst whome anie such warre was mooued▪ and if vpon anie occasion anie discord rose betwixt them for anie matter, they should make an end of it a­mongst themselues; and if they could not, then should they stand to the iudgement and arbitrement of the king of England, vnto whome they bound them­selues by oth to kéepe this ordinance and agrée­ment.

The French king being informed that the king line 50 of England ment to laie siege vnto Tournie, Froissard. Tournie fur­nished with a strong power of men. as it was indeed deuised at this councell holden at Uille­fort, tooke order for the furnishing thereof with men, munition, and vittels in most defensible wise. There were sent to that towne the best men of warre in all France, as the earle of Ewe constable of France, the yoong earle of Guines his sonne, the earle of Foiz and his brethren, the earle Amerie de Narbon, with manie other, hauing with them foure thousand line 60 souldiers. Sir Godmar du Foie was there before as capteine of the towne, so that it was prouided of all things necessarie. Howbeit, the king of England (according as it was appointed at the councell hol­den at Uillefort, about the feast of Marie Magdalen) departed from Gaunt, and came to Tournie, hauing with him seauen earles of his owne countrie, as Darbie, Penbroke, Hereford, Huntingdon, North­ampton, Glocester, and Arundell, eight prelats, eight and twentie baronets, Tournie be­sieged. two hundred knights, foure thousand men of armes, and nine thousand archers, besides other footmen. He lodged at the gate called saint Martine, in the waie that is toward Lisle and Dowaie.

Anon after came the dukes of Brabant and Gel­derland, the earle of Gulike, the marquesse of Blan­queburgh, the marquesse of Musse, the earls of Ber­gen, Sauines, and Heinault: also Iaques Arteueld, who brought with him about fortie thousand Fle­mings. The great number of people at the siege of Tournie. Ia. Meir. So that there was at this siege to the num­ber of six score thousand men, as some writers af­firme. There was also an other armie of Flemings, as of the townes of Ypres, Popringue, Furnes, Cassell, of the Chateleinie, & of Bergis, being to the number of fortie thousand, appointed to make warre against the Frenchmen that kept saint Omers, and other townes there on the frontiers of Arthois, which armie was led by the earle of Richmond, otherwise called the lord Robert Dartois, and by sir Henrie de Flanders, The earle of Richmond. the which approching one day to saint O­mers, were sharplie fought with; for within saint O­mers at that time laie a strong power of French­men with the duke of Burgoine, the earle of Armi­nacke and others.

The Flemings were not willing to serue, for nei­ther had they any trust in their capteine the said erle of Richmond, neither would they willinglie haue passed out of their owne confines, but onlie to defend the same from the inuasion of their enimies: yet through much persuasion, forward they went, diui­ded into sundrie battels contrarie to their manner. The enimies perceiuing some aduantage, The French­men set vpon y e Flemings. issued forth vpon them, and assailed them verie stoutlie, insomuch that the earle of Arminacke setting vpon them of Ypres, ouerthrew them, and chased them vnto a towne called Arques, which they had a little before set on fire and burned. An other companie of French­men, skirmishing with them of Franks, Furnes, and Bergis, put them also to the worse. Contrarilie, those Frenchmen that encountered with the lord Robert Dartois, and them of Bruges whome he led, The variable fortune of fights. susteined great losse, and were beaten backe into the citie: Additions to Adam Meri­muth. the duke of Burgoine himselfe being in no small danger for a time, so sharpe the bickering was betwixt them, and the euent so variable. Wherefore it is notablie and fitlie said in this behalfe, that ‘—incerti fallax fiducia Martis. Sil. Ital. lib. 6.’

There be that write, that this fight continued from thrée of the clocke till euentide, and that the earle of Richmond was twise put to flight, for his people did leaue him in the plaine field: but at length by the ad­uise of sir Thomas Uthred, Sir Thomas Uthred. whome the king of Eng­land had appointed to attend the said earle, with ma­nie Englishmen and archers, he assembled his peo­ple eftsoones togither againe, and setting on his eni­mies. Now when it was almost night, neere to the gates of saint Omers, he finallie ouercame them, where were slaine of the French part fiftéene barons and fourescore knights, beside a great number of o­ther people. Diuerse also were slaine on the earle of Richmonds part at this last encounter, and among other an English knight, that bare armes escheeked siluer and gules.

Finallie, as the earle of Richmond returned to­wards his campe, which laie in the vale of Cassell, he met with certeine Artesines and Frenchmen, which had béene chasing the other Flemings, and though it was late in the euening, that one could not take good view of an other, yet here they fought againe, and so diuerse of the Frenchmen were taken and killed, and amongst other that were caught, was a knight of Burgoine, named sir William de Nillie. But when the earle of Richmond and those that were with him came to the place where the campe laie, they found that all the residue of the Flemings were fled and gone. And when the said earle came to Cassell, The earle of Richmond in danger to be slaine. the people were readie to haue slaine him, their for­mer malice towards him being now much increased [Page 360] with the euill successe of this passed enterprise, so that he was glad to get him thence, and to repaire vnto king Edward, that laie yet at the siege before Tour­nie, during which siege manie proper feats of armes were doone betwixt those within and them without: for few daies passed without the atchiuing of some enterprise.

The great ar­mie raised by the French king.Also the French king, hauing made his assemblie at Arras, and got thither a mightie host, as well out of the empire as of his owne subiects, came and lod­ged line 10 at the bridge of Bouuins, thrée leagues from Tournie. There were with him the king of Bohem, the duke of Lorreine, the bishop of Mentz, the earles of Bar, mount Belliard, & Sauoie, also the dukes of Burgogne and Burbone, with a great number of other earles and lords, so that the greatest puissance of all France was iudged to be there with the king. Whilest he laie incamped thus at Bouuins, and the king of England at Tournie, manie exploits were atchiued betwixt their people, who laie not idle, but line 20 still rode abroad and oftentimes met, and then that part which was weakest paied for the others char­ges, so that manie were slaine & taken on both sides as well of the nobilitie as other. Also diuerse townes were sacked and burned on the frontiers of France, during this siege at Tournie, namelie at the pursuit of the earle of Heinault, as Seclin, S. Amond, Or­chies, Landas, and other.

The ladie Iane de Ua­lois treateth for a peace.At length at the suit of the ladie Iane de Ualois, sister to the French king, and mother to the earle of line 30 Heinault, trauelling still betwixt the parties to bring them vnto some accord, it was granted that either partie should send certeine sufficient persons to in­treat of the matter, which should méet at a little chap­pell, standing in the fields called Esplotin, and hereto also was a truce granted for thrée daies. For the English part were appointed the duke of Brabant, the bishop of Lincolne, the duke of Gelderland, the earle of Gulike, and sir Iohn de Heinault lord Beau­mont. For the French part, the king of Bohem, line 40 Charles erle of Alanson brother to the French king, the bishop of Liege, the earle of Flanders, and the earle of Arminacke: and the ladie of Ualois was still among them as a mediatrix, by whose meanes chéefelie they at length did agrée vpon a truce to in­dure for a yeare betweene all parties and their men, A truce ac­corded. and also betweene them that were in Scotland, in Gascoigne, and Poictou.

It was agréed also by these commissioners, that there should other commissioners of either part foure line 50 or fiue meet at Arras at a daie appointed, and thither also should the pope send his legats, to treat of a per­petuall peace and full agréement to be made betwixt the two kings of England and France. There was also consideration had of the Flemings, The Fle­mings relea­sed of debts, and of the in­terdiction. so that they were released of all such summes of monie as they were by any bonds indangered to paie by forfeiture, or otherwise, for any matter before that time vnto the crowne of France. Also they were released of the interdiction and cursse of the church, Polydor. and then also line 60 was their earle restored home. It was further accor­ded, Restitution of townes to the king of England. Gaguin. that the French king should restore vnto the king of England certeine townes and places in Guien, which in the beginning of these warres the earle of Alanson had taken from the Englishmen, as Penne in Agenois, and others. Also whereas the French king had seized the countie of Pontieu into his hands, which was the dower of quéene Isabell, the mother of king Edward, he should also restore the same vnto king Edward, to hold it as he did before.

Herevpon was the siege raised from Tournie, af­ter it had continued there the space of ten wéekes and foure daies. The siege rai­sed from Tournie. They within stood in great danger for lacke of vittels to haue beene constreined to the sur­rendring of the towne, if this truce had not béene con­cluded, which caused the French king the sooner to a­grée, in like case as the lacke of monie caused the king of England to take his truce, which otherwise (as was thought) he would not haue doone: so that by the violent constraint of necessitie they were forced thus to doo, against which there is no trieng of maiste­ries, nor strugling to make it stoope and obeie: for ‘A necessitate omnia in seruitutem rediguntur.’

After he had raised his siege he went to Gant, and thither came also the earle of Flanders being now restored home to his countrie, The earle of Flanders feasteth the K. of England. Ia. Meir. and made the king of England great cheare, feasting and banketting him right princelie, togither with the quéene. Finallie, af­ter that king Edward had refreshed himselfe a while at Gant, he tooke a verie few with him, The king go­eth into Zealand. and [...]ame in­to Zealand; and there taking the seas to passe ouer into England, he was sore tossed by force of outragi­ous stormes of wind and weather. Yet at length af­ter thrée daies and thrée nights sailing, Continuation of Triuet. in the night of the feast of saint Andrew, he came on land at the tower of London about cocke-crowing, and with him the earle of Northampton, the lord Walter de Mannie, the lord Iohn Darcie, the sonne of the lord Iohn Beauchampe, Giles Beauchampe, with two chapleins that were his secretaries, sir William Killesbie, and sir Philip Weston, beside a few others.

After his arriuall he sent for the bishop of Chiche­ster that was lord chancellor, for the bishop of Couen­trie and Lichfield being lord treasuror, and for such of the iudges as were then in London. The lord chan­cellor and the lord treasuror he streightwaies dischar­ged of their offices, Auesburie. threatening to send them into Flanders, there to remaine as pledges for monie that he there owght, or if they refused to go thither, then to kéepe them prisoners in the towne. But when the bishop of Chichester declared to him the danger of the canon established against such as imprisoned bishops, he suffered them to depart: but the iudges, to wit, Iohn de Stonore, Richard de Willoughbie, William de Shareshull, and also Nicholas or (as o­ther haue) Matthew de la Bech, who was before gar­dian of his sonne, and lieutenant of the tower: Iudges and other officers committed to the tower. also Iohn de Pultnie, and William de Poole merchants; and the chiefe clerkes of the chancerie, Iohn de saint Paule, Michaell de Wath, Henrie de Stretford, and Robert de Chikewell; and of the escheker, Iohn de Thorpe, and manie other, were committed to diuerse prisons, but yet bicause they were committed but onelie vpon commandement, they were within a while after deliuered.

The lord Wake was also committed, but shortlie after, he was deliuered to his great honor, as Wal­singham writeth. Robert de Bourchier was made lord chancellor, New officers made in place of other that were dischar­ged. and Richard de Sadington lord trea­suror: all the shiriffes of shires, and other officers al­so were remooued, and other put in their places, and iustices appointed in euerie shire, to inquire vpon the defaults of collectors and other officers, so that few or none escaped vnpunished, howsoeuer they had de­meaned themselues, so streictlie those iustices procée­ded in their commissions. The king indeed was sore offended with those whom he had put in trust to leuie monie, and to sée it conueied ouer to him into the low countrie, bicause that for want therof in time of néed, he was constreined to take truce with his aduersarie the French king, and leaue off his enterprise, which he was in good forwardnesse to haue gone through withall, if he had not béene disappointed of treasure which he had commanded to be sent ouer vnto him, which was not doone but kept backe, in whom soeuer the fault rested.

There were some of his secretaries, namelie, sir William Killesbie, The K. offen­ded with the the archb. of Canturburie. which stirred him to take no [Page 361] small displeasure against the archbishop of Cantur­burie Iohn Stratford, who therevpon withdrew him into the priorie of Christes church at Canturburie, and there remaining for a season, wrote his mind to the king, exhorting him not to giue too light credit vnto such as should counsell him to haue those in con­tempt that were faithfull and true to him, 1341 The archbish. writeth to the king. for in so dooing, he might happilie loose the loue and good will of his people. Neuertheles, he wished that he should trie out in whose hands the wools and monie remai­ned, which were taken vp to his vse, and that vpon a line 10 iust accompts had at their hands, it might appeare who were in fault, that he had not monie brought to him, whilest he laie at siege before Tournie, as he had appointed; and that when the truth was knowne, they that were in fault might be worthilie punished. And as for his owne cause, he signified, that he was readie to be tried by his péeres, sauing alwaies the state of holie church, and of his order, &c. Further, he besought the king, not to thinke euill of him, and of other good men, till the truth might be tried, for o­therwise, line 20 if iudgement should be pronounced, with­out admitting the partie to come to his answere, as well the guiltlesse as the guiltie might be con­demned.

The king neuerthelesse still offended towards the archbishop, Anno Reg. 15. A letter sent to the deane of Paules. caused Adam bishop of Winchester to indite a letter against him, directed from the king to the deane and chapiter of Paules, openlie to be publi­shed by them: the effect whereof was, to burthen the archbishop with vnthankfulnesse, and forgetting of line 30 his bounden duetie towards his souereigne lord and louing maister, namelie, in that where he promised the king to sée him throughlie furnished with monie, towards the maintenance of his warres: when it came to passe, none would be had, which turned not onelie to the hinderance of the kings whole procée­dings, but also to his great discredit, and causing him to run greatlie in debt by interest, through borrow­ing of monie, for the paiment of the wages of his men of warre, when through the archbishops negli­gence, line 40 who had the chéefe rule of the land, the collec­tors and other officers slacked their duetie, whereby there was no monie sent ouer, according to that was appointed: and wheras now, since his comming ouer, he had sent to the archbishop to come vnto him, that by his information, he might the better learne who they were that neglected their duetie, he disobedient­lie refused to come, pretending some feare of bodi­lie harme, through the malice of some that were a­bout the king. Wherevpon, when Rafe lord Stafford, line 50 lord steward of the kings house, was sent with a safe conduct, for him to come in all safetie to the court, he flatlie made answer that he would not come, except in full parlement.

The archbi­shop refuseth to come to the court.Manie other misdemeanors was the archbishop charged with towards the king in that letter, as ma­liciouslie slandering the king for vniust oppression of the people, confounding the cleargie, and greeuing the church with exactions, leuies of monie, tolles and [...]allages. Therefore, sith he went about to slander the line 60 kings roiall authoritie, to defame his seruants, to stirre rebellion among the people, and to withdraw the deuotion and loue of the earles, lords, and great men of the lan [...] from the king: his highnesse decla­red, that he meant to prouide for the integritie & pre­seruation of his good name (whereof it is said trulie, ‘Dulcius est aere pretiosum nomen hab [...]re.)’ and to meet with the archbishops malice. And here­with diuerse things were rehersed to the archbishops reproch, which he should doo, procure, and suffer to be doone, by his euill and sinister counsell, whilest he had the rule of the realme in his hands vnder the king: wherein he had shewed himselfe not onelie an accep­tor of gifts, but also of persons, in gratifieng diuerse that nothing had deserued sundrie waies foorth, and presuming to doo rashlie manie other things to the detriment of the kings roiall state, and hurt of his regall dignitie, and to no small damage of the peo­ple, abusing the authoritie and office to him commit­ted, so that if he persisted in his obstinate wilfulnesse, and rebellious contumacie, the king by those his let­ters signified, that he meant to declare it more appa­rantlie in due time and place, and therefore comman­ded the said deane and chapiter of Paules, to publish all those things openlie, in places where they thought conuenient, according to their wisedome giuen to them by God, so as he might haue cause to commend therein their carefull diligence. ¶ This letter was dated at Westminster the tenth of Februarie, in the fifteenth yeare of his reigne ouer England, and se­cond ouer France.

Where the Londoners would not permit the kings iustices to sit within the citie of London, contrarie to their liberties, the king appointed them to sit in the tower; and when they would not make anie answer there, a great tumult was raised by the commons of the citie, so that the iustices being in some perill (as they thought) feigned themselues to sit there till to­wards Easter. Wherevpon, when the king could not get the names of them that raised the tumult, no o­therwise but that they were certeine light persons of the common people, he at length pardoned the of­fense. After this, those iustices neither sat in the tow­er, nor elsewhere, of all that yeare.

In the quindene of Easter, A parlement. the king held a par­lement at London, in the which, the prelats, earls, ba­rons, and commons, presented manie petitions; Adam Meri­muth. as to haue the great charter of liberties, and the charter of forrests dulie obserued, and that they which brake the same should be discharged of their offices, if they were the kings officers, and that the high officers of the king should be elected and chosen by their peeres in parlement. The king withstood these petitions a certeine time, yet at length he granted to some of them; but as concerning the election of his officers, he in no wise would consent, but yet he was conten­ted that they should receiue an oth in parlement, to doo iustice to all men in their offices, &c. Upon which article and others, a statute was made and confir­med with the kings seale.

In the meane while, the French king had with bribes woone Lewes of Bauaria, The emperor woone frō the king of Eng­lands fréend­ship. that named him­selfe emperour, from further fauouring the king of England; in so much that, vnder a colourable pre­tense of finding himselfe greeued, for that the king of England had without his knowledge taken truce with the French king, he reuoked the dignitie of be­ing vicar in the empire, from the king of England, but yet signified to him, that where the French king had at his request put the matter in controuersie be­twixt him and the king of England into his hands, to make an end thereof, if it so pleased the king of Eng­land, The emperor offereth to be a meane to cō ­clude a peace. that he should treat as an indifferent arbitrator betwixt them, he promised to doo his indeuour, so as he doubted not, but that by his means he should come to a good agréement in his cause, if he would f [...]llow his aduise. And to receiue answer hereof, he sent his letters by one Eberhard a chapleine of his, the reader of the [...]riers heremits to S. Augustins or­der, requesting the king of England to aduertise him by the same messenger, of his whole mind in that behalfe.

The king for answer, signified againe by his let­ters to the emperour, The kings answer▪ that for the zeale which he had to make an accord betwixt him and his aduersarie Philip de Ualois, that named himselfe French king, he could not but much commend him, and for his part [Page 362] he had euer wished, that some reasonable agreement might be had betwixt them: but sith his right to the realme of France was cléere and manifest inough, he purposed not to commit it by writing vnto the doubtfull iudgement or arbitrement of anie. And as concerning the agréement which the emperour had made with the French king, bicause (as he alledged) it was lawfull for him so to doo, sith without the em­perors knowledge he had taken truce with the same French king, he said, if the circumstances were well considered, that matter could not minister any cause line 10 to mooue him to such agreement: for if the emperour remembred, he had giuen to him libertie at all times to treat of peace, without making the emperour pri­uie thereto (so that without his assent, he concluded not vpon any finall peace) which he protested that he neuer meant to doo, till he might haue his prouident aduise, counsell, and assent therevnto. And as concer­ning the reuoking of the vicarship of the empire from him, he tooke it doone out of time; for it was pro­mised, line 20 that no such reuocation should be made, till he had obteined the whole realme of France, or at the least, the more part thereof. ¶ These in effect were the points of the kings letters of answer vnto the emperour. Dated at London the thirtenth of Iulie, in the second yeare of his reigne ouer France, and fiftéenth ouer England.

This yeare, about Midsummer, or somwhat before, at Gant in Flanders, The deceasse of the lord Geffrey de Scrope, & of the bishop of Lincolne. The quéene brought to bed. died the lord Geffrey Scrope the kings iustice, and Henrie bishop of Lincolne, line 30 two cheefe councellors to the king. The quéene after hir returne into England, was this yeare brought to bed in the tower of London of a daughter named Blanch, that died yoong, and was buried at West­minster. ¶ In this meane while, during the warres betwixt France and England, the French king in fauour of Dauid king of Scotland, had sent men of warre into Scotland, vnder the conduct of sir Ar­nold Dandreghen, who was after one of the mar­shals of France, and the lord of Garrentiers, with o­ther, line 40 by whose comfort and helpe, the Scots that tooke part with king Dauid, did indeuor themselues to re­couer out of the Englishmens hands, such castels and fortresses as they held within Scotland, as in the Scotish historie ye shall find mentioned, and how a­bout this time, their king the foresaid Dauid retur­ned foorth of France into Scotland by the French kings helpe, who hauing long before concluded a league with him, thought by his friendship to trouble the king of England so at home, that he should not be at great leisure to inuade him in France. line 50

But now to tell you what chanced of the méeting appointed at Arras. The commis­sioners that met at Arras. For the cōmissioners that shuld there treat of the peace, when the day assigned of their meeting was come, there arriued for the king of England the bishop of Lincolne, the bishop of Du­resme, the earle of Warwike, the erle of Richmond, sir Robert Dartois, sir Iohn of Heinault, otherwise called lord Beaumont, and sir Henrie of Flanders. For the French king, there came the earle of Alan­son, the duke of Burbon, the earle of Flanders, the line 60 earle of Blois, the archbishop of Sens, the bishop of Beauuois, and the bishop of Aurerre. The pope sent thither two cardinals, Naples and Cleremont; these commissioners were in treatie fiftéene daies, This truce was prolon­ged about the least of the de­collation of S. Iohn, to indure till Midsummer next follow­ing, as the ad­dition to Ad. Merimuth hath. during the which, manie matters were put forth and argued, but none concluded: for the Englishmen demanded largelie, and the Frenchmen would depart with no­thing, sauing with the countie of Pontieu, the which was giuen with quéene▪ Isabell in marriage to the king of England. So the treatie brake, the commis­sioners departed, and nothing doone, but onelie that the truce was prolonged for two yeares further.

Thus were the wars partlie appeased in some part of France, but yet was the truce but slenderlie kept in other parts, by reason of the duke of Britaine. For whereas contention arose betwixt one Charles de Blois, and Iohn earle of Mountfort, The occas [...]o [...] of the war [...] [...] Britaine. about the right to the duchie of Britaine, as in the historie of France maie more plainelie appeare; the earle of Mount­fort, thinking that he had wrong offered him at the French kings hands, who fauoured his aduersarie Charles de Blois, alied himselfe with the king of England. And (as some write) after he had woone di­uerse cities and townes within Britaine, he came o­uer into England, and by doing homage to king Ed­ward, acknowledged to hold it of him, as of the soue­reigne lord thereof, so that he would promise to de­fend him and that duchie against his aduersaries: which the king promised him to doo. After this, the French king made such warres against this earle of Mountfort, that he was at length taken prisoner in the towne of Naunts, and committed to safe kéeping within the castell of Loure at Paris. But his wife be­ing a stout woman, and of a manlie courage, stood vp in the quarrell of hir husband, and presented a yoong sonne which she had by him, vnto such capteins and men of warre as serued hir husband, requiring them not to be dismaid with the infortunate chance of hir husbands taking; but rather like men of good sto­machs, to stand in defense of his right, sith whatsoeuer happened to him, the same remained in that yoong gentleman his sonne: meaning that although the e­nimies should deale tyrannicallie with him, & with­out regard of his noblenesse practise his ouerthrow; yet there was hope in hir son, as increase of yeares should minister strength and courage, both to be re­uenged on his fathers enimies, and to ad an inlarge­ment of glorie and renowne to his present honor by practises of his prowesse: which to be singular the séemelie symmetrie or goodlie proportion of his per­son and his iolie countenance séemed to testifie; for

Fortes creantur fortibus,
Mor. lib. ca [...] 4 Ode 4.
& bonis▪
Est in iuuencis, est in equis patrum
Virtus; nec imbellem feroces
Progenerant aquilae columbam.

This countesse of Mountfort was sister vnto Lewes earle of Flanders, and named Margaret, Ia. Meir. and not Claudia (as some write.) She was verie diligent in hir businesse, and spared no trauell to aduance hir cause, so that she wan not onelie the harts of the men of warre, but also of the people of Britaine, the which fauoured hir husband, and lamented the mishap of his taking. She first furnished such cities, townes, Froissard▪ castels, and fortresses as hir husband had in possessi­on, with men, munition and vittels, as Renes, Di­naunt, Guerand, Hanibout, and others. This doone, she sent ouer into England, sir Emerie de Clisson, a noble man of Britaine, to require the king of Eng­land of succors, with condition, that if it pleased him, hir sonne Iohn should marrie one of his daughters. ¶ The king of England glad to haue such an entrie into France, as by Britaine, thought not to refuse the offer, & therevpon granted to aid the countesse: & foorthwith raising a power, sent the same ouer into Britaine, vnder the conduct of the lord Walter of Mannie, and others: the which at length, after they had continued long vpon the sea, by reason of contra­rie winds, arriued in Britaine; in which meane time, a great armie of Frenchmen were entred into Bri­taine▪ and had besieged the citie of Reues, and finallie woone it by surrender, & were now before the towne of Hanibout, which with streict siege, and sore brusing of the walles, they were néere at point to haue taken, and the countesse of Mountfort within it▪ If the suc­cours of England had not arriued there, [...] at such time as the Frenchmen were in talke with them within, about the surrender. But after that the Eng­lish [Page 363] fleet was seene to approch, the treatie was soone broken off, for they within had no lust then to talke anie further of the matter.

The lord of Mannie, and the Englishmen arri­uing at Hanibout thus in time of imminent danger, The english succour [...]riued in good time. wherein the countesse, and the other within that towne were presentlie beset, greatlie recomforted the said countesse, as she well shewed by hir cheere­full countenance in receiuing them. Archers. Shortlie after their arriuall, a certeine number of the English ar­chers, line 10 issuing foorth, beat the Frenchmen from an engine which they had reared against the walles, and set fire vpon the same engine. To conclude, the Frenchmen liked the Englishmen so well, that shortlie after being wearie of their companie, they raised their siege to get themselues further from them: and in an other part of the countrie indeuou­red themselues to win townes and castels as they did indéed, hauing their armie diuided into two parts, the lord Charles de Blois gouerning the one line 20 part, Charles de Blois. Lewes de Spaine. and a Spaniard called the lord Lewes de Spaine the other (which was the same that thus de­parted from the siege of Hanibout, after the arriuall of the Englishmen) and then winning the townes of Dinant and Guerand, passed into the countrie of Britaine Britonant, Britaine Britonant. and there not farre from Quin­percorentine, were discomfited by the Englishmen, who followed them thither. Of six thousand Geno­waies, Spaniards, and Frenchmen, which the lord Lewes of Spaine had there with him, there escaped line 30 but a few awaie. A nephue which he had there with him named Alfonse was slaine, howbeit he himselfe escaped, though not without sore hurts.

Edmund of Langley that was after duke of yorke is borne. Fabian. A iusts and tornie at Dunstable.This yeare, the fift of Iune queene Philip was deliuered of a sonne at the towne of Langley, the which was named Edmund, and surnamed Langley of the place where he was thus borne. Also about the same time was a great iustes kept by king Edward at the towne of Dunstable, with other counterfeited feats of warre, at the request of diuerse yoong lords line 40 and gentlemen, whereat both the king and queene were present, with the more part of the lords and la­dies of the land. ¶ The lord Charles de Blois, hauing in the meane time woone Uannes, and other towns, brought his armie backe vnto Hanibout, Hanibout besieged. and eft­soones besieged the same, and the countesse of Mount­fort within it. But for so much as it was well fortifi­ed, and prouided of all things necessarie to defend a siege, the Englishmen being returned thither againe after the ouerthrow of the lord Lewes de Spaine, 1342 Anno Reg. 16. it line 50 could not be easilie woone. At length, by the labour of certeine lords of Britaine, The countes of Richmond commeth ouer into Englād. An armie sent into Britaine a truce was taken for a time, during the which, the countesse of Richmond came ouer into England, to commune with king Edward, touching the affaires of Britaine, who ap­pointed sir Robert Dartois earle of Richmond, the earles of Salisburie, Penbroke, and Suffolke, the lords Stafford, Spenser, and Bourchier, with others, to go with hir ouer into Britaine, who made their prouision, so that they might take the sea, to come line 60 thither against the time that the truce betwixt the countesse and the lord Charles de Blois should be expired.

Additions to Adam Meri­muth, and Nic. Triue [...].There be that write, how the lord Walter de Man­nie, tooke a truce indéed with the lord Charles de Blois, to indure till Alhallontide next insuing, but with condition, that if the king of England were contented therewith, then the same to be firme and fullie ratified, otherwise not. Whervpon, when about the beginning of Iulie, the said lord Walter came o­uer into England, bringing with him the lord of Li­ons, and other such prisoners as he had taken, and sig­nified to king Edward what he had concluded tou­ching the truce, the king liked not thereof, and so sent ouer the earles of Northampton and Deuonshire, the lord Stafford, The earle of Northamp­ton and De­uonshire. and sir William de Killesbie his chapleine, and one of his secretaries, with fiue hun­dred men of armes, and a thousand archers, which ta­king ship, on the vigill of th'Assumption of our ladie, sa [...]led foorth towards Britaine. The Frenchmen ther­fore vnderstanding that this succour was comming, appointed the lord Lewes of Spaine, sir Charles Grimaldo, and sir Antonie Doria, Genowaies reteined in the French kings wages. with three thou­sand Genowaies, and a thousand men of armes, im­barked in two and thirtie great ships, to lie on the sea in wait to incounter with the English fleet, as the same should approch towards Britaine.

About Easter, the countesse of Mountford with the English armie, appointed to attend hir, tooke the sea at Southampton, The Englishmen and Ge­nowaies méet and fight on the Seas. and at length met with the lord Lewes of Spaine, and his fléet, where betwixt them was fought a sore battell. Of the Englishmen there were six and fortie vessels, but the lord Lewes of Spaine had nine great ships, and of more force than anie of those which the Englishmen had, and also he had thrée gallies. They began to fight about euen­song time, and continued till that night parted them, and had gone togither againe in the morning, if by a tempest that rose about midnight, the same night, they had not béene scattered in sunder. The Spani­ards and Genowaies tooke awaie with them foure English ships, which being vittellers, were left be­hind. And bicause the same Spaniards and Geno­waies were able to abide the sea better than the Englishmen, by reason of their great ships, they kept the maine sea; but the Englishmen were adui­sed by their mariners to drawe vnto the land, and so they did, arriuing at a little hauen, not farre from Uannes, where comming on land, they streightwaie made towards that citie, and besieged it, Uannes wo [...] not ceassing to assault it both day and night, till at length they wan it, by giuing the assault in two places at once, whilest an other number of them set vpon it in a third place, where was no suspicion, and so entred.

After this, the most part of the Englishmen de­parted from Uannes, as some with the countesse, to bring hir vnto Hanibout, and some with the earls of Salisburie, Suffolke, and Cornewall, who went and laid siege to Rennes, so that the earle of Richmond remained in Uannes, with the lords Spenser and Stafford, to keepe it, hauing a certeine number of archers and other men of warre with them. The lord Clisson, and sir Henrie de Leon, which were within Uannes, when it was taken by the Englishmen, and found means to escape, were abashed at the ma [...]ter, that they had so lost the citie, wherevpon they secret­lie assembled a great power of men thereabouts, and came againe vnto Uannes, and so fiercelie assai­led the gates and wals, that in the end they entred by more force. The earle of Richmond was sore hurt, but yet he escaped out at a posterne gate, and the lord Stafford with him, but the lord Spenser was taken by sir Henrie de Leon.

Other write otherwise, both of the landing, and also concerning the misfortune of the lord Spenser, Additions to Nic. Triuet. alledging letters sent from the earle of Northamp­ton (whome the same authors repute as generall of that armie into Britaine) directed to the king, in which was signified, how that within the octaues of the Assumption of our ladie, they ariued on the coast of Britaine, néere to the towne and castell of Brest, in the which the dutchesse of Britaine with hir chil­dren were of the enimies besieged, both by sea and land, by sea with thirtéene great gallies, by land by the lord Charles de Blois, the earls of Sauoie and Foiz. But the gallies perceiuing the English fleet to be approched vpon them, yer they were aware, so that they were compassed in, to their great danger, thrée [Page 364] of the same gallies fled, and so escaped, the residue got vp into a riuer of the same hauen, where they that were aboord, left their vessels and fled to the land, and as well they, as the other that held siege before Brest and such as kept a castell there, not farre off, called Goule forrest, packed awaie without anie more adoo. The English mariners following the gallies (that were withdrawn vp the riuer) with their small boats and barges, set fire on the gallies, and so burnt them.

Thus all the Englishmen came on land, and lea­ning the lord Saie capteine in the said castell of line 10 Goule forrest, they passe forward into the countrie, and comming to a castell commonlie called Mon­sieur Relix, gaue an assault thereto, where manie of their men of warre were wounded, and sir Iames Louell slaine. After this, staieng a time for the com­ming of their confederats, which after a fortnights space came to them on the mondaie, being the mor­row after Michaelmas daie, they heard that the lords Charles de Blois was comming in all hast with a power of thrée thousand men of armes, twelue hun­dred line 20 Genowaies, & a great multitude of commons to raise the siege. Whervpon the earle of Northamp­ton with his armie marched softlie towards them, and choosing a plot of ground conuenient for his pur­pose, fought with his enimies, slue and tooke of them at the least thrée hundred men of armes. The earle of Northampton lost not any noble man in this fight, the lord Edward Spenser onelie excepted.

But now as touching the earle of Richmont, Frois­sard saith, that he comming to Hanibout, after he line 30 had thus lost Uannes, tooke the sea, and sailed into England: but by reason of being tossed on the seas, his wounds rankled so, that shortlie after his com­ming to London he died, & was buried in the church of S. Paule. The king of England was sore displea­sed with his death, The king passeth ouer into Britaine. and immediatlie after passed ouer himselfe into Britaine with a great armie: and lan­ding there the nine and twentith of Nouember, at the same place where the earle of Richmond did land line 40 at his arriuall there, not far from Uannes, he went straight and besieged Uannes, Uann [...]s be­s [...]ged. but perceiuing that it would not be woone but by long siege, he left the earle of Arundell, and the lord Stafford to continue the siege, whilest he went to Rennes to aid his people, which still laie at the siege thereof. Before the kings arriuall in Britaine, those that were there vnder the earle of Northampton, A [...]ditions to Triuet. as the lord Hugh Spenser, and the lord Richard Talbot, with their retinues, fought with the Frenchmen neere to Morleis, where line 50 a few Englishmen, scarse fiue hundred, discomfited a mightie power of Frenchmen, estéemed to be aboue fiftie thousand, An armie of Frenchmen discomfited by a few En­glishmen. of whome some they slue, and some they tooke. Among other was taken the lord Geffrey de Charnie, accompted for one of the best and sagest knights in France, whome the lord Richard Talbot tooke and sent into England.

But now as touching the kings dooings, we find, that whilest he remained for this winter season in Britaine, his people forraied the countrie foure line 60 daies iournie in length, and two daies iournie in bredth. After his comming to Rennes, he staied not past fiue daies, but leauing them whome he found there to continue the siege, he went himselfe to Naunts, where he had knowledge, that the lord Charles de Blois was. At his comming thither, he inuironed the citie about with a strong siege, & made manie fierce assaults to the walles and gates, but could not preuaile, then leauing certeine of his lords there to continue the siege, Naunts be­sieged. he raised with the residue, and went to Dinan, which towne with sore and fierce assaults he lastlie woone, and after that drew againe towards Uannes, for that he was informed, how the duke of Normandie was comming downe towards him, with an armie of fortie thousand men. Herevp­on he sent for them that laie at siege before Naunts to come vnto him, and suffered them at Rennes to kéepe their siege still, till they heard other word from him.

The duke of Normandie with foure thousand men of armes, and thirtie thousand other men of warre, comming into Britaine to aid the lord Charles of Blois, was aduertised, The duke [...] Norman [...] commeth downe [...] Britaine. that the king of England was with the most part of all his power withdrawen to Uannes, and there laie at siege, sore constreining them within: wherefore he also drew thitherwards, and approching to the place, incamped with his armie ouer against the king of England, inclosing his field with a great trench. The king of England supposing he should haue battell, sent vnto those which laie at siege before Rennes, commanding them to come from thence vnto him: so that by this meanes all the powers, both of the king of England, and of the duke of Normandie, generall to his father the French king in those warres of Britaine, being assembled before Uannes, had fought some great and bloudie battell, as was supposed, for the whole triall of the right of Britaine, if the cardinals of Cleremont and Prenesti, as legats from pope Clement the sixt, had not taken vp the matter, by concluding a truce be­twixt them, for the tearme of three yeares.

Commissioners appointed to treat with these ca [...] ­dinals, Additions [...] Triuet. Commissio­ners for the king of Eng­land. on the behalfe of the king of England were these, Henrie of Lancaster earle of Derbie, Wil­liam Bohun earle of Northampton, William Mon­tacute earle of Salisburie, Rafe lord Stafford, Bar­tholomew lord Burghese, Nicholas lord Cantelow, Reginald lord Cobham, Walter lord of Mannie, Maurice lord Berkeley, and maister Iohn Ufford archdeacon of Elie. For the French king, Odo duke of Burgogne, Commissio­ners for the French king and Piers duke of Burbon were de­puted commissioners. Such diligence was vsed by the parties, that finallie they agréed vpon this truce of thrée yeares, year 1343 with certeine articles for meane to conclude some finall peace, A truce [...] thrée year [...]. as that there should be sent from either king some personages of their bloud and others, vnto the court of Rome, with sufficient authoritie, to agree, confirme, and establish vpon all controuersies and dissentions betwixt the said kings, according to the agreement of the pope, and such as should be so sent to treat thereof.

It was further agréed, that they should haue liber­tie to declare and pronounce their arguments and reasons before the pope, but not to haue power to de­cide and giue sentence, but onlie by waie of some bet­ter treatie and order of agréement to be made. And these commissioners were appointed to appeare be­fore the pope, afore the feast of saint Iohn Baptist next insuing, and the pope to dispatch the businesse be­fore Christmasse after, if by consent of the said no­bles, the terme were not proroged. And if it so were that the pope could make no agréement, yet should the truce indure the prefixed terme, to wit, till the feast of S. Michaell the archangell, The cond [...] ­tions of the truce. and for the space of thrée yeares then next insuing, betwixt the kings of France, England and Scotland, the earle of Hei­nault and their alies, as the dukes of Brabant, and of Gelderland, also the marques of Gullikerland, the lord Beaumont, otherwise called sir Iohn de Hei­nault, and the people of Flanders, in all their lands and dominions, from the date of the charter made hereof, by all the said terme aforesaid, to be obserued, holden and kept. Also, the king of Scots, and the earle of Heinault were appointed to send certeine persons, as commissioners for them, vnto the said court of Rome.

This truce was also accorded to be kept in Bri­taine, betwixt the said kings and their adherents, in [Page 365] which countrie, as well as in Guien, and other pla­ces, euerie man should remaine in possession of that which he held at the time of concluding this truce, saue that the citie of Uannes should be deliuered in­to the hands of the cardinall, to be kept by them in the popes name, during the truce, and then to dispose thereof, as should séeme to them good. Manie other articles were comprised in the charter of this truce, too long héere to rehearse, all the which were confir­med with the oths of the said dukes of Burgoigne, line 10 and Burbone, on the French kings behalfe; and of the earles of Derbie, Northampton and Salisburie, the lord Burghersts, and the lord of Mannie, for the king of England. In witnesse whereof, the said car­dinals caused the charter to be made, putting there­vnto their seales, the ninetéenth daie of Ianuarie, in the yeare 1343 in presence of diuerse prelats, and of the earles of Bullongne, Ausserre, Sancerre, Iu­ignie, and Porcien, the lord Miles de Nohers, the lord Ingram de Coucie, and the foresaid lords, Can­telowe, line 20 Cobham, and Berkeley, with manie other lords, barons, nobles, and gentlemen.

When this truce was thus confirmed, manie of the English armie returned home through France, Anno Reg. 17. so to passe ouer by the narrow seas into England, but the king himselfe, The king of England re­turneth by sea forth of Bri­taine. with a few other, taking their ships to passe by long seas, were maruellouslie tor­mented by tempest, so that their ships were scattered and driuen to take land at diuerse hauens. The dut­chesse of Britaine with hir sonne and daughter, came line 30 on land in Deuonshire. Sir Peers de Ueele, and his sonne sir Henrie Uéele, and sir Iohn Raine knights, were drowned, Shipwracke. togither with the ship in which they passed. The king escaping verie hardlie, landed at Weimouth, and on the fift day of March came to London to the queene. In the quindene of Easter, he held a parlement at Westminster, A parlement. The kings eldest sonne created prince of Wales. in which he created his eldest sonne Edward prince of Wales. In this parlement were diuerse matters talked of, and speciallie concerning wools, and of the assesse­ment of a certeine price of them, more and lesse, ac­cording line 40 to the seuerall parts of the realme, and of the customes to be made of them, to wit, thrée marks and an halfe, for euerie sacke to be transported foorth of the realme.

Ambassadors appointed to go to the [...]ope.Also in the same parlement were ambassadors appointed foorth, such as should go to the pope to treat of peace (as in the charter of the truce among other articles it was conteined) whose names follow, Iohn bishop of Excester, Henrie de Lancaster earle of Derbie, Hugh le Dispenser lord of Glamorgan, line 50 cousins to the king; Rafe lord Stafford, William de Norwich deane of Lincolne, William Trussell knight, and master Andrew de Ufford a ciuillian. These persons were sent with commission to the pope, to treat with him, not as pope, nor as iudge, but as a priuat person, and a common fréend to both parts, to be a meane or mediator, to find out some in­different end of all controuersie betwixt the parties. The date of their commission was at Westminster, the foure and twentith of Maie, in this seauenteenth line 60 yeare of the kings reigne.

Moreouer, in this parlement a gréeuous com­plaint was exhibited, by the earles, barons, knights, burgesses, and other of the commons, for that stran­gers, by vertue of reseruations and prouisions apo­stolike, got the best benefices of this land into their hands, and neuer came at them, nor bare any charges due for the same, but diminishing the treasure of the realme, and conueieng it foorth, sore indamaged the whole state. The bishops durst not, or would not giue their consents in exhibiting this complaint, but ra­ther seemed to stand against it, till the king compelled them to giue ouer.

Herevpon, a letter was framed by the lords of the temporaltie and commons, which they directed vnto the pope in all humble manner, beseeching him to consider of the derogation doone to the realme of England, by such reseruations, prouisions, and colla­tions of benefices, as had béen practised here in Eng­land. And therefore, sith the churches of England had béene founded and endowed by noble and worthie men in times past, to the end the people might be in­structed by such as were of their owne language, and that he being so farre off, and not vnderstanding the default, had (like as some of his predecessors more than in times past had beene accustomed) granted by diuerse reseruations, prouisions, and collations, the churches and spirituall promotions of this land vnto diuerse persons, some strangers, yea, and enimies to the realme, whereby the monie and profits were car­ried foorth, the cures not prouided for, almes with­drawne, hospitalitie decaied, the temples and other buildings belonging to the churches ruinated and fallen downe, the charitie and deuotion of the people sore diminished, and diuerse other gréeuous enormi­ties thereby growne cleane contrarie to the foun­ders minds: wherefore, vpon due consideration ther­of had, they signified to him, that they could not suf­fer such enormities any longer, & therefore besought him wholie to reuoke such reseruations, prouisions, collations, to auoid such slanders, mischeefes, and harmes as might insue, and that the cures might therewith be committed to persons méet for the ex­ercise of the same: further also, beseeching him with­out delaie, to signifie his intention, sith they meant to imploie their diligence to remedie the matter, and to see that redresse might be had according to reason. The date of these letters was in full parlement at Westminster, the eight and twentith of Maie, in the yeare of Grace 1343.

Beside these letters, were other written, and sent from the king, conteining in summe, Sir Iohn Shordich sent to the Pope. the tenor of the other aboue mentioned, and one sir Iohn Shordich, knight a graue personage and well seene in the law, was appointed to go with the same, who comming to Auignion, and there presenting his letters in the popes priuie chamber, where the pope sat, with all his cardinals about him, receiued no great courte­ous welcome, after his letters were once read. And whie? Euen bicause the cōtents of the same misliked his mind, tending to the impairing of his vsurped profits & cōmodities from time to time in this land,

Ambitiosus enim sibi totum vendicat orbem,
Se (que) (scelus) Christo clamitat esse parem.

Now when the knight made answer to such words as he heard the pope vtter, The Popes words to sir Iohn Shor­dich. and charged him with gi­uing the deanrie of Yorke vnto one that was re­puted the kings enimie, the pope said; ‘Well, it is not vnknowne to vs who made and indited these let­ters, and we know that thou madest them not, but there is one that pincheth at vs, and we shall punish him well inough: we know all. Herevnto he added thus much more, that there was a knight that spake defamous words of him, and the church of Rome, wherewith he séemed highlie offended. To conclude, he said, that he would answer the letters of the king and commons, as touching the points conteined in the same.’ The cardinals, after they had heard these things, departed as if they had béene sore offended and troubled therewith: and the knight taking his leaue of the pope, departed also foorth of the chamber, and without anie longer abode, got him awaie to­ward Burdeaux, about other of the kings businesse, doubting least if he had staied longer, he might haue béene kept there against his will. The pope sent an­swer indéed, but neuerthelesse, Of benefices inhibited by the king. the king procéeded in prohibiting such prouisions, and collations within [Page 366] his realme, on paine of imprisonment and death to the intrudors thereby, as after ye shall perceiue.

Iusts in Smithfield.This yeare about Midsummer, there were solemne iusts proclaimed by the lord Robet Morley, which were holden in Smithféeld, where for challengers, came foorth one apparelled like to the pope, bringing with him twelue other in garments like to cardi­nals, which tooke vpon them to answer all commers, for thrée courses. On the defendants side, ran the prince of Wales, with manie earls, barons knights line 10 and esquires innumerable, so that those iusts conti­nued thrée daies togither, to the great pleasure of the beholders. ¶ This yeare, king Edward ordeined a certeine new coine of gold, 1344 Anno Reg. 18. which he named the flo­ren, that is, the penie of six shillings eight pence, the halfe penie of the value of three shillings foure pence, and the farthing of the value of twentie pence. This coine was ordeined for his wars in France, the gold whereof was not so fine as the noble, which in the fourtéenth yeare of his reigne he had caused line 20 for to be coined. Th. Walsing. A chamber built within the castell of Windsore, called the round table. This yeare, the king caused a great number of artificers and labourers to be taken vp, whome he set in hand to build a chamber in the castell of Windsore, which was called the round table, the floore whereof, from the center or middle point, vnto the compasse throughout, the one halfe was (as Wal­singham writeth) an hundred foot, and so the diameter or compasse round about, was two hundred foot. The expenses of this worke amounted by the weeke, first vnto an hundred pounds, but afterward by reason of line 30 the wars that followed, the charges was diminished vnto two and twentie pounds the wéeke (as Thomas Walsingham writeth in his larger booke, intituled, the historie of England) or (as some copies haue) vn­to 9 pounds. I. Stow out of Henrie de Leicester. The Ile of Man. This yéere also, W. Montacute earle of Salisburie conquered the Ile of Man, out of the hands of the Scots, which Ile the king gaue vnto the said earle, and caused him to be intituled, and crow­ned king of Man. ¶ This Ile (as Robert Southwell noteth) was woone by the Scots, about the second yeare of Edward the second his reigne, who in the line 40 yeare before, to wit, anno Christi 1307, had giuen the same Ile vnto Péers de Gaueston, whom he had al­so made earle of Cornewall.

Moreouer, about the beginning of this eightéenth yeare of his reigne, king Edward held a solemne feast at his castell of Windsore, where betwixt Can­dlemasse and Lent, were atchiued manie martiall feats, Iusts & tor­nies holden at Windsore. and iusts, tornaments, and diuerse other the like warlike pastimes, at the which were present ma­nie line 50 strangers of other lands, and in the end thereof, he deuised the order of the garter, and after establi­shed it, as it is at this daie. There are six and twentie companions or confrers of this felowship of that order, The order of the garter founded. being called knights of the blew garter, & as one dieth or is depriued, an other is admitted into his place. The K. of England is euer chéefe of this order. They weare a blew robe or mantell, & a garter about their left leg, richlie wrought with gold and pretious stones, hauing this inscription in French vpon it, line 60 Honi soit qui mal y pense, Shame come to him that e­uill thinketh. This order is dedicated to S. George, as chéefe patrone of men of warre, and therefore euerie yeare doo the knights of this order kéepe so­lemne his feast, with manie noble ceremonies at the castell of Windsore, where king Edward founded a colledge of canons, or rather augmenting the same, ordeined therein a deane with twelue canons secu­lar, eight peticanons, and thirtéene vicars, thirteene clearks, and thirteene choristers.

The knights haue certeine lawes and rules apper­teining to their order, amongst the which this is chéef­lie to be obserued (as Polydor also notech) that they shall aid and defend one another, and neuer turne their backes or runne awaie out of the field in time of battell, where he is present with his souereigne lord, his lieutenant or deputie, or other capteine, ha­uing the kings power roiall and authoritie, and wher­as his banners, standards, or pennons are spred. The residue of the lawes and rules apperteining vnto this noble order, I doo here purposelie omit, for that the same in Looke in [...] description: Britaine. an other place more conuenient is ex­pressed, so far as may be thought expedient. But now touching these six and twentie noble men & knights, which were first chosen and admitted into the same or­der, by the first founder thereof, this king Edward the third, their names are as followeth.

First the said noble prince king Edward the third, the prince of Wales duke of Cornewall and earle of Chester his eldest sonne, Henrie duke of Lanca­ster, the earle of Warwike, the capitall de Beuch aliàs Buz or B [...]ufe, Rafe earle of Stafford, William Montacute earle of Salisburie, Roger lord Morti­mer, Iohn lord Lisle, Bartholomew lord Burwasch or Berghesech, the lord Iohn Beauchampe, the lord de Mahun, Hugh lord Courtnie, Thomas lord Ho­land, Iohn lord Graie, Richard lord Fitz Simon, sir Miles Stapleton, sir Thomas Walle, sir Hugh Wrottesley, sir Néele Loring, sir Iohn Chandos, Iames lord Audelie, sir Otes Holand, sir Henrie Eme, sir Sanchet Dabrichcourt, sir Walter Pa­nell. ¶ Christopher Okland speaking of the first insti­tution of this honorable order, dooth saie, In Angl. prae [...] sub Edwardo 3. that after foure daies were expired in the said exercises of chi­ualrie, the king besides the rich garter which he be­stowed vpon them that tried maisteries, did also giue them a pretious collar of S S. but whether this collar had his first institution then with the garter he saith nothing, belike it was an ornament of greater anti­quitie. Oklands words are these as followeth;

—concertatoribus ampla
Praemia dat princeps, baccatas induit illis
Crura periscelides, quas vnio mistus Eous
Commendat, flammis interlucente pyropo.
Praeterea ex auro puro, quod odorifer Indus
Miserat, inserta donabat iaspide gemma,
Si formam spectes duplicato ex sygmate torques.

¶ The cause and first originall of instituting this order is vncerteine. The occasion that moued K. Edward to institute the order of the garter. But there goeth a tale amongst the people, that it rose by this means. It chanced that K. Edward finding either the garter of the quéene, or of some The countr [...] of Salisburie. ladie with whom he was in loue, being fallen from hir leg, stooped downe and tooke it vp, whereat diuerse of his nobles found matter to iest, and to talke their fansies merilie, touching the kings affection towards the woman, vnto whome he said, that if he liued, it should come so passe, that most high honor should be giuen vnto them for the garters sake: and there vpon shortlie after, he deuised and or­deined this order of the garter, with such a posie, wher­by he signified, that his nobles iudged otherwise of him than the truth was. Though some may thinke, that so noble an order had but a meane beginning, if this tale be true, yet manie honorable degrees of e­states haue had their beginnings of more base and meane things, than of loue, which being orderlie vsed, is most noble and commendable, sith nobilitie it selfe is couered vnder loue, as the poet Ouid aptlie saith, ‘Nobilitas sub amore iacet.’

William de Montacute earle of Salisburie king of Man, and marshall of England, Additions [...] Adam Me [...]i­muth, and Triuet. was so brused at the iusts holden here at Windsore (as before ye haue heard) that he departed this life, the more was the pi­tie, within eight daies after. ¶ The king about the same time, to wit, in the quindene of Candlemasse, held a councell at London, in the which with good ad­uise and sound deliberation had vpon the complaint of the commons to him before time made, he gaue [Page 367] out streict commandement, that no man, on paine of imprisonment and death, should in time to come, present or induct anie such person or persons, that were so by the pope promoted, without the kings a­greement, in preiudice of his roiall prerogatiue. Héerevpon, he directed also writs to all archbishops, bishops, abbats, priors, deanes, archdeacons, officials and other ecclesiasticall persons, to whome it apper­teined, inhibiting them in no wise to attempt anie thing in preiudice of that ordinance, vnder pretext of anie bulles, or other writings, for such manner of line 10 prouisions to come from the court of Rome. Other writs were also directed to his sonne the prince of Wales, and to all the shiriffes within the realme, for to arrest all such as brought into the land any such buls or writings, and to bring them before the kings councell or his iustices, where they might be punished according to the trespasse by them committed.

About the same time, the king ordeined a certeine coine of fine gold, and named it the floren, which line 20 coine was deuised for his warres in France, for the gold thereof was not so fine as was the noble, which in the fourtéenth yeare he had caused to be coined: but this coine continued not long. ¶ After the feast of the holie Trinitie, the king held a parlement at London, in the which he asked a tenth of the cleargie, and a fiftéenth of the laitie, about which demand there was no small altercation, but at length he had it granted for one yeare. ¶ At the same time, the archbi­shop of Canturburie held a conuocation of all the cleargie at London, in the which manie things were line 30 in talke about the honest demeanor of churchmen, which sildome is obserued, as the addition to Nicho­las Triuet saith. Coine changed. About the feast of the Assumption of our ladie, the king disanulled the florens, to the great commoditie of his kingdome, ordeining a greater floren of halfe a marke, and a lesser of thrée shillings foure pence, and the least of all of twentie pence, and these were called nobles, and not without cause, for they were a noble coine, of faire & fine gold.

This yeare, on the seauentéenth daie of Nouem­ber, line 40 the pope in Auinion created the lord Lewes de Spaine, ambassador for the French king, prince of the Iles called Fortunatae, for what purpose it was not knowne, but it was doubted, not to be for anie good meaning towards the kingdome of England, the prosperitie whereof, the same pope was suspected not greatlie to wish. ¶ About the beginning of Lent the same yeare, 1345 Anno Reg. 19. the said pope had sent an arch­bishop and a bishop, ambassadors to the king, who met them at Ospring in Kent, and to the end they line 50 should not linger long within the realme, he quick­lie dispatched them without effect of their message. ¶ This yeare, shortlie after Easter, the duke of Bri­taine, that had beene deteined prisoner by the French king, and escaped out of prison, came ouer into England. ¶And about the same time, the king ordeined the exchange of monies at London, Can­turburie, and Yorke, to the great commoditie of his people. line 60

About Midsummer, or (as other haue) Michaelmas, the earle of Derbie, Auesburie. Ad. Merimuth Polychron. with the earle of Penbroke, the lord Rafe Stafford, the lord Walter de Mannie, the lord Iohn Graie of Codnore, and diuerse other lords, knights, Fiue hundred men of armes, and two thou­sand archers saith Froissard. and esquires, to the number of fiue or six hundred men of armes, and as manie archers, sailed ouer into Gascoine, to assist the kings subiects there against the Frenchmen. This earle of Derbie, being generall of the armie, after his arriuall in Gascoine, about the beginning of December, wan the towne of Bergerat by force, Bergerat woone. hauing put to flight the earle of Lisle, as then the French kings lieutenant in Gascoine, who laie there with a great power, to de­fend the passage: but being driuen into the towne, and hauing lost the suburbes to the Englishmen, he fled out in the night, and so left the towne, Froissard. without anie souldiers to defend it, so that the townesmen yeelded it vnto the earle of Derbie, and sware them­selues to be true liege men vnto the king of Eng­land. After this, the earle of Derbie passed further in­to the countrie, and wan diuerse castels and towns, as Lango, le Lake, Moundurant, Monguise, Pu­nach, Laliew, Forsath, Pondair, Beaumont in La­illois, Bounall, Auberoch and Liborne, part of them by assault, and the residue by surrender. This doone, he returned to Burdeaux, hauing left capteins and soul­diers in such places as he had woone.

This yeare, the king sent foorth a commission vnto certeine persons in euerie countie within the realme, to inquire what lands and tenements euerie man, aboue fiue pounds of yeerelie reuenues, being of the laie fée, might dispend; bicause he had giuen order, that euerie man which might dispend fiue pounds and aboue, vnto ten pounds of such yeerelie reuenues in land of the laie fee, should furnish himselfe, or find an archer on horssebacke, furnished with armour and weapon accordinglie. He that might dispend ten pounds, should furnish himselfe, or find a demilance or light horsseman (if I shall so terme him) being then called a hobler with a lance. And he that might dispend fiue and twentie pounds, should furnish him­selfe or find a man at armes. And he that might dispend fiftie pounds, should furnish two men at arms. And he that might dispend an hundred pounds should find thrée men at armes, that is, himselfe, or one in his stéed, with two other. And such as might dispend aboue an hundred pounds, were appointed to find more in number of men at armes, accordinglie as they should be assessed, after the rate of their lands which they might yearelie dispend, being of the laie fée, and not belonging to the church.

About this season, the duke of Britaine, Additions to Nic. Triuet. hauing with him the earles of Northampton and Oxenford, sir William de Killesbie one of the kings secreta­ries, and manie other barons and knights, with a great number of men of armes, passed ouer into Britaine, against the lord Charles de Blois, where they tarried a long time, The duke of Britaine de­parted this life. and did little good to make anie accompt of, by reason that the duke, in whose quarrell they came into those parts, shortlie after his arriuall there, departed this life, and so they returned home into England. But after their comming from thence, sir Thomas Dagworth knight, that had béene before, and now after the departure of those lords and nobles, still remained the kings lieutenant there, so behaued himselfe against both Frenchmen and Britains, that the memorie of his worthie dooings deserueth perpetuall commendation. The lord Beaumont of Heinault for­saketh the K. of England his seruice. Sir Iohn de Heinault lord Beaumont, about the same time, changed his cote, and leauing the king of Englands seruice, was reteined by the French king.

In this ninetéenth yeare of king Edward I find, that about the feast of the Natiuitie of saint Iohn Baptist, he sailed ouer into Flanders, The king go­eth ouer into Flanders. leauing his sonne the lord Lionell, warden of the realme in his absence. He tooke with him a great number of lords, knights, and gentlemen, with whome he landed at Sluse. The cause of his going ouer was, to further a practise which he had in hand with them of Flanders, the which by the labour of Iaques Arteueld, meant to cause their earle Lewes, either to doo homage vn­to king Edward; or else if he refused, Ia. Mair. then to dis­herit him, and to receiue Edward prince of Wales for their lord, the eldest sonne of king Edward.

King Edward promising to make a dukedome of the countie of Flanders, Froissard. for an augmentation of ho­nour to the countrie, there came vnto Sluse to the king, Iaques van Arteueld, and a great number of [Page 368] other, appointed as councellors for their chéefest townes. A councell [...]elden in the king of Eng­lands ship. The king with all his nauie lay in the hauen of Sluse, where, in his great ship called the Catha­rine, a councell was holden vpon this foresaid pur­pose: but at length, those of the councellors of the chee­fest townes misliked the matter so much, that they would conclude nothing, but required respit for a mo­neth, to consult with all the cōmunaltie of the coun­tries and townes, and as the more part should be in­clined, so should the king receiue answer. The king line 10 and Iaques Arteueld would faine haue had a shorter daie, and a more towardlie answer, but none other could be gotten.

Herevpon the councell brake vp, and Iaques Ar­teueld tarieng with the king a certeine space, after the other were departed, promised him to persuade the countrie well inough to his purpose, and suerlie, he had a great gift of eloquence, and had thereby in­duced the countrie wonderfullie, to consent to manie things, as well in fauour of king Edward, as to his line 20 owne aduancement: but this suit which he went now about to bring to passe, was so odious vnto all the Flemings, that in no wise they thought it reason to consent vnto the disheriting of the earle. At length, when Iaques Arteueld should returne vnto Gant, Ia. Meir. Welshmen appointed to Iaques Ar­teueld for a gard against Gerard De­nise. king Edward appointed fiue hundred Welshmen to attend him as a gard, for the preseruation of his per­son, bicause he said, that one Gerard Denise deane of the weauers, an vnquiet man, maliciouslie pur­posed his destruction. line 30

Capteins of these Welshmen were Iohn Ma­treuers, and William Sturine or Sturrie, and so with this crue of souldiers Arteueld returned vnto Gant, and earnestlie went in hand with his suit in king Edwards behalfe, that either the earle should doo his homage to the king of England to whome it was due; or else to forfeit his earledome. Then the foresaid Gerard, as well of his owne mind, as pro­cured thereto by the authoritie of earle Lewes, stir­red the whole citie against the said Arteueld, Iacob Arte­uelds house beset. and ga­thering line 40 a great power vnto him, came and beset Ar­teuelds house round about vpon each side, the furie of the people being wonderfullie bent against him, cri­eng; ‘Kill him, Kill him that hath robbed the tresurie of the countrie, and now goeth about to disherit our noble earle.’

Iaques van Arteueld perceiuing in what danger he was, came vnto a window, and spake to that in­raged multitude, in hope with faire and courteous words to appease them, but it could not be: whervpon line 50 he sought to haue fled out of his house, but the same was broken vp, and so manie entred vpon him, that he was found out, Froissard. Ia. Meir. and slaine by one Thomas Denise (as some write.) But other affirme, that on a sundaie in the after noone, being the 17 of Iulie, a cob­ler, whose father this Iaques van Arteueld had some­time slaine, followed him, as he was fléeing into a stable where his horsses stood, & there with an ax cloue his head asunder, so that he fell downe starke dead on the ground. Iacob van Arteueld slaine. And this was the end of the foresaid line 60 Iaques van Arteueld, who by his wisedome and poli­cie had obteined the whole gouernment of all Flan­ders. This wofull end was allotted vnto him by destinie, whose decrée nothing is able by any shift to auoid, as is notablie said of the poet in this distichon;

M. Pal. in scor.
Nil extra fatum est, metitúrque omnia summi
Mens regis, cuius sine numine fit nihil vsquam.

There were slaine also ten other persons that were of his councell, and diuerse of the Welshmen in like manner; Ambassadors from the good townes in Flanders vnto king Edward. but the other escaped, and got awaie vnto king Edward, as yet remaining at Sluse, vnto whome those of Bruges, Cassell, Curtrike, Ypres, Al­denard, and other townes, did afterwards send their orators to excuse themselues, as nothing guiltie nor priuie to the death of his fréend, and their worthie go­uernor Iaques van Arteueld, requiring him not to impute the fault vnto the whole countrie, which the rash and vnaduised Gantiners had committed, sith the countrie of Flanders was as readie now to doo him seruice and pleasure as before, sauing that to the disheriting of their earle they could not be agréeable, but they doubted not to persuade him to doo his ho­mage vnto the king of England, and till then they promised not to receiue him. They put the king also in hope of a mariage to be had, betwixt the sonne of their earle, and some one of the kings daughters. Herewith the king of England (who was departed from Sluse, in great displeasure with the Flemings) became somewhat pacified in his mood, and so re­newed the league eftsoons with the countrie of Flan­ders: but the earle would neuer consent to doo ho­mage vnto the king of England, but still sticked to the French kings part, which purchased him much trouble, and in the end cost him his life, as after shall appeare.

But now to returne vnto the earle of Derbie, whome we left in Gascoigne. Ye shall vnderstand, Froissard. that shortlie after he was come backe to Burdeaux, from the conquest which he had made of Bergerat, and other townes thereabouts; the earle of Lisle, who (as ye haue heard) was the French kings lieute­nant in that countrie, assembled an armie of twelue thousand men, Auberoch besieged. & comming before Auberoch (a towne in Gascoigne) besieged it, sore pressing them within, in somuch that they were in great danger to haue béene taken, if the earle of Derbie, hauing knowlege in what case they stood, had not come to their rescue, who with three hundred speares or men of armes, as we maie call them, and six hundred archers, approch­ing néere to the siege, laid himselfe closelie within a wood, till the Frenchmen in the euening were at sup­per, & then suddenlie set vpon them in their campe, The Fren [...] armie distre [...] ­sed, and the earle of Li [...]e taken. and discomfited them, so that the earle of Lisle was taken in his owne tent, and sore hurt. There were al­so taken the earle of Ualentinois, and other earles, vicounts, and lords of great accompt, to the number of nine, besides those that were slaine. The residue were put to flight and chased, so that the Englishmen had a faire iournie, and wan great riches by priso­ners and spoile of the enimies campe.

After this, the earle of Derbie, being returned to Burdeaux, and hauing put the captiues in safe kée­ping, assembled his power, and marching foorth into the countrie, Towns [...] by the earle o [...] Derbie. towards the Rioll (a towne in those parts which he meant to besiege) he wan diuerse towns and castels by the way, as saint Basill, Roch, Million, Montsegure, Aguillon, & Segart. At length he came to the towne of the Rioll, which he besieged, and laie about it nine wéekes yer he could win it, and then was the same towne surrendered into his hands, but the castell was still defended against him for the space of eleuen weekes, at which time being sore oppressed & vndermined, it was yéelded by them within conditionallie, that they should depart onelie with their armour. After this, the earle of Derbie wan Montpesance, Mauleon, Uille-Franche in A­genois, Miremont, Thomines, Angolesme. the castell of Damas­sen, and at length came before the citie of Angolesme the which made appointment with the earle, that if no succors came from the French king within the space of a moneth, that then the citie should be sur­rendered to the king of Englands vse: and to assure this appointment, they deliuered to the earle foure and twentie of their chéefe citizens as hostages.

In the meane time, the earle laid siege to Blaues, Blaues. but could not win it. His men rode abroad into the countrie, to Mortaigne, Mirabeau, and Aunay, but wan little, and so returned againe to the siege of [Page 369] Blaues. Now when the month was expired, that they of Angolesme should yéeld, the earle sent his two marshals thither, who receiued the homage and feal­tie of the citizens, in the king of Englands name, and so they were in peace, and receiued againe their ho­stages. At length when the earle of Derbie saw that he did but lose his time in the besieging of Blaues, which sir Guischart Dangle, and sir Guilliaume de Rochfort, being capteins within, did so valiantlie de­fend, that he could obteine no aduantage of them, he raised his siege, and returned vnto Burdeaux, hauing line 10 furnished such townes as he had woone in that iour­nie with conuenient garisons of men to defend them against the enimies, and to kéepe frontier warre, as they should sée cause.

Froissard saith they were an hundred thou­sand. Gio. Vil­lani writeth that they were a six thousand horsmen and fiftie thousand footemen, of Frenchmen, Gascoignes & Lombardes.The French king being sore moued at the con­quests thus atchiued by the earle of Derbie, raised a mightie armie, and sent the same foorth, vnder the lea­ding of his sonne the duke of Normandie, into Gas­coigne, to resist the said earle, and to recouer againe line 20 those townes which he had woone in those parts. The duke of Normandie being come to Tholouz, where generall assemblie was appointed, set forward with his armie, and winning by the waie Miremount, and Uille Franche in Agenois; at length came to the citie of Angolesme, which he inuironed about with a strong siege, continuing the same, till finallie, the capiteine named Iohn Normell, Annales de Burgoigne. required a truce to indure for one daie, 1346 Anno Reg. 20. which was granted, and the same was the daie of the Purification of our ladie, on the line 30 which, the same capiteine, with the souldiers of the garrison departed, and left the citie in the citizens hands. Angolisme recouered by the French­men. The Frenchmen, bicause they had granted the truce to indure for that daie without exception, permitted them to go their waies without let or vex­ation. The citizens in the morning yéelded the citie to the duke. Damassen. Thonins. After this, he wan the castell of Damas­sen, Thonins, and Port S. Marie; Thonins by sur­render, and the other two by force of assaults. Then he came to the strong castell of Aiguillon, which he line 40 besieged, Aiguillon besieged. and laie thereat a long season. Within was the earle of Penbroke, the lord Walter de Mannie, sir Franke de Halle, and diuerse knights and cap­teins, which defended themselues, and the place so stoutlie, that the Frenchmen could win little aduan­tage at their hands.

Whilest the siege continued before this fortresse, the seneshall of Guien departed from the campe, Gio. Villani. with eight hundred horssemen, and foure thousand footmen, purposing to win a castell, belonging to a line 50 nephue of the cardinall Della Motte, a twelue leagues distant from Aiguillon. The archde­con of Unfort. The archdeacon of Unfort, owner of that castell, went to the Rioll, where the earle of Derbie with his armie as then was lodged, to whome he made suit, to haue some power of men to rescue his castell. The earle appointed to him a sufficient number, both of horssemen, and also of English archers, with whome the said archdeacon rode all the night, and the next morning betimes, be­ing the one and thirtith of Iulie, they came to the ca­stell line 60 where the Frenchmen were arriued the daie be­fore, and had fiercelie assailed the castell, dooing their best to win it by force. But the Englishmen without anie delaie, immediatlie vpon their comming, set vpon the Frenchmen, and gaue them so sharpe and fierce battell, that in the end, the Frenchmen were discomfited: Frenchmen discomfited▪ the seneshall with manie other gen­tlemen were taken prisoners, beside those that were slaine. To conclude, the number of them that were slaine, and taken prisoners in the whole, amounted to foure hundred horssemen, and two thousand footmen. Sir Godfrey de Harcourt being constreined to flée out of France, to auoid the French kings displea­sure, came ouer vnto the king of England, who recei­ued him verie ioifullie, for he was knowne to be a right valiant and a wise personage. He was brother to the earle of Harecourt, lord of saint Sauiour le Uicount, and of diuerse other townes in Norman­die. A little before that he fell into the French kings displeasure, he might haue doone with the king of France, more than anie other lord within that realme.

In this twentith yeare of his reigne, Additions to Adam Meri­muth. king Edward vpon complaint of the people made against puruei­ours of vittels for his houshold (the which vnder co­lour of their commissions, abused the same, in ta­king vp among the commons all manner of things that liked them, without making paiment for the same, further than the said commissions did allow them) he caused inquirie to be made of their misde­meanors, and such as were found to haue offended, of whome there was no small number, some of them were put to death on the gallowes, Purueiers punished. and other were fi­ned, so to teach the rest to deale more warilie in their businesse from thenceforth. ¶ About the same time, Iustices. he caused all the iustices within his dominions to re­nounce and giue ouer all their pensions, fées, and o­ther bribing benefits and rewards, which they vsed to receiue of the lords and great men of the land, as well prelats, as of them of the temporaltie, to the end that their hands being free from gifts, iustice might more fréelie haue course, and be of them dulie and vprightlie ministred. A parlement. Also this yeare in the Lent season, the king held a parlement at Westminster, and tooke into his hands all the profits, reuenues, Cardinals. and emoluments, which the cardinals held within this land: for he thought it not reason, that they which fa­uoured the pope and the French king, being his ad­uersaries, should inioy such commodities within his realme.

After this, in the moneth of Iulie following, he tooke shipping, and sailed into Normandie, Froissard. The king pas­eth ouer into Normandie. hauing e­stablished the lord Percie, and the lord Neuill, to be wardens of his realme in his absence, with the arch­bishop of Yorke, the bishop of Lincolne, and the bi­shop of Duresme. The armie which he had ouer with him, Iohn Villani saith there were 2500 horsemen, and 30000 footmen and archers, that passed o­uer with the K. but when he commeth to speake of th [...] battell, he sée­meth to in­crease the number. was to the number of foure thousand men of armes, and ten thousand archers, beside Irishmen, & Welshmen, that folowed the host on foot. The chée­fest capteins that went ouer with him were these. First his eldest sonne Edward prince of Wales, be­ing as then about the age of thirtéene yeares, the earles of Hereford, Northampton, Arundell, Corne­wall, Huntington, Warwike, Suffolke, and Ox­ford; of barons the lord Mortimer, who was after erle of March, the lords, Iohn, Lewes, and Roger Bean­champe; also the lords Cobham, Mowbraie, Lucie, Basset, Barkeley, and Willoughbie, with diuerse o­ther lords, besides a great number of knights and other worthie capteins. They landed by the aduise of the lord Godfrey of Harecourt, in the Ile of Con­stantine, at the port of Hague saint Wast, néere to saint Sauiour le Uicount. The earle of Hunting­ton was appointed to be gouernour of the fléet by sea, hauing with him a hundred men of armes, and foure hundred archers.

After that the whole armie was landed, the king appointed two marshals, the lord Godfrey of Hare­court, and the earle of Warwike, and the earle of A­rundell was made constable. The ordering of the kings armie. There were ordeined thrèe battels, one to go on his right hand, following by the coast of the sea; and another to march on his left hand, vnder the conduct of the marshals; so that he himselfe went in the middest with the maine armie, and in this order forward they passed towards Caen, lodging euerie night togither in one field. They that went by the sea, tooke all the ships they found in their waie, and as they marched foorth thus, [Page 370] what by water & land, at length they came to a towne called Harflew, Harflew which was giuen vp, but yet neuer­thelesse it was robbed, and much goods found in it. After this they came to Chierburge, Chierburge. which towne they wan by force, robbed it, and burnt part of it, but the castell they could not win. Then came they to Mountburge and tooke it, Mountburge robbed it & burnt it cleane. In this manner they passed foorth, and burnt manie towns and villages in all the countrie as they went. The towne of Carentine was deliuered vnto them against the will of the soldiers that were within it▪ Carentine. line 10 The soldiers defended the castell two daies, and then yéelded it vp into the Englishmens hands, who burnt the same, and caused the burgesses to enter into their ships. All this was doone by the battell that went by the sea side, and by them on the sea togither.

On the other side, the lord Godfrie of Harecourt, with the battell on the right hand of the king, road foorth six or seuen leagues from the kings battell, in burning and exiling the countrie. The king had with him (beside those that were with the marshals) line 20 3000 men of armes, six thousand archers, and ten thousand men on foot. They left the citie of Con­stance, Saint Lo. and came to a great towne called saint Lo, a rich towne of draperie, hauing manie wealthie bur­gesses within it: it was soone taken and robbed by the Englishmen vpon their first approch. From thence the king marched streight to Caen, wherein were capteins Rafe earle of Ewe and Guines con­stable of France, & the earle of Tankeruile. These noble men meant to haue kept their defenses on the line 30 walles, gate, bridge, and riuer, and to haue left the suburbes void, bicause they were not closed, but one­lie with the riuer: but they of the towne said they would issue forth, for they were strong inough to fight with the king of England.

When the constable saw their good willes, he was contented to follow their desire, and so foorth they went in good order, and made good face to put their liues in hazard: but when they saw the Englishmen approch in good order, diuided into thrée battels, & the line 40 archers readie to shoot, which they of Caen had not seene before, they were sore afraid, and fled awaie to­ward the towne without any order or arraie, for all that the constable could doo to staie them. The Eng­lishmen followed, There were slaine in all without and within the towne 5000 men, as Gio. Villani wri­teth. and in the chase slue manie, and en­tered the towne with their enimies. The constable, and the earle of Tankeruile tooke a tower at the bridge foot, thinking there to saue themselues, but perceiuing the place to be of no force, nor able long to hold out, they submitted themselues vnto sir Tho­mas line 50 Holland. ¶ But here whatsoeuer Froissard dooth report of the taking of this tower, and of the yéelding of these two noble men, it is to be proued that the said earle of Tankeruile was taken by one surnamed Legh, Peter Legh. ancestor to sir Peter Legh now liuing, whe­ther in the fight or within the tower, I haue not to saie: but for the taking of the said earle, and for his o­ther manlike prowes shewed here and elsewhere in this iournie, king Edward in recompense of his a­gréeable line 60 seruice, gaue to him a lordship in the countie of Chester called Hanley, which the said sir Peter Legh now liuing dooth inioy and possesse, as successor and heire to his ancestor the foresaid Legh, to whom it was so first giuen.

But to returne now to the matter where we left. The Frenchmen being entred into their houses, cast downe vpon the Englishmen below in the stréets, stones, Caen taken. timber, hot water, and barres of iron, so that they hurt and slue more than fiue hundred persons. The king was so mooued therewith, that if the lord Godfrie of Harecourt had not asswaged his mood, the towne had béene burnt, and the people put to the edge of the sword: but by the treatie of the said lord Godfrie, proclamation w [...]s made, that no man should put fire into any house, nor [...]lea any person, nor force any woman, and then did the townesmen and souldiers submit themselues, and receiued the Englishmen into their houses. 40000 clot [...]s as Gio. [...] writeth, [...] got by the Englishmen in one place and other [...] this iourn [...] ▪ There was great [...]tore of riches gotten in this towne, and the most part thereof sent into England, with the fléet which the king sent home with the prisoners, vnder the guiding of the earle of Huntington, accompanied with two hundred men of armes, and foure hundred archers.

When all things were ordred in Caen as the king could desire, he marched from thence in the same or­der as he had kept before, burning and exiling the countrie. He passed by Eureux & came to Louiers, Louiers. which the Englishmen soone entred and sacked with­out mercie. Then went they foorth and left Roan, and came to Gisors, the towne they burnt, Gisors. but the castell they could not get: they burnt also Uernon, Uernon. and at Poissie they repared the bridge which was broken, and so there they passed ouer the riuer of Saine. The power of the Englishmen increased dailie, Gio. Villani▪ by such numbers as came ouer foorth of England in hope to win by pillage. Also manie gentlemen of Norman­die, and other of the French nation, which loued not nor owght any good will vnto the French king, came to the king of England, offering to serue him, so that there were in his armie foure thousand horsse­men and fiftie thousand footmen with the Normans, and of this number there were thirtie thousand Eng­lish arthers, as Giouan Villani writeth. The Eng­lish marshals ran abroad iust to Paris, S. Germans in Laie. S. Clowd. and burnt S. Germans in Laie: also Mountioy, and S. Clowd, and petie Bullongne by Paris, & the queenes Burge. In the meane time had the French king assembled a mightie armie vpon purpose to fight with the Eng­lishmen. ¶ The lord Godfrey of Harecourt, as he rode foorth with fiue hundred men of armes, and 13 hundred archers, by aduenture incountered with a great number of the burgesses of Amiens on horsse­backe, who were riding by the kings commande­ment to Paris. They were quickelie assailed, and though they defended themselues manfullie for a while, yet at length they were ouercome, and eleuen hundred of them slaine in the field, beside those that were taken. The Englishmen had all their cariage and armour. Thus passed foorth the king of England, and came into Beauuoisin, and lodged neere vnto the citie of Beauuois one night in an abbeie called Mes­sene, and for that after he was dislodged, Beauuois. there were that set fire in the same abbeie, without any com­mandement giuen by him; he caused twentie of them to be hanged that were the first procurers of that fire. Burners executed.

So long the king of England passed forward, that finallie he approched neere to the water of Some, the which was large and deepe, and all the bridges broken and the passages well kept, wherevpon he caused his two marshals with a thousand men of armes, & two thousand archers, to go along the riuer, to the end to find some passage. The marshals assaied diuerse pla­ces, as at Piqueney, and other where, but they could not find any passage vnclosed, Piquency. capteins with men of warre being set to defend the same, in somuch that the marshals returned to the king, and declared what they had seene and found. At the same instant time was the French king come to Amiens, The Fren [...] kings arm [...]. with more than a hundred thousand men, and thought to inclose the king of England, that he should no waie escape, but be constreined to receiue battell in some place greatlie to his disaduantage.

The king of England well perceiuing himselfe in danger, remoued from the place where he was in­camped, and marched forward through the countries [Page 371] of Pontiew and Uimew, approching vnto the good towne of Abuile, and at length by one of the priso­ners named Gobin de Grace, he was told where he might passe with his armie ouer the riuer of Some, at a [...] in the same riuer, being hard in the bot­tome, and verie shallow at an eb water. The French king vnderstanding that the K. of England sought to passe the riuer of Some, sent a great baron of Normandie, one sir Godmare du Foy, to defend the passage of the same riuer, Sir God­mare du Foy. with a thousand men of armes, and six thousand on foot with the Genowaies. line 10 This sir Godmare had with him also a great number of them of Muxterell and others of the countrie, so that he had in all to the number of twelue thousand men, one and other, and hearing that the king of England was minded to passe at Blanchetake (which was the passage that Gobin Agace had infor­med the king of England of) he came thither. Gobin Agace When the Englishmen approched, he arranged all his com­panie to defend the passage. line 20

And suerlie when the Englishmen at the lowe water entered the foord to passe ouer, there was a sharpe bickering, for diuerse of the Frenchmen in­countred the Englishmen on horssebacke in the wa­ter, and the Genowaies did them much hurt, and troubled them sore with their crosbowes: but on the other side, The English men wan the passage ouer the water of Some. the English archers shot so wholie togither, that the Frenchmen were faine to giue place to the Englishmen, so that they got the passage and came ouer, assembling themselues in the field, and then the Frenchmen fled, some to Abuile, some to saint Ri­quier. line 30 They that were on foot could not escape so well as those on horssebacke, insomuch that a great num­ber of them of Abuile, Mutterell, Arras, and S. Ri­quier were slaine and taken, for the chase indured more than a great league. Caxton. The number slaine. F [...]o [...]sard. There were slaine in all to the number of two thousand. When the K. of Eng­land had thus passed the riuer, he acquitted Gobin Agace, and all his companie of their ransomes, and gaue to the same Gobin an hundred nobles, and a good horsse, and so the king road foorth as he did before. line 40 His marshals road to Crotaie by the sea side, Crotay burnt and burnt the towne, and tooke all such wines and goods as were in the ships and barks which laie there in the hauen.

One of the marshals road to the gates of Abuile, and from thence to S. Riquier, and after to the towne of Rue saint Esperit. This was on a fridaie, and both the marshals returned to the kings host about noone, and so lodged all togither about Cressie in Pontiew, where hauing knowledge that the French line 50 king followed to giue him battell, he commanded his marshals to choose a plot of ground, somewhat to his aduantage, that he might there abide his aduersa­ries. In the meane time the French king being come with all his puissance vnto Abuile, and hearing how the king of England was passed ouer the riuer of Some, and discomfited sir Godmare du Foy, was sore displeased in his mind: but when he vnderstood that his enimies were lodged at Cressie, and meant there to abide him, he caused all his people to issue line 60 out of Abuile, and earlie on the saturdaie in the mor­ning, anon after sunne rising he departed out of the towne himselfe, and marched towards his enimies. The king of England vnderstanding that his ad­uersarie king Philip still followed him, to giue him battell, & supposing that the same saturdaie he would come to offer it, rose betimes in the morning, and commanded euerie man first to call vpon God for his aid, then to be armed, and to draw with speed into the field, that in the place before appointed they might be set in order of battell. Beginning his enterprise at inuocation or calling vpon God, he was the more fortunate in his affaires, and sped the better in the progresse of his actions, as the issue of the warre she­wed. A notable example to euerie priuat man, to re­member to call vpon▪ God when he purposeth anie thing, for as the poet saith, and that verie christianlie,

—nihil est mortalibus aegris
Vtilius, quàm coelestem,
Mar. Pal. in sag.
sancté (que) pié (que)
Orando sibi quaerere opem.

Beside this, he caused a parke to be made and clo­sed by the wood side behind his host, in the which he or­deined that all the carts and carriages should be set, with all the horsses (for euerie man was on foot.) Then he ordeined thrée battels, in the first was the prince of Wales, and with him the earle of War­wike, the lord Godfrey of Harecourt, the lord Staf­ford, the lord de la Ware, the lord Bourchier, the lord Thomas Clifford, the lord Reginald Cobham, Giouō Villani saith, that when they should ioine in battell, the Englishmen were 30000. archers Eng­lish & Welsh, beside other footmen with axes & iaue­lins, and not fullie 4000 horssemen. the lord Thomas Holland, sir Iohn Chandos, sir Bar­tholomew de Browash, sir Robert Neuill. They were eight hundred men of armes, and two thou­sand archers, and a thousand of other with the Welsh men. In the second battell was the earle of North­hampton, the earle of Arundell, the lords Ros and Willowbie, Basset, S. Albine, Multon, and others. The third battell the king led himselfe, hauing with him seauen hundred men of armes, and two thou­sand archers, and in the other battell were to the number of eight hundred men of armes, and twelue hundred archers. Thus was the English armie mar­shalled according to the report of Froissard. When e­uerie man was gotten into order of battell, the king leapt vpon a white hobbie, and rode from ranke to ranke to view them, Froissard. The kings d [...]meanor be­fore y e battell. the one marshall on his right hand, and the other on his left, desiring euerie man that daie to haue regard to his right and honour. He spake it so courteouslie, and with so good a counte­nance, that euen they which before were discomfor­ted, tooke courage in hearing him speake such swéet and louing words amongst them. It was nine of the clocke yer euer he had thus visited all his battels, & therevpon he caused euerie man to eat and drinke a little, which they did at their leisure.

The French king, before he approched neere to his enimies, sent forth foure skilfull knights to view the demeanor of his enimies, the which returning a­gaine, made report as they had séene, and that for so­much as they could gesse, the Englishmen ment to abide him, being diuided into thrée battels, readie to receiue him and his puissance, if he went forward in purpose to assaile them. Here was the French king counselled to stay and not to giue battell that day, but to aduise all things with good deliberation and regard, to consider well how and what way he might best assaile them. The disorder among the Frenchmen. Then by the marshals were all men commanded to staie, and not to go anie further, they that were formost and next to the enimies taried, but they that were behind would not abide but rode foorth, and said they would not staie till they were as far as the formost: and when they before saw them behind come forward, then they marched on also a­gaine, so that neither the K. nor his marshals could rule them, but that they passed forward still without order, or anie good arraie, till they came in sight of their enimies: and as soone as the formost saw their enimies, then they reculed backe, whereof they be­hind had maruell, and were abashed, supposing that the formost companie had béene fighting. Then they might haue had roome to haue gone forward, if they had béene minded. The commons, of whome all the waies betwixt Abuile and Cressie were full, when they saw that they were néere their enimies, they tooke their swords and cried; Downe with them, Let vs slea them all. There was no man, though he were present at the iornie, that could imagine or shew the truth of the euill order that was among the French [Page 371] [...] [Page 372] partie, and yet they were a maruellous great num­ber.

The Englishmen which beheld their enimies thus approching them, prepared themselues at leisure for the battell, which they saw to be at hand. The first battell, whereof the prince was ruler, had the archers standing in maner of an herse, and the men of armes in the botome of the battell. The earle of Northamp­ton and the earle of Arundell with the second battell, were on a wing in good order, readie to comfort the line 10 princes battell if néed were. The lords and knights of France came not to the assemblie togither, for some came after, in such hast and euill order, that one of them troubled another. Charles Grimald [...] & An­thonie or O­thone Doris were capt [...]ins of these Geno­wa [...]es, which were not past six thousand, as Gio. Villani saith. Polydor. Froissard. The earle of Ilanson. There were of Genowaies crosbowes to the number of twelue or fifteene thou­sand, the which were commanded to go on before, and with their shot to begin the battell; but they were so werie with going on foot that morning six leagues armed with their crosbowes, that they said to their constables; We be not well vsed, in that we are line 20 commanded to fight this daie, for we be not in case to doo any great feat of armes, we haue more néed of rest. These words came to the hearing of the earle of Alanson, who said; A man is well at ease to be char­ged with such a sort of rascals, that faint and faile now at most néed.

Raine and thunder with an eclipse.Also at the same instant there fell a great raine, and an eclipse with a terrible thunder, and before the raine, there came flieng ouer both armies a great number of crowes, for feare of the tempest com­ming: line 30 then anon the aire began to wax cleare, and the sunne to shine faire and bright, which was right in the French mens eies, and on the English­mens backs. ¶ When the Genowaies were assem­bled togither, and began to approch, they made a great leape and crie, T [...]e Geno­wa [...]s. to abash the Englishmen, but they stood still and stirred not at all for that noise. Then the Genowaies the second time made an other leape and huge crie, and stepped forward a little, and the Eng­lishmen remooued not a foot. The third time againe line 40 the Genowaies leapt, and yelled, and went foorth till they came within shot, and fiercelie therwith dischar­ged their crosbowes. Then the English archers stept foorth one pase, The battell is begun. and let flie their arrowes so wholie and so thicke togither, that it séemed to snowe. When the Genowaies felt the arrowes persing their heads, armes and breasts, manie of them cast downe their crosbowes, and cut the strings, and returned discom­fited. When the French king saw them flee awaie, he said: ‘Slea these rascals, for they will let and trouble vs without reason. line 50’

Then ye might haue seene the men of armes haue dasht in amongst them, and killed a great number of them, and euer the Englishmen shot where they saw the thickest prease: the sharpe arrowes ran into the men of armes, and into their horsses, and manie fell horsse and man amongst the Genowaies, and still the Englishmen shot where they saw the thickest prease, and when they were once downe they could not reco­uer againe. The throng was such that one ouer­threw line 60 another; & also among the Englishmen, there were certeine of the footmen with great kniues, that went in among the men of armes, and killed manie of them as they laie on the ground, both earles, ba­rons, The king of Boheme. knights, and esquires. The valiant king of Bo­hem being almost blind, caused his men to fasten all the reines of the bridels of their horsses ech to other, and so he being himselfe amongst them in the formost ranke, they ran on their enimies.

The lord Charles of Boheme sonne to the same king and late elected emperour, came in good order to the battell, but when he saw how the matter went awrie on their part, he departed and saued himselfe. His father by the meanes aforesaid went so far for­ward, that ioining with his enimies he fought right valiantlie, and so did all his companie: but finallie being entred within the prease of their enimies, they were of them inclosed and slaine, togither with the king their master, and the next daie found dead lieng about him, and their horsses all tied ech to other. The earle of Alanson came right orderlie to the battell, The earle [...] Alanson. and fought with the Englishmen, and so did the earle of Flanders also on his part. These two lords coa­sted the English archers, and came to the princes bat­tell, and there fought right valiantlie a long time. The French king perceiuing where their banners stood, would faine haue come to them, but could not, by reason of a great hedge of archers that stood be­twixt them and him. This was a perillous battell and sore foughten: there were few taken to mercie, for the Englishmen had so determined in the mor­ning.

Certeine Frenchmen and Almaines perforce o­pened the archers of the princes battell, The princ [...] battell p [...] ­sed. and came to fight with the men of armes hand to hand. Then the second battell of the Englishmen came to succor the princes battell, and not before it was time, for they of that battell had as then inough to doo, in somuch that some which were about him, as the earle of Northampton, and others sent to the king, The earle of Northamp [...] sendeth to the king. where he stood aloft on a windmill hill, requiring him to ad­uance forward, and come to their aid, they being as then sore laid to of their enimies. The king herevp­on demanded if his sonne were slaine, hurt, or felled to the earth? No (said the knight that brought the message) but he is sore matched. The king [...] answer. ‘Well (said the king) returne to him and them that sent you, and saie to them that they send no more to me for any aduenture that falleth, so long as my son is aliue, for I will that this iournie be his, with the honor thereof. With this answer the knight returned, which greatlie incoura­ged them to doo their best to win the spurs, being half abashed in that they had so sent to the king for aid.’ At length when it drew toward euening, and that the Frenchmen were beaten downe and slaine on ech hand▪ The Fre [...] king depar­teth out of the field. king Philip as it were by constreint departed out of the field, not hauing as then past three score per­sons about him, of whome the lord Iohn of Heinault was one, by whose persuasion he cheefelie consented to ride his waie for his owne safegard, when he saw the losse was such as on that daie it could not be re­couered.

The slaughter of the Frenchmen was great and lamentable, Great slaug [...] ­ter of French [...]men. Caxton. Iac. Meir. Polydor. Froissard. namelie for the losse of so manie noble men, as were slaine at the same battell, fought be­tweene Cressie and Broy on the saturdaie next fol­lowing the feast of saint Bartholomew being (as that yeare fell) the 26 of August. Among other which died that daie, these I find registred by name as chéefest, Iohn king of Boheme, Noble men slaine. Rafe duke of Lor­raine, Charles of Alanso brother germane to king Philip, Charles earle of Blois, Lewes earle of Flan­ders, also the earle of Harecourt, brother to the lord Geffrie of Harecourt, with the earles of Ausserre, Aumerle, and saint Poule, beside diuerse other of the nobilitie. The Englishmen neuer brake out of their battels to chase any man, but kept themselues togi­ther in their wards and ranks, and defended them­selues euer against such as came to assaile them. This battell ended about euening.

When the Frenchmen were clearelie ouercome, and those that were left aliue fled and gone, so that the Englishmen heard no more noise of them, The king of England co [...]meth [...] from the [...]. king Ed­ward came downe from the hill (on the which he stood all that day with his helmet still on his head) and go­ing to the prince, imbraced him in his armes, and kis­sed him, saieng; ‘Faire sonne, God send you good per­seuerance in this your prosperous beginning, you [Page 373] haue noblie acquit your selfe, you are well worthie to haue the gouernance of a realme committed to your hands for your valiant dooings.’ The prince inclined himselfe to the earth in honouring his father, as he best could. This done, they thanked God togither with their souldiers for their good aduenture. For so the king commanded, and willed no man to make anie boast of his owne power, but to ascribe all the praise to almightie God for such a noble victorie; séeming héerein to be affected as Dauid was in the foure and line 10 fortith psalme; for he also referreth the happie successe of warre, and all victorie, vnto almightie God, and not to the strength of a multitude of men, saieng:

Tu nos ab hoste subtrahis, sternis solo
Georg. Buch. pa­raph. in psal.
Infensa nobis agmina.
Non ergo s [...]per iure te cantabimus
Nostrae salutis vindicem?

¶ On the sundaie in the morning, there was such a mist, that a man could not see an acres bredth before him. Then by the kings commandeme [...] there depar­ted line 20 from the host fiue hundred speares, and two thou­sand archers, to trie if they might heare of anie Frenchmen gathered togither in anie place néere vnto them.

On the same morning there were departed out of Abuile and S. Requier in Pontiew, the commons of Roan and Beauuais, with other that knew no­thing of the discomfiture the daie before. These met with the Englishmen, supposing they had beene Frenchmen, and being fiercelie assailed of them, af­ter line 30 sore fight, and great slaughter, the Frenchmen were discomfited and fled, Frenchmen slaine the day after the bat­ [...]ll. of whome were slaine in the hedges & bushes, more than seuen thousand men. The archbishop of Roan, and the grand prior of France, ignorant also of the discomfiture the day be­fore, & supposing (as they were informed) the French should not haue foughten till that sundaie, were like­wise incountred (as they came thitherward) by the Englishmen, with whome they fought a sore battell, for they were a great number, but yet at length they line 40 were not able to susteine the puissant force of the Englishmen, The archb. of Rouen and the lord grand prior of France slaine and so the most part of them were slaine, with the said archbishop and grand prior, and few there were that escaped.

On that sundaie morning, the Englishmen met with diuerse Frenchmen, that had lost their waie on the saturdaie, and wist not where the king nor their capteins were become. They were all slaine in man­ner, so manie as the Englishmen could meet wish, insomuch that of the commons and footmen of the ci­ties line 50 and good townes of France (as was thought) there were slaine this sundaie foure times as manie as were slaine on the saturdaie in the great battell. When those Englishmen that were sent abroad thus to view the countrie, were returned againe, and sig­nified to the king what they had seene and doone, and how there was no more appearance of the enimies, the king to search what the number was of them that were slaine, and vpon the view taken, it was re­ported vnto him, that there were found dead eleuen line 60 princes, foure score baronets, 12 hundred knights, and more than thirtie thousand other of the meaner sort. Thus was the whole puissance of France van­quished, and that chéeflie by force of such as were of no reputation amongst them, that is to say, the Eng­lish archers, by whose sharpe and violent shot the vic­torie was atchiued, to the great confusion of the French nation. ¶ Of such price were the English bowes in that season, that nothing was able to with­stand them; whereas now our archers couet not to drawe long and strong bowes, but ra [...]her to shoot compasse, which are not meet for the warres, nor greatlie to be feared, though they come into the field.

The king of England with his armie kept still his field, vntill mondaie in the morning, and then dis­lodged, and came before Motureell by the sea, and his marsh [...]ls ran towards Hedin. The next daie they road toward Bullongne, & at Wisam the king and the prince incamped, and tarried a whole daie to re­fresh their people, and on the wednesdaie being the thirtith day of August, he came before the strong towne of Calis, and there planted his siege, and e­rected bastides betwéene the towne and the riuer, Calis besie­ged. and caused carpenters to make houses and lodgings of great timber, which were couered with réed & broome, so manie and in such order, that it séemed a new towne, and in it was a market place appointed of purpose, in the which the market was dailie kept of vittels, & all other necessarie things euerie tuesdai [...] and saturdaie, so that a man might haue bought what he would of things brought thither out of Eng­land & Flanders. ¶But now, forsomuch as we haue spoken of this iournie and inuasion made by king Edward into France, in this nineteenth yéere of his reigne, accordinglie as we haue gathered out of Froissard, and diuerse other authors, I haue thought good to make the reader partaker of the contents of a letter written by a chapleine of the said king, and attendant about him in the same iornie, conteining the successe of his procéedings after his departure from Poissie, which letter is inserted with others in the historie of Robert de Auesburie, and Englished by maister Iohn Fox as followeth.

A letter of W. Northbourgh the kings confessor describing the kings voiage into France.

SAlutations premised. In the Acts and monu­ments. We giue you to vnderstand, that our souereigne lord the king came to the towne of Poissie the daie before the Assump­tion of our ladie, where was a certeine bridge ouer the water of Saine broken downe by the enimie, but the king tarried there so long, till that the bridge was made againe. And whiles the bridge was in reparing, there came a great num­ber of men at armes, and other souldiers well armed, to hinder the same. But the earle of Northampton issued out against them, a [...]o slue of them more than a thou­sand, the rest fled awaie: thankes be to God. And at another time, our men passed the water (although with much trauell) and slue a great number of the common souldiers of France, about the citie of Pa­ris, and countrie adioining, being part of the French kings armie, and throughlie well appointed: so that our people haue now made other good bridges vpon our e­nimies, God be thanked, without anie losse and damage to vs. And on the morrow af­ter the Assumption of our ladie, the king passed the water of Saine, and marched toward Poissie, which is a towne of great defense, and stronglie walled, and a mar­uellous strong castell within the same, which our enimies kept. And when our vauntgard was passed the towne, our rer­gard gaue an assault therevnto, and tooke the same, where were slaine more than three hundred men at arms of our enimies [Page 374] part. And the next daie following, the earle of Suffolke, and sir Hugh Spenser, mar­ched foorth vpon the commons of the coun­trie assembled and well armed, and in fine discomfited them, and slue of them more than two hundred, & tooke three score gen­tlemen prisoners, beside others.

And after that, the king marched toward grand Uilliers, and while he was there in­camped, line 10 the kings vantgard was descried by the men at armes of the K. of Boheme: whervpon our men issued out in great hast and ioined battell with them, but were in­forced to retire. Notwithstanding, thanks be vnto God, the earle of Northampton is­sued out, and rescued the horssemen with the other soldiers: so that few or none of them were either taken or slaine, sauing onlie Thomas Talbot, but had againe the line 20 enimie in chase within two leagues of A­miens: of whome we tooke eight, and slue twelue of their best men at armes: the rest being well horssed, tooke the towne of Ami­ens. After this the king of England mar­ched toward Pountife, vpon Bartholo­mew day, and came to the water of Some, where the French king had laid fiue hun­dred men at armes, and three thousand foot­men, purposing to haue kept and stopped line 30 our passage: but thanks be to God, the K. of England and his host entered the same water of Some, where neuer man passed before, without losse of any of our men; and after that incountered with the enimie, and slue of them more than 2000, the rest fled to Abuile, in which chase were taken manie knights, esquiers, & men at armes. The same day sir Hugh Spenser tooke the line 40 towne of Crotaie, where he & his soldiers slue 400 men at armes, & kept the towne, where they found great store of vittels.

The same night incamped the king of England in the forrest of Cressie vpon the same water, for that the French kings host came on the other side of the towne, neere vnto our passage: but he would not take the water of vs, & so marched toward Abuile. line 50 And vpon the fridaie next following, the king being still incamped in the said forrest, our scuriers descried the French K. which marched toward vs in foure great bat­tels; and hauing then vnderstanding of our enimies (as Gods will was) a little before the euening tide, we drew to the plaine field, and set our battels in arraie: and im­mediatlie the fight began, which was sore and cruell, & indured long, for our enimies line 60 behaued themselues right noblie. But thanks be giuen vnto God, the victorie fell on our side, & the king our aduersarie was discomfited with all his host & put to flight: where also was slaine the king of Boheme, the duke of Loraine, the earle of Alanson, the earle of Flanders, the earle of Blois, the earle of Harecourt, with his two sons, the earle of Daumarle, the earle de Ne­uers, and his brother the lord of Tronard, the archbishop of Nismes, the archbishop of Sens, the high prior of France, the earle of Sauoie, the lord of Morles, the lord de Guies, le seigneur de Saint Nouant, le seigneur de Rosinburgh, with six earles of Almaine, and diuerse other earles, ba­rons, knights, and esquiers, whose names are vnknowne. And Philip de Ualois him­selfe, with an other marques, which was called lord elector among the Romans, es­caped from the battell. The number of the men of armes which were found dead in the field, beside the common soldiers and footmen, were a thousand, fiue hundred, for­tie and two: and all that night the king of England with his host aboad armed in the field, where the battell was fought.

On the next morrow, before the sunne rose, there marched towards vs another great host mightie & strong, of the French­men: but the earle of Northampton, and the earle of Norffolke issued out against them in three battels, & after long and ter­rible fight, them likewise they discomfi­ted by Gods great helpe and grace (for o­therwise it could neuer haue beene) where they tooke of knights and esquiers a great number, and slue aboue two thousand, pur­suing the chase three leages from the place where the battell was fought. The same night also the king incamped himselfe a­gaine in the forrest of Cressie, and on the morrow marched toward Bullongne, and by the way he tooke the towne of Staples: and from thence he marched toward Ca­lis, where he intendeth to plant his siege, and laie his batterie to the same. And ther­fore our souereigne lord the king willeth and commandeth you, in all that euer you may, to send to the said siege vittels conue­nient. For after the time of our departing from Caen, we haue trauelled through the countrie with great perill & danger of our people, but yet alwaies had of vittels plen­tie, thanks be to God therefore. But now (as the case standeth) we partlie need your helpe to be refreshed with vittels. Thus fare you well. Written at the siege before the towne of Calis, the fourteenth daie of September.

But now touching the siege of Calis, and to re­turne where we left, ye shall vnderstand, that (as ye haue heard) the English campe was furnished with sufficient prouision of meat, drinke, apparell, muni­tion, and all other things necessarie: and oftentimes also the soldiers made roads and forrais into the bor­ders of France next adioining, as towards Guines, and saint Omer, ye euen to the gates of that towne, and sometime to Bullongne. Also the earle of North­ampton fetched a bootie out of Arthois, Iac. Me [...]. and as he re­turned toward the host, he came to Terrouan, Terrou [...]n. which towne the bishop had fortified and manned, deliue­ring the custodie therof vnto sir Arnold Dandrehen: for when he heard the Englishmen approched, he durst not tarrie within the citie himselfe, but got him to saint Omers. Sir Arnold stood valiantlie to his defense, and would not yéeld, till by verie force the Englishmen entered the citie, slue the soldiers, Terrouan woon by [...] and tooke their capteine the said sir Arnold prisoner. The citie was put to sacke, and after set on fire. And when the Englishmen were departed, there came a number of Flemings from the siege, which they had [Page 375] [...]aid before S. Omers, and began a new spoile, and fired such houses belonging to the canons and other, which the Englishmen had spared. Thus were those confines in most miserable case, for no house nor o­ther thing was in safegard, but such as were contei­ned within closure of strong townes and fortresses.

The king of England would not assaile the towne of Calis by giuing anie assault to it, for he knew he should but lose his labour, Froissard. and waste his people, it was so strong of it selfe, and so well furnished with men of warre. Capteine thereof also was one sir line 10 Iohn de Uienne, a valiant knight of Burgoigne, hauing with him diuerse other right hardie and ex­pert capteins, Sir Iohn de Uienne cap­teine of Calis. knights, and esquiers. When the said sir Iohn de Uienne saw the manner of the English host, and what the kings intention was, he constrei­ned all the poore and meane people to depart out of the towne. The king of England perceiuing that this was doone of purpose to spare vittels, would not driue them backe againe to helpe to consume the same, but rather pitied them; and therefore did not line 20 onelie shew them so much grace to suffer them to passe through his host, The king of Englands pitie towards the poore. but also gaue them meat and drinke to dinner, and moreouer two pence sterling to euerie person: which charitable déed wan him much praise, and caused manie of his enimies to praie right hartilie for his good successe and prosperitie. A most notable example of pitie and compassion, teaching other to be in like sort affected, The duke of Normandie sent for. and also to know, that ‘Spernit coelorum regem spretor miserorum. line 30’

The French king meaning to raise the siege from Calis, which the king of England kept there, sent for his sonne the duke of Normandie, which had line long at the siege of Aiguillon, and now by commande­ment of his father left it sore against his will. In this meane while, the earle of Derbie remained in the citie of Burdeaux, and there had held him du­ring all the time that the siege laie before Aiguillon. When he once vnderstood that the siege was raised, and that the duke of Normandie had broken vp his line 40 campe, he sent into Gascoigne for all knights and esquires that held of the English part. Then came to Burdeaux the lord Dalbret, The earle of Derbie assem­bleth an armie the lord de Lespare, the lord de Rosam, the lord of Musident, the lord of Pu­miers, and a great sort more of the lords and nobles of Gascoigne, so that the earle had twelue hundred men of armes, two thousand archers, and three thou­sand other footmen. They passed the riuer of Garon, betwixt Burdeaux and Blaie, and tooke their waie to Zanctonge, so to go vnto Poictiers, and tooke by line 50 the waie the towne of Mirabell by assault: they wan also the towne and castell of Aunaie, Surgieres and Benon. Also they tooke Maraunt in Poictow by force, Towns won by the earle of Derbie. they burnt also the towne of Lusignen, but the castell they could not win. Moreouer, they did win the bridge, towne, and castell of Tailburge, and slue all that were found within it, bicause a knight of the English part was slaine in the assaulting. From thence the earle of Derbie went and laid siege to saint Iohn Dangelie, which was yéelded to him by line 60 composition.

At Niort he made thrée assaults, but could not win it, and so from thence he came to Bourge saint Max­iment, the which was woone by force, and all that were within it slaine; and in like manner the towne of Montreuill Bonin was woone, and the most part of them within slaine, that tooke vpon them to defend it, which were 200 coiners of monie that wrought in the mint, which the French king kept there. From thence he passed forward with his host, and finallie came before the citie of Poictiers, which was great and large, so that he could not besiege it but on the one side. The third daie after his comming thither, he caused the citie to be assaulted in thrée places, and the greatest number were appointed to assaile the wea­kest part of the citie. As then there were no expert men of warre within Poictiers, but a great multi­tude of people vnskilfull and not vsed to any feats of warre, by reason whereof the Englishmen ente­red in at the weakest place. When they within sawe the citie woone, they fled out at other gates, but yet there were slaine to the number of seauen hundred persons, for all that came in the Englishmens waie were put to the sword, men, women, and children. The citie was sacked and rifled, so that great store of riches was gotten there, The citie of Poictiers woon by force. as well of the inhabitants as other that had brought their goods thither for safe­gard of the same. The earle of Derbie laie there ten or twelue daies, and longer might haue laine, if his pleasure had so béene, for there was none that durst go about to disquiet him, all the countrie trembled so at his presence.

At his departure from Poictiers he left the citie void, for it was too great to be kept: his souldiers and men of warre were so pestered with riches, that they wist not what to doo therewith: they estéemed nothing but gold and siluer, and feathers for men of warre. The earle visited by the waie as he returned homewards to Burdeaux the towne of saint Iohn Dangelie, Saint Iohn Dangelie. and other fortresses which he had woone in going towards Poictiers, and hauing furnished them with men, munition, and vittels necessarie, at his comming to Burdeaux he brake vp his host, and licencing his people to depart, thanked them for their paines and good seruice. All this while the siege conti­nued still before Calis, and the French king amongst other deuises which he imagined how to raise the K. of England from it, procured the Scots to make warre into England, insomuch that Dauid king of Scotland, notwithstanding the truce which yet indu­red betwixt him and the king of England, vpon hope now to doo some great exploit, by reason of the ab­sence of king Edward, The king of Scots inua­deth Eng­land. Polydor. intangled thus with the be­sieging of Calis, he assembled the whole puissance of his realme, to the number of fortie or threescore thousand fighting men (as some write) and with them entered into England, burning, spoiling, and wast­ing the countrie, till he came as far as Durham.

The lords of England that were left at home with the queene for the sure keeping and defense of the realme, perceiuing the king of Scots thus boldie to inuade the land, and in hope of spoile to send foorth his light horssemen to harrie the countrie on ech side him, assembled an host of all such people as were a­ble to beare armour, both preests and other. Their ge­nerall assemblie was appointed at Newcastell, The English lords assemble a power to fight with the Scots. Froissard. and when they were all togither, they were to the num­ber of 1200 men of armes, thrée thousand archers, and seauen thousand other, with the Welshmen, and issuing out of the towne, they found the Scots rea­die to come forward to incounter them. Then euerie man was set in order of battell, and there were foure battels ordeined, one to aid another. The first was led by the bishop of Durham, Gilbert de Uinfreuile earle of Anegos, Henrie lord Percie, and the lord Henrie Scroope: the second by the archbishop of Yorke, and the lord Rafe Neuill: the third by the bi­shop of Lincolne, Iohn lord Mowbraie, and the lord Thomas de Rokebie: the fourth was gouerned by the lord Edward Balioll capteine of Berwike, the archbishop of Canturburie, and the lord Ros: beside these were W. lord d' Eincourt, Robert de Ogle, and other. The queene was there in person, and went from ranke to ranke, Tho. Wals. Froissard. The quéenes diligence. and incouraged hir people in the best manner she could, and that doone she depar­ted, committing them and their cause to God the gi­uer of all victorie.

Shortlie herevpon the Scots set forward to be­gin [Page 376] the battell, and likewise did the Englishmen, and therewith the archers on both parts began to shoot: the shot of the Scots did little hurt, but the archers of England sore galled the Scots, so that there was an hard battell. They began at nine of the clocke, and continued still in fight till noone. The Scots had sharpe and heauie axes, & gaue with the same great and mightie strokes, The Scots fight with [...]xes. howbeit finallie the English­men by the helpe of God obteined the victorie, al­though they lost manie of their men. There were di­uerse line 10 of the nobles of Scotland slaine, The English men obteine the victorie. to the number of seuen earles, beside lords. The king was taken in the field sore wounded, for he fought valiantlie. He was prisoner to an esquier of Northumberland, The king of Scots taken. who as soone as he had taken him, rode out of the field with him, accompanied onelie with eight of his ser­uants, and rested not till he came to his owne castell where he dwelled, being thirtie miles distant from the place of the battell.

Hect. Boetius. Ri. Southwell. Fabian. Froissard.There was taken also beside him, the earles of line 20 Fife, Sutherland, Wighton, and Menteth, the lord William Douglas, the lord Uescie, the archbishop of S. Andrewes, and another bishop, with sir Thomelin Foukes, and diuerse other men of name. There were slaine of one and other to the number of 15 thousand. This battell was fought beside the citie of Durham at a place called Neuils crosse, Neuils crosse. vpon a saturdaie next after the feast of saint Michaell, in the yeare of our Lord 1346. Of this ouerthrow Christopher Ok­land hath verie commendablie written, saieng, line 30

—haud omine dextro
Iam Scotus intulerat vim Dunelmensibus agris,
Cùm formidandum saeuus bellum instruit Anglus,
In Angl. praelijs sub Edward [...] 3.
Aggreditúrque hostem violantem foedera sacra.
Nominis incerti Scoticae plebs obuia gentis
Sternitur, & tristi gladio cadit impia turba,
Frustrà obluctantur Scotiae comitésque ducésque,
Quorum pars iacet occumbens; pars caetera capta
Captiuum corpus dedit vincentibus, auro
Et pacto pretio redimendum, bellicus vtmos line 40
Postulat. At Dauid Scotiae rex captus ad vrbem
Londinum fidei pendens dignissima fractae
Supplicia, adductus celebri concluditur arce.
Exiguus numerus volucri pede fisus equorum
Effugit in patriam, testis certissimus Anglos
Deuicissesuos, & tristia funera narrant.

¶ He that will sée more of this battell, may find the same also set foorth in the Scotish historie, Sée in Scot­land. as their writers haue written thereof. And for somuch as by the circumstances of their writings, it should séeme line 50 they kept the remembrance of the same battell per­fectlie registred, we haue in this place onelie shewed what other writers haue recorded of that matter, and left that which the Scotish chronicles write, to be seene in the life of king Dauid, without much abridg­ing therof. The Englishmen after this victorie thus obteined, Hector Boet. Countries of Scotlād sub­dued by the Englishmen. Froissard. tooke the castels of Roxburgh and Hermi­tage, and also without any resistance subdued the countries of Anandale, Galloway, Mers, Tiui­dale, and Ethrike forrest, extending their marches line 60 foorth at that time vnto Cokburnes Peth, and Sow­tray hedge, and after vnto Trarlinlips, and crosse Caue.

The queene of England being certeinelie infor­med that the king of Scots was taken, & that Iohn Copland had conueied him out of the field, no man vnderstood to what place, she incontinentlie wrote to him, commanding him foorthwith to bring his priso­ner king Dauid vnto hir presence: Iohn Cop­land refuseth to deliuer the K. of Scots. but Iohn Cop­land wrote to hir againe for a determinate answer, that he would not deliuer his prisoner the said king Dauid vnto any person liuing, man or woman, ex­cept onelie to the king of England, his souereigne lord and master. Herevpon the quéene wrote letters to the king, signifieng to him both of the happie victo­rie chanced to his people against the Scots, and also of the demeanor of Iohn Copland, in deteining the Scotish king. King Edward immediatlie by letters commanded Iohn Copland to repaire vnto him where he laie at siege before Calis, Iohn Copland rew [...] ­ded. which with all con­uenient spéed he did, and there so excused himselfe of that which the queene had found hirselfe greeued with him, for deteining the king of Scots from hir, that the king did not onelie pardon him, but also gaue to him fiue hundred pounds sterling of yearelie rent, to him & to his heires for euer, in reward of his good seruice and valiant prowes, and made him esquire for his bodie, commanding him yet vpon his re­turne into England to deliuer king Dauid vnto the queene, which he did, and so excused himselfe also vnto hir, that she was therewith satisfied and contented. Then the quéene, after she had taken order for the safe kéeping of the king of Scots, and good gouerne­ment of the realme, tooke the sea and sailed ouer to the king hir husband still lieng before Calis.

Whilest Calis was thus besieged by the king of England, Ia. Meir. The Fle­mings. the Flemings which had latelie before be­sieged Betwine, and had raised from thence about the same time that the battell was fought at Cressie, now assemble togither againe, and dooing what da­mage they might against the Frenchmen on the bor­ders, they laie siege vnto the towne of Aire. Moreo­uer, Froissard. they wrought so for the king of England (ear­nestlie requiring their fréendship in that behalfe) that their souereigne lord Lewes earle of Flanders be­ing as then about fifteene yeares of age, 1347 Anno Re [...] [...] fianced the ladie Isabell daughter to the king of England, The earle of Flanders [...] streined to promise ma­riage to the king of Eng­lands daugh [...]ter. more by constraint indeed of his subiects, than for any good will he bare to the king of England: for he would often saie, and openlie protest, that he would ne­uer marrie hir whose father had slaine his: but there was no remedie, for the Flemings kept him in ma­ner as a prisoner, till he granted to follow their ad­uise. But the same weeke that the mariage was ap­pointed to be solemnized, the earle as he was abroad in hawking at the hearon, stale awaie and fled into France, not staieng to ride his horsse vpon the spurs till he came into Arthois, and so dishonorablie disap­pointed both the king of England, and his owne na­turall subiects the Flemings, to their high displea­sure.

While the king laie thus before Calis, diuerse lords and knights came to sée him out of Flanders, Brabant, Heinault, and Almaigne. Amongst other came the lord Robert of Namur, and was reteined with the king as his seruant, the king giuing him thrée hundred pounds sterling of yearelie pension out of his coffers to be paid at Bruges. The lord Charles de Blois tak [...] prisoner. During the time that the siege thus continued before Calis, the lord Charles de Blois, that named himselfe duke of Britaine, was taken before a castell in Britaine, called la Roch Darien, and his armie discomfited, chéeflie by the aid of that valiant English knight sir Thomas Dagworth, Sir Thoma [...] Dagworth. Froissard. who had beene sent from the siege of Calis by king Edward to assist the countesse of Montfort and other his fréends against the said Charles de Blois, that with a gret armie of French­men and Britains, had the same time besieged the said castell of Roch Darien, cōstreining them within in such forceable maner, that they stood in great néed of present succors. Sir [...] Hartilie [...] English knight w [...]s also there with him. The said sir Thomas Dagworth aduertised hereof, with three hundred men of armes, and foure hundred archers of his owne retinues, be­side certeine Britaines, approched to the siege, and on the 20 of Iune earlie in the morning, a quarter of an houre before day, suddenlie set vpon the enimies, who hauing knowledge of his comming, were readie to receiue him as the day before, but being now sur­prised [Page 377] thus on the sudden, they were greatlie ama­zed: for they that were within Roch Darien, as soone as the appearance of daie had discouered the matter vnto them, so that they might know their freends from their enimies, they issued foorth, and holpe not a litle to the atchiuing of the victorie, which was cléere­lie obteined before sunne-rising, and the French ar­mie quite discomfited, greatlie to the praise of the said sir Thomas Dagworth and his companie, consi­dering their small number, in comparison of their line 10 aduersaries, who were reckoned to be twelue hun­dred good men of armes, knights, and esquiers, beside six hundred other armed men, two thousand crosse­bowes, six hundred archers of the countrie of Bri­taine, and footmen of commons innumerable.

There were taken, besides the lord Charles de Blois naming himselfe duke of Britaine, diuerse o­ther lords and men of name, as monsieur Guie de la Uaall sonne and heire to the lord la Uaall, which died in the battell, the lord of Rocheford, the lord de line 20 Beaumanour, the lord of Loiacke, with other lords, knights, and esquiers, in great numbers. There were slaine the said lord de la Uaall, the Uicount of Ro­han, the lord of Chasteau Brian, the lord de Maile­streit, the lord de Quintin, the lord de Rouge, the lord of Dereuall and his sonne, sir Rafe de Montford, and manie other worthie men of armes, knights and esquiers, to the number of betwixt six and seuen hun­dred, as by a letter written by the said sir Thomas Dagworth, and registred in the historie of Robert de line 30 Auesburie dooth appeare.

In this meane while, king Philip hauing dailie word how the power of his enimie king Edward did increase by aid of the Easterlings and other na­tions, which were to him alied, and that his men within Calis were brought to such an extreme point, Fabian. that without spéedie rescue they could not long keepe the towne, but must of force render it ouer into the hands of his said enimie, to the great preiudice of all the realme of France, after great deliberation ta­ken line 40 vpon this so weightie a matter, The French king assem­bleth an armie Froissard. he commanded euerie man to meet him in their best arraie for the warre, at the feast of Pentecost in the citie of Ami­ens, or in those marches. At the daie and place thus appointed, there came to him Odes duke of Bur­goigne, and the duke of Normandie eldest sonne to the king, the duke of Orleance his yoongest sonne, the duke of Burbon, the earle of Fois, the lord Lois de Sauoie, the lord Iohn of Hemalt, the earle of Armi­nacke, the earle of Forrest, and the earle Ualentino­is, line 50 with manie others.

These noble men being thus assembled, they tooke councell which waie they might passe to giue battell to the Englishmen: it was thought the best waie had beene through Flanders, but the Flemings in fauor of the king of England denied, The Flem­ings besiege Aire. not onelie to open their passages to the Frenchmen, but also had leuied an armie of an hundred thousand men of one and o­ther, and laid siege to Aire, and burnt the countrie all about. Ia. Meir. Wherepon there were manie sharpe bicke­rings line 60 and sore incoun [...]ers betwixt the Flemings and such Frenchmen as king Philip sent foorth a­gainst them both, now, whilest the French armie laie about A [...]ens, and also before, during all the time that the siege lay at Calis. For all the French towns vpon the frontiers were stuffed with strong garri­sons of souldiers, as Lisle, saint Omers, Arras, Bul­longne, Aire and [...], and those men of war were euer readie vpon occasion to attempt sundrie exploits. After this, when the armie of the Flemings was broken-vp, The French K. cōmeth to­wards Calis. and returned home, or rather diui­ded into parts, and lodged along on the frontiers, the French king with two thousand men one and other came forward, taking his way through the countrie called la Belme, and so by the countrie of Franke­berge, came streight to the hill of Sangate, betwixt Calis and Wisant.

The king of England had caused a strong castell to be made betweene the towne of Calis and the sea, to close vp that passage, and had placed therein three score men of armes, and two hundred archers, which kept the hauen in such sort that nothing could come in nor out. Also considering that his enimies could come neither to succour the towne, nor to annoie his host, except either by the downes alongst the sea side, or else aboue by the high waie, he caused all his na­uie to drawe alongst by the coast of the downes, to stop vp that the Frenchmen should not approch that waie. Also the erle of Derbie being come thither out of Guien, was appointed to kéepe Newland bridge, The earle of Derbie. with a great number of men of armes and archers, so that the Frenchmen could not approch anie waie, vnlesse they would haue come through the marishes, which to doo was not possible.

Fiftéene hundred of the commons of Tournie wan a tower, which the Englishmen had made and kept for the impeachment of the Frenchmens pas­sage by the downes, but that notwithstanding, when the marshals of France had well viewed all the pas­sages and streicts through the which their armie must passe, if they meant to fight with the Englishmen, they well perceiued that they could not come to the Englishmen to giue them battell, without the king would lose his people, wherevpon (as Froissard saith) the French king sent the lord Geffrey de Charnie, the lord Eustace de Ribaumont, Guie de Néele, and the lord de Beauiew vnto the king of England, The request of the French lords to the king of Eng­land. which required him on their maisters behalfe to appoint cer­teine of his councell, as he would likewise appoint certeine of his, which by common consent might ad­uise betweene them an indifferent place for them to trie the battell vpon: wherevnto the king of Eng­land answered, His answer. ‘That there he was and had béene al­most a whole yeare, which could not be vnknowne to his aduersarie their maister, so that he might haue come sooner if he would: but now, sith he had suffered him there to remaine so long, without offer of bat­tell, he meant not to accomplish his desire, nor to de­part from that, which to his great cost he had brought now at length to that point, that he might easilie win it. Wherefore if the French K. nor his host could not passe those waies which were closed by the Eng­lish power, let them séeke some other passage (said he) if they thinke to come hither.’

In this meane while came two cardinals frō pope Clement, Cardinals sēt to intreat of peace. to treat a peace betwixt the two kings, wherevpon commissioners were appointed, as the dukes of Burgoigne and Burbone, the lord Lewes de Sauoie, and the lord Iohn de Heinault, otherwise called lord Beaumont, on the French part: and the earles of Derbie and Northampton, the lord Regi­nald Cobham, and the lord Walter de Mannie, on the English part. These commissioners and the le­gates (as intreators betwéene the parties) met and communed three daies togither, but agréed not vpon anie conclusion, and so the cardinals departed; and the French king perceiuing he could not haue his purpose, brake vp his host and returned to France, They depart. bidding Calis farewell. After that the French king with his host was once departed from Sangate, The French K. returneth into France. without ministring anie succour to them within the towne, they began to sue for a parlée, which being granted, in the end they were contented to yéeld, and the king granted to receiue them and the towne on these conditions; that six of the cheefe burgesses of the towne should come foorth bareheaded, barefooted, The conditi­ons of the surrender of Calis. and barelegged, and in their shirts, with halters about their necks, with the keies of the towne and castell in [Page 378] their hands, to submit themselues simplie to the kings will, and the residue he was contented to take to mercie.

This determinate resolution of king Edward be­ing intimated to the commons of the towne, assem­bled in the market place by the sound of the common bell before the capteine, caused manie a wéeping eie amongst them: but in the end, when it was percei­ued that no other grace would be obteined, six of the most wealthie burgesses of all the towne agreed to hazard their liues for the safegard of the residue, and line 10 so according to the prescript order deuised by the K. they went foorth of the gates, and were presented by the lord Walter de Mannie to the king, Six bur­gesses of Ca­lis presented to the king. before whom they knéeled downe, offered to him the keies of the towne, and besought him to haue mercie vpon them. But the king regarding them with a fell counte­nance, commanded streight that their heads should be striken off. And although manie of the noble men did make great intreatance for them, yet would no grace be shewed, The queene obteined their pardon. vntill the quéene being great with line 20 child, came and knéeled downe before the king hir husband, and with lamentable cheere & wéeping eies intreated so much for them, that finallie the kings anger was aswaged & his rigor turned to mercie (for ‘Flectitur iratus vo [...]erogante Deus)’ so that he gaue the prisoners vnto hir to doo hir plea­sure with them. Then the quéene commanded them to be brought into hir chamber, and caused the halters to be taken from their necks, clothed them anew, gaue them their dinner, and bestowing vpon ech of line 30 them six nobles, appointed them to be conueied out of the host in safegard, and set at libertie.

Calis yéelded to the king of England.Thus was the strong towne of Calis yéelded vp into the hands of king Edward, the third of August, in the yeare 1347. The capteine the lord Iohn de Ui­enne, and all the other capteins and men of name were staied as prisoners, and the common soldiers and other meane people of the towne were licenced to depart and void their houses, leauing all their ar­mor and riches behind them. The king would not line 40 haue any of the old inhabitants to remaine in the towne, saue onlie a priest, and two other ancient per­sonages, such as best knew the customes, lawes and ordinances of the towne. He appointed to send ouer thither amongst other Englishmen, there to inhabit, 36 burgesses of London, Calis made a colonie of Englishmen. and those of the wealthiest sort, for he meant to people the towne onelie with Englishmen, for the better and more sure defense thereof. The king and quéene were lodged in the ca­stell, The quéene brought to bed in the ca­stell of Calis. Polydor. and continued there, till the queene was deliue­red line 50 of a daughter named Margaret.

The cardinals, of whome ye heard before, being come as legats from pope Clement to mooue com­munication of peace, did so much in the matter, that a truce was granted betwixt the realme of England & France, for the terme of twelue moneths, or two yeares (as Froissard saith.) But the English chroni­cle and Iacobus Meir seeme to agree, Caxton. Ia. Meir. A truce. that this truce was taken but for nine moneths, though afterwards line 60 the same was proroged. To the which truce all par­ties agreed, Women hard to agrée. Britaine excepted, for the two women there would not be quieted, but still pursued the war the one against the other. After that this truce was accorded, the king with the quéene his wife returned into England, and left as capteine within Calis one sir Amerie of Pauie an Italian knight, Sir Amerie de Pauie. or (as o­ther bookes haue) he was but capteine of the castell, or of some one of the towers of that towne, which sée­meth more like to be true, than that the king should commit the whole charge of the towne vnto his go­uernement, being a stranger borne, and therefore Ia­cobus Meir is the more to be credited, that writeth how sir Amerie of Pauie was left but in charge with the castell onelie, and that the towne was com­mitted to the kéeping of the lord Iohn Beauchampe, and Lewes his brother.

But now that there was a peace thus concluded betwixt the two kings, 134 [...] it seemed to the English peo­ple that the sunne brake foorth after a long cloudie season, by reason both of the great plentie of althings, Thom. [...] and remembrance of the late glorious victories: for there were few women that were housekéepers within this land, but they had some furniture of hous­hold that had béene brought to them out of France, as part of the spoile got in Caen, Calis, Carenien, or some other good towne. And beside houshold stuffe, the English maides and matrones were bedecked and trimmed vp in French womens iewels and ap­parell, so that as the French women lamented for the losse of those things, so our women reioised of the gaine. In this 22 yeare, Anno Reg [...]. Great [...] from Midsummer to Christ­masse for the more part it continuallie rained, so that there was not one day and night drie togither, by reason whereof great flouds insued, and the ground therewith was sore corrupted, and manie inconueni­ences insued, as great sickenes, and other, in somuch that in the yeare following in France the people di­ed woonderfullie in diuerse places. In Italie also, and in manie other countries, 1349 Anno Reg. 13. as well in the lands of the infidels, as in christendome, A great mor­talitie. this grieuous mor­talitie reigned to the great destruction of people. ¶A­bout the end of August, the like death began in di­uerse places of England, and especiallie in London, continuing so for the space of twelue moneths fol­lowing. And vpon that insued great barrennesse, as well of the sea, as the land, Dearth. neither of them yéelding such plentie of things as before they had doone. Wher­vpon vittels and corne became scant and hard to come by.

About the same time died Iohn Stretford archbi­shop of Canturburie, after whome succéeded Iohn Ufford, who liued not in that dignitie past ten mo­neths, and then followed Thomas Bredwardin, who deceassed within one yeare after his consecration, so that then Simon Islep was consecrated archbishop by pope Clement the sixt, being the 53 archbishop that had sit in that seat. Within a while after, Wil­liam archbishop of Yorke died: in whose place suc­ceeded Iohn Torsbie, being the 44 archbishop that had gouerned that church. Moreouer in this 23 yeare of king Edwards reigne, A practise [...] betraie [...] the great mortalitie in England still continuing, there was a practise in hand for recouering againe of Calis to the French kings possession. The lord Geffrie of Charnie lieng in the towne of S. Omers, did practise with sir Am [...]rie de Pauie, to be receiued into the towne of Calis by the castell, secretlie in the night season. The Italian gaue eare to the lord Geffrie his sute; and to make few words, couenanted for the summe of twentie thousand crownes to betraie the towne vnto him, in such sort as he could best deuise.

¶ Here writers varie: Diuersitted writers. for Froissard saith that king Edward had information thereof, before that sir A­merie de Pauie vttered the thing himselfe; but the French chronicles, and also other writers affirme, that the Italian aduertised the king of all the drift and matter betwixt him & the lord Geffrie of Char­nie, before he went through with the bargaine. But whether by him or by other, truth it is the king was made priuie to the matter at Hauering Bower in Essex (where he kept the feast of Christmasse) & there­vpon departing from thence, he came to Douer, Fabian. Froissard. and the daie before the night of the appointment made for the deliuerie of the castell of Calis (hauing se­cretlie made his prouision (he tooke shipping, The king [...]cretlie pa [...]ouer to [...] and lan­ded the same night at Calis, in so secret maner, that but few of the towne vnderstood of his arriuall, he [Page 379] brought with him out of England thrée hundred men of armes, and six hundred archers, whom he laid in chambers and towers within the castell, so closelie that few or none perceiued it, the maner he knew by sir Amerie de Pauie his aduertisements (according­lie as it was agréed betwixt them) that the lord Gef­frie of Charnie was appointed to come and enter the towne that night, The lord Geffrie de Charnie. for the king had commanded sir Amerie to proceed in merchandizing with the said lord Charnie, and onelie to make him priuie of the day & houre in the which the feat should be wrought. line 10

The lord Geffrie de Charnie being couenanted that he should be receiued into Calis the first night of the new yeare, year 1350 departed from S. Omers, where he had assembled fiue hundred speares, the last day of December toward night, and so in secret wise he passed foorth, till about the middest of the next night after, he approched neere to Calis, and sending an hundred men of armes to take possession of the ca­stell, and to paie the Italian his twentie thousand line 20 crownes, came to the posterne of the castell, where sir Amerie de Pauie hauing let downe the posterne bridge, was readie to bring them in by the same po­sterne, and so the hundred men of armes entered, and sir Edward de Rentie deliuered to the Italian his twentie thousand crownes in a bag, Sir Edward de Rentie. who when he had cast the crownes into a coffer (for he had no leisure to tell them) he brought the Frenchmen into the dun­geon of the castell, as it were to possesse them of the cheefest strength of the fortresse. Within this dunge­on or tower was the king of England closelie laid, line 30 with two hundred men of armes, who issued out with their swords and axes in their hands, The king cri­eth Mannie to the rescue. crieng Mannie to the rescue, for the king had so ordeined, that both he and his sonne should fight vnder the banner of the lord Walter de Mannie, as chéefe of that enterprise.

Then were the Frenchmen greatlie abashed, in such wise, that perceiuing how no defense might ad­uance them, they yeelded themselues without any great shew of resistance. Herewith the Englishmen issued out of the castell into the towne, and mounted line 40 on horssebacke, for they had the French prisoners horsses, and then the archers road to Bullongne gate, where the lord Geffrie was with his banner before him of gules three scutchens siluer. He had great desire to be the first that should enter the towne: but shortlie the king of England with the prince his son was readie at the gate, vnder the banner of the lord Walter de Mannie to assaile him. There were also other banners, The earles of Stafford and Suffolke, the lords Monta­cute, Berkley and la Ware. as the earles of Stafford and Suf­folke, the lord Iohn Montacute brother to the earle of line 50 Salisburie, the lord Beauchampe, the lord Berkley, and the lord de la Ware. Then the great gate was set open, and they all issued foorth crieng Mannie to the rescue. The Frenchmen perceiuing that they were betraied, alighted from their horsses, and put themselues in order of battell on foot, determining to fight it out like valiant men of war. The French­men alight on foot. The king per­ceiuing this, caused his people likewise to be set in or­der of battell, & sent thrée hundred archers to New­land bridge, to distresse those Frenchmen, which he line 60 heard should be there. This was earelie in the mor­ning but incontinentlie it was daie: the French­men kept their ground a while, and manie feats of armes were doone of both parts, but the Englishmen euer increased out of Calis, and the Frenchmen di­minished, so that finallie they were ouercome, as well in the one place, as in the other.

Sir Eustace de Ribaumōt a right vali­ [...]nt knight.It chanced that in the hotest of the fight, the king was matched with sir Eustace de Ribaumont, a right strong and hardie knight. There was a sore in­counter betwixt him and the king, that maruell it was to behold them. At length they were put asun­der, for a great companie of both parts came that waie, and there fought fiercelie togither. The French­men did behaue themselues right valiantlie, and e­speciallie sir Eustace de Ribaumont: He is taken prisoner by the king of England. The lord Geffrie de Char­nie is taken. he strake the king that daie twise vpon his knées, but finallie he was taken prisoner by the king himselfe. The lord Geffrie of Charnie was also taken prisoner, and wounded right sore, but the king of his noble courte­sie caused him to be dressed by surgions, and tender­lie looked vnto. There were slaine, sir Henrie de Blois, and sir Pepin de la Ware, with other, to the number of six hundred. Monsieur de Memorancie escaped with great danger. Froissard saieth, that this battell was fought in the yeare 1348, vpon the last of December, towards the next morning being Newyeares daie: but (as Auesburie & Walsingham haue, who begin the yeare at our ladie day) this enter­prise chanced 1349, and so consequentlie in the 23 yeare of this kings reigne. All the prisoners were brought to the castell of Calis, where the K. the next night gaue them a supper, Sir Eustace de Ribau­mont. & made them right hartie cheare, and gaue to sir Eustace de Ribaumont a rich chaplet of pearles, which he then did weare on his owne head, in token that he had best deserued it for his manfull prowes shewed in the fight; & beside that in fauour of his tried valiancie, he acquit him of his ransome, and set him at libertie. This fact of the king was roiall in deed, and his clemencie greatlie to be commended; & therfore it is well said to this purpose,

Gloria consequitur reges sic bella gerentes,
Sic certare parit decus immortale duello.

About the end of August the death in London ceas­sed, Anno Reg. 24. The death ceasseth. Auesdurie. which had bin so great & vehement within that ci­itie, that ouer & beside the bodies buried in other ac­customed burieng places (which for their infinit num­ber cannot be reduced into account) there were bu­ried that yeare dailie, from Candlemasse till Easter, in the Charterhouse yard of London, more than two hundred dead corpses. Also this yeare, by the earnest sute of the two cardinals which were sent (as ye haue heard) from pope Clement the sixt, a peace was con­cluded for one yeare. There met néere vnto Calis for the treatie of this peace, the foresaid two cardinals, Commissio­ners méet to talke of peace. as mediators; and for the king of England, the bi­shop of Norwich treasuror and high chancellor of the realme, with others came thither as commissioners; and in like maner for the French king, there appea­red the bishop of Lion, and the abbat of S. Denise. ¶ This yeare in August died Philip de Ualois the French king. Here is to be noted, Men borne with [...]ewer téeth than in times past. Caxton. Tho. Walsin. Polychron. that all those that were borne, after the beginning of that great mor­talitie whereof ye haue heard, wanted foure cheeke teeth (when they came to the time of growth) of those 32 which the people before that time commonlie v­sed to haue, so that they had but 28. In this 24 yeare of this kings reigne, A combat. there was a combat fought in lists within the kings palace of Westminster, be­twixt the lord Iohn, bastard sonne to Philip king of France, & a knight of the towne of Ypres in Flan­ders; but the bastard had the vpper hand, and vanqui­shed his a [...]uersarie. ¶ About the feast of the decol­lation of saint Iohn Baptist, Auesburie. Thom. Wals. king Edward aduerti­sed of a fléet of Spaniards returning foorth of Flan­ders, that was laden with clothes and other riches, assembled a conuenient power of men of armes and archers, & at Sandwich tooke the sea with them, A Spanish fléet. Spaniards vanquisht by the K. of En­gland by sea. sai­ling foorth, till vpon the coast of Winchelsie he met with the Spaniards, and there assailed them; so that betwixt him and those Spaniards, there was a sore fight, and long continued, to the great losse of people on both parts; but in the end, the bright beame of vic­torie shone vpon the English sailes, so that all the Spaniards were slaine, for they were so proud and obstinat (as Walsingham affirmeth) that they would not yéeld, but rather choose to die, & so they did indéed, [Page 380] either on the Englishmens weapons points, or else were they drowned there in the sea, Thom. Wals. six and twentie of their ships were taken, in the which was found great store of good ware and riches. Auesburie. And so the king thought himselfe well reuenged of the Spaniards, which in the last yeare about Alhallontide, had entred into the riuer of Garons, as it runneth vp towards Burdeaux, and there finding manie ships fraught with wines, slue all the Englishmen they found a­boord, and tooke awaie the ships with them: which in­iurie line 10 mooued the king to enterprise this exploit now at this time against them.

Froissard. Sir Thomas Dagworth slaine.About the beginning of August, sir Raoull de Cahors, and diuerse other knights and esquiers, to the number of six score men of armes, fought before a castell called Auleon, with sir Thomas Dagworth, and there slue the same sir Thomas, and to the num­ber of one hundred men of armes with him. There were sent solemne messengers this yeare vn­to Auignion, Ambassadors sent to the pope. for the establishing of a peace, mentio­ned line 20 betwixt the king of England and France, at the sute of the pope, so that king Edward should haue re­signed his title and claime to the crowne of France, and the French king should haue giuen ouer vnto him the whole duchie of Guien, to hold the same free­lie, without knowledging of resort or superioritie, or dooing any manner of homage for the same: but such delaies were made, and the sute so prolonged by the pope, that the erale of Derbie, who with others was sent to him about this matter, returned without line 30 spéed of his purpose for the which he went.

Anno Reg 25. 1351In the fiue and twentith yeare of king Edwards reigne, the Frenchmen hauing laid siege vnto the towne of saint Iohn Dangeli, the lord Dalbrets son, hauing assembled six hundred men of armes, Gas­coigns and Englishmen, meant to worke some feat for reliefe of them within, whervpon, as he was mar­ching through the countrie of Xainctonge neere vnto Xaincts the eighth of Aprill, Froissard. or (as other haue) the first, he was incountered by the lord Guie de Néell, one of line 40 the marshals of France, & other French lords, where at length, the Frenchmen were discomfited, manie also slaine, and diuerse taken prisoners, of which number was the said marshall, with his brother the lord William, and sir Arnold de Dandrehen, beside others, to the number of 300 men of armes, but yet the siege remained, till for want of vittels the towne was rendered to the Frenchmen.

The same yeare in October, an English archer of the garison of Calis, named Iohn of Dancaster, by line 50 licence of the lord deputie of Calis, tooke with him threescore persons men of armes and archers, and in the night that goeth before the feast daie of S. Uin­cent, in the last quarter of the same night, he com­ming to the castell of Guines, The castell of Guines woone. found as well the watch as others fast as [...]pe, wherevpon he passed a water that adioined to the castell, wading vp to the girdle, and so came to the wall, where he & his com­panie rearing vp ladders, mounted by the same so se­cretlie, that slaieng the watch, being not past thrée or line 60 foure persons that were on the wals, they entred the castell, and finding the Frenchmen asleepe, slue those that vpon their wakening made any defense, and tooke the residue, whome they suffered to depart: and by this meanes they wan the castell, finding great store of vittels within, and so as they found it, they kept it to the king of Englands vse. The French hi­stories declare, that one Guilliam de Beauconroy that was capteine of this castell, betraied the place to the Englishmen, for a summe of monie, and when the French king required restitution bicause the truce was not yet expired, Polydor. he was shifted off with this for­ged answer, that nothing was excepted by the assu­rance of the truce, concerning things that should be bought and sold. The Frenchman that betraied it, was shortlie after put to execution at Amiens.

In this yeare were the first peeces of siluer called grotes and halfe grotes of foure penc [...] & two pence the peece stamped, by the kings appointment, Grotes [...] hal [...]e [...] fi [...]st [...] ▪ through the counsell of William de Edington bishop of Winchester lord treasur [...]r. Before that time, there were no other coines, but the noble▪ halfe noble, and quarter noble, with the péeces of siluer called ster­lings. Bicause these new péeces wanted of the weight of the old sterling coine, the prices as well of vittels as of other wares, did dailie rise▪ and ser­uants and workemen waxing more craftie than be­fore time they had beene, demanded great wages, ¶ This yeare, vpon the euen of the Assumption of our lodie, sir Iohn Bentlie knight, 1 [...]5 [...] Anno. Reg▪ as then lord warden of Britaine, fought with the lord Guie de Neell, marshall of France (latelie ransomed out of capti­uitie) in the parts of Britaine, néere to a place called Mouron, betwixt Rennes and Pluremell, where the said marshall was slaine, Mouron. togither with the lord of Briquebeke the Chateline of Beauuais, and diuerse other both Britains and Frenchmen.

In the seuen and twentith yeare of his reigne, K. Edward held a parlement at Westminster, 135 [...] Anno. Reg. [...] after the feast of Easter, in which an ordinance was deuised, Tho. Walsi▪ In the pri [...] ­ted books of statutes [...] sho [...]ld ap­peare, that this parle­ment was rather h [...]l­den in the [...] yeare of the kings reig [...] ▪ what wages seruants and laborers should be allow­ed, prohibiting them to receiue aboue the rate which they were accustomed to take before the yeare of the great mortalitie. Seruants and laborers were in deed growen to be more subtill than before time they had béene; but by reason of the prices of things were inhanced, it is like they demanded greater wages than they had doone before time: and one cause of the dearth was imputed to the new coine of monie, be­ing of lesse weight in the value thereof, than before it had béene, so that [...]he bishop of Winchester being lord treasuror, who had counselled the king to ordeine those grotes and halfe grotes, was euill spoken of a­mongst the people. Statutes [...] making of clothes. In this parlement there were sta­tutes also made, that clothes should in length and in breadth through the realme, beare the same assise, as was ordeined in the parlement holden at North­ampton. Also, that all weares, milles, and other lets, Weares and milles. should be remooued foorth of riuers, that might be a­ny hinderance of ships, boats, or lighters to passe vp and downe the same. But these good ordinances tooke little or none effect, by reason of bribes that walked abroad, and fréendship of lords and great men, that sought rather their owne commoditie, than the com­mon-wealths.

Shortlie after the feast of Pentecost, Creations [...] noble men. the earle of Derbie and Lancaster was made duke of Lanca­ster, and Rafe lord Stafford was created earle of Stafford. Whereas there had beene a treatie betwixt the lords of Britaine, and the king of England, not onelie for the deliuerance of the lord Charles de Blois, The lord Charles [...] Blois. but also for the matching of his eldest sonne in mariage with one of king Edwards daughters, and so to inioy the dukedome in peace: this matter was so far forwards, that in the yeare last passed, the said lord Charles, leauing two of his sonnes and a daugh­ter in pledge for the paiment of fortie thousand flo­reus, agréed vpon for his ransome; he was permit­ted to returne into Britaine to prouide that monie: and withall, to procure a dispensation, that his eldest sonne might marrie with one of K. Edwards daugh­ters, notwithstanding that otherwise they were with­in the degrees of consanguinitie, prohibiting them to marrie. Herevpon this yeare about Michaelmas, he returned into England with the same dispensati­on: but bicause about the same time the Britains had taken by stealth an Iland with a castell therein, that the Englishmen had kept, & put all those which they [Page 381] [...]ound therein, to the sword, the said lord Charles, o­therwise duke of Britaine, lost the kings fauour, so that he would heare no more of anie such aliance, by waie of marriage, as had beene communed of be­fore: by reason whereof the British lords, that were in great number come ouer with the lord Charles de Blois, were constreined to returne home, without atchiuing anie part of their purpose, leauing the said lord Charles and his children behind them still héere in England.

On the fourth day of September, the duke of line 10 Brunswike and the duke of Lancaster should haue fought a combat in Paris, Debate be­twixt the dukes of Brunswike & Lancaster. about words the duke of Lancaster should speake, in derogation of the duke of Brunswikes honor, for the which the said duke had appealed him in the court of France: but when they were readie to haue tried it, and were on horssebacke with their speares in hand within the lists, at point to haue runne togither, the French king caused them to staie, and taking on him the matter, made them line 20 fréends, and agréed them. This yeare the king by ad­uise of his councell remooued the mart or staple of wools from the townes in Flanders, Auesburie. Tho. Walsi. affirmeth that this remoo­uing of the staple of wols was the 28 yeare of K. Edwards reigne. and caused the same to be kept at Westminster, Chichester, Lin­colne, Bristowe, Canturburie and Hull. This was doone in despite of the Flemings, bicause they held not the couenants and agréements which they had made with the king, in the life time of Iaques Arte­ueld, by whose prouision the said mart or staple had béene kept in sundrie townes in Flanders, to their line 30 great aduantage and commoditie. Fabian.

Sir Walter Bentlie, vpon his comming ouer foorth of Britaine, Sir Walter Bentl [...]e com­mitted to the tower. where he had beene the kings lieu­tenant, was committed to the tower, where he re­mained prisoner for the space of twelue moneths, bi­cause he refused to deliuer vp the castels within his gouernement, vnto sir Iohn Auenell knight, being appointed to receiue the same, to the vse of the lord Charles de Blois, at the same time when the treatie of agreement was in hand, betwixt the king, and the line 40 said lord Charles. But after, when it was perceiued what damage might haue insued by deliuerie of those castels, sir Walter was set at libertie vpon suerties yet they were bound for his foorth comming, and that he should not depart the realme: at length, he was receiued againe into the kings fauour. In the sum­mer of this seauen and twentith yeare, A great drought. was so great a drought, that from the latter end of March, fell lit­tle raine, till the latter end of Iulie, by reason where­of, manie inconueniences insued: and one thing is line 50 speciallie to be noted, that corne the yeare following waxed scant, A dearth. and the price began this yeare to be greatlie inhanced. Also beeues and muttons waxed déere for the want of grasse, and this chanced both in England and France, so that this was called the déere summer. The lord William duke of Bauiere or Bauarie, and earle of Zeland, brought manie ships into London, fraught with rie, for reléefe of the people, Caxton. Corn brought out of Zeland. who otherwise had, through their present p [...]ching penurie, if not vtterlie perished, yet pitti­fullie line 60 pined. 1354 Anno Reg. 28.

In the eight and twentith yeare of king Edwards reigne, Thom. Wals. Auesburie. vpon a treatie that was holden by commissi­oners, appointed by the two kings of England and France, after Easter, they were in maner fullie a­gréed vpon a peace, so that nothing wanted, but put­ting vnto their seales. In the articles whereof it was conteined, that the king of England should inioy all the lands of his dutchie of Aquitaine, without hold­ing the same of anie by homage, or resort, and in con­sideration thereof he should resigne all his claime to the crowne of France. A truce be­twixt Eng­land and France. Héerevpon were ambassa­dors sent from either king, vnto the pope, and a truce taken, to indure till the feast of saint Iohn Baptist in the yeare next following. Ambassado [...] to the pope. Ambassadors for the king of England were these: Henrie duke of Lan­caster, Iohn earle of Arundell, the bishops of Nor­wich and London, and the lord Guie de Brian. For the French king, the archbishop of Rouen lord chan­cellor of France, the duke of Burbon, and others: but when the matter came to be heard before the pope about Christmasse, all went to smoke that had béene talked of: for the Frenchmen denied that the arti­cles were drawne according to the meaning of their commissioners, and the pope also winked at the mat­ter, so that the English ambassadors (when they saw that nothing would be concluded) returned home all of them) the bishop of Norwich excepted who depar­ted this life there) and so their iournie came to none effect.

This yeare, the tenth of Februarie, 1355 Anno Reg. 29. there rose a sore debate betwixt the scholers and townesmen of Ox­enford. Debate be­twixt the scholers & townes­men of Oxen­ford. The occasion rose by reason of the falling out of a scholer with one that sold wine: for the scholer perceiuing himselfe euill vsed, powred the wine on the drawers head, knocking the pot about his pate, so as the bloud ranne downe by his eares. Héerevpon began a sore fraie betwixt the scholers and townes­men, which continued for the most part of two daies togither. There were twentie townesmen slaine, be­side those that were hurt: but at length, there came a great number of countrimen foorth of the villa­ges next adioining, to aid the townesmen, entring the towne with a blacke banner, and so fiercelie assai­led the scholers, that they were constreined to flee to their houses and hostels, but their enimies pursuing them, brake vp their doores, entered their chambers, slue diuerse of them, and threw them into priuies, tare their bookes, and bare awaie their goods. The scholers héerewith tooke such displeasure, that they departed the Uniuersitie: those of Merton colledge, and other the like colledges onelie excepted.

The bishop of Lincolne inhibited préests to cele­brate diuine seruice in presence of anie laie man within that towne of Oxenford; and the king send­ing his iustices thither, to take knowledge of this dis­orderlie riot, there were diuerse, both of the townes­men and scholers indited, and certeine of the burges­ses committed to ward. ¶ This yeare, the first sun­daie in Lent, the king held a roiall iustes at Wood­stoke, for ioy of the queenes purifieng, after the birth of hir sixt sonne, the lord Thomas, whome the bishop of Durham (named Thomas) held at the fontstone: he was borne the seauenth of Ianuarie last past. In the parlement holden at Westminster this yeare af­ter Easter, Thom. Wals. Auesburie. The quarrell appeased be­twixt the scholers and townesme no [...] Oxenford. the king tooke vpon him to make an end of the quarrell betwixt the scholers and townesmen of Oxenford, and sauing to euerie man his right, pardoned the scholers of all transgressions: and this he signified into euerie shire, by writs directed to the shiriffes, they to proclame the same for more notice of the thing. And so in the summer following, the U­niuersitie began againe to flourish, students resor­ting thither from each side, and falling afresh to their academicall exercises, which they néeded not to haue discontinued, if either partie, I meane the townes­men or scholers, would haue tolerated and borne one with another, and not so rashlie haue vndertaken the reuenge of one anothers wrath and iniurie; but, ‘Oderunt pacem stulti & certamina quaerunt.’

In this parlement, the processe of the iudgement had and made against Roger Mortimer, late earle of March, was reuoked, adnihilated, and made void, so that the lord Roger Mortimer was restored to the title and possessions of the earledome of March, as cousine and heire to his grandfather the said erle of March. Moreouer, to this parlement came the bishop of Carpentras, and the abbat of Clugnie, being sent [Page 382] from pope Innocent the sixt, to make sute to haue the truce proroged betwixt the two kings, of Eng­land and France, to whome the king himselfe in per­son, made this resolute answer, that he would not a­grée to anie longer truce; for that, when diuerse times, at the Frenchmens sute, he had consented to haue truce by mediation of two cardinals, sent to him about the same matter, his aduersaries in the meane time, whilest such truces indured, had doone much harme and damage by subtill practises to per­sons line 10 and places beyond the sea, that were vnder his rule and gouernement, yet he said he would delibe­rate heereof with his councell, and after intimate his pleasure to the pope, and to them of France by messengers which he would send ouer for that pur­pose: and so these ambassadors within foure daies after their comming, were thus dispatched with an­swer. Herewith in this parlement it was ordeined, that the prince of Wales, being as then about foure and twentie yeares of age, should passe ouer into line 20 Gascoigne, and haue with him a thousand men of armes, and two thousand archers, with a great num­ber of Welshmen.

Auesburie. A nauie pre­pared.About the same time the king caused fortie ships to be prouided, rigged, and made readie at Ruther­hiue, furnished with vittels for one quarter of a yéere, and euerie of the said ships had principall streamers of the duke of Lancasters armes, who was appointed with a great power of chosen men of armes and ar­chers to passe to the sea with the same ships, but few line 30 or none of his companie knew whither; horsses they had none. He had with him two of the kings sonnes, Lionell of Antwerpe, The duke of Lancaster. and Iohn of Gant, the elder of them being about sixtéene yeares of age. Also, there went with him the earles of Northampton, March, and Stafford, beside manie lords, barons, & knights. On the tenth of Iulie, he made saile to Greenewich, and there and at Sandwich he staied, till the Assump­tion of our ladie, the wind for the most part continu­ing all that while at west and south, contrarie to his line 40 iournie, as it might appeare. At length with much dif­ficultie he came to Winchel [...]ie, & after to the Wight. It was thought, that the dukes purpose was to passe into Normandie, to ioine with the king of Nauarre, who was at variance with the French king. But af­ter it was knowen by espials that they were made fréends, the duke of Lancaster doubting crooked measures, and hauing with him no horssemen, retur­ned home without further attempt.

Record. Tur.On saint Kenelmes daie being fridaie, and the line 50 17 of Iulie, master Humfrie Carleton professor of diuinitie, and Iohn Carleton the yoonger, doctor of the lawes, on the behalfe of the Uniuersitie of Ox­ford, and Iohn saint Frideswide maior, Iohn Bere­ford, and Iohn Norton, burgesses of the said towne of Oxford, on the behalfe of the communaltie of the same towne, came before the kings councell at Westminster in the councell chamber there, néere to the excheker, where the allegations on both parties being heard, and vpon request made, that it might line 60 please his maiesties councell, acording to the submis­sions by both parties made vnto the king and to his councell, to take order in the matter in controuersie betwixt them, concerning the late tumult and busi­nesse which had chanced in the said towne, by the dis­order of the communaltie of the same, in breaking downe, and burning vp of houses, in taking awaie the bookes and other goods of the said masters and scholers, & in committing other transgressions. The councell hauing consideration thereof, to auoid the decaie that might haue insued to the said towne, made this end betwixt them, that the said towne (Iohn Bereford, The end and award made of the quarrell betwixt the Uniuersitie and townes­men of Ox­ford. being in the kings prison, and Ro­bert Lardiner onelie excepted) should be bound to paie vnto the said masters and scholers, damnified in the said tumult and businesse, for amends, and refor­mation of iniuries and losses susteined (death and maime excepted) two hundred and fiftie pounds, beside the goods taken and borne awaie, to be resto­red againe, and this monie to be paid to the said chancellor, masters and scholers, on that side the mon­daie next before the feast of saint Iames, or else suffi­cient suerties put in for the paiment thereof, at cer­teine termes, as the parties should agrée vpon: and in respect thereof, the said Iohn Bereford, and Iohn Norton, shall be releassed out of prison of the Mar­shalsea, at the baile of the said maior, and of Robert de Menkes, and Iohn Dimmoks, till the next sessi­ons of gaole deliuerie, with condition, that the said summes of monie be paid, or suerties put in for the paiment thereof, as before is said, or else the bodies of the said Iohn Bereford, & Iohn de Norton, shall be returned to the said prison, within thrée daies after the feast of Peter ad Vincula, there to remaine in manner as before they did.

It was also ordeined by the councell, with the as­sent of the said Humfrie and Iohn Carleton, that all and euerie manner of persons of the said towne of Oxford, and the suburbes of the same, indited and ar­reigned of the fellonies and transgressions before mentioned, that should yeeld themselues to the kings prison to be tried by law, and also all other that were at that present in prison, which the said Humfrie and Iohn de Carleton should name (Iohn de Bereford and Robert Lardiner excepted) might be let to baile, vpon sufficient suerties, that should vndertake for them, bodies for bodies, to appeare at the next sessi­ons of gaole deliuerie, there to be tried, according to the order of law. And further it was ordered, that all such goods and cattels as were taken and carried awaie from the said masters and scholers in the said tumult and businesse, by the men of the said towne and suburbes, in whose hands, and in what places soe­uer within the said towne and suburbes, by inquisiti­ons, informations, or other meanes, they should or might be found, should be deliuered to the said chan­cellor, and procurators of the said Uniuersitie, to be by them restore [...] vnto those persons, to whome they belonged▪ This was the effect of the order taken at that day and place, before the [...]eu [...]r [...]nd fathers, Iohn archbishop of Yorke primat and chancellor of Eng­land, William bishop of Winchester lord treasuror, Thomas de Br [...]mbre lord keeper of the priuie seale, and Dauid de Wollore master of the rolles, Henrie de Ingelbie [...]learke, and other of the kings councell then and there present.

The prince of Wales (as ye haue heard) being ap­pointed to passe ouer into Gascoigne, Tho. Wals [...]. The prince [...] Wales goeth ouer into Gasco [...]gne▪ set forward from London the last daie of Iune, and comming to Plimmouth, where his nauie was appointed to be made readie, he staied there, for want of conuenient wind and weather a long time after. Finallie, ha­uing with him the earles of Warwike, Suffolke, Salisburie & Oxford, also the lord Iohn Chan [...]ls, sir Robert Knols, sir Franke de Hall, the lord Iames Audelie, with diuerse other of the nobilitie, and of men of armes and archers [...] g [...]eat number▪ then in parlement to him assigned, [...]e [...]st set from Plim­mouth on the daie of the Natiuitie of one ladie. They were in all thrée hundred saile, and finding the wind prosperous, they passed ouer into Gascoigne, where of th [...] Gascoignes they were ioifullie receiued. In August, the Englishmen that were in Britaine, warring against the Frenchmen, that tooke part with the lord Charl [...]s de Blois, slue manie of them, & tooke the lord of Beaumanor, the vicount of Roan, and diuerse other. ¶ This yeare also, about Michael­masse, the king hauing [...] an armie to be [Page 383] readie at Sandwich, passed ouer to Calis with the same. There went ouer with him his two sonnes, Li­onell of Antwerp earle of Ulster, and Iohn of Gant earle of Richmond. He found at Calis a thousand men of armes that came to serue him for wages, foorth of Flanders, Brabant, and Almaigne, so that he had about thrée thousand men of armes, and two thousand archers on horsebacke, beside archers on foot a great number. The citie of London had sent to him fiue hundred men of armes, The citie of London. and fiue hundred archers line 10 all in one sute or liuerie, at their owne costs and charges. On the second of Nouember, he set from Calis, marching foorth towards saint Omers, wa­sting the countrie by the waie as he passed.

The king in­ [...]a [...]eth Frāce. The lord Bousicant.The French king being at the same time within the towne of saint Omers, sent the lord Bousicant vnto the king of England, that vnder colour of com­munication, he might view the kings power, who made such report thereof, vpon his returne backe to the French king, that he determined not to fight line 20 with the king of England, but rather to passe before him, and so to destroie vittels, that for want thereof, the king of England should be constreined to re­turne. And as he determined, so it came to passe, for the vittels were so cut off, that the Englishmen for thrée full daies togither, dranke nothing but water. When therefore king Edward had followed his eni­mies so farre as Heiden, Froissard. The king for want of vit­tels returneth where he brake the parke, and burnt the houses within and about the parke, al­though he entered not into the towne nor castell, at line 30 length, for default of vittels, he returned backe, and came againe to Calis on saint Martins day, being the tenth after his setting foorth from thence. Auesburie.

The consta­ble of France demandeth battell.The morrow after being thursdaie, and the twelfe of Nouember, the constable of France, and other Frenchmen, came to the end of the causie of Calis, with letters of credence, offering battell on tuesdaie next following vnto the king of England, in pre­sence of the duke of Lancaster, the earles of North­ampton, and the lord Walter de Mannie, who in the line 40 kings behalfe declared to the constable, that the king of England, The answer made to him. to eschew shedding of bloud, would fight with the French king bodie to bodie, so to trie their right: and if he liked not of that match, then if he would choose thrée or foure knights to him that were neerest to him in bloud, he should choose the like num­ber. But when this offer would not be accepted, the English lords offered battell the next day, being fri­daie, or else on saturdaie following, at the French­mens choice: but the constable of France and his companie, continuing in their first offer, refused both line 50 those daies. Then the English lords accepted the daie by them assigned, with condition, that if they brought not king Edward to giue battell that day, they would yeeld themselues prisoners, so that the Frenchmen would likewise vndertake for their king. The consta­ble hauing no answer readie, staied a while, and after flatlie refused to make any such couenant. Finallie, when the English lords perceiued their aduersaries, not to meane battell, as their words at the first pre­tended, line 60 they brake off, and both parties returned home. The king of England staied till the tuesdaie, and paid the strangers their wages, and so came backe into England. Berwike ta­ken by Scots On the sixt of Nouember, whi­lest the king was thus abroad in Picardie, the Scots verie earlie in the morning of that daie, came priui­lie to Berwike, entred by stealth into the towne, and sle [...]ing three or foure Englishmen, tooke it, with all the goods and persons within it, those excepted, which got to the castell.

In a parlement summoned this yeare, the mon­daie after the feast of saint Edmund the king, A parlement. the lords and commons granted to king Edward fiftie shillings of euerie sacke of wooll, that should be cari­ed ouer the sea, for the space of six yeares next insu­ing. By this grant it was thought, that the king might dispend a thousand markes sterling a day, such vent of wools had the English merchants in that sea­son. ¶The parlement being ended the king about S. Andrews tide set forward towards Scotland, and held his Christmasse at Newcastell. About which time by letters sent from the prince, the king was aduertised of his proceedings after his arriuall▪ in Gascoigne, where being ioifullie receiued of the no­bles, and other the people of that countrie (as before yée haue heard) he declared to them the cause of his thither comming, and tooke aduise with them how to procéed in his businesse; and so about the tenth of Oc­tober, he set forward to passe against his enimies, first entring into a countrie called Iuliake, which to­gither with the fortresses yeelded to him, without a­nie great resistance. The procée­dings of the prince of Wales in A­quitaine. Then he rode through the coun­tie Armignac, wasting and spoiling the countrie, and so passed through the lands of the vicounts de la Ri­uiere, and after entered into the countie de l'Estrac, and passing through the same, came to the countie of Commiges, finding the towne of S. Matain void, being a good towne & one of the best in that countrie.

After this, he passed by the land of the earle of Lis­le, till he came within a league of Tholouse, where the earle of Armignac, being the French kings lieu­tenant in those parts, and other great lords and no­bles were assembled. The prince with his armie tar­ried there two daies, and after passed ouer the riuer of Garonne, and after ouer an other riuer the rea­bouts, a league aboue Tholouse, lodging that night a league on the other side of Tholouse▪ and so they passed thorough Tholouse, dailie taking townes & castels, wherein they found great riches, for the coun­trie was verie plentifull. Upon Alhallowes éeuen, they came to castell Naudarie, and from thence they tooke the waie to Carcasson, Carcasson. into the which a great number of men of armes and commons were with­drawne. But vpon the approch of the Englishmen, they slipt awaie, and got them to a strong castell that stood néere at hand. The third day after, the English­men burnt the towne, and passing forth, trauersed all the countrie of Carcassono [...]s, till they came to the towne of Narbonne. Narbonne. The people there were fled in­to the castell, in which the vicount of Narbonne was inclosed, with fiue hundred men of arms. Two bishops sent from the pope to the prince of Wales. The prince staied there two daies. The pope sent two bishops to­wards the prince, to treat with him of peace, but bi­cause the prince would not hearken to anie treatie without commission from his father, they could not get anie safe conduct to approch néerer.

The prince hauing aduertisments heere, that his enimies were assembled, and followed him, he tur­ned backe to meet them, but they had no will to abide him: for although the earle of Armignac, the consta­ble of France, the marshall Cleremont, and the prince of Orange, with diuerse other néere to Tho­louse, made some shew to impeach the prince his pas­sage, yet in the end they withdrew, not without some losse, for the lord Bartholomew de Burwasch alias Burghersch, sir Iohn Chandois, the lord Iames Audeley, and sir Thomas Felton, being sent foorth to view them, skirmished with two hundred of their men of armes, and tooke of them fiue and thirtie. Af­ter this, they had no mind to abide the English pow­er, but still shranke awaie, as the prince was readie to follow them, and so he perceiuing that the French­men would not giue him battell, he withdrew to­wards Burdeaux, after he had spent eight weekes in that his iournie, and so comming thither, he winte­tered there, whilest his capteins in the meane time tooke diuerse townes and castels abroad in the coun­trie. ¶And now to the end yee may haue more plaine [Page 384] information of the princes dooings in those parties, I haue thought good to make you partakers of a let­ter or two, written by sir Iohn Winkefield knight, attendant on the prince there in Gascoigne.

The copie of sir Iohn Winke­fields letters.

MY lord, as touching the newes in these parts, may it please you to line 10 vnderstand, that all the earles, barons, baronets, knights, and esquiers, were in helth at the making here­of, and my lord hath not lost either knight or esquier in this voiage, except the lord Iohn Lisle, who was slaine after a strange man­ner with a quarrell, the third day after we were entered into our enimies countries, he died the fiftenth of October. And please line 20 it you to vnderstand, that my lord hath rid­den through the countrie of Arminac, and hath taken many fensed townes, and burnt and destroied them, except certeine which he hath fortified. After this, he marched in­to the vicountie of Rouergne, where he tooke a good towne named Pleasance, the chiefest towne of that countrie, which he hath burnt and destroied, with the coun­trie line 30 round about the same. This doone, he went into the countie d'Astrike wherin he tooke manie townes, wasted and destroied all the countrie. After this, he entred into the countie of Cominge, and tooke manie townes there, which he caused to be de­stroied & burnt, togither with all the coun­trie abroad. He tooke also the towne of S. Matan, which is the cheefest towne of that countrie, being as large in compasse as line 40 Norwich.

Afterward, he entered into the countie of Lisle, and tooke the most part of the fen­sed townes therin, causing diuerse of them to be burnt and destroied as he passed. And after entring into the lordship of Tholouse, we passed the riuer of Girond, and an other a league aboue Tholouse, which is verie great: for our enimies had burnt all the line 50 bridges, as well on the one side of Tho­louse, as the other, except the bridges with in Tholouse, for the riuer runneth through the towne. And the constable of France, the marshall Cleremont, and the earle of Arminac, were with a great power with­in the towne the same time. And Tholouse is a great towne, strong, faire, and well walled, and there was none in our host line 60 that knew the foord there: but yet by the grace and goodnesse of God we found it. So then we marched through the seignio­rie of Tholouse, & tooke manie good townes inclosed, and burnt and destroied them, and all the countrie about.

Then we entred into the seigniorie of Carcason, and we tooke manie good towns, before we came to Carcason, which towne we also tooke, which is greater, stronger, & fairer than Yorke. And as well this towne as all other townes in the countrie were burnt and destroied. And after we had pas­sed by manie iournies through the coun­trie of Carcason, we came into the seig­niorie of Narbon, and we tooke manie townes, and wasted them, till we came to Narbon, which towne was holden against vs, but it was woone by force, and the said towne is little lesse than London, and is si­tuat vpon the Greekish sea, for that the di­stance from the said towne vnto the Gree­kish sea is not past two leagues, He [...] the [...] sea. and there is an hauen and a place to arriue at, from whence the water cōmeth vp to Narbon. And Narbon is not but eleuen leagues di­stant from Mountpellier, & eighteene from Eguemortz, & thirtie from Auignion. And may it please you to vnderstand, that the holie father sent his messengers to my lord, that were not past seuen leagues frō him, and they sent a sergeant at armes▪ that was sergeant at armes attendant on the doore of our holie fathers chamber, with their letters to my lord, praieng him to haue a safe conduct to come to declare to his highnesse their message from the holie father, which was to treat betwixt my L. and his aduersaries of France: and the said sergeant was two daies in the host before my lord would see him, or receiue his let­ters. And the reason was, bicause he had vnderstanding, that the power of France was come forth of Tholouse toward Car­cason, so that my lord was driuen to turne backe towards them suddenlie, and so did.

On the third daie when we should haue come vpon them, they had knowlege giuen before day, and so retiring, got them to the mounteins, hasting fast toward Tholouse; and the countrie people that were their guides to lead them that waie, were taken as they should haue passed the water. And bicause the popes sergeant at armes was in my keeping, I caused him to examine the guides that were so taken; and for that the guide which was thus examined, was the constables guide, and his countrieman▪ he might well see and know the countenance of the Frenchmen vpon this examining him. And I said to the same sergeant, that he might well declare to the pope, and to all them of Auignion, that which he had heard or seene. And as touching the answer which my lord made to them that were sent to treat with him, you would be well apaid if you vnderstood all the maner; for he would not suffer in any wise that they shuld come neerer vnto him. But if they came to treat of any matter, he would that they should send to the king his father: for my lord him­selfe would not doo any thing therin, except by commandement from my lord his fa­ther.

And of my lords turning backe to follow after his enimies, and of the passage of the riuer of Garonne, and of the taking of ca­stels and townes in this iournie, and of o­ther things which he hath doone against his enimies in pursuit of them in this iournie, being things right worthie and ho­norable, as manie know verie well, in like [Page 385] maner as sir Richard Stafford, & sir Wil­liam Burton can more plainelie declare, than I to you can write, for it were too much to put in writing. And my lord rode thus abroad in the countrie of his enimies eight whole weekes, and rested not past ele­uen daies in all those places where he came. And know it for certeine, that since this warre began against the French king he had neuer such losse or destruction as he line 10 hath had in this iournie: for the countries and good townes which were wasted at this iournie, found to the king of France euerie yeare more to the maintenance of his warre than halfe his realme hath doon beside, except the exchange of his monie which he maketh euerie yeare, and the ad­uantage and custome which he taketh of them of Poictou, as I can shew you by line 20 good remembrances, which were found in diuerse townes in the receiuers houses: for Carcason and le Moignes, which is as great as Carcason, and two other townes in the coasts of Carcason, found to the king of France yeerelie wages for a thousand men of armes: and beside that 100000 old crowns to mainteine the war.

And know you, that by the remembran­ces line 30 which we found, that the townes in Tholouse which are destroied, and the townes in the countrie of Carcason, and the towne of Narbonne and Narbonnois did find euerie yeare with the sums afore­said, in aid of his war, foure hundred thou­sand old crownes, as the burgesses of the great townes & other people of the coun­trie which ought to know it, haue told vs. And so by Gods assistance if my lord had line 40 wherewith to mainteine this warre, and to make the kings profit and his owne ho­nor, he should well inlarge the English marches, and gaine manie faire places: for our enimies are greatlie astonied. And at the making heereof, my lord hath appoin­ted to send all the earles and baronets to abide in certeine places on the marches, to make roads, and to annoie his enimies. line 50 Now my lord, at this present I know none other newes to send, but you may by your letters command me as yours to my pow­er. My right honorable lord, God grant you good life, ioy, and health, long to conti­nue. Written at Burdeaux, the tuesdaie next before Christmasse.

The tenor of an other letter written by sir Iohn Wingfield, directed to sir Richard Staf­ford line 60 knight, who had beene in Gascoigne, and there leauing his familie, was now returned into England.

RIght deare sir, and right louing freend, touching newes after your departure, you may vnder­stand, year 1356 that there be taken and yeelded fiue townes inclosed, to wit, port saint Marie, Cleirac, Tonings, Burgh, saint Pierre, Chastiell Sacret or Satrat and Brassake. Also seauenteene castels, to wit, Coiller, Buset, Lemnake, two castels called Boloines, which ioine the one neere so the other, Mounioy, U [...]resch, Freche­net, Mountender, Pudeschales, Moun­poun, Montanac, Ualeclare, Cenamont, Leistrake, Plassac, Cont Destablison, and Mounriuell. And will it please you to know that my lord Iohn Chandois, my lord Iames Audeley, and your men that are with them, and the other Gascoignes that are in their companie, & my lord Bald­wine Butetort, & that companie, & my lord Reignald Cobham▪ tooke the said towne, which is called Chastiell Sacret or Sa­trat, by assault: and the bastard of Lisle which was capteine of the said towne was also slaine there, as they assaulted it, be­ing striken with an arrow thorough the head: and my lord Reignold is returned backe toward Languedocke: and my lord Baldwin towards Brassacke, with their companies: and the lords Iohn & Iames, and those of their companie remaine in Chastiell Satrat, and haue vittels plentie of all sorts to serue them between this and Midsummer, except fresh fish and cabages as they haue certified vs by letters, where­fore yee need not take care for your men.

And there be in that towne more than three hundred glaiues, and three hundred yeomen, and a hundred and fiftie archers. And they haue rid before Agen, and burnt and destroied all their milles, and haue burnt and broken downe all their bridges that lie ouer Garon, and haue taken a ca­stell without the same towne, and haue for­tified it. And monsieur Iohn Darminake, and the seneshall of Agenois, which were in the towne of Agen, would not once put foorth their head, nor anie of their people, and yet haue they beene twise before that towne. And monsieur Busgaud was come, and monsieur Ernald de Spaine, Buscicau [...] and Gri­moton de Chambule, with three hundred glaiues, and three sergeants Lombards, and they are in the towne of Muschacke, which is in Cressie, and it is but a mile from Chastiell Satrat or Sacret, and a league from Bressake, and yee may well thinke that there will be good companie one with another.

And further may it please yee to know, that monsieur Bartholomew is at Coni­ake with six score men of armes of my lords house, & six score archers, & the capitall de Buche or Beuf, the L. Monferrant, The capitall de Beuf. & the L. of Crotonie, which haue with them 300 glaiues, & six score archers, and two hun­dred sergeants, beside them which are in Tailbourgh, Tanney, and Rochford, so that when they are togither, they may be well six hundred glaiues, and at the mak­ing heereof, they were vpon a iournie to­wards Aniou and Poictou, and the earles of Suffolke, Oxford, and Salisburie, the lord of Museden, monsieur Ellis de Pomi­ers, and other Gascoignes, with the which are well more then fiue hundred glaiues, and two hundred sergeants, and three hun­dred archers, and they were at the making [Page 386] hereof toward the parties of Nostredame de Rochemade, and haue beene foorth aboue twelue daies, and were not returned at the sending of these presents. My lord Iohn Chandois, my lord Iames, and my lord Baldwin, and those which be in their companie are also foorth vpon a iournie to­ward their parties; my lord Reinold and those of the houshold, with the Gascoigns which be in their companie, are also foorth line 10 vpon a iournie towards their parties.

The earle of Warwike hath beene at Tonings & Clerake, to take those towns, and at the making hereof was gone to­wards Mermande to destroie their vines, and all other things which he can destroie of theirs. My lord is at Leiborne, and the lord of Pomiers at Fronsak, which is but a quarter of a leage from Leiborne: and my line 20 lords people lie as well at saint Milion, as at Leiborne, and monsieur Berard de Bret is there with him, and my lord looketh for newes which he should haue, and accor­ding to the news that he shall haue, he will behaue himselfe: for as it seemeth, he stan­deth much on his honor. At the making hereof, the earle of Arminac was at Auig­nion, and the king of Aragon is there al­so: & of all other parleis which haue beene line 30 in diuerse places (wherof you know) I can not certifie you at the making herof. Right deere sir, other thing I can not send vnto you, but that you remember your selfe to send newes to my lord prince as soone as in anie wise you may, and so the Lord grant you good life and long. Written at Lei­borne the 21 of Ianuarie.

¶ These letters haue I thought good to make the reader partaker of, as I find them in the chronicle of Robert Auesburie, to the end ye may perceiue how other writers agrée therewith, sith the same letters may serue as a touchstone to trie the truth of the matter. And so now I will returne to speake of the kings dooings in the north part where we left him. On the fourtéenth of Ianuarie K. Edward hauing his armie lodged néere the towne of Berwike, and his nauie readie in the hauen to assaile the Scots line 50 that were within the towne, he entered the castell which the Englishmen had in their hands, the lord Walter de Mannie being their capteine, who had gotten certeine miners thither from the forrest of Deane, and other parts of the realme, which were bu­sie to make passage vnder the ground by a mine, through which the Englishmen might enter into the towne. Herevpon, when the Scots perceiued in what danger they stood, and knew that they could not long defend the towne against him, they surrendered it in­to line 60 his hands without further resistance.

In the Scotish histories it is recorded, that when those which were within the towne of Berwike, Hector Boe [...]. heard how that an armie of Englishmen came to the succours of the castell, they raced the walles and burnt the houses of the towne, and so departed with all the spoile which they had gotten there. But how soeuer it was, king Edward being againe possessed of the towne, Anno Reg. 30. he set men aworke to repare it, and passing foorth to Roxburge, The resigna­tion of the realme of Scotland made by the Balioll. there met with him the rightfull king of Scots Edward Balioll, who trans­ferred & resigned all the right, title and interest, which he had or might haue to the crowne and realme of Scotland into king Edwards hands: which resigna­tian he confirmed by his letters patents thereof made and giuen vnder his hand and seale, dated the 25 of Ianuarie 1356, requiring king Edward to perseuere in pursute of his title to the vttermost.

King Edward hauing thus receiued the resigna­tion and release of the crowne of Scotland, mar­ched foorth with his armie, till he came to Hading­ton, burning and destroieng the countrie on ech side round about him, as he passed. And whilest he laie there, abiding for his ships, his men of warre were not idle, but ranged abroad in the countrie, and did all the damage to their enimies that they could de­ [...]ise. At length his armie which he had at the same time on the sea, arriued on that coast, and landing, spoiled a church of our ladie, called the White kirke: but being returned to their ships, there arose such a tempest and vehement north wind, that manie of their vessels rushing and beating against the banks and sands, were drowned togither with the men that were within them, for displeasure whereof king Ed­ward fell to the spoile of the countrie againe, K. Edward sore afflicted the Scots. not spa­ring one place more than another: by reason wherof, as well abbeis as all other churches and religious houses both in Hadington, in Edenborough, and tho­rough all other the parts of Louthian, wheresoeuer he came, were defaced and put to sacke. At length when he had accomplished his will, and so set things in or­der, he returned backe into England with the fore­said Edward Balioll in his companie, whome he kept with him, for doubt least he should reuolt, and procure some new trouble. In the moneth of Iulie the duke of Lancaster being sent to the aid of the K. of Nauarre, came into Constantine, The duke of Lācaster sent to aid the king of Nauarre. which is a por­tion of Normandie, & there ioined with the lord Phi­lip of Nauarre, brother to the king of Nauarre, and with the lord Godfrie de Harecourt, Paulus A [...] ­milius. the which being returned into France, and restored to the French kings fauour, was latelie againe reuolted, vpon dis­pleasure taken for the death of his nephue the lord Iohn de Harecourt, as in the French histories ye may read more at large. Froissard. They were in all about the number of foure thousand fighting men, and being assembled togither, they went to Liseux, to Orbec, The castell of Orbec res­cued. to Ponteau, & rescued the castell there, which had béene besieged by the lord Robert de Hotetot master of the crossebowes in France, more than two moneths: but now hearing that the Englishmen and Nauar­rois approched, he departed from thence, leauing be­hind him for hast his engins and artillerie.

The duke of Lancaster passed forward vnto Bre­tueill, which he caused to be relieued and furnished with necessarie things as was conuenient. And then leauing the citie of Eureux, The citie of Eureux yéel­ded to the Frenchmen. which was as then in the Frenchmens hands, latelie yéelded to them after a long siege, he went forward with the lord Philip de Nauarre in companie till they came to Uernueill in Perch, and there tooke both the towne and castell, Uernueil. and robbed the towne and burnt a great part therof. The French king, The French K. commeth to giue the duke of Lancaster battell. who had assembled a mightie ar­mie, being aduertised of these matters, hasted for­ward towards the duke of Lancaster, fullie purpo­sing to giue him battell. The duke and the lord Philip de Nauarre, hauing knowledge that the French king followed them, withdrew towards the towne of the Eagle, and the king still went after them, till he came to Tuebeuf two leages from the towne of the Egle, and there it was shewed to him that he could not follow his enimies any further, by reason of the thicke forrests, which he could not passe with­out great danger of his person and losse of his peo­ple. Then returned he with all his host, and tooke from the Nauarrois the castell of Thilliers, and also the ca­stell of Bretueill, which was yeelded to him after two moneths siege.

[Page 387]About the same time, that is to saie, in Iulie, the prince of Wales, Froissard. The prince of Wales inua­deth y e French dominions. hauing assembled an armie of men of warre, to the number of eight thousand, en­tred into the French dominions, and first passing through Auuergne, at length he came into the coun­trie of Berrie, wasting and burning the townes and villages as he went, taking easie iournies for the better reléefe of his people, and destruction of his enimies: for when he was entered into anie towne that was sufficientlie stored of things necessarie, he would tarie there two or three daies to refresh his sol­diers line 10 and men of warre, and when they dislodged, they would strike out the heads of the wine vessels, and burne the wheat, oates and barlie, and all other things which they could not take with them, to the in­tent their enimies should not therewith be susteined and nourished.

The citie of Burges.After this, they came before the citie of Burges, and there made a great skirmish at one of the ga [...]es, and there were manie feats of armes doone. The host departed from thence, without dooing anie more, and line 20 comming to a strong castell called Issoldune, Issoldune as­saulted. they fiercelie assailed it, but could not win it: the gentle­men within defended the walles and gates so man­fullie. Then passed they forward, and came to Uier­zon, Uierzon woone. a great towne and a good castell, but it was no­thing stronglie fortified; and therefore was it woone perforce, the people within it being not sufficient to resist the valiant puissance of the Englishmen. Here they found wine and other vittels in great plentie, line 30 and herevpon they taried there three daies to refresh themselues at ease. But before they departed, the prince had aduertisement giuen him that the French king was come to Chartres, with an huge assemblie of men of warre, and that all the townes and passa­ges aboue the riuer of Loire were closed and kept. Then was the prince counselled to returne and passe by Touraine and Poictow, The passages stopped. and so that waie to Bur­deaux.

The prince returneth.The prince following their aduise that thus coun­selled line 40 him, set forward toward Remorentine. The French king had sent into that countrie to kéepe the frontiers there, the lord of Craon, the lord Bouciqu­ault, and the heremit of Chaumount, the which with three hundred men of armes had followed the Eng­lishmen six daies togither, and could neuer find anie conuenient occasion to set vpon them: for the Eng­lishmen gouerned themselues so sagelie, that their enimies could not lightlie assaile them, but to their owne disaduantage. One day the Frenchmen laid line 50 themselues closelie in an ambush néere to the towne of Remorentine, at a maruellous streict passage, by which the Englishmen must néeds passe.

On the same daie there were departed from the princes battell, by licence of the marshals, certeine capteins, Englishmen and Gascoignes, as the lord Bartholomew de Burghers [...]e or Burwasche (as some write him) the lord of Mucident Gascongne, monsieur Petiton de Courton, the lord de la Ware; the lord Basset, sir Daniell Passelew, sir Richard line 60 Ponchardon, sir Noell Loring, the yoong lord Spen­ser, and two of the Danbreticourts, sir Edward, and an other, who hauing with them two hundred men of armes, went foorth to run before Remorentine, that they might view the place. Remorentine. They passed foorth alongst by the Frenchmen which laie in ambush, as yée haue heard, and they were not aduised of them, and they were no sooner passed, but that the Frenchmen brake out, and gallopped after the Englishmen with great randon, hauing their speares in their rests.

The Englishmen and the Gascoignes hearing horsses to come galloping after them, turned, and per­ceiuing them to be their enimies, stood still to abide them. A skirmish. The Frenchmen couragiouslie gaue the charge, and the Englishmen as valiantlie defended them, so that there insued a great skirmish, which con­tinued a long while, so that it could not be easilie iud­ged who had the better, nor on which side the fortu­nate issue of the present conflict would then fall (for ‘—mutabilis alea Martis)’ till that the battell of the English marshals appro­ched, the which when the Frenchmen saw comming by a wood side, The French­men fled. they fled streightwaies towards Re­morentine, and the Englishmen followed in chase so fast as their horsses might beare them, and entered the towne with the Frenchmen: but the French lords and the one halfe of their companie got into the castell, and so saued themselues. The prince lodgeth in the towne of Re­morentine. The prince hearing what had happened, came into the towne, and there lodged that night, sending sir Iohn Chandois to talke with the capiteines of the castell, to know if they would yeeld: and bicause they refused so to doo, on the next morrow he caused his people to giue an assault to the place, which continued the most part of the day, but yet missing their purpose, he commanded that they should draw to their lodgings, and rest them for that night.

In the morning as soone as the sunne was vp, The castell of Remorentine assaulted. the marshals caused the trumpets to sound, and those that were appointed to giue the assault againe, prepa­red themselues to it. The prince himselfe was present personallie at this assault, so that the same was in­forced to the vttermost: but when they saw that by assaults they could not win the castell, they deuised engines, It is set on fier. wherewith they cast wild fire into the base court, and so set it on fire, which increased in such ve­hement sort, that it tooke into the couering of a great tower, which was couered with reed: and then they within perceiuing they must either yeeld or perish with fire, They with [...] submitted themselues. came downe and submitted themselues to the prince, who as prisoners receiued them. The castell of Remorentine being thus woone and defaced with fire, the prince left it void, and marched foorth with his armie as before, destroieng the countrie, and ap­proched to Aniou and Touraine. The French king foloweth the prince of Wales. The French king came forwards toward the prince, and at Ambois heard how the prince was in Touraine, meaning to returne through Poictow. He was dailie aduertised of the princes dooings by such as were appointed to coast him euer in his iournie.

Then came the king to Haie in Touraine, and his people were passed the riuer of Loire at sundrie pas­sages, Froissard. Seuen thou­sand chosen men saith Tho. Walsi. where most conuenientlie they might. They were in number twentie thousand men of armes; of noble men there were six and twentie, dukes and earles, beside a great number of other lords and ba­rons: the foure sonnes of the king were there, as the lord Charles duke of Normandie, the lord Lewes af­ter duke of Aniou, the lord Iohn after duke of Ber­rie, and the lord Philip which was after duke of Bur­gongne. The French king doubting least the prince should escape by spéedie iournies out of his countrie, before he could come to giue him battell, remooued to Chauuignie; Chauuignie. and there passed the riuer of Creuse by the bridge, supposing that the Englishmen had beene before him, but they were not. Some of the French­men taried behind at Chauuignie for one night, and in the morning followed the king. They were about two hundred men of armes vnder the leading of the lord Craon, the lord Raoull de Coucie, and the earle of Ioignie. They chanced to incounter with cer­teine of the auaunt currours of the English armie, which remooued that day from a little village fast by. Those Englishmen were not past three score men of armes, but well horssed, and therefore perceiuing the great number of the Frenchmen, they fled towards the princes battell, which they knew was not farre off. Capteins of the Englishmen were two knights [Page 388] of Heinault, the lord Eustace Dambreticourt, and the lord Iohn of Guistelles.

The Frenchmen beholding them in this wise to flée, rode after amaine, and as they followed in chase, they came on the princes battell before they were a­ware. The lord Raoull of Coucie went so far for­ward with his banner, The lord Ra­oull de Cou­cie taken. that he entred vnder the prin­ces banner, and fought right valiantlie, but yet he was there taken, and the earle of Ioignie, also the vi­count of Bruce, the lord Chauuignie, and diuerse o­ther, line 10 so that the most part of those Frenchmen were either taken or slaine, Frenchmen distressed. and verie few escaped. The prince vnderstood by the prisoners, that the French king was so farre aduanced forward in pursute of him, that he could not auoid the battell. Then he as­sembled his men togither, and commanded them to kéepe order, and so rode that day being saturdaie from morning till it was toward night, & then came within two leagues of Poictiers: and herewith sen­ding foorth certeine capteins, to search if they could line 20 heare where the king was, he incamped himselfe that night in a strong place amongst hedges, vines, and bushes. They that were sent to discouer the countrie, rode so far, that they saw where the French king with his great battell was marching, and setting vp­on the taile of the Frenchmen, caused all the host to stir: whereof knowledge being giuen to the king, the which as then was entring into Poictiers, he retur­ned againe, and made all his host to doo the like, so that it was verie late yer he and his people were be­stowed line 30 in their lodgings that night. The English currours returning to the prince, declared what they had séene and doone. So, that night, the two armies being lodged within a small distance either of other, kept strong and sure watch about their campes.

On the morrow after being sundaie, and the eigh­téenth daie of September, the French king caused his host to be diuided into three battels or wards, and in each of them were sixteene thousand armed men, all mustered and passed for armed men. The first bat­tell line 40 was gouerned by the duke of Orleance, The ordering of the French battell. wherein were six and thirtie banners, and twise as manie pe­nons. The second was led by the duke of Norman­die and his brethren, the lord Lewes & the lord Iohn. The third the French king himselfe conducted. And while these battels were setting in arraie, the king caused the lord Eustace de Ribaumount, and two o­ther noble men to ride on before, to see the dealing of the Englishmen, and to aduise of what number they were. Those that were thus sent, rode foorth and be­held line 50 the order of the Englishmen at good leisure: and returning, infourmed the king, that as they could iudge, the enimies were about two thousand men of armes, foure thousand archers, and fiftéene hundred of others, and that they were lodged in such a strong place, and so well fensed with ditches and hedges, that it would be hard assaulting them therein.

The cardinall of Piergort the popes legat, as then li [...]ng in the citie of Poictiers, The cardinal of Piergort. came that morning to the king, and required him to absteine from battell, line 60 till he might vnderstand whether the prince would condescend vnto such conditions of peace as he him­selfe should thinke reasonable, which if it might be brought to passe, the same should be more honorable for him, than to aduenture so manie noble men as were there with him at that present in hazard of bat­tell. The king was contented that the cardinall should go to the prince, and see what he could doo with him. The prince of Wales con­tented to come to a treatie. The cardinall rode to the prince, and talked with him till he was contented to come to a freatie. The cardinall returned to the French king, and required of him that a truce might be granted till the next daies sun-rising: which truce obteined, he spent that daie in riding to and fro betwixt them.

The prince offered to render into the kings hands all that he had woone in that voiage, The offer [...] the prince of Wales. as well townes as castels, and also to release all the prisoners, which he or any of his men had taken in that iournie: and further he was contented to haue béene sworne not to beare armour against the French king within the terme of seuen yeares next following. But the French king would not agree therevnto: The French kings pre­sumptuous demand. the vtter­most that he would agree vnto, was this, that the prince and an hundred of his knights should yéeld themselues as prisoners vnto him, otherwise he would not haue the matter taken vp. But it was the French kings hap after (notwithstanding his hau­tines) to be taken captiue, as Okland noteth, saieng,

—seruilia sub iuga missus
Disceret vt domino regi parêre Britanno.

But the prince in no wise cold be brought to any such vnreasonable conditions, and so the cardinall could not make them fréends, although he trauelled ear­nestlie betwixt them all that daie. When it drew to­wards night, he returned toward Poictiers.

The Englishmen were not idle, The English men fortifie their campe. whilest the cardi­nall was thus in hand to bring the parties to some good agréement, but cast great ditches, and made hed­ges, and other fortifications about the place where their archers stood, and on the next morning, being mondaie, the prince and his people prepared them­selues to receiue battell, as they had doone before, ha­uing passed the day before and that night in great defect of necessarie things, for they could not stir a­broad to fetch forrage or other prouisions without danger to be surprised of their enimies. The cardi­nall came againe earlie in the morning vnto the French king, and found the French armie readie in order of battell by that time the sunne was vp, and though he eftsoones fell in hand to exhort the king to an agréement, yet it would not be. So he went to the prince, The cardinal trauelled in vaine. and declared to him how he could doo no good in the matter, and therefore he must abide the hazard of battell for ought that he could sée: wherewith the prince was content, and so the cardinall returned vn­to Poic [...]iers.

¶ Here is to be remembred, that when (as Thomas Walsingham writeth) this cardinall of Piergort was sent from the pope to trauell betwixt the parties for a peace to be had, and that the pope exhorted him verie earnestlie to shew his vttermost diligence and indeuour therein: at his setting foorth to go on that message, the said cardinall (as was said) made this answer: Tho. Wal [...]. A prophesie [...] a prelate. Most blessed father (said he) either we will persuade them to peace and quietnesse, either else shall the verie flintstones crie out of it. But this he spake not of himselfe, as it was supposed▪ but being a prelate in that time, he prophesied what should follow; for when the English archers had bestowed all their arrowes vpon their enimies, they tooke [...]p pebles from the place where they stood, being full of those kind of stones, and approching to their enimies, they threw the same with such violence on them, that ligh­ting against their helmets, armor, and targets, they made a great ringing noise, so that the cardinals prophesie was fulfilled, that he woulde either persuade a peace, or else the stones should crie out thereof.

The worthie prince like a couragious chiefteine, when he saw that he must needs [...]ight, The exte [...]tion of the prince. required his people not to be abashed at the great number of their enimies, sith the victorie did not consist in the multi­tude of men, but where God would send it: and if it fortuned that the iournie might be theirs and his, they should be the most honored people of the world: and if they should die in that righteous quarrell, he had the king his father and also his brethren, in like case as they had freends and kinsmen, that would seeke their reuenge. And therefore he desired them [Page 389] that daie to shew themselues like valiant men of warre: and for his part he trusted in God and saint George, they should see in his person no default▪ These or the like words did this most gentle prince speake, which greatlie comforted all his people.

Noble men with the prince of Wales.There were with him of earles, Warwike, Su [...] ­folke, Sal [...]sburie, Stafford; of lords, Cobhain▪ Spenser, Andeley, Berkley, Basset, Warren, de la Wa [...]e, Bradeston, Burwasch, Felton, Mallow, and diuerse other: also sir Iohn Chandois, by whome he line 10 was much counselled▪ sir Richard Stafford, sir Ri­chard of Penbruche, and manie other knights and valiant esquires of England. Moreouer, there was of Gascoigne, The capitall de Beuf. the capitall of Buz or Beuf, the lords of Prumes, Burguenrie, Chaumount, de Lespare, Rosen, Monferant, Landuras, the Souldich of Le­strad or Lescard, and other: and of Heinault, sir Eu­stace Daubreticourt, sir Iohn de Guistelles▪ and o­ther strangers. The number of the prince his armie. All the princes companie passed not the number of eight thousand men one and other, of line 20 the which (as Iacobus Meire saith) thrée thousand were archers: though Froissard (as I haue rehearsed be­fore) reporteth the number of archers to be more, as in one place six thousand, and in an other place foure thousand.

The number of the French.The French king hauing in his armie thrée score thousand fighting men, wherof there were more than three thousand knights, made so sure account of vic­torie, as anie man might of a thing not yet had, con­sidering his great puissance, in regard to the small line 30 number of his aduersaries: and therefore immedi­atlie after that the cardinall was departed, he caused his battels to march forward, and approching to the place where the Englishmen stood readie to receiue their enimies, The battell is begun. caused the onset to be giuen. There were certeine French horssemen, to the number of three hundred, with the Almains also on horssebacke appointed to breake the arraie of the English ar­chers, but the archers were so defended and compas­sed about with hedges and ditches, that the horsse­men line 40 of the French part could not enter to doo their feat, and being galled with the sharpe shot of the English bowes, The force of the English archers. they were ouerthrowne horsse and man, so that the vaward of the Frenchmen, wherein was the duke of Athens, with the marshals of France, the lord Iohn de Cleremont, and the lord Arnold Dandrehen or Odenhen, began to disorder within a while, by reason of the shot of the archers, to­gither with the helpe of the men of armes, amongst whom in the forefront was the lord Iames Audeley, The lord Iames Au­deley. line 50 to performe a vow which he had made, to be one of the first setters on.

There was the lord Arnold Dandrehen taken pri­soner, and the lord Iohn de Cleremont slaine, so that the noble prowesse of the said lord Iames Audeley, breaking through the Frenchmens battell with the slaughter of manie enimies, was that day most ap­parant. Tho. Walsi. The earles of Warwike and S [...]ffolke. The loiall constancie of the noble earles of Warwike and Suffolke, that fought so stoutlie, so earnestlie, and so fiercelie, was right manifest. And line 60 the prince himselfe did not onelie fulfill the office of a noble chéefteine, but also of a right valiant and ex­pert souldiour, attempting what soeuer any other hardie warriour would in such cases haue done. Nei­ther was this battell quicklie dispatched, nor easilie brought to end; but it was fought out with such ob­stinate earnestnesse, that thrée times that daie were the Englishmen driuen to renew the fight, through the multitude of enimies that increased and came still vpon them.

Finallie, the marshals battell was quite discom­fited: for the Frenchmen and Almains fell one vpon an other, and could not passe foorth; and those that were behind, & could not get forward, reculed backe: and while the marshals battell being on horssebacke thus assailed the English armie with great disaduan­tage▪ and was [...]n the end beaten backe▪ the two bat­tels of the [...] of Norm [...]ndie and Orlean [...] came forward and likewise [...]ss [...]iled th [...] Englishmen, but could not preuaile. The archers shot so fercelie, that to conclude▪ the Frenchmen behind, vnderstanding the discomfiture of the marshals battell, The mar­shals battell put to y • worst and how their fellowes before could not enter vpon their enimies, they opened and ran to their horsses, in whome they did put more trust for their safegard by galloping on thei [...] awaie, than in their [...] hands, for all their late brauerie and gre [...]t [...] ▪ One thing sore dis­couraged the Frenchmen▪ [...] that was this beside those Englishmen that were within the closure of their campe, there were certeine men of armes on horssebacke, with a number of archers also on horsse­backe, appointed to coast vnder the couert of a moun­teine, adioining to the place, where they thought to strike into a side of the duke of Normandies battell, The French­men séeke to saue them­selus by flight Polydor. so that with the terrour hereof, and with the continu­all shot of the English archers, the Frenchmen not knowing where to turne themselues, sought to saue their liues by flight.

The prince of Wales, perceiuing how his enimies (for the more part of them) were fleeing awaie as men discomfited, sent out his horssemen as well on the one hand as on the other, and he himselfe with his whole power of footmen rushed foorth, and manfullie assailed the maine battell of the Frenchmen, where the king himselfe was, Froissard. The valian­cie of the French king. who like a valiant prince would not flee, but fought right manfullie: so that if the fourth part of his men had doo [...]e halfe their parts as he did his, the victorie by likelihood had rested (as Froissard saith) on his side: but he was forsaken of his three sonnes, and of his brother the duke of Orle­ance, which fled out of the battell with cleare hands. Finallie, after huge slaughter made of those noble­men, and other which abode with him euen to the end, he was taken, and so likewise was his yongest sonne Philip, The French king taken. and both put in great danger to haue béene murthered after they were taken, by the English­men and Gascoignes, striuing who should haue the king to his prisoner, where in déed a knight of Flan­ders or rather Artois, borne in saint Omers, called sir Denise Morbecke, tooke him, Ia. Meit. Sir Denise Morbecke. Froissard. but he was straight­waies taken from the same sir Denise by other that came in the meane season, better prouided (béelike) of strength, and lead him awaie vnresisted.

There were slaine in this battell, of noblemen, the dukes of Burbon and Athens, Noblemen slaine. the marshall Clere­mont, sir Geffrey Charnie that bare the chéefe stan­dert of France, the bishop of Chaalons, sir Eustace de Ribaumont, with diuerse other to the number of eight hundred lords, knights, Ia. Meir. and gentlemen of name. In all there died on the French part six thou­sand of one and other. Polydor. The chase. The chase was continued euen to the gates of Poictiers, and manie slaine and bea­ten downe in the stréet before the gates, which the ci­tizens had closed, for doubt least the Englishmen should enter with them that fled thither for safegard. There were taken beside the king and his sonne, the lord Iaques de Burbon earle of Ponthieu, Froissard. Annales de France. brother to the duke of Burbon that was slaine there, the erle of Ew, the lord Charles his brother earle of Long­uile, the archbishop of Sens, the earles of Uandosme, Salesbruch, Uentadore, Tankeruille, Estampes, and Dampmartine: Archembald Douglas tak [...] Iacob. Meir. also Archembald Dowglas a noble man of Scotland, sonne to the honorable lord William Dowglas that was killed in Spaine, the marshall Dandrehen or Odenhen (as Iacobus Meir saith) with others to the number of seuenteene hundred earles, lords, knights, and gentlemen, Prisoners taken. be­side those of the meaner sort; so that the Englishmen [Page 390] [...]

Thus was the prince of Wales victor in that no­table battell fought in the fields of [...] and Malpertuse, two leagues from [...], the nine­teenth day of September being monday, The battell of Po [...]ctiers when it was. in the yéere line 10 [...] all his men togither. It was almost night yet they were all returned from the chase. The prince made a great supper in his lodging that night to the French king, The prince suppeth the prisoners. and to the most part of his nobles that there taken prisoners, and did all the honour that he could deuise to the king. And where he perceiued by line 20 his chéere and countenance, that his heart was full of pensiue greéfe, carefull thought and heauinesse, he comforted him in the best maner that he might, and said to him: as followeth.

The meeke and comfortable oration of the English prince to the French king being taken prisoner.

MOst noble king, there is no cause line 30 wherefore your grace should be pensiue, though God this day did not consent to follow your will. For your noble prowes and dignitie roiall, with the supreme type of your kinglie ma­iestie, remaineth whole and inuiolate, and what soeuer may rightlie be called yours; so that no violent force of time shall blot out or diminish the same. The almightie God hath determined that the chance of line 40 war shall rest in his disposition and will▪ as all other things. Your elders haue archi­ued both by land & sea manie noble enter­prises. The whole compasse of Europe, all the east parts of the world, all places and countries, both far & neere, are full of mo­numents, witnessing the noble victories atteined by the French people.

The cause of godlie liuing and religion, line 50 the dignitie and preheminence of christia­nitie hath beene defended and augmented by you, against the most mightie and puis­sant capteins of the infidels, enimies to the said christian religion. All ages shall make mention of your worthie praises, no nation there is but shall confesse it selfe bounden at one time or other for bene­fits receiued at your hands▪ nether is there line 60 any people but such as hope to be hereaf­ter bounden to you for reliefe and benefits, to proceed from you in time to come. One or two battels happilie haue chanced among so manie triumphs otherwise than you would haue wished; chance would it should be so, which may infeeble and make weake the power of horsses, armor, and weapon: your inuincible courage and roiall magna­nimitie lieth in your power to reteine: nei­ther shall this day take any thing from you or yours. And this realme of France which hath procreat and brought foorth and nori­shed so many of my noble progenitors, shall [...] my good meaning towards h [...]r, as not forgetfull of mine elders, and toward your maiestie (if you will vouchsafe that I should glorie of that name) a most humble kinsman. There are manie occasions of loue and freendship betwixt you and my fa­ther, which I trust shall take place, for I know all his thoughts and inward mea­nings: you shall agree and come to an at­tonement right easilie togither, & I praie God he neuer take me for his sonne, except I haue you in the same degree of honor, re­uerence, and faithfull loue, which I owe towards him.

The king (as reason would) acknowledged this to procéed of great courtesie shewed toward him in the prince, and thanked him accordinglie. The French king than [...] [...] the prince. And the prince performing in déed that which he spake with word, ceassed from further vsing of fire, or other indama­ging of the French dominions, and taking his waie through the countries of Poictou and Xaintonge, by easie iournies, he and his people came to Blaie, and so passed ouer the water to Burdeaux in good safetie with all their riches and prisoners. The prince returneth [...] Burdeaux. Froissard. The prince gaue to the lord Iames Audelie (who had receiued in the battell manie sore wounds) fiue hundred marks of yearelie reuenues assigned foorth of his lands in En­gland. The lord [...]delie rewar­ded. The which gift the knight granted as fréelie as he had receiued it vnto foure of his esquiers, which in the battell had béene euer attendant about his person, without whose aid & valiant support, he knew well that he had beene slaine sundrie times in the same battell by his enimies, and therefore thought it a dutie of humanitie and gratitude to make them a­mends with some temporall recompense, that had saued his life, than the which nothing is more déere, nor of greater price in the world, as the poet saith, ‘—nihil est vita pr [...]tiosius ipsa.’

When the prince heard that he had so doone, he mer­uelled what his meaning was therby, and caused him to be brought before his presence, and demanded of him wherefore he had so lightlie giuen awaie that reward which he had bestowed vpon him, and whe­ther he thought that gift too meane for him or not. The lord Audelie so excused himselfe in extolling the good seruice doone to him by his esquiers, through whome he had so manie times escaped the dangers of death, that the prince did not onelie confirme the re­signation of the fiue hundred marks giuen to the es­quiers, but also rewarded the lord Audelie with six hundred marks more of like yearelie reuenues, in maner and forme as he had receiued the other.

When the newes of this great victorie came into England of the ouerthrow of the Frenchmen, and taking of the French king, ye may be sure there was great ioy shewed by outward tokens, Bonfier [...]. as bonfiers made, feasts and bankets kept, through the whole realme. Likewise the Gascoignes and Englishmen being come to Burdeaux, made great reuell and pa­stime there, spending freelie that gold and siluer which they had woone in the battell of Poictiers, and else­where in that iournie. 135 [...] Anno Reg.. [...]. ¶ This yeare in Aprill the prince of Wales tooke shipping with his prisoners at Burdeaux, Additions [...] Adam Me [...] ­muth. and on the fift of Maie arriued at Plim­mouth. On the foure and twentith day of Maie he was with great honour ioifullie receiued of the citi­zens into the citie of London, and so conueied to the palace of Westminster, The pri [...]ce bringeth the French king ouer into England. where the king sitting in Westminster hall, receiued the French king, and af­ter conueied him to a lodging appointed for him, where he laie a season; but after he was remoued to [Page 391] the Sauoie, which was at that time a goodlie house, perteining to the duke of Lancaster, though after­wards it was burnt and destroied by Wat Tiler, Iacke Straw, and their companie. In this place the French king laie, and kept house a long time after.

In the winter following were roiall iustes holden in Smithfield, A iust holden in Smithfeld at the which were present the kings of England, France, and Scotland, with manie great estates of all their thrée kingdoms, of the which the more part of the strangers were as then priso­ners. line 10 It was reported, that the French king could not so dissemble nor cloake his inward thought, but that there appeared some tokens of gréefe in his countenance, whilest he beheld these warlike pa­stimes. And when the king of England, & his sonne prince Edward with comfortable words required him after supper to put all pensiue cares out of his fantasie, The French k. sorowfull. and to be merrie and sing as other did, he should make this answer with a smiling counte­nance, line 20 alluding to the complaint of the Israelits in time of their captiuitie vnder the gentiles, & saieng, ‘ Psalm. 137. Thom. Wals. Froissard.Quomodo cantabimus canticum in terra aliena?’

About the same time there came ouer into Eng­land two cardinals, the one called Talirand being bishop of Alba (commonlie named the cardinall of Pierregort) and the other named Nicholas intituled cardinall of S. Uitale or (as Froissard saith) of Dar­gell, Cardinals sent into England. they were sent from pope Innocent the sixt, to intreat for a peace betwixt the kings of England line 30 and France: but they could not bring their purpose to anie perfect conclusion, although they remained her [...] for the space of two yeares: but yet onelie by good means they procured a truce betwéene the said kings, and all their assistants, to indure from the time of the publication thereof, vnto the feast of S. Iohn Baptist, A truce for two yeare [...]. which should be in the yeare 1359: out of the which truce was excepted the L. Philip of Na­uarre, and his alies, the countesse of Montfort, and the whole duchie of Britaine. line 40

Anon after, the French king was remooued from the Sauoie vnto the castell of Windsor with all his houshold, The French king remoued to Windsor. and then he went on hunting and haw­king there about at his pleasure, and the lord Philip his sonne with him, all the residue of the prisoners abode still at London, but were suffered to go vp and downe, and to come to the court when they would. In the same yeare the duke of Lancaster besieged the ci­tie of Rennes in Britaine, Rennes be­sieged. in the title of the coun­tesse of Richmond, & hir yoong sonne Iohn of Mont­fort, line 50 that claimed to be duke of Britaine. Those that were within the citie, as the vicount of Rohan, and Berthram de Claiquin (who as then was a lustie yoong bacheler) and others defended themselues manfullie for a time, but yet at length they were compelled to render the citie into their enimies hands.

Tho. Walsi.About the same time two Franciscane friers were burnt at London, for matters of religion. ¶ More­ouer queene Isabell, mother vnto king Edward the line 60 third, departed this life the seauen and twentith daie of August, and was buried the seauen and twentith daie of Nouember, in the church of the friers minors at London, not yet dedicated. ¶ Dauid king of Scotland, shortlie after the truce was concluded be­twixt England and France, was set at libertie, pai­eng for his ransome the summe of one hundred thousand marks (as Fourdon saith) but whether he meaneth Scotish or sterling monie, Fourdon. The king of Scots ran­somed. I cannot saie. He also was bound by couenant now vpon his deli­uerance, to cause the castels in Nidesdale to be rai­sed, which were knowne to be euill neighbors to the English borderers, Polydor. as Dunfrise, Dalswinton, Mor­ton, Dunsd [...]re, and nine other.

His wife quéene Ione made such earnest sute to hir brother king Edward for hir husbands deliue­rance, that king Edward was contented to release him vpon the paiment of so small a portion of mo­nie, and performance of the couenants, for the rai­sing of those castels; although Froissard saith, Froissard. that he was couenanted to paie for his deliuerance within the tearme of ten yeares, fiue hundred thousand no­bles, and for suertie of that paiment to send into England sufficient hostages, as the earles of Dow­glas, Murrey, Mar, Sutherland, and Fiffe, the ba­ron of Uescie, and sir William Camoise. Also he co­uenanted neuer to weare armour against king Ed­ward, within his realme of England, nor to consent that his subiects should so doo: and further should vp­on his returne home, doo the best he could to cause the Scots to agree that their countrie should hold of him in fée, and that he and his successours, kings of Scotland, should doo homage to the king of Eng­land, and his successors for the realme of Scot­land.

In this two and thirtith yeare, 1358 Anno Reg. 3 [...]. as witnesseth the French chronicles, sir Robert Knolles, Iames Pipe, and one Thomlin Foulke, with other capiteins and men of warre as souldiours to the king of Nauarre vpon the tenth day of March earlie in the morning scaled the walles of the citie of Auxerre, Annales de France. and beha­ued them so manfullie, that they were maisters of the towne before the sunne was vp. They got excee­ding much by the spoile of that citie, and by ransom­ing the prisoners which they tooke there. The citie of Auxerre takē by sir Robert Knolles. At length af­ter they had remained eight daies in that citie, and taken their pleasures of all things within it, they wrought so with the citizens, that to haue possession of their citie againe, and to haue it saued from fire, they agréed to giue to sir Robert Knolles, and to his companie, fiftie thousand motons of gold, which a­mounted to the summe of twelue thousand and fiue hundred pounds sterling or there about; and yet was it agreed, that the Englishmen should burne the gates, and throw downe the walles in diuers places. In Aprill next insuing, the towne of Daubignie sir le Metre was likewise woone by the Englishmen; and the second daie of Maie Chastelon sir Loigne was taken by the said sir Robert Knolles, Daubignie sir le Metre. Chastelon. New castell vpon Loire. and put to sacke as the other were. From thence they went to Newcastell vpon Loire. Thus did the English­men and other, in title of the K. of Nauarre, greatlie indamage the realme of France, dailie winning townes and castels, ransoming the people, and wast­ing the countries in most miserable wise, as in the historie of France you may read more at large.

In this meane while there was talke of peace be­twixt the king of England, and the king of France, Talke of a peace, and ar­ticles thereof drawne. Caxton. and articles thereof drawne in this forme, that the whole countries of Gascoine, Guien, Poictou, Tou­raine, Xainctonge, Piergourd, Quercie, Limosin, Angolisinois, Calis, Guines, Bullogne, and Pon­thieu, should remaine to the king of England wholie without dooing homage or paieng anie reléefe for the same: but on the other part, he should renounce all his right, which he might by anie manner of meane claime to the countries of Normandie, Aniou, or Maine. And further, that the French king should paie a certeine summe of monie for his ransome, and deliuer sufficient pledges for the same, and so depart into France. These articles were sent ouer into France, that the thrée states there might confirme them, which they refused to doo. Wherevpon when the truce ended, the warres were againe reuiued. ¶The king held this yéere the feast of S. George at Wind­sor, in more sumptuous manner than euer it had béene kept before.

In the same yeare also, Thom. Wals. frier Iohn Lisle bishop of [Page 392] Elie, The bishop of Elie. being (as he tooke it) somewhat wronged by the ladie Blanch de Wake, and other that were of hir counsell, when the last yeare against the kings will vnto the popes court, where exhibiting his com­plaint, he caused the pope to excommunicate all his aduersaries, sending to the bishop of Lincolne and o­ther of the cleargie, that if they knew any of them so excommunicated to be dead and buried, they should draw them out of their graues: Excommuni­cation. which was doone. And bicause some of those that were excommunica­ted line 10 were of the kings councell, the king tooke such displeasure therewith, that he gréeuouslie disquieted the prelats. Wherevpon there were sent from the court of Rome on the behalfe of the bishop of Elie, certeine persons, which being armed, met the bishop of Rochester lord treasuror, deliuering to him letters from the pope, the contents of the which were not knowen, and foorthwith they shranke awaie: but the kings seruants made such pursute after them, that some of them they tooke, Such as de­liuered the popes letters hanged. and bringing them before the line 20 kings iustices, vpon their arreignement they were condemned, and suffered death on the gallowes.

Great discord rose also about this time, or rather afore, Discord be­twixt priests and friers. betwixt the cleargie, and the foure orders of friers, as in the booke of acts & monuments set foorth by master Iohn Fox ye may read more at large. In this yeare Iohn of Gant earle of Richmond, Th. Walsing. Iohn of Gant married. sonne to the king, the ninetéenth day of Maie married the ladie Blanch daughter to Henrie duke of Lanca­ster at Reading; 1359 Anno Reg. 33. and bicause they were cousins with­in line 30 the degrées of consanguinitie, forbidden by the church lawes to marrie, a dispensation was procured of the pope to remoue that obstacle and let. In this yeare the king set workemen in hand to take downe much old bildings belonging to the castell of Wind­sore, Windsore ca­stell repared. Additions to Triuet. and caused diuerse other faire and sumptuous works to be erected and set vp, in and about the same castell, so that almost all the masons and carpenters that were of any accompt within this land, were sent for and imploied about the same works, the ouerseer line 40 whereof was William Wickham the kings chap­l [...]in, by whose aduise the king tooke in hand to repare that place, the rather in déed bicause he was borne there, and therefore he tooke great pleasure to bestow cost in beautifieng it with such buildings, as may ap­peare euen vnto this daie. Moreouer, this yeare in the Rogation wéeke was solemne iusts enterprised at London, A solemne iusts at London. for the maior and his foure and twentie brethren as challengers did appoint to answer all commers, in whose name and stéed the king with his line 50 foure sonnes, Caxton. The K. with his foure sons are of the chalengers part. Edward, Lionell, Iohn, and Edmund, and ninetéene other great lords, in secret manner came and held the field with honor, to the great plea­sure of the citizens that beheld the same. ¶ Ye haue heard how the Frenchmen refused the peace, which was accorded betwixt K. Edward & their king, as then prisoner here in England. Wherupō K. Edward determined to make such warre against the realme of France, that the Frenchmen with all their harts should be glad to condescend and agrée to reason: and line 60 first he commanded all manner of Frenchmen (other than such as were prisoners) to auoid out of Eng­land. He also appointed the French king to be re­moued from the castell of Hertford, The French K. remoued. He departed frō Hertford the 29 of Iulie. Polydor. where he then re­mained, vnto the castell of Somerton in Lincolne­shire, vnder the gard and conduct of the lord Willi­am Deincourt, being allowed fourtie shillings the day for the wages of two and twentie men at armes, twentie archers, & two watchmen: as thus, for him­selfe and sir Iohn Kirketon baronets, either of them foure shillings the daie; for thrée knights, sir Willi­am Colleuill (in place of the lord Robert Colleuill, that could not trauell himselfe by reason of sicknesse) sir Iohn Deincourt, and sir Saer de Rochfort, ech of them two shillings the daie; seuentéene esquiers ech of them twelue pence the day, eight archers on horsse backe euerie of them six pence the day, and twelue archers on foot three pence, and the two watchmen ei­ther of them six pence the day, which amounteth in the whole vnto nine and thirtie shillings the day; and the od twelue pence was allowed to the said lord Dein­court to make vp the summe of 40 shillings. ¶ This haue I noted the rather, to giue a light to the reader to consider how chargeable the reteining of men of war in these daies is, in respect of the former times. But now to our purpose.

The king meaning to passe ouer himselfe in per­son into France, The king prepareth to make a iour­nie into France. Froissard. The duke of Lancaster. caused a mightie armie to be mu­stered and put in a readinesse, and sent before him the duke of Lancaster ouer to Calis with foure hun­dred speares, and two thousand archers, where the said duke ioined with such strangers as were alrea­die come to Calis in great numbers, and togither with them entered into the French dominions, and passing by saint Omers & Bethune, came to Mount saint Eloie, a goodlie abbeie and a rich, two leagues distant from Arras, and there the host tarried foure daies, and when they had robbed and wasted all the countrie thereabout, they rode to Braie, Braie as­saulted. and there made a great assault, at the which a baronet of Eng­land was slaine with diuerse other. When the Eng­lishmen saw they could win nothing there, they de­parted, and following the water of Some, came to a towne called Chersie, where they passed the riuer, and there tarried Alhallowen daie, & the night following.

On the same daie the duke of Lancaster was ad­uertised, The kings arriuall at Calis. that the king was arriued at Calis the se­uentéenth daie of October, commanding him by let­ters to draw towards him with all his companie. The duke according to the kings commandement o­beied, and so returned toward Calis. Froissard. The king being there arriued with all his power, tooke counsell which way he should take. Some aduised him first to in­uade Flanders, and to reuenge the iniurious dealing of the earle and the Flemings: Polydor. but he would not a­grée to that motion, for he purposed fullie either by plaine force to make a conquest of France, or else vt­terlie to destroie and wast the countrie throughout with fier and sword. Herevpon he set forwards the fourth of Nouember, and passing through the coun­tries of Arthois, and Uermendois, he came before the citie of Reimes. There went ouer with him in this iournie, & with the duke of Lancaster, his foure sonnes, Edward prince of Wales, Froissard. Lionell earle of Ulster, Iohn earle of Richmond, and the lord Ed­mund his yoongest sonne. Also there was Henrie the said duke of Lancaster, with the earles of March, Warwike, Suffolke, Hereford (who also was earle of Northampton) Salisburie, Stafford, and Oxford, the bishops of Lincolne, and Durham, and the lords Percie, Neuill, Spenser, Kirdiston, Rosse, Mannie, Cobham, Mowbray, de la Ware, Willoughbie, Fel­ton, Basset, Fitz Water, Charleton, Audelie, Bur­wasch, and others, beside knights and esquiers, as sir Iohn Chandois, sir Stephan Goussanton, sir Nowell Loring, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Iohn Lisle, sir Ri­chard Pembruge, and others.

The siege was laid before Reimes about saint An­drewes tide, and continued more than seuen weekes: Reimes be­sieged. but the citie was so well defended by the bishop and the earle of Porcien, and other capiteins within it, that the Englishmen could not obteine their pur­pose, and so at length, when they could not haue for­rage nor other necessarie things abroad in the coun­trie for to serue their turne, 1 [...]6 [...] the king raised his field, and departed with his armie in good order of battell, taking the way through Champaigne, and so passed by Chaalons, and after to Merie on the riuer of [Page 393] Seine. Anno Reg. 34. Tonnere woone. From Merie he departed and came vnto Tonnere, which towne about the beginning of the foure and thirtith yeare of his reigne was woone by assault, but the castell could not be woone, for there was within it the lord Fiennes constable of France, and a great number of other good men of war, which defended it valiantlie.

After the king had rested there fiue daies, and that his men were well refreshed with the wines and other such things, which they found in that towne line 10 in good plentie, he remooued and drew towards Bur­gognie, Guillon. comming to a towne called Guillon or A­guillon, where he lay from Ashwednesday vnto Mid­lent, hauing good prouision of all maner of vittels by the means of an esquier of his called Iohn Alanson, which had taken the towne of Flauignie not farre thence, Flauignie. wherein was great store of bread and wine and other vittels: and still the marshals rode foorth, and oftentimes refreshed the host with new prouisi­on. The Englishmen had with them in their carria­ges, line 20 tents, pauillions, milles, ouens, and forges; also boates of leather cunninglie made and deuised, able to receiue three men a péece, and to passe them ouer waters and riuers. The number of carriages. They had at the least six thousand carts with them, and for euerie cart foure horsses which they had out of England.

In this meane while, the Frenchmen made cer­teine vessels foorth to the sea, vnder the gouernance of the earle of S. Paule, the which vpon the fiftéenth daie of March landed earlie in the morning at Win­chelsie, Caxton. Additions to Ad. Merimu [...]h. line 30 and before sunne rising entred the towne, and finding the inhabitants vnprouided to make anie great resistance, fell to and sacked the houses, slue manie men, women and also children, and after set fier on the towne; Winchelsie burnt by the French. and vpon knowledge had that the people of the countrie next adioining were assem­bled, and comming to the rescue, he caused his men to draw to their ships, and so they taking their pillage and spoile with them, got them aboord, not without some losse of their companie, which were slaine in the line 40 towne by such as resisted their violence. Whilest the king laie at Aguillon, there came to him Anscaume de Salilans chancellor of Burgognie, Iaques de Uienne, A Compositiō made to spare the co [...]ntrie of Burgognie. and other lords of the countrie, being sent from their duke, to agrée with the king for the spar­ing of the lands and seigniories apperteining to the duchie of Burgognie.

The chancellor, and the other Burgognian lords found the king so agréeable to their request, that a composition was made betwixt him and the coun­trie of Burgognie, so that he should make to them an line 50 assurance for him, Franks hath Paradine, in Les Annales de Burgogni [...]. Froissard. The king of England draweth to­wards Paris and all his people, not to ouerrun or indamage that countrie, during the space of thrée yeares, and he to haue in readie monie the summe of two hundred thousand florens of gold, which of ster­ling monie amounted to the summe of fiue and thir­tie thousand pounds. When this agreement was in­grossed vp in writing, and sealed, the king dislodged, and all his host, taking the right waie to Paris, and passing the riuer of Yonne, entered into Gastinois, line 60 and at length by easie iournies, vpon a tuesdaie be­ing the last of March in the wéeke before Easter, he came and lodged betwéene Mont le Herie, and Chartres, with his people in the countrie there a­bouts.

Here the duke of Normandie made meanes for a treatie of peace, which was laboured by a frier called Simon de Langres prouinciall of the friers Iaco­bins and the popes legat: he did so much, that a trea­tie was appointed to be holden on good fridaie in the Malederie of Longegimew, where appeared for the king of England the duke of Lancaster, the erls of Warwike and Northampton, A treatie. with sir Iohn Chandois, sir Walter de Mannie, and sir William Cheinie knights: and for the French king thither came the earle of Eu constable of France, and the marshall Bouciquant, with other; but their treatie came to none effect: wherfore the king vpon the tues­daie in the Easter wéeke remooued neerer vnto Pa­ris, and vpon the fridaie following, being the tenth of Aprill, by procurement of the abbat of Clugnie newlie come from pope Innocent the sixt, the fore­said commissioners eftsoones did meet to treat of an agréement, but nothing they could conclude, the parties in their offers and demands were so farre at ods.

Upon the sundaie next following, The English men before Paris. a part of the kings hoste came before the citie of Paris, and im­battelled themselues in a field fast by saint Marcil­les, abiding there frō morning till three of the clocke in the after noone, to sée if the Frenchmen would come foorth to giue battell: but the French would not taste of that vessell. For the duke of Normandie (well considering what losse had insued within few yeares past vnto the realme of France, by giuing battell to the Englishmen, and taught by late triall and féeling of smart to dread imminent danger, for ‘Vulneribus didicit miles habere metum)’ would not suffer anie of his people to issue foorth of the gates, but commanded them to be readie onelie to defend the walles and gates, although he had a great power of men of warre within the citie, beside the huge multitude of the inhabitants. The English­men to prouoke their enimies the sooner to saile forth, Polydor. The sub­urbs o [...] Par­ris burnt. burnt diuerse parts of the suburbs, and rode euen to the gates of the citie. When they perceiued that the Frenchmen would not come foorth, about three of the clocke in the afternoone they departed out of the field and withdrew to their campe, and then the king and all the English host remooued towards Chartres, and was lodged at a place called Dones. Froissard. The bishop of Beauuois▪ Thither came to him the bishop of Beauuois then chancellor of Normandie, with other, and so handled the mat­ter with him, that a new daie of treatie was appoin­ted to be holden at Bretignie, which is little more than a mile distant from Chartres, vpon the first day of Maie next insuing.

In which daie and place appointed, the foresaid duke of Lancaster, and the said earles and other commis­sioners met with the said bishop, and other French lords and spirituall men to him associate, A new treatie on the be­halfe of the duke of Normandie then regent of France, to renew the former communication of peace, in full hope to bring it to a good conclusion; bi­cause king Edward began to frame his imaginati­on more to accord with his aduersaries, than he had doone of late, chéefelie for that the duke of Lancaster with courteous words and sage persuasions, The duke of Lancaster persuadeth the king to agrée. aduised him not to forsake such reasonable conditions as the Frenchmen were contented now to agrée vnto, sith that by making such manner of warre as he had at­tempted, his souldiers onelie gained, and he himselfe lost but time, and consumed his treasure [...] and further he might warre in this sort all the daies of his life, be­fore he could atteine to his intent, and loose perhaps in one daie more than he had gained in twentie yeares.

Such words spoken for the wealth of the king and his subiects, conuerted the kings mind to fansie peace, namelie by the grace of the Holie-ghost chéefe worker in this case. For it chanced on a daie, as he was marching not farre from Chartres, An hideous storme & tem­pest of wether there came such a storme and tempest of thunder, lightening, haile and raine, as the like had neuer béene séene by anie of the English people. This storme fell so hide­ous in the kings host, that it seemed the world should haue ended: for such vnreasonable great stones of haile fell from the skie, that men and horsses were [Page 394] slaine therewith, so that the most hardie were aba­shed. There perished thousands thereby, as some haue written. Then the king remembring what reasona­ble offers of agréement he had refused, vpon remorse of conscience (as by some writers should appeare) as­ked forgiuenesse of the damage doone by sword and fire in those parts, and fullie determined to grant vn­to indifferent articles of peace, for reléefe of the chri­stian inhabitants of that land: and so shortlie after, by the good diligence of the commissioners on both line 10 parts, A peace con­cl [...]ded. an vnitie and finall peace was accorded, the conditions whereof were comprised in fortie and one articles, the chiefe whereof in effect were these.

The articles.1 First that the king of England should haue and enioy (ouer and beside that which he held alreadie in Gascoigne and Guien) the castell, Fabian. Froissard. citie, and countie of Poictiers, and all the lands and countrie of Poicton, with the fée of Touars, and the lands of Belleuille; the citie and castell of Xainctes, and all the lands and countrie of Xaonctonge on both sides the riuer of line 20 Charent, with the towne and fortresse of Rochell, with their appurtenances; the citie and castell of A­gent, and the countrie of Agenois; the citie and ca­stell of Piergort, and all the land and countrie of Pe­rigueux; the citie and castell of Limoges, and all the lands and countrie of Limosin; the citie and castell of Cahors, and the lordship of Cahorsin; the castell and countrie of Tarbe; the lands countrie and countie of Bigorre; the countie, countrie, and lands of Gaure; the citie and castell of Angolesme; and the countie, line 30 land, and countrie of Angolesmois; the citie, towne and castell of Rodaix; and all the countie, and coun­trie of Rouergne; and if there were in the du [...]ie of Guien any lords, as the earles of Foiz, Arminacke, Lisle, and Perigueux, the vicounts of Carmain, and Limoges, or other holding any lands within the fore­said bounds, it was accorded that they should doo ho­mage and other customarie seruices due for the same vnto the king of England. Homages and seruices.

2 It was also agreed, that Calis and Guines, with line 40 the appurtenances, the lands of Montreuill on the sea with the countie of Ponthieu, wholie and entirelie should remaine vnto the king of England. All the which countries, cities, townes, and castels, with the other lands and seigniories, the same king should haue and hold to him and his heires for euer, euen as they were in demaine or fee, immediatlie of God, and frée without recognizing any maner souereingtie to any earthlie man. In consideration whereof, king Edward renounced all such claimes, titles and inte­rest line 50 as he pretended vnto any part of France, other than such as were comprised within the charter of co­uenants of this peace first agréed vpon at Bretignie aforesaid, and after confirmed at Calis, as appeareth by the same charter dated there the foure & twentith daie of October, The date of the charter of the peace. in the yeare of our Lord 1360.

3 It was also couenanted, that the French king should paie vnto the king of England thirtie hun­dred thousan [...] crownes in name of his ransome: The French kings ran­some. for assurance of which paiment, & performance of all the line 60 couenants afore mentioned, and other agreed vpon by this peace, the dukes of Orleance, Aniou, Berrie, and Burbon, with diuerse other honorable persona­ges, Hostages. as earles, lords, and burgesses of euerie good towne, some were appointed to be sent ouer hither in­to England to remaine as hostages.

The French not to aid the Scots.4 It was further agréed, that neither the French king nor his successors should aid the Scots against the king of England or his successors; nor that king Edward nor his heirs kings of England should aid the Flemings against the crowne of France.

5 And as for the title or right of the duchie of Bri­taine, Britaine. which was in question betweene the earles of Blois and Mountfort, it was accorded, that both kings being at Calis, the parties should be called be­fore them, and if the two kings could not make them fréends, then should they assigne certeine indifferent persons to agree them, and they to haue halfe a yeeres respit to end the matter: and if within that terme those that should be so appointed to agrée them, could not take vp the matter betwixt the said earles, then either of them might make the best purchase for him­selfe that he could, by helpe of freends, or otherwise: but alwaies prouided, that neither of the kings nor their sonnes should so aid the said earles, whereby the peace accorded betwixt England and France, might by any meanes be broken or infringed. Also, to whe­ther of the said earles the duchie of Britaine in the end chanced to fall by sentence of iudges, or other­wise, the homage should be doone for the same vnto the French king.

All these ordinances, articles and agréements, with manie mo (which here would be too long to rehearse) were accorded and ratified by the instruments and seales of the prince of Wales on the one part, and of the duke of Normandie regent of France on the o­ther part, as by their letters patents then sealed fur­ther appeared, bearing date, the one at Loures in Normandie the sixteenth daie of Maie in the yeare of Grace 1360, and the other at Paris the tenth day of the same moneth, and in the yeare aforesaid. O­uer & beside this, both the said princes tooke on them a solemne oth, to see all the same articles and coue­nants of agreement throughlie kept, mainteined and performed. This doone, king Edward imbarked him­selfe with his foure sonnes and the most part of his nobles at Hunfleu the twentith daie of Maie, The king of England re­turneth home The earle of Warwike. and so sailed into England, leauing hehind him the earle of Warwike to haue the gouernement of all the men of warre which he left behind him, either in Gaien or in any other place on that side the sea.

There died in this iournie diuerse noble men of this land, as the earles of March and Oxford, Tho. Walsi [...]. The French king goeth o­uer to Calis. the lord Iohn Graie then steward of England, and the lord Geffrie de Saie, with diuerse other. The eight of Iu­lie next insuing, the French king hauing licence to depart, landed at Calis, and was lodged in the castell there, abiding till the king of England came thither, which was not till the ninth day of October next af­ter. On the foure and twentith daie of October, both the kings being in two trauerses and one chappell at Calis, a masse was said before them, The kings receiue a so­lemne oth to sée the p [...]ace performed. and when they should haue kissed the pax, either of them in signe of greater fréendship kissed the other, & there they were solemnelie sworne to mainteine the articles of the same peace; and for more assurance thereof, manie lords of both parts were likewise sworne to main­teine the same articles to the vttermost of their powers. Whilest these kings laie thus at Calis, there was great banketting and chéere made betwixt them.

Also the duke of Normandie came from Bul­longne to Calis, to visit his father, The duke [...] Normandie. and to sée the king of England, in which meane time two of king Ed­wards sonnes were at Bullongne. Finallie, when these two kings had finished all matters in so good order and forme that the same could not be amended nor corrected, and that the French king had deliuered his hostages to the king of England, that is to saie, six dukes, beside earles, lords, and other honorable personages, in all to the number of eight and thirtie: on the morrow after the taking of their oths, The [...] of the Fre [...] hostages. that is to saie on the fiue and twentith daie of October, be­ing sundaie, the French king was freelie deliuered, and the same daie before noone he departed from Ca­lis, and rode to Bullongne. The king of England brought him a mile foreward on his waie, and then tooke leaue of him in most louing maner. The prince [Page 395] attended him to Bullongne, where both he and the duke of Normandie with other were eftsoons sworne to hold and mainteine the foresaid peace without all fraud or colourable deceit: and this doone, the prince returned to Calis. Thus was the French king set at libertie, The French king set at libertie. after he had beene prisoner here in Eng­land the space of foure yeares, and as much as from the nineteenth daie of September, vnto the fiue and twentith of October. When the king of England had finished his businesse at Calis, according to his mind, he returned into England, and came to Lon­don line 10 the ninth daie of Nouember.

¶Thus haue yée hard the originall begining, the pro­cesse, and issue of sundrie conflicts and battels, and speciallie of two, one of Iohn the French king vn­luckilie attempted against England; the other of Dauid the Scotish king as vnfortunatlie ended. For both kings were subdued in fight, vanquished, and taken prisoners; with a great number of their noblemen, whereas they were in hope to haue gone awaie with the conquest, and to haue had renowme line 20 for their reward. Of which ouerthrow giuen to both these kings, with the clemencie of king Edward (in whose hands though their liues laie to be disposed as he list, yet he was so far from violating the same, that he shewed himselfe a woonderfull fauourer of their estates, and in fine not onelie put them to their reasonable ransoms, but restored them to their roial­ties, from the which their sinister lot had deposed them) Christopher Okland hath left this remembred:

Plantageneta duos reges iam illustris habebat line 30
In Angl. prel. sub Edwardo. 3.
Captiuos tenuit comites custodia mitis
Multos ambabus claro regionibus ortos
Sanguine, quos saeuo bello cepere Britanni.
Attamen Eduardi viguit clementia regis
Tanta, & tanta animo virtus innata sedebat,
Vt pretio & pacto dimitteret aere redemptos
In patriam ad propriae consanguinitatis amicos.

In this foure and thirtith yeare of king Edward, men and cattell were destroied in diuerse places of this realme, Strange woonders. by lightening and tempest; also houses line 40 were set on fier and burnt, and manie strange and woonderfull sights seene. ¶The same yeare Edward prince of Wales married the countesse of Kent, which before was wife vnto the lord Thomas Hol­land: and before that, she was also wife vnto the erle of Salisburie, and diuorsed from him, and wedded to the same lord Holland. She was daughter vnto Ed­mund earle of Kent, brother to king Edward the se­cond, that was beheaded in the beginning of this kings reigne, as before yée haue heard. And bicause line 50 the prince and shee were within degrees of consan­guinitie forbidden to marrie, a dispensation was gotten from the pope to remooue that let. In this yeare also was a great death of people (namelie of men, A great death. for women were not so much subiect thereto.) This was called the second mortalitie, bicause it was the second that fell in this kings daies.

H [...]n. M [...]rl. The primat of Ardmach departed this li [...]e.This yeare also by the death of Richard fitz Rafe primat of Ardmach, that departed this life in the court of Rome; and also of Richard Kilminton de­ceassed line 60 here in England, the discord that had conti­nued for the space of three or foure yeares betwixt them of the cleargie on the one part, and the foure or­ders of friers on the other part, was now quieted and brought to end. Moreouer, this yeare appeared two castels in the aire, 1 [...]61 of the which the one appeared to the southeast, Additions to Triuet and Ad [...]m. Meri­mu [...]h. A strāge sight in the a [...]re. and the other in the southwest, out of which castels about the houre of noone sundrie times were séene hosts of armed men (as appeared to mans sight) issuing foorth, and that host which sailed out of the castell in the southeast seemed white, and the o­ther blacke. They appeared as they should haue fought either against other, and first the white had the vpper h [...]nd, and after was ouercome, and so vanished out of sight.

About the same time, the souldiors which were discharged in France and out of wages, by the brea­king vp of the warres, assembled togither, Froissard. and did much hurt in that realme, as in the French histories yée may read. Their cheefe leaders were Englishmen and Gascoignes subiects to the king of England. The king assembled the states of his realme in par­lement at Westminster in the feast of the Conuersi­on of S. Paule, Anno. Reg. 3 [...]. A parlement. and there was declared vnto them the tenor and whole effect of the peace concluded be­twixt England and France, wherewith they were greatlie pleased, Caxton. and herevpon the nobles of the realme, and such Frenchmen as were hostages, came togither at Westminster church on the first sundaie of Lent next following: and there such as were not alreadie sworne, receiued the oth for performance of the same peace, in a right solemne manner, hauing the tenour of their oths written in certeine scrols; and after they had taken their oths vpon the sacra­ment and masse booke, they deliuered the same scrols vnto certeine notaries appointed to receiue and re­gister the same.

The mortalitie yet during, that noble duke Hen­rie of Lancaster departed this life on the éeuen of the Annunciation of our ladie, and was buried at Leicester. ¶Iohn of Gant the fourth son to the king, who had married his daughter the ladie Blanch, as before yee haue heard, succéeded him in that dutchie as his heire in right of the said ladie. Tho. Walsi. Adam Me­rimuth. The same yeere also died the lord Reginold Cobham, the lord Walter fitz Warren, and thrée bishops, Worcester, London, and Elie. This yeare vpon the fiftéenth day of Ianu­rie there rose such a passing wind, year 1362 that the like had not béene heard of in manie yéeres before. Caxton. It began about euensong time in the south, A mightie wind. and that with such force, that it ouerthrew and blew downe strong and mightie buildings, as towers, steeples, houses and chimnies. This outragious wind continued thus for the space of six or seauen daies, whereby euen those buildings that were not ouerthrowne and broken downe, were yet so shaken, that they without repa­ring were not able long to stand. Anno Reg. 36. After this followed a verie wet season, namelie in the summer time and haruest, so that much corne and haie was lost and spoiled, for want of seasonable weather to gather in the same.

The lord Lionell the kings sonne went ouer into Ireland, to be deputie to his father there, and was created duke of Clarence, and his brother Edmund was created earle of Cambridge; also Edward prince of Wales was by his father king Edward inuested duke of Guien, Creations of the kings sonnes to de­grées of hono [...] Hen. Marle. and did homage vnto his father for the same, in like manner and forme as his father and other kings of England were accustomed to do for the said dutchie to the kings of France. And afterwards about the feast of Candlemasse next in­suing, the said prince sailed into Gascoigne, and arri­ued at Burdeaux, taking vpon him the gouernment and rule of the countrie. Moreouer this yeare, The prince of wales passeth ouer into Guien. Thom. Wals. Additions to Ad. Merim. A iusts in Smithfield. The Staple of wools remo­ued [...]o Calis. A parlement. the fiue first daies of Maie, were kept roiall iusts in Smith­field by London, the king and queene being present, with a great multitude of the nobles and gentlemen of both the realms of England and France; at which time came hither Spaniards, Cipriots, and Armeni­ans, requiring aid of the king against the infidels, that sore molested their confines. ¶The staple of wols was this yeare remooued to Calis.

Also the sixtéenth of October, a parlement began, that was called at Westminster, which continued till the feast daie of S. Brice, on which daie, the king at that time fiftie yeares then past, was borne; where­vpon, as it were in the yeare of his iubile, he shewed [Page 396] himselfe more gratious to his people, granting par­don to offendors, A pardon. and reuoking outlawes. Moreouer, it was ordeined in this parlement, that no maner of person, of what estate or degrée soeuer he was, the king, A statute a­ga [...]nst pur­ueiers. the quéene, and dukes onelie excepted, should haue any purueiers of vittels, nor should take vp a­ny thing without readie paiment, and those that from thencefoorth did contrarie to this ordinance, should be extremelie punished. There was granted to the king in this parlement six and twentie shil­lings line 10 eight pence of euerie sacke of wooll that was to be transported ouer the sea, A subsidie. for thrée yeares next insuing.

Furthermore, at the sute of the commons it was ordeined and established by an act in this parlement deuised, that men of law should plead their causes, and write their actions and plaints in the English toong, Lawiers to plead their ca [...]es in En­glish. Caxton. Schoolema­sters to teach scholers to construe their lessons in English. and not in the French, as they had béene accu­stomed to doo, euer since the Conquerors time. It was ordeined also, that schoolemasters should teach line 20 their scholers to construe their lessons in English, & not in French, as before they had béene vsed. The K. shewed so much curtesie to the French hostages, that he permitted them to go ouer to Calis, and there be­ing néere home, to purchase friendship, by oft calling on their fréends for their deliuerance. They were suf­fered to ride to and fro about the marches of Calis, for the space of foure daies togither, so that on the fourth daie before sunne setting, they returned into Calis againe. The duke of Aniou turning this liber­tie line 30 to serue his owne turne, departed from thence, and went home into France, without making his fellowes priuie to his purpose.

This yeare a parlement was called by the king, which began the ninth of October, 1363 Anno Reg. 37. from the which none of the noble men could obteine licence to be ab­sent. Thom. Wals. In this parlement all rich ornaments of gold and siluer vsed to be worne in kniues, Additions to Adam Meri­muth. A statute of a­raie against costlie appa­rell. girdels, ouches, rings, or otherwise, to the setting foorth of the bodie, were prohibited, except to such as might dispend ten line 40 pounds by yeare. Morouer that none should weare a­ny rich clothes or furres, except they might dispend an hundred pounds by yeare. ¶ Moreouer it was en­acted, that labourers and husbandmen should not vse any deintie dishes, or costlie drinks at their tables. But these, and such other acts as were deuised and e­stablished at this parlement, tooke none effect, as af­ter it appeared. In this yeare, there came into Eng­land to speake with king Edward concerning their weightie affaires, Thrée kings came into England about businesse with K. Edward. thrée kings, to wit, the king of line 50 France, the king of Scotland, & the king of Cypres: they were honorablie receiued, and highlie feasted.

The king of Scotland, and the king of Cypres af­ter they had dispatched their businesse for the which they came, turned backe againe; but the French king fell sicke, and remained here till he died, as in the next yeare ye shall heare. He arriued here in Eng­land, about the latter end of this yeare, and came to Eltham (where king Edward as then laie) on the foure and twentith day of Ianuarie, year 1364 and there dined. line 60 After diner, he tooke his horsse and rode toward Lon­don, and vpon Blacke heath, the citizens of London clad in one kind of liuerie, and verie well horssed, met him, and conueied him from thence through to Lon­don, to the Sauoy, where his lodging was prepared. About the beginning of March, Anno. Reg. 38. in this eight and thir­tith yeare, the forenamed French king fell into a gréeuous sickenesse, The death of the French king. of the which he died the eight day of Aprill following. His corps was conueied into France, and there buried at S. Denise: his exequies were kept here in England in diuerse places right solemnelie, by king Edwards appointment.

Fabian.This yeare, by reason of an extreme sore frost, con­tinuing from the seuen and twentith day of Septem­ber last passed, vnto the beginning of Aprill, in this eight and thirtith yeare (or rather from the seuenth day of December till the ninetenth day of March, as Walsingham and other old writers doo report) the ground laie vntild, to the great hinderance and losse of all growing things on the earth. This yeare on Michaelmasse day, before the castell of Aulroy, The battell of Aulroy. not far distant from the citie of Uannes in Britaine, a sore battell was fought betwixt the lord Charles de Blois, and the lord Iohn of Mountford. For when there could be no end made betwixt these two lords, touching their title vnto the duchie of Britaine, they renewed the wars verie hotlie in that countrie, Froissard. and procured all the aid they might from each side. The king of France sent to the aid of his cousine Charls de Blois a thousand speares; and the earle of Mount­ford sent into Gascoigne, requiring sir Iohn Chan­dois, and other Englishmen there to come to his suc­cour. Sir Iohn Chandois gladlie consented to this re­quest, and therevpon got licence of the prince, and came into Britaine, where he found the earle of Mountford at the siege of the foresaid castell of Aul­roy. In the meane time, the lord Charles de Blois, being prouided of men, and all things necessarie to giue battell, came and lodged fast by his enimies.

The earle of Mountford aduertised of his approch, by the aduise of sir Iohn Chandois and other of his capteins, had chosen out a plot of ground to lodge in, and meant there to abide their enimies. With the lord Charles of Blois was that valiant knight sir Berthram de Cleaquin or Guesclin (as some write him) by whose aduise there were ordeined three bat­tels, and a reregard, Thrée thou [...]sand and six hundred fig [...]ting men, [...] Walsing. [...]. and in each battell were appoin­ted a thousand of good fighting men. On the other part, the earle of Mountford diuided his men like­wise into thrée battels and a reregard. The first was led by sir Robert Knols, sir Walter Hewet, and sir Richard Brulle or Burlie. The second by sir Oliuer de Clisson, sir Eustace Daubreticourt, and sir Mat­thew Gournie. The third the earle of Mountford him selfe guided, and with him was sir Iohn Chandois as­sociat, by whom he was much ruled: for the king of England, whose daughter the earle of Mountford should marie, had written to sir Iohn Chandois, that he should take good héed to the businesse of the said earle, and order the same as sagelie as he might de­uise or imagine.

In ech of these thrée armies were fiue hundred ar­med men, and foure hundred archers. In the reregard were appointed fiue hundred men of warre, vnder the gouernance of sir Hugh Caluerlie. Beside sir Iohn Chandois, & other Englishmen recited by Froissard, there was the lord William Latimer, as one of the chiefe on the earle of Mountfords side. There were not past sixtéene hundred good fighting men on that side, as Thomas Walsingham plainelie writeth. Now when the hosts were ordred on both sides (as be­fore we haue said) they approched togither, the French­men came close in their order of battell, and were to the number of fiue and twentie hundred men of armes, after the manner of that age, beside others. Euerie man had cut his speare (as then they vsed, at what time they should ioine in battell) to the length of fiue foot, and a short ax hanging at his side. At the first incounter, there was a sore battell, and trulie the archers shot right fiercelie, howbeit their shot did litle hurt to the Frenchmen, they were so well ar­med and furnished: the archers perceiuing that (be­ing big men and light) cast awaie their bowes, The wor [...] actiuitie of the English ar­chers. and entered in amongst the Frenchmen that bare the axes, and plucked them out of their hands, wherwith they fought after right hardlie. There was doone ma­nie a noble feat of armes, manie taken, and rescued againe.

[Page 397]Against the earle of Montfords battell, fought the battell which the lord Charles de Blois ruled, and at the first, the earle of Montfords part was sore op­pressed, and brought out of order in such sort, that if sir Hugh Caluerlie had not in time releeued them, the losse had runne on that side; but finallie so long they fought, that all the battels assembled and ioined each to other, except the reregard of the English­men, whereof (as is said) sir Hugh Caluerlie was chéefe. Sir Hugh Caluerlie. He kept alwaies his battell on a wing, and line 10 euer succoured where he saw néed. At length, the Frenchmen not able to indure the valiant dooings of their aduersaries, began to breake. First the earle of Auxerres batell was discomfited, and put to flight, and the said earle sore woimded, The earle of Auxerre takē prisoner. and taken prisoner, but the battell of sir Berthram de Cleaquin as yet stood manfullie at defense, howbeit at length the Englishmen perforce opened it, and then was the said sir Berthram taken prisoner, Sir Berthrā de Cleaquin. vnder the banner of sir Iohn Chandois. line 20

Héerewith also, all the other battels of the French­men and Britaines, on the part of the lord Charles de Blois, were cleane discomfited, and put out of ar­raie, so that such as resisted, and stood at defense, were slaine and beaten downe, and amongst others, the lord Charles was there slaine himselfe, and all other either taken or slaine, except those that escaped by flight, amongst the which there were not manie of the nobilitie. For (as Thomas Walsingham saith) there were slaine about a thousand men of armes, line 30 and there were taken two earles, seuen and twentie lords, and fifteene hundred men of armes. The chase was followed to the citie of Reimes, eight great leagues from the place where the battell began. Af­ter this victorie, the earle of Montford conquered manie townes and castels in Britaine, whereof the French king being aduertised, sent his brother the duke of Aniou, vnto the wife of the lord Charles of Blois now deceassed, to comfort hir in such an heauie case, and to take order for things as should line 40 be thought expedient, vntill further prouision might be made.

Shortlie after, there were sent vnto the earle of Montford, Ambassadors sent to y e earle of Montford. the archbishop of Reimes, the marshall Bouciquault, and the lord of Cran, as commissio­ners, to commune with him of a finall agréement. Wherevpon, The variance for Britaine compounded. after he had signified the matter vnto the king of England, and vnderstood his pleasure therein, this treatie was so handled, that peace ther­of followed, Fabian. and the parties were agreed in the mo­neth line 50 of Aprill next insuing. year 1365 ¶ This yeare (as some haue written) king Edward finished his warres vp­on S. Stephans daie, Anno Reg. 39. Fabian. and began the foundation of S. Stephans chappell at Westminster in memorie thereof, which chappell was afterwards finished by king Richard the second that succeeded him. Tho. Wals. ¶ In the nine and thirtith yéere of king Edwards reigne, and in the moneth of Februarie, in the citie of Angoles­me, was borne the first sonne of prince Edward, and was named after his father, but he departed this life line 60 the seuenth yeare of his age.

Also this yeare, the seuen and twentith of Iulie, Ingeram de Guines lord de Coucie a Frenchman, The lord Coucie mari­eth the king of Englands daughter. Polychron. married the ladie Isabell daughter to K. Edward. The solemnization of the marriage feast was kept at Windsor in most roiall and triumphant wise. The said lord Coucie was created earle of Bedford, with an yeerelie annuitie of thirtie markes, going foorth of the issues and profits of that countie, ouer and be­side a thousand marks by yeare, Froissard. Ia. Mair. A treatie of mariage for the earle of Cambridge. assigned to him and his said wife, and to the heires male of their bodies begotten, to be paid forth of the exchecker. About this time, there was a treatie also for marriage to be had, betwixt the lord Edmund earle of Cambridge, and the ladie Margaret, daughter and heire to the earle of Flanders▪ which treatie went so far, that the earle came ouer to Douer, where the king was readie to receiue him, and there the earle promised by words of affiance, The earle of Flanders. to giue his said daughter vnto the said lord Edmund in marriage: and after that the earle had beene at Douer, the space of thrée daies, passing the time in great solace and banketting, when he had finished his businesse, he returned backe againe into his countrie.

Whilest the king was thus at Douer with the earle of Flanders, The lord La­timer. the lord Latimer came from the lord Iohn de Montford, to vnderstand his pleasure, touching the offers that were made for peace, vpon whose returne with answer, the peace was conclu­ded as before yee haue heard. This yeare was Peter king of Castile chased out of his realme, The king of Castile chased out of his realme. Froissard. by his ba­stard brother Henrie, which was aided in that enter­prise by sir Berthram de Cleaquin latelie deliuered, and other Frenchmen; so that the said Henrie was crowned at Burgus, vpon Easter daie: wherefore the said Peter was constreined to flee, and so came to Burdeaux to sue for aid at the hands of the prince of Wales. This yeare by the kings commandement, Peter pence. a restraint was ordeined, that Peter pence should not be from thencefoorth anie more gathered within this realme, nor anie such paiment made at Rome, which had béene vsed to be paid there, euer since the daies of Ine, king of Westsaxons, which ordeined this pai­ment toward the maintenance of a schoole for Eng­lish scholers. Ine king of Westsaxons. But howsoeuer this paiment was abro­gated at this time by king Edward, it was after re­newed againe, and the monie gathered in certeine shires of this realme, till the daies of king Henrie the eight, so greatlie preuailed the vsurped power of that beast of Rome, which had poisoned the princes of the world with the dregs of his abhomination, whose glorie shall end in shame, his honor turne to horror, and his ambitious climing vp aloft aboue all princi­palitie (to be compeere with God) shall haue an irre­couerable ruine; as long agone, and of late like­wise hath beene and now is prophesied of him, that he may readilie read his owne downefall into hell:

In rapidas acherontis aquas, qui gloria mundi
Papafuit, lapsu corruet ille graui:
Corruet vt rapidum descendit ab aethere fulmen,
Corruet in stygios tempus in omne lacus.

In this yeare fell great abundance of raine in the time of haie haruest, A rainie haruest. Caxton. so that much corne and haie was lost. ¶ There was also such fighting amongst spar­rowes in that season, that they were found dead on the ground in great numbers. Also, there followed great mortalitie of people, Death. the sicknesse being so sharpe and vehement, that manie being in perfect health ouer night when they went to bed, were found dead in the morning. Also, manie died of the small pocks, both men, women, and children. ¶ Moreouer this yeare, Simon Is [...]ep archbishop of Canturbu­rie departed this life, and Simon Langham bishop of Elie succeeded in his place. K. Richard the second borne. This yeare at Burde­aux, was borne the second sonne of prince Edward named Richard, on the third daie of Aprill; his god­father at the fontstone was Iames K. of Maiorke. ¶ Peter the king of Spaine, who (as yee haue heard) was expelled out of his realme by his bastard bro­ther, made such earnest sute to the prince of Wales for aid to be restored home, that finallie the prince ad­uertising his father king Edward of the whole mat­ter, by aduise from him, determined to bring home the said king Peter, Froissard. and to restore him againe to his kingdome, by force of armes, in despite of all his aduersaries.

The prince indéed was verie desirous to take this enterprise vpon him, both of a certeine pitifull affec­tion [Page 398] to relieue the miserable state of king Peter, and also of an ardent desire which he had to purchase a glorious fame thorough martiall deeds, and noble acts of chiualrie. Therfore hauing this occasion to im­ploie his time in such exercises, and now comman­ded thereto of his father, he was excéedinglie glad in his mind, and with all spéed that might be, made his prouision both of a sufficient armie of men of warre, and also of all other things necessarie for the furni­ture of such an enterprise: but first, he tooke good as­surance line 10 of king Peter, for the paiment of the soldi­ers wages: so the king left at Baionne thrée of his daughters, Beatrice, Constance, and Isabell as pledges, for performance of all the couenants agreed betwixt him and the prince.

1367 Anno Reg. 41.Thus when the prince, by the aduise and coun­sell of sir Iohn Chandois, and sir Robert Knols (by whome he was much ruled) had taken direction in his businesse, for that his iournie into Spaine, in each condition as was thought behoouefull, he with line 20 the king of Spaine in his companie, The prince setteth for­ward to­wards Spaine. passed foorth with a puissant armie, and came to the streicts of Ronceualle, at the entrie into Nauarre, and obtei­ning so much fréendship of the king of Nauarre, as to haue the passages of his countrie opened, they en­tered into his realme through the same, He entreth in­to Naua [...]re. as freends, without finding any resistance. In this meane time, Henrie king of Spaine, hauing knowledge that the prince of Wales was thus comming against him, to restore his brother king Peter to his former de­grée, line 30 by aduise of sir Berthram de Cleaquin, got a great number of soldiers out of France, by whose aid he might the better defend himselfe against his e­nimies.

Now it chanced, that whilest the prince of Wales was passing thorough Nauarre, toward the entrie of Spaine, certeine of those Frenchmen, vnder the lea­ding of sir Oliuer Mannie, The king of Nauarre ta­ken by the Frenchmen. tooke the king of Na­uarre prisoner, as he was riding from one towne to an other. Manie maruelled at that chance, and some line 40 there were that thought he suffered himselfe to be ta­ken for a caut [...]le, bicause he would not aid the prince of Wales any further, nor conduct him through his realme, as he had promised to doo. But the prince no­thing dismaid herewith, passed forward, by the gui­ding of a knight of Nauarre, Sir Martin de Care. called sir Martin de Care, and finallie came to the confines of Spaine, and lodged at Uictoria, not far from his enimies. For king Henrie of Spaine, vnderstanding which waie the prince drew, came forward to incounter line 50 him, and pight downe his field, not far from the bor­ders of his realme, at a place called saint Muchaule: and thus were both the hosts lodged within a small di­stance the one against the other. Saint Ma­chaule.

King Henrie had sent to the prince an herauld of armes with a letter, The king of Spaine sen­deth to the prince. requiring to know of him for what cause he moued warre against him, sith he had neuer offended him. The prince taking deliberation for answer of this letter, kept the messenger with him, and perceiuing that king Henrie came not for­ward, line 60 but laie still at saint Muchaule, stronglie in­camped, Uictoria. Uiana. he remooued from Uictoria, and came to a towne called Uiana, where he staied two daies to re­fresh his people, and after went forward, and passed the riuer which diuideth the realmes of Castile and Nauarre, at the bridge of Groigne. King Henrie ad­uertised hereof, departed from saint Muchaule, and came before the towne of Nauarret, situat on the same riuer. Not manie daies before the prince pas­sed the riuer at Groigne, king Henrie had sent foorth two of his brethren, the earle Dom Teille, and the lord Sanches, with six hundred horssemen, to view the princes host. Polydor.

They chanced to incounter two hundred English horssemen, whom after long and sharpe fight they di­stressed, & slue sir William Felton, one of the chiefe leaders of those Englishmen▪ Sir William Felton [...] ▪ Froissard. and tooke sir Thomas Felton his brother, sir Hugh Hastings, and diuerse other, both knights and esquiers. Whether that king Henrie was greatlie incouraged by this good lucke in the beginning, or that he trusted through the great multitude of his people, which he had there with him, to haue the vpper hand of his enimies, true it is▪ that he coueted sore to giue them battell; and although he might haue wearied the prince, and constreined him for want of vittels to haue returned, or to haue fought with him at some great aduantage, if he had deferred the battell, as the marshall of France Dan­drehen gaue counsell, yet he would néeds fight in all the hast, and therefore did thus approch his enimies.

The prince perceiuing that his aduersarie came forward to incounter him, dispatched the herauld with an answer to the letter which he had of him re­ceiued, conteining in effect, that for great considera­tions, he had taken vpon him to aid the rightfull K. of Spaine, chased out of his realm by violent wrong, and that if it might be, he would gladlie make an a­greement betwixt them; conditionallie, that king Henrie of necessitie must then forsake the admini­stration, and all the title of the kingdome of Spaine, which by no rightfull meane he could inioy, and there­fore if he refused thus to doo, he was for his part resol­ued how to procéed. The herauld departed with this answer, and came therewith vnto king Henrie, and deliuered it vnto him, as then lodged with his puis­sant armie at Nauarre, so that then both parties pre­pared themselues to battell.

The prince hauing with him thirtie thousand men of Englishmen, Gascoignes, and other strangers, The number of the princes armie. or­deined three battels, of the which, the first was led by the duke of Lancaster, and with him was sir Iohn Chandois constable of Guien, The chief­teins of the same armie. sir William Beau­champe son to the earle of Warwike, the lord Dal­bret, sir Richard Dangle, and sir Stephan Cousen­ton, marshals of Guien, & diuerse other. The middle ward was gouerned by the prince, and with him was the foresaid Peter king of Spaine, and diuerse other lords and knights of England, Poictou, and o­ther countries, as the vicounts of Chatelareault and Rochcort, the lords of Partnie, Pinan, Taneboton, and others, sir Richard Pontchardon, sir Thomas Spenser, sir Iohn Grendon, and a great sort more, whose names it would be too long to rehearse. The rereward was vnder the gouernance of the king of Malorques, & with him were associat the earls of Ar­minacke, Dalbreth, Piergort, Gominges, the capi­toll of Buefz, sir Robert Knols, and manie other va­liant lords, knights, and esquiers.

On the second day of Aprill, the prince with his battell thus ordered, remoued from Groigne, and marching that day two leagues forward, came be­fore Nauarret, and there tooke his lodging, within a small distance from his enimies, so that both parties prepared to giue battell the next day in the morning, commanding that euerie man at the sounding of the first trumpet, should apparell themselues, that they might be readie vpon the next sound to be set in order of battell, and to go against their enimies. The Spa­niards very earlie in the morning drew into the field, and ordeined thrée battels in this wise. The order [...] the Spani­ards. The first was led by sir Berthram de Cleaquin, wherein were all the Frenchmen and other strangers, to the numb [...]r of foure thousand knights and esquiers, well armed and appointed, after the manner of France. In the se­cond battell was the earle Dom Tielle, with his bro­ther the lord Sanches, hauing with them fifteene thousand men on foot, and on horssebacke. The third battell and the greatest of all was gouerned by king [Page 399] Henrie himselfe, hauing in that battell seuen thou­sand horssemen, and threescore thousand footmen, with crossebowes, darts, speares, lances, and other abille­ments of war: The number of y • Spanish armie. so in all three battels he had foure­score and six thousand men on horssebacke and on foot.

The prince of Wales, at the breaking of the daie was readie in the field with his people arranged in order of battell, and aduanced forward with them to­ward his enimies, an hosting pace; and as they pas­sed a little hill, they might sée as they were descen­ding downe the same, their enimies comming like­wise line 10 towards them, in good order of battell. When they were approached neere togither, and readie to ioine, The duke of Lancaster. the duke of Lancasters battell incountered with the battell of sir Berthram de Cleaquin, which two battels verie eagerlie assailed each other, so that there was betwixt them a sore conflict, and well con­tinued. The erle Dom Teille, and his brother the lord Sanches, vpon the first approach of the princes bat­tell towards them, fled out of the field, and with them two thousand speares, so that the residue of their bat­tell line 20 were shortlie after discomfited, for the capitall of Buz otherwise Beuf, The capitall of Beuf. and the lord Clisson, came vp­on them on foot, and slue and hurt manie of them, so that they brake their arraie, and fled to saue them­selues.

This chance discomforted the hearts of the Spa­niards right sore, but yet king Henrie like a valiant gentleman came forward, and incouraged his men all that he might, so that there was a cruell battell, line 30 and well foughten a long time. For the Spaniards with slings cast stones in such fierce manner, that they claue therewith manie an helmet and bassenet, hurt manie, and ouerthrew them to the earth. On the other part, The archers. the English archers shot freshlie at their enimies, galled and slue the Spaniards, and brought them to great confusion: yet king Henrie nothing abashed herewith, wheresoeuer he perceiued his men to shrinke, thither he resorted, calling vpon them, and exhorting them to remember their estimations and line 40 duties, so that by his diligence and manfull incou­ragement, thrise that daie did he staie his people, be­ing at point to giue ouer, and set them in the faces of his enimies againe. Neither did the souldiers alone manfullie behaue themselues, but the cap­teins also stoutlie laid about them. King Peter like a lion pressed forward, King Peter. coueting to méet with his bro­ther Henrie, that he might séeke his reuenge on him with his owne hands. Cruell was the fight, and tried throughlie with most eger and fierce minds. line 50

At length, when the Spaniards were no longer able to susteine the force and violence of the English­men, Gascoignes, & other which were there against them, they brake their arraie, and fled; so that neither the authoritie nor bold exhortation of king Henrie, could cause them to tarrie anie longer: wherevpon, when he saw himselfe forsaken of his people, The Spani­ards put to [...]ght. and that few abode with him to resist his enimies, he al­so to saue himselfe fled out of the field, being fullie persuaded, that if he had béene taken, no ransome line 60 should haue saued his life. The battell that was best fought, and longest held togither, was that of the strangers, which sir Berthram de Cleaquin led. For if the Spaniards had doone halfe their parts as well as the Frenchmen, & other in this battell, the matter had gone harder against the Englishmen than it did: yet finallie, by the noble courage of the duke of Lancaster, and the valiant prowesse of sir Iohn Chandois, sir Hugh Caluerlie, & others, the French­men were put to flight, and their battell quite dis­comfited. The slaughter in this battell was great, both of them that were slaine in the field, and of those that were drowned in the riuer that runneth by the towne of Nauarret.

After that the battell was ended, and that such as had followed the chase were returned, the prince cau­sed the fields to be searched, to vnderstand what num­ber had béene slaine in the battell: they that were ap­pointed to take the view, vpon their returne repor­ted, The number slaine at this battell at Na­uarret. that there was dead of men of armes fiue hun­dred and thréescore, and of commons about seauen thousand, and fiue hundred of the English part: there were slaine of men of name, but foure knights, two Gascoignes, one Almaine, and the fourth an Eng­lishman, and of other meane souldiers, not past fortie (as Froissard saith.) But others affirme, that there were slaine of the princes part about sixtéene hun­dred; which should séeme to be more like a truth, Fabian. if the battell was fought so sore and fiercelie, as Froissard himselfe dooth make report. Howbeit, Caxton. there be that write, how the duke of Lancaster wan the field by great fortune and valiancie, yet the prince came neere to his enimies. But howsoeuer it was, the Englishmen obteined the victorie in this battell, fought on a saturdaie being the third of Aprill, in the yeare 1367. There were taken prisoners, Froissard. to the number of two thousand, and amongst them the erle of Dene, sir Berthram de Cleaquin, the marshall Dandrehen or Odenhen, Caxton. and manie other men of name.

After the battell, king Peter went to Burgus, and was receiued into the citie, and shortlie after, that is to say, on the wednesdaie folowing, the prince came thither, and there held his Easter with king Peter, and tarried there aboue thrée weekes. Froissard. In the meane time, they of Asturgus, Toledo, Lisbone, Cor­doua, Galice, Siuill, and of all other places of the kingdome of Spaine, came in, and did homage vnto king Peter, promising him to be true to him euer after: for they saw that resistance would not auaile so long as the prince should be in the countrie. After this, the prince was in hand with king Peter, for the souldiers wages, by whose aid he was thus resto­red into his former estate. King Peter went vnto Siuill, to make shift for monie accordinglie, promi­sing to returne againe, within a few weekes, and to sée euerie man paid, according as he had couenan­ted. For when he was driuen out of his realme, and came to Burdeaux to craue aid of the prince, he pro­mised, that so soone as he should be restored to his kingdome, he would see the souldiers contented of their wages, and bound himselfe thereto, both by his oth and writing giuen vnder his seale. But when he obteined his purpose, he forgat all fréendlie dutie, and was so farre from performing his promise, that he cloaked his ill meaning with a feigned tale, and sent the prince a message spiced with hypocrisie and vnthankfulnesse, two foule faults in a priuat man, much more odious in a prince and great state, as the poet wiselie and truelie saith in this distichon:

Omne animi vitium tantò conspectius in se
Crimen habet, quantò maior qui peccat habetur.

The prince tarried for the returne of king Peter, both weekes and moneths, but could not heare anie tidings of him. He therefore sent vnto him, to vnder­stand the cause of the staie: his answer was, that he had prouided monie, and sent it by certeine of his men toward the prince, but the companions that ser­ued vnder the prince, had met with it by the way, and taken it from them that had the conueiance of it: he therefore required the prince to rid the realme of those snaphances, King Peters dissimulation▪ and to leaue behind him some of his officers, to whome in name of him he would make paiment of such monie as was due. This an­swer pleased not the prince, but there was no reme­die, for other at that present he could not haue, for a­nie likeliehood he saw: and therefore, taking order with king Peter how the paiment should be made, [Page 400] he prepared to returne into Gascoigne. The order therefore taken betwixt them, was this. Within foure moneths next insuing, king Peter should paie the one halfe of the wages due to the soldiers for this iournie▪ vnto such as the prince should leaue behind him to receiue the same, and the other halfe within one yeare.

Tho. Walsi.The prince was compelled to breake his plate, and to make monie thereof to paie his soldiers, name­lie, The prince put to his shifts for de­ [...]ault of paie. the companions, which he had called foorth of France, so that he left himselfe bare of all riches, to line 10 kéepe touch with them, although king Dampeter failed in his promise each waie foorth. For where the prince should haue had in recompense towards his charges, the countie of Algezara, and other lands, by the said Dampeters assignement, so that he sent one of his knights to take seizine of the same lands, he was neuertheles disappointed, for he could not come by any peaceable possession of those lands, and so re­turned greatlie impouerished, hauing spent in this iournie all that he could make. In the meane time line 20 the bastard Henrie, hauing escaped out of the field by flight, got him into France, and there through fauor of the duke of Aniou, so purchased for himselfe, that he got togither a certeine number of Britains and o­ther soldiers, & comming to the frontiers of the prin­ces land in Gascoigne, got a towne in Bigore, cal­led Bannieres, and made war vpon the princes sub­iects.

The prince returneth into Gascoigne.The prince obteining passage for himselfe and his men, of the kings of Aragon and Nauarre, retur­ned line 30 to Burdeaux, and then did the bastard Henrie forsake his garrison at Bannieres, and went into Arragon, and there got the king of Arragons assi­stance: & finallie, in the yeare 1369, returning into Spaine, recouered the kingdome, and slue his bro­ther king Peter, as in the historie of Spaine it may appeare, which for that it apperteineth not to this hi­storie of England, I doo here passe ouer. This yeare, in the moneth of March, appeared a blasing starre, be­twixt the north and west, 1368 Anno Reg. 42. whose beames stretched to­wards line 40 France as was then marked, A blasing starre. Polychron. Polydor. threatning (as might be thought) that within a small time after it should againe be wrapped and set on fire with new troubles of warre, and euen then, that countrie was not in quiet, but harried in diuerse parts, by such sol­diers as had béene with the prince in Spaine, & were now out of wages. The leaders of which people were for the more part Englishmen and Gascoignes, Froissard. as sir Robert Briquet, sir Iohn Tresmelle, Robert Ce­nie, sir Gaollard Uigier, the bourge of Bertueill, the line 50 bourge Camois of Cominges, as Denise Sauage thinketh, the bourge of Lespare, Nandon or Naw­don of Bargerant, Bernard de la Salle, Ortigo, Lamut, and manie other.

The duke of Clarence go­eth into Ita­lie.In this 42 yeare of king Edwards reigne, his se­cond son the lord Lionell duke of Clarence and earle of Ulster passed the sea, with a noble companie of lords, knights, and gentlemen, and went thorough France into Lombardie, The ladie Uiolant. there to marrie the ladie line 60 Uiolant, daughter to the duke of Millane. He was honorablie receiued in all places where he came, and speciallie at Paris, by the dukes of Berrie and Bur­gognie, the lord Coucie and other, the which brought him to the court, where he dined and supped with the king, and lodged within the palace. On the next day he was had to a place where the quéene lodged, and dined with hir, and after was conueied to the court a­gaine, and supped that night with the king, and on the morrow following, he tooke his leaue of the king and quéene the which gaue to him great gifts, and like­wise to the noble men of England that came ouer with him, to the value of twentie thousand florens and aboue: he was conueied from place to place, with certeine of the French nobilitie, till he came to the borders of the realme, and then entring into Sauoy, His inter­teinement [...] Sauoy. he came to Chamberie, where the earle of Sauoy was readie to receiue him, and there he remained foure daies, being highlie feasted amongst the ladies and damosels: and then he departed, and the earle of Sauoy brought him to Milla [...]e, to doo him the more honor, for his sister was mother to the bride, which the duke should marrie.

To speake of the honorable receiuing of him into the citie of Millane, and of the great feast, triumph, His receiuing into Millan [...] ▪ and banketting, and what an assemblie there was in Millane of high states, at the solemnizing of the ma­riage betwixt him and the said ladie Uiolant, Corio in the historie of Millane. it were too long a processe to remember▪ The gifts that the fa­ther of the bride, the lord Galeas gaue vnto such ho­norable personages as were there present, amoun­ted in value to an inestimable summe. ¶ The wri­ters of the Millane histories affirme, that this mar­riage was celebrated on the fiftéenth daie of Iune, in the yeare 1367, which being true, the same chanced in the 41 yeare of this kings reigne, Ia. Meir. Froissard. Caxton. and not in this 42 yeare, though other authors agree, that it was in the yeare 1368. But to returne to other dooings where we left.

Ye haue heard how the prince of Wales could get no monie of the king of Spaine, Froissard. for the wages of his men of warre, which he had reteined to serue him in the reducing of the said king home into his coun­trie: wherfore the prince hauing béene at great char­ges in that iournie, was neither able to satisfie them, nor mainteine his owne estate, without some great aid of his subiects, and therefore he was counselled to raise a subsidie called a fuage, through all the coun­trie of Aquitaine, The prince [...] Wales con­streined to b [...]den his sub­iects with [...] sore subsidie. to run onelie for the space of fiue yeares. To this paiment, euerie chimnie or fire must haue beene contributorie, paieng yearely one franke, the rich to haue borne out the poore. And to haue this paiment granted, all the states of the countrie were called togither at Niort. The Poictouins, and they of Xainctonge, Limosin, Rouergne, and of Rochell, a­gréed to the princes request, with condition, Coine not to be inhanced nor abased. that he should kéepe the course of his coine stable, for the terme of seuen yeares.

But diuerse of the other parts of Guien refused that ordinance, as the earles of Arminake, and Go­minges, the vicount of Carmaigne, the lords Dal­bret, de la Barde, Cande, Pincornet, and diuerse o­ther great barons: but yet to depart quietlie from the assemblie, they required a time to take better ad­uise, and so they repairing into their countries, deter­mined neither to returne againe according to their promises, The dem [...] of this fuage the cause of y • Gascoignes reuolting to the French king. nor to suffer any fuage to run amongest them at all, and were so much offended with the moti­on, that they sought occasion forthwith to reuolt from the English obeisance and submission, knowing that

Pastores tondere boni haud deglubere cultris
Villosum assuescunt pecus.

And therefore diuerse lords of them went to the French king, and there exhibited into the chamber of the péeres of France, their complaints of the grie­uous impositions & wrongs, which the prince went a­bout to laie vpon them, affirming that their resort ought of speciall duty to be to the crowne of France, and to the king there, as to their lord Peramount. The French king, who would not seeme to breake the peace betwéene him and the king of England, dis­sembled the matter, and told them that he would per­use the tenor of the charters and letters of the peace, and so far foorth as he might by permission of the same, he would be glad to doo them good. The earles of Arminake, Perigourd, Gominges, and the lord Dal­bret, with other that were come thither about this matter, were contented with this answer, and so [Page 401] staied in France, till they might vnderstand further, both of the French kings mind, and of the princes dooings. ¶This yeere in October, was Simon Lang­ham archbishop of Canturburie elected to the digni­tie of a cardinall, and then William Witleslie, bi­shop of Worcester, was remooued vnto the sée of Canturburie.

About the same time, the earle of saint Paule, one of the hostages in England, The earle of Saint Paule stale from hence, with­out taking any leaue, or saieng farewell. At his com­ming into France, he greatlie furthered the sute of line 10 the lords of Gascoigne, & finallie so much was doone on their behalfe, that the French king was conten­ted that the prince of Wales should be appealed, year 1369 and summoned to appeare before the French king as iudge in that point, The prince of Wales appea­led to appeare. for reformation of the wrongs which he offered to them that had made their resort vnto him, as reason was they should. This appeale was written, and dulie examined.

The tenor of the said prince of Wales his appeale or summons of appearance be­fore the French king, &c.

Note: line 20

CHarles by the grace of God king of France, to our nephue the prince of Wales and Aquitaine, send greeting. So it is, that di­uerse prelats, barons, knights, vniuersi­ties, communalties, and colledges of the line 30 marches and limits of the countrie of Gascoigne, and the dwellers and inhabi­tants in the bounds of our realme, besides diuerse other of the duchie of Aquitaine, are resorted, and come to our court, to haue right of certeine greefes, and vnlawfull troubles, which you, by vnaduised counsell, and simple information, haue purposed to doo vnto them, whereof we greatlie mar­uell. line 40 Therfore, to withstand, and to redresse such things, we are so conioined to them, that we haue thought good, by our roiall power, to command you to repaire to our citie of Paris, in proper person, and there to shew and present your selfe before vs, in the chamber of our peeres, that you may be constreined to doo right to your people, concerning the greefes which they alledge line 50 that you are about to oppresse them with, who claime to haue their resort into our court: and that you faile not thus to doo, in as speedie manner as yee can, immediat­lie vpon the sight and hearing of these pre­sent letters. In witnesse whereof, we haue to the same set our seale. Yeuen at Paris, the fiue and twentith day of Ianuarie.

Anno Reg. 43.These letters were giuen to a knight and a clerke, line 60 to beare and present to the prince, which according to that they had in charge, went to Burdeaux, and there getting licence to come before his presence, they read the letters, wherewith he was not a little chafed, and openlie told them for a plaine answer, The princes answer to the messenger. that he meant to accomplish the French kings request, for his com­ming to Paris, but that should be with his helmet on his head, and thréescore thousand armed men, to beare witnesse of his appearance. The messengers perceiuing the prince to be sore offended with their message, got them awaie, without taking their leaue: but before they were passed the limits of the English dominion, they were staied by commande­ment of the prince, and committed to prison, within the citie of Agen.

About the same time, The duke of Berrie. the duke of Berrie returned into France, hauing licence of king Edward for an whole yeare; but he bare himselfe so wiselie, that he returned not againe at all: for he excused himselfe, till time that the warre was open. In like manner, the more part of all the other hostages, by one meane or other were returned into France, and some indéed were deliuered vpon their ransomes, or other consi­derations, so that the French king being deliuered of that obstacle, was the more readie to breake with the king of England, and therefore vpon knowledge had of the princes answer, to those that he sent with the appeale, by such of the messengers seruants as were returned, and declared how their maisters were delt with, he couertlie prepared for the warre. The lord Iohn Chandois, The lord Chandois. and other of the princes councell foresaw what would insue of leauieng the [...]uage, and therefore counselled the prince, not to procéed any further in it. But he hauing onlie regard to the releefe of his souldiers and men of warre, would néeds go forward with it. ¶Indéed, if he might haue brought it to passe, as it was denied, that eue­rie housholder should haue paid a franke for chimni­age, Chimniage. the summe would haue growne to twelue hun­dred thousand frankes by the yeare, which had beene a great releefe, and that made him the more earnest, bicause he might haue beene able so to haue paid his debts.

Now, when it was perceiued certeinlie that open rebellion would therof insue, and that king Edward was certified of the whole state of the matter, and how diuerse of the lords of Aquitaine were with­drawne vnto the court of France, in manner as be­fore yée haue heard, he deuised a letter, which he cau­sed to be published through all the parts of Aquitaine the effect whereof was this; A letter pub­lished by the prince to ap­pease the Gas­coignes. That where the people of that countrie found themselues greeued for such ex­actions as were demanded of them, he meant there­fore vpon examination of their iust complaints, to see their wrongs redressed. And further, he was con­tented to pardon all such as were withdrawne to the French king, so that within a moneths space they would returne home; requiring them, that in no wise they should stirre anie seditious tumult, but to remember their oths of allegiance, and to continue in the same, according to their bounden duties; and as for him, he would be readie to sée them eased, that would shew by plaine proofe how they had beene o­therwise gréeued than reason might beare. This was his meaning, and this was the aduise of all his coun­cellours.

But this courteous letter little auailed, for dailie the Gascoignes reuolted from the prince, and turned to the French part. Moreouer, Ia. Meir. another occasion of grudge chanced to renew the malice betwixt the K. of England, and the French king. For whereas yée haue heard, that the earle of Flanders had affianced his daughter and heire to the lord Edmund of Lang­lie, earle of Cambridge, a shift was made, name­lie by the earles mother the countesse of Arthois, who was all French, that notwithstanding the same af­fiance, Philip duke of Burgognie marieth y e erle of Flanders daughter. she was married to Philip duke of Burgog­nie, who was surnamed the Hardie, by this occasion, as I. Meir saith. It chanced, that whilest he was priso­ner in England with his father, he was vpon a time appointed to wait at the table, where his father and the king of England sat togither at meat. And bi­cause a noble man of England that was appointed likewise to attend at the same table, The cause of his surname le Hardie. serued first the king of England before the king of France, this Philip vp with his fist, and tooke the English lord a blow on the eare, saieng; Wilt thou serue the king [Page 402] of England first, where the French king sitteth at the same table? The Englishman out with his dagger, & would haue striken the said Philip, but the king of England streictlie charged him to the contrarie, and praising the déed of the yoong stripling, said vnto him, Vous estes Philip le hardie, Thou art (said he) the hardie Philip. And so from that daie he bare that name euer after. There be other that saie, how he tooke that sur­name, bicause in the batell of Poictiers he abode still with his father till the end of the battell, without line 10 shewing any token of feare, or faintnes of courage.

The earles of Arminacke and Perigord, with the other lords of Gascoigne, The earles of Arminacke & Perigord. Froissard. that had made their ap­peale (as ye haue heard) to the chamber of the peeres of France, when they vnderstood that the prince had imprisoned the messengers, that brought to him the French kings letters, began to make warre on the princes lands. The first enterprise they made, was the discomfiting of the lord Thomas Wake s [...]ne­shall of Rouergne, The L. Wake discomfited. as he was riding from Agen vn­to line 20 the citie of Rodais, with threescore spears, and two hundred archers in his companie. Also the French king being now prouided for the war, and vnderstan­ding the minds of the people within certeine towns vnder the dominion of the Englishmen, Fabian. The French king procée­deth against the prince in iudgement of the appeale. Froissard. in his high court of parlement holden at Paris, procéeded in iudgement vpon the appellation before made by the earles of Arminacke, Perigord, and others, against prince Edward. And moreouer he sent ouer into England the earle of Salisbruch, and a knight called sir William Dorman, to signifie to the king of Eng­land, line 30 how he thought himselfe not honorablie vsed, & that the king of England did but slenderlie kéepe the couenants of the peace, considering that he did not find meanes to reforme such of his subiects Eng­lishmen and Gascoignes, as dailie robbed and wa­sted the countries & lands belonging to the crowne of France.

These ambassadors were staied for the space of two moneths, & still they complained of the wrongs line 40 that the Englishmen had doone, contrarie to the co­uenants of the peace, but the king made small ac­count thereof, bicause he perceiued it was a forged matter that they alledged, and so in the end sent them awaie. At Douer being vpon their returne, there met them a Britaine that was comming with let­ters of defiance to the king of England from the French king, and as he had in commandement, he declared to them the effect of his message, whervpon with all spéed they passed ouer to Bullongne, and line 50 were glad they had so escaped. The Britaine came to the court, The French king sent to defie the king of England. and deliuered the defiance to the king, ac­cording to the instructions which he had receiued. When the king had heard the letters read, and percei­ued by good view taken of the seale and signet, that the same were of authoritie, he licenced the messen­ger to depart, and fell in councell with the peeres of his realme, what he should doo in so weigthie a mat­ter. Wherevpon it was thought necessarie by them, that he should assemble his court of parlement, and line 60 so he did. In the which (vpon declaration made how iniuriouslie the French king after manie wrongfull dealings had now broken the peace, Polydor. A parlement assembled. and sent his de­fiance vnto the king in so despitefull wise as might be) there was granted towards the maintenance of the warre thus begun, Thrée fiftéens and thrée tenths gran­ted. Fabian. Froissard. thrée fifteens of the temporal­tie, and thrée dismes of the spiritualtie, to be paied in thrée yeares.

At the selfe same time that the defiance was made to the king here in England, the earle of S. Paule, and Guie de Chatillon master of the crosbowes in France, entered into the countie of Ponthieu, tooke Abuile, Sir Nicho­las Louaigne taken. and an English knight called sir Nicholas Louaigne seneshall of that countrie vnder the king of England, as then being within it. They tooke al­so saint Ualerie, Crotoie, Rue, Pont saint Renie, The [...] of Pont [...] taken by t [...]e French [...]. and to be short, reduced the whole countrie of Pon­thieu vnder the French obeisance, which had remai­ned in possession of the Englishmen for the space of a hundred and twelue yeares, euer since Edward the first had the same assigned to him in name of a dow­rie, with his wife queene Elianor, sister to Alfonse K. of Castile. And yet were the people of that coun­trie readie now to reuolt to the French dominion, notwithstanding their former long continued obei­sance to the Englishmen: for otherwise could not the Frenchmen so easilie haue come to their purpose, but that the people were couenanted before to re­ceiue them, and betraie those few Englishmen that were amongst them.

About the same time also, it fell so ill for the Eng­lishmen, that the prince of Wales was troubled with a sore sickenesse, The prince [...] Wales dis [...] ­sed with sick­nesse. that had continued long with him, euer since his being in Spaine, by reason where­of his enimies were the more bold to make attempts against him, and dailie went about to allure and in­tise his subiects of the marches of Guien to reuolt from him, in somuch that the citie of Cahors, The citie of Cahors [...] ­uolteth. and di­uerse other townes thereabout turned to the French part. Thus was the peace which had beene so suerlie made, and with so manie solemne oths confirmed, violated and broken, and the parties fallen togither by the eares againe in sundrie places, and namelie in Aquitaine, where sundrie armies were abroad in the fields, diuers sieges laid, manie townes taken, often incounters and skirmishes made, sometime to the losse of the one part, and sometime of the other, and the countries in the meane time harried and spoiled, that maruell it is to consider, and too long a processe it should be to rehearse the tenth part of such chances as dailie happened amongst them, so that it might well haue beene said of that sore & tumultuous time: ‘O quàm difficiles sunt sint pace dies.’

King Edward sent ouer into Gascoigne the earls of Cambridge and Penbroke, Succors [...] into Gas­coigne. with a certeine num­ber of men of armes and archers, the which arriuing in Britaine, passed through that countrie by licence of the Duke, and came to the prince as then lieng at Angolesme in Poictou, by whom they were sent to o­uerrun the earle of Perigords lands, and so they did, and after laid siege to Burdille, hauing with them about thrée thousand men one and other. Burdille [...] ­sieged. There came with them foorth of England foure hundred men of armes, foure hundred archers, and (as Frois­sard saith) beside their capteins, these earles which he nameth, to wit, the lord of Tabestone (or rather Bradstone as I take it) sir Brian Stapleton, sir Thomas Balaster, and sir Iohn Triuet. Whilest the said earles went thus to make warre against the earle of Perigord, Sir Hugh Caluerlie. sir Hugh Caluerlie with two thousand men of warre was sent also to ouerrun the lands of the earle of Arminacke, and of the lord Dal­bret; Sir Iohn Chandois. sir Iohn Chandois laie in the marches of Tho­louse at Mountaubon, & afterwards besieged Ter­rieres, and in the end wan it; and so likewise did the earles of Cambridge and Penbroke win Bur­dille, Burdille woon [...]. by reason of a saillie that they within made foorth, and passed so far from their fortresse, that the Englishmen got betwixt them and home.

Sir Robert Knols came from such lands as he had in Britaine, Sir Robert Knols. to serue the prince now in these warres of Gascoigne, and was by him made chéefe gouernor of all his men of warre, who bare himselfe right wor­thilie in that charge. The first iournie which he made at that time, was into Quercie, hauing with him be­side his owne hands, certeine knights of the princes retinue, as sir Richard Ponchardon, sir Stephan Gousenton, sir Noell Loring, sir Hugh Hastings, sir [Page 403] Iohn Triuet, sir Thomas Spenser, sir Thomas Balaster, sir Nicholas Bond, sir William le Moins seneschall of Aigenois, sir Baldwin de Freuille, and others. At their comming into Quercie, they be­sieged a strong fortresse called Durmell, within the which were diuerse capteins of the companions, as Aimon d'Ortigo, the little Mechin, Iaques de Bray, Perot de Sauoie, and Arnaudon de Pons, the which so valiantlie defended the place, that although the lord Chandois, accompanied with sir Thomas Fel­ton, line 10 the capitall of Beuf, sir Iohn de Pommiers, sir Thomas Percie, sir Eustace Daubreticourt, and o­thers came with their retinues from Montaubon, to reenforce that siege, yet could they not obteine their purpose, but raising from thence after fiue weekes siege (constreined thereto through want of vittels) they marched streight to a towne called Domme, which they besieged, hauing in their armie fifteene hundred men at armes, B [...] Gerard. beside two thousand archers and brigands, so called in those daies, of an armor line 20 which they ware named brigandines, vsed then by footmen, that bare also targets, or pauoises, and certeine darts or iauelines to throw at their eni­mies.

The towne and castell of Domme were so strong of themselues, and so well prouided of men of warre that were appointed to the gard of the same, with the lord thereof called sir Robert de Domme, that after the English capteins perceiued they should but lose time to linger about the winning of that towne, they line 30 raised their siege, and marching further into the countrie, wan Gauaches, Freins, Rochmador, and Uille Franche, vpon the marches of Toulouzain, greatlie to the displeasure of the duke of Aniou that lay at the same time in the citie of Toulouze, & could not remedie the matter. ¶But to recite euerie par­ticular enterprise, as the same was atchiued by the English capteins and men of warre in that season, it should be more than the purpose of this volume might permit, and therefore I passe ouer diuerse line 40 things, which I find registred by Froissard and other writers, onelie aduertising you, that as the English­men thus made sore warres against their aduersa­ries abroad in those quarters: so the Frenchmen on the other part had assembled great numbers of men of warre, not onelie to defend their frontiers, but al­so by inuasions to win from the Englishmen towns and castels, and to wa [...]t such countries as would not turne to their side. Thus were all those countries in troubles of warre. Aquitaine full of warre.

The two kings also of England and France, sig­nified line 50 to their neighbours the causes of this warre, laieng the fault either to other, and excusing them­selues as cleare and innocent therein. Edward duke of Gelderland, nephue to the king of England, as sonne to his sister, and the duke of Gulike cousine to the kings children by their mother that was daugh­ter to the earle of Heinault, tooke great despite that the French king had broken the peace, as they were throughlie persuaded, and that he had defied king line 60 Edward (as before yee haue heard.) Wherevpon they sent their defiance vnto the French king, threatning to be reuenged on him to the vttermost of their pow­ers. The duke of Bauier. Duke Albert of Bauier, was once minded also to haue aided king Edward in this warre: but af­terwards such persuasions were vsed on the French kings part, that he chose to remaine as neuter be­twixt them both, refusing to take anie part.

Among the soldiers also called companions, which serued the prince in this season, there were three cap­teins, right hardie and verie expert men of warre, Ortigo, Bernard de Wiske, & Bernard de la Sale. These thrée remaining as then in Limosin, hearing that [...]he duke of Burbons mother, which was also mother to the French queene, la [...]e within the castell of Belleperch in Burbonnois, The duke of Burbons mo­ther taken. with a small compa­nie about hir, rode thither in one daie and a night, so that in the morning they approched the castell, scaled it, and tooke it, with the ladie within it. And though they were after besieged in the same castell by the duke of Burbon and other Frenchmen, yet they de­fended it, till the earls of Cambridge and Penbroke, with fiftéene hundred speares, and three thousand of other men of warre, came and offered the French­men battell, lodging afore them fifteene daies. And when they perceiued that the Frenchmen would not issue out of the bastide (in which they laie) to giue battell, the earles of Cambridge and Penbroke cau­sed all them within the castell to come foorth, and to bring with them the duches of Burbon, whome they led awaie in sight of hir sonne, leauing the castell void and free for him to enioy.

The French king prouided a great number of ships to assemble togither at Harflew, The French king prepa­reth a nauie. and leuied a great power of men, minding to bestow them aboord in the same ships, that they might saile into England, and make warre against king Edward in his owne countrie. Cheefteine of this armie should haue beene his brother the duke of Burbon, but this iournie was broken, for the Frenchmen were eased of the paine to come to séeke the Englishmen at home in England, they comming ouer into France, and prof­fering them battell euen at their owne doores. For the king of England hauing leuied a power of ar­chers, and other men of warre, sent them ouer vnder the leading of his sonne the duke of Lancaster. The duke of Lancaster sēt into France with an armie There went with him in this iournie, the earles of Here­ford and Salisburie, the lord Ros, the lord Basset, the lord Willoughbie, the lord de la Ware, the lord de la Pole, the lord Walter of Mannie, the lord Henrie Percie, the lord Thomas Grantson, sir Alane Bur­hul, sir Richard Sturrie, & diuerse other. They went ouer about Midsummer. And after they had rested a little, the duke set forward and roded foorth into the countrie, spoiling and harrieng the same, and when he saw time, returned againe to Calis.

The French king being at Roan, heard of the ar­riuall of this armie at Calis, and that his countrie of Picardie was in great danger: he changed his purpose therefore of sending an armie into Eng­land, and with all spéed appointed that his power should with his brother the duke of Burgognie turne toward Calis, to resist the duke of Lancaster. Here­vpon when the duke of Lancaster heard that the duke of Burgognie was thus comming toward him, he issued foorth of Calis, and comming into the vallie beneath the hill of Turneham, there tooke his field, and fortified the place with strong hedges and ram­piers, The duke of Lancaster fortifieth his campe. The duke of Burgognie. Fabian. Froissard. the better to be able to resist his enimies if they would assaile him. The duke of Burgognie came still forward, till he approched verie néere to the duke of Lancasters campe, and pight downe his field a­loft vpon the hill of Turneham, so that the fronts of both hosts were within lesse than a mile either of other.

There was come to the duke of Lancaster a knight of the marches of Almaine, Sir Robert de Namur. called sir Robert de Na­mur with an hundred speares: but yet the duke of Lancasters host was but one handfull of men, in re­spect of the huge number of the French armie, wher­in were (as Froissard writeth) foure thousand knights beside others. But yet for all his great puissance and number of men, he would not aduenture to assaile the Englishmen in their lodgings, as it was thought he would haue doone, but kept himselfe and his men vpon the hill, from the foure and twentith of August, vnto the twelfth of September, and then dislodged not much to his honour, howsoeuer writers doo ex­cuse [Page 404] it, declaring how his b [...]o [...]her had giuen him streight comman [...]ement, that in no wise he should fight with the Englishmen: and that when he had sent to his brother for commission either to fight, or to remooue, he was commanded to turne with all speed vnto Paris, and to breake vp his armie for that time. Some there be that write, how that after both these hostes had lien the one against the other a long space, Caxton. to the reproofe of both chiefteins, it chanced that the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike line 10 came thitherward by sea, The earle of Warwike. to be at the battell, which he heard would shortlie follow betweene the two ar­mies: but yer he was come to land, the Frenchmen for feare durst no longer abide, but secretlie in the night departed and fled towards Hesdin, and so to Paris, for the which their flight, the duke of Bur­gognie was after blamed of his brother the French king.

Froissard. The queene of England de­parteth this life.In this meane while, that is to saie, on the euen of the Assumption of our ladie, died that noble prin­cesse, line 20 the ladie Philip quéene of England. It is said that when she perceiued that she must néeds depart out of this transitorie life, she desired to speake with the king hir husband, and when he was come to hir with a sorowfull hart to sée hir in that state, she tooke him by the hand, Hir thrée pe­titions to the king. and after courteous words of indu­ction, she required of him to grant hir thrée requests.

The first request was, that all such merchants, and other men, line 1 with whom she had bargained in any con­dition, might be answered of all such debts as she line 30 owght them, whether they dwelled on this side the sea or beyond.

line 2 The second request was, that all such ordinances and promises, as she had made to churches, as well within this realme, as in the parts of the further side the sea, might be performed.

line 3 The third request was, that it might please him to choose out none other sepulchre when God should call him out of this world, but beside hir at Westmin­ster. line 40

The praise of queene Phi­lip.This quéene, to traine the English youth vnto vertuous conuersation, & to giue occasion that they might be brought vp in learning and good instructi­ons, founded a colledge at Oxford, furnishing it with goodlie buildings, The quéenes colledge. and a church, that they might both serue God, and profit in their studies, wherevpon it is called the quéenes colledge euen to this daie.

But now to returne to the duke of Lancaster. Ye shall vnderstand that after the departure of the French armie beside the hill of Turneham, the said line 50 duke returned to Calis, and there refreshed himselfe and his people the space of thrée daies. And then he set forward againe, The duke of Lācaster ma­keth a iournie into France. & with him as marshals of the host, was the earle of Warwike, and the lord Roger Beauchampe, with the lords and knights before re­membred. They tooke their iournie to S. Omers, and by Turwin, and then through the countie of saint Paule, still burning the countrie as they went. They rode not past thrée or foure leages in a daie, and kee­ping on their waie, S. Riquier. they came by saint Riquier, and line 60 at the planches vnder Abuile passed the riuer of Some, and then entred into the countrie of Uimew, in purpose to go vnto Harflew, and there to burne the French kings nauie. Thus passing forward tho­rough Uimew, and the countie of Ewe, they entered into the archbishoprike of Roan, and marching foorth by Déepe, came vnto Harflew: but the earle of saint Poule, and the lord of Fiennes constable of France which had coasted the English armie in all this iour­nie, with a great power of men, was gotten before them, and entred into this towne, so that they knew how they should but lose their paine, if they did assaile it, and so therefore after they had lien before it thrée daies, on the fourth day they dislodged, & went backe againe towards Calis, returning through the coun­trie of Ponthieu, Fabian. The master [...] the crosbowes of France taken. and before Abuile chanced to in­counter a number of Frenchmen, which gaue to the duke battell. In the which was taken sir Hugh de Chatellon, master of the crosbowes of France, with other knights, esquiers, and burgesses of that towne, and about sixtéene score of the French part slaine.

There be that write otherwise herof, Froissard. shewing how the said sir Hugh Chatellon was taken by an am­bush laid by sir Nicholas Louaine, as the same sir Hugh was come foorth of the towne, with not past ten or twelue with him, to see how the passage of Ro­wraie was kept by them that had charge thereof. How soeuer it came to passe, taken he was, & brought to the duke of Lancaster, that reioised greatlie of that good hap: and so marching forward, he passed the riuer at Blanchetaque, and drew towards the towne of Rew on the sea side, and so to Montreuill, and fi­nallie to Calis. Then were the strangers licenced to depart: and bicause it was far in the winter, as a­bout saint Martines tide, the duke and the most part of his armie returned into England. The third mortalitie. Caxton. Polychron. The earle of Warwike de­parteth this life. In this yeare chanced the third mortalitie, which was excéeding great both of men and beasts, that the like had not béene heard of. And amongst other people that peri­shed of that pestilentiall sickenesse, that worthie knight and noble capteine the earle of Warwike di­ed at Calis in the moneth of Ianuarie, after his re­turne from Hartlew. year 1370 ¶ The countrie of Aquitaine was full of trouble in this meane time, either part séeking to grieue other to the vttermost of their powers. ¶ Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke, ha­uing with him certeine bands of men of warre, Polydor. re­couered diuerse towns and castels in those parts: but when he perceiued how the enimies that were not far from the place where he was lodged, shewed ma­nifest tokens of feare, in marching one while vncer­teinelie forward, and an other while fetching great compasses about, he somewhat vnwarilie setting vp­on them in their campe, was discomfited and put to flight, Froissard. so that getting him into a place of the Tem­plers, that was closed about with a wall, he remai­ned there in great danger to be taken prisoner of his enimies that assailed him, if the lord Iohn Chandois seneschall of Poictou had not come to the rescue, and pledged him foorth.

But shortlie after, Thom. W [...]. Sir Iohn Chandois slaine. Froissard. the said lord Chandois was slaine by the enimies (whom first he had ouercome) whilest without good aduise he put off his helmet, and so receiuing a stroke with a glaiue that entered into his head, betwixt his nose and his forhead, he neuer after spake word, not liuing past a day and a night after he was hurt. The death of this right famous, wise, and valiant knight, was bewailed as well of the Frenchmen as Englishmen. The French king himselfe, when he heard that he was slaine, greatlie lamented the mishap, affirming that now he being dead, there was not any le [...]t aliue able to agree the kings and realmes of England and France: so much was he feared, esteemed, and beloued of all men. But alas what auailed all their mourning and lamen­ting against the necessitie of death, sith we know that ‘Est commune mori, mors nulli parcit honori:’ After he was thus slaine, Sir Tho­mas Percie▪ sir Thomas Percie was made seneschall of Poictou. By reason of the great wet and raine that fell this yeare in more abun­dance than had béene accustomed, A dearth. Hen. Marle. much corne was lost, so that the price thereof was sore inhanced, in so much that wheat was sold at thrée shillings foure pence the bushell. But as concerning the death, the west parts of the realme was sorest afflicted with this mortalitie, and namelie at Oxford there died a great number of scholers.

Somewhat before this time, the ladie Blanch [Page 405] daughter to Henrie duke of Lancaster, The duches of Lancaster. Fabian. departed this life, and was buried on the north side of the high altar in the cathedrall church of saint Paule within the citie of London, where hir husband Iohn of Gant was after also interred. She ordeined for hir husband and for hir selfe a solemne obit to be kept yearelie in that church, where the maior being present with the shiriffes, chamberlaine, and sword-bearer, should of­fer each of them a pennie, and the maior to take vp a pound, the shiriffes either of them a marke, the line 10 chamberleine ten shillings, and the sword-bearer six shillings eight pence, and euerie other of the maiors officers two and twentie pence, and the number of eight officers belonging vnto the shiriffes (and by them to be appointed) eight pence a péece. ¶ This yeare was granted to the king in parlement assem­bled at Westminster of the spirituall mens liuings a tenth for the space of thrée yeares, Polychron. Anno Reg. 44. Froissard. Polychron. and a fiftéenth of the temporaltie during the same tearme.

This yeare, after that the king had gotten togither line 20 a great summe of monie, Sir Robert Knolles with an armie sent into France. as well by borowing of the clergie as of the laitie, he leuied an armie, & sent the same ouer to Calis about Midsummer, vnder the gouernance of that worthie chéefteine sir Robert Knolles, accompanied with the L. Fitz Walter, the lord Granson, sir Alaine Buxhull, sir Iohn Bourchi­er, sir William Meuille, sir Geffrey Wourseley, and diuerse other noblemen, knights, and worthie cap­teins. Truce with Scots. About the same time, the king of England con­cluded an abstinence of warre with the Scots for line 30 the tearme of nine yeares, yet so that the Scots might arme themselues, and at their pleasure serue and take wages, either of the English or French, by reason whereof, sir Robert Knolles had in his com­panie an hundred speares of the realme of Scot­land.

When this armie had lien and rested in Calis a­bout the space of seauen daies, sir Robert Knolles caused euerie man to depart the towne, and to take the fields, marching the first daie néere to the castell line 40 of Fiennes, Iac. Meir. The number of men of war in this armie. Froissard. and there lodged for that night. The whole number of this armie was not aboue twelue thousand men. Froissard saith, they were but fiftéene hundred speares, & foure thousand archers. Within the castell of Fiennes was the constable of France, that was lord thereof, with such a number of souldi­ers and men of warre, that the Englishmen thought they should but lose their labour to assaile it. And so they passed foorth by Turrouane, and toward Arras, riding not past foure leages a daie, bicause of their line 50 cariages and footmen. They tooke their lodging euer about noone, and laie néere vnto great villages.

The French king had furnished all his townes and fortresses in Picardie with strong garrisons of souldiers, to defend the same against all chances that might happen either by siege or sudden assault. The Englishmen therefore thought not good to linger a­bout the winning of anie of the strong townes, but passed by them, wasting or ransoming the countries. At Arras they shewed themselues before the barri­ers, The suburbs of Arras burnt. line 60 and when none would issue to skirmish with them, they set fier on the suburbs, & departed. From thence they tooke the waie by Baupalmes, and so came into Uermendois, The towne of Roy burnt. and burnt the towne of Roy. Then went they to Han in Uermendois, in­to the which all the people of the countrie were with­drawne, with such goods as they might carie with them. The French mē withdraw into their for­ [...]esses & strōg townes. And in like manner had those doone which in­habited about S. Quintine, Peronne, and other strong townes, so that the Englishmen found little abroad, sauing the barnes full of corne for it was after haruest.

Thus they rode faire and easilie, two or thrée leages a daie, and sometime to recouer monie of their eni­mies, they would compound with them within strong townes, to spare the countrie from burning and destruction, for such a summe as they agréed vp­on, by which meanes sir Robert Knolles got in that voiage aboue the summe of an hundred thousand frankes. For the which he was after accused to the king of England, as one that had not dealt iustlie in so dooing. In this sort passing the countrie, they came before Noion, and after they had rested a while afore the towne, they went foorth wasting and burning the countrie, and finallie passed the riuer of Marne, and so entered into Champaigne, and passed the riuer of Aube, and also diuerse times they passed to and fro ouer the riuer of Saine: The English­men before Paris. at length drawing toward Paris, and comming before that citie, they lodged there in the field a day and two nights, and shewed themselues in order of battell before the citie. This was on the twentie fourth daie of September.

The French king was at the same time within the citie, & might behold out of his lodging of S. Paule, the fiers and smokes that were made in Gastenois, through burning the townes and villages there by the Englishmen, but yet he would suffer none of his people to go foorth of the citie, although there was a great power of men of warre within the citie, both of such as had coasted the English armie in all this iournie, and also of other which were come thither by the kings commandement, beside the burgesses, and inhabitants of the citie. When sir Robert Knolles perceiued that he should haue no battell, he departed and drew toward Aniou, where they wan by strength the townes of Uaas and Ruellie. But now in the beginning of winter, there fell such discord amongst the English capteins, through couetousnesse and en­uie, that finallie they diuided themselues in sunder, greatlie to the displeasure of sir Robert Knolles their generall, who could not rule them.

There was a knight among them named sir Iohn Minsterworth, Thom. Wals. Sir Simon Minster­worth. that had the leading of one wing of this armie, a good man of his hands (as we call him) but peruerse of mind, and verie deceitfull, and to sir Robert Knolles (to whome he was much beholden) most vnfaithfull. This knight, perceiuing the wilfull minds of certeine yoong lords and knights there in the armie, that repined at the gouernement of sir Robert Knolles, as the Romans did sometime at the gouernance of Camillus (the chéefe of whome were the lord Grantson, the lord Fitz Walter, and o­thers) did his best to pricke them forward, sounding them in the eare, that it was a great reproch for them being of noble parentage, to serue vnder such an old rascall as he was, ech of them being able to guide their enterprise of themselues, without his counsell, by which flattering of them, and disgracing of him, the said Minsterworth did much mischéefe, for ‘Lingua loquax, odiosa, procax, parit omne molestum.’

Indéed this sir Robert Knolles was not descended of anie high linage, Bermondsey. but borne in the countie of Che­ster of meane ofspring, Sir Robert Knolles borne in Cheshire. neuerthelesse through his va­liant prowesse, and good seruice in warre, growne to such estimation, as he was reputed worthie of all ho­nour due to a noble and skilfull warriour, so that it was thought the king could not haue made his choise of one more able or sufficient to supplie the roome of a chéefteine, than of him: but yet, although this was most true, his aduise could not be heard, nor the au­thoritie appointed him by the king beare anie swaie. For where he counselled that they should now vpon the approching of winter draw foorth of France into Britaine, and there remaine for the winter season, Sir Robert Knolles coun­sell not fol­lowed. they would not so agrée, nor obeie his will. Wherevp­on it came to passe, that sir Berthram de Cleaquin, at that time newlie made constable of France, vn­derstanding this diuision to grow amongst the Eng­lishmen, [Page 406] and t [...]at they were diuided into parts, set vpon them so much to their disaduantage, that he di­stressed them, and tooke or slue the more part of them: but sir Robert Knols with the flower of the archers and men of warre went into Britaine, Discord what commeth of it. C [...]xton. and there sa­ued himselfe, and those that followed him. ¶ Here you may sée, how those that before through amitie and good agreement were of such force as their eni­mies durst not once assaie to annoie them, now by strife and dissention among themselues were slaine line 10 or taken by the same enimies, and brought to confu­sion. To which purpose it is properlie and trulie said, ‘L [...]s odium gignit, charos concordia stringit.’

In this meane time that sir Robert Knols made this voiage through the realme of France, Froissard. The citie of Limoges besieged. the prince of Wales laid siege to the citie of Limoges, which was reuolted to the Frenchmen. There were with him at the laieng of this siege, his brethren, the duke of Lancaster, and the earle of Cambridge, sir Gui­chard Dangle, sir Lois de Harecourt, the lord of line 20 Pons, the lord of Partenaie, the lord of Pinane, the lord of Tannaibouton, sir Perciuall de Coulongne, sir Geffrie de Argenton, Poictouins: and of Gas­coignes, the lord of Mountferrant, the lord de Chau­mount, the lord de Longueren, sir Amerie de Tharse, the lords of Pommiers, Mucident de l'Esparre, the Souldich de Lestrade, the lord of Gerond, and manie other: of Englishmen there were, sir Thomas Per­cie, the lord Ros, the lord William Beauchampe, sir Michaell de la Pole, sir Stephan Goussenton, sir Ri­chard line 30 Pontchardon, sir Baldwin Freuille, sir Si­mon Burlie, sir Dangousse, sir Iohn Deuereux, sir William Menille or (as some copies haue) Neuille, and manie other. There was also sir Eustace Dam­breticourt, and of the companions, sir Perducas Dalbreth, who in the beginning of these warres be­ing turned French, was by the persuasion of sir Ro­bert Knols procured to returne againe to the prin­ces seruice before the siege of Durmelle.

The prince being thus accompanied with these line 40 worthie capteins and men of armes, to the number of twelue hundred, beside a thousand archers and o­ther footmen, indeuored by all waies he could deuise to indamage them within. In the end he caused the walles to be vndermined, Limoges ta­ken by [...]orce. and quite reuersed into the ditch, & then giuing assault, entered by the breach, and made an huge slaughter of them within, in so­much that of men, women, and children (for none were spared in respect of age or sex) there were slaine and beheaded that daie aboue thrée thousand. The bi­shop line 50 with certeine knights and capteins were taken and had their liues granted, though the bishop was in great danger to haue lost his head, bicause he was a cheefe dooer in yéelding the citie before vnto the Frenchmen.

Whilest the prince laie at siege before Limoges (a litle before he wan it) thither came to him his bre­thren, Polydor. Froissard. the duke of Lancaster, and the earle of Cam­bridge, the lord Ros, sir Michaell de la Pole, sir Ro­bert Rous, sir Iohn Saint [...]o, and sir William Beau­champe, line 60 with a faire number of men of war, spears, and archers. The prince then after he had woone Li­moges, and executed some crueltie there to the ter­rour of other; his maladie which still continued vpon him, rather increased than diminished, so that he was aduised by physicians to returne into England, in hope that change of aire should restore him to health. For the which consideration and other causes of busi­nesse which he had to doo with his father, The prince returned into England. Thom. Wals. touching cer­teine weightie affaires he tooke the sea, and came o­uer into England, leauing the gouernement of A­quitaine vnto his brother the duke of Lancaster, as his lieutenant there: he landed at Plimmouth in the beginning of Ianuarie.

Moreouer in this 44 yeare of king Edward, The king of Nauarr [...] c [...] ­meth ouer [...] to England. the king of Nauarre came ouer into England, and at Claringdon found the king, and there talked with him of such matters as they had to conclude betwixt them two. Polydor. But for that the king of Nauarre could not assure the king of such couenants as should haue passed betwixt them two, it was not thought meet by the kings councell to worke too far vpon his bare word, that had before time shewed apparant proofes of his inconstant dealing. And suerlie this doubt arose not without cause, The king of Nauare c [...] ­stancie sus­pected. Froissard. as his dooings shortlie after de­clared: for although he séemed now at this present to be a verie enimie to the French king, yet shortlie af­ter he was reconciled to him againe, and became his great freend for the time it lasted. This yeare in the moneth of Februarie was a parlement called, 1371 Anno Reg. [...] in the which there was demanded of the spiritualtie a subsidie of fiftie thousand pounds, Caxton. and as much of the laitie. A subsidie. The temporall men soone agréed to that pai­ment, but the cleargie excused themselues with faire words and shifting answers: in somuch that the king tooke displesure with them, and deposed certeine spirituall men from their offices of dignitie, as the chancellor, the priuie seale, the treasuror, Spirituall men deposed. and such o­thers, in whose roomes he placed temporall men.

The bishop of Winchester, and the bishop of Beau­uois being both cardinals, were put in commission by pope Gregorie the eleuenth to treat betwixt the kings of England and France for a peace. Cardinals appointed [...] treat of peace. But al­beit they did their indeuour therein, and mooued both kings to the vttermost of their powers, yet their mo­tions tooke none effect, and therefore was the warre pursued to the vttermost betwixt the parties, & name­lie in Aquitaine, where the fortresses were so inter­medled one with an other, some English, and some French, that one knew not how to beware of an o­ther, nor to auoid the danger, so that the countrie of Poictou and other the marches thereabout were in great tribulation. Sir Robert Knols, Polydor. sir Thomas Spenser, sir Iohn Triuet, and sir Hugh Hastings, diuiding their powers insunder, went to recouer townes, some in one quarter, and some in an other, and certeine they assaied, but preuailed not: the in­habitants doubting to be punished for their vn­truths, made such stout resistance.

After this, the duke of Lancaster appointed sir Ro­bert Knols to repaire againe to Calis, and by the waie (if occasion serued) to attempt the recouerie of Ponthieu. The feare which the [...] ­mies had of sir Ro. Knols Sir Robert taking his iournie through France by Paris, came into the marches of Picar­die: and bicause in comparison to this man, all the English capteins were litle feared of the French­men, sir Berthram de Cleaquin, Sir Berth [...] de Cleaquin. the constable of France, leauing the fortresses in the marches of A­quitaine sufficientlie stuffed with men of warre and munition, followed sir Robert Knols, still readie to assaile the hindermost companies, or else to set on the sides of his enimies. So that there chanced manie skirmishes betwixt them, & manie men were slaine on both parts; but at length, when sir Robert Knols saw no likelihood to atchiue his purposed intent in recouerie of the townes of Ponthieu, as Abuile and other, he drew streight to Calis, and the constable re­tired backe into France.

In this 46 yeare, 1372 Anno Reg. [...] sir Robert Ashton was sent into Ireland as lord deputie there, and in the same yeare, the duke of Lancaster being as then a widower, ma­ried the ladie Constance eldest daughter to Peter king of Spaine, which was slaine by his bastard bro­ther Henrie (as before ye haue heard.) ¶Also the lord Emund earle of Cambridge maried the ladie Isa­bell, sister to the same Constance. ¶Their other sister named Beatrice, affianced to Don Ferdinando, son to Peter king of Portingale, was departed this [Page 407] life a little before this time at Baionne, where they were all three left as hostages by their father, when the prince went to bring him home into his countrie (as before yée may read.) Froissard writeth, that the duke married the ladie Constance in Gascoigne, and that shortlie after he returned into England with his said wife and hir sister, leauing the capitall de Bueffz, and other lords of Gascoigne and Poictou in charge with the rule of those countries. By reason of that marriage, the duke of Lancaster, as in right of his wife being the elder sister, caused himselfe to line 10 be intituled king of Castile, and his said wife quéene of the same realme.

The earle of Hereford being sent to the sea, with certeine ships of warre, was incountered by the Fle­mish fléet, before an hauen in Britaine called the Baie, where was fought a sore battell, and long con­tinued for the space of thrée houres: howbeit finallie the victorie abode with the Englishmen, notwith­standing that the Flemings were more in number, line 20 and better prouided for the matter. There were ta­ken of them fiue and twentie ships, with their Adme­rall Iohn Peterson. They had beene at Rochell for wine, and now were come to the Baie for salt vpon their returne homeward, and hearing that the Eng­lishmen would come that waie, staied for them, and first gaue the onset. For yée must remember, that by reason that the earle of Flanders had married his daughter to the duke of Burgognie, which he had first promised to the earle of Cambridge, there was line 30 no perfect fréendship betwixt the realme of Eng­land, and the countries of the said earle of Flan­ders.

Sir Guichard D [...]ngle made knight of the Garter. Polydor. Caxton.Sir Guichard Dangle a knight of Poictou, that was come ouer with the duke of Lancaster, to pro­cure the king to send some new aid into Aquitaine, was for his approoued valiancie and tried truth to the king of England, made knight of the garter. And moreouer at his instance the king rigged a nauie of ships, and appointed the earle of Penbroke as gene­rall, line 40 to saile with the same into Aquitaine, and there to remooue the siege which the Frenchmen had laid to Rochell. The earle of Penbroke set into Ga [...]en. The earle according to his commission tooke the sea with a fléet of fortie ships prepared for him: but yer he could enter the hauen of Rochell, he was assailed by an huge fleet of Spaniards, and there vanquished, taken prisoner, & led into Spaine. The Spaniards had for capteins foure skilfull war­riours, Froissard. Ambrose Bouquenegre, Cabesse de Uake or Uakadent, Dom Ferand du Pion, and Rodigo de line 50 la Rochell, who had vnder their gouernement fortie great carrauels, and thirteene trim barkes through­lie furnished and appointed with good mariners and m [...]n of warre.

The earle of Penbroke had with him nothing the like number of ships, nor men: for (as Froissard wri­teth) he had not past two and twentie knights with him, or (as other haue) not past twelue, being for the more part of his owne retinue or houshold: and yet those few Englishmen and Poictouins that were line 60 there with him, bare themselues right valiantlie, and fought it out to the vttermost. There were slaine sir Simon Houssagre, sir Iohn de Mortague, and sir Iohn Tuchet; and there were taken prisoners, be­sides the earle himselfe, sir Robert Buffort, sir Iohn Curson, These foure last remem­bred came for [...]h of Ro­chell to aid the earle. sir Othes de Grandson, sir Guichard Dan­gle, the lord of Pinane, sir Iohn de Griueres, sir Iaques de Surgieres, the lord of Tannaibouton, sir Iohn de Hardane, and others. This battell was fought on Midsummer euen, in this six and fortith yeare of king Edwards reigne. The earle had (as Froissard writeth) treasure with him, to haue waged thrée thousand men of warre, which neuer did anie man good, for (as he was informed) the ship wherein he was aboord, perished with diuerse other being burnt or sunke. ¶The English writers saie, that it was no maruell though this mishap chanced vnto him, bicause he had in parlement spoken against men of the church, in giuing counsell that they might be constreined to paie gréeuous subsidies, towards the maintenance of the kings warre, and that no lesse heauie paiments and subsidies should be impo­sed vpon them, than vpon the secular sort. Wherein he seemed to bewraie a malicious mind against the clergie, who as in no age they haue wanted foes, so in his time they found few fréends, being a genera­tion appointed and ordeined in their cradels to be contemned of the world, speciallie of great men, of whose fauour and goodwill it is truelie & rightlie said, ‘Gratia magnatum nescit habere statum.’ By reason of this misfortune thus happened to the English fleet, the Frenchmen recouered manie townes and castels out of the Englishmens hands, in the countries of Poictou, Xaintonge, Limosin, and other the marches of Aquitaine.

About the same time the French king sent foure thousand men to the sea, Froissard. Yuans a Welsh gen­tleman. vnder the guiding of one Yuans a banished Welsh gentleman, the which landing in the Ile of Gernesey, was incountered by the captein of that Ile called sir Edmund Rous, Sir Edmund Rous. who had gathered eight hundred men of his owne souldi­ers togither, with them of the Ile, and boldlie gaue battell to the Frenchmen: but in the end the Eng­lishmen were discomfited, and foure hundred of them slaine, so that sir Edmund Rous fled into the castell of Cornet, & was there besieged by the said Yuans, till the French king sent to him to come backe from thence, and so he did, leauing the castell of Cornet, and sir Edmund Rous within it as he found him. The Frenchmen this yeare recouered the citie of Poictiers, Rochell also, The prospe­rous successe of the French men in Poic­tou. and the most part of all Poictou, and finallie laid siege to Towars in Poic­tou, wherein a great number of the lords of that countrie were inclosed, the which fell to a compositi­on with the Frenchmen to haue an abstinence of warre for themselues, and their lands, till the feast of saint Michaell next insuing, which should be in the yeare 1362. And in the meane time they sent to the king of England their souereigne lord, to certifie him what conditions they had agréed vnto, that if they were not aided by him, or by one of his sonnes within the said tearme, then they to yéeld them and their lands to the obeisance of the French king.

Not long before this, the capitall of Bueffz was taken prisoner, and sir Thomas Percie, with diuerse other Englishmen and Gascoignes before Soubise by sir Yuans of Wales and other French capteins, so that the countries of Poictou and Xaintonge were in great danger to be quite lost, Towars in danger to be lost. if spéedie succours came not in time. Wherevpon king Edward aduer­tised of that agreement which they within Towars had made, raised an armie, rigged his ships, Th. Walsing. and in August tooke the sea, purposing to come before the day assigned, to the succours of that fortresse: but the wind continued for the space of nine wéekes so con­trarie vnto his intent, that he was still driuen backe and could not get forward toward the coast of Ro­chell, where he thought to haue landed, so that finallie when the daie of rescuing Towars came, he nor anie of his sonnes could appeare in those parts, and so to his great displeasure he returned home, and licenced all his people to depart to their houses. By this means was Towars deliuered to the Frenchmen, which ceassed not in such occasions of aduantage to take time, and follow the steps of prosperous for­tune. 1373 Anno Reg. 47.

About this season the duke of Britaine being sore displeased in his mind, The duke of Britaine. that the Englishmen sustei­ned [Page 408] dailie losses in the parts of Aquitaine, would gladlie haue aided their side, if he might haue got the nobles of his countrie to haue ioined with him, but the lords Clisson and de la Uale, with the vicount of Roan, and other the lords and barons of Britaine, so much fauoured the French king, that he perceiued they would reuolt from him, if he attempted any thing against the Frenchmen. He therefore mea­ning by one way or other to further the king of En­gland his quarell, and fearing to be attached by his line 10 owne subiects, and sent to Paris, dispatched mes­sengers to K. Edward, requiring him to send some power of men of warre into Britaine, to defend him against the malice of such as were altogither French and enimies to England.

The lord Ne­uill sent into Britaine.King Edward foorthwith sent ouer the lord Ne­uill, with foure hundred men of armes, and as manie archers, the which arriuing at saint Matthewes de fine Poterne, remained there all the winter. Wherevpon the Britaines being sore offended there­with, line 20 closed their townes and fortresses against their duke, and shewed much euill towards him. The con­stable of France sir Berthram de Cleaquin, Englishmen discomfited by the con­stable of France. laieng siege to the towne and castell of Sireth in Poictou, discomfited a number of Englishmen that came to raise his siege, by meanes whereof he got not onelie Sireth, but also Niort, Lucignen, and all other the townes and fortresses which the Englishmen held till that day within Poictou, Townes woone by him. Xaintonge, and Rochel­lois. Shortlie after this, the constable returned into line 30 France, and was appointed by the king there to go with an armie of men of warre into Britaine, and there to take into his hands all such townes and for­tresses as belonged to the duke of Britaine, The constable of Frāce sent into Britaine bicause he had alied himselfe with the king of England, and receiued Englishmen into his countrie, to the preiudice of the realme of France.

Sir Robert Knols.The duke being aduertised of the constables com­ming, was counselled by sir Robert Knols (whom the king of England had sent to aid him) that he should line 40 passe ouer into England, and there to be a suter in his owne cause for more aid to be sent into Britaine, to resist the Frenchmen that now sought to bring the whole countrie into their possession. The duke incli­ning to this aduise, The duke of Britaine cō ­meth ouer in­to England. went ouer into England, and in the meane time the constable came and wan the most part of all the townes and fortresses of that duchie, except Brest, where sir Robert Knols was, and cer­teine other. The earle of Salisburie. The earle of Salisburie with a great na­uie of ships, well furnished with men of armes and line 50 archers, laie vpon the coast of Britaine all that time, and greatlie comforted them within Brest, in somuch that he came on land, and offered battell to the con­stable if he would haue come forward & receiued it.

Polydor. The duke of Lancaster sent ouer into France with an armie.In the moneth of Iulie in this seuen and fourtith yeare of king Edwards reigne, the duke of Lanca­ster was sent ouer vnto Calis with an armie of thir­tie thousand men (as some write) but as Froissard saith, they were but thirteene thousand, as thrée thou­sand men of armes, and ten thousand archers. This line 60 voiage had béene in preparing for the space of thrée yeares before. Ia. Meir. Froissard. The duke of Britaine was there with them, and of the English nobilitie, beside the duke of Lancaster that was their generall, there were the earles of Warwike, Stafford and Suffolke, the lord Edward Spenser that was constable of the host, Noble men that went with him in that iournie. the lords Willoughbie, de la Pole, Basset, and diuerse others. Of knights, sir Henrie Percie, sir Lewes Clifford, sir William Beauchampe, the Chanon Ro­bertsart, Walter Hewet, sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Stephan Cousington, sir Richard Ponchardon, and manie other.

When they had made readie their cariages and o­ther things necessarie for such a iournie which they had taken in hand, that is to say, to passe through the realme of France vnto Burdeaux, they set forward, hauing their armie diuided into thrée battels. The earles of Warwike and Suffolke did lead the foreward: the two dukes of Lancaster and Britaine, the middle ward or battell, and the rereward was go­uerned by the lord Spenser constable of the host. They passed by S. Omers, by Turrouane, and coa­sted the countrie of Arthois, and passed the water of Some at Corbie. They [...] through the coun [...]rie w [...] out assauling any townes. They destroied the countries as they went, and marched not past thrée leages a day. They assailed none of the strong townes, nor fortres­ses. For the French king had so stuffed them with notable numbers of men of warre, that they percei­ued they should trauell in vaine about the winning of them. At Roy in Uermandois, they rested them seuen daies, and at their departure set fire on the towne, bicause they could not win the church which was kept against them. From thence they drew to­wards Laon, and so marched forward, passing the ri­uers of Ysare, Marne, Saine, and Yonne. The Frenchmen coasted them, but durst not approch to giue them battell.

Neere to Ribaumount, about 80 Englishmen of sir Hugh Caluerlies band were distressed by 120 Frenchmen: & likewise beside Soissons, Fabian. 120 Eng­lish speares, or (as other writers haue) fiftie speares, and twentie archers were vanquished by a Burgo­nian knight called sir Iohn de Uienne, that had with him thrée hundred French speares. Of more hurt by anie incounters I read not that the Englishmen su­steined in this voiage. The French­men meant not to fight with the Englishmen▪ For the Frenchmen kept them aloofe, and meant not to fight with their eni­mies, but onelie to kéepe them from vittels, and fet­ching of forrage abroad, by reason whereof the Eng­lishmen lost manie horsses, and were in déed driuen to great scarsitie of vittels. When they had passed the riuer of Loire, Polydor. and were come into the countrie of Berrie, they vnderstood how the Frenchmen laid themselues in sundrie ambushes to distresse them, if they might espie the aduantage: but the duke of Lan­caster placing his light horssemen, with part of the ar­chers in the fore ward, and in the battell the whole force of his footmen with the men at armes, diuided into wings to couer that battell, wherein he himselfe was, The order of the duke of Lancasters armie in marching. the residue of the horssemen with the rest of the archers he appointed to the rereward, and so causing them to keepe close togither, marched foorth till he came into Poictou, & then in reuenge of the Poicto­uins that had reuolted from the English obeisanc [...], he began a new spoile, killing the people, wasting the countrie, and burning the houses and buildings euerie where as he passed, He cōmeth [...] to Burdeaux▪ Froissard. The archb. of Rauenna [...] from the p [...]p [...] ▪ & so finallie about Christ­masse came to Burdeaux.

Whilest the duke of Lancaster was thus passing through the realme of France, pope Gregorie the e­leuenth sent the archbishop of Rauenna and the bi­shop of Carpentras as legats from him, to treat for a peace betwixt the realms of England and France. They rode to & fro betwixt the French king and his brethren, and the duke of Lancaster: but the duke and the Englishmen kept on their waie, and so finallie kéeping forwards about Christmasse came to Burdeaux. The legats pursued their treatie, but the parties were so hard, that no reasonable offers would be taken. The two dukes of Lancaster and Britaine laie in Burdeaux all the residue of the win­ter, and the Lent following. The same yeare that the duke of Lancaster made this iournie thorough France, Caxton. Messengers sent to the pope about r [...] ­seruations o [...] benefices. the king of England sent certeine ambas­sadors to the pope, requiring him not to meddle with the reseruations of benefices within his realme of England, but that those which were elected bishops might inioy their sees, and be confirmed of their me­tropolitane [Page 409] and archbishop, as of ancient time they had beene accustomed.

The pope would not at that present determine a­nie thing herein, but commanded them that were sent, that they should certifie him againe of the kings pleasure and further meaning, in those articles and other touching him and his realme. Also this yeare it was decréed in parlement, Cathedrall churches. that cathedrall churches might inioy the right of their elections, and that the king should not hinder them that were chosen, but line 10 rather helpe them to their confirmations. ¶ In the same parlement was granted to the king a disme of the cleargie, and a fiftéenth of the laitie. ¶ Moreouer at the sute of the popes legats, a respit of war was granted betwixt the kings of England and France, but so that the Englishmen lost in Gascoine a great number of castels and townes, by reason of a com­position made before, that if they were not rescued by the middest of August, they should then yeeld themselues French: and bicause the truce was a­gréed line 20 vpon to indure till the last of August, the Eng­lishmen tooke no heed to the matter. It was further agréed vpon, that in the beginning of September, there should méet in the marches of Picardie, the duke of Lancaster, and other of the English part, as commissioners to intreat of peace; Cōmissioners appointed to meet and com­mune of peace and the duke of Aniou and other on the French part, the popes legat to be there also as mediator. When this agréement was thus accorded, the duke of Lancaster, and the duke of Britaine, with the earls of Warwike, Suf­folke line 30 and Stafford, the lords Spenser, Willoughbie and others, tooke the sea at Burdeaux the eight of Iu­lie, and returned into England.

This yeare the fifth of Iune, died William Wit­telsey archbishop of Canturburie, Death of the archb. of Can. after whose death the moonks chose to that see the cardinall of Win­chester, with which election the king was nothing contented, so that after much monie spent by the moonks to obteine their purpose, at length they were disappointed, Simon Sud­berie elected archbishop. and doctor Simon Sudberie was ad­mitted line 40 to that dignitie, who before was bishop of London, being the seauen and fiftith archbishop that had ruled that see. He was chosen by the appointment of the king, and consent of the pope. For alredie was that decree worne out of vse, whereby the elections of bishops haue rested in the voices of them of the ca­thedrall church: for not onelie this Simon archbi­shop of Canturburie, but other also were ordeined bishops from thencefoorth, by the will and authoritie of the popes and kings of this realme, till at length it line 50 came to passe, that onelie the kings instituted bi­shops, and the bishops ordeined other gouernours vnder them of meaner degrees.

Thus the popes within a while lost all their autho­ritie, which they had before time within this relme in the appointing of bishops, and other rulers of chur­ches; and in like manner also they lost shortlie after their authoritie of leuieng tenths of spirituall pro­motions, the which they in former times had vsed, to the great detriment of the realme; which lost nothing line 60 by this new ordinance: for the English people were not compelled afterwards to depart with their mo­nie vnto strangers, so largelie as before, to content the gréedinesse of that coruorant generation of Ro­manists, whose insatiable desires would admit no stint, as infected with the dropsie of filthie auarice, for

Omnia des cupido, siua non perit inde cupido,
Quò plus sunt potae plus sitiuntur aquae.

This restraining reformation concerned the bene­fit of the whole land verie much: The begining of th [...] statute of Premunire for K. Edward the third was the first that caused an act to be made, that none vnder a great penaltie should séeke to obteine anie spirituall promotions within this realme of the pope, or bring anie sutes to his court, except by waie of appeale: and that those that were the aiders of any such offendors against this act, should run in danger of the same paine, which act by those kings that suc­ceeded was not onelie commanded to be kept, but al­so confirmed with new penalties, and is called the statute of Premunire. Caxton.

About Candlemasse there met at Bruges as com­missioners for the king of England, 1275 Anno Reg. 49. the duke of Lan­caster, the earle of Salisburie, and the bishop of Lon­don. For the French king, the dukes of Aniou, The commis­sioners méet at Bruges. and Burgognie, the earle of Salebruce, and the bishop of Amiens with others. Finallie, when they could not agree vpon anie good conclusion for peace, they ac­corded vpon a truce, A truce taken betwixt Eng­land & Frāce. to indure to the first of Maie next insuing in all the marches of Calis, and vp to the water of Some; but the other places were at li­bertie to be still in warre: by report of other writers, the truce was agreed vpon to continue till the feast of All saints next insuing. Fabian. Froissard. About the same time that the foresaid commissioners were at Bruges intrea­ting of peace, the duke of Britaine did so much with his father in law king Edward, that about the be­ginning of Aprill he sent ouer with him into Bri­taine the earles of Cambridge, March, Warwike, Tho. Wals. An armie sent ouer into Britaine with the duke. and Stafford, the lord Spenser, sir Thomas Holland, sir Nicholas Camois, sir Edward Twiford, sir Ri­chard Ponchardon, sir Iohn Lesselles, sir Thomas Grandson, sir Hugh Hastings, and diuerse other worthie capteins with a power of thrée thousand ar­chers, and two thousand men of armes, all verie well furnished to fight.

They landed at saint Matthews or Mahe de fine Poterne, where they tooke the castell by force, and the towne by surrender. Towns woon From thence they went to Pole de Lion, and wan it likewise by force of assault, and then went to Brieu de Uaux, a towne stronglie fensed, and well manned. In hope yet to win it, the duke of Britaine and the English lords laid siege to it, but hearing that an English knight, one sir Iohn Deureux was besieged in a fortresse which he had newlie made, by the vicount of Roan, the L. Clisson, Sir Iohn Deureux. and other of the French part, they raised from Brieu de Uaux, and hasted forward to the succor of sir Iohn Deureux, ernestlie wishing to find their enimies in the field, that they might giue them battell: but the British lords hearing that the duke and the English­men approched, made no longer abode▪ but got them with all speed vnto Campellie a towne of great strength not farre off, and therein closed themselues for their more safetie. The duke of Britaine hearing [...]hat they were fled thither, followed them, and laid siege round about the towne, This truce was cōcluded to indure from midsummer in this 1375, vnto midsum­mer in y e yeare next insuing. Tho. Walsi. inforcing himselfe to obteine the place, and so had doone in deed by all like­lihood verie shortlie, if at the same time, by reason of a truce taken for twelue moneths, he had not béene commanded by the duke of Lancaster, without de­laie to ceasse his war, and breake vp his campe: as he did.

There were sundrie meetings of the commissioners for this treatie of peace, and still they tooke longer time for continuance of the truce. And bicause that Britaine and all the other countries of France (as should seeme) were included in this truce, it seemeth that this was some second truce, and not the first truce, which included onelie the marches of Calis, and those parts vp to the water of Some. But how­soeuer it was, the duke of Britaine being in a great forwardnesse to haue recouered his duchie out of the Frenchmens hands, and to haue reduced his rebelli­ous subiects vnder due obeisance againe, was now by this truce concluded out of time, greatlie disap­pointed, The duke of Britaine dis­appointed by the truce. and so brake vp his siege from before Cam­pellie, and sent home the English armie. He went himselfe to Aulroie, where his wife was; and taking [Page 410] order for the fortifieng and keeping of those places, which were in his possession, he came backe againe into England, and brought his wife with him.

A litle before the concluding of this truce, the En­glishmen and others within the fortresse of saint Sa­uiour le vicount, in the Ile or rather Close (as they call it) of Constantine, which had beene long besie­ged, made a composition, that if they were not rescu­ed by a certeine daie, then should they yéeld vp the place to the Frenchmen. Now bicause this truce line 10 was agréed before the daie appointed for the rescue of that place, with condition that either part should in­ioy and hold that which at that present they had in possession, during the terme of the truce; the English­men thought that saint Sauiour le vicount should be saued by reason of that treatie: but the Frenchmen to the contrarie auouched, that the first couenant ought to passe the last ordinance. So that when the daie approched, the French king sent thither six thou­sand speares, knights, and esquiers, beside other peo­ple: S. Sauiour le vicount yeelded. line 20 and bicause none appeared to giue them battell, they had the towne deliuered to them.

¶ In this 49 yeare of K. Edwards reigne, a great death chanced in this land, Thom. Wals. Fabian. and in diuerse other coun­tries, so that innumerable numbers of people died and perished of that contagious sickenesse. Amongst other the lord Edward Spenser died the same yeare, The lord Spenser de­parteth this life. Polydor. The earle of Penbroke deceasseth. a man of great renowme and valiantnesse. Also the earle of Penbroke, hauing compounded for his ran­some, as he was vpon his returne from Spaine, line 30 comming homewards through France, he fell sicke, and being brought in an horsselitter to Arras, he di­ed there, on the 16 daie of Aprill, leauing a sonne be­hind him not past two yeares of age, begot of the countesse his wife called Anne, daughter vnto the lord Walter de Mannie. Polydor mistaking the matter, saith that Marie the countesse of Penbroke, who builded Penbroke hall in Cambridge, was wife to this Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke, whereas in deed she was wife to his ancestor Aimer line 40 de Ualence earle of Penbroke (as Iohn Stow in his summarie hath trulie noted. Iohn Stow.) She was daughter to Guy earle of saint Pole, a worthie ladie and a vertu­ous, tendering so much the wealthfull state of this land (a great part wherof consisteth in the good bring­ing vp of youth, and training them to the knowledge of learning) that for maintenance of students she be­gan the forsaid commendable foundation, about the yeare of Christ 1343, vpon a plot of ground that was hir owne, hauing purchased licence thereto of line 50 the king, to whom she was of kin.

During that greeuous mortalitie and cruell pesti­lence before remembred, the pope at the instant re­quest of the English cardinals, granted vnto all those that died in England, being shriuen and repen­tant of their sinnes, cleane remission of the same, by two buls inclosed vnder lead. Froissard. Commissio­ners eftsoones met to com­mon of peace. The duke of Lanca­ster about the feast of All saints met with the French commissioners againe at Bruges. There was with him the duke of Britaine, the earle of Salisburie, line 60 and the bishop of London. For the French king there appeered the duke of Burgognie, the earle of Salebruch, and the bishop of Amiens. And at saint Omers laie the duke of Aniou, the archbishop of Ra­uenna, and the bishop of Carpentras tooke great paine to go to and fro betwéene the parties: The demāds on both parts. but they were so far at ods in their demands, and as it were of set purpose on the French behalfe, that no good could be doone betwixt them. The French king required to haue Calis raced, and to haue againe fourtéene hun­dred thousand franks, which were paid for the ran­some of king Iohn. The king of England demanded to haue all the lands restored to him in Gascoigne and Guien cléerelie exempt of all resorts. So when nothing could be concluded touching a finall peace, the truce was renewed to indure till the feast of S. Iohn Baptist next insuing, which should be in the yeare 1376.

In this fiftith yeare, king Edward assembled his high court of parlement at Westminster, 13 [...] Anno [...]. [...]. in the which was demanded a subsidie of the commons for the defense of the kings dominions against his eni­mies. A parleme [...] ▪ Wherevnto answer was made by the common house, that they might no longer beare such charges, considering the manifold burthens by them sustei­ned in time past. And further they said, it was well knowne the king was rich inough to withstand his enimies, if his monie and treasure were well imploi­ed: but the land had béene of long time euill guided by euill officers, so that the same could not be stored with chaffer, merchandize, or other riches. The com­mons also declared whom they tooke and iudged to be chéefe causer of this disorder, The lord Latimer. Dame Alice Perers. Sir Richa [...] Sturrie. as the duke of Lanca­ster, & the L. Latimer lord chamberleine to the king; also dame Alice Perers, whom the king had long time kept to his concubine; and also one named sir Richard Sturrie, by whose sinister meanes and euill counsell the king was misled, and the land euill go­uerned. Wherefore the commons by the mouth of their speaker sir Peers de la Mere, The request of the com­mons. required that those persons might be remooued from the king, and other more discreet set in their roomes about his per­son, and so put in authoritie, that they might sée to his honour and weale of the realme, more than the other had doone before them.

This request of the commons by support of the prince was allowed, and granted, so that the said per­sons and other of their affinitie were commanded to depart the court, and other (such as were thought méet by the prince, and the sage péeres of the realme) were placed in their stéeds. ¶ Shortlie after, the com­mons granted to the king his whole request, so that he had of euerie person, man and woman, being a­boue the age of fourtéene yeares, foure pence, poore people that liued of almesse onelie excepted. ¶ Like­wise the cleargie granted, that of euerie beneficed man, the king should haue twelue pence, and of eue­rie priest not beneficed foure pence (the foure orders of friers onelie excepted.) But yer this monie could be leuied, the king was constreined to borrow cer­teine great summes in sundrie places, and therefore he sent to the citie of London for foure thousand pounds. And bicause Adam Staple the maior was not diligent in furthering that lone, he was by the kings commandement discharged on the 22 daie of March, and Richard Whitington mercer chosen in his place.

On the eight of Iune being Trinitie sundaie (the parlement yet continuing) that noble and famous prince Edward the kings sonne departed this life within the kings palace at Westminster. The blac [...] prince depa [...] ­teth this [...]. His bodie was conueied to Canturburie with great solemni­tie, and there honorablie buried. He died in the 46 yeare of his age: a prince of such excellent demea­nour, so valiant, wise and politike in his dooings, Polydor. He is buried at Cantur­burie. that the verie and perfect representation of knighthood ap­peared most liuelie in his person, whilest he liued, so that the losse of him stroke a generall sorrow into the harts of all the English nation. For such was his towardnesse, or rather perfection in princelie go­uernement, that if he had liued and atteined to the crowne, euerie man iudged that he would suer­lie haue excéeded the glorious renowme of all his ancestors. This princes death is bréefelie touched by C. Okland, who (after mention made of the great victories atchiued by his father the king against his enimies, and concluding him to be verie hap­pie and fortunate in the issue of his attempts) saith

[Page 411]
—inclytus ille monarchae
Vndi (que) ter foelix, nisi quòd [...]rux Atropos occat
Ante diem gnati fatalia stamina vitae.

The French king kept his obsequie in most reue­rend wife, Froissard. in the chapell of his palace at Paris. Af­ter his death, the king called to him againe the fore­said persons, Sir Péers de la Mere. Fabian. that had beene from him remooued, and the said sir Peers de la Mere that was speaker in the parlement (as before yée haue hard) for his eloquence shewed in reproouing the misgouernment of the said persons (and namelie of the said dame Alice Peres) line 10 was now committed to prison within the castell of Notingham. The truce prolonged. Polydor. About the same time the truce was a­gaine prolonged till the first daie of Aprill next fol­lowing. ¶ King Edward, after the deceasse of his sonne prince Edward, created the lord Richard, sonne to the said prince, as heire to him, prince of Wales, and gaue to him the earledomes of Chester & Corne­wall. Polydor. ¶Moreouer, bicause the king waxed féeble and sicklie through langor (as some suppose) conceiued for the death of his sonne, he appointed the rule of the line 20 relme to his sonne the duke of Lancaster, ordeining him as gouernour vnder him, and so he continued during his fathers life.

A riot. Caxton.A great riot happened betwixt the seruants of the earle of Warwike, and the tenants of the abbat of Euesham, so that manie of the said abbats seruants were slaine and hurt. The fish-ponds and warrens belonging to the abbie were broken and spoiled, so that greater hurt would haue followed thereof, if the line 30 kings letters had not beene sent downe to the earle, commanding him to staie his men from such misde­meanours. All the nobles of the realme were cau­sed to sweare, The nobles sworne to the prince of Wales. that after the kings decease they shuld admit and mainteine Richard prince of Wales for their king and souereigne lord. And vpon Christ­masse day, the king caused him to sit at his table aboue all his owne children, in high estate, as repre­senting the personage of the heire apparant to the crowne. line 40

This yeare being the one and fiftith and last of king Edwards reigne, 1377 Anno Reg. 51. there were sent againe to Bruges as commissioners to treat of peace on the part of king Edward, Froissard. Comissioners sēt to Bruges Iohn lord Cobham, the bishop of He­reford, and the maior of London. And for the French part thither came the earle of Salebruch, monsieur de Chatillon, and Phillibert Lespoit. And still the two legats were present as mediatours betwixt the par­ties, moouing a mariage to be had, betwixt Richard prince of Wales, and the ladie Marie, daughter to line 50 the French king. But they departed in sunder for this time without anie conclusion. But shortlie after in Lent following, Cōmissioners sent to Mon­treuill. there was a secret meeting ap­pointed to be had at Montreuill by the sea, whither came from the king of England, sir Richard Dan­gle a Poictouine, sir Richard Stan, & Geffrie Chau­cer. For the French king there appeared the lord Coucie, and others. These commissioners treated a long season concerning the mariage, and when they had vnderstanding and felt each others meaning, line 60 they departed and made report of the same to their maisters. The truce eftsoones prolonged. The truce was againe prolonged till the first daie of Maie.

And in the meane time, the earle of Salisburie, the bishop of saint Dauie lord chancellour of Eng­land, and the bishop of Hereford went ouer to Calis. In like case the lord of Coucie, and sir William Dorman chancellor of France came to Montreuill. Sir Hugh Caluerlie lieutenant of Calis. But they durst not meet at anie indifferent place on the frontiers, for the doubt that either partie had of other, for anie thing the legats could saie or doo. Thus these commissioners abode in that state till the truce was expired. And when the warre was open, then sir Hugh Caluerlie was sent ouer to Calis, to remaine vpon safe kéeping of that towne, as deputie there. The earle of Salisburie, and the other commissio­ners returned into England, and with them the duke of Britaine. On the twelfth day of Aprill this yeare, one sir Iohn Minsterworth knight, Tho. Walsi. Fabian. Sir Iohn Minster­worth be­headed. was drawne, hanged, headed, and quartered at Tiborne, being first condemned and adiudged to suffer that ex­ecution before the maior of London, and other the kings iustices in the Guildhall, for treason by him committed, in defrauding souldiers of their wages: for where he had receiued great summes of monie to make paiment thereof to them, he reteined the same to his owne vse.

Moreouer (as in the fortie foure yeare of this king yée haue heard) he was the chéefe procurer and setter forward of the dissention that rose in the armie, Thom. Wals. which vnder the leading of sir Robert Knolles was sent in­to France. And when in that iournie he had lost most of his men, and was escaped himselfe into Eng­land, he laid all the blame on sir Robert Knolles, ac­cusing him to the king of heinous treason; so as the king tooke no small displeasure against the said sir Robert, insomuch that he durst not returne into England, till he had pacified the kings wrath with monie, and that the knowne fidelitie of the man had warranted him against the malicious and vntrue suggestions of his enimies. Wherevpon the said Minsterworth perceiuing his craft to want the wi­shed successe, he fled to the French king, and conspi­ring with him to annoie the realme of England by bringing the Spanish nauie to inuade the same, at length he was taken in the towne of Pampilona in Nauarre, and brought backe into England, where he tasted the deserued fruit of his contriued treason (as before yée haue heard.)

About this season, there rose in the vniuersitie of Oxenford a learned man Iohn Wiclife, Thom. Walsi. Iohn Wiclife. borne in the north parts, who being a secular preest, and a stu­dent in diuinitie, began to propone certeine conclu­sions greatlie contrarie to the doctrine of the church in those daies established, speciallie he argued a­gainst moonks, and other men of religion that inioi­ed great riches, and large possessions. There were diuerse that gaue good eare to him, insomuch that sundrie learned men of that vniuersitie preached and set foorth the doctrine that he taught. ¶Amongst other articles which they held, these were the cheefe and principall.

  • 1 That the sacrament of the altar,
    The chéefest articles prea­ched by Wic­life.
    after con­secration, was not the bodie of Christ, but a figure thereof.
  • 2 That the church of Rome was no more head of the vniuersall church than any one other, nor more authoritie was giuen by Christ vnto Peter, than to anie other of the apostles, and that the pope had no more power in the keies of the church than anie other préest whatsoeuer.
  • 3 That temporall lords might both lawfullie and meritoriouslie take the temporall goods and re­uenues from the church, if it offended; and if anie temporall lord knew the church to offend, he was bound vnder paine of damnation to take from it the temporalties.
  • 4 That the gospell is sufficient in this life to di­rect by rule euerie christian man.
  • 5 That all other rules of saints, vnder the ob­seruing whereof diuers religious doo liue, ad no more perfection to the gospell, than washing ouer with lime dooth the wall.
  • 6 That the pope, nor anie other prelat of the church, ought to haue anie prisons wherein to punish offendors.

These and manie other opinions did these men hold and mainteine, and diuerse lords and great men [Page 412] of the land fauoured their cause. But when these con­clusions were brought before the pope, he condem­ned the number of 23 of those articles as vaine and hereticall, directing his buls to the archbishop of Canturburie, and to the bishop of London, that they should cause the said Wiclife to be apprehended, and examined vpon the said conclusions, which they did in presence of the duke of Lancaster, and the lord Per­cie, and hearing his declaration, commanded him to silence, and in no wise to deale with those matters line 10 from thencefoorth, Wiclife & his felowes main­teined by cer­teine lords. so that for a time, both he and his fellowes kept silence: but after at the contemplati­on of diuerse of the temporall lords, they preached and set foorth their doctrine againe.

The same day that Wiclife was conuented thus at London, before the bishops and other lords, tho­rough a word spoken in reproch by the duke of Lan­caster vnto the bishop of London, streightwaies the Londoners getting them to armour, The duke of Lancaster in danger by the Londoners. meant to haue slaine the duke, & if the bishop had not staid them, they had suerlie set fire on the dukes house at the Sauoie: line 20 and with much adoo might the bishop quiet them. A­mong other reprochfull parts which in despite of the duke they committed, they caused his armes in the publike stréet to be reuersed as if he had béene a trai­tor, or some notorious offendor. The duke and the lord Henrie Percie, The lord Percie. whom the citizens sought in his owne house to haue slaine him, if he had béen found, hearing of this riotous stur and rebellious commo­tion, forsooke their dinner and fled to Kenington, where the lord Richard, sonne to the prince, togither line 30 with his mother then remained, exhibiting before their presence, a grieuous complaint of the opprobri­ous iniuries doone vnto them, by the wilfull outrage of the Londoners. For this and other causes, the ci­tizens were sore hated of the duke, in so much that he caused the maior & aldermen that then ruled to be dis­charged of their roomes, and other put in their places.

The king being more grieuouslie vexed with sick­nesse from daie to daie, either increasing by the line 40 course therof, or renewed by some new surfet, finallie this yeare departed out of this transitorie life at his manour of Shéene, Tho. Walsi. The deceasse of K. Edward the third. now called Richmond, the 21 daie of Iune, in the yeare of our Lord 1377, after he had liued 65 yeares, & reigned fiftie yeares, foure moneths, & 28 daies. His corpse was conueied from Sheene by his foure sonnes, Fabian, pag. 262, 263. namelie Lionell duke of Clarence, Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster, Ed­mund of Langlie duke of Yorke, and Thomas of Woodstoke earle of Cambridge, with other nobles of the realme, and solemnelie interred within West­minster line 50 church, with this epitaph in his memoriall:

Hîc decus Anglorum, flos regum praeteritorum,
Forma futurorum, rex clemens, pax populorum,
Tertius Edwardus, regni complens iubileum,
Inuictus pardus, pollens bellis Machabeum.

He had issue by his wife quéene Philip 7 sonnes, Ed­ward prince of Wales, His issue. William of Hatfield that di­ed yoong, Lionell duke of Clarence, Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster, Edmund of Langlie earle of line 60 Cambridge & after created duke of Yorke, Thomas of Woodstoke erle of Buckingham after made duke of Glocester, and an other William which died like­wise yoong. He had also thrée daughters, Marie that was maried to Iohn of Mountford duke of Bri­taine, Isabell wedded to the lord Coucie earle of Bedford, and Margaret coupled in mariage with the earle of Penbroke.

His praise.This king, besides other his gifts of nature, was aided greatlie by his seemelie personage. He had a prouident wit, sharpe to conceiue and vnderstand: he was courteous and gentle, dooing all things sage­lie and with good consideration, a man of great tem­perance and sobrietie. Those he chiefelie fauoured and aduanced to honour, and roomes of high dignitie, which excelled in honest conuersation, modestie, and innocencie of life, of bodie well made, of a conueni­ent stature, as neither of the highest nor lowest sort: of face faire and manlike, eies bright and shining, His pro [...] ­tion of [...] and in age bald, but so as it was rather a séemelinesse to those his ancient yeares than any disfiguring fo his visage; in knowledge of martiall affaires verie skilfull, as the enterprises and worthie acts by him at­chiued doo sufficientlie witnesse.

In what estimation he was had among strangers it may appeare, in that he was not onelie made vi­car of the empire by the emperour Lewes of Ba­ [...]iere, but also after the decease of the same empe­rour, diuerse of the electours, as Lewes marques of Brandenbourgh, Robert or Rupert count Palatine of the Rhene, and the yoong duke of Saxonie, with Henrie archbishop of Mentz, elected him to succéed in place of the said emperour Lewes. Neuerthe­lesse, he giuing them hartie thanks for the honour which they did vnto him herein, refused to take the charge vpon him, alledging that he could not haue time to supplie the roome, by reason of the warres that he had in France, to recouer his right which he had to that realme.

This is noted by writers to be a token of great wisedome in this noble king, that would not go a­bout to catch more than he might well gripe. Exam­ples of bountious liberalitie, and great clemencie he shewed manie, and the same verie notable; so that in maner he alone amongst all other kings was found to be one, subiect to none, or at the least, to verie light and small faults. But yet he was not void of euill haps: for whereas, during the terme of fortie yeares space he reigned in high felicitie, and as one happie in all his dooings: so in the rest of his time that fol­lowed, he felt a wonderfull change in fortune (whom writers compare to the moone for hir variablenesse, Prosperitie vnstable. and often alterations, as neuer at a staie, saieng,

Vultus fortunae variatur imagine lunae,
Crescit, decrescit, in eodem sistere nescit)

shewing hir selfe froward to him in most part of his proceedings: for such is the state of this world, sel­dome dooth prosperitie continue, and guide the sterne of our worldlie dooings, as it well appeared by this noble prince. For in the first yeares of his reigne, af­ter he once began to gouerne of himselfe, he recoue­red that which had béene lost in Scotland, by great victories obteined against his aduersaries in that land, and passed further into the same, than euer his grandfather king Edward the first had doone before him, subduing the countrie on each hand, so that he placed gouernors, and bestowed offices, lands, and li­uings in that realme at his pleasure.

¶ Amongst other (as I remember) there is yet re­maining a charter vnder his great seale conteining a grant made vnto Iohn Eure and his heires for his good seruice doone in those parts, Iohn S [...]ow [...] con [...]e [...] referreth [...] to the last yeare of king Edward the first. of a manour called Ketnes in the countie of Forfar (which lieth in the north of Scotland) with a market euerie mondaie, and a faire for thrée daies togither at Michaelmasse, as the euen, the daie, and the morrow after. Also he granted to the same Iohn Eure, free warren tho­roughout the same lordship. This Iohn Eure was ancestor vnto the lord Eure that now liueth, who hath the same charter in his possession. ¶ As for this kings victories in France, the same were such as might séeme incredible, if the consent of all writers in that age confirmed not the same. But as these victories were glorious, so yet they prooued not so profitable in the end: for whereas he had sore burdened his subiects with taskes and subsidies, at length they waxed wearie, and began to withdraw their forward minds to helpe him with such summes [Page 413] as had béene requisit for the maintenance of the warres, which the Frenchmen prolonged of purpose, and refused to trie their fortune any more in pight fields, wherby when he was constreined to be at con­tinuall charges in such lingering warres, to defend that which he had erst gotten by force, and couenants of the peace; the sinewes of warre, to wit monie, be­gan to faile him, and so the enimies recouered a great part of that which before time they had lost, both on the further side the seas, and likewise in line 10 Scotland.

This must needs be a great greefe vnto a prince of such a stout and valiant stomach, namelie sith he had béene so long time before accustomed to find for­tune still so fauourable vnto him in all his enterpri­ses. But finallie the thing that most greeued him, was the losse of that most noble gentleman, his déere sonne prince Edward, in whom was found all parts that might be wished in a worthie gouernour. But this and other mishaps that chanced to him now in line 20 his old yeares, might seeme to come to passe for a re­uenge of his disobedience shewed to his father in v­surping against him, although it might be said, that he did it by constreint, and through the aduise of o­thers. But whether the remorse hereof, or of his other offenses mooued him; it may séeme (as some write) that the consideration of this worlds mutabilitie, which he tried to the full, caused him (as is thought) to haue in mind the life in the world to come, and there­fore of a pure deuotion founded the church and col­ledge line 30 of saint Stephan at Westminster, and ano­ther at Cambridge called The kings hall, giuing therevnto lands and reuenues, to the mainte­nance of them that would giue themselues vnto learning.

Towards the maintenance of his warres, and furnishing foorth of such other charges and expenses as he tooke in hand to beare out, he had some helpe by the siluer mines in Deuonshire and Cornewall, in like manner as his grandfather king Edward line 40 the first had. Mines of gold & siluer. For one Matthew Crowthorne kéeper of his mines in those parts, yéelded diuerse accounts of the issues and profits of the same, betwéene the se­cond and fifteenth yeare of his reigne, as well for the siluer as for the lead, after the siluer was fined from it. Also Iohn Moneron succeeding in the same office, accomptant of the profits of the same mines, from Michaelmasse in the nineteenth yeare of his reigne, vnto the second of Nouember in the three and twen­tith yeare, yéelded vpon his accounts, both the siluer line 50 and the lead there of remaining. Moreouer he let by indenture in the two and thirtith yeare of his reigne, vnto Iohn Ballancer, and Walter Goldbeater, his mines of gold, siluer, and copper, in the countie of Deuonshire, for terme of years. There is an account thereof remaining, and by the same (as it appeareth) was answered for the first yeare twentie markes. The second yeare the patentées died, and the king then disposed the same to others. In the eight and twentith yeare of his reigne, he committed by in­denture line 60 his said mines in Deuonshire, to one mai­ster Iohn Hanner, and one Herman Rainesthorpe of Boheme, minors, yéelding to the king the tenth part of the oare, as well of the gold and siluer, as of the lead and copper that should be gotten foorth of the said mines.

In this kings daies, there liued manie excellent men, both in learning, in vertue, and in martiall prowesse, as partlie is touched in this discourse of his reigne; and first, the said noble and most valiant king, the prince of Wales his sonne surnamed the blacke prince, the duke of Lancaster Iohn of Gant sonne to the king, and his father in law duke Henrie, Edmund earle of Cambridge, and after duke of Yorke; the earles of Warwike, Huntington, Salis­burie, Stafford, Northampton, Arundell and others; the lord Reginald Cobham, the lord Basset, the lord Thomas Holland, the lord Walter de Mannie and Henuier, the lord Edward Spenser, the lord Iohn Chandois, the lord Iames Audeley, Sir Iohn Cop­land, sir Thomas Felton, sir Robert Knolles, who (as I haue said) being borne in Cheshire of meane parentage, through his manlie prowesse, and most skilfull experience in the warres, grew to be right [...]a­mous.

Moreouer, sir Hugh Caluerlie borne in the same shire, the capitall de Beufe a Gascoigne, sir Thomas Percie, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Baldwine Freuill, sir Iohn Harleston, sir Iames Pipe, sir Thomas Dagworth, & that valiant English knight sir Iohn Hawkewood, whose fame in the parts of Italie shall remaine for euer, where (as their histories make mention) he grew to such estimation for his valiant atchiued enterprises, that happie might that prince or common-wealth accompt themselues, that might haue his seruice, and so liuing there in such reputati­on, somtimes he serued the pope, somtimes the lords of Millane, now this prince or common-wealth, now that, and other whiles none at all, but taking one towne or other, would kéepe the same, till some liking enterteinment were offered, and then would he sell such a towne, where he had thus remained, to them that would giue him for it according to his mind. Barnabe lord of Millane gaue vnto him one of his base daughters in marriage, with an honora­ble portion for hir dower.

This man was borne in Essex (as some write) who at the first became a tailor in London, & afterwards going to the warres in France, serued in the roome of an archer, but at length he became a capteine and leader of men of war, highlie commended and liked of amongst the souldiers, in so much that, when by the peace concluded at Bretignie, in the yeare 1360, great numbers of soldiers were discharged out of wages, they got themselues togither in companies, and without commandement of any prince, by whose authoritie they might make warre, they fell to of themselues, and sore harried and spoiled diuerse countries in the realme of France, as partlie yée haue heard: amongst whome this sir Iohn Hawke­wood was one of the principall capteins, & at length went into Italie, to serue the marques of Montfer­rato, against the duke of Millane: although I re­member that some write, how he came into that countrie with the duke of Clarence, but I thinke the former report be true: but it may well be, that he was readie to attend the said duke at his comming into Italie. And thus much concerning such famous capteins as serued this noble king Edward the third, although for bréefenesse I passe ouer diuerse o­ther, no lesse famous and worthie for their high man­hood and tried valiancie to be remembred, than these afore mentioned.

Of learned men, these we find by Iohn Bale re­gistred in the Centuries; Iohn Baconthrop borne in Blackney in Northfolke, a frier Carmelite, and prouinciall of his order, so excellentlie learned, as well in diuinitie, as in both the ciuill and canon lawes, that he procéeded doctor in either facultie at Oxenford and Paris, and wrote diuerse treatises, to his high and singular commendation; William O [...] ­kam, Iohn Bloxham a Carmelite frier, Nicholas Triuet borne in Northfolke, sonne to sir Thomas Triuet knight, & one of the kings iusticiers, prooued excellentlie learned, and wrote diuerse treatises, and amongst other, two histories, and one booke of an­nales, he was by profession a blacke frier, and de­parted this life about the second yeare of this king [Page 414] Edward the third, in the yeare of Christ 1328; Wil­liam Alnewike borne in Northumberland, in the towne whereof he tooke name, a frier Minor; Iohn Tanet borne in the Ile of Tanet, an excellent musi­cian, and a moonke in Canturburie; Hugh of saint Neot, a Carmelite frier in Hertfordshire, a notable diuine as those daies gaue; William Alton borne in Hampshire, a blacke frier and a diuine.

Furthermore, Richard Stradley borne in the mar­ches of Wales, a moonke and a diuine, writing cer­teine line 10 treatises of the scripture; William Herbert a Welshman and a frier Minor, wrote also certeine goodlie treatises of diuinitie; Richard Coming­ton a frier of the order of the Cordeliers, a preacher, and a writer of diuinitie; William Exeter a doc­tor of diuinitie, and a prebendarie canon in Exe­ter, whereas it is thought he was borne; Lucas Bosden a westerne man, and by profession a Car­melite frier; Thomas Walleis a Dominike frier, a great diuine, as by such bookes as he wrote it may line 20 appeare; Thomas Pontius a moonke of Canturbu­rie, Iohn Ridewall a graie frier, Henrie Costesay or Cossey a frier Minor, Geffrie Aleuant borne in Yorkeshire, a frier Carmelite; Iohn Euersden, a moonke in Burie in Suffolke, an historiographer; Simon Burneston, a doctor of the Uniuersitie of Cambridge, and prouinciall of the friers Dominike or blacke friers, as they called them here in Eng­land; Walter Burlie a doctor of diuinitie, who in his youth was brought vp, not onlie in Martine college line 30 in Oxford, but also in the Uniuersities and schooles a­broad beyond the seas, in France and Germanie, & afterwards for his wisedome, good demeanor & lear­ning, he was reteined with the bishop of Ulmes in Suabenland, a region in high Germanie.

Amongst other treatises which he compiled, be­ing manie, and namelie of naturall philosophie, he wrote a commentarie of the ethikes of Aristotle, and dedicated the same vnto the said bishop, a worke which hath beene highlie esteemed, not onelie in the line 40 Uniuersities of Italie, Germanie and France, but also here in our Uniuersities of England. To con­clude, such was the same of this doctor Burlie, that when the ladie Philip, daughter to the earle of Hei­nault should come ouer into England to be married to king Edward, this doctor Burlie was reteined by hir, and appointed to be hir almoner, and so conti­nued in great estimation, in so much that after Ed­ward prince of Wales, eldest sonne to king Edward commonlie called the blacke prince, was borne, and line 50 able to learne his booke, the said Burlie among o­ther was commanded to be one of his instructors.

By reason hereof, sir Simon Burlie, of whom I haue made some mention heretofore in this kings life, and more intend to speake, as occasion serueth in the next king, being sonne to sir Iohn Burlie, néere kinsman to the said doctor Burlie, was admitted a­mong other yoong gentlemen, to be schoolefelow with the said prince, by occasion whereof he grew in such credit and fauour with the said prince, that after­wards line 60 when his son Richard of Burdeaux, that suc­céeded king Edward his father, was borne, the said prince for speciall trust and confidence which he had in the said sir Simon Burlie, committed the gouer­nance & education of his son the said Richard vnto him, whereby he was euer after highlie in fauour with the said Richard, and no lesse aduanced by him, when he came to inioy the crowne of this realme.

But now to other learned men of that age. Iohn Barwike a frier Minor, and reader to his fellowes of that order in Oxford; William Notingham, Ro­ger Glacton, borne in Huntingtonshire, an Augustin frier; Iohn Polestéed borne in Suffolke, a Carme­lite frier in Ipswich or Gippeswich as they write it; Walter Kingham a frier also of the order of those Dominikes, which they called pied friers; Roger of Chester a moonke of that citie and an historiogra­pher; Thomas de Hales a frier Minor, Robert Eli­phat a graie frier, Geffrie Grandfield an Augustine or blacke frier, Hugh Wirlie a Carmelite frier of Norwich, William Eincourt a blacke frier of Bo­ston, Hugh Ditton borne in Cambridgeshire a frier preacher, Adam Carthusianus a doctor of diuinitie, Iohn Luttrell an excellent philosopher and well seene in the mathematicals, Walter Cotton and Thomas Eckleston both graie friers, Iohn Folsham a Car­melite frier in Norwich, Benet of Northfolke, Wil­liam Southhampton so called of the towne where he was borne, a blacke frier.

Moreouer, Iohn Burgh a moonke wrote an hi­storie, and certeine homilies; Adam Nidzard a ma­ster of art, Edmund Albon, Robert Counton a graie frier, William Lissie a frier Minor, Iohn Repingale borne in Lincolneshire a Carmelite or white frier, as they called them; Christopher Mothusensis a blacke frier, Richard Aungeruile borne in Suffolke, who was bishop of Duresme, and lord chancellor of Eng­land; Iohn Manduith, Walter Heminford a canon of Gisborne an historiographer, Iohn Olnie borne in Glocestershire, in an Ile so called, whereof he tooke his surname a Chartreux moonke; Thomas Staue­shaw a frier Minor in Bristow, Robert of Leicester taking that surname of the towne where he was borne, a Franciscane or graie frier; Iohn of North­hampton borne in that towne, and a Carmelite frier, an excellent mathematician.

Adde to the foresaid learned men, Robert Wor­sop borne in Yorkeshire, and a blacke frier in Tic­kill; William Bruniard a blacke frier, Richard Chi­chester, a moonke of Westminster wrote an excellent chronicle, beginning the same at the comming in of the Saxons, about the yeare of our Lord 449, and continued it till the yeare 1348; Richard Rolle aliàs Hampole an excellent diuine wrote many treatises; Iohn Guent a Welshman, a Franciscane frier, and prouinciall of the order; Rodulph Radiptorius a frier Minor, Robert Holcoth a blacke frier, borne in Nor­thampton, excellentlie learned, and wrote manie works, both of diuinitie and other arguments; Wil­liam Miluerlie a logician or rather a sophister, Iohn Teukesburie, Thomas Bradwardin borne in Hart­field, a towne within the diocesse of Chichester, arch­bishop of Canturburie succeeding Iohn Offord, he wrote against the Pelagians; Richard Wether­set, William Breton a graie frier, a Welshman borne, as Bale supposeth; Iohn of saint Faith, borne in Northfolke, a Carmelite frier of Brumham.

Furthermore, Iohn Goodwicke borne also in Northfolke, an Augustine frier of Lin; William Rothwell a blacke frier, Geffrie Waterton moonke of Burie, Richard Fitz Rafe, whom some take to be an Irishman, but a student in Oxford, and scholer to Iohn Baconthrope profited highlie, & wrote manie treatises, he was first archdeacon of Lichfield, and after chancellor of the Uniuersitie of Oxford, and at length archbishop of Ardmachan in Ireland; Ri­chard Kilington a doctor of diuinitie, William Gri­sant a notable physician, surnamed of the countrie where he was borne Anglicus, he led the later end of his life at Marseilles in Prouance, & had a son that was abbat of the regular canons of that citie, who at length was aduanced to gouerne the sée of Rome, & named Urbane the fift; Pope [...] the fift. Iohn Paschall borne in Suffolke, a Carmelite frier in Gippeswich, and by K. Edward the third preferred to the bishoprike of Landaffe; Adam Woodham a frier Minor, Simon Henton a blacke frier, William de Pagula; of Iohn Wicliffe ye haue heard before.

[Page 415]Moreouer, Geffrie [...] blacke [...] of Leices [...]e [...], William Bintham, Roger Cou [...]wey a Welshman borne in Counwey a grey [...]rier, Richard Billingham, William Doroch a lawier, Iohn Kil­lingworth an excellent philosopher, astronomer, and physician▪ William of Couentrie a [...]rier Carme [...]ite, professed and borne in the same citie; Ran [...]lfe Hig­den a moonke of Chester and borne in th [...]se parts, an historiographer; Iohn Eastwood aliàs [...] an excellent philosopher, Thomas Ratclife borne in Lei­cester, line 10 and an Augustine frier in Leicester towne; Bartholomew Glanuille descended of noble paren­tage, as of the linage of those Glanuilles that were sometimes earles of Suffolke, as Bale faith; Robert Computista a moonke of Burie, Iohn Wilton a moonke of Westminster, Simon Wichingham a frier Carmelite of Norwich, Iohn Deir a northerne man borne a notable diuine.

Furthermore, Simon I [...]ep, founder of Cantur­burie colledge in Oxenford, wrote diuerse treatises, line 20 he was archbishop of Canturburie, as before yee haue heard; George Chadley, Iohn of Tinmouth vi­car of that towne in the bishoprike of Durham, Pe­ter Babion, Walter Wiborne or Wimborne, Ni­cholas de Lin borne in the towne of that name in Northfolke, a Carmelite frier by profession, but as excellent an astronomer as was in those daies: Iohn Ridington borne in Lincolneshire a frier mi­nor in Stafford, Adam a moonke of the Cisteaux or­der, Roger Wihelpedale a mathematician, Simon line 30 de Feuersham parson of Birton in Kent, Matthew Westmonasterienses, who wrote the booke called Flores historiarum; Iohn Elin a Carmelite borne in Northfolke, liued in these daies, but departed this life in king Richard the seconds daies; Thomas de Sturey an Augustine frier, Sertorious Gualensis a Welshman borne.

[...]

To conclude, Iohn Mandeuille knight, that great traueller, liued in those daies, and departed this life at Liege, the seuenteenth of Nouember, in the yeare 1372. Thomas of Douer a moonke of the abbeie there, Henrie Knighton wrote an historie [...]ntituled De gestis Anglorum, Iohn Stokes borne in Suffolke an Augustine frier, Iohn Hornebie a frier Carme­lite of Boston, Henrie B [...]rike or (as other rather will) of Burie an Augustine frier, Simon Alcocke a diuine, Utred Balton borne in the marches of Wales a moonke of Durham, William Iordan an Augustine frier, Iohn Hilton a frier minor, Willi­am de Lincolne a Carmelite, borne and professed in that citie, whereof he tooke his surname, Adam Sax­lingham a frier of the same order, but borne in Northfolke; Simon Mepham a prebend of Chiche­ster, and a great diuine; Iohn Bamton a Carme­lite, and student in Cambridge; Iohn Wichingham a gray frier: and diuerse other, which for that we are not certeine in what age they liue [...], we here passe ouer.

Thus farre Edward the third, sonne to Edward the second and queene Isabell.

Richard the second, the second sonne to Edward prince of Wales.

RIchard, the second of that line 40 name, and sonne to prince Edward, called the blacke prince, the sonne of king Ed­ward the third, a child of the age of eleuen yeares, began to reigne ouer the realme of England the two and twen­tith daie of Iune, Anno Reg. [...]. 1377 in the yeare of the world 5344, of our Lord 1377, after the conquest 310, about the two and thirtith yeare of the emperour Charles the line 50 fourth, and in the fouretéenth yeare of Charles the fift king of France, and about the seuenth yeare of the reigne of Robert the second king of Scotland: Fabian. he was named Richard of Burdeaux, bicause he was borne at Burdeaux in Gascoigne, whilest his father ruled there. The day before it was vnderstood, that his grandfather king Edward was departed this life, Thom. Wals. being the one and twentith of Iune (on which daie neuerthelesse he deceassed) the citizens of Lon­don hauing certeine knowledge that he could not escape his sicknesse, The Londo­ners sent to K. Richard, commending themselues to his fauour be­fore y e death of K. Edward. sent certeine aldermen vnto Kingston, where the prince with his mother the prin­cesse then laie, to declare vnto the said prince their readie good wils, to accept him for their lawfull king and gouernour▪ immediatlie after it should please God to call to his mercie his grandfather, being now past hope of recouerie of health. Wherefore they [Page 416] [...], Iohn Phil­pot. line 10 and so were they sent home to bring a ioifull answer of their message to the citie. The mor­row after, there were sent to London from the king, the lord Latimer, sir Nicholas Bond, sir Simon Burlie, & sir Richard Adder [...]urie, knights; to bring them sorowfull newes of the assured death of king line 20 Edward, who (as we haue said) deceassed the day be­fore; but comfortable newes againe, of the great to­wardlinesse and good meaning of the yoong king, who promised to loue them and their citie, and to come to the same citie, as they had desired him to doo. And fur­ther▪ that he had spoken to the duke of Lancaster in their behalfe, The duke of Lancaster & the Lōdoners submit their quarels to the kings order. and that the duke had submitted him­selfe to him in all things touching the cause; wherevp­on the kings pleasure was, that they should likewise submit themselues, and he would doo his indeuor, that an agreement might be had to the honor of the citi­zens, line 30 and profit of the citie.

The citizens liked not of this forme of procéeding in the dukes matter, bicause the king was yoong, and could not giue order therein, but by substitutes: yet at length with much adoo, they were contented to submit themselues, as the duke had doone before, though not, till that the knights had vndertaken vp­on their oth of fidelitie and knighthood, that their sub­mission should not redound to the temporall or bodi­lie harme of any of them, consenting to the kings line 40 will in this point. And so with this caution they tooke their iournie towards Sheene, where they found the new K. with his mother, the duke of Lancaster & his brethren, vncles to the king, and diuerse bishops, a­bout the bodie of the deceassed king. When it was knowen that the Londoners were come, they were called before the king, by whom the matter was so handled, that the duke and they were made fréends. After this, when the king should ride through the citie line 50 towards the coronation, the said duke and the lord Percie riding on great horses before him, as by ver­tue of their offices appointed to make way before, v­sed themselues so courteouslie, modestlie, and plea­santlie, [...]hat where before they two were greatlie sus­pected of the common people, by reason of their great puissance in the realme, and huge rout of reteiners, they ordered the matter so, that neither this day, nor the morrow after, [...]eing the day of the kings corona­tion, they offended any maner of person, but rather line 60 by gentle and swéet demeanour they reclaimed the harts of manie, of whome before they were great­lie had in suspicion, and thought euill of. ¶But now, sith we are entred into the matter of this kings co­ronation, we haue thought good breefelie to touch some particular point thereof (as in Thomas Wal­singham we find it) though nothing so largelie here, as the author himselfe setteth it foorth, bicause the pur­pose of this worke will not so permit.

The king, in riding thorough the citie towards Westminster, The maner & order of the kings coro­nation. on the 15 daie of Iulie being wednes­daie, was accompanied with such a traine of the no­bilitie and others, as in such case was requisite. Sir Simon Burlie bare the sword before him, and sir [...] foorth wine abun­dantlie. In the towers were placed foure beautifull virgins, of stature and age like to the king, apparelled in white vestures, in euerie tower one, the which blew in the kings face, at his approching néere to them, leaues of gold▪ and as he approched also, they threw on him and his horsse f [...]orens of gold counterfeit.

When he was come before the castell, they tooke cups of gold, and filling them with wine at the spouts of the castell, presented the same to the king and to his nobles. On the top of the castell, betwixt the foure towers, stood a golden angell, holding a crowne in his hands, which was so contriued, that when the king came, he bowed downe & offered to him the crowne. But to speake of all the pageants and shewes which the citizens had caused to be made, and set foorth in honour of their new king, it were superfluous; e­uerie one in their quarters striuing to surmount o­ther, and so with great triumphing of citizens, and ioy of the lords and noble men, he was conueied vn­to his palace at Westminster, where he rested for that night. The morrow after being thursdaie, and the 16 day of Iulie, he was fetcht to the church with procession of the bishops and monks, and comming before the high altar, where the pauement was coue­red with rich clothes of tapistrie, he there kneeled downe and made his praiers, whilest two bishops soong the Letanie, which being finished, the king was brought to his seat, the quéere singing an an­theme, beginning, Firmetur manus tu [...].

That doone, there was a sermon preached by a bi­shop touching the dutie of a king, how he ought to be­haue himselfe towards the people, and how the peo­ple ought to be obedient vnto him. The sermon being ended, the king receiued his oth before the archbishop and nobles: which doone, the archbishop hauing the lord Henrie Percie lord marshall going before him, turned him to euerie quarter of the church, decla­ring to the people the kings oth, and demanding of them, if they would submit themselues vnto such a prince & gouernor, and obeie his commandements: and when the people with a lowd voice had answered that they would obeie him, the archbishop vsing cer­teine praiers, blessed the king; which ended, the arch­bishop came vnto him, and tearing his garments from the highest part to the lowest, stripped him to his shirt. Then was brought by earles, a certeine co­uerture of cloth of gold, vnder the which he remai­ned, whilest he was annointed.

The archbishop (as we haue said) hauing stripped him, first annointed his hands, then his head, brest, shoulders, and the ioints of his armes with the sacred oile, saieng certeine praiers, and in the meane time did the quéere sing the antheme, beginning, Vnx [...]runt regem Salomonem, &c. And the archbishop added ano­ther praier, Deus Dei filius, &c. Which ended, he and the other bishops soong the hymne, Veni creator spiritus, the king knéeling in a long vesture, & the archbishop with his suffraganes about him. When the hymne was ended, he was lift vp by the archbishop, and clad first with the coate of saint Edward, and after with his [Page 417] [...]

[...] In line 10 the meane time, whilest the archbishop blessed the kings crowne, he to whose office it apperteined, did put spurs on his héeles. After the crowne was bles­sed, the archbishop set it on his head, saieng, Coronet te Deus, &c. Then did the archbishop deliuer to him a ring, with these words, Accipe annulum, &c. Immedi­atlie herewith came the lord Furniuall by vertue of his office, offering to him a red gloue, which the arch­bishop blessed, and putting it on his hand, gaue to him the scepter, with these words, Accipe sceptrum, &c. line 20 Then did the archbishop deliuer to him in his other hand a rod, in the top whereof stood a doue, with these words, Accipe virgam virtutis, &c. After this the arch­bishop blessed the king, saieng, Benedicat de Deus, &c.

These things doone, the king kissed the bishops and abbats, by whome he was lead afterwards vnto his seat, the bishops beginning to sing (Te deum) which ended, the archbishop said to him, Sta & retine amodo locum, &c. When these things were finished, they be­gan masse, the bishop of Worcester read the epistle, line 30 and the bishop of Elie the gospell. At the offertorie, the king rose from his seat, and was brought to offer. He therfore offered first his sword, and after so much gold as he would, but no lesse than a marke, by rea­son of the custome; for more he might offer to God and S. Peter, but lesse he could not. After this, he of­fered bread and wine, with which he and the archbi­shop did after communicate. This doone, the earle, to whome it apperteined to beare the sword before the king, redéemed the sword which the king had offered line 40 with monie, and receiuing the same, bare it afore the king. When masse should be soong, the king was brought againe to the altar, & there knéeling downe, and saieng Confiteor to the archbishop, did communi­cate, and so was brought backe to his seat. The war­dens of the cinque ports by their office, as well in time of the procession, as when he was annointed al­so at masse time, and as he returned from the church to the palace to dinner, held ouer him a large cano­pie of blew veluet, fastened vnto foure slaues at the line 50 foure corners.

In the meane time, sir Iohn Dimmocke that clai­med to be the kings champion, had béen at the kings armorie and stable, where he had chosen according to his tenure, the best armour saue one, and the best stéed saue one: albeit, sir Baldwine Freuill claimed the same office, but could not obteine it; so that the said sir Iohn Dimmocke hauing armed himselfe, and being mounted on horssebacke, came to the ab­beie gates, with two riding before him, the one carri­eng line 60 his speare, and the other his shield, staieng there till masse should be ended. But the lord Henrie Per­cie lord marshall, appointed to make waie before the king with the duke of Lancaster lord Steward, the lord Thomas of Woodstoke lord constable, and the lord marshals brother sir Thomas Percie, being all mounted on great horsses, came to the knight, and told him, that he ought not to come at that time, but when the king was at dinner, and therefore it should be good for him to vnarme himselfe for a while, and take his ease and rest, till the appointed time were come.

The knight did as the lord marshall willed him, and so after his departure, the king hauing those [...]

To shew what roiall seruice was at this feast, it passeth our vnderstanding to describe: but to con­clude, the fare was excéeding sumptuous, and the fur­niture princelie in all things, that if the same should be rehearsed, the reader would perhaps doubt of the truth therof. ¶In the midst of the kings palace was a marble piller raised hollow vpon steps, on the top whereof was a great gilt eagle placed, vnder whose feet in the chapiter of the piller, diuers kinds of wine came gushing foorth at foure seuerall places all the daie long, neither was anie forbidden to receiue the same, were he neuer so poore or abiect. On the mor­row after the coronation, there was a generall pro­cession of the archbishop, bishop, and abbats then present, with the lords, and a great multitude of people, to praie for the king and the peace of the kingdome.

At the going foorth of this procession, the bishop of Rochester preached, exhorting them, that the dissenti­ons and discords which had long continued betwixt the people and their superiours, might be appeased and forgotten, proouing by manie arguments, that the same highlie displeased God. He admonished the lords, not to be so extreme and hard towards the peo­ple. On the other part, he exhorted the people in ne­cessarie causes, for the aid of the king and realme, chéerefullie, and without grudging, to put to their helping hands, according to their bounden duties. He further exhorted those in generall that were ap­pointed to be about the king, that they should forsake vice, and studie to liue in cleanesse of life and vertue. For if by their example the king were trained to goodnesse, all should be well; but if he declined through their sufferance from the right waie, the people and kingdome were like to fall in danger to perish. After the sermon and procession were ended, the lords and prelats went to their lodgings.

But now, bicause the Englishmen should haue their ioies mingled with some sorrowes, it chanced that the Frenchmen (which about the same time that the kings grandfather departed this life, were waf­ting on the seas) within six or seauen daies after his deceasse, burnt the towne of Rie. Wherevpon, Froissard. Rie burnt by y • Frenchmen imme­diatlie after the coronation, the earles of Cambridge and Buckingham were sent with a power vnto Do­uer, and the earle of Salisburie vnto Southampton: but in the meane time, to wit, Tho. Wals. The French­men spoile the Ile of Wight. Sir Hugh Tirrell. the one and twentith of August, the Frenchmen entring the Ile of Wight, burnt diuerse townes in the same. And though they were repelled from the castell, by the valiant man­hood of sir Hugh Tirrell capteine thereof, who laid no small number of them on the ground; yet they con­streined the men of the Ile to giue them a thousand marks of siluer to saue the residue of their houses and goods, and so they departed from thence, Froissard. Tho. Walsi. Portsmouth, Dartmouth, & Plimmouth, burnt by the French. sailing still along the costs, and where they saw aduantage, set on land, burning sundrie towns néere to the shore, as Portesmouth, Dartmouth, and Plimmouth.

[Page 418]They made countenance also to haue set on South­hampton, if sir Iohn Arundell, brother to the earle of Arundell had not beene readie there with a number of men of armes and archers, by whom the towne was defended, and the enimies chased to their ships. From thence the Frenchmen departed, and sailing towards Douer, Hastings burnt. burnt Hastings; but Winchels [...] they could not win, being valiantlie defended by the abbat of Battell, An ouer­throw giuen by the Frēch to the Eng­lishmen. and others. After this, they landed one day not far from the abbeie of Lewes, at a place line 10 called Rottington, where the prior of Lewes, and two knights, the one named sir Thomas Cheinie, and the other sir Iohn Falleslie, hauing assembled a number of the countrie people, incountred the Frenchmen, but were ouerthrowen; so that there were slaine a­bout an hundred Englishmen; and the prior, with the two knights, and an esquier called Iohn Brokas, were taken prisoners, but yet the Frenchmen lost a great number of their owne men at this conflict, and so with their prisoners retired to their ships and gal­lies, and after returned into France. line 20

Polydor.But now touching the dooings about the new K. You shall vnderstand, that by reason of his yoong yeares, as yet he was not able to gouerne himselfe, and therefore Iohn duke of Lancaster, The duke of Lancaster & the earle of Cambridge appointed protectors. and Edmund earle of Cambridge, with other péeres of the realme, were appointed to haue the administration. He was of good disposition and towardnesse, but his age being readie to incline which way soeuer a man should bend it, those that were appointed to haue the gouerne­ment line 30 of his person, did what laie in them now at the first, to keepe him from all maner of light demeanor. But afterwards, when euerie one began to studie more for his owne priuate commoditie, than for the aduancement of the common-wealth, they set open the gates to other, which being readie to corrupt his good nature, by little and little grew familiar with him, and dimming the brightnesse of true honour, with the counterfeit shine of the contrarie, so maske­red his vnderstanding, that in the end they brought line 40 him to tract the steps of lewd demeanor, and so were causers both of his and their owne destruction. This séemeth to be touched by C. Okland, who speaking of the death of the old king and the erection of the new, saith of him according to our annales, as followeth:

In Angl. prael.
Vndecimum puer hic nondum transegerat annum,
Cùm iuuenile caput gessit diademate cinctum.
Qui postquam princeps iustis adoleuerat annis.
Dicere non facile est quantum distaret auitis
Moribus atque animo, fuit hic quàm disparemente, line 50
Dissimili ingenio clarae matríque patríque.

The Frenchmen not ignorant of such mischéefes as were like to grow in England, suffered no time to passe, but tooke occasions of aduantage when they were offered. Froissard. ¶ Among other enterprises I find, that shortlie after the deceasse of king Edward, the duke of Burgognie wan Arde, and two or three other fortresses in those marches. The Scots this yeare al­so wan the castell of Berwike by stealth one mor­ning, Berwike ca­stell woone by the Scots. but shortlie vpon knowledge had, the earles of line 60 Northumberland and Notingham, the lords Ne­uill, Lucie, Graistoke, & Stafford, with other lords, knights, and esquiers, came with their powers in all hast thither, and entring the towne, besieged the ca­stell, and finallie, assaulting them that kept it, wan it of them by force, and slue all those Scotishmen which they found within it, except Alexander Ramsie their capteine. Berwike ca­stell recoue­red by the Englishmen. When the Englishmen had thus recouered the castell, they entered into Scotland, in hope to find the Scots, and to fight with them whom they knew to be assembled.

The English host was thrée thousand men of armes, & seuen thousand archers, but they sent foorth sir Thomas Musgraue with thrée hundred speares, [...] An ouer­throw [...] by the [...] to the Eng­lishmen. The siege of Morta [...]g [...]s raised.

Gouernour of this siege at the first, was Yuan or Owen of Wales, but he was murthered one mor­ning as he sat alone viewing the castell, and com­bing his head, by one of his owne countriemen, which vnder colour to serue him, was become with him verie familiar. This Owen or Yuan whether ye will (for all is one) was sonne to a noble man of Wales, whom K. Edward had put to death for some offense by him committed, where this Yuan got him into France, being as then verie yoong, and was brought vp in the French court, and prooued an ex­pert man of warre, so that great lamentation was made for his death by the Frenchmen. But the Eng­lishmen, although they misliked the maner of his death, yet they were not greatlie sorrowfull for the chance, sith they were rid thereby of an extreame eni­mie.

After that the Englishmen had raised the French­men from the siege of Mortaigne, they returned to Burdeaux, and after recouered sundrie castels and fortresses in the marches of Burdelois, and about Baionne. Also they aided the king of Nauarre, a­gainst the king of Castile, and made a road into the confines of Castile. But shortlie after, a peace was concluded betwixt those two kings, so that the lord Charles of Nauarre should marrie the daughter of the king of Castile vpon certeine conditions: and so the Englishmen had their wages trulie paid them to their full contentation, and therevpon returned. About Michaelmasse began a parlement that was summoned at Westminster, A parlem [...] Thom. Wa [...]. which continued till the feast of saint Andrew. In this parlement the foresaid sir Peter de la Mere and other the knights that had beene so earnest against dame Alice Peres in the last parlement holden by king Edward the third, so prosecuted the same cause now in this parlement, that the said dame Alice Peres was banished the realme, and all hir goods mooueable and vnmooueable forfeited to the king, bicause contrarie to that she had promised by oth in the said last parlement, she had presumed to come within the court, and to obteine of the king what soeuer was to hir liking.

There were two tenths granted by the clergie to the king in this parlement, The citizen [...] of London appointed [...] kéepe the [...] ­sidie gra [...] by parle [...] and two fiftéenes of the temporaltie, to be paid the same yeare; and two citi­zens of London, William Walworth, and Iohn Philpot were appointed to haue the kéeping of that monie, to the end it might be imploied to the kings necessarie vses, for the defense of the realme. Sir Hugh Caluerlie being deputie of Calis, Sir Hugh [...] comming one morning to Bullongne, burnt certeine ships which laie there in the hauen, to the number of six and twentie, besides two proper barkes, being vessels of no small accompt: and hauing spoiled and burnt the most part of the base towne, he returned to Calis with a great rich bootie of goods and cattell.

Also, where the castell of Marke, in absence of the [Page 419] capteine sir Robert de Salle, that was gone ouer in­to England, was lost through negligence of them that were left in charge within it; the same sir Hugh Caluerlie made such spéed in the matter, that he re­couered it againe the same daie it was lost, by force of assault, taking the Frenchmen prisoners that were gotten into it, and hanging certeine Picards stipendarie soldiers in the said castell, Marke castell recouered by sir Hugh Cal­uerlie, the same daie it was lost. vnder the said sir Robert de Salle, for that whilest the Englishmen were gone foorth, to see the shooting of a match which line 10 they had made amongst themselues, a little off from the castell, those Picards being left within, shut the gates against them, and receiued in the Frenchmen, with whome they had practised in treason, kéeping the Englishmen foorth, to whome the safe kéeping of that castell was committed.

This yeare was a bull sent from the pope vnto the vniuersitie of Oxenford, 1 [...]78 to apprehend Iohn Wic­liffe, parson of Lutterworth in Leicestershire, with­in the diocesse of Lincolne. Iohn Wick­liffe. Also, there were other line 20 bulles to the same effect, sent vnto the archbishop of Canturburie, and to the bishop of London. Likewise to the king were letters directed from the pope, to re­quire his fauour against the said Wickliffe, so gree­uouslie was the pope incensed against him, and not without cause, for if his conclusions in doctrine tooke effect, he well perceiued his papisticall authoritie would shortlie decaie. As for the popish cleargie, to them not onelie the sect but also the name of Wick­liffe was so odious, that in recording his opinions line 30 and sectaries, they excéed the bounds of all modestie, aggrauating such reports as they infer concerning him or his with more than hyperbolicall lies: as ap­peereth by that long and tedious discourse which he wrote, that compiling certeine annales intituled De euentibus Angliae, prefixeth this verse in the front of his volume, in letters of red vermilon, as desiring to haue his name notoriouslie knowne to the world; ‘ Hen. de Knigh­t [...]n canon. abbat. Leicest. in anna­li [...]. de Rich. secundo.Autoris nomen capitales litterae pandunt:’ He (I say) in that copious treatise hauing spoken as line 40 maliciouslie & viperouslie as he might both of Wick­liffes life, which he concludeth to be lewd; of his opi­nions, which he auoucheth to be hereticall; and of his fauourers and followers, to whom (at his pleasure) he giueth vnreuerent epithets (all which to prosecute at length, as by him they are in ample sort laid downe, would but detect the mans malignitie, and procure an ouerthrow of credit to be attributed vnto his declarations) he maketh vp his mouth with a tristichon of poeticall imitation, to bring Wickliffe line 50 and his adherents into perpetuall obloquie and de­famation, saieng as followeth in verse and prose;

Si totum membrana solum, calamus nemus omne,
Et Thetis encaustum, scriptor & omnis homo,
Istorum facinus scribere non poterunt.

Maledictus conuentus eorum, quoniam pertinax, propterea Deus destruat eos, in finem euellat, & emigrare faciat de tabernaculis fidelium suorum, & radicem eorum de terra regni; & hoc videant iusti, & laetentur; vt dicere pos­sint; Ecce populus qui se exaltauit super electos doctores Do­mini, line 60 & sperauit in multitudine vanitatis suae: confun­dantur & pereant cum doctrina eorum in aeternum, &c.

But of Wickliffes life and doctrine to read at large, I remit the reader to the acts and monuments of the church, published by maister Iohn Fox: and now will we returne to matters of state and policie. There went foorth this yeare a verie great nauie of ships to the sea, vnder the guiding of the earle of Buckingham, the duke of Britaine, the lord Lati­mer, the lord Fitz Walter, sir Robert Knolles, and other valiant capteins, The nauie setteth foorth, and is beaten backe by tem­pest. meaning to haue intercep­ted the Spanish fléet that was gone to Sluse in Flanders, but thorough rage of tempest, and contra­rie winds, they were driuen home, although twise they attempted their fortune: but sir Hugh Caluer­lie, deputie of Calis, slept not his businesse, Exploits doone by sir Hugh Cal­uerlie. dooing still what displeasures he could to the Frenchmen. Shortlie after Christmasse, he spoiled the towne of Estaples the same daie the faire was kept there, to which a great number of merchants of Bullougne were come to make their markets, but the sellers had quicke vtterance, for that that might easilie be cari­ed awaie, the Englishmen laid hands on, and caused the owners to redéeme the residue with great sums of monie, which they vndertooke to paie; or else sir Hugh threatned to haue burnt all that was left, to­gither with the houses.

Yée haue heard, how at the first the duke of Lan­caster was one of the chéefe about the yoong king in gouernement of his person and realme, who pru­dentlie considering, that sith there must néeds be an alteration in the state, & doubting least if any thing chanced otherwise than well, The duke of Lancaster misliking the maners of the court, getteth himselfe home to y e castell of Killingworth the fault and blame might be chéefelie imputed to him, and thanks (how­soeuer things went) he looked for none, he gaue there­fore the slip, obteining licence of the king to depart, and so got him home to his castell of Killingworth, permitting other to haue the whole swaie: for before his departure from the court, there were with his consent ordeined such as should be attending on the kings person, and haue the rule and ordering of mat­ters perteining to the state, as William Courtnie, then bishop of London (though shortlie after remoo­ued to the archbishops see of Canturburie) Edmund Mortimer earle of March, & diuerse other, of whome the people had conceiued a good opinion: but yet bi­cause the bishop of Salisburie, and the lord Latimer were admitted amongst the residue, the commons murmured greatlie against them.

The earle of Northumberland resigned his office of lord marshall, in whose place succeeded sir Iohn Arundell, brother vnto the earle of Arundell. ¶ The duke of Lancaster, although retired from the court, yet desirous to haue the monie in his hands that was granted the last parlement, at length obteined it, vpon promise to defend the realme from inuasion of all enimies for one yeares space: he therefore pro­uided a great nauie to go to the sea, hiring nine ships of Baionne, to assist his enterprise herein, the which in making saile hitherwards, incountred with the Spanish fléet, and tooke fouretéene vessels laden with wines and other merchandize. But in the meane time, one Mercer a Scotishman, with cer­teine saile of Scots, Frenchmen, and Spaniards, came to Scarburgh, and there tooke certeine ships, and led them awaie to the sea, as it were in reuenge of his fathers imprisonment, named Iohn Mercer, who before being caught by certeine ships of the north parts, and deliuered to the earle of Northum­berland, was committed to prison within the castell of Scarburgh.

Iohn Philpot that worshipfull citizen of London, Iohn Philpot Alderman of London set­teth foorth a fléet at his own charges, to recouer cer­teine Eng­lish ships ta­ken by the Scots. lamenting the negligence of them that should haue prouided against such inconueniences, made foorth a fléet at his owne charges, stronglie furnished with men of warre and munition necessarie: the men of warre méeting with the same Mercer, accompa­nied with his owne ships, and fiftéene other Spa­niards that were newlie ioined with him, set vpon them, and so valiantlie behaued themselues, that they tooke the said Mercer with all them that were then in his companie, so recouering againe the ships that were taken from Scarburgh, besides great riches which were found aboord, as well in the fiftéene Spa­nish ships, as the other that were of the old retinue, belonging to the same Mercer. Iohn Philpot was af­terwards blamed of the lords, for presuming thus far, as to set foorth a nauie of men of warre, without [Page 420] the aduise of the kings councell: but he made his answer in such wise vnto the earle of Stafford, and others that laid the fault to his charge, that he was permitted to depart, without further trouble for that matter.

Before all such prouision as the duke of Lancaster prepared for his iournie to the sea could be readie, the earles of Salisburie and Arundell sailed ouer into Normandie, where, by such composition as was ta­ken betwixt the king of England and the king of line 10 Nauarre, who of new was become enimie to the French king, Chierburg deliuered to the English­men. the towne of Chierburg was deliuered vnto the said earles, who sending knowledge thereof backe into England, there were sent ouer such as should haue in charge the kéeping of that towne; and so the two earles returned. ¶ We find, that the king of Nauarre, Additions to Adam Meri­muth. hauing beene heere in England with the king and his councell, had agréed with the king for a certeine yearelie rent, to demise vnto him the said fortresse of Chierburg, whereby the Englishmen line 20 might haue frée entrie into Normandie, when they would, as well to aid the king of Nauarre in his ne­cessitie, as to worke anie enterprise that should be thought expedient to the aduantage of the king of England as occasion serued. But the obteining of possession of Chierburg brought not so much ioy to the English nation, as the mishap that happened at the going foorth of the said earles did cause lamen [...]a­tion and heauinesse.

For vpon the first entring into the sea, it fortuned that sir Philip, The English nauie is ouer­matched and ouercome by the Spanish fléet. and sir Peter Couetenie, discouered a line 30 certeine number of ships that were enimies, and vn­discréetlie entered amongst them, there suddenlie came vpon them the Spanish fléet, so that the Eng­lish ships that were in companie with the said Phi­lip and sir Peter, were not able to make their partie good, in somuch that finallie after that sir Philip had lost diuerse of his men that were there slaine, he go [...] awaie by flight himselfe, though gréeuouslie woun­ded, but sir Peter was taken prisoner with a few o­ther line 40 knights that were with him; and the most part of all the valiant esquiers of Summer se [...]shire & De­uonshire, being there abroad with him, were slaine and drowned, which was estéemed no small losse to the whole common-wealth.

Thus were the Englishmen occupied in this first yeare of king Richard with troubles of warre, and not onelie against the Frenchmen, but also against the Scots. For euen in the beginning of the same yeare, Rokesburgh burnt by the Scots. the Scots burnt Rokesburgh, in reuenge line 50 whereof the new earle of Northumberland entered Scotland with ten thousand men, and sore spoiled the lands of the earle of March for the space of thrée daies togither; bicause the said earle of March was the chéefe author and procurer of the burning of Rokes­burgh, & so for that time th' Englishmen were well re­uenged of those enimies. But at an other time, when the Northerne men would néeds make a road into Scotland, entring by the west borders, they were incountered by the Scots and put to flight, so that line 60 manie of them being slaine, the Scots tooke the more courage to inuade the borders, till at length, Edmund Mortimer earle of March came at the daie of truce, and tooke an abstinence of warre betwixt both nations for the time, though the same continued not long.

Anno Reg. 2. The duke of Lācaster sai­leth into Bri­taine with a great power. Additions to Adam Meri­muth.Anon after Midsummer, the duke of Lancaster with a strong power tooke the sea, and landing in Bri­taine, besieged the towne of saint Mallo de Lisle, a fortresse of great importance. There went ouer with him the earles of Buckingham, Warwike, Staf­ford, and diuerse other of the English nobilitie, the which made their approches, and fiercelie assailed the towne, but it was so valiantlie defended, that in the end, the duke with his armie raised from thence, and returned without atchiuing his purpose. ¶ About the same time, there was a notable and hainous murther committed within saint Peters church at Westminster, by occasion of variance betwéene the lord Latimer and sir Rafe Ferters on the one partie, Hall [...] Sh [...]kerlie hath Grafton. and two esquiers, the one called Robert Hall and the other Iohn Shakell on the other partie, about a priso­ner which was taken at the battell of Nazers in Spaine, called the earle of Deane, who (as some write) was taken by one sir Franke de Hall at the said battell; Polydor. and bicause he remained in his hands at the death of the said sir Franke, he bequeathed him vnto his sonne the said Robert Hall esquier.

But as other write, the said earle was taken by the said Robert Hall himselfe & Iohn Shakell ioint­lie, and iudged to be their lawfull prisoner, Thom. Wals. by the sen­tence of the prince of Wales, and sir Iohn Chandois that was master to the said esquiers. Wherevpon af­terwards the said earle obteined so much fauor, that by leauing his sonne and heire in gage for his ran­some, he returned into Spaine, to prouide monie to discharge it; but he was so slow in that matter, after he was at libertie, that he departed this life before he made any paiment, and so his lands fell to his sonne that remained in gage for the monie with the two esquiers. Wherevpon it happened afterwards, that the duke of Lancaster, desirous to haue the yoong earle in his hands (in hope through his meanes the better to accomplish his enterprise which he meant to take in hand against the king of Castile, for the right of that kingdome) procured his nephue king Richard to require the said earle of Deane, at the hands of the said esquiers.

But they refused to deliuer him, keeping their priso­ner foorth of the waie, so that none wist were he was become: the esquiers therefore were committed to the tower, out of the which they escaped vnto West­minster, and there registred themselues for sanctuarie men. The duke of Lancaster was herewith sore of­fended, and their enimies the said lord Latimer and sir Rafe Ferrers tooke counsell togither, with sir A­lane Boxhull and others, how they might be reuen­ged of this despite. This sir Alane Boxhull was con­stable of the tower, and therefore it greeued him not a little, that the esquiers had broken from him, and kept themselues thus at Westminster, vnder protec­tion of that priuileged place. Herevpon it was con­cluded, that sir Rafe Ferrers, and the said Alane Boxhull, taking with them certeine men in armour, to the number of fiftie persons, should go and fetch them by force from Westminster, vnto the tower a­gaine.

The morrow therefore after saint Laurence daie, being the eleuenth of August, these two knights ac­companied with certeine of the kings seruants and other, to the number afore mentioned, came into the church at Westminster, whilest the said esquiers were there hearing of high masse, which was then in celebrating; and first laieng hands vpon Iohn Shakell, vsed the matter so with him, that they drew him foorth of the church, and led him streight to the tower. But when they came to Robert Hall, and fell in reasoning with him, he would not suffer them to come within his reach, and perceiuing they meant to take him by force, he drew out a falcheon or short sword which he had girt to him, and therewith laid so fréelie about him, trauersing twise round about the moonks quier, that till they had beset him on ech side, they could doo him no hurt.

Howbeit, A cruell [...] in West­minster church. at length when they had got him at that aduantage, one of them cloue his head to the verie braines, and an other thrust him through the bodie be­hind with a sword, and so they murthered him among [Page 421] them. They slue also one of the moonkes that would haue had them to haue saued the esquiers life. Much adoo was about this matter, for the breaking thus of the sanctuarie, in somuch that the archbishop of Can­turburie, and fiue other bishops his suff [...]agans, o­penlie pronounced all them that were present at this murder accurssed, and likewise all such as aided or counselled them to it, cheeflie and namelie sir Alane Boxhull, and sir Rafe Ferrers, capteins and leaders of them. The king, the queene, and the duke of Lanca­ster line 10 were yet excepted by speciall names. The bishop of London a long time after, euerie sundaie, Wednes­daie, and fridaie, pronounced this excommunication in the church of S. Paule at London.

The duke of Lancaster (though excepted in the same) yet in behalfe of his fréends was not a little offended with the bishops dooings, in so much that in a councell holden at Windsore (to the which the bi­shop of London was called, but would not come, nor yet ceasse the pronouncing of the cursse, albeit the line 20 king had requested him by his letters) the duke said openlie, that the bishops froward dealings were not to be borne with, but (saith he) if the king would command me, I would gladlie go to London, and fetch that disobedient prelat, in despite of those ri­baulds (for so he termed them) the Londoners. These words procured the duke much euill will, as well of the Londoners, as of other: for it was commonlie said, that whatsoeuer had béene doone at Westmin­ster, concerning the murther there committed in the line 30 church, was doone by his commandement.

A parlement at Glocester.About the feast of S. Luke, a parlement was hol­den at Glocester, for the displeasure (as was thought) which some of the councell had conceiued against the Londoners, or rather (as some tooke it) for feare of them, least if any thing were doone contrarie to their minds, they should be about to hinder it, if the parle­ment had beene kept neere them: for manie things (as some iudged) were meant to haue beene put foorth and concluded in this parlement, albeit few in effect line 40 came to passe of those matters that were surmised, sauing that it was inacted, that the king should haue a marke of the merchants for euerie sacke of their woolles, for this present yeare; and for euerie pounds worth of wares that was brought in from beyond the seas, and here sold, six pence of the buiers. ¶Also, certeine priuileges were granted in this parlement to merchant-strangers, that they might buie and sell in grosse, or by retaile within this realme, as in the printed booke of statutes it appeareth.

The pope sendeth to the king for aid.This yeare came messengers from the new elec­ted line 50 pope Urbane, with letters to require the kings assistance and aid against such cardinals as he named schismatikes, that had elected an other pope whome they named Clement, which cardinals sent likewise their messengers with letters, to beséech the king to aid them with his fauourable assistance: but through persuasion of the archbishop of Canturburie, Ur­bans request was granted, and Clements reiected. About the same time, Berwike ca­stell woone by the Scots. to wit, on thursdaie before the line 60 feast of S. Andrew th'apostle, the Scots by stelth en­tred by night into the castell of Berwike, and slue sir Robert Bointon, a right valiant knight, that was constable thereof, permitting his wife, children, and seruants to depart, with condition, that within three weekes next insuing, they should either paie them thrée thousand marks, or else yeeld their bodies againe to prison.

The morrow after, the same Scots fetched a great bootie of cattell out of the countries next adioining, but immediatlie after the earle of Northumberland being aduertised hereof, hasted thither with foure hundred armed men, and assaulting the castell on ech side, after two houres defense, wan it, slaieng of the defendants about eight and fortie, Alexander Ramsie was onlie saued as Froissard saith reseruing onelie one of the whole number aliue, that he might informe the Englishmen thoroughlie of the Scotishmens purposes. At this enterprise was the earle of Nor­thumberlands eldest sonne, Berwike ca­stell recouered by the earle of Northumber­land. spreading there first his banner, and dooing so valiantlie, that he deserued singular commendation; as likewise did sir Alane de Heton, and sir Thomas de Ilderton, with those of the surname of the Herons, euerie of these hauing their quarters assigned to assault. Thus was the castell re­couered the ninth daie after the Scots had entered the same, so that they enioied not long that victorious exploit.

And bicause this enterprise was taken in hand a­gainst the couenant of the truce, the earle of Nor­thumberland, before he attempted to recouer the ca­stell, sent to the earle of March in Scotland, to vn­derstand if he would anow that which his countri­men had doone, touching the winning of that castell, who sent him knowledge againe, that he neither vn­derstood of their enterprise, nor would be partaker with them therein: but if it so pleased the earle of Northumberland, he would come himselfe, and helpe to recouer it to the K. of Englands vse, out of those Scotishmens hands, which without publike authori­tie had made that exploit. This yeare, sir Robert Rous, capteine of Chierburg, was called home, Sir Robert Rous a valiāt capteine. after he had taken sir Oliuer de Clisson, and atchiued ma­nie other worthie aduentures against the kings eni­mies. 137 [...] In his place was sent sir Iohn Herleston, to remaine vpon the gard of that castell. Also, sir Hugh Caluerlie, deputie of Calis, that had so valiantlie borne himselfe against the Frenchmen, was like­wise discharged; and comming home, was made ad­merall, being ioined in commission in that office with sir Thomas Percie.

Sir William Montacute earle of Salisburie was sent ouer to Calis, to be the kings lieutenant there, who shortlie after his comming thither fetcht a great bootie of cattell out of the enimies countrie adioining, so that Calis was furnished with no small number of the same. ¶ Sir Hugh Caluerlie, and sir Thomas Percie, going to sea, tooke seauen ships la­den with merchandize, and one ship of warre. ¶The archbishop of Cassils in Ireland, returning from Rome, brought with him large authoritie of bind­ing and loosing, granted to him by pope Urbane, in fauour of whome at his comming to London, in a sermon which he preached, he declared to the people, how the French king, holding with the antipape Clement, was denounced accurssed; and therefore now was the time for Englishmen to make warre in France, hauing such occasion, as greater could not be offered; speciallie, sith it was like that the ex­communicated king should haue no courage to make resistance. This is I will not saie the diuini­tie (for what heauenlinesse can there be in such dam­nable doctrine, to set people together by the eares?) of the Romanists; so farre off are they from the stu­die of peace and concord betwixt man and man, that they set whole monarchies and empires vp to the mid leg in streams of bloud, imitating their great grand­father sashan, who hath béene a makebate and a mur­therer from the beginning: renouncing the footsteps of Christ with open mouth, and forswering to follow him either in demeanour or doctrine, and therefore;

Quis nisimentis inops, vt sanctum tale probabit?
Haeccine mens Christi? Talia nulla docet.

In a parlement holden at Westminster this yeare after Easter, it was ordeined, The sanctua­rie at West­minster con­firmed by parlement. that the priui­leges and immunities of the abbeie of Westminster should remaine whole and inuiolate; but yet there was a prouiso against those that tooke sanctuarie, with purpose to defraud their creditors, that their [Page 422] lands & goods shuld be answerable to the discharging of their debts. In the same parlement was granted to the king a subsidie, A subsidie to be paid by the great men, & the commons go free. to be leuied of the great men of the land. To the end the commons might be spared, the dukes of Lancaster and Britaine paid twentie markes, euerie earle six marks, bishops and abbats with miters as much, and euerie moonke thrée shil­lings foure pence: also, euery iustice, shiriffe, knight, esquier, parson, vicar, and chapleine, were charged af­ter a certeine rate, but not any of the commons that line 10 were of the laitie.

Ye haue heard how sir Iohn Harleston was sent to Chierburg as capteine of that fortresse, who issuing abroad on a day, Anno Reg. 3. A notable ex­ploit doone by sir Iohn Harleston. with such power as he might take foorth, leauing the fortresse furnished, came to a place, where within a church and in a mill, the Frenchmen had laid vp, as in storehouses, a great quantitie of vittels, for prouision; which church and mill the Eng­lishmen assaulted so valiantlie, that notwithstanding there were within a good number of the enimies, that did their best to defend themselues, yet at length they line 20 were taken, and sir Iohn Harleston with his com­panie, returned with the vittels towards Chierburg, but by the way they were incountred by one sir Wil­liam de Bourds, whome the French king had ap­pointed to lie in Mountburg with a strong power of men of war, to countergarison Chierburg.

Herevpon insued a sore conflict, and manie an har­die man was beaten to the ground. And although it séemed that the Englishmen were ouermatched in number, yet they stucke to it manfullie. Their cap­teine line 30 sir Iohn Harleston, fighting in the foremost presse, was felled, and laie on the ground at his eni­mies féet in great hazard of death. The Englishmen neuerthelesse continued their fight, till at length sir Geffrie Worslie, with a wing of armed footmen with axes, came to the rescue (for to that end he was left behind, of purpose to come to their aid if néed re­quired) with whose comming the Frenchmen were so hardlie handled, that to conclude, they were bro­ken insunder, beaten downe and wholie vanquished: line 40 there were of them slaine aboue six score, and as ma­nie taken prisoners, among which number was their chéefe capteine sir William de Bourdes taken, and brought to Chierburg with the residue, and there put in safe keeping. This exploit was atchiued by the En­glishmen, on saint Martins day in winter, in this third yeare of king Richard his reigne.

But least any ioy should come to the English peo­ple in that season, without some mixture of gréefe, one sir I. Clearke a right valiant knight, Sir Iohn Clearke a valiant cap­teine. & fellow in line 50 armes with sir Hugh Caluerlie, chanced this yeare to lie in garrison in a castell in Britaine, where was an hauen, & diuerse English ships lieng in the same, whereof the French gallies being aduertised, came thither, to set those ships on fire, appointing one of their gallies first to attempt the feat, and if fortune so would, to traine the Englishmen foorth, till they should fall into the laps of foure other gallies which they laid as it had béene in ambush. A policie. Now as the eni­mies line 60 wished so it came to passe, for the Englishmen perceiuing their vessels in danger to be burnt of the enimies, ran euerie man aboord to saue the ships and goods within them; and amongst the rest, sir Iohn Clearke their capteine, meaning to take such part as his men did, got aboord also, and streight falling in pursute of the gallie that withdrew for the purpose a­foresaid, the Englishmen were shortlie inclosed with the other gallies before they were aware, not know­ing what shift to make to auoid the present danger.

Sir Iohn Clearke, perceiuing how the case stood, laid about him like a giant, causing his companie still to draw backe againe, whilest he resisting the e­nimies, did shew such proofe of his valiancie, that they were m [...]h astonished therewith. To be short, he so manfullie behaued himselfe, that the most part of his companie had time to recouer land; but when he that had [...]hus preserued others shuld leape forth of the ship to saue himselfe, he was striken in the thigh with an ax, that downe he fell, and so came into the enimies hands, being not able to recouer that hurt, for his thigh was almost quite cut off from the bodie, so that he died of that and other hurts presentlie, leauing a remembrance behind him of manie worthie acts through his valiancie atchiued, to his high praise and great commendation. The barke of Yorke was also lost the same time, being a proper vessell, and now ta­ken suddenlie, sanke with all that were aboord in hir, both Englishmen, and the enimies also that were en­tered into hir, thinking to carrie hir awaie.

About the same time the duke of Britaine retur­ning into his countrie, vnder the conduct of sir Tho­mas Percie and sir Hugh Caluerlie, landed at a ha­uen not far from saint Malo, the fourth day of Au­gust, being receiued with vnspeakeable ioy of the Britaines, as well lords as commons, so that the lo­uing harts which they bare towards him, might well appeare, The duke of Britaine re­stored to his dukedome. although the loue which he bare to the king of England had caused his subiects, in fauor of France, to kéepe him manie yeares foorth of his dukedome as a banished prince, but at length, they being ouer­come with irkesomnesse of his long absence, with generall consents sent for him home, so that there were but few of the British nobilitie that withdrew their dutifull obedience from him, and those were on­lie such as firmelie linked in seruice with the French king, were loth to forgo such roomes and dignities as vnder him they inioied; namelie, the constable of France, sir Berthram de Cleaquin, the lord Clisson, the lord de Rohen, and the lord Rochfort, and certeine others.

The lord de la Uall amongst other, came to him (as we find in Thomas Walsingham) offering him his seruice as well as the residue. At his landing, he was likelie to haue lost all such furniture, as well of vit­tels, apparell, hangings, bedding, armour, and other things, which either he or his traine had brought with them. For the French gallies espieng their time, im­mediatlie as he and his companie were set on land, before the ships in which the said furniture was fraught, could enter the hauen, which was somewhat streight and narrow, came vpon them, and had them at such aduantage, Sir Hugh Caluerlie. that if sir Hugh Caluerlie with his archers had not caused the master of his ship, e­uen against his will to returne againe to the rescue, the gallies had taken and gone awaie with the other ships; but through the manfull prowes of sir Hugh, the gallies were repelled, & the ships saued: for accor­ding to his woonted valiancie he would not returne, till he saw all other in safetie, & then defending him­selfe so well as he might, withdrew into the hauen, and landed safelie with the residue.

About the same time was an hainous murther committed in London, of a merchant Genowes, An hainous murther of [...] merchant stranger. whom certeine English merchants vpon spite and enuie, which they bare towards him, caused to be slaine one euening in the stréet before his own gates. The cause that mooued the merchants so to procure his death was, for that he vndertooke to furnish this land, hauing the staple allowed him at Southhamp­ton, of all such wares as came foorth of Leuant, so plentifullie as was to be had in any place in all the west parts of christendome. Great [...] in the north countrie. In the summer of this yeare, a greeuous mortalitie afflicted the north parts of this land, so that the countrie became almost deso­late. And to the increase of that miserie, Great [...] by the [...] in the death time. the Scots thinking the time to serue th [...]ir turne, inuaded the borders, and most cruellie harried, robbed, and spoiled [Page 423] the same, not letting passe any part, of most cruell murthering of the people that were left aliue, and not made awaie by that sore contagious sicknesse. The number of cattell was infinite which they droue out of the land with them, not sparing heards of swine which they tooke at this time, where they ne­uer medled with that kind of cattell before that pre­sent.

Before the Scots made this iournie into Eng­land, whilest the mortalitie was most in force, they calling to certeine of the English borderers, asked line 10 of them how it came to [...], that so great a death reigned amongst them. The Englishmen, as good, plaine, and simple meaning men, told them, that trulie they knew not the cause, for Gods iudgements were hid from them in such behalfe. But one thing they knew, that all calamitie, death, and aduersitie that chanced vnto them, came by the speciall grace of God, to the end that being punished for their sinnes, they might learne to repent and amend their wicked liues. The Scots hearing this, when they should en­ter line 20 this land, vnderstanding lewdlie what the Eng­lishmen had told them concerning the disease, and the grace of God, deuised a blessing forsooth to be said euerie morning, of the most ancient person in eue­rie familie, as; Benedicite, said he: Dominus, said the residue. Then began he againe, saieng; God and saint Mango, saint Romane and saint Andro, shield vs this daie fra Gods grace, and the fewle death that Englishmen dien vpon. Thus the senselesse men misconstruing this word the grace of God, praied for line 30 their owne destruction, which if not in this world, yet for their brutish crueltie vsed at that present, against the miserable creatures, whom the hand of God had spared in time of that gréeuous mortalitie, it is to be feared, least in another world it came to them, as the verie words of their praiers imported.

About the same time, Iohn Schakell esquier was set at libertie, the king compounded with him for his prisoner, giuing fiue hundred marks in redie monie, and lands to the value of a hundred marks by yeare. line 40 When he should bring foorth his prisoner, and deliuer him to the king, this is to be noted, as a thing verie strange and woonderfull. For when he should appeare, it was knowne to be the verie groome that had ser­ued him in all the time of his trouble, and would ne­uer vtter himselfe what he was before that time, ha­uing serued him as an hired seruant all that while in prison, and out of prison, in danger of life, when his o­ther maister was murthered, A notable ex­ample of a faithfull pri­soner. where, if he would haue vttered himselfe, he might haue beene enterteined in line 50 such honorable state, as for a prisoner of his degrée had beene requisit, so that the faithfull loue and assu­red constancie in this noble gentleman was highlie commended and praised, and no lesse maruelled at of all men.

About the feast of S. Nicholas, in this third yeare of king Richards reigne, there went to sea an armie of men, that should haue passed ouer into Britaine, to the aid of the duke there, vnder the conduct of sir Iohn Arundell, sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Thomas Percie, line 60 sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morews, sir Tho­mas Banester, & manie other knights and esquires, too long to rehearse, a sufficient power vndoubted­lie to haue doone a great enterprise: but they were no sooner on the sea, but suddenlie there arose such an hideous tempest of wind and stormes, that they loo­ked presentlie to be all cast awaie, they were scatte­red here and there, The English [...]ame scatte­ [...]d by a terri­ [...]le tempest. and driuen they wist not whither. The ship wherein sir Iohn Arundell was aboord, chanced to be cast on the coast of Ireland, and there driuen to forsake his ship, that was readie to be bro­ken in péeces by rage of waues, beating it there a­gainst the rocks: he was drowned before he could win to land, in an Ile, neere to the which they had thrust in the ship.

To the like end came sir Thomas Banester, sir Nicholas Trumpington, and sir Thomas Dale, im­peaching each others, as they leapt foorth of the ship: also one Musard an esquire, a most séemelie perso­nage and a bold; and an other esquier named Deni­ [...]ke, being almost out of danger, were fetched awaie by the surges of the sea, and so perished, with manie other. Robert Rust a cunning seaman, belonging to Blacknie in Northfolke, & maister of the ship where­in sir Iohn Arundell was imbarked, was the first that got to land, giuing example to others how to shift for themselues. But when he saw his cheefe cap­teine, the said sir Iohn Arundell got foorth to the sands, and as one thinking himselfe past all danger, to shake his wet garments about him; the said Rust waieng the dangerous state wherein the said sir Iohn Arundell yet stood, came downe, and raught to him his hand, inforsing himselfe to plucke him to the shore: but whilest he tooke care for an other mans safetie, and neglected his owne, he lost his life, and so they both perished togither; for through a mightie bil­low of the raging seas, they were both ouerthrowne, and with returning of the waues backe, drawne into the deepe, so that they could neuer recouer foot-hold a­gaine, but were drowned.

The said Rust was much lamented, bicause he was not onelie knowne to be a skilfull maister, but also counselled the said sir Iohn Arundell in no wise to go to sea, at what time he would needs set forward, forsing the said Rust and the marriners to hoist vp sailes and make awaie. They that scaped to land in that Ile, found nothing there to releeue their mise­ries, but bare ground, so that diuerse starued through cold, wanting fier and other succour: the residue that were lustie and wise withall, ran vp and downe, and sometime wrestling, and otherwise chafing them­selues, remained there in great miserie, from the thursdaie, till sundaie at noone next insuing. At what time, when the sea was appeased and waxen calme, the Irishmen that dwelled ouer against this Ile on the maine, came and fetched them thence, and relée­ued them the best they could, being almost dead, through trauell, hunger, and cold.

The said sir Iohn Arundell lost not onelie his life, but all his furniture and apparell for his bodie, The excesse and sumptu­ous apparell, of sir Iohn Arundell. which was verie sumptuous, so that it was thought to sur­mount the apparell of any king. For he had two and fiftie new sutes of apparell of cloth of gold or tissue, as was reported, all the which, togither with his hors­ses & geldings, amounting to the value of ten thou­sand marks, was lost at the sea. And besides this, there were lost at the same time fiue and twentie ships, with men, horsses, and other riches, There were drowned a­boue a thou­sand men in one place and other, as the additions to Ad. Merimuth doo testifie. which atten­ded him in that voiage. Yet sir Thomas Percie, and sir Hugh Caluerlie, with sir William Elmham, and certeine others escaped, but cruellie tormented with vnmercifull tempest: and before sir Thomas Per­cie could get to land, after the sea was quieted, he was assaulted by a Spaniard, against whome he so defended himselfe, that in the end he tooke the Spa­nish vessell, and brought hir, with all that he found aboord in hir, vnto the next shore, and sold the same for an hundred pounds, and without long delaie, tooke the sea, & passed ouer to Brest, of which fortresse he was capteine, iointlie with sir Hugh Caluerlie, and therefore doubting least some inconuenience might chance thereto now in both their absence, he made the more hast, not taking rest till he came thi­ther, notwithstanding his passed painefull trauels. Sir Hugh Caluerlie was neuer in his life in more danger of death, than at that time: for all that were in his ship (as Froissard writeth) were drowned, ex­cept [Page 424] himselfe & s [...]auen mariners. We find, that there were drowned in one place & other, aboue a thousand Englishmen in that most vnluckie voiage. ¶ Some writers impute this calamitie to light on the said sir Iohn Arundell & his companie, for the lasciuious and filthie rule which they kept before their setting foorth, in places where they laie, till their prouision was rea­die; Outragious wickednesse iustlie puni­shed. who not content with that which they did before they tooke ship, in rauishing mens wiues, maids and daughters, they caried them aboord, that they might line 10 haue the vse of them whilest they were vpon the sea,

(Saeua libido furens, quid non mortalia cogis
Pectora? Quídue tuo non est violabile telo?)

and yet when the tempest rose, like cruell and vn­mercifull persons they threw them into the sea, ei­ther for that they would not be troubled with their la­mentable noise and crieng, or for that they thought so long as they had such women aboord with them (whome they had abused so long) God would not ceasse the rage of the tempest. But it should appeare line 20 that this tempest was generall, for where the Spa­nish and French fléets were abroad at the same time, being assembled togither to annoie the coasts of this land, their ships were likewise tossed and turmoiled, so as no small number of them were lost, in so much that the damage which they susteined, was thought far to passe that which hapned to the English nauie.

year 1380 In this yeare about Christmasse, sir William de Montacute earle of Salisburie, after he had remai­ned twelue moneths space at Calis, the kings lieute­nant line 30 there was called home, Sir Iohn Deuereux made deputie of Calis. & sir Iohn Deuereux a right valiant knight, and an old man of warre, was sent thither in his place. ¶ Also, sir Iohn Harleston was called home from Chierburg, and sir William Windeshore a noble knight was sent thither to be capteine of that fortresse. ¶After the Epiphanie, was a parlement called at London, which continued till the beginning of the kalendes of March. ¶Also wher­as the yeare before there had beene certeine bishops, earles, barons, and iustices appointed, to haue the go­uernement line 40 and rule about the king; now at the re­quest of the lords and commons in this parlement as­sembled; The earle of Warwike ele­cted protector. the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike was chosen to remaine continuallie with the king, as chéefe gouernour, both of his person, and to giue answer to all strangers that should come hi­ther about any businesse whatsoeuer, and further to haue the rule and order of all things, in lieu of those that were chosen thereto before: it was perceiued that they had sought to inrich themselues, & had doone line 50 little to the aduancement of the kings honor, or state of the common-wealth, but rather emptied the kings cofers.

In this parlement also, the lord Richard Scrope gaue ouer the office of chancellor, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie made lord chancel­lour. and Simon Sud­burie archbishop of Canturburie tooke it vpon him. ¶ In this parlement was granted a tenth by the cleargie, and a fifteenth by the laitie, with condition that from hencefoorth, to wit, from the kalends of March, to the feast of S. Michaell, which then should line 60 be in the yeare 1381, there should be no more parle­ments, but this condition was not performed, as af­ter appeared. In the octaues of Easter, the lord Ua­leran earle of saint Paule married the kings halfe sister, The kings halfe sister married the earle of saint Paule. the ladie Ione de Courtnie: the solemnizati­on of this marriage was holden at Windsore, with great triumphing. ¶ The princesse that was mother to the bride, was greatlie against the marriage, but the bride hir selfe had such a liking to the earle, that the king was contented that they should match togi­ther, and set him free of his ransome which he should haue paid, for that he had béene taken prisoner in the marches of Calis, and further, gaue with his sister by waie of endowment, the towneship and manour of Bie [...]léet.

On the seuenth of Iune, A comb [...] [...]twixt [...] A [...] Thoma [...] [...]tring [...]. a combat was fought afore the kings palace at Westminster, on the pauement there, betwixt one sir Iohn Anneslie knight, and one Thomas Katrington esquier: the occasion of which strange and notable triall rose hereof. The knight ac­cused the esquier of treason, for that where the for­tresse of saint Sauiour within the Ile of Constan­tine in Normandie, belonging som [...]time to sir Iohn Chandois, had béene committed to the said Katring­ton, as capteine the [...] [...]o keepe it against the eni­mies, he had for [...] and deliuered it ouer to the Frenchmen, where he was sufficientlie proui­ded of men, munition and vittels, to haue defended it against them; and sith the inheritance of that fortresse and landes belonging thereto, had apperteined to the said Anneslie in right of his wife, as neerest cousine by affinitie vnto sir Iohn Chandois, if by the false conueiance of the said Katrington, it had not béene made awaie, and alienated into the enimies hands: he offered therefore to trie the quarrell by combat, a­gainst the said Katrington, whervpon was the same Katrington apprehended, and put in prison, but short­lie after set at libertie againe.

Whilest the duke of Lancaster, during the time that his father king Edward laie in his last sicke­nesse, did in all things what liked him, & so at the con­templation of the lord Latimer (as was thought) he released Katrington for the time, so that sir Iohn An­neslie could not come to the effect of his sute in all the meane time, till now. Such as feared to be char­ged with the like offenses staied the matter, till at length, by the opinion of true and ancient knights it was defined, Triall by [...]bat in [...] case lawfull▪ that for such a forren controuersie that had not risen within the limits of the realme, but tou­ched possession of things on the further side the sea, it was lawfull to haue it tried by battell, if the cause were first notified to the constable and marshall of the realme, and that the combat was accepted by the parties. Herevpon was the day and place appointed, and all things prouided readie, with lists railed and made so substantiallie, as if the same should haue in­dured for euer. The concourse of people that came to London to sée this tried, was thought to excéed that of the kings coronation, so desirous men were to be­hold a sight so strange and vnaccustomed.

The king, his nobles, The order [...] the combat▪ and all the people being come togither in the morning of the daie appointed, to the place where the lists were set vp, the knight be­ing armed and mounted on a faire courser seemelie trapped, entered first as appellant, staieng till his ad­uersarie the defendant should come. And shortlie af­ter was the esquier called to defend his cause in this forme: Thomas Katrington defendant, come and appeare to saue the action, for which sir Iohn Annes­lie knight and appellant hath publikelie and by wri­ting appealed thée. He being thus called thrise by an herald at armes, at the third call did come ar­med likewise; and riding on a courser trapped with traps imbrodered with his armes, at his approching to the lists he alighted from his horsse, lest according to the law of armes the constable should haue cha­lenged the horsse if he had entered within the lists. But his shifting nothing auailed him, for the horsse after his maister was alighted beside him, ran vp & downe by the railes, now thrusting his head ouer, and now both head & breast, The earle Bucking [...] claimeth [...] horsse. so that the earle of Buc­kingham, bicause he was high constable of Eng­land, claimed the horsse afterwards, swearing that he would haue so much of him as had appeared ouer the railes, and so the horsse was adiudged vnto him.

But now to the matter of the combat (for this challenge of the horsse was made after, as soone as the esquier was come within the lists) the indenture [Page 425] was brought foorth by the marshall and constable, which had béene made and sealed before them, with consent of the parties, in which were conteined the articles exhibited by the knight against the esquier, and there the same was read before all the assemblie. The esquier (whose conscience was thought not to be cleare, but rather guiltie, and therefore seemed full of troublesome and grudging passions, as an offendor alreadie conuinced, thought (as full well he might) ‘Multamiser timeo, quia feci multa proteruè)’ went about to make exceptions, that his cause by line 10 some means might haue séemed the sounder. But the duke of Lancaster hearing him so staie at the mat­ter, sware, that except according to the conditions of the combat, and the law of armes, he would admit all things in the indentures comprised, that were not made without his owne consent, he should as guiltie of the treason foorthwith be had foorth to execution. The duke with those words woone great commenda­tion, and auoided no small suspicion that had béene conceiued of him as parciall in the esquiers cause. line 20 The esquier hearing this, said, that he durst fight with the knight, not onelie in those points, but in all other in the world whatsoeuer the same might be: for he trusted more to his strength of bodie, and fauour of his freends, than to the cause which he had taken vpon him to defend. He was in déed a mightie man of stature, where the knight among those that were of a meane stature was one of the least. Freends to the esquier, in whom he had great affiance to be borne line 30 [...]ut through their assistance, were the lords Latimer and Basset, with others.

Before they entered battell, they tooke an oth, as well the knight as the esquier, that the cause in which they were to fight, was true, and that they delt with no witchcraft, nor art magike, whereby they might obteine the victorie of their aduersarie, nor had about them any herbe or stone, or other kind of experiment with which magicians vse to triumph ouer their eni­mies. This oth receiued of either of them, and there­with line 40 hauing made their praiers deuoutlie, they be­gan the battell, first with speares, after with swords, and lastlie with daggers. The esquire [...] ouer­throwne. They fought long, till final­lie the knight had bereft the esquier of all his wea­pons, and at length the esquier was manfullie o­uerthrowne by the knight. But as the knight would haue fallen vpon the esquier, through sweat that ran downe by his helmet his sight was hindered, so that thinking to fall vpon the esquier, he fell downe sideling himselfe, not comming néere to the esquier, line 50 who perceiuing what had happened, although he was almost ouercome with long fighting, made to the knight, and threw himselfe vpon him, so that manie thought the knight should haue beene ouercome: other doubted not but that the knight would recouer his feet againe, and get the victorie of his aduersarie.

The king in the meane time caused it to be pro­clamed that they should staie, and that the knight should be raised vp from the ground, and so meant to take vp the matter betwixt them. To be short, such line 60 were sent as should take vp the esquier; but com­ming to the knight, he besought them, that it might please the king to permit them to lie still, for he thanked God he was well, and mistrusted not to ob­teine the victorie, if the esquier might be laid vpon him, in manner as he was earst. Finallie, when it would not be so granted, he was contented to be rai­sed vp, and was no sooner set on his féet, but he cheer­fullie went to the king, without anie mans helpe, where the esquier could neither stand nor go without the helpe of two men to hold him vp, and therefore was set in his chaire to take his ease, to see if he might recouer his strength.

The knight at his comming before the king, be­sought him & his nobles, to grant him so much, that he might be eftsoones laid on the ground as before, and the esquier to be laid aloft vpon him: for the knight perceiued that the esquire through excessiue heat, and the weight of his armor, did maruellouslie faint, so as his spirits were in manner taken from him. The king and the nobles perceiuing the knight so couragiouslie to demand to trie the battell foorth to the vttermost, offring great summes of monie, that so it might be doone, decreed that they should be resto­red againe to the same plight in which they laie when they were raised vp: but in the meane time the es­quire fainting, and falling downe in a swoone, fell out of his chaire, The esquier fainteth. as one that was like to yéeld vp his last breath presentlie among them. Those that stood about him cast wine and water vpon him, seeking so to bring him againe, but all would not serue, till they had plucked off his armor, & his whole apparell, The knight is iudged the vanquisher. which thing prooued the knight to be vanquisher, and the es­quier to be vanquished.

After a little time the esquier began to come to himselfe, and lifting vp his eies, began to hold vp his head, and to cast a ghostlie looke on euerie one a­bout him: which when it was reported to the knight, he commeth to him armed as he was (for he had put off no péece since the beginning of the fight) and spea­king to him, called him traitor, and false periured man, asking of him if he durst trie the battell with him againe: but the esquier hauing neither sense nor spirit whereby to make answer, proclamation was made that the battell was ended, and euerie one might go to his lodging. The esquier immediat­lie after he was brought to his lodging, and laid in bed, began to wax raging wood, and so continuing still out of his wits, about nine of the clocke the next day he yéelded vp the ghost. ¶ This combat was fought (as before yée haue heard) the seuenth of Iune to the great reioising of the common people, and dis­couragement of traitours.

About the same time, or rather somewhat before, the lord Oliuer de Clisson, with a number of ships and gallies of France and Spaine, tooke the sea, and comming on the coast of England, landed in diuerse places of the west countrie, and also in the south parts, spoiling and burning sundrie townes, The French men spoile & burne d [...]uerse townes in the west coun [...]ie. taking such ships and vessels as they might laie hold vpon, and so continued to indamage the English people that inhabited néere to the sea side, all that summer following. ¶In the beginning of the fourth yeare of this king, Anno Reg. 4. Thomas of Woodstoke earle of Bucking­ham, vncle to the king, Froissard. The earle of Buckingham sent into Bri­taine to aid the duke a­gainst the French king. with an armie of seauen or eight thousand men of armes and archers, was sent ouer to Calis, that he might inuade France, and passe through the same to come into Britaine vnto the aid of the duke there. ¶ You haue heard how the French king had seized into his hands the more part of the duchie of Britaine, bicause that the duke had ioined himselfe in league with the king of England: but yet there were diuerse of the good townes, and also manie of the barons and nobles of the countrie which kept themselues as neuters a long season; but at length, longing to see the re [...]urne of their naturall lord and duke, sent for him into England, requi­ring him to repaire home, and to sée to the quieting of the troubled state of his countrie.

The duke being thus earnestlie desired to re­turne home, by the aduise of the king of England and his councell, granted to their request that had so instantlie required him, both by letters and sufficient messengers: wherevpon he tooke the sea, and sailing foorth, arriued in Britaine, hauing with him sir Ro­bert Knolles, and a certeine number of Englishmen both armed men and archers (as before yée haue heard.) The king also promised to send him a new [Page 426] supplie verie shortlie, which was not forgotten. But fortune was so contrarie, that sir Iohn Arundell ge­nerall of those that were sent, and manie of his com­panie, were drowned by force of tempest, and the o­ther driuen backe againe into England (as b [...]fore ye haue heard.) In the meane time, though the duke of Britaine with aid of his subiects, did manfullie de­fend his townes and countrie against the French­men, yet he was in doubt to be oppressed by the great puissance of the Frenchmen, if aid came not the soo­ner. line 10 Which being signified ouer into England, moo­ued the king and his councell to appoint the earle of Buckingham to take vpon him this voiage. He lan­ded at Calis three daies before the feast of Marie Magdalene.

There went ouer with him in that armie, the earls of Stafford and Deuonshire, the lord Spenser con­stable of the host, the lord Fitz Walter marshall, the lord Basset, the lord Bourchier, the lord Ferrers, the lord Morlie, the lord Darcie, sir William Windsore, line 20 sir Hugh Caluerlie, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Hugh de la Sente, sir Thomas Percie, sir Thomas Triuet, sir Hugh Tirell, sir William Farrington; sir Iohn and sir Nicholas Daubriticourt, Thomas Camois, Rafe Neuill sonne to the lord Neuill, sir Henrie ba­stard Ferrers, sir Hugh Broe, sir Geffrie Wourslie, sir William Clinton, sir Iuon Fitz Warren, and diuerse other. After they had rested them at Calis two daies, they remooued the third day out of the towne, and came to Marque [...]gnes, where they re­mained line 30 thrée daies, till all their companie, cariages, and prouisions were come to them out of Calis: from thence they remooued and came before Arde, where the earle of Buckingham made knights these that follow: Knights made by the earle of Buc­kingham at his entrie into France. the earle of Deuonshire, the lord Morlie, the son of the lord Fitz Walter, sir Roger Strange, sir Iohn Ipre, sir Iohn Colle, sir Iames Tirel [...], sir Thomas Ramston, sir Iohn Neuill, and sir Thomas Ros or Roslie, as some copies haue. These persons were made knights, bicause they went in the va­ward, line 40 which was sent to win a strong house called Follant, which the owner had fortified against them. But though he defended himselfe manfullie for a time, yet in the end both he and all his companie were taken prisoners.

After this the duke passed by saint Omers, shew­ing himselfe (about a mile off) with his host in order of battell aloft vpon a mounteine. Some of the Englishmen rode to the barriers, requiring that some of them within would come foorth and breake line 50 staues with them, but they could not be answered. The same day that the Englishmen thus came before S. Omers, Knights a­gaine made. the earle of Buckingham made againe new knights, as sir Rafe Neuill, sir Bartholomew Bourchier, sir Thomas Camois, sir Foulke Corbet, sir Thomas Danglure, sir Rafe Petipas, sir Lewes saint Albine, and sir Iohn Paulie or rather Paulet. These Englishmen rode through the countrie, de­manding iusts and déeds of armes, but they could not be answered. The iournie of the Eng­lish armie t [...]rough France. In déed the townes of the frontiers line 60 were well replenished and stuffed with men of war, and still were the Englishmen coasted, but they kept themselues so close togither, without breaking their order, that their enimies could find them at none ad­uantage.

They passed by Tirwine and by Betwine, where they lodged one day. They made but easie iournies, and seemed to require nothing but battell. They pas­sed by Arras, by Miramont, and so to Clerie on the water of Some, and taried there thrée daies, and in other places about in that countrie. The fourth day they dislodged, and drew towards Cambraie, and so to S. Quintines, & after vp towards Reimes. They found little riches, and small store of vittels abroad in the countrie, for the French king had abandoned all to his men of warre, who either wasted or conuei­ed all things of any value into the fortresses and walled townes. The Englishmen ther [...]fore sent to them of Reimes, requiring to haue some vittels sent to the host, for the which they would spare the countrie from wasting: but they of Reimes would not con­sent herevnto. Whervpon the Englishmen began to light them such candels, as their eies within the citie aked to behold the same a far off.

Moreouer, the Englishmen approched so néere to the walles and diches of the citie, that they brought a­waie twentie thousand head of cattell, which the citi­zens had gotten within the compasse of their diches; and further sent to them within, that if they would not send bread and wine foorth to vittell the host, The citi [...] o [...] R [...]me [...] saue their corne fiel [...] from destr [...] ­eng by sen­ding vittels to the Eng­lish host. in that behalfe they would burne all their corne: for doubt whereof, the citizens sent foorth to the host six charets laden with as much bread and wine as they might carie. Thus was their corne saued from de­struction, and the Englishmen by soft and easie iour­nies drew towards the citie of Trois, in the which was the duke of Burgognie, with the dukes of Bur­bon and Bar, the earle of Ewe, the lord Coucie, sir Iohn de Uien high admerall of France, and a great number of others of the French nobilitie. They had made a bastide without the towne able to receiue a thousand men of armes, but vpon the Englishmens approch to assault it, they did forsake that strength, and withdrew to the towne. Sir Tho [...] Triuet [...] a baro [...] ▪ Sir Thomas Triuet was here made a baronet. Also there were certeine new knights made, as sir Peter Berton, sir Iohn and sir Thomas Paulie or Paulet, sir Iohn St [...]u­gulie, sir Thomas Dortingues, sir Iohn Uassecoque, Knights cre­ated. sir Thomas Brasie, sir Iohn Brauin, sir Henrie Uernier, sir Iohn Colenile, sir William Euerat, Uerne or Uernon. sir Nicholas Stiugulie, and sir Hugh Lunit.

The English host perceiuing the Frenchmen to withdraw into the towne, drew togither, and stood in order of battell for the space of two houres, and then returned to their lodgings. The next day they remoo­ued to Maillerois le vicount neere vnto Sens, and there they remained two daies, and after drew into Gastinois, and so into Beause. They were coasted all the waie by a great power of men of war, as ma­ny or more in number as they were themselues. But the French king being a politike prince, wiselie con­sidered what losses the realme of France had sustei­ned afore time, by giuing battell to the Englishmen, and therefore was fullie resolued, that in no wise he would giue licence to his people to fight with the earle of Buckingham; The pol [...] [...] the French king. but thought better (as he had learned by good experience) to keepe his townes close against his enimies, and so in the end to wearie them, than by giuing battell to put things in hazard, where­as he knew they could not take from him his coun­tries by this kind of warre, though they sore in dama­ged the same for a time.

There chanced manie small skirmishes amongst those that rode foorth to discouer the countrie, but no notable incounter at all. For the Englishmen in those daies were cats not to be catched without mit­tens (as Iacob Meir in one place saith) & againe the French men were as warie how they aduentured to come néere them, peraduenture for feare, as in the reigne of king Edward the 3, as C.O. noteth, saieng,

Contra aciem magnam tremebundo corde Valesus
In Angl. [...] sub [...] ▪
In campum adiunctum & vicina coēgerat arua,
Non tamen Anglig [...]nas aduersum est ausus aperto
Tendere Marte feris confligere fortiter armis.

Onelie they sought how to inclose them vp in the countrie, and to famish them, that they might then fight with them at some great aduantage; but still the English host passed forward, holding on their [Page 427] voiage towards Britaine by Uandosme, Pont Uo­laine, The death of Charles the 5 French king. and so ouer the riuer of Sartre. In this meane while the French king Charles the fift was taken with a sore sicknesse, whereof he departed this life the same daie that the English armie passed ouer the ri­uer of Sartre, which was on the six and twentith of September, his brethren the dukes of Aniou, Ber­rie, Burbon, and Burgognie were at Paris with him at the houre of his death, where as a little before they had béene abroad in the countrie with their line 10 powers, to defend the cities and townes of impor­tance against the Englishmen, and meant indeed (if they could haue espied their aduantage, and gotten licence thereto of the king) to haue giuen their eni­mies battell. But now they were otherwise occupi­ed: howbeit they had left their men abroad in the countrie to coast the Englishmen as they had doone before. All the French power was assembled in the citie of Mans, vnder the leading of the duke of Bar, the lord Coucie, and others. line 20

In this meane while that the earle of Bucking­ham was passing through the realme of France, Tho. Walsi. the French and Spanish gallies did much mischéefe on the coast of England: but about the latter end of Iune, by a fléet of Englishmen of the west countries part of them were forced to retire, The French and Spanish gallies chased from the coast of England to Kingsale in Ireland and there van­quished. and take harbour in an hauen in Ireland called Kingsale, where being assailed of the Englishmen and Irishmen, they were vanquished; so that to the number of foure hundred of them were slaine, and their chéefe capteins taken, line 30 as Gonsalue de Uerse, and his brother Iohn Martin de Motrigo, Turgo lord of Morants; also the lord of Reith, Péers Martin of Uermew, Iohn Modit of Uermew, the seneshall of Wargarie, the seneshall of S. Andrew, Cornelis of S. Sebastiano, Paschale de Biskey, Iohn Martinis, Sopogorge of S. Sebastia­no, and diuerse other.

There were taken foure of their barges with a bal­lenger, and one and twentie English vessels recoue­red, which they had robbed and taken awaie from line 40 their owners. There scaped yet foure of their notable capteins frō the hands of our men, Martin Grantz, Iohn Peris Mantago, Iohn Husce Gitario, and one Garcias of S. Sebastiano, so that the malice of those robbers ceased not. For they with the French gallies still lieng on the seas, Diuerse townes on the English costs destroied and burnt. when they espied anie aduantage, would land their people, and doo what mis­cheefe they could, in taking preies, and burning townes and villages, although now and then they came short to their vessels againe, losing sometimes line 50 an hundred, sometimes fourescore that were ouer­taken by the Englishmen that came foorth against them. The abbat of Battell in re­leuing Win­chel [...]e is put to flight. But among other inuasions which they made this summer on the coasts, we find that they burnt the towne of Winchelsie, & put the abbat of Battell to flight with his people, comming to succor that towne and tooke one of his moonks that was there in armor with the abbat. ¶Some write also, that they burnt Rie, Hastings, and Portsmouth. Finallie, their bold­nesse so farre increased, that in August they entring line 60 with their gallies into the riuer of Thames, Grauesend burnt. came vp to Grauesend, where they burnt the most part of the towne, and on the other side of the riuer, as well in Essex as Kent, they burnt and spoiled diuerse places, and with their prisoners and booties returned without receiuing anie hurt, bringing with them to France, both rich spoiles and good prisoners.

But to returne to the earle of Buckingham where we left. The English armie drew still towards Bri­taine, but with so small doubt of their aduersaries, that they laie three or foure daies sometimes still in one place. The English host entreth into Britaine At their approching to the marches of Bri­taine, they came to Uitrie, a towne situate at the first entring into that countrie, and from thence went to Chateau Briant, and there rested, whither came to them certeine knights sent from the duke of Britaine, which signified to the erle of Buckingham what the dukes meaning was. Indéed by the death of the French king, the dukes malice was greatlie abated towards the Frenchmen, so that he had not much passed if the Englishmen had béene at home againe. Moreouer, his townes were not determined to receiue the Englishmen, as enimies to the crown of France: so that he was in a perplexitie how to order his businesse. At length, to shew himselfe a sted­fast fréend to the Englishmen, and one that was no changeling, he determined by their support, to force all those to allow the league which he had established with the Englishmen, who had denied to beare ar­mour against the crowne of France. And first, Naunts besi­ged by the Englishmen. bi­cause they of Naunts were the ringleaders of that rebellious demeanour, he appointed first to besiege their citie. They hauing knowledge thereof, sent into France for aid.

The dukes of Aniou, Berrie, Burgognie, and Burbon, brethren to the late king, and vncle to his sonne the yoong king, hauing the gouernance of the realme vnder him, sent six hundred speares with all spéed to strengthen them of Naunts, which defended the citie in such wise from the puissance of the Eng­lishmen, who enuironed the same with a strong s [...]ege, that in the end, bicause the duke came not to them (according to his promise) the siege was raised the morrow after New yeares daie, The siege at Naunts bro­ken vp. two moneths and foure daies after the same was first laid. The duke of Britaine would gladlie haue come to the siege of Naunts, in strengthening of the English host, but he could not persuade his lords to aid him in anie such enterprise. And therefore now that the earle of Buckingham had broken vp his siege, he caused him to be lodged in the citie of Uannes, & his men abroad in the countrie, some here, and some there, acquiting himselfe as well towards them as he might.

But suerlie the hearts of the Britains were won­derfullie changed, and in no wise would consent to haue anie warre with the Frenchmen, if anie reaso­nable peace might be concluded. For manie that ha­ted the father, bare good will and heartie loue to­wards the sonne, whose yoong yeares and great to­wardnesse allured the hearts of manie to wish him well. Hervpon was meanes made for a peace, which by the duke of Aniou his consent (who bare the grea­test rule in France in that season) a finall accord was made, A peace be­twixt the French king and the duke of Britaine. betwixt the yoong king and the duke of Bri­taine, so that the duke should come and doo his ho­mage vnto the French king, and sweare to be true and faithfull vnto him: The article [...] of the peace. also that he should rid the Englishmen out of his countrie, and helpe them with ships and vessels to transport them home into England.

The earle of Buckingham, when he vnderstood of this peace, was not a little displeased in his mind, considering that the duke of Britaine had delt so vn­iustlie with him and his nephue the king of Eng­land. But the duke still excused him by his subiects, as though if he had not thus agreed, he should haue beene in danger to haue lost his heritage of that countrie. Finallie, the earle after he had ships proui­ded for his passage, the eleuenth of Aprill departed out of Uannes, and came to the hauen where his ships laie, and so went aboord in like maner as oth [...]r of his men did from other hauens, and shortlie after (when the wind serued) tooke the sea▪ and returned in­to England, The earle of Buckingham returned into England. sore displeased with the duke of Bri­taine for his great vntruth and dissimulation (as he tooke it) notwithstanding all excuses to cloake the matter by him alledged.

[Page 428]Whilest the Englishmen were thus occupied in warres against the Frenchmen (as before ye haue heard) the Scots could not rest in quiet, but in re­uenge for a ship, which the townesmen of Newca­stell and Hull had taken on the sea, knowing them to be pirates, determined to doo what mischéefe they could vnto the English borders: for the losse of that ship grieued them, bicause it was esteemed to be ve­rie rich, the goods that were in it being valued at se­uen thousand marks. Herevpon the Scots entring line 10 by the west borders, inuaded & spoiled the countries of Westmerland and Cumberland, and comming into the forrest of Inglewood, they tooke awaie with them such a number of beasts and cattell, that they were reckoned at fourtie thousand heads of one and other. The Scots inuade the English bor­ders and spoile whole countries car­rieng awaie great booties. Besides this, they cruellie slue all such as they could laie hands vpon, and burnt vp all the townes, villages, and houses as they passed: and not content herewith, they stale vpon the towne of Penreth, when the faire was kept there, slaieng, taking, and line 20 chasing awaie the people, and after gathering togi­ther all the goods and riches there found, tooke it a­waie with them, whereof there was such plentie as might haue satisfied the couetous desire of a most greedie armie. They returned by Carleil, but hearing that there were gotten into it a great number of men out of the countries adioining, they durst not staie to make any attempt against that towne, but compassed their waie to escape with their booties home into their countrie, which they did, although line 30 they lost some of their companie as they passed by an ambushment of certeine archers of Westmerland and Cumberland, that were laid for them of purpose. When the earle of Northumberland would haue gone foorth to reuenge those iniuries doone to the countrie by the Scots, he was written to from the king and his councell, to forbeare till the daie of truce, at what time it might be knowen what was further to be doone in the matter.

An armie lin­gering in the north parts greatlie impo­uerisheth the countrie.About Michaelmasse the duke of Lancaster, the line 40 earles of Warwike, and Stafford, with other lords and men of honor, hauing with them a great power of souldiers and men of warre, went into the north parts, and comming to the borders, they laie there till they had consumed no small summes of monie, and indamaged the countrie as much as if the Sco­tish armie had inuaded the same. The good they did, was, that after long treatie with the Scotish com­missioners, a truce was agreed vpon till Easter fol­lowing, which being concluded, they returned home line 50 without any more adoo. Additions to Adam Meri­muth. For the space of halfe a score yeares togither now last past, the Englishmen eue­rie yeare had one or two such treaties with the Scots about the incursions and rodes which they yearelie made into the English borders, sore indamaging the inhabitants of those north parts of the realme, not­withstanding any truce or abstinence of warre that might be concluded.

Whilest the armie (as ye haue heard) laie idle in the north parts, there were certeine letters found by line 60 a poore man about London, Treason in letters writ­tē by sir Rafe Ferrers to certeine French lords. who deliuered them vn­to the worthie citizen Iohn Philpot, who calling vnto him certeine other worshipfull citizens, opened one of them, in which was conteined matter of high trea­son: and perceiuing by the scale that it belonged vn­to sir Rafe Ferrers knight, one of the kings priuie councell, deliuered that letter with foure other let­ters closed with the same seale, first to the lord chan­cellor, and after to the king, the which being read and the seale knowne to be the said sir Rafe Ferrers his seale, manie greatlie maruelled that so ancient a knight, and one in whom so great trust was put, should go about any such treasons.

One of the letters was directed to sir Bertram de Cleaquin, an other to the lord de la Riuer the cham­berlaine of France, an other to the lord Clisson, and an other to the patrone of the gallies, and to the cap­teine of the armie of Frenchmen and Spaniards, which at the same time wasting alongst the coasts, did much hurt in diuerse places of the land. Foorthwith the said Philpot and others were sent in post from the king to the duke of Lancaster, that for somuch as the said sir Rafe Ferrers was then in the north parts with him, intreating with the Scots, he should ar­rest him and put him in safe kéeping, which comman­dement the duke did accomplish, and committed him to be safelie kept in the castell of Duresme, but short­lie after in the next parlement he was set at libertie, foure barons being bound for his foorth comming, till time that he might more euidentlie declare his innocencie.

About the feast of S. Martine, was a parlement holden at Northampton to the more trouble of them that came to it, A parlement at Northamp­ton. bicause in that season of the yeare they were constreined to come where there was no store of fewell to make them fiers: and beside that, lodgings were verie streict for so great a multitude. But the cause that mooued the councell to appoint this parlement there, was to the end that they might the more fréelie procéed to the triall of Iohn Kirkbie a citizen of London, Iohn Kirkbie executed for murthering a merchant stranger. that had murthered the Geno­w [...]is (as before ye haue hard) which Kirkbie was con­demned at this parlement, and drawne and hanged in the sight of the Londoners that were come thi­ther, which execution if it should haue beene doone at London, the lords doubted least some tumult might haue béene raised by the citizens, who were reckoned in those daies verie rash and presumptuous in their dooings.

But now to the effect of this parlement. There was a new and strange subsidie or taske granted to be le­uied for the kings vse, A gréeuous subsidie. and towards the charges of this armie that went ouer into France with the earle of Buckingham; to wit, of euerie préest secular or regular six shillings eight pence, and as much of euerie nunne, and of euerie man & woman married or not married being 16 yeares of age (beggers cer­tenlie knowne onlie excepted) foure pence for euerie one. Twelue [...] as some [...] Great grudging & manie a bitter cursse follow­ed about the leuieng of this monie, & much mischéefe rose thereof, as after it appeared. ¶ In this fourth yeare of king Richards reigne, year 1381 immediatlie after Christmasse, Thom. Wal [...] ▪ Thomas Brantingham bishop of Exe­ter and lord treasuror, was discharged of his office of treasurorship, and sir Robert Hales lord of S. Iohns was aduanced in his place, a right noble and manlie knight, but not beloued of the commons.

About this time did Iohn Wicliffe chieflie set foorth his opinion touching the sacrament of the al­tar, denieng the doctrine of transubstantiation, Wicliffes opi­nion. and that it ought not in any wise to be worshipped in such sort as the church of Rome then did teach. ¶ There were ambassadors sent into Germanie, to treat with the emperour for a marriage to be had, betwixt the king of England, and the emperours sister. About the beginning of March they returned, bringing with them the cardinall, intituled of saint Praxed, and the duke of Tarsilia, and other nobles that came from the emperor, to treat with the king & his coun­cell about the same marriage. This cardinall, The cardinal of Praxed. whe­ther he passed the bounds of his commission and au­thoritie to him granted by the pope (as some write) or whether he was furnished with such faculties, he was very liberall in bestowing of them abrode on all such as would come with monie. Indulgences, which the pope had vsed onelie to reserue for himselfe to be­stow, this man granted the same liberallie, both bi­ennals and triennals. Triennals. He gaue also letters confes­sionall, [Page 429] to all those that would paie for them, admit­ting aswell beneficed men as other, All for monie. to be the popes chapleins. He made notaries for monie, and denied not altars portatiue to anie that would pay for them.

He receiued fortie pounds, besides other gifts, of the moonks of the Cisteaux order, to grant to them a generall licence to eat flesh indifferentlie▪ as well abroad, as they had béene accustomed to doo at home within their monasteries. To those that were excom­municate he gaue absolution: those that had vowed line 10 to go in pilgrimage to Rome, to the holie land, or to saint Iames, he would not first release them, till he had receiued so much monie, according to the true valuation, as they should haue spent in their iornies: and to be bréefe, nothing could be asked, but for monie he was readie to grant it. And when he was reque­sted to shew by what power he did all these things, with great indignation he answered, that he would let them vnderstand at Rome, if they would needs know the authoritie which he had. At length his males line 20 were so filled with siluer, that his seruants disdained to make them anie answer, except they brought gold saieng; Bring vs gold, for we are full of your siluer. But at his departure he tooke all awaie with him, both gold and siluer in such abundance as was mar­uellous. This hath beene the practise of the Roma­nists from time to time, wherevpon grew this com­mon byword (taxing the polling and shauing shifts of that execrable see, gaping gulfe, and insatiable sea) ‘Curia Romana non quaerit ouem sine lana. line 30’

But now to returne to other matters concerning the state of the realme. After the returne of the earle of Buckingham, it was ordeined by aduise of the councell, that the duke of Lancaster should eftsoones go as ambassador from king Richard into Scotland, to see if he might renew the truce (which shortlie would haue beene expired) for three yéeres longer. Al­so whereas there was variance and open war main­teined, betwixt Iohn king of Castile, and Iohn king of Portingale, the earle of Cambridge, the lord Wil­liam line 40 de Beauchampe, the lord Botreux, and sir Mat­thew Gournie, An armie sent into Portin­gale to aid the king there a­gainst the K. of Castile. were sent into Portingale with fiue hundred armed men, and fiue hundred archers to aid the king of Portingale against the king of Castile, who was sonne to the bastard Henrie: for the duke of Lancaster reioised greatlie, that he might haue such a fréend as the king of Portingale, to ioine with him in aid against the king of Castile; meaning (as soone as opportunitie would serue) to go ouer with an armie to chalenge his right, and pursue his claime to the crowne of Castile and Leon, against line 50 the vsurper, in right of his wife quéene Constance, eldest daughter to the late lawfull king Peter, whom Henrie the bastard as before (yée haue heard) did still persecute, till he had bereft from him both his life and kingdome.

It was meant therefore that if the duke of Lan­caster could compasse his purpose, for the which he went at that time into Scotland, to the honour of the king and realme, then should he shortlie after fol­low line 60 his brother of Cambridge with a great power, to trie what chance God would send to him, against his aduersarie the king of Castile. ¶In the meane time other incidents fell within the realme in the fourth yeare of king Richard, sore to the disquieting of the same, and vtter disappointing for that time of the duke of Lancasters intent. The commons of the realme sore repining, not onelie for the pole grotes that were demanded of them, The cōmons by reason of the great sub­sidie and other oppressions rise in diuerse parts of the realme. by reason of the grant made in parlement (as yée haue heard) but also (as some write) for that they were sore oppressed (as they tooke the matter) by their land-lords, that demanded of them their ancient customes and seruices, set on by some diuelish instinct & persuasion of their owne beastlie intentions, as men not content with the state wherevnto they were called, rose in diuerse parts of this realme, and assembled togither in com­panies, purposing to inforce the prince to make them frée, and to release them of all seruitude, Uillaines. where­by they stood as bondmen to their lords and superi­ours.

Where this rebellion of the commons first began, diuerse haue written diuerslie. One author writeth; that (as he learned by one that was not farre from the place at that time) the first beginning should be at Dertford in Kent: for when those pole shillings, The begin­ning of the re­bellion at Derford in Kent. or rather (as other haue) pole grotes, were to be col­lected, no small murmuring, curssing, and repining among the common people rose about the same, and the more indeed, through the lewd demenour of some vndiscréet officers, that were assigned to the gathe­ring thereof, insomuch that one of those officers be­ing appointed to gather vp that monie in Dertford aforesaid, came to the house of one Iohn Tiler, that had both seruants in his house, and a faire yong maid to his daughter. The officer therefore demanding monie for the said Tiler and for his wife, his ser­uants, and daughter, the wife being at home, and hir husband abroad at worke in the towne, made an­swer that hir daughter was not of age, and there­fore she denied to paie for hir.

Now here is to be noted, that this monie was in common speech said to be due for all those that were vndergrowne, bicause that yoong persons as well of the man as of the womankind, comming to the age of fouretéene or fifteene yeares, haue commonlie haire growing foorth about those priuie parts, which for honesties sake nature hath taught vs to couer and keepe secret. The officer therefore not satisfied with the mothers excuse, said he would feele whether hir daughter were of lawfull age or not, and there­with began to misuse the maid, and search further than honestie would haue permitted. The mother streightwaies made an outcrie, so that hir husband being in the towne at worke, and hearing of this a­doo at his house, came running home with his la­thing staffe in his hand, and began to question with the officer, asking who made him so bold to keepe such a rule in his house: the officer being somewhat pre­sumptuous, and highminded, would foorthwith haue flowne vpon this Tiler; but I. Tiler auoiding the officers blow, raught him such a rap on the pate, that his braines flue out, and so presentlie he died.

Great noise rose about this matter in the stréets, and the poore folks being glad, euerie man arraied himselfe to support Iohn Tiler, & thus the commons drew togither, and went to Maidestone, and from thence to Blackheath, where their number so increa­sed, that they were reckoned to be thirtie thousand. And the said Iohn Tiler tooke vpon him to be their cheefe capteine, naming himselfe Iacke Straw. ¶Others write, that one Thomas Baker of Fob­hings was the first that procured the people thus to assemble togither: and that one of the kings ser­uants named Iohn Leg, with three of his fellowes, practised to féele yoong maids whether they were vn­dergrowne (as yée haue hard the officer did at Dert­ford) which dishonest and vnséemelie kind of dealing did set the people streight in such a rage and vprore, that they cared not what they did to be reuenged of such iniuries.

But Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, that the first sparkes of this rebellion kindled in Essex, The commōs of Essex begin the commotiō as Wal. saith. where the inhabitants of two townes onelie at the first, that were the authors and first stirrers of all this mis­chéefe, did send vnto euerie little towne about, that all manner of men, as well those that were aged, as others that were in their lustiest time and youthfull [Page 430] yeares, should come to them with speed, setting all ex­cuses apart, in their best arraie and furniture for warre, threatening to such as came not, that their goods should be spoiled, their houses burnt or cast downe, and they to lose their heads when th [...]y were taken. The terror of this threatning caused the igno­rant people to flo [...]ke to them by heaps, leauing all their businesse, letting plough and cart stand, forsak­ing wife, children, and houses, so that in a short time there were fiue thousand gotten togither of those line 10 commons and husbandmen, of which number manie were weaponed onelie with staues, some with rustie swords and billes, The armor of y e Essex rebels and other with smokie bowes, more ruddie than old yuorie, not hauing past two or thrée arrowes, and the same happilie with one feather a peece.

Among a thousand of those kind of persons, yée should not haue séene one well armed: and yet by reason of their multitude, when they were once got togither, they thought the whole relme had not beene line 20 able to resist them; and supposed that they could with facilitie (in respect of the aduerse part) make the states of the land stoope to them, and by their permission to reteine or compulsion to resigne their roomes of dignitie. But the sond conceited rowt considered not the euent of this insurrection, that the woorst would be their owne; for the old saieng is true, namelie▪ ‘Laeditur a stimulo quicun (que) fricatur ab illo.’ Moreouer, to make their part the stronger, these Essexmen sent ouer into Kent, aduertising the peo­ple line 30 there of their enterprise, and therefore willed them to make them readie to ioine with them for their obteining of libertie, and reforming of the euill customs of the realme. Whether the Kentishmen through persuasions of their neighbors of Essex, by occasion of that which had chanced at Dertford (as before yée haue heard) or (as it may be) the same chan­cing at that selfe time, they being mooued as well by the one as the other, vp they got (as yée haue heard) and gathering their power out of the next quarters line 40 adioining, by the like policie which had béene practised by the Essexmen, they stirred vp the most part of the countrie to ioine with them, and foorthwith stopping the waie that led to Canturburie, and arresting all such as passed by the same, they caused them to swere that they should be true to king Richard, The oth mi­nistred by the rebels to all passengers. and to the commons, & neuer to receiue anie king that should be called Iohn. And this was for the enuie which they bare to Iohn of Gant the duke of Lancaster, who in right of his wife Constance, that was daughter to line 50 king Peter of Castile, did name himselfe king of Castile.

Also they caused them to sweare that they should be readie to come to them whensoeuer they sent for them, and induce all their neighbours to take part with them. And further, that they should neuer yéeld to anie tax to be leuied in the realme, except a fif­téenth onelie. Thus it came to passe, that after it was spred abroad what stur these Essex and Kentishmen kept; The commōs of other shires hearing of the stur in Kent & Essex, rise in like maner. the commons also in the counties of Sussex, Hertford, Cambridge, Suffolke, and Norffolke, and line 60 other shires about, bustled vp and ran togither on heapes, so that the number of those vnrulie people maruellouslie increased, in such wise as now they fea­red no resistance, and therefore began to shew proofe of those things which they had before conceiued in their minds, Lawiers, iu­stices & iurors brought to blockam feast by the rebels. beheading all such men of law, iustices, and iurors as they might catch, and laie hands vpon, without respect of pitie, or remorse of conscience, al­ledging that the land could neuer enioy hir natiue and true libertie, till all those sorts of people were dispatched out of the waie.

The next way to extinguish right.This talke liked well the eares of the common vplandish people, and by the lesse conueieng the more, they purposed to burne and destroie all records, eui­dences, court-rolles, and other minuments, that the remembrance of ancient matters being remooued out of mind, their landlords might not haue whereby to chalenge anie right at their hands. Their number still increased: for all such as were in debt or danger of law for their misdemeanors and offenses, came out of all coasts vnto them, so that when the Essex­men, and other of the hither side the Thames, An huge [...] of y e [...]. were passed ouer and ioined with the Kentishmen, & those that were assembled on that side the riuer vpon Blackheath; Fabian. Capteins at the Esse [...] in Kentish [...] they were esteemed to be an hundred thousand, hauing diuerse capteins besides the said Iacke Straw, as William Wraw, Wat Tiler, Iacke Sheepheard, Tom Milner, and Hob Carter. Whilest they were lodged on Blackheath, the king sent to them certeine knights, to vnderstand of them the cause of their gathering thus togither, to whome answer was made, that they were come togither to speake with the king, about certeine causes and bu­sinesse, & therefore they bad the messengers returne, The reb [...]s send to the [...] to come [...] with them. and declare to the king that there was no remedie but he must needs come and speake with them.

When this tale was told to the king, Ill counsell. there were some that thought it best that he should go to them, and know what their meaning was: but Simon de Sudburie the archbishop of Canturburie, that was lord chancellor, and also sir Robert Hales lord of S. Iohns, and as then lord treasuror, spake earnestlie a­gainst that aduise, and would not by anie meanes that the king should go to such a sort of barelegged ribalds; but rather they wished that he should take some order to abate the pride of such vile rascals. Af­ter the commons vnderstood that the king would not come to them, by reason of the contrarie aduise giuen to him by those two persons, the lord chancel­lor and the lord treasuror, they were maruellouslie mooued against them, and sware that they would not rest till they had got them, & chopped off their heads, calling them traitors to the king and realme.

Neuerthelesse there be that write, that the king (to cut off the branches of such mischeefe now in the first budding thereof) to satisfie in part the desire of those rude people, Froi [...]ard. went downe the riuer in his barge to Rethereth, and there néere the shore keeping himselfe still on the water, talked with a great number of them that came downe to the riuer side. But forso­much as he would not come foorth of his barge to them on land, which they seemed most to desire, they were in a great rage, and so for that they could not haue him amongst them (as they wished) in furious wise they ran to the citie, and at the first approach, The rebels spoile Southwarke, and [...] all prisoners at large. they spoiled the burrough of Southwarke, brake vp the prisons of the Marshalsea, & the Kings bench, set the prisoners at libertie, & admitted them into their companie.

This was on Corpus Christi daie, as the same au­thors write, that the king should thus talke with them: but their first entring into Southwarke, was on Corpus Christi euen, as Thomas Walsingham saith, passing at their pleasure to and fro the bridge all that night: for although the lord maior, The cōmons of London aiders of the rebels. and other of the best citizens would gladlie haue closed the gates against them, yet they durst not doo it, for feare of the commons of the citie, who seemed to fauour the cause of the rebels so apparantlie, that they threat­ned to kill both the lord maior, & all other that would take vpon them to shut the gates against the com­mons. The Londoners liked better of the com­mons, All rebels [...] tend [...] but [...] purpose des­truction [...] of king [...] countrie. for that they protested the cause of their as­sembling togither, was not but to seeke out the trai­tors of the realme, and when they had found them foorth, and punished them according to that they had deserued, they ment to be quiet. And to giue the more [Page 431] credit to their saiengs, they suffered none of their companie to rob or spoile, but caused them to paie for that they tooke.

On the morrow being Corpus Christ day, on the which day it is reported that the king should talke with them at Rethereth (as before ye haue heard) af­ter that they saw that they could not haue him to come and talke with them on land, as they wished, and that now they had filled their heads full with the fume of such wines as they dranke in euerie mans line 10 celler that was set open for them, enter who would: they fell in talke with the Londoners of manie lewd deuises, as of the apprehending of traitors, and speci­allie concerning such misliking as they had of the duke of Lancaster, whom they hated aboue all other persons. And herevpon agréeing in one mind, after diuerse other of their outragious dooings, they ran the same day to the said dukes house of the Sauoie, The Sauoie the duke of Lancasters house burnt by the rebels. to the which in beautie and statelinesse of building, with all maner of princelie furniture, there was not line 20 any other in the realme comparable, which in despite of the duke, whom they called traitor, they set on fire, and by all waies and means indeuoured vtterlie to destroie it.

The shamefull spoile which they there made was wonderfull, and yet the zeale of iustice, truth, and vp­right dealing which they would seeme to shew, was as nice and strange on the other part, speciallie in such kind of misgouerned people: for in that spoiling of the dukes house, all the iewels, plate, and other rich line 30 and sumptuous furniture which they there found in great plentie▪ they would not that any man should fare the better by it of a mite, but threw all into the fire, Strange dea­ling of the re­bels. so to be consumed; and such things as the fire could not altogither destroie, as plate and iewels, they brake and crashed in péeces, throwing the same into the Thames. One of them hauing thrust a faire siluer peece into his bosome, meaning to conueie it awaie, was espied of his fellowes, who tooke him, and cast both him and the péece into the fire; saieng they line 40 might not suffer any such thing, sith they professed themselues to be zealous of truth and iustice, The iustice of the rebels. and not théeues nor robbers.

There were 32 of them, that being gotten into the celler of the Sauoie, where the dukes wines laie, dranke so much of such swéete wine as they found there, that they were not able to come foorth, but with stones & wood that fell downe as the house bur­ned, they were closed in, so that out they could not get. They laie there showting & crieng seuen daies line 50 togither, and were heard of manie, but none came to helpe them, and so finallie they perished. Now af­ter that these wicked people had thus destroied the duke of Lancasters house, and done what they could deuise to his reproch; The lawiers lodgings in the temple burnt by the rebels. they went to the temple, and burnt the men of lawes lodgings, with their bookes, writings, and all that they might lay hand vpon. Also the house of saint Iohns by Smithfield they set on fire, so that it burned for the space of seuen daies to­gither. On Friday a great number of them, estée­med line 60 to 20 thousand, went to the manor of Heiburie that belonged vnto the lord of saint Iohns, and set­ting fire on it, sought vtterlie to destroie the whole buildings about it.

They were now diuided into thrée parts, one vn­der the leading of Iacke Straw, tooke in hand to ru­inate that house, and an other number of them lay on mile end greene, and the third companie kept vpon the tower hill, and would not suffer anie vittels to be conueied into the tower, where the king at that time was lodged, and was put in such feare by those rude people, that he suffered them to enter into the tower, The lord chā ­cellor and the lord trea [...]uror drawne out of the tower and put to death by the rebels. where they sought so narowlie for the lord chancelor, that finding him in the chappell, they drew him foorth togither with the lord treasuror, and on the tower hill without reuerence of their estates and degrees, with great noise and fell cries, they stroke off their heads. There were also beheaded at the same time by those rude people, one of the kings seruants that was a sergeant at armes called Iohn Leg, who had vsed himselfe somewhat extremelie in gathering vp of the pole monie, as by one writer it appeareth. Also to make vp the messe, Thom. Wals. they beheaded a Francis­cane Frier, whom they had taken there at the same time, for malice of the duke of Lancaster, bicause he was verie familiar with him. ¶ Some write that this frier was confessor, and other say that he was physician to the king; but what soeuer he was, the commons chopped off his head, to beare the other companie, not sparing for anie respect that might be alledged in any of their behalfes.

On the same day also they beheaded manie others, as well Englishmen as Flemings, for no cause in the world, but onelie to satisfie the crueltie of the com­mons, that then were in their kingdome, for it was a sport to them, when they gat any one amongst them, that was not sworne to them, and séemed to mislike of their dooings, The raging rebels make a pastime to kill men. or if they bare but neuer so little ha­tred to him, streightwaies to plucke of his hood, with such a yelling noise as they tooke vp amongst them, and immediatlie to come thronging into the stréets, and strike off his head. Neither had they any regard to sacred places; for breaking into the church of the Augustine friers, No respect of place with the rebels. they drew foorth thirteene Fle­mings, and beheaded them in the open streets; and out of the parish churches in the citie, they tooke foorth seuentéene, and likewise stroke off their heads, with­out reuerence either of the church or feare of God.

But they continuing in their mischéefous purpose, shewed their malice speciallie against strangers, so that entring into euerie stréet, lane, and place, where they might find them, they brake vp their houses, murthered them which they found within, and spoiled their goods in most outragious manner. Likewise they entered into churches (as before ye haue heard) into abbeies, monasteries, and other houses, The outragi­ous dealing of the rebels. namelie of men of law, which in semblable sort they ransac­ked. They also brake vp the prisons of newgate, and of both the counters, destroied the books, and set pri­soners at libertie, and also the sanctuarie-men of saint Martins le grand. And so likewise did they at Westminster, where they brake open the eschequer, and destroied the ancient bookes and other records there, dooing what they could to suppresse law, and by might to beate downe equitie and right, as it is said, ‘Tunc ius calcatur violentia cum dominatur.’

They that entered the tower, vsed themselues most presumptuouslie, and no lesse vnreuerentlie against the princesse of Wales, mother to the king: for thru­sting into hir chamber, they offered to kisse hir, and swasht downe vpon hir bed, putting hir into such feare, that she fell into a swoone, and being taken vp and recouered, was had to the water side, and put in­to a barge, & conueied to the place called the quéenes wardrobe, or the tower riall, where she remained all that day and the night following, as a woman halfe dead, till the king came to recomfort hir. It was strange to consider, in what feare the lords, knights & gentlemen stood of the cruell procéedings of those rude & base people. For where there were six hundred armed men, and as manie archers in the tower at that present, there was not one that durst gainesaie their dooings.

Finallie, when they had eased their stomachs, with the spoiling, burning, and defacing of sundrie places, they became more quiet, and the king by the aduise of such as were then about him, The king of­fereth the re­bels pardon. vpon good delibera­tion of counsell, offered to them pardon, and his [Page 432] peace, with condition that they should cease from burning and ruinating of houses, from killing and murthering of men, and depart euerie man to his home without more adoo, and there to tarrie for the kings charters confirmatorie of the same pardon. The Essexmen were content with this offer, as they that were desirous to see their wiues and children, be­ing waxen wearie of continuall trauell and paines which they were constreined to take. The king went foorth vnto Mile end, Froissard. and there declared vnto the line 10 commons that they should haue charters made to them of his grant, to make them all free. And further that euerie shire, towne, lordship and libertie should haue banners of his armes deliuered vnto them, for a confirmanion of his grant. Herevpon they séemed well appeased, and the king rode to the queenes ward­robe, otherwise called the tower roiall, to visit his mother, and so did comfort hir so well as he could, and taried with hir there all night.

The Essexmen satisfied with the kings promises, line 20 immediatlie departed homeward; howbeit they ap­pointed certeine of their companie to remaine still and tarie for the kings charters. The Kentishmen al­so remained, and were as busie in maner the next day being saturdaie, in all kind of mischiefous dea­lings, as they had béene before, to wit, in murthering of men, ouerthrowing and burning of houses. The king therefore sent vnto them such as declared in what sort their fellowes were gone home well satisfi­ed, & from thencefoorth to liue in quiet, and the same line 30 forme of peace he was contented to grant to them, if it liked them to accept the same. Herevpon their chéefe capteine Wat Tiler, a verie craftie fellow, and indued with much wit (if he had well applied it) said, that peace indeed he wished, but yet so, as the conditions might be indited to his purpose.

He was determined to driue off the king and his councell (bicause he was of greater force than they) with cauils and shifts till the next daie, that in the night following he might the more easilie haue com­passed line 40 his resolution, The wicked purpose of the rebels. which was, hauing all the poorer sort of the citie on his side, to haue spoiled the citie, and to set fire in foure corners of it, killing first the king and the lords that were about him: but he that resisteth the proud, and giueth his grace to the hum­ble, would not permit the vngratious deuises of the naughtie and lewd lozzell to take place, but suddenlie disappointed his mischeefous drift. For whereas di­uerse formes of charters had béene drawne accor­ding to the effect of the agréement with the Essex­men, line 50 and none of them might please this lordlie re­bell, at length the king sent to him one of his knights called sir Iohn Newton, to request him to come to him, that they might talke of the articles which he stood vpon to haue inserted in the charter, The rebels would haue all law abo­lished. of the which one was to haue had a commission to put to death all lawiers, escheaters, and other which by any office had any thing to doo with the law; for his meaning was that hauing made all those awaie that vnderstood the lawes, all things should then be ordered according to line 60 the will and disposition of the common people. It was reported in deed, that he should saie with great pride the day before these things chanced, putting his hands to his lips, that within foure daies all the lawes of England should come foorth of his mouth. The wretches had vtterlie forgotten all law, both di­uine and humane; otherwise they would haue béene content to liue vnder law, and to doo vnto others as they would be doone vnto, as the verie law of nature (than which there cannot be a better guide) teacheth,

Quod tibi vis fieri mihi fac, quod non tibi, noli,
Sic potes in terris viuere iure poli.

Arrogant and prou [...] words of a villen.When therefore the said sir Iohn Newton called vpon him to come awaie to the king, he answered as it were with indignation: ‘If thou (saith he) hast so much hast to returne to the king, thou maist depart, I will come at my pleasure. When the knight there­fore was come from him, he followed indéed, but somwhat slowlie.’ And when he was come néere to the place in Smithfield where the king then was, with certeine lords and knights, & other companie about him, the said sir Iohn Newton was sent to him a­gaine, to vnderstand what he meant. And bicause the knight came to him on horssebacke, & did not alight from his horsse, Wat Tiler was offended, & said in his furie, that it became him rather on foot than hors­backe to approach into his presence. The knight not able to abide such presumptuous demeanour in that proud and arrogant person, shaped him this answer: ‘It is not amisse that I being on horssebacke, should come to thée sitting on horssebacke.’

With which words Wat Tiler taking indigna­tion, drew out his dagger, menacing to strike the knight, calling him therewith traitor: the knight dis­daining to be misused at the hands of such a ribald, told him that he lied falselie, and with that plucked foorth his dagger. Wat Tiler being among his men, shewed that he would not beare that iniurie, and foorthwith made towards the knight to run vpon him. The king perceiuing the knight in danger, bad him alight from his horsse, and deliuer his dagger to Wat Tiler: but when that would not pacifie his proud and high mind, but that he would néeds flée vp­on him, the maior of London William Walworth, and other knights and esquiers that were about the king, told him that it should be a shame for them all, William Wal­worth maior of London [...] stout coura­gious man. if they permitted the knight in their presence before the eies of their prince so to be murthered: wherfore they gaue counsell to succor him foorthwith, and to apprehend the vile naughtie ribald. The king though he was but a child in yeares, yet taking courage to him, commanded the maior to arrest him. The maior being a man of incomparable boldnesse, foorthwith rode to him and arrested him, in reaching him such a blow on the head, that he sore astonied him there­with: and streightwaies other that were about the king, as Iohn Standish an esquier, and diuers more of the kings seruants drew their swords, The death of Wat Tiler capteine of the rebels. and thrust him through in diuerse parts of his bodie, so that he fell presentlie from his horsse downe to the earth, and died there in the place.

When the commons beheld this, they cried out▪ ‘Our capteine is traitorouslie slaine, let vs stand to­gither and die with him: let vs shoot and reuenge his death manfullie:’ and so bending their bowes, made them readie to shoot. The king shewing both hardi­nesse and wisedome at that instant, more than his age required, set his spurs to his horsse, and rode to them, saieng; What is the matter my men, what meane you? Will you shoot at your king? Be not troubled nor offended at the death of a traitor and ribald; I will be your king, capteine and leader, The king persuadeth the rebels. fol­low me into the fields, and you shall haue all things that you can desire. This did the king, to the end he might appease them, least they should haue set fire on the houses there in Smithfield, and haue attempted some further mischéefe, in reuenge of the displeasure which they tooke for the death of their chéefe leader. They mooued with these the kings words, followed him and the knights that were with him, into the o­pen fields, not yet resolued whether they should set vpon the king and slea him, or else be quiet, and re­turne home with the kings charter.

In the meane time, the lord maior of London was returned into the citie, with one man onelie attend­ing vpon him, and cried to the citizens; Uehement words of the maior of Lo [...]don to the [...] crieng for aid against the rebels. Oh yée good and vertuous citizens, come foorth out of hand, and helpe your king readie to be slaine, & helpe me your [Page 433] maior standing in the same perill; or if yée will not helpe me for some faults committed by me against you, yet forsake not your king, but helpe and succour him in this present danger. When the worshipfull ci­tizens and other, that in their loiall hearts loued the king, had heard these words, incontinentlie they put themselues in strong and sure armor, An armie without a capteine. to the number of a thousand men, and gathering themselues togi­ther into the stréets, tarried but for some lord or knight that might conduct them to the king: and by chance there came vnto them sir Robert Knolles, line 10 whome all of them requested that he would be their leader, least comming out of arraie and order, they might the sooner be broken, who willinglie led one part of them, and certeine other knights led other of them, clad in faire bright armour vnto the kings pre­sence. The king with the lords, knights and esquires, not a little reioised at the comming of those armed men, and streightwaies compassed the commons a­bout, as they had béene a flocke of sheepe that should haue béene closed within some fold, till it pleased the line 20 sheepheard to appoint foorth, which should be thrust into pasture, and which taken to go to the shambels.

The rebels quite discou­raged threw downe their weapons at the comming of the Lon­doners in aid [...]f the king.There was to be seene a maruellous change of the right hand of the lord, to behold how they throwing downe stanes, bils, axes, swords, bowes and arowes, humblie began to sue for pardon, which a little before gloried to haue the life of the king and his seruants wholie and altogither in their hands, power, and dis­position. The poore wretches sought to hide them­selues in the corne that grew in the fields, in ditches, line 30 hedges, and dennes, and wheresoeuer they might get out of the way, so to safe gard their liues. The knights that were with the king would gladlie haue beene dooing with them, and requested licence of him to strike off the heads of some one or two hundred of them, that it might be a witnesse in time to come, that the force of the order of knighthood was able to doo somewhat against the carters and ploughmen: but the king would not suffer them, alledging that manie of them were come thither by compulsion, and line 40 not of their owne accord, and therfore it might come to passe that those should die for it, that had nothing offended: but he commanded that there should be proclamation made in London, that the citizens should haue no dealings with them, nor suffer anie of them to come within the citie that night, but to cause them to lie without doores.

Abraham Fle­ming out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie.¶In the report of this commotion chronographers doo somewhat varie, as by this present extract out of Henrie Knighton canon of Leicester abbeie, liuing line 50 at the time of this tumult may appeare: which Abra­ham Fleming hath faithfullie and trulie translated out of the annales of the said canon written in parch­ment in old Latine letters, as followeth. Upon a sa­turdaie, these malcontents [to wit, Thomas Baker the first moouer but afterwards the principall lea­ders, Iacke Straw, Iacke Miler, Iacke Carter, Iacke Trewman, and their trecherous traine] met togither in Smithfield, whither also the king repaired line 60 in the morning, who although in yeares he was but yoong, yet in wisedome and discretion he was well growne. The ringleader of this tumultuous rowt, whose right name was Wat Tiler, which he had now changed into Iacke Straw, approched neere the king, in so much that he might in a maner touch him, be­ing the mouth of all the residue, and hauing in his hand a drawne dagger, which he tossed from hand to hand, boy-like plaieng with it, & watching due time therewith, if not to [...]ab, yet suddenlie to smite the king, if he denied their requests. Wherevpon they that were next and about the king were greatlie af­feard, least his pretended mischeefe should come to passe.

Now he craued of the king that all warrens, wa­ters, parks and woods should be common, so that as well poore as rich might fréelie in any place where­soeuer practise fishing in ponds, pooles, riuers, or any waters, and might hunt déere in forrests and parkes, and the hare in the fields, with diuerse other requests, which he would haue granted without contradiction or gainesaieng, and exercise without controlment. Now when the king in the grant hereof by delibera­tion vsed some delaie, Iacke Straw drew neerer vn­to him, and speaking vnto him certeine thretening words, tooke hold of the horsses bridle whereon the king rode, vpon what presumptuous enterprise I wot not. Which Iohn Walworth a burgesse of Lon­don beholding, and fearing present death to hang o­uer the kings head, caught a weapon in his hand, and therwith thrust Iacke Straw through the throte, which when another that was by being an esquier, named Rafe Standish did see, with his weapon also ran him through the sides; in so much that he fell flat on his backe to the ground, and beating with his hands to and fro a while, at last he gaue vp his vnhap­pie ghost.

Then a great clamor and lamentable outcrie was made, and heard a great while togither, saieng; Our guide is dead, our capteine is dead. And indéed so he was, being dragged by the hands and féet in a vile and contemptible sort into saint Bartholomewes church hard by. Then did manie of the vnrulie multi­tude withdraw themselues, and vanishing awaie betooke them to their héeles, being about the number (as it was thought) of ten thousand. Then the king minding to make amends and to requite receiued courtesie, knighted the said Iohn Walworth, & Rafe Standish, with foure burgesses more of the citie, namelie Iohn Philpot, Nicholas Brembre, Iohn Laund, and Nicholas Twifeld, girding them about the wast with the girdle of knighthood, which was the maner of their graduating. Then the king hauing ordeined and made the foresaid six knights, com­manded that the residue of the curssed crue should de­part and get them into the field, that méeting togi­ther in a companie, he might fall vnto a treatie of a­greement with them.

The rowt being there assembled, behold a multi­tude of armed men ran rusting out of the citie, sir Robert Knols being their capteine, who with these his soldiers compassed & hedged in the poore cattiues distressed in the field like shéepe that haue lost their shéepheard. Then the king of his accustomed cle­mencie, being pricked with pitie, would not that the wretches should die, but spared them being a rash and foolish multitude, and commanded them euerie man to get him home to his owne house; howbeit manie of them, at the kings going awaie suffered the danger of death. In this miserable taking were reckoned to the number of twentie thousand. Thus saith Knighton, not as an eie-witnesse, but as taught by heare-saie, whereby he compiled the greatest part of his annales, as he himselfe confesseth, seeming sor­rie that he was so constreined, as by part of the octa­s [...]ichon at the foot of the first page, intituled Lamentum compilatoris, appeareth in maner and forme following:

Sum caecus factus subita caligine tactus,
Nec opus inceptum iam corrigo forsan ineptum,
Me metuo dubium pro veris saepe locutum,
Plus audita loquor quàm mihi visa sequor, &c.

All the foresaid villanies notwithstanding against the king and the state, tending wholie to the subuer­sion of law and ciuill gouernement, albeit the wre [...] ­ [...]hes deserued no sparke of fauour, but ex [...]eame so­ueritie of iudgement to be executed vpon them; yet (as yee haue heard) besides the great clemencie of the king, exhibited vnto them in remitting their [Page 434] offense, and acquiting them from the rigor of the law, he granted and gaue to them the charter, which they had requested, faire written and sealed, to auoid a greater mischiefe, & commanded it for a time to be deliuered them, knowing that Essex and Kent were not so pacified, but that if they were not the sooner contented, and that partlie after their minds, they would vp againe. The tenor of the charter which was gotten thus by force of the king was as followeth: line 10

The forme of the kings charter of Manumission.

The like there was granted to them of other countries as well as to these of Hert­foreshire in y e same forme, the names of the coun [...]es changed. RIchardus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae, & dominus Hiberniae: om­nibus balliuis & fidelibus suis, ad quos praesentes litterae peruenerint, salu­tem. Sciatis quòd de gratia nostra speciali manumi­simus vniuersos ligeos & singulos subditos nostros line 20 & alios comitatus Hertfordiae, & ipsos & eorum quemlibet ab omni bondagio exuimus, & quietos facimus per praesentes, ac etiam perdonamus eisdem ligeis ac subditis nostris omnimodas felonias, pro­ditiones, transgressiones, & extortiones, per ipsos vel aliquem eorum qualitercúnque factas siue perpetratas, ac etiam vtlagariam & vtlagarias, si qua vel quae in ipsos, vel aliquem ipsorum fuerit vel fuerint hijs occasionibus promulgata vel pro­mulgatae, & summam pacem nostram eis & eorum line 30 cuilibet inde concedimus. In cuius rei testimo­nium, has litteras nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud London 15 die Iunij. Anno regni nostri quarto.

The commons hauing obteined this charter de­parted home, but ceassed not from their riotous de­meanour in sundrie parts of the realme, and especi­allie at saint Albons, The townes­men of saint Albons not yet quieted. where after the townesmen line 40 were returned home, they kept such a coile against the abbat and moonks, to haue certeine ancient char­ters deliuered them that concerned their liberties, and to haue such new made and deliuered to them as might serue their purpose; that bicause such old char­ters as they requested were not to be had, the abbat and moonks looked euerie houre when their house should be set on fire and burnt ouer their heads. The prior and certeine other as well moonks as laie men that were seruants to the abbat, fled for feare of the line 50 rage of those misgouerned people, knowing that they hated them deadlie, and therefore looked for no cour­tesie at their hands. They had obteined the kings let­ters vnto the abbat, commanding him to deliuer vn­to them such charters as they had giuen information to be remaining in his hands, so that vnder colour thereof, they called for those writings in most impor­tunate wise, threatning sore, if they were not brought to light, vtterlie to destroie the house by setting it on fire. line 60

But to speake of all the vnrulie parts of those vn­rulie people, it were too long a processe: yet at length after they vnderstood how their grand capteine and chéefe ringleader Wat Tiler was slaine, they be­gan somewhat to asswage their presumptuous at­tempts, the rather for that there came a knight with the kings letter of protection in behalfe of the abbat and his house, and yet they were not so calmed, but that they continued in requiring to haue chapters made to them by the abbat, of the like forme and ef­fect [...]o that which the king had made, concerning the infranchising them from bondage, whereby they that obteined such charters tooke themselues to be dis­charged of all seruices and accustomed labors, so that they meant not to doo any further works, nor yeeld such customes as before time they vs [...]allie had béene accustomed to doo and yéeld vnto their landlords.

Neither did the townesmen of S. Albons, and the tenants of other townes and villages thereabout, that belonged to the abbeie of S. Albons, thus outra­giouslie misdemeane themselues, but euerie where else the commons kept such like stur, so that it was rightlie called the hurling time, The hurting time. there were such hur­lie burlies kept in euerie place, to the great danger of ouerthrowing the whole state of all good gouern­ment in this land. For euen the selfe same saturdaie after Corpus Christi day, in Suffolke there were got togither to the number of fiftie thousand men, by the setting on of Iohn Wraw, a naughtie lewd priest, that had beene first among the Essexmen at Lon­don, The [...] of the Su­folke rebels. and was sent downe in all post hast from Wat Tiler, to stir the commons in those parts to commit the like mischéefe as he had séene begun about Lon­don. These fellowes therfore, after they were assem­bled togither, fell to the destroieng of the manors and houses of men of law, & such lawiers as they caught, they slue, and beheded sir Iohn Cauendish lord chiefe iustice of England, Sir Iohn Cauendish lord chiefe iustice be­headed. and set his head vpon the pillorie in the market place in S. Edmunsdburie.

Also sir Iohn of Cambridge the prior of saint Ed­mundsburie, as he would haue fled from them, was taken not far from Mildenhale, and likewise behea­ded, The prior of S. Edmunds­burie sleine. his bodie being left naked in the open field, and no man presuming to burie it, during the space of fiue daies, for feare of the cruell commons. His head was set vpon a pole, and caried before Iohn Wraw and other of those wicked people; the which comming to Burie, and entring the towne in maner of a pro­cession, when they came into the market place where the pillorie stood, as it were in token of the old friendship betwixt the lord chiefe iustice, and the said prior, they made sport with their heads, making them sometime as it were to kisse, other whiles to sound in either others eare. After they had taken their pastime inough herewith, they set both the heads againe aloft vpon the pillorie. After this, they beheaded an other moonke called Dan Iohn de Lakinghuith, whose hed was likewise set by the other two vpon the pillorie. Moreouer, they caused the moonks to come foorth and bring vnto them all such obligations, in which the townesmen stood bound vnto the monasterie for their good abearing; likewise such charters of liberties of the towne of Burie, which king Cnu [...]e the founder of the said monasterie, and his successors had granted to the same: which writings when they had brought foorth, and protested that they knew of no more, the commons would scarselie beleeue them, and there­fore called the townesmen foorth, and bad them sée if that there were all such writings as they thought stood with their aduantage to haue brought to light. The townesmen feigned as though they had beene sorie to see such rule kept against the moonks, where in déed they had set the commons in hand with all these things. To conclude, the commons tooke this order with the moonks, that if the townesmen might not obteine their ancient liberties, by the hauing of those writings, they should declare what the same li­berties were, which they were woont to inioy, and the abbat of Burie, Edmund Brumfield, This Ed­mund Brum­field was c [...]mitted to [...] by the [...] for his sumptous intrusion [...] the abbat [...] [...] Burie. being then in prison at Notingham whom they purposed to deliuer (so that he should celebrat diuine seruice in his mo­nasterie on Midsummer daie next) within fourtie daies after his comming home, should confirme with his seale such charter as was to be deuised and made concerning the same liberties of the said townes­men, and the couent should likewise put there vnto their common seale.

Moreouer, they constreined the moonks to deliuer [Page 435] vnto the townesmen, a crosse and a chalice of fine gold, and other iewels that belonged to the abbeie, be­ing in value aboue the worth of a thousand pounds in monie, the which was to remaine in the hands of the townsmen, vpon this condition, that if Edmund Brumfield being deliuered out of prison inioied the dignitie of abbat there, and with all put his seale to­gither with the couent seale within the time limited, vnto a writing that should conteine the liberties of the towne, that then the same crosse, chalice, and o­ther line 10 iewels should be restored vnto the monasterie, or else the same to remaine for euer to the townes­men as forfeited. Such were the dooings of those re­bels in and about the towne of Burie: and the like disorders & breach of peace followed by the commo­tions of the commons in Cambridgeshire, and in the Ile of Elie, resembling the others in slaughters of men, destroieng of houses, and all other sorts of mis­chéefe.

In like maner in Norffolke there was assembled line 20 an huge number of those vnrulie countrie people, Iohn Litte­ster capteine o [...] y e Norfolke rebels. which vnder the guiding of a dier of cloth, common­lie called Iohn Littester, that had dwelt in Norwich, attempted and did all such vngratious feats, as they had heard that other did in other parts of the realme, yea and greater also, putting foorth their hands vnto rapine and robberie. And whereas they were wholie conspired togither, and bent to commit all kind of mischéefe, yet estéeming their owne authoritie to be small, The earle of Suffolke es­capeth from the rebels. they purposed to haue brought William Uf­ford line 30 earle of Suffolke into their felowship, that if af­terwards they might happilie be impeached hereaf­ter, for such their naughtie and most wicked doo­ings, they might haue had some shadow or colour, as it were through him, whie they had delt in such vnru­lie sort. But the earle aduertised of their intention, suddenlie rose from supper, and got him awaie by vn­knowne waies, still fleeing from the commons, till at length he got to S. Albons, and so from thence to the king. line 40

The commons missing of their purpose for the ha­uing of him, The Norfolk rebels compell the noblemen & gentlemen to be sworne to them. laid hold vpon all such knights and o­ther gentlemen as came in their waie, and were found at home in their houses, compelling them to be sworne to them, and to ride with them through the countrie, as the lord Scales, William lord Morlie, sir Iohn Brewes, sir Stephan Hales, and sir Robert Salle: Sir Robert Salle slaine by one of his own villains. which sir Robert continued not long aliue a­mong them, for he could not dissemble as the residue, but began to reprooue openlie their naughtie doo­ings, line 50 for the which he had his braines dasht out by a countrie clowne, one that was his bondman, and so he ended his life, who if he might haue come to haue tried his manhood and strength with them in plaine battell, had beene able to haue put a thousand of those villaines in feare, his valiancie and prowesse was such. The residue taught by his example that they must either dissemble or die for it, were glad to currie fauour, praising or dispraising all things as they saw the commons affected, and so comming into credit line 60 with their chéefteine Iohn Littester, that named himselfe king of the commons, The capteine of the Nor­folke rebels forceth the no­blemen and gentlemen to serue him at the table. they were preferred to serue him at the table, in taking the assaie of his meats and drinks, and dooing other seruices, with knéeling humblie before him as he sat at meat, as sir Stephan Hales who was appointed his caruer, and others had other offices assigned them.

At length, when those commons began to war wearie of taking paines in euill dooings, they tooke counsell togither, and agreed to send two knights, to wit, the lord Morlie, and sir Iohn Brewes, and three of the commons, in whom they put great confidence, vnto the king; to obteine their charter of manumissi­on and infranchising, and to haue the same charter more large than those that were granted to other countries. They deliuered great summes of monie vnto those whome they sent, to bestow the same for the obteining of pardon, and such grants as they su­ed for, which monie they had got by force of the citi­zens of Norwich, to saue the citie from fire and sac­king. These knights as they were on their iournie, A warlike bishop. at Ichingham not farre distant from Newmarket, not looking for anie such thing, met with sir Henrie Spenser bishop of Norwich, a man more fit for the field than the church, & better skilled (as may appéere) in arms than in diuinitie. This bishop had aduertise­ments at his manor of Burlie néere to Okam in the parties about Stamford, of the sturre which the commons in Norffolke kept, and there vpon resol­ued streightwaies to see what rule there was holden. He had in his companie at that time, not passing eight lances, and a small number of archers.

The bishop méeting thus with the knights, exa­mined them streightwaies if there were anie of the traitours there with them. The knights at the first were doubtfull to bewraie their associats: but at last imboldened by the bishops words, declared that two of the chéefe dooers in the rebellion were there present, and the third was gone to prouide for their dinner. The bishop streightwaies commanded those two to be made shorter by the head, and the third he himselfe went to seeke, as one of his shéepe that was lost; not to bring him home to the fold, but to the slaughter-house, as he had well deserued (in the bi­shops opinion) sith he had so mischéefouslie gone a­straie, and alienated himselfe from his dutifull allegi­ance. These persons being executed, and their heads pight on the end of poles, and so set vp at Newmar­ket, the bishop with the knights tooke their waie with all spéed towards Northwalsham in Norffolke, Spenser [...]ish. of Norwich goeth as cap­teine against the [...]bels. where the commons were purposed to staie for an­swer from the king: and as he passed through the countrie, his number increased, for the knights and gentlemen of the countrie, hearing how their bishop had taken his speare in hand, and was come into the field armed, ioined themselues with him.

When therefore the bishop was come into the place where the commons were incamped, The fortifi­eng of the re­bels campe. he perceiued that they had fortified their campe verie stronglie with ditches, and such other stuffe as they could make shift with, as doores, windowes, boords, & tables, and behind them were all their cariages placed, so that it séemed they meant not to flie. Herewith the bishop being chased with the presumptuous boldnesse of such a sort of disordered persons, commanded his trum­pets to sound to the battell, The bishop is the first man that chargeth the rebels in their campe. and with his speare in the rest, he charged them with such violence, that he went ouer the ditch, and laied so about him, that through his manfull dooings, all his companie found means to passe the ditch likewise, and so therewith followed a verie sore and terrible sight, both parts doo­ing their best to vanquish the other. But finallie the commons were ouercome, The Nor­folke rebels vanquished. and driuen to seeke their safegard by flight, which was sore hindered by their cariages that stood behind them, ouer the which they were forced to clime and leape so well as they might. Iohn Littester and other cheefe capteins were ta­ken aliue. The bishop therefore caused the said Litte­ster to be arreigned of high treason, and condemned, and so he was drawne, hanged, and headed according to the iudgement.

The bishop heard his confession, and by vertue of his office absolued him: and to shew some parcell of sorrowing for the mans mischance, he went with him to the galowes. But it séemed that pitie wrought not with the bishop▪ to quench the zeale of iustice: for he caused not Littester onelie to be executed, but sought for all other that were the chéefe dooers in that [Page 436] rebellion, causing them to be put vnto death, and so by that meanes quieted the countrie. ¶ To recite what was doone in euerie part of the realme in time of those hellish troubles, it is not possible: but this is to be considered, that the rage of the commons was vniuersallie such, as it might séeme they had general­lie conspired togither, to doo what mischeefe they could deuise. As among sundrie other, what wickednesse was it, to compell teachers of children in grammar schooles to sweare neuer to instruct any in their art? Againe, could they haue a more mischeefous mea­ning, line 10 than to burne and destroie all old and ancient monuments, and to murther and dispatch out of the waie all such as were able to commit to memorie, ei­ther any new or old records? For it was dangerous among them to be knowne for one that was lerned, and more dangerous, if any men were found with a penner and inkhorne at his side: Anno Reg. 5. for such seldome or neuer escaped from them with life.

But to returne to saie somewhat more concerning line 20 the end of their rebellious enterprises, you must vn­derstand, The capteine once slaine the soldiers faint. how after that Wat Tiler was slaine at London in the presence of the king (as before ye haue heard) the hope and confidence of the rebels greatlie decaied: and yet neuerthelesse, the king and his councell being not well assured, granted to the commons (as ye haue heard) charters of manumis­sion and infranchisement from all bondage, and so sent them awaie home to their countries: and foorth­with herevpon he assembled an armie of the Londo­ners, line 30 and of all others in the countries abroad that bare him good will, appointing none to come, but such as were armed and had horsses, for he would haue no footmen with him. Thus it came to passe, that within thrée daies he had about him fourtie thousand horsse­men, An armie of fortie thou­sand horsse­men. as was estéemed; so that in England had not béene heard of the like armie assembled togither at one time. And herewith was the king aduertised, that the Kentishmen began eftsoones to stir, The Kentish­men eftsoones rebell. where­with the king and the whole armie were so grieuous­lie line 40 offended, that they meant streight to haue set vp­on that countrie, and to haue wholie destroied that rebellious generation. But thorough intercession made by the lords and gentlemen of that countrie, the king pacified his mood, and so resolued to procéed against them by order of law and iustice, causing iudges to sit and to make inquisition of the malefac­tors, and especiallie of such as were authors of the mischéefes.

And about the same time did the maior of London line 50 sit in iudgement, as well vpon the offendors that were citizens, as of other that were of Kent, Essex, Southsex, Norffolke, Suffolke, and other counties, being found within the liberties of the citie; and such as were found culpable, he caused them to lose their heads, Iack Straw and his adhe­rents execu­ted. as Iacke Straw, Iohn Kirkbie, Alane Tre­dera, and Iohn Sterling, that gloried of himselfe, for that he was the man that had slaine the archbishop. This fellow (as it is written by some authors) streight waies after he had doone that wicked deed, fell out of line 60 his wits, and comming home into Essex where he dwelt, tied a naked sword about his necke, that hoong downe before on his brest, and likewise a dagger na­ked, that hanged downe behind on his backe, and so went vp and downe the lanes & stréets about home, crieng out, and protesting, that with those weapons he had dispatched the archbishop; and after he had re­mained a while at home, he came to London againe, for that he shuld receiue (as he said) the reward there of the act which he had committed: and so indéed, when he came thither, and boldlie confessed that he was the man that had beheaded the archbishop, he lost his head in steed of a recompense: and diuerse other both of Essex and Kent, that had laid violent hands vpon the archbishop came to the like end at London, where they did the deed, being bewraied by their owne con­fessions.

Here is to be remembred, that the king, after the citie of London was deliuered from the danger of the rebels (as before ye haue heard) in respect of the great manhood, and assured loialtie which had appea­red in the maior, and other of the aldermen, for some part of recompense of their faithfull assistance in that dangerous season, The maior and fiue al­dermen knighted. made the said maior William Walworth knight, with fiue other aldermen his bre­thren, to wit, Nicholas Bramble, Iohn Philpot, Ni­cholas Twiford, Robert Laundre, and Robert Gai­ton, also Iohn Standish, that (as ye haue heard) holpe to slaie Wat Tiler. Moreouer, the king granted, that there should be a dagger added to the armes of the citie of London, in the right quarter of the shield, The armes of London augmented, by additiō of the dagger. for an augmentation of the same armes, and for a re­membrance of this maior his valiant act, as dooth ap­peare vnto this daie; for till that time, the citie bare onelie the crosse, without the dagger.

Although the kings authoritie thus began to shew it selfe, to the terror of rebels; yet the commons of Essex eftsoones assembled themselues togither, The cōmons of Essex re­bell afresh. not far from Hatfield Peuerell, and sent to the king to know of him if his pleasure was, that they should in­ioy their promised liberties: and further, that they might be as frée as their lords, and not to come to a­ny court, except it were to the great léet, twise in the yeare. When the king heard such presumptuous re­quests, he was in a great chafe, & dispatched the mes­sengers awaie, with a sore threatning answer, saieng that bondmen they were, and bondmen they should be, and that in more vile manner than before, to the terrible example of all other that should attempt any the like disorders: and foorthwith, the earle of Buc­kingham, and the lord Thomas Percie, brother to the earle of Northumberland, The rebels of Essex are sc [...] tered & slaine. were sent with an armie to represse those rebels, whome they found fortified within woods, hedges and ditches verie stronglie, but with small adoo they were put to flight, & about fiue hundred of them slaine; the residue saued themselues as well as they might, by succour of the woods. There were eight hundred horsses also taken, which those rebels had there with them, to draw and carrie their baggage.

Those of the rebels that escaped, were not yet so tamed by that ouerthrow, but that assembling them­selues togither in a rowt, they made towards Col­chester: and comming thither, would haue persuaded the townesmen to haue ioined with them in a new rebellion. But when they could not bring their pur­pose to passe, they marched towards Sudburie. The lord Fitz Walter, and sir Iohn Harleston, vnder­standing which waie they tooke, followed them with a companie of armed men, and suddenlie setting vpon them as they were making their proclamations, slue of them so manie as it liked them, and the other they saued, and suffered to depart, or else committed them to prison. After this, the king came to Hauering at the bowre, and from thence to Chelmisford, where he appointed sir Robert Trisilian to sit in iudgement of the offendors and rebels of that countrie, wherevpon an inquest being chosen, a great number were indi­ted, arreigned, & found giltie, so that vpon some one gallowes there were nine or ten hanged togither.

In euerie countrie were like inquiries made, Fabian. The rebels executed in euerie lord­ship. and the chéefe offendors apprehended and put to death in euerie lordship through the realme, where anie of them were detected, by ten, twelue, twentie, thirtie, yea and in some places by fortie at once; so that the whole number grew to fifteene hundred and aboue. At the first, when the kings iustices began to sit in Essex, Kent, and at London, by reason of the multi­tude [Page 437] that were to be executed, they onelie chopped off their heads, but afterwards when that kind of death seemed too close and secret for so open offenses, they proceeded according to the accustomed law of the realme, by condemning them to be drawne and hanged, and according thervnto they were executed. In the meane time, The king cal­leth in his let­ters of in­franchising granted to the bondmen. the king by the aduise of his councell, directed his letters reuocatorie into euerie countie there, to be proclamed in euerie citie, bor­row, towne, and place, as well within the liberties as without; by the which letters he reuoked, made void line 10 and frustrate his former letters of infranchising the bondmen of his realme, and commanded that such as had the same letters, should without delaie bring them in, and restore them to him and his councell to be cancelled, as they would answer vpon their faith and allegiance which they owght to him, and vpon paine of forfeiting all that they had. The date of which letters reuocatorie was at Chelmesford, the second daie of Iulie, in the fift yeare of his reigne.

The king re­mooueth to S. Albons.When the king had quieted the countie of Essex, line 20 and punished such as were the chéefe sturrers of that wicked commotion in those parts, he went to saint Albons, to sée iustice doone vpon such as had demea­ned themselues most presumptuouslie against the kings peace in that towne, namelie against the ab­bat and his house, who sought to defend themselues vnder a colour of fréendship, that they trusted to find in some persons about the king. But that trust deceiued them, and procured the more displeasure a­gainst them, for that they would not sue for fauour line 30 at the abbats hands in time, by submitting them­selues vnto his will and pleasure. To be breefe, the king came thither with a great number of armed men and archers, and caused his iustice sir Robert Trisilian to sit in iudgement vpon the malefactors, that were brought thither from Hertford gaile.

Thither was brought also to the king from Couen­trie, Iohn Ball preest, Iohn Ball. whome the citizens of Couen­trie had taken, and now here at saint Albons they presented him to the kings presence, wherevpon he line 40 was arreigned and condemned, to be drawne, hang­ed, and headed for such notable treasons as he was there conuicted of. He receiued iudgement vpon the saturdaie the first daie that the said sir Robert Trisi­lian sat in iudgement, but he was not executed till the mondaie following. This man had beene a prea­cher the space of twentie yeares, and bicause his doc­trine was not according to the religion then by the bishops mainteined, he was first prohibited to preach in anie church or chappell; and when he ceassed not for line 50 all that, but set foorth his doctrine in the streets & fields where he might haue audience, at length he was committed to prison, Iohn Ball [...] prophesie. out of the which he prophesied that he should be deliuered with the force of twentie thousand men, and euen so it came to passe in time of the rebellion of the commons.

When all the prisons were broken vp, and the pri­soners set at libertie, he being therefore so deliuered, followed them, & at Blackeheath when the greatest multitude was there got togither (as some write) line 60 he made a sermon, taking his saieng or common prouerbe for his theame, wherevpon to intreat,

Iohn Ball [...]is sermon to [...]he rebels.
When Adam delu'd, and Eue span,
Who was then a gentleman?

and so continuing his sermon, went about to prooue by the words of that prouerbe, that from the begin­ning, all men by nature were created alike, and that bondage or seruitude came in by iniust oppression of naughtie men. For if God would haue had anie bondmen from the beginning, he would haue ap­pointed who should be bond & who free. And therefore he exhorted them to consider, that now the time was come appointed to them by God, in which they might (if they would) cast off the yoke of bondage, & recouer libertie. He counselled them therefore to remember themselues, and to take good hearts vnto them, that after the manner of a good husband that tilleth his ground, and riddeth out thereof such euill wéeds as choke and destroie the good corne, they might destroie first the great lords of the realme, and after the iud­ges and lawiers, questmoongers, and all other whom they vndertooke to be against the commons, for so might they procure peace and suertie to themselues in time to come, if dispatching out of the waie the great men, there should be an equalitie in libertie, no difference in degrées of nobilitie, but a like dig­nitie and equall authoritie in all things brought in among them.

When he had preached and set foorth such kind of doctrine, and other the like fond and foolish toies vnto the people, they extolled him to the starres, affirming that he ought to be archbishop and lord chancellour, where he that then enioied that roome, meaning sir Simon de Sudburie that then was aliue, was a traitor to the king and realme, and worthie to lose his head, wheresoeuer he might be apprehended. Ma­nie other things are reported by writers of this Iohn Ball, as the letter, which vnder a kind of darke rid­dle he wrote to the capteine of the Essex rebels, the copie whereof was found in one of their pursses that was executed at London.

The tenor of the said seditious preests letter.

IOhn Scheepe S. Marie preest of Yorke, and now of Colchester, greeteth well Iohn namelesse, and Iohn the Miller, and Iohn Carter, & biddeth them that they beware of guile in Bourrough, & stand togither in Gods name, & biddeth Piers ploughman go to his worke, and chastise well Hob the robber, & take with you Iohn Trewman and all his fellowes, and no mo. Iohn the Miller Y ground small, small small, the kings sonne of heauen shall paie for all. Beware or yee be wo, know your freend from your fo, haue inough and saie ho, and doo well and better, flee sinne and seeke peace, and hold you therein, and so biddeth Iohn Trewman and all his fellowes.

This letter he confessed himselfe to haue written, as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, with manie o­ther things which he had doone and committed, to the disquieting of the realme, Iohn Ball executed at S. Albons. for the which he was drawne, hanged, and beheaded at saint Albons, the fiftéenth of Iulie, being monday, in this fift yeare of king Richards reigne. On the same daie, the kings iustice sir Robert Trisilian sat vpon the rebels of saint Albons, and other of the countrie of Hertford, afore whome, by such policie as he vsed, there were a great number indicted, and diuerse being arreigned, were found guiltie, as William Grindecob, Willi­am Cadindon, Iohn Barbor, and certeine others, which were hanged and drawne, to the number of fif­teene persons in all; diuerse chéefe men of the towne were committed to prison, as Richard Wallingford, Iohn Garleeke, William Berewill, Thomas Putor and others of the countrie about. There were com­mitted to prison to the number of fourescore per­sons, the which neuerthelesse, by the kings pardon, were released and dismissed.

The hatred which the townesmen had conceiued [Page 438] against the abbat and conuent of S. Albons, was s [...]erlie great, and manie deuises they had to haue sa­ued, those that were executed. And where as well the townesmen, as other of the abbats and conuents tenants, both of Hertfordshire, and Buckingham­shire, had gotten of the abbat and conuent letters of discharge, from dooing anie bound seruice, the king directed his letters vnto certeine commissioners, as to Iohn Ludowicke, Iohn Westwicombe, Iohn Kenting, Richard Perers, Walter Saunford, Ri­chard line 10 Gifford, The king calleth in by proclamation all [...]uch let­ters of manu­mission, as the abbat of saint Albons had grante [...] to his bondmen. Thomas Eidon, and William Ec­cleshall, commanding them to cause proclamation to be made in all such townes and places as were thought necessarie, through the whole countries of Buckingham and Hertford, that all and euerie per­son and persons that ought and had beene accustomed to doo or yeeld anie manner of seruices, customes, or duties, whether they were bondmen or free, vnto the said abbat and couent of S. Albons, should doo and yéeld the same seruices, customes, and duties, in such l ke forme & manner, as they had beene used to doo, be­fore line 20 the time of the late troubles, & not to chalenge or claime any libertie or priuilege which they inioied not before the same troubles, vpon their faith & allegi­ance in which they stood bound to him, and vpon paine to forfeit all that they might forfeit: and in case anie were found to doo contrarie thervnto, the same com­missioners had authoritie, and were commanded to arrest and imprison them, till for their further punish­ment, order might be taken and agreed vpon in that line 30 beha [...]e accordinglie.

On saint Margarets daie, the king being readie to take his iournie to Berkhamstéed, in the great court of the abbeie of S. Albons had all the com­mons of the countie of Hertford before him, The commōs of Hertford­shire sworne to the king. that had summons there to appeare, all that were betwixt fifteene and thréescore yéeres of age, where they tooke an oth togither from thenc [...]foorth, to be faithfull sub­iects vnto him, and neuer to rise or make anie com­motion, to the disturbance of his peace; and rather to line 40 die, than to consent vnto anie rebellious persons, whome they should to the vttermost of their powers doo their best, to apprehend and deliuer them to the kings prison, that they might be foorth comming. Af­ter they had receiued this oth, they were licenced to depart, and the king rode to Berkhamsteed, where he remained for a time, and went to Esthamstéed to re­create himselfe with hunting, where he was infor­med, that those which were hanged at S. Albons, were taken from the gallowes, and remooued a good waie from the same: with which presumption he was line 50 so stirred, that he sent foorthwith his letters to the bai­liffes of the towne of S. Albons, commanding them vpon the sight of the same, to cause cheines to be made, and to bring the said bodies backe vnto the gallowes, and to hang them in those chaines vpon the same gallowes, there to remaine, so long as one peece might sticke to another, according to the forme of the iudgement giuen. The test of this writ thus di­rected to the bailiffes of saint Albons, was at Est­hamstéed line 60 the third of August, in the fift yeare of this kings reigne, and in the yeare of our lord a thousand three hundred foure score and one.

The townesmen of S. Albons durst not disobeie the kings commandement, and so hanged vp againe in chaines the dead bodies of their neighbors, great­lie to their shame and reproch, when they could get none other for anie wages to come néere the stink­ing carcasses, but that they were constreined them­selues to take in hand so vile an office. And such was the end of the tumults at S. Albons, where as well as in other places, the vnrulie commons had plaied their parts. To conclude and make an end of these diuelish troubles, to the end it may appeare, in what danger as well the K. as the whole state of the realme stood, by the mischéefous attempts of the vnrulie peo­ple, I haue thought good to declare the confession of Iacke Straw one of their chéefe capteins (and next in reputation amongst them vnto Wat Tiler) when he came to be executed in London, according to iudi­ciall sentence passed against him.

‘¶ At the same time (said he) that we were assembled vpon Blackeheath, The con [...]es [...] ­on of Iacke Straw at the time of his death. and had sent to the king to come vnto vs, our purpose was to haue slaine all such knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, as should haue gi­uen their attendance thither vpon him: and as for the king, we would haue kept him amongst vs, to the end that the people might more boldlie haue repaired to vs, sith they should haue thought, that whatsoeuer we did, the same had béene doone by his authoritie. Finally, when we had gotten power inough, that we needed not to feare anie force that might be made against vs, we would haue slaine all such noble men, as might either haue giuen counsell, or made anie resistance against vs, speciallie the knights of the Rhodes; and lastlie we would haue killed the king and all men of possessions, with bishops, moonks, cha­nons and parsons of churches, onelie friers Mendi­cants we would haue spared, that might haue suffi­ced for ministration of the sacraments. And when we had made a riddance of all those, we would haue deuised lawes, according to the which the subiects of this realme should haue liued, for we would haue created kings, as Wat Tiler in Kent, and other in other countries. But bicause this our purpose was disappointed by the archbishop of Canturburie, that would not permit the king to come to vs, we sought by all meanes to dispatch him out of the waie, as at length we did. Morouer, the same euening that Wat Tiler was killed, we were determined, hauing the greatest part of the commons of the citie bent to ioine with vs, to haue set fire in foure corners of the citie, and so to haue diuided amongst vs the spoile of the cheefest riches that might haue beene found at our pleasure. And this (said he) was our purpose, as God may helpe me now at my last end.’

This may you see, after what sort they were con­spired to the destruction of the realme, and to haue aduanced and inriched themselues; not considering or foreséeing the euill successe of their tumultuous broile, and that it would tend but little to their profit in the end, by a common spoile to amend their state, and to become mightie and rich with goods euill got­ten, which though for a time (if lucke had serued them to haue possessed) they had enioied, yet could they not long prosper nor bring good vnto the possessors: for ‘Non habet euentus sordida praeda bonos.’

And lest this one mans confession might séeme in­sufficient, diuerse other of them confessed the same, or much what the like in effect, when they saw no re­medie but present death before their eies. To declare the occasion whie such mischeefes happened thus in the realme, we leaue to the iudgement of those that may coniecture a truth thereof, by conferring the manners of that age & behauiour of all states then, sith they that wrote in those daies, may happilie in that behalfe miffe the trueth, in construing things according to their affections. But truelie it is to be thought, that the faults, The cause of the late tu­mults. as well in one degrée as an other, speciallie the sinnes of the whole nation, procu­red such vengeance to rise, whereby they might be warned of their euill dooings, and séeke to reforme the same in time conuenient. But as it commeth still to passe; when the danger is once ouershot, re­pentance likewise is put ouer, and is no more regar­ded, till an other scourge commeth eftsoones to put men in remembrance of their duetie; so in like man­ner (as séemeth) it chanced in this kings daies, as by [Page 439] that which followeth may more plainelie appeare.

In this meane time that these troubles were at the hottest in England, the duke of Lancaster being in Scotland, so behaued himselfe (in the treatie which he had in hand with the Scots) dissembling the mat­ter so, as if he had not vnderstood of any trouble in England at all, that finallie before the Scots had knowledge thereof, A truce with Scotland. Tho. Wals [...]. Froissard. a truce was concluded to indure for two yeares, or (as other haue) for three yeares. When he had made an end there, and that all things line 10 were agréed vpon and passed, for the confirmation of that accord, he returned to Berwike, but at his com­ming thither, the capteine sir Matthew Redman would not suffer him to enter the towne, The capteine of Berwike will not suffer the duke of Lancaster to enter into the towne. bicause of a commandement giuen to him from the earle of Northumberland, lord warden of the marches: wherefore the duke was glad to returne into Scot­land againe, obteining licence of the Scots to re­maine amongst them, till the realme of England was reduced to better quiet. Hervpon, the commons line 20 in England that fauored him not, tooke occasion to report the worst of him that might be deuised, calling him now in time of their rebellious commotions, a traitor to the realme, declaring that he had ioined himselfe to the Scots, and meant to take part with them against his owne natiue countrie.

The king indéed had sent commandement, during the time of the rebellious troubles, vnto the earle of Northumberland, that he should haue good regard to the safe keeping of all the townes & castels vnder his line 30 rule, & not to suffer any person to enter the same, ha­uing forgotten to except the duke of Lancaster being then in Scotland: whervpon the duke tooke no small displeasure with the earle of Northumberland, as af­ter he well shewed at his comming home. But be­fore he returned foorth of Scotland, he wrote to the king to vnderstand his plesure, in what sort he should returne, humbling himselfe in such wise, as he made offer to come with one knight, one esquier, and a groome, if it should please the king so to appoint him; line 40 or if it so were that by his presence it was thought the realme was like to fall in any trouble, he was readie to depart into exile, neuer to returne into his countrie againe, if so be that through his absence the king and realme might inioy peace and quietnesse.

The king hearing such offers, wrote to him, that his pleasure was to haue him to returne home, with all his whole traine; and if the same were not thought sufficient to gard him, he should take of euerie towne by the which he passed, a certeine number of men to line 50 attend him vnto the next towne for his safegard, and so it was doone, the king sending him commission to that effect, and thus comming to the court, he was of the king right honorablie receiued. Within few daies after his comming, he exhibited, a grieuous complaint against the earle of Northumberland, for abusing him in diuerse sorts, The duke of Lancaster chargeth the earle of Nor­thumberland with sundrie [...]runes. in time of the late trou­bles, so as his honour was greatlie thereby touched, for which the earle was sent for, and commanded to come vnto Berkhamstéed, where all the lords in ma­ner line 60 of the land were assembled in councell.

Here, after the duke had laid diuerse things to the earles charge, for his disobedience, vnfaithfulnesse, and ingratitude, the earle after the manner of his countrie, not able to forbeare, brake out into reproch­full words against the duke, although he was com­manded by the king to ceasse, where the duke kept si­lence in humble maner, at the first word, when the K. commanded him to hold his peace, so that by reason of the earles disobedience in that behalfe, he was ar­rested. But yet the earls of Warwike and Suffolke vndertaking for his appearance at the next parle­ment, he was suffered to depart, and so the councell brake vp. About the feast of All saints the parle­ment began, The duke of Lancaster & the earle of Northumber­land come to the parlement with great troops of ar­med men. to the which the duke of Lancaster came bringing with him an excéeding number of armed men, and likewise the earle of Northumberland with no lesse companie came likewise to London, & was lodged within the citie, hauing great friend­ship shewed towards him of the citizens, who promi­sed to assist him at all times, when necessitie requi­red, so that his part séemed to be ouerstrong for the duke, The Londo­ners, fréends to the earle of Northumber­land. if they should haue come to anie triall of their forces at that time.

The duke laie with his people in the suburbs, and euerie daie when they went to the parlement house at Westminster, both parts went thither in armour, to the great terror of those that were wise and graue personages, The lords sit in armour in the parlement house. fearing some mischiefe to fall foorth of that vnaccustomed manner of their going armed to the parlement house, contrarie to the ancient vsage of the realme. At length, to quiet the parties and to auoid such inconueniences, The K. ma­keth an agrée­mēt betwéene the duke of Lancaster & the earle of Northum­berland. as might haue growen of their dissention, the king tooke the matter into his hands, and so they were made fréends, to the end that some good might be doone in that parlement, for refor­mation of things touching the state of the realme, for which cause it was especiallie called: but now af­ter it had continued a long time, and few things at all concluded, newes came that the ladie Anne sister to the emperour Wenslaus, & affianced wife to the king of England, was come to Calis, whervpon the parlement was proroged till after Christmas, that in the meane time the marriage might be solemnized, which was appointed after the Epiphanie: and foorth­with great preparation was made to receiue the bride, that she might be conueied with all honor vn­to the kings presence.

Such as should receiue hir at Douer repaired thi­ther, where at hir landing, The empe­rours sister affianced to K Richard, is receiued at Douer. A water­shake. a maruellous and right strange woonder happened; for she was no sooner out of hir ship, and got to land in safetie with all hir com­panie, but that foorthwith the water was so troubled and shaken, as the like thing had not to any mans remembrance euer béene heard of: so that the ship in which the appointed queene came ouer, was terri­blie rent in péeces, and the residue so beaten one a­gainst an other, that they were scattered here and there after a woonderfull manner. Before hir com­ming to the citie of London, she was met on Black­heath by the maior and citizens of London in most honorable wise, year 1382 and so with great triumph conueied to Westminster, where (at the time appointed) all the nobilitie of the realme being assembled, The kings marriage with the em­perors sister. she was ioi­ned in marriage to the king, and crowned quéene by the archbishop of Canturburie, with all the glorie and honor that might be deuised. There were also hol­den for the more honour of the same marriage, so­lemne iustes for certeine daies togither, in which, as well the Englishmen as the new quéenes countrie­men shewed proofe of their manhood and valiancie, whereby praise & commendation of knightlie prow­esse was atchiued, not without damage of both the parties.

After that the solemnitie of the marriage was fi­nished, the parlement eftsoones began, in the which many things were inacted, for the behoofe of the com­monwealth. And amongst other things it was ordei­ned, that all maner manumissions, obligations, re­leasses, and other bonds made by compulsion, dures, and menace, in time of this last tumult and riot a­gainst the lawes of the land; and good faith, should be vtterlie void and adnihilated. And further, that if the kings faithfull liege people did perceiue any gathe­ring of the cōmons in suspected wise, to the number of six or seauen, holding conuenticles togither, they should not staie for the kings writ in that behalfe for their warrant, but foorthwith it should be lawfull for [Page 440] them to apprehend such people, assembling togither, and to laie them in prison, till they might answer their dooings. These and manie other things were established in this parlement, of the which, the most part are set foorth in the printed booke of statutes, where ye may read the same more at large.

In time of this parlement William Ufford the earle of Suffolke, being chosen by the knights of the shires, to pronounce in behalfe of the common­wealth, certeine matters concerning the same: the line 10 verie daie and houre in which he should haue serued that turne, The sudden death of the earle of Suf­folke. as he went vp the staires, towards the vp­per house, he suddenlie fell downe and died in the hands of his seruants, busie about to take him vp, whereas he felt no gréefe of sickenesse when he came into Westminster, being then and before merrie and pleasant inough, to all mens sights. Of his sudden death, manie were greatlie abashed, for that in his life time, he had shewed himselfe courteous and ami­able to all men. ¶ The parlement shortlie therevpon line 20 tooke end, after that the merchants had granted to the king for a subsidie certeine customes of their wools, which they bought and sold, called a maletot, to endure for foure yeares. ¶ The lord Richard Scroope was made lord chancellor, & the lord Hugh Segraue lord treasuror.

The earle of March his good seruice whilest he was deputie in Ireland. Wicliffes doc­trine.About the same time, the lord Edmund Mortimer earle of March, the kings lieutenant in Ireland, de­parted this life, after he had brought in manner all that land to peace and quiet, by his noble and pru­dent line 30 gouernement. In this season, Wicliffe set forth diuerse articles and conclusions of his doctrine, which the new archbishop of Canturburie, William Courtneie, latelie remooued from the sée of London, vnto the higher dignitie, did what he could by all shifts to suppresse, and to force such as were the set­ters foorth and mainteiners thereof, to recant, and vtterlie to renounce. What he brought to passe, in the booke of acts and monuments set foorth by mai­ster I. Fox, ye may find at large. The tuesday next af­ter line 40 the feast of saint Iohn Port latine, an other par­lement began, in which at the earnest sute and re­quest of the knights of the shires, Iohn Wraie. Iohn Wraie priest that was the chiefe dooer among the commons in Suffolke, at Burie, and Mildenhall, was adiudged to be drawen, and hanged, although manie beleeued, that his life should haue béene redeemed for some great portion of monie.

A lewd fellow that tooke vpon him to be skilfull in physicke and astronomie, caused it to be published line 50 thorough the citie of London, that vpon the Ascensi­on euen, there would rise such a pestilent planet, that all those which came abroad foorth of their chambers, before they had said fiue times the Lords praier, then commonlie called the Pater noster, and did not eate somewhat that morning, before their going foorth, should be taken with sicknesse, & suddenlie die there­of. Manie fooles beléeued him, and obserued his or­der; but the next day, when his presumptuous lieng could be no longer faced out, he was set on horsse­backe, line 60 with his face towards the taile, which he was compelled to hold in his hand in stéed of a bridle, A co [...]prophet serued aright. and so was led about the citie, with two iorden pots a­bout his necke, and a whetstone, in token that he had well deserued it, for the notable lie which he had made.

About the same time, certeine English ships of Rie, Ships of Rie win a good price. and other places, went to the sea, and meeting pirats, fought with them, and ouercame them, ta­king seuen ships, with thrée hundred men in them. One of those ships had béene taken from the Eng­lishmen afore time, and was called the falcon, be­longing to the lord William Latimer. They were all richlie laden with wine, wax, and other good mer­chandize. This yeare the maior of London Iohn de Northampton, Iohn de Northa [...] maio [...] o [...] L [...] ­don, & [...] punis [...] [...] [...] ­dulterie [...] [...]me. otherwise called Iohn de Comber­ton, did punish such as were taken in adulterie, ve­rie extremelie: for first he put them in the prison, cal­led the tunne, that then stood in Cornehill, and after caused the women to haue their haire cut, as théeues in those daies were serued that were appeachers of others, and so were they led about the stréets with trumpets & pipes going before them. Neither were the men spared more than the women, being put to manie open shames and reproches. But bicause the punishment of such offenses was thought rather to apperteine vnto the spirituall iurisdiction, than to the temporall, the bishop of London, and other of the cleargie, tooke it in verie euill part: but the maior be­ing a stout man, would not forbeare, but vsed his au­thoritie héerein to the vttermost.

About the same time also, when the archbishop of Canturburie sate in iudgement vpon a processe that was framed against one Iohn Aston, The Londo­ners [...] of Wicliffes doctrine. a maister of art, that was an earnest follower of Wicliffes doctrine, the Londoners brake open the doores, where the archbishop with his diuines sate, and caused them to giue ouer, so that they durst procéed no further in that matter. The same yéere were the fishmoongers of London sore disquieted by the foresaid maior, The fishmoon­gers sore tr [...] bled by the maior. who sought to infringe their liberties, granting licence to forreners to come and sell all manner of fish, as freelie and more fréelie than any of the companie of fishmoongers: for they might not buie it at the forre­ners hands to sell it againe by any meanes, and so that companie which before had beene accompted one of the chiefest in the citie, was now so brought downe, as it séemed to be one of the meanest, being compelled to confesse, that their occupation was no craft, nor worthie so to be accompted amongst other the crafts of the citie.

In this yeare, the one and twentith of Maie being wednesdaie, a great earthquake chanced about one of the clocke in the after noone; it was so vehement, A great earthquake. Churches o­uerthrowne by the earth­quake. and namelie in Kent, that the churches were shaken therewith in such wise, that some of them were ouer­throwen to the ground. On the saturdaie after, be­ing the foure and twenti [...]h day of Maie, earelie in the morning, chanced an other earthquake, or (as some write) a watershake, being of so vehement & vi­olent a motion, A wa [...]er­quake. that it made the ships in the hauens to beat one against the other, by reason wherof they were sore brused by such knocking togither, to the great woonder of the people, who being amazed at such strange tokens, stood a long time after in more awe of Gods wrath and displeasure than before, for these so strange and dreadfull woonders thus shewed amongst them: howbeit when these terrors were for­gotten, they followed their former dissolutenes, from the which for a time they were withdrawne through feare of Gods heuie hand hanging ouer their heads; but afterward like swine they wallowed afresh in their puddels of pollusions, & as dogs licked vp their filthie vomit of corruption and naughtinesse, for ‘Sordida natura semper sequitur sua iura.’

About this season, Anno Reg. 6. the lord Richard Scroope lord chancellor was deposed from that roome, and the king receiuing the great seale at his hands, kept it a certeine time, and sealed therewith such grants and writings as it pleased him: at length, The bishop of Londō made lord chanc [...]l­lor in the lord Scroope his roome. it was deliue­red to Robert Braibrooke bishop of London, who was made lord chancellor. The cause why the lord Scroope was remooued from that dignitie, was this. When the king vpon certeine respects had granted certeine gentlemen the lands and possessions that belonged to the late earle of March, and other that were deceassed (which he, during the time of their heires minorities, ought to inioy by the lawes of the [Page 441] realme) the said lord chancellor refused to seale such grants, alledging that the king being greatlie in debt, which he was to discharge, stood in need of such profits himselfe, and therefore (as he said) he tooke not them for faithfull seruants, nor dutifull subiects to his grace, that respecting their owne priuat commo­ditie more than his or the realmes, did sue for such grants at his hands, aduising them to hold them­selues contented with such other things, as it had pleased or might please the king to bestow vpon line 10 them: for suerlie he would not consent, that they should inioy such gifts as those were. They that were thus reiected, made their complaint in such sort to the king, that he taking displeasure with the said lord Scroope, deposed him from his office, to the great offense both of the nobles and commons, by whose consent he was preferred vnto that dignitie.

About Michaelmasse this yeare, certeine naugh­tie disposed persons in Norffolke, A new rebel­lion intended in Norffolke is b [...]wraied by one of the c [...]nspiracie before. not warned by the successe of the late rebellion, went about a new line 20 commotion, intending to murther the bishop of Nor­wich, and all the nobles and gentlemen of that coun­trie. And to bring their wicked purpose the better to passe, they determined to haue assembled togither at S. Faithes faire, and to haue compelled all those that should haue béene present at the same faire, to haue taken part with them, or else to haue lost their liues: and this being doone, they would haue taken S. Benets abbeie at Holme, which they would haue kept for a fortresse, to haue withdrawne into vpon a­nie line 30 force that had beene against them. But yer they could bring their purpose to passe, one of the conspi­racie bewraieng the matter, they were taken, & lost their heads at Norwich, for their malicious deuises.

About the same time a parlement was called, to the which certeine commissioners from the countrie of Flanders came, to treat of certeine agréements betwixt the king and realme, and the states of their countrie: but bicause those that came ouer at this time, seemed not sufficient to conclude such treatie line 40 as then was in hand, they were sent backe to fetch other more sufficient, The cōmissio­ners of Flan­ders reiected for want of sufficient au­thoritie. as from euerie towne in Flan­ders some such as might haue full authoritie to go through, and confirme the agréements then in hand. In this parlement, the maior of London, with a great part of the commoners of the citie, vpon sug­gestion by them made against the fishmongers, for vsing great deceit in vttering of their fishes, obtei­ned to haue it inacted, An act against the fishmon­gers within the citie of London. that from thencefoorth, none of that companie, nor anie of the vinteners, butchers, line 50 grossers, or other that sold anie prouision of vittels, should be admitted maior of the citie; and so by this shift they sought to cut off all meanes from the fish­mongers to recouer againe their old former degrée. And bicause it was knowne well inough of what au­thoritie sir Iohn Philpot knight was within the citie, and that he fauoured those whome the lord maior the said Iohn de Northampton fauoured not, he was put off from the bench, and might not sit with them that were of the secret councell in the cities affaires, line 60 whereas neuerthelesse he had trauelled more for the preseruation of the cities liberties than all the resi­due. Sir Henrie Spenser bishop of Norwich, recei­ued buls a little before this present from pope Ur­bane, to signe all such with the crosse, that would take vpon them to go ouer the seas with him, to warre a­gainst those that held with the antipape Clement, that tooke himselfe for pope, Remission of sins granted to as manie as would fight against Cle­ment the an­tipape. and to such as would re­ceiue the crosse in that quarrell, such like beneficiall pardons were granted by pope Urbane, as were ac­customablie granted vnto such as went to fight a­gainst the Infidels, Turkes, and Saracens, to wit free remission of sinnes, and manie other graces. The bishop of Norwich that had the disposing of the bene­fits granted by those buls, to all such as either would go themselues in person, or else giue anie thing to­ward the furtherance of that voiage, & maintenance of them that went in the same, shewed those buls in open parlement, & caused copies to be written forth, & sent into euerie quarter, that his authoritie & power legantine might be notified to all men, for the better bringing to passe of that he had in charge. And true­lie it should appeare, there wanted no diligence in the man to accomplish the popes purpose: and on the other part yée must note, that the priuileges which he had from the pope, were passing large, so that as the matter was handled, there were diuerse lords, knights, esquires, and other men of warre in good numbers, that offered themselues to go in that voi­age, and to follow the standards of the church with the bishop, and no small summes of monie were leuied and gathered amongst the people, for the furnishing foorth of that armie, as after yée shall heare.

In this meane time the earle of Cambridge re­turned home from Portingale, The earle of Cambridge returneth out of Portingale. whither (as yee haue heard) he was sent the last yeare, and promise made, that the duke of Lancaster should haue followed him; but by reason of the late rebellion, and also for o­ther considerations, as the warres in Flanders be­twixt the erle and them of Gaunt, it was not thought conuenient that anie men of warre should go foorth of the realme: and so the king of Portingale not a­ble of himselfe to go through with his enterprise a­gainst the king of Spaine, after some small exploits atchiued by the Englishmen, and other of the earle of Cambridge his companie, as the winning of cer­teine fortresses belonging to the king of Castile, and that the two kings had laine in field, the one against the other by the space of fifteene daies without bat­tell, the matter was taken vp, and a peace concluded betwixt them, sore against the mind of the earle of Cambridge, who did what in him laie, to haue brought them to a set field: but when there was no remedie, he bare it so patientlie as he might, and re­turned home with his people, sore offended (though he said little) against the king of Portingale, for that he dealt otherwise in this matter than was looked for. He had affianced his sonne, The earle of Cambridge his son affian­ced to the king of Portingals daughter. which he had by the daughter of Peter, sometime king of Castile, vnto the king of Portingales daughter, now in the time of his being there: but although he was earnestlie requested of the said king, he would not leaue his sonne behind him, but brought him backe with him againe into England (togither with his mother) doubting the slipperie faith of those people.

In the Lent season of this sixt yeare of king Ri­chards reigne, year 1383 an other parlement was called at London, in the which there was hard hold about the buls sent to the bishop of Norwich from pope Ur­bane, concerning his iournie that he should take in hand against the Clementines (as we may call them, for that they held with pope Clement) whome the Urbanists (that is, Clementines. Urbanists. such as held with pope Urbane) tooke for schismatikes. Diuerse there were, that thought it not good that such summes of monie shuld be leuied of the kings subiects, and the same togither with an armie of men to be committed vnto the guiding of a prelat vnskilfull in warlike affaires. Other there were that would needs haue him to go, that the enimies of the church (as they tooke them) might be subdued.

And although the more part of the lords of the vpper house, and likewise the knights and burgesses of the lower house were earnestlie bent against this iournie; yet at length those that were of the contra­rie mind, preuailed; & so it was decreed, that it should forward, and that the said bishop of Norwich should haue the fiftéenth granted to the king in the last par­lement, [Page 442] to paie the wages of such men of warre as should go ouer with him: for soldiers without monie passed not much of pardons, no not in those daies, ex­cept at the verie point of death, if they were not as­sured how to be answered of their wages, or of some other consideration wherby they might gaine. ¶ The tenth that was granted afore by the bishops at Ox­ford, was now in this same parlement appointed to remaine to the king for the kéeping of the seas, whi­lest the bishop should be foorth of the realme in follow­ing line 10 those wars.

These things being thus appointed, the bishop sent foorth his letters firmed with his seale into euerie prouince and countrie of this land, giuing to all par­sons, vicars, and curats, through this realme, power and authoritie to heare the confessions of their pari­shioners, and to grant vnto those that would bestow any parcell of their goods, The crossed souldiers. which God had lent them towards the aduancing of the iournie to be made by the crossed souldiers against pope Urbans enimies, line 20 the absolution and remission of all their sinnes by the popes authoritie, according to the forme of the bull before mentioned. The people vnderstanding of so great and gratious a benefit (as they tooke it) thus of­fered to the English nation, at home in their owne houses, were desirous to be partakers thereof, and those that were warlike men, prepared themselues to go foorth in that iournie with all spéed possible. The residue that were not fit to be warriors, according to that they were exhorted by their confessors, be­stowed line 30 liberallie of their goods to the furtherance of those that went: and so, few there were within the whole kingdome, but that either they went, or gaue somewhat to the aduancing foorth of the bishop of Norwich his voiage.

This bishop chose diuerse to be associat with him, as capteins that were expert in warlike enterprises. The capteins that wēt with the bishop of Norwich a­gainst the an­tipape. The first and principall was sir Hugh Caluerlie an old man of warre, and one that in all places had borne himselfe both valiantlie and politikelie; next line 40 vnto him was sir William Farington, who stoutlie spake in the bishops cause, when the matter came in question in the parlement house, touching his going ouer with this cro [...]sie. Besides these, there went di­uerse noble men and knights of high renowme, as the lord Henrie Beaumount, sir William Elmham, and sir Thomas Triuet, Froissard. sir Iohn Ferrers, sir Hugh Spenser the bishops nephue by his brother, sir Mat­thew Redman capteine of Berwike, sir Nicholas Tarenson or Traicton, sir William Farington, and line 50 manie other of the English nation: & of Gascogne there went le sire de Chasteauneuf, and his brother sir Iohn de Chasteauneuf, Raimund de Marsen, Guillonet de Paux, Gariot Uighier, Iohn de Cachi­tan, and diuerse other. Sir Iohn Beauchampe was appointed marshall of the field, but bicause he was at that present in the marches of the realme towards Scotland, he was not readie to passe ouer when the bishop did. The duke of Lancaster liked not well of the bishops iournie, for that he saw how his voiage line 60 that he meant to make into Spaine was hereby for the time disappointed, and he could haue béene better contented (as appeareth by writers) to haue had the monie imploied vpon the warres against the king of Castile that was a Clementine, than to haue it bestowed vpon this voiage, which the bishop was to take in hand against the French king, and other in these néerer parts. Herevpon there were not manie of the nobilitie that offered to go with the bishop.

The statute against fish­mongers re­pealed, they are restored to their liber­ [...]ies.But to saie somewhat of other things that were concluded in this last parlement, we find, that the fishmongers, which through meanes of the late lord ma [...]or Iohn of Northampton and his complices were put from their ancient customes and liberties, which they inioied aforetime within the citie, were now restored to the same againe, sauing that they might not kéepe courts among themselues, as in times past they vsed, but that after the maner of o­ther crafts and companies, all transgressions, offen­ses, and breaches of lawes and customes by them committed, should be heard, tried, and reformed in the maiors court. ¶ All this winter the matter touch­ing the gathering of monie towards the croisie, was earnestlie applied, so that there was leuied what of the disme, and by the deuotion of the people for obtei­ning of the pardon, so much as drew to the summe of fiue and twentie thousand franks.

When the bishop therefore had set things in good forwardnesse for his iournie, he drew towards the sea side, and was so desirous to passe ouer, The bishop [...] Norwich set­teth forward with his ar­mie. and to in­uade his aduersaries, that although the king sent to him an expresse commandement by letters to re­turne to the court, that he might conferre with him before he tooke the seas; yet excusing himselfe, that the time would not then permit him to staie longer, he passed ouer to Calis, where he landed the 23 of A­prill, in this sixt yeare of king Richards reigne. The armie to attend him in this iournie, Polydor. rose to the num­ber of two thousand horssemen, and fifteene thousand footmen (as some write) though other speake of a far lesser number. Froissard. 500 speares, [...] 115 other. But it should seeme that they went not ouer all at one time, but by parts, as some before the bishop, some with him, and some after him.

Now when he and the capteins before named, were come ouer to Calis, they tooke counsell togither into what place they should make their first inuasion; and bicause their commission was to make warre onelie against those that held with pope Clement, the more part were of this mind, that it should be most expedient for them to enter into France, and to make warre against the Frenchmen, whom all men knew to be chiefe mainteiners of the said Clement. But the bishop of Norwich was of this opinion, that they could not doo better than to inuade the countrie of Flanders, bicause that a litle before, earle Lewes hauing intelligence that king Richard had made a confederacie with them of Gaunt, had on the other part expelled all Englishmen out of his dominions and countries, so that the merchants which had their goods at Bruges, and other places in Flanders, su­steined great losses. The bishop [...] Norwich inuadeth Flanders. Howbeit there were that replied against the bishops purpose herein, as sir Hugh Cal­uerlie and others; yet at length they yeelded thereto, and so by his commandement they went streight to Grauelin, the 21 day of Maie, and immediatlie wan it by assault. Ia. Meir. Whervpon Bruckburge was yeelded vnto them, the liues and goods of them within saued. Then went they to Dunkirke, Dunkirke woon & sack [...] by the Eng­lishmen. & without any great resistance entred the towne, and wan there excéeding much by the spoile, for it was full of riches, which the Englishmen pilfered at their pleasure. The earle of Flanders lieng at Lisle was aduertised how the Englishmen were thus entered his countrie, The earle of Flāders sen­deth to the bish. of Nor­wich to know the cause of his inuasion of Flander [...]. where­vpon he sent ambassadors vnto the English host, to vnderstand why they made him warre that was a right Urbanist.

The bishop of Norwich for answer, declared to them that were sent, that he tooke the countrie to ap­perteine to the French king, as he that had of late conquered it, whom all the whole world knew to be a Clementine, or at the least he was assured that the countrie thereabouts was of the inheritance of the ladie of Bar, which likewise was a Clementine: and therefore, except the people of that countrie would come and ioine with him to go against such as were knowne to be enimies to pope Urbane, he would suerlie séeke to destroie them. And whereas the earls ambassadors required safe conduct to go into Eng­land [Page 443] by Calis, to vnderstand the kings pleasure in this mater, the bishop would grant them none at all; wherefore they went backe againe to the earle their maister with that answer.

The Englishmen after the taking and spoiling of Dunkirke, returned to Grauelin and Bruckburge, which places they fortified, and then leauing garri­sons in them, they went to Mardike, and tooke it, for it was not closed. In the meane time, the countrie­men of west Flanders rose in armour, and came line 10 to Dunkirke, meaning to resist the Englishmen: whereof when the bishop was certified, with all spéed he marched thither, and comming to the place where the Flemings, to the number of more than twelue thousand were ranged without the towne, he sent an herald vnto them to know the truth, The herald of armes sent to y e Flemings by the bishop of Norwich is slaine. of whether pope they held; but the rude people, not vnderstand­ing what apperteined to the law of armes, ran vpon the herald at his approching to them, and slue him before he could begin to tell his tale.

The Englishmen herewith inflamed, determined line 20 either to reuenge the death of their herald, or to die for it, and therewith ordered their battels readie to fight, Thom. Wals. and being not aboue fiue thousand fighting men in all, the bishop placed himselfe amongst the horsse­men, The order of the bishop of Norwich his battell against the Flemings and set the footmen in a battell marshalled wedgewise, broad behind and sharpe before, hauing with them a banner wherein the crosse was beaten. The archers were ranged on either side: the stan­dard of the church went before, the field gules, and two keies siluer, signifieng that they were souldiors line 30 of pope Urbane. Moreouer, the bishop had his penon there siluer and azure quarterlie, a freat gold on the azure, a bend gules on the siluer: and bicause he was yoongest of the Spensers, he bare a border gules for a difference. At the approching of the battels togither the trumpets blew vp, and the archers began to shoot against the battell of the Flemings, the which vali­antlie defended themselues, & fought egerlie a long time, but at length they were so galled with arrowes which the archers shot at them a flanke, that they line 40 were not able to indure, but were compelled to giue backe.

They were diuided into two battels, a vaward, and a rereward. The Fle­mings dis­comfited by y e Englishmen. When the vaward began to shrinke, the rereward also brake order, and fled, but the Eng­lishmen pursued them so fast, that they could not es­cape, but were ouertaken and slaine in great num­bers. Iac. Meir. Some saie, there died of them in the battell and chase fiue thousand, some six thousand; and others write, Froissard. that there were nine thousand of them slaine: line 50 and Thomas Walsingham affirmeth twelue thou­sand. Manie of them fled into the towne of Dun­kirke for succour, but the Englishmen pursued them so egerlie, that they entered the towne with them, and slue them downe in the streets. The Flemings in diuerse places gathered themselues togither a­gaine as they fled, and shewed countenance of de­fense, but still they were driuen out of order, and brought to confusion. Tho. Walsi. Préests and religious men hardy soldiers The préests and religious men line 60 that were with the bishop fought most egerlie, some one of them slaieng sixtéene of the enimies.

Iacob. Meir.There died of Englishmen at this battell about foure hundred. The Flemings had no horssemen a­mongst them, nor anie number of gentlemen, for they stood in such dread of English bowes, that they durst not come to anie battell with them, but kéeping themselues out of danger, set the commons of the countrie in hand to trie what they against the Eng­lishmen were able to doo without them. This battell was fought vpon a mondaie being the fifteenth of Maie. The countrie was put in a woonderfull feare by this ouerthrow, so that the townes and fortresses were in great doubt, and some yeelded themselues to the Englishmen, as Berghen and others; some were woone by force, as the castell of Drinchan, and the towne of S. Uenant. To be short, the Englishmen became maisters of all the countrie alongst the sea side, euen from Grauelin to Sluis, The English­mē subdue di­uerse towns in Flanders, and spoile the countrie. and got such ri­ches by pillage and spoile, as they could not wish for greater. They preuailed so much, that they wan in maner all the close towns within the bailiffewéekes of Cassell, of Popering, Messines, and Furneis, with the townes of Newport, Blankberke, and di­uerse other.

Also entring into the woods Nepse and Rutholt, they found a great bootie of sheepe and beasts, and tooke a great sort of prisoners of the countrie people, which were fled into those woods for feare of the eni­mies: but the Englishmen, plaieng the part of good bloudhounds, found them out, & sent all their booties and preie vnto Grauelin and Bruckburge. On the eight daie of Iune they came before the towne of Y­pres, and laid siege thereto, The towne of Ypres besiged. whereat they continued the space of nine wéekes. Thither came to their aid twentie thousand Gauntiners vnder the leading of Francis Akreman, Peter Wood, and Peter Win­ter: so that they within Ypres were streictlie besie­ged, but there were within it in garrison diuerse va­liant knights & capteins, The maner of fortifieng townes in old time. which defended the towne right manfullie: it was fensed with a mightie ram­pire, and a thicke hedge, trimlie plashed and woond with thornes, as the manner of fortifieng townes was in ancient time amongst them in that countrie (as Strabo witnesseth.)

During the time that the siege laie before Ypres, the Englishmen swarmed abroad in the countrie, for when it was once knowne what good successe the first companie that went ouer had found, there came dailie foorth of England great numbers to be parta­kers of the gaine. Hope of gaine incourageth the soldier. Sir Iohn Philpot that fauoured the bishops iournie, prouided them of vessels for their passage, till the bishop vnderstanding that the more part of those that came thus ouer were vnarmed, and brought nothing with them from home, but onelie swords, bowes and arrowes, did write vnto the said sir Iohn Philpot, that he should suffer none to passe the seas, but such as were men able and likelie to doo seruice: where a great number of those that were come to him, were fit for nothing but to consume vittels, much like the popish shauelings and the Ro­mish rascalitie, of whome the like is spoken thus: ‘Nos numerus sumus & fruges consumere nati.’

The multitude of Englishmen and Gauntiners at this siege was great, so that diuerse skirmishes chan­ced betwixt them, and such as were appointed by the earle to lie in garrisons about in the countrie a­gainst them: but still the victorie abode on the Eng­lish side. Also there was an English préest, one sir Iohn Boring that went to Gaunt with fiue hundred English archers, Ia. Meir. by whose aid Arnold Hans one of the capteins of Gaunt ouercame his enimies in bat­tell, which were laid in a castell neere to the hauen of Allost, and stopped that no vittels might safelie come out of Holland or Zeland to be conueied to Gaunt. The earle of Flanders was not well contented in his mind, Anno Reg. 7. that the Englishmen were thus entred in­to his countrie, and therefore earnestlie laboured to the duke of Burgognie (that had married his daugh­ter, and should be heire of all his dominions and seigniories after his deceasse) to find some remedie in the matter.

The duke, whome the matter touched so néere, did so much with his nephue the French king, that eftsoones he raised his whole puissance, and came downe into Flanders, so that the Englishmen perceiuing them­selues not of power to incounter with this huge and mightie armie, were constreined after a great as­sault, [Page 444] which they gaue the eight of August, to raise their siege from Ypres the mondaie after, The siege at Ypres broken vp. being S. Laurence daie, and to withdraw into Bruckburge, Berghen, Dixmew, Newport, Cassell, Dunkirke, Grauelin, and other places which they had woon. But at Newport the townesmen set vp the earles ban­ner, and assailing those that were come into the towne, Newport sac­ked and burnt by the Eng­lishmen and Gauntiners. slue diuerse of them. The Englishmen being sore offended therewith, came running thither with certeine Gauntiners, and made great slaughter of line 10 them that had so murthered their fellowes. The towne was sacked, and all the goods aswell church iewels as other were sent awaie, partlie by sea into England, and partlie by waggons vnto Berge. Af­ter this, they set fire in more than thirtie places of the towne, so that there remained nothing vnburnt. The Englishmen & Gauntiners that were withdrawne into Berge, got togither all the waggons in the countrie about, placing the same vpon the diches and rampiers, to fortifie the same against their enimies. line 20

Thom. Wals.Some write, that after the breaking of the siege at Ypres, the bishop of Norwich would gladlie haue persuaded the lords and knights that were there with him, A couragious & warlike bi­shop. to haue entred into Picardie, and there to haue offered the French king battell, before his whole puissance had beene assembled: but sir Thomas Tri­uet and sir William Elmham with other, would in no wise consent therevnto, so that the bishop taking with him sir Hugh Caluerlie, that did neuer forsake him, bad the other farewell; and first making a road line 30 into Picardie, he after withdrew into Grauelin, whiles the other went to Bruckburge. But by Frois­sard, and other writers it appeareth, that sir Hugh was certeinlie at Berge, with other that were reti­red thither, in purpose to defend it against the French king, who still followed them, and recouered diuerse places out of their hands by force, as Mont Cassell, the castell of Crincham, and other. Also at his com­ming to Berghen, the said sir Hugh Caluerlie, and other that were within it, perceiuing that they were line 40 not able to defend it against such a puissance as the French king had there with him, being greater than euer sir Hugh Caluerlie that ancient capteine wold haue thought that France had béene able to haue set foorth, departed, and left the towne to be spoiled of the Britons, and other French souldiers, which executed there all kinds of crueltie. The more part of the En­glishmen went to Bruckburge, but sir Hugh Cal­uerlie went to Grauelin, and so to Calis, as one sore displeased in his mind, for that his counsell could not line 50 be regarded in all this voiage, which if it had béene followed, would haue brought it to a better issue than now it was, as was supposed.

The French king following the tract of good for­tune, The French king with his huge armie driueth the Englishmen out of Flan­ders. that guided his sterne, marched foorth to Bruck­burge, so that the vaward of his armie came before that towne on Holie rood daie in September, vn­der the leading of the earle of Flanders, the duke of Britaine, the lord Oliuer de Clisson high constable of France, and the lord Ualeran earle of S. Paule, line 60 the which demeaned themselues in such sort, Bruckburge yeélded to the French. that al­though the Englishmen within valiantlie defended the Frenchmens assault; yet the third daie after the Frenchmens comming thither, the Englishmen by composition that they might depart with bag and bagage, yeelded vp the towne, which on the ninetenth of September being saturdaie, as that yeare came about, was abandoned to the French souldiers, to rifle and spoile at their pleasure, in the which feat the Britons bare the bell awaie, dooing more mischeefe vnto the poore inhabitants, than with toong can be recited. The duke of Britaine a f [...]iend to the Englishmen. The duke of Britaine holpe greatlie to make the composition, that the Englishmen might depart in safetie: for the which dooing he was in great hatred and obloquie of the souldiers, who affirmed that he was not onelie a friend to the Englishmen, but an enimie to his countrie, and a traitour to the common-wealth.

The Englishmen comming to Grauelin, set it on fire, and departed streight to Calis, leauing the countrie of Flanders to the Frenchmen, and so re­turned into England, where they were not greatlie commended for their seruice, but were put so farre in blame, that sir Thomas Triuet, & sir William Elm­ham were committed to prison within the tower of London, as men suspected of euill dealing in the deli­uerie of Bruckburge and Grauelin to the French­mens hands: Grauelin for­tified by the Frenchmen for a counter­garison to Calis. Thom. Wals. for immediatlie after that they had left Grauelin, the Frenchmen came thither, and fortified it for a countergarison to Calis. ¶ There be that write how the French king offered to giue the bi­shop of Norwich fiftéene thousand marks to race the towne of Grauelin, and so to leaue it vnto him, the bishop hauing libertie with all his people and goods to depart in safetie. The bishop required to haue li­bertie for certeine daies, to make herevnto a full and deliberate answer; which was granted, and in the meane time he sent into England to aduertise the king in what state he stood, and how the French king laie before him with a mightie armie: and therefore if he meant euer to trie battell with the Frenchmen, now was the time.

In the same summer, the king with the queene went abroad in progresse, The king & quéene in progresse. visiting in their waie the rich abbeis of the realme, as Burie, Thetford, Nor­wich, & other; going about a great part of the realme. And when these newes came to him from the bishop of Norwich, he was at Dauentrie in Northampton­shire, and being the same time at supper, he put the ta­ble from him, and rising with all hast, got him to hors­backe, and rode in post that night, changing horsse diuerse times, with such spéed that he came to S. Al­bons about midnight, and making no staie there lon­ger than he had borowed the abbats gelding, hasted foorth till he came to Westminster: so that it appea­red he would neuer haue rested till he had passed the sea, and giuen battell to the Frenchmen. But after his comming to Westminster, wearied with that ha­stie iournie, he got him to bed, and liked so well of ease, A great hea [...] soone cooled. that he thought good to send a lieutenant in his stead to passe the seas, to deliuer the bishop from dan­ger of his enimies.

Herevpon was the duke of Lancaster sent for, that he might with such power as was readie to passe the seas, go ouer with the same, and giue battell to the French king: but he protracted time, till the respit granted to the bishop to make answer was expired, and so the bishop when he saw no succour come foorth of England, raced the towne as the couenant was: but monie he would not or did not receiue, bicause he thought in so dooing he should offend the councell. At his comming backe into England, he found the duke of Lancaster at the sea side with a great power of men readie to haue come ouer: The bishop of Norwich re­turned into England [...] of Flanders. although some thought that he deferred time of purpose, for that he misliked of the bishops whole enterprise; and now bi­cause it had thus quailed, he blamed the bishop for his euill gouernement therein: but sir Hugh Caluerlie he reteined with him a time, dooing him all honour, by reason of the old approoued valiancie, that had béene euer found in him. And this was the end of the bishop of Norwich his iournie.

The Scots in the meane while sate not still, but made roades into England, Warke castell burnt by the Scots. tooke and burnt the ca­stell of Warke. Moreouer, whilest the siege laie be­fore Ypres, the Frenchmen armed certeine vessels, and sent them to the sea, namelie fiue balengers, as well to intercept such as should passe betwéene Eng­land [Page 445] and Flanders, as also to stop such as were ap­pointed to go ouer into Gascoine, that were soldiers also of the croisie, appointed thither vnder the lea­ding of the lord Britrigale de la Bret, and certeine others. When they of Portesmouth vnderstood that these fiue ships were abroad, they made foorth to the sea, and meeting with their aduersaries, fought with them a sore & cruell battell, and in the end slue all the enimies, nine excepted, and tooke all their vessels. An other fleet of Englishmen tooke eight French ships, Diuerse French ships taken by the Englishmen. line 10 which had aboord 1500 tuns of good wines, that com­forted the Englishmen greatlie.

About the feast of All saints was a parlement holden at London, A parlement at London. in which was granted to the king one moitie of a fifteenth by the laitie, and shortlie af­ter a moitie of a tenth by the cleargie. Moreouer, the king tooke into his hands the temporalties that be­longed to the bishop of Norwich, The tempo­ralties of the bishopr [...]ke of Norwich sei­zed into the kings hands for the bishops disobedience. bicause he obeied not the kings commandement when he was sent for at the time when he tooke the seas to passe into Flan­ders. line 20 The knights also that had not shewed such obe­dience to the bishop as was requisit in that iornie, were committed to prison; but shortlie after they were set at libertie vpon suerties that vndertooke for them. ¶ It was also decréed in this parlement, that the erle of Buckingham the kings vncle should go to the borders against Scotland, with a thousand lances, and two thousand archers, to represse the pre­sumptuous attempts of the Scots, who aduertised thereof, sent ambassadors to treat of peace; but they line 30 were dispatched home againe, without obteining that which they came to sue for.

At the motion and instance of the duke of Bri­taine, immediatlie vpon the returne of the English armie out of Flanders, there was a méeting of cer­teine commissioners in the marches of Calis, at a place called Lelleghen, A treatie of peace betwéen England and France. for the treatie of a peace to be concluded betwixt the two realmes of England and France. There appeared for king Richard, the duke of Lancaster, and his brother the erle of Buckingham, line 40 sir Iohn Holland brother to the king, sir Thomas Percie, and a bishop. For the French king, thither came the dukes of Berrie and Burgogni [...], the bishop of Laon, and the chancellor of France. There were also the duke of Britaine, and the earle of Flanders. Also there came a bishop with other commissioners from the king of Spaine: for the Frenchmen would doo nothing, except the king of Spaine might be also comprised in the treatie and conclusion. They were thrée wéekes in commoning of an agreement: A truce taken betwéene England and France. but line 50 when nothing else could be brought to passe, they con­cluded a truce to indure till the feast of S. Michaell, which should be in the yeare 1384.

The earle of Flanders was iudged most in blame, for that no peace could be accorded, bicause he would not that the Gauntiners should be comprised therin, but the Englishmen would not agree either to truce or peace, except regard might be had of the Gaunti­ners, as their fréends and alies. The kings of Spaine and Scotland were comprised in this truce as confe­derats line 60 to the Frenchmen, which should haue signified the same into Scotland, but did not, till great harme followed through negligence vsed in that matter, as after yée shall perceiue. Tho. Walsin. ¶ The same yeare in the night of the feast of the Purification of our ladie, great lightenings and thunders chanced, which p [...]t manie in no small feare, so huge and hideous was that tempest. Shortlie after, there rose no small [...] in the citie of London about the election of their ma­ior: Great conten­tion about the election of the maior of Lon­don. for such as fauoured the late maior Iohn de Northampton, otherwise called Iohn de Comber­ton, stood against sir Nicholas Bram [...]re knight that was chosen to succéed the said Iohn de Northamp­ton, insomuch that a shoomaker who was one of the same Iohn de Northamptons partakers, presumed through a number of voices that were readie to fa­uour him, to take vpon him as maior: Sir Robert Knolles. but through the counsell of sir Robert Knolles knight, he was suddenlie apprehended, drawne, and beheaded, as a rebell and troubler of the kings peace.

In the Lent season, the duke of Lancaster with his brother the earle of Buckingham went towards the borders, The duke of Lancaster in­uadeth Scot­land with an armie. hauing with him a mightie power of knights, esquiers, and archers, and after he had re­mained a certeine time vpon the borders, about Ea­ster he entered Scotland, and comming within thrée miles of Edenburgh, he staied there three daies, Edenburgh left desolate. in which meane time the Scots conueied all their goods out of the towne ouer the water of Firth: so that when the armie came thither, they found nothing but bare walles, which gréeued the soldiers not a little. The Scots would not come foorth to giue anie bat­tell to the Englishmen, but got them into woods and mounteines, or else passed ouer the riuer of Firth, suffering the Englishmen to fight with the vehe­ment cold wether that then sore annoied those parts, in so much that on Easter daie at night, through snow that fell, and such extreame cold and boisterous stormes as sore afflicted the armie, being incamped within the compasse of a marish ground for their more suertie there died aboue fiue hundred horsses, to let passe the losse of men that perished at the same time, of whom we make no mention. To conclude, Great death of horsses and men in the English host, by reason of extreme cold. after the duke and his brother the earle had remai­ned a time thus in Scotland, and burned certeine townes, they returned into England.

About the same time, to wit, in the quindene of Easter, A parlement at Salisburie. a parlement of the nobles was holden at Salisburie, during the which an Irish frier of the or­der of the Carmelits, being a bacheler in diuinitie, An Irish frier appeacheth the duke of Lāca­ster of treason. exhibited to the king a bill against the duke of Lan­caster, charging him with heinous treasons: as that he meant vpon a sudden to destroie the king, and to vsurpe the crowne, shewing the time, the place, and circumstances of the whole contriued matter. The king being yoong both in yeares and discretion, when he had heard the friers information, called two of his chapleins vnto him, one sir Nicholas Slake, and an other, and asked their aduise what they thought good to be doone in such a weightie cause. Now as they were busie in talke about the same, the duke of Lancaster came into the kings chamber after his woonted manner, not vnderstanding anie thing of the matter wherof they were in talke. The king with a sterne countenance beheld the duke, not dooing him the honor that he was accustomed. The duke suspecting that the king had somewhat in his head that touched his person, withdrew. In the meane time those two that were thus in counsell with the king, fearing happilie the dukes power, or el [...]e vpon good will they [...]are towards him, persuaded the king that in anie wise he should call him, to see and heare what was laid to his charge.

The duke, after he had read the bill of his [...] on, made such answer, and so excused himselfe [...] de­claring his innocencie, that the king gaue credit to his words, and receiued his excuse. Herewith the duke besought the king, that the frier might be kept in safe gard, till the time came that he might purge himselfe of that he had charged him with; and that the lord Iohn Holland [...]he kings halfe brother might haue the custodie of him, till the day appointed that the duke should come to his full trial. The night be­fore which day, the said lord Holland, and sir Henrie Gréene knight, came to this frier, and putting a cord about his necke, A miserable & cruell torture. tied the other end about his priuie members, & after hanging him vp from the ground; laid a stone vp on his bellie, with the weight whereof, [Page 446] and peise of his bodie withall, he was strangled and tormented, so as his verie backe bone burst in sun­der therewith, besides the straining of his priuie members: thus with thrée kind of tormentings he ended his wretched life. On the morow after, they caused his dead corps to be drawne about the towne, to the end it might appeare he had suffered worthilie for his great falshood & treason. Which extreame pu­nishment and exquisite kind of execution, had it not béene meritoriouslie inflicted vpon so impudent an offendor, had deserued perpetuall record of vnaccu­stomed line 10 crueltie, with this vehement exclamation,

O fera barbaries aeuo non nota priori,
Sed nec apud saeuos inuenienda Scythas.

But now to the parlement. At length, when the K. had obteined of the laitie a grant of an halfe fiftéenth the same parlement was dissolued. In the summer following the borderers of England and Scotland made rodes ech into others countries, A rode into Scotland. to the great disquieting of both the realmes. Among other rodes line 20 that the Englishmen made, shortlie after Easter (as Froissard saith) the earles of Northumberland and Nottingham, raising an armie of 2000 speares, and six thousand archers, entered Scotland by Rockes­burgh, burnt the countrie euen to Edenburgh, and so returned without damage. In the meane time came messengers from the French king, to aduertise the Scots of the conclusion of the truce. But the Scots prouoked with this last inuasion made by the Englishmen into their countrie, would not heare of line 30 any truce, till they had in part reuenged their disple­sure vpon the Englishmen: and so with certeine men of armes of France, One mischief asketh ano­ther. that latelie before were come thither, not yet vnderstanding of any truce, they ro­ded into Northumberland, doing what mischiefe they might: so that for the summer season of this yeare, either part sought to indamage other (as Walsing­ham saith) though Froissard writeth, that through the earnest trauell of the messengers that came to inti­mate the abstinence of war taken, the parties now line 40 that their stomachs were well eased with the inter­change of indamaging either others confins, agréed to be quiet, and so the truce was proclamed in both realmes, and accordinglie obserued.

Anno Reg. 8. The duke of Lācaster sent into France to treat of a peace.About the beginning of August in the eight yéere of this kings reigne, the duke of Lancaster went o­uer againe into France, to treat of peace; but after he ha [...] remained there a long time, & spent no small store of treasure, he returned with a truce, to indure onelie till the first daie of Maie then next insuing. line 50 While the duke of Lancaster was foorth of the relme, Iohn de Northampton, Iohn de Nor­thampton late maior of Lon­don cōdemned to perpetuall prison and all his goods con­fiscated. that had borne such rule in the citie of London▪ whilest he was maior, and al­so after (as partlie ye haue heard) was accused by a chaplaine (that he had in his house) of seditious slurs, which he went about, so that being arreigned thereof, he was in the end condemned to perpetuall prison, and the same not to be within the space of one hun­dred miles at the least of the citie of London. All his goods were confiscated, and so he was sent to the ca­stell line 60 of Tintagill in Cornewall, and the Kings offi­cers [...] vpon his goods & cattels. ¶ About the feast of saint Martine, a parlement was called at Lon­don, in which, monie, was demanded of the cleargie and temporaltie, towards the maintenance of the kings [...],

A combat.During this parlement also a combat was fought within lists betwixt an English esquier▪ named Iohn Walsh, and an esquier of Nauarre that accused the said Walsh of treason, though not iustlie, but moo­ued through displeasure, conceiued of an iniurie doone to him by the same Walsh whilest he was vn­der capteine or vicedeputie (as we may call him) of Chierburgh, in abusing the Nauarrois wife. Where­vpon when the Nauarrois was vanquished and con­fessed the truth, The appel­lant being vanquished, is adiudged to be hanged. Abraham Fle­ming out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie. he was adiudged by the king to be drawne vnto the place of execution and hanged, not­withstanding that the queene and diuerse other made sute for him. ¶ Henrie Knighton maketh report hereof in somewhat a differing maner: but the issue of his tale falleth out to be like to the other. On a wednesdaie (saith he) at S. Andrews tide, Iohn Wal­lise of Grimsbie fought in lists with Martilet of Nauarre esquier, at Westminster, in presence of K. Richard & of Iohn the good duke of Lancaster: in so much that the said Iohn Wallise slue his aduersarie, whervpon at the kings cōmandement being made knight, he was inriched with manie gifts, as well of the kings and the dukes bestowing, as also of other great men and peeres of the realme. As for Martilet, after he was slaine, he was presentlie drawne, han­ged, and headed.

Furthermore before the said parlement was dis­solued, newes came foorth of the north parts, that the Scots had woone the castell of Berwike: Berwike ca­stell woone by the Scots. for which the earle of Northumberland, that was capteine thereof, was put in high blame, for that he had not committed the kéeping thereof to more circumspect persons. The duke of Lancaster, who bare no good will to the said earle, was well appaid that he had so good matter to charge his aduersarie withall, so that through his meanes the earle of Northumberland was sore accused, and had much adoo to escape the danger of being reputed a traitor. Wherevpon great occasion of malice and displeasure grew betwixt those two noble personages, as after it well appeared. But howsoeuer the matter was handled, the earle was li­cenced by the king to go into his countrie, and séeke to recouer possession of the castell thus latelie lost. Wherevpon raising an armie, Berwike ca­stell recouered by the earle of Northum­berland. & besieging the Scots that were within the castell, he so constreined them, that for the summe of 2000 marks they surrendred the fortresse into his hands, their liues and goods sa­ued: and so the earle of Northumberland recouered the castell out of the Scotishmens hands, being taught to commit it to more warie keepers than the other before.

The king being incensed against the duke of Lan­caster, year 1385 meant that he should haue béene arrested and arreigned of certeine points of treason before sir Ro­bert Trissillian cheefe iustice (as Thomas Walsing­ham saith) and peraduenture there might be some such report, that such was the kings meaning: but yet how this may stand, considering he was to be tri­ed by his peeres, in case that any the like matter had beene pretended, I sée not. But how soeuer it was, The duke of Lancaster getteth him to his castell of Pomfret, and fortifieth it. he being warned thereof by some of the councell, got him to his castell of Pomfret, which he fortified, and banded himselfe so with his fréends, that it appeared he would defend his cause with force of armes, ra­ther than to come to his triall by order of law afore such a iudge: and by reason hereof, it was greatlie doubted, least some ciuill warre would haue broken foorth. But through the earnest labour of the kings another, The princesse of Wales ma­keth an at­tonement be­twéene the king and the duke at Lan­caster. that (notwithstanding [...] indisposition of bo­die to trauell, by reason of his [...]) riding to and fro [...], made an agréement betwixt the king hir sonne, and the duke, to hir great comfort and [...], and no lesse suertie of qui­ [...]nesse to [...].

About the same [...] the French king had a great fléet of ships in Flanders, so that it was doubted least he meant [...] England. Where­vpon there sons sent to [...] the lord of S. Iohns, and sir [...] with a strong nauie, but they did no good, suffering the [...] diuerse times to passe by [...] to set vpon them. But the ships of Portesmouth & Dertemouth▪ [Page 447] bestirred themselues better: The ships of Port [...]mouth & Dartmouth [...] better ser­uice than the kings great name. for entering into the ri­uer of Saine, they drowned foure of their enimies ships, and tooke other foure, with a barke of the lord Clissons, one of the fairest that was to be found ei­ther in France or England. In these vessels the Englishmen had a rich preie of wines, and other merchandizes. ¶The king vpon some occasion tooke great displeasure against William Courtnie arch­bishop of Canturburie, so storming against him, as few durst speake anie thing in his excuse. The lord chancellor Michaell de la Poole seeming to fauour line 10 his cause, waslikelie to haue run in high displeasure. Sir Thomas Triuet, and sir Iohn Deuereux intrea­ting for him, were sore rebuked at his hands. Yet at length, after that the archbishop was withdrawne, and had kept him close for a time, he was thorough mediation of some fréends reconciled to the kings fauour.

About the same time the French king sent into Scotland the admerall of France, [...] Meir. Froissard. The French king aideth Scots against Englishmen. with a thousand men of armes, knights, and esquiers, besides crosse­bowes line 20 and other to ioine with the Scots, and to make warres in England. The Scots incouraged with this new aid, sent to them out of France, leuied a power, & so togither with the Frenchmen, entered into the English confines, The Scots inuade the frontiers of England. Anno Reg. 9. and began to rob & spoile, and further tooke certeine castels and houses of de­fense. The king of England aduertised hereof, assem­bled an huge power of men of warre, and first sent before him the duke of Lancaster with part of the line 30 armie, The K. goeth with an armie against the Scots. and afterward followed himselfe, with all conuenient spéed that might be. At his comming in­to the parts about Yorke, he was informed that the Scots and Frenchmen were withdrawne vpon the duke of Lancasters approch towards them, but the king thought to kéepe on his iournie. Whilest he was lodged in those parts, a great mischance happe­ned, Uariance be­twéene sir Iohn Hol­lands seruāts and the lord Richard Stafford. by reason of variance that fell betwixt certeine persons of the retinue of sir Iohn Holland brother vnto the earle of Kent and halfe brother to the king, line 40 and other of the retinue of the lord Richard Stafford sonne to the earle of Stafford.

The cause of their falling out was about a knight of Boheme, called sir Miles, that was come to see the queene. This knight kept companie most an end with the lord Richard Stafford: and chancing to be at words with two of sir Iohn Hollands seruants, there came two archers perteining to the lord Staf­ford, which blamed them, that were so about to misuse the stranger in words, as they tooke it: the strife here­by line 50 grew to that point in the end, The lord Ri­chard Staf­ford slaine by sir Iohn Holland. that one of the ar­chers shot at one of sir Iohn Hollands seruants, and slue him. This mishap being reported to sir Iohn Holland, set him in such a furie (by reason of the loue which he had to his seruant) that immediatlie he rush­ed foorth of his lodging, to reuenge his death, and through misfortune méeting with the lord Stafford, slue him, and doubting in what sort his déed might be taken, fled streight vnto Beuerlie, and there tooke sanctuarie. The erle of Stafford tooke this misaduen­ture line 60 right heauilie, as reason was: yet bicause he would not trouble the host, nor disappoint the iournie which they had in hand, vpon the kings promise that he would doo vpright iustice in the matter, as should be thought meet and conuenient, he bare his gréefe so patientlie as he might, so that he wan himselfe much praise for his wisedome therein shewed.

Hect. Boetius.The king aduancing forwards with his armie, came to the borders, and entring into Scotland, pas­sed thorough Mers and Louthian, wasting and spoi­ling all the townes, houses and villages in his waie. The abbeies of Melros, Driburgh, and Newbottell were burnt, and those moonks and other people that were found in the same were slaine. At his comming to Edenburgh, Edenburgh burnt by king Richard. he found all the people fled out of the towne, but the houses and buildings he consumed with fire, togither with the church of saint Giles. At the humble sute of his vncle the duke of Lancaster, Holie rood house was preserued from hurt, for that the same duke in time of the rebellion of the com­mons here in England, was lodged in that house, and found much gentlenesse and freendship in the ab­bat and conuent; so that he could doo no lesse than re­quite them with kindnesse, at whose hands he found kindnesse; for we are bound in conscience to tender them by whome we haue béene benefited (vnlesse we will be counted vnciuill, according to the old adage) ‘Arbor honoretur cuius nos vmbra tuetur.’

Thus when the king had reuenged the displeasure afore receiued at the Scots and Frenchmens hands, (and remained in Edenburgh fiue daies) he retur­ned without proffer of battell, or anie notable in­counter. The French admerall per­suadeth the Scots to fight with the English host. The admerall of France was earnestlie in hand with the Scotish lords to persuade them to haue giuen battell to the English armie, till he and diuers other knights of France were brought to the top of a mounteine, from whence they might behold all the English armie, as the same passed vnderneath them by a passage that laie by the foot of that mounteine: for after that they had viewed the puissance of the Englishmen, and (as neere as they could) numbered them, they had no such eger minds to fight with them as before, for they esteemed them to be six thousand men of armes, and threescore thousand archers, and other men of warre; where the Scots and French­men were not past a thousand speares, and thirtie thousand of all other sorts, and the most part of those but euill armed. Therefore they determined vpon an other point, which was, to inuade England in an o­ther quarter, whilest the Englishmen burnt vp their countrie, and so they set forward towards the west borders, and passing ouer the mounteins that diuide Northumberland from Scotland, they entered into Cumberland, dooing much hurt in the lands that be­longed to the lord Mowbraie, Cumberland sore spoiled by the Scots. to the earles of No­tingham, and Stafford, to the baron of Graistocke, and to the Musgraues.

Lastlie, they came to Carleill, Carleill assal­ted by the Scots. and boldlie assal­ted the citie: but sir Lewes Clifford, and sir Thomas Musgraue, Dauie Holgraue, and diuerse other wor­thie capteins being within it, so defended the waues and gates, that their enimies got small aduantage: and finallie hearing that the English armie was re­turning homewards, the Scots and Frenchmen drew backe into Scotland, doubting to be inclosed by the Englishmen, as they had béene in deed, if the duke of Lancaster and his brethren (vncles to the king) might haue béene beleeued, Good counsell neglected. who counselled the king to pursue the enimies, and stop the passages through which they must needs passe in their com­ming backe. But the earle of Oxenford being most in fauour and credit with the king in those daies, as one that ruled all things at his pleasure, did aduise him to the contrarie, by putting him in beléefe (as was said) that his vncles went about to bring him in danger to be lost and surprised of his enimies, where­vpon he tooke the next way home, and so brake vp his iournie.

When the Scots and Frenchmen were returned into Scotland, Polydor. the Scotish king hauing conceiued a iust displeasure towards the French admerall, for that by his meanes the realme of Scotland had susteined such damage in that season, caused him and his Frenchmen to be despoiled of the most part of their goods, and sent them so awaie out of his coun­trie, A noble re­uenge. that the Scots might receiue some comfort by those warres. In this yeare was the battell of Al­geberota in Portingale, where king Iohn of Portin­gale [Page 448] discomfited a great host of Spaniards and Frenchmen by the helpe and policie of certeine En­glishmen which he had there with him, There were 600 English­m [...] who with their bowes did great ser­uice as by one author it ap­peareth. vnder the lea­ding of two esquiers Norberie and Hartell. There were slaine diuers earls & great lords of Spaniards, but for that our writers do not rightlie note the Spa­nish names, but write them corruptlie as strangers vse to doo, we here omit them. The king of Portin­gale (after this victorie obteined against his enimies) sent six gallies vnto the king of England to aid line 10 him against his aduersaries, The king of Portingale sendeth six gallies to K. Richards aid. the which were well re­ceiued and highlie made of by the Londoners and o­ther, so that the Portingales had no cause to repent of their comming hither.

The French king this yeare besieged and wan the towne of Dam, after he had béene at great charges about it. Whilest his nauie returned from Scluis, where the same had laien at anchor a long time, the ships by tempest were scattered & wether-driuen, so that in the feast daie of the exaltation of the crosse, line 20 two of their gallies, a great ship, a barge, and seauen balengers were cast on shore about Calis, & the Ca­lisians tooke fiue hundred Frenchmen and Normans that escaped to land. An other day 72 French ships (as they were comming from Scluis, A good victo­rie of them of Calis against the French fléet. to passe by Ca­lis, were met with by them of Calis, who behaued themselues so manfullie, that they tooke 18 of those French ships, and a great barke, in which thrée score armed men were slaine before it could be taken. Within three daies after this, the Calisians met 45 line 30 other French ships, and after six houres fight obtei­ned the victorie, taking thrée of the most principall vessels, whereof one being a hulke of Eastland was hired by the Normans, to gard the residue. The other two that were taken were of such mold, that they could not enter into the hauen at Calis, and there­fore were sent to Sandwich, the one of them being a new ship, which the lord Clisson had bought at Scluis, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie. paieng for hir 3000 franks. ¶ Henrie Knigh­ton saith it was prised or valued at 20000 florens, it line 40 was so tall, big, and large a vessell; and therefore of great capacitie.

On saint Denise daie the soldiors of Calis and o­ther English fortresses thereabouts, The Calisi­ans & others make a rode into France & win great booties. made a secret iournie into France, and got a bootie of foure thou­sand shéepe, and three hundred head of great cattell, which they droue towards their holds; and as the lord de Rambures gouernour of Bullongne would haue recouered the preie, he was vnhorssed with the ren­counter of an English speare, and being relieued by line 50 his companie, and mounted againe, withdrew him­selfe, not attempting to trie any further masteries, and so the Englishmen safelie passed foorth with their bootie of cattell, and aboue a hundred good prisoners which they had taken at this rode. In this 9 yeare a­bout the feast of S. Martine, Fabian. the king called his high court of parlement at Westminster, in the which a­mongst other things there concluded, he created two dukes, Creation of dukes and earles at the parlement. a marques, and fiue earles. First Edmund Langlie earle of Cambridge the kings vncle was line 60 created duke of Yorke, Thomas of Woodstoke his other vncle earle of Buckingham was created duke of Glocester, Robert Uéere earle of Oxford was made marques of Deuelin, Henrie of Bolling­brooke earle of Derbie afterwards king. Henrie of Bollingbrooke sonne and heire to Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lanca­ster was created earle of Derbie: Edward Plan­tagenet sonne and heire to the Duke of Yorke was made earle of Rutland, Michaell lord de la Poole chancellor of England was created earle of Suf­folke, & sir Thomas Moubraie earle of Notingham was made earle marshall.

Also by authoritie of this parlement, Roger lord Mortimer earle of March, The lord Mortimer erle of March procl [...]ed heire appa­rant to the crowne. sonne and heire of Ed­mund Mortimer earle of March, and of the ladie Phi­lip eldest daughter and heire vnto Lionell duke of Clarence, third sonne to king Edward the third, was established heire apparant to the crowne of this realme, and shortlie after so proclaimed. The which earle of March, anon after the end of the same par­lement, sailed into Ireland to his lordship of Ulster, whereof he was owner by right of his said mother: but whilest he remained there to pacifie the rebelli­ons of the wild Irish, The earle of March [...] by the wild Irish. a great number of them togi­ther assembled, came vpon him and slue him, togither with the most part of his companie. This Roger earle of March had issue Edmund, Roger, Anne, The issue of the foresaid earle of March. Ales, & Eleanor, which Eleanor was made a nunne. The two sonnes died without issue, and Anne the el­dest of the daughters was married to Richard earle of Cambridge, sonne vnto Edmund of Langlie be­fore remembred: the which Richard had issue by the said Anne, a son called Richard, that was after duke of Yorke, and father to king Edward the fourth; also a daughter named Isabell, afterwards married to the lord Bourcher. This Richard earle of Cambridge was put to death by Henrie the fift, as after ye shall heare.

Moreouer, in this yeare Henrie of Bollingbrooke earle of Derbie married the daughter and heire of Humfrie Bohun earle of Hereford, in whose right he was after made duke of Hereford, and by hir he had issue Henrie that after him was king of this relme, the ladie Blanch duches of Bar, and the ladie Philip married to the king of Denmarke: also Thomas duke of Clarence, Iohn duke of Bedford, and Hum­frie duke of Glocester. ¶The Gauntiners still main­teined warre against the earle of Flanders during his life, and after his deceasse against Philip duke of Burgogne, by such aid and comfort as they had from time to time of the king of England, till finallie this yeare about the eightenth daie of December, a peace was concluded betwixt the said duke and the towne of Gaunt: and sir Iohn Bourchier that had laine a long season there, as capteine vnder the K. of Eng­land, and Peter de Bois one of the chéefe capteins of the Gauntiners (before the concluding of this peace) were safelie conducted to Calis by vertue of the duke of Burgogne his safe conduct, and so they came ouer into England, Froissard. and the king gaue vnto Peter de Bois a pension of an hundred marks sterling, yearelie to be paid to him out of the staples of the woolles in London.

This yeare king Richard holding his Christmasse at Eltham, The king of Armeni [...] cō ­meth into England [...] aid against the Turks. thither came to him Leo king of Arme­nia, whose countrie and realme being in danger to be conquered of the Turks, he was come into those west parts of christendome for aid and succour at the hands of the christian princes here. The king honora­blie receiued him, and after he had taken counsell touching his request, he gaue him great summes of monie and other rich gifts, with a stipend (as some write) of a thousand pounds yearely to be paid to him during his life. Thom. Wals. After he had remained here two moneths space, he tooke leaue of the king and depar­ted. The chiefest point of his errand was, to haue pro­cured a peace betwixt the two kings of England and France, but destinie would not permit so good a pur­pose to take effect: for the hatred which either nation bare to other, would not suffer their loftie minds to yeeld in any one point, further than seemed good in their owne opinions.

In this ninth yeare of king Richard (though by other writers it should séeme to be rather in the yeare following) the duke of Lancaster with a great pow­er of men of warre went into Spaine, Thom. [...] Froissard. Ia. Meir. year 1386 and lead with him thither his wife the ladie Constance, The duke [...] Lancaster goeth into Spaine [...] an armie. & a daugh­ter which he had by hir named Katharine, and two o­ther daughters which he had by his former wife. He [Page 449] had béene about the preparing of an armie, and all furniture necessarie for this iournie two or thrée yéeres before, and therefore hauing now seauen gal­lies and eightéene ships sent to him out of Portin­gale (which arriued at Bristow) he caused all such ves­sels as he had prouided to resort likewise thither, where making his generall assemblie, when all his men of warre were come togither, he bestowed them aboord, with all their horsses and purueiances, and causing sailes to be hoissed vp, set forward on his line 10 long wished iournie. This was in the moneth of Maie, when the seas were calme, the aire swéet, and the winds pleasant and agréeable to his purpose. He appointed for admerall of his whole fléet sir Thomas Percie; and sir Iohn Holland that was after created earle of Huntington and had married one of his daughters was ordeined constable of the hoast; and sir Thomas Moreaux hauing married his bastard daughter was one of his marshals.

There were that attended him in this iournie ma­nie line 20 other lords and knights of honor, as the lord Lu­cie, the lord Talbot, the lord Basset, the lord Wil­loughbie, the lord Fitz Walter, the lord Poinings, the lord Bradston, the lord of Pōmiers a Gascoigne, the lord Yonne fitz Warren, Henrie lord Beau­mont, William lord Beauchampe, sir Richard Bur­lie that was another of the marshals of the armie, sir Hugh Spenser, sir William Windsore, sir Iohn Daubreticourt, sir Hugh Hastings, sir William Farrington, sir Thomas Tresham, sir Mauburin line 30 de Liniers, sir Thomas Worcester, sir Iohn Sow­trie, sir Robert Clinton, sir Philip Tirrell, sir Lewes Rochester, Huguelin Caluerlie, Dauid Holgraue, Thomas Alerie, Hobequin Beaucester, and diuerse other: they were in all to the number of fifteene hun­dred men of armes, whereof a thousand at the least were knights and esquiers, besides foure thousand archers, and other men of warre, so perfectlie appoin­ted and arraied, as could be thought méet and conue­nient. Of this chosen companie attendant vpon the line 40 duke of Lancaster, & of this his voiage into Spaine, the said C. Okland speaketh no lesse trulie & accor­ding to the report of our annales, than honorablie:

In Angl. praelij.
Ocyus instructa pro bello classe futuro,
Milite stipatus generoso traijcit aequor
Fluctisonum, cum vxore pia natís (que) duabus, &c.

Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie.Henrie Knighton reporteth of this voiage as fol­loweth, in somewhat a differing sort from this alrea­die laid downe. On Easter daie (saith he) Iohn the duke of Lancaster with his wife came to the king, line 50 to take their leaue; to the which duke the king gaue a crowne of gold, and the quéene likewise gaue an o­ther crowne of gold to the duchesse. Besides this, the king commanded his people that they should call him king of Spaine, and doo him honour in all things. He had with him a power of 20000 chosen men; of which number noted in the marshals bill or scroll, 2000 were men of armes, Thom. Wals. The duke of Lancaster landeth at Brest and winneth two bastid [...]s from the Frenchmen. and 8000 were archers.

As they passed by Britaine, they landed at Brest, the capteine whereof, at that time named sir Iohn line 60 Roche, finding himselfe greatlie annoied by the Frenchmen that were lodged in two bastides erec­ted before the castell, declared to the duke in what state he stood. Wherevpon he caused the said bastides to be assailed, which was doone by the lord Fitz Wal­ter, and others, who bare themselues so manfullie, that the bastides were woone, broken downe, and a great preie with prisoners obteined, although not without losse of diuerse valiant personages. Thus were they within Brest castell deliuered of their vn­freendlie neighbours by the duke of Lancaster and his people. Anno Reg. 10. The duke of Lancaster landeth at [...]. Who hauing doone their feat tooke the seas, and sailed foorth till they came on the coasts of Gallis, where on S. Laurence eeuen, they arriued in the hauen of Groigne, otherwise called Coron, Le Groigne Corone. and there they vnshipped all their prouisions, determining to inuade the countrie on that side. ¶ Héere, bicause it is not vnprofitable to know the absolute truth of things doone, by the collection of writers, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie. I haue translated the beseeging of Brest, as the same is set downe by Henrie Knighton in his annales, in a lar­ger and more ample sort, with a fuller certificat of circumstances than hath hitherto béene declared. At the same time (saith he) the duke of Britaine had laid siege both by sea and land, to a certeine towne in Britaine, in old time subiect to the king of England, which was called Brest, with a great multitude of Frenchmen and Britains. Now on the twelfth of the kalends of Iulie, he began to build a fort before the said towne of Brest, of a woonderfull bignesse, the walles thereof being ten foot thicke, and seauen towres about it. A thousand workemen did worke daie by daie vpon it, and to defend the said worke­men (that they might not be hindered in their busi­nesse by the citizens) ten thousand fighting men were appointed. So that this fort was begun and en­ded in ninetéene daies space, and called the Dooue­house, bicause a doouehouse stood in the same place be­fore. Furthermore he stored this fort with all necessa­ries, as vittels, armour, guns, and other engins, and he placed therin as capteine of the warriors the lord Iohn Maletret with a hundred and fiftie armed men, and as manie other soldiors, the whole number be­ing thrée hundred.

The good duke of Lancaster hauing knowledge hereof, directed his fléet or nauie towards the hauen of Brest, where when he had arriued, they all fled from the siege, both by sea and land, those onlie, which were in the fort, remaining behind. Now the prior of S. Iames in Calis desired the good duke that he might giue the first assault against the fort; who ta­king the repulse with his retinue, he ceased and gaue ouer. In like sort did manie more giue the assault to the same for the space of two daies and more: in so­much that some digging vnder the wals, and vnder­mining the foundations of one towre, the same fell downe vpon sir Robert Swinarton a valiant knight of Staffordshire, and manie more, among whome was Iohn de Bolton a couragious gentle­man and an esquire by degree of Yorkeshire. As for those that were vpon the towre, they also came tum­bling downe, and were presentlie slaine.

In the meane time the lord Maletret gardian of the fort, sent word to the duke of Lancaster, that he would yeeld and surrender the hold into his hands vpon condition, that he and all his might freelie de­part with such armour, goods, chatels and victuals as they had reposed and laid vp in store for their necessa­rie prouision: wherevnto the good duke (as he was al­waies good) verie gentlie agréed; vpon condition al­so, that before their departure, they should ruinate the said fort, and laie it eeuen with the ground; and should likewise allow and paie him towards his costs and charges defraied in the siege of the same, twentie thousand s [...]utes of gold. Then might you sée the people flocking from all parts of the countrie, some with beires, some with cabbins, some with carts, and some with crutches to fetch awaie the dead and the wounded: in so much that there was not one, either slaine outright, or deadlie maimed, for whome his freends did not mou e and lament. Yea, the lord Maletret himselfe was so mangled and hurt, that he could not go on his legs, but as he leaned on mens shoulders, and was borne vp on either side. It was reported, that manie dead bodies were hidden in heaps of salt, to the end that the Englishmen should not glorie and triumph in the multitude of the slaine, of whome [in sight] the number amounted to aboue [Page 450] 150. Thus farre goeth Henrie Knighton, whose re­port giueth no small light to the matter vnder hand. After the duke had remained a moneth at Groigne, he went to Compostella, and there soiourned for a season, during the which, his constable sir Iohn Hol­land woone diuerse townes and fortresses which the enimies kept: diuerse yeelded to the duke with better will, for that the duchesse his wife was there with him, whom they knew to be right inheritour to the realme. ¶ At Mouson a towne on the confines be­twixt line 10 Spaine and Portingale, the king of Portin­gale and the duke of Lancaster met, where they com­muned and tooke counsell togither for the more spée­die procéeding in their enterprise against their ad­uersaries of Castile. Also there was a mariage con­cluded betwixt the said king of Portingale, Philip the dude of Lan­casters daughter married to the king of Portingale. and the ladie Philip daughter to the said duke, which marri­age shortlie after was wholie consummated, the said ladie being first married by procuration at Compo­stella, and after sent into Portingale right honorablie line 20 accompanied.

The duke continued at Compostella all the win­ter season, till towards March, and then (according to appointment taken betwixt him, and the king of Portingale, at their being togither at Mouson, for their iournie to be made into Castile) the said king assembled an armie of a thousand men of armes, The king of Portingale & the duke of Lancaster ioi­ning their ar­mies togither inuade Ca­stile. and ten thousand other souldiers, with the which entring the confines of Castile, he first tooke the towne of Feroule, and after ioining with the duke, who had line 30 in the meane while by his marshall taken the towns of Ruelles, Uille Lopes, Pounceuoide, Dighos, Ba­ionne in la Maroll, Ribadan, Maures, Besanses, and Orens, with others in the countrie of Gallis, they marched foorth with their whole powers both togi­ther, and passing ouer the riuer of Dure, entered into the countrie de Campo.

¶ Here the English writers make mention of a battell, which the constable of Castile should giue to the duke, and that the victorie remained on the dukes line 40 side, and the Spaniards chased out of the field. But Froissard (who liued in those daies, Uariance amongst writers. and learned that which he wrote of those that were with the duke in his iournie) maketh no remembrance of any such thing, but that contrarilie the king of Castile folow­ing the aduise of such Frenchmen as were sent into Spaine to aid him, caused all the riches of the coun­trie to be brought into the walled townes and for­tresses, which he stuffed with men of warre, to defend them from the Englishmen and Portingales; and line 50 further to cut off their vitels, and to kéepe them from hauing forrage abroad in the countrie, vnlesse such as were sent were garded with the greater troops for their suertie and defense.

Thus bestowing the most part of all such men of warre, both Frenchmen and Spaniards, as he could make in places most conuenient for that purpose, he fullie determined not to giue battell till his enimies had wearied themselues in keeping of the fields, and that a new power was come to his aid out of line 60 France, which he dailie looked for. By which means it came to passe, Great death in the Eng­lish host in Spaine by reason of the great heat of that countrie. that the Englishmen not vsed to such hot aire as they found in those parts in that season of the yeare (for it was about Midsummer) fell dailie into manie perillous diseases, whereof no small num­ber died; and other became so faint, that they were not able to helpe themselues, that to consider the mi­serie in which they were, it would haue rued the harts of their verie foes. Herevpon was the duke constrei­ned to fall to a communication for a peace, which in the end was accorded, though not at this instant.

Howbeit a truce was granted, in such wise as it might be at the Englishmens choise to returne into their countrie▪ either by sea or by land, thorough France. Such as passed through Spaine to France, had safe conducts sealed and signed by the king of Spaine; but scarse the halfe of those that came out of England with the duke, returned thither againe, they died so fast, aswell after the breaking vp of their campe, as before. Amongst other, there died before the breaking vp of the campe, Froissard. The lord Fitz Walter. one of the greatest ba­rons of all the companie, named the lord Fitz Wal­ter; and afterwards within the towne of Uille Ar­pent, I thinke that none of these three were barons but onlie the lord Poinings. there died (as Froissard saith) three great barons of England, and men of great possessions: sir Ri­chard Burlie a knight of the garter, who had béene as it were high marshall of the armie, the lord Poi­nings, and sir Henrie Percie cousine germane to the earle of Northumberland.

In the towne of Noic deceassed sir Mauburin de Liniers a Poictouin, and in the towne of Ruelles died the lord Talbot, and so here and there (saith Frois­sard) there died in all twelue great lords, The duke of Lancaster re­turneth out of Portingale into Gas­coigne. foure score knights, two hundred esquiers, and of the meaner sort of souldiers aboue fiue hundred. After that the armie was broken vp, the duke of Lancaster and the duchesse his wife went into Portingale, and there re­mained a season, and then taking the sea, sailed to Baionne in the marshes of Gascoigne, where he re­sted a long time after. ¶ In this meane while, there was communication and offers made for a marri­age to be had betwixt the duke of Berrie, vncle to the French king; and the ladie Katharine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, and of the duchesse his wife the ladie Constance.

When the king of Spaine vnderstood of that trea­tie, he began to doubt, least if that marriage tooke place, it might turne to his disaduantage; and there­fore to be at quietnesse with the duke of Lancaster, whose puissance he doubted, and whose wisedome he perfectlie vnderstood, by politike meanes and earnest sute, at length concluded a peace with him on this wise; A marriage concluded be­tweéne the prince of Spaine, and the duke of Lancasters daughter. That his eldest son Henrie should haue in ma­riage the ladie Katharine daughter to the duke of Lancaster, begot on his wife the duchesse Constance, and be intituled prince of Austurgus. In considera­tion of which marriage to be had, and all claimes to ceasse, which the duke in right of his wife might cha­lenge or pretend; it was agreed, that the said duke should receiue yearelie the summe of ten thousand marks, to be paid to him, Fabian. or to his assignes in the ci­tie of Baionne in Gascoigne, during the terme of the liues of the said duke and duchesse; and further to haue in hand the summe of two hundreth thousand nobles. Ab. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie.Henrie Knighton in his relation of this composition betwéene these persons of great estate, dooth say, that it was told him by one of the good duke of Lancasters owne houshold, and attendant vpon him in this voiage into Spaine, that the Spanish king did send seuen and fourtie mules loden with coffers full of gold for the second paiment wherevpon they were agréed. As touching the first paiment (saith Knighton) I asked no question of the partie. So that (besides the annuitie, which mine author reporteth to be 16000 marks, during the parties liues iointlie, and 12000 marks, if it fortuned that the dukes daughter should suruiue and outliue hir husband) it should séeme there were other large allowances, which if they were (as it is likelie) after this rate, it was a right roiall munificence. And to this report of Knighton dooth Ch. Okland make a kind of allusi­on, who speking of the conditions of peace betweene the duke of Lancaster, and the king of Spaine, saith:

Causae diffidens extemplò Hispanus,
In Angl. [...] sub Rich. 2.
agebat
De pace, acceptis & conditionibus, offert
Argenti ac auri plaustrorum protinùs octo
Iustum onus, argentíque decem soluenda quotannis
Millia nummorum, &c.

[Page 451] The aforesaid agreement and marriage was not concluded, till about the thirteenth yeare of king Ri­chards reigne, so that in the meane while manie inci­dents chanced in England and in other regions, which in their time and places shall be touched, as to purpose serueth.

And first it is not to be forgotten, that the French­men neuer shewed more vanitie than they did this yeare, Iacob. Meir. Froissard. since the linage of the Capetes began first to rule in France. All the ships that they could prouide line 10 from the confines of Spaine, vnto the mouth of the Rhene, all alongst the coast, they assembled at Sluis and thereabouts, and made so great preparation for the warre, that the like had not béene heard of (mea­ning, as they boasted, and made their vants) to passe ouer into England, and to deuoure the whole coun­trie, in dooing sacrifice to the soules of their elders with the bloud of the English people. Howbeit these words were wind, & to them accorded the prouerbe, ‘Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus. line 20’ There were numbred in the moneth of September about Sluis, A mightie great nauie of French ships at Sluis pur­posing to in­uade Englād. Dam, and Blankberke 1287 ships, besides those which were rigged in Britaine by the constable, who had caused an inclosure of a field to be made of timber, like railes or barriers, that when they were landed in England, they might there­with inclose their field, and so lodge more at suertie, and when they remooued, it was so made with ioints, that they might take it vp in péeces and easilie con­ueie it with them. line 30

The descrip­tion of the inclosure.This inclosure or wall of wood was twentie foot in height, and conteined in length or in compasse, when it was set vp, three thousand pases, and at the end of euerie twelue pases stood a turret able to receiue ten men, that was higher than the rest of the wall by ten foot at the least. There were appointed to haue passed ouer in those ships twentie thousand men of armes, Thom. Wals. twentie thousand crosbowes, and twentie thousand other men of warre. To haue séene the great apparell, furniture and prouision, the shipping, line 40 trussing, bearing, and carrieng to and fro of things needfull for this iournie, a man might haue meruel­led; for suerlie the like hath sildome beene remem­bred. Tho. Walsi. All that was doone there on that side the sea by the Frenchmen, was notified into England, so that the Frenchmen were not more occupied to prepare themselues to inuade England, than the English­men were to make themselues readie to defend their countrie from all danger of enimies; The prouisi­on of y e Eng­lishmen to resist y e great power of Frenchmen. so that euerie hauen towne, especiallie alongst the west, south, and line 50 eastcoasts, were kept and warded with notable num­bers of armed men and archers.

¶Notwithstanding the great confidence which the French king reposed in the fortification which he had imbarked, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie. thinking thereby to haue wrought great woonders, to the discomfiture of the English: yet (contrarie to his expectation) it so fortuned, that a­bout Michaelmas, the lord William Beauchampe capteine of Calis tooke two ships; whereof one was loden with a péece of the said inclosure or wall of line 60 wood, and in the same ship was the maister carpen­ter of the inclosure, being an Englishman borne, but banished his countrie before that time for some of­fense. He also tooke another ship, wherein were en­gins, guns, gunpowder & other instruments of war. Not long after this, two more ships were taken like­wise, whose burthen was parcels of the foresaid frame or inclosure: so that three ships were met withall and seized vpon, each of them loden with one kind of stuffe. Whereof king Richard hearing, he caused the said inclosure to be reared and set vp about Winchelsie towne. In the meane while, namelie in September, the foresaid armie came into Flanders, and arriued at the hauen of Sluis, intending to make their progresse into England: but by prolong­ing of the time there, they were driuen to great dis­tresse and want of vittels: for it was reported that a loafe of bread, sold in England for a penie, was sold there for eightéene pence; and a hens eg for a pe­nie: so that in the end of Nouember they returned to France, missing their purpose as much as if they had neuer ment it.

There were readie within the realme at that sea­son, in one part and other 100000 archers, and ten thousand men of armes, besides those that were gone into Spaine with the duke of Lancaster. All this preparation lasted for the more part of the sum­mer, euen till the beginning of winter: and still the French king that was come downe into Flanders, staied for the comming of his vncle the duke of Ber­rie: who at length in the moneth of Nouember came to Sluis, hauing protracted time, of purpose, that he might by the excuse of winter, cause this ior­nie to be put off till another season. Wherin he shew­ed more wit than all the councellors which the French king had about him: for if he had not politikelie shif­ted off the matter, the king had landed here in Eng­land, to the great danger of his person and losse of his people. And yet if we shall beléeue writers that liued in those daies, by reason of the brute that was spred through the realme, of that huge preparation which the French king made to inuade this land, no small feare entered into the harts of manie, namelie of the Londoners, The Londo­ners speciallie afraid of the Frēch forces. who (as if the enimies had beene alredie landed) bestirred them, in making what prouision they might for their defense, though it séemed by their manner of dooings, they stood in doubt least the whole realme had not béene able to make sufficient resis­tance.

In déed diuerse were the more afraid, Dissention a­mong the no­blemen. for that they perceiued how the barons and great lords agreed not in manie points among themselues, and so being not of one mind, the wiser sort doubted least through their disagréeing in that troublesome time, some danger might grow to the state of the whole realme. Notwithstanding, Froissard. no small number of others wished nothing more, than that the French king in going forward with his purpose, might haue come ouer, not doubting but that he should haue found such a wel­come, as would haue beene little to his ease. Tho. Walsin. A parlement at London. About the feast of saint Michaell, a parlement was called and holden at London, and withall great numbers of men of armes & archers were appointed to come and lie about London, that they might be readie to march foorthwith against the enimies whensoeuer it chanced them to land. Thus all the townes and vil­lages twentie miles in compasse round about Lon­don, were full of men of armes and archers, lieng as it had beene in campe; and wanting both vittels and monie, they were driuen to spoile and to take by vio­lence what they might get. At length, after they had lame thus to small purpose a long season, they were licenced to depart home, with commandement to be readie to returne againe vpon the first summons. Manie of them were constreined through necessitie, to sell their horsses, and armour, and some to spoile and to rob as they went homewards, not sparing what they might laie their hands vpon. Although the men of warre were dismissed home, the parlement yet continued, and the lords still remained at Lon­don, hearkening still for the French kings com­ming.

The lord Robert Uéer earle of Oxenford, Robert Uéer marquess [...] of Dubline cre­ated duke of Ireland. whome the king in the last parlement had made marquesse of Dubline, was now in this parlement created duke of Ireland: the other lords sore enuieng so high preferment in a man that so little deserued, as they tooke it. For by reason of the kings great affection [Page 452] which he bare not onelie to this noble man, but also to the lord Michaell de la Poole, whom he had latelie created earle of Suffolke, and after aduanced him to the office of lord chancellor (as before ye haue heard) not onelie the lords, but also the commons sore grud­ged at such their high preferrement, in somuch that in this present parlement, the knights & burgesses in the lower house, exhibited a bill against the lord chan­cellor, of diuerse crimes which they laid to his charge, and so vsed the matter, with the helpe of the lords, line 10 that in the end in some respect they had their willes against him, contrarie to the kings mind, as after may appeare.

And where the king had demanded a reliefe of mo­nie towards the maintenance of his estate, and char­ges of the warres, it was answered, that he néeded not any tallage of his subiects, sith he might furnish himselfe with such a summe at the hands of the said earle, that was iustlie indebted vnto him therein, as they were able well to prooue. But the king was no­thing line 20 herewith contented, conceiuing no small dis­pleasure, aswell against them of the lower house, as against the lords in the vpper, for fauouring them in the lower, in matters that went so sore against his mind. Herevpon (as was said, whether trulie or o­therwise, the lord knoweth) by a conspiracie begun betwixt the king & such as were most in fauour with him, it was deuised, that the duke of Glocester (as principall (and such other lords as fauored the knights and burgesses in their sute, against the earle of Suf­folke, line 30 and were otherwise against the king in his de­mand of monie, should be willed to a supper in Lon­don, there to be murthered.

But the duke comming by some meanes to vnder­stand of this wicked practise, had no desire to take part of that supper, where such sharpe sauce was proui­ded▪ and withall gaue warning to the residue, that they likewise should not come there, but to content themselues with their owne suppers at their lodg­ings. It was said, that sir Nicholas Brember, who line 40 had béene maior the yeare before, had promised his as­sistance in the execution of this horrible fact: but tho­rough the commendable constancie of Richard Ex­ton that was maior this yeare, being mooued by the king for his furtherance therein, Richard Ex­ton iustlie cō ­mended. and denieng flatlie to consent to the death of such innocent persons, that heinous practise was omitted. This matter being brought to light, the hatred and malice which men bare to such councellors of the king greatlie increa­sed, and the duke of Glocester and such as withstood line 50 the king, dailie grew more and more into the peo­ples fauour.

A subsidie granted and appointed to be sp [...]nt ac­cording to y e discretion of the nobilitie.Howbeit at length, through the earnest sute of some of the great lords, there was granted to the king halfe a tenth and halfe a fiftéenth, which should not be spent at the pleasure of the prince, but by the order and appointment of the said lords, & so at length the earle of Arundell was appointed to receiue it, to furnish him with a nauie to the seas. But before this paiment might be granted, there was much adoo, line 60 & hard bold: for where the said earle of Suffolke then lord chancellor, at first had demanded of the com­mons in the kings name, foure fiftéens (for with lesse (said he) the king could not mainteine his estate and the warres which he had in hand) the whole bodie of the parlement made answer thereto, that without the king were present (for he was then at Eltham) they could make therein no answer at all: and here­with they tooke occasion at length to say further, that except the said earle of Suffolke were remooued from the office of chancellorship, they would meddle no further with any act in this parlement, were it ne­uer of so small importance.

The king being aduertised hereof, sent againe to the commons, Dissention between [...] [...] king an [...] [...] parlement house. that they should send vnto Eltham (where he laie) fortie of the wisest and best learned of the common house, the which in the name of the whole house should declare vnto him their minds. And then the house was in no small feare, by reason of a brute that was raised, how the king sought meanes to in­trap and destroie them that followed not his purpose. Herevpon aswell the lords of the vpper house as the commons of the lower assembled togither, and a­gréed with one consent, that the duke of Glocester, The duke of Glocester and the bishop of Elie sent to y • K. at Eltham frō the whole bodie of the parlement. and Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie, should in the name of the whole parlement be sent to the king vn­to Eltham: which was doone, and the king was well contented that they should come. When they came before his presence, with humble reuerence they de­clared their message, which consisted in these points: That the lords and commons assembled at that pre­sent in parlement, Their re­quests to the king. besought him of his lawfull fa­uour, that they might liue in peace and tranquillitie vnder him.

They further declared, that one old statute and laudable custome was approued, which no man could denie, that the king once in the yeare might lawfullie summon his high court of parlement, And often [...]r [...] néed require. and call the lords and commons therevnto, as to the highest court of his realme, in which court all right and equi­tie ought to shine as the sunne being at the highest, whereof poore and rich may take refreshing; where al­so reformation ought to be had of all oppressions, The causes & conditions of a parlement. wrongs, extortions, & enormities within the realme; and there the king ought to take counsell with the wise men of his realme, for the maintenance of his estate, and conseruation of the same. And if it might be knowen that any persons within the realme or without, intended the contrarie; there must also be deuised how such euill weeds may be destroied. There must also be studied and foreséene, that if any charge doo come vpon the king and realme, how it may be honorablie borne and discharged.

Further, they declared that till that present, his subiects (as was thought) had louinglie demeaned themselues towards him, in aiding him with their substance to the best of their powers, & that their de­sire was to vnderstand how those goods were spent. And further they said, they had one thing to declare vnto him, how that by an old ordinance it was ena­cted, that if the king should absent himselfe fourtie daies, not being sicke, Absence of the king from the parlement [...] the space of [...] daies. and refuse to come to the parle­ment, without regard to the charges of his people, and their great paines, they then may lawfullie re­turne home to their houses: and therefore sith he had béene absent a long time, and yet refused to come a­mong them, it was greatlie to their discomfort. To this the king (as we find) made this answer: ‘Well, The kings answer. we doo perceiue that our people and commons go a­bout to rise against vs: wherefore we thinke we can­not doo better than to aske aid of our cousine the French king, and rather submit vs vnto him than to our owne subiects.’

The lords answered, that it should not be good for him so to doo, but a waie rather to bring him into ex­treame danger, sith it was plaine inough, that the French king was his ancient enimie and greatest aduersarie, who if he might once set foot in the realme of England, he would rather despoile and dispossesse the king of his kingdome, than put his helping hand to relieue him. He might (they said) call to re­membrance, how his noble progenitour king Ed­ward the third, his grandfather, and prince Edward his father had trauelled in heat and cold, with great anguish and troubles incessantlie, to make a con­quest of France, that rightfullie apperteined vnto them, and now to him, in which wars he might like­wise remember how manie lords, noble men, and [Page 453] good commons of both realmes had lost their liues, and what charges both the realmes likewise bare in mainteining those warres: and now (the more pitie) greater burthens were laid vpon the necks of the English subiects for the supportation of his charges, by reason whereof, they were so low brought (said they) that they haue not to paie their rents, and so by such meanes was his power decaied, his lords brought behind hand, and all his people sore impoue­rished. Wealth of the people is the glorie of the prince and suertie of his reigne. And as that king cannot be poore that hath line 10 rich people, so cannot he be rich that hath poore com­mons. And as he tooke hurt by such inconueniences chancing through euill councellors that were about him, so the lords and noblemen susteined no lesse hurt each one after his estate and calling. And if remedie were not in time prouided through his helping hand, the realme must needs fall in ruine, and the default should be imputed to him and to those his euill coun­cellors.

By these and the like persuasions the king was line 20 induced to come to the parlement, and according to his appointment he came indeed. Soone after his comming was Iohn Fortham bishop of Durham discharged of his office of lord treasuror, and in his place was appointed one Iohn Gilbert bishop of Hereford, Change of of­ficers by the parlement. that was a frier of the order of preachers, a man more eloquent than faithfull, as some repor­ted of him. Also the earle of Suffolke was dischar­ged of his office of lord chancellor, and Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie placed in his roome, by line 30 whole consent of parlement. The same earle of Suf­folke was charged with manie & verie great enor­mious crimes, frauds, falshoods, and tresons, which he had practised, to the great preiudice of the king and realme, The earle of Suffolke gréeuouslie char­ged by the parlement house for sun­drie offenses. and therevpon was committed to ward in the castell of Windsore. Notwithstanding they ad­iudged him not to death (as some write) nor disgra­ded him of the honor of knighthood, but condemmed him to paie a fine of twentie thousand marks, and also to forfeit one thousand pounds of yéerlie rents line 40 which he had purchased.

But other write, that notwithstanding the king was sore offended for the accusations brought a­gainst the said earle of Suffolke and others, whome he loued, and was loth to heare anie euill of: yet he was constreined at length, after he had shifted off the matter by sundrie deuises, to appoint certeine persons with full power and authoritie to heare, and in iudgement to determine those matters. The duke of Glocester therfore, and the earle of Arundell were line 50 appointed as iudges; which (whilest the king as yet was absent, who got him foorth of the waie of pur­pose, bicause he would not be present at the condem­nation of those whome he most entierlie loued and fauoured) went earnestlie in hand with their busi­nesse, and so at length (as Walsingham saith) the earle of Suffolke was conuicted, & found giltie of sundrie crimes, trespasses, and naughtie parts: for which it was thought that he deserued to lose his life & goods, but yet he was suffered (as the same Walsingham line 60 saith) to go abroad vnder suertie, certeine great men being bound for him in great sums of monie. But what order soeuer was taken for the punishment of him, sure it is he was displaced from his office of chancellorship, as before yée haue heard.

Furthermore, the lords, and other estates in this parlement, considering that through couetousnesse of the new deposed officers, the kings treasure had béene imbezeled, Thirtéene lords appoin­ted by parle­ment to haue the gouerne­ment of the realme vnder the king. lewdlie wasted, & prodigallie spent, nothing to his profit: there were in this parlement thirteene lords chosen, to haue ouersight vnder the king of the whole gouernment of the realme, as by their commission in the statutes of the tenth yeare of this king it dooth in the booke of statutes at large ap­peare. Of those thirteene there were thrée of the new officers named, as the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, the bishop of Hereford lord treasuror, and Nicholas abbat of Waltham lord keeper of the priuie seale: the other ten were these, William archbishop of Canturburie, Alexander archbishop of Yorke, Ed­mund Langlie duke of Yorke, Thomas duke of Glocester, William bishop of Winchester, Thomas bishop of Excester, Richard earle of Arundell, Ri­chard lord Scroope, and Iohn lord Debereux. But this participation of the gouernement fell out to be inconuenient, as by processe of the storie shall ap­peare, euen to those vnto whome it was allotted: so that no small a doo happened among them and their partakers: according to the old prouerbe, which saith; ‘Vae sibi quando canes veniunt os rodere plures.’

Moreouer, at the kings instance and earnest sute it was granted, that Robert de Uéer late marquesse of Dubline, and now newlie created duke of Ire­land, should haue and receiue to his owne vse thirtie thousand marks, that the Frenchmen were to giue for the heires of the lord Charles de Blois, that re­mained here in England, which Charles in times past chalenged as his rightfull inheritance the dut­chie of Britaine, against the earle of Montfort. This grant was made to the duke of Ireland, with condi­tion, that being furnished with this monie, he should passe ouer into Ireland, before the next Easter, there to recouer such lands as the king had giuen to him. For aswell the lords as the commons were so desi­rous to haue him gone, that they wished the realme rather to spare so much treasure, than to haue his pre­sence about the king, to allure him to follie. The king of Armenia su­eth for a safe conduct to come into England which is de­nied him. The same time the king of Armenia sued for a safe conduct to come againe ouer into this land, to speake with the king as it had been about the moouing of some peace betwixt the two realms of England and France; but sith his meaning was suspected to be to no good end, but to benefit himselfe by receiuing of some great gifts at the kings bountifull hands, his sute was not granted.

In this meane time also, whilest the French king with such a companie of dukes, earls and other lords, as had not béene heard of, still continued in Flan­ders, staieng as well for a conuenient wind, as for the comming of the duke of Berrie; it chanced that certeine English ships, as they wasted the seas, Two of the Frēch kings ships taken with a great price in them. met with two of the French ships, that were sailing to­wards Sluis, and fighting with them, tooke them, and brought them both to Sandwich. There was found aboord the same ships, a maister gunner, that sometime had serued the Englishmen at Calis, when sir Hugh Caluerlie was lieutenant there; also diuerse great guns and engins to beat downe wals were found and taken in the same ships, Guns were inuented little more than six yeares before this time, to wit. An. 1380. with a great quantitie of powder that was more worth than all the rest.

About the same time, or rather somewhat before, the Englishmen also tooke certeine hulks and six ca­riks of the Genowais, laden with great riches: but bicause they were merchants, they found such fauor at the kings hands through means of Michaell de la Poole then lord chancellor (whome they had made their fréend) that they had their vessels and all their goods restored, Restitution of merchants goods taken. and streightwaies they passed with the same vnto Sluis, where the enimies laie, to make sale of their wares there. Wherevpon much murmu­ring rose among the kings subiects, taking it in euill part, that they should be suffered so to go their waies to releeue the enimies of the realme, with such goods as were once brought into the Englishmens posses­sion, and speciallie the lord chancellor was verie e­uill thought of, for shewing so much fauour vnto those strangers.

[Page 454]The French king still remaining in Flanders, ta­rieng for the comming of the duke of Berrie, and al­so for a conuenient wind, at length on the euen of All saints, The French fléet setting forward to­wards Eng­land is driuen backe by con­trarie winds. the wind came about very fauourablie for the Frenchmens purpose: wherevpon they weied anchors, and lanched from the hauen of Sluis, but they were not past twentie miles forward on their way, when the wind suddenlie turned contrarie to their course againe, and brought them backe with such violence, that diuerse of them as they should en­ter line 10 the hauen, were broken and brused, and so by this occasion, and the counsell of the duke of Berrie togi­ther, the French king brake vp his iournie for that yeare, and returned into France. ¶ Ye haue heard what was doone by the states assembled in parle­ment against the earle of Suffolke, whom the most part of the realme so greatlie hated, but yet neuer­thelesse, the king had such an affection towards him, that immediatlie after the parlement was dissolued, he vndid all that had béene enacted against him, re­ceiuing line 20 him into more familiaritie than before, and caused him to continue with the duke of Ireland, The kings inordinate af­fection to­wards the duke of Ire­land and the earle of Suf­folke. and Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, which two lords trauelled most earnestlie to mooue the king a­gainst the other lords, and to disannull all that had béene doone in the last parlement.

There increased therefore in the king an inward hatred, which he conceiued against the lords, these men putting into his eare, that he was like no king but rather resembled the shadow of one; saieng, it line 30 would come to passe that he should be able to doo no­thing of himselfe, if the lords might inioy the autho­ritie which they had taken vpon them. The king gaue credit to these tales, and therefore had the lords in great gelousie, notwithstanding they were thought to be his most true and faithfull subiects, and the o­ther craftie, deceitfull, and vntrustie; but such an affe­ction had the king to them, that no informations, nor accusations, though neuer so manifestlie prooued, could bring them out of his fauour, in so much as at line 40 the feast of Christmasse next following, year 1387 he caused the earle of Suffolke to sit with him at his owne table, in robes accustomablie appointed for kings to weare, and not for meaner estates, which was much noted, and no little increased the enuie against him.

About the beginning of March in this tenth yeere, Richard earle of Arundell, being appointed lord ad­merall, The earle of Arundell go­eth to the sea with 500 men of armes and a thousand ar­chers as Frois­sard noteth. & Thomas Mowbraie earle of Notingham, the earle of Deuonshire, and the bishop of Norwich (as Froissard saith) went to the sea with a warlike line 50 power of men of armes and archers, so well trimmed and appointed as was possible. For the lord admerall vnderstanding that the duke of Glocester, and ma­nie other noblemen would sée the muster of his men, vsed all diligence, and spared for no costs, to haue the most choisest and pikedst fellowes that might be got­ten, not following the euill example of others in times past, which receiued tag and rag to fill vp their numbers, A great abuse in choise of souldiers. whom they hired for small wages, and re­serued the residue to their pursses. And when to the line 60 aduancement of the realms commoditie they should haue incountered the enimies, they shifted off all oc­casions thereto, and onelie prolonged time, without atchiuing any enterprise auaileable, to the end they might receiue the whole wages, and kéepe themselues from danger, which they should hardlie haue auoi­ded, when they had not about them such able men as were like to match the enimies: but the earle of A­rundell contrarilie got the ablest men he might, not sparing his owne pursse, to the end that by their ser­uice he might atchiue some worthie enterprise, to re­dound vnto the commoditie of his countrie.

After the duke of Glocester had beheld so faire and chosen a power of men of warre, they were streight­waies appointed to get them on shipbrood, & so being imbarked, the whole nauie passed foorth to the Thams mouth, where they staied to watch for the fléet of Flanders, that was readie to come from Rochell with wines. At length, vpon a sundaie, being the e­uen of the Annuntiation of our ladie, the Flemish fleet was discouered a good way off, by one that was mounted into one of the tops of a ship of the Eng­lish fléet. The earle of Arundell greatlie reioising at those newes, foorthwith with his whole fléet made to the sea. When the Flemings approched neere to our nauie, they made saile, as if they would set vpon the same; A good p [...] ­licie. and our men of purpose made countenance as if they would haue retired, as mistrusting them­selues to be able to match their aduersaries, A great vic­torie of the English na­uie against the Flemish fléet. Ia. Meir. Tho. Walsi. who co­ueting rather a safe passage than battell, passed by: but the Englishmen hauing once got the wind fit for their purpose, suddenlie set vpon the Flemish ships, and fought with them right fiercelie: at length, after a sore conflict which indured foure houres, the victorie fell to the Englishmen.

There were taken fourescore ships, with diuerse capteins and men of armes, namelie their chiefe ad­merall, named Iohn Buicke, a perfect good seaman, and one that had aforetime doone much hurt to the English nation. Diuerse of their ships were bouged, and some escaped from the battell. But the earle of Arundell pursued them so egerlie for the space of two daies togither, that at length he tooke them, and brought them backe to his nauie, so that what in the battell and in the chase, there were taken of great and small, to the number of an hundred vessels, all fraught with wines, so that there was found aboord the same nine thousand tuns, Ia. Meir. Thom. Wals. or rather (as other saie) ninetéene thousand, which togither with the ves­sels were streight sent vnto Orwell hauen, and to o­ther hauens abroad in the realme, beside that which fell to the kings share, as due to him by his preroga­tiue. Part of the Flemish fléet escaping (as before ye haue heard) was pursued vnto the hauen of Sluis and Blankerke.

The citizens of Middleburgh came to the earle, and requested him that they might buie those wines of him, and paie for the same after the rate of an hun­dred shillings the tunne, alledging how they were the kings fréends, and stood in néed of wines: but the earle of Arundell, thinking it more reason that those which had borne the charges of his iournie, to wit, the commons of the realme of England should haue the commoditie thereof than any other, he denied their sute. The liberali­tie of the earle of Arundell. But yet to shew them some plea [...]re as his fréends, he gaue them twentie tuns to make mer­rie with. As for that which fell to the earles share, he vsed such bountifulnesse in bestowing it among his fréends, that he left not to himselfe so much as one tunne. He wan therefore no small praise, that forbea­ring his owne commoditie, which he might haue rea­ped in selling those wines to strangers, he had more regard to the profit of the commons, whereby they might vnderstand, that that which they had laid foorth towards the setting forward of his iournie, was not altogither lost nor cast awaie. By this meanes (be­sides the commendation which he drew to himselfe) he also wan the harts & good will of the people, whose freendship is purchased by gifts and good déeds, sith they make profit the metrod of amitie, & bound in be­neuolence with receiued benefits, as the poet saith, ‘Vulgus amicitias vtilitate probat.’

All the countrie of Flanders neere to the sea coasts, Diuers rodes made into Flanders by the English­men, & great spo [...]le doone. was in great feare: for the Englishmen landed, and euerie day went abroad into the countrie, burning diuerse townes and villages, as Mude, Osiburge, Houckam, Monachacedam, & others. And at length, after they had taken their pleasure in the countrie, [Page 455] for the space of ten daies togither, they hoissed vp sailes, and returned with all their preie and booties, which being sold, Wine sold for thirteene shil­lings foure pence the tun. and vttered abroad in the realme, made wine so plentifullie here in England, that it was sold for thirtéene shillings foure pence the tun, and twentie shillings the best and choisest. The earle of Arundell not satisfied with this happie atchiued enterprise, but minding to doo more seruice to the be­nefit of his countrie, gathered his ships together, and hiring new souldiers to supplie the roomes of them that were hurt, maimed, or slaine, turned his sailes line 10 towards the castell of Brest, which seemed to be a keie to the lesse Britaine, and being (as yee haue heard) in the Englishmens possession, the French­men were about to raise vp and build farre greater and stronger bastillions, The earle of Arundell sai­leth into Bri­taine with a great power. than those were that the duke of Lancaster had taken and destroied, as he sailed forward on his iournie toward Spaine.

One of these two new bastiles the earle of Arun­dell woone by force from them that kept it: and bi­cause line 20 it séemed necessarie to be kept for a defense to the castell, if it were in the Englishmens hands, he committed it to the custodie of certeine English­men. The other being not yet finished, but begun in sumptuous wise to be builded, he set on fire and burned. This doone, furnishing the garison with suffi­cient vittels and munition to serue them for one whole yeare, he returned home into England, with great praise and commendation of the commons for his dooings. But the duke of Ireland, the earle of line 30 Suffolke, sir Simon de Burlie, and sir Richard Sturrie, that still continued about the king, séemed rather to enuie the earle of Arundels good name, than otherwise to commend him and others to the king, Enuie y • fol­lowers of ver­tue [...] prowesse that had béene foorth in that iournie, in so much that when the earle of Nottingham, otherwise called earle Marshall, that had béene euer the kings plai­fellow, and of equall age to him, came now to the court, hoping to be right welcome, and to receiue great thankes at the kings hands, he had no good line 40 countenance shewed vnto him, neither of the king, nor of the duke of Ireland, who disdaining once to talke with him, séemed to enuie the worthie prow­esse in other, which he knew defectiue and wanting in himselfe.

Shortlie after, by the counsell of those lords and knights that remained about the king, the lord Hen­rie Percie, The lord Percie sent to the seas. sonne to the earle of Northumberland, was sent to the seas, to beate backe the attempts of the enimies, but he was slenderlie appointed to at­chiue line 50 anie great enterprise. This was doone of some enuious purpose, bicause he had got a name amon­gest the common people, to be a verie hardie and va­liant gentleman, as well among Englishmen, as Scots. But he either ignorant, or not much waieng of that which they craftilie had imagined against him, boldlie and valiantlie executed the businesse in­ioined him, and hauing remained abroad, during the whole time of his appointed seruice, returned safelie home. ¶ About the same time, a frier Carmelite, na­med line 60 Walter Disse, that had béene confessor to the duke of Lancaster, obteined in fauour of the same duke, at pope Urbans hands, certeine faculties, to be distributed to such as would praie & paie for them. Among other of those faculties, one was, to make all those whome he thought good, the popes chapleines, according to forme of law, and the custome vsed in the court of Rome.

Frier Pate­shull forsa­king his pro­fes [...]on prea­cheth openlie against his owne order.Now bicause such as obteined this fauour, inioied great liberties, manie were glad to bestow largelie, to be so preferred, the frier being redie to admit those that offered most. Among other, one Peter Pate­shull, a frier of the Augustines order, was made by him the popes chapleine, a man not vnlearned, and one that fauoured Wicliffes doctrine, and there vp­on forsaking his priuate profession, gaue himselfe to a publike trade of life, which might séeme to him more holie, commendable, and sure. Héerevpon, he tooke vpon him to preach against his owne order, namelie in a sermon which he made in saint Christo­phers church in London. He inueied so earnestlie a­gainst the abuses and heinous crimes which the fri­ers, sometimes his brethren, vsed to put in practise, that it was an horror to heare. Wickleuists. There were present an hundred at the least of Wicliffes opinion at his ser­mon. Now in the meane while that he so laid foorth what he knew against his late brethren, some per­sons there were that ran to the Augustine friers, and declared the whole matter; wherevpon a dozen of the hardiest and lustiest fellowes among them came to the church, where this Pateshull was preaching, and hearing what was said, they began to be sore moo­ued, insomuch that one of them more zealous in his religion than the other, stepped foorth, and gainesaid those things which the preacher proponed.

When the Wicleuists perceiued this, they set vp­on him that so disquieted the congregation, and lai­eng hands on him, threw him downe, trode him vn­der their féet, and lent him manie a good buffet: and chasing all the other friers awaie, they were fullie bent to haue killed them, and set their house on fier, crieng out with lowd voices; ‘Let vs destroie these murtherers, let vs burne these Sodomits, and hang vp such traitors of the king and realme. And run­ning thus with such a furious noise and outrage, they purposed verelie to haue set fire on the friers lod­gi [...]s, but that through the humble praier of frier Thomas Ashborne, and one that was his fellow, be­ing reputed for two good men, and doctors of diuini­tie, they were staied.’ The comming also of one of the shirifes of London holpe much to appease them, so that by his persuasion, they returned home to their houses. But Peter Pateshull, being mainteined a­mong them, was counselled, sith he was interrupted in his sermon, to set downe in writing all such mat­ters as he was about to intreat of, A libell by fri­er Pateshull against his brethren. & what he knew further. He therefore deuised a libell, in which he accu­sed diuerse of his brethren, of murthering sundrie of their fellowes.

And for more proofe to be giuen to his saiengs, he told the names of them that were made awaie, and the names also of the murtherers, and shewed where those that were murthered were buried. He affirmed further, that the said friers his brethren of late, were Sodomits and traitors, both to the king and realme, and manie other things he declared (too too bad) in that his writing or libell which he fastned vpon the church doore of S. Paule in London, that the more confusi­on might thereby redound vnto his late brethren, the friers aforesaid. In the beginning of the same libell [...]e protested, that he was got foorth of the diuels dun­geon, and through the grace of God escaped from a­mongst wicked and filthie persons; by reason where­of, and for that he was an auoucher of the veritie, he said, he was sure to suffer great aduersities at the friers hands, if they might laie hold on him. But he thanked pope Urbane, for that through his grant he had obteined such libertie, that by help of his fréends, he might lawfullie withdrawe himselfe from the hands of his enimies.

There were diuerse men of good worship that mainteined this Pateshull, and caused a transcript of this libell to be written foorth, affirming all to be true that was therein mentioned. The fauou­rers of frier Pateshull. Amongst other that thus fauoured this cause, were diuerse knights, as sir William Neuill, Sir Lewes Clifford, sir Iohn Clanbowe, sir Richard Sturrie, and sir Thomas La­timer, and the chéefest of all was one sir Iohn Mon­tacute, [Page 456] who caused all the images to be taken downe and set aside in corners, which Iohn Aubreie, and his successour sir Ala [...]e Buxhull, or any their ancestors had set vp in their chappell of Cheneleie. ¶ About the same time, the duke of Ireland sought to be diuorsed from his lawfull wife, a trim yoong ladie, daughter to the ladie Isabell, that was one of king Edward the third his daughters; and tooke to wife one Lance­grone a Bohemer one of the quéenes maids; by rea­son whereof, great occasion of slander and reproch grew, and diuerse lords, speciallie the duke of Gloce­ster, line 10 that was vncle to the ladie that was forsaken, tooke great displeasure herewith. But sith the king allowed of all the duke of Irelands dooings, the duke of Glocester dissembled such iniuries doone to his neece for the time, till opportunitie might serue to re­uenge the same.

The duke of Ireland vnderstood all these things, and therefore was the more circumspect for his owne safetie, and studied how by some meanes he might dispatch the duke of Glocester out of the waie, as the line 20 man whom he most feared; least his life should be his destruction, by one means or other. Easter was now past, the time (as ye haue heard) appointed before the which the duke of Ireland should haue transported o­uer into Ireland, & yet was he not set forward. But least somewhat might be thought in the matter, and for feare of some stir to be raised by the lords of the realme, that wished him gone, according to the order prescribed at the last parlement, Dissention betwixt the king & the nobles. the king as it were to bring him to the water side, went with him into line 30 Wales, where being out of the waie, they might de­uise how to dispatch the duke of Glocester, the earles of Arundell, Warwike, Derbie, and Notingham, with others of that faction. There were with the king, beside the duke of Ireland▪ Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice, and diuers other, which doubtfull of their owne safegards did what they could (as writers report) to mooue the king forward to the destruction of those noblemen. After the king had remained in those parties a good line 40 while, 1388 Anno Reg. 11. he returned, and brought the duke of Ireland backe with him againe so that it seemed his voiage into Ireland was now quite forgotten.

Grafton.About the same time, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice of England came to Couentrie, and indicted there two thousand persons. The king and the quéene came to Grobie, and thither came by his commande­ment the iustices of the realme. There were also with him at the same time, Alexander archb. of Yorke, Ro­bert Ueere duke of Ireland, Michaell de la Poole line 50 earle of Suffolke, Certeine questions in law deman­ded of the iustices. Robert Trisilian, & his fellowes; of whom it was demanded, if by the lawes of the realme the king might reuoke the ordinances made in the last parlement, to the which he had giuen his consent in manner by constraint; and they made an­swer that he might. Then were the iustices comman­ded to come vnto Notingham, where the king ap­pointed to meet them, and thither he came according to his appointment, and held a solemne councell in the castell of Notingham, A councell [...] at Notingham. the morrow after S. Bar­tholomews line 60 day.

In this councell were the aforesaid archbishop of Yorke, the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian iustice, Robert Bramble iustice, and sundrie other, all which iustices were comman­ded to set their hands vnto the question vnder writ­ten▪ that by meanes thereof, those persons that were about the king thought they might haue good occa­sion to put the duke of Glocester, and other lords that were his complices vnto death, which in the last par­lement were ordeined to haue the gouernance of the realme, and all such as were consenting to the same. Diuerse of the iustices refused to subscribe, but yet they were cons [...]reined to doo as the rest did, among the which was Iohn Belknap, who vtterlie refused, Iustice Belknap [...]pelled to [...] ­scribe. till the duke of Ireland, and the earle of Suffolke compelled him thereto; for if he had persisted in the refusall, he had not escaped their hands, and yet when he had set to his seale, he burst out into these words; ‘Now (said he) here lacketh nothing but a rope, Iustice Belknaps words. that I might receiue a reward worthie for my desert, and I know, if I had not doone this, I might not haue esca­ped your hands, so that for your pleasures and the kings I haue doone it, and deserued thereby death at the hands of the lords.’ Which indéed shortlie follow­ed, for in the next parlement he was condemned and executed. All this remained in record.

An act of councell touching this matter, in manner as followeth.

MEmorandum that on the fiue and twentith day of August, Additions to Polychron., in the 11 yeare of the reigne of king Ri­chard the second, at the castell of Notingham aforesaid, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice of England, Robert Bel­knap lord chiefe iustice of the cōmon plees, Iohn Holt, Roger Fulthorpe, & William Borough, knights and associats of the said Robert Belknap, and Iohn Lockton one of the kings sergeants at the law, being personalie required in presence of the lords and other witnesses vnder written by our said souereigne lord the king, in that faith and allegiance in which to him they were bounden, that they should trulie answer to certeine questions vnderwritten, and vpon the same by their discretions, to saie the law.

1 First, it was asked of them, Questions to law demāded of the iustices. whether the new statute, ordinance, and commission made in the last parlement held at West­minster, be hurtfull to the kings preroga­tiue. Wherevnto all of one mind answe­red, that they were hurtfull, and speciallie bicause they be against the kings will.

2 Item, it was inquired of them, how they ought to be punished, that procured the said statute, ordinance, and commission to be made. Wherevnto with one assent they answered, that they deserued death, except the king of his grace would pardon them.

3 Item, it was inquired, how they ought to be punished, which moued the king to consent to the making of the said statute, ordinance, and commission. Wherevnto they answered, that vnlesse the king would giue them his pardon, they ought to lose their liues.

4 Item, it was inquired of them what punishment they deserued, that compelled the king to the making of that statute, or­dinance and commission. Wherevnto they gaue answer, that they ought to suffer as traitors.

5 Item, it was demanded of them how they ought to be punished that interrup­ted the king so, that he might not exercise those things that apperteined to his re­galitie and prerogatiue. Wherevnto an­swer was made, that they ought to be pu­nished [Page 457] as traitors.

6 Item, it was inquired of them, whe­ther that after the affaires of the realme, and the cause of the calling togither of the states of the parlement, were once by the kings commandement declared and ope­ned, and other articles on the kings be­halfe limited, vpon which the lords and commons of the realme ought to intreat and proceed; if the lords neuertheles would line 10 proceed vpon other articles, and not med­dle with those articles which the king had limited, till time the king had answered the articles proponed by them, notwith­standing the king inioined them to the contrarie: whether in this case the king might rule the parlement, and cause them to proceed vpon the articles by him limi­ted, before they proceeded any further? To line 20 which question it was answered, that the king should haue in this part the rule, for order of all such articles to be prosecuted, vntill the end of the parlement. And if any presumed to go contrarie to this rule, he was to be punished as a traitor.

7 Item, it was asked, whether the king when soeuer it pleased him might not dis­solue the parlement, and command the lords and commons to depart from thence line 30 or not? Wherevnto it was answered that he might.

8 Item, it was inquired, that for somuch as it was in the king to remooue such iu­stices and officers as offend, and to punish them for their offenses; whether the lords commons might, without the kings will, impeach the same officers and iustices, vp­on their offenses in parlement or not? To line 40 this answer was made, that they might not, and he that attempted contrarie, was to suffer as a traitor.

9 Item, it was inquired, how he is to be punished, that mooued in the parlement, that the statute wherin Edward, the sonne of king Edward, great grandfather to the king that now is, was indicted in parle­ment, might be sent for; by inspection of line 50 which statute, the said new statute or ordi­nance and commission were conceiued, and deuised in the parlement?

To which question, with one accord, as in all the residue they answered, that as well he that so summoned, as the other, which by force of the same motion, brought the said statute into the parlement house, be as publike offendors and traitors to be line 60 punished.

10 Item, it was inquired of them, whe­ther the iudgement giuen in the parle­ment against Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, were erronious and reuocable, or not?

To which question likewise with one as­sent they said, that if the same iudgement were now to be giuen, the iustices and ser­geant aforesaid would not giue the same: bicause it seemed to them, that the said iudgement is reuocable and erronious in euerie part.

In witnesse of the premisses, the iusti­ces & sergeant aforesaid to these presents haue set their seals, these being witnesses; Alexander archbishop of Yorke, Robert archbishop of Dubline, Iohn bishop of Durham, Thomas bishop of Chester, Iohn bishop of Bangor, Robert duke of Ireland, Michaell erle of Suffolke, Iohn Ripon clearke, and Iohn Blake.

Now beside these iustices and sergeant, Thom. Wals. there were called at that present vnto Notingham, all other iu­stices of the realme, and the shiriffes. Also, diuerse of the citie of London, which the king knew would in­cline to his will, the rather; for that some of them, hauing aforetime confessed treason against the king by them imagined, and obteining pardon for the same, were readie at his commandement, to recom­pense such fauour, in the accomplishment of whatso­euer they knew might stand with his pleasure. Here­vpon, they being impanelled to inquire of certeine treasons that were supposed to be committed by the lords, which in the last parlement had so caused things to passe, contrarie to the kings pleasure, The lords indicted of di­uerse offenses indicted the same lords of manie crimes informed against them, ¶The Londoners indeed were euill reported of in those daies, by some writers, for their vnstablenesse, one while holding on the kings part, and with such as were chéefe in counsell about him; and an other while on the lords side that were of a contrarie faction: ac­cording as the streame of their affections draue them, and as they were carried awaie perforce by the floud of their variable willes, whereby they were di­uided into differing passions, as they were assaul­ted by sundrie and vncerteine desires: which is the nature of the people, as the poet noteth, saieng: ‘Scinditur incertum studia in contraria vulgus.’

But now, as concerning the cause whie the shi­riffes were called hither, Why the shi­riffes of all shires were sent [...]or to the court. it was chéeflie to vnder­stand what power of men they might assure the king of, to serue him against the lords and barons, whome he tooke to be his enimies: and further, that where he meant to call a parlement verie shortlie, they should so vse the matter, that no knight might be chosen, but such as the king and his councell should name. But answer was made herevnto by the shiriffes, that the lords were so highlie beloued of the com­mons, that it laie not in their powers to assemble any great forces against the lords; and as for choosing the knights of the shires, they said that the com­mons would vndoubtedlie vse their ancient liber­ties, and priuileges, in choosing such as they thought meetest. But yet, after that the indictments were found, according to the desire of the king and his councellors, and that those which had béene called a­bout this matter, were licenced to depart home; the king and the duke of Ireland sent messengers into euerie part of the realme, Soldiers re­teined on all sides by the king against the lords. to reteine men of warre to assist them in the quarell against the lords, if néed were. Manie made answer, that sith they knew the lords to be faithfull and loiall to the king, euen from the bottome of their hearts, and were readie to stu­die, to deuise, and to doo all things that might tend to his honor, and wealth of the realme; they might not by anie meanes beare armour against them. But a great number of other, that tooke it that they were reteined for a good and necessarie purpose, promised to be readie, whensoeuer it should please the king to send for them.

The lords being in this meane while aduertised of these dooings, were striken with great heauinesse, for that not knowing themselues (as they tooke it) giltie of anie offense, the king should thus seeke their de­struction. Herewith the duke of Glocester, meaning [Page 458] to mitigate the kings displeasure, receiued a solemne oth before the bishop of London, The du [...]e of Glocest [...]rs procesta [...]ion vpon his oth. and diuerse other lords, protesting by the same oth, that he neuer ima­gined, nor went about any thing, to the kings hin­derance, but to his power had alwaies doone what he might to aduance the kings honor, prosperous state and good liking, except onelie that he had giuen no good countenance to the duke of Ireland, whom the king so much loued. And suerlie for that the said duke had dishonored his kinswoman, and the kings line 10 also, he was firmelie determined to reuenge that in­iurie vpon him; and herewith he besought the bishop of London to declare what his words were vnto the king.

The bishop comming to the king, made report of the duke of Glocesters protestation, confirmed with his oth, in such wise, as the king began somewhat to be persuaded that it was true. But when the earle of Suffolke perceiued that, fearing least the reconcilia­tion of the king and the duke his vncle should turne line 20 to his undooing, he began to speake against the duke, till the bishop bad him hold his peace; and told him, that it nothing became him to speake at all. Stout words of the bishop of London. And when the earle asked why so; ‘Bicause (said the bishop) thou wast in the last parlement condemned for an euill person, and one not worthie to liue, but onelie it plea­seth the king to shew thée fauour.’ The king offen­ded with the bishops presumptuous words, com­m [...]nded him to depart & get him home to his church, who foorthwith departed, and declared to the duke of line 30 Glocester what he had heard and séene. Herevpon, the great misliking that had beene afore time be­twixt the king and the lords, was now more vehe­mentlie increased, the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, the archbishop of Yorke, the lord chiefe iu­stice Robert Trisilian, and others, still procuring, stirring, and confirming the kings heauie displea­sure against the lords.

The duke of Glocester considering to what con­clusion these things tended, came secretlie to confe­rence line 40 with the earles of Arundell, Warwike, and Derbie, The lords confer how to preuēt the perils preten­ded against them. who were in like danger, if they prouided not more spéedilie for their safetie, wherevpon he dis­couered to them the perill wherein they all stood in common, so that when they weied what was the most expedient meane to safe gard their liues, they gathered their power togither, determining to talke with the king with their armour vpon their backes, for their more suertie, as well concerning his pre­tense to bring them to their deaths, as for the fauour line 50 which he bare to those whom they reputed to be trai­tors, both to him, and to the whole state of the realme, whereby the same could not auoid spéedie ruine, if re­medie were not the sooner prouided. The king on the other part tooke aduise, how he might apprehend these lords (whom he tooke to be plaine traitors) ech one a­part, before they might gather their strengths about them; and first, he sent the earle of Northumberland and others, vnto the castell of Reigate, to take the earle of Arundell, who laie there at that present. But line 60 howsoeuer it fortuned, The earle of Northumber­land sent to apprehend the earle of Arundell. the earle of Northumberland came backe, and failed to accomplish that which he had in commandement.

After this, a great number were sent by night, to haue laid hands on him, and to haue brought him to the kings presence; or in case he resisted, to haue slaine him, if by any meanes they might: but he be­ing warned by a messenger, that came to him from the duke of Glocester, conueied himselfe awaie, and with such bands as he had got togither, The earle of Arundell ioi­neth with the other lords. rode all that night, so that in the morning hauing passed thirtie miles, not without great trauell, and all speed possi­ble, he was in the morning aduanced to Haringie parke, where he found the duke of Glocester, and the earle of Warwike, with a great power of men about them. ¶ At the same time the king was about to set forward towards Canturburie, there to performe some vow of pilgrimage, which he had vndertaken to make vnto the shrine of Thomas Becket. But a brute was raised, and a slander (belike) contriued, to bring him in further hatred of his subiects, that he meant to steale ouer into France, vnto the French king hauing promised to deliuer vp into his hands the towne of Calis, with the castell of Guines, and all the fortresses which his predecessors had possessed in those parties, either by right from their ancestors, or by warlike conquest.

Howbeit this his iournie to Canturburie was suddenlie staied, vpon knowledge had of the gathe­ring togither of the lords in Haringie parke, where­with the king being sore amazed, called togither such as he trusted, to vnderstand what their opinion was of the matter; and vnderstanding that the purposed intention of the lords, for which they were so assem­bled, was to this end (as they pretended) to bring him vnto a better trade of life, and more profitable or­der of gouernement, he was streight striken with no small feare, demanding of them their aduise, Councell ta­ken how to deale against the lords. what was best for him to doo in such troublesome state of things. Some were of this mind, that it should be best to séeke to appease the lords with faire promises, assuring them, that they should haue their desires. O­ther thought it better to assemble the kings friends, and ioining them with the Londoners, to go foorth and trie the hazard of battell with the lords. Among them that were of this mind, the archbishop of Yorke was the chiefest. But other that were thought to vn­derstand more of the world than he did, iudged it not wisedome so to doo, considering that if the king lost the field, then should great harme and dishonor fol­low; and if the victorie fell to his side, yet could he gaine naught, but lose a great number of his sub­iects.

This was in Nouember, at what time the king, vp­on his returning from Canturburie, meant to haue holden a parlement; but through those stirs, neither his iournie to Canturburie, nor the parlement went forward: yet he caused order to be giuen, that no ci­tizen of London should fell to the duke of Glocester, the earle of Arundell, or any other of the lords, any armour, bowes, arrowes, or other munition, or mat­ter that might tend to the furniture of warre, vpon a great paine. But notwithstanding, the lords went forward with their businesse; The lords send messen­gers to the king. and before they approch­ed the citie of London, they sent to the king the arch­bishop of Canturburie, the lord Iohn Louell, the lord Cobham, and the lord Iohn Deuereux, requiring to haue deliuered vnto them such as were about him, that were traitors and seducers both of him and the realme, that sought nothing else, but to trouble both poore and rich, and to sow discord and variance betwixt the king and his nobles. And further, they declared that their comming was for the honor and wealth both of the king and realme.

But the king being ruled altogither by the duke of Ireland, the earle of Suffolke, and two or three o­ther, was fullie persuaded that the lords intended to bring him vnder their gouernement, and therfore he was counselled to make the French king his sure friend in all vrgent necessities. And to be assured of him, it was reported, that those councellors aduised him to render vp into the French kings hands the towne of Calis, and all that he had else in possession, on the further side of the sea. Howsoeuer this matter went, truth it is, that the king sent for the maior of London, A rash an­swer of the maior of London. requiring to know of him how manie able men they thought the citie could make. The maior answered, that he thought verely the citizens might [Page 459] make in time of need, fiftie thousand men, within an houres respit. Well said the king, then I beseech you go and prooue what will be doone. But when the maior began to attempt the matter, he was answered ge­nerallie, The Londo­ners refuse to fight against the lords. that they would neuer fight against the kings freends, and defenders of the realme (as indeed they tooke the lords to be) but against the enimies of the king and realme they would alwaies be readie to fight, and shew what resistance they were able. This answer the maior reported to the king. line 10

At the same time there was about the king the lord Rafe Basset, who said thus to the king flatlie and plainelie: ‘Sir, I haue béene, and euer will be your true liege man, and my bodie and goods shall euer be at your graces commandement, in all iustice and trueth. The earle of Northumber­lands and the lord Bassets words to the king in the behalfe of the lords.’ But neuerthelesse, hereof I assure you, that if my hap be to come into the field, I will with­out faile alwaies follow the true part; and it is not I that will aduenture to haue my head broken for the duke of Irelands pleasure. Likewise, the earle of line 20 Northumberland, being at that time in the court, spake these words to the king; ‘Sir, there is no doubt but these lords, who now be in the field, alwaies haue beene your true and faithfull subiects, and yet are, not intending to attempt anie thing against your state, wealth, & honor. Neuerthelesse, they féele themselues sore molested and disquieted, by the wicked deuises of certeine persons about you, that seeke to oppresse them. And verelie without faile, all your realme is sore greeued therewith, both great and small, as well line 30 lords as commons; and I sée not the contrarie, but they mind to aduenture their liues with the lords that are thus in armes, speciallie in this case, which they reckon to be yours and your realmes. And sir, now yée be in the cheefe place of your realme, and in the place of your coronation, order your selfe now therefore wiselie and like a king. Send to them to come before your presence in some publike place, where they may declare vnto you the intent and pur­pose of their comming, accompanied with so great a line 40 number of people into these parts, and I beléeue it verelie, they will shew such reasons that you will hold them excused.’

The archbishop of Canturburie, and the lord chan­cellor bishop of Elie, and other of the bishops also there present, affirmed the earles aduise to be good. And the king considering wiselie the case as it stood, began to be appeased, and accorded to follow their ad­uise, desiring the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Elie, to aduertise them of his plesure, which line 50 was, that he willed them to come to him to West­minster, on sundaie then next following; and so they repairing to the lords, made report to them of the kings mind and purpose. The lords take an oth togither, to prosecute their purposed enterprise. But the duke of Glocester, and the other lords, were so fullie bent in their opini­on, that they swore all whole togither, that they would neuer giue ouer their enterprise, so long as they had a penie to spend, in maintenance of their cause: and if it chanced anie of them to depart this life, the o­uerliuers should persist therein, vntill the time that line 60 they had brought their purpose to some good effect.

And bicause they doubted least the king might stirre the citie of London against them, The lords séeke the fa­uour of the Londoners. they deter­mined first to aduertise the maior and the citie, how their comming was onlie to reforme certeine great enormities, which they set downe in writing, & sent it to the maior and citizens, beseeching them of their fauour and counsell therin. This doone, they determi­ned yet to kéepe their daie on the sundaie following, to appeare before the kings presence: but this was not got of them, till that the lord chancellor, with di­uerse other noblemen of good credit, had vndertaken vpon their oths for the kings behalfe, Thom. Wals. that no fraud nor deceipt, no perill nor euill pretense should be put in practise against the lords, wherby they might come to losse either of life, limme, or goods, or otherwise, through the kings means; but that if he should go a­bout anie such things, the said lord chancellor, and o­ther the mediators should forwarne the lords therof.

When therefore the lords were readie, according to couenant, to come vnto Westminster, An ambush at Mewes. they were secretlie aduertised, that there was an ambush laid in a place called the Mewes, and so they staied, and came not at the appointed houre. Wherevpon, when the king demanded, how it fortuned that the lords kept not promise, the bishop of Elie lord Chancellor made him this answer; ‘Bicause saith he, there is an ambush of a thousand armed men or more laid in such a place (and named it) contrarie to couenant, and therefore they neither come nor hold you for faithfull of your word.’ The king hearing this, was astonied, and said with an oth, that he knew of no such thing, & withall sent to the shiriffes of London, commanding them to go to the Mewes, and (vpon search made) if they found anie force of men there assembled, to take and kill all such as they could laie hands vpon. But sir Thomas Triuet, and sir Nitholas Brambre, knight, that had in déed assembled such a number of men, when they vnderstood what order the king had giuen therein, they sent their men backe to London.

The lords, after this, receiuing a safe conduct from the king, and perceiuing all to be safe and cleare, came vnto Westminster with a strong power of men about them. The king, when he heard they were come, apparelled himselfe in his kinglie robes, and with his scepter in hand came into the great hall at Westminster. The lords come before the kings pre­sence in West­minster hall. The lords as soone as they had sight of him, made to him their humble obeisance, & went foorth till they came to the nether steps, going vp to the kings seat of state, where they made their second obeisance; & then the king gaue them countenance to come néerer to him, & they so did, kneeling downe before him, & foorthwith he rose from his place, and lo­uinglie welcomming them, tooke each of them by the hand, and that doone sate him downe againe. Here­with the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, as mouth to the king, declared vnto these lords in effect as fol­loweth. ‘My lords (said he) our souereigne lord the king, The lord chā ­celor speaketh for the king to the lords. hearing that you were assembled in Haringie parke, in other maner than was conuenient, would not foorthwith run vpon you with force to destroie you, as he might easilie haue doone, if he had not wi­shed your safetie; for no man doubteth, but if his plea­sure had béene to gather an armie, he might haue had more people than you could haue got to haue ta­ken part with you against him, and so happilie much bloud might haue béene spilt, which thing certeinlie our souereigne lord the king vtterlie abhorreth: and therefore vsing patience and mildnesse, he hath ra­ther chosen to talke with you in peaceable wise, that he may vnderstand the cause whie yée haue assembled so great a number of people togither.’

The lords for answer héerevnto said, ‘that they as­sembled their forces togither, The answer of the lords & their gréefes. for the profit both of the king and realme, and speciallie to take awaie from him such traitors as remained continuallie about him; to wit, Robert de Ueer duke of Ireland, Alexan­der Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Michaell de la Poole erle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian that false iustice, and sir Nicholas Brambre that disloiall knight of London; for so they tearmed them all. And to prooue their accusations true, they threw downe their gloues, protesting by their oths to prosecute it by bat­tell. Naie (saith the king) not so, but in the next parle­ment, which we doo appoint before hand to begin the morrow after the Purification of our ladie, both they and you appearing, shall receiue (according to law) all that which reason shall appoint. And now to you [Page 460] my lords I speake, The king re­prooueth the lords doings. by what meane or by what reason durst you so presumptuouslie take vpon you within this my land to rise thus against me? Did you thinke to feare me with such your presumptuous boldnesse? Haue I not armed men sufficient to haue beaten you downe, compassed about like a sort of deere in a toile?’ If I would: trulie in this behalfe I make no more account of you, than of the vilest skullions in my kitchen.

When he had said these words, with much more, he lift vp the duke of Glocester that all this while knée­led line 10 afore him, and commanded the residue to rise also. After this, The king ta­keth both par­ties into his protection. he led them courteouslie to his chamber, where they sate and dranke togither. And finallie it was concluded, that they should all méet togither a­gaine at the next parlement, and ech one to receiue according to iustice: and in the meane time the king tooke aswell the duke of Glocester, as the duke of Ireland into his protection, so that neither part in the meane time should hurt the other, nor presume to make any gathering of people vntill the time prefix­ed: line 20 and so this councell brake vp, and the lords depar­ted. Grafton. These things yet were doone in absence of the forenamed persons whom the lords accused, for they durst not appeare in presence of the lords; for if they had béene espied, they had smarted for it, as was thought, without any respect that would haue béene had of the kings presence. And now, for somuch as it should be well knowne through all the citie, that these lords had nothing offended him with their comming, the king caused a proclamation to be made, the te­nour line 30 whereof was as followeth.

A proclamation clearing the lords of treason.

RIchard by the grace of God, &c. We will that it be knowne to all our liege people throughout our realme of England, that line 40 whereas Thomas duke of Glocester, Ri­chard earle of Arundell, & Thomas earle of Warwike, haue beene defamed of trea­son by certeine of our councellors: we as it apperteineth, diligentlie searching the ground & cause of this defamation, find no such thing in them, nor any suspicion there­of: wherfore we declare the same defama­tion to be false, and vntrue, and doo receiue line 50 the same duke and earles into our speciall protection. And bicause these accusers shall be notoriouslie knowne, their names are Alexander archbishop of Yorke, sir Robert Ueere duke of Ireland, Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, Robert Trisilian lord chiefe iustice, and sir Nicholas Bram­bre of London knight, who in like case shall remaine till the next parlement, and there shall stand to their answers. But in the line 60 meane time we likewise take them into our protection, streictlie charging and com­manding, that no maner of person charge any of the forenamed, either priuilie or a­pertlie, in word or deed, to hurt them, or cause any hurt to be doone to them, but all quarels & demands against them to be re­mitted, vntill the next parlement prefixed.

Now to haue all things in more perfect readinesse and remembrance when the estates should be assem­bled, certeine of the lords were appointed to sit in the meane time, to deuise how they might procéed order­lie in redresse of such matters, as séemed to require some spéedie reformation: neither did they thinke it good to depart in sunder, for feare to be intrapped through the malicious practise of their aduersaries. Which doubt of theirs seemed afterwards to stand them in stéed of great wisedome. For immediatlie after, their said aduersaries came to the king, and de­clared how they were dailie in danger of their liues, by reason of the malice which the lords had conceiued against them onelie for the kings sake, and not for a­ny matter of their owne. And whereas the king had promised that they should appeare at the next parle­ment, which was at hand, they told him plainelie that they neither durst nor would put their bodies in such manifest danger. The king considering hereof, with­drew himselfe from the companie of the lords that were assigned to fit at London, to deliberate of mat­ters that were to be talked of and ordered in the par­lement; and so that councell was deferred and laid aside: and the kings councellors that stood in danger of their liues through the malice of the lords confede­rated with the duke of Glocester, got them from the court, and withdrew some into this place and some into that.

Among other the earle of Suffolke fled ouer vnto Calis in secret wise, The earle of Suffolke fleeth ouer to Calis. by the helpe of a knight called sir William Hoo, who holpe to conueie him thither. He had changed his apparell, and shauen his beard, and so disguised, counterfeited himselfe to be a poul­ter, and to sell certeine foule which he had gotten, by which means he was not knowne, till at length com­ming to the gates of the castell (wherof his brother sir Edmund dela Poole was capteine) he discouered to him (scarselie knowing who he was, by reason he was so disguised) the whole occasion of his repairing thither, requiring him to keepe his counsell, and that he might remaine with him in priuie maner for a time, till he might heare more how things went in England, from whence he was thus fled, to auoid the bloudie hands of his enimies, that sought his life. His brother doubting what might be laid to his charge if he shuld conceale this matter from the lord William Beauchampe lord deputie of the towne, streightwaies aduertised him thereof, who tooke or­der that the earle should foorthwith be sent backe a­gaine into England to the king, Grafton. who receiued him with small thanks to them that brought him ouer, so that (as some write) his brother being one, was committed to prison for disclosing him. But yet bi­cause it should not séeme that he imprisoned him for that cause, he was shortlie after set at libertie, and returned againe to his charge at Calis. The earle was also permitted to go whither he would, although the king had vndertaken to present him and others at the next parlement to answer their offenses, as the same might be laid to their charge.

¶ But here it may be doubted by the vncertentie of writers, whether the earle of Suffolke thus fled ouer to Calis, before the iournie at Ratcote bridge, or af­ter. But whether it chanced either after or before, it is certeine that since the time that the lords had forced the king to promise to exhibit him and others at the next parlement to abide their trials, he durst not o­penlie remaine in the court, but taking leaue of the king departed from him. Whervpon the king being out of quiet for the absence of him and other his best beloued councellors, whom he so much estéemed, and namelie of the duke of Ireland, A commission to the shiriffe of Cheshire to safe [...] the duke of Ireland to the kings presence. and the said earle of Suffolke, he appointed one Thomas Molineux con­stable of the castell of Chester, a man of high valian­cie, and great power in the parties of Cheshire and Lancashire, to raise an armie of men, with the assi­stance of the shiriffe of Cheshire, to whom his com­mission [Page 461] of authoritie in that behalfe, vnder the great seale was directed, to the end that they might con­ueie the duke of Ireland in all safetie vnto the kings presence.

The shiriffe hauing receiued this commission, to­gither with the foresaid Thomas Molineux raised a power, and such as refused to serue, in respect of such good will as they bare to the lords, he committed to prison, commanding the gailors to kéepe them streict in irons with bread and water till his returne. More­uer, line 10 the king sent to sir Rafe Uernon, & sir Richard Ratcliffe, willing them to assist the other. And so thus they set forward with the number of fiue thousand men. The lords seeke to stop the passage of the duke of Ireland. When the lords vnderstood that the duke of Ire­land was marching towards London, with such a power of men, meaning to ioine with the Londo­ners, and so to make as it had beene an inuincible ar­mie, they bestirred themselues, and fell in hand to arme their men, and to exhort one another, that now they should not be negligent in their owne defense, line 20 but make hast for the dispatching of those that craf­tilie had gone about to conspire their deaths. And so these lords, to wit, the duke of Glocester, the earles of Derbie, Arundell, Warwike, and Notingham, as­sembled their powers out of all quarters, to incoun­ter with the duke of Ireland; and when they had got their companies togither, they forelaied all the waies by which he was thought to come.

But the duke of Ireland hauing with him Moli­neux, Uernon, and Ratcliffe, rode forward in statelie line 30 and glorious araie, with an armie (as ye haue heard) of fiue thousand men, supposing that none durst come foorth to withstand him. Neuerthelesse when he came to Ratcote bridge, not past foure miles from Cheping Norton (which bridge if he could haue passed, he had béene out of the danger of all enimies) he suddenlie espied where the armie of the lords laie, not far di­stant from him, readie in the midst of a vallie to a­bide his comming. Some of the earle of Derbies companie had broken the bridge, & so stopped his pas­sage. line 40 He therefore perceiuing his enimies intention, staied, and caused the kings banner to be spred, and began to set a good countenance of the matter, and to exhort his people to shew themselues valiant; and herewith caused the trumpets to sound. But when it appeared that as some were readie to fight in his quarell, The duke of Ireland his souldiers re­uolt frō him. so there were other that quite forsooke him, and said flatlie they would not fight against so ma­nie noble men, in so vniust a cause: he being thereof aduertised, began to wax faint-harted, and to prepare line 50 himselfe to escape by flight; and declaring no lesse o­penlie vnto them, said: ‘Before we come to ioine, I will séeke to withdraw my selfe out of the waie, and saue my selfe if I can; for me they onlie seeke, against you they haue no quarell, so that I being shifted a­waie, you shall easilie be preserued. Herewith one of the knights said to him; You haue brought vs out of our countrie, you haue procured vs to giue you our promise, you haue caused vs to take this iournie in hand: here therefore are we readie to fight & win the line 60 victorie with you, if our hap be such; or if fortune will not so fauour vs, The duke of Ireland flieth frō his armie. we are readie to spend our liues with you.’ No said he, ye shall not so doo, and forthwith striking his horsse with spurs, he fled from them for feare which had set wings on his héeles, as one saith: ‘ Virg. Aeneid. 9.—pedibus timor addidit alas.’

Herevpon manie that were with him, cursing this his demeanour, prepared to yeeld themselues to the lords. But Thomas Molineux determined to fight it out, sith the lords were not yet all come togi­ther to that place, but onelie the earle of Derbie and certeine others. Neuerthelesse, after he had fought a while, and perceiued it would not auaile him to tarie longer, as one despairing of the victorie, betooke him likewise to flight, as the duke of Ireland had led him the waie: and plunging into the riuer, which was at hand, it chanced that sir Thomas Mortimer being present amongst other at the same place, willed him to come out of the water vnto him; for if he would not, he threatened to shoot him through with arrowes in the riuer where he stood. ‘If I come (said Moli­neux) will ye saue my life? I will make thée no such promise (said sir Thomas Mortimer) but notwith­standing, either come vp, or thou shalt presentlie die for it. Well then (said Molineux) if there be no other remedie, suffer me to come vp, and let me trie with hand-blowes, either with you or some other, and so die like a man.’But as he came vp, the knight caught him by the helmet, plucked it off his head, & streight­waies drawing foorth his dagger, Thomas Molineux slaine. stroke him into the braines, and so dispatched him. This was the end of sir Thomas Molineux, which through his bold and rash aduenture, in a most dangerous and desperat case, he pulled vpon himselfe; and might as well haue auoided as incurred, if the same prouident care of safetie had taken him in the head that mooued the duke of Ireland to take flight for his indemnitie: wherein he séemed to remember that there is no safe attempting of any perilous enterprise without dread of danger: for he that can tell when a thing is to be feared, can tell in like sort when it is to be vnder­taken; as the wiseman verie sententiouslie saith: ‘Animus vereri qui scit, scit tutò aggredi.’

In the meane time, the duke of Ireland (as ye haue heard) séeking to escape by flight, came to the riuers side; but finding the bridge broken, he galoped till he found an other bridge, where he found a num­ber of archers readie to stop his passage. When he saw that he was thus inclosed with his enimies on the one side, and the riuer of Thames on the other, he thought to put all in aduenture; and casting awaie his gantlets, and sword (to be the more nimble) gaue his horsse the spurres, and lept into the riuer; but mis­sing the foord, and not able to land with his horsse on the further side, he forsooke him, and swimming ouer so well as he might, got to the banke, and so escaped. It was now night, and therefore his enimies ha­uing no knowledge of the countrie, followed him not; but his horsse, helmet, curasses, gantlets, and sword being found, it was thought verelie that he had béene drowned. The next newes heard of him, was that he had passed the seas, and was got into Holland, The duke of Ireland flieth into Holland. where he had no great freendlie welcome, by reason that Albert duke of Bauiere, who was lord of that countrie, bare such good will to his coosins of Eng­land, the dukes of Lancaster, Yorke, and Glocester, that he commanded this duke of Ireland to depart foorth of his countrie, as immediatlie therevpon he did, from thence resorting to the bishoprike of Utreict, and after into other countries, till finallie he ended the course of his life, as after in place conuenient shall appeare.

But now to returne to the armies where we left them. After the duke was fled, and Thomas Moli­neux slaine (as before ye haue heard) the armie of the lords set vpon the people that were come with the duke of Ireland (as hath béene said) foorth of Ches­shire, Lancashire, and Wales; and taking them as enimies, spoiled them of their horsse, armor, bowes and arrowes. The knights and esquiers had their ar­mor and horsses againe to them restored, and were re­teined with the lords to serue them: but the com­mons without either armor or weapon were sent home, and had no other harme done vnto them. Letters foūd in the duke of Irelands trunks. The duke of Irelands cariage being taken, letters were found in his trunkes or males, which the king had written to him, exhorting him with all spéed to re­paire vnto London, with what power he might [Page 462] make, and there he should find him readie to liue and die with him. Such was the conclusion of this battell, which happened néere vnto Burford, Burford. fast by Ba­blake, to the great reioising of manie through the realme, for that the enimies thereof (as they tooke the matter) were thus ouerthrowne. But yet the esca­ping awaie of the duke of Ireland did somewhat mi­tigate their ioy, for what was become of him it was vncerteine. After this the duke of Glocester, and the other lords went to Oxford, being sorie that their for­tune was not to haue taken the duke of Ireland. line 10

At the same time, or rather before, the archbishop of Yorke, and the lord chiefe iustice sir Robert Tri­silian, fearing the indignation of the lords, withdrew out of the waie, Tho. Walsi. and durst not be séene. But now the lords, who after the iournie at Radcote bridge, were come (as ye haue heard) to Oxford; we find that the same time a brute was raised (whether of truth or not, A brute raised that king Ri­chard meant to yeéld vp Calis into the French kings hands. we haue neither to affirme nor denie) how there was a messenger taken being sent from the French line 20 king with letters, in which was conteined a licence of safe conduct, for the king of England, the duke of Ireland, and others, to come to Bullongue, with a certeine number limited, where they should find the French king come downe thither readie to receiue them, to the end that for a certeine summe of monie, which the French king should giue to the king of England, the towne of Calis, and all the fortresses in those parts, which were in the Englishmens hands, should be deliuered to the Frenchmen; and further line 30 that the king of England should doo his homage to the French king, for the lands which he held in Gas­coigne, and so to haue acknowledged himselfe his liege man. The lords (as was reported) hauing got these letters, and taken counsell togither how to pro­céed in their businesse, to bring the same to good end, remoued from Oxford, and on Christmas euen they came to S. Albons, and there staied that daie and the next.

On saint Stephans daie they tooke their waie to line 40 London with an armie of fortie thousand men, The lords come to Lon­don with a great armie. as some write; & comming into the fields besides Cler­kenwell, mustered their men, being diuided in thrée seuerall battels verie well appointed with armor and weapon, that it was a beautifull sight to behold them. The king kept his Christmas, K. Richard kéepeth his Christmas in the Tower of London. The lords send to the Maior and ci­tizens of Lon­don to vnder­stand their meaning. not at Westminster, but in the Tower; not douting but there to be defen­ded what chance soeuer should happen. The lords mis­trusting the Londoners, lodged them with their peo­ple in the suburbs. They sent yet two knights, and line 50 two esquiers, vnto the Maior and Aldermen of the citie, to vnderstand whether they were minded to take part with them, or with the duke of Ireland, and his adherents, traitors (as they tearmed them) both to the king and the realme. The Londoners were now in no small feare and perplexitie, not knowing well what waie was best for them to take, weieng di­uers perils; as first the kings displeasure, if they ope­ned their gates vnto the lords; and if they shut them foorth, they feared the indignation and wrath of the line 60 commons that were come thither with the lords, and were readie to breake downe their wals and gates, The Londo­ners in great perplexitie which part to take. if they were neuer so little prouoked. Besides this, they stoode most in doubt, least if the wealthiest citizens should not giue their consent to receiue the lords in­to the citie, the meaner sort, and such as wished rather to sée some hurlie burlie than to continue in peace, would séeke by force to set open the gates, and make waie for the lords and their people to enter, that they might make hauocke, and spoile whatsoeuer might be found of value in the rich mens houses.

These doubts with all the circumstances being well weied and considered, The Londo­ners incline to the lords. the Maior Nicholas Ex­ton, and certeine of the chiefe men in the citie, went foorth to the lords, and offered them to lodge in the ci­tie at their pleasure, with all things necessarie as they should deuise. The Mai [...] caused also wine, ale, bread, and chéese, to be distributed among the armie, so as ech one had part, which courtesie turned greatlie afterwards to the commoditie of the citie. The lords vpon search made, The lord [...] [...] ­ter into L [...] don. perceiuing that there was no guile meant by laieng of men in ambushes within the citie to intrappe them, or otherwise, but that all was sure inough and cleare without anie such euill me [...]ning, they entred the citie and there abode quiet­lie. Then went the archbishop of Canturburie and o­thers betwixt the king and the lords to make peace betwixt them. But the king at the first séemed little to estéeme the matter, saieng to the archbishop; Well let them lie here with their great multitude of people hardlie till they haue spent all they haue, The kings Words tou­ching the lords procee­dings. and then I trust they will returne poore inough and néedie, and then I doubt not but I shall talke with them; and vse the matter so as iustice maie require.

The lords being informed hereof, were marue­louslie mooued, and sware that they would not depart till they had spoken with him face to face, and foorth­with they sent part of their companies to watch the Thames, for feare the king should scape their hands, and then laugh them to scorne. When the king then perceiued himselfe to be inclosed on ech side, he tal­ked eftsoones with the archbishop and his associats that were messengers betwixt him and the lords, wil­ling them to declare to the lords that he would be contented to treat with them in reasonable order; wherevpon they required that he should on the mo­row next insuing come vnto Westminster, where he should vnderstand their demands. When the king heard that, he refused to come vnto Westminster, but willed that they should come to him there in the Tower. The lords sent him word againe, The lords re­fuse to come into y e Tower but after search made they come thi­ther to the kings pre­sence. that the Tower was a place to be suspected, for that they might there be surprised by some guilefull practise deuised to intrap them. The king herevnto made answer, that they might send some two hundred men, or so manie as they should thinke good, to make a through search, whether they néeded to feare anie such thing; and this accordinglie was doone: they ha­uing the keies of the gates and of all the strong chambers, turrets, and places within the Tower sent vnto them.

On the fridaie, the duke of Glocester, R. Grafton. the earls of Derbie, and Notingham, came to the king, where he was set in a pauillion richlie arraied; Thom. Wals. and after their humble salutations done, and some talke had betwixt them, The lords o­pen their gréefes to the king. they went at the kings request with him into his chamber, where they recited vnto him the conspi­racie of their aduersaries, through which they had béen indicted. They also shewed forth the letters which he had sent to the duke of Ireland, to leauie an ar­mie vnto their destruction. Likewise the letters, which the French king had written to him, contei­ning a safe conduct for him to come into France, there to confirme things to the diminishing of his honor, to the decaie of his power, & losse of his fame. ¶ During the time of this communication also, the earle of Derbie desired the king to behold the peo­ple that were assembled in sight before the Tower, for the preseruation of him and his realme: which he did, and maruelling to sée such a goodlie armie and strength, as he declared to them no lesse, the duke of Glocester said vnto him; Sir this is not the tenth part of your willing subiects that haue risen to de­stroie those false traitors, that haue misled you with their wicked and naughtie counsell.

The king being brought to his wits end, aswell with those things which the lords had charged him with, as otherwise with the sight of that great mul­titude [Page 463] of people, seemed greatlie amazed. Wherevp­on the lords, vnder condition that the next daie he should come to Westminster to heare more of their minds, and to conclude further for the behoofe of the common-wealth of the realme, began to take leaue of him, R. Grafton. meaning so to depart: but the king desired them to tarrie all night with him and the quéene. The duke thinking to make all sure, made excuse that he durst not be absent from all those folks, which they had brought with them, for feare that some disorder line 10 might arise, either in the armie, or in the citie: yet at the kings instance, the earles of Notingham and Derbie taried there all night. The king before his going to bed, Tho. Walsing. The incōstancie of the king was quite turned concerning his de­termination and promise made to go the next daie to Westminster, through such whispering tales as was put into his eares, by some that were about him, tel­ling him that it stood neither with his safetie, nor ho­nour, so lightlie to agree to depart from the tower, vnto such place as the lords had thus appointed him, line 20 to serue more for their purpose than for suertie of his person.

When the lords therefore vnderstood that he would not keepe promise with them, they were greatlie of­fended, insomuch as they sent him flat word, that if he would not come (according to promise) they would suerlie choose another king, that would and ought to obeie the faithfull counsell of his lords. The king with this message being touched to the quicke, The K. is cō ­pelled to con­descend to the lords request. to satisfie their minds, and to auoid further perill, remooued the line 30 next morning vnto Westminster, where the lords comming before his presence, after a little other talke, they declared vnto him, that aswell in respect of his owne honour, as the commoditie & wealth of his kingdome, it was behouefull, that such traitors, and most wicked & slanderous persons, as were no­thing profitable, but hurtfull to him and his louing subiects, should be remooued out of his court; and that other that both could and would serue him more ho­norablie and faithfullie were placed in their roomes. line 40 The king, although sore against his mind, when he saw how the lords were bent, and that he wanted power to withstand their pleasures, condescended to doo what they would haue him.

So when he had granted thereto, they iudged that Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Iohn Fourd­ham bishop of Durham lord tresuror, Thomas Ru­shoke a frier of the order of the preachers, bishop of Chichester, and confessor to the king, were worthie to be auoided the court. But the archbishop of Yorke, line 50 and the bishop of Chichester would abide no recko­nings, but got them out of the waie, and fled, it was not knowne whither. Certeine per­sons put out of the court. The lords did expell out of the court the lord Zou [...]h of Haringworth, the lord Bur­nell, the lord Beaumont, Albrey de Uéer, Baldwin de Bereford, Richard Aderburie, Iohn Worth, Tho­mas Clifford, and Iohn Louell knights. These were dismissed out of the court, and remooued from the king, but not discharged, for they were constreined to put in suerties to appeare at the next parlement. line 60 There were also certeine ladies expelled the court, Certeine la­dies expelled the court. as those that were thought to doo much harme about the K. to wit, the ladie Poinings, wife to Iohn Worth of Mowen, and the ladie Moulinge, with others, which also found suerties to answer at the next parle­ment, to all such things as might be obiected against them. Moreouer there were arrested and committed to seuerall prisons, sir Simon Burlie, William Elmham, Iohn Beauchampe of Holt steward of the kings house, sir Iohn Salisburie, sir Thomas Triuet, sir Iames Barneis, sir Nicholas Dag­worth, and sir Nicholas Brambre knights. Also Ri­chard Clifford, Iohn Lincolne, Richard Mitford the kings chapleins, and Nicholas Sclake deane of the kings chappell, whose word might doo much in the court. There was also apprehended Iohn Blake an apprentise of the law: all which persons were kept in streict ward till the next parlement, in which they were appointed to stand vnto their triall and an­swers.

Shortlie after, to wit, the morrow after the Puri­fication of our ladie, the parlement began, The parlemēt that wrought woonders. the which was named the parlement that wrought woonders. The king would gladlie haue proroged the time of this parlement, if by anie meanes he might. R. Grafton. Thom. Walsin. The lords came to the same parlement, with a sufficient armie for their owne safeties. R. Grafton. On the first day of this parlement, were arrested as they sat in their places, all the iustices (except sir William Skipworth) as sir Roger Fulthrop, sir Robert Belknap, The iustices arrested & sent to the tower. sir Iohn Carie, sir Iohn Holt, sir William Brooke, and Iohn Alocton the kings sergeant at law, all which were sent to the tower, and there kept in seuerall places. The cause whie they were thus apprehended, was for that, where in the last parlement, Why the iusti­ces were ap­prehended. diuerse lords were made gouernours of the realme, both by the assent of the same parlement, and also by the aduise and counsell of all the iustices then being, and indentures tripartite thereof made, of the which one part remai­ned with the king, an other with the lords so chosen to gouerne the realme, and the third part with the iusti­ces: and yet notwithstanding, the said iustices at a councell holden at Notingham (as yee haue heard before) did go contrarie to that agreement. Wherevp­on it was now determined, that they should make answer to their dooings.

Moreouer, in the beginning of this parlement, The duke of Ireland & his associats at­tainted of tre­son by this parlement. were openlie called Robert Uéer duke of Ireland, Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, sir Robert Trisilian lord cheefe iustice of England, to answer Thomas of Woodstoke duke of Glocester, Richard earle of A­rundell, Henrie earle of Derbie, and Thomas earle of Notingham, vpon certeine articles of high trea­son, which these lords did charge them with. And forso­much as none of these appeared, it was ordeined by the whole assent of the parlement, that they should be banished for euer, and their lands and goods moouea­ble and vnmooueable to be forfeit and seized into the kings hands, their lands intailed onelie excepted. Shortlie after was the lord chéefe iustice, Trisilian chéefe iustice descried by his owne man is executed at Tiburne. Robert Tri­silian found in an apothecaries house at Westmin­ster, lurking there, to vnderstand by spies dailie what was doone in the parlement: he was descried by one of his owne men, and so taken and brought to the duke of Glocester, who caused him forthwith the same daie to be had to the tower, and from thence drawne to Tiburne, and there hanged.

On the morrow after, sir Nicholas Brambre, that sometime had beene maior of London, was brought foorth to iudgement and condemned, although he had manie fréends that made sute to saue his life. This man had doone manie oppressions within the citie of London (as was reported.) In his maioraltie, he caused great & monstruous stocks to be made to im­prison men therein, and also a common axe to strike off the heads of them which should resist his will and pleasure, for he was so highlie in the kings fauour, that he might doo what he would. And the report went, that he had caused eight thousand or more to be indicted, which before had taken part with the lords, intending to haue put them all to death, if God had not shortened his daies. Manie other euill fauoured reports went abroad of him, as that he meant to haue changed the name of London, and to haue na­med it little Troie, of which citie baptised with that new name, he purposed to be intituled duke. But these were forged rumors deuised and spred abroad [Page 464] in those daies, as manie other were, partlie by the vaine imagination of the people, and partlie of pur­pose, to bring those whome the king fauoured further out of the peoples liking. Sir Nicho­l [...]s Brambre [...] with an oxe of his owne deuise. But now touching sir Ni­cholas Brambre: in the end being thus called to an­swer his transgressions, he was found giltie, and had iudgement, neither to be hanged, nor drawne, but to be beheaded with his owne are which before he had deuised: seruing him heerein as Phalaris the tyrant sometime serued Perillus, the inuentor of that ex­quisite line 10 torment of the brasen bull, wherein the offen­dor being put (and the counterfet beast by force of fier made glowing hot) hauing his toong first cut out, through extreamitie of paine made a bellowing al­waies as he cried, as if it had béene the verie noise of a naturall bull. Of which strange torment Perillus himselfe first tasted, suffering death by an engine of his owne deuising, which he thought should haue purchased him a good liuing, whereof the poet saith:

Ouid. li. 1. de art.
V [...] Phalaris tauro violentus membra Perilli line 20
Torruit, infelix imbuit autor opus.

After this, sir Iohn Salisburie, & sir Iames Ber­neis, Diuerse that stood against the lords ex­ecuted. both knights and lustie yoong men, were by iudgement of parlement drawne and hanged. Then folowed Iohn Beauchampe of the Holt, lord steward of the kings house, that had serued king Edward the third, and his sonne Lionell duke of Clarence: who likewise by decrée of this parlement was drawne and hanged. Also Iohn Blake esquier, who in an infortunate houre stood against the lords in the coun­cell line 30 at Notingham, was now drawne and hanged, and so was one Thomas Uske. Last of all (or as some hold, first of all) was sir Simon Burlie beheaded, al­though the earle of Derbie did what he could to saue his life, by reason whereof, great dissention rose be­twixt the said earle, and the duke of Glocester: for the duke being a sore and a right seuere man, The duke of Glocester a seuere man. might not by any meanes be remooued from his opinion and purpose, if he once resolued vpon any matter. Some spite he bare (as was thought) towards the line 40 said sir Simon Burlie, both as well for the faithfull fréendship, Sir Simon Burlie. which was growne betwixt the duke of Ireland, and the said sir Simon, as also for that he looked to haue had such offices and roomes which sir Simon inioied, by the kings gratious fauour and grants thereof to him made, as the Wardenship of the cinque ports, and constableship of the castell of Douer, and the office of high chamberleine.

¶ But now, bicause of all these which were condem­ned and executed at this parlement, in our common chronicles there is least written; and in Froissard, and line 50 diuerse priuate pamphlets I haue read most of this sir Simon, I haue thought good to set downe some part of his life, so largelie as this volume may well beare▪ although a great deale more briefe than where I found it. This sir Simon was the son of sir Iohn Burlie knight of the garter, and brought vp in his youth vnder his kinsman doctor Walter Burlie, who (as in the latter end of king Edward the third you haue heard) was one of the chiefe that had charge in line 60 the bringing vp of the Blacke prince, eldest sonne to the said king Edward. By this occasion he grew in­to such fauour with the prince, that afterwards the said prince committed vnto him the gouernance of his sonne Richard of Burdeaux, who as he was of a gen [...]le and courteous nature, began then to conceiue so great loue and liking towards him, that when he came to the crowne and was king, he aduanced him highlie to great honours and promotions, in somuch that at one time & other he was made knight of the gart [...]r, constable of Douer, lord Wa [...]den of the cinque ports, lord chamberleine, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton, fol. 191. earle of Hunting­ton, and also one of the priuie councell to the king.

Neither was there any thing doone concerning the affaires apperteining vnto the state without his counsell, appointment, and direction, wherein he so much fauoured and leaned to the partie of the duke of Ireland, that he was sore enuied, and greatlie ha­ted of diuerse of the rest of the nobilitie, speciallie of the kings vncle the duke of Glocester, who vpon ma­lice that he bare to the man, not so much for his owne demeanour, as for his alies, and peraduenture for desire of his roomes, more than of his life, caused him to be accused of diuerse offenses against the crowne, realme, and church; namelie, for that he had (as they surmized against him) spoiled and wasted the kings treasure, and withholden the paie of the souldiers and men of warre, wherevpon he was arrested, called to account, & hauing no clerke allowed him to make vp the same, was found in arrerages 250000 franks. And although for one part thereof he demanded al­lowance of monie, which be had defraied and laid out in Almaine, and in Boheme, about the kings mar­riage, and for the residue desired daies of paiment, yet he could obteine neither. Further, he was accused that the duke of Ireland and he had gathered great summes of monie, conueied the same to Douer, and from thence sent it in the night by sea into Ger­manie.

Lastlie, the archbishop (forsooth) and the moonks of Canturburie charged him that he sought the means to remooue [...]he shrine of the archbishop Thomas, o­therwise called Thomas Becket, from Canturburie vnto Douer, vnder a colour of feare, least the French­men being assembled in Flanders to inuade Eng­land, should land in Kent and take Canturburie, and spoile it, where indeed (as they surmized against him) he meant to send it ouer the seas vnto the king of Boheme. Froissard. Herevpon he was first committed to the tower, and before the king or his other friends could procure his deliuerance, he was without law or iu­stice, before any of the residue (as some hold) brought foorth and beheaded on the tower hill, by commande­ment of the duke of Glocester, and other of his facti­on, quite contrarie to the kings will or knowledge, in somuch that when he vnderstood it, he spake manie sore words against the duke, affirming that he was a wicked man, and worthie to be kept shorter, sith vn­der a colour of dooing iustice, he went about to de­stroie euerie good and honest man. The king was al­so offended with the duke of Yorke, for his brothers presumptuous doings, though the said duke of Yorke being verelie a man of a gentle nature, wished that the state of the common-wealth might haue béene re­dressed without losse of any mans life, or other cru­ell dealing: but the duke of Glocester, and diuerse o­ther of the nobilitie, the lesse that they passed for the kings threatening speach, so much more were they readie to punish all those whom they tooke to be their enimies. Thom. Wal [...]. In deed the said sir Simon Burlie was thought to beare himselfe more loftie, by reason of the kings fauour, than was requisite, which procured him enuie of them, that could not abide others to be in any condition their equals in authoritie.

It should appeare by Froissard, that he was first of all, in the beginning of these stirs betwixt the king and the lords, committed to the tower, and notwith­standing all the shift that either the king, or the duke of Ireland, or anie other of his fréends could make for him, by the duke of Glocesters commandement he was cruellie beheaded, so greatlie to the offense of the king, and those that were his trustie councellors, that therevpon the king caused the duke of Ireland the sooner to assemble an armie against the said duke and his complices, therby [...]o r [...]s [...]raine their presump­tuous proceedings. But whether he was thus at the first or last executed, to please the king the better, now at this parlement, amongst others that were con­demned [Page 465] in the same: his lands were giuen to the king, a great part whereof he afterwards disposed to diuerse men as he thought expedient. But yet in the parlement holden in the one and twentith yeare of this kings reigne, the act of atteindor of the said sir Simon was repealed: and at an other parlement holden in the second yeare of king Henrie the fourth, all his lands which then remained vngranted and vn­sold, were restored to sir Iohn Burlie knight, sonne and heire of sir Roger Burlie, brother to the said Si­mon, of whom lineallie is descended Thomas Eins line 10 esquier, now secretarie to the queenes maiesties councell in the north parts. And thus far touching sir Simon Burlie, of whom manie reports went of his disloiall dealings towards the state, as partlie ye haue heard, but how trulie the lord knoweth. Among other slanderous tales that were spred abroad of him, one was that he consented to the deliuering of Do­uer castell by the kings appointment to the French­men for monie. But as this was a thing not like to be true, so (no doubt) manie things that the persons line 20 aforesaid, which were executed, had béene charged with, at the least by common report among the peo­ple, were nothing true at all; although happilie the substance of those things, for which they died, might be true in some respect.

Sir William Elmham that was charged also for withdrawing of the soldiers wages, discharged him­selfe therof, and of all other things that might be laid to his charge. Grafton. As touching the iustices, they were all condemned to death by the parlement, but such line 30 meanes was made for them vnto the queene, The iustices condemned to perpetuall exile. that she obteined pardon for their liues. But they forfeited their lands and goods, and were appointed to remaine in perpetuall exile, with a certeine portion of monie to them assigned for their dailie sustentation: the names of which iustices so condemned to exile were these, Robert Belknap, Iohn Holt, Iohn Craie, Ro­ger Fulthorpe, William Burgh, and Iohn Lokton. Finallie, in this parlement was an oth required and line 40 obteined of the king, that he should stand vnto and a­bide such rule and order as the lords should take: and this oth was not required onelie of the king, The king ta­keth an oth to performe the lords orders. but also of all the inhabitants of the realme. ¶ In these trou­bles was the realme of England in these daies, and the king brought into that case, that he ruled not, but was ruled by his vncles, and other to them associat.

In the latter end of this eleuenth yeare was the earle of Arundell sent to the sea with a great nauie of ships and men of warre. The earle of Arundell sent to the sea with a great nauie, in aid of the duke of Bri­taine. There went with him in line 50 this iournie, of noble men, the earles of Notingham & Deuonshire, sir Thomas Percie, the lord Clifford, the lord Camois, sir William Elmham, sir Thomas Morieux, sir Iohn Daubreticourt, sir William Shel­lie, sir Iohn Warwike or Berwike, sir Stephan de Liberie, Peraduēture Maluere, it may be Mon­goinerie. sir Robert Sere, sir Peter Montherie, sir Lewes Clanbow, sir Thomas Coque or Cooke, sir William Paulie or Paulet, & diuerse others. There were a thousand men of armes, and three thousand ar­chers. The purpose for which they were sent, was to line 60 haue aided the duke of Britaine (if he would haue re­ceiued them) being then eftsoones run into the French kings displeasure, for the imprisoning of the lord Clisson constable of France.

But after that (contrarie to expectation) the duke of Britaine was come to an agréement with the French king, Anno Reg. 12. the earle of Arundell drew with his nauie alongst the coasts of Poictou, and Xaintonge, till at length he arriued in the hauen that goeth vp to Rochell, and landed with his men at Marrant, foure leagues from Rochell, and began to pilfer, spoile, and fetch booties abroad in the countrie. The Frenchmen within Rochell issued foorth to skirmish with the Eng­lishmen, but they were easilie put to flight, and folow­ed euen to the bariers of the gates of Rochell. ¶ Pe­rot le Bernois a capteine of Gascoigne, that made warre for the king of England in Limosin, and lay in the fortresse of Galuset, came foorth the same time, and made a roade into Berrie with foure hundred spears. The earle of Arundell, The earle of Arundell re­turneth out of France. after he had laine at Marrant fiftéene daies, returned to his ships, and fi­nallie came backe into England, and Perot le Ber­nois likewise returned to his fortresse. ¶About the same time was a truce taken betwixt the parties English and French on the marches of Aquitaine, to begin the first daie of August, and to indure till the first of Maie next insuing.

¶ In this yeare 1388, in Lent, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leceister ab­beie. O Scotish crueltie and more than barbarous bloudthirsti­nesse. the Scots entred in­to the westerne borders, & what with killing as also with burning they did much mischiefe. Moreouer they shewed extreme crueltie against young children and sucklings, against women bigge with child and in trauell, against weake and weerish men and crooked with age, in the countrie of Gildisland, within the lordship of the lord Dacres, gathering them togither into houses, and shutting them vp, and locking the doores, they burned without mercie or pitie to the number (as it was said) of two hundred and aboue.

This yeare in August, An ouer­throw giuen to the Eng­lishmen by the Scots at Otter­burne. the Scots inuaded the coun­trie of Northumberland, and at Otterburne ouer­threw a power of Englishmen, which the earle of Northumberland and his sonnes had leauied against them. In this battell the earle Dowglas chiefe of that armie of Scots was slaine, and the lord Henrie Percie, and his brother sir Ralfe, sonnes to the said earle of Northumberland, were taken prisoners, as in the Scotish chronicles ye may read more at large. After the feast of the natiuitie of our ladie, Fabian. Caxton. A parlement at Cam­bridge. a parle­ment was holden at Cambridge, in the which di­uerse statutes were ordeined; as For the limiting of seruants wages; For punishment of vagarant persons; For the inhibiting of certeine persons to weare weapons; For the debarring of vnlawfull games; For maintenance of shooting in the long bow; For remouing of the staple of woolles from Middleburgh vnto Calis; For labourers not to be receiued, but where they are inhabiting, except with licence vnder seale of the hundred where they dwell. There was also an act made, that none should go foorth of the realme, to purchase anie benefice with cure or without cure, except by licence obteined of the king; and if they did contrarie herevnto, they were to be excluded out of the kings protection. There was granted to the king in this parlement, a tenth to be leuied of the clergie, and a fiftéenth of the laitie. More­ouer, during the time of this parlement, Sir Thomas Triuet slaine with the fall of his horsse. as sir Tho­mas Triuet was riding towards Barnewell with the king, where the king lodged, by forcing his horsse too much with the spurs, the horsse fell with him so rudelie to the ground, that his entrails within him were so burst and perished, that he died the next daie after. Manie reioised at this mans death, as well for that men iudged him to be excéeding haultie and proud; as also for that he was suspected not to haue dealt iustlie with the bishop of Norwich, in the iour­nie which the bishop had made into Flanders: but speciallie men had an ill opinion of him, for that he stood with the king against the lords, counselling him in the yeare last past to dispatch them out of the way. ¶ Sir Iohn Holland, the kings brother on the mo­thers side, that was latelie returned out of Spaine, where he had béene with the duke of Lancaster, was now made earle of Huntington.

¶ In Iulie, whiles the king was at Shéene, year 1389 there swarmed togither in his court great multitudes of flies and gnats, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ [...]on canon of Leicester ab­beie. insomuch that in maner of skirmi­shing they incountered ech other; and making great slaughters on both sides, were in the end swept a­waie [Page 466] from the place where they lay dead, Battell and slaughter be­tweene flies. with bru­shes and béesoms by heaps. This was deemed an vn­luckie prognosticat of some mischiefe like to fall vpon the necke of the land.

Also in this twelfth yeare, were commissioners ap­pointed to méet at Balingham, Commissio­ners sent to treat a truce betweene England, France, and Scotland. betwixt Calis and Bullongne, to treat a truce to be had betwixt the realmes of England, France and Scotland. Walter Skirlow bishop of Durham, that had béene latelie before remoued from Bath vnto Durham, from line 10 whence Iohn Fordham had béene translated vnto Elie, was sent as head commissioner for the king of England, and with him were ioined sir Ihon Clan­bow, and sir Nicholas Dagworsh, knights, and Ri­chard Rowhale clearke, Froissard. a doctor of law. By Frois­sard it appeareth that the earle of Salisburie was one, & sir Thomas Beauchampe lord deputie of Calis ap­pointed likewise as an assistant with them. The bi­shop of Baieux, the lord Ualeran earle of S. Poule, sir Guillam de Melin, sir Nicholas Bracque, and sir line 20 Iohn le Mercier came thither for the French king. And for the king of Scots there appeared the bishop of Aberdeine, sir Iames and sir Dauid Lindsey, and sir Walter Sankler, knights. After long treatie, and much a doo, at length a truce was concluded to begin at Midsummer next, and to last thrée years after.

¶ In this yeare of Grace 1389, in the Lent time, there sprang a pitifull strife in Oxford, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leceister ab­beie. Scholers of Oxford togi­ther by the eares. the variance in the yeare before being not fullie allaied, but both sides alwaies prouoking ech other. For the Welsh line 30 scholers being euermore quarelous, and hauing the southerlie scholers taking their parts, rose against the scholers of the north, so that to and fro manie a deadlie mischiefe happened betwéene them. In the end, this strife did so increase, that there was a dai [...] of skirmish appointed and agreed vpon by both sides to be tried in the field. But by the meanes of Tho­mas of Woodstoke duke of Glocester all this sturre was appeased, and manie of the Welsh scholers ba­nished from the vniuersitie. ¶ On the thursdaie be­fore line 40 Easter (being mawndaie thursdaie) the lord Beaumont gardian of Carleill in the west marches entred Scotland fortie leagues, & spoiling Fowike, made wast at his pleasure, and brought awaie with him manie Scots prisoners & captiues. ¶ About this time a truce of thrée years was taken betwéene king Richard, Truce of 3. ye [...]rs be­tweéne six kings. the kings of France, Scotland, Spaine, Portingale, and of Nauarre. This truce began on the first daie of August in the néerer parts of the realme both by sea and land; and on the fiftéenth of line 50 August in the further parts, because knowledge could not be giuen thereof without some long time.

The Scots in the time of treatie spoile the countrie of Northumber­land.Whilest the commissioners were occupied in the marches betwixt Calis and Bullongne about this truce, the Scots entring into Northumberland, did much mischiefe, leading awaie manie prisoners, men and women, besides other great booties and preies which they got abroad in the countrie. The lord Thomas Mowbraie earle of Notingham was sent with fiue hundred spears to reuenge those attempts line 60 of the enimies: but for that his power was small in comparison to theirs, he preuailed litle or nothing a­gainst them. Sir Iohn Clanbow, and sir Richard Rouale clerke, tooke the French kings oth; and the earle of saint Paule that had maried the ladie Maud Courtnie with other noblemen, came into Eng­land, and receiued the kings oth here for the confir­ming of this last mentioned truce. The Scots hauing proui­ded an armie to inuade England are hardly per­suaded to ac­cept the truce. The Scots might not without much adoo be persuaded to accept this truce, being readie the same time with an armie to enter into England, but yet through the diligence of such Frenchmen as went thither for that purpose, at length they agreed.

This yeare the king by counsell of some that were about him, called the nobles and great men of the realme togither, and as they were set in the councell chamber staieng till he came: at length he entring into the same chamber, and taking his place to sit a­mong them, demanded of them, The kings question to his lords and others in the councel cham­ber. of what age he was now? Whereto answer was made, that he was full twentie years old. Then (said he) I am of years suffi­cient to gouerne mine owne house and familie, and also my kingdome: for it séemeth aginst reason that the state of the meanest person within my kingdome should be better than mine. Euerie heire that is once come to the age of twentie years, is permitted, if his father be not liuing, to order his businesse himselfe: then that thing which is permitted to euerie other person of meane degrée by law, why is the same de­nied vnto me? These words vttered he with the cou­rage of a prince, not without the instigation and set­ting on of such as were about him, whose drift was by discountenancing others to procure preferment to themselues, abusing the kings tender years and gréene wit, with ill counsell for their aduantage: where as it had béene more méete to haue giuen him those precepts which Claudianus hath in his tract of the institution of a prince; and among others this:

Non tibi quid liceat,
Claudian.
sed quid fecisse decebit
Occurrat, mentém (que) domet respectus honesti.

When the barons had hard the words of the king, being therewith astonied, they made answer, that there should be no right abridged from him, but that he might take vpon him the gouernment as of rea­son was due. Well said he, yée know that I haue beene a long time ruled by tutors, so as it hath not béene lawfull to me to doo anie thing, were it of neuer so small importance, without their consents. Now therefore I will, that they meddle no further with matters perteining to my gouernment, The king ta­king vpō him the gouerne­ment of all things displa­ceth diuers of­ficers & set­teth others in their roomes. & after the maner of an heire come to lawfull age, I will call to my councell such as pleaseth me, and I will deale in mine owne businesse my selfe. And therfore I will first that the chancellor resigne to me his seale. When the archbishop of Yorke (who in the yeare last past ha [...] béene remooued from Elie vnto Yorke, and Alexander Neuill displaced) had deliuered vnto him the seale, the king receiuing it of him, put it in his bosome, and suddenlie rising, departed foorth of the chamber, & after a little while returning, sat downe againe, and deliuered the seale to the bishop of Win­chester, William Wickham, Wickham bi­shop of Win­chester made L. chancelor. and so made him chan­cellor, although sore against the same bishops will. He made also manie other new officers, remoouing the old, and vsed in all things his owne discretion and authoritie. The duke of Glocester, the earle of War­wike, & other honorable and worthie men, were dis­charged and put from the councell, and others placed in their roomes, such as pleased the king to appoint. At the same time he made fiue new iustices.

¶Of this assuming the regiment to himselfe, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie. as di­uerse diuerslie report: so Henrie Knighton a man li­uing in those daies, and committing to writing the occurrents of that tumultuous time, saith as follow­eth. In the moneth of Maie, the king held a councell at Westminster, and in the feast of the Inuention of the crosse, comming personallie to the councell house he remooued all the great officers (contrarie to expec­tation and thinking) from their offices, and at his pleasure placed in their roomes whome he list. He re­mooued the archbishop of Yorke lord chancellor, and put in his place the bishop of Winchester: he remoo­ued the bishop of Hereford lord treasuror, and put an­other in his place: he remooued the clearke of the priuie seale, and all other: so likewise did he the iusti­ces of either bench. But least the affaires of the realme should in the meane while be hindered, he commanded the iustices of law to follow and prose­cute [Page 467] things requisite as they were woont, till such time as he was better aduised touching the proui­ding of other iustices. The erle of Arundell likewise, vnto whome the gouernment of the parlement was committed, and the admeraltie of the sea, was remoo­ued; and the earle of Huntington put in his roome. In like sort dealt the king with the residue of his offi­cers, saieng that he ought not to be inferior in degree & of lesse account than an other ordinarie heire what­soeuer within the realme of England; sith the law line 10 and custome of the realme of England auerreth, that euerie heire being in the gardianship of anie lord, when he is growne to be one and twentie yeares of age, ought presentlie to inioy the inheritance left him by his father, and is lawfullie to possesse his pa­trimonie, and freelie to dispose and order his owne goods and chattels to his liking. But now it is come to passe, that I thus manie yeares haue liued vnder your counsell and gouernement; and now first to God, secondlie to you, I giue manifold thanks, that line 20 you haue gouerned and supported me, mine inheri­tance, and my realme of England, as well within as without, & speciallie against our enimies round about vs, all renowme of honour and praise to vs and our kingdome alwaies safelie reserued. But now God hath so dealt for vs, that we are of full age, so that we are two and twentie yeares old at this present: and we require that we may fréelie and at libertie from this time forward rule and gouerne both our selues and our inheritance; and we will line 30 haue our kingdome in our owne hands, and officers and seruitors of our owne appointing at our plea­sure; secondlie, as shall seeme to vs more auaileable, by Gods grace, to elect, choose, and preferre vnto offi­ces such as we doo well like of, and at our pleasure to remooue such as be presentlie resiant, and in their roomes to substitute and set others wheresoeuer and whomsoeuer we list. The king hauing thus spoken, there was not one that went about to breake him of his will, but they all glorified God, who had proui­ded line 40 them such a king, as was likelie to prooue discreet and wise.

Anno Reg. 13. Wickleuists increase.In this season, the followers of Wickliffes doc­trine maruellouslie increased, speciallie in the dio­cesse of Sarum, where they had manie that tooke vp­on them as ministers, both to preach the word, and to dispense the sacraments. This they did in secret: but they were discouered by one that had beene of their fellowship, who declared to the bishop of Salisburie at his man or of Sonning, all the whole circumstan­ces line 50 thereof, as he knew. There were of them that preached in those daies earnestlie against pilgrima­ges, calling such images as the people had in most veneration, as that at Walsingham, and the rood of the north doore at Paules in London, rotten stocks, and worme eaten blocks, through which the vnskil­full people being mocked and deceiued, were com­pelled most manifestlie to commit idolatrie. The bi­shops (saith Thomas Walsingham) hearing, behol­ding, and knowing these things with much more, to line 60 be true, did little or nothing to redresse the same, saue onlie the bishop of Norwich who stirred coles, swea­ring and staring, that if anie of that sect presumed to preach anie peruerse doctrine within his diocesse, he would cause them either to hop headlesse, or to frie a fagot for it: he was therefore not a little praised and extolled by the moonks and other religious men (as should appeare) for that his zeale.

The duke of Lancaster re­turneth into Englād foorth of Gascoigne.In Nouember, the duke of Lancaster came foorth of Gascoigne into England, after he had remained first in Spaine, and after in Gascoigne, thrée yeares togither. Of his successe in Spaine is spoken before, & likewise of the agréement betwixt the king of Ca­st [...]le, & the said duke, which was not in all points con­firmed, till a little before his returne now into Eng­land. A councell holden at Reding where y e duke of Lancaster reconcileth the king and the lords. About the same time the king had called a coun­cell of his nobilitie at Reading, to the which the duke of Lancaster made the more hast to come, bicause he knew that the king would shew no good countenance to some of the noblemen; and therefore he doubted least malicious offenses might arise betwixt them, which to appease he meant the best he could, and his trauell came to good effect: for he did so much, that as well the king as the lords departed from the councell as freends, the lords taking their leaues of him in lo­uing maner, and he courteouslie bidding them fare­well: and so each of them resorted vnto their homes well pleased for that present. ¶ The king held his Christmasse this yéere at Woodstoke, and the duke of Lancaster laie at his castell of Hertford.

At the same time the lord Iohn de Hastings earle of Penbroke, as he was practising to learne to iust, year 1390 through mishap was striken about the priuie parts, The earle of Penbroke as he was lear­ning to iust is wounded to death. by a knight called sir Iohn S. Iohn, that ran against him, so as his inner parts being perished, death pre­sentlie followed. The losse of this earle was greatlie bemoned by men of all degrees, for he was liberall, gentle, humble, and courteous to each one, aboue all the other yoong lords in the land of his time. Of this earles ancestors this is reported for a thing strange and maruelous, that from the daies of Aimer de Ua­lence earle of Penbroke, that was one amongst o­ther that sat in iudgement of Thomas earle of Lan­caster, there was not anie earle of Penbroke succée­ding the same Aimer de Ualence, vnto the daies of this yoong earle by misfortune thus slaine, that euer saw his father, nor yet anie of their fathers might reioise in the sight of anie of their sonnes, being still called hence, before the time came for them so to doo.

¶Now héere, bicause this Iohn Hastings, being the last of that surname and armes of the whole blood, Francis Thin, out of diuerse ancient mo­numents be­longing to the Hastings and others. which of that line inioied anie title of honor, I thinke it not vnfit for this place (since other occasion will not be giuen therefore) to talke of the Hastings som­what higher than this man: though not from the shell to perpetuate the memorie of them, the which I haue now doone, least otherwise by ingrate obliuion it might neuer hereafter come to light. In which I will not begin from the first honourable Hastings, whose bloud by manie descents continued, is thought by most ancient monuments, which I haue séene and read, to haue béene a baron before the con­quest in this land, and to haue borne the same cote in the field, which this now slaine earle of Penbroke did: whereof hereafter in my descriptions and lines of the earles of Penbroke I will make more ample discourse in a new booke (if God giue good successe therein) onelie at this time making some small repe­tition from that Henrie Hastings, from whome the Hastings (in respect of the mariage of Alda daugh­ter to Dauie earle of Huntington, brother to Wil­liam king of Scots) did descend: who (amongst o­thers) in the reigne of Edward the first, made title to the kingdome of Scotland. The originall of which name in this treatise I will neither flatteringlie de­fend, nor obstinatlie reiect, to haue growne from Ha­stings the Dane, who in the reigne of Alured (long before the conquest, about the yeare of our redempti­on 890) came with Rollo into England, and for a cer­teine space infes [...]ed this nation, departing aside to France. And now to the purpose.

Henrie lord Hastings (who bare for his armes gold a manche gules) married Alda (or Ada) the fourth daughter of Dauid earle of Huntington, she being one of the heires to Iohn Scot earle of Chester, & of Huntington (which died without issue) son of the said Dauid, and brother to the said Ada. To this Henrie [Page 468] and Ada did Henrie the third king of England, in the two & twentith of his reigne (in place of the portion of hir brothers lands, which should haue descended to hir as parcell of the earledome of Chester, for that the king would not haue the said earledome diuided a­mongst distaues) giue in exchange certeine lands mentioned in this déed following.

The grant of Henrie the third, to Hen­rie Hastings and Ada his wife, for the ex­change of lands for hir part of the line 10 earledome.

OMnibus, ad quos, &c: salutem. Sciatis quòd concessimus pro nobis & haeredi­bus nostris, Henrico de Hastings, & Adae vxorieius, pro rationabili parte sua, qùae praedictam Adam contingent, de hae­reditate Iohannis quondam comitis Cestriae fra­tris ipsius Adae in Cestershire, faciēdo eis rationabi­le excambium, ad valentiam praedictae partis ip­sam line 20 Adam contingentis de praedicto com. Cester­shire. Et ad maiorem securitatem cōcessimus eidem Henrico & Adae manerium nostrum de Bremes­graue cum pertinentibus in comitatu Wigorniae, manerium nostrum de Bolisoure cum castris & pertinentibus in com. Derby, manerium no­strum de Mountesfeld cum Soka cū pertinentibus in comitatu Notingham, manerium de Wors­feld cum pertinentibus in com. Salop. manerium line 30 de Stratton cum pertinentibus in eodem com. Strattondale. ma­nerium de Wiggutton cum pertinent. in com. Staf­ford, & maneriū de Woluerhamton cūpert. in eodē com. in tenentiam. Tenendum eisdem Henrico & Adae & haeredibus ipsius Adae, quo vs (que) praedicta pars ipsam Adam contingens & de praedicta haere­ditate extenta fuerit, & rationabile excambium in praedictis terris vel alias eis assignauerimus. In cuius, &c. Teste rege apud Ditton 11. Innij, anno line 40 regni nostri 22.

The which manours the said Henrie and Ada did hold during the life of the said Ada, in peaceable and quiet possession. After hir death the said Henrie goeth into Gascoigne, where he remained stew­ard vntill the comming of Henrie the third, at what time the said Henrie surrendered his office, but the king importunate with him still to reteine the same, he flatlie denied it, and would no longer remaine there, suddenlie returning into England without li­cence line 50 or knowledge of the king, for which contempt the king greeuouslie incensed, in reuenge and for sa­tisfaction of the same, made the same lands to be ex­tended by Thomas Paslew and others, who by the kings processe extended part thereof to a [...]reble va­lue, after which extent returned into the chancerie, the king seized the manour of Bremesgraue, Bole­soure, Strattondale in Norton, & left in his hands the manours of Lierton, Oswardbecke, Cundoner, Wourfeld, and Wigutton, whereof the said Henrie line 60 died seized. Two yeares before which grant of the lands before said to this Henrie, to wit, in the twen­tith yeare of Henrie the third, the said Henrie Ha­stings made his petition to serue in the pantrée (as he was bound by tenure) at the coronation of eue­rie prince, the record whereof in the ancient written booke of the earls of Huntington, is in these words following.

The record by which Henrie Hastings executed the office of the panteller.

VIcesimo Henr. tertij quo coronata fuit regina Elionara filia Hugonis comitis Prouinciae a­pud Westm. factae sunt contentiones magnae de ser­uitijs ministralibus, & de iuribus pertinentibus ad eorum ministeria, sed respectuatur, iuribus sin­gulis saluis, vt tumultus requiesceret vs (que) ad quin­dena Paschae sequētis, &c. Et Henricus de Hastin­ges, cuius officium seruiendi de mappis à veteri vendicauit officiū illud, & habuit. Nam quamuis Thurstanus vendicauit officium illud, asserens suum esse debere à veteri, tamen rex repulsat, & admisit Henricum de Hastinges, ea die assignans eisdem diem de contentione finienda ad praedictum terminum. Extractas verò post prandium map­pas tanquam suas ad officium pertinentes recepit.

This Henrie had by Ada his wife, his sonne & heire Henrie Hastings, from whome Buchanan dooth saie that Henrie Hastings now earle of Penbroke is descended, whereof I will not now heere dispute.

Henrie Hastings knight, sonne of Henrie, after the death of his father, finding himselfe greeued that the inheritance, which should haue descended vnto him from his mother, was so withholden from him for the offense of his father, contrarie to law and iu­stice, and without iudgement, but by the kings pow­er, pursued a bill against the king, therby to haue re­medie and restitution, for the supposed false returne of the extent which was made against his father; and vpon the same bill, this Henrie Hastings obteined a new writ to make a fresh extent directed to maister Thomas of Wimundham, Robert de la Laie, Ro­bert de Solham, Hugh Peeche, & Thomas de Braie, to vnderstand if the remnant of the lands to him des­cended, beside that by the king extended, would coun­teruaile the value of such lands as he should haue by descent from and of the earle and earledome of Che­ster, which ma [...]ter neuer being ended in his time, was afterward prosecuted of the Hastings from par­lement to parlement, vntill the thirtie fourth yeare of Edward the first, as more plainelie shall after ap­peare▪ Of this Henrie, Hollingshed intreateth much in the reigne of Henrie the third: this man (being he that in the time of Edward the first, made title to the crowne of Scotland) maried Ione one of the daugh­ters of William Cantulpe lord of Aburgauenie, in the right of Eua, one of the daughters and heires of William Bewsa or Brewcusa, for I find both writ­ten, of which Ione this Henrie had issue Iohn Ha­stings his sonne and heire, Edmund which maried Isabell, & had great possessions in Wales: Ada first maried to Robert de Champane: Lora maried to sir Thomas the sonne of sir Iohn de Latimer, and Ione which was a nun at Notingham.

Iohn Hastings knight, sonne of the last Henrie, was borne at Asleghe, in the yéere of our Lord 1262, and in the six & fortith yeare of the reigne of Henrie the third. This man after his fathers death did (in the yeare of our Lord 1274, and the second yeare of the reigne of Edward the first, being the kings ward) demand the execution of his office of the pantrie, at the coronation of queene Elianor wife to Edward the first, but could not execute the same by reason of his nonage, and also for that he was in ward to the said king. After, when he was growne to full yeares, there arose in the yeare of our Lord 1305, and in the thirtie third yeare of the reigne of Edward the first, great contention betweene Anto­nie Beake bishop of Durham, this Iohn Hastings, Iohn Balioll, and Robert Bruse, for the manors of Penrith, Castlesoure, Salgkill regis, Lange Worth­bie, Carlaton, and of Werkine Tinehale, whereof Henrie king of Scots (kinsman of the said Robert Bruse, Iohn Balioll, and Iohn Hastings, whose heire they were) died seized in his demesne of fee. In [Page 469] which sutes after manie delaies made, and manie summons against the said bishop, the plée went with­out daie, bicause the bishop must go to Rome. But after his returne the sute being reuiued and continu­ed, it went once more without daie, bicause the king seized the same into his hands, and held it all the time of his reigne. These things thus doone, and Edward the first departed, this Iohn Hastings as yet not ha­stie to renew his sute of the land, but rather to exe­cute his right of the pantrie, did in the first yeare of Edward the second, demand the executing of that of­fice, line 10 at the coronation of the said Edward the second and Isabell his wife at Westminster, which he ob­teined, and laid the clothes and napkins in the great hall by him and other his knights, one the tables whereat the king, the quéene, and other great states should dine, which (according as I haue seene noted) was in this sort.

The order and number of clothes laied line 20 at the kings table, and how Iohn Hastings had them for his fee.

AD altam sedem ipsius regis tres map­pas, & super alias mensas in eadem aula 28 mappas, vnde quaelibet pecia continebat 4, & in parua aula coram regina, & alibi in illa parua aula 14, quarū quaelibet pecia continebat 3. Et dum fuerūt ad comestum, mappas per se & suos custodiebat, & line 30 post comestum illas trahebat, & deferre faciebat seruientes ad seruiendum, & istas cum suis loquelis [...]abebat sine voluntate vel cum voluntate, & eas de [...]inebat per totum festum coronationis, licèt pe­titae erant deliberatione, primò à senescallo regis, postea ab ipso rege, per quod idem rex praecepit do­mino Willielmo Martin, & alijs senescallis suis, quòd plenam & celerem iusticiam ei facerent, & deliberationem de mappis praedictis si fuerit faci­endum. line 40 Qui inde postea nihil facere voluerunt, aut non curauerunt toto festo coronationis prae­dictae, nec postea in congregationibus. Per quod po­stea dominus Iohannes de Hastings f [...]cit petitiones suas domino regi, & concilio suo, quòd feodum su­um mapparum praedictarum ei deliberaretur, pro vt ei de iure fuerit deliberandum. Et quòd fecit seru [...]tium suum debito modo, prout antecessor su­us fecit longo tempore Henrici regis, quando ha­buit feodum suum, tempore quādo desponsauit Eli­onaram line 50 filiam comitis Prouinciae, tanquam perti­nens ad manerium suum de Asheley in comitatu North. pro vt patet in Memorandum ipsius regis in camero suo de scaccario diuersis locis in istis verbis.

* Williame de Hastinges tient demye fee de chiualer in Asheley du roy a fayre le seruice per seriante deestree pane­tre le roye, which is found in the fourth leafe of Che­ster beginning, Le counte Roger le Bigot, in the title of [...]schetes of seriantie in the countie of Northfolke. line 60 Touching which it is thus further found in the same place. * Henrie de Hastings tient en Asheley du roye per s [...]giante de la panetre, fo. Syesme. * Henrie de Hastings tient vn seriante de la panetre le roy en Asheley, & vaut [...] per an. [...]. sol. fol. 9. * Williame de Hastings tient vn fee de chiualer en Asheley sertante deestree despenser en le de­spons. le roy. fo. 4. * Henrie de Hastings tient vn terr en la ville de Asheley per le seruice deestree le despens [...].

Which petitions and all other petitions for his part of his land in the kings hands, by the censure made in the time of Henrie the 3, the said Iohn Hastings lord of Aburgauennie did pursue from parlement to [...]arlement, vntill the parlement holden at Yorke a [...]ter Michaelmas, where supplication was made to the king, by him and others, that he might remaine with the king in Gascoigne, as his steward or mar­shall: which if he would performe, all his forsaid pe­titions and all other petitions which were reasonable, should be granted vnto him. By occasion whereof he granted vnto the kings and the nobles request: so that the king would find him pledges due therefore, and that he might obteine iustice in his inheritances, and those his lawfull sutes, which had beene hitherto denied vnto him, which thing the king faithfullie pro­mised in euerie respect to be performed towards him: wherevpon he sailed into Gascoigne, in the yeare of Christ 1302, being the 31 of Edward the firs [...], the wednesdaie after the feast of S. Lucie. But for this faire shew, it séemeth he sped neuer the better: for which cause not being restored in the 34 yeare of Ed­ward the first, he pursued his sute afresh, and had from the king at Yorke this definitiue sentence, deli­uered by the mouth of Walter Langhton, then the kings treasuror (as I find by such notes as I haue séene) that he should séeke the records of the chance­rie, and bring them to the next parlement, which the said Iohn did. At what time he brought foorth the for­mer grant of Henrie the third, of the said lands gi­uen in recompense of his part of the earledome of Chester. After which yet it was agréed by the king and his councell for diuerse considerations (and most­lie (as I suppose) because he had refused to serue in Gascoigne, and onelie went as it were inforced) not­withstanding all that the said Iohn could alledge▪ that he should take nothing for his petition, but fur­ther to be in the kings mercie for his false claime: the whole processe whereof I haue seene in an ancient written monument of French. All which (as I ga­ther) was done in the life of Edward the first (not­withstanding that I haue a little vnorderlie before treated of the executing of his office of the pantrie at the coronation of Edward the second, sonne to Edward the first) as may be confirmed by Piers Longtoft in these verses:

Et pour peril escheuer toutz apres promist
Ke Iean de Hastin cheualier e lit
Emerie de la Bret barone ne pas petit
Alan [...] in Gascoigne touz sans contredit
Pour la terme attendue del trevis auant dit.

This Iohn married two wiues both called Isabell, whereof the first was Isabell de Ualence, one of the daughters and heirs of William Ualence earle of Penbroke & lord of Aburgauennie, but how the said Wil. Ualence came to the honor of Aburgauennie, since William Cantelupe before named was once lord thereof, and much about that time, I can not yet certeinlie learne. But yet I following good authori­tie haue set downe this Ualence to be lord of Abur­gauennie, Registrum comi­tum de Hunting­ton. & that he gaue the same to one Iohn Ha­stings, which must néeds be this man, marieng his daughter. The other wife of this Iohn Hastings, was Isabell the daughter of Hugh Spenser earle of Winchester. By his first wife he had six children, to wit, Iohn Hastings his heire, William Hastings that maried Elianor the daughter of sir William Martin, which died without heires; Henrie Hastings that was a clerke, and Elizabeth Hastings maried to Roger Greie lord of Ruthine sonne of sir Iohn Greie, of whom is descended Henrie earle of Kent now liuing. Ione maried to Edmund Mortimer, by whom she had no issue, being after maried to Wil­liam de Huntingfield, by whom she had Roger de Huntingfield: and Margaret Hastings maried to William the sonne of William Martin lord of Keminies' By Isabell Spenser his second wife▪ he had thrée children, to wit, Hugh Hastings lord of [Page 470] Folliot, of whom shall be more intreated, when we come to the last Iohn Hastings erle of Penbroke slaine at tilt, as before. Thomas Hastings, and Pe­lagia de Huntington. His first wife Isabell Ua­lence died 1305, being the 31 of Edward the first, and was buried at the frier minors in Couentrie. His second wife ouerliuing hir husband, was after maried to sir Rafe Monthermer, for which mariage the said Rafe was fined by Edward the second at a thousand marks, as appeareth in the rols of the chan­cerie line 10 of 13 of Edward the second: she died the 9 of Edward the third, & was buried in the frier minors of Salisburie. This Iohn Hastings departed this life 1313, the sixt yeare of the reigne of Edward the second.

Iohn Hastings lord Hastings and Aburgauennie, was borne in the fiftéenth yeare of Edward the first, in the yeare of Christ 1287. For at the death of his father, which happened (as before) in the sixt yeare of Edward the second, he was found to be of the age of line 20 six & twentie years, which if it be added to the yeare of our Lord 1287, make vp the full number of 1313, in which his father died. This man in the eight yeare of Edward the second at the parlement holden at Lon­don in the Carmelite friers, b [...]ing about the yeare from the birth of Christ 1314, renewing the sute to the king (after the death of Antonie Beke bishop of Durham, which happened in the yeare of our Lord 1 [...]10) for the lands, whereof his father had the said bishop in sute, and which were after seized into the line 30 kings hands, as before appeareth, in the life of his father. It was then found vpon search, that sir Iohn Ballioll (who was partie to the said sute before) had the realme of Scotland by award: by reason of cer­teine lands that he gaue to sir Antonie de Beke the bishop of Durham: for which cause it séemed king Edward the first seized the same lands into his hands as forfeit to him, in that they were after the maner of a bribe giuen to the said bishop, to support the sute of the said Iohn Balioll for the obteining of the line 40 crowne of Scotland. And for that cause this Iohn Hastings was counselled by such as willed him well, that he should surceasse his sute, and so he did. This Iohn Hastings maried Iulian the daughter of Thomas lord Leiburne the sonne of William lord Leiburne, and had by hir Laurence de Hastings: af­ter which this Iohn Hastings died in the eightéenth yeare of Edward the second, and in the yeare of our Lord 1325. His wife Iulian liued manie yeers after, and surrendred hir life in the fortie one yeare of Ed­ward line 50 the third, and in the yeare of our Lord 1366.

Laurence Hastings lord Hastings and Aburga­uennie, was also afterward earle of Penbroke, he was borne about the thirtéenth yeare of Edward the second, being also about the yeare of our redemption 1320: which is proued by this, that the said Laurence was fiue yeares old at the death of his father, which (as before is said) happened in the yeare 1325, and in the eightéenth of Edward the second, at what time he was seized as the kings ward, and committed to line 60 the gouernement of tutors, appointed him by the said Edward the second. This Laurence Hastings for the nobilitie of his race, the actiuitie of him selfe, the largenesse of his possessions, and his familiaritie with the king, was created earle of Penbroke, a­bout the one and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third. He maried Anne or Agnes the third daughter of sir Roger Mortimer the first earle of March, by whom he had issue Iohn Hastings.

Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke lord Hastings Aburgauennie and Weifford in Ireland, the sonne of Laurence Hastings the first earle of Penbroke of that name, did in the fortie one yeare of Edward the third, being about the yeare of our Lord 1369, infeoffe diuerse persons of the manor of Lidgate in Suffolke, of which towne was Iohn Lidgate the monke of Berie and famous poet of England sur­named. After which in the fortie six yeare of Edward the third, and in the yeare of our Lord 1371, when the Frenchmen besieged Rochell, he was sent with an armie of men to the rescue of the same. But being set vpon by the Spanish nauie in the hauen of Ro­chell, they slue and tooke manie of the English, burnt their nauie, and caried the earle with sundrie other prisoners into Spaine; where this earle a long time remained prisoner. Which misfortune was iustlie supposed to haue fallen vpon him, because he was a man of euill life, giuen greatlie to lecherie, an infrin­ger of the liberties of the church, and a persuader of the king that he should (for his warres) more grie­uouslie exact manie subsidies and contributions vpon the clergie than vpon the laitie. After that he had béene long prisoner in Spaine (by the space almost of thrée yeares) he was ransomed for a grreat summe of monie, by Bertram Cleikine, and died (as I con­iecture by some sufficient proofe) betwéene Paris and Calis, as he came into England, in the fortie ninth yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374: so that he neuer fullie paied his ransome. He had two wiues, Margaret the daughter of Edward the third, & Anne the daughter of sir Walter Mannie and of Margaret Segraue made dutchesse of North­folke in the time of Richard the second: but when he maried these wiues, I can not certeinlie find. And in the earle of Kents booke (which treateth of the contention of the Hastings and the Greies, for bea­ring of the armes of Hastings) there is no mention made (as farre as my memorie serueth) of the said Margaret; the reason whereof I suppose to be, for that this Iohn Hastings had no issue by hir: and that booke onelie serued to conueie a lineall descent from the Hastings to intitle the Greies. This Iohn Ha­stings had by his second wife (Anne) a sonne called Iohn Hastings, which after succéeded his father in all his inheritances.

But before I saie anie more of the Hastings, I thinke it not amisse to giue some warning of an error in Polydor of Vrbin, writing that Anne the coun­tesse of Penbroke (wife to this man, for none of the earles of Penbrokes had anie wife so named with­in the compasse of years wherein Polydor appointeth this time) descended of a noble house of S. Paule in France, a woman of great vertue, and a louer of learning and of learned men, founded a house in Cambridge, to this daie called Penbroke hall: which in truth was not builded by hir, but by Marie the wife of Odomare or Aimer de Ualence earle of Penbroke, who was slaine at tilt in the one & twentie yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374: which was thirtie seauen yeares before the death of this Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke: which Marie was in verie déede the daughter of Guie earle of S. Paule, the kinswoman of Edward the third, and a French woman. This woman being in one daie (& that the daie of hir mariage) a maid, a wife, & a widow (hir husband being that day slaine at tilt) did in hir widowhood (in the one & twentith yeare of Edward the 3, in the yeare of our Lord 1374) erect that house in Cambridge vpon hir owne ground, and appointed the same to be called the hall of Marie Ua­lence, or Penbroke hall; by meanes whereof it was long after called Aula Valentiae Mariae.

Now to returne (where I left) to the last wife of this Iohn Hastings called Anne, she (after the death of hir husband) did at [...]he coronation of Richard the second, in the yeare of Christ 1382, being about the fift yeare of the reigne of the said Richard, sue by petition to execute by hir deputie the office of the [Page 471] panteler by reason of the manor of Ashley, which she had for hir iointure, whervnto she was admitted, & by hir deputie sir Thomas Blunt knight did performe the same: as this record dooth testifie, in which is set both hir petitions, and the iudgement thereof in this forme.

The record whereby dame Anne Hastings clameth the office of the pantrie. line 10

ITem Anna quae fuitvxor Iohannis Ha­stings nuper comes Penbrochiae porrex­it in curia quandam petitionem suam in haec verba. A treshonore seigneur le duc de Lancast. & senescall d' Angliter supplie Anne que fuit le femme Iohn de Hastinges nad­gares countie de Penbroke, qui come le mannor de Asheley in le com. de Northfolke soit tenens de nostre seigneur le roy par le seruice de faire le office line 20 de napperie al coronement le roy, quel mannor soel tient en dower del dowement son dit baron. Ore plest luy accepter del faire son office person deputie, a cestie coronement nostre seigneur le roye, per­nant les fees du dit office ceastascauoir les nappes quant il sont sustreytz. Et quia post ostensionem verisimilium euidentiarum & rationum ipsius Annae, ac proclamationem in curia praedicta debitè factam, in hac parte nullus huiusmodi clamor ipsius line 30 Annae contradixit: consideratum fuit quòd ipsa ad officium praedictum per sufficientem deputatum su­um faciendum admitteretur, & sic officium illud per Thomam Blunt militem, quem ad hoc deputa­uit, dicto die coronationis in omnibus perfecit, & peracto prandio mappas de mensis subtractis pro feodo suo recepit.

Thus this much touching this Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke and dame Anne Mannie his wife. line 40

Iohn hastings (the sonne of Iohn Hastings last re­cited) was earle of Penbroke lord Hastings Abur­gauennie & Weisford, who being verie yoong at the time of his fathers death, was ward first to Edward the third, and then to Richard the second, but neuer saw his full age of one and twentie yeares, nor euer possessed the lands wherevnto he was borne: for not long after that he had married Philip the second daughter of Edmund Mortimer (earle of March Ul­ster and lord of Wigmore) he was [about the nine­tenth line 50 yeare of his age, the fiftéenth yeare of king Ri­chard the second, and the yeare of our redemption 1391, being a youthfull and lustie yoong gentleman (but tender and slender) in the Christmasse time, when the K. held that feast at Woodstoke in Oxfordshire] willing to learne to iust, whervpon in the parke then incountring with a knight called Iohn saint Iohn (a valiant and stout person) he was slaine when they ran togither, as the said knight did cast his speare line 60 from him, and so the said earle receiuing this manner of death, no man knew whether it happened by mis­hap or of purpose. To which Iohn Hastings now slaine, Margaret Segraue duchesse of Northfolke his grandmother (by his mother the daughter of sir Walter Mannie) was executrix and disposer of all his substance. After his death, his widow the ladie Philip was married to Richard earle of Arundell, & after that to Iohn lord saint Iohn, being the same man (as I suppose) which slue hir first husband this Iohn Hastings. But here before the death of this Iohn I must not forget, that though he were within age at the coronation of Richard the second, as not being past nine or ten yeares old; he sued to execute at the said coronation, the offices which his ancestors had afore performed. But bicause his mother had the mannor of Ashley in dower (as is before expressed) he did not sue to serue in the pantrie, but leauing that, demandeth the carieng of the second sword and the golden spurs before the king. The records of both which I haue here set downe.

The petition for the second sword which the earle of Arundell also clai­med to beare, was in this sort.

IOhannes de Hastings nuper comes Pen­brochiae protulit quandam petitionē in haec verba. A treshonoree seigniour le duc de Lancastre & seneschall d' An­gleterre, Iohn fitz & heyre Iohn de Hastinges counte de Penbroke, que cōme il tient le Chastell de la ville de Tynbye, le grange de Kingswood, le cō ­mote de Craytrath, le mannor de Chastell Martin, & le mannor de Traygaire per seruice de porter le second espee deuant le roy a son coronement: qui pleast a luy, accepter a son dit office a faire ore a ceste coronement. Et super hoc Richardus comes Arundell & Surrey exhibuit in curia quandā ali­am petitionē in haec verba. A roy de Chastell & de Lion duc de Lancastre & senescall d'Angleterre, supplie Richard counte de Arundell & Surrey, de luy receuer afaire son office, a porter le s [...]conde­spee deuant le roy ore a son coronement, que luy ap­per [...]ient de droit pur le countie de Surrey. Quibus petitionibus intellectis & auditis, & hinc inde di­ctorum [...]omitum rationibus, pro eo quod dictus Io­hannes comes Penbrochiae (qui infra aeta [...]ē in custo­dia regis existit) ostendit curiae meliores & veri­similiores rationes pro se, quàm praedictus comes Arundell pro ipso monstrauit. Dominus rex decla­rata coram eo materia praedicta, praecepit Edmundo comiti mariscallo, quòd ipse gladium praedictum ista vice in nomine iure praedicti comitis Penbro­chiae deferret, saluo iure alterius cuiuscun (que). Qui quidem mariscallus gladium illum ex hac causa die coronationis gestabat calcaribus deauratis.

The other bill exhibited for the gol­den spurs, is registred in this order.

IOhannes filius & haeres Iohannis de Hastings nuper comitis Pēbrochiae ex­hibuit in curia quandam petitionem in haec verba. A treshonore seigneur le roy de Chastell, &c. Et seneschall d'Ang [...]terre, supplie Iohne fitz & heyre Iohne Hastings nadga­res counte de Penbroke, de estre receue a son office de porter les grandes esperon, d'oores deuant le roy nostre seigneur ore a son coronement, en mannor cōme William le marischall son ancester les porta il coronoment de roy. Edw. audita & intellecta bill [...] praedicta, pro eo quòd Iohannes est infra aetatem & in custodia domini regis, quanquam sufficientes ostendit curiae recorda & euidētias, quòd ipse ser­uitium praedictum de iure facere deberet; conside­ratum extitit, quòd esset ad voluntatem regis, quis dictum seruitium ista vice in iure ipsius Iohannis faceret. Et super hoc rex assignabat Edmundum comitē mariscallum, ad deferēdum dicto die coro­nationis praedicta calcaria in iure ipsius haeredis▪ Saluo iure alterius cuiuscunque, & sic idem comes mariscallus illa calcaria praedicta in dicto die co­ronationis coram ipso domino rege deferebat.

[Page 472]In this Iohn Hastings ended all the honorable ti­tles of the Hastings, bicause this man dieng without issue, his inheritances were dispersed to diuerse persons; for the honour of Penbroke came to Fran­cis at court by the kings gift, the baronies of Ha­stings and Weisford came to Reinold Greie of Ru­thine, the baronie of Aburgauennie was granted to William Beauchampe of Bedford: for all which lands, and for the bearing of the armes of this same Iohn Hastings without difference, great contenti­on line 10 grew betwéene sir Edward Hastings knight (des­cended of Isabell Spenser) and Reinold Greie lord Greie of Ruthine, sonne of Reinold Greie, sonne of Roger Greie, that married Elizabeth daughter of Isabell Ualence, for both the said lord Greie and sir Edward Hastings were descended by two venters (as partlie before and partlie hereafter shalbe shew­ed) from one man Iohn Hastings, husband to both said Isabels. For the explanation whereof, and line­all descent to conueie the said sir Edward Hastings line 20 from the said Iohn Hastings, first lord of Aburga­uennie of that surname; I must here repeat a little of that which I haue alreadie written: which is, that the said Iohn Hastings first lord of Aburgauennie, hauing two wiues, both Isabels, by his first wife Isa­bell Ualence had Elizabeth maried to Roger Greie, and by his second wife Isabell Spenser, he had issue sir Hugh Hastings knight, from whome we are to deduce the said sir Edward Hastings in this sort. Hugh Hastings knight lord of Folliot (in the right line 30 of his wife) being sonne of the second wombe of Isa­bell Spenser, and Iohn Hastings sonne of Henrie Hastings married Margerie the daughter and heire of sir Richard Folliot, by whom he came to be lord of Folliot, and alwaies bare the armes of Hastings with a difference of a second brother of a second ven­ter. This marriage was procured and made by Isa­bell his mother, who purchased the said ward for him. This Hugh died in the yeare of Christ 1347, in the one and twentith yeare of Edward the third, and line 40 was buried in the church of Elsing, in Elsrug in Northfolke which he builded; his wife Margerie died in the yeare 1349, being the thrée and twentith yeare of Edward the third, and was buried in the chappell of Fornewell. This Hugh had issue by his wife Hugh Hastings his heire, and a daughter married to sir Robert de la Mare.

Hugh Hastings knight, the sonne of Hugh and Margerie Folliot did marrie the daughter of Adam de Eueringham, by whom he had Hugh Hastings line 50 his sonne and heire, and two daughters, the one mar­ried to Winkfield, and the other to a knight called Elmham. This Hugh died at Calkewelhell or Gwines, and was buried in the friers of Doncaster, in the yeare of our Lord 1369, about the foure & for­tith yéere of Edward the third. This man for him and his heires in difference from the other Hastings, earles of Penkroke his kinsmen by the halfe blood, did beare the Hastings armes with the labell, quar­tered with the armes of Folliot. Hugh Hastings line 60 knight the sonne of Hugh and Margaret Euering­ham married Anne the daughter of Edward Spen­ser earle of Glocester, by whom he had issue Hugh Hastings and Edward Hastings, which contended with Reinold Greie lord of Ruthine. This Hugh tooke his pilgrimage to Ierusalem & died in Spaine, after whose death dame Anne Spenser his wife was maried to Thomas lord Morleie. Hugh Hastings eldest son of Hugh Hastings and dame Anne Spen­ser, married the daughter of sir Wil. Blunt knight; this Hugh died at Calis at the mariage of Richard the second, to Isabell the daughter of the king of France, about the 19 yeare of the reigne of the said Richard, being the yeare of our redemption 1395, who dieng without issue, all his right and title came to his brother Edward.

Edward Hastings knight brother of the last Hugh began the contention with Reinold Greie lord of Ruthine, for the right of the lands, honors, and armes without difference of the last Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke. This sute began about the eight yeare of Henrie the fourth, and continued at least vntill the fift yeare of Henrie the fift, if not longer; but in the end (notwithstanding manie false pedegrees coun­terfeited by this Hastings, and his vncle Henrie bi­shop of Norwich, one of the house of the Spensers) yet it was adiudged against the said sir Edward Ha­stings in the marshals court, that the lands, honors, and armes without difference, as the last Iohn Ha­stings earle of Penbroke did beare them, with the armes of William Ualence earle of Penbroke, should be onelie borne by the said lord Greie of Ru­thine and his heires, as being of the whole blood, and next heire to the said last Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke: and that the said Edward Hastings should vtterlie be barred to beare the armes of Ha­stings, but quartered with the armes of Folliot, as onelie descending of the halfe blood to the said last earle of Penbroke of that name. And that all other pedegrees what so euer (except this) are false, and of purpose contriued, as appeareth by a notable booke and monument thereof remaining in the hands of Henrie Greie now earle of Kent (descended of the said Reinold Greie of Ruthine) conteining all the processe, examinations, witnesses, pedegrees & iudge­ments thereof, more plainelie maie appeare. In which contention there was shewed a matter by the deposition of sir William Hoo knight not vnworthie to be remembred (though it touch not the Hastings) concerning armorie and bearing of differences in armes, which was, that the said sir William said on his oth in the tenth yeare of Henrie the fourth, that before the times of Edward the third, the labell of three points was the different appropriat and appur­tenant for the cognizance of the next heire; but the same king made his sons to beare the entire armes with labels of thrée points, with certeine differences in the said labels, to be knowen the one from the o­ther, except his sonne the duke of Glocester, who bare a border about the armes of France and England. And thus, this much Francis Thin touching the name of Hastings.

In this yeare Thomas earle of Lancaster, for the opinion which had béene conceiued of him, by reason of miracles and other respects, The earle of Lancaster ca­nonized for [...] saint. was canonized for a saint. The mondaie next after the feast of saint Hi­larie, a parlement was begun at Westminster, in which there was a bill exhibited by the commons, that the lords and great men of the realme should not giue to their men badges to weare as their cog­nizances; by reason that through the abuse thereof, A bill against wearing of badges. manie great oppressions, imbraseries, vnlawfull maintenances, and wrongs were practised, to the hin­derance of all good orders, lawes, and iustice. The lords would not consent altogither to laie downe their badges; No reteine [...] to weare badges. but yet they agreed that none should weare any such cognizance except their seruants of houshold, and such as were in ordinarie wages by the yeare. ¶ In the same parlement, certeine persons that had gone about some new rebellion in Kent, be­ing apprehended, were condemned, and so were drawne and hanged. ¶ There was also an act made against such as should passe the seas, to purchase pro­uisions (as they termed them) in any church or chur­ches. And if any from thencefoorth attempted so to doo, he should be reputed and taken as a rebell. An act aga [...] mediators is wilfull mur­derers. Also there was an act prouided against those that com­mitted any wilfull murder, that none should presume [Page 473] to sue for their pardon. A duke or an archbishop that so sued, should forfeit to the king an hundred pounds. Likewise an earle or a bishop, an hundred marks, &c.

Moreouer, in this parlement it was granted, that the king should haue of euerie sacke of wooll fortie shillings, of the which ten shillings should be applied presentlie to the kings vses, and thirtie shillings resi­due of the fourtie shillings should remaine in the hands of the treasurors, towards the bearing forth of the charges of wars when any chanced. ¶ Also there line 10 was a subsidie granted of six pence in the pound, foure pence to the vse last mentioned, and two pence to be imploied at the kings pleasure. In the same parlement, Iohn duke of Lancaster was created duke of Aquitaine, The duke of Lancaster made duke of Aquitaine. receiuing at the kings hand the rod and cap, as inuestures of that dignitie. Also the duke of Yorke his sonne and heire was created earle of Rutland. Great tem­pest. In the fift of March a sore and terrible wind rose, with the violence whereof, much hurt was doone, houses ouerthrowne, cattell destroied, and trees line 20 ouerturned. After this insued great mortalitie by pestilence, Great plague. so that much youth died euerie where, in ci­ties and townes, in passing great numbers. Here­with followed a great dearth of corne, so that a bushell of wheat in some places was sold at thirtéene pence, Great dearth. which was thought to be at a great price. Ab. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie. A roiall hun­ting. ¶ About the feast of S. Peter ad Vincula, Iohn duke of Lan­caster caused a great méeting of the nobles and péeres of the realme to hunt at Leicester in the for­rest and all the parkes there to him apperteining. On line 30 the saturdaie the king and quéene were present, the archbishop of Yorke, the duke of Yorke, Thomas Woodstoke duke of Glocester, the earle of Arundell Iohn of Holland, the earle of Huntington, with o­ther bishops, lords and ladies a great manie, and on thursdaie next following the king departing from thence towards Notingham soiourned with the lord of Beaumont besides Loughborrow.

In this thirtéenth yeare of king Richards reigne, the christians tooke in hand a iournie against the Sa­racens line 40 of Barbarie, A iournie a­gainst the Saracens. through sute of the Genowais, so that there went a great number of lords, knights, and gentlemen of France and England, the duke of Burbon being their generall. Out of England there went one Iohn de Beaufort bastard son to the duke of Lancaster (as Froissard hath noted) also sir Iohn Russell, sir Iohn Butler and others. They set forward in the latter end of this thirtéenth yeare, and came to Genoa, where they remained not long, but that the gallies and other vessels of the Genowais were rea­die line 50 to passe them ouer into Barbarie. And so about Midsummer in the beginning of the fourteenth yeare of this kings reigne, Anno Reg. 14. the whole armie being imbar­ked, The English archers good seruice. sailed foorth to the coasts of Barbarie, where neare to the citie of Affrike they landed, at which in­stant the English archers (as some write) stood all the companie in good stead, with their long bowes, bea­ting backe the enimies from the shore, which came downe to resist their landing.

After they had got to land, they inuironed the ci­tie line 60 of Affrike (called by the moores Mahemedia) with a strong siege: but at length constrained with the in­temperancie of the scalding aire in that hot coun­trie, bréeding in the armie sundrie diseases, they fell to a composition vpon certeine articles to be perfor­med in the behalfe of the Saracens, and so 61 daies after their first arriuall there, they tooke the seas a­gaine, & returned home, as in the histories of France and Italie is likewise expressed. Where, by Polydor Virgil it may séeme, that the lord Henrie of Lanca­ster earle of Derbie, should be capteine of the Eng­lish men, that (as before ye haue heard) went into Barbarie with the Frenchmen, and Genowais. It should otherwise appeare by other writers, who af­firme that the said earle made a iournie in deed the same time against the miscreants, Thom. Wals. The earle of Derbie his exploits in his iournie against the infidels of Prutzenland. not into Barba­rie, but into Prutzenland, where he shewed good proofe of his noble and valiant courage: for ioining with the masters and knights of the Dutch order there, the armie of the Lithuanians that came a­gainst the said order was vanquished, and foure chiefe leaders of the Lithuanians were taken priso­ners, thrée other being slaine, with thrée hundred of their chiefest and best approoued soldiers. Through the policie also and worthie manhood of the earle of Der­bie, there was a certeine citie taken, where the said earle and his men first entring vpon the walles, did set vp his banner: other being slouthfull, or at the least vnskilfull how to deale in such exploits. There were taken and slaine foure thousand of the common people, and amongst them that were found dead, the king of Polognies brother was one. The castell of the same citie was besieged fiue weekes space: but by reason of sickenesse and such infirmities as chan­ced in the armie, the masters of Prutzen, and Life­land would not tarie any longer, but brake vp their siege and returned. The master of Lifeland led with him into his countrie thrée thousand prisoners.

In the meane time, whilest the christians were thus occupied, as well against the infidels in Barbarie, as in the east parts towards Littawe, a roiall iusts and martiall turnament was proclaimed to be hol­den within Smithfield in London, A roiall iusts holden in Smithfield at London. to begin on sun­daie next after the feast of saint Michaell. And bi­cause this triumphant pastime was published, not onelie in England, but also in Scotland, in Almaine, in Flanders, in Brabant, in Heinault, & in France, manie strangers came hither foorth of diuerse coun­tries, namelie Ualeran erle of saint Paule, that had married king Richards sister the ladie Mauld de Courtnie, and William the yoong erle of Osteruant, sonne to Albert de Bauiere earle of Holland and Heinault. At the daie appointed, when all things were prepared, there issued foorth of the tower about thrée of the clocke in the after noone sixtie coursers apparelled for the iustes, and vpon euerie one an es­quier of honor, riding a soft pace. Then came foorth foure and twentie ladies of honour (three score saith Froissard) mounted on palfries, The manner of the iusts in Smithfield. riding on the one side richlie apparelled, and euerie ladie led a knight with a chaine of gold. Those knights being on the kings part, had their armor and apparell garnished with white hearts and crownes of gold about their necks, and so they came riding through the stréets of Lon­don vnto Smithfield, Siluer saith Froissard. with a great number of trum­pets and other instruments before them.

The king and the queene, with manie other great states were readie placed in chambers richlie ador­ned to see the iusts: and when the ladies that led the knights, were come to the place, they were taken downe from their palfries, and went vp into cham­bers readie prepared for them. Then alighted the esquires of honor from their coursers, & the knights in good order mounted vpon them. And so when their helmets were set on their heads, and that they were redie in all points, after proclamations made by the heraults, the iusts began, and manie commendable courses were run, to the great pleasure, comfort, and recreation of the king, the queene, and all other the beholders. The prise that daie on the answerers part was giuen to the earle of saint Paule; and on the cha­lengers side, to the earle of Huntington. On the mondaie, [...]he king himselfe, with dukes, earls, lords, and knights, came to the iusts, he being cheefe of the inner part. That daie the prise was giuen to the erle of Osteruant, for the best dooer of the vtter part: and of the inner part, to a knight of England called sir Hugh Spenser. On the tuesdaie, all manner of e­squiers [Page 474] iusted, and likewise on the wednesday all ma­ner of knights and esquires that would, on which daie was a sore and rude iusts, enduring till night. And so manie a noble course and other martiall feats were atchiued in those foure daies, to the great contentation and pleasure of manie a yoong batche­l [...]r desirous to win fame, & also highlie to the kings honour, who by all that season held his court in the bishops palace by Paules church, The king kept opē hou­shold in the bishop of Lon­don his palace by Paules church. kéeping open hou­shold for all honest persons that thither resorted, es­peciallie euerie night after the iusts were ended, a line 10 right sumptuous and princelie supper was prepared for the strangers and other, and after supper, the time was spent in dansing and reuelling after the most courtlike maner. The K. festeth the strangers. On the thursdaie, the king made a supper to all the lords, knights, and gentlemen stran­gers, and the quéene to all the ladies and gentlewo­men. The duke of Lancaster feasteth the strangers. On the fridaie the duke of Lancaster feasted at dinner all the said lords, knights, and gentlemen strangers, in most sumptuous and plentifull maner. On the saturdaie, the king and all the whole compa­nie line 20 departed from London vnto Windsore, where new feasting began, and speciallie the king did all the honour that might be deuised vnto the earls of saint Paule and Osteruant. The earle of Osteruant, at the earnest request of the king, receiued of him the order of the Garter, for the which he was euill thought of afterwards by his freends, namelie the French king and others. Finallie, after the king had thus feasted the strangers and others at Windsore, line 30 each man tooke leaue of the king, the queene, and the kings vncles, and other lords and ladies, and so de­parted, the strangers into their owne countries, and other home to their houses, or whither they thought b [...]st.

Abr. Fl. out of Angl. prael. sub Rich. 2.¶This solemne iusts or tornement being touched, or rather in ample maner described by Ch. Okland. is reported of him to haue béene kept for actiuitie sake, and to set the youth & lustie blouds of the court on worke, who otherwise (bicause the king was yong line 40 and loued to liue in peace and ease, feats of armes and warlike prowesse both abroad and at home lan­guished and laie as it were a fainting) through idle­nesse and want of exercise, degenerating and grow­ing out of kind from their woonted warlike valiant­nesse, should giue themselues to filthie lecherie, riot, sléepe, loitering pastimes, and slouthfulnesse, all which doo greatlie impaire prowesie. Wherevpon (saith he)

Rege priùs de re consulto, ludicra diri
Martis opus simulatum inter se bella mouebant, line 50
At (que) dies totos viginti quattuor hastis
Assumptis, studio statuunt decurrere fixo.
Deinde idem numerus procerum par [...] primalacessens
Mittit ad externas gentes qui talia pandant.
Iudus ab Angligenis mense exercebitur vno
Hasticus Vrbi haerens
Smithfield.
fabrorum dictus
Smithfield.
agellus
Extra Londini muros, spatiosus & amplus
Est locus: hìc stadium cursuris, certá (que) meta
Ponitur, huc veniant quacun (que) ex gente creati
Sanguine magnorum heroum. Certamine victor line 60
Qui fuerit, terris prosternens corpora p [...]ra▪
Aut plures hasta [...] frangens, donabitur [...]
Multa vi, capiet quàm plurima ditia dona
Praemia virtutis, Richardo haec dantel [...]baea, &c.

Hauing thus described the place where the iusts should be kept, with the rewards, and other circum­stances; he toucheth the countries from whence the forren nobilitie came, that should vndertake triall of chiualrie with these foure▪ and twentie challen­gers: who at the daie appointed (saith he) came pran­sing out of the Towre vpon their great b [...]rded hors­ses through the broad stréets, and their ladies of honor with them gorgiouslie decked with bracelets, ow­ches, cheines, iewels, spangles, and verie sumptuous attire: a goodlie sight for the people to behold. At last, when they were come to Smithfield, and althings readie, the trumpets sounded to the exercise; and both parties, as well the English as the outlandish cheua­liers ran togither, and tried their strengths till they did sweat and were tired, their horsses panting and braieng with the violence of their bodilie motion; their staues being crasht in sunder, flue vp into the aire, and the broken stocke or stumpe hitting the ad­uersarie ouerthrew him to the ground: the behold­ers with ioy of heart gaue a shout thereat, as great­lie delighted with the sight. Then came the night and brake off the first daies tornement. On the next daie when they should renew and fall afresh vnto it a­gaine, they shewed themselues in courage equall to their ancestors, and handled their matters so well, that they got them great renowme. The third daie came, and the multitude of people still gathered togi­ther woondered at the right valiant deeds of the valo­rous horssemen, how they did tosse, hoisse vp, and wind their speares, and with what force they vsed their armes, what courage appeared in their statelie horsses, and how the verie heauens rang with the ratling of their armor, and the strokes giuen to and fro. Euerie daie brought with it his portion of plea­sure, both to the contenders, and to the beholders. When the time was expired of this tried chiualrie, necessarie occasion mooued the king of England to set his mind on other matters, so that commending the prowesse of the outlandish lords, he bestowed vp­on them massie cheines of gold, & loding them with other gifts of great valure, dismissed them into their countries. But the English challengers requi­red nothing but renowme for their reward, being allured onelie with the loue of praise; and thus when these pastimes of chiualrie were quite ended, euerie man got him home to his owne house. Thus farre Christopher Okland, touching the description of this Hippomachia ludicra inter concertatores Anglos & ex­ternos.

Ambassadors were sent from the French king, vnto the king of England, year 1391 to make an ouerture of peace to be had, Thom. Wals. Ambassadors from the French king for a perpe­tuall peace. Froissard. and to indure for euer betwixt the two realmes of England and France, sith that by warre it was apparant inough, that neither realme, could greatlie benefit it selfe, but rather sore inda­mage either other, as afore time it had come appa­rantlie to passe. Therefore the matter being well considered, both parts séemed well affected towards some good conclusion by treatie to be had of a full and perfect peace. About the same time, by the king with the aduise of his councell, proclamation was made and published at London, that all beneficed men a­biding in the court of Rome, A proclamati [...] that all Eng­lish benefited men in Rome should return into Engla [...] being Englishmen borne, should returne home into England before the feast of S. Nicholas, vnder paine to forfeit all their benefices; and such as were not beneficed, vnder a paine likewise limited. The Englishmen hearing such a thunder clap a farre off, fearing the blow, left the popes court, and returned into their natiue soile.

The pope troubled with such a rumbling noise, The pope s [...]deth his nu [...] ­cio to king Richard. sent in all hast▪ as abbat as his nuncio vnto the king of England, as well to vnderstand the causes of this proclamation, as of statutes deuised and made latelie in parlement against those that prouided themselues of benefices in the court of Rome by the popes buls, which séemed not a little preiudiciall to the church of Rome: in consideration whereof the said nuncio re­quired that the same statutes might be repealed and abolished, so farre as they tended to the derogation of the church liberties: but if the same statutes were not abolished, the pope might not (said his nuncio) with a safe con [...]ience otherwise doo than procéed a­gainst them that made those statutes, in such order as [Page 475] the canons did appoint. Moreouer the said nuncio de­clared to the king certeine dangerous practises be­twixt the antipape and the French king, as to make the duke of Touraine the French kings brother king of Tuscane and Lombardie, and to establish the duke of Aniou in the kingdome of Sicile.

Moreouer, he gaue the king to vnderstand, that if the French king might compasse by the antipapes meanes to be chosen emperour, The popes nuncio ope­neth to the king the Frēch kings priuie practi­ses. he would séeke to v­surpe vpon ech mans right, and therefore it stood the line 10 king of England chieflie in hand to prouide against such practises in time. And as for the treatie of peace which the Frenchmen séemed so much to fauour, it was to none other end, but that vpon agreement once had, they might more conuenientlie compasse their purpose in the premisses. Furthermore the nun­cio earnestlie besought the king of aid in the popes behalfe against the French king, Nuncio if (as he threatned to doo) he should inuade him in Italie with open force. The king séemed to giue fauourable eare vnto line 20 the nuncio, and after aduise taken, appointed to staie till after Michaelmasse, at what time a parlement was appointed to be assembled, wherein such things as he had proponed should be weied and considered, and some conclusion taken therein.

About this time or in the yeare 1391, according to Henrie Knightons account, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie. A sore bridle for the clergie. there was a prophane statute made against the church & churchmen; name­lie▪ that no ecclesiasticall person or persons should possesse manors, glebeland, houses, possessions, lands, line 30 reuenues or rents whatsoeuer, at the hands of the feoffer, without the kings licence & the chiefe lords. And this statute extended it selfe, as well to parish-churches, chappels, chanteries, as abbeies, priories, & other monasteries whatsoeuer: likewise to citizens of cities, to farmers, & burgesses, hauing such rents or possessions for the common profit. For men in those daies, that would bestow land or liuelod vpon church, fraternitie, or conuent, and were notable for cost and charges to procure a mortmane, vnder the line 40 kings licence and chiefe lords; were woont to feoffe some speciall men, in whom they had confidence and trust; vnder whose name and title, churchmen, or anie other fraternitie or conuent might inioy the profit of the gift, and might haue the commoditie thereof in possession. And it was prouided by that statute, that all and euerie as well persons ecclesiasticall as pari­shioners, both citizens, burgesses, and farmers, or a­nie other whatsoeuer, hauing such rents, possessions, manors, or anie reuenues whatsoeuer, in the hands line 50 of such feoffers, without the licence of the king and chiefe lords; that either they should obteine and get a licence of the king and the chiefe lords to make it a mortmaine; or else set such things to sale, & raise profit of them, on this side or before the feast of Michael­masse next insuing: or the said feast being past and expired, that then the king and the chiefe lords, in things not ordered and disposed accordinglie, may enter and seize vpon the same, and them haue and hold at his and their pleasure. line 60

The duke of Glocester his iournie into Prutzen land. The duke of Glocester in great fauor with the com­mons.About the same time, the duke of Glocester went into Prutzen land, to the great griefe of the people, that made account of his departure, as if the sunne had beene taken from the earth, doubting some mis­hap to follow to the common wealth by his absence, whose presence they thought sufficient to stay all de­triments that might chance, for in him the hope of the commons onelie rested. In his returne home, he was sore tormented with rough weather and tempe­stuous seas. At length he arriued in Northumber­land, and came to the castell of Tinmouth, as to a sanctuarie knowen to him of old, where after he had refreshed him certeine daies, he tooke his iournie homewards to Plaschie in Essex, bringing no small ioy for his safe returne to all the kingdome. Anno Reg. 15. ¶On the ninth of Iulie the sunne séemed darkened with cer­teine grosse and euill fauored clouds comming be­twixt it and the earth, so as it appeared ruddie, but gaue no light from noone till the setting thereof. And afterwards con [...]nualli [...] for the space of six weeks, a­bout the middest of the daie, clouds customablie rose, and sometimes they continued both daie and night, not vanishing awaie at all. ¶ At the same time, such a mortalitie and death of people increased in North­folke, and in manie other countries of England, that it seemed not vnlike the season of the great pesti­lence. In the citie of Yorke there died eleuen thou­sand within a short space. A great death in Yorke and sundrie other places. ¶ Henrie Persie earle of Northumberland lieutenant of Calis, was called home from that charge, and created warden of the marches against Scotland, and Robert Mowbraie was sent to Calis to be the kings lieutenant there.

On friday next after All soules day, A parlement at London. the parlement began at London, in which the knights would in no wise agrée, that the statute made against spirituall men, for the prouiding themselues of benefices in the court of Rome should be repealed: but yet they a­gréed thus much, that it should be tollerated, so as with the kings licence such spirituall men might purchase to themselues such benefices till the next parlement. ¶ In this parlement aforsaid, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester ab­beie. The duke of Lancaster ambassador for the king, right honora­blie receiued into France. there was granted vnto our lord the king one tenth of the cler­gie, and one fiftéenth of the people towards the expen­ses of Iohn duke of Lancaster, who in Lent next fol­lowing went ouer into France to the citie of A­miens for a finall peace betweene the kingdoms of England and France: where the king of France met him with a shew of great pompe and honor, sen­ding before him first of all to welcome him thither the citizens of the same citie on horssebacke in a ve­rie great number. Then afterwards, he sent earles and barons a great manie to the same end, then his two vncles, last of all went the king himselfe to meet him, and saluting him called him by the name of The most worthie warrior of all christendome, the inuincible woorthinesse of the king onelie excepted. And the duke had seauentéene daies (by couenant) to compasse this treatie of peace: at last he returned, hauing attendant vpon him in his traine the bishop of Durham, and the sonne of the duke of Yorke the earle of Rutland, with a thousand horssemen, set foorth in a woonderfull sumptuous sort with goodlie furni­ture. ¶ Also conditionallie a whole tenth and a whole fiftéenth were granted to him, if it chanced that he made anie iournie that yeare against the Scots. ¶ In this yeare, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie. the duke of Gelderland sent to the king of England letters of commendation & praise, wherein also were prouocations and stirrings vp to warre and warlike actiuitie, and to the exercise of kinglie noblenesse, the tenor whereof followeth:

The tenor of the said dukes letter to king Richard.

MAgnifice princeps, innata vobis probi­tas, & prudentum consilia (vt opina­mur) simul agerent in officium, quòd singula haereditaria iura, quae ex nata­litio vestram magnificant regiam maiestatem, tem­poribus vestrae discretionis altissima prouidentia munirentur illaesa; etsi quaeuis oppugnaret violen­tia, clypeo militari studeat regalis industria fortiter defendere sua iura. Et quòd vestram regiam per­sonam cōtingamus in affinitate, ni vetet Deus ipse, quin semper parati erimus vobis in vestris iuribus defendendis assistere cum duobus milibus lancearū, [Page 476] quando & quotiens disponemini ad bellica conuo­lare. Nec perire debeant iura propter verba aut pr [...]missa, quomodolibet ad hoc laborat versutia Gallicorum. Sanè serenissime princeps in orbem volat fama, nec ambigitur quòd propter lanam & innumerabilia vestra singularia commoda, sine quibus non viuit oriens neque auster, regna singu­la in pecunijs vos salutant. In comparatione igitur ad alios reges vobis confert Deus ipse diuitias cen­tuplatas. Probitas etiam militaris, & arcuum aspe­ritas, line 10 sine pari, taliter huc vsque extulere gentem magnanimam occidentis, quòd timor non paruus vestros inuadit aduersarios; & ad hunc diem im­pariter victoriosè dimicauit cum Gallicis Angliae gens austera. In pusillanimitate igitur (poten [...]issi­me princeps) contra naturam non obdormiat cor leonis; sed & quales vobis contulit vires natura, ipsas applicare dignemini actibus bellicosis, in de­fensionem reipublicae, iuris haereditarij sustenta­tionem, line 20 augmentúmque meriti, & incomparabi­liter chronicabilem probitatem cordis magnanimi tanti regis.

The same letter in plaine phrase verbatim Englished by A. F.

MOst mightie prince, your roiall prowesse and the counsels of the line 30 sage, should altogither (as we thinke) moue you in dutie, by the most profound & deepe foresight of your discretion in time to mainteine and de­fend all and singular your rights & inheritance vnharmed, which by birth doo magnifie and make great your roiall maiestie, and if anie vio­lence whatsoeuer gainstand & assault the same, your kinglie diligence should indeuor with the shield of a warrior valiantlie to defend your title line 40 and right. And bicause we are neere you, & doo as it were touch your roiall person in aliance, vnlesse God himselfe doo forbid and hinder vs, we will alwaies be readie in all your rights to as­sist and aid you with two thousand pikes, when and how often soeuer you shall be disposed to rush out to battell. Your right ought not to be lost for words and promises, howsoeuer the craftinesse of the French labor to this purpose. line 50 Trulie most excellent prince, your renowme doth flie into the world, neither is it doubted but for your wooll sake, and other your singu­lar commodities being innumerable (without the which the east and the south can not liue) all realmes with their coines doo greet you. In comparison therefore of other kings God him­selfe hath bestowed vpon you riches a hundred fold. Your warlike prowesse also, & the rough­nesse line 60 of your bowes, being peerelesse, haue hi­therto so extolled the couragious nation of the west, that no small feare dooth inuade your ad­uersaries; and to this day the sterne people of England haue (none like them) victoriouslie incountered with the French. Therefore ô most puissant prince, let not the hart of a lion sleepe in cowardlinesse against nature: but what force and valiantnesse nature hath giuen you, the same vouchsafe to put in practise with feats of armes in defense of your common wealth, the maintenance of your right by inhe­ritance, the increase of your desert, and the peerelesse prowesse of so great a kings coura­gious hart right worthie to be chronicled.

The price of corne that had continued at an high rate, almost for the space of two yeares, The flix g [...]ten by exces­siue feeding on fruits. began to fall immediatlie after haruest was got in, to the great reliefe of the poore, which before through immoderate eating of nuts and apples, fell into the disease cal­led the flix, whereof manie died, and suerlie (as was thought) the death and dearth had beene greater, if the commendable diligence of the lord maior of London had not béene, The lord [...] ­ior of Lond [...] commended for his care­full prouision of corne from beyond the seas in the time of dearth. in relieuing the commons by such prouision as he made for corne to be brought to London, from the parties of beyond the seas, where otherwise neither had the countrie béene able in anie thing to haue sufficed the citie, nor the citie the coun­trie. H. Knighton referreth this scarsitie to the yeare 1390, and maketh a large discourse both of the mise­ries which it brought with it, as also of the cause whereby it was procured, and of the notable meanes whereby the same in most places was remedied.

In this yeare (saith he) was a great dearth in all parts of England, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leceister ab­beie. and this dearth or scarsitie of corne began vnder the sickle, and lasted till the feast of saint Peter ad vincula, to wit, till the time of new corne. This scarsitie did greatlie oppresse the people, and chieflie the commoners of the poorer sort. For a man might sée infants and children in stréets and houses, through hunger, howling, crieng, and cra­uing bread: whose mothers had it not (God wot) to breake vnto them. But yet there was such plentie and abundance of manie yeares before, that it was thought and spoken of manie housekéepers and hus­bandmen, that if the séed were not sowen in the ground, which was hoord [...]d vp and stored in barnes, lofts, and garners, there would be inough to find and susteine all the people by the space of fiue yeares fol­lowing. But the cause of this penurie, The cause of the scarsitie was not want of breader corne. was thought to be the want of monie in a great manie. For mo­nie in these daies was verie scant, and the principall cause hereof was, for that the wooll of the land lay a sléepe and hoong heauie in some mens hands by the space of two yeares; and in others thrée yeares, with­out a chapman. For it was enacted in a certeine parlement, that the merchants of England should not passe out of the land with wooll and other mer­chandize, but should bring the same vnto twelue pla­ces within the realme appointed for the same pur­pose, that the merchants strangers might haue re­course thither with their commodities and so by ex­change should transport our merchandize for theirs. By meanes whereof the merchants of England did forbeare to buy wooll and other wares vntill the next parlement insuing, wherein it was granted them to traffike whither they would with their commodities. In these daies wooll was dogcheape: Wooll sold dogcheape [...] the stone. for one stone of good wooll of the chosen and piked sort, was sold for thrée shillings, and in Leicester and Kent at some times for two shillings or two and twentie pence. This scarsitie of victuals was of greatest force in Leicester shire, & in the middle parts of the realme. And although it was a great want, yet was not the price of corne out of reason. For a quarter of wheat, when it was at the highest, was sold at Leiceister for 16 shillings 8 pence at one time, and at other times for a marke or fourteene shillings: at London and o­ther places of the land a quarter of wheat was sold for ten shillings, or for litle more or lesse. For there arriued eleuen ships laden with great plentie of vic­tuals at diuerse places of the land, for the reliefe of the people. Besides this, Prouision a­gainst scar [...] ­tie to relie [...] the poore. the citizens of London laid out two thousand marks to buy food out of the com­mon chest of orphans: and the foure and twentie al­dermen, euerie of them put in his twentie pound a [Page 477] peece for necessarie prouision, for feare of famine, likelie to fall vpon the citie. And they laid vp their store in sundrie of the fittest and most conuenient places they could choose, that the néedie, and such as were wroong with want, might come & buy at a cer­teine price so much as might suffice them and their familie: and they which had not readie monie to paie downe presentlie in hand, their word and credit was taken for a yeares space next following, O charitie of London! and their turne serued. Thus was prouision made that people should be relieued, and that none might perish for line 10 hunger.

On Christmasse day, a dolphin that came foorth of the sea vp the Thames vnto London-bridge, was es­pied of the citizens as he plaied in the water, and be­ing followed & pursued, with much adoo was taken. He was ten foot long, A dolphin ta­ken at Lon­don bridge. and a monstrous growne fish, so as the sight of him was strange to manie that be­held him. He was thought by his comming so farre into the landward, to foreshew such stormes and tem­pests line 20 as within a wéeke after did raginglie follow. Ye haue heard how the matter for a treatie of peace had béene first broched by the French king, year 1392 by sending ambassadors to the king of England, to mooue the same. Which motion being throughlie con­sidered of the estates assembled in this last parle­ment, it was decréed, that it should go forward (as before ye haue heard) and so about Candelmasse, the lord Thomas Persie, Ambassadors sent to the French king to treat of peace. sir Lewes Clifford, and sir Ro­bert Briquet, with diuerse other in their companie, were sent ouer to the French king, and comming to line 30 Paris, found him lodgd in his house of Loure, where they declared to him the good affection of the king their maister toward peace. And the better to bring it to passe, they shewed that king Richards desire was to haue some place and time appointed for com­missioners to méet, with authoritie to treat and con­clude vpon articles, as should be thought expedient. The French king greatlie honored these ambassa­dors, in feasting and banketting them for the space of six daies togither, and for answer, concluded with line 40 them, that he himselfe, with his vncles and other of his councell, would be at Amiens by the middest of March next insuing, there to abide the king of Eng­lands comming, and his vncles, if it should please them thither to come.

The English ambassadors said there was no doubt, but that either the king himselfe, or his vncles shuld be there at the day assigned, with full authoritie to conclude anie agréement that should seeme reasona­ble, line 50 and so those ambassadors returned with great gifts presented on the kings behalfe to ech of them, sir Robert Briquet excepted, Sir Robert Briquet a Frenchman of king Richard his priuie chamber. vnto whome it séemed the French king bare no great good will, for that be­ing a Frenchman borne, he had euer serued the Na­uarrois or Englishmen, and was now one of king Richards priuie chamber. The king of England (as some write) was once minded to haue passed the seas himselfe, The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke, the earls of Der­b [...]e and Hun­tington, the lord Thomas Persie, the bishops of Durham and London were sent o [...]er, as Fro [...]ssard saith. A roiall am­bassage. The duke of Lancaster, a prince of great renowme. to haue met the French king at Amiens, at the time appointed, but finallie the duke of Lanca­ster, line 60 the bishop of Durham, and others, were sent thi­ther with a traine néere hand of a thousand horsses. At their comming into France, they were roiallie receiued: for the French king had made no lesse pre­paration for the duke of Lancasters comming, than if he had béene emperor. The duke of Lancaster ve­relie was estéemed to be a verie mightie prince, and one of the wisest and sagest princes in all christen­dome, in those daies; so that it séemed the French king reioised greatlie, that he might come to haue conference with him. There were with the French king héere at Amiens, his brother the duke of Thou­reigne; his vncles, the dukes of Berrie, Burbon, and Burgognie, & a great number of earles, lords, and other nobles of the realme of France. Before the Englishmens comming, for auoiding of strife and debate that might arise betwixt the English and French, a proclamation was set foorth conteining certeine articles, for the demeanor which the French men should obserue towards the Englishmen.

Whilest they there remained, all the English­mens charges were borne by the French king, from their setting foorth from Calis, till they came backe thither againe. As touching their treatie, manie things were proponed, diuerse demands made, and some offers, though to small purpose, for they tooke not effect, insomuch as they departed without con­cluding anie thing, further than that the [...]ruce which was to end at Midsummer next, The truce prolonged for a yeare. Thom. Wals. was prolonged to continue one yéere more, that in the meane time, the lords and estates of the realme of England might as­semble, and with good aduise deliberate, whether it were more expedient to agrée vnto a determinate peace, or to pursue the doubtfull chances of warre. And such was the end of that roiall ambassage, to the furnishing foorth whereof, the king demanded an aid as well of the abbats and priors, as of the cities and good townes through the whole realme.

Anon after the returne of the duke of Lancaster, and other the ambassadors that had béene at Amiens, a councell of the lords and chiefe states of the realme was called at Stamford, A councell at Stamford. the which (as if it had béene vnto a parlement) there came foorth of euerie good towne certeine persons appointed to deliberate and take aduise in so weightie a matter, as either to con­clude vpon peace, or else vpon warre. But in the end they brought little or nothing to passe, sauing that they agréed to haue the truce to indure for twelue moneths longer: both kings sware to obserue the same, afore such as were appointed to sée their othes receiued. The duke of Gelderland commeth into England. About the same time came the duke of Gel­derland into this realme, being the kings cousine, a right valiant and hardie gentleman: he was hono­rablie receiued and welcomed of the king, and of his vncles, the dukes of Lancaster and Glocester. This duke of Gelderland counselled the king not to con­clude peace, either with the Frenchmen or Scots, The duke of Gelderland dissuadeth the king from peace with the French and Scots. ex­cept vpon such conditions as might be knowne to be both profitable and honorable to him and his realme, promising that if he had occasion to make warre a­gainst either of those two nations, he would be rea­die to serue him with a conuenient power of men at armes of his countrie. After he had béene here a time, and highlie feasted and banketted, aswell by the king as other great estates of the realme, he retur­ned home, not without diuerse rich gifts.

The king about this season sent to the Londoners, The Londo­ners refuse to lend the king a thousand pounds. requesting to borrow of them the summe of one thousand pounds, which they vncourteouslie refused to lend: and moreouer they fell vpon an Italian or Lombard (as they termed him) whom they beat and néere hand slue: bicause he offered to lend the king that monie. Whereof when the king was aduertised, he was sore mooued against them, and calling togi­ther the most part of the péeres and noble men of his realme, declared vnto them the froward dealings of the Londoners, complaining sore of such their pre­sumption. The lords and great men, séeming not greatlie to fauour the Londoners, gaue counsell that the insolent pride of those presumptuous per­sons might with speed be repressed. The citizens of London in those daies (as should appeare) vsing their authoritie to the vttermost, had deuised and set foorth diuerse orders and constitutions to abridge the liber­tie of forreners that came to the citie to vtter their commodites. Religious men that wrote the dooings of that age, seemed also to find fault with them, for that they fauored Wicliffes opinions, & therefore did [Page 478] charge them with infidelitie, and mainteining (I know not how) of Lollards & heretikes: but howso­euer the matter, went they fell at this present into the kings heauie displeasure.

Some there be that write, how the king piked the first quarell against the maior and shiriffes, for a riot committed by the vnrulie citizens, A great fire kindled about a litle sparke. against the ser­uants of the bishop of Salisburie: for that where one of the same bishops seruants had taken a horsse-lofe frō a bakers man, as he passed by in Fléetstréet with line 10 his basket to serue his masters customers, and would not deliuer it againe, but brake the bakers mans head, when he was earnest to haue recouered the lofe, the inhabitants of the stréet rose, and would haue had the bishops man to prison for breaking the kings peace: but he was rescued by his fellowes, and esca­ped into Salisburie house, that stood there within the allie, and as then belonged to his master the bishop of Salisburie, being at that time high treasuror of England. A riot by the Londoners vpon the bi­shop of Salis­buries men. The people being set in a rage for the re­scue line 20 so made, gathered togither in great multitudes about the bishops palace gate, and would haue fetch­ed out the offendor by force.

To conclude, such a hurling was in the stréet, that the maior, with the shiriffes, & diuers aldermen came thither with all speed, to take order in the matter, and to sée the peace kept; but after the cōming thither of the maior, the commons of the citie resorted to the place in far greater numbers than before; and the more they were, the worsse they were to rule, and line 30 would not be persuaded to quiet themselues, except the bishops seruant, Walter Ro­mane. whose name was Walter Ro­mane, might be had out of the house, and committed to prison: but at length, after manie assaults, lifts, & other indeuours made to haue broken vp the gates of the house, the maior & aldermen, with other discréet commoners appeased the people so, as they brought them to quiet, and sent euerie man to his house.

The bishop was then at Windesor where the court laie, who being informed of this matter, by a grée­uous line 40 report, and happilie in worsse manner than the thing had happened indeed, tooke such indignation therewith, that taking with him Thomas Arundell archbishop of Yorke, then lord chancellor of Eng­land, The bishop of Salisburie maketh a greéuous cōplaint of the Londo­ners to the king. he went to the king and made an heinous com­plaint against the citizens for their misdemeanor, so that his displeasure was the more kindled against the citizens, in so much that, whether in respect of this last remembred complaint, or rather for their vncourte­ous deniall to lend him the thousand pounds, and mis­using line 50 the Lombard that offered to lend the same, The maior & shiriffes of London sent for to Wind­sore to the king, & there imprisoned. I cannot saie; but sure it is, that the maior and shiriffe, and a great sort more of the citizens, were sent for to come to the court, where diuerse misdemeanors were obiected and laid to their charge: and notwithstan­ding, what excuse they pretended, the maior and shi­riffes with diuerse other of the most substantiall citi­zens, were arrested. The maior was committed to the castell of Windesor, and the other, vnto other ca­stels and holds, to be safelie kept, till the king, by the aduise of his councell, should determine further what line 60 should be doone with them.

The liberties of London seized.The liberties of the citie were seized into the kings hands, and the authoritie of the maior vtterlie ceassed, the king appointing a warden to gouerne the citie, named sir Edward Darlingrug knight, A gardian ap­pointed to go­uerne the citie of London. that should both rule the citie, and see that euerie man had iustice ministred, as the case required. This sir Edward Darlingrug began to gouerne the citie of Lon­don by the name of lord warden, Anno Reg. 16. Sir Edward Darlingrug lord warden of London. the one and twen­tith of Iune, on which day the king entered into the 16 yeare of his reigne: by reason it was thought that the said sir Edward Darlingrug was ouer­fauourable to the citizens, he continued in his office but till the first of Iulie, and being then discharged, Darlingru [...] remoued, [...] Baldwine Radington made lord warden o [...] London. one sir Baldwine Radington, a right circumspect and discréet knight, was put in that roome, who knew how both to content the kings mind, and to comfort the citizens, and put them in hope of the kings fauour in time to be obteined, to the reliefe of their sorow and heauinesse.

At length, the king, through sute and instant la­bour made by certeine noble men, speciallie the duke of Glocester, began somewhat to relent and pa­cifie himselfe, as touching his rigorous displeasure a­gainst the Londoners, calling to mind the great ho­nour he had diuerse waies receiued at their hands, with the great gifts which they had likewise bestowed vpon him, wherevpon he purposed to deale the more mildlie with them, and so sent for diuerse of the chiefe citizens to come vnto Windesor, where he then kept his court, there to shew foorth the priuileges, li­berties, and lawes of their citie, as well the new as old, that with the aduise of his councell, he might de­termine which should remaine in force, and which should be abolished. Herevpon, The liberties of London [...] part confir­med in part condemned. when the said priui­leges, and liberties were laid foorth, to the view of such persons as had to consider of them, some were ratified, some permitted by tolleration, and some vi­terlie condemned and abrogated.

Neither might they recouer at that present, ei [...]her the person or dignitie of their maior, nor obteine the kings entire fauour, till they had satisfied the king of the damages and iniuries by them doone, either to him or his people. And where he had beene at great charges, in preparing forces to chastise them, as he was determined, if they had not submitted them­selues vnto him, they were sure that their pursses must answer all that he had laid foorth about that matter. They therfore with humble submission, in re­compense & sa [...]isfaction of their trespasses, offered to giue him ten thousand pounds, but they were for this time sent home, and appointed to returne againe at a certeine day, not vnderstanding what they must pay, till the king with the aduise of his councell had ta­ken further order for them. At length, through such dailie sute as was made for the quieting of the kings hot displeasure towards the Londoners, he was contented to pardon all offenses past. But first, the ci­tizens were told, that the king meant to come from his manor of Shene, to the citie of London, and then vndoubtedlie, vpon knowledge had of their good meanings, hereafter to beare themselues like lo­uing subiects, they should obteine his fauour.

The citizens aduertised hereof, did not onelie pre­pare themselues to meet him, A sweét sa­crifice. and to present him with gifts in most liberall manner; but also to adorne, decke, and trim their citie with sumptuous page­ants, rich hangings, and other gorgeous furniture, in all points like as is vsed at anie coronation. At the day appointed, there met him (beside other) foure hundred of the citizens on horsebacke, clad in one li­uerie, presenting themselues in that order, He was [...] with proces [...] ­on of the bi­shop & clergie at S. Geor­ges churches Southw [...]. vpon the heath on this side Shene, and in most humble wise, crauing pardon for their offenses past, besought him to take his waie to his palace of Westminster, tho­rough the citie of London. this sute made by the re­corder, in name of all the citizens, he gratiouslie granted, and so held on his iournie, till he came to London bridge, Gifts pre [...] ­ [...]ed to the K. by the Lon­doners to p [...] ­cifie d [...]s­pleasure co [...] ­ceiued agai [...] them. K. Richard roiallie [...] into L [...]don. where vnto him was presented a pas­sing faire stéed, white, saddled, brideled, and trapped in rich cloth of gold, parted with red and white. And like­wise to the quéene was giuen a milke white palfrie, saddled, brideled, and trapped in the same sort, as the other was. These presents were thankefullie accep­ted, and so both the king and the queene passing for­ward, entered the citie, prepared and hanged with rich clothes (as before you haue heard) the citizens [Page 479] standing on ech side the stréets in their liueries, cri­eng; King Richard, king Richard.

At the standard in Cheape, was a right sumptuous stage ordeined, on which were set diuerse personages, and an angell that put a rich crowne of gold, garni­shed with stone and pearle vpon the kings head, as he passed by, and likewise an other on the queenes head. This doone, the king rode to Paules, and there offered, and so tooke his horsse againe, and rode to Westminster, where the maior and his companie ta­king their leaue, returned to London. On the mor­row, More gifts by the Lōdoners to the king. line 10 the maior and his brethren went againe to Westminster, and there presented the king with two basens gilt, & in them two thousand nobles of gold, beséeching him to be good and gratious lord to the ci­tie; he receiued their present in courteous manner, and gaue them manie comfortable words. The third daie after, Tho. Walsin. The liberties of London ra­tified by king Richard. they receiued a new confirmation of all their old liberties (at the least such as might be an aid to the citie, and no detriment to forreners) wherefore, by counsell of their freends, they ordeined a table for line 20 an altar of siluer and gilt, ingrauen with imagerie, and inameled in most curious wise, conteining the storie of saint Edward, it was valued to be worth a thousand marks. This was presented to the king, the which he shortlie after offered to the shrine of saint Edward within the abbeie. The Londoners belée­ued, that by these gifts they had beene quite rid of all danger; but yet they were compelled to giue the king after this, ten thousand pounds, which was collected of the commons in the citie, not without great of­fense line 30 and grudging in their minds.

¶You haue heard hitherto, what means was made by the maior, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leceister ab­beie. aldermen, and whole bodie of the com­monaltie of London to procure the kings maiesties (in whose disfauour they were deeplie drowned) grati­ous reconciliation. Wherein though there hath beene large matter deliuered; yet to set foorth the dignitie thereof the fuller, take heere by the waie the report of Henrie Knighton. In the yeare (saith he) 1392, the king called a great councell on the morrow after line 40 Trinitie sundaie at Stamford, about certeine af­faires concerning the Frenchmen, in which councell he assembled togither all the old soldiers of his relme, that by the aduise of the elder sort he might sée what were best for him to doo in the premisses. The king al­so held a great councell at Notingham, on the feast of S. Iohn the Baptist, whereat he caused the maior of London with the foure and twentie aldermen, the two shiriffes, and foure and twentie of the best com­moners of the citie in the second degrée to be con­uented line 50 before him. Héere he charged them that they had forfeited a certeine bond of 9000 pounds to the king, besides the losse of their liberties and priuile­ges. Which obligation or bond they had made in for­mer time to the king, their deserts requiring the same. Now the king, after rehearsall made of their new offenses & faults, discharged the maior, the two shiriffes, and the rest of his officers of their offices, and sent the maior and the two shiriffes to certeine places of custodie as his prisoners, defeating the ci­tie line 60 of London of the honour of all their priuileges; in so much that a citizen or fréeman should haue no more prerogatiue than a forrener or stranger. He appointed also the lord Edward Balerige to be go­uernor therof, to kéepe and see kept the kings lawes and his liege people within London in due order, vn­till such time as the king had otherwise prouided for them. And he set them a day to answer the king and his councell to certeine interrogatories on the feast of S. Marie Magdalen then next insuing, at Wind­sore. In the meane while, at the mediation of certeine freends and welwillers, the kings indignation was somewhat mitigated and asswaged towards them; in so much that at length he released the maior and the shiriffes, and sent them home to their houses; set­ting ouer them notwithstanding a new kéeper or go­uernour of the citie, and reseruing in his hand all the priuileges of the citie. In the meane time, on the sun­daie next after the feast of the Assumption of the bles­sed virgin Marie; all the wealthiest and worthiest commoners of the citie came to the king, and sub­mitted themselues and all their goods to his grace, and then did he first receiue and take them into his fauour. On the wednesdaie insuing, the ki [...]g was purposed to come into London, and the citizens in multitudes innumerable met him on horssebacke; & they [...]hat had no horsses went out on foot to welcome him thither; women also and infants shewed them­selues vnto him; likewise the bishop of London, with all the clergie, no order, degree, condition, estate, or sex of ecclesiasticall dignitie being excused, went out in procession to meet the king and the quéene with great reioising. It was reported how in that proces­sion there were aboue fiue hundred boies in surplis­ses. Moreouer, the citizens of London trimmed the outsides of their houses and chambers in euerie stréet through which the king and the queene were to passe, from S. Georges to Westminster. As for the hou­ses of the welthier sort, they were brauelie garnished with [...]loth of gold, siluer, tissue, veluet, & other sump­tuous stuffe whatsoeuer by any possible means could be gotten. In Cheapside there was a conduit, out of the which two spouts ran with read wine & white, and vpon the conduit stood a little boie apparelled in white like an angell, hauing a golden cup in his hand, who presented wine to the king and queene to drinke as they passed by. In the meane time they offered to the king a golden crowne of great value, and another golden crowne to the quéene; and a while after pas­sing forwards, they presented to the king a golden tablet of the Trinitie, to the value of eight hundred pounds; and to the queene another golden tablet of S. Anne, whome she had in speciall deuotion and re­uerence, bicause hir owne name was Anne. Such, and so great, and so wonderfull honors did they to the king, as the like in former times was neuer doone to anie king of this realme: and so going forward, they brought the king and the quéene to Westminster hall. The king sitting in his seat roiall, & all the peo­ple standing before him; one in the kings behalfe as his speaker, gaue the people thanks for the great ho­nour and princelie presents which they had bestowed vpon the king; and being bidden to fall euerie man to his businesse and affaires, it was told them that in the next parlement they should haue their finall answer.

At the same time, the duke of Glocester, hauing re­ceiued monie to leauie an armie, The duke of Glocester made duke of Ireland. which he should haue conueied ouer into Ireland, of which countrie, a good while before that present, the king had made him duke, was now readie to set forward, when suddenlie through the malice of some priuie detractours about the king, he was contermanded, His iournie into Ireland vnluckilie staied. and so his iournie was staied, to the great hinderance and preiudice of both the countries of England and Ireland: for e­uen vpon the fame that was bruted of his comming into Ireland, in manner all the Irish lords determi­ned to submit themselues vnto him, so greatlie was his name bo [...]h loued, reuerenced, and feared, Uéere, late duke of Ire­land, dieth at Louaine. euen a­mong those wild and sauage people. This yeare Ro­bert Uéere, late earle of Oxenford, and duke of Ire­land, departed this life at Louaine in Brabant, in great anguish of mind, & miserable necessitie: which yoong gentleman (doubtlesse) was apt to all com­mendable exercises and parts fit for a noble man, if in his youth he had béene well trained and brought vp in necessarie discipline.

[Page 480] year 1393 This yeare after Christmasse, a parlement was called at Winchester, Tho. Wal [...]. A parlement at Winchester in which onelie a grant was made by the cleargie, of halfe a tenth, for the expen­ses of the duke of Lancaster & Glocester, that were appointed to go ouer into France, to treat of peace, betwixt the two kingdomes. The courts of the kings bench and chancerie, which had béene remooued from Westminster to Yorke, The chance­rie and kings bench kept at Yorke and frō thence remoo­ued to Londō. either in disfauour onelie of the Londoners, or in fauour of the citizens of Yorke, for that the archbishop of that citie, being lord chan­cellor, line 10 wished to aduance (so farre as in him laie) the commoditie and wealth thereof, were neuerthelesse about this season brought backe againe to West­minster, after they had remained a small time at Yorke, to the displeasure of manie. ¶ This yeare, the lord Auberie de Ueere, vncle to the late duke of Ireland, was made earle of Oxenford. ¶ The two and twentish of Februarie, Eures. Iohn Eures, constable of Douer castell, & lord steward of the kings house departed this life, in whose roome the lord Thomas line 20 Persie that before was vicechamberlaine was cre­ated lord steward; and the lord Thomas Beaumont was made constable of Douer, The Ile of Man. and lord warden of the cinque ports: and the lord William Scroope was made vicechamberlaine, who about the same time, bought of the lord William Montacute the Ile of Man, with the regalitie therof, for it is a kingdome; as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth.

The dukes of Lancaster & Glocester sent [...]o Frāce to treat of a peace.The dukes of Lancaster and Glocester went o­uer vnto Calis, and downe to Bullongne came the line 30 dukes of Berrie and Burgognie. These noblemen were sufficientlie furnished with authoritie, to con­clude a perfect peace, both by sea and land, betweene the two realmes of France and England, and all their alies. The place appointed for them to treat in, was at Balingham, where tents and pauilions were pight vp, for the ease of both parties. They met there twise or thrise a wéeke, in a faire tent prepared for the purpose, about nine of the clocke in the forenoone. This was about the beginning of Maie. When they line 40 entered first into communication, The French comissioners would haue Calis raced to the ground. and had séene each others authoritie, one of the first demands that the Frenchmen made, was to haue Calis raced, in such wise, as there should neuer be anie habitation there after that time. The dukes of Lancaster and Gloce­ster answered herevnto, how they had no authoritie to conclude so farre, but that England should hold Calis still, as in demesne, and true inheritance; and therefore, if they purposed to enter any further in the treatie of peace, they should ceasse from that demand and speake no more thereof. When the dukes of Ber­rie line 50 and Burgognie heard their two cousins of Eng­land answer so roundlie, they spake no more of that matter.

The demand of the English cōmissioners.Then the dukes of Lancaster and Glocester de­manded to haue restitution of all such lands as had béene deliuered, either to king Richard, or to king Edward the third, or to anie their deputies or com­missioners, and also to haue fullie paid the summe of florens that was left vnpaid, at the time when the line 60 warre reuiued betwixt England and France: and this the English lawiers prooued to stand with equi­tie and reason. But neuerthelesse, the lords and chan­cellor of France argued to the contrarie, and so a­grée they could not, insomuch as the Frenchmen re­quired, that if the Englishmen meant to haue anie conclusion of peace, they should draw to some neerer points. Order taken, that the de­mands on either side should be set downe in wri­ting, the bet­ter to be con­sidered of. At length, the foure dukes tooke order, that all their demands on either side should be set downe in writing, and deliuered to either partie interchangea­blie, that they might be regarded at length, and such as should be found vnreasonable, to be raced or re­formed. After they had communed togither diuerse times, and remained there fiftéene daies, they ap­pointed to aduertise the two kings of their whole doo­ings, and after nine daies space to meet againe. The French dukes rode to Abbeuile, where the French king then laie: and the English dukes returning to Calis, wrote to the king of England, of all the whole matter. The duke of Glocester was harder to deale with in each behalfe, concerning the conclusion of peace, than was the duke of Lancaster, for he rather desired to haue had warre than any peace, except such a one as should be greatlie to the aduantage and ho­nour of the realme of England: and therefore the commons of England vnderstanding his dispositi­on, agreed that he should be sent, rather than anie other. The English gentlemen mainteined by the French warres. For where in times past the Englishmen had greatlie gamed by the warres of France, as well the commons, as the knights and esquires, who had by the same mainteined their estate, they could not giue their willing consents, to haue anie peace at all with the Frenchmen, in hope by reason of the wars, to profit themselues, as in times past they had doone. The French king & nobles of France were great­lie inclined to peace, and so likewise was the king of England, & the duke of Lancaster. The [...] of the Frenchmen. But the French­men were so subtill, and vsed so manie darke and co­loured words, that the Englishmen had much a doo to vnderstand them: which offended much the duke of Glocester. But neuerthelesse, at the daie prefixed, these foure dukes met againe at Balingham, The commis­sioners meet againe. and with the French lords came the king of Armenie, newlie returned into France foorth of Grecia, for in­to his owne countrie he durst not come, the Turkes hauing conquered it, the strong towne of Conich, which the Genowaies held, excepted.

The king of Armenie would gladlie that peace might haue béene established betwixt France and England, The king o [...] Armenie. in hope to procure the sooner some aid of the kings to recouer his kingdome. But to conclude after that the dukes, and other with them associat as assistants, had diligentlie perused and examined the articles of their treatie, Obscure and doubt [...]ull words to be opened. they would not passe nor seale to anie, till all darke and obscure words were cléerelie declared, opened, and made perfect, so that no generall peace might be concluded. Notwith­standing, as Froissard saith, A truce for foure yeares betweene England and France. a truce for foure yeares space, vpon certeine articles was agreed to be kept as well by sea as by land. It was thought, that when they were at point to haue growne to agreement concerning manie articles, if the French king had not newlie fallen into his former disease of frensie, there had better effect followed of this treatie; but by occasion of his sicknesse, each man departed, before that anie principall articles could be fullie ordered and made perfect. The same time, sir Thomas Per­sie the yoonger was made lord warden of Burde­aux and Aquitaine.

In Sepermber, much hurt was doone, Anno Reg. 1 [...]. Great tem­pests. thorough excéeding great thunder, lightening, and tempests, which chanced in manie parts of England, but speci­allie in Cambridgeshire, where manie houses were burned, with no small quantitie of corne. Great in­undations and flouds of water followed shortlie af­ter in October, which did much hurt at Burie, Much hurt doone by gre [...] flouds in Suffolke. and Newmarket in Suffolke, where it ouerthrew wals of houses, and put men and women in great danger of drowning. In Essex also in September, A great [...] in Essex. great mortalitie fell by pestilence amongst the people, whereof manie died. ¶The towne of Chierburg was restored againe to the king of Nauarre, who had in­gaged it to the king of England, for two thousand markes. year 1394 ¶ A parlement was holden at Westmin­ster, which began in the octaues of saint Hilarie. ¶The king purposing to go ouer into Ireland, requi­red a subsidie, the cleargie granted to him a whole tenth, toward the furnishing foorth of that iournie, if [Page 481] he went himselfe; if he went not, yet they agréed to giue to him the moitie of a tenth. In time of this par­lement, there appeared great euill will to remaine betwixt the duke of Lancaster and the earle of A­rundell, Uariance be­tweene the duke of Lan­caster and the earle of Arun­dell. for the duke imposed to the earle, that about the Exaltation of the crosse, he laie with a companie of armed men in the castell of Holt by Chester, the same time that the countrie there rose against the duke, with their capteine Nicholas Cliffon, and his complices, whome he ment (as the duke alledged) to line 10 haue aided against him: but this the earle flatlie de­nied, and with probable reasons so excused himselfe, as the quarrell at length was taken vp, and the par­ties for the time well quieted.

The death of queene Anne.This yeare on Whitsundaie being the seauenth of Iune, quéene Anne departed this life, to the great greefe of hir husband king Richard, who loued hir in­tirelie. She deceassed at Shene, and was buried at Westminster, vpon the south side of saint Edwards shrine. The K. defa­ceth the house of Shene bi­cause the queéne died there. The king tooke such a conceit with the house of line 20 Shene, where she departed this life, that he caused the buildings to be throwne downe and defaced, where­as the former kings of this land, being wearie of the citie, vsed customablie thither to resort, as to a place of pleasure, and seruing highlie to their recreation. Thus the king, the duke of Lancaster, and his sonne the earle of Derbie, were widowers, all in one sea­son: for the ladie Constance duchesse of Lancaster daughter to Peter king of Spaine, deceassed the last yeare, whilest hir husband the duke of Lancaster line 30 was at the treatie in France: at the same time al­so deceassed the countesse of Derbie, wife to the lord Henrie earle of Derbie. ¶Moreouer, in this yeare 1394, Isabell duchesse of Yorke departed this life, that was halfe sister to the duchesse of Lancaster, be­ing borne of one mother. She was buried at Lang­leie.

Anno Reg. 18. A proclamati­on that all I­rishmen shuld returne into their countrieThis yeare in August, was a proclamation set foorth, that all Irishmen should auoid this land, and returne home into their owne countrie, before the line 40 feast of the Natiuitie of our ladie, on paine of death. The occasion of which proclamation was, for that such multitudes of Irishmen were come ouer into this region, in hope of gaine, that the countries in Ireland, The English pale in Irelād almost left desolate. subiect to England, were in manner left void of people, so that the enimies spoiled and wasted those countries at their pleasure, finding few or none to withstand them. And where king Edward the third had placed in Ireland his bench and iudges, with his excheker, for the good administration of iu­stice line 50 and politike gouernement to be vsed there, he receiued from thence yearelie in reuenues and pro­fits, comming to his owne cofers, the summe of thir­tie thousand pounds: The yearelie reuenues of Ireland in K. Edward the third his daies. the king now laid foorth no lesse a summe to repell the enimies, which by absence of those that were come ouer hither, could not other­wise be resisted, sith the power of the rebels was so increased, and the force of the countries subiect, tho­rough lacke of the former inhabitants, so dimini­shed. ¶About the feast of the Natiuitie of our ladie, line 60 the king set forward to passe into Ireland, hauing made such preparation for that iournie, as the like for Ireland had not béene heard of at anie time be­fore. There went out with him the duke of Glocester, the earles of March, Notingham, and Rutland, the lord Thomas Persie lord steward, and diuerse other of the English nobilitie.

The duke of Lancaster, that in the thirteenth yeare of king Richards reigne had beene created by autho­ritie of parlement, duke of Aquitaine, was about this present time sent thither, The duke of Lancaster sai­leth into A­quitaine with an armie. with fiue hundred men of armes, & a thousand archers, to take posses­sion of that duchie, according to the kings grant, by his letters patents thereof had, made, and confir­med with his seale, in presence of the most part of all the nobles and great lords of England, to hold all that countrie to the said duke and his heires for euer in as large manner and forme, as his father king Edward the third, or anie other kings of England, or dukes of Aquitaine before time had holden, and as king Richard at that season had & held the same, the homage alwaies yet reserued to the kings of England for euer. But all this notwithstanding, at his comming thither, so farre were the Gascoignes, The Gas­coignes flatlie refuse to ac­cept the duke of Lancaster for their so­uereigne. and other people of those marches from receiuing him with ioy and triumph, that they plainelie told him, they would not atturne to him, nor be vnder his iurisdiction at anie hand, although he had brought ouer with him commissioners sufficientlie authori­sed, both to discharge them of their former allegiance to the king, and to inuest him in possession of that du­chie, in maner and forme as before is said.

But now to returne to king Richard, ye shall vn­derstand, that when all his prouision and roiall ar­mie was readie, about Michaelmas, he tooke the sea, and landed at Waterford the second of October, K. Richard passeth ouer into Ireland with a migh­tie armie. and so remained in Ireland all that winter: his people were lodged abroad in the countrie, and lay so wari­lie as they might. For although the Irishmen durst not attempt anie exploit openlie against the Eng­lishmen, after the kings arriuall with so puissant an armie, yet they would steale sometimes vpon them, where they espied anie aduantage, and disquiet them in their lodgings. But when the English still pre­uailed, diuerse of the greatest princes among them came in, and submitted themselues. Amongst other, Froissard. Foure Irish kings submit themselues to K. Richard. foure kings are mentioned, as the great Onell king of Meth, Brine of Thomond king of Thomond, Ar­thur Macmur king of Lineister, and Conhur king of Cheueno and Darpe: these kings were courteous­lie interteined and much made of by king Richard, who kept his Christmas this yeare at Dubline. year 1395 And after that feast was ended, he held a parlement there, A parlement holden in Ireland. to the which all his subiects of Ireland, vnto whom it apperteined, resorted, as well those that had conti­nued vnder the English gouernement aforetime, as those that were latelie yéelded.

Also at the same time, after the octaues of the E­piphanie, the duke of Yorke, A parlement at Westmin­ster, king Ri­chard being in Ireland. lord warden of Eng­land, now in the kings absence, caused a parlement to be called at Westminster, to the which was sent forth of Ireland the duke of Glocester, that he might declare to the commons the kings necessitie, to haue some grant of monie to supplie his want, hauing spent no small quantitie of treasure in that iournie made into Ireland. The dukes words were so well heard and beléeued, that a whole tenth was granted by the clergie, and a fiftéenth by the laitie; but not without protestation, that those paiements were granted of a meere good will, for the loue they bare to the king, and to haue his businesse go forwards, which because it required great expenses, both for that his owne roiall person was abiding in Ireland about the subduing of the rebels, as also because his retinue and power could not be mainteined without excessiue charges; they seemed to be no lesse desirous to haue the same ended, than they which were dailie agents in the same, not without feare of misfortune likelie to befall them, hauing to deale with a people of such barbarous and rebellious behauior.

At the same time, those that followed Wickliffes opinions, The Wickle­uists wrote a­gainst the clergie. set vp publikelie on the church doore of Paules in London, and the church doores of West­minster, certeine writings, conteining accusations of the clergie, and conclusions, such as had not com­monlie béene heard, against ecclesiasticall persons, and the vse of the sacraments, as the church then mainteined. They were incouraged thus to doo, as it [Page 482] was said, by some noble men, and knights of great worship, as sir Richard Sturrie, sir Lewes Clifford, sir Thomas Latimer, sir Iohn Montacute, & others, who comforted & pricked forward those kind of men, then called heretikes & Lollards, to the confounding of monks, friers, and other religious persons, by all waies they might. Herevpon, the archbishop of Yorke, the bishop of London, and certeine other as messengers from the whole state of the clergie, The clergie complaine to the king of the Wickleuists, and their fa­uorers. passed ouer into Ireland, where, to the king they made a line 10 grieuous complaint, as well against those that had framed and set foorth such writings, as against them that mainteined them in their dooings, and therefore besought him with spéed to returne home into Eng­land, there to take such order, for the restreining of those misordered persons, as vnto the reliefe of the church might be thought expedient, being then in great danger of susteining irrecouerable losse and damage, if good reformation were not the sooner had. King Richard hearing these things, vpon good deli­beration line 20 had in the matter, determined to returne home, but first on the day of the Annuntiation of our ladie, K. Richard knighteth the foure Irish kings, and others. Froissard. he made the foure aboue remembred kings, to wit, Onell, Brine of Thomond, Arthur of Mack­mur, and Conhur, knights, in the cathedrall church of Dublin, and one likewise sir Thomas Orphen, sir Ioatas Pado, and his coosine sir Iohn Pado.

This doone, and now after that they were set in quiet in that countrie (the rebels not being so hardie as to stirre, whilest such a mightie armie was there line 30 readie at hand to assaile them) the king about Ea­ster came backe into England without anie more a­doo, K. Richard returneth out of Ireland. so that the gaine was thought nothing to coun­teruaile the charges, which were verie great: for the king had ouer with him in that iournie, foure thou­sand men of armes, and thirtie thousand archers, as Froissard saith he was informed by an English es­quier that had béene in that iournie. The king at his comming ouer, did not forget what complaint the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of London had line 40 exhibited to him, against those that were called Lol­lards, and heretiks, wherevpon immediatlie, he cal­led before him certeine of the noble men, K. Richards dealings a­gainst the fa­uorers of the Wickleuists. that were thought and knowne to fauour such kind of men, threatning terriblie, if from thence foorth they should in anie wise comfort and relieue them. He caused sir Richard Sturrie to receiue an oth, that he should not mainteine from that day forward anie such erro­nious opinions, menacing him, and as it were, co­uenanting with him by an interchangeable oth, that line 50 if euer he might vnderstand, that he did violate and breake that oth, he should die for it a most shamefull death.

¶ By the report of H. Knighton it should séeme, that this sect (as he calleth them) mightilie increased, to the no small offense of the lords temporall and spi­rituall, wherevpon after sundrie complaints, and se­rious solicitations for the supplanting of them, com­missions were granted, and the tenure of them (as it should séeme) though not absolutelie, yet in part ex­ecuted. line 60 Now therefore listen what mine author saith, whose addition, though by his owne supputation of yeares it require to be placed elsewhere; yet for the consonancie of the matter, and because writers varie greatlie in their accounts of time, I haue here inser­ted the same, as in a verie conuenient place of the historie. The noblemen and the commons (saith Hen­rie Knighton) séeing the ship of the church, Abr. Fl. out of Henrie Knigh­ton canon of Leicester abbeie. with these & other innumerable errors, & verie lewd opinions as it were on all sides from day to day with ceasse­lesse violence and force to be shaken; besought the king in the parlement, that redresse might be had herof; lest the arke of the faith of all the church by such violences and inforcements giuen in those daies, should through want of gouernement be battered without remedie, and the glorious realme of Eng­land by corrupting of faith should by little and little be drawne into a distresse of grace and losse of honor. Wherefore the king vsing the sound counsell of the whole parlement, commanded the archbishop of Canturburie, & the rest of the bishops of the realme, to execute their charge and office, all and euerie of them in his and their diocesse, according to the canon lawes, more seuerelie and zealouslie; to correct the offendors, to examine their English books more ful­lie and substantiallie, to root out errors with all their indeuors, to bring the people into an vnitie of the right faith, to wéed vp out of the church all netles, thistles, and brambles wherewith she is disgraced; and to beautifie hir with lillies and roses; and should cause an establishment of his roiall power more boldlie and stoutlie. And the king foorthwith com­manded, without delaie, that his letters patents should be sent abroad into all and euerie shire of his kingdome; and appointed in euerie shire certeine searchers for such books and their fauourers; charging them to applie a spéedie remedie vnto these disorders, and to lay vp the rebels in the verie next gaoles, till the king sent vnto them. But verie slow execution or none at all followed, because the houre of correc­tion was not yet come. [Howbeit, to prepare and make an entrance to the purposed reformation and correction of those enormities, he gaue out a commis­sion against the Wickleuists, a copie whereof fol­loweth both in Latine and English. Whereby the world may see how the springing church of Christ was hated and abhorred of the antichristian rout.]

Copia regiae commissionis aduer­sus Lollardos & Lollardorum sequaces.

RIchardus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae, & dominus Hiberniae, dilectis sibi magistro Thomae Brightwell in the­ologia doctori, decano collegij noui ope­ris Leicestriae, & Gulielmo Chesulden praebenda­rio praebendae eiusdem collegij, ac dilectis & fideli­bus nostris Richardo de Barow Chinall, & Rober­to Langham, salutem. Quia ex insinuatione cre­dibili certitudinaliter informatur, quòd ex insana doctrina magistrorum Iohannis Wickliffe dum vixit, Nicholai Herford, Iohannis Liston, & suo­rum sequaciū, quàm plures libri, libelli, schedulae, & quaterni, haeresibus & erroribus manifestis in fidei catholicae laesionem, & sanae doctrinae deroga­tionem, expresse, & palàm, & notoriè redundan­tes, frequentiùs compilantur, publicantur, & con­scribuntur, tam in Anglico quàm in Latino, ac ex­inde opiniones nefariae sanae doctrinae contrarian­tes, oriuntur, crescunt, & manutenentur, ac prae­dicantur, in fidei orthodoxae eneruationem, eccle­siae sanctae subuersionem, & ex consequenti (quod absit) quàm plurium incredulitatem, eorúm (que) ani­marum periculum manifestum. Nos zelo fidei ca­tholicae, cuius sumus & esse volumus defensores in omnibus (vt tenemur) moti salubriter & inducti, nolentes huiusmodi haereses aut errores infra ter­minos nostrae potestatis, quatenùs poterimus, oriri, seu quomodolibet pullulare: assignamus vos con­iunctim & diuisim, ad omnes & singulos libros, li­bellos, schedulas, & quaternos huiusmodi doctrinā dictorū Iohannis, Nicholai, Iohannis, & sociorum sequacium, seu opinionum aliquam minùs sanam continentes, vbicún (que), & in quorumcún (que) mani­bus, [Page 483] possessione, seu custodia inueniri poterunt, in­fra libertates vel extra, inuestigandum, capien­dum, & arrestandum, & penes concilium nostrum cum omni celeritate possibili deferri faciendum, vt tunc ibidem de ijsdem ordinare vale amus, prout de auisamento concilij nostri praedictifore videri­mus faciendum: ac etiam ad proclamandum, & ex parte nostra firmiter inhibendum, ne quis cuius­cún (que) status, gradus, seu conditionis fuerit, sub poe­na imprisionamenti & forisfacturationum, quae no­bis line 10 forisfacere poterit, aliquas huiusmodi prauas & nefarias opiniones manutenere, docere, pertinaci­terque defendere, clàm vel palam, seu huiusmodi libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos detinere, scribere, vel scribi facere, aut emere vel vendere praesumat quouis modo; sed omnes & singulos hu­iusmodi libros, libellos, schedulas, & quaternos se­cum habitos & inuentos, ad mandatum nostrum vobis reddat, seu reddifaciat indilatè. Et ad om­nes line 20 illos, quos post proclamationem & inhibitionem praedictis contrarium inueneritis facientes, & hu­iusmodi nefarias opiniones manutentes, coràm vo­bis praefato Thoma decano & Gulielmo euocan­dum, & diligenter examinandum: & cùm inde legitimè euicti fuerint, ministris proximís (que) priso­nis committendum, in ijsdem detinendum, quoús­que à suis erroribus, haeresibus, & prauis opinioni­bus resipiscant, seu nos pro deliberatione eorundem line 30 aliter duxerimus ordinandum. Et ideo vobis man­damus, quòd dicta praemissa cum omni diligentia & efficacia intendatis, & ea faciatis & exequa­mini in forma praedicta. Damus autem tàm vni­uersis & singulis viris ecclesiasticis, quàm vice­comitibus, maioribus, balliuis, ministris, & alijs fidelibus & subditis nostris, tàm infra libertates quàm extra tenore praesentium firmiter in manda­tis, quòd vobis, & cuilibet vestrum, in praemissis faciendis assistentes sint, consulentes, & auxilian­tes, line 40 prout decet. In cuius rei testimonium has li­teras nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste meipso apud Westmonasterium vice simo tertio die Maij, anno regni nostri vndecimo.

A copie of the kings commission a­gainst the Lollards or Wickleuists and their followers: Englished by A.F.

RIchard by the grace of God king of England and France, and lord of I­reland, to his beloued, maister Tho­mas Brightwell doctor in diuinitie, deane of the college of the new worke of Lei­cester, and to William Chesulden prebendarie of the prebend of the same college; and to our beloued and trustie subiects, Richard of Barow Chinall, and Robert Langham; greeting. For so line 60 much as we are certeinelie informed by credi­ble report, that by the vnsound doctrine of mai­ster Iohn Wickliffe, whiles he liued, of Nicho­las Herford, Iohn Liston, and their followers, many bookes, libels, scheduls, & pamphlets ex­presselie, euidentlie, and notoriouslie swarming with manifest heresies and errors to the hurt of the catholike faith, & the abolishment of sound doctrine, are commonlie compiled, published, and written, as well in English as in Latine, and therevpon wicked opinions contrarie to sound doctrine, doo spring, grow, and are mainteined and preached to the weakening of the right faith, the ouerthrow of holie church, and con­sequentlie (which God forbid) the misbeleefe of a great many, & the manifest danger of their soules. We being moued with zeale to the ca­tholike faith, whereof we are, and will be defen­ders in all things, as we are bound, vnwilling that such heresies or errors within the limits of our iurisdiction, so far as we are able, should grow, or by any meanes spring vp: doo assigne you iointlie and seuerallie, all and singular the books, libels, scheduls, & pamphlets conteining such doctrine of the said Iohn, Nicholas, Iohn, and their fellow-followers, or any of their cor­rupt opinions, wheresoeuer, & in whose hands, possession, or keeping soeuer they shalbe found within the liberties or without; them to search, take, arrest, and cause to be brought before our councell with all possible speed, that then and there we may take order for the same accor­dinglie, as by the aduise of our foresaid councell we shall see requisite to be doone. And also to proclaime, and on our behalfe firmelie to for­bid all and euerie one, of whatsoeuer state, de­gree, or condition he be, vnder paine of impri­sonment and forfeitures, which to vs he shall forfeit, any of these wicked and lewd opinions to mainteine, teach, obstinatlie to defend, pri­uilie or openlie, or any of these bookes, libels, scheduls & pamphlets to keepe, write, or cause to be written; but all and euerie such booke and bookes, libels, scheduls, and pamphlets with them had & found, at our commandement vn­to you to deliuer, or cause to be deliuered with­out delaie. And all them, whome after pro­clamation and inhibition you shall find dooing contrarie to the premisses, and such lewd opini­ons mainteining, to call foorth before you the said Thomas the deane, & William, and them to examine: & when they shalbe lawfullie con­uinced therein, to commit them to the next of­ficers & prisons, there to be kept, till they haue recanted their errors, heresies, and wicked opi­nions; or till we for their deliuerance shall o­therwise thinke order to be taken. And there­fore we command, that you intend the said premisses, with all diligence and effect, and the same doo and execute in forme aforesaid. We doo also giue in streict commandement and charge, to all and euerie as well churchman & churchmen, as shiriffes, maiors, bailiffes, offi­cers, and other our trustie subiects, as well with­in the liberties as without, by the tenor of these presents, to assist, counsell, and helpe you and e­uerie of you in doing the premisses, as it is con­uenient. In witnesse whereof, we haue caused these our letters patents to be made. Witnesse our selues at Westminster the twentie third day of Maie, and the eleuenth yeare of our reigne.

¶ About this time, or (as Henrie Knighton saith) in the yeare 1392, maister William Courtenie archbi­shop of Canturburie, brother to the earle of Den­shire visited the diocesse of Lincolne, and on the feast of saint Faith the virgine he visited maister Iohn Bokingham bishop of Lincolne in the cathedrall church of Lincoln [...], with the chapter, Archbishop of Canturbu­ries visitatiō. and an hundred of the canons, and he came to Leicester abbeie in vi­sitation, the sundaie before the feast of All saints, where he [...] all the tuesdaie, and on the eeue also [Page 484] of All saints being mondaie, calling togither all the canons of the said monasterie, with the chaplines of his owne chappell, euerie of them hauing in their hands burning candels. Wickleuists excommuni­cated. The same archbishop confir­med sentence of excommunication against the Lol­lards or Wickleuists, with their fauourers, which either now mainteined or caused to be mainteined, or hereafter did mainteine or should mainteine the errours and opinions of master Iohn Wickliffe, in the diocesse of Lincolne. On the morrow next after All saints, the same bishop flashed out his sentence of line 10 excommunication like lightning in open sight, with a crosse set vpright, with candels burning bright, and with bels roong alowd, and namelie against those of Leicester towne that had too too much defiled and in­fected the said towne and countrie. The archbishop departing from thence, went to saint Peters church, to a certeine anchoresse named Matildis there kept as in a closet, whom he reprouing about the foresaid errors and opinions of the Lollards, and finding hir line 20 answers scarse aduisedlie made, cited hir that she should appeare before him, on the sundaie next insu­ing, in saint Iames his abbeie at Northampton, to answer vnto the foresaid erronious and prophane points. Now she appeared at the day appointed, and renouncing hir errours, and hauing penance inioi­ned hir, she went awaie reformed. But till the se­cond day before the feast of saint Lucie, she kept hir selfe out of hir closet, and then entred into the same a­gaine. Other Lollards also were cited, and appea­red line 30 at Oxford, and in other places, as the archbishop had commanded them: who renouncing their super­stitious errours, and for swearing their prophane opi­nions, did open penance. Also one William Smith was made to go about the market place at Leice­ster, A ridiculous penance. clothed in linnen [or in a white sheet] holding in his right arme the image of the Crucifix, and in his left the image of saint Katharine, bicause the said Smith had sometimes cut in peeces and burned an image of saint Katharine, whereof he made a fire to line 40 boile him hearbes in his hunger.

In those daies there was a certeine matrone in London, which had one onelie daughter, whome ma­nie daies she instructed and trained vp to celebrat the masse, and she set vp an altar in hir priuie or se­cret chamber with all the ornaments therevnto be­longing, and so she made hir daughter manie daies to attire hir selfe like a priest, and to come to the al­tar, and after hir maner to celebrate the masse. Now when she came to the words of the sacrament, she line 50 cast hir selfe flat on hir face before the altar, & For the pa­pists saie that the sacrificing préest is the maker of his maker, name­lie God. made not the sacrament; but rising vp, dispatched the rest of the masse euen to the verie end, hir mother helping hir therein, and dooing hir deuotion. This errour a long time lasted, till at last by a certeine neighbour that was secretlie called to such a masse, it was told abroad, and came to the bishops eares, who causing them to appeare before him, talked with them about that errour, and compelled the yoong woman openlie to shew the priestlie shauing of hir haire, whose head line 60 was found to be all bare and bald. The bishop sigh­ing and sorrieng that such an errour should happen in the church in his time, made manie lamentations, and hauing inioined them penance, dispatched and sent them away. Thus far Henrie Knighton. [It is not to be doubted, but that in these daies manie of the female sex be medling in matters impertinent to their degrée, Boldnesse of women in ec­clesiasticall matters ta [...]ed. and inconuenient for their knowledge; debating & scanning in their priuat conuenticles of such things as wherabout if they kept silence, it were for their greater commendation; presuming, though not to celebrat a masse, or to make a sacrament; yet to vndertake some publike peece of s [...]ruice incident to the ministerie: whose ouer-saw [...]ie rashnesse being bolstered and borne vp with abbettors not a few, whe­ther it be by ecclesiasticall discipline corrected, I wot not; but of the vniformed presbiterie I am sure it is lamented.]

A certeine thing appeared in the likenesse of fier in manie parts of the realme of England, A fierie app [...] ­rition of di­uerse like­nesses. now of one fashion, now of another, as it were euerie night, but yet in diuerse places all Nouember and Decem­ber. This fierie apparition, oftentimes when any bo­die went alone, it would go with him, and would stand still when he stood still. To some it appeared in the likenesse of a turning whéele burning; to other­some round in the likenesse of a barrell, flashing out flames of fier at the head; to othersome in the like­nesse of a long burning lance; and so to diuerse folks at diuerse times and seasons it shewed it selfe in diuerse formes and fashions a great part of winter, speciallie in Leicestershire and Northamptonshire: and when manie went togither, it approched not neere them, but appeared to them as it were a far off. In a parlement time there was a certeine head of war made by the art of necromancie (as it was reported) which head at an houre appointed to speake, A head of wa [...] wrought by necromancie speaketh. vttered these words following at thrée times, and then ceas­sed to speake any more. These be the words; first, The head shall be cut off; secondlie, The head shall be lift vp aloft; thirdlie, The feet shall be lift vp aloft aboue the head. This happened in the time of that parle­ment which was called the mercilesse parlement, not long before the parlement that was named the par­lement which wrought woonders. A fierie dra­gon seen in diuers places. In Aprill there was séene a fierie dragon in manie places of Eng­land; which dreadfull sight as it made manie a one amazed, so it ministred occasion of mistrust to the minds of the maruellors, that some great mischéefe was imminent, whereof that burning apparition was a prognostication. Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wal [...]. in Rich. 2. pag. 341. In this kings daies (as saith Thomas Walsingham) whose report, bicause I am here dealing with certeine prodigious accidents importing some strange euents, I am the more bold to interlace) about the troublesome time when discord sprang betwéene the king and his youthlie compani­ons with the duke of Lancaster, A coniunctiō of Iupiter & Saturne. in the moneth of Maie, there happened a coniunction of the two grea­test planets, namelie Iupiter and Saturne, after the which did follow a verie great commotion of kingdoms, as in the processe of this historie may ap­peare.

The French king about this time summoned a conuocation of the French cleargie, A schisme betwéene two popes for the dignitie of [...] Peters cha [...]re▪ to decide and search out the power of the two popes, which of them had fuller right and authoritie in S. Peters chaire, for the schisme and diuision betwéene the two popes was not yet ended. The French clergie wrote in the behalfe of Clement their pope, & cōfirmed their script or writing with the vniuersitie seale of Paris. Which writing Charles the French king sent ouer to Ri­chard king of England, that touching these doubts and difficulties he with (the councell of his cleargie might deliberat. Wherefore king Richard summo­ned a conuocation at Oxford of the lerneder diuines as well regents as not regents of the whole realme; who wrote for and in the behalfe of Urbane their pope of Rome, and confirmed their writing with the vniuersitie seale of Oxford, & sent it ouer sea to Pa­ris vnto the French king. But nothing was doone further in the premisses, both popes, vnder the shrowd or shelter of schisme preuailing betwéene them, iu­stifieng these title & interest. [This is the last record found in Henrie Knighton, who for that which he hath doone touching chronographie, hath written (the blind­nesse of the time wherein he liued, and his order con­sidered) though not so well as the best, yet not so ill as the woorst: and whose collections, if they were laid [Page 485] togither, would affoord a large augmentation to ma­ters of chronicle: but O spite that so abruptlie he brea­keth off, and continueth his an [...]ales no further than this yeare, 1395.]

This yeere, the Danes that laie rouing on the seas did much hurt to the English merchants, taking and robbing manie English ships, and [...]hen the hauen townes alongst [...]he coasts of Northfolke, The Danes [...] the Eng­l [...]sh merchāts on the seas. made foorth a number of ships, and ventured to fight with those pirats, they were vanquished by the Danes, so that line 10 manie were slaine, and manie taken prisoners, which were constreined to paie great ransoms. The eni­mies also found in ransacking the English ships, Great prises woone by the Danish pi­rets of the Englishmen. twentie thousand pounds, which the English mer­chants had aboord with them to buy wares with, in place whither they were bound to go. ¶In the same yeare, William Courtneie archbishop of Cantur­burie, hauing more regard to his owne priuat com­moditie, than to the discommoditie of others, purcha­sed a bull of the pope, whereby he was authorised to leauie through his whole prouince foure pence of the line 20 pound of ecclesiasticall promotions, as well in pla­ces exempt, as not exempt, no true nor lawfull cause being shewed or pretended, why he ought so to doo; and to see the execution of this bull put in practise, the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of London, were named and appointed.

Manie that feared the censures of such high exe­cutioners, chose rather to paie the monie foorthwith, than to go to the law, and be compelled happilie, man­ger their good willes. Some there were that appea­led line 30 to the sée of Rome, meaning to defend their cause and to procure that so vnlawfull an exaction might be reuoked. Speciallie, the prebendaries of Lincolne stood most stiffelie against those bishops, but the death of the archbishop that chanced shortlie after, made an end of those so passing great troubles. This yeare, Iohn Waltham bishop of Salisburie, Waltham bi­shop of Salis­burie buried at Westmin­ster amongst the kings. and lord trea­suror of England departed this life, and by king Ri­chard his appointment had the honor to haue his bo­die interred at Westminster amongst the kings. Af­ter line 40 this decease, Roger Walden that before was se­cretarie to the king, and treasuror of Calis, was now made lord treasuror.

Yée haue heard, that in the yeare 1392, Robert Uéer duke of Ireland departed this life in Louaine in Brabant. Anno Reg. 19. King Richard therefore this yeare in Nouember, caused his corps being imbalmed, to be conueied into England, and so to the priorie of Col­nie in Essex, The duke of Irelāds corps conueied from Louaine into England, and there roiallie interred. appointing him to be laid in a coffine of cypresse, and to be adorned with princelie garments, line 50 hauing a chaine of gold about his necke, and rich rings on his fingers. And to shew what loue and af­fection he bare vnto him in his life time, the king caused the coffine to be opened, that he might behold his face bared, and touch him with his hands: he ho­nored his funerall exequies with his presence, ac­companied with the countesse of Oxenford, mother to the said duke, the archbishop of Canturburie, and manie other bishops, abbats, and priors: but of no­ble line 60 men there were verie few, for they had not yet digested the enuie and hatred which they had concei­ued against him.

Froissard.In this meane while, the duke of Lancaster was in Gascoigne, treating with the lords of the coun­trie, and the inhabitants of the good townes, which vtterlie refused to receiue him otherwise than as a lieutenant or substitute to the king of England, The Gas­coignes send vnto K. Rich. signifieng vn­to him, that they ought not to be di­ui [...]ed from the crowne. and in the end addressed messengers into England, to signifie to the king, that they had beene accustomed to be gouerned by kings, and meant not now to be­come subiects to anie other, contrarie to all reason, sith the king could not (sauing his oth) alien them from the crowne. The duke of Lancaster vsed all waies he might deuise, how to win their good wils, and had sent also certeine of his trustie councellors ouer hither into England, as sir William Perreer, sir Peter Clifton, and two clearkes learned in the lawe, the one called maister Iohn Huech, and the o­ther maister Iohn Richards a canon of Leicester, to plead and sollicit his cause.

But to be breefe, such reasons were shewed, and such matter vnfolded by the Gascoignes, whie they ought not be separated from the crowne of Eng­land, that finallie (notwithstanding the duke of Glo­cester, and certeine other were against them) it was decréed, that the countrie and duchie of Aquitaine should remaine still in demesne of the crowne of England, least that by this transporting thereof, The grant of the duchie of Aquitaine to the duke of Lancaster re­uoked. it might fortune in time, that the heritage thereof should fall into the hands of some stranger, and eni­mie to the English nation, so that then the homage and souereigntie might perhaps be lost for euer. In­deed, the duke of Glocester, being a prince of an high mind, & loth to haue the duke of Lancaster at home, being so highlie in the kings fauor, could haue béene well pleased, that he should haue enioied his gift, for that he thought thereby to haue borne all the rule a­bout the king, for the duke of Yorke was a man ra­ther coueting to liue in pleasure, than to deale with much businesse, and the weightie affaires of the realme.

About the same time, or somewhat before, the king sent an ambassage to the French king, the archbi­shop of Dublin, the earle of Rutland, Ambassadors sent into France to treat a marri­age betwéene king Richard & the French K. daughter. the earle Mar­shall, the lord Beaumont, the lord Spenser, the lord Clifford named Lewes, and twentie knights with fortie esquiers. The cause of their going ouer, was to intreat of a marriage to be had betwixt him, and the ladie Isabell, daughter to the French king, she be­ing as then not past eight yeares of age, which be­fore had beene promised vnto the duke of Britaines sonne: but in consideration of the great benefit that was likelie to insue by this communication and a­liance with England, there was a meane found to vndoo that knot, though not presentlie. These Eng­lish lords, at their comming to Paris, were ioifullie receiued, and so courteouslie interteined, banketted, feasted, and cherished, and that in most honorable sort, as nothing could be more: all their charges and expenses were borne by the French king, and when they should depart, they receiued for answer of their message, verie comfortable words, and so with hope to haue their matter sped, they returned.

But now when the duke of Lancaster had, Thom. Wals. by lai­eng foorth an inestimable masse of treasure purcha­sed in a manner the good wils of them of Aquitaine, and compassed his whole desire, he was suddenlie countermanded home by the king, and so to satisfie the kings pleasure, he returned into England, and comming to the king at Langleie, where he held his Christmasse, was receiued with more honor than loue, as was thought; wherevpon he rode in all hast that might be to Lincolne, where Katharine Swin­ford as then laie, whom shortlie after the Epiphanie, year 1396 he tooke to wife. This woman was borne in Hei­nault, daughter to a knight of that countrie, called sir Paou de Ruet: she was brought vp in hir youth, in the duke of Lancasters house, The duke of Lancaster m [...] rieth a ladie of a meane estate▪ whome he had kept as his concubine and attended on his first wife the duchesse Blanch of Lancaster, and in the daies of his second wife the duchesse Con­stance, he kept the foresaid Katharine as his concu­bine, who afterwards was married to a knight of England, named Swinford, that was now deceas­sed. Before she was married, the duke had by hir three children, two sonnes and a daughter; one of the sons was named Thomas de Beaufort, & the other Henrie, who was brought vp at Aken in Almaine, [Page 486] prooued a good lawyer, and was after bishop of Win­chester.

For the loue that the duke had to these his chil­dren, he married their mother the said Katharine Swinford, being now a widow, whereof men mar­uelled much, considering hir meane estate was farre vnmeet to match with his highnesse, and nothing comparable in honor to his other two former wiues. And indeed, the great ladies of England, as the du­ches of Glocester, the countesses of Derbie, Arundell and others, descended of the blood roiall, greatlie dis­deined, line 10 that she should be matched with the duke of of Lancaster, and by that means be accompted se­cond person in the realme, and preferred in roome be­fore them, and therefore they said, that they would not come in anie place where she should be present, for it should be a shame to them that a woman of so base birth, and concubine to the duke in his other wiues daies, should go and haue place before them. The duke of Glocester also, being a man of an high mind and stout stomach, misliked his brothers line 20 matching so meanlie, but the duke of Yorke bare it well inough, and verelie, the ladie hir selfe was a wo­man of such bringing vp, and honorable demeanor, that enuie could not in the end but giue place to well deseruing. Wickleuists increase. About this season, the doctrine of of Iohn Wickliffe still mightilie spred abroad héere in England. ¶The schisme also still continued in the church, betwixt the two factions of cardinals French and Romane▪ for one of their popes could no sooner be dead, but that they ordeined an other in his line 30 place.

In this eighteenth yeare also was a woonderfull tempest of wind in the months of Iulie and August, and also most speciallie in September, by violence whereof, in sundrie places of this realme, great and woonderfull hurt was doone, both in churches and houses. ¶The ambassadors that had béene latelie in France, about the treatie of the marriage (as before yée haue heard) went thither againe, and so after that the two kings by sending to and fro were growne line 40 to certeine points and couenants of agreement, The earle marshall affi­eth y e French kings daugh­ter, in y e name of king Ri­chard. Anno Reg. 20. A truce for 30 yeares be­twéene Eng­land and France. Tho. Walsin. the earle marshall, by letters of procuration, married the ladie Isabell, in name of king Richard, so that from thencefoorth she was called quéene of England. Amongst other couenants and articles of this mar­riage, there was a truce accorded, to indure betwixt the two realms of England and France, for tearme of thirtie yeares. The pope wrote to king Richard, beseeching him to assist the prelats against the Lol­lards (as they tearmed them) whom he pronounced to line 50 be traitors, both to the church and kingdome, and therefore he besought him to take order for the pu­nishment of them, whom the prelats should denounce to be heretikes.

The popes letters to K. Rich. against y • WickleuistsAt the same time, he sent a bull reuocatorie con­cerning religious men, that had either at his hands or at the hands of his legats or nuncios purchased to be his chapleins, and accompting themselues there­by exempt from their order; so that now they were by this reuocatorie bull, appointed to returne to their line 60 order, and to obserue all rules thereto belonging. This liked the friers well, namelie the minors, that sought by all means they might deuise, how to bring their brethren home againe, which by such exemptions in being the popes chapleins, were segregated & di­uided from the residue of their fraternitie or brother­hood. The king in this twentith yeare of his reigne, went ouer to Calis with his vncles the dukes of Yorke and Glocester, K. Richard goeth ouer to Calis. and a great manie of other lords and ladies of honour, and thither came to him the duke of Burgognie, and so they communed of [...]he peace. There was no enimie to the conclusion thereof but the duke of Glocester, who shewed well by his words that he wished rather war than peace, in somuch as the king stood in doubt of him, least he would procure some rebellion against him by his subiects, whome he knew not to fauour greatlie this new aliance with France.

The king after the duke of Burgognie had tal­ked with him throughlie of all things, and was de­parted from him, returned into England (leauing the ladies still at Calis) to open the couenants of the marriage and peace vnto his subiects, and after he had finished with that businesse, and vnderstood their minds, he went againe to Calis, and with him his two vncles, of Lancaster and Glocester, and diuerse prelats and lords of the realme; and shortlie after came the French king to the bastide of Arde, accom­panied with the dukes of Burg [...]gnie, Berrie, Bri­taine and Burbon. There was set vp for the king of England a right faire and rich pauilion a little be­yond Guisnes within the English pale; The maner of the interview betweene king Richard and the French king. and ano­ther the like pauilion was pight vp also for the French king on this side Arde, within the French dominion; so that betwéene the said pauilions was the distance of thréescore & ten pases, and in the mid­waie betwixt them both, Fabian. was ordeined the third pa­uilion, at the which both kings comming from either of their tents sundrie times should méet and haue communication togither.

The distance betwixt the two tents was beset on either side in time of the interview with knights ar­med with their swords in their hands; that is to say, on the one side stood foure hundred French knights in armor with swords in their hands, Froissard. and on the o­ther side foure hundred English knights armed with swords in their hands, making as it were a lane be­twixt them through the which the two kings came and met, with such noble men as were appointed to at­tend them. Fabian. And a certeine distance from the two first pauilions, were appointed to stand such companies of men as either of them by appointment had coue­nanted to bring with them. The two kings before their méeting, The oth of the two kings. receiued a solemne oth for assurance of their faithfull and true meaning, to obserue the sa­cred lawes of amitie one toward an other in that their interview, so as no damage, violence, molesta­tion, arrest, disturbance, or other inconuenience should be practised by them, or their friends and sub­iects: and that if anie disorder rose through anie mis­happe, arrogancie, or strife mooued by anie person, the same should be reformed, promising in the words of princes to assist one an other in suppressing, the ma­lice of such as should presume to doo or attempt anie thing that might sound to the breach of friendlie a­mitie, during the time of that assemblie eight daies before, and seuen daies after.

On the six and twentith of October, the king of England remooued from Calis toward the castell of Guisnes, and wi [...]h him the duke of Berrie, who was sent to take his oth. The morow after, being the euen of Simon and Iude, the kings met, and the lords of France, to wit, the duke of Berrie, Burgogne, Or­leans, and Burbon, the earle of Sauoie, the vicount of Meaux, and others conueied the king of England; and from him were sent to conduct the French king diuerse of the English lords, as the two dukes of Lancaster and Glocester, foure earles; to wit, of Derbie, Rutland, Notingham, and Northumber­land. After the two kings were come togither into the tent for that purpose prepared, it was first accor­ded betwixt them, that in the same place where they thus met, should be builded of both their costs a cha­pell for a perpetuall memorie, The chapell of our ladie of peace. which should be called The chapell of our ladie of peace. On saturdaie be­ing the feast daie of the apostles Simon and Iude, the kings talked togither of certeine articles tou­ching [Page 487] the treatie of peace, and hauing concluded vp­on the same, they receiued either of them an oth vpon the holie Euangelists, to obserue and kéepe all the couenants accorded vpon.

On the mondaie the French king came to the king of England his pauillion, and the same time was brought thither the yoong quéene Isabell daugh­ter to the French king, The French K. giueth his daughter to king Richard in marriage. who there deliuered hir vnto king Richard, who taking hir by the hand kissed hir, & gaue to hir father great thanks for that so honorable line 10 and gratious a gift, openlie protesting, that vpon the conditions concluded betwixt them, he did receiue hir, that by such affinitie both the realmes might con­tinue in quietnesse, and come to a good end and per­fect conclusion of a perpetuall peace. The quéene was committed to the duchesses of Lancaster & Glocester, to the countesses of Huntington and Stafford, to the march [...]onesse of Dublin daughter to the lord Con­cie, to the ladies of Namure, Poinings, and others; which with a noble traine of men and horsses, con­ueied line 20 hir to Calis: for there were twelue charrets full of ladies & gentlewomen. This d [...]one, the kings came togither into the king of Englands pauillion to dinner. The French king sate on the right side of the hall, and was roiallie serued after the maner of his countrie, The order of the French kings seruice at table. that is to saie, of all maner of meats appointed to be serued at the first course in one migh­tie large dish or platter, and likewise after the same sort at the second course. But the king of England was serued after the English manner. When the line 30 tables were taken vp, and that they had made an end of dinner, the kings kissed ech other, and tooke their horsses. The K. of England brought the French king on his waie, and at length they tooke leaue either of other, in shaking hands and imbracing on horsse­backe. The French king rode to Arde, and the king of England returned to Calis.

¶ We haue omitted (as things superfluous to speake of) all the honorable demenor and courteous interteinement vsed and shewed betwixt these prin­ces line 40 and noble men on both parts, their sundrie fea­stings and banketings, what rich apparell, plate, and other furniture of cupboords and tables, the princelie gifts and rich iewels which were presented from one to an other, striuing (as it might séeme) who should shew himselfe most bounteous and liberall: The expen­ses of king Richard at this inter­view. beside the gifts which the king of England gaue vnto the French king, and to the nobles of his realme (which amounted aboue the summe of ten thousand marks) the K. of England spending at this time (as the fame line 50 went) aboue thrée hundred thousand marks. After the kings returne to Calis on wednesdaie next in­suing, The mariage solemnized at Calis. being All hallowes daie, in solemne wise he married the said ladie Isabell in the church of saint Nicholas, the archbishop of Canturburie dooing the office of the minister.

The thursdaie after, the dukes of Orleance and Burbon came to Calis to sée the king & the quéene: and on the fridaie they tooke their leaue and depar­ted, and rode to saint Omers to the French king. line 60 On the same daie in the morning the king and the queene tooke their ship, and had faire passage: for within thrée houres they arriued at Douer, from whence they sped them towards London, whereof the citizens being warned, made out certeine horsse­men well appointed in one liuerie of colour, with a deuise imbrodered on their sléeues, that euerie com­panie might be knowne from other, the which with the maior and his brethren, The maior of London and the citizens meete the K. & the quéene on Blacke­heath. clothed in skarlet, met the king and quéene on Blackeheath, and there dooing their duties with humble reuerence attended vpon their maiesties till they came to Newington: where the king comanded the maior with his companie to returne, for that he was appointed to lodge that night at Kennington.

Shortlie after, to wit, the thirteenth of Nouember, the yoong quéene was conueied from thence with great pompe vnto the Tower, at which time there was such prease on London bridge, Certeine thrust to death in the prease on London bridge. Iohn Stow. The quéens coronation. that by reason thereof, certeine persons were thrust to death: a­mong the which the prior of Tiptrie, a place in Es­sex was one, and a worshipfull matrone in Cornehill an other. The morow after she was conueied to Westminster with all the honor that might be deui­sed, and finallie there crowned queene vpon sun­daie being then the seauenth of Ianuarie. year 1397 On the two and twentith of Ianuarie was a parlement be­gun at Westminster, The duke of Lancaster his bastards mad [...] legitimate by parlement. in which the duke of Lancaster caused to be legitimated the issue which he had begot of Katharine Swinfort, before she was his wife. ¶At the same time Thomas Beaufort sonne to the said duke, by the said Katharine, was created earle of Summerset. ¶There was an ordinance made in the same parlement, that iustices should not haue anie to sit with them as assistants. ¶Moreouer, there was a tenth granted by the clergie to be paied to the kings vse at two seuerall termes in that present yeare. The iustices reuoked out of exile. In this yeare the king contrarie to his oth reuoked the iustices foorth of Ireland, whom by constraint (as be­fore ye haue heard) he was inforced to banish, there­by to satisfie the noble men that would haue it so.

In this twentith yeare of his reigne king Richard receiuing the summes of monie (for the which the strong towne of Brest was ingaged to him) by euill counsell (as manie thought) deliuered it vnto the duke of Britaine, Brest yéelded vp to the duke of Britaine. by reason whereof no small sparke of displeasure arose betwixt the king and the duke of Glocester, which kindled vp such a flame (as it was easie to doo) finding matter inough to féed vpon in both their brests, that finallie it could no longer be kept downe, nor by anie meanes quenched. In the moneth of Februarie, the king holding a sumptuous feast at Westminster, many of the soldiors that were newlie come from Brest preased into the hall, and kept a roome togither. Priuie grudge be­twixt the king and the duke of Glo­cester. Whom as the duke of Gloce­ster beheld, and vnderstood what they were, to re­member how that towne was giuen vp contrarie to his mind and pleasure, it grieued him not a little: and therefore as the king was entred into his cham­ber, and few about him, he could not forbeare, but brake foorth, and said to the king: Sir, The talke be­twixt the king and the duke of Glocester. saw ye not those felowes that sate in such number this daie in the hall, at such a table? The king answered that he saw them, and asked the duke what they were? To whom the duke made this answer: ‘Sir, these be the soldiors that came from Brest, and haue nothing now to take to, nor yet know how to shift for their liuings, and the worse, for that (as I am informed) they haue béene euill paied. Then said the king; That is against my will, for I would that they should haue their due wa­ges; and if anie haue cause to complaine, let them shew the matter to the treasuror, and they shall be reasonablie answered: and herewith he commanded that they should be appointed to foure certeine villa­ges about London, there to remaine, Out of a French pam­phlet. and to haue meate, drinke, and lodging vpon his charges till they were paied.’

Thus as they fell into reasoning of this matter, the duke said to the king: Sir, your grace ought to put your bodie in paine to win a strong hold or towne by feats of war, yer you take vpon you to sell or deliuer anie towne or strong hold gotten with great aduen­ture by the manhood and policie of your noble proge­nitours. To this the king with changed countenance answered and said: ‘Uncle, how say you that? And the duke boldlie without feare recited the same a­gaine, not changing one woord in anie better sort. Whervpon the king being more chafed, replied; Sir, [Page 488] thinke you that I am a merchant, or a verie foole, to sell my land? By saint Iohn Baptist no: but truth it is, that our coosine the duke of Britaine hath satisfied vs in all such summes of monie as our progenitors len [...] vnto him, and to his ancestors, vpon gage of the said towne of Brest, for the which reason and con­science will no lesse but that the towne should there­vpon be to him restored.’ Upon this multiplieng of woords in such presumptuous maner by the duke a­gainst the king, there kindeled such displeasure be­twixt line 10 them, that it neuer ceassed to increase into flames, till the duke was brought to his end.

The earle of saint Paule his counsell to K. Richard.The earle of saint Paule at his last comming in­to England to receiue king Richards oth for obser­uing the truce, had conference with the king of di­uerse matters. The king by waie of complaint, she­wed vnto him how stiffe the duke of Glocester was in hindering all such matters as he would haue go forward, not onlie séeking to haue the peace broken betwixt the realmes of England & France, but also line 20 procuring trouble at home, by stirring the people to rebellion. The earle of saint Paule hearing of this stout demeanor of the duke, told the king that it should be best to prouide in time against such mis­chéefs as might insue thereof, and that it was not to be suffered, that a subiect should behaue himselfe in such sort toward his prince. The king marking his woords, Polydor. thought that he gaue him good and faithfull counsell, and therevpon determined to suppresse both the duke and other of his complices, and tooke more line 30 diligent regard to the saiengs & dooings of the duke than before he had doone. And as it commeth to passe that those which suspect anie euill, doo euer déeme the woorst; so he tooke euerie thing in euill part, insomuch that he complained of the duke vnto his brethren the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke, in that he should stand against him in all things and seeke his destruc­tion, the death of his counsellors, and ouerthrow of his realme.

The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke excuse the duke of Glocester to the king.The two dukes of Lancaster and Yorke to deliuer line 40 the kings mind of suspicion, made answer, that they were not ignorant, how their brother of Glocester, as a man sometime rash in woords, would speake oftentimes more than he could or would bring to ef­fect, and the same proceeded of a faithfull hart, which he bare towards the king, for that it grieued him to vnderstand, that the confines of the English domi­nions should in anie wise be diminished: therefore his grace ought not to regard his woords, sith he should take no hurt thereby. These persuasions quie­ted line 50 the king for a time, till he was informed of the practise which the duke of Glocester had contriued (as the fame went amongst diuerse persons) to im­prison the king. For then the duke of Lancaster and Yorke, first reprouing the duke of Glocester for his too liberall talking, vttering vnaduisedlie woords that became not his person, and which to haue con­cealed had tended more to the opinion of vertue, than to lash out whatsoeuer his vnstaied mind affoorded, which is a great fault (as in effect the poet noteth: line 60

Eximia est virtus praestare silentia rebu [...],
At contra grauis est culpa tacenda loqus)

and perceuing that he set nothing by their woords, were in doubt least if they should remaine in the court still, he would vpon a presumptuous mind, in trust to be borne out by them, attempt some outra­gious enterprise. Wherefore they thought best to de­part for a time into their countries, that by their ab­sence he might the sooner learne to staie himselfe for doubt of further displeasure. But it came to passe, that their departing from the court was the casting awaie of the duke of Glocester. For after that they were gone, there ceassed not such as bare him euill will, to procure the K. to dispatch him out of the way.

The duke in déed sore stomached the matter, that his counsell might not be followed in all things, and speciallie for that he saw (as he tooke it) that the king was misled by some persons that were about him, otherwise than stood with his honor: for refor­mation whereof, he conferred with the abbat of saint Albons, and the prior of Westminster. The abbat was both his c [...]o [...]ine and godfather: A conspir [...] betwéene the duke of Glo­cester and the abbat of [...] Albons. and hauing on a daie both the duke and the prior at his house in saint Albons, after dinner he [...]ell in talke with the duke and prior, and amongst other communication req [...] ­red of the prior to tell truth, whether he had anie vi­sion the night before or not▪ The prior séemed with to make a direct answer; Out of an [...] French pam­phlet belong­ing to Iohn Stow. but at length being earnestlie requested as well by the abb [...]t as the duke, he decla­red that he had a vision in déed, which was, that the realme of England should be destroied through the misgouernement of king Richard. ‘By the virgine Marie, said the abbat, I had the verie same vision.’ The duke herevpon disclosed vnto them all the se­crets of his mind, and by their deuises presentlie con­triued an assemblie of diuerse great lords of the realme at Arundell castell that daie for might, at what time he himselfe appointed to be there, with the earles of Derbie, Arundell, Marshall, and War­wike: also the archbishop of Canturburie, the abbat of saint Albens, the prior of Westminster, with di­uerse others.

These estates being come to Arundell castell at the daie appointed, Anno Reg. 1 [...]. about the verie beginning of the one and twentith yeare of king Richards reigne, they sware [...]ch to other to be assistant in all such matters as they should determine, and therewith re­ceiued the sacrament at the hands of the archbishop of Canturburie, who celebrated masse before them the morow after. Which doone, they withdrew into a chamber, and fell in counsell togither, where in the end they light vpon this point; to take king Richard, The purp [...]s of the conspi­rators. the dukes of Lancaster & Yorke, and commit them to prison, and all the other lords of the kings councell they determined shuld be drawne and hanged. Such was their purpose which they ment to haue accom­plished in August following. But the earle marshall that was lord deputie of Calis, and had married the earle of Arundels daughter, discouered all their coun­sell to the king, and the verie daie in which they should begin their enterprise. The earle marshall dis­closeth the conspira [...]ie. The king bad the earle mar­shall take héed what hehad said, for if it proued not true, he should repent it: but the earle constantlie herevnto answered, that if the matter might be pro­ued otherwise, he was contented to be drawne and quartered.

The king herevpon went to London, where he dined at the house of his brother the earle of Hun­tington in the stréet behind All hallowes church vp­on the banke of the riuer of Thames, which was a right faire and statelie house. After dinner, he gaue his councell to vnderstand all the matter; by whose aduise it was agreed, that the king should assemble foorthwith what power he might conuenientite make of men of armes & archers, and streightwaies take horsse, accompanied with his brother the earle of Huntington, & the earle marshall. Herevpon at six of the clocke in the afternoone, the iust houre when they vsed to go to supper, the king mounted on horsse­backe, and rode his waie; whereof the Londoners had great maruell. After that the king began to ap­proch the dukes house at Plashie in Essex, where he then laie, he commanded his brother the earle of Huntington to ride afore, The earle of Rutland saith R. Gra [...]o [...] ▪ to know if the duke were at home, and if he were, then to tell him that the king was comming at hand to speake with him.

The earle with ten persons in his companie amen­ding his pase (for the king had made no great has [...] [Page 489] all the night before, as should appeare by his iournie) came to the house, and entering into the court, asked if the duke were at home, and vnderstanding by a gentlewoman that made him answer, that both the duke and duchesse were yet in bed, he besought hir to go to the duke, and to shew him that the king was comming at hand to speake with him, and foorthwith came the king with a competent number of men of armes, and a great companie of archers, riding in­to the base court, his trumpets sounding before him. line 10 The duke herewith came downe into the base court, where the king was, hauing none other apparell vpon him, but his shirt, and a cloke or a mantell cast about his shoulders, and with humble reuerence said that his grace was welcome, asking of the lords how it chanced they came so earlie, and sent him no word of their comming? The king herewith courteouslie re­quested him to go and make him readie, and appoint his horsse to be sadled, for that he must needs ride with him a little waie, and conferre with him of businesse. line 20 The duke went vp againe into his chamber to put vpon him his clothes, and the king alighting from his horsse, fell in talke with the duchesse and hir la­dies. The earle of Huntington and diuerse other followed the duke into the hall, and there staied for him, till he had put on his raiment. And within a while they came foorth againe all togither into the base court, where the king was deliting with the du­chesse in pleasant talke, whom he willed now to re­turne to hir lodging againe, for he might staie no line 30 longer, and so tooke his horsse againe, and the duke likewise. But shortlie after that the king and all his companie were gone foorth of the gate of the base court, he commanded the earle marshall to appre­hend the duke, The duke of Glocester ar­rested. which incontinentlie was doone accor­ding to the kings appointment.

¶ Here we find some variance in writers. For as by an old French pamphlet (which I haue séene) it should appeare, the king commanded first, that this duke should be conueied vnto the tower, where he line 40 ment to commen with him, & not in any other place: but neuerthelesse, the king shortlie after appointed, that he should be sent to Calis, as in the same pam­phlet is also conteined. Other write, that immediatlie vpon his apprehension, the earle marshall conueied him vnto the Thames, and there being set aboord in a ship prepared of purpose, he was brought to Calis, where he was at length dispatched out of life, either strangled or smoothered with pillowes (as some doo write. Out of an old French pam­phlet.) For the king thinking it not good, that the line 50 duke of Glocester should stand to his answer open­lie, because the people bare him so much good will, sent one of his iustices called Willam Kikill, an I­rishman borne, ouer vnto Calis, there to inquire of the duke of Glocester, whether he had committed any such treasons as were alledged against him, and the earles of Arundell and Warwike, as after shall be specified. Iustice Kikill hearing what he confessed vpon his examination, wrote the same as he was commanded to doo, and therewith spéedilie returned line 60 to the king, and as it hath beene reported, he informed the king (whether trulie or not, I haue not to say) that the duke franklie confessed euerie thing, wherewith he was charged. Wherevpon the king sent vnto Tho­mas Mowbraie earle marshall and of Notingham, to make the duke secretlie awaie.

The earle prolonged time for the executing of the kings commandement, though the king would haue had it doone with all expedition, wherby the king con­ceiued no small displeasure, and sware that it should cost the earle his life if he quickly obeied not his com­mandement. The earle thus as it séemed in maner in­forced, called out the duke at midnight, as if he should haue taken ship to passe ouer into England, and there in the lodging called the princes In, he cau­sed his seruants to cast featherbeds vpon him, and so smoother him to death, or otherwise to strangle him with towels (as some write.) This was the end of that For he was son to a king, and vncle to a king. noble man, fierce of nature, hastie, wilfull, and giuen more to war than to peace: and in this great­lie to be discommended, that he was euer repining against the king in all things, whatsoeuer he wished to haue forward. He was thus made awaie not so soone as the brute ran of his death. But (as it should appeare by some authors) he remained aliue till the parlement that next insued, and then about the same time that the earle of Arundell suffered, he was dis­patched (as before ye haue heard.) His bodie was af­terwards with all funerall pompe conueied into England, and buried at his owne manor of Plashie within the church there, in a sepulchre which he in his life time had caused to be made, and there erected.

The same euening that the king departed from London towards Plashie, to apprehend the duke of Glocester, The earle of Arundell ap­prehended. the earle of Rutland and the earle of Kent were sent with a great number of men of armes and archers to arrest the erle of Arundell; which was doone easilie inough, by reason that the said earle was trained with faire words at the kings hands, till he was within his danger: where otherwise he might haue béene able to haue saued himselfe, and deliuered his fréends. The earle of Warwike was taken, and committed to the tower the same day that the king had willed him to dinner, and shewed him verie good countenance. There were also apprehen­ded and committed to the tower the same time, the lord Iohn Cobham, and sir Iohn Cheinie knights. The earle of Arundell was sent to the Ile of Wight, there to remaine as prisoner, till the next parlement, in the which he determined so to prouide, that they should be all condemned, and put to death. And for doubt of some commotion that might arise amongst the commons, he caused it by open proclamation to be signified, that these noblemen were not apprehen­ded for any offense committed long agone, but for new trespasses against the king, as in the next parle­ment should be manifestlie declared and prooued.

Shortlie after, he procured them to be indicted at Notingham, The names of the appel­lants. suborning such as should appeale them in parlement, to wit, Edward earle of Rutland, Tho­mas Mowbraie earle marshall, Thomas Holland earle of Kent, Iohn Holland earle of Huntington, Thomas Beaufort erle of Summerset, Iohn Mon­tacute earle of Salisburie, Thomas lord Spenser, and the lord William Scroope lord chamberleine. In the meane time, the king fearing what might be attempted against him by those that fauoured these noblemen that were in durance, A gard of Cheshire men about the king. sent for a power of Cheshire men, that might day and night keepe watch and ward about his person. They were about two thousand archers, paid wéekelie, as by the annales of Britaine it appeareth. The king had little trust in a­ny of the nobilitie, except in his brother the earle of Huntington, and the earle of Rutland sonne to the duke of Yorke, and in the earle of Salisburie: in these onelie he reposed a confidence, and not in any other, except in certeine knights and gentlemen of his priuie chamber.

In the meane time, whiles things were thus in broile, before the beginning of the parlement, diuers other, beside them of whom we haue spoken, were ap­prehended and put in sundrie prisons. The lords appointed to come in war­like manner to the parlemēt. The parle­ment was summoned to begin at Westminster the 17 of September, and writs therevpon directed to e­uerie of the lords to appeare, and to bring with them a sufficient number of armed men and archers in their best arrai [...]: for it was not knowen how the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke would take the death [Page 490] of their brother, nor how other péeres of the realme would take the apprehension and imprisonment of their kinsemen, the earles of Arundell and War­wike, and of the other prisoners. Suerlie the two dukes when they heard that their brother was so sud­denlie made awaie, Polydor. they wist not what to saie to the matter, and began both to be sorowfull for his death, and doubtfull of their owne states: for sith they saw how the king (abused by the counsell of euill men) ab­steined not from such an heinous act, they thought he line 10 would afterwards attempt greater misorders from time to time. Therefore they assembled in all hast, great numbers of their seruants, The dukes of Lancaster & Yorke assem­ble their powers to re­sist the kings dealings. fréends, and te­nants, and comming to London, were receiued into the citie. For the Londoners were right sorie for the death of the duke of Glocester, who had euer sought their fauour, in somuch that now they would haue béene contented to haue ioined with the dukes in see­king reuenge of so noble a mans death, procured and brought to passe without law or reason, as the com­mon line 20 brute then walked; although peraduenture he was not as yet made awaie.

Here the dukes and other fell in counsell, and ma­nie things were proponed. Some would that they shuld by force reuenge the duke of Glocesters death, other thought it méet that the earles Marshall and Huntington▪ and certeine others, as chéefe authours of all the mischeefe should be pursued and punished for their demerites, hauing trained vp the king in vice and euill customes, euen from his youth. But the line 30 dukes (after their displeasure was somewhat asswa­ged) determined to couer the stings of their griefes for a time, and if the king would amend his maners, to forget also the iniuries past. Caxton. Fabian. Polydor. In the meane time the king laie at Eltham, and had got about him a great power (namelie of those archers, which he had sent for out of Cheshire, in whome he put a singular trust more than in any other.)

There went messengers betwixt him and the dukes, which being men of honour did their indeuour line 40 to appease both parties. The king discharged himselfe of blame for the duke of Glocesters death, conside­ring that he had gone about to breake the truce, which he had taken with France, and also stirred the peo­ple of the realme to rebellion, and further had sought the destruction and losse of his life, that was his soue­reigne lord and lawfull king. Contrarilie, the dukes affirmed, The king and the dukes re­conciled. that their brother was wrongfullie put to death, hauing doone nothing worthie of death. At length, by the intercession and meanes of those noble line 50 men that went to and fro betwixt them, they were ac­corded, & the king promised from thencefoorth to doo no [...]hing but by the assent of the dukes: but he kept small promise in this behalfe, as after well appeared.

Caxton.When the time came, that the parlement should be holden at Westminster, according to the tenour of the summons, the lords repaired thither, furni­shed with great retinues both of armed men and ar­chers, as the earle of Derbie, the earle Marshall, the earle of Rutland, the lord Spenser, the earle of Nor­thumberland, line 60 with his sonne the lord Henrie Persie, and the lord Thomas Persie the said earles brother, also the lord Scroope treasuror of England, & diuerse other. All the which earles and lords brought with them a great & strong power, euerie of them in their best araie, as it were to strengthen the king against his enimies. The dukes of Lancaster and Yorke were likewise there, giuing their attendance on the king with like furniture of men of armes & archers. There was not halfe lodging sufficient within the citie & suburbes of London for such cōpanies of men as the lords brought with them to this parlement, The great parlement. called the great parlement: in somu [...]h that they were constreined to lie in villages abroad ten or twelue miles on ech side the citie.

In the beginning of this parlement, The kings greeuan [...] opened in [...] parlement. the king greatlie complained of the misdemeanour of the péeres and lords of his realme, as well for the things doone against his will and pleasure, whiles he was yoong, as for the streit dealing, which they had shewed towards the quéene, who was thrée houres at one time on hir knées before the earle of Arundell, for one of hir esquiers, named Iohn Caluerlie, who neuer­thelesse had his head smit frō his shoulders, & all the answer that she could get, was this: Madame, praie for your selfe, and your husband, for that is best, and let this sute alone. Tho. Wal [...] Iohn Bus [...] William Ba­got, Thomas Greene. Those that set foorth the kings greeuances, as prolocutors in this parlement were these: Iohn Bushie, William Bagot, and Thomas Gréene. The king had caused a large house of tim­ber to be made within the palace at Westminster, which he was called an hall, A new [...] made within the palace of Westminster for the areign [...]ment of the lords indicted. couered aboue head with tiles, and was open at the ends, that all men might see through it. This house was of so great a com­passe, that scarse it might stand within the roome of the palace. In this house was made an high throne for the king, and a large place for all estates besides to sit in. There were places also made for the appel­lants to stand on the one side, and the defendants on the other, and a like roome was made behind for the knights and burgesses of the parlement. Additions to Polychron. There was a place deuised for the speaker, named sir Iohn Bu­shie, a knight of Lincolneshire, Sir Iohn Bushie speaker. accompted to be an excéeding cruell man, ambitious, and couetous be­yond measure.

Immediatlie after, ech man being placed in his roome, the cause of assembling that parlement was shewed, as that the king had called it for reformation of diuerse transgressions and oppressions committed against the peace of his land by the duke of Gloce­ster, the earles of Arundell, Warwike, and others. Then sir Iohn Bushie stept foorth, and made request on the behalfe of the communaltie, that it might please the kings highnesse for their heinous acts at­tempted against his lawes and roiall maiestie, to ap­point them punishment according to their deser­uings, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie sit­ting in parle­ment is ac [...] ­sed of treason by the speaker and speciallie to the archbishop of Canturbu­rie (who then sat next the king) whome he accused of high treason, for that he had euill counselled his ma­iestie, inducing him to grant his letters of pardon to his brother the earle of Arundell, being a ranke traitor.

When the archbishop began to answer in his owne defense, the king willed him to sit downe againe and to hold his peace, for all should be well. Herewith sir Iohn Bushie besought the king, that the archbishop should not be admitted to make his answer, which if he did, by reason of his great wit and good vtte­rance, he feared least he should lead men awaie to beléeue him: so the archbishop might be heard no fur­ther. Sir Iohn Bushie in all his talke, when he pro­poned any matter vnto the king, did not attribute to him titles of honour, due and accustomed, but inuen­ted vnused termes and such strange names, as were rather agreeable to the diuine maiestie of God, Impudent flatterie. than to any earthlie potentate. The prince being desi­rous inough of all honour, and more ambitions than was requisite, seemed to like well of his speech, and gaue good eare to his talke.

Thus when the archbishop was constreined to keepe silence, sir Iohn Bushie procéeded in his pur­pose, requiring on the behalfe of the commons, that the charters of pardons granted vnto the traitors, to wit, the duke of Glocester, and the earles of Arundell and Warwike, should be reuoked by consent of all the estates now in parlement assembled. The king also for his part protested, that those pardons were not voluntarilie granted by him, but rather extorted [Page 491] by compulsion, and therefore he besought them that euerie man would shew foorth their opinions what they thought thereof. There were two other persons of great credit with the king, besides sir Iohn Bu­shie, [...] Walsi. that were, as before yee haue heard, verie ear­nest to haue those charters of pardon reuoked and made void, to wit, sir William Bagot, and sir Tho­mas Gréene.

But bicause this matter séemed to require good deliberation, it was first put to the bishops, who with small adoo gaue sentence, that the said charters were line 10 reuocable, and might well inough be called in: yet the archbishop of Canturburie in his answer here­vnto said, that the king from whome those pardons came, was so high an estate, that he durst not saie, that anie such charters by him granted, might be re­uoked: notwithstanding, his brethren the bishops thought otherwise: not considering (saith Thomas Walsingham) that such reuoking of the kings char­ters of pardon should sound highlie to the kings dis­honor: line 20 forsomuch as mercie and pardoning trans­gressions is accompted to be the confirmation and establishing of the kings seat and roiall estate.

The temporall lords perceiuing what the bishops had doone, did likewise giue their consents, to reuoke the same pardons: but the iudges with those that were toward the law, were not of this opinion, but finallie the bishops pretending a scrupulositie, as if they might not with safe consciences be present where iudgement of bloud should passe, they appoin­ted line 30 a laie man to be their prolocutor to serue that turne. To conclude, at length all maner of charters of pardon were made void, The charters of pardō granted to y e lords made void by parlement. for that the same séemed to impeach the suertie of the kings person. When sir Iohn Bushie and his associats had obteined that re­uocation, it was further by them declared, that the earle of Arundell had yet an other speciall charter of pardon for his owne person, which he had obteined after the first. And therefore sir Iohn Bushie ear­nestlie requested in name of the communaltie that line 40 the same might likewise be reuoked.

The question then was asked of the bishops, who declared themselues to be of the like opinion, touch­ing that charter, as they were of the other. At that selfe time the archbishop of Canturburie absented himselfe from the parlement, Thom. Wals. in hope that the king would he his fréend, and stand his verie good lord, for that he had promised nothing should be doone against him in the parlement whilest he was absent. But neuerthelesse, The archb. of Canturburie condemned to perpetuall ba­nishment. Six daies saith Grafton. at the importunate sute of the said line 50 sir Iohn Bushie and others, the archbishop was con­demned vnto perpetuall exile, and appointed to auoid the realme within six wéekes. And therewith the king sent secretlie to the pope for order that the archbishop might be remooued from his sée to some other, which sute was obteined, and Roger Walden lord treasu­ror was ordeined archbishop in his place, as after shall appeare.

The earle of Arundell a­reigned.On the feast daie of saint Matthew, Richard fitz Aleine, earle of Arundell, was brought foorth to line 60 sweare before the king and whole parlement to such articles as he was to be charged with. And as he stood at the bar, the lord Neuill was commanded by the duke of Lancaster, The duke of Lācaster high Steward of England at [...] areigne­ment. which sat that daie as high steward of England, to take the hood from his necke, and the girdle from his waste. Then the duke of Lan­caster declared vnto him, that for his manifold rebel­lions and treasons against the kings maiestie he had béene arrested, and hitherto kept in ward, and now at the petition of the lords and commons, he was called to answer such crimes as were there to be ob­iected against him, and so to purge himselfe, or else to suffer for his offenses, such punishment as law ap­pointed.

First, he charged him, for that he had traitorouslie rid in armour against the king in companie of the duke of Glocester, and of the earle of Warwike, to the breach of peace, and disquieting of the realme. His answer herevnto was, The earle of Arundell his answers to the points of his indictmēt. that he did not this vpon anie euill meaning towards the kings person, but rather for the benefit of the king and relme, if it were interpreted aright, and taken as it ought to be. It was further demanded of him, whie he procured let­ters of pardon from the K. if he knew himselfe gilt­lesse? He answered, that he did not purchase them for anie feare he had of faults committed by him, but to staie the malicious speach of them that neither lo­ued the king nor him. He was againe asked, whether he would denie that he had made anie such rode with the persons before named, and that in companie of them he entred not armed vnto the kings presence against the kings will and pleasure? To this he an­swered, that he could not denie it, but that he so did.

Then the speaker sir Iohn Bushie, with open mouth, besought that iudgement might be had a­gainst such a traitour: ‘and your faithfull commons (said he to the king) aske and require that so it may be doone. The earle turning his head aside, quietlie said to him; Not the kings faithfull cōmons require this, but thou, and what thou art I know. Then the eight appellants standing on the other side, cast their gloues to him, and in prosecuting their appeale (which alreadie had béene read) offered to fight with him man to man to iustifie the same. Then said the earle, If I were at libertie, and that it might so stand with the pleasure of my souereigne, I would not refuse to prooue you all liers in this behalfe. Then spake the duke of Lancaster, saieng to him; What haue you further to saie to the points before laid against you? He answered, that of the kings grace he had his let­ters of generall pardon, which he required to haue al­lowed. Then the duke told him, that the pardon was reuoked by the prelates and noble men in the parle­ment, and therefore willed him to make some other answer. The earle told him againe that he had an other pardon vnder the kings great seale, granted him long after of the kings owne motion, which also he required to haue allowed. The duke told him, that the same was likewise reuoked.’ After this, when the earle had nothing more to saie for himselfe, The earle of Arundell con­demned. the duke pronounced iudgement against him, as in cases of treason is vsed.

But after he had made an end, and paused a little, he said: The king our souereigne lord of his mercie and grace, bicause thou art of his bloud, and one of the peeres of the realme, hath remit­ted all the other paines, sauing the last, that is to saie, the beheading, and so thou shalt onelie lose thy head; and foorthwith he was had awaie, & led through London vnto the Tower hill. There went with him to sée the execution doone six great lords, of whome there were thrée earles, Notingham (that had marri­ed his daughter) Kent (that was his daughters son) and Huntington, being mounted on great horsses, with a great companie of armed men, and the fierce bands of the Cheshire-men, furnished with axes, swords, bowes and arrowes, marching before and behind him, who onelie in this parlement had licence to beare weapon, as some haue written. When he should depart the palace, he desired that his hands might be losed to dispose such monie as he had in his pursse, betwixt that place and Charingcrosse. This was permitted, and so he gaue such monie as he had in almes with his owne hands, but his armes were still bound behind him.

When he came to the Tower hill, the noble men that were about him, mooued him right earnestlie to [Page 492] acknowledge his treason against the king. But he in no wise would so doo, but mainteined that he was neuer traitour in word or deed: and herewith percei­uing the earles of Notingham and Kent, that stood by with other noble men busie to further the executi­on (being as yée haue heard) of kin and alied to him, he spake to them, and said: ‘Trulie it would haue be­séemed you rather to haue béene absent than here at this businesse. But the time will come yer it be long, when as manie shall meruell at your misfortune as line 10 doo now at mine.’ After this, forgiuing the executio­ner, he besought him not to torment him long, but to strike off his head at one blowe, and féeling the edge of the sword, whether it was sharpe inough or not, he said; ‘It is verie well, doo that thou hast to doo quick­lie, and so knéeling downe, the executioner with one stroke, strake off his head: his bodie was buried to­gither with his head in the church of the Augustine friers in Breadstréet within the citie of London. The executiō of the earle of Arundell.’

The death of this earle was much lamented a­mong line 20 the people, considering his sudden fall and mi­s [...]rable end, where as not long before among all the noblemen of this land (within the which was such a number, as no countrie in the world had greater store at that present) there was none more esteemed: so noble and valiant he was, that all men spake ho­nour of him. After his death, as the fame went, the king was sore vexed in his sléepe with horrible dreames, imagining that he saw this earle appeare vnto him threatning him, & putting him in horrible line 30 feare, as if he had said with the poet to king Richard;

Ouid.
Nunc quó (que) factorum venio memor vmbra tuorum,
Insequor & vultus ossea forma tuos.

With which visions being sore troubled in sleepe, he curssed the daie that euer he knew the earle. And he was the more vnquiet, bicause he heard it repor­ted, that the common people tooke the erle for a mar­tyr, insomuch that some came to visit the place of his sepulture, for the opinion they had conceiued of his holinesse. And where it was bruted abroad as for a line 40 miracle, that his head should be growne to his bodie againe, the tenth daie after his buriall, the king sent about ten of the clocke in the night, certeine of the nobilitie to sée his bodie taken vp, that he might be certified of the truth. Which doone, and perceiuing it was a fable, he commanded the friers to take downe his armes that were set vp about the place of his bu­riall, and to couer the graue, so as it should not be perceiued where he was buried.

But now to returne to the parlement. After the death of this earle, The earle of Warwike ar­reigned of treason. the lord Thomas Beauchampe line 50 earle of Warwike was brought foorth to abide his triall by parlement, and when his accusers charged him in like points of treason, such as before were im­posed to the earle of Arundell; he answered that he neuer meant euill to the kings person, nor thought that those rodes and assemblies that were made in companie of the duke of Glocester, the earle of A­rundell, and others, might not be accompted treason. But when the iudges had shewed him, that they could line 60 not be otherwise taken than for treason, he humblie besought the king of mercie and grace. The king then asked of him whether he had rid with the duke of Glocester, and the earle of Arundell, as had beene al­ledged? He answered that he could not denie it, and wished that he had neuer seene them. Then said the king, Doo yee not know that you are guiltie of trea­son? He answered againe, I acknowledge it; and with sobbing teares besought all them that were present, to make intercession to the kings maiestie for him.

Then the king and the duke of Lancaster com­muned, and after the king had a while with silence considered of the matter, he said to the earle; By saint Iohn Baptist, Thomas of Warwike, this con­fession that thou hast made, is vnto me more auaila­ble than all the duke of Glocesters and the earle of Warwikes lands. Herewith the earle making still intercession for pardon, the lords humblie besought the king to grant it. Finallie the king pardoned him of life, but banished him into the Ile of Man, which then was the lord Scroopes, promising that both he, and his wife, and children, should haue good interteinment. Which promise notwithstanding was but slenderlie kept, for both the earle and the countesse liued in great penurie (as some write) and yet the lord Scroope, that was lord chamberleine, had allowed for the earles diet foure thousand nobles yéerelie paid out of the kings coffers.

On the mondaie next after the arreignement of the earle of Warwike, to wit, the foure and twentie of September, was the lord Iohn Cobham, and sir Iohn Cheinie arreigned, and found guiltie of like treasons for which the other had beene condemned be­fore: but at the earnest instance and sute of the no­bles, they were pardoned of life, and banished, or (as Fabian saith) condemned to perpetuall prison. ¶The king desirous to see the force of the Londoners, cau­sed them (during the time of this parlement) to mu­ster before him on Blacke heath, where a man might haue seene a great number of able personages. And now after that the parlement had continued almost till Christmasse, The parlem [...] adiourned to Shrewsburie it was adiourned vntil the quin­den of S. Hilarie, then to begin againe at Shrewes­burie.

The king then came downe to Lichfield, and there held a roiall Christmasse, which being ended, The king kéepeth his Christmasse at Lichfield. he tooke his iournie towards Shrewesburie, where the parle­ment was appointed to begin in the quinden of saint Hilarie, as before yée haue heard. year 1398 In which parle­ment there holden vpon prorogation, for the loue that the king bare to the gentlemen and commons of the shire of Chester, he caused it to be ordeined▪ that from thencefoorth it should be called and knowne by the name of the principalitie of Chester: and herewith he intituled himselfe prince of Chester. Cheshire made a pri [...]cipalitie. He held also a roiall feast, kéeping open houshold for all honest commers, during the which feast, he created fiue dukes and a duchesse, a marquesse, and foure earles. K. Richard prince of Chester. The earle of Derbie was created duke of Hereford, the earle of Notingham that was also earle mar­shall duke of Norfolke, Creation of dukes and earles. the earle of Rutland duke of Aubemarle, the earle of Kent duke of Surrie, and the earle of Huntington duke of Excester; the ladie Margaret marshall countesse of Norfolke, was created duchesse of Norfolke; the earle of Summer­set marques Dorset, the lord Spenser earle of Glo­cester, the lord Neuill surnamed Daurabie earle of Westmerland, the lord William Scroope lord cham­berleine earle of Wiltshire, and the lord Thomas Persie lord steward of the kings house earle of Worcester.

And for the better maintenance of the estate of these noble men, whome he had thus aduanced to higher degrees of honour, he gaue vnto them a great part of those lands that belonged to the duke of Glo­cester, the earles of Warwike, and Arundell. And now he was in good hope, that he had rooted vp all plants of treason, and therefore cared lesse who might be his freend or his fo, than before he had doone, estée­ming himselfe higher in degrée than anie prince li­uing, and so presumed further than euer his grand­father did, K. Richard beareth saint Edward his armes. and tooke vpon him to beare the armes of saint Edward, ioining them vnto his owne armes. To conclude, what soeuer he then did, none durst speake a word contrarie therevnto. And yet such as were cheefe of his councell, were estéemed of the commons to be the woorst creatures that might be, [Page 493] as the dukes of Aumarle, Norfolke and Excester, the earle of Wiltshire, sir Iohn Bushie, sir William Bagot, and sir Thomas Gréene: which thrée last re­membred were knights of the Bath, against whom the commons vndoubtedlie bare great and priuie hatred.

The L. Regi­nald Cobham condemned.But now to proceed. In this parlement holden at Shrewsburie, the lord Reginald Cobham, being a verie aged man, simple and vpright in all his dea­lings, was condemned for none other cause, but for that in the eleuenth yéere of the kings reigne he was line 10 appointed with other to be attendant about the king as one of his gouernours. The acts and ordinances also deuised and established in the parlement holden in the eleuenth yeare were likewise repealed. More­ouer, in this parlement at Shrewesburie, it was de­créed, that the lord Iohn Cobham should be sent into the Ile of Gernesie, there to remaine in exile, hauing a small portion assigned him to liue vpon. The king so wrought & brought things about, The authori­tie of both houses in par­lement gran­ted to certeine persons. that he obteined the whole power of both houses to be granted to cer­teine line 20 persons, as to Iohn duke of Lancaster, Ed­mund duke of Yorke, Edmund duke of Aumarle, Thomas duke of Surrie, Iohn duke of Excester, Iohn marquesse Dorset, Roger earle of March, Iohn earle of Salisburie, and Henrie earle of Nor­thumberland, Thom. Wals. Thomas earle of Glocester, and Willi­am earle of Wiltshire, Iohn Hussie, Henrie Chei­meswike, Robert Teie, and Iohn Goulofer knights, or to seauen or eight of them. These were appointed to heare and determine certeine petitions and mat­ters line 30 yet depending and not ended: but by vertue of this grant, they procéeded to conclude vpon other things, which generallie touched the knowledge of the whole parlement, in derogation of the states ther­of, to the disaduantage of the king, and perillous ex­ample in time to come.

When the king had spent much monie in time of this parlement, he demanded a disme and a halfe of the clergie, and a fiftéenth of the temporaltie. Final­lie, line 40 a generall pardon was granted for all offenses to all the kings subiects (fiftie onelie excepted) whose names he would not by anie meanes expresse, but reserued them to his owne knowledge, that when a­nie of the nobilitie offended him, he might at his ple­sure name him to be one of the number excepted, and so kéepe them still within his danger. To the end that the ordinances, iudgements, and acts made, pro­nounced and established in this parlement, might be and abide in perpetuall strength and force, The K. procu­reth the popes buls against the breakers of his statuts. the king line 50 purchased the popes buls, in which were conteined greeuous censures and cursses, pronounced against all such as did by anie means go about to breake and violate the statutes in the same parlement ordeined. These buls were openlie published & read at Paules crosse in London, and in other the most publike pla­ces of the realme.

Manie other things were doone in this parlement, to the displeasure of no small number of people; namelie, for that diuerse rightfull heires were dishe­rited line 60 of their lands and liuings, Rightfull heires dishe­rited. by authoritie of the same parlement: with which wrongfull dooings the people were much offended, so that the king and those that were about him, and chéefe in councell, came in­to great infamie and slander. In déed the king after he had dispatched the duke of Glocester, and the other noblemen, was not a little glad, for that he knew them still readie to disappoint him in all his purpo­ses; and therefore being now as it were carelesse, did not behaue himselfe (as some haue written) in such discréet order, Polydor. K. Richard his euill go­uernment. as manie wished: but rather (as in time of prosperitie it often happeneth) he forgot him­selfe, and began to rule by will more than by reason, threatning death to each one that ob [...]ied not his inor­dinate desires. By means whereof, the lords of the realme began to feare their owne estates, being in danger of his furious outrage, whome they tooke for a man destitute of sobrietie and wisedome, and ther­fore could not like of him; that so abused his autho­ritie.

Herevpon there were sundrie of the nobles, that lamented these mischéefes, and speciallie shewed their greefes vnto such, by whose naughtie counsell they vnderstood the king to be mi [...]ed; and this they did, to the end that they being about him, might either turne their copies, and giue him better counsell; or else he hauing knowledge what euill report went of him, might mend his maners misliked of his nobles. But all was in vaine, for so it fell out, that in this parlement holden at Shrewsburie, The duke of Hereford ap­pealeth the duke of Nor­folk of treson. Henrie duke of Hereford accused Thomas Mowbraie duke of Nor­folke, of certeine words which he should vtter in talke had betwixt them, as they rode togither latelie before betwixt London and Brainford, sounding highlie to the kings dishonor. And for further proofe thereof, he presented a supplication to the king, Thom. Wals. wherein he ap­pealed the duke of Norfolke in field of battell, for a traitor, false and disloiall to the king, and enimie vn­to the realme. This supplication was red before both the dukes, in presence of the king: which doone, the duke of Norfolke tooke vpon him to answer it, de­claring that whatsoeuer the duke of Hereford had said against him other than well▪ he lied falselie like an vntrue knight as he was. And when the king as­ked of the duke of Hereford what he said to it: he ta­king his hood off his head, said; ‘My souereigne lord, euen as the supplication which I tooke you importeth, right so I saie for truth, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke is a traitour, false and disloiall to your roiall maiestie, your crowne, and to all the states of your realme.’

Then the duke of Norfolke being asked what he said to this, he answered: ‘Right déere lord, with your fauour that I make answer vnto your coosine here, I saie (your reuerence saued) that Henrie of Lan­caster duke of Hereford, like a false and disloiall trai­tor as he is, dooth lie, in that he hath or shall say of me otherwise than well.’ No more said the king, we haue heard inough: and herewith commanded the duke of Surrie for that turne marshall of England, The duke of Surrie mar­shall and the duke of Au­marle con­stable of Eng­land. to ar­rest in his name the two dukes: the duke of Lanca­ster father to the duke of Hereford, the duke of Yorke the duke of Aumarle constable of England: and the duke of Surrie marshall of the realme vndertooke as pledges bodie for bodie for the duke of Hereford: but the duke of Northfolke was not suffered to put in pledges, and so vnder arrest was led vnto Wind­sor castell, and there garded with kéepers that were appointed to sée him safelie kept.

Now after the dissoluing of the parlement at Shrewsburie, there was a daie appointed about six wéeks after, for the king to come vnto Windsor, to heare and to take some order betwixt the two dukes, which had thus appealed ech other. The order of the procéeding in this ap­peale. There was a great scaffold erected within the castell of Windsor for the king to sit with the lords and prelats of his realme: and so at the daie appointed, he with the said lords & prelats being come thither and set in their places, the duke of Hereford appellant, and the duke of Nor­folke defendant, were sent for to come & appeare be­fore the king, sitting there in his seat of iustice. And then began sir Iohn Bushie to speake for the king, declaring to the lords how they should vnderstand, that where the duke of Hereford had presented a sup­plication to the king, who was there set to minister iustice to all men that would demand the same, as apperteined to his roiall maiestie, he therefore would now heare what the parties could say one against [Page 494] an other, and withall the king commanded the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the one being constable, and the other marshall, to go vnto the two dukes, appel­lant and defendant, requiring them on his behalfe, to grow to some agréement: and for his part, he would be readie to pardon all that had beene said or doone amisse betwixt them, touching anie harme or dishonor to him or his realme: but they answered both assuredlie, that it was not possible to haue anie peace or agréement made betwixt them.

When he heard what they had answered, he com­manded line 10 that they should be brought foorthwith be­fore his presence, to heare what they would say. Here­with an herald in the kings name with lowd voice commanded the dukes to come before the king, ei­ther of them to shew his reason, or else to make peace togither without more delaie. When they were come before the king and lords, the king spake himselfe to them, willing them to agree, and make peace togi­ther: ‘for it is (said he) the best waie ye can take’. The line 20 duke of Norfolke with due reuerence herevnto an­swered it could not be so brought to passe, his ho­nor saued. Then the king asked of the duke of Here­ford, what it was that he demanded of the duke of Norfolke, and ‘what is the matter that ye can not make peace togither, and become friends?’

Then stood foorth a knight; who asking and obtei­ning licence to speake for the duke of Hereford, said; ‘Right deare and souereigne lord, The obiection against the duke of Nor­folke. here is Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford and earle of Derbie, line 30 who saith, and I for him likewise say, that Thomas Mobwraie duke of Norfolke is a false and disloiall traitor to you and your roiall maiestie, and to your whole realme: and likewise the duke of Hereford saith and I for him, that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke hath receiued eight thousand nobles to pay the souldiers that keepe your towne of Calis, which he hath not doone as he ought: and furthermore the said duke of Norfolke hath béene the occasion of all the treason that hath beene contriued in your realme line 40 for the space of these eighteene yeares, & by his false suggestions and malicious counsell, he hath caused to die and to be murdered your right déere vncle, the duke of Glocester, sonne to king Edward. Moreo­uer, the duke of Hereford saith, and I for him, that he will proue this with his bodie against the bodie of the said duke of Norfolke within lists. The king herewith waxed angrie, and asked the duke of Here­ford, if these were his woords, who answered: Right déere lord, they are my woords; and hereof I require line 50 right, and the battell against him.’

There was a knight also that asked licence to speake for the duke of Norfolke, and obteining, it began to answer thus: ‘Right déere souereigne lord, here is Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, who answereth and saith, and I for him, that all which Henrie of Lancaster hath said and declared (sauing the reuerence due to the king and his councell) is a lie; and the said Henrie of Lancaster hath falselie and wickedlie lied as a false and disloiall knight, and line 60 both hath béene, and is a traitor against you, your crowne, roiall maiestie, & realme. This will I proue and defend as becommeth a loiall knight to doo with my bodie against his: right déere lord, I beséech you therefore, and your councell, that it maie please you in your roiall discretion, to consider and marke, what Henrie of Lancaster duke of Hereford, such a one as he is, hath said.’

The king then demanded of the duke of Norfolke, if these were his woords, and whether he had anie more to saie. The duke of Norfolke then answered for himselfe: The duke of Norfolke his answer for himselfe. ‘Right déere sir, true it is, that I haue receiued so much gold to paie your people of the towne of Calis; which I haue doone, and I doo auouch that your towne of Calis is as well kept at your commandement as euer it was at anie time before, and that there neuer hath béene by anie of Calis anie complaint made vnto you of me. Right deere and my souereigne lord, for the voiage that I made into France, about your marriage, I neuer receiued ei­ther gold or siluer of you, nor yet for the voiage that the duke of Aumarle & I made into Almane, where we spent great treasure: Marie true it is, that once I laid an ambush to haue slaine the duke of Lanca­ster, that there sitteth: but neuerthelesse he hath par­doned me thereof, and there was good peac [...] made betwixt vs, for the which I yéeld him hartie thankes. This is that which I haue to answer, and I am readie to defend my selfe against mine aduersarie; I beseech you therefore of right, and to haue the battell against him in vpright iudgement.’

After this, when the king had communed with his councell a little, he commanded the two dukes to stand foorth, that their answers might be heard. The K. then caused them once againe to be asked, if they would agrée and make peace togither, but they both flatlie answered that they would not: and withall the duke of Hereford cast downe his gage, and the duke of Norfolke tooke it vp. The king perceiuing this de­meanor betwixt them, sware by saint Iohn Baptist, that he would neuer séeke to make peace betwixt them againe. And therfore sir Iohn Bushie in name of the king & his councell declared, that the king and his councell had commanded and ordeined, that they should haue a daie of battell appointed them at Co­uentrie. The combat appointed to be doone at Couentrie. The French pamphlet. Iohn Stow. Fabian. ¶Here writers disagrée about the daie that was appointed: for some saie, it was vpon a mon­daie in August; other vpon saint Lamberts daie, be­ing the seuenteenth of September, other on the ele­uenth of September: but true it is, that the king as­signed them not onlie the daie, but also appointed them listes and place for the combat, and therevpon great preparation was made, as to such a matter apperteined.

At the time appointed the king came to Couentrie, Anno Reg. [...] ▪ where the two dukes were readie, according to the order prescribed therein, comming thither in great arraie, accompanied with the lords and gentlemen of their linages. The king caused a sumptuous scaf­fold or theater, and roiall listes there to be erected and prepared. The sundaie before they should fight, after dinner the duke of Hereford came to the king (being lodged about a quarter of a mile without the towne in a tower that belonged to sir William Bagot) to take his leaue of him. The morow after, being the daie appointed for the combat, about the spring of the daie, came the duke of Norfolke to the court to take leaue likewise of the king. The duke of Hereford ar­med him in his tent, that was set vp néere to the lists, and the duke of Norfolke put on his armor, be­twixt the gate & the barrier of the towne, in a beauti­full house, hauing a faire perclois of wood towards the gate, that none might sée what was doone within the house.

The duke of Aumarle that daie, The order of the combat. being high con­stable of England, and the duke of Surrie marshall, placed themselues betwixt them, well armed and ap­pointed; and when they saw their time, they first en­tered into the listes with a great companie of men apparelled in silke sendall, imbrodered with siluer, both richlie and curiouslie, euerie man hauing a tip­ped staffe to keepe the field in order. About the houre of prime came to the barriers of the listes, the duke of Hereford, mounted on a white courser, barded with gréene & blew veluet imbrodered sumptuouslie with swans and antelops of goldsmiths woorke, ar­med at all points. The constable and marshall came to the barriers, demanding of him what he was, he [Page 495] answered; ‘I am Henrie of Lancaster duke of He­reford, which am come hither to doo mine indeuor a­gainst Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, as a traitor vntrue to God, the king, his realme, and me.’ The [...] incontinentlie he sware vpon the h [...]lie [...]uan­gelists, that his quarrell was true and iust and vpon that point he required to enter the lists▪ Then he put vp his sword, which before he held naked in his hand, and putting downe his visor, made a crosse on his horsse, and with speare in hand, entered into the lists, line 10 and descended from his horsse, and set him downe in a chaire of gréene veluet, at the one end of the lists, and there reposed himselfe, abiding the comming of his aduersarie.

Soone after him▪ entred into the field with great triumph, king Richard accompanied with all the péeres of the realme, and in his companie was the earle of saint Paule, which was come out of France in post to see this challenge performed. The king had there aboue ten thousand men in armour, least some line 20 fraie or tumult might rise amongst his nobles, by quarelling or partaking. When the king was set in his seat, which was richlie hanged and adorned; a king at armes made open proclamation, prohibi­ting all men in the name of the king, and of the high constable and marshall, to enterprise or attempt to approch or touch any part of the lists vpon paine of death, except such as were appointed to order or mar­shall the field. The proclamation ended, an other he­rald cried; ‘Behold here Henrie of Lancaster duke line 30 of Hereford appellant, which is entred into the lists roiall to doo his deuoir against Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke defendant, vpon paine to be found false and recreant.’

The duke of Norfolke houered on horssebacke at the entrie of the lists, his horsse being barded with cri­mosen veluet, imbrodered richlie with lions of sil­uer and mulberie trées; and when he had made his oth before the constable and marshall that his quar­rell was iust and true, he entred the field manfullie, line 40 saieng alowd: ‘God aid him that hath the right’, and then he departed from his horsse, & sate him downe in his chaire which was of crimosen veluet, courtined about with white and red damaske. The lord marshall viewed their speares, to see that they were of equall length, and deliuered the one speare himselfe to the duke of Hereford, and sent the other vnto the duke of Norfolke by a knight. Then the herald proclamed that the trauerses & chaires of the champions should be remooued, commanding them on the kings be­halfe line 50 to mount on horssebacke, & addresse themselues to the battell and combat.

The duke of Hereford was quicklie horssed, and clo­sed his bauier, and cast his speare into the rest, and when the trumpet sounded set forward couragiouslie towards his enimie six or seuen pases. The duke of Norfolke was not fullie set forward, when the king cast downe his warder, and the heralds cried, Ho, ho. Then the king caused their speares to be taken from them, The combat staied by the king. and commanded them to repaire againe to line 60 their chaires, where they remained two long houres, while the king and his councell deliberatlie consul­ted what order was best to be had in so weightie a cause. Finallie, after they had deuised, and fullie de­termined what should be doone therein, the heralds cried silence; and sir Iohn Bushie the kings secreta­rie read the sentence and determination of the king and his councell, The king his dome betwixt the two dukes. in a long roll, the effect wherof was, that Henrie duke of Hereford should within fifteene daies depart out of the realme, and not to returne be­fore the terme of ten yeares were expired, except by the king he should be repealed againe, and this vpon paine of death; and that Thomas Mowbraie duke of Norfolke, bicause he had sowen sedition in the relme by his words, should likewise auoid the realme, and neuer to returne againe into England, nor approch the borders or confines thereof vpon paine of death; [...]nd that the king would staie the profits of his lands, till he had leuied thereof such summes of monie as the duke had taken vp of the kings treasuror for the wages of the garrison of Calis, which were still vn­paid.

When these iudgements were once read, the king called before him▪ both the parties, and made them to sweare that the one should neuer come in place where the other was, willingli [...]; nor kéepe any com­panie to [...]ither in any forren region; which oth they both receiued humblie, and so went their waies. The duke of Norfolke departed sorowfullie out of the relme into Almanie, and at the last came to Uenice, where he for thought and melancholie deceassed: for he was in hope (as writers record) that he should haue béene borne out in the matter by the king, which when it fell out otherwise, it greeued him not a little. The duke of Hereford tooke his leaue of the king at Eltham, who there released foure yeares of his ba­nishment: so he tooke his iornie ouer into Calis, and from thence went into France, where he remained. ¶A woonder it was to sée what number of people ran after him in euerie towne and stréet where he came, before he tooke the sea, The duke of Hereford be­loued of the people. lamenting and bewailing his departure, as who would saie, that when he departed, the onelie shield, defense and comfort of the common­wealth was vaded and gone.

At his comming into France, king Charles hea­ring the cause of his banishment (which he esteemed to be verie light) receiued him gentlie, The duke of Hereford is honorablie in­terteined with the French king. and him hono­rablie interteined, in so much that he had by fauour obteined in mariage the onelie daughter of the duke of Berrie, vncle to the French king, if king Richard had not béene a let in that matter, who being thereof certified, sent the earle of Salisburie with all speed into France, both to surmize by vntrue suggestion, Froissard. heinous offenses against him, and also to require the French king that in no wise he would suffer his cou­sine to be matched in mariage with him that was so manifest an offendor. This was a pestilent kind of proceeding against that nobleman then being in a forren countrie, hauing béne so honorablie receiued as he was at his entrance into France, and vpon view and good liking of his behauiour there, so for­ward in mariage with a ladie of noble linage. So sharpe, so seuere, & so heinous an accusation, brought to a strange king from a naturall prince, against his subiect, after punishment inflicted (for he was bani­shed) was inough to haue made the French king his fatall [...]o, & vpon suspicion of assaieng the like treche­rie against him, to haue throwne him out of the li­mits of his land. But what will enuie leaue vnat­tempted, where it is once setled? And how are the ma­licious tormented with egernes of reuenge against them whom they maligne, wringing themselues in the meane ti [...]e with inward pangs gnawing them at the hart? wherevnto serueth the poets allusion,

Inuidia Siculi non inuenêre tyranni
Maius tormentum.
Hor. lib. [...]pist. 1.

On Newyeares day this yeare, the riuer that pas­seth betwixt Suelleston or Snelston, and Harewood, year 1399 two villages not far from Bedford, sudenlie ceassed his course, so as the chanell remained drie by the space of thrée miles, that any man might enter into, and passe the same drie foot at his pleasure. This di­uision, which the water made in that place, the one part séeming as it were not to come néere to the o­ther, was iudged to signifie the reuolting of the sub­iects of this land from their naturall prince. It may be, that the water of that riuer sanke into the ground, and by some secret passage or chanell tooke [Page 496] course till it came to the place where it might rise a­gaine as in other places is likewise [...].

Ye haue heard before, how the archbishop of Can­turburie Thomas Arundell, was banish the [...], and Roger Walden was made archbishop o [...] that [...]ee, Fabian. who was a great fauourer of the citie of London, the which was eftsoones about this season falle [...] the kings displeasure: but by the diligent labour of this archbishop, and of Robert Braibrooke then bi­shop of London, vpon the humble supplication of the line 10 citizens, Blanke char­ters. the kings wrath was pacif [...]ed. But yet to content the kings mind, manie blanke charters were deuised, and brought into the citie, which manie of the substantiall and wealthie citizens were s [...]me to seale, to their great charge, as in the end appeared. And the like charters were sent abroad into all shires within the realme, whereby great grudge and mur­muring arose among the people: for when they were so sealed, the kings officers wrote in the same what liked them, as well for charging the parties with pai­ment line 20 of monie, as otherwise.

The death of the duke of Lancaster.In this meane time, the duke of Lancaster depar­ted out of this life at the bishop of Elies place in Holborne, and lieth buried in the cathedrall church of saint Paule in London, on the northside of the high altar, by the ladie Blanch his first wife. The death of this duke gaue occasion of increasing more hatred in the people of this realme toward the king, for he seized into his hands all the goods that belonged to him, and also receiued all the rents and reuenues of line 30 his lands which ought to haue descended vnto the duke of Hereford by lawfull inheritance, in reuoking his letters patents, Tho. Walsi. which he had granted to him be­fore, by vertue wherof he might make his attorneis generall to sue liuerie for him, of any maner of in­heritances or possessions that might from thence­foorth fall vnto him, and that his homage might be re­spited, with making reasonable fine: whereby it was euident, that the king meant his vtter vndooing.

This hard dealing was much misliked of all the no­bilitie, line 40 and cried out against of the meaner sort: but namelie the duke of Yorke was therewith sore moo­ued, who before this time, had borne things with so patient a mind as he could, though the same touched him verie néere, as the death of his brother the duke of Glocester, the banishment of his nephue the said duke of Hereford, and other mo iniuries in great number, which for the slipperie youth of the king, he passed ouer for the time, and did forget aswell as he might. But now perceiuing that neither law, iustice line 50 nor equitie could take place, where the kings wilfull will was bent vpon any wrongfull purpose, he consi­dered that the glorie of the publike wealth of his countrie must néeds decaie, by reason of the king his lacke of wit, and want of such as would (without flat­terie) admonish him of his dutie: and therefore he thought it the part of a wise man to get him in time to a resting place, and to leaue the following of such an vnaduised capteine, as with a leden sword would cut his owne throat.

The duke of Yorke misli­keth the court & goeth home.Herevpon he with the duke of Aumarle his sonne line 60 went to his house at Langlie, reioising that nothing had mishappened in the common-wealth through his deuise or consent. The common brute ran, that the king had set to farme the realme of England, The realme let to farme by the king. vn­to sir William Scroope earle of Wiltshire, and then treasuror of England, to sir Iohn Bushie, sir Iohn Bagot, and sir Henrie Gréene knights. ¶ About the same time, the earle of Arundels sonne, named Tho­mas, which was kept in the duke of Exeters house, escaped out of the realme, by meanes of one Willi­am Scot mercer, and went to his vncle Thomas A­rundell late archbishop of Canturburie, as then so­iourning at Cullen. Tho. Walsi. King Richard being desti­t [...]e [...].

[...], New exac­tions. when they rose in armor against him. The nobles, gentlemen, and commons of those shires were inforced also to receiue a new oth to assure the king of their fidelitie in time to come; The paim [...] of these [...] Was called [...] plesance as [...] were to pleas [...] the K. with­all, but y • [...] displeased ma­nie that were thus constrei­ned to paie a­gainst thei [...] willes. and withall certeine prelats and o­ther honorable personag [...]s, were sent into the same shires to persuade men to this pain [...]ent, and to sée things ordered at the pleasure of the prince: and suer­lie the fines which the nobles, and other the meaner estates of those shires were constreined to paie, were not small, but excéeding great, to the offense of ma­nie. Moreouer, the kings letters patents were sent into euerie shire within this land, by vertue whereof, an oth was demanded of all the kings liege people for a further assurance of their due obedience, The people confirme the oth of allegi­ance by wri­ting sealed. and they were constreined to ratifie the same in writing vnder their hands and seales.

Moreouer they were compelled to put their hands and seales to certeine blankes, wherof ye haue heard before, in the which, when it pleased him he might write what he thought good. There was also a new oth deuised for the shiriffes of euerie countie through the realme to receiue: finallie, manie of the kings liege people were through spite, enuie, and malice, ac­cused, apprehended, & put in prison, Indirect dealings. and after brought before the constable and marshall of England, in the court of chiualrie, and might not otherwise be deliue­red, except they could iustifie themselues by combat and fighting in lists against their accusers hand to hand, although the accusers for the most part were lustie, yoong and valiant, where the parties accused were perchance old, impotent, maimed and sicklie. Wherevpon not onelie the great destruction of the realme in generall, but also of euerie singular per­son in particular, was to be feared and looked for.

¶ About this time the bishop of Calcedon came into England, with letters apostolicall of admonition, Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wa [...]. pag. 395. that the faithfull and loiall of the land should of their goods disbursse somewhat to the emperour of Con­stantinople, who was extremelie vexed and troubled by the Tartars, and their capteine called Morect. And to the intent that the peeres of the land might be made the more willing and toward to bestow their contribution in this behalfe, the pope granted vnto all benefactors (trulie contrite and confessed) full re­mission, and wrapped in his bitter censures all such as hindered those that were willing to bestow their be­neuolence in this case; considering, that although the emperour was a schismatike, yet was he a chri­stian, and if by the infidels he should be oppressed, all christendome was in danger of ruine; hauing in his mind that saieng of the poet full fit for his purpose, ‘Tunc tuares agitur paries cùm proximus ardet.’

¶ In this yeare in a manner throughout all the realme of England, old baie trées withered, Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wa [...]. pag. 395. and af­terwards, contrarie to all mens thinking, grew greene againe, a strange sight, and supposed to import some vnknowne euent. Polydor. ¶ In this meane time the king being aduertised that the wild Irish dailie wa­sted and destroied the townes and villages within the English pale, and had slaine manie of the souldi­ers which laie there in garison for defense of that [Page 497] countrie, determined to make eftsoones a voiage thi­ther, & prepared all things necessarie for his passage now against the spring. A little before his setting foorth, he caused a iusts to be holden at Windesor of fourtie knights and fourtie esquiers, A iusts at Windesor. against all com­mers, & they to be apparelled in gréene, with a white falcon, and the queene to be there well accompani­ed with ladies and damsels. The king sai­leth ouer into Ireland with a great armie. Fabian. Caxton. The duke of Yorke lieute­nant generall of England, the king be­ing in Ireland. H [...]n. Marl. When these iusts were finished, the king departed toward Bristow, from thence to passe into Ireland, leauing the queene with line 10 hir traine still at Windesor: he appointed for his lieutenant generall in his absence his vncle the duke of Yorke: and so in the moneth of Aprill, as diuerse authors write, he set forward from Windesor, and fi­nallie tooke shipping at Milford, and from thence with two hundred ships, and a puissant power of men of armes and archers he sailed into Ireland. The fridaie next after his arriuall, there were slaine two hundred Irishmen at Fourd in Kenlis within the countie of Kildare, by that valiant gentleman line 20 Ienico Dartois, and such Englishmen as he had there with him: and on the morrow next insuing the citizens of Dublin inuaded the countrie of Obrin, and slue thirtie and thrée Irishmen.

The king also after he had remained about seuen daies at Waterford, Out of a French pam­phlet that be­longeth to master Iohn Dec. marched from thence towards Kilkennie, and comming thither, staied thereabout fourteene daies, looking for the duke of Aumarle that was appointed to haue met him, but he failed and came not, wherevpon the king on Midsummer euen line 30 set forward againe, marching streight towards the countrie of Macmur the principall rebell in that season within Ireland, Macmur. who kéeping himselfe among woods with three thousand right hardie men, seémed to passe little for any power that might be brought a­gainst him. Yet the king approching to the skirts of the woods, commanded his soldiers to fier the houses and villages: which was executed with great for­wardnesse of the men of war. And here for some va­liant act that he did, or some other fauourable respect, line 40 which the king bare to the lord Henrie sonne to the duke of Hereford, he made him knight. ¶ This Hen­rie was after king of England, succeeding his fa­ther, and called by the name of Henrie the fift. There were nine or ten others made knights also at the same time.

Pioners set a worke to cut downe woods.Moreouer, there were two thousand & fiue hundred pioners set a worke to cut downe the woods, and to make passages through, and so then the Englishmen entred, and by force got through: for the Irishmen sore feared the English bowes, but yet now and then line 50 they espieng their aduantage, assailed oftentimes Englishmen with their darts, and slue diuerse that went abroad to fetch in forrage. The vncle of Mac­mur hauing a withie or with about his necke, came in and submitted himselfe, and likewise manie other naked and bare legged, so that the king seeming to pitie their miserable state, pardoned them, and after­ward he also sent vnto Macmur, promising that if he would come in and require pardon as his vncle had line 60 doone, he would receiue him to mercie: but Macmur vnderstanding that for want of vittels, the king must néeds retire within a short time, he refused the kings offer. The king with his armie remaining in those parts 11 daies, was in the end constreined to come backe, when all their vittels were spent: for more than they brought with them they could not get. They lost manie horsses in this iournie for want of prouision and forrage.

As the king was withdrawne towards Dublin, marching through the countrie, Macmur sen­deth to the K. offering a parlee. in despite of his eni­mies, that houered still about his armie, Macmur sent to the king, offering to talke of an agreement, if it should please him to send any noble man to méet him at a place appointed. The king herevpon com­manded the earle of Glocester to take with him two hundred lances, and a thousand archers, and to go to trie if he might by persuasion cause him to come in and submit himselfe. The earle went, and comming to talke with him, found him so obstinate, The earle of Glocester. that their parlée streightwaies brake off: so taking leaue each of other, they departed, and the earle returned to the king, to aduertise him what he had doone and percei­ued by the communication which he had had with Macmur.

The king was sore offended with the obstinatnes of the rebell, that would not agree otherwise: but so as he might remaine still at libertie, without danger to suffer anie maner of punishment for his passed of­fenses. Wherevpon the king after his comming to Dublin, and that the armie had rested there, Anno Reg. 23. He came to Dublin the 28 of Iune as Henrie Marl. saith. and in the countrie neere to the citie, for the space of fiftéene daies, he diuided his people into three parts, and sent them abroad into the countrie to pursue the enimies and withall made proclamation, that who so euer could bring Macmur vnto his presence, should haue for his recompense a great reward: for he determi­ned not to depart the countrie, till he had him either dead or aliue. But he knew full little then what inci­dents to hinder his purposed intention would after follow.

The same daie that he sent abroad his armie thus into three seuerall parts, The duke of Aumarle. the duke of Aumarle with an hundred saile arriued, of whose cōming the king was right ioifull; and although he had vsed no small negligence in that he came no sooner according to or­der before appointed, yet the king (as he was of a gentle nature) courteouslie accepted his excuse: whe­ther he was in fault or not, I haue not to saie; but verelie he was greatlie suspected, that he dealt not well in tarieng so long after his time assigned. But now whilest the king rested at Dublin, his people so demeaned themselues, that the most part of the re­bels, what by manhood and policie were subdued, and brought vnder subiection, and (as is to be thought) if no trouble had risen in England to haue called him backe, he meant to haue rid vp the woods, and made some notable conquest at that time vpon the rebels that yet held out. Neuerthelesse, during the time of his abode there, such was the prowesse of him and his, that the Irish were well tamed, and forced to submit themselues: and yet the kings power made no great slaughter of them, if it be true that Christ. Okl. saith, speaking hereof in few words as after followeth:

Pergit ad indomitos princeps Richardus Hibernos,
In Angl. praelijs sub Rich. 2.
In (que) potestatem multo sine sanguine, saeuo
Marte reluctantes.

Now whilest he was thus occupied in deuising how to reduce them into subiection, and taking orders for the good staie and quiet gouernment of the countrie, diuerse of the nobilitie, aswell prelats as other, and likewise manie of the magistrats and rulers of the cities, townes, and communaltie, here in England, perceiuing dailie how the realme drew to vtter ru­ine, not like to be recouered to the former state of wealth, whilest king Richard lived and reigned (as they tooke it) deuised with great deliberation, The duke of Lancaster so­licited to ex­pell king Ri­chard, and to take vpon him the regiment. and considerate aduise, to send and signifie by letters vn­to duke Henrie, whome they now called (as he was in déed) duke of Lancaster and Hereford, requiring him with all conuenient speed to conueie himselfe into England, promising him all their aid, power and assistance, if he expelling K. Richard, as a man not meet for the office he bare, would take vpon him the scepter, rule, and diademe of his natiue land and re­gion.

He therefore being thus called vpon by messen­gers and letters from his fréends, and chéeflie through [Page 498] the earnest persuasion of Thomas Arundell, late archbishop of Canturburie, who (as before yee haue heard) had béene remooued from his sée, and banished the realme by king Richards means, got him downe to Britaine, The duke of Britaine a great [...]riend [...]o the duke of Lancaster. togither with the said archbishop, where he was ioifullie receiued of the duke and duchesse, and found such fréendship at the dukes hands, that there were certeine ships rigged, and made readie for him, at a place in base Britaine, called La port blanc, The duke of Lancaster & [...] adherents [...] into England. as we find in the chronicles of Britaine: and line 10 when all his prouision was made readie, he tooke the sea, togither with the said archbishop of Canturbu­rie, and his nephue Thomas Arundell, sonne and heire to the late earle of Arundell, beheaded at the Tow­er hill, as you haue heard. There were also with him, Reginald lord Cobham, Additions to Polychron. sir Thomas Erpingham, and sir Thomas Ramston knights, Iohn Norbu­rie, Robert Waterton, & Francis Coint esquires: few else were there, for (as some write) he had not past fifteene lances, as they tearmed them in those line 20 daies, Thom. Wals. that is to saie, men of armes, furnished and appointed as the vse then was. ¶ Yet other write, that the duke of Britaine deliuered vnto him three thousand men of warre, [...]hron. Brit. to attend him, and that he had eight ships well furnished for the warre, where Froissard yet speaketh but of three. Moreouer, where Froissard and also the chronicles of Britaine auouch, Froissard. that he should land at Plimmouth, by our English writers it séemeth otherwise: for it appeareth by their assured report, that he approching to the shore, did not line 30 streight take land, [...]ho. [...]a [...]sing. but lay houering aloofe, and shew­ed himselfe now in this place, and now in that, to sée what countenance was made by the people, whether they meant enuiouslie to resist him, or fréendlie to re­ceiue him.

When the lord gouernor Edmund duke of Yorke was aduertised, that the duke of Lancaster kept still the sea, and was readie to arriue (but where he ment first to set foot on land, there was not any that vnder­stood the certeintie) he sent for the lord chancellor Ed­mund line 40 Stafford bishop of Excester, and for the lord treasuror William Scroope earle of Wiltshire, and other of the kings priuie councell, as Iohn Bushie, William Bagot, Henrie Greene, and Iohn Russell knights: of these he required to know what they thought good to be doone in this matter, concerning the duke of Lancaster, being on the seas. Their ad­uise was, to depart from London, vnto S. Albons, and there to gather an armie to resist the duke in his landing, but to how small purpose their counsell ser­ued, line 50 [...]he conclusion thereof plainlie declared, for the most part that were called, The commōs [...]enie [...]o resist [...]he duke of [...]ancaster. when they came thither▪ [...]oldlie protested, that they would not fight against the duke of Lancaster, whome they knew to be euill dealt withall.

The lord treasuror, Bushie, Bagot, and Gréene, perceiuing that the commons would cleaue vnto, and take part with the duke, slipped awaie, leauing the lord gouernour of the realme, and the lord chan­cellor to make what shift they could for themselues: line 60 Bagot got him to Chester, and so escaped into Ire­land; the other fled to the castell of Bristow, in hope there to be in safetie. The duke of Lancaster, after that he had coasted alongst the shore a certeine time, & had got some intelligence how the peoples minds were affected towards him, The duke of Lancaster lā ­deth in York­shire. landed about the begin­ning of Iulie in Yorkshire, at a place sometime cal­led [...]auenspur, betwixt Hull and Bridlington, and with him not past thréescore persons, Additions to Polychron. as some write: but he was so ioifullie receiued of the lords, knights, and gentlemen of those parts, that he found means by their helpe) forthwith to assemble a great num­ber of people, that were willing to take his part. The first that came to him, were the lords of Lin­coln [...]shire, and other countries adioining, as the lords Willoughbie, Ros, Darcie, and Beaumont.

At his comming vnto Doncaster, the earle of Northumberland, and his sonne sir Henrie Persie, wardens of the marches against Scotland, with the earle of Westmerland, came vnto him, The duke of [...] to the lords [...]hat [...] him. where he sware vnto those lords, that he would demand no more, but the lands that were to him descended by in­heritance from his father, and in right of his wife. Moreouer, he undertooke to cause the paiment of tax­es and tallages to be laid downe, & to bring the king to good gouernment, & to remooue from him the Che­shiremen, which were enuied of manie; for that the king estéemed of them more than of anie other; hap­pilie, bicause they were more faithfull to him than other, readie in all respects to obeie his commande­ments and pleasure. From Doncaster hauing now got a mightie armie about him, he marched foorth with all spéed through the countries, comming by E­uesham vnto Berkelie: within the space of three daies, all the kings castels in those parts were sur­rendred vnto him.

The duke of Yorke, whome king Richard had left as gouernour of the realme in his absence, hearing that his nephue the duke of Lancaster was thus ar­riued, and had gathered an armie, he also assembled a puissant power of men of armes and archers (as be­fore yée haue heard) but all was in vaine, The harts of the commo [...] wholie bent [...]o the duke of Lancaster. for there was not a man that willinglie would thrust out one arrow against the duke of Lancaster, or his parta­kers, or in anie wise offend him or his freends. The duke of Yorke therefore passing foorth towards Wales to méet the king, at his comming foorth of Ireland, was receiued into the castell of Berkelie, and there remained, till the comming thither of the duke of Lancaster (whom when he perceiued that he was not able to resist) on the sundaie, after the feast of saint Iames, which as that yeare came about, fell vpon the fridaie, he came foorth into the church that stood without the castell, and there communed with the duke of Lancaster. With the duke of Yorke were the bishops of Norwich, the lord Berkelie, the lord Seimour, and other: with the duke of Lancaster were these, Thomas Arundell archbishop of Can­turburie that had béene banished, the abbat of Leice­ster, the earles of Northumberland and Westmer­land, Thomas Arundell sonne to Richard late earle of Arundell, the baron of Greistoke, the lords Wil­loughbie and Ros, with diuerse other lords, knights, and other people, which dailie came to him from eue­rie part of the realme: those that came not, were spoiled of all they had, so as they were neuer able to recouer themselues againe, for their goods being then taken awaie, were neuer restored. And thus what for loue, and what for feare of losse, they came flocking vnto him from euerie part.

At the same present there was arrested, and com­mitted to safe custodie, the bishop of Norwich, sir William Elmam, and sir Walter Burlie, knights, Laurence Drew, and Iohn Golofer esquiers. On the morowafter, the forsaid dukes with their power, The duke of Lancaster marcheth to Bristow. went towards Bristow, where (at their comming) they shewed themselues before the towne & castell, being an huge multitude of people. There were in­closed within the castell, the lord William Scroope earle of Wiltshire and treasuror of England, sir Henrie Greene, and sir Iohn Bushie knights, who prepared to make resistance: but when it would not preuaile, they were taken and brought foorth bound as prisoners into the campe, before the duke of Lan­caster. On the morow next insuing, Scroope [...] treasuror, Bushie and Greene exe­cuted. they were arrai­gned before the constable and marshall, and found giltie of treason, for misgouerning the king and realme, and foorthwith had their heads smit off. Sir [Page 499] Iohn Russell was also taken there, A politike [...]dnesse. who feining him­selfe to be out of his wits, escaped their hands for a time.

In this meane time, king Richard aduertised, how the duke of Lancaster was landed in England, and that the lords, gentlemen, and commons assem­bled themselues to take his part, he forthwith caused the lord Henrie, sonne to the said duke of Lancaster, and the lord Humfrie, sonne to the duke of Gloce­ster, to be shut vp fast in the castell of Trimme, and line 10 with all spéed made hast to returne into England, in hope with an armie to incounter the duke, before he should haue time to assemble his fréends togither. But here you shall note, that it fortuned at the same time, in which the duke of Hereford or Lancaster, whether ye list to call him, arriued thus in England, the seas were so troubled by tempests, Out of master Dee [...] French booke. and the winds blew so contrarie for anie passage, to come ouer foorth of England to the king, remaining still in Ireland, that for the space of six wéeks, he receiued no aduer­tisements line 20 from thence: yet at length, when the seas became calme, and the wind once turned anie thing fauourable, there came ouer a ship, whereby the king vnderstood the manner of the dukes arriuall, and all his procéedings till that daie, in which the ship depar­ted from the coast of England, wherevpon he meant foorthwith to haue returned ouer into England, to make resistance against the duke: but through per­suasion of the duke of Aumarle (as was thought) he staied, till he might haue all his ships, and other pro­uision, line 30 fullie readie for his passage.

In the meane time, he sent the earle of Salisburie ouer into England, to gather a power togither, by helpe of the kings freends in Wales, and Cheshire, with all spéed possible, that they might be readie to assist him against the duke, vpon his arriuall, for he meant himselfe to follow the earle, within six daies after. The earle passing ouer into Wales, landed at Conwaie, and sent foorth letters to the kings freends, both in Wales and Cheshire, to leauie their people, line 40 & to come with all spéed to assist the K. whose request, with great desire, & very willing minds they fulfilled, [...]ing to haue found the king himselfe at Conwaie, insomuch that within foure daies space, there were to the number of fortie thousand men assembled, rea­die to march with the king against his enimies, if he had béene there himselfe in person.

But when they missed the king, there was a brute spred amongst them, that the king was suerlie dead, which wrought such an impression, and euill disposi­tion line 50 in the minds of the Welshmen and others, that for anie persuasion which the earle of Salisburie might vse, they would not go foorth with him, till they saw the king: onelie they were contented to staie fouretéene daies to sée if he should come or not; but when he came not within that tearme, they would no longer abide, but scaled & departed awaie; wheras if the king had come before their breaking vp, no doubt, but they would haue put the duke of Here­ford in aduenture of a field: so that the kings linge­ring line 60 of time before his comming ouer, gaue oppor­tunitie to the duke to bring things to passe as he could haue wished, and tooke from the king all occa­sion to recouer afterwards anie forces sufficient to resist him.

At length, about eighteene daies after that the king had sent from him the earle of Salisburie, he tooke the sea, togither with the dukes of Aumarle, Exce­ster, Surrie, and diuerse others of the nobilitie, with the bishops of London, Lincolne, and Carleill. They landed néere the castell of Barclowlie in Wales, K. Richard returneth out of Ireland, and landeth in Wales. a­bout the feast of saint Iames the apostle, and staied a while in the same castell, being aduertised of the great forces which the duke of Lancaster had got to­gither against him, Thom. Wals. wherewith he was maruellouslie amazed, knowing certeinelie that those which were thus in armes with the duke of Lancaster against him, would rather die than giue place, as well for the hatred as feare which they had conceiued at him. Ne­uerthelesse he departing from Barclowlie, hasted with all speed towards Conwaie, where he vnder­stood the earle of Salisburie to be still remaining.

He therefore taking with him such Cheshire men as he had with him at that present (in whom all his trust was reposed) he doubted not to reuenge him­selfe of his aduersaries, Additions to Polychron. & so at the first he passed with a good courage: but when he vnderstood as he went thus forward, that all the castels, euen from the bor­ders of Scotland vnto Bristow were deliuered vnto the duke of Lancaster, and that likewise the nobles and commons, as well of the south parts, as the north, were fullie bent to take part with the same duke against him; and further, hearing how his tru­stie councellors had lost their heads at Bristow, he became so greatlie discomforted, K. Richard in vtter de­spaire. that sorowfullie la­menting his miserable state, he vtterlie despaired of his owne safetie, and calling his armie togither, which was not small, licenced euerie man to depart to his home.

The souldiers being well bent to fight in his de­fense, besought him to be of good chéere, promising with an oth to stand with him against the duke, and all his partakers vnto death: but his could not in­courage him at all, so that in the night next insuing, he stole from his armie, K. Richard stealeth awaie from his ar­mie, and ta­keth the castell of Flint. and with the dukes of Exce­ster and Surrie, the bishop of Carleill, and sir Ste­phan Scroope, and about halfe a score others, he got him to the castell of Conwaie, where he found the earle of Salisburie, determining there to hold him­selfe, till he might sée the world at some better staie; for what counsell to take to remedie the mischéefe thus pressing vpon him he wist not. On the one part he knew his title iust, true, and infallible; and his conscience cleane, pure, and without spot of enuie or malice: he had also no small affiance in the Welsh­men, and Cheshire men. On the other side, he saw the puissance of his aduersaries, the sudden depar­ting of them whom he most trusted, and all things turned vpside downe: he euidentlie saw, and mani­festlie perceiued, that he was forsaken of them, by whom in time he might haue béene aided and relie­ued, where now it was too late, and too farre ouer­passed.

¶ This suerlie is a verie notable example, A speciall note woorthie to be well weied. and not vnwoorthie of all princes to be well weied, and dili­gentlie marked, that this Henrie duke of Lancaster should be thus called to the kingdome, and haue the helpe and assistance (almost) of all the whole realme, which perchance neuer thereof thought or yet drea­med; and that king Richard should thus be left deso­late, void, and in despaire of all hope and comfort, in whom if there were anie offense, it ought rather to be imputed to the frailtie of wanton youth, than to the malice of his hart: but such is the deceiuable iudgement of man, which not regarding things pre­sent with due consideration, thinketh euer that things to come shall haue good successe, with a plea­sant & delitefull end. But in this deiecting of the one, & aduancing of the other, the prouidence of God is to be respected, & his secret will to be woondered at. For as in his hands standeth the donation of kingdoms, so likewise the disposing of them consisteth in his pleasure, which the verie pagans vnderstood right well; otherwise, one of them would neuer haue said,

Regum timendorum in proprios greges,
Hor. lib. car. 3. ode. 1.
Reges in ipsos imperium est Iouis
Cuncta supercilio mouentis.

Sir Thomas Persie earle of Worcester, lord [Page 500] steward of the kings house, The earle of Worcester leaueth the K. and fléeth to the duke. either being so com­manded by the king, or else vpon displeasure (as some write) for that the king had proclaimed his brother the earle of Northumberland traitor, brake his white staffe, which is the representing signe and token of his office, and without delaie went to duke Henrie. When the kings seruants of houshold saw this (for it was doone before them all) they dispersed themsel­ues, some into one countrie, and some into an other. When the duke of Lancaster vnderstood that king line 10 Richard was returned foorth of Ireland, he left the duke of Yorke still at Bristow, and came backe with his power vnto Berkleie; the second daie he came to Glocester, and so to Roos, after to Hereford, where came to him the bishop of Hereford, and sir Edmund Mortimer knight. On the sundaie following, he went to Limster, and there the lord Charleton came to him. From thence he went to Ludlow, and the next daie to Shrewsburie, where he rested one daie, and thither came to him sir Robert Leigh, Where for­tune fauou­reth, thither the peoples fauour fléeth. and sir line 20 Iohn Leigh, and manie other being sent from Che­ster, to treat with the duke of Lancaster, for the citie and countie of Chester, that were now readie to sub­mit themselues vnto him in all things.

There came hither vnto him the lord Scales, and the lord Berdolfe, foorth of Ireland, hauing béene spoiled of all they had about them in Wales, as they came through the countrie. From Shrewsburie, he kept on his iournie towards Chester, and lodging one night by the waie, in a towne there in the bor­ders line 30 of Wales, The duke of Lancaster comming to Chester. he came the second night to Chester, and staied there certeine daies togither, making a iollie muster of his armie there in sight of the citie. The clergie met, & receiued him with procession: he sent foorthwith for his sonne & heire, & likewise for the duke of Glocesters soone & heire, that were as yet remaining in Ireland, commanding them with all spéed to returne home into England. But the duke of Glocesters sonne, through mischance perished, as he was on the seas to come ouer, for whose losse his line 40 mother tooke such greefe, that shortlie after through immoderate sorow she likewise passed out of this transitorie life.

In this meane time, king Richard being in the castell of Conwaie sore discomfited, and fearing lest he could not remaine there long in safetie, vpon knowledge had by his trustie fréends Iohn Paulet, and Richard Seimour, of the dealings and approch of his aduersaries, sent the duke of Excester to talke with the duke of Lancaster, who in this meane while line 50 had caused one of king Richards faithfull and trustie freends, Perkin a Lee. sir Piers a Leigh, commonlie called Per­kin a Lée, to lose his head, & commanded the same to be set vp, vpon one of the highest turrets about all the citie; and so that true and faithfull gentleman, for his stedfast faith, and assured loialtie to his louing souereigne, thus lost his life. There came to him a­bout the same time, or somewhat before, the dukes of Aumarle and Surrie, the lord Louell, and sir Iohn Stanleie, beséeching him to receiue him into his fa­uour. line 60

¶ By some writers it should seeme, not onelie the duke of Excester, Out of master Dees booke. but also the duke of Surrie were sent vnto duke Henrie from king Richard, and that duke Henrie staied them both, and would not suffer them to returne to the king againe, kéeping the duke of Excester still about him, and committing the duke of Surrie to prison, within the castell of Chester. The king herewith went to Beaumaris, & after to Car­naruan: but finding no prouision either of vittels or other things in those castels, no not so much as a bed to lie in, he came backe againe to Conwaie, and in the meane time was the castell of Holt deliuered to the duke of Hereford, Holt castell deliuered to the duke. by those that had it in kéeping wherein was great store of iewels, to the value of two hundred thousand marks, besides an hundred thousand marks in readie coine. After this, the duke, with aduise of his councell, Some [...], that the arch­bishop of C [...]turburie and the earle of Westmerland wēt also [...] the earle of Northumber­land to Con­waie. sent the earle of Nor­thumberland vnto the king, accompanied with foure hundred lances, & a thousand archers, who comming to the castell of Flint, had it deliuered vnto him; and from thence he hasted foorth towards Conwaie. But before he approched néere the place, he left his power behind him, hid closelie in two ambushes, behind a craggie mounteine, beside the high waie that lea­deth from Flint to Conwaie.

This doone, taking not past foure or fiue with him, he passed foorth, till he came before the towne, and then sending an herald to the king, requested a safe conduct from the king, that he might come and talke with him, which the king granted, and so the earle of Northumberland passing the water, entred the ca­stell, and comming to the king, declared to him, The earle of Northumber­lands message to the king. that if it might please his grace to vndertake, that there should be a parlement assembled, in the which iustice might be had, against such as were enimies to the common-wealth, and had procured the destruction of the duke of Glocester, and other noblemen, and here­with pardon the duke of Hereford of all things wher­in he had offended him, the duke would be readie to come to him on his knées, to craue of him forgiue­nesse, and as an humble subiect, to obeie him in all dutifull seruices. The king taking aduise vpon these offers, The king lea­ueth Conwaie castell, and be­taketh him­selfe to his enimies. and other made by the earle of Northumber­land on the behalfe of the duke of Hereford; vpon the earles oth, for assurance that the same should be per­formed in ech condition, agréed to go with the earle to méete the duke, and herevpon taking their horsses, they rode foorth, but the earle rode before, as it were, to prepare dinner for the king at Rutland, but com­ming to the place where he had left his people, he staied there with them.

The king kéeping on his waie, had not ridden past foure miles, when he came to the place where the am­bushes were lodged, and being entred within dan­ger of them, before he was aware, shewed himselfe to be sore abashed. But now there was no remi [...]: for the earle being there with his men, would not suf­fer him to returne, as he gladlie would haue doone if he might; but being inclosed with the sea on the one side, and the rocks on the other, hauing his aduersa­ries so néere at hand before him, he could not shift a­waie by any meanes, for if he should haue fled backe, they might easilie haue ouertaken him, yer he could haue got out of their danger. And thus of force he was then constrained to go with the earle, who brought him to Rutland, where they dined, and from thence they rode vnto Flint to bed. The king had ve­rie few about him of his freends, except onelie the earle of Salisburie, the bishop of Carleill, the lord Stephan Scroope, sir Nicholas Ferebie, a sonne also of the countesse of Salisburie, and Ienico Dartois a Gascoigne that still ware the cognisance or deuise of his maister king Richard, that is to saie, A constant seruant. a white hart, and would not put it from him, neither for per­suasions nor threats; by reason whereof, when the duke of Hereford vnderstood it, he caused him to be committed to prison within the castell of Chester. This man was the last (as saieth mine author) which ware that deuise, and shewed well thereby his con­stant hart toward his maister, for the which it was thought he should haue lost his life, but yet he was pardoned, and at length reconciled to the dukes fa­uour, after he was king.

But now to our purpose. King Richard being thus come vnto the castell of Flint, on the mondaie, the eightéenth of August, and the duke of Hereford be­ing still aduertised from houre to houre by posts, [Page 501] how the earle of Northumberland sped, the morow following being tuesdaie, and the ninetéenth of Au­gust, he came thither, & mustered his armie before the kings presence, which vndoubtedlie made a passing faire shew, being verie well ordered by the lord Hen­rie Persie, that was appointed generall, or rather (as we maie call him) master of the campe, vnder the duke, of the whole armie. There were come alreadie to the castell, before the approching of the maine ar­mie, the archbishop of Canturburie, the duke of Au­marle, the earle of Worcester, and diuerse other. The line 10 archbishop entred first, and then followed the other, comming into the first ward.

The king that was walking aloft on the braies of the wals, to behold the comming of the duke a farre off, might sée, that the archbishop and the other were come, and (as he tooke it) to talke with him: where­vpon he foorthwith came downe vnto them, and be­holding that they did their due reuerence to him on their knées, he tooke them vp, and drawing the arch­bishop aside from the residue, talked with him a good line 20 while, and as it was reported, the archbishop willed him to be of good comfort, for he should be assured, not to haue anie hurt, as touching his person; but he pro­phesied not as a prelat, but as a Pilat. For, was it no hurt (thinke you) to his person, to be spoiled of his roialtie, to be deposed from his crowne, to be trans­lated from principalitie to prison, & to fall from honor into horror. All which befell him to his extreame hart greefe (no doubt:) which to increase, meanes alas line 30 there were manie; but to diminish, helps (God wot) but a few. So that he might haue said with the for­lorne man in the mercilesse seas of his miseries,

Vt fera nimboso tumüerunt aequora vento,
In medijs lacera naue relinquor aquis.

¶Some write (as before in a marginall note I haue quoted) that the archbishop of Canturburie went with the earle of Northumberland vnto Con­waie, and there talked with him: and further, that euen then the king offered, in consideration of his in­sufficiencie line 40 to gouerne, freelie to resigne the crowne, and his kinglie title to the same, vnto the duke of Hereford. But forsomuch as those that were conti­nuallie attendant about the king, during the whole time of his abode at Conwaie, and till his comming to Flint, doo plainelie affirme, that the archbishop came not to him, till this tuesdaie before his remoo­uing from Flint vnto Chester, it maie be thought (the circumstances well considered) that he rather made that promise here at Flint, than at Conwaie, line 50 although by the tenour of an instrument, conteining the declaration of the archbishop of Yorke, and other commissioners sent from the estates assembled in the next parlement, vnto the said king, it is recorded to be at Conwaie, as after ye maie read. But there maie be some default in the copie, as taking the one place for the other.

But wheresoeuer this offer was made, after that the archbishop had now here at Flint communed with the king, he departed, and taking his horsse a­gaine, line 60 rode backe to meet the duke, who began at that present to approch the castell, and compassed it round about, euen downe to the sea, with his people ran­ged in good and séemelie order, at the foot of the moun­teins: and then the earle of Northumberland pas­sing foorth of the castell to the duke, talked with him a while in sight of the king, being againe got vp to the walles, to take better view of the armie, being now aduanced within two bowe shootes of the castell, to the small reioising (ye may be sure) of the sorowfull king. The earle of Northumberland returning to the castell, appointed the king to be set to dinner (for he was fasting till then) and after he had dined, the duke came downe to the castell himselfe, and entred the same all armed, his bassenet onelie excepted, and being within the first gate, he staied there, till the king came foorth of the inner part of the castell vnto him.

The king accompanied with the bishop of Car­leill, the earle of Salisburie, and sir Stephan Scroope knight, who bare the sword before him, and a few o­ther, came foorth into the vtter ward, and sate downe in a place prepared for him. Foorthwith as the duke got sight of the king, The dukes behauiour to the king at their meéting. he shewed a reuerend dutie as became him, in bowing his knée, and comming for­ward, did so likewise the second and third time, till the king tooke him by the hand, and lift him vp, saieng; Déere cousine, ye are welcome. The duke humblie thanking him said; ‘My souereigne lord and king, The dukes demand. the cause of my comming at this present, is (your honor saued) to haue againe restitution of my person, my lands and heritage, through your fauourable licence. The king hervnto answered; Déere cousine, I am readie to accomplish your will, so that ye may inioy all that is yours, without exception.’

Méeting thus togither, they came foorth of the ca­stell, and the king there called for wine, The king and the duke iour­nie togither towards London. and after they had dronke, they mounted on horssebacke, and rode that night to Flint, and the next daie vnto Chester, the third vnto Nantwich, the fourth to Newcastell. Here, with glad countenance, the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike met them, that had beene confined into the Ile of Man, as before ye haue heard; but now was reuoked home by the duke of Lancaster. From Newcastell they rode to Stafford, and the sixt daie vnto Lichfield, and there rested sun­daie all daie. After this, they rode foorth, and lodged at these places insuing, Couentrie, Dantrée, North­hampton, Dunstable, S. Albons, & so came to Lon­don: neither was the king permitted all this while to change his apparell, but rode still through all these townes simplie clothed in one sute of raiment, and yet he was in his time excéeding sumptuous in appa­rell, in so much as he had one cote, which he caused to be made for him of gold and stone, K. Richard sumptuous in apparell. valued at 30000 marks: & so he was brought the next waie to West­minster.

As for the duke, he was receiued with all the ioy and pompe that might be of the Londoners, and was lodged in the bishops palace, by Paules church. It was a woonder to see what great concursse of people, The dukes receiuing into London. & what number of horsses came to him on the waie as he thus passed the countries, till his comming to London, where (vpon his approch to the citie) the ma­ior rode foorth to receiue him, and a great number of other citizens. Also the cleargie met him with pro­cession, and such ioy appeared in the countenances of the people, vttering the same also with words, as the like not lightlie beene séene. For in euerie towne and village where he passed, children reioised, women clapped their hands▪ and men cried out for ioy. But to speake of the great numbers of people that flocked togither in the fields and stréets of London at his comming, I here omit; neither will I speake of the presents, welcommings, lauds, and gratifications made to him by the citizens and communaltie.

But now to the purpose. The next day after his comming to London, The king cō ­mitted to the tower. the king from Westminster was had to the Tower, and there committed to safe custodie. Manie euill disposed persons, assembling themselues togither in great numbers, intended to haue met with him, and to haue taken him from such as had the conueieng of him, that they might haue slaine him. But the maior and aldermen gathered to them the worshipfull commoners and graue citi­zens, by whose policie, and not without much adoo, the other were reuoked from their euill purpose: albeit, before they might be pacified, they cōming to West­minster, [Page 502] tooke maister Iohn Sclake deane of the kings chappell, and from thence brought him to New­gate, and there laid him fast in irons.

A parlement in the kings name.After this was a parlement called by the duke of Lancaster, vsing the name of king Richard in the writs directed foorth to the lords, and other states for their summons. This parlement began the thir­téenth daie of September, in the which manie hei­nous points of misgouernance and iniurious dea­lings in the administration of his kinglie office, line 10 were laid to the charge of this noble prince king Ri­chard, the which (to the end the commons might be persuaded, that he was an vnprofitable prince to the common-wealth, and worthie to be deposed) were in­grossed vp in 33 solemne articles, heinous to the eares of all men, and to some almost incredible, the verie effect of which articles here insue, according to the copie which I haue séene, and is abridged by mai­ster Hall as followeth. line 20

The articles obiected to king Ri­chard, whereby he was counted wor­thie to be deposed from his principalitie.

FIrst, that king Richard wastfullie spent line 1 the treasure of the realme, and had gi­uen the possessions of the crowne to men vnworthie, by reason whereof, new char­ges line 30 more and more were laid on the poore cōmunal­tie. And where diuerse lords, as well spirituall as temporall, were appointed by the high court of par­lement, to commune and treat of diuerse matters concerning the common-wealth of the realme, which being busie about the same commission, he with other of his affinitie went about to impeach, and by force and menacing compelled the iustices of the realme at Shrewesburie to condescend to his opinion, for the destruction of the said lords, in so much that he be­gan line 40 to raise warre against Iohn duke of Lancaster, Richard earle of Arundell, Thomas earle of War­wike, and other lords, contrarie to his honor and pro­mise.

2 Item, that he caused his vnc [...]e the duke of Glo­cester to be arrested without law, and sent him to Calis, and there without iudgement murthered him, and although the earle of Arundell vpon his arreign­ment pleaded his charter of pardon, he could not be heard, but was in most vile and shamefull manner line 50 suddenlie put to death.

3 Item, he assembled certeine Lancashire and Cheshire men, to the intent to make warre on the same lords, and suffered them to rob and pill, without correction or repréeue.

4 Item, although the king flateringlie, and with great dissimulation, made proclamation through out the realme, that the lords before named were not attached of anie crime of treason, but onlie for extor­tions and oppressions doone in this realme; yet he laid line 60 to them in the parlement, rebellion and manifest treason.

5 Item, he hath compelled diuers of the said lords seruants and friends, by menaces & extreme pains, to make great [...]nes to their vtter vndooing; and not­withstanding his pardon, yet he made them fine a­new.

6 Item, were diuerse were appointed to com­mune of the state of the realme, and the common­wealth thereof, the same king caused all the rols and records to be kept from them, contrarie to promise made in the parlement, to his open dishonor.

7 Item, he vncharitablie commanded, that no man vpon paine of losse of life, and goods; should once intreat him for the returne of Henrie now duke of Lancaster.

8 Item, where this realme is holden of God, and not of the pope or other prince, the said king Richard, after he had obteined diuerse acts of parlement, for his owne peculiar profit and pleasure, then he obtei­ned bulles and extreame censures from Rome, to compell all men streightlie to kéepe the same, con­trarie to the honour and ancient priuileges of this realme.

9 Item, although the duke of Lancaster had doone his deuoire against Thomas duke of Norfolke in proofe of his quarrell; yet the said king, without rea­son or ground, banished him the realme for ten yeers, contrarie to all equitie.

10 Item, before the dukes departure, he vnder his broad seale licenced him to make atturnies to prosecute and defend his causes: the said king after his departure, would suffer none atturnie to ap­peare for him, but did with his at his pleasure.

11 Item, the same king put out diuerse shiriffes lawfullie elected, and put in their roomes diuerse o­ther of his owne, subuerting the law, contrarie to his oth and honor.

12 Item, he borowed great summes of monie, and bound him vnder his letters patents, for the re­paiment of the same, and yet not one penie paid.

13 Item, he taxed men at the will of him and his vnhappie councell, and the same treasure spent in fol­lie, not paieng poore men for their vittels and viands.

14 Item, he said, that the lawes of the realme were in his head, and sometimes in his brest, by rea­son of which fantasticall opinion, he destroied noble men, and impouerished the poore commons.

15 Item, the parlement setting and enacting di­uerse notable statutes, for the profit and aduance­ment of the common-wealth, he by his priuie fréends and solicitors caused to be enacted, that no act then enacted, should be more preiudiciall to him, than it was to anie of his predecessors: through which pro­uiso he did often as he listed, and not as the law did meane.

16 Item, for to serue his purpose, he would suffer the shiriffes of the shire to remaine aboue one yeare or two.

17 Item, at the summons of the parlement, when knights and burgesses should be elected, that the election had béene full procéeded, he put out diuerse persons elect, and put other in their places, to serue his will and appetite.

18 Item, he had priuie espials in euerie shire, to heare who had of him anie communication; and if he communed of his lasciuious liuing, or outragious dooings, he straightwaies was apprehended, and put to a gréeuous fine.

19 Item, the spiritualtie alledged against him, that he at his going into Ireland, exacted manie no­table summes of monie, beside plate and iewels, without law or custome, contrarie to his oth taken at his coronation.

20 Item, where diuerse lords and iustices were sworne to saie the truth of diuerse things to them committed in charge, both for the honor of the relme, and profit of the king, the said king so menaced them with sore threatenings, that no man would or durst saie the right.

21 Item, that without the assent of the nobilitie, he ca [...]ed the iewels, plate, and treasure, ouer into Ireland, to the great impouerishment of the realme: and all the good records for the common-wealth, and agains [...] his extortions, he caused priuilie to be imbesi­led, and conue [...]ed awaie.

22 Item, in all leagues and letters to be con­cluded or sent to the sée of Rome, or other regions, [Page 503] his writing was so subtill and darke, that none o­ther prince once beléeued him, nor yet his owne subiects.

23 Item, he most tyrannous [...]ie and vnprincelie said, that the liues and goods of all his subiects were in his hands, and at his disposition.

24 Item, that contrarie to the great charter of England, he caused diuerse lustie men to appeale di­uerse old men, vpon matters determinable at the common law in the court Martiall, bicause that line 10 there is no triall, but onelie by battell: wherevpon, the said aged persons, fearing the sequele of the matter, submitted themselues to his mercie, whome he fined and ransomed vnreasonablie at his will and pleasure.

25 Item, he craftilie deuised certeine priuie othes, contrarie to the law, and caused diuerse of his subiects first to be sworne to obserue the same, and af­ter bound them in bonds for kéeping of the same, to the great vndooing of manie honest men. line 20

26 Item, where the chancellor, according to the law, would in no wise grant a prohibition to a cer­teine person, the king granted it vnto the same, vn­der his priuie seale, with great threatenings, if it should be disobeied.

27 Item, he banished the bishop of Canturburie without cause or iudgement, and kept him in the par­lement chamber with men of armes.

28 Item, the bishops goods he granted to his suc­cessor, vpon condition, that he should mainteine all line 30 his statutes made at Shrewesburie anno 21, and the statutes made anno 22 at Couentrie.

29 Item, vpon the accusation of the said bishop, the king craftilie persuaded him to make no answer for he would be his warrant, and aduised him not to come to the parlement, and so without answer he was condemned and exiled, and his goods seized.

These be all the articles of anie effect, which were laid against him, sauing foure other, which touched onelie the archbishops matter, whose working line 40 wroong king Richard at length from his crowne. Then for so much as these articles, and other heinous and detestable accusations were laid against him in open parlement, it was thought by the most part, that he was worthie to be deposed from all kinglie honor, and princelie gouernement: and to bring the matter without slander the better to passe, diuerse of the kings seruants, which by licence had accesse to his person, comforted him (being with sorrow almost consumed, and in manner halfe dead) in the best wise line 50 they could, exhorting him to regard his health, and saue his life.

The king is persuaded to resigne the crowne to the duke.And first, they aduised him willinglie to suffer himselfe to be deposed, and to resigne his right of his owne accord, so that the duke of Lancaster might without murther or battell obteine the scepter and [...]iademe, after which (they well perceiued) he gaped: by meane whereof they thought he might be in per­fect assurance of his life long to continue. Whether this their persuasion procéeded by the suborning of line 60 the duke of Lancaster and his fauourers, or of a sin­cere affection which they bare to the king, as suppo­sing it most sure in such an extremitie, it is vncer­teine; but yet the effect followed not▪ howsoeuer their meaning was: notwithstanding, the king being now in the hands of his enimies, and vtterlie despai­ring of all comfort, was easilie persuaded to re­nounce his crowne and princelie preheminence, so that in hope of life onelie, he agreed to all things that were of him dem [...]nded. And so (as it should seeme by the copie of an instrument hereafter following) he renounced and voluntarilie was deposed from his roiall crowne and kinglie dignitie, Fabian. the mondaie be­ing the nine and twentith daie of September, and feast of S. Michaell the archangell, in the yeare of our Lord 1399, and in the thrée and twentith yeare of his reigne. The copie of which instrument here in­sueth.

A copie of the instrument touching the declaration of the commissioners sent from the states in par­lement, vnto king Richard.

THis present indenture made the nine and twentith daie of Sep­tember, and feast of saint Micha­ell, in the yeare of our Lord 1399, and the three and twentith yeare of king Richard the second. Witnesseth, that where by the authoritie of the lords spiri­tuall and temporall of this present parle­ment, and commons of the same, the right honorable and discreet persons heere vnder named, were by the said authoritie assig­ned to go to the Tower of London, there to heare and testifie such questions and an­swers as then and there should be by the said honourable and discreet persons hard. Know all men, to whome these present let­ters shall come, that we, sir Richard Scroope archbishop of Yorke, Iohn bishop of Hereford, Henrie earle of Northumber­land, Rafe earle of Westmerland, Tho­mas lord Berkeleie, William abbat of Westminster, Iohn prior of Canturburie, William Thirning and Hugh Burnell knights, Iohn Markham iustice, Tho­mas Stow and Iohn Burbadge doctors of the ciuill law, Thomas Erpingham and Thomas Grey knights, Thomas Ferebie and Denis Lopeham notaries publike, the daie and yeere aboue said, betweene the houres of eight and nine of the clocke be­fore noone, were present in the cheefe cham­ber of the kings lodging, within the said place of the Tower, where was rehearsed vnto the king by the mouth of the foresaid earle of Northumberland, that before time at Conwaie in Northwales, the king be­ing there at his pleasure and libertie, pro­mised vnto the archbishop of Canturburie then Thomas Arundell, This promise he made at Flint rather than at Con­waie, as by that which goeth before it may be partlie coniectured. and vnto the said earle of Northumberland, that he for in­sufficiencie which he knew himselfe to be of, to occupie so great a charge, as to go­uerne the realme of England, he would gladlie leaue of and renounce his right and title, as well of that as of his title to the crowne of France, and his maiestie roiall, vnto Henrie duke of Hereford, and that to doo in such conuenient wise, as by the lear­ned men of this land it should most suffici­entlie be deuised & ordeined. To the which rehearsall, the king in our said presences answered benignlie and said, that such pro­mise he made, and so to do the same he was at that houre in full purpose to performe and fulfill; sauing that he desired first to haue personall speach with the said duke, and with the archbishop of Canturburie his cousins. And further, he desired to haue a bill drawne of the said resignation, [Page 504] that he might be perfect in the rehearsall thereof.

After which bill drawne, and a copie thereof to him by me the said earle deliue­red, we the said lords and other departed: and vpon the same afternoone the king loo­king for the comming of the duke of Lan­caster, at the last the said duke, with the archbishop of Canturburie and the per­sons afore recited, entered the foresaid line 10 chamber, bringing with them the lords Roos, Aburgenie, and Willoughbie, with diuerse other. Where after due obeisance doone by them vnto the king, he familiarlie and with a glad countenance (as to them and vs appeered) talked with the said arch­bishop and duke a good season; and that communication finished, the king with glad countenance in presence of vs and the line 20 other aboue rehearsed, said openlie that he was readie to renounce and resigne all his kinglie maiestie in maner and forme as he before had promised. And although he had and might sufficientlie haue declared his renouncement by the reading of an other meane person; yet for the more suertie of the matter, and for that the said resignati­on should haue his full force and strength, line 30 himselfe therefore read the scroll of resig­nation, in maner and forme as followeth.

The tenor of the instrument whereby king Richard resigneth the crowne to the duke of Lancaster.

IN the name of God Amen: I Ri­chard by the grace of God, king of England and of France, &c: lord of line 40 Ireland, acquit and assoile all archbi­shops, bishops, and other prelats, secular or re­ligious, of what dignitie, degree, state, or condi­tion so euer they be; and also all dukes, mar­quesses, earles, barons, lords, and all my liege men, both spirituall and secular, of what man­ner or degree they be, from their oth of fealtie and homage, and all other deeds and priuileges made vnto me, and from all manner bonds of line 50 allegiance, regalitie and lordship, in which they were or be bounden to me, or anie otherwise constreined; and them, their heires, and succes­sors for euermore, from the same bonds and oths I release, deliuer, and acquit, and set them for free, dissolued and acquit, and to be harme­lesse, for as much as longeth to my person by a­nie manner waie or title of right, that to me might follow of the foresaid things, or anie of line 60 them. And also I resigne all my kinglie digni­tie, maiestie and crowne, with all the lordships, power, and priuileges to the foresaid kinglie dignitie and crowne belonging, and all other lordships and possessions to me in anie maner of wise perteining, of what name, title, qua­litie, or condition soeuer they be, except th [...] lands and possessions for me and mine obits purchased and bought. And I renounce all right, and all maner of title of possession, which I euer had or haue in the same lordships and possessions, or anie of them, with anie manner of rights belonging or apperteining vnto anie part of them. And also the rule and gouernance of the same kingdome and lordships, with all ministrations of the same, and all things and e­uerie each of them, that to the whole empire and iurisdictions of the same belongeth of right, or in anie wise may belong.

And also I renounce the name, worship, and regaltie and kinglie highnesse, clearelie, freelie, singularlie and wholie, in the most best maner and forme that I may, and with deed and word I leaue off and resigne them, and go from them for euermore; sauing alwaies to my successors kings of England, all the rights, priuileges and appurtenances to the said kingdome and lord­ships abouesaid belonging and apperteining. For well I wote and knowledge, and deeme my selfe to be, and haue beene insufficient and vn­able, and also vnprofitable, and for my open de­serts not vnworthie to be put downe. And I sweare vpon the holie euangelists here present­lie with my hands touched, that I shall neuer repugne to this resignation, demission or yeeld­ing vp, nor neuer impugne them in anie maner by word or deed, by my selfe nor none other: nor I shall not suffer it to be impugned, in as much as in me is, priuilie or apertlie. But I shall haue, hold, and keepe this renouncing, demissi­on, and giuing vp for firme and stable for euer­more in all and euerie part thereof, so God me helpe and all saints, and by this holie euange­list, by me bodilie touched and kissed. And for more record of the same, here openlie I sub­scribe and signe this present resignation with mine owne hand.

Now foorthwith in our presences and o­thers, he subscribed the same, and after de­liuered it vnto the archbishop of Cantur­burie, saieng that if it were in his power, or at his assignement, he would that the duke of Lancaster there present should be his successour, and king after him. And in token heereof, he tooke a ring of gold from his finger being his signet, and put it vpon the said dukes finger, desiring and requi­ring the archbishop of Yorke, & the bishop of Hereford, to shew and make report vnto the lords of the parlement of his volunta­rie resignation, and also of his intent and good mind that he bare towards his cousin the duke of Lancaster, to haue him his suc­cessour and their king after him. ¶ All this doone, euerie man tooke their leaue and returned to their owne.

Upon the morrow after being tuesdaie, and the last daie of September, all the lords spirituall and temporall, with the commons of the said parlement, assembled at Westminster, where, in the presence of them, the archbishop of Yorke, and the bishop of He­reford, according to the kings request, shewed vnto them the voluntarie renouncing of the king, with the fauour also which he bare to his cousine of Lan­caster to haue him his successour. And moreouer shewed them the schedule or bill of renouncement, signed with king Richards owne hand, which they caused to be read first in Latine, as it was written, and after in English. This doone, the question was first asked of the lords, if they would admit and allow that renouncement: the which when it was of them [Page 505] granted and confirmed, [...]. Richards resignation confirmed by [...]. the like question was asked of the commons, and of them in like manner confir­med. After this, it was then declared, that notwith­standing the foresaid renouncing, so by the lords and commons admitted and confirmed, it were necessa­rie in auoiding of all suspicions and surmises of euill disposed persons, to haue in writing and registred the manifold crimes and defaults before doone by king Richard, to the end that they might first be openlie declared to the people, and after to remaine of record line 10 amongst other of the kings records for euer.

All this was doone accordinglie, for the articles which before yee haue heard, were drawne and ingros­sed vp, and there shewed readie to be read; but for o­ther causes more néedfull as then to be preferred, the reading of those articles at that season was defer­red. Then forsomuch as the lords of the parlement had well considered the voluntarie resignation (of king Richard, and that it was behoouefull and as they thought) necessarie for the weale of the realme, line 20 to proceed vnto the sentence of his deposing, there were appointed by the authoritie of all the estates there in parlement assembled, the bishop of saint A­saph, the abbat of Glastenburie, the earle of Gloce­ster, the lord Berkleie, William Thirning iustice, and Thomas Erpingham, with Thomas Graie, knights, that they should giue and pronounce the o­pen sentence of the deposing of king Richard. Wher­vpon the said commissioners taking counsell togi­ther, by good and deliberate aduise therein had, with line 30 one assent agréed, that the bishop of S. Asaph should publish the sentence for them and in their names, as followeth.

The publication of king Ri­chards deposing.

IN the name of God Amen. We Iohn bishop of S. Asaph, Iohn line 40 abbat of Glastenburie, Thomas earle of Glocester, Thomas lord Berkeleie, William Thirning iustice, Thomas Erpingham & Thomas Graie knights, chosen and deputed speciall com­missaries by the three states of this present parlement, representing the whole bodie of the realme, for all such ma [...]ers by the said estates to vs committed: we vnderstand­ing and considering the manifold crimes, line 50 hurts, and harmes doone by Richard king of England, and misgouernance of the same by a long time, to the great decaie of the said land, and vtter ruine of the same shortlie to haue beene, had not the speciall grace of our God therevnto put the sooner remedie: and also furthermore aduerting, that the said king Richard by acknowledg­ing his owne insufficiencie, hath of his line 60 owne meere voluntee and free will, renoun­ced and giuen ouer the rule & gouernance of this land, with all rights and honours vnto the same belonging, and vtterlie for his merits hath iudged himselfe not vn­woorthilie to be deposed of all kinglie maie­stie and estate roiall. We the premisses well considering by good and diligent deli­beration, by the power, name, and autho­ritie to vs (as aboue is said) committed, pronounce, decerne, and declare the same king Richard, before this to haue beene, and to be vnprofitable, vnable, vnsufficient, and vnwoorthie of the rule and gouernance of the foresaid realms and lordships, and of all rights and other the appurtenances to the same belonging. And for the same cau­ses we depriue him of all kinglie dignitie and worship, and of any kinglie worship in himselfe. And we depose him by our sen­tence definitiue, forbidding expresselie to all archbishops, and bishops, and all other prelats, dukes, marquesses, erles, barons and knights, and all other men of the fore­said kingdome and lordships, subiects, and lieges whatsoeuer they be, that none of them from this daie forward, to the fore­said Richard as king and lord of the fore­said realmes and lordships, be neither obe­dient nor attendant.

After which sentence thus openlie declared, the said estates admitted foorthwith the forenamed commis­sioners for their procurators, to resigne and yeeld vp vnto king Richard, all their homage and fealtie, which in times past they had made and owght vnto him, and also for to declare vnto him (if need were) all things before doone that concerned the purpose and cause of his deposing: the which resignation was respited till the morow following. Immediatlie as the sentence was in this wise passed, and that by rea­son thereof the realme stood void without head or go­uernour for the time, the duke of Lancaster rising from the place where before he sate, and standing where all those in the house might behold him, in re­uerend manner made a signe of the crosse on his for­head, and likewise on his brest, and after silence by an officer commanded, said vnto the people there be­ing present, these words following.

The duke of Lancaster laieth challenge or claime to the crowne.

IN the name of the Father, and of the Sonne, & of the Holie-ghost. I Henrie of Lancaster claime the realme of England and the crowne, with all the appurtenances▪ as I that am descended by right line of the blood comming from that good lord king Henrie the third, and through the right that God of his grace hath sent me, with the helpe of my kin, and of my freends, to recouer the same, which was in point to be vndoone for default of good gouernance and due iu­stice.

After these words thus by him vttered, he returned and sate him downe in the place where before he had sitten. Then the lords hauing heard and well percei­ued this claime thus made by this noble man, ech of them asked of other what they thought therein. At length, after a little pausing or staie made, the archbi­shop of Canturburie hauing notice of the minds of the lords, The demand of the archbi­shop of Can­turburie to the commons. stood vp & asked the commons if they would assent to the lords, which in their minds thought the claime of the duke made, to be rightfull and necessa­rie for the wealth of the realme and them all: whereto the commons with one voice cried, Yea, yea, yea. Af­ter which answer, the said archbishop going to the duke, and knéeling downe before him on his knée, addressed to him all his purpose in few words. Thom. Wals. The duke of Hereford pla­ced in the re­gall throne. The which when he had ended, he rose, & taking the duke by the right hand, led him vnto the kings seate, the archbishop of Yorke assisting him, and with great [Page 506] reuerence set him therein, after that the duke had first vpon his knées made his praier in deuout man­ner vnto almightie God. When he was thus placed in his throne to the great reioising of the people, the archbishop of Canturburie began a breefe collation, The archbi­shop preached. taking for his theme these words, written in the first booke of kings the ninth chapter; Vir dominabitur in po­pulo, &c: handling the same, & the whole tenour of his tale to the praise of the king, whose setled iudgement, grounded wisedome, perfect reason, and ripe discre­tion line 10 was such (said he) as declared him to be no child, neither in yeares, nor in light conditions, but a man able and méete for the gouernement of a realme: so that there was no small cause of comfort ministred to them through the fauourable goodnesse of almigh­tie God, which had prouided them of such a gouernor, as like a discréet iudge shall déeme in causes by skil­full doomes, and rule his subiects in vpright equitie, setting apart all wilfull pleasures, and childish incon­stancie. This is a summarie of his oration. But be­cause the qualitie of this volume is such, as that it line 20 hath set foorth matters at large: I will laie downe the archbishops words, as they are recorded by Fa­bian in ample manner as followeth.

The archbishop of Canturburie his o­ration, framed vpon this text, Vir dominabitur in populo, &c: written in the first booke of kings and ninth chapter.

Abr. Fl. out of Fabian, pag. 351. THese be the words of the high, and most mightie king, speaking to Samuel his prophet, teaching him how he should choose and or­daine a gouernor of his people of Israell, when the said people asked of him a king, to rule them. And not without cause may these woords be said here of our lord the king that is. For, if they be inwardlie con­ceiued, they shall giue vnto vs matter of line 40 consolation and comfort, when it is said that a man shall haue lordship and rule of the people, and not a child. For God threat­neth not vs as he sometime threatned the people by Esaie, saieng: Esa. 3. Et dabo pueros principes eorum, & effeminati dominabuntur eis, I shall (saith our Lord) giue children to be their rulers & princes, and weake or feare­full shall haue dominion ouer them. But of line 50 his great mercie he hath visited vs, I trust his peculiar people, and sent vs a man to haue the rule of vs, & put by children that before time ruled this land, after childish conditions, as by the woorkes of them it hath rightlie appeared, to the disturbance of all this realme; and for want and lacke of a man. For, as saith the apostle Paule ad Corinthos, 1. capite 14. Cùm essem paruulus, line 60 loquebar vt paruulus, &c: quando autem factus sum vir, euacuaui quae erant paruuli, that is to say, When I was a child, I sauored and spake as a child, but at the time when I came vnto the estate of a man, then I put by all my childish conditions.

The apostle saith, he sauored and spake as a child, in whom is no stedfastnesse, or constancie. For a child will lightlie promise, and lightlie he will breake his promise, and doo all things that his appetite giueth him vnto, and forgetteth lightlie what he hath doone. By which reason it followeth, that needilie great inconuenience must fall to that people, that a child is ruler and go­uernour of: nor it is not possible for that kingdome to stand in felicitie, where such conditions reigne in the head and ruler of the same. But now we ought all to reioise, that all such defaults be expelled, and that a man, and not a child, shall haue lordship ouer vs. To whom it belongeth to haue a sure rane vpon his toong, that he maie be knowne from a child, or a man vsing chil­dish conditions: of whom I trust I maie say, as the wise man saith in his prouerbs, Prouerb. 3. cap. Beatus homo qui inuenit sapien­tiam, & qui affluit prudentia, that is to say; Blessed be the man that hath sapience or wisdome, and that aboundeth in prudence. For that man that is ruled by sapience, must needs loue & dred our Lord God, and who so loueth & dreadeth him, it must con­sequentlie follow that he must keepe his commandements. By force wherof he shall minister true iustice vnto his subiects, and doo no wrong nor iniurie to any man.

So that then shall follow the words of the wise man the which be rehearsed, Pro­uerb. 10. Benedictio Domini super caput iusti, os autem impiorum operit iniquitatem, that is to saie, The blessing of our Lord God shall light vpon the head of our king, being a iust and righteous man, for the toong of him worketh equitie and iustice; but the toong of the wicked & of sinners couereth iniquitie. And who so worketh or mini­streth iustice in due order, he not onlie safe­gardeth himself, but also holdeth people in a suertie of restfulnes, of the which insueth peace and plentie. And therefore it is said of the wise king Salomon, Eccles. 10. Beata terra cuius rex nobilis est, vel cuius principes ves­cuntur in tempore suo, wich is to be vnder­standed, that blessed & happie is that land, of the which the king or ruler is noble and wise, and the princes be blessed that liue in his time. As who would say, they may take example of him to rule and guide their sub­iects. For by the discretion of a noble and wise man being in authoritie, manie euils be sequestred and set apart, all dissemblers put to silence. For the wise man considereth and noteth well the great inconueniences which dailie now growe of it, where the child or insipient drinketh the sweet and de­licious words vnaduisedlie, and perceiueth not intoxication which they be mingled or mixt with, till he be inuironed and wrap­ped in all danger, as latelie the experience thereof hath beene apparent to all our sights and knowledges, & not without the great danger of all this realme. And all was for lacke of wisedome in the ruler, which deemed & taught as a child, giuing sentence of wilfulnesse and not of reason. So that while a child reigned, selfe-will & lust reigned, and reason with good consci­ence were outlawed, with iustice, stedfast­nesse, and manie other vertues.

But of this perill and danger we be deli­uered by the especiall helpe and grace of [Page 507] God, Quia vir dominabitur inpopulo, that is to saie, He that is not a child but perfect in reason. For he commeth not to execute his owne will, but his will that sent him, that is to wit, Gods will, as a man vnto whome God of his abundant grace hath giuen perfect reason and discretion, to dis­cerne & deeme as a perfect man. Wherfore not all onlie of this man we shall saie that he shall dwell in wisedome, but as a perfect line 10 man and not a child, he shall thinke, and deeme, & haue such a circumspection with him, that he shall diligentlie fore-looke and see that Gods will be doone, & not his. And therfore now I trust the words of the wise man, Ecclesiast. 10. shall be verified in our king: saieng, Iudex sapiens iudicabit populum suum, & principa [...]us sensati stabilis erit; that is (as saith the wiseman) A wise and discreet line 20 iudge shall now deeme his people, and the dominion or lordship of a discreet wiseman shall stand stedfast. Wherevpon shall then follow the second verse of the same chapter, saieng, Secundum iudicempopuli, sic & ministri eius, that is, Like as the head & souereigne is replenished with all sapience and ver­tue, in guiding of his people, administring to them law, with due and conuenient iu­stice, so shall the subiects againward be line 30 garnished with awe and louing dread, and beare vnto him next God all honour, truth and allegiance.

So that then it may be concluded with the residue of the foresaid verses; Qualis re­ctor est ciuitatis, tales & inhabitant es in ea, which is to saie, Such as the ruler of the citie is, such then be the inhabitants of the same. So that consequentlie it followeth, a good line 40 master maketh a good disciple. And likewise an euill king or ruler shall lose his people, & the cities of his kingdome shall be left deso­late and vnhabited. Wherefore thus I make an end. In sted of a child wilfullie do­ing his lust and pleasure without reason, now shall a man be lord and ruler, that is replenished with sapience and reason, and shall gouerne the people by skilfull doome, line 50 setting apart all wilfulnesse and pleasure of himselfe. So that the word that I be­gan with may be verified of him, Ecce quia vir dominabitur in populo. The which our lord grant, & that he may prosperouslie reigne vnto the pleasure of God and wealth of his realme, Amen.

After the archbishop had ended, wishing that it might so come to passe, and the people answered, A­men; The words of the elected king. line 60 the king standing on his féet, said vnto the lords and commons there present: ‘I thanke you my lords both spirituall and temporall, and all the states of this land, and doo you to wit, that it is not my will that any man thinke, that I by the waie of conquest would disherit any man of his heritage, franches, or other rights, that him ought to haue of right, nor to put him out of that which he now inioieth, and hath had before time by custome or good law of this realme, except such priuat persons as haue béene a­gainst the good purpose, and the common profit of the realme.’ When he had thus ended, all the shiriffes and other officers were put in their authorities a­gaine, to exercise the same as before, which they could not doo whilest the kings roiall throne was void.

Moreouer, a proclamation was made, Thom. Wals. that the states should assemble againe in parlement on mon­daie then next insuing, being the feast daie of saint Faith, which is the sixt of October; and that the mon­day then next following, being the 13 of the same moneth, and the feast day of saint Edward the king and confessor, the coronation should be solemnized, The corona­tion proclai­med. and that all such as had to claime any seruice to be doone by them at the same by any tenure, they should come to the White-hall in the kings palace, before the steward and constable of England, on saturdaie next before the same day of the parlement, and presenting their petitions that were due & rightfull, The parlemēt they should obteine that to them apperteined. Excuse was also made on the kings behalfe, for calling of a parle­ment vpon so short a warning, so as the knights and burgesses were not changed, but onelie appointed to assemble againe, as if the other parlement had ra­ther beene continued than dissolued. The cause was alledged to be for easing of the charges that would haue risen, if ech man had béene sent home, and new knights and burgesses called.

These things doone, the king rose from his place, and with a cheerefull and right courteous counte­nance regarding the people, went to White-hall, where the same day he held a great feast. King Henrie y e fourth pro­clamed. In the after n [...]one were proclamations made in the accustomed places of the citie, in the name of king Henrie the fourth. On the morrow following, being wednesdaie and first of October, the procurators aboue named repaired to the tower of London, and there signified vnto king Richard the admission of king Henrie. And the aforesaid iustice William Thirning, in name of the other, and for all the states of the land, renounced vnto the said Richard late king, all ho­mage and fealtie vnto him before time due, in ma­ner and forme as apperteined. Which renuntiation to the deposed king, was a redoubling of his greefe▪ in so much as thereby it came to his mind, how in for­mer times he was acknowledged & taken for their liege lord and souereigne, who now (whether in con­tempt or in malice, God knoweth) to his face for­sware him to be their king. So that in his heuin [...]s he might verie well haue said with a gréeued plaintife,

Heu quantae sortes miseris mortalibus instant!
Ah chari quoties obliuia nominis opto!
T. Wats. Amin [...] ta [...] querela 5.
O qui me fluctus, quis me telluris hiatu [...]
Pertaesum tetricae vitae deglutiat ore
Chasmatico?

Thus was king Richard depriued of all kinglie honour and princelie dignitie, K. Richard depriued. by reason he was so giuen to follow euill counsell, and vsed such inconue­nient waies and meanes, through insolent misgo­uernance, and youthfull outrage, though otherwise a right noble and woorthie prince. He reigned two and twentie yeares, three moneths and eight daies. He deliuered to king Henrie now that he was thus de­posed, all the goods that he had, Hall. to the summe of three hundred thousand pounds in coine, besides plate and iewels, as a pledge and satisfaction of the iniuries by him committed and doone, in hope to be in more suer­tie of life for the deliuerie thereof: but whatsoeuer was promised, he was deceiued therein. For shortlie after his resignation, he was conueied to the castell of Leeds in Kent, & frō thence to Pomfret, where he departed out of this miserable life (as after you shall heare.) He was séemelie of shape and fauor, His perso­nage. & of na­ture good inough, if the wickednesse & naughtie de­meanor of such as were about him had not altered it.

His chance verelie was greatlie infortunate, which fell into such calamitie, that he tooke it for the best waie he could deuise to renounce his kingdome, for the which mortall men are accustomed to hazard [Page 508] all they haue to atteine therevnto. But such misfor­tune (or the like) oftentimes falleth vnto those prin­ces, which when they are aloft, cast no doubt for pe­rils that maie follow. He was prodigall, ambitious, and much giuen to the pleasure of the bodie. He kept the greatest port, Harding. and mainteined the most plentifull house that euer any king in England did either be­fore his time or since. The noble house-kéeping of king Ri­chard. For there resorted dailie to his court aboue ten thousand persons that had meat and drinke there allowed them. In his kitchen there line 10 were thrée hundred seruitors, and euerie other office was furnished after the like rate. Of ladies, chambe­rers, and landerers, there were aboue thrée hundred at the least. Excesse in apparell. And in gorgious and costlie apparell they exceeded all measure, not one of them that kept with­in the bounds of his degrée. Yeomen and groomes were clothed in silkes, with cloth of graine and skar­let, ouer sumptuous ye may be sure for their estates. And this vanitie was not onelie vsed in the court in those daies, but also other people abroad in the towns line 20 and countries, had their garments cut far otherwise than had beene accustomed before his daies, with im­broderies, rich furres, and goldsmiths worke, and eue­rie daie there was deuising of new fashions, to the great hinderance and decaie of the common-welth.

Moreouer, such were preferred to bishoprikes, and other ecclesiasticall liuings, Ignorant prelats. as neither could teach nor preach, nor knew any thing of the scripture of God, but onelie to call for their tithes and duties; so that they were most vnworthie the name of bishops, line 30 being lewd and most vaine persons disguised in bi­shops apparell. Furthermore, there reigned abun­dantlie the filthie sinne of leacherie and fornication, with abhominable adulterie, speciallie in the king, but most chéefelie in the pre [...]acie, whereby the whole realme by such their euill example, was so infected, that the wrath of God was dailie prouoked to ven­geance for the sins of the prince and his people. How then could it continue prosperouslie with this king? against whom for the [...]owle enorm [...]ties wherewith line 40 his life was defamed, the wrath of God was whetted and tooke so sharpe an edge, that the same did shred him off from the scepter of his kingdome, and gaue him a full cup of affliction to drinke; as he had doone to other kings his predecessors, by whose example he might haue taken warning. For it is an heauie case when God thundereth out his reall arguments ei­ther vpon prince or people.

Thus haue ye heard what writers doo report touch­ing the state of the time and doings of this king. But line 50 if I may boldlie saie what I thinke: he was a prince the most vnthankfullie vsed of his subiects, of any one of whom ye shall lightlie read. For although (tho­rough the frailtie of youth) he demeaned himselfe more dissolutelie than séemed conuenient for his roi­all estate, & made choise of such councellors as were not fauoured of the people, whereby he was the lesse fauoured himselfe: yet in n [...] kings daies were the commons in greater wealth, if they could haue per­ceiued their happie state: neither in any other time line 60 were the nobles and gentlemen more cherished, nor churchmen lesse wronged. But such was their ingra­titude towards their bountifull & louing souereigne, that those whom he had chéeflie aduanced, were rea­diest to controll him; for that they might not rule all things at their will, and remooue from him such as they misliked, and place in their roomes whom they thought good, and that rather by strong hand, than by gentle and courteous meanes, which stirred such ma­lice betwixt him and them, till at length it could not be asswaged without perill of destruction to them both.

The duke of Glocester chéefe instrument of this mischéefe, to what end he came ye haue heard. And al­though his nephue the duke of Hereford tooke vpon him to reuenge his death, yet wanted he moderation and loialtie in his dooings, for the which both he him­selfe and his lineall race were scourged afterwards, as a due punishment vnto rebellious subiects; so as deserued vengeance seemed not to staie long for his ambitious crueltie, that thought it not inough to driue king Richard to resigne his crowne and regall dignitie ouer vnto him, except he also should take from him his guiltlesse life. What vnnaturalnesse, or rather what tigerlike crueltie was this, not to be con­tent with his principalitie? not to be content with his treasure? not to be content with his depriuation? not to be content with his imprisonment? but being so neerelie knit in consanguinitie, which ought to haue moued them like lambs to haue loued each other, wooluishlie to lie in wait for the distressed creatures life, and rauenouslie to thirst after his bloud, the spil­ling whereof should haue touched his conscience so, as that death ought rather to haue béene aduentured for his safetie, than so sauagelie to haue sought his life after the losse of his roialtie▪

But to let this passe to the consideration of the learned: according to our order, I will shew what writers of our English nation liued in his daies, as we find them in Iohn Bales centuries. First Hen­rie Bederie, otherwise surnamed of Burie, after the name of the towne where he is thought to haue béene borne, an Augustine frier; Simon Alcocke, Uthred Bolton a moonke of Durham, borne in the borders of Walles beyond Seuerne; William Iordan a blacke frier, Iohn Hilton a frier Minor, Iohn Clipton a Carmelite [...]ier in Notingham, Henrie Daniell a blacke frier and a good physician, Ralfe Marham, Iohn Marchele [...] a grate frier or cordelier as some call them, Thomas Broome a Carmelite frier of London, Iohn Bridlington borne in Yorkeshire, William Tho [...]ne an Augustine frier of Canturbu­rie, an historiographer, Adam Meremouth a canon of saint Paules church in London, that wrote two tre­tises of historicall matters, the one intituled Chroni­con 40 annorum, and the other Chronicon 60 annorum; Simon Bredon borne in Winchcombe a doctor of physicke and a skilfull astronomer, Iohn Thompson borne in Norfolke in a village of that name, and a Carmelite frier in Blacknie.

More, Thomas Winterton borne in Lincolnshire, an Augustine frier in Stamford; William Pack­ington secretarie sometime to the Blacke prince an excellent historiographer, [...]e [...]traie Hingham a ci­uilian, Iohn Botlesham borne in Cambridgeshire a blacke frier, William Badbie a Carmelite frier, bi­shop of Worcester, and confessor to the duke of Lan­caster; William Folleuill a frier Minor borne in Lincolnshire, Iohn Bourgh parson of Collingham in Notinghamshire a doctor of diuinitie, and chan­cellor of the Uniuersitie of Cambridge; William Sclade a moonke of Buckfast abbie in Deuonshire, Iohn Thoresbie archbishop of Yorke and lord chan­cellor of England, was admitted by pope Urbane the fift into the college of cardinals, but he died be­fore K. Richard came to the crowne, about the eight and fourtith yeare of king Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1374. Thomas Ashborne an Au­gustine frier, Iohn Astone an earnest follower of Wickliffes doctrine, and therfore condemned to per­petuall prison; Casterton a moonke of Norwich and an excellent diuine, Nicholas Radelife a moonke of saint Albons, Iohn Ashwarbie a diuine and a fa­uourer of Wickliffes doctrine, Richard Maidstone so called of the towne in Kent where he was borne, a Carmelite frier of A [...]lesford.

Adde to these Iohn Wardbie an Augustine frier, and a great diuine; Robert Waldbie excellentlie [Page 509] learned as well in diuinitie as other arts, for the which he was first aduanced to a bishoprike in Gas­coigne, [...]nen [...]is [...]iscopus. and after he was admitted archbishop of Du­bline; William Berton a doctor of diuinitie, & chan­cellor of the Uniuersitie of Oxford, and aduersarie to Wickliffe; Philip Repington abbat of Leicester a notable diuine and defender of Wickliffe, Thomas Lombe a Carmelite frier of Lin, Nicholas Here­ford a secular priest, a doctor of diuinitie, and scholer to Wickliffe; Walter Brit also another of Wickliffes line 10 scholers wrote both of diuinitie & other arguments, Henrie Herklie chancellor of the Uniuersitie of Ox­ford, an enimie to Wickliffe, and a great sophister; Robert Iuorie a Carmelite frier of London, and the twentith prouinciall of his order here in England; Lankine a Londoner, an Augustine frier, professed in the same citie, a doctor of diuinitie, an aduersarie to Wickliffe.

More, William Gillingham a moonke of saint Sauiours in Canturburie; Iohn Chilmarke a fel­low line 20 of Marton colledge in Oxford, a great philoso­pher and mathematician; Iohn Sharpe a philosopher, and a diuine, wrote manie treatises, a great aduer­sarie to Wickliffe; Richard Lauingham borne in Suffolke, and a frier of Gipswich, an excellent logi­cian, but a sore enimie to them that fauoured Wic­kliffes doctrine; Peter Pateshull, of whome ye haue heard before: it is said that he was in the end con­streined for doubt of persecution to flie into Bo­heme; William Woodford a Franciscane frier, a line 30 chosen champion against Wickliffe being now dead, procured thereto by the archbishop of Canturburie Thomas Arundell; Iohn Bromyard a Dominicke frier, both a notable lawyer & a diuine, a sore enimie also to Wickliuists; Marcill Ingelne an excellent philosopher and a diuine, one of the first teachers in the Uniuersitie of Heidelberge, which Robert duke of Bauier and countée palantine of the Rhene had in­stituted about that season; Richard Northall sonne to a maior of London (as is said) of that name, he be­came a Carmelite frier in the same citie; Thomas Edwardson prior of the friers Augustines at Clare in Suffolke, Iohn Summer a Franciscane frier at Bridgewater, an enimie to the Wickliuists; Ri­chard Withée a learned priest & an earnest follower of Wickliffe, Iohn Swafham a Carmelite frier of Lin, a student in Cambridge, who became bishop of Bangor, a great aduersarie to the Wick­liuists.

Finallie, and to conclude, William Egumond a frier heremit of the sect of the Augustins in Stam­ford; Iohn Tissington a Franciscane frier, a main­teiner of the popes doctrine; William Rimston or Rimington a moonke of Salleie, an enimie also to the Wickliuists; Adam Eston well séene in the toongs, was made a cardinall by pope Gregorie the eleauenth, but by pope Urban the sixt he was com­mitted to prison in Genoa, and at the contemplation of king Richard he was taken out of prison, but not fullie deliuered till the daies of Boniface the ninth, who restored him to his former dignitie; Iohn Beau­fu a Carmelite of Northampton, proceeded doctor of diuinitie in Oxenford, and was made prior of his house; Roger Twiford aliàs Goodlucke, an Augustine frier; Iohn Treuise a Cornishman borne, and a secu­lar préest and vicar of Berklie, he translated the bi­ble; Bartholomew De proprietatibus rerum; Polychro­nicon of Ranulph Higden, and diuerse other treatises, Rafe Spalding a Carmelite frier of Stamford; Iohn moone an Englishman borne, but a student in Paris, who compiled in the French toong the Ro­mant of the Rose, translated into English by Gef­frie Chaucer, William Shirborne; Richard Wich­ingham borne in Norffolke, and diuerse other.

Thus farre Richard of Burdeaux, whose depriuation you haue heard; of his lamentable death here­after, to wit, pag. 516, 517.

Henrie the fourth, cousine germane to Richard the second, latelie depriued.

WHen king Richard had re­signed (as before is specified) line 40 the scepter and crowne; Hen­rie Plantagenet borne at Bullingbroke in the countie of Lincolne, duke of Lanca­ster and Hereford, earle of Derbie, Leicester, and Lin­colne, sonne to Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster, with generall consent both of the lords & commons, was published, proclamed, and declared king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, the last line 50 daie of September, in the yeare of the world 5366, of our Lord 1399, of the reigne of the emperour Wenceslaus the two and twentith, of Charles the sixt king of France the twentith, and the tenth of Robert the third king of Scots. After that king Ri­chard had surrendered his title, and dispossessed him­selfe (which Chr. Okl. noteth in few words, saieng:

—post breue tempus
In Angl. praelijs.
Exüit insigni sese diademate, sceptrum
Henrico Lancastrensi regale relinquens)

King Henrie made certeine new officers. New officers made. And first in right of his earledome of Leicester he gaue the office of high steward of England (belonging to the same earledome) vnto his second sonne the lord Thomas, who by his fathers commandement exer­cised that office, being assisted (by reason of his ten­der age) by Thomas Persie earle of Worcester. The earle of Northumberland was made constable of England: sir Iohn Scirlie lord chancellor, Iohn Norburie esquier lord treasuror, sir Richard Clifford [Page 510] lord priuie seale. The pa [...]lemēt new sūmoned. Forsomuch as by king Richards re­signation and the admitting of a new king, all plées in euerie court and place were ceased, and without daie discontinued, new writs were made for sum­moning of the parlement vnder the name of king Henrie the fourth, the same to be holden, as before was appointed, Record Tu [...]is. on mondaie next insuing. Upon the fourth day of October, the lord Thomas second sonne to the king sat as lord high steward of England by the kings commandement in the White-hall of the line 10 kings palace at Westminster, and as belonged to his office, he caused inquirie to be made what offices were to be exercised by anie maner of persons the daie of the kings coronation, and what fées were be­longing to the same, causing proclamation to be made, that what noble man or other that could claime anie office that daie of the solemnizing the kings coronation, they should come and put in their bils cōprehending their demands. Whervpon diuers offices & fees were claimed, Claiming of offices at the coronation. as well by bils as other­wise line 20 by spéech of mouth, in forme as here insueth.

First, the lord Henrie the kings eldest sonne, to whome he as in right of his duchie of Lancaster had appointed that office, claimed to beare before the king the principall sword called Curtana, Curtana. and had his sute granted. The earle of Summerset. Iohn erle of Summerset, to whom the king as in right of his earledome of Lincolne, had granted to be caruer the daie of his coronation, and had it confirmed. Henrie Persie earle of Nor­thumberland, The earle of Northum­berland. and high constable of England, by the line 30 kings grant claimed that office, and obteined it to inioy at pleasure. The Ile of Man. The same earle in right of the Ile of Man, which at that present was granted to him, and to his heires by the king, claimed to beare on the kings left side a naked sword, with which the king was girded, when before his coronation he entered as duke of Lancaster into the parts of Holdernesse, Lancaster sword. which sword was called Lancasters sword. Rafe erle of Westmerland, and earle marshall of England, by the kings grant claimed the same office, The earle of Westmerland. and obteined line 40 it, notwithstanding that the attornies of the duke of Norfolke, presented to the lord steward their petiti­on on the dukes behalfe, The duke of Norffolke. as earle marshall, to exer­cise the same. Sir Thomas Erpingham knight exercised the office of lord great Chamberleine, Sir Thomas Erpingham. and gaue water to the king when he washed, both before and after dinner, hauing for his fées, the bason, ewer, and towels, with other things whatsoeuer belong­ing to his office: notwithstanding Auberie de Ueer earle of Oxenford put in his petitions to haue that line 50 office as due vnto him from his ancestors. The earle of Warwike. Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike by right of inheri­tance, bare the third sword before the king, and by like right was pantler at the coronation. Sir Wil­liam Argentine knight, Sir William Argentine. by reason of the tenure of his manour of Wilmundale in the countie of Hert­ford, serued the king of the first cup of drinke which he tasted of at his dinner the daie of his coronation: the cup was of siluer vngilt, which the same knight had for his fées: notwithstanding the petition which line 60 Iuon Fitzwarren presented to the lord steward, Iuon Fitz­warren. re­quiring that office in right of his wife the ladie Maud, daughter and heire to sir Iohn Argentine knight. The lord Furniuall. Sir Thomas Neuill lord Furniuall, by rea­son of his manour of Ferneham, with the hamlet of Cere, which he held by the courtesie of England after the decesse of his wife, the ladie Ione decessed, gaue to the king a gloue for his right hand, and susteined the kings right arme so long as he bare the scepter.

The lord Graie.The lord Reginald Graie of Ruthen, by reason of his manour of Ashleie in Norfolke couered the tables, and had for his fees all the tableclothes, as well those in the hall, as else-where, when they were taken vp; notwithstanding a petition exhibited by sir Iohn Draiton to haue had that office. Great sp [...]s. The same lord Graie of Ruthen, bare the kings great spurs before him in the time of his coronation by right of inheri­tance, as heire to Iohn Hastings earle of Penbroke. Iohn erle of Summerset, The second sword. by the kings assignement bare the second sword before him at his coronation, albeit that the said lord Graie of Ruthen by petition exhibited before the lord steward demanded the same office, by reason of his castell & tower of Penbroke, and of his towne of Denbigh. Thomas earle of A­rundell cheefe butler of England, The earle of Arundell. obteined to exer­cise that office the daie of the coronation, and had the fées thereto belonging granted to him, to wit, the goblet with which the king was serued, and other things to that his office apperteining (the vessels of wine excepted) that laie vnder the bar, which were ad­iudged vnto the said lord steward, the said earle of A­rundels claime notwithstanding.

The citizens of London chosen foorth by the citie, The citizens of London. serued in the hall, as assistants to the lord cheefe but­ler, whilest the king sate at dinner, the daie of his co­ronation: and when the king entered into his cham­ber after dinner, and called for wine, the lord maior of London brought to him a cup of gold with wine, and had the same cup giuen to him, togither with the cup that conteined water to allay the wine. After the king had drunke, the said lord maior and the alder­men of London had their table to dine at, on the left hand of the king in the hall. Thomas Dimocke, Thomas D [...] ­mocke. in right of his moother Margaret Dimocke, by reason of the tenure of his manor of Scriuelbie, claimed to be the kings champion at his coronation, and had his sute granted; notwithstanding a claime exhibited by Baldwin Freuill, demanding that office by reason of his castell of Tamwoorth in Warwikeshire. Baldwin Freuill. The said Dimocke had for his fees one of the best cour­sers in the kings stable, with the kings saddle and all the trappers & harnesse apperteining to the same horsse or courser: he had likewise one of the best ar­mors that was in the kings armorie for his owne bodie, with all that belonged wholie therevnto.

Iohn lord Latimer, although he was vnder age, The lord La­timer. for himselfe and the duke of Norfolke, notwithstan­ding that his possessions were in the kings hands, by his atturnie sir Thomas Graie knight, claimed and had the office of almoner for that daie, by reason of certeine lands which sometime belonged to the lord William Beuchampe of Bedford. They had a towell of fine linnen cloth prepared, to put in the siluer that was appointed to be giuen in almes; and like­wise they had the distribution of the cloth that coue­red the pauement and floors from the kings chamber doore, vnto the place in the church of Westminster where the pulpit stood. The residue that was spread in the church, the sexten had. William le Uenour, William l [...] Uenour. by reason he was tenant of the manor of Liston, clai­med and obteined to exercise the office of making wafers for the king the daie of his coronation. The barons of the fiue ports claimed, The barons of the cinqu [...] ports. and it was granted them, to beare a canopie of cloth of gold ouer the K. with foure staues, & foure bels at the foure corners, euerie staffe hauing foure of those barons to beare it: also to dine and sit at the table next to the king on his right hand in the hall the daie of his coronation, and for their fees to haue the forsaid canopie of gold, with the bels and staues, notwithstanding the abbat of Westminster claimed the same. Edmund cham­bers claimed and obteined the office of principall lar­derer for him and his deputies, by reason of his ma­nour of Skulton, otherwise called Burdellebin Skulton, in the countie of Norfolke. Thus was eue­rie man appointed to exercise such office as to him of right apperteined, or at the least was thought requisit for the time present. On mondaie then next insuing, [Page 511] when the states were assembled in parlement, order was taken, that by reason of such preparation as was to be made for the coronation, they should sit no more till the morow after saint Edwards daie. On the sundaie following, being the euen of saint Ed­ward, the new king lodged in the Tower, and there made fortie & six knights of the Bath, to wit: thrée of his sonnes, Knights of the Bath. the earle of Arundell, the earle of War­wike his sonne, the earle of Stafford, two of the earle of Deuonshires sonnes, the lord Beaumont, the lord line 10 Willoughbies brother, the earle of Staffords bro­ther, the lord Camois his sonne, the lord of Maule, Thomas Beauchampe, Thomas Pelham, Iohn Lut­trell, Iohn Lisleie, William Haukeford iustice, William Brinchleie iustice, Bartholomew Rach­ford, Giles Daubenie, William Butler, Iohn Ash­ton, Richard Sanape, Iohn Tiptost, Richard Fran­cis, Henrie Persie, Iohn Arundell, William Strall, Iohn Turpington, Ailmer Saint, Edward Ha­stings, Iohn Greislcie, Gerald Satill, Iohn Arden, line 20 Robert Chalons, Thomas Dimocke, Hungerford, Gibethorpe, Newport, and diuerse other, to the num­ber of fortie and six.

On the morow being saint Edwards daie, and the thirtéenth of October, The lord ma­ior of Lon­don. the lord maior of London road towards the Tower to attend the king, with diuerse worshipfull citizens clothed all in red, and from the Tower the king rode through the citie to Westminster, where he was consecrated, annointed, and crowned king by the archbishop of Canturburie line 30 with all ceremonies and roiall solemnitie as was due and requisit. Though all other reioised at his ad­uancement, The earle of March en­uied the K. preferment. yet suerlie Edmund Mortimer earle of March, which was coosine and heire to Lionell duke of Clarence, the third begotten sonne of king Ed­ward the third, & Richard earle of Cambridge, sonne to Edmund duke of Yorke, which had married Anne sister to the same Edmund, were with these dooings neither pleased nor contented: insomuch that now the diuision once begun, the one linage ceassed not to line 40 persecute the other, till the heires males of both the lines were cléerlie destroied and extinguished.

At the daie of the coronation, to the end he should not séeme to take vpon him the crowne and scepter roiall by plaine extorted power, and iniurious intru­sion: he was aduised to make his title as heire to Ed­mund (surnamed or vntrulie feined) Crookebacke, Edmund erle of Lancaster vntrulie fas­ned to be sur­named Crookebacke. sonne to king Henrie the third, and to saie that the said Edmund was elder brother to king Edward the first, and for his deformitie put by from the crowne, line 50 to whom by his mother Blanch, daughter and sole heire to Henrie duke of Lancaster, he was next of blood, and vndoubted heire. But because not onelie his fréends, but also his priuie enimies, knew that this was but a forged title, considering they were suerlie informed, not onelie that the said Edmund was yoonger sonne to king Henrie the third, but also had true knowledge, that Edmund was neither c [...]ooke ba [...]ked, nor a deformed person, but a goodlie gentleman, and a valiant capteine, and so much fa­uored line 60 of his louing father, that he to preferre him in marriage to the queene Dowager of Nauarre, ha­uing a great liuelihood, gaue to him the countie pa­lantine of Lancaster, with manie notable honours, high segniories, and large priuileges. Therefore they aduised him to publish it▪ that he challenged the realme not onelie by conquest, but also because he by king Richard was adopted as heire, and decla­red by resignation as his lawfull successor, being next heire male to him of the blood roiall.

But to procéed to other dooings. The solemnitie of the coronation being ended, the morow after being tuesdaie, the parlement began againe, and the next daie sir Iohn Cheinie that was speaker, Sir Iohn Chenie spea­ker of the par­lement dismis­sed, and Wil­liam Dur­ward admit­ted. Acts repealed. excusing himselfe, by reason of his infirmitie and sicknesse, not to be able to exercise that roome, was dismissed, and one William Durward esquier was admitted. Herewith were the acts established in the parlement of the one & twentith yeare of king Richards reigne repealed and made void, and the ordinances deuised in the parlement holden the eleuenth yeare of the same king, confirmed, Acts confir­med. and againe established for good and profitable. ¶ On the same daie, the kings el­dest sonne lord Henrie, by assent of all the states in the parlement, was created prince of Wales▪ duke of Cornwall, and earle of Chester, then being of the age of twelue yeares.

Upon the thursdaie, the commons came and re­hearsed all the errors of the last parlement holden in the one and twentith yeare of king Richard, & name­lie in certeine fiue of them.

First, that where the king that now is, was readie line 1 to arraigne an appeale against the duke of Norfolke, he dooing what perteined to his dutie in that behalfe, was yet banished afterwards without anie reaso­nable cause.

Secondlie, the archbishop of Canturburie, me­tropolitan line 2 of the realme, was foreiudged without answer.

Thirdlie, the duke of Glocester was murthered, and after foreiudged. line 3

Fourthlie, where the earle of Arundell alledged his charters of pardon, the same might not be al­lowed. line 4

Fiftlie, that all the power of that euill parlement was granted and assigned ouer to certeine persons, line 5 and sith that such heinous errors could not be com­mitted (as was thought) without the assent and ad­uise of them that were of the late kings councell, they made sute that they might be put vnder arrest, and committed to safe kéeping, till order might be further taken for them.

Thus much adoo there was in this parlement, speciallie about them that were thought to be guiltie of the duke of Glocesters death, and of the condem­ning of the other lords that were adiudged traitors in the forsaid late parlement holden in the said one and twentith yeare of king Richards reigne. Sir Iohn Bagot knight then prisoner in the Tower, Fabian. Sir Iohn Bagot disclo­seth secrets. dis­closed manie secrets, vnto the which he was priuie; and being brought on a daie to the barre, a bill was read in English which he had made, conteining cer­teine euill practises of king Richard; and further what great affection the same king bare to the duke of Aumarle, insomuch that he heard him say, that if he should renounce the gouernement of the king­dome, he wished to leaue it to the said duke, as to the most able man (for wisdome and manhood) of all o­ther: for though he could like better of the duke of Hereford, Henrie the fourth suspec­ted not to be well affected towards the church before his comming to the crowne. yet he said that he knew if he were once king, he would proue an extreame enimie and cruell tyrant to the church.

It was further conteined in that bill, that as the same Bagot rode on a daie behind the duke of Nor­folke in the Sauoy stréet toward Westminster, the ruke asked him what he knew of the manner of the duke of Glocester his death, and he answered that he knew nothing at all: but the people (quoth he) doo say that you haue murthered him. Wherevnto the duke sware great othes that it was vntrue, and tha [...] he had saued his life contrarie to the will of the king▪ and certeine other lords, by the space of thrée wéeks, and more; affirming withall, that he was neuer in all his life time more affraid of death, than he was at his comming home againe from Calis at that time, to the kings presence, by reason he had not put the duke to death. And then (said he) the king appoin­ted one of his owne seruants, and certeine other that [Page 512] were seruants to other lords to go with him to see the said duke of Glocester put to death, swearing that as he should answer afore God, it was neuer his mind that he should haue died in the fort, but onelie for feare of the king, and sauing of his owne life. Ne­uerthelesse, there was no man in the realme to whom king Richard was so much beholden, The duke of Aumarle ac­cused. as to the duke of Aumarle: for he was the man that to fulfill his mind, had set him in hand with all that was doone a­gainst the said duke, and the other lords. There was line 10 also conteined in that bill, what secret malice king Richard had conceiued against the duke of Hereford being in exile, whereof the same Bagot had sent in­telligence vnto the duke into France, by one Roger Smart, who certified it to him by Piers Buckton, and others, to the intent he should the better haue re­gard to himselfe. There was also conteined in the said bill, that Bagot had heard the duke of Aumarle say, that he had rather than twentie thousand pounds that the duke of Hereford were dead, not line 20 for anie feare he had of him, but for the trouble and mischéefe that he was like to procure within the realme.

The duke of Aumarle his answer vn­to Bagots bill.After that the bill had béene read and heard, the duke of Aumarle rose vp and said, that as touching the points conteined in the bill concerning him, they were vtterlie false and vntrue, which he would proue with his bodie, in what manner soeuer it should be thought requisit. There with also the duke of Excester rose vp, and willed Bagot that if he could say anie line 30 thing against him to speake it openlie. Bagot an­swered, that for his part he could say nothing against him: But there is (said he) a yeoman in Newgat one Iohn hall that can say somewhat. Iohn Hall a yeoman. ‘Well then (said the duke of Excester) this that I doo and shall say is true, that the late king, the duke of Norfolke, and thou being at Woodstoke, made me to go with you into the chappell, and there the doore being shut, ye made me to sweare vpon the altar, to kéepe counsell in that ye had to say to me, and then ye rehearsed line 40 that we should neuer haue our purpose, so long as the duke of Lancaster liued, & therefore ye purposed to haue councell at Lichfield, & there you would ar­rest the duke of Lancaster, in such sort as by colour of his disobeieng the arrest, he should be dispatched out of life. And in this maner ye imagined his death. To the which I answered, that it were conuenient the king should send for his councell, and if they a­gréed herevnto. I would not be against it, and so I departed.’ To this Bagot made no answer. line 50

After this, the king commanded that the lords, Berkleie, and Louell, and sir knights of the lower house, should go after dinner to examine the said Hall. This was on a thursdaie being the fiftéenth of October. On the saturdaie next insuing, sir William Bagot and the said Iohn Hall were brought both to the barre, Bagot and Hall brought to the barre. and Bagot was examined of certeine points, and sent againe to prison. The lord Fitzwa­ter herewith rose vp, and said to the king, that where the duke of Aumarle excuseth himselfe of the duke line 60 of Glocesters death, I say (quoth he) that he was the verie cause of his death, The lord Fitzwater appealeth the duke of Au­marle of trea­son. and so he appealed him of treason, offering by throwing downe his hood as a gage to proue it with his bodie. There were twentie other lords also that threw downe their hoods, as pledges to proue the like matter against the duke of Aumarle. The duke of Aumarle threw downe his hood to trie it against the lord Fitzwater, as against him that lied falselie, in that he had charged him with, by that his appeale. These gages were deliue­red to the constable and marshall of England, and the parties put vnder arrest.

The duke of Surrie stood vp also against the lord Fitzwater, auouching that where he had said that the appellants were causers of the duke of Glocesters death, it was false, for they were constrained to sue the same appeale, in like manner as the said lord Fitzwater was compelled to giue iudgement a­gainst the duke of Glocester, and the earle of Arun­dell; so that the suing of the appeale was doone by constraint, and if he said contrarie he lied: and there­with he threw downe his hood. The lord Fitzwater answered herevnto, that he was not present in the parlement house, when iudgement was giuen a­gainst them, and all the lords bare witnesse thereof. Moreouer, where it was alledged that the duke of Aumarle should send two of his seruants to Calis, to murther the duke of Glocester, the said duke of Aumarle said, that if the duke of Norfolke affirme it, he lied falselie, and that he would proue with his bo­die, throwing downe an other hood which he had bo­rowed. The same was likewise deliuered to the con­stable and marshall of England, and the king licen­ced the duke of Norfolke to returne, that he might arraigne his appeale. After this was Iohn Hall con­demned of treason by authoritie of the parlement, Fabian. for that he had confessed himselfe to be one of them that put the duke of Glocester to death at Calis, and so on the mondaie following, Iohn Hall ex­ecuted. he was drawne from the Tower to Tiburne, and there hanged, bowelled, headed, and quartered: his head being sent to Calis there to be set vp, where the duke was murthered.

On wednesdaie following, Iohn Stow. The request of the com­mons. request was made by the commons, that sith king Richard had resigned, and was lawfullie deposed from his roiall dignitie, he might haue iudgement decréed against him, so as the realme were not troubled by him, and that the causes of his deposing might be published through the realme for satisfieng of the people: which demand was granted. Wherevpon the bishop of Carleill, Hall. A bold bishop and a faith­full. a man both learned, wise, and stout of stomach, boldlie shewed foorth his opinion concerning that demand; affirming that there was none amongst them woor­thie or meet to giue iudgement vpon so noble a prince as king Richard was, whom they had taken for their souereigne and liege lord, by the space of two & twen­tie yeares and more; ‘And I assure you (said he) there is not so ranke a traitor, nor so errant a théef, nor yet so cruell a murtherer apprehended or deteined in pri­son for his offense, but he shall be brought before the iustice to heare his iudgement; and will ye procéed to the iudgement of an anointed king, hearing neither his answer nor excuse? I say, that the duke of Lan­caster whom ye call king, hath more trespassed to K. Richard & his realme, than king Richard hath doone either to him, or vs: for it is manifest & well knowne, that the duke was banished the realme by K. Richard and his councell, and by the iudgement of his owne father, for the space of ten yeares, for what cause ye know, and yet without licence of king Richard, he is returned againe into the realine, and (that is woorse) hath taken vpon him the name, title, & preheminence of king. And therfore I say, that you haue doone ma­nifest wrong, to procéed in anie thing against king Richard, without calling, him openlie to his answer and defense.’ ¶ As soone as the bishop had ended this tale, he was attached by the earle marshall, and com­mitted to ward in the abbeie of faint Albons.

Moreouer, where the king had granted to the earle of Westmerland the countie of Richmond, The duke of Britaine. the duke of Britaine pretending a right thereto by an old ti­tle, had sent his letters ouer vnto the estates assem­bled in this parlement, offering to abide such order as the law would appoint in the like case to anie of the kings subiects. Wherevpon the commons for the more suertie of the intercourse of merchants, be­sought the king that the matter might be commit­ted to the ordering of the councell of either of the [Page 513] parties, and of his counsell, so as an end might be had therein, which request was likewise granted. After this, the records of the last parlement were shewed, with the appeales, & the commission made to twelue persons, to determine things that were motioned in the same last parlement. Héerevpon the commons praied that they might haue iustice Markham, and maister Gascoigne a sergeant at the law ioined with them for counsell, touching the perusing of the re­cords, which was granted them, and day giuen ouer line 10 till the next morrow in the White-hall, where they sat about these matters thrée daies togither.

On the morrow following, being the éeuen of Si­mon and Iude the apostles, the commons required to heare the iudgement of king Richard. Wherevpon the archbishop of Canturburie appointed to speake, K. Richard appointed to be kept in per­petuall prison. Hall. declared how that the king that now is, had granted king Richard his life; but in such wise as he should remaine in perpetuall prison, so safelie kept, that nei­ther the king nor realme should be troubled with line 20 him. It was also concluded, that if anie man went about to deliuer him, that then he should be the first that should die for it. After this, the commons praied that the lords and other that were of king Richards counsell, might be put to their answers for their sun­drie misdemeanors, which was granted. On Wed­nesday following, being the morrow after the feast of Simon and Iude, all the processe of the parlement holden the 21 yéere of king Richards reigne was read openlie, in which it was found, how the earle of Warwike had confessed himselfe guiltie of treason, The earle of Warwike. line 30 and asked pardon and mercie for his offense: but the earle denied that euer he acknowledged anie such thing by woord of mouth, and that he would prooue in what manner soeuer should be to him appointed. Therein was also the appeale found of the dukes of Aumarle, Surrie, and Excester, the marquesse Dor­set, the earles of Salisburie; and Glocester, vnto the which ech of them answered by himselfe, that they ne­uer assented to that appeale of their owne frée wils, line 40 but were compelled thereto by the king: and this they affirmed by their othes, and offered to prooue it by what manner they should be appointed.

Sir Walter Clopton said then to the commons; If ye will take aduantage of the processe of the last parlement, Sir Water Clopton. take it, and ye shall be receiued therevn­to. Then rose vp the lord Morlie, and said to the earle of Salisburie, that he was chiefe of counsell with the duke of Glocester, and likewise with king Ri­chard, & so discouered the dukes counsell to the king, line 50 as a traitor to his maister, and that he said he would with his bodie prooue against him, throwing downe his hood as a pledge. The lord Morlie appe­leth the earle of Salisburie. The earle of Salisburie sore mooued héerewith, told the lord Morlie, that he falslie béelied him, for he was neuer traitor, nor false to his maister all his life time, and therewith threw downe his gloue to wage battell against the lord Morlie. Their gages were taken vp, and deliuered to the constable and marshall of England, and the parties were arrested, and day to them giuen till another time. line 60

On mondaie following, being the morrow after All soules day, the commons made request, that they might not be entred in the parlement rols, as par­ties to the iudgement giuen in this parlement, but there as in verie truth they were priuie to the same: for the iudgement otherwise belonged to the king, except where anie iudgment is giuen by statute en­acted for the profit of the common-wealth, which re­quest was granted. Diuers other petitions were pre­sented on the behalfe of the commons, part whereof were granted, and to some there was none answere made at that time. Finallie, to auoid further incon­uenience, and to qualifie the minds of the enuious, it was finallie enacted, that such as were, appellants in the last parlement against the duke of Glocester and other, should in this wise following be ordred. Dukes and o­thers depr [...] ­ued of their titles. The dukes of Aumarle, Surrie, and Excester there pre­sent, were iudged to loose their names of dukes, togi­ther with the honors, titles and dignities therevnto belonging. The marquesse Dorset being likewise there present, was adiudged to lose his title and dig­nitie of marquesse; and the earle of Glocester being also present, was in semblable maner iudged to lose his name, title and dignitie of earle.

Moreouer, it was further decréed against them, Tho. Walsi. that they and euerie of them should lose and forfeit all those castels, lordships, manors, lands, possessions, rents, seruices, liberties and reuenues, whatsoeuer had beene giuen to them, at or since the last parle­ment, belonging aforetime to any of those persons whom they had appealed, and all other their castels, manors, lordships, lands, possessions, rents, seruices, liberties, and reuenues whatsoeuer, which they held of the late kings gift, the daie of the arrest of the said duke of Glocester, or at any time after, should also re­maine in the kings disposition from thencefoorth, and all letters patents and charters, which they or any of them had of the same names, castels, manors, lord­ships, lands, possessions, and liberties, should be sur­rendred vp into the chancerie, there to be cancelled. Diuerse other things were enacted in this parle­ment, to the preiudice of those high estates, to satisfie mens minds that were sore displeased with their doo­ings in the late kings daies, as now it manifestlie appéered. For after it was vnderstood that they should be no further punished than as before is mentioned, The hatred which the cō ­mons had cō ­mitted against the appellāts. great murmuring rose among the people against the king, the archbishop of Canturburie, the earle of Northumberland, and other of the councell, for sa­uing the liues of men whom the commons reputed most wicked, and not worthie in anie wise to liue. But the king thought it best, rather with courtesie to reconcile them, than by cutting them off by death, to procure the hatred of their freends and alies, which were manie, and of no small power.

After that the foresaid iudgement was declared with protestation by sir William Thirning iustice, The earle of Salisburie his request. the earle of Salisburie came and made request, that he might haue his protestation entered against the lord Morlie, which lord Morlie rising vp from his seat, said, that so he might not haue; bicause in his first answer he made no protestation, and therefore he was past it now. The earle praied day of aduisement, but the lord Morlie praied that he might lose his ad­uantage, sith he had not entered sufficient plee a­gainst him. Then sir Matthew Gournie sitting vn­derneath the king said to the earle of Salisburie, Sir Mathew Gournie. that Forsomuch as at the first day in your answers, ye made no protestation at all, none is entered of re­cord, and so you are past that aduantage: and there­fore asked him if he would saie any other thing. Then the earle desired that he might put in mainprise, The earle of Salisburie mainprised. which was granted: and so the earle of Kent, sir Rafe Ferrers, sir Iohn Roch, & sir Iohn Draiton knights, mainprised the said earle bodie for bodie. For the lord Morlie all the lords and barons offred to vndertake, and to be suerties for him; but yet foure of them had their names entered, that is to saie, The lord Morlie main­prised. the lords Wil­loughbie, Beauchampe, Scales, and Berkelie: they had day till the fridaie after to make their libell.

After this came the lord Fitzwater, and praied to haue day and place to arreigne his appeale against the earle of Rutland. The lord Fitzwalter. The king said he would send for the duke of Norffolke to returne home, and then vpon his returne he said he would proceed in that matter. Manie statutes were established in this par­lement, as well concerning the whole bodie of the [Page 514] common-wealth (as by the booke thereof imprinted may appeare) as also concerning diuerse priuate per­sons then presentlie liuing, which partlie we haue touched, and partlie for doubt to be ouer-tedious, we doo omit. But this among other is not to be forgotten that the archbishop of Canturburie was not onelie restored to his former dignitie, The archb. of Cantur­burie resto­red to his sée. being remooued from it by king Richard, who had procured one Roger Walden to be placed therein (as before ye haue heard) but also the said Walden was established bi­shop line 10 of London, wherewith he séemed well content.

Thom. Wals. Hall.Moreouer, the kings eldest sonne Henrie alreadie created (as heire to his father, and to the crowne) prince of Wales, duke of Cornewall, and earle of Chester, was also intituled duke of Aquitaine: and to auoid all titles, claimes, and ambiguities, there was an act made for the vniting of the crowne vnto king Henrie the fourth, The crowne intailed. and to the heires of his bodie lawfullie begotten, his foure sonnes, Henrie, Tho­mas, Iohn, and Humfrie, being named, as to whom line 20 the right should descend successiuelie by waie of in­taile, in case where heires failed to any of them. By force of this act king Henrie thought himselfe firme­lie set on a sure foundation, not néeding to feare any storme of aduerse fortune. But yet shortlie after he was put in danger to haue béene set besides the seat, by a conspiracie begun in the abbat of Westmin­sters house, which, had it not béene hindred, it is doubt­full whether the new king should haue inioied his roi­altie, or the old king (now a prisoner) restored to his line 30 principalitie. But God (of whome the poet saith,

—humana rotat
Instar volucris pulueris acti
Turbine celeri mobilis aurae)

had purposed a disappointment of their coniuration, and therefore no maruell though the issue of their la­bours were infortunat by their flattering hope.

But now to make an end with this parlement. After that things were concluded and granted, so as was thought to stand with the suertie of the king, and line 40 good quiet of the realme, the king granted a free par­don to all his subiects, those excepted that were at the murther of the duke of Glocester, and such as had committed wilfull murther, or rape, or were knowne to be notorious théeues. And those that were to take benefit by this pardon, were appointed to sue foorth the charters therof, betwixt that present and the feast of All saints next insuing, and so was this parlement dissolued. Immediatlie after, the king (according to an order taken in the same parlement, Tho. Walsi. to giue to vn­derstand line 50 vnto all princes and countries about him, by what title and occasion he had taken to him the kingdome) sent ambassadors vnto them to signifie the same. Ambassadors sent to forren princes. Into Rome were sent, Iohn Treneuant bishop of Hereford, sir Iohn Cheinie knight, & Iohn Cheinie esquier. Into France, master Walter Skir­low bishop of Durham, and Thomas Persie earle of Worcester. Into Spaine, Iohn Trenour bishop of saint Asaph, and sir William Parre knight. Into Al­manie the bishop of Bangor, and two others. line 60

The Scots in time of the late parlement, taking occasion of the absence of the northerne lords, and al­so by reason of great mortalitie that afflicted the nor­therne people that yeare, inuaded the borders, tooke the castell of Warke, The castell of Warke taken by the Scots. Sir Thom. Greie. that was assigned to the safe kéeping of sir Thomas Greie knight, who then was at the parlement, as one of the knights of the shire, by meanes of whose absence, the enimies the sooner (as is to be thought) obteined their desire, and so kept that castell a certeine time, and finallie spoi­led it, and ouerthrew it to the ground. Besides all this, they did manie other mischeefes in the countrie, to the vndooing of manie of the kings subiects. The death of the duke of Norffolke. This yeare Thomas Mowbraie duke of N [...]ffolke died in exile at Uenice, whose death might haue béene wor­thilie bewailed of all the realme, if he had not béene consenting to the death of the duke of Glocester. The same yeare deceassed the duchesse of Glocester, tho­rough sorrow (as was thought) which she conceiued for the losse of hir sonne and heire the lord Humfrie, The duch [...]s of Glocester deceass [...]. who being sent for foorth of Ireland (as before ye haue heard) was taken with the pestilence, and died by the waie.

But now to speake of the conspiracie, which was contriued by the abbat of Westminster as chéefe in­strument thereof. Ye shall vnderstand, that this ab­bat (as it is reported) vpon a time heard king Henrie saie, when he was but earle of Derbie, Hall. and yoong of yeares, that princes had too little, and religious men too much. He therfore doubting now, What mooue [...] the abbat of Westminster to conspire against the king. least if the king continued long in the estate, he would remooue the great beame that then greeued his eies, and pricked his conscience, became an instrument to search out the minds of the nobilitie, and to bring them to an as­semblie and councell, where they might consult and commen togither, how to bring that to effect, which they earnestlie wished and desired; that was, the de­struction of king Henrie, and the restoring of king Richard. For there were diuerse lords that shewed themselues outwardlie to fauor king Henrie, where they secretlie wished & sought his confusion. The ab­bat after he had felt the minds of sundrie of them, called to his house on a day in the terme time, all such lords & other persons which he either knew or thought to be as affectioned to king Richard, so enuious to the prosperitie of king Henrie, whose names were, Iohn Holland earle of Huntington late duke of Ex­cester, The lords that conspi­red against the duke. Thomas Holland earle of Kent late duke of Surrie, Edward earle of Rutland late duke of Au­marle sonne to the duke of Yorke, Iohn Montacute earle of Salisburie, Hugh lord Spenser late earle of Glocester, Iohn the bishop of Carleill, sir Thomas Blunt, and Maudelen a priest one of king Richards chappell, a man as like him in stature and propor­tion in all lineaments of bodie, as vnlike in birth, dignitie, and conditions.

The abbat highlie feasted these lords, his speciall freends, and when they had well dined, they withdrew into a secret chamber, where they sat downe in coun­cell, and after much talke & conference had about the bringing of their purpose to passe concerning the de­struction of king Henrie, at length by the aduise of the earle of Huntington it was deuised, that they should take vpon them a solemne iusts to be enter­prised betweene him and 20 on his part, & the earle of Salisburie and 20 with him at Oxford, A iusts deui­sed to be hol­den at Ox­ford. to the which triumph K. Henrie should be desired, & when he should be most busilie marking the martiall pastime, he sud­denlie should be slaine and destroied, and so by that means king Richard, who as yet liued, might be re­stored to libertie, and haue his former estate & digni­tie. It was further appointed, who should assemble the people, the number and persons which should ac­complish and put in execution their deuised enter­prise. Hervpon was an indenture sextipartite made, sealed with their seales, and signed with their hands, In inde [...]io [...] sextipartite. in the which each stood bound to other, to do their whole indeuour for the accomplishing of their purposed ex­ploit. Moreouer, they sware on the holie euangelists to be true and secret each to other, euen to the houre and point of death.

When all things were thus appointed, the earle of Huntington came to the king vnto Windsore, He is [...] to come and sée the iusts. ear­nestlie requiring him, that he would vouchsafe to be at Oxenford on the daie appointed of their iustes, both to behold the same, and to be the discouerer and indifferent iudge (if anie ambiguitie should rise) of their couragious acts and dooings. The king being [Page 515] thus instantlie required of his brother in law, and nothing lesse imagining than that which was preten­ded, gentlie granted to fulfill his request. Which thing obteined, all the lords of the conspiracie depar­ted home to their houses, as they noised it, to set ar­morers on worke about the trimming of their ar­mour against the iusts, and to prepare all other furni­ture and things readie, as to such an high & solemne triumph apperteined. The earle of Huntington came to his house and raised men on euerie side, and prepa­red horsse and harnesse for his compassed purpose, line 10 and when he had all things readie, he departed to­wards Oxenford, and at his comming thither, he found all his mates and confederates there, well ap­pointed for their purpose, except the earle of Rut­land, by whose follie their practised conspiracie was brought to light and disclosed to king Henrie. For this earle of Rutland departing before from West­minster to sée his father the duke of Yorke, as he sat at dinner, had his counterpane of the indenture of line 20 the confederacie in his bosome.

The duke of Yorke taketh the indenture from his son.The father espieng it, would néeds sée what it was: and though the sonne humblie denied to shew it, the father being more earnest to sée it, by force tooke it out of his bosome; and perceiuing the contents ther­of, in a great rage caused his horsses to be sadled out of hand, and spitefullie reproouing his sonne of trea­son, for whome he was become suertie and mainper­nour for his good abearing in open parlement, he in­continentlie mounted on horssebacke to ride tow­ards line 30 Windsore to the king, to declare vnto him the malicious intent of his complices. The earle of Rut­land séeing in what danger he stood, tooke his horsse, and rode another waie to Windsore in post, so that he got thither before his father, and when he was a­lighted at the castell gate, he caused the gates to be shut, saieng that he must néeds deliuer the keies to the king. When he came before the kings presence, he kneeled downe on his knées, The earle of Rutland vt­treth y • whole conspiracie to the king. beséeching him of mercie and forgiuenesse, and declaring the whole line 40 matter vnto him in order as euerie thing had pas­sed, obteined pardon. Therewith came his father, and being let in, deliuered the indenture which he had taken from his sonne, vnto the king, who thereby perceiuing his sonnes words to be true, changed his purpose for his going to Oxenford, and dispatched messengers foorth to signifie vnto the earle of Nor­thumberland hi [...] high constable, and to the earle of Westmerland his high marshall, and to other his as­sured freends, of all the doubtfull danger and peril­lous line 50 ieopardie.

The conspirators being at Oxenford, at length perceiued by the lacke of the earle of Rutland, that their enterprise was reuealed to the king, and there­vpon determined now openlie with speare and shield to bring that to passe which before they couertlie at­tempted, and so they adorned Maudelen, a man most resembling king Richard, Magdalen counterfeited to be king Richard. in roiall and princelie ve­sture, and named him to be king Richard, affirming that by fauour of his kéepers he was escaped out of line 60 prison, and so they came forwards in order of warre, to the intent to destroie king Henrie. Whilest the confederators with their new published idoll, accom­panied with a strong armie of men, tooke the direct waie towards Windsore, king Henrie admonished thereof, The K. com­meth to the tower of Lon­don. with a few horssemen in the night came to the Tower of London about twelue of the clocke, where in the morning he caused the maior of the citie to apparell in armour the best and most couragious persons of the citie, which brought to him thrée thou­sand archers, and thrée thousand bill-men, besides them that were appointed to kéepe and defend the citie. The lords come to Win­desore.

The conspirators comming to Windsore, entered the castell, and vnderstanding that the king was gon from thence to London, determined with all spéed to make towards the citie: but changing that determi­nation as they were on their waie, they turned to Colbroke, and there staied. The king go­eth foorth a­gainst them. King Henrie issuing out of London with twentie thousand men, came streight to Hunslo heath, and there pitched his campe to abide the comming of his enimies: They retire. but when they were aduertised of the kings puissance, amazed with feare, and forthinking their begun enterprise, They come to Circester. as men mistrusting their owne companie, departed from thence to Berkhamstéed, and so to Circester, & there the lords tooke their lodging. The earle of Kent, and the earle of Salisburie in one Inne, and the earle of Huntington and lord Spenser in an other, The bailiffe of Circester setteth vpon them on their lodgings. and all the host laie in the fields, wherevpon in the night sea­son, the bailiffe of the towne with fourescore archers set on the house, where the erle of Kent and the other laie, which house was manfullie assaulted and strong­lie defended a great space. The lords set fire on their lodgings. The earle of Huntington being in an other Inne with the lord Spenser, set fire on diuerse houses in the towne, thinking that the assailants would leaue the assault and rescue their goods, which thing they nothing regarded. Hall. Froissard. The host li­eng without, hearing noise, and seeing this fire in the towne, thought verelie that king Henrie had béene come thither with his puissance, and therevpon fled without measure, euerie man making shift to saue himselfe, and so that which the lords deuised for their helpe, wrought their destruction: for if the armie that laie without the towne had not mistaken the matter, when they saw the houses on fire, they might easilie haue succoured their chéefeteins in the towne, that were assailed but with a few of the townesmen, in comparison of the great multitude that laie abroad in the fields. But such was the ordinance of the mightie Lord of hostes, who disposeth althings at his pleasure.

The earle of Huntington and his companie seeing the force of the townesmen to increase, fled out on the backside, intending to repaire to the armie which they found dispersed and gone. Then the earle seeing no hope of comfort, fled into Essex. The other lords which were left fighting in the towne of Circester, were wounded to death and taken, and their heads stricken off and sent to London. Thus writeth Hall of this conspiracie, in following what author I know not. Thom. Wals. But Thomas Walsingham and diuerse other séeme somewhat to dissent from him in relation of this matter: for they write that the conspiratours ment vpon the sudden to haue set vpon the king in the castell of Windsore, A maske. vnder colour of a maske or mummerie, and so to haue dispatched him; and resto­ring king Richard vnto the kingdome, to haue reco­uered their former titles of honour, with the possessi­ons which they had lost by iudgement of the last par­lement. But the king getting knowledge of their pretensed treasons, got him with all spéed vnto London.

The conspirators, to wit, the earles of Kent and Salisburie, sir Rafe Lumlie, and others, year 1400 supposing that the king had not vnderstood their malicious pur­pose, the first sundaie of the new yeare, Harding. which fell in the octaues of the Innocents, came in the twilight of the euening vnto Windsore with foure hundred armed men, where vnderstanding that the king was withdrawne vpon warning had of their purposed in­tention, they foorthwith return [...]d backe, and came first vnto Sunnings, a manor place not farre from Reading, where the quéene wife to king Richard then laie. Here setting a good countenance of the matter, the earle of Kent declared in presence of the queenes seruants that the lord Henrie of Lancaster was fled from his presence with his children and fréends, The words of the earle of Kent. and [Page 516] had shut vp himselfe & them in the Tower of Lon­don, as one afraid to come abroad, for all the brags made heretofore of his manhood: and therefore (saith he) my intention is (my lords) to go to Richard that was, is, and shall be our king, who being alreadie es­caped foorth of prison, lieth now at Pomfret, with an hundred thousand men. And to cause his spéech the better to be beléeued, he tooke awaie the kings cogni­sances from them that ware the same, as the collars from their necks, and the badges of cressants from line 10 the sleeues of the seruants of houshold, and throwing them awaie, said that such cognisances were no lon­ger to be borne.

Thus hauing put the quéene in a vaine hope of that which was nothing so, they departed from thence vnto Wallingford, and after to Abington, intising the people by all meanes possible vnto rebellion, all the waie as they went, and sending their agents a­broad for the same purpose: at length they came to Circester in the darke of the night, and tooke vp their line 20 lodgings. The inhabitants of that towne suspecting the matter, and iudging (as the truth was) these ru­mors which the lords spred abroad to be but dreams, they tooke therevpon counsell togither, got them to armor, and stopped all the entries and outgates of the Innes where these new ghestes were lodged, inso­much that when they about midnight secretlie at­tempted to haue come foorth, and gone their waies, the townesmen with bow and arrowes were readie to staie them, and keepe them in. The lords percei­uing line 30 the danger, got them to their armor and wea­pons, and did their best by force to breake through and repell the townesmen. But after they had fought from midnight till three of the clocke in the after­noone of the next daie, and perceiued they could not preuaile, The lords yeeld them­selues. they yeelded themselues to the townesmen, beseeching them to haue their liues saued, till they might come to the kings presence.

This request they had obteined, if a préest that was chapleine to one of them, A priest set fire on the houses of Circester. had not in the meane time line 40 set fire vpon certeine houses in the towne, to the end that whiles the townesmen should busie themselues to quench the fire, the lords might find meanes to es­cape. But it came nothing to passe as he imagined, for the townesmen leauing all care to saue their hou­ses from the rage of the fire, were kindled more in furie towards the lords, and so to reuenge them­selues of them they brought them foorth of the abbeie where they had them in their hands, and in the twi­light of the euening, Abr. Fl. out of Tho. Wal [...]in. pag. 404. stroke off their heads. ¶ The earle of Salisburie (saith Thomas Walsingham) who line 50 in all his life time had béene a fauourer of the Lol­lards or Wickleuists, a despiser of images, a con­temner of canons, and a scorner of the sacraments, ended his daies (as it was reported) without the He died vn­confessed. sa­crament of confession. These be the words of Thom. Wals. which are set downe, to signifie that the earle of Salisburie was a bidden gh [...]st to blockham feast with the rest: and (as it should séeme by his relation) the more maligned, bicause he was somwhat estran­ged line 60 frō the corruption of the religion then receiued, and leaued to a sect pursued with spitefulnesse and re­uenge.

Iohn Holland earle of Huntington (as Thomas Walsingham writeth) was not with the lords at the castell of Windsore, The lords beheaded. but staied about London to be­hold the end of his businesse: and hearing bow the ma [...]ter went farre contrarie to that he wished, be sought to flie by sea; but not able to get awaie, by rea­son the wind being contrarie would not permit him, he tooke his horsse, and hauing a knight with him cal­led sir Iohn S [...]ellie, Chr. S. Alb. he road into Essex, attempting to haue fled from thence by sea: but still the wind was so against him, that he was continuallie driuen backe when he was about to make saile, and so com­ming againe to land, The earle at Huntington taken. he was taken one euening at Pitwell in Essex, in a mill (that belonged to one of his trustie freends) as he sat there at supper, togither with the said sir Iohn Shellie. The commons of the countrie that tooke him, brought him first to Chel­mesford, and after to Plashie, where on the daie of S. Maure, that is the fiftéenth of Ianuarie, He is be­headed. about sun setting he was beheaded, in the verie place in which the duke of Glocester was arrested by king Richard. He confessed with lamentable repentance (as wri­ters doo record) that diuers & manie waies he had of­fended God and his prince, bicause that vnderstan­ding the purpose of the other lords, he had not reuea­led the same.

The lord Thomas Spenser, saith Wal. & others. Hugh Spenser, otherwise called earle of Glocester, as he would haue fled into Wales, was taken and carried to Bristow, where (according to the earnest desires of the commons) he was behea­ded. Maudelen fléeing into Scotland, Hall. was taken by the waie, and brought to the Tower. Manie other that were priuie to this conspiracie, were taken, and put to death, some at Oxford, as sir Thomas Blunt, sir Benet Cilie knight, Execution. and Thomas Wintercell esquier; but sir Leonard Brokas, and sir Iohn Shel­lie knights, Iohn Maudelen, and William Ferbie chapleins, were drawne, hanged, Tho. Walsin [...] ▪ Hall▪ and beheaded at London. There were ninetéene in all executed in one place and other, and the heads of the cheefe conspira­tors were set on polles ouer London bridge, to the terror of others. Shortlie after, the abbat of West­minster, in whose house the conspiracie was begun (as is said) gooing betweene his monasterie & man­sion, for thought fell into a sudden palsie, The abbat of Westminster dieth suddēlie. Thom. Wal [...]. and shortlie after, without speech, ended his life. The bishop of Carleill was impeached, and condemned of the same conspiracie; but the king of his mercifull clemencie, The bishop of Carleill dieth through feare, or rather tho­rough gr [...]fe of mind, to [...] the wicked prosper as he tooke it. Hall. pardoned him of that offense, although he died short­lie after, more through feare than force of sicknesse, as some haue written. Thus all the associats of this vnhappie conspiracie tasted the painefull penance of their plesant pastime.

Thus haue yee heard what writers haue recorded of this matter, with some difference betwixt them that write, how the king should haue béene made a­waie at a iusts; and other that testifie, how it should haue béene at a maske or mummerie: but whether they meant to haue dispatched hi [...] [...]t a mumming, or at a iusts, their purpose being reuealed by the earle of Rutland, they were brought to confusion (as be­fore yée haue heard.) And immediatlie after, king Henrie, to rid himselfe of anie such like danger to be attempted against him thereafter, caused king Ri­chard to die of a violent death, that no man should afterward faine himselfe to represent his person, though some haue said, he was not priuie to that wic­ked offense. The common fame is, that he was eue­rie daie serued at the table with costlie meat, The sundrie reports of K. Richar. death▪ like a king, to the intent that no creature should suspect a­nie thing doone contrarie to the order taken in the parlement; and when the meat was set before him, he was forbidden once to touch it; yea, he was not permitted so much as to smell to it, and so he died of forced famine.

¶But Thomas Walsingham is so farre from impu­ting his death to compulsorie famine, Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wal [...]. pag. 4 [...], 4 [...]5. that he refer­reth it altogither to voluntarie pining of himselfe. For when he heard that the complots and attempts of such his fauourers, as sought his restitution, and their owne aduancement, adnihilated; and the chéefe agents shamefullie executed; [...]e tooke such a conceit at these misfortunes (for so Thomas Walsingham termeth them) and was so beaten out of bart, that wilfullie he starued himselfe, and so died in Pomfret [Page 517] castell on S. Ualentines daie: a happie daie to him, for it was the beginning of his ease, and the ending of his paine: so that death was to him daintie and swéet, as the poet saith, and that verie well in bréefe,

Dulce mori miseris,
C [...]n. Gall.
Neque est melius morte in malis rebus.

One writer, which seemeth to haue great know­ledge of king Richards dooings, Thom Walsin. Sir Piers de Exton a mur­therer of king Richard. saith, that king Henrie, sitting on a daie at his table, sore sighing, said; ‘Haue I no faithfull fréend which will deliuer me line 10 of him, whose life will be my death, and whose death will be the preseruation of my life?’ This saieng was much noted of them which were present, and especial­lie of one called sir Piers of Exton. This knight in­continentlie departed from the court, with eight strong persons in his companie, and came to Pom­fret, commanding the esquier that was accustomed to sew and take the assaie before king Richard, to doo so no more, saieng; ‘Let him eat now, for he shall not long eat.’ King Richard sat downe to dinner, and line 20 was serued without courtesie or assaie, wherevpon much maruelling at the sudden change, he demanded of the esquier whie he did not his dutie; ‘Sir (said he) I am otherwise commanded by sir Piers of Exton, which is newlie come from K. Henrie.’ When king Richard heard that word, he tooke the keruing knife in his hand, and strake the esquier on the head, saieng The diuell take Henrie of Lancaster and thée togi­ther. And with that word, sir Piers entred the cham­ber, well armed, with eight tall men likewise armed, line 30 euerie of them hauing a bill in his hand.

King Richard perceiuing this, put the table from him, & steping to the formost man, wrung the bill out of his hands, & so valiantlie defended himselfe, that he slue foure of those that thus came to assaile him. Sir Piers being halfe dismaied herewith, The desperat manhood of king Richard lept into the chaire where king Richard was woont to sit, while the other foure persons fought with him, and chased him about the chamber. And in conclusion, as king Ri­chard trauersed his ground, from one side of the line 40 chamber to an other, & comming by the chaire, where sir Piers stood, he was felled with a stroke of a pollar which sir Piers gaue him vpon the head, K. Richard murthered. and there­wi [...]h rid him out of life, without giuing him respit once to call to God for mercie of his passed offenses. It is said, that sir Piers of Exton, after he had thus slaine him, wept right bitterlie, as one striken with the pricke of a giltie conscience, for murthering him, whome he had so long time obeied as king. After he was thus dead, his bodie was imbalmed, and line 50 séered, and couered with lead, all saue the face, to the intent that all men might sée him, and perceiue that he was departed this life: for as the corps was con­ueied from Pomfret to London, in all the townes and places where those that had the conueiance of it did staie with it all night, they caused dirige to be soong in the euening, and masse of Requiem in the morning; and as well after the one seruice as the o­ther, his face discouered, was shewed to all that coue­ted to behold it. line 60

The dead bo­die of K. Ri­chard brought to y e Tower.Thus was the corps first brought to the Tower, and after through the citie, to the cathedrall church of saint Paule bare faced, where it laie thrée daies to­gither, that all men might behold it. There was a solemne obsequie doone for him, both at Paules, and after at Westminster, at which time, both at dirige o­uernight, and in the morning at the masse of Requiem, the king and the citizens of London were present. When the same was ended, the corps was comman­ded to be had vnto Langlie, there to be buried in the church of the friers preachers. He is buried at Langlie. The bishop of Che­ster, the abbats of saint Albons and Waltham, cele­brated the exequies for the buriall, none of the nobles nor anie of the commons (to accompt of) being pre­sent: neither was there anie to bid them to dinner after they had laid him in the ground, and finished the funerall seruice. He was after by king Henrie the fi [...] remooued to Westminster, and there honorablie intoomed with quéene Anne his wife, although the Scots vntruelie write, that he escaped out of prison, and led a vertuous and a solitarie life in Scotland, and there died, & is buried (as they hold) in the blacke friers at Sterling. Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 378. ¶But Fabian and others doo as it were point out the place of his interrement, saieng that he lieth intoomed on the south side of saint Ed­wards shrine, with an epitaph expressing partlie his proportion of bodie and partlie his properties of mind, as after followeth in a rimed hexastichon:

Prudens & mundus, Richardus iure secundus,
Per fatum victus, iacet hîc sub marmore pictus,
Verax sermone, fuit & plenus ratione,
Corpore procerus, animo prudens vt Homerus,
Ecclesiae fauit, elatos suppeditauit,
Quemuis prostrauit, regalia qui violauit.

When the newes of king Richards deposing was reported in France, Forren prin­ces not with­out cause ab­horre to heare of the shame­full murther of king Ri­chard. king Charles and all his court woondering, detested and abhorred such an iniurie doone to an annointed king, to a crowned prince, and to the head of a realme: but in especiall, Walerane earle of saint Paule, which had married king Ri­chards halfe sister, mooued with great disdaine to­wards king Henrie, ceassed not to stirre king Char­les & his councell to make warres against the Eng­lishmen, and he himselfe sent letters of defiance into England. The earles sute was easilie agréed vnto, and an armie roiall appointed with all speed, to in­uade England. The armie was come downe into Picardie, redie to be transported into England: but when it was certeinelie knowen, that king Richard was dead, and that the enterprise of his deliuerance (which was chéeflie meant) was frustrate and void, the armie was dissolued. But when the certeintie of K. Richards death was intimate to the Gascoignes, the most part of the wisest men of the countrie were right pensiue: for they iudged verelie, How the Gas­coignes tooke the death of K. Richard. that hereby the English nation should be brought to dishonour, and losse of their ancient fame and glorie, for committing so heinous an offense against their king and soue­reigne lord, the memorie whereof (as they thought) would neuer die: and cheeflie, the citizens of Bur­deaux tooke the matter verie sore at the stomach: for they bare excéeding fauour to king Richard, because he was borne and brought vp in their citie, and there­fore more than all the residue they shewed themsel­ues to abhorre so heinous a déed.

The Frenchmen hauing vnderstanding hereof, thought with themselues that now was the time for them to practise with the Gascoignes to reduce them from the English obeisance, vnder their subiection. Herevpon came Lewes duke of Burbon vnto A­gen, and wrote to diuerse cities and townes, The duke of Burbon. on the confines of Guien, exhorting them with large promi­ses, and faire sugred words, to reuolt from the Eng­lishmen, and to become subiects to the crowne of France; but his trauell preuailed not: for the people vnderstanding that the English yoke was but easie in comparison to the French bondage, determined to abide rather in their old subiection, than for a dis­pleasure irrecouerable to aduenture themselues on a new doubtfull perill; yet it was doubted, Froissard. least the cities of Burdeaux, Dar, and Baion, would haue re­uolted, if the lords of the marches about those places had leaned to them in that purpose, for they sent their commissioners to Agen, to treate with the duke of Burbon. But forsomuch as the lords, Pomiers, Mu­cident, Duras, Landuras, Copane, Rosem, & Lan­gurant, were minded to continue still English, those cities durst not without them turne to the French o­beisance, [Page 518] for they could not haue stirred out of their gates, but those lords would haue béene readie at their elbowes, to haue caught them by the sléeues.

King Henrie being aduertised of the Frenchmans couert meanings, and also of the wauering minds of the Gascoignes, sent Thomas Persie earle of Worcester with two hundred men of armes, and foure hundred archers into Guien, to aid and assist sir Robert Knols, his lieutenant there. The chiefest capteines that accompanied the earle in this iournie were these: first, his nephue sir Hugh Hastings, sir line 10 Thomas Colleuill, Polydor. Froissard. sir William Lisle, Iohn de Graillie base sonne to the capitall de Boeuf, sir Wil­liam Draiton, sir Iohn Daubreticourt: also there went with him the bishop of London, and master Richard Doall or Dolleie. The earle of Worcester sent into Gas­coigne. The earle at his arriuall so wiselie intreated the noble men, so grauelie per­suaded the magistrats of the cities and townes, and so gentlie and familiarlie vsed and treated the com­mons, that he not onelie appeased their furie and ma­lice, but brought them to louing and vniforme obei­sance, line 20 receiuing of them othes of obedience, & loiall fealtie, which doone, he returned againe into Eng­land with great thanks.

The French king perceiuing he could not bring his purpose about, neither by inuading England, nor by practising with the Gascoignes, Ambassadors from the French king. sent a solemne ambassage into England, requiring to haue his daughter the ladie Isabell, sometime espoused to king Richard, restored to him againe. King Henrie gent­lie receiued those that were sent to him about this line 30 message, and for answer, promised to send his com­missioners vnto Calis, which should further com­mune and conclude with them. Abr. Fl. out of Fabian, pag. 304. ¶ This séemeth disso­nant from the report of Fabian deriued out of Gag­wine. For he saith that Charles hearing of the sup­pression of K. Richard, sent 2 of his houshold knights into England, requiring king Henrie the fourth, then newlie made king, to send home his daughter Isabell, latelie married vnto king Richard, with such dowrie as with hir was promised. In dooing of which line 40 message king Henrie tooke such displeasure, that he threw the said two knights in prison; where through one of them (named Blanchet) died in England, and the other called Henrie, after great sicknesse retur­ned into France: wherefore if Fabian plaie not the fabler, those that were sent on the said message were not gentlie receiued of king Henrie; vnlesse to be cast in prison and discourteouslie dealt withall stand countable for beneuolence & gentle interteinment. line 50 But to remit this and the like variances among wri­ters to such as can reconcile them, let vs returne to the storie.

It was not inough that K. Henrie was thus trou­bled now in the first yere of his reigne, with ciuill sedition, and the couert practises of Frenchmen; but that the Scots also tooke vpon them to make open warre against him: George earle of March fleeth into England. it chanced (as in the Scotish chronicles more at large appeareth) that George of Dunbar, earle of the marches of Scotland, being line 60 in displeasure with Robert king of Scots, fled into England, to Henrie earle of Northumberland, wher­vpon the Scotish king depriued him of all his digni­ties and possessions, and caused his goods to be confis­cate, and after wrote to the king of England, requi­ring him if he would haue the truce anie longer to continue, either to deliuer into his possession the earle of March and other traitors to his person, or else to banish them out of his realmes and dominions. King Henrie discréetly answerd the herald of Scot­land, that the words of a prince ought to be kept: The answer of king Hen­rie to the Scotish am­bassadors. and his writings and seale to be inuiolate: and conside­ring that he had granted a safe conduct to the earle and his companie, he should neither without cause reasonable breake his promise, nor yet deface his ho­nor. Which answer declared to the king of Scots, Open warre proclamed by the king of Scots a­gainst Eng­land. Thom. Wal [...]. he incontinentlie proclaimed open warre against the king of England, with fire and sword. Herevpon, one sir Robert Logon, a Scotish knight, with cer­teine ships well appointed for the warre, meant to haue destroied the English fléet that was come on the coasts of Scotland, about Aberd [...]n, to fish there: but (as it chanced) he met with certeine ships of Lin, that fought with him, and tooke him priso­ner, with the residue of his companie, Robert L [...] ­gon taken pri­soner. so that he quite failed of his purpose, and came to the losse himselfe.

At the same time, The Iles of Orkenie spoiled by Englishmen. Mortalitie of people. the Englishmen spoiled also cer­teine of the Iles of Orkeneie. This summer, great death chanced in this land, manie dieng of the pesti­lence, wherewith sundrie places were infected. King Henrie perceiuing that policie oftentimes preuen­teth perill, and vnderstanding the naughtie purpo­ses of the Scots, gathered a great armie, King Henrie inuadeth Scotland. and entred into Scotland, burning townes, villages, and ca­stels, with a great part of the townes of Eden­burgh and Léeth, and besieged the castell of Eden­burgh in the end of September, whereof was cap­teine Dauid duke of Rothsaie, The duke of Rothsaie. and a prince of the realme, with Archembald earle of Dowglas, hauing with them manie hardie men of warre. Robert duke of Albanie, The duke of Albanie. that was appointed gouernour of the realme, because the king was sicke and not méet to rule, sent an herald vnto king Henrie, promising him battell within six daies at the furthest, Anno Reg. [...], if he would so long tarrie, which king Henrie promised to doo right gladlie, and gaue to the herald for bringing him so acceptable newes, a gowne of silke, and a cheine of gold. But king Henrie staied six daies, and sixtéene too, without hearing any word of the gouernors com­ming. Then the winter beginning to wax cold, and foule weather still increasing, caused the king to breake vp his siege, and so returned without battell or skirmish offered.

In the meane time that the king was thus in Scotland, King Henrie returneth home. The Scots burne in Nor­thumberland. Iusts at Yorke. the Scots made a rode into Northumber­land, and burned diuerse townes in Bamburrough shire. At the kings comming backe to Yorke, there were two strangers, the one a Frenchman, and the other an Italian, requiring to accomplish certeine feats of armes, against sir Iohn Cornewall, and Ia­nico de Artois. Their request was granted, and the strangers were put to the woorst, whereby sir Iohn Cornewall obteined the kings fauour so farre foorth, Sir Iohn Cornewall marrieth the kings sister. that he married the kings sister, the widow of Iohn Holland, earle of Huntington. Yet some said, that the knight and the countesse were agréed aforehand, without the kings consent. In the kings absence, whilest he was foorth of the realme in Scotland a­gainst his enimies, The Welsh­men rebell by the setting [...] of Owen Glendouer. the Welshmen tooke occasion to rebell vnder the conduct of their capteine Owen Glendouer, dooing what mischeefe they could deuise, vnto their English neighbours. This Owen Glen­douer was sonne to an esquier of Wales, Iohn Stow. Owen Glen­douer what he was. named Griffith Uichan: he dwelled in the parish of Con­waie, within the countie of Merioneth in North­wales, in a place called Glindourwie, which is as much to saie in English, as The vallie by the side of the water of Dée, by occasion whereof he was sur­named Glindour Dew.

He was first set to studie the lawes of the realme, and became an vtter barrester, or an apprentise of the law (as they terme him) and serued king Richard at Flint castell, when he was taken by Henrie duke of Lancaster, though other haue written that he serued this king Henrie the fourth, Tho. Wal [...]. before he came to at­teine the crowne, in roome of an esquier, and after, by reason of variance that rose betwixt him and the lord Reginald Greie of Ruthin, about the lands which he [Page 519] claimed to be his by right of inheritance: when he saw that he might not preuaile, finding no such fauor in his sute as he looked for, he first made warre a­gainst the said lord Greie, The occasion that mooued him to rebell. wasting his lands and possessions with fire and sword, cruellie killing his seruants and tenants. The king aduertised of such re­bellious exploits, The king en­treth into wales, mea­ning to cha­stise y e rebels. enterprised by the said Owen, and his vnrulie complices, determined to chastise them, as disturbers of his peace, and so with an armie en­tered into Wales; but the Welshmen with their line 10 capteine withdrew into the mounteines of Snow­don, so to escape the reuenge, which the king meant towards them. The king therefore did much hurt in the countries with fire and sword, sleing diuerse that with weapon in hand came foorth to resist him, and so with a great bootie of beasts and cattell he returned.

The emperour of Constantinople comming into England to sue for aid against the Turkes, The emperor of Constanti­nople cōmeth into Englād. was met by the king on Blackeheath, vpon the feast day of saint Thomas the apostle, and brought vnto London with great honor. The king bare all his charges, pre­senting line 20 him with gifts at his departure, meet for such an estate. year 1401 After the feast of the Epiphanie, a par­lement was holden, A parlement. in which an act was made, a­gainst those that held opinions in religion, contrarie to the receiued doctrine of the church of Rome; ordei­ning, that wheresoeuer any of them were found and prooued to set foorth such doctrine, they should be ap­prehended, and deliuered to the bishop their dioce­sane; and if they stood stiffelie in their opinions, and would not be reformed, they should be deliuered to line 30 the secular power, to be burnt to ashes. The first that tasted the smart of this statute, was one William Hawtrée or Sawtrée a priest, that being apprehen­ded was burnt in Smithfield, One burnt in Smithfield. in time of this parle­ment.

Additions of the chronicles of Flanders.About the same time, king Henrie (according to promise made (as ye haue heard) vnto the French ambassadors, sent ouer into the countrie of Guisnes, Edward earle of Rutland, otherwise in king Ri­chards line 40 daies intituled duke of Aumarle, There was also the erle of Deuonshire, as Froissard saith. The hath Froissard. Cōmissioners met to treat of peace. son to Ed­mund duke of Yorke, Henrie earle of Northumber­land, and his sonne the lord Henrie Persie, the lord Yuan Fitzwarren, the bishops of Winchester and Lincolne: where the duke of Burbon, the lords Charles d'Albert, Charles de Hangest, Iohn de Cha­stelmorant, the Patriarke of Ierusalem, and the bi­shops of Paris and Beauuois, were readie there to commune with them, and so they assembling togi­ther at sundrie times and places, the Frenchmen re­quired line 50 to haue queene Isabell to them restored, but the Englishmen séemed loth to depart with hir, re­quiring to haue hir married to Henrie prince of Wales, one in bloud and age in all things to hir e­quall; The French king troubled with a frensie. but the Frenchmen would in no wise condes­cend thereto, without their kings consent, who at that present was not in case to vtter his mind, being troubled with his woonted disease. The commissio­ners then began to treat of peace, and at length re­newed the truce to endure for six and twentie yeares yet to come; Truce for 26 yeares. wherevnto the foure yeares passed being line 60 added, made vp the number of thirtie yeares, accor­ding to the conclusion agreed vpon, in the life time of king Richard.

Some authors affirme, that there was a new league concluded to continue, Hall. during the liues of both the princes. The Frenchmen diuerse times re­quired to haue some dower assigned foorth for queene Isabell, The French­men demand a dower for queéne Isa­bell. but that was at all times vtterlie denied, for that the marriage betwixt hir and king Richard was neuer consummate, by reason whereof she was not dowable. Neuerthelesse, she was shortlie after sent home, vnder the conduct of the earle of Worcester, associat with diuerse other noble and honorable per­sonages, both men and women, hauing with hir all the iewels, ornaments, and plate which she brought into England, with a great surplusage besides giuen to hir by the king. Additions of the chron. of Flanders. She is deli­uered home. She was deliuered betwixt Bul­longne and Calis, to Ualeran earle of saint Paule, the French kings lieutenant in Picardie, who being accompanied with the bishop of Chartres, the lord de Hugueuile, the ladie of Monpensier sister to the erle of March, the ladie of Lucenburgh sister to the said earle of saint Paule, & diuerse other ladies and gen­tlewomen, which receiued hir with great ioy and gladnesse, and taking leaue of the English lords and ladies, they conueied hir to the dukes of Burgognie and Burbon, that attended for hir, not far off, vpon a hill, with a great number of people. She is con­ueied to Pa­ris. They first con­ueied hir to Bullogne, & after to Abuile, from whence the duke of Orleance conueied hir to Paris, vnto the presence of the king hir father, and the queene hir mother: Hir second marriage. she was after giuen in marriage vnto Charles, sonne to Lewes duke of Orleance.

About the same time, Anno Reg. 3. Owen Glen­douer. The danger of the king to haue béene de­stroied. Owen Glendouer and his Welshmen did much hurt to the kings subiects. One night as the king was going to bed, he was in dan­ger to haue beene destroied; for some naughtie traito­rous persons had conueied into his bed a certeine iron made with smiths craft, like a caltrop, with three long prickes, sharpe and small, standing vpright, in such sort, that when he had laid him downe, & that the weight of his bodie should come vpon the bed, he should haue beene thrust in with those pricks, and per­aduenture slaine: but as God would, the king not thinking of any such thing, chanced yet to féele and perceiue the instrument before he laid him downe, and so escaped the danger. ¶Howbeit he was not so soone deliuered from feare; for he might well haue his life in suspicion, & prouide for the preseruation of the same; sith perils of death crept into his secret cham­ber, and laie lurking in the bed of downe where his bodie was to be reposed and to take rest. Oh what a suspected state therefore is that of a king holding his regiment with the hatred of his people, the hartgrud­gings of his courtiers, and the peremptorie practises of both togither? Could he confidentlie compose or setle himselfe to sleepe for feare of strangling? Durst he boldly eat and drinke without dread of poisoning? Might he aduenture to shew himselfe in great mée­tings or solemne assemblies without mistrust of mis­cheefe against his person intended? What pleasure or what felicitie could he take in his princelie pompe, which he knew by manifest and fearefull experience, to be enuied and maligned to the verie death? The state of such a king is noted by the poet in Diony­sius, as in a mirror, concerning whome it is said,

Districtus ensis cui super impia
Ceruice pendet,
Hor. lib. ca. 3. Ode. 1.
non Siculae dapes
Dulcem elaborabunt saporem,
Non auium cytharae (que) cantus,

This yeare, the eight day of Aprill deceassed the lord Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike. year 1402 In the moneth of March appeared a blasing starre, The earle of Warwike de­parteth this life. A blasing starre. first be­twéene the east part of the firmament and the north, flashing foorth fire and flames round about it, and lastlie, shooting foorth fierie beams towards the north, foreshewing (as was thought) the great effusion of bloud that followed, about the parts of Wales and Northumberland. For much about the same time, Owen Glendouer (with his Welshmen) fought with the lord Greie of Ruthen, comming foorth to de­fend his possessions, which the same Owen wasted and destroied: and as the fortune of that daies worke fell out, the lord Greie was taken prisoner, The lord Greie of Ru­then taken in fight by Owē Glendouer. and ma­nie of his men were slaine. This hap lifted the Welshmen into high pride, and increased merue­louslie their wicked and presumptuous attempts.

[Page 520]About Whitsuntide a conspiracie was deuised by certeine persons, that wished the kings death, main­teining and bruting abroad, A brute was spred abroad that king Ri­chard was li­uing. A priest takē. that king Richard was aliue, and therefore exhorted men to stand with him, for shortlie he would come to light, and reward such as tooke his part with iust recompense. Herewith, there was a priest taken at Ware, or (as some books haue) at Warwike, who had a kalendar or roll, in which a great number of names were written, more than were in any wise guiltie of the fact, as after­wards appeared by the same priests confession. For line 10 being examined, whether he knew such persons as he had so inrolled, & were there present before him, he said he neuer knew them at all; and being deman­ded wherefore he had then so recorded their names, he answered, bicause he thought they would gladlie doo what mischiefe they could against king Henrie, vpon any occasion offered in reuenge of the iniuries doone to king Richard, by whom they had beene ad­uanced, and princelie preferred. When therfore there line 20 appeared no more credit in the man, he was condem­ned, He is execu­ted. drawen, hanged, and quartered, and diuerse that had beene apprehended about that matter, were re­leased, The prior of Laund appre­hended. and set at libertie. Shortlie after, the prior of Laund (who for his euill gouernment had béene de­priued of his state and dignitie) was likewise execu­ted, not for attempting any thing of himselfe, but on­lie for that he confessed, that he knew euill counsell and concealed it. His name was Walter Baldocke, a canon sometime in Dunstable, and by king Ri­chard line 30 promoted to the priorship of Laund.

Also the same time, certeine greie friers were ap­prehended for treason which they had deuised to bring to passe, Greie friers apprehended. and one of them, whose name was Richard Frisebie, being asked what he would doo if king Ri­chard had béene aliue, and present with them, an­swered stoutlie, that he would fight against any man in his quarrell, euen to death. Herevpon, he was con­demned, A greie frier hanged in his habit. drawen, and hanged in his friers wéed, to the great confusion of his brethren; but they made line 40 earnest instance to haue his bodie taken downe, and buried with diriges and exequies, and had their sute granted. Sir Roger Claringdon. Sir Roger of Claringdon knight was also put to death about this conspiracie, with two of his seruants, the one an esquier, the other a yeoman. He was base sonne (as was reported) vnto Edward, el­dest sonne to king Edward the third, surnamed the blacke prince. The diuell appeareth in likenesse of a greie frier. On Corpus Christi daie at euensong time, the diuell (as was thought) appeared in a towne of Essex called Danburie, entring into the church in line 50 likenesse of a greie frier, behauing himselfe verie outragiouslie, plaieng his parts like a diuell indéed, so that the parishioners were put in a maruellous great fright.

At the same instant, there chanced such a tempest of wind, thunder, and lightning, that the highest part of the roofe of that church was blowen downe, and the chancell was all to shaken, rent, and torne in pée­ces. Within a small while after, eight of those greie friers that had practised treason against the king, E [...]ght friers executed. line 60 were brought to open iudgement, and conuicted were drawen and headed at London; and two other suffe­red at Leicester, all which persons had published king Richard to be aliue. Owen Glendouer, according to his accustomed manner, robbing and spoiling within the English borders, caused all the forces of the shire of Hereford to assemble togither against them, vnder the conduct of Edmund Mortimer earle of March. The earle of March taken pr [...]soner in ba­t [...]ll by Owen Glendouer. But cōming to trie the matter by battell, whether by treason or otherwise, so it fortuned, that the English power was discomfited, the earle taken prisoner, and aboue a thousand of his people slaine in the place. The shamefull villanie vsed by the Welsh­women towards the dead carcasses, was such, as ho­nest eares would be ashamed to heare, and continent toongs to speake thereof. The dead bodies might not be buried, without great summes of monie gi­uen for libertie to conueie them awaie.

The king was not hastie to purchase the deliue­rance of the earle March, The suspicion of K. Henrie grounded vpō a guiltie con­science. bicause his title to the crowne was well inough knowen, and therefore suf­fered him to remaine in miserable prison, wishing both the said earle, and all other of his linage out of this life, with God and his saincts in heauen, so they had béene out of the waie, for then all had béene well inough as he thought. But to let these things passe, the king this yeare sent his eldest daughter Blanch, The kings daughter ma­ried into Ger­manie. accōpanied with the earle of Summerset, the bishop of Worcester, the lord Clifford, and others, into Al­manie, which brought hir to Colin, and there with great triumph she was married to William duke of Bauier, sonne and heire to Lewes the emperour. About mid of August, the king to chastise the presum­ptuous attempts of the Welshmen, went with a great power of men into Wales, to pursue the cap­teine of the Welsh rebell Owen Glendouer, but in effect he lost his labor; for Owen conueied himselfe out of the waie, into his knowen lurking places, and (as was thought) through art magike, he caused such foule weather of winds, tempest, raine, snow, Intemperat weather. and haile to be raised, for the annoiance of the kings ar­mie, that the like had not beene heard of; in such sort, that the king was constreined to returne home, ha­uing caused his people yet to spoile and burne first a great part of the countrie. The same time, the lord Edmund of Langlie duke of Yorke departed this life, and was buried at Langlie with his brethren. The deceasse of the duke of Yorke. The Scots vnder the leding of Patrike Hepborne, of the Hales the yoonger, entring into England, Scots ouer­throwen. were ouerthrowen at Nesbit, in the marches, as in the Scotish chronicle ye may find more at large. This battell was fought the two and twentith of Iune, in this yeare of our Lord 1402.

Archembald earle Dowglas sore displeased in his mind for this ouerthrow, procured a commission to inuade England, and that to his cost, as ye may like­wise read in the Scotish histories. For at a place cal­led Homildon, Scots van­quished at Homildon. they were so fiercelie assailed by the Englishmen, vnder the leading of the lord Persie, surnamed Henrie Hotspur, and George earle of March, that with violence of the English shot they were quite vanquished and put to flight, on the Rood daie in haruest, with a great slaughter made by the Englishmen. We know that the Scotish writers note this battell to haue chanced in the yeare 1403. But we following Tho. Walsingham in this place, and other English writers, for the accompt of times, haue thought good to place it in this yeare 1402, as in the same writers we find it. There were slaine of men of estimation, sir Iohn Swinton, The number slaine. sir Adam Gordon, sir Iohn Leuiston, sir Alexander Ramsie of Dalehousie, and three and twentie knights, besides ten thousand of the commons: and of prisoners a­mong other were these, Mordacke earle of Fife, Prisoners taken. son to the gouernour Archembald earle Dowglas, which in the fight lost one of his eies, Thomas erle of Mur­rey, Robert earle of Angus, and (as some writers haue) the earles of Atholl & Menteith, with fiue hun­dred other of meaner degrées. After this, the lord Persie, hauing bestowed the prisoners in suer kée­ping, entered Tiuidale, wasting and destroieng the whole countrie, The castell of Cocklawes besieged by y e lord Persie. and then besieged the castell of Coc­klawes, whereof was capteine one sir Iohn Gren­low, who compounded with the Englishmen, that if the castell were not succoured within three moneths, then he would deliuer it into their hands.

The first two moneths passed, and no likelihood of rescue appeared; but yer the third moneth was expi­red, [Page 521] the Englishmen being sent for to go with the king into Wales, raised their siege and departed, lea­uing the noble men prisoners with the earle of Nor­thumberland, and with his sonne the lord Persie, to keepe them to the kings vse. In this meane while, such as misliked with the doctrine and ceremonies then vsed in the church, The profes­sors of Wic­ [...]lifs doctrine. ceassed not to vtter their con­sciences, though in secret, to those in whome they had affiance. But as in the like cases it commonlie hap­neth, they were bewraied by some that were thought chieflie to fauour their cause, as by sir Lewes Clif­ford line 10 knight, who hauing leaned to the doctrine a long time, did now (as Thomas Walsingham writeth) dis­close all that he knew vnto the archbishop of Can­turburie, to shew himselfe as it were to haue erred rather of simplenesse and ignorance, than of froward­nesse or stubborne malice. The names of such as taught the articles and conclusions mainteined by those which then they called Lollards or heretikes, the said sir Lewes Clifford gaue in writing to the said archbishop. Sir Lewes Clifford be­wraieth his fellowes. Edmund Mortimer earle of March, pri­soner line 20 with Owen Glendouer, whether for irkesom­nesse of cruell captiuitie, or feare of death, or for what other cause, it is vncerteine, agréed to take part with Owen, The earle of March mari­eth the daugh­ter of Owen Glendouer. against the king of England, and tooke to wife the daughter of the said Owen.

Strange wonders happened (as men reported) at the natiuitie of this man, for the same night he was borne, all his fathers horsses in the stable were found to stand in bloud vp to the bellies. The morow after line 30 the feast of saint Michaell, a parlement began at Westminster, Anno Reg. 4. A parlement. which continued the space of seauen weekes, in the same was a tenth and a halfe granted by the cleargie, and a fiftéenth by the communaltie. Moreouer, the commons in this parlement besought the king to haue the person of George earle of March a Scotishman, George earle of March re­commended to the king by parlement. recommended to his maiestie, for that the same earle shewed himselfe faithfull to the king & his realme. ¶ There was also a statute made, that the friers beggers should not receiue any into line 40 their order, year 1403 vnder the age of fourteene yeares. In this fourth yeare of king Henries reigne, ambassadors were sent ouer into Britaine, Ambassadors. to bring from thence the duches of Britaine, the ladie Iane de Nauarre, the widow of Iohn de Montford, late duke of Bri­taine, surnamed the conqueror, with whom by pro­curators the king had contracted matrimonie. In the beginning of Februarie, those that were sent re­turned with hir in safetie, but not without tasting the bitter stormes of the wind and weather, that tossed line 50 them sore to and fro, before they could get to land. The king met hir at Winchester, where the seuenth of Februarie, the marriage was solemnized betwixt them.

Whilest these things were thus in dooing in Eng­land, Ualeran earle of saint Paule, bearing still a deadlie and malicious hatred toward king Henrie, hauing assembled sixtéene or seuentéene hundred men of warre, The earle of saint Paule to the Ile of Wight. imbarked them at Harflew, and ta­king the sea, landed in the Ile of Wight, in the which line 60 he burned two villages, and foure simple cotages, and for a triumph of so noble an act, made foure knights. But when he heard that the people of the Ile were assembled and approched to fight with him, he ha­sted to his ships, and returned home: wherewith the noble men of his companie were displeased, conside­ring his prouision to be great and his gaine small. In the same verie season, The earle of Cleremont in Gascoigne. Iohn earle of Cleremont sonne to the duke of Bourbon, wan in Gascoigne out of the Englishmens possession, the castels of saint Peter, saint Marie, and the New castell; and the lord de la Bret wan the castell of Carlassin, which was no small losse to the English nation.

Henrie earle of Northumberland, with his brother Thomas earle of Worcester, and his sonne the lord Henrie Persie, surnamed Hotspur, which were to king Henrie in the beginning of his reigne, both faithfull freends, and earnest aiders, began now to enuie his wealth and felicitie; and especiallie they were gréeued, bicause the king demanded of the earle and his sonne such Scotish prisoners as were taken at Homeldon and Nesbit: for of all the captiues which were taken in the conflicts foughten in those two places, the [...]e was deliuered to the kings posses­sion onelie Mordake earle of Fife, the duke of Al­banies sonne, though the king did diuers and sundrie times require deliuerance of the residue, and that with great threatnings: wherewith the Persies be­ing sore offended, for that they claimed them as their owne proper prisoners, and their peculiar preies, by the counsell of the lord Thomas Persie earle of Worcester, whose studie was euer (as some write) to procure malice, and set things in a broile, came to the king vnto Windsore (vpon a purpose to prooue him) and there required of him, that either by ransome or otherwise, The request of the Persies he would cause to be deliuered out of pri­son Edmund Mortimer earle of March, their cou­sine germane, whome (as they reported) Owen Glendouer kept in filthie prison, shakled with irons, onelie for that he tooke his part, and was to him faith­full and true.

The king began not a little to muse at this re­quest, and not without cause: for in deed it touched him somewhat neere, sith this Edmund was sonne to Roger earle of March, sonne to the ladie Philip, daughter of Lionell duke of Clarence, the third sonne of king Edward the third; which Edmund at king Richards going into Ireland, was proclamed heire apparant to the crowne and realme, whose aunt called Elianor, the lord Henrie Persie had married; and therefore king Henrie could not well heare, that anie man should be earnest about the aduancement of that linage. The king when he had studied on the matter, made answer, that the earle of March was not taken prisoner for his cause, nor in his seruice, but willinglie suffered himselfe to be taken, bicause he would not withstand the attempts of Owen Glendouer, and his complices, & therefore he would neither ransome him, nor reléeue him.

The Persies with this answer and fraudulent ex­cuse were not a little fumed, insomuch that Henrie Hotspur said openlie: Behold, The saieng of the L. Persie. the heire of the relme is robbed of his right, and yet the robber with his owne will not redeeme him. So in this furie the Persies departed, minding nothing more than to depose king Henrie from the high type of his roial­tie, and to place in his seat their cousine Edmund earle of Mar [...]h, whom they did not onlie deliuer out of captiuitie, The conspi­racies of the Persies with Owen Glen­douer. An indenture tripartite. but also (to the high displeasure of king Henrie) entered in league with the foresaid Owen Glendouer. Héerewith, they by their deputies in the house of the archdeacon of Bangor, diuided the realme amongst them, causing a tripartite inden­ture to be made and sealed with their seales, by the couenants whereof, all England from Seuerne and Trent, south and eastward, A diuision of that which they had not. was assigned to the earle of March: all Wales, & the lands beyond Seuerne westward, were appointed to Owen Glendouer: and all the remnant from Trent northward, to the lord Persie.

This was doone (as some haue said) through a foo­lish credit giuen to a vaine prophesie, A vaine pro­phesie. as though king Henrie was the moldwarpe, curssed of Gods owne mouth, and they three were the dragon, the lion, and the woolfe, which should diuide this realme betweene them. Su [...]h is the deuiation (saith Hall) and not diui­nation of those blind and fantasticall dreames of the Welsh prophe [...]iers. King Henrie not knowing of [Page 522] this new confederacie, and nothing lesse minding than that which after happened, gathered a great ar­mie to go againe into Wales, whereof the earle of Northumberland and his sonne were aduertised by the earle of Worcester, The Persies raise their powers. and with all diligence raised all the power they could make, and sent to the Scots which before were taken prisoners at Homeldon, for aid of men, promising to the earle of Dowglas the towne of Berwike, They craue aid of Scots. and a part of Northumberland, and to other Scotish lords, great lordships and seig­niories, line 10 if they obteined the vpper hand. The Scots in hope of gaine, and desirous to be reuenged of their old greefes, came to the earle with a great companie well appointed.

The Persies to make their part séeme good, deui­sed certeine articles, The archbish. o [...] Yorke of counsell with the Persies in conspiracie. by the aduise of Richard Scroope, archbishop of Yorke, brother to the lord Scroope, whome king Henrie had caused to be behea­ded at Bristow. These articles being shewed to di­uerse noblemen, and other states of the realme, moo­ued line 20 them to fauour their purpose, Thom. Wals. in so much that manie of them did not onelie promise to the Persies aid and succour by words, but also by their writings and seales confirmed the same. Howbeit when the matter came to triall; the most part of the confede­rates abandoned them▪ and at the daie of the conflict left them alone. Thus after that the conspirators had discouered themselues, the lord Henrie Persie desi­rous to procéed in the enterprise, vpon trust to be as­sisted by Owen Glendouer, the earle of March, & o­ther, line 30 assembled an armie of men of armes and ar­chers foorth of Cheshire and Wales. The earle of Worcester go­uernour to the prince slippeth from him. H [...]ll. Incontinent­lie his vncle Thomas Persie earle of Worcester, that had the gouernement of the prince of Wales, who as then laie at London in secret manner, con­ueied himselfe out of the princes house, and com­ming to Stafford (where he met his nephue) they in­creased their power by all waies and meanes they could deuise. The earle of Northumberland himselfe was not with them, but being sicke, had promised vp­on line 40 his amendement to repaire vnto them (as some write) with all conuenient spéed.

These noble men, to make their conspiracie to séeme excusable, The pretense of y e Persies, as they publi­shed it abroad. besides the articles aboue mentio­ned, sent letters abroad, wherein was conteined, that their gathering of an armie tended to none other end, but onlie for the safegard of their owne persons, and to put some better gouernment in the common­wealth. For whereas taxes and tallages were dailie leuied, vnder pretense to be imploied in defense of the realme, the same were vainlie wasted, and vnpro­fitablie line 50 consumed: and where through the slanderous reports of their enimies, the king had taken a gree­uous displeasure with them, they d [...]st not appeare personallie in the kings presence, vntill the prelats and barons of the realme had obteined of the king licence for them to come and purge themselues be­fore him, by lawfull triall of their péeres, whose iudge­ment (as they pretended) they would in no wise re­fuse. Manie that saw and heard these letters, did com­mend line 60 their diligence, and highlie praised their assu­red fidelitie and trustinesse towards the common­wealth.

But the king vnderstanding their cloaked drift, deuised (by what meanes he might) to quiet and ap­pease the commons, and deface their contriued for­geries, and therefore he wrote an answer to their li­bels, The kings answer to the Persies libell. that he maruelled much, sith the earle of Nor­thumberland, and the lord Henrie Persie his sonne, had receiued the most part of the summes of monie granted to him by the cleargie and communaltie, for defense of the marches, as he could euidentlie prooue what should mooue them to complaine and raise such manifest slanders. And whereas he vnderstood, that the earles of Northumberland and Worcester, and the lord Persie had by their letters signified to their freends abroad, that by reason of the slanderous re­ports of their enimies, they durst not appeare in his presence, without the mediation of the prelats and nobles of the realme, so as they required pledges, whereby they might safelie come afore him, to de­clare and alledge what they had to saie in proofe of their innocencie, he protested by letters sent foorth vnder his seale, that they might safelie come and go, without all danger, or anie manner of indamage­ment to be offered to their persons.

But this could not satisfie those men, but that re­solued to go forwards with their enterprise, they marched towards Shrewesburie, vpon hope to be ai­ded (as men thought) by Owen Glendouer, and his Welshmen, publishing abroad throughout the coun­tries on each side, that king Richard was aliue, Poore K. Ri­chard is still aliue with thē that with K. Henries ouer­throw. whome if they wished to sée, they willed them to re­paire in armour vnto the castell of Chester, where (without all doubt) he was at that present, and redie to come forward. This tale being raised, though it were most vntrue, yet it bred variable motions in mens minds, causing them to wauer, so as they knew not to which part they should sticke; and vere­lie, diuers were well affected towards king Richard, speciallie such as had tasted of his princelie bounti­fulnes, of which there was no small number. And to speake a truth, no maruell it was, if manie enuied the prosperous state of king Henrie, sith it was eui­dent inough to the world, that he had with wrong v­surped the crowne, and not onelie violentlie deposed king Richard, but also cruellie procured his death, for the which vndoubtedlie, both he and his posteritie ta­sted such troubles, as put them still in danger of their states, till their direct succeeding line was quite rooted out by the contrarie faction, as in Henrie the sixt and Edward the fourth it may appeare.

But now to returne where we left. King Henrie aduertised of the proceedings of the Persies, foorth­with gathered about him such power as he might make, and being earnestlie called vpon by the Scot, the earle of March, to make hast and giue battell to his enimies, before their power by delaieng of time should still too much increase, he passed forward with such spéed, that he was in sight of his enimies, lieng in campe néere to Shrewesburie, The kings spéedie dili­gence. before they were i [...] doubt of anie such thing, for the Persies thought that he would haue staied at Burton vpon Trent, till his councell had come thither to him to giue their aduise what he were best to doo. But herein the enimie was deceiued of his expectation, sith the king had great regard of expedition and making speed for the safetie of his owne person, wherevnto the earle of March incited him, considering that in delaie is danger, & losse in lingering, as the poet in the like case saith:

Tolle moras, nocuit semper differre paratis,
Dum trepidant nullo firmatae robore partes.

By reason of the kings sudden cōming in this sort, The Persies troubled with the kings sudden com­ming. The lord Persie exhor­teth his com­plices to stick to their tack [...]e. they staied from assaulting the towne of Shrewesbu­rie, which enterprise they were readie at that instant to haue taken in hand, and foorthwith the lord Per­sie (as a capteine of high courage) began to exhort the capteines and souldiers to prepare themselues to battell, sith the matter was growen to that point, that by no meanes it could be auoided, so that (said he) this daie shall either bring vs all to aduancement & honor, or else if it shall chance vs to be ouercome, shall deliuer vs from the kings spitefull malice and cruell disdaine: for plaieng the men (as we ought to doo) better it is to die in battell for the common­wealths cause, than through cowardlike feare to pro­long life, which after shall be taken from vs, by sen­tence of the enimie.

[Page 523] The number of the Persies a [...]mie.Herevpon, the whole armie being in number a­bout fourtéene thousand chosen men, promised to stand with him so long as life lasted. There were with the Persies as chiefteines of this armie, the earle of Dowglas a Scotish man, the baron of Kinderton, sir Hugh Browne, and sir Richard Uernon knights, with diuerse other stout and right valiant capteins. Now when the two armies were incamped, the one against the other, The Persies sent their ar­ticles to the king. the earle of Worcester and the lord Persie with their complices sent the articles (where­of line 10 I spake before) by Thomas Caiton, and Thomas Saluain esquiers to king Henrie, vnder their hands and seales, King Henrie charged with periurie. which articles in effect charged him with manifest periurie, in that (contrarie to his oth recei­ued vpon the euangelists at Doncaster, when he first entred the realme after his exile) he had taken vpon him the crowne and roiall dignitie, imprisoned king Richard, caused him to resigne his title, and finallie to be murthered. Diuerse other matters they laid to his charge, as leuieng of taxes and tallages, contra­rie line 20 to his promise, infringing of lawes & customes of the realme, and suffering the earle of March to re­maine in prison, without trauelling to haue him de­liuered▪ All which things they as procurors & protec­tors of the common-wealth, Procurors & protectors of the common-wealth. tooke vpon them to prooue against him, as they protested vnto the whole world.

King Henrie after he had read their articles, with the defiance which they annexed to the same, answe­red the esquiers, The kings answer to the messengers that brought the articles. that he was readie with dint of line 30 sword and fierce battell to prooue their quarrell false, and nothing else than a forged matter, not doubting, but that God would aid and assist him in his righ­teous cause, against the disloiall and false forsworne traitors. The next daie in the morning earlie, being the euen of Marie Magdalene, they set their battels in order on both sides, and now whilest the warriors looked when the token of battell should be giuen, the abbat of Shrewesburie, The king of­fereth to par­don his ad­uersaries. and one of the clearks of the priuie seale, were sent from the king vnto the Per­sies, line 40 to offer them pardon, if they would come to any reasonable agréement. By their persuasions, the lord Henrie Persie began t [...] giue eare vnto the kings of­fers, & so sent with them his vncle the earle of Wor­cester, to declare vnto the king the causes of those troubles, and to require some effectuall reformation in the same.

It was reported for a truth, that now when the king had condescended vnto all that was resonable at his hands to be required, and seemed to humble line 50 himselfe more than was meet for his estate, the earle of Worcester (vpon his returne to his nephue) made relation cleane contrarie to that the king had said, The earle of Worcesters double dea­ling in wrong reporting the kings words. in such sort that he set his nephues hart more in displea­sure towards the king, than euer it was before, dri­uing him by that meanes to fight whether he would or not: then suddenlie blew the trumpets, the kings part crieng S. George vpon them, the aduersaries cried Esperance Persie, and so the two armies furiouslie ioined. The archers on both sides shot for the best game, laieng on such load with arrowes, that manie line 60 died, and were driuen downe that neuer rose againe.

The Scots (as some write) which had the fore ward on the Persies side, Hall. The Scots. intending to be reuenged of their old displeasures doone to them by the English nation, set so fiercelie on the kings fore ward, led by the earle of Stafford, that they made the same draw backe, and had almost broken their aduersaries ar­raie. The Welshmen also which before had [...]aine lur­king in the woods, mounteines, and marishes, hea­ri [...]g of this battell toward, came to the aid of the Persies, The Welsh­men come to aid the Per­sies. and refreshed the wearied people with new succours. The king perceiuing that his men were thus put to distresse, what with the violent impression of the Scots, and the tempestuous stormes of ar­rowes, that his aduersaries discharged fréely against him and his people, it was no need to will him to stirre: for suddenlie with his fresh battell, he appro­ched and relieued his men; so that the battell began more fierce than before. Here the lord Henrie Per­sie, and the earle Dowglas, a right stout and hardie capteine, not regarding the shot of the kings battell, nor the close order of the ranks, pressing forward to­gither bent their whole forces towards the kings per­son, comming vpon him with speares and swords so fiercelie, that the earle of March the Scot, The earle of March. Tho. Walsi. percei­uing their purpose, withdrew the king from that side of the field (as some write) for his great benefit and safegard (as it appeared) for they gaue such a violent onset vpon them that stood about the kings standard, that slaieng his standard-bearer sir Walter Blunt, and ouerthrowing the standard, they made slaughter of all those that stood about it, as the earle of Staf­ford, that daie made by the king constable of the realme, and diuerse other.

The prince that daie holpe his father like a lustie yoong gentleman: Hall. The valiance of the yoong prince. for although he was hurt in the face with an arrow, so that diuerse noble men that were about him, would haue conueied him foorth of the field, yet he would not suffer them so to doo, least his departure from amongst his men might happilie haue striken some feare into their harts: and so with­out regard of his hurt, he continued with his men, & neuer ceassed, either to fight where the battell was most hot, or to incourage his men where it séemed most néed. This battell lasted thrée long houres, A sore battell & well main­teined. with indifferent fortune on both parts, till at length, the king crieng saint George victorie, brake the arraie of his enimies, and aduentured so farre, that (as some write) the earle Dowglas strake him downe, The valiant dooings of the earle Dow­glas. & at that instant slue sir Walter Blunt, and thrée other, apparelled in the kings sute and clothing, saieng: I maruell to sée so many kings thus suddenlie arise one in the necke of an other. The king in deed was raised, & did that daie manie a noble feat of armes, for as it is written, he slue that daie with his owne hands six and thirtie persons of his enimies. The high manhood of the king. The lord Persie slaine. The o­ther on his part incouraged by his doings, fought valiantlie, and slue the lord Persie, called sir Henrie Hotspurre. To conclude, the kings enimies were vanquished, and put to flight, in which flight, the earle of Dowglas, for hast, falling from the crag of an hie mounteine, brake one of his cullions, The earle Dowglas ta­ken prisoner. and was taken, and for his valiantnesse, of the king frankelie and freelie deliuered.

There was also taken the earle of Worcester, The earle of Worcester taken. the procuror and setter foorth of all this mischéefe, sir Ri­chard Uernon, and the baron of Kinderton, with di­uerse other. There were slaine vpon the kings part, beside the earle of Stafford, Knights slaine on the kings part. to the number of ten knights, sir Hugh Shorlie, sir Iohn Clifton, sir Iohn Cokaine, sir Nicholas Gausell, sir Walter Blunt, sir Iohn Caluerleie, sir Iohn Massie of Podington, sir Hugh Mortimer, and sir Robert Gausell, all the which receiued the same morning the order of knight­hood: sir Thomas Wendesleie was wounded to death, and so passed out of this life shortlie after. There died in all vpon the kings side sixteene hundred, and foure thousand were gréeuouslie wounded. On the contrarie side were slaine, besides the lord Persie, the most part of the knights and esquiers of the countie of Chester, to the number of two hundred, The slaugh­ter of Cheshire men at this battell. besides yeomen and footmen, in all there died of those that fought on the Persies side, about fiue thousand. This battell was fought on Marie Magdalene euen, be­ing saturdaie. Upon the mondaie folowing, The earle of Worcester and others behea­ded. the earle of Worcester, the baron of Kinderton, and sir Ri­chard Uernon knights, were condemned and behea­ded. [Page 524] The earles head was sent to London, there to be set on the bridge.

The earle of Northumberland was now mar­ching forward with great power, which he had got thither, either to aid his sonne and brother (as was thought) or at the least towards the king, to procure a peace: but the earle of Westmerland, and sir Ro­bert Waterton knight, The earle of Westmerland raiseth a pow­er against the earle of Nor­thumberland. had got an armie on foot, and meant to meet him. The earle of Northumberland, taking neither of them to be his freend, turned sud­denlie line 10 backe, and withdrew himselfe into Warke­woorth castell. The king hauing set a staie in things about Shrewesburie, went straight to Yorke, from whence he wrote to the earle of Northumberland, The king goeth to Yorke. willing him to dismisse his companies that he had with him, and to come vnto him in peaceable wise. The earle vpon receipt of the kings letters came vn­to him the morow after saint Laurence daie, The earle of Northumber­land commeth to the king. hauing but a few of his seruants to attend him, and so excu­sed himselfe, that the king (bicause the earle had Ber­wike line 20 in his possession, and further, had his castels of Alnewike, Warkewoorth, and other, fortified with Scots) dissembled the matter, gaue him faire words, and suffered him (as saith Hall) to depart home, al­though by other it should séeme, that he was commit­ted for a time to safe custodie.

The king returning foorth of Yorkeshire, determi­ned to go into Northwales, to chastise the presump­tuous dooings of the vnrulie Welshmen, who (after his comming from Shrewesburie, The Welsh­men molest the English subiects. and the marches line 30 there) had doone much harme to the English subiects. But now where the king wanted monie to furnish that enterprise, and to wage his souldiers, there were some that counselled him to be bold with the bishops, and supplie his want with their surplusage. But as it fortuned, the archbishop of Canturburie was there present, who in the name of all the rest boldlie made answer, that none of his prouince should be spoiled by anie of those naughtie disposed persons; It was spo­ken like a prelat. but that first with hard stripes they should vnderstand the line 40 price of their rash enterprise. But the king neuerthe­lesse so vsed the matter with the bishops for their good wils, that the archbishop at length to pleasure him, calling the cleargie togither, A tenth leuied of the clear­gie. got a grant of a tenth, towards the kings necessarie charges.

The Britaines vnder the conduct of the lord of Cassils, spoiled and burnt the towne of Plimmouth, and returned without receiuing anie damage, but immediatlie therevpon, the westerne men man­ning foorth a fléet, vnder the gouernement of one line 50 William Wilford esquier, William Wil­ford. Ships taken. made saile ouer to the coasts of Britaine, where they tooke aboue fortie ships laden with oile, sope, and Rochell wine, to the quantitie of a thousand tunne, or much thereabouts. In returning homewards, they burnt fortie other vessels, and landing at Pennarch, they burnt townes and villages six leagues within the countrie, togi­ther with the towne of saint Matthew, and all the buildings there, thrée leagues round about the same towne. About the feast of All saints, a parlement be­gan line 60 at Couentrie, Anno Reg. 5. A parlement at Couentrie. and continued there till saint An­drewes tide: but at length, bicause vittels waxed déere, and lodging was streict, it was adiorned from thence vnto London, Adiorned to London. A pardon. there to begin againe in the octaues of the Epiphanie. The same time, a pardon was granted and proclamed, for all such as had ta­ken part with the Persies against the king, and like­wise for other offendors, those excepted that had con­sented to betraie Calis, whom the king sent thither to suffer for their offenses. A little before Christmas the Frenchmen meant to haue robbed and spoiled the Ile of Wight, Frenchmen inuade the Ile of Wight. but when a thousand of them were set on land, and had got togither a great bootie of cat­tell, suddenlie there came vpon them such number of people that they were constreined to withdraw to their ships, leauing their preie behind them, and no small number of their men to paie for their shot, so that they wan little by that iournie, They are re­pelled. returning home with shame and dishonor.

This yeare in the parlement holden at London (beginning the morow after the feast of saint Hila­rie, year 1404 and continuing twelue wéeks) the earle of Nor­thumberland was restored vnto his former digni­ties, lands and goods, The parle­ment begin­neth againe. The earle of Northumber­land restored▪ The Ile of Man. the Ile of Man onlie excepted, which by reason of the forfeiture made by the earle of Salisburie, the king had first giuen vnto him, and now depriued him thereof, where all his other lands, possessions, and liuings were wholie to him and his heires restored. By authoritie of the same parlement a subsidie was also granted to the king, A subsidie. of euerie knights fée twentie shillings, whether the same were holden of him by menaltie, or otherwise. Moreouer, euerie man and woman that might dispend in lands the value of twentie shillings & so vpward, aboue the reprises, whether the same lands belonged to the laie fee, or to the church, paied for euerie pound twelue pence: and those that were valued to be woorth in goods twentie pounds and vpwards, paid also after the rate of lands, that is, twelue pence for euerie pound. Abr. Fl. out of Tho. Walsin. Hypod. pag. 164. ¶ This séemeth to be that subsidie which Tho­mas Walsingham calleth a sore surcharging subsidie, or an vnaccustomed tax: the forme and maner wher­of (saith he) I had here interlaced, but that the verie granters and authors thereof had rather that the po­steritie should be vtterlie ignorant thereof, and ne­uer heare of it; sithens it was granted vpon this condition, that hereafter it should not be drawne in­to example; neither might the euidences thereof be kept in the kings treasurie, nor in the excheker; but the records thereof presentlie (after the iust ac­counts giuen vp) burned; neither should writs or commissions be sent abroad against the collectors or inquirers hereof for their better inquest.

The Frenchmen about the same time came before the Ile of Wight with a great nauie, The French­mens demand of the Ile of Wight. and sent cer­teine of their men to the shore, to demand in name of king Richard, and of his wife quéene Isabell, a tribute or speciall subsidie in monie, of the inhabi­tants of that Ile; who answered, The answer of the Iland­men. that king Richard was dead, and queene Isabell sometime his wife had béene sent home to hir parents and countrie, without condition of anie dowrie or tribute: wherefore, they answered reasonablie, that none they would giue: but if the Frenchmen had desire to fight, they willed them to come on land, and there should be none to re­sist them; and after they were on land, they promised to giue them respit for six houres space to refresh themselues, and that time being once expired, they should not faile to haue battell. When the French­men heard of this stout answer made by the Iland­men, they had no lust to approch néere to the land, but returned without further attempt.

About this season, the duke of Orleance, The duke of Orleance his challenge. brother to the French king, a man of no lesse pride than hau­tinesse of courage, wrote letters to king Henrie, ad­uertising him, that for the loue he bare to the noble feats of chiualrie, he could imagine nothing either more honorable or cōmendable to them both, than to meet in the field each part with an hundred knights and esquiers, all being gentlemen, both of name and armes, armed at all points, and furnished with speares, axes, swords, and daggers, and there to fight and combat to the yeelding; and euerie pers [...]n, to whome God should send victorie, to haue his [...]iso­ner, & him to ransome at hi [...] pleasure, offering [...] ­selfe with his companie to come to his citie of An­gulesine, so that the king would come to the lands of Burdeaux, and there defend this challenge.

[Page 525] The answer of king Hen­rie.The king of England grauelie answered herevn­to, that he maruelled why the duke vnder colour of dooing déeds of armes for a vaine-glorie, would now séeke to breake the peace betwixt the realmes of England and France, he being sworne to main­teine the same peace, sith he might further vnder­stand, that no king annointed, of verie dutie, was bound to answer anie challenge, but to his péere of equall state and dignitie: and further declared, that when opportunitie serued, he would passe the sea, and come into his countrie of Gascoigne, with such com­panie line 10 as he thought conuenient, and then might the duke set forward with his band, for the accompli­shing of his couragious desire, promising him in the word of a prince, not thence to depart, till the duke either by fulfilling his owne desire in manner afore­said, or by singular combat betwéene them two one­lie, for auoiding of more effusion of Christian bloud, should thinke himselfe fullie satisfied. To this and much more conteined in the kings answer, the duke replied, and the king againe reioined, not without line 20 tawnts and checks vnfitting for their estates. The duke of Orleance offended highlie (as he might séeme) furnished against the king of England with an armie of six thousand men, The duke of Orleance be­siegeth Uergi in Guien. entered into Guien, and besieged the towne of Uergi, whereof was cap­teine sir Robert Antlfield, a right hardie and valiant knight, hauing with him onelie thrée hundred Eng­lishmen, which defended the fortresse so manfullie, that the duke (after he had laine three moneths) and lost manie of his men, without honour or spoile re­turned line 30 into France.

After this, the admerall of Britaine highlie in­couraged, for that the last yeere he had taken certeine English ships laden with wines, acompanied with the lord du Chastell, a valiant baron of Britaine, and twelue hundred men of armes, sailed foorth with thir­tie ships from S. Malos, and came before the towne of Dartmouth, and would haue landed; but by the puissance of the townesmen and aid of the countrie, they were repelled, in the which conflict, the lord du line 40 Chastell, The lord du Chastell slaine. and two of his brethren, with foure hundred other were slaine, and aboue two hundred taken pri­soners and put to their ransoms, amongst whom the lord of Baqueuille the marshall of Britaine was one. Owen Glen­douer wasted the English marches. All this summer, Owen Glendouer and his ad­herents, robbed, burned, and destroied the countries adioining néere to the places where he hanted, and one while by sleight & guilefull policie, an other while by open force, he tooke and slue manie Englishmen, line 50 brake downe certeine castels which he wan, and some he fortified and kept for his owne defense. Iohn Trenor bishop of Assaph, considering with himselfe how things prospered vnder the hands of this O­wen, fled to him, and tooke his part against the king. About the same time, the Britaines and the Fle­mings tooke certeine ships of ours laden with mer­chandize, Crueltie of the Britains & Flemings. and slue all the marriners or else hanged them.

Also, the old countesse of Oxford, mother to Ro­bert line 60 Ueere late duke of Ireland, The [...]untes of Oxford. that died at Lo­uaine, caused certeine of hir seruants, and other such as she durst trust, to publish and brute abroad, tho­rough all the parts of Essex, K. Richard once againe aliue. that king Richard was aliue, and that he would shortlie come to light, and claime his former estate, honor, and dignitie. She procured a great number of harts to be made of sil­uer and gold, such as king Richard was woont to giue vnto his knights, esquiers, & fréends, to weare as cognizances, to the end that in bestowing them in king Richards name, she might the sooner allure men to further hir lewd practises: and where the fame went abroad, that king Richard was in Scotland with a great power of Frenchmen and Scots, readie to come to recouer his realme, manie gaue the more light credit vnto this brute thus set foorth by the said countesse.

The persuasions also of one Serlo, Serlo one of K. Richards chamber. that in times past was one of king Richards chamber, greatlie in­creased this errour; for the same Serlo, hearing in France (whither he was fled) that his maister king Richard was in Scotland aliue, conueied himselfe thither, to vnderstand the truth of that matter, and finding there one indéed that greatlie resembled him in all lineaments of bodie, but yet was not the man himselfe (as he well perceiued) vpon malice that he bare to king Henrie, aduertised by letters sent vnto diuerse of king Richards freends, that he was aliue indéed, and shortlie would come to shew himselfe o­penlie to the world, when he had once made his waie readie to recouer his kingdome, to the confusion of his enimies, and comfort of his fréends. These forged inuentions caused manie to beleeue the brute raised by the countesse of Oxford, for the which they came in trouble, were apprehended and committed to pri­son. The countesse of Oxford committed to prison. The countesse hir selfe was shut vp in close pri­son, and all hir goods were confiscat, and hir secretarie drawen and hanged, that had spred abroad this fained report, in going vp and downe the countrie, blowing into mens eares that king Richard was aliue, & af­firming that he had spoken with him in such a place and in such a place, Hir secretarie executed. apparelled in this raiment and that raiment, with such like circumstances.

About the feast of saint Iohn Baptist, at the kings commandement, The earle of Northumber­land cōmeth to the king. the earle of Northumberland came to Pomfret, and brought with him his nephues, and his nephues sonnes, whereby he cleared himselfe of a great deale of suspicion, manie doubting before his comming that he had giuen euill counsell to the yoong men, whereby to mooue them to rebellion, and to withstand the king. Sir William Clifford also came with the earle, Sir William Clifford brin­geth Serlo to the king. and brought the foresaid Serlo with him, whom he had apprehended vpon his com­ming to him at Berwike, in hope to haue found suc­cour at his hands: in consideration whereof the king pardoned the said sir William Clifford of his disobe­dience shewed, in keeping the castell of Berwike a­gainst him, in which dooing he had committed mani­fest treason.

This Serlo being knowen to be the man that had béene the chiefe murtherer of the duke of Glocester, Serlo exami­ned for the duke of Glo­cesters death. when he was made awaie at Calis, was diligentlie examined, who were helpers with him in the executi­on thereof, and after what sort they made him awaie: Serlo knowing there was no waie with him but death, would not vtter any other, but confessed for his owne part, he was worthie for that wicked déed to die ten thousand deaths, and shewed such outward appearance of repentance, that manie sore lamented his case, and promised to hire priests to sing masses, (as the maner was) for his soule, of their owne costs and charges. He was condemned to die at Pomfret, and was drawen from thence through euerie good towne, He is drawen through euery good towne. He is execu­ted at Lōdon. through which those that had the conueiance of him passed with him till they came to London, where he was executed, confessing euerie thing to be true concerning his wicked pretense, as before is re­cited: and further, that when he perceiued how their counterfeit practise would come to light and he open­lie reuealed, he meant to haue returned into France, but wanting monie, he thought to haue béene relie­ued with some portion at the hand of the said sir Wil­liam Clifford, and this caused him to come vnto Ber­wike, to shew him his necessitie, who to make his owne peace, did apprehend him, and present him to the king, as before ye haue heard.

King Henrie wanting monie in the feast of saint Faith the virgine, Anno Reg. 6. assembled at Couentrie his high [Page 526] court of parlement, in the which, the lord Stephan Scroope of Masham, and the lord Henrie Fitz Hugh obteined first to haue places of barons. Moreouer, it is to be noted, The l [...]ymens parlement. that this was called The laie mans parlement, bicause the shiriffes were appointed to haue a speciall regard, that none should be chosen knights for the counties, nor burgesses for the cities and townes, that had any skill in the lawes of the land. This was doone, and when they came togither to talke of the weightie affaires of the realme, spe­ciallie line 10 how the king might be relieued with monie, to beare such charges as he was knowen to be at, as well in defending the realme from the Scots and Welshmen at home, as from the Britains, Fle­mings, and Frenchmen abroad, it was thought most expedient, Strife be­twixt the lai­tie and spiri­tualtie. that the spiritualtie should be depriued of their temporall possessions, to the reliefe of the kings necessitie. Herevpon rose great altercation betwixt the cleargie and the laitie; the knights affirming, that they had oftentimes serued the king, not onelie line 20 with their goods, but also with their persons in great dangers and ieopardies, whilest the spiritualtie sat at home, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie an­swereth for his brethren. and holp the king nothing at all. Thomas A­rundell archbishop of Canturburie stoutlie answe­red herevnto, that the cleargie had alwaie giuen to the king as much as the laitie had doone, conside­ring they had oftener giuen their tenths to him than the laitie their fiftéens: also, that more of their te­nants went forth into the kings warres, than the tenants of them of the laie fée: beside this, they prai­ed line 30 day and night for the kings good successe against his enimies.

When the speaker named sir Iohn Cheinie, in re­plieng by plaine speach, Sir Iohn Cheinie spea­ker of the parlement. séemed little to esteeme such praiers of the church, the archbishop was set in a great chafe, and with sharpe words declaring what he thought must needs follow, both of the king and kingdome, when praiers and suffrages of churchmen came to be so little set by, he grew to such impatien­cie, that he flatlie told the speaker, that although he line 40 séemed little to estéeme of the religion of the cleargie, he would not haue him to thinke, The archb. chafeth. that he should take awaie the possessions of the church, without finding such as would seeke to withstand him, He spake like a [...]ord for if (said he) the archbishop of Canturburie maie liue, thou shalt haue hot taking awaie any manner of thing that is his. After this, when the archbishop perceiued that the king winked at these matters, he rose from his place and comming before the king, knéeled downe, and besought him to consider, how through the fauour line 50 and grace of the almightie God, he had atteined to the kingdome, and therefore he ought to remember his first purpose and intent, which was, to saue vnto euerie man his right, so far as in him saie.

He willed him likewise to haue in consideration the oth which he willinglie had receiued, that is, that he should aduance the honor of the church, and the mi­nisters thereof cherish and mainteine. Also, to haue in mind the danger and dishonour that redounded to such as brake their othes: so that he besought him to line 60 permit and suffer the church to inioy the priuileges and liberties, which in time of his predecessors it had inioied, requesting him to stand in awe of that king, by whom all kings did reigne; and to feare the cen­sures and condemnation that those incurred, which tooke and bereft from the church any good or right be­longing to it, who most certeinelie (said he) are ac­cursed. When the archbishop had vsed this, or the like speach, The kings answer to the archbishop. the king commanded him to go to his seat a­gaine, assuring him, that his intent and purpose was to leaue the church in as good state, or better, than he found it.

The archbishop herewith turning to the knights and burgesses of the parlement, said vnto them; ‘You, and such other as you be, haue giuen counsell vnto the king and his predecessors, to confiscate and take into their hands the goods and possessions of the celles, which the Frenchmen and Normans possessed here in England, and affirmed that by the same he and they should heape vp great riches, and indéed those goods and possessions (as is to be prooued) were worth manie thousands of gold: and yet it is most true, that the king at this day is not halfe one marke of siluer the richer thereby, for you haue begged and gotten them out of his hands, and haue appropriated the same vnto your selues, so that we may coniecture verie well, that you request to haue our temporal­ties, not to aduance the kings profit, but to satisfie your owne greedie couetousnesse, for vndoubtedlie if the king (as God forbid he should) did accomplish your wicked purposes and minds, he should not be one farthing the richer the yeare next after: and tru­lie, sooner will I suffer this head of mine to be cut off from my shoulders, than that the church should lose the least right that apperteineth to it.’

The knights said little, but yet they procéeded in their sute to haue their purpose forward, which the archbishop perceiuing (as an other Argus, hauing his eie on each side, to marke what was doone) labou­red so to disappoint their dooings, that he wan the fa­uour of certeine of the temporall lords to assist him, who constantlie auouched by their consents, that the church should neuer be spoiled of the temporalties, and herein they acquited the archbishop and prelats, one pleasure for an other, which they had doone for them before, when the commons in this parlement required, that all such lands and reuenues as some­time belonged to the crowne, and had béene giuen a­waie, either by the king, or by his predecessors king Edward, and king Richard, should be againe resto­red to the kings vse; vnto which request, the archbi­shop and other the prelats would in no wise consent: thus by the stout diligence of the archbishop Arunde [...] that petition of the commons, touching the spirituall temporalties, came to none effect. [Yea the knights themselues, Abr. Fl. o [...]t of Thom. Walfi. Hypod. pag. 167. who verie instantlie had stood in this er­ror, acknowledging their maliciousnes & guiltinesse herein, besought the archbishop of Canturburie to pardon them; and gaue thanks that by his coura­giousnesse the church in this so troublesome a time re­uiued, calling to mind the saieng of an ethnike, by way of application, to the said archbishops hie praise:

—sub principe duro
Temporibús (que) malis a [...]sus es esse bonus.]

Two fiftéenes were granted by the commons, with condition, Two fiftéens granted. that the same should be paid vnto the hands of the lord Furniuall, who should sée that mo­nie imploied for maintenance of the kings warres. Moreouer, at the importunate sute of the commons, Letters pa­tents reuoked the letters patents that had béene made to diuerse persons of annuities to them granted by king Ed­ward and king Richard, were called in, and made void, not without some note of dishonor to the king. The cleargie granted to the king a tenth and a halfe, A tenth and [...] halfe granted by y e cleargie. notwithstanding that the halfe of one tenth latelie granted was yet behind, and appointed to be paid vpon saint Martins daie now next comming. About this season, great losse happened in Kent, Ouer [...] of the sea. by breaking in of waters, that ouerflowed the sea banks, as well in the archbishop of Canturburies grounds, as other mens, whereby much castell was drowned. Neither did England alone bewaile hir losses by such break­ings in of the sea, but also Zeland, Flanders, & Hol­land tasted of the like damage.

William Wickham bishop of Winchester, be­ing a man of great age, deceassed this yeare, The death of Williā Wick­ham. leauing behind him a perpetuall memorie of his name, for the notable monuments which he erected, in building [Page 527] two colleges, one at Winchester for grammari­ans, and the other at Oxenford called the new col­ledge, purchasing lands and reuenues for the main­tenance of students there to the great commoditie of the commonwealth: for from thence, as out of a good nursserie, haue come foorth diuerse men in all a­ges excellentlie learned in all sciences. ¶ And héere I haue not thought it impertinent to speake some­what of this worthie prelat (considering that by him so great a benefit hath returned to the common­wealth) line 10 according to such notes as I haue séene col­lected by that painfull traueller in search of antiqui­ties Iohn Leland, who saith, that as some haue suppo­sed, the said Wickham, otherwise called Perot, was base sonne to one Perot, the towne-clerke of Wick­ham in Hampshire, of which place he tooke his sur­name, and that one maister Wodall a gentleman, dwelling in the said towne, brought him vp at schoole, where he learned his grammar, and to write verie faire, in so much that the constable of Winche­ster line 20 castell, a great ruler in those daies in Hamp­shire, got him of maister Wodall, and reteined him to be his secretarie, with whome he continued, till king Edward the third, comming to Winchester, conceiued some good liking of the yoong man, and tooke him to his seruice, and withall vnderstanding that he was minded to be a churchman, he first made him parson and deane of saint Martins in London, then archdeacon of Buckingham.

But for so much as his seruice was right accepta­ble line 30 to the king, as he that with great dexteritie could handle such affaires of the state, or other matters of charge as were committed to his hands, the king still kept him about his person, as one of his chéefe chapleins of houshold, and imploied him in sundrie offices, as occasions serued: and first he made him surueior of his works and buildings, namelie at Windsore, in reparing of that castell, and also at Quinburrough, where, by the kings appointment, a strong fortresse was raised, for defense of the realme line 40 on that side. He was also at one time treasuror of England (as Leland ga­thereth.) After this, he was aduanced to the kée­ping of the priuie seale, made ouerséeer of the wards and forrests, also treasuror of the kings reuenues in France, and at length was made bishop of Winche­ster. Yet the Blacke prince did not greatlie fauour him, wherevpon Wickham procured to kéepe him occupied in warres beyond the seas. But at length Iohn duke of Lancaster, and Alice Perers king Ed­wards concubine, conceiuing some great displea­sure against him, found meane to procure the king to line 50 banish him the realme, and then he remained in Normandie and Picardie for the space of seauen yeares, or thereabout, and might not be restored so long as king Edward liued. But after his deceasse, about the second yeare of king Richard the seconds reigne, he was restored home, and purchased a gene­rall pardon for all matters past that might be sur­mized against him, or laid to his charge.

Afterwards he bare himselfe so vprightlie in that dangerous time, when such misliking and priuie en­uie line 60 reigned betwixt the king and his nobles, that both parts séemed to like of him, insomuch that when the king made him lord chancellor, there was not a­nie that greatlie repined thereat; and verelie in that the king made choise of him before others to occupie that place, it argueth there was not so euill a disposi­tion in the king, nor lacke of discretion in order of gouernment, as writers seeme to charge him with. But where other could not so well beare iniuries at others hands as happilie Wickham could, the fire of dissention cheeflie kindled thereof. For if the duke of Irel [...]nd, and the earle of Suffolke, with those of that faction could haue refrained to shew their displea­sures, when the duke of Glocester and other his com­plices pinched at them (for that they saw the king haue them in more estimation than they wished) matters might haue béene qualified peraduenture with lesse adoo, and without danger to haue insued to either part. But howsoeuer it went with them, it may doubtlesse be easilie coniectured, that Wick­ham was a man of singular wisedome, and politike forecast, that could from meane degrée in such wise clime aloft, and afterwards passe through the chan­ces and changes of variable fortune, kéeping him­selfe euer so in state, that he grew at length to be a­ble to furnish the chargeable expenses of two such no­table foundations which he left behind him, to make his name immortall. But leauing the consideration hereof to others, I will returne to the purpose from whence I haue thus far stepped.

In this sixt yeare, the fridaie after saint Ualen­tines daie, year 1405 the earle of March his sonnes earlie in the morning were taken foorth of Windsore castell, The earle of Marches sonnes. Thom. Walsin. and conueied awaie, it was not knowne whither at the first, but such search and inquirie was made for them that shortlie after they were heard of, and brought backe againe. The smith that counterfeited the keies, by the which they that conueied them thence got into the chamber where they were lodged, had first his hands cut off, and after his head striken from his shoulders. The ladie Spenser, The ladie Spenser cō ­mitted to ward. sister to the duke of Yorke and widow of the lord Thomas Spenser, executed at Bristow (as before yee haue heard) being apprehended and committed to close prison, accused hir brother the duke of Yorke, She accuseth hir brother the duke of Yorke, as chéefe authour in stealing awaie the said earle of March his sonnes. And further, that the said duke ment to haue broken into the manor of Eltham the last Christmasse, by scaling the wals in the night sea­son, the king being there the same time, to the intent to haue murthered him. For to prooue hir accusation true, she offered that if there were anie knight, or es­quier, that would take vpon him to fight in hir quar­rell, if he were ouercome, she would be content to be burnt for it.

One of hir esquiers named William Maidstone, Williā Maid­stone esquier offred to fight in his ladies quarrell. hearing what answer his ladie and mistresse pro­pounded, cast downe his hood, and proffered in hir cause the combat. The duke likewise cast downe his hood, readie by battell to cleare his innocencie. But yet the kings sonne lord Thomas of Lancaster ar­rested him, and put him vnder safe kéeping in the Tower, till it were further knowne what order should be taken with him, and in the meane time were all his goods confiscate. The same time was Thomas Mowbraie earle marshall accused, The earle marshall accused. as pri­uie to the purpose of the duke of Yorke, touching the withdrawing of the earle of March his children, who confessed indéed that he knew of the dukes purpose: but yet in no wise gaue his consent therevnto, and therefore besought the king to be good and gratious lord vnto him for concealing the matter, and so he ob­teined pardon of that offense.

The king had assembled at the same time the most part of the nobilitie at London, to consult with them for diuerse weightie matters, concerning the state of the common-wealth, and about some aid of mo­nie which he required: but the lords shewed them­selues not willing to satisfie his request. The K. wan­teth monie & can get none of the lords. He therfore caused the spirituall lords as well as the temporall, to méet at S. Albons in the Lent season, about the same matter; but yet obteined not his purpose, by reason the barons were sore against him, and so at length on Palme sundaie they went their waie, each man to his home, hauing gratified the king in no­thing concerning his demand. In the meane time, to wit the fiftéenth of March at a place in Wales called Huske, in a conflict fought betwixt the Welshmen [Page 528] and certeine of the princes companie, the sonne of Owen Glendouer was taken, and fiftéene hundred Welshmen taken and slaine. Also in Maie about the feast daie of S. Dunstane, was the chancellor of the said Owen taken prisoner, and a great number of o­ther taken and slaine. The prisoners were brought vp to London, where the chancellor was committed to safe kéeping in the Tower.

Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wals. Hypod. pag. 159.¶This was a shrewd discomfiture to the Welsh by the English, on whome sinister lot lowred, at such time as more than a thousand of them were slaine in line 10 a hot skirmish; and such shamefull villanie executed vpon the carcasses of the dead men by the Welsh­women; as the like (I doo beléeue) hath neuer or sil­dome beene practised. For though it was a cruell déed of Tomyris quéene of the Massagets in Scy­thia, Iust. lib. 1. Herod. lib. 1. Val. Max. lib. 8. cap. 7, against whome when Cyrus the great king of Persia came, and had slaine hir sonne, she by hir poli­cie trained him into such streicts, that she slue him and all his host; and causing a great vessell to be fil­led line 20 with the bloud of Cyrus and other Persians, did cast his head thereinto, saieng; Bloud thou hast thir­sted and now drinke thereof thy fill: againe, though it was a cruell déed of Fuluia the wife of Marcus Antonius (at whose commandement Popilius cut off the head and h [...]nds of that golden mouthed orator Tullie, which afterwards were nailed vp ouer the place of common plées at Rome) to hold in hir hands the toong of that father of eloquence cut out of his head after the same was parted from his shoulders, line 30 and to pricke it all ouer with pins and néedels: yet neither the crueltie of Tomyris nor yet of Fuluia is comparable to this of the Welshwomen; which is worthie to be recorded to the shame of a sex preten­ding the title of weake vessels, and yet raging with such force of fiercenesse and barbarisme. For the dead bodies of the Englishmen, being aboue a thousand lieng vpon the ground imbrued [...]n their owne bloud, was a sight (a man would thinke) greeuous to looke vpon, and so farre from exciting and stirring vp af­fections line 40 of crueltie; that it should rather haue moo­ued the beholders to commiser [...]tion and mercie: yet did the women of Wales cut off their priuities, and put one part thereof into the mouthes of euerie dead man, in such sort that the cullions hoong downe to their chins; and not so contented, they did cut off their noses and thrust them into their tailes as they laie on the ground mangled and defaced. This was a verie ignominious déed, and a woorsse not commit­ted among the barbarous: which though it make the line 50 reader to read it, and the hearer to heare it, ashamed: yet bicause it was a thing doone in open sight, and left testified in historie; I see little reason [...]hie it should not be imparted in our mother toong to the knowledge of our owne countrimen, as well as vn­to strangers in a language vnknowne. And thus much by waie of notifieng the inhumanitie and de­testable demeanour of those Welshwomen, after the conflict betwéene the English and the Welsh, whereof desultorie mention is made before pag. 520, line 60 where Edmund Mortimer earle of March was ta­ken prisoner.

Ualeran earle of S. Paule, by the assent of the French king, assembled fiue hundred men of armes, fiue hundred Genowaies with crossebowes, and a thousand Flemings on foot, The castell of Marke besie­ged about the middest of Ma [...]e as Iac. Meir. saith. Sir Philip Hall. with the which he laid siege to the castell of Marke, thrée leagues from Ca­lis, vpon the fiftéenth daie of Iulie. Capteine of the castell as then for the king of England was one sir Philip Hall, hauing with him foure score archers, and foure and twentie other soldiers, which defended the place so manfullie, that the earle retired into the towne, and there lodged, fortifieng it for feare of res­cue that might come from Calis. The next daie he gaue an other assault to the castell, and tooke the vtter court, wherin was found a great number of horsses, kine, and other cattell. The next daie there issued foorth of Calis two hundred men of armes, two hun­dred archers, and thrée hundred footmen, with ten or twelue wagons laden with vittels and artillerie, conducted by sir Richard Aston knight, lieutenant of the English pale for the earle of Summerset, cap­teine generall of those marches.

The Frenchmen aduertised that the Englishmen were comming to remooue the siege, issued not foorth of their lodgings, but kept them within their closure. Neuerthelesse, the Englishmen shot so sharpelie and closelie togither, that the Flemings and footmen be­gan to flie: the men of armes fearing the slaughter of their horsses, ran awaie with a light gallop. The Genowaies which had spent the most part of their shot at the assaults made to the castell, shewed small resistance, and so all the number of the French part were slaine and put to flight. The earle of S. Paule put to flight. Ia. Meir. The earle of S. Paule and diuerse other escaped awaie, and by S. Omers got to Therouenne, or (as others saie) to saint O­mers. But there were taken to the number of thrée or foure score, and amongst other the lord de Dampi­er seneshall of Ponthien, monsieur de Weriners, monsieur de Uineles, monsieur de Noielles, monsi­eur Iohn de Hangests capteine of Bullongne, the lord de Rambures, monsieur Lionell Darreis cap­teine of Graueling, monsieur Peter Rasser cap­teine of Arde, also Combernard capteine of Tiro­nan, Boid Chanon capteine of Montoire, Iohn Cha­non capteine of Lisle, Stenebecke capteine of Ra­lingham, the bastard of Burneuill capteine of Bur­burgh. There were slaine about 60, and among them as cheefe sir Robert Berengueuill, the lord of Quer­cus, Morell de Saucuses, the lord Courbet de Rem­peupret, and others.

The Englishmen had the spoile of the earls campe, and being returned to Calis, within fiue daies after there issued foorth about fiue hundred men, Arde assaul­ted by Eng­lishmen. meaning to haue woone the towne of Arde with a sudden as­sault, which they gaue to it in the night time. But sir Manfrid de Bois, and the lord Kigine, did so valiant­lie defend it, that the Englishmen with losse of fortie of their men were constreined to returne vnto Ca [...]lis, after they had burnt the dead bodies in an old house, for that the enimies should not perceiue what losse the Englishmen had susteine [...]. After this, the French king, to auoid perils, laid in garison at Bul­longne, and in other places, the marques of Pount, The marques du Pount. sonne to the duke of Bar, the earle of Dampnie, and sir Iohn Harp [...]dan a knight of great renowme and estimation. The duke of Burg [...]gnie likewise sent a a number of soldiers vnto Graueling, vnder the lea­ding of one Iohn Uandenwall, and to other fortres­ses alongst the coast he sent new supplies, for doubt of the Englishmens inuasions.

The king of England in deed hearing of the pre­paration made [...]or warre by the Frenchmen, An armie sent to Calis and to the sea. leuied foure thousand [...] which he sent vnto Calis, and to the sea, of the which 3000 were vnder the conduit of the kings sonne. The lord Thomas of Lancaster, and the earle of Kent, Chr. Fland. Ia. Meir. the two and twentith daisof Maie (as some write) came vpon the coast of Flan­ders, and entring the hauen of Sluis, The English men besieged the castell of Sluis. burnt foure great ships which they found there lieng at anchor. On the fift daie after their comming into that ha­uen they went on land, thinking to haue fought with the duke of Burgognie. But as other write, af­ter they had besieged the castell that stood in the mouth of the hauen, and loosing thrée score of their men, amongst which they name one to beare the title of earle of Penbroke (whom they buried for the time in the church of Mude) fiue daies after their com­ming [Page 529] thither they determined to depart from thence, perceiuing the castell would not easilie be woone, but first they spoiled the countrie about them, and burnt Heis fléet, otherwise called Condekirke, and diuerse other places thereabout.

This doone, they tooke vp the bodie of him whom the Flemish writers call the earle of Penbroke, and got them againe to the sea, for that they were aduer­tised how the duke of Burgognie meant to besiege Calis. Wherevpon raising their siege thus from line 10 Sluis castell, they returned vnto the defense of the towne of Calis, so much desired of the French nati­on. As they returned homewards, they met with three caricks of Genoa, of the which one hauing the wind with hir, meant to haue ouerthrowne the ship wherein the lord Thomas of Lancaster was aboord: but by the good foresight of the master of the ship that ruled the sterne, suddenlie turning the same, the vio­lent swaie of that huge vessell comming so vpon them, was auoided; but yet the caricke stroke off the line 20 nose of the English ship, and brused hir on the side. Then began the fight verie cruell, till the earle of Kent came to the rescue: and so finallie after a great [...]onflict and bloudie battell betwixt the caricks and English ships, A great fight by sea. Threé ca­ricks are taken. Townes in Normandie burnt. the victorie remained with the Eng­lish [...]en, who taking the caricks, turned their sailes toward [...] Normandie, where they arriued and burnt the town [...] of Hoggue, Mountburge, Berflie, saint Petronils [...] other, to the number of thirtie six, pas­sing foorth in [...] the countrie without resistance, the line 30 space of thirtie [...]iles, spoiling all that came in their waie. This doone, [...]hey returned, and brought the ca­ricks into the cham [...]er at Rie, where one of them by misfortune of fire p [...]ished, to the losse & no gaine of either of the parties.

Iohn duke of Burgogn [...] [...]auing obteined licence to besiege Calis, The duke of Burgognie prepareth to besiege Ca­lis. prepared a [...] [...]rmie of six thousand men of armes, fiftéene hundred [...]rosbowes, & twelue thousand footmen, the which being [...]sembled, and all necessarie prouision readie at saint [...]mers, he was line 40 by the French king countermanded, [...] not suffered to proceed anie further in that weightie enterprise. And this was thought to be partlie the ca [...]se of the malice that he conceiued against the duke o [...] Orle­ance, The chéefe [...] of the ma­lice betwixt the dukes of Burgognie & Orleance. supposing that through him (enuieng his g [...]rie) he was thus disappointed of his purpose. Whi [...]t such dooings were in hand betwixt the English and French, as the besieging of Marke castell by the earle of saint Paule, and the sending foorth of the English fléet, vnder the gouernance of the lord Tho­mas line 50 of Lancaster, and the earle of Kent, the king was minded to haue gone into Wales against the Welsh rebels, that vnder their chéefteine Owen Glendouer, ceassed not to doo much mischéefe still a­gainst the English subiects.

But at the same time, to his further disquieting, there was a conspiracie put in practise against him at home by the earle of Northumberland, A new cōspi­racie against king Henrie by the earle of Northumber­land & others. who had conspired with Richard Scroope archbishop of Yorke Thomas Mowbraie earle marshall sonne to Tho­mas line 60 duke of Norfolke, who for the quarrell betwixt him and king Henrie had béene banished (as ye haue heard) the lords Hastings, Fauconbridge, Ber­dolfe, and diuerse others. It was appointed that they should meet altogither with their whole power, vpon Yorke swold, at a daie assigned, and that the earle of Northumberland should be cheefteine, promising to bring with him a great number of Scots. The arch­bishop accompanied with the earle marshall, deuised certeine articles of such matters, as it was supposed that not onelie the commonaltie of the Realme, but also the nobilitie found themselues gréeued with: which articles they shewed first vnto such of their ad­herents as were néere about them, & after sent them abroad to their fréends further off, assuring them that for redresse of such oppressions, they would shed the last drop of blood in their bodies, if néed were.

The archbishop not meaning to staie after he saw himselfe accompanied with a great number of men, The archbi­shop of Yorke one of the cheéfe conspi­rators. that came flocking to Yorke to take his part in this quarrell, foorthwith discouered his enterprise, causing the articles aforsaid to be set vp in the publike stréets of the citie of Yorke, and vpon the gates of the mo­nasteries, that ech man might vnderstand the cause that mooued him to rise in armes against the king, the reforming whereof did not yet apperteine vnto him. Herevpon knights, esquiers, gentlemen, yeo­men, and other of the commons, as well of the citie, townes and countries about, being allured either for desire of change, or else for desire to see a refor­mation in such things as were mentioned in the ar­ticles, assembled togither in great numbers; and the archbishop comming foorth amongst them clad in ar­mor, incouraged, exhorted, The archbi­shop in armor. and (by all meanes he could) pricked them foorth to take the enterprise in hand, and manfullie to continue in their begun pur­pose, promising forgiuenesse of sinnes to all them, whose hap it was to die in the quarrell: and thus not onelie all the citizens of Yorke, but all other in the countries about, that were able to beare weapon, came to the archbishop, and the earle marshall. In déed the respect that men had to the archbishop, The estima­tion which men had of the archbishop of Yorke. cau­sed them to like the better of the cause, since the grauitie of his age, his integritie of life, and incom­parable learning, with the reuerend aspect of his a­miable personage, mooued all men to haue him in no small estimation.

The king aduertised of these matters, meaning to preuent them, left his iournie into Wales, and mar­ched with all spéed towards the north parts. Also Rafe Neuill earle of Westmerland, The earle of Westmerland and the lord Iohn of Lan­caster the kings sonne prepare them­selues to resist the kings eni­mies. that was not farre off, togither with the lord Iohn of Lancaster the kings sonne, being informed of this rebellious attempt, assembled togither such power as they might make, and togither with those which were ap­pointed to attend on the said lord Iohn to defend the borders against the Scots, as the lord Henrie Fitz­hugh, the lord Rafe Eeuers, the lord Robert Umfre­uill, & others, made forward against the rebels, and comming into a plaine within the forrest of Galtree, The forest of Galtrée. caused their standards to be pitched downe in like sort as the archbishop had pitched his, ouer against [...]hem, being farre stronger in number of people than th [...] other, for (as some write) there were of the rebels at the [...]east twentie thousand men.

Wh [...] the earle of Westmerland perceiued the force of th [...] aduersaries, The subtill policie of the earle of West­merland. and that they laie still and attempted no [...] [...]o come forward vpon him, he subtil­lie deuised how to [...]uaile their purpose, and foorthwith dispatched messeng [...]s vnto the archbishop to vnder­stand the cause as it we [...] of that great assemblie, and for what cause (contrarie to the kings peace) they came so in amour. The archbishop answered, The archbi­shops prote­station why he had on him armes. that he tooke nothing in hand against the kings peace, but that whatsoeuer he did, tended rather to aduance the peace and quiet of the common-wealth, than other­wise; and where he and his companie were in armes, it was for feare of the king, to whom he could haue no free accesse, by reason of such a multitude of flatte­rers as were about him; and therefore he maintei­ned that his purpose to be good & profitable, as well for the king himselfe, as for the realme, if men were willing to vnderstand a truth: & herewith he shewed foorth a scroll, in which the articles were written wher­of before ye haue heard.

The messengers returning to the earle of West­merland, shewed him what they had heard & brought from the archbishop. When he had read the articles, [Page 530] he shewed in word and countenance outwardly that he liked of the archbishops holie and vertuous intent and purpose, promising that he and his would prose­cute the same in assisting the archbishop, who reioi­sing hereat, gaue credit to the earle, and persuaded the earle marshall (against his will as it were) to go with him to a place appointed for them to commune togither. Here when they were met with like num­ber on either part, the articles were read ouer, and without anie more adoo, the earle of Westmerland line 10 and those that were with him agréed to doo their best, to see that a reformation might be had, according to the same.

The earle of Westmerland vsing more policie than the rest: The earle of Westmerlāds politike dea­ling. ‘Well (said he) then our trauell is come to the wished end: and where our people haue beéne long in armour, let them depart home to their woon­ted trades and occupations: in the meane time let vs drinke togither in signe of agreement, that the people on both sides maie sée it, and know that it is true, line 20 that we be light at a point.’ They had no sooner sha­ken hands togither, but that a knight was sent streight waies from the archbishop, to bring word to the people that there was peace concluded, comman­ding ech man to laie aside his armes, and to resort home to their houses. The people beholding such to­kens of peace, as shaking of hands, and drinking to­gither of the lords in louing manner, they being al­readie wearied with the vnaccustomed trauell of warre, brake vp their field and returned homewards: line 30 but in the meane time, whilest the people of the archbi­shops side withdrew awaie, the number of the con­trarie part increased, according to order giuen by the earle of Westmerland; and yet the archbishop per­ceiued not that he was deceiued, vntill the earle of Westmerland arrested both him and the earle mar­shall, The archbi­shop of Yorke and the earle marshall arre­sted. Eiton. with diuerse other. Thus saith Walsingham.

But others write somwhat otherwise of this mat­ter, affirming that the earle of Westmerland in deed, and the lord Rafe Eeuers, procured the archbishop & line 40 the earle marshall, to come to a communication with them, vpon a ground iust in the midwaie be­twixt both the armies, where the earle of Westmer­land in talke declared to them how perilous an en­terprise they had taken in hand, so to raise the people, and to mooue warre against the king, aduising them therefore to submit themselues without further de­laie vnto the kings mercie, and his sonne the lord Iohn, who was present there in the field with ba [...] ­ners spred, redie to trie the matter by dint of s [...]rd, line 50 if they refused this counsell: and therefore he willed them to remember themselues well; & if t [...]y would not yeeld and craue the kings pardon, [...]e bad them doo their best to defend themselues.

Herevpon as well the archbishop as the earle marshall submitted themselue [...] vnto the king, and to his sonne the lord Iohn that was there present, and returned not to their armie. Wherevpon their troops scaled and fled their waies: but being pursued, manie were taken, manie slaine, and manie spoiled line 60 of that that they had about them, & so permitted to go their waies. Howsoeuer the matter was handled, true it is that the archbishop, and the earle marshall were brought to Pomfret to the king, who in this meane while was aduanced thither with his power, and from thence he went to Yorke, whither the priso­ners were also brought, and there beheaded the mor­row after Whitsundaie in a place without the citie, The archbi­shop of Yorke, the earle mar­shall, & others put to death. that is to vnderstand, the archbishop himselfe, the earle marshall, sir Iohn Lampleie, and sir Robert Plumpton. ¶ Unto all which persons though indem­nitie were promised, Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Walsin. Hypod. pag. 168. yet was the same to none of them at anie hand performed. By the issue hereof, I meane the death of the foresaid, but speciallie of the archbishop, the prophesie of a sickelie canon of Brid­lington in Yorkeshire fell out to be true, who darklie inough foretold this matter, & the infortunate euent thereof in these words hereafter following, saieng:

Pacem tractabunt, sed fraudem subter arabunt,
Pro nulla marca, saluabitur ille
Archiepis [...].
hierarcha.

The archbishop suffered death verie constantlie, insomuch as the common people tooke it, he died a martyr, The archbi­shop reputed a martyr. affirming that certeine miracles were wrought as well in the field where he was executed, as also in the place where he was buried: and imme­diatlie vpon such bruits, both men and women began to worship his dead carcasse, whom they loued so much when he was aliue, till they were forbidden by the kings fréends, and for feare gaue ouer to visit the place of his sepulture. The earle marshals bodie by the kings leaue was buried in the cathedrall church, manie lamenting his destinie; but his head was set on a pole aloft on the wals for a certeine space, till by the kings permission [after the same had suffered manie a hot sunnie daie, and manie a wet shower of raine] it was taken downe and buried togither with the bodie.

After the king, accordinglie as séemed to him goo [...], had ransomed and punished by gréeuous fines th [...] ci­tizens of Yorke (which had borne armour o [...] their archbishops side against him) he departed [...] Yorke with an armie of thirtie and seuen thousa [...] fighting men, furnished withall prouision nec [...]sarie, mar­ching northwards against the earle of Northumber­land. At his cōming to Durham, [...]e lord Hastings, the lord Fauconbridge, The lords ex­ecuted. sir Io [...]n Colleuill of the Dale, and sir Iohn Griffith▪ [...]eing conuicted of the conspiracie, were there be [...]aded. The earle of Nor­thumberland, hearing [...]at his counsell was be­wraied, and his confe [...]rats brought to confusion, through too much [...] of the archbishop of Yorke, with thrée hundred [...]orsse got him to Berwike. The king comming [...]orward quickelie, wan the castell of Warkewoor [...]. The earle of Northumber­land. Wherevpon the earle of Northum­berland, [...] thinking himselfe in suertie at Ber­wike, [...] with the lord Berdoise into Scotland, where t [...]ey were receiued of Dauid lord Fleming.

[...] king comming to Berwike, commanded [...] that kept the castell against him to render it [...]to his hands, and when they flatlie denied so to doo, he caused a péece of artillerie to be planted against one of the towers, Berwike ca­st [...]ll yéelded to the king. and at the first shot ouerthrowing part thereof, they within were put in such feare, that they simplie yéelded themselues without any maner of condition, wholie to remaine at the kings plea­sure. Herevpon the chiefest of them, to wit, sir Wil­liam Greistoke, sonne to Rafe baron of Greistoke, The sonne [...] the lord Grei­stoke and o­thers put to death. Exton. sir Henrie Beinton, and Iohn Blenkinsop, with foure or fiue other were put to death, and diuerse o­ther were kept in prison. Some write that the earle of Northumberland at his entring into Scotland, deliuered the towne of Berwike vnto the Scots, who hearing of king Henries approch, and despairing to defend the towne against him, set fire on it and departed. There was not one house that was left vn­burnt, except the friers and the church.

After that the king had disposed things in such con­uenient order as stood with his pleasure at Berwike, The castell [...] Alnewike yeelded to the king. he came backe, and had the castell of Alnewike deli­uered vnto him, with all other the castels that belon­ged to the erle of Northumberland in the north parts, as Prodhow, Langlie, Cockermouth, Aluham, and Newstéed. Thus hauing quieted the north parts, The K. pa [...] ­seth into Wales. he tooke his iournie directlie into Wales, where he found fortune nothing fauourable vnto him, for all his attempts had euill successe, in somuch that lo [...]ng fiftie of his cariages through abundance of raine and waters, he returned; He looseth his cariages. He retur [...]. and comming to Worce­ster, [Page 531] he sent for the archbishop of Canturburie, and o­ther bishops, declaring to them the misfortune that had chanced to him, in consideration whereof he re­quested them to helpe him with some portion of mo­nie, towards the maintenance of his warres, for the taming of the presumptuous and vnquiet Welsh­men.

In the meane time, the French king had appoin­ted one of the marshals of France called Montme­rancie, H [...]ll. The marshall Mōtmerācie sent to aid O­wen Glendo­uer. and the master of his crosbowes, with twelue line 10 thousand men to saile into Wales to aid Owen Glendouer. They tooke shipping at Brest, and hauing the wind prosperous, landed at Milford hauen, with an hundred and fourtie ships, as Thomas Walsin­gham saith; though Enguerant de Monstrellet ma­keth mention but of an hundred and twentie. The most part of their horsses were lost by the waie for lacke of fresh water. The lord Berkleie, and Henrie Paie, espieng their aduantage, burnt fiftéene of those French ships, as they laie at road there in the hauen line 20 of Milford: and shortlie after the same lord Berkleie, and sir Thomas Swinborne, with the said Henrie Paie, tooke other fourtéene ships, as they came that waie with prouision of vittels and munition foorth of France to the aid of the other.

In the meane while the marshall Montmerancie, with his armie, besieged the towne of Carmarden, and wan it by composition, Carmarden woone by the French. granting to the men of warre that kept it against him, licence to depart whi­ther they would, & to take with them all their mooue­able line 30 goods: the castell of Penbroke they assaulted not, estéeming it to be so well manned, that they shuld but lose their labour in attempting it. Notwithstan­ding they besieged the towne of Hereford west, Hereford west manfullie de­fended. Enguerant de Monstrelle [...] saith they burnt the townes but could not win the castell. which neuerthelesse was so well defended by the earle of A­rundell and his power, that they lost more than they wan, and so they departed towards the towne of Denbigh, where they found Owen Glendouer abi­ding for their comming, with ten thousand of his Welshmen. Here were the Frenchmen ioifullie re­ceiued line 40 of the Welsh rebels, and so when all things were prepared, they passed by Glamorganshire to­wards Worcester, The suburbs of Worcester burnt. and there burnt the suburbes: but hearing of the kings approch, they suddenlie retur­ned towards Wales.

The king with a great puissance followed, and found them imbattelled on a high mounteine, where there was a great vallie betwixt both the armies, so that either armie might plainelie perceiue the other, and either host looked to be assailed of his aduersarie, line 50 & therefore sought to take the aduantage of ground. Thus they continued for the space of eight daies from morning till night, readie to abide, but not to giue battell. There were manie skirmishes, and di­uerse proper feats of armes wrought in that meane while, French lords slaine. in the which the French lost manie of their no­bles and gentlemen, as the lord Pa [...]rou [...]tars de Tries, brother to the marshall of France, the lord Matelonne or Martelonne, the lord de la Ualle, and the bastard of Bourbon, with other, to the number line 60 (as some haue written) of fiue hundred. But Engue­rant de Monstrellet affirmeth, that vpon their re­turne into France, there wanted not aboue thrée­score persons of all their companies.

After they had laine thus one against an other the space of eight daies (as before is said) vittels began to faile, so that they were inforced to dislodge. The French and Welshmen withdrew into Wales, and though the Englishmen followed, yet impeached with the desart grounds and barren countrie, tho­rough which they must passe, as our felles and crag­gie mounteins, from hill to dale, from marish to wood, from naught to woorsse (as Hall saith) without vittels or succour, the king was of force constr [...]ned to retire with his armie, and returne againe to Wor­cester, in which returne the enimies tooke certeine ca­riages of his laden with vittels. The Frenchmen af­ter the armies were thus withdrawne, returned into Britaine, The French­men returne home. Anno Reg. 7. making small brags of their painefull iournie.

This yeare at London, the earle of Arundell ma­ried the bastard daughter of the king of Portingale, the king of England and the quéene with their pre­sen [...] honoring the solemnitie of that feast, which was kept with all sumptuous roialtie, the morrow after saint Katharins daie. ¶And on the daie of the Con­ception of our ladie, the ladie Philip king Henries daughter was proclamed quéene of Denmarke, Norwaie, and Sweden, in presence of such ambassa­dors, as the last summer came hither from the king of those countries, to demand hir in marriage for him, and had so trauelled in the matter, that finallie they obteined it. Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Walsin. Roiston bur­ned. ¶On the daie of the translation of saint Martine, the towne of Roiston was on fire. This yeare the first of March a parlement began, which continued almost all this yeare: year 1406 for after that in the lower house they had denied a long time to grant to any subsidie: A parlement. yet at length, a little before Christmasse, in the eight yeare of his reigne they granted a fifteenth to the losse and great damage of the communaltie, for through lingering of time, A fiftéenth grāted by [...]he temporaltie. the expenses of knights and burgesses grew almost in value to the summe that was demanded.

Moreouer, A new kind of subsidie gran­ted by the cleargie. by the clergie a new kind of subsidie was granted, to the king, to be leuied of stipendarie priests and friers mendicants, and other such reli­gious men as soong for the dead, celebrating (as they termed it) anniuersaries: euerie of them gaue halfe a marke, in reliefe of other of the cleargie that had still borne the burthen for them before. Wher­vpon now they murmured and grudged sore, for that they were thus charged at that present. The same time the earle of Northumberland, and the lord Bar­dolfe, warned by the lord Dauid Fleming, that there was a conspiracie practised to deliuer them into the king of Englands hands, fled into Wales to Owen Glendouer. This cost the lord Fleming his life: The lord Fleming lost his life for gi­uing know­ledge to the earle of Nor­thumberland of that which was meant against him. for after it was knowne that he had disclosed to the earle of Northumberland what was meant against him, and that the earle therevpon was shifted awaie, certeine of the Scots slue the said lord Fleming.

Wherevpon no small grudge rose betwixt those that so slue him, and the said lord Flemings friends. For this and other matters, such dissention sproong vp amongst the Scotish nobilitie, that one durst not trust another, Dissention a­mōg the Sco­tish nobilitie. so that they were glad to sue for a truce betwixt England and them, which was granted to indure for one yeare, as in some books we find recor­ded. This truce being obteined, Robert king of Scotland (vpon considerations, as in the Scotish hi­storie ye may read more at large) sent his eldest son Iames intituled prince of Scotland (a child not past nine yeares of age) to be conueied into France, Eleuen years saith Har­ding. The prince of Scotland staid here in England. vn­der the conduct of the earle of Orkenie, and a bishop, in hope that he might there both remaine in safetie, and also learne the French toong.

But it fortuned, that as they sailed neare to the English coast about Flambrough head in Holder­nesse, their ship was taken and staied by certeine mariners of Claie (a towne in Norffolke) that were abroad the same time; and so he and all his companie being apprehended the thirtith of March, was conuei­ed to Windsore, where though he had letters from his father, which he presented to the king, conteining a request in his sonnes behalfe for fauour to be shew­ed towards him, if by chance he landed within any of his dominions: yet was he deteined, and as well he himselfe as the earle of Orkenie was committed to [Page 532] safe keeping in the Tower of London, but the bishop got away and escaped (as some write) by what means I know not. By the Scotish writers we find that this chanced in the yeare 1404, that is, two yeares before the time noted in diuerse English writers, as Thomas Walsingham and other. But Harding saith it was in the ninth yeare of king Henries reigne, to wit, in the yeare 1408.

But whensoeuer it chanced, it is to be thought, that there was no truce at that present betweene the line 10 two realmes, but that the warre was rather open, sith diuerse English rebels still remained in Scot­land, Hall. and were there succored to the high displeasure of king Henrie. ¶ By authoritie of the parlement that all this time continued, the Britons that serued the quéene, with two of hir daughters were banished the realme. Robert Halome chancellor of Oxford, as then being in the popes court at Rome, Robert Ha­lome archb. of Yorke. was crea­ted archbishop of Yorke. ¶Moreouer the same time, the pope gaue vnto Thomas Langlie the bishoprike line 20 of Durham, which by the death of Walter Skirlow was then void. In the summer of this yeare, the la­die Philip the kings yoonger daughter was sent ouer to hir affianced husband, Erike king of Denmarke, Norwaie, The king and the queéne brought hir to Lin where she tooke ship­ping. Tho. Walsi. and Sweden, being conueied thither with great pompe, and there married to the said king, where she tasted (according to the common spéech v­sed in praieng for the successe of such as match togi­ther in mariage) both ioy and some sorrow among. There attended hir thither Henrie Bowet bishop of line 30 Bath, and the lord Richard brother to the duke of Yorke.

There was a iusts held at London, betwixt the earle of Kent, and the erle of Marre a Scotishman; also sir Iohn Cornewall, and the lord Beaumont, a­gainst other two Scotish knights, whereof the honor remained with the Englishmen. Anno Reg. 8. The duke of Yorke restored to libertie. In the parlement which yet continued, the duke of Yorke was restored to his former libertie, estate and dignitie, where ma­nie supposed that he had beene dead long before that line 40 time in prison. Edmund Holland earle of Kent was in such fauour with king Henrie, that he not onelie aduanced him to high offices and great honors, The earle of Kent in fauor with y e king▪ but also to his great costs and charges obteined for him the ladie Lucie, eldest daughter, and one of the heirs of the lord Barnabo of Millane, which Barnabo pai­ed to him 100000 ducates, He marrieth a daughter of Barnabo lord of Millane. in the church of S. Ma­rie Oueries in Southwarke, by the hands of Don Alfonso de Cainuola, vpon the day of the solemniza­tion of the marriage, which was the foure and twen­tith line 50 of Ianuarie.

¶ In this yeare Roger of Walden departed this life; Abr. Fl. out o [...] Thom. Walsi▪ Hypod. pag. 161. who hauing béene tossed vp and downe with sun­drie changes of fortune, tried in a short time how in­constant, vncerteine, variable, wandering, vnstable, and flitting she is; which when she is thought firmelie to stand, she slipperinglie falleth; and with a dissem­bling looke counterfaiteth false ioies. For by the meanes of hir changeablenesse, the said Roger of a poore fellow, Roger of Waldens va­riable fortune. grew vp to be high lord treasuror of the line 60 realme, and shortlie after archbishop of Canturbu­rie; but by what right, the world knoweth; conside­ring that the lord Thomas Arundell was then li­uing. Anon after he was deposed from his dignitie, and lead the life of an ordinarie priuat man a long time; within a while after againe he was promoted and made bishop of London, which sée he had not pos­sessed a full yeare, but was depriued, and Nicholas Hobwith succeeded in his roome. So that hereby men are taught not to be proud of their preferment, nor to reck [...] of them as of perpetuities, sithens they may be as soone dispossessed as possessed of them; and for that all estates & degrées depend vpon Gods power and prouidence, whereof the poet diuinelie saieth,

Ludit in humanis diuina potentia rebus,
Et certam praesens vix habet hora fidem.
Ouid. lib. [...] Pont. 4.

In this yeare the seuenth of Maie was Thomas Langlie consecrated bishop of Durham after the de­cease of Walter Skirlow. An additi [...] of Fran [...] Thin In which place he conti­nued one and thirtie yeares. He among other his be­neficiall déeds beautified the church of Durham for e­uer with a chanterie of two chapleines. Besides which for the increase of learning (wherwith himselfe was greatlie furnished) be built two schooles, the one for grammar to instruct youth, whereby in following time they might be made more able to benefit them­selues and serue their countrie: and the other of mu­sicke, wherein children might be made apt to serue God and the church, both which schooles he erected in a parcell of ground cōmonlie called The plaie gréene. To which buildings (for he was one that delighted much therein, and like vnto the philosopher Anaxago­ras supposed that there was not any more earthlie felicitie, than to erect sumptuous palaces, wherby af­ter their death the memorie of the founders might haue continuance) he added manie sumptuous parts of the palace of Durham. In the towne whereof he did also from the ground (of most statelie stone) erect a new gaole with the gate-house to the same, in that place where of old it remained, and then by iniurie of time fallen downe and consumed. This man inioied the sée of Durham almost the whole time of thrée kings, that is; about six yeares and six moneths in the time of Henrie the fourth, nine yeares and fiue moneths in the time of Henrie the fift, and fifteene yeares in the time of Henrie the sixt; during the go­uernment of all which princes, he was all his life time highlie estéemed and reuerenced for his singu­lar wisedome, and for the great authoritie he bare in publike, betwéene whome and the maior of New­castell arose great contention, about a bridge called Tinebridge in the towne of Gateshed or Goteshed, in Latine called Caput caprae. But in the yeare of our redemption 1416, and of Henrie the fift, the fourth, and of his bishoprike the eleuenth, this bishop had the recouerie thereof, as appeareth by the letter of at­turnie of the said bishop, made to diuerse to take pos­session of the same.

The letter of atturnie wherby the bishop authorised diuerse to take possession of Tinebridge.

THomas Dei gratia episcopus Dunel­mensis omnibus ad quos praesentes litte­rae peruenerint salutem. Sciatis quòd assignauimus & deputauimus dilectos & fideles nostros Radulphum de Ewrie cheualier senescallum nostrū Dunelmiae, Williamum Chan­celer cancellarium, infra comitatum & libertatem Dunelmiae, ac Williamum Claxton vicecomitem nostrum Dunelmiae coniunctim & diuisim, ad ple­nam & pacificam seisinam, de duabus partibus medie [...]atis cuiusdam pontis vocati Tinebridge, in villa nostra de Gatesheued, infra comitatum & libertatem Dunelmiae existentis. Quae quidem duae partes medietatis praedictae, continent & faciunt tertiam partem eiusdem pontis vsque austrum, in praedicta villa de Gatesheued. Super quas duas par­tes nuper maior & communitas villae Noui castri super Tinam, quandam turrim de nouo aedificare caeperūt, & quas quidem duas partes cum franche­sijs, iurisdictionibus, & iuribus regalibus super easdem duas partes medietatis praedictae, nuper in curia domini regis versus maiorem & communi­tatem dictae villae Noui castrire cuperauimus nobis [Page 533] & successoribus nostris episcopis Dunelmiae, & in iure ecclesiae nostrae sancti Cuthberti Dunelmiae possidendas de vicecomite Westmerlandiae, prae­textu eiusdē breuis dicti domini regis sibi directi nomine nostro recipiendas; & turrim praedictā ad opus nostrum saluò & securè custodiēdam. Ratum & gratum habiturus quicquid idē Radulphus, Wil­liamus & Willielmus nomine nostro fecerint in praemissis. In cuius rei testimonium has litteras nostras fierifecimus patentes. Datum Dunelmiae line 10 per manus Williami Cancellarij nostri 26 Octo­bris, anno pontificatus nostri vndecimo.

According wherevnto in the said yeare, possession was deliuered in the presence of these persons, whose names I thinke not vnmeet for their posterities cause to be remembred, being persons of good credit and of antiquitie, that is to saie, Iohn Lomelie, Rafe Ewraie, Robert Hilton, William Fulthrop, Wil­liam Tempest, Thomas Suerties, Robert Coniers. Cog­niers, line 20 William Claxton shiriffe of Durham, Ro­bert de Ogle. Egle, Iohn Bertram, Iohn Widerington, and Iohn Middleton knights of Northumberland, Christopher Morslie, Will. Osmunderlaw knights of Westmerland; and also in the presence of these es­quiers, Robert Hilton, Robert Ewrie, William Bowes, Iohn Coniers, William Lampton the el­der, Iohn de Morden, William Lampton the yoon­ger, Hugh Burunghell, Iohn Britlie, William Bel­lingham, line 30 Robert Belthis, Henrie Talboies; Tho­mas Garbois, Iohn de Hutton, William Hutton, Thomas Cooke of Fisburne, and fiue others. This bishop also procured certeine liberties from the pope in the church of Durham, by vertue of which grant they which were excommunicate (and might not in­ioy the priuilege of any sacraments, in other places throughout the bishoprike) should yet baptise their children in a font of that church, in an especiall place appointed therefore, and also receiue the other sacra­ments line 40 there to be administred vnto them. He died the eight and twentith of Nouember in the yeare of our redemption 1437, and was buried in the church of Durham in the chanterie which he had before erec­ted. Before whose death at his manour of Holdon he builded all the west gates there of goodlie stone and lime, with the chambers thereto belonging on which he placed his armes.]

The duke of Orleance hauing leuied a mightie ar­mie, year 1407 The duke of Orleance be­s [...]geth towns in Gascoigne. had besieged the townes of Burge and Blaie in line 50 Gascoigne, meaning with force to win the same; but so it fortuned, that for the space of eight wéekes togi­ther, there passed not one daie without tempest of raine, snow, and haile, mixed with winds and light­nings, which killed aswell men as cattell, by reason whereof he lost (as was reported) six thousand men, so that he was constreined to breake vp his camps from before both those townes, and to get him awaie with dishonor, for all his brags and boasts made at his first comming thither. Henrie Paie [...] valiant sea man. The sametime, Henrie line 60 Paie and certeine other persons of the fiue ports, with fiftéene ships, tooke an hundred and twentie poises, which laie at anchor in and about the coast of Britaine, laden with iron, salt, oile, & Ro [...]hell wines.

In this season also billes were set vp in diuerse places of London; and on the doore of Paules church, in which was conteined, k. Richard still aliue as was [...]eigned. that king Richard being a­line and in health, would come shortlie with great magnificence & power to recouer againe his king­dome▪ but the contriuer of this deuise was quicklie found out, apprehended, and punished according to his demerits. ¶ The citie of London this yeare in the summer was so infected with pestilent mortali­tie, that the king durst not repaire thither, nor come neere to it. Whervpon he being at the castell of Leeds in Kent, and departing from thence, tooke ship at Quinburgh in the Ile of Shepie▪ to saile ouer vnto Lée in Essex, and so to go to P [...]aschie, there to passe the time till the mortalitie was ceassed.

As he was vpon the sea, certeine French pirats which laie lurking at the Thames mouth to watch for some preie, The king in danger to be taken by French pi­rats. got knowledge by some meanes (as was supposed) of the kings passage, and therevpon as he was in the middest of his course, they entred among his fléet, and tooke foure vessels next to the kings ship, and in one of the same vessels sir Thomas Rampston the kings vicechamberlaine, Sir Thomas Rampston ta­ken. with all his chamber stuffe and apparell. They followed the king so néere, that if his ship had not béene swift, he had landed sooner in France than in Essex: but such was his good hap, The king es­caped through swiftnesse of his ship. The lord Ca­mois put in blame. that he escaped and arriued at his ap­pointed port. The lord Camois, that was comman­ded with certeine ships of warre to waft the king o­uer (whether the wind turned so that he could not kéepe his direct course, or that his ship was but a slug) ran so far in the kings displeasure, that he was attached & indited, for that (as was surmized against him) he had practised with the Frenchmen, that the king might by them haue béene taken in his passage.

Yee haue heard that the pope by vertue of his pro­uision had giuen the archbishoprike of Yorke vnto maister Robert Halom; but the king was so offen­ded therewith, that the said Robert might in no wise inioy that benefice, and so at length, to satisfie the kings pleasure, Henrie Bow­et archbishop of Yorke. maister Henrie Bowet was trans­lated from Bath vnto Yorke, and maister Robert Halom was made bishop of Salisburie then void by remoouing of Henrie Chichellie to S. Dauids. The lord Henrie prince of Wales this yeare in the sum­mer season besieged the castell of Abiruscwith, and constreined them within to compound with him vn­der certeine conditions for truce; Abiruscwith. but the prince was no sooner from thence departed, Owen Glen­douer. but that Owen Glendouer by subtill craft entered the castell, put out the kéepers, and charging them with treason for con­cluding an agréement without his consent, placed other in that fortresse to defend it to his vse.

About the feast of the Assumption of our ladie, that ancient warriour and worthie knight sir Robert Knols departed this life: Sir Robert Knols depar­teth this life. Bermondsey. he was (as before yée haue heard) borne of meane parentage, but growen into such estimation for his valiant prowesse, as he was thought méet to haue the leading of whole armies, and the rule and gouernment of large prouinces. For not long before his deceasse, he being gouernour of Aquitaine, incumbred with age, S. Albons. resigned his office vnto sir Thomas Belfort, a right valiant capteine, and therewith returned into England, where he died at a manour place of his in Norffolke, & from thence brought to London in a litter, with great pompe and much torch light, He was buri­ed in y e White friers. was buried in the church of White friers in Fleetstreet by the ladie Constance his wife, where was doone for him a solemne obsequie, with a great feast, and liberall dole to the poore.

Besides the diuerse noble exploits, and famous warlike enterprises atchiued by this valiant sonne of Mars, he (to continue the perpetuall memorie of his name) builded the bridge of Rochester, ouer the riuer of Medwaie with a chappell at the end thereof; he repared also the bodie of the church of the White friers where he was buried, He built Ro­chester bridge commonlie called Knols bridge. which church was first founded by the ancestour of the lord Greie of Cod­ner. He also founded a college of secular priests at Pomfret, and did manie other things in his life right commendable. Thom. Wals. Sir Thomas Rampston constable of the tower was drowned, in comming from the court as he would haue shut the bridge, the streame being so big, that it ouerturned his barge. Anno Reg. 9. This yeare the [Page 534] twentith of October began a parlement holden at Glocester, but remooued to London as should ap­peare in Nouember; for (as we find) in that moneth this yéere 1407, Thom. Wals. A subsidie. and ninth of this kings reigne, a sub­sidie was granted by authoritie of a parlement then assembled at London, to be leuied through the whole realme.

The lord Ca­mois arreig­ned & acquitedThe lord Camois was arreigned the last of Octo­ber, before Edmund earle of Kent that daie high steward of England, and by his péeres acquit of the offense, whereof he had beene indicted (as before yee line 10 haue heard) and so dismissed at the barre, was resto­red againe both to his goods, lands, and offices. ¶This yeare the winter was excéeding sharpe through frost and snow that continued & couered the ground by all the moneths of December, Ianuarie, Februa­rie, and March, insomuch that thrushes, blackbirds, and manie thousand birds of the like smaller size, perished with verie cold and hunger.

The earle of Northumberland, and the lord Bar­dolfe, year 1408 after they had béene in Wales, in France and line 20 Flanders, to purchase aid against king Henrie, were returned backe into Scotland, and had remai­ned there now for the space of a whole yeare: and as their euill fortune would, whilest the king held a councell of the nobilitie at London, The earle of Northumb. & the lord Bar­dolfe returne into Englād. the said earle of Northumberland and lord Bardolfe, in a dismall houre, with a great power of Scots returned into England, recouering diuerse of the earls castels and seigniories, for the people in great numbers resorted vnto them. Héerevpon incouraged with hope of good line 30 successe, they entred into Yorkeshire, & there began to destroie the countrie. At their cōming to Threske, they published a proclamation, signifieng that they were come in comfort of the English nation, as to reléeue the common-wealth, willing all such as lo­ued the libertie of their countrie, to repaire vnto them, with their armor on their backes, and in defen­sible wise to assist them.

The king aduertised hereof, caused a great armie to be assembled, and came forward with the same to­wards line 40 his enimies: but yer the king came to No­tingham, The shiriffe of Yorkeshire. sir Thomas, or (as other copies haue) Rafe Rokesbie shiriffe of Yorkeshire, assembled the forces of the countrie to resist the earle and his power, com­ming to Grimbaut brigs, beside Knaresbourgh, there to stop them the passage; but they returning a­side, got to Weatherbie, and so to Tadcaster, and fi­nallie came forward vnto Bramham more, neere to Haizelwood, where they chose their ground méet to line 50 fight vpon. His hardie co­rage to fight. The shiriffe was as readie to giue bat­tell as the earle to receiue it, and so with a standard of S. George spred, set fiercelie vpon the earle, who vnder a standard of his owne armes incountred his aduersaries with great manhood. There was a sore incounter and cruell conflict betwixt the parties but in the end the victorie fell to the shiriffe. The lord Bardolfe was taken, but sore wounded, so that he shortlie after died of the hurts. The earle of Northumber­land slaine. ¶ As for the earle of Northumberland, he was slaine outright: so that line 60 now the prophesie was fulfilled, which gaue an ink­ling of this his heauie hap long before; Abr. Fl. out of Tho. Walsin. Hypod. pag. 172. namelie, ‘Stirps Persitina periet confusa ruina.’ For this earle was the stocke and maine root of all that were left aliue called by the name of Persie; and of manie more by diuerse slaughters dispatched. For whose misfortune the people were not a little sor­rie, making report of the gentlemans valiantnesse, renowne, and honour, and applieng vnto him cer­teine lamentable verses out of Lucane, saieng:

Sed nos nec sanguis, nec tantùm vulnera nostri
Affecere senis; quantum gestata per vrbem
Ora ducis, quae transfixo deformia pil [...]
Vidimus.

For his head, full of siluer horie heares, being put vpon a stake, was openlie carried through London, and set vpon the bridge of the same citie: in like ma­ner was the lord Bardolfes. The bishop of Bangor was taken and pardoned by the king, for that when he was apprehended, he had no armor on his backe. This battell was fought the ninteenth day of Febru­arie. ¶The king to purge the North parts of all re­bellion, and to take order for the punishment of those that were accused to haue succoured and assisted the earle of Northumberland, went to Yorke, where when manie were condemned, and diuerse put to great fines, and the countrie brought to quiet­nesse, he caused the abbat of Hailes to be hanged, who had béene in armour against him with the fore­said earle. The abbat of Hails hanged▪

In the beginning of March, The earle of Kent sent to the sea. the king sent Ed­mund Holland earle of Kent with an armie of men imbarked in certeine ships of warre vnto the sea, bi­cause he had knowledge that diuerse rouers were wafting about the coasts of this land, and did much hurt. When the earle had serched the coasts, and could meet with no enimie abrode, he was aduertised bye­spials, that the pirats hearing of his comming to sea, were withdrawne into Britaine: wherefore the said earle intending to be reuenged on them, whome he sought, directed his course thither, and finding that they had laid vp their ships in the hauens, so as he could not fight with them by sea, Briake in Britaine as­saulted by the Englishmen. he lanched out his boates, and with his fierce souldiers tooke land, and manfullie assaulted the towne of Briake standing by the sea side. They within stoutlie defended them­selues, dooing their best to repell the Englishmen, with throwing darts, casting stones, The earle of Kent woūde [...] to death. and shooting quarels; in which conflict the earle receiued a wound in his head, so that he died thereof within fiue daies after.

The Englishmen not dismaied with his death, Briake taken by force. but the more desirous to obteine their purpose, continu­ed their assaults, till by fine force they entered the towne, set it on fire, and slue all that made resistance; and after for want of a generall to command what should be doone, they being pestered with preies and prisoners, returned into England. ¶ The countesse of Kent that was daughter (as yée haue heard) to Bernabo viscont lord of Millaine, hauing no issue by hir husband, was now mooued by the king after hir husbands death, to marrie with his bastard bro­ther the earle of Dorset, a man verie aged and euill visaged; wherevpon she misliking him, The countes of Kent ma­keth hir owne choise of hir second hus­band. meant rather to satisfie hir owne fansie, and therefore chose for hir husband Henrie Mortimer, a goodlie yoong bacheller, by whom she had issue a daughter named Anne, ma­ried to sir Iohn Awbemond.

This yeare, the next daie after the feast daie of Marie Magdalen, in a councell holden at London by the cleargie, A disputation betwixt di­uines of Ox­ford & Cam­bridge for their obediēce to the pope. the doctors of the vniuersities of Cambridge and Oxenford being there, with the rest assembled, debated the matter, whether they ought to withdraw from the pope, paiments of monie, and their accustomed obedience, considering that contra­rie to his word and promise so solemnlie made, and with an oth confirmed, he withdrew himselfe from the place where he (according to couenants) should haue béene present, to aduance an agréement and concord in the church. ¶Upon the euen of the Natiui­tie of our ladie, there chanced such flouds through a­bundance of raine, as the like had not béene séene a­fore by anie man then liuing. Also about the feast of All saints, Anno Reg. 10. The cardinal of Burges cōmeth into England in disfauor of pope Gregrie the cardinall of Burges came into Eng­land, to informe the king and the cleargie of the in­constant dealing of pope Gregorie, in like maner as he had informed the French king and the French­men, to the end that he might persuade both these [Page 535] kings which were accounted the chéefe in christen­dome, to put vnto their helping hands, that the same pope Gregorie might be induced to obserue and per­forme that oth, which he had receiued, so as by the roi­all authoritie of those two kings, concord might be had in the church. The French king (as this cardinall alleged) following the aduise of the learned men of the vniuersities of Paris, Bologna, Orleans, Tho­louse, and Montpellier, to auoid the danger of fauou­ring schisme, The resolutiō of the French king concer­ning the two p [...]pes. determined to obeie neither the one nor line 10 the other that contended for the papasie, vntill peace and concord might be restored in Christes church. The king vnderstanding the purpose of the cardinall, shewed him what courtesie might be deuised, offering to beare his charges, so long as it pleased him to re­maine in England, and promising him to consider aduisedlie of the matter.

This yeare after the Epiphanie, the archbishop of Canturburie called the cleargie of the prouince of Canturburie to a conuocation in Paules church at line 20 London, year 1409 A cōuocation at S. Paules in London. to choose sufficient persons that might go vnto the generall councell, appointed to be kept at Pisa: herevpon were chosen Robert Halom bishop of Salisburie, Ambassadors appointed to go to the coun­cell at Pisa. Henrie Chichleie bishop of saint Da­uid, & Thomas Chillingden prior of Christes church in Canturburie. The king before this had sent am­bassadors vnto pope Gregorie, and also to the cardi­nals; to wit, sir Iohn Coluill knight, and maister Nicholas Rixton clearke, with letters, signifieng the gréefe he had conceiued for the inconuenience that line 30 fell in the christian common-wealth thorough the schisme; The contents of the kings letters to the pope. and withall putting the pope in remem­brance what mischéefe and destruction of people had chanced by the same schisme. These and the like mat­ters, to vtter what desire he had to haue an vnitie in the church, he declared frankelie in his letters direc­ted to the pope, so as it might appeare to the world, how soberlie and modestlie he sought to induce the pope to procure peace & concord in the church. ¶ Cer­teine collections of which letters (as I find them in line 40 Thomas Walsingham) I haue here set downe in com­mendation of this king so excellentlie minded. Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wals. Hypod. pag. 159.

An extract of the kings letter to pope Gregorie.

MOst holie father, if the seat a­postolicall would vouchsafe by prouidence to consider, how great dangers haue inuaded line 50 the whole world vnder the pre­text of schisme, and speciallie the slaughter of christian people, which is of aboue two hundred thousand (as it is auouched) by the outrage of warres and battell sproong vp in sundrie parts of the world; & now late­lie to the number of thirtie thousand (by meanes of the dissention about the bishop­rike of Leods betweene two, one conten­ding line 60 vnder the authoritie of true pope, and the other vnder the title of antipape) slaine in a foughten field, whereof we make re­port with greefe; trulie the said seat would be pensiue in spirit, & with due sorow trou­bled in mind; yea at the motion of a good conscience, it would rather giue ouer the honour of that apostolicall seat, than suffer such detestable deeds further to be com­mitted, vnder the cloke of dissimulation, taking example of the true and naturall mother, which pleading before king Salo­mon, chose rather to part with hir owne child, than to see him cut in sunder. And al­though by that new creation of nine cardi­nals, against your oth (that we maie vse the words of others) made by you, wher­of a vehement cause of woondering is risen, it maie in some sort be supposed (as it is likelie) that your intent respecteth not a­nie end of schisme; yet farre be it alwaies from the world, that your circumspect seat should be charged by anie person with so great inconstancie of mind, whereby the last errour might be counted woorsse than the first, &c.

An extract of the said kings letter to the cardinals.

WE being desirous to shew how great zeale we had, & haue, that peace might be granted & giuen to the church by the consent of the states of our realme, haue sent ouer our letters to our lord the pope, according to the tenure of a copie inclosed within these presents effectuallie to be executed. Wherefore we doo earnestlie beseech the reuerend college of you; that if happi­lie the said Gregorie be present at the ge­nerall councell holden at Pisa, about the yeelding vp of the papasie, according to the promise and oth by him manie a time made, to fulfill your and our desires, as we wish and beare our selues in hand he will doo; that you will so order things concer­ning his estate, that thereby God maie cheeflie be pleased, and as well Gregorie himselfe, as we, who deseruedlie doo tender his honour and commoditie with all our harts, maie be beholden to giue you and euerie of you manifold thanks.

This yeare certeine learned men in Oxford and other places, Wicklifs do­ctrine main­teined by the learned. publikelie in their sermons mainteined and set foorth the opinions and conclusions of Wic­kliffe. This troubled the bishops and other of the cler­gie sore, insomuch that in their conuocation house, the six and twentith of Iune, by a speciall mandat of the lord chancellor in presence of the procurators, re­gents, and others, as Richard Courtneie, Richard Talbot, Nicholas Zouch, Walter Midford, & such like in great multitude: sentence was pronounced by Iohn Wels, doctor of the canon law against the books of Iohn Wickliffe doctor of diuinitie, Sentēce p [...] ­nounced a­gainst Wic­klifs books. intituled De sermone in monte, Triologorum de simonia, De perfectio­ne statuum, De ordine christiano, De gradibus cleri ecclesiae: and to these was added the third treatise, which he compiled of logike or sophistrie. These books and the conclusions in the same conteined, the chancellor of the vniuersitie of Oxford by common consent and assent of the regents and non regents of the same vniuersitie, reproued, disanulled and condemned, in­hibiting on paine of the great cursse and depriuation of all degrées scholasticall, that none from thence­foorth should affirme, teach, or preach by anie man­ner of meanes or waies, the same hereticall books (as they tearmed them) conteining anie the like opi­nions as he taught and set foorth in the same books.

This yeare about Midsummer, Fabian. Iusts in Smithfield. were roiall iusts holden at London in Smithfield betwixt the sene­schall of Heinault, and certeine Henewers challen­gers, and the earle of Summerset, and certeine Eng­lishmen [Page 536] defendants. Owen Glen­douer endeth his life in great miserie. The Welsh rebell Owen Glen­douer made an end of his wretched life in this tenth yeare of king Henrie his reigne, being driuen now in his latter time (as we find recorded) to such miserie, that in manner despairing of all comfort, he fled into desert places and solitarie caues, where be­ing destitute of all releefe and succour, dreading to shew his face to anie creature, and finallie lacking meat to susteine nature, for méere hunger and lacke of food, miserablie pined awaie and died. This yeare line 10 Thomas Beaufort earle of Surrie was made chan­cellor, Anno Reg. 11. Officers made. and Henrie Scroope lord treasuror. A parle­ment began this yeare in the quindene of saint Hi­larie, year 1410 in which the commons of the lower house exhi­bited a bill to the king and lords of the vpper house, A pa [...]lement. conteining effect as followeth.

A supplication to the king.

Tho. Walsi. Fabian. TO the most excellent lord our K. and to all the nobles in this pre­sent parlement assembled, your faithfull commons doo humblie signifie, that our souereigne lord the king might haue of the temporall possessions, lands & reuenues which are lewdlie spent, consumed and wasted by the bishops, ab­bats, and priors, within this realme, so much in value as would suffice to find and line 30 susteine one hundred and fiftie earles, one thousand & fiue hundred knights, six thou­sand and two hundred esquiers, and one hundred hospitals more than now be.

The king (as some write) vpon aduised considera­tion hereof had, Thom. Wals. misliked of the motion, & therevpon commanded that from thencefoorth they should not presume to studie about anie such matters. An other thing the commons sued to haue granted vnto them, line 40 but could not obteine: which was, that clearks con­uicted should not from thence foorth be deliuered to the bishops prison. Moreouer they demanded to haue the statute either reuoked, or qualified, which had béene established by authoritie of parlement, in the second yeare of this kings reigne, against such as were reputed to be heretiks, or Lollards. By force whereof it was prouided, that wheresoeuer such man­ner of persons should be found and knowne to preach line 50 or teach their erronious doctrine, they should be at­tached with the kings writ, and brought to the next goale: but the king séemed so highlie to fauour the cleargie, that the commons were answered plaine­lie, King Henrie a [...]uorer of the clergie. they should not come by their purpose, but rather that the said statute should be made more rigorous and sharpe for the punishment of such persons.

Iohn Badbie burnt. Tho. Walsi.During this parlement one Iohn Badbie a tailor, or (as some write) a smith, being conuict of heresie, was brought into Smithfield, and there in a tun or line 60 pipe burnt to death, in pitifull manner. The kings eldest sonne the lord Henrie prince of Wales being present, The prince being present at the execu­tion offereth him pardon. offered him his pardon, first before the fire was kindled, if he would haue recanted his opi­nions; and after when the fire was kindled, hearing him make a roring noise verie pitifullie, the prince caused the fire to be plucked backe, and exhorting him being with pitifull paine almost dead, to remember himselfe, and renounce his opinions, promising him not onelie life, but also thrée pence a daie so long as he liued to be paid out of the kings coffers: but he hauing recouered his spirits againe, Notable con­stancie of Badbie. refused the princes offer, choosing eftsoones to tast the fire, and so to die, than to forsake his opinions. Wherevpon the prince commanded, that he should be put into the tun againe, from thencefoorth not to haue anie fa­uour or pardon at all, and so it was doone, and the fire put to him againe, and he consumed to ashes.

The king demanded in this parlement, that it might be granted to him, The kings demand in the parle­ment. to haue euerie yeare in which he held no parlement a tenth of the cleargie, and a fifteenth of the laitie; but the estates would not agrée therevnto, by reason whereof, the parlement continued till almost the middle of Maie. A long parle­ment. A fiftéenth granted. At length they granted to giue him a fiftéenth, not without great murmuring and grudging of the commonal­tie. About this season died the lord Thomas Beau­ford earle of Surrie. Earle of Surrie de­ceasseth. The eleuenth of Aprill or ther­abouts, the towne of saint Omers was burnt by ca­suall fire togither with the abbeie, in which towne was such strange and maruellous prouision of en­gines, Preparation made to win Calis. Thom. Walsi. and all manner of furniture and preparation for the winning of Calis, as the like had neuer béene séene nor heard of. Some write, that they of Calis standing in doubt of such purueiance, & great preparation deuised to annoie them, procured a yoong man to kindle a fire, whereby all that dread­full prouision was consumed to ashes, and so they within Calis deliuered of a great deale of care and feare which they had thereof.

¶ But Tho. Walsingham maketh a full & complet declaration, both concerning the dukes deuise, & also of the Calesians deliuerance from the danger of the same; which because it perfecteth the report of this pre­sent matter, I haue thought good to set downe word for word as I find it in his Hypodigme. About the ninth of Aprill (saith he) the towne of saint Audo­mare was burned with the abbeie, Abr. Fl. out of Thom. Wals. Hypod. pag. 175. wherein was hid­den and laid vp the execrable prouision of the duke of Burgognie, who had vowed either to destroie the towne of Calis, or else to subdue it to the will and pleasure of the French. The engines of the duke of Burgognie against Cali [...] that shot out barrels of p [...]son. There a great manie engines to this daie no where seene, there an excéeding sort of vessels conteining poison in them were kept in store, which he had aforehand prouided to cast out to the de­struction of the said towne. For he had gathered to­gither serpents, scorpions, todes, and other kinds of venemous things, which he had closed and shut vp in little barrels, that when the flesh or substance of those noisome creatures was rotten, and dissolued into fil­thie matter, he might laie siege to Calis, and cast the said barrels let out of engines into the towne; which with the violence of the throw being dasht in péeces; might choke them that were within, poison the har­nessed men touched therewith, & with their scattered venem infect all the stréets, lanes, & passages of the towne. In the meane time, a certeine yoong man al­lured with couetousnesse of gold, or lead with affec­tion and loue towards the kings towne, asked of the gouernours what reward he should deserue, that would discharge and set frée the towne from so great a feare, and would burne all the prouision which they suspected. Herevpon they leuied a summe of that yel­low metall (namelie gold) where with the yoongman contented, went his waie, and with fire readie made for the purpose, did not onelie burne the said venemous matter and infected stuffe, but also togi­ther with the monasterie almost the whole towne.]

Moreouer this yeare sir Robert Umfreuill vice­admerall of England, Sir Robert Umfreuill viceadmerall Harding. annoied the countries on the sea coasts of Scotland: for comming into the Forth with ten ships of warre, and lieng there fourtéene daies togither▪ he landed euerie daie on [...]he oneside of the riuer or the other, taking preles, His [...] Scotland. spoiles & pri­soners; notwithstanding the duke of Albanie, and the earle Dowglas were readie there, with a great power to resist him: he burnt the galliot of Scotland (being a ship of great account) with manie other ves­sels [Page 537] lieng the same time at the Blackenesh ouer a­gainst Lieth. At his returne from thence, he brought with him fourtéene good ships, and manie other great prises of cloathes, both woollen, and linnen, pitch, tarre, woad, flower, meale, wheat and rie, which be­ing sold abroad, the markets were well holpen there­by, His surname Robert Mendmar­ket. so that his surname of Robert Mendmarket sée­med verie well to agrée with his qualities, which name he got by this occasion.

About foure years before this, he burnt the towne of Peples on the market daie, causing his men to line 10 meat the cloathes which they got there with their bowes, & so to sell them awaie, wherevpon the Scots named him Robert Mendmarket. By what oc­casion he came by that sur­name. Shortlie after his returne from the sea now in this eleuenth yeare of king Henries reigne, he made a road into Scotland by land, hauing with him his nephue yoong Gilbert Umfreuill earle of Angus (commonlie called earle of Kime) being then but fourtéene yeares of age, The earle of Angus Um­freuill cōmon­lie called erle of Kime. and this was the first time that the said earle spread his banner. They burnt at that time Iedwoorth, and the line 20 most part of Tiuidale. This yeare there died of the bloudie flix in the citie of Burdeaux fourtéene thou­sand persons, 1411 Anno Reg. 12. A great death by the flix. and so sore raged that disease in Gas­coigne and Guien, that there wanted people to dresse their vines, and presse their grapes.

Iohn Prendergest knight, & William Long scow­red the seas, Iohn Pren­dergest and William Long. so as no pirat durst appeare, but that merchants & passengers might passe to & fro in safe­tie. But yet through disdaine of some that enuied line 30 their good successe, the same Prendergest and Long were accused of robberies which they should practise, in spoling such ships as they met with, of diuerse things against the owners wils. Prendergest was driuen to take sanctuarie at Westminster, and could not be suffered to lodge in anie mans house for feare of the kings displeasure, commanding that none should receiue him, and so was constreined to set vp a tent within the porch of saint Peters church there, and to haue his seruants to watch nightlie about line 40 him for doubt to be murthered of his aduersaries: but his associat William Long laie still at the sea, till the lord admerall hauing prepared certeine ves­sels went to the sea himselfe in person to fetch him: but yet he could not catch him vntill he had promised him pardon, and vndertaken vpon his fidelitie that he should haue no harme: but notwithstanding all promises, Long com­mitted to the Tower. The archbi­shop of Can­turburie not suffred to visit the vniuersitie of Oxenford vpon his comming in he was shut vp fast in the Tower, and so for a time remained in du­rance. The archbishop of Canturburie minding in line 50 this season to visit the vniuersitie of Oxenford, could not be suffered, in consideration of pruileges which they pretended to haue.

The realme of France in this meane while was disquieted, year 1412 with the two factions of Burgognie and Orleance, France dis­quieted with two factions. in most miserable wise, as in the French histories it maie further appeare. Neither could the king, being a lunatike person, and féeble of braine, take any full order for reforming of such mischéefs, so that the whole state of the kingdome was maruel­louslie line 60 brought in decaie: neither tooke those troubles end by the death of the duke of Orleance (murthered at length through the practise of the duke of Burgo­gnie) but rather more perilouslie increased. The duke of Orleance murthered. For the yoong duke of Orleance Charles, sonne to duke Le­wes thus murthered, alied himselfe with the dukes of Berrie and Burbon, and with the earles of Alan­son & Arminacke, whereby he was so stronglie ban­ded against the duke of Burgognie, whom he defied as his mortall fo and enimie, that the duke of Bur­gognie fearing the sequele of the matter, thought good (because there was a motion of mariage betwixt the prince of Wales & his daughter) to require aid of king Henrie, who foreséeing that this ciuill discord in France (as it after hapned) might turne his realme to honor and profit, sent to the duke of Burgognie, Thomas earle of Arundell, The earles of Arundell and Angus with others sent to aid the duke of Burgo­gnie. Gilbert Umfreuill earle of Angus (commonlie called the earle of Kime) sir Robert Umfreuill, vncle to the same Gilbert, sir Iohn Didcastell lord Cobham, sir Iohn Greie, and William Porter, with twelue hundred archers.

They tooke shipping at Douer, & landed at Sluis, from whence with speedie iournies in the latter end of this twelfth yeare of king Henries reigne they came to Arras, where they found the duke of Bur­gognie, of whom they were ioifullie receiued, & from thence he appointed them to go vnto Peron, where he assembled a power also of his owne subiects, and re­moouing from thence, he marched through the coun­trie, by Roie, Bretueill, Beauois, and Gisors, till he came with his armie vnto Pontois, where he remai­ned about the space of thrée wéeks. Anno Reg. 13. From Pontois the two and twentith of October, the duke of Burgo­gnie marched towards Paris, and passing the riuer of Saine at Pont Meulene, he staid not till he came to Paris, into the which he entred the 23 of October, late in the euening. The duke of Orleance laie at the same time at saint Denis, with the more part of his armie, & the residue kept the towne of S. Clou, where a bridge laie ouer the riuer of Saine. Saint Clou taken by the helpe of the Englishmen. On the 9 of Nouember, with hard & sharpe fight the Eng­lishmen gat the towne of saint Clou, with the bridge, slue & drowned nine hundred souldiors that were set there to defend that passage, besides 400 that were taken prisoners. They tooke also aboue 12 hundred horsses, which they found in the towne, with great ri­ches, whereof the men of warre made their profit.

Among other prisoners, sir Manserd de Bos a va­liant capteine was taken, Sir Man­serd de Bos put to death. and shortlie after put to death, as diuerse other were, which the Burgognians bought of the Englishmen that had taken them pri­soners. The tower that stood at the end of the bridge could not be woone. At an other bickering also, it chanced that the Englishmen, Harding. vnder the leading of the earle of Angus or Kime, had the vpper hand, and tooke manie prisoners, whom the duke of Burgognie would that they should haue béene likewise put to death as traitors to their countrie, but the said earle of Angus answered for himselfe, and the residue of the Englishmen, that they would rather die all in the place, than suffer their prisoners to be vsed other­wise than as men of war ought to be, that is, to haue their liues saued, and to be ransomed according as the law of armes required, and by that meanes they were preserued. The duke of Burgognie hauing the world at will (for the duke of Orleance immediatlie after the losse of saint Clou, departing from saint Denis, got him into the high countries) sent home the Englishmen with hartie thanks, and great re­wards.

This yeare, Recor. Turris. Creations of noblemen. the king created his brother Thomas Beauford earle of Dorset, and his sonne the lord Tho­mas of Lancaster, that was lord steward of Eng­land, and earle of Aubemarle, he created duke of Clarence. Iohn duke of Burgognie, hauing now the gouernance both of the French king and his relme, Hall. so persecuted the duke of Orleance and his compli­ces, The Orlean­tiall factiō su­eth to the K. of England for aid. that finallie they for their last refuge required aid of king Henrie, sending ouer vnto him certeine per­sons as their lawfull procurators (of the which one was called Albert Aubemont, a man of great wit, learning, & audacitie) to offer in name of the confede­rates vnto the said king Henrie and to his sonnes, certeine conditions, which were made and concluded the yeare of our Lord 1412, the eight of Maie. The names of the chiefe confederats were these, The confede­rates of the Orleantiall faction. Iohn duke of Berrie and earle of Poictou, Charles duke of Orleance, and Ualois erle of Blois, and Beaumont [Page 538] lord of Coucie and Ach, Iohn duke of Bourbon, and Auuergne earle of Clearmont forest, and Lisle lord of Beau [...]eu, and Casteau Chinon, Iohn duke of A­lanson, Barnard earle of Arminacke, and others. The effect of the articles which these confederats were agréed, vpon touching their offer to the king of England, were as followeth.

The articles of couenants which they offered to the king of England. line 10

line 1 FIrst, they offered their bodies, finances, and lands, to serue the king of England, his heires, and successors, in all iust cau­ses and actions, sauing alwaies their alle­giance, knowing that he would not further inquire of them.

2 Secondlie, they offered their sonnes and daugh­ters, néeces and nephues, and all other their kins­folks to be bestowed in marriages according to the line 20 pleasure of the king of England.

3 Thirdlie, they offered their castels, townes, trea­sures, & all their other goods, to serue the forsaid king.

4 Fourthlie, they offered their fréends, alies, and well-willers to serue him, being the most part of all the nobles of France, churchmen, clearkes, and ho­nest citizens, as it should well appeare.

5 Fiftlie, they offered to put him in possession of the duchie of Guien, which they were readie to pro­test to belong vnto the king of England, in like and line 30 semblable wise, in libertie and franchises, as any o­ther king of England his predecessor had held and in­ioied the same.

6 Sixtlie, that they would be readie to recognise the lands which they possessed within that duchie, to hold the same of the king of England, as of the verie true duke of Guien, promising all seruices and ho­mages after the best maner that might be.

7 Seuenthlie, they promised to deliuer vnto the king, as much as laie in them, all townes and castels line 40 apperteining to the roialtie and seigniorie of the king of England, which are in number twentie townes and castels: and as to the regard of other townes & fortresses which were not in their hands, they would to the vttermost of their powers, helpe the king of England and his heires to win them out of his ad­uersaries hands.

8 Eightlie, that the duke of Berrie, as vassall to the king of England, and likewise the duke of Orle­ance his subiect and vassall, should hold of him by ho­mage line 50 and fealtie, the lands and seigniories hereafter following, that is to saie; the duke of Berrie to hold onelie the countie of Ponthieu during his life, and the duke of Orleance to hold the countie of Angu­lesme during his life, and the countie of Perigourt for euer, and the earle of Arminacke to hold foure ca­stels vpon certeine suerties and conditions, as by in­denture should be appointed. For the which offers, co­uenants and agreements, they requested of the king of England to condescend vnto these conditions in­suing. line 60

The conditions which they reque­sted of the king of England.

FIrst, that the king of England, as duke of line 1 Guien should defend and succor them as he ought to doo, against all men, as their verie lord and souereigne, and speciallie vntill they had exe­cuted iustice fullie vpon the duke of Burgognie, for the crime which he committed vpon the person of the duke of Orleance.

2 Secondlie, that he should assist them against the said duke of Burgognie and his fautors, to recouer againe their goods, which by occasion of the said duke and his fréends they had lost and béene depriued of.

3 Thirdlie, that he should likewise aid them in all iust quarels, for recouering of damages doone to their fréends, vassals and subiects.

4 Fourthlie, to helpe and assist them for the con­cluding and establishing of a firme peace betwixt both the realmes, so far as was possible. ¶And further they besought the king of England to send vnto them eight thousand men, to aid them against the duke of Burgognie and his complices, which dailie procured the French king to make war vpon them, séeking by all waies & meanes how to destroie them.

The king of England louinglie interteined the messengers, and vpon consideration had of their of­fers, as well for that he detested the shamefull mur­ther of the duke of Orleance (which remained vnpu­nished by support of such as mainteined the duke of Burgognie, who (as it appeared) would keepe promise no longer than serued his owne turne) as also for that the same offers seemed to make greatlie both for his honor and profit, thought that by the office of a king he was bound in dutie to succour them that cri­ed for iustice, and could not haue it; and namelie sith in right they were his subiects and vassals, he ought to defend them in maintenance of his superioritie and seigniorie. Herevpon as duke of Guien, he tooke vpon him to succor and defend them against all men, The king of England ta­keth vpō him to defend the Orleantiall faction. as their verie lord and souereigne, and so sending a­waie the messengers, promised to send them aid ve­rie shortlie.

This feat was not so secretlie wrought, but that it was knowne streightwaies in France. Where­fore the French kings councell sent the earle of saint Paule downe into Picardie, with fiftéene hundred horssemen, and a great number of footmen, The earle of saint Paule assaul [...]eth the castell of Gu­isnes. who ap­proching to Guisnes, attempted to assault the castell, but was repelled and beaten backe, so that he retired to the towne of saint Quintines, as one that neuer wan gaine at the Englishmens hands, but euer de­parted from them with losse and dishonor. His fortune against Eng­lishmen. In this meane season the French king being led by the duke of Burgognie, pursued them that tooke part with the duke of Orleance, commonlie called Arminacks, and after the winning of diuerse townes he besieged the citie of Burges in Berrie, comming before it vpon saturdaie the eleuenth of Iune, with a right huge armie. Within this citie were the dukes of Berrie and Bourbon, the earle of Auxerre, the lord Dalbret, the archbishops of Sens and Burges, the bishops of Paris and Chartres, hauing with them fifteene hundred armed men, and foure hundred ar­chers and arcubalisters.

There were with the king at this siege, his sonne the duke of Aquitane, otherwise called the Dolphin, the dukes of Burgognie and Bar, and a great num­ber of other earles, lords, knights, and gentlemen; so that the citie was besieged euen till within the Faux burges of that side towards Dun le Roie. The siege continued, till at length through mediation of Phili­bert de Lignac, lord great maister of the Rhodes, and the marshall of Sauoie, that were both in the kings campe, trauelling betwixt the parties, there were appointed commissioners on both sides to treat for peace, to wit the master of the crosbowes, and the seneshall of Heinalt, and certeine other for the king; and the archbishop of Burges, with the lord of Gau­court & others for the Orlientiall side. A peace [...]cluded be­twixt the [...] factions o [...] Burgognie [...] Orleance▪ These cōming togither on a fridaie, the fifteenth of Iulie in the Dol­phins tent, vsed the matter with such discretion, that they concluded a peace, & so on the wednesdaie next following, the campe brake vp, & the king returned.

Whilest these things were a dooing in France, the [Page 539] lord Henrie prince of Wales, The prince of Wales accused to his fa [...]her. eldest sonne to king Henrie, got knowledge that certeine of his fathers seruants were busie to giue informations against him, whereby discord might arise betwixt him and his father: Iohn Stow. for they put into the kings head, not one­lie what euill rule (according to the course of youth) the prince kept to the offense of manie: but also what great resort of people came to his house, so that the court was nothing furnished with such a traine as dailie followed the prince. The suspici­ous gelousie of the king to­ward his son. These tales brought no line 10 small suspicion into the kings head, least his sonne would presume to vsurpe the crowne, he being yet aliue, through which suspicious gelousie, it was per­ceiued that he fauoured not his sonne, as in times past he had doone.

The Prince sore offended with such persons, as by slanderous reports, sought not onelie to spot his good name abrode in the realme, but to sowe discord also betwixt him and his father, wrote his letters in­to euerie part of the realme, to reprooue all such slan­derous line 20 deuises of those that sought his discredit. And to cleare himselfe the better, that the world might vnderstand what wrong he had to be slandered in such wise: about the feast of Peter and Paule, to wit, The prince goeth to the court with a great traine. the nine and twentith daie of Iune, he came to the court with such a number of noble men and other his freends that wished him well, as the like traine had béene sildome seene repairing to the court at any one time in those daies. He was apparelled in a gowne of blew satten, His strange apparell. full of small oilet holes, at e­uerie line 30 hole the néedle hanging by a silke thred with which it was sewed. About his arme he ware an hounds collar set full of SS of gold, and the tirets likewise being of the same metall.

The court was then at Westminster, where he being entred into the hall, not one of his companie durst once aduance himselfe further than the fire in the same hall, notwithstanding they were earnestlie requested by the lords to come higher: but they re­garding what they had in commandement of the line 40 prince, would not presume to doo in any thing contra­rie therevnto. He himselfe onelie accompanied with those of the kings house, was streight admitted to the presence of the king his father, who being at that time gréeuouslie diseased, yet caused himselfe in his chaire to be borne into his priuie chamber, where in the presence of thrée or foure persons, in whome he had most confidence, The prince cōmeth to the kings presēce. he commanded the prince to shew what he had to saie concerning the cause of his comming. line 50

His words to his father.The prince knéeling downe before his father said: ‘Most redoubted and souereigne lord and father, I am at this time come to your presence as your liege man, and as your naturall sonne, in all things to be at your commandement. And where I vnderstand you haue in suspicion my demeanour against your grace, you know verie well, that if I knew any man within this realme, of whome you should stand in feare, my duetie were to punish that person, thereby to remooue that greefe from your heart. Then how much more ought I to suffer death, to ease your grace line 60 of that gréefe which you haue of me, being your natu­rall sonne and liege man: and to that end I haue this daie made my selfe readie by confession and re­ceiuing of the sacrament. And therefore I beseech you most redoubted lord and deare father, for the ho­nour of God, to ease your heart of all such suspicion as you haue of me, and to dispatch me héere before your knees, with this same dagger [and withall he deliuered vnto the king his dagger, in all humble re­uerence; adding further, that his life was not so deare to him, that he wished to liue one daie with his displeasure] and therefore in thus ridding me out of life, and your selfe from all suspicion, here in presence of these lords, and before God at the daie of the gene­rall iudgement, I faithfullie protest clearlie to for­giue you.’

The king mooued herewith, The kings words to the prince his son cast from him the dagger, and imbracing the prince kissed him, and with shedding teares confessed, that in déed he had him partlie in suspicion, though now (as he perceiued) not with iust cause, and therefore from thencefoorth no misreport should cause him to haue him in mistrust, and this he promised of his honour. So by his great wisedome was the wrongfull suspicion which his father had conceiued against him remooued, and he restored to his fauour. And further, E [...]ton. where he could not but gréeuouslie complaine of them that had slan­dered him so greatlie, to the defacing not onelie of his honor, but also putting him in danger of his life, The princes request to haue his accu­sors to answer their wrōgful slanders. he humblie besought the king that they might an­swer their vniust accusation; and in case they were found to haue forged such matters vpon a malicious purpose, that then they might suffer some punish­ment for their faults, though not to the full of that they had deserued. The king séeming to grant his ro­sonable desire, yet told him that he must tarrie a par­lement, that such offendors might be punished by iudgement of their péeres: and so for that time he was dismissed, with great loue and signes of father­lie affection.

¶Thus were the father and the sonne reconciled, be­twixt whom the said pickthanks had sowne diuision, Abr. Fl. out of Angl. praelijs. insomuch that the sonne vpon a vehement conceit of vnkindnesse sproong in the father, was in the waie to be worne out of fauour. Which was the more like­lie to come to passe, by their informations that priui­lie charged him with riot and other vnciuill demea­nor vnséemelie for a prince. Indeed he was youthful­lie giuen, growne to audacitie, and had chosen him companions agréeable to his age; with whome he spent the time in such recreations, exercises, and de­lights as he fansied. But yet (it should séeme by the report of some writers) that his behauiour was not offensiue or at least tending to the damage of anie bodie; sith he had a care to auoid dooing of wrong, and to tedder his affections within the tract of ver­tue, whereby he opened vnto himselfe a redie passage of good liking among the prudent sort, and was be­loued of such as could discerne his disposition, which was in no degrée so excessiue, as that he deserued in such vehement maner to be suspected. In whose dis­praise I find little, but to his praise verie much, par­cell whereof I will deliuer by the waie as a metyard whereby the residue may be measured. The late poet that versified the warres of the valorous English­men, speaking of the issue of Henrie the fourth, saith of this prince (among other things) as followeth:

—procero qui natu maximus haeres
In Angl. praelijs. sub Hen. 4.
Corpore, progressus cùm pubertatis ad annos
Esset, res gessit multas iuueniliter audax,
Asciscens comites quos par sibi iunxerat aetas,
Nil tamen iniustè commisit, nil tamen vnquam
Extra virtutis normam, sapientibus aequè
Ac alijs charus.

About the same time, Iohn Prendergest knight, Sir Iohn Prendergest restored to the kings fauour is sent to sea. being restored to the kings fauour, with thirtie ships scowred the seas, tooke good prises of wine and vitels, which reléeued the commons greatlie. Amongst o­ther enterprises, he landed vpon the sudden at Craal on the faire day, tooke the towne, and robbed the faire, so as they that were come thither to sell their wares, had quicke vtterance and slow paiment. King Hen­rie vnderstanding that the French king by setting on of the duke of Burgognie in pursuing the contra­rie faction, The duke of Clarence sent to aid y e duke of Orleance▪ had besieged the citie of Burges (as before yée haue heard) determined with all spéed to aid the duke of Orleance, & so about the feast of the Assump­tion [Page 540] of our ladie, he sent ouer an armie of eight hun­dred men of armes, and nine thousand archers, vnder the leading of his second sonne the duke of Clarence accompanied with Edward duke of Yorke, Tho­mas earle of Dorset, and diuerse other noble men and worthie capteins. They landed in the Baie de la Hogue saint Wast, in the countrie of Constantine. The Englishmen swarmed like bées round about the countrie, robbing and spoiling the same.

Shortlie after their departure from the place where line 10 they landed, Enguerant. there came to them six hundred armed men of Gascoignes that were inrolled at Burdeaux. When newes thereof came to the French court, be­ing then at Auxerre, incontinentlie the earles of A­lanson and Richmond were dispatched to go vnto the English campe, The earle of Alanson and Richmond sent to y e duke of Clarence. bicause they had euer béene par­takers with the duke of Orleance, to giue them thanks for their paines, and to aduertise them of the peace that had beene latelie concluded betwixt the parties, and therefore to take order with them, that line 20 they might be satisfied, so as they should not spoile & waste the countrie, as they had begun. But where­as the Englishmen were gréedie to haue, and the duke of Orleance was not rich to paie, they marched on towards Guien in good order, The duke of Clarence marcheth toward Guien. and what by sac­king of townes, and ransoming of rich prisoners, they got great treasure, and manie good preies and booties.

Being passed the riuer of Loire they spoiled the towne of Beaulieu, Enguerant. and with fire and sword wasted line 30 the countries of Touraine and Maine. The lord de Rambures appointed to resist such violence, The lord of Rambures. was ea­silie vanquished. Moreouer, to the aid of the duke of Orleance, The earles of Kent & War­wike sent o­uer to Calis. the king of England sent ouer to Calis the earls of Kent and Warwike, with two thousand fighting men, which spoiled and wasted the countrie of Bullennois, burnt the towne of Samer de Bois, and tooke with assault the fortresse of Russalt, and di­uerse other. Fabian. Coine chan­ged. This yeare, the king abased the coines of his gold and siluer, causing the same to be currant in line 40 this realme, at such value as the other was valued before, where indéed the noble was woorsse by foure pence than the former, and so likewise of the siluer, the coines whereof he appointed to be currant after the same rate. Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 388. Thrée floods without eb­bing betwéen. ¶In this yeare, and vpon the twelfth day of October, were three flouds in the Thames, the one following vpon the other, & no ebbing betweene: which thing no man then liuing could remember the like to be seene.

¶In this kings time, and in the eighth yeare of his line 50 reigne (as Richard Grafton hath recorded) a worthie citizen of London named Richard Whitington, Abr. Fl. out of R. Grafton. pag. 433, 434. in folio. mercer and alderman, was elected maior of the said citie, and bare that office three times. This man so be­stowed his goods and substance, that he hath well de­serued to be registred in chronicles. First he erected one house or church in London to be a house of prai­er, Whitington college e­rected. and named the same after his owne name, Whi­tington college, remaining at this daie. In the said church, besides certeine preests and clearks, he placed line 60 a number of poore aged men and women, builded for them houses and lodgings, and allowed them wood, coles, cloth, and wéekelie monie to their great reléefe and comfort. Charitie. This man also at his owne cost builded the gate of London called Newgate in the yéere of our Lord 1422, Newgate builded. which before was a most oug­lie and lothsome prison. He also builded more than the halfe of S. Bartholomews hospitall in west Smith­field. S. Bartholo­mews hospital He builded likewise the beautifull librarie in the graie friers in London now called Christs hospitall, standing in the north part of the cloister thereof, where in the wall his armes be grauen in stone. He also builded for the ease of the maior of London, his brethren, and the worshipfull citizens, on the solemne daies of their assemblie, Guildhall chapell. a chapell adioining to the Guildhall; to the intent that before they entered in­to anie of their worldlie affaires, they should begin with praier and inuocation to God for his assistance: at the end ioining to the south part of the said chapell, he builded for the citie a librarie of stone, for the custodie of their records and other bookes. He also builded a great part of the east end of Giuldhall; Guildhall inlarged. and did manie other good déeds worthie of imitation. By a writing of this mans owne hand, which he willed to be fixed as a schedule to his last will and testa­ment, it appeareth what a pitifull and relenting heart he had at other mens miseries, and did not onelie wish but also did what he could procure for their re­leefe. In so much that he charged and commanded his executors, as they would answer before God at the daie of the resurrection of all flesh, that if they found anie debtor of his, whome if in conscience they thought not to be well worth three times as much as they owght him, and also out of other mens debt, and well able to paie, that then they should neuer de­mand it; for he clearlie forgaue it: and that they should put no man in sute for anie debt due to him. A worthie memoriall of a notable minded gentle­man.

Yée haue heard how the duke of Clarence and his armie did much hurt in the realme of France, Anno Reg. 14. in pla­ces as he passed: wherevpon at length, The duke of Orleance cō ­meth to y e En­glish armie. the duke of Orleance being earnestlie called vpon to dispatch the Englishmen out of France, according to an ar­ticle comprised in the conclusion of the peace, he came to the duke of Clarence, rendering to him and his armie a thousand gramersies, and disbursed to them as much monie as he or his fréends might easi­lie spare; and for the rest being two hundred and nine thousand frankes remaining vnpaid, he deliuered in gage his second brother, Iohn duke of Angolesme, which was grandfather to king Francis the first, that reigned in our daies, sir Marcell de Burges, and sir Iohn de Samoures, sir Archembald Uiliers, and di­uerse other, which earle continued long in England, as after shall appeare. When this agreement was thus made betwixt the dukes of Orleance and Cla­rence, the English armie with rich preies, booties and prisoners came to Burdeaux, making warre on the frontiers of France, to their great gaine. The lord of Helie marshal of France. In this meane while, the lord of Helie, one of the marshals of France, with an armie of foure thousand men, besie­ged a certeine fortresse in Guien, which an English knight, one sir Iohn Blunt kept, who with thrée hun­dred men that came to his aid, discomfited, chased, Sir Iohn Blunt. and ouerthrew the French power, tooke prisoners twelue men of name, and other gentlemen to the number of six score, and amongst other, the said mar­shall, who was sent ouer into England, and put in the castell of Wissebet, from whence he escaped, and got ouer into France, where seruing the duke of Orle­ance at the battell of Agincort, he was slaine among other.

In this fourtéenth and last yeare of king Henries reigne, Fabian. The k. mea [...] to haue made a iournie a­gainst the Infidels. a councell was holden in the white friers in London, at the which, among other things, order was taken for ships and gallies to be builded and made readie, and all other things necessarie to be prouided for a voiage which he meant to make into the holie land, there to recouer the citie of Ierusalem from the Infidels. For it gréeued him to consider the great malice of christian princes, that were bent vpon a mischéefous purpose to destroie one another, to the perill of their owne soules, rather than to make war against the enimies of the christian faith, as in con­science (it séemed to him) they were bound. He held his Christmas this yeare at Eltham, The king is vexed with sicknesse. being sore vex­ed with sicknesse, so that it was thought sometime, [Page 541] that he had beene dead: notwithstanding it pleased God that he somwhat recouered his strength againe, and so passed that Christmasse with as much ioy as he might.

The morrow after Candlemas daie began a par­lement, 141 [...] which he had called at London, but he depar­ted this life before the same parlement was ended: A par [...]ement. for now that his prouisions were readie, and that he was furnished with sufficient treasure, soldiers, cap­teins, vittels, munitions, tall ships, strong gallies, line 10 and all things necessarie for such a roiall iournie as he pretended to take into the holie land, he was eft­soones taken with a sore sicknesse, which was not a le­prosie, The K. sick of an apoplexie. [...]. striken by the hand of God (saith maister Hall) as foolish friers imagined; but a verie apoplexie, of the which he languished till his appointed houre, and had none other gréefe nor maladie; so that what man or­deineth, God altereth at his good will and pleasure, not giuing place more to the prince, than to the poo­rest creature liuing, when he séeth his time to dispose line 20 of him this waie or that, as to his omnipotent pow­er and diuine prouidence seemeth expedient. During this his last sicknesse, H [...]ll. he caused his crowne (as some write) to be set on a pillow at his beds head, and sud­denlie his pangs so sore troubled him, that he laie as though all his vitall spirits had beene from him de­parted. Such as were about him, thinking verelie that he had béene departed, couered his face with a linnen cloth.

The prince his sonne being hereof aduertised, en­tered line 30 into the chamber, The prince ta [...]et [...] awaie the crowne before his fa­ther was dead tooke awaie the crowne, and departed. The father being suddenlie reuiued out of that trance, quicklie perceiued the lacke of his crowne; and hauing knowledge that the prince his sonne had taken it awaie, caused him to come before his presence, requiring of him what he meant so to misuse himselfe. [...] is blamed of the king. His answer. The prince with a good audacitie ans­wered; ‘Sir, to mine and all mens iudgements you seemed dead in this world, wherefore I as your next heire apparant tooke that as mine owne, and not as line 40 yours. Well faire sonne (said the king with a great sigh) what right I had to it, A guiltie con­science in ex­tremitie of sicknesse pin­ [...]heth sore. God knoweth. Well (said the prince) if you die king, I will haue the garland, and trust to kéepe it with the sword against all mine enimies, as you haue doone. Then said the king, I commit all to God, and remember you to doo well.’ With that he turned himselfe in his bed, The death of Henrie the fourth. and shortlie after departed to God in a chamber of the abbats of Westminster called Ierusalem, the twentith daie of March, in the yeare 1413, and in the yeare of his age line 50 46, when he had reigned thirteene yeares, fiue mo­neths and od daies, in great perplexitie and little pleasure [or fouretéene yeares, as some haue noted, who name not the disease whereof he died, but refer it to sicknesse absolutelie, whereby his time of depar­ture did approach and fetch him out of the world: as Ch. Okl. saith, whose words may serue as a funerall epigramme in memoriall of the said king Henrie:

Ab [...]. F [...]. out of [...].
Henricus quartus bis septem rexerat annos
Anglorum gentem summa cum laude & amore, line 60
I àm (que) senescenti fatalis terminus aeui
Ingruerat, morbus fatalem accerserat horam.]

We find, that he was taken with his last sicke­nesse, Fabian. while he was making his praiers at saint Ed­wards shrine, there as it were to take his leaue, and so to procéed foorth on his iournie: he was so sudden­lie and greeuouslie taken, that such as were about him, feared least he would haue died presentlie, wher­fore to reléeue him (if it were possible) they bare him into a chamber that was next at hand, belonging to the abbat of Westminster, where they laid him on a pallet before the fire, and vsed all remedies to reuiue him. At length, he recouered his spéech, and vnder­standing and perceiuing himselfe in a strange place which he knew not, he willed to know if the chamber had anie particular name, wherevnto answer was made, that it was called Ierusalem. Then said the king; ‘Lauds be giuen to the father of heauen, for now I know that I shall die heere in this chamber, according to the prophesie of me declared, that I should depart this life in Ierusalem.’

Whether this was true that so he spake, as one that gaue too much credit to foolish prophesies & vaine tales, or whether it was fained, as in such cases it commonlie happeneth, we leaue it to the aduised rea­der to iudge. He is buried at Canturbu­rie. His issue. His bodie with all funerall pompe was conueied vnto Canturburie, and there solemnlie bu­ried, leauing behind him by the ladie Marie daugh­ter to the lord Humfrie Bohun earle of Hereford and Northhampton, Henrie prince of Wales, Tho­mas duke of Clarence, Iohn duke of Bedford, Hum­frie duke of Glocester, Blanch duchesse of Bauier, and Philip quéene of Denmarke: by his last wife Iane, he had no children. This king was of a meane stature, well proportioned, and formallie compact, His stature. quicke and liuelie, and of a stout courage. In his latter daies he shewed himselfe so gentle, that he gat more loue amongst the nobles and people of this realme, than he had purchased malice and euill will in the beginning.

But yet to speake a truth, by his proceedings, af­ter he had atteined to the crowne, what with such taxes, tallages, subsidies, and exactions as he was constreined to charge the people with; and what by punishing such as mooued with disdeine to see him v­surpe the crowne (contrarie to the oth taken at his entring into this land, vpon his returne from exile) did at sundrie times rebell against him, he wan him­selfe more hatred, than in all his life time (if it had beene longer by manie yeares than it was) had beene possible for him to haue weeded out & remooued. And yet doubtlesse, woorthie were his subiects to tast of that bitter cup, sithens they were so readie to ioine and clappe hands with him, for the deposing of their rightfull and naturall prince king Richard, whose chéefe fault rested onlie in that, that he was too boun­tifull to his fréends, and too mercifull to his foes; spe­ciallie if he had not béene drawne by others, to séeke reuenge of those that abused his good and courteous nature. ¶But now to returne to the matter present. The duke of Clarence immediatlie vpon knowlege had of his father king Henrie the fourth his death, returned out of Guien into England, with the earle of Angolesme, and other prisoners.

Now will were hearse what writers of our Eng­lish nation liued in the daies of this king. That re­nowmed poet Geffrie Chaucer is woorthilie named as principall, a man so exquisitlie learned in all scien­ces, that his match was not lightlie found any where in those daies; and for reducing our English toong to a perfect conformitie, he hath excelled therein all o­ther; he departed this life about the yeare of our Lord 1402, as Bale gathereth: but by other it appeareth, Iohn Stow. that he deceassed the fiue and twentith of October in the yeare 1400, and lieth buried at Westminster, in the south part of the great church there, as by a mo­nument erected by Nicholas Brigham it doth ap­peare. Iohn Gower descended of that woorthie fami­lie of the Gowers of Stitenham in Yorkeshire (as Leland noteth) studied not onelie the common lawes of this realme, but also other kinds of literature, and great knowledge in the same, namelie in poeticall inuentions, applieng his indeuor with Chaucer, to garnish the English toong, in bringing it from a rude vnperfectnesse, vnto a more apt elegancie: for where­as before those daies, the learned vsed to write onelie in Latine or French, and not in English, our toong remained verie barren, rude, and vnperfect; but now [Page 542] by the diligent industrie of Chaucer and Gower, it was within a while greatlie amended, so as it grew not onelie verie rich and plentifull in words, but also so proper and apt to expresse that which the mind con­ceiued, as anie other vsuall language. Gower depar­ted this life shortlie after the deceasse of his déere and louing freend Chaucer; to wit, in the yeare 1402, being then come to great age, and blind for a cer­teine time before his death. He was buried in the church of saint Marie Oueries in Southwarke. line 10

Moreouer, Hugh Legat borne in Hertfordshire, and a monke of saint Albons, wrote scholies vpon Architrenius of Iohn Hanuill, and also vpon Boe­tius De consolatione; Roger Alington, chancellor of the vniuersitie of Oxford, a great sophister, & an enimie to the doctrine of Wickliffe; Iohn Botrell, a logi­cian; Nicholas Gorham, borne in a village of the same name in Hertfordshire, a Dominike frier, first proceeded master of art in Oxenford, and after going to Paris, became the French kings confessor, and line 20 therefore hath béene of some taken to be a French­man; Iohn Lilleshull, so called of a monasterie in the west parties of this realme whereof he was go­uernour; Walter Disse, so called of a towne in Norfolke where he was borne, first a Carmelite frier professed in Norwich, and after going to Cam­bridge, he there procéeded doctor, he was also confes­sor to the duke of Lancaster, and to his wife the du­chesse Constance, & a great setter foorth of pope Ur­bans cause against the other popes that were by him line 30 and those of his faction named the antipapes; Tho­mas Maldon, so called of the towne of that name in Essex where he was borne: Iohn Edo, descended out of Wales by linage, and borne in Herefordshire, a Franciscane frier.

Adde to the forenamed, Nicholas Fakingham, borne in Norfolke, a greie frier, procéeded doctor in Oxenford, a great diuine, and an excellent philoso­pher, prouinciall of his order here in England; Lau­rence Holbecke, a monke of Ramsie, well séene in line 40 the Hebrue toong, and wrote thereof a dictionarie; Iohn Colton, archbishop of Ardmach; Iohn Mar­rie, so called of a village in Yorkeshire where he was borne, a Carmelite of Doncaster; Richard Chefer borne in Norfolke, a diuine, and an Augustine frier in Norwich; Iohn Lathburie, a Franciscane frier of Reading; Nicholas Poutz; Richard Scroope bro­ther to William Scroope, lord treasuror of Eng­land, studied in Cambridge, and proceeded there doc­tor of both the lawes, became an aduocat in the court line 50 of Rome, and afterwards was aduanced to the go­uernement of the see of Couentrie and Lichfield, and at length was remooued from thence, and made archbishop of Yorke, he wrote an inuectiue against king Henrie, and at length lost his head, as before ye haue heard; Iohn Wrotham, a Carmelite frier of London, and after made warden of an house of his order in Calis.

Furthermore, Iohn Colbie, a Carmelite frier of Norwich; William Thorpe a northerne man borne, line 60 and student in Oxenford, an excellent diuine, and an earnest follower of that famous clearke Iohn Wic­kliffe, a notable preacher of the word, and expressing his doctrine no lesse in trade of life, Acts and mo­ments of Iohn Fox. than in speech, he was at length apprehended by commandement of the archbishop of Canturburie Thomas Arundell, and committed to prison in Saltwood castell, where at length he died; Stephan Patrington, borne in Yorkeshire, a frier Carmelite, prouinciall of his or­der through England, of which brood there were at that season 1500 within this land, he was bishop of saint Dauids, and confessor to king Henrie the fift, about the fift yeare of whose reigne he deceassed; Ro­bert Mascall, a Carmelite frier of Ludlow, confessor also to the said K. who made him bishop of Hereford; Reginald Langham, a frier minor of Norwich: Ac­tonus Dominicanus; Thomas Palmer, warden of the Blacke friers within the citie of London; Boston of Burie, a monke of the abbeie of Burie in Suf­folke, wrote a catalog of all the writers of the church, and other treatises.

Moreouer, Thomas Peuerell, a frier Carmelite, borne in Suffolke, he was aduanced to the see of Ossorie in Ireland by Richard the second, and after by pope Boniface the ninth remooued to Landaffe in Wales, and from thence called by Henrie the fourth, with consent of pope Gregorie the twelfe, to go­uerne the sée of Worcester, and so continued bishop of that citie, vntill he ended his life in the yeare of our Lord 1418, which was about the sixt yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the fift; Iohn Purue [...]e, an excellent diuine, procéeded master of art in Oxen­ford, Sée maister Fox, in hi [...] booke of Act [...] and monu­ments. he was apprehended for such doctrine as he taught, contrarie to the ordinances of the church of Rome, and was at length compelled by Thomas Arundell, archbishop of Canturburie, to recant at Paules crosse seuen speciall articles, he wrote di­uerse treatises, & was the second time committed to prison in king Henrie the fift his daies, by Henrie Chichleie, that succeeded Arundell in gouernement of the church of Canturburie; William Holme, a greie frier (and a good physician for curing diseases of the bodie, whatsoeuer his physicke was for the soule) he liued vntill Henrie the fift his daies, and deceas­sed about the fourth yeare of his reigne; Nicholas Baiard, a blacke frier, a doctor of diuinitie professed at Oxenford; Thomas Rudburne, archdeacon of Sudburie, and bishop of saint Dauids in Wales, succéeding after Stephan Patrington, he wrote a chronicle, and certeine epistles (as Iohn Bale noteth.)

Finallie and to conclude, Nicholas Riston, who being sore greeued in mind, as diuerse other in those daies, to consider what inconuenience redounded to the church, by reason of the strife and bralling among the prelats for the acknowleging of a lawfull pope, two or thrée still contending for that dignitie, wrote a booke, intituled De tollendo schismate; Iohn Walter, an excellent mathematician, being first brought vp of a scholer in the college of Winchester, and after stu­died at Oxenford; Thomas of Newmarket, taking that surname of the towne in Cambridgeshire where he was borne, he for his worthinesse (as was thought) was made bishop of Careleill, well séene both in other sciences, and also in diuinitie; William Auger a Franciscane frier, of an house of that order in Bridgewater; Peter Russell a graie frier, and of his order the prouinciall héere in England; Iohn Langton, a Carmelite; Robert Wan [...]ham a moonke of Cernelie in Dorsetshire, wrote a booke in verse, of the originall and signification of words; William Norton, a Franciscane frier of Couen­trie; Hugh Sueth, a blacke frier, and a great prea­cher; Richard Folsham a moonke of Norwich; Ro­bert Wimbeldon, a singular diuine, and an excellent preacher, Acts and [...]numents. as appeareth by the sermon which he made vpon this text, Redde rationem villicationis tuae.

Thus farre Henrie Plantagenet sonne to Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancaster.

Henrie the fift, prince of Wales, sonne and heire to Henrie the fourth.

HEnrie prince of Wales, son and heire to K. Henrie the fourth, Anno Reg. 1. borne in Wales at Monmouth on the riuer of Wie, after his father was departed tooke vpon him the regiment of this realme of England, the twentith of March, the morrow after proclamed king, by the name of Henrie the fift, in line 10 the yeare of the world 5375, after the birth of our sa­uiour, by our account 1413, the third of the emperor Sigismund: the thrée and thirtith of Charles the sixt French king, and in the seuenth yeare of gouer­nance in Scotland vnder Robert brother to him that (before entrance into his kingdome 1390) had Iohn to name, Wil. Pa [...]ten. Buchanan. [...] Scoticar. [...]ib. 10 which by deuise and order of the states was changed into Robert the third, who at Rotsaie (a towne in the Iland of Got, 1406) deceassed by occa­sion thus. As vpon hope in this gouernor to himselfe line 20 conceiued how to come to the crowne, he at the ca­stell of Falkland, latelie had famisht his coosine Da­uid the kings elder sonne and heire (a dissolute yoong prince) yet to his fathers excéeding sorrow, at whose deceasse the father verie carefull, and casting for the safegard of Iames his yoonger son and heire, from Basse the rocke in a well appointed ship, vnder charge of Henrie Saintcleere earle of Orkeneie, into France to his old fréend king Charles for good educa­tion and safetie this yoong prince he sent: who in the line 30 course, whether for tempest or tendernes of stomach, tooke land in Yorkeshire at Flamborrow, that after by wisedome and good consideration of the king and his councell was thought verie necessarie here to be reteined. But by the sudden newes of this staie, the father (at supper as he sat) so stroken at hart that well nie streight had he fallen downe dead, yet borne into his chamber, where for greefe and pine within thrée daies next he deceassed. The yoong king Iames his sonne after an eightéene yeares staie, in which time line 40 he had béene well trained in princehood, at last with right honorable marriage at saint Marie Oueries vnto I [...]ne daughter to the earle of Summerset, coo­sine vnto Henrie the sixt then king, and with manie other high gratuities here beside was sent and set in his rule and kingdome at home.

Such great hope, and good expectation was had of this mans fortunate successe to follow, that within thrée daies after his fathers deceasse, diuerse noble men and honorable personages did to him homage, [...]omage doone [...] K. Henrie before his co­ [...]cation. line 50 and sware to him due obedience, which had not béene seene doone to any of his predecessors kings of this realme, till they had beene possessed of the crowne. He was crowned the ninth of Aprill being Passion sundaie, The day of king Henries [...] tempe­ [...]tuous day. which was a sore, ruggie, and tempestuous day, with wind, snow and sléet, that men greatlie maruelled thereat, making diuerse interpretations what the same might signifie. But this king euen at first appointing with himselfe, to shew that in his person princelie honors should change publike man­ners, he determined to put on him the shape of a new man. For whereas aforetime he had made him­selfe a companion vnto misrulie mates of dissolute order and life, A notable ex­ample of a woorthie prince. he now banished them all from his pre­sence (but not vnrewarded, or else vnpreferred) inhi­biting them vpon a great paine, not once to approch, lodge, or soiourne within ten miles of his court or presence: and in their places he chose men of graui­tie, wit, and high policie, by whose wise counsell he might at all times rule to his honour and dignitie; calling to mind how once to hie offense of the king his father, he had with his fist striken the chéefe iustice for sending one of his minions (vpon desert) to pri­son, when the iustice stoutlie commanded himselfe al­so streict to ward, & he (then prince) obeied. The king after expelled him out of his priuie councell, banisht him the court, and made the duke of Clarence (his yoonger brother) president of councell in his steed. This reformation in the new king Christ. Okl. hath reported, fullie consenting with this. For saith he,

Ille inter iuuenes paulo lasciuior antè,
Defuncto genitore grauis constáns (que) repentè,
In Angl. proael. sub Hen. 5.
Moribus ablegat corruptis regis ab aula
Assuetos soc [...]os, & nugatoribus acrem
Poenam (si quisquam sua tecta reuiserit) addit,
At (que) ita mutatus facit omnia principe digna,
Ingenio magno post consultoribus vsus, &c.

But now that the king was once placed in the roi­all seat of the realme, he vertuouslie considering in his mind, that all goodnesse commeth of God, deter­mined to begin with some thing acceptable to his di­uine maiestie, and therefore commanded the cleargie sincerelie and trulie to preach the word of God, and to liue accordinglie, that they might be the lanternes of light to the temporaltie, as their profession required. The laie men he willed to serue God, and obeie their prince, prohibiting them aboue all things breach of matrimonie, custome in swearing; and namelie, wil­full periurie. Beside this, he elected the best learned men in the lawes of the realme, to the offices of iu­stice; and men of good liuing, he preferred to high de­grées and authoritie. A parlement. Immediatlie after Easter he called a parlement, in which diuerse good statutes, and wholesome ordinances, for the preseruation and ad­uancement of the common-wealth were deuised and established. Thom. Walsin. The funerals of king Hen­rie the fourth kept at Can­turburie. On Trinitie sundaie were the solemne exequies doone at Canturburie for his father, the king himselfe being present thereat.

About the same time, at the speciall instance of the king, in a conuocation of the cleargie holden at Paules in London, it was ordeined, that saint Ge­orge his daie should be celebrate and kept as a dou­ble feast. S. Georges day made a double feast. The archbishop of Canturburie meant to haue honored saint Dunstanes daie with like reue­rence, but it tooke not effect. When the king had set­led things much to his purpose, he caused the bodie of [Page 544] king Richard to be remooued with all funerall digni­tie conuenient for his estate, from Langlie to West­minster, where he was honorablie interred with quéene Anne his first wife, in a solemne toome erec­ted and set vp at the charges of this king. Abr. [...]l. out Polychron.Poly­chronicon saith, that after the bodie of the dead king was taken vp out of the earth, this new king (happi­lie tendering the magnificence of a prince, and abhor­ring obscure buriall) caused the same to be conueied to Westminster in a roiall seat (or chaire of estate) line 10 couered all ouer with blacke veluet, & adorned with banners of diuers armes round about. All the horsses likewise (saith this author) were apparelled with blacke, and bare sundrie sutes of armes. Manie other solemnities were had at his interrement, according to the qualitie of the age wherein he liued and died.

Also in this first yéere of this kings reigne, sir Iohn Oldcastell, which by his wife was called lord Cob­ham, a valiant capteine and a hardie gentleman, was accused to the archbishop of Canturburie of line 20 certeine points of heresie, who knowing him to be highlie in the kings fauour, declared to his highnesse the whole accusation. The king first hauing compas­sion of the noble man, required the prelats, that if he were a straied shéepe, rather by gentlenes than by ri­gor to reduce him to the fold. And after this, he him­selfe sent for him, and right earnestlie exhorted him, and louinglie admonished him to reconcile himselfe to God and to his lawes. The lord Cobham not one­lie thanked him for his most fauourable clemencie, line 30 but also declared first to him by mouth, and after­wards by writing, the foundation of his faith, and the ground of his beliefe, affirming his grace to be his supreme head and competent iudge, and none other person, offering an hundred knights and esquiers to come to his purgation, or else to fight in open lists in defense of his iust cause.

The king vnderstanding and persuaded by his councell, that by order of the lawes of his realme, such accusations touching matters of faith ought line 40 to be tried by his spirituall prelats, sent him to the Tower of London, there to abide the determinati­on of the clergie, according to the statutes in that case prouided, after which time a solemne session was appointed in the cathedrall church of saint Paule, vp­on the thrée and twentith day of September, and an other the fiue and twentith daie of the same moneth, in the hall of the Blacke friers at London, in which places the said lord was examined, apposed, and ful­lie heard, and in conclusion by the archbishop of Can­turburie denounced an heretike, & remitted againe line 50 to the Tower of London, Sir Iohn Oldcastell escaped out of y e Tower. from which place, either by helpe of fréends, or fauour of kéepers, he priuilie esca­ped and came into Wales, where he remained for a season.

After this, the king kéeping his Christmasse at his manor of Eltham, Titus Liuius. was aduertised, that sir Roger Ac [...]on knight, year 1414 a man of great wit and possessions, Iohn Browne esquier, Iohn Beuerlie priest, and a great number of other were assembled in armour a­gainst the king, Hall. A commotion raised by sir Roger Acton and others. Titus Liuius. his brethren, the clergie and realme. line 60 These newes came to the king, on the twelfth daie in Christmasse, wherevpon vnderstanding that they were in a place called Fi [...]ket field beside London, on the backe side of saint Giles, he streight got him to his palace at Westminster, in as secret wise as he might, and there calling to him certeine bands of ar­med men, he repaired into saint Giles fields, néere to the said place (where he vnderstood they should fullie méet about midnight) and so handled the matter, The rebels surprised. that he tooke some, and siue some, euen as stood with his pleasure. The capteins of them afore mentioned, be­ing apprehended, were brought to the kings presence, and to him declared the causes of their commotion & rising, Thom. Walsin. accusing a great number of their complices.

The king vsed one policie, which much serued to the discomfiting of the aduersaries (as Thom. Wal­singham saith) which was this: he gaue order, that all the gates of London should be streictlie kept and garded, so as none should come in or out, but such as were knowen to go to the king. Hereby came it to passe, that the chiefest succour appointed to come to the capteins of the rebels, was by that meanes cut off, where otherwise suerlie (had it not beene thus preuented and staied) there had issued foorth of Lon­don to haue ioined with them, By this ex­cessiue num­ber it may a [...]peare, that Walsingham reporteth th [...] matter accor­ding to the [...] ­mon [...]ame, [...] not as one that search [...] out an exq [...] ­site truth. to the number (as it was thought) of fiftie thousand persons, one and o­ther, seruants, prentises, and citizens, confederate with them that were thus assembled in Ficket field. Diuerse also that came from sundrie parts of the realme, hasting towards the place, to be there at their appointed time, chanced to light among the kings men, who being taken and demanded whither they went with such spéed, answered, they came to meet with their capteine the lord Cobham.

But whether he came thither at all, or made shift for himselfe to get awaie, it dooth not appeare; for he could not be heard of at that time (as Thomas Wal­singham confesseth) although the king by proclamati­on promised a thousand marks to him that could bring him foorth; with great liberties to the cities or townes that would discouer where he was. By this it maie appeare, how greatlie he was beloued, that there could not one be found, that for so great a re­ward would bring him to light. Among other that were taken was one William Murlie, William Murlie. who dwelt in Dunstable, a man of great wealth, and by his occu­pation a brewer, an earnest mainteiner of the lord Cobhams opinions, and (as the brute ran) in hope to be highlie aduanced by him if their purposed deuise had taken place, apparant by this; that he had two horsses trapped with guilt harnesse led after him, and in his bosome a paire of gilt spurs (as it was déemed) prepared for himselfe to weare, looking to be made knight by the lord Cobhams hands at that present time. But when he saw how their purpose quailed, he withdrew into the citie with great feare to hide him­selfe; howbeit he was perceiued, taken, and finallie executed among others.

To conclude, so manie persons herevpon were apprehended, that all the prisons in and about Lon­don were full, Sir Roge [...] Acton & his complices condemned of treason and heresie. the chiefe of them were condemned by the cleargie of heresie, and atteinted of high treason in the Guildhall of London, and adiudged for that offense to be drawen and hanged, and for heresie to be consumed with fire, gallowes and all, which iudge­ment wis executed the same moneth, on the said sir Roger Acton, and eight and twentie others. ¶ Some saie, that the occasion of their death was onelie for the conueieng of the lord Cobham out of prison. O­thers write, that it was both for treason and heresie, and so it appeareth by the record. Certeine affirme, that it was for feined causes surmized by the spiritu­altie, more vpon displeasure than truth, and that they were assembled to heare their preacher (the foresaid Beuerlie) in that place there, out of the waie from re­sort of people, sith they might not come togither open­lie about any such matter, without danger to be ap­prehended; as the manner is, and hath beene▪ euer of the persecuted flocke, when they are prohibited pu­blikelie the exercise of their religion. But howsoeuer the matter went with these men, apprehended they were, and diuerse of them executed (as before ye haue heard) whether for rebellion or heresie, or for both (as the forme of the indictment importeth) I néed not to spend manie words, sith others haue so largelie treated thereof; and therefore I refer those that wish to be more fullie satisfied herein vnto their reports.

[Page 545]Whilest in the Lent season the king laie at Kil­lingworth, there came to him from Charles Dolphin of France certeine ambassadors, Eiton. A disdainefull [...]mbassage. that brought with them a barrell of Paris balles, which from their maister they presented to him for a token that was taken in verie ill part, as sent in scorne, to signifie, that it was more méet for the king to passe the time with such childish exercise, than to attempt any wor­thie exploit. Wherfore the K. wrote to him, that yer ought long, he would tosse him some London balles line 10 that perchance should shake the walles of the best court in France. ¶This yeare, Thom. Arundell arch­bishop of Canturburie departed this life, a stout prelat, and an earnest mainteiner of the Romish re­ligion: Tho. Walsi. Henrie Chichelie bishop of saint Dauid suc­ceeded the same Arundell in the sée of Canturburie, and the kings confessor Stephan Patrington a Car­melite frier was made bishop of S. Dauid. Henrie Persie then but a child, sonne to the lord Henrie Per­sie surnamed Hotspur, after his fathers deceasse, line 20 that was slaine at Shrewesburie field, was conueied into Scotland, and there left by his grandfather, where euer since he had remained: the king there­fore pitied his case, Persie resto­red to the erle­dome of Nor­thumberland. and so procured for him, that he came home, and was restored to all his lands and earledome of Northumberland, which lands before had béene giuen to the lord Iohn, the kings brother.

A case verie strange, and for manie causes alwaies right worthie of remembrance, W. P. in this yeare 1414, the second of this kings reigne did befall, Le Rosier la second partie. which con­teining line 30 in it so manie matters for knowledge of Gods great power and iustice, of wilfull breaking his diuine lawes, of the easie slip into ruine where his mercie dooth not s [...]aie vs, the busie bogging of the di­uell alwaies, our weakenesse in combat with him, into what outrage and confusion he haleth where he is not withstood, with what tyrannie he tormenteth where he vanquisheth, what the will and power of a souereigne ouer a subiect may force in cases of ini­quitie, where by vertue and grace he be not restrai­ned: line 40 the zeale of a parent, the pangs of a child, but chéeflie the verie plague of Gods wrath and in­dignation vpon wilfull and obstinate offendors, all which at those daies though touched in Naples, yet at all times and euerie where so well seruing for exam­ple and warning, it hath beene thought verie conue­nient the same in our stories also héere to be noted, which was thus. At this time newes were brought into France, how king Lancelot (the aduersarie to Lewes king of Sicill) was departed, and in man­ner line 50 thus. It hapned that he fell in loue with a yoong damosell his owne physicians daughter (a puzell ve­rie beautifull) and he in hope to inioy hir the easilier, caused hir father for his consent to be talked withall in the matter, which he vtterlie refused to grant, and shewed foorth manie reasons for him; but at last all causes & excuses reiected, sith (though constreined) he must néeds assent, feined himselfe willing and content. And forceing talke with his daughter vp­on his mind in the matter, cheeflie how méet it were line 60 she vsed his counsell how best with the king to keepe hir still in grace, he gaue hir a little box of ointment, and instruction withall, that when the king should come to haue his will, she should afore with that balme annoint all hir wombe; the damosell on good obseruation did after (at oportunitie) as hir father taught hir. Héerevpon so pittifullie came it to passe, that the verie same night the king laie with hir, his bellie and hirs were by and by set as it were all on a sindging fier, with torments of such vnquench­able scorching and burning euen into the verie en­trailes, that he of his kingdome, his life, his loue; and she of hir princelie promotion, thus soone both togi­ther made a sorrowfull end. After the plaie of this la­mentable tragedie, the physician fled for his safetie, and straight vpon the newes king Lewes gathered a great assemblie, wherewith to passe towards Na­ples, and sent before a good companie vnder the lord Longnie marshall of France.

In the second yeare of his reigne, king Henrie called his high court of parlement, Anno Reg. 2. 1414 the last daie of A­prill in the towne of Leicester, in which parlement manie profitable lawes were concluded, and manie petitions mooued, were for that time deferred. A­mongst which, one was, that a bill exhibited in the parlement holden at Westminster in the eleuenth yeare of king Henrie the fourth (which by reason the king was then troubled with ciuill discord, came to none effect) might now with good deliberation be pondered, and brought to some good conclusion. The effect of which supplication was, A bill exhibi­ted to the par­lemēt against the clergie. that the temporall lands deuoutlie giuen, and disordinatlie spent by re­ligious, and other spirituall persons, should be seized into the kings hands, sith the same might suffice to mainteine, to the honor of the king, and defense of the realme, fiftéene earles, fiftéene hundred knights, six thousand and two hundred esquiers, and a hundred almesse-houses, for reliefe onelie of the poore, impo­tent, and needie persons, and the king to haue cleere­lie to his coffers twentie thousand pounds, with ma­nie other prouisions and values of religious houses, which I passe ouer.

This bill was much noted, and more feared among the religious sort, whom suerlie it touched verie neere, and therefore to find remedie against it, they deter­mined to assaie all waies to put by and ouerthrow this bill: wherein they thought best to trie if they might mooue the kings mood with some sharpe in­uention, that he should not regard the importunate petitions of the commons. Wherevpon, on a daie in the parlement, Henrie Chichelie archbishop of Can­turburie made a pithie oration, wherein he declared, The archbi­shop of Can­turburies o­ration in the parlement house. how not onelie the duchies of Normandie and Aqui­taine, with the counties of Aniou and Maine, and the countrie of Gascoigne, were by vndoubted title ap­perteining to the king, as to the lawfull and one­lie heire of the same; but also the whole realme of France, as heire to his great grandfather king Ed­ward the third.

Herein did he much inueie against the surmised and false fained law Salike, The Salike law. which the Frenchmen alledge euer against the kings of England in barre of their iust title to the crowne of France. The verie words of that supposed law are these, In terram Sali­cam mulieres ne succedant, that is to saie, Into the Sa­like land let not women succeed. Which the French glossers expound to be the realme of France, and that this law was made by king Pharamond; where­as yet their owne authors affirme, that the land Sa­like is in Germanie, betwéene the riuers of Elbe and Sala; and that when Charles the great had ouer­come the Saxons, he placed there certeine French­men, which hauing in disdeine the dishonest maners of the Germane women, made a law, that the fe­males should not succéed to any inheritance within that land, which at this daie is called Meisen, Mesina▪ so that if this be true, this law was not made for the realme of France, nor the Frenchmen possessed the land Sa­like, till foure hundred and one and twentie yeares after the death of Pharamond, the supposed maker of this Salike law, for this Pharamond deceassed in the yeare 426, and Charles the great subdued the Saxons, and placed the Frenchmen in those parts beyond the riuer of Sala, in the yeare 805.

Moreouer, it appeareth by their owne writers, that king Pepine, which deposed Childerike, claimed the crowne of France, as heire generall, for that he was descended of Blithild daughter to king Clo­thair [Page 546] the first: Hugh Capet also, who vsurped the crowne vpon Charles duke of Loraine, the sole heire male of the line and stocke of Charles the great, to make his title seeme true, and appeare good, though in déed it was starke naught, conueied himselfe as heire to the ladie Lingard, daughter to king Charle­maine, sonne to Lewes the emperour, that was son to Charles the great. King Lewes also the tenth o­therwise called saint Lewes, being verie heire to the said vsurper Hugh Capet, could neuer be satisfied in line 10 his conscience how he might iustlie keepe and pos­sesse the crowne of France, till he was persuaded and fullie instructed, that quéene Isabell his grand­mother was lineallie descended of the ladie Er­mengard daughter and heire to the aboue named Charles duke of Loraine, by the which marriage, the bloud and line of Charles the great was againe vni­ted and restored to the crowne & scepter of France, so that more cléere than the sunne it openlie appea­reth, that the title of king Pepin, the claime of Hugh line 20 Capet, the possession of Lewes, yea and the French kings to this daie, are deriued and conueied from the heire female, though they would vnder the colour of such a fained law, barre the kings and princes of this realme of England of their right and lawfull inhe­ritance.

The archbishop further alledged out of the booke of Numbers this saieng: ‘When a man dieth without a sonne, let the inheritance descend to his daughter.’ At length, hauing said sufficientlie for the proofe of the kings iust and lawfull title to the crowne of France, line 30 he exhorted him to aduance foorth his banner to fight for his right, to conquer his inheritance, to spare nei­ther bloud, sword, nor fire, sith his warre was iust, his cause good, and his claime true. And to the intent his louing chapleins and obedient subiects of the spiritu­altie might shew themselues willing and desirous to aid his maiestie, for the recouerie of his ancient right and true inheritance, the archbishop declared that in their spirituall conuocation, they had granted to his line 40 highnesse such a summe of monie, as neuer by no spi­rituall persons was to any prince before those daies giuen or aduanced.

The earle of Westmerland persuadeth y e king to the conquest of Scotland.When the archbishop had ended his prepared tale, Rafe Neuill earle of Westmerland, and as then lord Warden of the marches against Scotland, vn­derstanding that the king vpon a couragious desire to recouer his right in France, would suerlie take the wars in hand, thought good to mooue the king to begin first with Scotland, and therevpon declared line 50 how easie a matter it should be to make a conquest there, and how greatlie the same should further his wished purpose for the subduing of the Frenchmen, concluding the summe of his tale with this old sai­eng: that Who so will France win, must with Scot­land first begin. Manie matters he touched, as well to shew how necessarie the conquest of Scotland should be, as also to prooue how iust a cause the king had to attempt it, trusting to persuade the king and all other to be of his opinion.

But after he had made an end, the duke of Exce­ster, line 60 vncle to the king, a man well learned and wise, who had béene sent into Italie by his father, inten­ding that he should haue béen a preest) replied against the erle of Westmerlands oration, The duke of Excester his wise and pi­thie answer to the earle of Westmerlāds saieng. affirming rather that he which would Scotland win, he with France must first begin. For if the king might once com­passe the conquest of France, Scotland could not long resist; so that conquere France, and Scotland would soone obeie. A true saieng. For where should the Scots lerne policie and skill to defend themselues, if they had not their bringing vp and training in France? If the French pensions mainteined not the Scotish nobi­litie, in what case should they be? Then take awaie France, and the Scots will soone be tamed; France being to Scotland the same that the sap is to the trée, which being taken awaie, the trée must néeds die and wither.

To be briefe, the duke of Excester vsed such ear­nest and pithie persuasions, to induce the king and the whole assemblie of the parlement to credit his words, that immediatlie after he had made an end, all the companie began to crie; Warre, warre; France, France. Hereby the bill for dissoluing of re­ligious houses was cléerelie set aside, and nothing thought on but onelie the recouering of France, ac­cording as the archbishop had mooued. And vpon this point, after a few acts besides for the wealth of the realme established, the parlement was proroged vn­to Westminster. ¶ Some write, that in this parle­ment it was enacted, that Lollards and heretikes with their mainteiners and fauourers should be Ipso facto adiudged guiltie of high treason: but in the sta­tute made in the same parlement against Lollards, we find no such words: albeit by force of that statute it was ordeined, that persons so conuicted & execu­ted, should lose their lands holden in fée simple, and all other their goods and cattels, as in cases of fe­lonie.

During this parlement, Ambassadors from y e Frēch king and from the duke of Burgognie▪ there came to the king ambassadors, as well from the French king that was then in the hands of the Orlientiall faction, as also from the duke of Burgognie, for aid against that faction; promising more (as was said) than laie well in his power to performe. The king shortlie after sent ambassadors to them both, as the bishop of Dur­ham, and Norwich, with others. Creation of dukes. Moreouer at this parlement, Iohn the kings brother was created duke of Bedford, and his brother Humfrie duke of Glocester. Also, Thomas Beaufort, Harding. marquesse Dor­set, was created duke of Excester. Immediatlie af­ter, Ambassadors sent to Frāce. the king sent ouer into France his vncle the duke of Excester, the lord Greie admerall of Eng­land, the archbishop of Dubline, and the bishop of Norwich, ambassadors vnto the French king, with fiue hundred horsse, which were lodged in the temple house in Paris, keeping such triumphant cheere in their lodging, and such a solemne estate in their ri­ding through the citie, that the Parisiens and all the Frenchmen had no small meruell at their honora­ble port.

The French king receiued them verie honorablie, and banketted them right sumptuouslie, shewing to them iusts and Martiall pastimes, by the space of thrée daies togither, in the which iusts the king him­selfe, to shew his courage and actiuitie to the Eng­lishmen, manfullie brake speares and lustilie tourni­ed. When the triumph was ended, the English am­bassadors, hauing a time appointed them to declare their message▪ admitted to the French kings pre­sence, required of him to deliuer vnto the king of England the realme and crowne of France, with the entier duchies of Aquiteine, Normandie and An­iou, with the countries of Poictiou and Maine. Ma­nie other requests they made: and this offered with­all, that if the French king would without warre and effusion of christian bloud, render to the king their maister his verie right & lawfull inheritance, that he would be content to take in mariage the la­die Katharine, daughter to the French king, and to indow hir with all the duchies and countries before rehearsed: and if he would not so doo, then the king of England did expresse and signifie to him, that with the aid of God, and helpe of his people, he would re­couer his right and inheritance wrongfullie with­holden from him, with mortall warre, and di [...]t of sword. Abr. Fl. out of In Ang [...]. c [...]p. sub He [...]. [...]. ¶This in effect dooth our English poet com­prise in his report of the occasion, which Henrie the [Page 547] fift tooke to arrere battell against the French king: putting into the mouthes of the said king of Eng­lands ambassadors an imagined speech, the conclusi­on whereof he maketh to be either restitution of that which the French had taken and deteined from the English, or else fier and sword. His words are these,

—raptum nobis aut redde Britannis,
Aut ferrum expectes, vltrices insuper ignes.

The Frenchmen being not a little abashed at these demands, thought not to make anie absolute answer in so weightie a cause, till they had further line 10 breathed; and therefore praied the English ambassa­dors to saie to the king their maister, that they now hauing no opportunitie to conclude in so high a mat­ter, would shortlie send ambassadors into England, which should certifie & declare to the king their whole mind, purpose, and intent. The English ambassadors returned with this answer, making relation of eue­rie thing that was said or doone. King Henrie after the returne of his ambassadors, determined fullie to line 20 make warre in France, conceiuing a good and per­fect hope to haue fortunate successe, sith victorie for the most part followeth where right leadeth, being aduanced forward by iustice, and set foorth by equi­tie.

And bicause manie Frenchmen were promoted to ecclesiasticall dignities, as some to benefices, and some to abbeies and priories within the realme, and sent dailie innumerable summes of monie into France, for the reléefe of their naturall countrimen line 30 and kinsfolke, he therefore in fauour of the publike wealth of his realme and subiects, Thom. Wall. It is not like that in this councell wri­ters meane y e parlement that was ad­iorned from Leicester to Westminster, where it be­gan in the oc­taues of saint Martin, in this second yeare 1415. in a councell called at London, about Michaelmas, caused to be ordei­ned, that no stranger hereafter should be promoted to anie spirituall dignitie or degree within this realme, without his especiall licence, and roiall con­sent; and all they that should be admitted, should find sufficient suerties, not to disclose the secrets of this realme to anie forren person, nor to minister aid or succour to anie of them with monie, or by anie other line 40 meanes. This was confirmed in a conuocation cal­led at the same time by the new archbishop of Can­turburie.

Moreouer, such as were to go vnto the generall councell holden at Constance, The councell of Constance. were named and ap­pointed to make them readie: for the king hauing knowledge from the emperor Sigismund, of the as­sembling of that councell, thought it not conuenient to sit still as an hearer, and no partaker in so high a cause, which touched the whole state of the christian line 50 common-wealth, as then troubled by reason of the schisme that yet continued. Wherefore he sent thither Richard earle of Warwike, the bishops of Salisbu­rie, The earle of Warwike and others sent to the generall councell. Bath, and Hereford, the abbat of Westminster, and the prior of Worcester, with diuerse other doc­tors and learned men of the spiritualtie; besides knights and esquiers. They were in number eight hundred horsses, so well appointed and furnished, as well the men as horsses, that all nations meruelled to see such an honorable companie come from a coun­trie line 60 so far distant.

Diuerse other things were concluded at that pre­sent: for the king had caused not onelie the lords o [...] the spiritualtie, but also of the temporaltie to assem­ble here at London the same time, Enguerant. to treat speciallie of his iournie that he purposed to make shortlie into France: and herevpon meanes was made for the gathering of monie; Great prepa­ration for the French wars which was granted with so good a will both of the spiritualtie and temporaltie, that there was leuied the summe of thrèe hundred thou­sand markes English: and herewith order was gi­uen to gather a great hoast of men, thorough all his dominions. And for the more increasing of his na­uie, he sent into Holland, Zeland, and Frizeland, to conduct and hire ships for the transporting and con­ueieng ouer of his men and munitions of war, and finallie prouided for armour, victuals, monie, artille­rie, cariage, boates to passe ouer riuers couered with leather, tents, and all other things requisite for so high an enterprise.

The Frenchmen hauing knowledge hereof, the Dolphin, who had the gouernance of the realme, bi­cause his father was fallen into his old disease of frensie, sent for the dukes of Berrie and Alanson, and all the other lords of the councell of France: by whose aduise it was determined, that they should not onelie prepare a sufficient armie to resist the king of England, when so euer he arriued to inuade France, but also to stuffe and furnish the townes on the frontiers and sea coasts with conuenient garri­sons of men: and further to send to the king of Eng­land a solemne ambassage, to make to him some of­fers according to the demands before rehearsed. The charge of this ambassage was committed to the earle of Uandosme, to maister William Bouratier archbishop of Burges, and to maister Peter Fre­mell bishop of Liseux, to the lords of Yvry and Bra­quemont, and to maister Gaultier Cole the kings secretarie, and diuerse others.

These ambassadors accompanied with 350 hors­ses, passed the sea at Calis, and landed at Douer, Anno Reg. 3. Ambassadors out of France be­fore whose arriuall the king was departed from Windsore to Winchester, intending to haue gone to Hampton, there to haue surueied his nauie: but hearing of the ambassadors approching, he tarried still at Winchester, where the said French lords shewed themselues verie honorablie before the king and his nobilitie. At time prefixed, before the kings presence, sitting in his throne imperiall, the archbi­shop of Burges made an eloquent and a long orati­on, dissuading warre, and praising peace; offering to the king of England a great summe of monie, with diuerse countries, being in verie déed but base and poore, as a dowrie with the ladie Catharine in mari­age, so that he would dissolue his armie, and dismisse his soldiers, which he had gathered and put in a rea­dinesse.

When his oration was ended, the king caused the ambassadors to be highlie feasted, and set them at his owne table. And after a daie assigned in the fore­said hall, the archbishop of Canturburie to their ora­tion made a notable answer, the effect whereof was, that if the French king would not giue with his daughter in mariage the duches of Aquiteine, An­iou, and all other seigniories and dominions some­times apperteining to the noble progenitors of the king of England, he would in no wise retire his ar­mie, nor breake his iournie; but would with all dili­gence enter into France, and destroie the people, waste the countrie, and subuert the townes with blood, sword, and fire, and neuer ceasse till he had reco­uered his ancient right and lawfull patrimonie. The king auowed the archbishops saieng, and in the word of a prince promised to performe it to the vttermost.

The archbishop of Burges much gréeued, A proud pre­sumptuous prelat. that his ambassage was no more regarded, after certeine brags blustered out with impatience, as more presu­ming vpon his prelasie, than respecting his dutie of considerance to whom he spake and what became him to saie, he praied safe conduct to depart. Which the king gentlie granted, and added withall to this effect: I little estéeme your French brags, & lesse set by your power and strength; The wise an­swer of the K. to the bishop. ‘I know perfectlie my right to my region, which you vsurpe; & except you denie the apparant truth, so doo your selues also: if you neither doo nor will know it, yet God and the world knoweth it. The power of your master you sée, but my puis­sance [Page 548] ye haue not yet tasted▪ If he haue louing sub­iects, I am (I thanke God) not vnstored of the same: and I saie this vnto you, that before one yeare passe, I trust to make the highest crowne of your countrie to stoope, and the proudest miter to learne his humi­liatedo. In the meane time tell this to the vsurper your master, that within thrée moneths, I will enter into France, as into mine owne true and lawfull patrimonie, appointing to acquire the same, not with brag of words, but with déeds of men, and dint of line 10 sword, by the aid of God, in whome is my whole trust and confidence. Further matter at this present I impart not vnto you, sauing that with warrant you maie depart suerlie and safelie into your coun­trie, where I trust sooner to visit you, than you shall haue cause to bid me welcome.’ With this answer the ambassadors sore displeased in their minds (al­though they were highlie interteined and liberallie rewarded) departed into their countrie, reporting to the Dolphin how they had sped. line 20

After the French ambassadors were departed, the king like a prouident prince, thought good to take or­der for the resisting of the Scots, if (according to their maner) they should attempt anie thing against his subiects in his absence. For that point appointed he the earle of Westmerland, the lord Scroope, the baron of Greistocke, sir Robert Umfreuill, & diuerse other valiant capteins to kéepe the frontiers & mar­ches of Scotland, which sir Robert Umfreuill on the daie of Marie Madgdalen fought with the Scots line 30 at the towne of Gedering, hauing in his companie onelie thrée hundred archers, Harding. An ouer­throw to the Scots by sir Robert Um­freuill. and seuen score spears, where he (after long conflict) slue of his enimies sixtie and odde, tooke thrée hundred and sixtie prisoners, dis­comfited and put to flight one thousand and more, whome he followed in chase aboue twelue miles, but their hands full of preies and prisoners, retired home­ward (not vnhurt) to the castell of Rockesborough, of the which he was capteine.

When the king had all prouisions readie, and or­dered line 40 all things for the defense of his realme, he lea­uing behind him for gouernour of the realme, The quéene mother gouer­nour of the realme. the quéene his moother in law, departed to Southamp­ton, to take ship into France. And first princelie ap­pointing to aduertise the French king of his com­ming, therefore dispatched Antelope his purseuant at armes with letters to him for restitution of that which he wrongfully withheld, contrarie to the lawes of God and man▪ the king further declaring how sorie he was that he should be thus compelled for re­peating line 50 of his right and iust title of inheritance, to make warre to the destruction of christian people, but sithens he had offered peace which could not be re­ceiued, now for fault of iustice, he was forced to take armes. Neuerthelesse erhorted the French king in the bowels of Iesu Christ, to render him that which was his owne, whereby effusion of Christian blo [...]d might be auoided. These letters chéeflie to this effect and purpose▪ were written and dated from Hampton the fift of August. When the same were presented to line 60 the French king, and by his councell well perused, answer was made, that he would take aduise, and prouide therein as time and place should be conueni­ent, so the messenger licenced to depart at his plea­sure.

When king Henrie had fullie furnished his naui [...] with men, munition, & other prouisions, perceiuing that his capteines misliked nothing so much as de­laie, determined his souldiors to go a ship-boord and awaie. But see the hap, the night before the daie ap­pointed for their departure, he was crediblie infor­med, that Richard earle of Cambridge brother to Edward duke of Yorke, and Henrie lord Scroope of Masham lord treasuror, with Thomas Graie a knight of Northumberland, The earle of Cambridge [...] other lor [...]s apprehended for treason. Thom. [...] ▪ being confederat togi­ther, had conspired his death: wherefore he caused them to be apprehended. The said lord Scroope was in such fauour with the king, that he admitted him sometime to be his bedfellow, in whose fidelitie the king reposed such trust, that when anie priuat or pu­blike councell was in hand, this lord had much in the determination of it. For he represented so great gra­uitie in his countenance, such modestie in behauiour, and so vertuous zeale to all godlinesse in his talke, that whatsoeuer he said was thought for the most part necessarie to be doone and followed. Also the said sir Thomas Graie (as some write) was of the kings priuie councell.

These prisoners vpon their examination, confessed, that for a great summe of monie which they had re­ceiued of the French king, they intended verelie ei­ther to haue deliuered the king aliue into the hands of his enimies, or else to haue murthered him before he should arriue in the duchie of Normandie. When king Henrie had heard all things opened, which he desired to know, Hall. he caused all his nobilitie to come before his presence, before whome he caused to be brought the offendors also, and to them said. ‘Hauing thus conspired the death and destruction of me, which am the head of the realme and gouernour of the peo­ple, King Henries words to the traitours. it maie be (no doubt) but that you likewise haue sworne the confusion of all that are here with me, and also the desolation of your owne countrie. To what horror (O lord) for any true English hart to con­sider, that such an execrable iniquitie should euer so bewrap you, as for pleasing of a forren enimie to imbrue your hands in your bloud, and to ruine your owne natiue soile. Reuenge herein touching my per­son, though I séeke not; yet for the safegard of you my déere fréends, & for due preseruation of all sorts, I am by office to cause example to be shewed. Get ye hence therefore ye poore miserable wretches to the re­ceiuing of your iust reward, wherein Gods maiestie giue you grace of his mercie and repentance of your heinous offenses. And so immediatlie they were had to execution.’

This doone, The earle of Cambridge and the other traitors exe­cuted. the king calling his lords againe afore him, said in words few and with good grace. Of his enterprises he recounted the honor and glorie, where­of they with him were to be partakers, the great confidence he had in their noble minds, which could not but remember them of the famous feats that their ancestors aforetime in France had atchiued, whereof the due report for euer recorded remained yet in register. The great mercie of God that had so gratiouslie reuealed vnto him the treason at hand, whereby the true harts of those afore him made so e­minent & apparant in his eie, as they might be right sure he would neuer forget it. The doubt of danger to be nothing in respect of the certeintie of honor that they should acquire, wherein himselfe (as they saw) in person would be lord and leader through Gods grace. To whose maiestie as chéeflie was knowne the equitie of his demand: euen so to his mercie did he onelie recommend the successe of his trauels. When the king had said, all the noble men knéeled downe, & promised faithfullie to serue him, dulie to obeie him, and rather to die than to suffer him to fall into the hands of his enimies.

This doone, the king thought that suerlie all treason and conspiracie had beene vtterlie extinct: not suspec­ting the fire which was newlie kindled, and ceassed not to increase, till at length it burst out into such a flame, that catching the beames of his house and fa­milie, his line and stocke was cleane consumed to ashes. ¶ Diuerse write that Richard earle of Cam­bridge did not conspire with the lord Scroope & Tho­mas Graie for the murthering of king Henrie to [Page 549] please the French king withall, but onelie to the in­tent to exalt to the crowne his brother in law Ed­mund earle of March as heire to Lionell duke of Clarence: after the death of which earle of March, for diuerse secret impediments, not able to haue issue, the earle of Cambridge was sure that the crowne should come to him by his wife, and to his children, of hir begotten. And therefore (as was thought) he ra­ther confessed himselfe for need of monie to be corrup­ted by the French king, than he would declare his line 10 inward mind, and open his verie intent and secret purpose, which if it were espied, he saw plainlie that the earle of March should haue tasted of the same cuppe that he had drunken, and what should haue come to his owne children he much doubted. There­fore destitute of comfort & in despaire of life to saue his children, he feined that tale, desiring rather to saue his succession than himselfe, which he did in déed: for his sonne Richard duke of Yorke not priuilie but openlie claimed the crowne, and Edward his sonne both claimed it, & gained it, as after it shall appeare. line 20 Which thing if king Henrie had at this time either doubted, or foreséene, had neuer béene like to haue come to passe, as Hall saith.

But whatsoeuer hath beene reported of the confes­sion of the earle of Cambridge, certeine it is, that in­dicted he was by the name of Richard earle of Cam­bridge of Connesburgh in the countie of Yorke knight, The effect of the earle of Cambridges indictement. and with him Thomas Graie of Heton in the countie of Northumberland and knight; for that they the twentith daie of Iulie, in the third yeare of king line 30 Henrie the fifts reigne, at Southampton, and in di­uerse other places within this realme, had conspired togither with a power of men to them associat, with­out the kings licence, to haue led awaie the lord Ed­mund earle of March into Wales, and then to haue procured him to take vpon him the supreme gouern­ment of the realme, in case that king Richard the se­cond were dead: and herwith had purposed to set foorth a proclamation there in Wales, in name of line 40 the said earle of March, as heire of the crowne a­gainst king Henrie, by the name of Henrie of Lan­caster the vsurper, to the end that by such meanes they might draw the more number of the kings liege people vnto the said earle; and further to haue con­ueied a banner of the armes of England, and a cer­teine crowne of Spaine set vpon a pallet, and laid in gage to the said earle of Cambridge, A iewell. by the king, to­gither with the said earle of March into the parties of Wales aforesaid.

Further, that the said earle of Cambridge, and sir line 50 Thomas Graie had appointed certeine of the kings liege people to repaire into Scotland, and to bring from thence one Thomas Trumpington; also an o­ther resembling in shape, fauour, and countenance king Richard, and Henrie Persie, togither with a great multitude of people to fight with the king, and him to destroie in open field. Beside this, that they had meant to win certeine castels in Wales, and to kéepe them against the king: and manie other trea­sons line 60 they had contriued, as by the indictement was specified, to the intent they might destroie the king and his brethren, the dukes of Bedford and Glocester, and other the great lords & peers of the realme. And Henrie Scroope of Masham, of Flaxflet, in the coun­tie of Yorke wasli kewise indicted, as consenting to the premisses. So that it appeareth their purpose was well inough then perceiued, although happilie not much bruted abroad, for considerations thought ne­cessarie to haue it rather husht and kept secret.

About the selfe same time the lord Cobham with his freends, whether as one of counsell in the conspi­racie with the earle of Cambridge or not, was deter­mined to haue made some attempt against the lord of Aburgauennie, who being aduertised thereof, got for his defense from Worcester, Persore, Teukes­burie, and other places thereabout, to the number of fiue thousand archers, and other armed men, which came to him vnto his castell of Haneleie: whereof when the lord Cobham was aduertised, he withdrew againe to such secret places about Maluerne, as he had prouided for his suertie, to resort vnto: but a priest that belonged vnto him, was taken, and di­uerse other, who disclosed to the lord Aburgauennie, one of the places where the said lord Cobham with his men vsed to kéepe themselues close. Unto that place the lord Aburgauennie went, where he found in déed monie and armor piled vp betwixt two wals, handsomelie conueied and framed for the purpose; but the lord Cobham with his folkes were withdrawne into some other place, after they once heard, that the earle of Cambridge and the lord Scroope were executed.

But now to proceed with king Henries dooings. After this, when the wind came about prosperous to his purpose, Titus Liuius. he caused the mariners to weie vp an­chors, and hoise vp sailes, The king sai­leth ouer into France with his host. and to set forward with a thousand ships, on the vigill of our ladie daie the As­sumption, and tooke land at Caux, commonlie called Kidcaux, where the riuer of Saine runneth into the sea, without resistance. At his first comming on land, he caused proclamation to be made, Titus Liuius. A charitable proclamation. that no person should be so hardie on paine of death, either to take anie thing out of anie church that belonged to the same, or to hurt or doo anie violence either to priests, women, or anie such as should be found without weapon or armor, and not readie to make resistance: also that no man should renew anie quarell or strife, Princelie and wiselie. whereby anie fraie might arise to the disquieting of the armie.

The next daie after his landing, he marched toward the towne of Harflue, standing on the riuer of Saine betwéene two hils; he besieged it on euerie side, Harding. rai­sing bulwarks and a bastell, in which the two earles of Kent & Huntington were placed, with Cornwall, Graie, Steward, and Porter. On that side towards the sea, the king lodged with his field, and the duke of Clarence on the further side towards Rone. There were within the towne the lords de Touteuill and Gaucourt, with diuerse other that valiantlie de­fended the siege, dooing what damage they could to their aduersaries; and damming vp the riuer that hath his course through the towne, the water rose so high betwixt the kings campe, and the duke o [...] Cla­rence campe (diuided by the same riuer) that the Englishmen were constreined to withdraw their ar­tillerie from one side, where they had planted the same.

The French king being aduertised, that king Henrie was arriued on that coast, sent in all hast the lord de la Breth constable of France, the sene­shall of France, the lord Bouciqualt marshall of France, the seneshall of Henault, the lord Lignie with other, which fortified townes with men, victuals, and artillerie on all those frontiers towards the sea. And hearing that Harflue was besieged, The king be­sieged Har­flue. they came to the castell of Caudebecke, being not farre from Harflue, to the intent they might succor their freends which were besieged, by some polici [...] or meanes: but the Englishmen, notwithstanding all the damage that the Frenchmen could worke against them, for­raied the countrie, spoiled the villages, bringing ma­nie a rich preie to the campe before Harflue. And dai­lie was the towne assaulted: for the duke of Gloce­cester, to whome the order of the siege was commit­ted, made thrée mines vnder the ground, and appro­ching to the wals with his engins and ordinance, would not suffer them within to take anie rest.

[Page 550]For although they with their countermining som­what disappointed the Englishmen, & came to fight with them hand to hand within the mines, so that they went no further forward with that worke; yet they were so inclosed on ech side, Titus Liuius. as well by water as land, that succour they saw could none come to them: for the king lieng with his battell on the hill side on the one partie, and the duke of Clarence beyond the riuer that passeth by the towne, and runneth into Saine on the other partie, beside other lords and cap­teins line 10 that were lodged with their retinues for their most aduantage: none could be suffered to go in, or come foorth, without their licence; insomuch that such pouder as was sent to haue béene conueied into the towne by water, was taken by the English ships that watched the riuer.

The capteins within the towne, perceiuing that they were not able long to resist the continuall as­saults of the Englishmen, knowing that their wals were vndermined, and like to be ouerthrowne (as line 20 one of their bulwarks was alredie, Harding. Thom. Walsi. where the earles of Huntington and Kent had set vp their banners) sent an officer at armes foorth about midnight after the feast daie of saint Lambert, The seuen­téenth of Sep­tember they within Harflue praie par­lée. which fell that yeare vpon the tuesdaie, to beseech the king of England to appoint some certeine persons as commissioners from him, with whome they within might treat a­bout some agréement. The duke of Clarence, to whome this messenger first declared his errand, ad­uertised the king of their request, who granting there­to, line 30 appointed the duke of Excester, with the lord Fitz Hugh, and sir Thomas Erpingham, to vnderstand their minds, who at the first requested a truce vntill sundaie next following the feast of saint Michaell, in which meane time if no succour came to remooue the siege, they would vndertake to deliuer the towne into the kings hands, their liues and goods saued.

The king aduertised hereof, sent them word, that except they would surrender the towne to him the morow next insuing, without anie condition, they line 40 should spend no more time in talke about the mat­ter. But yet at length through the earnest sute of the French lords, the king was contented to grant them truce vntill nine of the clocke the next sundaie, be­ing the two and twentith of September; A fiue daies respit. with condi­tion, that if in the meane time no rescue came, they should yeeld the towne at that houre, with their bo­dies and goods to stand at the kings pleasure. And for assurance thereof, they deliuered into the kings hands thirtie of their best capteins and merchants line 50 within that towne as pledges. But other write, that it was couenanted, that they should deliuer but one­lie twelue pledges, and that if the siege were not rai­sed by the French kings power within six daies next following, then should they deliuer the towne into the king of England hands, and thirtie of the chéefest personages within the same, to stand for life or death at his will and pleasure: and as for the residue of the men of warre and townesmen, they should depart whether they would, without carieng foorth either ar­mour, weapon, or goods. line 60

The king neuerthelesse was after content to grant a respit vpon certeine conditions, that the capteins within might haue time to send to the French king for succour (as before ye haue heard) least he intending greater exploits, might lose time in such small matters. When this composition was agreed vpon, the lord Bacqueuill was sent vnto the French king, to declare in what point the towne stood. To whome the Dolphin answered, that the kings power was not yet assembled, in such number as was conuenient to raise so great a siege. This an­swer being brought vnto the capteins within the towne, they rendered it vp to the king of England, after that the third daie was expired, which was on the daie of saint Maurice being the seuen and thirtith daie after the siege was first laid. Harflue yé [...]ded and sac­ked. The souldiors were ransomed, and the towne sacked, to the great gaine of the Englishmen. ¶Some writing of this yeelding vp of Harflue, Abr. Fl. out of Angl. pr [...]. sub Hen. 5. and Polychron. doo in like sort make mention of the distresse whereto the people, then expelled out of their habitations, were driuen: insomuch as parents with their children, yoong maids and old folke went out of the towne gates with heauie harts (God wot) as put to their present shifts to séeke them a new abode. Be­sides that, king Henrie caused proclamation to be made within his owne dominions of England, that whosoeuer (either handicraftesman, merchantmen, gentleman, or plowman) would inhabit in Har­flue, should haue his dwelling giuen him gratis, and his heire after him also inioy the like grace and fa­uour: insomuch that great multitudes flocked to the sea coasts, waiting wind and wether for their trans­portage into Harflue, where being arriued, woonder­full it is to tell, within how short a time the towne was peopled. This doth Anglorum praelia report, saieng (not without good ground, I beléeue) as followeth:

—tum flentes tenera cum prole parentes
Virgineúsque chorus veteres liquêre penates:
Tum populus cunctus de portis Gallicus exit
Moestus, inarmatus, vacuus, miser, aeger, inóps (que)
Vtque nouas sodes quaerat migrare coactus:
Oppidulo belli potiuntur iure Britanni, &c.

All this doone, the king ordeined capteine to the towne his vncle the duke of Excester, who establi­shed his lieutenant there, one sir Iohn Fastolfe, with fifteene hundred men, or (as some haue) two thousand and thirtie six knights, whereof the baron of Carew, and sir Hugh Lutterell, were two councellors. And bicause manie of his nobles whilest this siege laie be­fore Harflue, fell sicke of the flix and other diseases, diuerse also dead, amongst whom the earle of Staf­ford, the bishop of Norwich, the lords Molins and Burnell were foure (beside others) the king licenced his brother the duke of Clarence, Iohn earle mar­shall, and Iohn earle of Arundell, being infected with that disease, to returne into England.

King Henrie, after the winning of Harflue, de­termined to haue procéeded further in the winning of other townes and fortresses: but bicause the dead time of the winter approched, it was determined by aduise of his councell, that he should in all conueni­ent spéed set forward, and march through the countrie towards Calis by land, least his returne as then homewards should of slanderous toongs be named a running awaie: and yet that iournie was adiudged perillous, Great death in the host by the flix. by reason that the number of his people was much minished by the flix and other feuers, which sore vexed and brought to death aboue fifteene hun­dred persons of the armie: and this was the cause that his returne was the sooner appointed and con­cluded.

But before his departing thence, he entred into the towne of Harflue, & went to the church of saint Martines, and there offered. All the men of warre which had not paid their ransoms, The kings mercifull dea­ling with the French pri­soners. he sware them on the holie euangelists, to yeeld themselues prisoners at Calis by the feast of saint Martine in Nouember next. There were two strong towers standing on the hauen side at Harflue, which looking for aid, did not yéeld, till ten daies after the towne was rendered. When the king had repared the walles, bulwarks and rampiers about the towne, and furnished it with vittels and artillerie, he remooued from Harflue to­ward Ponthoise, intending to passe the riuer of Some with his armie, before the bridges were ei­ther withdrawen or broken. Such vittels and other necessaries as were to be caried wich the armie, he [Page 551] appointed to be laid on horsses, leauing the carts and wagons behind for lesse incombre.

The French king hearing that the towne of Har­flue was gotten, and that the king of England was marching forward into the bowels of the realme of France, sent out proclamations, and assembled peo­ple on euerie side, committing the whole charge of his armie to his sonne the Dolphine and duke of Aquitaine, who incontinentlie caused the bridges to be broken, and the passages to be kept. Also they cau­sed all the corne and vittels to be conueied awaie, Corne & vit­tels destroied where the Englishmen should passe. or line 10 destroied in all places, where it was coniectured that the Englishmen would passe. The king of England nothing dismaied herewith, kept his iournie in spite of his enimies, constreining them within diuerse townes and holds to furnish him with vittels: but yet as he passed by the towne of Ew, A skirmish with the gar­rison of Ew. the garrison of the towne issued foorth, and gaue the Englishmen a skirmish, who beat them into the towne with losse, namelie of a right valiant man of armes, Enguerant. named Lancelot Piers. There were manie Englishmen line 20 hurt with quarels shot off from the loops and wals, as they pursued the enimies vnto the gates.

At length the king approched the riuer of Some, & finding all the bridges broken, he came to the passage of Blanchetake, Blanchetake. where his great grandfather king Edward the third a little before had striken the bat­tell of Cressie: but the passage was now so impeached with stakes in the botome of the foord, that he could not passe, his enimies besides there awaie so swar­ming line 30 on all sides. He therefore marched forwards to Arames, marching with his armie, and passing with his carriage in so martiall a maner, that he ap­peared so terrible to his enimies, as they durst not of­fer him battell. And yet the lord Dalbreth constable of France, the marshall Boncequault, the earle of Uendosme great master of France, the duke of A­lanson, and the earle of Richmont, with all the puis­sance of the Dolphin laie at Abuile, but euer kept the passages, and coasted aloofe, like a hauke though ea­ger line 40 yet not hardie on hir preie. The king of England kept on his iournie till he came to the bridge of saint Marence, where he found aboue thirtie thousand Frenchmen, and there pitched his field, looking suer­lie to be fought withall.

Wherefore to incourage his capteins the more, he dubbed certeine of his hardie and valiant gentle­men knights, Diuerse cap­teins knights as Iohn lord Ferrers of Grobie, Re­ginald of Greistocke, Piers Tempest, Christopher Morisbie, Thomas Pikering, William Huddleston, line 50 Iohn Hosbalton, Henrie Mortimer, Philip Hall, and William his brother, Iaques de Ormond, and di­uerse other: but the French making no semblance to fight, he departed in good order of battell by the towne of Amiens, to another towne néere to a ca­stell called Bowes, and there laie two daies looking for their bidding of battell euerie houre. W.P. From thence he came néere to Corbie, where he was staied that night, for that the common people and pezants mightilie there assembled, hauing gotten them some line 60 head and hartening by meanes of their number that was great, and by trust of a strength (then ioined vn­to them) made of men at armes (manie too tall and well appointed for fight) all of the garrison of Cor­bie: Standing in Picardie be­twéene Ami­ens & Peron all vpō the ri­uer of Some. a strong towne well walled and warded. Here­vpon at a streict (which they had preoccupied) they stoutlie from our armie not onelie kept the passage, but also vpon vs gaue a proud onset: wherein sir Hugh Stafford knight lord Bourghchier, chéefteine of a wing to the king vnder his standard of Guien, Sir Hugh Stafford lord Bourghchier. and as then neerest to the enimie, though far inferior in number, yet with readie and valiant incounter receiued them. The force and slaughter grew great both on the one side and the other, by the French in e­speciall at first right fiercelie pursued, in so much as with an hardie charge vpon our men, they had both beat downe the standard, and also from vs quite woone it awaie, to their hie incouragement, and our incredible despite and dismaie. Iohn Brom­ley. He came of a yoonger bro­ther in the li­nage of the right honora­ble the lord chancelor that now is 1585. Whereat one Iohn Bromley of Bromley in Staffordshire esquier, a neere kinsman vnto the lord Bourghchier, was euen streight so pearsed at hart, as he could not conteine him, but by and by ran eagerlie vpon the French; and with his souldiers (in whom wrath and teene had al­readie inflamed furie and desire of reuenge) did so fiercelie set vpon them, that they were not onlie bea­ten backe, but also forced to abandon the place. At this push the capteine cutting through the thickest, strake downe the champion that bare the standard, The kings standard re­couered. and so gloriouslie recouered it againe, and after du­ring the fight (where as manie of the French lost their liues) couragiouslie ouer his souldiers auanced it himselfe. The rest that fled awaie our people pur­sued in chasing & slaughter vnto Corbie verie gates. So in victorie, honor, and great ioy, with our small losse (in comparison) thanks vnto Gods maiestie, the cheefteine brought his host into his campe and order againe. The singular prowes of this worthie capteine the noble man highlie regarding, in an ample testi­monie thereof and vpon his owne honorable consi­deration, year 1585 by a faire ancient déed yet extant at these daies did giue him reward of fortie pounds annuitie for his life. The monument so plainelie declaring the truth of the matter, with the maner and dignitie of the feat, as it was doone, hath béene thought verie meet for the storie in hand here now to place it as fol­loweth.

A copie of the said deed.

HOc praesens scriptum testatur, quòd nos Hugo de Stafford dominus le Bourgh­chier concessimus & per praesentes con­firmauimus praedilecto consanguineo nostro Iohanni Bromley de Bromley armigero, pro suo magno auxilio nobis impenso in oppugna­tione contra Francos prope le Corbie; & praeci­puè pro suo laudabili seruitio in recuperatione & supportatione vexilli domini regis de Guien sub nostra conductione, vnam annuitatem siue annua­lem redditum quadraginta librarum legalis mone­tae annuatim percipiendum, durante tota vita na­turali praedicti Iohannis de Bromley, de & in om­nibus manerijs, terris, & tenementis nostris cum pertinentibus in comitatu Stafford & Warwik, ad festa Penthecostes & sancti Martini in hyeme aequis portionibus. Et si contingat praedictam an­nuitatem siue annualem redditum quadraginta li­brarum, à retro fore in parte velin toto, ad aliquod festum quo solui debeat, tunc bene licebit praedi­cto Ioh̄ani & assignatis suis in praedictis manerijs, ac in omnibus alijs terris & tenementis cum suis pertinentibus praescriptis, distringere & distri­ctiones effugare & retinere, quousque de praedicta annuitate simul cum arreragijs, si quae fuerint, ple­nariè sibifuerit satisfactum & persolutum. Et vt haec nostra concessio, & scripti huius confirmatio (durante tota vita praedicti Iohannis de Bromley vt praefertur) rata & stabilis permaneat, hoc scrip­tum impressione sigilli armorum meorum robora­ui. Hijs testibus, Iohanne de Holland, Richardo le Greuyll, Richardo de Horwood, Thoma le Fo­restar, & alijs. Datum apud Madeley decimo die mensis Martij, anno regni regis Henrici quinti post conquestum quarto.

[Page 552] W. P.For that by the armes in the seale it may the bet­ter be knowne of what stem this noble man sproong (a matter which this storie seemes iustlie to require) vnderstand yée thus were the same. In his shield, a cheuorne charged with a mullet; his crest, a swans head couped betweene two wings displaied all out of a crowne supported by two greihounds; about the shéeld ingrauen, Signa Hugonis de Stafford militis. Héereby is gathered that he was a third brother of the duke of Buckinghams house.] This feat thus line 10 well doone, King Henrie pass [...]th the ri­uer of Some with his host. the king the same daie found a shallow, betwéene Corbie and Peron, which neuer was e­spied before, at which he with his armie and carria­ges the night insuing, passed the water of Some without let or danger, and therewith determined to make haste towards Calis, and not to seeke for bat­tell, except he were thereto constreined, bicause that his armie by sicknesse was sore diminished, The kings armie but of 15000. in so much that he had but onelie two thousand horssemen and thirteene thousand archers, bilmen, and of all line 20 sorts of other footmen.

The English armie sore af­flicted.The Englishmen were brought into some dis­tresse in this iornie, by reason of their vittels in ma­ner spent, and no hope to get more: for the enimies had destroied all the corne before they came. Rest could they none take, for their enimies with alarmes did euer so infest them: dailie it rained, and nightlie it fréesed: of fuell there was great scarsitie, of fluxes plentie: monie inough, but wares for their reléefe to bestow it on, had they none. Yet in this great ne­cessitie, line 30 the poore people of the countrie were not spoi­led, nor anie thing taken of them without paiment, nor anie outrage or offense doone by the English­men, except one, which was, that a souldiour tooke a pix out of a church, for which he was apprehended, & the king not once remooued till the box was restored, Iustice in warre. and the offendor strangled. The people of the coun­tries thereabout, Note y e force of iustice. hearing of such zeale in him, to the maintenance of iustice, ministred to his armie victu­als, and other necessaries, although by open procla­mation line 40 so to doo they were prohibited. Hall.

The French king being at Rone, and hearing that king Henrie was passed the riuer of Some, The French king cōsulteth how to deale with y e Eng­lishmen. was much displeased therewith, and assembling his councell to the number of fiue and thirtie, asked their aduise what was to be doone. There was amongst these fiue and thirtie, his sonne the Dolphin, calling himselfe king of Sicill; Dolphin king of Sicill. the dukes of Berrie and Bri­taine, the earle of Pontieu the kings yoongest sonne, and other high estates. At length thirtie of them a­gréed, that the Englishmen should not depart vn­fought line 50 withall, and fiue were of a contrarie opinion, but the greater number ruled the matter: The French K. sendeth de­fiance to king Henrie. and so Montioy king at armes was sent to the king of England to defie him as the enimie of France, and to tell him that he should shortlie haue battell. King Henrie aduisedlie answered: K. Henries answer to the defiance. ‘Mine intent is to doo as it pleaseth God, I will not séeke your maister at this time; but if he or his séeke me, I will meet with them God willing. If anie of your nation attempt once to stop me in my iournie now towards Calis, line 60 at their ieopardie be it; and yet with I not anie of you so vnaduised, as to be the occasion that I die your tawnie ground with your red bloud.’

When he had thus answered the herald, he gaue him a princelie reward, and licence to depart. Upon whose returne, with this answer, it was incontinent­lie on the French side proclamed, that all men of warre should resort to the constable to fight with the king of England. Wherevpon, all men apt for armor and desirous of honour, drew them toward the field. The Dolphin sore desired to haue béene at the battell, but he was prohibited by his father: likewise Philip earle of Charolois would gladlie haue béene there, if his father the duke of Burgognie would haue suf­fered him: manie of his men stale awaie, and went to the Frenchmen. The king of England hearing that the Frenchmen approched, and that there was an other riuer for him to passe with his armie by a bridge, and doubting least if the same bridge should be broken, it would be greatlie to his hinderance, appointed certeine capteins with their hands, to go thither with all speed before him, and to take possessi­on thereof, and so to keepe it, till his comming thi­ther.

Those that were sent, finding the Frenchmen busie to breake downe their bridge, assailed them so vigorouslie, that they discomfited them, and tooke and slue them; and so the bridge was preserued till the king came, and passed the riuer by the same with his whole armie. This was on the two and twentith day of October. The duke of Yorke that led the vaunt­gard (after the armie was passed the riuer) mounted vp to the heigth of an hill with his people, and sent out scowts to discouer the countrie, the which vpon their returne aduertised him, that a great armie of Frenchmen was at hand, approching towards them. The duke declared to the king what he had heard, King Henrie rideth foorth to take view of the French armie. and the king therevpon, without all feare or trouble of mind, caused the battell which he led himselfe to staie, and incontinentlie rode foorth to view his ad­uersaries, and that doone, returned to his people, and with chéerefull countenance caused them to be put in order of battell, assigning to euerie capteine such roome and place, as he thought conuenient, and so kept them still in that order till night was come, and then determined to seeke a place to incampe & lodge his armie in for that night.

There was not one amongst them that knew any certeine place whither to go, in that vnknowne countrie: but by chance they happened vpon a bea­ten waie, white in sight; by the which they were brought vnto a little village, where they were refre­shed with meat and drinke somewhat more plenti­ouslie than they had béene diuerse daies before. Or­der was taken by commandement from the king after the armie was first set in battell arraie, that no noise or clamor should be made in the host; so that in marching foorth to this village, euerie man kept him­selfe quiet: but at their comming into the village, fiers were made to giue light on euerie side, as there likewise were in the French host, which was incam­ped not past two hundred and fiftie pases distant from the English. The cheefe leaders of the French host were these: the constable of France, the mar­shall, the admerall, the lord Rambures maister of the crosbowes, and other of the French nobilitie, which came and pitched downe their standards and ban­ners in the countie of saint Paule, The number of the French mē threé [...] thousand. Engueran [...]. within the terri­torie of Agincourt, hauing in their armie (as some write) to the number of thréescore thousand horsse­men, besides footmen, wagoners and other.

They were lodged euen in the waie by the which the Englishmen must needs passe towards Calis, and all that night after their comming thither, made great cheare and were verie merie, pleasant, and full of game. The Englishmen also for their parts were of good comfort, and nothing abashed of the matter, and yet they were both hungrie, wearie, sore trauel­led, and vexed with manie cold diseases. Howbeit re­conciling themselues with God by hoossell and shriff, requiring assistance at his hands that is the onelie giuer of victorie, they determined rather to die, than to yéeld, or flée. The daie following was the fiue and twentith of October in the yeare 1415, The battell of Agincourt, the 25 of Oc­tober 1415. being then fridaie, and the feast of Crispine and Crispini­an, a day faire and fortunate to the English, but most sorrowfull and vnluckie to the French.

[Page 553]In the morning, the French capteins made thrée battels, The order of the French armie. in the vaward were eight thousand healmes of knights and esquiers, foure thousand archers, and fifteene hundred crosbowes which were guided by the lord de la Breth, constable of France, hauing with him the dukes of Orleance and Burbon, the earles of Ewe and Richmond, the marshall Bouci­quault, and the maister of the crosbowes, the lord Dampier admerall of France, and other capteins. The earle of Uandosme with sixtéene hundred men of armes were ordered for a wing to that battell. line 10 And the other wing was guided by sir Guichard Dolphine, sir Clugnet of Brabant, and sir Lewes Bourdon, with eight hundred men of armes, of elect chosen persons. And to breake the shot of the Eng­lishmen, were appointed sir Guilliam de Saueuses, with Hector and Philip his brethren, Ferrie de Mail­lie, and Alen de Gaspanes, with other eight hundred of armes.

As manie in the battell.In the middle ward, were assigned as manie per­sons, line 20 or more, as were in the formost battell, and the charge thereof was committed to the dukes of Bar and Alanson, the earles of Neuers, Uaudemont, Blamont, Salinges, Grant Prée, & of Russie. And in the rereward were all the other men of armes guided by the earles of Marle, Dampmartine, Fau­conberg, and the lord of Lourreie capteine of Arde, who had with him the men of the frontiers of Bolo­nois. Thus the Frenchmen being ordered vnder their standards and banners, The French esteemed six to [...] English. made a great shew: for line 30 suerlie they were estéemed in number six times as manie or more, than was the whole companie of the Englishmen, with wagoners, pages and all. They rested themselues, waiting for the bloudie blast of the terrible trumpet, till the houre betwéene nine and ten of the clocke of the same daie, during which sea­son, the constable made vnto the capteins and other men of warre a pithie oration, exhorting and incou­raging them to doo valiantlie, with manie comforta­ble words and sensible reasons. King Henrie also line 40 like a leader, and not as one led; like a souereigne, and not an inferior, perceiuing a plot of ground ve­rie strong & méet for his purpose, which on the backe halfe was sensed with the village, wherein he had lod­ged the night before, and on both sides defended with hedges and bushes, thought good there to imbattell his host, and so ordered his men in the same place, as he saw occasion, and as stood for his most aduan­tage.

The order of the English armie and archers.First, he sent priuilie two hundred archers into a line 50 lowe medow, which was néere to the vauntgard of his enimies; but separated with a great ditch, com­manding them there to keepe themselues close till they had a token to them giuen, to let driue at their aduersaries: beside this, he appointed a vaward, of the which he made capteine Edward duke of Yorke, [...] of an haultie courage had desired that office, and with him were the lords Beaumont, Willoughbie, and Fanhope, The vaward all of archers. and this battell was all of archers. The middle ward was gouerned by the king him­selfe, line 60 with his brother the duke of Glocester, and the earles of Marshall, Oxenford, and Suffolke, in the which were all the strong bilmen. The duke of Exce­ster vncle to the king led the rereward, which was mi [...]ed both with bilmen and archers. The horssemen like wings went on euerie side of the battell.

Archers the greatest force of the English armie.Thus the king hauing ordered his battels, feared not the puissance of his enimies, but yet to prouide that they should not with the multitude of horssemen breake the order of his archers, in whome the force of his armie consisted [¶ For in those daies the yeo­men had their lims at libertie, Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 392▪ and Polychron. sith their hosen were then fastened with one point, and their iackes long and easie to shoot in; so that they might draw bowes of great strength, and shoot arrowes of a yard long; beside the head] he caused stakes bound with iron sharpe at both ends, A politike in­uention. of the length of fiue or six foot to be pitched before the archers, and of ech side the foot­men like an hedge, to the intent that if the barded horsses ran rashlie vpon them, they might shortlie be gored and destroied. Certeine persons also were appointed to remooue the stakes, as by the mooue­ing of the archers occasion and time should require, so that the footmen were hedged about with stakes, and the horssemen stood like a bulwarke betwéene them and their enimies, without the stakes. Hall. This de­uise of fortifieng an armie, was at this time first in­uented: but since that time they haue deuised cal­traps, harrowes, and other new engins against the force of horssemen; so that if the enimies run hastilie vpon the same, either are their horsses wounded with the stakes, or their féet hurt with the other engins, so as thereby the beasts are gored, or else made vnable to mainteine their course.

King Henrie, by reason of his small number of people to fill vp his battels, placed his vauntgard so on the right hand of the maine battell, which himselfe led, that the distance betwixt them might scarse be perceiued, and so in like case was the rereward ioi­ned on the left hand, that the one might the more rea­dilie succour an other in time of néed. When he had thus ordered his battels, he left a small companie to kéepe his campe and cariage, which remained still in the village, and then calling his capteins and soldi­ers about him, he made to them a right graue orati­on, moouing them to plaie the men, K. Henries oration to his men. whereby to ob­teine a glorious victorie, as there was hope certeine they should, the rather if they would but remember the iust cause for which they fought, and whome they should incounter, such faint-harted people as their ancestors had so often ouercome. To conclude, ma­nie words of courage he vttered, to stirre them to doo manfullie, assuring them that England should neuer be charged with his ransome, nor anie Frenchmen triumph ouer him as a captiue; for either by famous death or glorious victorie would he (by Gods grace) win honour and fame.

It is said, that as he heard one of the host vtter his wish to another thus: ‘I would to God there were with vs now so manie good soldiers as are at this houre within England! the king answered: I would not wish a man more here than I haue, A wish. A noble cou­rage of a vali­ant prince. we are in­deed in comparison to the enimies but a few, but if God of his clemencie doo fauour vs, and our iust cause (as I trust he will) we shall spéed well inough. But let no man ascribe victorie to our owne strength and might, but onelie to Gods assistance, to whome I haue no doubt we shall worthilie haue cause to giue thanks therefore. And if so be that for our offenses sakes we shall be deliuered into the hands of our eni­mies, the lesse number we be, the lesse damage shall the realme of England susteine: but if we should fight in trust of multitude of men, and so get the vic­torie (our minds being prone to pride) we should ther­vpon peraduenture ascribe the victorie not so much to the gift of God, as to our owne puissance, and thereby prouoke his high indignation and displea­sure against vs: and if the enimie get the vpper hand, then should our realme and countrie suffer more da­mage and stand in further danger. But be you of good comfort, and shew your selues valiant, God and our iust quarrell shall defend vs, and deliuer these our proud aduersaries with all the multitude of them which you sée (or at the least the most of them) into our hands.’ Whilest the king was yet thus in spéech, either armie so maligned the other, being as then in open sight, that euerie man cried; Forward, forward. The dukes of Clarence, Glocester, and Yorke, were of [Page 554] the same opinion, yet the king staied a while, least anie ieopardie were not foreséene, or anie hazard not preuented. The Frenchmen in the meane while, as though they had béene sure of victorie, made great triumph, for the capteins had determined before, how to diuide the spoile, and the soldiers the night before had plaid the Englishmen at dice. The noble men had denised a chariot, wherein they might trium­phantlie conueie the king captiue to the citie of Pa­ris, crieng to their soldiers; Haste you to the spoile, line 10 glorie and honor; little weening (God wot) how soone their brags should be blowne awaie.

Here we may not forget how the French thus in their iolitie, Hall. sent an herald to king Henrie, to inquire what ransome he would offer. Wherevnto he an­swered, that within two or thrée houres he hoped it would so happen, that the Frenchmen should be glad to common rather with the Englishmen for their ransoms, than the English to take thought for their deliuerance, promising for his owne part, that line 20 his dead carcasse should rather be a prize to the Frenchmen, than that his liuing bodie should paie anie ransome. When the messenger was come backe to the French host, the men of warre put on their hel­mets, and caused their trumpets to blow to the bat­tell. They thought themselues so sure of victorie, that diuerse of the noble men made such hast towards the battell, that they left manie of their seruants and men of warre behind them, and some of them would not once staie for their standards: as amongst other the duke of Brabant▪ when his standard was not line 30 come, caused a baner to be taken from a trumpet and fastened to a speare, the which he commanded to be borne before him in stéed of his standard.

But when both these armies comming within danger either of other, set in full order of battell on both sides, they stood still at the first, beholding either others demeanor, being not distant in sunder past thrée bow shoots. And when they had on both parts thus staied a good while without dooing anie thing, line 40 (except that certeine of the French horsemen aduan­cing forwards, betwixt both the hosts, were by the English archers constreined to returne backe) aduise was taken amongst the Englishmen, what was best for them to doo. Therevpon all things considered, it was determined, that sith the Frenchmen would not come forward, the king with his armie imbat­telled (as yee haue hard) should march towards them, and so leauing their trusse and baggage in the village where they lodged the night before, onelie with their line 50 weapons, armour, and stakes prepared for the pur­pose, as yée haue heard.

These made somewhat forward, before whome there went an old knight sir Thomas Erpingham (a man of great experience in the warre) with a war­der in his hand; The English gaue the on­set. and when he cast vp his warder, all the armie shouted, but that was a signe to the ar­chers in the medow, which therwith shot wholie alto­gither at the vauward of the Frenchmen, who when they perceiued the archers in the medow, The two ar­mies ioine battell. and saw they could not come at them for a ditch that was be­twixt line 60 them, with all hast set vpon the fore ward of king Henrie, but yer they could ioine, the archers in the forefront, and the archers on that side which stood in the medow, so wounded the footmen, galled the horsses, and combred the men of armes, that the foot­men durst not go forward, the horssemen ran togi­ther vpō plumps without order, some ouerthrew such as were next them, and the horsses ouerthrew their masters, and so at the first ioining, the Frenchmen were foulie discomforted, and the Englishmen high­lie incouraged.

When the French vauward was thus brought to confusion, the English archers cast awaie their bowes, & tooke into their hands, axes, malls, swords, The [...] of the Fren [...] discomfited. bils, and other hand-weapons, and with the same slue the Frenchmen, vntill they came to the middle ward. Then approched the king, and so incouraged his peo­ple, that shortlie the second battell of the Frenchmen was ouerthrowne, and dispersed, Their [...] beaten. not without great slaughter of men: howbeit, diuerse were releeued by their varlets, and conueied out of the field. The Eng­lishmen were so busied in fighting, and taking of the prisoners at hand, that they followed not in chase of their enimies, nor would once breake out of their ar­raie of battell. Yet sundrie of the Frenchmen stronglie withstood the fiercenesse of the English, when they came to handie strokes, so that the fight sometime was doubtfull and perillous. Yet as part of the French horssemen set their course to haue en­tred vpon the kings battell, with the stakes ouer­throwne, they were either taken or slaine. Thus this battell continued thrée long houres.

The king that daie shewed himselfe a valiant knight, albeit almost felled by the duke of Alanson; A valiant king. yet with plaine strength he slue two of the dukes companie, and felled the duke himselfe; whome when he would haue yelded, the kings gard (contrarie to his mind) slue out of hand. In conclusion, the king minding to make an end of that daies iornie, caused his horssemen to fetch a compasse about, and to ioine with him against the rereward of the Frenchmen, in the which was the greatest number of people. When the Frenchmen perceiued his intent, The French rereward dis­comfited. they were suddenlie amazed and ran awaie like sheepe, without order or arraie. Which when the king percei­ued, he incouraged his men, and followed so quicke­lie vpon the enimies, that they ran hither and thither, casting awaie their armour: manie on their knees desired to haue their liues saued.

In the meane season, while the battell thus conti­nued, and that the Englishmen had taken a great number of prisoners, certeine Frenchmen on horsse­backe, whereof were capteins Robinet of Borne­uill, Rifflart of Clamas, Isambert of Agincourt, and other men of armes, to the number of six hun­dred horssemen, which were the first that fled, hearing that the English tents & pauilions were a good waie distant from the armie, without anie sufficient gard to defend the same, either vpon a couetous meaning to gaine by the spoile, or vpon a desire to b [...] reuen­ged, entred vpon the kings campe, The king [...] campe rob­bed. and there spoiled the hails, robbed the tents, brake vp chests, and ca­ried awaie [...]askets, and slue such seruants as they found to make anie resistance. For which treason and haskardie in thus leauing their campe at the verie point of fight, for winning of spoile where none to de­fend it, verie manie were after committed to prison, and had lost their liues, if the Dolphin had longer li­ued.

But when the outcrie of the lackies and boies, which ran awaie for feare of the Frenchmen thus spoiling the campe, came to the kings eares, he doub­ting least his enimies should gather togither againe▪ and begin a new field; and mistrusting further that the prisoners would be an aid to his enimies, or the verie enimies to their takers in déed if they were suf­fered to liue, contrarie to his accustomed gentlenes, commanded by sound of trumpet, that euerie man (vpon paine of death) should incontinentlie slaie his prisoner. When this dolorous decree, All the pris [...]ners slaine. and pitifull pro­clamation was pronounced, pitie it was to sée how some Frenchmen were suddenlie sticked with dag­gers, some were brained with pollaxes, some slaine with malls, other had their throats cut, and some their bellies panched, so that in effect, hauing respect to the great number, few prisoners were saued.

When this lamentable slaughter was ended, the [Page 555] Englishmen disposed themselues in order of battell, readie to abide a new field, and also to inuade, and newlie set on their enimies, with great force they as­sailed the earles of Marle and Fauconbridge, and the lords of Louraie, A fresh onset. and of Thine, with six hundred men of armes, who had all that daie kept togither, but now slaine and beaten downe out of hand. ¶ Some write, that the king perceiuing his enimies in one part to assemble togither, as though they meant to giue a new battell for preseruation of the prisoners, sent to them an herald, commanding them either to line 10 depart out of his sight, or else to come forward at once, and giue battell: promising herewith, that if they did offer to fight againe, A right wise and valiant challenge of the king. not onelie those priso­ners which his people alreadie had taken; but also so manie of them as in this new conflict, which they thus attempted should fall into his hands, should die the death without redemption.

The Frenchmen fearing the sentence of so terrible a decrée, without further delaie parted out of the field. And so about foure of the clocke in the after noone, the line 20 king when he saw no apperance of enimies, caused the retreit to be blowen; and gathering his armie to­gither, gaue thanks to almightie God for so happie a victorie, Thanks gi­uen to God for the victo­rie. causing his prelats and chapleins to sing this psalme: In exitu Israel de Aegypto, and comman­ded euerie man to knéele downe on the ground at this verse: Non nobis Domine, non nobis, sed nomini tuo da gloriam. A worthie example of a godlie prince. Which doone, he caused Te Deum, with cer­teine anthems to be soong, giuing land and praise line 30 to God, without boasting of his owne force or anie humane power. That night he and his people tooke rest, Titus Liuius. and refreshed themselues with such victuals as they found in the French campe, but lodged in the same village where he laie the night before.

In the morning, Montioie king at armes and foure other French heralds came to the K. to know the number of prisoners, and to desire buriall for the dead. Before he made them answer (to vnderstand what they would saie) he demanded of them whie they line 40 made to him that request, considering that he knew not whether the victorie was his or theirs? When Montioie by true and iust confession had cléered that doubt to the high praise of the king, he desired of Montioie to vnderstand the name of the castell néere adioining: when they had told him that it was called Agincourt, he said, Then shall this conflict be called the battell of Agincourt. The battell of Agincourt. He feasted the French offi­cers of armes that daie, and granted them their re­quest, which busilie sought through the field for such line 50 as were slaine. But the Englishmen suffered them not to go alone, for they searched with them, & found manie hurt, but not in ieopardie of their liues, whom they tooke prisoners, and brought them to their tents. When the king of England had well refreshed him­selfe, and his souldiers, that had taken the spoile of such as were slaine, he with his prisoners in good or­der returned to his towne of Calis.

When tidings of this great victorie, was blowne into England, solemne processions and other prai­sings line 60 to almightie God with boune-fires and ioifull triumphes, were ordeined in euerie towne, citie, and burrow, The same day that the new maior went to Westminster to receiue his [...]th, the aduer­tisement of this noble vic­ [...]orie came to the citie in the morning be­times y [...] men were vp from their beds. Register of [...]a [...]ors. and the maior & citizens of London went the morow after the daie of saint Simon and Iude from the church of saint Paule to the church of saint Peter at Westminster in deuout maner, rendring to God hartie thanks for such fortunate lucke sent to the king and his armie. The same sundaie that the king remooued from the campe at Agincourt to­wards Calis, diuerse Frenchmen came to the field to view againe the dead bodies; and the pezants of the countrie spoiled the carcasses of all such apparell and other things as the Englishmen had left: who tooke nothing but gold and siluer, iewels, rich apparell and costlie armour. But the plowmen and pezants left nothing behind, neither shirt nor clout: so that the bodies laie starke naked vntill wednesdaie. On the which daie diuerse of the noble men were con­ueied into their countries, and the remnant were by Philip earle Charolois (sore lamenting the chance, and mooued with pitie) at his costs & charges buried in a square plot of ground of fifteene hundred yards; in the which he caused to be made thrée pits, Thrée grau [...]s that held fi [...]e thousand and eight hundred corpses. wherein were buried by account fiue thousand and eight hun­dred persons, beside them that were caried awaie by their fréends and seruants, and others, which being wounded died in hospitals and other places.

After this their dolorous iournie & pitifull slaugh­ter, diuerse clearks of Paris made manie a lamen­table verse, complaining that the king reigned by will, and that councellors were parciall, affirming that the noble men fled against nature, and that the commons were destroied by their prodigalitie, de­claring also that the cleargie were dumbe, and durst not saie the truth, and that the humble commons du­lie obeied, & yet euer suffered punishment, for which cause by diuine persecution the lesse number vanqui­shed the greater: wherefore they concluded, that all things went out of order, and yet was there no man that studied to bring the vnrulie to frame. It was no maruell though this battell was lamentable to the French nation, for in it were taken and slaine the flower of all the nobilitie of France.

There were taken prisoners, Noble men prisoners. Charles duke of Orleance nephue to the French king, Iohn duke of Burbon, the lord Bouciqualt one of the marshals of France (he after died in England) with a number of other lords, knights, and esquiers, at the least fiftéene hundred, besides the common people. The number slaine on the French part. Englishmen slaine. There were slaine in all of the French part to the number of ten thousand men, whereof were princes and noble men bearing baners one hundred twentie and six; to these, of knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, so manie as made vp the number of eight thousand and foure hun­dred (of the which fiue hundred were d [...]bbed knights the night before the battell) so as of the meaner sort, not past sixteene hundred. Amongst those of the nobi­litie that were slaine, these were the cheefest, Charles lord de la Breth high constable of France, Iaques of Chatilon lord of Dampier admerall of France, the lord Rambures master of the crossebowes, sir Guischard Dolphin great master of France, Iohn duke of Alanson, Anthonie duke of Brabant brother to the duke of Burgognie, Edward duke of Bar, the earle of Neuers an other brother to the duke of Bur­gognie, with the erles of Marle, Uaudemont, Beau­mont, Grandprée, Roussie, Fauconberge, Fois and Lestrake, beside a great number of lords and barons of name.

Of Englishmen, there died at this battell, Englishmen slaine. Ed­ward duke Yorke, the earle of Suffolke, sir Richard Kikelie, and Dauie Gamme esquier, and of all other not aboue fiue and twentie persons, as some doo re­port; but other writers of greater credit affirme, that there were slaine aboue fiue or six hundred persons. Rich. Grafton. Titus Liuius. Titus Liuius saith, that there were slaine of English­men, beside the duke of Yorke, and the earle of Suf­folke, an hundred persons at the first incounter. The duke of Glocester the kings brother was sore woun­ded about the hips, and borne downe to the ground, so that he fell backwards, with his féet towards his eni­mies, whom the king bestrid, and like a brother vali­antlie rescued from his enimies, & so sauing his life, caused him to be conueied out of the fight, into a place of more safetie. Abr. Fl. out of Anglorum prae­lijs sub Henr. 5. ¶ The whole order of this con­flict which cost manie a mans life, and procured great bloudshed before it was ended, is liuelie described in Anglorum praelijs; where also, besides the manner of di­sposing [Page 556] the armies, with the exploits on both sides, the number also of the slaine, not much differing (though somewhat) from the account here named, is there touched, which remembrance verie fit for this place, it were an errour (I thinke) to omit; and there­fore here inserted (with the shortest) as followeth.

—equitatus ordine primo,
Magnanimi satrapae, post hos cecidere secundo
Nauarrae comes, & tuus archiepiscopus (ô Sans)
Praeterea comites octo periere cruentis line 10
Vulneribus, trita appellant quos voce barones
Plus centum, clari generis plus mille cadebant
Sexcenti, notí (que) decem plus millia vulgi
Ex Francorum, ter centum perdidit Anglus:
Et penes Henricum belli victoria mansit.

Hall.After that the king of England had refreshed him­selfe, and his people at Calis, and that such prisoners as he had left at Harflue (as ye haue heard) were come to Calis vnto him, the sixt daie of Nouember, he with all his prisoners tooke shipping, and the same line 20 daie landed at Douer, hauing with him the dead bo­dies of the duke of Yorke, and the earle of Suffolke, and caused the duke to be buried at his colledge [...]f Fodringhey, and the earle at new Elme. In this pas­sage, the seas were so rough and troublous, that two ships belonging to sir Iohn Cornewall, lord Fan­hope, were driuen into Zeland; howbeit, nothing was lost, nor any person perisht. ¶The maior of Lon­don, and the aldermen, apparelled in orient grained scarlet, and foure hundred commoners clad in beau­tifull line 30 murrie, well mounted, and trimlie horssed, with rich collars, & great chaines, met the king on Black­heath, reioising at his returne: and the clergie of London, with rich crosses, sumptuous copes, and massie censers, receiued him at saint Thomas of Waterings with solemne procession.

The king like a graue and sober personage, and as one remembring from whom all victories are sent, Titus Liuius. séemed little to regard such vaine pompe and shewes as were in triumphant sort deuised for his welcom­ming line 40 home from so prosperous a iournie, in so much that he would not suffer his helmet to be caried with him, The great modestie of the king. whereby might haue appeared to the people the blowes and dints that were to be seene in the same; neither would he suffer any ditties to be made and soong by minstrels of his glorious victorie, for that he would wholie haue the praise and thanks altogi­ther giuen to God. The news of this bloudie battell being reported to the French king as then soiour­ning at Rone, filled the court full of sorrow. But to remedie such danger as was like to insue, it was de­creed line 50 by councell, to ordeine new officers in places of them that were slaine: and first, he elected his chiefe officer for the wars, called the constable, the earle of Arminacke, a wise and politike capteine, and an ancient enimie to the Englishmen, Sir Iohn de Corsie was made maister of the crosse­bowes. Shortlie after, [...]ither for melancholie that he had for the losse at Agincourt, or by some sudden di­sease Lewes Dolphin of Uiennois, The death of the Dolphin of France. Part of those that spoiled the English campe. heire apparant line 60 to the French king, departed this life without issue, which happened well for Robinet of Bourneuill, and his fellowes, as ye haue heard before, for his death was their life, & his life would haue béene their death.

After the French king had created new officers, in hope to relieue the state of his realme and coun­trie, year 1416 sore shaken by the late great ouerthrow, it chan­ced, that Thomas duke of Excester capteine of Har­flue, accompanied with thrée thousand Englishmen, made a great rode into Normandie, almost to the ci­tie of Rone, in which iournie he got great abundance both of riches and prisoners: but in his returne, the earle of Arminacke newlie made constable of France, intending in his first enterprise to win the spurs, hauing with him aboue fiue thousand horsse­men, incountred with the duke. A sore con­flict. The fight was hand­led on both parts verie hotlie, but bicause the Eng­lishmen were not able to resist the force of the Frenchmen, the duke was constreined to retire with losse at the least of thrée hundred of his footmen.

Howbeit being withdrawen into an orchard, which was stronglie fensed and hedged about with thornes, the Frenchmen were not able to enter vpon the Englishmen; but yet they tooke from them all their horsses and spoile, & assaulted them till it was night, and then retired backe to the towne, not far distant from the place where they fought, called Uallemont: this was vpon the 14 day of March. In the mor­ning vpon the breake of the daie, the Englishmen is­sued foorth of the orchard, where they had kept them­selues all the night, & drew towards Harflue, wherof the Frenchmen being aduertised, followed them, & ouertooke them vpon the sands néere to Chiefe de Caux, & there set on them: but in the end, the French­men were discomfited, and a great number of them slaine by the Englishmen, which afterwards retur­ned without more adoo vnto Harflue. The French writers blame the constable for this losse, bicause he kept on the high ground with a number of men of war, and would not come downe to aid his fellowes.

In this fourth yeare of king Henries reigne, the emperour Sigismund, Anno Reg. 4. The emperor Sigismund commeth [...] England. coosine germane to king Henrie, came into England, to the intent that he might make an attonement betwéene king Henrie and the French king: with whom he had beene before, bringing with him the archbishop of Remes, as am­bassadour for the French king. Titus Liuius. At Calis he was ho­norablie receiued by the earle of Warwike lord de­putie there, and diuerse other lords sent thither of pur­pose to attend him. Moreouer, the king sent thither thirtie great ships to bring him and his traine ouer. At Douer the duke of Glocester, The stran [...] manner of re­ceiuing the emperour [...] Douer. and diuerse other lords were readie to receiue him, who at his approch­ing to land, entered the water with their swords in their hands drawen; and by the mouth of the said duke declared to him, that if he intended to enter the land as the kings fréend, and as a mediator to intreat for peace, he should be suffered to arriue: but if he would enter as an emperour into a land claimed to be vn­der his empire, then were they readie to resist him. This was thought necessarie to be doone for sauing of the kings prerogatiue, who hath full preheminence within his owne realme, as an absolute emperour.

When the emperour herevpon answered that he was come as the kings fréend, and as a mediator for peace, and not with any imperiall authoritie, he was of the duke and other his associats receiued with all such honor as might be deuised. The king with all his nobilitie receiued him on Blackheath, the seuenth day of Maie, and brought him through London to Westminster with great triumph. Shortlie after there came also into England Albert duke of Hol­land, who was likewise fréendlie interteined. Albert duke of Holland cōmeth [...] England. Both these princes, the emperour and the duke of Holland were conueied to Windsore to saint Georges feast, and elected companions of the noble order of the gar­ter, and had the collar and habit of the same to them deliuered, and sat in their s [...]als all the solemnitie of the feast. Shortlie after that the feast was finished, the duke of Holland returned into his countrie; but the emperour tarried still, and assaied all maner of meanes to persuade the king to a peace with the Frenchmen.

But their euill hap, as they that were appointed by Gods prouidence to suffer more damage at the Eng­lishmens hands, would not permit his persuasions to take place: for whereas peace was euen almost entring in at the gates, the king was suddenlie stir­red [Page 557] to displeasure vpon a new occasion, for he being aduertised of the losse of his men at the late conflict in the territorie of Rone (as ye haue heard) refused to heare this word peace once named. The emperour like a wise princ [...] p [...]ssed ouer that time till another season, The emperor [...]n earnest me­diator for peace. that some fauourable aspect of the planets should séeme to f [...]rther his purpose. And when he thought the same was come, he br [...]ed againe the vessell of concord and amitie, which he put in so faire a cup, and presented it with such effectuous words, line 10 that [...]uerlie the king had tasted it, if word had not béen brought about the same time, that Harflue was besieged of the French both by water and land, Harflue besie­ged by the French. as it was indéed; for the constable of France incouraged by his last conflict (though the same was not much to his praise) assembled an armie, and vpon a sudden laid siege to the towne. At the same instant Iohn vi­count of Narbon the vice-admerall of France, brought the whole nauie to the riuage and shore ad­ioining to the towne, in purpose to haue entered by line 20 the waterside; but the duke of Excester defeated his intent, and defended the towne verie manfullie.

King Henrie aduertised hereof, meant at the first to haue gone with his nauie in person to the succors of his men; but the emperor dissuaded him from that purpose, aduising him rather to send some one of his capteins. The king following his louing and reaso­nable aduertisement, appointed his brother the duke of Bedford accompanied with the earles of March, Marshall, Oxford, Huntington, Warwike, Arun­dell, line 30 Salisburie, Deuonshire, and diuerse barons, with two hundred saile to passe into Normandie, for rescue of the towne of Harflue; Titu [...] Liuius. which vsing great di­ligence shipped at Rie, and after some hinderance by contrarie winds, at length came to the mouth of the riuer of Seine on the daie of the Assumption of our ladie. When the vicount of Narbon perceiued the English nauie to approch, he couragiouslie set for­ward, and gat the possession of the mouth of the ha­uen. The duke of Bedford séeing his enimies thus line 40 fiercelie to come forward, A great ouer­throw by sea giuen to the French by the duke of Bed­ford. set before certeine strong ships, which at the first incounter vanquished and tooke two French ships, the capteins whereof were too rash and forward.

The duke followed with all his puissance, and set on his enimies. The fight was long, but not so long as perillous, nor so perillous as terrible (for battels on the sea are desperate) till at length the victorie fell to the Englishmen, so that almost all the whole nauie of France, in the which were manie ships, hulkes, line 50 carikes, The French name of fiue hundred ves­sels vanqui­shed. Titus Liuius. and other small vessels, to the number of fiue was sunke & taken. Amongst other vessels that were taken, thrée great carikes of Genoa▪ a citie in Italie, were sent into England. In the same conflict were slaine of the Frenchmen no small number, as appea­red by the dead bodies, which were séene euerie daie swimming about the English ships. Titus Liuius. Harflue res­cued by the Englishmen. After this, the duke of Bedford sailed vp to Harflue, & refreshed the towne both with vittels and monie; notwithstanding certeine other French gallies did what they could line 60 to haue letted that enterprise. When the erle of Armi­nacke heard that the puissant name of France was vanquished, he raised his siege & returned to Paris.

After this discomfiture and losse, the puissance of the Frenchmen began to decaie, for now the princes and nobles of the realme fell into diuision and dis­cord among themselues▪ studieng how to reuenge their old priuat iniuries, & refused to take paine for succour of the publike weale and safegard of their countrie: Ciuill discord amongst the [...]bles of France. wherevpon their power began to wax slender, their state brought into imminent danger of perpetuall bondage; which thing no doubt had fallen vpon them if king Henrie had longer liued. For as vpon one inconuenience suffered, manie doo follow, so was it in France at that time: Charles the French king not of sound memorie. for the king was not of sound memorie, the warre that was toward both doubtfull and perillous: the princes vntrustie and at discord: with a hundred things more (which might bring a realme to ruine) out of frame and or­der in France in those daies. After that the duke of Bedford was returned backe againe into England with great triumph and glorie, he was not so much thanked of the king his brother, as praised of the em­perour Sigismund, being to him a stranger, which said openlie, that happie are those subiects which haue such a king, but more happie is the king that hath such subiects.

When the emperor perceiued that it was in vaine to mooue further for peace, he left off that treatie, and entered himselfe into a league with king Henrie, the contents of which league consisted cheeflie in these articles, that both the said emperour and king, Titus Liuius. The emperor entereth into league with king Henrie. their heires, and successors, should be freends ech to other, as alies and confederats against all manner of per­sons, of what estate or degrée so euer they were (the church of Rome, and the pope for that time being on­lie excepted) and that neither they, nor their heires, The cōtents of the league. nor successors should be present in councell or other place, where either of them, or his heires or successors might susteine damage, in lands, goods, honors, states, or persons: and that if anie of them should vn­derstand of losse or hinderance to be like to fall or happen to the others, they should impeach the same, or if that laie not in their powers, they should aduertise the others thereof with all conuenient spéed: and that either of them, and their heires and successors should aduance the others honor and commoditie without fraud or deceipt. Moreouer, that neither of them, nor their heires and successors should permit their sub­iects to leauie warres against the others; and that it should be lawfull and frée for ech of their subiects, to passe into the others countrie, and there to remaine and make merchandize, either by sea or land, paieng the customes, gabels, and duties due and accustomed, according to the lawes and ordinances of the places and countries where they chanced to traffike.

Furthermore, that neither of the said princes, nor their heires nor successors should receiue any rebell, banished man, or traitor of the others wittinglie; but should cause euerie such person to auoid out of their countries, realmes, dominions, and iurisdicti­ons. Againe, that neither of the said princes, their heires, nor successors should begin any wars against any other person, other than such as they had warres with at that present, without consent of the other his confederate, except in defense of themselues, their countries and subiects, in case of inuasion made vp­on them. Also, that it should be lawfull for the king of England, to prosecute his warres against the Frenchmen for recouerie of his right, as should séeme to him expedient; and likewise to the emperor, for recouerie of any part of his right in Fance, so that neither of them did preiudice the others right in that behalfe. Lastlie, that either of them should assist other, in recouerie & conquest of their rights, lands, and dominions, occupied, with-holden, and kept from them, by him that called himselfe king of France, and other the princes and barons of France. This a­liance, with other conditions, agréements, and arti­cles, was concluded & established on the ninetéenth daie of October, in the yeare of our Lord 2416. This doone, the emperor returned homewards, Titus Liuius. to passe in­to Germanie; and the king partlie to shew him ho­nor, and partlie bicause of his owne affaires, associa­ted him to his towne of Calis.

During the time of their abode there, the duke of Burgognie offered to come to Calis, to speake with the emperor and the king, bicause he had knowledge [Page 558] [...] [Page 559] wind and weather to his desire, the first daie of Au­gust he landed in Normandie, néere to a castell called Touque, where he consulted with his capteins, what waie was best for him to take concerning his high enterprise.

The number of the armie 16 [...]00, of his owne pur­ [...]ciance.His armie conteined the number of sixtéene thou­sand and foure hundred soldiers and men of warre of his owne purueiance, beside others. The duke of Clarence had in his retinue a hundred lances, and thrée hundred archers: and beside him, there were line 10 thrée earles, Tit. Liuius. which had two hundred and fortie lances, and seauenteene hundred and twentie archers. The duke of Glocester foure hundred and seauentie lan­ces, and foureteene hundred and ten archers. The earles of March, Marshall, Warwike, and Salisbu­rie, each of them one hundred lances, and thrée hun­dred archers a peece. The earle of Huntington fortie lances, and six score archers. The earle of Suffolke thirtie lances, and fourescore and ten archers. Beside these, there were thirtéene lords, as Aburgauennie, Matreuers, Fitz Hugh, Clifford, Graie, Willough­bie, line 20 Talbot, Courtnie, Burchier, Roos, Louell, Fer­rers of Chartleie, and Harington, the which had in their retinue the number of fiue hundred and six lan­ces, and fiftéene hundred and fourescore archers. Also, there were in this armie thréescore and seauentéene knights, which had vnder them nine hundred and for­tie fiue lances, and two thousand eight hundred and fiftie two archers; so that in all, there were fiue and twentie thousand, fiue hundred, and eight and twen­tie fighting men: of which number euerie fourth line 30 man was a lance. Beside the soldiers and men of warre, there were a thousand masons, carpenters, and other labourers.

The Normās [...] to the wal­ [...]d townes.The Normans hearing of the kings arriuall, were suddenlie striken with such feare, that they fled out of their houses, leauing the townes and villages, and with their wiues and children, bag and baggage, got them into the walled townes, preparing there to de­fend themselues, & with all speed sent to the French line 40 king, requiring him to prouide for the defense and preseruation of his louing subiects. Héerevpon, the men of war were appointed to resort into the strong townes, to lie within the same in garrisons, to resist the power of the Englishmen, so that all the walled townes and castels in Normandie were furnished with men, munition, and vittels. The king of Eng­land, Touque [...] besieged [...] y • English­ [...]n & taken. when he had resolued with his counsell for his proceeding in his enterprises, laid siege vnto the ca­stell of Touque. The duke of Glocester that led the fore ward, had the charge of that siege, the which by line 50 force of assaults, and other warlike meanes, brought to that point, that they within yeelded the place into his hands, the ninth daie of August. The earle of Sa­lisburie, Amberuilli­ers castell taken. who led the battell, tooke the castell of Am­beruilliers, the which was giuen to him by the king, and so this earle was the first that had anie territorie giuen him of the king in this new conquest. The king made at the winning of Touque eight and twentie knights, and left sir Robert Kirkelie cap­teine line 60 there.

After this, on deliberate aduise taken how to pro­céed; the K. set forward toward the towne of Caen in most warlike order, wasting the countrie on eue­rie side as he passed. Which towne standeth in a plaine fertile countrie, no stronger walled, than deepe ditched, and as then well vittelled and repleni­shed with people: for the citizens fearing the kings comming, had there prouided all things necessarie and defensible. But his maiestie doubting least the Frenchmen, vpon their vnderstanding of his ap­proch to the towne, would haue burned the suburbs and buildings without the walles, sent the duke of Clarence with a thousand men before him, to pre­uent that mischéefe. The duke comming thither, found the suburbs alreadie set on fire, but vsed such diligence to quench the same, that the most part was saued. He also wan the abbeie church of saint Ste­phan, which the Frenchmen were in hand to haue o­uerthrowne, by vndermining the pillers; but the duke obteining the place, filled vp the mines, and so preserued the church. He also wan a cell of nunnes, verie stronglie fensed, after the manner of warre.

Then came the king before the towne, Caen besieged who caused foorthwith to be cast a deepe trench, with an high mount, to kéepe them within from issuing foorth, and that doone, began fiercelie to assault the towne: but they within stood manfullie to their defense, so that there was sore and cruell fight betwixt them, and their enimies. But when king Henrie perceiued that he lost more than he wan by his dailie assaults, he left off anie more to assault it, and determined to ouerthrow the wals, with vndermining. Wherefore with all diligence, the pioners cast trenches, made mines, & brought timber; so that within a few daies, the wals stood onelie vpon posts, readie to fall, when fire should be put to them. Tit. Liuius. The king meaning now to giue a generall assault, caused all the capteins to assemble before him in councell, vnto whome he de­clared his purpose, commanding them not before the next daie to vtter it; till by sound of trumpet they should haue warning to set forward towards the wals, least his determination being disclosed to the enimies, might cause them to prouide the better for their owne defense. He also prescribed vnto them, The order of the assault. what order he would haue them to keepe, in giuing the assault, and that was this; that euerie capteine de­uiding his band into three seuerall portions, they might be readie one to succéed in an others place, as those which fought should happilie be driuen backe and repelled.

In the morning next following, being the fourth of September, somewhat before the breake of the daie, he caused his people to approch the wals, and to shew countenance, as though they would giue a ge­nerall assault; and whilest they were busied in assai­ling and defending on both sides, the Englishmen pearsed and brake thorough the wals by diuerse holes and ouertures made by the pioners, vnder the foun­dation: yet the king vpon diuerse respects, offered them within pardon of life, if they would yeeld them­selues and the towne to his mercie; but they refusing that to doo, the assault was newlie begun, and after sore fight continued for the space of an houre, the Englishmen preuailed, and slue so manie as they found with weapon in hand, readie to resist them.

The duke of Clarence was the first that entred with his people, Titus Liuius. and hauing got the one part of the towne, assailed them that kept the bridge, & by force beating them backe, passed the same, and so came to the wals on the other side of the towne, where the fight was sharpe and fierce betwixt the assailants and defendants; but the duke with his people setting on the Frenchmen behind, as they stood at defense on the wals, easilie vanquished them, so that the Eng­lishmen entred at their pleasure. Thus when the king was possessed of the towne, Caen taken by the Eng­lishmen. he incontinentlie com­manded all armours & weapons of the vanquished, to be brought into one place, which was immediatlie doone.

Then the miserable people came before the kings presence, and kneeling on their knées, held vp their hands, and cried; Mercie, mercie: to whome the king gaue certeine comfortable words, & bad them stand vp. All the night following, he caused his armie to kéepe themselues in order of battell within the towne, and on the next morning called all the magi­strats & gouernors of the towne to the senat house, [Page 560] where some for their wilfull stubbornesse were ad­iudged to die, other were sore fined and ransomed. Then he calling togither his souldiers and men of warre, Diuision of spoile. not onelie gaue them great praises and high commendations for their manlie dooings, but also di­stributed to euerie man, according to his desert, the spoile and gaine gotten in the towne, chéeflie bicause at the assault they had shewed good proofe of their manhood and valiant courages.

After that the towne was thus woone, the lord Montainie, capteine of the castell, would not yéeld, line 10 but made semblance, The capteine of the castell held out. as though he meant to defend the place, to the vtterance: but after that he was sharplie called vpon by king Henrie, either to yéeld it, or else that he should be assured to haue all mercie and fauour sequestred from him, he tooke better ad­uise, and therevpon being in despaire of reléefe, made this composition, that if he were not rescued of the French power by a certeine daie, he should render the fortresse into the kings hands, with condition, line 20 that he and his souldiers should be suffered to depart with all their goods, the habiliments of warre onelie excepted. Herevpon twelue hostages were deliuered to the king, and when the daie came, being the twen­tith of September, Titus Liuius. Caen castell yéelded. they within rendred the castell in­to the kings hands; and thus, both the towne and ca­stell of Caen became English.

Whilest the king was thus occupied about his warres in Normandie, the Scots in great number, entring England, Titus Liuius. The Scots inuade the English bor­ders. wasted the countrie with fire and line 30 sword whersoeuer they came. The English lords that were left in trust with the keeping of those parties of the realme, raised the whole power of the countries, so that there came togither the number of an hun­dred thousand men vpon Baw moore, where the gene­rall assemblie was made, Titus Liuius. A great armie to resist the Scots. and as it chanced, the duke of Excester, vncle to the king, who had latelie before mustered a certeine number of men to conueie them ouer to the king as a new supplie to his armie there, was the same time in the north parts on pilgrimage at Bridlington; and hearing of this inuasion made line 40 by the Scots, Thom. Walsin. tooke vpon him to be generall of the armie prepared against them, and to giue them bat­tell. Also, the archbishop of Yorke, although he was not able to sit on horssebacke by reason of his great age, caused himselfe to be caried foorth in a charet in that iournie, the better to incourage other. But the Scots hearing that the Englishmen approched to­ward them with such a puissance, withdrew backe in­to their countrie, The Scots recoile home. and durst not abide the bickering; line 50 either because they mistrusted an infortunat euent on their side, by reason of the English prowesse; or else for that they had learned by others ouerthrowes to auoid the like, wherein standeth a profitable point of wisedome, as the poet verie sententiouslie saith, ‘ Plautus.Feliciter sapit qui in alieno periculo sapit.’

Sir Iohn Oldcastell. The seruants of the abbat of S. Albons go about to catch the lord Cobham.The same time, the lord Cobham, sir Iohn Oldca­stell, whilest he shifted from place to place to escape the hands of them, who he knew would be glad to laie hold on him, had conueied himselfe in secret line 60 wise into an husbandmans house, not farre from S. Albons, within the precinct of a lordship belonging to the abbat of that towne. The abbats seruants get­ting knowledge hereof, came thither by night, but they missed their purpose, for he was gone; but they caught diuerse of his men, whome they caried streict to prison. The lord Cobham herewith was sore dis­maied, for that some of them that were taken were such as he trusted most, being of counsell in all his deuises. In the same place, were found books written in English, and some of those books in times past had beene trimlie gilt, liuined, and beautified with ima­ges, the heads whereof had béene scraped off, and in the Letanie they had blotted foorth the name of our ladie, and of other saints, till they came to the verse Parce nobis Domine. Diuerse writings were found there also, in derogation of such honour as then was thought due to our ladie. The abbat of saint Albons sent the booke so difigured with scrapings & blottings out, with other such writings as there were found, vnto the king; who sent the booke againe to the arch­bishop, to shew the same in his sermons at Paules crosse in London, to the end that the citizens and o­ther people of the realme might vnderstand the pur­poses of those that then were called Lollards, to bring them further in discredit with the people.

In this meane time that the king of England was occupied about Caen, the Frenchmen had neither a­nie sufficient power to resist him, nor were able to as­semble an host togither in their necessitie, by reason of the dissention among themselues: for their king was so simple, that he was spoiled both of treasure and kingdome, so that euerie man spent and wasted he cared not what. Charles the Dolphin being of the age of sixtéene or seauentéene yeares, Commenda­tion of the Dolphin of France. bewailed the ruine and decaie of his countrie, he onlie studied the reléefe of the common-wealth, and deuised how to resist his enimies; but hauing neither men nor mo­nie, was greatlie troubled and disquieted in mind. In conclusion, by the aduise and counsell of the earle of Arminacke the constable of France, he found a meane to get all the treasure & riches which his moo­ther queene Isabell had gotten and hoorded in diuerse secret places: and for the common defense and profit of his countrie he wiselie bestowed it in waging souldiers, and preparing of things necessarie for the warre.

The quéene forgetting the great perill that the realme then stood in, The yoong Dolphin [...] his old moother of [...] treasure, what mischéefe [...]ose vpon it. remembring onelie the displea­sure to hir by this act doone, vpon a womanish malice, set hir husband Iohn duke of Burgognie in the high­est authoritie about the king, giuing him the regi­ment and direction of the king and his realme, with all preheminence & souereigntie. The duke of Burgognie chéefe dooer [...] France. The duke of Bur­gognie hauing the sword in his hand, in reuenge of old iniuries, began to make warre on the Dolphin, determining, that when he had tamed this yoong vn­brideled gentleman, then would he go about to with­stand, and beat backe the common enimies of the realme. The like reason mooued the Dolphin, for he minded first to represse the authours of ciuill discord, before he would set vpon forreine enimies, and there­fore prepared to subdue and destroie the duke of Bur­gognie, as the cheefe head of that mischeefe, whereby the realme was vnquieted, decaied, and in manner brought to vtter ruine. Thus was France afflicted, and in euerie part troubled with warre and diuision, and no man to prouide remedie, nor once put foorth his finger for helpe or succour.

King Henrie in the meane time following victo­rie and his good successe, sent the duke of Clarence to the sea coast, where (with great difficultie) he got the towne of Baieux, whereof the lord Matreuers was appointed capteine. Baieux takē. The duke of Glocester also fin­ding small resistance, tooke the citie of Liseaux, Liseaux taken. of which citie sir Iohn Kirkleie was ordeined capteine. King Henrie himselfe taried still at Caen, forti­fieng the towne and castell, and put out fiftéene hun­dred women and impotent persons, replenishing the towne with English people. Caen people [...] with Engl [...] inhabitants. A woorthie [...] rare example of equitie in king Henri [...]. Where while the king soiourned, he kept a solemne feast, and made manie knights; beside that, he shewed there an ex­ample of great pitie and clemencie: for in sear­ching the castell, he found innumerable substance of plate and monie belonging to the citizens, whereof he would not suffer one penie to be touched, but re­stored the same to the owners, deliuering to euerie man that which was his owne.

[Page 561]When the fame of his mercifull dealing herein, of his bountie to captiues, and of his fauourable v­sing of those that submitted themselues to his grace, was spred abroad, all the capteins of the townes ad­ioining, came willinglie to his presence, offering to him themselues, their townes, and their goods, wher­vpon he made proclamation, that all men, which had, or would become his subiects, and sweare to him al­legiance, should inioy their goods, and liberties, in as large or more ample maner, The Nor­mans wil­linglie sworne English. than they did be­fore: line 10 which gentle interteining of the stubborne Nor­mans, was the verie cause, why they were not onlie content, but also glad to remooue and turne from the French part, and become subiects to the crowne of England.

When the king had set Caen in good order, he left there for capteins, the one of the towne, the other of the castell, sir Gilbert Umfreuill earle of Kime or Angus, & sir Gilbert Talbot, and made bailiffe there sir Iohn Popham, and so departed from Caen the line 20 first of October, The castell of Courfie ren­dered. and comming to the castell of Cour­fie, within three daies had it rendred to him. From whence, the fourth of October, he came vnto Argen­ion; they within that towne and castell offered, that if no rescue came by a daie limited, they would deli­uer both the towne and castell into the kings hands, so that such as would abide and become the kings faithfull subiects should be receiued, the other to de­part with their goods and liues saued whither they would: the king accepted their offer. When the daie line 30 limited came, and no succours appeared, they yéelded according to the couenants, Argenton builded. and the king performed all that on his behalfe was promised. The lord Graie of Codnor was appointed capteine there. The volunta­rie subiection of the French. After this, resorted dailie to the king, of the Normans, people of all sorts and degrées, to sweare to him fealtie and homage. Sées yéelded The citie of Sées which was well inhabited, and wherein were two abbeies of great strength, one of them yéelded to the king, and so likewise did di­uerse other townes in those parties, without stroke line 40 striken.

The towne of Alanson abode a siege for the space of eight daies, Alanson be­sieged and yeelded vp. they within defending it right vali­antlie at the first; but in the end, considering with themselues, what small hope there was for anie suc­cours to come to remooue the siege, they grew to a composition, that if within a certeine daie they were not reléeued, they should yéeld both the towne and ca­stell into the kings hands, which was doone: for no succours could be heard of. The king appointed cap­teine line 50 of this towne, the duke of Glocester, and his lieutenant sir Ralfe Lentall. The duke of Britaine vnder safe conduct came to the king, Titus Liuius. as he was thus busie in the conquest of Normandie, and after sun­drie points treated of betwixt them, a truce was taken, A truce taken betwéene king Henrie and the duke of Brit [...]ine. to indure from the seuenth daie of Nouem­ber, vnto the last of September, in the yeare next following, betwixt them, their souldiers, men of warre, and subiects. The like truce was granted vn­to the quéene of Ierusalem and Sicill, & to hir sonne line 60 Lewes, for the duchie of Aniou, and the countie of Maine, the duke of Britaine being their deputie for concluding of the same truce.

About the same time also, at the sute of Charles the Dolphin, a treatie was in hand at Tonque, for a finall peace, but it came to none effect. From Alan­son the king set forward towards the towne and ca­stell of Faleis, meaning to besiege the same, where the Frenchmen appointed to the kéeping of it, had fortified the towne by all meanes possible, and pre­pared themselues to defend it to the vttermost. The earle of Salisburie was first sent thither before with certeine bands of souldiers to inclose the enimies within the towne, & to view the strength therof. After him came the king with his whole armie, Faleis besie­ged. about the first of December, and then was the towne besieged on ech side. The king lodged before the gate that lea­deth to Caen, the duke of Clarence before the castell that standeth on a rocke, and the duke of Glocester laie on the kings right hand, and other lords & noble men were assigned to their places as was thought expedient. And to be sure from taking damage by a­nie sudden inuasion of the enimies, there were great trenches and rampiers cast and made about their seuerall campes, for defense of the same.

The Frenchmen notwithstanding this siege, va­liantlie defended their wals, and sometimes made issues foorth, but small to their gaine: and still the Englishmen with their guns and great ordinance made batterie to the wals and bulworks. The win­ter season was verie cold, with sharpe frosts, & hard weather; but the Englishmen made such shift for prouision of all things necessarie to serue their turns, that they were sufficientlie prouided, both against hunger and cold: so that in the end, Thom. Wals. Sir Iohn Oldcastell taken. the Frenchmen perceiuing they could not long indure against them, offered to talke, and agreed to giue ouer the towne, if no rescue came by a certeine daie appointed. A­bout the same season was sir Iohn Oldcastell, lord Cobham taken, in the countrie of Powes land, in the borders of Wales, within a lordship belonging to the lord Powes, not without danger and hurts of some that were at the taking of him: for they could not take him, till he was wounded himselfe.

At the same time, the states of the realme were assembled at London, for the leuieng of monie, to furnish the kings great charges, which he was at a­bout the maintenance of his wars in France: it was therefore determined, that the said sir Iohn Oldcastell should be brought, and put to his triall, yer the assemblie brake vp. The lord Powes there­fore was sent to fetch him, who brought him to Lon­don in a litter, wounded as he was: herewith, being first laid fast in the Tower, shortlie after he was brought before the duke of Bedford, regent of the realme, and the other estates, where in the end he was condemned; and finallie was drawen from the Tower vnto saint Giles field, Sir Iohn Oldcastell executed. and there hanged in a chaine by the middle, and after consumed with fire, the gallowes and all.

When the daie was come, on the which it was co­uenanted that the towne of Faleis should be deliue­red, to wit, the second of Ianuarie, year 1418 Faleis rende­red vp to king Henrie. because no suc­cours appeared, the towne was yéelded to the king: but the castell held out still, into the which the cap­teine and gouernour both of the towne and castell had withdrawne themselues, with all the souldiers; and being streictlie besieged, the capteine defended himselfe and the place right stoutlie, although he was sore laid to, vntill at length, perceiuing his people wearied with continuall assaults, and such approches as were made to and within the verie wals, he was driuen to compound with the king, that if he were not succoured by the sixt of Februarie, then should he yeeld himselfe prisoner, and deliuer the castell; so that the souldiers should haue licence to depart, with their liues onelie saued. When the daie came, the coue­nants were performed, and the castell rendered to the kings hands, for no aid came to the rescue of them within. The capteine named Oliuer de Mannie was kept as prisoner, till the castell was repared at his costs and charges, because the same, through his obstinat wilfulnesse, was sore beaten and defaced, with vnderminings and batterie. Capteine there, by the king, was appointed sir Henrie Fitz Hugh.

After this, king Henrie returned to Caen, and by reason of a proclamation which he had caused to be made for the people of Normandie, Histoir des ducs de Nor­mandie. that had with­drawne [Page 562] themselues foorth of the baliwi [...]ks of Caen and Faleis, he granted awaie to his owne people the lands of those that came not in vpon that procla­mation, and in speciall, he gaue to the duke of Cla­rence, during his life, the vicounties of Ange, Or­be [...], and Ponteau de Mer, with all the lands of those that were withdrawne foorth of the same vicounties. This gift was made the sixteenth of Februarie, in this fift yeare of this kings reigne. All the Lent sea­son, Tho. Walsin. Titus Liuius. the king laie at Baieux with part of his armie, line 10 but the residue were sent abroad, for the atchiuing of certeine enterprises, because they should not lie idle.

¶In this yeare 1418, and in the first yeare of the reigne of this victorious king, Abr. Fl. out of Fabian pag. 397. and Iohn Stow pag. 598. Henrie the fift, on Ea­ster daie in the after noone (a time which required de­uotion) at a sermon in saint Dunstans in the east of London, a great fraie happened in the said church, where through manie people were sore wounded, and one Thomas Petwarden fishmonger that dwelt at line 20 Sprots keie was slaine outright; Slaughter and bloudshed in S. Dun­stans church on Easter day. as they (vpon a good intent) did what they could (to their owne perill as vnfortunatlie it befell) to appease the turmoile, and to procure the kéeping of the kings peace. Here­vpon the church was suspended, and the beginners of the broile, namelie the lord Strange and sir Iohn Trussell knight (betwéene whome such coles of vn­kindnesse were kindled (at the instigation of their wiues, Women full of mischéefe. gentlewomen of euill disposition and at curs­sed hatred one with another) that their husbands ment at their méeting in the said church to haue line 30 slaine one another) were committed to the counter in the Pultrie. Two wise gentlemen (I wisse) and well aduised (no doubt) who without regard of day, place, people, preacher, or perill that might insue; were so forward to become the instruments of their mischieuous wiues malice; the fulfilling wherof they would haue forborne, if with discretion they had pon­dered the verdict of the poet concerning the said sex: ‘Foemina laetalis, foemina plena malis. line 40’

Record. Cant.The archbishop of Canturburie, when he had in­telligence giuen of this outragious prophanation of the church, caused the offendors to be excommunicat, as well at Paules, as in all other parish churches of London. Shortlie after, to wit on the one and twen­tith of Aprill, the said archbishop sat at saint Mag­nus, vpon inquisition for the authors of the said disor­der, and found the fault to consist speciallie in the lord Strange and his wife. So that vpon the first daie of Maie next following in Paules church, before the said archbishop, The princi­pall offendors punishment. the maior of London, and others, the line 50 said offendors submitted themselues to doo penance, and sware to doo it in such sort as to them it was in­ioined; namelie, as followeth. That immediatlie all their seruants should (in their shirts) go before the parson of saint Dunstans, from Paules to the said saint Dunstans church; and the lord Strange bare­headed, with his ladie barefooted; Reignold Kenwood archdeacon of London following them. Also it was appointed them, that at the consecrating or hallow­ing of the said church (which they had prophaned) the la­die line 60 should fill all the vessels with Not teares of hir cōplaint (I trust) for sorrow of hir sinne. water▪ and offer likewise to the altar an ornament of ten pounds; and the lord hir husband a pix of siluer of fiue pounds. Which doone by waie of a satisfactorie expiation, it is likelie they were absolued: but the lord Strange had first made the wife of the said Petwarden slaine in the fraie, large amends: as Fabian saith, though in what sort he maketh no mention.]

Whilest the king of England wan thus in Nor­mandie, his nauie lost nothing on the sea, but so scow­red the streames, that neither Frenchmen nor Bri­tons durst once appeare; howbeit, on a daie there a­rose such a storme and hideous tempest, that if the earles of March and Huntington had not taken the hauen of Southhampton, the whole nauie had peri­shed; & yet the safegard was strange, A sore [...]. for in the same hauen, two balingers, and two great carickes, la­den with merchandize were drowned, and the broken mast of another caricke was blowen ouer the wall of the towne. A violent tempest of wind. When the furie of this outragious wind and weather was asswaged, and the sea waxed calme, the earles of March and Huntington passed o­uer with all their companie, and landing in Norman­die, they marched through the countrie, destroieng the French villages, and taking preies on each hand, till they came to the king where he then was.

In the sixt yeare of king Henries reigne, Anno Reg. [...] ▪ he sent the earle of Warwike, and the lord Talbot, to be­siege the strong castell of Dampfront. The duke of Clarence was also sent to besiege and subdue other townes, vnto whome, at one time and other, we find, that these townes vnderwritten were yéelded, where­in he put capteins as followeth. Townes in Normandie yeelded to K. Henrie. In Courton Iohn Aubin, in Barney William Houghton, in Cham­bis Iames Neuill, in Bechelouin the earle Mar­shall, in Harecourt Richard Wooduill esquier, in Fangernon Iohn S. Albon, in Creuener sir Iohn Kirbie to whom it was giuen, in Anuilliers Robert Hornebie, in Bagles sir Iohn Arthur, in Fresnie le vicont sir Robert Brent.

The duke of Glocester the same time, accompani­ed with the earle of March, the lord Greie of Cod­ner, and other, was sent to subdue the townes in the Ile of Constantine, vnto whome these townes here­after mentioned were yeelded, where he appointed capteins as followeth. At Carentine the lord Bo­treux, at Saint Lo Reginald West, at Ualoignes Thomas Burgh, at Pont Done Danie Howell, at the Haie de Pais sir Iohn Aston, at saint Sauieur le vicont sir Iohn Robsert, at Pontorson sir Robert Gargraue, at Hamberie the earle of Suffolke lord of that place by gift, at Briqueuill the said earle al­so by gift, at Auranches sir Philip Hall bailiffe of Alanson, at Uire the lord Matreuers, at S. Iames de Beumeron the same lord.

After that the duke had subdued to the kings do­minion, the most part of all the townes in that Ile of Constantine, Chierburgh excepted, he returned to the king, Chierburgh besieged by the English. and forthwith was sent thither againe to be­siege that strong fortresse, which was fensed with men, munition, vittels, and strong walles, towers, and turrets, in most defensible wise, by reason where­of it was holden against him the space of fiue mo­neths, although he vsed all waies and meanes possi­ble to annoie them within, so that manie fierce as­saults, skirmishes, issues, and other exploits of warre were atchiued, betwixt the Frenchmen within, and the Englishmen without: yet at length, the French­men were so constreind by power of baterie, mines, and other forceable waies of approchings, that they were glad to compound to deliuer the place, if no re­scue came to raise the siege, either from the Dolphin, that their was retired into Aquitaine, or from the duke of Burgognie that then laie at Paris, within the terme of thrée score and two daies (for so long re­spit the duke granted) but they trusting further vpon his lenitie and gentlenesse hoped to get a far longer terme.

Now were the Dolphin and the duke of Burgog­nie growen to a certeine agréement, by mediation of cardinals sent from the pope, so that the English­men suerlie thought, that they would leauie a power, and come downe to rescue Chierburgh. The duke of Glocester therefore [...] his camps to be stronglie intrenched, and manie defensi [...]le blocke­houses of timber to be raised, like to small turrets, that the same might be a safegard to his people, and [Page 563] to conclude, left nothing vnforeséene nor vndoone, that was auailable for the defense of his armie. The king doubting least some power should be sent downe, to the danger of his brother, and those that were with him at this siege, caused two thousand men to be imbarked in thirtie ships of the west countrie, by order sent vnto certeine lords there.

The Frenchmen within the towne, perceiuing those succors to approch neere to the towne, Chierburgh yeelded to the Englishmen. thought verelie that there had béene a power of Frenchmen comming to their aid: but when they saw them re­ceiued line 10 as fréends into the English campe, their com­fort was soone quailed: and so when the daie appoin­ted came, being the ninetéenth of October, or rather about the later end of Nouember (as the historie of the dukes of Normandie hath) they rendred vp both the towne and castell, according to the couenants. The lord Greie of Codnore was made the kings lieu­tenant there, and after his deceasse, sir Water Hun­gerford. About the same time, or rather before, as Titus Liuius writeth, to wit, the two and twentith of line 20 Iune, The castell of Dampfront yeelded. the strong castell of Dampfront was yéelded into the hands of the earle of Warwike, to the kings vse. But the historie writen of the dukes of Norman­die affirmeth, that it was surrendred the two and twentith of September, after the siege had cōtinued about it from Aprill last. The king by honorable re­port of other, W.P. and of his owne speciall knowledge, so rightlie ascerteined of the great valure that (for feats at armes and policie in warre) was alwaies found in the person of that Iohn Bromley esquier (spoken line 30 of a little here before) for which his maiestie so sun­drie waies roiallie rewarded him againe; some spe­cialtie yet of the gentlemans merits togither with the souereignes bountie to him among other, seemes here (at mention of this Dampfront, whereof short­lie after he was capteine) verie well to deserue a place: and to that purpose as the king in Iulie went ouer againe, and this Iohn Bromley in Iune the same yeare, with conduct of charge was sent afore, imploieng himselfe still in venturous actiuitie with line 40 great annoie to the enimie: his highnesse for good liking of the same, and for hartening and example to other (in Aprill next following) gaue fourtie pounds land to him and his heires males by letters patents in words as followeth, and remaining yet of record in the Tower of London.

A copie of the said letters patents. line 50

HEnricus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Franciae & dominus Hiberniae, omni­bus ad quos praesentes litterae perue­nerint salutem. Sciatis quòd de gratia nostra speciali & pro bono seruitio quod dilectus serui [...]ns noster Iohannes Bromley nobis impendit & impendet in futurum: dedimus & concessimus ei hospitium de Molay Bacon, infra comitatum no­strum line 60 de Baieux, ac omnes terras, tenementa, red­ditus, haereditates, & possessiones infra ducatum no­strum Normandiae, quae fuerunt Alani de Beau­mont nobis rebellis, vt dicitur. Habendum & te­nendum praefato Iohanni & haeredibus fuis mascu­lis de corpore suo procreatis, hospitium, terras, & tenementa, redditus, haereditates, & possessiones supradictas, vna cum omnimodis franchesijs, pri­uilegijs, iurisdictionibus, wardis maritagijs, rele­ [...]ijs, eschetis, forisfacturis▪ feodis militum, aduoca­tionibus ecclesiarum, & aliorum beneficiorum ec­clesiasticorū quorumcún (que) terris, pratis, pasturis, boscis, warēnis▪ chaseis, aquis, vijs, stagnis, molēdi­nis, viuarijs, moris, mariscis, ac alijs cōmoditatibus quibuscún (que) dictis hospitio, terris, tenementis, redditibus, haereditatibus, & possessionibus perti­nentibus siue spectantibus, ad valorem quadragin­ta librarum sterlingorum per annum, tenendis de nobis & haeredibus nostris per homagium, &c: ac reddendo nobis & eisdem haeredibus nostris apud castrum nostrum de Baieux vnam zonam pro lori­ca, ad festum Natuitatis sancti Iohannis Baptistae singulis annis: nec non faciendo alia seruitia, &c. Reseruato, &c. Prouiso semper, &c. Castro seu ci­uitati nostro de Baieux, &c. Quód (que) praedictum hospitium, &c. In cuius rei, &c. Teste me ipso a­pud dictam ciuitatem nostram de Baieux, 18 die Aprilis, anno regni nostri sexto, per ipsum regem.

Yet heere at the noble prince not staieng his boun­tie, but rather regarding euer how iustlie new me­rits doo deserue new dignities, and peraduenture the more mooued somewhat to reare vp the degrée of this esquire, toward the state of his stocke, who a long time before had béene indued with knighthood, and al­so bicause that vnto the duke of Buckingham he was of bloud, which his behauiour alwaies had from staine so farre preserued, as rather brought to it some increase of glorie, did (in the most worthie wise which to that order belongeth) dub him knight of warfare in field, made him also capteine generall of this strong castell of Dampfront, Sir Iohn Bromley made capteine of Dampfrōt. seneshall and great constable of Bosseuile le Rosse, with other offices and titles of worship, as partlie may appeare by a déed, in which this knight taking patterne at his princes benigni­tie had giuen an annuitie of twentie pounds to his kinsman Walter Audeley.

A copie of that writing sundrie waies so well seruing to the truth of the storie was thought right necessarie heere to be added, thus.

OMnibus ad quos hoc praesens scriptum peruenerit, Iohānes de Bromley miles, capitaneus generalis de Dampfront, se­nescallus & magnus constabularius de Bosseuile le Rosse & March ibidem, salutem. Scia­tis quòd pro bono & fideli seruitio quod dilectus consanguineus meus Gualterus de Audeley mihi fecerit, tam infra regnum Angliae quàm extra, & praecipuè contra Francos: dedisse & concessisse, & hac praesenti chartamea confirmasse eidem Gualte­ro vnum annualem redditum viginti librarum, exeuntem de manerio meo de Bromley, & omnibus alijs terris & tenementis meis infra regnum An­gliae, vna cum herbagio pro quatuor equis ha­bendo infra boscos meos de Bromley & Willough­bridge, & octo carucatis foeni capiendis infra prat a mea de Shurlebrooke & Foordsmedo annuatim, durante tota vita praedicti Gualteri, infesto sancti Iacobi apostoli. Et si contingat praedictum annua­lem redditum, a retrò fore in aliquo festo, du­rante termino praedicto; tunc bene licebit eidem Gualtero, in manerio meo, & omnibus alijs ter­ris meis praedictis distringere, & districtiones in­de captas penes se retinere, quous (que) de redditu praedicto, vna cum arreragijs (si quae fuerint) plenarie fuerit persolutum & satisfactum. Et vlterius volo, quòd praedictus Gualterus habebit liberumegressum & regressum cum equis suis prae­dictis, & ad asportandum foenum praedictū, quan­docún (que) voluerit, per omnes semitas & vias, sine [Page 564] aliqua contradictione mei praedicti Iohannis, aut haeredum meorum aliquali. Reddendo inde mihi ip­si Gualtero annuatim in festo sancti Georgij martyris, si tunc fuerim infra regnum Angliae, v­num par calcarium deauratorum, pro omnibus. Et etiam volo & concedo quòd praedictus Gualterus liber sit, durante tota vita sua, ad volandum, ve­nandum, piscandum, & alias commoditates perci­piendum, tam infra manerium meum de Bromley quàm in omnibus alijs manerijs, terris, & tene­mentis line 10 meis infra regnum Angliae, sine aliqua contradictione vel impedimento mei praefati Io­hannis de Bromley militis, haeredum, aut assigna­torum meorum aliquali. Et vt fidele testimonium praesentibus habeatur, sigillum meum apposui: hijs testibus, Roberto de Bruyn milite, Iohanne de Holland, Gulihelmo de Brereton, Richardo le Gre­uill, Iohanne de Egerton, Richardo le Beston, Thomale Creu, & alijs. Datum apud Dampfront line 20 praedicto, 12 die mensis Augusti, anno regni re­gis Henrici quinti post conquestum sexto.

The old armes of the house of Bromley being quarterlie gules and ore per fesse indented, had in the seale to this déed, an inscutchen charged with a griffin surgiant; his creast, out of a crowne, a demi­lion supporting a standard charged with a lion pas­sant gardant: about the shield was ingrauen, Sigillum line 30 Iohannis de Bromley militis. That inscutchen and creast (as like is) giuen him in laudable remembrance for his valiant recouerie of the standard at the sharpe and bloodie skirmish by Corbie.] The earle of War­wike, and the lord Talbot, after the winning of this fortresse, made speed to come vnto the siege of Rone, where they were imploied, as after shall ap­peare. And in like manner, the duke of Glocester, ha­uing once got the possession of Chierburgh, hasted to­wards the same siege: for the better furnishing of line 40 which enterprise, he had first caused an armie of fif­téene thousand men to be brought ouer to him, vnder the leading of his vncle the duke of Excester, who imbarking with the same, about the feast of the ho­lie Trinitie, was appointed by the king to besiege the citie of Eureux, as the earle of Angus, otherwise called earle of Kime, was sent to win the castell of Millie Leuesche. These townes being deliuered to the kings vse, the duke ordeined capteine of Eureux sir Gilbert Halsall knight. line 50

The king now determining with all spéed to be­siege Rone, prepared all things necessarie for his purpose. Into this citie the Normans had conueied out of euerie part their monie, iewels, and houshold stuffe, as into the most sure and strongest place of the whole duchie. For since his arriuall, they had not onlie walled that citie, and fortified it with rampiers and strong bulworks, but also furnished it with valiant capteins, and hardie soldiers, to the number of foure thousand, beside such of the citizens as were appoin­ted line 60 for the warre, according to their estates, of the which there were at the least fiftéene thousand readie to serue in defense of the citie, as soldiers, and men of warre in all places where they should be assigned. King Henrie, to haue the countrie free, before he would besiege this citie, thought good first to win such townes as laie in his waie, and therefore departing from Caen (where he had kept the feast of saint George) the ninth daie of Iune, Titus Liuius. Louiers be­sieged. he marched streight vnto the towne of Louiers, and laid his siege about the same.

They within the towne, being well furnished of all things necessarie for the defending of a siege, manfullie resisted the Englishmens inforcements, which spared not to deuise all waies and means how to approch the walles, and to batter the same with their great artil [...]erie, till at length they brought the Frenchmen to that extremitie, that they were con­tented to yéeld the towne on these conditions; that if by the thrée and twentith of Iune there came no suc­cour from the French king to raise the siege, the towne should be deliuered into the kings hands, the soldiers of the garrison should serue vnder the king for a time, and the townesmen should remaine in their dwellings as they did before, as subiects to the king: Louiers yel [...]ded vp. but the gunners that had discharged anie péece against the Englishmen should suffer death. When the daie came, and no aid appeared, the couenants were performed accordinglie. From thence went the king with all spéed vnto Pont de Larch, stand­ing vpon the riuer of Seine, eight miles aboue Rone towards Paris: he came thither about the seauen and twentith of Iune.

When the Frenchmen which kept the passage there heard of the kings approach, they gathered togither a great number of men of warre, minding to de­fend the passage against him, appointing an other band of men (if they failed) to kéepe the further side of the bridge; and to watch, that neither by boate nor vessell he should come ouer the riuer by anie maner of meanes. At his comming néere to the towne, he perceiued that it was not possible to passe by the bridge without great losse of his people, and therfore he retired almost a mile backeward, where, in a plea­sant and commodious place by the riuer side he pit­ched his campe, and in the night season, what with boates and barges, and what with hogsheads and pipes, The English armie passeth the riuer of Seine. he conueied ouer the broad riuer of Seine a great companie of his soldiers, without anie resi­stance made by his enimies. For they which were on the hither side of Seine, thinking that the English­men had gone to winne some other place, followed them not, but studied how to defend their towne, which was inough for them to doo.

And to put the French men in doubt, least the Englishmen should séeke passage somewhere else, the king appointed certeine of the soldiers which had skill in swimming, A good [...] to go to a place thrée miles from the siege by the riuer side, and there to enter into the water, making great clamor and noise, as though they had meant to haue passed; but they had in com­mandement not to trauerse past halfe the riuer, so to procure the Frenchmen to make thitherwards, whilest the king in one place, and his brother the duke of Clarence in another, got ouer their men, and that in such number, before the Frenchmen had anie vn­derstanding thereof, that when they made towards them, and perceiued that they were not able to in­counter them, they fled backe, and durst not abide the English footmen, which would faine haue beene doo­ing with them.

When the king saw that his men were on the o­ther side of the water, he (the next daie earlie) retur­ned to the towne, & assaulted it on both sides. When the inhabitants therefore saw themselues compassed on both sides, contrarie to their expectation, with humble heart and small ioy they rendered vp the towne vnto the kings hands. Pont de [...] rendred vp [...] y e English [...]. After this, the king ha­uing no let nor impediment, determined foorthwith to besiege the citie of Rone, and first sent before him his vncle the duke of Excester, with a great compa­nie of horssemen & archers to view the place, & ther­vpon with banner displaied came before the citie, and sent Windsore an herauld at armes to the cap­teins within, willing them to deliuer the citie vnto the king his maister, or else he would pursue them with fire and sword. To whome they proudlie answe­red, that none they receiued of him, nor anie they [Page 565] would deliuer him, except by fine force they were therevnto compelled: and herewith there issued out of the towne a great band of men of armes, and in­countered fiercelie with the Englishmen, the which receiuing them with like manhood, and great force, draue the Frenchmen into the towne againe to their losse, for they left thirtie of their fellowes behind pri­soners and dead in the field.

The duke returned with this good speed and proud answer of the Frenchmen vnto the king, who re­mained line 10 yet at Pont de Larch, and had giuen the towne of Louiers to his brother the duke of Cla­rence, which made there his deputie sir Iohn Godard knight. After that the duke of Excester was retur­ned to Pont Larch, the French capteins within Rone set fire on the suburbs, beat downe churches, cut downe trées, shred the bushes, destroied the vines round about the citie, to the intent that the English­men should haue no reléefe nor comfort either of lod­ging or [...]ewell. Rone besieged by K. Henrie. When the king heard of these despite­full dooings, he with his whole armie remooued from Pont Larch, and the last daie of Iulie came before the citie of Rone, and compassed it round about with a strong siege. This citie was verie rich in gold, sil­uer, and other pretious things, in so much that when the same was taken and seized vpon by the English, the spoile was verie great and excéeding aduantag­able: which the compiler of Anglorum praelia hath ve­rie well noted, in a few lines, but pithie; saieng:

Vltima Rothomagus restat, quae mercibus, auro, line 30
Angl. prael. [...] Hen. 5.
Argento, vasis pretiosis diues abundat:
Rothomagus capitur, iám (que) Anglus adeptus opimas
Praedas, in patriam perpulchra trophaea remittit.

The king laie with a great puissance at the Char­treux house, on the east side of the citie, and the duke of Clarence lodged at S. Geruais before the port of Ca [...] on the west part. Before Pont S. Hilarie. Titus Liuius. The duke of Excester tooke his place on the north side: at port S. Denis, be­tweene the dukes of Excester and Clarence, was appointed the earle marshall, The order of the siege. euen before the gate of line 40 the castell; to whome were ioined the earle of Or­mond, Before the gate called Markeuile. Titus Liuius. and the lords Harington and Talbot, vpon his comming from Dampfront: and from the duke of Excester toward the king, were incamped the lords Ros, Willoughbie, Fitz Hugh, and sir Willi­am Porter, with a great band of northerne men, e­uen before the port of saint Hilarie. The earles of Mortaigne and Salisburie were assigned to lodge about the abbie of saint Katharine. Salisburie & Huntington on the other side of the ri­uer of Seine. Sir Iohn Greie was lodged directlie against the chappell called line 50 mount S. Michaell: sir Philip Léech treasuror of the warres kept the hill next the abbeie, and the baron of Carew kept the passage on the riuer of Seine, and to him was ioined that valiant esquier Ienico Dar­tois.

On the further side of the riuer were lodged the earles of Warren and Huntington, the lords Ne­uill and Ferrers, sir Umfreuile. Gilbert Umfreuile with a well furnished companie of warlike soldiers directlie be­fore the gate called Port de Pont. And to the intent line 60 that no aid should passe by the riuer toward the citie, there was a great chaine of iron deuised at Pont Larch, set on piles from the one side of the water to the other: and beside that chaine, there was set vp a new forced bridge▪ sufficient both for cariage and pas­sage, to passe the riuer from one campe to another. The erle of Warwike that had latelie woone Damp­front, The lord Talbot. was sent to besiege Cawdebecke, a towne standing on the riuer side, betweene the sea and the citie of Rone▪ [A memorable fea [...] in seruice néere to that place was doone at that time by a well minded man then noted soone after in writing: W. P. which mat­ter vnable to be better reported than by him that had so well marked it, nor like to be more trulie expressed than by the ancient simplicitie (and yet effectuall) of the selfe same words wherein they were written, therefore thought méetest to haue them rehearsed as they were in order, thus.

The truth of the said memorable feat as it was reported in writing.

MEmorandum, that my lord the earle of Warwike did send out my cosin sir Iohn Bromley and my cosin George Umfreuile with an hundred archers, and about two hun­dred soldiers a strett, A conflict néere to Caw­debecke. to keepe at a little ca­stell called the Stroo neere to Cawdebeke where they wearen met with aboue eight hundred Frenchmen & the fraie betweene them long yfought, and the Englishmen in great dread and perill: till at length by the might of God and saint George, the feeld did fall to our Englishmen, & the French­men wearen put to flizt, and thear wearen yslaine aboue two hundred Frenchmen, and as manie ytaken prisoners, and their capteine who was ycalled the lord of Estri­sles was thear also yslaine, The L. of E­strisles slaine. and thear wea­ren yslaine of our Englishmen my said co­sin George Umfreuile and about twentie mo: on whose solles Iesus haue mercie, George Um­freuile slaine. and thear wearen hurt in the face my said cosin sir Iohn Bromley & my cosin Wal­ter Audeley sore wounded and maimed in the right arme of his bodie, Walter Aude­ley sore woū ­ded. he then being but of the age of eighteene yeares. But thankes be giuen to the blessed Trinitee, thear wearen manie noble victories ywoon by the said noble erle of Warwike and his folke, as in his officiall booke (written by Maister Iohn le Tucke then present with the said noble earle) is amplie recorded. My said cosin Walter Audeley died at War­wike the seauenteenth daie of Iulie And this sir Iohn Brom­ley departed from this life the fourth day of Sept. 1419. which w [...]s in anno reg. 7. as by the office takē after his death remain­ing of record in y e castell of Chester dooth manifestlie appeare. anno Domini one thousand foure hundred and twentie, and was buried at Acton in Che­shire, neere the bodie of my said cosin sir Iohn Bromley: on whose solles Iesus haue mercie. By me sir Richard Braie, chapleine to my ladie the old countesse of Warwike; Iesus Maria, Amen, Pater noster, Aue Maria.

After this conflict, this towne was so hardlie hand­led with fierce and continuall assaults, that the cap­teins within offered to suffer the English nauie to passe by their towne without impeachment, vp to the citie of Rone. And also if Rone yeelded, they promi­sed to render the towne without delaie. Héerevpon the English nauie, to the number of an hundred sailes, passed by Cawdebecke, and came to Rone, and so besieged it on the water side. There came also to this siege the duke of Glocester, with the earle of Suffolke, and the lord Aburgauennie, which had ta­ken (as before yee haue heard) the towne of Chier­burgh, & lodged before the port of S. Hilarie, néerer to their enimies by fortie rodes than any other per­son of the armie.

During this siege also, there arriued at Har [...]lue the lord of Kilmaine in Ireland, The lord of Kilmaine capteine of the Irishmen. with a band of six­teene hundred Irishmen, in maile, with darts and skains after the maner of their countrie, all of them being tall, quicke, and nimble persons, which came [Page 566] and presented themselues before the king lieng still at the siege, of whom they were not onelie gentlie re­ceiued & welcomed; but also because it was thought that the French king and the duke of Burgognie would shortlie come, and either attempt to raise the siege, or vittell and man the towne by the north gate, they were appointed to kéepe the north side of the ar­mie, and speciallie the waie that commeth from the forest of Lions. Which charge the lord of Kilmaine and his companie ioifullie accepted, and did so their line 10 deuoir therein, that no men were more praised, nor did more damage to their enimies than they did: The good ser­uice of the I­rishmen at this siege. for suerlie their quickenesse & swiftnesse of foot did more preiudice to their enimies, than their barded horsses did hurt or damage to the nimble Irishmen. Also the kings coosine germane and alie (the king of Por­tingale) sent a great nanie of well appointed ships vnto the mouth of the riuer of Seine, Titus Liuius. The king of Portingale sendeth aid to king Henrie. to stop that no French vessels should enter the riuer, and passe vp the same, to the aid of them within Rone. line 20

Thus was the faire citie of Rone compassed about with enimies, both by water and land, hauing nei­ther comfort nor aid of King, Dolphin, or Duke. And yet although the armie was strong without, there lacked not within both hardie capteins and manfull souldiers. And as for people, they had more than inough: for as it is written by some that had good cause to know the truth, and no occasion to erre from the same, there were in the citie at the time of the siege, The number within Rone. two hundred and ten thousand persons. Dailie line 30 were issues made out of the citie at diuerse gates, sometime to the losse of the one partie, and sometime of the other, as chances of warre in such aduentures happen. The Frenchmen in déed preferring fame be­fore worldlie riches, and despising pleasure (the eni­mie to warlike prowesse) sware ech to other neuer to render or deliuer the citie, while they might either hold sword in hand or speare in rest.

The king of England aduertised of their haultie courages, determined to conquer them by famine, line 40 which would not be tamed with weapon. Wherefore he stopped all the passages, both by water and land, that no vittels could be conueied to the citie: he cast trenches round about the wals, and set them full of stakes, and defended them with archers, so that there was left neither waie for them within to issue out, nor for anie that were abroad to enter in without his licence. To rehearse the great paines, trauell and di­ligence, which the king tooke vpon him in his owne person at this siege, Titus Liuius. a man might woonder. And be­cause line 50 diuerse of the souldiers had lodged themselues for their more ease, in places so farre distant one from an other, that they might easilie haue béene surprised by their enimies, yer anie of their fellowes could haue come to their succors; he caused proclama­tion to be made, that no man vpon paine of death should lodge without the precinct appointed them, nor go further abroad from the campe than such bounds as were assigned.

Now as it chanced, the king in going about the campe, to surueie and view the warders, he espied line 60 two souldiers that were walking abroad without the limits assigned, whom he caused straightwaies to be apprehended and hanged vpon a tree of great height, for a terrour to others, King Henrie his iustice. that none should be so hardie to breake such orders as he commanded them to ob­serue. Thom. Wals. Whilest the king laie thus with his power a­bout the mightie citie of Rone, the Frenchmen sought to indamage as well those that were at that siege, as other of the Englishmen that laie in garri­sons within the townes that were alreadie in the king of Englands possession, insomuch that (as some haue written) within the octaues of the Assumption, three notable victories chanced to the Englishmen in thrée seuerall places. Thrée [...] victories [...] the Engl [...] side [...] short time [...]gither. First an hundred Englishmen at Kilbuef tooke three great lords of the Frenchmen, besides fourescore other persons, and put thrée hun­dred to flight.

Also vpon the thursdaie within the same octaues, foure hundred Frenchmen that were entered with­in the suburbes of Eureux were repelled by eleuen Englishmen, that tooke foure of those Frenchmen prisoners, siue twelue of them, and tooke fortie hors­ses. On the saturdaie following, the Frenchmen tooke in hand to steale vpon them that laie in garri­son within Louiers, in hope to surprise the towne earlie in the morning: but the capteine perceiuing their purpose, sallied foorth with a hundred of his men, and putting the Frenchmen to flight, being a thou­sand, tooke an hundred and fourescore of them being all gentlemen. But to returne to them before Rone. The siege thus continuing from Lammas, almost to Christmas, diuerse enterprises were attempted, and diuerse policies practised, how euerie part might in­damage his aduersaries: no parte greatlie reioised of their gaine. But in the meane time vittels began sore to faile them within, that onelie vineger and water serued for drinke.

If I should rehearse (according to the report of di­uerse writers) how déerelie dogs, rats, mise, Extreame fa­mine within Rone. and cats were sold within the towne, and how greedilie they were by the poore people eaten and deuoured, and how the people dailie died for fault of food, and yoong infants laie sucking in the stréets on their moothers breasts, lieng dead, starued for hunger; the reader might lament their extreme miseries. A great num­ber of poore sillie creaturs were put out at the gates, which were by the Englishmen that kept the tren­ches beaten and driuen backe againe to the same gates, which they found closed and shut against them. And so they laie betweene the wals of the citie and the trenches of the enimies, still crieng for helpe and reléefe, for lacke whereof great numbers of them dai­lie died.

Howbeit, king Henrie mooued with pitie, vpon Christmasse daie, in the honor of Christes Natiuitie, A vertuous and charita­ble prince. refreshed all the poore people with vittels, to their great comfort and his high praise: yet if the duke of Burgognies letters had not béene conueied into the citie, it was thought they within would neuer haue made resistance so long time as they did; for by those letters they were assured of rescue to come. Diuerse lords of France hauing written to them to the like effect, they were put in such comfort herewith, that immediatlie, to expresse their great reioising, all the bels in the citie were roong foorth chéerefullie, which during all the time of the siege till that present had kept silence. In déed by reason of a faint kind of a­gréement procured betwixt the Dolphin and the duke of Burgognie, it was thought verelie that a power should haue béene raised for preseruation of that noble citie, the loosing or sauing thereof being a mat­ter of such importance.

The king of England, to preuent the enimies pur­pose, Chron. S. [...] ▪ A large [...] without the campe. caused a large trench to be cast without his campe, which was pight full of sharpe stakes, with a great rampire fensed with bulworks, and turne­pikes, in as defensible wise as might be deuised, Sir Robert Bapthorpe, knight, was appointed comptroller, to see this worke performed, which he did with all diligence accomplish; in like case as he had doone, when the other trench and rampire strong­lie staked and hedged was made at the first betwixt the campe and the citie, to restreine such as in the be­gining of the siege rested not to pricke foorth of the gates on horsse backe. And so by this meanes was the armie defended both behind and before.

Finallie, year 1419 the whole number of the Frenchmen [Page 567] within the citie were brought to such a [...] extremitie for want of vittels, that they were in danger all to haue starued. Wherevpon being now pas [...] hope of reléefe, they determined to treat with the king of England, and so vpon Nowyeares euen there came to the wals such as they had chosen amongst them for commissioners, which made a sign [...] to the Eng­lishmen lieng without the gate of the bridge, to speake with some gentleman, or other person of au­thoritie. The earle of Huntington, which kept that part, sent to them sir Gilbert Umfrouile; vnto whom line 10 they declared, that if they might haue a safe conduct, they would gladlie come foorth to speake with the king. Sir Gilbert repairing to the duke of Clarence, and other of the kings councell, aduertised them of this request.

Herevpon the duke of Clarence with the other councellors resorted to the kings lodging, to informe him of the matter, and to know his pleasure therein; who after good aduisement and deliberation taken, willed sir Gilbert to aduertise them, that he was line 20 content to heare twelue of them, which should be safelie conueied into his presence. This answer be­ing brought to the Frenchmen by the said sir Gil­bert, They within [...]one demand parlee. on the next daie in the morning, foure knights, foure learned men, and foure sage burgesses, all clo­thed in blacke, came foorth of the citie, and were re­ceiued at the port saint Hilarie by sir Gilbert Um­freuile, accompanied with diuerse gentlemen and yeomen of the kings houshold, commonlie called yeomen of the crowne, by whome they were conuei­ed line 30 to the kings lodging, whome they found at masse, which being ended, the king came out of his tra­uerse, sternelie, and princelie beholding the French messengers, and passed by them into his chamber. And incontinentlie after he commanded that they should be brought in before his presence, to heare what they had to say.

One of them séene in the ciuill lawes, was appoin­ted to declare the message in all their names, who shewing himselfe more rash than wise, more arro­gant line 40 than learned, A presumtu­ous orator. first tooke vpon him to shew wher­in the glorie of victorie consisted, aduising the king not to shew his manhood in famishing a multitude of poore, simple, and innocent people, but rather suffer such miserable wretches as laie betwixt the wals of the citie, and the trenches of his siege, to passe through the campe, that they might get their liuing in other places, and then if he durst manfullie assault the citie, and by force subdue it, he should win both line 50 worldlie fame, and merit great méed at the hands of almightie God, for hauing compassion of the poore, needie, and indigent people.

When this orator had said, the king who no request lesse suspected, than that which was thus desired, be­gan a while to muse; and after he had well conside­red the craftie cautell of his enimies, with a fierce countenance, The kings answer to this proud mes­sage. and bold spirit he reprooued them, both for their subtill dealing with him, and their malapert presumption, in that they should seeme to go about line 60 to teach him what belonged to the dutie of a conque­rour.

And therefore since it appeared that the same was vnknowne vnto them, he declared that the goddesse of battell called Bellona, had thrée handmai­dens, euer of necessitie attending vpon hir, as blood, fire, and famine. And whereas it laie in his choise to vse them all thrée; yea, two, or one of them at his pleasure, he had appointed onelie the méekest maid of those thrée damsels to punish them of that citie, till they were brought to reason.

And whereas the gaine of a capteine atteined by anie of the said thrée handmaidens, was both glori­ous, honourable, and woorthie of triumph: yet of all the thrée, the yoongest maid, which he meant to vse at that time was most profitable and commodious. And as for the poore people lieng in the ditches, if they died through famine, the fault was theirs, that like cruell tyrants had put them out of the towne, to the intent he should slaie them; and yet had he saued their liues, so that if anie lacke of charitie was, it rested in them, and not in him. But to their cloked request, he meant not to gratifie the them within so much, but they should kéepe them still to helpe to spend their vittels. And as to assault the towne, he told them that he would they should know, he was both able and willing thereto, as he should see occasion: but the choise was in his hand, to [...]am [...] them either with blood, fire, or famine, or with them all, whereof he would take the choise at his pleasure, and not at theirs.

This answer put the French ambassadors in a great studie, musing much at his excellent wit and hawtinesse of courage. Now after they had dined (as his commandement was they should) with his offi­cers, they vpon consultation had togither, required once againe to haue accesse to his roiall presence, which being granted, they humbling themselues on their knees, A truce for eight daies. besought him to take a truce for eight daies, during the which they might by their commis­sioners take some end and good conclusion with him and his councell. The king like a mercifull prince granted to them their asking, with which answer they ioifullie returned. After their departure were appoin­ted and set vp three tents, the one for the lords of Eng­land, the second for the commissioners of the citie, and the third for both parties to assemble in, and to treat of the matter.

The commissioners for the English part were the earles of Warwike and Salisburie, the lord Fitz Hugh, sir Walter Hungerford, sir Gilbert Umfre­uile, sir Iohn Robsert, and Iohn de Uasques de Al­mada. And for the French part were appointed, sir Guie de Butteler, and six others. Cōmissioners appointed. These commissio­ners met euery daie, arguing and reasoning about a conclusion, but nothing was doone the space of eight daies, nor so much as one article concluded: wherfore the Englishmen tooke downe the tents, & the French­men tooke their leaue: but at their departing they re­membring themselues, required the English lords (for the loue of God) that the truce might indure till the sunne rising the next daie, to the which the lords assented.

When the French commissioners were returned into the citie without any conclusion of agréement, the poore people ran about the streets, crieng, and cal­ling the capteins and gouernors murtherers and manquellers, saieng that for their pride and stiffe sto­machs all this miserie was happened, threatning to slea them if they would not agrée vnto the king of Englands demand. The magistrats herewith ama­zed, called all the townesmen-togither to know their minds and opinions. The whole voice of the com­mons was, to yeeld rather than to sterne. Then the Frenchmen in the euening came to the tent of sir Iohn Robsert, requiring him of gentlenes to mooue the king, that the truce might be prolonged for foure daies. The king therevnto agréed, and appointed the archbishop of Canturburie, and the other seuen be­fore named for his part, and the citizens appointed a like number for them.

The tents were againe set vp, The articles cōcerning the yéelding vp of Rone. and dailie they met togither, and on the fourth daie they accorded on this wise, that the citie and castell of Rone should be deli­uered vnto the king of England, at what time after the middest of the ninetéenth daie of that present mo­neth of Ianuarie, the said king willed the same; and that all the capteins and other men whatsoeuer, dwel­ling or being within the said citie and castell, should submit them in all things to the grace of the said [Page 568] king: and further, that they should paie to the said king thrée hundred thousand scutes of gold, where­of alwaies two should be woorth an English noble, or in stead of euerie s [...]ute thirtie great blankes white, or fiftéene grotes.

Moreouer it was accorded, that euerie soldier and stranger, being in the said citie and castell, should sweare on the euangelists before their departure, not to beare armour against the king of England, before the first daie of Ianuarie next to come. Also they line 10 within the towne should suffer all the poore people li­eng in ditches, or about the ditches of the citie, which for penurie were chased out, to enter the citie againe▪ and to find them sufficient food till the said ninetéenth daie of Ianuarie. There were diuerse other articles, in all to the number of two and twentie agréed as­well on the behalfe of the citizens, as of king Hen­rie, who granted, that all the souldiers, strangers, and other within the said citie and castell at that time, be­ing not willing to become his lieges, should depart, line 20 after that the citie and castell was once yéelded, frée­lie without let, leauing to the said king all their ar­mors, horsses, harnesse, & goods, except the Normans, which if they should refuse to become lieges to him, were appointed to remaine as his prisoners, togither with one Luca Italico, Luca Italico. The vicar generall of the archbi­shoprike of Rone for de­nouncing the king accursed was deliuered to him and de­teined in pri­son till he died. Titus Liuius. One Alane Blanchart was likewise deliuered to him, & by his cōmandement [...]ut to death. Trāslator of Titus Liuius. King Hēries entrie into Rone. and certeine others.

When the daie of appointment came, which was the daie of saint Wolstane, sir Guie de Buttler, and the burgesses, deliuered the keies of the citie and ca­stell vnto the king of England, beséeching him of fa­uour line 30 and compassion. The king incontinentlie ap­pointed the duke of Excester, with a great companie to take possession of the citie, who like a valiant cap­teine mounted on a goodlie courser first entered into the citie, and after into the castell. The next daie being fridaie, the king in great triumph like a conquerour, accompanied with foure dukes, ten earles, eight bi­shops, sixtéene barons, and a great multitude of knights, esquiers, and men of warre entered into Rone, where he was receiued by the cleargie, with line 40 two and fourtie crosses; and then met him the senat, and the burgesses of the towne, offering to him di­uerse faire and costlie presents.

In this manner he passed through the citie to our ladie church, and there hauing said his orisons, he caused his chapleins to sing this antheme: Quis est tam magnus dominus: Who is so great a lord as our God. This doone, he came to the castell, where he con­tinued a good space after, receiuing homages and fe­alties of the burgesses and townesmen, and setting orders amongst them. He also reedified diuerse for­tresses, line 50 and townes, during which time he made pro­clamation, that all men which would become his sub­iects, should inioy their goods, lands & offices, which proclamation made manie townes to yéeld, and ma­nie men to become English the same season.

The duke of Britaine, vnderstanding that if the king of England should continue in possession of Normandie, Titus Liuius. his countrie could not but be in great danger, if he prouided not to haue him his freend, vp­on line 60 safe conduct obteined for him & his retinue, came to Rone with fiue hundred horsses, and being hono­rablie receiued of the king, after conference had be­twixt them of diuerse things, at length they agréed vpon a league on this wise, A league con­cluded be­twéene king Henrie and the duke of Britaine. that neither of them should make warre vnto the other, nor to any of the others people or subiects, except he that meant to make war denounced the same six moneths before. Thus this league being concluded, the duke tooke leaue of the king, and so returned into Britaine.

About the same time, at the sute of certeine bishops and abbats of Normandie, the king confirmed vnto them their ancient priuileges, granted by the former dukes of Normandie and kings of France, except such as were granted by those whome he reputed for vsurpers, and no lawfull kings or dukes. He also e­stablished at Caen the chamber of accounts of the re­uenues of his dukedome of Normandie. In Rone he began the foundation of a strong tower behind the castell, that from the castell to the tower, and from the tower to his palace, the men of warre appointed there in garrison, might passe in suertie without dan­ger of the citie, if herhaps the citizens should attempt any rebellion.

In this sixt yeare, whilest these things were adoo­ing in Normandie, She was cō ­mitted to the safe kéeping of Pelham, who appointed hir nine seruants to attend hir [...] conueied h [...]r to the castell of Pompsey Tho. Walsin. Frier Rādoll. quéene Io [...]e late wife of king Henrie the fourth, and mother in law to this king, was arested by the duke of Bedford the kings lieute­nant in his absence, and by him committed to safe kéeping in the castell of Leeds in Kent, there to a­bide the kings pleasure▪ About the same time, one frier Randoll of the order of Franciscanes that pro­fessed diuinitie, and had béene confessor to the same queene, was taken in the Ile of Gernesey; and being first brought ouer into Normandie, was by the kings commandement sent hither into England, and committed to the Tower, where he remained till the parson of the Tower quarelling with him, by chance slue him there within the Tower ward. It was reported that he had conspired with the quéene by forcerie and necromancie to destroie the king.

Whilest the king remained in Rone, to set things in order for the establishment of good policie in that citie, he sent abroad diuerse of his capteins, with con­uenient forces to subdue certeine townes & castels in those parties, as his brother the duke of Clarence, Uernon and Mante taken by the Eng­lish. who wan the strong towne of Uernon and Mante. In Uernon was sir William Porter made cap­teine, and in Mant the earle of March. The earle of Salisburie wan Hunflue, Titus Liuius. Hunflue takē. after he had besieged it from the fourth of Februarie vntill the twelfth of March. This towne was giuen afterwards vnto the duke of Clarence. Also the said earle of Salisburie wan the townes of Monster de Uilliers, Ew, New­castell, and finallie all the places in that quarter, which till that present were not vnder the English obei­sance. At Newcastell sir Philip Léech was made cap­teine.

After Candlemasse, the king departed from Rone to go to Eureux, whither he promised to come in like case, as the Dolphin promised to be at Dreux, to the end that they might aduise vpon a conuenient place where to méet, to intreat of peace to be conclu­ded betwixt the two realms. But the Dolphin by si­nister persuasion of some enimies to concord, brake promise, and came not. When the king saw that tho­rough default of his aduersarie, no treatie would be had, he remooued to Uernon, and there a while remai­ned. Anno Reg. 7. Now from Eureux the king had dispatched the earle of Warwike vnto the siege of la Roch Guion, which fortresse he so constreined, Roch Guio [...] rendered vp. that it was yeelded into his hands, the sixt of Aprill, in the beginning of this seuenth yeare of king Henries reigne, and giuen to sir Guie Buttler late capteine of Rone, of the kings frée and liberall grant.

About the same time, the duke of Excester laid siege vnto Chateau Galiard, Chateau G [...] ­liard besieged. which siege continued from the last of March, vnto the latter end of Sep­tember, or (as some write) vnto the twentith of De­cember, as after shall appeare. Yuri taken by assaul [...]. The duke of Gloce­ster being sent to win the towne and castell of Yuri, tooke the towne by assault, and the castell was deliue­red by composition after fortie daies siege. After this the Englishmen ouerran the countrie about Char­tres, and did much hurt to their enimies in all places where they came. The hearts of the Frenchmen were sore discouraged with the losse of Rone, and the other townes which yeelded one after another thus to the [Page 569] Englishmen, so that such as loued the wealth of their countrie sore lamented the imminent mischéefes, which they saw by the diuision of the nobilitie, like shortlie to fall on their heads, namelie bicause they saw no remedie prepared.

But who euer else was disquieted with this mat­ter, Iohn duke of Burgognie raged and swelled, yea and so much freated therewith, that he wist not what to saie, and lesse to doo: for he knew well that he was neither free from disdaine, nor yet deliuered from the line 10 scope of malice, bicause that he onelie ruled the king, and had the whole dooings in all matters about him. And therefore he considered, that all such mishaps as chanced to the state of the common-wealth would be imputed to his negligence and disordred gouerne­ment. To find some remedie against such dangers at hand, he thought first to assaie, if he might by any reasonable means conclude a peace betwixt the two mightie kings of England and France, which if he might bring to passe, he doubted not to reuenge his line 20 quarell easilie inough against the Dolphin Charles, and to represse all causes of grudge and disdaine.

Herewith intending to build vpon this fraile foundation, he sent letters and ambassadors to the king of England, Ambassadors sent on either side. aduertising him, that if he would personallie come to a communication to be had be­tweene him and Charles the French king, he doubted not but by his onlie meanes, peace should be brought in place, and bloudie battell cléerelie exiled. King Henrie giuing courteous eare to these ambassadors, line 30 sent with them the earle of Warwike as his ambas­sador, Titus Liuius. accompanied with two hundred gentlemen to talke with the duke, as then remaining in the French court at the towne of Prouince. The earle was assailed by the waie as he iournied, by a great number of rebellious persons, gotten into armour of purpose to haue spoiled him of such monie and things as he and his companie had about them. But by the high valiancie of the English people, with the aid of their bowes, the Frenchmen were discomfi­ted line 40 and chased.

The earle at his comming to Prouince was ho­norablie receiued, and hauing doone the effect of his message, returned; and with him the earle of saint Paule, and the sonne and heire of the duke of Bur­bon were also sent as ambassadors from the French king, to conclude vpon the time and place of the mée­ting, with all the circumstances. Whervpon the king of England agréed to come to the towne of Mante, with condition that the duke of Burgognie, and o­ther line 50 for the French king should come to Pontoise, that either part might méet other in a conuenient place betwixt those two townes néere to Meulan. According to this appointment, K. Henrie came to Mante, where in the feast of Pentecost he kept a libe­rall house to all commers, and sate himselfe in great estate. Upon the which daie, either for good seruice al­readie by them doone, or for the good expectation of things to come, Creation of earles. he created Gascoigne de Fois, o­therwise called the captau or captall de Buef a vali­ant line 60 Gascoigne, earle of Longueuile; and sir Iohn Greie earle of Tankeruile, and the lord Bourchier earle of Ew.

After this solemne feast ended, the place of enter­uiew and méeting was appointed to be beside Meu­lan on the riuer of Seine, where in a faire place eue­rie part was by commissioners appointed to their ground. Either part was appoin­ted to bring with them not past two thou­sand and fiue hundred men of warre as T [...]t. Liu. saith. When the daie of appointment approched, which was the last daie of Maie, the king of England accompanied with the dukes of Clarence, and Glo­cester, his brethren, the duke of Excester his vncle, and Henrie Beauford clerke his other vncle, which after was bishop of Winchester and cardinall, with the earles of March, Salisburie, and others, to the number of a thousand men of warre, entered into his ground, which was barred about and ported, wher­in his tents were pight in a princelie maner.

Likewise for the French part came Isabell the French quéene, A treatie of peace. bicause hir husband was fallen into his old frantike disease, hauing in hir companie the duke of Burgognie, and the earle of saint Paule, and she had attending vpon hir the faire ladie Katharine hir daughter, with six and twentie ladies and damo­sels; and had also for hir furniture a thousand men of warre. The said ladie Katharine was brought by hir mother, onelie to the intent that the king of Eng­land beholding hir excellent beautie, should be so in­flamed and rapt in hir loue, that he to obteine hir to his wife, should the sooner agrée to a gentle peace and louing concord. Seuen times the last being on the last day of Iune. Titus Liuius. But though manie words were spent in this treatie, and that they met at eight seue­rall times, yet no effect insued, nor any conclusion was taken by this freendlie consultation, so that both parties after a princelie fashion tooke leaue ech of o­ther, and departed; the Englishmen to Mante, and the Frenchmen to Pontoise.

Some authors write that the Dolphin to staie that no agréement should passe, Chro. of Flan­ders. sent sir Taneguie de Chastell to the duke of Burgognie, declaring that if he would breake off the treatie with the English­men, he would then common with him; and take such order, that not onelie they but the whole realme of France should thereof be glad and reioise. Howso­euer it came to passe, truth it is, Titus Liuius. that where it was a­gréed, that they should eftsoones haue met in the same place on the third of Iulie; the king according to that appointment came: but there was none for the French part, neither quéene nor duke that once ap­peared; so that it was manifest inough how the fault rested not in the Englishmen, but in the French­men. By reason wherof no conclusion sorted to effect of all this communication, saue onlie that a certeine sparke of burning loue was kindled in the kings heart by the sight of the ladie Katharine.

The king without doubt was highlie displeased in his mind, that this communication came to no bet­ter passe. Wherefore he mistrusting that the duke of Burgognie was the verie let and stop of his desires, said vnto him before his departure: ‘Coosine, we will haue your kings daughter, and all things that we de­mand with hir, or we will driue your king and you out of his realme. Well (said the duke of Burgognie) before you driue the king and me out of his realme, you shall be well wearied, and therof we doubt little.’ Shortlie after, the duke of Burgognie and the Dol­phin met in the plaine fields besides Melun, and there comming togither, concluded apparantlie an open peace and amitie, which was proclamed in Paris, Amiens, and Pontoise.

This agréement was made the sixt of Iulie in the yeare 1419. It was ingrossed by notaries, An agréement betwéene the duke of Bur­gognie & the Dolphin. signed with their hands, and sealed with their great seales of armes: but as the sequele shewed, hart thought not what toong spake, nor mind meant not that hand wrote. Whiles these things were a dooing, Titus Liuius▪ diuerse of the Frenchmen in Rone went about a conspiracie against the Englishmen, whereof the king being well aduertised, sent thither certeine of his nobles, which tried out these conspirators, A conspiracie in Rone. caused them to be apprehended, had them in examination, and such as they found guiltie were put to death; and so setting the citie in quietnes, returned to the king, who coun­ted it great honor to kéepe the countries which he woone by conquest in obedience and aw; sith such vi­ctories are not obteined without sore labour and toile, both of prince and people, as the poet rightlie saith:

Quaerere regna, labor; virtus est parta tueri
Maxima.
In Angl. prel. sub Hen. 5.

[Page 570]The king of England, perceiuing by this new a­liance, that nothing was lesse to be looked for, than peace at the hands of the Frenchmen, deuised still how to win townes and fortresses, which were kept against him: and now that the truce was expired, on the thirtith daie of Iulie, Hall. These bands belonged to the earle of Longueuile & to the lord de Lespar Gas­coignes. Hist. dez duez de Normand. The king plaieth the porters part. he being as then within the towne of Mante, appointed certeine bands of souldi­ers in the afternoone to passe out of the gates, giuing onelie knowledge to the capteins what he would haue them to doo. And to the intent that no inkling of the enterprise should come to the enimies eare, he line 10 kept the gates himselfe as porter. These that were thus sent foorth being guided by the earle of Longue­uile, otherwise called the captau de Buef, were com­manded in as secret maner as they could to draw toward the towne of Pontoise, and to keepe them­selues in couert till the darke of the night, and then approch the walles of that towne, and vpon espieng their aduantage to enter it by scaling, hauing lad­ders and all things necessarie with them for the pur­pose. line 20

This captau was brother to the earle of Fois.Moreouer, about the closing of the daie and night in the euening, he sent foorth the erle of Huntington with other bands of soldiers, to succor and assist the other, if they chanced to enter the towne according to the order taken. Those that were first sent foorth (according to their instructions) conueid themselues so closelie to their appointed places, that the enimies heard nothing of their dooings. Wherevpon when the night was come, Hall. they came in secret wise vnder the line 30 walles, and there watched their time till the morning began to draw on. In the meane time, whilest the watch was departed, and before other were come in­to their places to relieue it, Pontoise sur­prised by the Englishmen. the Englishmen setting vp their ladders, entered and brake open one of the gates to receiue the other that followed.

The Frenchmen perceiuing that the walles were taken, and their enimies entered into the towne, at the first were sore amazed: but after perceiuing the small number of the Englishmen, they assembled line 40 togither and fiercelie assailed them, so that they were constreined to retire to the walles and turrets which they had taken, and with much adoo defended the same; some leaping downe into the diches, and hi­ding them in the vines, till at length the earle of Huntington, Hall. with his companies came to their suc­cors, and entring by the gate which was open, easilie did beat backe the enimies, & got the market place. Which when the lord Lisle Adam capteine of the towne perceiued, he opened the gate towards Pa­ris, Hall. line 50 by the which he with all his retinue, and diuerse of the townesmen to the number of ten thousand in all, (as Enguerant de Monstr. recounteth) fled towards Paris, taking awaie with them their coine, iewels, and plate. Some of them fleeing towards Beauuois were met with, and stripped of that they had, by Ie­han de Guigni, and Iehan de Claw, two capteins that serued the Orlientiall faction.

There were within the towne of Pontoise at that time when it was thus taken by the Englishmen, a line 60 thousand lances, and two thousand arc [...]balisters, as Thomas Walsingham affirmeth, and of Englishmen and Gascoignes that went first foorth of Mante with the captau de Buef, not past fiftéene hundred, as Hall reporteth; although Enguerant de Monstrellet saith, they were about thrée thousand. But how manie soeuer they were, they durst not at the first, by reason of their small number (as may be thought) once di­uide themselues, or deale with booties, till about the houre of prime, that the duke of Clarence came to their aid with fiue thousand men, who much praising the valiantnesse of the earle and his retinue that had thus woone the towne, gaue to them the chéefe spoile of the which there was great plentie.

Then went the duke foorth towards Paris, The duke o [...] Clarence s [...] ­meth befo [...]e Paris [...] his armie. and comming thither, lodged before it two daies and two nights, without perceiuing anie proffer of issue to be made foorth against him by his enimies, and there­fore seeing they durst not once looke vpon him, he re­turned to Pontoise, for the taking of which towne the whole countrie of France, and speciallie the Pa­risians were sore dismaied: sith now there was no fortresse able to withstand the English puissance; The [...] spoile the [...] of France. for that the Irishmen ouerran all the Isle of France, did to the Frenchmen damages innumerable (as their writers affirme) brought dailie prcies to the English armie, burst vp houses, laid beds on the backes of the kine, rid vpon them, carried yoong children before them, and sold them to the English­men for slaues. These strange dooings so feared the Frenchmen within the territorie of Paris, and the countrie about, that the sorie people fled out of the villages with all their stuffe into the citie.

The French king, and the duke of Burgognie li­eng at saint Denis, in this season, departed from thence with the quéene and hir daughter, and went to Trois in Champaigne, there to consult of their businesse, hauing left at Paris the earle of S. Paule, and the lord Lisle Adam, with a great puissance to defend the citie. The king of England immediatlie after that Pontoise was woone (as before yee haue heard) came thither in person, as well to giue order for the placing of a sufficient garrison there for de­fense thereof; as to proce [...]d further into the countrie for the getting of other townes and places: and so after he had well prouided for the good gouernment, & safe kéeping thereof, the eighteenth daie of August he departed out of the same with his maine armie.

And bicause they of the garrison that laie in the castell of Uancon Uillers had doone, Titus Liuius. & dailie did di­uerse and sundrie displeasures to the Englishmen, he pight downe his field néere to the same, the better to restraine them from their hostile attempts, and withall sent part of his armie to besiege the castell, The castell of Uancon [...] ­lers bes [...]eged and taken. which put them in such feare, that they despairing of all reléefe or succour, and perceiuing they should not be able long to defend the place against the kings puissance, yéelded the place, with all their coine and other goods into the kings hands. Titus Liuius. The soldiers of that garrison, and the inhabitants, at the contempla­tion of a certeine ladie there amongst them, were li­cenced by the king to depart without armor or wea­pon, onelie with their liues saued. Iohn of Burgh that was after basliffe of Gisours, was appointed capteine of this castell.

After this, Gisours besieged & yeel­ded to the Englishm [...]n▪ all the townes and castels within a great circuit offered to yéeld themselues vnto the English obeisance; the strong towne and castell of Gisours onelie excepted, which still held out, & would shew no token of will to yeeld. Héerevpon the king the last of August began to approch the same, but at the first he could not come néere, by reason of the marishes and fennes: but yet such was the diligence of the Englishmen, aduanced by the presence of the king, readie in all places to commend them that were forward in their businesse, and to chastise such as slacked their duetie, that dailie they came neerer and néerer, although the Frenchmen issued foorth dai­lie to encounter them, giuing them manie sharpe skirmishes. For the towne being double walled and [...]ensed with those broad marishes, so incouraged them within, that they thought no force had béene able to haue subdued them.

But at length calling to remembrance, that the king of England came before no towne nor for­tresse, from which he would depart before he had brought it vnder his subiection, they offered to come to a parlée, and in the end compounded to render the [Page 571] towne into the kings hands the eight daie of Sep­tember next insuing, and the castell (bicause it was the stronger péece) they couenanted to deliuer the foure and twentith of the same, if in the meane time no rescue came to raise the siege. Thom. Wals. Herevpon when no such releefe could be heard of, at the daies limited, the soldiers of the garrison, & the more part of the towns­men also submitted themselues, and receiued an oth to be true subiects to the king, Duke of Cla­rence saith Rich. Grafton. and so remained still in their roomes. The earle of Worcester was made cap­teine line 10 there.

Titus Liuius.About the same time, to wit, the thrée and twentith of September (as some write) was castell Galiard surrendred to the hands of the duke of Excester, which had beene besieged euer since the last daie of March (as before yée haue heard.) But others write that it held out seauen moneths, and was not deliuered vp till the twentith of December. This castell was not onelie strong by situation, standing vpon the top of a stéepe hill, but also closed with mightie thicke walles, line 20 and furnished with men, and all maner of munition and things necessarie. The king appointed the lord Ros capteine of it. After that Gisours and castell Galiard were thus yéelded to the English obeisance, all the other townes and castels thereabout, and in the countrie of Ueulquessin, shortlie after yéelded to the king, as Gourneie, Chaumount, Neaufle, Dan­gu, and other small fortresses. Of Gourneie, was sir Gilbert Umfreuile made capteine; at Neaufle, the earle of Worcester; and at Dangu, Richard Wood­uile. line 30 Shortlie after was the castell Daumall yéelded to the earle of Warwike, Normandie brought into y e kings sub­iection, that had béene lost & deteined a long time frō the English. to whome it was giuen. And thus was the whole duchie of Normandie (Mont saint Michael onelie excepted) reduced to the possessi­on of the right heire, which had béene wrongfullie de­teined from the kings of England euer since the daies of king Iohn, who lost it about the yeare one thousand two hundred and seauen.

To satisfie those that be desirous to know what capteins were appointed by the king in diuerse townes that were yéelded to him (of which we haue line 40 made no mention heretofore but in generall) here their names doo follow, and of the townes, as we find them in the chronicles of maister Hall. At Crew­leie, sir Henrie Tanclux an Almaine; at Torignie, sir Iohn Popham, to whome it was giuen; at Cham­boie, the lord Fitz Hugh; at Uernueil in Perch, sir Iohn Neuill; at Essaie, sir William Huddleston bailiffe of Alanson; at Crulie sir Lois Robsert; at Conde Norean sir Iohn Fastolfe; at Cawdebecke, line 50 sir Lois Robsert; at Deepe, William lord Bourchi­er earle of Eu; at Aubemarle, the earle of War­wike, and his deputie thereof William Montfort; at Bellincombre, sir Thomas Ramston lord thereof by gift; at Longueuille, the capitall de Beuf or Buz, earle thereof by gift; at Danuille, sir Christopher Burden; at Couches, sir Robert Marburie; at Chi­erburg, sir Iohn Gedding; at Bacqueuille, the lord Ros; at Arques sir Iames Fines, bailiffe of Caux; at Monceaux, sir Philip Leech; at Estrie Pagnie, line 60 Richard Abraham; at Sentler Surget, William Basset; at Bretueill, sir Henrie Mortimer bailiffe of Hunflew.

The duke of Burgognie murthered.But now to returne where we left. The wise and graue personages of the realme of France, sore la­menting & bewailing the miserie of their countrie, saw they had puissance inough to defend their eni­mies, if they were of perfect concord amongst them­selues. And therefore to remooue all rancor and dis­pleasure betwixt the Dolphin, and the duke of Bur­gognie, they procured a new méeting, which was ap­pointed to be at Monstreau on fault Yonne, where the two princes at the daie assigned met. But such was the fortune of France, that the duke of Bur­gognie was there murthered, as he knéeled before the Dolphin: wherevpon insued greater debate than before. For Philip earle of Charolois, the sonne and heire of the said duke, tooke the matter verie gree­uouslie, as he had no lesse cause, and determined to be reuenged on the Dolphin, and other that were guiltie of the murther: so that now there was great expecta­tion of slaughter and bloudshed, but no hope for the most part of tranquillitie & peace. France therefore, what with ouerthrowes giuen by the English, & diui­sion among themselues, was verie sore afflicted; in­somuch that one miserie riding on anothers necke, the whole land was in danger of desolation by ciuill dissention & mutuall mutinies; as the poet noteth:

—accessit ad ista
Tunc mala Celtarum Burgundio fraude peremptus
Anglorum prae­lia sub Henr. 5.
Sparsa (que) ciuilis tota dissensio terra.

When he had well considered of the matter, Ambassadors sent to king Henrie. Titus Liu [...]us. and taken aduise with his councell, he first sent ambassa­dours to the king of England, then lieng at Gisours to treat and conclude a truce betwéene them both for a certeine space, that they might talke of some con­clusion of agréement. King Henrie receiued the am­bassadors verie courteouslie, and granted that com­munication might be had of peace, but vtterlie deni­ed anie abstinence from warre, A wise and princelie caution. bicause he would not lose time, if the treatie sorted not to good effect. Here­vpon hauing his armie assembled at Maunt, he di­uided the same into thrée parts, The castell of S. Germane in Laie and Montioie yéelded to the Englishmen. appointing the duke of Glocester with one part to go vnto the castell of S. Germane in Laie, and to laie siege therevnto. The duke according to his commission, comming before that castell, within a while constreined them within by continuall skirmishes and assaults to deliuer vp the place into his hands. An other part of the armie was sent vnto the castell of Montioie, which likewise by such fierce assaults and manfull approches, as the Englishmen made thereto, was shortlie giuen ouer and yéelded. The third part of the hoast went to Meu­lanc, a verie strong towne compassed about with the riuer of Seine.

But the king deuised to fasten botes and barges togither, A policie for redie bridges. and to rere vp certeine frames of timber a­loft on the same for defense of his soldiers, that should by that meanes approch the walles, wherewith those that had the towne in kéeping were so put in feare, that their capteine was glad to come to a communi­cation, & agréed to deliuer the towne into the kings hands, if no rescue came before the thirtith daie of October next insuing. On which daie, for that no suc­cours appeared, the towne (according to the coue­nants) was giuen vp into the kings hands. Sir Thomas Ramston was made capteine there, and after him sir Iohn Fastolfe. The king, whilest these places were besieged, The strong town of Meu­lanc yéelded to the English. and thus brought vnder his subiection, continued for the most part at Maunt; but yet oftentimes he went foorth to visit his campes, and to sée that nothing should be wanting, that might further the spéedie dispatch of his enterprises.

About the same time, there came againe ambassa­dours to him from Charles the French king, & from the yoong duke of Burgognie to treat with him of some good conclusion of peace to be had; who had no such trust in their sute, but that he doubted their mea­ning, and therefore ceassed not to procéed in the win­ning of townes and castels, as he was in hand. Now when Christmasse approched, the king withdrew to Rone, and there kept the solemnization of that feast, appointing in the meane time his men of warre to be occupied as occasion serued. year 1420 The earle of Salisburie was sent to besiege the towne of Fresneie, the which after stout resistance made at the first, shortlie after was deliuered to him to the kings vse. Anno Reg. 8. The earles Marshall and Huntington, sir Iohn Gréene Corne­wall, [Page 572] sir Philip Léech, and diuerse other, were sent in­to the countrie of Maine, where, not farre from the citie of Mens they were incountered by a power of Frenchmen, which the Dolphin had sent against them. A great victo­rie on the English side. There was at the first a sharpe bickering be­twixt them, but in the end the victorie remained with the Englishmen; so that manie of the Frenchmen were slaine, and taken, and the residue chased out of the field. There were slaine (as Thomas Walsing­ham saith) at the point of fiue thousand, and two hun­dred taken prisoners, among whome was the mar­shall line 10 de Rous, and diuerse other of good account. The two English earles remained there as victors, in the countrie which was by the king to them assigned.

Whilest these victorious exploits were thus happi­lie atchiued by the Englishmen, and that the king laie still at Rone, in giuing thanks to almightie God for the same, there came to him eftsoones am­bassadours from the French king and the duke of Burgognie to mooue him to peace. The king min­ding line 20 not to be reputed for a destroier of the countrie, which he coueted to preserue, or for a causer of chri­stian bloud still to be spilt in his quarell, King Henrie condescendeth to a treatie of peace. began so to incline and giue eare vnto their sute and humble re­quest, that at length (after often sending to and fro) and that the bishop of Arras, and other men of honor had béene with him, and likewise the earle of War­wike, and the bishop of Rochester had béene with the duke of Burgognie, they both finallie agreed vpon certeine articles, so that the French king and his line 30 commons would thereto assent.

Now was the French king and the quéene with their daughter Katharine at Trois in Champaigne gouerned and ordered by them, which so much fauou­red the duke of Burgognie, that they would not for anie earthlie good, once hinder or pull backe one iot of such articles as the same duke should séeke to pre­ferre. And therefore what néedeth manie words, a truce tripartite was accorded betwéene the two kings and the duke, A truce tri­partite. and their countries, and order ta­ken line 40 that the king of England should send in the com­panie of the duke of Burgognie his ambassadours vnto Trois in Champaigne sufficientlie authorised to treat and conclude of so great matter. The king of England, being in good hope that all his affaires should take good successe as he could wish or desire, sent to the duke of Burgognie his vncle, Ambassadors from K. Hen­rie to the French king. the duke of Excester, the earle of Salisburie, the bishop of Elie, the lord Fanhope, the lord Fitz Hugh, sir Iohn Rob­sert, and sir Philip Hall, with diuerse doctors, to the line 50 number of fiue hundred horsse, which in the companie of the duke of Burgognie came to the citie of Trois the eleuenth of March. The king, the quéene, and the ladie Katharine them receiued, and hartilie welco­med, shewing great signes and tokens of loue and amitie.

After a few daies they fell to councell, in which at length it was concluded, The articles of the peace concluded be­twéene king Henrie and the French king. that king Henrie of Eng­land should come to Trois, and marie the ladie Ka­tharine; and the king hir father after his death should line 60 make him heire of his realme, crowne and dignitie. It was also agréed, that king Henrie, during his fa­ther in lawes life, should in his stéed haue the whole gouernement of the realme of France, as regent thereof, with manie other couenants and articles, as after shall appeere. To the performance whereof, it was accorded, that all the nobles and estates of the realme of France, as well spirituall as temporall, and also the cities and commonalties, citizens and burgesses of townes, that were obeisant at that time to the French king, should take a corporall oth. These articles were not at the first in all points brought to a perfect conclusion. But after the effect and mea­ning of them was agréed vpon by the commissio­ners, the Englishmen departed towards the king their maister, and left sir Iohn Robsert behind, to giue his attendance on the ladie Katharine.

King Henrie being informed by them of that which they had doone, was well content with the agréement and with all diligence prepared to go vnto Trois, and therevpon hauing all things in a readinesse, he being accompanied with his brethren the dukes of Clarence and Glocester, the earles of Warwike, Salisburie, Huntington, Eu, Tankeruile, and Lon­guile, & fiftéene thousand men of warre, went from Rone to Pontoise; & departing from thence the eight daie of Maie, came to saint Denis two leagues from Paris, and after to Pontcharenton, where he left a strong garison of men, Thom. W [...] ▪ with sir William Gas­coigne, to keepe the passage; and so then entering in­to Brie, he tooke by the waie a castell which was kept against him, causing them that so kept it, Titus [...]. some to be hanged, and the residue to be led foorth with him as prisoners. And after this keeping on his iournie by Prouins, and Nogent, at length he came to Trois.

The duke of Burgognie accompanied with ma­nie noble men, receiued him two leagues without the towne, and conueied him to his lodging. All his armie was lodged in small villages thereabout. And after that he had reposed himselfe a little, King Henrie commeth to Trois to the French king. he went to visit the French king, the quéene, and the ladie Ka­tharine, whome he found in saint Peters church, where was a verie ioious méeting betwixt them (and this was on the twentith daie of Maie) and there the king of England, King Henrie affieth the French king [...] daughter▪ and the ladie Katharine were af­fianced. After this, the two kings and their councell assembled togither diuerse daies, wherein the first concluded agreement was in diuerse points altered and brought to a certeinetie, according to the effect aboue mentioned. When this great matter was fi­nished, the kings sware for their parts to obserue all the couenants of this league and agreement. Like­wise the duke of Burgognie and a great number of other princes and nobles which were present, recei­ued an oth, the tenor whereof (as the duke of Burgo­gnie vttered it in solemne words) thus insueth, Titus Liuius▪ ac­cordinglie as the same is exemplified by Titus Liuius De Foro Luuisiis in Latine.

The oth of the duke of Burgognie.

EGo Philippus Burgundiae dux, per me meósque haeredes, ad sacra Dei euan­gelia domino regi Henrico Angliae, Franciaeque, pro Carolo rege regenti iuro, quòd humiliter ipsi Henrico fide­lit ér (que) cunctis in rebus, quae rempublicam spectant & Franciae coronam, obediemus, & statim post mortem Caroli domini nostri, domino Henrico re­gi suísque successoribus in perpetuum ligei fideles erimus; nec alium quempiam pro domino nostro supremo Franciae rege, quàm Henricum & suos haeredes habebimus, néque patiemur. Non eri­mus praeterea in consilio vel consensu cuiusquam damni regis Henrici, suorúmue successorum, vbi quicquam detrimenti patiantur capitis siue mem­bri, vel vitam perdant; sed praedicta (quantum in nobis fuerit) quàm citissimis literis vel nuntijs, vt sibi meliùs prouidore valeant, eis significabi­mus.

The same in English.

I Philip duke of Burgognie, for my selfe, and for mine heires, doo here sweare vpon the holie euan­gelists of God, to Henrie king of [Page 573] England, and regent of France for king Charles, that we shall humblie and faith­fullie obeie the said Henrie in all things which concerne the common-wealth and crowne of France. And immediatlie after the deceasse of our souereigne lord king Charles, we shall be faithfull liegemen vn­to the said king Henrie, and to his succes­sors for euer. Neither shall we take or suf­fer anie other souereigne lord and supreme line 10 king of France, but the same Henrie and his heires: neither shall we be of counsell or consent of anie hurt towards the said king Henrie or his successors, wherby they may suffer losse & detriment of life or lim, but that the same so farre as in vs may lie, we shall signifie to them with all speed, by letters or messengers, that they may the better prouide for themselues in such cases. line 20

The like oth a great number of the princes and nobles both spirituall and temporall, which were pre­sent, receiued at the same time. This doone, the mo­row after Trinitie sundaie, being the third of Iune, the mariage was solemnized and fullie consummate betwixt the king of England, and the said ladie Ka­tharine. Herewith was the king of England named and proclamed heire and regent of France. And as the French king sent the copie of this treatie to eue­rie line 30 towne in France: so the king of England sent the same in English vnto euerie citie and market towne within his realme, to be proclamed and publi­shed. The true copie whereof, as we find it in the chro­nicles of maister Hall, we haue thought good here to set downe, for the more full satisfieng of those that shall desire to peruse euerie clause and article there­of, as followeth.

The articles & appointments of peace line 40 betweene the realmes of England and France.

HEnrie by the grace of God king of Eng­land, heire and regent of France, lord of Ireland, to perpetuall mind of christian people, and all those that be vnder our obeisance, we notifie and declare, that though there hath béene here before diuerse treaties betwéene the most excellent prince Charles our father of France line 50 and his progenitors, for the peace to be had betwéene the two realmes of France and England, the which heretofore haue borne no fruit: we considering the great harmes, the which haue not onelie fallen be­twéene those two realmes, for the great diuision of that hath béene betwéene them, but to all holy church; we haue taken a treatie with our said father, in which treatie betwixt our said father and vs, it is con­cluded & accorded in the forme after the manner that followeth.

1 First, it is accorded betwéene our father and line 60 vs, that forsomuch as by the bond of matrimonie made for the good of the peace betweene vs and our most deere beloued Katharine, daughter of our said father, & of our most déere moother Isabell his wife; the same Charles and Isabell beene made our father and moother: therefore them as our father and moo­ther we shall haue and worship, as if fitteth and sée­meth so worthie a prince and princesse to be worship­ped, principallie before all other temporall persons of the world.

2 Also we shall not distrouble, diseason or let our father aforesaid, but that he hold and possede as long as he liueth, as he holdeth and possedeth at this time, the crowne and dignitie roiall of France, with rents and profits for the same, of the sustenance of his e­state and charges of the realme. And our foresaid moother also hold as long as she liueth, the state and dignitie of quéene, after the manner of the same realme, with conuenable conuenient part of the said rents and profits.

3 Also that the foresaid ladie Katharine shall take and haue dower in our realme of England as queenes of England here tofore were woont for to take and haue, that is to saie, to the summe of fortie thousand scutes, of the which two algate shall be a noble English.

4 And that by the waies, manners, and meanes that we without transgression or offense of other made by vs, for to speake the lawes, customes, vsa­ges and rights of our said realme of England, shall done our labour and pursuit, that the said Katharine, all so soone as it maie be doone, be made sure to take, and for to haue in our said realme of England, from the time of our death, the said dower of fortie thou­sand scutes yearelie, of the which twaine algate be worth a noble English.

5 Also if it happe the said Katharine to ouerliue vs, we shall take and haue the realme of France im­mediatlie, from the time of our death, dower to the summe of twentie thousand franks yearelie, of and vpon the lands, places and lordships that held and had Blanch sometime wife of Philip Beasaill to our said father.

6 Also that after the death of our said father a­foresaid, and from thence forward, the crowne and the realme of France, with all the rights and appur­tenances, shall remaine and abide to vs, and béene of vs and of our heires for euermore.

7 And forsomuch as our said father is withholden with diuerse sickenesse, in such manner as he maie not intend in his owne person for to dispose for the néeds of the foresaid realme of France: therefore du­ring the life of our foresaid father, the faculties and exercise of the gouernance and disposition of the pub­like & common profit of the said realme of France, with councell, and nobles, and wisemen of the same realme of France, shall be and abide to vs: so that from thencefoorth we maie gouerne the same realme by vs. And also to admit to our counsell and assi­stance of the said nobles, such as we shall thinke méet. The which faculties and exercise of gouernance thus being toward vs, we shall labour and purpose vs spéedfullie, diligentlie, and trulie, to that that maie be and ought for to be vnto the worship of God, and our said father and moother, and also to the com­mon good of the said realme, and that realme with the counsell & helpe of the worthie and great nobles of the same realme for to be defended, peased and go­uerned after right and equitie.

8 Also that we of our owne power shall doo the court of parlement in France to be kept and obser­ued in his authoritie and souereignetie, and in all that is doone to it in all manner of places that now or in time comming is or shall be subiect to our said father.

9 Also we to our power shall defend and helpe all and euerie of the péeres, nobles, cities, townes, communalties, and singular persons, now or in time comming, subiects to our father in their rights, cu­stomes, priuileges, freedomes, and franchises, long­ing or due to them in all manner of places now or in time comming subiect to our father.

10 Also we diligentlie and truelie shall trauell to our power, and doo that iustice be administred and doone in the same realme of France after the lawes, customes, and rights of the same realme, without personall exception. And that we shall kéepe and hold [Page 574] the subiects of the same realme in tranquillitie and peace, and to our power we shall defend them against all manner of violence and oppression.

11 Also we to our power shall prouide, and doo to our power, that able persons and profitable béene taken to the offices as well of iustices and other offi­ces belonging to the gouernance of the demaines, and of other offices of the said realme of France, for the good right and peaceable iustice of the same, and for the administration that shall be committed vnto line 10 them; and that they be such persons, that after the lawes and rights of the same realme, and for the vti­litie and profit of our said father, shall minister, and that the foresaid realme shall be taken and departed to the same offices.

12 Also that we of our power, so soone as it may commodiouslie be doone, shall trauell to put into the obedience of our said father, all manner of cities, townes, and castels, places, countries, and persons within the realme of France, disobedient, and rebels line 20 to our said father, holding with them which beene cal­led the Dolphin or Arminacke.

13 Also that we might the more commodiouslie, suerlie and fréelie doone, exercise, & fulfill these things aforesaid, it is accorded that all worthie nobles and estates of the same realme of France, as well spiri­tuals as temporals, and also cities notable and com­munalties, and citizens, burgesses of townes of the realme of France, that béene obeisant at this time to our said father, shall make these othes that fol­lowen. line 30

14 First to vs hauing the facultie, exercise, dis­position, and gouernance of the foresaid common profit to our hests and commandements, these shall meekelie & obedientlie obeie and intend in all man­ner of things concerning the exercise of gouernance of the same realme.

15 Also that the worthie, great, and noble estates of the said realme, as well spirituals as temporals, and also cities and notable communalties, and citi­zens and burgesses of the same realme, in all man­ner line 40 of things well and trulie shall kéepe and to their power shall doo to be kept of so much as to them be­longeth, or to anie of them, all those things that béene appointed and accorded betwéene our foresaid father and moother and vs, with the counsell of them whome vs list to call to vs.

16 And that continuallie from the death, and af­ter the death of our said father Charles, they shall be our true liegemen, and our heires; and they shall re­ceiue and admit vs for their liege and souereigne and line 50 verie king of France, and for such to obeie vs with­out opposition, contradiction, or difficultie, as they béene to our foresaid father during his life, neuer af­ter this realme of France shall obey to man as king or regent of France, but to vs and our heires. Also they shall not be in counsell, helpe, or assent that we léese life or limme, or be take with euill taking, or that we suffer harme, or diminution in person, estate worship, or goods; but if they know anie such thing for to be cast or imagined against vs, they shall let it line 60 to their power, & they shall doone vs to weeten there­of, as hastilie as they maie by themselfe, by message, or by letters.

17 Also that all maner of conquests that should be made by vs in France vpon the said inobedients, out of the duchie of Normandie, shall be doone to the profit of our said father; and that to our power we shall doo, that all maner of lands and lordships that béene in the places so for to be conquered, longing to persons obeieng to our foresaid father, which shall sweare for to kéepe this present accord, shall be resto­red to the same persons to whom they long to.

18 Also that all manner of persons of the holie church, beneficed in the duchie of Normandie, or any other places in the realme of France, subiect to our father, and fauouring the partie of the dukes of Bur­gognie, which shall sweare to kéepe this present ac­cord, shall inioy peaceablie their benefices of holie church in the duchie of Normandie, or in other places next aforesaid.

19 Also likewise, all maner of persons of holie church, obedient to vs, and beneficed in the realme of France, and places subiect to our father, that shall sweare to keepe this present accord, shall inioy peace­ablie their benefices of holie church in places next a­bouesaid.

20 Also that all maner of churches, vniuersities, and studies generall, and all colleges of studies, and other colleges of holie church, being in places now or in time comming subiect to our father, or in the du­chie of Normandie, or other places in the realme of France subiect to vs, shall inioy their rights and pos­sessions, rents, prerogatiues, liberties, & franchises, longing or due to them in any maner of wise in the said relme of France, sauing the right of the crowne of France, and euerie other person.

21 Also by Gods helpe, when it happeneth vs to come to the crowne of France, the duchie of Nor­mandie, and all other places conquered by vs in the realme of France, shall bow vnder the commande­ment, obeisance, and monarchie of the crowne of France.

22 Also that we shall force vs, & doo to our power, that recompense be made by our said father without diminution of the crowne of France to persons obei­eng to him, and fauoring to that partie that is said Burgognie, to whom longeth lands, lordships, rents, or possessions in the said duchie of Normandie, or o­ther places in the realme of France, conquered by vs hither toward, giuen by vs in places and lands gotten or to be gotten, and ouercome, in the name of our said father vpon rebels and inobedients to him. And if so be that such maner of recompense be not made to the said persons, by the life of our said father, we shall make that recompense in such maner and places, of goods, when it happeneth by Godsgrace to the crowne of France. And if so be that the lands, lordships, rents, or possessions, the which longeth to such maner of persons in the said duchie and places be not giuen by vs, the same persons shall be restored to them without any delaie.

23 And during the life of our father, in all places now or in time comming subiect to him, letters of common iustice, and also grants of offices and gifts, pardons or remissions, and priuileges shall be writ­ten and proceed vnder the name and seale of our said father. And for somuch as some singular case maie fall, that maie not be foreséene by mans wit▪ in the which it might be necessarie and behoouefull, that we doo write our letters; in such maner case, if any hap for the good and suertie of our father, and for the go­uernance that longeth to vs, as is beforesaid; and for to eschewen perils that otherwise might fall, to the preiudice of our said father, to write our letters, by the which we shall command, charge, and defend after the nature and qualitie of the néed, in our fathers be­halfe and ours as regent of France.

24 Also, that during our fathers life, we shall not call nor write vs king of France; but verelie we shall absteine vs from that name, as long as our father liueth.

25 Also that our said father, during his life, shall name, call, and write vs in French in this maner: Nostre treschier filz Henry roy d' Engleterre heretere de France. And in Latine in this maner: Praeclarissimus fi­lius noster Henricus rex Angliae & haeres Franciae.

26 Also that we shall put none impositions or [Page 575] exactions, or doo charge the subiects of our said father without cause reasonable and necessarie, ne other­wise than for common good of the realme of France, and after the saieng and asking of the lawes and cu­stomes reasonable approoued of the same realme.

27 Also that we shall trauell to our power to the effect and intent, that by the assent of the thrée estates of either of the realmes of France and England, that all maner of obstacles maie be doone awaie, and in this partie, that it be ordeined and prouided; that from the time that we or any of our heires come to line 10 the crowne of France, both the crownes, that is to saie, of France and England perpetuallie be togi­ther in one & in the same person, that is to saie, from our fathers life to vs, and from the tearme of our life thenceforward in the persons of our heires, that shall be one after an other, and that both realms shall be gouerned from that we or any of our heires come to the same, not seuerallie vnder diuerse kings in one time, but vnder the same person which for the time shall be king of both realms, and our souereigne line 20 lord (as it is before said) kéeping neuerthelesse in all maner of other things to either of the same realmes, their rights, liberties, customes, vsages, and lawes, not making subiect in any maner of wise one of the same realmes, to the rights, lawes, or vsages of that other.

28 Also that thenceforward, perpetuallie, shall be still rest, and that in all maner of wise, dissentions, hates, rancors, enuies and wars, betweene the same realmes of France and England, and the people of line 30 the same realmes, drawing to accord of the same peace, may ceasse and be broken.

29 Also that there shall be from henceforward for euermore, peace and tranquillitie, & good accord, and common affection, and stable friendship betwéene the said realmes, and their subiects before said. The same realmes shall kéepe themselues with their councell, helps, and common assistance against all maner of men that inforce them for to dooen or to imagine wrongs, harmes, displeasures, or grieuances to line 40 them or either of them. And they shall be conuersant and merchandizen fréelie and suerlie togither, paieng the custome due and accustomed. And they shall be conuersant also, that all the confederats and alies of our said father and the realme of France aforesaid, and also our confederats of the realme of England aforesaid, shall in eight moneths from the time of this accord of peace, as it is notified to them, declare by their letters, that they will draw to this accord, and will be comprehended vnder the treaties and ac­cord line 50 of this peace, sauing neuerthelesse either of the same crownes, and also all maner actions, rights and reuenues, that longen to our said father and his sub­iects, and to vs and our subiects, against all maner of such alies and confederats.

30 Also neither our father, neither our brother the duke of Burgognie shall begin, ne make with Charles, cleping himselfe the Dolphin of Uiennes, any treatie, or peace, or accord, but by councell and assent of all and ech of vs sorée, or of other the three line 60 estates of either of the said realmes aboue named.

31 Also that we with assent of our said brother of Burgognie, and other of the nobles of the realme of France, the which thereto owen to be called, shall or­deine for the gouernance of our said father s [...]kerlie, louinglie, & honestlie, after the asking of his roiall estate and dignitie, by the maner that shall be to the worship of God, and of our father, and of the realme of France.

32 Also all mane [...] of persons, that shall be about our father to doo him personall seruice, not onelie in office, but in all other seruices, aswell the nobles and gentlenes as other, shall be such as hath beene borne in the realme of France, or in places longing to France, good, wise, true, and able to that foresaid ser­uice. And our said father shall dwell in places nota­ble of his obedience, and no where else. Wherefore we charge and command our said liege subiects, and o­ther being vnder our obedience, that they keepe and doo to be kept in all that longeth to them, this accord and peace, after the forme and maner as it is accor­ded; and that they attempt in no maner wise, any thing that may be preiudiciall or contrarie to the same accord and peace, vpon paine of life and lim, and all that they may forfeit against vs. Yeuen at Troes, the thirtith day of Maie, 1420, & proclamed in London the twentith day of Iune.

33 Also that we for the things aforesaid, and eue­rie one of them, shall giue our assent by our letters patents, sealed with our seale vnto our said father, with all approbation and confirmation of vs, and all other of our bloud roiall, and all other of the cities and townes to vs obedient. Sealed with our seales accustomed. And further our said father, besides his letters patents sealed with our great seale, shall make or cause to be made letters approbatorie, and confirmations of the peeres of his realme, and of the lords, citizens, and burgesses of the same, vnder his obedience. All which articles we haue sworne to kéepe vpon the holie euangelists.

On the fourtéenth of Iune being fridaie, Tho. Walsi. there was a solemne procession at London, and a sermon at Paules crosse, in which the preacher openlie declared the effect of the kings mariage, and the articles con­cluded vpon the same, by reason wherof (he said) there must be a new great seale deuised, and the old bro­ken, and in the new the kings name with a new ad­dition of his title as regent of France, and heire ap­parant of that kingdome was to be ingrauen. Be­side the league thus concluded by king Henrie with the French king, A league be­twéene king Henrie & the duke of Bur­gognie. and the whole bodie of the realme of France, there was a priuat league accorded be­twixt him and the duke of Burgognie, the effect wher­of was comprehended in articles as followeth.

First, that the duke of Burgognie should procure this peace latelie before concluded, to be obserued line 1 firme and stable in all couenants and points therof, so far as he by any meanes might further the same: in consideration whereof, one of the brethren of king Henrie should take to wife one of the said duke of Burgognies sisters. That king Henrie should euer line 2 haue in singular fauour the said duke of Burgognie, as his most déere brother, and support him in all his rights. That the said duke, after the deceasse of king line 3 Charles, should take an oth of fealtie to be true to K. Henrie & his heires, according to the forme & te­nor therof before expressed, & should in all things be friend to king Henrie and his heires for euer. That line 4 king Henrie should doo his vttermost indeuour, that due punishment might be had for the murther of duke Iohn, father to the said duke of Burgognie, as­well vpon Charles that named himselfe Dolphin, as vpon others that were guiltie and priuie to that murther.

If the said Dolphin chanced to be taken, either in battell or towne besieged, or if anie other chanced line 5 so to be taken, that should be prooued guiltie or priuie to the murther of the said duke Iohn, he should not be deliuered without iust punishment for his deeds, nor without the consent of the two kings Charles and Henrie, & of the thrée estates of both the realmes. In consideration of the great diligence, and pain­full trauell susteined by the duke of Burgognie, it line 6 was also agreed, that he should haue by patent gran­ted of king Charles and queene Isabell a fée of twen­tie thousand pounds Parisien, of yéerelie reuenues, assigned foorth néere to the confines of his countrie, [Page 576] to inioy the same to him and to his wife the duches Michaell, and to the heires males betwixt them two, lawfullie begotten, to the obteining whereof, king Henrie should shew all his furtherance; & if it might not be brought to passe till king Henrie had obtei­ned the crowne of France, then should he sée the same performed, vpon the receiuing of his ho­mage.

The king of England, after all the articles of the said treaties and agréements were concluded, The effect of king Henries oration to the French king. passed line 10 and sworne vnto, made to the French king, the duke of Burgognie, and other the French lords, a sumptu­ous banket; and before they departed from the same, he sadlie and with great grauitie made to them a right pithie and sententious oration, declaring to them both how profitable the ioining of the two kingdomes should be to the subiects of the same, and also the right that he had thereto, being by lineall des­cent of the womans side (which is the furest) rather a Frenchman than an Englishman. And though he line 20 was an Englishman borne, yet he assured them to tender the wealth of the realme of France, as much as he would the aduancement of his owne natiue countrie of England.

Herewith, he inueied against Charles the Dol­phin, being the head and onelie mainteiner of all the ciuill discord, whose wicked nature, and cruell disposi­tion, did well appeare in the murther of the late duke of Burgognie. He therefore willed them, according to their dutie, oth, and agréement, to stand with him, line 30 and helpe to reduce such a stubborne and disloiall sonne vnto the obeisance of his father king Charles, that he might shew himselfe conformable vnto such orders and decrées, as they had taken, appointed, and agréed vpon: and for his part, he promised to worship, loue, and honor his father in law the said K. Charles, in place of his owne father, according to the true me­ning of this concord and agréement, trusting the same to be a peace finall.

And to conclude, he promised, that if they shewed line 40 themselues true and loiall to him, according to the same agréement; the Ocean sea should sooner ceasse to slow, and the bright sunne lose his light, than he would desist from dooing that which became a prince to doo to his subiect, or a father to his naturall child. When he had thus persuaded the nobilitie, and dis­patched his businesse at Troies, he with all his ar­mie, hauing with him the French king, and the duke of Burgognie, departed from thence the fourth of Iune; It was ren­dered vp the tenth of Iune Titus Liuius. Sens & Mō ­streau besie­ged and taken. The siege was laid the 16. of Iune. and vpon the seauenth daie of the same mo­neth came before the towne of Sens in Burgognie, line 50 which held on the Dolphins part: but after foure daies siege, it was yéelded vnto the king, and there he made capteine, the lord Genuille. From thence, he remooued to Monstreau on fault Yonne, which towne was taken on the three and twentith daie of Iune, by assault, so that manie of the Dolphins part were apprehended, before they could get to the castell.

Whilest the siege laie there, and before the towne line 60 was entred, the duke of Bedford came thither vnto the king, bringing with him a faire retinue of soldi­ers out of England. After the getting of the towne, the castell being well vittelled and manned, denied to render, and therefore was it enuironed with a strong siege. During the which, the duke of Burgognie was informed, in what place of the towne the duke his father was buried, who was slaine there (as before you haue heard) and now his corps was taken vp a­gaine by his sonnes appointment, and [...]eared, and so conueied vnto Digeon in high Burgognie, and there buried by his father Philip; to the end that the remembrance of him should remaine to posterities, by the reseruation of some monument abiding in the place of his interment, after that his bodie was consumed, and his naturall countenance forgotten. Which is the last point of reuerend dutie (as we may well thinke) which pietie of children towards their pa­rents dooth require; namelie, that they be decentlie buried when they be departed, and that their graues or toome stones may put vs that are aliue in mind of going the same waie, and to set no more by this flit­ting life, than standeth with the vncerteintie and shortnesse of the same; as one right well saith:

Cùm tumulum cernis, cur non mortalia spornis?
Esto memor mortis, quo viuis tempore fortis.

Bicause they within the castell of Monstreau, gaue opprobrious words vnto the kings herald that was sent to them, the king caused a gibet to be set vp before the castle, on the which were hanged twelue of those spitefull offendors, all gentlemen & freends to the capteine named monsieur de Guitrie, who at length, perceiuing that by no means he could be suc­coured; and fearing to be taken by force▪ began to treat with the king of England, It held not out so long as should appeare by Tit. Liuius, who saith, y t it was ren­dred y e fourth of Iulie. who for the space of eight daies would hearken to none of his offers; but in conclusion, he and his rendred themselues simplie, their liues onelie saued, six wéekes after they had béene besieged. The earle of Warwike was made capteine, both of the towne and castell, who fortified it with men, munition, and vittels.

[About this time Robert the gouernour of Scot­land, W.P. Buchan. lib. [...]. the fiftéenth yéere after his brothers reigne, and in the thirtith yeare of his owne regiment deceassed, in whose steed and office his sonne Mordac duke of Albanie was by and by chosen, who had sonnes three, Walter, Alexander, and Iames, whereof the two el­dest beginning betimes to be obstinate, grew soone after verie graceles and wicked: that in one flagiti­ous feat among the rest by this Walter verie impi­ouslie against his parents was vttered. The gouer­nour had a faire, a gentle, and well flieng falcon, whereby he set great store. The sonne verie desirous of the same, made manie meanes and motions to haue hir, not without note of malapert importunitie and lacke of reuerence toward his parents pleasure, which the father dissembling to sée, would not yet in anie wise forgo his hawke. Whereat this child reiec­ting regard of dutie, and receiuing an vnnaturall hate and heat by broth of iniquitie set a boiling in his brest, came in on a time, where standing a while at a sudden braid, pluckt awaie the bird from his fathers fist, and straight before his face wrang of hir necke. The gouernour heereat sore astonied, for verie greefe gaue a great grone; Well sonne (quod he) since yée cannot bridle your brunts for dutie and reuerence toward me your parent and souereigne, I will bring in one that shall bridle vs both. Heerevpon soone af­ter, he with one Calen Campbell, a noble man & of much authoritie (vnto whome this Walter had doone a great despight) and with other of the nobilitie fell straight in consultation about the calling home of their king. Which all with one assent they did right well allow, whereby soone after (as is touched afore, and followeth more at large) he was by them in his kingdome right roiallie placed. But this came of it. These mischéefous children Walter and Alexander, the verie cause of their fathers confusion and their owne, within few yeares after condemned by law, vpon a hill by Sterling castell, had their heads chopt off at once. Walters wife with hir two sonnes, An­drew and Alexander, ran for refuge awaie into Ire­land; thus for their long iniquities their hires iustlie paid all in a daie.]

Now to procéed in our processe of France. After the thus winning of the towne and castell of Mon­streau; the king departing from thence, Melun be [...] ­ged by king Henrie. came to Melun vpon Seine, the thirteenth daie of Iulie, and [Page 577] besieged it round about, hauing then in companie with him the French king, and the yoong king of Scots, the dukes of Burgognie, Clarence, Bedford, Glocester, The king of Scots in K. [...] armie and Bar, the prince of Orainge, and one and twentie earles, besides lords, barons, & knights, equall to lords in degree, to the number of seauen and fiftie, what of England and France; and beside also fiftéene maister soldiers. This siege continued the space almost of seuen moneths, Eightéene w [...]kes haue the chronicles of Flanders. [...] Liuius. or (as Thomas Wal­singham saith) fouretéene wéekes, and foure daies, with skirmishing, scaling, assaulting, and defending, line 10 to the losse (no doubt) of both parts. Capteine of this towne was one monsieur de Barbason, a Gascoine of such experience and approoued valiancie in wars, Monsieur de Barbason a valiāt captein. that his renowme and fame was spred through the world.

At the first laieng of the siege, he called all the sol­diers there in garrison, and likewise the townesmen afore him, and warned them all on paine of death, that none of them should be so hardie, as to treat, or once to motion anie word of surrendring the towne, line 20 or of comming to anie composition or agréement with the two kings; except they made him being their capteine priuie thereto, before they attempted anie such thing. ¶ In the meane season, the French queene, the queene of England, and the duches of Burgognie, lieng at Corbeill, came diuerse times to visit their husbands, and to sée their fréends; whome the king of England highlie feasted, and louinglie interteined, that euerie creature reported great ho­nour of him. Titus Liuius. This towne of Melun séemed verie line 30 strong, both by reason of the riuer of Seine, which compassed part thereof, and also by strong walles, turrets, ditches, and bulworks made about it.

The king therefore, to take awaie all the issues and entries from them within, made a bridge ouer the riuer, able to beare horsses and carriage: and a­gaine, appointed diuerse botes furnished with men of warre, to kéepe the streame; so that they within should haue no waie to come abroad, either by water or land: yet on a daie, the Frenchmen sailed foorth, line 40 and assailed the English lodgings, where the earle of Warwike was incamped on the east side of the towne, not farre from the duke of Burgognie; but by the valiant prowesse and manlie courage of the Englishmen, the enimies were easilie beaten backe and constreined to retire into the towne againe, with their losse. Héere is to be remembred, that du­ring this siege before Melun, there came to the king the duke of Bauiere, The d [...]ke of Bauiere com­meth to king Henrie with a [...]ber of horssemen. the kings brother in law (but the kings sister that had beene married to him, was line 50 not then liuing) and brought with him seauen hun­dred well appointed horssemen, which were reteined to serue the king, and right worthilie they bare them­selues, and therefore most liberallie recompensed at the kings hand, for the time they continued in his seruice.

The king inforced this siege by all waies and meanes possible, to bring the towne into subiection, as well by mines as otherwise, but they within the line 60 towne so valiantlie behaued themselues, as well by countermines (whereby at length they entered into the kings mines) as by other waies of resistance, that by force of assaults it was not thought anie ea­sie matter to win the same. It fortuned on a daie, that whilest there rose a contention betwixt two lords of the kings host, The trāslator of Ti [...]. Liuius. who should haue the honor to go first into the mine, to incounter with the French­men, that now had brought their mine through into the English mines, and made barriers betwixt, that they might safelie come and fight with the English­men: K. Henrie and mōsieur Bar­bason fight hand to hand. the king (to auoid the strife) entered the mine himselfe first of all other, and by chance came to fight hand to hand with the lord Barbason, who was likewise entered the mine before all other of them within the towne.

After they had fought a good season togither, at length they agreed to discouer either to other their names; so as the lord Barbason; first declaring what he was; the king likewise told him, that he was the king of England. Wherevpon, Barbason percei­uing with whome he had fought, caused the barriers foorthwith to be closed, and withdrew into the citie, and the king returned backe to his campe. At length, vittels within the towne began to faile, and the pesti­lence began to wax hot, so that the lord Barbason began to treat; and in conclusion, about the middest of Nouember (as Fabian saith) the towne was yeel­ded vpon certeine conditions, where of one was, It was sur­rendred about Alhalontide, as▪ Thom. Wal. noteth. that all that were consenting to the death of the duke of Burgognie, should be deliuered to the king of Eng­land, of whome the lord Barbason was suspected to be one. Melun yéel­ded vp to king Henrie. The king sent them vnder the conduct of his brother the duke of Clarence, to the citie of Paris, whereof the French king made him capteine, and so at his comming thither, he tooke possession of the Ba­still of S. Anthonie, the Loure, the house of Néelle, and the place of Bois de Uincennes.

Monsieur de Barbason was accused by the duke of Burgognie, Titus Liuius▪ and his sisters as guiltie to their fa­thers death; but he in open court defended himselfe as not guiltie of that crime, granting indeed and con­fessing, that he was one of the familiar seruants to the Dolphin, but that he was priuie or consenting to the death of the duke of Burgognie, he vtterlie deni­ed. Wherevpon he was not condemned, neither yet acquited, by reason of such presumptions and coniec­tures as were alledged and brought against him, so that he remained in prison at Paris and else-where, the space of nine yeares, till at length, being brought vnto castell Galliard, it chanced that the same castell was woone by those of the Dolphins part, and he be­ing as then prisoner there, escaped out of danger, and so by that means was set at libertie, as after shall appeare.

Some write, that he had béene put to death, Note this ap [...]peale. if he had not appealed from king Henries sentence, vnto the iudgement of the officers at armes; alledging, that by the lawe of armes, A note in law of armes. no man hauing his bro­ther in armes within his danger, afterwards ought to put him to death for any cause or quarell. And that he was the kings brother in armes he prooued it, for that he had fought with him hand to hand within the mines (as before yee haue heard) which combat was thought of equall force by the heralds, as if he had fought with the king bodie to bodie, within solemne lists. The credit of this matter we leaue to the con­sideration of the readers. The earle of Huntington was made capteine of Melum. In defense of this towne and castell, W. P. the French had gotten vnto them manie Scots. At the siege héere the king kept with him yoong Iames of Scotland, who sent to those Scots, that they should come out and yéeld them vn­to him, and not to stand in armes against their liege lord and king; but they gaue word backe againe, they could not take him for king, that was in the power of another, and so kept them in hold and in their ar­mor still. King Henrie vpon winning of these forts, for their rebellion against their prince, which they would haue to be counted constancie, and for their contemptuous answer vnto him, twentie of the proudest, in example of the rest, caused he there to be hanged at once.

From thence the king departed with his armie vnto Corbeill, where the French king and the two queenes then soiourned; and after, both the kings, ac­companied with the dukes of Bedford, Burgognie, Glocester, and Excester, and the earls of Warwike [Page 578] and Salisburie, with a great number of noble men and knights, set foorth towards Paris, whome the ci­tizens in good order met without the gates, and the cleargie also with solemne procession. All the streets were hanged with rich clothes, King Henrie is receiued in at Paris. the two kings rode togither (the king of England giuing the vpper hand to his father in lawe) through the great citie of Pa­ris, to our ladie church, where after they had said their deuotions, they departed vnto their lodgings; the French king to the house of S. Paule, and the king line 10 of England to the castell of Louer.

The next daie, the two queenes made their entrie and were receiued with like solemnities, as their husbands were the day before. During all the season that these two kings laie in Paris, there was a great assemblie called, as well of the spiritualtie, as of the nobles of the temporaltie, in the which, the kings sat as iudges, The duches of Burgognie hir appeale. before whom the duches of Bur­gognie by hir proctor, appealed the Dolphin, and sea­uen other, for the murther of duke Iohn hir husband. line 20 To the which appeale, the counsell of the other part made diuerse offers of amends, as well of foundati­ons of chantries for préests, to praie for the soule, as recompense of monie to the widow and children: for the finall determination whereof, the kings, to take further aduise and counsell therein, appointed another daie.

At this same time, the thrée estates of the realme of France assembled at Paris, and there euerie per­son seuerallie sware vpon the holie euangelists, The oth of the threé esta­tes of Frāce. to keepe, support, mainteine and defend the treatie and line 30 finall accord, which was concluded betwéene the two kings, and thereto euerie noble man, spirituall go­uernour and temporall ruler, set to their seales, which instruments were sent to the kings treasurie of his eschecker at Westminster safelie to be kept, where they yet remaine. The French king at the same time being in good and perfect state of health, openlie there in parlement declared, that peace was concluded, accorded, and made by his frée assent, and with the ad­uise line 40 of all the councell of France, and that he would for his owne part, and that his successors ought for their parts, obserue and kéepe the same, with all the articles therein conteined. And likewise, that all his subiects were bound for euer, to obserue and kéepe the same, without breaking or dooing anie thing preiudi­ciall therevnto.

During the time that the two kings thus soiour­ned in Paris, the French king kept a small port, ve­rie few, and those of the meaner sort resorting vnto line 50 his court: but the king of England kept such a so­lemne state, with so plentifull an house, and shewed himselfe so bountifull in gifts, and setting foorth of warlike shewes and princelie pastimes, that all the noble men and other resorted to his palace, King Henrie taketh vpon him the office of regent of France. to see his estate, and to doo him honor. He tooke vpon him as re­gent of France, to redresse causes, remooue officers, reforme things that were amisse, and caused a new coine to be made, called a salute, wherein were the armes of France, The coine salute. and the armes of England and line 60 France quarterlie stamped. Also, to set all things in quiet, he constituted sir Gilbert Umfreuile capteine of Melun, with a good number of valiant soldiers, to remaine there in garrison, and the earle of Hun­tington (coosine germane to the king) was deputed capteine at Blois de Uincenes; and the duke of Ex­cester, with fiue hundred men of warre, was assigned to keepe Paris. Thus had king Henrie (when he was constituted gouernour of the land) the disposing of prouinces, townes, and castels at his pleasure; and the making of lawes and ordinances, standing with the drift of his policie to kéepe both people in due obe­dience; as Anglorum praelia bréefelie noteth; saieng:

Rectorem patria postquam rex Gallus & omnes
Vnanimes proceres Henricum constituerunt;
Plantageneta dabat princeps iam iura duabus
Gentibus, effraenes ductis cohibebat habenis.

The duke of Bauier about the same time, The duke of Bauier & [...] troope with the kings [...] ­uor departed▪ with the kings licence, departed into his countrie, both he and his retinue, receiuing large gifts of the kings great liberalitie, and amongst other things, the king gaue him a cup of gold, garnished and set with pretious stones of great price and value. Moreouer, he had a pension giuen him of a thousand markes by yeare, vnder the kings letters patents, to be had and recei­ued of the kings frée and liberall grant, during the life of the said duke. A right roiall reward & worthie the maiestie of a king, bestowed vpon the said duke; and his retinue, partlie in respect of the aliance be­twixt the king and him (for he had maried the kings sister) but speciallie for the notable seruice which they did him at the siege before Melun. So that hereby is commended vnto vs an example of gratitude and beneficence; teaching vs, that to such as haue béene good and gratious vnto vs, we should be alwaies for­ward with a right hand and readie mind to make a­mends in some proportion and measure.

When the king had thus ordered his businesse, he with the quéene his wife, the princes, year 1421 & nobles of the realme departed from Paris, the sixt of Ianuarie, and came to Rone, but first before his departing, he caused processe to be made and awarded foorth a­gainst Charles the Dolphin, commanding him to appéere at the marble table at Paris; where for lacke of appearance, Sentence a­gainst the Dolphin. he was with all solemnitie in such case requisite, denounced guiltie of the murther and homicide of Iohn duke of Burgognie, and by the sentence of parlement banished the realme: but the Dolphin withdrew into Languedoc, and after to Poictiers, getting to him such fréends as he could; and namelie, he found the earle of Arminacke verie faithfull to him, not onelie aiding him with men, but also with his owne person he continuallie serued him against all his aduersaries.

The king of England comming to Rone, These coun­ties they in­ioied of the kings gift. soiour­ned there a certeine time, and receiued the homage of all the nobles of Normandie, amongst whome, the earle of Stafford did homage for the countie of Perch, and Arthur of Britaine likewise for the coun­tie of Yurie. He also ordeined his lieutenant gene­rall, both of France and Normandie, his brother Thomas duke of Clarence; and his deputie in Nor­mandie was the earle of Salisburie. When the feast of Christmasse was passed, he departed from Rone, with the quéene his wife, and by Ami [...]ns came to Calis, where he tooke ship the morow after Candle­masse daie, and landed at Douer, He landed at Douer vpon Candlemasse eéue saith Tho. Walsingham. and came to Can­turburie, and from thence to Eltham, and so through London to Westminster. I passe ouer to write what ioy and triumph was shewed by the citizens of Lon­don, and of all other his subiects in euerie place where he came.

The king himselfe, to render vnto God his most humble & hartie thanks, King Henrie returneth into England with his [...] wife. Thomas Wal­singham saith she was c [...] ­ned the first in Lent. which that yere fell vpon the ninth of Februarie. The corona­tion of [...] Katharine. caused solemne processions to be obserued and kept fiue daies togither in euerie citie and towne. After that doone, he made great purueiance for the coronation of his quéene & spouse, the faire ladie Katharine: which was doone the daie of S. Matthew, being the twentie fourth of Febru­arie, with all such ceremonies and princelie solemni­tie as apperteined. Which because it was full of roial­tie and honour (the qualitie of the principall perso­nages requiring no lesse) and recorded by writers of former ages, it séemeth necessarie and conuenient in this place to report it, in such sort as it is found at large in some, though others glansinglie passe by it, as a matter of no great obseruation. But it is worth the noting, to consider and take a view of the goodlie [Page 579] order and reuerend dutifulnesse exhibited on all sides to the new quéene; of whome Anglorum praelia saith,

More coronatur maiorum regia coniux,
Ingeminans rex ô viuat, regináque vulgus,
Al [...]isonis suprema ferit clamoribus astra.

¶After the great solemnization at the foresaid coronation in the church of saint Peters at West­minster was ended, Abr. Fl. out of Fabian, pag. 4 [...]2, 403. the queene was conueied into the great hall of Westminster, and there set to din­ner. Upon whose right hand sat at the end of the line 10 table the archbishop of Canturburie, A roiall ban­ket. & Henrie sur­named the Rich cardinall of Winchester. Upon the left hand of the quéene sat the king of Scots in his e­state, who was serued with couered messe, as were the forenamed bishops; but yet after them. Upon the same hand and side, néere the boords end, sat the duchesse of Yorke and the countesse of Huntington. The earle of March, holding a scepter in his hand, knéeled vpon the right side: the earle marshall in like manner on the left of the quéene. The countesse of Kent sat vnder the table at the right foot, and the line 20 countesse marshall at the left. The duke of Glocester sir Humfrie was that daie ouerseer, and stood before the queene bareheaded. Sir Richard Neuill was that daie caruer to the quéene, the earles brother of Suffolke cupbearer, sir Iohn Steward sewar, the lord Clifford pantler in the earle of Warwikes stéed, the lord Willoughbie buttler in steed of the erle of Arundell, the lord Graie Ruthin or Riffin nape­rer, the lord Audleie almoner in stéed of the earle of Cambridge, the earle of Worcester was that daie line 30 earle marshall in the earle marshals absence; who rode about the hall vpon a great courser with a mul­titude of tipped staues about him, to make and kéepe roome in the said hall. Of the which hall the barons of the cinque ports began the table vpon the right hand, toward saint Stephans chappell; and beneath them at the table sat the vowchers of the chancerie. Upon the left hand next to the cupboord sat the ma­ior and his brethren the aldermen of London. The line 40 bishops began the table against the barons of the cinque ports; and the ladies against the maior. Of which two tables, for the bishops, began the bishop of London and the bishop of Durham; and for the la­dies, the countesse of Stafford, and the countesse of March.

The feast was all of fish: for the ordering of the seruice whereof were diuerse lords appointed head of­ficers, as steward, controller, surueior, and other ho­nourable officers. For the which were appointed the earles of Northumberland and Westmerland, the line 50 lord Fitz Hugh, the lord Furneuall, the lord Graie of Wilton, the lord Ferres of Grobie, the lord Poi­nings, the lord Harrington, the lord Darcie, the lord Dacres, and the lord de la Ware. These with o­thers ordered the seruice of the feast as followeth; and thus for the first course. The first course. Brawne and mustard, eeles in burneux, frument with balien, pike in herbarge, lamprie powdered, trowt, codling, plaice fried, mar­tine fried, crabs, leech lumbard flourished, tartes; line 60 and a deuise called a pellican, sitting on hir nest with hir birds, and an image of saint Katharine holding a booke, and disputing with doctors, holding this poe­sie in hir right hand, written in faire and legible let­ters, Madame le Royne; and the pellican answering,

C [...]eest la signe & du roy, pour tenir ioy,
Et a tout sa gent, elle mette sa entent.

The second course.The second course was: gellie coloured with co­lumbine flowers, white potage or creame of al­monds, breame of the sea, coonger, soles, cheuen, bar­bill and roch, fresh salmon, halibut, gurnard, rochet broiled, smelts fried, creuis or lobster; léech damaske, with the kings po [...]sie flourished therevpon, Vne sans plus; lamprie fresh baked, flampeine flourished with a s [...]utchion roiall, and therein thrée crownes of gold planted with flourdeluces and floure of camomill wrought of confections: with a deuise of a panther, and an image of saint Katharine with a whéele in one hand, & a scroll with a poesie in the other, to wit,

La royne mafile, in cestaile,
Per bon resoun, aues renoun.

The third course was, dates in compost, The third course. creame motle, carpe deore, turbut, tench, pearch with goion, fresh sturgion with welks, porperous rosted, mennes fried, creuisse de cau doure, pranis, éeles rosted with lamprie, a léech called the white leech flourished with hawthorne leaues & red hawes; a marchpane garni­shed with diuerse figures of angels, among which was set an image of S. Katharine, holding this pos [...]e,

Il est escrit, pur voir & eit,
Per marriage pure, cest guerre ne dure.

And lastlie a deuise of a tiger looking in a mirror, and a man sitting on horsse-backe all armed, holding in his armes a tigers whelpe with this poesie▪ Per force sans resounie ay prise ceste best: and with his owne hand making a countenance of throwing of mirrors at the great tiger, which held this poesie; Gile che mirrour ma feste distour. Thus with all honour was finished the solemne coronation, after which the quéene soiour­ned in the palace of Westminster till Palmesun­daie following; and on the morow she tooke hir iour­nie towards Windsor; where the king and she held their Easter.]

After the solemne feast of the coronation was en­ded, the king as well to visit certeine places for de­uotion by waie of pilgrimage, as also to see in what state and order diuerse parts of his realme stood, de­parted from the queene, appointing daie and place where she should méet him, and so iournied foorth from place to place, thorough sundrie countries, as well of Wales as England, and in euerie quarter where he came, Iustice mini­stred by king Henrie in pro­gresse. he heard with diligent eare the com­plaints of sutors, and tooke order for the administra­tion of iustice both to high and low, causing manie misdemeanours to be reformed. At length he came to the towne of Leicester, where he found the quéene according to the appointment before taken. Here at Leicester, he held the feast of Easter. ¶ How then standeth this with the report of Fabian, who saith, Abr. Fl. that the king and quéene kept their Easter at Windsor; and that when the said festiuall time was expired, the king made prouision for his warres in France, du­ring the tearme of Richard Whitinghams meral [...]ie of London, which was in the eight yeare of this king Henries reigne? Suerlie there must needs be an errour, either in mistaking the yeare or the place: vn­lesse we will grant the king and queene (with their court of attendants) to haue béene Hîc ibi simul, which priuilege is granted to none but Ubiquitaries.

But while these things were thus adooing in Eng­land, the duke of Clarence, Anno Reg. 9. the kings lieutenant in France and Normandie, assembled togither all the garrisons of Normandie, at the towne of Bernaie, and from thence departed to the countrie of Maine, and at Pont le Gene he passed the riuer of Yonne, and rode through all the countrie to Lucie, where he passed the riuer of Loire, and entered into Aniou, The duke of Clarēce made a rode into Aniou. and came before the citie of Angiers, where he made ma­nie knights, that is [...]o saie, sir William Ros, sir Henrie Goddard, sir Rowland Rider, sir Thomas Beaufort, called the bastard of Clarence, and diuerse other; and after that he had [...]or [...]aied, burnt, and spoiled the countrie, he returned with preie and pillage to the towne of Beaufort in the vallie, where he was aduertised, that a great number of his enimies, Frenchmen, Scots, Spaniards, and other were as­sembled togither, at a place called Uiell Bauge, that is, Old Baugie, with the duke of Alanson, Uiell Bauge or Baugie. calling [Page 580] himselfe lieutenant generall for the Dolphin.

The duke of Clarence had a Lombard resorting vnto him, reteined with the part aduerse (his name was Andrew Forgusa) of whom the duke inquired the number of his enimies, Forgusa, a Lumbard be­tra [...]th the duke of Cla­rence. to whome he reported, that their number was but small, & not of puissance to match with halfe the power of his strong armie, intising him with assurance of victorie, to set on the Frenchmen. The duke like a couragious prince, as­sembled togither all the horssemen of the armie, and line 10 left the archers vnder the guiding of the bastard of Clarence, and two Portingales, capteins of Fres­nie le vicount, saieng, that he onelie and the nobles would haue the honor of that iournie. When the duke was passed a certeine streict and narrow passage, he espied his enimies ranged in good order of battell, by the monition of the Lombard, which had sold him to his enimies, & his aduersaries had laid such ambush­ments at the streicts, that the duke by no waie with­out battell could either retire or flée. line 20

The Englishmen séeing this, valiantlie set on their enimies, The English men discomfi­ted. who were foure to one, by reason whereof at length the Englishmen were oppressed with mul­titude, and brought to confusion. There were slaine, the duke of Clarence, the earle of Tankeruile, the lord Ros, The duke of Clarence and diuerse nobles of England slaine. sir Gilbert Umfreuile earle of Angus, and sir Iohn Lomlie, sir Robert Uerend, and almost two thousand Englishmen: & the earles of Summerset, Suffolke, and Perch, the lord Fitz Water, sir Iohn Berkelie, sir Rafe Neuile, sir Henrie Inglis, sir line 30 Wiliam Bowes, sir Wiliam Longton, sir Thomas Borough, and diuerse other taken prisoners. And of the Frenchmen were slaine aboue twelue hundred of the best men of warre they had, so that they gained not much.

The bastard of Clarence which tarried at Beau­fort, being informed of the great number of the Frenchmen, made forward with all the archers, to come to the succor of the duke, but they came too late. For the Frenchmen hearing of the approching of the line 40 archers, fled with their prisoners, and left the bodie of the duke, and other the dead carcases behind them. The archers buried them all sauing the dukes corpse, which with great solemnitie was sent to England, and buried at Canturburie beside his father. After this the Englishmen burnt and spoiled the countrie of Maine, and so returned to Alanson, and after de­parted euerie man to his garrison. This battell was fought on Easter euen, in the yeare 1421. But now to returne to the king. line 50

After he had kept his Easter at Leicester, he with the quéene remooued and went northward, till they came to Yorke, where they were receiued with great ioy of the citizens, and other the nobles and gentle­men of the countrie. The king went vnto Beuerlie, to visit the shrine of saint Iohn, and immediatlie vp­on his departure from thence, the sorowfull newes of his brother the duke of Clarences death, came to him, for which he was right pensife. But sith mour­ning would not auaile, he called to remembrance line 60 what he had to doo, and therevpon without delaie, sent Edmund earle of Mortaigne, The earle of Mortaigne [...]ade lieute­nant of Nor­mandie. brother to the earle of Summerset into Normandie, giuing to him like au­thoritie and preheminence, as his brother the late de­ceassed duke of Clarence had before enioied.

After this, he called his high court of parlement, in the which he declared with such great wisedome & grauitie, A parlement. the acts which had béene doone in France, the state of the time present, and what was necessa­rie to be prouided for the time to come (if they would looke to haue that iewell and high kingdome, for the which they had so long laboured and sought) that the communaltie gladlie granted a fiftéenth, & the cler­gie beneuolentlie offred a double disme. And bicause no delaie should be in the kings affaires for lacke of paiment, The [...] Winchester lent the [...] 20000. the bishop of Winchester the kings vncle lent vnto him twentie thousand pounds, to be paid him againe of the same dismes. When all things ne­cessarie for this iournie were readie and prepared, he sent his brother the duke of Bedford before him to Calis with all his armie, being (as some write) foure thousand men of armes, and twentie thousand ar­chers and others; though some haue written, King [...] saileth into France a­gaine. that the whole armie passed not twelue thousand of one and other.

The king himselfe shortlie after, about the middle of Maie, passed the seas to Calis, He tooke sea at Douer [...] fourth of Iune, as Tiu [...] Liuius saith, and so saie the chronicles [...] Flanders. and so from thence he marched through the countrie vnto Boies de Uin­cennes, where the French king and the queene a [...] then soiourned. The duke of Burgognie also that had receiued him at Monstruell, attended him to Do­wast in Ponthieu, and there hauing taken leaue of him for six daies, returned now againe to him, accor­ding to his promise. Then did they consult togither about their affaires, and appointed in all hast to fight with the Dolphin, and to raise the siege of Chartres which he had there planted. Herevpon, the king of England with all his puissance, came to the towne of Mante, and thither repaired the duke of Burgognie; but yer they departed from thence, they had know­ledge, that the Dolphin hearing of the puissant armie of the king of England approching towards him, was recoiled with his people towards Towers in Touraine.

Herevpon the king of England incontinentlie, did not onlie send backe the duke of Burgognie into Picardie, The king o [...] Scots ser­ueth king Henrie. Dreux besie­ged & rendred to the Eng­lishmen. to resist the attempts of sir Iaques de Harecourt, which made war in that countrie for the Dolphin; but also appointed the king of Scots, with the duke of Glocester, to besiege the towne of Dreux. They comming thither about the eighteenth of Iulie, planted siege on euerie side, both of the towne and castell; and what with power of batrie, and other for­cible meanes, so constreined them within, that on the eight daie of August they compounded, that if no suf­ficient rescue came to raise the siege, before the end of twelue daies next insuing, both the towne and castell should be deliuered to the king of Englands vse, so as the soldiers might depart with their goods whither they would, except one Englishman, which was knowen to be amongst them, being fled for treason out of the kings dominions.

On the twentith daie of August, which was the day of the appointment, the king of Scots receiued the towne and castell to the behoofe of his souereigne lord the king of England, who (during all the time of the siege) laie at Moraumall. The townesmen that would remaine still in their houses, were sworne to be true subiects to the king; and the other which refu­sed, departed with the souldiers. The Englishman that was excepted, was deliuered according to the couenants; and after executed, as he had deserued. The earle of Worcester was made capteine of Dreux, and sir Henrie Mortimer bailiffe there. This doone, the king hearing that the Dolphin should be at Baugencie, assembling his power, hasted thither­wards: but at his comming into those parties, he found no appearance of enimies in the field, and so he remained there fiftéene daies.

In which meane while, the earle of Suffolke was sent foorth to discouer the countrie, and the king wan by assault the towne of Baugencie, and after when vittels began to faile, he marched forward, meaning to pursue the Dolphin. King [...] pursueth the Dolphin▪ But the Dolphin douting the English puissance, conueied all the vittels foorth of those quarters, and retired himselfe to Burges in Berrie, choosing that place as his first refuge, & there­fore determined there to remaine, till fortune tur­ning [Page 581] hir whéele, shuld looke on them with a more fauo­rable countenance, The Dol­phin, why cal­led king of Berrie. hereof in scorne was he com­monlie called king of Berrie. The king of Eng­land followed, till vittels and forrage began [...]ore to faile on all sides, and then returning, passed towards Orleance, taking the castell of Rouge Mont by as­sault.

He staied thrée daies before Orleance, and from thence, for want of vittels, marched through Gasti­nois, till he came to Uignie sur Yonne, where he re­mained line 10 for a season, to refresh his people that were sore trauelled, Titus Liuius. in that painefull passed iournie: in which the king lost not onelie manie of his men for lacke of vittels, but also a great number of horsses and carriages. Some haue written, that about the same time, he should win the citie of Sens, other­wise called the kings new towne by surrender; but after he had remained for a time at Uignie, Les histories des ducz de Normandie. we find that he remoued to Paris, where he was honorablie receiued. Abr. Fl. ¶For he came among them as one hauing line 20 empire and dominion in his hand, so that to him they were no lesse forward in submission for feare of his indignation, than readie to giue him all the inter­teinement that they could deuise for the keeping of his fauour: the lacke whereof they knew stood with the hazard of their safetie, as the contrarie tended to their welfare.

Shortlie after, considering with himselfe that the towne of Meaux in Brie, being replenished with e­nimies, was not to be suffered to remaine in that line 30 state, in the middes of his new gotten subiects; he de­termined to take awaie the open scruple that might poison and infect the members, dwelling hard by: wherefore with a great number of earles and barons in his companie, he came to besiege it. This towne was no lesse well vittelled than manned, and no bet­ter manned than fortified; so that the king could nei­ther haue it to him deliuered at his pleasure, nor gaine it by assault, without the great losse of his peo­ple: yet neuerthelesse, he determined not to depart, line 40 till he had got it by one meane or other. The riuer of Marne diuided this towne into two parts, so that there was no enterie from the one into the other, but by a bridge, raised vp, and made ouer the riuer, sustei­ned with manie arches. The one part is called the ci­tie, and the other la March, being the strongest and best fortified. The strong towne of Me­aux besieged by the Eng­lishmen. The king first lodged a mile off in a ca­stell, and sent the duke of Excester to begin the siege, which he did, according to his instructions, vpon the sixt of October. line 50

Shortlie after, the king himselfe came, and lodged in the abbeie of Pharon, the duke of Excester in the abbeie de Chage, the earle of March at the greie fri­ers, and the earle of Warwike directlie against that part that is called la March. They within defended themselues right valiantlie, so that the Englishmen were not all at their ease, but specialie through lacke of vittels manie died, and manie fell sicke, by reason whereof, no small number returned home into Eng­land; where in the meane time, on the first of Decem­ber, line 60 a parlement was called and holden at West­minster, A parlement called by the duke of Bed­ford, the king being in France. by the duke of Bedford, gouernour of the realme in the kings absence. ¶ In this parlement, a fifteenth was granted to the king towards the main­tenance of the warres, the one moitie to be paid at Candlemasse, and the other at Martinmasse, of such monie as at the time of the grant was currant.

Windsore. The birth of king Henrie the sixt.This yeare at Windsore on the daie of saint Ni­cholas in December, the quéene was deliuered of a sonne named Henrie, whose godfathers were Iohn duke of Bedford, and Henrie bishop of Winchester, and Iaquet, or (as the Frenchmen called hir) Iaque­line of Bauie [...], countesse of Holland was his god­mother. The king being certified hereof, as he laie at siege before Meaux, gaue God thanks, in that it had pleased his diuine prouidence to send him a sonne, which might succeed in his crowne and scepter. But when he heard reported the place of his natiuitie; were it that he warned by some prophesie, King Henrie prophesieth of his sonne. or had some foreknowledge, or else iudged himselfe of his sonnes fortune, he said vnto the lord Fitz Hugh his trustie chamberleine these words; ‘My lord, I Henrie borne at Monmouth, shall small time reigne, & much get; and Henrie borne at Windsore, shall long reigne, and all loose: but as God will, so be it.’

The king held his Christmasse at the siege before Meaux, for he would not giue ouer that siege, al­though his armie was greatlie diminished, by reason of lacke of vittels, extreame cold, foule weather, and other discommodities that bred great store of disea­ses and sickenesse among his people; Titus Liuius. notwithstan­ding, all the helps and means that might be, he deui­sed to remedie the same: so that beside such as died, as well of sickenesse as by the enimies hand, manie returned home into their countries. year 1422 But yet he ceas­sed not to continue the siege, beating the walles with his ordinance, and casting downe bulworkes and rampiers on ech side the towne, made approches as well by water as land, with mightie engines deui­sed of boords to defend the Englishmen, as they ap­proched the walles, and gaue assaults. The walles al­so were in diuerse places vndermined.

After this, the Englishmen found meanes, by bridges made of boats, to passe the riuer; but yet the souldiers and other within defended their rampiers and breaches most stoutlie, and with guns and quar­rels still shot at the Englishmen, of whome they slue manie, and among other the earle of Worcester was slaine, with a bullet of the great artillerie, & the lord Clifford with a quarrell of a crossebow; yet the Eng­lishmen still wan ground, and got neerer and neerer to the walles. They also woone the chiefest part of a bridge from the enimies, and kept watch and ward vpon and about the same. The earle of Warwike had also taken a Uaumure from them of the market place, built on the southside thereof, able to receiue and lodge a good number of men, which seruing to good purpose, for the better brideling of them within, he caused to be kept, and thus were they within Me­aux sore oppressed on euerie side.

Herevpon in Februarie, the capteins doubting least the citie could not be defended long, caused all the vittels and goods to be conueied into the market place, and retired all the men of warre into the same, leauing none in the other part of the citie, but the commons, and such as were not able to doo any a­uaileable seruice in the warre. The king aduertised hereof, commanded in all hast to assault the citie, which was quicklie doone; Meaux taken by assault. so that the citie by fine force was within thrée houres taken and spoiled; and the same daie the market place besieged round a­bout, and a mill woone adioining vnto the same. In Aprill, the quéene passed ouer into France, Anno Reg. 10. Queéne Ka­tharine saileth into France. with a faire retinue of men, vnder the conduct of the duke of Bedford, the duke of Glocester remaining lord gouernour of the realme in his place. At hir com­ming thither, she was so welcommed and honorablie receiued, first of hir husband, and after of hir father and mother, that she appeared to be no lesse loued of hir noble husband, than of hir déere and naturall pa­rents.

Whilest the siege still continued before Meaux, Oliuer Man­nie. O­liuer Mannie a valiant man of warre of the Dol­phins part (which before was capteine of Faleise, and yéelding it, sware neuer to beare armour against the king of England) assembled a great number of men of warre, as well Britaines as Frenchmen, that is to saie, the lord Montborchier, the lord of Coinon, the [Page 582] lord of Chatelgiron, the lord Tintignace, the lord de la Howssaie, and diuerse other, which entered into the countrie of Constantine in Normandie, and robbed and killed the Englishmen, where they might either espie or take them at their due aduantage. But the earle of Suffolke kéeper of the marches, hearing of their dooings, sent for the lord Scales, sir Iohn As­ton bailiffe of Constantine, sir William Hall, sir Iohn Banaster, and many other, out of the garrisons within that territorie, the which incountred with line 10 their enimies at a place called Le parke leuesque, in En­glish, The bishops parke.

A sore cōflict.There was a sore fight and a long betwixt them, but finallie, the Frenchmen were put to flight, so that in the conflict and chase were slaine, the lord of Coinon, the lord of Chatellgiron, and thrée hundred other: and there were taken prisoners, the lord de la Howssaie, and sir Oliuer Mannie, with threescore o­thers. The king pardoned sir Oliuer Mannie his life, though he ill deserued so great a benefit, for that he line 20 had broken his oth and promise, but he was sent into England, there to learne to speake English, and so being brought to London, shortlie after died, being as then a verie aged man, & was buried in the white friers. Abr. Fl. ¶ But here note (by the waie) the roiall hart of this king, who as he tempered all his actions with singular circumspection; so with a pitifull mind he pondered the miserie of his enimies; so that when he might ( Iure belli, by the law of armes) haue spoiled them of goods and life, he diuerse times spared both; line 30 with clemencie cōmonlie making conquest of them, who séemed by open hostilitie scarse conquerable.

The king lieng still before the market place at Meaux in Brie (as ye haue heard) sore beat the wals with his ordinance, and cast downe bulworkes and rampiers on euerie side the towne, so that he had made an open breach for his people to enter. Wherof the lord of Offemont being aduertised, with a com­panie of chosen persons sent by the Dolphin, assaied in the night season to enter the towne, to the suc­cours of them within. But though diuerse of his peo­ple line 40 got ouer the walles, by helpe of ladders which they had set vp; yet such was his chance, that as he passed a planke, to haue come to the walles, he fell into a déepe ditch; and in the meane time, the Englishmen perceiuing by the noise what the matter meant, came running to the ditch, tooke the lord of Offemont, and slue diuerse of his companie that stood in defense.

Continuation de la chroni­cles de Flan­ders.The capteins within, perceiuing in what case they stood, by reason their succours were thus intercep­ted, and doubting to be taken by assault, for that they line 50 wanted munition and weapon, began to treat with the king of England, who appointed the earle of Warwike, and the lord Hungerford, to commune with them; and in conclusion an accord was taken, and so the towne and market place with all the goods were deliuered into the king of Englands hands, the tenth daie of Maie, in the yeare 1422. The ap­pointment taken with them of this towne was this, that they should yéeld themselues simplie vnto the kings pleasure, Titus Liuius. The conditi­ons of the surrender of Meaux into the kings hands. their liues onlie saued: and herevp­on line 60 manie of them were sent ouer into England, a­mongst whome was the bishop of that towne, which shortlie after his arriuall here fell sicke and died.

There were also foure persons excepted, against whome the king might by order of law and iustice procéed as he saw cause, for their faults and trespas­ses committed. As first, the capteine of the towne, named the bastard of Uauren, the which had doone manie gréeuous oppressions to the people of the countrie thereabouts, in spoiling them of their goods and ransoming them at his pleasure. He had also put diuerse to death most cruellie, when they were not able to paie such finance and ransomes as he deman­ded. Wherevpon, being now put to death himselfe, his bodie was hanged vpon a trée that stood on an hill without the towne, on the which he had caused both husbandmen and townesmen, with other priso­ners, to be hanged before time. His standard also, which was woont to be borne before him in battell, was set vp in the same trée. The bailiffe also of the towne, and two of the chéefest burgesses that had béene of counsell with him in his vnlawfull dooings, were likewise executed. Also beside these, there were found in this towne diuerse that were accused to be guiltie of the duke of Burgognies death, wherefore they were put to their triall, in the parlement at Pa­ris, and some of them being found guiltie, were exe­cuted.

When the deliuerie of the strong towne of Me­aux was published thorough out the countrie, all the townes and fortresses in the Ile of France, in Lan­nois, in Brie, & in Champaigne, yéelded themselues to the king of England, which appointed in the same valiant capteins, and hardie soldiers. After that he had thus got possession of Meaux, and the other for­tresses, he returned againe to Bois de Uincennes, and being there receiued of the king and quéene of France, and of the queene his wife the thirtith daie of Maie, being Whitsun éeuen, they remooued all togi­ther vnto Paris, where the king of England lodged in the castell of Loure, and the French king in the house of saint Paule. These two kings kept great e­state with their quéenes, The roiall port of the K. of England▪ at this high feast of Pente­cost, but the king of Englands court greatlie excée­ded, so that all the resort was thither. The Parisiens that beheld his princelie port & high magnificence, iudged him rather an emperour than a king, and their owne king to be in respect of him like a duke or marquesse.

The Dolphin hauing knowledge by espials where the king of England and his power laie, came with all his puissance ouer the riuer of Loire, and besieged Cosneie, a towne situate vpon that riuer, Cosneie besie­ged by the Dolphin. a six score miles distant from Paris, and appointed part of his armie to waste and destroie the confines of the du­chie of Burgognie, to the intent to diuide the power of the king of England, from the strength of the duke of Burgognie, supposing (as it came to passe in­déed) that the duke would make hast towards Bur­gognie, to defend his owne lands. In the meane time, they within Cosneie were so hard handled, that they promised to render their towne to the Dolphin, if they were not rescued by the king of England within ten daies. King Henrie hearing these newes would not send anie one creature, but determined to go himselfe to the raising of that siege, and so with all diligence came to the towne of Corbeill, and so to Senlis, where (whether it were with heat of the aire, or that he with his dailie labour were féebled or wea­kened) he began to wax sicke, yea and so sicke, The king [...] ­leth sicke. that he was constreined to tarrie, and send his brother the duke of Bedford to rescue them of Cosneie, Cosneie res­cued by the duke of Bed­ford. which he did to his high honor. For the Dolphin hearing that the duke of Bedford was comming to raise his siege departed thence into Berrie, to his great dishonor, and lesse gaine.

About the same time, Titus Liuius. The duke [...] Britaine s [...] ­deth ambassa­dors to the [...] of England. the duke of Britaine sent his chancellor the bishop of Maunts, with the bishop of Uannes, and others of his councell, as ambassa­dors from him vnto king Henrie, with full commissi­on, to ratifie and allow for him and his people the peace concluded at Troies: but by reason of the kings gréeuous sicknesse, nothing was then doone in that matter. Neuerthelesse, the duke himselfe in per­son came afterwards to Amiens, and there perfor­med that which he had appointed his ambassadors at this time, in his name, to haue doone and accompli­shed. [Page 583] In the meane season, The king of England is [...]rought sicke to Bois de Uincennes. king Henrie waxed sicker and sicker, and so in an horsselitter was coueied to Bois de Uincennes, to whome shortlie after repai­red the dukes of Bedford and Glocester, & the earles of Salisburie and Warwike, whome the king lo­uinglie welcomed, and séemed glad of their presence.

Now, when he saw them pensife for his sicknesse, and great danger of life wherein he presentlie laie, he with manie graue, His aduise vpon his death bed. courteous, and pithie words, recomforted them the best he could, and therewith ex­horted them to be trustie and faithfull vnto his sonne, line 10 and to see that he might be well and vertuouslie brought vp. And as concerning the rule and gouer­nance of his realms, during the minoritie and yoong yeares of his said sonne, he willed them to ioine to­gither in fréendlie loue and concord, keeping conti­nuall peace and amitie with the duke of Burgognie, and neuer to make treatie with Charles that called himselfe Dolphin of Uienne, by the which anie part either of the crowne of France, or of the duches of line 20 Normandie and Guien may be lessened or dimini­shed; and further, that the duke of Orleance, and the other princes should still remaine prisoners, till his sonne came to lawfull age, least returning home a­gaine, they might kindle more fire in one daie than might be quenched in thrée.

He further aduised them, that if they thought it necessarie, that it should be good to haue his brother Humfreie duke of Glocester to be protector of Eng­land, during the nonage of his sonne, and his brother line 30 the duke of Bedford, with the helpe of the duke of Burgognie to rule and to be regent of France, com­manding him with fire and sword to persecute the Dolphin, till he had either brought him to reason and obeisance, or else to driue and expell him out of the realme of France. Titus Liuius. And herewith he protested vnto them, that neither the ambitious desire to inlarge his dominions, neither to purchase vaine renowme and worldlie fame, nor anie other consideration had mooued him to take the warres in hand; but onelie that in prosecuting his iust title, he might in the end line 40 atteine to a perfect peace, and come to enioie those péeces of his inheritance, which to him of right be­longed: Chéeflie Chi­ [...]helie archb. of Cantur. for dashing y • bill against the cleargie, as appeares before, pag. 545, 546. and that before the beginning of the same warres, he was fullie persuaded by men both wise and of great holinesse of life, that vpon such intent he might and ought both begin the same warres, and follow them, till he had brought them to an end iust­lie and rightlie, and that without all danger of Gods displeasure or perill of soule.

The noble men present, promised to obserue his line 50 precepts, and to performe his desires; but their hearts were so pensife, and replenished with sorrow, that one could not for weeping behold an other. Then he said the seauen psalmes, and receiued the sacrament, and in saieng the psalmes of the passion ended his daies héere in this world, at Bois saint Uincent, the last of August, He departed this life the last of August 1422. The commē ­dation of king Henrie the fi [...] as is expressed by maist. Hall. in the yeare a thousand foure hundred twentie and two. This Henrie was a king, of life without spot, a prince whome all men loued, and of line 60 none disdained, a capteine against whome fortune neuer frowned, nor mischance once spurned, whose people him so seuere a iusticer both loued and obei­ed (and so humane withall) that he left no offense vn­punished, nor fréendship vnrewarded; a terrour to rebels, and suppressour of sedition, his vertues nota­ble his qualities most praise-worthie.

In strength and nimblenesse of bodie from his youth few to him comparable, for in wrestling, lea­ping, and running, no man well able to compare. In casting of great iron barres and heauie stones he ex­celled commonlie all men, neuer shrinking at cold, nor slothfull for heat; and when he most laboured, his head commonlie vncouered; no more wearie of harnesse than a light cloake, verie valiantlie abiding at needs both hunger and thirst; so manfull of mind as neuer seene to quinch at a wound, or to smart at the paine; not to turne his nose from euill sauour, nor close his eies from smoke or dust; no man more moderate in eating and drinking, with diet not de­licate, but rather more meet for men of warre, than for princes or tender stomachs. Euerie honest person was permitted to come to him, sitting at meale, where either secretlie or openlie to declare his mind. High and weightie causes as well betweene men of warre and other he would gladlie heare, and either determined them himselfe, or else for end committed them to others. He slept verie little, but that verie soundlie, in so much that when his soldiers soong at nights, or minstrels plaied, he then slept fastest; of courage inuincible, of purpose vnmutable, so wise-hardie alwaies, as feare was banisht from him; at euerie alarum he first in armor, and formost in orde­ring. In time of warre such was his prouidence, bountie and hap, as he had true intelligence, not one­lie what his enimies did, but what they said and inten­ded: of his deuises and purposes few, before the thing was at the point to be done, should be made priuie.

He had such knowledge in ordering and guiding an armie, with such a gift to incourage his people, that the Frenchmen had constant opinion he could neuer be vanquished in battell. Such wit, such pru­dence, and such policie withall, that he neuer enter­prised any thing, before he had fullie debated and fore­cast all the maine chances that might happen, which doone with all diligence and courage he set his pur­pose forward. What policie he had in finding present remedies for sudden mischeeues, and what engines in sauing himselfe and his people in sharpe distresses: were it not that by his acts they did plainlie appeare, hard were it by words to make them credible. Wan­tonnesse of life and thirst in auarice had he quite quenched in him; vertues in deed in such an estate of souereigntie, youth, and power, as verie rare, so right commendable in the highest degrée. So staied of mind and countenance beside, that neuer iolie or triumphant for victorie, nor sad or damped for losse or misfortune. For bountifulnesse and liberalitie, no man more frée, gentle, and franke, in bestowing re­wards to all persons, according to their deserts: for his saieng was, that he neuer desired monie to kéepe, but to giue and spend.

Although that storie properlie serues not for theme of praise or dispraise, yet what in breuitie may well be remembred, in truth would not be forgotten by sloth, were it but onlie to remaine as a spectacle for mag­nanimitie to haue alwaies in eie, and for incourage­ment to nobles in honourable enterprises. Knowen be it therefore, of person and forme was this prince rightlie representing his heroicall affects, of stature and proportion tall and manlie, rather leane than grose, somewhat long necked and blacke haired, of countenance amiable, eloquent and graue was his spéech, and of great grace and power to persuade: for conclusion, a maiestie was he that both liued & died a paterne in princehood, a lode-starre in honour, and mirrour of magnificence: the more highlie exalted in his life, the more déepelie lamented at his death, and famous to the world alwaie. Peter Basset (a chéefe man in his chamber) affirmed that he deceassed of a pleurisie, though the Scots and French set it downe to be of saint Feacres disease, that they saie was a palsie with a crampe, which Enguerant reports to be saint Anthonies fire, but neither of them trulie. ¶ Anglorum praelia saith, that it was a sharpe feuer, Abr. Fl. out of Angl. prael. sub Hen. [...]. which happening vnto him (wearied with the broiles of warre) in a verie vnseasonable time of the yeare, namelie the dog daies, tormented him the sorer, and [Page 584] grew to be not onelie dangerous, but also desperat; for it left him not till life was extinguished: the poets report is, as followeth:

Interea fractúm (que) aestu nimió (que) labore
Corripit Henricum languentem febris acuta,
Coeli intemperies, sextili Sirius ardens
Virus
A pestilent feuer.
pestiferi fecit ingrandescere
A pestilent feuer.
morbi.

His bodie imbalmed and closed in lead, was laid in a chariot roiall, richlie apparelled with cloth of gold. Upon his coffin was laid a representation of his person, adorned with robes, diadem, scepter, & ball, line 10 like a king; the which chariot, six horsses drew richlie trapped, with seuerall appointments; the first with the armes of S. George, the second with the armes of Normandie, the third of king Arthur, the fourth of saint Edward, the fift of France, and the sixt with the armes of England and France. On this same chariot gaue attendance Iames K. of Scots, the principall mourner, king Henries vncle Tho­mas duke of Excester, Richard earle of Warwike, the earle of March Edmund, the earle of Stafford line 20 Humfrie, the earle of Mortaigne Edmund Beau­fort, the lord Fitz Hugh Henrie, the lord Hunger­ford Walter, sir Robert Robsert lord Bourchier, sir Iohn Cornwall lord Fanhope, and the lord Crum­well were the other mourners. Lord Crum­well. The lord Louell, the lord Audeleie, the lord Morleie, the lord Sowch bare the baners of saints and auoouries, as then they were called; the baron of Dudleie bare the standard, and the earle of Longuile the baner. The hachments were caried onelie by capteins to the number of line 30 twelue; and round about the chariot rode fiue hun­dred men of armes all in blacke armour, their hors­ses barbed blacke, and they with the but ends of the [...] speares vpwards.

The conduct of this dolorous funerall was com­mitted to sir William Philip, treasuror of the kings houshold, and to sir William Porter, his cheefe car­uer, and others. Beside this, on euerie side of the cha­riot went thrée hundred persons, holding long tor­ches, & lords bearing baners, ba [...]er [...]ls, and penons. line 40 With this funerall appointment was he conue [...]ed from Bois de Uincennes, to Paris, and so to Rone, to Abuile, to Calis, to Douer, from thence thorough London to Westminster, where he was interted with such solemne ceremonies▪ mourning of lords, praier of priests, and such lamenting of commons, as neuer before then the like was se [...]ne [...]n England. Shortlie after this solemne buriall, his sorowfull quéene returned into England, and kept hir estate line 50 with the yoong king hir sonne.

Thus ended this puissant prince his most noble and fortunate reigne, whose life (saith Hall) though cruell Atropos abbreuiated; yet neither fi [...]e, malice, nor [...]retting time shall appall his honour, or blot out the glorie of him that in so small time had doone so ma­nie and roiall acts. W. P. [In this yeare, the one and twen­tith of October deceassed the gentle and welbeloued Charles French king the sixt of [...] name, who was buried at S. Denis. Abr. Fl. out of Angl. prael.] ¶So that betwéene the death line 60 of these two kings, namelie the one of England, the other of France, there was no great space of time; sith Charles departed in October, and Henrie in Au­gust: by the priuation of whose liues, which of the two realmes susteined the greater losse, it is a question not to be discussed. Certeine it is that they were both souereigns tenderlie loued of their subiects, as they were princes greatlie fauouring their people. Fi­nallie, in memorie of this Henrie the fift, a king of a roiall hart, and euerie waie indued with imperiall vertues, I find so fit a report co [...]spiring in truth with his properties and disposition, that I thinke it verie conuenient here to be inserted in place of an epitaph:

Henrici illustris properans mors occupat artus,
Ille suae patriae decus immortale per aeuum
Venturum, virtutis & indelebile lumen,
Celso anim [...] prorsus, leni quoque pectore ciues
N [...]n solum, at iustos hostes fideíqu [...] probatae
Dilexit, niueo raro ira [...]undior ore.

Of learned men and writers, these I find remem­bred by Bale and others, to haue liued in the daies of this noble and valiant king Henrie the fift. First, Alaine de Lin, borne in Lin, and professed a Car­melite frier in that towne, he at length became prior of that conuent, proceeded doctor of diuinitie in Cam­bridge, and wrote manie treatises; Thomas Otter­borne that wrote an historie of England, is thought to liue about this season, he was a Franciscan or graie frier, as they called them, a great student both in diuinitie and philosophie; Iohn Seguard an excel­lent poet, and a rhetorician, kept a schoole, and read to his scholers in Norwich, as is supposed, writing sundrie treatises, reproouing as well the profaning of the christian religion in monks and priests, as the abuse of poetrie in those that tooke vpon them to write filthie verses and rimes; Robert Rose a frier of the Carmelites order in Norwich commonlie cal­led the white friers, both an excellent philosopher, and diuine, procéeded doctor at Oxenford, promoted to be prior of his house, and writing diuerse treatises: a­mongst all the sophists of his time (as saith Bale) he offended none of the Wickleuists, who in that season set foorth purelie the word of God, as maie appeare by his workes.

Moreouer, Iohn Lucke, a doctor of diuinitie in Oxenford, a sore enimie to the Wiekleuists; Richard Caister borne in Norfolke, vicar of saint Stephans in Norwich, a man of great holinesse and puritie in life, fauouring (though secretlie) the doctrine of the Wickleuists, and reproouing in his sermons, the vn­chast manners and filthie example that appeared in the cleargie. Of sir Iohn Oldcastell lord Cobham ye haue heard before; William Walleis a blacke frier in Lin, and prouinciall of his order here in Eng­land, W. P. made a booke of moralizations vpon Ouids Me­tamorphôseis, comparable to postils vpon Aesops Fables; Richard Snetisham, a student in Oxenford, where he profited so greatlie in learning and wise­dome, that he was accounted the chéefest in all that vniuersitie, in respect whereof he was made chancel­lor of the same, chosen also to be one of the twelue to examine and iudge vpon Wickliffes doctrine by the archbishop of Canturburie; Iohn Langdene a monke of Christes church in Canturburie, an other of those twelue; William Tailor a priest, and a ma­ster of art in Oxenford, a stedfast follower of Wic­kliffes doctrine, & burnt for the same in Smithfield at London, the second day of March, in the yeare of our Lord 1422, & last of king Henrie the fift his reigne.

Furthermore, Richard Grasdale student in Oxen­ford, one of those twelue also; William Lindwood a lawier excellentlie learned, as well in the ciuill as canon lawes, aduanced to the seruice of this king, and made by him kéeper of the priuie seale, sent in ambassage both to the kings of Spaine and Por­tingale, about businesse of most weightie impor­tance. It is said that he was promoted to the bishop­rike of saint Dauid; Bartholomew Florarius, sup­posed (as Bale saith) by Nicholas Brigham, to be an Englishman, wrote a treatise called Florarium, whereof he tooke his surname▪ and also an other trea­tise of abstinence, in which he reprooueth certeine cor­rupt manners in the cleargie, and the profession of friers mendicants; Adam Hemmelington, a Car­melite frier, studied both in Oxenford and Paris; William Batecombe is placed by Bale about the time of other learned men that liued in this kings time, he was an excellent mathematician, as by the [Page 585] the title of his works which he wrote it should ap­peare.

Titus Liuius de Foro Luuisiis liued also in these daies, an Italian borne: but sith he was both resiant here, and wrote the life of this king, I haue thought good to place him among other of our English wri­ters. One there was that translated the said historie into English, adding (as it were by waie of notes in manie places of that booke) sundrie things for the more large vnderstanding of the historie: a copie line 10 whereof I haue séene belonging to Iohn Stow citi­zen of London. There was also about the same time an other writer, who (as I remember) hath followed the said Liuius in the order of his booke, as it were chapter for chapter, onelie changing a good, familiar and easie stile, which the said Liuius vsed, into a cer­teine poeticall kind of writing: a copie whereof I haue séene (& in the life of this king partlie followed) belonging to master Iohn Twine of Kent, who (as I was informed) meant to leaue to posteritie some fruits of his labours for the due vnderstanding thereof.

Thus farre Henrie the fift sonne and successor to Henrie the fourth.

Henrie the sixt, sonne and heire to Henrie the fift.

AFter that death had be­reft the world of that no­ble prince king Henrie the fift, 1422 Anno Reg. 1. his onelie sonne prince Henrie, being of the age of nine moneths, or thereabouts, with the sound of trumpets was openlie proclamed king of England and France line 20 the thirtith daie of August, by the name of Henrie the sixt; in the yeare of the world fiue thousand, three hundred, eightie and nine, after the birth of our Sa­uiour 1422, about the twelfe yeare of the emperour Frederike the third, the fortith and two and last of Charles the sixt, Buchan. lib. 10. and the third yeare of Mordaks regi­ment (after his father Robert) gouernour of Scot­land. The custodie of this yoong prince was appointed to Thomas duke of Excester, & to Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester. The duke of Bedford was line 30 deputed regent of France, and the duke of Glocester was ordeined protectour of England; who taking vpon him that office, called to him wise and graue councellors, by whose aduise he prouided and tooke order as well for the good gouernment of the realme & subiects of the same at home, as also for the main­tenance of the warres abroad, and further con [...]uest to be made in France, appointing valiant and ex­pert capteins, which should be readie, when need re­quired. Besides this, he gathered great summes of line 40 monie to mainteine men of warre, and left nothing forgotten that might aduance the good estate of the realme.

While these things were a dooing in England▪ the duke of Bedford regent of France studied most ear­nestlie, not onelie to keepe and well order the coun­tries by king Henrie late conquered; but also deter­mined not to leaue off warre & trauell, till Charles the Dolphin (which was now ass [...]te, because king Charles his father in the moneth of October in this present yeare was departed to God) should either be subdued, or brought to obeisance. And suerlie the death of this king Charles caused alterations in France. For a great manie of the nobilitie, which be­fore, either for feare of the English puissance, or for the loue of this king Charles (whose authoritie they followed) held on the English part, did now reuolt to the Dolphin, with all indeuour to driue the English nation out of the French territories. Whereto they were the more earnestlie bent, and thought it a thing of greater facilitie, because of king Henries yoong yeares; whome (because he was a child) they estéemed not, but with one consent reuolted from their sworne fealtie: as the recorder of the Englishmens battels with forren nations verie aptlie doth note, saieng:

Hîc Franci puerum regem neglectui habentes
Desciscunt, violátque fidem gens perfida sacro
Consilio ante datam.

The duke of Bedford being greatlie mooued with these sudden changes, fortified his townes both with garrisons of men, munition, and vittels, assembled also a great armie of Englishmen and Normans, and so effectuouslie exhorted them to continue faith­full to their liege and lawfull lord yoong king Hen­rie▪ that manie of the French capteins willinglie sware to king Henrie fealtie and obedience, by whose example the communaltie did the same. Thus the people quieted, and the countrie established in order, nothing was minded but warre, and nothing spoken of but conquest.

The Dolphin which lay the same time in the citie of Poit [...]ers, after his fathers deceasse, caused himselfe to be proclamed king of France, by the name of Charles the seuenth: and in good hope to recouer his patrimonie, with an haultie courage preparing war, assembled a great armie: and first the warre began by light skirmishes, but after it grew into maine battels. The Dolphin thinking not to lose anie occa­sions [Page 586] of well dooing, Pont Meu­lan surprised by the Frēch. sent the lord Grauile to the towne of Pont Meulan, standing on the riuer of Seine, who comming to the same vpon the sudden, the fouretéenth of Ianuarie, year 1423 tooke it, and slue a great number of English souldiors, Enguerant. which he found within it.

When the duke of Bedford the regent, aduertised of this sudden surprise, appointed the lord Thomas Montacute earle of Salisburie (a man both for po­licie and courage, liker to the old Romans than to line 10 men of his daies) accompanied with the earle of Suffolke, the lord Scales, the yoong lord Poinings, sir Iohn Fastolfe maister of the houshold, with him­selfe, and diuerse others, to besiege the said towne of Pont Meulan, which after two moneths siege was rendred to the said earle, Lord Grauile falsified his oth. and the lord Grauile sware [...]o be true to the king of England euer after that day: but shortlie after, forgetting his oth, he turned French againe.

The earle of Salisburie appointed sir Henrie line 20 Mortimer, and sir Richard Uernon, capteins of the towne, and from thence went into Champaigne, and there besieged the towne of Sens, tooke it, and sir William Marin the capteine within it, and slue all the souldiors that kept it, made capteins there sir Hugh Godding, & sir Richard Aubemond. ¶ In this season, Humfrie duke of Glocester, either striken in loue, or vpon some other occasion, maried the ladie Iaquet or Iaquelin, daughter and sole heire to Wil­liam of Bauier duke of Holland, which was law­full line 30 wife to Iohn duke of Brabant then liuing, who afterwards (as after ye shall heare) recouered hir out of the dukes hands.

The chances thus happening (as you before haue heard) Iohn duke of Bedford, Philip duke of Bur­gognie, and Iohn duke of Britaine made a fréendlie méeting in the citie of Amiens, where they renewed the old league and ancient amitie made betwéene the noble prince king Henrie the fift and them, adding thereto these conditions and agréements, ech of them line 40 to be to the other fréend and aider; and the enimie of the one to be enimie to the other; and all they to be fréends and aiders to the king of England, welwil­ler to his welwillers, and aduersarie to his aduersa­ries. And (bicause that affinitie is commonlie the bond of amitie) there was concluded a mariage be­twéene the duke of Bedford, Affinitie an interteiner of friendship. and the ladie Anne sister to the duke of Burgognie, which was after solemni­zed at Trois in Champaigne, in the presence of the duke of Burgognie brother to the bride, and of hir line 50 vncle the duke of Brabant, the earles of Salisburie and Suffolke, and of nine hundred lords, knights, and esquiers, with such feast and triumph, as before that time had not béene séene of the Burgognions.

Whilest these matters were in hand, the Parisi­ens, thinking to blind the eies of the duke of Bed­ford, wrote to him how diuerse castels and fortresses lieng about their territories, were replenished with their enimies, dailie stopping their passages, and rob­bing their merchants, to their vtter vndooing, if they line 60 by his helpe were not relieued. But this was but a glose of the Parisiens, meaning to cause him to go about the winning of some strong hold, whilest they in his absence might bring into the citie Charles the Dolphin, The Parisi­ens preuented of their prac­tises. that then called himselfe French king; for so had they appointed, assigning to him the daie of his comming, and the post of his entrie. But their prac­tise being discouered to the duke of Bedford, he with a great power entered into Paris, one daie before the faire was appointed, & two nights before he was looked for of his enimies being vnprouided, and sud­denlie caused the conspirators within the citie to be apprehended, and openlie to be put to execution.

This doone, putting a mistrust in the Parisiens, he caused the castels and fortresses neere and adioining to the citie, to be furnished with Englishmen. And to auoid all night-watchers about Paris, and the con­fines thereof, he first tooke into his possession either by assault or composition, the towne of Trainelle and Braie vpon Seine. And bicause two castels, the one called Pacie, and the other Coursaie were also e­uill neighbors to the Parisiens, he sent sir Iohn Fastolfe great maister of his houshold with a nota­ble armie to win the same castels; which he did, and with preie and prisoners returned backe againe to his maister the regent.

In this verie season, the Dolphin sent the lord William Steward earle of Buchquhane that was constable of France, and the earle of Uentadour in Auuergne, and manie other noble men of his part, to laie siege to the towne of Crauant in the countie of Auxerre, within the parts of Burgognie. Wherof hearing the lord regent, and the duke of Burgognie they assembled a great armie, and appointed the earle of Salisburie to haue the guiding thereof; who with his capteins and men of warre, English and Bur­gognions, came in good arraie to giue battell to the besiegers. And bicause the riuer of Yonne, which run­neth by the said towne, was betweene the English armie, and their aduersaries, they could not well as­saile their enimies, which defended the bankes and passages verie stronglie: yet notwithstanding, both horssemen and footmen of the English part couragi­ouslie put themselues into the riuer, The English armie entreth the riuer and winneth the banke. and with fine force recouered the banke, whome the Burgognions incontinentlie followed.

When they were all gotten into the plaine, the ar­chers shot, the bill men strake, and long was the fight in doubtfull balance. But in conclusion the French­men not able to resist the force of the English nati­on, were discomfited, slaine, and chased, leauing a glo­rious victorie to the Englishmen and Burgognions. There were slaine of the Frenchmen an eightéene hundred knights and esquiers, beside commons: of Scots néere hand thrée thousand. Amongest the Frenchmen these were chiefest that were slaine: the earle of Lestrake, the earle of Comigens, the earle of Tonno [...]re, the lord Coquart de Comeron, the ba­stard of Arminake, the vicount of Touraine, the ba­stard of Forre [...]tes, the lord de Port, and the lord Me­morancie.

Of Scots the lord of saint Iohns towne, sir Iohn of Balgarie, sir Iohn Turnbull, sir Iohn Holibur­ton, sir Robert Lislie, sir William Coningham, sir William Dowglas, sir Alexander Hume, sir Willi­am Lislie, sir Iohn Rotherford, sir William Crai­ford, sir Thomas Seton, sir William Hamilton, and his sonne, Iohn Pillot. There were taken the earle of Buchquhane constable of France, which lost his eie, the earle of Uentadour, sir Alexander Meldrine, sir Lewes Ferignie, and two and twentie hundred gentlemen of the French part. Of Englishmen there were slaine sir Iohn Greie, sir William Hall, sir Gilbert Halsall one of the marshals of the field, Richard ap Madocke, and one and twentie hundred souldiers and men of warre.

After this fortunate victorie was the earle of Sa­lisburie made (by the lord regent) lieutenant and vice­gerent for the king and the said lord regent in the countries of France, Brie, and Champaigne; Anno Reg. [...]. and sir Iohn Fastolf was substituted deputie vnder the lord regent within the duchie of Normandie on this side the riuer of Seine; and withall he was also made go­uernour of the countries of Aniou and Maine. The earle of Salisburie after fiue moneths siege, wan by surrender the towne and castell of Montaguillon in Brie; the capteins whereof, the one named Pregent of Cotinie, and Guille Bourgois Britons, sware ne­uer [Page 587] to beare armour against the Englishmen on this side the riuer of Loire. In the meane time of that siege, the earle of Suffolke tooke by force the ca­stell of Coucie, and the strong castell of la Roch in Masconnois he got by appointment.

In this second yeare of king Henrie the sixt, Iames (the first of that name & the hundred & second K. of Scotland, year 1424 tooke to wife the ladie Iane, daugh­ter to Iohn earle of Summerset deceassed, Ann. 1423, per Buchanan. and sister to Iohn then duke of Summerset, and also coosine germane remoued to king Henrie, and neece to the line 10 duke of Winchester, and to the duke of Excester) was set at libertie, couenanting to paie a small por­tion of monie more than was allowed to him for his wiues marriage monie, and left hostages for the same. Homage doone by the king of Scotland to king Henrie the sixt. But before his departure out of the realme, he did his homage vnto the yoong king of Eng­land Henrie the sixt at the castell of Windsor, before thrée dukes, two archbishops, twelue earles, ten bi­shops, twentie barons, and two hundred knights and esquiers, beside others, in order of words according line 20 to the tenour hereafter following.

The formall recognisance or acknowledgement of the said homage.

I Iames Steward, K. of Scots, shall be true and faithfull vnto you lord Henrie by the grace of line 30 God king of England & France, the noble and superiour lord of the king­dome of Scotland; and to you I make my fidelitie for the same kingdome of Scot­land, which I hold and claime of you; and I shall beare you my faith and fidelitie of life and lim, and worldlie honour against all men; and faithfullie I shall knowledge and shall doo you seruice due for the kingdome line 40 of Scotland aforesaid. So God helpe me, and these holie euangelists.

But notwithstanding this his oth, and the great bounteous liberalitie of the mother & vncles of his wife, in bestowing on him abundance of plate & trea­sure, with rich clothes of arras; he had not béene long at home, Buchan. lib. 10. An. 1425. W. P. but that soone out of France into Scotland ouer came there Iames Steward, who (after manie of the Scotish nobilitie by diuerse occasions in line 50 France consumed) grew to be capteine of the horsse­men there. With him came the archbishop of Remes with power and commission for concluding a league betweene France and Scotland, and also of a mari­age betwéene Lewes the Dolphins sonne and Mar­garet Iameses daughter, though both verie yoong. Which matters acordinglie accomplished, to France againe they got them. So Iames became as firme French as any of his predecessours.]

But now to leaue the Scotish king amongst his line 60 countriemen in Scotland, and returne to the dooings of England. I find that the duke of Glocester, being protector and gouernour of the realme, prepared an armie of ten thousand men, and sent them ouer to his brother the regent into France; who comming into the territorie of Paris, were ioifullie of him re­ceiued. About the same time the Frenchmen got by stealth diuerse townes out of the Englishmens hands, Compiegne surrendred to the English by a policie. and amongst other the faire towne of Com­piegne was one, and the pretie towne of Crotoie an other. When the duke of Bedford was aduertised hereof, he determined not to let the matter passe in such sort, but with all conuenient spéed sent foorth a force to recouer those townes againe. And first the earle of Suffolke with the earle of Lignie, and di­uerse other capteins of the Englishmen went to be­siege Compiegne, and lodged on the one side of the riuer of So [...]me, as the lord Lisle Adham, sir Tho­mas Rampston, and the prouost of Paris laie on the other side. The Frenchmen within the towne well furnished with good souldiers, munition, and vittels, couragiouslie defended themselues.

The Englishmen remembring that Guilliam Re­mond, otherwise called Mariolaine had béen the lea­der of the souldiers within the towne (which Mario­laine before at Pacie was taken prisoner by sir Iohn Fastolfe) caused him to be brought from Pa­ris vnto the campe, and set him in a chariot with an halter about his necke, and conueied him to the gi­bet without the towne, sending word to them with­in, that if they would not without delaie render the towne, their capteine should incontinentlie be stran­gled afore their faces. Which moued the souldiers so much, by reason of the loue they bare to their old cap­teine and gouernour, that for the deliuerance of him and partlie of themselues they yéelded the towne, so that both he and they might depart with horsse and harnesse onelie in sure conduct and safetie. Yet yer this towne of Compiegne was deliuered, sir Philip Hall, Compeigne & Crotoie reco­uered from y e French. which was sent to Crotoie by the lord regent with eight hundred men to besiege it, got it suddenlie by assault, y [...]r the Frenchmen had either disposed their garrison, or appointed their lodgings▪

About the same time sir Iohn de la Poole brother to the duke of Suffolke, being capteine of Auran­ches in Normandie, assembled all the garrisons of the base marches of the countrie of Aniou, and came before the citie of Angiers, burnt the suburbes, spoi­led and destroied the whole countrie; and hauing as manie prisoners as his men might go awaie with, he was incountered by the earle of Aumarle, the vi­count of Narbonne, and six thousand Frenchmen; which finding the Englishmen out of araie, incum­bred with carriage of their great spoile, suddenlie set on them, gaue them the ouerthrow, slue thrée hundred and tooke manie prisoners; as the said sir Iohn de la Poole, sir Iohn Basset, Iohn A [...]fort lieutenant of Faleise, Iohn Clitton, Henrie Mortimer, and other to the number of six hundred.

But though the Frenchmen got here in this place, they went not awaie with like gaine in an other: for the bastard de la Baulme, and the lord Craignar cap­teins of Courallon, with a great band made rode in­to Masconnois, whom by chance Matthew Or rather Goche. Gough and other Englishmen, which were also abroad in the countrie, met and incountred. There was a sore fight betwéene the parties, being of courage and number in maner equall. But after long conflict, the French­men almost all were slaine and taken, and the ba­stard being well horssed, fled; after whome followed vpon the spurres, Matthew Goche. Gough chasing him euen to his castell gate, and there tooke him: for the which act he was much praised of the erle of Salisbu­rie (to whom he presented the said bastard) and had not onelie the rights giuen him that belonged to the pri­soner, but also was rewarded with a goodlie courser at the earles hands.

‘About this season, Arthur brother to Iohn duke of Britaine, commonlie called the earle of Rich­mond, hauing neither profit of the name, nor of the countrie, notwithstanding that king Henrie the fift had created him earle of Yurie in Normandie, and gaue him not onelie a great pension, but also the whole profits of the same towne of Yurie; yet now, bicause that the duke his brother was returned to the part of the Dolphin, he likewise reuolting from the English obeisance, came to the Dolphin to Poi­ctiers, and there offered himselfe to serue him, whom [Page 588] the Dolphin gladlie accepted, reioising more thereof, than if he had gained an hundred thousand crownes: for the Britons within the towne of Yurie, hearing that their maister was ioined with the Dolphin, kept both the towne and castell against the duke of Bedford, furnishing it dailie with new men and munition.’

The lord regent aduertised hereof, raised an ar­mie of Englishmen and Normans, to the number of eighteene hundred men of armes, and eight thou­sand line 10 archers and other. He had in his companie the earles of Salisburie and Suffolke, the lords Scales, Willoughbie, and Poinings, sir Reginald Graie, sir Iohn Fastolfe, sir Iohn Saluaine, sir Lancelot Lis­le, sir Philip Hall, sir Iohn Pashleie, sir Iohn Greie, sir Thomas Blunt, sir Robert Harling, sir William Oldhall, and manie other, both knights and esquiers, with whom he came before the towne of Yurie, which was well defended, till they within perceiued them­selues in danger, by reason of a mine which the Eng­lishmen line 20 made, wherevpon they yeelded the towne. But the capteins of the castell would not presentlie render the place, howbeit they promised to deliuer it, if the same were not rescued at a day assigned by the Dolphin or his power.

Upon this promise, hostages were deliuered into the possession of the lord regent, by whose licence an herald was sent to the Dolphin, to aduertise him of the time determined; who vnderstanding the distresse of his fréends, incontinentlie sent Iohn duke of A­lanson, line 30 as his lieutenant generall, the erle Douglas, whome at their setting foorth he made duke of Tou­raine, and the earle Buchquhane as then constable of France, the erls of Aumarle, Uentadoure, Ton­nere, Maulieurier, and Forests, the vicounts of Narbonne, and Touars, the lords of Grauile, Gau­les, Malicorne, Mannie, Ballaie, Fountains, Mont­fort, and manie other noble knights and esquiers, to the number of fifteene thousand Frenchmen & Bri­tons, besides fiue thousand Scots, whome the earle line 40 Dowglas had but latelie transported out of Scot­land.

This roiall armie approched within two miles of Yurie. But when the duke of Alanson vnderstood by such as he had sent to view the conduict of the Eng­lishmen, that he could not get anie aduantage by as­sailing them (although the Dolphin had giuen him streict commandement to fight with the regent) he retired backe with his whole armie to the towne of Uernueill in Perch, that belonged to the king of line 50 England; sending word to the garrison, that he had discomfited the English armie, and that the regent with a small number with him by swiftnesse of horsse had saued himselfe. Uerneuil got­ten from the Englishmen by crediting a lie. The inhabitants of Uernueill, giuing too light cerdit herevnto receiued the duke of Alanson with all his armie into the towne.

In the meane time came the daie of the rescues of Yurie, which for want thereof was deliuered to the duke of Bedford by the capteine called Gerard de la Pallier, who presenting vnto the duke of Bed­ford line 60 the keies of the castell▪ shewed him a letter also signed and sealed with the hands and seales of eigh­téene great lords, who the daie before promised by the tenour of the same letter to giue the duke battell, and to raise the siege. ‘Well (said the duke)▪ if their hearts would haue serued, their puissance was suffi­cient once to haue proffered, or to haue performed this faithfull promise: but sith they disdaine to seeke me, God and saint George willing, I shall not de­sist to follow the tract of their horsses till one part of vs be by battell ouerthrowne.’ And herewith he sent foorth the earle of Suffolke▪ with six hundred horsse­men, to espie the dooings of the Frenchmen, and where they were lodged. The earle riding foorth, pas­sed by Dampuile, and came to Bretueill, where he heard certeine newes where the Frenchmen had gotten Uerneueill, and remained there still.

These newes he sent by post vnto the duke of Bedford, the which incontinentlie vpon that aduer­tisement set forward in great hast towards his eni­mies. The Frenchmen hearing of his comming, set their people in arraie, and made all one maine bat­tell without fore ward or rere ward; and appointed foure hundred horssemen, Lombards and others to breake the arraie of the Englishmen, either behind, The ordering of their bat­tels. or at the sides, of the which was capteine sir Stephan de Uinoiles, called the Hire. The duke of Bedford likewise made one entier battell, and suffered no man to be on horssebacke, and set the archers (euerie one hauing a sharpe stake) both on the front of the battell, and also on the sides, like wings. And behind were all their horsses tied togither, either by the reins or by the tailes, with the carts and cariages, to the defense whereof were two thousand archers ap­pointed.

Héerewith either part being come almost to the ioining, the duke of Alanson, on the one side, exhorted his people to plaie the men, declaring vnto them, that the conclusion of this battell should either deli­uer them out of vile seruitude, or place them in the vale of bondage. On the other side, the duke of Bed­ford, to incourage his men, willed them to remem­ber how oft they had subdued those their aduersaries in battell (with whome they should now cope) for the most part, euer being the lesse number against the greater. Againe, he declared how necessarie it was to tame the [...]old attempts of the presumptuous Dolphin now in the beginning, least if the fire were suffered further to burne, it must haue néed of the more water to quench it.

Manie words he vttered, to put them in hope of good successe and victorie. But scarse had he ended his exhortation, when the Englishmen rushed foorth, and boldlie set on their enimies, crieng; Saint George, a Bedford, a Bedford: and the Frenchmen likewise cried Montioy saint Denis. The battell of Uerno [...]e, the 28 of Au­gust, 1424. Then began the battell right fierce on both sides, continuing for the space of three houres in doubtfull balance, fortune shewing hir selfe so equall, that no eie could iudge to whether part she was more fauourable. But at length, after that those foure hundred horssemen, which were ap­pointed, as yée haue hard, to breake the arraie of the Englishmen, had passed thorough on the one side vnto the place where the cariages and horsses stood, and could not passe further, by reason of the fierce shot of the English bowes, they falling to the spoile made a hand, and therewith departed. Those archers then that were appointed to kéepe the cariages, being now at libertie, came forward, and so fiercelie shot at the thickest prease of their enimies fighting on foot, that in the end they were not able longer to indure, but were borne downe by fine force, and so vanquished.

This battell was fought the eight and twentith of August, in the yeare of our Lord a thousand foure hundred twentie and foure, in the which battell were slaine of the Frenchmen the earles of Aumarle, Uentadour, Forest, Marie, the lords Grauile, Gau­les, Fountaines, Ambois, Touars, Montenie, Com­breste, Brunell, Tumble, and Poisie, beside thrée hun­dred knights. The vicount Narbonne was hanged on a gibbet, bicause he was one of the murtherers of the duke of Burgognie. Of Scots also were slaine, Archembald earle Dowglas, that was made (as be­fore is mentioned) duke of Touraine, Iames Dow­glas sonne to the said Archembald earle of Wicto [...], Iohn earle of Bouqhen newlie made constable of France, sir Alexander Meldrin, sir Henrie Balgla­uie, sir Iohn Sterling, William of Homelsdon, sir [Page 589] Iames Graie, sir Robert Randen, sir Alexander Linsaie, sir Robert Steward, sir Robert Swinton, and seauen and twentie hundred Scots of name and armes, beside others.

So that in this battell were slaine by report of Montioy king at armes in France, and the English haralds there present, of Frenchmen & Scots nine thousand and seauen hundred: Fiue thousād saith A [...]mili­us, but Nicho­las Giles saith there died but foure thousād on both parts. and of Englishmen one and twentie hundred, but no man of name, sa­uing fiue yoong esquiers. And there were taken priso­ners, Iohn duke of Alanson, the bastard of Alanson, line 10 the lord of Faiect, the lord of Hormit, sir Piers Ha­rison, sir Lois de Gaucourt, sir Robert Brusset, sir Iohn Turnebull a Scot, D [...]dley and Charleton two of y e Eng­lish nobilitie were slaine at the battell, as Ia. Meir. saith. and two hundred gentle­men, beside common soldiers. The Frenchmen with­in Uernoill, séeing the Dolphins armie thus ouer­throwne, deliuered the towne to the regent, their liues saued. Then was sir Philip Hall appointed cap­teine there, and the lord regent returned, and came to Rone, and after to Paris. line 20

The Dolphin that called himselfe king of France, was sore appalled with the ouerthrow of his armie: for he was driuen out of all the countries in maner, that apperteined to the crowne of France, & might resort to none except to Bourbonois, Aluergne, Ber­rie, Poictow, Touraine, a part of Aniow, and Lan­guedoc: yet to shew himselfe as king, he erected his court of parlement, his chancerie, & all other courts in the citie of Poictiers, and there established his great seale, with all due circumstances thereto ap­perteining: line 30 where he continued fouretéene yeares togither, and then was remooued to Paris, after he had got that citie, and expelled the Englishmen, as after shall appeare.

The duke of Bedford lieng at Paris, sent the lord Scales, sir Iohn Montgomerie, sir Iohn Fastolfe, with two thousand men to winne the countries of Aniow, The lord Scales sent to conquer Aniow and Maine. and Maine, vnto whom were rendred with­out assault, the strong castels of Beaumont le Ui­count, Teune, Sillie, Osce, Courceriers, Roussie, line 40 Uasse, Couetemenant, and twentie other, which I doo heere passe ouer. Such was then the opinion concei­ued of the English puissance, so oft tried, prooued, and preuailing, that the Frenchmen thought the Eng­lishmen would haue all which they wished for or wrought for.

The earle of Salisburie, with the said lord Scales, and the other capteins before named, were appointed with an armie of ten thousand men, to besiege the rich and strong citie of Mans, the chéefe citie of all line 50 the countrie of Maine, whither when they came, they made their approches, and planted their batterie to the wals, so that with the shot of their great péeces (which kind of engins before that time had not beene much séene nor heard of in France) the citie was within a few daies despoiled of all hir towers and outward defenses. Mans deliue­red to the Englishmen. The citizens and soldiers, percei­uing in what danger they stood, & knowing not how to remedie the matter, offered the towne vpon this condition, that all persons which would tarrie within line 60 the towne, might abide; and all that would depart with horsse and harnesse onelie, should be permitted: which offers were accepted, and the towne rendered, whereof the earle made capteine the earle of Suf­folke, and his lieutenant sir Iohn Fastolfe.

After this, the earle of Salisburie besieged the faire towne of saint S [...]san, whereof was capteine one Ambrose de Lore, a right valiant cheefteine. The earle-caused the towne to be assaulted at his first comming to it; but he lost more than he gained, and therefore left off his assaults, and caused a trench to be cast about the towne, and so planted his batterie, by force whereof he ouerthrew the walles, in such sort that the capteine offered for himselfe and his soldi­ers 200000 crownes, so that they might depart in their doublets onelie, which summe (bicause winter approched) was accepted, and the towne yeelded. Of this towne sir Iohn Popham was made capteine. Then the erle went to Maine la Iuhez, which towne after fiue wéekes siege was yéelded, and appointed to the kéeping of sir Iohn Montgomerie, knight.

After the feast of the Purification of our ladie, the earle of Salisburie besieged the castell de la Fer [...] Barnard; during which siege a sale was made of the towne of Alanson being in the Englishmens posses­sion, by a Gascoigne that was one of the garrison there. But this sale being opened to the erle of Salis­burie by the same Gascoigne at the daie appointed, the lord Willoughbie and sir Iohn Fastolfe, with two thousand men were sent to incounter with the buiers of that towne; so that when Charles de Uilli­ers chéefe merchant of this ware, came earlie in a morning with two hundred horsemen, and three hun­dred footmen, and approached the towne, abiding for the Gascoigne, yer he was aware, the Englishmen had compassed him and his companie round about, and setting vpon the Frenchmen, slue and tooke all the whole number of them, saue Peter Danthenazie and fiue and twentie other, which by the swiftnesse of their horsses saued themselues.

After this conflict, the lord Willoughbie returned to the earle of Salisburie, lieng still at siege before the towne de la Fert Barnard, which shortlie after was rendered vp into the erle of Salisburies hands, to whome the lord regent gaue it, to inioie to him and his heires for euer. Beside this, the said earle partlie by assalt, & partlie by composition tooke diuers other, as saint Kales; where he made capteine Richard Gethin esquier; Thanceaux Lermitage, where he made gouernour Matthew Or rather Goche. Gough; Guerland, of the which he assigned ruler Iohn Banaster; Mali­corne, whereof he made capteine William Glasdale esquier; Lisle Soubz Boulton, whereof was made capteine sir Lancelot Lisle knight; Loupelland, whereof was made capteine Henrie Branch; Mont­seur, of the which was made capteine sir William Oldhall knight; la Suze was assigned to the kée­ping of Iohn Suffolke, esquier. And besides this, a­boue fortie castels and piles were ouerthrowne and destroied. The newes hereof reported in England, caused great reioising among the people, not onelie for the conquest of so manie townes & fortresses, but also for that it had pleased God to giue them victorie in a pitched field: whereof generall processions were appointed, Generall pro­cessions after victorie. to render vnto God humble thanks for his fauour so bestowed vpon them.

This yeare after Easter, the king called a parle­ment at Westminster, by aduise of the péeres; Anno Reg. 3. and comming to the parlement house himselfe, he was conueied through the citie vpon a great courser, with great triumph, the people flocking into the stréets to behold the child, whome they iudged to haue the liue­lie image and countenance of his father, and like to succeed him, and be his heire in all princelie quali­ties, martiall policies, and morall vertues, aswell as in his realmes, seigniories and dominions. A subsidie of tunnage and poundage. In this parlement was granted to the king a subsidie of twelue pence the pound, towards the maintenance of his warres, of all merchandize, comming in or go­ing out of the realme, as well of Englishmen as strangers.

During which parlement, The prince of Portingale commeth to London. came to London Pe­ter duke of Quimbre, sonne to the king of Portin­gale, cousine germane remooued to the king; which of the duke of Excester and the bishop of Winche­ster his vncles was highlie feasted, he was also elec­ted into the order of the garter. During the same season, Edmund Mortimer, the last earle of March, [Page 590] of that name (which long time had beene restreined from his libertie, and finallie waxed lame) deceassed without issue, whose inheritance descended to the lord Richard Plantagenet, sonne and heire to Ri­chard earle of Cambridge, beheaded (as before yée haue heard) at the towne of Southampton. ¶In the time of this parlement also was sir Iohn Mortimer cousine to the same earle, either for desert or malice, atteinted of treason, and put to execution, of whose death no small slander arose amongst the common line 10 people.

After all these things doone in England and in France, Humfreie duke of Glocester, who had mar­ried the ladie Iaquet, or Iaqueline of Bauier, coun­tesse of Heinault, Holland, and Zeland (notwith­standing she was coupled in marriage afore to Iohn duke of Brabant, as yet liuing, and had continued with him a long space) passed now the sea with the said ladie, and went to Mons or Bergen in Hei­nault, where the more part of the people of that coun­trie line 20 came and submitted themselues vnto him, as to their souereigne lord, in right of his said wife, the ladie Iaquet or Iaqueline: with which dooing hir for­mer husband was greatlie mooued. And likewise the duke of Burgognie, being great friend to the same duke of Brabant, was much offended: who of old fa­miliaritie wrote louinglie to the duke of Glocester, requiring him to reforme himselfe according to rea­son, and to forsake his vngodlie life, both in kéeping of an other mans wife, and also in séeking to vsurpe line 30 other mens rights and titles.

Herevpon went letters betwixt them for a time, but at length when the duke of Burgognie perceiued that the duke of Glocester meant to mainteine his interest, & to make warre against the duke of Bra­bant; he tooke part with the duke of Brabant so ear­nestlie, that he consented to fight with the duke of Glocester bodie to bodie within lists in defense of the duke of Brabants quarell, and further aided the duke of Brabant in his warres against the duke of Glo­cester, line 40 with all his puissance, insomuch that in the end (after the duke of Glocesters returne into Eng­land) the duke of Brabant recouered all the towns in Heinault, which the ladie Iaquet or Iaqueline held against him. And further the same ladie was by com­position deliuered by them of the towne of Mons vn­to the duke of Burgognie; who caused hir to be con­ueied vnto Gant, from whence she made shift to e­scape into Holland, where she was obeied as coun­tesse of the countrie. line 50

Then made she warre in hir owne defense against the dukes of Burgognie and Brabant, who sought to spoile hir of all hir towns and lands: but they pro­cured pope Martin the fift (before whome the matter was) to giue sentence that the first matrimonie with the duke of Brabant was good, and the second with the duke of Glocester to be vnlawfull. But in the meane time, the lord Fitz Walter was sent ouer to the aid of the ladie Iaquet or Iaquelin, with a power of Englishmen, landed in Zeland, neere vnto the line 60 towne of Zerixe, aginst whome came the duke of Burgognie, and incountering with them and other such Hollanders and Zelanders, as were ioined with them, néere to a place called Brewers hauen, there discomfited them; so that of English, Hollanders, and Zelanders, with the said lord Fitz Walter, were slaine seauen or eight hundred, and the residue chased to the water. At length, when the duke of Glocester vnderstood the sentence pronounced against him by the pope, he began to wax wearie of his wife the said ladie Iaquet, by whome he neuer had profit, but losse, and tooke in a second marriage Eleanor Cobham, daughter to the lord Cobham of Sterberow, which before (as the fame went) was his souereigne para­mour, to his slander and dishonour.

A little before this time, sir Thomas Rampston, sir Philip Branch, sir Nicholas Burdet, and other Englishmen, to the number of fiue hundred men of warre, repared and fortified the towne of S. Iames de Beuuron, Alias B [...]ron. situate on the frontiers of Normandie towards Britaine, within halfe a league of the duke of Britains ground, with whome as then they had o­pen warre; and so began to doo manie displeasures to his people. Wherevpon Arthur earle of Richmont and Yurie, brother to the said duke, and latelie before created constable of France, assembled an huge power of men to the number of fortie thousand (as some haue written) and with the same came before the said towne of S Iames de Beuuron, Twentie thousand [...] Nicholas Giles. S. Iames de Beuuron be­sieged. and plan­ted his siege verie stronglie about it, inforcing with his great ordinance to ouerthrow the wals. And one day amongst other, he determined to giue the assault, and so did, the which continued a long space verie hot and earnest.

The Britons Britonants were come downe into a low bottome, where there was a little pond or fish­poole, and they must néeds passe by a streict waie to come to the walles in great danger. On that side of the towne was a little bulworke, Sir Nicho­las Burdet. which sir Nicholas Burdet kept, hauing with him a fortie or eightie fighting men: and ouer against the same bulworke there was a gate well furnished also with English souldiers; so that the Britons which came downe in­to the ditches in great number to giue the assault, heard on either side them the Englishmen (within the said bulworke and gate) make a great noise, in crieng Salisburie and Suffolke; with the which crie the Britons being maruelouslie astonied, began to recoile in great disorder. And therewith the said sir Nicholas Burdet issued foorth vpon them, Enguerant de Monstrellet. and pur­suing them right valiantlie, s [...]ue them downe, so that there died of them what by the sword, and what by drowning in the said poole, about seauen thousand or eight hundred, and to the number of fiftie were taken prisoners. And beside this, those Englishmen gained eightéene standards and one baner.

Incontinentlie the newes hereof were reported to the constable of France, who was busie at the as­sault on the other side of the towne, whereof he was sore displeased, and no lesse amazed; so that he cau­sed the retreit to be sounded, for all the siege on that side toward the poole was alreadie raised. After this, vpon counsell taken amongst the Frenchmen, it was determined that they should dislodge: and so a­bout the middest of the next night, the constable and all the residue of his people departed toward Fou­giers, leauing behind them great plentie of artille­rie both great and small, with victuals, and all their other prouisions: as fourteene great guns and fortie barrels of powder, thrée hundred pipes of wine, two hundred pipes of bisket and flower, two hundred frailes of figs and reisins, and fiue hundred barrels of herrings.

Somewhat before this season fell a great diuision in the realme of England, which of a sparkle was like to haue grown to a great flame. For whether the bishop of Winchester called Henrie Beaufort, Dissenti [...] betwixt the duke of Glo­cester and the bishop of W [...] ­chester. sonne to Iohn duke of Lancaster by his third wife, enuied the authoritie of Humfreie duke of Glocester, pro­tectour of the realme; or whether the duke disdained at the riches and pompous estate of the bishop: sure it is that the whole realme was troubled with them and their partakers: so that the citizens of London were faine to kéepe dailie and nightlie watches, and to shut vp their shops for feare of that which was doubted to haue insued of their assembling of people about them. The archbishop of Canturburie and the duke of Quimbre, called the prince of Portingale, [Page 591] rode eight times in one daie betwéene the two par­ties, and so the matter was staied for a time. But the bishop of Winchester, to cléere himselfe of blame so farre as he might, and to charge his nephue the lord protectour with all the fault, wrote a letter to the re­gent of France, the tenor whereof insueth.

The bishop of Winchesters letter excusatorie.

line 10

RIght high and mightie prince, and my right noble, and after one, lieuest lord, I recommend me vnto you with all my hart. And as you desire the welfare of the king our souereigne lord, and of his realmes of England and France, your owne health, and ours also: so hast you hither. For by my truth, if you tarie, we shall put this land in line 20 aduenture with a field; such a brother you haue here, God make him a good man. For your wisedome knoweth, that the profit of France standeth in the welfare of Eng­land, &c. Written in great hast on Allhal­lowen euen. By your true seruant to my liues end, Henrie Winchester.

The duke of Bedford being sore greeued and dis­quieted with these newes, constituted the earle of line 30 Warwike, which was latelie come into France with six thousand men, his lieutenant in the French dominions, and in the duchie of Normandie; and so with a small companie, he with the duchesse his wife returned againe ouer the seas into England, and the tenth daie of Ianuarie he was with all solem­nitie receiued into London, to whome the citizens gaue a paire of basins of siluer and gilt, and a thou­sand markes in monie. Then from London he rode to Westminster, and was lodged in the kings pa­lace. line 40 The fiue and twentith daie of March after his comming to London, A parlement holden at Lei­cester. a parlement began at the towne of Leicester; where the duke of Bedford open­lie rebuked the lords in generall, bicause that they in the time of warre, thorough their priuie malice and inward grudge, had almost mooued the people to warre and commotion, in which time all men ought or should be of one mind, hart, and consent: requi­ring them to defend, serue, & dread their souereigne lord king Henrie, in performing his conquest in line 50 France, which was in manner brought to conclu­sion. In this parlement the duke of Glocester laid certeine articles to the bishop of Winchester his charge, the which with the answers hereafter doo in­sue; as followeth.

The articles of accusation and accord betweene the lord of Glocester, and the lord of Winchester. line 60

Articles set foorth by the duke of Glo­cester, against Henrie bishop of Winchester. HEre insueth the articles, as the kings councell hath conceiued, the which the high and mightie prince my lord of Glo­cester hath surmised vpon my lord of Winchester chancellor of England, with the answer to the same.

1 First, whereas he being protectour, and de­fendour of this land, desired the Tower to be ope­ned to him, and to lodge him therein; Richard Wood­uile esquier (hauing at that time the charge of the keeping of the Tower) refused his desire, and kept the same Tower against him vndulie and against reason, by [...]he commandement of my said lord of Winchester; and afterward in approouing of the said refusall, he receiued the said Wooduile, and cherished him against the state and worship of the king, and of my said lord of Glocester.

2 Item, my said lord of Winchester, without the aduise and assent of my said lord of Glocester, or of the kings councell, purposed and disposed him to set hand on the kings person, and to haue remooued him from Eltham, the place that he was in, to Windsor, to the intent to put him in gouernance as him list.

3 Item, that where my said lord of Glocester (to whome of all persons that should be in the land, by the waie of nature and birth, it belongeth to see the gouernance of the kings person) informed of the said vndue purpose of my said lord of Winchester, decla­red in the article next abouesaid, and in letting there­of, determining to haue gone to Eltham vnto the king to haue prouided as the cause required: my said lord of Winchester vntrulie, and against the kings peace, to the intent to trouble my said lord of Gloce­ster going to the king, purposing his death, in case that he had gone that waie, set men of armes and ar­chers at the end of London bridge next Suthworke: and in forebarring of the kings high waie, let draw the chaine of the stoupes there, and set vp pipes and hurdles in manner and forme of bulworks: and set men in chambers, cellars, & windowes, with bowes and arrowes and other weapons, to the intent to bring finall destruction to my said lord of Glocesters person, as well as of those that then should come with him.

4 Item, my said lord of Glocester saith and affir­meth, that our souereigne lord his brother that was king Henrie the fift, told him on a time, when our so­uereigne lord being prince was lodged in the palace of Westminster in the great chamber, by the noise of a spaniell, there was on a night a man spied and ta­ken behind a Or hanging. tapet of the said chamber, the which man was deliuered to the earle of Arundell to be ex­amined vpon the cause of his being there at that time; the which so examined, at that time confessed that he was there by the stirring and procuring of my said lord of Winchester, ordeined to haue slaine the said prince there in his bed: wherefore the said earle of Arundell let sacke him foorthwith, and drow­ned him in the Thames.

5 Item, our souereigne lord that was, king Hen­rie the fift, said vnto my said lord of Glocester, that his father king Henrie the fourth liuing, and visited then greatlie with sickenesse by the hand of God, my said lord of Winchester said vnto the king (Henrie the fift then being prince) that the king his father so visited with sicknesse was not personable, & therfore not disposed to come in conuersation and gouer­nance of the people; and for so much, counselled him to take the gouernance and crowne of this land vpon him.

The answer of the bishop.

HEre insue the answers to the accusati­ons made by my lord of Winchester chancellour of England, vnto the causes and matters of heauinesse, declared in the articles against him by my lord of Glocester.

1 First, as of the refusall made vnto my lord of Glocester, of opening the Tower to him, of his lod­ging therein, by the commandement of my said lord of Winchester; he answereth, that in the presence of my said lord of Glocester before his comming out of his countrie of Heinault, for causes such as were thought resonable, it séemeth lawfull that the Tower should haue béene notablie stored and kept with vit­tels: [Page 592] howb [...]it it was not foorthwith executed, and that in likewise after that my said lord of Glocester, was gone into his said countrie of Heinault, for sediti­ous and odious billes and languages, cast and vsed in the citie of London, sounding of insurrection and re­bellion against the kings peace, and destruction as­well of diuerse estates of this land, as strangers be­ing vnder the defense, in so much that in doubt there­of, strangers in great number fled the land. And for the more sure kéeping of the said Tower, Richard line 10 Wooduile esquier so trusted with our souereigne lord the king that dead is (as well ye know) & also cham­berlaine and councellor vnto my lord of Bedford, with a certeine number of defensible persons assig­ned vnto him, was made deputie there by the assent of the kings councell, being that time at London, for to abide therein, for the safegard thereof; and streict­lie charged by the said councell, that during that time of his said charge, he should not suffer any man to be in the Tower stronger than himselfe, without speci­all line 20 charge or commandement of the king by the ad­uise of his councell.

2 Item, that soone after (vpon the comming of my said lord of Glocester into this land from his countrie of Heinault) the said lords of the kings coun­cell were informed, that my said lord of Glocester grudged with the said maner of inforcing the Tower, and let saie to them of London, that he had well vn­derstand that they had béene heauilie threatened for the time of his absence, and otherwise than they shuld haue beene, if he had béene in this land. Wherefore he line 30 was right euill contented, and especiallie of the said forcing of the Tower, set vpon them in manner of a chased villain, considering the good equitie and truth that they had alwaies kept vnto the king, offering them therevpon remedie if they would.

3 Item, that after this, Richard Scot lieutenant of the Tower, by the commandement of my said lord of Glocester, brought vnto him frier Randolph, the which had long before confessed treason doone by him line 40 against the kings person that dead is, for the which knowledge he was put to be kept in the said Tower, & streictlie commanded vnder great paine giuen vnto the said Scot, to kéepe him streictlie & suerlie, & not to let him out of the said Tower without cōmandment of the king by aduise of his councell. The which frier Randolph, my said lord of Glocester kept then with himselfe (not witting to the said Scot) as he declared to my said lord of Winchester, soone after that he had brought the said frier Randolph to my lord of Gloce­ster; line 50 saieng to my lord of Winchester, that he was vndoone but he helped him, & expressed, as for cause of the withholding of frier Randolph: and saieng moreouer, that when he desired of my said lord of Glocester, Frier Ran­dolph. the deliuerance of the said frier Randolph, to lead him againe vnto the Tower, or sufficient warrant for his discharge: my said lord of Glocester answered him, that his commandement was suffici­ent warrant and discharge for him. In the which thing abouesaid, it was thought to my lord of Win­chester, line 60 that my said lord of Glocester tooke vpon him further than his authoritie stretched vnto, and caused him to doubt and dread, least that he would haue procéeded further. And at such time as the said Wooduile came vnto him, to aske his aduise and counsell, of lodging my said lord of Glocester in the Tower; he aduised and charged him, that before he suffered my said lord of Glocester, or any person to lodge therein stronger than himselfe, he should pur­ueie him a sufficient warrant therof, of the king, by the aduise of his councell.

4 Item, as to the said article of the foresaid cau­ses of heauinesse, my said lord chancellor answereth, that he neuer purposed to set hand on the kings per­son, nor to remoue him, or that he should be remo­ued, or put in any manner of gouernance, but by the aduise of the kings councell. For he could not per­ceiue any manner of goodnesse or of aduantage that might haue growne to him thereof, but rather great perill and charge; and hereof my said lord of Win­chester is readie to make proofe, in time and place conuenient.

5 Item, as to the third article of the foresaid cau­ses and heauines, my said lord chancellor answereth, that he was oft and diuerse times warned, by diuerse credible persons, aswell at the time of the kings last parlement, holden at Westminster, as before and since, that my said lord of Glocester purposed him bodilie harme, & was warned therof, and counselled by the said persons, and that diuerse times, to ab­steine him from comming to Westminster, as my said lord of Winchester declared vnto my said lord of Glocester.

6 Item, that in the time of the said parlement, di­uerse persons of low estate of the citie of London, in great number assembled on a day vpon the wharfe, at the crane of the vinetrée, and wished and desired that they had there the person of my lord of Winche­ster, saieng, that they would haue throwen him into the Thames, to haue taught him to swim with wings. Whereof billes and language of slander and threatnings were cast and spoken in the said citie by my said lord the chancellor, which caused him to sup­pose that they that so said and did, willed and desired his destruction, although they had no cause.

7 Item, that after the comming to London of sir Rafe Botiller, and maister Lewes, sent from my lord of Bedford, to the rest of the lords of the coun­cell, they being informed, that my said lord of Gloce­ster did beare displeasure to my said lord of Winche­ster, they came to the said lord of Glocester to his In, the second sundaie next before All hallondaie, and there opened vnto him, that they had knowledge and vnderstanding of the said displeasure, praieng him to let them know if he bare such displeasure against my said lord of Winchester, and also the causes thereof. At the which time (as my said lord of Winchester was afterwards informed) my said lord of Glocester affirmed that he was heauie toward him, and not without causes that peraduenture he would put in writing.

8 Item, that after the mondaie next before All­hallondaie last past in the night, the people of the said citie of London, by the commandement of my said lord of Glocester, as it was said (for what cause my lord the chancellor wist not) assembled in the citie, ar­m [...]d and arraied, and so continued all the night. A­mongst diuerse of the which (the same night by what excitation, my said lord the chancellor wist not) sediti­ous and heauie language was vsed, and in especiall against the person of my lord the chancellor. And so the same mondaie at night, my said lord of Gloce­ster sent vnto the Ins of court at London, charging them of the court dwelling in the same, to be with him vpon the morrow at eight of the clocke in their best arraie.

9 Item, that on the morrow being tuesdaie next following, my said lord of Glocester sent earlie vnto the maior and aldermen of the said citie of London, to ordeine him to the number of three hundred per­sons on horsse backe, to accompanie him vnto such a place as he disposed him to ride, which (as it was said) was vnto the king, to the intent to haue his person, and to remoue him from the place that he was in, without assent or aduise of the kings councell. The which thing was thought vnto my said lord the chan­cellor, that he ought in no wise to haue doone, nor had not béene seene so before.

[Page 593]10 Item, that my said lord the chancellor, consi­dering the things aboue said, and doubting therefore of perils that might haue insued thereof, intending to purueie there against, and namelie for his owne suertie and defense, according to the law of nature, ordeined to let, that no force of people should come on the bridge of London towards him, by the which he or his might haue béene indangered or noied, not in­tending in any wise bodilie harme vnto my said lord of Glocester, nor to any other person, but onelie his line 10 owne defense, in eschewing the perill abouesaid.

11 Item, as toward the fourth and fift of the said articles, my lord the chancellor answereth, that he was euer true to all those that were his souereigne lords and reigned vpon him, and that he neuer pur­posed treason or vntruth against any of their per­sons, and in especiall against the person of our said souereigne lord Henrie the fift. The which conside­ring the great wisdome, truth, and manhood that all men knew in him, he would not for the time that line 20 he was king, haue set on my said lord the chancellor so great trust as he did, if he had found or thought in him such vntruth. The which thing my said lord the chancellor offered to declare and shew, as it belon­geth to a man of his estate to doo, requiring thervpon my lord of Bedford and all the lords spirituall and temporall in this parlement, that it might be seene that there were iudges conuenient in this case, that they would doo him right, or else that he might haue leaue of the king by their aduise to go sue his right, line 30 before him that ought to be his iudge.

12 And as toward the letter sent by my lord of Winchester vnto my lord of Bedford, of the which the tenor is before rehearsed, of the which my lord of Glocester complained him of the malicious and vn­true purpose of my said lord of Winchester, as to­ward the assembling of the people, and gathering of a field in the kings land, in troubling thereof, and a­gainst the kings peace: my said lord of Winchester answereth, that if his said letters duelie vnderstand, line 40 and in such wise as he vnderstood and meant in the writing of them, it maie not reasonablie be gathered and taken, that my said lord of Winchester intended to gather any field, or assemble people in troubling of the kings land, and against the kings peace, but ra­ther purposed to acquite him to the king in his truth, and to kéepe the rest and peace in the kings land, and to eschew rebellion, disobedience and all trouble. For by that that in the beginning of the said letter, he cal­leth my said lord of Bedford his lieuest lord after one, line 50 that is the king, whome he ought to accept of dutie of his truth, the which he hath euer kept, and will kéepe.

13 Moreouer, in the said letter he desireth the comming home of my lord of Bedford, for the wel­fare of the king and of his realmes of England and of France, which stand principallie in kéeping of his rest and peace, and praieth my said lord of Bedford to spéed his cōming into England, in eschewing of ieo­pardie of the land, and of a field, which he dread him might haue followed if he had long taried. As to­ward those words; ‘If ye tarie, we shall put this land line 60 in aduenture with a field, such a brother ye haue here, &c.’ My said lord of Winchester saith, the sooth is: be­fore or he wrote the said letter, by the occasion of cer­teine ordinances made by the maior and aldermen of London against the excessiue taking of masons, carpentars, tilers, plasterers, and other labourers for their dailie iournies, and approued by the kings de­uise and councell, there were cast manie heauinesses and seditious billes vnder the names of such labou­rers, threatning rising with manie thousands, and menacing of estates of the land, and likewise sediti­ous and euill language sowen and so continued and likelie to haue insued, of purpose and intent of diso­bedience and rebellion. To the redressing of which, it seemed to my lord the chancellor, that my said lord of Glocester did not his indeuour nor diligence that he might haue shewed. For lacke of which diligence, they that were disposed to doo disobeisance were incoura­ged & imboldned, so that it was like, that they should haue made a gathering, and that the king and his true subiects should haue béene compelled to haue made a field to haue withstand them; the which field making, had béene aduenturing of this land, and in tokening that it was neuer my said lord chancellors intent, to gather no field, but as truth most stirred him against such as riotouslie would make such as­semblie against our souereigne lord, and the weale of this land, he desired so hastilie the comming of my said lord of Bedford: the which he would in no wise haue so greatlie desired, if he would haue purposed him vnto any vnlawfull making of a field; for he wist well, that my said lord of Bedford would most sharplie haue chastised and punished all those, that so would make any riotous assemblie.

When this answer was made, the duke caused this writing following openlie to be proclamed.

BE it knowne to all folkes, that it is the intent of my lord of Bed­ford, and all the lords spirituall & temporall, assembled in this pre­sent parlement, to acquite him and them, and to proceed truelie, iustlie, and indiffe­rentlie, without any parcialitie in any ma­ner of matter or quarels, moued or to be moued betweene my lord of Glocester on that one partie, & my lord of Winchester chancellor of England on that other par­tie. And for suer keeping of the kings peace it is accorded by my said lord of Bedford, & by my said lords spirituall and temporall, an oth to be made in forme as followeth, that is to saie.

The oth of the lords.

THat my said lord of Bedford, and my said lords, spirituall and temporall, and ech of them shall (as far forth as their cunnings and discretions suffice) trulie, iustlie, and indifferentlie counsell and aduise the king, and also procéed and acquit themselues in all the said mat­ters, and quarels, without that they or any of them shall priuilie and apertlie make or shew himselfe to be partie or parciall therein, not leauing or eschew­ing so to doo for affection, loue, méed, doubt, or dread of any person or persons. And that they shall in all wise keepe secret all that shall be commoned by waie of councell, in the matters and quarrels a­bouesaid, in the said parlement, without that they or any of them shall by word, writing of the king, or in any wise open or discouer it to any of the said par­ties, or to any other person that is not of the said councell: but if he haue a speciall commandement or leaue therevnto of the king or my said lord of Bed­ford. And that ech of them shall with all his might and power, assist by waie of counsell, or else shew it vnto the king, my lord of Bedford, and to the rest of my said lords to put the said parties to reason; and not to suffer that any of the said parties by them, or by their assistance, proceed or attempt by way of fight against the kings peace; nor helpe, assist, or comfort any of them thereto: but let them with all their might and power withstand them, and assist vnto the king, and my said lord of Bedford, in keeping of the [Page 594] kings peace, and redressing all such maner of procée­ding by waie of fight or force.

Dukes: the duke of Bedford, the duke of Norf­folke, the duke of Excester. Bishops: the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishop of Carleill, the bishop of Bath, the bishop of Landaffe, the bishop of Roche­ster, the bishop of Chicester, the bishop of Worce­ster, the bishop of saint Dauids, the bishop of Lon­don, the bishop of Duresme. Earles: the earle of Northumberland, the earle of Stafford, the earle of Oxford. Lords: the lord Hungerford, the lord Tip­tost, line 10 the lord Poinings, the lord Cromwell, the lord Borough, the lord Louell, the lord Botreux, the lord Clinton, the lord Zouch, the lord Audeleie, the lord Ferreis of Groubie, the lord Talbot, the lord Roos, the lord Greie, the lord Greie of Ruthen, the lord Fitz Walter, the lord Barkeleie. Abbats: the abbat of Waltham, the abbat of Glastenburie, the abbat of S. Augustines in Canturburie, the abbat of West­minster, the abbat of S. Maries in Yorke, the abbat of S. Albons not sworne bicause he was not present. line 20 ¶ Which oth in manner and forme aboue rehearsed, all the lords aswell spirituall as temporall, being in this parlement at Leicester assembled, the fourth day of March, promised vpon their faith, dutie, and allegi­ance, which they owe to the king their souereigne lord, truelie to obserue and kéepe, according to the true meaning and purport of the same.

The arbitrement. line 30

IN the name of God Amen. We Henrie archbishop of Canturburie, Thomas duke of Excester, Iohn duke of Norf­folke, Thomas bishop of Duresme, Phi­lip bishop of Worcester, Iohn bishop of Bath, Hum­frie earle of Stafford, William Alnwicke kéeper of the kings priuie seale, Rafe lord Cromwell, arbi­trators in all maner of causes, matters and quar­rels of heauinesses & greeuances, with all incidents, line 40 circumstances, dependents, or connexes being and hanging betweene the high & worthie prince Hum­frie duke of Glocester on the one partie, and the wor­shipfull father in God Henrie bishop of Winchester and chancellor of England on the other partie, by ei­ther of them, for the peasing of the said quarrels and debates taken and chosen in maner and forme as it is conteined more plainelie in a compromise made therevpon, of the which the tenor insueth in this forme. line 50

Memorandum, the seauenth daie of March in the fourth yeare of our souereigne lord the king, 1424 Anno Reg. 4. Henrie the sixt, the high and mightie prince Humfrie duke of Glocester at the reuerence of God, and for the good of the king our souereigne lord in this land, & name­lie at the reuerence, and especiallie at the request and praier of the mightie and high prince my lord of Bedford his brother, agréed him to put, and putteth all maner matters and quarels indéed, with all their incidents, circumstances, dependents and connexes line 60 that touchen him and his person, that he hath in anie wise doo, or féeleth himselfe gréeued or heauie against my lord his vncle, my lord of Winchester: or else that my lord of Winchester findeth him agréeued a­gainst him, in as much as they touch him or his per­son from the beginning of the world vnto this daie, in the aduise, ordinance and arbitrement of the wor­thie father in God, Henrie archbishop of Canturbu­rie, the high and noble prince Thomas duke of Exce­ster, and Iohn duke of Norffolke, the worshipfull fa­ther in God Thomas bishop of Duresme, Philip bi­shop of Worcester, Iohn bishop of Bath, the noble lord Humfrie earle of Stafford, the worshipfull per­sons maister William Alnewicke kéeper of the kings priuie seale, and Rafe lord Cromwell, promi­sing and behighting by the faith of his bodie, & word of his princehood and kings sonne, to doo, kéepe, ob­serue, and fulfill for him and his behalfe, all that shall be declared, ordeined, and arbitrated, by the foresaid archbishop, dukes, bishops, earle, keeper of the priuie seale, and lord Cromwell in all matters and quarels abouesaid.

Granting also and promising ouer that, to be com­prehended in the foresaid arbitrement, as toward putting awaie all heauinesses and displeasures, in anie wise conteined, by my lord of Glocester against all those that haue in anie wise assisted, counselled, or fauoured vnto his said vncle of Winchester, and as toward anie matters that be touching my lord of Glocester, remitteth it, and the gouernance thereof vnto the king & his councell, they to déeme it by the aduise of his councell, as him thinketh it to be doon [...] In witnesse of the which thing to this present com­promise my said lord of Glocester hath subscribed his name with his owne hand: Humfreie Glocester. And in like forme my lord of Winchester in an o­ther compromise hath subscribed with his owne hand vnder the word of his priesthood, to stand at the ad­uise, ordinance, & arbitrement of the persons aboue­said, Mutatis mutandis.

A decree or order taken by the kings councell for the pacifieng of the quarels & variances that were betweene the duke of Glocester, and the bishop of Winchester.

THe causes aforesaid and quarels by vs séene, heard, and diligentlie examined and decréed, by the assent of the said parties, ordeine and award, that my lords of Glo­cester, and of Winchester, for any thing doone or spo­ken, by that one partie against that other, or by anie of theirs, or anie other person or persons, afore the se­uenth daie of this present moneth of March, neuer hereafter take causes, quarels, displeasures, or heaui­nesses, that one against the other, ne neither against the counsellers, adherents, or fauourers of that other for anie thing or things that are past. And that my said lord of Glocester be good lord to my said lord of Winchester, & haue him in loue and affection as his kinsman & vncle. And that my said lord of Winche­ster haue to my said lord of Glocester true and sad loue and affection, doo and be readie to doo him such seruice as apperteineth of honestie to my said lord of Winchester and his estate to doo. And that each of them be good lord vnto all those adherents, counsel­lers, and fauourers of that other, and shew them at all times fauourable loue and affection, as for anie thing by them doone or said, before the seauenth daie of March.

And we decrée, ordeine, and award, that my said lord of Winchester, in the presence of the king our souereigne lord, my lord of Bedford, and my lord of Glocester, and the residue of the lords spirituall and temporall, and commons being in this present parle­ment, saie and declare in maner and forme that fol­loweth: My souereigne lord, I haue well vnderstand, that I am noised among the states of your land, how that the king our souereigne lord that was, at that time being prince, and lodged in the great chamber at Westminster, by the baieng of a spaniell, there was on a night taken behind a Or hang­ing. tapet in the same chamber, a man, that should haue confessed, that he was there by mine excitation and procuring, to haue slaine the foresaid prince there in his bed; wherevpon he was sacked, and foorthwith also drowned in the Thames.

[Page 595]Furthermore, I am accused, how that I should haue stirred the king that last died, the time also that he was prince, to haue taken the gouernance of this realme, and the crowne vpon him, his father liuing the same time, being king. Through which language and noising, I féele my name and fame greatlie en­blemished in diuerse mens opinions. Wherevpon, I take first God to my witnes, and after all the world, that I haue béene at all times, and am true louer, and true man, to you my souereigne lord, and shall line 10 be all my life. And also, I haue béene to my soue­reigne lord that was your father, all the time of his reigne, true man, and for such he tooke me, trusted me and cherished me to his liues end; and as I trust, no man will affirme the contrarie, nor neuer in my life procuring nor imagining death nor destruction of his person, ne assenting to any such thing, or like thereto, the time that he was king or prince, or else in other state.

I was likewise true man to king Henrie the line 20 fourth, all the time that he was my souereigne lord, and reigned vpon me. In which matters, in all ma­ner of wise that it liketh to you my souereigne lord for to command me, I am readie for to declare me: and furthermore, where, how, and when it shall like you, by the aduise of your councell, to assigne me. Wherfore I beséech you my souereigne lord, as hum­blie as I can, considering that there is no grounded processe, by the which I might lawfullie in these mat­ters abouesaid, be conuict (blessed be God) to hold me, line 30 and declare me, by the aduise of all the lords, spiritu­all and temporall, being in this present parlement, true man to you my souereigne lord, and so to haue beene vnto my souereigne lords that were your fa­ther and grandfather, and true man also to haue béene at all times to your said father whilest he was prince, or else in anie other estate, the said slander and noise notwithstanding, and this same declaration to be in­acted in this your said present parlement.

The which words declared in maner as it is aboue­said, line 40 it seemeth to my said lords the arbitrators, that it is méet, that my said lord of Winchester draw him apart, and in the meane time, the lords being present, be singularlie examined therevpon, and saie their aduise. And if it be assented by them, in maner as my said lord of Winchester desireth, let him be called againe, and that then my lord of Bedford haue these words in effect that follow: Faire vncle, the king my lord by the aduise of his councell, hath com­manded me to saie to you, that he hath well vnder­stand line 50 and considered all the matters which yée haue heere openlie declared in his presence, and therevpon yée desire a petition, that he will declare you, and by the aduise and assent of the lords spirituall and tem­porall, being in this present parlement, he declareth you a true man to him, and that yée haue so béene to my lord his father, and grandfather, also true man to my lord his father while he was prince, or else in anie other estate, the said dislander and noising not­withstanding, and will that the said declaration be so line 60 inacted in this present parlement.

After the which words thus said (as before is decla­red) it was decréed also by the said lords arbitrators, that the said lord of Winchester should haue these words that follow vnto my said lord of Glocester: My lord of Glocester, I haue conceiued to my great heauinesse, that yée should haue receiued by diuerse reports, that I should haue purposed and imagined against your person, honor, and estate, in diuers ma­ners, for the which, yée haue taken against me great displeasure: Sir, I take God to my witnesse, that what reports so euer haue béene to you of me, perad­uenture of such as haue had no great affection to me, God forgiue it them, I neuer imagined, ne purposed anie thing that might be hindering or preiudice to your person, honor, or estate: and therefore I praie you, that yee be vnto me good lord from this time foorth; for by my will, I gaue neuer other occasion, nor purpose not to doo hereafter by the grace of God. The which words so by him said, it was decréed by the same arbitrators, that my lord of Glocester, should answer and saie: Faire vncle, sith yée declare you such a man, as yée saie, I am right glad that it is so, and for such a man I take you. And when this was doone, it was decréed by the same arbitrators, that euerie each of my lord of Glocester, and Win­chester, should take either other by the hand, in the presence of the king and all the parlement, in signe and token of good loue & accord, the which was doone, and the parlement adiorned till after Easter.

At this reconciliation, such as loued peace reioised (sith it is a fowle & pernicious thing for priuat men, much more for noblemen to be at variance, sith vpon them depend manie in affections diuerse, whereby factions might grow to the shedding of bloud) though others, to whom contention & hartgrudge is delight, wished to see the vttermost mischéefe that might ther­of insue, which is the vtter ouerthrow and desolation of populous tribes, euen as with a litle sparkle whole houses are manie times consumed to ashes; as the old prouerbe saith, and that verie [...] and aptlie; ‘Sola scintilla perit haec domus aut [...] illa.’ But when the great fier of this [...] betwéene these two noble personages, was thus by the arbitra­tors (to their knowledge and iudgement) vtterlie quenched out, and said vnder boord; all other contro­uersies betwéene other lords, taking part with the one partie or the other, were appeased, and brought to concord, so that for ioy the king caused a solemne fest to be kept on Whitsundaie; on which daie he crea­ted Richard Plantagenet, sonne and heire to the erle of Cambridge (whome his father at Southhampton had put to death, as before yee haue heard) duke of Yorke, not foreséeing that this preferment should be his destruction, nor that his séed should of his genera­tion be the extreame end and finall conclusion. He the same daie also promoted Iohn lord Mowbraie, and earle marshall, sonne and heire to Thomas duke of Norffolke (by king Richard the second exiled this realme) to the title, name, and stile of duke of Norf­folke.

During this feast, the duke of Bedford adorned the king with the high order of knighthood, who on the same daie dubbed with the sword these knights, whose names insue: Richard duke of Yorke, Iohn duke of Norffolke; the earle of Westmerland, Hen­rie lord Persie, Iohn lord Butler, sonne to the earle of Ormond, the lord Rosse, the lord Matrauers, the lord Welles, the lord Barkelie; sir Iames Butler, sir Henrie Greie of Tankaruile, sir Iohn Talbot, sir Rafe Greie of Warke, sir Robert Uéere, sir Richard Greie, sir Edmund Hungerford, sir Water Wing­field, sir Iohn Butler, sir Reginald Cobham, sir Iohn Passheleu, sir Thomas Tunstall, sir Iohn Chedocke, sir Rafe Langstre, sir William Drurie, sir William ap Thomas, sir Richard Carnonell, sir Richard Wooduile, sir Iohn Shirdlow, sir Nicholas Blunket, sir William Cheinie iustice, sir William Babington, sir Rafe Butler, sir Robert Beau­champe, sir Edmund Trafford, sir Iohn Iune cheefe baron, and diuerse others.

After this solemne feast ended, a great aid and subsidie was granted for the continuance of the con­quest in France, and so therevpon monie was gathe­red, and men were prepared in euerie citie, towne, and countrie. During which businesse, The duke of Excester di­eth. Thomas duke of Excester, great vncle to the king, a right sage and [Page 596] discréet councellor, departed out of this mortall life, at his manor of Gréenewich, and with all funerall pompe was conueied through London to Berrie, and there buried. ¶ In the same yeare also died the ladie Elizabeth, halfe sister to the same duke, and of the whole bloud with king Henrie the fourth, maried first to the lord Iohn Holland, duke of Excester, and after to the lord Fanhope, buried at the blacke friers of London.

Fr. Thin.[Philip Morgan after the death of Iohn Fortham line 10 (sometime treasuror of England, year 1425 bishop of Elie and Durham, both which bishopriks, for anie thing that I can yet sée, he inioied both at one time) was made bishop of Elie in the yeare of our redemption 1425, in this sort. Henrie the sixt and manie of the nobilitie had written to the conuent of the church of Elie, to choose William Alnewicke (doctor of both lawes confessor to the king and kéeper of the priuie seale) to be their bishop. Notwithstanding which (they hauing more regard to their owne priuileges and benefit) line 20 chose Peter the prior of Elie to succéed in the place of Iohn Fortham. But none of both these inioied that roome; for Martin bishop of Rome (stepping into the matter to make the third part, neither fauouring the kings motion, nor approouing the monks election) re­mooued this William Morgan from the see of Wor­cester vnto Elie, sometime called Helix: as I haue séene it set downe in Saxon characters in an ancient booke of the liues of saints written in the Saxon toong, about the yeare of Christ 1010, before the time of Edward the confessor, and much about the time of line 30 Albo Floriacensis. This Morgan sat at Elie nine yeares, twentie and six wéeks, and foure daies, de­parting this life in his manour of Hatfield, in the yeare 1434, and was buried at the Charterhouse of London; being the twentie and fourth bishop that was installed in that place.]

While these things were thus a dooing in Eng­land, year 1426 the earle of Warwike, lieutenant for the re­gent in France, entered into the countrie of Maine, line 40 & besieged the towne of Chateau de Loire, the which shortlie to him was rendered, whereof he made cap­teine Matthew Or rather Goche. Gough, esquier. After this, he tooke by assault the castell of Maiet, and gaue it for his va­liantnesse to Iohn Winter esquier, and after that he conquered the castell of Lude, Iohn Winter. and made there cap­teine William Gladesdale gentleman. Here he was informed, that the Frenchmen were assembled in the countrie of Beausse, wherevpon he hasted thi­therwards to haue giuen them battell, but they ha­uing line 50 knowledge of his approch, durst not abide to trie the matter with him by a pight field, but fled be­fore he came néere them.

The earle in his returne wan the castell of Mont­dublean by surrender; The earle of Warwike made gouer­nour of the yoong king. where he left the valiant lord Willoughbie, and then returned to Paris. During which season, he was ordeined by the thrée estates of the realme of England, to be gouernour of the yoong king in the place of the duke of Excester deceassed: howbeit, he did not as yet returne into England, line 60 but remained in France for a season, and atchieued manie worthie enterprises. Whilest the lord regent of France was thus in England, Anno Reg. 5. meanes was made by the duke of Burgognie, for the deliuerie of the duke of Alanson, taken at the battell of Uer­noile, and now for the summe of two hundred thou­sand crownes he was set at libertie; but he would not by anie meanes acknowlege the king of England to be his liege and souereigne lord.

After that the duke of Bedford had set all things in good order in England, year 1427 he tooke leaue of the king, and togither with his wife returned into France, first landing at Calis, where the bishop of Winche­ster (that also passed the seas with him) r [...]ceiued the habit, hat, and dignitie of a cardinall, The [...] Winchester made a [...]. W. P. with all cere­monies to it apperteining: which promotion, the late K. right déeplie persing into the vnrestrainable am­bitious mind of the man, that euen from his youth was euer to checke at the highest: and also right well ascerteined with what intollerable pride his head should soone be swollen vnder such a hat: did there­fore all his life long kéepe this prelat backe from that presumptuous estate. But now the king being yoong and the regent his fréend, he obteined his purpose, to his great profit, and the impouerishing of the spiri­tualtie of this realme. For by a bull legantine, which he purchased from Rome, he gathered so much trea­sure, that no man in maner had monie but he: so that he was called the rich cardinall of Winchester.

After that the lord regent was arriued in France, the lord of Rustinian, marshall of Britaine, assem­bled a great companie of the British nation, which fortified and repared the towne of Pontorson: and after, the said marshall, with a thousand men, ente­red into the countrie of Constantine, and comming before the towne of Auranches, was incountered by the Englishmen of that garrison; & after long fight, his people were put to the worse, chased, The lord of Rustinian taken and his people slain [...] and disco [...] ­ted. and discom­fited, and he himselfe taken prisoner in the field. The duke of Bedford, hearing that the towne of Pontor­son, situate within two leagues of Mont Saint Michaell, was newlie fortified, and stronglie defen­ded, sent thither the earle of Warwike, accompa­nied with the lord Scales, and other valiant cap­teins and souldiers, to the number of seauen thou­sand men, to besiege the towne; who so inuironed it on euerie side, that no man could steale neither in nor out.

The siege thus long continuing, vittels began to wax scant in the English armie: wherefore the lord Scales, hauing in his companie sir Iohn Harpeleie bailiffe of Constantine, sir William Brearton bai­liffe of Caen, sir Rafe Tesson, sir Iohn Carbonell, and three thousand good men of warre, departed from the siege to get vittels, powder, and other things ne­cessarie for their purpose. And as they were retur­ning with their cariages by the sea coast, néere to Saint Michaels Mount, they suddenlie were in­countered by their enimies, whereof were chéefe, the baron of Coloses, the lord Dausebost, capteine of the said Mount, the lord Mountabon, the lord Montbur­chier, the lord of Chateaugiron, the lord of Tinti­gnat, the lord of Chateaubrian, with six thousand men of warre.

The lord Scales and his companie, perceiuing themselues beset on the one side with the sea, & on the other with their enimies, alighted from their horsses, and like couragious persons, there in an vnspeake­able furie, set on their enimies. A hot skir­mish. The fight was fierce & cruell. The Englishmen kept themselues close to­gither; so that their enimies could get no aduantage of them. At the last, the lord Scales cried S. George they flée. Wherevpon, the Englishmen tooke such courage, and the Frenchmen that fought before, were so dismaied, that they began to flee in deed. The Englishmen leaped on horsse-backe, On the [...] thursdaie. and followed them so, that they slue and tooke aboue eleuen hun­dred persons, among the which were taken the baron of Coloses, the vicount of Rone, and others. Enguera [...]. The lord of Chateaugiron, with a Scotish capteine, & diuerse other men of name were slaine. After this victorie, the lord Scales with his vittels, prouision, and priso­ners, returned to the siege, where he was of the earle and other noble men ioiouslie receiued.

Whilest the siege continued thus before Pontorson, Christopher Hanson, and other souldiers of the garri­son of Saint Susan, made a rode into the countrie of Aniou, and came to a castell called Ramfort, which [Page 597] castell was so priuilie scaled, that the capteine with­in, and his companie, were taken or slaine, before they knew of their enimies approching. When know­ledge hereof was giuen vnto the Frenchmen which were assembled, to the number of twentie thousand, to raise the siege that laie before Pontorson, they left that enterprise, and went to recouer the said castell of Ramfort, and so comming before it, planted their siege so on ech side of it, that at length by composition the Englishmen within, doubting to be taken by force, rendered vp the castell, hauing libertie to de­part line 10 with bag and baggage.

Shortlie after, the lord of Raix, calling himselfe lieutenant generall for the Dolphin, entred into Maine with an armie of three thousand men, and by force tooke the castell of Malicorne, wherof was cap­teine an Englishman, one Oliuer Osbatersbie. In like maner, they tooke the little castell of Lude, and therein William Blackborne, lieutenant for Willi­am Glasdale esquier. After this, the Frenchmen re­turned backe to the Dolphin, and kept not on their line 20 iourneie to Pontorson, for that they vnderstood by e­spials, that the earle of Warwike, and the English­men there, determined to giue them battell, if they once attempted to raise the siege. They within the towne, being streictlie besieged▪ perceiuing no like­lihood of succours, and seeing the English armie dai­lie increase, fell to treatie for doubt to be taken by force, Pontorson rendered to the English­men. and so rendered the towne vpon condition, that they might depart with horsse and harnesse onelie. Which being granted to them, the erle like a valiant line 30 capteine entered into the towne, and there appoin­ted for gouernors, the lord Ros, and the lord Talbot, and leauing there a conuenient garrison, returned to the lord regent.

After the taking of this towne of Pontorson, there was a league, and treatie concluded betwéene the regent and the duke of Britaine; by the articles of which agréement, the townes of Pontorson and saint Iames de Beuuron were beaten downe to the ground and raced. When the lord of Raix was line 40 departed out of Maine (as ye haue heard) Christopher Hanson, Philip Or rather Goche. Gough, Martin Godfrie, called the Scaler, tooke by stealth the castell of saint Laurence de Mortiers. At the same time, when the capteine and the most part of his companie were gone foorth to heare masse, in a church ouer against the same ca­stell, and kéeping themselues close, till the capteine returned, they tooke him as he was entered within the first gate, & so was this castell stuffed with Eng­lishmen, line 50 and capteine thereof was appointed sir William Oldhall.

The same season, sir Iohn Fastolfe, gouernour of the countries of Aniou and Maine, assembled a great puissance of men warre, and laid siege before the castell of saint Owen Distais, beside the towne of Lauall; and after he had laine there ten daies, the castell was deliuered, they within departing with their liues and armour onelie to them granted, by the tenor of the composition, which they tooke with line 60 the same sir Iohn Fastolfe. After the winning of this castell, the Englishmen remooued to the strong castell of Grauile, and after twelue daies, they with­in offered to yeeld the castell by a daie, if they were not succoured by the Dolphin or his power: the offer was taken and pledges deliuered.

Then sir Iohn Fastolfe returned in post to the regent, aduertising him of this composition and a­greement; wherefore, the said regent raised a great power to fight with the Frenchmen at the daie ap­pointed, and in his companie were the earles of Mortaigne and Warwike, the lord Ros and Tal­bot, sir Iohn Fastolfe, sir Iohn Aubemond, sir Iohn Ratcliffe, and diuerse other, to the number of twen­tie thousand men; and so marched forwards, in hope to meet and ioine battell with their aduersaries. But the French power, being not far off from the place, durst not approch. Wherefore, the regent sent to sir Iohn Fastolfe incontinentlie, to receiue the castell: but they within (contrarie to promise and appoint­ment) had newlie vitteled & manned the place, and so forsaking the pledges, and their fellowes in armes, refused to render the fortresse; wherefore, Hostages exe­cuted for pro­mise broken. the pledges were brought before their sight, and there before the castell openlie put to death.

After this the lord Talbot was made gouernour of Aniou and Maine, and sir Iohn Fastolfe was as­signed to an other place, which lord Talbot, The lord Talbot, a valiant cap­teine. being both of noble birth, and of haultie courage, after his comming into France, obteined so manie glorious victories of his enimies, that his onelie name was & yet is dreadfull to the French nation, and much re­nowmed amongst all other people. This lustie and most valiant capteine entered into Maine, where he slue men, destroied castels, burnt townes, and in conclusion suddenlie tooke the towne of Lauall. The lord Loehac, and diuerse other, withdrew into the ca­stell, in the which they were so streictlie besieged, that in the end they agréed to paie the lord Talbot an hundred thousand crownes, for licence to depart, with all their bag and baggage.

Then was this castell deliuered to the keeping of Gilbert Halsall, which after was slaine at the siege of Orleance, in whose place Matthew Or rather Goche. Gough was made capteine there: who being at the iournie of Senlis, by treason of a miller that kept a mill adioi­ning to the wall, the Frenchmen entered into the towne, and brought it againe into their subiection. Now the duke of Bedford hearing that the towne of Montargis, in the territorie of Orleance, was but slenderlie kept, and not thoroughlie furnished, sent the erle of Suffolke, with his brother sir Iohn Poole, and sir Henrie Bisset, hauing in their companie a six thousand men, to assalt that towne; but when they came thither and found the towne both well man­ned and stronglie fortified, contrarie to their expec­tation, they surceassed from giuing the assault, and onelie laid their siege round about it.

The earle of Warwike was appointed to lie with a great number of men of warre, at S. Mar­thelines de Archempe, to incounter the Frenchmen, if they would attempt to aid or vittell those within the towne. The situation of this towne was such, that by reason of waters and marishes, the English armie must néeds seuer it selfe into thrée parts, so that the one could not easilie helpe the other, but ei­ther by boats or bridges. This siege continued aboue two moneths, so that in the meane time the French­men had leasure to prouide for the succour thereof; and so it came to passe, that the constable of France Arthur of Britaine, the lord Boisac one of the mar­shals, Stephan la Hire, Pothon de Saintreiles, the lord Grauile, and diuerse others, to the number of three thousand horssemen, were sent foorth by the Dolphin.

These priuilie in the night season came on that side, where sir Iohn de la Poole and sir Henrie Bisset laie, whome they found so out of order, A great slaughter by negligence of the watch at Montar­gis. and without good watch, that the Frenchmen entered into their lodgings, slue manie in their beds, and spared none, for their resistance was but small. Sir Iohn de la Poole with his horsse saued himselfe, and sir Henrie Bisset escaped by a boat, and eight other with him. The residue fléeing in plumpes, and striuing to passe by a bridge of timber, the which was pestered with preasse of the multitude, brake, and so there were a great number drowned: insomuch that there were slaine by the enimies swoord, and drowned in the wa­ter, [Page 598] fiftéene hundred men.

The earle of Warwike hearing of this misfor­tune, departed from saint Mathelines with all spéed, and comming before Montargis, offered battell to the French capteins, which answered, that they had manned and vittelled the towne, and intended to doo no more at that time. The Englishmen héerevpon came softlie backe againe with all their ordinance to the duke of Bedford. Yet had not the French so great cause to vaunt of their successe: for at this verie time, line 10 sir Nicholas Burdet, appointed by the duke of Sum­merset to indamage his enimies in the coasts of Britaine, Sir Nicho­las Burdet. Polydor. sent horssemen into euerie part, woorking all the displeasure to the people that might be deui­sed. The countrie, through which he passed, was wa­sted, the townes were burnt, the houses spoiled, and great number of prisoners taken, the small villages were destroied, and the walled towns ransomed, and so without hurt or damage the said sir Nicholas Burdet returned into Normandie. line 20

These newes being signified to the constable, and other the French capteins, asswaged their great mirth and triumphant ioy, conceiued for the victorie of Montargis, that loth they were to attempt anie further enterprises against the English nation. But the duke of Alanson, who (as ye haue heard) was latelie deliuered out of captiuitie, reuiued againe the dulled spirits of the Dolphin, and somewhat ad­uanced, in hope of good spéed, the fainting harts of his capteins; so that (some occasion offered) they de­termined line 30 to atchiue a notable feat (as they tooke it) against the Englishmen, which was the recouerie of the citie of Mans out of their hands: for so it happe­ned, that diuers of the chéefe rulers in that citie, and namelie diuerse spirituall persons, meaning to re­uolt to the Dolphins side, aduertised him by letters of their whole minds, which letters were conueied vnto him by certeine friers.

The Dolphin glad of those newes, appointed the lords de la Breth and Faiet, marshals of France, line 40 accompanied with the lords of Mount Iehan, of Bu [...]ll, Doruall, Torsie, Beaumanor, the Hire, and his brother Guilliam, with fiue hundred other vali­ant capteins and souldiers, to the accomplishing of this enterprise; who comming thither at the daie as­signed, in the night season approched towards the walles, making a little fire on an hill, in sight of the towne, to signifie their comming, which perceiued by the citizens that néere to the great church were wat­ching for the same, a burning cresset was shewed line 50 out of the steeple, which suddenlie was put out and quenched. What néedeth manie words?

The capteins on horssebacke came to the gate, the traitors within slue the porters and watchmen, and let in their fréends, whereby the footmen entered first, Mans lost by treason of the citizens. and the men of armes waited at the barriers, to the intent that if néed required, they might fight it out in open field. Hereby manie Englishmen were slaine, & a great crie and garboile raised through the towne, as in such surprises is woont. The cause of this line 60 mischéefe was not knowen to any, but onelie to the conspirators; for the remnant of the citizens being no partakers, imagined, that the Englishmen had made hauocke in the towne, and put all to the sword. The Englishmen on the other side iudged, that the citizens had begun some new rebellion against them, or else had striuen amongst themselues.

The earle of Suffolke, which was gouernour of the towne, hauing perfect knowledge by such as sca­ped from the wals, how the matter went, withdrew without any tarriance into the castell, which standeth at the gate of saint Uincent, whereof was constable Thomas Gower esquier, whither also fled manie Englishmen; so as for vrging of the enimie, prease of the number, and lacke of vittels, they could not haue indured long: wherfore they priuilie sent a mes­senger to the lord Talbot, which then laie at Alanson, certifieng him in how hard a case they were. The lord Talbot hearing these newes, like a carefull capteine in all hast assembled togither about seuen hundred men, & in the euening departed from Alanson, so as in the morning he came to a castell called Guierch, two miles from Mans, and there staied a while till he had sent out Matthew Or rather Goche. Gough, as an espiall, to vn­derstand how the Frenchmen demeaned themselues.

Matthew Goche. Gough so well sped his businesse, that priuilie in the night he came into the castell, where he learned that the Frenchmen verie negligentlie v­sed themselues, without taking heed to their watch, as though they had béene out of all danger: which well vnderstood, he returned againe, and within a mile of the citie met the lord Talbot, and the lord Scales, and opened vnto them all things, according to his credence. The lords then, to make hast in the matter, bicause the daie approched, with all spéed possi­ble came to the posterne gate, and alighting from their horsses, about six of the clocke in the morning, they issued out of the castell, crieng saint George, Talbot.

The Frenchmen being thus suddenlie taken, were sore amazed, in so much that some of them, being not out of their beds, got vp in their shirts, and lept o­uer the walles. Mans reco­uered. Other ran naked out of the gates to saue their liues, leauing all their apparell, horsses, ar­mour, and riches behind them, none was hurt but such as resisted. Abr. Fl. ¶ Hard shift was made on all hands for safetie of life, & happie was he that could find a place of refuge where to lurke vnspide and vnhurt of the enimie; who in the execution of their vengeance were so peremptorie, that it was a matter of great difficultie or rather impossibilitie to escape their force. To be short, there were slaine and taken, to the num­ber of foure hundred gentlemen, the priuat souldiers were frankelie let go. After this, inquisition was made of the authors of the treason, Traitors ex­ecuted. and there were found & condemned thirtie citizens, twentie priests, and fifteene friers, who according to their demerits were all hanged.

The citie of Mans being thus recouered, Anno Reg. 6. the lord Talbot returned to Alanson, and shortlie after the earle of Warwike departed into England, to be go­uernour of the yoong king, Duke of Ex­cester deceas­sed. in steed of Thomas duke of Excester, latelie departed to God, and then was the lord Thomas Montacute earle of Salisburie sent into France, year 1428 to supplie the roome of the said earle of Warwike, who landed at Calis with fiue thousand men, and so came to the duke of Bedford as then li­eng in Paris, where they fell in councell togither concerning the affaires of France, and namelie the earle of Salisburie began maruellouslie to phanta­sie the gaining of the citie & countrie of Orleance.

This earle was the man at that time, by whose wit, strength, and policie, the English name was much fearefull and terrible to the French nation, which of himselfe might both appoint, command, and doo all things in manner at his pleasure, Montacute earle of Sa­lisburie a po­litike and va­liant man. in whose power (as it appeared after his death) a great part of the conquest consisted: for suerlie, he was a man both painefull, diligent, and readie to withstand all dange­rous chances that were at hand, prompt in counsell, and of courage inuincible, so that in no one man, men put more trust; nor any singular person wan the harts so much of all men.

Herevpon, after this great enterprise had long béene debated in the priuie councell, the earle of Sa­lisburies deuise therein was of them all granted and allowed, so that he being replenished with good hope of victorie, and furnished with artillerie & munition [Page 599] apperteining to so great an enterprise, accompanied with the earle of Suffolke, and the lord Talbot, and with a valiant armie, to the number of ten thousand men, departed from Paris, and passed through the countrie of Beausse. There he tooke by assault, the towne of Genuille, and within fiue daies after had the castell deliuered vnto him, by them that were fled into it for their safegard. [...] also tooke the towne of Baugencie, suffering [...] man which would be­come subiect to the king of England, to inioie their line 10 lands and goods. The townes of Meun vpon Loire, and Iargeaulx, hearing of these dooings, presented to them the keies of their townes vpon like agréement. [About Maie in this 1428, W. P. Les grandes chroniques de Britaigne. the towne of Naunts and territories there with a fearefull earthquake were shaken, houses castels and strong buildings, in such terrour, as it was thought the end of the world had béene come.]

Anno Reg. 7. Orleance be­sieged. Bastard of Orleance.After this, in the moneth of September the earle came before the citie of Orleance, and planted his line 20 siege on the one side of the riuer of Loire; but before his comming, the bastard of Orleance, the bishop of the citie, and a great number of Scots, hearing of the earles intent, made diuerse fortifications about the towne, and destroied the suburbes, in which were twelue parish churches, and foure orders of friers. They cut also downe all the vines, trees, and bushes, within fiue leagues of the citie, so that the English­men should haue neither refuge nor succour.

After the siege had continued full thrée weekes, the line 30 bastard of Orleance issued out of the gate of the bridge; and fought with the Englishmen; but they re­ceiued him with so fierce and terrible strokes, that he was with all his companie compelled to retire and flee backe into the citie. But the Englishmen follow­ed so fast, in killing and taking of their enimies, that they entered with them. A bulworke at Orleance taken. ¶ The bulworke of the bridge, with a great tower standing at the end of the same, was taken incontinentlie by the Englishmen, who behaued themselues right valiantlie vnder the line 40 conduct of their couragious capteine, Abr. Fl. as at this as­sault, so in diuerse skirmishes against the French; partlie to kéepe possession of that which Henrie the fift had by his magnanimitie & puissance atchiued, as also to inlarge the same. But all helped not. For who can hold that which will awaie? In so much that some cities by fraudulent practises, othersome by martiall prowesse were recouered by the French, to the great discouragement of the English and the ap­palling of their spirits; whose hope was now dashed line 50 partlie by their great losses and discomfitures (as af­ter you shall heare) but chéeflie by the death of the late deceassed Henrie their victorious king; as Chr. Ok­land verie truelie and agréeable to the storie noteth:

Dolphinus, comitésque eius fera praelia tentant,
Fraude domi capi [...]nt alias, virtute receptae
Sunt vrbes aliae qu [...]dam, sublapsa refertur
Anglûm spes retrò, languescere pectora dicas,
Quippe erat Henricus quintus, dux strenuus olim,
Mortuus: hinc damni grauior causa atque doloris. line 60

In this conflict, manie Frenchmen were taken, but more were slaine, and the kéeping of the tower and bulworke was committed to William Glasdale esquier. By the taking of this bridge the passage was stopped that neither men nor vittels could go or come by that waie. After this, the earle caused certeine bul­workes to be made round about the towne, casting trenches betwéene the one and the other, laieng ordi­nance in euerie place where he saw that any batterie might be deuised. When they within saw that they were enuironed with fortresses and ordinance, they laid gun against gun, and fortified towers against bulworkes, and within cast new rampiers, and forti­fied themselues as stronglie as might be deuised.

The bastard of Orleance and the Hire were ap­pointed to see the walles and watches kept, and the bishop saw that the inhabitants within the citie were put in good order, and that vittels were not vainelie spent. In the tower that was taken at the bridge end (as before you haue heard) there was an high chamber, hauing a grate full of barres of iron, by the which a man might looke all the length of the bridge into the citie; at which gra [...]e manie of the chéefe capteins stood manie times, viewing the citie, and deuising in what place it was best to giue the as­sault. They within the citie well perceiued this too­ting hole, and laid a péece of ordinance directlie a­gainst the window.

It so chanced, that the nine and fiftith daie after the siege was laid, the earle of Salisburie, sir Thomas Gargraue, and William Glasdale, with diuerse o­ther went into the said tower, and so into the high chamber, and looked out at the grate, and within a short space, the sonne of the maister-gunner, percei­uing men looking out at the window, tooke his match (as his father had taught him) who was gone downe to dinner, and fired the gun; the shot whereof brake, and shiuered the iron barres of the grate, so that one of the same bars strake the earle so violent­lie on the head, that it stroke awaie one of his eies, The earle of Salisburie slaine. and the side of his chéeke. Sir Thomas Gargraue was likewise striken, and died within two daies.

The earle was conueied to Meun on Loire, where after eight daies he likewise departed this world, whose bodie was conueied into England with all fu­nerall appointment, and buried at Bissam by his pro­genitors, leauing behind him an onelie daughter named Alice, married to Richard Neuill, sonne to Rafe earle of Westmerland, of whome more shall be said héereafter. The damage that the realme of Eng­land receiued by the losse of this noble man, mani­festlie appeared; in that immediatlie after his death, the prosperous good lucke, which had followed the English nation, began to decline, and the glorie of their victories gotten in the parties beyond the sea fell in decaie.

Though all men were sorowfull for his death, yet the duke of Bedford was most striken with heaui­nesse, as he that had lost his onelie right hand, and cheefe aid in time of necessitie. But sith that dead men cannot helpe the chances of men that be liuing, he like a prudent gouernour appointed the earle of Suf­folke to be his lieutenant and capteine of the siege, and ioined with him the lord Scales, the lord Talbot, sir Iohn Fastolfe, and diuerse other right valiant capteins. These persons caused bastilles to be made round about the citie, and left nothing vnattempted, that might aduance their purpose, which to bring to wished effect there was not anie want, as of no cau­telous policie, so of no valiant enterprise, tending to the enimies ouerthrow.

In the Lent season, vittels and artillerie began to waxe scant in the English campe, year 1429 wherefore the earle of Suffolke appointed sir Iohn Fastolfe, sir Tho­mas Rampston, and sir Philip Hall, with their reti­nues, to ride to Paris, to the lord regent, to informe him of their lacke, who incontinentlie vpon that in­formation prouided vittels, artillerie, and muniti­ons necessarie, and loded therewith manie chariots, carts, and horsses: and for the sure conueieng of the same, he appointed sir Simon Morhier, prouost of Paris, with the gard of the citie, and diuerse of his owne houshold-seruants to accompanie sir Iohn Fastolfe and his complices, to the armie lieng at the siege of Orleance. They were in all to the number of fifteene hundred men, Engueran [...]. of the which there were not past fiue or six hundred Englishmen.

These departing in good order of battell out of Pa­ris, [Page 600] came to Genuille in Beausse, and in a morning earlie, in a great frost, they departed from thence to­ward the siege; and when they came to a towne called Rowraie, in the lands of Beausse, they perceiued their enimies comming towards them, being to the number of nine or ten thousand of Frenchmen and Scots, of whome were capteins Charles of Clere­mont, sonne to the duke of Bourbon then being pri­soner in England; sir William Steward constable of Scotland, a little before deliuered out of captiui­tie, line 10 the earle of Perdriake, the lord Iohn Uandosine, the Uidame of Chartres, the lord of Toures, the lord of Lohar, the lord of Eglere, the lord of Beauiew, the bastard Tremoile, and manie other valiant cap­teins.

Wherefore sir Iohn Fastolfe set all his companie in good order of battell, and pitched stakes before e­uerie archer, to breake the force of the horssemen. At their backes they set all the wagons and carriages, and within them they tied all their horsses. In this line 20 maner stood they still, abiding the assault of their eni­mies. The Frenchmen by reason of their great num­ber, thinking themselues sure of the victorie, egerlie set on the Englishmen, which with great force them receiued, and themselues manfullie defended. At length, 1500 English did slaie and vāquish 10000 French. after long and cruell fight, the Englishmen droue backe and vanquished the proud Frenchmen, & compelled them to flée. In this conflict were slaine the lord William Steward constable of Scotland, and his brother the lord Dorualle, the lord Chateau­briam, line 30 sir Iohn Basgot, and other Frenchmen and Scots, to the number of fiue and twentie hundred, and aboue eleuen hundred taken prisoners, although the French writers affirme the number lesse.

After this fortunate victorie, sir Iohn Fastolfe and his companie (hauing lost no one man of anie repu­tation) with all their cariages, vittels, and prisoners, marched foorth and came to the English campe before Orleance, where they were ioifullie receiued, and highlie commended for their valiancie and worthie line 40 prowesse shewed in the battell; the which bicause most part of the cariage was herring and lenton stuffe, the Frenchmen called it the battell of herrings. The earle of Suffolke being thus vittelled, The battell of herrings. continued the siege, and euerie daie almost skirmished with the Frenchmen within, who (at length being in despaire of all succours) offered to treat, and in conclusion, to saue themselues and the citie from captiuitie of their enimies, they deuised to submit the citie, themselues, and all theirs vnder the obeisance of Philip duke of Burgognie, bicause he was extract out of the stocke line 50 and bloud roiall of the ancient kings of France, thinking by this means (as they did in deed) to breake or diminish the great amitie betwéene the English­men and him.

This offer was signified by them vnto the duke of Burgognie, who with thanks certified them againe, that he would gladlie receiue them, if the lord regent would therewith be contented. Herevpon he dispat­ched messengers to the duke of Bedford, who though line 60 some counselled that it should be verie good and ne­cessarie for him to agrée to that maner of yéelding; yet he and other thought it neither conuenient nor honourable, that a citie so long besieged by the king of England, should be deliuered vnto anie other prince, than to him, or to his regent, for that might be a verie bad president to other townes in anie like case. Herevpon the regent answered the Burgogni­an ambassadors: W. P. that after so long a siege on his part, and obstinat a resistance of theirs, he might not receiue rendring and conditions at their appoint­ment. At this answer the duke hoong the groine, as conceiuing that our side should enuie his glorie, or not to be so forward in aduancing his honour as he would haue it.

In time of this siege at Orleance (French stories saie) the first wéeke of March 1428, W.P. Iehā de Till [...]. vnto Charles the Dolphin, Les chroni [...]. de Bretaigne. at Chinon as he was in verie great care and studie how to wrestle against the English nati­on, by one Peter Badricourt capteine of Uacouleur, Le Rosier c [...] ­leth him Ro­bert. (made after marshall of France by the Dolphins creation) was caried a [...] wench of an eightéene yeeres old, Ione de Are Pusell de di [...]. called Ione [...] ▪ [...]y name of hir father (a sorie shéepheard) Iames of Are, and Isabell hir mo­ther, brought vp poorelie in their trade of kéeping cat­tell, borne at Domprin (therefore reported by Bale, In vita Bund­vicae. Ione Domprin) vpon Meuse in Lorraine within the diocesse of Thoule. Of fauour was she counted like­some, of person stronglie made and manlie, of cou­rage great, hardie, and stout withall, an vnderstand­er of counsels though she were not at them, great semblance of chastitie both of bodie and behauiour, the name of Iesus in hir mouth about all hir busi­nesses, humble, obedient, and fasting diuerse daies in the weeke. A person (as their bookes make hir) raised vp by power diuine, onelie for succour to the French estate then déepelie in distresse, in whome, for plan­ting a credit the rather, first the companie that to­ward the Dolphin did conduct hir, through places all dangerous, as holden by the English, where she ne­uer was afore, all the waie and by nightertale safe­lie did she lead: then at the Dolphins sending by hir assignement, from saint Katharins church of Fier­bois in Touraine (where she neuer had béene and knew not) in a secret place there among old iron, ap­pointed she hir sword to be sought out and brought hir, Grand chro. 4. that with fiue floure delices was grauen on both sides, wherewith she fought & did manie slaughters by hir owne hands. On warfar rode she in armour From head to foot. cap a pie & mustered as a man, before hir an ensigne all white, wherin was Iesus Christ painted with a floure delice in his hand.

Unto the Dolphin into his gallerie when first she was brought, and he shadowing himselfe behind, setting other gaie lords before him to trie hir cun­ning from all the companie, with a salutation (that indeed marz all the matter) she pickt him out alone, who therevpon had hir to the end of the gallerie, This saluta­tion appeareth after héere. where she held him an houre in secret and priuate talke, that of his priuie chamber was thought verie long, and therefore would haue broken it off; but he made them a signe to let hir saie on. In which (among other) as likelie it was, she setout vnto him the sin­gular feats (forsooth) giuen hir to vnderstand by reue­lation diuine, Les grand chronic. that in vertue of that sword shée should atchiue, which were, how with honor and victorie shee would raise the siege at Orleance, set him in state of the crowne of France, and driue the English out of the countrie, thereby he to inioie the kingdome a­lone. Héerevpon he hartened at full, appointed hir a sufficient armie with absolute power to lead them, and they obedientlie to doo as she bad them. Then fell she to worke, and first defeated indéed the siege at Orleance, by and by incouraged him to crowne him­selfe king of France at Reims, that a little before from the English she had woone. Thus after pursued she manie bold enterprises to our great displeasure a two yeare togither, for the time she kept in state vn­till she were taken and for heresie and witcherie burned: as in particularities hereafter followeth. But in hir prime time she armed at all points (like a iolie capteine) roade from Poictiers to Blois, and there found men of warre, vittels, and munition, readie to be conueied to Orleance.

Héere was it knowne that the Englishmen kept not so diligent watch as they had beene accustomed to doo, and therefore this maid (with other French capteins) comming forward in the dead time of the [Page 601] night, and in a great raine and thunder entred into the citie with all their vittels, artillerie, and other ne­cessarie prouisions. The next daie the Englishmen boldlie assaulted the towne, but the Frenchmen de­fended the walles so, as no great feat worthie of me­morie chanced that daie betwixt them, though the Frenchmen were amazed at the valiant attempt of the Englishmen, whervpon the bastard of Orleance gaue knowledge to the duke of Alanson, in what dan­ger the towne stood without his present helpe, who comming within two leagues of the citie, gaue line 10 knowledge to them within, that they should be rea­die the next daie to receiue him.

This accordinglie was accomplished: for the Englishmen willinglie suffered him and his armie also to enter, supposing that it should be for their ad­uantage to haue so great a multitude to enter the ci­tie, whereby their vittels (whereof they within had great scarsitie) might the sooner be consumed. On the next daie in the morning, the Frenchmen altogither line 20 issued out of the towne, woone by assault the bastile of saint Lou, and set it on fire. And after they like­wise assaulted the tower at the bridge foot, which was manfullie defended. But the Frenchmen (more in number) at length tooke it, yer the lord Talbot could come to the succours, in the which William Glades­dale the capteine was slaine, with the lord Moollins, and lord Poinings also.

The Frenchmen puffed vp with this good lucke, fetched a compasse about, and in good order of battell line 30 marched toward the bastile, which was in the kéep­ing of the lord Talbot: the which vpon the enimies approch, like a capteine without all feare or dread of that great multitude, issued foorth against them, and gaue them so sharpe an incounter, that they not able to withstand his puissance, fled (like shéepe before the woolfe) againe into the citie, with great losse of men and small artillerie. Of Englishmen were lost in the two bastiles, to the number of six hundred persons, or thereabout, though the French writers multiplie this number of hundreds to thousands, as their ma­ner line 40 is.

The earle of Suffolke, the lord Talbot, the lord Scales, and other capteins assembled togither in councell, and after causes shewed to and fro, it was amongst them determined to leaue their fortresses and bastiles, and to assemble in the plaine field, and there to abide all the daie, to sée if the Frenchmen would issue foorth to fight with them. This conclusion taken was accordinglie executed: but when the Frenchmen durst not once come foorth to shew their line 50 heads, the Englishmen set fire of their lodgings, and departed in good order of battell from Orleance. The siege of Orleance broken vp. The next daie, which was the eight daie of Maie, the earle of Suffolke rode to Iargeaux with foure hundred Englishmen, and the lord Talbot with an other com­panie returned to Mehun. And after he had fortified that towne, he went to the towne of Lauall, & woone it, togither with the castell, sore punishing the towns­men for their cankered obstinacie against them. line 60

Thus when the Englishmen had seuered them­selues into garrisons, the duke of Alanson, the ba­stard of Orleance, Ione le Pusell, the lord Gaw­court, and diuerse other capteins of the Frenchmen, came the twelfe daie of Iune, before the towne of Iargeaux, where the earle of Suffolke and his two brethren soiourned, & gaue to the towne so fierce an assault on thrée parts, that Poiton de Sentrailes, perceiuing an other part void of defendants, scaled the wals on that side, and without difficultie tooke the towne, and slue sir Alexander Poole, brother to the erle, and manie other, to the number of two hundred. But the Frenchmen gained not much thereby, for they lost thrée hundred good men and more. Of the Englishmen fortie were taken, with the earle and his other brother named Iohn.

The Frenchmen, as they returned to Orleance, Prisoners slaine by the French as they were taken. fell at variance for their prisoners, and slue them all, sauing the earle and his brother. Shortlie after, the same French armie came to Mehun, where they tooke the tower at the bridge foot, and put therein a garrison. From thence they remooued to Baugen­cie, and constreined them that were within the towne to yéeld, vpon condition they might depart with bag and baggage. At the same place there came to the duke of Alanson, the new constable Arthur of Bri­taine, and with him the lord Dalbret, and other. Also after this the earle of Uandosme came to them, so that by the dailie repaire of such as assembled togi­ther to strengthen the French part, they were in all to the number betweene twentie and thrée and twen­tie thousand men.

All which being once ioined in one armie, Nichol. Giles. Fiue thousād saith Hall. shortlie after fought with the lord Talbot (who had with him not past six thousand men) neere vnto a village in Beausse called Pataie: at which battell the charge was giuen by the French so vpon a sudden, that the Englishmen had not leisure to put themselues in a­raie, after they had put vp their stakes before their archers, so that there was no remedie but to fight at aduenture. This battell continued by the space of three long houres: for the Englishmen, though they were ouerpressed with multitude of their enimies, yet they neuer fled backe one foot, till their capteine the lord Talbot was sore wounded at the backe, and so taken.

Then their hearts began to faint, and they fled, Great losse on y e English side The lords Talbot, Scales, and Hungerford taken. in which flight were slaine aboue twelue hundred, and fortie taken, of whome the lord Talbot, the lord Scales, the lord Hungerford, & sir Thomas Ramp­ston were chéefe. Diuerse archers, after they had shot all their arrowes, hauing onelie their swords, defen­ded themselues, and with helpe of some of their hors­men came safe to Mehun. This ouerthrow, and spe­ciallie the taking of the lord Talbot, did not so much reioise the Frenchmen; but it did as much abash the Englishmen: so that immediatlie therevpon, the townes of Ienuile, Mehun, Fort, and diuerse other, returned from the English part, and became French. From this battell departed without anie stroke stri­ken sir Iohn Fastolfe, the same yeare for his vali­antnesse elected into the order of the garter. But for doubt of misdealing at this brunt, the duke of Bed­ford tooke from him the image of saint George, and his garter; though afterward by meanes of freends, and apparant causes of good excuse, the same were to him againe deliuered against the mind of the lord Talbot.

Charles the Dolphin that called himselfe French K. perceiuing fortune to smile thus vpon him, assem­bled a great power, and determined to conquer the citie of Reimes▪ that he might be there sacred, crow­ned, and annointed, according to the custome of his progenitours, that all men might iudge that he was by all lawes and decrees a iust and lawfull king. In his waie thitherwards he besieged the citie of Au­xerre, the citizens whereof compounded with him to yéeld, if they were not rescued within certeine daies. From thence he came before Trois, and after twelue daies siege had that citie deliuered vnto him, by com­position, that the capteine sir Philip Hall (with his people and moueables) might depart in safetie. Af­ter that Trois was yéelded, the communaltie of Chaalons rebelled against sir Iohn Aubemond their capteine, and constreined him to deliuer the towne vpon like composition. In semblable manner did they of Reimes, desiring him to giue safe conduct to all the Englishmen safelie to depart. When Reimes [Page 602] was thus become French, the foresaid Charles the Dolphin in the presence of the dukes of Lorraine and Barre, and of all the noble men of his faction, was sacred there king of France by the name of Charles the seauenth, The French king crowned. with all rites and ceremonies thereto belonging. They of Auxerre, when the terme of their appointment was expired, submitted themselues to him; and so likewise did all the cities and townes ad­ioining.

The duke of Bedford aduertised of all these dooings, line 10 assembled his power about him, and hauing togither ten thousand good Englishmen (beside Normans) departed out of Paris in warlike fashion, & passing thorough Brie to Monstreau fault Yonne, sent by his herald Bedford, letters to the French king, si­gnifieng to him; that where he had (contrarie to the finall conclusion accorded betwéene his noble bro­ther K. Henrie the fift, & king Charles the sixt, father to him that was the vsurper) by allurement of a di­uelish witch, Ione taken to be a witch. taken vpon him the name, title, & digni­tie line 20 of the king of France; and further had by mur­ther, stealing, craft, and deceitfull meanes, violent­lie gotten, and wrongfullie kept diuerse cities and townes belonging to the king of England his ne­phue; for proofe thereof he was come downe from Paris with his armie, into the countrie of Brie, by dint of sword and stroke of battell to prooue his wri­ting and cause true, willing his enimie to choose the place, and in the same he would giue him battell.

The new French king being come from Reimes to Dampmartine, studieng how to compasse them line 30 of Paris, was halfe abashed at this message. But yet to set a good countenance on the matter, he answe­red the herald, that he would sooner séeke his maister, than his maister should néed to pursue him. The duke of Bedford hearing this answer, marched toward the king, and pitched his field in a strong place. The French king though at the first he meant to haue a­bidden battell; yet when he vnderstood that the duke was equall to him in number of people, he changed line 40 his purpose, and turned with his armie a little out of the waie. The duke of Bedford, perceiuing his faint courage, followed him by the hils and dales, till he came to a town not far from Senlis, where he found the French king and his armie lodged; wherefore he ordered his battels like an expert cheefteine in mar­tiall science, setting the archers before, and himselfe with the noblemen in the maine battell, and put the Normans on both sides for wings. The French king also ordered his battels with the aduise of his line 50 capteins.

Thus these two armies laie two daies and two nights either in sight of other, without anie great dooing, except a few skirmishes, wherein the dukes light horssemen did verie valiantlie. At length in the dead of the night (as priuilie as might be) the French king brake vp his campe, The French armie fled in the night. Boheme. and fled to Braie. The duke of Bedford had much adoo to staie his people in the morning from pursuit of the French armie: but for that he mistrusted the Parisiens, he would not de­part line 60 farre from that citie, and so returned thither a­gaine. ¶ In this season pope Martin the fift of that name, meaning to subdue the Bohemers that dis­sented from the church of Rome in matters of reli­gion, appointed Henrie Beaufort Bishop of Win­chester & cardinall of saint Eusebie, to be his legat in an armie that should inuade the kingdome of Boheme, and to bring a power of men with him out of England. And because the warre touched reli­gion, he licenced the cardinall to take the tenth part of euerie spirituall dignitie, benefice, and promo­tion.

This matter was opened in the parlement house, and assented to: wherevpon the bishop gathered the monie, and assembled foure thousand men & aboue, not without great grudge of the people, which dailie were with tallages and aids wearied and sore burde­ned. As this bishop was come to Douer readie to passe the seas ouer into Flanders, the duke of Glo­cester hauing receiued letters from the duke of Bed­ford, conteining an earnest request to reléeue him with some spéedie aid of men of warre, was con­streined to write vnto the bishop of Winchester, willing him in time of such néed, when all stood vpon losse or gaine, to passe with all his armie toward the duke of Bedford, to assist him against his aduersa­ries; which thing doone, and to his honour atchiued, he might performe his iournie against the vngratious Bohemers. The cardinall (though not well conten­ted with this countermand) yet least he should run into the note of infamie, if he refused to aid the re­gent of France in so great a cause, passed ouer with his power, and brought the same vnto his coosine to the citie of Paris.

About the same season, the French king, in hope to be receiued into the townes of Campaigne and Beauuois (by reason of the fauour and good will which the inhabitants bare towards him) was come with an armie towards Campaigne. Whereof the duke of Bedford being aduertised, and hauing now his host augmented with the new supplie, which the cardinall had of late brought vnto him, marched for­ward with great speed toward the place where he vn­derstood the French king was lodged: and comming to Senlis, he perceiued how his enimies were in­camped vpon the mount Pilioll, betweene Senlis and Campaigne.

Here might either armie behold the other: where­vpon for the auoiding of dangers that might insue, the campes were trenched, and the battels pitched, and the fields ordered as though they should haue tried the matter by battell: but nothing was doone except with skirmishes, in the which the Normans sore vexed the Frenchmen; and therefore receiued great commendations & praises of the lord regent: who vndoubtedlie determined to haue giuen battell to his enimies if they would haue abidden it. But af­ter the armies had thus lien ether in sight of other, for the space of two daies togither, the French king not determining to aduenture in an open battell the whole chance of the game, least he might thereby re­ceiue a perpetuall checkemate, in the night season re­mooued his campe, and fled to Crespie, though his number was double to the English armie. The duke of Bedford, Anno Reg. [...] séeing that the French king was thus cowardlie recoiled with all his power and armie, re­turned againe to Paris, euer suspecting the deceit­full faith of the Parisiens.

The bishop of Winchester, after that the French king was retreated backe, went into Boheme, Boheme. and there did somewhat, though shortlie after without a­nie great praise or gaine he returned into England, more glad of his comming backe than of his aduan­cing forward. Anon after the pope vnlegated him, The pope [...] vnlegat the cardinall of Winchester. K. Henrie [...] coronation at Westminster. and set an other in his place, wherewith he was no­thing contented. On the sixt daie of Nouember, be­ing the daie of saint Leonard, king Henrie in the eight yeare of his reigne was at Westminster with all pompe and honour crowned king of this realme of England. In the same yere the French king was receiued into the towne of Campaigne, and shortlie after were the townes of Senlis and Beauuois ren­dered to him. And the lord Longueuall tooke by stelth the castell of Aumarle, and slue all the Englishmen within it.

Also about the same time, Thom. Wi [...]. the Frenchmen recoue­red castell Galiard foorth of the Englishmens hands, where the lord Barbason was found in a dungeon, [Page 603] inclosed within a great grate of iron like to a little chamber, and foorthwith they brake open the grate: but Barbason would not come foorth; because he had giuen his faith and promise to one Kingston that was capteine of that fortresse for the king of Eng­land, to be true prisoner, vntill the Frenchmen had sent to the same Kingston (that was departed vpon such couenants as they were agréed vpon at the deli­uerie of that fortresse) willing him to come backe a­gaine vpon safe conduct. Which at their earnest re­quest line 10 he did, and withall discharged the lord Barba­son of his oth; and so then he came foorth, and remai­ned at his libertie, to the great reioising of the Frenchmen, which iudged that he had béene rather dead than aliue all that time of his imprisonment.

About the same time also the French king sought by all meanes possible to breake the amitie betwixt the realme of England, and the house of Burgognie. Whereof the duke of Bedford hauing intelligence, thought it stood him vpon the more earnestlie to looke line 20 to his charge; and namelie as it were an anchorhold, he determined to prouide that he might defend and safelie kéepe the duchie of Normandie, and therefore appointing the bishop of Terrowen and Elie, named Lewes of Lutzenburgh, chancellor for king Henrie of the realme of France, to remaine at Paris vp­on the defense of that citie, with a conuenient num­ber of Englishmen, he departed into Normandie, and comming to Rone, called a parlement there of the thrée estates of the duchie, A parlement at Rone cal­led by the duke of Bed­ford. in the which he decla­red line 30 manie things vnto them, touching the happie life, and great freedome which they might be assured to inioy, so long as they continued vnder the Eng­lish obeisance: and therefore he exhorted them to a­bide constant in their allegiance, faith, and promise made and sworne to his noble brother king Henrie the fift.

Whilest the duke of Bedford was busie to reteine the Normans in their due obedience, the French king departed from Senlis; and comming to the line 40 towne of saint Denis, The French got saint De­nis. found it in maner desolate, so that he entered there without resistance, and lodged his armie at Mount Martyr and Amberuilliers, néere vnto the citie of Paris; and from thence sent Iohn duke of Alanson, and his sorceresse Ione la Pusell, with thrée thousand light horssemen to assault the citie, and followed himselfe, in hope to get it, ei­ther by force or treatie. But the English capteins e­uerie one kéeping his ward and place assigned, so manfullie defended themselues, their walles and line 50 towers, with the assistance of the Parisiens, that they repelled the Frenchmen, and threw downe Ione their great goddesse into the bottome of the towne ditch, Ione had a hurt in the leg and a fall, drawen all d [...]rtie out of the mire. where she lay behind the backe of an asse sore hurt in the leg, till the time that she (all filthie with mire and durt) was drawne out by Guischard of Thienbrone, seruant to the duke of Alanson.

The French king, perceiuing that he could not pre­uaile in this enterprise, left the dead bodies behind him, and taking with him the wounded capteins, re­turned line 60 into Berrie. But in the meane waie, the in­habitants of Laignie submitted themselues vnto him. The duke of Bedford being in Normandie, hea­ring of this sudden attempt, with all hast possible came to Paris, where he gaue manie great thanks, with high commendations vnto the capteins, souldi­ers and citizens for their assured fidelitie, great har­dinesse & manlie dooing. Which his gentle words so incouraged the harts of the Parisiens, that they sware, promised and concluded, to be freends for euer to the king of England and his fréends, and enimies alwaies to his foes and aduersaries, making procla­mation by this stile: ‘Fréends to K. Henrie, freends to the Parisiens; Enimies to England, enimies to Paris.’ Marie whether this was vttered from their harts, it is hard so to saie, for the sequeale of their acts seemed to proue the contrarie.

Soone after these dooings, came to Paris with a great companie Philip duke of Burgognie, and then vpon long consultation had for the recouerie of their losses, it was agreed that the duke of Bedford should raise an armie, & that the duke of Burgognie should be his deputie, and tarie at Paris for the defense of the citie. Saint Denis by vs recou [...] ­red againe. The duke of Bedford then without any great resistance recouered againe the towne of saint Denis, with diuerse other fortresses. And after this he sent the bastard of Clarence to laie siege to the ca­stell of Torsie, the which (notwithstanding the great strength therof) after six moneths siege, was rendred vp into his hands. During the siege of this castell, sir Thomas Kiriell knight, with foure hundred English­men departed from Gourneie in Normandie, and rode by Beauuois, spoiling and wasting the countrie to the suburbes of Cleremont. Whereof the earle of that towne hauing aduertisement, assembled all the men of warre of the garrisons adioining, and with the same set forward to fight with the Englishmen, whom he found in a streict place néere to Beauuois.

The earle of Cleremont, perceiuing that he could not hurt them with his men of armes, by reason of the strength, came downe on foot with all his compa­nie, and fiercelie set on the Englishmen: but by the terrible shot of the English archers, the Frenchmen in the end were constreined to flée; and the English­men perceiuing the matter, streight leapt on horsse­backe and followed the chase. In the which were ta­ken two hundred prisoners, and thrise as manie slaine. The earle escaped by the swiftnesse of his horsse. At the same season the earle of Suffolke besie­ging the towne of Aumarle (whereof was capteine the lord of Rambures) after foure and twentie great assaults, had the towne and castell simplie to him rendred. Thus by little and little the Englishmen re­couered manie townes which before they had lost. Howbeit about the verie same time, the Frenchmen stale the towne of Lauall, by treason wrought by a miller, which kéeping a mill that ioined to the wall, suffered the French to passe through his mill into the towne. Shortlie after also sir Steuen de Uignoilles, surnamed la Hire, La Hire. tooke by scaling the towne of Lo­uiers in Normandie. The Englishmen in the cold moneth of December besieged the towne of Laignie in the which was the Pusell, Laignie be­sieged by the Englishmen. and diuerse other good capteins.

[In the moneth of Maie 1430, W. P. with a valiant man in feats of armes on the duke of Burgognions side, year 1430 Le Rosier. one Franquet and his band of three hundred souldiers, making all towards the maintenance of the siege, the Pusell Ione and a foure hundred with hir did méet. In great courage and force did she and hir people sundrie times assaile him, but he with his (though much vnder in number) by meanes of his archers in good order set, did so hardilie withstand them, that for the first and second push she rather lost than wan? Wherat this captinesse striken into a fret­ting chafe, called out in all hast the garrison of Laig­nie, and from other the forts thereabout, who thicke and threefold came downe with might and maine, in armour and number so far excéeding Franquets, that though they had doone hir much hurt in hir horse­men; yet by the verie multitude were they oppressed, most in hir furie put to the sword; & as for to Fran­quet that worthie capteine himselfe, hir rage not ap­peased, till out of hand she had his head stroken off: contrarie to all manhood (but she was a woman, if she were that) & contrarie to common right & law of armes. The man for his merits was verie much la­mented, and she by hir malice then found of what spi­rit [Page 604] she was.]

After this the duke of Burgognie accompanied with the earles of Arundell, and Suffolke, and the lord Iohn of Lutzenburgh besieged the towne of Campiegne with a great puissance. Campiegne besieged. This towne was well walled, manned, and vittelled, so that the besie­gers were constreined to cast trenches, and make mines, for otherwise they saw not how to compasse their purpose. In the meane time it happened in the night of the Ascension of our Lord, that Poiton de Saintreiles, Ione la Pusell, and fiue or six hundred line 10 men of armes issued out by the bridge toward Mon­dedier, intending to set fire in the tents and lodg­ings of the lord Bawdo de Noielle.

Abr. Fl. ex Gesnero.¶ In this yeare of our Lord, among diuerse nota­ble men of learning and knowledge, one Richard Fleming, English borne, a doctor of diuinitie profes­sed in Oxford, did flourish: who by the prouidence of God grew in such fauour with this king Henrie the sixt, & the nobles néere & about him, that he was pre­ferred line 20 to the bishops see of Lincolne. Richard Fle­ming bishop of Lincolne. This man foun­ded Lincolne college in Oxford, in which vniuersi­tie he had beene a profitable student. Diuerse bookes he wrote (as the vniuersitie librarie dooth beare wit­nesse) whereof these following haue béene séene vnder their names and titles; to wit: A protestation against the Spaniards, The books that he wrote. the Frenchmen, and the Scots, made in the generall councell holden at Sens: one booke of the Etymologie of England; besides diuerse o­ther treatises, as Gesner reporteth Ex bibliotheca Oxo­nij, aforesaid.] line 30

At the verie same time that Campeigne was be­sieged (as before is said) sir Iohn of Lutzenburgh, with eight other gentlemen, chanced to be néere vnto the lodging of the said lord Bawdo, where they espi­ed the Frenchmen, which began to cut downe tents, ouerthrow pauilions, & kill men in their beds: wher­vpon they with all speed assembled a great number of men, as well English as Burgognions, and cou­ragiouslie set on the Frenchmen, and in the end beat line 40 them backe into the towne, so that they fled so fast that one letted another, as they would haue entered. In the chase and pursute was the Pusell taken, Ione the Pu­sell taken. with diuerse other, besides those that were slaine, which were no small number. Diuerse were hurt also on both parts. Among the Englishmen, sir Iohn Mont­gomerie had his arme broken, and sir Iohn Ste­ward was shot into the thigh with a quarell.

W. P.[As before ye haue heard somewhat of this dam­sels strange beginning and proceedings, so sith the line 50 ending of all such miraclemongers dooth (for the most part) plainelie decipher the vertue and power that they worke, by hir shall ye be aduertised what at last became of hir; cast your opinions as ye haue cause. Of hir louers (the Frenchmen) reporteth one, how in Campeigne thus besieged, Chroniques de Britaigne. Guillaume de Flauie the capteine hauing sold hir aforehand to the lord of Lut­zenburgh, vnder colour of hasting hir with a band out of the towne towards their king, for him with spéed to come and leauie the siege there, so gotten hir line 60 foorth he shut the gates after hir, when anon by the Burgognians set vpon and ouermatcht in the con­flict she was taken: marie yet (all things accounted) to no small maruell how it could come so to passe, had she béene of any deuotion or of true beléefe, and no false miscreant, but all holie as she made it. For earlie that morning she gat hir to saint Iameses church, confessed hir, and receiued hir maker (as the booke termes it) and after setting hir selfe to a piller, manie of the townesmen that with a fiue or six score of their children stood about there to see hir, vnto them (quod she) ‘Good children and my déere freends, I tell you plaine one hath sold me. I am betraied and short­lie shall be deliuered to death; I beséech you praie to God for me, for I shall neuer haue more power to doo seruice either to the king or to the realme of France againe.’

Saith another booke, she was intrapt by a Picard capteine of Soissons, Le Rosier. who sold that citie to the duke of Burgognie, and he then put it ouer into the hands of the lord of Lutzenburgh, so by that meanes the Burgognians approched and besieged Campeigne, for succour whereof as damsell Ione with hir cap­teins from Laignie was thither come, and dailie to the English gaue manie a hot skirmish, so happened it one a daie in an outsallie that she made by a Pi­card of the lord of Lutzenburghs band, in the fiercest of hir fight she was taken, and by him by and by to his lord presented, who sold hir ouer againe to the English, who for witchcraft and sorcerie burnt hir at Rone. Tillet telleth it thus, that she was caught at Campeigne by one of the earle of Ligneis soldiers, In lavie [...] Charles sep­tiesme. Fiue thou­sand pound [...] frēch crowns in monie. An hundreth and fiftie crownes ren [...]. from him had to Beaureuoir castell, where kept a thrée months, she was after for ten thousand pounds in monie and thrée hundred pounds rent (all Tur­nois) sold into the English hands.

In which for hir pranks so vncoush and suspicious, the lord regent by Peter Chauchon bishop of Beau­uois (in whose diocesse she was taken) caused hir life and beléefe, after order of law to be inquired vpon and examined. Wherein found though a virgin, yet first shamefullie reiecting hir sex abominablie in acts and apparell to haue counterfeit mankind, and then all damnablie faithlesse, to be a pernicious instru­ment to hostilitie and bloudshed in diuelish witch­craft and sorcerie, sentence accordinglie was pro­nounced against hir. Howbeit vpon humble confessi­on of hir iniquities with a counterfeit contrition pre­tending a carefull sorow for the same, execution spa­red and all mollified into this, that from thencefoorth she should cast off hir vnnaturall wearing of mans abilliments, and kéepe hir to garments of hir owne kind, abiure hir pernicious practises of sorcerie and witcherie, and haue life and leasure in perpetuall pri­son to bewaile hir misdeeds. Which to performe (ac­cording to the maner of abiuration) a solemne oth verie gladlie she tooke.

But herein (God helpe vs) she fullie afore possest of the feend, not able to hold hir in anie towardnesse of grace, Polydo. 23. in H. 6. falling streight waie into hir former abomi­nations (and yet séeking to eetch out life as long as she might) stake not (though the shift were shamefull) to confesse hir selfe a strumpet, and (vnmaried as she was) to be with child. For triall, the lord regents le­nitie gaue hir nine moneths staie, at the end wherof she found herein as false as wicked in the rest, an eight daies after, vpon a further definitiue sentence declared against hir to be relapse and a renouncer of hir oth and repentance, was she therevpon deliuered ouer to secular power, and so executed by consumpti­on of fire in the old market place at Rone, in the selfe same stéed where now saint Michaels church stands, Les grand chron. hir ashes afterward without the towne wals shaken into the wind. Now recounting altogither, hir pastorall bringing vp, rude without any vertuous instruction, hir campestrall conuersation with wic­ked spirits, Les grandes chronicle 4 liure. whome in hir first salutation to Charles the Dolphin, she vttered to be our Ladie, saint Katha­rine, and saint Annes, that in this behalfe came and gaue hir commandements from God hir maker, as she kept hir fathers lambs in the fields (where saints in warres among christen men were (be we sure) ne­uer so parciall patrons or partners to maintenance of horrible slaughters, rapines and bloudshed) hereto hir murtherous mind in killing of Franquet hir owne prisoner, hir two yeares continuance in hir abominations and deadlie mischiefe without anie hir trauell or motion betwéene the princes for peace, hir [Page 605] relapse at last & falling againe into hir abiured ini­quities, by hir virginitie (if it were anie) by hir holie words, hir fasting and praiers what they might be, sith satan (after S. Paule) can change himselfe into an angell of light, the déeplier to deceiue.

These matters may verie rightfullie denounce vnto all the world hir execrable abhominations, and well iustifie the iudgement she had, and the execution she was put to for the same. A thing yet (God wot) verie smallie shadowed, and lesse holpen by the verie line 10 trauell of the Dolphin, whose dignitie abroad foulie spotted in this point, that contrarie to the holie de­grée of a right christen prince (as he called himselfe) for maintenance of his quarels in warre would not reuerence to prophane his sacred estate, Christianissi­mus rex. as dealing in diuelish practises with misbeléeuers and witches. Which maladie he full sorilie salued (like one that to kill the strong sent of onions would cheaw a cloue of garlike) so a six and twentie yeares after, Tillet. This prelate at his death left a hundred and fiftéene crownes in gold, that vn­der colour of warres with the infidels he had fléesed from christen princes. Platina. he pact with pope Calixt the third, by whose mandat directed line 20 to his three delegats, the bishops of Paris, Reimes, and Constance, at the cathedrall church of Paris, in presence of Ione (the pusels mother) Iohn and Pe­ter hir brethren, the seuen and twentith daie of No­uember 1455, the validitie and goodnesse of the pro­cesse and sentence vpon hir was called in question, and in great solemnitie sit vpon.

Wherein the cause was so sincerelie canuassed a­mong them, that afterward, on the eight of Iulie 1456, a quite contrarie sentence was there declared: line 30 of effect, that this Ione (forsooth) was a damsell di­uine, no fault in the Dolphin for his counsell and wit­cherie practises with hir; the processe, iudgement, and condemnation against hir all wrong and iniurious. And for iustification and remembrance aswell of hir innocencie in life and death, as also of the sinceritie of their later sentence, a new crosse in that old mar­ket to be reared. In this tale of Tillets is she further likened to Debora, Iahell, and Iudith, and vnto Ro­mane Clelia compared by Polydor, that shames not line 40 somewhat also to carpe at hir iudgment, Li. 23. in vita H. 6. and much pi­tieth hir paine. But what puritie or regard of deuo­tion or conscience is in these writers trow yée, who make no consideration of hir heinous enormities, or else any difference betwéene one stirred vp by mercie diuine, or naturall loue, and a damnable sor­cerer suborned by satan? And thus much of this gen­tle Ione, and of hir good oratours that haue said so well for hir: now iudge as ye list.]

After the bestowing of this Pusell in sort as yée haue heard, the siege still continued before Campi­egne, line 50 and the duke of Bedford sent to the duke of Burgognie lieng at the siege, the earle of Hunting­ton, and sir Iohn Robsert (two iollie gentlemen, of no lesse prudence to parle with the enimie, than puis­sance to incounter them) with a thousand archers (whose actiuitie, I warrant you, stood not then vpon the first triall) which dailie skirmished with them with­in, and made such bastiles & fortresses, that the towne had béene rendred into their hands, but that the duke of Burgognie departed from the siege to go into line 60 Brabant, to receiue the possession of that duchie, by the death of his cousin Philip the duke of that coun­trie, as then departed this world.

Anno Reg. 9.Sir Iohn de Lutzenburgh was left by the duke of Burgognie as generall of the siege before Cam­piegne, the which he raised within a shorrt space after, contrarie to the minds of the Englishmen, which were verie desirous to haue lien there till the towne had béene rendered, which if the siege had béene conti­nued but eight daies longer, must needs haue come to passe; by reason that pestilence and famine had al­most consumed all the souldiers within the towne, so that it remained in maner without defense. After the breaking vp of this siege, year 1431 Iohn duke of Norf­folke tooke againe the townes of Dampmartine, and the Chasse Mongaie, with diuerse other townes. Also the earle of Stafford tooke the towne of Brin countie Robert, and from thence forraged all the countrie to Sens, and after tooke Quesnoie in Brie, Grand Puis, and Rampellon.

During this time, the Frenchmen on the other­side tooke Louiers, and Uilleneuf. Then also did the towne of Melun rebell, and had such aid of other townes adioining, that the English souldiers were faine to leaue Melun, Morret, and Corbell. Thus did things wauer in doubtfull balance betwixt the two nations English and French. But bicause the Eng­lish sore mistrusted further danger, it was concluded, that king Henrie in his roiall person with a new ar­mie should come into France, partlie to visit and comfort his owne subiects ther [...], and partlie either by feare or fauour (bicause a child of his age and beau­tie dooth commonlie procure them loue of elder per­sons) to moue the Frenchmen to continue their due obeisance towards him.

Wherefore after a great host conuenient for that purpose assembled, and monie for maintenance of the warre readie gathered, and the realme set in an order vnder the gouernement of the duke of Gloce­ster protector (which during the kings absence appea­sed diuerse riots, King Henrie the sixt in per­son goeth with an armie into France. and punished the offendors) the king with a great power tooke shipping at Douer on saint Georges euen within night, and landed at Calis on the morrow being saint Georges daie, and sundaie, S. Albons. by seuen of the clocke in the morning. He remained in Calis a good space, Ed. Hall. and from thence he remoued to Rone, being there receiued with all triumph. He ta­ried in that citie a long time, his nobles dailie con­sulting on their great businesse & weightie affaires.

¶In this kings time, & somewhat about this yeare, Abr. Fl. ex Polychron. A widow without Al­gate murthe­red in hir bed by a Breton whome she charitablie reléeued. a certeine Breton, whome a good honest widow had receiued into hir house, and conceiued well of him in opinion, was by hir mainteined of hir owne pursse, & (as Polychronicon saith) she found him of almes and for Gods sake. This charitable deed of hirs deserued a deuout mind to God ward, and a thank­full hart to hir. But (good soule) how was she recom­pensed? O fowle in­gratitude. Euen murthered in hir bed by the hands of that villaine whome so bountifullie she succoured, and motherlike tendered. Unto which bloudie fact (which was a preparatiue to a further mischeefe bred in his vnnaturall hart) he added another offense: for when he had dispatched the woman, vsing the riddance of hir to his aduantage, and as he had obteined oportu­nitie (to his thinking) he conueied all that she had a­waie with him for his owne releefe. Then being per­secuted with guiltinesse of conscience, which trou­bleth offendors with ceaslesse vexations, and forceth them from place to place to séeke corners of euasion and shift, he tooke priuilege of holie church at saint Georges in Southwarke, where laieng hands on the crosse, as a shield of sufficient safegard, he abiured this land, and by that meanes thought himselfe frée from afterclaps.

Neuerthelesse, God (whose mercifull nature ab­horreth the effusion of mans bloud) prepared a pu­nishment for the malefactor, who passing through the suburbs of London, without Algate (the place where he had committed the murther) the women of the same parish and stréet (as it were inraged) came out with stones, staues, kenell doong, and other things, wherewith they so bethwackt him on all parts of his bodie, that they laid him a stretching, The murther reuenged by women at the appointment of Gods iu­stice. and rid him quite of life. In the wreking of this their teene they were so fell and fierce, that the constables with their assistants (which were no small number) dooing what they could by their authoritie and maine strength, [Page 606] were not able to rescue him out of the womens hands; who had sworne in their hearts (as it séemed by the maner of their reuenge which was void of all mercie) to sée the end of such a villaine as most vn­naturallie had slaine a woman, a neighbour, a wi­dow, a pitifull woman, a good neighbour, an honest widow; the wretch himselfe being a fugitiue, a stran­ger borne, a begger, and he to whome she shewed hir selfe the staffe of his support. O singular ingratitude which nature abhorreth, law dissalloweth, heauen dis­claimeth, line 10 God detesteth, humanitie condemneth, and euerie good bodie to the verie death defieth; as the old distichon excellentlie and with good sense noteth;

Lex & natura, coelum, Deus, omnia iura
Damnant ingratum, moerent illum quo (que) natum.

But to returne to the affaires of king Henrie, who in the moneth of Nouember remooued from Rone to Pontoise, and so to saint Denis, to the intent to make his entrie into Paris, and there to be sacred king of France. There were in his companie of his line 20 owne nation, his vncle the cardinall of Winchester, the cardinall and archbishop of Yorke, the dukes of Bedford, Yorke, and Norffolke, the earles of War­wike, Salisburie, Oxenford, Huntington, Ormond, Mortaigne, and Suffolke. Of Gascoigns, there were the earles of Longuille and Marche, besides manie other noble men of England, Guien, and Norman­die. And the chéefe of the French nation were the dukes of Burgognie, and Lewes of Lutzenburgh, cardinall and chancellor of France for king Henrie: line 30 the bishops of Beauuois and Noion, both péeres of France, beside the bishop of Paris, and diuerse other bishops; the earle of Uaudemount, and other noble men, whose names were superfluous to rehearse. And he had in a gard about his person three thou­sand price archers, some on horssebacke, and part on foot.

To speake with what honour he was receiued in­to the citie of Paris, what pageants were prepared, and how richlie the gates, streets, and bridges on eue­rie line 40 side were hanged with costlie clothes of arras & tapestrie, it would be too long a processe, and there­fore I doo héere passe it ouer with silence. On the sea­uentéenth daie of December, King Henrie the sixt crow­ned in Paris. he was crowned king of France, in our ladie church of Paris, by the cardi­nall of Winchester, the bishop of Paris not being contented that the cardinall should doo such an high ceremonie in his church and iurisdiction. After all the ceremonies were finished, the king returned toward the palace, hauing one crowne on his head, and ano­ther line 50 borne before him; and one scepter in his hand, and the second borne before him. As touching other the roiall seruices and princelie appointments, Le Rosier historiall. they are verie diligentlie & at large set out in the French chronicle of that time. This coronation of the king, Anglorum praelia as manie other good and memora­ble matters, so this also he hath noted, saieng thereof in comelie breuitie and truth, as after followeth:

Aeternae famae paulo post rege sepulto,
Parisijs, diadema vias & compita circum line 60
Iunior Henricus portat lepidissimus infans.

This high and ioious feast passed not without some spot of displeasure among the English nobilitie: for the cardinall of Winchester, which at this time would haue no man be equall with him, commanded the duke of Bedford to leaue off the name of regent, during the time that the king was in France, affir­ming the cheefe ruler being in presence, the authoritie of the substitute to be cleerelie derogate, according to the common saieng; In the presence of the higher power, the smaller giueth place. The duke of Bedford tooke such a secret displeasure with this dooing, that he neuer after fauoured the cardinall, but stood against him in all things that he would haue forward. This was the root (as some haue thought) of that diuision amongst the English nobilitie, where through their glorie within the realme of France began first to decline.

The next daie after the solemne feast of the kings coronation, were kept triumphant iusts and torneis, in the which the earle of Arundell, and the bastard of S. Paule, by the iudgement of the ladies woone the price. The king kept open hall the space of fiue daies to all commers, and after (bicause the aire of Paris séemed contrarie to his pure complexion) by the ad­uise of his councell, he remooued to Rone, where he kept his Christmasse. But before his departure from Paris, the noble men as well of France and Nor­mandie did to him homage, and the common people sware to him fealtie. In this meane time, sir Francis called the Aragoignois, a noble capteine of the Eng­lish part in Normandie, tooke by force and policie the towne of Montargis, Montargis recouered by the English. with a great preie of treasure and prisoners, and put therein a garrison, leauing it well furnished with vittels and munition.

About the same time, the earle of Arundell, being truelie informed that the lord Bousac marshall of France was come to Beauuois, intending to doo some feat in Normandie, assembled the number of thrée and twentie hundred men, and comming néere to the said towne of Beauuois, sent a great number of light horssemen to run before the towne, to traine out the Frenchmen within; the which issuing out and following the English horssemen vnto their stale, were so inclosed and fought with, that in maner all the number of them, saue a few which fled backe into the towne with the marshall, were slaine or taken. Amongst other of the cheefest prisoners, The lord Talbot ransomed by exchange. that valiant capteine Pouton de Santrails was one, who with­out delaie was exchanged for the lord Talbot, before taken prisoner at the battell of Pataie. There was also taken one called the sheepheard, a simple man, The holie shéepheard. and a sillie soule; but yet of such reputation for his supposed holinesse amongst the Frenchmen, that if he touched the wall of any of their aduersaries townes, they beléeued verelie it would incontinentlie fall downe.

This chance succéeded not fortunatlie alone vnto the English nation, for Richard Beauchampe earle of Warwike had a great skirmish before the towne of Gournie, where he discomfited and repelled his enimies: and beside those that were slaine, he tooke fortie horssemen, all being gentlemen of name and armes. Like chance happened to the fréends of king Charles, towards the marches of Lorraine, where Reigner duke of Bar besieged the towne of Uaude­mont perteining to the earle thereof named Antho­nie, cousine to the same duke Reigner. This earle, Uaudemont besieged. be­fore the dukes approching, left a conuenient crue within the towne to defend it, and with all spéed rode to the dukes of Bedford and Burgognie, being then at the foresaid great triumph at Paris, where he purchased such fauour at their hands, bicause he had euer taken their parts, that not onelie sir Iohn Fa­stolfe was appointed to go with him, hauing in his companie six hundred archers, but also the duke of Burgognies marshall named sir Anthonie Toulon­gon, accompanied with fiftéene hundred other men of warre.

When the duke of Bar heard that his enimies were thus comming towards him, like a hardie cap­teine he raised his siege, and met face to face with the earle and his companie, betwéene whome was a cru­ell and mortall battell. The horssemen of the French side endured long, but in conclusion the English ar­chers so galled their horsses, and so wounded the men, that the Barrois, Almains, and other of duke Reig­ners side were compelled to flee. In the chase was ta­ken [Page 607] the duke of Bar, the bishop of Metz, the lord of of Roquedemaque, sir Euerard of Salseburgh, the Uicont Darcie, and two hundred other, beside three thousand which were slaine.

In this luckie time also, no lesse occasion of victo­rie was offered to the Englishmen in an other part, if they could haue vsed it with such circumspect wari­nesse as had beene expedient. For Robert lord Wil­loughbie, and Matthew Or rather Goche. Saint Seue­rine besieged. Gough, a valiant Welsh­man, with fifteene hundred Englishmen, laid siege to a towne in Aniou called saint Seuerine. Whereof line 10 Charles the French king being aduertised, sent with all speed the lord Ambrose de Lore, with manie noble men to the succours of them within the towne, wher­of the same lord Ambrose was capteine: and there­fore made the more hast to releeue his deputie, and the other being streictlie besieged, but yet staied at the towne of Beaumont, till his whole power might come to him.

The Englishmen aduertised of this intent of the capteine, came vpon him in the night, and found the line 20 Frenchmens watch so out of order, that a thousand men were entered into the campe before they were espied; by reason whereof the Englishmen found small resistance. But when the daie began to appeare, and that the sunne had set foorth his bright beames a­broad, that all things might be seene, the English­men giuen wholie to spoile, followed not their eni­mies in chase, but being contented with their preie and gaine, began to retreit toward the siege againe, line 30 which the lord Willoughbie still mainteined with a part of the armie.

But sée the chance. The Frenchmen which were cōming after, hearing by the noise of the people that some fraie was at hand, put spurres to their horsses, and set on the Englishmen pestered with bag and baggage of the spoile and preie which they had got­ten in the French campe. The other of the French­men which before had fled, returned againe, and ai­ded their fellowes; so that the Englishmen being taken out of order, were compelled to flée, of whome line 40 Matthew Goche. Gough and diuerse other were taken pri­soners. And yet of the other part manie were slaine, and a great number taken: amongst whom was the lord de Lore, who (for all that the Frenchmen could doo) was kept, and not deliuered. The lord Willough­bie hearing of this mishap, raised his siege, and de­parted verie sore displeased in his mind, but could not remedie it.

About this season, Nicholas the cardinall of the holie crosse was sent into France, A legat from Rome sent to treat a peace betwixt the English and French. as a legat from line 50 Eugenie the fourth as then bishop of Rome, to treat a peace betwéene the Englishmen and Frenchmen. But when after great instance and labour made be­tweene the parties, he saw their obstinate and fro­ward minds, nothing inclined to anie agréement, he wan so much at their hands by earnest sute, that a truce was granted to indure for six yeares to come: but as the same was hardlie granted, A truce for six yeares. so was it of the Frenchmen soone and lightlie broken. For the ba­stard line 60 of Orleance newlie made earle of Dunois, tooke by treson the towne of Chartres from the Eng­lishmen, Chartres ta­ken by treason notwithstan­ding the truce. affirming by the law of armes, that stea­ling or buieng a towne, without inuasion or assault, was no breach of league, amitie, or truce. In which towne he slue the bishop, bicause he was a Burgo­gnian. Hereby did new malice increase, and mortall warre began eftsoones to be put in vre.

Whilest these things were dooing in France, the cardinall of Winchester was come backe againe into England, to appease certeine commotions and sturres a [...]tempted by sundrie persons vnder colour of religion: but after that William Mandeuile, and Iohn Sharpe the chéefe authors thereof were appre­hended and executed by the gouernour and the kings iustices, The two er­rours. the residue yeelded and confessed their offen­ses, whereof two articles were these (as some write) that priests should haue no possessions, and that all things by the order of charitie among christian peo­ple should be in common. Other thought their opini­ons were not such errours, but that their enimies spread abroad such rumors of them, to make them more odious to the people.

After that, A parlement called by the duke of Glo­cester the king being in France. A peace con­cluded with the Scots. a parlement was called by the duke of Glocester, in the which monie was assigned to be le­uied, and men appointed, which should passe ouer in­to France to the aid of the duke of Bedford, for the maintenance of the warres: bicause it was suspec­ted the truce would not long continue. During this parlement, Iames the king of Scots sent ambassa­dors to conclude a peace with the duke of Glocester, who (bicause the king was absent) referred the mat­ter to the thrée estates. After long consultation, not without great arguments, a peace was concluded. When the parlement was ended, the cardinall well furnished with men & monie, departed out of Eng­land, and came to Rone to the king, to whome also re­sorted the duke of Bedford from Paris, to consult of things not vnlikelie to follow.

Herevpon a great councell was kept in the castell of Rone, and manie doubts mooued, and few weigh­tie things out of hand concluded. At length, after great disputation, with manie arguments ended, the dukes of Bedford and Yorke, and Edmund late earle of Mortaigne, and now (by the death of Iohn duke of Summerset, leauing behind him a sole daughter and heire, maried to the earle, and called Margaret after the countesse of Richmond) atteined to the name and title of duke of Summerset, approo­ued the reason of those, that held it expedient to haue an armie in a redinesse for defense, least the French­men suddenlie should attempt anie enterprise to the danger of the Englishmen, and losse of those townes and countries that were vnder them.

When all things were agréed, year 1432 king Henrie came to Calis, from thence to Douer; King Henrie returneth out of France in­to England. and so by easie iour­nies the one and twentith daie of Februarie to Lon­don, where he was triumphantlie receiued, and rich­lie presented, as in the chronicles of Robert Fabian it maie at large appeare. After that the king was de­parted into England, the duke of Bedford regent of France, and capteine of Calis, taried behind in the marches of Picardie, where he was informed cer­teine souldiers of Calis grudging at the restraint of woolles, began to murmur against the king and his councell, to some danger of the towne. The duke vp­on due examination had, caused diuerse to be put to death, and manie banished that towne and marches for euer.

In the meane time, The duchesse of Bedford si­ster to the duke of Bur­gognie deceas­sed. the ladie Anne duchesse of Bedford departed this life at Paris, by whose death the fast knot of faithfull freendship betwixt the duke of Bedford and his brother in law the duke of Bur­gognie began somewhat to slacken. Shortlie after, to wit, about the beginning of the next yeare 1433, the said duke of Bedford being thus a widower, through the persuasion of the lord Lewes of Lutzenburgh bi­shop of Terwine and Elie, and chancellor of France for king Henrie, agréed to marrie the ladie Iaquet, The duke of Bedford ma­rieth with the earle of saint Paules daughter. daughter to Peter earle of saint Paule, and néece to the said bishop, and to the lord Iohn of Lutzen­burgh.

The mariage was solemnized at Terwine with great triumph. Which ended, the duke with his new spouse (being about the age of seauenteene yeares) came vnto Calis, and so into England, from whence in the moneth of August next he returned to Paris. The duke of Burgognie, though nothing pleased [Page 608] with this new aliance contracted by the duke of Bed­ford, with the house of Lutzenburgh, but yet not able to doo anie thing to let it; bicause of the mariage con­summate yer he could find any power or knowledge to hinder it. Whilest these things were a dooing, in some places the French souldiers of the Dolphins, lacking wages (as the time serued) tooke both Eng­lishmen and Burgognians, ransoming and spoi­ling them at their pleasure. Herewith the regent much mooued, prepared for warre after six moneths line 10 the truce had béene taken: and so the warre againe was renewed.

The Frenchmen anon as open truce-breakers, raised a crue, The French­men breake the peace and take the town of Saint Ua­lerie. and suddenlie tooke the towne of saint Ualerie in Normandie, néere to the mouth of the ri­uer of Some. An other armie, vnder the leading of sir Ambrose de Lore, wasted and destroied all the countrie about Caen. The duke of Bedford on his part sent the earle of Arundell, the earle of War­wikes sonne, the lord Lisle Adam marshall of line 20 France for king Henrie, and twelue hundred men of warre with ordinance and munition to besiege the towne of Laignie vpon the riuer of Marne. The earle with shot of canon brake the arch of the bridge, Laignie besie­ged. and got from the Frenchmen their bulworke, and set it on fire. Diuerse assaults were attempted, but the towne was well defended: for there were within it an eight hundred men of armes, besides other meane souldiers.

The duke of Bedford herewith gathered an armie line 30 of six thousand men, whereof were capteins; Robert lord Willoughbie, sir Andrew Ogard chamberlaine to the duke, sir Iohn Saluaine bailiffe of Rone, sir Iohn Montgomerie bailiffe of Caux, sir Philip Hall bailiffe of Uernoill, sir Richard Ratcliffe deputie of Calis, sir Rafe Neuill, sir Rafe Standish, sir Iohn Hanford, sir Richard Euthin, sir Richard Haring­ton bailiffe of Eureux, sir William Fulthorpe, sir Thomas Griffin of Ireland, Dauid Hall, Thomas Stranguish, Leonard Ormstone esquiers, and Tho­mas line 40 Gerard. All gentlemen of courage, and as for­ward to giue the French the foile, as the French for their liues to giue them the discomfiture. But vnto which side the victorie should befall, vncerteine it was before the triall of both their chances had determined the doubt by the euent of the conflict.

The duke of Bedford furnished with this armie and companie of worthie capteins came to the siege before Laignie, where he made a bridge of boats, and [...]ought his ordinance so néere the towne, that to all people it séemed not long able to resist. But the earle line 50 of Dunois, otherwise called the bastard of Orle­ance, with diuerse hardie capteins, as valiantlie de­fended as the Englishmen assaulted. At length the French king, perceiuing this towne to be the thrée cornerd keie betwéene the territories Burgognion, English, and French, and the losse thereof should turne him to irreuocable damage, sent the lord of Rieux, Poiton, the Hire, the lord Gawcourt, and six thousand men, with great plentie of vittels, to line 60 the intent either to raise the siege, or else to vittell the towne.

The Frenchmen made a brag, as though they would haue assailed the Englishmen in their campe, but when they perceiued the courage of the lord re­gent, and the desire he had to fight, they framed them­selues so in order of battell, as though they could doo all things, and yet in effect did nothing: but that whi­lest part of them mainteined a skirmish, a sort of rude & rusticall persons were appointed to conueie into the towne thirtie oxen, and other small vittels. But this swéet gaine was déerelie paied for, if the losse with the gaine be pondered in equall balance: for hauing regard to their 30 leane oxen, in the skir­mish were slaine the lord Saintreiles brother to that valiant capteine Poiton de Saintreiles, also cap­teine Iohn brother to the lord Gawcourt, and fiftie other noble and valiant personages.

The Frenchmen thus politiklie hauing doone their feat, in the beginning of August, remooued their ar­mie vnto Fort vnder Yer, where, by a bridge of tuns they passed into the Ile of France. The duke of Bed­ford (like a wise prince) not minding to leaue the more in ieopardie for hope of the lesse, Anno Reg. [...] nor the acci­dent for the substance, raised his siege, and returned to Paris, nothing more minding than to trie his quarrell with dint of sword against the enimies, if they would thereto agrée. And herevpon sent Bed­ford his herald to the lord Gawcourt and other cap­teins of the French armie, offering them battell and a pitched field within a conuenient time, and where they would appoint. The French capteins answered the English herald, that there was time to gaine, and time to lose: and for choise of times they would vse their owne discretions.

Shortlie after, Piers Audebeufe constable of the castell of Rone, corrupted with monie, year 1433 suffered the marshall of France, with two hundred other, The castell of Rone like t [...] be taken by treason of the capteine. as per­sons disguised to enter the place by stealth: but they were soone espied, and driuen to the dungeon, where they were constrained to yéeld themselues priso­ners: of the which some were hanged, some headed, and some ransomed, at the pleasure of the regent. This pageant thus plaied, the lord regent sent the earle of saint Paule, and Robert lord Willoughbie, with a competent number of men to besiege the towne of S. Ualerie, which the Frenchmen a little before had taken. This siege continued the space of thrée wéeks; at the end whereof the Frenchmen with­in yéelded the towne, and departed with their horsse and harnesse onelie to them saued.

The earle put there in garrison fresh and valiant souldiers, and appointed capteine there, sir Iohn Aubemond. ¶ In the same towne (whether by infec­tion of aire, or by corrupt vittels, which the townes­men did eat) a great pestilence shortlie after happe­ned, which consumed within a small time two parts of the people. The earle of saint Paule, and the lord Willoughbie returning backe to the regent, were ioifullie receiued, and within a while after, the earle departed from Paris to laie siege to the castell of Mouchas. The lord of saint Paule deceassed. But being incamped néere the towne of Blangie, he by a sudden maladie departed this life, the last of August, leauing his seigniories to Lewes de Lutzenburgh his sonne and heire. Bicause this dead earle was father in law to the regent, solemne obsequies were kept for him both in Paris and in London.

In the meane season, Anno Reg. [...] the Frenchmen entering into high Burgognie, burnt, tooke, and destroied di­uerse townes; wherevpon the Burgognians assem­bled a great armie, both to reuenge their quarrels, and to recouer their townes taken from them. To whome as to his freends the duke of Bedford sent the lord Willoughbie, and sir Thomas Kiriell, with a conuenient number of souldiers, which entering in­to the lands of Laonnois, were incountered with a great power of their enimies. But after long fight, the Frenchmen were ouerthrowne, and of them left dead in the field an hundred and sixtie horssemen, be­side prisoners, Prisoners killed. which after vpon vrgent cause were all killed.

Whilest these things happened thus in France, Iohn lord Talbot gathered togither a crue of chosen men of warre in England, year 1434 The lord Talbot s [...] ­leth into France. to the number of eight hundred, and sailed into Normandie, and passed by Rone to Paris. In his waie he tooke the strong ca­stell of Ioing betwéene Beauuois and Gisours, and [Page 609] caused all the Frenchmen within to be taken and hanged, and after raced and defaced the castell. After he had rested himselfe a while at Paris, and taken aduise with the councell there, what waie it should be best for him to take, without prolonging time; he with the lord de Lisle Adam and others, departed from thence, hauing in their retinues sixtéene hun­dred men of [...]. And comming to the castell of [...] vpon Oise, whereof was capteine sir A­ [...]adour de Uignoils brother to the Hire, they found line 10 it abandoned by them that had it in kéeping, who were withdrawne to the towne of Creill.

The lord Talbot.Thither therefore the lord Talbot followed, who slaieng in a skirmish the said Amadour, he wan at length the said towne of Creill, and after the townes of Pont S. Maxence, Neufuile in Esmoie, la Rouge maison, Crespie in Ualois, & Cleremont in Beau­uois, and after with great riches and good prisoners returned to Paris. Neither had the lord Talbot such good and prosperous successe alone, Earle of A­rundell. but the earle of A­rundell line 20 also at the verie same season tooke the castell of Bomeline, & raced it to the ground, after he got by force the castell of Dorle, & from thence came to S. Selerine, where the lord Ambrose de Lore, being cap­teine, issued out and fought with the Englishmen so egerlie, that he droue them backe an arrow shoot by fine force: but the earle so incouraged his men, that they gaue a fresh onset vpon the Frenchmen, and fol­lowed it so fiercelie, that they slue a great number of them, and droue the residue into the towne. line 30

After this victorie, he besieged Louiers, whereof was capteine the Hire, Louiers be­sieged. and his brother, who rende­red the towne without assault. Then the earle assem­bling togither a great armie, returned againe to S. Selerine, & inuironed the towne with a strong siege. When he had lien there almost thrée moneths, eue­rie daie attempting or dooing somewhat, he finallie gaue so fierce an assault, that by force he entered the towne, and slue Iohn Almaigne, and Guilliam saint Albine, Saint Sele­rine won by assault. the chéefe capteins, and eight hundred other line 40 men of warre. The children of le seigneur de Lore were taken prisoners. The earle put new men of warre into the towne, and made capteine there sir Iohn Cornewall. After this, he before the strong towne of Sillie pitched his campe. The inhabitants terrified at the losse of saint Selerine, deliuered him pledges, vpon condition; that if they were not re­scued within thirtie daies next, then they (their liues saued) should render the towne into his possession: which offer was receiued. line 50

The French king, being aduertised hereof by a post, appointed (as some saie) Arthur earle of Rich­mont (or as other write, Iohn duke of Alanson) with a great companie of men of warre to go to the rescue of this towne. But whether it was the earle or duke, certeine it is at his approching to the siege, he incam­ped himselfe by a brooke side, ouer the which a man might haue striden, & perceiuing how stronglie the English were incamped against him, he thought it not for his profit to giue battell; & so in the night sea­son line 60 raised & went his waie without further attempt. When they within the towne knew that their suc­cours failed, they rendered themselues to the mercie of the earle of Arundell, who gentlie receiued them, and leauing a garrison in the towne, departed to Mans, and in his waie tooke the castels of Mellaie and saint Laurence. About this time the lord Wil­loughbie & sir Thomas Kiriell, returning with great victorie out of Burgognie, passing by the towne of Louiers, latelie reduced to the English obeisance, furnished it both with men and munition.

Among so manie good chances, some euill are ac­customed to happen, An insurrec­tion in Nor­mandie. or else the gainers would not know themselues. And so at this time it happened, that a great number of the common and rusticall people in Normandie dwelling by the sea coast, ei­ther prouoked by the French king, or desirous of al­teration and change (which thing the commons much couet and desire) made an insurrection, put on har­nesse, and by force expelled certeine English garri­sons out of their holds, publishing and proclaming openlie, that their onelie purpose and intent was to expell and banish the whole English nation out of their countries and coasts. Wherefore it maie be likelie, that the blacke Morian will sooner became white, than the people bred in France will heartilie loue an English borne. For it standeth not with their enuious nature to alter their malicious ma­ners; as the old prouerbe saith truelie of them: ‘Celtica natura semper sequitur sua iura.’

These rebels thus frantikelie assembled, with all spéed marched toward Caen, to the intent there both to increase their number, and also to consult what waie they should follow in their new begun enter­prise. But the dukes of Yorke and Summerset, then lieng in Normandie, hauing perfect knowledge here­of, immediatlie sent foorth the earle of Arundell, and the lord Willoughbie with six thousand archers, and thirtéene hundred light horssemen, to staie and kéepe them from making anie further progresse. The earle of Arundell appointed the lord Willoughbie, with two thousand archers, and certeine horssemen to go afore him, and lie in a stale within some couert place. Which doone, the earle followed; & so keeping in the multitude at the backe, droue them before him as deare into a buckestale: and when the miserable wretches came néere to the stale, the earle made a to­ken, whereat a gun shot off for a signe. Therewith the lord Willoughbie set on them before, and the earle behind, shooting so fiercelie, that the poore cai­tiues, wounded and galled with the shot of arrowes, threw awaie their harnesse, and cried out instantlie for mercie.

The earle of Arundell mooued with compassion, caused his souldiers to staie from further slaughter, and apprehending those that were knowen to be stir­rers and leaders of the rest, let the other returne home without further damage: but yet, yer the soul­diers could be brought backe vnder their standards, there were aboue a thousand of the rebels slaine. And this commotion thus appeased, vpon inquirie of the principall offendors, such as were found guiltie were put to terrible executions; as they had well de­serued. During which rebellion, Peter Rokeford and his companie gat by treason the towne of Diepe, and diuerse other holds thereto adioining. After the earle of Arundell had obteined so good successe in his enterprises (as partlie ye haue heard) he attempted another, which was the last worke and finall labour of his liuing daies. For the duke of Bedford, being informed that his aduersaries had gotten the towne of Rue, and therein put a garrison, which sore vexed the countries of Ponthieu, Arthois, and Bolennois, sent word to the earle that he without delaie should besiege the said towne.

The earle obeieng his commandement assembled his people, and came to Gourneie, where he heard tell how there was a castell néere to Beauuois called Gerberoie, the which being fallen in decaie, Charles the French king had appointed sir Stephan de Uig­noils, commonlie called the Hire, to repare and newlie to fortifie, bicause it stood commodiouslie to serue as a countergarrison against the English townes and fortresses on those frontiers. The earle aduertised hereof, and perceiuing that this new buil­ding would be greatlie preiudiciall to the English­men, determined first to dispossesse his enimies of that place, supposing to find small resistance: but he [Page 610] was deceiued. For there was the said Hire, and three thousand men of warre with him. The erle comming thither, incamped himselfe with fiue hundred horsse­men in a little close not farre from the castell.

The Frenchmen, perceiuing that the earle and his horsses were wearie, and that his archers were not yet come, determined to set vpon him before the com­ming of his footmen, the which they knew to be little more than a mile behind. Wherfore for a policie, they set foorth fiftie horssemen, as though there had beene line 10 no mo within the castell. The earle perceiuing this, sent foorth sir Randolfe Standish to incounter them, hauing with him an hundred horsses. The French­men fought couragiouslie awhile, and suddenlie came out all the remnant, and slue sir Randolfe Standish and all his companie, and boldlie set on the earle and his band, which manfullie resisted the Frenchmen, till at length the Hire caused thrée culuerings to be shot off amongst the Englishmen, wherof one strake the earle on the ancle, and so brake his leg, that for line 20 paine he fell from his horsse.

Then the Frenchmen entered amongst the Eng­lishmen, tooke the earle lieng on the ground, with sir Richard Wooduile, and six score more, and there were slaine almost two hundred. The residue saued them­selues as well as they might. The earle of Arundell de­ceassed. The earle was caried to Beauuois, where of his hurt he shortlie died, & was buried in the frier Minors. He was a man of singu­lar vertue, constancie, and grauitie, whose death in so troublous a season did sore appall the harts of the En­glish people. Thus oftentimes varied the chance of line 30 doubtfull warre, so that one time the Englishmen got by assault, and yeelded diuerse strong townes, castels, and piles: and at another season the French people, sometime by bargaine, sometime by assault obteined the same againe, or other in their stéed.

About the moneth of Iune in this twelfth yeare, Iohn duke of Bourbon and Auuergne, taken priso­ner at the battell of Agincourt eighteene yéeres past (as before ye haue heard) now paieng his ransome, line 40 which was eightéene thousand pounds sterling, was taken with a most sore and grieuous feuer, the which made an end of his life in the citie of London, The duke of Bourbon di­eth at Lon­don. on the same daie that was appointed for his departure to­wards France, whose corpse was interred in the graie friers of the same citie. ¶This yeare also about the latter end of Maie, was a méeting appointed to be had at saint Omers betwixt the dukes of Bed­ford and Burgognie, for the qualifieng of certeine displeasures and grudges betwixt them kindled and mainteined by some flattering taletellers, who rai­sing line 50 matters of reproch touching their honors, bred such grudges, that all loue betwixt them ceassed, all affinitie reiected and all old fréendship forgotten; W. P. such enuie insueth where enimitie once hath princes harts possessed.

These two dukes come into the towne of saint O­mers, the duke of Bedford being then regent of France, sonne, brother, and vncle to kings, thought that the duke of Burgognie should haue come and line 60 visited him in his lodging. The duke of Burgognie on the other part, being lord and souereigne of the towne, iudged it as much vnméet for him to go to the regent where he was lodged. Howbeit by intrea­tie of fréends, to meet in a place indifferent betweene both their lodgings was appointed; which offer not accepted, both parties departed discontent, and neuer after saw nor communed togither. Thus by the proud disdaine & enuious discord of these two high stomached princes, Bedford not minding to haue a­nie péere, and Burgognie not willing to abide anie superior, shortlie after England much lost, and Bur­gognie greatlie gained not, as by the sequeale may appeare.

The bastard of Orleance, Anno Reg called the earle of Du­nois, the lord Rochford marshall of France, with o­ther, in the beginning of this thirtéenth yeare, tooke the towne of S. Denis by treason, skirmished with them of Paris, and leauing behind them a great gar­rison, tooke the towne of Howdone, and Pont saint Maxence by composition. And at the same time was the towne of Pont Meulan taken by the sudden sca­ling of two fishermen, A tourne s [...] ­prised by e [...] ­trance of a common pri­uie. who entered vp at a common priuie standing in the wall. Thus warre continuallie lasted betwixt these two mightie nations, English and French, within the realme of France (than which therefore no countrie thought more miserable.) And though the poore people and inhabitants of the good townes and villages, The [...] warre. susteined most losse in their substance, yet the men of warre oftentimes paied déerest for the bargaine, being daily slaine, wounded, and taken prisoners: for warre seldome beareth anie other fruit.

[It may serue verie well here to recount, W. P. how somewhat before these daies, Martin the fift, 14 [...]4 in the fiftéenth yeare of his popedome, An. 1431, Onuphrius Pan [...]n [...]. agreeing vpon a generall councell to be holden at Basill the same yeare, did anon after deceasse: whom Eugenie the fourth succéeding, and liking right well of the time and place, by his authoritie signified and sent with Iulian Cesarine his legat, did confirme the choise. Wherevpon as the councell the ninetéenth of Iulie the same 1431 was there begun, and his holi­nesse soone after aduertised how malapertlie his ghostlie children had imbusied themselues in chec­king at their holie fathers faults, and about refor­mation of his church at Rome; his sublimitie therat highlie offended (for great cause it had) commanded his legat by and by to dissolue that synod, and in his name to appoint a new at Ferrar, and so come his waie: vnder colour forsooth how that place was mée­test for the prelats of the Gréeke church, who had to confer with the Latine councell about points of reli­gion, wherein they long had remained at square.

But these Basilien clerks, there still fastlie contei­ning themselues, so smallie regarded this summons of Eugenie (who then with his prelats, as the time was run on, vpon prorogation from Ferrar kept an other councell at Florence 1439) as by a confident countermand cited Eugenie & all his cardinals to come to them at their solemne set councell at Basill. Which his supremasie (for so best became it, notwith­standing sundrie citations) vtterlie contemning to doo, they soone after like verie impious imps, first for contumacie accurssed his holie fatherhood, then de­priued him of his papasie, and out of hand chose an­other in his office, one Amedeus late duke of Sa­uoie, who afore that time hauing giuen vp his pos­sessions & dignitie vnto his children, became an here­mite in a monasterie of his own building by mount Geuenna in Sauoie nigh the lake Leman, where he by title of Decanus militum Iesu Christi, and ten more of nobilitie with him, had setled themselues to liue.

The vertuous minded man thus chosen pope by spirituall counsell inueigled, lest the holie life (such as it was) that he had profest, tooke the papasie vpon him the same 1439, and called Felix the fift, which promotion yet he not long inioied. For after, by his successour Nicholas the fifts ambition, that had sub­orned emperour Frederike to be a worker in the matter, this sillie Amedeus was coosined of his popes golden crowne for a cardinals felt hat. An. 3. Nichol. Then (good man) at last could he find, whether were née­rer to christen profession, the life of a vertuous prince ruling in iustice, of a solitarie heremite vertuouslie occupied, of an imperious pope that may know no péere, or of a licentious cardinall to liue as he li [...]t. This poore prince had experience of all, & then knew [Page 611] the best: when well might he lament him, but too late repent him.

And in the fift yeare of this Basilien councell that had a continuance of eleuen yeare (whereof an eight were run yer Felix was chosen, 143 [...] in which Eu­genie remaining pope still, though of curst hart he neuer came at them) motion was made among Si­gismund the emperour and other christen kings (who for appeasing this schisme betwéene the pope and his prelats, were all present by person or proxie) that sith such horror of bloudshed betwéene the two nations line 10 continuallie so lamentablie raged in France, some mediation might be made for accord: whereof one thing seemed to minister occasion of the more hope, bicause the duke of Burgognie was willing (so that it were not of his owne sute) to returne and recon­cile himselfe with the French king his mortall eni­mie and ancient aduersarie.]

Héerevpon by authoritie of this generall coun­cell, A solemne tretie of peace at Arras. two graue prelats, the one Nicholas Albergat a Carthusian frier, intituled a préest cardinall of the line 20 holie crosse; the other Hugh Lusignan a Cyprian, Gréeke, bishop cardinall of Prenest in Italie, came to the towne of Arras in Arthois, whither were sent from the king of England, Henrie Beauford cardi­nall of Winchester, Henrie archbishop of Yorke, William de la Poole earle of Suffolke, and Iohn Holland earle of Huntington, with diuerse other knights and esquiers. And for the French king were there present Charles duke of Bourbon, Lewes erle of Uandosme, Arthur of Britaine constable of line 30 France, the archbishop of Reimes, and sir Philip Harecourt. The duke of Burgognie was there in proper person, accompanied with the duke of Guel­ders, and the earles of Estampes, Lignie, S. Paule, Uaudemont, Neures, and Daniell sonne to the prince of Orange, with a great gard and a gallant companie.

Upon the daie of the first session, the cardinall of S. Crosse declared to the thrée parties the innumera­ble mischeefes, that had followed to the whole state of line 40 the christian common-wealth by their continuall dis­sention and dailie discord, exhorting them for the ho­nour of God, & for the loue which they ought to beare towards the aduancement of his faith and true reli­gion, to conforme themselues to reason, and to laie a­side all rancor, malice and displeasure; so that in con­cluding a godlie peace, they might receiue profit and quietnesse heere in this world, and of God an euerla­sting reward in heauen. After this admonition, and line 50 diuerse daies of communication, euerie partie brought in their demands, which were most contra­rie, and farre from anie likelihood of comming to a good conclusion.

The Englishmen would that king Charles should haue nothing but what it pleased the king of Eng­land, and that not as dutie, but as a benefit by him of his méere liberalitie giuen and distributed. The Frenchmen on the other part would that K. Charles should haue the kingdome franklie and fréelie, and line 60 that the king of England should leaue the name, armes, and title of the king of France, and to be con­tent with the dukedomes of Aquitaine and Nor­mandie, and to forsake Paris, and all the townes which they possessed in France, betwéene the riuers of Some and Loire, being no parcell of the duchie of Normandie. To be bréefe, the demands of all parts were betwéene them so farre out of square, as hope of concord there was none at all.

The cardinals séeing them so farre in sunder, min­ded not to dispute their titles, but offered them reaso­nable conditions of truce and peace for a season, which notwithstanding, either of frowardnesse, or of disdaine on both parts, were openlie refused. Inso­much that the Englishmen in great displeasure, de­parted to Calis, and so into England. ¶One writer affirmeth, that they being warned of a secret conspi­racie mooued against them, suddenlie departed from Arras, and so returned into their countrie. But what cause so euer hindered their accord and vnitie (sith this and that may be surmized) certeine it is, Abr. Fl. that the onelie and principall cause was, for that the God of peace and loue was not among them, without whom no discord is quenched, no knot of concord faste­ned, no bond of peace confirmed, no distracted minds reconciled, no true fréendship mainteined: for had he beene among them, their dissenting and waiward willes had sounded the swéet harmonie of amiable peace, which of all things that God hath bestowed vpon man is the verie best, and more to be set by than manie triumphs, as the poet excellentlie well saith:

—pax optima rerum
Sil. Ital. lib. 11.
Quas homini nouisse datum: pax vna triumphis
Innumeris potior, pax custodire salutem
Et ciues aequare potens.

Now whiles this treatie of peace was in hand, the lord Talbot, the lord Willoughbie, the lord Scales, with the lord Lisle Adam, and fiue thousand men of warre, besieged the towne of saint Denis with a strong band. The earle of Dunois hearing hereof, ac­companied with the lord Lohac, and the lord Bueill, with a great companie of horssemen hasted thither­wards to raise the siege, and by the waie incountred with sir Thomas Kiriell, and Matthew Or rather Goche. Gough, ri­ding also toward saint Denis, betwéene whom was a great conflict. But suddenlie came to the aid of the Frenchmen the garrison of Pont Meulan, which caused the Englishmen to returne without anie great harme or damage: sauing that Matthew Or Goche. Gough by foundering of his horsse was taken, and carried to Pont Meulan.

In the meane time was the towne of saint De­nis rendered to the Englishmen, S. Denis t a­ken by the Englishmen. the which raced the walles and fortifications, sauing the walles of the abbeie, and of the tower called Uenin. Shortlie after the towne of Pontois, where sir Iohn Ruppelleie was capteine, rebelled; and by force the Englishmen were expelled, the inhabitants yeelding themselues to the French king. This towne was small, but the losse was great, bicause it was the keie that opened the passage betwixt the cities of Paris and Rone. But now to returne to the communication at Ar­ras, which after the departure of the English com­missioners held betwixt the Frenchmen & Burgog­nians, till at length a peace was concluded, accorded, A peace be­twéen Charls of France and the duke of Burgognie. and sworne betwixt king Charles and duke Philip of Burgognie, vpon certeine conditions, as in the French histories more plainlie appeareth.

And after, the duke of Burgognie, to set a veile before the king of Englands eies, sent Thoison Dore his chéefe herald to king Henrie with letters, excu­sing the matter by way of information, that he was constreined to enter in this league [...]ith K. Charles, by the dailie outcries, complaints, and lamentations of his people; alledging against him, that he was the onlie cause of the long continuance of the wars, to the vtter impouerishing of his owne people, and the whole nation of France. Therefore sith he could not otherwise doo, but partlie to content his owne people, and chéefelie to satisfie the request of the whole generall councell, was in manner compelled for his part to growe vnto a peace and amitie with king Charles.

He likewise wished that king Henrie, vpon reaso­nable and honorable conditions of agréement offe­red, should in no wise refuse the same: whereby the long continued warre at length might ceasse and take end, to the pleasure of almightie God, which is [Page 612] the author of peace and vnitie: & hereto he promised him his aid and furtherance, with manie gaie words, which I passe ouer. The superscription of this letter was thus. [To the high and mightie prince, Henrie by the grace of God king of England, his welbelo­ued cousine.] Neither naming him king of France, nor his souereigne lord, according as (euer before that time) he was accustomed to doo. This letter was much maruelled at of the councell, after they had throughlie considered all the contents thereof, & they line 10 could not but be much disquieted, so far foorth that di­uerse of them offended so much with the vntruth of the duke, that they could not temper their passions, but openlie called him traitor.

But when the rumor of the dukes reuolting was published amongst the people, they left words, and fell to bestowing of stripes: for being pricked with these euill tidings, they ran in great outrage vpon all the Flemings, Hollanders, and Burgognions, which then inhabited within the citie of London, Spoile vpon the Burgog­nian people in London. and the line 20 suburbes of the same, and slue and hurt a great num­ber of them before they, by the kings proclamation, could be staied from such iniurious dooing: for the king nothing more minded than to saue innocent bloud, and to defend them that had not offended. The officer at armes was willed to tell his maister, that it stood not with his honor to be enimie to the Eng­lish nation; and that his dutie had béene to kéepe his ancient truth and allegiance, rather than to be occa­sion of new warre. And what a new reconciled eni­mie line 30 was in respect of an old tried fréend, he might shortlie find. [When the messenger with this answer was dispatched, W. P. and vpon consultation found, a mat­ter standing both with good policie in forceing the proud subiect to know his obedience, and also with great equitie to twitch a quareller with such pinsars as wherewith afore he had nipt an other, so was it a­non brought about, that sundrie of his good townes and cities rebelled against him, whereby (lesse to his liking than to his deseruing) he was verie well made line 40 to bite of a chokepeare of his owne grafting.]

Anno Reg. 14. The death of the duke of Bedford re­gent of FrāceThis yeare the fourtéenth daie of September died Iohn duke of Bedford, regent of France, a man both politike in peace, and hardie in warre, and yet no more hardie than mercifull when he had the victorie, whose bodie was with all funerall solemnitie buried in the cathedrall church of our ladie in Rone, on the north side of the high altar, vnder a sumptuous and costlie monument. Which toome when king Lewes the eleauenth, by certeine vndiscreet persons was line 50 counselled to deface, affirming that it was a great dishonour both to the king and to the realme, to see the enimie of his father and theirs to haue so solemne and rich a memoriall: A worthy sai­eng of a wise prince. he answered saieng, ‘What ho­nour shall it be to vs, or to you, to breake this monu­ment, and to pull out of the ground the dead bones of him, whome in his life neither my father nor your progenitours, with all their power, puissance, and fréends were once able to make flée one foot back­ward; but by his strength, wit, and policie, kept them line 60 all out of the principall dominions of the realme of France, and out of this noble and famous duchie of Normandie? Wherefore I saie, first, God haue his soule, and let his bodie now lie in rest, which when he was aliue, would haue disquieted the proudest of vs all. And as for the toome, I assure you, it is not so de­cent nor conuenient, as his honour and acts deser­ued, although it were much richer, and more beau­tifull.’

[...]The frost was so extreame this yeare, beginning about the fiue and twentith daie of Nouember, and continuing till the tenth of Februarie, that the ships with merchandize arriuing at the Thames mouth, could not come vp the riuer: so their lading there faine to be discharged, was brought to the cit [...]e by land. After the death of that noble prince the duke of Bedford, the bright sunne in France toward Eng­lishmen, began to be cloudie, and dailie to darken, the Frenchmen began not onelie to withdrawe their obedience by oth to the king of England, but also tooke sword in hand & openlie rebelled. Howbeit all these mishaps could not anie thing abash the vali­ant courages of the English people: for they hauing no mistrust in God and good fortune, The duke of Yorke made regent of France. set vp a new saile, began the warre afresh, and appointed for re­gent in France, Richard duke of Yorke, sonne to Richard earle of Cambridge.

Although the duke of Yorke was worthie (both for birth and courage) of this honor and preferment, yet so disdeined of Edmund duke of Summerset being cousine to the king, that by all means possible he sought his hinderance, as one glad of his losse, and sorie of his well dooing: by reason whereof, yer the duke of Yorke could get his dispatch, Paris and di­uerse other of the cheefest places in France were gotten by the French king. The duke of Yorke per­ceiuing his euill will, openlie dissembled that which he inwardlie minded, either of them working things to the others displeasure, till through malice & diuisi­on betwéene them, at length by mortall warre they were both consumed, with almost all their whole lines and ofspring.

The Normans of the countrie of Caux, being heartened by the death of the duke of Bedford, began a new rebellion, slue diuerse Englishmen, robbed manie townes that were vnder the English obei­sance, and tooke the towne of Harflue by assault, and diuerse other townes. But the lord regent being ad­uertised, sent foorth the lord Scales, sir Thomas Ki­riell, and the lord Hoo, which so afflicted those rebels of Caux, that they slue aboue fiue thousand persons, and burnt all the townes and villages in the countrie, not being walled: so that in that part was neither habitation nor tillage, for all the people fled into Bri­taine, and all the beasts of the countrie were brought to Caudebecke, where a good sheepe was sold for an English penie, and a Cow for twelue pence. Dailie was skirmishing and fighting in euerie part, in so much that the lord Scales at the Rie beside Rone, discomfited the Hire, and fiftéene hundred valiant Frenchmen; of the which, aboue thrée hundred were taken prisoners, beside the gaine of seauen faire coursers.

Amongst other of the prisoners, were sir Richard Reginald de Fountaines, sir Alain Gerond, Alain Monsaie, and Geffrie Grame, capteine of the Scots. But yet this victorie and others the like, staied not the Frenchmen from working treason dailie, insomuch that diuers townes turned to the part of K. Charles, and some were taken by practise, as Diepe, Bois, Uincennes, and others. Abr. Fl. Sée before pag. 581. ¶So that here partlie was accomplished the prophesie of Henrie the fift, giuen out in the ninth yeare of his reigne when he laie at siege before Meaux, that Henrie of Windsore should loose all that Henrie of Monmouth had gotten (for so they are named according to the place of their nati­uitie) and this prediction was complet and full by that time the yeares of his regiment were expired.

But heere is one cheefe point to be noted, that ei­ther the disdeine amongest the cheefe péeres of the realme of England (as yée haue heard) or the negli­gence of the kings councell (which did not foresée dangers to come) was the losse of the whole domini­on of France, betwéene the riuers of Sone and Marne, and in especiall, of the noble citie of Paris. For where before, there were sent ouer thousands fo [...] defense of the holds and fortresses, now were sent hundreds, yea and scores, some rascals, and some not [Page 613] able to draw a bowe, or carrie a bill: for the lord Willoughbie, and the bishop of Terwine, which had the gouernance of the great citie of Paris, year 1436 had in their companie not two thousand Englishmen.

Which weakenesse king Charles well perceiued, and therefore by authoritie appointed the constable, Arthur of Britaine, the earle of Dunois, the lords de la Roch, and Lisle Adam, with other valiant cap­teins and men of warre, as well Burgognions as French, to go before Paris, trusting by fauour of line 10 certeine citizens, with whome he had intelligence, shortlie to be lord of the citie, without great losse or battell. So these capteins came before the citie of Paris. But perceiuing that all things succeeded not according to their expectation, they returned to Mont Martyr, and the next daie suddenlie set on the towne of saint Denis, and constreined the English­men that kept it, to flée into the abbeie, and into the tower Uenin. In this conflict two hundred English­men were slaine, the residue vpon reasonable com­position line 20 rendered vp the place, and departed to Paris.

Thomas lord Beaumont, who of late was come to Paris with eight hundred men, issued foorth with six hundred souldiers, intending to view the dooings and number of the French armie; but suddenlie com­passed about, within a small space was discomfited and taken, with him fourescore prisoners, beside two hundred slaine in the field, the remnant chased to the verie gates of the citie. The Parisiens, and especial­lie line 30 the maister of the halles, and some of the vniuer­sitie, and Michaell Lallier, and manie notable bur­gesses of the citie (who euer with an English counte­nance couered a French hart) perceiuing the weak­nesse of the Englishmen, and force of the French; signified to the French capteins their toward minds willing them with all diligence to come & receiue so rich a preie without anie difficultie, readie to be gi­uen and deliuered into their hands.

The constable delaieng no time, came with his line 40 power, lodged by the charter house: and the lord Lisle Adam, approching to the walles, shewed to the citi­zens a charter, sealed with the great seale of king Charles, The treson of y e Parisiens. by the which he had pardoned them their of­fenses, and granted to them all their old liberties, and ancient priuileges, so that they would hereafter be to him true and obedient: which thing to them de­clared, they ran about the towne, crieng; S. Denis, liue king Charles. The Englishmen perceiuing this, determined to kéepe the gate S. Denis, but they line 50 were deceiued: for the cheines were drawne in eue­rie stréet, and women and children cast downe stones and scalding water on the Englishmens heads, and the citizens in armour fought with them and chased them from stréet to stréet, and from lane to lane, and slue and hurt diuerse and manie of them.

The bishop of Terwine, chancellor there for king Henrie, the lord Willoughbie, and sir Simon Mor­uiher, tooke great paine to appease the people: but when they saw that all auailed not, they withdrew in­to line 60 the bastile of saint Anthonie, which fortresse they had well vittelled, and furnished with men and mu­nitions. Whilest this rumor was in the towne, the earle of Dunois and others scaled the walles, and some passed the riuer by botes, and opened the gate of saint Iames, Paris yéelded to y e French king. by the which the constable with his ban­ner displaied, entered, at whose entrie the Parisiens made great ioy. The bishop and the lord Willough­bie, with their small companie, defended their for­tresse ten daies, looking for aid: but when they saw that no comfort appeared, they yéelded their fortresse, so that they and theirs, with certeine baggage, might peaceablie returne to Rone. Thus was the citie of Paris brought into the possession of Charles the French king, through the vntrue demeanour of the citizens, who contrarie to their oths, and promised al­legiance, like false and inconstant people, so reuolted from the English.

After this glorious gaine, the Frenchmen besie­ged the towne of Craill vpon Oise, wherof sir Wil­liam Chamberlaine was capteine, the which with fiue hundred Englishmen issued out of the towne, and after long fight, discomfited his enimies, & slue two hundred, and tooke a great number prisoners: the remnant not liking the market, departed to Campaigne, and other townes adioining. During which season, twelue burgesses of the towne of Gi­sours sold it for monie vnto Poiton de Xantrailes. But he had not the castell deliuered, & therefore with all his power he besieged the same; whereof the lord Talbot being aduertised, sent for the lord Scales, and they both with eightéene hundred men rescued the castell, tooke the towne, and discomfited their eni­mies, and slue of them aboue foure hundred persons.

Now according to the old saieng (when the steed is stolen shut the stable doore) the duke of Yorke appoin­ted at the last parlement to be regent of France (af­ter that Paris, Saint Denis, Saint Germans in Laie, and diuerse other townes in France were ta­ken and betraied for lacke of conuenient succours) was sent ouer into Normandie with eight thousand men, and in his companie, the earles of Salisburie, The duke sēt into France too late. and Suffolke, and the lord Fawconbridge, and di­uerse other valiant capteins. When he was landed, the earle of Salisburie besieged the castell of Cham­bois, which shortlie was to him rendered. Then the duke remooued to Rone, where he set good orders, and did great iustice to the countrie; wherefore the Nor­mans in their chronicles highlie extoll him for that point. Howbeit they saie, that he gat by long siege the towne and abbeie of Fecampe, and did none o­ther notable act, during the time of his rule and go­uernment.

In this fourtéenth yeare, the duke of Burgognie determined by the aduise of his councell, to attempt the winning of Calis. The prouision was woonde­rous great which was made for the atchiuing of this enterprise: whereof sir Iohn Ratcliffe, The duke of Burgonie prepareth an ar­mie against Calis. deputie of the towne of Calis, hauing perfect intelligence, ad­uertised king Henrie, and his councell, who inconti­nentlie sent thither the earle of Mortaigne, sonne to the duke of Summerset, and the lord Camois, with fifteene hundred men, and great foison of vittels, that issued out of Calis, and came before Grauelin, where they were incountered with a great number of Fle­mings, who were shortlie discomfited, foure hundred of them slaine, and six score taken prisoners. Within two daies after, the Englishmen draue by fine force the lords of Warren and Bado to the barriers of Ard, and discomfited their whole companie, to the number of fiftéene hundred, slue seauen valiant cap­teins, and tooke manie gentlemen prisoners.

The duke of Burgognie, remaining still in his former purpose, assembled togither, of Flemings, Picards, Hollanders, and Heneweirs, a great ar­mie, to the number of fortie thousand, so well armed, The duke of Burgognie with fortie thousand mē. so well vitteled, so well furnished with ordinance, and garnished in all things, that they thought and bla­zed amongst themselues, that the Calisians would leaue their towne desolate, and flee for their safegard, hearing onelie of the dukes approch: but they recko­ned without their host; and so paid a déerer shot than they looked for. Now when this mightie armie was past the water of Grauelin, the duke intending to begin his feats, assaulted the little poore castell of Oie, which hauing in it but fiftie souldiers, whereof twelue sold their liues deerelie; the remnant (com­pelled by necessitie) yéelded themselues to the dukes [Page 614] mercie. Which to please the Gantois (being of num­ber most puissant in all the armie) liberallie gaue to them, both the castell and prisoners, who (rude & cruell people) not onelie raced the castell, but also hanged nine and twentie of the captiues, and had so doone with the residue, if the duke, offended at their cruel­tie, had not willed a staie.

After this feat doone, the Picards besieged the ca­stell of Marke, & gaue thrée assaults to it. The Eng­lishmen within, being in number two hundred and line 10 six, vnder the gouernement of their capteine sir Iohn Gedding, valiantlie defended the place; vntill at length, despairing of succours, they yéelded them­selues (their liues & lims saued.) The castell of Marke being thus deliuered, was raced to the ground. Then the duke, accompanied with the duke of Cleues, the earle of Estampes, the lords of Dantoing, Croie, Crisquie, Calis besie­ged by the duke of Bur­gognie. Humiers, and manie other barons and knights, with his great armie, came before Calis, & placed his siege about the same, most to his aduan­tage: he gaue thrée assaults, and gained nothing by line 20 them, but constreined to kéepe them further off. At the first assault, the Hire which was come to sée the duke of Burgognie, was sore wounded and hurt. A cooling card it was also vnto them, still to sée ships arriued in the hauen out of England, openlie before their faces, laden with vittels, munition and men.

The duke on a daie riding about to view the situa­tion of the towne, to the intent to take his most ad­uantage (either by assault or otherwise) was quicke­lie espied, and with the shot of a canon, a trumpetter, line 30 which rode next before him, and thrée horsses in his companie were slaine out of hand. The lord of Croie, and a conuenient number with him, was appointed to besiege the castell of Guisnes, where he got little profit, and did lesse harme. Moreouer, for the better aduancing of his enterprise, the duke minded to stop vp the hauen; so that no succours should enter there. The dukes enterprise to bar y • hauen. Herevpon, he caused foure great hulkes to be fraught with great square stones, cemented and ioi­ned line 40 togither with lead, to the intent they should lie still like a mount, and not seuer in sunder.

These ships, with the residue of the dukes nauie, were conueied into the mouth of Calis hauen, and at a full sea, by craft and policie, were soonke downe to the ground. But whether God would not that the ha­uen should be destroied, either the conueiers of the hulkes knew not the verie chanell; these foure great ships, at the low water, laie openlie vpon the sands, without hurting the rode or chanell. Which when the souldiers perceiued, they issued out of the towne, line 50 brake the ships, and caried both the stones and tim­ber into the towne. An other deuise the duke had, which was the building of a strong bastile vpon a lit­tle mountaine, which he furnished with foure hun­dred men, and much artillerie, that did impeach the Englishmen from issuing foorth of the towne, to their great displeasure.

Whilest these things were adooing, there came to the duke an herald called Penbroke, belonging to line 60 the duke of Glocester, who declared to the duke of Burgognie, that the protector of England his mai­ster (if God would send him wind & weather) would giue him battell, either there, or in anie other place within his owne countrie, where he would appoint, and that with spéed, if God vouchsafed him wind and weather. The duke answered the herald; ‘Sir, saie to your maister, that his chalenge is both honorable and reasonable: howbeit, he shall not néed to take the paines to séeke me in mine owne countrie, for (God willing) he shall find me heere, till I haue my will of the towne, readie to abide him and all the power he can bring.’ After the herald had receiued this answer, he was highlie chéered, and had a cup and an hundred guildens to him giuen in reward, and so he returned to Calis.

After whose departure, the duke called a councell in the chéefe pauilion of the Gantois, about this mes­sage of the English herald, where it was determined with great courage, that they would abide the bat­tell, if the duke of Glocester came to offer it. Whilest this great matter was in consultation, the Calisi­ans, not well content with the bastile which the duke had newlie builded, issued out of the towne in great number, part on horssebacke and part on foot. The footmen ran to assault the bastile, and the horssemen went betwéene the armie & the assailants, to stop the aid and succours that might come. Upon the sound­ing of the alarme, the duke himselfe in person was comming on foot, to reléeue his men: but being kept backe a space by the English horssemen, The dukes bastile woone. in that de­laie of time, the bastile was woone by fine force, and eight score persons of those that kept it slaine, beside the residue which were taken prisoners, and led to Calis, with all the ordinance and artillerie, to the high displeasure of the duke and his prudent councell. The next daie after, there sprang a rumor in the ar­mie (no man could tell how) that the duke of Glo­cester with a great puissance was alreadie imbar­ked, and would arriue at the next tide. The same night the duke fled awaie, The duke of Burgognie breaketh by the siege be­fore Calis, and fléeth, the 26 of Iulie. and sent in all hast to the lord of Croie, to raise his siege before Guisnes, which tidings were to him verie ioious, for he neither got nor saued. So these two capteins departed, leauing behind them, both ordinance, vittels, & great riches. ¶ The French writers (to saue the honor of the duke of Burgognie) saie, that there was a certeine discord and commotion amongst the Flemings and Duch nation, affirming, that the great lords and the Pi­cards (whome the Frenchmen greatlie extoll) would betraie and sell the Flemings and their freends, and that for the same cause in a great furie they cried; Home, home: and would not tarrie for anie request that the duke could make, and so by their misgouer­nance, the duke was inforced to raise his siege, and to depart. The Flemish authors affirme the contrarie, saieng that they were readie to abide the comming of the duke of Glocester: but the duke of Burgognie fearing to be intrapped betwéene the English armie without, and the garrison within the towne of Calis, fled awaie in the night, giuing to them no warning thereof before, so that for lacke of time, and conueni­ent space to lade and carrie their stuffe, and being commanded vpon the sudden to dislodge with all spéed, they left behind them their vittels, tents, and other things, to their great losse and detriment.

Howsoeuer the matter was, the truth is, that he fled the six and twentith daie of Iulie, in the night. And the next daie in the morning, the duke of Gloce­ster landed in Calis hauen, & streight went into the campe, where his enimies the night before were lod­ged, and there he found manie faire peeces of ordi­nance, and speciallie one called Digeon: so named, A gun call [...] Digeon. after the cheefe towne of Burgognie; beside paui­lions, wine, beere, meale, and innumerable vittels. The duke of Glocester, séeing his enimies reculed, hauing in his companie fiue and twentie thousand men, entered into Flanders, burning houses, The duke of Glocester spoileth Flanders. killing such as made resistance, destroieng the countrie on euerie part, setting fire in the townes of Poperinch, Bailleull, and others. Also, they wasted the suburbes of diuerse closed townes, and after passed by New­castell, Rimesture, and Ualon chapell: and then en­tering into Artois, they came to Arques and Blan­desques, setting fire in euerie part where they came. Thus they passed by saint Omers, and finallie by Arde returned to Guisnes: and so to Calis at the six wéeks end, with great booties of cattell and riches.

[Page 615]In all this their iournie, they had but small store of bread, which caused much faintnesse and diuerse di­seases in the armie, whereof a greater number died than did of the enimies sword: and yet the Flemings write, that they of Bruges distressed to the number of two thousand Englishmen in this iournie. [...]land. How­beit, the French writers affirme, that the English­men lost more of their companie in the marches a­bout Ard, Enguerant. than they did in all other places where they had béene before, hauing passed through the par­ties line 10 of Flanders, without incounter, or any damage doone to them by the enimies. After that, the duke of Glocester returned into England, where he was ad­uertised, that Iames king of Scots had besieged the castell of Rockesburgh with thirtie thousand men: but the capteine thereof, sir Rafe Greie defended it so manfullie, The king of Scots fled [...]rom his siege [...] Rockes­ [...]urgh. for the space of twentie daies, that king Iames being then aduertised, that the earle of Nor­thumberland was comming to fight with him, fled with no lesse losse than dishonor, and inough of both. line 20

Anno Reg. 15.Shortlie after that the duke of Burgognie had béene before Calis, at the desire of princes, a truce for a time was moued to be had betwéene the king of England & the said duke. For which cause were sent to Grauelin for the king of England, Henrie Beau­ford cardinall of Winchester, Iohn lord Mowbraie duke of Northfolke, Humfrie earle of Stafford, and diuerse other well learned & honorable personages. And for the duke of Burgognie, there appeared the duchesse his wife, the bishop of Arras, the lord of line 30 Croie, and diuerse other. At this treatie, a truce was taken for a small time, A truce taken betwéene the king of Eng­land and the duchesse of Burgognie. and for a lesse obserued, which was concluded betweene the king of England, and the duchesse of Burgognie (interlacing the duke and his name.)

Hall.Some thinke, that the king of England would neuer enter in league with him, bicause he had bro­ken his promise, oth, and writing sealed to him, and to his father. Other imagined this to be doone of a cau­tell, to cast a mist before the French kings eies, to the line 40 intent he should beléeue that this feat was wrought by the duchesse, without assent or knowledge of the duke or his councell; and so he was not bound to ac­complish anie act or thing doone in his wiues treatie. Thus may you sée, that princes sometime with such vaine glosses and scornefull expositions will hide their dooings, and cloke their purposes; to the intent they would not either be espied, or else that they may plucke their heads out of the collar at their plea­sure. But (as the common opinion goeth) he which is line 50 a promise-breaker escapeth not alwaies with impu­nitie. For it is well seene by dailie and vsuall euents both in princes and priuat persons, that for violating their faith, and breaking of promise, manie discom­modities arise, and inconueniences not a few doo fol­low. To the due keeping whereof the heathen bare such a religious conscience, that a prophane man in respect of others, preferreth it before sacrifice, the sen­tence is of great excellencie out of a pagans mouth:

Non boue mactato coelestia numina gaudent, line 60
Sed quae praestanda est & sine teste fide.

About this season, queene Katharine mother to the king of England departed out of this life, 14 [...]7 and was buried by hir husband in the abbeie of Westminster. This woman, after the death of king Henrie the fift hir husband, Katharine mother to king Henrie maried Owen Teuther. being yoong and lustie, following more hir owne wanton appetite than fréendlie counsell, and regarding more priuate affection than prince-like honour, tooke to husband priuilie a galant gentle­man and a right beautifull person, indued with ma­nie goodlie gifts both of bodie & mind, called Owen Teuther, a man descended of the noble linage and ancient line of Cadwallader last king of the Bri­tains. By this Owen she brought foorth thrée goodlie sonnes, Edmund, Iasper, and another that was a monke in Westminster, and liued a small time: also a daughter which in hir youth departed out of this transitorie life.

King Henrie, after the death of his mother, bi­cause, they were his brethren of one wombe, created Edmund earle of Richmund, and Iasper earle of Penbroke: which Edmund of Margaret daughter and sole heire to Iohn duke of Summerset begat Henrie, who after was king of this realme, called Henrie the seuenth, of whome ye shall heare more in place conuenient. This Owen, after the death of the quéene his wife, was apprehended and committed toward, bicause that (contrarie to the statute made in the sixt yeare of this king) he presumptuouslie had maried the quéene, without the kings especiall assent, out of which prison he escaped, and let out other with him, but was againe apprehended, and after escaped againe. Abr. Fl.Polychronicon saith that he was a squier of low birth and like degrée, the same author also re­porteth that he was commanded to Newgate by the duke of Glocester then lord protector of the realme: out of which prison he brake by the helpe of a preest that was his chapline. Neuerthelesse he was appre­hended afterwards by the lord Beaumont, & brought againe to Newgate, whence (when he had remained there a while) he was deliuered and set at libertie.]

The duchesse of Bedford also, sister to Lewes erle of S. Paule, more for affection than increase of ho­nour, without counsell of hir freends, maried a lustie yoong knight, called sir Richard Wooduile, to the great displeasure of hir vncle the bishop of Terwine, and the earle hir brother. This sir Richard was made baron of Riuers, and after earle, and had by this ladie manie noble sonnes, and faire daughters, of the which one was the ladie Elizabeth, Quéene Eli­zabeth. after queene of Eng­land, by reason she was married vnto Edward the fourth. ¶ Whilest this marriage was a celebrating, Iane late quéene of England, and before duchesse of Britaine, daughter to the king of Nauarre, and wife to king Henrie the fourth, died at the manor of Ha­uering, and was buried by hir husband at Canturbu­rie. ¶ About the same time, deceassed also the coun­tesse of Warwike, and Henrie archbishop of Yorke.

In this yeare also, the duke of Summerset, ac­companied with the lords of Fauconbridge, Talbot, sir Francis Surien, the Arrogonnois, Matthew Or rather Goche. Gough, Thomas Paulet, Thomas Harington, Walter Limbrike, Iohn Gedding, William Wat­ton esquiers, and Thomas Hilton bailiffe of Rone, with a great companie of the English partie, besie­ged the towne of Harflue (latelie before gotten by the Frenchmen) both by water and land: Harflue besie­ged and woon by the Eng­lishmen. the capteine within the towne was one sir Iohn d'Estouteuille, hauing his brother Robert with him, and a six hun­dred good fighting men. The assailants cast tren­ches, and so fortified themselues in their campe and lodgings, that when the earles of Ew and Dunois, the valiant bastard of Bourbon, the lord Gawcourt, and other famous capteins, with a foure thousand men, sent to the rescue of them within, came b [...]fore the towne, they could not succour their fréends, nor annoie their enimies by anie meanes they could de­uise; & so for feare to lose honour, they returned backe againe, with much trauell and little profit.

The capteins within the towne perceiuing they could not be aided, did shortlie after render the towne to the duke of Summerset; who after com­mitted it to the kéeping of Thomas Paulet, Willi­am Limbrike, Christopher Barber, and George saint George, which manie yeares (till the diuision began in England) manfullie and valiantlie defended both the towne and the hauen. But afterward, The duke of Summersets infortunat [...]s when this duke of Summerset was regent and gouernour of [Page 615] [...] [Page 616] Normandie, he not onlie lost this towne of Harflue, but also the citie of Rone, and the whole duchie of Normandie, Iames king of Scots murthered. Abr. Fl. ex Polychr. whereas now (being but a deputie) he got it to his high praise and glorie. In this yeare was Iames king of Scots murthered by certeine trai­tors of his owne subiects [euen in his bedchamber by night, which king (saith Polychr.) had beene prisoner in England fifteene yeares, the murtherers of whom being afterwards taken, were terriblie executed.]

The lord Talbot besieged Tankeruile, and after line 10 foure moneths had it simplie to him rendered. This towne was no great gaine to the Englishmen, for in the meane season, the French king in his owne person besieged the strong towne of Monstreau fault Yonne; whereof Thomas Gerard being cap­teine, more for desire of reward, than for feare of eni­mies, sold the towne to the French king, and had of him great gifts and interteinement, as afterwards was openlie knowen. This towne had béene rescu­ed of the French king fought withall, if one chance line 20 had not happened. For the duke of Yorke about that time was discharged of his office, and the earle of Warwike preferred to the same, The earle of Warwike made regent of France. so that the duke of Yorke, lieng as then at Rone, would haue gladlie rescued the towne, if his authoritie had not surceas­sed; and the earle of Warwike could not come in time, for the wind was contrarie to him.

This present yeare was a parlement holden at Westminster, in the which manie good and profitable acts for the preseruation of concord at home, and de­fense line 30 against the enimies abroad, were ordeined and deuised. ¶Arthur of Britaine constable of France, and Iohn duke of Alanson, were sent by the French king into Normandie, with a great armie, to besiege the towne of Auranches, standing vpon the knop of an hill: where after they had laien a certeine space without gaine, the lord Talbot with a valiant com­panie of men came thither, and offered the enimies battell. Which when they at all hands refused, the lord Talbot perceiuing their faint harts, raised his field, line 40 and in the open sight of them all, entered into the towne, and the next daie issued out; and finding the Frenchmen riding abroad to destroie the plaine countrie, he compassed them about, and slue manie of them, and tooke diuerse prisoners. Although the Frenchmen got neither honor nor profit by this iour­nie, yet they enterprised a greater matter, as the winning of Rone; in so much that Pouton de San­treils, and the Hire, with manie other notable cap­teins, hauing promise of certeine burgesses of that line 50 citie to haue entrie made them, secretlie in the night came forward to a towne called Rise or Riz, not past foure leagues from Rone, and there lodged.

The lord Talbot, the lord Scales, and sir Thomas Kiriell hearing of their approch, set out of Rone at midnight, & with great paine came to Rise so couert­lie in the morning, that the French suddenlie surpri­sed and set vpon, like men all amazed ran awaie and fled. In the chase were taken the lord of Fontains, sir Aleine Geron, sir Lewes de Balle, and thréescore line 60 knights, and esquiers, beside others; and there were slaine two hundred and more. The Hire escaped verie narrowlie, by swiftnesse of his horsse, though not vnwounded. The Englishmen returned to the towne of Rise, and found there great number of horsses & other baggages, which they ioiouslie brought with them to Rone.

On the sixt daie of Nouember this present yeare, the earle of Warwike, Anno Reg. 16. The earle of Warwike re­gent came in­to France. as regent of France, passed the sea, after he had beene seuen times shipped and vn­shipped, and landed at Homflue with a thousand fresh souldiers, and came to Rone, and then the duke of Yorke returned into England. Betwéene the change of these two capteins, the duke of Burgognie (which sore enuied the glorie of the Englishmen) besieged the towne of Crotoy, Croitoy b [...]e­ged by the duke of Bur­gog [...]e. with ten thousand men and more, hauing with him great plentie of guns and goodlie ordinance. The earle of Warwike aduerti­sed hereof, sent the lord Fauconbridge, sir Thomas Kiriell, sir Iohn Montgomerie, Thomas Limbrike, Thomas Chandois, Dauid Hall, and diuerse other knights and esquiers, and an host of fiue thousand men, which passed the riuer of Some, beside the towne of saint Ualerie, wading in the water vp to the chin, so glad were they to rescue their felowes.

When the duke of Burgognie was informed of the approching of the lord Talbot, Croitoy res­cued. he with all his power (sauing foure hundred, which were left in a ba­stile by him there newlie builded) fled to Abuile, the bastile was soone gained by the Englishmen, and those within either slaine or taken. After this, the lord Talbot sent to the duke of Burgognie, signifieng that except he would come foorth, and bide by a bat­tell, he would vtterlie wast his countrie of Picardie. According wherevnto (the duke of Burgognie shrin­king) he burnt townes, spoiled and slue manie people in Picardie. But for all those his doings, the duke of Burgognie appeared not, but got him from Abuile to Amiens, so that the lord Talbot abode twentie daies full in Picardie and Arthois, destroieng all afore him, and after returned vntouched. In the meane sea­son, sir Thomas Kiriell had gotten all the dukes ca­riages and ordinance, and left as much vittell in the towne of Croitoy, as would serue six hundred men a whole yeare, and conueied the residue to the earle of Warwike, who highlie praised them for their hardie dooings.

After this, Henrie earle of Mortaigne, sonne to Edmund duke of Summerset, 14 [...]8 ariued at Chierburgh with foure hundred archers, & thrée hundred speares, and passed through Normandie, till he came into the countie of Maine, where he besieged a castell called saint Anian, in the which were thrée hundred Scots, besides Frenchmen. This castell he tooke by assault, slue the Scots, and hanged the Frenchmen, bicause they were once sworne English. After this he got al­so another castell, two miles from saint Iulians, cal­led Alegerche, which was shortlie after recouered; and the lord of Camewis, which came to the rescue of the same, in the meane waie was intrapped and taken. Thus flowed the victorie, sometime on the one partie, and sometime on the other. For about the same time the townes of Meaux in Brie, and saint Susan were sold and deliuered to the French part, by the vntruth of the burgesses and inhabitants of the same towns, about the latter end of this sixteenth yeare.

This yeare (by reason of great tempests) raging winds, and raine, there rose such scarsitie, Anno Reg. 17. Dearth of vittels. that wheat was sold at three shillings foure pense the bushell, wine at twelue pense the gallon, year 1439 baisalt at fourtéene pense the bushell, and malt at thirteene shillings foure pense the quarter, and all other graines at ex­cessiue prices aboue the old rate. ¶ Wherevpon Steuen Browne (saith Polychronicon) at the same season maior of London, Abr. Fl. ex Polychr. tendering the state of the citie in this want of breadcorne, sent into Pruse cer­teine ships, which returned loden with plentie of rie: wherwith he did much good to the people in that hard time, speciallie to them of the citie, where the want of corne was not so extreame as in some other places of the land, Bread made of ferne roots. where the poore distressed people that were hungerbitten, made them bred of ferne roots, and v­sed other hard shifts, till God prouided remedie for their penurie by good successe of husbandrie.]

In the moneth of Iune, the earle of Huntington (as Steward of Guien) with two thousand archers, and foure hundred speares was sent into Gascoigne, as a supplie to the countrie and cōmons of the same: [Page 617] for the king of England and his councell were infor­med, that the earle of Dunois laie in the frontiers of Tholouse secretlie, by rewards and faire promises practising to procure diuerse townes in Guien to be­come French. Wherefore this earle (like a politike warrior) altered not onelie the capteins in euerie towne and citie, A seat of a po­litike capteine & wise coun­cellor. but also remoued the magistrates, and changed the officers from towne to towne, and roome to roome; so that by this meanes, the earle of Dunois at that time lost both trauell and [...]ost.

In the same moneth also, sir Richard Wooduile, sir line 10 William Chamberleine, sir William Peito, and sir William Storie, with a thousand men, were sent to stuffe the townes in Normandie, which at that time had therof great néed: for the English capteins had small confidence in the Normans, and not too much in some of their own nation. For that harlot briberie, with hir fellow couetousnesse, Two shrewd persuaders. ran so fast abroad with French crownes, that hard was it to remaine vncor­rupted. In this yeare, the Dolphin of France alied with Iohn duke of Alanson, and Iohn duke of Bur­gognie, line 20 rebelled against his father king Charles: but in the end, by wise persuasions, and wittie handling of the matter, the knot of that seditious faction was dissolued, and the king with his sonne, and the other confederates openlie and apparantlie pacified. The Englishmen taking aduantage of this domesticall diuision in France, raised an armie, and recouered againe diuerse townes, which had béene surprised from them before, and prepared also to haue recoue­red the citie of Paris, till they hard of the agréement line 30 betwixt the father and the sonne, and then they left off that enterprise.

In Nouember of this yeare, there was such a great frost, Anno Reg. 18. and after that so déepe a snow, that all the ground was couered therwith, and all the diches fro­sen. Which wether put the Englishmen in hope to re­couer againe the towne of Ponthoise, by the French king gotten before, Ponthoise re­couered by the English. by corrupting with monie di­uerse burgesses of the towne. Hervpon the English­men clothed all in white, with Iohn lord Clifford line 40 their capteine, came in the night to the diches, passed them without danger by reason of the frost, scaled the walles, slue the watch, and tooke the towne, with ma­nie profitable prisoners. ¶After the regaining of this towne, the lord Richard Beauchampe earle of War­wike died in the castell of Rone, from whence con­ueied into England, he was with solemne ceremo­nies buried at his college of Warwike, in a verie faire and sumptuous sepulchre. line 50

Anno Reg. 19.About the beginning of Lent, the duke of Sum­merset, and the lord Talbot, with other capteins and men of warre to the number of two thousand, which they had assembled in the marches of Normandie to­wards Rone, marching forward towards Picar­die, passed ouer the riuer of Some; and through the towne of Monteruell, came before the fortresse of Folleuile, which the duke besieged, whilest the lord Talbot entered further into the countrie. After that the duke had mounted his great artillerie, E [...]guerant. and began line 60 to batter the hold, the capteine within chanced to be slaine with a shot of the same artillerie, & shortlie af­ter, the batterie being still continued, the rest of the men of warre that serued vnder him yéelded the place, in which the duke left a competent garrison of souldiers, which afterwards sore indamaged the countrie.

This doone, the duke followed the lord Talbot, who was alreadie entered a good waie within the coun­trie of Santhois, and now ioining their powers to­gither, they came to a fortresse called Lihons in Santhois, which was also rendered vnto them, after they had burnt the church; which the countrie people kept against them, and would not yeeld it, till they were fired out, burnt, and slaine; to the number of thrée hundred. After the fortresse was deliuered into their hands by composition, the duke with his power laie there about ten daies, sending diuerse troops of his men of warre abroad into the countrie, which spoiled the same, tooke the fortresse of Herbonneres, and the lord thereof within it, who for his ransome, and to haue his subiects and house saued from spoile and fire, compounded with his takers for a thousand saluz of gold, which he paid to them. Finallie, after the duke of Summerset, and the lord Talbot with their power, had laine in Lihons about ten daies, they departed from thence, and returned into Nor­mandie, without anie impeachment.

After the death of the earle of Warwike, year 1441 the duke of Yorke was againe made regent of France, The duke of Yorke againe made regent of France. which accompanied with the earle of Oxenford, the lord Bourchier called earle of Ewe, sir Iames of Or­mond, the lord Clinton, sir Richard Wooduile, & di­uerse other noble men, sailed into Normandie. Be­fore whose ariuall, the French king sore gréeued with the taking of the towne of Ponthoise, assembled a great armie, Ponthoise besieged by the French king, but va­liantlie defen­ded. and besieged the said towne himselfe in person, inuironing it with bastiles, trenches, and dit­ches, beating the walles and bulworks with shot of great ordinance, and giuing therevnto diuerse great and fierce assaults. But Iohn lord Clifford, like a va­liant capteine, defended the towne so manfullie, that the Frenchmen rather lost than woone.

The duke of Yorke at his landing receiued true aduertisement of this siege, wherevpon he sent for the lord Talbot, and a great number of soldiers, and so came neere to the towne of Ponthoise, and there incamped himselfe; who therewith sent word to the French king, that thither he was come to giue him battell, if he would come out of his strength and ba­stiles. But the French king by aduise of his coun­cell, determined not to venture his person with men of so base degrée, but meant to kéepe his ground, bidding the lord regent to enter at his perill, and in the meane season did what he could to stop the pas­sage of the riuer of Oise, so that no vittels should be brought to the English armie by that waie, in hope so to cause them to recule backe.

The duke of Yorke, perceiuing that the French king minded not to fight, purposed to passe ouer the riuer of Oise, and so to fight with him in his lodging. Whervpon he remooued his campe, and appointed the lord Talbot and other, to make a countenance, as they would passe the riuer by force at the port of Beaumont: and appointed an other companie in boates of timber and leather, and bridges made of cords and ropes (whereof he had great plentie caried with him in chariots) to passe ouer beneath the abbie. Whilest the lord Talbot made a crie, as though he would assault the gate, certeine Englishmen passed the water in botes, and drew a bridge of cords ouer, so that a great number of them were got to the other side, A policie for a bridge. yer the Frenchmen were aduised what had hap­pened. When they saw the chance, they ran like mad men, to haue stopped the passage, but it was too late: for the most part of the Englishmen were got ouer, in so much that they chased their enimies backe, and slue sir Guilliam de Chastell, nephue to the lord Ta­neguie du Chastell, and diuerse others.

The Frenchmen séeing their euill hap irrecoue­rable, returned to the French king, Enguerant de Monstrelle [...]. and told him what had chanced: wherevpon he doubting to be assai­led to his disaduantage, thought not good longer to tarrie, but with all spéed remoouing his ordinance into the bastile of saint Martin, which he had newlie made, dislodged in the night from Maubuisson, and went to Poissie, leauing the lord de Cotignie adme­rall of France, with thrée thousand men to kéepe the [Page 618] bastile. If he had taried still at Manbuisson, the lord Talbot which had passed the riuer of Oise in two small leather botes, had either taken or slaine him the same night. Edw. Hall. The Englishmen the next daie in good order of battell came before the towne of Pon­thoise, thinking there to haue found the French king, but he was gone: and in his lodging they found great riches, and much stuffe which he could not haue space for to carrie awaie for feare of the sudden in­uasion. line 10

Then the duke with his power entred into the towne, and sent for new vittels, and repaired the tow­ers and bulworks about the towne, & diuerse times assaulted the bastile of the Frenchmen, of the which he made no great accompt, bicause they were not of power either to assault or stop the vittels or succors from the towne. After this, the duke intending once againe to offer the French king battell, left behind him at Ponthoise for capteine there, sir Geruais Clifton, sir Nicholas Burdet, Henrie Chandos, and line 20 a thousand soldiers, and therewith remoouing with his whole armie, came before Poissie, where he set himselfe and his men in good order of battell readie to fight. There issued out some of the French gentle­men to skirmish with the Englishmen, but to their losse: for diuerse of them were slaine, and foure vali­ant horssemen taken prisoners. The duke perceiuing the faint hearts of the Frenchmen, and that they durst not incounter in field with the English power, dislodged from Poissie, and came to Maunt, and soone after to Rone. line 30

Anno Reg. 20.When the regent and the lord Talbot were re­turned againe into Normandie, the French king considering how much it should redound to his dis­honour to let rest the towne of Ponthoise in his eni­mies hands, Ponthoise gotten by the French. sith he had beene at such charges and tra­uell about the winning thereof, he eftsoones assem­bled all his puissance. And returning suddenlie vnto Ponthoise, he first by assault got the church, and after the whole towne, tooke the capteine, and diuerse other Englishmen, and slue to the number of foure line 40 hundred, which sold their liues dearelie: for one French writer affirmeth, that the French king lost there thrée thousand men; and the whole garrison of the Englishmen was but onelie a thousand. Among other that were slaine here of the defendants, Enguerant. Sir Nicho­las Burdet slaine. was sir Nicholas Burdet knight, cheefe butler of Nor­mandie. After this hot tempest, the weather began somewhat to war more calme: for king Henrie and king Charles agréed to send ambassadors to com­men of some good conclusion of peace: so that king line 50 Henrie sent the cardinall of Winchester, with di­uerse other noble personages of his councell to Ca­lis, with whome was also sent Charles duke of Or­leance yet prisoner in England, to the intent that he might be both author of the peace, and also procurer of his owne deliuerance.

The French king sent the archbishop of Reimes, and the earle of Dunois: and the duke of Burgog­nie sent the lord de Creuecueur, and diuerse other. All these met at Calis, where the duke of Orleance cour­teouslie line 60 receiued the earle of Dunois (his bastard brother) thanking him greatlie for his paines taken in gouerning his lands & countrie, during the time of his captiuitie and absence. Diuerse communicati­ons were had, as well for the deliuerance of the duke as for a finall peace; but nothing was concluded, sa­uing that an other méeting was appointed, so that in the meane season the demands of either partie might be declared to their souereigne lords and maisters: and herevpon the commissioners brake vp their as­semblie, and returned into their countries. The Eng­lishmen (as the French writers record) required not onelie to possesse peaceablie the two duches of Aqui­taine and Normandie, discharged of all resort, superi­oritie, & souereigntie against the realme of France, the kings and gouernours of the same; but also to be restored to all the townes, cities, and places, which they within thirtie yéeres next before gone and past, had conquered in the realme of France. Which re­quest the Frenchmen thought verie vnreasonable, and so both parties, minding rather to gaine or saue than to loose, departed for that time, as yée haue heard.

After this méeting thus proroged, Philip duke of Burgognie, partlie mooued in conscience to make amends to Charles duke of Orleance (as yet priso­ner in England) for the death of duke Lewes his fa­ther, whome duke Iohn, father to this duke Philip, cruellie murthered in the citie of Paris; and partlie intending the aduancement of his neece, the ladie Marie, daughter to Adolfe duke of Cleue (by the which aliance, he trusted, that all old rancor should ceasse) contriued waies to haue the said duke of Or­leance set at libertie, vpon promise by him made to take the said ladie Marie vnto wife. This duke had beene prisoner in England euer since the battell was fought at Agincourt, vpon the daie of Crispine and Crispinian, in the yeare 1415, and was set now at libertie in the moneth of Nouember, in the yeare 1440, paieng for his ransome foure hundred thou­sand crownes, though other saie but thrée hundred thousand.

The cause whie he was deteined so long in captiui­tie, was to pleasure thereby the duke of Burgognie: for so long as the duke of Burgognie continued faithfull to the king of England, it was not thought necessarie to suffer the duke of Orleance to be ranso­med, least vpon his deliuerance he would not ceasse to séeke meanes to be reuenged vpon the duke of Burgognie, for the old grudge and displeasure be­twixt their two families, and therefore such ransome was demanded for him as he was neuer able to pay. But after the duke of Burgognie had broken his promise, and was turned to the French part, the councell of the king of England deuised how to de­liuer the duke of Orleance, that thereby they might displeasure the duke of Burgognie. Which thing the duke of Burgognie perceiuing, doubted what might follow if he were deliuered without his knowledge, and therefore to his great cost practised his deliue­rance, paid his ransome, and ioined with him amitie and aliance by mariage of his néece.

This duke being now deliuered, and speaking better English than French, The duke of Orleance de­liuered. after his arriuall in France, repaired to the duke of Burgognie, and ac­cording to his promise and conuention, maried the ladie Marie of Cleue, in the towne of saint Omers, on whome he begat a sonne, which after was French king, and called Lewes the twelfe. Lewes the twelfe. W. P. [Festered sores that rankle inward, as they may perchance be palli­at by sleight of surgerie; so sildome come they to sound cure, but often doo burst out againe to greater paine and perill of patient than euer afore: and so befell it betwéene these two noble houses of Orle­ance and Burgognie, who for all this mariage and plausible peace (that continued a twentie yeares) fell out yet after at square vnattonablie:] their children and cousins, to the great vnquieting of much part of christendome, speciallie in the times of king Fran­cis the first, and his sonne Henrie the second, heires of the house of Orleance. For Iohn earle of Ango­lesme, vncle to this duke Charles, begat Charles, fa­ther to the said king Francis: which earle Iohn had beene as pledge in England for the debt of Lewes duke of Orleance, from the last yeare of king Hen­rie the fourth; till that now his nephue being deliue­red, made shift for monie, and ransomed him also, and [Page 619] at length restored him to his countrie.

In the beginning of this twentith yeare, Richard duke of Yorke, regent of France, and gouernour of Normandie, determined to inuade the territories of his enimies both by sundrie armies, and in seuerall places, and therevpon without delaie of time he sent the lord of Willoughbie with a great crue of soldi­ers to destroie the countrie of Amiens, and Iohn lord Talbot was appointed to besiege the towne of Diepe; and the regent himselfe accompanied with line 10 Edmund duke of Summerset, set forward into the duchie of Aniou. The lord Willoughbie, according to his commission, entred into the countrie of his e­nimies in such wise vpon the sudden, that a great number of people were taken yer they could with­draw into anie place of safegard.

The Frenchmen in the garrisons adioining, asto­nied with the clamour and crie of the poore people, is­sued out in good order, and manfullie fought with the Englishmen. But in the end, the Frenchmen séeing line 20 their fellowes in the forefront slaine downe, and kild without mercie, turned their backes, and fled: the Englishmen followed, and slue manie in the chase; and such as escaped the sword, were robbed by the earle of saint Paule, Earle of saint Paule fréend to y e English. who was comming to aid the Englishmen. In this conflict were slaine aboue six hundred men of armes, and a great number taken. The dukes of Yorke and Summerset likewise en­tered into Aniou and Maine, and there destroied townes, and spoiled the people, and with great preies line 30 and prisoners repaired againe into Normandie, whither also the lord Willoughbie withdrew, after his valiant enterprise atchiued (as before yée haue heard) with rich spoiles and good prisoners.

This should be as Engue­rant noteth two yeares after this pre­sent yere 19, to [...], An. 1440.The duke of Summerset vpon further valiance, entered into the marches of Britaine, and tooke by fierce assault a towne named la Gerche, appertein­ing to the duke of Alanson, spoiling and burning the same. This doone, he went to Ponzaie, where he soior­ned two moneths, sending foorth dailie his men of line 40 war to destroie the countries of Aniou, Traonnois, and Chatragonnois. The French king sent the marshall Loiach with foure thousand men to resist the inuasions of the duke of Summerset, which mar­shall intended to haue set on the duke in his lodgings in the dead time of the night: but that (as by a wise and hardie capteine) well foreséene, he marched for­ward, and met the Frenchmen halfe the waie, and af­ter long fight, discomfited them, slue an hundred of the marshals men, and tooke thrée score and two pri­soners, line 50 wherof the chéefe were the lord Dausignie, sir Lewes de Buell, all the other (almost) were knights and esquiers.

After this incounter, the duke tooke the towne of Beaumont le vicount, and manned all the fortresses on the frontiers of his enimies, and with rich booties and prisoners returned againe to the duke of Yorke. In this meane time the lord Talbot, besieging the towne of Diepe, inuironed it with déepe trenches; building also vpon the mount Paulet a strong and line 60 noisome bastile. But at length perceiuing the towne to be stronglie defended, and that he lacked such fur­niture of men, vittels, and ordinance as was ne­cessarie for the winning of it, he deliuered the custo­die of the bastile, with the gouernance of the siege to his bastard sonne, a valiant yoong gentleman, and departed to Rone for aid, monie, and munition. The French king aduertised hereof, sent his sonne the Dolphin of Uienne with the earle of Dunois, Thrée thou­sand hath Ni­colas Giles. and fiftéene thousand men to raise the siege from Diepe.

Thrée daies they assailed the bastile, in the which six hundred Englishmen were inclosed, and at length bicause powder and weapon failed them within, the Frenchmen wan it, and tooke the bastard Talbot pri­soner, with sir William Peitow, and sir Iohn Rep­leie, which shortlie after were redéemed. The other English souldiers, séeing the bastile woone by the Frenchmen, stood all a daie in good order of battell, and in the night following, politikelie saued them­selues and returned to Rone, without losse or da­mage. In the assaulting of the bastile, the French­men saie, they slue two hundred Englishmen; and denie not but that they lost fiue hundred of their owne men, beside those that were hurt. Whilest these things were a dooing, Philip duke of Burgognie made sharpe warre against the earle of saint Paule, The earle of saint Paule reuolteth to the French. in taking from him his townes and castels, that made him to renounce his allegiance sworne and promised to the king of England, and returned to the French part.

The English capteins in Guien besieged the strong towne of Tartas, year 1441 belonging to the lord Dal­breth their old and ancient enimie. Tartas besie­ged. The towne per­ceiuing that it was not able to resist the force of the Englishmen anie long time, tooke appointment, that the towne shuld remaine neuter. For assurance ther­of, they deliuered Cadet the sonne of the lord de la Breth in pledge, vpon this condition; that if the said lord de la Breth would not assent to the agreement, then he should signifie his refusall to the English capteins within thrée moneths next insuing, and he to haue his pledge, and they to doo their best. The French king, at the request of the lords of Guien, caused the lord de la Breth to signifie his disagrée­ment vnto the earle of Huntington, as then lieute­nant to the king of England in the duchie of Aqui­taine. And therewith to gratifie the lords of Guien, he assembled an armie of thréescore thousand men, & came to Tholouse, and so to Tartas, to whome the chéefteins of the towne, séeing no succours com­ming from the king of England, rendred the towne: and Cadet de la Breth, which was left there as a pledge, was also deliuered.

The French king, after the yeelding of Tartas, re­mooued to saint Seuerine, which towne he tooke by force, slue thrée hundred persons, and tooke sir Tho­mas Rampston prisoner. After this, he came to the citie of Arques, tooke a bulworke by force, and had the towne yéelded to him by composition. The cap­teine, which was the lord of Montferrant, departed with all the English crue to Burdeaux, where he found the earle of Longuile, the Capdau de Beufe, and sir Thomas Rampston, which was a little before deliuered. After this, the fortresses of the Rioll and Mermandie were also yéelded to the French king: who notwithstanding at length was constreined for lacke of vittels (which were cut off by the English­men, that laie abroad in diuerse fortresses for the pur­pose) to breake vp his armie, & to retire into France. And then after his departure, The change in warre. the Englishmen reco­uered againe the citie of Arques, & the other townes by the French king gained, and tooke prisoner his lieutenant called Reginald Guilliam the Burgog­nion, and manie other gentlemen, and all the meane souldiers were either slaine or hanged.

While the French king was in Guien, The lord Talbot. the lord Talbot tooke the towne of Couchet, and after mar­ched toward Galliardon, which was besieged by the bastard of Orleance, otherwise called the earle of Dunois: which earle hearing of the lord Talbots approch, raised his siege, and saued himselfe. The Frenchmen a little before this season, The earle of Dunois. An excellent finesse in warre. had taken the towne of Eureux by treason of a fisher. Sir Fran­cis the Arragonois hearing of that chance, apparel­led six strong fellowes, like men of the countrie, with sacks and baskets, as cariers of corne and vittels, and sent them to the castell of Cornill, in the which diuerse Englishmen were kept as prisoners, and he [Page 620] with an ambush of Englishmen laie in a vallie nigh to the fortresse.

The six counterfet husbandmen entered the castell vnsuspected, and streight came to the chamber of the capteine, & laieng hands on him, gaue knowledge to them that laie in ambush to come to their aid. The which suddenlie made foorth, and entered the castell, slue and tooke all the Frenchmen, and set the Eng­lishmen at libertie: which thing doone, they set fire in the castell, and departed to Rone with their bootie and prisoners. This exploit they had not atchiued per­aduenture line 10 by force (as happilie they mistrusted) and therefore by subtiltie and deceit sought to accomplish it, which meanes to vse in warre is tollerable, so the same warre be lawfull; though both fraud & bloud­shed otherwise be forbidden euen by the instinct of nature to be put in practise and vse; and that dooth the poet insinuat in a proper sententious verse, saieng: ‘Fraus absit, vacuas caedis habete manus.’

Quid. 1. de art.But now to speake somewhat of the dooings in line 20 England in the meane time. Whilest the men of war were thus occupied in martiall feates, and dailie skirmishes, within the realme of France: ye shall vnderstand, that after the cardinall of Winchester, and the duke of Glocester, were (as it séemed) re­conciled either to other, yet the cardinall, and the archbishop of Yorke ceassed not to doo manie things without the consent of the king or of the duke, A new breach betwéene the duke of Glo­cester, and the bishop of Win­chester. being (during the minoritie of the king) gouernor and pro­tector of the realme, whereas the duke (as good cause line 30 he had) greatlie offended, therevpon in writing de­clared to the king, wherein the cardinall and the arch­bishop had offended both his maiestie, and the lawes of the realme. This complaint of the duke of Gloce­ster was conteined in foure and twentie articles, which chieflie rested, in that the cardinall had from time to time, through his ambitious desire to sur­mount all others in high degrées of honor and digni­tie, sought to inrich himselfe, to the great and notori­ous hinderance of the king, as in defrauding him line 40 not onelie of his treasure, but also in dooing and prac­tising things greatlie preiudiciall to his affaires in France, and namelie by setting at libertie the king of Scots, vpon so easie conditions, as the kings ma­iestie greatlie lost thereby, as in particularities thus followeth.

A complaint made to king Henrie the sixt, by the duke of Glocester, vpon the cardinall of Winchester. line 50

line 1 THese be in part, the points and articles, which I Humfrie duke of Glocester, Ex Ed. Hall. 143, 144, 145, 146. for my truth & acquitall, said late, I would giue in writing (my right redoubted lord) vnto your highnesse, aduertising your excellencie, of such things in part, as haue béene doone in your ten­der age, in derogation of your noble estate, and hurt of both your realmes, and yet be doone and vsed line 60 dailie.

2 First, the cardinall then being bishop of Win­chester, tooke vpon him the state of cardinall, which was naied and denaied him, by the king of most noble memorie, my lord your father (whome God assoile) saieng that he had as leefe set his crowne be­side him, as sée him weare a cardinals hat, he being a cardinall. For he knew full well, the pride and am­bition that was in his person, then being but a bi­shop, should haue so greatlie extolled him into more intollerable pride, when that he were a cardinall: and also he thought it against his fréedome, of the chéefe church of this realme, which, that he worshipped, as dulie as euer did prince, that blessed be his soule. And howbeit, that my said lord your father (whome God assoile) would haue agreed him to haue had certeine clearks of this land cardinals, and to haue no bishop­rikes in England; yet his intent was neuer to [...]oo so great derogation to the church of Canturburie, to make them that were his suffragans, to sit aboue their ordinarie and metropolitan. But the cause was that in generall, and in all matters which might con­cerne the weale of him, and of his realme, he should haue proctors of his nation, as other kings Christen had, in the court of Rome, and not to abide in this land, nor to be in anie part of his councels, as béene all the spirituall and temporall, at parlements and o­ther great councels, when you list to call them. And therefore, though it please you to doo him that wor­shop, to set him in your priuie councell after your pleasure: yet in your parlement, where euerie lord both spirituall and temporall, hath his place, he ought to occupie but his place as a bishop.

3 Item, the said bishop, now being cardinall, was assoiled of his bishoprike of Winchester, where­vpon he sued vnto our holie father, to haue a bull de­claratorie, notwithstanding he was assumpt to the state of cardinall, that the sée was not void, where in déed it stood void by a certeine time, yer the said bull were granted; and so he was exempt from his or­dinarie, by the taking on him the state of cardi­nall, and the church bishoprike of Winchester, so standing void, he tooke againe of the pope (you not learned thereof ne knowing whereby he was fallen into the case of prouision) so that all his good was lawfullie & cléerelie forfeited to you my right doub­ted lord, with more; as the statute declareth plainelie for your aduantage.

4 Item, it is not vnknowen to you (doubted lord) how thorough your lands it is noised, that the said cardinall and the archbishop of Yorke had and haue the gouernance of you, and all your land, the which none of your true liege men ought to vsurpe nor take vpon them. And haue also estranged me your sole vncle, my coosine of Yorke, my coosine of Hun­tington, and manie other lords of your kin, to haue anie knowledge of anie great matter, that might touch your high estate, or either of your realmes. And of lords spirituall, of right, the archbishop of Canturburie should be your chéefe councellor, the which is also estranged and set aside. And so be manie other right sad lords, and well aduised, as well spiri­tuall as temporall, to the great hurt of you my right doubted lord, and of your realmes, like as the expe­rience and workes shewen cléerelie and euidentlie, more harme it is.

5 Item, in the tender age of you, my right doub­ted lord, for the necessitie of an armie, the said car­dinall lent you foure thousand pounds vpon cer­teine iewels, prised at two and twentie thousand markes, with a letter of sale, that and they were not quited at a certeine daie, you should léese them. The said cardinall séeing your monie readie to haue qui­ted your iewels, caused your treasuror of England, at that daie being, to paie the same monie, in part of an other armie, in defrauding you my right doubted lord of your said iewels, kéeping them yet alwaie to his owne vse, to your right great losse, and his sin­gular profit and auaile.

6 Item, the said cardinall, then being bishop of Winchester, and chancellour of England, deliuered the king of Scots, vpon certeine appointments (as maie be shewed) presumptuouslie, and of his owne authoritie, contrarie to the act of parlement. I haue heard notable men of law say, that they neuer heard the like thing doone among them: which was too great a defamation to your highnesse, and also to wed his neece to the said king, whom that my lord of [Page 621] notable memorie, your father, whome God assoile, would neuer haue so deliuered. And there as he should haue paid for his costs fortie thousand pounds, the said cardinall, chancellour of England, caused you to pardon him thereof ten thousand marks, whereof the greater summe he paied you, right a lit­tle, what, I report me to your highnesse.

7 Item, where the said cardinall lent you, my re­doubted lord, great and notable summes, he hath had and his assignes, the rule and profit of the port of line 10 Hampton, where the customers béene his seruants, where (by likelihood and as it is to be supposed) stan­ding the chéefe merchant of the wools of your land, that you be greatlie defrauded, and vnder that rule, what wools and other merchandizes haue béene ship­ped, and maie be from time to time, hard is to e­stéeme, to the great hurt and preiudice of you my right doubted lord, and of all your people.

8 Item, howbeit that the said cardinall hath di­uerse times lent you great summes of monie, since the time of your reigne, yet his loane hath béene so line 20 deferred and delaied, that for the most part, the con­uenable season of the imploieng of the good lent was passed. So that litle fruit or none came thereof, as by experience both your realmes haue sufficientlie in knowledge.

9 Item, where there was iewels and plate pri­sed at eleuen thousand pounds in weight, of the said cardinall, forfeited to you my right redoubted lord, he gat him a restorement thereof for a loane of a lit­tle parcell of the same: and so defrauded you wholie line 30 of them, to your great hurt, and his auaile, the which good might greatlie haue eased your highnesse, in sparing as much of the poore commons.

10 Item, the cardinall being feoff of my said lord your father (whome God assoile) against his in­tent, gaue Elizabeth Beauchampe, three hundred markes liuelihood, where that his will was, that and she were wedded within a yeare, then to haue it, or else not, where in déed it was two or thrée years line 40 after, to your great hurt, and diminishing of your inheritance.

11 Item, notwithstanding that the said cardi­nall hath no maner of authoritie nor interest in the crowne, nor none maie haue by anie possibilitie; yet he presumeth and taketh vpon him in partie, your e­state roiall, in calling before him, into great abu­sion of all your land, and derogation of your high­nesse, which hath not beene seene nor vsed in no daies heretofore, in greater estate than he is, without line 50 your expresse ordinance and commandement.

12 Item, the said cardinall, nothing considering the necessitie of you my right doubted lord, hath sued a pardon of dismes, that he should paie for the church of Winchester, for terme of his life, giuing thereby occasion to all other lords spirituall, to draw their good will for anie necessitie, to grant anie disme: and so to laie all the charge vpon the temporaltie, and the poore people.

13 Item, by the gouernance and labour of the line 60 said cardinall, and archbishop of Yorke, there hath béene lost and dispended much notable and great good, by diuerse ambassadors sent out of this realme. First to Arras, for a feigned colourable peace, where­as by likelinesse it was thought and supposed, that it should neuer turne to the effectuall auaile of you my right doubted lord, nor to your said realmes: but vn­der colour thereof, was made the peace of your ad­uersarie, and the duke of Burgognie. For else your partie aduerse, & the said duke, might not well haue found meanes nor waies to haue communed togi­ther, nor to haue concluded with other their confede­rations and conspirations made and wrought there, then, at that time, against your highnesse, whereby you might haue (right doubted lord) the greater par­tie of your obeisance, as well in your realme of France, as in your duchie of Normandie, and much other thing gone greatlie, as through the said colou­rable treatie, & otherwise, since the death of my bro­ther of Bedford (whome God assoile.)

14 Item, now of late was sent an other am­bassadour to Calis, by the labour and counsell of the said cardinall, and archbishop of Yorke, the cause why of the beginning, is to me your sole vncle, and other lords of your kin and councell vnknowen, to your great charge, and against the publike good of your realm [...]; as it openlie appeareth. The which good if it be imploied for the defense of your lands, the mer­chandizes of the same might haue had other course, and your said lands not to haue stand in so great mis­chéefe as they doo.

15 Item, after that, to your great charge, and hurt of both your realmes, the said cardinall & arch­bishop of Yorke went to your said towne of Calis, and diuerse lords of your kin, and of your councell in their fellowship, and there, as there was naturall warre betwéene the duke of Orleance, and the duke of Burgognie, for murther of their fathers, a capi­tall enimitie like to haue indured for euer: the said cardinall and archbishop of Yorke licenced and suf­fered the said duke of Orleance, to intreat and com­mon apart with the councell of your said aduersa­ries, as well as with the duchies of Burgognie: by which meane the peace and aliance was made be­twéene the two dukes, to the greatest fortifieng of your said capitall aduersaries that could be thought, and consequentlie (my deere redoubted lord) to your greatest charge, and hurt to both your realmes. Un­der colour of which treatie, your said aduersaries in meane time wan your citie of Meaux, and the coun­trie thereabout, and manie diuerse roades made in­to your duchie of Normandie, to the great noisance and destruction of your people, as it sheweth openlie.

16 Item, the said archbishop of Yorke, sent with other into this your realme from the said cardinall, after commmunication had with your aduerse par­tie, at your said towne of Calis, made at his com­ming into your notable presence at Windesor, all the suasions and colour, all motions in the most ap­parant wise that he could, to induce your highnesse to your agréement, to the desires of your capitall ad­uersaries, as I saw there in your noble presence of his writing, at which time (as I vnderstood) it was his singular opinion, that is to saie: that you should leaue your right, your title, and your honour of your crowne, and nomination of you king of France, du­ring certeine yeares, & that you should vtterlie ab­steine you and be content onelie in writing, with Rex Angliae, &c: to the great note of infamie that euer fell to you or anie of your noble progenitours, since the taking of them first, the said title and right of your realme and crowne of France. To which matter in your presence there, after that it had liked your said highnesse, to aske mine aduise therevpon, with other of your blood and councell; I answerd and said, that I would neuer agrée me thereto to die ther­fore, and of the same disposition I am yet, and will be while I liue in conseruation of your honour, and of your oth made vnto your said crowne, in time of your coronation there.

17 Item, the said cardinall and archbishop of Yorke, haue so laboured vnto your highnesse, that you should intend to a new daie of conuention, in March or Aprill next comming, where it is noised to be more against your worship than with it. And where it was euident to all the world, that the rup­ture and breaking of the said peace, should haue fal­len heretofore, of your aduerse partie; because of [Page 622] the great vntruths. Now by that meanes it is like peraduenture to be laid vnto the verie great slan­der of you my doubted lord, like to come to none o­ther purpose no [...] effect, than other conuentions haue doone afore time: and so by subtilties and counsell of your said enimies, your land (they in hope and trust of the said treatie, [...] mightilie nor puissantlie pur­ueied for) shall be like vnder the colour of the same treatie to be burnt vp and destroied, lost, and vtter­lie turned from your ob [...]sance.

18 Item it is said, that the deliuerance of the said line 10 duke of Orleance, is vtterlie appointed by the media­tion, counsell, and stirring of the said cardinall and archbishop of Yorke; and for that cause diuerse per­sons beene come from your aduersaries, into this your realme, and the said duke also brought to your citie of London, where as my lord your father (whom God assoile) peising so greatlie the inconueniences, and harme that might fall, onlie by his deliuerance, concluded, ordeined, and determined in his last will, vtterlie in his wise [...]me, his conquest in his realme line 20 of France. And yet then it is to de doone, by as great deliberation, solemnitie and suertie, as may be deui­sed or thought. And séeing now the disposition of your realme of France, the puissance and might of your enimies, and what aid they haue gotten against you there, aswell vnder the colour of the said treatie, as otherwise; what may or ought to be thought or said, for that laboring the said duke (all things considered) by such particular persons, the lords of your bloud line 30 not called therevnto, I report me vnto your noble grace and excellencie, and vnto the said wise true men of this your realme.

19 Item, where that euerie true councellor, spe­ciallie vnto anie king or prince, ought of truth and of dutie, to counsell, promote, increase, prefer, and ad­uance the weale and prosperitie of his lord: the said cardinall, being of your councell (my right doubted lord) hath late purchased of your highnesse, certeine great lands and liuelode: as the castell and lordship line 40 of Chirke in Wales, and other lands in this your realme; vnto which I was called suddenlie, and so in eschewing the breaking and losse of your armies then againe, séeing none other remedie, gaue there­vnto mine assent, thinking that who that euer labou­red moued or stirred the matter first vnto your lord­ship, counselled you neither for your worship nor profit.

20 More, the said cardinall hath you bound a­part, to make him a sure estate of all the said lands, line 50 by Easter-next comming, as could be deuised by anie learned counsell; or else that suertie not made, the said cardinall to haue and reioy to him, and his heirs for euermore, the lands of the duchie of Lancaster, in Norffolke, to the value of seuen or eight hundred marks by yeare. Which thing séemeth right strange and vnseene, and vnhard waies of anie liege man, to seeke vpon his souereigne lord, both in his inheri­tance and in his iewels and goods. For it is thought, but if right and extreame necessitie caused it, there line 60 should, nor ought no such things to be doone: from which necessitie God (for his mercie) euer preserue your noble person. Wherfore my redoubted lord, see­ing that ye should be so counselled, or stirred to leaue your crowne and inheritance in England; and also by fraud and subtill meanes, as is afore rehearsed, so to lose your iewels: in my truth and in mine ac­quit [...]ll (as me séemeth) I may not nor ought not counsell so great an hurt to you and to all your land.

21 Item, it is not vnknowen to you my right doubted lord how oftentimes I haue offered my ser­uice, to and for the defen [...]e of your realme of France, and duchie of Normandie, where I haue béene put therefro by the labour of the said cardinall, in prefer­ring other after his singular affection. Which hath caused a great part of the said d [...]ch [...]e of Normandie, aswell as of your realme of France to be lost, as i [...] is well knowen. And what good (my right doubted lord) was lost on that armie that [...]as last sent thi­ther, which the earle of Mortaigne, your councell of France, hath well & cleerelie declared to your high­nesse here before?

22 Item, my right doubted lord, it is not vn­knowen, that it had not beene possible to the said car­dinall, to haue come to his great riches, but by such meanes, for of his church it might not rise, and inheri­tance he had none. Wherfore my right doubted lord, sith there is great good behouefull at this time, for the weale and safegard of your realmes, the pouertie, necessitie, & indigence of your liege people; in high­nesse vnderstand, like it vnto your noble grace, to consider the said lucre of the said cardinall, and the great deceipts that you be receiued in by the labour of him & of the archbishop, aswell in this your realme as in your realme of France and duchie of Norman­die, where neither office, liuelode, nor capteine may be had, without too great good giuen vnto him, wherby a great part of all the losse that is lost, they haue béene the causers of; for who that would giue most, his was the price, not considering the merits, seruice, nor suf­ficiance of persons. Furthermore, it is greatlie to be considered, how, when the said cardinall had forfeited all his goods, bicause of prouision, as the statute there­vpon more plainelie declareth; by hauing the rule of you my right doubted lord, purchased himselfe in great defraudation of your highnesse, a charter of pardon, the which good and it had be well gouerned, might manie yeares haue susteined your warres, without anie tallage of your poore people.

23 Item, my redoubted lord, whereas I write much thing for the weale of you and of your realms, peraduenture some will saie and vnderstand, that I would or haue written by waie of accusement of all your councell, which God knoweth, I doo not: for your highnesse may well sée, that I name them that be causers of the said inordinate rule. Wherfore, con­sidering that the said cardinall and archbishop of Yorke beene they, that pretend the gouernance of you, and of your realmes and lordships: please it vn­to your highnesse, of your rightwisenesse to estrange them of your councell, to that intent, that men may be at their freedome, to say what they thinke of truth.

24 For truth, I dare speake of my truth, the poore dare not doo so. And if the cardinall and the archbishop of Yorke, may afterward declare themselues, of that is, and shalbe said of them; you my right doubted lord may then restore them againe to your councell, at your noble pleasure.

When the king had heard the accusations thus laid by the duke of Glocester against the cardinall, he committed the examination thereof to his coun­cell, whereof the more part were spirituall persons; so that what for feare, and what for fauour, the matter was winked at, and nothing said to it: onelie faire countenance was made to the duke, as though no malice had béene conceiued agai [...]st him. But venem will breake out, & inward grudge will soone appeare, which was this yeare to all men apparant: for diuers secret attempts were aduanced forward this season against this noble man Humfrei [...] duke of Glocester a far off, which in conclusion came so néere, that they beereft him both of life and land; as shall hereafter more plainelie appéere.

For first this yeare, dame Eleanor Cobham, wife to the said duke, was accused of treason; for that she by sorcerie and inchantment intended to destroie the king, to the intent to aduance hir husband vnto the [Page 623] crowne. Upon this▪ [...] examined in saint Ste­phans chappell before the bishop of Canturburie, and there b [...] examination [...] open penance in thrée open plac [...] within the citie of Lon­don. [ Polychronico [...] saith she was i [...]io [...]ied to go through [...]eapside [...] taper in hir hand] and after that adiudged to perpetuall imprison [...]nt in the Ile of Man▪ [...]. vnder the k [...]ping of sir Iohn Stanlie knight. At the same season [...]ere arrested, [...]eigned, and adiudged giltie, as aiders to th [...] duchesse, Tho­mas line 10 Southwell priest, [...] canon of S. Stephans at Westminster, Iohn Hun priest, Roger Boling­brooke a cunning necromancer (as it was said) and Margerie Iordeine, Ali [...]s Iohn [...]. surnamed the wit [...]h of Eie.

The matter laid against them, was [...]or that they (at the request of the said duchesse) had deuised an image of war, representing the king, which by their sorcerie by little and little consumed, intending thereby in conclusion to waste and destroie the k [...]ngs person. Margerie Iordeine was burnt in Smit [...]field, and line 20 Roger Bolingbrooke was drawne to Taborne, and hanged and quartered▪ taking vpon his death that there was neuer anie such thing by them imagined. Iohn Hun had his pardon, and Southwest died in the Tower the night before his execution: [for (saith Polychr.) he did prophesie of himselfe, [...]. Fl. that he should die in his bed, and not by iustice.] The duke of Gloce­ster bare all these things patientlie, King Ed­ward the fourth borne. [...] said little. Edward sonne to the duke of Yorke was borne this yeare the nine and twentith of Aprill at Rone, his fa­ther line 30 being the kings lieutenant in Normandie. ¶ In this yeare was a great fraie in Fléetstréet in the night time, A [...]r. Fl. A great fraie by night. betwéene gentlemen of courts and inha­bitants of London; insomuch that much bloud was spilt, diuerse slaine outright, and some mortallie wounded; besides great harme otherwise doone and suffered.]

Abr. Fl. ex [...]a [...]ian. 438.¶ Upon the daie of the translation of saint Ed­ward, or the twelfth of October, vpon which daie the maior and his brethren for the yeare following, and line 40 daie when the commoners of the citie, Tailors ma­lepertnesse at the election of an alderman. after their an­cient custome had chosen two aldermen, such as be­fore had béene shiriffes of London and of Middlesex, namelie Robert Clopton draper, and Rafe Holland tailo [...] and them presented by name vnto the maior and his brethren, then sitting in the vtter chamber where the maiors courts be kept, to the intent that the said maior and his brethren might choose one of the said two, such as they thought most necessarie and worshipfull for the roome; the said maior and his brethren choosing Robert Clopton, brought him after line 50 downe vpon his right hand towards the hall. Where­of when certeine tailors there present were aware, and saw that Rafe Holland was not chosen, anon they cried; Nay, nay: not this, but Rafe Holland. Wherewith the old maior being astonished, stood still vpon the staire, and commanded them to keepe si­lence, and so held on his waie to the east end of the hall, where he sat him downe, and his brethren about him. In the meane time, the said tailors continued line 60 their crie, and incensed others of base tra [...]es of the ci­tie (as simple persons) to take their part, and to crie as fast as they, not proffering to cease their misrule for all that the maior could saie, no nor yet when the maiors sergeant at armes had cried O [...]yes. Here­vpon the maior, to appease the rumor, sent downe the shiriffes, and commanded them to take the offendors, and send them to the goale; which precept was fulfil­led, & about twelue or sixteene of the principall com­mitted to Newgate, where some of them abode a long time imprisoned; and others that were fined set at libertie. This is reported by Polychronicon, but in somewhat a differing maner. 1442 [...]nno Reg. 21.]

The councell of England forgat not the late enter­prise of the [...] king, atchiued in the duchie of of Guien, and the refore doubting some other the like attempt, they se [...]t thither sir William Wood [...] with eight hundred men, to strengthen the frontiers, and further, set foorth a proclamation, that all men which would transport anie corne, chéese, or other vit­tels thither, should paie no maner of custome or tal­lage: which [...] caused the countrie of Aquitaine to be well furnished of all things necessarie. About this season Iohn the valiant lord Talbot for his ap­proued prowesse and wisdome, Iohn lord Talbot crea­ted earle of Shrewes­burie. aswell in England as in France, both in peace & warre so well tried, was [...]reated earle of Sh [...]ewesburie, and with a companie of three thousand men sent aga [...]ne into Normandie, for the better def [...]nse of the same.

*This yéere died Lodow [...]ke [...] [...]ewes Lischburne, bishop of Elie, Fr. Thin. being the fiue an [...] twentith that in­ [...]oied that place, year 1443 who came to the sam [...] after this ma­ner. After the death of Philip Morgan bishop of that sée, the moonks of Elie chose for their pastor Robert [...]tz Hugh bishop of London▪ but he dieng at saint O [...]ees before his confirmation, neuer possessed the honour thereof. Wherevpon the king directed his let­ters to the couent of Elie, to make election of Tho­mas Rudburne (bishop of S. Dauids in Wales) for their bishop. But they contrarie therevnto (taking it now for a custome, hauing so often vsed it before, as did well appeare) made choise of Thomas Bour­chier (borne of a noble house, sonne to the countesse of Stafford, chancellor of Oxenford, and bishop of Worcester) to succeed Philip Morgan. Which Bour­chier, the king (offended with the moonkes for the lit­tle regard had to his request) vtterlie refused, and would not admit him vnto that place. Wherevpon there were buls procured from Eugenius the fourth (then bishop of Rome) which were sent into England to confirme the election of the said Bourchier.

But he wiselie fearing to fall into the dangerous statute of Premumre, durst not receiue or execute the tenor of the popes commandement. By reason whereof, least the see might otherwise remaine void, (if speedie remedie were not prouided) the king did in commendam bestow the bishoprike of Elie vpon this Lodowike Lischburne archbishop of Rone, by office, Card. 4. Coronat. Cancellar. Franciae & Norman­niae, and kinsman to the said king. Which doone, Eu­genius (when he saw no other remedie) did reuoke his buls made before to Thomas Bourchier, in the yeare of Christ 1437. This Lodowike remaining bi­shop six yeares and so manie moneths, died in the yeare as before, the eighteenth of September, at his manor of Hatfield, whose bowels were buried in the said church: his hart was caried to Rone, and there honourablie intoomed, and his bodie was committed to the earth, in the church of Elie, betweene two marble pillors next to the altar of the relikes.]

In this yeare died in Guien the countesse of Co­mings, to whome the French king and also the earle of Arminacke pretended to be heire, in so much that the earle entred into all the lands of the said ladie. And bicause he knew the French king would not take the matte [...] well, to haue a Rouland for an O [...] ­uer; he sent solemne ambassadours to the king of England, offering him his daughter in mariage, with promise to be bound (beside great summes of monie, which he would giue with hir) to deliuer into the king of Englands hands, all such castels and townes, as he or his ancestors deteined from him within anie part of the duchie of Aquitaine, either by conquest of his progenitors, or by gift and deliue­rie of anie French king; and further to aid the same king with monie for the recouerie of other cities within the same duchie, from the French king; or from anie other person that against king Henrie [Page 624] vniustlie kept, and wrongfullie withholden them.

This offer séemed so profitable and also honora­ble to king Henrie and the realme, that the ambas­sadours were well heard, honourable receiued, and with rewards sent home into their countrie. The earle of Arminacks daughter affi­ed vnto king Henrie. After whome were sent for the conclusion of the marriage into Guien, sir Edward Hull, sir Robert Ros, and Iohn Gralton deane of S. Seuerines, the which (as all the chronographers agrée) both concluded the ma­riage, and by proxie affied the yoong ladie. The French line 10 king not a little offended herewith, sent his [...]ldest sonne Lewes the Dolphin of Uienne into Rouergue with a puissant armie, The erle with his ladie, his sonne and two daughters taken. which tooke the earle and his yoongest sonne, with both his daughters, and by force obteined the countries of Arminacke, Louuergne, Rouergue, and Moulessonois, beside the cities Se­uerac & Cad [...]ac, chasing the bastard of Arminacke out of his countries, and so by reason hereof, the con­cluded mariage was deferred, and that so long that it neuer tooke effect; as hereafter it may appeare. line 20

¶In this yeare was an act made by authoritie of the common councell of London, Abr. Fl. ex Fabian. 441. that vpon the sun­daie no maner of thing within the franchises and li­berties of the said citie should be bought or sold; nei­ther vittels nor other thing. A law against bu [...]eng and selling on the sundaie. It was also enacted by the same common councell with full consent, and ra­tified by the authoritie of the law-makers, that no artificer or handicrafts man should bring his wares, commodities, or worke, vnto anie person or persons to be worne or occupied on that daie: bicause it was line 30 iudged a foule prophanation thereof. And peoples minds giuen to couetousnesse, make no exception of times or places in a case of aduantage and gaine. In consideration whereof, and for the suppressing of this abuse, this law was ordeined and made: the force whereof did principallie extend to tailors and shoo­makers (who as on that daie bring home their gar­ments and shoos to the parties for whome they are made) and likewise to all other occupations and trades. But this ordinance (saith mine author) was line 40 too good for so bad an age, and therefore died within a short time after the magistrate had giuen it life.

¶On Candlemasse éeue this yeere by lightning in a tempest that fell with claps of thunder at afternoone, Abr. Fl. ex Fabian. 441. & Polychr. Paules steeple was set on fier in the middest of the speare or shaft in the verie timber worke; which was quenched by the painfulnesse of diuerse persons, Paules stée­ple burnt. and specialie by the diligent labour of a préest of Bow in Cheape. Howbeit the same was thought vnpossi­ble to be quenched, but that the grace of God was line 50 chéefe worker in the same. This stéeple hath diuerse times beene ouerthrowne and defaced, partlie by winds, and partlie by lightning, as may be obserued in the reading of this volume: yea when the same hath béene repared by the choisest workemen, and of the substantiallest stuffe, and all meanes (that stood with the déepe deuise of man) vsed to make it so sure that it might continue, as a monument of perpetui­tie for posteritie to woonder at and admire. But to re­turne to the historie. line 60

Anno Reg. 22.Whilest England was vnquieted (as you haue heard) and France by spoile, slaughter, and burning sore defaced (a mischeefe in all places much lamen­ted) therefore to agrée the two puissant kings, all the princes of christendome trauelled so effectuouslie by their oratours and ambassadours, The diet at Tours for a peace to be had betwéene England and France. that a diet was appointed to be kept at the citie of Tours in Tou­raine; where for the king of England appeared Wil­liam de la Poole earle of Suffolke, doctor Adam Mo­lins kéeper of the kings priuie seale, also sir Robert Ros, and diuers other. And for the French king were appointed Charles duke of Orleance, Lewes de Bourbon earle of Uandosme, great maister of the French kings houshold, Piers de Bresse steward of Poictou, and Bertram Beautian lord of Pr [...] ­signie.

There were also sent thither ambassadours from the empire, from Spaine, from Denmarke, & from Hungarie▪ to be mediatour [...] betwixt the two prin­ces. The assemblie was great, but the cost was much greater, insomuch that euerie part for the honour of their prince and praise of their countrie, set foorth themselues, as well in fa [...]e as apparell, to the vtter­most. Manie meetings were had, and manie things mooued for a fi [...]all pe [...]ce▪ but in conclusion, by reason of manie doubts which rose on both parties, no full concord could be agreed vpon; but in hope to come to a peace, a certeine truce, as well by sea as by land, was concluded by the commissioners for eighteene moneths, A truce [...] [...] moneths. which afterward againe was prolonged to the yeare of our Lord 1449.

In treating of this truce, the earle of Suffolke aduenturing somewhat vpon his commission, year 1444 with­out the assent of his associats, imagined, that the next waie to come to a perfect peace, was to contriue a mariage betwéene the French kings kinsewoman, the ladie Margaret daughter to Reiner duke of An­iou, and his souereigne lord king Henrie. This Rei­ner duke of Aniou named himselfe king of Sicill, Naples, and Ierusalem, hauing onlie the name and stile of those realmes; without anie penie, profit, or foot of possession. This mariage was made strange to the earle at the first, and one thing seemed to be a great hinderance to it; which was, bicause the king of England occupied a great part of the duchie of Aniou, and the whole countie of Maine, apperteining (as was alledged) to king Reiner.

The earle of Suffolke (I cannot saie) either cor­rupted with bribes, or too much affectioned to this vn­profitable mariage, condescended, that the duchie of Aniou and the countie of Maine should be deliuered to the king the brides father, demanding for hir mari­age neither penie nor farthing: as who would saie, that this new affinitie passed all riches, and excelled both gold and pretious stones. And to the intent that of this truce might insue a finall concord, a daie of enteruiew was appointed betwéene the two kings in a place conuenient betwéene Chartres and Rone. When these things were concluded, the earle of Suf­folke with his companie returned into England, where he forgat not to declare what an honourable truce he had taken, out of the which there was a great hope that a finall peace might grow the sooner for that honorable mariage, which he had concluded, omitting nothing that might extoll and set foorth the personage of the ladie, or the nobilitie of hir kinred.

But although this mariage pleased the king and diuerse of his councell, The [...] misliked [...] second [...] of the kings mariage. yet Humfrie duke of Gloce­ster protector of the realme was much against it, al­ledging that it should be both contrarie to the lawes of God, and dishonorable to the prince, if he should breake that promise and contract of mariage, made by ambassadours sufficientlie thereto instructed, with the daughter of the earle of Arminacke, vpon conditions both to him and his realme, as much pro­fitable as honorable. But the dukes words could not be heard, for the earles dooings were onelie liked and allowed. So that for performance of the conclusions, the French king sent the earle of Uandosme, great maister of his house, and the archbishop of Reimes first peere of France, and diuerse other into Eng­land, where they were honorablie receiued; and after that the instruments were once sealed and deliue­red on both parts, the said ambassadours returned againe into their countries with great gifts and re­wards.

When these things were doone, the king both for [Page 625] honour of his realme, and to assure to himselfe mo fréends, Creations of estates. created Iohn Holland earle of Huntington duke of Excester as his father was: Humfrie earle of Stafford was made duke of Buckingham: and Henrie earle of Warwike was elected to the title of duke of Warwike, to whome the king also gaue the castell of Bristowe, with the Ile of Ierneseie, and Garneseie. Also the earle of Suffolke was made marquesse of Suffolke, which marquesse with his wife and manie honorable personages of men and line 10 women richlie adorned both with apparell & iewels, hauing with them manie costlie chariots and gor­geous horslitters, sailed into France for the conuei­ance of the nominated queene into the realme of England. For king Reiner hir father, for all his long stile had too short a pursse to send his daughter honorablie to the king hir spouse.

This noble companie came to the citie of Tours in Touraine, Anno Reg. 23. 1445 where they were honorablie receiued both of the French king and of the king of Sicill. line 20 The marquesse of Suffolke as procurator to king Henrie, espoused the said ladie in the church of saint Martins. At the which mariage were present the fa­ther and mother of the bride; the French king him­selfe, which was vncle to the husband; and the French quéene also, which was aunt to the wife. There were also the dukes of Orleance, of Calabre, of Alanson, and of Britaine, seauen earls, twelue barons, twen­tie bishops, beside knights and gentlemen. When the feast, triumph, bankets and iusts were ended, the la­die line 30 was deliuered to the marquesse, who in great e­state conueied hir through Normandie vnto Diepe, and so transported hir into England, where she lan­ded at Portesmouth in the moneth of Aprill. This la­die excelled all other, as well in beautie and fauour, as in wit and policie, and was of stomach and cou­rage more like to a man than a woman.

Shortlie after hir arriuall, she was conueied to the towne of Southwike in Hamshire, Margaret daughter to Reiner K. of Sicill & Ie­rusalem mari­ed to Henrie the sixt. Abr. Fl. ex Polychron. where she with all nuptiall ceremonies was coupled in matri­monie line 40 to king Henrie the sixt of that name. ¶ On the eightéenth of Maie she came to London, all the lords of England in most sumptuous sort méeting and receiuing hir vpon the waie, and speciallie the duke of Glocester with such honour as stood with the dignitie of his person. Now when she came to Blackheath, the maior, aldermen, and men of occu­pations, in blew gownes imbrodered with some de­uise▪ expressing their art and trades whereby to be knowne, did all shew themselues, with congratula­tion line 50 of hir comming; from whence they attended hir to London, where with goodlie pageants and sun­drie gallant historicall shewes in diuers places erec­ted, she was verie magnificallie welcomed. The ma­ner and order of which pompe in sundrie places exhi­bited to the high honour of the king, queene, & states, is verie amplie set foorth by Fabian, pag. 423, 424, 425, 426, 427. Upon the thirtith of Maie next fol­lowing, she was crowned quéene of this realme of England at Westminster, with all the solemnitie line 60 thereto apperteining.]

This mariage séemed to manie both infortunate and vnprofitable to the realme of England, and that for manie causes. First, the king had not one penie with hir; An [...]minous mariage. and for the fetching of hir, the marquesse of Suffolke demanded a whole fiftéenth in open parle­ment. And also there was deliuered for hir the duchie of Aniou, the citie of Mans, and the whole countie of Maine, which countries were the verie staies and backestands to the duchie of Normandie. And fur­thermore, the earle of Arminacke tooke such displea­sure with the king of England for this mariage, that he became vtter enimie to the crowne of England, and was the cheefe cause that the Englishmen were expelled out of the whole duchie of Aquitaine.

But most of all it should séeme, that God was displeased with this mariage: for after the confir­mation thereof, the kings freends fell from him, both in England and in France, the lords of his realme fell at diuision, and the commons rebelled in such sort, that finallie after manie fields foughten, and manie thousands of men slaine, the king at length was deposed, and his sonne killed, and this quéene sent home againe, with as much miserie and sorrow as she was receiued with pompe and triumph: such is the instabilitie of worldlie felicitie, and so waue­ring is false flattering fortune. Which mutation and change of the better for the worse could not but net­tle and sting hir with pensiuenesse, yea and anie other person whatsoeuer, that hauing béene in good estate, falleth into the contrarie: whereto the saieng of the poet giueth credit, in these few words following;

Quem res plus nimio delectauère secundae,
Ouid. 2. de ar [...].
Mutatae quatiunt.

This yeare, after the deceasse of Henrie Chicheleie archbishop of Canturburie, succeeded Iohn Stafford in that sée, being translated from Bath and Wels. He was the thréescore and one archbishop, as Poly­dor noteth. During the time of the truce, Richard duke of Yorke and diuerse other capteins repaired into England, both to visit their wiues, children, and fréends, and also to consult what should be doone, if the truce ended. Anno Reg. 24. For the which cause a parlement was called, in the which it was especiallie concluded, that by good foresight Normandie might be so furni­shed for defense before the end of the truce, year 1446 that the French king should take no aduantage through want of timelie prouision: for it was knowne, that if a peace were not concluded, The duke of Summerset made regent of Normādie, and the duke of Yorke dis­charged. the French king did prepare to imploie his whole puissance to make open warre. Héerevpon monie was granted, an armie le­uied, and the duke of Summerset appointed to be re­gent of Normandie, and the duke of Yorke thereof discharged.

I haue séene in a register booke belonging some­time to the abbeie of saint Albons, that the duke of of Yorke was established regent of France, after the deceasse of the duke of Bedford, to continue in that office for the tearme of fiue yeares; which being expired, he returned home, and was ioifullie receiued of the king with thanks for his good seruice, as he had full well deserued in time of that his gouerne­ment: and further, that now when a new regent was to be chosen and sent ouer, to abide vpon safe­gard of the countries beyond the seas as yet subiect to the English dominion, The duke of Yorke appoin­ted to y e charge againe. the said duke of Yorke was eftsoones (as a man most méet to supplie that roome) appointed to go ouer againe, as regent of France with all his former allowances.

But the duke of Summerset still maligning the duke of Yorkes aduancement, as he had sought to hinder his dispatch at the first when he was sent ouer to be regent, as before yee haue heard: he likewise now wrought so, that the king reuoked his grant made to the duke of Yorke for enioieng of that office the terme of other fiue yéeres, and with helpe of Wil­liam marquesse of Suffolke obteined that grant for himselfe. The appoint­mēt disappoin­ted, and poin­ted to the mar­quesse of Suffolke. Which malicious deling the duke of Yorke might so euill beare, that in the end the heate of dis­pleasure burst out into such a flame, as consumed at length not onelie both those two noble personages, but also manie thousands of others, though in diuers times and seasons, as in places hereafter (as occasion serueth) it shall more euidentlie appeare. But now to returne to the parlement.

The marques of Suffolke, The marques of Suffolks request. supposing all men had as well liked his dooings (during the time of his le­gation in France) as himselfe, the second daie of [Page 626] Iune in the first session of this parlement, in the higher house openlie, eloquentlie, and boldlie decla­red his paine, trauell, and diligence susteined in his said legation, as well for the taking and concluding an abstinence of warre, as in the making of the ma­riage; remembring them also that the said truce ex­pired the first of Aprill next, except a finall peace, or a further truce were concluded in the meane season: and therefore he aduised them to prouide and foresée things necessarie for the warre (as though no con­cord should succeed) least happilie the Frenchmen per­ceiuing line 10 them vnprouided, would take their aduan­tage, and agrée neither to peace nor amitie; saieng vnto them further, that sith he had admonished the king and them according to his dutie, if anie thing happened otherwise than well, he was thereof inno­cent and guiltlesse, and had acquited himselfe like a true and louing subiect, and a faithfull councellour, praieng the lords to haue it in remembrance.

Likewise on the morow after, he descended into the common house, accompanied with certeine lords, line 20 and there declared the same matter to the knights, citizens, and burgesses, praieng the commons for his discharge, that as well all his dooings and procée­dings in the kings affaires beyond the sea, as also his aduertisement and counsell opened to the lords and commons now togither assembled, might be by the king and them inacted and inrolled in the records of the parlement. Wherevpon the next daie after, the speaker William Burghleie, and the companie of line 30 the lower house, repaired vnto the kings presence, sitting amongst the lords of the vpper house, & there humblie required that the request of the marquesse might be granted. And so likewise the lords made the like petition kneeling on their knées, insomuch that the king condescended to their desires: and so the labours, demeanours, diligences, and declara­tions of the said marquesse, togither with the desires not onelie of the lords, but also of the commons, as well for the honour of him and his posteritie, as for line 40 his acquitall and discharge, were inacted and inrol­led in the records of the parlement.

Th [...] marques of Suffolke, chéefest in fa­uour and au­thoritie with the king and quéene.By the quéenes meanes shortlie after also was the said marquesse aduanced so in authoritie, that he ruled the king at his pleasure, and to his high prefer­ment obteined the wardships both of the bodie and lands of the countesse of Warwike, and of the ladie Margaret sole heire to Iohn duke of Summerset, which ladie was afterward moother to king Henrie the seauenth: and besides that, caused the king to line 50 create Iohn de Fois, sonne vnto Gaston de Fois, earle of Longuile, and the Capdau de Beufe earle of Kendall, which Iohn had married his néece, and by his procurement the king elected to the order of the garter the said Gaston, and Iohn his sonne, gi­uing to the sonne towards the maintenance of his degrée, lands and castels, amounting to the summs of one thousand pounds, which lands, name, and stile the issue and line of the said earle of Kendall at this daie haue and inioy. line 60

These things being thus in dooing, the French king, seeing that the towne of Mans was not deliue­red according to the appointment taken by force of the marriage, raised an armie for to recouer the same. Whereof the king of England being aduerti­sed (least the breach of the truce should come by him) caused the towne to be deliuered without anie force. This yeare was a great commotion in Norwich a­gainst the prior of the place. A commotion in Norwich. At length the citizens o­pened the gates to the duke of Norffolke, who came thither to appease the matter, though at the first they would not suffer him to enter. The chéefe offendors were (according to their demerits) gréeuouslie puni­shed and executed, and the maior was discharged of his office, The libe [...]t [...]s of Norwich seized int [...] [...] kings hands. Indirect meanes to reforme wrongs. and sir Iohn Clifton was made gouer­nour there, vntill the king had restored the citizens to their ancient liberties. This commotion was be­gun for certeine new exactions which the prior clai­med and tooke of the citizens, contrarie to their an­cient fréedome. But herein a wrong taken for get­ting of right was worthilie corrected.

¶ In the foure and twentith yeare of this kings reigne, Abr. Fl. ex Fabian. 343. Polychron▪ Combats in cases of ap­peales tou­ching treason. the prior of Kilmaine appeached the earle of Ormond of treason. For triall whereof the place of combat was assigned in Smithfield, & the barriers for the same there readie pitcht. Howbeit, in the meane time a doctor of diuinitie, named maister Gil­bert Worthington, parson of saint Andrews in Hol­borne, and other honest men, made such sute with di­ligent labour and paines-taking to the kings coun­cell, that when the daie of combat approched, the qua­rell was taken into the kings hands, and there en­ded. ¶ In the same yeare also, a certeine armourer was appeached of treason by a seruant of his owne. Drunken­nesse the ouer­throw of right and manhood. For proofe whereof a daie was giuen them to fight in Smithfield, insomuch that in conflict the said ar­mourer was ouercome and slaine; but yet by mis­gouerning of himselfe. For on the morow, when he should come to the field fresh and fasting, his neigh­bours came to him, and gaue him wine and strong drinke in such excessiue sort, that he was therewith distempered, and réeled as he went, and so was slaine without guilt. As for the false seruant, he liued not long vnpunished; for being conuict of felonie in court of assise, he was iudged to be hanged, and so was, at Tiburne.

Whilest the warres betwéene the two nations of England & France ceassed (by occasion of the truce) the minds of men were not so quiet, Anno Reg. 25. but that such as were bent to malicious reuenge, sought to compasse their prepensed purpose, not against forren foes and enimies of their countrie, but against their owne countrie men, and those that had deserued verie well of the common-wealth: and this speciallie for ouer­much mildnesse in the king, who by his authoritie might haue ruled both parts, and ordered all diffe­rences betwixt them, but that in déed he was thought too soft for gouernor of a kingdome. The descrip­tion of the quéene. The quéene con­trariwise, a ladie of great wit, and no lesse courage, desirous of honour, and furnished with the gifts of reason, policie, and wisedome; but yet sometime (ac­cording to hir kind) when she had béene fullie bent on a matter, suddenlie like a weather cocke, mu­table and turning.

This ladie disdaining that hir husband should be ruled rather than rule, could not abide that the duke of Glocester should doo all things concerning the or­der of weightie affaires, least it might be said, that she had neither wit nor stomach, which would per­mit and suffer hir husband being of most perfect age, like a yoong pupill to be gouerned by the direction of an other man. Although this toy entered first into hir braine thorough hir owne imagination, yet was she pricked forward to the matter both by such of hir husbands counsell, as of long time had borne malice to the duke for his plainnesse vsed in declaring their vntruth (as partlie ye haue heard) and also by coun­sell from king Reiner hir father, aduising that she and the king should take vpon them the rule of the realme, and not to be kept vnder, as wards and ma­stered orphanes.

What néedeth manie words? The qué [...] taketh [...] hir the go­uernement▪ and dischar­geth the [...] of Gloceste [...]. The quéene persua­ded by these meanes, first of all excluded the duke of Glocester from all rule and gouernance, not prohi­biting such as she knew to be his mortall foes to in­uent and imagine causes and gréefs against him and his, insomuch that by hir procurement, diuerse noble men conspired against him. Of the which diuerse wri­ters [Page 627] affirme the marquesse of Suffolke, and the duke of Buckingham to be the chéefe, not vnprocured by the cardinall of Winchester, and the archbishop of Yorke. Diuerse articles were laid against him in open councell, and in especiallie one; That he had cau­sed men adiudged to die, The faint quarell piked to the duke of Glocester. to be put to other execution, than the law of the land assigned. Suerlie the duke verie well learned in the law ciuill, detesting male­factors, and punishing offenses in seueritie of iustice, gat him hatred of such as feared condigne reward line 10 for their wicked dooings. And although the duke sufficientlie answered to all things against him ob­iected: yet because his death was determined, his wisedome and innocencie nothing auailed.

But to auoid danger of tumult that might be rai­sed, if a prince so well beloued of the people should be openlie executed; his enimies determined to worke their feats in his destruction, yer he should haue anie warning. For effecting whereof, a parlement was summoned to be kept at Berrie, year 1447 A parlement at saint Ed­m [...]ndesburie. whither resorted all line 20 the péeres of the realme, and amongst them the duke of Glocester; which on the second daie of the session was by the lord Beaumont, then high constable of England, accompanied with the duke of Bucking­ham, and others, arrested, apprehended, and put in ward, and all his seruants sequestred from him, and thirtie two of the chéefe of his retinue were sent to di­uerse prisons, to the great admiration of the people. The duke the night after he was thus committed to prison, The duke of Glocester sud­denlie mur­thered. being the foure and twentith of Februarie, line 30 was found dead in his bed, and his bodie shewed to the lords and commons, as though he had died of a palsie, or of an imposteme.

Ed [...]. Hall.But all indifferent persons (as saith Hall) might well vnderstand that he died of some violent death. Some iudged him to be strangled, some affirme that an hot spit was put in at his fundament, other write that he was smouldered betweene two featherbeds, and some haue affirmed that he died of verie gréefe, for that he might not come openlie to his answer. line 40 His dead corpse was conueied to saint Albons, and there buried. After his death, none of his seruants suffered: although fiue of them, to wit, sir Roger Chamberline knight, Middleton, Herbert, Arteise es­quiers, and Richard Nedham gentleman, were ar­reigned, condemned, and drawen to Tiborne, where they were hanged, let downe quicke, and stripped to haue béene bowelled and quartered▪ but the marques of Suffolke comming at that instant brought their pardons, A pardon at a pinch. shewed the same openlie, and so their liues line 50 were saued.

Dukes of Glocester [...]fortunate.Some thinke that the name and title of Gloce­ster hath béene vnluckie to diuerse, which for their ho­nours haue béene erected by creation of princes to that stile and dignitie, as Hugh Spenser, Thomas of Woodstoke, sonne to king Edward the third, and this duke Humfreie: which three persons by misera­ble death finished their daies; and after them king Ri­chard the third also, duke of Glocester in ciuill warre slaine. So that this name duke of Glocester is taken line 60 for an vnhappie stile, as the prouerbe speaketh of Se­ians horsse, whose rider was euer vnhorssed, & whose possessor was euer brought to miserie. But suerlie, by the pitifull death of this noble duke and politike gouernour, the publike wealth of the realme came to great decaie, as by sequele here may more at large appeare.

W. P.[Oft times it hapneth that a man in quenching of smoke, burneth his fingers in the fire:] so the quéene in casting how to kéepe hir husband in honor, and hir selfe in authoritie, in making awaie of this noble man, brought that to passe, which she had most cause to haue feared, which was the deposing of hir hus­band, & the decaie of the house of Lancaster, which of likelihood had not chanced if this duke had liued: for then durst not the duke of Yorke haue attempted to set foorth his title to the crowne, as he afterwards did, to the great trouble of the realme, and destruction of king Henrie, and of manie other noble men be­side. This is the opinion of men, but Gods iudge­ments are vnsearchable, against whose decrée and or­dinance preuaileth no humane counsell.

But to conclude of this noble duke: he was an vpright and politike gouernour, bending all his inde­uours to the aduancement of the common-wealth, verie louing to the poore commons, and so beloued of them againe; learned, wise, full of courtesie, void of pride and ambition (a vertue rare in personages of such high estate) but where it is most commendable. But sith the praise of this noble man deserueth a large discourse, and meet for such as haue cunning how to handle the same (sith the ornaments of his mind were both rare & admirable, the feats of chiual­rie by him commensed and atchiued valiant and for­tunate, his grauitie in counsell, and soundnesse of policie profound and singular, all which with a traine of other excellent properties linked togither, require a man of manifold gifts to aduance them according to their dignitie) I refer the readers vnto maister Foxes booke of Acts and Monuments. Onelie this I ad, that in respect of his noble indowments, and his demeanor full of decencie, which he dailie vsed, it sée­meth he might well haue giuen this prettie poesie, ‘Virtute duce non sanguine nitor.’

In this six and twentith yeare of the reigne of this king, but in the first of the rule of the quéene, Anno Reg. [...]6▪ I find nothing doone worthie of rehersall within the realme of England; but that the marquesse of Suffolke, by great fauour of the king, & more desire of the quéene, was erected to the title and dignitie of duke of Suf­folke, which he a short time inioied. Marquesse of Suffolke made duke. For Richard duke of Yorke being greatlie alied by his wife to the chiefe peeres and potentates of the realme, beside his owne progenie, perceiuing the king to be no ruler, but the whole burthen of the realme to rest in direction of the quéene, & the duke of Suffolke, began secretlie to al­lure his friends of the nobilitie; The duke of Yorke tempe­ring about his title to the crowne. and priuilie declared vnto them his title and right to the crowne, and like­wise did he to certeine wise gouernours of diuerse cities and townes. Which attempt was so politikelie handled, and so secretlie kept, that prouision to his purpose was readie, before his purpose was openlie published; and his friends opened themselues, yer the contrarie part could them espie: for in conclusion all shortlie in mischiefe burst out as ye may hereafter heare.

During these dooings, Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester, and called the rich cardinall, year 1448 departed out of this world, & buried at Westminster. He was son to Iohn Duke of Lancaster, The death of the bishop of Winchester & his descriptiō. descended of an ho­norable linage, but borne in hast, more noble in blood than notable in learning, hautie in stomach, and high of countenance, rich aboue measure, but not verie li­berall, disdainefull to his kin, and dreadfull to his lo­uers, preferring monie before friendship, manie things beginning and few performing, sauing in malice and mischiefe; his insatiable couetousnesse and hope of long life made him both to forget God, his prince, and himselfe. Of the getting of his goods both by power legantine, and spirituall briberie, I will not speake; but the keeping of them, which he chiefelie gathered for ambitious purpose, was both great losse to his naturall prince and natiue coun­trie: for his hidden riches might haue well holpen the king, and his secret treasure might haue relieued the communaltie, when monie was scant and char­ges great.

[Of this catholike clerke such were the déeds, W. P. [Page 628] that with king and ech estate else (saith Polydor) the lighter was the losse, Lib. 23. bicause as for his hat he was a prelate proud inough, so for a bishop was there a bet­ter soone set in his roome. One William Patin, son and heire to Richard his father, and eldest brother to Iohn that deceassed deane of Chichester, and to Ri­chard that liued and died at Baslo in Derbishire. This William was a person by parentage borne a gentleman, for vertue and learning first consecrate bishop of Winchester, then anon after for wisedome line 10 and integritie chosen lord chancellor of England: wherein his prudence made eminent, in warilie weilding the weight of that office at those daies, which were so dangerous for all estates to liue in.

His vertuous disposition was right apparant, and it were but by this the godlie erection of that worthie worke, Magdalene colledge in Oxford, a plot right aptlie chosen out for studie at first, with strength and workemanship soone after builded according, in pro­portion beautifull outward, and for vse verie commo­dious line 20 within, sorted into a faire mansion for the pre­sident, seuerall and méet for a man to that office of worship and grauitie, and also into other roomes for the fellowes, officers, and yoonger students. Not without a vertuous remembrance of the verie ten­derlings, who might appeare to be toward and teach­able; whereof part to be trained vp in the diuine sci­ence of musike iustlie reported in a distichon, that

Gaudia si superûm res sit mortalibus vlla,
Integra quae referat; musica sola refert: line 30

the vse of it commendablie seruing by sweet harmo­nie to praise God in church, and for delectable recrea­tion to a gentlemanlie mind any where else: and part of these yoong ones to be taught the grammar in a faire schoole well appointed therefore, out of which as out of a nursserie of it owne, for supplement certeine to keepe full the number, these budlings at néed from time to time to be dulie deriued and drawen.

Now somewhat in casting vpon this deuout mans deuise and compasse; to consider the companie of line 40 students there, that in seuerall sciences and sundrie professions are not a few; then their assigned studies and exercises in them, their steps in rising & reward for diligence, from the lowest logician to the highest degrées of doctrine in schooles, their officers in house, their orders for gouernance in maners, in safegard of health and helpe in sicknesse: and that chiefest is, the reuenues certeine for prouision & maintenance of all, it may be a question not easie to answer: whe­ther at first in this founders meditation vpon such a line 50 worke were a mind more magnifike, or a more am­plitude of abilitie after in so absolute a forme to per­forme it, or else a profounder wisedome for perpetui­tie into so perfect an order in all points to haue fixt it.

It was a fashion at those daies, long also afore, & since, from a learned spirituall man to take awaie the fathers surname (were it neuer so worshipfull or ancient) and giue him for it the name of the towne he was borne in: Bale. and so was Richard Notingham a learned frier minorite in king Edward the seconds line 60 daies called of Notingham where he was borne; Iohn Olneie a learned monke in those daies also, named of an Iland wherein he was borne nie Gloce­ster; of Barton in Lincolnshire one William Bar­ton in Richard the seconds reigne, for that time a fa­mous doctor and chancellor of Oxford; Water Disse, of Disse in Suffolke a learned Carmelite frier, con­fessour to the duke and duchesse of Lancaster in king Henrie the fourths reigne; Richard Hampoole of a towne in Yorkeshire, a zelous doctor, and after a ver­tuous heremit in king Henrie the sixts daies.

And after this sort manie hundreds more that had their names so altered; as euen in like maner vnto this reuerend prelat in the prime of his towardnesse was changed his fathers surname Paten to Wain­fléet of the towne where hee was borne in Lin­colneshire: Williā W [...] ­fleet bishop [...] Winchester, lord chancel­lor of Eng­land, founder of Magdel [...] college in Oxford. a matter right proueable aswell by the records of the house there extant, as by a faire déed re­maining among other his proper euidences, in the hands of the worshipfull maister Thomas Fanshaw esquier, the quéenes maiesties remembrancer in the escheker at Westminster. And as the names of Germin, German, Germi, are but for one name though diuerslie wrested, and all to remember Ger­manie, the countrie their ancestors came from; and also as Iute, Iud, and Chute, are all but for the race of Iutes, An. Dom 44 [...] Malmesb [...]e. one of the thrée first Germane nations that came in with Horsus and Hengist; and Caltrap, Caltrop and Calthorp was all but for Caldthorp (that signifieth a cold towne) how euer it be otherwise wri­ed: euen so Paten, Patin, Patten, or Patent, is but a mention of the old Saxon name, that trulie at first was Patan; of Pate, the sole of the foot, and thereof Patan to signifie flat footed, as among the Latines they were called Plautus or Plancus: so Cicero of a chiche or tare; Nasones, Labiones and Labieni, well nosed and lipt; & manie more after that sort in manie toongs else so deriued.

That right manie students skilfull in the profoun­dest sciences and learned toongs, manie venerable clerks, who in most weightie causes with singular wisedome, successe and faith, haue serued their prince and countrie this college hath brought foorth: hereto that manie toward wits it still to haue, hath had the good hap (which happilie yet too it dooth reteine) may here with modestie a litle be touched, neither to com­parison that were contentious folie, nor yet to seeke glorie that cannot be but vaine, but onlie in storie to mind, how vnto purposes vertuouslie deuised and wiselie pursued, Gods goodnesse alwaies giueth chée­uing and thrift according.]

¶ In this seuen and twentith yeare of king Hen­ries reigne, as witnesse the English chron [...]cles, Abr. Fl. et Fabian. 447. a knight of France called sir Lewes de Bueill chal­lenged an esquier of England, A combat vp­on triall of manhood be­twéene a French and an English­man. named Rafe Chal­lons, to triall of certeine feats of warre. Herevpon (as was thought conuenient) a daie was appointed them to make proofe thereof; the place also was assig­ned of their meeting, to wit, at a towne in France called Maunt or Maunce, where the French king at the same time was personallie present. But fortune (saith mine author) was to Challons so fauourable, and leaned so much to his side, that he ran the French knight through with the point of his fatall speare: ‘Huncilli finem lingua superba dedit.’

The English esquier seeing the infortunate euent of this triall to fall to the shame of the challenger, was so far from reiossing at his ouerthrow, The compas­sion of the Englishman to his eni [...]. that he was touched with christian compassion, & moorned for his enimie, for whome also he kept an obsequie as if he had béene his owne naturall brother, and descen­ded of the same parents. For which mercifull moti­ons of mind inwardlie working, and outwardlie ap­pearing, he was of the king greatlie commended. But doubtfull it is, whether the other, if he had surui­ued, and got the vpper hand, would haue had the like reuerend care of the Englishmans dead bodie, as to haue vouchsafed it a solemne interrement.]

As the affaires in France now were neither well looked to, nor the gouernours there well aduised, Anno Reg. [...]. an English capteine called sir Francis Suriennes, Sir Francis Suriennes. sur­named the Aragonois, of the countrie where he was borne, a man for his wit and actiuitie admitted into the order of the garter, tooke by scaling suddenlie in the night of the euen of our ladie daie in Lent, a towne on the frontiers of Normandie, belonging to the duke of Britaine called Fougiers, Fougiers. spoiling the same, and killing the inhabitants. The duke of Bri­taine, [Page 629] being hereof aduertised, sent word by the bi­shop of Reimes to the French king, beseeching him of his aid and counsell in the matter.

The French king foorthwith sent his caruer Iohn Hauart, and Iohn Cosinet one of the maisters of his requests to the king of England: and to the duke of Summerset he dispatched Peter de Fonteins the maister of his horsse. To which messengers answer was made aswell by the king as the duke, that the fact was doone without their knowledge. And for the line 10 truce to be kept, and not onelie restitution, but also amends to be made to the duke of Britaine, a daie of diet was appointed to be kept at Louuiers, where the commissioners on both parts being assembled, the Frenchmen demanded amends, with no small re­compense. The Englishmen answered, that without offense, nothing by iustice ought to be satisfied; affir­ming the dooing of sir Francis Sureinnes to be one­lie his act, without consent either of the king of Eng­land, or of the duke of Summerset his lieutenant line 20 and regent.

But whiles with long delaie they talked of this matter at Louuiers, certeine Frenchmen by aduer­tisement of a wagoner of Louuiers, Pōt de Larch taken by the Frēchmen by a subtill sleight. vnderstanding that the towne of Pont de Larch was but slenderlie manned; the wagoner laded his wagon and passed forward, hauing in his companie two strong varlets clad like carpentars, with great axes on their shoul­ders. And hereto le seigneur de Bresse with a chosen companie of men of armes, lodged himselfe in am­bushment line 30 neere to the gate of S. Andrew, and cap­teine Floquet, accompanied with sir Iames de Cle­remont, and another great companie priuilie lurked vnder a wood toward Louuiers. When all things were appointed for the purpose, earlie in a morning about the beginning of October, the wagoner came to the gate, and called the porter by name, praeing him to open the gate, that he might passe to Rone, and returne againe the same night.

The porter (which well knew the voice of his custo­mer) line 40 tooke little heed to the other two companions, and so opened the one gate, and sent another fellow of his to open the formost gate. When the chariot was on the draw-bridge betweene both the gates, the chariot-maister gaue the porter monie, and for the nonce let one peece fall on the ground: and while the porter stooped to take it vp, the wagoner with his dagger stroke him in at his throat, so that he cried for no helpe, and the two great lubbers slue the other porters, and with their axes cut the axeltrée of the wagon, so that the draw-bridge could not be shortlie line 50 drawen vp. This doone they made a signe to capteine Floquet, which with all spéed entered the towne, slue and tooke all the Englishmen: and amongst other, the lord Fauconbridge capteine of the said towne was taken prisoner. The losse of this place was of no small importance, being the verie keie and passage ouer the riuer of Seine, from France into Nor­mandie, being distant from Rone onelie foure lea­gues. line 60

When request was made to haue it restored a­gaine to the Englishmen, answer was made, that if they restord, to the duke of Britaine, the towne of Fougieres with condigne amends for the dama­ges doone there, the towne of Pont Larch should then be againe deliuered, or else not. And shortlie af­ter, in hope of like successe the French king assem­bled an armie, and diuiding the same in three parts, got by surrender (after sundrie assaults, and losse of diuerse of his men) the townes of Louuiers, & Ger­borie, whereof William Harper was capteine. Also the towne, castell, and great tower of Uerneueill in Perch were rendered into the French kings hands, after twentie daies of respit granted, to sée if rescues would haue come. The French writers affirme the towne to be taken by assault.

Thus was the warre renewed before the terme of truce fullie expired, The warres renewed befor the end of the truce. & the English capteins brought to their wits end, what with appeasing dailie rumors within the townes; and what with studie how to re­couer castels lost and taken: for while they studied how to kéepe and defend one place, foure or fiue other turned to the French part. The chiefe cause of which reuolting was, for that it was blowen abroad tho­rough France, how the realme of England, after the death of the duke of Glocester by the seuerall facti­ons of princes was diuided in two parts; and that William de la Poole latelie created duke of Suf­folke, and diuerse other, which were the occasion of the said duke of Glocesters death, vexed and oppressed the poore people, so that mens minds were not intentiue to outward affaires: but all their studie giuen to keepe off wrongs offered at home.

The king little regarding the matter, & the queene led by euill counsell, rather furthered such mischiefes as dailie began to grow by ciuill discord, than sought to reforme them: so that the Normans and Gas­coignes vnderstanding in what state things stood here, turned to the French part, as hereafter it may appeare. About the same time also, A rebellion in Ireland. began a new re­bellion in Ireland; but Richard duke of Yorke being sent thither to appease the same, so asswaged the furie of the wild and sauage people there, that he wan him such fauour amongst them, as could neuer be separa­ted from him and his linage, which in the sequele of this historie may more plainelie appeare.

The Frenchmen, The English loose all in France. hauing perfect vnderstanding of the vnreadinesse of the realme of England, dis­plaied their banners, and set foorth their armies, and in short space got (by yeelding) Constance, Gisors, ca­stell Galliard, Ponteau de Mere, saint Lo, Fe­stampe, Newcastell, Tonque, Mauleon, Argenton, Lisieux, and diuerse other townes and places within the countrie of Normandie. Likewise in Guien was the towne of Maulisson rendered to the earle of Fois. These townes were not yeelded voluntari­lie by the English souldiers: but they were compel­led thereto by the inhabitants of the townes, which hauing intelligence of the féeble estate of the realme of England, rose against the capteins, opened the gates to the enimies, or constreined them to render vpon composition. By which inforcement was the rich citie of Rone deliuered: Rone yeélded to the French men. for suerlie the duke of Summerset and the earle of Shrewesburie had well kept that citie, if they had béene no more vexed with the citizens, than they were with their enimies.

For after that the French king had giuen sum­mons to the citie, the inhabitants streightwaies did not onelie deuise which waie they might betraie the citie, but also put on armor, and rebelled openlie against their capteins: who perceiuing the vntruth of them, and their owne danger, retired into the castell or palace, where (for a certeine space) with arrowes & handguns they sore molested the vntrue citizens. But at length, Harflue be­sieged. Sir Thomas Curson. vnderstanding the great puissance of the French king at hand, and despairing of all aid and succour, they yeelded vpon condition; that with all their goods and armour they should safelie depart to Caen, and that certeine townes should be deliue­red by a day. And till the same townes were rendred, the earle of Shrewsburie and the lord Butler, sonne to the earle of Ormond, were left behind as pledges, which were sent to the castell of Eureux, bicause they sore feared the malice of the citizens of Rone.

The Frenchmen, following the successe in hand, came to Harflue, and fiercelie assaulted the walles: but by the high prowesse and vndanted valiancie of the capteine, sir Thomas Curson, they were to their [Page 630] great losse manfullie by him repelled, and beaten. The Frenchmen learning wit by this great perill, left their scaling, and deuised dailie how to batter the walles, & make the breaches reasonable for them to enter. This siege long continued to the great losse of both parties. Harflue yéel­ded to the French. When sir Thomas Curson saw no like­lihood of gaine, but great appéerance of present losse, he fell at composition with the enimies, and so departed with all his goods. After which towne ren­dered, Anno Reg. 28. the fortresse of Hunflue was vpon like com­position yeelded. And beside these townes surrendred line 10 in Normandie, the duke of Britaine recouered a­gaine Fougiers, saint Iames de Beuuron, and di­uerse other.

year 1450 In the meane season the king of England sent into Normandie (with a new supplie of a thousand fiue hundred men) a right valiant capteine called sir Thomas Kiriell, Sir Thomas Kiriell with a new band in­to France. who ioining himselfe with other English capteins recouered the townes of Lisieux and Ualongnes, and hauing with him power suffici­ent (as he tooke it) to kéepe the fields, he departed the line 20 twelfe of Aprill from Ualongnes, meaning to passe towards Baieux, and after to Caen. But the eigh­téenth daie of the same moneth, he was incountred at a place called Formignie betwixt Carenten and Baieux, by the earle of Cleremont, & other French­men with Scots. At the first onset, the Englishmen receiued their enimies with such manhood, that the Frenchmen were driuen backe, and the English­men tooke from them two culuerings. line 30

But yet in the end, by the comming of the con­stable of France, Arthur de Britaine earle of Rich­mond, who brought with him two hundred or twelue score men of armes, and an eight hundred archers or demilances, the Englishmen were discomfited, put to flight, The English men ouer­throwne at Formignie. and slaine, to the number of three thousand, seauen hundred, three score and thirtéene, as Engue­rant noteth, beside prisoners, of whome there were di­uerse personages of accompt, as the said sir Thomas Kiriell himselfe, sir Henrie Norberie, sir Thomas line 40 Drew, sir Thomas Kirklie, Christopher Auberton, Arpell, Helice, Alengour, Iennequin, Uacquier, Go­bart, Caleuille, and sundrie other. Sir Robert Ueer, and sir Matthew Or rather Goche. Gough that valiant Welshman, and manie other escaped so well as they might, some to Baieux, some to Caen, and other to other places as best they could.

After this ouerthrow obteined, the French king assembled an armie roiall, and comming before Ca­en, Caen besieged and yéelded to y e French. besieged it on all sides: and after making his ap­proches, line 50 fiercelie assalted the walles. But the duke of Summerset, and the other capteins within the towne, manfullie withstood their enimies, shewing both force and great policie in defending and beat­ing backe the assailants. The French king, percei­uing he could not preuaile that waie, sent for all his great ordinance to Paris, which being brought, he dailie shot at the wals, and did some hurt: but to the castell which stood on a rocke, and in it a dungeon vn­able to be beaten downe, he did no harme at all. line 60

Though the duke of Summerset was the kings lieutenant, yet sir Dauid Hall, as capteine of this towne for his maister the duke of Yorke owner ther­of, tooke vpon him the chéefe charge. Sir Robert Uéer was capteine of the castell, and sir Henrie Radford capteine of the dungeon. Dailie the shot was great, but more terrible than hurtfull: sauing on a daie a stone shot into the towne, fell betweene the duchesse of Summerset, and hir children, which being ama­zed with this chance, besought hir husband kneeling on hir knées, to haue mercie and compassion of his small infants, and that they might be deliuered out of the towne in safegard. Which intretie made with teares and submission, what eare could but listen to, what heart but yerne at; vnlesse both eare and heart were made of flint or marble, or hewen out of a hard rocke, and so void of all passions, of all remorse, of all affections belonging to humanitie?

The duke pitifull, mooued with the sorrow of his wife, and loue of his children, rendered the towne a­gainst the mind of sir Dauid Hall, whose counsell and faithfull diligence (in acquiting himselfe to an­swer the trust committed to him by his maister) if others had followed; the French had susteined more trauell and losse, yer they should haue so easilie at­teined their purpose. The conditions of the surrender were, that the duke of Summerset and his might de­part in safegard with all their goods and substance. Sir Dauid Hall with diuerse of his trustie freends departed to Chierburgh, and from thence sailed into Ireland to the duke of Yorke, The irrecon­ciliable hate betwéene the two dukes. making relation to him of all these dooings, which thing kindled so great a rancor in the dukes heart and stomach, that he neuer left persecuting the duke of Summerset, vntill he had brought him to his fatall end & confusion. Such is the nature of rancor and malice, of wrath and an­ger, which furthereth the hands euen of weaklings, on them to wreake their teene, with whome they are offended & pricked to reuengment, as the poet saith: ‘Quaslibet infirmas adiuuat ira manus.’

After the obteining of Caen, the earle of Clere­mont besieged the citie of Lisieux, whereof was cap­teine Matthew Goche. Gough with thrée hundred Eng­lishmen, who in the end deliuered that towne, vpon condition, that he and his people might depart to Chierburgh. Then was Falais besieged, whereof were capteins for the earle of Shrewsburie (that was the owner) Andrew Trollop, and Thomas Cotton esquiers, who being in despaire of all succors, agreed to deliuer it vpon two conditions. The one was, that the earle their maister, which remained in pledge for the performance of certeine appointments, conclu­ded at the deliuerie of Rone (as ye haue hard) should be set at libertie. The other, that if they were not res­cued within twelue daies, that then they and theirs should depart with armor, and all their goods mooue­able, whither it pleased them.

At the daie appointed, the towne was rendered, and so likewise was the towne of Dampfront vpon the semblable agréement. Now rested onelie Eng­lish the towne of Chierburgh, whereof was capteine one Thomas Gonuille, which suerlie as long as vit­tels and munition serued, defended the towne right manfullie: but without hope of repaire, consumed, and he els destitute of all comfort and aid, vpon a rea­sonable composition, yéelded the towne, and went to Calis, where the duke of Summerset and manie o­ther Englishmen then soiorned. Thus was Nor­mandie lost cleerelie out of the Englishmens hands, All Norman­die lost. after it had continued in their possession the space of thirtie yeares by the conquest of Henrie the fift.

In this duchie were an hundred strong townes and fortresses, able to be kept and holden, The state of it. beside them which were destroied by the warres; and in the same is one archbishoprike, and six bishopriks. Some saie that the Englishmen were not of puissance either to man the townes, as they should haue béene; The causes of the losse. or to in­habit the countrie, which was the cause they could not keepe it. Other saie, that the duke of Summerset for his owne peculiar lucre, kept not halfe the num­ber of souldiours for which he was appointed and al­lowed, but put the wages in his purse. The mortell mischéefe of malice and diuision [...]nd realme. But the cheefe and onelie cause vndoubtedlie, was the diuision within the realme, euerie great man desiring rather to be reuenged on his foe at home, than on the com­mon enimie abroad, as by that which followeth you may plainelie perceiue.

[For whilest the French thus triumphed in Nor­mandie, Anno Reg 2 [...]. W. P. [Page 631] thrée cruell enimies among manie (as by ci­uill warre and sedition insuing appeared) sore vrged the vtter ruine of this reame at home. One was pre­sumption in gouernance, by some that were most vn­méet to rule, as the queene with hir priuie counsel­lors and minions; then the deadlie malice and pride, with insatiable couetise in the states both spirituall and temporall: and lastlie the generall grudge of the people, for the vniuersall smart that through misgo­uernment euerie where they suffered; who thus for­weried with the peise of burthens too heauie for them line 10 anie longer to beare.]

Heerewith perceiuing how (through want of pro­uident wisedome in the gouernour) all things went to wracke, as well within the realme as without; they began to make exclamation against the duke of Suffolke, The commōs [...] a­gainst y e duke of Suffolke. charging him to be the onelie cause of the deliuerie of Aniou, and Maine, the chéefe procuror of the duke of Glocesters death, the verie occasion of the losse of Normandie, the swallower vp of the line 20 kings treasure, the remoouer of good and vertuous councellours from about the prince, and the aduan­cer of vicious persons, and of such as by their dooings shewed themselues apparant aduersaries to the com­mon-wealth.

The quéene hereat doubting not onelie the dukes destruction, but also hir owne confusion, caused the parlement before begun at the Blackfriers, The parlemēt adiourned frō London to Leicester, and from thence to Westminster. to be ad­iourned to Leicester, thinking there, by force and ri­gor of law, to suppresse and subdue all the malice and line 30 euill will conceiued against the duke & hir. At which place few of the nobilitie would appeare: wherefore it was againe adiourned to Westminster, where was a full appearance. In the which session the com­mons of the nether house put vp to the king and the lords manie articles of treason, Edw. H [...]ll. misprision, and euill demeanor, against the duke of Suffolke: the effect whereof with his answers héere insueth.

Articles proponed by the commons line 40 against the duke of Suffolke.

line 1 FIrst they alleged that he had trai­torouslie excited, prouoked, and counselled Iohn earle of Dunois bastard of Orleance, Bertram lord Presignie, William Cosinet, eni­mies to the king, and fréends and ambassadours to Charles, calling himselfe French king, to enter into this realme; and to leauie warre line 50 against the king and his people, to the intent to de­stroie the king and his freends, and to make Iohn his sonne king of this realme, marieng him to Mar­garet, sole heire to Iohn duke of Summerset, pre­tending and declaring hir to be next heire inherita­ble to the crowne, for lacke of issue, of the kings bo­die lawfullie begotten.

2 Item, the said duke, being of the kings priuie and néere councell, allured by great rewards and line 60 faire promises, made by the said earle of Dunois, caused the king to deliuer and set at libertie, Charles duke of Orleance, enimie to the king, and the kings noble father: which deliuerance was prohibited by ex­presse words, in the last will of the kings most victo­rious father.

3 Item, that before the departing of the said duke of Orleance, the aforenamed duke of Suffolke trai­torouslie fast cleauing to Charles called the French king, counselled, prouoked, and intised the said duke of Orleance; to mooue the same king to make warre against England, both in France and Normandie. According to which procurement & counsell, the said French king hath recouered the whole realme of France, and all the duchie of Normandie, and taken prisoners the earle of Shrewesburie, the lord Fau­conbridge, and manie other valiant capteins. ¶These thrée articles aforenamed he denied, either for fact or thought.]

4 Further it was alleged, that he being am­bassadour for the king of England, to Charles cal­ling himselfe the French king, promised to Reiner king of Sicill, and to Charles d'Angiers his bro­ther, enimies to the king, the release of Aniou, with the deliuerance of the countie of Maine, and the citie of Maunt or Mans, without the knowledge of the other ambassadours with him accompanied. Which promise, after his returne, he caused to be performed, to the kings disinheritance and losse irrecouerable, and to the strength of his enimies, and feeblishment of the duchie of Normandie. ¶To this article he an­swered, that his commission was to conclude, and doo all things according to his discretion, for the obtei­ning of a peace: & bicause without deliuerie of those countries, he perceiued that the truce could not be obteined, he agreed to the release and deliuerance of them.]

5 Also they had great cause to iudge by the se­quele, that the said duke being in France in the kings seruice, and one of the priuiest of his councell there, traitorouslie declared and opened to the cap­teins and conductors of warre, apperteining to the kings enimies, the kings counsell, purueiance of his armies, furniture of his townes, & all other ordi­nances, whereby the kings enimies (instructed afore­hand by his traitorous information) haue gotten townes and fortresses, and the king by that meanes depriued of his inheritance.

6 Item, the said duke declared to the earle of Dunois, to the lord Presignie, and William Cos [...] ­net ambssadours for the French king lieng in Lon­don, the priuities of the kings councell, both for the prouision of further warre, and also for the defense of the duchie of Normandie: by the disclosing where­of, the Frenchmen knowing the king secrets, defea­ted the kings appointments, and they obteined their purpose.

7 Item, that the said duke, at such time as the king sent ambassadours to the French king, for the intreating of peace, traitorouslie before their com­ming to the French court, certified king Charles of their commission, authoritie, and instructions: by rea­son whereof, neither peace nor amitie succéeded, and the kings inheritance lost, and by his enimies pos­sessed.

8 Item, the same duke said openlie in the Star­chamber before the lords of the councell, that he had as high a place in the councell-house of the French king, as he had there: and was as well trusted there as here, and could remooue from the French king the priuiest man of his councell, if he would.

9 Item, when armies haue béene prepared, and souldiers readie waged to passe ouer the sea, to deale with the kings enimies: the said duke, corrupted by rewards of the French king, hath restreined & staid the said armies to passe anie further.

10 Item, the said duke being ambassadour for the king, comprised not in the league (as the kings alies) neither the king of Aragon, neither the duke of Britaine: but suffered them to be comprised on the contrarie part. By reason whereof, the old amitie of the K. of Aragon is estranged from this realme, and the duke of Britaine became enimie to the same: Giles his brother, the kings sure freend, cast in strong prison, and there like to end his daies.]

All these obiections he vtterlie denied▪ or faintlie auoided: but none fullie excused. Diuerse other [Page 632] crimes were laid to his charge, as inriching him­selfe with the kings goods and lands, gathering togi­ther and making a monopolie of offices, fées, wards, and farmes, by reason whereof, the kings estate was greatlie diminished and decaied, and he and his kin highlie exalted & inriched: with manie other points, which bicause they be not notable nor of great force or strength, I omit and ouerpasse.

The quéene, which intierlie loued the duke, doub­ting some commotion and trouble to arise, if he were line 10 let go vnpunished, The duke of Suffolke cō ­mitted to the Tower. caused him for a colour to be com­mitted to the Tower: where he remained not past a moneth, but was againe deliuered and restored to the kings fauour, as much as euer he was before. This dooing so much displeased the people, that if po­litike prouision had not béene, great mischeefe had im­mediatlie insued. For the commons in sundrie pla­ces of the realme assembled togither in great compa­nies, Blewbeard capteine of the rebels. and chose to them a capteine, whome they called Blewbeard: but yer they had attempted anie enter­prise, line 20 their leaders were apprehended; & so the mat­ter pacified without anie hurt committed.

After this outrage thus asswaged, the parlement was adiourned to Leicester, whither came the king and quéene in great estate, and with them the duke of Suffolke as chéefe councellour. The commons of the lower house, not forgetting their old grudge, be­sought the king, that such persons as assented to the release of Aniou, and deliuerance of Maine, might be dulie punished. And to be priuie to that fact, they line 30 accused as principall, the duke of Suffolke, with Iohn bishop of Salisburie, and sir Iames Fines, lord Saie, and diuerse others. When the king percei­ued that there was no remedie to appease the peoples furie by anie colourable waies, shortlie to pacifie so long an hatred, he first sequestred the lord Saie be­ing treasuror of England, and other the dukes adhe­rents from their offices and roomes, and after bani­shed the duke of Suffolke, as the abhorred rode and common noiance of the whole realme, for tearme of line 40 fiue yeares, meaning by this exile to appease the ma­lice of the people for the time, and after (when the matter should be forgotten) to reuoke him home a­gaine.

But Gods iustice would not that so vngratious a person should so escape: for when he shipped in Suf­folke, intending to transport himselfe ouer into France, he was incountered with a ship of warre, apperteining to the duke of Excester, constable of the Tower of London, called the Nicholas of the Tower. The capteine of that barke with small fight line 50 entered into the dukes ship, and perceiuing his per­son present, The wret­ched death of the duke of Suffolke. brought him to Douer road, and there on the one side of a cocke bote caused his head to be striken off, and left his bodie with the head lieng there on the sands. Which corps being there found by a chapleine of his, was conueied to Wingfield col­lege in Suffolke, and there buried. This end had William de la Poole duke of Suffolke, as men iudge by Gods prouidence; for that he had procured the death of that good duke of Glocester, as before is line 60 partlie touched.

Soone after an other disquiet befell here. Those that fauoured the duke of Yorke, and wished the crowne vpon his head, for that (as they iudged) he had more right thereto than he that ware it, procured a com­motion in Kent on this manner. A certeine yoong man of a goodlie stature and right pregnant of wit, Iacke Cades rebellion in Kent. was intised to take vpon him the name of Iohn Mortimer c [...]fine to the duke of Yorke (although his name was Iohn Cade, or (of some) Iohn Mend-all) [an Irishman as Polychronicon saith] and not for a small policie, thinking by that surname, that those which fauoured the house of the earle of March would be assistant to him. And so in déed it came to passe (as in such cases there is no bréeder of a broile but he shall find adherents enow, no lesse forward to fur­ther his pernicious enterprise by their foolehardines, than himselfe was in the plot of his deuise) though in fine (as it is the vnluckie lot of such tumults) their attempts were withstood, and their offense dulie re­warded, as in processe of the storie shall more at large appeare; according to the wisemans sentence: ‘Saepe in magistrum scelera redeunt sua.’

This capteine assembling a great companie of tall personages, assured them, that the enterprise which he tooke in hand, was both honourable to God and the king, and profitable to the whole realme. For if ei­ther by force or policie they might get the king and quéene into their hands, he would cause them to be honourablie vsed, and take such order for the puni­shing and reforming of the misdemeanours of their bad councellours, that neither fiftéens should hereaf­ter be demanded, nor once anie impositions or taxes be spoken of. The Kentish people mooued at these persuasions & other faire promises of reformation, in good order of battell (though not in great number) came with their capteine vnto the plaine of Blacke­heath, betwéene Eltham and Gréenewich, and there kept the field more than a month, pilling the countrie about; to whome the citie of London at that time was verie fauourable. Abr. Fl. e [...] I. S. 653. ¶ And the said capteine (as I find recorded saith Iohn Stow) sent for such citizens of London as it pleased him to command to repaire vnto him, vnder letters of safe conduct, as followeth.

The safegard and signe manuell of the capteine of Kent, sent to Thomas Cocke draper of London, by the capteine of the great assemblie in Kent.

BY this our writing insealed, we grant & will permit trulie, that Thomas Cocke of London dra­per, shall come in good suertie and in safegard to our presence, without anie hurt of his person▪ and so auoid from vs a­gaine at his pleasure, with all other per­sons assigned at his denomination with him comming in likewise.

The commandement by the capteine of Kent, sent vnto Thomas Cocke aboue said.

FOr your instruction, first ye shall charge all Lumbards and stran­gers, being merchants, Geno­wais, Uenetians, Florentines, and others, this daie to draw them togi­ther, and to ordeine for vs the capteine, twelue harnesses complet of the best fa­shion, foure & twentie brigandins, twelue battell axes, twelue glaues, six horsses with sadle and bridle completlie harnessed, and a thousand markes of readie monie. And if this our demand be not obserued & doone, we shall haue the heads of as manie as we can get of them.

And to the intent the cause of this glorious cap­teins comming thither, might be shadowed vnder a cloke of good meaning (though his intent nothing so) he sent vnto the king an humble supplication, affir­ming that his comming was not against his grace, [Page 633] but against such of his councellours, as were louers of themselues, and oppressors of the poore commonal­tie; flatterers of the king, and enimies to his honor; suckers of his purse, and robbers of his subiects; parciall to their fréends, and extreame to their eni­mies: thorough bribes corrupted, and for indifferen­cie dooing nothing. ¶ Here, bicause a full report of this insurrection maie passe to the knowledge of the readers; Abr. Fl. ex [...] 654, 655, 6 [...]6, 657, &c. it is necessarie to set downe the articles of the commons complaints touching the premisses, line 10 whereof a copie was sent to the parlement then hol­den at Westminster, with their bill of requests con­cerning abuses to be reformed.

The complaint of the commons of Kent, and causes of their assemblie on the Blackheath.

line 1 INprimis, it is openlie noised that Kent line 20 should be destroied with a roiall power, & made a wild forrest, for the death of the [...]uke of Suffolke, of which the commons of [...]ent thereof were neuer giltie.

2 Item, the king is stirred to liue onelie on his commons, and other men to haue the reuenues of the crowne, the which hath caused pouertie in his ex­cellencie, and great paiments of the people, now late to the king granted in his parlement.

3 Item, that the lords of his roiall bloud beene line 30 put from his dailie presence, and other meane per­sons of lower nature exalted and made chéefe of his priuie councell, the which stoppeth matters of wrongs done in the realme from his excellent audience, and maie not be redressed as law will; but if bribes and gifts be messengers to the hands of the said coun­cell.

4 Item, the people of this realme be not paid of debts owing for stuffe and purueiance taken to the vse of the kings houshold, in vndooing of the said peo­ple, line 40 and the poore commons of the realme.

5 Item, the kings meniall seruants of houshold, and other persons, asken dailie goods and lands, of impeached or indicted of treason, the which the king granteth anon, yer they so indangered be conuicted. The which causeth the receiuers thereof to inforge la­bours and meanes applied to the death of such people, so appeached or indicted, by subtill meanes, for coue­tise of the said grants: and the people so impeached or indicted, though it be vntrue, maie not be committed line 50 to the law for their deliuerance, but held still in pri­son▪ to their vttermost vndooing & destruction, for co­uetise of goods.

6 Item, though diuerse of the poore people and commons of the realme, haue neuer so great right, truth, and perfect title to their land: yet by vntrue claime of infeoffement made vnto diuerse states, gentles, and the kings meniall seruants in mainte­nances against the right, the true owners dare not hold, claime, nor pursue their right. line 60

7 Item, it is noised by common voices, that the kings lands in France béene aliened and put awaie from the crowne, and his lords and people there de­stroied with vntrue meanes of treason; of which it is desired, inquiries thorough all the realme to be made how and by whome; & if such traitors maie be found giltie, them to haue execution of law without anie pardon, in example of others.

8 Item, collectors of the fiftéenth penie in Kent be greatlie vexed and hurt, in paieng great summes of monie in the excheker, to sue out a writ called Quorum nomina, for the alowance of the barons of the ports, which now is desired, that hereafter in the lieu of the collectors, the barons aforesaid maie sue it out for their ease at their owne costs.

9 Item, the shiriffes and vndershiriffes let to farme their offices and bailiwickes, taking great suertie therefore, the which causeth extortions doone by them and by their bailiffes to the people.

10 Item, simple and poore people that vse not hunting, be greatlie oppressed by indictements feined & doone by the said shiriffes, vndershiriffes, bailiffes, and other of their assent, to cause their increase for paieng of their said farme.

11 Item, they returne in names of inquests in writing into diuerse courts of the king not summo­ned nor warned, where through the people dailie léese great summes of monie, well nigh to the vttermost of their vndooing: and make leuie of amercements called the gréene wax, more in summes of monie than can be found due of record in the kings books.

12 Item, the ministers of the court of Douer in Kent vex and arrest diuerse people thorough all the shire out of Castle ward, passing their bounds and li­bertie vsed of old time, by diuerse subtill and vntrue meanes and actions falselie feined, taking great fées at their lust in great hurt of the people on all the shire of Kent.

13 Item, the people of the said shire of Kent, maie not haue their frée election in the choosing of knights of the shire: but letters béene sent from di­uerse estates to the great rulers of all the countrie, the which imbraceth their tenants and other people by force to choose other persons than the cōmons will is.

14 Item, whereas knights of the shire should choose the kings collectors indifferentlie without any bribe taking, they haue sent now late to diuerse per­sons, notifieng them to be collectors: wherevpon gifts and bribes be taken, & so the collectors office is bought and sold extortionouslie at the knights lust.

15 Item, the people be sore vexed in costs and labour, called to the sessions of peace in the said shire, appearing from the furthest and vttermost part of the west vnto the east; the which causeth to some men fiue daies iournie: wherevpon they desire the said appearance to be diuided into two parts; the which one part, to appeare in one place; an other part, in an other place; in reléeuing of the gréeuances and intollerable labours & vexations of the said people.

The requests by the capteine of the great assemblie in Kent.

INprimis, desireth the capteine of the [...]ommons, the welfare of our souereigne [...]ord the king, and all his true lords spiri­ [...]uall and temporall, desiring of our said souereigne lord, and of all the true lords of his coun­cell, he to take in all his demaines, that he maie reigne like a king roiall, according as he is borne our true and christian king annointed: and who so will saie the contrarie, we all will liue and die in the quarell as his true liege men.

Item, desireth the said capteine, that he will auoid all the false progenie and affinitie of the duke of Suf­folke, the which beene openlie knowne, and they to be punished after the custome and law of this land, and to take about his noble person the true lords of his roiall bloud of this his realme, that is to saie, the high and mightie prince the duke of Yorke, late exiled from our said souereigne lords presence (by the mo­tion and stirring of the traitorous and false disposed the duke of Suffolke and his affinitie) and the migh­tie princes & dukes of Excester, Buckingham, and Norffolke, and all the earles and barons of this land: and then shall he be the richest king christian.

Item, desireth the said capteine and commons punishment vnto the false traitors, the which contri­ued [Page 634] and imagined the death of the high, mightfull and excellent prince the duke of Glocester, the which is too much to rehearse; the which duke was proclamed as traitor. Upon the which quarell, we purpose all to liue and die vpon that that it is false.

Item, the duke of Excester, our holie father the cardinall, the noble prince the duke of Warwike, and also the realme of France, the duchie of Normandie, Gascoigne, and Guion, Aniou, and Maine, were de­liuered and lost by the meanes of the said traitors; line 10 and our true lords, knights, and esquiers, and manie a good yeoman lost and sold yer they went, the which is great pitie to heare, of the great and gréeuous losse to our souereigne lord and his realme.

Item, desireth the said capteine and commons, that all extortions vsed dailie among the common people, might be laid downe, that is to saie, the gréene war; the which is falselie vsed, to the perpetuall de­struction of the kings true commons of Kent. Also the kings Bench, the which is too gréefefull to the shire line 20 of Kent, without prouision of our souereigne lord and his true councell. And also in taking of wheat and other graines, béefe, mutton, & all other vittels, the which is importable to the said commons, with­out the bréefe prouision of our said souereigne lord and his true councell, they maie no longer beare it. And also vnto the statute of labourers, and the great extortioners, the which is to saie the false traitors, Sleg, Cromer, Isle, and Robert Est.

These billes when the councell had well perused, they did not onelie disalow and condemne them and the authors, as proud and presumptuous; but also per­suaded the king rather to suppresse those rebels by force, than by faire promises. Wherevpon the king remoued from Westminster vnto G [...]eenewich, from whence he would haue sent certeine lords with a power to haue distressed the Kentishmen, but the men said to their lords they would not fight against them that laboured to amend the common-weale: line 40 wherefore the lords were driuen to leaue their pur­pose. And bicause the Kentishmen cried out against the lord Saie the kings chamberline, he was by the king committed to the Tower of London. Then went the king againe to London, King Henrie went against the Kentish­men with a great power. & within two dais after went against the Kentishmen with fiftéene thousand men well prepared for the war: but the said Kentishmen fled the night before his comming into the wood countrie neere vnto Senocke. Wherevpon the king returned againe to London. line 50

The quéene (that bare rule) being of his retrait aduertised, sent sir Humfreie Stafford knight, and William his brother, with manie other gentlemen, to follow the Kentishmen, thinking that they had fled: but they were deceiued, for at the first skirmish both the Staffords were slaine, The Staf­fords slaine at Senocke by Iacke Cade. & all their companie discomfited. The kings armie by this time comen to Blackheath, hearing of this discomfiture, began to murmur amongst themselues: some wishing the duke of Yorke at home to aid the capteine his cou­sine: line 60 s [...]me vndutifullie coueting the ouerthrow of the king and his councell: other openlie crieng out on the quéene and hir complices.

This rumor published abroad, caused the king and certeine of his councell (for the appeasing thereof) to commit the lord Saie treasuror of England to the Tower of London; and if other (against whome like displeasure was borne) had beene present, they had béene likewise committed. Iacke Cade vpon victo­rie against the Staffords, apparelled himselfe in sir Humfries brigan [...]ine set full of guilt nailes, and so in some glorie returned againe toward London; di­uerse idle and vagarant persons out of Sussex, Sur­reie and other places, still increasing his number. Thus this glorious capteine, garded with a multi­tude of rusticall people, came againe to the plaine of Blackheath, & there stronglie incamped himselfe: to whome were sent from the king, the archbishop of Canturburie, and Humfrie duke of Buckingham, to common with him of his gréefes and requests.

These lords found him sober in talke, wise in rea­soning, arrogant in hart, and stiffe in opinion; as who that by no means would grant to dissolue his armie, except the king in person would come to him, and as­sent to the things he would require. The K. vpon the presumptuous answers & requests of this villanous rebell, begining asmuch to doubt his owne meni­all seruants, as his vnknowen subiects (which spared not to speake, that the capteins cause was profitable for the common-wealth) departed in all hast to the castell of Killingworth in Warwikeshire, leauing onlie behind him the lord Scales to kéepe the Tower of London. The Kentish capteine being aduertised of the kings absence, came first into Southwarke, and there lodged at the white hart, prohibiting to all his retinue, murder, rape, and robberie; by which co­lour of well meaning, he the more allured to him the harts of the common people.

After that, he entred into London, cut the ropes of the draw bridge, & strooke his sword on London stone; saieng, Now is Mortimer lord of this citie. And after a glosing declaration made to the maior touching the cause of his thither comming, he departed againe into Southwarke, and vpon the third daie of Iulie he caused sir Iames Fines, lord Saie, and treasuror of England, to be brought to the Guildhall, and there to be arreigned: who being before the kings iusti­ces put to answer, desired to be tried by his péeres, for the longer delaie of his life. The capteine percei­uing his dilatorie plee, The lord Saie behea­ded at the stā ­dard in Che [...] by force tooke him from the of­ficers, and brought him to the standard in Cheape, and there (before his confession ended) caused his head to be striken off, and pitched it vpon an high pole, which was openlie borne before him thorough the stréets.

And not content herewith, he went to Mile end, and there apprehended sir Iames Cromer then shi­riffe of Kent, and sonne in law to the said lord Saie, causing him likewise (without confession or excuse heard) to be beheaded, and his head to be fixed on a pole: and with these two heads this bloudie wretch entred into the citie againe, and as it were in a spite caused them in euerie stréet to kisse togither, to the great detestation of all the beholders. After this suc­céeded open rapine, and manifest robberie in diuerse houses within the citie, and speciallie in the house of Philip Malpas alderman of London, and diuerse o­ther; ouer and beside ransoming and fining of diuers notable merchants, for the suertie of their liues and goods; as Robert Horne alderman, which paid fiue hundred marks. He also put to execution in South­warke diuerse persons, some for breaking his ordi­nance, and other being of his old acquaintance, lest they should bewraie his base linage, disparaging him for his vsurped surname of Mortimer.

The maior and other the magistrates of London, perceiuing themselues neither to be sure of goods, nor of life well warranted, determined to repell and keepe out of their citie such a mischieuous ca [...]tife and his wicked companie. And to be the better able so to doo, they made the lord Scales, and that renowmed capteine Matthew Or rather Goche. Gough priuie both of their in­tent and enterprise, beséeching them of their helpe and furtherance therein. The lord Scales promised them his aid, with shooting off the artillerie in the Tower; and Matthew Gough was by him appoin­ted to assist the maior and Londoners in all that he might, and so he and other capteins, appointed for de­fense [Page 635] of the citie, tooke vpon them in the night to keepe the bridge, and would not suffer the Kentish­men once to approch. The rebels, who neuer soundlie slept for feare of sudden assaults, hearing that the bridge was thus kept, ran with great hast to open that passage, where betwéene both parties was a fierce and cruell fight.

Matthew Or rather Goche. The skirmish betweene the citizens and the rebels vp­on London bridge. Gough, perceiuing the rebels to stand to their tackling more manfullie than he thought they would haue doone, aduised his companie not to aduance anie further toward Southwarke, till the line 10 daie appeared; that they might sée where the place of ieopardie rested, and so to prouide for the same: but this little auailed. For the rebels with their multi­tude draue backe the citizens from the stoops at the bridge foot to the draw bridge, & began to set fire in di­uerse houses. Great ruth it was to behold the mise­rable state, wherein some desiring to eschew the fire died vpon their enimies weapon; women with chil­dren in their armes lept for feare into the riuer, other line 20 in a deadlie care how to saue themselues, betwéene fire water, and sword, were in their houses choked and smothered. Yet the capteins not sparing, fought on the bridge all the night valiantlie: but in conclu­sion, the rebels gat the draw bridge, and drowned ma­nie, and slue Iohn Sutton alderman, and Robert Heisand, a hardie citizen, with manie other, beside Matthew Matthew Goche fa­mous for his acts abroad now slaine on Lōdō bridge. Gough, a man of great wit and much ex­perience in feats of chiualrie, the which in continuall warres had spent his time in seruice of the king and his father. line 30

This sore conflict indured in doubtfull wise on the bridge, till nine of the clocke in the morning: for som­time, the Londoners were beaten backe to saint Magnus corner: and suddenlie againe, the rebels were repelled to the stoops in Southwarke, so that both parts being faint and wearie, agréed to leaue off from fighting till the next daie; vpon condition, that neither Londoners should passe into Southwarke, A staie by assent. nor Kentishmen into London. Upon this absti­nence, line 40 this rakehell capteine for making him more friends, brake vp the gailes of the kings Bench and Marshalsie, and so were manie mates set at libertie verie méet for his matters in hand.

The archbishop of Canturburie being chancellor of England, and as then for his suertie lieng within the Tower, called to him the bishop of Winchester, who for some safegard laie then at Haliwell. These two prelats, séeing the furie of the Kentish people, by their late repulse, to be somewhat asswaged, passed line 50 by the riuer of Thames from the Tower into South­warke, bringing with them vnder the kings great seale, a generall pardon vnto all the offendors, and caused the same to be openlie published. The poore people were so glad of this pardon, and so readie to receiue it, Proclamatiō of pardon dis­persed the re­bels. that without bidding farewell to their cap­teine, they withdrew themselues the same night e­uerie man towards his home.

¶But Iacke Cade despairing of succours, and fea­ring the reward of his lewd dealings, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 661, 662. in Quart. put all his pil­lage line 60 and goods that he had robbed, into a barge, and sent it to Rochester by water, and himselfe went by land, and would haue entred into the castle of Quin­borow with a few men that were left about him; but he was there let of his purpose: wherefore he disgui­sed in strange attire, priuilie fled into the wood coun­trie beside Lewes in Sussex, hoping so to scape. The capteine & his people being thus departed, not long after proclamations were made in diuerse places of Kent, Sussex, and Southerie, that whosoeuer could take the foresaid capteine aliue or dead, should haue a thousand markes for his trauell. A copie of which proclamation, touching the apprehension of the said Cade and his complices, hereafter followeth.

A copie of the said writ and proclama­tion by the king, for the taking of the said Cade and his felowship.

HEnricus Dei gratia rex Angliae & Fran­ciae, & dominus Hiberniae, vniuersis & sin­gulis custodibus, &c. For so much as one Iohn Cade borne in Ireland, which calleth himselfe Iohn Mortimer & in some writing calleth himselfe capteine of Kent, the which Iohn Cade the last yeare tofore his dwel­ling in Sussex with a knight, called sir Thomas Dagre, slue there a woman with child, and for that cause tooke the gréeth of the church, and after for that cause forsware the kings land: the which Iohn Cade also after this, was sworne to the French part, and dwelled with them; which hath now of late time (to the intent to inrich himselfe by robbing and despoi­ling of the kings liegemen, as it is now openlie knowne, to bring himselfe to great and high estate) falslie and vntruelie deceiued manie of the kings people, and vnder colour of holie and good intents made them to assemble with him against the kings regalitie & his lawes, & nought setting by the kings grace and pardons, granted not onelie to him but to all the kings subiects, the which by his deceit haue as­sembled with him, the which he with great reuerence receiued on mondaie last passed, and so did all that were assembled with him. Notwithstanding all this, he laboureth now of new to assemble the kings peo­ple againe, and to that intent beareth them on hand, that the kings letters of pardon granted to him and them, be not auaileable, nor of none effect, without authoritie of parlement: whereas the contrarie is true, as it is openlie knowne by that, that the king granteth from time to time his charters of pardon to such as him list, of all manner of crimes and offen­ses both generall and speciall.

The king therefore willeth and commandeth, that none of his subiects giue faith nor credence to the said false informations of the said false traitor, nor accompanie with him in anie wise, nor comfort nor susteine him nor his with vittels, nor with anie other things: but will, whosoeuer of the kings subiects may take him, shall take him; and that who so euer ta­keth him, and bringeth him quicke or dead to the king or to his councell, shall haue a thousand markes for his labour trulie paid him, without faile or delaie by the prouision of the kings councell. And who so e­uer taketh anie of those that from this daie foorth ac­companie with him, shall haue fiue marks for his re­ward, trulie to be paid in maner and forme aboue said. And ouer this, commanding all constables, mi­nisters, and officers of the said shire, that none of them (on paine of death) take vpon them to execute a­nie commandement by word or writing sent or made vnto them by the said Cade, calling himselfe Morti­mer and capteine, be it to reare any people, or to any other inten: tbut to arest and make so be arested such, as take vpon them to bring anie such commande­ment by writing or by word. Et hoc nullatenus omittatis. Teste me ipso apud Westm. 10 die Iulij, anno regni 28.]

After which proclamation thus published, a gentle­man of Kent named Alexander Eden awaited so his time, Capteine of Kent taken & beheaded. that he tooke the said Cade in a garden in Sussex: so that there he was slaine at Hothfield, and brought to London in a cart, where he was quarte­red; his head set on London bridge, and his quarters sent to diuers places to be set vp in the shire of Kent. After this, the king himselfe came into Kent, and there sat in iudgement vpon the offendors: and if he had not mingled his iustice with mercie; more than fiue hundred by rigor of law had beene iustlie put to [Page 636] execution. Yet he punishing onelie the stubborne heads, & disordered ringleaders, pardoned the igno­rant and simple persons, to the great reioising of all his subiects. Abr. Fl. ex I. St. 663, 664. ¶ But saith another, the king sent his commissioners into Kent, and caused inquirie to be made of this riot in Canturburie, where for the same eight men were iudged and executed, and in other townes of Kent and Sussex was doone the like exe­cution.

This yeare the commons also in diuerse parts line 10 of England, as in Sussex, Salisburie, Wiltshire, and other places, did much harme to manie persons, among the which, on the nine and twentith of Iune, William Ascoth bishop of Salisburie (after he had said masse at Edington) was by his owne tenants drawne from the altar, in his albe with his stole about his necke to the top of an hill, The bishop of Salisburie murthered. and there by them shamefullie murthered, and after spoiled to the naked skin: they renting his bloudie shirt, tooke eue­rie man a péece, and made boast of their wickednesse. line 20 The daie before, his chariot was robbed, to the value of ten thousand markes. Soldiours made a fraie a­gainst the maior of London the same daie he tooke his charge at Westminster, A fray in Lō ­don against the maior. at night comming from saint Thomas of Acres, after he had béene at Paules.]

The French king vnderstanding all the ciuill discord and rebellious sturs in England, made ther­of his foundation, hoping to get into his hands and possession the duchie of Aquitaine: and therevpon sent the earles of Ponthienure and Perigort to laie line 30 siege to the towne of Bergerat, situate vpon the ri­uer of Dourdon, of which towne was capteine Iohn Gedding, who vpon reasonable conditions rendred the towne. But yet the lord Camois, sir George Seimor, and sir Iohn Arundell, with diuers other valiant capteins, hauing gouernance of the countrie, manned townes, gathered people, and re­comforted the fainting harts of the Gascoignes in all that they could, and withall sent letters ouer into line 40 England, certifieng to the kings maiestie, that with­out spéedie aid, and readie succours, the whole coun­trie was like to be conquered and woone out of the Englishmens possession.

Manie letters were sent, and manie faire an­swers were brought; but reléefe neither appeared, nor one man of warre was thither shipped: by reason whereof, the Frenchmen pursuing the victorie, got the fortresses of Iansacke, and S. Foie, with diuerse other péeces of importance thereabouts. Also, about line 50 the same time, the lord Doruall, third sonne to the lord de la Breth, with a great number of men, as well on horssebacke as on foot, departed from Basas, to conquer and destroie the Ile of Medoc. Wherevp­on the maior of Burdeaux issuing out, and incoun­tring with his enimies, was vanquished, losing six hundred Englishmen and Gascoignes: albeit the Frenchmen gained not this victorie with cléere hands, for there were slaine of them to the number of eight hundred persons. line 60

After this, the bastard of Orleance, with his bro­ther Iohn earle of Angolesme, year 1451 which had béene long prisoner in England, and manie other valiant cap­teins, besieged the castell of Montguion, which to them was rendered. Afterwards, they besieged the towne of Blaie, standing on the riuer of Garonne, the which in conclusion by verie force was conque­red and woone. The bastard of Kendall, capteine of the castell, séeing the towne lost, vpon certeine reaso­nable conditions deliuered his fortresse to the ba­stard of Orleance, the French kings lieutenant. Af­ter this, the townes of Burgh and Liborne, after fiue wéekes siege, were likewise yéelded to the French­men. Then was the citie of Acques besieged by the erle of Fois, and the vicount de Lawtrec his brother, and other noble men. The [...] Arminack a open [...] So likewise was the strong towne of Rion by the earle of Arminacke, extreame enimie to the realme of England, for breach of the mariage concluded betweene king Henrie and his daughter. The earle of Ponthienure laid siege to Chatillon in Perigort, and the earle of Dunois in­uironned with great puissance the towne of Fron­sacke.

The Englishmen perceiuing in what state they stood within the towne, couenanted with the said earle, that if the towne were not succoured, and the Frenchmen fought with before the feast of the nati­uitie of saint Iohn Baptist next insuing; that then the towne of Fronsacke should be yéelded to them, which was the strongest fortresse in all that countrie, and the verie keie of Guien. Héereof were pledges deliuered, and writings made & sealed. Which agrée­ment once blowne through the countrie, the citie of Burdeaux, and all other townes (except Baion) made the like agréement. So did all the noble men and gentlemen which were subiects and vassals to the crowne of England. Euerie daie was looking for aid, but none came.

And whie? Through dis­sention at home, all last abroad. Euen bicause the diuelish diuision that reigned in England, so incombred the heads of the noble men there, that the honor of the realme was cléerelie forgotten, so that (to conclude) the daie ap­pointed came, but succour looked for came not. By reason whereof, all the townes of Aquitaine (except Baion) deliuered their keies, and became vassals to the French nation; yet the citizens of Burdeaux, in hope of rescue, required a longer daie of battell, which was granted. But at the daie appointed, when no reléefe came, they rendred themselues and the ci­tie to their aduersaries, their liues and goods saued, with licence and safe conduct to all persons which would depart and saile into England. Then finallie was the citie of Baion besieged, and with mines and batterie constreined to yéeld it selfe into the French­mens hands.

Beside the agreements taken and made with the townes, diuerse noble men made seuerall com­positions, as Gaston de Fois, & Capdaw de Bue [...], whome king Henrie the fift made earle of Longe­uile, and knight of the garter; whose ancestors were euer true to England. Which agréed, that he and his sonne Iohn de Fois, whome king Henrie the sixt made earle of Kendale, and also knight of the garter, should enioy all their lands in Aquitaine, giuen to them by the kings of England, or by the dukes of Aquitaine. And sith their intent was still to serue the king of England, they agréed to deliuer into the custodie of the earle of Fois, the sonne and heire of the said earle of Kendale, being of the age of thrée yeares; to the intent that if he at his full age denied to become subiect to the French king, or before that time deceassed; that then (after the death of his father and grandfather) all the said lands should wholie re­maine to the next heire of their bloud, either male or female, being vnder the obeisance of the French king or his heires.

Manie other noble men, whose hearts were good English, made like compositions, and some came in­to England, and others went to Calis, and bare great offices there: as the lord Duras, which was marshall of that towne; and monsieur Uauclere, which was deputie there vnder the earle of War­wike. Thus were the Englishmen cléerelie displaced and lost the possession of all the countries, townes, All lost in France. castels, and places within the realme of France; so that onelie Calis, Hammes and Guines, with the marches thereof remained in their hands, of all those their dominions and seigniories which they sometime [Page 637] held in the parties beyond the seas. Whereby Eng­land suffered a partile but not a totall eclipse of hir glorie, in continuall loosing & nothing gaining of the enimie. ¶ Which recouerie was of great facilitie to the French, Abr. Fl. ex [...] sub He [...]. 6. for that where they came, they found litle or no resistance, but rather a voluntarie submis­sion & yéelding as it were with holding vp of hands, yer they came to handstroks. So that in such victories and conquests consisted small renowme, sith without slaughter & bloudshed hardie enterprises are not at­chiued. Notablie therefore speaketh Anglorum praelia line 10 of these bloudlesse and sweatlesse victories, saieng:

Delphinus totos (nullo prohibente) per agros
Francorum transit, priùs expugnata receptans
Oppida: perfacile est populum domuisse volentem,
Tendentem (que) manus vltrò; nec clarior ornat
Gloria vincentem fuso sine sanguine regna.

Anno Reg. 30. Iohn Hooker, aliàs Vowell. The king re­ceiued into Excester.[This yeare the king made a generall progresse and came to the citie of Excester, on mondaie the sixtéenth of Iulie at after noone, being the feast daie of saint Kenelme; and was receiued from place to line 20 place verie honorablie through the whole countrie. Before he came to this citie, he was met by all the cleargie in their degrées, some thrée miles, some two miles, and some at the citie, all in their copes, censing all the waies as they went. As soone as he came to this citie, he was first conducted to the cathedrall church in all most honourable order. When he had doone his oblations, he was conueied and lodged in the bishops house. During his abode here, there was a sessions kept before the duke of Summerset, and line 30 certeine men condemned to die for treason, and had iudgement to be executed to death.

The bishop and his clergie vnderstanding hereof, with open mouth complained vnto the king, that he caused a sessions to be kept within his sanctuarie, contrarie to the priuilege of his church: and that all their dooings (being doone against law) were of no effect. And notwithstanding the king and his coun­cell had discoursed vnto them the iust and orderlie procéeding, The bishop & his cleargie against the K. and the duke of Summer­set, &c. in de­fense of their ecclesiasticall priuilege. the hainousnesse of the offendors, and the line 40 necessitie of their punishment: yet all could not a­uaile, for holie church nor the sanctuarie might be pro­phaned (as they said) with the deciding of temporall matters. Wherevpon the king in the end yéelding to their exclaimes, released a couple of arrant traitors, and reuersed all his former lawfull procéedings, and so vpon the wednesdaie he departed and returned to­wards London.]

The duke of Yorke maketh claime to the crowne.The duke of Yorke pretending (as yée haue heard) line 50 a right to the crowne, as heire to Lionell duke of Clarence, came this yeare out of Ireland vnto Lon­don, in the parlement time, there to consult with his speciall fréends: as Iohn duke of Northfolke, Ri­chard earle of Salisburie, and the lord Richard his sonne, which after was earle of Warwike; Thomas Courtneie earle of Deuonshire, & Edward Brooke lord Cobham. After long deliberation and aduise ta­ken, it was thought expedient, to keepe their chéefe purpose secret; and that the duke should raise an ar­mie line 60 of men, vnder a pretext to remooue diuerse coun­cellors about the king, and to reuenge the manifest iniuries doone to the common-wealth by the same rulers. Of the which as principall, the duke of Sum­merset was namelie accused, both for that he was greatlie hated of the commons for the losse of Nor­mandie: and for that it was well knowne, that he would be altogither against the duke of Yorke in his chalenge to be made (when time serued) to the crowne; insomuch that his goods by the commons were fou­lie despoiled and borne awaie from the Blacke fri­ers. [...] Stow. After which riot, on the next morrow, proclamati­on was made through the citie, that no man should spoile or rob, on paine of death. But on the same daie at the standard in Cheape was a man beheaded for dooing contrarie to the proclamation.

Therefore, when the duke of Yorke had thus, Whethāsted. The duke of yorke raiseth a power, for recouerie of his right to the crowne. by aduise of his speciall fréends, framed the foundation of his long intended enterprise, he assembled a great hoast, to the number of ten thousand able men, in the marches of Wales; publishing openlie, that the cause of this his gathering of people, was for the publike wealth of the realme. The king much astonied at the matter, by aduise of his councell raised a great pow­er, and marched forward toward the duke. But he be­ing thereof aduertised, turned out of that way, which by espials he vnderstood that the king held, and made streight toward London: and hauing knowledge that he might not be suffered to passe through the ci­tie, he crossed ouer the Thames at Kingston bridge, and so kept on towards Kent, where he knew that he had both fréends & well-willers, and there on Burnt heath, a mile from Dertford, and twelue miles from London, he imbatelled, and incamped himselfe verie stronglie, inuironing his field with artillerie and trenches. The king hereof aduertised, brought his armie with all diligence vnto Blackeheath, and there pight his tents.

Whilest both these armies laie thus imbattelled, Whethamsted the king sent the bishop of Winchester, and Thomas Bourchier, bishop of Elie, Richard Wooduile, lord Riuers, & Richard Andrew, the kéeper of his priuie seale, to the duke: both to know the cause of so great a commotion, and also to make a concord; if the re­quests of the duke and his companie séemed conso­nant to reason. The dukes answer to the kings mesage The duke hearing the message of the bishops, answered; that his comming was neither to damnifie the king in honour, nor in person, neither yet anie good man: but his intent was, to remooue from him certeine euill disposed persons of his coun­cell, bloud-succours of the nobilitie, pollers of the cleargie, and oppressours of the poore people.

Amongst these, he chéeflie named Edmund duke of Summerset, whome if the king would commit to ward, to answer such articles as against him in open parlement should be both proponed and proued, he promised not onelie to dissolue his armie; but also of­fered himselfe (like an obedient subiect) to come to the kings presence, and to doo him true and faithfull ser­uice, according to his loiall and bounden dutie. Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 666, 667. in Quart. ¶But a further vnderstanding of the dukes meaning by this his forceable entering of the realme (as him­selfe pretended) maie appeare by certeine letters by him written to the king, and also the kings answers vnto the same: both which I thinke good here to set downe, as I find them recorded.

Richard duke of Yorke his letter to king Henrie.

PLease it your highnesse to conceiue, that since my departing out of this your realme, by your commandement, and be­ing in your seruice in your land of Ire­land, I haue beene informed, that diuerse language hath béene said of me to your most excellent estate, which should sound to my dishonour and reproch, and charge of my person: howbeit, that I haue béene, and euer will be, your true liegeman and seruant. And if there be anie man that will or dare saie the contrarie, or charge me otherwise; I beséech your rightwisenesse to call him before your high presence, and I will declare me for my discharge as a true knight ought to doo. And if I doo not, as I doubt not but I shall, I beseech you to punish me as the poorest man of your land. And if he be found vntrue in his suggestion and information, I beséech you of your [Page 638] highnesse that he be punished after his desert, in ex­ample of all other.

Please it your excellencie to know, that as well before my departing out of this your realme, for to go into your land of Ireland, in your full noble ser­uice, as since, certeine persons haue lien in wait for to hearken vpon me, as sir Iohn Talbot knight at the castell of Holt; sir Thomas Standleie knight in Cheshire; Pulford at Chester; Elton at Worcester; Brooke at Glocester; and Richard, groome of your line 10 chamber at Beaumaris: which had in charge (as I am informed) to take me and put me into your castell of Conwaie, and to strike off the head of sir William Oldhall knight, and to haue put in prison sir Wil­liam Deuereur knight, & sir Edmund Malso knight, withouten inlarging, vntill the time that your high­nesse had appointed their deliuerance.

Item, at such time as I was purposed for to haue arriued at your hauen of Beaumaris, for to haue come to your noble presence to declare me your true line 20 man and subiect, as my dutie is, my landing was stopped and forebarred by Henrie Norice, Thomas Norice, William Buckleie, William Grust, and Bartholomew Bould, your officers in Northwales, that I should not land there, nor haue vittels nor re­freshing for me & my fellowship, as I haue written to your excellencie here before. So farre foorth that Henrie Norice, deputie to the chamberlaine of Northwales, said vnto me, that he had in comman­dement that I should in no wise haue landing, refre­shing, line 30 nor lodging, for men nor horsse, nor other thing that might turne to my worship or ease: putting the blame vpon William Saie vsher of your chamber, saieng and affirming that I am against your intent, and as a traitor, as I am informed. And moreouer, certeine letters were made and deliuered vnto Che­ster, Shrewesburie, and to other places for to let mine entrie into the same.

Item, aboue all wrongs and iniuries aboue said doone vnto me of malice, without anie cause, I being line 40 in your land of Ireland, in your honourable seruice, certeine commissions were made and directed vnto diuerse persons; which for the execution of the same, sat in certeine places, and the iuries impanelled and charged. Unto the which iuries certeine persons laboured instantlie to haue me indicted of treason, to the intent for to haue vndoone me and mine issue, and corrupted my bloud, as it is openlie published. Besée­ching your maiestie roiall, of your righteousnesse, to doo examine these matters, and therevpon to doo such line 50 iustice in his behalfe as the cause requireth: for mine intent is fullie to pursue to your highnesse for the con­clusion of these matters.

The ansvver of king Henrie to the duke of Yorke.

COosine, we haue séene the bill that ye tooke vs late, and also vnderstand the good humble obedience that ye in your selfe line 60 shew vnto vs, as well in word as in deed: wherefore our intent is, the more hastilie to ease you of such things as were in your said bill. Howbeit, that at our more leasure we might answer you to your said bill, yet we let you wit, that for the causes aforesaid, we will declare you now our intent in these matters: sith it is that a long time among the people hath béene vpon you many strange language, and in especiall anon after your disordinate and vn­lawfull slaieng of the bishop of Chester, diuerse and manie of the vntrue shipmen and other said (in their maner) words against our estate, making manace to our owne person by your saiengs, that ye should be fetched with manie thousands, and ye should take vpon you that, which ye neither ought, nor as we doubt not, ye will not attempt: so farre foorth that it was said to our person by diuerse, & especiallie we re­member of one Wasnes, which had like words to vs.

And also there were diuerse of such false people, that went on and had like language in diuerse of our townes of our land, which by our subiects were taken and dulie executed. Wherefore we sent to diuerse of our courts and places, to hearken and to take héed if anie such maner comming were; and if there had béene, for to resist it: but comming into our land our true subiect as ye did, our intent was not that ye, nor lesse of estate of our subiects, nor none of your seruants should not haue beene letted nor warned, but in goodlie wise receiued: howbeit that peraduen­ture your sudden comming, without certeine war­ning, caused our seruants to doo as they did, conside­ring the causes aboue said. And as to the indictement that ye spoke of, we thinke verelie, and hold for cer­teine warning, caused our seruants to doo as they did, considering the causes aboue said. And as to the indictement that ye spoke of, we thinke verelie and hold for certeine, that there was none such. And if ye may trulie prooue that anie person was thereabouts, the matter shall be demeaned as the case shall re­quire: so that he shall know it is to our great dis­pleasure. Upon this, for the easing of your heart in all such matters, we declare, repute, and admit you as our true and faithfull subiect, and as our faithfull coosine.

Richard duke of Yorke to king Henrie againe.

PLease it your highnesse tenderlie to consi­der, that great murmur and grudging is vniuersallie in this your realme, in that iu­stice is not dulie ministred to such as trespasse and of­fend against you lawes, and in especiall of them that be indicted of treason, and other being openlie noised of the same; whereby great inconueniences haue fal­len, and great is like to fall hereafter in your said realme, which God defend: but if by your highnesse prouision conuenable be made for due reformation and punishment in this behalfe. Wherefore I your humble subiect and true liegeman, Richard duke of Yorke, willing as effectuallie as I can, and desiring the suertie and prosperitie of your most roiall person, and the welfare of this your noble realme, counsell and aduertise your excellencie, for the conseruation of good tranquillitie and peaceable rule among all o­ther subiects, for to ordeine and prouide, that true iu­stice be had, against all such that so be indicted, or o­penlie named: wherein I offer my selfe, and will put my indeuour for to execute your commandement in the premisses, for the punishing of such offendors, and redresse of the said misrules, to my might and power. And for the hastie execution hereof, like it your highnesse, to addresse these letters of priuie seale and writs to your officers and ministers, to doo, take, and arrest, all such persons so noised and indic­ted, of what estate, degree, or condition soeuer they be, and them to commit to the Tower of London, and to other of your prisons, there to abide without baile or maineprise, vntill the time they be vtterlie tried, and determined after the course of your lawes.

The ansvver of king Henrie to the duke of Yorke.

COosine, as touching your bill last put vp to vs, we vnderstand well that ye (of good heart) counsell and aduertise vs to the setting vp of [Page 639] iustice, and to the speedie punishing of some persons indicted or noised, offering your seruice to be readie at commandement in the same, sith it is that for ma­nie causes moouing vs to haue determined in our soule, to stablish a sad, and a substantiall councell, gi­uing them more ample authoritie and power than e­uer we did before this, in the which we haue appointed you to be one. But sith it is not accustomed, sure, nor expedient, to take a conclusion & conduct by aduise or counsell of one person by himselfe for the conserua­tion, line 10 it is obserued that the greatest and the best, the rich and the poore, in libertie, vertue, and effect of your voices be equall. We haue therfore determined within our selfe to send for our chancellour of Eng­land, and for other lords of our councell, yea and all other, togither within short time ripelie to common of these and other our great matters. In which com­munication, such conclusion (by the grace of God) shall be taken, as shall sound to his pleasure, the weale of vs and our land, as well in these matters as line 20 in anie other.

After all this adoo, it was so agreed vpon by ad­uise, for the auoiding of bloudshed, and pacifieng of the duke and his people, that the duke of Summer­set was committed to ward, as some say; or else com­manded to kéepe himselfe priuie in his owne house for a time. Whethamsted But it should seeme by that which some haue written, that the duke of Yorke was deceiued of the hope which he had, to be aided of the Kentish­men; line 30 insomuch that when he saw himselfe ouermat­ched by the king in number of people, who had got to­gither thrice as manie men as the duke had there with him, the duke was the more easie to be dealt with. And so comming to the king, and submitting himselfe by mediation of certeine of the nobilitie, he obteined pardon of that his former presumptuous enterprise. And within a few daies after his com­ming to London with the king, he openlie in the church of S. Paule (the king being present) receiued a line 40 solemne oth, The duke of Yorks recon­ciliation to the king. that from thenceforth, he should no more commit any such offense, nor attempt anie thing, ei­ther against the king, or any other of his liege peo­ple, contrarie to the order of law and iustice.

Howsoeuer the matter went, truth it is, that the duke of Yorke, the first of March, dissolued his ar­mie, brake vp his campe, & came to the kings tent, where contrarie to his expectation, & against promise made by the king (as other write) he found the duke of Summerset going at large and set at libertie, The duke of Yorke accu­seth the duke of Sūmerset. line 50 whome the duke of Yorke boldlie accused of treason, briberie, oppression, and manie other crimes. The duke of Summerset not onelie made answer to the dukes obiections, A mutuall charge be­tweene y e two dukes, Yorke & Summerset of hi [...] treason. but also accused him of high trea­son, affirming, that he with his fautors and compli­ces had consulted togither, how to come by the scep­ter and regall crowne of this realme. By meanes of which words the king remooued streight to London, and the duke of Yorke (as prisoner) rode before him, and so was kept a while. line 60

The king assembled togither a great councell at Weminster, to heare the accusations of the two dukes, the one obiecting to the other manie heinous and greeuous crimes. But the duke of Summerset, which now conceiued in his mind the thing that shortlie followed, incessantlie exhorted the councell, that the duke of Yorke, by compulsion or otherwise, might be driuen to confesse his offense, that so being attainted of treason, he might suffer execution, and his children to be taken as aduersaries to their na­tiue countrie; to the intent that by the extinction of him and his sequeale, all ciuill warre and inward di­uision might ceasse and be repressed: beséeching al­mightie God, that so great an enimie to the king and his bloud, might neuer escape punishment, nor con­tinue long in life.

The duke of Summerset set foorth this matter the more vehementlie, bicause he knew perfectlie, that the duke of Yorke dailie imagined with him­selfe, how to get the crowne, and to depose and de­stroie both the king and him. Destinie can­not be auoided But destinie cannot by anie mans deuise be letted, and manie things (to appéerance) declared the duke of Yorkes innocencie in this case. First, his frée and voluntarie comming to the king, without constreint, when he was partlie of puissance able to haue incountred with the kings whole power. Secondlie, his humble submission, and reasonable requests, as well on his owne behalfe, as for the poore commons: which might argue that he sought for no souereigntie.

Whilest the councell treated of sauing or dispat­ching of this duke of Yorke, year 1452 a rumor sprang through London, that Edward earle of March, sonne and heire apparant to the said duke, with a great armie of Marchmen, was comming toward London: which tidings sore appalled the quéene and the whole coun­cell. Beside this, the verie same daie came ambassa­dours from the cheefe citizens and magistrats of the citie of Burdeaux; whereof the chéefe were, the earle of Kendale, and the lord de Lesparre; which signified to the councell, that if they would send an armie in­to Gascoigne, the people of the countrie would re­uolt from the French part, and eftsoones become English. These two things sore troubled the heads of the councell, which, least inward sedition might hin­der outward conquests, Occasion that set the duke of Yorke frée. set the duke of Yorke at li­bertie, and permitted him to go to his castell of Wig­more, in the marches of Wales, by whose absence the duke of Summerset rose in such high fauour, both with the king and quéene, that his word onelie ruled, and his voice alone was heard.

¶Neuerthelesse the said duke of Yorke had first made his submission, and tooke his oth to be true, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 671, 672. in Quart. faithfull, and obedient subiect to king Henrie the sixt king of England, in saint Pauls church at London, there being present the king, and most of his nobili­tie, that is to saie, the dukes of Buckingham, Nor­thampton, and Summerset: the earls of Warwike, Arundell, Salisburie, Shropshire, Deuonshire, Wiltshire, Northumberland, Stafford and Dorset, vicounts of Beaumount and Welles: barons, Fitz Warren, Sainmound, Cobham, Dowglas, and o­thers: bishops, the cardinall, archbishop of Yorke and Canturburie, Winchester, Elie, and London, in these words following.

The tenor of the duke of Yorks submis­sion to king Henrie, vnder his oth.

I Richard duke of Yorke confesse and beknow, that I am & ought to be humble subiect and liege­man to you my souereigne lord king Henrie the sixt, and owe therefore to beare you faith and truth, as to my soue­reigne liege lord, and shall doo all daies vn­to my liues end; and shall not at anie time will or assent, that any thing attempted or doone against your most noble person: but where so euer I shall haue knowledge of anie such thing imagined or purposed, I shall with all speed and diligence possible to me, make that your highnesse shall haue knowledge thereof: and ouer that, doo all that shall be possible to me, to the withstan­ding and let thereof, to the vttermost of [Page 640] my life. I shall not anie thing take vpon me against your roiall estate or obeisance that is due thereto, nor suffer anie other man to doo, as farre foorth as it shall be in my power to let it: and also shall come at your commandement when so euer I shall be called by the same, in humble and obei­sant wise: but if I be letted by anie sicke­nesse or impotence of my person, or by such other cause as shall be thought by you my line 10 souereigne lord reasonable. I shall neuer hereafter take vpon me to gather anie rout, nor to make anie assemblie of your people, without your commandement or licence, or in my lawfull defense. In inter­pretation or declaration of the which my lawfull defense, I shall report me at all times to your highnesse, and if the case re­quire, to my peeres; nor any thing attempt line 20 against anie of your subiects, of what e­state, degree, or condition that they be. But when so euer I find my selfe wronged and agreeued, I shall sue humblie for remedie to your highnesse: and proceed after the course of your lawes, and in none other­wise: sauing in mine owne lawfull defense in maner aboue said, and otherwise haue to your highnesse as an humble and true sub­iect line 30 ought to haue him to his souereigne lord.

All these things aboue said I promise you trulie to obserue and keepe, by the ho­lie euangelists conteined in the booke that I laie my hand herevpon, and by the holie crosse I here touch, and by the blessed sa­crament of our Lords bodie, that I shall now with his mercie receiue. And ouer I agree me and will, that if I anie time here­after, line 40 as by the grace of our Lord God I neuer shall, anie thing attempt by waie of feat or otherwise against your roiall maie­stie, and obeisance that I owe therto, or a­nie thing take vpon me otherwise than is aboue expressed, I from that time foorth be vnabled, held, and taken as an vntrue and openlie forsworne man, and vnable to all maner of worship, estate, and degree, be it line 50 such as I now occupie, or anie other that might in anie wise grow vnto me hereaf­ter. And this I haue here promised and sworne, proceedeth of mine owne desire and free voluntee, and by no constraining or co-action. In witnesse of all the which things aboue written, I Richard duke of Yorke (aboue named) subscribe with mine owne hand and seale.

Anno Reg. 31. 1453The councell not forgetting the offer of the Gas­coignes, and that they might now haue the citie of Burdeaux, with the countrie round about, by request of the inhabitants, appointed the valiant capteine Iohn lord Talbot earle of Shrewesburie, to go thi­ther with an armie, who arriuing in the Ile of Ma­dre, passed foorth with his power, being scant thrée thousand men, and tooke the strong towne of Fron­sacke, and diuerse other townes & fortresses. The in­habitants of Burdeaux, hearing of the earles arri­uall, sent to him messengers in the darke night, requi­ring him with all spéed to come and receiue the citie. The earle lost not one houre, but hasted foorth, & came before that citie, yer the Frenchmen within vnder­stood anie thing of the citizens purpose. When they were aduertised that there was a gate set open for the Englishmen to enter, they thought to haue esca­ped secretlie by a posterne: but they were pursued, slaine, and taken by the lord de Lespar, and other of the English armie.

After the regaining of Burdeaux, there arriued at Blaie the bastard of Summerset, sir Iohn Talbot, lord Lisle by his wife, sonne to the said erle of Shrew­esburie, the lord Molins, the lord Harington, the lord Camois, sir Iohn Howard, sir Iohn Montgomerie, sir Iohn Uernon, with two & twentie hundred men, with vittels and munitions. When the earle was thus (according to his intent) of all things furnished, first he fortified Burdeaux with Englishmen, and store of vittels; and after that he rode into the coun­trie abroad, where he obteined cities, and got townes without stroke or dint of sword, The French people soone wearie of the French go­uernment. for the people alrea­die wearied of the French seruitude, and longing sore to returne to the English libertie, seemed to de­sire nothing more than to haue the earle to receiue them into the English obeisance. Amongst other townes, the towne and castell of Chastillon in Pe­rigort was to him deliuered, the which he fortified with men and ordinance verie stronglie.

In the meane time, the French king, being aduer­tised of all these dooings, raised an armie to resist this inuasion made by the erle of Shrewesburie. And first he appointed his capteins to besiege the towne of Chastillon, to the rescue whereof the earle hasted for­ward, hauing in his companie eight hundred horsse­men, vnder the leading of his sonne the lord Lisle, the lord Molins, the lord Camois, sir Edward Hull, sir Iohn Howard, and sir Iohn Uernon. He appointed also fiue thousand footmen, vnder the conduct of the earle of Kendall, and the lord de Lespar, to follow him with all spéed. In his waie, he tooke by fine force a tower which the Frenchmen had taken, and slue all that he found within it. And after by the waie, he met fiue hundred Frenchmen going a foraging, of whome he slue the more part, and chased the other to the campe.

The Frenchmen that laie at the siege, perceiuing by those good runners away that the earle approched, left the siege, and retired in good order into the place which they had trenched, diched, and fortified with ordi­nance. The earle aduertised how the siege was re­moued, hasted forward towards his enimies, doub­ting most, least they would haue béene quite fled and gone before his comming. But they fearing the dis­pleasure of the French king (who was not far off) if they should haue fled, abode the earles comming, The valiant earle of Shre­wesburie and his son [...] fullie slaine. and so receiued him: who though he first with manfull courage, and sore fighting wan the entrie of their campe; yet at length they compassed him about, and shooting him through the thigh with an handgun, slue his horsse, and finallie killed him lieng on the ground, whome they durst neuer looke in the face, while he stood on his féet.

It was said, that after he perceiued there was no remedie, but present losse of the battell, he counselled his sonne the lord Lisle, to saue himselfe by flight, sith the same could not redound to anie great reproch in him, this being the first iournie in which he had béene present. Manie words he vsed to persuade him to haue saued his life: but nature so wrought in the son, that neither desire of life, nor feare of death, could ei­ther cause him to shrinke, or conueie himselfe out of the danger, and so there manfullie ended his life with his said father. There died also the earles bastard sonne Henrie Talbot, and sir Edward Hull elect to the order of the garter, and thirtie other men of name and right valiant personages of the English nation. [Page 641] The lord Molins was taken prisoner with thréescore others. The residue of the English people fled to Burdeaux and other places, of whome in the flight were slaine aboue a thousand persons.

Thus at this battell of Chatillon, fought the thir­teenth daie of Iulie in this yeare, ended his life Iohn lord Talbot, and of his progenie the first earle of Shrewesburie: after that he with much fame and most victorie, had valiantlie made warre, and serued his prince and countrie by the space of foure and twentie yeares, in the parties of beyond the seas, line 10 whose corps was left on ground, and after was found by his fréends, and conueied to Whitchurch in Shrop­shire where it was interred. After this discomfiture diuerse lords fled to Burdeaux, but the earle of Can­dall, the lords of Montferrant, of Rosaine, & of Dan­gladas entered into the castell of Chatillon, which by the space of ten daies they defended: but in the end despairing of all succours, they rendred the fortresse, and came safe to Burdeaux.

After this, the townes of saint Million, Liborne, line 20 and all other, which the erle of Shrewesburie had con­quered, rendred themselues to the Frenchmen, Bur­deaux onelie excepted. Which citie, being the last re­ [...]uge of the English people, the French king in per­son besieged with all his puissance; and in conclusion constreined both the garrisons and inhabitants to yéeld, so that the Englishmen & Gascoignes might safelie depart into England or into Calis, with all their substance; Burdeaux yeelded againe to y e French. and that the lords de Lesparre, Du­ras, and thirtie others, should neuer (vpon paine of line 30 death) be found within anie of the French kings do­minions, which lord de Lesparre being after taken in Gascoigne disguised, was made shorter by the head. When this composition was agréed and sealed, the Englishmen were shortlie transported ouer into England, in the moneth of October this present yeare.

Thus was the duchie of Aquitaine, which had con­tinued in the English possession, Aquitaine l [...]t. from the yeare of our Lord 1155, vnto this present yeare, which is neere line 40 hand thrée hundred yeares, by the mariage of Elenor daughter and heire to William duke of Aquitaine, wife to king Henrie the second, finallie reduced and brought againe to the French obedience and serui­tude. Within that onlie duchie be foure archbishops, foure and twentie bishops, The dignitie and state of that duke­dome. fifteene earledomes, two hundred and two baronies, and aboue a thousand cap­teinships and baliffewikes: whereby ye may consi­der, what a losse this was to the realme of England. On the thirteenth daie of October this yeare, was the line 50 quéene deliuered at Westminster of a faire sonne, The quéene deliuered of hir son prince Edward. who was christened, and named Edward.

His mother susteined not a little slander and oblo­quie of the common people, who had an opinion that the king was not able to get a child; and therefore sticked not to saie, that this was not his sonne, with manie slanderous words, greatlie sounding to the queenes dishonour; much part perchance vntrulie. After the birth of this child, he highlie aduanced his line 60 brethren on his mothers side: for Edmund he made earle of Richmond, which was father to king Henrie the seuenth, and Iasper he created erle of Penbroke, which died without issue. ¶This yeare, Iohn Stafford archbishop of Canturburie departed this life, and Iohn Kempe archbishop of Yorke was remoued from that sée, to succeed in place of the said Stafford, being the thrée score and second archbishop there, & Iohn Booth bishop of Couentrie and Lichfield was translated to Yorke, being the one and fiftith archbi­shop of that church.

Abr. Fl. ex I. S [...] pag. 673.¶On Bartholomew daie at the wrestling neere vn­to Clerkenwell, a gentleman belonging to the prior of saint Iohns, made a rumor or tumult, for the which (by the commandement of the maior) he was arested by Richard Allie one of the shiriffes, The maior, shiriffes and aldermen, re­sisted and a­bused in a [...]ra [...]e neére Clerkenwell. and deliuered to Paris a sergeant. But such resistance was made by parts taking, that the shiriffe was faine to craue helpe of the maior, who with his brethren the alder­men arose from the game, and strengthened the shi­riffes. And for the rescue of the said gentleman, one named Ca [...]is, came out of saint Iohns with a great strength of archers, to resist the maior, in the which fraie a yeoman of saint Iohns was slaine, and ma­nie other sore hurt. The maior himselfe escaped hard­lie, for his cap was smitten from his head with an arrow: but the maior with his citizens put the other to flight, sent the principall of them to Newgate, and then tooke his place againe till the games were en­ded: by which time the citizens had gathered them­selues in great number, and fetched him home, neuer maior so stronglie nor so honorablie.]

* This yeare was Thomas Bourchier bishop of Elie (sonne to the countesse of Stafford, Fr. Thin. Anno Reg. 32. 1454 and brother to Henrie Bourchier earle of Essex) remooued to the see of Canturburie; who in the yeare after the word became flesh and appeared in humane shape 1443, first obteined the sée of Elie (although once before he was by the king put backe from thence after his election of the couent therevnto, and confirmation of the pope) being translated from Worcester to the said sée of Elie, the twelfth daie of March in the said yeare 1443. This man (after that he had remained at Elie ten yeares, thrée and twentie wéekes, and fiue daies) was (as is before said) in this yeare 1454 remooued to Canturburie by Nicholas the fift then bishop of Rome. After this he was made chancellor, which office he obteined the seauenth of March, in the yeare 1455, being the thrée and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the sixts reigne. Lastlie he was aduanced to the dignitie of cardinall by pope Paule the second, in the yeare of our Lord 1465, of whome is made a more liberall discourse in a In a tretise hereafter fol­lowing.tretise of the liues of the chancellors of England: a place of no small authori­tie and reputation.]

After the warres foulie ended in forren parties, ci­uill dissention began againe at home, diuided speci­allie into two factions. As K. Henrie descended of the house of Lancaster possessed the crowne from his grandfather king Henrie the fourth (first author of that title) so Richard duke of Yorke, as heire to Lio­nell duke of Clarence, third sonne to king Edward the third, inforced. By reason whereof, the nobles as well as the common people were into parts diui­ded, to the vtter destruction of manie a man, and to the great ruine and decaie of this region: for while the one partie sought to destroie the other, all care of the common-wealth was set aside, and iustice and e­quitie clearelie exiled.

The duke of Yorke (aboue all things) first sought means how to stir vp the malice of the people against the duke of Summerset, The duke of Yorke séeks the destructiō of the duke of Summerset. imagining that he being made awaie, his purpose should the sooner take effect. He also practised to bring the king into the hatred of the people, as that he should not be a man apt to the gouernment of a realme, wanting both wit and sto­mach sufficient to supplie such a roome. Manie of the high estates, not liking the world, and disalowing the dooings both of the king and his councell, were faine inough of some alteration. Which thing the duke well vnderstanding, He banded himselfe with the Neuils. chiefelie sought the fauour of the two Neuils, both named Richard, one earle of Salisbu­rie, the other earle of Warwike, the first being the father, and the second the sonne.

This earle of Salisburie was second son to Rafe Neuill earle of Westmerland, whose daughter the duke of Yorke had maried, The issue of Richard earle of Salisburie. and the said Richard was espoused to ladie Alice, the onelie child and sole heire [Page 642] of Thomas Montacute earle of Salisburie, slaine at the siege of Orleance (as before is declared) of which woman he begat Richard, Iohn, and George: Ri­chard the eldest sonne espoused Anne, the sister and heire of the entire bloud to lord Henrie Beauchamp earle and after duke of Warwike, in whose right and title he was created and named earle of War­wike. W. P. [Full fraught was this noble man with good qualities right excellent and manie, all which a cer­teine naturall grace did vnto all estates so farfoorth line 10 recommend, that with high and low he was in singu­lar fauour and good liking, so as (vnsought for) it sée­med, in authoritie among them, he grew able to com­mand all alone.]

Anno Reg. 33.When the duke of Yorke had fastened his chaine betwéene these two strong pillers, he with his frends wrought so effectuouslie, and handled his businesse so politikelie, The duke of Summerset a [...]rested. that the duke of Summerset was arested in the quéenes great chamber, and sent to the Tower of London, where he kept his Christmasse without line 20 great solemnitie. Against whom, soone after in open parlement were laid diuerse [...] heinous articles of high treason, year 1455 as well for the losse of Normandie, as for the late mischance which happened in Guien. The king at that time was sicke at Clarendon, and con­ueied to London, The king sicke. by reason whereof no finall deter­mination procéeded in this weightie cause; but all was put in suspense, till the next assemblie of the high court of parlement. Some doo write, that whi­lest the king was sicke, Whethamsted. the duke of Yorke bare all the rule, and gouerned as regent or viceroie, by authori­tie line 30 committed to him by the lords of the realme, then assembled in councell; he to sée to the preseruation and good gouernement of the common-wealth, du­ring the kings sicknesse, which was so greeuous (as it was said) that he laie senselesse, and was not able for a time either to go or stand.

The duke of Yorke hauing aforehand obteined an absolution of the pope, in discharge of his oth before taken, did now discouer his stomach against the duke of Summerset. But when the king was amen­ded line 40 againe, and resumed to him his former gouerne­ment, either of his owne mind, or by the queenes pro­curement, The duke of Summers [...]t set at libertie. the duke of Summerset was set at liber­tie; by which doing▪ great enuie and displeasure grew. That notwithstanding, the quéene (which then bare the chiefe rule) caused the duke of Summerset to be pre­ferred to the capteineship of Calis, Made depu­tie of Calis. wherwith not on­lie the commons, but also manie of the nobilitie were greatlie gréeued and offended, saieng, that he had lost Normandie, and so would he doo Calis. line 50

The duke of Yorke and his adherents, perceiuing that neither exhortation nor charging him with his crimes preuailed against the duke of Summerset, The duke of Yorke assem­bled an armie. they meant to mend the matter by open war: & soone after he being in the marches of Wales, accompani­ed with his speciall friends, the earles of Salisburie, and Warwike, the lord Cobham, and others, assem­bled a power, and in warlike maner marched to­ward London. The king informed hereof, assembled likewise a great host, and meaning to méet with the line 60 duke, rather in the north parts than about London, where it was thought he had too manie friends, he ac­companied with the dukes of Summerset and Buc­kingham, the earles of Penbroke, Stafford, Nor­thumberland, Whethamsted. Deuonshire, Dorset, and Wilshire, the lords Clifford, Sudlie, Berneis, Roos, and others, be­ing in all aboue two thousand men of warre, The king with two thousand. depar­ted from Westminster the twentith, or (as some haue) the one and twentith of Maie, and laie the first night at Wadford.

Of whose dooings the duke of Yorke by espials ha­uing still aduertisement, with all his power being not past thrée thousand men (as some write) coasted the countrie, The duke with thrée thousand. and came to saint Albons the third daie next insuing. The king there had pight his standard in a place called Goselow, otherwise Sandiford, in saint Peters street: the lord Clifford kept the barri­ers of the towne, to stop, that the duke being assem­bled in Keie field, should not enter the towne. Abr. Fl. [...] pag. [...] 677. in [...] ▪ ¶ The duke of Yorke (saith one moderne chronographer) knowing the strength made against him, abiding in the field aforesaid, from seuen of the clocke in the morning vntill it was almost ten of the clocke with­out anie stroke smitten on either part, by the aduise of his councell sent vnto the king vnder these words following.

Words in writing by the duke of Yorke to the king.

PLease it vnto your excellent grace, Ri­chard duke of Yorke, to take him as your true liege man and humble subiect; and to consider and tender at the reue­rence of God, and in the waie of charitie, the true in­tent of my comming, and to be good and gratious souereigne vnto me, & all other your true liege men, which, that with all their power and might will be rea­die to liue and die with you in your right, and to doo all things as shall like your maiestie roiall to com­mand vs, if it be to the worship of the crowne of En­gland, and the welfare of this your noble realme. Moreouer, gratious lord, please it vnto your maiestie roiall, of your great goodnesse and rightwisenesse, to incline your will to heare & féele the rightwise part of vs your true subiects and liege men. First, prai­eng and beséeching to our souereigne, Christ Iesus, of his high and mightie power, to giue you vertue of prudence, and that through the praier of the glorious martyr S. Albon giue you verie knowledge of our truths, and to know the intent of our assembling at this time: for God that is in heauen knoweth, our intent is rightfull and true. And therefore we praie vnto that mightie Lord in these words: Domine sis cly­peus defensionis nostrae. Wherfore gratious lord, please it your maiestie roiall, to deliuer such as we will ac­cuse, and they to haue like as they haue deserued: and this doone, you to be honorablie worshipped as most rightfull king and our true gouernour. And if we should now at this time be promised, as afore this time (is not vnknowen) haue béene promises broken which haue béene full faithfullie promised, and there­vpon great othes sworne, we will not now ceasse for no such promises, nor oth, till we haue them which haue deserued death, or else we to die therefore.

The answer by the king to the duke of Yorke.

I King Henrie charge and command, that no manner person, of what degrée, estate or what condition soeuer he be, abide not; but that they auoid the field, and not be so hardie to make resistance against me in my owne realme. For I shall know what traitour dare be so bold to raise anie people in mine owne land, where­through I am in great disease and heauines. By the faith I owe vnto S. Edward, and vnto the crowne of England, I shall destroie them euerie mothers sonne, and eke they to be hanged, drawne, and quar­tered, that may be taken afterward of them, in exam­ple to make all such traitors to beware for to make anie rising of people within mine owne land, and so traitorouslie to abide their king and gouernour. And for a conclusion, rather than they shall haue anie lord, that here is with me at this time, I shall this day for their sake in this quarell my selfe liue and die.

The words of the duke of Yorke to all gentlemen and other assem­bled with him.

SIrs, the king our souereigne lord will not be reformed at our beseeching ne prai­er, nor will not in no wise vnderstand the intent wherfore we be here assembled and gathered at this time, but onelie is in full purpose to destroie vs all. And thervpon a great oth hath made, line 10 that there is none other waie, but that he with all his power will pursue vs; and if we be taken, to giue vs a shamefull death, léesing our liuelod and goods, and also our heires shamed for euer. Therefore sirs, now sith it will none otherwise be, but that we shall vtter­lie die; better it is for vs to die in the field, than co­wardlie to be put to an vtter rebuke and shamefull death, for the right of England standeth in vs. Con­sidering also in what perill it standeth at this time, and for to redresse the mischéefe thereof, let euerie line 20 man helpe to his power this daie, and in that quarell to quite vs like men, to the crowne of England; prai­eng and beséeching vnto that Lord, the which is eter­nall, th [...]t reigneth in the glorious kingdome celesti­all, to kéepe and saue vs this daie in our right, and through the gifts of his holie grace we may be made strong to withstand the great, abhominable, and hor­rible malice of them that purpose to destroie vs and the realme of England, and put vs to a shamefull death. Praie we therefore to the Lord to be our com­fort line 30 and our defendour, saieng these words, Domine sis clypeus defensionis nostrae.]

But another historie-writer saith, that the king, when first he heard of the duke of Yorks approch, Whethamsted The duke of Buckingham sent to y e duke of Yorke. sent to him messengers, the duke of Buckingham, and others, to vnderstand what he meant by his comming thus in maner of warre. The duke of Buc­kingham to his message was answered by the duke of Yorke and his complices, that they were all of line 40 them the kings faithfull liege subiects, and intended no harme to him at all: but the cause of our com­ming (saie they) is not in meaning anie hurt to his person. But let that wicked and naughtie man the duke of Summerset be deliuered vnto vs, who hath lost Normandie, The duke of Summerset burdned with all things that had happened a [...]isse. and taken no regard to the preser­uation of Gascoigne; and furthermore, hath brought the realme vnto this miserable estate; that where it was the floure of nations, and the princesse of pro­uinces [now is it haled into desolation & spoile, w. P. not line 50 so dreadfull by malice of forren enimie, that indéed vtterlie (as yee know) seeketh our ruine, as by the in­tollerable outrages of him that so long ago & euen still appeares to haue sworne the confusion of our king and realme.] If it therefore please the king to deliuer that bad man into our hands, we are readie without trouble or breach of peace, to returne into our countrie. But if the king be not minded so to do, bicause he cannot misse him; let him vnderstand, that we will rather die in the field, than suffer such a mis­chéefe line 60 vnredressed.

The king aduertised of this answer, more wilfull than tollerable, appointed him rather to trie battell, than deliuer the duke of Summerset to his enimies. Whereof they ascerteined made no longer staie, but streightwaie sounded the trumpet to battell: or ra­ther (as Hall saith) while king Henrie sent foorth his ambassadours to treat of peace at the one end of the towne, the earle of Warwike with his Marchmen entred at the other end, The first bat­t [...]ll of saint [...]bons. Wh [...]thamsted and fiercelie setting on the kings fore-ward, within a small time discomfited the same. The place where they first brake into the towne, was about the middle of saint Peters stréet. The fight for a time was right sharpe and cruell, for the duke of Summerset, with the other lords, comming to the succours of their companions that were put to the woorse, did what they could to beat backe the eni­mies: but the duke of Yorke sent euer fresh men to succour the wearie, and to supplie the places of them that were hurt, Edw. Hall. whereby the kings armie was final­lie brought low, and all the cheefteins of the field slaine and beaten downe.

For there died vnder the signe of the castell, Ed­mund duke of Summerset, The duke of Summerset slaine. who (as hath béene repor­ted) was warned long before to auoid all castels: and beside him laie Henrie the second of that name earle of Northumberland, Humfrie earle of Stafford sonne to the duke of Buckingham, Iohn lord Clif­ford, sir Barthram Antwisell knight, Thomas lord Clifford, saith Whethamsted. a Norman borne (who forsaking his natiue countrie to continue in his loiall obedience to king Henrie, came ouer to dwell here in England when Normandie was lost) William Zouch, Iohn Boutreux, Rafe Bapthorp, with his sonne William Corwin, William Cotton, Gilbert Faldinger, Reginald Griffon, Iohn Dawes, Elice Wood, Iohn Eith, Rafe Woodward, Gilbert Skarlock, and Rafe Willoughbie esquiers, with manie other, in all to the number of eight thou­sand, as Edward Hall saith in his chronicle: if there escaped not a fault in the impression, as 8000 for 800, sith hundreds in verie déed would better agrée with the number of the kings whole power, which he brought with him to that battell, being not manie a­boue two thousand, as by writers appeareth.

Humfreie duke of Buckingham, being woun­ded, and Iames Butler earle of Ormond and Wil­shire, and Thomas Thorp lord chéefe baron of the es­cheker, séeing fortune thus against them, left the king alone, and with a number fled awaie. Those that thus fled, made the best shift they could to get awaie through gardens and backesides, through shrubs, hed­ges and woods, séeking places where to hide them­selues, vntill that dangerous tempest of the battell were ouerblowne. The kings part vanqui­shed. Diuerse of the kings house also that could better skill to plaie the courtiers than war­riors, fled with the first; and those of the east parts of the realme were likewise noted of too much lacke of courage, for their spéedie withdrawing themselues, and leauing the king in danger of his aduersaries: who perceiuing his men thus fled from him, with­drew into a poore mans house to saue himselfe from the shot of arrowes, that fiue about him as thicke as snow.

¶This doone, saith one historien, the duke of Yorke, Abr. Fl. ex I. S▪ pag. 678, 679. in Quart. the earles of Warwike, and Salisburie, came vnto the king where he was, and be sought him on their knées of grace and forgiuenesse for that they had doone in his presence, and besought him of his high­nesse to take them to grace, and as his true liege men. The king desiring them to cease their people, that there should be no more hurt doone, and to obeie his commandement, did cause to be proclamed in the kings name, that all manner of people should cease off their malice, and not to smite one stroke more, and so ceased the battell. And vpon the day next after, the king and the duke of Yorke, the earles of Warwike & Salisburie, came all to London; and were lodged in the bishops palace of London, where they kept their Whitsuntide with great ioy and so­lemnitie, concluding there to hold a parlement, the same to begin on the ninth daie of Iulie next follow­ing.]

Another historien saith, that the duke of Yorke, ad­uertised of the place into the which the king was withdrawne for the safetie of himselfe, and taking him into his power, comforted him in the best wise he could; assuring him, that now that the common enimie of the realme was dispatched, to wit, the duke [Page 644] of Summerset, he had cause rather to reioise, than to be sorie, sith his destruction was the kings preser­uation. And for himselfe and all his adherents he vn­dertooke, that they were and would remaine, during life, his most faithfull liege people, readie in all points to serue him, as his trustie and obedient sub­iects. After he had vsed such words, as wherewith best to comfort him, he brought the king foorth of that sim­ple house with all due reuerence shewed toward him first to the shrine, and after to his chamber.

Whilest the duke of Yorke was about thus to com­fort line 10 the king, the soldiers that had the victorie now in their hands, applied the spoile, namelie, the Northerne men, stripping not onelie those that had borne armor against them, but also the townsmen and other, with whom they might méet. So that it was thought, if the king had taken vp his lodging at his first comming thither, within the abbeie, as he did not (but in the middest of the towne, to prouide the better to resist his enimies) the abbeie had beene spoiled also. This line 20 was the end of the first battell at saint Albons, Battell of S. Albons on thursday the 23 of Maie. Anno Reg. 33. which was fought vpon the thursdaie next before the feast of Penthecost, being the thrée and twentith day of Maie, in this three and thirtith yeare of the kings reigne. The bodies of the noble men were buried in the monasterie in our ladies chappell, Foure of thē to wit, the duke of Sū ­merset, the earle of Nor­thumberland, and the lord Clifford, were buried in our ladie chapell. Whethamsted and the meane people in other places. This Edmund duke of Sum­merset left behind him thrée sonnes, Henrie, Ed­mund and Iohn, which to the extremitie of death tooke part with the line of king Henrie. line 30

[There was this yeare a great fight & fraie vpon Clift heath, distant about two miles from Excester, betwéene Thomas Courtneie earle of Deuonshire, against William lord Bonuile of Shut, and sundrie men of both parts were slaine. Iohn Hooker, aliàs Vowell. But yet the lord Bon­uile preuailed & had the victorie, who foorthwith came to this citie, and the gates before being shut, were o­pened and he receiued; which thing so gréeued the earle, that he continuallie sought thencefoorth to be reuenged. But not long after in the quarell betwéen king Henrie the sixt, and king Edward the fourth, line 40 he ended his daies, and was beheaded at Yorke, and was the last of that line.]

The duke of Yorke, hauing gotten the victorie, re­membred well, that he had published abroad how the onelie cause of this warre was, for the aduance­ment of the common-wealth, and therefore vsing all courtesie, would not touch the kings person after a­nie violent sort; but with all honour and due reue­rence conueied him to London, and so to Westmin­ster. To which place was summoned a parlement, line 50 which began the ninth daie of Iulie, A parlement. in the which ses­sion, the late duke of Glocester was openlie declared a true subiect, both to the king and to the realme. Be­side this, it was enacted, that no person should either iudge or report anie point of vntruth of the duke of Yorke, the earles of Salisburie and Warwike, or of anie knight, esquier, archer, or other, for comming in warlike araie against the king, at saint Albons; con­sidering their enterprise was onelie to sée the kings line 60 person in safegard.

But all the blame was put vpon the duke of Summerset, Whethamsted Collaterall. A letter kept from the king of purpose. Thomas Thorp, baron of the escheker, and William Iosep esquier, the kings collaterall companion; bicause that they, vpon malicious pur­pose, kept a certeine letter from the kings know­ledge, and would in no wise suffer it to be deliuered vnto him, notwithstanding the same made to the ad­uancement of some good peace, had it béene through­lie and aduisedlie read, weied & considered. In which letter they declared, that as faithfull and humble sub­iects, they required onelie, that it would please the king (whose honor, health, suertie, and preseruation, they chéefelie wished) not to giue credence to their ad­uersaries malicious suggestions, till their comming to his presence, vnto the which they humblie be sought him that they might be admitted as his faithfull liege people, to shew the intent and purpose of their commings; which was to none other end, than to de­clare their fidelitie and allegiance towards his most roiall person, intending to put themselues with as much diligence and trauell in all things that might aduance his honour, health, and safegard, as any sub­iect he had liuing.

The kéeping backe of this letter from the kings sight and knowledge, did minister matter sufficient vnto the parlement, to colour and iustifie for well doone all transgressions committed in the late battell and chase at saint Albons. In this parlement also, the duke of Yorke was made protector of the realme, The duke of Yorkes com­ming against the king iusti­fied. The duke of Yorke made protector of the realme. and the earle of Salisburie was appointed to be lord chancellour, and had the great seale to him deliuered, and the earle of Warwike was elected to the office of the capteineship of Calis, and the territories of the same; and thus the rule of the realme rested in the orders of the duke and chancellour, and all warlike affaires remained principallie in the earle of War­wike. And so amongest them it was agréed, The king to reigne in name but no [...] in authoritie. that king Henrie should reigne still in name and digni­tie, but neither in déed nor in authoritie; not minding to destroie him, least they might suddenlie prouoke the furie of the common people against them, bicause that of the simple sort of people he was for his holi­nesse of life, and abundant clemencie, much fauou­red and highlie estéemed.

In this parlement also it was enacted, Whethāsted. An act for the K. to r [...]uoke certeine grants. that the king should resume, take into his hands againe, haue and reteine into his possession, all honours, ca­stels, lordships, townes, villages, manours, lands, tenements, wasts, forests, chases, rents, reuersions, fées, farmes, seruices, issues, profits, counties, ad­uousons of priories, churches, hospitals, and free cha­pels, and all other reuenues with their appurtenan­ces, the which had passed from him since the first daie of his reigne vnto that present; either by his letters patents, or authoritie of parlement, and manie other meanes, whether by grant, confirmation, or release from him made in fée simple, or fée taile, for tearme of life or yeares, to anie maner of person and per­sons in England, Wales, Scotland, or the marches; in Ireland, or in the townes of Calis, & Guisnes, & the marches there. And likewise all grants made of such things as are aboue mentioned, being parcell of the duchie of Lancaster; and further all grants of offices, roomes, fees, wages, or commodities, not ac­customed to belong to anie office or charge before the said first daie of the kings reigne, were likewise reuoked.

Diuerse other things were also conteined within this reuocation and generall resumption; with cer­teine exceptions yet and prouisoes had, as were thought conuenient, and as by the same act it dooth appeare. Moreouer, now that the duke of Yorke and his adherents had wrested the whole rule & gouerne­ment into their hands; all such persons as the king either loued, or the quéene fauoured, were put beside the priuie councell; and such put in their places, as were knowne to fauour the house of Yorke. Also the officers were changed thoroughout the realme, Shifting of officers. at the will and disposition of the protector, chancellour, and capteine of Calis; so that they constituted as it were a triumuirat, ruling all things at discretion of these thrée. And yet in all their rule I find not that anie mention is made of their deferring of iustice, or of a­nie polling or briberie: as was openlie prooued by such as gouerned before their time. Onlie they were noted of diuerse spirituall persons, and namelie of the abbat of Westminster and his moonks, for a [Page 645] great offense: bicause they tooke out of the sanctua­rie at Westminster, Iohn Holland duke of Exce­ster, all against the order taken in the last parle­ment, and sent him to the castell of Pomfret.

But now the lord Henrie Beauford, newlie duke of Summerset by the death of duke Edmund his fa­ther, Henrie duke of Summer­set. slaine at the battell of saint Albons (as aboue is rehearsed) and Humfrie duke of Buckingham (who then & there lost his sonne and heire) and other of estate taking the part of king Henrie, whose case line 10 they did much bewaile & doubt, as perceiuing where­to the courtesie of the duke of Yorke did draw: they therefore thinking it necessarie to purueie for a re­medie yer the mischeefe happened, consulted with the quéene. By whose aduise was a great councell called at Gréenewich, where the duke of Yorke was dis­charged of his protectorship, The duke of Yorke dischar­ged of his of­fice. & the earle of Salisburie depriued also of his office. ¶ This sudden change a­mongst the nobilitie caused alterations, and sedi­tious attempts in the commonaltie, and in especiall line 20 within London: whereof this was one. A yoong mer­chant, year 1456 which before time had béene in diuerse cities of Italie, and there forbidden by the magistrats (as the law and maner is) to weare anie weapon, now chal­lenged an Italian in Cheapside for wearing a dag­ger, telling him it was against his owne countrie lawes: whereto bicause the Italian answered some­what disdainefullie, the merchant not onelie tooke by force from him his dagger, but also with the same brake his pate. line 30

This Italian in great hast complained to the ma­ior, so that at the next court holden at the Guildhall, the merchant was sent for, and vpon charge of his of­fense, he was commanded to ward. Wherevpon di­uerse other light persons within the citie, assembled togither in great plumps, In vprore in the citie of London. by force constreined the maior to deliuer the prisoner out of Newgate: and not so satisfied, like mad men ran to the seuerall hou­ses of diuerse Uenetians, Lucases, and Florentins, and them spoiled, A foule disor­der. robbed, and rifled without reason line 40 or measure. The maior, perceiuing this enormious dooing, assembled a number of substantiall and graue citizens; who (not without bloudshed and maiming of sundrie) appeased the rage, and caused the misruled people to depart to their houses. The beginner of this vprore got him to Westminster, and there registred himselfe for a sanctuarie man.

The quéene, which now againe ruled all, being ad­uertised of this vnlawfull misdemeanour, sent the dukes of Excester and Buckingham, with other line 50 noble men to London, with a commission oier and terminer, for the inquirie and punishment of so sedi­tious an offense. But when the maior, the two dukes, and the two cheefe iustices were set in the Guildhall vpon their commission, intelligence was giuen, that a number of light persons were approching in armor to rescue the prisoners apprehended for the late rob­berie and riot, as they were caried to their arraigne­ment. The two dukes and the other commissioners quickelie thense departed, and left their inquirie for line 60 that daie, though in déed in no such danger as they doubted: for certeine discréet and sage citizens so handled the matter, that no misorder followed of that furie.

A common councell cal­led.The maior on the next daie called a common coun­cell, whereof the number was an hundred fourescore and od, who ordeined that all wardens of mysteries shuld assemble their companies in their halles, where exhortation should be to the obseruation of peace; and if they spied any man either readie to stirre a rumor, or make to the deliuerance of such as were in prison, their names should be secretlie written, and so deli­uered to the maior: which policie well appeased this outrage. Where vpon after the commissioners sat in Guildhall, where manie of the robbers were attain­ted & put to execution, beside diuers great fines set on the heads of diuerse merchants, & paid, for winking at the matter. ¶ This yeare Iohn Kempe archbishop of Canturburie departed this life, & Thomas Burst­lier bishop of Elie remooued to his place, being the threescore and third archbishop of that see.

¶ In the moneth of Nouember, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 681. in the Ile of Port­land not farre from the towne of Weimouth, was seene a cocke comming out of the sea, hauing a great crest vpon his head, and a great red beard, and legs of halfe a yard long: year 1457 he stood on the water & crowed foure times, and euerie time turned him about, Fabian. and beckened with his head, toward the north, the south, and the west, and was of colour like a fesant, & when he had crowed thrée times, he vanished awaie. And shortlie after were taken at Erith within twelue miles of London, foure great and woonderfull fishes whereof one was called Mors marina, the second a sword fish, the other two were whales.]

The French nation, Anno Reg. 35. hearing of the ciuall dissen­tion within the realme here, and for an old grudge séeking our annoie, two nauies appointed they to in­uade the townes standing vpon the riuage of the sea. The capteins of the one fléet was William lord Po­miers, and of the other sir Peter Bressie, a great ru­ler in Normandie. These two capteins, taking their course out of the mouth of Saine, seuered themsel­ues, the one westward; and the other eastward, which was sir Peter Bressie, who sailing alongst the coasts of Sussex and Kent, durst not yet take land, but staid in the Downes: and there hauing by espiall perfect notice that Sandwich was neither peopled nor fortified (because that a little before, Sandwich spoiled by the French. the rulers of the towne were from thense departed, for to a­uoid the plague, which sore there afflicted and siue the people) he entered the hauen, spoiled the towne, and after such poore stuffe as he there found rifled and taken, he fearing an assemblie of the countrie, short­lie gat him awaie.

The lord Pomiers likewise tooke his course west­ward, Fulnaie. & by night burning certeine houses in Fulnaie with a little pillage retired into Britaine. The Scots also (busie like flies where no flap to fraie them) en­tered into Northumberland (king Iames the second being there in person) & burned certeine poore houses, The Scots inuade Eng­land. and little cottages: but in the verie middest of their great enterprise, they hearing of the duke of Yorkes marching toward them with a great host, with much paine and no gaine in all hast returned to their coun­trie. But now to passe ouer outward inuasions, & to intreat of the dailie disorder amongest the nobles at home. So was it, that a great conflict fell betwéene the lord Egremond, & the sonnes of the erle of Salis­burie; in which manie persons were slaine, & a great number hurt. The lord Egremond, séeking to get a­waie but could not, The lord E­gremond com­mitted to Newgate. by force was taken & brought be­fore the councell: where the king and the queene, to shew themselues indifferent, adiudged him to paie to the earle of Salisburie a great summe of monie; and for his heinous offense against the lawes, was committed to Newgate in London, out of which he escaped, to the great trouble of the shiriffes. He made an escape.

The queene nothing more séeking than the ouer­throw of the duke of Yorke and his friends, and per­ceiuing she could attempt nothing against him néere to London, because the duke was in more esti­mation there, than either the king hir husband, or hir selfe: therefore she caused the king to make a pro­gresse into Warwikeshire for his health and recrea­tion. And so in semblance of hawking and hunting, came to Couentree, where diuerse waies were stu­died to fulfill the queenes desire: for the accompli­shing whereof, the duke of Yorke, the earles of Sa­lisburie, [Page 646] and Warwike (whose destructions was chieflie sought) were sent for to Couentrée by the kings letters, A practise to haue intrap­ped the duke of Yorke. vnder his priuie seale, to which place the said lords without suspicion of danger obedient­lie resorted.

But being admonished by secret friends, what was intended against them, they by flight auoided that danger, where otherwise their liues had béene lost without all remedie. And so without bidding a­nie farewell, they departed from the court; the duke vnto Wigmoore in the marches of Wales, the earle line 10 of Salisburie to his castell of Middleham in the north, and the earle of Warwike sailed to Calis. The bodies of which thrée noble personages though thus separated, yet their hearts knit in one, and still went messengers & letters betwixt them, to commu­nicat their deuises, and giue signification of their minds and purposes.

In this yéere Reginald Peacoke bishop of Chiche­ster, abiured at Paules crosse, all his bookes burnt, and he himselfe commanded to keepe his owne house line 20 during his naturall life: Anno Reg 36. 1458 The bishop abiured for moouing a­gainst the popes extor­tion. because that he (verie well learned, and better stomached) began to mooue que­stions, not priuilie but op [...]nlie, in the vniuersities, concerning the annates, Peter pence, and other iu­risdictions & authorities, which the pope vsurped; and not onelie put foorth such questions, but declared his mind and opinion in the same. Some saie he held that spirituall persons by Gods law ought to haue no temporall possessions, nor that personall tithes by line 30 Gods law were due [nor that christian men were to beléeue in the catholike church, W. P. nor in the communi­on of saints, but to beleeue that a catholike church and a communion of saints there is] and that he held how the vniuersall church might erre in matters of faith; and that it is not of necessitie to beléeue all that which is ordeined by generall councels, nor all that which they call the vniuersall church ought to be allowed and holden of all christian people.

Moreouer, that it was méet to euerie man to vn­derstand line 40 the scriptures in the true and plaine sense, & none bound to glosses of anie other sense, vpon anie necessitie of saluation. Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 682, 68 [...], 684, 685, 686. in Quart. ¶ But because I find a larger report héereof elsewhere, and as more methodicall, so also (as it seemeth) in such forme as it was Res gesta, a déed doone, it shall not be amisse to insert the same. This bishop was a secular doctor of diuinitie, that had labored manie yéeres to translate the holie scrip­ture into English, & was accused to haue passed the bounds of diuinitie and christian beléefe in certeine line 50 articles, of the which he was conuict before the archbi­shop of Canturburie, and other bishops and clearks, and after vtterlie abiured, reuoked, and renounced those articles openlie at Paules crosse in his mother toong on the fourth day of December, as followeth.

The forme of his abiuration.

IN the name of the trinitie, father, sonne, and holie-ghost, I Reinold Pecocke bi­shop of Chichester vnworthie, of mine line 60 owne power and will without anie ma­ner coaction or dread, confesse and knowledge that I here, before this time, presuming of my naturall wit, and preferring my iudgement and naturall rea­son before the new and the old testament, and the au­thoritie & determination of our mother holie church, haue held, written and taught otherwise than the ho­lie Romane and vniuersall church teacheth, preach­eth, or obserueth. And one is against the true catho­like and apostles faith, I haue written, taught, and published manie & diuerse perilous doctrines, books, works, and writings, conteining heresies and er­rors, contrarie to the faith catholike, and determina­tion of holie church: and speciallie these heresies and errours following, that is to saie in particular.

In primis, quòd non est de necessitate fidei credere, quòd do­minus noster Iesus Christus post mortem descendit ad infer [...]s.

Item, quòd non est de necessitate salutis credere in sancto­rum communionem.

Item, quòd ecclesi [...] vniuersalis potest errare in hijs qu [...] sunt fidei.

Item, quòd non est de necessitate salutis credere & tenere illud, quod consilium generale & vniuersalis ecclesia statuit, approbat, seu determinat, in fauorem fidei, & ad salutem ani­marum, est ab vniuersis Christi fidelibus approbandum & te­nendum.

Wherefore I miserable sinner, which here before long time haue walked in darkenesse, and now by the mercie and infinit goodnesse of God reduced into the right waie, and light of truth, and considering my selfe gréeuouslie haue sinned and wickedlie haue in­formed and infected the people of God, returne and come againe to the vnitie of our mother holie church, and all heresies and errors written and conteined in my said books, works and writings, here solemnelie and openlie reuoke & renounce. Which heresies and errors, and all other spices of heresies I haue before this time before the most reuerend father in God, and my good lord of Canturburie, in diuerse and lawfull forme iudiciallie abiured, submitting my selfe, being then and also now at this time verie contrite and pe­nitent sinner, to the correction of the church and of my said lord of Canturburie.

And ouer this, exhorting & requiring in the name & vertue of almightie God, in the saluation of your soules and mind, that no man hereafter giue faith and credence to my said pernicious doctrines, here­sies and errors; neither my said books kéepe, hold, or read in anie wise; but that they all such books, works, and writings suspect of heresies, deliuer in all good­lie hast vnto my said lord of Canturburie, or to his commissioners and deputies, in eschewing of manie inconueniences and great perils of soules, the which else might be cause of the contrarie. And ouer this declaration of my conuersion and repentance, I here openlie assent, that my said books, works, and writings, for declaration and cause aboue rehearsed, be deputed vnto the fire, and openlie burnt in exam­ple and terror of all other, &c.

After this, he was depriued of his bishoprike, ha­uing a certeine pension assigned vnto him for to liue on in an abbeie, and soone after died. His books were intituled: 1 Of christian religion, and a booke pertei­ning therevnto. 2 Of matrimonie. 3 Iust expressing of holie scripture, diuided into three parts. 4 The donet of christian religion. 5 The follower of the do­net. 6 The booke of faith. 7 The booke filling the foure tables. 8 The booke of worshipping. 9 The prouoker of christian men. 10 The booke of counsell.

In the moneth of Ianuarie died the earle of De­uonshire in the abbeie of Abindon, poisoned (as men said) being there at that time with quéene Margaret, to appease the malice betweene the yoong lords, whose fathers were slaine at saint Albons, and they that held with the duke of Yorke. The quéene atturni [...] [...]. The thirtéenth of Aprill there was a great fraie in Fléetstreet, betweene men of court and the inhabitants of the same stréet, in which fraie the quéenes atturnie was slaine. For this fact the king committed the principall gouernours of Furniuals, Cliffords, and Barnards In to prison in the castell of Hertford; and William Tailor alder­man of that ward, with manie other were sent to Windsore castell the seuenth of Maie. On thursdaie in Whitsunweeke, [...] y e Tower of London. the duke of Summerset with An­thonie Riuers and other foure kept iustes before the quéene in the Tower of London, against three es­quiers of the queenes. And in like maner at Gréene­wich [Page 647] the sundaie following.]

King Henrie and his councell, perceiuing the duke of Yorke laie still and stirred not, returned to Lon­don, and there called a great councell, openlie decla­ring how the French and Scots (imboldened by the ciuill discord within this realme) attempted to an­noie the same, as of late they had shewed apparant tokens, and likelie not ceasse vpon occasions to doo further displeasures, till a perfect concord were con­cluded betwéene him and his fréends, and those of the contrarie part and confederacie. And to the intent line 10 that he would be the cheefe author of peace, he promi­sed of his dignitie so to interteine the duke of Yorke and his fréends, that all old grudges should be not onelie inwardlie forgotten, but also outwardlie for­giuen, which should be cause of perpetuall loue and assured amitie.

This deuise was of all men iudged for the best. Wherevpon diuerse graue persons were sent to the duke of Yorke, and all other the great estates of the realme, who since the battell of saint Albons neuer line 20 met nor communed togither, commanding them for great causes to repaire to the kings court without delaie. At his commandement came to London Ri­chard duke of Yorke, The péeres of the realme called to a [...]. with foure hundred men, and was lodged at Bainards castell being his owne house; and after him came the earle of Salisburie with fiue hundred men, and was likewise lodged at his owne house called the Herbour. Then came the dukes of Excester and Summerset with eight hun­dred men, and were lodged without Temple barre; line 30 and the earle of Northumberland, the lord Egre­mond, and the lord Clifford came with fiftéene hun­dred men, and lodged without the citie. The earle of Warwike also came from Calis with six hundred men in red iackets, imbrodered with white ragged slaues behind and before, and was lodged at the graie friers.

Thus were all those of the one part lodged within the citie, and those of the other without, in Holborne towards Westminster, and in other places of the line 40 suburbs, all vpon wise consideration: for that the Yorke faction and the Lancastrians could not well haue béene mingled without danger of discord. After that these lords were thus come vnto London, the king and the quéene shortlie followed, comming thi­ther the seuentéenth daie of March, and lodged in the bishops palace. Bicause no riotous attempt or bic­kering should be begun betwéene anie of the parties or their retinues, The proui­dence of the citie for safe­gard of peace. the maior and aldermen of the citie line 50 kept great watch, as well by daie as by night, riding about the citie by Holborne, and Fléetstréet, with fiue thousand men well armed and arraied, to sée good or­der and peace on all sides kept.

The lords which lodged within the citie held a dailie councell at blacke friers: the other part soiourning without the walles, assembled likewise in the chapi­ter house at Westminster. At length by the diligent trauell and good exhortation of the archbishop of Canturburie, and other prelats; both parties were line 60 persuaded to come to communication, and so did. Where, The lords are brought to a­gree. after long debating of grieuances on both sides, they promising to forget all old rancors, and to be freends each to other, & both obedient to the king, were accorded by award, wherof writings were sea­led, signed, and deliuered to effect as followeth.

The award made at Westminster on the three and twentith of March, Anno regni regis 36.

FIrst, that at the costs, charges, and ex­penses of the duke of Yorke, The clergie were sure in those daies to loose nothing by these con­tentions how soeuer the world went. the earles of Warwike, and Salisburie, fourtie & fiue pounds of yearelie rent should be assured by waie of a mortisement for euer, vnto the monasterie of S. Albons, for suffrages and obits to be kept, and almes to be imploied for the soules of Edmund late duke of Summerset, Henrie late erle of Northumberland, and Thomas late lord Clifford late slaine in the battell of saint Albons, and buried in the abbeie church, and also for the soules of all other slaine in the same battell. The said duke of Summer­set, the earle of Northumberland, and lord Clifford, by vertue of the same award, were declared for true and faithfull liegemen to the king, and so to be hol­den and reputed in the daie of their deaths, aswell as the said duke of Yorke, the earles of Warwike and Salisburie.

Moreouer it was decreed, that the duke of Yorke should giue to Elenor duchesse of Summerset, and to Henrie duke of Summerset hir sonne, the summe of fiue thousand markes of good assignements of debts, which the king owght him for his wages, due during the time of his seruice in Ireland, to be diui­ded as the king should thinke conuenient, betwixt the brethren & sisters of the said duke of Summerset. Also that the earle of Warwike should giue vnto the lord Clifford, the summe of a thousand markes, in good and sufficient assignements of debts, which the king owght him, to be distributed betwixt the said lord Clifford his brethren and sisters.

Also where Thomas Persie knight, lord Egre­mond, and Richard Persie his brother, The lord Egremon [...] ▪ sonnes of the ladie Elenor countesse of Northumberland, had béen in a sessions holden within the countie of Yorke before Richard Bingham, and Rafe Pole the kings iustices and other commissioners, condemned vnto the earle of Salisburie in the summe of eight thou­sand markes; and to the same earle, and to his wife Alice in the summe of fiue thousand marks; and to Thomas Neuill knight, son to the said earle of Sa­lisburie, in the summe of a thousand marks; and to the said Thomas and Mawd his wife, in the summe of two thousand marks; and to Iohn Neuill knight, sonne to the said earle of Salisburie, in the summe of eight hundred marks: for transgressions and tres­passes there found to be doone by the said lord Egre­mond, and Richard his brother, vnto the said earle of Salisburie, Alice, Thomas Neuill, Mawd and Iohn Neuill, as by the record appéered.

It was ordeined, that the said earle and his sonnes should release all the said summes of monie, and the executions thereof, and likewise release vnto Rafe Uerneie, They were shiriffes, an, 1456. and Iohn Steward late shiriffes of Lon­don, vnto whose custodie the said lord Egremond had beene for the same condemnations committed, and from them escaped, all actions which they or anie of them might haue against the said Uerneie and Ste­ward for the same escape. Yet it was decreed by this award, that the said lord Egremond should be bound by recognisance in the Chancerie, to kéepe the peace toward the said erle and his wife, children, seruants, and tenants.

Also where diuerse knights, esquiers, and other ser­uants and tenants to the said earle of Northumber­land, and to the said lord Egremond, were by their seuerall obligations bound, by occasion of the said debates, vnto the said duke of Yorke, earle of Salis­burie, or anie of their children, to stand to their order and gouernement; it was ordeined that the same ob­ligations should be deliuered to them that so stood bound, before the feast of saint Peter ad vincula next insuing at the citie of Yorke; or else that the par­ties so bound, should haue sufficient acquitances in discharge of the same obligations.

It was further awarded, that all variances, dis­cords, debates, controuersies, appeales, and actions personals, that were or had béene betwixt any of [Page 648] the said persons, or any of their seruants, or tenants, should be for euer determined & ended, sauing to eue­rie one his title, action and right, which he had by any euidence of arrerages of rents or seruices, accounts, detinues, or debts due by reason of anie lawfull con­tract or deed, had and made for anie reasonable consi­derations, other than the variance before said.

And for the more assurance of both parties, it was ordeined that either should release to other all maner of actions, that were méere personals and appeales, line 10 which anie of them might haue against the other, by reason of the variances and discords before men­tioned.

Also it was decreed, that if anie action, sute or qua­rell chanced betwixt anie of the seruants or tenants of anie of the parties, for matter or title supposed to be had, occasioned or mooued before this time; that from thenceforth, none of the said parties should mainteine, support, or aid any of them that will so sue and mooue strife and debate: but should rather so line 20 deale, as the matter may be brought to peace and quietnesse.

It was further awarded, that if anie man com­plained, pretended, or surmised, that this award was not kept, but in some point broken by anie of the par­ties, for the which breach he would haue a Scire facias, or some other action prosecuted in the kings name vpon anie recognisance made to the king for the per­formance of this award: yet should not the same Scire facias or action be prosecuted, till the kings line 30 councell might be throughlie certified of the matter by the complainant, and vpon consideration sée iust cause whie the same Scire facias, or action ought to be had and prosecuted in the kings name.

And if anie variance rose betwixt the councell of both the parties in making of the recognisances, releases, acquittances, or other writings; the same variance should be determined by the two lords cheefe iustices, that should be fullie instructed of the kings intention in this behalfe. line 40

And besides this, it was notified and declared by the same award, that the parties being seuerallie bound in the Chancerie in great sums to obeie and performe this award, ordinance & iudgement made by the king; it was the kings will and pleasure, that the same recognisances should stand in force, and no parcels of the summes therein conteined to be par­doned in anie wise, without the agréement and con­sent of the partie, for whose assurance the same recog­nisance was taken. line 50

And if anie of the said summes, or anie parcell thereof should be recouered by action or execution ta­ken and prosecuted in the kings name, vpon anie of the said recognisances; the partie to whose hinderance the award was broken, should haue the one halfe of the monie so recouered; and the other moitie should be assigned to the treasuror of the kings house. ¶This ordinance, award and agréement, was giuen vp vn­der the kings great scale, at the kings palace of Westminster, the foure and twentith daie of March line 60 in the six and thirtith yeare of his reigne.

A solemne procession at Paules.For the open publishing of this ioifull agréement, there was (vpon our ladie daie in March) a solemne procession celebrated within the cathedrall church of saint Paule in London, year 1459 at the which the king was present in habit roiall, with his crowne on his head. Before him went hand in hand the duke of Sum­merset, the earle of Salisburie, the duke of Excester, and the earle of Warwike; and so one of the one fac­tion, and another of the other: and behind the king the duke of Yorke, and the quéene with great famili­aritie in appeerance leading hand in hand. Anno Reg. 37. W. P. [But what shall be said? As goodlie apples corrupted at core, (how faire coated so euer they seeme) can neuer be made to become sound againe: nor rotten walles new plastered without, can euer the more staie their mooldering inward, till the putrified matter fret through the crust laie all in the mire: so fared it on all parts in this dissembled and counterfet concord.] For after this apparant peace (but inward discord) diuerse of the nobles smallie regarding their honors, forgot their oth, and brake their promise boldlie.

Not long after this, of pretensed purpose (as it was thought) a fraie was made vpon a yeoman of the earle of Warwiks, by one of the kings seruants, in the which the assailant was sore hurt, but the earles man fled. Héerevpon the kings meniall seruants, séeing their fellow hurt, and the offendor escaped, as­sembled togither and watched the earle, when he re­turned from the councell chamber toward his barge, The earle of Warwik [...] as­saulted. and suddenlie set on him, the yeomen with swords, the blacke gard with spits and fier-forks. After long fight, and manie of the earls men maimed and hurt, by helpe of his fréends he gat a wherrie, and so esca­ped to London. The quéene aduertised héerof, The quéen [...] purpose. incon­tinentlie commanded that he should be apprehended and committed to the tower, where (if he had béene taken) he had shortlie ended his daies.

By this vnhappie fraie, there arose anon after such trouble and terrible warre, that the whole realme was thereby disquieted. For after this displeasure doone to the earle, and the quéens good mind towards him by his secret fréends reuealed; he wish all dili­gence tooke his iournie to Warwike, and after into Yorkeshire, where he found the duke of Yorke, and the earle of Salisburie, declaring vnto them the as­sault made vpon him by the kings seruants, and the pretensed euill purpose of the quéene. After which complaint made, he fearing to be dispossessed of his roome at Calis, with great spéed imbarked himselfe and sailed thither. He was not onelie deputie or lieu­tenant of Calis, but also high admerall of the seas, Whethamsted The earle of Warwike lord admerall. which office was to him confirmed for the space of fiue yeares. Wherevpon, whether before his arriuall now at Calis, or shortlie after, I cannot say; but this yeare about the middest of summer, the said earle, ha­uing with him a fouretéene well appointed ships, sailed abroad to scowre the seas, and by chance met with fiue great ships, whereof thrée were caraks of Genoa, and the other two were of Spaine, bigger in heigth and length than the caraks.

The earle, though he was scarse able to deale against them, yet he valiantlie incountred them. There was a verie sore and long continued battell fought betwixt them, for it lasted almost the space of two daies. Yet in the end the victorie fell to the Eng­lish, so that two of those ships being forced to saue themseluesby flight, the other thrée were taken, which the earle brought vnto Calis, with all the merchan­dize aboord the same; the value whereof in wine, oile, A rich prise. wax, iron, cloth of gold, and other riches, was estée­med to the summe of ten thousand pounds & aboue. By reason whereof, that was sold now for twelue pense, which would not haue béene bought before for two shillings. There were taken a great number of prisoners, beside a thousand of the enimies slaine in fight. Of the earles part there were fiftie slaine. The earles fame héereby increased not a little, and manie a blessing he had for this peece of seruice.

¶The noble science of Printing was about this time found in Germanie at Magunce by one Iohn Cuthembergus a knight: Abr. Fl. ex [...] pag. 686, 687. Printing [...] inuented. one Conradus an Al­maine brought it into Rome: William Caxton of London mercer brought it into England about the yeare 1471: and first practised the same in the abbie of saint Peter at Westminster; after which time it was likewise practised in the abbies of S. Augustine [Page 649] at Canturburie, saint Albons, and other monaste­ries of England. It rained bloud. In a little towne in Bedfordshire there fell a bloudie raine, whereof the red drops appee­red in shéets, the which a woman had hanged out for to drie.]

But now to the former purpose. After that the earle was gone ouer to Calis, Anno Reg. 38. the duke of Yorke and the earle of Salisburie, falling in consultation togi­ther, it was at length agréed betwixt them, with ad­uise of their freends, that the said earle of Salisburie line 10 with a warlike companie should march toward the king; and signifie to him by waie of complaint, both the manifest iniurie doone to his sonne, and also the vncourteous breach of the sworne amitie and late a­gréement. In which sute if he preuailed, he should not then let passe the occasion giuen for reuenge of dis­pleasures to him doone, The earle of Salisburie gathereth a power. both by the quéene and hir si­nister councellors. After conclusion of this deuise, the earle of Salisburie remooued from Middleham ca­stell, accompanied with foure or fiue thousand men, line 20 and tooke his waie through Lancashire, Thrée thou­sand [...]aith Whethamsted to passe that waie towards London.

In the meane season, the quéene, assisted and ru­led by the dukes of Summerset and Buckingham, hauing a vigilant eie to all hir businesse, imagined that the earle of Warwike had kindled this fier, to the intent to set the crowne on the duke of Yorks head. Wherefore she appointed Iames Twichet lord Audelie (bicause his power laie in those parties by the which the earle of Salisburie must passe) to raise line 30 an hoast of men with all speed, The lord Audelie. and to giue battell to the same earle, if he saw cause and place conuenient. She had deuised a cognisance of the white swan, [...] which she willed all such (as she knew to beare fauor vnto hir sonne) to weare, for a signification of their good minds and hartie loue towards him: which cog­nisance she had giuen to manie gentlemen of Ches­shire, and other countries thereabout.

The quéene hir selfe laie the same time at Eccle­sale in Staffordshire, but the K. remained at Col­leshill line 40 in Warwikeshire, whither the earle of Salis­burie meant to come, in pretense to haue communed with him for a reformation of matters depending in controuersie betwixt himselfe, the duke of Yorke, and others. But the queene construing that they ment no good, neither to hir nor hir husband, reque­sted the lord Audelie to apprehend him, if by anie means he might. Whethamsted The lord Audelie (according to his commission) assembled aboue ten thousand men of Chesshire and Salopshire, and knowing by his espi­als which waie the earle kept, approached néere to line 50 him vpon a faire plaine called Bloreheath, Bloreheath. within a mile of a towne called Draiton in Shropshire. The earle, perceiuing in what ieopardie he stood, determi­ned to abide the aduenture with fame and honour, rather than to flie with shame and reproach; and so incamped himselfe all the night on the side of a little brooke, not verie brode, but somewhat deepe.

In the morning earlie, being the daie of saint Te­cle, The 23 of September. he caused his souldiers to shoot their flights to­wards line 60 the lord Audelies companie, which laie on the other side of the said water, and then he and all his people made a signe of retreit. The lord Audelie, sup­posing his aduersaries had fled in déed, caused his trumpets quicklie to blow vp, and setting foorth his voward, speedilie passed the water. The earle of Sa­lisburie, Policie oft times passeth [...]. which knew the sleights of warlike policie, suddenlie returned, and set vpon the lord Audelie and his cheefe capteins, yer the residue of his armie could passe the water. The fight was sore and dread­full. The earle desiring the sauing of his life, and his aduersaries coueting his destruction, fought sore for the obteining of their purpose: but in conclusion, the earles armie, as men not looking for other succours nor meane to escape, but by their owne manhood, so egerlie assaulted their foes, The lord Au­delie slaine. that they slue the lord Audelie and all his capteins, and discomfited all the remnant of his people.

In this battell were slaine foure and twentie hun­dred persons, The number slaine in the battell of Bloreheath. but the greatest losse fell vpon the Ches­shire men, bicause one halfe of the shire was on the one part, and the other halfe on the other: of which number were sir Thomas Dutton, sir Iohn Doune and sir Hugh Uenables, sir Richard Molineur, sir William Trowtbecke, sir Iohn Legh of the Both, and sir Iohn Egerton, knights; Iohn Done, The earle of Salisburies sonne appre­hended. and Iohn Dutton esquiers. But the earles two sonnes, the one called sir Iohn Neuill, and the other sir Tho­mas Neuill, were sore wounded, the which soberlie iornieng into the north countrie, were apprehended by the quéenes fréends, and togither with sir Thomas Harington that was likewise taken, were conueied to Chester; but their kéepers deliuered them shortlie after, or else had the Marchmen destroied the goales. Such fauour bare the commons of Wales to the duke of Yorks band, that they could not suffer anie wrong to be offered, or euill word to be spoken a­gainst him or his freends.

After this battell at Bloreheath, the said duke of Yorke, perceiuing the destruction of him and his fréends was intended, and that his deuises were al­readie disclosed to the king and the queene, he thought now no longer to linger his businesse, but with all diligence to set forward the same. And therfore send­ing for his cheefe freend the earle of Salisburie, after long conference of their weightie affaires, The duke of Yorke assem­bleth an armie they de­termined to raise an armie, and by fine force either to win their purpose, or end their liues in the same. Héerevpon were men foorthwith assembled, freends sent for, and a puissant armie gathered, both of Nor­therne and Welshmen, who in good order came into the marches of Wales adioining to Shropshire, de­termining there to abide their enimies, or to méet them; if occasion serued.

There came to him from Calis the earle of War­wike, bringing with him from that towne a great number of expert men in martiall feates, whereof two were capteins knowne for men of great experi­ence and approoued policie, as they had well declared the same in the warres of Normandie and Guien, the one called Andrew Trollop, Andrew Trollop, Iohn Blunt. and the other Iohn Blunt. The king, hauing aduertisement of the dukes dooings, sent foorth commissioners to leuie a power in all parts of the realme, where he thought to haue any faithfull fréends of fauourers: The king rai­seth an armie. by reason whereof a great number of men of warre was assembled. Manie for the loue they bare to the king resorted to his side, but more for feare of the quéenes displesure, whose frowning countenance was their vndooing, and hir indignation their death.

To be bréefe, the king accompanied with the dukes of Summerset and Excester, and other of the line of Lancaster, determined either by force or by policie to bring the duke of Yorke to confusion; and therevp­on marching forward they came vnto Worcester, where as well to refresh his people, as to take further aduise what was best to be doone, he staied for a time. And at length it was determined, that the K. should first send vnto the aduersaries, a messenger of good account, as the bishop of Salisburie Richard Beau­champe, Whethamsted The bishop of Salisburie sent to y e duke of Yorke and others. to offer vnto them a cleere and free generall pardon of all trespasses, offenses, and transgressions whatsoeuer; if they would giue ouer their enterprise, and become true and obedient subiects.

When the bishop was come vnto them, and had declared his message, they first withdrew themselues apart, and fell togither in councell: and after they gaue answer by the mouth of the erle of Warwike, [Page 650] which consisted in thrée points. Their answer touching the pardon offred. First, that as concer­ning the pardon, they durst not trust vnto it, conside­ring they had diuerse pardons before, and the same confirmed by parlement, and yet nothing auaileable to their assurance. Secondlie, that notwithstanding such pardons, those that were about the king, were presumptuous and vnrulie, that they cared not at all to breake the kings commandements, nor were any thing abashed to be noted for the breach thereof.

Thirdlie, although by law of the land, and right of the statute, euerie lord by vertue of the kings writ, line 10 being called to the parlement, ought safelie to come, safelie there to remaine, and safelie to depart and re­turne home: this notwithstanding, the said earle of Warwike himselfe, at a certeine councell holden at Westminster, by vertue of the kings writ of priuie seale, being there in person, & labouring to his know­ledge to giue good aduise and counsell for the profit of the common-wealth, was yet in danger of death, if the Lord aboue had not the better prouided for his e­scape, line 20 more than anie humane power or force of the kings pardon. ‘For the which cause (quoth he) sith the kings pardon maie be likened in these daies to a buckler of glasse, or to a staffe of réed, in which is no trust, we dare not commit our selues vnto the de­fense of anie such pardons.’ But if anie other waie might be deuised for their suerties, where vnto they might safelie trust (he said) they were readie to come to his grace, and to sue for his fauour.

The king receiuing such answer in these words, line 30 or other to the like effect, was nothing contented therewith, and so commanded his standards eftsoones to aduance. But yet before he came neere to the place where they were incamped, the said lords wrote to him a letter in their owne excuse, A letter from the lords to the king. protesting they meant no harme in the world against his person, as by their demeanors and proceedings it might well appeare, who had euer fled & withdrawne themselues from place to place, from towne to towne, from vil­lage to village, and from countie to countie. Which line 40 might serue for an euident token, that they sought for nothing but onelie their owne safegards & quiet­nesse of the realme, with so much fauour, as in good and safe suertie they might come to his presence, to declare certeine things which in their opinions might turne to the wealth of the realme: and further to make answer to all things that had béene obiected a­gainst them. And now (said they) we are here remai­ning in the vttermost parts of the land (that is) in the marches towards Wales, not farre from Lud­low, line 50 not vpon anie presumptuous meaning, but ra­ther in all humble lowlinesse of mind and bodie to a­bide his graces comming: which they besought of God might be in some peaceable maner and fauou­rable in their behalfes.

The king hauing receiued this letter, and coniec­turing that some bitter meaning laie vnder so swéet a spéech, cōmanded his armie againe to march foorth; and comming within halfe a mile of the aduersaries campe, pitched downe his field, and foorthwith caused line 60 proclamation to be made, that who so euer of his ad­uersaries would giue ouer his lewd begun enter­prise, A proclama­tion. and repaire to his presence to sue for mercie, he would pardon him of all offenses. This proclama­tion, comming to the vnderstanding of them in the duke of Yorks hoast, caused a great number that were there with him against the king, to get awaie & come to the kings side. Moreouer, there rose among the residue great murmuring: so as they séemed ve­rie like to grow to a gréeuous mutinie.

Amongst other of those that came to the kings campe, Andrew Trollop for­saketh the lords. Andrew Trollop was chéefe, who with the other Calisians, which had long serued the king, and liued a long time by his wages, perceiuing now that they should fight against their souereigne lord him­selfe (whose true subiect they estéemed before that time the earle of Warwike euer to haue beene, and in no wise his enimie) in the dead of the night before the daie of the battell secretlie departed from the dukes campe, and submitted themselues to the king, admo­nishing him of all things deuised against him. Wher­of part was, Whethamsted that the duke of Yorke by his expert capteins appointed vpon a waie how to set vpon his enimies, & easilie to discomfit them; so as on the next morning he meant to haue assailed the king and his people, yer they could haue béene readie or warie of his comming.

But now by the going awaie thus of his capteins and people, that purpose was disappointed. And An­drew Trollop thus departed, he was now as much discomforted, as before by trust in him he was in­couraged: for all his counsell and purpose by Andrew disclosed, The estima­tion of An­drew Trol­lop. The duke of Yorke and his complices [...]. he thought it better for him & his to depart in suertie, than to abide the imminent danger. Wher­vpon he with his yoonger sonne Edmund earle of Rutland, secretlie fled into Wales, and so passed in­to Ireland, where he was with all ioy and honour gladlie receiued, all the Irish offering to liue and die with him; as if they had béene his liege subiects, and he their lord and prince naturallie borne.

The earle of March sonne and heire apparant to the said duke, accompanied with the earles of Salis­burie and Warwike, and sir Iohn Wenlocke, got awaie the same night, and came into Deuonshire: where, by the meanes of Iohn Dinham esquier (which after was high treasuror of England, in the daies of king Henrie the seauenth) they bought a ship which cost a hundred and ten marks at Exmouth, and sailed into Gerneseie, after came to Calis, where be­ing let in at the posterne, they were ioifullie wel­comed of their fréends, namelie of sir William Ne­uill lord Fauconbridge, that was the earle of War­wikes vncle, and brother to the earle of Salisburie, who had the towne and castell in kéeping. All these be­ing assembled cast their heads togither, and euerie one seuerallie had his deuise for the perfecting of their purpose, whereto there wanted in them neither will nor hardinesse.

But now to returne to the king. When in the morning he was aduertised that the duke of Yorke and his partakers were fled and gone, he caused all his horssemen to follow them; although in vaine: for they were got farre enough out of danger (as before ye haue heard.) The king pardoned all the poore soul­diers, sauing certeine ringleaders; of the which some he punished and fined, and some he hanged and quar­tered. After this he remooued to Ludlow, and there brake vp his host, and spoiling the towne and castell, he sent the duchesse of Yorke with hir two yoong sonnes to be kept in ward with the duchesse of Buc­kingham hir sister. This doone, The lords proclamed traitors. he proclamed these lords, traitors to him, enimies to their countrie, and rebels to the crowne, confiscating their lands, goods, and offices: and committed the gouernance of the north parts to the earle of Northumberland, and to the lord Clifford, as to his trustie and most faithfull fréends, The duke of Summerset made capteine of Calis. & of his towne of Calis he made capteine Henrie the new duke of Summerset.

This duke reioising much in his new office, those foorth diuerse valiant and hardie souldiers, and with great pompe shortlie after tooke the seas, and sailed towards Calis. But when he thought to haue ente­red the hauen, the artillerie shot so hotlie, both out of the towne, and from Risebanke, that he suffering there a sore repulse, was faine to land at Whitsand­baie; and sent word to the capteins of the towne to receiue him as the kings lieutenant, shewing to them his letters patents. But neither he nor his [Page 651] writing was once regarded: and so of necessitie he resorted to the castell of Guisnes, dailie skirmishing with the garrison of Calis, more to his losse than gaine. Diuerse of the mariners of those ships that went ouer with him, after his arriuall, owing more good will to the earle of Warwike than to this yoong duke, conueied their ships into the hauen of Calis, and in them diuerse of the earle of Warwikes eni­mies, as Iamin Findill, Iohn Felow, and diuerse others, the which being presented vnto the earle of line 10 Warwike, he caused their heads foorthwith to be striken off. [...]stie hea­ding.

Shortlie after, Richard lord Riuers, and sir An­thonie Wooduile his valiant sonne that was after lord Scales, accompanied with foure hundred war­like persons, were appointed to passe ouer to Guis­nes, to aid the duke of Summerset against his ad­uersaries, which laie in Calis. But as they soiourned at Sandwich abiding for wind and weather to trans­port them ouer, the earles of March and Warwike line 20 had knowledge thereof, and sent Iohn Dinham with a small number of men (but a multitude of va­liant hearts) vnto the towne of Sandwich, Iohn Din­ham. which sud­denlie entered the same, The lord Ri­uers taken. and tooke the lord Riuers and his sonne also in their beds, robbing houses, and spoiling ships. And beside this, they tooke the princi­pall ships of the kings nauie, Iohn Stow. and had them awaie with them to Calis [one excepted called Grace de Dieu which might not be had awaie bicause she was bro­ken in the bottome] and there presented them to the line 30 earle of March, of whome he was ioifullie receiued. For though in the fight he was sore hurt & maimed in the leg, so as he halted euer after, yet he bare him­selfe so worthilie in that enterprise, that his praise was great amongst all men.

¶ Sir Baldwine Fulford vndertooke on paine of loosing his head, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 692. that he would destroie the earle of Warwike: but when he had spent the king a thou­sand marks in monie, year 1460 Sir Bald­wine Ful­ford his en­terprise. he returned againe.] After this good fortune thus chanced to the lords, diuerse of the line 40 best ships taken in the hauen of Sandwich, were well vittelled and manned, and with them the earle of Warwike sailed into Ireland, to common with the duke of Yorke of their great affaires and busi­nesse. The weather and wind were so fauourable to the earles purpose, that within lesse than thirtie daies he passed and repassed from Calis to Dublin, and backe againe.

The duke of Excester, being chéefe admerall of the sea, laie in the west countrie, and durst not once line 50 meddle with the earle of Warwikes nauie, as he came by; by reason of the mistrust which he had in the capteins and mariners of his owne nauie: who by their murmuring well shewed that they wished the earle of Warwikes good successe. Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 688, 689, [...], 691. ¶ But here is to be remembred, that after the great discomfiture of the lords (as before you haue heard) and proclamation made against them as traitors, the duke of Yorke and the earles of Salisburie and Warwike had con­ference; and therevpon concluded with one assent, line 60 to write a letter excusatorie (supposing thereby to salue vp the sore) in all their names to the king: and so did, as followeth.

A copie of the said letter excusa­torie written by the said duke and earles.

MOst christian king, right high and migh­tie prince, and our most dread souereigne lord, after as humble recommendations to your high excellencie as will suffice. Our true intent to the prosperitie and augmentati­on of your high estate, and to the common-weale of this realme, hath beene shewed vnto your highnesse in such writing as we make thereof. And ouer that, an indenture signed by our hands in the church ca­thedrall of Worcester, comprehending the proofe of the truth and dutie that (God knoweth) we beare to your said estate, and to the preheminence and prero­gatiue thereof, we sent vnto your good grace by the prior of the said church, and diuerse other doctors, and among other, by maister William Linwood doctor of diuinitie, which ministred vnto vs seuerallie the blessed sacrament of the bodie of Iesus, wherevpon we and euerie of vs deposed for our said truth and dutie, according to the tenor of the said indenture.

And since that time we haue certified at large in writing and by mouth, by Garter king of armes, not onelie to your said highnesse, but also to the good and worthie lords being about your most noble presence, the largenesse of our said truth and dutie, and our in­tent and disposition, to search all the motions that might serue conuenientlie to the affirmation there­of, and to our perfect suerties from such inconueni­ent and vnreuerent ieopardies as we haue beene put in diuerse times here before. Whereof we haue cause to make, and ought to make such exclamation and complaint, not without reason, as is not vnknowen to all the said worthie lords, and to all this land; and will offer vs to your high presence, to the same in­tent, if we might so doo, with our said suertie, which onelie causeth vs to keepe such fellowship as we doo in our léefull manner.

And hereto we haue forborne, and auoided all things that might serue to the effusion of christian bloud, of the dread that we haue of God, and of your roiall maiestie: and haue also eschued to approch your said most noble presence, for the humble obeisance and reuerence wherein we haue, and (during our life) will haue the same. And yet neuerthelesse we heare, that we be proclamed and defamed in our name vn­rightlie, vnlawfullie, and (sauing your high reue­rence) vntrulie, and otherwise (as God knoweth) than we haue giuen cause; knowing certeinelie, that the blessed and noble intent of your said good grace, and the righteousnesse thereof is, to take, repute, and accept your true and lawfull subiects; and that it ac­cordeth neither with your said intent, nor with your will or pleasure, that we should be otherwise taken or reputed. And ouer that, our lordships and tenants béene of high violence robbed and spoiled, against your peace and lawes, and all righteousnesse.

We therfore, as we suffice, beseech your said good grace, to take, repute, and receiue there vnto our said truth and intent, which to God is knowne, as we shew it by the said tenor of the same indenture. And not applie your said blessednesse, ne the great righte­ousnesse and equitie wherewith God hath euer indu­ed your high nobilitie, to the importune impatience and violence of such persons, as intend of extreame malice to proceed (vnder the shadow of your high might and presence) to our destruction, for such inor­dinate couetise (whereof God is not pleased) as they haue to our lands, offices, and goods, not letting or sparing therefore, to put such things in all lamenta­ble and too sorowfull ieopardie, as might in all wise take effect, by the mysterie of Gods will and power.

Not hauing regard to the effusion of christian bloud, ne anie tendernesse to the noble bloud of this land such as serue to the tuition and defense thereof, ne not waieng the losse of your true liege men of your said realme, that God defend, which knoweth our intent, and that we haue auoided there from as farre as we may with our suerties; not of anie dread that we haue of the said persons, but onelie of the dread of God and of your said highnesse, and will not vse our said defense vntill the time that we be prouo­ked [Page 652] of necessit [...]e, whereof we call heauen and earth vnto witnesse and record, and there in beseech God to be our iudge, and to deliuer vs according to our said intent, and our said truth & dutie to your said high­nesse, and to the said common-weale.

Most christian king, right high and mightie prince, and most dread souereigne lord, we beseech our blessed Lord to preserue your honour and estate in ioy and felicitie. Written at Ludlow the tenth daie of Oc­tober: R. Yorke, R. Warwike, R. Salisburie.

A parlement at Couentrie.During this time the king called a parlement in the citie of Couentrie, which began the twentith of September, in the which were attainted of high trea­son, Richard duke of Yorke, Edward erle of March his sonne and heire, Duke of Yorke and o­thers attain­ted. Richard earle of Warwike, Ed­mund earle of Rutland, Richard earle of Salisburie, Iohn lord Clifford, lord Clinton, sir Thomas Ha­rington, sir Iohn Wenlock, Thomas Neuill & Iohn Neuill sons of the earle of Salisburie, Iames Pic­kering, Iohn Coniers, Thomas Par, William Old­hall, line 20 and Henrie Ratford knights; Iohn Bowser, Thomas Cooke, Iohn Claie, Richard Giton, Robert Browne, Edward Bowser, Thomas Uaughan, Iohn Roger, Richard Greie, Walter Deuoreux, Walter Hopton, Roger Kinderton, Will. Bowes, Foulke Stafford, the lord Powis, and Alice coun­tesse of Salisburie, their goods and possessions esche­ted, and their heires disherited vnto the ninth degrée, their tenants spoiled of their goods, maimed and slaine; Ludlow spoi­led. the towne of Ludlow, belonging to the duke line 30 of Yorke, was robbed to the bare wals, & the dutches of Yorke spoiled of hir goods.]

But (saith another) when the king should come to giue his consent vnto the acts passed in the same par­lement, Whethamsted. and that the clerke of the parlement had read that statute of the attaindor of those lords; such was the kings modestie and great zeale vnto mercie, that he caused a prouiso to be put in, The kings inclination to mercie. and added vnto the same statute, that it might be lawfull vnto him at all times f [...]llie without authoritie of anie other par­lement, line 40 to pardon the same noble men, and restore them againe to their former estats, degrees, and dig­nities in all things, so they would come in vnto him, and in the spirit of humblenesse beséech him of grace and fauour. Abr. Fl. ¶Wherin the king gaue euident testimo­nie, that he was indued with those qualities of mind which the poet ascribed vnto Cesar (namelie slow to punish, & sad when he was constreined to be seuere: sith the one commended his lenitie, the other sauou­red line 50 of tyrannie) in this distichon of like termination:

Ouid. de Ponto. [...]b. 1.
Est piger ad poenas princeps, ad praemia velox,
Cuí (que) dolet quoties cogitur esse ferox.]

Herewith also order was taken for the defense of the hauens & landing places alongst the sea coasts. Sir Simon Montford, Osbert Mōt­ford esquier saith Whet­hamsted, who should also haue gone o­uer to Guines with fiue hun­dred souldiers to the aid of the duke of Summerset. with a great crew of men, was appointed to keepe the downes, and the fiue ports; and all men passing into Flanders were vpon paine of death prohibited to passe by Calis, least the lords there should borrow of them anie prest monie, line 60 as they did latelie before of the merchants of the staple the summe of eighteene thousand pounds. The lords were not ignorant of all the kings prouisions made against them, but were ascerteined dailie what was doone euen in the kings priuie chamber: wherefore first they sent a companie to Sandwich vnder the gouernance of the lord Fauconbridge, The lord Faucōbridge was chiefe of this enter­prise saith Whethamsted. who tooke the towne, & sir Simon or Osbert Mont­ford within it, and sent him with all his mates to Ca­lis, where incontinentlie he with twelue of his chiefe fellowes lost their heads on the sand before Rise­banke. Thirtéene beheaded at once.

¶The earles at Calis sent to the archbishop of Can­turburie, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 692, 693, 694, 695, [...] ▪ 697, in [...] and to the commons of England at large certeine articles in writing, beginning thus: Wor­shipfull sirs, we the duke of Yorke, the earles of March, Warwike, and Salisburie, sued and offe­red to haue come to the king our souereigne lords most noble presence, to haue declared there afore him for our dutie to God and to his highnesse, and to the prosperitie and welfare of his noble estate, and to the common-weale of all his land as true liege men, the matters following.

Articles sent from the duke of Yorke, and the earles, to the archbishop of Can­turburie and the commons.

IN primis, the great oppression, extortion, robberie, murther, and other violences doone to Gods church, and to his mini­sters thereof, against Gods and mans law.

2 Item, the pouertie and miserie that to our great heauinesse our souereigne lord standeth in, not ha­uing anie liuelod of the crowne of England where­of he may keepe his honorable houshold, which cau­seth the spoiling of his said liege men by the takers of his said houshold, which liuelod is in their hands that haue beene destroiers of his said estate, and of the said common-weale.

3 Item, how his lawes be parciallie and vnright­fullie guided, and that by them that should most loue and tender his said lawes, the said oppression and ex­tortion is most fauoured and supported; and general­lie, that all righteousnesse and iustice is exiled out of the said land, and that no man dreadeth to offend a­gainst the said lawes.

4 Item, that it will please his said good grace to liue vpon his owne liuelod, wherevpon his noble progenitors haue in daies heretofore liued as hono­rablie and as worthilie as anie christian princes, and not to suffer the destroiers of the said land, and of his true subiects, to liue therevpon, and therfore to lacke the sustenances that should be belonging to his said estate, and find his said houshold vpon his poore com­mons, without paiement, which neither accordeth with Gods nor mans law.

5 Item, how oft the said commons haue beene greatlie and maruellouslie charged with taxes and tallages to their great impouerishing, whereof little good hath either growne to the king or to the said land, and of the most substance thereof the king hath left to his part not halfe so much; and other lords and persons, enimies to the said common-weale, haue to their owne vse, suffering all the old possessions that the king had in France and Normandie, Aniou and Maine, Gascoine and Guien, woone and gotten by his father of most noble memorie, and other his no­ble progenitors, to be shamefullie lost or sold.

6 Item, how they can not ceasse therewith, but now begin a new charge of imposition and tallages vpon the said people, which neuer afore was seene; that is to saie, euerie towneship to find men for the kings gard, taking example therein of our enimies and aduersaries of France. Which imposition & tallage, if it be continued to heire, heires, and successors, will be the heauiest charge and worst example that euer grew in England; and the foresaid subiects, and the said heires and successors in such bondage, as their ancestors were neuer charged with.

7 Item, where the king hath now no more liue­lod out of his realme of England, but onelie the land of Ireland, and the towne of Calis, and that no king christened hath such a land and a towne without his realme; diuerse lords haue caused his highnesse to write letters vnder his priuie seale, vnto his Irish enimies, which neuer king of England did hereto­fore, [Page 653] wherby they may haue comfort to enter into the conquest of the said land, which letters the same Irish enimies sent vnto me the said duke of Yorke, and maruelled greatlie that anie such letters should be to them sent, speaking therin great shame and villanie of the said realme.

8 Item, in like wise the king by excitation and labour of the same lords, wrote other letters to his e­nimies and aduersaries in other lands, that in no wise they should shew anie fauour or good will to the line 10 towne of Calis, whereby they had comfort inough to procéed to the winning thereof. Considered also, that it is ordeined by the labour of the said lords, that no where vittels nor other thing of refreshing or defense should come out of England, to the succour or reliefe of the said towne, to the intent that they would haue it lost, as it may openlie appeare.

9 Item, it is déemed and ought greatlie to be dée­med, that after the same lords would put the same rule of England, if they might haue their purpose line 20 and intent, into the hands and gouernance of the said enimies.

10 Item, how continuallie since the pitious, shame­full, and sorrowfull murther to all England, of that noble, worthie, and christian prince Humfreie duke of Glocester the kings true vncle, at Burie, it hath beene laboured, studied, and conspired, to haue de­stroied and murthered the said duke of Yorke, and the issue that it pleased God to send me of the roiall bloud, and also of vs the said earles of Warwike and line 30 Salisburie, for none other cause but for the true hart that (God knoweth) we euer haue borne, and beare to the profit of the kings estate, to the common-weale of the same realme, and defense thereof.

11 Item, how the earles of Shrewesburie and Wilshire, and the lord Beaumont, our mortall and extreme enimies now, and of long time past, hauing the guiding about the most noble person of our said souereigne lord, whose highnesse they haue restreined & kept from the libertie & freedome that belongeth to line 40 his said estate, & the supporters & fauourers of all the pr [...]misses, would not suffer the kings said good grace to receiue and accept vs, as he would haue doone, if he might haue had his owne will, into his said pre­sence, dreading the charge that would haue beene laid vpon them, of the miserie, destruction, and wret­chednesse of the said realme, whereof they be causes, and not the king, which is himselfe as noble, as ver­tuous, as righteous and blessed of disposition, as a­nie prince earthlie. line 50

12 Item, the earles of Wilshire and Shrewesbu­rie, and the lord Beaumont, not satisfied nor content with the kings possessions and his goods, stirred and excited his said highnesse to hold his parlement at Couentrie, where an act is made by their prouocati­on and labour, against vs the said duke of Yorke, my sonnes March and Rutland, and the earles of War­wike and Salisburie, and the sonnes of the said earle of Salisburie, & manie other knights and esquiers of diuerse matters falselie and vntrulie imagined, line 60 as they will answer afore almightie God in the daie of doome; the which the said earles of Shrewesburie & Wilshire, and the lord Beaumont prouoked to be made, to the intent of our destruction and of our is­sue; and that they might haue our liuelod and goods, as they haue openlie robbed and despoiled all our places and our tenements, and manie other true men, and now procéed to hanging and drawing of men by tyrannie, and will therin shew the largenesse of their violence and malice as vengeablie as they can, if no remedie be prouided at the kings high­nes, whose blessednes is neither assenting nor know­ing thereof.

We therefore, seeing all the said michiefes, hea­ring also that the French king maketh in his land great assemblie of his people, which is greatlie to be dread for manie causes, purpose yet againe with Gods grace to offer vs to come againe to the said presence of our said souereigne lord, to open and de­clare vnto him there, the mischiefes aboue declared; and in the name of the land to sue, in as reuerent and lowlie wise as we can, to his said good grace, to haue pittie and compassion vpon his said true subiects, and not to suffer the same mischiefs to reigne vpon them. Requiring you in Gods behalfe, and praieng you in our owne, therein to assist vs, dooing alwaie the due­tie of liege men in our persons to our souereigne lord, to his estate, prerogatiue, and preheminence, and to the suertie of his most noble person, wherevnto we haue euer béene and will be as true as anie of his subiects aliue, whereof we call God, our ladie saint Marie, and all the saints in heauen to witnesse.

In the meane time, The earle of Wilshire and other spoiled Newberie. the earle of Wilshire treasu­ror of England, the lord Scales & the lord Hunger­ford went to Newberie, which belonged to the duke of Yorke, and there made inquisition of all them that in anie wise had fauoured the said duke; wherof some were found guiltie, and were drawen, hanged, and quartered, and all the inhabitants of the towne were spoiled of their goods. From thense the e [...]rle of Wil­shire went to Southampton; where, The earle of Wilshire state ouer the seas. vnder colour to take the earle of Warwike, he armed fiue great ca­racks of Iene with souldiers, taking vittels of the kings price without paiment, and put a great part of his treasure into the said caracks, and after sailed a­bout in the sea, and at last stale into Dutchland, sen­ding backe againe his souldiers into England. Priuie seales for monie. Then were the kings priuie seales directed to all bishops, abbats, priors, and other states, to lend the king mo­nie, therewith to wage souldiers to kéepe the sea­coasts.]

After the kings nauie was gained, and his cap­teins (as before yee haue heard) on the sea taken; the lords lieng at Calis, being aduertised from the lord Fauconbridge (who after the taking of Montford laie still in Kent) that the people of that countrie and other parts were altogither bent in their fauor [and no lesse addicted to doo them seruice both with bodie and goods, Abr. Flem. than the Irishmen séemed to be at their re­ceiuing of the said duke of Yorke, and his yoonger sonne Edmund earle of Rutland, whom they so high­lie honoured, that they offered to liue and die in their quarell] they conceiued therevpon so great hope in their fréends within the realme, that they determi­ned to passe the sea, and therewith entring their ships with fiftéene hundred men landed all at Sandwich.

[But it is to be read in a late writer, Abr. Fl. ex I. S▪ pag. 697. that the com­mons of Kent dreading the like vengeance towards them, as fell vpon them of Newberie, sent priuilie messengers to Calis to the foresaid erles, The men of Kent sent to Calis for the earles. beseeching them in all hast possible to come to their succour. Wherevpon the said earles sent ouer into Kent the lord Fauconbridge, to know if their déeds would ac­cord with their woods: so that anon the people of Kent and the other shires adioining, resorted to the said lord Fauconbridge in great number. Where­fore when the earles knew the willing harts of those people, they prepared to come into this land. Against whose comming, a long ballet was fixed vpon the gates of Canturburie, made in fauour of the duke of Yorke and the said earles, beginning thus: In the daie of fast and spirituall affliction, the celestiall in­fluence of bodies transitorie, &c.]

Now as they passed through Kent, Whethamsted there came to them the lord Cobham, Iohn Gilford, year 1460 William Pech, Robert Horne, and manie other gentlemen; so that before they approched to London, their num­ber [Page 654] was esteemed aboue fourtie thousand figh­ting men, for the fame of their landing being once knowen, gentlemen and yeomen resorted to them out of all the south parts of the relme. Upon which ru­mor, Thomas lord Scales, a man in great fauour with the king & quéene, accompanied with the earle of Kendall a Gascoigne, and the lord Louell, resorted to London with a great companie of armed men, de­claring to the maior, that their repaire onelie was to defend and kéepe the citie from spoile of such traitors line 10 as the king was crediblie informed were thither comming. To whom the maior answered, that he nee­ded no fellow helper, either to defend or gouerne the citie to him committed in charge. With which answer the lord Scales and his associats nothing contented, entred into the Tower, dailie deuising waies how to grieue the citizens, whom he perceiued to fauour ra­ther the duke of Yorks part, than the kings.

But shortlie after the earles of March and War­wike, and other of their affinitie, came to London, line 20 and were of the maior and citizens ioiouslie receiued, to whome resorted Thomas archbishop of Canturbu­rie, the bishops of London, Lincolne, Salisburie, E­lie, and Excester, with manie other prelats and reli­gious persons: amongst whome also was the popes legat to treat of peace, if need so required. Upon good deliberation and aduise had and taken amongst these lords how to go forward with their weightie enter­prise, the earles of March and Warwike, William lord Fauconbridge, Henrie lord Bourchier, called line 30 earle of Eu, with a great number of men which came out of Kent, Essex, Surrie, and Sussex, to the number (as some writers affirme) of fiue and twen­tie thousand persons, departed from London toward the king lieng at Couentrie, Couentrie the quéenes secret harbour. then called the quéenes secret harbour, leauing behind them to kéepe the Londoners in their promised fréendship, the earle of Salisburie, the lord Cobham, and sir Iohn Wen­locke, which tooke such order, and watched the gates and entries on ech side so diligentlie, that no succours line 40 might come to the lord Scales lodging in the tower; who tooke therewith such displeasure, that he shot out his great ordinance against them within the citie, and they likewise shot at him againe, to the hurt and no pleasure of both parts.

The king hauing knowledge of all these dooings, assembled a great armie, and accompanied with the duke of Summerset (latelie come from Guisnes) and the duke of Buckingham, and diuerse other great lords that tooke his part, came to Northamp­ton; The quéene the better capteine. where the quéene perceiuing hir puissance to be line 50 able to match in fight with the aduersaries, tooke vp­on hir to incourage hir fréends and well-willers: for the king studied of nothing but of peace, quietnesse, and solitarie life. When the whole hoast of the kings part was assembled, the same issued foorth of the towne, and passing ouer the riuer of Tine, lodged in the new field betwéene Harsington and Sandifford, stronglie fensing themselues about with high banks, and déepe trenches. Whethamsted On the other part, the lords be­ing line 60 herewith aduanced verie néere the place where the kings people laie without Northampton; the bi­shops that were there with them, by the aduise and consent of the said lords, sent vnto the king the bishop of Salisburie, to vnderstand his mind, and to mooue him vnto some treatie of peace, and to admit the archbishop of Canturburie, and the other bishops there present, to be mediatours in the matter, that some good accord might be concluded betwixt the parties, so as an vniuersall peace might be restored in all parts through the whole realme.

The bishop of Salisburie dooing this message not so circumspectlie as had béene conuenient, returned without bringing anie towardlie answer; but rather words of high despite and vtter defiance. For the lords that were about the king, trusting in their war­like engines and strength of place, in which they were incamped, though otherwise inferior in num­ber of men, purposed to abide the brunt of battell; and so led with the spirit of rashnesse, sent none other answer backe againe by the bishop, but contumeli­ous words sounding greatlie to the reproch of their aduersaries; who being sore offended therewith, de­termined to seeke reuenge with dint of sword. The earle of March as then being in the floure of his lu­stie and most couragious youth, lieng betweene Toucetor and Northampton, determined to set on the kings armie without longer delaie: and there­vpon in the night season remooued his campe tow­ard Northampton, and in marching forward set his men in order of battell: wherof the vant-ward was led by the earle of Warwike, which either by strength or stealth wan a streict which the lord Beaumont kept, going toward the kings campe; The battell of Northamptō ▪ and herewith entring freshlie with his people, began the battell a­bout seauen of the clocke the ninth daie of Iulie. Af­ter him followed the earle of March with the banner of his father. ¶Others write, Whethamsted. that the earle of March led the fore-ward, the erle of Warwike the middle­ward, and the lord Fauconbridge the rere-ward.

Moreouer, that Edmund lord Greie of Ruthen, The L. [...] of Ruthen. who was on the kings side, failed in the trust com­mitted to him: for where the enimies could not (with­out great danger) enter vpon the kings campe, by reason of a mightie trench and rampire pight full of piles and sharpe stakes, wherewith the campe was compassed about: the said lord Graie came with his men, and with helping hands pulled the enimies vp, and receiued them into the field, where the battell was begun with great force & violence. For being now entred the field, they set vpon the kings people so fiercelie, that it séemed they ment either to obteine the victorie, or to die for it, euen all the whole number of them. The fight continued right fierse and cruell, Edw. Hall. The kings part discom­fited. with vncerteine victorie, till the houre of nine: at which time the kings armie was discomfited, and of the same slaine and drowned in the riuer, few lesse than ten thousand; The K. tak [...] and the king himselfe left comfort­lesse alone was taken by the aduersaries, as a man in great miserie.

At this battell fought at Northampton, were slaine Humfreie duke of Buckingham, Iohn Tal­bot earle of Shrewesburie, a valiant person, and not degenerating from his noble parents, Thomas lord Egremond, Iohn viscont Beaumont, and sir Wil­liam Lucie, which made great hast to come to part of the fight, and at his first approch was striken in the head with an ax. Besides these that were slaine, ma­nie were taken prisoners, bicause they left their hors­ses, alighting to fight on foot. The duke of Summer­set, and other, which narrowlie escaped, fled with the quéene and prince into the bishoprike of Durham. The earles, hauing got the victorie in this bloudie battell, conueied the king to London, and lodged him in the bishops palace. The Tower deliuered [...] the earle of March. After whose comming to the citie, the Tower was deliuered to the erle of March, vpon a certeine composition; but the lord Scales sus­pecting the sequele of the deliuerie thereof, tooke a wherrie priuilie, intending to haue fled to the quéene; but he was espied by diuerse watermen belonging to the earle of Warwike (which waited for his foorth comming on the Thames) and suddenlie taken, was shortlie slaine with manie darts & daggers, The lord Scales [...] and his bodie left naked and all bloudie at the gate of the clinke, and after was buried in the church adioining.

Then were diuerse persons apprehended, and indi­ted of treason, wherof some were pardoned, and some executed. Thomas Thorpe. Thomas Thorpe second baron of the esche­ker, [Page 655] was committed to the Tower, where he remai­ned long after, for that he was knowne to be great fréend to the house of Lancaster. [...]. [...]l. ex I. S. pag. 7 [...]0. ¶ When queene Margaret heard that the K. was taken, she with hir sonne, and eight persons fled to the castell of Hard­lagh in Wales, and was robbed by the waie in Lan­cashire of all hir goods, to the value of ten thousand markes: from thence she went into Scotland. Thus you sée what fruits the trée of ciuill discord dooth bring foorth; that euill tree, which whilest some haue taken line 10 paine to plant, and some to proine and nourish, for o­thers confusion (to whome they haue giuen a taste of those apples which it bare, far more bitter than colo­quintida) themselues haue béene forced to take such share as befell them by lot. For as it is not possible that a cōmon fier, whose heat & flame is vniuersallie spred, should spare any particular place (for so should it not be generall) no more is it likelie that in ciuill commotions, rebellions, insurrections, and parta­kings in conflicts and pitched feelds (speciallie vnder line 20 ringleaders of great countenance and personage, such as be the péeres and states of kingdoms) anie one should, though perhaps his life, yet (a thousand to one) not saue his bloud vnspilt, nor his goods vn­spoiled. Anno Reg. 39.] During this trouble, a parlement was sum­moned to begin at Westminster, in the moneth of October next following.

In the meane time the duke of Yorke, aduertised of all these things, Whethamsted The duke of Yorke com­meth foorth of Ireland. sailed from Dubline towards England, and landed at the red banke néere to the ci­tie line 30 of Chester, with no small companie: and from Chester by long iournies he came to the citie of Lon­don, which he entred the fridaie before the feast of S. Edward the Confessor, with a sword borne naked be­fore him, with trumpets also sounding, and accom­panied with a great traine of men of armes, Whethamsted and o­ther of his fréends and seruants. At his comming to Westminster he entred the palace, and passing foorth directlie through the great hall, staied not till he came to the chamber, where the king and lords vsed to sit in line 40 the parlement time, A strange de­ [...]nor of the duke of Yorke. cōmonlie called the vpper house, or chamber of the péeres, and being there entred, stept vp vnto the throne roiall, and there laieng his hand vpon the cloth of estate, seemed as if he meant to take possession of that which was his right (for he held his hand so vpon that cloth a good pretie while) and af­ter withdrawing his hand, turned his face towards the people, beholding their preassing togither, and marking what countenance they made.

Whilest he thus stood and beheld the people▪ suppo­sing they reioised to see his presence, the archbishop line 50 of Canturburie (Thomas Bourcher) came to him, & after due salutations, asked him if he would come and see the king. With which demand he séeming to take disdaine, answered bréefelie, and in few words thus: I remember not that I know anie within this realme, H [...]s bold spe [...]ch. but that it beséemeth him rather to come and sée my person, than I to go and sée his. The archbi­shop hearing his answer, went backe to the king, and declared what answer he had receiued of the dukes owne mouth. After the archbishop was depar­ted line 60 to the king that laie in the quéenes lodging, the duke also departed, and went to the most principall lodging that the king had within all his palace, brea­king vp the lockes and doores, and so lodged himselfe therein, more like to a king than a duke, continuing in the same lodging for a time to the great indigna­tion of manie, that could not in anie wise like of such presumptuous attempts made by the duke, to thrust himselfe in possession of the crowne, and to depose king Henrie, who had reigned ouer them so long a time.

Maister Edward Hall in his chronicle maketh men­tion of an oration, which the duke of Yorke vttered, sitting in the regall seat there in the chamber of the péeres, either at this his first comming in amongst them, or else at some one time after, the which we haue thought good also to set downe: though Iohn Whet­hamsted the abbat of saint Albons, who liued in those daies, and by all likelihood was there present at the parlement, maketh no further recitall of anie words, which the duke should vtter at that time in that his booke of records, where he intreateth of this matter. But for the oration (as maister Hall hath written thereof) we find as followeth. ¶ During the time (saith he) of this parlement, the duke of Yorke with a bold countenance entered into the chamber of the peeres, Edw. Hall. in Hen. 6. fol. clxxvij, &c. and sat downe in the throne roiall, vnder the cloth of estate (which is the kings pe­culiar seat) and in the presence of the nobilitie, as well spirituall as temporall (after a pause made) he began to declare his title to the crowne, in this forme and order as insueth.

The duke of Yorks oration made to the lords of the parlement.

MY singular good lords, maruell not that I approch vnto this throne: for I sit here as in the place to me by verie iustice law­fullie belonging; & here I rest, as to whom this chaire of right apperteineth, not as he which requireth of you fauour, parcia­litie, or bearing, but equall right, friendlie indifferencie, and true administration of iustice. For I beeing the partie greeued, and complainant, can not minister to my selfe the medicine that should helpe me (as expert leeches & cunning surgians maie) except you be to me both faithfull aiders & also true councellors. Nor yet this noble realme and our naturall countrie shall ne­uer be vnbuckled from hir dailie feuer, ex­cept I (as the principall physician, and you as the true and trustie apothecaries) consult togither in making of the potion, and trie out the cleane and pure stuffe from the corrupt and putrified drugs.

For vndoubtedlie, the root and bottome of this long festured canker is not yet ex­tirpate, nor the feeble foundation of this fallible building is not yet espied, which hath beene and is the dailie destruction of the nobilitie, and the continuall confusion of the poore communaltie of this realme and kingdome. For all you know (or should know) that the high and mightie prince king Richard the second, was the true and vndoubted heire to the valiant conqueror and renowmed prince king Edward the third, as sonne & heire to the hardie knight and couragious capteine Edward prince of Wales, duke of Aquitaine and Corne­wall, eldest sonne to the said king Edward the third: which king was not onelie in deed, but also of all men reputed and taken for the true and infallible heire to the wise and politike prince king Henrie the third, as sonne and heire to king Edward the se­cond, sonne and heire to king Edward the first, the very heire and first begotten sonne of the said noble and vertuous prince king Henrie the third.

[Page 656]Which king Richard of that name the second, was lawfullie & iustlie possessed of the crowne and diadem of this realme and region, till Henrie of Derbie duke of Lan­caster and Hereford, sonne to Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster, the fourth begotten sonne to the said king Edward the third, and yoonger brother to my noble ancestor Lionell duke of Clarence, the third begot­ten sonne of the said king Edward, by force line 10 and violence, contrarie both to the dutie of his allegiance, and also to his homage to him both doone and sworne, raised warre and battell at the castle of Flint in North­wales, against the said king Richard, and him apprehended, and imprisoned within the Tower of London: during whose life and captiuitie, he wrongfullie vsurped and intruded vpon the roiall power, and high line 20 estate of this realme and region, taking vpon him the name, stile, and authoritie of king and gouernour of the same.

And not therewith satisfied, and conten­ted, compassed and accomplished the death and destruction of his naturall prince, and most worthie souereigne lord, not as a com­mon homicide and butcherlie murtherer, but as a regicide, and destroier of his king. After whose pitious death, and execrable line 30 murther, the right and title of the crowne, and superioritie of this realme was law­fullie reuerted & returned to Roger Mor­timer earle of March, sonne and heire to ladie Philip the onelie child of the aboue rehearsed Lionell duke of Clarence, vnto which Rogers daughter called Anne, my most deerest and welbeloued moother, I am the verie true and lineall heire, which des­cent line 40 all you can not iustlie gainesay, nor yet trulie denie. Then remember this, if the title be mine, why am I put from it? If I be true heire to the crowne (as I am in deed) why is my right withholden? If my claime be good, why haue I not iustice? For suerlie, learned men of great science and knowledge say and affirme, that line­all descent, nor vsurped possession can no­thing line 50 preuaile, if continuall claime be law­fullie made, or openlie published.

For the auoiding of which scruple and ambiguitie: Edmund earle of March my most welbeloued vncle, in the time of the first vsurper, in deed but not by right called king Henrie the fourth, by his coosines the earle of Northumberland, & the lord Per­sie, he being then in captiuitie with O­wen line 60 Glendouer the rebell in Wales, made his title & righteous claime to the destruc­tion of both the noble persons. Likewise my most deerest lord my father, so farre set foorth that right and title, that he lost his life & worldlie ioy at the towne of South­hampton, more by power than indifferent iustice. Since whose death, I comming to my full age, haue neuer desisted to pursue my title, and require my right, which by meanes of sinister counsell and vniust de­tention, I can neither obteine nor recouer. So that of fine force I am compelled to vse power in steed of praier, and force in steed of request; not (as I said before) for my priuat emolument and peculiar profit: but to restore peace, loue, and quietnesse to this our naturall region, which euer since the first vngodlie vsurpation of the afore­named Henrie, vntrulie called king Henrie the fourth, hath beene cleerelie banished, and out of the same vniustlie exiled.

What murthers and manslaughters haue beene perpetrated and committed within this countrie, since the beginning of that vngratious vsurpation? What num­ber of noble men haue beene slaine, destroi­ed, & executed since that infortunate daie? It is too lamentable and manifest. For al­though Henrie of Lancaster earle of Der­bie tooke vpon him the scepter and the crowne, and wrongfullie bare the name and stile of a king; and was not much tick­led with mine vncle the earle of March, at that time being within age: yet was he neuer in suertie of himselfe, nor had or in­ioied any profit & quietnesse either in mind or in bodie. ‘For suerlie, a corrupt conscience neuer feeleth rest, but looketh when the sword of vengeance will descend and strike.’ His sonne also called king Henrie the fift, obteined notable victories, and immortall praises for his noble acts doone in the realme of France: yet God (for the offense of his vntrue parent) suddenlie touched him, vnbodieng his soule in the flower of his youth, and in the glorie of his conquest.

And although he had a faire sonne and a yoong heire apparant: yet was this or­phan such a one (as preachers say) that God threatned to send for a punishment to his vnrulie and vngratious people, saieng by his prophet Esaie; ‘I shall giue you chil­dren to be your princes, and infants with­out wisedome shall haue the gouernance of you. The prophet lied not, if you note all things in an order: for after this Henrie the fift (whose fame no man can iustlie re­prooue or deface) succeeded his sonne, whom all we haue called our naturall prince, and obeied as his heire.’ In whose time and wrongfull reigne, I require you diligent­lie to consider, with what great torments and afflictions God hath whipped & scour­ged this miserable Ile: yea with such and so manie scourges and plagues, as no na­tion (the Aegyptians onelie excepted) were euer tormented or afflicted withall. I will not speake of rebellious murthers and op­pressions, which of late haue beene doone and exercised heere among vs. But I will declare & manifest to you, how the crowne and glorie of this realme is by the negli­gence of this sillie man, and his vnwise councell minished, defaced, and also disho­noured.

Is not Normandie, which his father gat, regained & conquered againe, by the insolencie of him & his couetous councell? Is not the whole duchie of Aquitaine, by two hundred and odyeares peaceablie pos­sessed by the kings of this realme, in one [Page 657] yeare and a little more, gotten out of our hands & seigniorie? What should I speake of Aniou & Maine, or the losse of the Ile of France, with the rich citie of Paris. Alas it is too apparant. Neither will I molest you with the recitall of all the particulars thereof. But now in the middest of this af­fliction, and to make an end of the same: God of his ineffable goodnesse, looking on line 10 this countrie with his eies of pitie & mer­cie, hath sent me in the truth, to restore a­gaine his decaied kingdome to his ancient fame and old renowme whereof heere in o­pen parlement, according to my iust & true title, I haue and doo take possession of this roiall throne: not putting diffidence, but firme hope in Gods grace, that by his di­uine aid, and assistance of you the peeres of this realme, I shall beautifie & mainteine line 20 the same to the glorie of him, honour of my bloud, and to the publike wealth as well of you all heere present, as of all the poore com­mons and subiects of this kingdome and regiment.

When the duke had made an end of his oration, the lords sat still as men striken into a certeine a­mazednesse, neither whispering nor speaking foorth a word, as though their mouthes had beene sowed vp. line 30 The duke not verie well content with their silence, aduised them to consider throughlie, and ponder the whole effect of his words and saiengs: and so neither fullie displeased, nor yet altogither content, departed to his lodging in the kings palace. While he was de­claring thus his title in the higher house among the peeres, there happened a strange chance in the verie same, instant amongest the commons in the nether house. Prodigious tokens. A crowne which did hang in the middle of the same to garnish a branch to set lights vpon, without line 40 touch of man, or blast of wind, suddenlie fell downe. About the same time also fell downe the crowne which stood on the top of Douer castell. Which chances were construed to be signes, that the crowne of the realme should some waie haue a fall.

The lords forgot not the dukes demand, and to take some direction therein, diuerse of them, as spirituall and temporall, with manie graue and sage persons of the commonaltie dailie assembled at the Blacke­friers, and other places, to treat of this matter, be­ing line 50 of so great importance. During which time the duke of Yorke, although he and the king were both lodged in the palace of Westminster; yet would he not for anie praiers or requests once visit the king, till some conclusion were taken in this matter: sai­eng, that he was subiect to no man, but only to God, vnder whose mercie none here superiour but he. ¶ The king of Scots, partlie incouraged thorough the ciuill discord here in England, and partlie for the displeasure which he had conceiued for the death of line 60 Edmund duke of Summerset his moothers brother, this yeare besieged the castell of Roxburgh: The castell of Roxburgh be­sieged. The king of Scots thorough misfortune slaine. and by the breaking of a bombard, as the same was shot off against the castell, he chanced to be slaine. Yet the Scots left not off their enterprise, assaulting the ca­stell till they gat it, and then defended it a long time after, till Richard duke of Glocester wan it againe, and raced it.

After long debating of the matter, and deliberate consultation amongest the peeres, prelats, and com­mons, The determi­nation of the parlement cō ­cerning the entailing of crown [...]. vpon the vigill of All saints, it was condes­cended: for so much as king Henrie had béene ta­ken as king by the space of thirtie and eight yeares and more, that he should inioy the name and title of king, and haue possession of the realme during his naturall life. And if he either died, or resigned, or for­feited the same, by breaking or going against anie point of this concord, then the said crowne & authori­tie roiall should immediatlie be deuoluted and come to the duke of Yorke, if he then liued; or else to the next heire of his linage. And that the duke of Yorke from thense foorth should be protector and regent of the land. Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 700, 701, &c. in Quart. ¶This was the determination of the parle­ment to & fro, tending to peace betwéene the king & the duke (which was ratified accordinglie) as by the articles insuing dooth appeare.

The articles betvvixt king Henrie and the duke of Yorke.

BLessed be Iesu, in whose hands and boun­tie resteth and is the peace and vnitie be­twixt princes, and the weale of euerie relme: by whose direction (I know) agreed it is, appointed, and accorded as followeth, betwixt the most high and most mightie prince king Henrie the sixt king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, on the one partie, and the right high & migh­tie prince Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke on the other partie: vpon certeine matters of vari­ance mooued betwixt them, and especiallie vpon the claime and title vnto the crownes of England and of France, and roiall power, estate, and dignitie apper­teining to the same, and lordship of Ireland, opened, shewed, and declared by the said duke, before all the lords spirituall and temporall, being in this present parlement.

First, where the said Richard duke of Yorke hath declared and opened (as is aboue said) title & claime in maner as followeth.

That the right noble and woorthie prince, Henrie king of England the third had issue, and lawfullie got Edward the first begotten sonne, borne at Westminster, the fiftéenth kalends of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord 1239, & Edmund his second sonne which was borne on S. Marcels daie, the yere 1200, the which Edward, after the death of king Henrie his father, intituled & called king Edward the first, had issue, Edward his first begotten sonne, called (after the deceasse of his father) king Edward the second, the which had issue, Edward the third; which Edward the third had issue, Edward prince of Wales; Wil­liam of Hatfield his second sonne; Lionell the third, duke of Clarence; Iohn of Gant fourth, duke of Lancaster; Edmund of Langleie fift, duke of Yorke; Thomas of Woodstoke sixt, duke of Glocester; and William of Windsor seauenth.

The said Edward prince of Wales, which died in the life time of his father, had issue Richard, which suc­céeded Edward the third his grandsire; Richard died without issue; William of Hatfield the second sonne of Edward the third, died without issue; Lionell the third sonne of Edward the third, duke of Clarence, had issue Philip his daughter and heire, which was coupled in matrimonie vnto Edmund Mortimer earle of March, and had issue Roger Mortimer earle of March hir sonne and heire; which Roger had issue of Edmund erle of March, Roger Mortimer, Anne, Elianor; which Edmund, Roger, and Elianor died without issue.

And the said Anne coupled in matrimonie to Ri­chard earle of Cambridge, the sonne of Edmund of Langleie, the fift sonne of Henrie the third, and had issue Richard Plantagenet, commonlie called duke of Yorke; Iohn of Gant, the fourth sonne of Ed­ward, and the yoonger brother of the said Lionell, had issue Henrie earle of Derbie, whu incontinentlie af­ter that king Richard resigned the crownes of the [Page 658] realmes and lordship of Ireland, vnrighteouslie en­tered vpon the same, then being aliue Edmund Mortimer earle of March, sonne to Roger Morti­mer earle of March, sonne and heire of the said Phi­lip, daughter and heire of the said Lionell, the third sonne of the said king Edward the third, to the which Edmund the right and title of the said crownes and lordship by law and custome belonged. To the which Richard duke of Yorke, as sonne to Anne daughter to Roger Mortimer earle of March, sonne and heire of the said Philip, daughter and heire of the said Lio­nell, line 10 the third sonne of king Edward the third, the right, title, dignitie roiall, and estate of the crownes of the realmes of England and France, and the lord­ship of Ireland perteineth and belongeth afore anie issue of the said Iohn of Gant, the fourth sonne of the same king Edward.

The said title notwithstanding, and without preiu­dice of the said Richard duke of Yorke, tenderlie de­siring the wealth, rest, and prosperitie of this land, and to set apart all that might be trouble to the same, line 20 and considering the possession of the said king Hen­rie the sixt, and that he hath for his time béene na­med, taken, and reputed for king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, is contented, agréed, and consenteth, that he be had, reputed, and taken for king of England and France, with the roiall e­state, dignitie, and preheminence belonging there­vnto, and lord of Ireland during his naturall life. And for that time, the said duke, without hurt or pre­iudice of his said right, and title, shall take, wor­ship, line 30 and honour him for his souereigne lord.

Item, the said Richard duke of Yorke, shall pro­mit and bind him by his solemne oth, in maner and forme as followeth.

The oth of Richard duke of Yorke.In the name of God Amen: I Richard duke of Yorke, promise and sweare by the faith and truth that I owe to almightie God, that I shall neuer consent, procure, or stirre, directlie or indirectlie, in priuie or apert, neither (as much as in me is) shall suffer to be line 40 doone, consented, procured, or stirred, anie thing that may sound to the abridgement of the naturall life of king Henrie the sixt, or to the hurt or diminishing of his reigne or dignitie roiall, by violence, or anie o­ther waie, against his freedome or libertie: but if any person or persons would doo or presume anie thing to the contrarie, I shall with all my might and power withstand it, and make it to be withstood, as far as my power will stretch therevnto, so helpe me God and his holie euangelists. line 50

Item, Edward earle of March, and Edmund earle of Rutland, sonnes of the said duke of Yorke, shall make like oth.

Item, it is accorded, appointed, and agréed, that the said Richard duke of Yorke, shall be called and repu­ted from hencefoorth, verie and rightfull heire to the crownes, roiall estate, dignitie and lordship aboue said; and after the deceasse of the said king Henrie, or when he will laie from him the said crownes, estate, dignitie, and lordship, the said duke and his heires line 60 shall immediatlie succéed to the said crownes, roiall estate, dignitie and lordship.

Item, the said Richard duke of Yorke, shall haue by authoritie of this present parlement, castels, ma­nors, lands, and tenements, with the wards, marria­ges, reliefes, seruices, fines, amercements, offices, aduousons, fées, and other appurtenances to them be­longing, what soeuer they be, to the yearelie value of ten thousand marks, ouer all charges and reprises▪ whereof fiue thousand marks shall be to his owne state, three thousand fiue hundred marks to Edward his first begotten sonne earle of March for his estate, and one thousand pounds to Edmund earle of Rut­land his second sonne for his yearelie sustentation, in such consideration and such intent as shall be decla­red by the lords of the kings councell.

Item, if anie person or persons imagine or com­passe the death of the said duke, and thereof probablie be attainted of open déed doone by folkes of other condition, that it be déemed & adiudged high treason.

Item, for the more establishing of the said accord, it is appointed and consented, that the lords spirituall and temporall, being in this present parlement, shall make oths, to accept, take, worship, and repute the said Richard duke of Yorke and his heires, as aboue is rehearsed, and kéepe, obserue, and strengthen (in as much as apperteineth vnto them) all the things abouesaid, and resist to their power, all them that would presume the contrarie, according to their e­states and degrées.

Item, the said Richard duke of Yorke, earles of March, and Rutland, shall permit and make other to helpe, aid, and defend the said lords, and euerie of them, against all those that will quarell, or anie thing attempt against the said lords, or anie of them, by oc­casion of agréement or consenting to the said accord, or assistance giuing to the duke and earles, or anie of them.

Item, it is agréed and appointed, that this accord, and euerie article thereof, be opened and notified by the kings letters patents, or otherwise, at such times and places, and in maner as it shall be thought expe­dient to the said Richard duke of Yorke, with the ad­uise of the lords of the kings councell. The king vn­derstandeth certeinelie the said title of the said Ri­chard duke of Yorke, iust, lawfull, and sufficient, by the aduise and assent of the lords spirituall and tem­porall, and the commons in this parlement assem­bled; and by authoritie of the same parlement decla­reth, approoueth, ratifieth, confirmeth, and accepteth the said title, iust, good, lawfull, and true, and therevn­to giueth his assent and agréement of his frée will and libertie.

And ouer that, by the said aduise and authoritie declareth, intituleth, calleth, establisheth, affirmeth, & reputeth the said Richard duke of Yorke, verie true and rightfull heire to the crownes, roiall estate, and dignitie of the realmes of England and of France, and of the lordship of Ireland aforesaid; and that ac­cording to the worship and reuerence that thereto be­longeth, he be taken, accepted and reputed, in wor­ship & reuerence, by all the states of the said realme of England, and of all his subiects thereof; sauing and ordeining by the same authoritie, the king to haue the said crownes, realme, roiall estate, dignitie, and preheminence of the same, and the said lordship of I­reland during his life naturall.

And furthermore, by the same aduise and authori­tie willeth, consenteth and agréeth, that after his de­ceasse, or when it shall please his hignesse to laie from him the said crownes, estate, dignitie, and lordship, the said Richard duke of Yorke and his heires shall immediatlie succéed him in the said crownes, roiall estate, dignitie, and worship, and them then haue and inioie: anie act of parlement, statute, or ordi­nance, or other thing to the contrarie made, or inter­ruption, or discontinuance of possession notwith­standing.

And moreouer, by the said aduise and authoritie, e­stablisheth, granteth, confirmeth, approueth, ratifieth, and accepteth the said accord, and all things therein conteined, and therevnto fréelie and absolutelie assen­teth, agreeth; and by the same aduise and authoritie ordeineth and establisheth, that if anie person or per­sons imagine or compasse the death of the said duke, & probablie be attainted of open déed doone by folks of that condition, that it be déemed and adiudged high treason.

[Page 659]And furthermore ordeineth and establisheth by the said aduise and authoritie, that all statutes, ordinan­ces, and acts of parlement, made in the time of the said king Henrie the fourth, by the which he and the heires of his bodie, comming of Henrie late king of England the fift, the sonne and heire of the said king Henrie the fourth, and the heires of king Henrie the fift, were or be inheritable to the said crownes and realmes, or to the heritage of the same, be annulled, repealed, damned, cancelled, void, and of none effect. line 10

And ouer this, the king by the said aduise, assent and authoritie, ordeineth and establisheth, that all o­ther acts and statutes made afore this time by act of parlement, not repealed or annulled by like authori­tie, or otherwise void, be in suth force, effect, and ver­tue, as they were afore the making of these ordinan­ces; and that no letters patents, roialx of record, nor acts iudiciall, made or doone afore this time not repea­led, reuersed, ne otherwise void by law, be preiudiced or hurt by this present act.] line 20

This agreement put in articles, was ingrossed, sealed, and sworne vnto by the two parties, and also enacted in the parlement. For ioy whereof the king, hauing in his companie the duke of Yorke, road to the cathedrall church of saint Paule in London, and there on the day of All saints with the crowne on his head went solemnelie in procession, and was lodged a good space after in the bishops palace, néere to the said church. The duke of Yorke procla­med heire ap­parant & pro­tectour of the realme. The parlemēt [...] Couentrie [...]. And vpon the saturdaie next insuing, line 30 Richard duke of Yorke was by sound of trumpet so­lemnelie proclamed heire apparant to the crowne of England, and protectour of the realme. After this, the parlement kept at Couentrie the last yeare, was declared to be a diuelish councell, and onelie had for destruction of the nobilitie, and was indéed no law­full parlement: bicause they which were returned, were neuer elected according to the due order of the law, but secretlie named by them which desired ra­ther the destruction than the aduancement of the line 40 common-wealth. When these agréements were en­acted, the king dissolued his parlement, which was the last parlement that euer he ended.

The duke of Yorke, well knowing that the queene would spurne against all this, caused both hir and hir sonne to be sent for by the king. But she as woont ra­ther to rule, than to be ruled, and thereto counselled by the dukes of Excester and Summerset, not onelie denied to come, but also assembled a great armie, in­tending to take the king by fine force out of the lords hands. The protector in London, hauing knowledge line 50 of all these dooings, assigned the duke of Norffolke, and erle of Warwike his trustie fréends to be about the king, while he with the earles of Salisburie and Rutland, and a conuenient number departed out of London the second daie of December northward, and appointed the earle of March his eldest sonne to follow him with all his power. The duke came to his castell of Sandall beside Wakefield on Christmasse éeuen, & there began to make muster of his tenants and fréends. The quéene there of ascerteined, determi­ned line 60 to cope with him ye [...] his succour were come.

Now she, hauing in hir companie the prince hir sonne▪ the dukes of Excester and Summerset, the earle of Deuonshire, the lord Clifford, the lord Ros, and in effect all the lords of the north parts, with eightéene thousand men, or (as some write) two and twentie thousand, marched from Yorke to Wake­field, and bad base to the duke, euen before his castell gates. He hauing with him not fullie fiue thousand persons, contrarie to the minds of his faithfull coun­cellors▪ would needs issue foorth to fight with his eni­mies. The duke of Summerset and the quéenes part, casting vpon their most aduantage, appointed the lord Clifford to lie in one stale, and the earle of Wil­shire in another, and the duke with other to kéepe the maine battell. The duke of Yorke with his people des­cended downe the hill in good order and arraie, and was suffered to passe on towards the maine bat­tell.

But when he was in the plaine field betweene his castell and the towne of Wakefield, The battell at Wakefield. he was inuiro­ned on euerie side, like fish in a net, so that though he fought manfullie, The duke of Yorke slaine. yet was he within halfe an houre slaine and dead, and his whole armie discomfited: with him died of his trustie fréends, his two bastard vncles, sir Iohn and sir Hugh Mortimers, sir Dauie Hall, sir Hugh Hastings, sir Thomas Neuill, Willi­am and Thomas Aparre, both brethren; Onelie seauen hundred sou­therne men saith Whe [...] ­hamsted. and two thou­sand and eight hundred others, whereof manie were yoong gentlemen, and heires of great parentage in the south parts, whose kin reuenged their deaths with­in foure moneths next, as after shall appeare.

In this conflict was wounded and taken priso­ner, Richard earle of Salisburie, sir Richard Lim­bricke, Rafe Stanleie, Iohn Harow, capteine Han­son, and diuerse others. The lord Clifford, perceiuing where the earle of Rutland was conueied out of the field (by one of his fathers chapleins, and scholemai­ster to the same earle) and ouertaking him, The cruell murther of the yoong earle of Rutland. stabbed him to the heart with a dagger as he kneeled afore him. This earle was but a child at that time of twelue yeares of age, whome neither his tender yeares, nor dolorous countenance, with holding vp both his hands for mercie (for his speach was gone for feare) could mooue the cruell heart of the lord Clifford to take pitie vpon him, so that he was noted of great infamie for that his vnmercifull murther vpon that yoong gentleman.

But the same lord Clifford not satisfied herewith, came to the place where the dead corpse of the duke of Yorke laie, caused his head to be striken off, and set on it a crowne of paper, fixed it on a pole, and pre­sented it to the quéene, not lieng farre from the field, in great despite, at which great reioising was shew­ed: but they laughed then that shortlie after lamen­ted, and were glad then of other mens deaths that knew not their owne to be so néere at hand. ¶Some write that the duke was taken aliue, Whethamsted▪ and in derision caused to stand vpon a molehill, on whose head they put a garland in steed of a crowne, which they had fa­shioned and made of sedges or bulrushes; and hauing so crowned him with that garland, they knéeled downe afore him (as the Iewes did vnto Christ) in scorne, saieng to him; ‘Haile king without rule, haile king without heritage, haile duke and prince with­out people or possessions. And at length hauing thus scorned him with these and diuerse other the like de­spitefull words, they stroke off his head, which (as yee haue heard) they presented to the quéene.’

Manie déemed that this miserable end chanced to the duke of Yorke, as a due punishment for breaking his oth of allegiance vnto his souereigne lord king Henrie: but others held him discharged thereof, bi­cause he obteined a dispensation from the pope▪ A purchase of Gods cursse with y e popes blessing. by such suggestion as his procurators made vnto him, whereby the same oth was adiudged void, as that which was receiued vnaduisedlie, to the preiudice of himselfe, and disheriting of all his posteritie. After this victorie by the quéene, The priso­ners beheaded the earle of Salisburie and all the prisoners were sent to Pomfret, year 1461 and there be­headed, whose heads (togither with the duke of Yorkes head) were conueied to Yorke, and there set on poles ouer the gate of the citie, in despite of them and their linage. The earle of March, The earle of March now duke of Yorke. now after the death of his father, verie duke of Yorke, lieng at Glocester, was woonderfullie amazed, when the sor­rowfull newes of these mishaps came vnto him: but [Page 660] after comfort giuen to him by his faithfull louers and assured alies, he remooued to Shrewesburie, de­claring to the inhabitants of that towne, and to them of the other townes in those parties the murther of his father, the ieopardie of himselfe, and the present ruine of the common-wealth.

The people on the marches of Wales, for the fa­uour which they bare to the Mortimers linage, more gladlie offered him their aid and assistance than he could desire the same; so that he had incontinentlie a line 10 puissant armie, to the number of thrée and twentie thousand, readie to go against the quéene, and the murtherers of his father. But when he was setting forward, The earle of Penbroke. newes was brought to him, that Iasper earle of Penbroke halfe brother to king Henrie, and Iames Butler earle of Ormund and Wilshire, had assembled a great number of Welsh and Irish peo­ple to take him: he herewith quickned, retired backe and met with his enimies in a faire plaine, néere to Mortimers crosse, The battell of Mortimers crosse. not far from Hereford east, on line 20 Candlemasse daie in the morning. At which time the sunne (as some write) appeared to the earle of March like thrée sunnes, and suddenlie ioined altogither in one. Upon which sight he tooke such courage, that he fiercelie setting on his enimies, put them to flight: and for this cause men imagined, that he gaue the sunne in his full brightnesse for his badge or cogni­sance. The cogni­sāce of bright sunne. Of his enimies were left dead on the ground thrée thousand and eight hundred.

The earles of Penbroke and Wilshire fled, but sir Owen Teuther father to the said earle of Pen­broke line 30 (which Owen had married king Henries mo­ther, Owen Teu­ther and other taken and beheaded. as yee haue heard before) with Dauid Floid, Morgan ap Reuther, and diuerse other were taken, and beheaded at Hereford. The quéene neuerthelesse incouraged by hir late victorie, with a multitude of northerne people, marched toward London, inten­ding to vndoo all that had beene ordeined in the last parlement. These northerne people, after they were once passed ouer the riuer of Trent, Whethamsted. spoiled and wa­sted the countrie afore them, in maner as if they had line 40 béene in the land of forren enimies. At length, they approched to saint Albons, hearing that the duke of Northfolke, and the earle of Warwike, with other whome the duke of Yorke had left to gouerne the king in his absence, had (by the kings assent) assem­bled a great hoast, and were incamped neere to that towne.

Those northerne lords and other that were with the queene, The northern men enter in­to S. Albons. made forward, and entring into S. Albons, meant to passe through the towne, and so to coape line 50 with their enimies; but finding a sort of archers ran­ged néere to the great crosse in the market place, to defend their passage, they were receiued with such a storme of arrowes, which came flieng about their eares as thicke as haile, that they were quicklie re­pell [...]d backe, and with losse driuen to retire in hast vnto the west end of the towne; where, by a lane that leadeth northwards vp to saint Peters stréet, they made their entrie, and had there also a sharpe in­counter against certeine bands of the kings people. line 60 But after great slaughter on both parts, they got through▪ They passe through it. and vpon the heath that lieth at the north end of the towne, called Barnard heath, they had a farre greater conflict with foure or fiue thousand of the kings armie, that séemed as they had beene auant courrers.

These gaue the onset so fiercelie at the beginning, that the victorie rested doubtfull a certeine time, The second battell at S. Albons. so that if the easterne and southerne men had conti­nued as they began, the field had beene theirs; but af­ter they had stood to it a pretie while, and perceiued none of their fellowes from the great armie to come and assist them, they began to faint, and turning their backes, fled amaine ouer hedge and ditch, The [...] part [...] through thicke and thin, woods and bushes, séeking so to escape the hands of their cruell enimies that followed them with eger minds, to make slaughter vpon them, namelie, the northern prickers, now in the chace pur­sued most hotlie, and bare downe manie, and more had doone, if the night comming vpon, had not staied them.

When the daie was closed, those that were about the king (in number a twentie thousand) hearing how euill their fellowes had sped, began vtterlie to despaire of the victorie, and so fell without anie long tarriance to running awaie. By reason whereof, the nobles that were about the king, perceiuing how the game went, and withall saw no comfort in the king, but rather a good will and affection towards the con­trarie part, they withdrew also, leauing the king ac­companied with the lord Bonneuille, & sir Thomas Kiriell of Kent; which vpon assurance of the kings promise, tarried still with him, and fled not. But their trust deceiued them, for at the queenes departing from saint Albons, they were both beheaded; though contrarie to the mind and promise of hir husband. Sir Thomas Thorp, baron of the escheker, was also beheaded the same daie, at Highgate, by the com­mons of Kent.

Such was the successe of this second battell fought at S. Albons, vpon Shrouetuesdaie, the seuentéenth of Februarie, in which were slaine thrée and twentie hundred men, of whom no noble man is remembred, 1916, as Iohn Stow noteth▪ Sir Iohn Graie slain [...]. saue sir Iohn Graie, which the same daie was made knight, with twelue other, at the village of Colneie. Now after that the noble men and other were fled, and the king left in maner alone without anie pow­er of men to gard his person, he was counselled by an esquier called Thomas Hoo, a man well langua­ged, and well seene in the lawes, to send some conue­nient messenger to the northerne lords, aduertising them, that he would now gladlie come vnto them (whome he knew to be his verie fréends, and had as­sembled themselues togither for his seruice) to the end he might remaine with them, as before he had remained vnder the gouernement of the southerne lords.

According to the aduise and counsell of this es­quier, the king thought it good to send vnto them, and withall appointed the same esquier to beare the mes­sage, Thomas [...] esquier sent to the nor­therne lord [...] ▪ who first went and declared the same vnto the earle of Northumberland, and returning backe to the king, brought certeine lords with him, who con­ueied the king first vnto the lord Cliffords tent, that stood next to the place where the kings people had in­camped. This done, they went and brought the quéene and hir sonne prince Edward vnto his presence, whome he ioifullie receiued, imbracing and kissing them in most louing wife, and yeelding hartie thanks to almightie God, whome it had pleased thus to strengthen the forces of the northerne men▪ to restore his déerelie belooued and onelie sonne againe into his possession. Edw. Hall▪ Thus was the quéene fortunate in hir two battels, but vnfortunate was the king in all his enterprises: for where his person was present, the victorie still fled from him to the contrarie part. The quéene caused the king to dub hir sonne prince Ed­ward knight, with thirtie other persons, Prince Ed­ward [...] knight. which the day before fought on hir side against his part.

This doone, they went to the abbeie, where of the abbat and moonks they were receiued with hymnes and songs, and so brought to the high altar, and after to the shrine, and so to the chamber in which the king was woont to lodge. The abbat made sute that or­der might be taken to restreine the northerne men from spoiling the towne: and proclamation indéed was made to that effect, but it auailed not: for they [Page 661] mainteined, that the spoile of things was granted them by couenant, after they were once passed ouer the riuer of Trent: and so not regarding anie pro­clamation or other commandement, they spared no­thing that they could laie hands vpon, The northern [...]en spoile the towne of saint [...]. The queéne s [...]ndeth to the m [...]ior of Lon­do [...] for vit­tels. if the same were meet for them to carie awaie. The queene, ha­uing thus got the victorie, sent to the maior of Lon­don, commanding him without delaie to send cer­teine carts, laden with Lenton vittels, for the re­freshing of hir and hir armie. The maior incontinent­lie line 10 caused carts to be laden, and would haue sent them forward; but the commons of the citie would not suffer them to passe, Uittels sent by the maior, and staid by the commons. but staied them at Criple­gate, notwithstanding the maior did what he could by gentle persuasions to quiet them.

During which controuersie, diuerse of the nor­therne horssemen, came and robbed in the suburbs of the citie, and would haue entred at Criplegate; but they were repelled by the commoners, and three of them slaine. Wherevpon, the maior sent the recorder line 20 to Barnet to the kings councell there, to excuse the matter; and the duches of Bedford, the ladie Scales, with diuerse fathers of the spiritualtie, went to the quéene, to asswage hir displeasure conceiued against the citie. The queene at this humble request, by ad­uise of hir councell, appointed certeine lords and knights, with foure hundred tall persons, to ride to the citie, and there to view and sée the demeanor and disposition of the people: and diuerse aldermen were appointed to méet them at Barnet, and to conueie line 30 them to London. But what man purposeth, God dis­poseth. All these deuises were shortlie altered to an­other forme, bicause true report came not onelie to the queene, but also to the citie; that the earle of March, hauing vanquished the earles of Penbroke and Wilshire, had met with the earle of Warwike (after this last battell at saint Albons) at Chipping Norton by Cotsold; and that they with both their powers were cōming toward London. The queene hauing little trust in Essex, The quéene returneth northward. and lesse in Kent, but line 40 least of all in London, with hir husband and sonne, departed from saint Albons, into the north countrie, where the foundation of hir aid and refuge onelie rested.

The duches of Yorke, séeing hir husband and sonne slaine, and not knowing what should succéed of hir eldest sonnes chance, sent hir two yonger sonnes, George and Richard, ouer the sea, to the citie of U­trecht in Almaine, where they were of Philip duke of Burgognie well receiued; and so remained there, till line 50 their brother Edward had got the crowne and go­uernement of the realme. The earles of March and Warwike, hauing perfect knowlege that the king & queene, with their adherents, were departed from S. Albons, rode straight to London, entring there with a great number of men of warre, the first weeke of Lent. Whose cōming thither was no sooner knowne, but that the people resorted out of Kent, The great hop [...] of the people concei­ued of the erle o [...] March. Essex, and other the counties adioining, in great numbers, to sée, aid, and comfort this lustie prince and flower of line 60 chiualrie, in whome the hope of their ioy and trust of their quietnesse onelie consisted.

This prudent yoong prince, minding to take time when time serued, called a great councell, both of the lords spirituall and temporall, and to them repeated the title and right that he had to the crowne, rehear­sing also the articles concluded betwéene king Hen­rie and his father, by their writings signed and sea­led, and also confirmed by act of parlement; the brea­ches whereof he neither forgat, nor left vndeclared. After the lords had considered of this matter, they determined by authoritie of the said councell, that because king Henrie had doone contrarie to the ordi­nances in the last parlement concluded, and was in­sufficient of himselfe to rule the realme, he was ther­fore to be depriued of all kinglie estate: and inconti­nentlie was Edward earle of March, sonne and heire to Richard duke of Yorke, by the lords in the said councell assembled, named, elected, The earle of March elec­ted king. and admit­ted for king and gouernour of the realme.

On which daie, the people of the earles part, being in their muster in S. Iohns field, and a great num­ber of the substantiall citizens there assembled, to be­hold their order; the lord Fauconbridge, who tooke the musters, The lord Faucon­bridge. wiselie anon declared to the people the offenses and breaches of the late agréement, commit­ted by king Henrie the sixt; and demanded of the people, whether they would haue him to rule and reigne anie longer ouer them? To whome they with whole voice answered; Naie, naie. Then he asked them, if they would serue, loue, honour, and obeie the erle of March, as their onlie king and souereigne lord? To which question they answered; Yea, yea: cri­eng (King Edward) with manie great showts & clap­ping of hands in assent and gladnesse of the same.

The lords were shortlie aduertised of the louing consent which the commons frankelie and fréelie had giuen. Whervpon incontinentlie, they all with a con­uenient number of the most substantiall commons repaired to the erle at Bainards castell, making iust and true report of their election and admission, and the louing assent of the commons. The earle, after long pausing, first thanked God of his great grace and benefit towards him shewed; then the lords and commons for their fauour and fidelitie: notwith­standing, like a wise prince, he alleged his insuffi­ciencie for so great a roome and weightie burthen, as lacke of knowledge, want of experience, and diuerse other qualities to a gouernour apperteining. But yet in conclusion, being persuaded by the archbishop of Canturburie, the bishop of Excester, The earle of March ta­keth vpon him as king. and other lords then present, he agréed to their petition, and tooke vp­on him the charge of the kingdome, as forfeited to him by breach of the couenants established in par­lement.

¶Thus farre touching the tragicall state of this land vnder the rent regiment of king Henrie, Abr. Flem. who (besides the bare title of roialtie and naked name of king) had little apperteining to the port of a prince. For whereas the dignitie of princedome standeth in souereigntie; there were of his nobles that im­becilled his prerogatiue by sundrie practises, spe­ciallie by maine force; as seeking either to suppresse, or to exile, or to obscure, or to make him awaie: other­wise what should be the meaning of all those fough­ten fields from time to time, most miserablie falling out both to prince, péere, and people? As at saint Al­bons, at Bloreheath, at Northampton, at Banberie, at Barnet, & at Wakefield; to the effusion of much bloud, and pulling on of manie a plage, which other­wise might haue béene aucided. All which battels, to­gither with those that were tried betweene Edward the fourth, after his inthronization; and Henrie the sixt after his extermination (as at Exham, Donca­ster, and Teukesburie) are remembred by Anglorum praelia in good order of pithie poetrie, as followeth:

Nobilitata inter plures haec sunt loca caede,
Albani fanum, Blorum, borealis & Ampton,
Banbrecum campis, Barnettum collibus haerens,
Wakefield.
Experrectorum pagus, fanúm (que) se [...]undò
Albani, propior Scoticis confinibus Exam,
Contiguó (que) istis habitantes rure coloni,
Moerentes hodie, quoties proscindit arator
Arua propinqua locis dentale reuellere terra
Semisepulta virûm sulcis Cerealibus ossa:
Moesta execrantur planctu ciuile duellum,
Quo periere [...]ominum plus centum millia caesa,
Nobile Todcastrum clades accepta coegit
[Page 662]Millibus enectis ter denis nomen habere.
Vltima postremae locus est Teuxburia pugnae,
Oppidulis his accedens certissima testis,
Bello intestino sluuios fluxisse cruoris.]

But now before we procéed anie further, sith the reigne of king Henrie maie séeme here to take end, we will specifie some such learned men as liued in his time. Iohn Leland, surnamed the elder (in re­spect of the other Iohn Leland, that painefull anti­quarie of our time) wrote diuerse treatises, for the instruction of grammarians; Iohn Hainton, a line 10 Carmelit or white frier (as they called them) of Lin­colne; Robert Colman, a Franciscane frier of Nor­wich, and chancellor of the vniuersitie of Oxenford; William White a priest of Kent, professing the doc­trine of Wickliffe, and forsaking the order of the Romane church, married a wife, but continued his office of preaching, till at length, in the yeare 1428, he was apprehended, and by William bishop of Nor­wich, and the doctors of the friers mendicants, char­ged with thirtie articles, which he mainteined, con­trarie line 20 to the doctrine of the Romane church, and in September the same yeare suffered death by fire.

Alexander Carpentar, a learned man, set foorth a booke called Destructorium vitiorum, wherein he inuei­eth against the prelats of the church of that time, for their crueltie vsed, in persecuting the poore and godlie christians; Richard Kendall, an excellent gram­marian; Iohn Bate, warden of the white friers in Yorke, but borne in the borders of Wales, an excel­lent philosopher, and a diuine, he was also séene in the line 30 Gréeke toong, Peter Basset wrote king Henrie the fift his life. a thing rare in those daies; Peter Basset, esquier of the priuie chamber to king Henrie the fift, whose life he wrote; Iohn Pole a priest, that wrote the life of saint Walburgh, daughter to one Richard, a noble man of this realme of England, which Walburgh (as he affirmeth) builded our ladie church in Antwerpe; Thomas Ismaelit, a monke of Sion; Walter Hilton, a Chartreaux monke also of Shiene, either of those wrote certeine treatises full of superstition, as Iohn Bale noteth. line 40

Thomas Walden so called of the towne where he was borne, but his fathers surname was Netter, a white frier of London, and the thrée and twentith pro­uinciall gouernour of his order, a man vndoubted­lie learned, and thoroughlie furnished with cunning of the schooles, but a sore enimie to them that profes­sed the doctrine of Wickliffe, writing sundrie great volumes and treatises against them, he died at Rone in Normandie, the second of Nouember, in line 50 the yeare one thousand foure hundred and thirtie; Richard Ullerston, borne in Lancashire, wrote di­uerse treatises of diuinitie; Peter Clearke, a stu­dent in Oxenford, and a defendor of Wickliffes doc­trine, wherevpon when he feared persecution here in England, he fled into Boheme, but yet at length he was apprehended by the imperialists, and died for it, as some write, Fabian and Caxton. but in what order, is not expressed.

Robert Hounslow, a religious man of an house in Hounslow beside London, whereof he tooke his line 60 surname; Thomas Walsingham, borne in Norf­folke, in a towne there of the same name, but profes­sed a monke in the abbeie of saint Albons, a diligent historiographer; Iohn Tilneie, a white frier of Yer­mouth, but a student in Cambridge, and prooued an excellent diuine; Richard Fleming, a doctor of diui­nitie in Oxenford, of whome more at large before, pag. 604. Iohn Low borne in Worcestershire, an Augustine frier, a doctor of diuinitie, and prouin­ciall in England of his order, and by king Henrie the sixt, made first bishop of saint Asaph, and after re­mooued from thense to Rochester; Thomas Ring­sted the yoonger, not the same that was bishop, but a doctor of the law, and vicar of Mildenhall in Suf­folke, a notable preacher, and wrote diuerse trea­tises.

Iohn Felton, a doctor of diuinitie of Madgdalen college in Oxenford; Nicholas Botlesham, a Car­melit frier borne in Cambridgeshire, and student first in the vniuersitie of Cambridge, and after in Paris, where he proceeded doctor of diuinitie; Tho­mas Rudburne, a monke of Winchester, and an hi­storiographer; Iohn Holbrooke, borne in Surrie, a great philosopher, and well séene in the mathematiks; Peter Paine, an earnest professor of Wickliffes doctrine, and fearing persecution here in England, fled into Boheme, where he remained in great esti­mation for his great learning & no lesse wisedome; Nicholas Upton, a ciuilian, wrote of heraldrie, of colours in armorie, and of the dutie of chiualrie; William Beckeleie, a Carmelit frier of Sand­wich, & warden of the house there, a diuine, and pro­fessed degree of schoole in Cambridge; Iohn Torpe, a Carmelit frier of Norwich.

Iohn Capgraue borne in Kent, and Augustine frier, procéeded doctor of diuinitie in Oxenford, was admitted prouinciall of his order, and prooued (with­out controuersie) the best learned of anie of that or­der of friers here in England, as Iohn Bale affir­meth, he wrote manie notable volumes, and final­lie departed this life at Lin in Norffolke, the twelfth of August, in the yere 1464, which was in the fourth yeare of king Edward the fourth; Hum [...]rie duke of Glocester, earle of Penbroke, and lord chamberlaine of England, also protector of the realme, during the minoritie of his nephue king Henrie the sixt, was both a great fauourer of learned men, and also verie well learned himselfe, namelie in astrologie, where­of (beside other things) he wrote a speciall treatise in­tituled, Tabula directionum.

Iohn Whethamsted, otherwise called Frumenta­rius, was abbat of saint Albons, and highlie in fa­uor with the good duke of Glocester last remembred, he wrote diuerse treatises, and among others, a booke as it were of the records of things, chancing whilest he was abbat, which booke I haue séene, and partlie in some parcell of this kings time haue also follow­ed; Roger Onleie, borne in the west countrie (as Bale thinketh) was accused of treason, for practising with the ladie Eleanor Cobham, by sorcerie to make the king awaie, and was thereof condemned, and died for it, though he were innocent thereof, as some haue thought, he wrote a treatise intituled, Contra vulgi superstitiones, also another De sua innocentia; Ni­cholas Cantlow, a Welshman borne, descended of an ancient familie in Southwales, as by Bale it should appeare, he became a frier Carmelit in Bri­stow; Henrie Wichingham, a Carmelit frier of Norwich, a notable diuine, a great preacher, and wrote also sundrie treatises of diuinitie.

Iohn Lidgate, a monke of Burie, an excellent poet, and chiefe in his time in that facultie, of all o­ther that practised the same within this land, he tra­uelled thorough France and Italie to learne the lan­guages and sciences, how greatlie he profited in at­teining to knowledge, the workes which he wrote doo sufficientlie testifie; Nicholas Hostresham, an ex­cellent physician; Iohn Blackeneie, a religious man, of the order of the Trinitie intituled, De redemptione captiuorum, and prior of an house of the same order, at Ingham in Norffolke, he was surnamed Blacke­neie, of the towne where he was borne; Thomas Beckington, bishop of Bath, wrote against the law Salique, by which law the Frenchmen would se­clude the princes of this realme from their title vnto the crowne of France; Iohn Baringham a Car­melite frier of Gippeswich in Suffolke; Dauid Bois, borne in Wales, and a frier Carmelit, pro­fessed [Page 663] in Glocester, a doctor of diuinitie.

Iohn Brome, an Augustine frier; Michaell Tri­gurie, a Cornishman borne, whome for his excellen­cie and learning, king Henrie the fift appointed to be gouernour of that schoole or vniuersitie, which he instituted in the citie of Caen in Normandie, after he had brought it vnder his subiection; Iohn Amun­disham, a moonke of saint Albons; Oswald Angli­cus, a moonke of the Chartreux order; Iohn Kening­ale, a Carmelit frier of Norwich; Peter De sancta line 10 fide, a Carmelit also of Norwich; Reginald Pe­cocke, bishop of Chichester, of whome ye haue heard before, he was borne in Wales, and student in O­riall college in Oxenford, where he procéeded doctor of diuinitie, he wrote manie treatises touching the christian religion; Iohn surnamed Burie of the towne where he was borne, an Augustine frier in the towne of Clare in Suffolke.

Robert Fleming, a man perfect in the Gréeke and Latine toong [among whose works some haue line 20 béene séene vnder these titles: namelie, Lucubratio­num Tiburtinarm lib. 1. a dictionarie in Gréeke and La­tine, and a worke in verse of sundrie kinds, this man was of most fame in the yeare of our Lord 1470, which was in the tenth yeare of Edward the fourth, though he were not obscure also in the daies of this Henrie the sixt;] Thomas Gascoigne, borne at Hun­fléete in Yorkeshire, of that worshipfull familie of the Gascoignes there, a doctor of diuinitie, and chancel­lor of the vniuersitie of Oxenford; William Sta­pilhart, borne in Kent, but by profession a white frier line 30 in London; Robert Fimingham borne in Norffolke a Franciscan frier in Norwich; Nicholas Monta­cute, an historiographer; Iohn Chandler, chancellor of Welles; William Botoner, descended of a good house, a knight by degrée, and borne in Bristow, ve­rie studious in antiquities, and other sciences.

Iohn Stow, a monke of Norwich, but student in Oxenford, where he procéeded doctor of diuinitie; Thomas Langleie, a monke of Hulme; Nicholas Bungeie, borne in a towne of Norffolke of that line 40 name, wrote an historie, called Adunationes chronico­rum; Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester, base sonne to Iohn duke of Lancaster, of whome before we haue made sufficient mention, made cardinall by pope Martine the fourth, in the yeare 1426; A­dam Homlington, a Carmelit frier; William Coppinger, maister of the vniuersitie of Oxenford; Thomas Stacie, an expert mathematician, and no lesse skilfull in astronomie; Iohn Talaugerne, a moonke of Worcester; William Sutton, an astro­logian; Robert Balsacke, wrote a booke intituled De re militari, that is to saie, of warre or chiualrie, so that (as is thought) he was both a good souldier, and a painefull student of good letters.

Thomas Dando, a Carmelit frier of Marle­burgh, he wrote the life of Alphred king of west Sa­xons; William Graie, borne of the noble house of the Graies of Codnor, he went to atteine to some excellencie of learning in Italie, where he heard that noble clearke Guarinus Ueronensis read in Ferrara, he was preferred to the bishoprike of E­lie, in the yéere 1454, by pope Nicholas the fift, when Thomas Bourchier was translated from thense to Canturburie; Iohn Kempe, archbishop of Yorke, and after remooued from thense to Canturburie (as before ye haue heard) he was made cardinall of S. Albin, by pope Eugenie the fourth; Adam Molins (as Bale calleth him) kéeper of the kings priuie seale, excellentlie learned, in time of the ciuill warre be­twixt king Henrie, and the duke of Yorke, in which he lost his head.

Thomas Chillenden, a doctor both of the law ciuill and canon, became at length a moonke in Cantur­burie; Robert Bale, surnamed the elder, excellent­lie learned in the lawes of the realme, recorder of London, gathered as it were a chronicle of the cu­stomes, lawes, foundations, changes, restoring ma­gistrats, offices, orders, and publike assemblies of the citie of London, with other matters, touching the perfect description of the same citie; he wrote o­ther works also touching the state of the same citie, and the acts of king Edward the third; he departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 1461, euen about the beginning of the reigne of king Edward the fourth, vnto whome we will now againe returne.

Thus farre the tragicall historie of Henrie the sixt depriued of his roialtie.

Edward the fourth earle of March, sonne and heire to Richard duke of Yorke.

AFter that this prince Anno Reg. 1.Edward earle of March had taken vpon him the gouernement of this realme of England (as before ye haue heard) the morow next insuing, be­ing the fourth of March, he rode to the church of saint Paule, The earle of March ta­keth vpon him as king. and there of­fered: and after Te Deum soong, with great solemnitie he was conueied to Westminster, and there set in the hall with the scepter roiall in his hand, whereto people in great numbers assembled. His title de­clared. His claime to the crowne was declared to be by two maner of waies, the first, as sonne and heire to duke Richard his father, right inheritor to the same; the second, by authoritie of parlement, and forfeiture committed by king Henrie. Wherevpon it was againe deman­ded of the commons, if they would admit and take the said erle as their prince and souereigne lord, which all with one voice cried; Yea, yea.

[Page 664]This part thus plaied, he entered into Westmin­ster church vnder a canopie with solemne procession, and there as king offered; and herewith taking the homages of all the nobles there present, he returned by water to London, and was lodged in the bishops palace; He is procla­med king. and on the morrow after, he was proclamed king by the name of Edward the fourth, throughout the citie. This was in the yeare of the world 5427, and after the birth of our Sauiour 1461 after our ac­compt, beginning the yeare at Christmasse; but after line 10 the vsuall accompt of the church of England 1460, the twentith of emperour Frederike the third; the nine and thirtith and last of Charles the seuenth French king; and first yeare of the reigne of Iames the third king of Scots.

Whilest these things were adooing in the south-parts, king Henrie being in the north countrie, as­sembled a great armie, trusting (for all this) to sub­due his enimies; namelie, sith their chiefe ringleader the duke of Yorke was dispatched out of the waie. line 20 But he was deceiued: for out of the ded stocke sprang a branch more mightie than the stem; this Edward the fourth, a prince so highlie fauoured of the people, for his great liberalitie, clemencie, vpright dealing, and courage, that aboue all other, he with them stood in grace alone: by reason whereof, men of all ages and degrees to him dailie repaired, some offering themselues and their men to ieopard their liues with him, and other plentiouslie gaue monie to support his charges, and to mainteine his right. line 30

By which meanes, he gathered togither a puissant armie, to the intent by battell (sithens none other waies would serue) at once to make an end of all. So, his armie and all things prepared, he departed out of London the twelfe daie of March, and by ea­sie iournies came to the castell of Pomfret, where he rested, appointing the lord Fitz Walter to kéepe the passage at Ferribridge with a good number of tall m [...]n. King Henrie on the other part, hauing his ar­mie in readinesse, committed the gouernance there­of line 40 to the duke of Summerset, the earle of Northum­berland, and the lord Clifford, as men desiring to re­uenge the death of their parents, slaine at the first battell at saint Albons. These capteins leauing king Henrie, his wife, and sonne, for the most safegard within the citie of Yorke, passed the riuer of Wharfe with all their power, intending to stop king Edward of his passage ouer the riuer of Aire.

And the better to bring that to passe, the lord Clif­ford determined to make a charge vpon them that line 50 kept the passage of Ferribridge; and so he departed with his light horssemen from the great armie on the saturdaie before Palmesundaie; and earelie yer his enimies were aware, slue the kéepers and wan the bridge. The lord Fitz Walter hearing the noise, sud­denlie rose out of his bed, The lord Fitz Water slaine. and vnarmed with a pollar in his hand, thinking that it had béene but a fraie a­mongst his men, came downe to appease the same; but yer he knew what the matter meant was slaine, and with him the bastard of Salisburie brother to the earle of Warwike, a valiant yoong gentleman, and line 60 of great audacitie.

When the earle of Warwike was informed here­of, like a man desperat, he mounted on his hacknie, and hasted puffing and blowing to king Edward, saieng; ‘Sir, I praie God haue mercie of their soules, which in the beginning of your enterprise haue lost their liues. And bicause I sée no succors of the world but in God, I remit the vengeance to him our crea­tor and redéemer.’ With that he alighted downe, and slue his horse with his sword, saieng; Let him flée that will, for suerlie I will tarrie with him that will tar­rie with me: The earle of Warwike. and kissed the crosse of his sword as it were for a vow to the promise. King Edward, per­ceiuing the courage of his trustie friend the earle of Warwike, made proclamation, that all men which were afraid to fight, should depart: and to all those that tarried the battell, he promised great rewards, A proclama [...]tion. with addition, that anie souldier which voluntarilie would abide, and afterwards▪ either in or before the fight should seeme to flee or turne his backe, then he that could kill him, should haue a great reward and double wages.

After this proclamation ended, the lord Faucon­bridge, sir Walter Blunt, Robert Horne with the fore-ward, passed the riuer at Castelford, three miles from Ferribridge, intending to haue inuironed the lord Clifford and his companie. But they being ther­of aduertised, departed in great hast toward king Henries armie; yet they met with some that they loo­ked not for, & were so trapt yer they were aware. For the lord Clifford, either for heat or paine, putting off his gorget, suddenlie with an arrow (as some saie) without an head, was striken into the throte, The lord Clifford [...]. and im­mediatlie rendred his spirit; and the earle of West­merlands brother, and all his companie almost were there slaine, at a place called Dintingdale, Dintingdale▪ not far from Towton. This end had the lord Clifford, which slue the earle of Rutland kneeling on his knees, Crueltie paid with sudden mischiefe. whose yoong sonne Thomas Clifford was brought vp with a sheepheard in poore habit, euer in feare to be knowne, till king Henrie the seuenth obteined the crowne, by whom he was restored to his name and possessions.

When this conflict was ended at Ferribridge, the lord Fauconbridge, hauing the fore-ward, The lord Faucon­bridge. bicause the duke of Norffolke was fallen sicke, valiantlie vp­on Palmesundaie in the twilight set foorth his armie and came to Saxton, Saxton. Whethamsted saith, that K. Hēries powe [...] excéeded in number king Edwards [...] twentie thou­sand men. where he might apparantlie be­hold the host of his aduersaries, which were accomp­ted thréescore thousand men, and thereof aduertised king Edward, whose whole armie amounted to eight and fortie thousand six hundred and thréescore per­sons: which incontinentlie with the earle of War­wike set forward, leauing the rere-ward vnder the gouernance of sir Iohn Wenlocke, sir Iohn Din­ham, and other. And first of all, An heauie proclamatiō. he made proclamati­on, that no prisoner should be taken. So the same daie about nine of the clocke, which was the nine and twentith daie of March, being Palmesundaie, Palmesun­daie field▪ both the hostes approched in a faire plaine field, betweene Towton and Saxton.

When ech part perceiued other, they made a great shout; and at the same instant there fell a small sléete or snow, which by violenee of the wind that blew a­gainst them, was driuen into the faces of king Hen­ries armies, so that their sight was somewhat dim­med. The lord Fauconbridge, leading K. Edwards fore-ward, caused euerie archer vnder his stan­dard to shoot one flight (which before he caused them to prouide) and then made them to stand still. The northerne men feeling the shot, but by reason of the sléet, not well viewing the distance betweene them and their enimies, like forward men shot their theafe arrowes as fast as they might: but all to losse, for they came short of the southerne men by thréescore yards.

So their shot almost spent, the lord Fauconbridge marched forward with his archers, which not onelie shot their whole sheafes, but also gathered the ar­rowes of their enimies, and let a great part flie a­gainst their first owners, and suffered a great sort of them to stand, which sore troubled the legs of the nor­therne men, when the battell ioined. The earle of Northumberland and Andrew Trollop, The earle [...] Northu [...] ­berland. chiefe cap­teins of king Henries vawward, séeing their shot not to preuaile, hasted to ioine with their enimies, and the other part slacked not their pase. This battell [Page 665] was sore foughten, for hope of life was set aside on either part, & taking of prisoners proclamed a great offense, The obstinate minds of b [...]th parts. so euerie man determined to vanquish or die in the field.

This deadlie conflict continued ten houres in doubtfull state of victorie, vncerteinlie heauing and setting on both sides; but in the end, king Edward so couragiouslie comforted his men, that the other part was discomfited and ouercome, King Henries part discomfi­ted. who like men a­mazed, fled toward Tadcaster bridge to saue them­selues, where in the mid waie is a little brooke cal­led line 10 Cocke, not verie broad, but of a great déepenesse, in which, Cocke or ri­uer. what for hast to escape, and what for feare of their followers, a great number was drowned there. It was reported, that men aliue passed the riuer vp­on dead carcasses, and that the great riuer of Wharfe whereinto that brooke dooth run, and of all the water comming from Towton, was coloured with bloud.

The chase continued all night, and the most part of the next daie, and euer the northerne men (as they line 20 saw anie aduantage) returned againe, and fought with their enimies, to the great losse of both parts. For in these two daies were slaine (as they that knew it wrote) on both parts six and thirtie thousand seuen hundred thréescore & sixteene persons, The number slaine in bat­tel of Saxtō, otherwise cal­led Palme­sun [...]aie field. all En­glishmen and of one nation, whereof the chiefe were the earles of Northumberland and Westmerland, the lord Dacres, and the lord Welles, sir Iohn Ne­uill, Andrew Trollop, Robert Horne, and manie o­ther knights and esquiers, and the earle of Deuon­shire line 30 was taken prisoner, but the dukes of Sum­merset and Excester fled from the field and saued themselues.

After this great victorie, king Edward rode to Yorke, where he was with all solemnitie receiued; and first he caused the heads of his father, the earle of Salisburie, and other his freends, to be taken from the gates, and to be buried with their bodies: and there he caused the earle of Deuonshire, and thrée o­ther to be beheaded, and set their heads in the same line 40 place. King Henrie withdraweth to Berwike, & from thence into Scot­land. King Henrie, after he heard of the irrecouer­able losse of his armie, departed incontinentlie with his wife and sonne to the towne of Berwike, and lea­uing the duke of Summerset there, went into Scot­land, and comming to the king of Scots, required of him and his councell, aid, and comfort.

The yoong king of Scots, lamenting the misera­ble state of king Henrie, comforted him with faire words and friendlie promises, and assigned to him a competent pension to liue on, during his abode in line 50 Scotland. King Henrie, in recompense of this cour­tesie and friendship, deliuered to the king of Scots the towne of Berwike, whereof he had got possessi­on. He faithfullie supported the part of king Henrie, and concluded a mariage betwixt his sister, and the yoong prince of Wales, but the same was neuer con­summate, as after ye shall heare. When king Henrie was somwhat setled in the relme of Scotland, Queene Mar­garet with hir sonne goeth into France. he sent his wife and his sonne into France to king Reiner hir father, trusting by his aid and succour to assemble line 60 an armie, and once againe to recouer his right and dignitie: but he in the meane time made his aboad in Scotland, to see what waie his friends in England would studie for his restitution.

The quéene being in France, did obteine of the yoong French king then Lewes the eleuenth, that all hir husbands friends, and those of the Lancastriall band, might safelie and suerlie haue resort into anie part of the realme of France, prohibiting all other of the contrarie faction anie accesse, or repaire into that countrie. ¶Thus ye haue heard, how king Hen­rie the sixt, after he had reigned eight and thirtie yeares & od moneths, was driuen out of this realme. But now leauing him with the princes of his part, consulting togither in Scotland, and queene Marga­ret his wife gathering of men in France, I will re­turne where I left, to proceed with the dooings of king Edward.

This yoong prince, hauing with prosperous suc­cesse obteined so glorious a victorie in the mortall battell at Towton, and chased all his aduersaries out of the realme, or at the least waies put them to si­lence, returned after the maner and fashion of a tri­umphant conquerour, with great pompe vnto Lon­don; where according to the old custome of the realme, he called a great assemblie of persons of all degrees, and the nine & twentith daie of Iune was at West­minster with solemnitie crowned and annointed king. ¶ In which yeare, this king Edward called his high court of parlement at Westminster, in the which, the state of the realme was greatlie reformed, and all the statutes made in Henrie the sixt his time (which touched either his title or profit) were reuoked.

In the same parlement, the earle of Oxford far striken in age, and his sonne and heire the lord Aw­breie Uéer, either through malice of their enimies, or for that they had offended the king, were both, with diuerse of their councellors, attainted, and put to exe­cution; which caused Iohn earle of Oxford euer after to rebell. There were also beheaded the same time, sir Thomas Tudenham knight, William Tirell, and Iohn Montgomerie esquiers, and after them diuerse others. Also after this, he created his two yoonger brethren dukes, that is to saie, lord George duke of Clarence, lord Richard duke of Glocester; and the lord Iohn Neuill, brother to Richard earle of War­wike, he first made lord Montacute, and afterwards created him marques Montacute.

Beside this, Henrie Bourchier brother to Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, was created earle of Es­sex; and William lord Fauconbridge was made earle of Kent. To this Henrie lord Bourchier, a man highlie renowned in martiall feats, Richard duke of Yorke long before this time, had giuen his sister Eli­zabeth in mariage, of whome he begat foure sonnes, William, Thomas, Iohn, and Henrie: the which William being a man of great industrie, wit, and prouidence in graue and weightie matters, maried the ladie Anne Wooduile, descended of high paren­tage, whose mother Iaquet was daughter to Peter of Lutzenburgh earle of saint Paule, by the which Anne he had lord Henrie earle of Essex, one daugh­ter named Cicile, maried to Water lord Ferrers of Chartleie and an other called Isabell, which died vn­maried.

The earle of Kent was appointed about this time to kéepe the seas, year 1462 being accompanied with the lord Audeleie, the lord Clinton, sir Iohn Howard, Iohn Stow. sir Ri­chard Walgraue, and others, to the number of ten thousand, who landing in Britaine, wan the towne of Conquet, and the Isle of Reth, and after returned. When all things were brought in order, Anno Reg. 2. The duke of Summerset & other, submit them to king Edward. and framed as king Edward in maner could wish, Henrie duke of Summerset, sir Rafe Persie, and diuerse other, being in despaire of all good chance to happen vnto king Henrie, came humblie, & submitted themselues vnto king Edward, whome he gentlie receiued. Which clemencie notwithstanding both the one and the other (when time serued) reuolted from king Ed­ward, and betooke themselues to take part with Hen­rie, vnto whom they had béene adherents before: bi­cause they grew in hope that in the end the confede­rats, to whom they so closelie did cleaue both in affec­tion and seriousnesse of labour (though they preten­ded a temporall renunciation of all dutie and seruice for their securitie sake) should haue the honor of vic­torie against their gainstanders. But as commonlie the euents of enterprises fall out flat contrarie to [Page 666] mens expectation and hope; so came it to passe with these, whose hope though it were gréene and flourie in the prosecuting of their affaires, yet in the knitting vp of the matter and vnluckie successe thereof, it fell out in triall to be a flattering, a false, and a fruitlesse hope: and therefore that is a true and a wise sen­tence of the comiall poet well seruing the purpose: ‘ Plant. in Mostel.Insperata accidunt magis saepè quàm quae speres.’

All this season was king Henrie in Scotland, and quéene Margaret (being in France) found such line 10 friendship at the French kings hands, 1463 Anno Reg. 3. that she ob­teined a crue of fiue hundred Frenchmen, with the which she arriued in Scotland. The quéene returneth foorth of France. And after that she had reposed hir selfe a time, she sailed with hir gallant band of those ruffling Frenchmen toward Newca­stell, and landed at Tinmouth. But whether she were afraid of hir owne shadow, or that the Frenchmen cast too manie doubts; the truth is, that the whole ar­mie returned to their ships, and a tempest rose so sud­denlie, that if she had not taken a small carauell, and that with good spéed arriued at Berwike, she had line 20 beene taken at that present time by hir aduersaries.

And although fortune was so fauourable to hir, yet hir companie with stormie blasts was driuen on the shore before Banburgh castell, where they set their ships on fire, and fled to an Iland called holie I­land, where they were so assailed by the bastard Ogle, and an esquier called Iohn Manners, with other of king Edward freends, that manie of them were slaine, and almost foure hundred taken prisoners: but their coronell Peter Bressie, otherwise called mon­sieur line 30 de Uarenne, happened vpon a fisherman, and so came to Berwike vnto queene Margaret, who made him capteine of the castell of Alnewike, which he with his Frenchmen kept, till they were rescued.

Shortlie after, quéene Margaret obteined a great companie of Scots, and other of hir friends, and so bringing hir husband with hir, and leauing hir sonne called prince Edward in the towne of Berwike, en­tered Northumberland, tooke the castell of Ban­burgh, Banburgh castell. line 40 and stuffed it with Scotishmen, and made thereof capteine sir Rafe Greie, and came forward toward the bishoprike of Durham. When the duke of Summerset heard these newes, he without delaie reuolted from king Edward, The duke of Summerset reuolteth. and fled to king Hen­rie. So likewise did sir Rafe Persie, and manie other of the kings friends. But manie mo followed king Henrie, in hope to get by the spoile: for his armie spoiled and burned townes, and destroied fields wher­soeuer he came. King Edward aduertised of all these things, prepared an armie both by sea and land. line 50

Some of his ships were rigged and vittelled at Lin, and some at Hull, and well furnished with soul­diers were herewith set foorth to the sea. Also the lord Montacute was sent into Northumberland, there to raise the people to withstand his enimies. And af­ter this, the king in his proper person, accompanied with his brethren, and a great part of the nobilitie of his realme, came to the citie of Yorke, furnished with a mightie armie, sending a great part thereof line 60 to the aid of the lord Montacute, least peraduenture he giuing too much confidence to the men of the bi­shoprike and Northumberland, might through them be deceiued.

The Lord Montacute then hauing such with him as he might trust, The lord Montacute. marched foorth towards his eni­mies, and by the waie was incountered with the lord Hungerford, the lord Roos, sir Rafe Persie, and diuerse other, at a place called Hegelie moore, where suddenlie the said lords, Hegelie moore. in maner without stroke striking, fled; and onelie sir Rafe Persie abode, and was there manfullie slaine, Sir Rafe Persie. with diuerse other, sai­eng when he was dieng; I haue saued the bird in my bosome: meaning that he had kept his promise and oth made to king Henrie: forgetting (belike) that he in king Henries most necessitie abandoned him, and submitted him to king Edward, as before you haue heard.

The lord Montacute, séeing fortune thus prosperous­lie leading his saile, aduanced forward; & learning by espials, that king Henrie with his host was in­camped in a faire plaine called Liuels, on the water of Dowill in Examshire, hasted thither, and manful­lie set on his enimies in their owne campe, which like desperate persons with no small courage receiued him. There was a sore foughten field, Exham field. and long yer either part could haue anie aduantage of the other: but at length the victorie fell to the lord Montacute, who by fine force entered the battell of his enimies, and constreined them to flie, as despairing of all suc­cours. The duke of Summerset taken. In which flight and chase were taken Henrie duke of Summerset, which before was reconciled to king Edward, the lord Roos, the lord Molins, the lord Hungerford, sir Thomas Wentworth, sir Thomas Husseie, sir Iohn Finderne, and manie other.

King Henrie was a good horsseman that day, for he rode so fast awaie that no man might ouertake him; King Henrie fled. and yet he was so néere pursued, that certeine of his henchmen were taken, their horsses trapped in blue veluet, and one of them had on his head the said king Henries helmet, or rather (as may be thought, & as some say) his high cap of estate, called Abacot, gar­nished with two rich crownes, which was presented to king Edward at Yorke the fourth day of Maie. The duke of Summerset was incontinentlie behea­ded at Exham; The duke of Summerset beheaded. the other lords and knights were had to Newcastell, and there (after a little respit) were likewse put to death. Beside these, diuerse other, to the number of fiue and twentie, were executed at Yorke, and in other places.

Sir Humfrie Neuill, and William Tailbois, calling himselfe earle of Kime, sir Rafe Greie, and Richard Tunstall, with diuerse other, which esca­ped from this battell, hid themselues in secret places: but yet they kept not themselues so close, but that they were espied and taken. The earle of Kime, other­wise Angus, beheaded. The earle of Kime was apprehended in Riddesdale, and brought to New­castell, and there beheaded. Sir humfrie Neuill was taken in Holdernesse, and at Yorke lost his head. Af­ter this battell called Exham field, king Edward came to the citie of Durham, and sent from thence into Northumberland the earle of Warwike, the lord Montacute, the lords Fauconbridge & Scroope, to recouer such castels as his enimies there held, and with force defended.

They first besieged the castell of Alnewike, which sir Peter Bressie and the Frenchmen kept, Alnewike ca­stell besieged. and in no wise would yéeld, sending for aid to the Scots. Wher­vpon sir George Dowglas erle of Angus, with thir­teene thousand chosen men, in the day time came and rescued the Frenchmen out of the castell; the Eng­lishmen looking on, which thought it much better to haue the castell without losse of their men, than to leese both the castell and their men, considering the great power of the Scots, & their owne small num­ber; and so they entered the castell and manned it. Af­ter this, they woone the castell of Dunstanburgh by force, and likewise the castell of Banburgh. Iohn Gois, seruant to the duke of Summerset, being ta­ken within Dunstanburgh, was brought to Yorke, and there beheaded.

Sir Rafe Greie being taken in Banburgh, for that he had sworne to be true to king Edward, was disgraded of the high order of knighthood at Do [...] ­caster, by cutting off his gilt spurs, renting his cote of armes, and breaking his sword ouer his head: and finallie, he was there beheaded for his manifest per­iurie. After this, king Edward returned to Yorke, [Page 667] where (in despite of the earle of Northumberland, who then kept himselfe in the realme of Scotland) he created sir Iohn Neuill, lord Montacute earle of Northumberland; and in reproofe of Iasper earle of Penbrooke, he created William lord Herbert earle of the same place. But after, when by mediation of friends, the earle of Northumberland was reconci­led to his fauour, he restored him to his possessions, name, and dignitie; and preferred the lord Montacute to the title of marques Montacute: so that in degree, line 10 he was aboue his elder brother the earle of War­wike; but in power, policie, & possessions, far mener.

King Edward, though all things might séeme now to rest in good case, 1464 Anno Reg. 4. yet he was not negligent, in making necessarie prouision against all attempts of his aduersarie king Henrie, and his partakers; and therefore raised bulworks, and builded fortres­ses on ech side of his realme, where anie danger was suspected for the landing of anie armie. He caused al­so espials to be laid vpon the marches, fore against Scotland, that no person should go out of the realme line 20 to king Henrie and his companie, which then soiour­ned in Scotland. But all the doubts of trouble that might insue by the means of king Henries being at libertie, were shortlie taken away and ended: for he himselfe, whether he was past all feare; or that hée was not well established in his wits and perfect mind; or for that he could not long kéepe himselfe se­cret, in disguised atire boldlie entred into England.

He was no sooner entred, but he was knowne line 30 and taken of one Cantlow, King Henrie taken. and brought toward the king, whom the earle of Warwike met on the way by the kings commandement, and brought him through London to the Tower, & there he was laid in sure hold. ¶But it is woorthie the noting, which I haue obserued in a late chronographers report tou­ching this matter; Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 717. namelie, that king Henrie was taken in Cletherwood, beside Bungerleie Hipping­stons in Lancashire, by Thomas Talbot sonne and heire to sir Edward Talbot of Basshall, and Iohn line 40 Talbot his cosin of Colebrie, which deceiued him be­ing at his dinner at Wadington hall, and brought him toward London, with his legs bound to the stir­rups, where he was met by the earle of Warwike, and arested at Esildon; doctor Manning deane of Windsor, doctor Bedle, and yoong Ellerton being in his companie, with their feet bound vnder the horsse bellies were brought also to the Tower of London.]

Quéene Margaret, hearing of the captiuitie of hir husband, mistrusting the chance of hir sonne, all line 50 desolate and comfortlesse departed out of Scotland, and passed into France, where the remained with hir father duke Reiner, till she returned into Eng­land to hir harme, as after ye shall heare. The new duke of Summerset, and his brother Iohn, sailed in­to France, where they also liued in great miserie; till duke Charles, bicause he was of their kin, as descen­ded of the house of Lancaster by his mother, succou­red them with a small pension, which was to them a great comfort. The earle of Penbroke went from line 60 countrie to countrie, The earle of Penbroke. not alwaies at his hearts ease, nor in safetie of life. [As for his dignitie and reputa­tion, it was the more obscured, for that he had lost the title of his honor, Ab. Flem. and left at his wits end, doubtfull and vncerteine in contrarie factions (as manie more) what to say or doo for his best securitie. Neuer­thelesse he concealed his inward discontentment, and as oportunitie of time ministred matter, so he grew in courage, and fell to practises of force (with other complices) therby to accomplish the cloudie conceits of his troubled mind, being persuaded, that tempo­rall misfortunes are, if not vtterlie auoidable, yet manfullie to be withstood, or at least with audacitie & courage to be suffered, as the poet properlie saith: ‘Tu ne cede malis, [...]ed contra audentior ito. Vir. Ac [...]. 6.]’

King Edward being thus in more suertie of his life than before, distributed the possessions of such as tooke part with king Henrie the sixt, to his souldiers and capteins, which he thought had well deserued: and besides this, he left no other point of liberalitie vnshewed, whereby he might allure to him the bene­uolent minds and louing hearts of his people. And moreouer, to haue the loue of all men, he shewed him selfe more familiar both with the nobilitie and com­munaltie, than (as some men thought) was conueni­ent, either for his estate, or for his honor: notwith­standing the same liberalitie he euer after vsed. The lawes of the realme, in part he reformed, and in part he newlie augmented. New coin [...] stamped. The coine both of gold and sil­uer (which yet at this day is) he newlie deuised, and diuided; for the gold he named roials and nobles, and the siluer he called grotes and halfe grotes.

¶ In Michaelmasse terme were made sergeants at law, Thomas Yoong, Nicholas Geneie, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 716. Sergeants feast. Register of maiors. Richard Neale, Thomas Brian, Richard Pigot, Iohn Green­field, Iohn Catesbie, and Gwie Fairfax, which held their feast in the bishop of Elies place in Holborne. To the which feast the maior of London, with the al­dermen, shiriffes, and commons of diuerse crafts being bidden, repaired. But when the maior looked to be set to keepe the state in the hall, as it had beene v­sed in all places of the citie and liberties, out of the kings presence (vnknowne to the sergeants and a­gainst their wils, as they said) the lord Graie of Ru­then then treasuror of England was there placed. Wherevpon the maior, aldermen, and commons de­parted home, The maior of London de­parteth from the sergeant [...] feast. and the maior made all the aldermen to dine with him. Howbeit he and all the citizens were greatlie displeased that he was so dealt with, and the new sergeants and others were right sorie therefore, and had rather than much good it had not so happe­ned. This was then (as my record reporteth more at large) registred to be a president in time to come.]

After that king Edward had reduced the state of the publike affaires vnto his liking; to purchase himselfe a good opinion and fauourable iudgement a­mong the commons, he made proclamations, that all persons, which were adherents to his aduersaries part, & would leaue their armour, and submit them­selues wholie to his grace and mercie, should be cléerelie pardoned and forgiuen. By this kind of courteous dealing he wan him such fauour of the people, that euer after, in all his warres, he was (thorough their aid and support) a victor and conque­rour. When his realme was thus brought into a good & quiet estate, it was thought méet by him and those of his councell, that a marriage were prouided for him in some conuenient place; and therefore was the earle of Warwike sent ouer into France, to de­mand the ladie Bona, daughter to Lewes duke of Sauoie, and sister to the ladie Carlot, then quéene of France; which Bona was at that time in the French court.

The earle of Warwike, comming to the French king, then lieng at Tours, The earle of Warwike sent into France about a mar­riage. was of him honourablie receiued, and right courteouslie interteined. His message was so well liked, and his request thought so honourable for the aduancement of the ladie Bo­na, that hir sister quéene Carlot obteined both the good will of the king hir husband, and also of hir sister the foresaid ladie: so that the matrimonie on that side was cleerelie assented to, and the erle of Damp­martine appointed (with others) to saile into Eng­land, for the full finishing of the same. But here con­sider the old prouerbe to be true, which saith, that ma­riage goeth by destinie. For, during the time that the earle of Warwike was thus in France, and (accor­ding to his instructions) brought the effect of his [Page 668] commission to passe, the king being on hunting in the forrest of Wichwood besides Stonistratford, came for his recreation to the manor of Grafton, where the duchesse of Bedford then soiourned; wife to sir Richard Wooduile lord Riuers, on whome was then attendant a daughter of hirs, called the ladie Elizabeth Graie, The ladie E­lizabeth Graie. widow of sir Iohn Graie knight, slaine at the last battell of saint Albons, as before ye haue heard.

This widow, hauing a sute to the king for such lands as hir husband had giuen hir in iointure, so line 10 kindled the kings affection towards hir, that he not onelie fauoured hir sute, but more hir person; for she was a woman of a more formall countenance than of excellent beautie; and yet both of such beautie and fauour, that with hir sober demeanour, sweete looks, and comelie smiling (neither too wanton, nor too bash­full) besides hir pleasant toong and trim wit, she so allured and made subiect vnto hir the heart of that great prince, that after she had denied him to be his paramour, with so good maner, and words so well set line 20 as better could not be deuised; he finallie resolued with himselfe to marrie hir, not asking counsell of a­nie man, till they might perceiue it was no bootie to aduise him to the contrarie of that his concluded purpose; sith he was so farre gone that he was not reuocable, and therefore had fixed his heart vpon the last resolution: namelie, to applie an holesome, ho­nest, and honourable remedie to his affections fiered with the flames of loue, and not to permit his heart line 30 to the thraldome of vnlawfull lust: which purpose was both princelie and profitable; as the poet saith:

Ouid. de rem▪ am lib. 1.
Vtile propositum est saeuas extinguere flammas,
Nec seruum vitijs pectus habere suum.

But yet the duchesse of Yorke his moother letted this match as much as in hir laie: & when all would not serue, she caused a precontract to be alleged, made by him with the ladie Elizabeth Lucie. But all doubts resolued, all things made cléere, and all cauillations auoided, priuilie in a morning he mar­ried line 40 the said ladie Elizabeth Graie at Grafton be­foresaid, where he first began to fansie hir. And in the next yere after she was with great solemnitie crow­ned queene at Westminster. 1465 Anno Reg. 5. Hir father also was created earle Riuers, and made high constable of England: hir brother lord Anthonie was married to the sole heire of Thomas lord Scales: sir Thomas Graie sonne to sir Iohn Graie the quéenes first hus­band, was created marques Dorset, and married to Cicelie heire to the lord Bonuille. The French king line 50 was not well pleased to be thus dallied with; but he shortlie (to appease the gréefe of his wife and hir sister the ladie Bona) married the said ladie Bona to the duke of Millan.

Now when the earle of Warwike had knowledge by letters sent to him out of England from his tru­stie friends, that king Edward had gotten him a new wife, The earle of Warwike of­fended with the kings ma­riage. he was not a little troubled in his mind, for that he tooke it his credence thereby was great­lie minished, and his honour much stained, namelie line 60 in the court of France: for that it might be iudged he came rather like an espiall, to mooue a thing ne­uer minded, and to treat a marriage determined be­fore not to take effect. Suerlie he thought himselfe euill vsed, that when he had brought the matter to his purposed intent and wished conclusion, then to haue it quaile on his part; so as all men might thinke at the least wise, that his prince made small account of him, to send him on such a sléeuelesse errand.

All men for the most part agrée, that this marri­age was the onlie cause, why the earle of Warwike conceiued an hatred against king Edward, whome he so much before fauoured. Other affirme other cau­ses; and one speciallie, for that king Edward did at­tempt a thing once in the earles house, which was much against the earles honest is (whether he would haue deflour [...]d his daughter or his néece, the certein­tie was not for both their honours openlie reuealed) for suerlie, such a thing was attempted by king Ed­ward; which loued well both to behold and also to féele faire damsels. But whether the iniurie that the earle thought he receiued at the kings hands, or the dis­daine of authoritie that the earle had vnder the king, was the cause of the breach of amitie betwixt them: truth it is, that the priuie intentions of their harts brake into so manie small peeces, that England, France, and Flanders, could neuer ioine them a­gaine, during their naturall liues.

But though the earle of Warwike was earnestlie inflamed against the king, for that he had thus mar­ried himselfe without his knowledge, hauing regard onelie to the satisfieng of his wanton appetite, The earle of Warwike kéepeth h [...]s gréefe secret. more than to his honour or suertie of his estate; yet did he so much dissemble the matter at his returne into England, as though he had not vnderstood anie thing thereof: but onelie declared what he had doone, with such reuerence, and shew of fréendlie counte­nance, as he had béene accustomed. And when he had taried in the court a certeine space, he obteined li­cence of the king to depart to his castell of War­wike, meaning (when time serued) to vtter to the world, that which he then kept secret, that is to saie, his inward grudge, which he bare towards the king, with desire of reuenge, to the vttermost of his power. Neuerthelesse, at that time he departed (to the out­ward shew) so farre in the kings fauour, that manie gentlemen of the court for honours sake gladlie ac­companied him into his countrie.

¶This yéere it was proclamed in England, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 717. Long piked shooes forbid­den. that the beakes or pikes of shooes and boots should not passe two inches, vpon paine of cursing by the cleargie, and forfeiting twentie shillings, to be paid one noble to the king, an other to the cordwainers of London, and the third to the chamber of London; and for other cities and townes the like order was taken. Before this time, and since the yeare of our Lord 1382, the pikes of shooes and boots were of such length, that they were faine to be tied vp vnto the knees with chaines of siluer and gilt, or at the least with silken laces.]

In this yeare also, the kings daughter, the ladie Elizabeth, after wife to king Henrie the seauenth, 1466. Anno Reg 6. was borne; king Edward concluded an amitie and league with Henrie king of Castile, Cotteshold shéepe trans­ported into Spaine. and Iohn king of Aragon; at the concluding whereof, he granted li­cence for certeine Cotteshold sheepe, to be transpor­ted into the countrie of Spaine (as people report) which haue there so multiplied and increased, that it hath turned the commoditie of England much to the Spanish profit. Beside this, to haue an amitie with his next neighbour the king of Scots, Truce with Scots. he winked at the losse of Berwike, and was contented to take a truce for fiftéene yeares. Thus king Edward, though for refusall of the French kings sister in law he wan him enimies in France; yet in other places he procu­red him fréends: but those fréends had stood him in small steed, if fortune had not holpe him to an other, euen at his elbow.

This was Charles earle of Charolois, the sonne and heire apparant vnto Philip duke of Burgognie, which Charles being then a widower, was counsel­led to be suter vnto king Edward, for to haue in mariage the ladie Margaret, sister to the said king, a ladie of excellent beautie, and indued with so manie worthie gifts of nature, grace, and fortune, that she was thought not vnworthie to match with the greatest prince of the world. 1467 Anno Reg. [...] The lord Anthonie ba­stard brother to the said earle Charolois, commonlie [Page 669] called the bastard of Burgognie, The bastard of Burgognie ambassadour into England. a man of great wit, courage, and valiantnesse, was appointed by his father duke Philip, to go into England in ambas­sage, about this sute; who being furnished of plate and apparell, necessarie for his estate, hauing in his companie gentlemen, and other expert in all feats of chiualrie and martiall prowesse, to the number of foure hundred horsses, tooke his ship, and arriued in England, where he was of the king & nobles honou­rablie receiued. line 10

This message being declared, ye may be sure the same was ioifullie heard of the king and his coun­cell; the which by that affinitie, saw how they might be assured of a buckler against France. But yet the earle of Warwike, bearing his heartie fauour vnto the French king, did as much as in him laie by euill reports to hinder this marriage: but this notwith­standing, at length, the king granted to the bastards request; and the said bastard openlie in the kings great chamber contracted the said ladie Margaret, line 20 for, and in the name of his brother the said earle of Charolois. Iusts betwixt the bastard of Burgognie & the lord Scales. After this marriage thus concluded, the bastard challenged the lord Scales, brother to the queene, a man both equall in hart and valiantnesse with the bastard, to fight with him both on horsse­backe, and on foot: which demand the lord Scales gladlie accepted.

The king causing lists to be prepared in West­smithfield for these champions, and verie faire and costlie galleries for the ladies, was present at this line 30 martiall enterprise himselfe. The first daie they ran togither diuerse courses with sharpe speares, and de­parted with equall honor. The next day they turnei­ed on horssebacke. The lord Scales horsse had on his chafron a long sharpe pike of steele, and as the two champions coped togither, the same horsse (whether thorough custome or by chance) thrust his pike into the nosethrils of the bastards horsse; so that for verie paine he mounted so high, that he fell on the one side with his maister, and the lord Scales rode round a­bout line 40 him with his sword in his hand, vntill the king commanded the marshall to helpe vp the bastard, which openlie said; ‘I can not hold me by the clouds, for though my horsse faileth me, suerlie I will not faile my contercompanion.’ The king would not suf­fer them to doo anie more that daie.

The morow after, the two noblemen came into the field on foot, with two polaxes, and fought vali­antlie: but at the last, the point of the polax of the lord Scales happened to enter into the sight of the line 50 bastards helme, and by fine force might haue plucked him on his knees: the king suddenlie cast downe his warder, and then the marshals them seuered. The ba­stard not content with this chance, and trusting on the cunning which he had at the polax, required the king of iustice, that he might performe his enter­prise. The lord Scales refused it not, but the king said, he would aske counsell: and so calling to him the constable, and the marshall, with the officers of armes, after consultation had, and the lawes of line 60 armes rehearsed, it was declared for a sentence de­finitiue, The law of armes. by the duke of Clarence, then constable of England, and the duke of Norffolke, then mar­shall; that if he would go forward with his at­tempted challenge, he must by the law of armes be deliuered to his aduersarie, in the same state and like condition as he stood when he was taken from him.

The bastard hearing this iudgement, doubted the sequele of the matter; and so relinquished his challenge. Other challenges were doone, and vali­antlie atchiued by the Englishmen, which I passe o­uer. The death of the duke of Burgognie. Shortlie after came sorowfull tidings to the ba­stard, that his father duke Philip was dead, who there­vpon taking his leaue of king Edward, and of his sister the new duchesse of Burgognie, liberallie re­warded with plate and iewels, with all spéed retur­ned to his brother the new duke, who was not a little glad of the contract made for him with the said ladie, as after well appeared. In this same yeare, king Ed­ward, more for the loue of the marques Montacute, George Ne­uill archbi­shop of Yorke. than for anie fauour he bare to the earle of War­wike, promoted George Neuill their brother to the archbishoprike of Yorke.

Charles duke of Burgognie, 1468. Anno Reg. 8. reioising that he had so well sped, for conclusion of marriage with king Edwards sister, was verie desirous to sée hir, of whome he had heard so great praise, & wrote to king Edward, requiring him to send his sister ouer vnto him, according to the couenants passed betwixt them. King Edward being not slacke in this mat­ter, appointed the dukes of Excester and Suffolke, with their wiues, being both sisters to the ladie Mar­garet, to attend hir, till she came to hir husband. And so after that ships, and all other necessarie prouisions were readie, they being accompanied with a great sort of lords and ladies, and others, to the number of fiue hundred horsse, The ladie Margaret sister to king Edward, sent ouer to the duke of Burgognie. in the beginning of Iune depar­ted out of London to Douer, and so sailed to Sluis, and from thense was conueied to Bruges, where the marriage was solemnized betwixt the duke and hir, with great triumphs, & princelie feastings. Tou­ching the pompe had and vsed at the setting forward of this ladie on hir voiage it is a note worth the rea­ding; and therefore necessarilie here interlaced for honours sake.

¶On the eightéenth of Iune, Margaret sister to K. Edward the fourth began hir iornie from the Ward­robe in London, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 719, 720. in Quart. toward hir marriage with Charles duke of Burgognie: first the offered in the church of saint Paule, and then rode thorough the citie, the earle of Warwike riding before hir, with earles and barons a great number; the duchesse of Norffolke, with other ladies and gentlewomen in great num­ber. And at hir entrie into Cheape, the maior of Lon­don and his brethren the aldermen presented hir with a paire of rich basons, & in them an hundred pounds of gold, and that night she lodged at the abbeie of Stratford, where the king then laie: from thense she tooke hir iournie to Canturburie.

The king riding after to sée hir shipping, on the first of Iulie, she tooke the sea at Margate, and there tooke leaue of the king hir brother, and depar­ted. There returned backe againe with the king, the duke of Clarence, the duke of Glocester, the earles of Warwike, Shrewesburie, and Northum­berland. And there abode with hir in the ship, the lord Scales, the lord Dacres hir chamberlaine, sir Iohn Wooduile, sir Iohn Howard, and manie other fa­mous knights and esquiers. She was shipped in the new Ellen of London, and in hir nauie the Iohn of Newcastell, the Marie of Salisburie, and ma­nie other roiall ships, and on the morrow landed at Sluis in Flanders. Now as soone as hir ship & com­panie of ships were entered into the hauen, there re­ceiued hir sir Simon de Lelein and the water bai­liffe, in diuerse boats and barks apparelled readie for hir landing.

The first estate that receiued hir was the bishop of Utright well accompanied, and the countesse of Shorne bastard daughter to duke Philip of Burgo­gnie, and with hir manie ladies and gentlewomen; and so procéeding in at the gate of the towne, the same towne was presented to hir, she to be soue­reigne ladie thereof: also they gaue to hir twelue marks of gold Troie weight, the which was two hundred pounds of English monie: and so procéeded thorough the towne to hir lodging, euerie housholder [Page 670] standing in the street with a torch in his hand bur­ning. On the morow the old duchesse of Burgognie came to hir, accompanied with manie great estates. On the third of Iulie came the duke of Burgognie to Sluis, with twentie persons secretlie, and was there openlie affianced to the ladie Margaret, by the bishop of Salisburie and the lord Scales, in pre­sence of the lord Dacres, the duchesse of Norffolke, the ladie Scales, and all the knights & esquiers; gentle­women inuironing the chamber. line 10

On the 8 of Iulie (being saturdaie) by the duke of Burgognies appointment, the lady Margaret remo­ued by water to the Dame. And on the sunday in the morning betwixt fiue and six of the clocke, the ma­riage was solemnized betwixt them, by the bishops of Salisburie and of Turneie; there being present the old duches of Burgognie, the lord Scales, the lord Dacres, with the knights, esquiers, ladies & gentle­women that came out of England. The great tri­umphs, feastings, shewes of pageants, with other line 20 strange deuises, and iustings, were such as I haue not read the like, and would be ouer long in this place to set downe.

Abr. Fl.¶Of this aliance with other more mention is hono­rablie made in the Giuen at Richmont on the first of October, An. Dom. 1585. & Anno Reg. 27. declaration of the causes that mo­ued the Quéene of England to giue aid to the defense of the people afflicted & oppressed in the low countries, by the Spaniards, namelie for the maintenance of perpetuall amitie. Which declaration is so set foorth in this booke, as the same in the seuen and twentith line 30 yeare of hir maiesties reigne was published: vnto which yeare I remit the reader (for the further search thereof) for that it conteineth much memorable mat­ter, touching the manifest causes of concord to be continued betwéene them of the low countries and vs English.]

Sir Thomas Cooke late maior of London, was by one named Hawkins appeached of treason, Fabian. 497. Sir Tho­mas Cooke. for the which he was sent to the Tower, and his place with­in London seized by the lord Riuers, and his wife and line 40 seruants cleerelie put out therof. The cause was this. The forenamed Hawkins came vpon a season vnto the said sir Thomas, requesting him to lend a thou­sand markes vpon good suertie, wherevnto he answe­red, that first he would know for whome it should be and for what intent.

At length, vnderstanding it should be for the vse of queene Margaret, he answered he had no currant wares whereof anie shifts might be made without too much losse: and therefore required Hawkins to line 50 mooue him no further in that matter, for he intended not to deale withall: yet the said Hawkins exhorted him to remember, what benefits he had receiued by hir when she was in prosperitie, as by making him hir wardrober, and customer of Hampton, &c.

But by no meanes the said Cooke would grant goods nor monie, although at last the said Hawkins required but an hundred pounds, he was faine to de­part without the value of a penie, and neuer came a­gaine to mooue him, which so rested two or three years line 60 after, till the said Hawkins was cast in the Tower, and at length brought to the brake, called the duke of Excesters daughter, by meanes of which paine he shewed manie things, amongst the which the motion was one that he had made to sir Thomas Cooke, and accused himselfe so farre, that he was put to death.

By meane of which confession, the said sir Thomas was troubled (as before is shewed) when the said sir Thomas had laine in the Tower from Whitsuntide till about Michaelmas, in the which season manie in­quiries were made to find him guiltie, and euer quit, till one iurie (by meanes of sir Iohn Fog) indicted him of treason, after which an oier and terminer was kept at the Guildhall, in which sat with the maior the duke of Clarence, the earle of Warwike, the lord Riuers, sir Iohn Fog, with other of the kings coun­cell.

To the which place the said Thomas was brought, and there arreigned vpon life and death, where he was acquited of the said indictement, and had to the counter in Breadstreet, and from thence to the kings bench. After a certeine time that he was thus acqui­ted, his wife got againe the possession of hir house, the which she found in an euill plight; for such seruants of the lord Riuers and sir Iohn Fog, as were assigned to kéepe it, made hauocke of what they listed.

Also at his place in Essex named Giddihall, were set an other sort to kéepe that place, the which destroied his déere in his parke, his conies, and his fish, without reason, and spared not brasse, pewter, bed­ding, & all that they might carie, for the which might neuer one penie be gotten in recompense, yet could not sir Thomas Cooke be deliuered, till he had paied eight thousand pounds to the king, and eight hun­dred pounds to the quéene.]

In this meane time, the earle of Warwike bea­ring a continuall grudge in his hart toward king Edward, since his last returne out of France, persua­ded so with his two brethren, the archbishop, and the marques, that they agreed to ioine with him in anie attempt which he should take in hand against the said king. The archbishop was easilie allured to the earles purpose, but the marques could by no meanes be reduced to take anie part against king Edward of a long time, till the earle had both promised him great rewards and promotions, and also assured him of the aid and power of the greatest princes of the realme. And euen as the marques was loth to con­sent to his vnhappie conspiracie, so with a faint hart he shewed himselfe an enimie vnto king Edward, which double dissimulation was both the destruction of him and his brethren. Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. it Edw. 4. fol. cxcviij, &c. ¶And that they were persua­sions of no small force, which the earle of Warwike vsed to the archbishop and marques, I haue thought good here to interlace, as I find remembred by Ed­ward Hall in forme following.

The persuasions of the earle ofWar­wike vnto his two brethren against king Edward the fourth.

MY deere and welbeloued brethren, the incredible faithfulnesse, the secret sobernesse, and the politike prudence that I haue euer by long continuance of time experimented in you both, dooth not onelie incourage my heart, yea and setteth me in great hope of obteining my purpose, but also putteth me out of all dread and mistrust, firmelie be­leeuing, and suerlie iudging, that you both will with tooth and naile endeuour your selues, to the vttermost of your power, to bring to effect and purpose the thing that I now shall declare vnto you. Suerlie, I would in no wise that you should thinke, that that which I shall speake to you of king Edward and king Henrie, should rise of any lightnesse or phantasie of my mind, or anie trifeling toie latelie fallen into my imagination; but the true experience and iust iudgement that I haue of them both, their qualities and conditions▪ in manner compell and constraine me to saie as I say, and to doo as I doo.

[Page 671]For suerlie, king Henrie is a godlie, good, and a vertuous person, neither forgetting his freends, nor putting in obliuion anie benefit by him of a meane person receiued, nor yet anie paine for his causes susteined hath he left vnrewarded: to whome God hath sent a sonne, called prince Edward, borne to be of great worthinesse & praise, of much bountifulnesse and liberalitie, of whome men may manie laudable things line 10 coniecture, considering the paine, labour, and trauell, that he taketh to helpe his fa­ther out of captiuitie and thraldome. King Edward on the contrarie side, is a man contumelious, opprobrious, and an iniuri­ous person; to them that deserue kindnesse he sheweth vnkindnesse, and them that loue him he deadlie hateth, now detesting to take anie paine for the preferment or line 20 maintenance of the publike wealth of this realme, but all giuen to pastime, pleasure, and daliance; sooner preferring to high e­state men descended of low bloud and base degree, than men of old and vndefiled hou­ses, which haue both supported him and the commonwealth of his realme.

So that I now perceiue, that it is euen come to this point, that he will destroie all line 30 the nobilitie; or else the nobilitie must short­lie of verie necessitie destroie and confound him. But reason would, that we that were first hurt, should first reuenge our cause: for it is not vnknowen to you both, how that he, immediatlie after he had obteined the crowne, began first secretlie, & then openlie to enuie, disdaine, and impugne the fame, glorie, and renowme of our house and fami­lie; as who said, that all the honor, prefer­ment, line 40 and authoritie that we haue, we had onelie receiued at his hands, and that we had neither obteined dignitie nor rule by our great labour, aid and trauell. Which to all men may seeme vntrue, that consi­der that our name, chiefe title, and princi­pall authoritie, was to vs giuen by king Henrie the sixt, and not by him. But if eue­ry man will remember, who first toke part line 50 with his father, when hee claimed the crowne (who at that time, for that cause was in great ieopardie, and almost slaine by the kings meniall seruants, and who neuer left this man in prosperitie nor ad­uersitie, till he had the garland, and the realme in quietnesse) shall manifestlie per­ceiue, that we and our bloud haue shewed our selues more like fathers to him, than line 60 he like a freend to vs.

If we haue receiued any benefits of him, suerlie they be not so much as we haue de­serued, nor so much as we looked for; and yet they be much more than he would we shuld inioy, as ye both well perceiue and know. Let these things ouerpasse, and speake of the vngentle, vntrue, and vnprincelie hand­ling of me in the last ambassage, being sent to the French king for to treat a mariage for him, hauing full authoritie to bind and to lose, to contract and conclude. Which thing when I had finished & accomplished: how lightlie his mind changed, how priui­lie he vowed, and how secretlie he maried, both you know better than I. So that by this meanes, I was almost out of all cre­dence in the court of France, both with the king and queene, as though I had come thither like an espiall, to moue a thing ne­uer minded; or to treat of a mariage deter­mined before neuer to take effect. Where­by the fame of all our estimation, which all kings and princes haue conceiued in vs (partlie obteined by the vertue & prowesse of our noble ancestors, and partlie atchiued by our owne paines & forward acts) shall now be obfuscate, vtterlie extinguished, and nothing set by.

What worme is touched, and will not once turne againe? What beast is striken, that will not rore or sound? What inno­cent child is hurt that will not crie? If the poore and vnreasonable beasts, if the selie babes that doo lacke discretion, grone a­gainst harme to them proffered; how ought an honest man to be angrie, when things that touch his honestie be dailie against him attempted? But if a meane person in that case be angrie: how much more ought a noble man to fume & stirre coales, when the high type of his honour is touched, his fame in maner brought to infamie, and his honour almost blemished & appalled, with­out his offense or desert? All this brethren you know to be true, the dishonor of one is the dishonor of vs all, and the hurt of one is the hurt of all: wherefore, rather than I will liue vnreuenged; or suffer him to reigne, which hath sought my decaie and dishonor, I will suerlie spend my life, lands, and goods, in setting vp that iust and good man king Henrie the sixt: and in deposing this vntrue, vnfaithfull, and vnkind prince (by our onelie means) called king Edward the fourth.

Beside all this, the earle of Warwike, being a far casting prince, perceiued somewhat in the duke of Clarence, whereby he iudged that he bare no great good will towards the king his brother; and therevp­on, feeling his mind by such talke as he of purpose ministred, vnderstood how he was bent, and so wan him to his purpose: and for better assurance of his faithfull friendship, he offered him his eldest daugh­ter in mariage, with the whole halfe deale of his wiues inheritance. And herevpon, after consultati­on had of their weightie businesse and dangerous af­faires, they failed ouer to Calis, of the which towne the earle was capteine, where his wife & two daugh­ters then soiourned, whome the duke (being in loue with hir person) had great desire to visit.

But the earle, hauing in continuall remembrance his purposed enterprise, appointed his brethren, the archbishop and the marquesse, that they should by some meanes in his absence stir vp some new rebel­lion in the countie of Yorke, and other places adioi­ning, so that this ciuill warre should séeme to all men to haue béene begun without his assent or knowlege, being on the further side of the seas. The duke of Cla­rence being come to Calis with the earle of War­wike, 1469 Anno Reg. 9. after he had sworne on the sacrament to kéepe his promise and pact made with the said earle whole and inuiolate, he married the ladie Isabell, eldest [Page 672] daughter to the earle, in our ladies church there. Shortlie after, A commotion in Yorkeshire. according as had béene aforehand de­uised, a commotion was begun in Yorkeshire, to the great disquieting of that countrie. The same chanced by this means.

There was in the citie of Yorke an old and rich hospitall, Saint Leo­nards hospi­tall in Yorke. dedicated to saint Leonard, for the harbou­rough and reléeuing of poore people. Certeine euill disposed persons of the earle of Warwikes faction, intending to set a broile in the countrie, persuaded line 10 the husbandmen to refuse to giue anie thing to the said hospitall, affirming that the corne giuen to that good intent, came not to the vse of the poore; but was conuerted to the behoofe of the maister of the hospi­tall, and the preests, whereby they grew to be rich, and the poore people wanted their due succour and reléefe. And not content with these saiengs, they fell to doo­ings: for when the proctors of the hospitall, according to their vsage, went about the countrie to gather the accustomed corne, they were sore beaten, wounded, line 20 and euill intreated.

Shortlie after, the conspiracie of the euill disposed people grew to an open rebellion, A rebellion. so that there as­sembled to the number of fifteene thousand men, e­uen readie bent to set on the citie of Yorke. But the lord marquesse Montacute, gouernour and president of that countrie for the king, taking spéedie counsell in the matter, with a small number of men, but well chosen, incountred the rebels before the gates of Yorke: where (after a long conflict) he tooke Robert line 30 Huldorne their capteine, Robert Hul­dorne capteine of the reb [...]ls taken and be­headed. and before them comman­ded his head to be striken off, and then (bicause it was a darke euening) he caused his souldiers to enter in­to Yorke, and there to refresh them. Héere manie men haue maruelled, whie the marquesse thus put to death the capteine of those people, which had procu­red this their rebellious enterprise.

Some saie he did it, to the intent to séeme inno­cent and faultlesse of his brothers dooings. But other iudge, that he did it, for that contrarie to his promise line 40 made to his brother, he was determined to take part with king Edward, with whome (as it shall af­ter appeare) he in small space entered into grace and fauour. The rebels being nothing dismaied with the death of their capteine, but rather the more bent on mischéefe, by faire meanes and craftie persuasions got to them Henrie, sonne to the lord Fitz Hugh, and sir Henrie Neuill sonne and heire to the lord Lati­mer, the one being nephue and the other cousine ger­mane to the erle of Warwike. Although these yoong line 50 gentlemen bare the names of capteins, yet they had a gouernour that was sir Iohn Coniers, Sir Iohn Coniers. a man of such courage & valiantnesse, as few were to be found in his daies within the north parts.

After they saw that they could not get Yorke, bi­cause they wanted ordinance, they determined with all speed to march toward London, intending to raise such a toie in the peoples minds, that they should thinke king Edward neither to be a lawfull prince, nor yet profitable to the common-wealth. King Ed­ward line 60 hauing perfect knowledge of all the dooings of the earle of Warwike, and of his brother the duke of Clarence, was by diuerse letters certified of the great armie of the northerne men, with all spéed comming toward London; and therefore in great hast he sent to William lord Herbert, The earle of Penbroke. whom (as yée haue heard) he had created earle of Penbroke; requi­ring him without delaie to raise his power, and in­counter with the northerne men.

The earle of Penbroke, commnolie called the lord Herbert, both readie to obeie the kings commande­ment, according to his dutie, and also desirous to re­uenge the malice which he bare to the earle of War­wike, for that he knew how he had béene the onelie let whie he obteined not the wardship of the lord Bonneuilles daughter and heire for his eldest sonne, accompanied with his brother sir Richard Herbert, a valiant knight, and aboue six or seauen thousand Welshmen, well furnished, marched forward to in­counter with the northerne men. And to assist him with archers, was appointed Humfrie lord Stafford of Southwike, The lord Stafford. named but not created earle of De­uonshire by the king, in hope that he would serue va­liantlie in that iournie: he had with him eight hun­dred archers.

When these two lords were met at Cotteshold, they heard how the northerne men were going to­ward Northampton: wherevpon the lord Stafford, and sir Richard Herbert, with two thousand well hor­sed Welshmen, rode foorth afore the maine armie, to sée the demeanour of the northerne men: and at length, vnder a woods side, they couertlie espied them passing forward, and suddenlie set on the rere-ward: but the northerne men with such nimblenesse turned about, The Welsh­men discom­fited. that in a moment the Welshmen were dis­comfited, and manie taken, the remnant returned to the armie with small gaine. The northerne men well cooled with this small victorie, went no further south­wards, but tooke their waie toward Warwike, loo­king for aid of the earle, which was latelie come from Calis, with his sonne in law the duke of Cla­rence, and was raising men to aid his freends and kinsfolke.

The king likewise assembled people to aid the erle of Penbroke, but before either part receiued succour from his fréend or partaker, both the armies met by chance in a faire plaine, néere to a towne called Hedgecote, foure miles distant from Banberie, Hedgecote. Bāberie field. where there are thrée hilles, not in equall quantitie, but lieng in maner (although not fullie) triangle. The Welshmen got first the west hill, hoping to haue recouered the east hill also, which if they might haue obteined, the victorie had beene theirs, as their foolish prophesiers told them before. These northerne men incamped on the south hill; the earle of Penbroke and the lord Stafford of Southwike were lodged in Banberie, the daie before the field, which was saint Iames daie, and there the earle of Penbroke put the lord Stafford out of an Inne, Discord what it bréedeth. wherein he delighted much to be, for the loue of a damosell that dwelled in the house: and yet it was agréed betwixt them, that which of them soeuer obteined first a lodging, should not be displaced.

The lord Stafford in great despite departed with his whole band of archers, leauing the earle of Pen­broke almost desolate in the towne, who with all dili­gence returned to his host, lieng in the field vnpur­ueied of archers. Sir Henrie Neuill, sonne to the lord Latimer, tooke with him certeine light horssemen, and skirmished with the Welshmen in the euening, iust before their campe, where dooing right valiant­lie, but a little too hardilie aduenturing himselfe, was taken and yeelded, and yet cruellie slaine. Which vn­mercifull act the Welshmen sore rued the next day yer night: for the northerne men sore displeased for the death of this noble man, in the next morning va­liantlie set on the Welshmen, and by force of archers caused them quicklie to descend the hill, into the val­lie, where both the hoasts fought.

The earle of Penbroke did right valiantlie, The valiant manhood of sir Richard Herbert. and so likewise did his brother sir Richard Herbert, in so much that with his polax in his hand, he twise by fine force passed thorough the battell of his aduersa­ries, and without anie hurt or mortall wound retur­ned. But sée the hap, euen as the Welshmen were at point to haue obteined the victorie, Iohn Clap­pam esquier, seruant to the earle of Warwike, Iohn Clap­pam. mounted vp the side of the east hill, accompanied [Page 673] onelie with fiue hundred men, gathered of the ras­cals of the towne of Northampton, and other villa­ges about, hauing borne before them the standard of the earle of Warwike, with the white beare, crieng; A Warwike, a Warwike.

The Welshmen, thinking that the earle of War­wike had come on them with all his puissance, sud­denlie as men amazed, fled: the northerne men them pursued, and slue without mercie, so that there died of the Welshmen that daie, The Welsh­men slaine. aboue fiue thousand, be­sides line 10 them that fled and were taken. The earle of Penbroke, and his brother sir Richard Herbert, with diuerse gentlemen, were taken and brought to Ban­berie, where the earle with his brother, and other gen­tlemen, to the number of ten, that were likewise ta­ken, lost their heads. But great mone was made for that noble and hardie gentleman, sir Richard Her­bert, being able for his goodlie personage and high valiancie, to haue serued the greatest prince in chri­stendome. Abr. Flem. [But what policie or puissance can either line 20 preuent or impugne the force of fate, whose law as it standeth vpon an ineuitable necessitie; so was it not to be dispensed withall; and therfore destinie hauing preordeined the maner of his deth, it was patientlie to be suffered, sith puissantlie it could not be auoided, nor politikelie preuented, nor violentlie resisted: for ‘—sua quen (que) dies ad funera raptat.]’

The Northamptonshire men, with diuerse of the northerne men by them procured, in this furie made them a capteine, called Robert Hilliard, but they na­med line 30 him Robin of Reddesdale, Robin of Reddesdale. The erle Ri­uers and his sonne behea­ded. and suddenlie came to Grafton, where they tooke the earle Riuers, father to the quéene, and his son sir Iohn Wooduile, whome they brought to Northampton, and there beheaded them both without iudgement. The king aduertised of these mischances, wrote to the shiriffes of Sum­mersetshire, and Deuonshire, that if they might by anie meanes take the lord Stafford of Southwike, The lord Stafford of Southwike beheaded. they should without delaie put him to death. Here­vpon search was made for him, till at length he was line 40 found in a village within Brentmarch, and after brought to Bridgewater where he was beheaded.

After the battell was thus fought at Hedgecote commonlie called Banberie field, the northerne men resorted toward Warwike, where the earle had ga­thered a great multitude of people, which earle recei­ued the northerne men with great gladnes, thanking sir Iohn Coniers, and other their capteins for their paines taken in his cause. The king in this meane time had assembled his power, and was comming line 50 toward the earle, who being aduertised thereof, sent to the duke of Clarence, requiring him to come and ioine with him. The duke being not farre off, with all speed repaired to the earle, and so they ioined their powers togither, and vpon secret knowledge had, that the king (bicause they were entered into termes by waie of communication to haue a peace) tooke small héed to himselfe, nothing doubting anie out­ward attempt of his enimies.

The earle of Warwike, intending not to léese such line 60 opportunitie of aduantage, in the dead of the night, with an elect companie of men of warre (as secretlie as was possible) set on the kings field, killing them that kept the watch, and yer the king was ware (for he thought of nothing lesse than of that which then hapned) at a place called Wolnie, King Ed­ward taken prisoner. foure miles from Warwike, he was taken prisoner and brought to the castell of Warwike. And to the intent his friends should not know what was become of him, the earle caused him by secert iournies in the night to be con­ueied to Middleham castell in Yorkeshire, Middleham ca [...]tell. and there to be kept vnder the custodie of the archbishop of Yorke, and other his freends in those parties. King Edward being thus in captiuitie, spake euer faire to the archbishop, and to his other kéepers, so that he had leaue diuerse daies to go hunt. Abr. Flem. [Which exercise he vsed, as it should séeme, not so much for regard of his recreation, as for the recouerie of his libertie: which men esteeme better than gold, and being counted a diuine thing, dooth passe all the wealth, pleasure, and treasure of the world; according to the old saieng:

Non bene profuluo libertas venditur auro,
Hoc coeleste bonum praeterit orbis opes.]

Now on a daie vpon a plaine when he was thus abrode, there met with him sir William Stanleie, Sir William Stanleie. K. Edward is deliuered out of capti­uitie. sir Thomas a Borough, and diuers other of his friends, with such a great band of men, that neither his kee­pers would, nor once durst moue him to returne vn­to prison againe. Some haue thought that his kée­pers were corrupted with monie, or faire promises, and therfore suffred him thus to scape out of danger. After that he was once at libertie, he came to Yorke, where he was ioifullie receiued, and taried there two daies: but when he perceiued he could get no armie togither in that countrie to attend him to London, he turned from Yorke to Lancaster, where he found his chamberleine the lord Hastings well accompa­nied, by whose aid and such others as drew to him, He commeth to London. be­ing well furnished, he came safelie to the citie of London.

When the earle of Warwike, and the duke of Cla­rence had knowledge how king Edward by the trea­son or negligence of them (whome they had put in trust) was escaped their hands, they were in a won­derfull chafe: but sith the chance was past, they be­gan eftsoones to prouide for the warre, which they saw was like to insue; and found much comfort, in that a great number of men, deliting more in discord than in concord, offered themselues to aid their side. But other good men desirous of common quiet, and la­menting the miserable state of the realme, to redresse such mischiefe as appeared to be at hand by these tu­mults, tooke paine, and road betweene the king, the earle, and the duke, to reconcile them ech to other.

Their charitable motion and causes alledged, bi­cause they were of the chiefest of the nobilitie, and therfore caried both credit and authoritie with them, so asswaged the moods both of the king, the duke, and the earle▪ that ech gaue faith to other to came and go safelie without ieopardie. In which promise both the duke and earle putting perfect confidence, came both to London. At Westminster, the king, the duke, and the earle, had long communication togither for to haue come to an agreement: but they fell at such great words vpon rehersall of old matters, that in great furie without any conclusion they departed; the king to Canturburie, and the duke and the earle to Warwike, where the earle procured a new armie to be raised in Lincolneshire, and made capteine there­of sir Robert Welles, sonne to Richard lord Welles, a man of great experience in warre.

The king aduertised hereof, without delaie prepa­red an armie, year 1470 and out of hand he sent to Richard lord Welles, willing him vpon the sight of his letters, to repaire vnto him: which to doo he had oftentimes re­fused, excusing himselfe by sickenesse and feeblenesse of bodie. But when that excuse serued not, he thin­king to purge himselfe sufficientlie of all offense and blame before the kings presence, tooke with him sir Thomas Dimmocke, who had maried his sister, Sir Tho­mas Dim­mocke. and so came to London. And when he was come vp, being admonished by his fréends that the king was greatlie with him displeased, he [...]ith his brothe [...] in law tooke the sanctuarie at Wes [...]minster.

But king Edward, trusting to pa [...]ifie all this bu­sie tumult without anie further bloudshed, promised both those persons their pardons, causing them vpon his promise to come out of sanctuarie to his pre­sence, [Page 674] and calling to him the lord Welles, willed him to write to his sonne to leaue off the warre, and in the meane season he with his armie went forward, hauing with him the lord Welles, and sir Thomas Dimmocke. Anno Reg. 10. And being not past two daies iournie from Stamford, where his enimies had ptiched their field, and hearing that sir Robert Welles, not regar­ding his fathers letters, The lord Welles and Thomas Dimmocke beheaded. kept his campe still, he cau­sed the lord Welles, father to the said sir Robert, and sir Thomas Dimmocke to be beheaded, contrarie to line 10 his promise.

Sir Robert Welles, hearing that the king appro­ched, and that his father and sir Thomas Dimmocke were beheaded, though he was somewhat doubtfull to fight, before the earle of Warwike were with his power assembled, yet hauing a yoong and lustie cou­rage, manfullie set on his enimies. The battell was sore fought on both sides, and manie a man slaine; till sir Robert, perceiuing his people at point to slie, was busilie in hand to exhort them to tarie, and in the meane time compassed about with enimies was line 20 there taken, & with him sir Thomas de Land knight, and manie more. After the taking of their cap­teine, the Lincolneshire men amazed, threw awaie their coats the lighter to run awaie, and fled amaine, and therefore this battell is called there yet vnto this daie, Losecote field Losecote field.

The king reioising at this victorie, caused sir Ro­bert Welles, and diuerse other to be put to execution in the same place. The fame went that at this battell line 30 were slaine ten thousand men at the least. The earle of Warwike laie at the same time at his castell of Warwike, and meant to haue set forward the next daie toward his armie in Lincolnshire. But when he heard that the same was ouerthrowne, he tooke new counsell, and with all diligence imagined how to compasse Thomas lord Stanleie, which had maried his sister, that he might be one of the conspiracie. Which thing when he could not bring to passe (for the lord Stanleie had answered him, The faithful­nesse of the lord Stanlie. that he would ne­uer line 40 make warre against king Edward) he thought no longer to spend time in wast; and mistrusting he was not able to méet with his enimies, he with his sonne in law the duke of Clarence departed to Ex­cester, and there tarieng a few daies, The duke of Clarence and the earle of Warwike take the sea. deter [...]ined to saile into France, to purchase aid of king Lewes.

Now resting vpon this point, he hired ships at Dartmouth: and when the same were readie trim­med and decked, the duke and the earle with their wiues, and a great number of seruants imbarked line 50 themselues, and first tooke their course towards Ca­lis, whereof the earle was capteine, thinking there to haue left his wife and daughters, till he had returned out of France. But when they were come before the towne of Calis, they could not be suffered to enter: for the lord Uauclere a Gascoigne, The earle of Warwike kept out of Calis. being the earles deputie in that towne, whether he did it by dissimula­tion, or bearing good will to king Edward (as by the sequele it may be doubted whether he did or no) insteed of receiuing his master with triumph, he bent and discharged against him diuerse peeces of ordi­nance, line 60 sending him word he should not there take land.

This nauie lieng thus before Calis at anchor, the duchesse of Clarence was there deliuered of a faire sonne, which child the earles deputie would scarse suffer to be christened within the towne▪ nor without great intreatie would permit two flagons of wine to be conueied aboord to the ladies lieng in the hauen. The king of England aduertised of the refusall made by monsieur de Uauclere to the earle of Warwike, Monsieur de Uauclere made deputie of Calis. was so much pleased therewith, that incontinentlie he made him chiefe capteine of the towne of Calis by his letters patents, which he sent to him out of hand, and thereof discharged the earle as a traitor and rebell. Thus was the one in respect of his accepted seruice honorablie aduanced; and the o­ther, in regard of his disloialtie shamefullie disgra­ced: whereof as the one tooke occasion of inward de­light; so the other could not be void of grudging conceipts,

The duke of Burgognie (vnto whome king Ed­ward had written, that in no wise he should receiue the earle of Warwike, nor anie of his friends with­in his countries) was so well pleased with the doo­ings of monsieur de Uauclere, that he sent to him his seruant Philip de Cumins, and gaue him yéere­lie a thousand crownes in pension, praieng and re­quiring him to continue in truth and fidelitie toward king Edward, as he had shewed and begun. But al­though monsieur de Uauclere sware in the said Phi­lips presence, trulie to take king Edwards part; yet he sent priuilie to the earle of Warwike lieng at Whitsanbaie, that if he landed, The double dealing of monsieur de Uauclere. The lord Duras was [...] Gascoigne also. hee should be taken and lost: for all England (as he said) tooke part a­gainst him; the duke of Burgognie, and all the inha­bitants of the towne, with the lord Duras the kings marshall, and all the retinue of the garrison were his enimies.

The earle, hauing this aduertisement from his feigned enimie, with his nauie sailed toward Nor­mandie, and by the waie spoiled and tooke manie ships of the duke of Burgognies subiects, and at the last (with all his nauie and spoiles) he tooke land at Diepe in Normandie, The earle of Warwike la [...] ­ded at Diepe. where the gouernor of the countrie friendlie welcomed him, and aduertised king Lewes of his arriuall. The French king, de­sirous of nothing more than to haue occasion to plea­sure the erle of Warwike, of whom the hie renowme caused all men to haue him in admiration, sent vn­to him, requiring both him and his sonne in law the duke of Clarence, to come vnto his castell of Am­bois, where he men soiourned. Ambois. The duke of Bur­gognie, hearing that the duke and earle were thus receiued in France, sent a post with letters vnto king Lewes, partlie by waie of request, and partlie by way of menacing, to dissuade him from aiding of his aduersaries, the said duke and earle.

But the French king little regarded this sute of the duke of Burgognie, and therefore answered, that he might and would succour his friends, and yet breake no leage with him at all. In the meane time, K. Edward made inquirie for such as were knowne to be aiders of the earle of Warwike within his realme, of whom some he apprehended as guiltie, and some (doubting themselues) fled to sanctuarie, and o­ther trusting to the kings pardon, submitted them­selues, as Iohn marques Montacute, Iohn mar­ques Mon­tacute. whom he cour­teouslie receiued. When quéene Margaret that so­iourned with duke Reiner hir father, heard tell that the earle of Warwike was come to the French court, withall diligence shée came to Ambois to sée him, with hir onelie sonne prince Edward.

With hir also came Iasper earle of Penbroke, and Iohn earle of Oxford, The earles [...] Penbroke [...] Oxford. which after diuerse impri­sonments latelie escaped, fled out of England into France, and came by fortune to this assemblie. These persons, after intreatie had of their affaires, deter­mined by meanes of the French king to conclude a league and amitie betweene them. A league. And first to begin withall, for the sure foundation of their new intrea­tie, Edward prince of Wales m [...] ­ried. Edward prince of Wales wedded Anne second daughter to the earle of Warwike, which ladie came with hir mother into France. After which mariage, the duke and the earles tooke a solemne oth, that they should neuer leaue the warre, till either king Henrie the sixt, or his sonne prince Edward, were restored to the crowne: and that the quéene and the prince [Page 675] should depute and appoint the duke and the earle to be gouernors & conseruators of the common wealth, till time the prince were come to estate. Manie other conditions were agréed, as both reason & the weigh­tinesse of so great businesse required.

Whilest these things were thus in dooing in the French court, there landed a damsell, belonging to the duchesse of Clarence; as she said: which made monsieur de Uaucléere beleeue, that she was sent from king Edward to the duke of Clarence and the line 10 earle of Warwike with a plaine ouerture and de­claration of peace. Of the which tidings Uaucléere was verie glad for the earles sake. But this dam­sell comming to the duke, persuaded him so much to leaue off the pursute of his conceiued displeasure to­wards his brother king Edward, that he promised at his returne into England, The promise of the duke of Clarence. not to be so extreme e­nimie against his brother as he was taken to be: and this promise afterward he did kéepe. With this an­swer the damsell returned into England, the earle line 20 of Warwike being thereof clearelie ignorant.

The French king lent both ships, men, and mo­nie vnto quéene Margaret, and to hir partakers, and appointed the bastard of Burbon, admerall of France, with a great nauie to defend them against the nauie of the duke of Burgognie, which he laid at the mouth of the riuer Saine, readie to incounter them, being of greater force than both the French nauie and the English fléet. And yet king Reiner did also helpe his daughter with men and munition line 30 of warre. When their ships and men were come to­gither to Harflue, the erle of Warwike thought not to linger time: bicause he was certified by letters from his friends out of England, that assoone as he had taken land, there would be readie manie thou­sands to doo him what seruice and pleasure they could or might. And beside this, diuerse noble men wrote that they would helpe him with men, armor, monie, and all things necessarie for the warre, and further to aduenture their owne bodies in his quarell. line 40

Suerlie his presence was so much desired of all the people, The loue which the peo­ple bare to the earle of Warwike. that almost all men were readie in ar­mour, looking for his arriuall: for they iudged that the verie sunne was taken from the world when hée was absent. When he had receiued such letters of comfort, he determined with the duke, and the earles of Oxford and Penbroke (bicause quéene Margaret and hir sonne were not yet fullie furnished for the iournie) to go before with part of the nauie, and part of the armie. And euen as fortune would, the nauie of the duke of Burgognie at the same time by a tem­pest line 50 was scattered, & driuen beside the coast of Nor­mandie: so that the earle of Warwike in hope of a boune voiage, caused sailes to be halsed vp, and with good spéed landed at Darmouth in Deuonshire, from whence almost six moneths passed he tooke his iour­nie toward France (as before ye haue heard.) When the earle had taken land, A p [...]oclama­ [...]ion. he made proclamation in the name of king Henrie the sixt, vpon high paines commanding and charging all men able to beare ar­mor, line 60 to prepare themselues to fight against Edward duke of Yorke, which contrarie to right had vsurped the crowne. It is almost not to be beléeued, how ma­nie thousands men of warre at the first tidings of the earles landing resorted vnto him.

King Edward wakened with the newes of the earles landing, and the great repaire of people that came flocking in vnto him, sent foorth letters into all parts of his realme to raise an armie: but of them that were sent for, few came, and yet of those few the more part came with no great good willes. Which when he perceiued, he began to doubt the matter, and therefore being accompanied with the duke of Glocester his brother, the lord Hastings his cham­berlaine, which had maried the earles sister, and yet was euer true to the king his maister, and the lord Scales brother to the quéene, he departed into Lin­colneshire. And bicause he vnderstood that all the realme was vp against him, and some part of the earle of Warwike power was within halfe a daies iournie of him, following the aduise of his counsell, with all hast possible he passed the Washes in great ieopardie, King Ed­ward cōmeth to Lin and ta­keth ship to passe ouer seas. & comming to Lin found there an Eng­lish ship, and two hulkes of Holland readie (as for­tune would) to make saile.

Wherevpon he with his brother the duke of Glo­cester, the lord Scales, and diuerse other his trustie friends, entered into the ship. The lord Hastings. The lord Hastings ta­ried a while after, exhorting all his acquaintance, that of necessitie should tarie behind, to shew themselues openlie as friends to king Henrie for their owne safegard, but hartilie required them in secret to co [...] ­tinue faithfull to king Edward. This persuasion de­clared, he entered the ship with the other, and so they departed, The number that passed o­uer with king Edward. being in number in that one ship and two hulkes, about seuen or eight hundred persons, ha­uing no furniture of apparell or other necessarie things with them, sauing apparell for warre. Abr. Fl. [For it was no taking of leasure to prouide their corporall necessaries (though the want of them could hardlie be borne) in a case of present danger; considering that they were made against by the contrarie faction with such swift pursute. And it had bene a point of ex­treme follie, to be carefull for the accidents, permit­mitting in the meane time the substance vnto the spoile.]

As king Edward with saile and ore was thus ma­king course towards the duke of Burgognies coun­trie (whither he determined at the first to go) it chan­ced that seuen or eight gallant ships of Easterlings, open enimies both to England and France, were a­brode on those seas, and espieng the kings vessels, be­gan to chase him. The kings ship was good of saile, and so much gat of the Easterlings, King Ed­ward arriued at Alquemar [...] that he came on the coast of Holland, and so descended lower before a towne in the countrie called Alquemare, and there cast anchor as néere the towne as was possible, bi­cause they could not enter the hauen at an ebbing water. The Easterlings also approched the English ship, as néere as their great ships should come at the low water, intending at the floud to haue their preie: as they were verie like to haue atteined it in déed, if the lord Gronture, The lord Gronture. gouernor of that countrie for the duke of Burgognie, had not by chance béene at the same time in that towne.

This lord (vpon knowledge had of king Edwards arriuall there in the hauen, and in what danger he stood by reason of the Easterlings) commanded them not to be so hardie as once to meddle with anie Eng­lishmen, being both the dukes fréends and alies. Then did king Edward & all his companie come on land. Who after they had beene well refreshed & gent­lie comforted by the lord Gronture, they were by him brought to the Hagh, a rich towne in Holland, where they remained a while, hauing all things necessarie ministred to them by order of the duke of Burgog­nie, sent vnto the lord Gronture, immediatlie vpon certificat from the said lord Gronture of king Ed­wards arriuall. [Héere we sée in what perplexities king Edward and his retinue were, partlie by eni­mies at home in his owne countrie, whose hands he was constreined to flée from by the helpe of the sea; partlie also by aduersaries abroad, seeking opportuni­tie to offer him not the incounter onelie, but the o­uerthrow. And suerly, had not good fortune fauoured him, in preparing readie meanes for him to auoid those imminent dangers; he had doubtlesse fallen a­mong the weapons of his owne countrimen, and so [Page 676] neuer haue feared forren force: but in escaping both the one and the other, euen with shift of so spéedie ex­pedition, it is a note (if it be well looked into) of happi­nesse, if anie happinesse may be in preseruation from ruine and reproch.]

Edw. Hall. fol. ccix.Now let all Englishmen (saith Edward Hall) con­sider (as before is rehearsed) what profit, what com­moditie, and what helpe in distresse, the mariage of the ladie Margaret, king Edwards sister to the duke Charles, did to him in his extreame necessitie; and but by that meane vncurable extremitie: for his alies line 10 and confederats in Castile and Arragon were too far from him, either speedilie to flie to, or shortlie to come fro with anie aid or armie. The French king was his extreme enimie, and freend to king Henrie, for whose cause in the king of Scots (for all the leage betwéene them) he did put little confidence and lesse trust. The states and all Eastland were with him at open war, and yet by this marriage, God prouided him a place to flie to, both for refuge and reléefe.

[But for the further and cleerer explanation of line 20 these stratagems, Abr. Flem. or rather ciuill tumults, it shall not be amisse to insert in this place (si [...]h I cannot hit vp­on one more conuenient) a verie good note or additi­on receiued from the hands of maister Iohn Hooker chamberlaine of Excester; the contents whereof are of such qualitie, that they cannot stand in concur­rence with anie matter introduced within the com­passe of the ninth yeare of this kings reigne (as he had quoted it) and therfore I thought it méet to trans­fer the same to this tenth yeare; considering that line 30 some part of the matter by him largelie touched, is briefelie in the premisses alreadie remembred.]

¶This yeare (saith he) was verie troublesome, and full of ciuill wars and great discords. For after that king Edward the fourth was escaped out of prison, Iohn Hooker, aliàs Vowell. at Wolneie besides Warwike, he mustered and pre­pared a new armie. Wherevpon the earle of War­wike and the duke of Clarence, mistrusting them­selues, prepared to passe the seas ouer to Calis, and fi [...]st of all sent awaie the duches of Clarence daugh­ter line 40 to the said earle, who was then great with child, and she being accompanied with the lord Fitz War­ren, Lord Dinhā, and baron Carew, with their power come to Ex­cester. the lord Dinham, and the baron of Carew, and a thousand fighting men came to this citie of Exce­ster the eightéenth daie of March, and was lodged in the bishops palace. Sir Hugh, or (as some saie) sir William Courtneie, who then fauoured the partie of king Edward the fourth, assembled a great troope and armie of all the fréends he could make, and inui­roning line 50 the citie, besieged the same; he pulled downe all the bridges, rampered vp all the waies, and stop­ped all the passages, so that no vittels at all could be brought to this citie for twelue daies togither, which being doone vpon a sudden and vnlooked for, vittels waxed short and scant within the citie, and by reason of so great a multitude within the same, the people for want of food began to murmur and mutter.

The duches and the lords of hir companie, mistrust­ing what might and would be the sequele hereof, be­gan line 60 to deale with the maior, and required to haue the keies of the gates to be deliuered into their hands and that they would vndertake the safe custodie of the citie. Likewise sir William Courtneie did send his messenger to the maior, and required the gates to be opened and to giue him entrance: or els he would with sword and fier destroie the same. The ma­ior and his brethren being in great perple [...]ities, and hauing to answer not onelie the lords within and the knight without, but most of all doubting the com­mon people within, who being impatient of penurie, were deafe to all persuasions and listen to any coun­sels: did so order and handle the matter, as that by good spéeches and courteous vsages, euerie partie was stopped and staied, vntill by means and media­tions of certeine good and godlie men, an intreatie was made, the matter was compounded and the siege raised, and euerie man set at libertie.

The next daie after which conclusion, The duke of Clarence [...] the earle of Warwike [...] ­iorne at E [...] ­cester, and in pursue of the king. the gates being opened, to wit, the third of Aprill 1470, the earle of Warwike and the duke of Clarence came to this citie, and here rested, and soiorned themselues vntill sufficient shipping was prouided for their pas­sage ouer the seas, and then they all imbarked them­selues, and passed ouer to Calis. The king in this meane time mustered his armie, and prepared with all spéed all things necessarie to follow and pursue his said aduersaries, and came to this citie, thinking to find them here the fouretéenth of Aprill being satur­daie 1470, with fortie thousand fighting men: but the birds were fled awaie before his comming. Ne­uerthelesse the king came and entred into the citie, being accompanied with sundrie noble men; name­lie, the bishop of Elie then lord treasuror, the duke of Norffolke earle marshall, the duke of Suffolke, the earle of Arundell, the earle of Wilshire sonne to the duke of Buckingham, the earle of Worcester constable of England, the earle of Shrewesburie, the earle Riuers, the lord Hastings, the lord Graie of Codnor, the lord Andelie, the lord Saie, the lord Sturton, the lord Dacres, the lord Montioie, the lord Stanleie, the lord Ferris, and the baron of Dudleie.

Before whose comming, the maior being aduerti­sed thereof, tooke order, The king is receiued [...] honorablie [...] to the citie of Excester. and gaue commandement to euerie citizen and inhabitant, being of abilitie, to prouide and prepare for himselfe a gowne of the ci­ties liuerie, which was then red colour, and to be in a readinesse for receiuing of the king, which was accor­dinglie doone. And when the king was come neere to the citie, the maior being verie well attended with foure hundred persons well and séemelie apparelled in the cities liuerie, went to the south gate, and with­out the same attended the kings comming. Who when he was come, the maior did his most humble obeisance, and therewith Thomas Dowrish then re­corder of the citie made vnto his grace an humble oration, congratulating his comming to the citie: which ended, the maior deliuered vnto the king the keies of the gates and the maces of his office, and therewith a pursse of one hundred nobles in gold, The citizen [...] be neuole [...] to the king. which his grace tooke verie thankfullie. The monie he kept, but the keies and the maces he deliuered backe to the maior; and then the maior tooke the mace and did beare it through the citie bare-headed before the king, vntill he came to his lodging.

The next daie following, being Palmesundaie, the king in most princelie and roiall maner came to the cathedrall church of saint Peters, to heare the diuine seruice, where he followed and went in procession af­ter the maner as was then vsed, round about the churchyard, to the great ioy and comfort of all the people: How long the king con­tinued in the citie. he continued in the citie thrée daies vntill the tuesdaie then following; who when he had dined tooke his horsse and departed backe towards London, and gaue to the maior great good thanks for his inter­teinement. About foure moneths after this, in Au­gust, The duke of Clarence [...] the earle of Warwike [...] on the English coasts. the duke of Clarence and the erle of Warwike returned againe from Calis, with all their retinue, & landed some at Plimmouth, some at Dartmouth, and some at Exmouth: but all met in this citie, and from hence they all passed towards London, and at euerie place they proclamed king Henrie the sixt, Which when king Edward heard, he was very much troubled therewith: and not able then to withstand their force, he passed the seas to his brother in law the duke of Burgognie.

This yeare also, being verie troublesome, and the [Page 677] gouernement vncerteine, The practise [...] knight [...] chiefe [...] at the [...] to rid [...] of [...]. men were in great per­plexities, & wist not what to doo. And among manie there was one speciallie to be remembred, who to rid himselfe out of these troubles, did deuise this practise: his name was sir William Haukesford knight, a man verie well learned in the lawes of the realme, and one of the chiefe iustices at the law: he dwelled at Annorie in Deuonshire, a gentleman of great possessions, and hauing neuer a sonne, the lord Fitz Warren, sir Iohn Sentleger, & sir William Bul­leine, line 10 who maried his daughters, were his heires. This man being one of the chiefest lawiers in the land, was dailie sought to and his counsell asked: and he considering that when the sword ruled, law had a small course, and finding by experience what fruits insue such counsell as dooth not best like the parties, was verie heauie, sorrowfull, and in great agonies.

Herevpon suddenlie he called vnto him the kee­per of his parke, In vniust or [...]urmised charge of the [...]night a­gainst the keeper of his park [...]. with whom he fell out and quareled, bicause (as he said) he was slouthfull and careles, and line 20 did not walke in the nights about the parke, but suf­fered his game to be spoiled and his deere to be stolen, wherefore he wi [...]led him to be more vigilant and carefull of his charge: and also commanded him that if he met anie man in his circuit and walke in the night time, and would not stand nor speake vnto him, he should not spare to kill him what so euer he were. This knight, hauing laid this foundation, and minding to performe what he had purposed for the ending of his dolefull daies, did in a certeine darke line 30 night secretlie conueie himselfe out of his house, and walked alone in his parke. Then the kéeper in his night walke hearing one stirring and comming to­wards him, asked who was there? but no answer was made at all.

The kéeper killeth his maister the knight with an arrow.Then the keeper willed him to stand, which when he would not doo, the kéeper nocked his arrow and shot vnto him, and killed him; who when he perceiued that it was his maister, then he called to remembrance his maisters former commandement. And so this line 40 knight, otherwise learned and wise, being affraid to displease man, did displease God, and verie disorderlie ended his life. It is inrolled amongst the records of this citie, of a commission directed to Iohn earle of Deuonshire, & from him sent to the maior of the citie of Excester to be proclamed. The words be these: Decim [...]quarto die Aprilus, vz. in vigilia Paschae, An, 49. Hen. 6. commissio domini regis directa Iohanni comiti De­uon, missa est maiori vt proclamaretur. And likewise in an other place: Quatuor marcae sunt solutae Iohanni comiti De­uon. line 50 ex assensa maioris. Howbeit, certeine it is there was no such earle of that name, onelie there was Iohn Holland then liuing duke of Excester, where­fore something is mistaken herein.

But was this a practise (thinke you) beséeming a man of worship, Abr. Flem. learning, and iudgement, to make awaie himselfe, bicause he saw a temporall interrup­tion of his prosperitie? Suerlie how much learning so euer he had in the lawes of the land, litle at all or none (as appeareth) had he in suffering the forces of aduersitie, whom the feare of it did so terrifie, that it line 60 droue him to his end. Wise therefore is the counsell of the comedie-writer, and worthie of imitation, that a man, when he is in best case and highest degrée of welfare, should euen then meditate with himselfe how to awaie with hardnesse, with penurie, perils, losse, banishment, and other afflictions: for so shall he prepare himselfe to beare them with patience when they happen: as souldiers trained vp in militarie ex­ercises at home, are so much the forwarder for the field, & fitter to incounter their foes (with lesse dread of danger) when they come abroad to be tried: and therefore it is wiselie (& to the purpose) said of Virgil: ‘—superando omnis fortuna ferendo est. [...]. 5.]’

But to returne to the princes affaires. When the fame was once spred abroad that K. Edward was fled the relme, an innumerable number of people re­sorted to the earle of Warwike to take his part, but all K. Edwards trustie fréends went to diuerse sanc­tuaries, K. Edwards fréends take sanctuarie. and amongst other his wife quéene Eliza­beth tooke sanctuarie at Westminster, and there in great penurie forsaken of all hir friends, was deli­uered of a faire son called Edward, Queéne Eli­zabeth deliue­red of a prince which was with small pompe like a poore mans child christened, the godfathers being the abbat and prior of Westmin­ster, and the godmother the ladie Scroope. Ab. Flem. [But what might be the heauinesse of this ladies hart (thinke we) vpon consideration of so manie counterblasts of vnhappinesse inwardlie conceiued? Hir husband had taken flight, his adherents and hir fréends sought to shroud themselues vnder the couert of a new protec­tor, she driuen in distresse forsooke not that simple re­fuge which hir hard hap forced vpon hir; and (a kings wife) wanted in hir necessitie such things as meane mens wines had in superfluitie, & (a corosiue to a no­ble mind) a prince of renowmed parentage was (by constreint of vnkind fortune) not vouchsafed the so­lemnitie of christendome due and decent for so hono­rable a personage.]

The Kentishmen in this seson (whose minds be euer moueable at the change of princes) came to the sub­vrbs of London, spoiled mansions, The Kentish­men make an hurlie burlie. robbed béere­houses, and by the counsell of sir Geffrie Gates and other sanctuarie men, they brake vp the kings Bench and deliuered prisoners, and fell at Ratcliffe, Lime­house, & S. Katharins, to burning of houses, slaugh­ter of people, and rauishing of women. Which small sparkle had growne to a greater flame, if the earle of Warwike with a great power had not suddenlie quenched it, and punished the offendors: which benefit by him doone, caused him much more to be estéemed and liked amongst the commons than he was before. When he had settled all things at his pleasure, King Henrie fetched out of the Tower & restored to his kinglie go­uernement. vpon the twelfe daie of October he rode to the Tower of London, and there deliuered king Henrie out of the ward, where he before was kept, and brought him to the kings lodging, where he was serued according to his degrée.

On the fiue and twentith day of the said moneth, the duke of Clarence accompanied with the earles of Warwike and Shrewesburie, the lord Strange, and other lords and gentlemen, some for feare, and some for loue, and some onelie to gaze at the waue­ring world, went to the Tower, and from thense brought king Henrie apparelled in a long gowne of blew veluet, through London to the church of saint Paule, the people on euerie side the streets reioising and crieng; God saue the king: as though ech thing had succéeded as they would haue had it: and when he had offered (as kings vse to doo) he was conueied to the bishops palace, where he kept his houshold like a king. [Thus was the principalitie posted ouer som­times to Henrie, sometimes to Edward; according to the swaie of the partie preuailing: ambition and disdaine still casting fagots on the fire, whereby the heat of hatred gathered the greater force to the con­sumption of the péeres and the destruction of the peo­ple. In the meane time, neither part could securelie possesse the regalitie, when they obteined it, which highmindednesse was in the end the ouerthrow of both principals and accessaries, according to the na­ture thereof noted in this distichon by the poet:

Fastus habet lites, offensis fastus abundat,
Fastus ad interitum praecipitare solet.]

When king Henrie had thus readepted and eft­soons gotten his regall power and authoritie, he cal­led his high court of parlement to begin the six and twentith day of Nouember, at Westminster; A parlement. in the [Page 678] which king Edward was adiudged a traitor to the countrie, K. Edward adiudged an vsurper. and an vsurper of the realme. His goods were confiscat and forfeited. The like sentence was giuen against all his partakers and freends. And be­sides this it was inacted, that such as for his sake were apprehended, and were either in captiuitie or at large vpon suerties, should be extremelie punished according to their demerits, amongst whome was the lord Tiptoft earle of Worcester lieutenant for king Edward in Ireland, exercising there more ex­treme crueltie than princelie pietie, and namelie on line 10 two infants being sonnes to the earle of Desmond.

Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 725. The earle Tipto [...]t be­headed.[This earle of Worcester, being found in the top of an high thrée, in the forrest of Waibridge, in the countie of Huntington, was brought to London, and either for treason to him laid, or malice against him conceiued, was atteinted, and beheaded at the Tower hill, and after buried at the Blacke friers.] Moreouer, all statutes made by king Edward were clearlie reuoked, and the crownes of the realmes of line 20 England and France were by authoritie of the same parlement intailed to king Henrie the sixt, The crowne intailed. and to his heires male; and for default of such heires, to remaine to George duke of Clarence, & to his heires male: and further, the said duke was inabled to be next heire to his father Richard duke of Yorke, and to take from him all his landes and dignities, as though he had béene his eldest sonne at the time of his death. Iasper earle of Penbroke, and Iohn earle of Oxford, with diuerse other by king Edward at­teinted, line 30 were restored to their old names, possessi­ons, and ancient dignities.

Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 722, 723. The earle of Warwike his housekéeping. Fabian.Beside this, the earle of Warwike, as one to whom the common-wealth was much bounden [and euer had in great fauour of the commons of this land, by reason of the exceeding houshold which he dailie kept in all countries where euer he soiourned or laie: and when he came to London, he held such an house, that six oxen were eaten at a breakefast, and euerie tauerne was full of his meat, for who that had line 40 anie acquaintance in that house, he should haue had as much sod and rost as he might carrie vpon a long dagger] he (I saie) was made gouernour of the realme, The earle of Warwike in­stituted go­uernour of the realme. with whom as fellow was associat George duke of Clarence. And thus was the state of the realme quite altered. To this parlement came the marquesse Montacute, excusing himselfe, that for feare of death he declined to take king Edwards part, which excuse was accepted. When quéene Mar­garet vnderstood by hir husbands letters, that the vic­torie line 50 was gotten by their fréends, she with hir sonne prince Edward and hir traine entered their ships, to take their voiage into England: but the winter was so sharpe, the weather so stormie, and the wind so contrarie, that she was [...]aine to take land againe, and to deferre hir iournie till another season.

About the same season, Iasper earle of Penbroke went into Wales, Iasper earle of Penbroke. to visit his lands in Penbroke­shire, where he found lord Henrie sonne to his bro­ther Edmund earle of Richmond, hauing not full line 60 ten yeares of age; he being kept in maner like a cap­tiue, but honorablie brought vp by the ladie Herbert, late wife to William earle of Penbroke, beheaded at Banburie (as ye before haue heard. Margaret countesse of Richmond and Derbi [...].) This Henrie was borne of Margaret the onelie daughter and heire of Iohn the first duke of Summerset, then not being full ten yeares of age, the which ladie though she were after ioined in mariage with lord Henrie sonne to Humfreie duke of Buckingham, and after to Thomas Stanleie earle of Derbie, both being yoong and apt for generation, yet she had neuer anie more children, as though she had doone hir part to bring foorth a man child, and the same to be a king (as he after was indéed) intituled by the name of Henrie the seuenth (as after ye shall heare.)

The earle of Penbroke tooke this child, being his nephue, out of the custodie of the ladie Herbert, and at his returne brought the child with him to London to king Henrie the sixt, The saieng of king Henrie the sixt, of Henrie of Richmond after king Henrie the seuenth. whome when the king had a good while beheld, he said to such princes as were with him: Lo, suerlie this is he, to whom both we and our aduersaries leauing the possession of all things shall hereafter giue roome and place. So this holie man shewed before the chance that should happen, that this earle Henrie so ordeined by God, should in time to come (as he did indéed) haue and inioy the kingdome and whole rule of this realme of England. ¶So that it might seeme probable by the coherence of holie Henries predictions with the issue falling out in truth with the same; Ab. Flem▪ that for the time he was indued with a propheticall spirit. And suerlie the epithet or ti­tle of holie is not for naught attributed vnto him, for it is to be read in writers, that he was by nature gi­uen to peaceablenesse, abhorring bloud and slaugh­ter, detesting ciuill tumults, addicted to deuotion, ve­rie frequent in praier, and not esteeming so highlie of courtlie gallantnesse as stood with the dignitie of a prince. In consideration wherof, he procured against himselfe an apostasie of his people both natiue and forren; who reuolted and fell from fealtie. And whie? The reason is rendred by the same writer, namelie:

Quòd tales homines populus sceleratior odit,
Fastidit, detestatur: non conuenit inter
Virtutem & vitium, lucem fugêre tenebrae.]

The earle of Warwike, vnderstanding that his enimie the duke of Burgognie had receiued king Edward, and meant to aid him for recouerie of the kingdome, he first sent ouer to Calis foure hundred archers on horsse backe to make warre on the dukes countries; and further, prepared foure thousand vali­ant men to go ouer shortlie, that the duke might haue his hands euen full of trouble at home. And where ye haue heard that the erle of Warwike was kept out of Calis at his fléeing out of England into France, ye shall note that within a quarter of an houre after it was knowne that he was returned into England; and had chased king Edward out of the realme; not onelie monsieur de Uaucléere, but also all other of the garrison & towne shewed them­selues to be his fréends; The ragged staffe. so that the ragged staffe was taken vp and worne in euerie mans cap, some ware if of gold enameled, some of siluer; and he that could haue it neither of gold nor siluer, had it of whitish silke or cloth: such wauering minds haue the com­mon people, bending like a reed with euerie wind that bloweth.

The duke of Burgognie, hauing an armie readie at the same time to inuade the frontiers of France, to recouer the townes of saint Quinti [...]es and Ami­ens, latelie by the French king taken from him, doubted to be hindered greatlie by the Englishmen, if he should be constreined to haue warre with them: for the duke of Burgognie held not onlie at that sea­son Flanders, but also Bulleine, and Bullennois, and all Artois, so that he was thereby in danger to receiue harme out of Calis on ech side. The duke of Burgognie sendeth am­bassadors to Calis. Therefore he sent ambassadors thither, which did so much with the councell there, that the league was newlie confir­med betwixt the realme of England and the dukes countries; onelie the name of Henrie put in the wri­ting in stéed of Edward. This matter hindered sore the sute of king Edward, dailie suing to the duke for aid at his hands, the more earnestlie indéed, bicause of such promises as by letters were made vnto him out of England, from his assured fréends there.

But duke Charles would not consent openlie to aid king Edward; 14 [...]1 He asketh K Edward vn­der hand. but yet secretlie vnder hand by o­thers he lent vnto him fiftie thousand florens of the [Page 679] crosse of S. Andrew, and further caused foure great ships to be appointed for him in the hauen of de Uéere, otherwise called Camphire in Zeland, which in those daies was free for all men to come vnto, and the duke hired for him fouretéene ships of the Easter­lings well appointed, & for the more suertie tooke a bond of them to serue him trulie, till he were landed in England, and fifteene daies after. The Easter­lings were glad of this iournie, trusting if he got a­gaine the possession of England, they should the soo­ner line 10 come to a peace, and obteine restitution of their liberties and franchises, which they claimed of former time to haue within this realme. The duke of Bur­gognie cared not much, on whose side the victorie fell, sauing for paiment of his monie: for he would oft saie, that he was fréend to both parties, and either part was fréendlie to him.

In déed, as he was brother in law to the one, so was he of kin to the other, as by his grandmother being daughter to Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster. W. Fleetwood. When line 20 therefore all king Edwards furniture and prouision for his iournie were once readie, hauing now with him about two thousand able men of warre, beside mariners, he entered into the ships with them, in the hauen before Flishing in Zeland, vpon the second day of March: and bicause the wind fell not good for his purpose, he taried still aboord for the space of nine dais, before it turned méet for his iournie. But after that the wind once came about (as he wisht) the sails were hoissed vp on the 11 of March being monday, line 30 & forward they sailed, He arriueth on the coast of Norffolke. directing their course streight ouer towards the coast of Norffolke. On the next day being tuesday, & the twelfe of March, toward the euening, they road before Cromer, where the king sent to land sir Robert Chamberleine, with sir Gil­bert Debenham knights, and diuerse other, to the end they might discouer the countrie, and vnder­stand how the people within the land were bent to­wards him, especiallie those countries there next adioining. line 40

Anno Reg. 11. The earle of Oxford.Upon their returne, he vnderstood that there was no suertie for him to land in those parties, by reason of the good order which the earle of Warwike, and the earle of Oxford especiallie had taken in that coun­trie to resist him: for not onelie the duke of Norf­folke, but all other the gentlemen (whome the earle of Warwike had in anie suspicion) were by letters of priuie seale sent for, and either committed to safe kéeping about London, or else inforced to find suer­tie for their loiall demeanor towards king Henrie: line 50 yet those knights and other that were thus sent foorth to make inquirie, were well receiued of their frends, and had good cheare. But after the king perceiued by their report, how things stood thereabouts, he caused his ships to make course towards the north parts.

The same night folowing, a great storme of winds and weather rose, sore troubling the seas, and conti­nued till the fourtéenth day of that moneth being thursday, He arriueth at the head of Humber. on the which day with great danger, by rea­son of the tempestuous rage and torment of the trou­bled line 60 seas, he arriued at the head of Humber, where the other ships were scattered from him, each one se­uered from other; so that of necessitie they were dri­uen to land in sunder where they best might, for doubt to be cast awaie in that perillous tempest. The king with the lord Hastings his chamberleine, and other to the number of fiue hundred men being in one ship, He landeth at Rauenspurgh landed within Humber on Holdernesse side, at a place called Rauenspurgh, euen in the same place where Henrie erle of Derbie, after called king Henrie the fourth landed, when he came to depriue king Richard the second of the crowne, and to vsurpe it to himselfe.

Richard duke of Glocester, and three hundred men in his companie, tooke land in another place foure miles distant from thence, where his brother king Edward did land. The earle Riuers, and with him two hundred men, landed at a place called Pole, fourtéene miles from the hauen where the king came on land. The residue of his people landed some here some there, in place where for their suerties they thought best. On the morrow, being the fifteenth of March, now that the tempest ceased, and euerie man being got to land, they drew from euerie of their lan­ding places towards the king, who for the first night was lodged in a poore village, two miles from the place where he first set foot on land. [As for his traine, though the season of the yeere was naturallie cold, & therfore required competent refection by warmth, it is to be supposed, that all their lodgings were hard inough, sith the principals prouision was sorie i­nough. But what of that? Better (in cases of ex­tremitie) an hard shift than none at all.]

Touching the folks of the countrie, there came few or none to him. For by the incensing of such as had bin sent into those parts from the erle of Warwike, and other his aduersaries, the people were shrewdlie induced to stand against him. But yet, in respect of the good will that manie of them had borne to his fa­ther, they could haue béene content, that he should haue inioied his right to his due inheritance of the duchie of Yorke, but in no wise to the title of the crowne. And herevpon they suffered him to passe, not séeking to annoie him, till they might vnderstand more of his purposed meaning. The king, perceiuing how the people were bent, noised abroad that hée came to make none other chalenge but to his inhe­ritance of the duchie of Yorke: and withall ment to passe first into the citie of Yorke, and so forward to­wards London, to incounter with his aduersaries that were in the south parts.

For although his néerest waie had béene through Lincolneshire: yet bicause in taking that waie hée must haue gone againe to the water, in passing ouer Humber; he doubted least it would haue bin thought that he had withdrawne himselfe to the sea for feare. And to auoid the rumors that might haue beene spred thereof, to the hinderance of his whole cause, he refu­sed that waie, and tooke this other, still bruting it (as before we said) that his comming was not to cha­lenge the crowne, but onelie to be restored vnto his fathers right and inheritance of the duchie of Yorke, which was descended to him from his father. And here it séemed that the colour of iustice hath euer such a force in it selfe amongst all men, that where before few or none of the commons could be found that would offer themselues to take his part: yet now that he did (as they thought) claime nothing but that which was his right, they began streight to haue a li­king of his cause.

And where there were gathered to the number of six or seuen thousand men in diuerse places, vnder the leading chieflie of a priest and of a gentleman called Martine de la Mare, in purpose to haue stopped his passage: Martine de la Mare or Martine of the sea. now the same persons tooke occasion to as­sist him. And when he perceiued mens minds to bée well qualified with this feined deuise, he marched foorth till he came to Beuerleie, which stood in his di­rect waie as he passed toward Yorke. He passeth to­ward Yorke. He sent also to Kingston vpon Hull, distant from thence six miles, willing that he might be there receiued: but the in­habitants, who had bene laboured by his aduersaries, refused in anie wise to grant therevnto.

The earle of Warwike aduertised by messen­gers of king Edwards arriuall, and of his turning toward Yorke, with all hast wrote to his brother the marquesse Montacute, who had laine at the castell of Pomfret all the last winter with a great number [Page 680] of souldiers, willing him to consider in what case their affaires stood, and therevpon with all spéed to set vpon king Edward, or else to keepe the passages, and to staie him from comming anie further for­ward, till he himselfe as then being in Warwike­shire busie to assemble an armie, might come to his aid with the same. [Thus laboured the earle of War­wike by policie and puissance, as well of his owne as others power, to further his owne purpose, ha­uing sworne in heart a due performance of that, line 10 which he had solemnlie vowed and promised before. Sée before page 664.]

But this notwithstanding, although there were great companies of people of the countries there a­bouts assembled, yet they came not in sight of the king, but suffered him quietlie to passe; either bicause they were persuaded that he ment (as he in outward words pretended) not to claime anie title to the crowne, but onelie his right to the duchie of Yorke; or else for that they doubted to set vpon him, although his number were farre vnequall to theirs; know­ing line 20 that not onelie he himselfe, but also his compa­nie were minded to sell their liues dearlie, before they would shrinke an inch from anie that was to incoun­ter them. It maie be that diuerse of the capteins al­so were corrupted: and although outwardlie they shewed to be against him, yet in heart they bare him right good will, and in no wise minded to hinder him. So forward he marched, K. Edward without inter­ruption pas­seth forward to Yorke. till he came to Yorke, on a monday being the eightéenth day of March.

Before he came to the citie by the space of thrée line 30 miles, the recorder of Yorke, whose name was Tho­mas Coniers (one knowne in déed not to beare him anie faithfull good will) came vnto him; Thomas Co­niers recorder of Yorke. & gaue him to vnderstand, that it stood in no wise with his suertie, to presume to approch the citie: for either hée should be kept out by force, or if he did enter, he shuld be in danger to be cast away by his aduersaries that were within. King Edward neuerthelesse, sith he was come thus farre forward, knew well inough there was no going backe for him, but manfullie to line 40 procéed forward with his begun iournie, and there­fore kept on his way. And shortlie after there came to him out of the citie, Robert Clifford, and Richard Burgh, who assured him that in the quarell which he pretended to pursue, to wit, for the obteining of his right to the duchie of Yorke, he should not faile but be receiued into the citie.

But immediatlie after came the said Coniers a­gaine, with the like tale and information as he had brought before. And thus king Edward one while line 50 put in comfort, and another while discouraged, mar­ched foorth till he came to the gates of the citie, where his people staied; K. Edward commeth to Yorke. whilest he and about sixtéene or se­uentéene other such as he thought méetest, went forth and entred the citie with the said Clifford & Burgh. And (as some write) there was a priest readie to saie masse, in which masse time the king receiued the sa­crament of the communion, He receiueth an oth. & there solemnlie sware to kéepe and obserue two speciall articles: although it was farre vnlike that he minded to obserue either line 60 of them: the one was that he should vse the citizens after a gentle and courteous maner: and the other, that he should be faithfull and obedient vnto king Henries commandements.

For this wilfull periurie (as hath béene thought) the issue of this king suffered (for the fathers of­fense) the depriuation not onelie of lands and world­lie possessions, but also of their naturall liues, by their cruell vncle K. Richard the third. [And it may well be. For it is not likelie that God, in whose hands is the bestowing of all souereigntie, will suf­fer such an indignitie to be doone to his sacred maie­stie, and will suffer the same to passe with impunitie, And suerlie, if an osh among priuate men is religi­ouslie to be kept, sith in the same is an exact triall of faith and honestie; doubtlesse of princes it is verie nicelie and preciselie to be obserued: yea they should rather susteine a blemish and disgrace in their roial­tie, than presume to go against their oth and promise, speciallie if the same stand vpon conditions of equi­tie: otherwise they prooue themselues to be impug­ners of fidelitie, which is a iewell surpassing gold in price and estimation, as the poet prudentlie saith: ‘Charior est auro non simulata fides.’

When king Edward had thus gotten into the ci­tie of Yorke, he made such meanes among the citi­zens, that he got of them a certeine summe of mo­nie; and leauing a garison within the citie contrarie to his oth, for feare least the citizens after his depar­ture, might happilie mooue some rebellion against him, he set forward the next day toward Todcaster, a towne ten miles from thence, belonging to the earle of Northumberland. The next day he tooke his waie toward Wakefield and Sendall, a castell and lordship belonging to the inheritance of the dukes of Yorke, The marques Montacute suffereth king Edward to passe by him. leauing the castell of Pomfret vpon his left hand, where the marques Montacute with his armie laie, and did not once offer to stop him.

Whether the marques suffered him to passe by so, with his good will or no, diuerse haue diuerslie con­iectured. Some thinke that it lay not in the power of the marques greatlie to annoie him, both for that the king was well beloued in those parties; & againe, all the lords & commons there for the most part were to­wards the earle of Northumberland, and without him or his commandement they were not willing to stirre. And therefore the earle in sitting still and not moouing to and fro, was thought to doo king Edward as good seruice as if he had come to him, and raised people to assist him; for diuerse happilie that should haue come with him, remembring displeasures past, would not haue béene so faithfull as the earle him­selfe, if it had come to the iumpe of anie hazard of battell.

About Wakefield and the parts there adioining, some companie of his freends came to him, whereby his power was increased; but nothing in such num­bers as he looked for. From Wakefield he crossed on the left hand, so to come againe into the high waie, and came to Doncaster, K. Edward commeth to Northamptō ▪ and from thence vnto No­tingham. Here came to him sir William Parre, and sir Iames Harrington, with six hundred men well armed and appointed: also there came to him sir Tho­mas Burgh, Edw. Hall. & sir Thomas Montgomerie with their aids, which caused him at their first comming to make proclamation in his owne name, to wit, of K. Edward the fourth, boldlie affirming to him, that they would serue no man but a king.

Whilest he remained at Notingham, and also before he came there, he sent abroad diuerse of his auaunt courrers to discouer the countrie, and to vn­derstand if there were anie power gathered against him. Some of them that were thus sent, approached to Newarke, and vnderstood that within the towne there, the duke of Excester, the earle of Oxenford, the lord Bardolfe, The duke of Excester and a power a [...] Newarke. and other were lodged with a great power to the number of foure thousand men, which they had assembled in Essex, Norffolke, Suffolke, and in the shires of Cambridge, Huntington, and Lincolne. The duke of Excester, and the earle of Ox­enford, with other the chéefe capteins, aduertised that king Edwards foreriders had béene afore the towne in the euening, supposed verefie that he and his whole armie were comming towards them.

Héerevpon, they not thinking it good to abide longer there, determined with all spéed to dislodge, and so about two of the clocke after midnight they departed from Newarke, leauing some of their peo­ple [Page 681] behind, which either stale awaie from them, and taried of purpose, or could not get awaie so soone as their fellowes. In déed the foreriders that so discoue­red them within the towne of Newarke, aduertised the king thereof in all post hast, who incontinentlie assembled his people, and foorthwith marched tow­ards them: but before he came within thrée miles of the towne, he had knowledge that they were fled and gone from Newarke. Whervpon he returned a­gaine to Notingham, intending to kéepe on his nee­rest line 10 waie towards the earle of Warwike, whome he vnderstood to be departed from London, and to be come into Warwikeshire, where & in the countries adioining he was busied in leuieng an armie, with the which he purposed to distresse him.

The king then from Notingham came to Lei­cester, K. Edward commeth to Leicester. where three thousand able men, and well furni­shed for the warre came vnto him. These were such as he knew would liue and die in his quarrell, the most part of them belonging vnto the lord Hastings line 20 the kings chamberlaine. And thus he, being more stronglie accompanied than before, departed from Leicester, and came before the wals of the citie of Couentrie, The earle of Warwike in Couentrie. the nine and twentith daie of March. The earle of Warwike was withdrawne into this citie, kéeping himselfe inclosed therein with his people, being in number six or seauen thousand men. The king sent to him, and willed him to come foorth into the field, and there to make an end of the quarell in plaine battell: but the earle at that present refused line 30 so to doo.

For although, vnder pretense of king Henries authoritie, K. Edward prouoketh the earle of War­wike to fight. he was reputed the kings generall lieute­nant of the whole realme, whereby he had got such power togither, as was thought able inough to match with the king for number; yet bicause he doub­ted how they were bent in his fauour, he durst not commit the matter vnto the doubtfull chance of battell, till he had more of his trustie fréends about him. The king therefore three daies togither prouo­ked line 40 him to come foorth, but when he saw it would not be, he remooued to Warwike an eight miles from Couentrie, He cōmeth to Warwike. where he was receiued as king, and so made his proclamations from that time foorth in all places where he came, vnder his accustomed name and title of king.

He lodged héere at Warwike, the rather (as was thought) to prouoke the earle to issue foorth of Couen­trie to giue him battell, howbeit that deuise nothing auailed. But yet there came dailie diuerse persons on the earls behalfe to treat with the king about a line 50 peace, A treatie for peace. that some good composition might haue béene concluded; & the king for the aduancement of peace and tranquillitie within the realme, offered large conditions; as a free pardon of life to the earle, and all his people, with manie other beneficiall articles on their behalfes, which to manie seemed verie reaso­nable, considering their heinous offenses. But the earle would not accept anie offers, except he might haue compounded so as it pleased himselfe, & as was thought in no wise to stand with the kings honour, line 60 and suertie of his estate.

The duke of Clarence.In this meane while, the earle of Warwike still looked for the duke of Clarence, who by the said earls appointment had assembled a power of men of war about London: but when the earle perceiued that the duke lingered foorth the time, and did not vse such di­ligence as was requisit, as one that had béene in doubt of warre or peace, he began to inspect that the duke was of his brother corrupted, and therein he was nothing deceiued. For true it is, that whilest the king was as yet beyond the seas, in the dominion of the duke of Burgognie, the duke of Clarence began to weie with himselfe the great inconuenience into the which as well his brother king Edward, as him­selfe and his yoonger brother the duke of Glocester were fallen, through the dissention betwixt them: (which had beene compassed and brought to passe by the politike working of the earle of Warwike and his complices.)

As first the disheriting of them all from their right­full title to the crowne; secondlie the mortall and de­testable war that could not but insue betwixt them, to such mischéefe, that to whether part the victorie in­clined, the victor should remaine in no more suertie of his owne person or estate after the vpper hand got, than before; and thirdlie he well perceiued alreadie, that he was had in great suspicion, and not heartilie belooued of anie the lords and rulers that were assu­red partakers with king Henrie and the Lancastri­an faction: insomuch they sticked not dailie to go a­bout to breake and make void the appointments, ar­ticles, and couenants, made and promised to him, and of likelihood would dailie more and more intend thereto: for in truth he saw, that they purposed no­thing so much as the destruction both of him and all his bloud.

All which things throughlie considered, with ma­nie other as they were laid afore him by right wise and circumspect persons, which in this behalfe had conference with him, he consented that by some se­cret waies and meanes a reconciliation might be had betwixt him and his brethren, the king and the duke of Glocester. The which to bring to some good and full effect, these honorable personages following became dealers therein. First of all the duches of Yorke their mother, the duches of Excester, and the duches of Suffolke their sisters; the lord cardinall of Canturburie, the bishop of Bath, the earle of Essex; but most speciallie the duches of Burgognie their sister also, and diuerse other right wise and prudent personages, who wrought by mediation of certeine preests, and others, Préests vsed for priuie messengers. such as they vsed for messengers betwixt them.

Finallie, by the earnest trauell and diligence shew­ed by the said duches of Burgognie (who incessantlie sent to and fro such hir trustie messengers now to the king being on that side the seas, and then to the duke remaining héere in England) at length they were made fréends, K. Edward and his bro­ther of Cla­rence recon­ciled vnwit­ting to the earle of War­wike. and a perfect agréement concluded and ratified, with assurance betwixt them so strong­lie as might be. To the furthering whereof the kings chamberlaine the lord Hastings failed not to doo his best, so as by his good diligence, it was thought the king was the sooner induced to with to ioine eft­soones in true fréendship with his said brother of Clarence. And as it well appeared, the duke of Cla­rence acquitted himselfe faithfullie therein.

For hearing now that his brother king Edward was landed and comming forward towards Lon­don, he gathered his people, outwardlie pretending to passe with them to the aid of the earle of War­wike against his brother: The dissimu­lation of the duke of Cla­rence. although inwardlie he meant the contrarie, and so accompanied with aboue foure thousand men, he marched foorth towards the place where he thought to find his brother. King Ed­ward being then at Warwike, and vnderstanding that his brother of Clarence approched, in an after­noone issued foorth of that towne with all his forces, and passed on till he came into a faire large field thrée miles distant from Warwike towards Banburie, where he might behold his brother of Clarence in good arraie of battell, comming towards him.

When they were now within halfe a mile appro­ched togither, the king placed his people in order of battell vnder their baners, and so left them standing still, and appointed them to kéepe their ground, whilest he taking with him his brother of Glocester, the lord [Page 682] Riuers, the lord Hastings, & a few other, went foorth to méet his brother of Clarence: and in like sort the duke of Clarence tooke with him a few of the nobili­tie that were about him, and leauing his armie in good order, departed from them to meet the king, and so they met betwixt both the hoasts, with so swéet sa­lutations, louing demeanor, and good countenances, as better might not be deuised betwixt brethren of so high and noble estate. The brethren méet louinglie togither. O what a hearts ioy was this to the people, to sée such an accord and mutuall at­tonement line 10 betweene these peeres! It was the onelie pleasure in the world, to the which all other compared are but counterfet, and that dooth the psalmist testifie,

Buchan. in psal. 133.
Nil charitate mutua fratrum, nihil
Iucundius concordia.

Besides this, the like fréendlie intertainment, and courteous demeanour appeared in the salutings of other noble men that were on them attendant; wher­of all such as saw it, and loued them, greatlie reioised; giuing God thankes for that ioifull méeting, vnitie, line 20 and concord, appearing thus manifestlie betwixt them: and herewith the trumpets and other instru­ments sounded, & the king withall brought the duke vnto his armie, whom he saluting in most courteous wise, welcomed them into the land; and they humblie thanking him, did to him such reuerence as appertei­ned to the honour of such a worthie personage. This was a goodlie and a gratious reconcilement, benefi­ciall to the princes, profitable to the péeres, and plea­surable to the people, whose part had beene déepest in line 30 dangers and losse, if discord had not beene disconti­nued.

This doone, the king leauing his hoast againe, kee­ping their ground with the same few persons which he tooke with him before, went with his brother of Clarence vnto his armie, and saluting them with swéete and courteous words, was ioifullie of them welcomed: and so after this, they all came togither ioining in one. And either part shewing themselues glad thus to méet as fréends with the other, they line 40 went louinglie togither vnto Warwike with the king, where and in the countrie thereabouts they lod­ged, as they thought stood most with their ease and safeties. Herewith the duke of Clarence desired a­boue all things to procure some good and perfect ac­cord betwixt his brother the king, and the earle of Warwike.

In this was he the more studious, bicause he saw that such an accord should bring great quietnesse to the land, and deliuer the common-wealth of manie line 50 dangers that might insue by reason of such numbers of partakers, as well lords as other that were confe­derat with the earle. The said duke treated with the king present, The duke of Clarence seé­keth to make peace betwixt the king and the earle of Warwike. and sent messengers vnto Couentrie to the earle, moouing as well the one as the other most instantlie to frame their minds vnto a pacifica­tion. The king at the instance of his brother was contented to offer large conditions, and verie benefi­ciall for the earle and his partakers if they would haue accepted them. line 60

But the earle, whether vtterlie despairing of his owne safetie, if he should agrée to anie peace; or else happilie for that he thought it stood with his honour to stand vnto such promises and couenants as he had made with the French king, and with the quéene Margaret, and hir sonne prince Edward (to whome he was bound by oth not to shrinke [...] swarue from the same) he refused all maner of such conditions as were offered. Insomuch that when the duke had sent to him, both to excuse himselfe of the [...] which he had doone, and also to require him to take some good waie with king Edward, now while he might, the earle (af­ter he had patientlie heard the dukes message) he sée­med greatlie to abhorre his vnfaithfull dealing, in turning thus from his confederats and alies, con­trarie to his oth and fidelitie.

To the messengers (as some write) he gaue none other answer but this, The earle [...] Warwike [...]swer to the duke of C [...] rence [...]. that he had rather be like him­selfe, than like a false and periured duke; and that he was fullie determined neuer to leaue warre, till he had either lost his owne life, or vtterlie subdued his enimies. As it was thought, the earle of Oxenfords persuasion wanted not, to make him the more stif­lie to hold out; and rather to trie the vttermost hazard of warre, than to agrée to acknowledge king Ed­ward for his lawfull souereigne lord and king. Wher­vpon no appointment nor anie agréement at all could be brought to passe; and so all that treatie, which the duke of Clarence had procured, brake off & tooke none effect. There came to the earle of Warwike, whilest he laie thus at Couentrie (besides the earle of Oxenford) the duke of Excester, and the lord mar­quesse Montacute, by whose comming that side was greatlie strengthened, and the number much increa­sed.

The king, vpon consideration hereof, and percei­uing he could not get the earle to come foorth of Co­uentrie, departed from Warwike, and eftsoones she­wing himselfe with his people before the citie of Co­uentrie, desired the earle and his power to come foorth into the fields, that they might end their quarrell by battell: which the earle and the other lords with him vtterlie refused as then to doo. This was the fift of A­prill being fridaie. The king herevpon was resolued to march towards London, K. Edward passeth Lon­don. where his principall ad­uersarie king Henrie remained, vsing his kinglie authoritie by diuerse such of the nobilitie as were a­bout him, whereby king Edward was barred and dis­appointed of manie aids and assistants, which he was sure to haue, if he could once breake that force of the roiall authoritie, that was still thus exercised against him in king Henries name.

Wherefore (by the aduise of his brethren and others of his councell) accordinglie as it had beene ordeined before this his last setting foorth from Warwike, he kept on his waie towards London, comming to Dantrie on the saturdaie at night: & on the morow being Palmesundaie, he heard seruice in the church there, & after rode to Northhampton, where he was ioifullie receiued. From thense he tooke the next way towards London, leauing continuallie behind him (as he passed foorth) a competent band of speares and archers, to beat backe such of the earle of Warwiks people, as peraduenture he might send abroad to trouble him and his armie by the waie. Which proui­dence and foresight he thought it not vnnecessarie to vse; for that he knew well enough, that the heart of an enimie, frieng in the fire of hatefull hostilitie, will pretermit no opportunitie either of time or place to laie in wait for his destruction, against whom he bea­reth an inward grudge, with a desire of vengeance to the death.

In this meane while, that things passed in maner (as before ye haue hard) Edmund duke of Summer­set, & his brother Iohn marquesse Dorset, Thomas Courtneie earle of Deuonshire, and others being at London, had knowledge by aduertisements out of France, that quéene Margaret with hir sonne prince Edward, the countesse of Warwike, the prior of S. Iohns, the lord Wenlocke, and diuerse others their adherents and partakers, with all that they might make, were readie at the sea side, purposing with all spéed to saile ouer into England, and to arriue in the west countrie. Wherevpon they departed foorth of London, and with all hast possible drew westward, there to raise what forces they could, to ioine with those their fréends, immediatlie after they should once come on land, and so to assist them against king [Page 683] Edward and his partakers.

True it is, that the quéene with hir sonne, and the other persons before mentioned, tooke their ships, the foure and twentith daie of March, continuing on the seas before they could land (thorough tempests and contrarie winds) by the space of twentie daies, that is, till the thirtéenth of Aprill: on which daie, or rather on the fourteenth, they landed at Weimouth, as after shall appeare. But now touching king Edwards pro­céeding forward on his iournie toward London, ye line 10 haue to vnderstand, that vpon the tuesdaie the ninth of Aprill he came to saint Albons, from whense he sent comfortable aduertisements to the queene his wife remaining within the sanctuarie at Westmin­ster, and to others his faithfull fréends in and about London, to vnderstand by couert meanes how to deale to obteine the fauour of the citizens, so as he might be of them receiued.

The earle of Warwike, vnderstanding all his doo­ings and purposes, wrote to the Londoners, willing line 20 & charging them in anie wise to keepe king Edward out of their citie, and in no condition to permit him to enter: and withall he sent to his brother the arch­bishop of Yorke, willing him by all meanes possible to persuade the Londoners not to receiue him; The arch­bishop of Yorke. but to defend the citie against him for the space of two or thrée daies at the least: promising not to faile but to come after him, and to be readie to assaile him on the backe, not doubting but wholie to distresse his power and to bring him to vtter confusion. The archbishop line 30 herevpon, on the ninth of Aprill, called vnto him at Paules, all such lords, knights, and gentlemen, with others that were partakers on that side, to the num­ber in all of six or seauen thousand men in armour.

King Henrie sheweth him­selfe to the Londoners.Herewith also he caused king Henrie to mount on horssebacke, and to ride from Paules thorough Cheape downe to Walbroke, & so to fetch a compasse (as the custome was when they made their generall processions) returning backe againe to Paules vnto the bishops palace, where at that time he was lod­ged. line 40 The archbishop supposed, that shewing the king thus riding thorough the stréets, he should haue allu­red the citizens to assist his part. True it is, the ma­ior & aldermen had caused the gates to be kept with watch and ward: but now they well perceiued that king Henries power was too weake, as by that shew it had well appeared, to make full resistance against king Edward, and so not for them in trust vnto, if king Edward came forward, and should attempt to enter the citie by force: for it was not vnknowne line 50 vnto them, that manie of the worshipfull citizens, and others of the commons in great numbers, were fullie bent to aid king Edward, in all that they might, as occasion serued.

Thus, what thorough loue that manie bare to king Edward, and what thorough feare that diuerse stood in, least the citie being taken by force might happilie haue beene put to the sacke, with the losse of manie an innocent mans life; The Londo­ners resolue to receiue king Ed­ward. The archbi­shop of Yorke. the maior, aldermen, and o­thers the worshipfull of the citie fell at a point a­mong line 60 themselues, to kéepe the citie to K. Edwards vse, so as he might haue free passage and entrie into the same at his pleasure. The archbishop of Yorke, perceiuing the affections of the people, and how the most part of them were now bent in fauour of king Edward vpon the said kings approch towards the ci­tie, he sent foorth secretlie a messenger to him, besée­ching him to receiue him againe into his fauour, promising to be faithfull to him in time to come, and to acquit this good turne hereafter with some singu­lar benefit and pleasure.

The king▪ vpon good causes and considerations therevnto him moouing, was contented to receiue him againe into his fauour. The archbishop hereof assured, reioised greatlie, well & trulie acquiting him concerning his promise made to the king in that be­halfe. The Tower recouered to king Ed­wards vse. K. Edward entereth into London. The same night following was the Tower of London recouered to king Edwards vse. And on the morow being thursdaie, and the eleuenth of Aprill, king Edward quietlie made his entrie into the citie with his power, hauing fiue hundred smokie gun­ners marching foremost, being strangers, of such as he had brought ouer with him. He first rode vnto Paules church, & from thense he went to the bishops palace, where the archbishop of Yorke presented him­selfe vnto him, and hauing king Henrie by the hand, King Henrie is deliuered to him. deliuered him vnto king Edward, who being seized of his person, and diuerse other his aduersaries, he went from Paules to Westminster, where he made his deuout praiers, giuing God most heartie thanks for his safe returne thither againe.

This doone, he went to the quéene to comfort hir, who with great patience had abidden there a long time, as a sanctuarie woman, for doubt of hir eni­mies; and in the meane season was deliuered of a yoong prince, whome she now presented vnto him, to his great hearts reioising & comfort. From West­minster the king returned that night vnto London againe, hauing the quéene with him, and lodged in the house of the duchesse his moother. On the morow being good fridaie, he tooke aduise with the lords of his bloud, and other of his councell, for such businesse as he had in hand; namelie, how to subdue his eni­mies as sought his destruction. Thus with consulta­tion preuenting his actions, he obteined fortunate successe, wherwith his hart was the moreaduanced to ioine issue with his aduersaries, whome (rather than they should triumph ouer him) he was resolutelie minded to vanquish, if his procéedings might proue prosperous as his present good lucke.

The earle of Warwike, calling himselfe lieute­nant of England, vnder the pretensed authoritie of king Henrie, hoping that king Edward should haue much a doo to enter into London, marched foorth from Couentrie with all his puissance, The earle of Warwike fol­loweth the king. following the king by Northhampton, in hope to haue some great ad­uantage to assaile him, speciallie if the Londoners kept him out of their citie, as he trusted they would; for then he accounted himselfe sure of the vpper hand: or if he were of them receiued, yet he hoped to find him vnprouided in celebrating the feast of Easter; and so by setting vpon him on the sudden, he doubted not by that meanes to distresse him. But king Ed­ward, hauing intelligence of the earles intention, prouided all things necessarie for battell; & hearing that the earle of Warwike was now come vnto S. Albons with his armie, he determined to march foorth to incounter him before he should approch néere the citie.

The earle of Warwike, Edw. Hall. accompanied with Iohn duke of Excester, Edmund duke of Summerset, Iohn earle of Oxford, and Iohn Neuill marquesse Montacute his brother, vnderstanding that king Edward was not onelie receiued into London, but also had got king Henrie into his hands, perceiued that the triall of the matter must néeds be commit­ted to the hazard of battell; and therefore being come to the towne of saint Albons, he rested there a while, partlie to refresh his souldiers, and partlie to take counsell how to procéed in his enterprise. At length, although he knew that his brother the marquesse Montacute was not fullie well persuaded with him­selfe, to like of this quarell which they had in hand; yet the brotherlie affection betwixt them tooke awaie all suspicion from the earle, and so he vtterlie resolued to giue battell, meaning to trie whereto all this tumult would grow; and counting it a blemish to his honor, not to prosequute that with the sword, which he had so­lemnelie [Page 684] vowed to doo on his word.]

Hervpon remoued they towards Barnet, a towne standing in the midwaie betwixt London and saint Albons aloft on a hill; at the end whereof towards saint Albons there is a faire plaine for two armies to meet vpon, Gladmore heath. named Gladmore heath. On the fur­ther side of which plaine towards saint Albons the earle pight his campe. King Edward on the other part, being furnished with a mightie armie (hauing ioined to that power which he brought with him cer­teine new supplies) vpon Easter euen the thirteenth line 10 of Aprill in the after noone marched foorth, hauing his said armie diuided into foure battels. He tooke with him king Henrie, The ordering of the kings armie. and came that euening vnto Bar­net, ten small miles distant from London; in which towne his foreriders finding certeine of the earle of Warwikes foreriders, beat them out, & chased them somewhat further than halfe a mile from the towne, where, by an hedge side they found readie assembled a great number of the earle of Warwiks people.

The king after this comming to Barnet, would line 20 not suffer a man to remaine in the towne (that were of his host) but commanded them all to the field, and with them drew toward his enimies, and lodged with his armie more neere to them than he was a­ware of, K. Edward lodged before his enimies. by reason it was darke, so as he could not well discerne where they were incamped, fortifieng the field the best he could for feare of some sudden in­uasion. He tooke his ground not so euen afore them as he would haue doone, if he might haue discouered the place where they had lien; and by reason thereof line 30 he incamped somewhat aside slips of them, causing his people to kéepe as much silence as was possible, [least making anie noise with the busseling of their armour and weapons or otherwise with their toongs, the enimie might haue come to some knowledge of the kings priuie purpose, and so by preuention haue disappointed his policie by some prouident deuise; which bicause they wanted for the present time, it tur­ned to their disaduantage; after the old prouerbe: ‘Nescit prodesse qui nescit prouidus esse.] line 40’

Artillerie.They had great artillerie on both parts, but the earle was better furnished therewith than the king, and therefore in the night time they shot off from his campe in maner continuallie; but dooing little hurt to the kings people, still ouershooting them, by reason they laie much néerer than the earle or anie of his men did estéeme. And such silence was kept in the kings campe▪ that no noise bewraied them where they laie. For to the end it should not be knowne to the enimies, how neere the king with his armie was line 50 lodged vnto them, the king would not suffer anie of his gunnes in all that night to be shot off, A good policie. least there­by they might haue gessed the ground, and so leuelled their artillerie to his annoiance.

Earelie on the next morning betwixt foure and fiue of the clocke, notwithstanding there was a great mist that letted the sight of both parts to disco­uer the fields, the king aduanced his banners, and caused his trumpets to sound to the battell. On the other part, Edw. Hall. the earle of Warwike, at the verie breake line 60 of the daie, had likewise set his men in order of bat­tell in this maner. In the right wing he placed the marquesse Montacute, The order of the battell of both sides. and the earle of Oxford with certeine horssemen, and he with the duke of Exce­ster tooke the left wing. And in the middest betweene both, he set archers, appointing the duke of Summer­set to guide them as their chiefteine. King Edward had set the duke of Glocester in the fore-ward. The middle-ward he himselfe with the duke of Clarence, hauing with them king Henrie, did rule & gouerne. The lord Hastings led the rere-ward, and beside these thrée battels, he kept a companie of fresh men in store, which did him great pleasure before the end of the battell.

Here is to be remembred, that aswell the king on his part, as the earle of Warwike on his, vsed ma­nie comfortable words to incourage their people, not forgetting to set foorth their quarels as iust and law­full; the king naming his aduersaries traitors and rebels, & the earle accounting him a tyrant, & an in­iurious vsurper. But when the time came that they once got fight either of other, the battell began verie sharpe and cruell, first with shot, and after by ioining at hand blowes. Yet at the first they ioined not front to front, as they should haue doone, by reason of the mist that tooke awaie the sight of either armie, and suffered the one not to discerne perfectlie the order of the other; insomuch that the one end of the earle of Warwikes armie ouerraught the contrarie end of the kings battell which stood westward, and by reason thereof (through the valiancie of the earle of Oxford that led the earles voward) the kings people on that part were ouermatched, The valiancie of the earle of Oxford. so that manie of them fled towards Barnet, and so to London, bringing newes that the erle of Warwike had woone the field.

[Which report happilie might haue béene iustified and fallen out to be true, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 727. had not preposterous for­tune happened to the earle of Oxford and his men, who had a starre with streames on their liueries; as king Edwards men had the sunne with streames on their liueries: wherevpon the earle of Warwiks men, by reason of the mist not well discerning the badges so like, shot at the earle of Oxfords men that were on their owne part, and then the earle of Ox­ford and his men cried treason, and fled with eight hundred men.]

But touching the kings people which were pursu­ed in the chase as they fled, and were put to the worst, manie were wounded, and manie slaine outright. But the residue of those that fought in other parts could not perceiue this distresse of the kings people, bicause the thicke mist would not suffer them to sée anie space farre off, but onelie at hand: and so the kings battell that saw not anie thing what was doone beside them, was nothing discouraged. For (a few excepted that stood next to that part) there was not anie one that wist of that discomfiture; and the o­ther of the earle of Warwikes men, The [...] courage of the earle of War­wike. that fought in other places somewhat distant from them, were no­thing the more incouraged by this prosperous suc­cesse of their fellowes, for they perceiued it not. And in like case as at the west end the earles battell ouer­reached the kings, so at the east end the kings ouer­reached the earls, and with like successe put the earls people in that place to the worse.

At length after sore fight, and greater slaughter made on both sides, king Edward hauing the grea­ter number of men (as somewrite, though other af­firme the contrarie) began some what to preuaile: but the earle on the other side remembring his ancient fame and renowme, manfullie stucke to it, and in­couraged his people, still supplieng with new succors in places where he saw expedient, and so the fight re­newed more cruell, fierce, & bloudie than before, inso­much that the victorie remained still doubtfull, though they had fought from morning till it was now far in the daie. K. Edward therefore willing to make an end of so long a conflic [...], caused new power of fresh men (which he had for this purpose kept in store) to set on his enimies.

The earle of Warwike was nothing abashed herewith, but vnderstanding that this was all the re­sidue of king Edwards power, comforted his men to beare out this last brunt, and in so dooing the victo­rie was sure on their side, and the battell at an end: but king Edward so manfullie and valiantlie assai­led his aduersaries, in the middle and strongest part [Page 685] of their battell, that with great violence he bare downe all that stood in his waie; for he was followed and assisted by a number of most hardie and faithfull men of warre, that shewed notable proofe of tried manhood in that instant necessitie. The earle of Warwike (when his souldiers all wearied with long fight, and sore weakened with woundes and hurts re­ceiued in the battell) gaue little heed to his words (be­ing a man of an inuincible stomach) rushed into the middest of his enimies, whereas he (aduenturing so line 10 farre from his companie, to kill and slea his aduersa­ries, The earle of Warwike [...]. that he could not be rescued) was amongst the preasse of his enimies striken downe and slaine.

The marquesse Montacute, thinking to succour his brother, was likewise ouerthrowne and slaine, with manie other of good calling, as knights and es­quiers, The mar­quesse Mon­tacute slaine. [...]. Flem. beside other gentlemen. [But some saie that the said marquesse, hauing agreed priuilie with king Edward, did weare his liuerie, whome one of his brother the earle of Warwiks men espieng, fell vp­on line 20 him and killed him outright.] Some write that this battell was so driuen to the vttermost point, that king Edward was constreined to fight in his owne person, and that the earle of Warwike, which was wont euer to ride on horsekacke from place to place, and from ranke to ranke, comforting his men, was now aduised by the marquesse his brother, to leaue his horsse, and to trie the extremitie by hand strokes, [which may be probable & likelie. But by the report of some it séemeth that he was not slaine in the heat of line 30 the conflict, [...] Fl. ex I. S. [...]. among the rout of the fighting men, but afterwards in this sort. For when he saw the kings power preuaile and his owne sore impaired and past hope of good spéed, with the slaughter of his adhe­rents (gentlemen of name) and himselfe in the verie mouth of the enimie in possibilitie to be deuoured, he lept vpon a horsse to flie, and comming into a wood where was no passage, one of king Edwards men came to him, killed him, and spoiled him to the naked skin. Sir William Tirrell knight was killed on the line 40 earle of Warwikes part.]

On both parties were slaine (as Ed. Hall saith) ten thousand at the least, The number at Bar­net field. where Fabian saith but fifteene hundred and somewhat aboue. Other write that there died in all about three thousand. Upon the kings part were slaine, the lord Crumwell, the lord Saie, the lord Montiois sonne and heire, sir Humfrie Bour­chier sonne to the lord Berners, and diuerse other knights, esquiers, and gentlemen. The battell indu­red the space of thrée hours verie doubtfull by reason line 50 of the mist, and in skirmishing and fighting, now in this place, now in that, but finallie the victorie fell on the kings side; and yet it could not be estéemed that his whole armie passed nine thousand fighting men (as some write) where his aduersaries (as by the same writers appeareth) were farre aboue that number. But bicause those that so write, séeme altogither to fauor king Edward, we maie beléeue as we list.

The duke of Summerset, and the earle of Oxford fled in companie of certeine northerne men, which line 60 had béene at the battell; and (as some write) the earle of Oxford kept foorth with them, The duke of Summerset and the earle of Oxfo [...]d. [...]. and retired after in­to Scotland. But yet as well the duke of Summer­set, as the said earle of Oxford, in fléeing toward Scotland, changed their purpose vpon the waie, and turned into Wales to Iasper earle of Penbroke. The duke of Excester being striken downe and [...]ore wounded, The duke of Excester. was left for dead in the field, amongst o­ther the dead bodies, bicause he was not knowne, and by reason thereof comming to himselfe, got vp, and in great danger escaped vnto Westminster, and there tooke sanctuarie. [But some say, that after hée had lien in the field, [...] Flem. spoiled, wounded, and (to sée to) void of life, from seuen of the clocke in the morning, till foure at after noone, he was caried to a seruants house of his there by (named Ruthland) where (after his wounds were searched and dressed by a surgian) he was conueied into Westminster sanctuarie.]

King Edward hauing got this victorie, Edw. Hall. refreshing himselfe and his people a while at Barnet, returned the same daie vnto London, like a triumphant con­queror, leading with him king Henrie as a captiue prisoner: & so making a solemne entrie at the church of saint Paule, offred his standard. The dead bodies of the earle and marques were brought to London in a coffin, & before they were buried, by the space of thrée daies laie open visaged in the cathedrall church of S. Paule, to the intent that all men might easilie perceiue, that they vnfeinedlie were dead. The com­mon brute ran, that the king was not so ioious of the erles death, as sorowfull for the losse of the marques, whom he full well knew (and no lesse was euident to other) to be his faithfull friend and well-willer; for whose onelie sake, he caused both their bodies to be buried with their ancestors in the priorie of Bissam.

On the tuesdaie in Easter wéeke came know­ledge to king Edward, Quéene Margaret landeth with a power out of France that quéene Margaret the wife of king Henrie, with hir sonne prince Edward was landed vpon Easter day at Weimouth in Dor­setshire, accompanied with Iohn Longstrother prior of saint Iohns, commonlie called lord treasuror of England, who went ouer into France to fetch them: also the lord Wenlocke, a man made onelie by king Edward, beside diuerse other knights and esquiers, of whome part had béene long foorth of the realme, and part newlie gone ouer thither to them, in com­panie of the lord treasuror. They tooke their ships at Hunflue, the foure and twentith of March (as before you haue heard) but through contrarie winds and tempests, they were driuen backe, and constreined to abide for conuenient wind.

Now, although it came sometimes about sit for their purpose, yet it continued not long in that end; so as if therevpon they tooke the sea at anie time, they were forced to returne backe againe to land yer they could passe halfe the way ouer. And thus being diuerse times vnder saile, in hope to passe the seas hi­ther into England, they were still driuen backe a­gaine, till the thirtéenth of Aprill being Easter éeuen; on which day the wind comming fauorablie about, they tooke the seas, and sailed forward towards this land. The countesse of Warwike, hauing a ship of ad­uantage, arriued before the other at Portesmouth, and from thence she went to Southhampton; mea­ning to haue gone to Weimouth, where she vnder­stood that the quéene was landed: but here had shee knowledge of the losse of Barnet field, and that hir husband was there slaine. The countesse of Warwike taketh sanc­tuarie. Wherevpon she went no further towards the queene, but secretlie got hir ouer the water into the new forrest, and tooke sanctuarie within the abbeie of Beaulieu.

Quéene Margaret, and hir sonne prince Edward, with the other that landed at Weimouth, went from thence to an abbeie néere by called Céerne. Thither came vnto them Edmund duke of Summerset, The duke of Summerset, and the earle of Deuonshire cōfort quéene Margaret. and Thomas Courtneie earle of Deuonshire, with o­thers, and welcommed them into England, comfor­ting the quéene in the best maner they could, and wil­led hir not to despaire of good successe; for albeit they had lost one field (whereof the queene had knowledge the same day being mondaie in easter wéeke, the fif­téenth of Aprill, and was therefore right sorrowfull) yet they doubted not but to assemble such a puissance (and that verie shortlie) foorth of diuerse parts of the realme, as being faithfull, and wholie bent to spend their liues, and shed the best bloud in their bodies for hir sake, & hir sonnes, it should be hard for king Ed­ward to resist them with all the power he had or [Page 686] could make.

Edw. Hall.The presence of these noble men greatlie comfor­ted hir, and relieued hir of the sorrowes that in ma­ner ouerwhelmed hir pensiue heart: for she doubted sore the end of all these procéedings; the which they concluded to follow vpon the aduancement of hir and hirs. Speciallie it misgaue hir, that some euill should chance to hir sonne prince Edward, The feare which quéene Margaret had for hir sonne. for shee greatlie weied not of hir owne perill (as she hir selfe confessed) and therefore she would gladlie haue had them either to haue deferred the battell till a more line 10 conuenient time: or else that hir sonne might haue béene conueied ouer into France againe, there to haue remained in safetie, till the chance of the next battell were tried: but they being of a contrarie mind, and namelie the duke of Summerset, she at length consented vnto that which they were resolued vpon.

Thus euerie man being bent to battell, gathered his power by himselfe, first in Summersetshire, Dorsetshire, and part of Wiltshire, and after in De­uonshire line 20 and Cornewall. For the better incoura­ging of which countries to ioine with them in their quarrell, they repaired to Excester. Here they sent for sir Iohn Arundell, and sir Hugh Courtenie, and manie other in whom they had anie confidence. To be short, they wrought so, that they raised the whole powers of Cornewall and Deuonshire, and with a great armie departing foorth of Excester, they tooke the right waie to Glastenburie, and from thence to Bath, raising the people in all parts where they line 30 came: for those countries had bene so laboured, first by the earle of Warwike, and after by the duke of Summerset, and the earle of Deuonshire (which two noble men were reckoned as old inheritors of the same countries) that the people séemed there greatlie inclined to the fauor of king Henrie.

King Edward, being at London, was dailie ad­uertised by faithfull espials of all the dooings of his aduersaries, and was in no small agonie, bicause he could not learne what waie his enimies ment to line 40 take; for he purposed to incounter them in one place or other, before they should approch neere to London. And vpon such resolution, with such an armie as he had got about London, K. Edward setteth for­ward against his enimies. furnished with all artillerie and other prouisions necessarie, he set forward the nintéenth of Aprill, and came to Windsore, where he staied a season, as well to celebrate the feast of saint George, as to abide the comming of such hands as he had appointed to repaire thither vnto him, ma­king line 50 there his generall assemblie.

The enimies to masker him the more, sent foorth their foreriders vnto sundrie townes, both aswell to raise people in the countries about, as to make the king beléeue that their purpose was to passe those waies, where they ment not once to come. And here­vpon when they departed from Excester, they sent first their foreriders streight to Shaftesburie, and af­ter to Salisburie, and then they tooke the streight waie to Taunton, Glastenburie, and after to Wels, line 60 where houering about in the countrie, they sent ano­ther time their foreriders to a towne called Yuell, and to Bruton, as if their meaning had béene to draw towards Reading, and so through Barkeshire, and Oxfordshire to haue marched streight to Lon­don, or else to haue set vpon the king at some aduan­tage, if it were offered.

But king Edward, considering aduisedlie of the matter, perceiued well that they being in an angle of the realme, if they ment to go to London, they must either hold the streight waie foorth by Salisbu­rie, or else drawing vp to the sea side, passe alongst through Hampshire, Sussex and Kent; or happilie if they mistrusted their owne strengths, as not able to match with his puissance, they would then slip on the left hand, and draw towards Chesshire, and Lanca­shire, there to increase their forces, and peraduenture by the waie to ioine with a power of Welshmen, vn­der the leading of Iasper earle of Penbroke, who had béene sent into Wales long afore, to frame and put in a readines the people there to assist king Hen­ries friends at their comming thitherwards. And such was there purpose in deed, for they had great confidence in such aid, as they trusted to haue of the Chesshire and Lancashire men.

King Edward, meaning to approch néerer vnto them, that he might the sooner make waie to stop them of their passage, on which hand soeuer they drew, departed from Windesore the morrow after saint Georges day, being the foure and twentith day of Aprill, kéeping foorth his iournie, till on saturdaie the twentie and seuenth of Aprill he came to Abing­ton, where he laie sundaie all daie. On mondaie he marched forward to Chichester, where he had sure ad­uertisement, that they intended to be at Bath the next daie being tuesdaie, and on wednesdaie to come forward to giue him battell. Wherevpon king Ed­ward, desirous to sée his people in order of battell, drew them foorth of the towne, and incamped in the field thrée miles distant from thence, still busieng himselfe about his necessarie affaires, affording no time to idlenesse or loitering: for he knew that there was no waie more expedite and readie to tire him in trauell, than to be giuen to negligence and slouth, the two weariers of well dooing, as the old saieng is: ‘Desidia pressus erit in studio citòfessus.’

On the morrow, hearing no certeintie of their comming forward, he marched to Malmesburie, still seeking to incounter them: but heere he had know­ledge, that they hauing changed their purpose, meant not to giue him battell; and therefore were turned aside, and gone to Bristow, where they were receiued, reléeued, and well refreshed by such as fa­uoured their cause, as well with vittels, men, and mo­nie, as good store of artillerie. Wherevpon they were so incouraged, that the thursdaie after they tooke the field againe, purposing to giue king Edward battell indéed; and for the same intent had sent their foreri­ders to a towne, distant from Bristow nine miles, called Sudburie, appointing a ground for their field, Sudburie hill. a mile from the same towne, toward the kings campe, called Sudburie hill.

The king heereof aduertised, the same thursdaie, being the first of Maie, with his armie faire ranged in order of battell, came towards the place by them appointed for their field: but they came not there. For hearing that king Edward did thus approach, vpon a new change of resolution, they left that waie: albeit some of their herbingers were come as farre as Sudburie towne, and there surprised fiue or six of the kings partie, which were rashlie entred that towne, attending onelie to prouide lodgings for their mai­sters. The lords thus hauing eftsoones changed their purpose, not meaning as yet to fight with the king, directed their waie streight towards Berkelie, tra­uelling all that night. From Berkelie they marched forward towards Glocester.

The king in the meane time, on the thursdaie in the after noone, came to the same ground called Sudburie hill, and there staied a certeine space, send­ing foorth scowriers, to hearken what they might vn­derstand of the enimies, whome he tooke to be some­where at hand. But when he could not heare anie cer­teintie of them, he aduanced forward, lodging his vant-gard in a vallie beyond the hill, towards the towne of Sudburie, and laie himselfe (with the resi­due of his people) at the same place, called Sudburie hill. About thrée of the clocke after midnight, he was [Page 687] aduertised, that his enimies had taken their waie by Berkeleie, towards Glocester. Héerevpon, taking aduise of his councell what was best to doo, he was counselled to send some of his seruants with all spéed vnto Glocester, to Richard Beauchampe, sonne and heire to the lord Beauchampe of Powike, to whome he had (before this present) committed the rule and custodie of the towne and castell of Glocester.

The king sent therefore with all spéed vnto him, commanding him to doo his best to defend the towne and castell against his enimies, if they came to assaile line 10 the same, as it was supposed they intended: and if they so did, he promised to come with his whole armie presentlie to the rescue. The messengers did their di­ligence, and so being ioifullie receiued into Gloce­ster, the towne and castell, by the vigilant regard of the said Richard Beauchampe, was put in safe keep­ing. And this message was doone in good time, for true it is, there were diuerse in the towne, that could haue béene well contented that the quéene, and the lords with hir, should haue béene receiued there, and line 20 would haue aduentured to haue brought it to passe, if they had not béene thus preuented.

Againe, the quéene and the lords with hir had good intelligence, with diuerse in the towne, so as they were put in great hope to haue entred the same: wherevpon they trauelled their people right sore all that night and morning, comming before the towne of Glocester vpon the fridaie about ten of the clocke. And when they perceiued that they were disappoin­ted line 30 of their purpose, and their entrie flatlie denied, they were highlie therewith displeased; for they knew verie well, that diuerse within the towne bare their good willes towards them: but after they had vsed certeine menacing braueries, and made a shew as if they had meant to assalt the gates and walles, & so to haue entred by force, they departed their waies, marching with all speed possible towards Teukes­burie.

It might be maruelled at, whie they attempted line 40 not the winning of Glocester indéed, Glocester, [...] it was not assaulted. considering the freends which they knew they had within it. But the cause which mooued them cheeflie to forbeare, was, for that as well they without, as the other with­in the towne, knew that king Edward approached at hand, and was readie to set vpon them on the backes, if they had once begun to haue assaulted the towne; and so, neither they within the towne that were the kings freends doubted the enimies forces, nor the enimie indéed durst attempt anie such enter­prise line 50 against them. About foure of the clocke in the afternoone, they came to Teukesburie, hauing tra­uelled that night last past, A long march. and that daie, six and thir­tie long miles, in a foule countrie, all in lanes and stonie waies, betwixt woods, without anie good refre­shing, so that as well the men as the horsses were right wearie.

And where the more part of their armie consisted of footmen, the capteins could not haue gone anie further, except they would haue left their footmen be­hind line 60 them, and so of necessitie they were driuen to staie there, determining to abide the aduenture that God would send them. For well they knew that the king followed them verie néere at hand, so as if they should haue gone further, and left the most part of their companie behind, as it could not otherwise haue chanced, he would haue béene readie to haue taken the aduantage wholie, so to distresse them. Héerevpon they pight their field in a close, The place where y e lords [...]camped. euen hard at the townes end, hauing the towne and the abbeie at their backes; and directlie before them, and vpon each side of them, they were defended with cumber­some lanes, déepe ditches, and manie hedges, beside hils and dales, so as the place séemed as noisome as might be to approach vnto.

The king on this fridaie, verie erlie in the morning, aduanced his standards, and in good order of battell hauing diuided his armie into thrée wards, marched through the plaines of Cotteswold. The daie was ve­rie hot, and hauing in his armie aboue thrée thousand footmen, he trauelled with them and the residue thir­tie miles and more. By all which waie, The painfull march of king Edward with his armie. they could find neither horssemeat, nor mans meat, no not so much as water for their horsses, except one little brooke, of the which they receiued no great reléefe; for what with the horsses and carriages that passed thorough it, the water became so troubled, that it serued them to no vse: and still all that daie king Edward with his ar­mie was within fiue or six miles of his enimies, he in the plaine countrie, and they among the woods.

King Edward had euer good espials, to aduertise him still what his enimies did, and which waie they tooke. At length he came with all his armie vnto a village called Chiltenham, Chiltenham. like a fiue miles distant from Teukesburie, where he had certeine know­ledge that his enimies were alreadie come to Teu­kesburie, and were incamped there, purposing to a­bide him in that place, and to deliuer him battell. King Edward therevpon made no long delaie, but tooke a little refection himselfe, and caused his people to doo the like, with such prouision of vittels as he had appointed to be conueied foorth with him for the re­léefe of himselfe and his armie. This doone, he set for­ward towards his enimies, and lodged that night in a field not past thrée miles distant from them.

On the morrow being saturdaie, and fourth of Maie, he drew towards his enimies, and marshalled his armie, diuided into thrée battels in this sort. The ordering of king Ed­wards battell. He put his brother the duke of Glocester in the fore­ward, and himselfe in the midle-ward. The lord Mar­ques, and the lord Hastings led the rere-ward. Heer­with he approached the enimies campe, which was right hard to be assailed, by reason of the deepe dit­ches, hedges, trées, bushes, and cumbersome lanes, wherewith the same was fensed, both a front, and on the sides, so as the king could not well approach them to anie aduantage: and to be the better in a readinesse to beat backe the kings power, when he should come to assault them, they were imbattelled in this order.

The duke of Summerset, and his brother the lord Iohn of Summerset led the fore-ward. The ordering of the lords hoast. The midle-ward was gouerned by the prince, vnder the conduct of the lord of saint Iohn, and the lord Wenlocke (whome king Edward had aduanced to the degrée of a baron.) The rere-ward was appointed to the rule of the earle of Deuonshire. Thus may yée perceiue, that king Edward was put to his shifts, how (to anie ad­uantage) to assault his enimies. Neuerthelesse, he being well furnished with great artillerie, the same was aptlie lodged to annoie the enimies, that they receiued great damage thereby; The duke of Glocester. and the duke of Glo­cester, who lacked no policie, galled them greeuouslie with the shot of arrowes: and they rewarded their aduersaries home againe with like paiment, both with shot of arrowes, and great artillerie, although they had not the like plentie of guns as the king had. Teukesburie field. The passages were so cumbersome, that it was not possible to come vpon anie euen hand, to ioine at handblowes.

The duke of Glocester, vpon a politike purpose (as some haue written) reculed backe with all his companie, which when the duke of Summerset per­ceiued, either mooued therewith; or else bicause he was too sore annoied with the shot in that place where he and his fore-ward stood, The duke of Summerset. like a knight more coura­gious than circumspect, came out of his strength with his whole battell, and aduanced himselfe some­wha [...] [Page 688] aside slips the kings voward, and by certeine passages aforehand, and for that purpose prouided (to the kings part, although vnknowne) he passed a lane, and came into a faire open close right before the king, where he was imbattelled, not doubting but the prince and the lord Wenlocke, with the midle-ward, had followed iust at his backe. But whether the lord Wenlocke dissembled the matter for king Edwards sake, or whether his hart serued him not, still he stood, and gaue the looking on. line 10

The king, or (as other haue) the duke of Glocester, taking the aduantage that he aduentured for, Edw. Hall. turned againe face to face vnto the duke of Summerset his battell, and winning the hedge and ditch of him, en­tred the close, and with great violence put him and his people vp towards the hill from whence they were descended. Héere is to be noted, that when the king was come before his enimies, yer he gaue the onset, he perceiued that vpon the right hand of their campe there was a parke, and much store of wood line 20 growing therein; and doubting least his aduersaries had laid an ambush within that wood, he chose foorth of his companies two hundred speares, comman­ding them to keepe a stale, The politike foresight of the king. like a quarter of a mile from the field, to attend vpon that corner of the wood out of the which the ambush, if anie were, was to is­sue, and to incounter with them, as occasion serued: but if they perceiued that there was no ambush at all, then to imploie their seruice as they should see it expedient and behouefull for the time.

This politike prouision for danger that might line 30 haue insued (although there was none that waie foorth) serued yet before the end of the battell, to great good purpose. For when those speares perfectlie vn­derstood that there was no ambush within the wood, and withall saw conuenient time to imploie them­selues, they came and brake with full randon vpon the duke of Summerset and his voward a flanke, in so violent wise vpon the sudden, that where they had before inough to doo with those with whom they were line 40 first matched, The vātgard of the lords distressed. now with this new charge giuen on them by those two hundred speares, they were not a little dismaied; and to conclude, so discouraged, that streightwaie they tooke them to flight. Some fled in­to the parke, other into the m [...]adow there at hand, some into the lanes, & some hid them in ditches, each one making what shift he could, by the which he ho­ped best to escape: but manie neuerthelesse were beaten downe, slaine, and taken prisoners.

The duke of Summerset séeing this vnfortunate line 50 chance, as some write, turned to the midle-ward, and there finding the lord Wenlocke standing still, after he had reuiled him, A terrible stroke▪ and called him traitor, with his ax he stroke the braines out of his head. The duke of Glocester pursuing after them that fled with the duke of Summerset to their campe, where the rest of their armie stood, entred the trench, and after him the king, where he bare himselfe so knightlie, that therevpon the queenes part went to wracke, and was put to flight; the king and other falling in chase line 60 after them, so that manie were slaine, but especiallie at a mill in the meadow fast by the towne a great sort were drowned. Manie ran towards the towne, some to the church, and diuerse to the abbeie, and other to other places, where they thought best to saue them­selues. [This was the last fought field or pight bat­tell tried betwéene the potentats of this land in king Edward the fourths daies (which chanced on the fourth of Maie, Abr. Flem. being saturdaie, in the eleauenth yeare of his reigne, and in the yeare of our Lord, 1471) as Anglorum praelia affirmeth, saieng: ‘Vltima postremae locus est Teuxburia pugnae.]’

Edw. Hall. Prince Ed­ward taken.In the winning of the campe, such as stood to it were slaine out of hand Prince Edward was taken as he fled towards the towne, by sir Richard Crofts, and kept close. In the field and chase were slaine, Nobles [...] the lord Iohn of Summerset, called marquesse Dorset, Thomas Courtenie earle of Deuonshire, sir Iohn Delues, sir Edward Hampden, sir Robert Whiting­ham, and sir Iohn Leukener, with thrée thousand o­thers. After the field was ended, proclamation was made, that whosoeuer could bring foorth prince Ed­ward aliue or dead, should haue an annuitie of a hun­dred pounds during his life, and the princes life to be saued, if he were brought foorth aliue. Sir Richard Crofts deli­uereth the prince in hope that his life should haue béene saued. Sir Richard Crofts, nothing mistrusting the kings promise, brought foorth his prisoner prince Edward, being a faire and well proportioned yoong gentleman; whom when king Edward had well aduised, he demanded of him, how he durst so presumptuouslie enter into his realme with banner displaied.

Wherevnto the prince boldlie answered, saieng; ‘To recouer my fathers kingdome & heritage, from his father and grandfather to him, and from him af­ter him to me lineallie descended.’ At which words king Edward said nothing, Prince Ed­ward mur­thered. but with his hand thrust him from him, or (as some saie) stroke him with his gantlet; whom incontinentlie, George duke of Cla­rence, Richard duke of Glocester, Thomas Greie marquesse Dorcet, and William lord Hastings that stood by, suddenlie murthered: for the which cruell act, the more part of the dooers in their latter daies dranke of the like cup, by the righteous iustice and due punishment of God. His bodie was homelie in­terred with the other simple corpses, in the church of the monasterie of blacke monks in Teukesburie.

After the victorie was thus atchiued, the king re­paired to the abbeie church there, to giue God thanks for that good successe, which it had pleased him to blesse him with: and there finding a great number of his enimies, that were fled thither to saue them­selues, he gaue them all his free pardon; albeit there was no franchise there for rebels, but that he might haue commanded them to haue béene drawen foorth without breach of anie liberties of that church. He granted also that the dead bodies, as well of the lords as other, slaine in that battell, might be buried in the same church, or else where it pleased their freends or seruants, without anie quartering & hea­ding, or setting vp the heads or quarters in any pub­like places. [O the patience and clemencie of this good king, who (besides the putting vp of wrongs doone to him by violence of foes without vengeance) fréelie forgaue the offendors, and did so honorablie temper his affections!]

There were found in the abbeie and other places of the towne, Edmund duke of Summerset, Iohn Lonstrother lord prior of S. Iohn, sir Thomas Tres­sham, sir Gerueis Clifton, and diuerse other knights and esquiers, which were apprehended, and all of them being brought before the duke of Glocester, sitting as constable of England, and the duke of Norf­folke, as marshall in the middest of the towne, they were arreigned, condemned, and iudged to die; The duke of Summerset & others behea­ded. and so vpon the tuesdaie, being the seuenth of Maie, the said duke and the lord prior, with the two forenamed knights, and twelue other knights, were on a scaf­fold, set vp in the middle of the towne for that pur­pose, beheaded, and permitted to be buried, without anie other dismembring, or setting vp of their heads in anie one place or other.

The same tuesdaie; the king departed from Teu­kesburie towards Worcester, and by the waie had knowledge that quéene Margaret was found in a poore house of religion, not far from thence, Queéne M [...]garet taken. into the which she was withdrawen for safegard of hir selfe, on saturdaie in the morning, being the daie of the battell. She was after brought to London as priso­ner, [Page 689] and so kept, till hir father ransomed hir with great summes of monie, which he borowed of Lewes the eleuenth king of France. And bicause he was not able to make repaiment thereof, he sold vnto the said Lewes (as the French writers affirme) the king­domes of Naples, and both the Sicils, with the coun­tie of Prouance. King Edward being at Worce­ster, had aduertisements brought foorth of the north­parts, that the people there were about to assemble in armour against him, in fauour of king Henrie: line 10 wherevpon he left the right way to London, and rode to Couentrie, meaning to increase the number of his people, and so with a puissant armie to go north­wards.

Herevpon, comming to Couentrie the eleuenth of Maie, and remaining there thrée daies, he well refreshed such as had béene with him at Teukesbu­rie field. Hither was brought to him queene Marga­ret, from whence she was conueied to London, there to remaine in safe keeping (as before you haue hard.) line 20 Whilest he was busie in sending abroad vnto his friends to leauie an armie, he was aduertised that the commotion in the north was pacified. For after it was knowen abroad, how he obteined the victorie, as well at Teukesburie, as at Barnet, and in manner subdued all his enimies, the capteins that had stirred the people to that rebellion, began to quaile, and for­sooke their companies.

Diuerse of them made sute to the earle of Nor­thumberland, that it might please him to be a media­tor line 30 to the king for their pardon; so that now, there was no rebellion in all the north parts, Rebellion in the north pa­cified. but that as well the citie of Yorke, as all other places, were at the kings commandement, readie in all things to o­beie him as true and loiall subiects. And this was confirmed by the earle of Northumberlands owne mouth, The earle of Northum­berland. who on the fouretéenth of Maie came to the king, as yet remaining at Couentrie: by reason whereof it was not thought néedfull, that the king should trauell anie further northward at that time, line 40 either about the pacifieng of the people, or to see exe­cution doone vpon the offendors, sith all was there in good tranquillitie and quiet.

But now when all things séemed to be at rest, and no rebellion after so happie victories doubted, newes came to him before his cōming to Couentrie, from the lords of his bloud, abiding at London, that one Thomas Neuill, bastard sonne to that valiant cap­teine the lord Thomas Fauconbridge (who had late­lie before beene sent to the sea by the earle of War­wike, Thomas Ne­uill bastard [...]. line 50 and after fallen to practise pirasie) had spoiled diuerse merchants ships, Portingals and others, in breach of the ancient amitie that long had continued betwixt the realms of England and Portingale; and furthermore, had now got to him a great number of mariners, out of all parts of the land, and manie traitors and misgouerned people from each quarter of the realme, beside diuerse also foorth of other coun­tries that delighted in theft and robberies, meaning to worke some exploit against the king. line 60

And verelie, his puissance increased dailie, for ha­uing béene at Calis, and brought from thence into Kent manie euill disposed persons, he began to ga­ther his power in that countrie, meaning (as was thought) to attempt some great and wicked enter­prise. The bastard [...] before L [...]ndon with [...]. After the kings comming to Couentrie, he receiued aduertisements, that this bastard was come before London, with manie thousands of men by land, and also in ships by water, purposing to rob and spoile the citie. Manie Kentishmen were willing to assist him in this mischieuous enterprise, and other were forced against their wils to go with him, or else to aid him with their substance and monie, insomuch that within a short time, he had got togither sixtéene or seuentene thousand men, as they accompted them­selues.

With these he came before the citie of London the twelfe of Maie, in the quarrell (as he pretended) of king Henrie, whome he also meant to haue out of the Tower, & to restore him againe vnto his crowne & roiall dignitie. And for that intent, he required to enter the citie with his people, that receiuing king Henrie foorth of the Tower, they might passe with him through the citie, and so to march streight to­wards king Edward, whose destruction they vowed to pursue, with all their vttermost indeuors. But the maior and aldermen of the citie would not in anie wise agree to satisfie their request herein, vtterlie re­fusing to receiue him or anie of his companie into the citie.

King Edward from time to time by posts was informed of all these dooings, & by aduise of his coun­cell, the foureteenth of Maie, Succours sent to the ci­tie of London. sent to the succors of the maior and aldermen fiftéene hundred of the choi­sest souldiers he had about him, that they might helpe to resist the enimies, till he had got such an armie to­gither as was thought necessarie, meaning with all conuenient spéed to come therewith to the rescue of the citie, and preseruation of the quéene, prince, and his daughters, that were within the Tower, not in verie good safegard, considering the euill dispositions of manie within the citie of London, that for the fa­uour they had borne to the earle of Warwike, and desire to be partakers of the spoile, cared not if the bastard might haue atteined to his full purpose and wished intent.

On the sixtenth of Maie, king Edward set foorth of Couentrie towards London. But here ye haue to vnderstand, that when the bastard could not be recei­ued into the citie, neither by gentle persuasions, nor gréeuous threatnings, he made semblance to passe o­uer the Thames at Kingston bridge, ten miles from London, and thitherwards he drew with his whole power by land, The bastards purpose to spoile the suburbs of London. leauing his ships afore saint Katha­rines and thereabouts. His pretense was, to spoile and destroie Westminster, and the suburbs of the citie on that side, and after to assault the citie it selfe, to trie if he might enter by force, and so to be reuen­ged of the citizens that had refused to receiue him. [Notwithstanding all which stirring of coles & proud port, with hautinesse of hart & violence of hand thin­king to beare downe the people, as an innudation or flowing of water streams dooth all before it: yet he came short of his purpose, & pulled vpon his owne pate finall destruction: though he thought himselfe a man ordeined to glorie, & was tickled with the like flatring persuasion that one had in his hart, who said: ‘Magnum iter ascendo, sed dat mihi gloria vires. Prop. lib. 4.]’

Now as he was onwards vpon his iornie, he was aduertised, that king Edward was preparing to come forwards against him, The bastard altereth his purpose. assisted in manner with all the great lords of the realme, and others in great number, more than he had beene at anie time before. By reason whereof, doubting what might follow, if passing the riuer he should fortune so to be inclosed, that he should be driuen there [...]y to incounter with the kings power at such ods, he thought it best to al­ter his purpose; and so returning, came backe againe before London, & mustered his people in S. Georges field, ranged and placed in one entier battell.

And to the intent they might worke their purpo­sed feat, before the kings comming to the rescue, th [...]y resolued with all their forces to assault the citie, and to enter it if they could by plaine strength, that put­ting it to the sacke, they might conueie the riches to their ships, which laie in the riuer betwixt saint Ka­tharins and Blackewall, neere to Ratcliffe. Herevp­on hauing brought certeine peeces of artillerie foorth [Page 690] of their ships, they planted the same alongst the wa­ter side, right ouer against the citie, and shot off lusti­lie, to annoie th [...]m within so much as was possible.

The bastard meaneth to enter the citie by force.But the citizens on the other side lodged their great artillerie against their aduersaries, and with violent shot therof so galled them, that they durst not abide in anie place alongst the water side, but were driuen euen from their owne ordinance. Yet the ba­stard not meaning to leaue anie waie vnassaied that might aduance his purpose, appointed a great num­ber line 10 of his retinue to set fire on the bridge, so to open the passage, and to enter into the citie that way forth; and withall, he caused aboue thrée thousand other to passe by ships ouer the Thames; giuing order, that when they were got ouer, they should diuide them­selues into two battels, the one to assault Algate, and the other Bishops gate, Algate and Bishops gate assaulted. which order accordinglie was executed.

For they did their best at both places to force the gates, not sparing to bend and discharge such guns as they had brought with them against the same, nor line 20 ceassing with arrowes to annoie those that there stood at defense: whereby much hurt was doone, as well at the one place as the other, fire being set on both the gates, in purpose to haue burnt them vp, and so to haue entered. Houses burnt on the bridge. The fire which they had kind­led on the bridge little auailed them, although they burnt there to the number of a thréescore houses. For the citizens had laid such péeces of ordinance directlie in their waie, that although the passage had béene line 30 wholie open, they should haue had hard entering that waie foorth. The maior, aldermen, and other worship­full citizens were in good arraie, and each man ap­pointed and bestowed where was thought néedfull.

The earle of Essex, and manie knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, with their fréends and seruants, came to aid the citizens, taking great paine to place them in order, for defense of the gates and walles: and furthermore, deuised how and in what sort they might make a sallie foorth vpon the enimies to di­stresse them: and suerlie, by the intermingling of line 40 such gentlemen and lords seruants in euerie part with the citizens, they were greatlie incouraged to withstand their enimies. Yet the rebels, vnder the leading of one Spising, bare themselues so stoutlie at Algate, that they wan the bulworks there, and droue the citizens backe within the portculice, & en­tered with them, to the number of six or eight: but some of them were slaine with the fall of the portcu­lice that was let downe vpon them, to kéepe the resi­due line 50 out, and those that were entered within the gate were suddenlie dispatched.

Héerewith they lashed freelie the one part at the other with guns and bowes, although no great hurt was doone with shot; The valiancie of Robert Basset alder­man. till at length Robert Basset al­derman (that was appointed to the kéeping of this gate, with the most part of the citizens) and the re­corder, named Ursewike, either of them being well armed in strong iackes, commanded the portculice to be drawen vp, and maintenantlie rushed foorth vp­on line 60 their enimies, putting them backe vnto saint Bothulpes church. At the same instant, the earle Ri­uers, hauing got togither a foure or fiue hundred men, well chosen and apparelled for the warre, issued foorth at the posterne by the Tower, and assailing the Kentishmen, euen vpon the point as they were thus put backe, mightilie laid vpon them.

And first he plaged them with the swift and thicke flight of his arrowes, and after ioining with them at handstrokes, slue and tooke manie of them priso­ners; so that the rebels were fullie put to flight, and followed first to Mile-end, and from thense some vn­to Poplar, some to Stratford, and Stepnith, and in maner each waie foorth about that part of the ci­tie, the chase being followed for the space of two miles in length. Manie of them were of Essex, and so made their course homewards; but the more part of them fled to the water side, and getting to their ships, pas­sed ouer the Thames to the rest of their companie. The other likewise that were busie to assault Bi­shops gate, when they vnderstood that their fellowes were discomfited and fled from Algate, they like­wise flipped awaie, and made the best shift they could to saue themselues.

There were a seauen hundred of them that fled from Algate, and other places, flaine outright, be­side the prisoners. And yet there were fiers burning all at once at Algate, Bishops gate, & on the bridge, and manie houses consumed with the same fiers. But now the bastard, vnder whome that companie was directed that had set fire on the bridge, when he saw that he might not preuaile, and vnderstood the e­uill succes of those which he had set ouer the Thames, he withdrew also, and left the bridge. Here the har­die manhood of Rafe Iosselin alderman is not to be passed with silence; Rafe Iosse­lin. who (after he had valiantlie resi­sted the bastard & his band that assaulted the bridge) vpon their retire sallied foorth vpon them, and fol­lowing them in chase alongst the water side, till they came beyond Ratcliffe, slue and tooke verie manie of them.

The bastard notwithstanding gathered his com­panies togither, The bastard incampeth on Blackeheath. and with such as were willing to re­maine with him incamped on Blackeheath, by the space of thrée daies next insuing, to wit, the sixteenth, seauentéenth, and eightéenth of Maie, vtterlie despai­ring of his wished preie, sith he had béene repelled from London, to his vtter confusion. And now to conclude, hearing that king Edward was comming with a right puissant armie, the said bastard and his people durst no longer abide; but brake vp and disper­sed themselues, some one waie, and some an other. They of Calis got them thither againe with all spéed, and such as were of other countries repaired likewise to their homes, and manie of the Kentish­men went also to their houses. The bastard with his mariners, and such riotous rebels, robbers, and wic­ked persons, as sought nothing but spoile, got them to shipboord, and with all their vessels drew downe to the coast.

King Edward, hauing assembled an armie of thir­tie thousand men (as some write) and accompanied in maner with all the great lords of England, came to London the one and twentith of Maie, being tues­daie, where he was honourablie receiued by the ma­ior, aldermen, and other worshipfull citizens: where euen vpon their first meeting with him he dubbed di­uerse of them knights; as the maior, the recorder, & other aldermen, and worshipfull commoners of the citie, which had manfullie and valiantlie acquit them­selues against the bastard Fauconbridge & his wic­ked companie of rebels. Moreouer, here is to be re­membred, that poore king Henrie the sixt, a little be­fore depriued (as ye haue heard) of his realme and imperiall crowne, was now in the Tower spoiled of his life, Edw. Hall. king Henrie the sixt mur­thered in the Tower. by Richard duke of Glocester (as the con­stant fame ran) who (to the intent that his brother king Edward might reigne in more suertie) mur­thered the said king Henrie with a dagger.

Howbeit, some writers of that time, fauoring al­togither the house of Yorke, haue recorded, that af­ter he vnderstood what losses had chanced vnto his fréends, and how not onelie his sonne, but also all other his chéefe partakers were dead and dispatched, he tooke it so to hart, that of pure displeasure, indig­nation, and melancholie, he died the three and twen­tith of Maie. The dead corps on the Ascension euen was conueied with billes and glaues pompouslie (if [Page 691] you will call that a funerall pompe) from the Tower to the church of saint Paule, The nine and twentith of Maie. and there laid on a beire or coffen bare faced, the same in presence of the be­holders did bléed; where it rested the space of one whole daie. From thense he was caried to the Black­friers, and bled there likewise: and on the next daie after, it was conueied in a boat, without priest or clerke, torch or taper, singing or saieng, vnto the monasterie of Chertfeie, distant from London fif­téene miles, and there was it first buried: but after, line 10 it was remooued to Windesor, and there in a new vawt, newlie intoomed. He reigned eight and thir­tie yeares, six moneths and od daies, and after his readeption of the crowne six moneths. He liued two and fiftie yeares, hauing by wife one onelie sonne, called Edward, prince of Wales.

He was of a seemelie stature, of bodie slender, to which proportion all other members were answer­able; his face beautifull, wherein continuallie was resident the bountie of mind with the which he was line 20 inwardlie indued. Of his owne naturall inclinati­on he abhorred all the vices as well of the bodie as of the soule. His patience was such, that of all the in­iuries to him doone (which were innumerable) he ne­uer asked vengeance, thinking that for such aduersi­tie as chanced to him, his sinnes should be forgot­ten and forgiuen. What losses soeuer happened vnto him, he neuer esteemed, nor made anie account ther­of; but if anie thing were doone, that might sound as an offense towards God, he sore lamented, and with line 30 great repentance sorowed for it.

So then verie vnlike it is, that he died of anie wrath, indignation, and displeasure bicause his bu­sinesse about the kéeping of the crowne on his head tooke no better successe: except peraduenture ye will saie, that it gréeued him, for that such slaughters and mischéeues as had chanced within this land, came to passe onelie through his follie and default in gouern­ment: or (that more is) for his fathers, his grandfa­thers, and his owne vniust vsurping and deteining line 40 of the crowne. But howsoeuer it was, for these before remembred, and other the like properties of reputed holinesse, which was said to rest in him, it pleased God to worke miracles for him in his life time, as men haue listed to report.

Canonizing of kings, [...].By reason whereof, king Henrie the seauenth sued to Pope Iulio the second, to haue him canoni­zed a saint. But for that the canonizing of a king sée­med to be more costlie than for a bishop, the said king left off his sute in that behalfe; thinking better to saue his monie, than to purchase a new holie daie of line 50 saint Henrie with so great a price, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 730, 731, &c. remitting to God the iudgement of his will and intent. ¶But bicause princes princelie qualified, can not be too highlie praised, I will here record a collection of his com­mendable conditions, dooings, and saiengs, as I find them set downe to my hand, to his perpetuall re­nowme; and right worthie of imitation, not onelie of such as are singled out from among infinite thou­sands, to be magnified with roialtie; but also of pri­uat line 60 and meane men that conuerse and liue one with an other in the world.

This king hauing inioied as great prosperitie as fauourable fortune could afoord, & as great troubles on the other side as she frowning could powre out; yet in both the states he was patient and vertuous, that he maie be a patterne of most perfect vertue, as he was a worthie example of fortunes inconstan­cie. He was plaine, vpright, farre from fraud, wholie giuen to praier, reading of scriptures, and almes­deeds; of such integritie of life, that the bishop which had béene his confessour ten yeares, auouched that he had not all that time committed anie mortall crime: so continent, as suspicion of vnchast life ne­uer touched him: and hauing in Christmasse a shew of yoong women with their bare breasts laid out pre­sented before him, he immediatlie departed with these words: ‘Fie, fie, for shame; forsooth you be too blame.’

Before his marriage, he liked not that women should enter his chamber, and for this respect he com­mitted his two brethren by the moothers side, Iasper and Edmund, to most honest & vertuous prelats to be brought vp. So farre he was from couetousnesse, that when the executors of his vncle the bishop of Winchester, surnamed the rich cardinall, would haue giuen him two thousand pounds, he plainelie refused it, willing them to discharge the will of the departed, and would scarselie condescend at length to accept the same summe of monie toward the in­dowing of his colleges in Cambridge & Eaton. He was religiouslie affected (as the time then was) that at principall holidaies, he would weare sackecloth next his skin. Oth he vsed none, but in most earnest matters these words: Forsooth and forsooth.

He was so pitifull, that when he saw the quarter of a traitor against his crowne ouer Criplegate, he willed it to be taken awaie, with these words: ‘I will not haue anie christian so cruellie handled for my sake.’ Manie great offenses he willinglie pardoned, and receiuing at a time a great blow by a wicked man which compassed his death, he onelie said; ‘For­sooth forsooth, yée doo fowlie to smite a king annointed so’. An other also which thrust him into the side with a sword when he was prisoner in the Tower, was by him pardoned when he was restored to his state and kingdome. Not long before his death, being deman­ded whie he had so long held the crowne of England vniustlie; he replied: ‘My father was king of Eng­land, quietlie inioieng the crowne all his reigne; and his father my grandsire was also king of England, and I euen a child in my cradell was proclamed and crowned king without anie interruption; and so held it fortie yeares well-neere, all the states dooing ho­mage vnto me, as to my antecessors: wherefore I maie saie with king Dauid; The lot is fallen vnto me in a faire ground; yea, I haue a goodlie heritage, my helpe is from the Lord which saueth the vpright in heart.’

This good king, The kings colledge in Cambridge. being of himselfe alwaies natu­rallie inclined to doo good, and fearing least he might séeme vnthankefull to almightie God for his great benefits bestowed vpon him, since the time he first tooke vpon him the regiment of his realme, determi­ned about the six and twentith yeare of his reigne, for his primer notable worke (as by the words of his will I find expressed) to erect and found two famous colledges in the honor and worship of his holy name, and for the increase of vertue, the dilatation of cun­ning, and establishment of christian faith, whereof the one in Cambridge, to be called his colledge roiall of our ladie and saint Nicholas: and the other at Ga­ton beside Windsore, to be called his colledge of our blessed ladie.

And for the performance of this his deuout pur­pose, he infeoffed certeine bishops, with other noble and worshipfull personages, by his letters patents, with lands and possessions, parcell of his inheritance of the duchie of Lancaster, to the cleare value of well néere foure & thirtie hundred pounds by yéere. Which letters patents he after confirmed by his act of par­lement, declaring also by his will vnto his said feoffées, his intent and meaning, how the same shuld be imploied vpon the edifications of his said two colledges. Whereof (in my iudgement) the deuise is so excellent, and the buildings so princelie and apt for that purpose, as I cannot omit to set foorth vnto you the verie plot of the whole colledge in Cambridge, [Page 692] euen as I find mentioned almost verbatim in his will, supposing that if the rest of the house had procée­ded according to the chappell alreadie finished (as his full intent and meaning was) the like colledge could scant haue béene found againe in anie christian land. The words of the will are thus.

As touching the dimensions of the church of my said colledge of our ladie and S. Nicholas of Cam­bridge, The chappell. I haue deuised and appointed, that the same church shall conteine in length 288 foot of assise, with­out line 10 anie Iles, and all of the widenesse of fortie foot. And the length of the same church from the west end vnto the altars at the quiere doore, The bodie of the church. The quiere. shall conteine an hundred and twentie foot. And from the prouosts stall, vnto the gréece called Gradus chori ninetie foot; for thir­tie six stalles on either side of the same quiere, answe­ring to threescore and ten fellowes, and ten priests conducts, which must be De prima forma. And from the said stalles vnto the east end of the said church, three­score & two foot of assise. Also a reredosse bearing the line 20 roodloft, The roodloft. departing the quiere and the bodie of the church, conteining in length fortie foot, and in breadth fourtéene foot. The walles of the same church to be in height ninetie foot imbattelled, The height of the chappell. vawted, and chare­rooffed, sufficientlie butteraced, and euerie butterace fined with finials. And in the east end of the same church, The east window. shall be a window of nine daies, and betwixt euerie butterace a window of fiue daies.

And betwixt euerie of the same butteraces in the bodie of the church, The side chappels. on both sides of the same church, line 30 a closet with an altar therein, conteining in length twentie foot, and in breadth ten foot, vawted and fini­shed vnder the soile of the Ile windowes. And the pauement of the church to be inhanced foure foot a­boue the ground without. And the height of the paue­ment of the quiere one foot and an halfe aboue the pauement of the church. And the pauement of the al­tar thrée foot aboue that. And on the north side of the quiere a vestrie conteining in length fiftie foot, The vestrie. and in breadth twentie and two foot, departed into two line 40 houses beneath, & two houses aboue, which shall con­teine in height twentie two foot in all, with an entrie from the quiere vawted. And at the west end of the church a cloister square, The cloister. the east pane conteining in length an hundred seuentie and fiue foot, and the west pane as much. The north pane two hundred foot, and the south pane as much, of the which the deambulato­rie thirtéene foot wide, and in height twentie foot to the corbill table, with cleare stories and butteraces with finials, vawted & imbattelled. And the ground line 50 thereof foure foot lower than the church ground.

And in the middle of the west pane of the cloister a strong tower square, The stéeple, conteining foure and twentie foot within the walles. And in the height one hundred and twentie foot to the corbill table. And foure small turrets ouer that fined with pinacles. And a doore in­to the said cloister inward, but outward none. And as touching the dimensions of the housing of the said colledge, The base court. I haue deuised and appointed in the south­side of the said church a quadrant, closing to both ends line 60 of the same church; the east pane whereof shall con­teine two hundred and thirtie foot in length, and in breadth within the walles two and twentie foot. The east pane. In the same panes middle, a tower for a gatehouse, conteining in length thirtie foot, and in breadth two and twentie, and in height thréescore foot, with thrée chambers ouer the gate, euerie one ouer the other. And on either side of the same gate foure chambers, euerie one conteining in length fiue & twentie foot, The great gate. and in bredth two and twentie foot. And ouer euerie of these chambers, two chambers aboue of the same measure or more, with two towers outward, and two towers inward.

The south pane.The south pane shall conteine in length two hun­dred thirtie and eight foot, and in breadth two and twentie foot within, in which shalbe seuen chambers, euerie one conteining in length nine and twentie foot, and in breadth twentie and two, with a chamber parcell of the prouosts lodging, conteining in length thirtie and fiue foot, and with a chamber in the east cor­ner of the same pane, conteining in length twentie and fiue foot, and in breadth thirtie and two foot. And ouer euerie of all these chambers two chambers, and with fiue towers outward, and thrée towers inward. The west pane shall conteine in length two hundred and thirtie foot, The west pane. and in breadth within twentie & foure foot, in which at the end toward the church shall be a li­brarie, conteining in length an hundred and ten foot, The librarie. and in breadth twentie and foure foot. And vnder it a large house for reading and disputations, conteining in length eleuen foot. The disputa­tion house. And two chambers vnder the same librarie, each conteining twentie and nine foot in length, and in breadth foure and twentie foot.

And ouer the said librarie a house of the same largenesse, for diuerse stuffe of the said colledge. The ward­robe. In the other end of the same pane a hall, conteining in length an hundred foot, The hall. vpon a vawt of twelue foot high, ordeined for the cellar and butterie: and the breadth of the hall six and thirtie foot. On euerie side thereof a baie window. And in the nether end of the same hall toward the middle of the same pane, The pantrie and butterie. a pan­trie & butterie, euerie of them in length twentie foot, and in breadth seuentéene foot. And ouer that two chambers for officers. And at the nether end of the hall toward the west, a goodlie kitchin. The colledge kitchin. And the same pane shall haue inward two towers, ordeined for the waies into the hall and librarie. And in euerie corner of the said quadrant, shall be two corner towers, one inward, and one outward, more than the towers a­boue rehearsed.

And at the vpper end of the hall, the prouosts lod­ging, that is to wit, The prouosts lodging. more than the chambers for him aboue specified, a parlour on the ground, conteining six and thirtie foot in length, and two and twentie foot in breadth, & two chambers aboue of the same quan­titie. And westward closing there to a kitchin for him, a larderhouse, stables, and other necessarie hou­sings and grounds. And westward beyond these hou­ses, and the said kitchin ordeined for the hall, a bake­house, a brewhouse, and other houses of office: be­twixt which there is left a ground square of fourscore foot in euerie pane for wood and such stuffe. The bakhouse and brewhouse. The wood­yard. The water conduit. And in the middle of the said large quadrant, shall be a conduit, goodlie deuised for the ease of the same colledge. And I will, that the edification proceed in large forme of my said colledge cleane and substantiall, setting a­part superfluitie of so great curious workes of in­taile and busie moulding.

And I haue deuised and appointed that the precinct of my said colledge, The precinct of the colledg [...] as well on both sides of the gar­den from the colledge to the water, as in all other places of the same precinct, be inclosed with a sub­stantiall wall, of the height of fourtéene foot, with a large tower at the principall entrie against the mid­dle of the east pane, out of the high stréet. And in the same tower a large gate, The water gate. and another tower in the middle of the west end at the new bridge. And the same wall to be creafted, imbattelled, and fortified with towers, as manie as shall be thought conueni­ent therevnto. And I will that my said colledge be edified of the most substantiall & best abiding stuffe, of stone, lead, glasse, and iron, that maie best he had and prouided thereto. ¶ Thus much I haue inlarged by occasion of reading this good kings will: the cun­ning deuise wherof I leaue to the considerate iudge­ment of such as be expert in architecture, heartilie desiring almightie God to put into the heart of some noble prince of this land, one day to make perfect [Page 693] this roiall worke so charitablie begun.]

But now to returne to king Edward. Ye shall vnderstand, that after his comming to London, hée rested there but one daie, or two at the most, taking his iournie foorthright into Kent with all his armie, folowing the bastard, and other his complices, to sup­presse them, if they were in anie place assembled a­gaine to resist him. But after they were once disper­sed, they durst not shew themselues againe in ar­mor, those onlie excepted that were withdrawne vn­to line 10 Sandwich with the bastard; Sandwich kept by the rebels. which for the more part were mariners, about eight or nine hundred, beside certeine other euill disposed persons, that accompa­nied him as his souldiers, and men of warre, with whose assistance the bastard kept that towne by strength, hauing in the hauen seuen and fortie ships, great and small, vnder his gouernance.

But vpon the kings approching néere vnto those parties, they sent to him for pardon, promising that vpon a reasonable appointment, The rebels [...] for pardon. for the safegard of line 20 their liues, and other indemnities to be had for their benefit, they would become his faithfull subiects, and deliuer into his hands all the ships. Their offer the king vpon great considerations, and by good delibe­rate aduise of counsell, thought best to accept: and therevpon (being at that time in Canturburie) hée granted to their petitions, and sent immediatlie vn­to Sandwich his brother Richard duke of Glocester, to receiue them to mercie, togither with all the ships, which according to their promise they deliuered into line 30 his hands.

But notwithstanding that (as some write) the bastard Fauconbridge, and other of his companie that were got to Sandwich, had thus their pardons by composition at the kings hand; we find neuerthe­lesse, that the said bastard Fauconbridge, being after­wards at sea (a rouing belike, The bastard of Faucon­bridge be­headed. as he had vsed before) came at length into the open hauen at Southhamp­ton, and there taking land, was apprehended, and shortlie after beheaded. This chanced (as should ap­peare line 40 by Fabian) about the latter end of October. Moreouer, Roger Uaughan that had béene sent by king Edward into Wales, Roger Uaug­han taken and beheaded. anon after Teukes­burie field (being a man of great power in that coun­trie) to intrap and surprise by some secret sleight the earle of Penbroke, the said earle being thereof aduer­tised, tooke the same Roger, and without delay stroke off his head.

After this, was the earle besieged in the towne of Penbroke by Morgan Thomas; but the siege was line 50 raised by Dauid Thomas, brother to the said Mor­gan, Dauid Tho­mas. a faithfull friend to the earle; and then the earle by his helpe was conueied to Tinbie, where he got ships, and with his nephue the lord Henrie earle of Richmond sailed into Britaine, The earle of Penbroke with his ne­phue the earle of Richmond [...] ouer into Britaine. where, of the duke they were courteouslie interteined; with assurance made, that no creature should doo them anie wrong or iniurie within his dominions. King Edward vi­siting diuerse places in Kent, sate in iudgement on such as had aided the bastard in the last commotion, line 60 of whome diuerse were condemned and executed, as Spising one of the capteins that assaulted Algate, whose head was set vp ouer the same gate: and so likewise was the head of one Quintine, a butcher, that was an other capteine amongest them, Execution. and chiefe of those that assaulted Bishops gate, as some write.

Moreouer, at Canturburie the maior of that citie was executed, and diuerse other at Rochester, Maid­ston and Blackeheath: for the lord marshall and o­ther iudges, being appointed to hold their oier and de­terminer in that countrie of Kent, there were aboue an hundred indicted and condemned. Diuerse also of Essex men that had béene partakers in this rebellion with the bastard, & holpe to set fire on Bishops gate and Algate, were hanged betwixt Stratford and London. Manie also of the wealthie commons in Kent were put to grieuous fines.

Now when the king had made an end of his bu­sinesse in that countrie, he returned to London, com­ming thither againe vpon Whitsun éeuen, being the first of Iune. Fabian. And hauing thus within the space of eleuen wéekes recouered in maner the whole posses­sion of his realme, being relieued of the most part of all his doubtfull feare, he ment to remooue all stops out of the waie. Wherefore he sent the archbishop of Yorke, brother to the earle of Warwike, The archbi­shop of Yorke. and to the marques Montacute ouer to Guisnes, there to be kept in safe custodie within the castell, where he con­tinued a long season, till at length be was by friend­ship deliuered, and shortlie after (through verie an­guish of mind) departed this life; whome Laurence Bath, and after him Thomas Rotheram in the sée of Yorke, did ordinarilie succeed. Beside this, Iohn earle of Oxford, which after Barnet field both manfullie and valiantlie kept saint Michaels mount in Corne­wall, either for lacke of aid, The earle of Oxford. or persuaded by his friends, gaue vp the mount, and yeelded himselfe to king Edward (his life onelie saued) which to him was granted. But to be out of all doutfull imaginations, king Edward also sent him ouer the sea to the castell of Hammes, where, year 1472 by the space of twelue yeeres hée was in strong prison shut vp and warilie looked to.

King Edward was not a litle disquieted in mind, Anno Reg. 12. for that the earls of Penbroke & Richmond were not onlie escaped out of the realme, but also well receiued and no woorsse interteined of the duke of Britaine: Messengers sent to the duke of Bri­taine. he sent therefore in secret wise graue & close messengers to the said duke, the which should not sticke to promise the duke great and rich rewards, so that he would de­liuer both the earles into their hands and possession. The duke, after he had heard them that were sent, made this answer, that he could not with his honor deliuer them, to whome he had giuen his faith to sée them preserued from all iniurie: but this (he said) he would doo for the king of England, that they should be so looked vnto, as he néeded not to doubt of any at­tempt to be made against him by them, or by their meanes.

The king receiuing this answer, wrote louinglie to the duke of Britaine, that he would consider his fréendship with conuenient rewards, if it should please him to be as good as his promise. The duke, perceiuing gaine comming by the abode of the two English earles in his countrie, caused them to be se­parated in sunder, and all their seruants being Eng­lishmen to be sequestred from them, and in their pla­ces appointed Britains to attend them. In the thir­téenth yeere of his reigne, 1473 Anno Reg. 13. king Edward called his high court of parlement at his palace of Westmin­ster, A parlement. in the which all lawes and ordinances made by him before that daie were confirmed, and those that king Henrie had abrogated, after his readeption of the crowne, were againe reuiued. Also lawes were made for the confiscation of traitors goods, and for the restoring of them that were for his sake fled the realme, which of his aduersaries had béene atteinted of high treason, and condemned to die.

Moreouer, towards his charges of late susteined, a competent summe of monie was demanded, A subsidie▪ and fréelie granted. There was also a pardon granted al­most for all offenses; A pardon. and all men then being within the realme, were released and discharged of all high treasons and crimes, although they had taken part with his aduersaries against him. In this season the duke of Burgognie had sore wars with the French king; Ambassadors from the duke of Burgognie and to be the more spéedilie reuenged on his aduersarie, he sent ambassadors into England, to [Page 694] persuade king Edward to make warre also on the French king, for the recouerie of his ancient right to the realme of France, by the same French king against all equitie withholden and deteined. In which attempt of his, there was some sauour of discréet po­licie, and a prouident forecast for his greater safetie, besides the likelie possibilitie to obteine that whereto he made chalenge: sith the huger hosts (if the hardier hearts) are of most force, according to that saieng: ‘Virtus vnita fortior. line 10’

And therefore, by procuring the king of Englands power to ioine with his, he supposed his purpose atchiueable with the more facilitie. King Edward not so much for the loue he bare to the duke of Bur­gognie, as for desire to be reuenged on the French king, whome he tooke to be his enimie for aiding the earle of Warwike, quéene Margaret, and hir sonne prince Edward, with their complices, gaue good eare to the duke of Burgognie his messengers, and final­lie (after he had taken aduise of his councell) the said line 20 messengers were answered, that king Edward in the beginning of the next yeare would land at Calis with a puissant armie, both to reuenge such iniuries as he had receiued at the French kings hands, and also to recouer his right, which he wrongfullie detei­ned from him.

In déed the time serued verie well for the Eng­lishmen to atchiue some high enterprise in France at that present. Opportunitie not to be neg­lected. For not onelie the duke of Burgog­nie as then made warre against the French king, line 30 but also manie great men within the realme of France, The earle of S. Paule. misliking the manners of their king, be­gan to haue secret intelligence with the said duke; and namelie Lewes of Lutzenburgh earle of saint Paule constable of France was secretlie confede­rate with the duke of Burgognie, intending verelie to bring the French king to some great hinderance, the better to haue his purpose accomplished in cer­teine weightie matters. King Edward vnderstan­ding all these things, was greatlie incouraged to line 40 make a iournie into France, and therevpon with all diligence prepared all things readie for the same.

But bicause he wanted monie, and could not well charge his commons with a new subsidie, for that he had receiued the last yeare great summes of monie granted to him by parlement, he deuised this shift, A shift to re­couer monie. to call afore him a great number of the weal­thiest sort of people in his realme; and to them decla­ring his néed, and the requisite causes thereof, he de­manded of euerie of them some portion of monie, line 50 which they sticked not to giue. And therefore the king willing to shew that this their liberalitie was verie acceptable to him, he called this grant of monie, A beneuolence: notwithstanding that manie with grudge gaue great sums toward that new found aid which of them might be called, A maleuolence. But the king vsed such gentle fashions toward them, with freendlie praier of their assistance in his necessitie, that they could not otherwise doo, but franklie and fréelie yeeld and giue him a reasonable and compe­tent line 60 summe.

¶ But here I will not let passe a pretie conceipt that happened in this gathering, Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxvj. in the which you shall not onelie note the humilitie of a king, but more the fantasie of a woman. King Edward had called be­fore him a widow, much abounding in substance, and no lesse growne in yeares, of whome he merilie demanded what she gladlie would giue him toward his great charges? By my trueth quoth she, for thy louelie countenance thou shalt haue euen twentie pounds. The king looking scarse for the halfe of that summe, thanked hir, and louinglie kist hir. Whether the flauor of his breath did so comfort hir stomach, or she esteemed the kisse of a king so pretious a iewell, she swore incontinentlie, that he should haue twen­tie pounds more, which she with the same will paied that she offered it. Iohn [...] ¶This yeare the duke of Excester was found dead in the sea betwéene Douer and Ca­lis, but how he came there the certeintie could not be knowne.]

When all things conuenient for such an enterprise were in a readinesse, the king came to Douer, 14 [...] Anno Reg. [...] where he found fiue hundred ships and hoies readie to tran­sport him and his armie. And so the fourth daie of Iu­lie he passed ouer, The K. [...] an armie pas­seth ouer [...] France. and landed at Calis with great tri­umph; but his armie, horsses, and munitions of war scarse passed ouer in twentie daies. In this armie (being one of the best appointed that had passed out of England into France in manie yeares before) were fifteene hundred men of armes well horssed, of the which the most part were barded and richlie trap­ped, and manie of them trimmed in one sute. There were also fiftéene thousand archers with bowes and arrowes, of the which a great number were on hors­backe. There were also a great companie of other fighting men, and of such as serued to set vp tents and pauilions, to attend the artillerie and to inclose their campe, and otherwise to labour and be imploied in seruice.

In all this armie was there not one page. The king of England was at his ariuall highlie displea­sed with the duke of Burgognie, who in the word of a prince had promised to meet him at his landing, with two thousand men of armes and light horsse­men, besides a great number of lanceknights and halberdiers, and that he would haue begun the war three moneths before the kings transporting; where­as contrarilie the duke laie lingering at the siege of Nusse, The siege of Nusse. and let passe the occasion of atchiuing a more profitable enterprise. King Edward incontinentlie dispatched the lord Scales in post vnto the duke, to put him in remembrance of his promise, The lord Scales. and to ad­uise him to come and ioine with him before the sum­mer were spent.

Before king Edward departed from Douer, he sent an officer of armes vnto the French king with a defiance. The French king, A defiance sent to the French king. receiuing the king of Englands letters at the messengers hand, read the same; and after he had considered thereof at leasure, he called the English herald aside, and to him decla­red the little trust that was to be put in the duke of Burgognie and the constable, by whose procurement he knew that king Edward was procured to come at that season into France; and therefore it should be better for him to haue peace with an old enimie, than to staie vpon the promises and familiaritie of a new dissembling freend, which peace did highlie please God, & was the thing that he most desired. ¶ But to giue the greater grace to the matter in hand, Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxvij. it is good to laie downe the forme of the French kings spéech to the said herald, to whome he vttered these words in his wardrobe, as Edward Hall reporteth.

‘Sir I know and well wot, that the king of Eng­land your maister, is neither descended in these parts of his owne frée motion, nor yet of vs required; but onelie entised and prouoked by the duke of Burgog­nie, and somewhat inforced by the commons of his realme. But now you may sée that the season of the yeare passeth, and the duke of Burgognie is in poore estate, returning from Nusse almost discomforted. The constable also, with whome the king your soue­reigne lord (I am sure) hath some intelligence, for fa­uour that your maister hath maried his néece, is not so sure a freend as he is taken for. And if all the world knew how I haue promoted him, and what I haue doone for him, they would little thinke, that he would so vntrulie handle me as he dooth. For I assure you, he is a déepe dissembler, & in continuall dissimulati­on [Page 695] intendeth to lead his life, interteining all men for his owne profit. And although the king your mai­ster be vnsure of all his other promises, yet of one thing he shall be sure, that is, he shall be euer dissem­bled withall. And therefore I saie to you, and not to your maister, that he were better haue a peace with an old enimie, than the promises and familiaritie of a new dissembling fréend, which peace most pleaseth God, and is the thing that I most doo desire.]’

When he had thus said, he gaue the herald thrée hun­dred crownes, promising him a thousand crownes if line 10 anie good appointment came to passe. This herald was borne in Normandie, who being more couetous of the crownes than secret (according as of dutie by his office he ought to haue béene) promised to doo all things that in him laie, The office of [...] herald. and further shewed waies by the which the French king might enter into the port of treatie for peace, the which he doubted not would sort to a good conclusion. The French king glad to heare these things, gaue to the herald when he should depart, beside the other reward, a péece of crimson line 20 veluet of thirtie yards long. The lord Scales, com­ming to the duke of Burgognie before Nusse, could not persuade him to raise his field, and (as it stood him vpon) to come and ioine with king Edward, till at length constreined thereto by other means, he left Nusse vnconquered, The duke of Burgognie commeth to king Edward and sending the most part of his armie into Lorraine, came with a small companie to king Edward lieng before Calis.

King Edward at the first comming of the duke vnto him, seemed much to reprooue his vnwise dea­ling, line 30 in making so slow hast to ioine with him at this time, sith for his sake, and at his sute, he had passed the seas with his armie, to the intent to make wars in France in reuenge of both their iniuries; the time seruing their turnes so well as they could wish or desire, the opportunitie whereof could neuer happilie be recouered againe. The duke after he had excused himselfe, with alledging the dishonour that should haue redounded to him, if he had left the siege of Nusse without meane of some shew of composition, line 40 incouraged king Edward to aduance forward with manie golden promises, aswell of his owne part, as of the constable. The king agréed to the dukes per­suasion, and so set forward.

But yet when he was entred into the dukes coun­tries, the Englishmen were not so freendlie intertei­ned as they looked to haue béene: for at their com­ming to Peronne, there were but a few suffered to enter the gates, the remnant were driuen to lodge in the fields, better purueied of their owne, than of the line 50 dukes prouision. And at their comming before saint Quintines (which towne the constable had promised to deliuer into the hands of the duke of Burgognie) the artillerie shot off, The constable of France a déepe dissem­bler. and they of the towne came foorth both on horssebacke and foot to skirmish with them that approached, of the which two or three were slaine. This interteinment seemed strange to king Edward, pondering the last daies promise with this daies dooing. But the duke excused the matter, and line 60 would haue persuaded him to make countenance to besiege the towne, that the constable might haue a colour to render it into his hands, as though he did it by constraint.

But the king, remembring what had béene told to his herald by the French K. how he should be dissem­bled with, perceiued the French kings words to be too true, and therefore thought it more sure to heare the faire words of the constable and the duke, than to giue credit to their vntrue and deceitfull dooings. The Englishmen returned vnto their campe in a great chafe towards the constable; and the next daie to increase their displeasure, The duke o [...] Burgognie [...]eparteth. an other corosiue was ministred, that smarted sorer. For duke Charles of Burgognie tooke his leaue suddenlie of king Ed­ward, alledging that he must néed [...] see his armie in Artois, promising shortlie with all his puissance to returne againe to the great commoditie of them both. This departing much troubled the king of Eng­land, bicause he looked for no such thing; but thought rather that he should haue had the duke his continu­all fellow in armes: and therefore this dissembling and vnstedfast working caused the king to thinke that he neuer thought, and to doo that he neuer in­tended.

The French king in this meane while had assem­bled a mightie power; ouer the which he had made monsieur Robert de Estoutuile capteine, whome he sent to Artois, to defend the frontiers there against the king of Englands entrie, and he himselfe tarried still at Senlis: but though he shewed countenance thus of warre, yet inwardlie desirous of peace, ac­cording to the aduise giuen him by the English he­rald, he caused a varlet or yeoman (as I may call him) to be put in a coat armour of France, which for hast was made of a trumpet baner. For king Lewes was a man nothing precise in outward shewes of honor, oftentimes hauing neither officer of armes, trumpet in his court, nor other roiall appurtenances belonging to the port of a prince, which should be glo­rious and replenished with pompe, as the poet saith: ‘Regia mirifici fulgent insignia regis.’

This counterfeit herald, being throughlie instruc­ted in his charge, was sent to the king of England, A messenger sent to the king of En­gland. and so passing foorth: when he approched the English campe, he put on his coat of armes, & being espied of the outriders, was brought to a tent, where the lord Howard and the lord Stanleie were at dinner, of whome he was courteouslie receiued, and by them conueied to the kings presence, vnto whom he decla­red his message so wittilie, that in the end he obtei­ned a safe conduct for one hundred horsses, for such persons as his maister should appoint to meet, as ma­nie to be assigned by king Edward in some indiffe­rent place betwéene both armies, to haue a like safe conduct from his said maister, as he receiued from him. Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxix, c [...]xxx. ¶The words of which herald are woorth the no­ting, reported in writers as followeth.

The heralds oration to the king vttered with boldnesse of face and libertie of toong.

RIght high and mightie prince, right puissant and noble king, if your excellent wisedome did per­fectlie know, or your high know­ledge did apparantlie perceiue, what in­ward affection and feruent desire the king my maister hath alwaies had, to haue a perfect peace, a sure vnitie, & a brotherlie concord, betweene your noble person and your realme, and his honorable personage and his dominions, you would & (for truths sake) should confesse and saie, that neuer christian prince more thirsted for an ami­tie, nor yet no louer hath more sought to atteine to the fauour of his paramor, than he hath sought to haue with you a perpe­tuall freendship, amitie, and aliance: to the intent that the subiects of both the relms, quietlie liuing vnder two princes, confede­rate and combined togither in an indisso­luble confederacie and league, may mutu­allie imbrace ech other in their harts, may personallie haue resort and frequent each [Page 696] others princes territories and dominions, with their merchandizes and wares: and finallie, the one to liue with the other, as freend with freend, brother with brother, companion with companion, in continuall loue, rest, and tranquilitie. And for his part he dooth affirme & saie, that since he recei­ued first the crowne of his kingdome, and was annointed with the holie ampull, he neuer attempted, nor yet once imagined a­nie line 10 war, or thing preiudiciall toward your roiall person, your realme, or your people.

If you peraduenture will saie, that he supported & mainteined the earle of War­wike against your maiestie, he suerlie that dooth & will denie: for he aided him against the duke of Burgognie, whom he knew not onelie to be his extreame enimie, but also to laie in wait (both by sea and land) either line 20 to take him, or vtterlie to destroie him. Which duke of Burgognie, onelie for his owne cause, hath excited and solicited your highnesse to come ouer the troublous and tempestuous seas, to the intent to cause (yea in maner to compell) the king my ma­ster, to condescend to such treatie and ap­pointment, as should be to his onlie profit, and neither to your honour, nor yet to your gaine. For if he & such other as dailie flat­tered line 30 him for their peculiar profits (as he had manie indeed that dailie sucked at his elbow) had once obteined the thing that they breathed for, all your affaires were put in obliuion, and left at large for them, or their assistants, euen as they be at this daie. Hath not the duke of Burgognie cau­sed you first to come into France; after to set forward your armie; and in conclusion, line 40 for lacke of his promise, to loose the faire season of the yeare, and to lie in the fields in winter? Which warre (if it continue) shall neither be profitable to you, nor to your nobilitie, nor yet pleasant but painefull to your communaltie: and finallie to both the realmes, and especiallie to merchant men shall bring both miserie, pouertie, and cala­mitie. line 50

Came the duke of Burgognie from Nusse to Calis, onlie to visit you? Rode he all that post hast onelie to blind you? Returned he backe into Loraine againe for anie cause, but onelie to leaue you desolate, & to aban­don you? Did he or the constable keepe anie one promise with you? Why doo you then beleeue, and yet still trust them, in whome you neuer found faith nor fidelitie? But if line 60 God will it so ordeine, that you and my ma­ster may ioine in league and amitie, I dare both saie and sweare, that the fine steele ne­uer cleaued faster to the adamant stone, than he will sticke & claspe with you, both in wealth and wo, in prosperitie and ad­uersitie. And if it shall please you, to har­ken to anie reasonable treatie, I being a poore man, shall (on ieopardie of my life which is my chiefe treasure) vndertake, that this communication shall sort and come to such an effect, that both you & your nobilitie shall be glad and reioise, and your commons shall be contented and pleased; and they that haue deceiued you, shall be both abashed and ashamed. Most humblie beseeching your highnesse, if your pleasure shall incline this waie, that I may haue a sure safe conduct for one hundred horsses, for such personages as the king my master shall send vnto you with further intimati­on of his mind and purpose. And if your pleasure shall be to haue the communicati­on in anie place indifferent betweene both the armies, then shall I warrant you the like safe conduct for your men, as you doo send for ours.

When he had accomplished his message and in­structions, the king of England and his councell highlie commended his audacitie, his toong, and his sobernesse, giuing to him in reward a faire gilt cup, with a hundred angels: deliuering him a safe con­duct according to his request and demand, with the which he with speed departed, hauing with him an English herald to bring a like safe conduct from the French king▪]

After that the safe conducts were deliuered on both parts, Commissio­ners appoin­ted to treat of peace. the ambassadours met at a village beside A­miens. On the king of Englands side, the lord Ho­ward; sir Thomas Saintleger; doctor Morton after bishop of Elie, & chancellor of England, were cheefe. For the French king, the bastard of Burbon adme­rall of France; the lord Saint Pierre; & the bishop of Eureux called Heberge, were appointed as prin­cipall. The Englishmen demanded the whole realme of France, or at the least Normandie and whole A­quitaine. The allegations were proued by the Eng­lishmen, and politikelie defended by the Frenchmen, so that with arguments, without conclusion, the day passed, and the commissioners departed, and made relation to their maisters. The French king and his councell would not consent, that the Englishmen should haue one foot of land within France; but ra­ther determined to put him selfe & the whole realme in hazard and aduenture.

At the next méeting the commissioners agréed vp­on certeine articles, which were of both the princes accepted and allowed. It was first accorded, Articles of a­gréement be­twéene king Edward and the French king. that the French king should paie to the king of England without delaie seauentie & fiue thousand crownes of the sunne; and yearelie fiftie thousand crownes to be paid at London during king Edwards life. And fur­ther it was agréed, that Charles the Dolphin should marrie the ladie Elizabeth, eldest daughter to king Edward, and they two to haue for the maintenance of their estates the whole duchie of Guien, or else fif­tie thousand crownes yearelie to be paid within the Tower of London by the space of nine yeares; Want of mo­nie procureth peace. and at the end of that terme, the Dolphin and his wife to haue the whole duchie of Guien, and of the charge the French king to be cléerelie acquit. And it was also concluded, that the two princes should come to an interview, and there take a corporall oth for the per­formance of this peace, either in sight of other.

On the king of Englands part were comprised as alies (if they would there to assent) the dukes of Burgognie and Britaine. It was also couenanted, that after the whole summe aforesaid of seuentie and fiue thousand crownes were paid to king Edward, he should leaue in hostage the lord Howard, and sir Iohn Cheinie maister of his horsse, vntill he with all his armie was passed the seas. This agréement was verie acceptable to the French king; for he saw himselfe and his realme thereby deliuered of great perill that was at hand: for not onelie he should haue [Page 697] béene assailed (if this peace had not taken place) both by the power of England and Burgognie, but also by the duke of Britaine, and diuerse of his owne people, as the constable and others. The king of Eng­land also vnderstanding his owne state, for want of monie, to mainteine the warres, if they should long continue (though otherwise he desired to haue at­tempted some high enterprise against the French­men) was the more easilie induced to agrée by those of his councell, that loued peace better than warre, line 10 and their wiues soft beds better than hard armor and a stonie lodging.

But the duke of Glocester & others, whose swords thirsted for French bloud, The duke of Glocester an [...] to [...]eace. A [...]r. Fl. ex Edw. Hall [...]ol. Ccxxxj. cried out on this peace; saieng that all their trauell, paines, & expenses were to their shame lost and cast awaie, and nothing gai­ned but a continuall mocke [and dailie derision of the French king and all his minions. This imagina­tion tooke effect without delaie. For a gentleman of the French kings chamber, after the peace was con­cluded, line 20 did demand of an Englishman, how manie battels king Edward had vanquisht? He answered, nine: wherein he himselfe personallie had béene.

A great honour said the Frenchman. But I praie you (quoth he smiling) how manie hath he lost? The Eng­lishman perceiuing what he meant, said: one, which you by policie, and by no strength, haue caused him to loose.

Well said the Frenchman, you maie ponder in a paire of balance, the gaine of nine gotten battels, line 30 and the rebuke of this one in this maner lost: for I tell you, that we haue this saieng; The force of Eng­land hath and dooth surmount the force of France: but the ingenious wits of the Frenchmen excell the dull braines of Englishmen. For in all battels you haue béene the gainers, but in leagues and treaties our wits haue made you loosers: so that you maie content your selues with the losse in treaties, for the spoile that you gat in warres and battels.

This com­munication was reported to the French king, who line 40 priuilie sent for the Englishman to supper, and not onlie made him good cheere, but also gaue him a thou­sand crownes, to praise the peace and to helpe to mainteine the same. Yet neuerthelesse, he being not a little mooued with these brags, declared all the communication to the duke of Glocester; who sware, that he would neuer haue set foot out of England, if he had not thought to haue made the Frenchmen once to assaie the strength & puissance of the English­men: but what so euer he thought, all things were line 50 tranferred vnto an other end than he could ima­gine.]

When the duke of Burgognie heard that there was a peace in hand betwixt king Edward and the French king, The duke of Burgognie commeth in hast to the king of Eng­land. he came in no small hast from Lutzen­burgh, onelie accompanied with sixteene horsses into the king of Englands lodging, and began as one in a great chase sore to blame his dooings, declaring in plaine termes how dishonorable this peace should be vnto him, hauing atchiued nothing of that about the which he came. The king of England, after he had line 60 giuen him leaue to speake his fansie, answered him somewhat roundlie againe, openlie reproouing him for his promise-breaking and vncourteous dealing with him: where for his cause cheeflie he had passed the seas, and now found him not to keepe touch in a­nie one point which he had couenanted. ¶But to adde more weight to the matter in hand, A [...]r. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxxj. sith it was so se­riouslie debated betwéene the two potentats, let vs heare what talke historiens report to haue béene in­terchanged betwéene them. The king of England (saith mine author) not a little abashed both at the dukes sudden comming, and his fierce countenance, like one that would rather bite than whine, deman­ded of him the cause of his sudden comming. The duke sharpelie answered, to know whether he had ei­ther entered into anie communication, or onelie had absolutelie concluded a peace betwéene the French king and him. King Edward declared how that for sundrie and diuerse great and vrgent causes, touching as well the vniuersall publike wealth of the whole christianitie, as their owne priuate com­moditie and the quietnesse of their realmes, he and the French king had concluded a peace and ami­tie for terme of nine yeares, in the which were com­prised, as fellowes and fréends, both he and the duke of Britaine, requiring him to condescend and agrée to the same.

Oh Lord, oh saint George (quoth the duke of Bur­gognie) haue you thus doone in déed?

Haue you passed the seas, entered into France, and without killing of a poore flie, or burning of a séelie shéepecote, and haue taken a shamefull truce? Did your noble ancestor, K. Edward the third, euer make armie into France (as he made manie) in the which he did not either gaine victorie in battell, or profit in conquering ci­ties, townes, and countries? That victorious prince, as neere kin to me, as you to king Henrie the fift, I meane whose bloud you haue either rightfullie or wrongfullie (God knoweth) extinguished & destroied, with a small puissance entered into France, conque­red whole Normandie, and not alonelie conquered it, but peaceablie kept it, and neuer would either com­men or agrée to anie league, vntill he had the whole realme of France offered him; & was thereof made regent and heire apparant. And you without anie thing dooing, or anie honour or profit gaining, haue condescended to a peace, both as honourable and as profitable to you as a peasecod, and not so wholesome as a pomegranat. Thinke you that I either mooued you, or once intised you to take this iournie for my peculiar aduantage or commoditie (which of my power am able to reuenge mine owne causes, with­out helpe of others) but onelie to haue you recouer your old rights and possessions, which were from you both tortiouslie and wrongfullie withholden? And to the intent that you shall know that I haue no néed of your aid, I will neither enter into your league, nor take truce with the French king, till you be pas­sed the sea, and haue beene there thrée moneths.

When duke Charles had thus said, he furiouslie [...]hrew downe his chaire, and would haue departed. But the king him staid & said:

Brother Charles, sith you haue spoken at leasure what you would, you must and shall heare againe what you would not. And first, as concerning our entrie into France, no man liuing knoweth that occasion, neither so well, nor hath cause halfe so well to remember it as you: for if you haue not fullie put your greatest things (to be had in memorie) in your box of obliuion, you be not yet out of mind how the French king, for all your power, tooke from you the faire towne of A­miens, and the strong pile of saint Quintins, with diuerse other townes, which you neither durst nor yet were able either to rescue or defend. Since which time, how he hath plagued you, how he hath taken from you your fréends; yea, of your priuie chamber and secret councell (by whome all your secrets be to him reuealed and made open) you know or haue bet­ter cause to remember, and not to forget them. And when you determined to besiege the towne of Nusse, you thought your selfe in a great doubt, whether you should loose more at home by your absence (the French king dreaming and waiting like a for for his preie) or gaine more in Germanie by your power and presence. And to kéepe the woolfe from the fold, that is, the French king from your castels and do­minions, was the cheefe and principall cause whie [Page 698] you so faire praid me, so sore laboured and intised me to passe ouer the sea, promising mounteins of gold, which turned into snow and wasted into water, boa­sting and craking to send horssemen and footmen; and yet shewing neither lackie nor page. If we had made our enterprise for our selfe solie and in our owne qua­rell, thinke you that we would haue expected your comming? If the aduenture had béene for to haue recouered our right, imagine you that we would haue passed the sea so slenderlie as we did, looking for line 10 your aid? Nay, nay, you should haue well knowen, if we had intended a conquest, that we would haue so stronglie inuaded & set on the realme of France, that what with sauour of burning of townes, and in­fection of the aier, corrupted by the multitude of dead carcases of our slaine enimies, your countries of Flanders & Brabant should haue had causes enow to woonder at: trusting that that which we had got­ten, we would haue kept as well as anie of our an­cestors haue doone. line 20

But bicause the verie occasion of the warre was yours, and that you wilfullie (I will not saie coward­lie) did not prosecute the same, the French king, who neuer offended me nor my subiects (except in main­teining the earle of Warwike, for the displeasure that you bare him against me) offered me, being de­stitute of all your succour and aid, both honourable and honest ouertures of peace, which offers I was in maner inforced (by verie reason) to incline to and accept, and so haue concluded a truce, which (God willing) I will both keepe and obserue. God send you line 30 ioy (quoth the duke) and so abruptlie ended his talke for that time.]

He departeth [...] king in a rage.H [...]erwith (being in a great rage) he bad the king of England farewell, and suddenlie tooke his horsse, and rode againe to Lutzenburgh, promising not to enter into anie league with the French king, till king Ed­ward was passed the seas againe into England, and had béene there thrée moneths: but this promise was not performed, for of necessitie he tooke a wiser waie, line 40 and agréed with the French king vpon a truce im­mediatlie after the departure of the English armie out of his countrie. The consta­ble of France his offer to K. Edward. The constable of France also, doubting that his vntruth would be disclosed to his destruction, by means of this agréement betwéene the kings of England and France, as soone as he heard they were entred into communication there­of, sent to king Edward, requiring him not to credit the French kings promises, which he would no lon­ger obserue, than vntill he should once vnderstand, line 50 that he was on the other side of the sea: and rather than he should agrée for want of monie, he offered to lend him fiftie thousand crownes. But the king of England, sith the accord was passed and agréed, would not change anie thing for the promises of so slipper a merchant as he knew the constable to be.

Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxxij, Ccxxxiij.¶Then was the constable in maner on all sides in despaire, but yet he wrote to the French king by his messengers, beséeching him to giue no credit or beléefe to anie tale told or fained against him, with­out line 60 hearing his answer, affirming that the king had alwaies knowen his truth and fidelitie toward the crowne of France, and so should he still find him till his dieng daie; promising and warranting him, if that it should stand with his pleasure, that he would so compasse the duke of Burgognie, that they two should vtterlie destroie the king of England and his armie yer they returned. The councellors of the French king made answer, that their master and the king of England were ioined and confedered in a sure amitie. Wherfore they would in no wise know nor condescend to anie thing that might be either preiudiciall, or once sound to the detriment of the Englishmen: but they said, that the king their ma­ster much trusted the constable, and that for his sake he would talke with them in his priuie chamber. The French king, before their entrie into his chamber, caused the lord of Contaie, seruant vnto the duke of Burgognie, accompanied with the lord of Argen­ton, one of his priuie councell, to stand secretlie be­hind a séeling or hanging in his chamber, & he him­selfe sat in a chaire directlie before that place, so that what soeuer were purposed to him, they standing be­hind the cloth, might plainlie sée and easilie heare the same.

Lewes de Creuell and his fellow entered into the kings chamber, of nothing thinking lesse than of the spirits inclosed. They declared what paine their ma­ster had taken for the French kings sake, to send, mooue and entise the duke of Burgognie to leaue, and cléerelie to forsake the king of England, which duke they found in such a rage and furie against the Englishmen, that at their request he was not onelie vtterlie determined to forsake and refuse their amitie, but also would send out aduenturers and lanceknights, to rob and spoile them in their retur­ning. And in speaking these words (thinking suerlie much to please the king) the said Lewes counterfei­ted the fashion and gesture of the duke of Burgog­nie, and began to stampe with his foot on the ground, and beat with his fist on the table, swearing by saint George that the king of England was not extracted of anie noble house, but was a yeomans sonne; Shamefull & [...]anderous words a­gainst the K. of England. and that when he was not woorth one halfepenie, he was restored to his kingdome, and made king onelie by his aid, reprouing and reuiling him with such ill words, and so shamefull termes, that all the hearers abhorred it.

The French king, faining that he was thicke of hearing, caused him to reiterate his saieng againe, who so counterfeited the verie gesture of the dukes angrie countenance and roring voice, that no man hath séene a better counterfeitor or actor in anie co­medie or tragedie. The lord of Contaie was sore dis­pleased to sée his master made a iesting stocke; but he kept all these things secret, till his returne to his master. When the pageant was plaied, the king had the messengers of the constable to haue him com­mended to his brother their master; and to declare to him that as newes rose & grew, he would therof ad­uertise him, & so gaue them licence to depart to their master, who thought himselfe now to be in great suertie of his estate, when in déed he was neuer so neere his fall and perdition: estéeming the duke of Burgognie to be his assured fréend, who hated him more than a Painime or Turke, accompting also the French king to haue no ill suspicion in him, who neither trusted nor yet beléeued anie word, writing or message that was either written or sent from him. Such end hath dissimulation, such fruit springeth of double dealing and craftie conueieng. For if either the constable had béene faithfull to the king his ma­ster, as of bounden dutie and allegiance he ought to be, or else had kept his promise made to the king of England and duke of Burgognie, and not dallied and dissembled with them, he had suerlie in his extre­mitie béene aided, succoured and comforted of one of these three at the least; where now he was of all three forsaken, and yet not forsaken, but sought for, looked for, and watched for; not for his profit or promotion, but for his vndooing and destruction: whereof he was the principall procurer, as manie a one besides; wher­to the poet had an eie, when he made this outcrie of inward gréefe seasoned with sorrow and repentance: ‘Heu patior telis vulnera facta meis.]’

After the peace was concluded, the Englishmen were permitted to enter into the towne of Amiens, and there to buie all such necessarie things as they [Page 699] wanted, and had plenti [...] of wine (for the French king had sent into their armie a hundred carts of the best wine that could be gotten) and good cheere made them of his owne costs. For at the enterie of euerie gate, there were two long tables set on euerie side of the street where they should passe; and at euerie table fiue or six gentlemen of the best companions of all the countrie were appointed to interteine the Eng­lishmen as they entered, not onelie to sée them ser­ued without lacking [but also to drinke and make good cheere, Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxxxiij. and kéepe companie with them. And euer line 10 as they entered into the towne, they were taken by the bridels and in maner inforced to drinke, whereso­euer they came they paied no monie, but were sent scot free.] This chéere lasted thrée or foure daies not onelie to the French kings cost, but also to his vn­quietnesse at length, doubting to haue béene dispos­sessed of his towne.

For on a daie there entered the number of nine thousand Englishmen well armed in sundrie com­panies, line 20 so that no Frenchman durst once forbid them to enter. But finallie, order was taken by the king of England, who meant no deceit, that no greater num­ber should enter than was conuenient, and the other were called backe; so that the French king and his councell were well quieted, and rid of casting further perils than néed required. After this, both the kings enteruiewed togither at Picquenie on the water of Some thrée leagues aboue Amiens, The enter­view betwixt king Edward the fourth, & the French king. shewing great courtesie either to other. The letters of both their a­gréements were opened and red, & then either prince line 30 laid his right hand on the missall, and his left hand on the holie crosse (as it was termed) and tooke there a solemne oth to obserue and kéepe the treatie for nine yeares concluded betwéene them, with all their con­federates and alies, comprised, mentioned and speci­fied in the same, and further to accomplish the mar­riage of their children.

There was with either prince twelue noble men at this méeting, which was vpon a bridge cast ouer the water of Some, a grate being set ouerthwart the line 40 same in the midst, so from side to side, that the one prince could not come vnto the other; but onelie to imbrace ech other, in putting their armes through the holes of the Of timber like to the grate where the lions be kept in the Tower. grate. There were foure English­men appointed to stand with the Frenchmen on the bridge to sée their demeanour; and likewise foure Frenchmen were appointed to the Englishmen for the same purpose. There were with the king of Eng­land his brother the duke of Clarence, the earle of Northumberland, the bishop of Elie his chancellor, line 50 the lord Hastings his chamberleine, and eight others. They had louing and verie familiar talke togither a good space, both afore their companie, and secretlie a­lone, whilest their companie (of courtesie) withdrew somewhat backe.

¶But it is noteworthie which I read touching both the kings méeting, Abr. Fl. ex Edw Hall. fol. Ccxxxiiij. the manner of their attire, and demeanour; namelie that when the token of méeting by the shot of the artillerie was knowne, the French king with twelue noble men entered the bridge, and line 60 came to the [...]losure, with whome was Iohn duke of Burbon, and the cardinall his brother, a prelat more méet for a ladies carpet, than for an ecclesiasticall pul­pit, and ten other, amongst whome the lord of Argen­ton was in like disguised attire as the French king ware, for so was his pleasure that daie to haue him adorned. The king of England and foure other with him were apparelled in [...]oth of gold frised, hauing on his bonet of blacke velue [...] a flower delice of gold, set with verie rich and orient stones; he was a goodlie faire and beautifull prince, beginning a litle to grow in flesh. Now when he approched néere the grate, hée tooke off his cap, and made a low and solemne ob [...]i­sance: the French king made to him an humble re­uerence, but after his fashion somewhat homelie. King Lewes imbraced king Edward through the barriers, saieng: ‘Coosine you be right heartilie wel­come into these parties, assuring you that there is no man in the world that I haue more desired to sée and speake with, than with you: and now landed be al­mightie God, we be here met togither for a good and godlie purpose, whereof I doubt not but that we shall haue cause to reioise.’ The king of England thanked him, and answered to his words so soberlie, so graue­lie, and so princelie, that the Frenchmen thereat not a litle mused. The chancellor of England made there a solemne oration in laud and praise of peace, con­cluding on a prophesie, which said that at Picquenie should be concluded a peace both honorable and pro­fitable to the realmes of England and France.

When the oth was taken and sworne (as before you haue heard) the French king said merilie to king Edward; ‘Brother, if you will take pains to come to Paris, you shall be feasted and interteined with la­dies; and I shall appoint you the cardinall of Burbon for your confessor, which shall gladlie absolue you of such sinnes, if anie be commited.’ The king of Eng­land tooke these words pleasantlie and thankefullie, for he was informed that the cardinall was a good companion, and a chapleine méet for such a dalieng pastime. When this communication was merilie ended, the French king, intending to shew himselfe like a maister amongst his seruants, made all his companie to draw backe from him, The maner­lie English, and vnmaner­lie French. meaning to commune with the king of England secretlie. The Englishmen withdrew them without any comman­dement? Then the two kings communed alone se­cretlie, I thinke not to the profit of the constable of France. The French king demanded of king Ed­ward, whether the duke of Burgognie would accept the truce? King Edward answered that he would once againe make an offer; and then vpon the refu­sall, he would referre and report the truth to them both. Then king Lewes began to speake of the duke of Britaine, whome he would faine haue excepted out of the league. To whom the king of England an­swered: Brother, I require you to mooue no warre to the duke of Britaine; for on my fidelitie, in the time of my néed and aduersitie, I neuer found a more friendlie, sure and stedfast louer than he.

Then king Lewes called his companie againe, and with most lowlie and amiable commendations tooke his leaue of the king of England, speaking cer­teine friendlie words to euerie Englishman: king Edward dooing likewise to the Frenchmen. Then both at one time departed from the barriers, & moun­ted on horssebacke, and departed; the French king to Amiens, and king Edward to his armie. To whom was sent out of the French kings house, all things necessarie for a prince, insomuch that neither torches nor torchets lacked vnsent. When the French king was departed from Picquenie, he called to him the lord of Argenton, saieng: ‘By the peace of God, the king of England is an amorous and a faire prince, he at the first becke would gladlie see Paris, where he might fortune to find such pleasant and talkatiue dames, which with faire words & pleasant pastimes might so allure him to their fantasies, that it might breed occasion in him to come ouer the sea againe, which I would not gladlie see. For his progenitors haue beene too long and too often both in Paris and Normandie. On this side the sea I loue neither his sight nor his companie; French loue. but when he is at home I loue him as my brother, and take him as my friend.’

The French king, after this departing, sore desi­red to make warre on the duke of Britaine: which he could not doo, except he were left out of the treatie. [Page 700] Wherefore he sent the lord of Bouchage, and the lord of saint Pierre, to the king of England, intreating him by all waies and motions possible, to leaue the duke of Britaine for his alie, and not to haue him comprehended in the league. The king of England hearing them so seriouslie and so feruentlie speake against the duke of Britaine; with an earnest coun­tenance answered, saieng: ‘My lords, I assure you, if I were peaceablie at home in my realme, yet for the defense of the duke of Britaine and his countrie, I would passe the seas againe, against all them that line 10 either would doo him iniurie, or make warre vpon him.’ The French lords nothing further saieng, much maruelled why the king of England so suerlie claue to the duke of Britains partie: but they knew not (or else at the least remembred not) that Henrie earle of Richmond was within the power and dominion of the duke of Britaine, whome king Edwards phan­tasie euer gaue him would make once a title to the crowne of England, as next heire to the house of line 20 Lancaster. For he knew well, that if the duke of Bri­taine would transport him into England (where hée had both kinsfolks and friends) with neuer so small an aid (yea, though it were but the shadow of an ar­mie) then were he inforced newlie to begin againe a conquest, as though he had neuer woone the crowne, nor obteined the possession of the realme, which was the verie cause why he stucke so fore to the duke of Britains part.

The same night the lords returned to Amiens, and line 30 reported to their maister king Edwards answer, who therewith was not the best pleased. But plea­sure or displeasure, there was no remedie but to dis­semble the matter. This same night also, there came the lord Howard, and two other of the king of Englands councell, who had béene coadiutors to­ward the peace, to the French king to supper. The lord Howard said to the French king secretlie in his eare, that if it stood with his pleasure, he could per­suade the king of England to come to Amiens, yea, peraduenture as farre as Paris, familiarlie and line 40 friendlie to solace himselfe with him, as his trustie friend and faithfull brother. The French king, to whom this motion was nothing pleasant, calling for water, washed, and rose without anie answer ma­king: but he said to one of his councell, that he ima­gined in his owne conceipt, that this request would be made. The Englishmen began againe to com­mune of that matter, the Frenchmen politikelie brake their communication, saieng: that the king line 50 with all celeritie must march forward against the duke of Burgognie.

Although this motion séemed onelie to increase loue and continuall amitie betwéene the princes; yet the Frenchmen, hauing in their perfect remem­brance the innumerable damages and hurts, which they of late daies had susteined by the English na­tion (whereby continuall hatred increased against them in France) thought by policie and wisedome, with faire words and friendlie countenance, to put line 60 by this request, and to motion them rather to depart homeward, than to pricke them forward to Paris; where peraduenture they might be so interteined at this time, that they would at another come thither, both vndesired and vnwelcomed. This peace was said to be made onelie by the Holie-ghost, bicause that on the daie of méeting, a white dooue sat on the top of the king of Englands tent: whether she sate there to drie hir, or came thither as a [...]oken giuen by God, I referre it to your iudgment. At this treatie and méeting was not the duke of Glocester, nor o­ther lords which were not content with this truce; but the duke came afterwards to Amiens, with di­uerse other lords of England, to the French king, which both highlie feasted them, and also presented them with plate and horsses well garnished.

King Lewes, considering what gaine the Eng­lishmen had gotten by making warre in France; and what miserie, what calamitie, and what pouertie the French nation had suffered, and manie yeares susteined, by reason of the said warres; determined clearelie rather to pacifie and interteine the Eng­lish nation by faire words and great rewards (al­though it were to his great charge) than by too much hardinesse to put himselfe, his nobilitie & realme in hazard, by giuing them battell, as his predecessors had vnwiselie doone at Poitiers, and at Agincourt. Wherefore to buie peace, he granted king Edward for a yearelie tribute fiftie thousand crownes, to be paied at London; which, accounting a crowne at foure shillings, amounteth to ten thousand pounds. And to haue the fauour and good will of his chiefe councellors, he gaue great pensions, amounting to the summe of sixteene thousand crownes a yeere, that is to saie: to his chancellor, to the lord Hastings his chiefe chamberleine, a man of no lesse wit than ver­tue, and of great authoritie with his maister, and that not without cause; for he had as well in time of ad­uersitie, as in the faire flattering world, well and tru­lie serued him: and to the lord Howard, to sir Tho­mas Montgomerie, to sir Thomas Sentleger, to sir Iohn Cheinie maister of the kings horsses, to the marques Dorsset, sonne to the queene, and diuerse o­ther, he gaue great and liberall rewards, to the in­tent to keepe himselfe in amitie with England, while he wan and obteined his purpose and desire in other places.

These persons had giuen to them great gifts, be­side yearelie pensions. For Argenton his councellor affirmed of his owne knowledge, that the lord Ho­ward had in lesse than the tearme of two yeares, for reward in monie and plate, foure and twentie thou­sand crownes; & at the time of this méeting, he gaue to the lord Hastings the kings chiefe chamberleine, (as the Frenchmen write) an hundred markes of sil­uer, made in plate, whereof euerie marke is eight ounces sterling. But the English writers affirme, that he gaue the lord Hastings foure and twentie doo­zen bolles, that is to saie, twelue doozen gilt, & twelue doozen vngilt, euerie cup weieng seuentéene nobles: which gift, either betokened in him a great liberall nature, or else a great and especiall confidence that he had reposed in the said lord chamberleine. Beside this, he gaue him yearelie two thousand crownes pension, the which summe he sent to him by Piers Cleret, one of the maisters of his house, giuing him in charge to receiue of him an acquittance for the re­ceipt of the same pension, to the intent that it should appeare in time to come, that the chancelor, chamber­leine, admerall, maisters of the horsses to the king of England, and manie other of his councell, had bin in fée and pensionaries of the French king, whose yearelie acquittances (the lord Hastings onelie ex­cepted) remaine of record to be shewed in the cham­ber of accounts in the palace of Paris.

When Piers Cleret had paied the pension to the lord Hastings, he gentlie demanded of him an ac­quittance for his discharge. Which request when he denied, he then onlie asked of him a bill of thrée lines to be directed to the king, testifieng the receipt of the pension: to the intent that the king your maister should not thinke the pension to be imbeselled. The lord Hastings, although he knew that Piers de­manded nothing but reason, answered him: ‘Sir this gift commeth onelie of the liberall pleasure of the king his maister, and not of my request: if it be his determinat will that I shall haue it, then put you it into my sléeue; and if not, I praie you render to him [Page 701] his gift againe: for neither he nor you shall haue ei­ther letter, acquittance, or scroll signed with my hand of the receipt of anie pension, to the intent to brag another daie, that the kings chamberleine of Eng­land hath béene pensionarie with the French king, & shew his acquittance in the chamber of accounts, to his dishonor.’ Piers left his monie behind, and made relation of all things to his maister: which al­though that he had not his will, yet he much more praised the wisdome and policie of the lord Hastings, than of the other pensionaries, cōmanding him year­lie line 10 to be paied, without anie discharge demanding.]

When the king of England had receiued his mo­nie, [...]. Edward returneth in­to England. Edw. Hall fol. Ccxxxvj. and his nobili [...]ie their rewards, he trussed vp his tents, laded his baggage, and departed towards Calis. [But yer he came there, he remembring the craftie dissimulation, and the vntrue dealing of Lewes earle of saint Paule, high constable of France, intending to declare him to the French king in his verie true likenesse and portrature, sent vnto him two letters of credence, written by the said line 20 constable, with the true report of all such words and messages as had béene to him sent, and declared by the said constable and his ambassadours. Which let­ters the French king gladlie receiued, and thanke­fullie accepted, as the cheefe instrument to bring the constable to his death: which he escaped no long sea­son after, such is the end of dissemblers.] When king Edward was come to Calis, and had set all things in an order, he tooke ship, and sailed with a prosperous wind into England, and was roiallie receiued vpon line 30 Blackheath by the maior of London and the magi­strates, and fiue hundred commoners apparrelled in murrie, the eight and twentith daie of September, and so conueied through the citie of Westminster, where for a while (after his long labour) he reposed himselfe [euerie daie almost talking with the queene his wife of the marriage of his daughter, Edw. Hall fol. Ccxxxvj. whome he caused to be called Dolphinesse: thinking nothing surer than that marriage to take effect, according to the treatie. The hope of which marriage caused him line 40 to dissemble, and doo things which afterward chanced greatlie to the French kings profit, & smallie to his.]

About the same season, the French king, to com­passe his purpose for the getting of the constable into his hands, tooke truce with the duke of Burgognie for nine yeares, as a contractor in the league, and not comprehended as an other princes alie. The king of England aduertised hereof, Sir Thomas Mōtgomerie. sent ouer sir Thomas Montgomerie to the French king, offering line 50 to passe the seas againe the next summer in his aid, to make warres on the duke Burgognie; so that the French king should paie to him fiftie thousand crownes for the losse which he should susteine in his custome, by reason that the woolles at Calis (bicause of the warres) could haue no vent, and also paie halfe the charges and halfe the wages of his souldiers and men of warre. The French king thanked the king of England for his gentle offer, but he alledged that the truce was alreadie concluded, so that he could not line 60 then attempt anie thing against the same without reproch to his honour.

But the truth was, the French king neither lo­ned the sight nor liked the companie of the king of England on that side the sea; but when he was here at home, he both loued him as his brother, and tooke him as his freend. Sir Thomas Montgomerie was with plate richlie rewarded, and so dispatched. There returned with him the lord Howard and sir Iohn Cheinie, which were hostages with the French king, till the English armie were returned into England. King Edward, hauing established all things in good order, 1475 Anno Reg. 15. as men might iudge, both within his realme and without, was yet troubled in his mind, for that Henrie the earle of Richmond (one of the bloud of king Henrie the sixt) was aliue, Henrie earle of Richmond. and at libertie in Britaine: therefore to attempt eftsoones the mind of Francis duke of Britaine, he sent ouer vnto the said duke, one doctor Stillington, and two other his ambassadors laden with no small summe of gold.

These ambassadors, declaring their message, Ambassadors into Britaine af­firmed that the king their maister willed to haue the earle of Richmond onelie for this purpose, to ioine with him in aliance by marriage, and so to plucke vp all the leauings of discord betwéene him and the con­trarie faction. The duke gentlie heard the orators. And though at the first he by excuses denied their re­quest, yet at the length, beléeuing that king Edward would giue to the earle his eldest daughter, the ladie Elizabeth in marriage, he consented to deliuer him, and receiued of the English orators a great summe of monie. But yer they were imbarked with their preie, the duke being aduertised, that the earle of Richmond was not so earnestlie sought for, to be cou­pled in mariage with king Edwards daughter; but rather that his head might be chopped off with an hatchet, The earle of Richmond taketh sanctu­arie. caused his treasuror Peter Landoise to con­ueie the said earle of Richmond into a sanctuarie at S. Malo, where the English ambassadors then laie, onelie staieng for a conuenient wind: who complai­ned, that they were euill vsed, to be spoiled both of their monie and merchandize.

Yet bicause the matter was so handled, that it séemed the earle escaped into the sanctuarie through their owne negligence, after they had receiued him into their hands; they were soone answered: but yet promise was made, that the earle should be safelie kept, either in the sanctuarie, or else as prisoner in the dukes house, that they should not néed to feare him more than his shadow. And thus the king of England purchased for his monie the kéeping of his enimie, the space onelie of three daies and no more. King Edward was somewhat displeased with this chance, but yet trusting that the duke of Britaine would (according to promise) see the earle of Rich­mond safelie kept from dooing anie gréeuance to him or his subiects, put all doubts therof out of his mind, and began to studie how to kéepe a liberall princelie house, and therevpon storing his chests with monie, he imploied no small portion in good housekéeping.

¶But hauing spoken thus much of the earle of Rich­mond, Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall fol. Ccxxxvij. whome Edward Hall compareth to a shéepe be­traied into the téeth and clawes of the woolfe, you shall vnderstand, that at such time as his troubles were set fresh abroach, and he knowing that he was going towards his death, for verie pensifenesse and inward thought, fell into a feruent and sore ague. In which verie season, one Iohn Cheulet, so estéemed among the princes of Britaine as few were in all the countrie, and in much credit, and well accepted with the duke, was (when these things were thus concluded) for his solace in the countrie. Who being hereof certified, was chafed with the abhomination of the fact, resorted to the court, and familiarlie came to the dukes presence, where he stood so sadlie and so palie, without anie word speaking, that the duke was much abashed, and suddenlie maruelled at his sad and frowning countenance, and demanded of him what should signifie that dumpishnesse of mind, and inward sighing, the which by his countenance manifestlie appeared and was euident? He modestlie answered;

Most noble and redoubted lord, this pale­nesse of visage and deadlie looke dooth prognosticate the time of my death to approach and be at hand, which if it had chanced to me before this daie, I assure you, it had much lesse hurt me. For then had I not beene reserued to féele the dolorous pangs and sorowfull sighings, which a fact by you doone (that I thoug [...] [Page 701] [...] [Page 702] impossible to be obteined) hath printed in my stomach and in my heart deeplie grauen: so that I well per­ceiue, that either I shall lose my life, or else liue in perpetuall distresse and continuall miserie.

For you my singular good lord, by your vertuous acts and noble feats, haue gotten to you in manner an immortall fame, which in euerie mans mouth is extolled & aduanced aboue the high clouds. But alas me séemeth (I praie you pardon me my rudenesse) that now that you haue obteined so high praise line 10 and glorie, you nothing lesse regard than to kéepe and preserue the same inuiolate, considering that you, forgetting your faith and faithfull promise made to Henrie earle of Richmond, haue deliuered the most innocent yoong gentleman to the cruell tor­mentors, to be afflicted, rent in péeces, and slaine. Wherefore all such as loue you, of the which number I am one, cannot choose but lament & be sorie, when they sée openlie the fame and glorie of your most re­nowmed name, by such a disloialtie and vntruth a­gainst line 20 promise, to be both blotted and stained with a perpetuall note of slander and infamie. Peace mine owne good Iohn (quoth the duke) I praie thée, beléeue me there is no such thing like to happen to the earle of Richmond: for king Edward hath sent for him, to make of him, being his suspected enimie, his good and faire sonne in law.

Well well (quoth Iohn) my redoubted lord, giue credence vnto me: the earle Henrie is at the ve­rie brinke to perish, whome if you permit once to set line 30 but one foot out of your power and dominion, there is no mortall creature able héereafter to deliuer him from death.

The duke being mooued with the persuasi­ons of Iohn Cheulet, which either little beleeued, or smallie suspected king Edward, to desire the earle for anie fraud or deceipt, or else seduced by blind aua­rice and loue of monie, more than honestie, fidelitie, or wisedome would require, did not consider what he vnaduisedlie did, or what he aduisedlie should haue doone. Wherefore, with all diligence he sent foorth Pe­ter line 40 Landoise his cheefe treasuror, commanding him to intercept and staie the earle of Richmond, in all hast possible, as before you haue heard.]

Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 752. [...] Iohn [...]rosbie his [...] to the [...].¶In this yeare deceassed sir Iohn Crosbie knight, (not long before this, maior of London) and was bu­ried in the parish church of saint Helen in Bishops gate stréet, vnto the reparing of which parish church he gaue fiue hundred marks, and thirtie pounds to be distributed to poore housholders in the ward of Bi­shops gate: to the reparing of the parish church at line 50 Heneworth in Middlesex fortie pounds: to the repai­ring of London wall one hundred pounds: toward the making of a new tower of stone at the south­end of London bridge, if the same were begun by the maior and communaltie within ten yeares next af­ter his deceasse, one hundred pounds: to the repara­tions of Rochester bridge ten pounds: to euerie the prisons in and about London liberallie. Also he gaue to the wardens and communaltie of the gro­cers in London two large pots of siluer chased halfe line 60 guilt, weieng thirtéene pounds and fiue ounces of Treie weight, to be occupied in their common hall, and elsewhere, at their discretions.

In this yeare were inhanced to the honour of knighthood, [...] after the custome of England, in the time of peace the kings eldest son Edward prince of Wales, duke of Cornewall, and earle of Chester, his second sonne the duke of Yorke, and with them the earle of Lincolnes sonne and heire, the duke of Suf­folke, the lord Thomas Greie, the quéenes sonne, and Richard his brother, the earle of Shrewesburie, the earle of Wilshire, master Edward Wooduile, the lord Neuill, the lord Barkleis sonne and heire, the lord Audelies sonne and heire, the lord saint Amand, the lord Stanleis sonne and heire, the lord Suttons sonne and heire, the lord Hastings sonne and heire, the lord Ferrers of Charleis sonne and heire, ma­ster Herbert brother to the earle of Penbroke, ma­ster Uaughan Brian chiefe iudge, Litilton one of the iudges of the common plées, Litilton▪ master Bodring­ham, master Brian Stapleton, Kneuit, Pilkinton, Ludlow, Charleton, &c. The same daie the king crea­ted the lord Thomas marquesse: Dorset▪ before din­ner, and so in the habit of a marquesse aboue the ha­bit of his knighthood he began tho table of knight [...] in saint Edwards chamber. At that time he ordeined that the kings chamberleine should go with the anci­ent and well nurtered knight▪ to aduertise and tea [...] the order of knighthood to the esquiers being in the baine. The king himselfe came in person and did ho­nour to all the companie with his noble councell.]

This yeare the duke of Burgognie was slaine, by the Switzers, 1476 Anno Reg. 16. before the towne of Nancie in Lor­raine after whose death the French king wan all the townes which the said duke held in Picardie and Ar­tois. The death of the duke of Burgognie. And bicause that the towne of Bullen and coun­tie of Bullenois apperteined by right of inheritance vnto the lord Berthram de la Toure, earle of A [...] ­uergne, the French king bought of him his right and title in the same, and recompensed him with other lands in the countie of Forests, and in other places. And bicause the forenamed towne and countie were holden of the earledome of Artois, he changed the tenure, and auowed to hold the same towne & coun­tie of our ladie of Bolongne, and therof did homage to the image in the great church of Bolongne, offe­ring there an hart of gold▪ weieng two thousand crownes; ordeining further, that his heires and suc­cessors at their entrie into their estates, by them­selues or their deputies, should offer an hart of like weight and value, as a reliefe and homage for the same towne and countie.

¶ This yeare was Robert Basset maior of Lon­don, who did sharpe correction vpon bakers, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 745. for ma­king of light bread, he caused diuerse of them to be set on the pillorie in Cornehill. Agnes Dain­tie on the pil­lorie. And also one Agnes Daintie a butterwife for selling of butter new and old mingled togither, being first trapped with butter dishes, was then set on the pillorie. ¶The countesse of Oxford deceassed and was buried at Windsore. ¶Al­so this yeare Richard Rawson one of the shiriffes of London, caused to be builded one house in the church yard of S. Marie hospitall without Bishops gate of London, where the maior of that citie and his bre­thren the aldermen vse to sit and heare the sermons in the Easter holie daies, as in times past appeared by an inscription on the front of the same house, now by wethering defaced, which I haue read in these words: Praie for the soules of Richard Rawson late Mercer and alderman of London, and Isabell his wife, of whose goods this worke was made and foun­ded. Anno Dom. 1488.]

By the diligence of Ralph Iosseline maior of London, year 1477 Part of Lō ­don wall [...] builded. the wall about London was new made be­twixt Algate and Creplegate: he caused the Moore field to be searched for claie, and bricke to be made and burnt there: Iohn Rouse. he also caused chalke to be brought out of Kent, and in the same Moore field to be burnt into lime, for the furtherance of that worke. The ma­ior with his companie of the drapers made all that part betwixt Bishops gate and Alhalowes church in the same wall. Bishops gate it selfe was new built by the merchants Almans of the Stilliard, and from Alhalowes church toward Moore gate a great part of the same was builded of the goods, Bishops [...] new builded. & by the execu­tors of sir Iohn Crosbie somtimes an alderman of London, as may appeare by his armes in two places fixed. The companie of Skinners made that part of [Page 703] the wall betweene Algate and Buries markes to­wards Bishops gate, as may appeare by their armes in thrée places fixed: the other companies of the citie made the other deale of the said wall, which was a great worke to be doone in one yeare.

Also this yeare Thomas Burdet an esquier of Ar­row in Warwikeshire, Burdet for a word spoken beheaded. sonne to sir Nicholas Bur­det (who was great butler of Normandie in Henrie the sixt daies) was beheaded for a word spoken in this sort. King Edward in his progresse hunted in Thomas Burdets parke at Arrow, Enguerant. and slue manie line 10 of his deere, amongst the which was a white bucke, whereof Thomas Burdet made great account. And therefore when he vnderstood thereof, Register of the Greie friers. he wished the buckes head in his bellie that moued the king to kill it. Which tale being told to the king, Burdet was apprehended and accused of treason, for wishing the buckes head (hornes and all) in the kings bellie: he was condemned, drawne from the Tower of Lon­don to Tiburne, and there beheaded, and then buried in the Greie friers church at London. Wherefore it line 20 is good counsell that the wiseman giueth, saieng: Kéepe thy toong & kéepe thy life, for manie times we sée, that speech offendeth & procureth mischéefe, where silence is author neither of the one nor the other, as it is trulie and in praise of silence spoken by the poet: ‘-nulli tacuisse nocet, nocet esse loquutum.]’

About this season, through great mishap, the sparke of priuie malice was newlie kindled betwixt the king and his brother the duke of Clarence, insomuch line 30 that where one of the dukes seruants was suddenlie accused (I can not saie whether of truth, or vntrulie suspected by the dukes enimies) of poisoning, sorcerie or inchantment, and thereof condemned, and put to execution for the same; the duke which might not suf­fer the wrongfull condemnation of his man (as he in his conscience iudged) nor yet forbeare but to mur­mur and reproue the dooing thereof, mooued the king with his dailie exclamation to take such displeasure with him, that finallie the duke was cast into the line 40 Tower, Anno Reg. 17. George duke of Clarence drowned in a butt of mal­mesie. and therewith adiudged for a traitor, and pri­uilie drowned in a butt of malmesie, the eleuenth of March, in the beginning of the seuententh yeare of the kings reigne.

Some haue reported, that the cause of this noble mans death rose of a foolish prophesie, which was, that after K. Edward one should reigne, whose first let­ter of his name should be a G. Wherewith the king and quéene were sore troubled, and began to conceiue a greeuous grudge against this duke, and could not line 50 be in quiet till they had brought him to his end. And as the diuell is woont to incumber the minds of men which delite in such diuelish fantasies, Prophesies diuelish fan­tasies. they said after­ward, that that prophesie lost not his effect, when after king Edward, Glocester vsurped his kingdome. O­ther alledged, that the cause of his death was for that the duke, being destitute of a wife, by the meanes of his sister the ladie Margaret, duchesse of Burgognie, procured to haue the ladie Marie, daughter and heire to hir husband duke Charles. line 60

Which marriage king Edward (enuieng the pro­speritie of his brother) both gaine said and disturbed, and thereby old malice reuiued betwixt them: which the quéene and hir bloud (euer mistrusting, and priui­lie barking at the kings Image) ceassed not to in­crease. But sure it is, that although king Edward were consenting to his death; yet he much did both lament his infortunate chance, & repent his sudden execution: insomuch that when anie person sued to him for the pardon of malefactors condemned to death, he would accustomablie saie, & openlie speake: ‘Oh infortunate brother, for whose life not one would make sute. Openlie and apparantlie meaning by such words, that by the meanes of some of the nobili­tie he was deceiued and brought to confusion.’

This duke left behind him two yoong infants be­got of the bodie of his wife, the daughter of Richard late earle of Warwike: which children by destinie as it were, or by their owne merits, following the steps of their ancestors, succéeded them in like misfortune and semblable euill chance. For Edward his heire, Edward erle of Warwike sonne & heire to George duke of Cla­rence. whom king Edward had created earle of Warwike was thrée and twentie yeares after, in the time of Henrie the seauenth, atteinted of treason, and on the Tower hill lost his head. Margaret his sole daugh­ter maried to sir Richard Pole knight, and by Hen­rie the eight restored to the name, title, & possessions of the earledome of Salisburie, Margaret duchesse of Salisburie. was at length for treason committed against the said Henrie the eight atteinted in open parlement; and sixtie two yeares after hir father had suffered death in the Tower, she on the greene within the same place was beheaded. In whose person died the verie surname of Planta­genet, which from Geffrie Plantagenet so long in the bloud roiall of this realme had florished and con­tinued.

After the death of this duke, A great pesti­lence. by reason of great heat and distemperance of aire, happened so fierce & quicke a pestilence, that fiftéene yeares warre past consumed not the third part of the people, that one­lie foure moneths miserablie and pitifullie dispatched & brought to their graues. So that if the number had béene kept by multiplieng of vnities, & out of them to haue raised a complet number, it would haue mooued matter of verie great admiration. But it should séeme that they were infinit, if consideration be had of the comparison, inferred for the more effectuall set­ting foorth of that cruell and ceaselesse contagion. And suerlie it soundeth to reason, that the pestilence should fetchawaie so manie thousands, as in iudge­ment by proportion of fiftéene yeares warre one maie gather; and manie more too. For euerie man knoweth that in warres, time, place, persons, and meanes are limited: time of warre begun and en­ded; place circumscribed; persons imbattelled, and weapons also whereby the fight is tried: so that all these haue their limitations, beyond which they haue no extent. But the pestilence, being a generall infection of the aire, an element ordeined to main­teine life, though it haue a limitation in respect of the totall compasse of the world; yet whole climats maie be poisoned: and it were not absurd to saie, that all and euerie part of the aire maie be pestilentlie cor­rupted; and so consequentlie not limited: wherefore full well it maie be said of the pestilence (procuring so great a depopulation) as one saith of surfetting: ‘Ense cadunt multi, perimit sed crapula plures. Auson.’

The councellors of the yoong duchesse of Burgog­gnie sent to K. Edward for aid against the French king. 1478. Anno Reg. 18. About the same time had the queene of Eng­land sent to the ladie Margaret duchesse of Burgog­nie, for the preferrement of hir brother Anthonie erle Riuers to the yoong damsell. But the councell of Flanders, considering that he was but an earle of meane estate, and she the greatest inheritrice of all christendome at that time, gaue but deafe eare to so vnméet a request. To which desire, if the Flemings had but giuen a liking eare by outward semblance, and with gentle words delaied the sute, she had beene both succoured and defended. Whether king Edward was not contented with this refusall, or that he was loth to breake with the French king, he would in no wise consent to send an armie into Flanders against the French king: but yet he sent ambassadours to him with louing and gentle letters, requiring him to grow to some reasonable order & agréement with the yoong duchesse of Burgognie, or at the least to take a truce with hir at his request.

[Page 704]The ambassadours of England were highlie re­ceiued, bountifullie feasted, and liberallie rewarded, but answer to their desire had they none; sauing that shortlie after, the French king would send ambassa­dours, hostages, and pledges to the king of England their maister, for the perfecting and concluding of all things depending betweene them two; so that their souereigne lord & they should haue cause to be contented and pleased. These faire words were one­lie delaies to driue time, vntill he might haue space line 10 to spoile the yoong damsell of hir townes and coun­tries. And beside this, to staie king Edward from taking part with hir, he wrote to him, that if he would ioine with him in aid, he should haue and in­ioie to him and his heires the whole countie & coun­trie of Flanders, discharged of homage, superioritie and resort, to be claimed by the French king, or his successors.

He also wrote that he should haue the whole duchie of Brabant, Large offers made to the king of Eng­land by the French king. whereof the French king offered at his line 20 owne cost and charge to conquer foure of the chiefest and strongest townes within the said duchie, & them in quiet possession to deliuer to the king of Eng­land: granting further to paie him ten thousand an­gels toward his charges, with munitions of warre and artillerie, which he promised to lend him, with men and carriage for the conueiance of the same. The king of England refused to make anie warres against those countries that were thus offered to him: but if the French king would make him part­ner line 30 of his conquests in Picardie, rendering to him part of the townes alreadie gotten, as Bologne, Monsterell, and Abuile, then he would suerlie take his part, and aid him with men at his owne costs and charges.

Thus passed faire words and golden promises be­twéene these two princes: and in the meane time the yoong duchesse of Burgognie was spoiled of hir townes, castels & territories, till at length for main­tenance she condescended to marrie with Maximi­lian line 40 sonne to the emperour Frederike, that he might kéepe the woolfe from the fold. King Edward in the ninetéenth yeare of his reigne began (more than he was before accustomed) to serch the forfeiture of pe­nall lawes and statutes, 1479 Anno Reg. 19. as well of the chéefe of his nobilitie as of other gentlemen, being proprietaries of great possessions, or abundantlie furnished with goods; likewise of merchants, and other inferior per­sons. By reason whereof, it was of all men iudged that he would proue he reafter a sore and a rigorous line 50 prince among his subiects. But this his new inuen­ted practise and couetous meaning (by reason of for­reine affaires and abridgement of his daies in this transitorie life, which were within two yeares after consumed) tooke some (but not great) effect.

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 747, 748. Pestilence.¶In this yeare was great mortalitie and death by the pestilence, not onelie in London, but in diuerse parts of the realme, which began in the latter end of September in the yeare last before passed, and conti­nued all this yeare till the beginning of Nouember, line 60 which was about fourtéene moneths: in the which space died innumerable of people in the said citie & else-where. Unaduised & vnséemelie de­meanor puni­shed with a fine. ¶This yeare also the maior of London being in Paules, knéeling in his deuotions at saint Erkenwalds shrine, Robert Bifield one of the shi­riffes vnaduisedlie kneeled downe nigh vnto the maior: whereof afterward the maior charged him to haue doone more than becomed him. But the shiriffe answering rudelie and stubbornlie, would not ac­knowledge to haue committed anie offense: for the which he was afterward by a court of aldermen fi­ned at fiftie pounds to be paid toward the reparati­ons of the conduits in London, which was trulie paid. ¶ This yeere Thomas Ilam one of the shirifs of London newlie builded the great conduit in Cheape, Co [...]dou a Cheape b [...]l­ded. of his owne charges. ¶This yeare also king Edward began his Christmasse at Waking, and at fiue daies end remooued to Greenewich, where he kept out the other part of his Christmasse with great roialtie.]

Ambassadours were sent to and fro betwixt the king of England and France, 1480 Anno Reg. [...] ▪ and still the French king fed the king of England with faire words, put­ting him in hope to match his sonne and heire the Dolphin with the ladie Elizabeth daughter to the king of England, according to the conclusions of a­gréement had and made at Picquenie betwixt them, although in verie déed he meant nothing lesse. His ambassadours euer made excuses if anie thing were amisse, and he vsed to send change of ambassadours; so that if those which had béene here before, and were returned, had said or promised anie thing (though they were authorised so to doo) which might turne to their masters hinderance, the other that came after, might excuse themselues by ignorance of that matter; af­firming that they wanted commission once to talke or meddle with that matter: or if he perceiued that anie thing was like to be concluded contrarie to his mind, for a shift he would call his ambassadours home in great hast, and after send an other with new instructions nothing depending on the old.

Thus the French king vsed to dallie with king Edward in the case of this mariage, onelie to kéepe him still in amitie. The French king féedeth the king of England with faire words and promises. And certeinelie the king of Eng­land, being a man of no suspicious nature, thought sooner that the sunne should haue fallen from his cir­cle, than that the French king would haue dissem­bled or broken promise with him. But there is none so soone beguiled, as he that least mistrusteth; nor a­nie so able to deceiue, as he to whome most credence is giuen. But as in mistrusting nothing, is great lightnesse; so in too much trusting, is too much follie: which well appeared in this matter. For the French king, by cloking his inward determinate purpose with great dissimulation and large promises, kept him still in fréendship with the king of England, till he had wrought a great part of his will against the yoong duchesse of Burgognie. Which king Edward would not haue suffered, if he had put anie great doubt in the French kings faire promises, conside­ring that the crowne of France was in this meane time so much increased in dominions, to the great re­enforcement of that realme.

¶On the two and twentith of Februarie were fiue notable théeues put to death, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 748, 749. Fiue théeues for sacrilege seuerelie ex [...] ­cuted. for robbing the church called saint Martins le grand in London, and other places; thrée of them were drawne to the Tower hill, hanged & burnt, the other two were pressed to death. A sore and seuere kind of execution no doubt, but yet thought by iustice meritorious in the malefactors, for their offenses of sacrilege. Heinous enough had it beene to spoile a priuat man of his goods, and by law of nations punishable with death; but much more horrible, that prophane persons with polluted hands should priuilie or openlie so touch holie & consecrated things, as to take them out of a sacred place, where­to (for holy vses) they were dedicated, & applie them to the satisfieng of the corrupt concupiscences of their owne hearts, the bottomlesse gulfe whereof bicause no booties nor spoiles could satisfie; it stood with the high praise of iustice that they and their ceaselesse de­sires were seuered by deserued death; wherefore it is wiselie said by the comicall poet of such gréedie guts:

Quam quis auidus poscit escam auariter,
Pla [...]. in [...].
Decipitur in transenna perítque auaritia.

In this yeare king Edward required great sums of monie to be lent him. The citizens of London granted him fiue thousand marks, which were seized of the fiue and twentie wards: which fiue thousand [Page 705] marks was trulie repaid againe in the next yeare following. ¶Also this yeare on Whitsundaie K. Ed­ward the fourth created the lord Berkleie, vicount Berkeleie, at Gréenewich. ¶ In this yeare also an house on London bridge called the common siege, [...] temporam. or priuie, fell downe into the Thames, where thorough it fiue persons were drowned. ¶This yeare the king with his quéene kept a roiall Christmas at Windsor.

Also this yéere was one Richard Chawrie ma­ior of London, The king [...]ea­ [...]te [...]h the ma­ior and alder­men. whome king Edward so greatlie line 10 fauoured, that he tooke him (with certeine of his bre­thren the aldermen, & commons of the citie of Lon­don) into the forrest of Waltham, where was ordei­ned for them a pleasant lodge of gréene boughs, in which lodge they dined with great chéere; & the king would not go to dinner vntill he saw them serued. Moreouer he caused the lord chamberlaine, with o­ther lords, to cheere the said maior and his companie sundrie times whilest they were at dinner. After din­ner they went a hunting with the king, and slue ma­nie line 20 deare, as well red as fallow, whereof the king gaue vnto the maior and his companie good plentie, and sent vnto the ladie mairesse and hir sisters the al­dermens wiues, two harts, sir bucks, and a tun of wine to make them merrie with, which was eaten in the drapers hall. The cause of which bountie thus shewed by the king, Fabian pag. [...]12. was (as most men did take) for that the maior was a merchant of woonderous ad­uentures into manie and sundrie countries. By rea­son whereof, the king had yearelie of him notable line 30 summes of monie for his customes, beside other plea­sures that he had shewed vnto the king before times. ¶ This yéere the Scots began to stir, against whom the king sent the duke of Glocester & manie others, which returned againe without any notable battell.]

Ambassadors [...]oorth of Scotland.In this verie season Iames the third of that name king of Scots sent into England a solemne ambas­sage for to haue the ladie Cicilie, king Edwards se­cond daughter, to be married to his eldest sonne Iames, prince of Scotland, duke of Rothsaie, and line 40 earle of Caricke. King Edward and his councell, perceiuing that this affinitie should be both honou­rable and profitable to the realme, did not onelie grant to his desire; but also before hand disbursed cer­teine summes of monie, to the onelie intent that the marriage hereafter should neither be hindered nor broken. With this condition, that if the said mariage by anie accidentall meane should in time to come take none effect; or that king Edward would notifie to the king of Scots, or his councell, that his plea­sure line 50 was determined to haue the said marriage dis­solued: then the prouost and merchants of the towne of Edenburgh, should be bound for repaiment of the said summes againe. All which things were with great deliberation concluded, passed, and sealed, in hope of continuall peace and indissoluble amitie.

But king Iames was knowne to be a man so wedded to his owne opinion, that he could not abide them that would speake contrarie to his fansie: by meanes whereof, he was altogither led by the coun­sell line 60 and aduise of men of base linage, whome for their flatterie he had promoted vnto great dignities and honourable offices. By which persons diuerse of the nobilitie of his realme were greatlie misused and put to trouble, both with imprisonment, exactions, & death; insomuch that some of them went into volun­tarie exile. Amongst whome Alexander duke of Al­banie, brother to king Iames, being exiled into France, & passing through England, taried with K. Edward: and vpon occasion mooued him to make warre against his brother, the said king Iames, for that he forgetting his oth, promise, and affinitie con­cluded with king Edward, caused his subiects to make roads and forraies into the English borders, spoiling, burning, and killing king Edwards liege people.

King Edward, not a little displeased with this vn­princelie dooing, prouoked and set on also by the duke of Albanie, determined to inuade Scotland with an armie, as well to reuenge his owne iniuries recei­ued at the hands of king Iames, as to helpe to re­store the duke of Albanie vnto his countrie and pos­sessions againe. Preparation for warre a­gainst Scot­land. Herevpon all the Winter season he mustered his men, prepared his ordinance, rigged his ships, and left nothing vnprouided for such a iour­nie: so that in the beginning of the yeare, all things apperteining to the warre, and necessarie for his voi­age, were in a readinesse. 1482 Anno Reg. 22. To be the cheefteine of his hoast, and lieutenant generall, Richard duke of Glo­cester was appointed by his brother king Edward; An armie sen [...] into Scot­land. and with him were adioined as associats, Henrie the fourth earle of Northumberland, Thomas lord Stanleie lord steward of the kings house, the lord Louell, the lord Greiestocke, and diuerse other no­ble men and worthie knights.

These valiant capteins came to Alnewike in Nor­thumberland, about the beginning of Iulie, where they first incamped themselues, & marshalled their hoast. The fore-ward was led by the earle of Nor­thumberland, vnder whose standard were the lord Seroope of Bolton, sir Iohn Middleton, sir Iohn Dichfield, and diuerse other knights, esquiers, & soul­diers, to the number of six thousand and seauen hun­dred. In the midle-ward was the duke of Glocester, and with him the duke of Albanie, the lord Louell, the lord Greiestocke, sir Edward Wooduile, and o­ther, to the number of fiue thousand & eight hundred men. The lord Neuill was appointed to follow, ac­companied with three thousand. The lord Stanleie led the wing on the right hand of the dukes battell with foure thousand men of Lancashire & Cheshire. The lord Fitz Hugh, sir William a Parre, sir Iames Harrington, with the number of two thou­sand souldiers, guided the left wing. And beside all these, there were one thousand appointed to giue their attendance on the ordinance.

¶In this yeare Edmund Shaw goldsmith and ma­ior of London newlie builded Creplegate from the foundation, which gate in old time had bene a prison, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 749. Creplegate builded. wherevnto such citizens and other as were arrested for debt (or like trespasses) were committed, as they be now to the counters, as maie appeare by a writ of king Edward the second, in these words: Rex vic' London salutem. Records. Ex graui querela capti & detenti in prisona nostra de Creplegate, pro x li. quas coram Radulpho Sandwi­co, tunc custode ciuitatis nostrae London, & I. de Blackewell custode recognit. debitorum, &c. King Edward held his Christmas at Eltham, and kept his estate all the whole feast in his great chamber; and the quéene in hir chamber, where were dailie more than two thou­sand persons. The same yeare on Candlemas day, he with his quéene went on procession from saint Ste­phans chappell into Westminster hall, accompanied with the earle of Angus, the lord Greie, & sir Iames Liddall, ambassadors from Scotland. And at his pro­céeding out of his chamber he made sir Iohn Wood vnder-treasuror of England, & sir William Cates­bie one of the iustices of the ōcmon plées, knights.]

But to returne to the kings affaires concerning Scotland. The roiall armie aforesaid, Anno reg. 23. 1483 not intending to lose time, came suddenlie by the water side to the towne of Berwike, and there (what with force, and what with feare of so great an armie) tooke and ente­red the towne: but the earle of Bothwell, Berwike woone by the Englishmen. being cap­teine of the castell, would in no wise deliuer it; wher­fore the capteins, vpon good and deliberate aduise, planted a strong siege round about it. When this siege was laid, the two dukes and all the other soul­diers [Page 706] (except the lord Stanleie, sir Iohn Eldrington treasuror of the kings house, sir William a Parre, and foure thousand men that were left behind to keepe the siege before the castell) departed from Ber­wike toward Edenburgh; and in marching thither­ward, they burnt and destroied manie townes and hastiles. King Iames hauing small confidence in his communaltie, and lesse trust in his nobilitie, kept himselfe within the castell of Edenburgh.

The duke of Glocester entered into the towne, and line 10 at the especiall desire of the duke of Albanie saued the towne, and the inhabitants from fire, bloud, and spoile, taking onelie of the merchants, such presents as they gentlie offered to him and his capteins, cau­sing Gartier principall king at armes to make a publike proclamation at the high crosse in the mar­ket place of Edenburgh; by the which he warned and admonished king Iames, to kéepe, obserue, and per­forme, all such promises, compacts, couenants, and agreements, as he had concluded and sealed line 20 with the king of England, and also to make suffi­cient recompense vnto his subiects, for the tyran­nie, spoile, and crueltie which he and his people had committed and doone, contrarie to the league, within the marches of his realme of England, before the first daie of August next insuing: and further with­out delaie to restore his brother the duke of Albanie to his estate, & all his possessions, offices, and authori­ties, in as large maner as he occupied & inioied the same before. Or else the duke of Glocester, lieute­nant line 30 generall for the king of England, was readie at hand to destroie him, his people, and countries, with slaughter, flame, and famine.

King Iames would make no answer, neither by word nor writing, but kept himselfe close within the castell. But the lords of Scotland lieng at Hading­ton with a great puissance, determined first to prac­tise with the duke of Glocester for a peace, and after by some meanes to allure the duke of Albanie from the English amitie. And vpon this motion, the se­cond line 40 daie of August they wrote to the duke of Glo­cester, requiring that the mariage betwéene the prince of Scotland, and king Edwards daughter might be accomplished, according to the couenants: and further, that a peace from thencefoorth might be louinglie concluded betwéene both the realmes. The duke of Glocester answered againe vnto these de­mands; that for the article of the mariage, he knew not the king his brothers determinate pleasure, ei­ther for the affirmance or deniall of the same; but ne­uerthelesse he desired full restitution of all the sums line 50 of monie pressed out in lone vpon the same mariage. And as for peace, he assured them that he wold agrée to none, except the castell of Berwike might be to him deliuered; or at the least wise, that he should vn­dertake that the siege lieng afore the same should not be troubled by the king of Scots, nor by anie of his subiects, nor by his or their procurement or meanes.

The bishop elect of Mur­reie sent to the duke of Glocester.The Scotish lords, vpon this answer and demands of the duke of Glocester, sent to him the elect of Mur­reie, line 60 and the lord Dernleie, which excused the matter touching the repaiment of the monie: for that the time of the lawfull contract of the said mariage was not yet come, and no daie appointed for the monie to be paied before the contract begun. But for further assurance either for the contract to be made, or for the paiment of the monie, they promised therevnto accordinglie (as reason should require) to agree. Se­condarilie, as touching the castell of Berwike, they alledged that it apperteined to the realme of Scot­land, as the old inheritance of the same.

The duke, notwithstanding all that they could saie, would agrée to no peace, except the castell of Berwike might be deliuered to the K. of England. And so the messengers departed. The same daie the archbishop of S. Andrews, the bishop of Dunkeld, Colin earle of Argile, lord Campbell, and lord An­drew lord of Anandale chancellor of Scotland, wrote to the duke of Albanie, a solemne and an autenticall instrument, signed and sealed with their hands and seales, concerning a generall pardon to him and his seruants, vpon certeine conditions to be granted; which conditions seemed to be so reasonable, that the duke of Albanie, desirous to be restored to his old estate, possessions, and natiue countrie, willinglie accepted the same.

But before he departed from the duke of Glo­cester, he promised both by word and writing of his owne hand, to doo and performe all such things, as he before that time had sworne and promised to king Edward: notwithstanding anie agréement now made, or after to be made with the lords of Scot­land. And for performance of the effect hereof, he a­gaine tooke a corporall oth, and sealed the writing be­fore the duke of Glocester, in the English campe at Leuington besides Hadington, The duke of Albanie re­stored home. the third daie of Au­gust, in the yeare 1482. After he was restored, the lords of Scotland proclamed him great lieutenant of Scotland; He is created great lieute­nant of Scot­land. and in the kings name made proclama­tion, that all men within eight daies should be readie at Craushaus, both to raise the siege before the ca­stell, and for the recouering againe of the towne of Berwike.

The duke of Albanie wrote all this preparation to the duke of Glocester, requiring him to haue no mis­trust in his dealings. The duke of Glocester wrote to him againe his mind verie roundlie, promising that he with his armie would defend the besiegers from all enimies that should attempt to trouble them, or else die in the quarell. To be briefe, when the lords of Scotland saw that it booted them not to assaie the raising of the siege, except they should make account to be fought withall, they determined to deliuer the castell of Berwike to the Englishmen, so that there­vpon there might be an abstinence of warre taken for a season.

And herewith they sent to the duke of Glocester a charter indented, which was dated the foure and twentith daie of August, in the said yeare 1482, con­tracted betwéene the duke of Glocester lieutenant generall for the king of England, & Alexander duke of Albanie lieutenant for Iames king of Scots; that an especiall abstinence of warre should be kept betwixt the realmes of England and Scotland, as well by sea as by land, to begin the eighth daie of September next comming, & to indure till the fourth daie of Nouember next following. And in the same season, the towne & castle of Berwike to be occupied and remaine in the reall possession of such, as by the king of Englands deputie should be appointed.

Herevnto the duke of Glocester agreed, The castell of Berwike deliuered. and so then was the castell of Berwike deliuered to the lord Stanleie, and other thereto appointed; who therein put both Englishmen and artillerie, sufficient to de­fend it against all Scotland, for six months. The duke of Albanie and caused the prouost and burgesses of Edenburgh, to make a sufficient instrument obli­gatorie to king Edward, for the true satisfaction and contentation of the same monie, which he also sent by the said prouost to the duke of Glocester to Alne­wike: the verie copie whereof hereafter followeth.

The true copie of the said in­strument obligatorie.

BE it knowne to all men by these present letters, Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Cc [...]j. vs Walter Ber­traham, prouost of the towne of Edenburgh in Scotland, and the [Page 707] whole fellowship, merchants, burgesses, & communaltie of the same towne, to be bound and obliged by these presents, vnto the most excellent, and most mightie prince Edward, by the grace of God king of Eng­land. That where it was communed and agreed betwéene his excellencie on the one part, and the right high & mightie prince our souereigne lord, Iames king of Scots on the other part, that mariage and ma­trimonie line 10 should haue beene solemnized and had betwixt a mightie and excellent prince Iames the first begotten sonne and heire apparant to our souereigne lord aforesaid, & the right noble princesse Cicilie, daugh­ter to the said Edward K. of England; and for the said mariage to haue beene perfor­med, certeine and diuerse great summes of monie bene paid and contented by the most line 20 excellent prince, vnto our souereigne lord aforesaid, as by certeine writings betwixt the said princes therevpon made more at large plainlie appeares.

That if it be the pleasure of the said Ed­ward king of England, to haue the said ma­riage to be performed and completed, ac­cording to the said communication in wri­ting, that then it shall be well and trulie, line 30 without fraud, deceipt, or collusion obser­ued, kept, and accomplished on the partie of our souereigne lord aforesaid, & the no­bles spirituall and temporall of the realme of Scotland. And if it be not the pleasure of the said excellent prince Edward king of England, to haue the said mariage perfor­med and completed; that then we Walter, prouost, burgesses, merchants, and com­mons of the aboue named towne of Eden­burgh, line 40 or anie of vs, shall paie and content to the king of England aforesaid, all the summes of monie that was paied for the said mariage, at such like termes & daies immediatlie insuing after the refusall of the said mariage, and in such like maner & forme as the said summes were afore deli­uered, contented and paied; that then this obligation and bond to be void, and of no line 50 strength. Prouided alwaies, that the said Edward king of England, shall giue know­ledge of his pleasure and election in the pre­misses in taking or refusing of the said ma­riage, or of repaiment of the said sums of monie, to our said souereigne lord, or lords of his councell, or to vs the said prouost, merchants, or any of vs, within the realme of Scotland, being for the time, betwixt this & the feast of Alhalowes next to come. line 60

To the which paiment well and trulie to be made, we bind and oblige vs, & eue­rie of vs, our heires, successors, executors, and all our goods, merchandizes, & things what soeuer they be, where soeuer, or in what place, by water or by land, on this side the sea or beyond, we shall happen to be found, anie league, anie truce or safegard made or to be made, notwithstanding. In witnesse whereof to this our present wri­ting, and letters of bond, we, the said pro­uost, burgesses, merchants, and communi­tie, haue set our common seale of the said towne of Edenburgh, the fourth daie of August, the yeare of our Lord God, 1482. Giuen in the presence of the right mightie prince Richard duke of Glocester, Alexan­der duke of Albanie, the reuerend father in God Iames bishop of Dunkeld, & the right noble lord Henrie earle of Northumber­land, Colin earle of Argile, Thomas lord Stanleie, maister Alexander English, and others, &c.

So that you see it was conteined in the said instru­ment or writing, that king Edward should intimate his pleasure vnto the said prouost and burgesses of Edenburgh, before the feast of Alsaints next follow­ing, whether he would the mariage should take place, or that he would haue the paiment of the monie. Ac­cording to which article, king Edward sent Gartier his principall king of armes, Gartier king of armes is sent into Scotland. and Northumberland herald, to declare his refusall of the mariage, and the election and choise of the repaiment of the monie. They came to Edenburgh eight daies before the feast of Alsaints, where (according to their commissi­on and instructions) Gartier declared the pleasure of the king his maister vnto the prouost and burgesses of Edenburgh, to whom he openlie said as followeth.

The intimation of Gartier king of armes to the Edenburghers.

I Gartier king of armes, seruant, Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. Ccxlvij. proctour and messenger vnto the most high and mightie prince, my most dread souereigne lord Ed­ward, by the grace of God king of England and of France, and lord of Ireland, by ver­tue of certeine letters of procuracie here readie to be shewed come, by my said soue­reigne lord made and giuen, make notice and giue knowledge vnto you prouost, bur­gesses, merchants and communaltie of the towne of Edenburgh in Scotland, that whereas it was sometime communed and agreed betweene my said souereigne lord on the one partie, and the right high & migh­tie prince Iames king of Scots on the o­ther partie, that mariage and matrimonie should haue beene solemnized, and had be­tweene Iames the first begotten sonne of the said king of Scots, and ladie Cicilie, daughter to my said souereigne lord the king of England.

And for the said mariage to haue beene performed, certeine and diuers great sums of monie beene paied and contented by my said souereigne lord, which summes of mo­nie, in case of refusall of the said mariage, by my said souereigne lord to be made and declared, yee the said prouost, burgesses, merchants, and communaltie, and euerie one of you are bound and obliged by your letters, vnder your common seale of your towne of Edenburgh, to repaie vnto his highnes vnder like forme, & at such termes as they were first paied. So that the king my souereigne lord would make notice and knowledge of his pleasure and election in taking or refusing of the said mariage▪ of the repaiment of the said sums of monie, [Page 708] before the feast of Alhalowes next to come; like as in your said letters, bearing date at Edenburgh the fourth daie of August last past, it was conteined all at large.

The pleasure and election of my said so­uereigne lord, for diuerse causes and consi­derations him moouing, is to refuse the ac­complishment of the said mariage, and to haue the repaiment of all such summes of monie, as (by occasion of the said betrusted line 10 mariage) his highnesse had paied. The said repaiment to be had of you prouost, bur­gesses, merchants, and communaltie, and euerie of you, your heires and successours, according to your bond and obligation a­fore rehearsed. And therefore I giue you notice & knowledge by this writing, which I deliuer vnto you, within the terme in your said letters limited and expressed, to line 20 all intents and effects, which thereof may insue.

When Gartier had thus declared all things gi­uen to him in charge, the prouost and other burgesses made answer, that they now knowing the kings de­terminat pleasure, would (according to their bond) prepare for the repaiment of the said summes; and gentlie interteining Gartier conueied him to Ber­wike, from whence he departed to Newcastell, to line 30 the duke of Glocester, making relation to him of all his dooings: which duke with all speed returned to Shrithuton, and there abode. Shortlie after Gartiers departing, the duke of Albanie, thinking to obteine againe the high fauour of the king his brother, deli­uered him out of captiuitie and prison, wherin he had a certeine space continued (not without the dukes as­sent, which besieged him in the castell of Edenburgh a little before) and set him at large, of whome out­wardlie he receiued great thanks, when inwardlie line 40 nothing but reuenging & confusion was in the kings stomach fullie setled. So that shortlie after in the kings presence he was in ieopardie of his life, and all vnprouided for dread of death, constrained to take a small balinger, and to saile into France, where shortlie after riding by the men of armes, which in­countered at the tilt, by Lewes then duke of Orle­ance, after French king, he was with mischarging of a speare by fortunes peruerse countenance pitifullie slaine and brought to death, leauing after him one line 50 onelie son named Iohn, which being banished Scot­land, inhabited & maried in France, and there died.

How dolorous, how sorrowfull is it to write, and much more painefull to remember the chances and infortunities that happened within two yeares in England & Scotland, betwéene naturall brethren. For king Edward, set on by such as enuied the estate of the duke of Clarence, forgetting nature and bro­therlie amitie, consented to the death of his said bro­ther. Iames king of Scots, putting in obliuion that line 60 Alexander his brother was the onelie organ and in­strument, by whome he obteined libertie & fréedome, seduced and led by vile and malicious persons, which maligned at the glorie and indifferent iustice of the duke of Albanie, imagined and compassed his death, and exiled him for euer. What a pernicious serpent, what a venemous toade, and what a pestiferous scor­pion is that diuelish whelpe, called priuie enuie? A­gainst it no fortresse can defend, no caue can hide, no wood can shadow, no fowle can escape, nor no beast can auoid. Hir poison is so strong, that neuer man in authoritie could escape from the biting of hir teeth, scratching of hir pawes, blasting of hir breth, & filth of hir taile. Notable therefore is the Gréeke epigram in this behalfe, touching enuie of this kind, which saith, that a worsse thing than enuie there is not in the world, and yet hath it some goodnesse in it; for it consumeth the eies and the hart of the enuious. The words in their owne toong sententiouslie sound thus:

[...],
[...].]

Although king Edward reioised that his busi­nesse came to so good a conclusion with the Scots, yet he was about the same time sore disquieted in his mind towards the French king, whome he now per­ceiued to haue dallied with him, as touching the a­greement of the mariage to be had betwixt the Dol­phin and his daughter the ladie Elizabeth. For the lord Howard, being as then returned out of France, certified the king (of his owne knowledge) how that he being present, saw the ladie Margaret of Austrich daughter to duke Maximilian, sonne to the emperor Frederike, receiued into France with great pompe and roialtie, and at Ambois to the Dolphin contrac­ted and espoused. King Edward highlie displeased with such double and vniust dealing of the French king, called his nobles togither, and opened to them his gréefes; who promised him for redresse thereof, to be readie with all their powers to make warres in France at his pleasure and appointment.

But whilest he was busie in hand to make his purueiance for warres thus against France, whe­ther it was with melancholie and anger, which he tooke with the French kings dooings and vncourte­ous vsage; or were it by any superfluous surfet (to [...]he which he was verie much giuen) he suddenlie fell sicke, and was so gréeuouslie taken, that in the end he perceiued his naturall strength in such wise to de­caie, that there was little hope of recouerie in the cunning of his physicians, whome he perceiued onlie to prolong his life for a small time. Wherefore he be­gan to make readie for his passage into another world, not forgetting (as after shall appeare) to exhort the nobles of his realme (aboue all things) to an vni­tie among themselues. And hauing (as he tooke it) made an attonement betwixt the parties that were knowne to be scant freends, he commended vnto their graue wisedoms the gouernment of his sonne the prince, and of his brother the duke of Yorke, du­ring the time of their tender yeares. But it shall not be amisse to adde in this place the words which he is said to haue spoken on his death-bed, which were in effect as followeth.

The words of king Edward vttered by him on his death-bed.

MY welbeloued and no lesse betrust­ed fréends, councellors, and alies, Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall, [...] Ccxlviij, Ccxlix. if we mortall men would dailie and hourlie with our selues reuolue, and intentiuelie in our hearts ingraue, or in our minds seriouslie ponder, the fraile and fading imbecillitie of our humane na­ture, and the vnstablenesse of the same: we should apparantlie perceiue, that we being called reasona­ble creatures, and in that predicament compared and ioined with angels, be more worthie to be na­med and déemed persons vnreasonable, and rather to be associate in that name with brute beasts called vnreasonable (of whose life and death no creature speaketh) rather than in that point to be resembled to the angelicall societie and reasonable companie.

For while health in vs florisheth, or prosperitie a­boundeth, or the glosing world laugheth, which is he, so reasonable of vs all, that can saie (if he will not [...]r from the truth) that he once in a wéeke remembreth [Page 709] his fatall end, or the prescribed terme of his indu­ring; or once prouided by labour, studie, or otherwise, to set a stedfast and sure order for the securitie, profit, and continuance either of his possessions & domini­ons, or of his sequele and posteritie which after him shall naturallie succéed. Such is the blindnesse of our fraile and weake nature, euer giuen to carnall con­cupiscence and wordlie delectations, dailie darke­ned and seduced with that lithargious and deceiua­ble serpent called hope of long life, that all we put in line 10 obliuion our duetie present, and lesse remember the politike purueiance for things to come: for blindlie we walke in this fraile life, till we fall groueling with our eies suddenlie vpon death.

The vanities of this world be to vs so agreeable, that when we begin to liue, we estéeme our life a whole world; which once ouerpassed, it sheweth no bet­ter but dust driuen awaie with a puffe of wind. I speake this to you of my selfe, and for your selues to you; sore lamenting and inwardlie bewailing, that I line 20 did not performe & finallie consummate such politike deuises, & good and godlie ordinances, in my long life and peaceable prosperitie, which then I fullie de­termined to haue begun, set forward, and completlie to haue finished. Which now for the extreame paines and tortures of my angrie maladie, and for the small terme of my naturall life, I can neither performe, neither yet liue to sée either to take effect, or to sort to anie good conclusion.

For God I call to record, my heart was fullie set, line 30 and my mind deliberatlie determined, so to haue a­dorned this realme with wholesome lawes, statutes and ordinances; so to haue trained and brought vp mine infants and children in vertue, learning, actiui­tie, and policie, that, what with their roiall puissance, & your fréendlie assistance, the proudest prince of Eu­rope durst not once attempt to mooue anie hostilitie, against them, you, or this realme. But oh Lord, all things that I of long time haue in my mind reuol­ued and imagined, that stealing théefe death goeth line 40 about to subuert, and in the moment of an houre cléerelie to ouertred. Wherefore (as men saie) I now being driuen to the verie hard wall, haue perfect confidence and sure hope in the approoued fidelitie, and constant integritie, which I haue euer experi­mented and knowne to be rooted and planted in the hearts of your louing bodies, towards me and mine.

So that I may saie and auouch, that neuer prince bearing scepter and crowne ouer realmes and regi­ons, line 50 hath found or prooued more faithfull councel­lors, nor truer subiects, than I haue doone of you; nor neuer potentate nor gouernour put more affi­ance and trust in his vassals and seruants, than I, since the adeption of the crowne, firmelie haue fixed in your circumspect wisedoms and sober discretions. And now of very force compelled, lieng in a doutfull hope, betwéene liuing and dieng, betweene remem­brance and obliuion, I doo require you, and instantlie mooue you, that as I haue found you faithfull, obedi­ent, line 60 and to all my requests and desires (while I was here in health conuersant with you) diligent and in­tentiue: so after my death, my hope is with a sure anchor grounded, & mine inward conceipt vndoub­tedlie resolued, that the especiall confidence and in­ward fidelitie, which so long hath continued betwéene vs, being together liuing, shall not wholie by my death be extinct and vanished like smoke.

For what auaileth fréendship in life, when trust deceiueth after death? What profiteth amitie in appa­rant presence, when confidence is fraudulentlie be­guiled in absence? What loue groweth by coniunc­tion of matrimonie, if the ofspring after doo not a­gree and accord? Or what profiteth princes to ad­uance and promote their subiects, if after their death, the bountifulnesse by them shewed, be of the recei­uers of the same and their sequele neither regarded nor yet remembred? The parents make the marri­age for an indissoluble amitie. Princes promote som­time for fauour, sometime for desert, & sometime for pleasure: yet (if you will consider) the verie scope, to the which all gifts of promotions doo finallie tend, is to haue loue, fauour, faithfull counsell, and diligent seruice, of such as be by them promoted and exalted, not onelie in their owne liues, being but bréefe and transitorie: but also that they and their progenie, calling to remembrance the fauor, estimation, and aduancement, which they of so liberall and muniff­cent a prince had receiued and obteined, should with speare and shield, toong and wit, hand and pen, conti­nuallie studie to defend, counsell and preferre, not onelie him during his life; but also to serue, assist, and mainteine his sequele and line all succession, as the verie images and carnall portratures of his stirpe, line, and stemme, naturallie descended.

In this case am I, whome you know, not without vnspeakable trouble & most dangerous war to haue obteined the scepter and diadem [...] of this realme and empire. During which reigne, I haue had either litle peace, or small tranquillitie: and now when I thought my selfe sure of a quiet life, and worldlie rest, death hath blowne his terrible trumpet, calling and sum­moning me (as I trust) to perpetuall tranquillitie and eternall quietnesse. Therefore now, for the per­fect and vnmoueable confidence that I haue euer had in you, and for the vnfeined loue that you haue euer shewed vnto me, I commend and deliuer into your gouernance, both this noble realme, and my naturall children, and your kinsmen. My children by your diligent ouersight and politike prouision to be taught, informed, and instructed, not onelie in the sciences liberall, vertues morall, and good litera­ture: but also to be practised in trickes of martiall actiuitie, and diligent exercise of prudent policie. For I haue heard clarkes saie, although I am vnlette­red, that fortunate is that realme where philosophers reigne, or where kings be philosophers and louers of wisedome.

In this tender age, you may writh and turne them into euerie forme and fashion. If you bring them vp in vertue, you shall haue vertuous princes. If you set them to learning, your gouernours shall be men of knowledge. If you teach them actiuitie, you shall haue valiant capteins. If they practise poli­cie, you shall haue both politike and prudent rulers. On the other side, if by your negligence they fall to vice (as youth is to all euill prone and readie) not onelie their honor, but also your honestie shall be spotted and appalled. If they be sluggards and giuen to slouth, the publike wealth of this realme must shortlie decaie. If they be vnlearned, they may by flatterie soone be blinded, and by adulation often de­ceiued. If they lacke actiuitie, euerie creature (be he neuer so base of birth) shall foile and ouerthrow them like dum beasts and beastlie dastards. Therefore I desire you, and in Gods name adiure you, rather to studie to make them rich in godlie knowledge, and vertuous qualities; than to take paine to glorifie them with abundance of worldlie treasure, and mundane superfluitie.

And certeinlie, when they come to ripenesse of age, and shall peraduenture consider, that by your o­mission and negligent education, they haue not such graces, nor are indued with such notable qualities as they might haue béene, if you had performed the trust to you by me committed: they shall not onelie deplore and lament their vngarnished estate, and na­ked condition; but also it may fortune, that they shall [Page 710] conceiue inwardlie against you such a negligent vn­truth, that the sequele thereof may rather turne to displeasure than thanks, and sooner to an ingratitude than to a reward. My kingdome also I leaue in your gouernance, during the minoritie of my chil­dren, charging you (on your honors oths and fideli­tie made and sworne to me) so indifferentlie to or­der and gouerne the subiects of the same, both with iustice and mercie, that the wils of malefactors haue not too large a scope, nor the harts of the good people by too much extremitie be neither sorowfullie daun­ted, line 10 nor vnkindlie kept vnder. Oh I am so sléepie, that I must make an end. And now before you all I commend my soule to almightie God my sauiour and redeemer, my bodie to the wormes of the earth, my kingdome to the prince my sonne: and to you my louing fréends my heart, my trust, and my whole confidence. [And euen with that he fell on sléepe.]

Hauing thus spoken, and set things in good staie, line 20 as might be supposed, he shortlie after departed this life at Westminster the ninth of Aprill, in the yeare 1483, after he had reigned two and twentie yeares, one moneth, and eight daies. His bodie was with fu­nerall pompe conueied to Windsore, and there bu­ried. He left behind him issue by the quéene his wife two sonnes, Edward and Richard, with fiue daugh­ters; Elizabeth that was after quéene, married to Henrie the seauenth; Cicilie married to the vicount Welles; Briget a nunne professed in Sion or Dert­ford, line 30 as sir Thomas More saith; Anne married to the lord Thomas Howard, after earle of Surrie, and duke of Norffolke; Katharine wedded to the lord William Courtenie sonne to the earle of Deuon­shire. Beside these he left behind him likewise a base sonne named Arthur, that was after vicount Lisle. For the description of his person & qualities I will referre you to that which sir Thomas More hath writ­ten of him in that historie, which he wrote and left vnfinished of his sonne Edward the fift, and of his brother king Richard the third: which we shall (God line 40 willing) hereafter make you partaker of, as we find the same recorded among his other workes, word for word; when first we haue (according to our begun order) rehearsed such writers of our nation as liued in his daies.

As first, Nicholas Kenton borne in Suffolke a Carmelit frier in Gippeswich, prouinciall of his or­der through England; Henrie Parker a Carmelit frier of Doncaster, preached against the pride of pre­lats, line 50 and for such doctrine as he set foorth, was impri­soned with his fellow Thomas Holden, and a cer­teine blacke frier also for the like cause; Parker was forced to recant thrée speciall articles, as Bale no­teth out of Leland; Iohn Harding an esquier borne in the north parts, wrote a chronicle in English verse, and among other speciall points therein tou­ched, he gathered all the submissions and homages had and made by the Scotish kings, euen from the daies of king Athelstan [whereby it euidentlie may line 60 appeare, how the Scotish kingdome euen in manner from the first establishing thereof here in Britaine, hath beene apperteining vnto the kings of England, and holden of them as their chéefe & superior lords.]

William Iue a doctor of diuinitie and prebenda­rie of saint Paules in London; Thomas Wilton a diuine, and deane of the said church of Paules in London; Iulian Bemes, a gentlewoman indued with excellent gifts both of bodie and mind, wrote certeine treatises of hawking and hunting, deligh­ting greatlie hir selfe in those exercises and pastimes; she wrote also a booke of the lawes of armes, and knowledge apperteining to heralds; Iohn Stam­berie borne in the west parts of this realme, a Car­melit frier, and confessor to king Henrie the sixt, he was also maister of Eaton colledge, and after was made bishop of Bangor, and remooued from thence to the sée of Hereford; Iohn Slueleie an Augustine frier, prouinciall of his order; Iohn Fortescue a iudge and chancellor of England, wrote diuerse treatises concerning the law and politike gouerne­ment.

Rochus a Chaterhouse moonke borne in London, of honest parents, and studied in the vniuersitie of Paris, he wrote diuerse epigrams; Iohn Phreas borne also in London was fellow of Balioll colledge in Oxenford, and after went into Italie, where he heard Guarinus that excellent philosopher read in Ferrara, he prooued an excellent physician and a skilfull lawier, there was not in Italie (whilest he re­mained there) that passed him in eloquence & know­ledge of both the toongs, Gréeke and Latine; Wal­ter Hunt a Carmelit frier, a great diuine, and for his excellencie in learning sent from the whole bodie of this realme, vnto the generall councell holden first at Ferrara, and after at Florence by pope Eu­genius the fourth, where he disputed among other with the Gréekes, in defense of the order and cere­monies of the Latine church; Thomas Wighenhall a moonke of the order called Premonstratensis in the abbie of Durham in Norffolke.

Iohn Gunthorpe went into Italie, where he heard that eloquent learned man Guarinus read in Fer­rara, after his comming home into England he was deane of Welles, and kéeper of the priuie seale; Iohn Hambois an excellent musician, and for his notable cunning therein made doctor of musicke; William Caxton wrote a chronicle called Fructus temporum, and an appendix vnto Treuisa, beside di­uerse other bookes and translations; Iohn Miluer­ton a Carmelit frier of Bristow, and prouinciall of his order through England, Ireland, and Scotland, at length (bicause he defended such of his order as preached against endowments of the church with temporall possessions) he was brought into trouble, committed to prison in castell S. Angelo in Rome, where he continued thrée yeares, and at length was deliuered thorough certeine of the cardinals that were appointed his iudges; Dauid Morgan a Welsh man, treasuror of the church of Landaffe, wrote of the antiquities of Wales, & a description of the countrie.

Iohn Tiptoff, a noble man borne, a great trauel­ler, excellentlie learned, and wrote diuerse treatises, and finallie lost his head in the yeare 1471, in time of the ciuill warre betwixt the houses of Yorke and Lancaster; Iohn Shirwood bishop of Durham; Tho­mas Kent an excellent philosopher; Robert Huggon borne in Norffolke in a towne called Hardingham, wrote certeine vaine prophesies; Iohn Maxfield a learned physician; William Gréene a Carmelit fri­er; Thomas Norton borne in Bristow an alcumist; Iohn Meare a moonke of Norwich; Richard Por­land borne in Norffolke a Franciscane frier, and a doctor of diuinitie; Thomas Milling a moonke of Westminster, a doctor of diuinitie and preferred to the bishoprike of Hereford; Scogan a learned gen­tleman and student for a time in Oxford, of a plesant wit, and bent to merrie deuises, in respect whereof he was called into the court, where giuing himselfe to his naturall inclination of mirth & pleasant pastime, he plaied manie sporting parts, although not in such vnciuill maner as hath beene of him reported.

Thus farre the prosperous reigne of Edward the fourth, sonne and heire to Richard duke of Yorke.

The historie of king Edward the fift, and king Richard the third vnfinished, written by maister Thomas More then one of the vnder shiriffes of London, about the yeare of our Lord 1513, accor­ding to a copie of his owne hand, printed among his other workes.

KIng Edward the fourth of that name, after that he had liued fiftie & three yeeres, year 1483 seuen moneths, and six daies, and thereof reigned two and twentie yeares, one moneth, & eight daies, died at West­minster the ninth daie of A­prill, the yeare of our redemption, a thousand foure hundred fourescore and thrée; leauing much faire is­sue, that is to wit, Edward the prince, a thirtéene line 10 yeares of age; Richard duke of Yorke two yeares yoonger; Elizabeth, whose fortune and grace was af­ter to be quéene, wife vnto king Henrie the seuenth, and mother vnto the eight; Cicilie, not so fortunate as faire; Briget, which representing the vertue of hir, whose name she bare, professed and obserued a re­ligious life in Dertford, an house of close nunnes; Anne, that was after honorablie married vnto Tho­mas, then lord Howard, and after earle of Surrie; and Katharine, which long time tossed in either for­tune, sometime in wealth, oft in aduersitie, at the line 20 last, if this be the last (for She liued at such time as this storie was penned. yet she liueth) is by the be­nignitie of hir nephue king Henrie the eight, in verie prosperous estate, and worthie hir birth and vertue.

This noble prince deceassed at his palace of West­minster, and with great funerall honor and heauines of his people from thence conueied, The loue of the people. was interred at Windsor. A king of such gouernance & behauior, in time of peace (for in warre each part must néeds be o­thers enimie) that there was neuer anie prince of line 30 this land, atteining the crowne by battell, so hearti­lie beloued with the substance of the people: nor hée himselfe so speciallie in anie part of his life, as at the time of his death. Which fauour and affection, yet af­ter his deceasse, by the crueltie, mischiefe, and trou­ble of the tempestuous world that followed, highlie toward him more increased. At such time as he died, the displeasure of those that bare him grudge for king Henries sake the sixt, whome he deposed, was well asswaged, & in effect quenched, in that manie of them line 40 were dead in more than twentie yeres of his reigne, a great part of a long life: and manie of them in the meane season growne into his fauour, of which he was neuer strange.

He was a goodlie personage, and princelie to be­hold, Description of Edward the fourth. of heart couragious, politike in counsell, in ad­uersitie nothing abashed, in prosperitie rather ioifull than proud, in peace iust and mercifull, in warre sharpe and fierce, in the field bold and hardie, and na­theles no further (than wisdome would) aduenturous, whose warres who so well considered, he shall no lesse commend his wisedome where he voided, than his manhood where he vanquished. He was of visage louelie, of bodie mightie, strong, and cleane made: howbeit, in his latter daies with ouer liberall diet somewhat corpulent and boorelie, and nathelesse not vncomelie. He was of youth greatlie giuen to flesh­lie wantonnesse: from which health of bodie, in great prosperitie and fortune, without a speciall grace hard­lie refraineth, the poet implieng no lesse and saieng:

Mens erit apta capi tunc cùm laetissima rerum,
Vt seges in pingui luxuriabit humo.

This fault not greatlie gréeued the people: for neither could anie one mans pleasure stretch and ex­tend to the displeasure of verie manie, and was with­out violence, and ouer that in his latter daies lessed, and well left. In which time of his latter daies this realme was in quiet and prosperous estate, no feare of outward enimies, no warre in hand, nor none to­ward, but such as no man looked for. The people to­ward the prince, not in a constreined feare, but in a willing and louing obedience: among themselues the commons in good peace. The lords, whome hée knew at variance, himselfe in his death bed appea­sed: he had left all gathering of monie (which is the onelie thing that withdraweth the hearts of English men from the prince) nor anie thing intended he to take in hand, by which he should be driuen therto: for his tribute out of France he had before obteined; and the yeare foregoing his death, he had obteined Berwike.

And albeit that all the time of his reigne he was with his people, so benigne, courteous, and so fami­liar, that no part of his vertues was more estéemed: yet the condition in the end of his daies (in which ma­nie princes by a long continued souereigntie decline into a proud port from debonair behauior of their be­ginning) maruellouslie in him grew and increased: so farre foorth, that in summer (the last that euer hée saw) his highnes being at Windsor in hunting, Sée before pag. 705. sent for the maior & aldermen of London to him for none other errand, but to haue them hunt & be merrie with him, where he made them not so statelie, but so fréendlie and familiar cheere, and sent venison from thence so freelie into the citie, that no one thing in manie daies before gat him either more hearts, or more heartie fauour amongest the common people; which oftentimes more estéeme and take for greater kindnesse a little courtesie, than a great benefit.

So deceassed (as I haue said) this noble king, in that time in which his life was most desired. Whose loue of his people, and their entier affection towards [Page 712] him, had béene to his noble children (hauing in them­selues also as manie gifts of nature, as manie princelie vertues, as much goodlie towardnesse as their age could receiue) a maruellous fortresse and sure armor, if diuision and dissention of their fréends had not vnarmed them, and left them destitute, and the execrable desire of souereigntie prouoked him to their destruction: which if either kind or kindnesse had holden place, must needs haue béene their cheefe defense. For Richard the duke of Glocester, by na­ture line 10 their vncle, by office their protector, to their fa­ther beholden, to themselues by oth and allegiance bounden, all the bands broken that bind man and man togither, without anie respect of God or the world, vnnaturallie contriued to beréeue them, not onelie their dignitie, but also their liues.

But forsomuch as this dukes demeanor ministreth in effect all the whole matter whereof this booke shall intreat, it is therefore conuenient somewhat to shew you yer we further go, what maner of man this was, line 20 that could find in his hart such mischiefe to conceiue. Richard duke of Yorke, a noble man and a mightie, began not by warre, Richard duke of Yorke. but by law to chalenge the crowne, putting his claime into the parlement, where his cause was either for right or fauor so farre foorth aduanced, that king Henrie his bloud (albeit he had a goodlie prince) vtterlie reiected, the crowne was by authoritie of parlement intailed vnto the duke of Yorke and his issue male in remainder, im­mediatlie after the death of king Henrie. But the line 30 duke not induring so long to tarrie, but intending vnder pretext of dissention and debate arising in the realme, to preuent his time, and to take vpon him the rule in king Henrie his life, was with manie nobles of the realme at Wakefield slaine, leauing thrée sonnes, Edward, George, and Richard.

All thrée as they were great states of birth, so were they great and statelie of stomach, greedie and ambitious of authoritie, and impatient of partners. Edward reuenging his fathers death, Edward. depriued king line 40 Henrie, and atteined the crowne. George duke of Clarence was a goodlie noble prince, George duke of Clarence. and at all times fortunate, if either his owne ambition had not set him against his brother, or the enuie of his enimies had not set his brother against him. For were it by the quéene and lords of hir bloud, which highlie maligned the kings kinred (as women commonlie not of malice, but of nature hate them whome their husbands loue) or were it a proud appetite of the duke himselfe, in­tending to be king; at the least wise heinous treason line 50 was there laid to his charge: and finallie, were hée faultie, were he faultlesse, atteinted was he by par­lement, and iudged to the death, and therevpon hasti­lie drowned in a butt of malmesie. Whose death king Edward (albeit he commanded it) when he wist it was doone, pitiouslie bewailed, and sorrowfullie re­pented.

Richard the third sonne, of whome we now in­treat, was in wit and courage equall with either of them, The descrip­tion of Ri­chard the third. in bodie and prowesse farre vnder them both, line 60 litle of stature, ill featured of limmes, crooke backed, his left shoulder much higher than his right, hard fa­uoured of visage, and such as is in states called war­lie, in othermen otherwise; he was malicious, wrath­full, enuious, and from afore his birth euer froward. It is for truth reported, that the duchesse his mother had so much adoo in hir trauell, that she could not be deliuered of him vncut; and that he came into the world with the féet forward, as men be borne out­ward, and (as the same runneth also) not vntoothed, whether men of hatred report aboue the truth, or else that nature changed hir course in his beginning, which in the course of his life manie things vnnatu­rallie committed. So that the full confluence of these qualities, with the defects of fauour and amiable proportion, gaue proofe to this rule of physiognomie: ‘Distor tum vultum sequitur distorsio morum.’

None euill capteine was he in the warre, as to which his disposition was more méetly than for peace. Sundrie victories had he, & sometimes ouerthrowes; but neuer on default as for his owne person, either of hardinesse or politike order. Frée was he called of dispense, and somewhat aboue his power liberall: with large gifts he gat him vnstedfast fréendship, for which he was faine to pill and spoile in other places, and got him stedfast hatred. He was close and se­cret, a déepe dissembler, lowlie of countenance, arro­gant of heart, outwardlie companiable where he in­wardlie hated, not letting to kisse whome he thought to kill: despitious and cruell, not for euill will alway, but ofter for ambition, and either for the suertie or in­crease of his estate.

Friend and so was much what indifferent, where his aduantage grew, he spared no mans death whose life withstoode his purpose. The death of king Henrie the sixt. He slue with his owne hands king Henrie the sixt, being prisoner in the Tower, as men constantlie said, and that without commandement or knowledge of the king, which would vndoubtedlie (if he had intended that thing) haue appointed that butcherlie office to some other, than his owne borne brother. Some wise men also wéene, that his drift couertlie conueied, lacked not in helping foorth his brother of Clarence to his death: which he resisted openlie, howbeit somewhat (as men déemed) more faintlie than he that were hartilie minded to his wealth.

And they that thus deeme, thinke that he long time in kings Edwards life forethought to be king; in case that the king his brother (whose life he looked that euill diet should shorten) should happen to deceasse (as in déed he did) while his children were yoong. And they déeme, that for this intent he was glad of his brothers death the duke of Clarence, whose life must néeds haue hindered him so intending, whether the same duke of Clarence had kept him true to his nephue the yoong king, or enterprised to be king him­selfe. But of all this point is there no certeintie, and who so diuineth vpon coniectures, maie as well shoot too farre as too short.

Howbeit this haue I by credible information learned, that the selfe night, in which king Edward died, one Mistlebrooke, long yer morning, came in great hast to the house of one Pottier dwelling in Redcrosse-stréete without Creplegate: and when he was with hastie rapping quickelie letten in, he she­wed vnto Pottier, that king Edward was depar­ted. ‘By my truth man quoth Pottier, then will my maister the duke of Glocester be king.’ What cause he had so to thinke, hard it is to saie; whether he be­ing toward him, anie thing knew that he such thing purposed, or otherwise had anie inckeling thereof: for he was not likelie to speake it of nought.

But now to returne to the course of this historie. Were it that the duke of Glocester had of old fore­minded this conclusion, or was now at erst therevn­to mooued, and put in hope by the occasion of the ten­der age of the yoong princes, his nephues (as opportu­nitie & likelihood of spéed putteth a man in courage of that he neuer intended) certeine it is that he con­triued their destruction, with the vsurpation of the regall dignitie vpon himselfe. And forsomuch as he well wist and holpe to mainteine a long continued grudge and heart-burning betwéene the quéens kin­red and the kings bloud, either partie enuieng others authoritie, he now thought that their diuision should be (as it was in déed) a furtherlie beginning to the pursuit of his intent.

Nay he was resolued, that the same was a sure [Page 713] ground for the foundation of all his building, if he might first (vnder the pretext of reuenging of old dis­pleasure) abuse the anger and ignorance of the tone partie to the destruction of the tother; and then win to his purpose as manie as he could, and those that could not be woone, might be lost yer they looked ther­fore. For of one thing was he certeine, that if his intent were perceiued, he should soone haue made peace betwéene both the parties with his owne bloud. King Edward in his life, albeit that this dis­sention line 10 betwéene his fréends somewhat irked him: yet in his good health he somewhat the lesse regarded it: bicause he thought whatsoeuer businesse should fall betweene them, himselfe should alwaie be able to rule both the parties.

But in his last sickenesse, when he perceiued his naturall strength so sore inféebled, that he despaired all recouerie, then he, considering the youth of his children, albeit he nothing lesse mistrusted than that that hapned; yet well foreséeing that manie harmes might grow by their debate, while the youth of his line 20 children should lacke discretion of themselues, & good counsell of their freends, of which either partie should counsell for their owne commoditie, & rather by ple­sant aduise to win themselues fauor, than by profita­ble aduertisement to doo the children good, he called some of them before him that were at variance, and in especiall the lord marquesse Dorset the quéenes sonne by hir first husband.

So did he also William the lord Hastings a no­ble man, Hastings lord chamberleine maligned of the queene & hir kin. then lord chamberleine, against whome the line 30 quéene speciallie grudged, for the great fauour the king bare him: and also for that she thought him se­cretlie familiar with the king in wanton companie. Hir kinred also bare him sore, as well for that the king had made him capteine of Calis, which office the lord Riuers, brother to the quéene, clamed of the kings former promise, as for diuerse other great gifts which he receiued, that they looked for. When these lords, with diuerse other of both the parties, line 40 were come in presence, the king lifting vp himselfe, and vnderset with pillowes, as it is reported, on this wise said vnto them.

The oration of the king on his death-bed.

MY lords, my deere kinsmen and alies, in what plight I lie you see, and I feele. By which the line 50 lesse while I looke to liue with you, the more deepelie am I mooued to care in what case I leaue you, for such as I leaue you, such be my children like to find you. Which if they should (as God forbid) find you at variance, might hap to fall themselues at warre, yer their discretion would serue to set you at peace. Ye see their youth, of which I reckon the line 60 onelie suertie to rest in your concord. For it sufficeth not that all you loue them, if ech of you hate other: if they were men, your faithfulnesse happilie would suffice. But childhood must be mainteined by mens au­thoritie, and slipper youth vnderpropped with elder counsell, which neither they can haue but ye giue it, nor ye giue it if ye gree not.

For where ech laboureth to breake that the other maketh, and for hatred of ech of others person impugneth ech others counsell, there must it needs be long yet a­nie good conclusion go forward. And also while either partie laboureth to be cheefe, flatterie shall haue more place than plaine and faithfull aduise: of which must needs insue the euill bringing vp of the prince, whose mind in tender youth infect, shall re­dilie fall to mischeefe and riot, and draw downe with his noble relme to ruine. But if grace turne him to wisedome: which if God send, then they that by euill meanes before pleased him best, shall after fall fur­thest out of fauour: so that euer at length euill drifts shall draw to nought, and good plaine waies prosper.

Great variance hath there long beene betweene you, not alwaie for great causes. Sometimes a thing right well intended, our misconstruction turneth vnto woorse, or a small displeasure doone vs, either our owne affection or euill toongs aggreeueth. But this wot I well, ye neuer had so great cause of hatred, as ye haue of loue. That we be all men, that we be christian men, this shall I leaue for preachers to tell you; and yet I wot neere whether anie prea­chers words ought more to mooue you, than his that is by & by going to the place that they all preach of.

But this shall I desire you to remember, that the one part of you is of my bloud, the other of mine alies; and ech of you with o­ther either of kinred or affinitie; which spi­rituall kinred of affinitie, if the sacraments of Christs church beare that weight with vs that would God they did, should no lesse mooue vs to charitie, than the respect of fleshlie consanguinitie. Our Lord forbid, that you loue together the woorse, for the selfe cause that you ought to loue the bet­ter. And yet that happeneth, and no where find we so deadlie debate, as among them, which by nature and law most ought to a­gree togither. The nature of ambition. Such a pestilent serpent is ambition and desire of vaine glorie and so­uereigntie, which among states where she once entereth, creepeth foorth so farre, till with diuision and variance she turneth all to mischeefe: first longing to be next vnto the best, afterward equall with the best, & at last cheefe and aboue the best.

Of which immoderat appetite of wor­ship, and thereby of debate and dissention, what losse, what sorow, what trouble hath within these few yeares growne in this realme, I praie God as well forget, as we well remember. Which things if I could as well haue foreseene, as I haue with my more paine than pleasure prooued, by Gods blessed ladie (that was euer his oth) I would neuer haue woone the courtesie of mens knees, with the losse of so manie heads. But sithens things passed can not be gaine called, much ought we the more beware, by what occasion we haue taken so great hurt afore, that we eftsoones fall not in that occasion againe.

Now be those greefs passed, and all is (God be thanked) quiet, and likelie right well to prosper in wealthfull peace vnder [Page 714] your coosins my children, if God send them life and you loue. Of which two things, the lesse losse were they, by whom though God did his pleasure, yet should the realme al­waie find kings, and peraduenture as good kings.

But if you among your selues in a childs reigne fall at debate, manie a good man shall perish, and happilie he too, and ye too, yer this land find peace againe. Wherfore line 10 in these last words that euer I looke to speake with you, I exhort you and require you all, for the loue that you haue euer borne to me; for the loue that I haue euer borne vnto you; for the loue that our Lord beareth to vs all; from this time forward (all greefs forgotten) ech of you loue other. Which I verelie trust you will, if ye anie thing earthlie regard, either God or your line 20 king, affinitie or kinred, this realme, your owne countrie, or your owne suertie. And therewithall the king no longer induring to sit vp, laid him downe on his right side, his face towards them: and none was there present that could refraine from wee­ping.

But the lords recomforting him with as good line 30 words as they could, and answering for the time as they thought to stand with his pleasure, there in his presence, as by their words appeared, ech forgaue o­ther, and ioined their hands togither, when (as it af­ter appeared by their deeds) their hearts were farre a­sunder. I counterfet and pretended reconcile­ment. As soone as the king was departed, the noble prince his sonne drew toward London, which at the time of his deceasse kept his houshold at Ludlow in Wales, which countrie being farre off from the law and recourse to iustice, was begun to be farre out of line 40 good rule, and waren wild robbers and reauers, wal­king at libertie vncorrected. And for this occasion the prince was in the life of his father sent thither, to the end that the authoritie of his presence should re­fraine euill disposed persons from the boldnesse of their former outrages.

To the gouernance and ordering of this yoong prince at his sending thither, was there appointed sir Anthonie Wooduile lord Riuers, and brother vnto the queene, Lord Riuers. a right honourable man, as valiant of line 50 hand as politike in counsell. Adioined were there vnto him other of the same partie; and in effect euerie one as he was néerest of kin vnto the queene, so was he planted next about the prince. That drift by the queene not vnwiselie deuised, whereby hir bloud might of youth be rooted into the princes fauour, the duke of Glocester turned vnto their destruction; and vpon that ground set the foundation of all his vn­happie building. For whome soeuer he perceiued ei­ther at variance with them, The duke of Glocesters solicitations. or bearing himselfe their line 60 fauour, he brake vnto them some by mouth, & some by writing.

Nay, he sent secret messengers saieng, that it nei­ther was reason, nor in anie wise to be suffered, that the yoong king their maister and kinsman, should be in the hands and custodie of his moothers kinred, se­questred in maner from their companie and atten­dance, of which euerie one ought him as faithfull ser­uice as they, and manie of them farre more honou­rable part of kin than his moothers side. Whose bloud (quoth he) sauing the kings pleasure, was full vn­méetelie to be matched with his: which now to be as who say remooued from the king, and the lesse noble to be left about him, is (quoth he) neither honourable to his maiestie nor to vs, and also to his grace no suer­tie, to haue the mightiest of his fréends from him; and vnto vs no little ieopardie, to suffer our well prooued euill willers to grow in ouer-great authoritie with the prince in youth; namelie, which is light of beleefe and soone persuaded.

Yée remember (I trow) king Edward himselfe, al­beit he was a man of age & discretion; yet was he in manie things ruled by the bend, more than stood ei­ther with his honor, or our profit, or with the cōmodi­tie of any man else, except onlie the immoderate ad­uancement of themselues. Which, whether they forer thirsted after their owne weale, or our wo, it were hard (I wéene) to gesse. And if some folks fréendship had not holden better place with the king, than anie respect of kinred, they might peraduenture easilie haue betrapped and brought to confusion some of vs yer this. Why not as easilie as they haue doone some other alreadie, as neere of his roiall bloud as we? But our Lord hath wrought his will, and (thanks be to his grace) that perill is past. Howbeit as great is growing, if we suffer this yoong king in our enimies hand, which without his witting might abuse the name of his commandement, to anie of our vndoo­ing, which thing God [defend] and good prouision forbid.

Of which good prouision none of vs hath anie thing the lesse néed, for the late made attonement, in which the kings pleasure had more place than the parties willes. Nor none of vs (I beléeue) is so vnwise, ouer­soone to trust a new freend made of an old fo; or to thinke that an hourlie kindnes, suddenlie contracted in one houre, continued yet scant a fortnight, should be déeper settled in their stomachs, than a long ac­customed malice manie yeares rooted. With these words and writings, and such other, the duke of Glo­cester soone set on fire them that were of themselues easie to kindle, & in speciallie twaine, Edward duke of Buckingham, and William lord Hastings then chamberleine, both men of honour & of great power; the one by long succession from his ancestrie, the o­ther by his office and the kings fauour. These two, not bearing ech to other so much loue, A consent to worke wi [...] ­kednesse. as hatred both vnto the quéenes part: in this point accorded togi­ther with the duke of Glocester, that they would vt­terlie remoue from the kings companie all his mo­thers fréends, vnder the name of their enimies.

Upon this concluded the duke of Glocester, vn­derstanding that the lords, which at that time were a­bout the king, intended to bring him vp to his coro­nation accōpanied with such power of their freends, that it should be hard for him to bring his purpose to passe, without the gathering and great assemblie of people and in maner of open warre, whereof the end (he wist) was doubtfull, and in which the king being on their side, his part should haue the face and name of a rebellion: he secretlie therfore by diuers means caused the queene to be persuaded and brought in the mind, that it neither were need, and also should be ieopardous, the king to come vp strong.

For whereas now euerie lord loued other, and none other thing studied vpon, but about the corona­tion and honor of the king: if the lords of hir kindred should assemble in the kings name much people, they should giue the lords, betwixt whome and them had béene sometime debate, to feare and suspect, least they should gather this people, not for the kings safegard, whome no man impugned, but for their destruction, hauing more regard to their old variance, than their new attonement. For which cause they should assem­ble on the other partie much people againe for their defense, whose power she wist well far stretched: and thus should all the realme fall on a rore. And of all the hurt that thereof should insue, which was likelie [Page 715] not to be little, and the most harme there like to fall where she least would, all the world would put hir and hir kindered in the wight, and saie that they had vn­wiselie and vntrulie also broken the amitie & peace, that the king hir husband so prudentlie made, be­twéene his kin and hirs in his death bed, and which the other partie faithfullie obserued.

The queene, being in this wise persuaded, such word sent vnto hir sonne, and vnto hir brother being about the king, and ouer that the duke of Glocester him­selfe line 10 and other lords the chiefe of his bend, wrote vn­to the king so reuerentlie, and to the quéenes fréends there so louinglie, that they nothing earthlie mistrus­ting, brought the king vp in great hast, not in good spéed, with a sober companie. Now was the king in his waie to London gone from Northampton, when these dukes of Glocester and Buckingham came thi­ther, where remained behind the lord Riuers the kings vncle, intending on the morrow to follow the king, and to be with him at Stonie Stratford [cer­teine] line 20 miles thence earlie yer he departed. So was there made that night much fréendlie chéere betwéene these dukes & the lord Riuers a great while. But incō ­tinent, after that they were openlie with great cour­tesie departed, and the lord Riuers lodged, the dukes secretlie with a few of their most priuie freends set them downe in councell, wherein they spent a great part of the night.

And at their rising in the dawning of the daie, they sent about priuilie to their seruants in their Ins line 30 & lodgings about, The practises of the duke of Buckingham & Glocester. giuing them commandement to make themselues shortlie readie, for their lords were to horsse backeward. Upon which messages, manie of their folke were attendant, when manie of the lord Riuers seruants were vnreadie. Now had these dukes taken also into their custodie the keies of the In, that none should passe foorth without their licence. And ouer this, in the high waie toward Stonie Stratford, where the king lay, they had bestowed cer­teine of their folke, that should send backe againe, line 40 and compell to returne, anie man that were gotten out of Northampton, toward Stonie Stratford, till they should giue other licence. For asmuch as the dukes themselues intended for the shew of their dili­gence, to be the first that should that daie attend vp­on the kings highnesse out of that towne. Thus bare they folke in hand.

But when the lord Riuers vnderstood the gates closed, and the waies on euerie side beset, neither his seruants nor himselfe suffered to gone out, percei­uing line 50 well so great a thing without his knowledge not begun for naught, comparing this manner pre­sent with this last nights chéere, in so few houres so great a change, maruellouslie misliked. Howbeit, sith he could not get awaie, and keepe himselfe close, he would not, least he should séeme to hide himselfe for some secret feare of his owne fault, whereof he saw no such cause in himselfe; he determined vpon the suertie of his owne conscience, to go boldlie to them, and inquire what this matter might meane. line 60 Whom assoone as they saw, they began to quarrell with him and saie, that he intended to set distance be­tweene the king and them, and to bring them to con­fusion, but it should not lie in his power.

And when he began (as he was a verie well spo­ken man) in goodlie wise to excuse himselfe, they tar­ried not the end of his answer, but shortlie tooke him, and put him in ward, The lord Ri­uers put in [...]. and that doone, foorthwith went to horssebacke, and tooke the waie to Stonie Strat­ford, where they found the king with his companie, readie to leape on horssebacke, and depart forward to leaue that lodging for them, bicause it was too streight for both companies. And assoone as they came in his presence, they light adowne with all their companie about them. To whome the duke of Buc­kingham said; Go afore gentlemen, & yeomen kéepe your roomes. And thus in a goodlie araie, they came to the king, and on their knées in verie humble wise saluted his grace, which receiued them in verie ioious and amiable manner, nothing earthlie knowing nor mistrusting as yet.

But euen by and by in his presence they piked a quarrell to the lord Richard Greie, The lord Greie is qua­relled against. the kings other brother by his mother, saieng, that he with the lord marquesse his brother, & the lord Riuers his vncle, had compassed to rule the king and the realme, and to set variance among the states, and to subdue and destroie the noble bloud of the Realme. Toward the accōplishing wherof they said that the lord marquesse had entered into the Tower of London, & thence ta­ken out the kings treasure, and sent men to the sea. All which things these dukes wist well were doone for good purposes and necessarie, by the whole councell at London, sauing that somewhat they must saie.

Unto which words the king answered; What my brother marquesse hath doone I cannot saie, but in good faith I dare well answer for mine vncle Riuers and my brother here, that they be innocent of anie such matter. Yea my liege (quoth the duke of Buc­kingham) they haue kept their dealing in these mat­ters farre fro the knowledge of your good grace. And foorthwith they arested the lord Richard and sir Tho­mas Uaughan knight, in the kings presence; and brought the king and all backe vnto Northampton, where they tooke againe further counsell. And there they sent awaie from the king, whom it pleased them, and set new seruants about him, such as liked better them than him. At which dealing he wept, and was nothing content; but it booted not.

And at dinner, the duke of Glocester sent a dish from his owne table vnto the lord Riuers, prai­eng him to be of good chéere: all should be well inough. And he thanked the duke, and praied the mes­senger to beare it to his nephue the lord Richard, with the same message for his comfort, who he thought had more néed of comfort, as one to whome such aduersitie was strange. But himselfe had béene all his daies in vre therewith, & therefore could beare it the better. The death of the lord Ri­uers & other. But for all this comfortable courtesie of the duke of Glocester, he sent the lord Riuers, and the lord Richard, with sir Thomas Uaughan into the north countrie, into diuerse places to prison, and af­terward all to Pomfret, where they were in conclu­sion beheaded.

In this wise the duke of Glocester tooke vpon himselfe the order and gouernance of the yoong king, whome with much honor and humble reuerence he conueied vpward towards the citie. But anon, the tidings of this matter came hastilie to the queene a a little before the midnight following, and that in the sorest wise; that the king hir son was taken, hir bro­ther, hir sonne, & hir other fréends arrested, and sent no man wist whither, to be doone with God wot what. With which tidings the quéene in great flight & hea­uinesse, bewailing hir childes reigne, hir freends mis­chance, and hir owne infortune, damning the time that euer she dissuaded the gathering of power about the king, gat hir selfe in all the hast possible with hir yoonger sonne and hir daughters out of the palace of Westminster, in which she then laie, The quéene taketh sanc­tuarie. into the sanctua­rie, lodging hir selfe and hir companie there in the abbats place.

Now came there one in likewise not long after midnight from the lord chamberleine, to doctor Ro­theram the archbishop of Yorke, then chancellor of England, to his place not farre from Westminster, And for that he shewed his seruants that he had ti­dings of so great importance, that his maister gaue [Page 716] him in charge, not to forbeare his rest, they letted not to wake him, nor he to admit this messenger in, to his bed side. Of whom he heard that these dukes were gone backe with the kings grace from Stonie Stratford vnto Northampton. Notwithstanding sir (quoth he) my lord sendeth your lordship word, that there is no feare: for he assureth you that all shall be well. I assure him (quoth the archbishop) be it as well as it will, it will neuer be so well as we haue seene it.

And therevpon, by and by after the messenger de­parted, line 10 he caused in all the hast all his seruants to be called vp, and so with his owne houshold about him, and euerie man weaponed, he tooke the great seale with him, and came yet before daie vnto the queene. About whom he found much heauinesse, rumble, hast and businesse, cariage and conueiance of hir stuffe in­to sanctuarie, chests, coffers, packs, fardels, trussed all on mens backs, no man vnoccupied, some la­ding, some going, some discharging, some comming for more, some breaking downe the walles to bring line 20 in the next waie, and some yet drew to them that holpe to carrie a wrong waie: such made their lucre of others losse, praising a bootie aboue beautie, to whome the poets verse may be well applied, to wit: ‘ T [...]ul. lib. 2. eleg. 3.Ferrea non Venerem sed praedam saecula laudant.’

The quéene hir selfe sate alone alow on the rushes all desolate and dismaid, whome the archbishop com­forted in best manner he could, The desolate state of the quéene. shewing hir that he trusted the matter was nothing so sore as she tooke it for, and that he was put in good hope and out of feare line 30 by the message sent him from the lord chamberleine. Ah wo woorth him (quoth she) for he is one of them that laboreth to destroie me and my bloud. Madame (quoth he) be yée of good chéere, for I assure you, if they crowne anie other king than your sonne, whome they now haue with them, we shall on the morow crowne his brother, whome you haue here with you. And here is the great seale, which in likewise as that noble prince your husband deliuered it vnto me; so here I deliuer it vnto you, to the vse and behoofe of your line 40 sonne: and therewith he betooke hir the great seale, and departed home againe, yet in the dawning of the daie.

By which time, he might in his chamber window sée all the Thames full of boates of the duke of Glo­cesters seruants, watching that no man should go to sanctuarie, nor none could passe vnsearched. Then was there great commotion and murmur, as well in other places about, as speciallie in the citie, the people diuerslie diuining vpon this dealing. And line 50 some lords, knights, and gentlemen, either for fauour of the quéene, or for feare of themselues, assembled in sundrie companies, and went flockmele in harnesse: and many also, for that they reckoned this demeanor attempted, not so speciallie against the other lords, as against the king himselfe in the disturbance of his coronation. But then by and by the lords assembled togither at [a certeine place.]

Toward which méeting, the archbishop of Yorke fearing that it would be ascribed (as it was indéed) to line 60 his ouermuch lightnesse, that he so suddenlie had yéel­ded vp the great seale to the quéene, to whome the cu­stodie thereof nothing perteined, without especiall commandement of the king, secretlie sent for the seale againe, Neuerthelesse he was depri­ued thereof shortlie after. and brought it with him after the custo­mable maner. And at this méeting the lord Hastings (whose truth toward the king no man doubted, nor néeded to doubt) persuaded the lords to beléeue, that the duke of Glocester was sure and fastlie faithfull to his prince, and that the lord Riuers, and lord Richard with the other knights, were for matters attempted by them against the duke of Glocester and Buckin­gham, put vnder arrest for their suertie, not for the kings ieopardie: and that they were also in safegard, and there no longer should remaine, than till the matter were, not by the dukes onelie, but also by all the other lords of the kings councell indifferentlie examined, & by others discretions ordered, and either iudged or appeased.

But one thing he aduised them beware, that they iudged not the matter too farre foorth, yer they knew the truth; nor turning their priuate grudges into the common hurt, irriting and prouoking men vnto an­ger, and disturbing the kings coronation, towards which the dukes were comming vp, that they might peraduenture bring the matter so farre out of ioint, that it should neuer be brought in frame againe. Which strife if it should hap (as it were likely) to come to a field, though both parties were in all other things equall; yet should the authoritie be on that side where the king is himselfe. With these persuasions of the lord Hastings, whereof part himselfe beléeued, of part he wist the contrarie, these commotions were somewhat appeased. But speciallie by that, that the dukes of Glocester and Buckingham were so neere and came so shortlie on with the king, in none other manner, with none other voice or semblance than to his coronation, causing the fame to be blowen about, that these lords and knights which were taken, had contriued the destruction of the dukes of Glocester and Buckingham, and of other the noble bloud of the realme, to the end that themselues would alone de­meane and gouerne the king at their pleasure.

And for the colourable proofe thereof, such of the dukes seruants as rode with the carts of their stuffe that were taken (among which stuffe, no maruell though some were harnesse, which at the breaking vp of that houshold must néeds either be brought awaie or cast awaie) they shewed vnto the people all the waies as they went; ‘Lo here be the barrels of har­nesse that these traitors had priuilie conueid in their carriage to destroie the noble lords withall.’This de­uise albeit that it made the matter to wise men more vnlikelie, well perceiuing that the intendors of such a purpose would rather haue had their harnesse on their backs, than to haue [...]ound them vp in battels, yet much part of the common people were therewith verie well satisfied, and said it were almesse to hang them.

When the king approched néere to the citie, Ed­mund Shaw goldsmith, then maior, with William White, and Iohn Matthew shiriffes, and all the other aldermen in scarlet, with fiue hundred horsse of the citizens, in violet, receiued him reuerentlie at Har­nesie; The kings comming to London. and riding from thence accompanied him in­to the citie, which he entered the fourth daie of Maie, the first and last yeare of his reigne. But the duke of Glocester bare him in open sight so reuerentlie to the prince, with all semblance of lowlinesse, that from the great obloquie in which he was so late before, he was suddenlie fallen in so great trust, that at the councell next assembled he was made the onelie man, chosen and thought most meet to be protector of the king and his realme, The duke of Glocester made protec­tor. so that (were it destinie or were it fol­lie) the lambe was betaken to the woolfe to kéepe.

At which councell also, the archbishop of Yorke chancellor of England, which had deliuered vp the great seale to the queene, was thereof greatlie re­prooued, and the seale taken from him, and deliuered to doctor Russell bishop of Lincolne, a wise man and a good, and of much experience, The bishop [...] Lincolne made lord chancellor. and one of the best learned men vndoubtedlie that England had in his time. Diuerse lords and knights were appointed vn­to diuerse roomes. The lord chamberleine and some o­ther kept still their offices that they had before. Now all were it so that the protector so sore thirsted for the finishing of that he had begun, that thought euerie daie a yeare till it were atchiued; yet durst he no fur­ther [Page 717] attempt, as long as he had but halfe his preie in his hand.

And why? Well did he wéet, that if he deposed the one brother, all the realme would fall to the other, if he either remained in sanctuarie, or should happilie be shortlie conueied to his fathers libertie. Wherfore incontinent at the next méeting of the lords at the councell, [...] protec­ [...]ors oration. he proposed to them, that it was a heinous déed of the quéene, & procéeding of great malice to­ward the kings councellors, that she should kéepe in line 10 sanctuarie the kings brother from him, whose speci­all pleasure & comfort were to haue his brother with him. And that by hir doone to none other intent, but to bring all the lords in obloquie and murmur of the people.

As though they were not to be trusted with the kings brother, that by the assent of the nobles of the land, were appointed as the kings neerest fréends, to the tuition of his owne roiall person. The prosperitie whereof standeth (quoth he) not all in kéeping from e­nimies, line 20 or ill vi [...]nd, but partlie also in recreation, and moderate pleasure: which he cannot (in this tender youth) take in the companie of ancient persons, but in the familiar conuersation of those that be neither farre vnder, nor farre aboue his age: and neuerthe­lesse of estate conuenient to accompanie his noble maiestie. Wherefore, with whome rather, than with his owne brother?

And if anie man thinke this consideration light (which I thinke none thinks that loues the king) let line 30 him consider, that sometime without small things, greater cannot stand. And verelie, it redoundeth greatlie to the dishonor both of the kings highnesse, and of all vs that béene about his grace, to haue it run in euerie mans mouth, not in this realme onlie, but also in other lands (as euill words walke far) that the kings brother should be faine to keepe sanc­tuarie. For euerie man will wéene, that no man will so doo for naught. And such euill opinion once fastned in mens harts, hard it is to wrest out, and may grow line 40 to more greefe than anie man can here diuine.

Wherefore me thinketh it were not worst to send vnto the quéene, for the redresse of this matter, some honorable trustie man, such as both tendereth the kings weale and the honour of his councell, and is al­so in fauour and credence with hir. The lord car­dinall thought the fittest man [...] deale with [...]he queéne for [...] surren­ [...]ing of hir [...]. For all which con­siderations, none seemeth more méetlie, than our re­uerend father here present, my lord cardinall, who may in this matter doo most good of anie man, if it please him to take the paine; which I doubt not of his line 50 goodnesse he will not refuse for the kings sake and ours, and welth of the yoong duke himselfe, the kings most honorable brother, and (after my souereigne lord himselfe) my most déere nephue, considered that thereby shall be ceassed the slanderous rumor and ob­loquie now going, and the hurts auoided that thereof might insue, and much rest and quiet grow to all the realme.

And if she be percase so obstinate, and so precise­lie set vpon hir owne will, that neither his wise and faithfull aduertisement can not mooue hir, nor anie line 60 mans reason content hir; then shall we by mine ad­uise, by the kings authoritie fetch him out of that pri­son, and bring him to his noble presence, in whose con­tinuall companie he shall be so well cherished and so honorablie intreated, that all the world shall to our honour and hir reproch perceiue, that it was onelie malice, frowardnesse, or follie, that caused hir to kéepe him there. This is my purpose and mind in this matter for this time, except anie of your lordships a­nie thing perceiue to the contrarie; for neuer shall I (by Gods grace) so wed my selfe to mine owne will, but that I shall be readie to change it vpon your bet­ter aduises.

When the protector had said, all the councell affir­med, that the motion was good and reasonable; and to the king and the duke his brother, honorable; and a thing that should ceasse great murmur in the relme, if the mother might be by good means induced to de­liuer him. Which thing the archbishop of Yorke, whome they all agreed also to be thereto most conue­nient, tooke vpon him to mooue hir, and therein to doo his vttermost deuoir. Howbeit, if she could be in no wise intreated with hir good will to deliuer him, then thought he, and such other as were of the spiritu­altie present, that it were not in anie wise to be at­tempted to take him out against hir will.

For it should be a thing that would turne to the great grudge of all men, Reasons why it was not thought méet to fetch the quéens son out of sanctuarie. and high displeasure of God, if the priuilege of that holie place should now be broken, which had so manie yeares be kept, which both kings and popes so good had granted, so manie had confirmed, and which holie ground was more than fiue hundred yeares ago (by saint Peter in his owne person in spirit accompanied with great mul­titudes of angels by night) so speciallie halowed, & dedicated to God (for the proofe wherof, they haue yet in the abbeie saint Peters cope to shew) that from that time hitherward, was there neuer so vndeuout a king that durst that sacred place violate, or so holie a bishop that durst it presume to consecrate.

And therefore (quoth the archbishop of Yorke) God forbid that anie man should for anie thing carthlie, enterprise to breake the immunitie & libertie of the sacred sanctuarie, that hath beene the safegard of so manie a good mans life. And I trust (quoth he) with Gods grace, we shall not need it▪ But for anie maner néed, I would not we should doo it. I trust that [...]hée shall be with reason conten [...]ed, and all things in good maner obteined. And if it happen that I bring it not so to passe, yet shall I toward it so farre foorth doo my best▪ that ye shall all well perceiue, that no lacke of my deuoire, but the mothers dread and womanish feare shall be the [...]et.

Womanish feare, naie womanish frowardnes (quoth the duke of Buckingham. The duke of Buckinghās words against the quéene.) For I dare take it vpon my soule, she well knoweth she needeth no such thing to feare, either for hir son or for hir selfe. For as for hir, here is no man that will be at war with wo­men. Would God some of the men of hir kin were women too, & then should all be soone in rest. Howbeit there is none of hir kin the lesse loued, for that they be hir kin, but for their owne euill deseruing. And na­thelesse, if we loued neither hir nor hir kin, yet were there no cause to thinke that wee should hate the kings noble brother, to whose grace we our selues be of kin. Whose honor, if she as much desired as our dishonor, and as much regard tooke to his wealth as to hir owne will, she would be as loth to suffer him to be absent from the king, as anie of vs be. For if she haue anie wit (as would God she had as good will as she hath shrewd wit) she reckoneth hir selfe no wiser than she thinketh some that be here; of whose faithfull mind she nothing doubteth, but verelie beléeueth and knoweth, that they would be as sorie of his harme as hir selfe, and yet would haue him from hir if she bide there: and we all (I thinke) contented, that both be with hir, if she come thence, and bide in such place where they may with their honors be. Now then, if she refuse in the deliuerance of him, to follow the counsell of them, whose wisdome she knoweth, whose truth she well trusteth: it is easie to perceiue, that frowardnesse letteth hir, and not feare. But go to, suppose that she feare (as who maie let hir to feare hir owne shadow) the more she feareth to deliuer him, the more ought we feare to leaue him in hir hands.

For if she cast such fond doubts, that she feare his hurt: then will she feare that he shall be set thence. [Page 718] For she will soone thinke, that if men were set (which God forbid) vpon so great a mischiefe, the sanctuarie would little let them: which good men might (as me thinketh) without sinne somewhat lesse regard than they doo. Now then, if she doubt, least he might be fetched from hir, is it not likelie inough that she shall send him some where out of the realme? Uerelie I looke for none other. And I doubt not, but shee now as sore mindeth it, as we the let thereof. And if she might happen to bring that to passe (as it were no great maistrie, we letting hir alone) all the world line 10 would saie, that we were a wise sort of councellors about a king, that let his brother be cast awaie vnder our noses.

And therefore, I insure you faithfullie for my mind, I will rather (manger hir mind) fetch him a­waie, than leaue him there, till hir frowardnesse and fond feare conueie him awaie. And yet will I breake no sanctuarie therfore. For verely, sith the priuileges of that place, and other like, haue béene of long conti­nued, I am not he that would be about to breake line 20 them. And in good faith, if they were now to begin, I would not be he that should be about to make them. Yet will I not say naie, Of sanctua­ries. but that it is a déed of pitie, that such men as the sea, or their euill debtors haue brought in pouertie, should haue some place of liber­tie, to kéepe their bodies out of danger of their cruell creditors.

And also, if the crowne happen (as it hath doone) to come in question, while either part taketh other as line 30 traitors, I will well there be some places of refuge for both. But as for théeues, of which these places be full, and which neuer fall from the craft, after they once fall thereto, it is pitie the sanctuarie should serue them. And much more, mankillers, whome God bad to take from the altar and kill them, if their murther were wilfull. And where it is otherwise, there néed we not the sanctuaries that God appointed in the old law. For if either necessitie, his owne defense, or mis­fortune draweth him to that déed, a pardon serueth, line 40 which either the law granteth of course, or the king of pitie maie. Then looke me now how few sanctuarie men there be, whome anie fauourable necessitie com­pelled to go thither. And then sée on the other side, what a sort there be commonlie therin of them, whom wilfull vnthriftinesse hath brought to naught.

What a rabble of théues, murtherers, and mali­cious heinous traitors, and that in two places speci­allie; the one at the elbow of the citie, the other in the verie bowels. I dare well auow it, weie the good line 50 that they doo, Westminster and saint Martins. with the hurt that commeth of them, and ye shall find it much better to lacke both, than haue both. And this I saie, although they were not abused as they now be, & so long haue be, that I feare me euer they will be, while men be afraid to set their hands to the mendment, as though God & S. Peter were the patrones of vngratious liuing. Now vn­thrifts riot & run in debt, The abuse of sanctuaries. vpon boldnesse of these pla­ces, yea, and rich men run thither with poore mens goods, there they build, there they spend, & bid there line 60 creditors go whistle them. Mens wiues run thither with their husbands plate, & saie they dare not abide with their husbands for beating. Théeues bring thi­ther their stollen goods, and there liue thereon.

There deuise they new robberies, nightlie they steale out, they rob, and reaue, and kill, and come in a­gaine, as though those places gaue them not onelie a safegard for the harme they haue doone, but a licence also to doo more. Howbeit, much of this mischiefe (if wise men would set their hands to it) might be amen­ded, with great thanks to God, and no breach of the priuilege. The residue, sith so long ago, I wote néere what pope, and what prince more pitious than politike, hath granted it, & other men since, of a cer­teine religious feare, haue not broken it, let vs take a paine therewith, and let it a Gods name stand in force, as farre foorth as reason will, which is not fullie so farre foorth, as may serue to let vs of the fetching foorth of this noble man to his honor and wealth, out of that place, in which he neither is, nor can be a sanctuarie man.

A sanctuarie serueth alwaie to defend the bodie of that man that standeth in danger abroad, The vse of sanctuaries. not of great hurt onlie, but also of lawfull hurt: for against vnlawfull harmes, neuer pope nor king intended to priuilege anie one place, for that priuilege hath e­uerie place. Knoweth anie man, anie place wherin it is lawfull one man to doo another wrong? That no man vnlawfullie take hurt, that libertie, the king, the law, and verie nature forbiddeth in euerie place, and maketh (to that regard) for euerie man euerie place a sanctuarie. But where a man is by lawfull means in perill, there néedeth he the tuition of some speciall priuilege, which is the onelie ground and cause of all sanctuaries.

From which necessitie, this noble prince is farre, whose loue to his king, nature and kinred prooueth; whose innocencie to all the world, his tender youth prooueth; and so sanctuarie, as for him, neither none he néedeth, nor also none can haue. Men come not to sanctuarie, as they come to baptisme, to require it by their godfathers; he must aske it himselfe that must haue it, and reason; sith no man hath cause to haue it, but whose conscience of his owne fault ma­keth him fain, néed to require it. What will then hath yonder babe, which and if he had discretion to require it, if néed were, I dare say would now be right an­grie with them that keepe him there? And I would thinke without anie scruple of conscience, without a­nie breach of priuilege, to be somewhat more homelie with them that be there sanctuarie men in déed.

For if one go to sanctuarie with another mans goods, whie should not the king, leauing his bodie at libertie, satisfie the partie of his goods, euen within the sanctuarie? For neither king nor pope can giue anie place such a priuilege, that it shall discharge a man of his debts, being able to paie. [And with that, diuerse of the clergie that were present (whether they said it for his pleasure, or as they thought) agréed plainelie, that by the law of God, and of the church, the goods of a sanctuarie man should be deliuered in paiment of his debts, and stollen goods to the owner, and onlie libertie reserued him to get his liuing with the labor of his hands.]

Uerelie (quoth the duke) I thinke you say verie truth. And what if a mans wife will take sanctuarie, bicause she lust to run frō hir husband, I would ween if she could alledge none other cause, he maie lawful­lie without anie displeasure to saint Peter, take hir out of saint Peters church by the arme. And if no bodie maie be taken out of sanctuarie, that saith hée will bide there; then if a child will take sanctuarie, bi­cause he feareth to go to schoole, his maister must let him alone. And as simple as that sample is, yet is there lesse reason in our case than in that; for therein, though it be a childish feare, yet is there at the least­wise some feare, and herein is there none at all. And verelie, I haue often heard of sanctuarie men, but I neuer heard earst of sanctuarie children.

And therefore, as for the conclusion of my mind, who so maie haue deserued to need it, if they thinke it for their suertie, let them keepe it. But he can be no sanctuarie man, that neither hath wisdome to desire it, nor malice to deserue it; whose life or libertie can by no lawfull processe stand in ieopardie. And he that taketh one out of sanctuarie to doo him good. I saie plainlie, that he breaketh no sanctuarie. When the duke had doone, the temporall men whole, and a good [Page 719] part of the spirituall also, thinking no hurt earthlie meant toward the yoong babe, condescended in ef­fect, that if he were not deliuered, he should be fet­ched. Howbeit they thought it all best, in the auoi­ding of all maner of rumor, that the lord cardinall should first assaie to get him with hir good will.

Wherevpon all the councell came vnto the Starre chamber at Westminster; and the lord cardinall, lea­uing the protector with the councell in the Starcham­ber, departed into the sanctuarie to the quéene, with line 10 diuers other lords with him: were it for the respect of his honor, or that she should by presence of so manie perceiue, that this errand was not one mans mind: or were it, for that the protector intended not in this matter to trust anie one man alone; or else, that if she finallie were determined to kéepe him, some of that companie had happilie secret instruction, incon­tinent (mangre hir mind) to take him, and to leaue hir no respit to conueie him, which she was likelie to mind after this matter broken to hir, if hir time line 20 would in anie wise serue hir.

When the quéene and these lords were come togi­ther in presence, the lord cardinall shewed vnto hir, that it was thought vnto the protector, and vnto the whole councell, that hir kéeping of the kings brother in that place, was the thing which highlie sounded, not onelie to the great rumor of the people and their obloquie; but also to the importable gréefe and dis­pleasure of the kings roiall maiestie, to whose grace it were as singular a comfort, to haue his naturall line 30 brother in companie, as it was their both dishonour, and all theirs and hirs also, to suffer him in sanctua­rie, as though the one brother stood in danger and pe­rill of the other [and therefore more conuenient it were they should be togither, than parted asunder; that the world may well thinke and saie both of their kinred and also of them, when they shall see and heare how they kéepe continuall companie, and liue in mu­tuall amitie (as becometh brethren) which bringeth commodities with it, for number, infinite; and for line 40 vse, comfortable and necessarie; as it is truelie said:

Quaeligat vnanimes foelix concordia fratres,
O quales fructus vtilitatis habet!]

The cardinall shewed hir likewise, that the coun­cell therefore had sent him vnto hir, to require hir the deliuerie of him, that he might be brought vnto the kings presence at his libertie, out of that place, which they reckoned as a prison; and there should he be de­meaned according to his estate: and she in this doo­ing, should both doo great good to the realme, pleasure to the councell, and profit to hir selfe, succour to hir line 50 freends that were in distresse, and ouer that (which he wist well she speciallie tendered) not onelie great comfort and honor to the king, but also to the yoong duke himselfe, whose both great wealth it were to be togither, as well for manie greater causes, as also for their both disport & recreation. Protector. Which thing the lord estéemed no slight, though it séeme light, well ponde­ring that their youth without recreation and plaie cannot indure; nor anie stranger, for the conueni­ence line 60 of both their ages and estates, so méetlie in that point for anie of them, as either of them for other.

The quéenes answer.My lord (quoth the quéene) I saie not naie, but that it were verie conuenient, that this gentleman, whome yée require, were in companie of the king his brother: and in good faith, me thinketh it were as great commoditie to them both, as for yet awhile, to béene in the custodie of their mother, the tender age considered of the elder of them both, but speciallie the yoonger, which (besides his infancie, that also needeth good looking to) hath awhile béene so sore diseased, vex­ed with sicknesse, and is so newlie rather a little a­mended, than well recouered, that I dare put no per­son earthlie in trust with his kéeping, but my selfe onelie, The quéene is loth to part with hir son. considering that there is (as physicians saie) and as we also find, double the perill in the recidiua­tion, than was in the first sicknesse, with which disease nature being sore laboured, fore wearied and weake­ned, waxeth the lesse able to beare out and susteine a new surfet. And albeit there might be founden other that would happilie doo their best vnto him, yet is there none that either knoweth better how to order him, than I that so long haue kept him: or is more tenderlie like to cherish him, than his owne mother that bare him.

No man denieth, good madame (quoth the cardi­nall) but that your grace were of all folke most ne­cessarie about your children: and so would all the councell not onelie be content, but glad that ye were (if it might stand with your pleasure) to be in such place as might stand with their honour. But if you doo appoint your selfe to tarrie héere, then thinke they it more conuenient that the duke of Yorke were with the king honourablie at his libertie, to the com­fort of them both: than héere as a sanctuarie man, to their both dishonour and obloquie, sith there is not al­waie so great necessitie to haue the child to be with the mother: but that occasion may sometime be such, that it should be more expedient to keepe him else­where. Which in this well appeareth, that at such time as your déerest sonne then prince, and now king, should for his honor, and good order of the countrie, keepe houshold in Wales, farre out of your com­panie: your grace was well content therewith your selfe.

Not verie well content (quoth the queene) and yet the case is not like, for the tone was then in health, and the tother is now sicke. In which case, I maruell greatlie, The quéenes mistrust of the lord protector. that my lord protector is so desirous to haue him in his kéeping, where if the child in his sicknesse miscarried by nature, yet might he run into slander and suspicion of fraud. And where they call it a thing so sore against my childes honor, and theirs also, that he bideth in this place: it is all their honours there to suffer him bide, where no man doubteth he shall be best kept; and that is héere, while I am heere, which as yet intend not to come foorth and ieopard my selfe after other of my fréends, which would God were ra­ther héere in suertie with me, than I were there in ieopardie with them.

Whie madame (quoth another lord) know you anie thing whie they should be in ieopardie? The lord Howard, saith Edw. Hall. Naie verelie sir (quoth shee) nor whie they should be in prison nei­ther, as they now be. But it is (I trow) no great mar­uell though I feare, least those that haue not letted to put them in duresse without colour, will let as little to procure their destruction without cause. The cardi­nall made a countenance to the other lord, that he should harpe no more vpon that string; and then said he to the queene, that he nothing doubted, but that those lords of hir honorable kin, which as yet remai­ned vnder arrest, should vpon the matter examined, doo well inough: and as toward hir noble person, neither was nor could be anie maner ieopardie.

Whereby should I trust that (quoth the quéene) in that I am giltlesse? As though they were giltie, in that I am with their enimies better loued than they? When they hate them for my sake, in that I am so néere of kin to the king? And how far they be off, if that would helpe, as God send grace it hurt not, and therefore as for me, I purpose not as yet to depart hence. And as for this gentleman my sonne, I mind that he shall be where I am, till I sée further: for I assure you, for that I sée some men so greedie, without anie substantiall cause to haue him, this maketh me much the more fearder to deliuer him.

Truelie madame, quoth he, and the fearder that [Page 720] you be to deliuer him, the fearder bin other men to suffer you to kéepe him, least your causelesse feare might cause you further to conueie him; and manie be there that thinke he can haue no priuilege in this place, which neither can haue will to aske it, nor ma­lice to deserue it. And therefore, they reckon no priui­lege broken, though they fetch him out; which if yée fi­nallie refuse to deliuer him, I verelie thinke they will. So much dread hath my lord his vncle, for the tender loue he beareth him, least your grace should line 10 hap to send him awaie.

The quéenes replie vpon the lord car­dinall.A sir (quoth the quéene) hath the protector so tender zeale, that he feareth nothing but least he should es­cape him? Thinketh he that I would send him hence, which neither is in the plight to send out. And in what place could I reckon him sure, if he be not sure in this sanctuarie, whereof was there neuer tyrant yet so diuelish that durst presume to breake? And I trust God is as strong now to withstand his aduer­saries, as euer he was. But my sonne can deserue line 20 no sanctuarie, and therefore he can not haue it. For­sooth he hath found a goodlie glose, by which that place that may defend a théefe, may not saue an innocent. But he is in no ieopardie, nor hath no need thereof, would God he had not.

Troweth the protector (I praie God he may prooue a protector) troweth he that I perceiue not wherevnto his painted processe draweth? It is not honourable that the duke bide héere: it were comfortable for them both, that he were with his brother, bicause the line 30 king lacketh a plaifellow. Be you sure? I praie God send them both better plaifellowes than him, that maketh so high a matter vpon such a trifling pretext: as though there could none be founden to plaie with the king, but if his brother that hath no lust to plaie for sicknesse, come out of sanctuarie out of his safe­gard to plaie with him. As though princes (as yoong as they be) could not plaie but with their peeres, or children could not plaie but with their kinred, with whome for the more part they agrée much woorse than line 40 with strangers.

But the child cannot require the priuilege. Who told him so? He shall heare him aske it, and he will. Howbeit, this is a gaie matter. Suppose he could not aske it, suppose he would not aske it, suppose he would aske to go out. If I saie he shall not; if I aske the pri­uilege but for my selfe, I say he that against my will taketh him out, breaketh the sanctuarie. Serueth this libertie for my person onelie, or for my goods too? Yée may not hence take my horsse fro me: and may you line 50 take my child fro me? He is also my ward: for as my learned counsell sheweth me, sith he hath nothing by descent holden by knights seruice, the law ma­keth his mother his gardian. Then may no man I suppose take my ward fro me out of sanctuarie, with­out the breach of the sanctuarie.

And if my priuilege could not serue him, nor he aske it for himselfe, yet sith the law committeth to me the custodie of him, I may require it for him, ex­cept the law giue a child a gardian onelie for his goods and lands, discharging him of the cure and safe line 60 kéeping of his bodie, for which onelie both lands and goods serue. This that is heere betwéen this marke (*) & this marke (*) was not writ [...]ē by him in English but is translated out of this hi­storie which he wrote in Latine. (*) And if examples be sufficient to ob­teine priuilege for my child, I need not farre to séeke. For in this place in which we now be (and which is now in question whether my child may take benefit of it) mine other sonne now king was borne, and kept in his cradle, and preserued to a more prospe­rous fortune, which I praie God long to continue. And as all you know, this is not the first time that I haue taken sanctuarie.

For when my lord my husband was banished, and thrust out of his kingdome, I fled hither, being great with child, and héere I bare the prince. And when my lord my husband returned safe againe, and had the victorie, then went I hence to welcome him home, and from hence I brought my babe the prince vnto his father, when he first tooke him in his armes. And I praie God that my sonnes palace may be as great safegard vnto him now reigning, as this place was sometime to the kings enimie. In which place I in­tend to kéepe his brother, sith, &c. (*) Wherefore héere intend I to keepe him, sith mans law serueth the gardian to kéepe the infant.

The law of nature will the moother to keepe his child, Gods law priuilegeth the sanctuarie, and the sanctuarie my sonne, sith I feare to put him in the protectors hands that hath his brother alreadie, and were (if both failed) inheritour to the crowne. The cause of my feare hath no man to doo to examine. And yet feare I no further than the law feareth, which (as learned men tell me) forbiddeth euerie man the custodie of them, by whose death he maie inherit lesse land than a kingdome. I can no more, but whosoeuer he be that breaketh this holie sanctuarie, I praie God shortlie send him néed of sanctuarie, when he maie not come to it. For ta­ken out of sanctuarie would I not my mortall eni­mie were.

The lord cardinall, The lord car­dinall vseth an other wa [...] to persuade the queéne. perceiuing that the quéene waxed euer the longer the farther off, and also that she began to kindle and chafe, and spake more biting words against the protector, and such as he neither be­léeued, and was also loth to heare, he said to hir for a finall conclusion, that he would no longer dispute the matter: but if she were content to deliuer the duke to him, and to the other lords present, he durst laie his owne bodie & soule both in pledge, not onelie for his suertie, but also for his estate. And if she would giue them a resolute answer to the contrarie, he would foorthwith depart therwithall, and shift who so would with this businesse afterwards: for he neuer inten­ded more to mooue hir in that matter, in which she thought that he & all other also (saue hir selfe) lacked either wit or truth: wit, if they were so dull that they could nothing perceiue what the protector intended▪ truth, if they should procure hir sonne to be deliuered into his hands, in whom they should perceiue toward the child anie euill intended.

The quéene with these words stood a good while in a great studie. And forsomuch as hir seemed the car­dinall more readie to depart than some of the rem­nant, and the protector himselfe readie at hand; so that she verelie thought she could not kéepe him, but that he should incontinentlie be taken thense: and to conueie him else-where, neither had she time to serue hir, nor place determined, nor persons appointed, all things vnreadie, this message came on hir so sudden­lie, nothing lesse looking for, than to haue him set out of sanctuarie, which she thought to be now beset in such places about, that he could not be conueied out vntaken, and partlie as she thought it might for­tune hir feare to be false, so well she wist it was ei­ther néedlesse or bootlesse: wherefore if she should needs go from him, she deemed it best to deliuer him.

And ouer that, of the cardinals faith she nothing doubted, nor of some other lords neither, She falleth [...] a resolution touching h [...]r sonnes deli­uerie. whome she there saw. Which as she feared least they might be deceiued: so was she well assured they would not be corrupted. Then thought she it should yet make them the more warilie to looke to him, and the more circumspectlie to sée to his suertie, if she with hir owne hands betooke him to them of trust. And at the last she tooke the yoong duke by the hand, and said vn­to the lords: My lords (quoth she) and all my lords, I neither am so vnwise to mistrust your wits, nor so suspicious to mistrust your truths: of which thing I [Page 721] purpose to make you such a proofe, as if either of both in you, might turne both you and me to great sorow, the realme to much harme, and you to great re­proch.

For lo, here is (quoth she) this gentleman, whom I doubt not but I could here kepe safe, if I would, what euer anie man say: & I doubt not also, but there be some abroad so deadlie enimies vnto my bloud, that if they wist where anie of it laie in their owne bodie, they would let it out. We haue also experience line 10 that desire of a kingdome knoweth no kinred. The brother hath beene the brothers bane: and maie the nephues be sure of their vncle? Ech of these children is the others defense while they be asunder, and ech of their liues lieth in the others bodie. Kéepe one safe and both be sure, and nothing for them both more pe­rillous, than to be both in one place. For what wise merchant aduentureth all his goods in one ship?

All this notwithstanding, here I deliuer him and his brother in him, to keepe, into your hands, of whom line 20 I shall aske them both afore God & the world. Faith­full ye be that wot I well, & I know well you be wise. Power and strength to kéepe him (if you list) lacke ye not of your selfe, nor can lacke helpe in this cause. And if ye can not else-where, then maie you leaue him here. But onelie one thing I beséech you, for the trust which his father put in you euer, & for the trust that I put in you now, that as farre as ye thinke that I feare too much, be you well ware that you feare not as farre too little. And therewithall she said vn­to line 30 the child; Fare well mine owne sweete sonne, God send you good kéeping: let me kisse you yet once yer you go, for God knoweth when we shall kisse togi­ther againe. And therewith she kissed him and blessed him, turned hir backe and wept and went hir waie, leauing the child wéeping as fast. [Howbeit she was sorie afterwards that she had so parted from hir son (when it was past hir power to procure remedie, & no hope of helpe left against afterclaps) which is the common case of all that kind, as the prouerbe saith: line 40 ‘Femineus verè dolor est post facta dolere.]’

When the lord cardinall, and these other lords with him, had receiued this yoong duke, they brought him into the Star chamber, where the protector tooke him in his armes and kissed him with these words: O dissimula­tion. Now welcome my lord euen with all my verie heart. And he said in that of likelihood as he thought. Therevpon foorthwith they brought him vnto the king his brother into the bishops palace at Paules, and from thense thorough the citie honourablie into the Tower, out line 50 of the which after that daie they neuer came abroad. (*) When the protector had both the children in his hands, This that is here betwene this marke (*) & this marke (*) was not written by him in Eng­lish but is translated out o [...] his historie which he wrote in Latine. he opened himselfe more boldlie, both to cer­teine other men, and also cheeflie to the duke of Buc­kingham. Although I know that manie thought that this duke was priuie to all the protectors coun­sell, euen from the beginning; and some of the protec­tors fréends said, that the duke was the first moouer of the protector to this matter, sending a priuie mes­senger vnto him, streict after king Edwards death. line 60

But others againe, which knew better the subtill wit of the protector, denie that he euer opened his enterprise to the duke, vntill he had brought to passe the things before rehearsed. But when he had impri­soned the queenes kinsfolks, & gotten both hir sonnes into his owne hands, then he opened the rest of his purpose with lesse feare to them whome he thought méet for the matter, and speciallie to the duke, who being woone to his purpose, he thought his strength more than halfe increased. The matter was broken vnto the duke by subtill folks, and such as were their craftes-masters in the handling of such wicked deui­ses: who declared vnto him that the yoong king was offended with him for his kinsfolks sake, and if he were euer able he would reuenge them, who would pricke him forward therevnto if they escaped (for they would remember their imprisonment) or else if they were put to death, without doubt the yoong K. would be carefull for their deaths, whose imprisonment was gréeuous vnto him.

Also that with repenting the duke should nothing auaile, for there was no waie left to redéeme his of­fense by benefits, but he should sooner destroie him­selfe than saue the king, who with his brother and his kinsfolks he saw in such places imprisoned, as the protector might with a becke destroie them all: and that it were no doubt but he would doo it in deed, if there were anie new enterprise attempted. And that it was likelie, that as the protector had prouided priuie gard for himselfe, so had he spials for the duke, and traines to catch him, if he should be against him; and that peraduenture from them, whome he lest su­spected. For the state of things and the dispositions of men were then such, that a man could not well tell whome he might trust, or whome he might feare.

These things and such like, being beaten into the dukes mind, brought him to that point, that where he had repented the way that he had entered; yet would he go foorth in the same; and sith he had once begun, he would stoutlie go thorough. And therefore to this wicked enterprise, The dukes full resoluti­on, to go tho­rough with his enter­prise. which he beléeued could not be voi­ded, he bent himselfe, and went through; and determi­ned, that sith the common mischéefe could not be a­mended, he would turne it as much as he might to his owne commoditie. Then it was agreed, that the protector shuld haue the dukes aid to make him king, and that the protectors onelie lawfull sonne should marrie the dukes daughter, and that the protector should grant him the quiet possession of the earldome of Hereford, which he claimed as his inheritance, and could neuer obteine it in king Edwards time.

Besides these requests of the duke, the protector of his owne mind promised him a great quantitie of the kings treasure, and of his houshold stuffe. And when they were thus at a point betwéene themsel­ues, they went about to prepare for the coronation of the yoong king, as they would haue it séeme. And that they might turne both the eies and minds of men from perceiuing of their drifts other-where, the lords being sent for from all parts of the realme, came thicke to that solemnitie. But the protector and the duke, after that they had sent the lord cardinall, the archbishop of Yorke then lord chancellor, the bi­shop of Elie, the lord Stanleie, and the lord Hastings then lord chamberlaine, with manie other noble men (*) to common & deuise about the coronation in one place, as fast were they in an other place, con­triuing the contrarie, and to make the protector king.

To which councell albeit there were adhibited ve­rie few, and they were secret: yet began there here and there abouts, some maner of muttering among the people, as though all should not long be well, though they neither wist what they feared, nor where­fore: were it, that before such great things, mens hearts of a secret instinct of nature misgiue them; as the sea without wind swelleth of himselfe sometime before a tempest: or were it that some one man, hap­pilie somewhat perceiuing, filled manie men with suspicion, though he shewed few men what he knew, Howbeit somewhat the dealing it selfe made men to muse on the matter, though the councell were close. For by little and little all folke withdrew from the Tower, and drew vnto Crosbies in Bishops gates stréet, where the protector kept his houshold. The protector had the resort, the king in maner desolate.

While some for their businesse made sute to them that had the dooing, some were by their fréends secret­lie [Page 722] warned, that it might happilie turne them to no good, to be too much attendant about the king with­out the protectors appointment, which remooued also diuerse of the princes old seruants from him, and set new about him. Thus manie things comming togi­ther, partlie by chance, partlie of purpose, caused at length not common people onelie, that woond with the wind, but wise men also, and some lords eke to marke the matter and muse thereon; so farre foorth that the lord Stanleie that was after earle of Der­bie, line 10 wiselie mistrusted it, and said vnto the lord Ha­stings, that he much misliked these two seuerall councels. For while we (quoth he) talke of one mat­ter in the tone place, little wot we wherof they talke in the tother place.

My lord (quoth the lord Hastings) on my life ne­uer doubt you: for while one man is there, which is neuer thense, neuer can there be thing once mooued, that should sound amisse toward me, but it should be in mine eares yer it were well out of their mouths. This ment he by Catesbie, which was of his neere line 20 secret councell, and whome he verie familiarlie vsed, and in his most weightie matters put no man in so speciall trust, reckoning himselfe to no man so liefe, sith he well wist there was no man so much to him beholden as was this Catesbie, which was a man well learned in the lawes of this land, and by the spe­ciall fauour of the lord chamberlaine, Catesbie and his conditi­ons described. in good authori­tie, and much rule bare in all the countie of Leice­ster, where the lord chamberlains power cheefelie line 30 laie.

But suerlie great pitie was it, that he had not had either more truth, or lesse wit. For his dissimula­tion onelie kept all that mischéefe vp. In whome if the lord Hastings had not put so speciall trust, the lord Stanleie & he had departed with diuerse other lords, and broken all the danse, for manie ill signes that he saw, which he now construes all to the best. So suer­lie thought he, that there could be none harme to­ward him in that councell intended, where Catesbie line 40 was. And of truth the protector and the duke of Buc­kingham made verie good semblance vnto the lord Hastings, and kept him much in companie. And vn­doubtedlie the protector loued him well, and loth was to haue lost him, sauing for feare least his life should haue quailed their purpose.

For which cause he mooued Catesbie to prooue with some words cast out a farre off, whether he could thinke it possible to win the lord Hastings vnto their part. But Catesbie, whether h [...] assaied him, or assaied line 50 him not, reported vnto them, that he found him so fast, and heard him speake so terrible words, that he durst no further breake. And of truth, the lord cham­berlaine of verie trust shewed vnto Catesbie the dis­trust that others began to haue in the matter. And therefore he, fearing least their motion might with the lord Hastings minish his credence, wherevnto onelie all the matter leaned, procured the protector hastilie to rid him. And much the rather, for that he trusted by his death to obteine much of the rule that line 60 the lord Hastings bare in his countrie: the onelie desire whereof was the allectiue that induced him to be partner, and one speciall contriuer of all this hor­rible treason.

Wherevpon soone after, that is to wit, on the fri­daie [being the thirtéenth of Iune] manie lords as­sembled in the Tower, An assemblie of lords in the Tower. and there sat in councell, de­uising the honourable solemnitie of the kings coro­nation, of which the time appointed then so neere ap­proched, that the pageants and subtilties were in ma­king daie & night at Westminster, and much vittels killed therfore, that afterward was cast awaie. These lords so sitting togither communing of this matter, the protector came in amongst them, first about nine of the clocke, saluting them courteouslie, and excu­sing himselfe that he had béene from them so long, saieng merilie that he had béene a sléeper that daie.

After a little talking with them, he said vnto the bishop of Elie; My lord you haue verie good strawbe­ries at your garden in Holborne, I require you let vs haue a messe of them. Gladlie my lord (quoth he) would God I had some better thing as readie to your pleasure as that! And therewithall in all the hast he sent his seruant for a messe of strawberies. The protector set the lords fast in communing, & therevp­on praieng them to spare him for a little while, depar­ted thense. And soone after one houre, The beha [...] of the lord p [...]tector in the assemblie of the lords. betwéene ten & eleuen he returned into the chamber amongst them all, changed with a woonderfull soure angrie counte­nance, knitting the browes, frowning and fretting, and gnawing on his lips: and so sat him downe in his place.

All the lords were much dismaid and sore maruel­led at this maner of sudden change, and what thing should him aile. Then, when he had sitten still a while, thus he began: What were they worthie to haue that compasse and imagine the destruction of me, being so néere of bloud vnto the king, and protector of his roiall person and his realme? At this question, all the lords sat sore astonied, musing much by whome this question should be meant, of which euerie man wist himselfe cléere. Then the lord chamberlaine (as he that for the loue betwéene them thought he might be boldest with him) answered and said, that they were worthie to be punished as heinous traitors, whatsoeuer they were. And all the other affirmed the same. That is (quoth he) yonder sor [...]er [...]sse my bro­thers wife, and other with hir (meaning the queene.)

At these words manie of the other lords were greatlie abashed, that fauoured hir. But the lord Ha­stings was in his mind better content, that it was mooued by hir, than by anie other whome he loued better: albeit his heart somewhat grudged, that he was not afore made of counsell in this matter, as he was of the taking of hir kinred, and of their put­ting to death, which were by his assent before deuised to be beheaded at Pomfret this selfe same daie, in which he was not ware that it was by other deuised, that he himselfe should be beheaded the same daie at London. Then said the protector: Ye shall all sée in what wise that sorceresse, and that other witch of hir councell Shores wife, with their affinitie, haue by their sorcerie and witchcraft wasted my bodie. And therwith he plucked vp his dublet sléeue to his elbow vpon his left arme, where he shewed a weerish withe­red arme, and small; as it was neuer other.

Herevpon euerie mans mind sore misgaue them, well perceiuing that this matter was but a quarell. For they well wist that the quéene was too wise to go about anie such follie. And also if she would, yet would she of all folke least, make Shores wife of hir counsell, whome of all women she most hated, as that concubine whome the king hir husband had most loued. And also, no man was there present, but well knew that his arme was euer such since his birth. Naithelesse, the lord chamberlaine (which from the death of king Edward kept Shores wife, on whome he somewhat doted in the kings life, sauing (as it is said) he that while forbare hir of reuerence toward the king, or else of a certeine kind of fidelitie to his fréend) answered and said: Certeinelie my lord, if they haue so heinouslie doone, they be worthie heinous punishment.

What (quoth the protector) thou seruest me I wéene with ifs and with ands, I tell thée they haue so doone, and that I will make good on thy bodie traitor: and therewith as in a great anger, he clapped his fist vp­on the boord a great rap. At which token one cried, [Page 723] Treason, without the chamber. Therewith a doore clapped, and in come there rushing men in harnesse, as manie as the chamber might hold. And anon the protector said to the lord Hastings: I arrest thée trai­tor: What me my lord? (quoth he.) Yea thée traitor quoth the protector. The lord Stanleie wounded. And an other let flie at the lord Stanleie, which shrunke at the stroke, & fell vnder the table, or else his head had béene cleft to the téeth: for as shortlie as he shranke, yet ran the bloud about his eares. line 10

Then were they all quickelie bestowed in diuerse chambers, except the lord chamberleine, whome the protector bad speed and shriue him apace, for by saint Paule (quoth he) I will not to dinner till I sée thy head off. It booted him not to aske whie, but heauilie tooke a priest at aduenture, & made a short shrift: for a longer would not be suffered, the protector made so much hast to dinner, which he might not go to, vntill this were doone, for sauing of his oth. So was he brought foorth to the gréene beside the chappell within line 20 the Tower, and his head laid downe vpon a long log of timber, Lord Ha­stings lord chamberleine beheaded. and there striken off, and afterward his bodie with the head interred at Windsor beside the bodie of king Edward, both whose soules our Lord pardon. [Thus began he to establish his king­dome in bloud, growing thereby in hatred of the nobles, and also abridging both the line of his life, and the time of his regiment: for God will not haue bloudthirstie tyrants daies prolonged, but will cut them off in their ruffe; according to Dauids words: line 30

[...] in psal. [...].
Impio, fallaci, auidóque caedis
Filamors rumpet viridi in iuuenta.]

A maruellous case is it to heare either the war­nings of that he should haue voided, or the tokens of that he could not void. For the selfe night next before his death, the lord Stanleie sent a trustie messenger vnto him at midnight in all the hast, requiring him to rise and ride awaie with him, for he was disposed vtterlie no longer to bide, he had so fearfull a dreame; in which him thought that a boare with his tuskes so line 40 rased them both by the heads, The lord Stanleies dreame. that the bloud ran about both their shoulders. And forsomuch as the protector gaue the boare for his cognisance, this dreame made so fearefull an impression in his heart, that he was throughlie determined no longer to tarie, but had his horsse readie, if the lord Hastings would go with him, to ride yet so farre the same night, that they should be out of danger yer daie.

Ha good Lord (quoth the lord Hastings to this messenger) leaneth my lord thy maister so much to line 50 such trifles, and hath such faith in dreames, which ei­ther his owne feare fantasieth, or doo rise in the nights rest by reason of his daies thought? Tell him it is plaine witchcraft to beléeue in such dreames, which if they were tokens of things to come, why thinketh he not that we might be as likelie to make them true by our going, if we were caught & brought backe, as fréends faile fliers; for then had the boare a cause likelie to rase vs with his tusks, as folke that fled for some falsehood. Wherefore, either is there line 60 perill, or none there is in deed: or if anie be, it is ra­ther in going than biding. And in case we should néeds fall in perill one waie or other, yet had I rather that men should sée that it were by other mens false­hood, than thinke it were either by our owne fault, or faint heart. And therefore go to thy maister (man) and commend me to him, & praie him be merie & haue no feare: for I insure him I am as sure of the man that he woteth of, as I am of mine owne hand. God send grace sir (quoth the messenger) and went his waie.

[...] misfortune to the lord Hastings.Certeine is it also, that in riding towards the Tower, the same morning in which be was beheded, his horsse twise or thrise stumbled with him, almost to the falling. Which thing albeit ech man wote well dailie happeneth to them, to whom no such mischance is toward; yet hath it béene of an old rite and cu­stome obserued, as a token oftentimes notablie fore­going some great misfortune. Now this that follow­eth was no warning, but an enuious scorne. The same morning yer he was vp, came a knight vnto him, as it were of courtesie, to accompanie him to the councell; but of truth sent by the protector to hast him thitherwards, with whome he was of secret con­federacie in that purpose; a meane man at that time, and now of great authoritie.

This knight (I say) when it happened the lord cham­berleine by the waie to staie his horsse, & common a while with a priest whom he met in the Tower stréet, brake his tale, and said merilie to him; What my lord, I pray you come on, whereto talke you so long with that priest? you haue no néed of a priest yet: and ther­with he laughed vpon him, as though he would say. Ye shall haue soone. But so little wist the tother what he ment, and so little mistrusted, that he was neuer merier, nor neuer so full of good hope in his life, which selfe thing is oft séene a signe of change. But I shall rather let anie thing passe me, than the vaine suer­tie of mans mind so neere his death [flattering him­selfe with deceitfull conceipts of inward motions of life to be prolonged, euen in present cases of deadlie danger, and heauie misfortunes offering great mis­trust; as he did that is noted for speaking like a foole:

Non est (crede mihi) sapientis dicere, Viuam:
Mani. lib. 4 ▪ Astro.
Nascentes morimur, finís (que) ab origine pendet.]

Upon the verie Tower wharfe, so neare the place where his head was off soone after, there met he with one Hastings a purseuant of his owne name. And at their méeting in that place, he was put in remem­brance of another time, in which it had happened them before to meet in like manner togither in the same place. At which other time the lord chamberleine had béene accused vnto king Edward by the lord Riuers the queenes brother, in such wise, as he was for the while (but it lasted not long) farre fallen into the kings indignation, & stood in great feare of him­selfe. And forsomuch as he now met this purseuant in the same place, that ieopardie so well passed, it gaue him great pleasure to talke with him thereof, with whom he had before talked thereof in the same place, while he was therein.

And therefore he said: Ha Hastings, art thou re­membred when I met thée here once with an heauie heart? Yea my lord (quoth he) that remember I well, and thanked be God, they gat no good, nor you no harme thereby. Thou wouldest say so (quoth he) if thou knewest as much as I know, which few know else as yet, and mo shall shortlie. That meant he by the lords of the quéenes kinred that were taken be­fore, and should that daie be beheaded at Pomfret: which he well wist, but nothing ware that the axhung ouer his owne head. In faith man (quoth he) I was neuer so sorie, nor neuer stood in so great dread in my life, as I did when thou and I met here. And lo how the world is turned, now stand mine enimies in the danger (as thou maiest hap to heare more hereafter) and I neuer in my life so merrie, nor neuer in so great suertie.

O good God, the blindnesse of our mortall nature, when he most feared, he was in good suertie; when he reckoned himselfe surest, he lost his life, and that within two houres after. Thus ended this honora­ble man, a good knight and a gentle, The descrip­tion of the lord Hasting [...] of great authori­tie with his prince, of liuing somewhat dissolute, plaine and open to his enimie, & secret to his friend, easie to beguile, as he that of good heart and courage forestudied no perils, a louing man, and passing well beloued: verie faithfull, and trustie inough, trusting too much. Now flew the fame of this lords death [Page 724] swiftlie through the citie, and so foorth further about like a wind in euerie mans eare. But the protector, immediatlie after dinner, intending to set some co­lour vpon the matter, sent in all the hast for manie substantiall men out of the citie into the Towre.

Now at their comming, himselfe with the duke of Buckingham, stood harnessed in old ill faring bri­ganders, such as no man should wéene, that they would vouchsafe to haue put vpon their backs, ex­cept that some sudden necessitie had constreined line 10 them. And then the protector shewed them, that the lord chamberleine, and other of his conspiracie, had contriued to haue suddenlie destroied him, and the duke, there the same day in the councell. And what they intended further, was as yet not well knowne. Of which their treason he neuer had knowledge be­fore ten of the clocke the same forenoone, which sud­den feare draue them to put on for their defense such harnesse as came next to hand. And so had God hol­pen them, that the mischiefe turned vpon them that line 20 would haue doone it. And this he requireed them to report.

Euerie man answered him faire, as though no man mistrusted the matter, which of truth no man beléeued, The protec­tors procla­mation. Yet for the further appeasing of the peoples minds, he sent immediatlie after diner in all the hast one herald of armes, with a proclamation to be made through the citie in the kings name, contei­ning, that the lord Hastings, with diuerse other of his traitorous purpose, had before conspired the same line 30 day to haue slaine the lord protector, and the duke of Buckingham sitting in the councell; and after to haue taken vpon them to rule the king & the realme at their pleasure, and therby to pill and spoile whome they list vncontrolled. And much matter there was in that proclamation, deuised to the slander of the lord chamberleine, as that he was an ill councellor to the kings father, intising him to manie things highlie redounding to the minishing of his honour, and to the vniuersall hurt of the realme. line 40

The meanes whereby; namelie, his euill companie, sinister procuring, The life and déeds of the lord chamber­leine laid open and vngratious example, as well in manie other things, as in the vicious liuing and inordinate abusion of his bodie, both with manie o­ther, and also speciallie with Shores wife, which was one also of his most secret counsell in this most hei­nous treason, with whom he laie nightlie, and name­lie the night last past next before his death. So that it was the lesse maruell, if vngratious liuing brought him to an vnhappie ending, which he was now put line 50 vnto by the most dred commandement of the kings highnesse, and of his honorable and faithfull councell, both for his demerits, being so openlie taken in his falslie conceiued treason, and also least the delaieng of his execution might haue incouraged other mis­chiefous persons, partners of his conspiracie, to ga­ther and assemble themselues togither, in making some great commotion for his deliuerance: whose hope being now by his well deserued death politike­lie repressed, all the realme should (by Gods grace) rest line 60 in good quiet and peace.

Now was this proclamation made within two houres after that he was beheaded, and it was so cu­riouslie indicted, & so faire written in parchment, in so well a set hand, and therewith of it selfe so long a processe, that euerie child might well perceiue that it was prepared before. For all the time, betwéene his death and the proclaming, could scant haue sufficed vnto the bare writing alone, all had it bene but in pa­per, and scribled foorth in hast at aduenture. So that vpon the proclaming thereof, one that was schoole­maister of Powles, of chance standing by, and com­paring the shortnesse of the time with the length of the matter, said vnto them that stood about him; Here is a gaie goodlie cast foule cast awaie for hast. And a merchant answered him, that it was written by pro­phesie.

Now then by and by, as it were for anger, not for couetise, Shores [...] spoiled of [...] that she had▪ the protector sent into the house of Shores wife (for hir husband dwelled not with hir) and spoiled hir of all that euer she had, aboue the value of two or three thousand markes, and sent hir bodie to prison. And when he had a while laid vnto hir (for the maner sake) that she went about to bewitch him, and that she was of counsell with the lord chamberleine to destroie him: in conclusion, when that no colour could fasten vpon these matters, then he laid heinouslie to hir charge, that thing that hir selfe could not denie, and that all the world wist was true, and that nathe­lesse euerie man laughed at, to heare it then so sud­denlie so highlie taken, that shee was naught of hir bodie.

And for this cause (as a goodlie continent prince, cleane and faultlesse of himselfe, Shores [...] put to open penance. sent out of heauen into this vicious world for the amendment of mens maners) he caused the bishop of London to put hir to open penance, going before the crosse in processi­on vpon a sundaie with a taper in hir hand. In which she went in countenance and pase demure so wo­manlie; that albeit she were out of all araie, saue hir kirtle onelie, yet went she so faire and louelie, name­lie while the woondering of the people cast a comelie rud in hir cheeks (of which she before had most misse) that hir great shame wan hir much praise among those that were more amorous of hir bodie, than cu­rious of hir soule. And manie good folks also that ha­ted hir liuing, & glad were to see sin corrected: yet piti­ed they more hir penance, than reioised therin, when they considered that the protector procured it, more of a corrupt intent, than anie vertuous affection.

This woman was borne in London, worshipful­lie friended, honestlie brought vp, The descrip­tiō of Shores wife. and verie well ma­ried, sauing somewhat too soone, hir husband an honest citizen, yoong and godlie, & of good substance. But for­somuch as they were coupled yer she were well ripe, she not verie feruentlie loued him, for whō she neuer longed, which was happilie the thing that the more ea­silie made hir incline vnto the kings appetite, when he required hir. Howbeit the respect of his roialtie, the hope of gaie apparell, ease, and other wanton wealth, was able soone to pearse a soft tender heart, [so that she became flexible and pliant to the kings appetite and will; being so blinded with the bright glorie of the present courtlie brauerie which shée in­ioied, that she vtterlie forgat how excellent a trea­sure good name and fame is, and of what incompara­ble swéetnesse, euen by the iudgement of him, whose match for wisdome the world neuer bred vp, saieng:

Sunt optanda magis purae bona nomina famae,
Eob. Hess. [...] cles. Sal.
Nobilis vnguenti quàm pretiosus odor.]

But when the king had abused hir, anon hir hus­band (as he was an honest man, and one that could his good, not presuming to touch a kings concubine) left hir vp to him altogither. When the king died, the lord chamberleine tooke hir, which in the kings daies, albeit he was sore inamoured vpon hir, yet he forbare hir; ether for reuerence, or for a certeine friendlie faithfulnesse. Proper she was and faire; no­thing in hir bodie that you would haue changed, but if ye would haue wished hir somewhat higher. Thus saie they that knew hir in hir youth. Albeit some that now sée hir (for yet [...] when this storie was written. she liueth) deem hir neuer to haue béene well visaged: whose iudgement seemeth me somewhat like, as though men should gesse the beau­tie of one long before departed, by hir scalpe taken out of the charuell house.

For now is she old, leane, withered, and dried vp, nothing left but riuelled skin, and hard bone. And yet [Page 725] being euen such, who so well aduise hir visage, might gesse and deuise, which parts how filled would make it a faire face. Yet delighted not men so much in hir beautie, as in hir pleasant behauiour. For a proper wit had she, and could both read well and write, mer­rie in companie, readie and quicke of answer, nei­ther mute, nor full of bable, somtime tawnting with­out displeasure, and not without disport. The king would saie that he had thrée concubins, which in thrée diuerse properties diuerslie excelled. K. Edwards three concu­bines. One the mer­riest, line 10 another the wiliest, the third the holiest harlot in his realme, as one whome no man could get out of the church lightlie to any place, but it were to his bed.

The other two were somewhat greater persona­ges, and nathelesse of their humilitie content to be namelesse, and to forbeare the praise of those proper­ties: but the meriest was this Shores wife, in whom the king therefore tooke speciall pleasure. For manie he had, but hir he loued; whose fauour to say the truth (for sin it were to beelie the diuell) she neuer abused to anie mans hurt, but to manie a mans comfort line 20 and reléefe. Where the king tooke displeasure, shée would mitigate and appease his mind: where men were out of fauour, she would bring them in his grace. For manie that had highlie offended shée ob­teined pardon. Of great forfeitures she gat men re­mission.

Finallie, in manie weightie sutes she stood ma­nie a man in great stead, either for none or verie small rewards, and those rather gaie than rich; either line 30 that she was content with the déed it selfe well doone; or for that she delighted to be sued vnto, and to shew what she was able to doo with the king; or for that wanton women and wealthie be not alwaies coue­tous. I doubt not some shall thinke this woman too slight a thing to be written of, and set among the re­membrances of great matters: which they shall spe­ciallie thinke, that happilie shall estéeme hir onelie by that they now sée hir.

But me séemeth the chance so much the more wor­thie line 40 to be remembred, in how much she is now in the more beggerlie condition, vnfréended and worne out of acquaintance, after good substance, after as great fauour with the prince, after as great sute and see­king to with all those, that those daies had businesse to speed, as manie other men were in their times, which be now famous onelie by the infamie of their ill déeds. Hir dooings were not much lesse, albeit they be much lesse remembred, bicause they were not so e­uill. For men vse if they haue an euill turne, to write it in marble: and who so dooth vs a good turne, we line 50 write it in dust, which is not worst prooued by hir: for at this daie she beggeth of manie at this daie liuing, that at this daie had begged if she had not béene.

Now was it so deuised by the protector and his councell, that the selfe daie, in which the lord cham­berleine was beheaded in the Tower of London, and about the selfe same houre, was there (not with­out his assent) beheaded at Pomfret, the foreremem­bred lords & knights that were taken from the king at Northampton and Stonie Stratford. Which line 60 thing was doone in the presence, and by the order of sir Richard Ratcliffe knight, whose seruice the protec­tor speciallie vsed in that councell, Sir Richard Ratcliffe. and in the executi­on of such lawlesse enterprises, as a man that had béene long secret with him, hauing experience of the world, and a shrewd wit, short & rude in spéech, rough and boisterous of behauiour, bold in mischiefe, as far from pitie as from all feare of God.

This knight bringing them out of the prison to the scaffold, and shewing to the people about that they were traitors (not suffering them to declare & speake their innocencie, least their words might haue incli­ned men to pitie them, and to hate the protector and his part) caused them hastilie, without iudgement, processe, or maner of order to be beheaded, The lord Ri­uers & other beheaded. and with­out other earthlie gilt, but onelie that they were good men, too true to the king, and too nigh to the quéene. Now when the lord chamberleine & these other lords and knights were thus beheaded, and rid out of the waie: then thought the protector, that when men mu­sed what the matter meant, while the lords of the realme were about him out of their owne strengths, while no man wist what to thinke, nor whom to trust, yer euer they should haue space to dispute and digest the matter and make parties; it were best hastilie to pursue his purpose, and put himselfe in possession of the crowne, yer men could haue time to deuise anie waie to resist.

But now was all the studie by what meanes this matter, being of it selfe so heinous, might be first bro­ken to the people, in such wise that it might be well taken. To this councell they tooke diuerse, such as they thought meetlie to be trusted, likelie to be indu­ced to that part, and able to stand them in st [...]ed either by power or policie. Among whome they made of councell Edmund Shaw knight then maior of Lon­don, which vpon trust of his owne aduancement, Edmund Shaw maior of London. whereof he was of a proud heart highlie desirous, should frame the citie to their appetite. Of spirituall men they tooke such as had wit, and were in authori­tie among the people for opinion of their learning, and had no scrupulous conscience. Among these had they Iohn Shaw clearke brother to the maior, and frier Penker, prouinciall of the Augustine friers both doctors of diuinitie, both great preachers, both of more learning than vertue, of more fame than learning. For they were before greatlie estéemed a­mong the people: but after that neuer.

Of these two the one had a sermon in praise of the protector before the coronation, the other after, both so full of tedious flatterie, that no mans eares could a­bide them. Penker in his sermon so lost his voice, that he was faine to leaue off, and come downe in the midst. Doct. Shaw. Frier Pen­ker. Doctor Shaw by his sermon lost his hone­stie, & soone after his life, for verie shame of the world, into which he durst neuer after come abroad. But the frier forced for no shame, and so it harmed him the lesse. Howbeit some doubt, and manie thinke, that Penker was not of counsell in the matter before the coronation, but after the common maner fell to flatterie after: namelie sith his sermon was not in­continentlie vpon it, but at saint Marie hospitall at the Easter after.

But certeine it is, that doctor Shaw was of coun­sell in the begining, so farre foorth that they determi­ned that he should first breake the matter in a ser­mon at Paules crosse, in which he should (by the au­thoritie of his preaching) incline the people to the pro­tectors ghostlie purpose. But now was all the labor and studie in the deuise of some conuenient pretext, for which the people should be content to depose the prince, and accept the protector for king. In which di­uerse things they deuised. The chiefest deuise to de­pose the prince. But the chéefe thing & the weightiest of all that inuention rested in this, that they should alledge bastardie, either in king Ed­ward himselfe, or in his children, or both. So that he should séeme disabled to inherit the crowne, by the duke of Yorke, and the prince by him.

To laie bastardie in king Edward, sounded open­lie to the rebuke of the protectors owne mother, which was mother to them both; for in that point could be no other color, but to pretend that his owne mother was an adultresse, which notwithstanding, to fur­ther this purpose he letted not. But neuerthelesse he would that point should be lesse and more fauoura­blie handled: not euen fullie plaine and directlie, but that the matter should be touched aslope craftilie, as [Page 726] though men spared in that point to speake all the truth, for feare of his displeasure. But the other point concerning the bastardie that they deuised to surmize in king Edwards children, that would he should be openlie declared and inforced to the vttermost. The colour and pretext whereof cannot be well perceiued, but if we first repeat you some things long before doone about king Edwards mariage.

After that king Edward the fourth had deposed king Henrie the sixt, and was in peaceable possession of the realme, determining himselfe to marie (as it line 10 was meet both for him selfe & the realme) he sent ouer in ambassage the erle of Warwike, Sée before pag. 667, 668. with other noble men in his companie to Spaine, to treat & conclude a mariage betwéene K. Edward & the kings daugh­ter of Spaine. In which thing the erle of Warwike found the parties so toward & willing, that he speedily (according to his instructions without any difficultie) brought the matter to very good cōclusion. Now hap­ned it, Dame Eliza­beth Greie. that in the meane season there came to make a sute by petition to the king dame Elizabeth Greie, line 20 which was after his quéene, at that time a widow, borne of noble bloud, by hir mother, duches of Bed­ford, ye [...] she maried the lord Wooduile, hir father.

Howbeit, this dame Elizabeth hir selfe, being in seruice with queene Margaret, wife vnto king Hen­rie the sixt, wis maried vnto one [Iohn] Greie an es­quier, whome king Henrie made knight vpon the field that he had on [Barnet heath by saint Albons] against king Edward. But litle while inioied he that knighthood: for he was at the same field slaine. Af­ter line 30 which doone, and the earle of Warwike, being in his ambassage about the afore remembred mariage, this poore ladie made humble sute vnto the king, that she might be restored vnto such small lands as hir late husband had giuen hir in iointure. Whome when the king beheld, and heard hir speake, as she was both faire and of a goodlie fauor, moderate of stature, well made, and verie wise: he not onelie pitied hir, but also w [...]xed inamoured of hir. And taking hir af­terward secretlie aside, began to enter in talking line 40 more familiarlie. Whose appetite when she perceiued, she vertuouslie denied him.

But that did she so wiselie, and with so good ma­ner, and words so well set, that she rather kindled his desire than quenched it. And finallie, after manie a méeting, much wooing, and many great promises, she well espieng the kings affection toward hir so great­lie increased, that she durst somewhat the more bold­lie saie hir mind, as to him whose hart she perceiued line 50 more seruentlie set, than to fall off for a word. And in conclusion, A wise an­swer of a chast and continent ladie. she shewed him plaine, that as she wis [...] hir selfe too simple to be his wife, so thought she hir selfe too good to be his concubine. The king much maruelling at hir constancie (as he that had not béen woont elsewhere to be so stiffelie said naie) so much e­steemed hir continencie and chastitie, that he set hir vertue in the stéed of possession and riches: and thus taking counsell of his desire, determined in all possi­ble hast to marie hir. line 60

Now after he was thus appointed, and had be­twéene them twaine insured hir: then asked he coun­sell of his other fréends, and that in such maner, as they might then perceiue it booted not greatlie to say naie. The kings mother. Notwithstanding the duches of Yorke his mo­ther was so sore mooued therewith, that she dissuaded the mariage as much as she possible might; alledg­ing that it was his honour, profit, and suertie also, to marie in a noble progenie out of his realme, where­vpon depended great strength to his estate, by the af­finitie and great possibilitie of increase of his posses­sion. And that he could not well otherwise doo, see­ing that the earle of Warwike had so farre moued alreadie: which were not likelie to take it well, if all his voiage were in such wise frustrate, and his ap­pointment deluded. And she said also, that it was not princelie to marie his owne subiect, no great occasi­on leading therevnto, no possessions, or other com­modities depending therevpon; but onlie as it were a rich man that would marie his maid, onelie for a lit­tle wanton do [...]age vpon hir person.

In which mariage manie mo commend the mai­dens fortune, than the maisters wisedome. And yet therein (she said) was more honestie than honour in this mariage. For somuch as there is betwéene no merchant and his owne maid so great difference, as betwéene the king and this widow. In whose per­son, albeit there was nothing to be misliked; yet was there (she said) nothing so excellent, but that it might be found in diuerse other that were more meetlie (quoth she) for your estate, and maidens also; whereas the onelie widowhead of Elizabeth Greie, though she were in all other things conuenient for you, shuld yet suffice (as me seemeth) to refraine you from hir mariage, sith it is an vnfitting thing, and a verie ble­mish and high disparagement to the sacred maiestie of a prince, that ought as nigh to approch priesthood in cleannesse as he dooth in dignitie, to be defiled with bigamie in his first mariage.

The king, when his mother had said, The kings answer to his mother. made hir an­swer, part in earnest, part in plaie merilie, as he that wist himselfe out of hir rule. And albeit he would gladlie that she should take it well, yet was at a point in his owne mind, tooke she it well or otherwise. Howbeit somewhat to satisfie hir, he said, that albeit mariage (being a spirituall thing) ought rather to be made for the respect of God, where his grace incli­neth the parties to loue togither, as he trusted it was in his, than for the regard of anie temporall aduan­uantage: yet neuerthelesse, him séemed that this ma­riage, euen worldlie considered, was not vnprofita­ble. For he reckoned the amitie of no earthlie nation so necessarie for him, as the fréendship of his owne, which he thought likely to beare him so much the more hartie fauour, in that he disdeined not to marie with one of his owne land.

And yet if outward aliance were thought so re­quisite, he would find the means to enter thereinto, much better by other of his kin, where all the parties could be contented, than to marie himselfe whome he should happilie neuer loue; and for the possibilitie of more possessions, leese the fruit and pleasure of this that he had alreadie. For small pleasure taketh a man of all that euer he hath beside, if he be wiued a­gainst his appetite. And I doubt not (quoth he) but there be (as ye say) other, that be in euerie point com­parable with hir. And therefore I let not them that like them to wed them. No more is it reason, that it mislike anie man, that I marrie where it liketh me. And I am sure that my cousine of Warwike neither loueth me so little, to grudge at that I loue; nor is so vnreasonable, to looke that I should in choise of a wise, rather be ruled by his eie, than by mine owne: as though I were a ward that were bound to marie by the appointment of a gardian.

I would not be a king with that condition, Libertie pre­ferred before [...] kingdome. to for­beare mine owne libertie in choise of mine owne mariage. As for possibilitie of more inheritance by new affinitie in strange lands, is oft the occasion of more trouble than profit. And we haue alreadie title by that meanes vnto so much, as sufficeth to get and kéepe well in one mans daies. That she is a widow, and hath alreadie children; by Gods blessed ladie, I am a bacheler, and haue some too, and so ech of vs hath a proofe that neither of vs is like to be barren. And therefore (madame) I praie you be content, I trust in God she shall bring foorth a yoong prince that shall please you. And as for the bigamie, let the bishop [Page 727] hardlie laie it in my waie when I come to take or­ders. For I vnderstand it is forbidden a préest, but I neuer wist it yet, that it was forbidden a prince. [This spake he as alluding to the libertie of princes, whose lust standeth oftentimes for law, and their opi­nion for reason, according to the saieng of the poet;

—tunc omnia iure tenebis,
Cùm poteris rex esse.
[...].
]

The duches with these words nothing appeased, and séeing the king so set thereon, that she could not pull line 10 him backe, so highlie she disdained it, that vnder pre­text of hi [...] dutie to Godward, she deuised to disturbe this mariage, and rather to helpe that he should ma­rie one dame Elizabeth Lucie, whome the king had also not long before gotten with child. Wherefore the kings mother openlie obiected against his mariage, as it were in discharge of hir conscience, that the king was sure to dame Elizabeth Lucie and hir hus­band before God. El [...]zabeth Lucie. By reason of which words, such ob­stacle was made in the matter, that either the bi­shops line 20 durst not, or the king would not proceed to the solemnization of this wedding, till these same were clearlie purged, and the truth well and openlie testi­fied. Wherevpon dame Elizabeth Lucie was then sent for.

And albeit that she was by the kings mother and manie other put in good comfort, to affirme that she was ensured vnto the king: yet when she was so­lemnlie sworne to saie the truth, she confessed that they were neuer ensured. Howbeit she said his grace line 30 spake so louing words vnto hir, that she verelie ho­ped he would haue married hir. And that if it had not béene for such kind words, she would neuer haue shewed such kindnesse to him, to let him so kindlie get hir with child. This examination solemnelie ta­ken, when it was cléerelie perceiued, that there was none impediment: The kings mariage. the king with great feast and honourable solemnitie married dame Elizabeth Greie, and hir crowned queene that was his enimies wife, and manie times had praied full hartilie for his line 40 losse, in which God loued hir better than to grant hir hir boune.

But when the earle of Warwike vnderstood of this marriage, he tooke it so highlie that his ambas­sage was deluded, that for verie anger and disdaine he (at his returning) assembled a great puissance against the king, and came so fast vpon him yer he could be able to resist, that he was faine to void the realme, and flee into Holland for succor, (where he re­mained for the space of two yeares, The king fled leauing his new wife at Westminster in sanctuarie, where she was line 50 deliuered of Edward the prince, of whome we before haue spoken. The prince borne. In which meane time the earle of War­wike tooke out of prison, and set vp againe king Henrie the sixt, king Henrie the sixt set vp. who was before by king Edward deposed, and that much what by the power of the erle of Warwike, which was a wise man, and a couragi­ous warriour, Of the earle of warwike. and of such strength, what for his lands, his aliance, and fauor with all people, that he made kings and put downe kings almost at his pleasure, and not impossible to haue atteined it himselfe, if he line 60 had not reckoned it a greater thing to make a king than to be a king.

The earle of warwike s [...]aine.But nothing lasteth alwaie: for in conclusion, king Edward returned, and with much lesse number than he had at Barnet on the Easterdaie field, slue the earle of Warwike, with manie other great e­states of that partie, & so stablie atteined the crowne againe, that he peaceablie enioied it vntill his dieng daie: and in such plight left it, that it could not be lost but by the discord of his verie friends, or falshood of his feined fréends. I haue rehearsed this businesse about this marriage somewhat the more at length, bicause it might thereby the better appeare, vpon how slipperie a ground the protector builded his colour, by which he pretended king Edwards children to be bastards. But that inuention, simple as it was, it li­ked them to whome it sufficed to haue somewhat to saie, while they were sure to be compelled to no lar­ger proofe than themselues list to make.

Now then (as I began to shew you) it was by the protector and his councell concluded, that this doctor Shaw should in a sermon at Pauls crosse sig­nifie to the people, Doc. Shaw [...] sermon. that neither king Edward him­selfe, nor the duke of Clarence, were lawfullie be­gotten, nor were not the verie children of the duke of Yorke, but gotten vnlawfullie by other persons, in adulterie, of the duches their mother. And that also dame Elizabeth Lucie was verelie the wife of king Edward, and so the prince and all his children ba­stards, that were begotten vpon the quéene. Accor­ding to this deuise doctor Shaw the sundaie after, at Paules crosse in a great audience (as alwaie assem­bled great number to his preaching) he tooke for his theame; Spuria vitilamina non agent radices altas, that is to saie; Bastard slippes shall neuer take deepe root.

Therevpon when he had shewed the great grace that God giueth, and secretlie infundeth in right generation after the lawes of matrimonie, then de­clared he, that commonlie those children lacked that grace, and for the punishment of their parents were (for the more part) vnhappie, which were gotten in base, and speciallie in adulterie. Of which, though some, by the ignorance of the world and the truth hid from knowledge, inherited for the season other mens lands, yet God alwaie so prouideth, that it continueth not in their bloud long: but the truth comming to light, the rightfull inheritors be restored, and the ba­stard slip pulled vp yer it can be rooted deepe. And so he did laie for the proofe and confirmation of this sentence certeine insamples taken out of the old te­stament, and other ancient histories.

Then began he to descend into the praise of the lord Richard late duke of Yorke, This prea­cher was taught his lesson yer he came into the pulpit. calling him father to the lord protector, and declared the title of his heires vnto the crowne, to whome it was (after the death of king Henrie the sixt) intailed by authoritie of parle­ment. Then shewed he that his verie right heire of his bodie lawfullie begotten was onelie the lord pro­tector. For he declared then, K. Edward s [...]andered in a sermon. that king Edward was neuer lawfullie married vnto the queene, but was before God husband vnto dame Elizabeth Lucie, and so his children bastards. And besides that, neither king Edward himselfe, nor the duke of Clarence, among those that were secret in the houshold, were reckoned verie suerlie for the children of the noble duke, as those that by their fauours more resembled other knowne men than him. From whose vertuous conditions he said also that the late king Edward was far off.

But the lord protector he said, the verie noble prince, the speciall paterne of knightlie prowesse, as well in all princelie behauior, as in the lineaments and fauour of his visage, represented the verie face of the noble duke his father. This is, quoth he, the fa­thers owne figure, this is his owne countenance, the verie print of his visage, the sure vndoubted image, the plaine expresse likenesse of that noble duke. Now was it before deuised, A maruelous deuise to mooue the assemblie. that in the speaking of these words, the protector should haue comen in a­mong the people to the sermon ward, to the end that those words méeting with his presence, might haue béen taken among the hearers, as though the Holie-ghost had put them in the preachers mouth, & should haue mooued the people euen there to crie; King Ri­chard, king Richard! that it might haue béene after said, that he was speciallie chosen by God, and in [Page 728] maner by miracle. But this deuise quailed, either by the protectors negligence, or the preachers ouermuch diligence.

For while the protector found by the waie tarieng least he should preuent those words, and the doctor fearing that he should come yer his sermon could come to these words, hasted his matter thereto, he was come to them and past them, and entred into o­ther matters yer the protector came. Whome when he beheld comming, he suddenlie left the matter with line 10 which he was in hand, and without anie deduction therevnto, out of all order and out of all frame, began to repeat those words againe: K. Richard commended by the prea­cher. ‘This is the verie no­ble prince, the speciall patrone of knightlie prowesse, which as well in all princelie behauior, as in the line­aments & fauor of his visage, representeth the verie face of the noble duke of Yorke his father: this is the fathers owne figure, this is his owne countenance, the verie print of his visage, the sure vndoubted i­mage, the plaine expresse likenesse of the noble duke, line 20 whose remembrance can neuer die while he liueth.’

While these words were in speaking, the protector accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, went through the people into the place where the doctors commonlie stand in the vpper storie, where he stood to hearken the sermon. But the people were so farre fro crieng; K. Richard, that they stood as they had béene turned into stones, for woonder of this shamefull ser­mon. Note y e course of Gods iudgement. After which once ended, the preacher gat him home, and neuer after durst looke out for shame, but line 30 kept him out of sight like an owle. And when he once asked one that had béene his old friend what the peo­ple talked of him, all were it that his owne consci­ence well shewed him that they talked no good; yet when the tother answered him, that there was in e­uerie mans mouth spoken of him much shame, it so strake him to the heart, that within few daies after he withered and consumed awaie [for verie thought and inward pine, procured by irrecouerable cares, whose nature is noted by obseruation of their effects: line 40 ‘ Ouid. lib. 3. met.Attenuant vigiles corpus miserabile curae.]’

Then on the tuesdaie following this sermon, there came to the Guildhall in London the duke of Buc­kingham, accompanied with diuerse lords and knights mo than happilie knew the message that they brought. And there in the east end of the hall, where the maior kéepeth the Hustings, the maior and all the aldermen being assembled about him, all the commons of the citie gathered before them. After silence commanded vpon great paine in the protec­tors line 50 name: the duke stood vp, and (as he was neither vnlearned, and of nature maruelouslie well spoken) he said vnto the people with a cleare and lowd voice in this maner of wise.

The duke of Buckinghams oration to the assemblie of the maior, aldermen, and commoners.

FRiends, for the zeale and heartie line 60 fauour that we beare you, we be comen to breake vnto you of a matter right great and weigh­tie, and no lesse weightie than pleasing to God, and profitable to all the realme: nor to no part of the realme more profitable, than to you the citizens of this noble citie. For whie, that thing that we wote well ye haue long time lacked, and sore longed for, that yee would haue giuen great good for, that yee would haue gone farre to fetch; that thing we be come hither to bring you without your labour, paine, cost, aduen­ture or ieopardie. What thing is that▪ A notable persua [...]n. Certes the suertie of your owne bodies, the quiet of your wiues and your daugh­ters, the safegard of your goods: of all which things in times past ye stood euer­more in doubt. For who was there of you all, that would reckon himselfe lord of his own goods among so manie grens & traps as was set therefore, among so much pil­ling and polling, among so manie taxes and tallages, of which there was neuer end, & oftentimes no need? Or if anie were, it rather grew of riot, and vnreasonable wast, than anie necessarie or honourable charge.

So that there was dailie pilled fro good men and honest, great substance of goods, to be lashed out among vnthrifts; so far forth, that fifteenes sufficed not, nor anie vsuall names of knowne taxes: but vnder an ea­sie name of beneuolence and good will, the commissioners so much of euerie man tooke as no man could with his good will haue giuen. As though that name of beneuo­lence had signified, that euerie man should paie, not what himselfe of his owne good will list to grant, but what the king of his good will list to take. Which neuer asked little, but euerie thing was hawsed aboue the measure, amercements turned into fines, fines into ransoms, small trespasses into misprison, misprison into treason. Whereof (I thinke) no man looketh that we should remember you of examples by name, as though Burdet were forgotten, Burdet▪ that was for a word spoken in hast cruellie beheaded, by the misconstruing of the laws of this realme, for the princes pleasure.

With no lesse honour to Markam then cheefe iustice, Markam▪ that left [the benefit & digni­tie] of his office, rather than he would as­sent to the dishonestie of those, that either for feare or flatterie gaue that iudgement. What Cooke, Cooke. your owne worshipfull neighbour, alderman and maior of this no­ble citie, who is of you so either negligent that he knoweth not, or so forgetfull that he remembreth not, or so hard hearted that he pittieth not that worshipfull mans losse? What speake we of losse? His vtter spoile and vndeserued destruction, onelie for that it hapned those to fauour him whome the prince fauoured not. We need not (I suppose) to rehearse of these anie mo by name, sith there be (I doubt not) manie heere present, that either in themselues or in their nigh friends haue knowne, as well their goods as their persons greatlie in­dangered, either by feigned quarels, or small matters aggreeued with heinous names. And also there was no crime so great, of which there could lacke a pre­text.

For sith the king, preuenting the time of this inheritance, atteined the crowne by battell: it sufficed in a rich man for a pre­text of treason, to haue beene of kinred or a­liance, neer familiaritie, or legier acquain­tance with anie of those that were at anie [Page 729] time the kings enimies, which was at one time and other more than halfe the relme. Thus were neither your goods in suertie, and yet they brought your bodies in ieo­pardie, beside the common aduenture of o­pen warre, Open warre not so ill as [...]. which albeit that it is euer the will and occasion of much mischeefe, yet is it neuer so mischeeuous, as where any peo­ple fall at distance among themselues, nor in none earthlie nation so deadlie and so line 10 pestilent, as when it hapneth among vs; and among vs neuer so long continued dis­sention, nor so manie batels in that season, nor so cruell and so deadlie fought, as was in that kings daies that dead is, God for­giue it his soule.

In whose time, and by whose occasion, what about the getting of the garland, keeping it, leesing and winning againe, it line 20 hath cost more English bloud, than hath twise the winning of France. In which inward war among our selues, Ciuill warre the occasion of manie great inconuenien­ces. hath beene so great effusion of the ancient noble bloud of this realme, that scarselie the halfe re­maineth, to the great infeebling of this no­ble land, beside manie a good towne ransac­ked and spoiled by them, that haue beene going to the field or comming from thence. line 30 And peace long after not much surer than war. So that no time was therein, which rich men for their monie, and great men for their lands, or some other for some feare, or some displeasure were not out of perill. For whom trusted he that mistrusted his owne brother? Whome spared he that killed his owne brother? Or who could per­fectlie loue him, if his owne brother could not? line 40

What maner of folke he most fauoured we shall for his honour spare to speake of. Howbeit this wote you well all, that who so was best, bare alwaie least rule; & more sute was in his daies to Shores wife, a vile and an abhominable strumpet, Shores wife more sued vn­to than all the lords in Eng­land. than to all the lords in England: except vnto those that made hir their proctor. Which simple woman was well named & honest, line 50 till the king for his wanton lust and sinfull affection bereft hir from hir husband, a right honest substantiall yoong man among you. And in that point, which in good faith I am sorie to speake of, sauing that it is in vaine to keepe in counsell that thing that all men know, the kings greedie appetite was insatiable, and euerie where ouer all the realme intollerable. line 60

For no woman was there anie where, yoong or old, rich or poore, whome he set his eie vpon, in whome he anie thing liked, ei­ther person or fauour, speech, pase, or coun­tenance, but without anie feare of God, or respect of his honour, murmur or grudge of the world, he would importunelie pursue his appetite, and haue hir, to the great de­struction of manie a good woman, and great dolor to their husbands, and their other freends; which being honest people of them selues, so much regard the cleannesse of their house, the chastitie of their wiues, and their children, that them were leauer to leese all that they had beside, than to haue such a villanie doone them. And all were it that with this and other importa­ble dealing, the realme was in euerie part annoied: He directeth his spéech to y e communal­tie of the citie. yet speciallie yee heere the citi­zens of this noble citie, as well for that a­mongest you is most plentie of all such things as minister matter to such iniuries as for that you were neerest at hand, sith that neere heere abouts was commonlie his most abiding.

And yet be yee the people, whome he had as singular cause well and kindlie to in­treat, as anie part of his realme; not one­lie for that the prince (by this noble citie, London the kings especi­all chamber. as his speciall chamber, & the speciall well renowmed citie of this realme) much ho­nourable fame receiueth among all other nations: but also for that yee (not without your great cost, & sundrie perils & ieopar­dies in all his warres) bare euen your spe­ciall fauor to his part. Which your kind minds borne to the house of Yorke, sith he hath nothing worthilie acquited, there is of that house that now by Gods grace bet­ter shall: which thing to shew you is the whole summe and effect of this our present errand. It shall not (I wot well) need that I rehearse you againe, that yee haue al­readie heard of him that can better tell it, and of whome I am sure yee will better be­leeue it. And reason is that it so be.

I am not so proud, to looke therefore that yee should reckon my words of as great au­thoritie as the preachers of the word of God, namlie a man so cunning and so wise, that no man better woteth what he should saie, and thereto so good and vertuous, Doct. Shaw commended by the duke of Buckinghā. that he would not saie the thing which he wist he should not saie, in the pulpit namelie, into the which no honest man commeth to lie. Which honorable preacher, yee well re­member, substantiallie declared vnto you at Paules crosse, on sundaie last passed, the right & title that the most excellent prince Richard duke of Glocester, now protector of this realme, hath vnto the crowne and kingdome of the same. For as the worship­full man groundlie made open vnto you, the children of king Edward the fourth were neuer lawfullie begotten, forsomuch as the king (leauing his verie wife dame Elizabeth Lucie) was neuer lawfullie ma­ried vnto the queene their mother, A slanderous lie confirmed. whose bloud, sauing that he set his voluptuous pleasure before his honor, was full vnmeet­lie to be matched with his; and the ming­ling of whose blouds togither, hath beene the effusion of a great part of the noble bloud of this realme.

Wherby it may well seeme the mariage not well made, of which there is so much mischeefe growne. For lacke of which law­full coupling, & also of other things which the said worshipfull doctor rather signified than fullie explaned, & which things shall not be spoken for me, as the thing wherein euerie man forbereth to say that he know­eth [Page 730] in auoiding displeasure of my noble lord protector, bearing (as nature requireth) a filiall reuerence to the duchesse his mother. For these causes (I say) before remembred, that is to wit, for lacke of other issue law­fullie of the late noble prince Richard duke of Yorke, to whose roiall bloud the crowne of England and of France is by the high authoritie of parlement intailed, the right and title of the same is by the iust course of line 10 inheritance (according to the cōmon lawes of the land) deuolued & commen vnto the most excellent prince the lord protector, The title of K. Richard to the crowne. as to the verie lawfullie begotten sonne of the foreremembred noble duke of Yorke.

Which thing well considered, and the great knightlie prowesse pondered, with manifold vertues, which in his noble per­son singularlie abound; the nobles and line 20 commons also of this realme, and speciallie of the north part, not willing anie bastard bloud to haue the rule of the land, nor the abusions before in the same vsed anie lon­ger to continue, haue condescended and ful­lie determined, to make humble petition to the most puissant prince the lord protector, that it maie like his grace (at our humble request) to take vpon him the guiding and line 30 gouernance of this realme, to the wealth and increase of the same, according to his verie right and iust title. The dignitie and office of a king full of care & studie. Which thing I wote it well, he will be loth to take vpon him, as he whose wisdome well perceiueth the labor and studie both of mind and bodie, that come therewith, to whomsoeuer so will occupie the roome, as I dare say hee will, if he take it. Which roome I warne you well is no childs office. And that the line 40 great wise man well perceiued, when hee said: Vae regno cuius rex puer est: Wo is that realme that hath a child to their king.

Wherefore so much the more cause haue we to thanke God, that this noble perso­nage, which is so rightlie intituled thervn­to, is of so sad age, & thereto so great wise­dome ioined with so great experience, which albeit hee will bee loth (as I haue line 50 said) to take it vpon him, yet shall he to our petition in that behalfe more gratiouslie incline, if ye the worshipfull citizens of this the cheefe citie of this realme, ioine with vs the nobles in our said request. Which for your owne weale (we doubt not) but ye will: and nathelesse I heartilie pray you so to doo, whereby you shall doo great profit to all this realme beside, in choosing them line 60 so good a king, and vnto your selues speciall commoditie, to whom his maiestie shall e­uer after beare so much the more tender fauor, in how much he shall perceiue you the more prone and beneuolentlie minded toward his election. Wherin deere friends what mind you haue, wee require you plainlie to shew vs.

When the duke had said, and looked that the people, whome he hoped that the maior had framed before, should after this proposition made, haue cried; King Richard, king Richard: all was husht and mute, and not one word answered therevnto. Wherewith the duke was maruellouslie abashed, and taking the maior neerer to him, with other that were about him priuie to that matter, said vnto them softlie. What meaneth this, that the people be so still? Sir (quoth the maior) percase they perceiue you not well. That shall we mend (quoth he) if that will helpe. And by & by somewhat lowder he rehersed to them the same mat­ter againe in other order, and other words, so well and ornatlie, and nathelesse so euidentlie and plaine, with voice, gesture, and countenance so comelie, and so conuenient, that euerie man much maruelled that heard him, and thought that they neuer had in their liues heard so euill a tale so well told [insomuch that he séemed as cunning an orator, as he, of whome the poet spake to his high praise & cōmendation, saieng: ‘Quaelibet eloquio causa fit apta suo.]’

But were it for woonder or feare, The election of K. Richard hardlie to be preferred. or that each looked that other should speake first: not one word was there answered of all the people that stood before, but all was as still as the midnight, not somuch as row­ning amongest them, by which they might seeme to commune what was best to do. When the maior saw this, he with other partners of that councell drew a­bout the duke, and said that the people had not béene accustomed there to be spoken vnto, but by the re­corder, which is the mouth of the citie, and happilie to him they will answer. With that the recorder, cal­led Fitz William, a sad man, & an honest, Fitz William recorder. which was so new come into that office, that he neuer had spo­ken to the people before, and loth was with that mat­ter to begin, notwithstanding thervnto commanded by the maior, made rehearsall to the commons of that the duke had twise rehearsed to them himselfe.

But the recorder so tempered his tale, that he shewed euerie thing as the dukes words, and no part his owne. But all this noting no change made in the people, which alwaie after one stood as they had béene men amazed. Wherevpon the duke rowned vnto the maior and said; This is a maruellous obstinate si­lence: and therewith he turned vnto the people a­gaine with these words; Déere friends, we come to mooue you to that thing, which peraduenture we not so greatlie néeded, but that the lords of this realme, and the commons of other parties might haue suffi­ced, sauing that we such loue beare you, and so much set by you, that we would not gladlie doo without you, that thing in which to be partners is your weale and honor, which (as it séemeth) either you sée not, or weie not. Wherefore we require you giue vs an­swer one way or other, whether you be minded, as all the nobles of the realme be, to haue this noble prince, now protector, to be your king or not.

At these words the people began to whisper among themselues secretly, that the voice was neither lowd nor distinct, but as it were the sound of a swarme of bées, till at the last in the nether end of the hall, K. Richards election pre­ferred by [...] ­ces of con­federacie. an ambushment of the dukes seruants and Nashfields, and other belonging to the protector, with some pren­tisses and lads that thrust into the hall amongst the prease, began suddenlie at mens backes to crie out, as lowd as their throtes would giue; King Richard, king Richard: and threw vp their caps in token of ioy. And they that stood before, cast backe their heads maruelling therof, but nothing they said. Now when the duke and the maior saw this maner, they wiselie turned it to their purpose, and said it was a goodlie crie, & a ioifull, to heare euerie man with one voice, no man saieng naie.

Wherefore friends (quoth the duke) sith we per­ceiue it is all your whole minds to haue this noble man for your king (whereof we shall make his grace so effectuall report, that we doubt not but it shall redound vnto your great weale and commoditie) we [Page 731] require ye, that ye to morrow go with vs, and we with you vnto his noble grace, to make our humble request vnto him in maner before remembred. And therewith the lords came downe, and the companie dissolued and departed, the more part all sad: some with glad semblance that were not verie metrie, and some of those that came thither with the duke not a­ble to dissemble their sorrow, were faine at his backe to turne their face to the wall, while the dolor of their hearts burst out of their eies. line 10

Then on the morrow after, the maior with all the aldermen, The maiors comming to Bainards ca­stell vnto the lord protector. and chiefe commoners of the citie, in their best maner apparelled, assembling themselues togi­ther, resorted vnto Bainards castell, where the pro­tector laie. To which place repaired also (according to their appointment) the duke of Buckingham, and diuerse noble men with him, beside manie knights and other gentlemen. And therevpon the duke sent word vnto the lord protector, of the being there of a great and honourable companie, to mooue a great line 20 matter vnto his grace. Wherevpon the protector made difficultie to come out vnto them, but if he first knew some part of their errand, as though he doub­ted and partlie mistrusted the comming of such a number vnto him so suddenlie, without anie war­ning or knowledge, whether they came for good or harme.

Then the duke, when he had shewed this to the ma­ior and other, that they might thereby sée how little the protector looked for this matter, they sent vnto line 30 him by the messenger such louing message againe, and therewith so humblie besought him, to vouchsafe that they might resort to his presence to propose their intent, of which they would vnto none other person anie part disclose; that at the last he came foorth of his chamber, and yet not downe vnto them, but stood a­boue in a gallerie ouer them, where they might sée him, and speake to him, as though he would not yet come too néere them till he wist what they ment. And thervpon the duke of Buckingham first made hum­ble line 40 petition vnto him on the behalfe of them all, that his grace would pardon them, and licence them to propose vnto his grace the intent of their comming, without his displeasure, without which pardon obtei­ned, they durst not be bold to mooue him of that matter.

In which albeit they ment as much honor to his grace, as wealth to all the realme beside, yet were they not sure how his grace would take it, whome they would in no wise offend. Then the protector (as he was verie gentle of himselfe, and also longed sore line 50 to wit what they ment) gaue him leaue to propose what him liked, verelie trusting (for the good mind that he bare them all) none of them anie thing would intend vnto himward, wherewith he ought to bée gréeued. When the duke had this leaue and pardon to speake, then waxed he bold to shew him their in­tent and purpose, with all the causes moouing them therevnto (as ye before haue heard) and finallie to be­séech his grace, that it would like him, of his accusto­med line 60 goodnesse and zeale vnto the realme, now with his eie of pitie to behold the long continued distresse and decaie of the same, and to set his gratious hands to redresse and amendment thereof.

All which he might well doo, by taking vpon him the crowne and gouernance of this realme, according to his right and title lawfullie descended vnto him, and to the laud of God, profit of the land, & vnto his noble grace so much the more honour, and lesse paine, in that, that neuer prince reigned vpon anie people, that were so glad to liue vnder his obeisance, as the people of this realme vnder his. When the protector had heard the proposition, he looked verie strangelie thereat, and answered: that all were it that he part­lie knew the things by them alledged to be true; yet such entire loue he bare vnto king Edward and his children, O singular dissimulation of king Ri­chard. that so much more regarded his honour in other realmes about, than the crowne of anie one of which he was neuer desirous, that he could not find in his hart in this point to incline to their desire. For in all other nations, where the truth were not well knowne, it should peraduenture be thought, that it were his owne ambitious mind and deuise, to depose the prince, and take himselfe the crowne.

With which infamie he would not haue his ho­nour stained for anie crowne, in which he had euer perceiued much more labour and paine, than pleasure to him that so would vse it, as he that would not, were not worthie to haue it. Notwithstanding, he not onlie pardoned them the motion that they made him, but also thanked them for the loue and hartie fa­uour they bare him, K. Richard spake other­wise than he meant. praieng them for his sake to giue and beare the same to the prince, vnder whom he was, and would be content to liue, and with his la­bour and counsell (as farre as should like the king to vse him) he would doo his vttermost deuoir to set the realme in good state, which was alreadie in this little while of his protectorship (the praise giuen to God) well begun, in that the malice of such as were before occasion of the contrarie, and of new intended to be, were now partlie by good policie, & partlie more by Gods speciall prouidence, than mans prouision, re­pressed.

Upon this answer giuen, the duke by the protec­tors licence, a little rowned aswell with other noble men about him, as with the maior and recorder of London. And after that (vpon like pardon desired & obteined) he shewed alowd vnto the protector, that for a finall conclusion, that the realme was appoin­ted K. Edwards line should not anie longer reigne vpon them, both for that they had so farre gone, that it was now no suertie to retreat, as for that they thought it for the weale vniuersall to take that waie, although they had not yet begun it. Wherefore, if it would like his grace to take the crowne vpon him, they would humblie beseech him therevnto. If he would giue them a resolute answer to the contrarie, which they would be loth to heare, then must they needs seeke and should not faile to find some other no­ble man that would. These words much mooued the protector, which else (as euerie man may weet) would neuer of likelihood haue inclined therevnto.

But when he saw there was none other waie, but that either he must take it, or else he and his both go from it, he said vnto the lords and commons; Sith we perceiue well that all the realme is so set, whereof we be verie sorie, that they will not suffer in any wise king Edwards line to gouerne them, whom no man earthlie can gouerne against their willes; & we well also perceiue, that no man is there, to whome the crowne can by iust title apperteine, as to our selues, as verie right heire lawfully begotten of the bodie of our most déere father Richard late duke of Yorke, to which title is now ioined your election, the nobles and commons of this realme, which we of all titles possi­ble take for the most effectuall: we be content and a­grée fauourablie to incline to your petition and re­quest, and (according to the same) here we take vpon vs the roiall estate, The protecto [...] taketh vpon him to be king. preheminence and kingdome of the two noble realmes, England and France: the one from this daie forward by vs and our heires to rule, gouerne, and defend; the other by Gods grace, and your good helpe, to get againe and subdue, and e­stablish for euer in due obedience vnto this realme of England, the aduancement wherof we neuer aske of God longer to liue than we intend to procure.

With this there was a great shout, crieng; King Richard, king Richard. And then the lords went vp to [Page 732] the king (for so was he from that time called) and the people departed, talking diuerslie of the matter, eue­rie man as his fantasie gaue him. But much they talked and maruelled of the maner of this dealing, that the matter was on both parts made so strange, as though neither had euer communed with other thereof before, A made match to cousen the people. when that themselues wist there was no man so dull that heard them, but he perceiued well inough that all the matter was made betwéene them. Howbeit some excused that againe, and said line 10 all must be doone in good order though: and men must sometime for the maners sake, not be aknowen what they know [though it be hard to outreach the circum­spect, wise, & vigilant minded man; as the poet saith:

Iuuenal. sat. 2.
—non facile est tibi
Decipere Vlyssem.]

For at the consecration of a bishop, euerie man woteth well by the paieng for his buls, that he purpo­seth to be one, & though he paie for nothing else. And yet must he be twise asked whether he will be bishop or no, and he must twise saie naie, and the third time take it, as compelled therevnto by his owne will. And in a stage plaie, all the people know right well, that one plaieng the Soldan, is percase a sowter; yet if one should can so little good, to shew out of season what aquaintance he hath with him, and call him by his owne name while he standeth in his maiestie, one of his tormentors might hap to breake his head (and worthie) for marring of the plaie. And so they said, that these matters be kings games, as it were stage plaies, and for the more part plaied vpon scaffolds, in which poore men be but the lookers on. And they that wise be will meddle no further. For they that sometime step vp, and plaie with them, when they can not plaie their parts, they disorder the plaie, and doo themselues no good.

Thus farre Edward the fift, who was neuer king crowned, but shamefullie by his vncle slaine, as in the processe following appeereth.

Richard the third, third sonne to Richard duke ofYorke, and vncle to Edward the fift.

Anno Reg. 1. 1483 T This that is here be­twéene this marke & this marke (*) was not written by maister More in this historie writ­ten by him in English, but is translated out of this hi­storie which he wrote in Latine. He next daie the protec­tor with a great traine went to Westminster hall, & there line 20 when he had placed himselfe in the court of the Kings bench, declared to the audi­ence, that he would take vpon him the crowne in that place there, where the king himselfe sitteth and ministreth the law, bicause he considered that it was the chiefest dutie of a king to minister the lawes. Then with as pleasant an oration as he could, he went about to win vnto him the nobles, the merchants, the artifi­cers, line 30 and in conclusion all kind of men, but especial­lie the lawiers of this realme. And finallie, to the in­tent that no man should hate him for feare, and that his deceitfull clemencie might get him the good will of the people, when he had declared the discommodi­ties of discord, & the cōmodities of concord & vnitie, he made an open proclamation, that he did put out of his mind all enimities, and that he there did open­lie pardon all offenses committed against him.

And to the intent that he might shew a proofe ther­of, line 40 he commanded that one Fog, whom he had long deadlie hated, should be brought then before him, who being brought out of the sanctuarie (for thither had he fled for feare of him) in the sight of the people, he tooke him by the hand. Which thing the common people re­ioised at, and praised, but wise men tooke it for a vani­tie. In his returne homeward, whom so euer he met, he saluted. For a mind that knoweth it selfe guiltie, is in a manner deiected to a seruile flatterie [which refuseth no dutifulnesse, tend the same to neuer so hie a degrée of indignitie; which one noteth, saieng:

—rides? maiore cachinno
Concuti [...]ur; flet, si lachrymas aspexit amici;
Frigescis? friget; si dixeris, aestuo, sudat.]

When he had begun his reigne in the moneth of Iune, after this mockish election, then was he crow­ned king in the verie same moneth. And that so­lemnitie was furnished, for the most part, with the selfe same prouision that was appointed for the coro­nation of his nephue. (*) But here to shew the man­ner of his coronation, as the same is inserted in this pamphlet of sir Thomas More, by maister Edward Hall and Richard Grafton (although not found in the same pamphlet) thus we find it by them reported. (*) First, From this marke (*) to this (*) is not found in sir Thomas More, but in ma [...]e [...] Hall and Grafton. to be sure of all enimies (as he thought) he sent for fiue thousand men of the north against his coronation, which came vp euill apparelled, and worse harnessed, in rustie harnesse, neither defensible, nor scowred to the sale, which mustered in Finsburie field to the great disdaine of the lookers on. [By which be­ginning it appéered to the world that he had his state in suspicion, otherwise he would not haue procured such a power to be attendant at his commandment, and that at such time as (all weapons laid aside) peace and tranquillitie should haue béene sought after for the comforts of the peoples minds, & the safetie of his owne person; but being verie mistrustfull & fraught with carefull thoughts, he was in a maze betwéene hope and feare, according to this verie true saieng: ‘ [Page 733]Sollicitae mentes spéque metúque pauent.]’

The fourth daie of Iulie he came to the Tower by water with his wife, and the fift daie he created Tho­mas lord Howard duke of Norffolke, and sir Tho­mas Howard his sonne he created earle of Surrie, and William lord Berkeleie was then created erle of Nottingham, and Francis lord Louell was then made vicount Louell, and the king his chamber­leine, and the lord Stanleie was deliuered out of ward, for feare of his sonne the lord Strange, which line 10 was then in Lancashire, gathering men (as men said) and the said lord was made steward of the king his houshold: likewise the archbishop of Yorke was deliuered, but Morton bishop of Elie was commit­ted to the duke of Buckingham to kéepe in ward, which sent him to his manour of Brecknocke in Wales, from whence he escaped to king Richard his confusion.

The same night, the king made seuenteene knights of the Bath, whose names insue: Sir Edmund the duke of Suffolks sonne, sir George Greie, the earle line 20 of Kents sonne, Seuentéene knights of the bath crea­ted by king Richard. sir William, the lord Zouches sonne, sir Henrie Aburgauennie, sir Christopher Willoughbie, sir William Berkeleie, sir Henrie Babington, sir Thomas Arundell, sir Thomas Bologne, sir Gerueis of Clifton, sir William Saie, sir Edmund Bedingfield, sir William En­derbie, sir Thomas Lekenor, sir Thomas of Ur­m [...]n, sir Iohn Browne, sir William Berkeleie. The next daie, being the fift daie of Iulie, the king line 30 rode through the citie of London toward Westmin­ster with great pompe, being accompanied with these dukes, earles, lords, and knights, whose names follow. Edward prince of Wales, the kings onelie sonne. What [...]eers & st [...]tes were attendant on him going to his corona­t [...]n. Dukes: the duke of Norffolke, the duke of Buckingham, the duke of Suffolke. Earles: the earle of Northumberland, the earle of Arundell, the earle of Kent, the earle of Surrie, the earle of Wilshire, the earle of Huntington, the earle of Nottingham, the earle of Warwike, the earle of line 40 Lincolne. Lords: the lord Lisle vicount, the lord Louell vicount, the lord Stanleie, the lord Audleie, the lord Dacres, the lord Ferrers of Chertleie, the lord Powes, the lord Scroope of Upsall, the lord Scroope of Bolton, the lord Greie Codner, the lord Greie of Wilton, the lord Sturton, the lord Cob­ham, the lord Morleie, the lord Aburgauennie, the lord Zouch, the lord Ferrers of Grobie, the lord Wel [...]es, the lord Lomleie, the lord Matrouers, the lord Herbert, the lord Becham. Knights: sir Iames line 50 Tirell, sir William Kneuet, sir Thomas Aborow, sir William Stanleie, sir William Aparre, sir George Browne, sir Robert Middleton, sir Iohn Henningham, sir Nicholas Latimer, sir Thomas Montgomerie, sir Thomas Delamer, sir Gilbert Debnam, sir Terrie Robsart, sir William Bran­don, sir Iohn Sauell, sir Henrie Wentford, sir Ed­ward Stanleie, sir Henrie Sentmount, sir Willi­am Yoong, sir Thomas Bowser, sir Henrie Winke­field, sir Thomas Wortleie, sir Iohn Sentlow, sir line 60 Charles of Pilkington, sir Iames Harrington, sir Iohn Ashleie, sir Thomas Berkeleie, sir Richard Becham, sir William Hopton, sir Thomas Persie, sir Robert Dimmocke, sir Iohn Cheinie, sir Richard Ludlow, sir Iohn Eldrington, sir William Sands, sir Richard Dudleie, sir William Sentlow, sir Tho. Twaights, sir Edmund of Dudleie, sir Rafe Ash­ton, sir Richard Charlington, sir Thomas Greie, sir Philip Berkelcie, sir Robert Harington, sir Thomas Greffleie, sir Richard Harecourt, sir William No­ris, sir Thomas Selenger, sir Richard Hodlesten, sir Iohn Conias, sir William Stoner, sir Philip Courtneie, sir William Gascoigne, sir Richard A­medilton, sir Roger Fines, sir George Uéere, sir sir Henrie Persie, sir Iohn Wood, sir Iohn Aparre, sir Iohn Greie, sir Iohn Danbie, sir Richard Taile­bush, sir Iohn Rudet, sir Iohn Herring, sir Richard Euderbie, sir Iohn Berkeleie, sir Iames Stran­guish, sir Rafe Carnbrecke, sir Iohn Constable, sir Robert Eliard, sir Richard Derell, sir Iohn Gilford, sir Iohn Lekenor, sir Iohn Morleie, sir Iohn Hu [...]s, sir Iohn Bologne, sir Edmund Shaw alderman.

On the morow, being the sixt daie of Iulie, The solemne ceremonies v­sed at king Richards co­ronation. the king with quéene Anne his wife, came downe out of the White hall into the great hall at Westmin­ster, and went directlie into the kings Bench. And from thense, the king and the queene going vpon raie cloth barefooted, went vnto saint Edwards shrine, and all his nobilitie going with him, euerie lord in his degrée. And first went the trumpets, and then the heralds of armes in their rich coats, & next followed the crosse with a solemne procession, the priests ha­uing fine surplisses and graie amisses vpon them. The abbats and bishops mitred and in rich copes, & euerie of them caried their crosiers in their hands. The bishop of Rochester bare the crosse before the cardinall. Then followed the earle of Huntington bearing a paire of gilt spurres, signifieng knighthood. Then followed the earle of Bedford bearing saint Edwards staffe for a relike.

After them came the earle of Northumberland bare-headed, with the pointlesse sword naked in his hand, which signified mercie. The lord Stanleie bare the mace of the constableship. The earle of Kent bare the second sword on the right hand of the king naked, with a point, which signified iustice vnto the temporaltie. The lord Louell bare the third sword on the left hand with a point, whch signified iustice to the cleargie. The duke of Suffolke followed with the scepter in his hand, which signified peace. The earle of Lincolne bare the ball and crosse, which signi­fied a monarchie. The earle of Surrie bare the fourth sword before the king in a rich scabberd, and that is called the sword of estate. Then went thrée togither, in the middest went Garter king [...]t armes in his rich cote: and on his left hand w [...]nt the maior of London, bearing a mace: and on his right hand went the gentleman vsher of the priuie chamber. Then followed the duke of Norffolke, bearing the kings crowne betwéene his hands.

Then followed king Richard in his robes of purple veluet, and ouer his head a canopie, borne by foure barons of the cinque ports. And on euerie side of the king there went one bishop, that is to saie, the bishop of Bath, and the bishop of Durham. Then followed the duke of Buckingham bearing the kings traine, with a white staffe in his hand, signi­fieng the office of the high steward of England. Then there followed a great number of earles and barons before the queene. And then came the earle of Huntington, who bare the quéenes scepter, and the vicount Lisle bearing the rod with the doue. And the earle of Wilshire bare the queenes crowne. Then followed quéene Anne daughter to Richard earle of Warwike in robes like to the king, Quéene Anne wife to king Richard and daughter to Richard earle of Warwike, and hir traine. betwéene two bishops, and a canopie ouer hir head borne by the ba­rons of the ports. On hir head a rich coronet set with stones and pearle.

After hir followed the countesse of Richmond heire to the duke of Summerset, which bare vp the quéenes traine. After followed the duchesse of Suf­folke and Norffolke, with countesses, baronesses, la­dies, and manie faire gentlewomen. In this order they passed through the palace, and entered the abbeie at the west end; and so came to their seats of estate. And after diuerse songs solemnelie soong, they both ascended to the high altar, and were shifted from their robes, and had diuerse places open from the [Page 734] middle vpward, in which places they were annoin­ted. Then both the king and the queene changed them into cloth of gold, and ascended to their seats, where the cardinall of Canturburie, The king & queene crow­ned. & other bishops them crowned according to the custome of the realme, gi­uing him the scepter in the left hand, & the ball with the crosse in the right hand; and the queene had the scepter in hir right hand, and the rod with the doue in hir left hand.

On euerie side of the king stood a duke, and before line 10 him stood the earle of Surrie with the sword in his hands. And on euerie side of the quéene standing a bishop, & a ladie kneeling. The cardinall soong masse, and after pax, the king and the queene descended, and before the high altar they were both houseled, with one host diuided betweene them. After masse fini­shed, they both offered at saint Edward his shrine, and there the king left the crowne of saint Edward, and put on his owne crowne. And so in order as they came, they departed to Westminster hall; and so to their chambers for a season: during which time the line 20 duke of Norffolke came into the hall, his horsse trap­ped to the ground in cloth of gold, as high marshall, and voided the hall. About foure of the clocke, the king and queene entered the hall, and the king sate in the middle, and the queene on the left hand of the table, and on euerie side of hir stood a countesse, holding a cloth of pleasance, when she list to drinke.

And on the right hand of the king sat the bishop of Canturburie. The ladies sat all on one side, in the middle of the hall. And at the table against them sat line 30 the chancellor and all the lords. At the table next the cupboord, sat the maior of London; and at the table behind the lords, sat the barons of the ports: and at the other tables sat noble and worshipfull persona­ges. When all persons were set, the duke of Norf­folke earle marshall, the earle of Surrie, constable for that daie, the lord Stanlie lord steward, sir Wil­liam Hopton treasuror, & sir Thomas Persie con­trollor, came in and serued the king solemnelie, with line 40 one dish of gold, and an other of siluer, and the quéene all in gilt vessell, and the bishop all in siluer.

At the second course came into the hall sir Robert Dimmocke the kings champion, Sir Robert Dimmocke the kings champion his challenge in the behalfe of king Richard. making proclama­tion, that whosoeuer would saie, that king Richard was not lawfull king, he would fight with him at the vtterance, and threw downe his gantlet, and then all the hall cried; King Richard. And so he did in thrée parts of the hall, and then one brought him a cup of wine couered, and when he had drunke, he cast out line 50 the drinke, and departed with the cup. After that, the heralds cried a largesse thrise in the hall, and so went vp to their stage. At the end of dinner, the maior of London serued the king & quéene with swéete wine, and had of each of them a cup of gold, with a couer of gold. And by that time that all was doone, it was darke night. And so the king returned to his cham­ber, and euerie man to his lodging.

When this feast was thus finished, the king sent home all the lords into their countries that would de­part, line 60 except the lord Stanleie, whome he reteined, till he heard what his sonne the lord Strange went about. A ga [...]e pre­tense of iustice and equitie. And to such as went home, he gaue streight charge and commandement, to sée their countries well ordered, and that no wrong nor extortion should be doone to his subiects. And thus he taught other to execute iustice and equitie, the contrarie whereof he dailie exercised. He also with great rewards giuen to the Northernemen, which he sent for to his corona­tion, sent them home to their countrie with great thanks: whereof diuerse of them (as they be all of nature verie gréedie of authoritie, & speciallie when they thinke to haue anie comfort or fauour) tooke on them so highlie, and wrought such maisteries, that the king was faine to ride thither in his first yeare, and to put some in execution, and staie the countrie, or else no small mischeefe had insued.

Now fell there mischeefs thicke. And as the thing euill gotten is neuer well kept, Sir Thoma [...] More agai [...]. thorough all the time of his reigne neuer ceassed there cruell death and slaughter, till his owne destruction ended it. But as he finished his time with the best death and the most rigtehous, that is to wit, his owne; so began he with the most pitious and wicked, I meane the lamenta­ble murther of his innocent nephues, the yoong king and his tender brother: whose death and finall infor­tune hath naithelesse comen so farre in question▪ that some remaine yet in doubt, whether they were in his daies destroied or no. Not for that onelie that Per­kin Werbecke by manie folks malice, Perkin Wer­becke. and mo folks follie, so long space abusing the world, was as well with princes as the poorer people reputed and taken for the yoonger of these two; but for that also that all things were in late daies so couertlie demeaned, one thing pretended, and an other meant.

Insomuch that there was nothing so plaine and o­penlie prooued, Close dealing is euer su­spected. but that yet for the common custome of close and couert dealing, men had it euer inward­lie suspect; as manie well counterfaited iewels make the true mistrusted. Howbeit, concerning the opini­on, with the occasions moouing either partie, we shall haue place more at large to intreat, if we hereafter happen to write the time of the late noble prince of famous memorie king Henrie the seauenth, or per­case that historie of Perkin in anie compendious processe by it selfe. But in the meane time, for this present matter, I shall rehearse you the dolorous end of those babes, not after euerie waie that I haue heard, but after that waie that I haue so heard by such men and by such meanes, as me thinketh it were hard but it should be true.

King Richard after his coronation, taking his waie to Glocester to visit (in his new honour) the towne of which he bare the name of his old, deuised (as he rode) to fulfill the thing which he before had in­tended. And forsomuch as his mind gaue him, that his nephues liuing, men would not reckon that he could haue right to the realme: he thought therefore without delaie to rid them, as though the killing of his kinsmen could amend his cause, and make him a kindlie king. Whervpon he sent one Iohn Greene, (whom he speciallie trusted) vnto sir Robert Braken­berie, constable of the Tower, Iohn Grée [...], Robert Bra­kenberie con­stable of the Tower. with a letter and cre­dence also, that the same sir Robert should in anie wise put the two children to death.

This Iohn Gréene did his errand vnto Braken­berie, knéeling before our ladie in the Tower. Who plainelie answered, The murther of the two yoong princes set abroch. that he would neuer put them to death to die therefore. With which answer Iohn Gréene returning, recounted the same to king Ri­chard at Warwike yet in his waie. Wherewith he tooke such displeasure & thought, that the same night he said vnto a secret page of his: ‘Ah! whom shall a man trust? Those that I haue brought vp my selfe, those that I had wéent would most suerlie serue me, euen those faile me, and at my commandement will doo nothing for me. Sir (quoth his page) there lieth one on your pallet without, that I dare well saie, to doo your grace pleasure, the thing were right hard that he would refuse.’ Meaning this by sir Iames Tirrell, which was a man of right goodlie personage, Sir Iames Tirrell de­scribed. and for natures gifts worthie to haue serued a much better prince, if he had well serued God, and by grace obteined as much truth and good will as he had strength and wit.

The man had an high heart, & sore longed vpward, not rising yet so fast as he had hoped, Authoritie [...] ­ueth no part­ners. being hindered & kept vnder by the meanes of sir Richard Ratcliffe, [Page 735] and sir William Catesbie, which longing for no mo parteners of the princes fauour; and namelie, not for him, whose pride they wist would beare no péere, kept him by secret drifts out of all secret trust, which thing this page well had marked and knowne. Wherefore this occasion offered, of verie speciall friendship he tooke his time to put him forward, and by such wise doo him good, that all the enimies he had (except the de­uill) could neuer haue doone him so much hurt. For vpon this pages words king Richard arose (for this line 10 communication had he sitting at the draught, a con­uenient carpet for such a councell) and came out in­to the pallet chamber, on which he found in bed sir Iames and sir Thomas Tirrels, of person like, and brethren of bloud, but nothing of kin in conditions.

Then said the king merilie to them; What sirs, be ye in bed so soone? And calling vp sir Iames, brake to him secretlie his mind in this mischéeuous mat­ter. In which he found him nothing strange. Where­fore on the morow he sent him to Brakenberie with line 20 a letter, The constable of the Tower deliuereth the keies to sir Iames Tir­rell vpon the kings com­mandement. by which he was commanded to deliuer sir Iames all the keies of the Tower for one night, to the end he might there accomplish the kings plea­sure, in such things as he had giuen him commande­ment. After which letter deliuered, & the keies recei­ued, sir Iames appointed the night next insuing to destroie them, deuising before and preparing the meanes. The prince (as soone as the protector left that name, and tooke himselfe as king) had it shewed vn­to him, that he should not reigne, but his vncle shuld haue the crowne. At which word the prince sore aba­shed, line 30 began to sigh, and said: Alas, I would my vn­cle would let me haue my life yet, though I leese my kingdome.

The two princes shut vp in close [...].Then he that told him the tale, vsed him with good words, and put him in the best comfort he could. But foorthwith was the prince and his brother both shut vp, & all other remooued from them, onelie one (cal­led Blacke Will, or William Slaughter) excepted, set to serue them and sée them sure. After which time line 40 the prince neuer tied his points, nor ought rought of himselfe; but with that yoong babe his brother, lin­gered with thought and heauinesse, vntill this traito­rous death deliuered them of that wretchednesse. For sir Iames Tirrell deuised, that they should be mur­thered in their beds. To the execution whereof, he ap­pointed Miles Forrest, one of the foure that kept them, The two murtherers of the two prin­ces appointed. a fellow fleshed in murther before time. To him he ioined one Iohn Dighton his owne horsse­kéeper, a big, broad, square, and strong knaue. line 50

Then all the other being remooued from them, this Miles Forrest, and Iohn Dighton, about mid­night (the séelie children lieng in their beds) came in­to the chamber, The yoong K. and his bro­ther murthe­red in their beds at mid­ [...]ight in the Tower. & suddenlie lapping them vp among the clothes, so to bewrapped them and intangled them, keeping downe by force the fether-bed and pillowes hard vnto their mouths, that within a while, smoothe­red and stifled, their breath failing, they gaue vp to God their innocent soules into the ioies of heauen, leauing to the tormentors their bodies dead in the line 60 bed. Which after that the wretches perceiued, first by the strugling with the paines of death, and after long lieng still, to be thoroughlie dead, they laid their bo­dies naked out vpon the bed, and fetched sir Iames to sée them; which vpon the sight of them▪ caused those murtherers to burie them at the staire foot, meetlie déepe in the ground, vnder a great heape of stones.

Then rode sir Iames in great hast to king Ri­chard, and shewed him all the maner of the murther; who gaue him great thanks, and (as some saie) there made him knight. But he allowed not (as I haue heard) the burieng in so vile a corner, saieng, that he would haue them buried in a better place, bicause they were a kings sonnes. Lo the honourable cou­courage of a king. Whervpon they saie, that a priest of sir Robert Brakenberies tooke vp the bodies a­gaine, and secretlie interred them in such place, as by the occasion of his death, which onelie knew it, could neuer since come to light. Uerie truth is it, and well knowne, that at such time as sir Iames Tirrell was in the Tower, for treason committed against the most famous prince king Henrie the seauenth, both Dighton and he were examined, The murther confessed. and confessed the murther in maner aboue written: but whither the bodies were remooued, they could nothing tell.

And thus (as I haue learned of them that much knew, and little cause had to lie) were these two no­ble princes, these innocent tender children, borne of most roiall bloud, brought vp in great wealth, likelie long to liue, reigne, and rule in the realme, by traito­rous tyrannie taken, depriued of their estate, short­lie shut vp in prison, and priuilie slaine and murthe­red, their bodies cast God wot where, by the cruell ambition of their vnnaturall vncle & his despiteous tormentors. Which things on euerie part well pon­dered, God neuer gaue this world a more notable ex­ample, neither in what vnsuertie standeth this world­lie weale; or what mischeefe worketh the proud enter­prise of an high heart; or finallie, what wretched end insueth such despiteous crueltie.

For first, to begin with the ministers, Miles For­rest, at S. Martins péecemeale rotted awaie. The iust iudgement of God seuerelie reuenging the murther of the innocent prin­ces vpon the malefactors. Digh­ton in déed yet walketh on aliue in good possibilitie to be hanged yer he die. But sir Iames Tirrell died at the Tower hill beheaded for treason. King Richard himselfe, as ye shall hereafter heare, slaine in the field, hacked and hewed of his enimies hands, ha­ried on horsse-backe dead, his haire in despite torne and tugged like a curre dog; and the mischéefe that he tooke, within lesse than three yeares of the mischeefe that he did: and yet all (in the meane time) spent in much paine & trouble outward, much feare, anguish and sorow within. For I haue heard by credible re­port of such as were secret with his chamberleine, that after this abhominable déed doone, he neuer had a quiet mind. [Than the which there can be no greater torment. For a giltie conscience inwardlie accusing and bearing witnesse against an offendor, is such a plague and punishment, as hell it selfe (with all the féends therein) can not affoord one of greater horror & affliction; the poet implieng no lesse in this tristichon:

Poena autem vehemens, ac multo saeuior illis,
Quas & Caeditius grauis inuenit & Radamanthus,
Pers. sat. 3.
Nocte diéque suum gestare in pectore testem.

He neuer thought himselfe sure. Where he went abroad, his eies whirled about, The outward and inward troubles of tyrants by meanes of a grudging conscience. his bodie priuilie fen­sed, his hand euer vpon his dagger, his countenance and maner like one alwaies readie to strike againe, he tooke ill rest a nights, laie long waking and mu­sing, sore wearied with care and watch, rather slum­bered than slept, troubled with fearefull dreames, sud­denlie sometime start vp, lept out of his bed, and ran about the chamber; so was his restlesse heart conti­nuallie tossed and tumbled with the tedious impres­sion and stormie remembrance of his abhominable déed. Now had he outward no long time in rest. For herevpon, soone after began the conspiracie, or rather good confederation, betweene the duke of Bucking­ham and manie other gentlemen against him. The occasion where vpon the king and the duke fell out, is of diuerse folke in diuerse wise pretended.

This duke (as I haue for certeine béene informed) as soone as the duke of Glocester, vpon the death of king Edward, came to Yorke, & there had solemne funerall seruice for king Edward, sent thither in the most secret wise he could, one Persinall, saith Ed. Hall. Persall his trustie ser­uant, who came to Iohn Ward a chamberer of like secret trust with the duke of Glocester, desiring that [Page 736] in the most close and couert maner, he might be ad­mitted to the presence and spéech of his maister. And the duke of Glocester aduertised of his desire, caused him in the dead of the night (after all other folke a­uoided) to be brought vnto him in his secret cham­ber, where Persall (after his maisters recommenda­tions) shewed him that he had secret sent him to shew him, that in this new world he would take such part as he would, & wait vpon him with a thousand good fellowes, if need were. line 10

The messenger sent backe with thanks, & some se­cret instruction of the protectors mind, yet met him a­gaine with further message from the duke his master within few daies after at Notingham: whither the protector from Yorke with manie gentlemen of the north countrie, to the number of six hundred horsses, was come on his waie to London-ward, & after se­cret méeting and communication had, eftsoones de­parted. Wherevpon at Northampton, the duke met with the protector himselfe with thrée hundred hors­ses, line 20 and from thense still continued with him part­ner of all his deuises; till that after his coronation, they departed (as it séemed) verie great fréends at Glocester. From whense as soone as the duke came home, he so lightlie turned from him, and so highlie conspired against him, that a man would maruell whereof the change grew. And suerlie, the occasion of their variance is of diuerse men diuerselie repor­ted.

Some haue I heard say, that the duke a little be­fore line 30 his coronation, Causes of the duke of Buc­kingham and K. Richards falling out. among other things, required of the protector the duke of Herefords lands, to the which he pretended himselfe iust inheritor. And forso­much as the title, which he claimed by inheritance, was somwhat interlaced with the title to the crowne by the line of king Henrie before depriued, the pro­tector conceiued such indignation, that he reiected the dukes request with manie spitefull and minato­rie words. Which so wounded his heart with hatred and mistrust, that he neuer after could indure to looke line 40 aright on king Richard, but euer feared his owne life; so far foorth, that when the protector rode through London toward his coronation, he feined himselfe sicke, bicause he would not ride with him. And the other also taking it in euill part, sent him word to rise, and come ride, or he would make him be caried. Wherevpon he rode on with euill will, and that not­withstanding on the morow, rose from the feast, fei­ning himselfe sicke, and king Richard said it was doone in hatred and despite of him. line 50

And they said, that euer after continuallie, each of them liued in such hatred and distrust of other, The duke of Buckingham and king Ri­chard mistrust each other. that the duke verelie looked to haue beene murthered at Glocester: from which nathelesse, he in faire maner departed. But suerlie some right secret at that daie denie this: and manie right wise men thinke it vn­likelie (the déepe dissembling nature of both those men considered, and what néed in that gréene world the protector had of the duke, and in what perill the duke stood, if he fell once in suspicion of the tyrant) line 60 that either the protector would giue the duke occasion of displeasure, or the duke the protector occasion of mistrust. And verelie, men thinke, that if king Ri­chard had anie such opinion conceiued, he would ne­uer haue suffered him to escape his hands. Uerie truth it is, the duke was an high minded man, and euill could beare the glorie of another; so that I haue heard of some that say they saw it, that the duke, at such time as the crowne was first set vpon the pro­tectors head, his eie could not abide the sight thereof, but wried his head another way.

But men say, that he was of truth not well at ease, and that both to king Richard well knowne, and not euill taken; nor anie demand of the dukes vncourteouslie reiected; but he both with great gifts, and high behests, in most louing and trustie maner departed at Glocester. But soone after his comming home to Brecknocke, hauing there in his custodie by the commandement of king Richard doctor Mor­ton bishop of Elie, who (as ye before heard) was ta­ken in the councell at the Tower, waxed with him familiar, whose wisedome abused his pride to his owne deliuerance, and the dukes destruction. The bishop was a man of great naturall wit, Doctor N [...]ton bishop of Elie, & what pageants h [...] plaied. verie well learned, and honorable in behauior, lacking no wise waies to win fauour. He had béene fast vpon the part of king Henrie, while that part was in wealth; and nathelesse left it not, nor forsooke it in wo, but fled the realme with the queene & the prince, while king Ed­ward had the king in prison, neuer came home, but to the field.

After which lost, and that part vtterlie subdued, the other (for his fast faith and wisedome) not onelie was content to receiue him, but also wooed him to come, and had him from thencefoorth both in secret trust, and verie speciall fauour, which he nothing deceiued. For he being (as yée haue heard) after king Edwards death, first taken by the tyrant for his truth to the king, found the meane to set this duke in his top, ioi­ned gentlemen togither in the aid of king Henrie, deuising first the mariage betwéene him & king Ed­wards daughter: by which his faith he declared the good seruice to both his masters at once, with infinit benefit to the realme by the coniunction of those two blouds in one, whose seuerall titles had long disquie­ted the land, he fled the realme, went to Rome, neuer minding more to meddle with the world; till the no­ble prince king Henrie the seuenth gat him home a­gaine, made him archbishop of Canturburie, The high [...]nour of [...] Morton. and chancellor of England, wherevnto the pope ioined the honour of cardinall. Thus liuing manie daies in as much honor as one man might well wish, en­ded them so godlie, that his death with Gods mercie well changed his life.

This man therefore (as I was about to tell you) by the long & often alternate proofe, as well of prospe­ritie as aduerse fortune, had gotten by great experi­ence (the verie mother and mistresse of wisedome) a déepe insight in politike worldlie drifts. Whereby perceiuing now this duke glad to commune with him, fed him with faire words, and manie pleasant praises. And perceiuing by the processe of their com­munications, the dukes pride now and then belking out a little breath of enuie toward the glorie of the king, Bishop N [...]tons sub [...]ll vndermini [...] of the du [...]e. and thereby feeling him easie to fall out if the matter were well handled: he craftilie sought the waies to pricke him forward, taking alwaies the oc­casion of his comming, and so kéeping himselfe so close within his bounds, that he rather séemed to fol­low him, than to lead him. For when the duke first be­gan to praise and boast the king, and shew how much profit the realme should take by his reigne: my lord Morton answered thus.

Suerlie, my lord, follie were it for me to lie, for if I would sweare the contrarie, your lordship would not (I weene) beléeue; but that if the world would haue gone as I would haue wished, king Henries sonne had had the crowne, and not king Edward. But after that God had ordered him to léese it, and king Edward to reigne, I was neuer so mad that I would with a dead man striue against the quicke. So was I to king Edward a faithfull chapleine, & glad would haue béene that his child had succéeded him. Howbeit, if the secret iudgment of God haue other­wise prouided, I purpose not to spurne against a pricke, nor labour to set vp that God pulleth downe. And as for the late protector and now king. And euen there he left, saieng that he had alreadie medled too [Page 737] much with the world, and would from that daie med­dle with his booke and his beads, and no further.

Then longed the duke sore to heare what he would haue said, bicause he ended with the king, and there so suddenlie stopped, and exhorted him so familiarlie betweene them twaine to be bold to saie whatsoeuer he thought; whereof he faithfullie promised there should neuer come hurt, and peraduenture more good than he would weene; and that himselfe intended to vse his faithfull secret aduise & counsell, which (he said) line 10 was the onelie cause for which he procured of the king to haue him in his custodie, where he might rec­kon himselfe at home, and else had he béene put in the hands of them with whome he should not haue found the like fauour. The bishop right humblie thanked him, and said: In good faith my lord, I loue not to talke much of princes, as a thing not all out of perill, though the word be without fault: Princes mat­ters perillous to meddle in. forsomuch as it shall not be taken as the partie ment it, but as it pleaseth the prince to construe it. line 20

And euer I thinke on Aesops tale, that when the lion had proclaimed that (on paine of death) there should no horned beast abide in that wood: one that had in his forehed a bunch of flesh, fled awaie a great pace. The for that saw him run so fast, asked him whi­ther he made all that hast? And he answered, In faith I neither wote, nor recke, so I were once hence, bicause of this proclamation made of horned beasts. What foole (quoth the fox) thou maiest abide well i­nough; the lion ment not by thée, for it is no horne line 30 that is in thine head. No marie (quoth he) that wote I well inough. But what and he call it an horne, where am I then? The duke laughed merilie at the tale, and said; My lord, I warrant you, neither the li­on nor the bore shall pike anie matter at anie thing héere spoken: for it shall neuer come néere their eare.

In good faith sir (said the bishop) if it did, the thing that I was about to say, taken as well as (afore God) I ment it, could deserue but thanke: and yet taken line 40 as I wéene it would, might happen to turne me to to little good, and you to lesser. Then longed the duke yet much more to wit what it was. Where­vpon the bishop said; In good faith (my lord) as for the late protector, sith he is now king in possession, I purpose not to dispute his title; but for the weale of this realme, whereof his grace hath now the gouer­nance, and whereof I am my selfe one poore member, I was about to wish, that to those good habilities whereof he hath alreadie right manie, little néeding line 50 my praise, it might yet haue pleased God, for the bet­ter store, to haue giuen him some of such other excel­lent vertues, meet for the rule of a realme, as our Lord hath planted in the person of your grace: and there left againe.

The duke somewhat maruelling at his sudden pauses, Here endeth sir Thomas Moore, & this that followeth is taken out [...] master Hall. as though they were but parentheses, with a high countenance said: My lord, I euidentlie per­ceiue, and no lesse note your often breathing, and sud­den stopping in your communication; so that to my line 60 intelligence, your words neither come to anie direct or perfect sentence in conclusion, whereby either I might perceiue and haue knowledge, what your in­ward intent is now toward the king, or what affecti­on you beare toward me. For the comparison of good qualities ascribed to vs both (for the which I my selfe acknowledge and recognise to haue none, nor looke for no praise of anie creature for the same) ma­keth me not a little to muse, thinking that you haue some other priuie imagination, by loue or by grudge, ingrauen and imprinted in your heart, which for feare you dare not, or for childish shamefastnesse you be a­bashed to disclose and reueale; and speciallie to mee being your fréend, which on my honor doo assure you, to be as secret in this case, as the deafe and dumbe person is to the singer, or the tree to the hunter.

The bishop being somewhat bolder, considering the dukes promise, but most of all animated and in­couraged bicause he knew the duke desirous to bee exalted and magnified; Bishop Mor­ton buildeth vpō the dukes ambition. and also he perceiued the in­ward hatred and priuie rancor which he bare toward king Richard: was now boldened to open his sto­mach euen to the verie bottome, intending thereby to compas [...] [...] to destroie, and vtterlie confound king Richa [...], and to depriue him of his dignitie roi­all; or else to set the duke so on fire with the desire of ambition, that he himselfe might be safe and escape out of all danger and perill. Which thing he brought shortlie to conclusion, both to the kings destruction, and the dukes confusion, and to his owne safegard, and finallie to his high promotion.

And so (as I said before) vpon trust and confidence of the dukes promise, the bishop said: My singular good lord, since the time of my captiuitie, which being in your graces custodie, I may rather call it a libe­rall libertie, more than a streict imprisonment, in auoiding idlenesse, mother and nourisher of all vi­ces, in reading bookes and ancient pamphlets I haue found this sentence written, that no man is borne frée, and in libertie of himselfe onelie: for one part of dutie he oweth or should owe to his parents for his procreation, by a verie naturall instinct and filiall courtesie: another part to his fréends and kinsfolke; for proximitie of bloud and naturall amitie dooth eue­rie dutie chalenge and demand: but the natiue coun­trie, in the which he tasted first the swéet aires of this pleasant and flattering world after his natiuitie, de­mandeth as a debt by a naturall bond, neither to be forgotten, nor yet to be put in obliuion.

Which saieng causeth me to consider in what case this realme my natiue countrie now standeth and in what estate and assurance (before this time) it hath continued: what gouernour we now haue, and what ruler we might haue. For I plainelie perceiue the realme being in this case, must needs decaie, and be brought to vtter confusion, and finall extermination. But one hope I haue incorporat in my brest, that is, when I consider, The duke of Buckingham highlie com­mended. and in my mind doo diligentlie re­member, and dailie behold your noble personage, your iustice, and indifferencie, your feruent zeale, and ardent loue toward your naturall countrie, and in like manner, the loue of your countrie toward you, the great learning, pregnant wit, and goodlie elo­quence, which so much dooth abound in the person of your grace, I must needs thinke this realme fortu­nate, yea twise more than fortunate, which hath such a prince in store, méet and apt to be a gouernour, in whose person (being indued with so manie princelie qualities) consisteth and resteth the verie vndoubted similitude and image of true honour.

But on the other side, Dispraise of the lord pro­tector or king messe. when I call to memorie the good qualities of the late protector, and now called king, so violated and subuerted by tyrannie, so chan­ged and altered by vsurped authoritie, so clouded and shadowed by blind and insatiable ambition; yea, and so suddenlie (in manner by a metamorphosis) trans­formed from politike ciuilitie, to detestable tyrannie: I must needs saie, & iustlie affirme, that he is neither méet to be a king of so noble a realme, nor so famous a realme méet to be gouerned by such a tyrant [whose kingdome (if it were of more amplenesse than it is) could not long continue; neither would the Lord suf­fer him in his bloudthirstines to abuse the holie and diuine estate of a prince by the cruell title of tyran­nie. For such he will ouerthrow, yea he will bring most horrible slaughter vpō them, as it is prophesied▪

Impius ad summos quamuis ascendat honores,
Aspice quas clades tempora saeua vehent.

[Page 738]Was not his first enterprise to obteine the crowne begun and incepted by the murther of diuerse noble, valiant true, and vertuous personages? O holie beginning to come to a mischeeuous ending! Did he not secondarilie procéed (contrarie to all lawes of honestie) shamefullie against his owne naturall mo­ther, being a woman of much honour and more ver­tue, declaring hir openlie to be a woman giuen to carnall affection, and dissolute liuing? Which thing if it had béene true, as it was not indéed, euerie good line 10 & naturall child would haue rather mummed at it, than haue blasted it abroad, and especiallie she being aliue. Declaring furthermore his two brethren, and his two nephues to be bastards, and to be borne in ad­ulterie: yet was he not with all this content.

After that he had obteined the garland, for the which he so long thirsted, he caused the two poore innocents his nephues, committed to him for especiall trust, to be murthered and shamefullie to be killed. The bloud of which séelie and litle babes dailie crie to God from the earth for vengeance. Alas, my hart sobbeth, to re­member line 20 this bloudie butcher, and cruell monster. What suertie shall be in this realme to anie person, ei­ther for life or goods vnder such a cruell prince, which regardeth not the destruction of his owne bloud, and then lesse the losse of other? And most especiallie (as oftentimes it chanceth) where a couetous or a cruell prince taketh suspicion, Suspicion in a prince how mischéefous it is. the smallest swaruing that is possible (if the thing be misconstrued) may be the cause of the destruction of manie guiltlesse persons: and in line 30 especiall of noble and wealthie personages, hauing great possessions and riches: such a lord is Lucifer when he is entered into the hart of a proud prince, giuen to couetousnesse and crueltie.

But now my lord to conclude what I meane to­ward your noble person, I saie and affirme, if you loue God, your linage, or your natiue countrie, you must your selfe take vpon you the crowne and impe­riall diademe of this noble empire, both for the main­tenance of the honour of the same (which so long hath line 40 flourished in fame and renowme) as also for the deli­uerance of your naturall countrimen, from the bon­dage and thraldome (woorse than the captiuitie of Ae­gypt) of so cruell a tyrant and arrogant oppressor. For thus I dare saie, if anie forren prince or potentate, yea the Turke himselfe would take vpon him the re­giment here, and the crowne, the commons would rather admit and obeie him, than to liue vnder such a bloudsucker and child-killer. But how much more ioifull and glad would they be to liue vnder your line 50 grace, whome they all know to be a ruler méet and conuenient for them, and they to be louing and obe­dient subiects, méet to liue vnder such a gouernour? Despise not, nor forsake not so manifest an occasion so louinglie offered.

And if you your selfe, knowing the paine and tra­uell that apperteineth to the office of a king, or for any other consideration, will refuse to take vpon you the crowne and scepter of this realme: The bishop adiureth the duke to release the realme by some deuise from the pre­sent euill state. then I adiure you, by the faith that you owe to God, by your honor and by your oth made to saint George, patrone of the line 60 noble order of the garter (whereof you be a compani­on) and by the loue and affection that you beare to your natiue countrie, and the people of the same; to deuise some waie, how this realme (now being in mi­serie) may by your high discretion and princelie poli­cie, be brought and reduced to some suertie and conue­nient regiment, vnder some good gouernour by you to be appointed: for you are the verie patrone, the onelie helpe, refuge and comfort for the poore amazed and desolate commons of this realme.

For if you could either deuise to set vp againe the linage of Lancaster, or aduance the eldest daughter of king Edward to some high and puissant prince, not onelie the new crowned king shall small time inioy the glorie of his dignitie; but also all ciuill war should ceasse, all domesticall discord should sléepe, and peace, profit and quietnesse should be set foorth and im­braced. When the bishop had thus ended his saieng, the duke sighed, and spake not of a great while. Which sore abashed the bishop, and made him change colour. Which thing when the duke perceiued, he said; Be not afraid my lord, all promises shall be kept, to mor­row we will common more: let vs go to supper. So that night they communed no more, not a little to the disquieting of the bishop, which now was euen as de­sirous to know the dukes mind and intent, as the duke longed the daie before to know his opinion and meaning.

So the next daie, the duke sent for the bishop, and rehearsed to him in maner (for he was both wittie and eloquent) all the communication had betwéene them before, and so paused a while, A new confe­rēce betweene the bishop and the duke. and after a little season, putting off his bonet, he said: O Lord God creator of all things, how much is this relme of Eng­land, and the people of the same, bounden vnto thy goodnesse! For where we now be in vexation and trouble with great stormes oppressed, sailing and tos­sing in a desperate ship, without good maister or go­uernour: yet by thy helpe good Lord I trust yer long time passe, that we shall prouide for such a ruler, as shall be both to thy pleasure, and also to the securitie and safegard of this noble realme.

And then he put on his bonet, saieng to the bishop; My lord of Elie, whose true hart and sincere affection toward me at all times I haue euidentlie perceiued and knowen, and now most of all in our last priuie communication and secret deuising; I must néeds in hart thinke, and with mouth confesse and saie, that you be a sure fréend, a trustie councellor, a vigilant foreséer, a verie louer of your countrie, and a natu­rall countrieman: for which kindnes for my part, I most louinglie render to you my hartie thanks now with words, hereafter trusting to recompense and re­munerate you with deeds, if life and power shall serue.

And sith, at our last communication, you haue dis­closed and opened the verie secrets and priuities of your stomach, touching the duke of Glocester now vsurper of the crowne; and also haue a little touched the aduancement of the two noble families of Yorke and Lancaster: The duke o­peneth him­selfe and his secrets to the bishop. I shall likewise not onelie declare and manifest vnto you all my open acts, attempts, and doings, but also my priuie intents, and secret co­gitations. To the intent that as you haue vnbucke­led the bouget of your priuie meanings, and secret purposes to me: so shall all my cloudie workings, close deuises, and secret imaginations be (as cléere as the sunne) reuealed, opened, and made lightsome to you.

And to begin, I declare, that when king Edward was deceassed, to whome I thought my selfe little or nothing beholden (although we two had maried two sisters) bicause he neither promoted, The duke complaineth of want of preferment in king Ed­wards daies. nor preferred me, as I thought I was worthie, and had deserued; neither fauoured nor regarded me, according to my degrée and birth (for suerlie I had by him little au­thoritie, and lesse rule, and in effect nothing at all: which caused me lesse to fauour his children, bicause I found small humanitie, or none in their parent) I then began to studie, and with ripe deliberation to ponder and consider, how and in what manner this realme should be ruled and gouerned. And first I re­membred an old prouerbe worthie of memorie, that often rueth the realme where children rule, and wo­men gouerne.

This old adage so sanke and settled in my head, that I thought it a great errour, and extreame mis­chiefe [Page 739] to the whole realme, either to suffer the yoong king to rule, or the quéene his mother to be a gouer­nesse ouer him, considering that hir brethren, and hir first children (although they were not extract of high and noble linage) tooke more vpon them, and more ex­alted themselues, by reason of the quéene, than did the kings brethren, or anie duke in his realme: which in conclusion turned to their confusion. Then I being persuaded with my selfe in this point, thought it ne­cessarie both for the publike and profitable wealth line 10 of this realme, and also for mine owne commoditie and emolnment, to take part with the duke of Glo­cester; whom (I assure you) I thought to be as cleane without dissimulation, as tractable without iniurie, as mercifull without crueltie; as now I know him perfectlie to be a dissembler without veritie, a tyrant without pitie, yea & worse than the tyrant Phalaris, destitute of all truth and clemencie.

And so by my meanes, at the first councell hol­den at London, when he was most suspected of that line 20 thing that after happened (as you my lord know well inough) he was made protector and defendor both of the king and of the realme, which authoritie once gotten, & the two children partlie by An vnhappie policie tend­ing to slaugh­ter & bloushed. policie brought vnder his gouernance, he being mooued with that gnawing and couetous serpent desire to reigne, neuer ceassed priuilie to exhort and require, yea and sometimes with minatorie tearmes to persuade me and other lords, as well spirituall as temporall, that he might take vpon him the crowne, till the prince came to the age of foure and twentie yeares, line 30 and were able to gouerne the realme, as a ripe and sufficient king.

Which thing when he saw me somewhat sticke at, both for the strangenesse of the example (bicause no such president had béene séene) and also bicause we re­membred that men once ascended to the highest type of honour and authoritie, will not gladlie descend a­gaine; he then brought in instruments, autentike doctors, proctors, and notaries of the law, with depo­sitions of diuerse witnesses, testifieng king Ed­wards line 40 children to be bastards. Which depositions then I thought to be as true, as now I know them to be feined; and testified by persons with rewards vntrulie suborned. When the said depositions were before vs read and diligentlie heard, he stood vp bare­headed, saieng: Well my lords, euen as I and you (sage and discréet councellors) would that my nephue should haue no wrong; so I praie you doo me nothing but right. For these witnesses & saiengs of famous line 50 doctors being true, I am onelie the vndubitate heire to lord Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke, adiud­ged to be the verie heire to the crowne of this relme by authoritie of parlement.

Which things so by learned men to vs for a veri­tie declared, caused me and other to take him for our lawfull and vndoubted prince and souereigne lord. For well we knew that the duke of Clarence sonne, by reason of the atteindor of his father, was disabled to inherit; and also the duke himselfe was named to line 60 be a bastard, as I my selfe haue heard spoken, and that vpon great presumptions more times than one: so againe, by my aid and fauour, he of a protector was made a king, and of a subiect made a gouernor. At which time he promised me on his fidelitie (laieng his hand in mine at Bainards castell) that the two yoong princes should liue, and that he would so pro­uide for them, and so mainteine them in honorable estate, that I and all the realme ought and should be content. [But his words wanted weight, which is a foule discredit to a prince, to a péere, yea to a priuat and meane common man, as testifieth this sentence: ‘Dedecus est rebus cum bona verba carent.’

For when he was once crowned king, and in full possession of the whole realme, The princi­pall cause why the duke of Buckingham cōceiued such inward grudge a­gainst king Richard. he cast awaie his old conditions as the adder dooth hir skin, verifieng the old prouerbe; Honours change manners, as the pa­rish preest remembreth that he was neuer parish clearke. For when I myselfe sued vnto him for my part of the earle of Herefords lands which his brother king Edward wrongfullie deteined and withheld from me; and also required to haue the office of the high constableship of England, as diuerse of my no­ble ancestors before this time haue had, and in long descent continued: in this my first sute shewing his good mind toward me; he did not onelie first delaie me, and afterward denaie me, but gaue me such vn­kind words, with such tawnts & retawnts, ye in man­ner checke and checkemate, to the vttermost proofe of my patience: as though I had neuer furthered him, but hindered him; as though I had put him downe, and not set him vp.

Yet all these ingratitudes and vndeserued vn­kindnesses I bare closelie, & suffered patientlie, and couertlie remembred, outwardlie dissembling that I inwardlie thought: and so with a painted counte­nance, I passed the last summer in his last compa­nie, not without manie faire promises, but without anie good déeds. But when I was crediblie informed of the death of the two yoong innocents, his owne naturall nephues contrarie to his faith and promise, to the which (God be my iudge) I neuer agreed, nor condescended; O Lord, how my veines panted, how my bodie trembled, and how my heart inwardlie grudged! insomuch that I so abhorred the sight, and much more the companie of him, that I could no longer abide in his court, except I should be openlie reuenged: the end whereof was doubtfull. And so I feined a cause to depart, and with a merrie counte­nance and a despitefull heart I tooke my leaue hum­blie of him (he thinking nothing lesse than that I was displeased) and so returned to Brecknocke to you.

But in that iournie (as I returned) whither it were by the inspiration of the Holie-ghost, The imagi­nations of the duke of Buckingham to depriue K. Richard. or by melan­cholious disposition, I had diuerse and sundrie imagi­nations how to depriue this vnnaturall vncle, and bloudie butcher, from his roiall seat, and princelie dignitie. First I santised, that if I list to take vpon me the crowne, and imperiall scepter of the realme, now was the time propice and conuenient. For now was the waie made plaine, and the gate opened, and occasion giuen: which now neglected, should perad­uenture neuer take such effect and conclusion. For I saw he was disdeined of the lords temporall, abhored and accurssed of the lords spirituall, detested of all gentlemen, and despised of all the communaltie: so that I saw my chance as perfectlie as I saw mine owne image in a glasse, that there was no person (if I had béene gréedie to attempt the enterprise) could nor should haue woone the ring, or got the gole before me. And on this point I rested in imagination se­cretlie with my selfe two daies at Tewkesburie.

From thence so iournieng, I mused and thought that it was not best nor conuenient to take vpon me as a conqueror. For then I knew that all men, and especiallie the nobilitie, would with all their power withstand me, both for rescuing of possessions and te­nures, as also for subuerting of the whole estate, laws and customes of the realme: such a power hath a conqueror, as you know well inough my lord. But at the last, in all this doubtfull case there sprang a new branch out of my head, Note the working of ambition in the duke. which suerlie I thought should haue brought forth faire floures; but the sunne was so hot, that they turned to drie wéeds. For I suddenlie remembred that the lord Edmund duke of Summerset my grandfather, was with king Hen­rie the sixt in the two and thrée degrées, from Iohn [Page 740] duke of Lancaster lawfullie begotten: so that I thought sure, my mother being eldest daughter to duke Edmund, that I was next heire to king Hen­rie the sixt of the house of Lancaster.

This title pleased well such as I made priuie of my counsell, but much more it incouraged my foolish desire, and eleuated my ambitious intent; insomuch that I cléerelie iudged, and in mine owne mind was determinatlie resolued, that I was indubitate heire of the house of Lancaster, and therevpon concluded line 10 to make my first foundation, and erect my new building. But whether God so ordeined, or by fortune it so chanced, while I was in a maze either to con­clude suddenlie on this title, & to set it open amongst the common people, or to keepe it secret a while, sée the chance: as I rode betweene Worcester and Bridgenorth, I incountered with the ladie Marga­ret countesse of Richmond, now wife vnto the lord Stanlie, which is the verie daughter and sole heire to lord Iohn duke of Summerset, my grandfathers line 20 elder brother, which was as cleane out of my mind, as though I had neuer séene hir: so that she and hir sonne the earle of Richmond be both bulworke and portcullice betwéene me and the gate, to enter into the maiestie roiall and getting of the crowne.

Now when we had communed a little concerning hir sonne, as I shall shew you after, and were depar­ted, shée to our ladie of Worcester, and I to Shrews­burie: I then new changed, and in maner amazed, began to dispute with my selfe, little considering line 30 that thus my earnest title was turned to a tittell not so good as Est Amen. Eftsoones I imagined whether were best to take vpon me, by election of the nobilitie and communaltie, which me thought easie to be done, the vsurper king thus being in hatred and abhorred of this whole realme; or to take it by power, which standeth in fortunes chance, and difficile to be atchi­ued and brought to passe. Thus tumbling and tossing in the waues of ambiguitie, betwéene the stone and the sacrifice, The office of a king verie hard to dis­charge. I considered first the office, dutie, and line 40 paine of a king, which suerlie thinke I that no mor­tall man can iustlie and trulie obserue, except he be called, elected, and speciallie appointed by God as K. Dauid, and diuerse other haue beéne.

But further, I remembred that if I once tooke on me the scepter, and the gouernance of the realme; that of two extreame enimies I was dailie sure, but of one trustie friend (which now a daies be gone a pilgrimage) I was neither assured nor crediblie as­certeined; such is the worlds mutation. For I mani­festlie perceiued, that the daughters of king Ed­ward, line 50 and their alies and freends, which be no small number, being both for his sake much beloued, and also for the great iniurie & manifest tyrannie doone to them by the new vsurper, much lamented and piti­ed, would neuer ceasse to barke if they cannot bite at the one side of me. Semblablie, my coosine the earle of Richmond, his aids and kinsfolks, which be not of little power, will suerlie attempt like a fierce greihound, either to bite or to pearse me on the o­ther side. So that my life and rule should euer hang line 60 by a haire, neuer in quiet, but euer in doubt of death, or deposition.

And if the said two linages of Yorke and Lan­caster, The dukes resolution not to medle in seéking to ob­teine the crowne. which so long haue striued for the imperiall di­adem, should ioine in one against me, then were I suerlie mated, and the game gotten. Wherefore I haue cléerelie determined, and with my selfe conclu­ded, vtterlie to relinquish all such fantasticall ima­ginations, concerning the obteining of the crowne. But all such plagues, calamities and troubles, which I feared and suspected might haue chanced on me if I had taken the rule and regiment of this realme, I shall with a reredemaine so make them rebound to to our common enimie that calleth himselfe king, that the best stopper that he hath at tenice shall not well stop without a fault.

For (as I told you before) the counfesse of Rich­mond in my returne from the new named king, méeting me in the high waie, pra [...]ed me first for kin­red sake, secondar [...]lie for the loue that I bare to my grandfather duke Humfrie, which was sworne bro­ther to hir father, so mooue the king to be good to hir sonne Henrie earle of Richmond, and to licence him with his fauour to returne againe into England. And if it were his pleasure so to doo, she promised that the earle hir sonne should marrie one of king Ed­wards daughters, at the appointment of the king, without anie thing to be taken or demanded for the said espousals, but onelie the kings fauour: which re­quest I soone ouerpassed, and gaue hir faire words, and so departed.

But after in my lodging, when I called to memo­rie with a deliberate studie, and did circumspectlie ponder them, I fullie adiudged, that the Holie-ghost caused hir to mooue a thing (the end whereof she could not consider) both for the securitie of the realme, as also for the preferment of hir child, and the destruction and finall confusion of the common enimie king Ri­chard. Which thing, she neither then thought (I am sure) as I by hir words could make coniecture, nor I my selfe cast not hir desire to be so profitable to the realme, as I now doo perceiue. But such a Lord is God, that with a little sparkle he kindleth a great fire, and (to the admiration of the world) of impossibi­lities he maketh possibilities, of small beginnings mightie increasings, of drops great flouds.

And so finallie to declare to you the verie conclu­sion, to the which I am both bent and set, my mind is, The duke of Buckingh [...] resolued to helpe to de­pose king Ri­chard, and to prefer the [...] of Richmond to the crowne. and my power and pursse shall helpe, that the earle of Richmond, verie heire of the house of Lancaster (in the quarrell of the which linage, both my father and grandfather lost their liues in battell) shall take to wife ladie Elizabeth eldest daughter to king Ed­ward, by the which mariage both the houses of Yorke and Lancaster may be ioined and vnited in one, to the cleere establishment of the title to the crowne of this noble relme. To which conclusion if the mothers of both parts, and especiallie the earle himselfe, and the ladie will agrée: I doubt not but the The duke of Glocester now king. bragging bore, which with his tuskes raseth euerie mans skin, shall not onelie be brought to confusion (as he hath deserued) but that this empire shall euer be certeine of an vndubitate heire, & then shall all ciuill and in­testine warre cease, which so long hath continued to the paring of manie mens crownes, and this realme shall be reduced againe to quietnesse, renowme and glorie.

This inuention of the duke manie men thought after, that it was more imagined for the inward ha­tred that he bare to king Richard, than for anie fauor that he bare to the earle of Richmond. But of such doubtfull matter it is not best to iudge, for erring too farre from the mind and intent of the author. But whatsoeuer he intended, this deuise once opened to king Richard was the verie occasion, that he was rounded shorter by the whole head, without attain­dor or iudgement. When the duke had said, the bishop which fauoured euer the house of Lancaster, was woonderous ioifull, and much reioised to heare this deuise. For now came the wind about euen as he would haue it, The [...] of the duk [...]s purpose. sith all his imagination tended to this effect, to haue king Richard subdued, and to haue the lines of king Edward, and king Henrie the sixt a­gaine raised and aduanced.

But lord how he reioised, to thinke how that by this marriage the linages of Yorke and Lancaster should be conioined in one, to the verie stedfastnesse [Page 741] of the publike wealth of this realme. And least the dukes courage should swage, or his mind should a­gaine alter, as it did often before (as you may easilie perceiue by his owne tale) he thought to set vp all the sailes that he had, to the intent that the ship of his pretended purpose might come shortlie to some sure port, The motion for the con­iunction of the two houses of Lancaster & Yorke (deui­sed by y e duke) furthered. and said to the duke: My lord, sith by Gods prouision and your incomparable wisedome and po­licie, this noble coniunction is first mooued, now is it conuenient, yea and necessarie, to consider what personages, and what fréends we shall first make line 10 priuie of this high deuise and politike conclusion: [which is not rashlie & without aduisement to be ad­uentured, for therin is danger, as the wiseman saith: ‘Semper habet damnum mentis temerarius ardor.]’

By my truth, quoth the duke, we will begin with the ladie Richmond, the earles mother, which know­eth where he is, either in captiuitie, or at large in Bri­taine. For I heard saie, that the duke of Britaine re­stored him to libertie, immediatlie after the death of king Edward, by whose means he was restreined. line 20 Sith you will begin that waie (said the bishop) I haue an old fréend with the countesse, a man sober, se­cret, and well witted, called Reginald Braie; whose prudent policie I haue knowne to haue compassed things of great importance, for whome I shall se­cretlie send, if it be your pleasure; and I doubt not but he will gladlie come and that with a good will. So with a little diligence the bishop wrote a letter to Reginald Braie, requiring him to come to Breck­nocke line 30 with speed, for great and vrgent causes tou­ching his mistresse: and no other thing was declared in the letter. So the messenger rode into Lancashire where Braie was with the countesse, and lord Tho­mas Stanlie hir husband, and deliuered the letter: which when he had read, he tooke it as a signe or pre­sage of some good fortune to come.

Then he (with the messenger) came to the castell of Brecknocke, where the duke and the bishop decla­red what thing was deuised, both for to set the relme line 40 in a quiet stedfastnesse, as also for the high prefer­ment of the earle of Richmond, sonne to his ladie and mistresse: willing hir first to compasse how to obteine the good will of quéene Elizabeth, and also of hir eldest daughter bearing the same name: and af­ter secretlie to send to hir sonne into Britaine, to de­clare what high honor was prepared for him, if he would sweare to marrie the ladie Elizabeth assoone as he was king, and in roiall possession of the relme. Reginald Braie with a glad heart, forgetting no­thing line 50 giuen to him in charge, in great hast and with good spéed returned to the countesse his ladie and mistresse.

When Braie was departed, and this great doubt­full vessell once set abroach, Bishop Mor­tons deuise for to be at his owne li­bertie in his b [...]shoprike of Elie. the bishop thirsting for nothing more than for libertie: when he saw the duke pleasant and well minded toward him; he told the duke, that if he were in his Ile of Elie, he could make manie fréends to further their enterprise: and if he were there and had but foure daies warning, he line 60 lit [...]le regarded the malice of king Richard, his coun­trie was so strong. The duke knew well all this to be true, but yet loth he was that the bishop should de­part: for he knew well, that as long as the bishop was with him, he was sure of politike aduise, sage counsell, and circumspect procéeding. And so he gaue the bishop faire words, saieng, that he should shortlie depart, and that well accompanied for fea [...]e of eni­mies.

The Bishop being as wittie as the duke was wi­lie, did not tarrie till the dukes companie were as­sembled, but secretlie disguised, in a night departed (to the dukes great displeasure) and came to his sée of Elie; where he found monie and fréends; and so sailed into Flanders, The bishop of Elie saileth into Flan­ders to the earle of Rich­mond. where he did the earle of Rich­mond good seruice, and neuer returned againe, till the erle of Richmond (after being king) sent for him, and shortlie promoted him to the see of Canturburie. Thus the bishop woond himselfe from the duke when he had most néed of his aid, for if he had taried still, the duke had not made so manie blabs of his coun­sell, nor put so much confidence in the Welshmen, nor yet so temerariouslie set forward (without know­ledge of his fréends) as he did, which things were his sudden ouerthrowe (as they that knew it did report) [and might perhaps haue béene auoided by the bi­shops wisdome for the dukes saftie, as his owne, sith ‘Qui sapit, ille potest alios sapuisse docere.]’

When Reginald Braie had declared his message and priuie instruction to the countesse of Richmond his mistresse, no maruell though she were ioious and glad, both of the good newes, and also for the obtein­ing of such a high fréend in hir sonnes cause as the duke was. Wherefore she willing not to sléepe thi [...] matter, but to further it to the vttermost of hir pow­er and abilitie, deuised a means how to breake this matter to quéene Elizabeth then being in sanctua­rie at Westminster. And therevpon she, hauing in hir familie at that time (for the preseruation of hir health) a certeine Welshman called Lewes, learned in physicke, which for his grauitie and experience, was well knowne, and much esteemed amongest great estates of the realme, brake hir mind to him.

For with this Lewes she vsed sometime liberallie and familiarlie to talke, and now hauing oportuni­tie and occasion to expresse hir hart vnto him in this weightie matter, declared that the time was come that hir sonne should be ioined in marriage with la­die Elizabeth, daughter and heire to king Edward; and that king Richard being taken and reputed of all men for the common enimie of the relme, should out of all honor & estate be deiected, & of his crowne and kingdome be cléerelie spoiled and expelled: and required him to go to quéene Elizabeth (with whome in his facultie he was of counsell) not as a messen­ger, but as one that came fréendlie to visit and conso­late hir, and (as time & place should require) to make hir priuie of this deuise; not as a thing concluded, but as a purpose by him imagined.

This physician did not long linger to accomplish hir desire, Lewes the physician sheweth the quéene the whole con­ceipt and de­uise of the matter. but with good diligence repaired to the queene, being still in the sanctuarie at Westminster. And when he saw time propice and conuenient for his purpose, he said vnto hir: Madame, although my i­magination be verie simple, and my deuise more foolish; yet for the entier affection that I beare toward you and your children, I am so bold to vtter vnto you a secret and priuie conceit that I haue cast and com­passed in my fantasticall braine. When I well re­membred and no lesse considered the great losse and damage that you haue susteined, by the death of your noble and louing husband; and the great dolour and sorow that you haue suffered and tollerated, by the cruell murther of your innocent children: I can no lesse doo both of bounden duetie and christian charitie, than dailie to studie, and hourelie imagine, not one­lie how to bring your hart to comfort and gladnesse, but also deuise how to reuenge the righteous quarell of you and your children on that bloudie bloudsupper, and cruell tyrant king Richard.

And first consider, what battell, what manslaugh­ter, what mischéefe hath risen in this realme by the dissention betwéene the two noble houses of Yorke & Lancaster. Which two families (as I haue contri­ued) if they may be ioined in one, I thinke, yea and doubt not, but your line shall be againe restored to the pristinate estate and degrée; to your great ioie and comfort, and to the vtter confusion of your mor­tall [Page 742] enimie the vsurper king. You know verie well madame, The coniunc­tion of the two families moo­ued to the Q. by the physi­cian. that of the house of Lancaster, the earle of Richmond is next of bloud, who is liuing, and a lustie yoong batcheler, and to the house of Yorke your daughters now are heires. If you could agree and in­uent the meane how to couple your eldest daughter with the yoong earle of Richmond in matrimonie, no doubt but the vsurper of the realme should be shortlie deposed, and your heire againe to hir right restored. line 10

When the queene had heard this friendlie motion (which was as farre from hir thought, as the man that the rude people saie is in the moone) lord how hir spirits reuiued, and how hir heart leapt in hir bodie for ioie and gladnesse▪ And first giuing laud to al­mightie God, as the chiefe authour of hir comfort, se­condarilie to maister Lewes, as the deuiser of these good newes & tidings, she instantlie besought him, that as he had beene the first inuenter of so great an enterprise, so now he would not relinquish nor de­sist line 20 to follow the same: requiring him further (bi­cause he was apperteining to the countesse of Rich­mond mother to the erle Henrie) that he would with all diligent celeritie resort to hir, then lodging in hir husbands place, within the citie of London: and to declare on the quéenes behalfe to the countesse, that all the friends and fautors of king Edward hir hus­band, The quéenes readinesse to s [...]t forward this cōclusion. should assist and take part with the earle of Richmond hir sonne, so that he would take a corpo­rall oth after the kingdome obteined, to espouse and line 30 take to wife the ladie Elizabeth hir daughter, or else ladie Cicilie, if the eldest daughter were not then liuing.

Maister Lewes with all dexteritie so sped his busi­nesse, that he made and concluded a finall end and de­termination of this enterprise betwene the two mo­thers. And bicause he was a physician, and out of all suspicion and misdéeming, he was the common cur­ror and dailie messenger betweene them, aiding and setting foorth the inuented conspiracie against king line 40 Richard. So the ladie Margaret countesse of Rich­mond, brought into a good hope of the preferment of hir sonne, made Reginald Braie hir most faithfull seruant, chiefe sollicitor and priuie procuror of this conspiracie; giuing him in charge secretly to inuegle and attract such persons of nobilitie to ioine with hir and take hir part, as he knew to be ingenious, faith­full, diligent, and of actiuitie. This Reginald Braie within few daies brought vnto his lure (first of all taking of euerie person a solemne oth to be true and secret) sir Giles Daubneie, sir Iohn Cheinie knight, line 50 Richard Gilford, and Thomas Rame esquiers, and diuers other. The countesse of Richmond was not so diligent for hir part, but quéene Elizabeth was as vigilant on the other side, and made friends, and ap­pointed councellors to set forward and aduance hir businesse.

In the meane season, the countesse of Richmond tooke into hir seruice Christopher Urswike, The countesse of Richmond vttereth the matter to Urswike hir chapleine, swearing him to be secret. an honest and wise priest, and (after an oth of him for to be se­cret line 60 taken and sworne) she vttered to him all hir mind and counsell, adhibiting to him the more confi­dence and truth, that he all his life had fauoured and taken part with king Henrie the sixt, and as a speci­all iewell put to hir seruice by sir Lewes hir physi­cian. So the mother, studious for the prosperitie of hir son, appointed this Christopher Urswike to saile into Britaine to the earle of Richmond, and to de­clare and reueale to him all pacts and agréements betwene hir & the quéene agréed and concluded. But suddenlie she remembring that the duke of Buc­kingham was one of the first inuentors, and a secret founder of this enterprise, determined to send some personage of more estimation than hir chapleine.

Herevpon she elected for a messenger Hugh Con­weie esquier, Hugh [...] esquire [...] ouer to the [...] of Rich [...] to informe [...] of his [...] preferment & sent him into Britaine with a great sum of monie to hir sonne, giuing him in charge, to declare to the earle the great loue and especiall fauor that the most part of the nobilitie of the realme bare toward him, the louing hearts & beneuolent minds which the whole communaltie of their owne free will frankelie offered, and liberallie exhibited to him, wil­ling and aduising him not to neglect so good an occa­sion apparantlie offered; but with all speed and dili­gence, to addict and settle his mind & full intention how to returne home againe into England, where he was both wished and looked for: giuing him further monition and counsell, to take land and arriuall in the principalitie of Wales, where hée should not doubt to find both aid, comfort and friends.

Richard Gilford, least Hugh Conweie might fortune to be taken, or stopped at Plimmouth, where he intended to take his nauigation, Tho. Rame sent ouer for the same pur­pose for feare of interceptio [...] sent out of Kent Thomas Rame with the same instructions: and both made such diligence, and had such wind and weather, the one by land from Calis, and the other by water from Plimmouth, that within lesse than an houre both ariued in the duke of Britains court, and spake with the earle of Richmond, which (from the death of king Edward) went at pleasure and libertie, and to him counted and manifested the cause and effect of their message and ambassage. When the earle had receiued this message (which was the more pleasant, bicause it was vnlooked for) he rendered to Iesu his sauiour, his most humble & heartie thanks, being in firme credence and beléefe, that such things as hée with busie mind and laborious intent had wished & desired, could neuer haue taken anie effect, without the helpe and preferment of almightie God.

And now being put in comfort of his long longing, he did communicate & breake to the duke of Britaine all his secrets, and priuie messages, The earle of Richmond maketh the duke of Bri­taine priuie to the matter. which were to him declared; aduertising him that he was entered into a sure and stedfast hope, to obteine and get the crowne and kingdome of the realme of England, desiring him both of his good will and friendlie helpe toward the atchiuing of his offered enterprise, pro­mising him when he came to his intended purpose, to render to him againe equall kindnes, and condigne recompense. Although the duke of Britaine before that daie, by Thomas Hutton ambassadour from king Richard, had both by monie and praiers beene solicited and mooued to put againe into safe custodie the earle of Richmond, he neuerthelesse promised faithfullie to aid him; and his promise hée trulie per­formed.

Wherevpon the earle with all diligence sent into England againe Hugh Conweie, Hugh Cōwey and Thomas Rame return [...] into England and deliue [...] their answer. and Thomas Rame, which should declare his comming shortlie in­to England: to the intent that all things, which by counsell might be for his purpose prouided, should be spéedilie and diligentlie doone; and that all things doubtfull, should of his friends be prudentlie fore­séene, in auoiding all engines or snares which king Richard had or might set in disturbance of his pur­pose: and he in the meane season would make his a­bode still in Britaine, till all things necessarie for his iournie were prepared, and brought in a readinesse. In the meane season, the chiefteins of the coniurati­on in England began togither manie enterprises: Preparation to bring in, re­ceiue & [...] the earle to the kingdom [...]. some in conuenient fortresses put strong garrisons, some kept armed men priuilie, to the intent that when they should haue knowledge of the earles lan­ding, they would begin to stir vp the war: other did secretlie mooue and solicit the people to rise & make an insurrection: other (amongst whom Iohn Morton bishop of Elie then being in Flanders was chiefe) by priuie letters and cloked messengers did stirre [Page 743] and mooue to this new coniuration, all such which they certeinlie knew to haue a rooted hatred, or to beare cankered malice toward king Richard and his proceedings.

Although this great enterprise were neuer so pri­uilie handled, and so secretlie amongst so circumspect persons treated, compassed and conueied; yet know­ledge therof came to the eares of king Richard, who with the sudden chance was not a little mooued and astonied. First, bicause he had no host readie prepa­red; line 10 secondlie, if he should raise an armie so sudden­lie, he knew not where to méet his enimies, or whi­ther to go, or where to tarrie. Wherefore he determi­ned to dissemble the matter, as though he knew no­thing, till he had assembled his host; and in the meane season either by the rumour of the common people, or by the diligence of his espials to search out all the counsels, [...]. Richards [...]urpose in the [...] of coniu­ [...]a [...]ion against [...]. determinations, intents, and compasses of his close aduersaries; or else by policie to inter­cept and take some person of the same coniuration, line 20 considering that there is no more secret nor hid es­piall, than that which lurketh in dissimulation of knowledge and intelligence, or is hidden in name and shadow of counterfeit humanitie and feined kindnesse. But yet wisedome hath a deuise to auoid & shift off all such deceiuers, as the poet well saieth: ‘Dissimulatores vitat prudentia vafros.’

The duke of Buckingham conspireth a­gainst king Richard.And bicause he knew the duke of Buckingham to be the chiefe head and aid of the coniuration, hée thought it most necessarie to plucke him from that part, either by faire promises or open warre. Where­vpon line 30 he addressed his louing letters to the duke, full of gentle words, & most friendlie speach; giuing fur­ther in charge to the messenger that caried the letter to promise the duke (in his behalfe) golden hilles, and siluer riuers, and with all gentle and pleasant means to persuade and exhort the duke to come to the court. But the duke as wilie as the king, mistrusting the faire flattering words, and the gaie promises to him so suddenlie without any cause offered, knowing the line 40 craftie casts of king Richards bow, which in diuerse affaires before time he had séene practised, required the king to pardon him, excusing himselfe that he was so diseased in his stomach, that scant he could ei­ther take refection or rest.

King Richard not being content with this excuse, would in no wise admit the same; but incontinent directed to the duke other letters, of a more rougher and hautier sort, not without tawnting and biting tearmes, and checking words, commanding him (all excuses set apart) to repaire without anie delaie to line 50 his roiall presence. The duke made to the messeng a determinate answer, The duke of Buckingham [...] professed enimie to king Richard. that he would not come to his mortall enimie, whome he neither loued, nor fa­uoured: and immediatlie prepared open warre a­gainst him, and persuaded all his complices and par­takers, that euerie man in his quarter, with all dili­gence should raise vp people & make a commotion. And by this means almost in one moment Thomas marques Dorset came out of sanctuarie, where since line 60 the begining of K. Richards daies he had continued, whose life by the onelie helpe of sir Thomas Louell was preserued from all danger & perill in this trou­blous world, gathered togither a great band of men in Yorkeshire.

Sir Edward Courtneie, and Peter his brother bishop of Excester, raised an other amie in Deuon­shire and Cornewall. In Kent Richard Gilford and other gentlemen collected a great companie of souldiers, and openlie began warre. But king Ri­chard, K. Richards [...] in the disposing of his armie. who in the meane time had gotten togither a great strength and puissance, thinking it not most for his part beneficiall, to disperse and diuide his great armie into small branches, and particularlie to persecute anie one of the coniuration by himselfe, de­termined (all other things being set aside) with his whole puissance to set on the chiefe head, which was the duke of Buckingham. And so remoouing from London, he tooke his iournie toward Salisburie, to the intent that in his iournie he might set on the dukes armie, if he might know him in anie place in­camped, or in order of battell arraied.

The king was scarse two daies iournie from Sa­lisburie, The duke of Buckinghās power of wild Welshmen (falseharted) doo [...]aile him. when the duke of Buckingham accompani­ed with a great power of wild Welshmen, whom he (being a man of great courage and sharpe speech) in maner against their willes had rather thereto infor­ced and compelled by lordlie and streict commande­ment, than by liberall wages and gentle demenour, which thing was the verie occasion why they left him desolate, & cowardlie forsooke him. The duke with all his power marched through the forrest of Deane, in­tending to haue passed the riuer Seuerne at Gloce­ster, & there to haue ioined his armie with the Court­neis, and other westerne men of his confederacie and affinitie. Which if he had doone, no doubt but king Richard had béene in great ieopardie, either of priua­tion of his realme, or losse of his life, or both.

But sée the chance. Before he could atteine to Se­uerne side, by force of continuall raine and moisture, the riuer rose so high that it ouerflowed all the coun­trie adioining, A sore floud or high water dooing much harme, called the duke of Buckinghās great water. insomuch that men were drowned in their beds, and houses with the extreame violence were ouerturned, children were caried about the fields swimming in cradels, beasts were drowned on hilles. Which rage of water lasted continuallie ten daies, insomuch that in the countrie adioining they call it to this daie, The great water; or, the duke of Buckinghams great water. By this floud the passages were so closed, that neither the duke could come ouer Seuern to his adherents, nor they to him. During the which time, the Welshmen lingring ide­lie, and without monie, vittels, or wages, suddenlie scattered and departed: and for all the dukes faire promises, threatnings, and inforcements, would in no wise either go further nor abide.

The duke (being thus left almost post alone) was of necessitie compelled to flie, and in flight was with this sudden fortune maruellouslie dismaid: and be­ing vnpurneied what counsell he should take, and what waie he should follow, like a man in despaire, not knowing what to doo, of verie trust & confidence conueied himselfe into the house of Humfreie Bana­ster his seruant beside Shrewesburie, whome he had tenderlie brought vp, and whome he aboue all men loued, fauoured, and trusted; now not doubting but that in his extreame necessitie he should find him faithfull, secret, and trustie, intending there couertlie to lurke, till either he might raise againe a new ar­mie, or else shortlie to saile into Britaine to the earle of Richmond. [But alas (good duke) the meanes (by occasion of Gods prouidence, shaking men out of their shifts of supposed safetie) failed him, and he fell infortunatlie into the hands of the foming bore, that tare him in péeces with his tuskes.]

Now when it was knowne to his adherents, which were redie to giue battell, that his host was scatred, and had left him almost alone, and was fled, & could not be found; they were suddenlie amazed & striken with a sudden feare, that euery man like persons des­perate shifted for himselfe & fled. Some went to sanc­tuarie, and to solitarie places; some fled by sea, where­of the most part within a few daies after arriued safelie in the duchie of Britaine. The dukes adherents & their powers dispersed. Among which num­ber were these persons; Peter Courtneie bishop of Excester, and sir Edmund Courtneie his brother, by king Henrie the seuenth after created earle of Deuonshire; Thomas marquesse Dorset, Iohn lord [Page 744] Welles, sir Iohn Bourchier, sir Edward Wooduile, a valiant man in armes, brother to quéene Eliza­beth, sir Robert Willoughbie, sir Giles Daubneie, sir Thomas Arundell, sir Iohn Cheinie and his two brethren, sir William Barkelie, sir William Bran­don, & Thomas his brother, sir Richard Edgecombe: all these for the most part being knights, Iohn Hal­lowell, and Edward Poinings, apolitike capteine.

At this verie season, Iohn Morton bishop of Elie, and Christopher Urswike priest, and an other compa­nie line 10 of noble men soiourned in Flanders; and by let­ters and messengers procured manie enimies a­gainst king Richard, which vsing a vigilant eie, and a quicke remembrance, being newlie come to Salis­burie, hauing perfect notice and knowledge how the duke was sled, and how his complices intended to passe out of the realme; first he sent men of warre to all the next ports and passages, to kéepe streictlie the sea coast, so that no person should passe outward, nor take land within the realme without their assent line 20 and knowledge; A proclama­ [...]o [...] for the a [...]prehension of the duke of Buckinghā ▪ with large re­w [...]rds to the apprehendor. secondarilie he made proclamati­on, that what person could shew and reueale where the duke of Buckingham was, should be highlie re­warded; if he were a bondman, he should be infran­chised and set at libertie; if he were of frée bloud, he should haue a generall pardon, and be rewarded with a thousand pounds.

Furthermore, bicause he vnderstood by Thomas Hutton, which (as you haue heard) was newlie retur­ned out of Britaine, that Francis duke of Britaine line 30 not onelie refused to kéepe the earle of Richmond as a prisoner, at his contemplation, and for his sake; but also that he was readie to aid and succour the said earle, with men, monie, and all things necessarie for his transporting into England: he therefore rigged and sent out ships of warre, well furnished and dec­ked with men and artillerie, K. Richard sendeth foorth a name to [...]c [...]wre the sea ouer a­gainst Bri­taine. to scowre and kéepe that part of the sea that lieth ouer against Britaine, to the intent that if the earle of Richmond would aduen­ture to saile toward England, either he should be ta­ken line 40 captiue, or be beaten and driuen from the coast of England. And moreouer, to the intent that euerie coast, waie, passage, and corner, should be diligentlie watched & kept, he set at euerie doubtfull and suspec­ted place men of warre, to séeke, search, and inquire, if anie creature could tell tidings of the duke of Buc­kingham; or of anie or his confederation, adherents, fautors or partakers.

While this busie search was diligentlie applied and put in execution, Humfrie Ba­naster seruant vnto the duke of Bucking­ham betraied his maister. Humfreie Banaster (were it more line 50 for feare of life and losse of goods, or allured & prouo­ked by the auaricious desire of the thousand pounds) he bewraied his guest and maister to Iohn Mitton then shiriffe of Shropshire; which suddenlie with a strong power of men in harnesse apprehended the duke in a little groue adioining to the mansion of Humfreie Banaster, and in great hast and euill speed conueied him apparelled in a pilled blacke cloake to the towne of Shrewesburie, where king Richard then kept his houshold. Whether this Banaster be­wraied line 60 the duke more for feare than couetous, Gods secret [...]gement [...] vpon Bana­ster and his children after th [...] duke was apprehended. ma­nie men doo doubt: but sure it is, that shortlie after he had betraied the duke his master; his sonne and heire waxed mad, & so died in a bores stie; his eldest daugh­ter of excellent beautie, was suddenlie striken with a foule leprosie; his second sonne maruellouslie defor­med of his lims, and made lame; his yoonger sonne in a small puddle was strangled and drowned; and he being of extreame age, arreigned, and found guiltie of a murther, and by his cleargie saued. And as for his thousand pounds, K. Richard gaue him not one farthing, saieng that he which would be vntrue to so good a maister, would be false to all other: howbeit some saie that he had a small office or a farme to stop his mouth withall. The duke being by certeine of the kings councell diligentlie vpon interrogatories ex­amined, what things he knew preiudiciall vnto the kings person, opened and declared franklie and frée­lie all the coniuration, without dissembling or glo­sing; trusting, bicause he had trulie and plainelie re­uealed and confessed all things that were of him re­quired, that he should haue licence to speake to the king: which (whether it were to sue for pardon and grace, or whether he being brought to his presence, would haue sticked him with a dagger as men then iudged) he sore desired and required. But when he had confessed the whole fact & conspiracie, The duke of Buckingh [...] beheaded with out arreig [...] or iudgeme [...] vpon All soules daie, without arreigment or iudgement, he was at Salisburie in the open market place, on a new scaffold beheaded and put to death.

This death (as a reward) the duke of Bucking­ham receiued at the hands of king Richard, whom he before in his affaires, purposes and enterprises had holpen, susteined, and set forward, aboue all Gods forbode. By this all men may easilie perceiue, that he not onelie loseth both his labour, trauell, and indu­strie (and further staineth and spotteth his line with a perpetuall ignominie and reproch) which in euill and mischiefe assisteth and aideth an euill disposed person, considering for the most part, that he for his freendlie fauour should receiue some great displeasure or im­portunate chance. Beside that, God of his iustice in conclusion appointed to him a condigne paine and affliction for his merits and deserts. [Auailable therefore, and for his best aduantage had it béene, to haue followed the wise counsell of him, that willed him, and such as he, to kéepe them from the man that hath power to slaie; so shalt thou doubt (saith he) the feare of death. And if thou come vnto him make no fault, least he take awaie thy life: remember that thou goest in the middest of snares, & that thou wal­kest vpon the towers of the citie. Which aduise a lear­ned man, in good place, and necessarie seruice about the prince, neatlie comprised in these few veries:

Vtere principibus modicé,
Gu. [...]la▪
nimis esse propinquus
Si cupis, in vitae multa pericla rues.
Situa te fortuna facit seruire potenti,
Dispice ne titubes, atque repentè cadas,
Sollicicè vigiles, laquei sunt vndiquefusi,
Turribus in summis es situs, ergo caue.]

While these things were thus handled and ordered in England, The earle o [...] Richmonds preparation of ships and souldiers to the sea. Henrie earle of Richmond prepared an armie of fiue thousand manlie Britons, and fortie well furnished ships. When all things were prepared in a readinesse, and the daie of departing and setting forward was appointed, which was the twelfe daie of the moneth of October, the whole armie went on shipbord, and halsed vp their sailes, and with a prospe­rous wind tooke the sea. But toward night the wind changed, and the weather turned, and so huge and ter­rible a tempest so suddenlie arose, that with the verie power and strength of the storme, His ships dis­parkled by tempest. the ships were dis­parkled, seuered & separated asunder: some by force were driuen into Normandie, some were compelled to returne againe into Britaine. The ship wherein the earle of Richmond was, associat onelie with one other barke, was all night tossed and turmoiled.

In the morning after, when the rage of the furi­ous tempest was asswaged, and the ire of blustering wind was some deale appeased; about the houre of noone the same daie, the earle approched to the south part of the realme of England, He séeth all the sea ban [...] furnished [...] souldiers. euen at the mouth of the hauen of Pole, in the countie of Dorset, where he might plainelie perceiue all the sea bankes & shores garnished and furnished with men of warre and soul­diers, appointed and deputed there to defend his arri­uall and landing (as before is mentioned.) Wherefore he gaue streict charge, and sore commandement, [Page 745] that no person should once presume to take land, and go to shore, vntill such time as the whole nauie were assembled and come togither. [...] sendeth to [...]now whe­ [...]her they [...]re with [...] or a­ [...]ainst him. And while he taried and lingered, he sent out a shipboate toward the land side, to know whether they, which stood there in such a number, and so well furnished in apparell defensiue, were his foes and enimies, or else his fréends and comfortors.

They that were sent to inquire, were instantlie de­sired of the men of warre keeping the coast (which line 10 thereof were before instructed & admonished) to des­cend and take land, affirming that they were appoin­ted by the duke of Buckingham there to await and tarie for the arriuall and landing of the earle of Rich­mond, A forged tale [...]o intrap the earles mes­sengers. and to conduct him safelie into the campe, where the duke not far of laie incamped with a migh­tie armie, and an host of great strength and power, to the intent that the duke and the earle, ioining in puis­sances and forces togither, might prosecute and chase king Richard being destitute of men, and in maner line 20 desperate, and so by that meanes, and their owne la­bours, to obteine the end of their enterprise which they had before begun.

The earle of Richmond suspecting their flattering request to be but a fraud (as it was in déed) after he perceiued none of his ships to appeare in sight, he weied vp his anchors, halsed vp his sailes, & hauing a prosperous and streinable wind, and a fresh gale sent euen by God to deliuer him from that perill and ieopardie, arriued safe and in all securitie in the du­chie line 30 of Normandie, where he (to refresh and solace his soldiers and people) tooke his recreation by the space of thrée daies, The earle ar­riueth in Normandie & passeth by land into Bri­taine againe. and cléerelie determined with part of his companie to passe all by land againe into Bri­taine. And in the meane season he sent ambassadors to the French king, called Charles the eight, which newlie succéeded his father king Lewes the ele­uenth, not long before departed to God, requiring of him a safe conduct and licence to passe thorough his countrie of Normandie into Britaine. line 40

Charles the [...]. of France his beneuo­lence to the earle of Rich­mond.This yoong king, hauing compassion of the misfor­tune of the earle of Richmond, not onelie gentlie granted and assigned to him a pasport; but also libe­rallie disbursed to him a great summe of monie for his conduct and expenses necessarie in his long iour­nie and passage. But the earle trusting in the French kings humanitie, aduentured to send his ships home into Britaine, and to set forward himselfe by land on his iournie, making no great hast till his messen­gers were returned. Which being with that benefit so line 50 comforted, and with hope of prosperous successe so in­couraged, marched towards Britaine with all dili­gence, intending there to consult further with his lo­uers & fréends of his affaires and enterprises. When he was returned againe into Britaine, he was cer­tified by credible information, that the duke of Buc­kingham had lost his head; and that the marquesse Dorset, and a great number of noble men of Eng­land, had a little before inquired and searched for him there, and were now returned to Uannes. line 60

The earle la­menteth and reioiseth.When he had heard these newes thus reported, he first sorowed and lamented his first attempt and set­ting forward of his fréends, and in especiall of the no­bilitie, not to haue more fortunatelie succéeded. Se­condarilie, he reioised on the other part, that God had sent him so manie valiant and prudent capteins to be his companions in his martiall enterprises, trusting suerlie and nothing doubting in his owne o­pinion, but that all his businesse should be wiselie compassed, and brought to a good conclusion. Where­fore he determining with all diligence to set forward his new begun businesse, departed to Rheims, and sent certeine of his priuie seruitours to conduct and bring the marquesse and other noble men to his pre­sence. When they knew that he was safelie returned into Britaine, Lord how they reioised! for before that time they missed him, and knew not in what part of the world to make inquirie or search for him. For they doubted and no lesse feared least he had ta­ken land in England, & fallen into the hands of king Richard, in whose person they knew well was nei­ther mercie nor compassion.

Wherefore in all spéedie maner they galoped to­ward him, and him reuerentlie saluted. Which mee­ting after great ioy and solace, and no small thanks giuen and rendered on both parts, they aduisedlie de­bated and communed of their great businesse and weightie enterprise. In the which season the feast of the Natiuitie of our sauiour Christ happened, The English lords giue faith and pro­mise either to other. on which daie all the English lords went with their so­lemnitie to the cheefe church of the citie, and there ech gaue faith and promise to other. The earle himselfe first tooke a corporall oth on his honor, promising that incontinent after he shuld be possessed of the crowne and dignitie of the realme of England, he would be conioined in matrimonie with the ladie Elizabeth daughter to king Edward the fourth. The earle of Richmond sweareth to marrie Eli­zabeth daugh­ter to Ed­ward the fourth, after possession of the crowne. Then all the companie sware to him fealtie, and did to him ho­mage (as though he had béene that time the crowned king, and annointed prince) promising faithfullie, and firmelie affirming, that they would not onelie loose their worldlie substance; but also be depriued of their liues and worldlie felicitie, rather than to suffer king Richard that tyrant longer to rule and reigne ouer them.

Which solemne oths made and taken, the earle of Richmond declared and communicated all these doo­ings to Francis duke of Britaine, desiring & most heartilie requiring him to aid him with a greater armie to conduct him into his countrie, which so sore longed and looked for his returne, and to the which he was by the more part of the nobilitie and commu­naltie called and desired. Which (with Gods aid, and the dukes comfort) he doubted not in short time to obteine; requiring him further to prest to him a con­uenient summe of monie; affirming that all such summes of monie which he had receiued of his espe­ciall fréends, were spent and consumed in preparati­on of his last iourneie made toward England; which summes of monie, after his enterprise once atchiued, he in the word of a prince faithfullie promised to re­paie and restore againe. The duke promised him aid and helpe. Upon confidence whereof he rigged his ships, and set foorth a nauie well decked with ordi­nance, and warlikelie furnished with all things ne­cessarie, to the intent to saile forward shortlie, and to loose no time.

In the meane season king Richard apprehended in diuerse parts of the realme certeine gentlemen of the earle of Richmonds faction, & confederation, Diuerse of th [...] earle of Rich­monds faction apprehended and executed. which either intended to saile into Britaine toward him, or else at his landing to assist and aid him. A­mongst whome sir George Browne, sir Roger Clif­ford, and foure other were put to execution at Lon­don, and sir Thomas Sentleger which had married the duchesse of Excester the kings owne sister, and Thomas Rame, and diuerse other were executed at Excester. Beside these persons, diuerse of his hous­hold seruants, whome either he suspected or doubted, were by great crueltie put to shamefull death. Abr. Flem▪ [By the obseruation of which mens names, the place, and the action here mentioned, with the computation of time, I find fit occasion to interlace a note (newlie receiued from the hands of one that is able to saie much by record) deliuering a summarie (in more am­ple sort) of their names, whome king Richard did so tyrannicallie persecute and execute: as followeth.]

King Richard (saith he) came this yeare to the ci­tie, [Page 746] but in verie secret maner, Iohn Hooker, aliàs Vowel. K. Richard commeth to Excester, and is receiued with pre­sents. whome the maior & his brethren in the best maner they could did receiue, and then presented to him in a purse two hundred nobles; which he thankefullie accepted. And during his abode here he went about the citie, & viewed the seat of the same, & at length he came to the castell: and when he vnderstood that it was called Rugemont, suddenlie he fell into a dumpe, A prophesie, the memorie whereof did appall the kings spirits. and (as one astonied) said; Well, I sée my daies not long. He spake this of a pro­phesie told him, that when he came once to Rich­mond, line 10 he should not long liue after: which fell out in the end to be true, not in respect of this castle, but in respect of Henrie earle of Richmond, who the next yeare following met him at Bosworth field where he was slaine. But at his being here, he did find the gentlemen of this countrie not to be best affected to­wards him, and after his departure, did also heare that the marquesse of Dorset, the bishop of Excester, and sundrie other gentlemen were in a confederacie against him for the assisting of the erle of Richmond. line 20

Wherefore he sent downe Iohn lord Scroope with a commission to keepe a session; Lord Scroope by the kings commission kept a session against di­uerse indicted of high treson. who sat at To­rington, & then & there were indicted of high treason, Thomas marquesse Dorset, Peter bishop of Exce­ster, Thomas Sentleger, and Thomas Fulford knights as principals, and Robert Willoughbie and Thomas Arundell knights, Iohn Arundell deane of Excester, Dauid Hopton archdeacon of Excester, Oliuer abbat of Buckland, Bartholomew Sentle­ger, William Chilson, Thomas Gréenefield, Ri­chard line 30 Edgecombe, Robert Burnbie, Walter Court­neie, Thomas Browne, Edward Courtneie, Hugh Lutterell, More than fiue hundred indicted, whereof some escaped, and some were ex­ecuted. Iohn Crocker, Iohn Hallewell, and fiue hundred others were indicted as accessaries. All which fled and shifted for themselues, some into Bri­taine, and some else where; sauing sir Thomas Sent­leger, and one sir Iohn Rame; who were brought to Excester, and there at the Carefor were beheaded.]

After this, king Richard called a parlement, in the which he atteinted the earle of Richmond and all o­ther line 40 persons which were fled out of the realme for feare, year 1484 The earle of Richmōd at­teinted in par­lement, and all other that fled ouer sea to take his part. or anie other cause, as enimies to him, and to their naturall countrie; & all their lands, goods, & pos­sessions, were confiscate and seized to the kings vse. And yet not content with this preie, which no doubt was of no small valour and moment, he laid on the peoples necks a great tax and tallage, and suerlie ne­cessitie to that act in maner him compelled. For what with purging and declaring his innocencie concer­ning the murther of his nephues toward the world, line 50 and what with cost to obteine the loue and fauour of the communaltie (which outwardlie glosed, and open­lie dissembled with him) he gaue prodigallie so manie and so great rewards, that now both he lacked, and scarse wist honestlie how to borow.

Anno Reg. 2.In this troublous season, nothing was more mar­uelled at, than that the lord Stanleie had not béene taken, and reputed as an enimie to the king; consi­dering the working of the ladie Margaret his wife, moother to the earle of Richmond. But forsomuch as line 60 the enterprise of a woman was of him reputed of no regard or estimation; and that the lord Thomas hir husband had purged himselfe sufficientlie to be inno­cent of all dooings and attempts by hir perpetrated and committed: King Richard chargeth the lord Stanleie to kéepe his wife in some secret place from dealing against him. it was giuen him in charge to kéepe hir in some secret place at home, without hauing a­nie seruant or companie: so that from thense foorth she should neuer send letter or messenger vnto hir sonne, nor anie of his freends or confederats, by the which the king might be molested or troubled, or anie hurt or preiudice might be attempted against his realme and communaltie. Which commandement was a while put in execution and accomplished, accor­ding to his dreadfull commandement.

Yet the wild worme of vengeance wauering in his head, could not be content with the death of di­uerse gentlemen suspected of treason; but also he must extend his bloudie furie against a poore gentle­man called Collingborne, for making a small rime of three of his vnfortunate councellors, which were the lord Louell, sir Richard Ratcliffe his mischee­uous minion, and sir William Catesbie his secret seducer, which méeter or rime was thus framed:

The Cat, the Rat, and Louell our dog,
Rule all England vnder an hog.

Meaning by the hog, the dreadfull wild boare, which was the kings cognisance. But bicause the first line ended in dog, the metrician could not (obseruing the regiments of méeter) end the second verse in boare, but called the boare an hog. This poeticall schoolemaister, corrector bréefs and longs, caused Collingborne to be abbreuiated shorter by the head, Collingborne executed. and to be diuided into foure quarters.

Here is to be noted, Collingborne indictment. that beside the rime which is reported by some to be the onelie cause for which this gentleman suffered, I find in a register booke of in­dictements concerning fellonies and treasons by sundrie persons committed, that the said Colling­borne (by the name of William Collingborne) late of Lidyard in the countie of Wilshire esquier, and o­ther his associats were indicted in London: for that they about the tenth daie of Iulie, in this second yeare of king Richards reigne, in the parish of saint Botulphes in Portsoken ward had solicited and re­quested one Thomas Yate, offering to him for his paines eight pounds, to go ouer into Britaine vnto Henrie erle of Richmond, Collingbo [...] a fauourer [...] the earle of Richmond. Thomas marquesse Dor­set, Iohn Cheineie esquier, and others, which in the last parlement holden at Westminster had beene atteinted of sundrie high treasons by them practised within the kings dominion.

Besides this, to declare vnto them that they should doo verie well, to returne into England with all such power as they might get before the feast of S. Luke the euangelist next insuing; for so they might receiue all the whole reuenues of the realme due at the feast of saint Michael next before the said feast of saint Luke. And that if the said earle of Richmond and his partakers, Collingborne purpose to [...] the erle a [...] his arriuall at Pole in Dor­setshire. following the counsell of the said Colling­borne, would arriue at the hauen of Pole in Dor­setshire, he the said Collingborne and other his asso­ciats would cause the people to rise in armes, and to leuie warre against king Richard, taking part with the said earle and his freends; so that all things should be at their commandements. Moreouer, to mooue the said earle to send the said Iohn Cheineie vnto the French king, to aduertise him that his ambassadors sent into England should be dallied with, onelie to driue off the time till the winter season were past, and that then in the beginning of summer king Richard meant to make warre into France, inuading that realme with all puissance: and so by this meanes to persuade the French king to aid the earle of Rich­mond and his partakers, in their quarell against king Richard.

Further, that the said William Collingborne, be­ing confederate with the said earle and other his ad­herents, as well within the realme as without, the eightéenth day of Iulie, in the said second yeare, with­in the parish of saint Gregories in Faringdon ward within, Collingborne indicted to be a libeller a­gainst king Richard. had deuised certeine bils and writings in rime, to the end that the same being published, might stir the people to a commotion against the king. And those bils and writings in rime so deuised and writ­ten, the same Collingborne the daie and yeare last mentioned, had fastened and set vpon diuerse doores of the cathedrall church of saint Paule, for the more speedie furthering of his intended purpose. Thus [Page 747] farre the indictement. But whether he was giltie in part or in all, I haue not to saie.

King Richard being thus disquieted in mind, and doubtfull for the suertie of his owne estate, called to remembrance that confederations, honest bands and pacts of amitie, concluded and had betwixt princes and gouernours, are the efficient cause that realmes and common-wealths are strengthened with double power, that is, with aid of fréends abroad, and their owne forces at home. Wherevpon the deuised how line 10 to conclude a league and amitie with his neigh­bour the king of Scots: who not long before had made diuerse incursions and roads into the realme of England. And although he had not much got­ten; yet verelie he lost not much. And now euen as king Richard could haue wished, he of himselfe made sute for peace or truce to be had betwixt him and king Richard; who willinglie giuing eare to that sute, commissioners were appointed to méete about the treatie thereof, Sée Scot­land pag. 284, 285. as in the historie of Scotland it line 20 maie appeare.

At length they agréed vpon a truce for three yeeres, A truce be­twixt Eng­land & Scot­land with a tr [...]atie of aliance. and withall for a further increase of firme fréend­ship and sure amitie (betwixt him and the king of Scots) king Richard entered into a treatie also of aliance for the concluding of a marriage betwixt the duke of Rothsaie (eldest sonne to the king of Scots) and the ladie Anne de la Poole daughter to Iohn duke of Suffolke and the duchesse Anne, sister to king Richard: which sister he so much fauoured, line 30 that studieng by all waies and meanes possible how to aduance hir linage, he did not onelie thus seeke to preferre hir daughter in marriage; but also after the death of his sonne, he proclamed Iohn earle of Lincolne hir sonne and his nephue, Iohn earle of Lincolne pro­ [...]amed heire apparant to the crowne. heire apparant to the crowne of England, disheriting king Ed­wards daughters, whose brethren (as ye haue heard) he most wickedlie had caused to be murthered and made awaie.

The king of Scots standing in néed of freends, line 40 although not so greatlie as king Richard, did willing­lie consent to that motion of marriage, A marriage concluded be­twixt the prince of Rothsa [...]e & the duke of Suf­folkes daugh­ter. first broched by king Richard, insomuch that it tooke effect, and by commissioners was passed and concluded, in maner as in the historie of Scotland it likewise appeareth. But albeit that by this league and amitie thus co­uenanted and concluded, it might he thought, that all conspiracies, coniurations, and confederacies a­gainst king Richard had béene extinct, especiallie considering the duke of Buckingham and his a­lies line 50 were dispatched out of the waie, some by death, and some by flight and banishment into farre coun­tries: yet king Richard, more doubting than tru­sting to his owne people and freends, was conti­nuallie vexed and troubled in mind for feare of the earle of Richmonds returne: which dailie dread and hourelie agonie caused him to liue in dolefull miserie, euer vnquiet, and in maner in continuall calamitie.

Wherefore he intending to be reléeued, and to haue an end of all his doubtfull dangers, determined line 60 cléerelie to extirpate and plucke vp by the roots all the matter and ground of his feare and doubts. In­somuch that (after long and deliberate consultation had) nothing was for his purpose and intent thought either more necessarie or expedient than once againe with price, praier, and rewards, to attempt the duke of Britaine, in whose territorie the earle of Rich­mond then abode, King Richard attempteth the duke of B [...]taine to del [...]uer the earle of Rich­mond into his h [...]s. to deliuer the said earle into his hands: by which onelie meanes he should be dischar­ged of all feare and perill, and brought to rest and quietnesse both of bodie and mind. Wherefore incon­tinent he sent certeine ambassadors to the duke of Britaine, which tooke vpon them (beside the great and ample rewards that they brought with them into Britaine) that king Richard should yearelie paie and answer the duke of all the reuenues, rents, A great temp­tation with large offers. and pro­fits of the seigniories, lands, and possessions, as well belonging and apperteining to the erle of Richmond, as to anie other noble or gentleman, which then were in the earles companie; if he after that time would kéepe them in continuall prison, and restraine them from libertie.

The ambassadors (furnished with these and other instructions) arriued in Britaine, and came to the dukes house; where with him they could haue no ma­ner of communication concerning their weightie af­faires: by reason that he being faint and weakened by a long and dailie infirmitie, began a little to wax idle and weake in his wit and remembrance. For which cause Peter Landoise his cheefe treasuror, a man both of pregnant wit and great authoritie, ru­led and adiudged all things at his pleasure and com­mandement, for which cause (as men set in authori­tie be not best beloued) he excited & prouoked against him the malice and euill will of the nobilitie of Bri­taine, which afterward (for diuerse great offenses by him during his authoritie perpetrate & committed) by their meanes was brought to death & confusion.

The English ambassadors mooued their message and request to Peter Landoise, Peter Lan­doise is moo­ued by the am­bassadors of king Richard in their sute. and to him declared their maisters commandement, instantlie requiring and humblie desiring him (in whose power it laie to doo all things in Britaine) that he would freendlie as­sent to the request of king Richard: offering to him the same rewards and lands, that they should haue of­fered to the duke. This Peter (which was no lesse dis­deined than hated almost of all the people of Bri­taine) thought that if he did assent & satisfie king Ri­chards petition and desire, he should be of power and abilitie sufficient to withstand and refell the mali­cious attempts and disdeinfull inuentions of his en­uious aduersaries. Wherefore he faithfullie promised to accomplish king Richards request & desire: Note what loue of lucre or gréedie ga­ping after re­wards dooth. so that he kept promise with him, that he might be able to withstand the cankered malice of his secret enimies.

This act that he promised to doo, was not for anie grudge or malice that he bare vnto the erle of Rich­mond: for (as you haue heard before) he deliuered him from the perill of death at saint Malos, when he was in great doubt of life, and ieopardie. Sée page. 701. But as cause ariseth we euer offend, and that curssed hun­ger of gold, and execrable thirst of lucre, and inward feare of losse of authoritie, driueth the blind minds of couetous men, & ambitious persons to euils and mis­chéefs innumerable, not remembring losse of good name, obloquie of the people, nor in conclusion the punishment of God for their merits and deserts. [Which vengeance of God for such falshood was more to be feared, Abr. Fl. than the gaie offers of the king to be desired; for the one was sure to fall, the other was likelie to faile. Wherefore it is wisedome to make choise of a fréend, by the rule of the wiseman to be ob­serued in wine, which is drunke with pleasure when it is old. Neither dooth it stand with a mans safetie to trust a freend too farre: for occasions maie fall out wherby he shall become an enimie, as the poet saith: ‘Hostis erit forsan qui tuns hospes erat.]’

But fortune was so fauourable to the publike wealth of the realme of England, that this deadlie and dolorous compact tooke none effect or place. For while posts ran, and letters were sent to and fro for the finishing of this great enterprise betwéene king Richard and Peter Landoise, Bishop Mor­ton preuen­teth & defea­teth the prac­tises of king Richard and Peter Lan­doise. Iohn Morton bishop of Elie (soiourning then in Flanders) was of all this craftie conueiance certified by his secret and sure fréends. Wherefore he sent Christopher Urswike (which at that verie season was come out of Britaine [Page 748] into Flanders) to declare to the earle of Richmond how all the deceit and craftie working was conueied and compassed, giuing him charge to counsell and aduise the earle in all hast possible with all his com­panie to retire out of Britaine into France.

When these newes were brought to the earle, he then kept house in Uannes, and incontinent dispat­ched againe Christopher Urswike vnto Charles the French king, requiring him that he and his might safelie passe into France. Which desire being obtei­ned, line 10 the messenger shortlie returned to his lord and prince. The earle, well perceiuing that it was expe­dient and necessarie, with all spéed and diligence to looke to this weightie matter, calling verie few to counsell, he made inquirie and search of all secret & by-waies, & sent before all his noble men, as though for a certeine familiaritie and kindnesse they should visit and comfort the duke, which then (for recreation and change of aire) laie on the borders and confines of France. The earle of Penbroke cō ­ductor of the earle of Rich­monds com­panie. And secretlie he gaue charge to the earle line 20 of Penbroke, which was the leader and conductor of his companie, that when they approched the marches and limits of Britaine, they should diuert and take the next waie into France.

The noble men somewhat suspicious of things newlie imagined, without any tarieng, scowring the waies as fast as their horsses could runne, came out of the duchie of Britaine into the duchie of Aniou in the dominion of France, where they taried the erles comming, which two daies after departed out of line 30 Uannes, The earles small traine for a policie. onelie accompanied with flue seruitors, as though he had gone secretlie to visit a familiar friend of his, in a small village adioining. No man suspec­ted that he would depart, considering that a great multitude of Englishmen were left and continued in the citie. But after that he had passed directlie fiue miles forward, he suddenlie turned into a solitarie wood next adioining, where clothing himselfe in the simple coat of his poore seruant, made and appointed his said minister leader and maister of his small com­panie, The earle ap­parelled like a page attēdeth vpō one of his men as his maister. line 40 & he as an humble page diligentlie followed and serued his counterfeit gouernor, neither resting nor refreshing themselues, except the baiting of their horsses, till they by waies vnknowne, now this way, now turning that way, came to their companie a­biding them in Angiers.

The fourth day after the earle of Richmond was thus departed, that craftie merchant Peter Lan­doise, thirsting still after his preie promised by king Richard, was readie to set forward his crew of soul­diers, line 50 which he priuilie had consigned, with certeine trustie capteins for that onelie purpose appointed and elected, to performe and atchiue his pretended enter­prise; dissembling and feining them to be conducted and hired by him to serue the earle of Richmond, and him to conduct in his returne toward his natiue countrie: meaning no other thing but to apprehend him, and the other noble men in his retinue, which no such fraud suspected, nor yet anie treason imagined, vnware and vnprouided, and destitute of all aid, and line 60 them to cast and commit suddenlie into continuall captiuitie and bondage, to the intent that by this his wretched and naughtie act, he might satisfie the cha­ritable request and louing desire of good king Ri­chard, more for his owne profit than king Richards gaine.

But when this craftie dissembler Peter Landoise, which was no wilier than an old fox, Pe [...]er Lan­doise his ex­pectation dis­appointed by the priuie and vnknowne de­parting of the earle. perceiued that the earle was departed (thinking that to be true that he imagined) Lord how currors ran into euerie coast! how light horssemen gallopped in euerie street! to follow and deteine him, if by anie possibilitie hee could be met with and ouertaken, and him to appre­hend and bring captiue into the citie of Uannes. The horssemen made such diligence, and with such celeri­tie set forward their iournie, that nothing was more likelie than they to haue obteined, yea and seized their preie. For the earle of Richmond was not en­tered into the realme of France scarse one houre, but the followers came to the limits and confines of Britaine, and durst aduenture no further, but vainlie (without their desire) sorrowfullie returned.

At which season were left at Uannes about the number of three hundred Englishmen, which not be­ing called to counsell, and vnware of this enterprise, but knowing of the earles sudden departure, were so incontinentlie astonied, that in maner they were all in despaire, both of him, and their owne suertie and safegard. But fortune turned his saile, and otherwise it happened than their feare them incumbered. For the duke of Britaine, The duke of Britains [...] to the earle of Richmond, & the care of [...] safetie. now being somewhat recoue­red, was sore displeased, and nothing contented, that the earle of Richmond was in his dominion so vn­courteouslie vsed and intreated, that he should be by fraud and vntruth compelled to leaue and flie out of his duchie and countrie, contrarie to his honour. Wherfore he tooke verie great displeasure with Pe­ter Landoise his treasuror, to whome (although he knew not, and was ignorant that all the drift was driuen and deuised by him) he laid the fault, and impu­ted the crime.

Herevpon he sent for Edward Wooduile, Edw. Wood­uile & Edward Poinings re­ceiue monie [...] the duke for y e earles condu [...] and his co [...] ­panie. and Edward Poinings, valiant esquiers of England, and deliuered vnto them monie sufficient for their conduct, willing them to conueie the rest of the Eng­lishmen being in Britaine, to the erle of Richmonds presence. When the earle was thus furnished, and ap­pointed with his trustie companie, and was escaped all the dangers, labirinths, and snares that were set for him: no maruell though he were iocund and glad of the prosperous successe that happened in his affaires. Wherefore, least he should séeme to be blot­ted with the note of ingratitude, he sent diuerse of his gentlemen to the duke of Britaine, the which should publish and declare to him on the behalfe of the earle, that he and his were onelie by his benefit and fauour conserued and deliuered from the immi­nent danger that they were like to be trapped in. Wherefore at that time he rendered vnto him his most hartie thanks in words, trusting and not doub­ting, but in time to come liberallie to recompense him with acts and déeds.

After this, the earle tooke his iournie to Charles the French king, lieng then at Langes vpon the ri­uer of Loire, The earle of Richmond goeth to the French king▪ and telleth him the cause of his cōming to whome (after great thanks giuen for manifold pleasures by him to the earle shewed) hée disclosed and manifested the cause and occasion of his accesse and repaire to his person. After that, hée required of him helpe and succour, to the intent that by his immortall benefit to him at that time shewed, hée might safelie returne vnto the nobilitie of his realme; of whome he was generallie called to take vpon him the crown & scepter of the realme, sith they much hated and abhorred the tyrannie of king Ri­chard. King Charles promised him aid and comfort, and bade him be of good courage, and make good cheare; for he assured him that he would gladlie shew to him his beneuolent mind and bountifull liberali­tie. Which king from thence remooued to Mountar­gis, leading with him the earle of Richmond, and all the noble personages of his retinue and faction.

¶ This is that Charles the French K. in whose time France was all aflant, Abr. Fl. ex Gu [...]. page 13. for the state of that realme is said, that then it was verie populous in multitudes of men, for wealth and riches euerie particular regi­on most fertile and plentifull, for glorie in armes most florishing & renowmed, a policie well directed, discipline administred, an authoritie dreadfull, and [Page 749] in opinion and hope most mightie; lastlie their gene­rall conditions and faculties so well furnished, as perhaps it was not more happie in these mortall fe­licities since the daies of Charlemaine. It was new­lie amplified in euerie one of the three parts wherein all Gall stood diuided by the ancients: for fortie yéeres before vnder Charles the seuenth (a prince for his victories obteined with great dangers called Happie) Normandie and the duchie of Guien, holden by the Englishmen, were reduced to the obedience of the French crowne. And in the last daies of Lewes the line 10 eleuenth, the earldome of Prouince, the dukedome of Burgognie, almost all Picardie, togither with the duchie of Britaine, were by a new mariage inuested in the power of Charles the eight.]

Sir Iohn Uere earle of Oxford get­teth out of pri­son, & he with others go to the earle of Richmond.While the earle was thus attendant in the French court, Iohn Uere earle of Oxford, which (as you haue heard before) was by king Edward kept in prison within the castell of Hammes, so persuaded Iames Blunt capteine of the same fortresse, and sir Iohn Fortescue porter of the towne of Calis, that line 20 he himselfe was not onelie dismissed and set at liber­tie; but they also abandoning and leaning their fruit­full offices, did condescend to go with him into France to the earle of Richmond, and to take his part. But Iames Blunt, like a wise capteine, bi­cause he left his wife remaining in the castell before his departure, did fortifie the same both with new munitions, and fresh souldiers. [And here bicause the names of Uere and Fortescus are remembred, it shall not be amisse, somewhat out of due place, yet line 30 better a little out of order than altogither to omit the same, to adde a supplement for the further perfecting of a report recorded in page 693, and adding some light also to this present place touching the said per­sons, with others.]

Abr Fl. ex I.S. p [...]g. 733.¶Know you the refore, that this sir Iohn Uere earle of Oxford (that withdrew himselfe from Barnet field, and with all spéed fled into Scotland) in the yere 1473, and the thirtéenth of Edward the fourth, did (after he had sometime soiourned there) saile into line 40 France, about the borders whereof he was continu­allie houering, as hoping to win some preie (to sup­port his estate) of such passengers as for merchan­dize cause or otherwise must keepe their course a long the sea. The earle of Oxford leuieth a power and commeth into England. Whose good successe therein did not deceiue his mind. For in the end (what of one and other) hée got such riches and other furniture, as he was able to support a chosen number of followers. Wherwith he (being reléeued and incouraged to aduenture to line 50 set foot in his countrie in despite of king Edward) did with his companie of 397 persons, and with his saile of ships land in the west countrie the last of september, where (partlie by force of his, and part­lie through feare of the inhabitants, but mostlie by a subtill shift) he gat and entered the castell of saint Michaels mount, a place of strength, and such an harborough, as he determined to kéepe the same a­gainst all assailants. During the time of his remaine there, he would with his companie manie times des­cend line 60 the hill, and come abrode in the countrie, where (for his loue, for his honour, and for the hatred they bare to king Edward) he was well interteined of manie gentlemen and others of the countrie.

But this matter vnpossible long to be kept in se­cret, was at the length brought to the knowledge of king Edward; who being somewhat mooued, thought in the beginning to withstand such mischéefe, least suffering too long, & the earle growing to strength, he might be put to as great plunge for the crowne as he had bene twise before: wherwith séeing he was possessed, he grew resolute to kéepe it both by policie and puissance, maugre the open violence and priuie practises as well of his professed as secret enimies. For he ran through the pikes yer he could obteine it, and offered his bodie to manie desperate perils in hope to get it: which if he had either feared or shun­ned, it is a matter of demand whether he had euer had it. For pretious things, as principalities and such like, vnlesse they be hereditarie, as they are hard­lie kept, so are they not easilie gotten: for he that de­sireth to gather a rose, must not be tender ouer his fingers bicause of thornes; and he that would tast honie fresh out of the hiue, must not be scared with the stinging of bées, as the poet verie swéetlie noteth:

Non quisquam fruitur veris odoribus,
Hyblaeos latebris nec spoliat fauos,
Si fronti caueat si timeat rubos,
Armat spina rosas, mella tegunt apes.

Wherefore king Edward gaue in charge to Bo­dringham, ruler or shiriffe of Cornewall, Shiriffe Bo­dringham be­siegeth the mount that the earle had taken. to assem­ble such power as he could; and besieging the mount, he should either take or kill the earle of Oxford. The which the shiriffe did accordinglie, but that so feintlie and fauourablie, as he permitted the earle of Ox­ford (now in distresse) to reuittell the mount, know­ing that there was no waie to expell the earle from thence but by famine. These things thus doone (the king not pleased, and the earle not displeased) one Fortescue (which surname is deduced from the strength of his shield, whereof that familie had first originall) was with a stronger and faithfuller com­panie sent by king Edward to laie siege to the ca­stell; which he did, and long continued. The name of Fortescue wherevpon it grew. For it was not easie to be had, being (of it selfe) by nature stronglie set, by policie well vittelled, and by manhood valiant­lie defended: which mooued the king to assay an other means therefore, and to sée if policie might doo that which force could not.

For which cause, as Fortescue still continued the said siege, the K. supposed it best (if possiblie he might) to weaken the earles part, Deuises to withdraw the earles power from him. by withdrawing the strength and hearts of his people from him: which might not be doone but with rich promises and strong pardons. On which consideration he sent liberallie pardons to them, and in the end so secretlie wrought with the earles men: that if the earle (fearing the woorst, and iudging it better to trie the kings mer­cie, than to hazard the extreamitie of taking, in which rested nothing but assured death) had not wholie sub­mitted himselfe to king Edward, The earle of Oxford sub­mitteth him­selfe & yéeldeth the castell into the kings hands. he had beene by his owne men most dishonestlie betraied, and suddenlie taken prisoner. Wherevpon the earle comming foorth to Fortescue, did there yeeld himselfe and the castell into the kings hands. At what time (being the fiftéenth of Februarie, which from the first entrance of the earle into that castell being the last of sep­tember, was about foure moneths and foureteene daies) the same Fortescue entred the mount, & tooke possession thereof, finding it yet sufficientlie vittelled to haue susteined an other siege more than one halfe yeare. After all things were thus quieted, the earle, the lord Beaumont, two brothers of the said earle, and Thomas Clifford, were brought vp as prisoners vnto king Edward. And now to our present historie againe.]

When the earle of Richmond saw the earle of Oxenford, he was rauished with an incredible glad­nesse, that he being a man of so high nobilitie, of such knowledge and practises in feates of warre, and so constant, trustie and assured (which alwaie had studi­ed for the maintenance and preferment of the house of Lancaster) was now by Gods prouision deliuered out of captiuitie and imprisonment; and in time so necessarie and conuenient come to his aid, succour, and aduancement; in whome more surer than anie o­ther he might put his trust and confidence, and take lesse paine and trauell in his owne person. For it [Page 750] was not hid from him, that such as euer had taken part with king Edward before this time, came to doo him seruice, either for malice they bare king Ri­chard, or else for feare to liue vnder his cruell rule and tyrannous gouernance.

Not long after, the French king returned againe to Paris, whome the earle of Richmond followed, intending there to solicit his matter to the conclu­sion. Wherevpon he be sought king Charles to take vpon him the whole tuition and defense of him and line 10 his cause, so that he and his companie being (by his means) aided and comforted, should confesse and saie, their wealth, victorie, and aduancement to haue flowed and budded foorth of his bountifulnesse and liberalitie, which they would (God willing) shortlie acquite. In the meane season, diuerse Englishmen, which either fled out of England for feare, Diuers Eng­lish [...] volun­tarilie submit themselues to the earle of Richmond in France. or were at Paris to learne and studie good literature and vertu­ous doctrine, came voluntarilie and submitted them­selues to the earle of Richmond, and vowed & sware to take his part. Amongst whom was Richard Fox line 20 a priest, a man of great wit and no lesse learning, whome the earle incontinent receiued into secret fa­miliaritie, and in bréefe time erected and aduanced him to high dignities and promotions, and in conclu­sion made him bishop of Winchester.

In the meane season, king Richard was credi­blie aduertised, what promises and oths the earle and his confederates had made and sworne togither at Reimes, and how by the earles means all the Eng­lishmen were passed out of Britaine into France. line 30 Wherefore being sore dismaid, and in a maner des­perate, bicause his craftie chieuance tooke none effect in Britaine, he imagined & deuised how to infringe and disturbe the earles purpose by an other meane; so that by the marriage of ladie Elizabeth his néece, K. Richards deuise to in­fringe and de­feat the earle of Richmōds purpose. he should pretend no claime nor title to the crowne. For he thought if that marriage failed, the earles cheefe combe had béene clearlie cut. And bicause that he being blinded with the ambitious desire of rule before this time in obteining the kingdome, had line 40 committed and doone manie curssed acts, and detest­able tyranies, yet according to the old prouerbe; Let him take the bull that stale awaie the calfe: he thought all facts by him committed in times passed to be but of small moment, and not to be regarded in comparison of that mischéeuous imagination, which he now newlie began and attempted.

There came into his vngratious mind a thing not onelie detestable to be spoken of in the remem­brance of man, but much more cruell and abhomina­ble line 50 to be put in execution. For when he reuolued in his wauering mind, how great a founteine of mis­cheefe toward him should spring, if the earle of Rich­mond should be aduanced to the marriage of his néece: which thing he heard saie by the rumor of the people, that no small number of wise and wittie per­sonages enterprised to compasse and bring to con­clusion; he cléerelie determined to reconcile to his fa­uour his brothers wife quéene Elizabeth, either by faire words, or liberall promises; firmelie beleeuing line 60 hir fauour once obteined, that she would not sticke to commit (and louinglie credit) to him the rule and gouernance both of hir and hir daughters, and so by that meanes the earle of Richmond of the affinitie of his néece should be vtterlie defrauded and be­guiled. A subtill and l [...]wo practise of king Ri­chard to be­guile the earle of Richmond.

And if no ingenious remedie could be otherwise inuented, to saue the innumerable mischeefes which were euen at hand, and like to fall, if it should hap­pen quéene Anne his wife to depart out of this pre­sent life, then he himselfe would rather take to wife his cousine and néece the ladie Elizabeth; than for lacke of that affinitie the whole realme should run to ruine, as who said, that if he once fell from his estate and dignitie, the ruine of the relme must néeds short­lie insue and follow. Wherefore he sent to the queene (being in sanctuarie) diuerse and often messengers, which first should excuse and purge him of all things before against hir attempted or procured, and after should so largelie promise promotions innumerable, and benefits, not onelie to hir, but also to hir sonne lord Thomas Marquesse Dorset, that they should bring hir (if it were possible) into some wanhope, or (as men saie) into a fooles paradise.

The messengers, being men both of wit and gra­uitie, so persuaded the quéene with great and preg­nant reasons, & what with faire and large promises, that she began somewhat to relent, and to giue to them no deafe eare; insomuch that she faithfullie pro­mised to submit and yéeld hir selfe fullie and franke­lie to the kings will and pleasure. And so she putting in obliuion the murther of hir innocent children, the infamie and dishonour spoken by the king hir hus­band, the liuing in adulterie laid to hir charge, the bastarding of hir daughters; forgetting also the faith­full promise and open oth made to the countesse of Richmond mother to the earle Henrie, blinded by auaricious affection, & seduced by flattering words, first deliuered into king Richards hands hir fiue daughters, The incon­stancie of Q. Elizabeth. as lambs once againe committed to the custodie of the rauenous woolfe.

After she sent letters to the marquesse hir sonne, being then at Paris with the earle of Richmond, willing him in anie wise to leaue the earle, and with­out delaie to repaire into England, Quéene Eli­zabeth allu­reth hir sonne the marques [...]e Dorset home out of France▪ where for him were prouided great honours, and honourable pro­motions; ascerteining him further, that all offenses on both parts were forgotten and forgiuen, and both he and she highlie incorporated in the kings heart. Suerlie the inconstancie of this woman were much to be maruelled at, if all women had béene found constant; but let men speake, yet women of the v [...]rie bond of nature will follow their owne sex. [But it was no small allurement that king Richard vsed to ouercome hir (for we know by experience that wo­men are of a proud disposition, and that the waie to win them is by promises of preferment) and there­fore it is the lesse maruell that he by his wilie wit had made conquest of hir wauering will. Besides that, it is to be presumed that she stood in feare to impugne his demands by denials, least he in his malicious mood might take occasion to deale roughlie with hir, being a weake woman, and of a timorous spirit.]

Now when king Richard had thus with glorious promises, and flattering words, pleased and appeased the mutable mind of queene Elizabeth, which knew nothing lesse than that he most intended; he caused all his brothers daughters to be conueied into his palace with solemne receiuing: as though with his new familiar and louing interteinment they should forget, and in their minds blot out the old committed iniurie, and late executed tyrannie. Now nothing was contrarie and against his diuelish purpose, but that his mansion was not void of his wife, which thing he in any wise adiudged necessarie to be doon [...]. But there was one thing that so much feared and staied him from committing this abhominable mur­ther, bicause (as you haue heard before) he began to counterfet the image of a good and well disposed per­son: and therefore he was afeard least the sudden death of his wife once openlie knowne, he should loose the good and credible opinion which the people had of him, without anie desert, conceiued and repor­ted.

But in conclusion, euill counsell preuailed in a wit latelie minded to mischeefe, and turned from all goodnesse. So that his vn [...]ratious desire ouercame [Page 751] his honest feare. And first to enter into the gates of his imagined enterprise, he absteined both from the bed and companie of his wife. A lo [...]ged cō ­plaine of king Richard a­gainst his wi [...] t [...] be rid of h [...]r. Then he complained to diuerse noble men of the realme, of the infortu­nate sterilitie and barennesse of his wife, bicause she brought foorth no fruit and generation of hir bo­die. And in especiall he recounted to Thomas Rothe­ram archbishop of Yorke (whome latelie he had deli­uered out of ward and captiuitie) these impediments of his queene, and diuerse other, thinking that he line 10 would reueale to hir all these things, trusting the se­quele hereof to take due effect, that she hearing this grudge of hir husband, & taking therefore an inward thought, would not long liue in this world.

Of this the bishop gathered (which well knew the complexion and vsage of the king) that the quéenes daies were short, and that he declared to certeine of his secret freends. After this he procured a common rumor (but he would not haue the author knowne) to be published and spred abroad among the common line 20 people, A rumor spred abroad o [...] the qu [...]enes death a [...] the procurement of king Ri­chard. that the quéene was dead; to the intent that she taking some conceit of this strange fame, should fall into some sudden sicknesse or gréeuous maladie: and to prooue if afterwards she should fortune by that or anie other waies to lease hir life, whether the people would impute hir death to the thought or sick­nesse, or thereof would laie the blame to him. Now when the quéene heard tell that so horrible a rumor of hir death was sprung amongst the communaltie, she sore suspected and iudged the world to be almost line 30 at an end with hir. And in that sorowfull agonie she with lamentable countenance and sorowfull cheare, repaired to the presence of the king hir husband, de­manding of him what it should meane, that he had iudged hir worthie to die.

The king answered hir with faire words, and with smiling and flattering leasings comforted hir, and bid hir be of good cheere, for (to his knowledge) she should haue no other cause. But howsoeuer that it fortuned, either by inward thought and pensiuenesse line 40 of hart, or by infection of poison (which is affirmed to be most likelie) within few daies after the queene de­parted out of this transitorie life, The quéene [...] to king Richard the third sudden­ [...] dead. and was with due solemnitie buried in the church of S. Peter at West­minster. This is the same Anne, one of the daugh­ters of the earle of Warwike, which (as you haue heard before) at the request of Lewes the French king was maried to prince Edward, sonne to king Henrie the sixt. The king thus (according to his long desire) losed out of the bonds of matrimonie, began line 50 to cast a foolish fantasie to ladie Elizabeth his néece, making much sute to haue hir ioined with him in lawfull matrimonie. K Richard ca [...]eth his [...] on his [...]éece purpo­sing [...]o ma­ [...] hir.

But bicause all men and the maiden hirselfe most of all detested and abhorred this vnlawfull, and in maner vnnaturall copulation; he determined to pro­long and defer the matter, till he were in a more quietnesse. For all that verie season he was oppressed wi [...]h great, weightie, and vrgent causes, and busines­ses on euerie side; considering that dailie, part of the line 60 nobilitie sailed into France to the earle of Rich­mond: other priuilie fauoured and aided certeine of the coniuration, so that of his short end few or none were in doubt. And the common people (for the most part) were brought to such desperation, that manie of them had rather be reputed and taken of him in the number of his enimies, than to abide the chance and hazard to haue their goods taken as a spoile of victorie, by his enimies. [In such hatred they had the wretch, wishing his hart in their hands with the ha­zard of their heads. For how can people saie well or thinke well of tyrants, whose propertie it is to teare them in peeces with their clawes, like a woolfe let loose among a fold of shéepe? Whereto Homer had an eie when he said in pithie sense as here followeth:

Quisquis inhumanis studet intestabilis vti
Hom. Odyss. lib. 19.
Moribus, huic omnes viuo clàm dira precantur:
Huic omnes credunt fas insultare perempto.]

Amongst the noble men whome he most mistrus­ted, these were the principall. Thomas lord Stanleie, What noble men K. Ri­chard most mistrusted. sir William Stanleie his brother, Gilbert Talbot, and six hundred other: of whose purposes although king Richard were not ignorant, yet he gaue neither confidence nor credence to anie one of them; and least of all to the lord Stanleie, bicause he was ioined in matrimonie with the ladie Margaret, mother to the earle of Richmond, as afterward apparantlie yée may perceiue. For when the said lord Stanleie would haue departed into his countrie to visit his familie, and to recreate and refresh his spirits (as he openlie said, but the truth was, to the intent to be in a perfect readinesse to receiue the earle of Richmond at his first arriuall in England) the king in no wise would suffer him to depart, before he had left as an hostage in the court George Stanleie lord Strange, his first begotten sonne and heire.

While king Richard was thus troubled and vexed with imaginations of the troublous time that was like to come: lo, euen suddenlie he heard newes, 1485 Anno Reg. 3. that fire was sprung out of the smoke, and the war fresh­lie begun; The castell of Hammes de­liuered vnto the earle of Richmond. and that the castell of Hammes was deli­uered into the hands of the earle of Richmond, by the meanes of the earle of Oxford; and that not onlie he, but also Iames Blunt capteine of the castell, were fled into France to aid the earle Henrie. Wherefore he, thinking it great policie to withstand the first brunt, sent the most part of the garrison of Calis, to recouer againe by force the castell of Hammes. They which were in the castell, perceiuing their aduersa­ries to approch, prepared munitions and engines for their defense, and sent also to the earle of Richmond, to aduertise him of their sudden inuasion, requiring him of hastie aid and speedie succour.

The earle sleeping not this first begun assault, sent the earle of Oxford with an elected companie of soul­diers to raise the siege, and rescue the castell: which at their first arriuing pitched their campe not far from their enimies. Now while king Richards men gaue vigilant eie, waiting least the earle of Oxford should take anie aduantage of them that laie on that side of the castell; Thomas Brandon en­tereth the ca­stell. Thomas Brandon with thirtie approo­ued men of war by a marish, which laie on the other side, entered into the castell. The souldiers within greatlie incouraged, & much comforted by this new succour and aid, grieued the enimies, by shooting from the walles more than they were accustomed to doo. Then they of the castell vexed their enimies on the fore part: and the earle of Oxford no lesse mole­sted & vnquieted them on the other part. Why king Richard gaue licence to all in the castell to depart in safetie with bag and bag­gage. Which was the occasion that king Richards men offered (of their owne méere motion) licence to all being within the castell to depart in safetie, with bag and baggage, nothing excepted.

Which condition the earle of Oxford, comming onelie for that purpose to deliuer his louing fréends out of all perill and danger, and chieflie of all, his old hostesse Iane Blunt, wife to Iames Blunt the cap­teine, would in no wise forsake or refuse: and so lea­uing the castell bare and vngarnished both of vittels and artillerie, came safelie to the earle of Richmond soiourning in Paris. During this time, king Ri­chard was crediblie informed of his inquisitors and espials, that the earle of Richmond was with long sute in the court of France sore wearied; and desi­ring great aid, could obteine small reliefe: in somuch that all things went so farre backwards, that such things as were with great diligence (and no lesse de­liberation) purposed and determined to be set for­ward, [Page 752] were now dashed and ouerthrowne to the ground.

King Richard either being too light of credence, or seduced and deluded by his craftie taletellers, great­lie reioised, as though he had obteined the ouer hand of his enimies with triumphant victorie, and thought himselfe neuer so suerlie deliuered of all feare and dreadfull imaginations: so that he néeded now no more once for that cause either to wake, or to breake his golden sleepe. K. Richard calleth home his ships of warre from the narrow seas. Wherefore he called home againe line 10 his ships of warre, which he had appointed to kéepe the narrow seas, and dispatched all such souldiers as he had deputed to kéepe certeine garrisons, and to stop certeine passages (as you haue heard before.) Yet least he might for lacke of prouision be sudden­lie trapped, he streightlie charged and gaue in com­mandement to all noblemen, and especiallie such as inhabited néere the sea coast, and on the frontiers of Wales, that (according to the vsage of the countrie) they should kéepe diligent watch and strong ward, to line 20 the intent that his aduersaries in no wise should haue anie place opportune easilie to take land, without de­fense or rebutting backe.

For the custome of the countries adioining néere to the sea is (especiallie in the time of warre) on eue­rie hill or high place to erect a beacon with a great lanterne in the top, The vse of beacons in countries néere the sea coasts. which may be séene and discerned a great space off. And when the noise is once bruted that the enimies approch neere the land, they sudden­lie put fire in the lanternes, and make shouts and line 30 outcries from towne to towne, and from village to village. Some run in post from place to place, admo­nishing the people to be readie to resist the ieopardie, and defend the perill. And by this policie the fame is soone blowne to euerie citie and towne, in somuch that aswell the citizens as the rurall people be in short space assembled and armed, to repell and put backe the new arriued enimies. [Whereas if the ne­cessarie vse of this visible warning were neglected, the policie of the enimie might priuilie so preuaile, line 40 as that the people should sooner fall into perill irre­couerable, than they could thinke on (much lesse pro­uide) meanes to auoid it.]

But now to returne to our purpose. King Richard thus somewhat eased of his accustomed pensiuenesse, began to be a little more merrie, & tooke lesse thought and care for outward enimies than he was woont to doo; as who say, that he with politike prouision should withstand the destinie which hoong ouer his head, and was ordeined in briefe time suddenlie to fall. Such line 50 is the force and puissance of diuine iustice, that euerie man shall lesse regard, lesse prouide, lesse be in doubt of all things, when he is most néerest punishment, and next to his mischance for his offenses & crimes. [For though God did forbeare him a while, yet was that forbearance no acquittance, but rather a time of preparing & making vp that which wanted of the plagues that God had purposed in iustice to powre vpon and ouerwhelme him for his fowle offenses, which could not scape heauie iudgment & vengeance: line 60 ‘Nam scelus admissum poena seuera premit.]’

About this season, while the earle of Richmond was desiring aid of the French king, certeine noble men were appointed to rule the realme of France, during the minoritie of king Charles, which amongst themselues were not of one opinion. Dissention a­mong the péeres of France made the earle of Richmond re­new his sute and put him to his shifts. Of which dissen­tion, Lewes duke of Orleance was the chiefe stirrer, who bicause he had maried ladie Ioane sister to the French king, tooke vpon him aboue other the rule and administration of the whole realme. By reason of which controuersie, no one man was suffered to rule all. Wherefore the earle of Richmond was compel­led to make sute to euerie one of the councell seue­rallie one after another, requiring and desiring them of aid and reliefe in his weightie businesse, and so his cause was prolonged and deferred. During which time, Thomas marquesse Dorset, which was (as you haue heard) intised by his mother to returne againe into England, partlie despairing in the good successe of the earle of Richmond, and partlie ouercome and vanquished with the faire glosing promises of king Richard: secretlie in the night season stale out of Paris, The marque [...] Dorset forsa­keth the earle. and with all diligent expedition tooke his iournie toward Flanders.

When relation of his departure was made to the earle of Richmond, and the other noble men, no mar­uell though they were astonied and greatlie amazed. Yet that notwithstanding, they required of the French king, that it might be lawfull for them in his name, and by his commandement, to take and staie their companion, confederate, and partaker of all their counsell, in what place within his realme and territorie so euer they could find him. Which petition once obteined, they sent out currors into euerie part, amongst whom Humfreie Cheinie (plaieng the part of a good bloudhound) followed the tract of the fli­er so euen by the sent, that he ouertooke and apprehen­ded him not far from Campeigne; and so what with reason, and what with faire promises, being persua­ded, he returned againe to his companions.

The earle of Richmond vnburdened of this mis­aduenture, least by lingering of daies, and prolong­ing of time, he might loose the great opportunitie of things to him offered and ministred: also least he should further wound and molest the minds of his faithfull and assured fréends, which dailie did expect and tarie for his comming, determined no longer to protract and deferre the time; but with all diligence and celeritie attempted his begun enterprise. And so obteining of king Charles a small crew of men, The earle of Richm [...]nd hath [...] monie of the French king for hostages. and borrowing certeine summes of monie of him, and of diuerse other his priuate freends, for the which he left as debter (or more likelie as a pledge or hostage) lord Thomas marquesse Dorset (whome he halfe mis­trusted) and sir Iohn Bourchier, he departed from the French court, and came to the citie of Rone.

While he taried there, making prouision at Harfleet in the mouth of the riuer of Sene for all things ne­cessarie for his nauie, tidings were brought to him that king Richard (being without children, & now a widower) intended shortlie to marie the ladie Eliza­beth his brothers daughter; and to prefer the ladie Cicilie hir sister to a man found in a cloud, and of an vnknowne linage and familie. He tooke these newes as a matter of no small moment; and so (all things considered) it was of no lesse importance than he tooke it for. The earle is greeued at [...] newes of king Richards in­tended mari­age with his neéce. For this thing onelie tooke awaie from him and all his companions their hope and courage, that they had to obteine an happie enterprise. And therefore no maruell though it nipped him at the ve­rie stomach: when he thought, that by no possibilitie he might atteine the mariage of any of K. Edwards daughters, which was the strongest foundation of his building; by reason whereof he iudged that all his fréends in England would abandon and shrinke from him.

Wherefore, making not manie of his counsell, af­ter diuerse consultations, he determined not yet to set forward: but to tarie and attempt how to get more aid, more fréends, and more stronger succours. And amongst all other, it was thought most expedi­ent to allure by affinitie in his aid, as a companion in armes, sir Walter Herbert, Sir Walter Herbert. a man of an ancient stocke, & of great power among the Welsh, who had with him a faire ladie to his sister, of age ripe to be coupled with him in matrimonie. And for the atchi­uing of this purpose, A mariage purposed [...] disappointed. messengers were secretlie sent to Henrie earle of Northumberland (which had be­fore [Page 753] maried another sister of sir Walter Herberts) to the intent that he should set forward all this de­uise and purpose: but the waies were so narowlie watched, and so manie spies laid, that the messenger procéeded not in his iournie and businesse.

But in the meane season, there came to the earle a more ioifull message from Morgan Kidwellie, lear­ned in the temporall law, The Welsh­men offer to aid the earle o [...] Richmond. which declared that Rice ap Thomas, a man of no lesse valiantnesse than actiui­tie, and Iohn Sauage an approoued capteine, would line 10 with all their power be partaker of his quarell. And that Reginald Breie had collected and gotten togi­ther no small summe of monie for the paiment of the wages to the souldiers and men of warre: admo­nishing him also to make quicke expedition, and to take his course directlie into Wales. The earle of Richmond, bicause he would no longer linger and wearie his fréends, liuing continuallie betwéene hope and feare, determined in all conuenient hast to set forward, and caried to his ships armor, weapons, line 20 vittels, and all other ordinances expedient for warre.

After that all things were in readinesse, the earle being accompanied onelie with two thousand men, and a small number of ships, weied vp his anchors, and halsed vp his sailes in the moneth of August, and sailed from Harfléet with so prosperous a wind, that the seuenth daie after his departure, he arriued in Wales in the euening, The earle ar­riueth at Milford ha­uen. at a place called Milford hauen, and incontinent tooke land, and came to a place called Dalle; where he heard saie that a cer­teine line 30 companie of his aduersaries were laid in gar­rison to defend his arriuall all the last winter. And the earle at the sunne rising remooued to Hereford west, being distant from Dalle not full ten miles, where he was ioifullie receiued of the people, and he arriued there so suddenlie, that he was come and en­tered the towne at the same time when the citizens had but knowledge of his comming.

A false rumor of ill newes.Here he heard newes, which were as vntrue as they trulie were reported to him in Normandie; that Rice ap Thomas, and Iohn Sauage, with bodie and line 40 goods, were determined to aid king Richard. While he and his companie were some what astonied at these new tidings, there came such message from the inhabitants of the towne of Penbroke, that refresh­ed and reuiued their frosen harts and daunted cou­rages. For Arnold Butler a valiant capteine, which first asked pardon for his offenses before time com­mitted against the earle of Richmond, and that ob­teined, declared to him that the Penbrochians were line 50 readie to serue and giue their attendance on their naturall and immediat lord Iasper earle of Pen­broke. The earle of Richmond, hauing his armie thus increased, departed from Hereford west to the towne of Cardigan, being fiue miles distant from thence.

While the souldiers were refreshing and trim­ming themselues in their campe, strange tidings sproong among them without anie certeine author; that sir Walter Herbert, which laie with a great crue of men at Carmarden, was now with a great armie readie to approch and bid them battell. With line 60 which newes the armie was sore troubled, and eue­ry man assaied his armour and prooued his weapon, and were prest to defend their enimies. And as they were in this fearfull doubt, certeine horssemen, which the earle had sent to make inquirie and search, retur­ned and reported all the countrie to be quiet, and no let nor impediment to be laid or cast in their iournie. And euen at the same time, The earle of Richmonds power made stronger by accesse of con­federats. the whole armie was greatlie recomforted, by reason that the comming of Richard Griffith, a man of great nobilitie, the which notwithstanding that he was confederate with sir Walter Herbert, and Richard ap Thomas; yet at that verie instant he came to the earle of Richmond with all his companie; which were of no great num­ber. After him the same daie came Iohn Morgan with his men.

Then the earle aduanced forward in good hast, ma­king no repose or abode in anie one place. And to the intent to passe forward with sure and short expediti­on, he assaulted euerie place where his enimies had set anie men of warre; which with small force, and lesse difficultie, he brieflie did ouercome & vanquish. And suddenlie he was by his espials ascerteined, that sir Walter Herbert, and Rice ap Thomas were in harnesse before him, readie to incounter with his armie, and to stop their passage. Wherefore like a va­liant capteine he first determined to set on them, and either to destroie or to take them into his fauour, and after with all his power and puissance to giue battell to his mortall enimie king Richard. But to the in­tent his fréends should know in what readinesse he was, and how he procéeded forward; The erle sen­deth secret word to his mother and other his fréends that he meant a direct passage to London & their confe­rence. he sent of his most secret and faithfull seruants with letters and instructions to the ladie Margaret his mother, to the lord Stanleie and his brother, to sir Gilbert Talbot, and to other his trustie fréends; declaring to them that he being succoured and holpen with the aid and reliefe of his fréends, intended to passe ouer the riuer of Seuerne at Shrewesburie, and so to passe directlie to the citie of London.

Wherefore he required them, as his speciall trust and confidence was fixed in the hope of their fideli­tie, that they would meet him by the waie with all di­ligent preparation; to the intent that he and they, at time and place conuenient, might communicate to­gither the déepenesse of all his doubtfull and weigh­tie businesse. When the messengers were dispatched with these commandements and admonitions, he marched forward toward Shrewesburie: and in his passing, there met and saluted him Rice ap Thomas with a goodlie band of Welshmen, Rice ap Tho­mas sweareth fealtie and seruice to the earle of Richmond. which making an oth and promise to the earle, submitted himselfe who­lie to his order and commandement. For the earle of Richmond two daies before made to him promise, that if he would sweare to take his part and be obe­dient to him, he would make him chiefe gouernour of Wales: which part as he faithfullie promised and granted, so (after that he had obteined and possessed the realme and diademe) he liberallie performed and accomplished the same.

In the meane time the messengers, that wer [...] sent, diligentlie executed their charge, and laden with rewards of them to whom they were sent, returned to him the same day that he entered into Shrewes­burie: and made relation to him that his fréends were readie in all points to doo all things for him, which either they ought or might doo. The earle Hen­rie brought in good hope with this pleasant message, continued foorth his intended iournie, and came to a little towne called Newport, and pitching his campe on a little hill adioining, reposed himselfe there that night. In the euening the same daie came to him sir Gilbert Talbot, with the whole power of the yoong earle of Shrewesburie, then being in ward, which were accounted to the number of two thousand men. And thus his power increasing, he arriued at the towne of Stafford, and there paused.

There also came sir William Stanleie accom­panied with a few persons. And after that the earle and he had communed no long time togither; he re­uerted to his souldiors, whom he had assembled togi­ther to serue the earle: which from thence departed to Lichfield, and lay without the walles in his campe all the night. The next morning he entered into the towne, and was with all honor like a prince recei­ued. A daie or two before, the lord Stanleie, hauing in his band almost fiue thousand men, lodged in the [Page 754] same towne. But hearing that the erle of Richmond was marching thitherward, The lord Stanleies de­uise to auoid suspicion of K. Richard and to saue his sonnes life. gaue to him place, dis­lodging him and his, and repaired to a towne called Aderstone, there abiding the comming of the earle. And this wilie fox did this act, to auoid all suspicion on king Richards part.

For the lord Stanleie was afraid, least if he should séeme openlie to be a fautor or aider to the earle his sonne in law, before the day of the battell, that king Richard, which yet vtterlie did not put in him diffi­dence line 10 and mistrust, would put to some cruell death his sonne and heire apparant George lord Strange, whome king Richard (as you haue heard before) kept with him as a pledge or hostage, to the intent that the lord Stanleie his father should attempt nothing pre­iudiciall to him. King Richard at this season kéeping his house in the castle of Notingham, was informed that the earle of Richmond, with such vanished men as were fled out of England to him, were now arri­ued in Wales, and that all things necessarie to his line 20 enterprise were vnprouided, vnpurueied, and verie weake, nothing méet to withstand the power of such as the king had appointed to méet him.

This rumor so inflated his mind, that in maner disdeining to heare speake of so small a companie, K. Richard contemneth the earle and his power. he determined at the first to take little or no regard to this so small a sparkle, declaring the earle to be in­nocent and vnwise, bicause that he rashly attempted such a great enterprise with so small and thin a num­ber of warlike persons: and therefore he gaue a defi­nitiue line 30 sentence, that when he came to that point that he should be compelled to fight against his will, hée either should be apprehended aliue, or else by all like­lihood he should of necessitie come to a shamefull con­fusion: and that he trusted to be shortlie doone by sir Walter Herbert, and Rice ap Thomas, which then ruled Wales with equall power and like authoritie.

But yet reuoluing and casting in his mind, that a small war begun and winked at, and not regarded, maie turne to a great broile and trouble; and that it line 40 was prudent policie not to contemne and disdeine the little power and small weakenesse of the enimie (be it neuer so small) thought it necessarie to prouide for afterclaps that might happen & chance. [For vic­torie dooth not alwaies follow the greatest multitude, neither is it a necessarie consequent, that the biggest bodie is indued with most force. For we see that the small viper is the huge buls deadlie bane, and a little curre dooth catch a bore boisterous and big; as the poet properlie (and to the purpose) verie well saith: line 50

Ouid.
Parua necat morsu spatiosum vipera taurum,
A cane non mag no saepè tenetur aper.

Wherefore he sent to Iohn duke of Norffolke, Henrie earle of Northumberland, The king sen­deth to his friends for a chosen power of men. Thomas earle of Surrie, and to other of his especiall & trustie friends of the nobilitie, which he iudged more to preferre and estéeme his wealth and honour, than their owne ri­ches and priuate commoditie; willing them to mu­ster and view all their seruants and tenants, and to elect and choose the most couragious and actiue per­sons line 60 of the whole number, and with them to repaire to his presence with all spéed and diligence. Also hée wrote to Robert Brakenberie lieutenant of the Tower, commanding him with his power to come to his armie, and to bring with him (as fellowes in armes) sir Thomas Bourchier, & sir Walter Hun­gerford, and diuerse other knights and esquiers, in whom he cast no small suspicion.

Now while he was thus ordering his affaires, tidings came that the earle of Richmond was passed Seuerne, & come to Shrewesburie without anie de­triment or incumbrance. At which message he was sore mooued and broiled with melancholie and dolor, crieng out, & asking vengeance of them that (against their oth and promise) had so deceiued him. For which cause he began to haue diffidence in other, insomuch that he determined himselfe out of hand the same daie to méet with and resist his aduersaries: and in all haste sent out espials to view and espie what waie his enimies kept and passed. They diligentlie dooing their dutie, shortlie after returned, The earle [...] incamped at Lichfield. declaring to the king that the earle was incamped at the towne of Lichfield.

When he had perfect knowledge where the earle with his armie was soiourning, he hauing continu­all repaire of his subiects to him, began incontinent­lie without delaie to marshall and put in order his battels (like a valiant capteine and politike leder) and first he made his battels to set forward, The ordering of king Ri­chards arm [...]. fiue and fiue in a ranke, marching toward that way where his e­nimies (as was to him reported) intended to passe. In the middle part of the armie, he appointed the traffike and cariage perteining to the armie. Then he (inuironed with his gard) with a frowning coun­tenance and cruell visage, mounted on a great white courser, and followed with his footmen, the wings of horssemen coasting and ranging on euerie side: and keeping this arraie, he with great pompe entered the towne of Leicester after the sunne set [full of in­dignation & malice, which vttered it selfe from the in­ward hart by the mouth, out of which flowed speaches of horrible heate, tempered with cruell threatnings, equall to his of whome it was thus said long ago: ‘Horrebant saeuis omnia verba minis.]’

The earle of Richmond raised his campe, The earle of Richmond re­moueth his power to Tamworth. and de­parted from Lichfield to the towne of Tamworth thereto néere adioining, and in the mid way passing, there saluted him sir Walter Hungerford, and sir Thomas Bourchier knights, and diuerse other which yeelded and submitted themselues to his pleasure. For they, being aduertised that king Richard had them in suspicion and gelousie, a little beyond stonie Stratford left and forsooke priuilie their capteine Ro­bert Brakenberie; and wandering by night, and in maner by vnknowne paths, and vncerteine waies searching, at the last came to earle Henrie. Diuerse other noble personages, which inwardlie hated king Richard woorse than a tode or a serpent, did likewise resort to him with all their power and strength, wi­shing and working his destruction, who otherwise would haue béene the instrument of their casting away.

There happened in this progression to the earle of Richmond a strange chance worthie to be noted. A strange chance that happened to the earle of Richmond. For albeit he was a man of valiant courage, & that his armie increased, and dailie more and more he waxed mightier and stronger; yet he was not a litle afeard, bicause he could in no wise be assured of his father in law Thomas lord Stanleie, which for feare of the de­struction of the lord Strange his sonne (as you haue heard) as yet inclined to neither partie. For if he had gone to the earle, and that notified to king Richard, his sonne had béene shortlie executed. Wherefore he accompanied with twentie light horssemen lingered in his iournie, as a man musing & imagining what was best to be doone. And the more to aggrauate his pensiuenesse, it was shewed him, that king Richard was at hand with a strong power & a great armie.

While he thus heauilie dragged behind his host, the whole armie came before the towne of Tam­woorth; and when he for the deepe darknesse could not perceiue the steps of them that passed on before, and had wandered hither & thither, séeking after his com­panie, and yet not once hearing anie noise or whispe­ring of them; he turned to a verie little village, be­ing about thrée miles from his armie, The earle of Richmond put to [...] shift. taking great thought, and much fearing least he should be espied, and so trapped by king Richards scoutwatch. There [Page 755] he taried all night, not once aduenturing to aske or demand a question of any creature, he being no more amazed with the ieopardie & perill that was passed, than with this present chance, sore feared that it shuld be a prognostication or signe of some infortunate plage afterward to succeed. As he was not merie be­ing absent from his armie, so likewise his armie much maruelled, and no lesse mourned for his sudden absence.

The next morning earlie in the dawning of the line 10 day he returned, and by the conduct of good fortune, espied and came to his armie, excusing himselfe not to haue gone out of the way by ignorance: but that for a policie (deuised for the nonce) he went from his campe to receiue some glad message from certeine of his priuie fréends and secret alies. This excuse made, he priuilie departed againe from his host to the towne of Aderston, T [...]e lord Stanleie, the earle of Rich­mond, & others [...], embrace, and consult. where the lord Stanleie and sir Willi­am his brother with their bands were abiding. There the erle came first to his father in law, in a litle close, line 20 where he saluted him, and sir William his brother: and after diuerse and fréendlie imbracings, each re­ioised of the state of other, and suddenlie were surpri­sed with great ioy, comfort, and hope of fortunate successe in all their affaires and dooings. Afterward they consulted togither how to giue battell to king Richard if he would abide, whome they knew not to be farre off with an huge host.

In the euening of the same day, sir Iohn Sauage, sir Brian Sanford, The princi­pals of K. Ri­chards power [...] from him. sir Simon Digbie, and manie o­ther, line 30 leauing king Richard, turned and came to the part of the earle of Richmond, with an elect compa­nie of men. Which refusall of king Richards part, by men of such experience, did augment and increase both the good hope, and the puissance of the earle of Richmond. In the meane season, king Richard which was appointed now to finish his last labor by the very diuine iustice & prouidence of God (which called him to condigne punishment for his mischiefous deserts) marched to a place méet for two battels to incounter, line 40 by a village called Bosworth, not farre from Lei­cester: and there he pitched his field on a hill called Anne Beame, refreshed his souldiers, and tooke his rest.

The [...]reame [...] king Ri­chard the third foretel­ling him of his end.The same went, that he had the same night a dreadfull and terrible dreame: for it séemed to him being asleepe, that he did see diuerse images like ter­rible diuels, which pulled and haled him, not suffering him to take anie quiet or rest. The which strange vi­sion not so suddenlie strake his heart with a sudden feare, but it stuffed his head and troubled his mind line 50 with manie busie and dreadfull imaginations. For incontinent after, his heart being almost damped, he prognosticated before the doubtfull chance of the bat­tell to come; not vsing the alacritie and mirth of mind and countenance as he was accustomed to doo before he came toward the battell. And least that it might be suspected that he was abashed for feare of his enimies, and for that cause looked so pitiouslie; he recited and declared to his familiar fréends in the line 60 morning his wonderfull vision and fearefull dreame.

But I thinke this was no dreame, but a punction and pricke of his sinfull conscience: for the conscience is so much more charged and aggreeued, as the of­fense is greater & more heinous in degrée. [So that king Richard, by this reckoning, must needs haue a woonderfull troubled mind, because the déeds that he had doone, as they were heinous and vnnaturall, so did they excite and stirre vp extraordinarie motions of trouble and vexations in his conscience.] Which sting of conscience, although it strike not alwaie; yet at the last daie of extreame life, it is woont to shew and represent to vs our faults and offenses, and the paines and punishments which hang ouer our heads for the committing of the same, to the intent that at that instant, we for our deserts being penitent and repentant, maie be compelled (lamenting and be­wailing our sinnes like forsakers of this world) io­cund to depart out of this mischeefe life.

Now to returne againe to our purpose. King Richard bringeth all his men into the plaine. The next daie after, king Richard being furnished with men & all ablements of warre, bringing all his men out of their campe into the plaine, ordered his fore-ward in a maruellous length, in which he appointed both hors­men and footmen, to the intent to imprint in the hearts of them that looked a farre off, a sudden ter­ror and deadlie feare, for the great multitude of the armed souldiers: and in the fore-front he placed the archers like a strong fortified trench or bulworke. O­uer this battell was capteine, The duke of Norffolke and the earle of Surrie on K. Richards side. Iohn duke of Norf­folke, with whome was Thomas earle of Surrie his sonne. After this long vant-gard, followed king Ri­chard himselfe with a strong companie of chosen and approoued men of warre, hauing horssemen for wings on both sides of his battell.

After that the earle of Richmond was departed from the communication of his fréends (as you haue heard before) he began to be of a better stomach, and of a more valiant courage, and with all diligence pit­ched his field iust by the campe of his enimies, and there he lodged that night. In the morning betimes, he caused his men to put on their armour, and appa­rell themselues readie to fight and giue battell; and sent vnto the lord Stanleie (which was now come with his band into a place indifferent betwéene both the armies) requiring him with his men to approch néere to his armie, and to helpe to set the souldiers in arraie. But he answered that the earle should set his owne men in good order of battell, The lord Stanleie re­fuseth to set the earles men in bat­tell raie. while he would arraie his companie, and come to him in time conue­nient. Which answer made otherwise than the earle thought or would haue iudged, considering the o­portunitie of the time & the weight of the businesse. And although he was therwithall a little vexed, & be­gan somewhat to hang the head; yet he without anie time delaieng, compelled of necessitie, after this ma­ner instructed and ordered his men.

He made his fore-ward somewhat single and slen­der, according to the small number of his people. The earle set­teth his men in order and appointeth chéefteins. In the front he placed the archers, of whome he made capteine Iohn earle of Oxenford. To the right wing of the battell he appointed sir Gilbert Talbot to be the leader. To the left wing, he assigned sir Iohn Sauage, who had brought thither with him a crue of right able personages, clad in white coats and hoods, which mustered in the eies of their aduersaries right brimlie. The earle of Richmond himselfe, with aid of the lord Stanleie, gouerned the battell, accompanied with the earle of Penbroke, hauing a good companie of horssemen, and a small number of footmen. For all his whole number excéeded not fiue thousand men, beside the power of the Stanleies, wherof three thou­sand were in the field, vnder the standard of sir Wil­liam Stanleie. The kings number was double so much and more. When both these armies were thus ordered, and all men readie to set forward, king Richard called his chiefteins togither, and to them said as followeth.

The oration of king Richard the third to the chiefteins of his armie.

MY most faithfull and assured fel­lowes, most trustie & welbelo­ued freends, & elected capteins, by whose wisedome and policie I haue obteined the crowne, [Page 756] and type of this famous realme, and noble region: by whose puissance & valiantnesse I haue inioid and possessed the state roiall & dignitie of the same, maugre the ill will and seditious attempts of all my cankered enimies, and insidious aduersaries: by whose prudent & politike counsell I haue so gouerned my realme, King Richard iustifieth him­selfe and his gouernement. people, & subiects, that I haue omitted nothing appertei­ning to the office of a iust prince; nor you line 10 haue pretermitted nothing belonging to the dutie of wise and sage councellors. So that I maie saie, and trulie affirme, that your approoued fidelitie & tried constancie, maketh me to beleeue firmelie, and thinke that I am an vndoubted king, and an indu­bitate prince.

And although in the adeption and obtei­ning of the garland, I being seduced, and line 20 prouoked by sinister counsell, and diaboli­call temptation, did commit a wicked and detestable act: yet I haue with streict pe­nance and salt tears (as I trust) expiated & cleerelie purged the same offense: which abhominable crime I require you of frend­ship as cleerelie to forget, as I dailie re­member to deplore and lament the same. If ye will euen now diligentlie call to re­membrance in what case and perplexitie line 30 we doo stand; and in what doubtfull perill we be all intrapped; I doubt not but you in heart will thinke, and with mouth con­fesse, that if euer amitie and faith preuailed betweene prince and subiects, or betweene subiect and subiect; or if euer bond of alegi­ance obliged the vassall to loue and serue his naturall souereigne lord; or if anie obli­gation of dutie bound anie prince to aid line 40 & defend his subiects; all these loues, bonds, and duties of necessitie are now this day to be tried, shewed, and put in experience.

For if wise men saie true (as they doo not lie) there is some policie in getting, but much more in keeping; the one being but fortunes chance, & the other high wit and policie. For which cause, I with you, and you with me, must needs this day take line 50 labour and paine, to keepe and defend with force, that preheminence and possession, which by your prudent deuises I haue got­ten & obteined. He speaketh opprobriouslie of the earle of Richmond. I doubt not but you know how the diuell (continuall enimie to hu­mane nature, disturber of concord, & sower of sedition) hath entered into the heart of an vnknowne Welshman (whose father I neuer knew, nor him personallie saw) exci­ting line 60 him to aspire and couet our realme, crowne, and dignitie, and thereof cleerelie to depriue and spoile vs and our posteritie. Ye see further, how a companie of traitors, theeues, outlawes, and runnagates of our owne nation, be aiders and partakers of his feat and enterprise, readie at hand to ouercome and oppresse vs.

You see also, what a number of beggerlie Britans and faint-hearted Frenchmen be with him arriued to destroie vs, our wiues and children. Which imminent mischeefs and apparant inconueniences, if we will withstand & refell, we must liue togither as brethren, fight togither like lions, & feare not to die togither like men. And obser­uing and keeping this rule and precept, be­leeue me, the fearefull hare neuer fled fa­ster before the greedie greihound, nor the sillie larke before the sparrowhawke, nor yet the simple sheepe before the rauenous woolfe; than your proud bragging aduersa­ries, astonied and amazed with the onelie sight of your manlie visages, will flee, run, and skir out of the field. For if you consider and wiselie ponder all things in your mind, you shall perceiue, that we haue manifest causes, and apparant tokens of triumph and victorie.

And to begin with the erle of Richmond capteine of this rebellion, The K. wou [...] persuade his capteins that the earle of Richmond is no warrior. he is a Welsh milkesop, a man of small courage, and of lesse experience in martiall acts and feats of warre, brought vp by my moothers meanes, and mine, like a captiue in a close cage in the court of Francis duke of Bri­taine; and neuer saw armie, nor was exer­cised in martiall affaires: by reason wher­of he neither can, nor is able by his owne will or experience to guide or rule an hoast. For in the wit and policie of the capteine consisteth the cheefe adeption of the victo­rie, and ouerthrow of the enimies. Secon­darilie feare not, but put awaie all doubts; for when the traitors and runnagates of our realme, shall see vs with banner dis­plaied come against them, remembring their oth, promise, and fidelitie made vnto vs, as to their souereigne lord and annoin­ted king; they shall be so pricked and stoong in the bottome of their scrupulous consci­ences, that they for verie remorse and dread of the diuine plague, will either shameful­lie flee, or humblie submit themselues to our grace and mercie.

And as for the Frenchmen and Britans, Frenchmen [...] Britans great [...] small [...]. their valiantnesse is such, that our noble progenitors, and your valiant parts haue them oftener vanquished and ouercome in one moneth, than they in the beginning i­magined possiblie to compasse and finish in a whole yeare. What will you make of them? braggers without audacitie, drunc­kards without discretion, ribalds without reason, cowards without resisting, and in conclusion, the most effeminate and lasci­uious people that euer shewed themselues in front of battell; ten times more coura­gious to flee & escape, than once to assault the breast of our strong & populous armie. Wherefore considering all these aduanta­ges, expell out of your thoughts all douts, auoid out of your minds all feare; and like valiant champions aduance foorth your standards, & assaie whether your enimies can decide and trie the title of battell by dint of sword. Aduance (I say againe) for­ward my capteins, in whome lacketh nei­ther policie, wisedome, nor yet puissance. Euerie one giue but one sure stripe, & suer­lie the iournie is ours. What preuaileth a handfull to a whole realme?

[Page 757]Desiring you (for the loue that you beare to me) and the affection that you haue to your natiue and naturall countrie, and to the safegard of your prince & your selues, that you will this daie take to you your ac­customed courage and couragious spirits, for the defense and safeguard of vs all. [...] Richards [...] confi­dence and but [...]esse cou­rage. And as for me, I assure you, this daie I will triumph by glorious victorie, or suffer death for immortall fame. For they be mai­med line 10 and out of the palace of fame disgra­ded, dieng without renowme, which doo not asmuch prefer and exalt the perpetu­all honour of their natiue countrie, as their owne mortall and transitorie life. Now saint George to borow, let vs set forward, and remember well, that I am he which shall with high aduancements re­ward and preferre the valiant and hardie line 20 champions, and punish and torment the shamefull cowards, and dreadfull da­stards.

This exhortation incouraged all such as fauoured him; but such as were present (more for dread than loue) kissed them openlie, whome they inwardlie ha­ted. Other sware outwardlie to take part with such, whose death they secretlie compassed, and inwardlie imagined. Other promised to inuade the kings eni­mies, line 30 which fled and fought with fierce courage a­gainst the king. Other stood still and looked on, intend­ing to take part with the victors and ouercommers. So was his people to him vnsure and vnfaithfull at his end, as he was to his nephues vntrue and vnna­turall in his beginning. [How then was it possible that this princes regiment could long stand, seeing the preseruation and prorogation of his reigne con­sisted not in the loue of his subiects? In place whereof bicause feare (yea seruile and forced feare succéeded) line 40 he was the sooner forsaken of his people, whose harts fell from him as isicles from a penthouse in a sunnie daie; and in this case the poet saith truelie, and was well worthie of credit when he craued it, saieng: ‘Credite quem metuit quis (que) perire cupit.]’

When the earle of Richmond knew by his fore­riders that the king was so neere imbatelled, he rode about his armie from ranke to ranke, & from wing to wing, giuing comfortable words to all men, and that finished (being armed at all peeces, sauing his line 50 helmet) mounted on a little hill, so that all his people might sée and behold him perfectlie, to their great re­ioising. The person of the earle of Richmond described. For he was a man of no great stature, but so formed and decorated with all gifts and lineaments of nature, that he séemed more an angelicall crea­ture, than a terrestriall personage. His countenance and aspect was chéerefull and couragious, his haire yellow like the burnished gold, his eies graie shining and quicke; prompt and readie in answering, but of such sobrietie, that it could neuer be iudged whether line 60 he were more dull than quicke in speaking (such was his temperance.) Now when he had ouerlooked his armie ouer euerie side, he paused awhile, and after with a lowd voice and bold spirit spake to his com­panions these, or the like words following.

The oration of king Henrie the sea­uenth to his armie.

IF euer God gaue victorie to men fighting in a iust quarrell, or if he euer aided such as made warre for the wealth & tuition of their owne naturall and nutritiue countrie, or if he euer succoured them which aduentu­red their liues for the releefe of innocents, suppressing of malefactors and apparant offendors; no doubt my fellowes & freends, but he of his bountifull goodnesse will this daie send vs triumphant victorie, and a luc­kie iournie ouer our proud enimies, and ar­rogant aduersaries: for if you remember and consider the verie cause of our iust qua­rell, you shall apparantlie perceiue the same to be true, godlie, and vertuous. In the which I doubt not, but God will ra­ther aid vs (yea and fight for vs) than see vs vanquished and ouerthrowne by such as neither feare him nor his laws, nor yet regard iustice or honestie.

Our cause is so iust, The earles cause iust and right, & there­fore likelie of good successe. that no enterprise can be of more vertue, both by the lawes diuine & ciuill. For what can be a more ho­nest, goodlie, or godlie quarrell, than to fight against a capteine, being an homicide and murtherer of his owne bloud or progenie, an extreame destroier of his nobilitie, and to his and our countrie and the poore sub­iects of the same a deadlie mallet, a firie brand, and a burthen intollerable? Beside him, consider who be of his band and com­panie: such as by murther and vntrueth committed against their owne kin and li­nage, yea against their prince and soue­reigne lord, haue disherited me and you, and wrongfullie deteine and vsurpe our lawfull patrimonie & lineall inheritance. For he that calleth himselfe king, keepeth from me the crowne and regiment of this noble realme and countrie, contrarie to all iustice and equitie.

Likewise, his mates and friends occu­pie your lands, cut downe your woods, A great mo­tiue to the no­bles & gentles assisting the earle. and destroie your manors, letting your wiues and children range abroade for their li­uing: which persons for their penan [...]e and punishment I doubt not, but God of his goodnes will ether deliuer into our hands, as a great gaine and bootie; or cause them (being greeued and compuncted with the pricke of their corrupt consciences) cow­ardlie to flie, and not abide the battell. Be­side this I assure you, that there be yonder in the great battell, men brought thither for feare, and not for loue; souldiers by force compelled, and not with good will assem­bled; persons which desire rather the de­struction than saluation of their maister and capteine: and finallie, a multitude, whereof the most part will be our friends, and the least part our enimies.

For truelie I doubt which is greater, the malice of the soldiors toward their cap­teine; or the feare of him conceiued of his people. For suerlie, this rule is infallible, that as ill men dailie couet to destroie the good; so God appointeth the good men to confound the ill. And of all worldlie goods the greatest is to suppresse tyrants, and re­leeue innocents; whereof the one is as much hated, as the other is beloued. If this be true (as clearkes preach) who will [Page 758] spare yonder tyrant Richard duke of Glo­cester, K. Richards offenses and ill qualities summarilie touched by the earle. vntruelie calling himselfe king, con­sidering that he hath violated and broken both the lawes of God and man? What vertue is in him which was the confusion of his brother, and murtherer of his ne­phues? What mercie is in him that slei­eth his trustie freends as well as his ex­treame enimies? Who can haue confi­dence in him which putteth diffidence in line 10 all men?

If you haue not read, I haue heard good clearkes saie, that Tarquine the proud for the vice of the bodie lost the kingdome of Rome; and the name of Tarquine bani­shed the citie for euer: yet was not his fault so detestable as the fact of cruell Ne­ro which slue his own mother, and opened hir entrailes, to behold the place of his line 20 conception. Behold yonder Richard, which is both Tarquine and Nero: K. Richard a notorious tyrant. yea a tyrant more than Nero, for he hath not onlie mur­thered his nephue being his king and soue­reigne lord, bastarded his noble brethren, and defamed the wombe of his vertuous and womanlie mother; but also compassed all the meanes and waies that he could in­uent, how to defile and carnallie know his line 30 owne neece, vnder the pretense of a cloked matrimonie, which ladie I haue sworne and promised to take to my make and wife, as you all know and beleeue.

If this cause be not iust, and this quarell godlie; let God (the giuer of victorie) iudge and determine. We haue (thanks be gi­uen to Christ) escaped the secret treasons in Britaine, and auoided the subtill snares of our fraudulent enimies there, passed the line 40 troublous seas in good and quiet safegard, and without resistance haue ouergone the ample region & large countrie of Wales, and are now come to the place which we so much desired: Incourage­ments to his armie to plaie the men in a iust cause. for long we haue sought the furious bore, and now we haue found him. Wherefore let vs not feare to enter into the toile, where we may suerlie sleie him; for God knoweth that we haue liued line 50 in the vales of miserie, tossing our ships in dangerous stormes: let vs not now dread to set vp our full sailes in faire weather, hauing with vs both God and good for­tune.

If we had come to conquer Wales and had atchiued it, our praise had beene great, and our gaine more: but if we win this battell, the whole rich realme of England, line 60 with the lords and rulers of the same, shall be ours; the profit shall be ours, and the ho­nour shall be ours. Therefore labour for your gaine, & sweat for your right. While we were in Britaine, we had small liuings and little plentie of wealth or welfare; now is the time come to get aboundance of ri­ches, and copie of profit; which is▪ the re­ward of your seruice, and merit of your paines. And this remember with your selues, that before vs be our enimies; and on either side of vs be such, as I neither suerlie trust, nor greatlie beleeue; backe­ward we cannot flee; so that heere we stand like sheepe in a fold, circumuented and com­passed betweene our enimies and our dout­full friends.

Therefore let all feare be set aside, and like sworne brethren let vs ioine in one; for this daie shall be the end of our trauell, and the gaine of our labour, either by honora­ble death or famous victorie: and as I trust, the battell shall not be so sowre, as the profit shall be sweet. Uictorie con­sisteth not in multitude but in manlinesse. Remember that victorie is not gotten with the multitudes of men, but with the courages of hearts, and valiantnesse of minds. The smaller that our number is, the more glorie is to vs if we vanquish: if we be ouercome, yet no laud is to be attributed to the victors, considering that ten men fought against one. And if we die so glorious a death in so good a quarell, neither fretting time, nor cancarding obliuion, shall be able to dar­ken or rase out of the booke of fame either our names, or our godlie attempt. And this one thing I assure you, that in so iust and good a cause, and so notable a quarrell, you shall find me this daie rather a dead carrion vpon the cold ground, than a free prisoner on a carpet in a ladies chamber.

Let vs therefore fight like inuincible gi­ants, and set on our enimies like vntimo­rous tigers, & banish all feare like ramp­ing lions. And now aduance forward true men against traitors, pitifull persons a­gainst murtherers, true inheritors a­gainst vsurpers, the scourges of God a­gainst tyrants. Displaie my banner with a good courage, march foorth like strong and robustious champions, and begin the bat­tell like hardie conquerors. The battell is at hand, and the victorie approcheth; and if we shamefullie recule, or cowardlie flee; we and all our sequele be destroied, and disho­nored for euer. This is the daie of gaine, and this is the time of losse; get this daie victorie, and be conquerors: and leese this daies battell, and be villaines. And there­fore in the name of God and S. George, let euerie man couragiouslie aduance foorth his standard.

These chéerefull words he set foorth with such ge­sture of his bodie, & smiling countenance, as though alreadie he had vanquished his enimies, and gotten the spoile. He had scatlie finished his saieng, The battell betweene king Richard, and king Henrie the [...] called Bel­worth [...]. but the one armie spied the other. Lord how hastilie the soldi­ers buckled their healmes, how quicklie the archers bent their bowes and frushed their feathers, how rea­dilie the bilmen shooke their billes, and prooued their staues, readie to approach and ioine, when the terrible trumpet should sound the bloudie blast to victorie or death! Betwéene both armies there was a great marish then (but at this present, by reason of diches cast, it is growne to be firme ground) which the earle of Richmond left on his right hand; for this intent, that it should be on that side a defense for his part, and in so dooing he had the sunne at his backe, The policie of the earle. and in the faces of his enimies. When king Richard saw the earles companie was passed the marish; he did command with all hast to set vpon them. Then the trumpets sounded, and the souldiers shouted, and the [Page 759] kings archers couragiouslie let flie their arrowes. The earles bowmen stood not still, but paied them home againe.

The terrible shot once passed, the armies ioined and came to hand-strokes, where neither sword nor bill was spared. At which incounter, the lord Stanleie ioined with the earle. The earle of Oxford in the meane season, The ea [...]le of Oxfords [...] to his [...]nd of men. fearing least while his companie was fighting, they should be compassed and circumuen­ted with the multitude of the enimies, gaue com­mandement in euerie ranke, that no man should be line 10 so hardie, as to go aboue ten foot from the standard. Which commandment once knowne, they knit them­selues togither, and ceassed a little from fighting. The aduersaries suddenlie abashed at the matter, and mi­strusting some fraud and deceit, began also to pause and left striking; and not against the wils of manie, which had rather had the king destroied, than saued, and therefore they fought verie faintlie, or stood still.

The earle of Oxford, bringing all his band togi­ther on the one part, The earle of Oxfords va­liantnesse. set on his enimies freshlie a­gaine. line 20 The aduersaries perceiuing that, placed their men slender and thin before, but thicke and broad be­hind, beginning againe hardilie the battell. While the two fore-wards thus mortallie fought, ech inten­ding to vanquish and conuince the other; king Ri­chard was admonished by his explorators and espi­als, that the earle of Richmond (accompanied with a small number of men of armes) was not far off. And as he approched and marched toward him, he perfe­ctlie knew his personage by certeine demonstrati­ons line 30 and tokens, which he had learned and knowen of others that were able to giue him full information. Now being inflamed with ire, and vexed with out­ragious malice, he put his spurres to his horsse, and rode out of the side of the range of his battell, lea­uing the vant-gard fighting; and like a hungrie lion ran with speare in rest toward him. The earle of Richmond perceiued well the king furiouslie com­ming toward him, and bicause the whole hope of his line 40 wealth and purpose was to be determined by bat­tell, The earle of Richmond pro [...]ereth to incounter K. Richard bo­die to bodie. he gladlie proffered to incounter with him bodie to bodie, and man to man.

King Richard set on so sharplie at the first brunt, that he ouerthrew the earles standard, and slue sir William Brandon his standard-bearer (which was father to sir Charles Brandon by king Henrie the right created duke of Suffolke) and matched hand to hand with sir Iohn Cheinie, Sir William Brandon slaine. a man of great force and strength, which would haue resisted him: but the said Iohn was by him manfullie ouerthrowen. And line 50 to he making open passage by dint of sword as he went forward, the earle of Richmond withstood his violence, and kept him at the swords point without aduantage, longer than his companions either thought or iudged: which being almost in despaire of victorie, were suddenlie recomforted by sir William Stanleie, which came to his succors with three thou­sand tall men. At which verie instant, king Richards men were driuen backe and fled, The kings [...]mie flieth. & he himselfe man­fullie line 60 fighting in the middle of his enimies, was slaine, and (as he worthilie had deserued) came to a bloudie death, as he had lead a bloudie life.

In the meane season, the earle of Oxford with the aid of the lord Stanleie, after no long fight, discomfi­ted the fore- [...] of king Richard, whereof a great number were slaine in the chase and fight: but the greatest number which (compelled by feare of the king, and not of their meére voluntarie motion) came to the field, gaue neuer a stroke, and hauing no harme nor damage, safelie departed, which came not thither in hope to sée the king prosper and preuaile, but to heare that he should be shamefullie confoun­ded and brought to ruine. In this battell died few a­boue the number of a thousand persons: Duke of Norffolke slaine in the field. and of the nobilitie were slaine Iohn duke of Norffolke, which was warned by diuerse to refraine from the field, in so much that the night before he should set forward toward the king, one wrote this rime vpon his gate:

Iacke of Norffolke be not too bold,
For
Richard,
Dikon thy maister is bought and sold.

Yet all this notwithstanding, he regarded more his oth, his honor, and promise made to king Ri­chard, like a gentleman; and as a faithfull subiect to his prince, absented not himselfe from his maister; but as he faithfullie liued vnder him, so he manfullie died with him, to his great fame and laud. [And ther­fore, though his seruice was ill imploied in aid of a tyrant (whome it had béene more honorable to haue suppressed than supported) yet bicause he had vpon his fealtie vndertaken to fight in his quarell, he thought it lesse losse of life and liuing than of glorie & honour: so that he might haue said, in respect of his loialtie & promised truth testified with constancie to the death: ‘Est mihi supplicium causa fuisse pium.’

There were slaine beside him, Ouid. Walter lord Fer­rers of Chartleie, sir Richard Radcliffe, What persons of name were slaine on king Richards side. and Robert Brakenberie lieutenant of the Tower, and not ma­nie gentlemen more. Sir William Catesbie lear­ned in the lawes of the realme, and one of the chéefe councellors to the late king, with diuerse other, were two daies after beheaded at Leicester. Amongst them that ran awaie, were sir Francis vicount Lo­nell, and Humfreie Stafford, and Thomas Stafford his brother, which tooke sanctuarie in saint Iohns at Glocester. Of captiues and prisoners there were a great number. For after the death of king Richard was knowne and published, euerie man in manner vnarming himselfe, & casting awaie his abiliments of warre, meekelie submitted themselues to the o­beisance and rule of the earle of Richmond: of the which the more part had gladlie so doone in the begin­ning, if they might haue conuenientlie escaped from king Richards espials, which hauing as cléere eies as Lynx, and open eares as Midas, ranged & searched in euerie quarter.

Amongst these was Henrie the fourth earle of Northumberland, which (whether it was by the com­mandement of king Richard, putting diffidence in him; or he did it for the loue and fauour that he bare vnto the earle) stood still with a great companie, and intermitted not in the battell, which was inconti­nentlie receiued into fauour and made of the coun­cell. But Thomas Howard earle of Surreie, Erle of Sur­reie cōmitted to the Towe [...] notwithstan­ding his sub­mission. which submitted himselfe there, was not taken to grace; bi­cause his father was chiefe councellor, and he great­lie familiar with king Richard, but committed to the Tower of London, where he long remained; and in conclusion deliuered, was for his truth and fidelitie after promoted to high honors, offices and dignities. On the earle of Richmonds part were slaine scarse one hundred persons, among whome the principall was sir William Brandon his standard-bearer. This battell was fought at Bosworth in Leicestershire, the two and twentith daie of August, in the yeare of our redemption 1485. The whole conflict indured li­tle aboue two houres.

King Richard (as the fame went) might haue es­caped and gotten safegard by fléeing. For when they, How king Richard might haue escaped. which were next about his person, saw and perceiued at the first ioining of the battell the souldiers faint­lie and nothing couragiouslie to set on their enimies; and not onlie that, but also that some withdrew them­selues priuilie out of the prease and departed; they be­gan to suspect fraud and to smell treason; and not one­lie exhorted, but determinatlie aduised him to saue himselfe by flight. And when the losse of the battell was imminent and apparant, they brought to him a [Page 760] swift and a light horsse, to conueie him awaie. He which was not ignorant of the grudge and ill will that the common people bare toward him, casting awaie all hope of fortunate successe and happie chance to come, answered (as men saie) that on that daie he would make an end of all battels, or else there finish his life. Such a great audacitie and such a stomach reigned in his bodie.

For suerlie he knew that to be the daie, in the which it should be decided and determined whether he line 10 should peaceablie obteine and inioy his kingdome during his life, or else vtterlie forgo and be depriued of the same. With which too much hardines he being ouercome, hastilie closed his helmet, and entered fiercelie into the hard battell, to the intent to obteine that daie a quiet reigne and regiment; or else to fi­nish there his vnquiet life, and vnfortunat gouer­nance. And so this miser at the same verie point had like chance and fortune, as happeneth to such which in place of right iustice and honestie, following their line 20 sensuall appetite, loue, and vse to imbrace mischiefe, tyrannie, and vnthriftinesse. Suerlie these be exam­ples of more vehemencie, than mans toong can ex­presse, to feare and astonish such euill persons, as will not liue one houre vacant from dooing and exercising crueltie, mischiefe, or outragious liuing.

The deuout behauiour of the earle of Richmond after the vic­torie.When the earle had thus obteined victorie, and slaine his mortall enimie, he knéeled downe and ren­dred to almightie God his hartie thanks, with de­uout and godlie orisons; beséeching his goodnesse to line 30 send him grace to aduance and defend the catholike faith; and to mainteine iustice and concord amongst his subiects and people, by God now to his gouer­nance committed & assigned. Which praier finished, he replenished with incomparable gladnesse ascen­ded vp to the top of a little mounteine, where he not onelie praised and lauded his valiant souldiers; but also gaue vnto them his hartie thanks, with promise of condigne recompense for their fidelitie and vali­ant facts, willing and commanding all the hurt and line 40 wounded persons to be cured, and the dead carcasses to be deliuered to the sepulture. Then the people reioi­sed, and clapped their hands, crieng vp to heauen; King Henrie, king Henrie.

When the lord Stanleie saw the good will and glad­nesse of the people, The lord Stanleie set­teth y • crowne on king Hen­ries head. he tooke the crowne of king Ri­chard which was found amongst the spoile in the field, and set it on the earles head; as though he had béene elected king by the voice of the people, as in ancient times past in diuerse realmes it hath beene accusto­med: line 50 and this was the first signe and token of his good lucke and felicitie. ¶I must put you here in re­membrance, how that king Richard (putting some diffidence in the lord Stanleie) had with him as an hostage the lord Strange, his eldest sonne, which lord Stanleie (as ye haue heard before) ioined not at the first with his sonne in lawes armie, for feare the king would haue slaine the lord Strange his heire.

When king Richard was come to Bosworth, he sent a purseuant to the lord Stanleie, commanding line 60 him to aduance forward with his companie, and to come to his presence; which thing if he refused to doo, he sware by Christes passion, that he would strike off his sonnes head before he dined. The lord Stanleie answered the purseuant that if the king did so, The lord Stanlies bold answer to K. Richards purseuant. he had more sonnes aliue; and as to come to him, he was not then so determined. When king Richard heard this answer, he commanded the lord Strange incon­tinent to be beheaded; which was at that verie same season, when both the armies had sight ech of other. But the councellors of king Richard pondered the time and cause, knowing also the lord Strange to be innocent of his fathers offense, & persuaded the king that it was now time to fight, & no time to execute.

Besides that, they aduised him to kéepe the lord Strange as prisoner till the battell were ended, and then at leisure his pleasure might be accomplished. So (as God would) king Richard brake his holie oth, and the lord was deliuered to the keepers of the kings tents, to be kept as prisoner. Which, when the field was doone, and their maister slaine, and procla­mation made to know where the child was, Proclama [...] made to [...] in the lord Strange. they sub­mitted themselues as prisoners to the lord Strange, and he gentlie receiued them, and brought them to the new proclamed king; where, of him and of his fa­ther he was receiued with great ioy. After this the whole campe remooued with bag and baggage.

The same night in the euening, king Henrie with great pompe came to the towne of Leicester; where as well for the refreshing of his people & souldiers, as for preparing all things necessarie for his iournie toward London, he rested and reposed himselfe two daies. In the meane season the dead corps of king Richard was as shamefullie caried to the towne of Leicester, The shame­full cariage o [...] K. Richards bodie to Lei­cester. as he gorgeouslie (the day before) with pompe and pride departed out of the same towne. For his bodie was naked and despoiled to the skin, and nothing left about him, not so much as a clout to couer his priuie members, and was trussed behind a purseuant of arms, one Blanch Senglier, or White bore, like a hog or calfe, his head and armes hang­ing on the one side of the horsse, and his legs on the other side, and all besprinkled with mire and bloud he was brought to the graie friers church within the towne, and there laie like a miserable spectacle.

But suerlie considering his mischiefous acts and vngratious dooings, men maie woonder at such a cai­tife, who although he deserued no buriall place ei­ther in church or churchyard, chappell or chancell, but otherwise to haue bin bestowed: yet in the said church he was with no lesse funerall pompe & solemnitie in­terred, than he would to be doone at the buriall of his innocent nephues, whome he caused cruellie to be murthered, and vnnaturallie killed. Now when his death was knowne, few lamented, and manie reioi­ced. K. Richards badge and cognisance e­uerie when defaced. The proud bragging white bore (which was his badge) was violentlie rased & plucked downe from euerie signe and place where it might be espied: so ill was his life, that men wished the memorie of him to be buried with his carren corps. He reigned two yeers, two moneths, and one daie [too long by six and twentie moneths, and foure and twentie houres in most mens opinions, to whome his name and pre­sence was as swéet and delectable, as his dooings princelie, and his person amiable.]

As he was small and little of stature, The descrip­tion of king Richard. so was he of bodie greatlie deformed; the one shoulder higher than the other; his face was small, but his counte­nance cruell, and such, that at the first aspect a man would iudge it to sauour and smell of malice, fraud, and deceit. When he stood musing, he would bite and chaw busilie his nether lip; as who said, that his fierce nature in his cruell bodie alwaies chafed, stirred, and was euer vnquiet: beside that, the dagger which he ware, he would (when he studied) with his hand plucke vp & downe in the sheath to the midst, neuer drawing it fullie out: he was of a readie, pregnant, and quicke wit, wilie to feine, and apt to dissemble: he had a proud mind, and an arrogant stomach, the which accompanied him euen to his death, rather choo­sing to suffer the same by dint of sword, than being forsaken and left helpelesse of his vnfaithfull com­panions, to preserue by cowardlie flight such a fraile and vncerteine life, which by malice, sicknesse, or condigne punishment was like shortlie to come to confusion.

Thus ended this prince his mortall life with infa­mie and dishonor, which neuer preferred fame or ho­nestie [Page 761] before ambition, tyrannie and mischiefe. And if he had continued still protector, and suffered his nephues to haue liued and reigned, no doubt but the realme had prospered, & he as much praised & loued as he is now had in hatred: but to God, which knew his inward thoughts at the houre of his death, I remit the punishment of his offenses commited in his life; [which if the one be as manifold as the other, Gods iu­stice were not to be charged with crueltie. For by na­ture he is mercifull, slow to anger, and loth to smite: line 10 but yet euerie sinne (in respect of his righteousnesse) being deadlie (much more heinous and horrible) how can he but by iustice (which is an essentiall vertue in him) punish it seuerelie? And if he did it with ten thousand torments, who shall be so hardie as to expo­stulate and reason why he so dooth?]

But to leaue the tyrant as he died, you shall vnder­stand that K. Henrie the seuenth caused a toome to be, made and set vp ouer the place where he was buried, in the church of the graie friers at Leicester, with a picture of alabaster representing his person, dooing line 20 that honour to his enimie, vpon a princelie regard and pitifull zeale, which king Richard (mooued of an hypocriticall shew of counterfeit pitie) did to king Henrie the sixt, Sée pag. 690, [...]91. whom he had first cruellie murthered, and after in the second yeare of his vsurped reigne, caused his corps to be remooued from Chertseie vnto Windsore, and there solemnlie interred. And now to conclude with this cruell tyrant king Richard, we may consider in what sort the ambitious desire to line 30 rule and gouerne in the house of Yorke, was puni­shed by Gods iust prouidence.

For although that the right might seeme to re­maine in the person of Richard duke of Yorke, slaine at Wakefield, Sée pag. 659. yet maie there be a fault worthilie, re­puted in him, so to séeke to preuent the time▪ appoin­ted him by authoritie of parlement to atteine to the crowne infailed to him and his issue; in whome also, and not onelie in himselfe, that offense (as maie bée thought) was dulie punished. For although his eldest line 40 sonne Edward the fourth, beeing a prince right pro­uident and circumspect for the suertie of his owne estate and his children, insomuch that not content to cut off all his armed and apparant enimies, he also of a gealous feare, made awaie his brother the duke of Clarence, and so thought to make all sure: yet Gods vengeance might not be disappointed, Sée pag. 703. for (as ye haue partlie heard) he did but further thereby the destruction of his issue, in taking awaie him that on­lie might haue staied the crueltie of his brother of line 50 Glocester, who inraged for desire of the kingdome, be rest his innocent nephues of their liues & estates.

And as it thus well appeared, that the house of Yorke shewed it selfe more bloudie in séeking to ob­teine the kingdome, than that of Lancaster in vsur­ping it: so it came to passe, that the Lords vengeance appeared more heauie towards the same than to­wards the other, not ceassing till the whole issue ma [...]e of the said Richard duke of Yorke was extinguished. For such is Gods iustice, to leaue no vnrepentant line 60 wickednesse vnpunished, as especiallie in this caitife Richard the third, not deseruing so much as the name of a man, much lesse of a king, most manifestlie ap­peareth. [At whom we will end, with a comparison of the like practise in Lodowike Storce, Abr. Flem. ex Gui [...] pag. 49. Lodowike Sforce duke [...]. Millan by vsurpation. aspiring to the dukedome of Millane, the name, armes and title wherof he tooke vpon him, hauing secretlie protested before, that he receiued them as apperteining to him by the inuestiture of the king of Romans.

It was published that the death of Galeas (his late predecessor) happened by immoderate cohabita­tion, but the vniuersall iudgment of Italie was, that he died not of infirmities naturall, nor by inconti­nencie, but by poison and violent compulsion. Wher­of Theodor de Pauia, one of the physicians, assis­ting when the king visited him, assured the king to sée most apparant and manifest signes: and if hee were dispatched by poison, there was none that doub­ted that his vncle was innocent, either directlie or indirectlie; as he, who not content with an absolute power to be gouernor of the state, but aspiring accor­ding to the common desires of great men, to make themselues glorious with titles and honors; and spe­ciallie he iudged, that both for his proper suertie and the succession of his children, the death of the lawfull prince was necessarie, and therefore thought to esta­blish in himselfe the power and name of duke. Wher­in ambition and couetousnesse preuailed aboue con­science and law of nature, and the gealous desire of dominion inforced his disposition (otherwise abhor­ring bloud) to that vile action.

But to end with king Richard sometimes duke of Glocester, a title of dignitie ioined with misfor­tune and vnluckinesse (as is noted Sée page 627. before.) So that for infelicitie it might well be compared vnto the name of Ione, a name vnhappie and much accurssed for the kingdome of Naples. As for king Richard, Guic. pag. 12. better had it béene for him to haue contented his heart with the protectorship, than to haue cast vp his snout, or lifted vp his hornes of ambition so high (and that with a setled intent) as to hacke and hew downe by violent blowes all likelie impediments betwixt him and home. Better (I say) had it béene for him to haue dwelt vpon his first honor, than to haue wan­dered in princelinesse; and better had it béene for him neuer to haue inioied the flattering prosperitie of a king, than afterwards to fall, and neuer to re­couer losse or ruine, as is noted by the poet, saieng:

Est melius nunquam felicia tempora nosse,
Quam post blanditias fortunae,
T. Wat in Am. Quer. 7.
fata maligna
Nec reparanda pati infortunia sortis iniquae.]

¶In this yere 1483 died William Dudleie who (by the translation of Laurence Booth bishop of Durham and chancellor of England from the sée of Durham to the citie of Yorke) was made bishop of Durham (in place of the said Laurence) by the popes bulles. Fr. Thin. The death of of William Dudleie, bi­shop of Dur­ham, descen­ded of the ho­norable house of the Dud­leies. For by vertue thereof, Edward the fourth in the six­téenth yeare of his reigne, and in the yeare of Christ 1476, directed his letters patents to the knights and other free men of that bishoprike, with all solemnitie to install the said William Dudleie (borne of the ho­norable house of the lords Dudleies) in the said bi­shoprike of Durham, and to deliuer him quiet pos­session therof, who was consecrated therevnto in the yeare of Christ 1477, in which he worthilie gouerned six yeares, and died in this yeare, as before.]

Now of learned men that liued, and wrote in the daies of this vsurper and his nephue king Edward the fift, these we find recorded by Iohn Bale. First, Iohn Penketh an Augustine frier of Warington in Lancashire, a right subtill fellow in disputation, following the footsteps of his master Iohn Duns, whome he chieflie studied, he wrote diuers treatises, and made that infamous sermon at Paules crosse, in fauour of the duke of Glocester then protector, to the disheriting of Edward the fift, his lawfull king and gouernor; Iohn Kent or Caileie borne in South­wales; George Ripleie, first a chanon of Bridling­ton, and after a Carmelit, frier in Boston, a great mathematician, rhetorician, and poet; Iohn Spine a Carmelit frier of Bristow, that precéeded doctor of diuinitie in Cambridge: and such like.

Thus farre Richard the vsurper, vnnaturall vncle to Edward the fift and Richard duke of Yorke, brethren.

Henrie the seauenth, sonne to Ed­mund earle of Richmond, which Edmund was brother by the moothers side to Henrie the sixt.

KIng Henrie hauing thus got the victorie at Bosworth, Anno Reg. 1. and slaine his mortall enimie there in the field, did send be­fore his departure from Lei­cester, sir Robert Willough­b [...]e knight; to the manour of Sheriffehuton in the countie of Yorke, for Edward Plantagenet earle of War­wike, sonne and heire to George duke of Clarence line 10 then being of the age of fifteene yeares; whome king Richard had kept there as prisoner during the time of his vsurped reigne. Sir Robert Willoughbie re­ceiuing the yoong earle of the constable of that castell conueied him to London, Edward Plantagenet earle of Warewike sonne and heire to George duke of Clarence committed to the Tower. wher [...] he was shut vp in the Tower, for doubt least some vnquiet and euill disposed persons might inuent some occasion of new trouble by this yoong gentleman: and therefore king Henrie thought good to haue him sure.

There was beside him in the castell of Sheriffe­huton line 20 the ladie Elizabeth eldest daughter to king Edward the fourth, whome king Richard (as ye haue heard) meant to haue married: but God otherwise ordeined for hir, and preserued hir from that vnlaw­full copulation and incestuous bed. Shortlie after, she being accompanied with a great number as well of noblemen, as honourable matrons, was with good spéed conueied to London, and brought to hir moo­ther. In the meane season king Henrie remooued for­ward by soft iournies towards London, the people line 30 comming in from all sides to behold him, and excee­dinglie reioising at his presence, King Henrie commeth to London. as by their voices and gestures it well appeared.

At his approching néere to the citie, the maior and his brethren, with other worshipfull citizens, being clothed in violet, met him at Shordich, and reuerent­lie saluted him: and so with great pompe and tri­umph he rode thorough the citie to the cathedrall church of S. Paule, where he offered three standards. In the one was the image of saint George, in an o­ther line 40 was a red fierie dragon beaten vpon white and greene sarcenet, and in the third was painted a dun cow vpon yellow tarterne. After his praiers said, and Te Deum soong, he departed to the bishops palace, and there soiourned a season. Anon a [...]ter, he as­sembled togither the sage councellors of the realme, in which councell like a prince of iust faith, and true of promise, to auoid all ciuill discord, he appointed a daie to ioine in marriage with the ladie Elizabeth, heire of the house of Yorke; with his noble perso­nage, line 50 heire to the line of Lancaster. Which thing not onelie reioised the hearts of the nobles and gentle­men of the realme, but also gained the fauours and good wils of all the commons.

After this, with great pompe he rowed vnto West­minster, & there the thirtith daie of October he was with all ceremonies accustomed, annointed, & crow­ned king, by the whole assent as well of the com­mons as of the nobilitie, Henrie the s [...]uenth crow­ned king. and called Henrie the sea­uenth of that name: which was in the yeare of the world 5452, and after the birth of our Lord 1485, in the fortie and sixt yeare of Frederike the third then emperour of Almaine, year 1485 Maximilian his sonne being newlie elected king of the Romans, in the second yeare of Charles the eight then king of France, and in the fiue and twentith of king Iames then ruling the realme of Scotland. For the establishing of all things, as well touching the preseruation of his owne estate, as the commendable administration of iustice and preferrement of the common wealth of his realme, A parlement at Westmin­ster, with an atteindor and a pardon g [...] ­nerall. he called his high court of parlement at Westminster the seauenth daie of Nouember, wherein was atteinted Richard late duke of Gloce­ster, calling and naming himselfe by vsurpation, king Richard the third.

Likewise there was atteinted as chéefe aiders and assistants to him in the battell at Bosworth, ad­uanced against the present king, Iohn late duke of Norfolke, Thomas earle of Surrie, Francis Louell knight vicount Louell, Walter Deuereux knight late lord Ferrers, Iohn lord Zouch, Robert Har­rington, Richard Charleton, Richard Ratcliffe, William Berkeleie of Welete, Robert Middleton, Iames Harrington, Robert Brakenberie, Thomas Pilkington, Walter Hopton, William Catesbie, Roger Wake, William Sapcote of the countie of Huntington, Humfrie Stafford, William Clerke of Wenlocke, Geffrie saint Germaine, Richard Watkins herald of armes, Richard Reuell of Der­bishire, Thomas Pulter of the countie of Kent, Iohn Welsh otherwise called Hastings, Iohn Kendall late secretarie to the said Richard late duke of Glo­cester, Iohn Bucke, Andrew Rat, and William Brampton of Burford.

In which atteindor neuerthelesse there were di­uerse clauses and prouisos for the benefit of their wi­ues and other persons, that had or might claime anie right, title, or interest lawfullie vnto anie castels, manours, lordships, townes, towneships, honours, lands, tenements, rents, seruices, fée farmes, an­nuities, knights fees, aduousons, reuersions, remain­ders, and other hereditaments; whereof the said per­sons atteinted were possessed or seized to the vses of such other persons: with a speciall prouiso also, that the said atteindor should not be preiudiciall to Iohn Catesbie knight, Thomas Reuell, and William Ashbie esquiers, in, of, & vpon the manour of Kirke­bie vpon Wretheke in the countie of Leicester, nor [Page 763] in, of, and vpon anie other lands and tenements in Kirkebie aforesaid, Melton, Somerbie, Thropsegh­field, and Godebie, which they had of the gift & feoffe­ment of Thomas Dauers, & Iohn Lie. And further, notwithstanding this atteindor, diuerse of the said persons afterwards were not onelie by the king par­doned, but also restored to their lands and liuings.

Moreouer, in this present parlement, he caused proclamation to be made, that all men were pardo­ned and acquited of their offenses, which would sub­mit line 10 themselues to his mercie, and receiue an oth to be true and faithfull vnto him: wherevpon manie that came out of sanctuaries and other places were receiued to grace, and admitted for his subiects. Af­ter this, he began to remember his speciall freends, of whome some he aduanced to honour and dignitie, The king ad­ [...]nceth his f [...]eends. and some he inriched with goods and possessions, eue­rie man according to his deserts and merits. And to begin, his vncle Iasper earle of Penbroke, he crea­ted duke of Bedford; Thomas lord Stanleie was line 20 created earle of Derbie; and the lord Chendew of Britaine his especiall fréend, he made earle of Bath; sir Giles Daubeneie was made lord Daubeneie; sir Robert Willoughbie was made lord Brooke. And Edward Stafford eldest sonne to Henrie late duke of Buckingham, he restored to his name, dignitie, & possessions, which by king Richard were confiscat and atteinted. Beside this, in this parlement was this notable act assented to and concluded as fol­loweth; to the pleasure of almightie God, wealth, line 30 prosperitie, and suertie of this realme of England, and to the singular comfort of all the kings subiects of the same, in auoiding all ambiguities and que­stions.

An act for the establishing of the crowne in the line of Henrie the seauenth.

BE it ordeined, established, and en­acted by this present parlement, that the inheritance of the crown of this realme of England, & also of France, with all the preheminence, and dignitie roiall to the same apperteining, all other seigniories to the king belonging beyond the sea, with the appurtenances thereto in anie wise due or apperteining, shall rest, remaine, and abide, in the most line 50 roiall person of our now souereigne lord king Henrie the seuenth, and in the heires of his bodie lawfullie comming, perpetual­lie, with the grace of God so to indure, and in none other.

Beside this act, all atteindors of this king enacted by king Edward and king Richard were adnihila­ted, and the record of the same iudged to be defaced; and all persons atteinted for his cause and occasion line 60 were restored to their goods, lands, and possessions. Diuerse acts also made in the time of king Edward and king Richard were reuoked, and other adiudged more expedient for the common wealth were put in their places and concluded. After the dissolution of this parlement, the king remembring his fréends left in hostage beyond the seas, The king re­d [...]meth his [...]ostages. that is to wit, the marquesse Dorset, & sir Iohn Bourchier, he with all conuenient spéed redéemed them, and sent also into Flanders for Iohn Morton bishop of Elie. These acts performed, he chose to be of his councell a con­uenient number of right graue and wise councel­lors.

¶ This did he, Abr. Flem. ex subsequentib. See the histo­rie of Englād pag. 124. See also D. Powels histo­rie of Wales, pag. 2, and 376, 377, &c. that he might the more roiallie go­uerne his kingdome, which he obteined and inioied as a thing by God elected and prouided, and by his e­speciall fauour and gratious aspect compassed and at­chiued. Insomuch that men commonlie report that seauen hundred nintie & seauen yéeres passed, it was by a heauenlie voice reuealed to Cadwalader last king of Britains, that his stocke & progenie should reigne in this land & beare dominion againe. Where­vpon most men were persuaded in their owne opini­on, that by this heauenlie voice he was prouided & or­deined long before to inioy & obteine this kingdome. Which thing K. Henrie the sixt did also shew before, Sée before in Edward the fourth, pag. 678. as it were by propheticall inspiration, at such time as the earle of Penbroke presented the said Henrie (at that time a proper child) vnto Henrie the sixt, whome after he had beheld, and a good while viewed the come­linesse of his countenance, and orderlie lineaments of his bodie, he said to such peeres as stood about him: Lo, suerlie this is he, to whome both we and our ad­uersaries, leauing the possession of all things, shall hereafter giue roome and place: & so it came to passe by the appointment of God, to whose gouernement, gift, and disposing, all realmes and all dominions are subiect, as king Dauid confesseth, saieng: ‘Omnia sunt regno subdita regna Dei. Gu. Ha. in psal. 103.]’

Now although by this meanes all things séemed to be brought in good and perfect order, yet there lac­ked a wrest to the harpe, to set all the strings in a monocord and perfect tune, which was the matrimo­nie to be finished betweene the king and the ladie E­lizabeth, daughter to king Edward. Which like a good prince, according to his oth, & promise, he did both so­lemnize & consummate shortlie after, that is to saie, on the eightéenth daie of Ianuarie. King Henrie the seuenth ta­keth to wife Elizabeth el­dest daughter of Edward the fourth. By reason of which marriage, peace was thought to descend out of heauen into England, considering that the lines of Lancaster and Yorke were now brought into one knot, and connexed togither, of whose two bodies one heire might succeed to rule and inioie the whole mo­narchie and realme of England, year 1486 which before was rent and diuided into factions & partakings, where­by manie a mans life was lost, great spoiles made of peoples goods, wast of wealth, worship, and honor, all which ended in this blessed and gratious conne­xion, authorised by God, as our Anglorum praelia saith:

Hoc Deus omnipotens pacis confecerat author,
In Hen. 7.
Ciuilísque habuit tandem contentio finem.

Shortlie after, Yeomen of the gard first brought in. for the better preseruation of his roiall person, he constituted and ordeined a certeine number, as well of archers, as of diuerse other per­sons, hardie, strong, and actiue to giue dailie atten­dance on his person, whom he named yeomen of his gard, which president men thought that he learned of the French king when he was in France. For it is not remembred, that anie king of England before that daie vsed anie such furniture of dailie souldiers. ¶ In this same yéere a new kind of sickenes inuaded suddenlie the people of this land, passing through the same from the one end to the other. It began about the one and twentith of September, and continued vntill the latter end of October, being so sharpe and deadlie, that the like was neuer heard of to anie mans remembrance before that time.

For suddenlie a deadlie burning sweat so assai­led their bodies, The swea­ting sicke­nesse. and distempered their bloud with a most ardent heat, that scarse one amongst an hun­dred that sickened did escape with life: for all in ma­ner as soone as the sweat tooke them, or within a short time after, yéelded the ghost. Beside the great number which deceassed within the citie of London, two maiors successiuelie died within eight daies and sir aldermen. At length, by the diligent obseruation of those that escaped (which marking what things had [Page 764] doone them good, and holpen to their deliuerance, vsed the like againe. When they fell into the same disease, the second or third time, as to diuerse it chanced, a remedie was found for that mortall maladie, which was this. A remedie for the sweating sickenesse. If a man on the day time were taken with the sweat, then should he streight lie downe with all his clothes and garments, and continue in his sweat foure and twentie houres, after so moderate a sort as might be.

If in the night he chanced to be taken, then should line 10 he not rise out of his bed for the space of foure and twentie houres, so casting the clothes that he might in no wise prouoke the sweat, but lie so temperatlie, that the water might distill out softlie of the owne accord, and to absteine from all meat if he might so long suffer hunger, and to take no more drinke nei­ther hotnor cold, than would moderatelie quench and asswage his thirstie appetite. Thus with lukewarme drinke, temperate heate, and measurable cloaths manie escaped: few which vsed this order (after it line 20 was found out) died of that sweat. Marie one point diligentlie aboue all other in this cure is to be obser­ued, that he neuer did put his hand or feet out of the bed to refresh or coole himselfe, which to doo is no lesse ieopardie than short and present death. Thus this dis­ease comming in the first yeare of king Henries reigne, was iudged (of some) to be a token and signe of a troublous reigne of the same king, as the proofe partlie afterwards shewed it selfe.

The king re­quested a prest of six thousand markes.The king standing in néed of monie to discharge line 30 such debts, and to mainteine such port as was be­houefull, sent the lord treasuror with maister Regi­nald Braie, and others, vnto the lord maior of Lon­don, requiring of the citie a prest of six thousand marks. Wherevpon the said lord maior and his bre­thren, with the commons of the citie, granted a prest of two thousand pounds, which was leuied of the companies, and not of the wards: and in the yeare next insuing, it was well and trulie againe repaid e­uerie penie, to the good contentation and satisfieng of line 40 them that disbursed it. The king considering that the suertie of his roiall estate and defense of the realme consisted chéefelie in good lawes and ordinances to be had and obserued among his people, A parlement summoned & new lawes for the com­monwealth enacted. summoned eft­soones his high court of parlement, therein to deuise and establish some profitable acts and statutes, for the wealth and commoditie of his people.

After this, hauing set things in quiet about Lon­don, he tooke his iournie into the North parts, there to purge all the dregs of malicious treson that might line 50 rest in the hearts of vnquiet persons, The king go­eth into the North. and namelie in Yorkeshire, where the people bare more fauour vnto king Richard in his life time, than those of anie other part of the realme had commonlie doone. He kept the feast of Easter at Lincolne; where he was certified that the lord Louell and Humfrie Stafford, and Tho­mas Stafford, his brother, were departed out of the sanctuarie at Colchester, to what place or whither, no man as yet could tell. The king little regarding the matter, kept on his iournie, and came to Yorke, where as soone as he was once setled, it was openlie line 60 shewed and declared for a truth to the king himselfe, that Francis lord Louell was at hand with a strong and mightie power of men, A rebellion made by the [...]rd Louell and others. and would with all dili­gence inuade the citie.

It was also told him, that the forenamed Staf­fords were in Worcestershire, and had raised a great band of the countrie people and commons there, Humfrie Stafford. Thomas Stafford. and had cast lots what part should assault the gates, what men should s [...]ale the wals of the citie of Worcester, and who should let the passages for letting of rescues and aiders. The king could not beleeue this report to be true at the first, but after that, by letters of cre­dence sent from his fréends, he was fullie persuaded that it was too true, he was put in no small feare, and not without great cause. For he wiselie conside­red, that he neither had anie competent armie rea­die, nor conuenient furniture to arme them that were present▪ and also he was in such place, where he could not assemble anie power, but of those whome he sore mistrusted, as fréends to them that were most his enimies; the memorie of king Richard as yet being not amongst them forgotten nor worne out of mind.

But bicause the matter required quicke expediti­on, The duke [...] Bedford a­gainst the lord Louell in armes. he appointed the duke of Bedford with three thou­sand men not altogither the best armed (for their brest plates for the most part were of tanned leather) to march foorth against the lord Louell, and to set vpon him without anie lingering of time. The duke ha­sting forward, approched to the campe of his enimies, & before he would assaile them, he caused the heralds to make proclamation, that all those that would de­part from their armour, and submit themselues as subiects vnto their naturall prince and souereigne lord, should be pardoned of all former offenses. The lord Louell vpon this proclamation, either putting mistrust in his souldiers, or fearing himselfe in his owne behalfe, fled priuilie in a night from his com­panie, and left them as a flocke of shéepe without a shéepeheard.

Which departure of the lord when his armie vn­derstood, it put the soldiours in such despaire of atchi­uing anie further enterprise, that they immediatlie put off their armour, and came directlie vnto the duke, euerie man humblie submitting himselfe, and desiring pardon of his offenses. So in this wise was that dangerous storme and cruell rage of those furi­ous rebels appeased, which was doubted would haue growne to the destruction of manie a man. The lord Louell the procurer of this businesse, escaping awaie got him into Lancashire, The lord Lo­uell escaped. and there for a certeine space lay lurking in secret with sir Thomas Brough­ton knight, which in those parties was a man of no small authoritie and power.

Sir Humfreie Stafford also, hearing what had happened to the lord Louell, Sir [...] Stafford [...]a­ken out of Colnham sanctuarie, and execut [...]. in great displeasure and sorrowe, and for feare left his enterprise, and in like manner fled, and tooke sanctuarie at Colnham, a vil­lage not past two miles from Abindon. But bicause that sanctuarie was not a sufficient defense (as was prooued before the iustices of the kings Bench) for traitours, he was taken from that place, & brought to the Tower, & after put to execution at Tiborne: but his brother Thomas that was with him, was pardoned, bicause he was thought not to haue at­tempted anie thing of himselfe otherwise than by the euill counsell and persuasion of his elder brother. Af­ter that the king had quieted all these commotions and tumults, Anno Reg. [...]. and reformed the rude and brabling peo­ple of the North parts, he returned to London.

¶In this yeare Iohn Persiuall, Abr. Fl. ex epitome Rich. Grafto [...] ▪ One of the maiors offi­cers chosen shiriffe of Lō ­don and lord maior. one of the maior of Londons officers, and his caruer, was chosen one of the shiriffes of London. For when the maior (as the custome of London is) dooth elect one of the shiriffes of London for the yeare insuing, by taking and drinking a cup of wine to such a one as he lust to name shiriffe; the maior for the time being, whose name was sir Henrie Collet, tooke the cup of wine, and dranke vnto the aforesaid Iohn Persiuall his caruer standing bareheaded before him, and waiting vpon his boord, and called him shiriffe of London for the yeare insuing: and foorthwith the said maior cau­sed the same Persiuall to sit downe at his owne ta­ble▪ and to couer his head. And the same Persiuall tooke vpon him the office of shiriualtie, and after was maior of London, and was made knight.]

In this meane time, of a small matter, and the [Page 765] same altogither false and fained, there was an open path made and beaten foorth, for a greater inconueni­ence to insue. The which matter might séeme verie strange, how such trouble and mischéefe should grow thereof, if the time were not considered, in which it happened. For in those daies manie persons, either borne in the wombe of continuall dissention, or nou­rished with the milke of ciuill sedition, could not for­beare their vsuall custome of moouing strife, and sow­ing debate, euer glad to haue anie occasion, though line 10 neuer so small, to stirre vprores of warre, and slaugh­ter of people. Which men if they knew (a matter of weightie conceipt) the hurts thereof, they would be as earnest in seeking after peace as they are grée­die in pursuit of warre, speciallie ciuill warre: but the cause whie they are defectiue therein, is the want of méekenesse and humilitie, as the wiseman saith: ‘Mite cor horribili seditione vacat.’

Amongst other such monsters and limmes of the diuell, Sir Richard Simond a fraudulent preest. there was one sir Richard Simond preest, a line 20 man of base birth, and yet well learned, but not so learned as wilie, nor so wilie as vngratious, delight­ing in fraud & deceit, euen from his youth. He had a scholer called Lambert Simenell, one of a gentle nature and pregnant wit, Lambert Simenell the counterfeit earle of War­w [...]ke. to be the organe and chéefe instrument, by the which he might conueie and bring to passe his mischéeuous attempt. The diuell chéefe master of such practises, put in the venemous braine of this disloiall and traitorous préest, to deuise how he might make his scholer the foresaid Lambert to line 30 be reputed as right inheritour to the crowne of this realme: namelie, for that the fame went that king Edwards children were not dead, but fled secretlie into some strange place, and there to be liuing: and that Edward earle of Warwike, sonne and heire to the duke of Clarence, either was, or shortlie should be put to death.

These rumors though they séemed not to be groun­ded of anie likelihood to the wiser sort of men, yet in­couraged this péeuish priest to thinke the time come, line 40 that his scholer Lambert might take vpon him the person and name of one of king Edwards children. And herevpon at Oxford, where their abiding was, the said préest instructed his pupill both with prince­lie behauiour, ciuill maners, and good literature, de­claring to him of what linage he should affirme him­selfe to be descended, and omitted nothing that might serue for his purpose. Soone after, the rumor was blowne abroad, that the earle of Warwike was bro­ken out of prison. And when the préest sir Richard Si­mond heard of this, he streight intended now by that line 50 occasion to bring his inuented purpose to passe, and changing the childes name of baptisme, called him Edward, after the name of the yoong earle of War­wike, the which were both of like yeares, and of like stature.

Then he with his scholer sailed into Ireland, where he so set foorth the matter vnto the nobilitie of that countrie, Thomas Ge­rardine chan­cellor of Ire­land intertei­neth the coun­terfeit earle [...] hono­rabl [...]. that not onelie the lord Thomas Gerar­dine chancellor of that land deceiued through his craf­tie line 60 tale, receiued the counterfeit earle into his castell with all honour and reuerence; but also manie other noble men determined to aid him (with all their pow­ers) as one descended of the bloud roiall, and lineal­lie come of the house of Yorke, which the Irish people euermore highlie fauoured, honoured, and loued a­boue all other. By this meanes euerie man through­out all Ireland was willing and readie to take his part, and to submit themselues to him; alreadie re­puting and calling him of all hands king. So that now they of this sect (by the aduise of the préest) sent into England certeine priuie messengers to get fréends héere.

Also they sent into Flanders to the ladie Mar­garet, sister to king Edward, Margaret duchesse of Burgognie sister to king Edward the fourth, hir malicious mind to Lan­caster house. & late wife to Charles duke of Burgognie, to purchase aid and helpe at hir hands. This ladie Margaret bare no small rule in the low countries, and in verie déed sore grudged in hir heart, that king Henrie (being descended of the house of Lancaster) should reigne and gouerne the realme of England: and therefore, though she well vnderstood that this was but a coloured matter; yet to worke hir malicious intention against king Hen­rie, she was glad to haue so fit an occasion: and ther­fore promised the messengers all the aid that she should be able to make in furtherance of the quarell; and also to procure all the fréends she could in other places, to be alders and partakers of the same con­spiracie.

King Henrie aduertised of all these dooings, was greatlie vexed therewith: and therefore to haue good aduise in the matter, he called togither his councell at the Charterhouse beside his manor of Richmond, and there consulted with them, by which means best this begun conspiracie might be appeased and disap­pointed without more disturbance. A generall pardon excep­ting no offēse. It was therefore determined, that a generall pardon should be publi­shed to all offendors that were content to receiue the same. This pardon was so fréelie granted, that no of­fense was excepted, no not so much as high treason committed against the kings roiall person. It was further agréed in the same councell for the time then present, Order taken that the yoong earle of War­wike should be shewed abroad. that the earle of Warwike should personal­lie be shewed abroad in the citie, and other publike places: whereby the vntrue report falselie spred a­broad, that he should be in Ireland, might be among the communaltie prooued and knowne for a vaine imagined lie.

In this solemne councell, diuerse & manie things for the wealth of the realme were debated and con­cluded. And among other it was determined, that the ladie Elizabeth wife to king Edward the fourth, Ladie Eliza­beth late wife to king Ed­ward the fourth, adiud­ged to forfeit all hir lands, for promise-breaking. should loose and forfeit all hir lands and possessions, bi­cause she had voluntarilie submitted hir selfe and hir daughters wholie to the hands of king Richard, con­trarie to hir promise made to the lords and nobles of this realme in the beginning of the conspiracie made against king Richard, whereby she did inough to haue quailed all the purpose of them that ioined with hir in that matter. But though hir fault was gree­uous, yet was it iudged by some men that she deser­ued not by equitie of iustice so great a losse and pu­nishment. Howbeit, this iudgement was altogither affectionate and parciall in hir behalfe; besides that it was reasonable in great measure (all circumstan­ces considered) for she was not lightlie induced to doo as she did, neither stood it with the frailtie of a woman to withstand the temptations of a mightie man, or rather a reaching tyrant.

But such was hir chance by hir lightnesse and inconstancie, that she wan the displeasure of manie men, and for that cause liued after in the abbeie of Bermondseie beside Southwarke a wretched and a miserable life, where not manie yeares after she de­ceassed, and is buried with hir husband at Windsore. Though fortune thus ruleth manie things at hir ple­sure, yet one worke that this quéene accomplished cannot be forgotten: for in the life time of hir hus­band king Edward the fourth, she founded and erec­ted a notable colledge in the vniuersitie of Cam­bridge, Quéenes col­ledge in Cam­bridge foun­ded by the la­die Elizabeth king Edward the fourth his wife. for the finding of scholers and students of the same vniuersitie, and endowed it with sufficient pos­sessions for the long maintenance of the same, which at this daie is called the Quéenes colledge.

When all things in this counsell were sagelie con­cluded and agréed to the kings mind, he returned to London; giuing in commandement, that the next sundaie insuing, Edward the yoong earle of War­wike [Page 766] should be brought from the Tower through the most publike streets in all London, Edward the right earle of Warwike shewed open­lie in proces­sion. to the cathedrall church of saint Paule, where he went openlie in pro­cession, that euerie man might sée him, hauing com­munication with manie noble men, and with them especiallie that were suspected to be partakers of the late begun conspiracie; that they might perceiue how the Irishmen vpon a vaine shadowe mooued warre against the king and his realme. But this me­dicine little auailed euill disposed persons. For the line 10 earle of Lincolne sonne to Iohn de la Poole duke of Suffolke, and Elizabeth sister to king Edward the fourth, thought it not méet to neglect and omit so rea­die an occasion of new trouble.

Wherefore they determined to vphold the enter­prise of the Irishmen, and other complices of this conspiracie: so that consulting with sir Thomas Broughton, and certeine other of his most trustie freends, An ill matter followed to the proofe. he purposed to saile into Flanders to his aunt the ladie Margaret duchesse of Burgognie, line 20 trusting by hir helpe to make a puissant armie, and to ioine with the companions of the new raised sedi­tion. Therefore after the dissolution of the parlement which then was holden, he fled secretlie into Flan­ders vnto the said ladie Margaret; where Francis lord Louell landed certeine daies before. Héere after long consultation had how to proceed in their busi­nesse, it was agreed, that the earle of Lincolne, and the lord Louell should go into Ireland; and there to attend vpon the duchesse hir counterfeit nephue, and line 30 to honor him as a king, and with the power of the I­rishmen to bring him into England.

Now they concluded, that if their dooings had suc­cesse, then the foresaid Lambert (misnamed the earle of Warwike) should by consent of the councell be deposed, and Edward the true earle of Warwike deliuered out of prison and annointed king. King Henrie supposing that no man would haue béene so mad as to haue attempted anie further enterprise in the name of that new found & counterfeit earle, he line 40 onelie studied how to subdue the seditious conspira­cie of the Irishmen. The earle of Lincolnes flight into Flanders doubted of king Henrie. But hearing that the earle of Lincolne was fled into Flanders, he was somwhat mooued therewith, and caused soldiors to be put in a readinesse out of euerie part of his realme, and to bring them into one place assigned, that when his ad­uersaries should appeare, he might suddenlie set vp­on them, vanquish and ouercome them.

The mar­ques Dorset committed to the Tower.Thus disposing things for his suertie, he went to­wards S. Edmunds burie, and being certified that line 50 the marquesse Dorset was comming towards his maiestie, to excuse himselfe of things that he was suspected to haue doone when he was in France, he sent the earle of Oxford to arrest the said marquesse by the waie, and to conueie him to the Tower of London, there to remaine till his truth might be tri­ed. year 1487 From thence the K. went foorth to Norwich, and tarrieng there Christmasse daie, he departed after to Walsingham, where he offered to the image of our ladie, and then by Cambridge he shortlie returned line 60 to London. In which meane time, the earle of Lin­colne had gotten togither by the aid of the ladie Mar­garet about two thousand Almains, Martin Sward a va­liant capteine of y e Almains, assistant to the earle of Lin­colne. with one Mar­tine Sward, a valiant and noble capteine to lead them.

With this power the earle of Lincolne sailed in­to Ireland, and at the citie of Diuelin caused yoong Lambert to be proclaimed and named king of Eng­land, after the most solemne fashion, as though he were the verie heire of the bloud roiall lineallie borne and descended. And so with a great multitude of beggerlie Irishmen, almost all naked and vnar­med, sauing skains and mantels, of whome the lord Thomas Gerardine was capteine and conductor, they sailed into England with this new found king, The counter­feit earle of Warwike with all his adherents landeth in England. and landed for a purpose at the pile of Fowdreie, within a little of Lancaster, trusting there to find aid by the means of sir Thomas Broughton, one of the chéefe companions of the conspiracie.

The king had knowledge of the enimies intent before their arriuall, and therefore hauing assembled a great armie (ouer the which the duke of Bedford, and the earle of Oxenford were chéefe capteins) he went to Couentrie, where he was aduertised, that the earle of Lincolne was landed at Lancaster with his new king. Héere he tooke aduise of his councel­lors what was best to be doone, whether to set on the enimies without further delaie, or to protract time a while. But at length it was thought best to delaie no time, but to giue them battell, before they should in­crease their power, and therevpon he remooued to Notingham, & there by a little wood called Bowres, he pitched his field.

Shortlie after this came to him the lord George Talbot earle of Shrewesburie, the lord Strange, K. Henries power soone increased. sir Iohn Cheinie, right valiant capteins, with ma­nie other noble and expert men of warre, namelie of the countries neere adioining; The earle of Lincolne en­treth Yorke­shire. so that the kings ar­mie was woonderfullie increased. In this space the earle of Lincolne being entered into Yorkeshire, passed softlie on his iournie without spoiling or hurt­ing of anie man, trusting thereby to haue some com­panie of people resort vnto him. But after he percei­ued few or none to follow him, and that it was too late now to returne backe, he determined to trie the matter by dint of sword, and herevpon directed his waie from Yorke to Newarke vpon Trent.

But before he came there, king Henrie know­ing all his enimies purposes, came the night before the daie of the battell to Newarke; and tarrieng there a little, went thrée miles further, and pitching his field, lodged there that night. The earle of Lin­colne certified of his comming, was nothing aba­shed, but kept still on his iournie; and at a little vil­lage called Stoke, nigh to the king and his armie, set downe his campe. The battell of Stoke. The next daie the king diuided his whole power into thrée battels, and after in good arraie approached nigh to the towne of Stoke. The earle likewise set foorth his armie, and incountring with the kings people in a faire plaine there, meet for the triall of such a conflict, set vpon them with a man­lie courage, desiring his soldiors to remember his honour and their owne liues.

Then both the armies ioined and fought verie earnestlie, in so much that the Almains, The armies ioine. being tried and expert men of warre, were in all things, as well in strength as policie, equals and matches to the Englishmen. But as for Martine Sward their co­ronell, few of the Englishmen, Martine Sward a péerelesse warrior. either in valiant cou­rage, or strength, and nimblenesse of bodie was to him comparable. On the other side, the Irishmen, although they fought manfullie, and stucke to it va­liantlie; yet bicause they were (after the maner of their countrie) almost naked, without anie conuena­ble furniture of armour, they were striken downe and slaine like dull & brute beasts, which was a great discouragement to the residue of the companie. Thus they fought for a space so sore and so egerlie on both parts, that no man could well iudge to whome the victorie was like to incline.

But at length the kings fore-ward being full of people, and well fortified with wings, The kings power ouer­commeth. which onelie both began and continued the fight, set vpon the ad­uersaries with such force and violence, that first they oppressed and killed such capiteins, one by one, as re­sisted their might and puissance: and after that, put all the other to flight, the which were either apprehen­ded as prisoners in their running awaie, or else [Page 767] slaine and brought vnto confusion in a small mo­ment. Now when this battell was ended, and fought out to the extremitie, then it well appeared, what high prowesse, what manfull stomachs, what hardie and couragious hearts rested in the kings aduersaries. For there the cheefe capteins, the earle of Lincolne, and the lord Louell, All the cap­tein [...] of the aduerse part against the king slaine. sir Thomas Broughton, Mar­tine Sward, and the lord Gerardine capteine of the Irishmen were slaine, and found dead in the verie places which they had chosen aliue to fight in, not gi­uing line 10 one foot of ground to their aduersaries.

Howbeit some affirme, that the lord Louell tooke his horsse, and would haue fled ouer Trent, but was not able to recouer the further side for the highnesse of the banke, and so was drowned in the riuer. There were killed at that battell, with their fiue capteins before rehersed, The number of the slaine that were a­gainst the king. Lambert and his maister Simond takē. of that partie about foure thousand. Of the kings part there were not halfe of them which fought in the fore-ward, and gaue the onset slaine or hurt. Then was Lambert the yoongling, which was line 20 falslie reported to be the sonne of the duke of Cla­rence, and his maister sir Richard Simond priest both taken, but neither of them put to death; bicause that Lambert was but an innocent, and of yeares insufficient of himselfe to doo any such enterprise; and the other was pardoned of life, bicause he was a priest, and annointed man; but yet was committed to perpetuall prison.

Lambert was at length made one of the kings falconers, after that he had béene a turnebroch for a line 30 space in the kings kitchen. This battell was fought on a saturdaie being the sixtéenth daie of Iune, in this second yeere of his reigne. In this yéere died Thomas Bourchier archbishop of Canturburie: and Iohn Morton bishop of Elie, Morton bi­shop of Elie made archbi­shop of Can­turburie and chancellor of England. a man of excellent lear­ning, vertue and policie, succeeded in his place, whom Alexander pope of Rome, the sixt of that name, crea­ted a cardinall, and the king created him also chan­cellor of England. Of which pope (hauing so conue­nient a place to speake) it were a fault to omit the line 40 ambition, accompanied with other disorders vnbesée­ming a successor of Peter (but neither personallie nor locallie) as all the brood of them brag of them­selues, & will be intituled with a primasie, vsurped.

Abr. Fl. ex G [...]ic. pag 4, 5. Creation of pope Alexan­der the sixt, Otherwise called Rode­rike Borgia borne at Ue­nice.¶ This Alexander the sixt pope of that name, was sometime an ancient cardinall, and one of the grea­test in all the court of Rome. One meane that raised him to the seat of the pope, was the difference be­tweene the cardinals Ascanius Sforce, and Iulian S. Petriad Uincula: but the chiefest thing that ac­complished line 50 his election, was, that with a new exam­ple for that time, he bought by the consent and know­ledge of euerie one, partlie for monie, and partlie with promises of offices and great dignities, manie voices of the cardinals, who reiecting the instruction of the gospell, Corruption of Cardinals in the election of the pope. were not ashamed to passe to him by sale, an authoritie and power to make merchandize of the holie tresures, & that with the name of the cele­stiall authoritie in the most high part of the temple.

To which abhominable & too too prophane negotia­tion line 60 manie of them were induced by the cardinall Ascanius, but that was not more with persuasions and sutes, than with his example: for that being cor­rupted with the infinit desire of riches, he made the pope promise him for his hire and recompense of so great wickednesse, the office of vicechancellorship (the principallest place in the court of Rome) togi­ther with benefices, castels, and his palace of Rome full of mooueables of great valour. But the pope for all this could not auoid; neither for the time to come, the iudgment and iustice of God; nor for the present, the infamie and iust hate of men, in whom for this e­lection was no small impressions of astonishment and horror, not onelie for that it was intangled with meanes dishonest, but also bicause the natures and conditions of the man chosen, were (for the greatest part) knowen to manie.

Manie sentences and coniectures were made of his successe. And amongst other, Ferdinand king of Naples, dissembling openlie the griefe he had of that election, signified to the quéene his wife with teares (which he was woont to forbeare euen in the death of his children) that there was created a pope who wold be most hurtfull to Italie, and the whole common weale of christendome. A iudgement not vnworthie of the wisedome of such a prince: for that in Alexan­der the sixt (for so would this new pope be called) was a subtiltie, sharpenesse, and expedition of wit most singular, a counsell excellent, a woonderfull efficacie in persuasion, and in all great affaires a iudgement and care incredible. Pope Alexan­der the sixt corrupted with manie vices, But these vertues were maruel­louslie defaced by his vices, for touching his maners and customes, they were verie dishonest, in his admi­nistrations he expressed little sinceritie, in his coun­tenance no shame, in his words small truth, in his heart little faith, and in his opinion lesse religion. Of the contrarie, all his actions were defiled with an in­satiable couetousnesse, and immoderate ambition, a barbarous crueltie, and a burning desire to raise and make great (by what meanes soeuer) his children, who were manie in number; and amongst others, one no lesse detestable than the father, to whose cursed coun­sels he became a wicked instrument. Thus much (by waie of digression) of Alexander, a pope (as you heare) well qualified, and therefore forward enough to creat cardinals both in England and elsewhere of like disposition. But to returne to the storie.]

After that the king had got the vpper hand of his enimies, he remooued to Lincolne, Thanks gi­uen to God after victorie. and there taried thrée dais, causing euerie of the same daies solemne processions to be made in rendering thanks to God for his fortunate victorie. Then caused he execution to be done, Execution vpon the of­fendors. of such rebels & traitors as were taken in the field, either at the battell, or in the chase. And shortlie after he went into Yorkshire, & there coasted the countrie ouerthwart, searching out such as had aided his enimies, and were thought to be seditious persons, whome he punished, some by imprisonment, some by fines, and some by death: according to the qualitie of their offenses, and as was thought most expedient [not by extremitie of rigor inclining to ty­rannie, but by due moderation of iustice tempering execution with clemencie; according to the good rule of iustice prescribed by the wise man, saieng:

Sobria commissum plectat clementia crimen,
Gu. Ha. in ec­cle. cap. 10.
Parua neg at poenam culpa subire grauem.]

About the middest of August entering into the third yere of his reigne, Anno. Reg. 3. he came to Newcastell vpon Tine, and from thence sent in ambassage into Scot­land Richard Fox, Fox bishop of Excester sent ambassador in­to Scotland. latelie before made bishop of Ex­cester, and with him Richard Edgecombe knight, controller of his house, to conclude some peace or truce with king Iames of Scotland. The English ambassadors were honorablie receiued, and louinglie interteined of the said king, who gladlie would haue concluded a perpetuall peace with the king of Eng­land, if he might haue bene licenced so to haue doone: but his people being stedfast in their old accustomed vsage, would not agrée to anie peace, but yet were contented to gratifie their king, A truce with Scotland for seuen yeares. that he should take truce with England for the tearme of seuen yeares, which was concluded.

Then was secret promise made by king Iames, that he would not onlie obserue peace, & continue in perfect amitie with the king of England during his life, but also would renew againe this truce new ta­ken for other seuen yeers, before the first seuen yeers were fullie expired. The king of Scots indéed was [Page 768] as desirous of the king of Englands friendship, as the king of England was of his: bicause that his subiects bare him much euill will, misliking with all things that either he could doo or saie. [So that his regiment was no longer liked, than they were in a good mood, which was when they were well min­ded; and that was neuer: for that if by gentlenesse he allured them, they esteemed him a flatterer; if by seueritie, a tyrant. And therefore it stood him vpon to strengthen himselfe against such a people, of whose line 10 pleasure & displeasure depended his estate.]

K. Henrie after the returne of his ambassadors out of Scotland, King Henrie returneth out of the north countrie. came from Newcastell to Yorke, and so toward London, and in the way being at Lei­cester, there came to him ambassadors from Charles the French king, which declared both the recouerie of certeine townes out of the hands of Maximilian king of Romans, which he had wrongfullie detei­ned from the crowne of France before that time; and also that their maister king Charles had now wars line 20 in hand against Francis duke of Britaine, The French kings request for aid against Frācis duke of Britaine. bicause that he succoured and mainteined diuers noble men, as the duke of Orleance and others, that were rebels and traitors, against him and the realme of France. Wherefore his request was, that for the old familia­ritie that had bene betwixt them, he would either as­sist and helpe him, or else stand neuter betwixt them, neither helping nor yet hurting the one nor the other.

Upon good and deliberate aduise taken in this matter, bicause it was iudged weightie, the king for line 30 answer told the French ambassadors, that he would neither spare paine nor cost, to set some reasonable staie betwixt their souereigne lord king Charles, and the duke of Britaine: so that a finall end and some perfect conclusion of friendship might be had betwixt them. And so as soone as the French ambassadors were returned home, the king sent his chapleine Christopher Urswike ouer into France to king Charles, as well to shew that he was glad of the vic­torie which he had against Maximilian; as to de­clare line 40 what a tempestuous storme of ciuill rebellion himselfe had escaped & ouercome heere in England.

But the chiefest point of Urswikes errand consi­sted in this, King Henries off [...]r to make an attonement betwixt the French king and the duke. that he should intimate to the French king, how his maister king Henrie offered himselfe as a mediator betwixt him and the duke of Britaine, to make them friends: and if he perceiued that the French king gaue eare herevnto, then should he go into Britaine, to mooue the duke there to be conten­ted, that some reasonable order might be taken for a line 50 quietnesse to be had betwixt the French king and him. Whilest Urswike was trauelling in this mat­ter (according to his commission) the king came backe againe to London, Christopher Urswike. where he was receiued of the citizens with great ioy and triumph, they being heartilie glad and greatlie reioising that he with such good successe had subdued his enimies.

Shortlie after, he deliuered the lord Thomas mar­ques Dorset out of the Tower, The marques Dorset deliue­red out of the Tower. receiuing him againe to his former fauor and old familiaritie: bicause his line 60 truth and loialtie by diuers assaies and sundrie argu­ments had béene throughlie tried, and sufficientlie prooued. In which meane time, the king for the great loue that he bare to his wife quéene Elizabeth, The kings loue to his wife quéene Elizabeth. cau­sed hir to be crowned and anointed quéene on saint Katharins day in Nouember, with all solemnitie, as in such cases apperteineth. In the meane season Christopher Urswike (according to his commission) trauelled betwéene the French king and the duke of Britaine in the king of Englands name, to make them friends. But although the French king séemed willing enough to haue peace, yet meant he nothing lesse. For he had as manie subtilties in his heart, as [...]here be faces in the world, according to the poet: ‘Pectoribus fraudes tot sunt quot in orbe figurae.’

For whilest he went about with faire words, cour­teous letters, and swéet promises to beare the king of England in hand to labour a peace betwixt him and the Britains, he inforced his whole puissance to subdue them, and besieged the citie of Nants. And on the other part, the duke of Orleance being with drawne to the duke of Britaine, The duke [...] Orleance p [...] ­taker with the duke of Britaine. and one that r [...]led most about him, had no liking to heare of peace, but did what he could to hinder it. The English ambas­sador Christopher Urswike (hauing thus passed from the French king to the duke of Britaine, and backe againe to the French king) returned shortlie after into England, and shewed vnto king Henrie what he had doone betwixt them.

Immediatlie after came to the French king the lord Bernard Daubeneie a Scot borne, which on the French kings behalfe required K. Henrie to make some maner of end of those Brittish warres, whatso­euer it were. King Henrie being desirous of the same, sent ouer againe into France, Iohn the abbat of Abingdon, sir Richard Edgecombe knight, and the forenamed, Christopher Urswike, with full and per­fect commission & long instructions how to procéed, in driuing of some agréement betwixt the French­men and the Britons. These orators (according as they had in commandement) first went vnto the French king, and after they had communed with him, sir Richard Edgecombe, and Christopher Urs­wike departed streight to the duke of Britaine, in full hope to conclude a peace, vpon such offers and ar­ticles as they had to propone vnto him.

But all their hope was vaine, for the duke refu­sed to agree vpon anie such articles and conditions as they offered; and so without concluding anie thing with the duke, they returned backe into France; and from thence signified to the king of England by let­ters all that they knew, or had doone. year 1488 But in the meane time, Edward lord Wooduile, Edward lord Wooduile a [...] ­deth the duke of Britaine without the kings cōsent▪ vncle to the quéene, sued to king Henrie that he might haue a power of men appointed to him, with the which he would steale priuilie ouer without licence or passe­port, so that euerie man should thinke that he was fled the realme, without knowledge of the king, for that no warre should arise by his meanes betwixt the realmes of France and England, and yet should the duke of Britaine be aided against the power of the Frenchmen, which sought to vanquish him, that they might ioine his countrie vnto the dominion of France: which in no wise ought to be suffered, consi­dering what annoiance & hurt the same might bring to the realme of England in time to come.

Although this request was vtterlie denied, and that the lord Wooduile was streightlie commanded by the king to make no such attempt; yet could not all that staie him, Lord Wood­uile gathere [...] a power in the Ile of Wigh [...]. but that withdrawing him into the Ile of Wight, whereof he was made ruler and cap­teine, he there gathered togither a crue of tall & har­die personages, to the number of 400, & with prospe­rous wind & weather arriued in Britaine, and ioined himselfe with the Britons against the Frenchmen. The French king aduertised herof, was not well ple­sed in his mind towards the king of England; till K. Henrie by new messengers informed him how guilt­lesse he was in the matter, and that by plaine and e­uident pr [...]ofes. With the which excuse the French king séemed to be the better pacified, and was con­tent to dissemble the matter.

Then the English ambassadors, The leag [...]e renewed be­twéene Eng­land and France. renewing the league and amitie betwixt king Henrie & the French king, for the space of twelue moneths, they returned into England, and shewed the king all things that they had either heard or séene; so that he perceiued that the French king dealt craftilie in this matter of [Page 769] Britaine, still motioning peace when he meant no­thing else but warre. The king cal­l [...]th a parle­ment. He therefore called his high court of parlement, in the which it was not onelie de­termined that the duke of Britaine should be aided with a power of men against the wrongfull inuasi­ons of the Frenchmen, but also there were diuerse summes of monie granted to the furnishing foorth and maintenance of the same. And immediatlie hervpon, the king sent his ambassadors into France to certifie the French king what the estates assem­bled line 10 in parlement here in England had decréed.

Wherefore he required him either to surceasse the warres which he had in hand against the Britons, A perempto­ [...] ambassage [...] of Eng­land into France. or else not to be gréeued though he condescended to the iudgement and determination of the lords both spi­rituall and temporall, and commons of his realme, in taking vpon him the defense of the duke of Bri­taine; promising neuerthelesse that the English ar­mie should onelie take land within the duchie of Bri­taine, and séeke to defend the same against all those line 20 that did inuade it, and not to make anie warre with­in the French dominions. This message was no­thing regarded of the French king, in so much that the French armie procéeded in oppressing the Bri­tons, destroieng the countrie, and besieging townes.

At length on the seuen and twentith, or (as the chro­nicles of Aniou haue) the eight and twentith daie of Iulie, the duke of Britains armie gaue battell to the French host néere to a towne called saint Aulbin, ha­uing apparelled a thousand and seuen hundred of the line 30 Britons in coates with red crosses, The battell of saint Aulbin in Britaine, betweene the duke of Bri­taine and the French king. after the English fashion, to make the Frenchmen beleeue that they had a great number of Englishmen, although they had but foure hundred onelie with the lord Wooduile. The victorie in this battell fell to the Frenchmen, so that almost all the Englishmen were slaine with the lord Wooduile, Lord Wood­u [...]le slaine. beside six thousand Britons. The duke of Orleance and the prince of Orainge were taken prisoners, which were there on the Britons part. The Frenchmen lost twelue hundred men, and amongst line 40 other, that valiant Italian capteine Iames Galeot.

These newes being brought into England, caused king Henrie to make hast in sending foorth his ar­mie, King Henrie sendeth foorth his armie a­gainst the French. and therefore was the lord Brooke, with sir Iohn Cheinie, sir Iohn Middleton, sir Rafe Hilton, sir Ri­chard Corbet, sir Thomas Leighton, sir Richard La­ton, and sir Edmund Cornewall sent ouer into Bri­taine with all conuenient speed, hauing with them an eight thousand men, well armed and furnished in warlike wise, to aid the duke of Britaine against the line 50 Frenchmen. These lustie capteins being arriued in Britaine, after they had a little refreshed them, mar­ched forward, and comming neere to their enimies, pitched downe their field, not farre from the French­mens campe.

The Frenchmen by experience knowing the Eng­lishmen (so long as they be fresh and lustie) in maner to be inuincible, When the French be i [...]uincible. thought not good to match with them in open battell, till they were somewhat wearied with lieng and lingering abroad in the field. And therefore line 60 at the first they sought to wearie them with light skirmishes, appointing their horssemen to giue them alarmes, & some skirmishes; in the which the French­men, by reason of the English archers (which galled both men and horsses) were euer put to the worsse. But behold the mutabilitie of worldlie chances! Whiles this warre was thus set forward, Francis duke of Britaine departed this life, Francis duke [...] Britaine [...]eth. & then the cheefe rulers of Britain, falling at dissention among them­selues, tendered not the defense of their countrie, but rather minded the destruction thereof.

Herevpon the Englishmen, perceiuing in what danger they were, and considering that it was in the middest of winter, a time not meet for men of warre to lie in the cold and frostie fields, they returned into England, within fiue monethes after their first set­ting foorth. So that finallie the French king got the vpper hand of the Britons, and did incorporate that duchie to his realme and crowne of France, The duchie of Britaine in­corporated to the realme of France. as in the historie of France it may appeere at large. ¶ In Iulie this yeere was a prest leuied for the king in the citie of London, of foure thousand pounds, which was repaied the yeare next following. In September, the quéene was deliuered at Winchester of hir first sonne, named prince Arthur; Iohn Stow. The birth of prince Ar­thur. and the fiue and twen­tith of Nouember (next insuing) she was crowned at Westminster with all due solemnitie.

Yée haue heard, how there was in the last parle­ment monie granted for the furnishing foorth of the armie into Britaine; that is to wit, it was agréed, Anno Reg. 4. that euerie man should be taxed after the rate of his substance, to paie the tenth penie of his goods. Which monie the most part of them that dwelled in the bi­shoprike of Durham, and in the parties of Yorke­shire refused vtterlie to paie: either for that they thought themselues ouercharged with the same; or were procured to shew themselues disobedient, tho­rough the euill counsell of some seditious persons, which conspired against the king, to put him to new trouble. Therefore such as were appointed collectors, The collec­tors of the subsidie com­plaine to the earle of Nor­thumberland that they can­not get in the tax monie. after that they could not get the monie, according to their extract deliuered to them by the commissio­ners, they made their complaint priuilie to Henrie the fourth earle of Northumberland, chiefe ruler of the North parts.

The earle foorthwith signified to the king all that matter, year 1489 and the king not willing to pardon them of anie one penie (least the example might doo hurt by incouraging others to shew the like stubbornes in o­ther parts of the realme) cōmanded the earle either by distresse or otherwise, to leuie the monie as he should thinke most meet. The rude and beastlie people hea­ring of this answer from the king, by and by with great violence set vpon the earle by the exciting of a simple fellow named Iohn a Chamber, The earle of Northumber­land murthe­red by the northerne re­bels at the in­stigation and setting on of Iohn a Chamber. whome the erle with faire words sought to appease. But they like vnreasonable villaines, alledging all the fault to be in him, as chiefe author of the tax, furiouslie and cru­ellie murthered both him and diuerse of his houshold seruants. Diuerse affirme that the Northerne men bare against this earle continuall grudge euer since the death of king Richard, whome they entirelie fa­uoured.

Although this offense was great and heinous; yet there succéeded a more mischiefe: A rebellion in the north for a tax granted by parlement. for incontinent­lie (to cloke this presumptuous murther) the Nor­therne men got them to armour, and assembling to­gither, chose them a capteine, no lesse seditious than desirous of trouble, Sir Iohn E­gremond cap­teine rebell. called sir Iohn Egremond knight; and passing by the countries, they published and declared that they would bid the king battell on­lie in defense of their liberties & common fréedome, of the which he went about to beereaue them. But when the matter should come to be tried with blowes, their harts so fainted that they scattered a­waie, euerie man séeking to saue himselfe by flight: but that little auailed them.

For the king hearing of this businesse, sent foorth Thomas earle of Surreie (whome not long before he had deliuered out of the Tower, Thomas erle of Surrie sent with a power against the north rebels. and receiued to his speciall fauour) with a crue of men, to chastise those rebels of the north parts, who skirmished with a cer­teine companie of them, and them discomfited, and tooke aliue Iohn a Chamber, the first beginner of this rebellion. The king himselfe road after into Yorkeshire, of whose comming the sturdie rebels were so abashed and afraid, that they fled more and lesse: which afterward were apprehended, and puni­shed [Page 770] according to their demerits. Yet the king of his clemencie pardoned the innocent people, and ex­ecuted the chiefe procurers. Iohn a Chā ­ber hanged like an arch­traitor. For Iohn a Chamber was hanged at Yorke on a gibbet set vpon a square paire of gallowes like an archtraitor, and his com­plices and lowd disciples were hanged on the lower gallowes round about their maister, to the terrible example of other.

Sir Iohn Egremond fi [...]eth into Flanders.But sir Iohn Egremond fled into Flanders to the ladie Margaret duchesse of Burgognie, that euer en­uied line 10 the prosperitie of king Henrie. After this the king returned to London, leauing the earle of Sur­reie to rule the north parts, and appointed sir Richard Tunstall, a man of great wit and policie, to gather the subsidie to him due of the people. This yeare the king borrowed of euerie alderman of London two hundred pounds, The king bo­roweth a gret summe of mo­nie of the chā ­ber of Londō. and of the Chamber nine thousand eightie two pounds seuenteene shillings foure pence; which he repaied againe to the vttermost, with great equitie and thankefulnes. [A vertue verie lau­dable line 20 in this good king, and so much the more note­worthie as it is rare; speciallie in mightie men and great estates of the world, that count what soeuer they can catch their owne, as though the pursses of the people were theirs to possesse at pleasure & vse at lust, without conscience or care of restitution. Which foule fault Ecclesiasticus noteth (affirming that all is lost that is lent them) in expresse words, saieng:

Reddere magnates nolunt, quae mutuasumunt,
G [...]. Ha. in Ec­cle, cap. 8.
Mutua quae trades interijsse scias.]

In this season, the emperour Frederike made line 30 warre against the Flemings, namelie against Bru­ges and certeine townes of Flanders, A rebellion in Flanders. which had re­belled against his sonne Maximilian king of Ro­mans, their liege and souereigne lord; in so much that they of Bruges had not onelie slaine his officers but imprisoned him within their towne, Maximilian king of Ro­mans impri­soned at Bru­ges by the townesmen. till they had caused him to pardon all their offenses, and also to sweare neuer to remember, nor reuenge the same in time to come. But his father Frederike the empe­rour could not suffer such a reproch & dishonour doone line 40 to his sonne (whose fame & princelie estate as he ten­dered and had in gelosie; so was it his hart gréefe and immoderat vexation that he should be abused of o­pen contemners, in such villanous sort as tended highlie to the indignitie of his person, and the aggra­uating of their offense and punishment) to passe vn­reuenged, & therefore scourged the countrie of Flan­ders with sharpe and cruell warre.

The lord of Rauensteine being driuen to take the line 50 same oth, that his master Maximilian tooke at Bru­ges, to shew that the warre was not begun with his assent, forsooke Maximilian his lord, and tooke the townes of Ipre and Sluis, with both the castels of the same hauen, and further did not onelie stir the Gantois, Brugeans, and other towns of Flanders, to rebell against their souereigne lord; but also sent to the French kings lieutenant in Picardie, the lord Cordes, to aid him to conquer such townes of Flan­ders, The lord Cordes ma­keth aduan­tage of occa­sion. as were not of his opinion. The lord Cordes, line 60 otherwise called monsieur de Querdes, was glad to haue so good occasion to set foot in Flanders, as he that had sufficient instructions of his maister the French king, vpon anie such offred occasion so to doo, sent foorthwith to the aid of the Flemings eight thou­sand Frenchmen, commanding them to conquer such townes, as were in the waie betwixt France and Bruges.

The capteins, according to his deuise, besieged a little walled towne called Dirmew, to whome came foure thousand Flemings with vittels and artillerie, sent from the lord of Rauenstein. They laid siege on the north side of the towne, in a marish ground then being drie, and so déepelie ditched and rampired their campe about (on which rampire they laid their ordi­nance) that it was in maner impossible to enter their campe, or doo them anie displeasure or damage. The K. of England was dailie aduertised of these dooings, which nothing lesse desired than to haue the English pale inuironed with French fortresses. King [...] sendeth the lord D [...]u [...]e­ne [...]e and the lord M [...]rl [...]a against the French. Wherefore to preuent that mischiefe in time, with all expedition he sent ouer to the lord Daubeneie, then his deputie of Calis, the lord Morleie, with a crue of valiant ar­chers & souldiers, to the number of a thousand men, with priuie instructions what they should doo.

At their comming ouer it was bruted abroad, that they were sent onelie to defend the English pale, a­gainst all attempts that might vpon the sudden in a­nie wise be made by the Frenchmen, or Flemings: but their enterprise was all otherwise. For on a tuesdaie at the shutting of the gates at night, the lord Daubneie chiefeteine of the armie, the lord Morleie, sir Iames Tirrell capteine of Guisnes, sir Henrie Willoughbie, sir Gilbert Talbot, and sir Humfreie Talbot marshall of Calis, with diuerse other knights, and esquiers, and other of the garisons of Hammes, Guisnes, and Calis, to the number of two thousand men or thereabouts, issued priuilie out of Calis, & passed the water of Graueling in the mor­ning betimes; and left there for a stale, and to kéepe the passage, sir Humfreie Talbot, with six score ar­chers, and came to Newport, Sir Humfr [...] Talbot with his six score archers. where they found the so­uereigne of Flanders with six hundred Almaines, and there they staied that night.

On the next daie they went toward Dixmew, and by the guiding of a prisoner, that should haue beene hanged on the next morning, The good ser­uice of a wretch that should haue béene hanged they issued out of the south gate of the towne of Dixmew, and were con­ueied by their said guide by an high banke set with willowes; so that the Gantois could not well espie them, and so secretlie gat to the end of their enimies campe, and there paused. The lord Daubeneie com­manded all men to send their horsses and wagons backe, but the lord Morleie said he would ride till he came to hand strokes. Thus they marched foorth till they came to a low banke, and no déepe ditch, where the ordinance laie; and there the archers shot altogi­ther, euerie man an arrow, and so fell prostrate to the ground. A policie. The enimies herewith discharged their ordi­nance, and ouershot them.

The Almains lept ouer the ditch with their mo­rice pikes. The Englishmen in the fore-front waded the ditch, and were holpen vp by the Almains, and set on their enimies, and tooke manie prisoners. The o­ther Englishmen hasted by the causie to enter in at the north gate of the campe, The lord Morlie slaine▪ where the lord Morleie being on horssebacke in a rich coate, was slaine with a gun. When his death was knowen, euerie man kil­led his prisoner, and slue all such as did withstand them, to the number of eight thousand men; The number of the slaine [...] both parts. in so much that of two thousand that came out of Bruges (as the Flemish chronicle reporteth) there came not home one hundred. On the English part was slaine the lord Morleie, and not an hundred more.

The Englishmen tooke their ordinance and sent it to Newport, with all the spoile and great horsses. And by the waie hearing certeine Frenchmen to be at Ostend, they made thitherward: but the French­men fled, and so they burned part of the towne, and came againe to Newport, where the lord Daubeneie left all the Englishmen that were hurt and returned to Calis, where he buried the bodie of the lord Mor­leie. The Englishmen got great riches at this field, for they that went foorth in cloth, came home in silke, The Eng [...] souldiers in­riched. and those that went out on foot, came home on great horsses. The lord Cordes being at Ipre with twentie thousand men, was sore displeased with this ouer­throw; & therefore thinking to be reuenged, besieged the [Page 771] towne of Newport right stronglie, Newport be­ [...]ged by the Frenchmen. and shot dailie at the wals, breaking them in manie places.

But the Englishmen that were hurt at Dixmew field before, and might either stand or draw bowe, ne­uer came from the wals. On a daie the Frenchmen gaue a great assault to a tower, and perforce entered it, and set vp the banner of the lord Cordes. But sée the chance! During the time of the assault, there arri­ued a barke with foure score fresh English archers, which came streight to the tower, and did so much, that line 10 what with the helpe of such as before were wounded and hurtmen, and of the couragious harts of the new come archers incouraged greatlie by the women of the towne, English archers. crieng; Shoot Englishmen, shoot: the tower was regained out of the Frenchmens hands, and the banner of the lord Cordes rent in péeces, and in place thereof the penon of saint George set vp. Then the Frenchmen, supposing a great aid of Eng­lishmen to haue béene come to the towne by sea, left the assault.

The malici­ous and foolish words of the lord Cordes.And the night following, the enuious lord Cordes line 20 (which so sore longed for Calis, that he would com­monlie saie, that he could be content to lie seuen yeares in hell, so that Calis were in possession of the Frenchmen) brake vp his siege, and returned to Hel­ding with shame. And the Englishmen glad of this victorie returned to Calis. Iames king of Scots slaine by his [...]wne subiects. This yeare Iames the third of that name king of Scots was slaine by his owne subiects, after they had vanquished him in a pigh [...] field. About the same time one Adrian an Ita­lian line 30 was sent in ambassage from pope Innocent the eight into Scotland, to haue taken vp the variance betwixt the king there and his people. But being ar­riued here in England, he was informed that king Iames was slaine, and therfore taried here certeine moneths.

And for that he was a man of excellent learning, vertue, and humanitie, the archbishop of Can­turburie Iohn Morton so commended him to the king, Adrian an I­talian made bishop of He­reford, and af­ter of Bath and Welles. that he made him first bishop of Hereford, and line 40 shortlie after, that resigned and giuen ouer, he pro­moted him to the bishoprike of Bath and Welles. And after that with these honors he was returned to Rome, he was aduanced by all the degrées of spiri­tuall dignities into the college of the cardinals. And wor [...]hie sure he was of great preferment, for by his meanes, learned men were mooued to séeke out the vse of eloquent writing and speaking in the Latine toong, he being the first in the time of our fathers that taught the trade to choose and vse apt words and fit termes. line 50

1490 Anno Reg. 6.In the sixt yeare of king Henries reigne there came ambassadors to him from the French king the lord Francis of Lutzenburgh, Ambassadors from y e Frēch king to the king of Eng­land. Charles Marignane, and Robert Gaguine minister of the Bonnehom­mes of the trinitie. The effect of their comming was to haue concluded a peace with king Henrie, and that with good will the French king might dispose of the mariage of the yoong duchesse of Britaine, as he should thinke good; and to make void the contract and former mariage, which by proxie the deputie of Maxi­milian line 60 king of Romans had before time contracted & made with hir. But thereto would not king Henrie giue his consent, euer harping on this string, that the maiden being once lawfullie combined in matrimo­nie with Maximilian, ought not to be compelled a­gainst hir will and promise (yea and contrarie to all law, right and equitie) to take anie other person than him to hir spouse and husband.

[...]. Henrie is [...] that the French king should marrie the duchesse of Britaine.In deed king Henrie was loth that the French king should marrie the duchesse of Britaine himselfe (as he perceiued his meaning was) and so some the duchie of Britaine to the crowne of France: and therefore he did what he could to hinder that bar­gaine. Yet at length it was agréed that a forme of a league should be drawen with conditions, clauses, and couenants. And for full concluding of the same, it was thought expedient, that the king of England should send ambassadors to the French king to finish all matters betwixt them. Wherevpon the French ambassadors being dismissed with great rewards, streightwaies Thomas erle of Ormond, and Tho­mas Goldenston prior of Christes church in Cantur­burie, were appointed by the king to follow them in­to France, instructed fullie in althings that he would haue on his behalfe either moued or determined.

In this meane space, Lionell bishop of Concordia sent from the pope to the French king. Lionell the bishop of Con­cordia was sent as oratour from pope Alexander the sixt to the French king for certeine matters: and a­mongst other things, he had in charge to conclude a peace and vnitie betwixt the French king and the king of England. He moouing this matter to the French king, found him nothing strange to incline to his motion. Wherevpon the bishop of Concordia conceiuing good hope, and therewith desirous (as be­came him best bearing that title) to set an attone­ment betwixt those two kings, tooke his iournie to­wards England, to the intent he might mooue king Henrie to be agréeable therevnto, and so comming to Calis, found the English ambassadors there, be­ing so farre on their waie towards the French king; and being honorablie receiued of them into that towne, after they had communed togither, the bishop tooke the sea, and was transported ouer into Eng­land, and the ambassadors departed towards the French king.

After the bishop of Concordia had talked with king Henrie, and perceiued that (vpon reasonable conditions) he could be content to conclude a peace with all christian princes, and to liue in rest after so manie troubles afore time susteined, the said bishop returned backe into France to sollicit this purpose to some perfect conclusion. But the Frenchmen so handled the matter, that whilest they outwardlie shewed how they desired nothing but fréendship and amitie, The duchesse of Britaine maried to K. Charles. they allured the yoong dutchesse of Britaine to submit hirselfe wholie to their discretion, so that shortlie after she was maried to king Charles. Now the English ambassadors, after they perceiued which waie the wind would bl [...]w, returned againe to their countrie, and nothing doone or agreed vpon in their matter.

King Henrie sore troubled in his mind therwith, determining no more with peaceable messages, but with open warre to determine all controuersies be­twixt him and the French king, called his high court of parlement, A parlement wherin king Henrie ope­neth the iust cause of ma­king warres against France. and there declared the cause why hée was iustlie prouoked to make warre against the Frenchmen: and therefore desired them of their be­neuolent aid of men and monie toward the mainte­nance therof. The cause was so iust, that euerie man allowed it; and to the setting foorth of the war taken in hand for so necessarie an occasion, euerie man pro­mised his helping hand. The king commended them for their true and faithfull hearts. And to the intent that he might spare the poorer sort of the common [...] (whome he euer desired to kéepe in fauor) he thought good first to exact monie of the richest sort by waie of a beneuolence.

Which kind of leuieng monie was first deuised by king Edward the fourth, Who first de­ [...]ed the exacti­on of monie called a bene­uolence. Sée pag. 694. as it appeareth before in his historie. King Henrie following the like example, published abroad, that by their open gifts he would measure and search their beneuolent hearts and good minds toward him, so that he that gaue most, should be iudged to be his most louing fréend; and he that gaue little, to be esteemed according to his gift. By this it appeareth, that whatsoeuer is practised for the [Page 772] princes profit, and brought to a president by matter of record, maie be turned to the great preiudice of the people, if rulers in authoritie will so adiudge and determine it. But by this means king Henrie got innumerable great summes of monie, with some grudge of the people, for the extremitie shewed by the commissioners in diuers places.

1491.Ye haue heard before, how the lord of Rauenstein, by the aid of Bruges & Gant, had taken the towne and two castels of Sluis, which he kept against his line 10 souereigne lord Maximilian, and getting into the ha­uen certeine ships and barks, robbed, spoiled, & tooke prisoners the ships and vessels of all nations that passed alongest by that coast, towards the mart at Antwerpe, or into anie part of Brabant, Zeland, or Friseland, and was euer sufficientlie vittelled out of France and Picardie. There was a little towne also two miles from Bruges towards the sea, called Dam, which was a bulworke to Bruges, and an hed­spring to Sluis. The king of Romans had attemp­ted line 20 the wining of this towne diuers times, but mis­sed his purpose; Albert the duke of Sax­onies policie to get the towne of Dam. till at length Albert duke of Saxo­nie, a great fréend to the king of Romans, by policie found meanes to get it.

This duke feining himselfe as a neuter betwixt the king of Romans, and the rebels of Flanders, re­quired of the lords of Bruges, that he might enter peaceablie into their towne according to his estate, with a certeine number of men of armes, to com­municate with them diuerse matters of great line 30 weight, and sent before his cariages and herbengers to make prouision. They of Bruges were in no doubt of him, so that his men of warre entered in­to the citie in good order, and he followed. They that went before, inquired for innes and lodgings, as though they would haue rested there all the night, and so went foorth still in order asking after lodgings, till they came at the gate that leadeth directlie to­ward Dam, distant from Bruges a Flemish mile, which is called the bulworke of Bruges. line 40

The capteins and inhabitants of Dam suspecting no harme to come out of Buges, thought their freends (knowing some danger towards) had sent them aid, and so nothing mistrusting those that appro­ched their towne, suffered them to enter, and so was the towne of Dam taken by sleight, which could not be woone by open force. This chance sore displeased them of Bruges, for now could they haue no recourse to the s [...]a▪ so that they must néeds fall into ruine and decaie. The duke of Saxonie thus hauing woone the line 50 towne of Dam, The duke of Saxonie sen­ [...]eth for aid to king Henrie to win Sluis sent to the king of England, that if it would please him to minister anie aid by sea, hée would besiege Sluis by land. Wherevpon the king of England, vpon due consideration of the dukes motion (as he was wise enough in all his enterpri­ses, and no lesse fortunate in the issue of the same) would conclude nothing vpon the sudden, but (as he did alwaies) ruled his affaires by good counsell, like to the wise man commended in the holie scripture: ‘ Gu. Hae. in Tob. 4.Consilio sapiens semper sua facta gubernat. line 60’

At last he well remembring that Sluis was a [...]ousenest, and a verie den of théeues to them that trauersed the seas towards the east parts, inconti­nentlie dispatched sir Edward Poinings a right va­liant knight and hardie capteine, Sir Edward Poinings a valian [...] capi­teine sent into Flanders with an armie with twelue ships well furnished with bold souldiers and sufficient ar­tiller [...]e. Which sir Edward sailed into the hauen, and kept the lord of Rauenstein from starting by sea. The Duke of Saxonie besieged one of the castels, lieng in a church ouer against it: and the Englishmen as­saulted the l [...]sse castell, and issued out of their ships at the ebbe, neuer suffering their enimies to rest in quiet one day togither for the space of twentie dais, and euerie day slue some of their aduersaries; and on the English part were slaine one Uere, One Uere brother to the earle o [...] Ox­ford slaine. brother to the earle of Oxford, and fiftie more.

The lord of Rauenstein had made a bridge of botes betwéene both the castels, to passe from the one to the other; which bridge one night the English­men did set on fire. Then he, perceiuing that he must lose his castels by force, and that the Flemings could not ai [...] him, yéelded the castels to sir Edward Poinings, and the towne to the duke of Saxonie, vpon certeine conditions. Sir Edward Poinings kept the castels a while, of whom the Almains de­manded their wages, bicause the duke had nothing to paie. Then these two capteins so handled them of Bruges, that they not onelie submitted them­selues to their lord Maximilian; but also were con­tented to paie and dispatch the Almains. And so sir Edward Poinings taried there a long space, and at length returned to the king before Bullogne.

The sixt day of Aprill this present yeare, the nobles of the realme assembled in the cathedrall church of S. Paule in London, where the maior of the same citie, his brethren the aldermen, and the craftesmen in their liueries also assembled: Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 866. to whome doctor Morton chancellor made an oration, declaring how the king of Spaine had woone the great and rich citie & coun­trie of Granado from the Turks: for ioy whereof Te Deum was soong with great solemnitie. ¶ But bi­cause it is requisite and necessarie in this ample vo­lume, Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall, in Hen. 7. fo. xxii [...] ▪ &c. to set downe the report of accidents as they are to be found at large in our owne English wri­ters: Granado woone from the Turkes or Sarac [...]. you shall heare for the furtherance of your knowledge in this matter concerning Granado, what Ed. Hall hath left noted in his chronicle. Which although it conteine diuerse actions of superstition, and popish trumperie: yet should it not offend the reader, considering that a people estranged from the true knowledge of God and sincere religion put the same in practise, as supposing principall holinesse to consist in that blind deuotion.

On the sixt of Aprill (saith he) this yéere, the king commanded all the nobilitie of his realme to assem­ble at the cathedrall church of S. Paule in London, where (after Te Deum solemnlie soong) the cardinall of Canturburie, standing on the steps before the quier doore, declared to the people, how the famous citie of Granado, which manie yeares had beene possessed of the Moores or Mauritane nation, being infidels & vnchristened people, was now of late be­sieged a great time by Don Ferdinando and Eliza­beth his wife, king and quéene of Spaine, Arragon, and Castile. And the said infidels, by reason of siege brought to great penurie and miserie, for lacke of vittels & necessarie viands, perceiuing that all suc­cours were clerelie stowed and excluded from them, and so brought into vtter despaire of aid, or comfort, after long consultation had amongst them, determi­ned to render themselues and their citie to the said king vpon diuerse couenants and conditions, and therevpon sent to him diuerse senators of the citie fullie instructed of their mind and purpose.

The king of Spaine and his councell, considering and sagelie pondering that winter approched & was at hand, and that the christian host had long lieu in the fieldes in sore tempests and greeuous stormes (which they gladlie suffered for Christes sake, in whose cause and quarell they made that present warre) re­remembring also that the citie was of such riches, fame, and estimation, that it conteined an hundred and fiftie thousand houses of name, The citie of Granado con­teined an hu [...]dred and fiftie thousand hou­ses, besides co­tages & [...] dwellings. beside other small houses and cotages; & that it was replenished with people innumerable, and furnished with three score and ten thousand good fighting men; and finallie, perceiuing that he might inioy now the possession of the same, without assault or effusion of christian [Page 773] bloud by the aduise of his councell, he accepted, ac­corded, and agreed to their offers the twentie and fift of Nouember, in the yeare of Christs incarnation 1491, then being the daie of saint Katharine.

By the which composition, the roiall citie of Gra­nado, with all the holds and fortresses of the realme, and the towers and castels of Alpussarare was ren­dered into the hands of the said king of Spaine; and that the king of Granado should become subiect and vassall to the king of Spaine, and to relinquish and line 10 forsake the vsurped name of a king for euer: and that all the men of warre should frankelie depart out of the citie, and none there to remaine, but artifi­cers and merchants: and all these things to be doone before the fiue & twentith day of Ianuarie. But the time was preuented, for the Moores on the first day of Ianuarie sent six hundred notable personages out of the citie with their children for hostages into the campe of the king of Spaine, to the intent that he should put no diffidence nor mistrust in the citi­zens, Hostages de­liuered to the K. of Spaine for his secu­ritie. line 20 but that he might peaceablie and quietlie with his people enter into the citie, and take possession of the same. The which hostages were distributed and lodged in the tents and pauillions of the Spanish armie.

The third of Ianuarie, the lord of Guitterins Car­denes, great master & gouernor of Lion, of the order of S. Iames, departed from the armie, noblie and triumphantlie accompanied with fiue hundred hors­men, and thrée thousand footmen toward the citie. line 30 And as he approched néere to the suburbs, there issued out diuers noble and valiant capteins of the Moores, making to him humble obeisance, and conducted him to a palace adioining to the citie, called the pa­lace of Anaxaras, and from thense conueied him to the palace roiall of the same citie called Alhambra, whereof hée tooke quiet and peaceable possession, to the behoofe of the king of Spaine, The banqui­shed people h [...]mblie sub­mit thēselues to the kings vicegerent, & deliuer vp the keies of the citie. whome the Moores promised and confessed to take and obeie, as their king and souereigne lord. And in signe line 40 and token that they thought in their hearts, that which they promised by mouth; they prostrated and humbled themselues before the said great master, and with dolorous lamentation and salt teares deli­uered to him the keies of the said palace.

When he had the keies, and was also possessed of that strong and magnificent place, he first of all dis­patched the house of all the Moores and pagans, and appointed a garrison of valiant and noble christians, to kéepe and defend the same: and the same day cau­sed line 50 a masse solemnlie to be celebrate in a place of the same palace called Melchita; which done and finished, he tooke possession of all the fortresses, towers, and holds to the said citie and towne of Granado belon­ging or apperteining. And then he caused to be erec­ted and set vp on the highest tower of the palace (where it might best be séene) the signe and token of the crosse, whereon Christ for vs sinners suffered his bitter passion. At the raising whereof were present an archbishop, and thrée bishops, with other prelats, line 60 which deuoutlie sang this antheme: O crux, aue spes vnica.

The said crosse was thrée times deuoutlie lifted, and at euerie exaltation, the Moores being within the citie, rored, howled, & cried, prostrating themselues, groueling on the ground, & making dolorous noise and pitifull outcries. The armie incamped without the citie, seeing these things, humbled themselues méekelie before the crosse, rendering to almightie God their most humble and heartie thankes. The king of Spaine, The maner of the Spanish kings giuing of thanks for victorie. being mounted on horssebacke, per­ceiuing the erection of the crosse, descended from his genet, and knéeled downe on the bare ground; and rendered to God, la [...]d, honour, and praise; for that noble and triumphant victorie. And after that the crosse was thus set vp on the high tower, the banner of saint Iames, and the kings banners were pitched and fixed vpon the turrets and pinacles of the citie: an herald standing in the top of the high tower, pro­claming and publishing these words following.

Saint Iames, saint Iames, saint Iames; Castile, Castile, Castile; Granado, Granado, Granado. ‘By high and mightie power, lord Ferdinando and Eli­zabeth, king and quéene of Spaine, haue woone from the infidels and Moores the citie and realme of Gra­nado, through the helpe of our Lord God, & the most glorious virgin his mother, and the vertuous apostle S. Iames, and the holie father Innocent the eight, togither with the aids and succours of the great pre­lats, knights, and other gentlemen borne, and com­mons of their realmes and countries.’ When the herald had finished, the artillerie sounded, The Spani­ards reioising & triumphing after the con­quest of the Moores. the min­strels blew, the people applauded and clapped their hands for gladnesse, that the earth séemed to tremble and quake vnderneath them.

After this ioy ended, there issued out of the citie in maner of procession, seuen hundred and mo christi­ans, as well men, as women and children, which had bin there prisoners and liued in bonds, seruitude, and miserable captiuitie, whereof the most part were na­ked, wounded, and in maner famished for hunger. To whome the king (of his great liberalitie) gaue both apparell, viands and monie. These poore prisoners comming out of the citie sang this psalme; Bene­dictus Dominus Deus Israel, qui visitauit & fecit redemp­tionem pledis suae; Blessed be the Lord God of Israel, which hath visited and redeemed his people. And so singing foorth the psalme, went to the church of saint Faith, which the king Ferdinando had caused to bée most sumptuouslie edified during the time of the siege, being distant from Granado two or thrée miles.

Now as this poore procession passed by the host, one espied his sonne, and another saw his brother; and the son perceiued the father, and the father found the daughter, which were now deliuered out of mise­rable seruitude and bondage. But they could not re­fraine nor bridle themselues from distilling of teares and sobbing, séeing their parents and kinsfolke resto­red to libertie & fréedome. And when these people had said their orisons in the church of saint Faith, and were come to the armie, they knéeled before the king, kissed his féet, crieng with one voice; God grant to the king of Spaine euerlasting life. The next daie after the lord Euerus de Mendoza, The lord E­uerus de Mē ­doza made capteine of the house roiall. earle of Tendi­glie, was by the king made capteine of the house roiall and principall tower of the citie of Granado, called Alhambra, hauing to him appointed and assig­ned one thousand men of armes, and two thousand footmen. Unto the which earle, the great master deli­uered the keies of the said palace and tower, and o­ther ports and fortresses.

On saturday the eight daie of Ianuarie, in the yeare of our Lord 1492, Ferdinando K. of Spaine & Granado, the quéene, A great num­ber of states with their traine enter triumphantlie into Granado to take reall possession. & their eldest son Don Iohn prince of Spaine, the lord Peter of Mendoza, the archbish. of Toledo, the patriarch of Alexandria, the cardinall of Spaine, the lord Peter prince of Lion, the duke of Gaditan, the marques of Uillena & Moia, the erle of Capre, the erle of Uienna of Cifnentes, and manie other earles, barons, and nobles, whereof some were Englishmen (whose names I haue not) with ten thousand horssemen, and fiftie thousand foot­men, with great triumph and roialtie entered into the citie of Granado, and thereof tooke reall possessi­on & seazine, and caused masse to be soong in a great place called Melchita, where hée caused a solemne church to be builded in the honour of God and his [Page 774] mother. When masse was ended, the king and quéene repaired to the palace roiall of Alhambra, the which was woonderfull, both in qualitie & sumptuous buil­ding, which house was adorned with rich arras and tapestrie in euerie chamber.

The earle of Tendiglie capteine of the palace▪ feasted the king and queene, and all the nobilitie at his owne costes and charges. So the king of Spaine there remained till the countrie was reduced into a good conformitie and order, and diuerse fortresses and castels were made for the safegard and tuition of the line 10 realme. And bicause this victorie obteined, was to the glorie of God, and to the publike wealth of all christianitie, the Namelie doc­tor Morton, of whom mentiō is made in the b [...]ginning of this historie. said cardinall of Canturburie de­clared to the people, that the king had sent him and the other nobles thither that day, not onelie to noti­fie and declare to them the veritie of the fact; but also to exhort them to giue lands and praisings to almigh­tie God, for deliuering so goodlie a citie, so plentifull a countrie, and so notable a region out of the hands line 20 of his enimies, and persecutors of his faith and reli­gion. Which declaration ended, the archbishop with the cleargie & the nobles with the communaltie, in most deuout maner went in generall procession, rendering to God for this great atchiued enterprise, glorie, honour, and most reuerent thanks.]

¶In the moneth of Maie next and immediatlie fol­lowing this triumph, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. [...]66. was holden a great and vali­ant iusting within the kings palace of Shine, now named Richmond, the which indured by the space of a line 30 moneth, sometime within the said palace, and some­time without, vpon the greene before the gate of the said palace. In which iustes sir Iames Parker knight, Sir Iames Parker by ca­sualtie at iu­stes mortallie wounded. running against a gentleman named Hugh Uanghan, by casualtie was so sore hurt and brused, that he died thereof. This yeare also two pardoners were set on the pillorie in Cornehill thrée market daies, Two pardo­n [...]es set on the pillorie. for forging of false pardons, wherewith they had deceiued the people, & got much monie. And for that one of them had feined himselfe to be a priest, hee was sent to Newgate, where he died: the other was line 40 driuen out of London with shame enough. ¶Also this yere was Robert Fabian shiriffe of London & alder­man, Robert Fa­bian. who made a chronicle of England & of France, beginning at the creation of the world, and ending in the third yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, which booke is now imprinted to the end of Ri­chard the third.]

Maximilian king of Romans, intending to be re­uenged on the Frenchmen for the manie iniuries line 50 doone to him of late (and especiallie for that king Charles had forsaken his daughter ladie Margaret, and purposed to take to wife the ladie Anne of Bri­taine) bicause he was not rich enough to mainteine the warre of himselfe, he sent his ambassadour, one Iames Contibald, a man of great wisedome, to re­quire the king of England to take his part against the French king, making diuers great offers on his owne behalfe, if it should please him so to doo.

King Henrie and Maximi­lian agrée to plague the Frenchmen.King Henrie no lesse desirous than Maximilian to put the French king to trouble, and chieflie to aid the line 60 Britains in the extremitie of their businesse, gladlie consented to the request of Maximilian; and promi­sed to prepare an armie with all speed, and in time conuenient to passe the seas with the same, and in­uade the French territories. In this verie season, Charles the French king receiued the ladie Anne of Britaine, Anno. Reg. 7. as his pupill into his hands, and with great solemnitie hir espoused, hauing with hir in dower, the whole duchie of Britaine.

The cause of Maximilians malice against Charles of France▪Now was Maximilian in great chase toward the French king, not onelie for that he had refused his daughter, but also had béereued him of his assured wife the said ladie Anne, contrarie to all right and conscience. Wherefore he sent vnto king Henrie, de­siring him with all speed to passe the seas with his ar­mie, that they might pursue the warre against their aduersarie, with fire, sword and bloud. King Henrie hearing this, and hauing no mistrust in the promise of Maximilian, with all speed leuied an armie, and rigged his nauie of ships. And when all things were readie, he sent his almon [...]r Christopher Urswike, and sir Iohn Riseleie knight vnto Maximilian, to certifie him, that the king was in a readinesse, and would arriue at Calis, as soone as he should be ad­uertised that Maximilian and his men were readie to ioine with him.

These ambassadors comming into Flanders, perceiued that Maximilian was neither purue [...]ed of men, monie, nor armor, Maximilian dealeth disho­nestlie with the king of England to his great v [...]xation. nor of any other thing neces­sarie for the setting foorth of warre; sauing onlie that his will was good, although his power was small. King Henrie being aduertised hereof by letters sent to him from his said ambassadors, was sore disquie­ted in his mind, and was almost brought to his wits end, to consider how his companions in arms should thus faile him at néed; but taking aduise of his coun­sell, at length he determined not to stay his prepen­sed iournie, and therfore he so increased his numbers before he tooke ship, that he with his owne power might be able to match with his aduersaries. When he had thus gathered and assembled his armie, hée sailed to Calis the sixt day of October, and there in­camped himselfe for a space, to see all his men and prouision in such readinesse, as nothing should be wanting.

In this place all the armie had knowledge by the ambassadours (which were newlie returned out of Flanders) that Maximilian could not set foorth anie armie, for lacke of monie: Maximilian king of Ro­mans brea­keth [...] with king Henrie in i [...]ning with [...] to inuade France. and therefore there was no succour to be looked for at his hand. But the Eng­lishmen were nothing dismaid therewith, as they that iudged themselues able enough to match the Frenchmen without the helpe of anie other nation. In the meane season, although the French king had an armie togither, both for number and furniture able to trie in battell with the Englishmen: yet he made semblance as though he desired nothing more than peace▪ The dis [...] ­lation of the French king▪ as the thing much more profitable to him than warre: considering the minds of the Britains were not yet wholie setled.

And againe, he was called into Italie to make warre against the king of Naples, whose kingdome he pretended to apperteine to him by lawfull succes­sion from his father king Lewes, to whome Reine duke of Aniou last king of Sicill, of the house of Aniou, had transferred his right to that kingdome (as partlie before ye haue heard) wrongfullie and without cause disinheriting his coosine, godsonne and heire, Reine duke of Lorraine and Bar. A motion on the French part for a treatie of peace with the English▪ The lord Chordes hauing commission from his maister the French king to make some entrie into a treatie for peace with the king of England, wrote letters to him before he passed ouer to Calis, signifieng to him that if it might stand with his pleasure to send some of his councellors to the borders of the English pale adioining to France, there should be so reasonable conditions of peace proffered, that he douted not but his grace might with great honour breake vp his campe, and retire his armie home againe.

The king of England considering that Britaine was cléerelie lost, and past recouerie, and that Maxi­milian for lacke of monie, and mistrust which he had in his owne subiects, laie still like a dormouse dooing nothing; and herewith weieng that it should be hono­rable to him, and profitable to his people to deter­mine this great warre without bloudished, appointed the bishop of Excester, and Giles lord Daubenie to [Page 775] passe the seas to Calis, Commissio­ners sent ouer to Calis a­bout the said [...]eace. and so to commun with the lord Chordes of articles of peace, which tooke effect as after ye shall perceiue. In the meane time, whilest the commissioners were communing of peace on the marches of France, the king of England (as ye haue heard) was arriued at Calis: from whense af­ter all things were prepared for such a iournie, he re­mooued in foure battels forward, till he came néere to the towne of Bullogne, Bullogne be­si [...]ged by the Englishmen the king him­selfe p [...]esent. & there pitched his tents before it in a conuenient place for his purpose, mea­ning line 10 to assaile the towne with his whole force & puis­sance.

But there was such a strong garison of warlike souldiers within that fortresse, and such plentie of ar­tillerie, and necessarie munitions of warre, that the losse of Englishmen assaulting the towne (as was doubted) should be greater damage to the realme of England, than the gaining thereof should be profit. Howbeit the dailie shot of the kings battering pee­ces brake the wals, and sore defaced them. But when line 20 euerie man was readie to giue the assault, a sudden rumor rose in the armie that peace was concluded: which brute as it was pleasant to the Frenchmen, so was it displesant to the Englishmen, bicause they were prest and readie at all times to set on their eni­mies, and brought into great hope to haue béene in­riched by the spoile and gaine to haue fallen to their lots of their enimies goods, beside the glorious fame of renowmed victorie.

And therefore to be defrauded hereof by an vn­profitable line 30 peace, Why the English pre­ferred warre before peace. they were in great fume, and verie angrie: and namelie, for that diuerse of the capteins to set themselues and their bands the more gorgeous­lie forward, had borrowed large summes of monie, and for the repaiment had morgaged their lands and possessions, and some happilie had made through sale thereof, trusting to recouer all againe by the gaines of this iournie. Wherefore offended with this sudden conclusion of peace, they spake euill both of the king and his councell. But the king like a wise prince as­swaged line 40 their displeasure in part with excusing the matter, alleaging what losse and bloudshed was like to insue both of capteins and souldiers, if the assault should haue béene giuen to the vtterance, especiallie sith the towne was so well furnished with men and munitions. When he had somewhat appeased their minds with these and manie other reasons, he retur­ned backe againe to Calis.

Polydor. Sir Iohn Sauage slaine at this siege.There were not manie of the English armie lost at this siege of Bullogne, & few or no men of name, line 50 sauing that valiant capteine sir Iohn Sauage knight, the which, as he and sir Iohn Riselie rode a­bout the wals of the towne, to view in what place it might be easiliest assaulted, was compassed about by certeine Frenchmen that were issued out of the towne, and there slaine standing at defense, and vt­terlie refusing to yéeld himselfe as prisoner. But sir Iohn Riselie escaped by flieng awaie. When the K. was thus returned to Calis, he began to smell a cer­teine secret smoke, which was like to turne to a line 60 great flame, without wise foresight, and good looking to. For by the craftie inuention, and diuelish imagi­nation of the ladie Margaret duchesse of Burgognie, a new idoll was set vp in Flanders, and by a forged name called Richard Plantagenet second sonne to king Edward the fourth, Richard Plā ­tagenet a counterfeit of ladie Marga­rets imagi­ning. as though he had béene rai­sed from death to life.

The newes hereof somewhat troubled him, so that he was with better will content to receiue the hono­rable conditions of peace offered of his enimie: bi­cause he should not be constreined at one time to make warre both at home, The conclu­sion of peace betwéene the English and French. and also in a forren re­gion. The conclusion of this agréement made with the Frenchmen, was this: That this peace should continue both their liues; and that the French king should pay to the king of England a certeine summe of monie in hand, according as the commissioners should appoint for his charges susteined in this iour­nie. Which (as the king certified the maior of London by his letters the ninth of Nouember) amounted to the summe of seuen hundred fortie and fiue thousand duckats: the which is of sterling monie, one hundred foure score and six thousand, two hundred and fiftie pounds. It was also concluded that he should yeare­lie (for a certeine space) paie or cause to be paid, for the monie that the K. had spent & expended in the de­fense of the Britans fiue & twentie thousand crowns.

Which yearelie tribute the French king (after­wards continuallie occupied in the wars of Italie) yearelie satisfied & paid so long as K. Henrie liued, who after he had taried a conuenient space at Calis, tooke the sea, and arriued at Douer, and so came to his manour of Gréenewich. Immediatlie after his returne thus into England, he elected into the fel­lowship of saint George, commonlie called the order of the garter, Alphonse duke of Calabre, sonne and heire to Ferdinando king of Naples. Christopher Urswike the kings almoner was sent to him vnto Naples with the garter, collar, mantell, Alphōse duke of Calabre made knight of the garter. and other habilments apperteining to the companions of that noble order. The which was reuerentlie receiued of the said duke, who in a solemne presence reuested himselfe with that habit, supposing by the counte­nance of that apparell to be able to resist his aduersa­rie the French king, sith he was now made a fréend and companion in order with the king of England: but that little auailed him, as after it was right ap­parant. [And here, bicause in sundrie actions we haue séene and obserued the French kings subtilties, his inconstancie, lacke of truth, honestie, and kinglie modestie; we maie be bold to set downe the descrip­tion of his person, as we sind the same readie drawne to hand; that by a view thereof we maie conclude that his properties were proportioned to his person.

It is verie certeine (saith mine author) that king Charles from his infancie was of complexion verie delicate, and of bodie vnsound and diseased, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 43. The French king descri­bed. of small stature, and of face (if the aspect and dignitie of his eies had béene taken awaie) fowle and deformed, his other members bearing such equall proportion, that he séemed more a monster than a man: he was not onelie without all knowledge of good sciences, but scarselie he knew the distinct characters of letters: his mind desirous to command, but more proper to anie other thing, for that being inuironed alwaies with his familiars and fauourits, he reteined with them no maiestie or authoritie: he reiected all affaires and businesse, and yet if he did debate and consider in anie, he shewed a weake discretion and iudgement. And if he had any thing in him that caried apparance of merit or praise, yet being thoroughlie weied and sounded, it was found further off from vertue than from vice: he had an inclination to glorie, but it was tempered more with rashnesse and furie than with moderation and counsell: his liberalities were with­out discretion, measure, or distinction: immooueable oftentimes in his purposes, but that was rather an ill grounded obstinacie than constancie. And that which manie call bountie, deserued more reasonablie in him the name of coldnesse & slackenesse of spirit.]

This yeare the two and twentith of Iune, was borne at Gréenewich the lord Henrie, The birth of Henrie duke of Yorke, after crowned king by the name of Henrie the eight. second sonne to this king Henrie the seuenth, which was created duke of Yorke, & after prince of Wales, and in con­clusion succéeded his father in gouernance of this realme, by the name of Henrie the eight, father to our gratious souereigne quéene Elizabeth. But now to returne to the new found sonne of king Edward, [Page 776] coniured by mens policies from death to life: ye shall vnderstand that the duchesse of Burgognie euer desi­ring to cast a scorpion in the bosome of king Henrie, year 1492 not for anie displeasure by him towards hir wrought or doone; The malice of the duchesse of Burgognie to the line of Lancaster. but onelie bicause he was descended of the house of Lancaster, being an enimie to hir line, be­gan to spin a new web, like a spider that dailie wea­ueth when his kall is torne: for after that the earle of Lincolne, which was by hir set foorth, had missed the cushin, and lost both horsse and spurres, she could not be quiet, vntill she had practised a new deuise to put line 10 king Henrie to trouble. And as the diuell prouideth venemous sauce to corrupt stomachs, so for hir pur­pose she espied a certeine yoong man of visage beau­tifull, of countenance demure, and of wit craftie and subtill.

This youths name was Peter Warbecke, one for his faintnesse of stomach of the Englishmen in de­rision called Perkin Warbecke, Perkin War­becke y e coun­terfeit duke of Yorke. according to the dutch phrase, which change the name of Peter to Per­kin, line 20 of yoonglings and little boies, which for want of age, lacke of strength, and manlike courage, are not thought worthie of the name of a man. This yoong man trauelling many countries, could speake Eng­lish and diuerse other languages; & for his basenesse of birth and stocke, was almost vnknowne of all men; and driuen to séeke liuing from his childhood, was constreined to go and trauell thorough manie countries. The duchesse glad to haue got so meet an organ for the conueieng of hir inuented purpose, as line 30 one not vnlike to be taken and reputed for the duke of Yorke, sonne to hir brother king Edward, which was called Richard, kept him a certeine space with hir priuilie.

The readie wit of Per­kin to learne all that made for his prefer­ment to honor.Besides that, she with such diligence instructed him both in the secrets and common affaires of the realme of England, and of the linage, descent and order of the house of Yorke, that like a good scholer, not forgetting his lesson, he could tell all that was taught him promptlie without anie stackering or line 40 staie in his words. And besides that, he kept such a princelie countenance, and so counterfeit a maiestie roiall, that all men in manner did firmelie beléeue, that he was extracted of the noble house and familie of the dukes of Yorke. For suerlie, it was a gift giuen to that noble progenie, as of nature planted in the root, The emulatiō of the dukes of Yorke. that all the sequels of that line and stocke did studie and deuise how to be equiualent in ho­nour and fame with their forefathers and noble pre­decessors. line 50

When the duches had framed hir cloath méet for the market, she was informed that king Henrie pre­pared to make warre against Charles the French king. Wherefore she, thinking that the time serued well for the setting foorth of hir malicious inuention, sent this Perkin hir new inuented mawmet, first into Portingale, Perkin War­becke arri­ueth in Ire­land. and so craftilie into the countrie of Ireland; to the intent that he, being both wittie and wilie, might inuegle the rude Irishmen (being at those daies more inclined to rebellion than to reaso­nable line 60 order) to a new seditious commotion. Shortlie after his arriuall in Ireland, whether by his shrewd wit, or the malicious exhortation of the sauage Irish gouernours, he entred so farre in credit with the peo­ple of that Ile, that his words were taken to be as true, as he vntruelie with false demonstrations set foorth and published them.

The French king aduertised hereof, then being in displeasure with king Henrie, sent into Ireland for Perkin, to the intent to send him against king Hen­rie, which was then inuading France (as yée before haue heard.) Perkin thought himselfe aloft, now that he was called to the familiaritie of kings, and therefore with all diligence sailed into France, and comming to the kings presence, Perkin [...] ­leth into France [...] af [...]ant▪ was of him roiallie receiued, and after a princelie fashion interteined, and had a gard to him assigned, whereof was gouer­nour the lord Congreshall: and to him being at Pa­ris, resorted sir George Neuill bastard, sir Iohn Tailor, Rowland Robinson, and an hundred Eng­lish rebels. Now, after that a peace (as before is said) was concluded betwixt the French king, and the king of England, the French king dismissed Perkin, and would no longer kéepe him.

But some haue said (which were there attending on him) that Perkin, fearing least the French king should deliuer him to the king of England, beguiled the lord Congreshall, and fled from Paris by night. But whether the French king knew of his depar­ture or not, the truth is, Perkin re [...]neth to the ladie Marga­ret his first founder. that he being in maner in de­spaire, returned to his first founder the ladie Marga­ret, of whome he was so welcomed to all outward appearance, that it séemed she could not haue reioised at anie earthlie thing more, than she did at his pre­sence, and (as she could well dissemble) she made sem­blance as though she had neuer séene him before that time. Now as she had sore longed to know not once, but diuerse times in open audience, and in solemne presence, she willed him to declare and shew by what means he was preserued from death and destruction, and in what countries he had wandered and sought fréendship; and finallie, by what chance of fortune he came to hir court.

This did shée, to the intent that by the open decla­ration of these fained phantasies, the people might be persuaded to giue credit, and beléeue that he was the true begotten sonne of hir brother king Edward. And after this, shee assigned to him a gard of thirtie persons in murrie and blew, and highlie honoured him as a great estate, Perkin n [...] ­med by the dutches of Burgognie the white ro [...]e of England. and called him the white rose of England. The nobilitie of Flanders did to him all reuerence. [All which port and pompe exhibited in most solemne sort, he was well content to take vpon him, forgetting the basenesse of his birth, and glori­eng in the counterfeit title of honour: 149 [...] much like the iay that would be called a swan, or like the crow that trimming hir selfe with the stolne feathers of a pecocke, would séeme Iunos bird; as the poet saith:

—mentito nomine cygnum
M. Pal. [...]
Graculus appellat sese, cornicula plumas
Pauonis furata cupit pauo ipsa videri.

¶In this yeare was one Hugh Clopton maior of London, and of the staple, a gentleman, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 865. borne at Clopton village, Stratford bridge vpon Auen builded▪ halfe a mile from Stratford vpon Auen by north, who continued (during his life) a ba­cheler: he builded the great and sumptuous bridge of Stratford vpon Auen, at the east end of the towne. This bridge hath fouretéene great arches, and a long cawsie with smaller arches, all made of stone, new walled on each side. At the west end of the bridge, he builded a faire large chappell. Toward the south end of that towne, & néere vnto the same, a pretie house of bricke and timber, where he laie, and ended his life. He glased the chancell of the parish church in that towne, and made a waie of foure miles long, three miles from Alesburie towards London, and one mile beyond Alesburie.]

But to returne to Perkin: Such long and looked for alterati [...]n of states. the brute of whome in England, blowne throughout the realme, sore dis­quieted the people, insomuch that not onelie the mea­ner sort, but also manie of the nobles and worshipfull personages beléeued and published it abroad, that all was true which was reported of him. And not onelie they that were in sanctuaries, but also manie other that were fallen in debt, assembled in a companie, and passed ouer the seas into Flanders, to their coun­terfeit duke of Yorke, otherwise rightlie named Perkin Warbecke. Truelie the realme of England [Page 777] was in maner diuided (with the rumor and vaine fable spred abroad of this twise borne duke) into par­takings and contrarie factions. False rumors [...]casions of great disqui­etnes. And some of the no­ble men conspired togither, purposing to aid the fore­said Perkin, as the man whome they reputed to be the verie sonne of king Edward; and that the matter was not feigned, but altogither true, iust, and not imagined of anie malicious pretense or euill pur­pose.

And bicause the thing was weightie, and required great aid and assistance, therefore they determined line 10 to send messengers vnto the ladie Margaret, to know when Richard duke of Yorke might conueni­entlie come into England; to the intent that they be­ing thereof certified, might be in a readinesse to helpe and succour him at his arriuall. So by the common consent of the conspirators, Anno Reg. 8. sir Robert Clifford knight, and William Barleie, were sent into Flan­ders, which discouered to the duches all the secret in­tents and priuie meanings of the fréends and fau­tors of the new found duke. The duches gladlie re­ceiued line 20 this message, and after shee had heard their errand, shée brought the messenger to the sight of Perkin, Perkin coun­terfeiteth the duke of Yorke verie cunning­lie. who so well counterfeited the gesture, coun­tenance, and maner of Richard duke of Yorke, that sir Robert Clifford beléeued verelie, that he was the second sonne of king Edward; and therefore wrote a letter of credit into England to his complices: and to put them out of doubt, he affirmed that he knew him to be king Edwards sonne by his face, and o­ther lineaments of his bodie. line 30

Upon this letter, the chéefe dooers in this businesse spred the signification thereof abroad through the realme, to the intent to stirre the people to some new tumult and commotion: but it was doone by such a secret craft, that no man could tell who was the au­thor of that rumor. The king perceiued that this vaine fable was not vanished out of the mad brains of the common people. To prouide therefore against all perils that might thereby insue, he sent certeine knights that were skilfull men of warre, with com­petent line 40 bands of soldiers, to kéepe the sea coasts and hauens, to vnderstand who came in and went out of the realme; doubting least some great conspiracie were in brewing against him. He also sent into the low countries certeine persons, to learne the truth of this forged dukes progenie, Perkins true linage. where some of them that were so sent, comming to Tournie, got know­lege that he was borne in that citie, of base linage, and named Perkin Warbecke. line 50

The king then aduertised not onelie by his espi­als vpon their returne, but also from other his tru­stie freends, determined with all spéed to haue the fraud published, both in Englan [...] and forren parts: and for the same cause sent sir Edward Poinings knight, Ambassadors sent to Philip archduke of Burgognie. & sir William Warram doctor of the laws vnto Philip archduke of Burgognie, and to his coun­cellors (bicause he was not of age able to gouerne of himselfe) to signifie to him and them, that the yoong man, being with the ladie Margaret, had falselie and line 60 vntruelie vsurped the name of Richard duke of Yorke, which long before was murthered with his brother Edward in the Tower of London, by the commandement of their vncle king Richard, as ma­nie men then liuing could testifie.

The ambassadors comming to the court of Phi­lip the archduke, were honorablie interteined of him and of his councell, and willed to declare the effect of their message. William Warram made to them an eloquent oration, and in the later end somewhat inueihed against the ladie Margaret, not sparing to declare, how she now in hir later age had brought foorth (within the space of a few yeares togither) two detestable monsters, that is to saie, Lambert (of whom yée heard before) and this same Perkin War­becke, and being conceiued of these two great babes, The sum of D. Waria [...]s spéech to the archduke. was not deliuered of them in eight or nine moneths as nature requireth; but in one hundred and eightie moneths, for both these at the lest were fiftéene yéers of age, yer she would be brought in bed of them, and shew them openlie; and when they were newlie crept out of hir wombe, they were no infants but lustie yoonglings, and of age sufficient to bid battell to kings. Although these rawnts angred the ladie Mar­garet to the hart, yet Perkin was more vexed with the things declared in this oration, and especiallie bi­cause his cloaked iuggling was brought to light.

The duches intending to cast hot sulphur into the new kindled fire, determined with might and maine to arme and set forward prettie Perkin against the king of England. When the ambassadors had doone their message, and that the archdukes councell had long debated the matter; they made answer, that to haue the king of Englands loue, the archduke and they would neither aid nor assist Perkin nor his com­plices in anie cause or quarrell. Yet notwithstanding if the ladie Margaret, persisting in hir rooted malice towards the king of England, would be to him aid­ing and helping, it was not in their power to with­stand it; for bicause in the lands assigned to hir for hir dower, she might franklie and fréelie order all things at hir will and pleasure, without contradiction of a­nie other gouernour.

After that the ambassadors were returned with this answer, Anno Reg. 9. Espials sent into Flanders from the king for a subtill policie. the king streight sent foorth certeine espi­als into Flanders, which should feigne themselues to haue fled to the duke of Yorke; and thereby search out the whole intent of the conspiracie, and after what sort they meant to proceed in the same. Others were sent also to intise sir Robert Clifford and Wil­liam Barleie, to returne into England, promising to them pardon of all their offenses, and high rewards, for obeieng the kings request. They that were sent, did so earnestlie and prudentlie applie their businesse, that they brought all things to passe at their owne de­sires. For first they learned who were the chéefe con­spirators, and after persuaded sir Robert Clifford to giue ouer that enterprise, which had no grounded staie to rest vpon. Albeit William Barleie at the first would not leaue off, but continued his begun attempt; till after two yeares, he repenting him of his follie, & hauing pardon granted him of the king, returned home into his natiue countrie.

When the king had knowledge of the chiefe cap­teins of this conspiracie (by the ouerture of his espi­als which were returned) he caused them to be appre­hended, and brought to London before his presence. Of the which the chiefe were Iohn Ratcliffe, The conspi­ring fa [...]tors of the coun­terfeit duke of Yorke. lord Fitz-Water, sir Simon Montford, sir Tho. Thwaits knights, William Daubeneie, Robert Ratcliffe, Thomas Cressenor, and Thomas Astwood. Also cer­teine preests & religious men, as sir William Rich­ford doctor of diuinitie, and sir Thomas Poines, both friers of saint Dominikes order, doctor William Sutton, sir William Worseleie deane of Paules, Robert Laiborne, and sir Richard Lesseie. Other which were guiltie, hearing that their fellowes were apprehended, fled and tooke sanctuarie. The other that were taken were condemned, of the which sir Simon Montford, Robert Ratcliffe, and William Daube­nie were beheaded.

Some had their pardons, and the préests also for their order sake; but yet few of them liued long af­ter. The lord Fitz-Water pardoned of life, was conueied to Calis, and there laid in hold, & after lost his head; bicause he went about to corrupt his kée­pers with rewards, that he might escape, intending (as was thought) to haue gone to Perkin. Abr. Flem. [Thus by [Page 778] the policie and subtile deuise of the king, practised to the point by his espials, the sinewes of this conspira­cie was rent in sunder. So that the malicious ladie Margaret was not a little swolne with indignation when she saw the course of hir deuise (now that it had passed so far as that it was knowne to people on this side and beyond the seas) stopped, and the confede­racie (whereto she speciallie trusted) dissolued. Yet notwithstanding, as women will not (to die for it) giue ouer an enterprise, which of an enuious purpose line 10 they attempt; so she put hir irons afresh into the fier to set hir hatred forward: whome a while we will leaue at worke, and shew some dooings betwéene England and Flanders.]

King Henrie taking displeasure with the king of Romans, for that he kept not touch in aiding him a­gainst the French king, and partlie displeased with the Flemings, but speciallie with the ladie Marga­ret, for kéeping and setting forward Perkin War­becke, Flemish wares for­bidden. not onelie banished all Flemish wares and line 20 merchandizes out of his dominions, but also restrei­ned all English merchants from their repaire and traffike into anie of the lands and territories of the king of Romans, or of the archduke Philip, sonne to the same king of the Romans; The mart kept at Ca­lis. causing the mart to be kept at Calis, of all English merchandizes and commodities. Wherefore the said king and his sonne banished out of their lands and seigniories all Eng­lish clothes, English com­modities ba­nished out of Flanders. yarne, tin, lead, and other commodities of this realme. The restreint made by the king sore hin­dered the merchants aduenturers; for they had no oc­cupieng line 30 to beare their charges, and to support their credit withall.

And that most greeued them, the Easterlings be­ing at libertie, brought to the realme such wares as they were woont, & so serued their customers through­out the realme. Wherevpon there insued a riot by the seruants of the mercers, haberdashers, & clothwor­kers in the citie of London, the tuesdaie before saint Edwards day. For they perceiuing what hinderance grew to their maisters, in that they were not able so line 40 well to kéepe them as before they had doone, assem­bled togither in purpose to reuenge their malice on the Esterlings, A riot made vpon the Ea­ster [...]ings. & so came to the Stilliard, & began to rifle & spoile such chambers & warehouses as they cold get into. So that the Easterlings had much adoo to withstand them, & kéepe them back out of their gates, which with helpe of carpenters, smiths, and other that came to them by water out of Southwarke, they sho­red & so fortified, that the multitude of the seruants line 50 and prentises, being assembled, could not preuaile.

At length came the maior with a number of men, defensiblie weaponed, to remooue the force; at whose approch those riotous persons fled awaie like a flocke of shéepe. But diuerse of them were apprehended, and vpon inquirie made before the kings commissioners, aboue foure score seruants & apprentises were found to be conspired togither, and sworne not to reueale it; of whome some of the chiefe beginners were com­mitted to the Tower, and there long continued. But line 60 in conclusion, bicause none of their maisters, nor a­nie one housholder was found culpable, the king of his clemencie pardoned their offense, and restored them to libertie. [For he thought it no credit to his crowne to take vengeance of such sillie soules by se­ueritie of death, whom in clemencie pardoning he might restore to a reformed life.]

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 867. Execution for seditious bils against the kings person.¶On the two & twentith of Februarie in this yéere were arreigned in the Guildhall of London foure persons, Thomas Bagnall, Iohn Scot, Iohn Heath, and Iohn Kenington, the which were sanctuarie men of saint Martins le grand in London, and latelie be­fore were taken out of the said sanctuarie, for forging of seditious bils, to the flander of the king, & some of his councell, for the which thrée of them were iudged to die; and the fourth named Bagnall, pleaded to be restored to sanctuarie: by reason whereof he was re­priued to the Tower till the next tearme: and on the six and twentith of Februarie, the other three with a Fleming, and a yeoman of the crowne, were all fiue executed at Tiborne. ¶On the eight and twentith of Aprill Ione Boughton widow was burnt in Smithfield, for holding certeine opinions of Iohn Wickliffe. Wheat was sold at London at six pence the bushell, Uittels [...] ­tie sold good cheape. baie salt for thrée pence halfe penie the bushell, Nantwich salt was sold for six pence the bu­shell, white herings nine shillings the barrell, red he­rings at thrée shillings the cade, red sprots six pence the cade, & Gascoigne wine for six pounds the tim.]

Shortlie after sir Robert Clifford, partlie trust­ing on the kings promise, 1494 Anno Reg. 1. and partlie mistrusting the desperat begun enterprise, returned suddenlie a­gaine into England. The king certified before of his comming, went streight to the Tower of London the morow after the day of Epiphanie, & there taried till such time as sir Robert Clifford was there presen­ted to his person. This was doone for a policie, Policie of K. Henrie a­gainst Ro­bert Clifford. that if sir Robert accused anie of the nobilitie, they might be called thither without suspicion of anie euill, and their attached and laid fast. Some thought also, that for a policie king Henrie sent sir Robert Clifford o­uer as an espie, or else he would not so soone haue re­ceiued him into fauour againe. Neuerthelesse, there were great presumptions that it was nothing so, for both was he in great danger after his begun at­tempt, and neuer was so much estéemed with the king afterward as he was before.

But this is true, vpon his comming to the kings presence, he besought him of pardon, and obteined it; and therewith opened all the maner of the conspira­cie; so far as he knew, and who were aiders, fautors, and chiefe beginners of it; Sir William Stanleie a fauourer of Perkin. amongst whome he accu­sed sir William Stanleie, whome the king had made his chiefe chamberleine, and one of his priuie coun­cell. The king was sorie to heare this, and could not be induced to beleeue that there was so much vn­truth in him, till by euident proofes it was tried a­gainst him. Then the king caused him to be restrei­ned from his libertie in his owne chamber within the quadrat tower, and there appointed him by his pri­uie councell to be examined, in which examination he nothing denied, but wiselie and sagelie agréed to all things laid to his charge, if he were faultie therein.

The report is, that this was his offense. The offense of sir William Stanleie. When communication was had betwixt him, and the aboue mentioned sir Robert Clifford, as concerning Per­kin, which falselie vsurped the name of K. Edwards sonne; sir William Stanleie said, that if he knew certeinlie that the yoong man was the indubitate heire of king Edward the fourth, he would neuer fight or beare armour against him. This point argu­ed, that he bare no hartie good will toward king Hen­rie as then. But what was the cause that he had con­ceiued some inward grudge towards the king; or how it chanced that the king had withdrawen his speciall fauor from him, manie haue doubted. Coniectures of sir William Stanleies a­lienated from king Henrie. Some indéed haue gessed, that sir William Stanlie, for the seruice which he shewed at Bosworth field, thought that all the benefits which he receiued of the king to be farre vnder that which he had deserued, in preser­uing not onelie the kings life; but also in obteining for him the victorie of his enimies, so that his aduer­sarie was slaine in the field.

Wherfore desiring to be created earle of Chester, and therof denied, he began to disdeine the king. And one thing incouraged him much, which was the ri­ches and treasure of king Richard, which he onlie pos­sessed at the battell of Bosworth; by reason of which [Page 779] riches and great power of men, he set naught by the king his souereigne lord and maister. The king ha­uing thus an hole in his coat, doubted first what he should doo with him; for loth he was to lose the fauour of his brother the earle of Derbie: King Henrie in a quanda [...]e. and againe to par­don him, he feared least it should be an euill example to other, that should go about to attempt the like of­fense. And so at length, seueritie got the vpper hand, & mercie was put backe, in so much that he was ar­reigned at Westminster and adiudged to die, and line 10 (according to that iudgement) was brought to the Tower hill the sixtéenth daie of Februarie, year 1495 Sir William Stanleie be­headed. and there had his head striken off.

[...]. Flem.[This was the end of sir William Stanleie the chiefest helper of king Henrie to the crowne at Bos­worth field against king Richard the third, and who set the same crowne first vpon the kings head, See pag. 760. when it was found in the field trampled vnder féet. He was a man (while he liued) of great power in his coun­trie, and also of great wealth; in somuch as the com­mon line 20 same ran, that there was in his castell of Holt found in readie coine, plate, and iewels, to the value of fortie thousand markes or more, and his land and fees extended to three thousand pounds by yeare. Ne­uerthelesse all helped not; neither his good seruice in Bosworth field, neither his forwardnesse (euen with the hazard of life) to prefer K. Henrie to the crowne, neither his faithfulnesse in cleauing to him at all brunts, neither the bond of aliance betwixt them, neither the power that he was able to make, neither line 30 the riches which he was worth, neither intercession of fréends, which he wanted not; none of these, nor all these could procure the redemption of his lost life: ‘O [...]luxum decus hominum, ô variabile tempus.]’

¶On the sixtéenth of Nouember was holden the sergeants feast at the bishops place of Elie in Hol­borne, I [...]hn. Stow. pag. [...]69. The king and queene dine at sergeants feast kept at Elie place. A wonder to be noted in a c [...]pse that [...] the ground. where dined the king, queene, and all the chiefe lords of England. The new sergeants names were maister Mordant, Higham, Kingsmill, Conisbie, Butler, Yakesleie, Frowicke, Oxenbridge, & Con­stable. line 40 In digging for to laie a new foundation in the church of saint Marie hill in London, the bodie of [...] Hackneie, which had béene buried in the church [...] of 175 yeares, was found whole of skinne, & the ioints of hir armes pliable: which corpse was kept aboue ground foure daies without annoiance, and then buried againe. ¶Also this yeare (as maister Grafton saith) at the charges of maister Iohn Tate alderman of London was the church of saint Antho­nies founded, Rich. Grafton. & annexed vnto the college of Wind­sore, line 50 wherein was erected one notable and frée schoole to the furtherance of learning, and a number of poore people (by the name of almesmen, which were poore, aged, and decaied housholders) releeued, to the great commendation of that worthie man, who so liued in worship, that his death by his worthie dooings ma­keth him still aliue; for he was not forgetfull to beau­tifie the good state of this citie, in which by wealth he had tasted of Gods blessings.]

About this same time, diuerse men were punished line 60 that had vpon a presumptuous boldnesse spoken ma­nie slanderous words against the kings maiestie, hoping still for the arriuall of the feigned Richard duke of Yorke. After the death of sir William Stan­leie, Anno Reg. 11. Lord Daube­nie the kings c [...]efe cham­berleine. Sir Edward P [...]inings s [...]nt into Ire­l [...]d with an [...]mie. Giles lord Daubenie was elected and made the kings chéefe chamberleine. Also, the K. sent into Ire­land (to purge out the euill & wicked séeds of rebellion amongest the wild & sauage Irish people, sowed there by the craftie conueiance of Perkin Warbecke) sir Henrie Deane, late abbat of Langtonie (whome he made chancellor of that Ile) & sir Edward Poinings knight, with an armie of men. The fauourers of Perkin, hearing that sir Edward Poinings was come with a power to persecute them, withdrew streightwaies, and fled into the woods and marishes for the safegard of themselues.

Sir Edward Poinings according to his commis­sion, intending to punish such as had aided and ad­uanced the enterprise of Perkin, with his whole ar­mie marched forward against the wild Irishmen, bi­cause that all other being culpable of that offense, fled and resorted to them for succour. But when he saw that his purpose succéeded not as he would haue wished it; both bicause the Irish lords sent him no succour according to their promises; and also for that his owne number was not sufficient to furnish his enterprise, bicause his enimies were dispersed a­mongst woods, mounteins, and marishes: he was constreined to recule backe, sore displeased in his mind against Gerald earle of Kildare, being then the kings deputie.

Now, the cause of this his discontentment was, for that the said earle was suspected to be the meane that he had no succours sent him, and was so infor­med in déed by such as bare the earle no good will. And therefore suddenlie he caused the earle to be ap­prehended, Gerald earle of Kildare de­putie of Ire­land appre­hended. and as a prisoner brought him in his com­panie into England. Which earle being examined, and sundrie points of treason laid to him, he so auoi­ded them all, & laid the burthen in other mens necks, that he was dismissed, and sent into Ireland againe, there to be deputie and lieutenant as he was before. The king being now in some better suertie of his e­state, King Henries progresse in­to Lanca­shire. did take his progresse into Lancashire the fiue & twentith daie of Iune, there to make merrie with his moother the countesse of Derbie, which then laie at Lathome in the countrie.

In this meane while, Perkin Warbecke, being in Flanders, sore troubled that his iuggling was dis­couered, yet he determined not to leaue off his enter­prise, in hope at length to atteine the crowne of England: and so gathering a power of all nations, some bankrupts, some false English sanctuarie men, some théeues, robbers, and vagabunds, which desi­ring to liue by rapine, were glad to serue him. And thus furnished, he tooke such ships as his fréends had prouided for him: and departing from Flanders to­wards England, he arriued vpon the Kentish coast, Perkin at­tempteth to land in Kent in hope of his­torie. & there cast anchor, purposing to prooue how the people there were affected towards him: and therefore he sent certeine of his men to land, to signifie to the countrie his arriuall with such power, that the victo­rie must incline to his part.

The Kentishmen vnderstanding that Perkin was but Perkin, and had none with him (to make account of) but strangers borne, like faithfull sub­iects determined to fall vpon those that were thus new come to land, and to trie if they might allure the whole number out of their ships, so to giue them battell. But Perkin wiselie considering that the maner of a multitude is not to consult, and sagelie to aduise with themselues in anie deliberate sort, but suddenlie and rashlie to run headlong into rebellion, would not set one foot out of his ship, vntill he saw all things sure. Yet he permitted some of his souldiers to go on land, Perkins men discomfited. which being trained foorth a pretie waie from their ships, were suddenlie compassed about and beset of the Kentishmen, and at one stroke van­quished and driuen backe to their ships.

Of these discomfited soules were taken prisoners an hundred and fortie persons, whereof fiue, Perkins cap­teins taken & executed. Mont­fort, Corbet, White, Belt, Quintin (or otherwise Ge [...]in) being capteins were brought to London by sir Iohn Pechie, shiriffe of Kent, railed in ropes like horsses drawing in a cart, & after vpon their arreign­ment confessed their offense, and were executed, some at London, Perkin re [...] ­leth into Flanders. and other in the townes adioining to the sea coast. And thus Perkin, missing of his purpose, [Page] [...] into Flanders. In this verie season depar­ [...] [...] Cicilie duchesse of Yorke moother to king [...] the fourth, at hir castell of Berkhamstéed, [...] of small stature, but of much honour and [...] parentage, and was buried by hir husband in the college of Fodringcie.

The king being aduertised that his enimies were l [...]nded, leauing off his progresse, purposed to haue returned to London; but being certified the next day of the luckie speed of his faithfull subiects, continued line 10 his progresse, & did send sir Richard Gilford both to commend the fidelitie and manhood of the Kentish­men, [...] and also to render to them most hartie thanks for the same. He also caused order to be taken for the erecting of beacons, and watching of them. Perkin then perceiuing that he should not be receiued into England, sailed into Ireland, trusting there to aug­ment his numbers, and then to returne towards the coast of England againe, and to take land in the West countrie, if occasion serued; but if not, then he line 20 determined to saile streight into Scotland, to séeke fréendship there.

After he had therefore staid a while in Ireland, and perceiued that the hope of victorie consisted not in the Irish nation, Perkin [...] into Ire­land and is in [...]ndrie opini­ons. being naked people, without furni­ture of armour or weapon, he tooke the sea againe at Corffe, and sailed into Scotland; where comming to the presence of king Iames, be forged such a painted processe to mooue him to beléeue that he was the ve­rie sonne of king Edward: that the Scotish king, line 30 whether blinded with errour, or vsing dissimulation, that he might vnder a colourable pretext make war against England, began to haue Perkin in great honour, and caused him openlie to be called duke of Yorke. And to persuade the world that so he was in­deed, he caused the ladie Katharine, daughter to Alex­ander earle of Huntleie, Katharine daughter to the earle of Huntleie ma­ried to Per­kin. his nigh kinsman, to be e­spoused to him. [But yer we passe anie further, you shall sée and peruse (if you will) the said painted pro­cesse of Perkin, as it is le [...]t in record by Edward Hall line 40 for an example what working force is in words (speci­allie where the hearers are easie to be seduced) and not to be ouer hastie to giue them too quicke & hastie credit. For the poet saith of gaie words void of truth:

M. Pal. in Virg.
Verba nitent phaleris, at nullas verba medullas
Intus habent.

The colourable oration or counterfeit tale that Perkin told the king of Sco [...]s to iustifie his false title. line 50

Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall fol. xxxviij, xxxix. Perkin saith that he is Ed­ward the fourths law­full sonne. I Thinke it is not vnknowne vnto you (most noble king and puissant prince) into what ruine the stocke house, and familie of Edward the fourth, of that name king of England, is now of late brought to and fallen in, either by Gods permission, or by diuine punish­ment; whose indubitate sonne (if you know line 60 not alreadie) I am, and by the power of al­mightie God, preserued aliue to this houre from the mightie hand of a tyrant. For my father king Edward (when he died) ap­pointed his brother Richard duke of Glo­cester to be our gouernour, protector, and defendor; whome the more that he loued & studied to aduance and promote, the better he thought that he would loue, fauour, and tender his children. But alas my vnfortu­nate chance I may say! how hath his trust beene turned into treason, and his hope in­to hinderance, all men know and I feele. Our vncle was not the tutor and preseruer of our stocke and linage, but the confounder & destroier of our bloud and progenie. For that tyrant, blinded and glutted with the desire of ruling and souereigntie, comman­ded Edward my brother & me to be slaine and dispatched out of this mortall life. Wherevpon that person, Perkin tel­leth the king how he was preserued and kept aliue. to whome the weightie and cruell charge was commit­ted and giuen to oppresse and destroie vs poore innocent infants and giltlesse babes, the more that he abhorred this heinous and butcherlie offense, the more he feared to commit it.

And so wauering in mind and doubtfull what to doo, at the length willing in part to stanch the bloudie thirst of the vnnatu­rall tyrant, and in part to absteine from so heinous & detestable homicide, he destroied my brother and preserued me; like the good preest Ioiada, who saued little Ioas, when all the children of the bloud roiall were commanded by Athalia the queene to be slaine and vtterlie destroied. And further, to the intent that my life might be in suer­tie, he appointed one to conueie me into some strange countrie; where when I was furthest off, and had most need of comfort he forsooke me suddenlie (I thinke he was so appointed to doo) and left me desolate alone without freend or knowlege of anie releefe or refuge. And so king Richard did obteine the crowne as a preie mischeefouslie got­ten by the dispatching awaie of my brother and me. So that I thus escaping, by rea­son of my tender infancie, forgat almost my selfe, and knew not well what I was. But after long wandering from countrie to countrie, and from citie to citie, I percei­ued and learned by little and little what was my estate & degree, and so in conclusion came to mine owne aunt the ladie Mar­garet lieng in Flanders, Perkin cal­leth the ladie Margaret [...] ­chesse of Bur­gognie his owne [...]. which was some­time married to Charles duke of Burgog­nie, which as ioifullie receiued and wel­comed me, as if I had come out of hell into heauen, as the onelie type and garland of hir noble stirpe and linage. But forsomuch as she being onelie Dowager of the duchie of Burgognie, and hauing nothing but hir dowrie proper to hir selfe, was not of pow­er to helpe me with men and munitions of warre, as she would gladlie haue doone for the recouerie of my fathers relme & right­full inheritance: I therefore am driuen to seeke further aid and succour.

And therefore by hir counsell and aduer­tisement, with this small handfull of men of warre and souldiers, Perkin cra­ueth aid of the Scotish king toward the re­couerie of the crowne of England from king Henrie the seuenth. I am repaired to your presence for succours; of whome (as the publike fame is spred ouer the whole world) there was neuer man by wrong or iniurie chased or driuen out of his countrie, region, or inheritance, or by extort power and tyrannie kept out of the same (as I my selfe from mine infancie haue beene) whose request was frustrate and denied at your hand. Therefore, by the maiestie of your realme & countrie I desire, & heartilie [Page 781] with praier as I can, I beseech and exhort you to helpe and releeue me now in my ex­treame necessitie. And if it chance me by your aid and succour to recouer & possesse my fathers realme and dignitie; not onelie I, but all the kings of our linage, which hereafter shall obteine the same, shall be so much obliged and bound vnto you; that they must needs thinke, that dooing to you all the pleasure and benefits that they can, line 10 yet with all thanks that can be giuen your great kindnesse can neuer in full measure be recompensed.

When he had thus said, the king bad him be of good comfort, and promised him that whatsoeuer he were, it should neuer repent him of his comming to him.] Shortlie after, year 1496 hauing this Perkin with him in companie, The Scotish king inuadeth Englād with a great armie in Perkin his behalfe. he entered into England with a puissant line 20 armie, and caused proclamation to be made, to spare all those that would submit themselues vnto Richard duke of Yorke. Héerewith they began the warre in most cruell maner, with slaughter of men, burning of townes, spoiling of houses, and committing of all other detestable enormities; so that all the countrie of Northumberland was by them in maner wasted, and destroied. At length, when the souldiers were la­den with spoiles, and saciate with bloud, perceiuing that no succoures came out of England vnto the line 30 new inuented duke, contrarie to that which he had made them to beleeue would come to passe; they de­termined to retire rather with assured gaine, than to tarrie the vncerteine victorie of that counterfeit duke, and so therevpon they withdrew backe into Scotland inriched with preies and booties.

It is said, that Perkin Warbecke, being retur­ned into Scotland with the king of Scots, vnder a cloked pretense should sore lament the great slaugh­ter, spoile, and damage, which had béene doone at this last roade made into England; and therefore as one line 40 that bare a naturall loue toward his natiue coun­trie, The counter­feit compassi­on of Perkin. besought the king of Scots, that from thense­foorth, he would no more so deface his naturall relme, and destroie his subiects with such terrible fire, flame and hauocke; as who should saie, he being ouercome now with compassion, did bewaile the cruell destruc­tion of his naturall countrie of England. But the Scotish K. told him, that he seemed to take thought for that which appeared to be none of his, sith that not so much as one gentleman or yeoman (for ought he line 50 could see) would once shew themselues readie to aid him in the warre begun for his cause, & in his name, within that realme which he pretended so cléerelie to apperteine to him.

Anno Reg. 12.The king of England being certified of this inua­sion, prepared an armie with all diligence to haue resisted the Scots: but they were returned yer the English power could assemble togither. Now when the king was truelie certified that the Scotish king was returned home, he staied all the preparations line 60 made at that time to go against him. But yet mean­ing to be reuenged of the wrongs doone to him by king Iames and his people; A parlement of the thrée e­states of the realme. he first called a parle­ment, and in that assemblie of three estates of the realme, he declared the cause of the instant warre, and how necessarie it should be for the suertie and wealth of the realme of England to haue that warre pursued against those enimies that had begun it. To this motion all the nobilitie wholie agréed. A subsidie. And to the maintenance of that warre, a subsidie was by whole assent of the parlement fréelie giuen and granted. Which paiment though it was not great, yet manie of the common people sore grudged to pay the same, as they that euer abhorre such taxes and exactions. At the same parlement were diuerse acts and sta­tutes made, necessarie & expedient (as was thought) for the publike weale of the realme.

In the meane season the king of Scots, percei­uing that the Englishmen would shortlie go about to reuenge the iniuries doone to them by him and his people, assembled eftsoones a puissant armie, year 1497 The king of England and Scotlād pre­pare for mu­tuall warre. that he might either defend his realme against the English power, attempting to inuade his countrie, or else a­fresh to enter into the English borders. And thus these two mightie princes minded nothing more than the one to indamage the other. But the king of England would not deferre one houre by (his good will) till he were reuenged, and therefore prepared a mightie armie to inuade Scotland, and ordeined for chéefteine thereof the lord Daubeneie. But as this armie was assembled, and that the lord Daubenie was forward on his iournie towards Scotland, he was suddenlie staid and called backe againe, by rea­son of a new commotion begun by the Cornishmen for the paiment of the subsidie which was granted at the last parlement.

These vnrulie people the Cornishmen, A rebellion in Cornewall for the paiment of a subsidie. inhabiting in a barren countrie and vnfruitfull, at the first sore repined that they should be so greeuouslie taxed, and burdened the kings councell as the onelie cause of such polling and pilling: and so being in their rage, menaced the chéefe authors with death and present destruction. And thus being in a rose, two persons of the same affinitie, the one called Thomas Flam­mocke, a gentleman, The two cap­teins in this commotion. learned in the lawes of the realme; and the other Michaell Ioseph, a smith, men of stout stomachs and high courages, tooke vpon them to be capteins of this seditious companie. They laid the fault and cause of this exaction vnto Iohn Morton archbishop of Canturburie, and to sir Regi­nald Braie; bicause they were cheefe of the kings councell. Such rewards haue they commonlie that be in great authoritie with kings and princes.

The capteins Flammocke and Ioseph exhorted the common people to put on harnesse, and not to be afeard to follow them in that quarrell, promising not to hurt anie creature, but onelie to sée them punish­ed that procured such exactions to be laid on the peo­ple, without anie reasonable cause, as vnder the co­lour of a little trouble with the Scots, which (sith they were withdrawne home) they tooke to be well quieted and appeased. So these capteins bent on mischeefe, (were their outward pretense neuer so finelie colou­red) persuaded a great number of people to assemble togither, and condescended to doo as their capteins would agrée and appoint. Then these capteins prai­sing much the hardines of the people, when all things were readie for their infortunate iournie, set for­ward with their armie, and came to Taunton, The prouos [...] of Perin slaine by the rebels. where they slue the prouost of Perin, which was one of the commissioners of the subsidie, and from thence came to Welles, so intending to go to London, where the king then soiourned.

When the king was aduertised of these dooings, he was somewhat astonied, and not without cause; being thus troubled with the warre against the Scots, and this ciuill commotion of his subiects at one instant. But first meaning to subdue his rebellious sub­iects; and after to proceed against the Scots, as occasion should serue, he reuoked the lord Daubenie which (as you haue heard) was going against the Scots, and increased his armie with manie chosen and piked warriors. Also mistrusting that the Scots might now (hauing such opportunitie) inuade the relme againe; Thomas Ho­ward earle of Surrie high treasuror of England. he appointed the lord Th. Howard erle of Surrie (which after the death of the lord Dinham was made high treasuror of England) to gather a [Page 782] band of men in the countie Palatine of Durham, that they with the aid of the inhabitants adioining, and the borderers, might keepe backe the Scots if they chanced to make anie inuasion. The nobles of the realme hearing of the rebellion of the Cornish­men, came to London, euerie man with as manie men of warre as they could put in a readinesse, to aid the king if need should be. In the which number were the earle of Essex, and the lord Montioy, with diuerse other. line 10

Iames Twi­chet lord Au­delie chéefe capteine of the Cornish rebels.In the meane time, Iames Twichet lord Aude­leie being confederate with the rebels of Cornewall ioined with them, being come to Welles, and tooke vpon him as their chéefe capteine to lead them a­gainst their naturall lord and king. From Welles they went to Salisburie, and from thence to Win­chester, and so to Kent, where they hoped to haue had great aid, but they were deceiued in that their expec­tation. For the erle of Kent, George lord of Aburga­uenie, Iohn Brooke, lord Cobham, sir Edward Poi­nings, line 20 sir Richard Gilford, sir Thomas Bourchier, Iohn Peche, William Scot, and a great number of of people, were not onelie prest and readie to defend the countrie, to kéepe the people in due obedience, but bent to fight with such as would lift vp sword, or other weapon against their souereigne lord: inso­much that the Kentishmen would not once come neere the Cornishmen, to aid or assist them in anie maner of wise.

Which thing maruelouslie dismaid the hearts of the Cornishmen, Manie of the Cornishmen take their héels by night. when they saw themselues thus de­ceiued line 30 of the succours which they most trusted vpon, so that manie of them (fearing the euill chance that might happen) fled in the night from their companie, and left them, in hope so to saue themselues. The cap­teines of the rebels▪ perceiuing they could haue no helpe of the Kentishmen, putting their onelie hope in their owne puissance, brought their people to Blacke heath, a foure miles distant from London, and there in a plaine on the top of an hill, they orde­red line 40 their battels, either readie to fight with the king if he would assaile them, or else to assault the citie of London: for they thought the king durst not haue encountred with them in battell. But they were de­ceiued: for the king although he had power inough about to haue fought with them before their com­ming so neere to the citie; yet he thought it best to suf­fer them to come forward, till he had them farre off from their natiue countrie, and then to set vpon them being destitute of aid in some place of aduan­tage. line 50

The citie was in a great feare at the first know­ledge giuen, The citie of London sore afraid of the rebels. how the rebels were so neere incamped to the citie, euerie man getting himselfe to harnesse, and placing themselues, some at the gates, some on the walles, so that no part was vndefended. But the king deliuered the citie of that feare: for after that he perceiued how the Cornishmen were all daie rea­die to fight, and that on the hill; he sent straight Iohn Earle of Oxenford, Henrie Bourchier, earle of Es­sex, line 60 Edmund de la Poole, earle of Suffolke, sir Rise ap Thomas, and sir Humfreie Stanleie, noble war­riors, with a great companie of archers and horsse­men, to enuiron the hill on the right side, and on the left, to the intent that all bywaies being stopped and foreclosed, all hope of flight should be taken from them. And incontinentlie he himselfe, being as well incouraged with manlie stomachs as furnished with a populous armie and plentie of artillerie, set for­ward out of the citie, and incamped himselfe in saint Georges field, where he on the fridaie at night then lodged.

On the saturdaie in the morning, he sent the lord Daubeneie with a great companie to set on them earlie in the morning, which first got the bridge at Dertford Strand, which was manfullie defended by certeine archers of the rebels, whose arrowes (as is reported) were in length a full cloth yard. While the earles set on them on euerie side, Blackheath field. the lord Daubenie came into the field with his companie, and without long fighting, the Cornishmen were ouercome; and first they tooke the lord Daubenie prisoner: but whe­ther it were for feare, or for hope of fauour, they let him go at libertie, without hurt or detriment. There were slaine of the rebels which fought and resisted, aboue two thousand men (as Edward Hall noteth) and taken prisoners an infinite number, Thrée hun­dred slaine, & a thousand fiue hundred taken priso­ners, as Iohn Stow saith. & amongst them the blacke smith, and other the cheefe capteins, which were shortlie after put to death. When this bat­tell was ended, the king wanted of all his numbers but three hundred, which were slaine at that con­flict.

Some affirme, that the king appointed to haue fought with them not till the mondaie, and preuen­ting the time set on them on the saturdaie before, ta­king them vnprouided, and in no arraie of battell; and so by that policie obteined the field and victorie. The prisoners as well capteins as other, were par­doned, sauing the chéefe capteins and first begin­ners, to whome he shewed no mercie at all. The lord Audeleie was drawne from Newgate to the Tow­er hill in a coate of his owne armes, Iames lord Iu [...]elie igno­min [...]ouslie drawne to ex­ecution and beheaded. painted vpon paper reuersed and all to torne, and there was behea­ded the foure and twentith of Iune. Thomas Flam­mocke & Michaell Ioseph were hanged, drawne, and quartered after the maner of traitors, & their heads and quarters were pitched vpon stakes, and set vp in London, and in other places: although at the first, the king meant to haue sent them into Cornewall, to haue béene set vp there for a terror to all others. But hearing that the Cornishmen at home were readie to begin a new conspiracie, least he should the more irritate and prouoke them by that displeasant sight, he changed his purpose, for doubt to wrap himselfe in more trouble than néeded.

While these things were adooing in England, Anno Reg. [...]. the king of Scots being aduertised of the whole matter and rebellion of the Cornishmen, The Scots inuade the English bor­ders. thought not to let passe that occasion: and therefore he eftsoones inua­ded the frontiers of England, wasting the countrie, burning townes, and murthering the people, spare­ing neither place nor person: and while his light hors­men were riding to forraie and destroie the bishop­rike of Durham, and there burned all about, he with an other part of his armie did besiege the castell of Norham. The bishop of Durham Richard Fox, be­ing owner of that castell, Fox bishop [...] Durham ow­ner of Nor­ham castell. had well furnished it both with men and munitions aforehand, doubting least that would follow which came now to passe. The bi­shop, after that the Scots made this inuasion, aduer­tised the king (as then being at London) of all things that chanced in the North parts; and sent in all post hast to the earle of Surrie, to come to the rescue. The [...]arle being then in Yorkeshire, and hauing ga­thered an armie, vpon knowledge giuen to him from the bishop, with all diligence marched forward, and after him followed other noble men out of all the quarters of the North, euerie of them bringing as manie men as they could gather, for defense of their countrie.

Amongst these, the chéefe leaders were, Rafe earle of Westmerland, Thomas lord Dacres, What lords & knights with their compa­nies went to the rescued of the castel against the Scots. Rafe lord Neuill, George lord Strange, Richard lord Lati­mer, George lord Lumleie, Iohn lord Scroope, Hen­rie lord Clifford, George lord Ogle, William lord Coniers, Thomas lord Darcie. Of knights, Thomas baron of Hilton▪ sir William Persie, sir William Bulmer, sir William Gascoigne, sir Rafe Bigod, sir [Page 783] Rafe Bowes, sir Thomas a Parre, sir Rafe Ellec­ker, sir Iohn Constable, sir Iohn Ratcliffe, sir Iohn Sauill, sir Thomas Strangweis, and a great num­ber of other knights and esquiers besides. The whole armie was little lesse than twentie thousand men, beside the nauie, whereof the lord Brooke was ad­merall.

When the Scots had diuerse waies assaulted and beaten the castell of Norham, but could make no batterie to enter the same, they determined of their line 10 owne accord to raise the siege, and returne; and that so much the sooner in verie déed, bicause they heard that the earle of Surrie was within two daies iour­nie of them, with a great puissance. Wherefore king Iames raised his siege, and returned home into his owne realme. When the earle knew of the kings re­turne, he followed him with all hast possible, trust­ing suerlie to ouertake him, and to giue him battell. When the earle was entred Scotland, he ouerthrew and defaced the castell of Cawdestreimes, The earle of Surrie en­treth Scot­land defacing castels and towers. the tower line 20 of Hetenhall, the tower of Edington, the tower of Fulden: and he sent Norreie king at armes to the capteine of Haiton castell, which was one of the strongest places betwixt Berwike and Edenburgh, to deliuer him the castell. Which he denied to doo, affir­ming that he was sure of spéedie succours.

The earle héerevpon laid his ordinance to the ca­stell, and continuallie beat it, from two of the clocke till fiue at night, in such wise, that they within rende­red vp the place, their liues onelie saued. The earle line 30 caused his minors to rase & ouerthrow the fortresse to the plaine ground. The Scotish king was within a mile of the siege, and both knew it, and saw the smoke, but would not set one foot forward to the res­cue. While the erle laie at Haiton, the king of Scots sent to him Machemont, and an other herald, desi­ring him at his election, either to fight with whole puissance against puissance, or else they two to fight person to person; requiring that if the victorie fell to the Scotish king, that then the earle should deliuer line 40 for his ransome, the towne of Berwike, with the fishgarths of the same.

The valiant [...]art of the erle of Surrie re­ [...]sing at his haplikelie to fight hand to hand with the k. of Scots.The earle made answer hereto, that the towne of Berwike was the king his maisters, and not his, the which he neither ought nor would laie to pledge, without the king of Englands assent; but he would gage his bodie, which was more pretious to him than all the townes of the world, promising on his honour, that if he tooke the king prisoner in that sin­gular combat, he would release to him all his part of line 50 the fine and ransome; and if it chanced the king to vanquish him, he would gladlie paie such ransome as was conuenient for the degree of an earle, and than­ked him greatlie for the offer: for suerlie he thought himselfe much honored, that so noble a prince would vouchsafe to admit so poore an earle to fight with him bodie to bodie. When he had rewarded and dismissed the heralds, he set his armie in a readinesse, to abide the comming of the king of Scots, and so stood all daie.

But king Iames not regarding his offers, would line 60 neither performe the one nor the other; fearing to cope with the English nation in anie condition; and so therevpon fled in the night season with all his puis­sance▪ When the earle knew that the king was recu­led, and had béene in Scotland six or seuen daies, be­ing dailie and nightlie vexed with continuall wind and raine, vpon good and deliberate aduise returned backe to the towne of Berwike, and there dissolued his armie, tarieng there himselfe, till he might vn­derstand further of the kings pleasure. An ambassa­dour from the [...] of Spaine [...] a [...] betwixt England and Scotland. In the meane time there came an ambassadour to the K. of Scots from the K. of Spaine, one Peter Hialas, a man of no lesse learning than wit & policie, to mooue & intret a peace betweene the two kings of England & Scot­land [that their people might fall to their necessarie trades of aduantage with quietnesse, and friend with friend, husband with wife, father with children, and maisters with seruants dwell and accompanie: a dis­solution and separation of whome one from another is procured by bloudie warre, wherein as there is no pitie, so is there is no pietie, as one saith full trulie:

Nulla fides pietásque viris qui castra sequuntur,
Luc. lib. 10.
Nulla salus bello.]

This Spanish ambassadour so earnestlie trauel­led in his message vnto the king of Scots, that at length he found him comformable to his purpose: and therefore wrote to the king of England, that it would please him to send one of his nobilitie or coun­cell, to be associat with him in concluding of peace with the Scotish king. The king of England was neuer dangerous to agree to anie reasonable peace, so it might stand with his honour; and therefore ap­pointed the bishop of Durham doctor Fox, to go in­to Scotland about that treatie which Peter Hialas had begun. The bishop (according to his commission) went honorablie into Scotland, where he and Peter Hialas at the towne of Iedworth, after long argu­ing and debating of matters with the Scotish com­missioners, in stéed of peace concluded a truce for cer­teine yeares; vpon condition, that Iames king of Scots should conueie Perkin Warbecke out of his realme, seigniories, and dominions.

About the same time, king Henrie receiued the ambassadors that were sent to him from the French king, and had béene staied at Douer, till the Cornish rebels were vanquished and subdued. Also the lord of Camphire, and other oratours of Philip archduke of Austrich, and duke of Burgognie came to him for the conclusion of amitie, and to haue the English merchants to resort againe to their countrie. Which request being verie agréeable to the quietnesse and wealth of his realme, and especiallie at that time, The English merchants re­ceiued into Antwerpe with generall procession. he did fauourablie grant and agrée vnto. And so did the Englishmen resort againe into the archdukes domi­nions, and were receiued into Antwerpe with gene­rall procession: so glad was that towne of their re­turne. Shortlie after the concluding of the truce be­tweene England and Scotland, Perkin is faine to pack [...] out of Scot­land. Perkin Warbecke being willed of the king of Scots to depart out of the Scotish dominions, sailed with his wife and fa­milie into Ireland, there determining with himselfe either to repaire into Flanders to his first setter vp the duches of Burgognie, or else ioine and take part with the Cornishmen.

But howsoeuer it came to passe, whilest he laie in Ireland, he had knowledge from the Cornishmen, that they were readie to renew the warre againe. Wherevpon he minding not to let passe so fai [...]e an occasion, hauing with him foure small ships, Perkin War­beck arriueth in Cornwall. and not aboue six score men, sailed into Cornewall; and there landed in the moneth of September, and came to a towne called Bodman, and there did so prouoke the wauering people, what with faire words and large promises, that he gathered to him aboue thrée thou­sand persons, which immediatlie called him their capteine, promising to take his part, and follow him to the death. Then Perkin well incouraged, Another re­bellion by the Cornishmen. made proclamations in the name of king Richard the fourth, as sonne to king Edward the fourth. And by the aduise of his three councellors, Perkins thrée councellors. Iohn Heron mer­cer a bankrupt, Richard Skelton a tailor, and Iohn Astelie a scriuener determined first of all to assaie the winning of Excester.

Then hasting thither, he laid siege to it, and wan­ting ordinance to make batterie, Excester as [...]saulted by Perkin & the Cornishmen. studied all waies possible how to breake the gates, and what with cast­ing of stones, heauing with iron barres, and kindling [Page 784] of fire vnder the gates, he omitted nothing that could be deuised for the furtherance of his purpose. The ci­tizens, perceiuing in what danger they stood, first let certeine messengers downe by cords ouer the wall, that might certifie the king of their necessitie & trou­ble. And herewith taking vnto them boldnesse of cou­rage, determined to repell fire with fire, and caused fagots to be brought and laid to the inward parts of the gates, and set them all on fire; to the intent that the fire being inflamed on both sides the gates, line 10 might as well keepe out their enimies from entring, The citie of Excester pre­serued from fire by fire. as shut in the citizens from fléeing out, and that they in the meane season might make trenches and ram­pires to defend their enimies in stéed of gates and bulworks. Thus by fire was the citie preserued from fire.

Then Perkin of verie necessitie compelled to for­sake the gates, assaulted the towne in diuerse weake and vnfortified places, and set vp ladders to take the citie. But the citizens, with helpe of such as were line 20 come foorth of the countrie adioining to their aid, so valiantlie defended the walles, that they slue aboue two hundred of Perkins souldiers at that assault. The king hauing aduertisement of this siege of Ex­cester, The king ma­keth out his power against Perkin. hasted foorth with his host, in as much speed as was possible, and sent the lord Daubeneie with cer­teine bands of light horssemen before, to aduertise all men of his comming at hand. But in the m [...]ane season, the lord Edward Courtneie earle of Deuon­shire, and the valiant lord William his sonne, accom­panied line 30 with sir Edmund Carew, sir Thomas Tren­chard, sir William Courtneie, sir Thomas Fulford, sir Iohn Halewell, sir Iohn Croker, Water Court­nie, Peter Edgecombe, William saint Maure, with all spéed came into the citie of Excester, and holpe the citizens, and at the last assault was the earle hurt in the arme with an arrow, and so were manie of his companie, but verie few slaine.

When Perkin saw that he could not win the citie of Excester, sith he sawe it was so well fortified both line 40 with men and munitions, he departed from thence, and went vnto Taunton, and there the twentith day of September he mustered his men; as though he were readie to giue battell: but perceiuing his num­ber to be minished, by the secret withdrawing of sun­drie companies from him, he began to put mistrust in all the remnant. In déed when the people that fol­lowed him, in hope that no small number of the nobi­litie would ioine with him, saw no such matter come to passe, they stale awaie from him by secret compa­nies. When the king heard that he was gone to line 50 Taunton, he followed after him with all spéed. And by the way there came to him Edward duke of Buc­kingham, Edward the yoong duke of Buckingham and his com­pan [...]e ioine with the king. a yoong prince of great towardnesse; and him followed a great companie of noble men, knights and esquiers, as sir Alexander Bainam, sir Maurice Barkleie, sir Robert Tame, sir Iohn Guise, sir Robert Pointz, sir Henrie Uernon, sir Iohn Mortimer, sir Thomas Tremaile, sir Edward Sutton, sir Amise Paulet, sir Iohn Birkne [...]ll, sir line 60 Iohn Sapeotes, sir Hugh Lutterell, sir Francis Cheineie, and diuerse other.

At the kings approching to the towne of Taun­ton, he sent before him Robert lord Brooke lord ste­ward of his house, Giles lord Daubeneie his chiefe cham [...]erleine, and sir Rice ap Thomas. But as soone as Perkin was informed that his enimies were rea­die to giue him battell, he that nothing lesse minded than to fight in open field with the kings puissance, dissembled all the daie time with his companie, as though nothing could make him afraid: and about midnight, Perkin fléeth and taketh Braudlie sanctuarie. accompanied with thrée score horssemen, he departed from Taunton in post to a sanctuarie towne beside Southampton, called Beaudlie, & there he and Iohn Heron with other registred themselues as persons priuileged. When as king Henrie knew that Perkin was thus fled, he sent after him the lord Daubeneie with fiue hundred horssemen toward the sea side, to apprehend him before he should get away. Although Perkin escaped (as I haue said) vnto sanc­tuarie, yet manie of his chiefe capteins were taken and presented to the king.

Also the horssemen that were sent, without anie stop or staie came to saint Michaels mount, and there (as chance was) found the ladie Katharine Gor­don wife to Perkin, The beauti­full ladie ka­tharine (Per­kins wife) presented to the king. and brought hir streight to the king. At whose beautie and amiable countenance the king much maruelled, and thought hir a preie more meet for a prince, than for the meane souldiers, and sent hir incontinentlie vnto London to the queene, accompanied with a sort of sage matrones and gentlewomen, bicause she was but yoong. The common people that had followed Perkin, after that their chéefeteine was fled, threw awaie their armour as people amazed, and submitted themselues to the king, humblie beséeching him of mercie, which he most gentlie granted, and receiued them to his fa­uour. After this the king road to Excester, and there not onelie commended the citizens, but also hartilie thanked them for dooing so well their duties in defen­ding their citie from their enimies. He also put there to execution diuerse Cornishmen, which were the au­thors and principall beginners of this new conspira­cie and insurrection. Neuerthelesse, he vsed maruel­lous clemencie also in pardoning a great number of the rebels.

¶For when king Henrie was come to Excester with a great armie, Iohn Hooker, aliàs Vowell. mooued therevnto (as you haue heard) by reason of the rebellion of Perkin War­becke, who was fled before the kings comming, he staied a few daies about the examination of the said rebellion, and the executing of the chiefe and princi­pall capteins. In the end, the multitude of the offen­dors being great, All Perkins partakers in their shirts with halters about their necks app [...] before the king▪ and most humblie crauing for par­don, the king caused them all to be assembled in the churchyard of saint Peters, where they all appeared bare headed, in their shirts, and with halters about their necks. His grace was then lodged in the trea­surors house, lieng fast vpon the churchyard, and out of a faire and large window (made for the purpose) he tooke the view of them, who shouted and cried out for pardon. At length, when the king had paused, hee made a speach vnto them, exhorting them to obedi­ence, and in hope he should thencefoorth find them du­tifull, he pardoned them all: whereat they all made a great sh [...]ut, gaue the king thanks, and hurled a­waie their halters. Yet neuerthelesse, some returned againe, and ioined themselues with the Cornish peo­ple, which had not all submitted themselues, nor sought for pardon.]

Now while he remained at Excester, he considered with himselfe, that he had doone nothing, if he could not get into his hands the chiefe head of this trouble and seditious businesse. Wherefore he caused the sanctuarie wherein Perkin was inclosed, Perkin in sanctuarie assaulted. to be inui­roned with two bands of light horssemen, to watch diligentlie, that Perkin should not escape by anie meanes foorth of that place vntaken: and withall at­tempted by faire promises of pardon and forgiuenes, if Perkin would submit himselfe to him and become his man. Perkin perceiuing himselfe so shut vp, Perkin sub­mitteth hi [...] ­selfe to the king, and is streictlie séene [...]. that he could no waie escape, of his owne free will came out of the sanctuarie, and committed himselfe to the kings pleasure. When the king had thus atchiued his purpose, he returned to London, and appointed certeine keepers to attend on Perkin, which should not (the bredth of a naile) go from his person; least he should conueie himselfe by anie meanes out of [Page 785] the land [and set new troubles abroth by such prac­tises as he had to fore vsed, for the aduancement of himselfe to the estate of a king, by assuming vnto himselfe the name of a kings sonne▪ when in déed hee was come of base parentage. But Iacke will bee a gentleman, the long eared asse will be taken for a leopard, & the pelting p [...]ire for a lion▪ as one saith: ‘ M▪ Pal. in Virg.Nunc se asinus pardum vocat & formic [...] leonem.]’

After this, the king caused inquiries to be made, of all such as had aided with men or monie the Cor­nish line 10 rebels, so that diuerse persons as well in Sum­mersetshire as Deuonshire were detected of that of­fense which he minded for example [...]ake should tast some part of due punishments for their [...]imes, ac­cording to the qualitie thereof. And therefore he ap­pointed Thomas lord Darcie, Cōmissioners appointed for [...]essing of their [...]ines that fauoured the Cornish rebels. Amisse Pa [...]le [...] knight, and Robert Sherborne deane of P [...]ules (that was after bishop of Chichester) to be commissioners for as­sessing of their sines that were found culpable. These commissioners so b [...]stirred themselues, in tossing the line 20 coffers and substance of all the inhabitants of both those shires, year 1498 that there was not one person imbrued or spotted with the filth of that abhominable crime, that escaped the paine which he had deserued: but to such yet as offended rather by constreint than of ma­lice, they were gentle and fauourable, so that equitie therein was verie well and iustlie executed.

¶In this yeare all the gardens which had béene continued time out of mind, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag 872. Gardens in Moore field [...] wast to make archers game. Price of haie doubled. Sebastian Gabato his discouerie of [...]n Iland of rich commo­dities. without Moore gate of London, were destroied, and of them was made a plaine field for archers to shoot in. Also this yéere was line 30 a great drought, by reason whereof a load of haie, which was before sold at London at fiue shillings, was this yeare sold for ten or twelue more. Also this yeare, one Sebastian Gabato, a Genoas sonne, borne in Bristow, professing himselfe to be expert in knowledge of the circuit of the world, and Ilands of the same, as by his charts and other reasonable de­monstrations he shewed, caused the king to man and vittell a ship at Bristow, to search for an Iland which line 40 he knew to be replenished with rich commodites. In the ship diuerse merchants of London aduentured small stocks, and in the companie of this ship sailed also out of Bristow three or foure small ships fraight with slight and grosse wares, as course cloash, caps, lases, points, and such other.

Sir Humfrie Gilbert knight, in his booke intitu­led, A discouerie for a new passage to Cataia, writeth thus; ‘Sebastian Gabato, by his personall experience and trauell, hath described and set foorth this passage line 50 in his charts, which are yet to be séene in the quéenes maiesties priuie gallerie at White hall, who was sent to make this discouerie by king Henrie the se­uenth, and entered the same f [...]et, affirming that hee sailed verie farre westward, with a quarter of the north, on the north side of terra de Labrador, the eleuenth of Iune, vntill he came to the septentrionall latitude of 67½ degrées, and finding the seas still open, said, that he might & would haue gon to Cataia, if the em­nitie of the maister and mariners had not béene.’ Ne­uerthelesse, line 60 he went verie farre, euen to a nation in­habited with people more like beasts than men, as ap­peareth in the yeare 1502, and the seuentéenth of this kings reigne, when the said traueller was returned, and presented himselfe to the kings maiestie.]

Anno Reg. 14.In this yeare the warre had like to haue béene reuiued betwixt the realmes of England and Scot­land by a small occasion, England and Scotland lik­lie to go togi­ther by the eares a [...]resh. as thus. Certeine yongmen of the Scots came arriued before Norham castell, & beheld it woonderous circumspectlie, as though they would faine haue béene of counsell to know what was doone the rein. The kéepers not perceiuing anie damage attempted against them for the first time, determined not to mooue anie question to them, or once to stirre out. But when they came againe the next day, and viewed it likewise, the kéepers of the castell suspecting some euill meaning, demanded of them what their intent was, and why they viewed and aduised so the castell. The Scots answered them roughlie with disdainfull words, so that the English­men fell to and replied with strokes; and after manie blowes giuen and receiued, diuerse Scots were wounded, and some slaine; and the residue ouermat­ched with multitude of the Englishmen, fled as fast as their horsses could carie them.

The Scotish king hereof aduertised, was highlie displeased, and in all hast signified to king Henrie by his herald Marchemont, in what sort his people (to the breach of the truce) were abused and handled. King Henrie being not in will to breake with anie of his neighbours, excused the matter, affirming that he was not of knowledge to the misdemeanor of those that had the castell in kéeping; requiring the king of Scots not to thinke the truce broken for a­nie thing doone without his consent; promising in the word of a king to inquire of the truth, and if the of­fense were found to be begun on the partie of the kéepers of the castell, he assured him that they should for no meed nor fauour escape due correction and pu­nishment.

This answer (though it was more than reasona­ble) could not pacifie the king of Scots, The bishop of Durham as­swageth the kings displea­sure by leters. till the bi­shop of Durham (that was owner of the castell of Norham) who sore lamented, that by such as he ap­pointed kéepers there, the warre should be renewed) with sundrie letters written to the Scotish king, at length asswaged his displeasure, so that the said king wrote courteouslie to the bishop againe, signifieng that bicause he had manie secret things in his mind, which he would communicate onelie with him tou­ching this matter now in variance; therefore he re­quired him to take the paine to come into his coun­trie, trusting that he should thinke his labor well be­stowed. The bishop was glad, and sent word hereof to the king his master, who willed him to accomplish the desire of the Scotish king, which he tooke to bee reasonable.

At his comming into Scotland, The bishop of Durham go­eth into Scotland. he was courte­ouslie receiued of the king himselfe at the abbeie of Melrosse. And there, after the king had (for a counte­nance) complained much of the vniust slaughter of his men late committed at Norham: vpon the bi­shops gentle answers thervnto, he forgaue the same, and after began to talke secretlie without witnesses alone with the bishop. And first he declared what iust causes mooued him in times past to séeke amitie with the king of England: which now he desired much more to haue confirmed, for further maintenance & increase thereof. Which he doubted not but should sort to a fortunate conclusion, if the king of Eng­land would vouchsafe to giue to him in matrimonie his first begotten daughter the ladie Margaret, vp­on which point he purposed latelie to haue sent his ambassadors into England, The Scotish king desireth the ladie Margaret e [...]dest daughter of K. Henrie the se­uenth to be his wife. which thing he would the sooner doo if he knew the bishops mind therein to bée readie to further his sute. The bishop answered but few words, sauing that when he were returned to the king his maister, he would doo the best in the matter that he could.

When the bishop was returned into England, and come to the king, he declared to him all the com­munication had betwéene king Iames and him, from point to point in order. The king liked well thereof, as he to whom peace was euer a souereigne solace and comfort. In this meane time Perkin Warbecke, year 1499 disappointed of all hope to escape out of the Englishmens hands (which was the onelie thing that he most desired) found meanes yet at length to [Page 786] deceiue his kéepers, & took him to his héels. But when he came to the sea coasts, P [...]r [...]in War­becke escapeth from his kee­pers. and could not passe, he was in a maruellous perplexitie: for euerie byway▪ lane, and corner was laid for him, and such search made, that being brought to his wits end, and cut short of his pretensed iournie, he came to the house of Beth­lem, called the priorie of Shéene beside Richmond in Southerie, and betooke himselfe to the prior of that monasterie, requiring him for the honour of God▪ to beg his pardon of life of the kings maiestie. line 10

The prior, which for the opinion that men had con­ceiued of his vertue, was had in great estimation, pitieng the wretched state of that caitife, came to the king, and shewed him of this Perkin, whose pardon he humblie craued, and had it as fréelie granted. In­continentlie after was Perkin brought to the court againe at Westminster, and was one day set f [...]tte­red in a paire of stocks, before the doore of Westmin­ster hall, and there stood a whole day, not without in­numerable reproches, mocks and scornings. And the next daie he was caried through London, and set vp­on line 20 a like scaffold in Cheape by the standard, with like ginnes and stocks as he occupied the daie before, and there stood all daie, and read openlie his owne confession, written with his own [...] hand, the verie co­pie whereof here insueth.

The confession of Perkin as it was writ­ten with his owne hand, which he read openlie vpon a scaffold by the standard line 30 in Cheape.

Perkin ma­keth an ana­tomie of his descent or li­ [...]age. IT is first to be knowne, that I was borne in the towne of Tur­neie in Flanders, and my fathers name is Iohn Osbecke, which said Iohn Osbecke was controllor of the said towne of Turneie, and my moothers name is Katharine de Faro. And one of my grandsires vpon my fathers side was line 40 named Diricke Osbeck, which died. After whose death my grandmoother was mar­ried vnto Peter Flamin, that was recei­uer of the forenamed towne of Turneie, & deane of the botemen that row vpon the water or riuer called le Scheld. And my grandsire vpon my moothers side was Pe­ter de Faro, which had in his keeping the keies of the gate of S. Iohns within the line 50 same towne of Turneie. Also I had an vn­cle called maister Iohn Stalin, dwelling in the parish of S. Pias within the same towne, which had maried my fathers si­ster, whose name was Ione or Iane, with whome I dwelt a certeine season.

And after I was led by my moother to Antwerpe for to learne Flemish, Perkins e­ducation or bringing vp. in a house of a cousine of mine, an officer of the said towne, called Iohn Stienbecke, with line 60 whome I was the space of halfe a yeare. And after that I returned againe to Tur­neie, by reason of warres that were in Flanders. And within a yeare following I was sent with a merchant of the said towne of Turneie, named Berlo, to the mart of Antwerpe, where I fell sicke, which sickenesse continued vpon me fiue moneths. And the said Berlo set me to boord in a skinners house, that dwelled be­side the house of the English nation. And by him I was from thense caried to Barow mart, and I lodged at the signe of the old man, where I abode for the space of two moneths.

After this, the said Berlo set me with a merchant of Middle borow to seruice for to learne the language, whose name was Iohn Strew, with whome I dwelt from Christmasse to Easter, and then I went in­to Portingall in companie of sir Edward Bramptons wife, in a ship which was cal­led the queens ship. And when I was come thither, then was I put in seruice to a knight that dwelled in Lushborne, which was called Peter Uacz de Cogna, with whome I dwelled an whole yeare, which said knight had but one eie. And bicause I desired to see other countries, Perkin a no­table land­loper. I tooke li­cence of him, and then I put my selfe in ser­uice with a Britan, called Pregent Meno, which brought me with him into Ireland. Now when we were there arriued in the towne of Corke, they of the towne (bicause I was arraied with some cloths of silke of my said maisters) came vnto me, & threat­ned vpon me that I should be the duke of Clarences sonne, that was before time at Dublin.

But forsomuch as I denied it, The Irish would haue Perkin tak [...] vpon him to be the duke of Clarences sonne. there was brought vnto me the holie euangelists, and the crosse, by the maior of the towne, which was called Iohn Leweline, and there in the presence of him and others, I tooke mine oth (as the truth was) that I was not the foresaid dukes sonne, nor none of his bloud. And after this came vnto me an Englishman, whose name was Stephan Poitron, and one Iohn Water, and laid to me in swearing great oths, that they knew well that I was king Richards ba­stard sonne: They bear [...] Perkin downe with oths that he is king Ri­chards ba­stard. to whome I answered with like oths, that I was not. Then they aduised me not to be afeard, but that I should take it vpon me boldlie: and if I would so doo, they would aid and assist me with all their power against the king of England; & not onelie they, but they were well assured, that the earle of Desmond & Kildare should doo the same.

For they forced not what part they tooke, so that they might be reuenged on the king of England: and so against my will made me to learne English, and taught me what I should doo and saie. They call hi [...] duke of yorke. And after this they called me duke of Yorke, second sonne to king Edward the fourth, bicause king Ri­chards bastard sonne was in the han [...]s of the king of England. And vpon this the said Water, Stephan Poitron, Iohn Tiler, Hughbert Burgh, with manie o­thers, as the foresaid earles, entered into this false quarell, and within short time o­thers. The French K. sent an ambassador into Ireland, whose name was Loit Lu­cas, and maister Stephan Friham, to ad­uertise me to come into France. And thense I went into France, and from thense into Flanders, & from Flanders into Ireland, and from Ireland into Scotland, & so into England.

[Page 787]When the night of the same daie (being the fif­teenth of Iune) was come, after he had stood all that daie in the face of the citie, he was committed to the Tower, there to remaine vnder safe kéeping, least happilie he might eftsoones run awaie, and escape out of the land, to put the king and realme to some new trouble. For he had a woonderfull dextèritie and rea­dinesse to circumuent, a heart full of ouerreaching imaginations, an aspiring mind, a head more wilie (I wisse) than wittie; bold he was and presumptuous line 10 in his behauiour, as forward to be the instrument of a mischeefe, as anie deuiser of wickednesse would wish; a féend of the diuels owne forging, nursed and trained vp in the studie of commotions, making of­fer to reach as high as he could looke; such was his inordinate ambition, wherewith he did swel [...] as co­ueting to be a princes peere: much like the tode that would match the bull in drinking, but in the end she burst in péeces and neuer dranke more; as the poet telleth the tale (by the imitation of the fabler) saieng: line 20

—cupiens aequare bibendo
Rana bouem,
[...]. Pa [...]. in Virg.
rupta nunquam bibit ampliùs aluo.

In this yeare was an Augustine frier called Pa­trike in the parties of Suffolke, Anno Reg. 15. Patrike an Augustine Frier. the which hauing a scholer named Rafe Wilford (a shoomakers sonne of London as Stow noteth) had so framed him to his purpose, that in hope to worke some great enter­prise, as to disappoint the king of his crowne and seat roiall, tooke vpon him to be the earle of Warwike, insomuch that both the maister and scholer hauing counselled betwéene themselues of their enterprise, Rafe Wilford the counter­feit earle of Warwike. line 30 they went into Kent, & there began the yoong maw­met to tell priuilie to manie, that he was the verie earle of Warwike, and latelie gotten out of the Tower, by the helpe of this frier Patrike. To which saiengs when the frier perceiued some light credence to be giuen, he declared it openlie in the pulpit, and desired all men of helpe. But the danger of this sedi­tious attempt was shortlie remooued and taken a­waie, the maister and scholer being both apprehended line 40 and cast into prison and atteinted.

The scholer was hanged on Shrouetuesdaie at saint Thomas Waterings, The counter­feit earle is executed. and the frier condemned to perpetuall prison. For at that time so much reue­rence was attributed to the holie orders, that to a préest (although he had committed high treason a­gainst his souereigne lord) his life was spared, in like case as to anie other offendor in murther, rape, or theft, that had receiued anie of the three higher holie orders. [The chéefe cause (saith Edward Hall) of this line 50 fauour was this, Abr. Fl. ex E [...]. Hall, in H [...]n. 7. fol. lj. The cause why the clergie neuer so heinouslie o [...] ­fending was so [...]auoured. bicause bishops of a long time and season did not take knowledge, nor intermix them­selues with the search & punishment of such heinous and detestable offenses: by reason whereof they did not disgrade and depriue from the holie orders such malefactors and wicked persons, which without that ceremonie by the canon lawes could not be put to death.

Furthermore, what should a man saie, it was also vsed, that he that could but onelie read (yea although line 60 he vnderstood not what he read) how heinous or dete­stable a crime so euer he had committed (treason one­lie excepted) should likewise as affines & alies to the holie orders be saued, and committed to the bishops prison. And to the intent that if they should escape, and be againe taken, committing like offense, that their liues be no more to them pardoned: it was ordeined that murtherers should be burnt on the brawne of the left hand with an hot iron signed with this letter M. and théeues in the same place with this letter T. So that if they, which were once signed with anie of these marks or tokens did reiterate like crime & offense againe, should suffer the paines and punishments which they had both merited and deser­ued. Burning in the hand when enacted. Which decrée was enacted and established in a session of parlement kept in the time of this kings reigne, and taken (as I coniecture) of the French na­tion, which are woont, if they take anie such offendor, to cut off one of his eares, as a sure token and marke hereafter of his euill dooing.]

Perkin Warbecke (as before ye haue heard) be­ing now in hold, Perkin cor­rupted his keepers. by false persuasions and great pro­mises corrupted his kéepers, Stranguish, Blewet, Astwood, and long Roger, seruants to sir Iohn Dig­bie lieutenant of the Tower. Insomuch that they (as it was at their arreignment openlie prooued) inten­ded to haue slaine their maister, and to haue set Per­kin and the earle of Warwike at large. Which earle of Warwike had beene kept in prison within the Tower almost from his tender yeares, that is to saie, from the first yeare of the king, to this fiftéenth yeare, out of all companie of men & sight of beasts, insomuch that he could not discerne a goose from a capon, Edward Plantagenet earle of War­wike a verie innocent. and therefore by common reason and open ap­parance could not of himselfe séeke his owne death and destruction. But yet by the drift and offense of an other he was brought to his death and confusion.

For being made priuie of this enterprise deuised by Perkin and his complices, therevnto (as all na­turall creatures loue libertie) he assented and agreed. But this craftie deuise and subtill imagination be­ing reuealed, sorted to none effect, so that Perkin and Iohn Awater sometime maior of Corke in Ireland, one of his chéefe founders, and his sonne, were on the sixtéenth daie of Nouember arreigned and condem­ned at Westminster. Perkin and Iohn Awa­ter executed at Tiburne. And on the thrée and twentith daie of the same moneth, Perkin and Iohn Awater were drawne to Tiburne, where Perkin standing on a little scaffold, read his confession (as before he had doone in Cheape side) taking it on his death to be true. And so he and Iohn Awater asked the king for­giuenesse, and died patientlie.

This was the reward of the feined glose and coun­terfeit comment of Perkin Warbecke, the which as by his false surmises in his life time had brought manie honourable personages to their deaths, and vndoone manie an honest man: so now at his death he brought other of the same sort to their not altogi­ther vndeserued punishment. And amongest others Edward Plantagenet the forenamed erle of War­wike, which (as the fame went) consented to breake prison, and to depart out of the realme with Perkin (which in prisoners is high treason) was the one and twentith daie of the said moneth arreigned at West­minster before the earle of Oxenford then high ste­ward of England of the said treason, which (whether it were by intisement and persuasion of other, or of his owne frée will manie doubted, bicause of his in­nocencie) confessed the fact, and submitted himselfe to the kings mercie; and vpon his confession had his iudgement, Edward Plantagenet the yoong earlē of Warwike beheaded. and according thervnto the eight and twentith daie of Nouember in the yeare 1499, was brought to the scaffold on the Tower hill, and there beheaded.

The fame after his death sprang abroad, that Fer­dinando king of Spaine would make no full conclu­sion of the matrimonie to be had betweene prince Arthur and the ladie Katharine daughter to the said Ferdinando, nor send hir into England as long as this earle liued. For he imagined that so long as a­nie earle of Warwike liued, England should neuer be purged of ciuill warre and priuie sedition▪ so much was the name of Warwike in other regions had in feare and gealousie. The next yeare after there was a great plague, year 1500 whereof men died in manie pla [...]s ve­rie sore; A great plague. but speciallie and most of all in the citie of London, where died in that yeare thirtie thousand. The foure and twentith of Februarie in this fifteenth [Page 788] yeare of this kings reigne his third son was christe­ned and was named Edward. Edward the kings third sonne chri­stened. The manour of Shéene burnt & Rich­mond built in place thereof. I. S. pag. 874. Also in this yeare was burned a place of the kings, called the manour of Shéene situate nigh the Thames side, which he af­ter builded againe sumptuouslie, and changed the name of Sheene, and called it Richmond; bicause his father and he were earles of Richmond: or (as some note) for that so manie notable and rich iewels were there burnt. He also new builded Bainards castell in London, and repaired Greenewich.] line 10

The king, whether to auoid the danger of so great and perilous sickenesse, then raging, or to take occa­sion to commen with the duke of Burgognie, did personallie take his ship at Douer in the beginning of Maie, King Henrie the seuenth [...]aileth to Ca­lis. and sailed to Calis, whither the duke of Burgognie sent to him honourable personages in ambassage to welcome him into those parties, and to declare that the said duke would gladlie repair [...] personallie to his presence with such a number as the king should appoint, so that it were within no line 20 walled towne nor fortresse. For hauing denied the French king to enter into anie of his fortresses to talke with him, he would be loth now to giue a presi­dent to him to desire the like méeting. The king in­terteining the ambassadours, and thanking the duke of his courteous offer, appointed the place at saint Peters church without Calis.

Upon tuesdaie in Whitsunweeke the archd [...]ke Phi­lip came thither with a conuenient companie. The king of England and the duke of Burgognie méet at saint Peters church with­out Calis. Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall▪ in Hen. 7. fol. lij. The king and the queene with manie a lustie lord and la­die line 30 rode thither to welcome him. [And when the king approched, the duke at his lighting offered to hold his stirrupe, which the king in no wise would suffer to be doone. When the king was descended from his horsse, he and the archduke imbraced each other with most princelie familiaritie, and then the quéene and all the nobls saluted him.] And after most louing intertein­ments, bankettings, mirth, and pastime shewed a­mongest them, there was communication of marri­ages, treating of further strengthening of leagues, line 40 requests of tolles in Flanders to be minished: with manie other things touching the commoditie and traffike of both their countries. And when all things were set in order, the two princes tooke their leaue, and departed; the king to Calis, and the archduke to S. Omers. After his departing, there came as am­bassadors from the French king, the lord Gronthouse gouernour of Picardie, and the lord Meruelliers bailiffe of Amiens, which declared to the king the get­ting of Millaine and taking of the duke. The king line 50 highlie feasted them, and rewarded them princelie at their departing.

Anno Reg. 16.Soone after, when the death was slaked, the king returned againe into England about the end of Iune. Shortlie after there came to him one Gasper Pons a Spaniard, a man of excellent learning and most ciuill behauiour, sent from Alexander the bishop of Rome to distribute the heauenlie grace (as he ter­med it) to all such as (letted by anie forceable impedi­ment) could not come to Rome that yeare to the Iu­bile, A yeare of Iubile. line 60 which was there celebrate, being the yeare after the birth of our Sauiour, 1500. This beneuolent li­beralitie was not altogither fréeli [...] giuen. For Alex­ander looking to the health of mens soules▪ Pope Alexan­der maketh profit of his great pardon or heauenlie grace, as he termeth it. thought to doo somewhat for his owne priuat commoditie, & therefore he set a certeine price of that his grace and pardon. And to the end that the king should not hin­der his purpose, he offered part of his gaines to the king.

And to colour the matter with some fauourable pretext, and to make men the better willing, & more readie to giue franklie, he promised with that monie to make warre against the Turke. By this meanes the po [...]e got a great masse of monie, which he had conueied ouer vnto him by such trustie messengers (doubt you not) as he had appointed; and yet nothing doone against the Turks, which in the meane season did much hurt to the christians. [For it was no part of his meaning (what colourable shew soeuer he made of tendering the succourlesse people) to impart anie portion thereof to so good a vse; Abr. Fle [...] but rather for the supportation of him and his swarme, who before they will bate an ace of their gorgeous gallantnesse, the whole world shalbe co [...]sened. Such is the collusion of the pope, such be the shamelesse shifts of him and his cleargie for the maintenance of their owne courtlie brauerie, which is wicked vanitie; farre passing the pompe of anie prince, were the same of neuer so rare magnificence; as he well noteth that said full trulie:

—immenso princeps non visus in orbe est,
Cui tanti fastus tantáue pompa fuit.
Antith. [...] & pap [...] ▪ pag 31 40.
Ingreditur quando miserae Babylonis in Vrbes,
Cernitur hîc plusquam regia pompa comes.
Huic equus est spumans ostró (que) insignis & auro,
Altisono cuius sub pede terra fremit, &c.]

About this time died thrée bishops in England, Iohn Morton archbishop of Canturburie, Thrée bish [...] dead in one yeare. Thomas Langton bishop of Winchester, and Thomas Rothe­ram archbishop of Yorke. After him succéeded Tho­mas Sauage bishop of London, a man of great ho­nour and worthinesse: in whose place succéeded Wil­liam Warham, of whome before is made mention. And Henrie Deane bishop of Salisburie, was made archbishop of Canturburie, and Richard For was remooued from Durham to the sée of Winchester. Also this yeare two notable mariages were conclu­ded, but not consummate till afterwards, Two notab [...]e mariages. as you shall heare in place conuenient. For king Henrie granted his daughter ladie Margaret to Iames the fourth king of Scots. year 1501 Katharine daughter to Ferdinando K. of Spaine affi [...]d to Ar­thur prince of Wales. And Ferdinando king of Spaine gaue his daughter ladie Katharine to Ar­thur prince of Wales, sonne and heire apparant to the king of England.

Among other articles of the mariage concluded with the Scotish king this was one, that no English men should be receiued into Scotland without let­ters commendatorie of their souereigne lord, or safe conduct of his warden of the marches; and the same prohibition was in like maner giuen to the Scots. This yeare the ladie Katharine of Spaine was sent by hir father king Ferdinando with a puissant nauie of ships into England, Anno Reg 1 [...]. where she arriued in the ha­uen of Plimmouth the second daie of October then being saturdaie. The fourth [...] October as Stow hath noted. Upon the twelfe of Nouember she was conueied from Lambeth through London with all triumph and honour that might be deuised to the bishops palace, the stréets being hanged, and page­ants erected after the maner as is vsed at a corona­tion: which solemnitie Edward Hall describeth with the sumptuous shewes then glistering in the behol­ders eies.

¶ I passe ouer (saith he) the wise deuises, Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall fol. liij. the pru­dent spéeches, the costlie works, the cunning portra­tures, practised and set foorth in seuen goodlie beauti­full pageants, erected and set vp in diuerse places of the citie. I leaue also the goodlie ballades, the swéet harmonie, the musicall instruments, which sounded with heauenlie noise on euerie side of the streets. I o­mit further, the costlie apparell both of goldsmiths worke and imbroderie, the rich iewels, the massie chaines, the stirring horsses, the beautifull bards and the glittering trappers, both with belles and spangels of gold. I pretermit also the rich apparell of the prin­cesse, the strange fashion of the Spanish nation, the beautie of the English ladies, the goodlie demeanure of the yoong damosels, the amorous countenance of the lustie bachelers. I passe ouer also the fine ingrai­ned clothes, the costlie furs of the citizens, standing [Page 789] on scaffolds, raised from Gracechurch to Paules. What should I speake of the odoriferous scarlets, the fine veluets, the pleasant furres, the massie chaines, which the maior of London with the senat, sitting on horssebacke at the little conduit in Cheape, ware on their bodies and about their necks? I will not speake of the rich arras, the costlie tapestrie, the fine clothes both of gold and siluer, the curious veluets, the beau­tifull satte [...]s, nor the pleasant silkes which did hang in euerie street where she passed, the wine that ran line 10 continuallie out of the conduits, and the graueling of the stréets néedeth not to be remembred.]

Whilest this ladie soiourned for hir recreation in the bishops palace of London, being in the meane time visited of the king, the quéene, and the kings mother, there was erected in the bodie of S. Paules church a long bridge made of timber, extending from the west doore of the church to the step at the entring into the queere, which was six foot from the ground. On the said bridge or stage, euen directlie before the line 20 consistorie of the church▪ was a place raised like a mount for eight persons to stand vpon, compassed round about with steps to ascend and descend, which was couered with fine red worsted, and in likewise were all the railes of the said stage. On the north side of this mount was a place decked and trimmed for the king and quéene, and such other as they appointed to haue. On the south side of the same mount stood the maior and the magistrates of the citie.

When all things were prepared and set in order, line 30 vpon the fouretéenth of Nouember then being sun­daie, The solemni­zation of the mariage be­tweene Ar­thur prince of Wales & Ka­tharine daughter to the king of Spaine. the foresaid ladie was led to the said mount, and there prince Arthur openlie espoused hir, both be­ing clad in white, both lustie and amorous, he of the age of fifteene and more, and she of the age of eigh­téene or thereabouts, the king and queene standing priuily on their stage. After the matrimonie celebra­ted, the prince and his wife went vp into the queere, and there heard a solemne masse soong by the archbi­shop of Canturburie, associat with ninetéene pre­lats line 40 mitred. And after the masse finished, the bride was led homewards to the bishops palace by the duke of Yorke being then a goodlie yoong prince, and the legat of Spaine. Next after followed the ladie Cicilie sister to the quéene, supporting the traine of the spouse.

But to speake of all the solemne pompe, noble companie of lords and ladies, and what a sumptuous feast and plentifull was kept, with dansing and dis­guisings, words might sooner faile than matter wor­thie line 50 of rehearsall. Howbeit euerie daie endeth and night insueth, and so when night was come, the prince and his beautifull bride were brought and ioined to­gither in one bed, where they laie as man and wife all that night. ¶ Now when the morning appéered, the prince (as his familiar seruitors, Edw. Hall fol. liij. which had then nei­ther cause nor reward to lie or faine, openlie told the tale) called for drinke, which he before times was not accustomed to doo. At which thing one of his chamber­leines maruelling, asked the cause of his drouth. To line 60 whome the prince answered merilie, saieng; I haue this night béene in the middest of Spaine, which is a hot region, and that iournie maketh me so drie: and if thou haddest béene vnder that hot climat, thou wouldest haue béene drier than I.]

Shortlie after the king and the quéene, with the new wedded spouses went from Bainards castell by water to Westminster, on whom the maior and com­munaltie of London in barges gorgeouslie trim­med gaue their attendance. And there in the palace were such martiall feats, valiant iusts, vigorous tur­neis, and such fierce fight at the barriers, as before that time was of no man had in remembrance. Of this roiall triumph lord Edward duke of Bucking­ham was chiefe chalenger, and lord Thomas Greie marquesse Dorset chiefe defender, which with their aids and companions bare themselues so valiantlie, that they got great praise and honour, both of the Spaniards, and of their owne countriemen. Du­ring the time of these iusts and triumphs, were recei­ued into London, an earle, a bishop, and diuerse no­ble personages sent from the king of Scots into England, for conclusion of the mariage betwéene the ladie Margaret and him; which earle by proxie, Margaret el­dest daughte [...] to king Hen­rie affied to Iames king of Scots. in the name of king Iames his maister, affied and contrac­ted the said ladie. Which affiance was published at Paules crosse, the daie of the conuersion of saint Paule: in reioising whereof Te Deum was soong, and great fiers made through the citie of London.

These things being accomplished, the ambassadors as well of Spaine as Scotland tooke their leaue of the king, year 1502 & not without great rewards returned into their countries. When the ambassadors were depar­ [...]ed, Prince Ar­thur is sent into Wales. he sent his sonne prince Arthur againe into Wales, to keepe that countrie in good order; appoin­ting to him wise and expert councellors, as sir Ri­chard Poole his kinsman, which was his chiefe cham­berleine, also sir Henrie Uernon, sir Richard Crofts, sir Dauid Philip, sir William Udall, sir Thomas Englefield, sir Peter Newton knights; Iohn Wal­leston, Henrie Marion, & doctor William Smith, president of his councell, and doctor Charles; of the which two doctors, the one was after bishop of Lin­colne, and the other bishop of Hereford.

¶This yeare Iohn Shaw (who was maior of Lon­don) caused his brethren the aldermen to ride from the Guildhall vnto the water side, Iohn Stow pag. 874, 875. when he went to Westminster to be presented in the excheker. The maiors feast first kept at Guildhall. He al­so caused the kitchens and other houses of office to be builded at the Guildhall, where since that time the maiors feasts haue béene kept, which before had béene in the grosers or tailors hall. About Easter, all the Greie friers in England changed their habit, for whereas of long time before they had vsed to weare browne russet of foure shillings, six shillings, and eight shillings the yard; now they were compelled to weare russet of two shillings the yard and not a­boue, Woollen cloth of two shil­lings the brode yard. which was brought to passe by the friers of Gréenewich. This yeare, the dike called Turnemill brooke, with all the course of Fléet dike, Dikes of Lō ­don clensed. were so scow­red downe to the Thames, that boates with fish and fewell were rowed vp to Holborne bridge, as they of old time had beene accustomed: which was a great commoditie to all the inhabitants in that part of London. Also the tower néere to the Blacke friers was taken downe by the commandement of the ma­ior. Also this yeare were brought vnto the king thrée men taken in the new found Ilands, Men brought from the new found Ilands. by Sebastian Gabato, before named in Anno 1468. These men were clothed in beasts skins, and eat raw flesh, but spake such a language as no man could vnderstand them, of the which thrée men, two of them were séene in the kings court at Westminster two yeares af­ter, clothed like Englishmen, and could not be discer­ned from Englishmen.]

A few moneths before the mariage of prince Ar­thur, Edmund de la Poole earle of Suffolke, sonne to Iohn duke of Suffolke, and ladie Elizabeth sister to king Edward the fourth, being bold and rash withall, was indicted of murther, for s [...]eaing of a meane person in his rage & furie. And although the king pardoned him whome he might iustlie haue put to death for that offense; yet bicause he was brought to the barre before the kings Bench, Edmund erl [...] of Suffolke flieth into Flanders. and arraigned (which fact he tooke as a great blemish to his honour) shortlie after vpon that displeasure he fled into Flan­ders vnto his aunt the ladie Margaret, the king not being priuie to his going ouer. Neuerthelesse, whe­ther [Page 790] he was persuaded by his fréends therevnto, whom the king had willed to deale with him therein; or whether vpon trust of his innocencie: true it is that he returned againe, and excused himselfe to the king, so that he thought him to be giltlesse of anie crime that might be obiected against him.

But when the mariage betwixt the prince & the ladie Katharine of Spaine was kept at London, this erle either for that he had passed his compasse in excessiue charges and sumptuousnesse at that great triumph and solemnitie, and by reason thereof was farre run line 10 into debt; either else through the procurement of his aunt the foresaid ladie Margaret; or pricked with some priuie enuie, which could not patientlie with o­pen eies behold king Henrie (being of the aduerse faction to his linage) so long to reigne in wealth and felicitie: The discon­tented mind of the earle of Suffolke. in conclusion with his brother Richard fled againe into Flanders. This departure of the earle sore vexed the king, doubting of some new trouble to insue thereof.

The kings woonted po­licie now a­gaine practi­sed.But yet to vnderstand the full meaning of the line 20 said earle, the king vsed his old fetch: for immediat­lie after the earle was fled, he appointed sir Robert Curson, whome he had aduanced to the order of knighthood, and made capteine of Hammes castell, a valiant man and a circumspect, to dissemble him­selfe one of that conspiracie; who went into Fland­ers, to espie what was doone there by the ladie Mar­garet, and hir nephue the earle of Suffolke. After that the said sir Robert Curson was thus gone into Flanders, the king to put him out of all suspicion line 30 with the said ladie Margaret and the earle, caused the said earle, and sir Robert Curson, and fiue persons more to be accurssed at Paules crosse, the first sun­daie of Nouember, as enimies to him and his realme.

To be breefe, the king by his meanes, and other such diligent inquisition as he made, tried out such as he suspected, partlie to be deuisers of mischéefe a­gainst him, and partlie to beare no sincere affection towards his person, so that he could readilie name line 40 them: whereof a great part were within few daies apprehended and taken. And amongst them Willi­am lord Courtneie, sonne to the earle of Deuon­shire, which maried the ladie Katharine, daughter to king Edward the fourth; lord William de la Poole, brother to the foresaid earle of Suffolke, sir Iames Tirrell, & sir Iohn Windam. Both the Williams were rather taken of suspicion, bicause they were so neere of kin to the conspirator, than for anie prooued line 50 matter. But sir Iames Tirrell and Ioh [...] Windam, bicause they were traitors, Tirrell and Windam beheaded. and so attainted, the sixt daie of Maie after their apprehension, they were on the Tower hill beheaded.

When the earle of Suffolke heard what fortune thus happened to his fréends, as one in v [...]ter despaire to haue anie good successe in his pretensed enter­prise, wandred about all Germanie and France, to purchase som [...] aid and succour, if by anie means he might. But when he perceiued no stedfast ground to line 60 catch anchor hold vpon, he submitted himselfe vnder the protection of Philip archduke of Austrich. But his brother Richard, being a politike man, so wiselie ordered himselfe in this stormie tempest, that he was not intrapped either with net or snare. The king not yet out of all doubt of ciuill sedition, bicause a great number of euill disposed persons partakers of this conspiracie▪ were fled into sundrie sanctuaries, deuised to haue all the gates of sanctuaries and pla­ces priuileged shut and locked vp, so that none should issue out from thence to perturbe and disquiet him.

And for that intent he wrote vnto pope Alexan­der, desiring him by his authoritie to adiudge all Englishmen, being fled to sanctuarie for the offense of treason as enimies to the christian faith, interdic­ting and prohibiting the refuge and priuilege of san­ctuarie to all such, as once had enioied the libertie and protection of the same, and after that fled out, and eftsoones returned againe. Which thing after that the pope had granted, [...] restrained. turned to the great quietnesse of the king and his realme. For manie that had of­fended, for feare to fall into danger, returned to the due subiection of their prince; and other that were yet frée from perill, durst not hazard themselues so boldlie as they durst haue doone before, vpon hope of such starting holes.

When the king had thus setled things to his owne contentation and pleasure, there suddenlie happened to him a lamentable chance. For that noble prince Arthur, the kings first begotten sonne, after he had béene maried to the ladie Katharine his wife, The death of Arthur prince of Wales. the space of fiue moneths, departed out of this transito­rie life, in his castell of Ludlow, and with great fune­rall obsequie was buried in the cathedrall church of Worcester. His brother the duke of Yorke was stai­ed from the title of Prince by the space of a moneth, till to women it might appeare whether the ladie Ka­tharine wife to the said prince Arthur was conceiued with child or not. [It is reported that this ladie Ka­tharine thought and feared such dolorous chance to come: for when she had imbraced hir father, Edw. Hall i [...] Hen. 7. fol. [...]. and ta­ken hir leaue of hir noble and prudent mother, and sailed towards England, she was continuallie so tossed and tumbled hither and thither with boisterous winds, that what for the rage of the water, and con­trarietie of the winds, hir ship was prohibited di­uerse times to approach the shore and take land.]

In this eightéenth yeare, the twentie fourth daie of Ianuarie, Anno Reg. 1 [...] ▪ 1503 a quarter of an houre afore three of the clocke at after noone of the same daie, the first stone of our ladie chapell within the monasterie of West­minster was laid, King Henrie the seauenth [...] chapell at Westminster first builded. by the hands of Iohn Islip abbat of the same monasterie, sir Reginald Braie knight of the garter, doctor Barnes maister of the rolles, doctor Wall chapleine to the kings maiestie, mai­ster Hugh Oldham chapleine to the countesse of Darbie and Richmond the kings mother, sir Ed­ward Stanhope knight, and diuerse others. Upon the same stone was this scripture ingrauen: Illustris­simus Henricus septimus rex Angliae & Franciae, & domi­nus Hiberniae, posuit hanc petram in honore beatae virginis Mariae, 24. die Ianuarij; anno Domini 1502. Et anno dicti regis Henrici septimi, decimo octauo. The charges whereof amounted (as some report, vpon credible informati­on as they saie) to fouretéene thousand pounds.

Quéene Elizabeth lieng within the Tower of London, was brought a bed of a faire daughter on Candlemasse daie, which was there christened and named Katharine; and the eleuenth of the same mo­neth the said queene there deceased, and was buried at Westminster, whose daughter also liued but a small season after hir mother. Abr. Fl. ex [...] pag. 876. Six kings of England bre­thren with the tailors com­panie in Lo [...] ­don, before they were e [...] ­tituled m [...]r­chant tailors. [King Henrie the seauenth being himselfe a brother of the tailors com­panie in London, as diuerse other his predecessors kings before him had béene (to wéet Richard the third, Edward the fourth, Henrie the sixt, Henrie the fift, Henrie the fourth, and Richard the second; also of dukes eleuen, earles eight and twentie, and lords eight and fortie) he now gaue to them the name and title of merchant tailors, as a name of worship to indure for euer. This yeare, Prior of Shene m [...] ­thered. about the later end of March, the prior of the Charterhouse of Shene was murthered in a cell of his owne house, by meanes of one Goodwine, a moonke of the same cloister, and his adherents artificers of London. A drie summer, A drie s [...] ­mer. hauing no notable raine from Whitsuntide to the later ladie daie in haruest.

The eighteenth of Februarie, the king at his pa­lace [Page 791] of Westminster created his onelie sonne Hen­rie prince of Wales, earle of Chester, &c: who after­ward succéeded his father in possession of the regall crowne of this realme▪ Moreouer, this yeare also, after the deceasse of that noble queene, for hir vertue commonlie called good queene Elizabeth, departed out of this world also sir Reginald Braie knight of the garter, Sir Reginald Braie his [...] ▪ a verie father of his countrie, for his high wisedome and singular loue to iustice well worthie to beare that title. If anie thing had béene doone a­misse line 10 contrarie to law and equitie, he would after an humble sort plainelie blame the king, Iu [...]t cōmen­ [...]tions of Morton arch­ [...]op of Can­t [...]rburie and [...]ir Reginald Braie. and giue him good aduertisement, that he should not onelie re­for [...]e the same, but also be more circumspect in anie other the like case. Of the same vertue and faithfull plainnesse was Iohn Morton archbishop of Can­turburie, which died (as is shewed aboue) two yeares before.

So these two persons were refrainers of the kings vnbrideled libertie; whereas the common line 20 people (ignorant altogither of the truth in such mat­ters) iudged and reported, that the counsell of those two worthie personages corrupted the kings cleane and immaculate conscience, contrarie to his prince­lie disposition and naturall inclination; such is euer the errour of the common people. ¶About this time died Henrie the archbishop of Canturburie, whose roome doctor William Warham bishop of London supplied. And to the sée of London William Barnes was appointed, and after his death succéeded one Ri­chard line 30 fitz Iames. Cassimire [...]ba [...]sadour from the em­p [...]rour Max­ [...]l [...]an. This yeare also the lord Cassimire marquesse of Brandenburgh, accompanied with an earle, a bishop, and a great number of gentlemen well apparrelled, came in ambassage from the empe­ror Maximilian, and were triumphantlie receiued into London, and lodged at Crosbies place.

Their message was for thrée causes, one to com­fort the king in his time of heauinesse for the losse of his wife. The second for the renewing of amitie, and the old league. The third (which was not apparant) line 40 w [...]s to mooue the king to marie the emperours daughter, [...]he ladie Margaret, duchesse Dowager of Sauoie. The two first tooke effect: for the king vpon Passion sundaie road to Paules in great triumph, the said marquesse riding on his left hand. And there the bishop made to the king an excellent consolatorie oration concerning the death of the quéene. And there also the king openlie sware to kéepe the new reui­ued league and amitie during their two liues. But the third request (whether the let was on the mans line 50 side, or on the womans) neuer sorted to anie con­clusion.

The ladie Margaret the kings daughter, affied (as yée haue heard) to the king of Scots, was appoin­ted to be conueied into Scotland, by the earle of Surrie: and the earle of Northumberland, as war­den of the marches, was commanded to deliuer hir at the confines of both the realmes. And so héere vp­on, after hir comming to Berwike, she was conuei­ed to Lamberton kirke in Scotland, where the king line 60 of Scots, with the flower of all the nobles and gen­tlemen of Scotland, was readie to receiue hir: to whome the earle of Northumberland (according to his commission) deliuered hir. The sumptu­ [...]s araie of t [...]e earle of Northum­b [...]rland. The said earle of Nor­thumberland that daie, what for the riches of his coat being goldsmithes worke, garnished with pearle and stone, and what for the gallant apparell of his Henchmen, and braue trappers of his horsse, beside foure hundred tall men well horssed and apparelled in his colours, was estéemed both of the Scots and Englishmen more like a prince than a subiect.

The mariage [...] the [...] of S [...]ts [...] Mar­garet king Henries el­dest daughter.From Lamberton, the foresaid ladie was con­ueied to Edenburgh, and there the daie after, king Iames the fourth, in the presence of all his nobilitie, espoused hir, and feasted the English lords, and shew­ed iusts and other pastimes verie honourablie, after the fashion of that countrie. And after all things were finished according to their commission, the erle of Surrie with all the English lords and ladies re­turned into their countrie. Anno Reg. 19. In this yeare the king kept his high court of parlement, in the which di­uerse acts estéemed necessarie for the preseruation of the common-wealth were established: and amongst other, it was enacted, that théeues and murtherers duelie conuicted by the law to die, and yet saued by their books, should be committed to the bishops custo­die. After this, a subsidie was granted, both of the temporaltie, and spiritualtie, and so that parlement ended.

But the king now drawing into age, and willing to fill his chests with aboundance of treasure, The king co­ue [...]ous in his old age. was not satisfied with this onelie subsidie, but deuised an other meane how to inrich himselfe, as thus. year 1504 He considered that the Englishmen little regarded the kéeping of penall lawes, and pecuniall statutes, de­uised for the good preseruation of the common-welth. Wherefore he caused inquisition to be made of those that had transgressed anie of the same lawes, so that there were but few noble men, merchants, farmers, husbandmen, grasiers, or occupiers, that could cléer­lie prooue themselues faultlesse, but had offended in some one or other of the same lawes. At the first, they that were found giltie were easilie fined. But after, Richard Empson & Edmund Dudleie. there were appointed two maisters and suruei­ors of his forfeits, the one sir Richard Empson, and the other Edmund Dudleie.

These two were learned in the lawes of the realme, who meaning to satisfie their princes plea­sure, and to sée their commission executed to the vt­termost, séemed little to respect the perill that might insue. Wherevpon they being furnished with a sort of accusers, commonlie called promoters, Promoters▪ or (as they themselues will be named) informers, troubled ma­nie a man, whereby they wan them great hatred, and the king (by such rigorous procéedings) lost the loue and fauour which the people before time had borne towards him; so that he for setting them a worke, and they for executing of it in such extreame wise, ran in­to obloquie with the subiects of this realme.

¶On the thirtéenth of Nouember was holden with­in the palace of the archbishop of Canturburie, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 876▪ Sergean [...]s feast whereat were the king and all his nobles at dinner. at Lambeth, the sergeants feast, where dined the king and all his nobles. And vpon the same day, Thomas Granger, newlie chosen shiriffe of London, was presented before the barons of the kings exchequer, there to take his oth, and after went with the maior vnto the same feast, which saued him monie in his pursse; for if that day that feast had not béene kept, he must haue feasted the maior, aldermen, and others, woorshipfull of the citie. This feast was kept at the charge of ten learned men, newlie admitted to bée sergeants to the kings law, whose names were, Ro­bert Bridnell, William Greuill, Thomas Marow, George Edgore, Iohn Moore, Iohn Cutler, Thomas Eliot, Lewes Pollard, Guie Palmis, William Fairesax. On the one and twentith of Nouember at night, Fire on Lon­don bridge. began a perillous fier at the signe of the pa­nier vpon London bridge, néere to saint Magnus church; where six tenements were burned yer the same could be quenched. Fire. On the seuenth of Ianua­rie, were certeine houses consumed with fire against saint Butolphes church in Thames street. On the fiue and twentith of Ianuarie began a parlement at Westminster, Parlement. of the which was chosen speaker for the commons, maister Edmund Dudleie.]

A new coine of siluer was ordeined of grotes and halfe grotes, which bare but halfe faces; Anno reg▪ 20. and some péeces of the value of twelue pense were then [...] [Page 793] to sir Iohn Carew, and to sir Thomas Trenchard, that they should interteine him in the most honora­ble sort they could deuise, till he might come himselfe in person to welcome him. Beside this, he sent the earle of Arundell with manie lords and knights to attend vpon him. The king of [...] inter­t [...]ined hono­rablie. Which earle (according to the kings letters) receiued him with thrée hundred hors­ses, all by torchlight, to the great admiration of the strangers.

King Philip séeing no remedie but that he must line 10 needs tarie, would no longer gaze after king Hen­ries comming, but tooke his iournie toward Wind­sore castell, where the king laie: and fiue miles from Windsore the prince of Wales, accompanied with fiue earles, and diuerse lords and knights, and other to the number of fiue hundred persons gorgiouslie apparelled, receiued him after the most honorable fa­shion. And within halfe a mile of Windsore, the king, accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, and a great part of the nobilitie of this realme, wel­comed line 20 him, & so conueied him to the castell of Wind­sore, where he was made companion of the noble or­der of the garter. After him came to Windsore his wife queene Iane, sister to the princesse Dowager, late wife to prince Arthur.

After the two kings had renewed & confirmed the league and amitie betwixt them, king Henrie de­sired to haue Edmund de la Poole earle of Suffolke to be deliuered into his hands. [...] To whome the king of Cast [...]le answered, that he verelie was not within line 30 his dominion: and therefore it laie not in him to de­liuer him. In deed he was loth to be the authour of his death that came to him for succour, and was re­ceiued vnder his protection: yet vpon the earnest re­quest and assured promise of king Henrie (that he would pardon him of all executions and paines of death he granted to king Henries desire; and so in­continentlie caused the said earle secretlie to be sent for. After this, to protract time till he were possessed of [...], king Henrie conueied the king of Ca­stile line 40 vnto the citie of London, that he might sée the head citie of his realme.

Then he led him from Bainards castell by Cheape to Barking; and so returned by Watling street a­gaine: during which time there was shot out of the Tower a woonderfull peale of ordinance. But he would not enter into the Tower, bicause as ye haue heard before he had aduowed not to enter the for­tresse of anie forren prince, [...] in the which a garrison was mainteined. From London the king brought line 50 him to Richmond, where manie notable feates of armes were prooued both of tilt, turnie, and barriers. In the meane season the erle of Suffolke, perceiuing what hope was to be had in forreine princes, and trusting that after his life to him once granted, king Henrie would [...] set him at his full libertie, was in maner contented to returne againe vnto his [...]

[...] [...] and in the falling, the same eagle brake and battered an other eagle that was set vp for a signe at a ta­uerne doore in Cheapeside.

Herevpon men that were giuen to gesse things that should happen by marking of strange tokens, Prodigious tokens or acci­dents haue their issue in truth. déemed that the emperour Maximilian, which gaue the eagle, should suffer some great misfortune: as he did shortlie after by the losse of his sonne, the said king Philip. ¶And suerlie these prodigious accidents are not to be omitted as matter of course; for they haue their weight, and shew their truth in the issue. Examples in this booke be diuerse, among which one is verie memorable, mentioned in the thirtie & ninth yeare of Henrie the sixt. At what time the duke of Yorke making an oration to the lords of the parle­ment, for the iustifieng of his title to the crowne, Sée pag. 657. it chanced that a crowne which hoong in the middle of the nether house (to garnish a branch to set lights vp­on) without touch of man or blast of wind suddenlie fell downe. About which season also fell downe the crowne which stood on the top of Douer castell. Which things were construed to be signes that the crowne of the realme should some waie haue a fall; and so it came to passe.

And bicause the euents of these foreshewes had their truth, as manie more of the like nature; it shall not be amisse here to ad (by waie of digression) what hath béene obserued in former ages by forren writers in and about such foretokens. Abr Fler [...]. e [...]. Guic. pag. 4 [...]. The consent of the hea­uens and of men, pronounced to Italie their calami­ties to come: for that such as made profession to haue iudgement either by science or diuine inspiration in the things to come, assured with one voice that there were in preparing, both more great mutations and more strange and horrible accidents, than for manie worlds before had béene discerned in anie part or circuit of the earth. There were seene in the night in Pouille thrée suns in the middest of the firmament, Thr [...] s [...]nne [...] séene at once in the night. but manie clouds about them, with right fearefull thunders and lightnings. In the territorie of Aretze, were visiblie seene passing in the aire, infinit num­bers of armed men vpon mightie horsses, with a ter­rible noise of drums and trumpets. The images & fi­gures of saints did sweat in manie parts of Italie.

In euerie place of the countrie were brought foorth manie monsters of men and other creatures, with manie other things against the order of nature con­curring all at one time, but in diuerse places: by means wherof the people were caried into incredible feares, being alreadie amazed with the brute of the French powers & furie of that nation, with which ac­cording to the testimonie of histories they had afore­time run ouer all Italie, sacked and made desolate with fire and sword the citie of Rome, and subdued in Asia manie prouinces; and generallie no part of the world which had not felt the vertue of their armes. But albeit these iudgements are oftentimes fallible, and rather coniectures vncerteine, than ef­fects happening: yet the accidents that drew on, brought to them, in the spirits of fraile men, an abso­lute faith, credit, & religion. So that there is in fore­she was matter of moment worthie to be obserued, howsoeuer the world [...] asléep in the lap of securi­t [...]e [...]s touched with no feare of change. But alas the Heathen could see the co [...]trar [...]e and therefore sai [...]:

[...]
[...]
[...]
[...]

[...] [Page 794] they were commanded to the Tower. But shortlie after, when they had béene tried and purged of that suspicion, he commanded them both to be set at liber­tie. But sir Thomas Gréene fell sicke before, and re­mained in the Tower, in hope to be restored to his health as well as to his libertie, but by death he was preuented. [And here bicause it is good to see the consent of histories in the report of accidents, it shall not be amisse to repeat the entier relation of a late writer stranger touching this casualtie which befell line 10 to king Philip, in such sort to be cast vpon the Eng­lish coasts; as also the promise of the said king to de­liuer the duke of Suffolke into the hands of king Henrie, with the cause (as it is supposed) why the king desired to haue him within his owne reach.

Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 355. King Philip saileth out of Flanders in­to Spaine.¶King Philip was imbarked to saile out of Flan­ders into Spaine with a great armie by sea; and to reduce his going to a more facilitie and safetie (for he feared least his father in law by the aid of the French would hinder his passage) he practised the Spanish line 20 subtilties, and agréed with him to leaue vnto him the managing and policie of the most part of affaires, and that they shuld take in common the title of king of Spaine, according to the example in the queenes time: and lastlie, that the reuenues and tributes should be diuided in an order certeine & indifferent. By reason of which accord, his father in law, notwith­standing he was not assured of the obseruation, sent him into Flanders manie ships to furnish his voi­age: with the which, hauing imbarked his wife, and line 30 Ferdinand his second sonne, he tooke his course into Spaine with forward winds, which, within two dais turning cleane contrarie, after his nauie had runne a dangerous fortune, King Philip cast by casual­tie of sea vpon the coasts of England. and made a wearie resistance against the furie of the sea, his ships were cast vpon sundrie coasts of England and Britaine; his owne person with two or thrée ships being driuen with ma­nifest perill vpon England into the hauen of South­hampton.

Whereof Henrie the seuenth then king of that line 40 nation being aduertised, sent to him with spéed ma­nie barons to doo him honour, and desire him to come to his court, then at London: a request which Philip could not denie, the king of Englands demand bee­ing no lesse honourable, than his owne estate full of necessitie and nakednesse. He remained in the court of England, vntill all his nauie was reassembled, and eftsoones rigged, making in the meane while be­twéene them new capitulations: wherein albeit Phi­lip in all other things held himselfe vsed as a king, yet line 50 in this one thing complained, that he was constrei­ned as a prisoner, to consent to redeliuer to K. Hen­ries hands the duke of Suffolke, Philip promi­seth to redeli­uer to king Henrie the duke of Suf­folke. whom he held priso­ner within the castell of Namur, and whom the king of England desired much to haue in his power, for that he quarrelled the title of the crowne, pretending the right of the kingdome to apperteine to him: one­lie the king of England assured Philip by the faith and word of a king, that he would not put him to death. Which he did as iustlie performe, as he had line 60 honorablie promised, keeping him in prison so long as he liued, and afterwards was beheaded vnder the reigne and commandement of his sonne.]

Anno Reg. 22.This yeare the king began to be diseased of a cer­teine infirmitie, which thrise euerie yeare, but speci­ally in the springtime sore vexed him. And bicause for the most part the harme that chanceth to the prince, is parted with his subiects, The sweting sicknesse eft­soones re­turneth. the sweating sicknesse, which (as ye haue heard) in the first yeare of the king first afflicted the people of this realme, now assailed them againe; howbeit by the remedie found at the begining of it, nothing the like number died thereof now this second time, as did at the first time till the said remedie was inuented. But now the third plage equall to the pestilence insued, by the working of the maisters of the forfeitures, and such informers as were appointed thereto. By whose meanes manie a rich & wealthie person by the extremitie of the lawes of the realme were condemned and brought to great losse and hinderance.

A great part of which their vndooings procéeded by the inconuenience of such vnconscionable offi­cers, as by the abuse of exigents outlawed those that neuer heard, nor had knowledge of the sutes com­mensed against them, of which hard and sharpe dea­ling (the harme that thereof insueth considered) if the occasion might be taken awaie by some other more reasonable forme and order of law deuised, whereby the parties might haue personall warning, it would both preserue manie an innocent man from vnde­serued vexation, and danger of vnmercifull losse of goods; and also redound highlie to the commendati­on of the prince, and such other as chanced to be re­formers of that colourable law, where they be called onelie in the counties without other knowledge gi­uen to them or theirs at their dwelling houses.

But now to returne. Such maner of outlawries, old recognisances of the peace, and good abearings, escapes, riots, & innumerable statutes penall, were put in execution, and called vpon by Empson and Dudleie; so that euerie man, both the spiritualtie and temporaltie, hauing either lands or substance, were inuited to that plucking banket. For these two raue­ning woolues had a gard of false periured persons apperteining to them, Ed. Hall in Hen. 7. fol. 53. which were impanelled in euerie quest. Learned men in the law, when they were required of their aduise, would say; To agrée is the best counsell that I can giue you. By this vndue meanes, these couetous persons filled the kings cof­fers, and inriched themselues. And at this vnreaso­nable and extort dooing, noble men grudged, meane men kicked, poore men lamented, preachers openlie at Poules crosse and other places exclamed, rebuked, and detested. Howbeit the good king in his last daies conserued and pardoned his poore subiects of such vn­charitable yokes and ponderous burdens as they were laden withall.

Sir Gilbert Talbot knight, and Richard Bere abbat of Glastenburie, year 1507 and doctor Robert Sherborne deane of Poules, were sent as ambassadors from the K. to Rome, to declare to Pius the third of that name newlie elected pope in place of Alexander the sixt de­ceased, what ioy and gladnesse had [...]tered the kings heart for his preferment. But he taried not the com­ming of those ambassadors, for within a moneth af­ter that he was installed, he rendered his debt to na­ture, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 31 [...] ▪ and so had short pleasure of his promotion [not beguiling the hopes which the cardinals conceiued of him at the time of his creation, the six & twentith day after his election, which was in short time to die. This popes name was Francis Piccolomini cardinall of Sienna, in whom was no expectation of long life, Pag 31 [...]. both for his extreame age, and present sickenesse: a cardinall sure of vnspotted report, and for his other conditions not vnworthie that degrée; who to renew the memorie of Pius secundus his vncle, tooke vpon him the name of Pius the third. Pag 3 [...]7.

He succéeded Alexander the sixt, who went to supper in a vineyard néere the Uatican to reioise in the de­light & plesure of the fresh aire, & was suddenlie caried for dead to the bishops palace; his sonne also commu­nicating in the same accident, but with better for­tune. For the day folowing, which was the eightenth day of August, the dead corps of the pope (according to custome) was borne into the church of saint Pe­ter, blacke, swolne, and most deformed; most mani­fest signes of poison. But Ualentinois, what by the vigour and strength of his youth, and readie helpe of [Page 795] strong medicines and counterpoisons, had his life sa­ued, remaining notwithstanding oppressed with long and greeuous sickenesse: it was assuredlie beléeued that the accident proceeded of poison, the discourse whereof (according to common report) was in this sort.

The duke Ualentinois, who was to be present at that supper, had determined to poison Adrian cardi­nall of Cornette, A practis [...] of [...]word by [...] to an [...] purpose [...]. reseruing that time and place to ex­ecute his bloudie resolution: for it is most certeine line 10 that in his father and him were naturall customes to vse poison, not onelie to be reuenged of their eni­mies, or to be assured of suspicions; but also vpon a wicked couetousnesse, to despoile rich men of their goods, whether they were cardinals or courtiers, al­though they had neuer doone them wrong, as hapned to the cardinall saint Ange, who was verie rich. This maner of rage they would vse also against their greatest friends & familiars, and such as had bin their most faithfull seruants, such as were the cardinals of Cap [...]a and Modeno: a recompense vnworthie the line 20 merits of good men, and not disagréeable to the dis­position of such a father and sonne, whereof the one made all things lawfull by vile dispensation; and with the other nothing was dishonest wherein was opportunitie to his purposes. The duke Ualentinois seat before certeine flagons with wine infected with poison, which he gaue to a seruant that knew nothing of the matter, commanding that no person should touch them.

A commandemeent preiudiciall to his maister, as line 30 the ignorance of the seruant was the instrument in the euill that happened both to the father and son. Such is the sufferance of God, who in the execution of his iudgements raiseth one murtherer to kill ano­ther, & breaketh the brands of the fire vpon the head of him that first kindled it: for the pope comming by aduenture somewhat before supper, and ouercome with the drought and immoderate heat of the time, called for drinke. And bicause his owne prouision was not yet brought from the palace, [...]xpope [...] with the [...] that his [...] son had [...] poison [...] cardinall [...] Cornette. he that had the line 40 infected wine in charge, thinking it to be recommen­ded to his keeping for a wine most excellent, gaue the pope to drinke of the same wine which Ualentinois had sent; who arriuing while his father was drinking drunke also of the same wine, being but iust that they both should tast of the same cup which they had brued for the destruction of others. All the towne of Rome ran with great gladnesse to saint Peters about the dead bodie of the pope, their eies not satisfied to sée ded and destroied a serpent, who with his immode­rate line 50 ambition and poisoned infidelitie, togither with all the horrible examples of crueltie, luxurie, and monstruous couetousnesse, selling without distincti­on both holie things and prophane things, had infec­ted the whole world.

And yet was he accompanied with a most rare, & almost perpetuall prosperitie euen from his yoong age, to the end of his life; desiring alwaies great things, and obteining most often that he desired. An line 60 example of much importance, to confound the arro­gancie of those men, who presuming to know and sée perfectlie with humane eies the depth of Gods iudge­ments doo assure, that what happeneth either good or ill to mortall men, procéedeth either of their merits or faults: as though we saw not dailie manie good men vniustlie tormented, & wicked persons aboue their deseruings liue in case and honour: wherein who makes an other interpretation, derogates the iustice and power of God, the greatnesse of which be­ing not to be conteined within any scripts or tearms present, knoweth how well and largely to discerne in an other time and place the iust from the vniust, and that with rewards and eternall punishments. In the meane time he powreth out his vengeance vpon the imaginers of mischéefe in this life; so prouiding, as that they are caught in their owne snares, and ouer­taken with such destruction as they had prepared for others, according to that saieng of the Psalmist:

Effodit puteum, foueámque eduxit ab imo,
E [...]b. H [...]ss. & G▪ Buch. in Psal. 7.
Et miser in latebras incidit ipse suas.
In verticem ipsius recurrit
Pernicies, recidúntque fraudes.]

At the same time died Giles lord Dawbenie the kings chéefe chamberleine, whose office Charles, The lord Daubenie dieth. ba­stard sonne to Henrie last duke of Summerset oc­cupied and enioied; a man of good wit, and great ex­perience. Soone after, the king caused Guidebald duke of Urbine to be elected knight of the order of the garter, Anno Reg 23. Guidebald duke of Ur­bin in Italie made knight of the garter. in like maner as his father duke Frede­rike had béene before him, which was chosen and ad­mitted into the order by king Edward the fourth. Sir Gilbert Talbot, and the other two ambassadors being appointed to kéepe on their iournie vnto pope Iulie the second, elected after the death of the said Pius the third, bare the habit and collar also vnto the said duke Guidebald; which after he had receiued the same, sent sir Balthasar Castalio, knight, a Man­trian borne, as his orator vnto king Henrie, which was for him installed, according to the ordinances of the order.

This yeare that worthie prelate Thomas Sa­uage archbishop of Yorke departed this life at his castell of Cawood: Thomas Sa­uage archbi­shop of Can­turburie de­ceassed. a man beside the worthinesse of his birth highlie estéemed with his prince for his fast fidelitie and great wisedome. He bestowed great cost in repairing the castell of Cawood and the ma­nor of Scrobie. His bodie was buried at Yorke, but he appointed by his testament, that his hart should be buried at Macclesfield in Cheshire, where he was borne, in a chapell there of his foundation, ioining to the south side of the church, meaning to haue founded a college there also, if his purpose had not béene pre­uented by death. After him succeeded doctor Ben­bridge in the archbishops sée of Yorke, being the fiftie and sixt archbishop that had sat in that see.

About this same time Lewes the French king, the twelfe of that name (who succéeded Charles the eighth that died at Amboise the night before the eighth daie of Aprill, of a catarrhe, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 18 [...]. which the physi­cians call an apoplexie, the same rising in him with such aboundance, as he beheld a match plaied at tennisse, that in few houres he ended at the same place his life: during the which, he had with grea­ter importunitie than vertue troubled the whole world with great apparance of danger to kindle eft­soones new fiers of innouation and troubles) maried his eldest daughter named Clare, vnto Francis de Ualois Dolphin of Uienne, and duke of Angolesme, which ladie was promised vnto Charles the king of Castile: wherevpon by ambassadors sent to and fro betwixt king Henrie and the said king of Castile, a mariage was concluded betwixt the said king of Castile, and the ladie Marie, daughter to king Hen­rie, being about the age of ten yeares. For conclusi­on of which mariage, the lord of Barow, & other am­bassadors were sent into England from the emperor Maximilian which with great rewards returned.

¶William Browne mercer maior of London this yeare deceassed, year 1508 and foorthwith sir Laurence Ailmer draper was chosen and sworne, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 879. and went home in a graie cloake, with the sword borne before him, on the eight and twentith daie of March. Item he tooke his oth at the Tower, and kept no feast. William Ca­pell was put in sute by the king for things by him doone in his maioraltie. William Ca­pell sued by the king Tho. Kneis­worth impri­soned. Also Thomas Kneisworth that had beene maior of London, and his shiriffes, were sent to the kings Bench, till they were put to [Page 796] their fines of foureteene hundred pounds. In the mo­neth of Iune, Norwich on fier. the citie of Norwich was sore perished, & neere consumed with fier, that began in a French­mans house named Peter Iohnson, a surgian, in the parish of saint George.

Frée schoole at Wlfrune­hampton.Stephan Genings merchant tailor, maior of London, founded a free grammar schoole at Wl­frunehampton in Staffordshire, with conuenient lodgings for the maister and vsher, in the same place where he was borne. He gaue lands sufficient line 10 for the maintenance, leauing the ouersight thereof to the merchant tailors in London, who haue hither­to iustlie dealt in that matter, and also augmented the building there. Maister Nichols, who maried the onelie daughter and heire of the aforesaid Stephan Genings, gaue lands to mainteine the pauements of that towne. Also, Iohn Leneson esquier, about Anno 1556, gaue lands, whereof foure pounds should be dealt euerie yeare, on good fridaie, to the poore people of Wlfrunehampton, and six and twentie line 20 shillings eight pence yéerelie, towards the reparati­on of the church there.

Iohn Ligh of Wlfrunehāp­ton, his rare example of charitie.Moreouer, about Anno 1566, sir Iohn Ligh a préest, which had serued in that church there, the space of thréescore years, for fiue pounds, six shillings eight pence the yeare, without anie other augmentation of his liuing, who would neuer take anie benefice, or other preferment, gaue twentie pounds, to purchase twentie shillings the yeare lands, the same to be gi­uen yearelie for euer to the poore of Wlfrunehamp­ton line 30 vpon good fridaie; & twelue pounds thirteene shil­lings foure pence, to purchase a marke a yeare lands, the same to be giuen to the poore of Chifnall, in the countie of Salope, where the said Ligh was borne. This man liued nigh one hundred years. He bestow­ed besides his owne labour which was great (in hea­ring of stones, &c.) aboue twentie pounds on the high waies about that towne of Wlfrunehampton.

This towne of Wlfrunehampton, is now cor­ruptlie called Wolnerhampton: Wlfrunehāp­ton, corruptlie called Wol­nerhampton. for in Anno 996, in king Ethelredstime (who wrote himselfe Rex An­glorum line 40 & princeps Northumbrorum Olympiade tertia regni sui, for so he wrote the count of his reigne then, which was the fiftéenth yeare) it was then called Hamp­ton, Excharta Regia as appeareth by an old charter written by the no­tarie of the said king Ethelred, which charter I haue seene and read. And for that a noble woman named Wlfrune a widow, sometime wife to Althelme duke of Northampton, did obteine of the said king to giue lands vnto the church there which she had founded, the line 50 said towne tooke the addition of the same Wlfrune, for that charter so nameth hir Wlfrune, and the towne Hampton.

In this yeare was finished the goodlie hospitall of the Sauoie néere vnto Charing crosse, Smart. Hospitall of the Sauoie. which was a notable foundation for the poore, doone by king Henrie the seauenth, vnto the which he purchased and gaue lands for the releeuing of one hundred poore peo­ple. This was first named Sauoie place, by Peter earle of Sauoie, Rec. of Can­turb. church. father to Boniface archbishop of Canturburie, about the nine and twentith yeare of line 60 king Henrie the third, who made the said Peter erle of Richmond. This house belonged since to the duke of Lancaster, and at this time was conuerted to an hospitall, still reteining the first name of Sauoie. King Henrie also builded three houses of Francis­cane friers, which are called obseruants, at Rich­mond, Gréenewich, and Newarke; and three other of the familie of Franciscane friers which are called conuentuals, at Canturburie, Newcastell, and Southhampton.]

Fr. Thin. Thomas Ru­thall bishop of Durham.¶This yeare was Thomas Ruthall made bishop of Durham by Henrie the seauenth, touching whose place of birth (being at Cirencester now Cicester) and himselfe, I will not refuse to set downe what Leland (about the yeare 1542) hath written, not be­ing vnfit héere to be recorded. The [...] of Ci [...]ster. Cirencester (saith he) in Latine called Corinium standeth on the riuer Churne. ‘There haue beene thrée parish churches, whereof saint Cicilies church is cleane downe, being of late but a chappell. Saint Laurence yet standeth, but it is no parish church. There be two poore almes women endued with land. There is now but one parish church in all Cirencester that is verie faire, the bodie of which church is all new worke, to the which Ruthall bishop of Durham [...]borne and brought vp in Ciren­cester) promised much, but (preuented by death) gaue nothing. One Anne Aueling aunt to doctor Ruthall by the mothers side, gaue one hundred markes to the building of that church. King Henrie the first made the hospitall of saint Iohns at Cirencester.’ Thus farre Leland.

This man thus borne at Cirencester in Gloce­stershire, and made bishop of Durham, The bishop was one of K. Henrie the rights priuie councell. was after the death of king Henrie the seauenth, one of the pri­uie councell to king Henrie the eight, in whose court he was so continuallie attendant, that he could not steale anie time to attend the affaires of his bishop­rike. But yet not altogither carelesse (though not so much as he ought to haue béene) of the place and cause from whence and for which he receiued so great reuenues, as came vnto his hands from that see. He repaired the third part of Tine bridge next vnto the south, which he might well doo; for he was accompted the richest subiect through the realme. The king cō ­mandeth hi [...] to write a booke of the whole estate of y e kingdo [...]. To whome (re­maining then at the court) the king gaue in charge to write a booke of the whole estate of the kingdome, bicause he was knowne to the king to be a man of sufficiencie for the discharge thereof, which he did ac­cordinglie.

Afterwards, the king commanded cardinall Woolseie to go to this bishop, and to bring the booke awaie with him to deliuer to his maiestie. But see the mishap! that a man in all other things so proui­dent, should now be so negligent: and at that time most forget himselfe, when (as it after fell out) he had most need to haue remembred himselfe. For this bi­shop hauing written two bookes (the one to answer the kings command, and the other intreating of his owne priuate affaires) did bind them both after one sort in vellame, iust of one length, bredth, and thick­nesse, and in all points in such like proportion an­swering one an other, as the one could not by anie e­speciall note be discerned from the other: both which he also laid vp togither in one place of his studie.

Now when the cardinall came to demand the booke due to the king: The bishops booke of his priuat [...] vnaduisedlie deliuered instead of the kings. the bishop vnaduisedlie com­manded his seruant to bring him the booke bound in white vellame lieng in his studie in such a place. The seruant dooing accordinglie, brought foorth one of those bookes so bound, being the booke intreating of the state of the bishop, and deliuered the same vnto his maister, who receiuing it (without further consi­deration or looking on) gaue it to the cardinall to beare vnto the king. The cardinall hauing the booke, went from the bishop, and after (in his studie by him­selfe) vnderstanding the contents thereof, he greatlie reioised, hauing now occasion (which he long sought for) offered vnto him to bring the bishop into the kings disgrace.

Wherefore he went foorthwith to the king, The bishops owne booke disaduantag [...] able to him­selfe. deliue­red the booke into his hands, and bréefelie informed the king of the contents thereof; putting further into the kings head, that if at anie time he were desti­tute of a masse of monie, he should not need to séeke further therefore than to the cofers of the bishop, who by the tenor of his owne booke had accompted his proper riches and substance to the value of a hundred [Page 797] thousand pounds. Of all which when the bishop had intelligence (what he had doon, how the cardinall vsed him, what the king said, and what the world reported of him) he was striken with such gréefe of the same, that he shortlie through extreame sorrow ended his life at London, The bishop [...] of a [...] and [...]. in the yeare of Christ 1523. After whose death the cardinall, which had long before ga­ped after the said bishoprike, in singular hope to at­teine therevnto, had now his wish in effect: which he the more easilie compassed, for that he had his nets alwaies readie cast, as assuring himselfe to take a line 10 trout: following therein a prophane mans cautelous counsell, and putting the same in practise; who saith:

Casus vbi (que) valet, semper tibi pendeat hamus,
[...]
Quo minimè credis gurgite piscis erit.]

The sicknesse which held the king dailie more and more increasing, 150 [...] [...]. 24. he well perceiued that his end drew néere, and therefore meaning to doo some high plea­sure to his people, granted of his frée motion a gene­rall pardon to all men, for all offenses doone & com­mitted line 20 against anie his lawes or statutes; théeues, murtherers, & certeine other were excepted. He pai­ed also the fées of all prisoners in the gaoles in and a­bout London, abiding there onelie for that dutie. He paied also the debts of all such persons as laie in the counters or Ludgate for fourtie shillings, & vn­der; and some he reléeued that were condemned in ten pounds. Hervpon were processions generallie v­sed euerie daie in euerie citie and parish, to praie to almightie God for his restoring to health and long line 30 continuance of the same. Neuerthelesse, he was so [...] with his long maladie, The death of King Henrie the seuenth. that nature could no [...] his life, and so he departed out of this [...] two and twentith of Aprill, in his palace of [...], in the yéere of our Lord 1509. His corpse [...] conueied with all funerall pompe to West­ [...]t [...]r, and there buried by the good queene his wife [...] sumptuous chapell, which he not long before had [...] to be builded.

H [...] reigned thrée and twentie yeares, and more line 40 than seuen moneths, and liued two and fiftie yeares. He had by his quéene Elizabeth foure sonnes, [...]hat children he had. and foure daughters, of the which thrée remained aliue be­hind him. Henrie his second son prince of Wales, which after him was king, Margaret quéene of Scots, The descrip­tion of king Henrie the seuenth. and the ladie Marie promised to Charles king of Castile. He was a man of bodie but leane and spare, albeit mightie and strong therewith, of perso­nage and stature somewhat higher than the meane sort of men, of a woonderfull beautie and faire com­plexion, line 50 of countenance merie and smiling, especial­lie in his communication, his eies graie, his téeth single, and haire thin, of wit in all things quicke and prompt, of a princelie stomach and hautie courage. In great perils, doubtfull affaires, and matters of im­portance, supernaturall and in maner diuine; for he ordered all his dooings aduisedlie and with great de­liberation.

Besides this, he was sober, moderate, honest, cour­teous, bountious, and so much abhorring pride and line 60 arrogancie, that he was euer sharpe and quicke to them that were noted with that fault. Iustice min­gled with mercie. He was also an indifferent and vpright iusticer, by the which one thing he allured to him the hearts of manie people, and yet to this seueritie of his he ioined a certeine mercifull pitie, which he did extend to those that had offended the penall lawes, and were put to their fines by his iustices. He did vse his rigour onelie (as he said himselfe) to dant, bring low, and abate the high minds and stout stomachs of the wealthie and wild people, nourished vp in seditious factions and ciuill rebellions, rather than for the gréedie desire of monie; although such as were scourged with amer­ [...]iaments cried out, and said it was rather for the re­spect of gaine, than for anie politike prouision. In­déed he left his coffers well stuffed, for he was no wastfull consumer of his riches by anie inordinat meanes.

To conclude, Out of the bishop of Rochesters funerall ser­mon preached in Paules church at London. he had asmuch in him of gifts both of bodie, mind and fortune, as was possible for anie potentate or king to haue. His politike wisedome in gouernance was singular, his wit alwaie quicke and readie, his reason pithie and substantiall, his me­morie fresh and holding, his experience notable, his counsels fortunate and taken by wise deliberation, his spéech gratious in diuerse languages, his person (as before ye haue heard) right comelie, his naturall complexion of the purest mixture, leagues and con­federations he had with all christian princes. His mightie power was dread euerie where, not onelie within his realme but without. Also his people were to him in as humble subiection as euer they were to king; his land manie a daie in peace and tranquilli­tie, his prosperitie in battell against his enimies was maruellous, his dealing in time of perils and dangers was cold and sober, with great hardinesse. If anie treason were conspired against him, it came out wonderfullie. His buildings most goodlie, and af­ter the newest cast, all of pleasure.

And so this king liuing all his time in fortunes fauour, in high honour, wealth and glorie, for his no­ble acts and prudent policies is woorthie to be regi­stred in the booke of fame, least time (the consumer of all worthie things) should blot out the memorie of his name here in earth, whose soule we trust liueth in heauen, enioieng the fruition of the godhead, & those pleasures prepared for the faithfull. [In memorie of whome, his manifold vertues, with the fortunat suc­cesse of his affaires, and the gratious descent of his loines, as they procured a famous report in nations farre and néere; so haue some at the contemplation of his princelinesse, and euerie waie crowned with felicitie, made memorials of his magnificence; to the immortalitie of his high praise and vnblemishable renowme: among whome (for the truth of the report iustifiable by the contents of this historie) one com­meth to mind, which may well serue for an epitaph:

Septimus Henricus factis est nomen adeptus
Praeclarum claris ventura in secula famae:
Ciuibus ille suis fuerat charissimus, hostes
Omnes iure ipsum metuebant: numinis almi
Relligiosus erat cultor, pie [...]atis & aequi,
Versutos hominésque malos vehementiùs odit.
Viginti totos charus trésque ampliùs annos
Regibus externis in summo vixit honore:
Magnanimus, iustus rex, prudens atque modestus,
Henrico haeredi moriens sua regna reliquit,
Diuitiásque, immensum argenti pondus & auri.

¶The altar and sepulture of the same king Henrie the seuenth, wherein he now resteth, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 892. Sepulture of Henrie the se­uenth. in his new chap­pell at Westminster, was made and finished in the yeare of our Lord 1519, by one Peter T. a painter of the citie of Florence, for the which he receiued one thousand pounds sterling for the whole stuffe and workemanship, at the hands of the kings executors, Executors to Henrie the se­uenth. Richard bishop of Winchester, Richard Fitz Iames bishop of London, Thomas bishop of Duresme, Iohn bishop of Rochester, Thomas duke of Norf­folke treasuror of England, Edward earle of Wor­cester the king chamberleine, Iohn F. knight, chiefe iustice of the kings Bench, Robert R. knight, chiefe iustice of the common plees, &c.]

Of learned men that liued in this kings daies (as maister Bale noteth them) these are recorded. First George Rippeleie a Carmelite frier at Boston, seene in the mathematikes, he wrote diuerse treatises, and after his decease was accounted a nekroman­cer; Iohn Erghom borne in Yorke, a blacke [...]rier, [Page 798] a doctor of diuinitie professed in Oxford, studious of prophesies, as by the title of the works which he wrote it may appeare; Iohn Persiuall a Chartreux monke; Thomas Maillorie a Welshman borne, he wrote (I wote not what) of king Arthur, and of the round ta­ble; Iohn Rousse borne in Warwikeshire, a diligent searcher of antiquities, whervpon few libraries were any where to be seene in England and Wales, where he made not search for the same, and wrote sundrie treatises of historicall arguments. He deceassed at line 10 Warwike the fourtéenth of Ianuarie in the yeare 1491, and was buried in our ladie church there.

Thomas Scroope, otherwise surnamed Bradleie, descended of the noble familie of the Scroops, profes­sed sundrie kinds of religions, as that of the order of saint Benet, and saint Dominike, and likewise he became a Carmelite, and last of all he fell to and preached the gospell in haire and sackecloth, till he vnderstood himselfe to be in the displeasure of Wal­den and other, that could not awaie with such singula­ritie line 20 in him or other, sounding (as they tooke it) to the danger of bringing the doctrine of the Romish church in misliking with the people; for then he withdrew himselfe to his house againe, and there remained twentie yeares, leading an anchors life, but yet after that time he came abroad, and was aduanced to be a bishop in Ireland, [...] and went to the Roades in ambas­sage, from whence being returned, he went barefoo­ted vp and downe in Norffolke, teaching in townes and in the countrie abroad the ten commandements, line 30 he liued till he came to be at the point of an hun­dred yeares old, & departed this life the fiftéenth day of Ianuarie in the yeare of our Lord 1491, and was buried at Lestolfe in Suffolke.

Iohn Tonneis a diuine and an Augustine frier in Norwich, wrote certeine rules of grammar, and other things printed by Richard Pinson; Gefferie surnamed the Grammarian; Iohn Alcocke bishop of Elie, changed a nunrie at Cambridge into a college named Iesus college, about the yeere of Christ 1496. line 40 The chiefe cause of suppressing the nunrie is noted to be, for that the abbesse and other of the conuent liued dissolute liues; Stephan Hawes a learned gentle­man, and of such reputation, as he was admitted to be one of the priuie chamber to king Henrie the se­uenth; William Bintree, so called of a towne in Norffolke where he was borne, by profession a Car­melite frier in Burnham, a great diuine; William Gallion an Augustine frier in Lin, and at length be­came prouinciall of his order.

Robert Fabian a citizen and merchant of Lon­don, an historiographer, he was in his time in good estimation for his wisedome and wealth in the citie, so that he bare office and was shiriffe in the yeare 1493; William Celling, borne beside Feuersham in Kent, a monke of Canturburie; Thomas Bour­chier descended of the noble linage of the earles of Essex, was first bishop of Elie, and after remooued from thense to Canturburie, succéeding Iohn Kemp in that archbishops see, at length created by pope Paule the second a cardinall; Philip Bromierd a Dominicke frier, a diuine; Iohn Miles a doctor of both the lawes, ciuill and canon, he studied in Oxen­ford in the college of Brasen nose, newlie founded in the daies of this king Henrie the seuenth by Wil­liam Smith bishop of Lincolne; Richard Shirborne bishop of Chichester, and imploied in ambassage to diuerse princes, as a man most méet thereto for his singular knowledge in learning and eloquence.

Robert Uiduus vicar of Thakestéed in Essex, and a prebendarie canon of Welles, an excellent poet; Peter Kenighall a Carmelit frier, but borne of wor­shipfull linage in France, hauing an Englishman to his father, was student in Oxenford, and became a notable preacher; Iohn Morton first bishop of E­lie, and after archbishop of Canturburie the sixtie and fourth in number that ruled that sée, he was ad­uanced to the dignitie of a cardinall, and by king Henrie the seuenth made lord chancellor, a worthie councellor and a modest, he was borne of worshipfull parents in Cheshire, & departed this life in the yeare of our Lord 1500; Henrie Meowall chapleine to the said Morton; Edmund Dudleie borne of noble pa­rentage, studied the lawes of this land, and profited highlie in knowledge of the same, he wrote a booke intituled Arbor rei publicae, the tree of the common wealth: of this man ye haue heard before in the life of this king, and more (God willing) shall be said in the beginning of the next king, as the occasion of the historie leadeth; Iohn Bokingham an excellent schooleman; William Blackeneie a Carmelit frier, a doctor of diuinitie, and a nekromancer.

Thus farre Henrie the seuenth, sonne to Edmund earle of Richmond.

❧ Henrie the eight, sonne and successor to Henrie the seuenth.

AFter the death of the noble prince Henrie the sea­uenth, his sonne Henrie the eight began his reigne the two and twen­tith daie of Aprill in the yeare of the world 5475, after line 10 the birth of our sa­uiour 1509, 1509 Anno Reg. 1. and in the eightéenth yeare of his age, in the sixtéenth yeare of Maximilian then being emperour, in the eleuenth yeare of Lewes the twelfe that then reigned in France, and in the twentith yeare of king Iames the fourth as then ruling ouer the Scots. Whose stile was proclamed by the sound of a trumpet in the citie of London, Henrie the [...]ight procla­ [...] king. the thrée and twentith daie of the said moneth, with much gladnesse and reioising of the line 20 people. And the same daie he departed from his ma­nou [...] of Richmond, to the Tower of London, where he remained closelie and secret with his councell, till the funerals of his father were finished.

Polydor.Although this king now comming to the crowne, was but yoong (as before is said) yet hauing béene in his first yeares trained vp in learning, did for respect of his owne suertie and good gouernement of his people, prudentlie (by the aduise of his grandmoother the countesse of Richmond and Derbie) elect & choose line 30 foorth of the most wise and graue personages to be of his priuie councell, namelie such as he knew to be of his fathers right déere and familiar fréends, whose names were as followeth. Councellors to king Hen­rie the eight. William Warham arch­bishop of Canturburie and chancellor of England, Richard Fox bishop of Winchester, Thomas Ho­ward earle of Surrie, and treasuror of England, George Talbot earle of Shrewesburie, and lord ste­ward of the kings houshold, Charles Summerset lord chamberleine, sir Thomas Louell, sir Hen­rie line 40 W [...]at, doctor Thomas Ruthall, and sir Edward Poinings.

These graue and wise councellors, fearing least such abundance of riches and welth as the king was now possessed of, might mooue his yoong yeares vn­to riotous forgetting of himselfe (for vnto no king at anie time before, was left greater or the like ri­ches, King Henries [...]hes. as well in readie coine, as in iewels and other mooueables, as was left to him by his father) they therefore his said councellors trauelled in such pru­dent line 50 sort with him, [...]is councel­l [...]s good [...]. that they got him to be present with them when they sat in councell; so to acquaint him with matters perteining to the politike gouern­ment of the realme, that by little and little he might applie himselfe to take vpon him the rule and admi­nistration of publike affaires, with the which at the first he could not well indure to be much troubled, be­ing rather inclined to follow such pleasant pastimes as his youthfull yoong yeares did more delite in, and therefore could be verie well contented, that other graue personages should take paines therein.

The same daie also that the king came to the Tower, the lord Henrie Stafford brother to the duke of Buckingham was arrested, and committed to the Tower: and the same daie also doctor Ruthall was named bishop of Durham. The fiue and twen­tith daie of Aprill was proclamed, that the kings grace ratified all the pardons granted by his father, and also pardoned all such persons as were then in sute for anie offense whatsoeuer it was; treason, mur­ther, and fellonie onelie excepted. And now, A proclama­tion. whereas the performance of the deceassed kings will was thought right expedient with all spéed to be perfor­med, a proclamation was also set foorth and publi­shed thorough the realme, that if anie man could prooue himselfe to be hurt, and depriued of his goods wrongfullie by the commissioners of the forfeitures; he should come and present his pla [...]nt to the king, be­ing readie to satisfie euerie one of all iniuries su­steined.

After this proclamation was notified abroad, all such as had béene constreined either by right or by wrong (as Polydor saith) to paie anie thing for anie forfeitures of lawes and customes by them trans­gressed, came flocking to the court, & there declared their gréefs, in what sort they had wrongfullie béene compelled (as they surmised) to paie this or that summe. The councell heard euerie mans complaint, and such as were found to haue paid anie thing with­out plaine proofe of iust cause, they tooke such order for them, that they had their monie againe. Which being once knowne, it was a strange thing to sée how thicke other came in; Multitudes of suters what shifts they made to be heard. yea euen those that had béene worthilie fined & punished for their disorderlie trans­gressions, making earnest sute for restitution, fei­ning and forging manie things to make their cause séeme good, and to stand with equitie.

And the better to be heard in their sute, they made friends as well with bribes and large gifts as other­wise, leauing no waies vnassaied to compasse their desires. Which gréedines in such multitude of suters, brought the commissioners, and others that had delt in the forfeitures into danger, and did themselues no good: for the councell perceiuing that it was not pos­sible to satisfie them all, refused to heare anie further complaints or sutes for restitution: but thought it best to commit those to prison, by whom the complai­nants pretended themselues to haue beene wronged. And herevpon was sir Richard Empson knight, Empson and Dudleie com­mitted to the Tower. and Edmund Dudleie esquier, great councellors to the late king attached, and brought to the Tower, there­by to quiet mens minds, that made such importu­nate sute to haue their monie againe restored, which in the late kings daies they had béene compelled to [Page 800] disburse, thorough the rigorous procéedings, as they alleged, of the said two councellors, and others.

Trulie great exclamation was made against them, as often happeneth; that where anie thing is doone contrarie to the liking of the people, those that be dealers vnder the prince, and by his commande­ment procéed in the execution thereof, run in hatred of the multitude. But how so euer it was, their ap­prehension and committing to prison was thought by the wise to be procured by the malice of them that line 10 in the late kings daies were offended with their au­thoritie. Shortlie after (as Edward Hall saith) were apprehended diuerse other persons, Promoters punished. that were called promoters, as Canbie, Page, Smith, Derbie, Wright, Simson, and Stocton; of which the more part ware papers, and stood on the pillorie. [And (as an other saith, I.S. pag. 893. who termeth them ringleaders of false quests in London) they rode about the citie with their faces to the horsses tailes, and papers on their heads, and after they had beene set on the pillorie in Corne­hill, line 20 they were brought againe to Newgate, where they died all within seauen daies after for verie shame.]

When all things were prepared readie for the fu­nerall of the late king, his corps with all sumptuous pompe and solemne ceremonies, was conueied from Richmond to saint Georges field, The funerall pompe and so­lemnitie of Henrie the seuenth. where the clergie of the citie met it: and at the bridge the maior and his brethren with manie commoners all clothed in blacke likewise met it, and gaue their attendance on line 30 the same thorough the citie, to the cathedrall church of saint Paule, where was soong a solemne dirige and masse, and a sermon made by the bishop of Rochester Iohn Fisher. The next daie the corps was had to Westminster, and there the daie following, put into the earth with all due solemnities as apperteined. [Notwithstanding this breefe remembrance of king Henries solemne funerall, might seeme sufficient in the iudgement of some, without further amplifi­cation; yet bicause it is good in others opinion (and line 40 those not of meanest wit) to set downe things of state at large, if conuenient helps thereto maie be had: therefore you shall haue the whole solemnitie of the said roiall funerall, as it is found recorded by Edward Hall.

Edw. Hall, in Hen. 8. fol. j.After that all things (saith he) necessarie for the interrement and funerall pompe of the late king, were sumptuouslie prepared and doone: the corps of the said deceassed king was brought out of his pri­uie chamber into the great chamber, where he rested line 50 thrée daies, and euerie daie had there dirige and masse soong by a prelat mitred. From thense he was con­ueied into the hall, where he was also three daies, and had like seruice there; and so thrée daies in the chap­pell. And in euerie of these thrée places, was a hearse of wax garnished with baners, and nine mourners giuing their attendance all the seruice time: and eue­rie daie they offered, and euerie place hanged with blacke cloth. The corps put into a charriot sumptuouslie garnished. Upon Wednesdaie the ninth daie of Maie, the corps was put into a charriot, couered line 60 with blacke cloth of gold, drawne with fiue great coursers all couered with blacke veluet, garnished with cushins of fine gold: and ouer the corps was an image or representation of the late king, laied on cushins of gold, and the said image was apparelled in the kings rich robes of estate, with a crowne on the head with ball and scepter in the hands: the char­riot was garnished with baners and pencels of the armes of his dominions, titles and genealogies.

When the charriot was thus ordered, the kings chappell, The order of the pompe and mourners. and a great number of prelats set forward praieng. Then followed all the kings seruants in blacke, then followed the charriot: and after the char­riot nine mourners, and on euerie side were caried long torches & short, to the number of six hundred, & in this order they came to saint Georges field, from Richmond. There met with them all the préests and clerks and religious men within the citie & without, which went formost before the K. chappell. The maior and his brethren with manie commoners all clothed in blacke, met with the corps at London bridge, and so gaue their attendance on the same through the ci­tie. And in good order the companies passed thorough the citie, whereof the stréets on euerie side were set with long torches, and on the stals stood yoong children holding tapers; & so with great reuerence the charri­ot was brought to the cathedrall church of S. Paule, The charriot brought into Paules church. where the bodie was taken out and caried into the quire, and set vnder a goodlie hearse of war garnished with baners, pencels, and cushins, where was soong a solemne dirige and a masse with a sermon made by the bishop of Rochester. During which time, the kings houshold and the mourners reposed them in the bishops palace.

The next daie the corps in like order was remoo­ued towards Westminster: sir Edward Howard bearing the kings baner on a courser trapped in the armes of the deceased king. In Westminster was a curious hearse, made of nine principals, Description of the curious hearse at Westminster. all full of lights, which were lighted at the comming of the corps, which was taken out of the charriot by six lords and set vnder the hearse; the image or the representa­tion lieng vpon the cushin on a large pall of gold. The hearse was double railed; within the first railes sat the mourners, and within the second raile stood knights bearing baners of saints, and without the same stood officers of armes. When the mourners were set, Gartier king at armes, cried; For the soule of the noble prince king Henrie the seauenth lat [...] king of this realme: then the quire began Placebo, and so soong dirige: which being finished, the mourners departed into the palace, where they had a void, and so reposed for that night. The next daie were thrée masses solemnelie soong by bishops, and at the last masse was offered the kings baner and courser, his coat of armes, his sword, his target, and his helme: and at the end of masse the mourners offered vp rich palles of cloath of gold and baudekin: and when the quire sang, Libera me; The bodie o [...] the dead king interred. the bodie was put into the earth.

Then the lord treasuror, lord steward, lord cham­berleine, the treasuror and comptrollor of the kings houshold, brake their staues and cast them into the graue. Then Gartier cried with a lowd voice; Viue le roy Henrie le huictesme, roy d'Angleterre, & de France, sire d'Irland. Then all the mourners, and all other that had giuen their attendance on this fune­rall obsequie, departed to the palace, where they had a great and a sumptuous feast. Woonder it were to write of the lamentation that was made for this prince amongst his seruants, and other of the wisest sort; and the ioie that was made for his death by such as were troubled by rigour of his law: yet the to­ward hope which in all points appeared in the yoong king did both repaire and comfort the heauie hearts of them, which had lost so wise and sage a prince: and also did put out of the minds of such as were relee­ued by the said kings death, all their old grudge and rancor, and confirmed their new ioie by the new grant of his pardon.

After that the funerals of the said late king were once ended, great preparation was made for the co­ronation of the new king, which was appointed on Midsummer daie next insuing. During the time of which preparation, the king was aduised by some of his councell to take to wife the ladie Katharine, late wife to his brother prince Arthur, least she hauing so great a dowrie as was appointed to hir, might mar­rie [Page 801] out of the realme, [...] which should be to his hinde­rance. The king being hereto persuaded, espoused the said ladie Katharine the third daie of Iune, the which marriage was dispensed with by pope Iulie, at the sute of hir father king Ferdinando. On the ele­uenth daie of this moneth of Iune, the king came from Gréenewich to the Tower ouer London bridge and so by Grace church, with whome came manie a gentleman richlie apparelled, but speciallie the duke of Buckingham, The duke of Bucking­hams rich [...]. which had a gowne all of gold­smiths line 10 worke, verie costlie.

On fridaie the two and twentith day of Iune, the king with the quéene being in the Tower of Lon­don, made foure and twentie knights of the Bath. And the morow following, being saturdaie the foure and twentith of Iune, his grace with the quéene de­parted from the Tower through London, the streets being hanged with tapestrie and cloth of arras, ve­rie richlie; and a great part of the south side of Cheape with cloth of gold, & so was some part of Cornehill. The stréets were railed & barred on the one side, from line 20 ouer against Grace church to Bredstréet in Cheape­side, [...] where euerie occupation stood in their liueries in order, beginning with base and meane occupations, and so ascending to the worshipfull crafts. Highest and lastlie stood the maior with the aldermen. The goldsmiths stals vnto the end of the Old change, A [...] sight [...] virgins in white, with branches of white wax. be­ing replenished with virgins in white, with branches of white wax: the priests and clearkes in rich copes, with crosses and censers of siluer, with censing his line 30 grace and the queene also, as they passed. The features of his bodie, his goodlie personage, his amiable vi­sage, princelie countenance, with the noble qualities of his roiall estate, to euerie man knowen, néedeth no rehersall, considering that (for lacke of cunning) I cannot expresse the gifts of grace and of nature that God indued him with all.

Yet partlie to describe his apparell, it is to be no­ted, K. Henries apparell at his coronatiō. his grace ware in his vppermost apparell, a robe of crimsin veluet, furred with ermins, his iacket or line 40 coat of raised gold, the placard imbrodered with dia­monds, rubies, emerands, great pearles, and other rich stones, a great bauderike about his necke of great balasses. The trapper of his horsse damaske gold, with a deepe purfle of ermins. His knights and esquiers for his bodie in crimsin veluet; and all the gentlemen, with other of his chappell, and all his offi­cers and houshold seruants were appareled in scar­let. The barons of the fiue portes bare the canopie or cloth of estate. For to recite vnto you the great estates by name, the order of their going, the number line 50 of the lords spirituall & temporall, knights, esquiers, and gentlemen, and their costlie and rich apparell of seuerall deuises and fashions, who tooke vp his horsse best, or who was richest beseene; it would aske long time, and yet I should omit manie things, and faile of the number, for they were verie manie: wherefore I passe ouer. But this I dare well saie, there was no lacke or scarsitie of cloth of tissue, cloth of gold, cloth of siluer, broderie, or of goldsmiths works: but in more plentie and aboundance than hath beene séene line 60 or read of at anie time before, and thereto manie and great numbers of chaines of gold, & bauderikes both massie and great.

Also before the kings highnesse rode two gentle­men richlie apparelled, The kings traine and the [...] of the [...]. and about their bodies ouer­thwart, they bare two robes, the one of the duchie of Guien, and the other for the duchie of Normandie, with hats on their heads powdered with ermins, for the estate of the same. Next followed two persons of good estate, the one bearing his cloke, the other his hat, apparelled both in goldsmiths worke and brode­rie, their horsses trapped in burned siluer, drawen o­uer with cordes of gréene silke and gold, the edges and borders of their apparell being fretted with gold of damaske. After them came sir Thomas Brandon master of the kings horsse, clothed in tissue, brodered with roses of fine gold, and ouerthwart his bodie a great bauderike of gold, great and massi [...]; his horsse trapped in gold, leading by a raine of silke; the kings spare horsse trapped bard wise, with harnesse brodred with bullion gold, curiouslie wrought by goldsmiths. Then next followed the nine children of honor vpon great coursers, appareled on their bodies in blue vel­uet, powdered with floure delices of gold, & chaines of goldsmiths worke, euerie one of their horsses trap­ped with a trapper of the kings title, as of England and France, Gascoigne, Guien, Normandie, An­giou, Cornewall, Wales, Ireland, &c: wrought vp­on veluets, with imbroderie, and goldsmiths worke.

Then next following in order, came the quéenes retinue, as lords, knights, esquiers, The quéenes traine and the sumptuous­nesse of the same. and gentlemen in their degrées, well mounted, and richlie apparelled in tissue, cloth of gold, of siluer, tinsels, and veluets imbrodered, fresh and goodlie to behold. The quéene then by name Katharine, sitting in hir litter borne by two white palfries, the litter couered and richlie appareled, and the palfries trapped in white cloth of gold; hir person apparelled in white satin imbrodered, hir haire hanging downe to hir backe of very great length, beautifull and goodlie to hehold, & on hir head a coronall set with manie rich orient stones. Next af­ter, six honorable personages on white palfries all ap­parelled in cloth of gold, and then a chariot couered, and the ladies therein all apparelled in cloth of gold. And another sort of ladies, and then another chariot, then the ladies next the chariot, and so in order, euerie one after their degrées in cloth of gold, cloth of siluer, tinsels, and veluet, with imbroderies. Euerie couple­ment of the said chariots, and the draught harnesses were powdered with ermins mixt with cloth of gold: & so with much ioy & honour they came to Westmin­ster, where was high preparation made, aswell for the said coronation, as also for the solemne feasts and iusts therevpon to be had and doone

The morrow following being sundaie, The coronati­on of king Henrie and quéene Ka­tharine. and also Midsummer daie, this noble prince with his quéene at time conuenient, vnder their canopies borne by the barons of the fiue ports, went from the said pa­lace to Westminster abbaie vpon cloth, called vul­garlie cloth of raie; the which cloth was cut and spoi­led by the rude and common people, immediatlie af­ter their repaire into the abbaie; where, according to the sacred obseruance & ancient custome, his grace with the quéene were annointed and crowned by the archbishop of Canturburie, with other prelats of the realme there present, and the nobilitie, with a great multitude of commons of the same. It was deman­ded of the people, whether they would receiue, obeie, and take the same most noble prince for their king? Who with great reuerence, loue, and desire, said and cried; Yea yea. Homage doone to the king at his coronatiō both of the lords spiritu­all & tempo­rall. After the which solemnitie and coro­nation finished, the lords spirituall and temporall did to him homage, and returned to Westminster hall with the quéenes grace, euerie one vnder their cano­pies; where, by the lord Marshall & his tipped staues was made roome, and euerie lord, and other noble men, according to their tenures, before claimed and viewed, séene and allowed by the lords, and other of his graces councell, entred into such roome and office that daie, to execute their seruices accordinglie.

The kings estate on the right hand, & the queenes on the left hand, the cupboord of nine stages, their no­ble personages being set: first, at the bringing of the first course, the trumpets sounded. And in came the duke of Buckingham, mounted vpon a great cour­ser, richlie trapped and imbrodered, and the lord stew­ard in likewise on an horsse trapped in cloth of gold, [Page 802] riding before the seruice, which was sumptuous, with manie subtilties, strange deuises, with seuerall po­ses, and manie deintie dishes. At the kings feet vn­der the table were certeine gentlemen; and in like­wise with the queene, who there continued, during that long and roiall feast. What should I speake or write of the sumptuous, fine, and delicate meats pre­pared for this high and honorable coronation, proui­ded for aswell in the parties beyond the seas, as in manie and sundrie places within this realme, where God so aboundantlie hath sent such plentie and foi­son? line 10 Or of the honorable order of the seruices, the cleane handeling and breaking of meats, the orde­ring of the dishes, with the plentifull abundance? So that none of anie estate being there did lacke, nor no honorable or worshipfull person went vnfeasted.

The second course being serued: in at the hall doore entered a knight, Sir Robert Dimmocke the kings champion. armed at all points, his bases rich tissue embrodered, a great plume and a sumptu­ous of ostrich feathers on his helmet, sitting on a great courser, trapped in tissue, and embrodered with line 20 the armes of England, and of France, and an herald of armes before him. And passing through the hall, he presented himselfe with humble reuerence before the kings maiestie, to whome Gartier king of heralds cried and said with a lowd voice; Sir knight from whence come you, and what is your pretense? This knights name was sir Robert Dimmocke, champi­on to the king by tenure of his inheritance, who an­swered the said king of armes in effect after this ma­ner: Sir, the place that I come from is not materi­all, line 30 nor the cause of my repaire hither is not concer­ning anie matter of anie place or countrie, but one­lie this: and therewithall commanded his herald to make an O yes. The knights an [...]wer to the king of he­ralds. Then said the knight to the king of armes; Now shall ye heare the cause of my cōming and pretense. Then he commanded his owne herald, by proclamation to saie; If there be anie person, of what estate or degree soeuer he be, that will saie or proue, that king Henrie the eight is not the rightfull inheritor and king of this realme, I sir Robert line 40 Dimmocke here his champion, offer my gloue, to fight in his quarell with any person to the vtterance. Which proclamation was made in sundrie places of the hall: and at euerie time his gantlet cast downe, in the maintenance thereof.

The maner of the same knights te­nure.After these seuerall proclamations doone, and of­fers made, the said knight or champion eftsoones re­paired to the kings presence, demanding drinke; to whome the kings grace sent a cup of gold with wine, line 50 whereof after this knight had drunke, he demanded the couer of the said cup, which to him also was deli­uered: that doone he departed out of the hall, with the said cup and couer as his owne. The maner of his tenure is this, that at the coronation of the king, he shall go to the armorie, and there take the kings best harnesse saue one, the best and rich bases sauing one, then of the plumes or other things for the garnish­ing of his creast or helme; and so to the stable, there taking the next courser or horsse to the best, with like line 60 trappers, & so furnished, to enter (as afore) and his of­fice doone, to haue all these things with the cup of gold and couer to his owne vse. After the departure of the said champion, the king of armes with all the heralds and other officers of armes, made procla­mations in seuerall places of the hall, crieng lar­gesse. Brieflie I passe ouer this high and long solem­nitie of this honorable coronation and feast, more ho­norable than of the great Cesar, whome manie hi­storiographers so highlie set out and magnifie.

Sir Stephā Genings ma­ior of London.Now when the tables were voided, the wafers were brought. Then sir Stephan Genings that time maior of London, whome the king before he sat downe to dinner had dubbed knight, which began the earles table that daie, arose from the place where he sat, to serue the king with ipocras in a cup of gold: which cup, after his grace had dronken thereof, was with the couer giuen vnto the said sir Stephan, like as other his predecessors, maiors of the said citie, were woont to haue at the coronation of the king. Then after the surnap laied, and that the kings grace and the quéene had washed, euerie of them vnder their cloths of estate, the tables being auoided, went vnto their chambers. For the more honour and in­nobling of this triumphant coronation, Iusts and turnement [...] ▪ there were prepared both iusts and turneis to be doone in the pa­lace of Westminster, where, for the kings grace and the quéene, was framed a faire house, couered with tapestrie, and hanged with rich clothes of arrais, and in the said palace was made a curious founteine and ouer it a castell, on the top therof a great crowne imperiall, all the imbatelling with roses and pome­granats gilded.

Under and about the said castell, a curious vine, the leaues and grapes thereof gilded with fine gold, the walles of the same castell coloured white & gréene losengis, and in euerie losing either a rose or a pome­granat, and a sheafe of arrowes, or else H. and K. gil­ded with fine gold, with certeine arches and turrets gilded, to support the same castell. And the targets of the armes of the defendants, appointed for the said iusts, therevpon sumptuouslie set. And out at seue­rall places of the same castell, aswell on the daie of the coronation, as on the said daies of the iusts & tur­neies, out of the mouthes of certeine beasts or gar­gels did run red, white, and claret wine. The enter­prisers of these iusts, was Thomas lord Howard, The enterpri­sers of the [...] iusts. heire apparant to the earle of Surrie, sir Edward Howard admerall his brother, the lord Richard bro­ther to the Marques Dorset, sir Edmund Howard, sir Thomas Kneuet, and Charles Brandon esquier. The trumpets blew to the field, the fresh yoong ga­lants and noble men gorgeouslie apparrelled, with curious deuises of cuts and of embroderies, as well in their coates as in trappers for their horsses, some in gold, some in siluer, some in tinsels, and diuerse o­ther in goldsmithes worke, goodlie to behold.

These first entred the field, in taking vp & turning their horsses, netlie and freshlie. Goodlie she [...] & delightfull. Then followed a de­uise (caried by strength of men and other prouision) framed like a castell, or a turret, wrought with fine cloth of gold: the top whereof was spred with roses and pomegranats, hanging downe on euerie side of the said deuise; wherein was a ladie, bearing a shield of christall named Pallas. After whom the said lord Howard with his companions followed, armed at all points, their bases and bards, or trappers, were of gréene veluet, beaten with roses and pomegra­nats of gold, brodred with fringes of damaske gold. The said deuise or turret, Pallas knights the defendants. being brought before the king, the ladie Pallas presented the said persons, whom she named hir scholers, to the kings highnes, beséeching the same to accept them as hir scholers, who were desirous to serue him, to the increase of their honours; which said scholers had about them on foot to the number of an hundred persons, freshlie ap­parrelled, in veluets of sundrie colours, with hose & bonets according to the same. And further, the said ladie desired the king, that it might please his grace, that hir said scholers might be defendants to all commers, which request was granted.

Then came in an other band of horssemen, Another band of horssemen richlie [...]. fresh­lie and well apparelled in cloth of gold, in siluer, in goldsmithes worke, & broderie, to the number of three score, with trappers according to their garments, with great bauderikes, collars, and chaines of gold about their necks and trauerse their bodies, euerie man with a coife of gold on his head, and a great [Page 803] plume of feathers therevpon, some of one colour and some of an other, entering before into the field with drums and fifes a great number, euerie man taking vp his horsse in his best maner, as well for their la­dies, as also for laud or praise to be giuen them. After whome followed a good number of footmen, in vel­uets and other silkes, cut and embrodered, with hose to the same accordinglie, and bonets and other fur­niture, after a fresh and lustie fashion. Next to them came on horssebacke eight persons, whose names line 10 were, Eight knights ar­me [...] at all paints. sir Iohn Pechie, sir Edward Neuill, sir Ed­ward Guildeford, sir Iohn Carre, sir William Parre, sir Giles Capell, sir Griffith Dun, and sir Rouland, armed also at all points, with shields of their owne armes, with rich plumes, and other deui­ses on their head péeces, their bases and trappers of tissue, cloth of gold, siluer and veluet; and next before them, a gentleman on horssebacke, in a coat of blue veluet, embrodered with gold, and his horsse trapped in the same sute, with a speare of gold on his thigh, line 20 and the same presented to the quéene: saieng, that it was informed those knights of his companie, how that dame Pallas had presented six of hir scholers to the king, but whether they came to learne, or to teach feats of armes they knew not.

He further declared, that his knights were come to doo feats of armes, for the loue of ladies. Wherfore he besought hir grace, to licence those knights to prooue themselues against dame Pallas scholers: and that in case hir scholers brake more speares on line 30 the said knights, by the view of the iudges, and the report of the heralds, than the same knights should doo on them; then the said scholers of Pallas knights to haue the speare of gold for their prise. And if the knights brake more speares than dame Pallas scholers, the said knights to haue the christall shield. The which request to them granted, the iusts began, where euerie man did acquite himselfe well and va­liantlie: but who had the prise of other, I know not. The night cōming on, the iusts ended. The next daie line 40 approached the foresaid defenders, scholers to Pallas on horssebacke, armed From head [...]. cape a pie, the one side of their bases and bards of their horsses white veluet, embrodered with roses of gold and other embrode­ries; the other side gréene veluet embrodered with pomegranats of gold, euerie one of them on his head péece had an heare of flat gold of damaske, and so presented themselues before the king readie to tourneie.

Dimas knights.Then immediatlie on the other part came in the line 50 forenamed eight knights, readie armed, their bases and bards of their horsse gréene sattin, embrodered with fresh deuises of bramble branches, of fine gold curiouslie wrought, powdered all ouer. And after them a great number of hornes blowne, by men ap­parrelled in gréene cloth, with caps and hosen of like sute, as foresters or kéepers; & a pagent made like a parke, A conceipt or deuise of a p [...]rke with [...], &c. paled with pales of white and gréene, wherein were certeine fallow deare, and in the same parke curious trees made by cra [...], with bushes, fernes, and line 60 other things in likewise wrought, goodlie to behold. The which parke or deuise, being brought before the quéene, had certeine gates thereof opened, the deare ran out therof into the palace, the greiehounds were let slip and killed the deare: the which deare so killed, were presented to the quéene and the ladies by the foresaid knights.

Crocheman, which the daie before brought in the speare of gold, there declared, that the same knights were seruants to Diana, and being in their pastime of hunting, newes were brought vnto them, that dame Pallas knights were come into those parts, to doo déeds of armes: wherefore they had left their hunting and chase, and repaired also thither, to en­counter with the knights of Pallas, and so to fight with them for the loue of ladies, to the vtterance: saieng, that if Pallas knights vanquished the other, or made them to leaue the field, then they to haue the deare killed, and the greiehounds that slue them. And in case Dianas knights ouercame the other, they to haue their swords, and none other thing more. Wherevpon the queene and ladies sent to the king to haue his aduise and pleasure in this behalfe. The kings wisedome in preuenting an inconuenients His grace conceiuing that there was some grudge and displeasure betwéene them, thinking if such request were to them granted some inconuenience might insue, would not therevnto agrée: so that for the ap­peasing thereof it was awarded, that both parties should tourneie togither, giuing but some certeine strokes, which doone they departed: and so these iusts brake vp, and the prises giuen to euerie man after his deserts.]

The king pardoned the lord Henrie brother to the duke of Buckingham, Henrie y e duke of Bucking­hams brother created erle of Wilshire. committed to the Tower (as yee haue heard) vpon suspicion of treason: but when nothing could be prooued against him, he was set at libertie, and at the parlement after created earle of Wilshire. Also this yeare the king ordeined fiftie gentlemen to be speares, euerie of them to haue an archer, a demilance, and a custrell; and euerie speare to haue thrée great horsses to be attendant on his person, of the which band the earle of Essex was lieu­tenant, and sir Iohn Pechie capteine. This ordinance continued but a while, the charges was so great; for there were none of them, but they and their horsses were apparrelled and trapped in cloth of gold, siluer & goldsmithes worke. A great plague in Calis. This yeare also was a great pe­stilence in the towne of Calis, so that the king sent one sir Iohn Pechie with thrée hundred men to tar­rie there vpon the defense of that towne till the sick­nesse was ceassed. Furthermore, A parlement. this yeare the king summoned his parlement in the moneth of Nouem­ber, to begin in the moneth of Ianuarie next ensu­ing: whereof sir Thomas Inglefield was chos [...] speaker.

At this parlement sir Richard Empson knight, Empson and Dudleie at­teinted of treason. and Edmund Dudleie esquier late councellors vn­to king Henrie the seauenth, were atteinted of high treason. They were charged with manie offenses committed in the late kings daies, as partlie before yée haue heard; Polydor. who being brought before the coun­cell, as they were graue and wise personages, and both of them learned and skilfull in the lawes of the realme: so had they vtterance verie readie whereby to deliuer the conceipts of their minds with singular dexteritie, speciallie in a case of importance; in so much that when the said parties were conuented be­fore the assemblie of the lords, they alleged for them­selues right constantlie (in their owne defenses) much good and sufficient matter, of whome Empson (being the elder in yeares) had these words.

A speech vttered by Empson to the lords of the councell to find fauour.

I Know (right honorable) that it is not vnknowne to you, how profitable and necessarie lawes are for the good preseruation of mans life: without the which neither house, towne, nor citie can long continue or stand in safetie. Which lawes heere in England, thorough negligence of magi­strates, were partlie decaied, and partlie quite forgotten and worne out of vse; the [Page] mischeefe whereof dailie increasing, Henrie the seauenth a most graue and prudent prince wished to suppresse, and therefore appointed vs to see, that such lawes as were yet in vse might continue in their full force; and such as were out of vse might a­gaine be reuiued and restored to their for­mer state; & that also those persons which transgressed the same, might be punished according to their demerits. Wherein we line 10 discharged our dueties in most faithfull wise, and best maner we could, to the great aduantage & commoditie (no doubt) of the whole commonwealth. Wherfore we most humblie beseech you in respect of your ho­nours, courtesie, goodnesse, humanitie, and iustice, not to decree any greeuous sentence against vs, as though we were worthie of punishment, but rather to appoint how line 20 with thankfull recompense our paines & trauell may be worthilie considered.

Manie of the councell thought that he had spoken well, and so as stood with great reason: but yet the greater number (supposing that the reuiuing of those lawes had procéeded rather of a couetous meaning in the king and them, than of anie zeale of iustice, and hauing also themselues felt the smart latelie be­fore for their owne offenses and transgressions) had line 30 conceiued such malice towards the men, Most of the [...] of the co [...]cell a­gainst Emp­son. that they thought it reason, that such as had béene dealers therein, were worthie to lose their heads, in like sort as they had caused others to lose their monie. Héere­vpon, their accusors were mainteined, and manie od matters narrowlie sought out against them, as by two seuerall indictments framed against sir Ri­chard Empson (the copies whereof I haue séene) it may well appeare. line 40

Matters ob­iected against Empson.In the one he is charged, that to win the fauour and credit of the late king, not weieng his honor nor the prosperitie of him, or wealth of his realme, hee had (in subuersion of the lawes of the land) procured diuerse persons to be indicted of diuerse crimes and offenses surmised against them, and therev [...]on to be committed to prison, without due proces of law; who not suffered to come to their answers, were kept in durance, till they had compounded for their fines, to their great importable losses, and vtter impouerish­ment. Also diuerse vntrue offices of intrusions and line 50 alienations, made by sundrie the late kings liege people, into manors, lands, and tenements were found; it being vntrulie alleged, that they held the same of the king In capite. And when such persons as were thus vexed, offered to trauerse those offices, they could not be admitted thereto, in such due and lawfull forme as in such cases the law prouideth, Wrong main­teined against the kings li [...]ge people. till they had compounded to paie great fines and ran­somes. line 60

Moreouer the kings wards, after they had ac­complished their full age, Iniurie doone to the kings wards. could not be suffered to sue their liueries, till they had paied excessiue fines and ransomes, vnto their great annoiance, losse, and dis­quieting, and to no lesse contempt of the said king. And further, whereas diuerse persons had béene out­lawed, as well at the sute of their aduersaries, as of the said late king; they could not be allowed to pur­chase their charters of pardon out of the chancerie, according to the law of the realme, till they were dri­uen to answer halfe the issues and profits of all their lands and tenements by the space of two yeares, which the king receiued to his vse, by the said Richard Empsons procurement, who informed him that hée might lawfullie take the same, although he knew that it was contrarie to the lawes and customes of the realme. Wherevpon the people, vexed and mole­sted by such hard dealings, sore grudged against the said late king, to the great perill and danger of his person and realme, and subuersion of the lawes and ancient customes thereof.

Also it was alleged against the said Empson, that he had sent foorth precepts directed vnto diuerse per­sons, commanding them, vpon great penalties, to appeare before him, and other his associats, at cer­teine daies and times within his house in S. Brides parish, in a ward of London, called Farringdon without: where they making their appearances, ac­cording to the same precepts, A charge of manifest op­pression and extortion. were impleaded afore him and other his said associats, of diuerse mur­thers, felonies, outlawries, and of the articles in the statute of prouisors conteined; also of wilfull escapes of felonies, and such like matters and articles apper­teining to the plées of the crowne, and common lawes of the realme. And that doone, the said per­sons were committed to diuerse prisons, as the Fléet, the Tower, and other places, where they were deteined, till they had fined at his pleasure, as well for the commoditie of the said late king, as for the singular aduantage of the said sir Richard Emp­son.

Moreouer, whereas the said Empson, being re­corder of Couentrie, Empson som­time recorder of Couentrie. and there sate with the maior and other iustices of the peace, vpon a speciall gaole deliuerie within that citie, on the monday before the feast of saint Thomas the apostle, in the sixtéenth yeare of the late kings reigne; a prisoner that had beene indicted of felonie, for taking out of an house in that citie, certeine goods to the value of twentie shillings, was arreigned before them. And bicause the iurie would not find the said prisoner giltie, for want of sufficient euidince (as they after alleged) the said sir Richard Empson, supposing the same eui­dence to be sufficient, caused them to be committed to ward, wherein they remained foure daies togi­ther, till they were contented to enter bond in fortie pounds a péece, to appeare before the king and his councell, the second returne of the tearme then next insuing, being Quindena Hilarij. Wherevpon they kéeping their daie, and appearing before the said sir Richard Empson, and other of the kings councell, according to their bonds, were adiudged to paie e­uerie of them eight pounds for a fine, and according­lie made paiment thereof, as they were then thought well worthie so to doo. But now this matter so long past, was still kept in memorie, and so earnest some were to inforce it to the vttermost against the said Empson, that in a sessions holden at Couentrie now in this first yeare of this kings reigne, Empson in­dicted & [...]ound guiltie. an indictment was framed against him for this matter, and thereof he was found giltie, as if therein he had committed some great and heinous offense against the kings peace, his crowne and dignitie.

Thus haue I thought good to shew what I find hereof, to the end ye may perceiue how glad men were to find some colour of sufficient matter, to bring the said sir Richard Empson, and maister Ed­mund Dudleie, within danger of the lawes; whereby at length they were not onelie condemned by act of parlement, through malice of such as might séeme to seeke their destruction for priuat grudges; but in the end also, they were arreigned: as first the said Ed­mund Dudleie in the Guildhall of London, the se­uentéenth of Iulie; and sir Richard Empson at Northampton in October next insuing: and being there condemned, was from thence brought backe againe to the Tower of London, where he remai­ned till the time of his execution▪ as after yée shall [Page 805] heare.

[...] plague.This yeare the plague was great, and reigned in diuerse parts of this realme. 1 [...]0 The king kept his Christmas at Richmond. The twelfe of Ianuarie, diuerse gentlemen prepared to iust, The king run [...] at tilt in [...] owne [...]erson. and the king and one of his priuie chamber called William Comp­ton, secretlie armed themselues in the little parke of Richmond, & so came into the iustes, vnknowne to all persons. The king neuer ran openlie before, and did exceeding well. Maister Compton chanced line 10 to be sore hurt by Edward Neuill esquier, brother to the lord of Aburgauennie, so that he was like to haue died. One person there was that knew the king, and cried; God saue the king: and with that, all the peo­ple were astonied, and then the king discouered himselfe, to the great comfort of the people. The king soone after came to Westminster, and there kept his Shrouetide with great bankettings, dansings, and other iollie pastimes.

And on a time the king in person, accompanied line 20 with the earles of Essex, [...]. Hall in [...] vj. The king [...] other [...] disguised [...] Robin [...]ods men [...] disport. Wilshire and other noble men, to the number of twelue, came suddenlie in a morning into the queenes chamber, all apparelled in short coates of Kentish Kendall, with hoodes on their heads & hosen of the same, euerie one of them his bow and arrowes, and a sword and a buckler, like outlawes, or Robin Hoods men. Whereat the queene, the ladies, and all other there were abashed, as well for the strange sight, as also for their sudden comming, and after certeine danses and pastime made, they departed. On Shrouesundaie the same line 30 yeare, [...] banket. the king prepared a goodlie banket in the par­lement chamber at Westminster, for all the ambas­sadors, which then were here out of diuerse realmes and countries. The banket being readie, the king leading the quéene, entered into the chamber, then the ladies, ambassadours, and other noble men follo­wed in order.

The king caused the queene to keepe the estate, and then sate the ambassadours and ladies, as they were marshalled by the K. who would not sit, but walked line 40 from place to place, making cheare to the quéene and the strangers: suddenlie the king was gone. And shorlie after, his grace, with the earle of Essex, came in apparelled after the Turkie fashion, The king and others disguised after the Turkish [...]hion. in long robes of baudekin, powdered with gold, hats on their heds of crimsin veluet, with great rolles of gold, girded with two swords called cimiteries, hanging by great bauderiks of gold. Then next came the lord Henrie earle of Wilshire, and the lord Fitzwater, in two long gownes of yellow sattin, trauersed with line 50 white sattin, and in euerie band of white was a band of crimsin sattin after the fashion of Russia or Rus­land, with furred hats of graie on their heads, either of them hauing an hatchet in their hands, and boots with pikes turned vp.

And after them came sir Edward Howard then admerall, and with him sir Thomas Parre, in dub­lets of crimsin veluet, voided low on the backe, and before to the chanell bone, lased on the breasts line 60 with chaines of siluer, and ouer that short cloakes of crimsin sattin, and on their heads hats after dan­sers fashion, with feasants feathers in them: they were apareled after the fashion of Prusia or Spruce. The torchbearers were apparelled in crimsin sattin and gréene, like Moreskoes, their faces blacke: and the king brought in a mummerie. After that the quéene, the lords, & ladies (such as would) had plaied, the said mummers departed, and put off the same ap­parell, and soone after entered into the chamber in their vsuall apparell. And so the king made great cheere to the quéene, ladies and ambassadours. The supper or banket ended, and the tables voided, the king in communication with the ambassadours, the queene with the ladies tooke their places in their degrées.

Then began the dansing, and euerie man tooke much heed to them that dansed. The king perceiuing that, withdrew himselfe suddenlie out of the place, with certeine other persons appointed for that pur­pose. And within a little while after there came in a drum and a fife apparelled in white damaske & gréene bonnets, and hosen of the same sute. A maske wherein the king was an actor. Then certeine gentlemen followed with torches, apparelled in blue damaske, purfelled with amis greie, fashioned like an albe, and hoods on their heads, with robes and long tippets to the same of blue damaske, in visards. Then after them came a certeine number of gentle­men, whereof the king was one, apparelled all in one sute of short garments, little beneath the points, of blue veluet and crimsin, with long sléeues, all cut and lined with cloth of gold. And the vtter part of the garments were powdered with castels and sheafes of arrowes of fine ducket gold; the vpper parts of their hosen of like sute and fashion, the nether parts were of skarlet, powdered with timbrels of fine gold, on their heads bonnets of damaske, with siluer flat wouen in the stole, & therevpon wrought with gold, and rich fethers in them, all with visors.

After them entered six ladies, whereof two were apparelled in crimsin sattin and purple, Certeine la­dies richlie attired and a [...] ­ter a strange fashion. embrodered with gold, and by viniets ran floure delices of gold, with maruellous rich & strange tiers on their heads. Then two ladies in crimsin and purple, made like long slops embrodered and fret with gold after an­tike fashion: and ouer that garment was a short garment of cloth of gold scant to the knee, fashioned like a tabard all ouer, with small double rolles, all of flat gold of damaske, fret with frised gold, and on their heads skarfs and wrappers of damaske gold, with flat pipes, that strange it was to behold. The other two ladies were in kirtels of crimsin & purple sattin, embrodered with a viniet of pomegranats of gold, all the garments cut compasse wise, hauing but demie sléeues, naked downe from the elbowes, and ouer their garments were vochets of pleasants, rolled with crimsin veluet, and set with letters of gold like characts, their heads rolled in pleasants and tipets like the Aegyptians, embrodered with gold. Their faces, necks, armes, and hands, couered in fine pleasants blacke: some call it Lumbardines, which is maruellous thin; so that the same ladies see­med to be Nigers or blacke Mores. Of these foresaid six ladies, the ladie Marie, sister vnto the king was one, the other I name not. The ladie Marie sister to the king. After that the kings grace and the ladies had dansed a certeine time, they depar­ted euerie one to his lodging.

In this yeare also came ambassadors, not onelie from the king of Arragon and Castile, but also from the kings of France, Denmarke, Scotland, and o­ther places, which were highlie welcomed, and noblie interteined. It happened on a daie, Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. vij. Running at the ring. that there were certeine noble men made a wager to run at the ring and parties were taken, and which partie atteined or tooke awaie the ring oftnest with certeine courses, should win the wager. Whereof the kings grace hearing, offered to be on the one partie with six com­panions. The ambassadors hearing thereof, The king ve­rie roiallie ar­raied runneth at the ring in the sight of the ambassadours & beareth the prise awaie. were much desirous to see this wager tried, and speciallie the ambassadours of Spaine, who had neuer séene the king in harnesse. At the daie appointed, the king was mounted on a goodlie courser, trapped in purple veluet cut, the inner side whereof was wrought with flat gold of damaske in the stoole, and the veluet on the other side cut in letters: so that the gold appeared as though it had beene embrodered with certeine rea­sons or posies. And on the veluet betwéene the let­ters were fastened castels and sheafs of arrowes of [Page 806] ducket gold, with a garment, the sléeues compassed ouer his harnesse, and his bases of the same worke, with a great plume of feathers on his head péece, that came downe to the arson of his saddle, and a great companie of fresh gentlemen came in with his grace richlie armed and decked, with manie other right gorgeouslie apparelled, the trumpets before them goodlie to be hold, whereof manie strangers (but speciallie the Spaniards) much reioised; for they had neuer séene the king before that time armed. line 10

On the other side came in another band of gen­tlemen freshlie apparelled, and pleasant to behold, all apparelled in cloth of gold, checkered with flat gold of damaske, & poudered with roses; and so euerie man ran: but to conclude, the prise was giuen vnto the king. Euerie man did run twelue courses, the king did beare away the ring fiue times, and atteined it thrée. And these courses thus finished, the Spanish ambassadours desired to haue some of the badges or deuises, which were on the kings trapper. His grace line 20 therof knowing, commanded euerie of them to take thereof what it pleased them, who in effect tooke all or the more part; for in the beginning they thought they had béene counterfeit, and not of gold; as they were. On Maie day then next folowing in the second yeare of his reigne, King Henrie goeth a mai­eng with o­ther of his courtiers. his grace being yoong, and wil­ling not to be idle, rose in the morning verie earlie to fetch maie or greene boughs, himselfe fresh & rich­lie apparelled; and clothed all his knights, squiers and gentlemen in white sattin, and all his gard and yeo­men of the crowne in white sarcenet: and so went e­uerie line 30 man with his bow and arrowes shooting to the wood, and so repaired againe to the court, euerie man with a gréene bough in his cap.

Now at his returning, manie hearing of his going on maieng, were desirous to sée him shoot, for at that time his grace shot as strong and as great a length as anie of his gard. There came to his grace a certeine man with bow and arrowes, and desired his grace to take the muster of him, The king a good archer. and to sée him line 40 shoot; for at that time his grace was contented. The man put the one foot in his bosome, and so did shoot, and shot a verie good shoot, and well towards his marke: whereof, not onelie his grace, but all other greatlie maruelled. So the king gaue him a reward for his so dooing; which person afterwards of the peo­ple, and of them in the court, was called, Foot in bo­some. The same yeare in the feast of Pentecost, hol­den at Gréenwich, The king chalengeth all commers at sundrie exer­cises of ac­tiuitie that is to say, the thursdaie in the same wéeke, his grace with two other with him, line 50 chalenged all commers, to fight with them at the barriers with target, and casting the speare of eight foot long; and that doone, his grace with the said two aides to fight euerie of them twelue strokes with two handed swordes, with and against all commers, none excepted being a gentleman; where the K. be­haued himselfe so well, and deliuered himselfe so vali­antlie by his hardie prowesse and great strength, that the praise and laud was giuen to his grace, and his aides: notwithstanding that diuerse and strong per­sons line 60 had assailed him and his aides.

From thense the whole court remooued to Wind­sor, then begining his progresse, & exercising himselfe dailie in shooting, singing, dansing, wrestling, casting of the barre, plaieng at the recorders, flute, virgi­nals, in setting of songs, and making of ballads; he did set two full masses, euerie of them fiue parts, which were soong oftentimes in his chappell, and af­terwards in diuerse other places. And when he came to Oking, there were kept both iustes and turneies: the rest of this progresse was spent in hunting, haw­king, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 894. Pouls schoole. and shooting. ¶ Doctor Colet deane of Poules erected a frée schoole in Poules church yard in Lon­don, and committed the ouersight thereof to the ma­sters and wardens of the mercers, bicause himselfe was borne in London, & was sonne to Henrie Co­let mercer, sometime lord maior of the citie of Lon­don. On Midsummer night, The king [...] ­parel [...]ed [...] one of the gard. the king came priuilie into Cheape, in one of the cotes of his gard; and on saint Peters night, the king and quéene came ri­ding roiallie to the kings hed in Cheape, there to be­hold the watch of the citie.]

Now when the said progresse was finished, his grace, the quéene, with all their whole traine, in the moneth of October following, remooued to Gréene­wich. The king not minded to sée yoong gentlemen vnexpert in martiall feates, caused a place to be pre­pared within the parke of Greenwich, for the quéene and the ladies to stand & sée the fight with battle axes that should be doone there, The king fighteth wit [...] a battle are against an Almaine. where the king himselfe armed, fought with one Giot a gentleman of Al­maine, a tall man, and a good man of armes. And then after they had doone, they marched alwaies two and two togithers, and so did their feats and enter­prises euerie man verie well. Albeit, it happened the said Giot to fight with sir Edward Howard, which Giot was by him striken to the ground. The morow after this enterprise doone, the king with the quéene came to the Tower of London. And to the intent that there should no displeasure nor malice be borne by anie of those gentlemen, which fought with the ax against other; the king gaue vnto them a certeine summe of gold, valued at two hundred markes, to make a banket among themselues withall. The which banket was made at fishmongers hall in Thames stréet, where they all met to the number of foure and twentie, all apparelled in one sute or liuerie, after Al­maine fashion; that is to say, their vtter garments all of yellow sattin, yellow hosen, yellow shooes, gir­dels, scabberds, and bonnets with yellow feathers, their garments and hosen all cut & lined with white sattin, and their scabberds woond about with sattin. After their banket ended, they went by torchlight to the Tower, & presented themselues before the king, who tooke pleasure to behold them.

From thence the eight day of Nouember, his grace remooued to Richmond, The king (with his [...] ­sistants) cha­lengeth all commers at tilt. and willed to be declared to all noble men and gentlemen, that his grace with two aides, that is to wit, maister Charles Brandon, and maister Compton, during two daies would an­swer all commers; with speare at the tilt one daie, and at turneie with swords the other. And to accom­plish this enterprise, on the thirtéenth day of Nouem­ber, his grace armed at all péeces with his two aides entered the field, their bases and trappers were of cloth of gold, set with red roses, wrought with gold of broderie. The counterpart came in freshlie appa­relled, euerie man after his deuise. At these iustes the king brake more staues than anie other, & therefore had the prise. At the turneie in likewise, the honour was his. The second night were diuerse strangers of Maximilian the emperours court and ambassadors of Spaine with the king at supper. When they had supped, the king willed them to go into the quéenes chamber, who so did.

In the meane season, the king with fifteene other, A roiall [...]. apparelled in Almaine iackets of crimsin and purple sattin, with long quartered sléeues, and hosen of the same sute, their bonnets of white veluet, wrapped in flat gold of damaske, with visards and white plumes, came in with a mununerie; and after a certeine time that they had plaied with the quéene and the stran­gers, they departed. Then suddenlie entered sir min­strels richlie apparelled, plaieng on their instru­ments; and then followed fourtéene persons, A maske of fourteene [...] gentle­men, all apparelled in yellow sattin, cut like Al­mains, bearing torches. After them came six disgui­sed in white sattin and gréene, embrodered and set [Page 807] with letters and castels of fine gold in bullion, the garments were of strange fashion, with also strange cuts, euerie cut knit with points of fine gold, and tas­sels of the same, their hosen cut and tied in likewise, their bonnets of cloth of siluer woond with gold. The first of these six was the king, the earle of Essex, Charles Brandon, sir Edward Howard, sir Thomas Kneuet, and sir Henrie Guilford.

Then part of the gentlemen bearing torches de­parted, and shortlie returned, after whom came in six line 10 ladies, apparelled in garments of crimsin sattin em­brodered and trauersed with gloth of gold, cut in pomegranats and yokes, stringed after the fashion of Spaine. Then the said six men dansed with these six ladies: and after that they had dansed a season, the ladies tooke off the mens visors, whereby they were knowen: whereof the quéene and the strangers much praised the king, and ended the pastime. It is to be noted, that at this time the quéene was great with child, & shortlie after this pastime, she tooke hir cham­ber line 20 at Richmond, for the which cause the king kept his Christmasse there. And on Newyeares daie the first daie of Ianuarie the quéene was deliuered of a prince to the great gladnesse of the realme, The birth of [...] first [...] sonne of king Hen­ [...] the eight. for the ho­nour of whome fiers were made, and diuerse vessels with wine set for such as would take thereof in cer­teine stréets in London, and generall processions therevpon to laud God. As touching the preparation of the princes christening, I ouerpasse, which was ho­norablie doone, whose godfathers at the font were line 30 the archbishop of Canturburie, and the earle of Sur­reie, & godmother the ladie Katharine countesse of Deuonshire, daughter to king Edward the fourth: his name was Henrie.

Against the twelfe daie or the daie of the Epipha­nie at night, [...] goodlie [...] of a moue­ [...] pageant. before the banket in the hall at Rich­mond, was a pageant deuised like a mounteine, glistering by night as though it had béene all of gold and set with stones, on the top of which mounteine was a tree of gold, the branches and boughes frised with gold, spreading on euerie side ouer the moun­teine line 40 with roses and pomegranats, the which moun­teine was with vices brought vp towards the king, and out of the same came a ladie apparelled in cloth of gold, and the children of honour called the hench­men, which were freshlie disguised, and dansed a mo­rice before the king; and that doone, reentred the mounteine, which then was drawen backe, and then was the wassaill or banket brought in, and so brake vp Christmasse. Shortlie after and before the quéenes line 50 churching, the K. rode to Walsingham. The quéene being churched or purified, the king and she remooued from Richmond to Westminster, where was prepa­ration for solemne iusts in the honor of the quéene; A s [...]lemne [...] at West­minster. the king being one, and with him thrée aides: his grace being called Cure loial, the lord William erle of Deuonshire called Bon voloire, sir Thomas Kne­uet named Bon espoir, sir Edward Neuill called Va­liant desire, whose names were set vpon a goodlie table, & the table hanged in a tree curiouslie wrought, and they were called Les quater cheualiers de la for­rest line 60 saluigne, these foure to run at the tilt against all commers, with other certeine articles comprised in the said table.

A place in the palace was prepared for the king and queene, richlie hanged, the inner part with cloth of gold, & the vtter with rich cloth of arras. These iusts began the thirtéenth daie of Februarie. Now after that the quéene with hir traine of ladies had taken their places, [...] pageant [...] like a [...] forrest [...] into the palace was conueied a pageant of a great quantitie, made like a forrest with rockes, hils, and dales, with diuerse sundrie trées, floures, ha­thornes, ferne, and grasse, with six foresters standing within the same forrest, garnished in cotes and hoods of gréene veluet, by whome laie a great number of speares; all the trées, hearbs, and floures of the same forrest were made of gréene veluet, greene damaske, & silke of diuerse colours, as sattin & sarcenet. In the middest of this forrest was a castell standing made of gold, and before the castell gate sat a gentleman freshlie apparelled, making a garland of roses for the prise. This forrest was drawen as it were by strength of two great beasts, a lion and an ante­lop; the lion florished all ouer with damaske gold, the antelop was wrought all ouer with siluer of da­maske, his beames or hornes and tuskes of gold.

These beasts were led with certeine men apparel­led like wild men, or woodhouses, their bodies, heads, faces, hands, and legs couered with gréene silke flos­shed: on either of the said antelop and lion sat a la­die richlie apparelled, the beasts were tied to the pa­geant with great chaines of gold, as horsses be in the cart. When the pageant rested before the quéene, The foure knights issue out of the pa­geant all ar­med. the forenamed foresters blew their horns, then the deuise or pageant opened on all sides, and out issued the foresaid foure knights armed at all peeces, euerie of them a speare in his hand on horssebacke with great plumes on their heads, their bases and trappers of cloth of gold, euerie of them his name embrodered on his base and trapper. On the other part with great noise aswell of trumpets as of drums entered into the field, the erle of Essex, the lord Thomas Howard with manie other cleane armed, their trappers and bases all of crimsin satin embrodered with branches of pomegranats of gold and posies; with manie a fresh gentleman riding before them, their footmen well apparelled: and so the iusts began and endured all that daie.

The morrow, being the thirtéenth of Februarie af­ter dinner, at time conuenient, the queene with the ladies repaired to sée the iusts, the trumpets soun­ded, Gorgeous shewes in apparell. and in came manie a noble man and gentleman richlie apparelled, taking vp their horsses; after whom followed certeine lords apparelled, they and their horsses in cloth of gold and russet tinsell: knights in cloth of gold and russet veluet; and a great number of gentlemen on foot in russet sattin and yellow, and yeomen in russet damaske and yellow, all the nether part of euerie mans hosen scarlet and yellow caps. Then came the king vnder a pauilion of cloth of gold and purple veluet embrodered, The king vn­der a pauilion of cloth of gold and purple veluet, &c. and powdered with H. and K. of fine gold, the compasse of the pauilion a­boue embrodered richlie, and valansed with flat gold, beaten in wire, with an imperiall crowne in the top of fine gold, his bases and trappers of cloth of gold, fretted with damaske gold, the trapper pendant to the taile. A crane and chafron of stéele, in the front of the chafron was a goodlie plume set full of musers or trembling spangles of gold. After followed his three aids, euerie of them vnder a pauilion of crimsin da­maske and purple, powdered with H. and K. of fine gold, valansed and fringed with gold of damaske: on the top of euerie pauilion a great K. of goldsmiths worke.

The number of the gentlemen and yeomen at­tending on foot, apparelled in russet and yellow, Sir Charles Brandon on horssebacke in a long robe of russet satt [...]re like a religi­ous person. was an hundred thréescore and eight. Then next these paui­lions came twelue children of honour, sitting euerie of them on a great courser richlie trapped and em­brodered in seuerall deuises and fashions, where lac­ked neither broderie nor goldsmiths worke, so that e­uerie child and horsse in deuise and fashion was con­trarie to other, which was goodlie to behold. Then on the contrarie part entered sir Charles Brandon, first on horssebacke in a long robe of russet sattin, like a recluse or religious person, and his horsse trapped in the same sute, without drum or noise of minstrelsie, putting a bill of petition to the quéene, the effect wher­of [Page 808] was, that if it would please hir to licence him to run in hir presence, he would doo it gladlie; and if not, then he would depart as he came. After that his re­quest was granted, then he put off his said habit, and was armed at all péeces with rich bases and horsse also richlie trapped, and so did run his horsse to the tilt end, where diuerse men on foot apparelled in russet sattin waited on him.

Henrie Guil­ford esquier in russet cloth of gold, with his deuise.Next after came in alone yoong Henrie Guilford esquier, himselfe and his horsse in russet cloth of gold line 10 and cloth of siluer, closed in a deuise, or a pageant made like a castell or a turret, wrought of russet sar­cenet Florence, wrought and set out in gold with his word or posie, and all his men in russet sattin & white, with hosen to the same, and their bonets of like co­lours, demanding also licence of the queene to run; which to him granted, he tooke place at the tilts end. Then came next the marquesse Dorset and sir Tho­mas Bullen like two pilgrims from saint Iames, The mar­quesse Dorset and sir Tho­mas Bullen like pilgrims. in taberds of blacke veluet, with palmers hats on line 20 their helmets, with long Iacobs staues in their hands, their horsse trappers of blacke veluet, their ta­berds, hats, and trappers set with scalop shels of fine gold, and strips of blacke veluet, euerie strip set with a scalop shell, their seruants all in blacke sattin with scalop shels of gold in their breasts. Soone after came in the lord Henrie of Buckingham earle of Wilshire, himselfe and his horsse apparelled in cloth of siluer, embrodered with his posie or word, and ar­rowes of gold in a posie, called La maison du refuge, line 30 made of crimsin damaske brodered with roses & ar­rowes of gold, on the top a greihound of siluer, bea­ring a tree of pomegranats of gold, the branches whereof were so large that it ouerspred the pageant in all parts.

Then entered sir Giles Capell, sir Rouland with manie other knights richlie armed and apparelled. And thus began the iusts, which was valiantlie atchi­ued by the king and his aids, among whom his grace atteined the prise. These iusts finished, euerie man line 40 withdrew, the king was disarmed, and at time con­uenient he and the queene heard euensong, and that night all the ambassadors supped with the king and had a great banket. After supper, his grace with the quéene, lords & ladies came into the White hall with­in the said palace, which was hanged richlie, the hall was scaffolded and railed on all parts. There was an enterlude of the gentlemen of his chapell before his grace, and diuerse fresh songs: that doone, his grace called to him a great man, or a lord of Ireland line 50 called O neall, The great O neall made knight. whome in the presence of the said am­bassadors he made knight: then the minstrels be­gan to plaie, the lords & ladies began to danse. Now in the midst of this pastime, when all persons were most attentiue to behold the dansing, the king was suddenlie gone, vnknowen to the most part of the people there, vnlesse it were of the quéene and cer­teine other. Within a little while after his departing, the trumpets at the end of the hall began to sound.

Then was there a deuise or a pageant vpon whéels line 60 brought in, out of the which pageant issued out a gentleman richlie apparelled, that shewed how in a garden of pleasure there was an arbor of gold, A pageant de­uised to run vpon whéeles. wher­in were lords and ladies, much desirous to shew pas­time to the quéene & ladies, if they might be licenced so to doo: who was answered by the quéene, how she & all other there were verie desirous to sée them and their pastime. Then a great cloth of arras that did hang before the same pageant was taken away, and the pageant brought more néere. It was curiouslie made and plesant to behold, it was solemne and rich; for euerie post or piller thereof was couered with frised gold, therin were trees of hathorne, eglantine, rosiers, vines, and other pleasant floures of diuerse colours, with gillofers, and other hearbs all made of sattin, damaske, siluer and gold, accordinglie as the naturall trees, hearbs, or floures ought to be.

In this arbor were six ladies, all apparelled in white satin and greene, set and embrodered full of H. and K. of gold, knit togither with laces of gold of damaske, and all their garments were replenished with glittering spangels gilt ouer, on their heads were bonets all opened at the foure quarters, ouer­frised with flat gold of damaske, the orrellets were of rolles, wrethed on lampas doucke holow, so that the gold shewed through the lampas doucke; the fassis of their head set full of new deuised fashions. In his garden also was the king and fiue with him apparel­led in garments of purple sattin, all of cuts with H. and K. euerie edge garnished with frised gold, A goodlie she [...] of the king & fiue other with him. and e­uerie garment full of posies, made of letters of fine gold in bullion as thicke as they might be, and euerie person had his name in like letters of massie gold. The first Cure loial, the second Bon voloire, the third Bon espoir, the fourth Valiant desire, the fift Bon foy, the sixt Amour loial, their hosen, caps, and coats were full of posies, with H. & K. of fine gold in bullion, so that the ground could scarse appeere▪ & yet was in euerie void place spangles of gold. When time was come, the said pageant was brought foorth into presence, and then descended a lord and a ladie by couples, and then the minstrels which were disguised also dansed, and the lords and ladies dansed, that it was a pleasure to behold.

In the meane season the pageant was conueied to the end of the palace, there to tarie till the danses were finished, & so to haue receiued the lords & ladies againe; but suddenlie the rude people ran to the pa­geant, and rent, tare, and spoiled the pageant, The rudene [...] of the people assembled to sée the shewe [...] so that the lord steward nor the head officers could not cause them to absteine, except they should haue foughten and drawen bloud, and so was this page­ant broken. Then the king with the queene and the la­dies returned to his chamber, where they had a great banket, and so this triumph ended with mirth & glad­nes. At this solemnitie a shipman of London caught certeine letters, which he sold to a goldsmith for three pounds fourtéene shillings & eight pence; by reason wherof it appéered that the garments were of a great value. After this great ioy came a sorowfull chance, The depar­ture of the kings yoong sonne out of this life. for the yoong prince which was borne vpon New-yeares day last past, vpon the two and twentith daie of Februarie, being then the euen of saint Matthie, departed this world at Richmond, and from thence was caried to Westminster and buried. The king like a wise prince tooke this dolorous chance wonde­rous wiselie; and the more to comfort the quéene he dissembled the matter, and made no great mourning outwardlie: but the queene, like a naturall woman, made much lamentation; how beit, by the kings good persuasion and behauiour, hir sorow was mitiga­ted, but not shortlie.

In the moneth of Februarie this yeare came am­bassadors from the king of Arragon and Castile, Ambassador [...] from the king of Spaine [...] aid against t [...] Moores. to require an aid of fiftéene hundred archers to be sent to the same king, hauing at that time war against the Moores, enimies of the christian faith. The king hearing their message gentlie granted their re­quest. And bicause the lord Thomas Darcie a knight of the garter, Lord Darc [...]e knight of the garter. made humble sute to the king to be ge­nerall of the crue that should be thus sent into Spaine, the king vpon trust of his approued valian­cie granted his desire. There were appointed to go with him the lord Anthonie Greie brother to the mar­quesse Dorset, Henrie Guilford, Weston Browne, and William Sidneie esquiers of the kings house, sir Robert Constable, sir Roger Hastings, and sir Rafe Elderton, with other gentlmen to be capteins.

[Page 809] Anno reg. [...].In this second yeare, the king being foorth on his progresse, heard euerie daie more & more complaints of Empson and Dudlei [...], set foorth and aduanced no doubt by the drift of their deadlie enimies. Where­fore, The seuenth [...] hath Iohn Stow. Empson and Dudleie be­headed. he sent writs to the▪ shiriffes of London, to put them to execution, and so the seuentéenth daie of Au­gust, they were both beheaded at the Tower hill, and both their bodies and heads buried, the one at the White friers, and the other at the Blacke friers. The king about this season was much giuen to plaie at line 10 te [...]isse, The king lost much monie at tenise. and at the dise, which appetite certeine craftie persons about him perceiuing, brought in French­men and Lombards to make wagers with him, & so lost much monie; but when he perceiued their craft, he eschued their companie and let them go.

¶On the first daie of Maie the king accompanied with manie lustie batchelers, Anno Reg. 3. [...] Hill in [...] 8. fol. xj. 1 [...]. on great and well doo­ing horsses rode to the wood to fetch Maie, where a man might haue séene manie a horsse raised on high with carrier, gallop, turne, and stop, meruellous to line 20 behold: The king and three other courtiers challengers. where he & three other, as sir Edward How­ard, Charles Brandon, and Edward Neuill, which were challengers with the king, shifted themselues into coats of gréene sattin garded with crimsin vel­uet. On the other part the earles of Essex, of Deuon­shire, the marquesse Dorset, & the lord Howard were all in crimsin satin, garded with a pounced gard of gréene veluet. And as they were returning on the hill, a ship met with them vnder saile: the maister hailed the king and that noble companie, and said line 30 that he was a mariner, A deuise of a ship vnder s [...]le and was come from many a strange port, and came thither to sée if anie déeds of armes were to be doone in the countrie, of the which he might make true report in other countries. An herald demanded the name of his ship; he answered she is called Fame, & is laden with good Renowme: then said the herald, If you will bring your ship into the baie of Hardinesse, you must double the point of Gentlenesse, and there you shall sée a companie that will meddle with your merchandize. Then said the line 40 king, Sithens Renowme is their merchandize, let vs buie it if we can. Then the ship shot a peale of guns, and sailed foorth before the kings companie, full of flags and banners, till it came to the tilt yard.

At after noone, the king and his thrée fellowes en­tered into the field, their bards and bases of crimsin and blue veluet, cut in quadrant cuts, embrodered full of pomegranats, and all the waiters in silke of the same colour. The other partie were in crimsin sattin and greene veluet. Then began the trumpets to sound, and the horsses to run, that manie a speare line 50 was burst, and manie a great stripe giuen: and for a truth the king excéeded in number of staues all other euerie daie of the three daies. Wherefore on the third daie, The king brake more staues than the rest and had the prise giuen him. the queene made a great banket to the king and all them that had iusted: and after the banket doone, she gaue the chiefe prise to the king, the second to the earle of Essex, the third to the earle of Deuonshire, and the fourth to the lord marquesse Dorset. Then the heralds cried; My lords, for your noble feats in armes, God send you the loue of your ladies that line 60 you most desire. The king euer desirous to serue Mars, began another iusts the fiftéenth daie of the said moneth. The king & his band were all in gréene silke, and the earle of Essex and his band in blue, gar­ded with gold, and all the speares were painted of the same colours. There was good running and manie a speare brust: but for all the sport euerie man feared least some ill chance might happen to the king, and faine would haue had him a looker on rather than a dooer, and spake thereof as much as they durst: but his courage was so noble that he would euer be at she one end.]

The lord Darcie and his compa­nie readie at Plimmouth.In this meane time, the lord Darcie and other ap­pointed to the viage against the Moores, made such diligence, that they and all their people were readie at Plimmouth by the middes of Maie, and there mu­stered their souldiers before the lord Brooke, and other the kings commissioners. The lord Darcie as cap­teine generall, ordeined for his prouost marshall Henrie Guilford esquier, a lustie yoong man, & wel-beloued of the king, for his manifold good seruice. On the mondaie in the Rogation wéeke, they de­parted out of Plimmouth hauen with foure ships roiall, and the wind was so fauourable to them, that the first daie of Iune, being the euen of the feast of Pentecost, he arriued at the port of Calis in south Spaine; and immediatlie by the aduise of his coun­cell, he dispatched messengers to the king, whom they found beside the citie of Ciuill where he then laie, and declared to him, how the lord Darcie by the king their maisters appointment, was come thither with six­téene hundred archers, and laie still at Calis to know his pleasure. The king of Castile answered them gentlie, that the lord Darcie and all other that were come from his louing sonne were welcome, and har­tilie thanked them of their paines, requiring the mes­sengers to returne to their capteine, and tell him that in all hast he would send certeine of his councell to him.

¶ Herevpon they departed from the king, Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. xij. and made report to the lord Darcie, which kept his ship in great estate, and would not land, but onelie suffered such as were sicke and feeble, and few other to go a­land. The Englishmen which went aland, fell to drin­king of hot wines, The vnruli [...] behauiour of the English­men. & were scarse maisters of them­selues, some ran to the stewes, some brake hedges and spoiled orchards and vineyards, and orenges be­fore they were ripe, and did manie outragious déeds: wherefore the chiefe of the towne of Calis came to complaine to the lord Darcie in his ship, which sent foorth his prouost marshall, who scarselie with paine refrained the yeoman archers, they were so hot and wilfull, yet by commandement & policie they were all brought on bord to their ships.]

Then vpon saturdaie, the eight of Iune, a bishop and other of the kings councell came to Calis, The lord Darcie hono­rablie recei­ued of the K. of Aragons councell. and there abode till wednesdaie, being the euen of Cor­pus Christi; at which daie, the lord capteine tooke land, and was honorablie receiued of the king of Ara­gons councell, and on the morrow was highlie fea­sted at dinner and supper. And at after supper, the bi­shop declared the king his maisters pleasure, giuing to the lord capteine as heartie thankes for his pains and trauell, as if he had gone forward with his enter­prise against the Moores. But whereas by the aduise of his councell, circumspectlie considering the suer­tie of his owne realme, vpon perfect knowledge had that the Frenchmen meant to inuade his domini­ons in his absence, he had altered his former deter­mination, and taken an abstinence of war with the Moores, till an other time.

He therefore required the lord Darcie to be con­tented to returne home againe, promising him wa­ges for all his soldiers; and if it should please him to come to the court, he should receiue high thanks of the king, and such chéere as there could be made him, The lord Darcie was nothing pleased with this de­claration, but sith he saw there was no remedie, The lord Darcie dis­contented at the bishops declaration. he said, that whatsoeuer the king had concluded, he could not be against it, considering he was sent to him: but suerlie it was against his mind to depart home, without dooing anie thing against Gods enimies, with whome he had euer a desire to fight. And as for his comming to court, he said, he could not leaue his men whome he had brought out of their countrie, without an head; and as for the kings banket, it was not the thing that he desired.

[...]

[Page 810]On the next daie in the morning, monie was sent to paie the souldiers their wages for their conducti­on againe into England, with diuerse gi [...]ts giuen to the lord Darcie, and other gentlemen; yet notwith­standing, he was highlie displeased: howbeit, like a wiseman he dissembled the matter. A shrewd traie begun vpon a small occasion. The same daie, being the fourtéenth daie of Iune, and fridaie, there chanced a fraie to be begun in the towne of Calis, betwixt the Englishmen, and them of the towne; by reason that an Englishman would haue had for his line 10 monie a loafe of bread from a maid that had beene at the bakers to buie bread, not to sell, but to spend in hir mistresse house. Edw. Hall. Howbeit the Englishman fol­lowed hir, as making proffer not to be denied, in so much that the maid perceiuing what he went about, cried out; A force, a force. Then was the common bell roong, and all the towne went to harnesse, and those few Englishmen that were a land, went to their bowes. The Spaniards cast darts, and the Englishmen shot. But the capteins of England, and line 20 the lords of the councell for their part, tooke such paine, that the fraie was ceassed, and but one Eng­lishman slaine, though diuerse were hurt: and of the Spaniards diuerse were slaine. Thus of a sparkle was kindled a flame to the spoiling of manie; which is no rare thing to see, according to the scriptum est: ‘Concitat ingentes flammas scintilla minuta.’

After this, vpon request made by the lords of Spaine, the lord Darcie and all his men the same night went aboord their ships, but Henrie Guilford, line 30 Weston Browne, and William Sidneie, yoong and lustie esquiers, desired licence to see the court of Spaine: The English men desire to sée the Spa­nish court. which being granted, they went thither, where they were of the king highlie interteined. Henrie Guilford and Weston Browne were made knights by the king, who also gaue to sir Henrie Guilford a canton of Granado, and to sir Wolston Browne an egle of Sicill on a chefe, to the aug­mentation of their armes. William Sidneie so ex­cused himselfe, that he was not made knight. When line 40 they had soiourned there a while, they tooke their leaue of the king and quéene, and returned through France into England.

During which season, the lord Darcie made saile toward England, The lord Darcie retur­neth out of Spaine. and arriuing at Plimmouth, came to the king at Windsore, and so this iourneie ended. During the time that the lord Darcie was in Spaine, the ladie Margaret duches of Sauoie, and daughter vnto Maximilian the emperour, and go­uernour of Flanders, Brabant, Holland, Zeland, line 50 & other the low countries apperteining to Charles the yoong prince of Castile, The duchesse of Sauoie sē ­deth to king Henrie for aid against the duke of Gel­ders. sent in the end of Maie to the king of England, to haue fiftéene hundred ar­chers, to aid hir against the duke of Gelders, which sore troubled the countries aforesaid. The king ten­derlie regarding the request of so noble a ladie, most gentlie granted hir request, and appointed sir Ed­ward Poinings, knight of the garter, and comptrol­ler of his house, a valiant capteine and a noble war­riour, to be lieutenant and leader of the said fiftéene line 60 hundred archers.

This gentleman accompanied with his sonne in law the lord Clinton, sir Matthew Browne, sir Iohn Digbie, Iohn Werton, Richard Whethrill, & Shrel­leie esquiers, with other gentlemen and yeomen, to the foresaid number of fiftéene hundred, tooke their ships a mile beside Sandwich, the eightéenth daie of Iulie, and landed at Armew the nineteenth daie, not without some trouble, by reason of a little storme. From thence they were conducted to Barowe, whi­ther the ladie Regent came to welcome them. On the sundaie, being the seuen & twentith of Iulie, they departed to Rossindale, and on thursdaie the last of Iulie they came to Bulduke. And the next daie the whole armie of the Almans, Flemings, and other apperteining to the said ladie▪ met with the English­men without Bulduke, where they set foorth in order; the ladie Regent being there present, which tooke hir leaue of all the captein [...], and departed to Bal­duke.

The armie to the number of ten thousand, beside the fifteene hundred English a [...]chers, passed forward; and the tenth daie of August, being saint Laurence daie, came before a little castle, standing on the high­er side of the Maze, called Brimnoist, belonging to the bastard of Gelderland. The same night, Thom. [...] gouernour of the English ordinance. The sort is woone. Thomas Hert, cheefe gouernour of the ordinance of the Eng­lish part, made his approach; and in the morning, made batterie so, that the assault therevpon being giuen, the fortresse was woone, and the capteine with eightie and od men were slaine, and ninetéene taken; of the which, eleuen were hanged. Iohn Morton, cap­teine of one hundred Englishmen, and one Guiot an esquier of Burgognie, crieng saint George, were the first that entered; at which assault, there was but one Englishman slaine. On thursdaie, the fourteenth of August, the armie feried ouer the riuer of Maze into Gelderland. The next daie, they came to a little towne called Aiske.

The people were fled, but there was a little ca­stell rased, and cast downe, which was newlie built vp on the side of the said riuer. Upon the twentith daie of August, they burnt the foresaid towne of Aiske, and all the countrie about it, The towne of Aiske burned. and came at the last to a towne called Straulle, being verie strong, double diked and walled. Within it were thrée hun­dred & sixtie good men of war, beside the inhabitants. At the first, they shewed good countenance of defense but when they saw their enimies approach néere vnto them with rampiers and trenches, they yeelded by composition, so that the souldiers might depart with a little sticke in their hands. But the townesmen re­sted prisoners, at the will of the prince of Castile. And so on S. Bartholomews day the admerall of Flan­ders, and sir Edward Poinings entred the towne with great triumph.

On the six and twentith daie, the armie came be­fore Uenlow, and sent an herald called Arthois, to summon the towne; but they within would not heare but shot guns at him. On the eight and twentith daie, the armie remooued vnto the north side of Uen­low, and part went ouer the water, Uenlow be­sieged by the English. and made tren­ches to the water, & so besieged the towne as streict­lie as their number would giue them leaue; but yet for all that they could doo without, they within kept one gate euer open. At length, the English capteins perceiuing that they laie there in vaine, considering the strength of the towne, and also how the armie was not of number sufficient to enuiron the same on each side, wrote to the king, who willed them with all speed to returne, and so they did. Sir Edward Poi­nings went to the court of Burgognie, where he was receiued right honorablie of the yoong prince of Castile and of his aunt the ladie Margaret.

Iohn Norton, Iohn Fog, Iohn Scot, and Tho­mas Linde, were made knights by the prince. And the ladie Margaret perceiuing the soldiers coates to be worne and foule with lieng on the ground (for e­uerie man laie not in a tent) gaue to euerie yeoman a coate of woollen cloth of yeallow, red, white, The duchesse of Sauoie be­stoweth new coats on the English sol­diors. and greene colours, not to hir little laud & praise among the Englishmen. After that sir Edward Poinings had béene highlie feasted and more praised of all men for his valiantnesse and good order of his people, he returned with his crue into England, and had lost by war and sicknesse not fullie an hundred persons. When the Englishmen were departed, the Gelders issued out of the gates of Uenlow, dailie skirmished [Page 811] with the Burgognions, and asked for their archers, and héerewith winter began sharplie to approach, and the riuer of Maze by aboundance of raine rose so high, that it drowned vp the trenches: so that all things considered, the capteins without determined to raise their siege, and so they did, and after they had wasted all the countrie about Uenlow, they retur­ned euerie man to his home.

In Iune the king being at Leicester, heard ti­dings, that one Andrew Barton a Scotishman and pirat of the sea, saieng that the king of Scots had line 10 warre with the Portingals, robbed euerie nation, and stopped the kings streames, Andrew Barton a [...]tish pirat. that no merchant al­most could passe. And when he tooke Englishmens goods, he bare them in hand that they were Portin­gals goods, and thus he ha [...]ted and robbed at euerie hauens mouth. The king displeased herewith, sent sir Edward Howard lord admerall of England, and lord Thomas Howard, sonne and heire to the earle of Surrie in all hast to the sea, which hastilie made readie two ships, and taking sea, by chance of wea­ther line 20 were seuered. A cruell fight [...] the sea, be­ [...]eene the said pirat and [...] l [...]rds Ho­wards. The lord Howard lieng in the downes, perceiued where Andrew was making to­ward Scotland, and so fast the said lord chased him, that he ouertooke him; and there was a sore battell betwixt them. Andrew euer blew his whistle to in­courage his men, but at length the lord Howard and the Englishmen did so valiantlie, that by cleane strength they entered the maine decke. The Scots fought sore on the hatches: Andrew Bartō slaine. but in conclusion An­drew was taken, and so sore wounded, that he died line 30 there. Then all the remnant of the Scots were ta­ken with their ship called the Lion.

All this while was the lord admerall in chase of the barke of Scotland, called Iennie Pirwine, which was woont to saile with the Lion in companie, & so much did he with other, that he laid him aboord: and though the Scots manfullie defended themselues, yet the Englishmen entered the barke, slue manie, and tooke all the residue. Thus were these two ships taken, and brought to Blackewall the second of Au­gust line 40 [and all the Scots were sent vnto the bishop of Yorkes place, [...]. Fl. ex Ed [...]. Hall in [...]. fol. xvj. The Scots prisoners in [...] bishop of [...]orks place. where they remained at the kings charge, till other direction was taken for them. After this, the king sent the bishop of Winchester, and cer­teine of his councell, to the archbishop of Yorkes place, where the Scots were prisoners: and there the bishop rehearsed to them, whereas peace was yet betweene England and Scotland, that they contra­rie to that, as théeues & pirats, had robbed the kings line 50 subiects within his streames. Wherefore they had de­serued to die by the law, and to be hanged at the low water marke. Then said the Scots; We acknow­ledge our offense, and aske mercie and not the law. Then a preest which was also a prisoner, said; My lords we appeale from the kings iustice to his mer­cie.

Then the bishop asked him if he were authorised by them to saie so, and they cried all; Yea, yea. Then (said he) you shall find the kings mercie aboue his iu­stice. line 60 For where you were dead by the law, yet by his mercie he will reuiue you; wherefore you shall depart out of this realme within twentie daies, vp­on paine of death, if you be found after the twentith daie; and praie for the king: and so they passed into their countrie.] Thus was their captiuitie conuer­ted into libertie, and their liues saued by the kings mercie. The king of Scots hearing of the death of Andrew Barton, and the taking of the two ships, was woonderfull wroth, and sent letters to the king requiring restitution, according to the league and a­mitie. The king wrote to the king of Scots againe with brotherlie salutation, of the robberies doone by the said Andrew, and that it became not a prince to laie breach of peace to his confederat, for dooing iu­stice vpon a pirat and theefe: and that all the Scots that were taken, had deserued to die by iustice, if he had not extended his mercie. And with this answer the Scotish herald departed.

About this season, King Henrie the eight ta­keth the popes part against the French king. the French king made sharpe warre against pope Iulie: wherefore the king of England wrote to the French king, that he should leaue off to vex the pope in such wise, being his fréend and confederat. But when the French king séemed little to regard that request, the king sent him word to deliuer him his lawfull inheritance both of the duchie of Normandie and Guien, and the countries of Aniou & Maine, and also of his crowne of France; or else he would come with such a power, that by fine force he would obteine his purpose: but notwithstanding those writings, the French king still pursued his warres in Italie. Wherevpon the king of England, ioining in league with Maximili­an the emperour, and Ferdinando king of Spaine, with diuerse other princes, was resolued by aduise of his councell to make warre on the French king and his countries, and made preparation both by sea and land, setting foorth ships to the sea for safegard of his merchants.

¶ The foresaid pope Iulie, the kings confederat, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 314. Cardinall S. Petri ad v [...] ­cula made pope. was (before his aduancement to the popedome) car­dinall of saint Petri ad Uincula, a man mightie in freends, reputation, and riches, who had drawne to him the voices of so manie cardinals, that entering the conclaue, he was with an example all new and without shutting the conclaue, elected pope the verie same night following the deceasse of his predecessor pope Pius (those that were of the contrarie opinion not daring to oppose against him.) He, either hauing regard to his first name Iulie, or (as coniectures were made) to signifie the greatnesse of his concep­tions, or lastlie bicause he would not giue place to A­lexander, no not in the excellencie of name, tooke vp­on him the name of Iulie, the second of that name. Amongest all the popes that had passed, it was woon­dered that by so great consent, they had created for pope, a cardinall who was knowne to be of a dispo­sition rigorous and terrible, and in whome was no ex­pectation of rest and tranquillitie, Pope Iulie a factious fel­low and an enimie to peace. hauing consumed his youth in continuall trauels, offended manie by necessitie, and exercised hatreds against manie great personages; a man to whose wit nothing was more more familiar, than the inuention of trouble, faction, and conspiracie.

But on the other side, the causes of his election to that degrée appeared cléerelie, and surmounted all o­ther difficulties: for he had béene of long time a car­dinall of great power and might, & with his magni­ficence, wherein he had alwaies excéeded the residue, and with the greatnesse of his spirit, by the which he did great things, he had not onelie made himselfe mightie in opinion and freends; but by times and de­grées had erected high his authoritie in the court of Rome, bearing the name, title, and dignitie of the principall defendor of the ecclesiastike libertie. But that which serued most to his aduancement, was the promises immoderate and infinite which he made to the cardinals, princes, and barons, Indirect meanes to at­teine the pope­dome. and to all others whome he might make profitable to him in that ac­tion. Besides, he had the meane to distribute monie, benefices, and spirituall dignities, as well such as were his owne, as those that were the rights of o­thers; for that such was the brute & renowme of his liberalitie, that manie made willing offers to him to dispose as he best liked of their treasures, their names, their offices, and benefices.

They considered not that his promises were farre too great, than that being pope he was either able or [Page 812] ought to obserue, for that he had of so long conti­nuance inioied the name of iust and vpright, that pope Alexander himselfe (his greatest enimie) spea­king ill of him, in all other things could not but con­fesse him to be true of his word. A praise which he made no care to defile and staine, to the end to be­come pope; knowing that no man more easilie be­guileth an other, than he that hath the custome and name neuer to deceiue anie. Which practise of dissi­mulation was much frequented of those that aspired line 10 & possessed the popedom; insomuch that the same was in Alexander the sixt so notable, that it was a pro­uerbe ordinarilie in Rome, A prouerbe vpon the popes dissem­bling, Gui [...]c. 305. that the pope did neuer the thing which he said, and his sonne the duke of Ua­lentinois seldome spake that which he ment. Which kind of people (pretend they what they will) are ex­cluded from the rest of Sion, as the psalmist saith:

Buch. in Psal. 15.
Quem fraudis expers simplicitas iuuat,
Vrgétque rectum propositi tenax,
Nec mente saeuus grata blandam line 20
Edocuit simulare linguam,
Perpetua requie fruetur.]

In this yeare the king kept his Christmasse at Greenewich, year 1512 where was such abundance of viands serued to all comers of anie honest behauiour, Abr. Fl. ex Ed. Hall in Hen. 8 fol. xv. Christmasse pastimes or delights at Gréenwich. as hath béene few times séene. And against Newyéeres night was made in the hall a castell, gates, towers, and dungeon, garnished with artillerie and weapon after the most warlike fashion: and on the front of the castell, was written Le forteresse dangereux, and within the castell were six ladies, cloathed in russet line 30 sattin, laid all ouer with leaues of gold, and euerie one knit with laces of blew silke and gold. On their heads, coifs, and caps all of gold. After this castell had béene caried about the hall, and the quéene had beheld it, in came the king with fiue other, apparel­led in coats, the one halfe of russet sattin, spangled with spangles of fine gold, the other halfe of rich cloth of gold, on their heads caps of russet sattin, embro­dered with works of fine gold bullion. line 40

These six assaulted the castell. The ladies seeing them so lustie and couragious, The king & fiue other as­saile the ca­stell. were content to solace with them, & vpon further communication, to yéeld the castell and so they came downe & dansed a long space. And after the ladies led the knights into the ca­stell, and then the castell suddenlie vanished out of their sights. On the daie of the Epiphanie at night, the king with eleuen other were disguised, after the maner of Italie, Maskers dis­guised after the Italian fashion. called a maske, a thing not seene be­fore in England: they were apparelled in garments long and broad, wrought all with gold, with visors line 50 and caps of gold. And after the banket doone, these maskers came in, with six gentlemen disguised in silke, bearing staffe torches, and desired the ladies to danse; some were content, and some refused. And af­ter they had dansed, and communed togither, as the fashion of the maske is, they tooke their leaue and de­parted, and so did the quéene, and all the ladies.]

The fiue and twentith daie of Ianuarie began the parlement, A parlement. The summe of the bishop of Canturbu­ries oration in the parle­ment. where the bishop of Canturburie began line 60 his oration with this verse Iustitia & pax osculatae sunt. Upon which words he declared how iustice should be ministred, and peace should be nourished, and by what meanes iustice was put by, and peace turned into warre. And therevpon he shewed how the French king would doo no iustice in restoring to the king his right inheritance: wherfore for lacke of iustice, peace of necessitie must be turned into warre. In this par­lement was granted two fiftéens of the temporaltie, and of the clergie two tenths. After that it was con­cluded by the whole bodie of the realme in the high court of parlement assembled, that warre should be made on the French king and his dominions. Wher­vpon was woonderfull spéed made in preparing all things necessarie both for sea and land.

In this parlement was sir Robert Sheffeld knight, sometime recorder of London, Abr. Fl. ex [...]. pag. 896. speaker for the commons. During this parlement, in the moneth of March, a yeoman of the crowne, one of the kings gard, named Newbolt, Newbolt a yeoman of [...] gard hange [...] ▪ slue within the palace of Westminster a seruant of maister Willoughbies, for the which offense the king commanded to be set vp a new paire of gallowes in the same place where the said seruant lost his life; and vpon the same the said Newbolt was hanged, and there remained on the gallowes by the space of two daies. A notable exam­ple of iustice, whereby the king verefied the report that was commonlie noised abroad of him; namelie that he could not abide the shedding of mans bloud, much lesse wilfull murther. Wherein he shewed how tender he was ouer his subiects, and also how seuere against malefactors, speciallie mankillers; whome he thought vnworthie of life, that had béene the in­struments of others death; according to the law:

—oculos oculis & dentibus esse
G [...]. Ha. in [...] 5.
Pensandos dentes: sic par erit vltio culpae.

¶ In this season one Ierome Bonuise, Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. xij▪ Ierome Bo [...]uise the popes collector and proctor in England a false knaue▪ which was borne in Luke, and was factor in London for mer­chants of that nation, and had plaied bankerupt, and was conueied out of the realme for debt, was now in such fauour with pope Iulie, that he made him his collector and proctor in England: & so he kept a great port, and resorted to the king and his councell for the popes affaires (which then was sore troubled by the French king) so that he knew both the popes coun­cell and the kings, and falselie and vntrulie resorted by night to the French ambassadours lieng in Lon­don, and to them discouered what the king and the pope intended, which was not so closelie doone, but the king knew it: and so he was laid for, & was taken communing with one of the said ambassadours vp­on London wall at midnight, and brought to the Tower, where he remained vntill by the sute of his freends he was deliuered, and shortlie for shame voi­ded the realme.]

The king of Aragon also, hauing at that time warre with the French king, The Fren [...] king hath [...] hands full of troubles. wrote to his sonne in law king Henrie, that if he would send ouer an ar­mie into Biskaie, and so to inuade France on that side, for the recouerie first of his duchie of Guien; he would aid them with ordinance, horssemen, beasts, and cariages, with other necessaries apperteining to the fame. The king and his councell putting their affiance in this promise of king Ferdinando, prepa­red a noble armie all of footmen, and small artille­rie, appointing the noble lord Thomas Greie mar­quesse Dorset to be chéefe conductor of the same. Anno Reg 4 Sir Edmu [...] Howard [...] admerall. The king dailie studieng to set foorth his warre which he had begun against the French king, caused sir Ed­ward Howard his admerall with diligence to make readie diuerse goodlie tall ships, as the Souereigne and others, to the number of eighteene, beside other smaller vessels.

Therewith hauing in his companie sir Weston Browne, Griffith Downe, Edward Cobham; Noblemen appointed [...] the viage Biskaie. Tho­mas Windham, Thomas Lucie, William Pir­ton, Henrie Shirbourne, Stephan Bull, George Wi [...]wange, Iohn Hopton, William Gunston, Thomas Draper, Edmund Cooke, Iohn Burdet, and diuerse others, he tooke the sea, and scowring the same, about the middest of Maie he came before Portesmouth. About the verie selfe time the lord mar­quesse Dorset, and other noblemen appointed for the iournie of Biskaie, as the lord Howard sonne and heire to the earle of Surrie, the lord Brooke, the lord Will [...]ugh [...]le, the lord Ferrers; the lord Iohn, the lord Anthonie, and the lord Leonard Greies, all thrée brethren to the marquesse; sir Griffith ap Ri [...]e, sir [Page 813] Morris Berkeleie, sir William Sands, the baron of Burford, sir Richard Cornewall brother to the said baron, William Husseie, Iohn Melton, William Kingston esquiers, sir Henrie Willoughbie, and di­uerse others, with souldiers to the number of ten thousand.

Amongst these were fiue hundred Almans clad all in white, vnder the leading of one Guiot a gentle­man of Flanders, all which (with the residue aboue­named) came to Southampton, and there mustered their bands which were appointed and trimmed in the line 10 best maner. On the sixtéenth daie of Maie they were all bestowed aboord in Spanish ships furnished with vittels, and other necessaries for that iournie. The wind serued so well for their purpose, that they ca [...]ie all in safetie on the coast of Biskaie at the port of Passagh southwest of Fonterabie; The Eng­lish nobles ar­riue on the c [...]ast of Bis­ [...]e. and so the third daie of Iune they landed, and tooke the field, imbat­telling themselues for their safegard right strong­lie. Within thrée daies after that the armie was line 20 thus aland, there came to the marquesse an earle and an other noble man, to welcome him and his companie.

Then the lord capteine remooued his field, & tooke an other place néerer to Fonterabie, where he laie a long time, looking euerie daie to haue aid of horsse­men and artillerie of the king of Aragon, but none came. Sir Iohn Stile caused to be bought two hun­dred mulets and asses of such price as the Spaniards gained greatlie, The English campe great­lie hindered for want of beasts to draw their [...]rdinance. and when they were put to carie and line 30 draw, they would not serue the turne, for they were not exercised thereto before that time; and so for want of beasts to draw such ordinance as the Englishmen had there with them, they lost the dooing of some great exploit against the Frenchmen on the fron­tiers of Gascoigne, for they might haue run a great waie into that countrie, being as then destitute and vnpurueied of men and munitions.

On a daie the Frenchmen made a skrie toward the English campe, but the Englishmen perceiuing them, passed the riuer that was betwixt them, and line 40 with arrowes chased the Frenchmen; so that for hast manie of their horsses foundered, and fell, yer they came to Baion: if there had béene anie horssemen a­mongst the Englishmen, they had sore indamaged their enimies. A gentle offer by the king of Nauarre to y e Engl [...]shmen▪ The king of Nauarre doubting least the Englishmen were come into those parties for no good meaning towards him, sent to the lord mar­quesse a bishop, and diuerse other, offering to mini­ster vittels vnto the Englishmen for their monie, if line 50 it should stand so with his pleasure. The lord mar­quesse thanked him for the offer, and promised that if they of Nauarre would vittell his people, they should paie them well and trulie for the same.

He said also that he would warrant their passing and repassing in safetie, and that by the Englishmen no preiudice should be doone to his realme. Herevpon were the Englishmen vittelled out of Nauarre, to their great comfort. After that the armie had laine thirtie daies in the second campe, there came from the king of Aragon a bishop and other nobles of his line 60 councell. This bishop was the same that made the answer to the lord Darcie at Calis the last yeare. The effect of his message was, The effect of the bishops message sent from the king of Aragon to the lord mar­quess [...]. to desire the lord cap­teine and his people to take patience for a while, and they should see that such preparation should be made for the furnishing of their enterprise, as should stand with the honour of his maister and their aduance­ments.

The Englishmen sore discontented with their idle lieng still in the field, misliked with his excuses, sup­posing the same (as they prooued in déed) to be no­thing but delaies. In the meane time that the Englishmen thus lingered without attempting any exploit, their vittels were much part garlike, & they eating thereof with all their meats, and drinking hot wines, & féeding also on hot fruits, procured their bloud to boile within their bellies, Great death of the flix by vnwoonted diet. The lord marquesse sendeth to the K. of Spaine to performe promise. that there fell sicke thrée thousand of the flix: & thereof died an eightéene hundred persons. The lord marquesse perceiuing this mischeefe, sent to the king of Spaine certeine of his capteins to know his pleasure. The king told them that shortlie the duke of Alua should ioine with them, bringing with him a mightie power; so that they might the more assuredlie procéed in their en­terprise. With this answer they returned to the lord marquesse, who liked it neuer a deale; bicause he iud­ged that the king meant but to driue time with him, as after it prooued.

In the meane time there began a mutinie in the English campe thorough a false report, contriued by some malicious person; which was, that the cap­teins should be allowed eight pense for euerie com­mon souldier; where the truth was, that they had allowed to them but onelie six pense. The lord ge­nerall aduertised that the souldiers began to gather in companies, found meanes to apprehend the cheefe beginner, and deliuered him vnto William King­ston esquier, then prouost marshall; and so was he put to death to the terrour of all other. Whilest the Englishmen laie thus in campe on the borders of Biskaie towards Guien, the archers went often­times a forraging into the French confines almost to Baion, and burnt manie pretie villages. The king of Spaines ar­mie vnder the conduct of the duke of Alua. The king of Spaine raised an armie, and sent foorth the same vnder the leading of the duke of Alua, which came forward as though he meant to haue come to the Englishmen; who being aduertised of his approch, were maruellouslie glad thereof, in hope that then they should be imploied about the enterprise for the which they were come.

But the duke intending an other thing, when he was aduanced foorth within a daies iournie of them, suddenlie remooued his armie toward the realme of Nauarre, and entering the same, chased out of his realme the king of that land, and conquered the same to the king of Spains vse, as in the historie of Spaine more plainelie it dooth appeare. After that the king of Spaine was thus possessed of the king­dome of Nauarre, he sent vnto the lord marquesse, The kingdom of Nauarre gotten to the K. of Spaine. promising to ioine with him shortlie, and so to in­uade the borders of France; but he came not. Wherefore the Englishmen thought themselues not well vsed: for it gréeued them much, that they should lie so longidle, sith there was so great hope conceiued at their setting foorth, that there should be some great exploit atchiued by them, thorough the aid that was promised by the king of Spaine.

Thus whilest the armie lingered without re­moouing, A fraie be­twéene the Englishmen & the townes­men of Sancta Maria. there chanced an affraie to rise betwixt the Englishmen and the townes-men of Sancta Maria, a village so called, wherevnto such Eng­lishmen as fell sicke, had their resort; and therevp­on the alarms brought into the campe, the Eng­lishmen and Almans ran in great furie to the suc­cour of their fellowes: and notwithstanding all that the capteins could doo to staie them, they slue and robbed the people without mercie. The Bis­kaines that could get awaie, fled ouer that water into Guien. The capteins yet so ordered the mat­ter, that all the pillage was restored, and one and twentie souldiers were condemned, which were apprehended as they were fléeing awaie with a boo­tie of ten thousand duckats into Gascoigne; seauen of them were executed, and the residue pardoned of life, at the sute of certeine lords of Spaine, which were as then present.

The Frenchmen hearing of this riot came foorth [Page 814] of Baion, to see and vnderstand the maner thereof: but perceiuing that the Englishmen had descried them, S. I [...]hans burnt by the English. suddenlie they returned. The Englishmen fol­lowed, & comming to the towne of S. Iehan de Lu­cie, they burnt and robbed it, & slue the inhabitants. Diuerse other villages they spoiled on the borders of Guien; but bicause they wanted both horsses of seruice, and horsses to draw foorth their ordinance, they could not doo anie such damage as they might and would haue doone, if they had béene furnished ac­cording line 10 to their desires in that point. Thus continu­ed the English armie in such wearisome sort till the moneth of October, and then fell the lord marquesse sicke, and the lord Howard had the chéefe gouernance of the armie.

Then were sent from the king of Spaine diuerse lords of his priuie councell vnto the said lord Ho­ward, to excuse the matter for that he came not ac­cording to his promise, requiring them, that sith the time of the yeare to make warre was past, it might line 20 please them to breake vp their campe, and to diuide themselues abroad into the townes and villages of his realme till the spring time of the yeare, that they might then go forward with their first pretended en­terprise. The lord Howard shewed well in words that the Englishmen could not thinke well of the king of Spaines fained excuses, and vnprofitable de [...]aies, to his small honor & their great hinderance & losse, hauing spent the king their maister so much treasure, and doone so little hurt to his aduersaries. line 30 The Spaniards gaue faire words; and so in courte­ous maner departed.

Then about the end of October it was agréed amongest all the lords of the English hoast that they should breake vp their campe, The English campe in Bis­kaie breaketh vp. The armie dispersed into sundrie villa­ges. and so they did. The lord marquesse and his people went to saint Seba­stian, the lord Howard and his retinue to Rendre, the lord Willoughbie to Garschang, and sir William Sands with manie other capteins repaired to Fo [...] ­terabie, and so euerie capteine with his [...] was placed in one towne or other. The king of England line 40 aduertised of the king of Spaine his meaning, sent an herald called Windsor with letters vnto his ar­mie▪ willing his men there to tarie, & promising to send ouer to them right shortlie a new supplie, vnder the guiding of the lord Herbert his chamberleine.

When this letter was read, and the contents thereof notified, Unappeacea­ble rage a­mongest the English soul­diers. the souldiers began to be so highlie displeased; and spake such outragious words, as it was maruell to heare: & not contented with words, they were bent to haue doone outragious déeds; inso­much line 50 that in their furie they had slaine the lord Ho­ward and diuerse others, if they had not followed their intents: and herevpon they were glad to hire ships, and so imbarked themselues in the moneth of Nouember. When the lord marquesse was brought aboord, he was so weake and féeble of remembrance thorough sickenesse, that he asked where he was. In the beginning of December they landed here in England, The English armie retur­neth out of Biskaie. and were glad to be at home, and got out of such a countrie, where they had little health, lesse line 60 pleasure, and much losse of time. The king of Spaine séemed to be sore discontented with their departure, openlie affirming, that if they had taried vntill the next spring, he would in their companie haue inuaded France.

About the same time that the marquesse went in­to Spaine, The lord ad­merall in Britaine. that is to wit, about the middest of Maie, sir Edward Howard lord admerall of England, be­ing on the sea afore Portesmouth, made foorth againe to the sea, and directing his course towards Britaine on Trinitie sundaie arriued at Berthram baie with twentie great ships, and suddenlie set his men on land, and there wan a bulworke, which the Britains kept and defended a while; but being ouercome, fled out of their hold, & left it to the Englishmen. Then the lord admerall passed seauen miles into the coun­trie, burning and wasting townes and villages, and in returning, skirmished with diuerse men of ames, and slue some of them: and notwithstanding that the Britains [...]ought valiantlie in defense of their coun­trie; yet they were put to the worsse, and so the lord admerall returned to his ships.

On the thrée & twentith daie of Maie being mon­daie, he landed in the morning, Conquer and diuerse other places burnt by sir Edward Howard lord admerall of England. and commanded to burne the house of the lord Piers Moguns, with the towne of Conquet, & diuerse other places, and cha­sed the Britains into the castell of Brest: and not­withstanding all the assemblies and shewes that the Britains made, yet they suffered the English peace­ablie to returne with their preies and booties. The first of Iune the Englishmen tooke land in Cro [...]ton baie, and then the lords of Britaine sent word to the lord admerall, that if he would abide, they would giue him battell. The admerall rewarded the messenger, and willed him to say to them that sent, that all that day they should find him in that place tarieng their comming.

Then to incourage diuerse gentlemen the more earnestlie to shew their valiancie, Diuers gen­tlemen knigh­ted by the lord admerall. he dubbed them knights; as sir Edward Brooke, brother to the lord Cobham, sir Griffith Downe, sir Thomas Wind­ham, sir Thomas Lucie, sir Iohn Burdet, sir Willi­am Pirton, sir Henrie Shirborne, and sir Stephan Bull. When the lord admerall saw the Frenchmen come, he comforted his men with pleasant words, therby the more to incourage them. The whole num­ber of the Englishmen was not much aboue 25 hundred, where the Frenchmen were at the least ten thousand; and yet when they saw the order of the Englishmen, they were suddenlie astonied.

Then a gentleman of good experience and credit amongest them, aduised the other capteins not to fight; but to retire a little and take a strong ground, there to remaine till the Englishmen returned to­ward their ships: and then to take the aduantage. And so the capteins began to retire, which when the commons saw, they all ran awaie as fast as they might, supposing that the capteins had seene or knowne some great perill at hand, bicause they were not priuie to the purpose of their capteins. The lord admerall séeing what happened, when the night came departed to his ships. After this the gentlemen of Britaine sent to the admerall for a safeconduct for di­uerse persons, which they ment to send to him about a treatie. The lord admerall was of his gentlenesse content to grant their request. Then certeine lords of Britaine tooke a bote, and came to the ship of the lord admerall, where he was set with all his councell of the armie about him.

The request of the Britains was, The request of the lords of Britaine to the lord ad­merall. that it might please him to surcease his cruell kind of warre, in burning of townes and villages: but the admerall plainlie told them, that he was sent to make warre and not peace. Then they required a truce for six daies, which would not be granted; A truce requi­red for six daies▪ and to their re­proofe, the admerall told them, that gentlemen ought to defend their countrie by force, rather than to sue for peace. And thus (making them a banket) he sent them awaie. And after hearing that there was ships of warre on the seas; he coasted from thence alongst the countrie of Normandie, still scowring the sea; so that no enimie durst appeare. And at length he came and laie by the Ile of Wight, to see if anie enimies would appéere. During which time, diuers ships were kept in the north seas, vnder the conduct of sir Ed­ward Ichingham, Iohn Lewes, Iohn Louedaie, and others.

[Page 815] [...]This yeare also in Iune, the king kept a solemne iustes at Gréenewich, the king & sir Charles Bran­don taking vpon them to abide all commers. ¶ First came the ladies all in white and red silke, [...] [...] description [...] s [...]ewes [...] triumphs [...]. set vpon coursers trapped in the same sute, freated ouer with gold; after whom followed a founteine curiouslie made of russet sattin, with eight gargils spowting water: within the founteine sat a knight armed at all peeces. After this founteine followed a ladie all in blacke silke dropped with fine siluer, on a courser line 10 trapped in the same. Then followed a knight in a horsselitter, the coursers & litter apparelled in blacke with siluer drops. When the fountein came to the tilt, the ladies rode round about, and so did the foun­teine, and the knight within the litter. And after them were brought two goodlie coursers apparelled for the iusts: and when they came to the tilts end, the two knights mounted on the two coursers abiding all commers. The king was in the founteine, and sir Charles Brandon was in the litter. Then sudden­lie line 20 with great noise of trumpets entred sir Thomas [...]euet in a castell of cole blacke, and ouer the ca­stell was written, The dolorous castell, and so he and the earle of Essex, the lord Howard, and other ran their courses with the king and sir Charles Bran­don, and euer the king brake most speares, and like­lie was so to doo yer he began▪ as in former time; the prise fell to his lot: so luckie was he and fortunat in the proofe of his prowes in martiall actiuitie, whereto from his yong yéers he was giuen, as the poet saith: line 30 ‘Huic erat à teneris annis ars bellica cordi.]’

After this, the king hauing prepared men and ships readie to go to the sea vnder the gouernance of sir Anthonie Oughtred, sir Edward Ichingham, William Sidneie, and diuerse other gentlemen, ap­ponited them to take the sea, and to come before the Ile of Wight, there to ioine with the lord admerall, which they did, but in their passage a gallie was lost by negligence of the maister. The king hauing a de­sire to see his nauie togither, The king [...] to Por­ [...]s [...]uth [...] cap­ [...]s ouer [...] ships. rode to Portesmouth, and there appointed capteins for one of his chiefest line 40 ships called the Regent, sir Thomas Kneuet ma­ster [...] his horsses, & sir Iohn Carew of Deuonshire; and to the Souereigne he appointed for capteins, sir Charles Brandon, and sir Henrie Gilford; and with them in the Souereigne were put threescore of the tallest yeoman of the kings gard. Manie other gen­tlemen were ordeined capteins in other vessels. And the king made them a banket before their setting for­ward, The kings [...] setteth [...]. and so commited them to God. They were in line 50 number fiue and twentie faire ships of great bur­den, well furnished of all things necessarie.

The French king in this meane while had prepa­red a nauie of thirtie nine saile in the hauen of Brest; and for chiefe he ordeined a great Carrike of Brest, apperteining to the quéene his wife, called Cordelier a verie strong ship, The English [...] incoun­ [...]reth with the French [...] the coast [...] Britaine. and verie well appointed. This nauie set forward out of Brest the tenth of August, and came to Britaine baie, in the which the same day was the English fléet ariued. When the Englishmen line 60 perceiued the Frenchmen to be issued foorth of the hauen of Brest, they prepared themselues to battell, and made foorth towards their enimie, which came fiercelie forward; and comming in sight ech of other, they shot off their ordinance so terrible togither, that all the sea coast sounded of it. The lord admerall made with the great ship of Déepe, and chased hir; sir Henrie Gilford and also sir Charles Brandon made with the great Carrike of Brest, being in the Souereigne, and laid stem to stem to the Carrike; but by negligence of the master, or else by smoke of the ordinance, or otherwise, the Souereigne was cast at the sterne of the Carrike, with which aduan­tage the Frenchmen shouted for ioy.

But when sir Thomas Kneuet, who was readie to haue boorded the great ship of Déepe, saw that the Souereigne missed the Carrike, suddenlie he cau­sed the Regent (in the which he was aboord) to make to the Carrike, and to grapple with hir a long boord And when they of the Carrike perceiued they could not depart, they let slip an anchor, and so with the streame the ships turned, and the Carrike was on the weather side, and the Regent on the lie side. A cruell fight betwixt the two nauies. The fight was cruell betwixt these two ships, the archers on the English side, & the crossebowes on the French part dooing their vttermost to annoie each other: The English Regent, and the French Carrik burnt togither. but finallie the Englishmen entered the Carrike, which being perceiued by a gunner, he desperatlie set fire in the gunpowder, as some say; though there were that affirmed, how sir Anthonie Oughtred folowing the Regent at the sterne, bowged hir in diuerse pla­ces, and set hir powder on fire.

But howsoeuer it chanced, the whole ship by rea­son of the powder was set on fire, & so both the Car­rike and the Regent being grappled togither, so as they could not fall off, The French nauie flieth. were both consumed by fire at that instant. The French nauie perceiuing this, fled in all hast, some to Brest, and some to the Iles ad­ioining. The Englishmen made out boats to helpe them in the Regent: but the fire was so terrible, that in maner no man durst approch; sauing that by the Iames of Hull certeine Frenchmen that could swim were saued. Capteine of this Carrike was sir Piers Morgan, and with him he had in the same nine hundred men: and with sir Thomas Kneuet and sir Iohn Carew were seuen hundred; but all drowned and burnt. The Englishmen that night laie in Berthram baie, for the French fléet was disperst (as ye haue heard.) The lord admerall after this mis­chance thus happened to these two worthie ships, made againe to the sea, and scowred all alongest the coasts of Britaine, Normandie, and Picardie, ta­king manie French ships, and burning such as they could not well bring away with them.

The king of England hearing of the losse of the Regent, caused a great ship to be made, The kings ship roiall cal­led Henrie grace de Dieu such a one as the like had neuer béene séene in England, and na­med it Henrie grace de Dieu. The French king about the same time sent to a knight of the Rhodes called Priour Iehan, a Frenchman borne, of the countrie of Guien, requiring him to come by the streicts of Marrocke into Britaine: the which he did, bringing with him thrée gallies of force, with diuerse foists and row-gallies, so well ordin [...] and trimmed, as the like had not beene séene in these parties before his comming. He had laine on the coasts of Barbarie to defend certeine of the religion, A parlement wherein it was conclu­ded that king Henrie in pro­per person should inuade France. as they came from Tripolie. This yeare in the moneth of Nouember the king called his high court of parlement, in the which it was concluded, that the king himselfe in per­son with an armie roiall shuld inuade France; wher­vpon notice being giuen to such as shuld attend, they made their purueiance with all diligence that might be. Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 897. Great sub­sidie. In this parlement was granted to the king tws fiftéens, and foure demies; and head monie, of euerie duke ten markes, an earle fiue pounds, a lord foure pounds, a knight foure marks, & euerie man rated at right hundred pounds in goods, to paie foure marks, and so after that rate, till him that was valued at fortie shillings, paied twelue pence, and euerie man that tooke fortie shillings wages twelue pence, and euerie man and woman of fiftéene yeares or vp­ward foure pence. Bow stéeple builded. The steeple and lanterne of Bow church in Cheape was this yeare finished. By fire this yeare a great part of the kings palace of West­minster, and the chappell in the Tower of London, Kings palace at Westmin­ster burned. and manie other places in England were burned. In Aprill, the king sent a great nauie of twelue [Page 816] thousand men to the sea. On Maie euen, Edmund de la Poole was beheaded on the Tower hill, Edmund de la Poole be­h [...]aded. his bro­ther Richard was after slaine in France.]

After this parlement was ended, the king kept a solemne Christmasse at Gréenwich, year 1513 with danses and mummeries in most princelie maner. And on the Twelfe daie at night came into the hall a mount, called the rich mount. F [...]l. Hall in [...]. 8. fol. xxij. [...] descrip­t [...]n of a rich mount being [...] Christmasse [...]. The mount was set full of rich flowers of silke, and especiallie full of broome slips full of cods, the branches were gréene sattin, and the line 10 flowers flat gold of damaske, which signified Plan­tagenet. On the top stood a goodlie beacon giuing light, round about the beacon sat the king and fiue o­ther, all in cotes and caps of right crimsin veluet, embrodered with flat gold of damaske, their cotes set full of spangles of gold. And foure woodhouses drew the mount till it came before the quéene, and then the king and his companie descended and dan­sed. Then suddenlie the mount opened, and out came six ladies all in crimsin sattin and plunket, embrode­red line 20 with gold and pearle, with French hoods on their heads, and they dansed alone. Then the lords of the mount tooke the ladies and dansed togither: and the ladies reentered, and the mount closed, and so was conueied out of the hall. Then the king shifted him, and came to the queene, and sat at the banket which was verie sumptuous.

After Candlemasse, the king created sir Charles Brandon vicount Lisle. Sir Charles Brandon cre­ated vicount Lisle. In March following was the kings nauie of ships roiall & other set foorth to the line 30 number of fortie and two, beside other balangers vn­der the conduct of the lord admerall, accompanied with sir Walter Deuereux, lord Ferrers, sir Wol­stan Browne, sir Edward Ichingham, sir Anthonie Pointz, sir Iohn Wallop, sir Thomas Windam, sir Stephan Bull, William Fitz Williams, Arthur Plantagenet, The nauie set out againe. William Sidneie esquiers, and di­uerse other noble and valiant capteins. They sailed to Portesmouth, and there laie abiding wind, and when the same serued their turne, they weied anchor, line 40 & making saile into Britaine, came into Berthram baie, and there laie at anchor in sight of the French nauie, which kept it selfe close within the hauen of Brest, without proffering to come abroad.

The English perceiuing the maner of the French men, The English nauie purpo­sing to set vp­on the French in the hauen, are defeated by a mischāce. determined to set on them in the hauen, and ma­king forward in good order of battell, at their first en­trie one of their ships, whereof Arthur Plantagenet, was capteine, fell on a blind rocke, and burst in sun­der, by reason whereof, all the other staied: and [...] line 50 English capteins perceiuing that the hauen was dangerous to enter without an expert lodesman, they cast about, and returned to their harborough at Berthram baie againe. The Frenchmen percei­uing that the Englishmen meant to assaile them, moored their ships so neere to the castell of Brest as they could, and placed bulworks on the land on eue­rie side, to shoot at the Englishmen. Also they trapped togither foure and twentie great hulkes that came to the baie for salt, and set them on a row, to the in­tent line 60 that if the Englishmen had come to assault them, they would haue set those hulks on fire, and haue let them driue with the streame amongst the English ships.

Prior Iehan also laie still in Blanke sable baie, and plucked his gallies to the shore, setting his basi­liskes and other ordinance in the mouth of the baie, which baie was bulworked on euerie side, that by water it was not possible to be woone. The lord ad­merall perceiuing the French nauie thus to lie in feare, The lord ad­merall would haue the king present in per­son at the en­counter, and is rebuked. wrote to the king to come thither in person, and to haue the honour of so high an enterprise: which writing the kings councell nothing allowed, for put­ting the king in ieopardie vpon the chance of the sea. Wherefore the king wrote to him sharplie againe, commanding him to accomplish that which appertei­ned to his duetie: which caused him to aduenture things further than wisedome would he should (as after yée shall heare) to his vtter vndooing and ca­sting awaie, God hauing ordeined the means by his prouidence, which the pagans implied (though wan­ting the light of grace) in the name of destinie, of them counted ineuitable. Guic. pag 32 [...] [A destinie lamentable considering the qualitie of the person, with the ma­ner of his dieng. Wherein although manie vainlie dispute, that fortune led him to so miserable an acci­dent: yet if we will lift vp our considerations to God, we shall find that he hath reserued such a prero­gatiue ouer all things which he hath created, that to him onelie belongeth the authoritie to dispose all things by the same power wherewith he hath created them of nothing.] And yet the foolish world (doting in blind ignorance, but pretending a singular in­sight in matters of secrecie) blusheth not to talke or rather to asseuere, casualtie, chancemedlie, misfor­tune, and such like foolish imaginations: whereas (in­déed) the prouidence of God compasseth all things whatsoeuer, for nothing can be priuileged from the amplenesse of the same.

Prior Iehan kéeping him still within his hold, Anno Reg. 5. as a prisoner in a dungeon, did yet sometime send out his small foists to make a shew before the Eng­lish nauie, which chased them to the baie. But bicause the English ships were mightie vessels, they could not enter the baie: and therefore the lord admerall caused certeine boats to be manned foorth, which tooke one of the best foists that Prior Iehan had, and that with great danger: for the gallies and bulworks shot so freshlie all at one instant, that it was mar­uell how the Englishmen escaped. The lord admerall perceiuing that the Frenchmen would not come a­broad, called a councell, wherein it was determined, A consultati [...] about the as­saulting of Prior Ieh [...] that first they would assaile Prior Iehan and his gal­lies lieng in Blanke sable baie, and after to set on the residue of the French fléet in the hauen of Brest. Then first it was appointed, that the lord Ferrers, sir Stephan Bull, and other, should go ala [...]d with a conueuient number to assault the bulworkes, while the admerall entered with row barges and little gallies into the baie, and so should the Frenchmen be assailed both by water and land.

The lord admerall by the counsell of a Spanish knight called sir Alfonse Charant, affirming that he might enter the baie with little ieopardie, called to him William Fitz Williams, William Cooke, Iohn Colleie, and sir Wolstan Browne, as his chéefe and most trustie fréends, making them priuie to his intent; which was to take on him the whole en­terprise, with their assistance. And so on S. Markes daie, which is the fiue and twentith of Aprill, the said admerall put himselfe in a small row barge, appoin­ting thrée other small rowing ships, and his owne ship bote to attend him; The adme­rall roweth into the baie where the Prior laie. and therewith vpon a sud­den rowed into the baie, where Prior Iehan had moored vp his gallies iust to the ground: which gal­lies with the bulworkes on the land, shot so terriblie, that they that followed were afraid. But the adme­rall passed forward, & as soone as he came to the gal­lies, he entered & droue out the Frenchmen. Willi­am Fitz Williams within his ship was sore hurt with a quarell. The baie was shallow, and the other ships could not enter, for the tide was spent.

Which thing the Frenchmen perceiuing, they en­tered the gallies againe with moris pikes, and fought with the English in the gallies. The admerall per­ceiuing their approch, thought to haue entred againe into his row barge, which by violence of the tide was driuen downe the streame, and with a pike he was [Page 817] throwne ouer the boord, Sir Edward and Howard admerall drowned. and so drowned, and also the forenamed Alfonse was there slaine: all the other boates and vessels escaped verie hardlie awaie: for if they had taried, the tide had failed them, and then all had béene lost. The lord Ferrers and the other capteins were right sorowfull of this chance: but when there was no remedie, they determined not to attempt anie further, till they might vnderstand the kings pleasure, and so they returned into Eng­land. line 10

The Frenchmen perceiuing that the English fléet departed from the coasts of Britaine and drew towards England, did come foorth of their hauens, and Prior Iehan set foorth his gallies and foists, and drawing alongst the coasts of Normandie and Bri­taine, coasted ouer to the borders of Sussex with all his companie, The French gallies land in Sussex, and [...] certeine cotages. and there landed, and set fire on cer­teine poore cotages. The gentlemen that dwelt néere, raised the countrie, and came to the coast, and droue Prior Iehan to his gallies. The king was right sorie line 20 for the death of his admerall; but sorrow preuaileth not when the chance is past. Therefore the king hea­ring that the French nauie was abroad, called to him the lord Thomas Howard eldest brother to the late admerall, The lord Thomas Ho­ward made admerall. and sonne and heire apparant to the earle of Surrie, whome he made admerall, willing him to reuenge his brothers death. The lord Ho­ward humblie thanked his grace of the trust that he put in him, and so immediatlie went to the sea, and scowred the same, that no Frenchman durst shew line 30 himselfe on the coast of England, for he fought with them at their owne ports.

The king hauing all his prouisions readie for the warre, and meaning to passe the sea in his owne per­son, for the better taming of the loftie Frenchmen, appointed that worthie councellor and right redoub­ted chéefteine, the noble George Talbot earle of Shrewesburie, The earle of Shrewesbu­rie sent into France with [...] armie. high steward of his houshold, to be capteine generall of his fore-ward; and in his com­panie were appointed to go, the lord Thomas Stan­leie line 40 earle of Derbie, lord Decowreie prior of saint Iohns, sir Robert Ratcliffe lord Fitzwater, the lord Hastings, the lord Cobham, sir Rice ap Thomas, sir Thomas Blunt, sir Richard Sacheuerell, sir Iohn Digbie, sir Iohn Askew, sir Lewes Bagot, sir Tho­mas Cornewall, and manie other knights, esqui­ers, and souldiers; to the number of eight thousand men. These passed the sea, and came all to Calis a­bout the middle of Maie.

The lord Herbert called sir Charles Summer­set, line 50 lord chamberleine to the king, in the end of the same moneth followed the said earle of Shrewesbu­rie, with six thousand men: in whose companie were the erls of Northumberland Percie, of Kent Greie, of Wilshire Stafford, the lord Dudleie, the lord De­laware, and his sonne sir Thomas West, sir Ed­ward Husseie, sir Edward Dimmocke, sir Dauid Owen, with manie other knights, esquiers, and gentlemen. After they had soiourned certeine daies in Calis, and that all their necessaries were readie, they issued foorth of the towne, so to begin their line 60 campe. And first the earle of Shrewesburie and his companie tooke the field, and after him the lord Her­bert with his retinues in manner of a rere-ward. Then followed that valiant knight sir Rice ap Tho­mas, with fiue hundred light horssemen and archers on horssebacke, who ioined himselfe to the fore-ward, a gentleman of such spirit and hardinesse, that he is named the floure of the Welshmen, as the poet saith: ‘—Ricius Thomas flos Cambrobritannûm.’

These two lords thus imbattelled did remooue the seuentéenth of Iune to Sandifield, & on the eightéenth they came to Marguison, on the further side of the water, as though they would haue passed streight­waies to Bullongne. The English armie mar­cheth vnto Terwine. But they meaning an other thing, the next daie tooke an other waie, and so coasted the countrie with such diligence, that the two and twentith of Iune they came before the strong citie of Terrouan, and pight their tents a mile from the towne. The same night (as certeine capteins were in councell within the lord Herberts tent) the baron Carew was slaine with a bullet shot out of the towne; The baron of Carew slaine. which sudden aduenture much dismaied the assemblie, but the lord Herbert comforted them with manlie words, and so his death was passed ouer. All the countrie of Artois and Picardie fortified their holds, and made shewes as the English armie pas­sed, but they durst not once assaile them.

The citie of Terrouan was stronglie fortified with walles, rampiers, bulworks, and large ditches. The lord Pontremie capteine of Terwine. The lord Pontremie was gouernour within it, ha­uing with him six hundred horssemen, and 2500 Al­mans, besides the inhabitants. The walles & towers were full of ordinance, which oftentimes did much dis­pleasure to the Englishmen. Terwine besieged. The earle of Shrewes­burie planted his siege on the northwest side of the towne, and the lord Herbert on the east side, causing great trenches to be made to couer his people with­all: for on that side there was no hill to succour or defend him. The Frenchmen and Almans would di­uerse times issue out, but the archers were euer rea­die to beat them into the citie againe. The earle of Shrewesburie got into an hollow ground or vallie néere to the citie, and likewise the lord Herbert (by reason of his trenches) approched likewise verie néere to the ditches.

The seuen and twentith daie of Iune being mon­daie, sir Nicholas Uaux and sir Edward Belknap, hauing with them foure hundred and thrée score men set from Guisnes to conduct foure and twentie carts laden with vittels towards the siege at Terrouan; but the duke of Uandosme lieutenant of Picardie with eight hundred horssemen set on them as they passed through Ard, and found them so out of order, that notwithstanding all that the English capteins could doo to bring men into arraie, it would not be: for the Frenchmen set on so readilie, that they kept the Englishmen in sunder. Yet the horssemen of Guisnes, being not past foure and twentie in all, tooke their speares and ioined with the Frenchmen right manfullie, and likewise thrée score archers shot freshlie at their enimies; but the Frenchmen were so manie in number, that they obteined the place, slue eight gentlemen, and diuerse archers. Sir Nicholas Uaux and sir Edward Belknap fled toward Guis­nes.

Thus were the vittels lost, and yet the French­men went not awaie with cleere hands: for those few archers that closed togither, shot so egerlie, that they slue and hurt diuerse Frenchmen; and on the field laie foure score and seuen great horsses, which died there in the place, and neuer went further. On the fiftéenth day of Iune the K. departed from Gréene­wich, taking his iourneie towards Douer, The king in person pasteth ouer into France. whither he came by easie iournies, and the quéene in his com­panie. After he had rested a season in the castell of Douer, and taken order for the rule of the realme in his absence, he tooke leaue of the queene, and entring his ship the last daie of Iune, being the daie of saint Paule: he sailed ouer to Calis, where he was recei­ued with great ioy by the deputie sir Gilbert Talbot and all other there. At his entring into Calis, all the banished men entred with him, and were restored to the libertie of the towne. The king laie in Calis a certeine time, till all his prouisions were readie, but the armie laie in campe at Newnham bridge.

On the one and twentith of Iulie, the kings ma­iestie passed foorth of Calis, and tooke the field, diui­ding [Page 818] the armie which he had there with him into three battels. The order of the kings ar­mie. The lord Lisle marshall of the host was cap­teine of the fore-ward, and vnder him thrée thousand men: sir Richard Carew with three hundred kept on the right side of the same fore-ward as a wing there­to: and the lord Darcie with other three hundred men was a wing on the left hand. The fore-riders of this battell were the Northumberland men on light geldings. The earle of Essex was lieutenant gene­rall of the speares, and sir Iohn Pechie was vicego­uernour line 10 of all the horssemen, and sir Iohn Burdet standard-bearer to the kings spears. An eight hun­dred Almans went on a plumpe by themselues be­fore the kings battell, and the duke of Buckingham with six hundred men was on the kings left hand, e­quall with the Almans, in like maner as sir Edward Poinings was on the right hand, with other six hun­dred men equall with the Almans.

In the kings battell, where was the standard of the armes of England borne by sir Henrie Guilford, line 20 there were thrée thousand; & the lord of Aburgauenie with eight hundred men was wing on the right hand, and sir William Compton with the retinue of the bishop of Winchester, and of maister This man was after­ward cardi­nall. Woolseie the kings almoner, being in number eight hundred was in manner of a rere-gard. Sir Anthonie Ough­tred and sir Iohn Neuill with the kings speares that followed were foure hundred, and so the whole armie conteined eleuen thousand and three hundred men. The number of the cariages were thirtéene hundred, line 30 and the number of them that attended the same were ninetéene hundred men, and all these were rec­koned in the battell: but of good fighting men & soul­diers appointed for the purpose, there were not full nine thousand. In this order the king with his armie marched forward through the confines of his eni­mies to the siege of Terrouan, entring into the French ground the fiue and twentith of Iulie being mondaie. On the morrow after as the armie mar­ched forward, by negligence of the carters that mi­stooke line 40 the waie, a great curtall (called the Iohn E­uangelist) was ouerthrowne in a déepe pond of wa­ter and could not quicklie be recouered.

The king being aduertised that the Frenchmen approched to fight with him, left the gun (bicause the maister carpenter vndertooke to weie it shortlie out of the water) & set forward, passing on by Tornohan, which he left on his right hand, and a little beyond pit­ched downe his field abiding for his enimies, the which (as he was informed) were not far off. The French armie appro­cheth, & their number. On the line 50 morrow after being wednesdaie, the Reliefe of the speares brought word that they had ascried the French armie comming forward in order of battell, to the number of eleuen thousand footmen, and foure thousand horssemen. Capteins of this armie were the lord de la Palice, the lord de Priennes, the duke of Longuile, the earle of S. Paule, the lord of Flo­ringes, the lord of Cleremont, & Richard de la Poole a banished man, son to Iohn duke of Suffolke. They came within two miles of the kings armie, and there line 60 the footmen staled, and came no further.

But certeine of the horssemen to the number of thrée thousand came forward, and at the end of a wood shewed themselues in ope [...] [...] of the English ar­mie. And thus they stood countenancing the Eng­lishmen. The northern prickers plaie the men. Some of the northerne prickers made to them, and in skirmishing with them, tooke some of them prisoners. About noone the same daie, that va­liant Welsh knight sir Rice ap Thomas with his re­tinue of horssemen being departed from the siege of Terrouan came to the king, and streightwaies was sent to the earle of Essex, which with two hundred speares was laid in a stale, if the Frenchmen had come neerer. When they were ioined togither, they drew about the hill, hauing with them sir Thomas Guilford, with two hundred archers on horssebacke, meaning to set on the Frenchmen: which percei­uing that, and doubting least more companie had fol­lowed, they suddenlie drew backe, and ioined them with their great battell.

Then the earle of Essex and the English horsse­men followed them, till they came néere to the armie of France, and then scaled and sent foorth light horsse­men to view the demeanor of the Frenchmen. When the Frenchmen of armes were returned to their battell, then both the horssemen and footmen with­drew in order of battell, and still the English currors followed them for the space of three leagues, and then returned to the earle, making report to him of that they had séene, who then brake vp his stale, and came to the king, declaring to him how the Frenchmen were gone backe. The drie wednesdaie. This was called the drie wednes­daie; for the daie was woonderfull hot, and the king with his armie stood in order of battell, from six of the clocke in the morning till three of the clocke in the af­ter noone. And some died for lacke of moisture, and generallie euerie man was burned about the mouth with heat of the stomach; for drinke lacked, and wa­ter was not neere.

After this the king remooued toward Terrouan, and as he was setting forward, the lord Walon of Flanders came to him with his horssemen, which were alreadie in the kings wages. As the armie pas­sed, by negligence the same daie in a lane was o­uerthrowne one of the kings bombards of iron, The bombard called the red gun ouer­throwne. cal­led the red gun, and there left. The king lodged that night two miles from saint Omers on the north side of the towne. On the thursdaie, being the eight and twentith of Iulie, the maister carpenter with an hun­dred carpenters and labourers, without knowledge of the marshall, went to weie vp the great gun that was in the pond (as ye haue heard) and by force of engins drew it vp, and carted it readie to bring a­waie: The great gun gotten by the French, by the foolish hardinesse of the maister carpenter. but suddenlie there came an eight hundred Frenchmen with speares, crossebowes, and hand­guns, which set on the labourers so fiercelie, that not­withstanding their manfull defense, the most part of them were slaine and the residue taken, and both they and the péece of ordinance conueied to Bullongne.

The Frenchmen glad of this chance, assembled a great number to fetch the other gun, which laie yet in the lane. But the lord Berners being capteine of the pioners, and hearing all these things, prepared to re­couer that gun; and so in the morrow ment to fetch it. There were appointed to go backe to see him safe con­ducted, the earle of Essex with his companie of speares, sir Rice ap Thomas with his retinue, and sir Iohn Neuill with the Northumberland men. The Almans also were commanded to retire backe to the succours of them that were gone for the gun. The Al­mans went foorth, till they came within two miles of the place where the gun laie, and further they would not go. The Frenchmen to the number of nine or ten thousand men (as some estéemed) were abroad, and came toward the place where the Englishmen were carting the peece of ordinance.

The Northumberland horssemen hauing espied them, gaue knowledge to the residue of the English­men, who prepared themselues to defend their ground against the enimies: and the earle of Essex sent to the lord Walon, willing him with his compa­nie to come to his aid: The lord Wa­lon sendeth the earle of Essex word that he is come to serue the king of England. but the lord Walon sent word againe, that he was come to serue the king of Eng­land more than for one daie, and therefore he wished that all the Englishmen would returne, sith that with the great power of France they were not able to match. This answer was much displeasant to the earle of Essex and the other capteins. In this m [...]ane [Page 819] time the foreriders of the French part were come to the hands of the Englishmen, and so they fell in skir­mish very hotlie: but at length all things considered, and speciallie the small number of the Englishmen, being not aboue seuen hundred horssemen, it was thought best that they should returne and follow the gun, which they had sent forward.

Herevpon they retreited in order, and not in anie flieng manner, still following the gun. The French­men perceiuing that, pricked forward to the number line 10 of two thousand horssemen, & came iust to the backs of the Englishmen, who therewith cast about, and made returne to the Frenchmen. Sir William Ti­ler and sir Iohn Sharpe were the first that charged, and after all the other Englishmen. The Frenchmen fled immediatlie so fast backe, that happie was he that might be formost. The whole host séeing their horssemen thus had in chase, suddenlie returned. The earle of Essex withdrew to an hill, and there caused his trumpet to blow to the standard for feare of sub­tile line 20 dealing; and when his men were come in, and ga­thered togither, The king in­campeth to Arkes. he returned. On the same daie be­ing fridaie, the nine and twentith of Iulie, the king came to Arkes, & there incamped; whither the earle of Essex came to him, and declared what had beene doone that daie, the king thanking him and other the capteins for their paines and diligence.

The king nameth to [...]siege.The king laie here at Arkes till mondaie the first of August, and then remooued to a village midwaie betwixt Terwine and saint Omers, where he lay till line 30 thursdaie the fourth of August, and came that daie in good order of battell before the citie of Terwine, & there pight vp his tents and pauillions in most roiall manner, Ed [...]. Hall in [...] 8. fol. 28. fensing his campe right stronglie with ordi­nance and other warlike deuises. [The king for him­selfe had a house of timber with a chimnie of iron, and for his other lodgings he had great and goodlie tents of blew water worke garnished with yellow and white, diuerse roomes within the same for all offi­ces necessarie. On the top of the pauillions stood the line 40 kings beasts holding fanes, as the lion, the dragon, the greihound, the antelope, the dun cow: all within the lodging was pointed full of the sunnes rising, the lodging was one hundred and fiue and twentie foote in length.]

The king lieng before Terwine, his great ordi­nance did sore beat the towne walles, & they within likewise shot ordinance out of the towne, and slue di­uerse Englishmen in the trenches, among which shots they had one gun that euerie daie and night was ordinarilie shot at certeine houres without line 50 faile: this gun was of the Englishmen called the whistling gun, but it neuer did harme in the kings field. The siege thus lieng before the citie of Terwine, sir Alexander Bainam a capteine of the miners, caused a mine to be enterprised to enter into the towne: but the Frenchmen perceiuing that, made a countermine, and so destroied the other mine, and di­uerse miners slaine within the same. The French ar­mie houered euer a farre to take the Englishmen at line 60 aduantage, as they went a forraging; and manie a skirmish was doone, and manie good feates of armes atchiued on both sides, and diuerse prisoners taken. Among the Frenchmen were certeine light horsse­men called Stradiots, with short stirrops, beuer hats small speares, St [...]adiots [...]imbed and [...]tered [...] English [...] horsse­ [...] ▪ and swords like cimiteries of Turkie: diuerse times the northerne light horssmen vnder the conduct of sir Iohn Neuill skirmished with these Stradiots and tooke diuerse of them prisoners, and brought them to the king.

While the king laie thus before Terwine, the capteine of Bullongne knowing by his espials, that manie of the garrison of Calis were with the king at the siege, and also that vittels were dailie brought out of England to Calis to succour the campe, ima­gined a great enterprise, and sent for all the men of warre vnder his dominion and rule, and declared to them what honour they should obteine if they hurted or spoiled the out parts of Calis, the king of England on that side of the sea. The men of warre perceiuing the good courage of the capteine, assented to his pur­pose, and so with all diligence they, to the number of a thousand men, in the euening set forward, & came to Newnam bridge by thrée of the clocke in the mor­ning, and found the watchmen that kept the bridge asléepe, & so entred the bulworke and slue the watch­men, and tooke the ordinance of the bridge, and then let the bridge fall, so that all entred that would.

The capteine of Bullongne kept six hundred men for a stale at the bridge, & sent the other into the ma­rishes and medows to fetch awaie the beasts and cat­tell which they should find there. This was doone, and some of them came so néere the walles of Calis, that they were escried. And about a six score coupers, ba­kers, shipmen & other which laie without the towne, hearing the alarme, got togither, & setting on those Frenchmen which were aduanced so néere the towne, slue them downe that abode, Watchmen found sléeping serued iustlie. chased them that fled euen into Newnam bridge, and recouered the same, and put backe their enimies. About fiue of the clocke in the morning, the gate of Calis called Bullongne gate was opened, and then by permission of the deputie, one Culpeper the vnder-marshall with two hundred archers vnder a banner of saint George issued foorth. Culpeper vn­der-marshall of Calis.

All these in great hast came to Newnam bridge, where they found the other Englishmen that had woone the bridge of the Frenchmen, and so altogi­ther set forward to assaile the Frenchmen that kept the stale, and taried till the residue of their companie which were gone a forraging vnto Calis walles were come: for the other that had spoiled the mari­shes were returned with a great bootie. At the first, when the Frenchmen saw the Englishmen approch, they thought they had bene their owne fellowes. But when they saw the banner of saint George, they per­ceiued how the matter went, & so determined to de­fend themselues against their enimies; but the Eng­lishmen set so fiercelie on, that finallie the French­men were discomfited, and foure and twentie of them slaine, beside twelue score that were taken prisoners, and all the ordinance and bootie againe recouered.

These prisoners were brought to Calis, & there sold in open market. [Among all other, Abr. Fl. ex Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. xxviij. a couper of the towne of Calis bought a prisoner of this bootie that dwelt in Bullongne, and had of the prisoner an hun­dred crowns for his ransome. When the monie was paied, the Frenchman praied the couper to sée him safe deliuered, and to conduct him out of danger. The follie of a couper. The couper gentlie granted, and without anie know­ledge of his friends, all alone went with the French­man till he came beyond the causeie, & there would haue departed: but the Frenchman perceiuing that the couper was aged, and that no reskue was nie, by force tooke the couper prisoner, and caried him to Bullongne, & made him paie two hundred crowns for his ransome: thus through follie was the poore cou­per deceiued. Wherefore it is wisedome for a man to hold fast his possession, and to supplie his want of strength by subtiltie; imitating therein the fox, which although in force he be inferior to the lion, as not able to beare the yerking of his taile, or a pelt of his paw; yet in craft he goeth beyond that boisterous beast, and so escapeth danger, which otherwise he might susteine.]

On the eleuenth day of August, being thursday, the king lieng at the siege of Terwine, had knowledge that Maximilian the emperour was in the towne of [Page 820] Aire. The emperor Maximilian and the king of England meet. The king prepared all things necessarie to méet with the emperour in triumph. The noble men of the kings campe were gorgeouslie apparelled, their coursers barded with cloth of gold, of damaske and broderie, their apparell all tissue, cloth of gold and sil­uer, and goldsmiths woorke, great chains of baude­rikes of gold, and belles of bullion: but in especiall the duke of Buckingham, he was in purple sattin, his apparell and his bard full of antelops and swans of fine gold bullion, and full of spangles, & little bels line 10 of gold maruellous costlie and pleasant to behold. The K. was in a garment of great riches in iewels and stone, he was armed in a light armour. The ma­ster of his horsse followed him with a spare horsse, the henchmen followed bearing the kings péeces of harnesse, euerie one mounted on a great courser.

The one bare his helmet, the second his grangard, the third his speare, the fourth his axe, and so euerie one had something belonging to a man of armes. The kings harnesse and furniture. The apparell of the nine henchmen were white cloth of line 20 gold, and crimsin cloth of gold, richlie embrodered with goldsmithes worke, the trappers of the coursers were mantell harnesse coulpened, and in euerie vent a long bell of fine gold, and on euerie pendent a déepe tassell of fine gold in bullion, which trappers were ve­rie rich. The king and the emperour met betwéene Aire and the campe, in the foulest weather that light­lie hath béene seene. The emperour gentlie intertei­ned the king, and the king likewise him, and after a little communication had betwene them, bicause the line 30 weather was foule, they parted for that time. The em­perour & all his men were at that daie all in blacke cloth, for the empresse his wife was latelie deceased.

Within a day or two after this interuiew, and that the king was returned to his campe, A letter of de­fiance sent by the Scotish king to king Henrie. thither came a king at armes of Scotland called Lion, with his cote of armes on his backe, who within short time was by Gartier king of armes brought to the kings presence, where he being almost dismaid to see the king so noblie accompanied, with few words & meet­lie line 40 good countenance, deliuered a letter to the king, which his grace receiued and read it himselfe; and therewith hauing conceiued the whole contents thereof, made this answer immediatly to the herald.

Now we perceiue the king of Scots our brother in law, The king of Englands speach to the Scotish kings herald vttered with­out premedi­tation. and your master to be the same person whom we euer tooke him to be, for we neuer estéemed him to be of anie truth: and so now we haue found it. For notwithstanding his oth, his promise in the word of a king, and his owne hand and seale; yet line 50 now he hath broken his faith & promise to his great dishonour and infamie for euer, and intendeth to in­uade our realme in our absence, which he durst not once attempt, our owne person being present. But he sheweth himselfe not to be degenerat from the conditions of his forfathers, whose faiths (for the most part) haue euer béene violated, and their promises neuer obserued, further than they list. Therefore tell thy master, first, that he shall neuer be comprised in anie league wherein I am a confederat; and also that line 60 I suspecting his truth (as now the déed prooueth) haue left an earle in my realme at home, which shall be a­ble to defend him and all his power. For we haue prouided so, that he shall not find our land destitute of people as he thinketh to doo: but this saie to thy ma­ster, that I am the very owner of Scotland, & that he holdeth it of me by homage. And insomuch as now. contrarie to his bounden dutie, he being my vassall, dooth rebell against me, with Gods helpe I shall at my returne expell him his realme, and so tell him.

Sir said the king of armes, I am his naturall sub­iect, and he is my naturall lord, and that he comman­deth me to say, I may boldlie say with fauour, but the commandements of other I may not, nor dare say to my souereigne: but your letters, with your honor sent, may declare your pleasure, for I may not say such words of reproch to him, to whom I owe onelie mine allegiance and faith. Then said the king, Wher­fore came you hither? will you receiue no answer? Yes said Lion, but your answer requireth dooing and no writing, that is, that immediatlie you should re­turne home. Well said the king; I will returne to your damage, and not at thy maisters summoning. Then the king commanded Gartier to take him to his tent, and to make him good cheare, which so did, and cherished him well: for he was sore abashed.

After he was departed, the king sent for all the capteins, and before them and his councell caused the letter to be read, the contents wherof were, The effect of the Scotish kings letter to K. Henre. Sée historie [...] Scotland, [...] 295, and Edw. H. [...] ▪ in H. [...]. fol. xxix, xxx▪ that king Henrie had not dealt with him vprightlie in sundrie points, as in mainteining of those which had slaine his people of Scotland by sea, and also in succouring bastard Heron with his complices, which had (vnder trust of daies of méeting for iustice) slaine his war­den. Also his wiues legacie was by him withholden: & moreouer, where first he had desired him in fauour of his dere cousin the duke of Gelder, not to attempt anie thing against him; yet had he sent his people to inuade the said dukes countrie, which did what in them lay to destroie and dishinherit the said duke, that had nothing offended against him.

And now againe, where he had made the like re­quest for his brother & cousine the most christian king of France: yet notwithstanding, had the king of England caused him to lose his duchie of Millaine, and at this present inuaded his realme with all his puissance, to destroie him and his subiects, whereas yet the said king of France had béene euer fréend to him, & neuer giuen him occasion thus to doo. In con­sideration of which iniuries receiued in his owne per­son, and in his friends, he must néeds seeke redresse, and take part with his brother and cousine the said king of France. Wherefore he required him to desist from further inuasion and destruction of the French dominions, which to doo if he refused, he plainlie de­clared by the same letters, that he would doo what he could to cause him to desist from further pursute in that his enterprise, & also giue letters of marque to his subiects for the deniall of iustice made to them by the king of England.

The letters thus sent to the king of England, were dated at Edenburgh the six and twentith daie of Iulie, and giuen vnder the signet of the said Sco­tish king. When the king had thus caused these let­ters to be read, and throughlie considered of them as apperteined, he sent them straight to the earle of Surrie, which then laie at Pomfret, King Henr [...] his answ [...] to the Scot [...] kings letter [...] Sée historie of Scotlan [...] pag. 297. [...] Edw. Hall [...] He. 8. fol. 30 [...] and caused other letters to be deuised to the king of Scots, the effect whereof was; that although he well perceiued by the kings letters, which he had receiued from him, in what sort, vnder colour of contriued occasions and feined quarrelles, he meant to breake the peace, he did not much maruell thereat, considering the ancient accustomed manners of some his progenitors.

Howbeit, if loue and dread of God, An euill [...] to breake the league of peace. nighnesse of blood, honour of the world, law and reason had bound him, it might be supposed, that he would neuer so farre haue procéeded; wherein the pope and all prin­ces christned might well note in him dishonorable de­meanor, which had dissembled the matter, whilest he was at home in his realme; and now in his absence thus went about vpon forged causes to vtter his old rancor, which in couert manner he had long kept se­cret. Neuerthelesse, vpon mistrust of such vnstedfast­nesse, he had put his realme in a readinesse to resist his enterprises, as he doubted not through Gods fa­uour, and the assistance of his confederats, he should be able to resist the malice of all schismatikes, and [Page 821] their adherents, being by generall councell expreslie excommunicated & interdicted, trusting in time con­uenient to remember his friends, & requite his foes.

Moreouer, he willed him to set before his eies the example of the king of Nauarre, The king of Nauarre a king without a realme, and [...]. who for assistance giuen to the French king was now a king without a realme. And as touching answere to be made to the manifold griefs in the Scotish kings letters sur­mised, if law or reason could haue remooued him from his sensuall opinions, he had beene manie times al­readie line 10 answered sufficientlie to the same; vnlesse to the pretended griefs therein amongst other compri­sed, for denieng of a safe conduct to the Scotish am­bassadour to haue beene lastly sent vnto him. Wher­vnto thus he answered; that the same safe conduct had béene granted, if the Scotish herald would haue taken it with him.

And finallie, as touching the Scotish kings re­quest, The king of Englands an­swere to the [...]ast clause of the Scotish kings letter. to desist from further attempting against the French K. he signified to him, that he knew him for line 20 no competent iudge of so high authoritie, as to re­quire him in that behalfe, and therefore God willing he ment with the aid and assistance of his confede­rats & alies to prosecute his begun attempt. And as the Scotish king should doo to him, & to his realme, so it should be hereafter remembred and acquited. These letters were written in the campe before Terwine the twelfe of August, and giuen vnder the kings signet, and therewith deliuered to Lion king of armes, who had of the king 100 angels in reward. line 30

Then departed he with his letters into Flan­ders, An hundred angels to a Scotish he­rald for a re­ward. there to take ship to saile into Scotland, but yer he could haue a vessell and wind for his purpose, his maister was slaine, as after ye shall heare. In this meane while the Frenchmen being assembled and lodged in campe at Blangie on this side Amiens, the French king appointed that all the horssmen to the number of eight thousand (as Paulus Iouius recor­deth) should go with vittels vnto Terwine, Fourtéene hundred men of armes hath Monsieur de Langeie. and put the same into the towne, if by anie meanes they line 40 might, for that those within stood as then in great necessitie for want of vittels.

Monsieur de Piennes ap­pointed by the French king to vittell Terwine.The charge of this conueie was committed vn­to Monsieur de Piennes, because he was lieutenant of those marches: notwithstanding there were a­mongst the number, other noble men of more high degrée in honor, and also of great prowesse, fame, and experience, furnished with sundrie bands of men at armes of long approoued valiancie, and vsed to go a­waie with victorie in manie a dangerous conflict and line 50 battell, wanting at this present nothing but their old accustomed good fortune. Whilest the Frenchmen were thus prepared to come with vittels to Ter­wine, The emperor Maximilian weareth a crosse of saint George as souldier to the king of Eng­land. the emperour Maximilian came from Aire to the kings campe before Terwine the twelfe of Au­gust, wearing a crosse of saint George as the kings souldier, & receiuing of him salarie for seruice; which Anglorum praelia noteth as noteworthie, saieng: ‘Subrege Anglorum magnus meret induperator.’

The emperour was honourablie receiued, and lod­ged line 60 in a rich tent of cloth of gold prepared for him, according as was conuenient for his estate. He ta­ried vntill sundaie being the foureteenth of August, and then returned to Aire: and on the morrow after came againe being mondaie the fiftéenth of August, on which daie there chanced a great fraie betwixt the Almans of the kings campe, A Fraie be­weene the Almans of the kings campe, and the Englishmen [...] appeased [...] the discre­ [...] of the [...]. and the Englishmen, insomuch that manie were slaine. The Almans ran to the kings ordinance and tooke it, and imbattelled themselues, and bent the ordinance against the king and his campe. The English prepared their bowes, and the Almans made redie their pikes: but the cap­teins tooke such paines in the matter, that the fraie was appeased.

Now as this trouble was in hand, the emperour came from Aire, and saw all the demeanour of both parts, and was glad to behold the discréet behauiour of the capteins. The king and the emperour consult which waies were best to besiege Terwine, to preuent the vittelling of it. After that the emperour was thus come to the kings field, the king called a councell, at the which the emperour was present, where it was de­bated, by what meanes they might best constreine them within to deliuer vp the towne, and especial­lie how to kéepe them from vittels & other succours, which the French armie (as it was knowne) meant verie shortlie to minister vnto them. Some were of this mind, and namelie the emperour; that bridges should be made ouer the riuer, to passe ouer a part of the armie to besiege the towne on that side; where o­therwise the French armie might vittell the towne at their pleasures.

Others were of a contrarie mind, doubting what might happen, if the armie should be so diuided, least the Frenchmen setting on the backe of the one part of the armie, and they within the towne to sallie out in their faces, some misfortune might happen yer the other part could passe the riuer to the succour of their fellowes. Yet at length the former purpose was al­lowed as most necessarie; and therefore commande­ment was giuen to the maister of the ordinance, that in all hast he should cause fiue bridges to be made ouer the water for the armie to passe. Fiue bridges made in one night for the armie to passe ouer the riuer at Terwine. The car­penters so applied their worke that night, that the bridges were made by the next morow, and all the horssemen first passed ouer, and then the king with his whole battell, and the great ordinance followed and passed ouer to the other side of the water. This was on the sixteenth daie of August being tuesdaie.

On the same morning the Frenchmen were com­ming with their conueie of vittels to refresh the towne, hauing appointed one part of their troops to kéepe on that side the riuer where the English armie was first incamped, and where the earle of Shrewes­burie still kept his field; that in offering the skir­mish on that side, the residue of the horssemen might with more ease and safetie put the vittels and other necessarie things into the towne on the other side. Here might a man haue séene of what force in wars sudden chance is oftentimes. Polydor. The force of sudden chance in warre. For the king thus with his battell passing the riuer, meaning to besiege the towne on euerie side, and the Frenchmen at that same instant hauing also passed the riuer with other carriages laden with vittels, purposing to reléeue the towne on that side, caused no small doubt to be conceiued of ech others meaning, on both parts, least that the one, hauing knowlege of the others purpose, had béene prepared for to hinder the same.

And yet was it nothing so, for neither the king knew of the Frenchmens approch that daie, neither they of his passing ouer the water. Edw. Hall. Polydor. But when the king had aduertisement giuen him (by the light horssemen that were sent abroad to discouer the countrie) how the Frenchmen were at hand; he pre­pared himselfe to the battell, and first set foorth his horssemen, The king with his bat­tell of footmen. and then followed himselfe with his bat­tell of footemen. The French capteins being hereof aduised, determined not to fight without their foot­men; and therefore with all spéed sent backe their carriages, and staied with their horssemen, vntill the carriages might haue leasure to get out of danger. In the meane time the Englishmen aduanced for­ward, and their horssemen mounted vp the hill, where the French horssemen were in troope, with thirtie and three standards spred, & might sée the Eng­lishmen comming, and the kings battell marching forward with the Almans.

There were amongest the Frenchmen certeine companies of Estradiots, which being placed before the French hoast, as they came downe the hill to [Page 822] skirmish with the Englishmen saw where the ban­ners of the English horssemen were comming, The Estradi­ots mista­king footmen for horssemen fled first. and the kings battell following vpward, weening vere­lie that all had béene horssemen, wherevpon they cast themselues about and fled. The Frenchmen were so fast in arraie, that the Estradiots could not enter; and so they ran still by the ends of the Frenchmens ranks. Herewith the English horssemen set on, and about an hundred archers on horsse-backe, being lighted beside their horsses, and set by an hedge all a­longest line 10 a village side called Bomie, shot freshlie at their enimies; & also certeine culuerings being pla­ced on the top of an hill were discharged amongest the thickest prease of the Frenchmen; so that finallie the French were discomfited: for those that were be­hind saw the fall of some of their standards, which the Englishmen ouerthrew, and their Estradiots also (in whome they had great confidence) returne.

They that were furthest off fled first, and then the Englishmen & Burgognian horssemen, A great ouer­throw giuen to the French, king Henrie in person be­ing present. which were line 20 with them, egerlie followed the chase, in the which were taken the duke of Longuile, brother to the earle of Dunois that had married the daughter and heire to the marquesse of Rothlois, the lord of Clere­mont, capteine Baiard, monsieur de Busie, and o­ther, to the number of twelue score prisoners, and all brought to the kings presence with six standards, which were likewise taken. The Burgognians brought not their prisoners to sight. Monsieur de la Palice, and monsieur de Imbrecourt being taken line 30 of them and knowne, were put to their ransomes, and licenced maintenantlie to depart vpon their word. Thus was the power of the French horsse­men by the sharpe incounter of the English horsse­men, and full fight of the battels of the footmen, fol­lowing in arraie at the backs of the horssemen, and the discharging of certeine culuerings amongst them, quickelie put to flight without anie great resi­stance.

The emperour Maximilian was present with the line 40 king, The emperor [...]courageth his Almans to plaie the men. and ware saint Georges crosse, greatlie in­couraging the Almans to shew themselues like men, sith the place was fortunate to him and them, to trie the chance of battell in: as they might call to remembrance by the victorie there obteined against the Frenchmen a foure and twentie yeares past. This incounter chancing thus on the sixtéenth daie of August, being tuesdaie, in this fift yeare of king Henries reigne, which was the yeare after the incar­nation 1513, The battell of spurres. was called the battell Des esprons, by line 50 the Frenchmen themselues, that is to saie, the bat­tell of spurres: forsomuch as they in stéed of sword and lance vsed their spurres, with all might and maine to pricke foorth their horsses to get out of dan­ger; so that in them was verefied the old prouerbe, One paire of heeles is worth two paire of hands.

That wing of the horssemen also, which was ap­pointed to skirmish with the Englishmen on the o­ther side the riuer, whilest the other might haue con­ueied the vittels into the towne, was fiercelie bea­ten line 60 backe by the martiall prowesse of the valiant erle of Shrewesburie, sir Rice ap Thomas, and other wor­thie capteins, which laie on that side the water. The duke of Alanson, the earle of saint Paule, and mon­sieur de Florenges, had the leading of those French­men. They within the towne were in great hope of succour this daie, and when they saw the French power approch, they sallied foorth on that side where the lord Herbert laie, and skirmished with his people verie proudlie, but they were repelled to the gates of their towne, and manie of them slaine by the high valiancie of the said lord Herbert and his cap­teins.

After that the Englishmen were returned from the chase of the Frenchmen, whome they had follow­ed a thrée long miles from the field, the king made sir Iohn Pechie a baneret, and Iohn Carre knight, which was sore hurt: sir Iohn Pechie had his guidon taken, and diuerse of his men hurt, Sir Iohn Pechie [...] baneret, an [...] Iohn [...] knight. they followed so farre in the chase. After this ouerthrow of the French horssemen, the K. compassed the towne more streict­lie on ech side, and the batterie was brought so nigh the wals as might be, wherwith breaches were made in sundrie places, by meanes whereof the lord Pon­tremie despairing any long time to kéepe the towne, fell to a composition, and yéelded it vp to the kings hands. This incounter and ouerthrow, Terwine [...] vp to king Henrie. with the gi­uing vp of Terwine, is extant to the knowledge of forren nations (to be read) recorded as followeth:

Francorum pugnax equitatus praelia miscet,
Succurrúntque suis, sed frustra infirmior arma
Turba capit; palmam bellando potentior Anglus
Aufert, laethifera transfossis hostibus hasta.
Diruta turrifragis bombardis moenia praebent
Brutigenae ingressum facilem, Gallísque timorem
Inijciunt, tandem Terrouana deditur Anglo.

Howbeit this yéelding vp of the said towne was with condition, that the souldiers might depart with horsse and armour, & that such townesmen as would there remaine, might haue their liues and goods sa­ued. Thus (I saie) was the citie of Terwine deliue­red vp to the king of England, with all the ordinance and munitions then being found within the same. This was on the eightéenth of August. The earle of Shrewesburie entered the same night, and caused the banner of saint George to be set vp in the highest place of the towne in signe of victorie. When the lord Pontremie, and all the souldiers were departed, and that the earle of Shrewesburie had searched all the towne to sée that euerie thing was sure, he called the townesmen afore him, The citizen [...] of Terwine sworne to king Henrie. The king [...]tereth into Terwine. and sware them to be true to the king of England. The foure and twentith of Au­gust the king himselfe entered the towne with great and roiall triumph, and dined in the bishops palace. At after noone he returned to his campe, and on the six and twentith daie of August he remooued againe to Guingate, where he first incamped after the chase of the French horssemen.

Here it was determined in councell, that the wals and fortifications of Terwine should be ra­sed, which was doone, and the towne burned; Terwine burnt. except the cathedrall church and the palace. All the ordinance was sent to Aire to be kept there to the kings vse. Af­ter this, it was concluded that the king should laie siege to the citie of Tornaie; King Henrie marcheth on with his ar­mie to besiege Tornaie. wherevpon he set for­ward in thrée battels: the earle of Shrewesburie lea­ding the va-ward, the king and the emperour gouer­ning the battell, and the lord Chamberleine follow­ing with the rere-ward. The first night they incam­ped beside Aire. Diuerse Englishmen tarieng be­hind at Terwine for pillage, were surprised by the Frenchmen, which slue some of them, & cast some into the fire. The king g [...]eth to Lisle [...] visit the yoong prince Castile. Those that fled escaped verie narrowlie. The king with his armie passed forward towards Tor­naie, and by the waie visited the yoong prince of Ca­stile and the ladie Margaret, gouernor of the prince, in the towne of Lislie, whilest his armie laie abroad in the fields beyond Pont Auandien.

There was appointed to attend the king vnto Lis­lie the duke of Buckingham, the lord marquesse Dorset, the earle of Essex, and the lord Lisle, with di­uerse other; the charge of his campe he committed for the time to his councell. Then mounted the king vpon a courser, his apparrell & bard were cloth of sil­uer of small quadrant cuts trauersed and edged with cut cloth of gold, and the border set full of red roses, Sir Henrie Guilford [...] of y e kings horsse▪ his armour fresh & set full of iewels. The maister of his horsse sir Henrie Guilford, and the henchmen [Page 823] followed (as you haue heard before) and the coursers richlie apparelled, and so were manie capteins that waited on the king: by the waie met the king the lord Rauesten with manie noble men. And a mile without the towne there met with him the burges­ses of Lisle, and presented to him the keies of the towne, saieng, that the emperor their souereigne lord had so commanded them to doo.

The king praised their obedience to their soue­reigne, and thanked the emperour and them for so high a present as the keies of such a towne. Neuer­thelesse, line 10 he had such confidence in them, that he trust­ed them no lesse than his owne subiects, and so deli­uered the keies to the prouost of the towne, which was well accompanied. Then met the king a great number of nobles of Flanders, Brabant, Holland, and Henaud, The Pals­graue of [...] & his traine come to [...] the K. of England. which noblie receiued him. After them came the countie Palatine or Palsgraue, one of the electors of the empire, with thirtie horsses, all his men gorgiouslie apparelled after the fashion of his countrie, and humblie saluted the king. At the gate line 20 of Lisle the capiteine of the towne stood with a gar­rison in armor well appointed, all the stréets were set on both sides with burning torches and diuerse good­lie pageants pleasant to behold. Thus he passed tho­rough the towne with his sword and maces borne be­fore him, and alighted at the hall doore with his sword borne, where met with him the emperour, the prince of Castile, and the ladie Margaret, and humblie salu­ted him.

Then for reuerence of the emperour, the king line 30 caused his sword to be put vp, and his maces to be laid downe; & so was the king and all other nobles lodged and feasted according to their degrées. In the towne of Lisle was a noise that thrée gunners with handguns should haue slaine the king: A false rumor of the kings [...]. for which ru­mor manie were attached, but nothing prooued. But when these tidings came to the campe, they were ne­uer merrie till they saw the king againe. Great was the cheere, with bankets, plaies, comedies, maskes, and other pastimes that were shewed to the king in line 40 the court of Burgognie, and so in solace he soiorned there sundaie and mondaie the nineteenth daie of September. On the twentith daie he sent word that his armie [...] remooue toward Tornaie, and so they remooued to a place conuenient betwéene Tor­naie and Lisle, and certeine capiteins were appoin­ted to kéepe the passage at the bridge of Auandien.

After that the king had taried at Lisle thrée daies, and had well reposed himselfe, he tooke his leaue, and line 50 thanked the emperour and the yoong prince, the la­die Margaret & all the ladies for all his high chéere and solace; and about six of the clocke at night, he de­parted out of Lisle, and the noble men brought the king foorth and so returned, and then the capteine shut the gates. When the king was a mile and more out of the towne, he asked where his campe laie? And no man there could tell the waie, and guide had they none, the night was so darke & mistie. Thus the king taried a long while, The king and his traine ig­norant of the waie to his campe by meanes of a [...]st. and wist not whither to go; at last line 60 they met with a vitteler comming from the campe, which was their guide and brought them thither. The maister of the ordinance shot diuerse peeces of ordi­nance, but they were not heard; but in safetie the king with all his companie returned.

On the one and twentith daie of September the king remooued his campe toward Tornaie, and lod­ged within thrée miles of the citie, on a corne ground by the riuer. On which night came to the king the emperour and the Palsgraue, which were lodged in rich tents, and noblie serued of all viands and things necessarie. The people about Tornaie were with their goods fled to the citie, and yet the citie had no men of warre to defend it, but with multitude of in­habitants the same was well replenished. The king commanded sir Rice and his horssemen to view one quarter, and the earle of Essex and his companie an­other quarter; and the lord Wallon and the lord Lignie the other quarters. Then the two and twen­tith daie of September, these foure capteins at one time were soone openlie with banners displaied be­fore the towne, and there made a long stale, and re­turned.

Then the king sent Gartier king of armes to sum­mon them to yeeld it ouer into his hands, Tornaie sum­moned by Gartier king of armes. to whome they made answer, that they receiued no citie of the king of England to kéepe, nor anie would they ren­der him, with which answer he departed. Then they fortified their wals, and made prouision for vittels, corne, wine, and artillerie, and for all fortifications that might be gotten. And the citie of it selfe was strong, well walled, and turrited with good bul­works and defenses. But when they saw the king with such a puissance draw néere the citie, they were sore abashed, and called a generall councell. Then the prouost said; Brethren, The prouost of Tornaies words to the distressed townesmen. you know how that the king of England sent an herald to summon vs to render vp to him this citie, or else he would put it and vs to the sword, fier, and bloud. We answered we would be at defense.

Now he is come in our sight to fulfill the message sent by the herald, & now is come the time of our defense.

Howbeit in this matter standeth thrée mischéefs, one is our bounden duetie and allegiance that we owe to our souereigne lord king Lewes of France; the second the liues of vs, our wiues, children, and neighbors; the third how to defend the finall destruc­tion of this ancient citie, now likelie to fall, which citie was neuer conquered. Now our citie is whole, your liues in safetie, your goods your owne; deter­mine whether you will haue war or peace. Then the common people cried all; War, war, war. Then said the prouost, Take compassion of wiues and children and of the old folke; consider if you haue no quicke rescue, you cannot continue against yonder puis­sance, although your courages were neuer so great, this the wisest of the citie and I haue considered.

Then suddenlie was there in the councell a vaunt­parler, a botcher, which hearing this, called a great number of his affinitie, and went out of the councell and so out of the gates, and set fire of the suburbs on all sides. When the councell saw the minds of the commons, and that their waies might not be follo­wed, they comforted the people, and mainteined them for their defense.

After this the king approched the citie with his whole armie, and they of the citie issued foorth to prof­fer the skirmish: but the archers beat them backe. Also the carriage men that came with the herbin­gers, saw where certeine wagons were entring the citie, vnto the which they ran, and tooke some of them. At this skirmish the horsse of the lord Iohn Graie was slaine vnder him, as he came to defend the car­riage men; but he himselfe had no hurt. The king with his battell planted his siege on the north side the citie. The earle of Shrewsburie with the fore­ward lodged toward the south side of the riuer, Tornaie be­sieged by king Henrie. and there laie that night. The lord Herbert with the rere­ward incamped himselfe on the west side, and beat the wals and towers of the citie with the great ordi­nance. The next daie after their comming thither, being the thrée and twentith of September, the earle of Shrewesburie with the fore-ward passed the riuer, & planted his siege on the southside of the citie, stret­ching to the east end, and bent his ordinance against the walles. And thus was the citie of Tornaie besie­ged on all parts.

On the fiue and twentith daie of September, the [Page 824] king receiued letters from the earle of Surrie with the Scotish kings gantlet, whereby he was certified of the slaughter of the said king, and how all things had béene handled at the battell of Floddon, Sée Hall in Henrie. 8. fol. 37, 38. & histo­rie of Scot­land, pag. 297, 298. whereof héereafter yee shall find further mention. The king thanked God of the newes, and highlie commended the prowesse of the earle, and other the capteins: howbeit he had a secret letter, that Ches­shiremen and other fled from sir Edmund Howard in the battell, which letter caused great hartburning, line 10 and manie words: but the king tooke all things in good part, and would that no man should be disprai­sed. On the six and twentith daie, fiers were made in the hoast, in token of that victorie against the Scots, and on the seauen and twentith daie being tuesdaie, masse was soong by them of the kings chappell, with Te Deum, and the bishop of Rochester made a sermon, declaring the death of the king of Scots, and lamen­ting his euill hap and periurie. But now to our pur­pose of the siege of Tornaie. line 20

Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fo. xliiij, xlv. The citie of Tornaie on all sides be­sieged.¶ The king of England lieng afront before Tor­naie, caused his great ordinance to be planted round about the citie, and diuerse trenches were cast, and rampiers made, and the lord Lisle and the lord Wil­loughbie were appointed to mainteine the ordinance with their bands, and the earle of Kent was lodged before the gate called port Ualencien; so that the ci­tizens could not issue out, nor no aid could come in. The ordinance dailie beat the gates, towers, & wals, which made a great batterie: and a few Englishmen line 30 assaulted the port coquerell, but they were too few in number; and if they had béene more in number, they had taken the towne, as the Tornasins confessed after. The citizens of Tornaie considering their e­state came togither to councell, and there the prouost said in effect as followeth. The prouosts words to the townesmen.

Friends and bretheren of this noble citie, I cannot too much praise your truth and fidelitie to your souereigne lord the king of France; considering how manfully you haue defen­ded this citie since the beginning of this siege. line 40

But alas! although it be written on the gates gra­uen in stone, Iammes ton ne a perdeu ton pucellage, that is to saie; Thou hast neuer lost thy maidenhed: yet if this citie had not béene well furnished and euer at the daie appointed sure of rescue, it could not haue continued. Now you see that rescue faileth, our gates be rased, our towers beaten downe, our chiefe tower like to fall, so that if this perilous siege continue, or else if our enimies assault vs, we be not able to de­fend vs: wherefore now, all these things considered, I would know whether you will treat with the king line 50 of England or abide the chance. Then they which at the last councell cried War, war; now cried Peace, peace: yet all were not agreed. Then one wise man said, Sirs if the towne be assaulted once againe with a great number, suerlie it will be taken: you saw the experience at the last assault, and then consider if it be taken by force, who is there that can saie he is sure of his life: but by intreatie, the king of England is so mercifull that we may fortune to saue both life and goods.

Then finallie all agréed to treat. line 60

Then the prouost sent to the king a trumpet, desi­ring a safe conduct for him & certeine other to come and to speake with him: which request was to him granted. The prouost with eleuen more submit themselues & yeéld vp the citie to the king. Then the prouost of the citie, accompanied with eleuen with him of the best of the citie, came to the armie, & spake with the lords of the councell, and after were led to the kings presence. The prouost knéeled downe and all his companie, and said: ‘Right high and mightie prince, although the citie of Tor­naie is strong, well walled, well replenished with people, vittels, artillerie, yea and the people in feare and dread of nothing; yet we know that against your great puissance it can not continue long, although it were ten times as strong as it is. Wherefore we knowing by report your honor, your wisedome, your iustice, & noble hart, are content to become your sub­iects & vassals, so that we may haue and inioy our old lawes, customes, liberties, and franchises, vnder you; as we haue before this doone vnder other princes.’

Then said the king; We haue well heard your petition, we will common with our councell & make you answer. And when he had communed with his councell, he answered saieng: Sirs, he that asketh mercie of vs, shall not be denied; and séeing you come to treat, we remit you to our councell. Then they went into the tent of councell, & there the Tor­nasins fell at a point, and in conclusion they yéelded the citie and ten thousand pounds sterling for the re­demption of their liberties, and so departed to the ci­tie, making relation of the king and his noble cou­rage. On thursdaie the nine and twentith daie of September, the king was in his rich tent of cloth of gold vnder his cloth of estate, to whome came the citi­zens of the citie, and were sworne to him, and became his subiects.

Then the king appointed the lord Lisle, The [...] taken in the king of Eng­lands behalfe. the lord A­burgauenie, & the lord Willoughbie to take possessi­on, which with six thousand men entered the citie, and tooke the market place and the wals, and searched the houses for feare of treason. Then maister Thomas Woolsie the kings almoner called before him all the citizens yoong and old, and sware them to the king of England, the number whereof was foure score thou­sand. Thus the king of England by conquest came to the possession of the citie of Tornaie. On sundaie the second daie of October, the king entered the citie of Tornaie at port founteine, and foure of the chiefe of the citie ouer him bare a canopie with all the armes of England. Euerie person was in his best apparell, the ladies & gentlewomen laie in the win­dowes beholding the king and his nobilitie, euerie citizen had in his hand a staffe torch. The king him­selfe was richlie apparelled in rich armour on a bar­ded courser, his henchmen bearing his péeces of war, as ax, speare, and other, their coursers were barded with the armes of England, France, Ireland, and o­ther the kings dominions all richlie brodered. Thus the king with his nobilitie all richlie apparelled with his sword borne before him, his heralds and serge­ants of armes with trumpets and minstrelsie ente­red the citie, and came to our ladie church, and there Te Deum was soong.

Then the king called to his presence, The king [...] cert [...] gentlemē ( [...] their good ser­uice) knights. Edward Guilford, William Fitz Williams, Iohn Danfie, William Tiler, Iohn Sharpe, William Husse, Iohn Sauage, Christopher Garnish, and diuerse other vali­ant esquiers, and gaue to them the order of knight­hood, and then went to his lodging, and at after noone he came to the market place, were was prepared for him a roome. Then he caused a proclamation to be made in his name king of England & France, that no man should gréeue the citizens. During which pro­clamation the Tornasins scarse looked vp, nor shew­ed once to him any amiable countenance, which was much marked. The crie finished, the king departed to his campe, leauing the citie in safe keeping. This wéeke the king rode to sée the castell of Morton, and there his grace tooke great pleasure. The king re­membring the great chéere that the prince of Castile and the ladie Margaret had made him at Lisle, which was but twelue miles English from Tornaie, desi­red the said prince & ladie, with diuerse other to come to him to his citie of Tornaie, and made preparation for the same, and appointed a iusts, whereof he him­selfe would be one; and caused a tilt to be made in the market place.

While these things were preparing, the king and [Page 825] his councell ordered for the sure kéeping of the citie of Tornaie, Sir Edward Poinings [...] lieute­nant of Tor­naie. and there ordeined sir Edward Poi­nings knight of the order of the garter to be his lieu­tenant with foure hundred archers, with capteins, horssemen, and artillerie conuenient, and to haue aid of Henaud and other the kings friends adioining; and of his gard he left there foure hundred archers, and ordinance was appointed for the defense of the same. On mondaie the eleuenth daie of October the king without the towne receiued the prince of Ca­stile, line 10 the ladie Margaret, and diuerse other nobles of their countries, and them brought into Tornaie with great triumph. The noise went that the lord Lisle made request of mariage to the ladie Marga­ret duches of Sau [...]ie, and daughter to the emperour Maximilian, which before that time was departed from the king with manie rich gifts and monie bor­rowed: but whether he proffered mariage or not, she fauoured him highlie. There the prince and duches so­iourned with great solace by the space of ten daies. line 20

I [...]stes held [...] Tornaie for disport of the prince of Castile & the duchesse of Sauoie.During which time, the eightéenth daie of Octo­ber began the iusts, the king and the lord Lisle answe­ring all commers: vpon the king attended foure & twentie knights on foot in coats of purple veluet and cloth of gold. A tent of cloth of gold was set in the place for the armorie & Reliefe. The king had a base and a trapper of purple veluet both set full of SS of bullion, and the lord Lisle in the same suite, there were manie speares broken, and manie a good buffet giuen; the strangers, as the lord Walon and lord E­merie line 30 and other did right well. When the iusts were doone, the king & all the other vnhelmed them, & rode about the tilt, and did great reuerence to the ladies, and then the heralds cried to lodging. This night the K. made a sumptuous banket of an hundred dishes to the prince of Castile and the ladie Margaret, and to all other lords and ladies; and after the banket the la­dies dansed, and then came in the king and eleuen in a maske, all richlie apparelled with bonets of gold, and when they had passed the time at their pleasure, line 40 the garments of the maske were cast off amongst the ladies, take who could take.

The prince & the duchesse returne to Lisle.On the twentith daie of October, the prince of Ca­stile and the ladie Margaret (with manie great gifts to them giuen) returned to Lisle and all their traine. After that the king was informed that all directions were taken, and euerie thing put in an order for the sure kéeping of the citie of Tornaie, he betooke the same to sir Edward Poinings knight, which vali­antlie kept it in good order and iustice. The king & his line 50 councell before this considering, that the French­men would giue them no battell, and that winter ap­proched, which was no time to lie at siege of other townes, concluded to kéepe Tornaie safelie, and to breake vp his campe for that winter, and to begin a­gaine warre in the spring of the yeare. This was a full conclusion taken by the king and his councell, and so the king and all his people (except such as were appointed to be with sir Edward Poinings) departed out of Tornaie the twentith daie of Sep­tember: The king re­turneth into England. line 60 and the king and the noble men made such spéed, that shortlie they came to Calis.

Thither came the lord admerall, whome the king heartilie thanked of his paines, and there euerie man was paied his full wages and conduct monie, and ships prepared for the passage; and so the foure and twentith daie of September, the king with a priuie companie tooke ship, and the same day landed at Do­uer, and shortlie after all his people followed; then he with a small companie rode to Richmond in post to the queene, where was such a louing méeting, that e­uerie creature reioised. A mortalitie. This season began a great mortalitie in London and other places, where much people died. All this winter the kings nauie kept the seas, and robbed and spoiled the Frenchmen on their coasts, so that they were euerie foot afflicted by the English, & wist not which way to remedie it, bearing grudge in their hearts, and wishing a generall de­struction of their enimies, against whome they did swell with malignitie and indignation, both for their late ouerthrowes and losses aswell of lands as liues; the surrender of Terwin sticking in their stomachs, and the yéelding of Tornaie nipping them at the heart, which had lost the propertie, & was now forced to obeie new lords and new lawes, as our poet saith:

—dominorum serua nouorum,
Vrbs Tornaci.
Accipit ecce nouas Henrico principe leges.

But now I must returne to speake of the dooings in the North parts, betweene the Englishmen and Scots. Whilest the king was occupied in his warres against France in the summer of this yeare (as be­fore is mentioned) yée haue heard how the king of Scots sent his letters vnto the king, as then lieng at the siege before Terwine, and what answer was made thereto by the king. Immediatlie vpon the sen­ding of those his letters conteining in effect a defi­ance, the king of Scots assembled his people to in­uade the English confines: but before his whole po­wer was come togither, Lord Humes entereth the borders of England. the lord Humes that was lord chamberleine of Scotland, on a day in August entered England with seuen or eight thousand men, and getting togither a great bootie of cattell, thought to haue returned therewith into his countrie.

But as he came to passe through a field ouer­growne with broome, called Milfield, Englishmen assaile the Scots. the English men vnder the leading of sir William Bulmer, and other valiant capteins, hauing with them not past a thousand souldiers, being laid within that field in ambushment, brake foorth vpon him: and though the Scots on foot defended themselues right manfullie, yet the English archers shot so wholie togither, Scots put to flight. that the Scots were constreined to giue place. There were of them slaine at this bickering fiue or six hun­dred, and foure hundred or more taken prisoners; the lord chamberleine himselfe escaped by flight, Lord cham­berleine es­capeth. The ill road. but his banner was taken. This was called by the Scots the ill rode. In the meane time was the whole power of Scotland assembled, with the which king Iames approching to the borders, Norham ca­stell besieged. and comming to Norham castell, laid siege thereto, hauing there with him an hundred thousand men.

After he had beaten this castell with his ordinance for the space of six daies togither, Norham ca­stell deliuered. the same was deli­uered vp into his hands; for the capteine was so libe­rall of his shot and powder, spending the same so freelie before he had cause so to doo, that when it shuld haue stood him in stead, he had none left to aid him, so that in the end he yeelded himselfe without more resistance. The earle of Surrie lieu­tenant of the north raiseth an armie. In which meane time the earle of Sur­reie being lieutenant of the north parts of England, in absence of king Henrie, had giuen order to assem­ble a power of six and twentie thousand men; and comming to Alnwike the third of September being saturdaie, taried there all the next day till the whole number of his people were come, which by reason of the foule way were staied, The lord ad­merall ioineth with the earle of Surrie his father. and could not come for­ward with such spéed as was appointed. This fourth daie of September then being sundaie, his sonne the lord admerall, with a thousand souldiers and able men of warre, which had beene at sea, came to his fa­ther; whereof he greatlie reioised for the great wise­dome, manhood, and experience, which he knew to be in him.

Then the earle and his councell, The lord Ho­ward adme­rall captein [...] of the fore­ward. with great deli­beration appointed his battels in order, with wings, and with horsmen necessarie. First of the fore-ward was ordeined capteine the lord Howard admerall of England, as well with such as came with him from [Page 826] the sea, as others. First the lord Clifford, the lord Coniers, the lord Latimer, the lord Scroope of Up­sall, the lord Ogle, the lord Lomlie, sir Nicholas Ap­pleyard maister of the ordinance, sir Stephan Bull, sir Henrie Shirburne, sir William Sidneie, sir Ed­ward Ichingham, sir William Bulmer, with the power of the bishoprike of Durham, sir William Gascoigne, sir Christopher Ward, sir Iohn Euering­ham, sir Thomas Metham, sir Walter Griffith, and manie others. line 10

Of the wing on the right hand of the fore-ward, was capteine sir Edward Howard knight marshall of the host, & with him Brian Tunstall, Rafe Brear­ton, Iohn Laurence, Richard Bold, esquiers: sir Iohn Booth, sir Thomas Butler, knights: Ri­chard Done, Iohn Bigod, Thomas Fitz Williams, Iohn Claruis, Brian Stapleton, Robert Warcop, Richard Cholmleie, with the men of Hull, and the kings tenants of Hatfield, and others. Of the wing on the left hand, was capteine sir Marmaduke line 20 Constable, with his sonnes and kinsmen, sir Willi­am Persie, and of Lancashire a thousand men. Of the rere-ward was capteine the earle of Surreie himselfe, and with him the lord Scroope of Bolton, sir Philip Tilneie, sir George Darcie, sir Thomas Berkleie, sir Iohn Rocliffe, sir Christopher Pike­ring, Richard Tempest, sir Iohn Stanleie, with the bishop of Elies seruants, sir Brian Stapleton, Lio­nell Persie, with the abbat of Whitbies tenants, Christopher Clapham, sir William Gascoigne the line 30 yoonger, sir Guie Dawneie, maister Magnus, mai­ster Dalbies seruants, sir Iohn Normanuile, the citi­zens of Yorke, sir Ninian Markanuile, sir Iohn Willoughbie, with others.

Of the wing on the right hand, was capteine the lord Dacres with his power. Of the left hand wing, was capteine sir Edward Stanleie knight, with the residue of the power of the two counties palantine of Chester and Lancaster. Thus was the host appoin­ted and diuided into wards and wings at the first, line 40 though afterward (vpon occasion) this order was somewhat altered. And now that euerie man knew what to doo, the earle of Surrie with his power com­ming toward the place where he thought to find the Scotish host, was informed how king Iames be­ing remooued six miles from Norham, The strength of the place where king Iames lay in­camped, called Floddon. laie imbat­telled vpon a great mounteine called Floddon, a place of such strength, as it was not possible for the Englishmen to come néere him, but to their great disaduantage: for at the foot of the same hill on the line 50 left hand, there was a great marish ground full of réed and water.

On the right hand it was defended with a riuer called Till, the course whereof being so swift, and the chanell in some places so deepe, that it might not con­uenientlie be passed. On the backe halfe there were such craggie rocks and thicke woods, that it was not possible to assaile him to anie aduantage that waie foorth. And on the forepart of the campe, where na­ture had left an easie entrie for men to come to the line 60 same, all his ordinance was planted aloft vpon the sides of such trenches, as he had caused to be cast for defense on that part. The earle of Surrie herevpon, considering with himselfe, that vnlesse he might de­uise some policie to cause the Scotish armie to des­cend the hill, it were not possible for him to accom­plish his desire, he called about him his councell, and with them tooke aduise in this point.

An herald sent from the earle of Sur­rie to king Iames.At length it was concluded and determined a­mong other things, to send Rouge Crosse, purseuant at armes, with a trumpet to the king of Scots, with a message and certeine instructions: which in sub­stance was, to shew and declare vnto the said king of Scots, that where he (contrarie vnto his oth and league, and vnnaturallie against all reason and con­science) had entered and inuaded this his brothers realme of England, and done great hurt to the same, in casting downe castels, towers, and houses, bur­ning, spoiling, and destroieng the same, and cruellie murthering the king of England his brothers sub­iects; he the said earle would be readie to trie the rightfulnesse of the matter with the king in battell, by fridaie next comming at the furthest, if he of his noble courage would giue him tarieng and abode. And the same did the said earle promise, as he was a true knight vnto God & the king of England his maister.

And before Rouge Crosse should depart with the said instructions, The lord ad­merals mes­sage to the king of Scots. the lord admerall gaue him in cre­dence to shew the said king of his comming, and part of his companie from the sea with him, and that he had sought the Scotish nauie then being on the sea, but he could not méet with them, bicause they were fled into France by the coast of Ireland. And in as much as the said king had diuerse and manie times caused the said lord to be called at daies of truce, to make redresse for Andrew Barton a pirat of the sea, Andrew Barton, of whom menti­on before pag. 811. long before that vanquished by the same lord adme­rall, he was now come in his owne proper person, to be in the vant-gard of the field, to iustifie the death of the said Andrew against him and all his people, and would sée what could be laid to his charge the said daie.

Furthermore, that he nor none of his companie should take no Scotish noble man prisoner, nor anie other; but they should die if they came in his danger, vnlesse it were the kings owne person; for he said he trusted to none other courtesie at the hands of the Scots. And in this maner he should find him in the vant-gard of the field, by the grace of God, and saint George, as he was a true knight. Yet before the de­parting of Rouge Crosse, with the said instructions and credence, it was thought by the earle & his coun­cell, that the said king would faine and imagine some other message, to send an herald of his with the same, onelie to view and ouersée the manner and or­der of the kings roiall armie, ordinance, and artille­rie then being with the earle, whereby might haue insued great danger to the same.

And for the eschuing thereof, A good po­licie. he had in comman­dement, that if anie such message were sent, not to bring anie person comming therewith within thrée or two miles of the field at the nighest, where the said earle would come, and heare what he would saie. And thus departed Rouge Crosse, with his trumpet, appa­relled in his coat of armes. On mondaie the fift daie of September, the earle tooke his field at Bol­ton in Glendale, as he had appointed, where all the noble men and gentlemen met him with their reti­nues, to the number of six and twentie thousand men. And about midnight next insuing came the trumpet which went to Rouge Crosse, and declared how the king of Scots, after the message doone to him by Rouge Crosse, according to his instructions, the said king deteined him, Ilaie and Yorke he­ralds. & sent one Ilaie an herald of his with him vnto the earle, to declare to him the kings pleasure; to whom the earle sent Yorke herald at armes, to accompanie the said Ilaie, at a village cal­led Milo, two miles from the field, vntill the com­ming thither of the said earle the next morow.

On the sixt daie of September, earlie in the mor­ning, the earle accompanied with the most part of the lords and knights, and gentlemen of the field, euerie man hauing with him but one seruant to hold his horsse, rode vnto the place: and so the said herald met with the earle, and with blunt reuerence decla­red to him that he was come from his maister the king of Scots, which would know whether the earle [Page 827] sent anie such message by Rouge Crosse. The earle iustified the same, saieng further; that Rouge Crosse had the same message of him in writing, signed with his owne hand. Wherevnto the said Ilaie said: As to the abiding for battell betwéene that and fridaie then next following, The Scotish herald doth [...] errand to [...]. the king his maister bade him shew to the earle, that he was as welcome as anie noble man of England vnto the said king, and that if be h [...]d béene at home in his towne of Edenburgh, there receiuing such a message from the said earle, line 10 he would gladlie haue come, and fulfilled the said earles desire.

And the herald assured the earle, on the king his masters behalfe, that the same king would abide him battel at the daie prefixed. Wherof the said earle was right ioious, and much praised the honorable agrée­ment of the said roiall king, and esteemed the same to proceed of an high and honorable courage, promising the herald, that he, and good suertie with him should be bound in ten thousand pounds sterling, to kéepe the line 20 said daie appointed; so that the king would find an earle of his, and thereto a good suertie with him to be bound in like summe, for the performance of the same. And furthermore the earle bade the herald to saie vnto his maister the king; that if he for his part kept not his appointment, then he was content that the Scots should baffull him, Baffulling what it is a­mong the Scots. which is a great reproch among the Scots, and is vsed, when a man is openlie periured, and then they make of him an image pain­ted, reuersed, with his héeles vpward, with his name, line 30 woondering, crieng, and blowing out on him with hornes, in the most despitefull manner they can, in token that he is worthie to be exiled the companie of all good creatures. Then Ilaie deliuered to the earle a little schedule written with the kings secreta­ries hand vnsigned, as followeth.

The tenor of the said schedule.

AS to the causes alledged of our comming into England against our band and promise (as is alled­ged) thereto we answere; our bro­ther was bound as farre to vs, as we to him. And when we sware last before his ambassador, in presence of our councell; we expressed especiallie in an othe, that we would keepe to our brother, if our brother kept to vs, and not else. We sweare our line 50 brother brake first vnto vs. And since his breach we haue required diuers times him to amend; & latelie we warned our brother, as he did not vs, yer he brake. And this we take for our quarrell, and with Gods grace shall defend the same at your affixed time, which with Gods grace we shall a­bide.

The Scotish herald is de­t [...]ined of the English.And forsomuch as the king kept Rouge Crosse with him, who was not yet returned, the same earle caused the same Ilaie to be in the kéeping of sir Humfrie Lisle and Yorke herald in the same vil­lage, vntill the time that a seruant of the same Ilaie might ride in all hast to the king of Scots, for the de­liuering of the said Rouge Crosse. Then the earle ioious of the kings answer, returned to his campe, and set forward fiue miles, to a place called Woller Haugh, in such order of battell, as euen then he should haue fought, and there lodged for that night, three little miles from the king of Scots. And be­twéene the king & him was a goodlie & large corne field called Milfield, which was a conuenient & faire ground for two hosts to fight on: there either host might perceiue other. The earles desire was to pro­cure the Scots to descend the hill into some euen ground, where he might fight with them without dis­aduantage of place.

But the king, though he had a great desire to fight, yet vpon diuerse considerations, by aduise of his councell he still kept his ground, and meant not to remooue at all out of his strength. Wherevpon the earle of Surrie not able long to continue in such grounds of disaduantage, by reason of mires, and marishes, amongst the which he lodged with his ar­mie that was almost famished for lacke of sufficient vittels, which could not be recouered in such a barren countrie, determined to séeke all waies possible, if he might constreine the Scotish king to come downe beside the hill. He therefore raised his campe, and leauing his enimies on the left hand, The earle of Surrie re­mooueth his campe ouer the water of Till. and passing o­uer the water of Till, he drew into a more commo­dious ground, at the end of Barmore wood; to the end he might refresh his souldiers some what hereby after they had beene toiled for the space of thrée daies togither in cloggie mires, and foule filthie waies, to their disease and wearinesse.

The earle of Surrie being thus lodged, the wa­ter of Till ran betwixt the two campes of Scots and Englishmen, diuiding them in sunder: and still by reason the one was within the shot of a culuering of the other, they ceassed not to bestow shot and pon­der either at other, though without dooing anie great hurt at all. For the English campe on that part which laie toward the Scots, was couered with an hill rising from the hither banke of Till water, with an easie steepenesse to the height of a miles space or thereabouts. Thomas lord Howard sonne and heire to the earle of Surrie, The lord Ho­ward taketh view of the Scotish ar­mie. from the top of this hill beholding all the countrie on euerie side about him, declared to his father, that if he did eftsoons remooue his campe, and passe the water of Till againe in some place a little aboue, and by fetching a small com­passe come & shew himselfe on the backe halfe of his enimies, the Scotish king should either be inforced to come downe foorth of his strength and giue battell, or else be stopped from receiuing vittels or anie other thing out of Scotland.

The earle of Surrie desirous of nothing so much as to ioine with the Scots in battell; The earle of Surrie retur­neth againe ouer the wa­ter of Till. after he vnder­stood that his sonne had informed him nothing but truth, he raised his field: and marching a thrée miles vpward by the riuer side, passed ouer his armie in two parts at two seuerall bridges, all at one time. King Iames when he saw this manner of his eni­mies, and perceiuing what their meaning was, by coniecture of their dooings, thought it stood not with his honor to sit still, and suffer himselfe to be forestal­led foorth of his owne realme: and againe, that it might sore diminish the opinion of his princelie pow­er, if he seemed to remaine as it were besieged with­in a fortresse, hauing more confidence in strength of the place, than in the manhood of his people: where­vpon immediatlie he raised his campe, and got an hill, which he doubted least the enimie should haue ta­ken before him.

But by such diligence as he vsed, and by reason of the great smoke which was raised and spred ouer all the countrie, by burning of the litter and cabbins wherein the Scots had lodged, purposelie set on fire to the same intent, he was got to the place whither he intended, before the Englishmen knew for anie cer­teintie that he was dislodged, though they were as then within a mile of him. Thus king Iames kéep­ing the tops of the hils, the earle of Surrie with the English armie came to the foot of the same hils, and staieng there a while, for so much as he saw how the [Page 828] hill to the which the Scots were gotten, was neither steepe nor hard to ascend, The valiant determination of the earle to incounter the Scots. he determined to mount the same, and to fight with the Scotish hoast yer they should haue leasure to fortifie their campe.

Héerewith calling his people togither, he made vnto them a bréefe oration, declaring vnto them both what necessitie there was for them to shew their manhood, and what iust causes they had also to fight against those enimies, that against both the lawes of God and man had most cruellie inuaded the relme of England, in the quarrell of a schismatike, and one line 10 that was accurssed and excommunicated by the cen­sures of the church. The Englishmen kindled with desire to fight, the more thorough those words of the earle, required incontinentlie to be led foorth against the Scots, that they might shew what earnest wils they had to be reuenged; not onelie of new receiued wrongs, but also of ancient iniuries; for there should neither heigth of hill, nor anie other obstacle hinder them, but they would either returne with victorie, or line 20 else lose their liues in the paine.

The earle of Surrie conceiued no small hope of victorie in this chearefull readinesse of his souldi­ors, The ordering of the Eng­lish armie. and therevpon with all spéed (as the occasion then mooued him at that instant) diuided his armie into thrée battels, or rather foure: vnto the vant-gard whereof, the lord Howard was capteine, his brother sir Edmund Howard was ioined as a wing; the earle himselfe led the midle-ward, and the rere-ward was guided by sir Edward Stanleie, afterwards line 30 created lord Mounteagle. The lord Dacres with a number of horssemen was set apart by himselfe to succor where need should séeme to appeare. The ordi­nance was placed in the front of these battels, & in places betwéene, as was thought expedient. In this order, forward they made with manlie courages to­wards the Scots a good marching pase.

In the meane time, king Iames beholding all the demeanor of the Englishmen, from the heigth of the hill, The Scotish kings thought at the view of the English armie. thought with himselfe, that there was offered him that daie a goodlie occasion of victorie, if he line 40 might come to fight with the enimies at such aduan­tage of place and number. And therfore, being hast­ned forward through the strenable force of destinie, or rather Gods ordinance, he commanded his stand­ards to be raised and spred, and euerie man to resort to his appointed place, that they might foorthwith in­counter the enimies, that presumed thus to séeke bat­tell. And héerewith turning him to the lords and cap­teins that stood about him, he spake vnto them ma­nie line 50 comfortable words touching the occasion offered them at that present, to gaine both a famous victo­rie, and to reuenge so manifold iniuries and displea­sures, as they had susteined diuerse waies foorth at the Englishmens hands.

He had scarse made an end of his tale, but the sol­diers with great noise and clamor cried; Forward, Upon them; shaking their weapons in signe of an earnest desire they had (as then they shewed) to buc­kle with the Englishmen. Wherevpon, without de­laie, line 60 king Iames putting his horsse from him, King Iames and all the rest alight from horssebacke. all o­ther as well nobles as meane men did the like, that the danger being equall, as well to the greatest as to the meanest, and all hope of succour taken awaie, which was to be looked for by flight, they might be the more willing to shew their manhood, sith their safe­gard onelie rested in the edges and points of their weapons. The order of the Scotish hoast. Then was the whole armie diuided into fiue wards or regiments, to this intent, that the bat­tell wherein the king himselfe stood with his standard, might be inclosed as it were with two wings, on ei­ther side one. In the right wing, the earles of Hunt­leie, Crawford, and Montrosse, were placed as cheefe leaders thereof; and in the left were the earles of Lenox, and Argile, with the lord Hume, lord cham­berleine of Scotland, being men of great skill in warlike affaires, as was reported.

Moreouer, in euerie band (almost generallie tho­roughout) there was a knight appointed for capteine and guider, French [...] ­teins in the Scotish [...] and amongst them certeine French cap­teins, the which king Lewes had sent ouer into Scot­land latelie before, to traine the Scots in the practise of warres. The ordinance was lodged in places most conuenient; though by reason they marched downe the hill, their shot did small damage to the English­men comming vpwards towards them, and yet they bestowed it freshlie on either side one vpon an other. Héerwith sir Edmund Howard with his wing was got vp on the hill side, The battell is begun, and sir Edmund Howard in­countred with the earles of Lenox and Argile. with whome the lord Hume and the two foresaid earles of Lenox and Argile in­countered with such violence, that this battell of Scots with speares on foot on that part, beat downe and broke that wing of the Englishmen, in such wise that sir Edmund Howard was in maner left alone, and felled to the earth, that (had not bastard Heron come to his succours at that instant) he had béene slaine there without all remedie.

On the other part, the lord Dacres watching to aid where need appeered, Thus hath Iouius, al­though Hall saith, that the lord Dacres stood still all day vnfough­ten with. came in on the sides of the Scots, & gaue a charge on them with his horssemen, wherby sir Edmund Howard being somewhat relie­ued, escaped to the English vant-gard, which was led (as before is mentioned) by his brother, lord How­ard, who being now also got aloft on the hill, preassed still forward to renew the battell, & to succour those whome he saw put to the worse, so that thereby they tooke new courages, & laid about them againe. Here­with the earles of Crawford & Montrosse came with their battell of speares also on foot, and incountring with the said lord Howard, after sore fight on both sides continued, with more malicious hatred than force of the parties, both the said earles were slaine, The Scots put to the worsse in the right wing. besides a great number of other; the whole battell which they led being put to flight and chased out of the field, maimed, wounded, and slaine. And though they did what they could to the vttermost resistance, in hope to haue bathed their blades in English blood; yet the contrarie came to passe, as in stories is left recorded, to the honour of the English; namelie:

Sustinet inflictos duris vmbonibus ictus,
Imbuit & gladios manante cru [...]re Britannus.

On the left hand at the same instant, Sir Edw [...]r [...] Stanlie and his archers breake the Scots arr [...]. sir Edward Stanlie hauing begun to incounter with the Scots on that side, forced them to come downe into a more euen ground; and brought to that point with such in­cessant shot of arrowes as his archers bestowed a­mongst them, that to auoid the danger of that sore and sharpe storme, the Scots were constreined to breake their arraie, & to fight not closed togither in order of battell, but insunder one separated from an­other, so that their standards began to shrinke here and there. Which thing when sir Edward Stanleie perceiued, foorthwith bringing about thrée bands▪ which he had kept in store for such like purpose; he in­uaded the open sides of his enimies by a fresh onset, and put them in such disorder, that they were not able anie longer to abide the violence of the Englishmen mightilie preassing vpon them: so that taking them­selues to flight, and running headlong downe the stiepe descent of the mounteine, The left wing of the Scots is dis­comfited. they escaped to the woods and there saued themselues. But the earles of Argile and Lenox, dooing what they could to staie their people from running awaie, were slaine in the same place.

In the meane time, the king, who a little before had ioined with the earle of Surreie, perceiuing that the wings of his battell were distressed, and that his e­nimies began to inclose him on ech side, he bashed [Page 829] nothing at the matter, The Scotish kings magna­nimitie, but with assured countenance exhorted those that were about him to sticke to him, and to remember their worthie ancestors, in commit­ting nothing that might anie waies foorth sound to their reproch. And herewith rushing against his eni­mies, a new battell more egre than the first began to arise; A sore [...]ight. for that battell being well appointed and armed passed litle for the Englishmens arrowes, in so much that persing the earles battell, they entred well néere so farre within the same, that they were at point to line 10 haue ouerthrowne his standards.

There were on either part a number of tall men of bodie, chosen foorth of purpose by the capteins, for the good opinion conceiued of their hardie valiancie, & the battell betwixt them séemed long time doubt­full and variable, now one while fauourable to the one part, The king fighteth him­selfe right va­ [...]antlie. and an other while to the other. The king himselfe on foot euen in the foremost ranke, fought right valiantlie, incouraging his people, as well by example as exhortation, to doo their deuoirs. Nei­ther line 20 did the earle of Surrie for his part faile in the dutie of a right worthie generall. But while the bat­tell was thus foughten in most earnest maner about the standards with doubtfull chance of victorie, the lord Howard and sir Edward Stanleie hauing van­quished the enimies in either wing, returned to the middle-ward, and finding them there thus occupied, they set on, in two parts seuerallie, with great vio­lence.

At the same time, the lord Dacres came with his line 30 horssemen vpon the backs of the Scots; so that they being thus assailed behind and before, and on either side, were constreined (as inuironed about) to fight in a round compasse. King Iames as he beheld sir A­dam Forman his standard-bearer beaten downe, The stout sto­ [...]ach of king Iames. thought suerlie then, there was no waie for him but death, and that euen out of hand. Wherefore to deli­uer himselfe from such despitefull reproch, as was like to follow, he rushed foorth into the thickest prease of his enimies; and there fighting in most desperat wise, He is slaine. was beaten downe and slaine. And a little be­side line 40 him, there died with like obstinate wilfulnesse, or (if ye list so to terme it) manhood, diuerse honorable prelats, as the archbishop of saint Andrewes, and two other bishops, besides foure abbats; also of lords and knights of honor a six and thirtie.

Two battels of Scots fought not, but gaue the l [...]king on.The lord Hume and the earle of Huntleie got horsses, and escaped awaie togither with certeine bands, placed in two the hindermost wards, which of all that daie neuer came to handstrokes, but stood still line 50 and gaue the looking on. Thus thorough the power of God, on fridaie being the ninth of September, in the yeare 1513 was Iames the fourth of t [...]t name, king of Scots, slaine at Bramxston, and his armie discomfited by the earle of Surrie, lieutenant to Henrie the eight king of England, which a little be­fore had woone the towne of Terwine, and was then preparing to go to besiege Tornaie. There were slaine in this battell on the Scotish part, of all sorts, the number of eight thousand persons at the least: Pau. Iouius. Edw. Hall. some saie twelue thousand, besides prisoners that line 60 were taken, as sir William Scot, chancellor to the said king, and sir Iohn Forman his sergeant porter, with diuerse others. Also in maner, all the Scotish ensignes were taken, and a two and twentie péeces of great ordinance, amongest the which were seauen culuerings of a larg [...] ass [...]se, and verie faire peeces. King Iames named them (for that they were in ma­king one verie like to an other) the seauen sisters. Seuen cul­uerings called seuen sisters & why. This conflict with egernesse on both sides was con­tinued thrée full houres, as Anglorum praelia saith: ‘I am tres integras pugnatum est cominùs h [...]ras.’

Though the victorie thus remained with the Eng­lishmen, yet they bought it déere, loosing no small number of their people, as well of those that were slaine in the field, as of others that were taken priso­ners; for the Scots fought verie stoutlie, and gaue it not ouer for a little, insomuch that there were taken and slaine about fifteene hundred men, as appeared by the booke of wages, when the souldiers were paid. Manie Englishmen that followed ouer rashlie in the chase of the Scots, went so farre, Edw. Hall. The English mens ouerrash hardinesse turnes them to hurt. that they wist not which waie to returne, and so were taken of the Scots that were in the two battels that went awaie with cleare hands, and neuer fought. Also, diuerse were taken by the lord chamberleine, which fought with the wing of sir Edmund Howard, and were ca­ried awaie by him and his companie into Scotland, as Iohn Fitton esquier, and others. During the time of the fight, and the night after, manie English­men lost their horsses, and such stuffe as they left in their tents and pauilions, by the robbers of Tindale and Tiuidale.

When the field was doone, and that the skouts brought word that there was no more appearance of the Scots, but that they were all auoided and gone, the earle gaue thanks to God, and called to him cer­teine lords and gentlemen, and them made knights; as sir Edmund Howard his sonne, the lord Scroope, sir William Persie, sir Edward Gorge, and diuerse others. The earle and the lord admerall departed to Bermar wood, & there lodged that night, leauing sir Philip Tilneie knight and diuerse other worthie cap­teins, with a conuenient power of men, to kéepe the place where the field had béene fought, for safegard of the ordinance. The bodie of the king of Scots was not found vntill the next daie, The bodie of king Iames found hauing diuerse dead­lie wounds. and then being found and knowne by the lord Dacres, there appeared in the same diuerse deadlie wounds, and speciallie, one with an arrow, and an other with a bill. But some saie he died of two, both which were inflicted vpon him to his deadlie bane (and well worthie for truce-breaking) by the sword; as Anglorum praelia reporteth:

Vulneribus Scotus acceptis cadit ense duobus,
Perfidiae meritas fuso dans sanguine poenas.

The same daie, there appeared some Scots on a hill, Scots flie at the peale of guns. but one William Blackenall that had the chéefe rule of the ordinance, caused such a peale to be shot off at them, that the Scots fled; or else the lord admerall, which was come to view the field, had béene in great danger; as was supposed. But now that the Scots were fled, and withdrawne, all the ordinance was brought in safetie to Eitill, and there remained for a time. After that the earle of Surrie had taken order in all things, and set the North parts in good quiet, he returned to the quéene with the dead bodie of the Scotish king cered. When the king was returned into England from his conquest made in France of the cities of Terwine and Tornaie, he forgat not the good seruice of those that had beene with the earle of Surrie at the battell at Bramxton: The kings thankfulnesse signified to his good ser­uitors in war. wherefore he wrote to them his louing letters, with such thanks and fauourable words, that euerie man thought him­selfe well rewarded.

On the daie of the Purification of our ladie, year 1514 at Lambeth, the king created the earle of Surrie duke of Norffolke, with an augmentation of the armes of Scotland, and sir Charles Brandon vicount Lis­le he created duke of Suffolke, and the lord How­ard high admerall he created earle of Worcester: and after this, he also made sir Edward Stanleie (for his good seruice shewed at Bramxston field) lord Mounteagle: and in March following was maister Thomas Wolsie the kings almoner, consecrated bi­shop of Lincolne. This man was borne at Ipswich, and was a good philosopher, Wolsie de­scribed. verie eloquent and full of wit; but passinglie ambitious, as by his dooings it well appeared. In the time of king Henrie the sea­uenth [Page 830] it was agréed betwixt the said king and Philip king of Castile (that Charles king Philips eldest son should marrie the ladie Marie, daughter to the said king Henrie, with a dower to hir appointed: but for want of sufficient assurance of the dower, the rest of couenants were made void, and yet had the king highlie prouided for the sending of hir ouer, now af­ter his comming from Tornaie.

This yeare the citizens of London, finding them­selues gréeued with the inclosures of the common line 10 fields about Islington, Hoxton, Shorditch, and other places néere to the citie, Inclosures of the fields a­bout London, cast downe & ouerthrowne. whereby they could not be suffered to exercise their bowes, nor other pastimes in those fields, as before time they had bene accusto­med, assembled themselues on a morning, and went with spades and shouels vnto the same fields, and there (like diligent workemen) so bestirred them­selues, that within a short space, all the hedges about those towns were cast downe, and the ditches filled. The kings councell comming to the graie friers, to line 20 vnderstand what was meant by this dooing, were so answered by the maior and councell of the citie, that the matter was dissembled: and so when the worke­men had doone their worke, they came home in quiet maner, and the fields were neuer after hedged.

Anno Reg. 6. Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 902.George Monox for this yeare Maior of London, of his godlie disposition reedified the decaied stéeple of the parish church of Walthamstow, in the countie of Essex, adding therevnto a side Ile, with a chappell, where he lieth buried. And on the northside of the line 30 churchyard there, he founded a faire large almes­house for an almose priest or schoolemaister, and thir­téene poore almes folke, eight men, and fiue women, appointing to the said almes priest or schoolmaister for his yearelie wages, six pounds thirtéene shillings foure pence; and to euerie one of the said almes folke seuen pence a weeke, and fiue pounds to be bestowed yearelie amongst them in coles. And ordeined that the said almes priest should on sundaies and festiuall daies, be helping and assistant to the vicar or curat line 40 there in celebration of diuine seruice, & on the wéeke daies fréelie to applie and teach yoong children of the said parish, Freé schoole at Waltham­stow. to the number of thirtie, in a schoolehouse by him there builded for that purpose. Moreouer, hée gaue to the parish clearke there for the time being, a yearlie stipend of twentie six shillings eight pence, for euer, and a chamber by the said almes house, to the intent he should helpe the said schoolemaister to teach the said children. And hath giuen faire lands and tenements in the citie of London, for the perpe­tuall line 50 maintenance of the premisses to Gods glorie for euer. He also for the great commoditie of trauel­lers on foot, made a continuall causie of timber ouer the marshes from Walthamstow to Locke bridge towards London.

Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. 46. The king and the new duke of Suffolke defenders at the tilt against all commers.In the moneth of Maie, the king and the new duke of Suffolke were defenders at the tilt against all commers. The king was in a scopelarie mantle, an hat of cloth of siluer, and like a white hermit, and the duke apparelled like a blacke hermit, all of blacke line 60 veluet, both their berds were of damaske siluer: and when they had ridden about the tilt, & shewed them­selues to the quéene, then they threw off their apparell, and sent it to the ladies for a larges. Then was the king in blacke, and the duke in white, with blacke staues, on the staues was written with white letters, Who can hold that will away: this posie was iud­ged to be made for the duke of Suffolke, and the du­chesse of Sauoie. At these iustes were the duke of Longuile, & the lord Cleremont, and there the king & duke did so valiantlie, that they obteined the prise. At these iustes were broken an hundred and fourteene speares in a short space. The king at this season sent againe into Flanders, for the performance of the mariage of the yoong prince of Castile, and the faire ladie Marie his sister, and shewed how he had prepa­red all things necessarie and conuenient for such an high estate. The councell of Flanders answered, that they would not receiue hir that yeare, with manie subtill arguments; by reason wherof, the perfect loue betwene England and the low countries was much slaked.

On the nineteenth daie of Maie was receiued into London a cap of maintenance & a sword, A cap of [...]tenance se [...] to the king from the po [...] ▪ sent from pope Iulie, with a great companie of nobles and gen­tlemen, which was presented to the king on the sun­daie then next insuing, with great solemnitie in the cathedrall church of saint Paule. Touching this pope (saith Guicciardine) disappointed of so manie hopes, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 490. Pope Iulie compared to Anteus. we may laie him in comparison with that which is written by the poets of Anteus, that being tamed by the forces of Hercules, as often as he was throwne to the ground, so often did appeare in him a greater strength and courage; such wéening had the pope a­midst his aduersities, for when he seemed most aba­sed and oppressed, it was then that he did most lift vp him selfe with a spirit more constant and resolute, promising better of his fortune than euer.

After he had plaied all his troublesome pageants, and had got by sundrie aspiring practises I wot not what péerelesse primasie, he fell sicke. Guic. pag. 631. And happilie he was then more full of high conceipts and trauelling thoughts than at anie time before: for notwithstan­ding he had brought his fortune to be equall with his desires, & obteined the thing he aspired vnto, yet his deuises and plots did nothing diminish, but grew in­creasing by the same meane which should haue satis­fied them. The purposes of pope Io [...] the second [...] his death. He had determined in the beginning of the spring and first opening of the yeare, to send to the enterprise of Ferrara which he so much desired, and his opinion was, that that state was able to make no resistance, both for that it was naked of all suc­cours, and bicause the Spanish armie was to ioine with his companies: he had secretlie bought of Ce­sar for the price of thirtie thousand duckets, the citie of Sienna for the behoofe of the duke of Urbin, to whome (except Pesera) he would neuer giue anie thing of the estate ecclesiastike, to the end to reserue to himselfe the whole glorie to haue simplie and one­lie studied for the exaltation of the church. He agreed to lend to Cesar fortie thousand duckats, receiuing Modona in gage. He threatned them of Lucquoie, who in the heat of the affaires of the duke of Ferra­ra, were become lords of Garsagnana▪ making in­stance that they would deliuer it to him.

He was out of conceit with the cardinall of Me­dicis, The pope [...] mal content for that he thought him to cleaue more to the king catholike, than to him. And bicause he knew he was not able to dispose of the citie of Florence as he thought, he studied alredie new plots, and new practises to alter that estate. He was ill contented with the cardinall of Sion, from whome he tooke the name of legat, and inioined him to come to Rome, for that in the duchie of Millan he had appropriat to himselfe a yearelie rent of more than thirtie thou­sand duckats, of the estates and goods of diuerse per­sons. The better to assure the duke of Urbin of Si­enna by intelligences of his neighbours, he had of new taken into his paie Charles Baillon, to chase out of Perousa Iohn Paule, who by affinitie was verie neere ioined to the sonnes of Pandolffe Pe­truccio successours to the greatnesse of their father. He would of new create duke of Genes, Octauian Fregosa, deposing Ianus from that dignitie: an action wherevnto did consent the others of the house of Fregosa, bicause for the degrée that his ancestors held in that state, it séemed best to apperteine vnto him.

[Page 831]He studied continuallie either how he might worke out of Italie the Spanish armie, or cut it in péeces by the aid of the Swizzers, whome aboue all others he exalted and imbraced. In this deuise hée had this intention, that the kingdome of Naples be­ing occupied by him, Italie should remaine frée from strangers; a speach that often passed out of his mouth: and to that end hée had hindered that the Swizzers did not confederate with the king catho­like. And yet, as though it had beene in his power to line 10 batter all the world at one time, he continued his ac­customed rigour against the French king. And not­withstanding he had hard a message from the queene, yet he stirred vp to make warre, the king of Eng­land, to whome he had transferred by publke decree of the councell of Lateran, The king of England in­ [...]tuled Christia­n [...]s [...]imo by the p [...]pe. the name of Christianissimo, whereof there was alreadie a bull written, and in it likewise was conteined the priuation of the digni­tie & name of the king of France, giuing his king­dome to who could occupie it. line 20

In these conceptions, no lesse strange for their varietie, than great for the importance they drew, and perhaps in other thoughts more secret and singu­lar (for in a mind so fierce and terrible, all sorts of i­maginations, how great and vaine so euer they be, are not incredible) after the continuation of his sick­nesse for manie daies, he declined towards death: and féeling the end of his mortalitie to hasten on, and the same to preuent the execution of his high thoughts, he caused to call togither the consistorie, line 30 which albeit he could not assist in person by reason of his disease; yet by the authoritie of it, he caused to be confirmed the bull which he had published before a­gainst such as by simonie would clime vp vnto the popedome. Against cli­ [...]ing to the popedome by simonie. He declared, that the election of his suc­cessor apperteined to the college of cardinals, and not to the councell: and that the cardinals schisma­tikes could haue no presence or communitie there, to whom he protested there to pardon the iniuries they had doone him, and praied to God to forgiue them the line 40 wrongs they had doone to his church. After this he be­sought the college of cardinals, that in his fa­uor, and for his sake, they would grant to the duke of Urbin his nephew, the citie of Pesera in patro­nage or vicarage, alledging the consideration, that by meane of the duke it had béene recouered to the church after the death of Iohn Sforce. In no other matter he expressed anie priuate or particular af­fection.

Madame Fe­lice the popes daughter hir request.Insomuch as Madame Felice his daughter (ioi­ning line 50 with hir the petitions of manie others) beseech­ing him with great importunitie, to create cardi­nall Guido de Montfalcon being hir brother by the mothers side, he answered roundlie, that he was not worthie of that degree. He made not his affections conformable to their desires. In that last action of life he shewed no parcialitie in worldlie causes: his present debilitie could diminish nothing of his anci­ent resolution, but expressed in all things the same constancie and seueritie, togither with that iudge­ment and force of mind which he had before his sick­nesse: line 60 in which firme estate and disposition of spirit, he receiued deuoutlie the offices of the church, and the one and twentith daie of Februarie he ended his course of these mortall and present paines. He was a prince of incredible constancie and courage, The descrip­ [...]on of pope Iulie, and his properties. but so full of furie & vnrulie conceptions, that the reuerence that was borne to the church, the discord of princes, & the conditions of times, did more to staie him from his ruine, than either his moderation or his discreti­on; worthie no doubt of great glorie, if either he had béene a prince secular, or if that care and intention which he had to raise the church into temporall great­nesse by the meane of warre, had béene imploied to exalt it by the meane of peace in matters spiri­tuall.

Neuerthelesse, he was lamented aboue all his predecessors, & no lesse estéemed of those, who hauing either lost the true consideration of things, or at least ignorant how to distinguish and peise them rightlie, iudged it an office more duelie apperteining to popes to increase the iurisdiction of the sée apostolike by armes and blood of christians, than by good example of holie life and due curing and correction of corrupt maners, to trauell for the sauing of those soules, for whom they glorie so much that Iesus Christ hath na­med them his vicars in earth: and therefore it is a good consequent that he is a branch or rather a brand of the diuell, as one concludeth against him, saieng:

Impius est igitur natus cacodaemone papa,
Antith. Christ. & pap [...] pag. 26, 28.
Turpibus & genijs est homicida satus.]

About the same time the warres yet continuing betwéene England & France, Prior Iehan (of whom ye haue heard before in the fourth yéere of this kings reigne) great capteine of the French nauie, with his gallies and foists charged with great basilisks and o­ther artillerie, came on the borders of Sussex in the night season, Brighthelm­ston in Sus­sex burnt. at a poore village there called Bright­helmston, & burnt it, taking such goods as he found. But when the people began to gather, by firing the becons, Prior Iehan sounded his trumpet, to call his men aboord, and by that time it was daie. Then cer­teine archers that kept the watch folowed Prior Ie­han to the sea, and shot so fast, that they beat the gallie men from the shore; and wounded manie in the foist, to the which Prior Iehan was constreined to wade and was shot in the face with an arrow, Prior Iehan capteine of the French galies shot into the eie with an arrow. so that he lost one of his eies, and was like to haue died of the hurt: and therefore he offered his image of wax be­fore our ladie at Bullongne, with the English arrow in the face for a miracle.

The lord admerall offended with this proud part of the Frenchmen, in making such attempt on the English coasts, Sir Iohn Wallop in Normandie. sent sir Iohn Wallop to the sea with diuers ships, which sailing to the coasts of Nor­mandie, landed there, and burnt one and twentie vil­lages and townes, with diuerse ships in the hauen of Treaport, Staples, and other where. Men maruelled greatlie at the manfull dooings of sir Iohn Wallop, considering he had not past an eight hundred men, and tooke land there so often. In Iune sir Thomas Louell was sent ouer to Calis with six hundred men to strengthen that towne, and other the fortresses within the English pale, for doubt of anie sudden at­tempt to be made by the Frenchmen; bicause mon­sieur de Pontremie, with a mightie armie and great ordinance was come downe néere to Ard: howbeit be taried not long, but raised his campe within a while after his comming thither, and returned with­out anie more dooing. The French king perceiuing what losses he had susteined by the warres against England; The French king procu­reth the pope to be a meane for peace be­tweene king Henrie and him. and doubting least one euill lucke should still follow in the necke of an other, determined to make sute for peace; and first agr [...]eing with pope Leo, desired him to be a meane also for the procuring of some agréement betwixt him and the king of Eng­land.

¶This pope Leo, of that name the tenth, before his election, cardinall of Medicis, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag 633. Creation of pope Leo the tenth. bare but seauen and thirtie yeeres of age, which albeit was so much the more maruellous and wonderfull, by how much the election was contrarie to custome; yet the yong car­dinals were the principall causers of it by their in­dustrie, hauing long time afore secretlie agréed a­mongst themselues to create the first pope of their number. The most parts and nations of christen­dome reioised much at this election, euerie one in­terteining an assured expectation of his vertues, as [Page 832] well by the present and gréene memorie of the valor of his late father, as for an vniuersall reputation that went of his owne inclinations and liberalities. To this estimation was ioined a generall opinion of his continencie and life not atteinted, togither with a gladsome hope, that by the example of his father▪ he would be a furtherer of learning, and beare fauor to wits disposed to studie and knowledge. So that vnto these hopes was much helping the manner of the election, being made in his person sincerelie, and line 10 without simonie or suspicion of other corruption.

Coronation of pope Leo the tenth.The first act of this new pope was his coronati­on, which was represented according to the vsage of his predecessors in the church of saint Iohn de Late­ran. The pompe was so great both of his familie and his court, and also of the prelates and multitudes that were there, togither with the popular and vniuersall assemblies of people, that by the opinion and iudge­ment of men, the pride and maiestie of that action did farre surpasse all the celebrations doone in Rome line 20 since the tyrannies of the Goths and sauage nations. In this same solemnitie the Gonfalon of the church was caried by Alfonso de Este, who hauing obtei­ned a suspension of his censures & paines, was come to Rome, with great hope, that by the clemencie and facilitie of the pope, he should be able to compound for his affaires. The Gonfalon of the religion of Rhodes was borne by Iulio de Medicis mounted vpon a statelie courser armed at all points: by his nature he bare an inclination to the profession of line 30 armes; but by destinie he was drawen to the life ec­clesiastike, in which estate he maie serue as a wonder­full example of the variation of fortune.

One matter that made the memorie of that daie wonderfull, Pope Leo a poore priso­ner the verie same daie twelue mo­neth of his e­lection and in­thronization. was this consideration; that the person who then in so high & rare pompe was honored with the most supreme and souereigne dignitie of the world, was the yéere before, and on the verie same daie miserablie made prisoner. The great magnifi­cence that appéered vpon his person, and his expenses, confirmed in the generalitie and multitude of men, line 40 the expectation that was had of him; euerie one pro­mising that Rome should be happie vnder a pope so plentifullie indued with the vertue of liberalitie, whereof that daie he had giuen an honorable experi­ence, his expenses being aboue an hundred thousand duckats. But wise men desired in him a greater grauitie and moderation: they iudged that neither such a maiestie of pompe was conuenient for popes, neither did the condition of the present time require, line 50 that he should so vnprofitablie disperse the treasures that had beene gathered by his predecessour to other vses.]

The vessell of amitie betwéene the king of Eng­gland & the French being first broched by this popes letters, the French king by an herald at armes sent to the king of England, requiring of him a safe con­duct for his ambassadors, which should come to in­treat for a peace and attonement to be concluded be­twixt them and their realmes. Upon grant obteined thereof, the French king sent a commission with the line 60 president of Rome and others, to intreat of peace and aliance betwixt both the princes. And moreouer, bi­cause they vnderstood that the mariage was broken betwéene the prince of Castile and the ladie Marie, A mariage concluded. they desired that the said ladie might be ioined in mariage with the French king, offering a great dowrie and suerties for the same. So much was offe­red, that the king mooued by his councell, and name­lie by Woolsie the bishop of Lincolne, consented vp­on condition, that if the French king died, then [...]he should (if it stood with hir pleasure) returne into Eng­land againe with all hir dowrie and riches.

After that they were accorded vpon a full peace, and that the French king should marrie this yoong ladie, the indentures were drawen, ingrossed, A peace con­cluded be­tweene Eng­land & [...] & sea­led, and peace therevpon proclamed the seuenth daie of August; & the king in presence of the French am­bassadors was sworne to kéepe the same: and like­wise there was an ambassage sent out of England to see the French king sweare the same. The dowrie that was assigned vnto the bride to be receiued after hir husbands deceasse, Polydor. if she suruiued him, was na­med to be 32000 crownes of yearelie reuenues, & to be receiued out of certeine lands assigned foorth therefore during all hir naturall life. And moreouer, it was further agreed & couenanted, that the French king should content and paie yearelie vnto king Henrie, during the space of fiue yeares, the summe of one hundred thousand crownes. The ladie Marie aff [...] to K. Lewes of France. By conclusion of this peace was the duke of Longuile with the other prisoners deliuered, paieng their ransoms, and the said duke affied the ladie Marie in the name of his maister king Lewes.

In September following, the said ladie was con­ueied to Douer by the king hir brother & the queene, and on the second daie of October she was shipped, and such as were appointed to giue their attendance on hir, as the duke of Norffolke, the marquesse Dor­set, the bishop of Durham, the earle of Surreie, the lord de la Ware, the lord Berners, the lord Montea­gle, the foure brethren of the said marques, sir Mau­rice Berklie, sir Iohn Pechie, sir William Sands, sir Thomas Bulleine, sir Iohn Car, and manie other knights, esquiers, gentlemen and ladies. They had not sailed past a quarter of the sea, but that the wind arose and seuered the ships, driuing some of them to Calis, some into Flanders, and hir ship with great difficultie was brought to Bullen not without great ieopardie at the entering of the hauen, for the mai­ster ran the ship hard on shore.

But the boats were readie, and receiued the ladie out of the ship, and sir Christopher Garnish stood in the water and tooke hir in his armes, and so caried hir to land, where the duke of Uandosme, and a cardinall, with manie other great estates receiued hir with great honor. From Bullen with easie iournies she was conueied vnto Abuile, & there entered the eighth of October [where she was receiued by the Dolphin with great honour, Edw. Hall in He. 8. fol. xlvii [...] she was apparelled in cloth of sil­uer, hir horsse was trapped in goldsmiths worke ve­rie richlie. After hir followed 36 ladies all their pal­fries trapped with crimsin veluet embrodered. After them followed one chariot of cloth of tissue, the se­cond cloth of gold, & the third crimsin veluet embro­dered with the kings armes & hirs, full of roses. Af­ter them followed a great number of archers, and then wagons laden with their stuffe. Great was the riches in plate, iewels, monie, apparell, and hangings that this ladie brought into France.]

On the morrow following being mondaie, and S. Denise day, The [...] solemnized betwéene the French king▪ and the ladie Marie sister to K. Henrie. the mariage was solemnized betwixt the French king and the said ladie, with all honour, ioy, & roialtie, both apparelled in goldsmiths worke. Then a great banket and sumptuous feast was made, where the English ladies were honorablie intertei­ned, according to the dignitie of the persons, and to the contentment of them that had no dregs of ma­lice or misliking settled in their harts. For vnpossi­ble it is, that in a great multitude meeting togither, though all about one matter, be it of pleasure and de­light, there should not be one of a repugnant disposi­tion, and (though not apparantlie perceiued trauel­ling with grudge) malignant mind; as we sée some apples vnperished and othersome wormeaten, albeit one bough beare them, and one trée giue them say.

¶ On the tuesdaie being the tenth daie of Octo­ber, all the Englishmen, Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall [...] H. 8. fol. x [...] except a few that were offi­cers [Page 833] with the said quéene, English [...] dis­ [...]ged of [...] places [...]nd offices [...]der the [...]. were discharged; which was a great sorrow for them, for some had serued hir long in hope of preferment, & some that had honest roomes left them to serue hir, and now they were without seruice, which caused them to take thought, in so much some died by the waie returning, and some fell mad, but there was no remedie. After the English lords had doone their commission, the French king willed them to take no longer paine, and so gaue to them good rewards; and they tooke their leaue of the queene and returned. Then the Dolphin of France called line 10 lord Francis duke of Ualois, The Dol­ [...] causeth [...] [...]usts [...] be pr [...]cla­ [...]ed a [...] Paris. and by his wife duke of Britaine, for the more honour of this mariage before the Englishmen departed from Abuile, caused a so­lemne iusts to be proclamed, which should be kept at Paris in the moneth of Nouember next insuing.

Namelie, that he with his nine aids should an­swer all commers, being gentlemen of name and of armes. First to run fiue courses at the tilt with pée­ces of aduantage, & also fiue courses at randon with line 20 sharpe speares, and twelue strokes with sharpe swords; and that doone, he and his aids to fight at the barriers with all gentlemen of name and of armes. First six foines with hand speares, and after that eight strokes to the most aduantage if the speare so long held, and after that twelue strokes with the sword: and if anie man be vnhorssed or felled with fighting on foot, then his horsse and armour to be ren­dered to the officers of armes: and euerie man of this chalenge must set vp his armes and name vpon line 30 an arch triumphant, which shalbe made at the place where the iustes shalbe, and further shall write to what point he will answer, to one or to all.

When this proclamation was reported in Eng­land by the noble men that returned from the ma­riage: English nobi­ [...]tie craue [...] of the [...] to go [...] to the [...]. the duke of Suffolke, the marquesse Dorset, and his foure bretheren, the lord Clinton, sir Ed­ward Neuill, sir Giles Capell, Thomas Cheneie, and other sued to the king to be at the chalenge, which re­quest he gratiouslie granted. Then the lords and line 40 knights prepared all things necessarie for their en­terprise, and shipped there horsses and harnesse, and did so much by iourneie, that they came to Paris at the end of October, which were hartilie welcomed of the king and the Dolphin: but most of all of the French queene which then laie at saint Denise, and was not yet crowned nor entered into Paris. The Dolphin desired the duke of Suffolke and the lord marquesse Dorset, to be two of his immediat aids, which thereto assented. line 50

Therefore was erected an arch of widnesse at the tornels beside the stréet of saint Anthonie, [...] for the said [...]usts. directlie before the bastell, on the which were set foure targets or scutchions, the one siluer, and he that set his name vnder that shield, to run at tilt according to the ar­ticles. He that put his name vnder the golden target should run with the sharpe speares and fight with sharpe swords. They that put their names to the blacke shield, should fight on foot with speares and swords for the one hand. And he that touched the taw­nie line 60 shield should cast a speare on foot with a target on his arme, and after to fight with a two hand sword. On this arch aboue stood the armes of the king & the queene, and beneath them stood the armes of the Dol­phin and his aids, and vnderneath stood the foure scut­chions that you haue heard of, and vnder them all the armes and names of such as set their names to anie of the said foure scutchions.

While all these things were preparing, the ladie Marie of England the fift daie of Nouember, The ladie Marie crow­ [...] queéne of France. then being sundaie, was with great solemnitie crowned queene of France in the monasterie of S. Denise, and the Dolphin all the season held the crowne ouer hir head, bicause it was of great weight to hir gree­uance, at which coronation were the lords of Eng­land, all according to their degrées well intertei­ned. On mondaie the sixt daie of Nouember, She is recei­ued into Pa­ris. the said queene was receiued into the citie of Paris after the order that followeth. First the gard of the citie met with hir without saint Denise all in coats of gold­smiths worke, with ships gilt, and after them met hir all the priests and religious, esteemed to be thrée thou­sand. The quéene was in a chaire couered about (but not ouer hir person) in white cloth of gold; the horsses that drew it, in cloth of gold; on hir head a coronall all of great pearles, hir necke and brest full of iewels.

Before hir went a gard of Almans after their fashion, and after them all noblemen, as the Dol­phin, the duke of Alanson, the duke of Burbon, the duke of Uandosme, the duke of Longeuile, and the duke of Suffolke, the marquesse Dorset, fiue cardi­nals, and a great number of estates; about hir person rode the kings gard, which were Scots. Thus was this queene receiued into Paris, and so conueied to the cathedrall church, and there offered, & from thence to the palace, where she offered at the holie chappell; and from thence she went to hir lodging for that night: for whome was prouided a great supper, and the heralds cried a largesse, and had to them giuen a ship of siluer and gilt, and other plate, The heralds reward. to the value of two hundred marks, and after supper began dansing and pastime. On the morow began the iusts, and the Dolphin with his aids entered the field, the apparell and bards were cloth of gold, cloth of siluer, and crim­sin veluet kanteled togither all in one sute, they shewed themselues before the king and quéene, who were on a goodlie stage, and the queene stood so that all men might sée hir, and woondered at hir beautie: but the king was feeble & laie on a couch for weakenesse.

Then entered the counter part by a raile for com­bring the place. These iusts continued thrée daies, The time hor [...] lōg these iusts lasted and the maner therof. in the which were answered thrée hundred and fiue men of armes, and euerie man ran fiue courses, and with sharpe speares; diuerse were slaine & not spoken of. At the randon and turneie the duke of Suffolke hurt a gentleman, so that he was like to die. The Marques Dorset stroke monsieur Grue an Albanois with his speare, persed his headpéece, and put him in ieopar­die. The duke of Suffolke in the turneie ouerthrew a man of armes, horsse & man; and so did the lord Mar­quesse another, and yet the Frenchmen would in no wise praise them. At this turneie the Dolphin was hurt in the hand, so that he could not performe his chalenge at the barriers, and put one of his aid in his roome. The next daie after began the fight at the bar­riers. And bicause the Dolphin was not present, the duke of Suffolke and the lord Marques Dorset that daie began the field, and tooke the barriers with speares in his hand abiding all commers.

The Dolphin brought a man secretlie, The duke of Suffolke in­countreth a tall and strong Alman. which in all the court of France was the tallest & the strong­est man, and he was an Alman, and put him in the place of an other person to haue had the duke of Suf­folke rebuked. The same great Alman came to the bars fiercelie with face hid, bicause he would not be knowne, and bare his speare to the duke of Suf­folke with all his strength, and the duke him receiued and for all his strength put him by strong strokes from the barriers, and with the but end of the speare strake the Alman that he staggered: but for all that the Alman strake stronglie and hardlie at the duke, and the iudges suffered manie more strokes to be foughten than were appointed; but when they saw the Alman reele and stagger, then they let fall the raile betwéene them. The lord marquesse Dorset at the same time, euen at the same barre fought with a gentleman of France that he lost his speare, and in maner withdrew. When the raile was let fall, these [Page 834] two noble men put vp their visers and tooke aire, and with swords, the points and edges abated, they came to the barriers.

The Alman fought sore with the duke, which imagined that he was a person set on for the nonce, The duke foiles the Alman. but the duke by pure strength tooke him about the necke, and pomeled him so about the head that the bloud issued out of his nose, and then they were par­ted, and the Alman was conueied by the Dolphin least he should be knowne. These two noblemen of line 10 England that daie fought valiantlie diuerse feats, and the Frenchmen likewise noblie them defended. But it happened the lord Marquesse on a time to put for his aid his yoongest brother called the lord Ed­ward Greie of the age of nintéene yeare, and to him was put a gentleman of France of great stature and strength, The yoong lord Greies prowesse. to the intent to plucke him ouer the barres, but yet the yoong lord was of such strength, power, & policie, that he so stroke his aduersarie that he disarmd him, all the face bare. Thus were these en­terprises line 20 finished to the land of all parties, & the Eng­lishmen receiued much honor and no spot of rebuke, yet they were priuilie set at & in manie ieopardies.

For the declaration of this triumph, he that saw it can tell how goodlie the coursers trotted, bounded, and quicklie turned: how valiantlie the men of armes behaued themselues, A description of the pompe and brauerie in apparell at this solemne tilt. and how the duke of Burbons band was apparrelled and bassed in taw­nie veluet, and cloth of siluer cloudie, the band of the earle of saint Paule apparrelled and barded in pur­ple line 30 veluet all to cut on purple sattin, the infant of Arragon, sonne to Frederike last king of Naples, and his band all in cloth of gold and siluer paled. This lord was but yoong, but yet verie toward. The duke of Uandosme and his band in cloth of gold and plun­ket veluet. The Dolphin and his aids were euerie daie new apparrelled at his cost, one daie in siluer and gold, another in crimsin veluet and yellow vel­uet, and another daie in white veluet and greene, some daie mixed with sattin, some daie embrodered, some line 40 daie pounced with gold, and so euerie daie in change as the woorkers fantasie could deuise, but the Eng­lishmen had euer on their apparrell red crosses to be knowne for loue of their countrie.

At this triumph the countie Galeas came into the place on a genet trapped in blew satten, and he himselfe likewise apparrelled, and ran a course with a speare, which was at the head fiue inches on euerie side square, that is twentie inches about, and at the butt nine inches square, that is six and thirtie inches, line 50 this speare was massie timber, and yet for all that he ran cleane with it a long course and slightlie auoided it to his great honour. Anthonie Bounarme with his ten speares all at once about him. Also there was another gen­tleman called Anthonie Bounarme, which came in­to the field all armed, and on his bodie brought in sight ten speares, that is to wit, three speares set in euerie stirrop forward, and vnder euerie thigh two speares vpward, and vnder his left arme was one speare backward, and the tenth in his hand; and when he came before the quéene, he let his horsse run, and line 60 neuer stopped till he had taken euerie speare after o­other and broken it on the ground, and he neuer stop­ped his horsse till all were broken. This gentleman was highlie praised, and so he was worthie. When all this great triumph was doone, the lords of England tooke their leaue, and were highlie thanked of the king, queene, Dolphin, and all the lords, and so depar­ted and came into England before Christmas. ¶In Nouember the quéene was deliuered of a prince which liued not long after.]

Touching the accord of peace betwéene England and France, you shall heare the report of Guicciar­dine, which to this place maketh passage to know­ledge, as oile giueth maintenance of light to the lampe. [At the first opening of this practise for peace, Abr. Fl. e [...] Guic. pag. 6 [...]5. there fell out manie difficulties, for that the king of England demanded Bullongne in Picardie, Difficulties about the practise of peace. with a great summe of monie: but at last all the diffe­rences fell vpon the towne of Tornaie, the king of England striuing to reteine it, and the French ob­iecting some difficultie: in so much as the king of England dispatched in post to the French king the bishop of Tricaro, whome he charged, without im­parting in what nature of particularitie consisted the difficultie, to declare to the king from him, that in regard of so great a benefit, he should not stand vpon so manie subtile difficulties, but to consider that in a prince reason shuld beare more imperie than passion.

The French king, bicause he would neither doo wrong to his crowne, nor ill content his people, the towne of Tornaie being verie noble and loiall to the crowne of France, The French councell ac­cord for peace. caused the matter to be de­bated in full councell, wherein was an assistance of the principals of his court, who aduised him with one voice to imbrace peace, yea vnder the condition offe­red. And yet in that time the king catholike did what he could to breake it, offering the king manie plots and deuises, but speciallie to minister to him all his means and fauours to conquer the duchie of Millan. But the answer being returned into Eng­land, that the French king stood content with the reso­lution of Tornaie, the peace succéeded & was conclu­ded in the beginning of August betwéene the two kings during their liues, & a yeare after their death.

In the capitulation it was expressed, that Tor­naie should remaine to the king of England, The [...] of the capitu­lation for peace. to whom the French king should paie six hundred thou­sand crownes, and that in such sort of distribution, that the French king should make paiment of an hundred thousand franks euerie yeare, vntill the full paiment was satisfied: that they should be bound to defend their estates mutuallie and reciprocallie with ten thousand footmen if the warre went by land, and with six thousand onelie if the warre were made by sea: that the French king should be bound to serue the king of England in all his affaires with twelue hundred lances, and the king of England likewise to minister to his seruices with ten thousand foot­men: the expenses to be defraied by either of them that should haue néed of the men: both the one and the other of them named the Scotish king, the arch­duke, & the empire: but Cesar and the king catholike were not named: the Swizzers had a nomination, but it bare a condition, that whosoeuer would defend against the French king, the estate of Millan, Ge­nes, or Ast, should be excluded out of the nomination.

This peace, which was made with a woonderfull readinesse, The French king marri [...] the ladie M [...]rie sister to the king of Eng­land. was confirmed by the marriage of the kings sister of England with the French king, vn­der condition, that he should acknowledge to haue receiued foure hundred thousand crownes for hir dowrie: the contract or handfastings were made in England, where the king catholiks ambassador was not in presence, for the great hatred the king of England bare to the king his maister. And euen vp­on the conclusion and resolution of this peace, came to the court of France the instrument of ratificati­on which Cesar had made, togither with his commis­sion, and the king catholiks, for conclusion of the marriage that was solicited betweene Ferdinando de Austrich and the second daughter of France not yet foure yeares of age: but the practise of that mar­riage vanished presentlie by reason of the peace that was now established: and the French king to satis­fie better the king of England, gaue order that the duke of Suffolke, capteine generall of the lance-knights that were in his paie, should depart the do­minions of France, in whome the honours and re­compenses [Page 835] that the king made to him ouercame all occasions of discontentment, the bountie and libera­litie of the one being no greater than the affabiliti [...] and disposition of the other.]

In December, one Richard Hun a merchant tai­lor of London, Richard Hun [...]nged in [...]ollards [...]. [...] Edw. Hall H. [...]. fol. l, li, [...]. that was laid in Lollards tower by commandement of the bishop of London, called Ri­chard Fitz Iames, and his chancellor doctor Horssie, was found dead, hanging by the necke in a girdle of silke within the said tower. That ye maie vnder­stand line 10 the cause of his imprisonment, the beginning was this. The same Hun had a child that died in his house, being an infant; the curat claimed the bearing shéet for a mortuarie. Hun answered, that the infant had no propertie in the shéet. Wherevpon, the préest ascited him in the spirituall court. He taking to him counsell, sued the curat in a premunire: and when this was knowne, meanes was found, that Hun being accused of heresie, was attached, and laid in Lollards tower, where he was found dead, as ye line 20 haue heard. Much adoo was made about his death, for the bishop and the chancellor said, that he hanged himselfe.

But manie of the temporaltie affirmed, that he was murthered, [...] death [...], and [...] what [...]. greatlie lamenting the case: for he was well beloued, and namelie of the poore, which cried out against them that were suspected to haue made him awaie. He was a good almes-man, and greatly reléeued the needie. The question of his death was so farre put foorth, that vpon the suspicion he line 30 should be murthered, twelue men were charged be­fore the coroner. After they had taken view of the bodie, the same was burned in Smithfield by the bi­shops appointment: notwithstanding the coroners quest indicted doctor Horssie, with one Iohn Spal­ding, otherwise called Belringer, and Charles Io­seph the summoner of the murthered; howbeit, vpon his arreignement, through great sute and corruption of monie (as manie iudged) the kings attorneie de­clared doctor Horssie not to be giltie. line 40

This Christmasse on Newyeares night, the king, the duke of Suffolke, [...] Hall. in [...]. fol. lv, vlj. [...] gorgious & [...] maske [...] the [...]ing was [...]. & two other were in mantels of cloath of siluer lined with blew veluet, the siluer was pounst in letters that the veluet might be séene thorough, the mantels had great capes like to the Portingall slops, and all their hosen, dublets, and coats were of the same fashion cut, and of the same stuffe. With them were foure ladies in gowns, after the fashon of Sauoie, of blew veluet, lined with cloath of gold, the veluet all cut, and mantels like line 50 tipets knit togither all of siluer, and on their heads bonets of burned gold, the foure torch-bearers were in sattin white and blew. This strange apparell plea­sed much euerie person, and in especiall the quéene. And thus these foure lords & foure ladies came into the quéenes chamber with great light of torches, and dansed a great season, and then put off their visors, and were all well knowne, and then the quéene har­tilie thanked the kings grace for hir goodlie pastime and disport. line 60

A tent of cloth [...]f gold with a [...]h [...]w of [...]r [...]ed men.Likewise on the Twelfe night, the king and the quéene came into the hall of Greenewich, & suddenlie entered a tent of cloath of gold, and before the tent stood foure men of armes, armed at all points with swords in their hands; and suddenlie with noise of trumpets entered foure other persons all armed, and ran to the other foure, and there was a great and a fierce fight. And suddenlie came out of a place like a wood eight wildmen, all apparelled in gréene mosse, made with sleued silke, with ouglie weapons & ter­rible visages, and there fought with the knights eight to eight; and after long fighting, the armed knights droue the wild men out of their places, and followed the chase out of the hall: and when they were depar­ted, the tent opened, and there came out six lords and six ladies richlie apparelled, and dansed a great time: when they had dansed their pleasure, they entered the tent againe, which was conueied out of the hall; then the king & the quéene were serued with a right sump­tuous banket.

On the third day of Februarie, the king made a so­lemne iusts, The king and the marquesse Dorset make a challenge at iusts. and he and the marquesse Dorset would answer all commers, their apparell and bar [...]s were of blew veluet and cloath of siluer, all to cut in sub­till knots, richlie embrodered, all the seruitours in white & blew silke. The counterpart, which were foure­teene in number, richlie apparelled in veluet, cloath of gold, and embroderie, euerie man after his owne deuise. The king was that daie highlie to be praised, for he brake thrée and twentie speares beside atteints and bare downe to ground a man of armes and his horsse: the lord marquesse and all other did valiant­lie, and had much praise, for euerie man did passing well, which is seldome séene in such a case. But the king for a suertie excéeded all other.

On the fourth daie of October, A parlement wherein sir Thomas Ne­uill was pro­s [...]quutor or speaker. the king remooued to Lambeth, and on the morow began the high court of parlement, sir Thomas Neuill was then speaker. In this parlement were diuerse acts made, but in e­speciall two, which were much spoken of: the one was the act of apparell, and the other act for labou­rers: of these two acts was much communing, and much businesse arose. For the labourers would in no wise labour by the daie, but all by taske & in great, and therefore much trouble fell in the countrie, and in especiall in haruest time, for then husbandmen could skarse get workemen to helpe in their haruest. This parlement continued vntill Easter, in the which di­uerse subsidies were granted to the king, toward his great costs and charges that he had béene at in his viage roiall to France.

After Easter the nineteenth daie of the moneth of Aprill, the king deliting to set foorth yoong gentle­men, called Nicholas Carew, and Francis Brian, and caused diuerse other yoong gentlemen to be on the counter part, and lent to them horsse and harnesse to incourage all youth to séeke déeds of armes. This yeare died at Rome by poison (as was reported) the archbishop of Yorke and cardinall, Doctor Ben­brike archbi­shop of Yorke and cardinall poisoned at Rome. called doctor Ben­brike, who was the kings ambassadour there: this was a wiseman and of a iollie courage. The king then gaue the said archbishoprike to Thomas Wol­sie, then bishop of Lincolne, who at that time bare all the rule about the king, and what he said was o­beied in all places. Now when he was once archbi­shop, he studied daie and night how to be a cardinall, and caused the king, and the French king to write to Rome for him, and at their requests he obteined his purpose, as you shall heare afterward.

At this time was much communing, and verelie (as it appeared) it was intended, The K. in per­son purposed to passe the seas to sée the French king his brother. that the king in person would passe the sea to Calis, and there on the marches of the same, the French king and quéene to come and sée the king their brother: and for the same iournie manie costlie works were wrought, much rich apparell prouided, and much preparation made against the next spring: but death which is the last end of all things let this iournie. For before the next spring the French king died at the citie of Paris, the first daie of Ianuarie, when he had béene married to the faire ladie Marie of England foure score and two daies [whom he so feruentlie loued, that he gaue himselfe ouer to behold too much hir excellent beautie bearing then but eighteene yeares of age, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag 684. nothing considering the proportion of his owne yeares, nor his decaied complexion; so that he fell into the rage of a feauer, which drawing to it a sudden flux, ouer­came in one instant the life, that nature gaue ouer [Page 836] to preserue anie longer. He was a king iust & much beloued of his people, but touching his condition, nei­ther before he was king, nor after he had the crowne he neuer found constancie nor stabilitie in either for­tune.

For, rising from a small duke of Orleance with great happinesse to the crowne, and that by the death of Charles yoonger than he, and two of his sonnes, he conquered with a verie great facilitie the duchie of Millan and the kingdome of Naples, and almost line 10 all the residue of the regions of Italie, being gouer­ned for manie yeares by his direction: he recouered with a verie great prosperitie, the state of Genes that was in rebellion: and vanquished with no lesse glorie the armies of the Uenetians, being in person at both those victories. But on the other side, euen when he was in his youth and best disposition of bo­die, The variable­nesse of his fortune. he was then constreined by king Lewes the eleuenth to marrie his daughter that was both bar­ren and deformed; and yet could neuer get the good will nor countenance of his father in law. line 20

And after his death, such was the greatnesse of the ladie of Burbon, that he could neuer get the in­stitution of the new king, being then in minoritie, being almost compelled to retire himselfe into Bri­taine: where being taken in the battell of saint Au­bin, he liued two yeares in the calamitie of a priso­ner. To these afflictions maie be added the siege and famine of Nauarre, the manie discomfits he had in the realme of Naples, the losse of the estate of Mil­lan, Genes, and all the townes which he had taken line 30 from the Uenetians: and lastlie the gréeuous warre he had in France against verie mightie enimies, his eies beholding into what lamentable perils his realme was brought: neuerthelesse, before he died it séemed he had conquered all his aduersities, and for­tune shewed good tokens of hir reconcilement, both for that he had defended his kingdome against migh­tie enimies, and also established a perpetuall peace and aliance with the king of England, with whome line 40 by how much his amitie was great and assured, by so much it gaue him hope to be able to reconquer the duchie of Millan.]

The king of England being aduertised of the French kings death, caused a solemne obsequie to be kept for him in the cathedrall church of S. Paule, with a costlie hearse: at which manie nobles were present. After this he sent a letter to comfort the quéene his sister, requiring to know hir pleasure, whether she would continue still in France, or re­turne into England. And when he was aduertised line 50 of hir mind (which was to returne into England) the duke of Suffolke, The duke of Suffolke and others sent into France to bring the French quéene into England. Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 685. Francis the first coms to the crowne. sir Richard Wingfield deputie of Calis, and doctor West, with a goodlie band of gen­tlemen and yeomen, all in blacke, were sent into France, and comming to Paris, were well receiued of the new French king, Francis the first of that name [who was the next heire male of the bloud roi­all and of the same line of the dukes of Orleance: he was preferred to the succession of the kingdome be­fore line 60 the daughters of the dead king by vertue and di­sposition of the law Salike, a law verie ancient in the realme of France, which excludeth from the roiall dignitie all women; so long as there is anie issue male of the same line.

The world had such a hope in his vertues, and such an opinion of his magnanimitie, and such a con­ceipt of his iudgement and wit, that euerie one confessed, that of verie long time there was none rai­sed vp to the crowne with a greater expectation. His praise­worthie pro­perties. He was made the more agreeable to the fansies of men, by the consideration of his age bearing then but two and twentie yeares; his excellent feiture and propor­tion of bodie, his great liberalitie, and generall hu­manitie, togither with the ripe knowledge he had in manie things. But speciallie he pleased greatlie the nobilitie, to whome he transferred manie singu­lar and great fauours. Unto this king Francis de Angoulesine did the foresaid English nobilitie de­clare the effect of their commission, which was to re­ceiue the quéene Dowager, according to the coue­nants of the marriage.]

The councell of France (by the kings appoint­ment) assigned foorth hir dowrie, and the duke of Suffolke put in officers, and then was the quéene de­liuered to the duke by indenture, The duke of Suffolke winneth the good will of the quéene Dowager of France. Polydor Edw. Hall. who behaued him­selfe so towards hir, that he obteined hir good will to be hir husband. It was thought, that when the king created him duke of Suffolke, he perceiued his si­sters good will towards the said duke; and that he meant then to haue bestowed hir vpon him; but that a better offer came in the waie. But howsoeuer it was now, he wan hir loue; so as by hir consent, he wrote to the king hir brother, méekelie beséeching him of pardon in his request, which was humblie to desire him of his good will and contentation.

The king at the first staid, but after long sute, and speciallie by meane of the French quéene hir selfe, and other the dukes fréends, it was agreed that the duke should bring hir into England vnmarried, and at his returne to marrie hir in England: but for doubt of change he married hir secretlie in Paris at the house of Clugnie, as was said. After he had re­ceiued hir with hir dower appointed, & all hir apparell, Anno Reg. 7. The French quéene mar­ried to the duke of Suf [...]folke. iewels, and houshold stuffe deliuered, they tooke leaue of the new French king, and so passing thorough France, came to Calis; where she was honourablie interteined, and after openlie married with great honour vnto the said duke of Suffolke. Doctor West (as then nominated bishop of Elie) remained behind at Paris, to go through with the full conclusi­on of a new league betwixt the king of England, and the new French king.

¶The court lieng at Gréenewich, Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol lvj. Robin hood and his tw [...] hundred men present the [...]selues to the king & [...] in a [...] the king and the quéene, accompanied with manie lords and ladies, road to the high ground of shooters hill to take the o­pen aire; and as they passed by the waie, they espied a companieof tall yeomen, clothed all in gréene with gréene hoods, and bowes and arrowes, to the num­ber of two hundred. Then one of them, which called himselfe Robin hood, came to the king, desiring him to sée his men shoot; and the king was content. Then he whisteled, and all the two hundred archers shot and losed at once; and then he whisteled againe, and they likewise shot againe; their arrowes whisteled by craft of the head, so that the noise was strange and great, and much pleased the king, the quéene, and all the companie. All these archers were of the kings gard, and had thus apparelled themselues to make solace to the king.

Then Robin hood desired the king and quéene to come into the greene wood, and to sée how the out­lawes liued. [...] king demanded of the queene & hir ladies, if they durst aduenture to go into the wood with so manie outlawes. Then the quéene said, that if it pleased him she was content. Then the hornes blew, till they came to the wood vnder shooters hill, & there was an arbor made of boughes with a hall, and a great chamber; and an inner chamber verie well made and couered with floures & swéet hearbs, which the king much praised. Then said Robin hood; Sir, outlawes breakefasts is venison, and therefore you must be content with such fare as we vse. Then the king and quéene sat downe, and were serued with venison and wine by Robin hood and his men, to their great contentation.

Then the king departed and his companie, and Robin hood and his men them conducted; and as they [Page 837] were returning, A shew of two ladies in a rich chariot drawne with fiue horsses. there met with them two ladies in a rich chariot drawen with fiue horsses, and euery horsse had his name on his head, and on euerie horsse sat a ladie with hir name written. On the first courser called Caude, sat Humidite, or Humide. On the se­cond courser called Mem [...]on road ladie Uer. On the third called Pheton sat ladie Uegetiue. On the fourth called Rimphon sat ladie Pleasant. On the fift called Lampace sat sweet Odour. And in the chaire sat la­die Maie, accompanied with ladie Flora, richlie appa­relled, line 10 and they saluted the king with diuerse goodlie songs, and so brought him to Gréenewich. At this maieng was a great number of people to behold it to their great solace and comfort.

The same after noone, the king, the duke of Suf­folke, the marquesse Dorset, and the earle of Essex, their bardes and bases of gréene veluet and cloth of gold, came into the field on great coursers, on whome waited diuerse gentlemen in silke of the same co­lour. On the other side entered sixtéene lords and gentlemen, all apparelled richlie after their deuises, line 20 and so valiantlie they ran their courses appointed: & after that, they ran volant one as fast as he might ouertake another, The king and certeine no­bles ran their horsses vo­lant. which was a goodlie sight to sée: and when all was doone they departed, and went to a goodlie banket. This summer the king tooke his pro­gresse westward, and visited his townes and castels there, and heard the complaints of his poore commu­naltie; and euer as he road he hunted and liberallie departed with venison.]

This yeare in September, the king being at his line 30 manour of Oking, after his returne from his pro­gresse which he made that yeare into the west parts, the archbishop of Yorke came thither to him. Whi­lest he soiourned there, The archbi­shop of Yorke elected cardi­nall. a letter was brought to the said archbishop from Rome, aduertising him that he was elected cardinall, which letter incontinentlie he shewed to the king, disabling himselfe in words, though his intent was otherwise; and so the king did incourage him, and willed him to take that dignitie vpon him, and called him from thensefoorth my lord line 40 cardinall. But his hat, bull, nor other ceremonies were not yet come. A parlement at Westmin­ster. In Nouember, the king assem­bled his high court of parlement at Westminster, wherein, diuerse acts made in the sixt yeare were re­formed and altered, and especiallie the act of apparell, and the act of labourers, as by the booke of statutes more plainelie appéereth.

At the end of this parlement, doctor Warham archbishop of Canturburie, and as then lord chancel­lour, perceiuing how the new lord cardinall medled line 50 further in his office of chancellorship than he could well suffer, except he should aduenture the kings dis­pleasure; for this and for other considerations gaue vp his office of chancellor into the kings hands, and deliuered to him the great seale, which incontinentlie was deliuered by the king vnto the lord cardinall, Cardinall Wolsie made lord chan­cellor. and so was he made lord chancellor. He was no soo­ner in that office, but he directed foorth commissions into euerie shire, for the execution of the statutes of apparell and labourers, and in all his dooings shewed line 60 himselfe more loftie and presumptuous than became him. Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. lvij. ¶And he himselfe on a daie called a gentleman named Simon Fitz Richard, and tooke from him an old iacket of crimsin veluet and diuerse brooches, which extreame dooing caused him greatlie to be ha­ted: and by his example manie cruell officers for malice euill intreated diuerse of the kings subiects, in so much that one Shinning, maior of Rochester, set a yoong man on the pillorie for wearing of a riuen or gathered shirt.]

The cardi­nals hat re­c [...]iued by the Kentish gen­tlemen with great solem­nitie. Guic. pag. 682. Two elefants presented to the pope.In the end of Nouember, the cardinals hat was sent into England, which the gentlemen of Kent re­ceiued, and brought to London with such triumph, as though the greatest prince in Europe had béene come to visit the king [much like that of the people at Rome in the yeare 1515, when were séene in the said citie two elephants, a nature of creatures which happilie had not béene séene in Italie since the tri­umphs and publike plaies of the Romans. Emanu­ell king of Portingall sent to pope Leo the tenth a verie honorable ambassage, and withall presented him with these huge and statelie elephants, which his ships had brought by sea from India; their entring into Rome was celebrated with a verie great con­course of people, some woondering at the strange forme and stature of the beasts, some maruelling to what vses their nature inclined them, and some con­iecturing the respects and purposes of such a present, their ignorance making their woonder farre greater than their reason.]

No lesse adoo was there at the bringing of the car­dinals hat, who on a sundaie (in S. Peters church at Westminster) receiued the same, with the habit, the piller, and other such tokens of a cardinall. And now that he was thus a perfect cardinall, he looked a­boue all estates, which purchased him great hatred and disdaine on all sides. For his ambition was no lesse discernable to the eies of the people, than the sunne in the firmament in a cléere and cloudlesse summer daie; which procured against him the more hatred among the noble and popular sort; for that his base linage was both noted and knowne, in so much that his insatiable aspiring to supereminent degrees of dignitie kindled manifest contempt and detesta­tion among such as pretended a countenance of good will and honorable dutie vnto him, though in verie deed the same parties (if fréelie and without checke they might haue spoken their fansie) would haue in­tituled him a proud popeling; as led with the like spi­rit of swelling ambition, wherwith the rable of popes haue béene bladder like puffed and blowne vp: a di­uelish and luciferian vice, in the iudgements of men abhominable, and in the sight of God most damna­ble; as the poet in this distichon trulie witnesseth:

Dij superi fastum, fastum mortales abhorrent,
Hac homini leuitas displicet atque Deo.
Gu. H [...].

After the end of the parlement, sir Edward Poi­nings laboured to be discharged of the kéeping of Tornaie, bicause he could not haue health there: The lord Mountioy made gouer­nour of Tor­naie. and so he was discharged, and sir William Blunt lord Mountioy was sent thither to haue that roome, and for marshall was appointed sir Sampson Norton. Immediatlie vpon their comming thither chanced a great riot, raised by the souldiers, A mutinie a­mongst the soldiers at Tornaie. so that to appease them, the lord Mountioy was put in ieopardie of his life. In conclusion, to quiet them sir Sampson Nor­ton was banished the towne for euer, but what the matter was I haue not found rehearsed by anie writer. After that the citie was appeased, and euerie thing thought to be forgotten, diuerse of the offen­dors were executed, and diuerse banished the towne, some fled, and were confined both out of England and the towne.

After the parlement was ended, the king kept a solemne Christmasse at his manor of Eltham; The king kept his Christmasse at Eltham. and on the Twelfe night in the hall was made a goodlie castell, woonderouslie set out; and in it certeine ladies and knights, and when the king and queene were set, in came other knights and assailed the castell, where manie a good stripe was giuen; Courtlie pa­stime on the Twelf night. and at the last the as­sailants were beaten awaie. And then issued out knights and ladies out of the castell, which ladies were rich and strangelie disguised: for all their appa­rell was in braids of gold, fret with moouing spangls of siluer and gilt, set on crimsin sattin loose and not fastned: the mens apparell of the same sute made like Iulis of Hungarie; and the ladies heads and [Page 838] bodies were after the fashion of Amsterdam. And when the dansing was doone, the banket was ser­ued in of two hundred dishes, with great plentie to euerie bodie.]

This yéere the new league accorded betwixt king Henrie & the French king was openlie proclaimed through the citie of London by a trumpet. Marga­ret quéene of Scots eldest sister to the K. came this yere into England, & at Harbottell castell was deli­uered of a daughter, The birth of Margaret daughter to the queene of Scots, and of the earle An­gus after­wards mari­ed to the earle of Lenox. begot by hir second husband the line 10 lord Archembald Dowglasse earle of Angus. This daughter was called at the fontstone after hir mo­ther Margaret. The said quéene after the death of hir late husband king Iames married the said earle of Angus, without consent of hir brother king Hen­rie, or other of hir friends; chéeflie (as some haue thought) for hir sonnes sake, doubting if she should not haue taken hir choise at home, she should haue maried in some other place, and so haue béene seque­stred from hir sonne, whose bringing vp apperteined line 20 now chéeflie vnto hir. But such contention rose shoot­lie after in Scotland amongst the lords, Edw. Hall. The queene of Scots and the earle of Angus hir husband come into Eng­land. that both she and hir husband were glad to séeke succor in England at hir brothers hand, who was contented to releeue them, assigning them the said castell of Har­bottell to lie in, with apparell and all other necessa­ries, till his further pleasure should be knowne. The eightéenth daie of Februarie this yeere, year 1518 the ladie Ma­rie, The birth of ladie Marie the kings daughter, af­terwards queene. daughter to king Henrie the eight was borne at Gréenewich. This was she that afterwards was line 30 quéene of this realme, & married the king of Spaine. This yéere also died the king of Aragon, father to the queene; for whom was kept a solemne obsequie in the cathedrall church of Paules.

Anno Reg. 8.As ye haue heard the last yéere how the quéene of Scots with hir husband was come for succor into England, and laie at Harbottell in Northumber­land, till the kings pleasure was to send for them; so now know you that he (like a naturall brother) sent for hir and hir husband to come to his court for their line 40 solace: The king sendeth for the queene of Scots and hir husband to his court. for the which kindnesse the earle humblie than­ked the king, and promised to giue his attendance on the queene his wife to the court. Wherevpon the king sent William Blacknall esquier, clerke of his spicerie with siluer vessell, plate, and other things necessarie for the conueiance of hir, and sent to hir all manner of officers for hir estate conuenient. Now when she was readie to depart, she asked for hir husband, but he was departed into Scotland, and left hir alone; nothing remembring his promise. line 50 Which sudden departing much made hir to muse: howbeit, The queene of Scots comming to London, and so to Greene­wich. the lords of England greatlie incouraged hir to kéepe hir promise with the king hir brother.

Now when she was somewhat appeased, she set for­ward; and in euerie towne she was well receiued, & so on the third day of Maie she made hir entrie into London, riding on a white palfreie (which the quéene of England had sent vnto hir) behind sir Thomas Parre richlie beséene, and with a great companie of lords and ladies she rode through the citie to Bai­nards line 60 castell, and from thence she was conueied to Gréenewich, and there receiued ioiouslie of the king, the quéene, Three queenes in the English court at once. the French quéene hir sister, and highlie was she feasted. And when the king heard that the earle of Angus hir husband was departed, he said it was doone like a Scot. This quéene sometime was at the court, and sometime at Bainards castell, and so she continued in England all this yéere.

The king for the honour of his sister the ninetéenth and twentith daie of Maie prepared two solemne daies of iusts: and the king himselfe, and the duke of Suffolke, the earle of Essex, and Nicholas Carew esquier, tooke on them to answer all commers. The apparell of them and their horsses was blacke veluet, couered all ouer with branches of honie-suckles of fine flat gold of damaske of loose worke, euerie leafe of the branch moouing, the embroderie was verie cunning and sumptuous. On the king was atten­ding in one sute on horssebacke, the lord marquesse Dorset, the earle of Surrie, the lord Aburgauennie, the lord Hastings, sir Iohn Pechie, the lord Ferrers, sir William Fitz Williams, and twelue other knights. All these were in frockes of blew veluet, garded with rich cloth of gold, and their horsse trap­pers of blew veluet fringed with gold: and on foot were fortie persons all in blew sattin garded with cloth of gold. And so they entred the field with trum­pets, drumslades and other minstrelsie. Then in came the counterpartie richlie apparelled, to the number of twelue: and on that daie euerie man did well, but the king did best, and so was adiudged; and so at night they ceased, and came to supper.

The king the next daie and his companie were apparelled (horsse and all) in purple veluet, The second daie of so­lemne iusts held by the king and o­thers against all commers. set full of leaues of cloth of gold ingrailed with fine flat gold of damaske embrodered like to rose leaues, and e­uerie leafe fastned to other with points of damaske gold, and on all their borders were letters of gold bullion. And on the king waited fiue lords, fourtéene knights in frockes of yellow veluet, garded and bound with rich cloth of gold: and thirtie gentlemen were in like apparell on foote, and fortie officers in yellow sattin edged with cloth of gold. Thus with great triumph they entred the field. Then the coun­terpartie entred all clothed and barded in white sat­tin trauersed with cloth of gold richlie. This daie was manie a great stripe giuen. The king and sir William Kingston ranne togither; which sir Wil­liam Kingston was a strong and a tall knight, & yet the king by strength ouerthrew him to the ground. And after that the king and his aids had performed their courses, they ranne volant at all commers, which was a pleasant sight to sée. And when night approched, they all disarmed them, and went to the quéenes chamber, where was a great banket for the welcome of the quéene of Scots.

In this moneth of Maie were sent out of Eng­land twelue hundred masons and carpenters, A castell bu [...]ded by the king at Tor­naie. and thrée hundred laborers to the citie of Tornaie; for the king and his councell considered that the garrison that was kept there was chargeable: and therefore it was determined that there should be builded a castell to chastise the citie if they rebelled, and to minish the garrison. And therefore these workemen were sent thither, which this yéere began a strong castell, and wrought still on it. In this yéere, by the cardinall were all men called to accompt that had [...]he occupi­eng of the kings monie in the warres or elsewhere, Iustice exec [...] ­ted by cardi­nal Wolsie vp [...] offendors of sundrie qua [...] ­ties and de­grees. not to euerie mans contentation: for some were found in arrerages, and some saued themselues by policie and briberie, and waxed rich, and some inno­cents were punished. And for a truth, he so punished periurie with open punishment, and open papers wearing, that in his time it was lesse vsed. He pu­nished also lords, knights, and men of all sorts, for riots bearing and mainteining in their countries, that the poore men liued quietlie: who perceiuing that he punished the rich, complained without number, and brought manie an honest man to trouble and vexation.

Now when the cardinall at the last perceiued their vntrue surmises, Erection of new courts by the kings commissio [...]. and feined complaints for the most part, he then waxed wearie of hearing their causes, and ordeined by the kings commission diuerse vnder courts to beare complaints by bill of poore people. The one was kept in the White hall, the other before the kings almoner doctor Stokesleie, a man that had more learning than discretion to be a iudge, the [Page 839] third was kept in the lord treasurors chamber be­side the starre chamber, and the fourth at the rols at the after noone. These courts were greatlie haunted for a time: but at the last the people perceiued that much delaie was vsed in these courts, and few mat­ters ended, and when they were ended, they bound no man by the law; then euerie man was werie of them and resorted to the common law.

It was strange to sée the cardinall (a man not skil­led in the laws) fit in the seat of iudgement and pro­nounce the law, being aided at the first by such as (ac­cording line 10 to the ancient custome) did sit as associats with him: but he would not sticke to determine sun­drie causes, neither rightlie decided nor adiudged by order of law. And againe, such as were cleare cases, he would sometime prohibit the same to passe, call them into iudgement, frame an order in controuer­sies, and punish such as came with vntrue surmises afore the iudges, & sharpelie reprooue the negligence of the iudges themselues, which had receiued such sur­mises, line 20 and not well considered of the controuersies of the parties. [...]. Hall. And such was the administration of the cardinall vnder a colour of iustice at the first: Polydor. but bicause the same seemed at length to be but a verie shadow or colour in déed, it quicklie vanished awaie, he taking vpon him the whole rule himselfe, for that he saw the king made small account of anie other but onelie of him.

Whereby it came to passe, that manie of the péeres and high estates of the realme withdrew them from line 30 the court; [...] is [...]trarie to [...]. as first the archbishop of Canturburie, and the bishop of Winchester, which got them home into their diocesses. But yet before their departure (as good fathers of their countrie) they instantlie be­sought the king that he would not suffer anie seruant to exceed and passe his maister: borrowing that sen­tence out of the gospell of saint Iohn, where our Sa­uiour speaking to his disciples, saith to them; Uere­lie, verelie, I say vnto you, the seruant is not greater than his maister. Herevnto the king, knowing that line 40 they meant this by the cardinall, made this answer, That he would diligentlie sée, that euerie seruant should obeie, and not command. But the cardinall notwithstanding (during the time of his flattering felicitie) held out, thinking scorne to be counterman­ded; behauing himselfe more like a prince, than a prelat, so blinded was he with vaineglorie, and drun­ken with the transitorie delights of the world: obsti­nate impediments and most horrible hinderances to the permanent ioies of heauen, as the poet saith: line 50

[...]lla. in lac. 4.
Delicias mundi fragiles qui mente sequetur,
Perdidit aeterni certissima gaudia coeli.

After this, the duke of Norffolke departed home into his countrie, and last of all the duke of Suffolke also followed the other. For he hauing spent liberal­lie in his iournies when he went as ambassador into France, also in the solemnization of his marriage, and in houskéeping since he was maried, borrowed great summes of monie of the king, The duke of Suffolkes [...]ope hinde­ [...]ed by the cardinall. which he hoped should haue béene forgiuen him: but the cardinall line 60 would not haue it so, to the intent that the duke be­ing behind hand in debt, should be the more at com­mandement. For as wealth maketh men loftie, so dooth want make them lowlie. In the moneth of Oc­tober, Edw. Hall. An ambassa­ [...] from the em [...]erour Maximilian. in this eight yeare of king Henrie, Matthew bishop of Sion or Sittin, a cardinall (commonlie cal­led the cardinall of the Swizzes) came into England from the emperour Maximilian.

At the contemplation of this cardinall, the king lent to the emperour a great summe of monie. But the chiefest matter that mooued the king to be so frée to Maximilian, was bicause the same monie should be imploied on men of warre against the French king, towards whome the king (or rather cardinall Woolseie) of late had conceiued a grudge, as thus. True it is, that the king bestowed the reuenues of the see of Tornaie vpon the cardinall, at what time that sée came into the kings hands: and therefore the cardinall being desirous to assure to himselfe the same, made sute to the French king, that he would prouide Guillard the former bishop of Tornaie of some other bishoprike in France, so that he might resigne the bishoprike of Tornaie clearelie into his hands. The French king, perceiuing how much this should make against his purpose, that vpon occa­sion hoped euer to recouer the possession of Tornaie, would not gratifie the cardinall herein.

Wherevpon the cardinall turning the kings mind at his plasure, persuaded him, The cardinall an enimie to peace. that the next way to abate the French kings puissance (which in the be­gining of his reigne had recouered Millan, and grew euerie daie in power more than other) should bée to mainteine the emperour with monie against him, so as the Frenchmen should be chastised without the trauell of him or his people. Herevpon was Richard Pase sent first into Germanie with a great summe of monie to wage the Swizzes, which vnder the con­duct of the emperor Maximilian inuaded the duchie of Millan; but without anie great gaine returned from thence, leauing Millan in the Frenchmens hands at that time. And now for a new reliefe was this cardinall of Sion sent from Millan, at whose in­stance monie was assigned to be deliuered, and cer­teine Genowaies vndertooke the exchange, which made not paiment thereof at the day, although they had receiued it of the king.

In this yeare the king kept his Christmasse at his manor of Gréenwich, & on the Twelfe night, Ed. Hall in Hen. 8. fol. lix. A moueable garden called the garden of Esperance, verie costlie & artificiallie wrought. accor­ding to the old custome, he and the queene came into the hall: and when they were set, and the quéene of Scots also, there entered into the hall a garden arti­ficiall, called the garden of Esperance. This garden was towred at euerie corner, and railed with railes gilt, all the bankes were set with flowers artificiall of silke and gold, the leaues cut of gréene sattin, so that they séemed verie flowers. In the midst of this garden was a piller of antique worke, all gold set with pearles and stones; and on the top of the piller, which was six square, was a louer or an arch em­bowed, crowned with gold: within which stood a bush of roses red and white, all of silke and gold, and a bush of pomegranats of like stuffe. In this garden wal­ked six knights, and six ladies richlie apparelled; and then they descended and dansed manie goodlie dan­ses, and so ascended the garden againe, and were con­ueied out of the hall, and then the king was serued of a great banket. After this Christmasse the king ex­ercised himselfe much in hawking.

¶ This yeare, and about this time, Iohn Hooker, aliàs Vowell. Corpus Christi college in Oxford foun­ded by Ri­chard Fox bi­shop of Win­chester. Richard Fox bishop of Winchester builded and founded Corpus Christi college in Oxford, and minded to haue appoin­ted the same for a house of monks: but Hugh Ol­dom then bishop of Excester changed his mind from that purpose by these meanes. This Hugh Oldom albeit hée were not the best learned of himselfe, yet verie much and well affected towards learning and learned men; and was minded to haue inlarged Ex­cester college. But being denied the preferment of a scholer, which stood then in election for a roome, his good will was withdrawne from that college, and he would haue ioined with William Smith bishop of Lincolne, who then was in building of Brasen nose college; but it tooke no effect. And then being aduer­tised that Richard Fox bishop of Winchester was in hand to build Corpus Christi college, hee did send his letters vnto him, and offered to ioine with him therein, who was verrie glad thereof and well con­tented. Now these two bishops conferring togither [Page 840] what maner of house they should build, and to what end and purpose.

Bishop Fox was of the mind and determination to haue made the college for religious men. Bishop Ol­dom of Exce­ster is vtterlie against Foxs mind to found a college for moonks. But bi­shop Oldom (whether it was bicause he fauoured not those sects of cloistered moonks, or whether hée foresaw anie fall towards of those sects) disuaded bishop Fox what he could from that his purpose and opinion, and said vnto him; ‘What my lord, shall we build houses, and prouide liuelodes for a compa­nie line 10 of bussing moonks, whose end and fall we our selues maie liue to sée? No, no, it is more méet a great deale, that we should haue care to prouide for the increase of learning, and for such as who by their learning shall doo good in the church and common­wealth.’ To this bishop Fox at length yeelded, and so they procéeded in their buildings. Wherin Oldom reseruing to Fox the name of the founder, was con­tented with the name of a benefactor, Oldom giueth Fox the name of [...]ounder, & contenteth himselfe with the name of benefactor. and verie libe­rallie did contribute great masses of monie to the line 20 same: and since (according to his wish and desire) the same college hath bene and is the nursse of manie notable good scholers.]

About this season there grew a great hartburning and malicious grudge amongst the Englishmen of the citie of London against strangers; and namelie the artificers found themselues sore grieued, for that such numbers of strangers were permitted to resort hither with their wares, and to exercise handie crafts to the great hinderance and impouerishing of the line 30 kings liege people. Besides that, they set nought by the rulers of the citie, & bare themselues too too bold of the kings fauor, wherof they would insolentlie boast; vpon presumption therof, & they offred manie an in­iurious abuse to his liege people, insomuch that a­mong other accidents which were manifest, it fortu­ned that as a carpenter in London called William­son had bought two stockdooues in Cheape, Hall in H. 8. fol. lix. and was about to pay for them, a Frenchman tooke them out of his hand, and said they were not meate for a line 40 carpenter.

Well said the Englishman I haue bought them and now paid for them, The insolent sawcinesse of the French­men against the English. and therefore I will haue them. Naie said the Frenchman I will haue them for my lord the ambassadour. And so for better or woorsse, the Frenchman called the Englishman knaue, and went awaie with the stockdooues. The strangers came to the French ambassador, and sur­mised a complaint against the poore carpenter. And the ambassador came to the lord maior, and said so line 50 much, that the carpenter was sent to prison: and yet not contented with this, so complained to the kings councell, that the kings commandement was laid on him. The diuelish malice of the Frenchmen. And when sir Iohn Baker knight and other worshipfull persons sued to the ambassador for him, he answered by the bodie of God that the English knaue should lose his life, for he said no Englishman should denie that the Frenchmen required, and other answer had they none.

There was also a Frenchman that had slaine a line 60 man, and should abiure the realme, and had a crosse in his hand. Then suddenlie came a great sort of Frenchmen about him, and one of them said to the constable that led him; Sir is this crosse the price to kill an Englishman. The constable was somewhat astonied & answered not. Then said another French­man, On that price we should be banished all by the masse. This saieng was noted to be spoken spiteful­lie. Howbeit, the Frenchmen were not alonelie op­pressors of the Englishmen. For a Lombard called Francis de Bard, entised a mans wife in Lombard stréet to come to his chamber with hir husbands plate, which thing she did. After, when hir husband knew it, he demanded his wife, but answer was made he should not haue hir: Stranger [...] outlace E [...]g [...]lishm [...] all honesti [...], equitie, [...] conscience▪ then he demanded his plate, and in like maner answer was made that he should neither haue plate nor wife. And when he had sued an action against the stranger in the Guildhall, the stranger so faced the Englishman, that he fain­ted in his sute. Then the Lombard arrested the poore man for his wiues boord, while he kept hir from hir husband in his chamber.

This abuse was much noted, so that the same and manie other oppressions doone by them, increased such a malice in the Englishmens harts, that at the last it burst out. For amongst other that sore grud­ged at these matters, there was a broker in Lon­don called Iohn Lincolne, Iohn Lin­colne the [...] ­thor of the [...] ­surrection [...] ill Maie [...] that busied himselfe so farre in the matter, that about Palme sundaie in this eight yeare of the kings reigne, he came to one doctor Henrie Standish with these words; Sir I vnderstand that you shall preach at the sanctuarie spittle on mondaie in Easter wéeke, and so it is, that Englishmen, both merchants and other are vndoone, for strangers haue more libertie in this land than Englishmen, which is against all reason, and also against the common-weale of the realme. I beséech you therefore to declare this in your sermon, and in so dooing yée shall deserue great thanks of my lord maior, and of all his brethren: and héerewith he of­fered vnto the said doctor Standish a bill, conteining this matter more at large.

But doctor Standish (wiselie considering that there might more inconuenience rise thereof, than he would wish, if he should deale in such sort) both wiselie refused the bill, and told Lincolne plainlie, that he ment not to meddle with anie such matter in his sermon. Wherevpon the said Lincolne went vn­to one doctor Bele a chanon of the foresaid spittle, that was appointed to preach likewise vpon the tuesdaie in Easter wéeke at the same spittle, whome he persuaded to read his said bill in the pulpit. Which bill in effect conteined how miserablie the common artificers liued, The grée [...]e [...] particular [...] in Lincol [...] bill for the ci­ties behooft. and scarse could get anie worke to find them, their wiues & children: there were such a number of artificers strangers that tooke awaie all their liuing in manner. And also how the Eng­lish merchants could haue no vtterance, for the mer­chant strangers bring in all silkes, cloth of gold, wine, oile, iron, and such other merchandize, that no man almost buieth of an Englishman.

Furthermore, they carie out so much English wooll, Lincolne a great enimi [...] to stranger [...] ▪ tinne, and lead, that Englishmen who aduenture outward can haue no liuing: which things (said Lin­colne) hath béene shewed to the councell, and cannot be heard. And further (said he) the strangers com­passe the citie round about, in Southwarke, in Westminster, Temple barre, Holborne, saint Mar­tins, saint Iohns street, Algate, Tower hill, and saint Katharins, and forestall the market, so that no good thing for them commeth to the market: which is the cause that Englishmen want and starue, & they liue aboundantlie in great pleasure. Wherfore (said Lin­colne) maister doctor, sith you were borne in London, and see the oppression of the strangers, and the great miserie of your owne natiue countrie, exhort all the citizens to ioine in one against these strangers, ra­ueners, and destroiers of your countrie. Maister doctor hearing this, said he much lamented the case, if it were as Lincolne had declared.

Yes said Lincolne, that it is, and much more. For the Dutchmen bring ouer iron, timber, leather, Lincolne p [...] ­secuteth his information [...] gréeuances by specialties. and weinscot readie wrought; also nailes, locks, baskets, cupboords, stooles, tables, chests, girdles, with points, saddles & painted clothes, so that if it were wrought héere, Englishmen might haue some worke and li­uing by it. And besides this, they grow into such a multitude, that it is to be looked vpon: for I saw on a [Page 841] sundaie this Lent, six hundred strangers shooting at the popingaie with crosbowes, and they keepe such as­semblies and fraternities togither, and make such a gathering to their common box, that euerie votcher will hold plée with the citie of London. Well said the doctor, I will doo for a reformation of this matter as much as a préest maie do, and so receiued Lincolns [...]ill, and studied for his purpose. Then Lincolne verie ioious of his enterprise, went from man to man, saieng that shortlie they should heare news, and dai­lie excited yoong people and artificers to beare ma­lice line 10 to the strangers. When Easter came, and doctor Bele should preach the tuesdaie in Easter wéeke, he came into the pulpit, and there declared, that to him was brought a pitifull bill, and read it in this wise.

The tenor of the bill of complaint which doctor Bele read in open audi­ence at the Spitle.

TO all you the worshipfull lords & maisters of this citie, [...] Hall in Hen. 8. fol. 60. that will take compassion ouer the poore people your neighbours, and also of the great importable hurts, losses, and hinderances, whereof proceedeth the ex­treame pouertie to all the kings subiects, that inhabit within this citie and suburbs of the same. For so it is, that the aliens & line 30 strangers eat the bread from the father­lesse children, and take the liuing from all the artificers, and the intercourse from all merchants, whereby pouertie is so much increased, that euerie man bewaileth the miserie of other; for craftsmen be brought to beggerie, and merchants to needinesse. Wherfore the premisses considered, the re­dresse must be of the commons, knit and v­nited to one part. And as the hurt and da­mage line 40 greeueth all men, so must all men set to their willing power for remedie, & not to suffer the said aliens so highlie in their wealth; & the naturall borne men of this region to come to confusion. ¶ Of this letter was more, but the doctor read no further.

When he had read this letter, or the chiefest part thereof, comprehending (as ye haue heard) much sedi­tious line 50 matter, In vndiscret preacher. he began with this sentence, Coelum coeli Domino, terram autem dedit filijs hominum, and vpon this text he intreated, how this land was giuen to Eng­lishmen. And as birds defend their nests, so ought Englishmen to cherish and mainteine themselues, and to hurt and grieue aliens for respect of their com­mon-wealth. And vpon this text Pugna pro patria, he brought in, how by Gods law it was lawfull to fight for their countrie. And thus he subtilie mooued or ra­ther vndiscréetlie prouoked the people to rebell a­gainst line 60 strangers. By this foolish sermon, manie a light person tooke courage, and openlie spake against strangers. And as vnhap would, there had béene di­uerse euill parts plaied of late by strangers, in and about the citie of London, which kindled the peoples rancour the more furiouslie against them.

Now as the diuell would, the sundaie after at Gréenwich in the kings gallerie was Francis de Bard, who (as yee haue heard) kept an Englishmans wife and his goods, and yet he could haue no remedie; and with him were Domingo, Anthonie Caueler, and manie more strangers, and there they talking with sir Thomas Palmer knight, iested and laughed how that Francis kept the Englishmans wife, Note the sa [...] ­cie, brode, shamelesse, and dishonest boa­sting of the strangers in their lewdnes sai­eng that if they had the maiors wife of London they would kéepe hir. Sir Thomas said; Sirs you haue too much fauour in England. There were diuerse Eng­lish merchants by, who heard them laugh, and were not content, in so much as one William Bolt a mer­cer said; Well you whoreson Lombards, you reiois [...] and laugh, by the masse we will one daie haue a fling at you, come when it will. And that saieng the other merchants affirmed. This tale was reported about London, and the yoong and euill disposed people said they would be reuenged on the merchants strangers as well as on the artificers strangers. ¶On monday the morow after, the king remooued to his manor of Richmond.]

On the eight and twentith daie of Aprill, Anno Reg. 9. Strangers iniuriouslie abused of di­uerse yoon­kers. diuerse yoong men of the citie piked quarels to certeine strangers as they passed by the stréets, some they did strike, some they buffeted, and some they threw into the kennell: wherfore the maior sent some of the Eng­lishmen to prison, as Stephan Studleie skinner, Bets, Stephanson, and diuerse other. Then sudden­lie rose a secret rumour, and no man could tell how it began, that on Maie daie next the citie would re­bell and slea all the aliens, insomuch that diuerse strangers fled out of the citie. This brute ran so into euerie mans eares, that it came to the knowledge of the kings councell, wherevpon the lord cardinall sent for the maior, and other of the councell of the citie, gi­uing them to vnderstand what he had heard.

The maior, as one ignorant of the matter, told the cardinall that he doubted not but so to gouerne the citie, as peace should be obserued. The cardi­nals aduise to the maior in this hurli-burlie. The cardinal wil­led him so to doo; and to take good heed, that if anie such riotous attempt was intended, he should with good policie preuent it. The maior came from the car­dinals house at foure of the clocke in the after noone on Maie éeuen, and in all hast sent for his brethren to the Guildhall; yet was it almost seuen of the clocke yer the assemblie was set. Upon conference had of the matter touching the rumour that was spred a­broad of the rebellion against the strangers, some thought it necessarie that a substantiall watch should be set, of the honest citizens housholders which might withstand the euill dooers, if they went about anie misrule.

But other were of this opinion, that it was dan­gerous to raise men in armour, Councell ta­ken by the ma­ior and his brethren how to pre­uent the hurt at hand. bicause it was hard to tell whome they might trust▪ but rather they thought it best that commandement should be giuen to euerie man through euerie ward, to shut in his doores, & to kéepe his seruants within. Before eight of the clocke the recorder was sent to the cardinall with these opinions; who hearing the same, allowed the latter for best and most surest. And then the re­corder and sir Thomas More (late vndershiriffe of London, and now of the kings priuie councell) came to the Guildhall halfe an houre before nine of the clocke, and there shewed the pleasure of the kings councell; wherevpon euerie alderman sent to his ward, that no man should stirre after seauen of the clocke out of his house, but to keepe his doores shut, and his seruants within, till nine of the clocke in th [...] morning.

After this commandement giuen, in the euening, Euill Maie daie, as Edw. Hall noteth it. as sir Iohn Mundie (an alderman) came from his ward, and found two yoong men in Cheape plaieng at the bucklers, and a great manie of yoong men loo­king on them (for the commandement was then scarse knowne) he commanded them to leaue of. And for that one of them asked, why? he would haue had him to the Counter. Then all the yoong prentises stept to, and resisted the alderman, taking the yoong fellow from him, & cried; Prentises and clubs. Then [Page 842] out at euerie doore came clubs and weapons. The al­derman fled and was in great danger. The heat of the hurlie burlie. Then more people arose out of euerie quarter, and foorth came seruingmen, watermen, courtiers, and others; so that by eleuen of the clocke, there were in Cheape, six or seuen hundred; and out of Paules churchyard came thrée hundred, which knew not of the other. So out of all places they gathered, & brake vp the coun­ters, tooke out the prisoners that the maior had thither committed for hurting the strangers, and came to Newgate, and tooke out Studleie and Petit com­mitted line 10 thither for that cause.

The maior and shiriffes were present there, and made proclamation in the kings name, but nothing was obeied. The raging madnesse of the mutiners. Herewith being gathered in plumpes, they ran thorough saint Nicholas shambles, and at saint Martins gate there met with them sir Tho­mas More, and others, desiring them to go to their lodgings. And as they were thus intreating, and had almost persuaded the people to depart, they within saint Martins threw out stones, bats, and hot water; line 20 so that they hurt diuerse honest persons that were there with sir Thomas More, persuading the rebelli­ous persons to ceasse, insomuch as at length one Ni­cholas Downes a sergeant of armes being there with the said sir Thomas More, Nicholas Downes sore hurt. & sore hurt amongst others, in a furie, cried; Downe with them. And then all the misruled persons ran to the [...]ores and win­dowes of the houses with saint Martins, and spoiled all that they found.

After that, they ran headlong into Cornehill, line 30 & there likewise spoiled diuerse houses of the French men that dwelled within the gate of maister Mew­tas house called Gréene gate. This maister Mewtas was a Picard borne, and reputed to be a great bea­rer of Frenchmen in their occupiengs and trades, contrarie to the lawes of the citie. The rioters malicious purpose a­gainst one Mewtas. If the people had found him, they would suerlie haue striken off his head: but when they found him not, the watermen and certeine yoong préests that were there fell to rif­ling, and some ran to Blanchapelton, and brake vp line 40 the strangers houses, and spoile [...] them. Thus from ten or eleuen of the clocke, these riotous people con­tinued in their outragious dooings till about three of the clocke, at what time they began to withdraw, and went to their places of resort: and by the waie they were taken by the maior and the heads of the citie, and sent some of them to the Tower, some to New­gate, and some to the Counters, to the number of thrée hundred. line 50

Manie fled, and speciallie the watermen, preests, & seruingmen, but the prentises were caught by the backs and had to prison. In the meane time, whilest the hottest of this ruffling lasted, the cardinall was aduertised thereof by sir Thomas Parre: wherevp­on the cardinall strengthened his house with men and ordinance. Sir Thomas Parre rode in all [...]ast to Richmond, Sir Thomas Parre infor­meth the king of the riot and rebellion. where the king laie, and informed him of the matter; who incontinentlie sent foorth hastilie to London, to vnderstand the state of the citie, and line 60 was truelie aduertised how the riot was ceassed, and manie of the misdooers apprehended. The lieutenant of the Tower sir Roger Cholmeleie (no great fréend to the citie) in a frantike furie, during the time of this vprore, shot off certeine péeces of ordinance against the citie. And though they did no great harme; yet he wan much euill will for his hastie dooing, bicause men thought he did it of malice, rather than of anie discretion.

Certeine lords with their powers come to Lon­don about this riot.About fiue of the clocke the earles of Shrewesbu­rie and Surrie, Thomas Dokerci [...] lord of saint Iohns, George Neuill lord of Aburgauennie, and others, which had heard of this riot, came to London with such strength as they could make vpon that sud­den, and so did the Innes of court. But before they came, whether with feare of the brute of their com­ming, or otherwise, the riotous assemblie was bro­ken vp, and manie of the misdooers taken (as ye haue heard.) Then were the prisoners examined, and the sermon of doctor Bele called to remembrance, and he taken and sent to the Tower. Herewith was a commission of oier and determiner directed to the duke of Norffolke, and to diuerse other lords, A [...] of oier and de­terminer to [...]quire and p [...] ­nish the o [...] ­dors. Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. lxi [...] ▪ The cause why the citie thought the duke of Norf­folke bare them an old grudge. to the lord maior of London, and the aldermen, and to all the iustices of England, for punishment of this in­surrection. [The citie thought the duke bare them a grudge for a lewd preest of his, which the yeare before was slaine in Cheape, insomuch that he then in his furie said; I praie God I maie once haue the citi­zens in my danger! And likewise the duke thought that they bare him no good will; wherefore he came into the citie with thirtéene hundred men in harnesse to keepe the oier and determiner.

Now vpon examination it could neuer be prooued of anie méeting, gathering, talking, or conuenticle, at anie daie or time before that daie; but that the chance so happened without anie matter prepensed of anie creature sauing Lincolne, and neuer an ho­nest person in maner was taken but onelie he. Then proclamations were made, that no women should come togither to babble and talke, but all men should kéepe their wiues in their houses. All the stréets that were notable stood full of harnessed men, which spake manie opprobri [...]us words to the citizens, which grée­ued them sore: and if they would haue béene reuen­ged, the other had had the woorsse: for the citizens were two hundred to one, but like true subiects they suffred patientlie.] Now for the due correction (accor­ding to law) of this disorder, all the iustices with all the kings councell learned in the lawes, assembled at the house of sir Iohn Fincur lord cheefe iustice of England néere to saint Brides by Fléetestréet, Sir Iohn Fineux. to take aduise, and conclude vpon the order which they should follow in this matter, and first there was read the statute of the third yeare of Henrie the fift, the ef­fect whereof insueth in these words following.

The statute made in anno tertio of Henrie the fift.

BIcause that diuers nations com­prised within the truces conclu­ded as well by our souereigne lord the king that now is, as by his right noble father, haue beene robbed and spoiled by the kings lieges and subiects, as well on the maine seas as within the ports and coasts of England, Ireland, & Wales, by reason whereof, the truces and safe con­ducts haue broken and violated, to the da­mage, dishonour, and slander of the king, and against his dignitie, & the manslaiers, spoilers, robbers, & violaters of the same truces and safe conducts (as before is de­clared) haue beene recetted, procured, coun­selled, vpholden, and mainteined by diuerse of the kings liege people vpon the coasts: our said souereigne lord the king by the ad­uise and assent abouesaid, and at the praier of the said commons, hath ordeined and e­stablished, that all such manslaiers, This statute bringeth the rioters w [...] ­in compasse of treason. rob­bers, spoilers, breakers of truces, and safe conducts granted by the king, and the wil­full recetters, abbetters, procurers, coun­sellors, susteiners and mainteiners of such persons, hereafter in time to come, being [Page 843] anie of the lieges & subiects of this realme of England, Ireland, & Wales, are to be adiudged and determined as giltie of high treason committed against the crowne & dignitie of the king. And further, in euerie hauen and port of the sea, there shall be from hense-foorth made and assigned by the king, by his letters pattents, one lawfull officer named a conseruator of truces and safe conducts granted by the king, which line 10 officer shall dispend at the least ten pounds in land by yeare, &c: as in the statute more at large is expressed.

The which statute being read and well considered of, bicause there was diuerse leagues of truces be­twixt the king and diuerse other princes, as one be­twixt him and the French king, Diuers tru­ [...]es betweene [...] king and [...] forren princes. and another betwixt him and the archduke of Burgognie, and another be­twixt him & the king of Spaine (all the which truces line 20 were violated by the said insurrection) it was deter­mined by the whole councell there assembled, that the kings sergeants and attournies should go to the lord chancellor, to haue a sight of all the said leagues and charters of truces, to the intent they might frame their indictments according to the matter. And note that iudge Fineux said, Iudge Fine­ux interpre­teth the said statute. that all such as were parties to the said insurrection, were guiltie of high treason, as well those that did not commit anie robberie, as line 30 those that were principall dooers therein themselues, bicause that the insurrection in it selfe was high trea­son, as a thing practised against the regall honour of our souereigne lord the king.

And the same law holdeth of an insurrection (said Fineux) made against the statute of laborers. For so (said he) it came to passe, that certeine persons with­in the countie of Kent began an insurrection, in dis­obedience of the statute of labourers, and were at­teinted therfore of high treason, and had iudgement line 40 to be drawne, hanged, and quartered. He shewed where and when this chanced. It was further deter­mined by the said Fineux, and all the iustices of the land, that vpon the said commission of oier and terminer in London, the iustices named in the said commission, Order for pro­ceeding a­gainst the said offendors. might not arreigne the offendors, and proceed to the triall in one selfe daie, no more than might the iustices of peace. But iustices in oier might so doo, aswell as the iustices of gaole deliuerie: and as the sufficiencie of the iurors within the citie line 50 to passe betwixt the king and the said traitors, the iu­stices determined, that he that had lands, and goods, to the value of an hundred marks, should be inabled to passe vpon the said indictments. And this by the equitie of the statute of Anno vndecimo Henrici septi­mi, the which will, that no man be admitted to passe in anie inquest in London in a plée of lands, or other action, in which the damages shall passe the value of fourtie shillings, except he be woorth in lands or goods the value of an hundred markes. line 60

On saturdaie the second of Maie, in this ninth yeare, Manie of the offendors in­dicted at Guildhall. all the commissioners, with the lord maior, al­dermen, and iustices, went to the Guildhall, where manie of the offendors were indicted, as well of the insurrection, as of the robberies by them committed against the truces. Herevpon they were arreigned, & pleading not guiltie, had day giuen till monday next insuing. On which daie being the fourth of Maie, the lord maior, the duke of Norffolke, the earle of Sur­rie and others came to sit in the Guildhall, to procéed in their oier and terminer as they were appointed. When the lords were set, the prisoners were brought through the stréets tied in ropes, some men, and some lads of thirtéene yéeres of age. Among them were diuerse not of the citie, some priests, some husband­men, and labourers. The whole number of the rebellious r [...]nt. The whole number amounted vnto two hundred thrée score and eightéene persons.

This daie was Iohn Lincolne indicted as a prin­cipall procurer of this mischieuous insurrection, and therevpon hée was arreigned, and pleading not giltie, had daie giuen ouer till wednesdaie, or (as Hall saith) till thursday next insuing. He was charged with such matter (as before ye haue heard) concerning his sute vnto doctor Standish, and doctor Bele, What was laid to Lin­colnes charge▪ for the reading of this bill in their sermons, and opening the matter (as before ye haue heard) all which matter with the circumstances he had confessed on sundaie the third of Maie, vnto sir Richard Cholmleie, sir Iohn Dansie, & sir Hugh Skeuington. Diuers other were indicted this mondaie, and so for that time the lords departed. The next daie the duke came againe, & the erle of Surrie with 2000 armed men, which kept the stréets. When the maior; the duke, the earles of Shrewesburie and Surrie were set, the prisoners were arreigned, and thirtéene found guiltie, and ad­iudged to be hanged, drawne, and quartered. For execution whereof were set vp eleuen paire of gal­lowes in diuerse places where the offenses were doone, as at Algate, at Blanchappelton, Eleuen paire of gallows e­rected for the executing of the rebels. Gratious stréete, Leaden hall, and before euerie counter one, also at Newgate, at saint Martins, at Aldersgate, and at Bishopsgate.

Then were the prisoners that were iudged brought to those places of execution: and executed in most ri­gorous maner, in the presence of the lord Edmund Howard son to the duke of Norffolke, & knight mar­shall, who shewed no mercie, but extreme crueltie to the poore yoonglings in their execution: Edw. Hall. in Hen. 8. fol. lxij. and likewise the dukes seruants spake manie opprobrious words, some bad hang, some bad draw, some bad set the citie on fire, but all was suffered. On thursdaie the se­uenth of Maie, was Lincolne, Shirwin, and two bre­thren called Bets, and diuerse other adiudged to die. Then Lincolne said, My lords, I meant well: for if you knew the mischiefe that is insued in this realme by strangers, you would remedie it, & manie times I haue complained, and then I was called a busie fel­low: now our Lord haue mercie on me. They were laid on hardels, & drawne to the standard in Cheape; and first was Iohn Lincolne executed. Iohn Lin­colne the au­thor of ill Maie daie executed in Cheape side. And as the other had the ropes about their neckes, there came a commandement from the king to respit the execu­tion. Then the people cried, God saue the king, and so was the oier and terminer deferred till another daie, and the prisoners sent againe to ward: the armed men departed out of London, and all things set in quiet.

On the eleuenth daie of Maie, the king came to his manor of Gréenwich, Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. lxii. where the recorder of Lon­don and diuerse aldermen came to speake with his grace, and all ware gownes of blacke colour. And when they perceiued the king comming out of his priuie chamber into his chamber of presence, they knéeled downe, and the recorder said: The recorde [...] in the behalfe of the citie speaketh hum­blie to the K. touching the riot. ‘Our most na­turall, benigne, and souereigne lord, we know well that your grace is displeased with vs of your citie of London, for the great riot late doone: we ascerteine your grace, that none of vs, nor no honest person were condescending to that enormitie, and yet wée, our wiues, and children, euerie houre lament that your fauour should be taken from vs. And forsomuch as light and idle persons were the dooers of the same, we most humblie beséech your grace to haue mercie of vs for our negligence, and compassion of the of­fendors for their offense and trespasse.’

Trulie said the king, The kings answer wher­in their sute is denied. you haue highlie displeased and offended vs, and you ought to waile and be sorie for the same. ‘And where as you saie that you the sub­stantiall [Page 844] persons were not consenting to the same, it appeareth to the contrarie. For you neuer mooued to let them, nor stirred once to fight with them, which you say were so small a number of light persons. Wherefore we must thinke, and you can not denie, that you did winke at the matter, but at this time we will grant to you neither our fauour nor good will, nor to the offendors mercie, but resort to the cardi­nall our lord chancellour, and he shall make you an answer, and declare our pleasure.’ And with this an­swer line 10 the Londoners departed, and made relation to the maior.

On the eightéenth day of this moneth, the quéene of Scots, The quéene of Scots retur­neth toward Scotland. which had béene at the court, and at Bai­nards castell, a whole yeare at the kings charge, and was richlie appointed of all things méet to hir estate, both of iewels, plate, tapistrie, arras, coine, horsses, & all other things of the kings gift & liberalitie, de­parted out of London toward Scotland with great riches, albeit she came into England with great po­uertie, line 20 and she entered into Scotland the thirtéenth daie of Iune, whome hir husband receiued at Ber­wike, but the Englishmen smallie regarded him. All hir charges within the realme, comming to the court and returning, were of the kings pursse.

The king cō ­meth to West­minster hall, and there sit­teth in iudge­ment himselfe.On thursdaie the two & twentith daie of Maie, the king came into Westminster hall, for whome at the vpper end was set a cloth of estate, and the place han­ged with arras. With him was the cardinall, the dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke, the earles of Shrewsburie, of Essex, of Wiltshire, & Surrie, with line 30 manie lords and other of the kings councell. The ma­ior & aldermen, with all the chiefe of the citie were there in their best liuerie (according as the cardinall had appointed them) by nine of the clocke. Then the king commanded that all the prisoners should bée brought foorth, so that in came the poore yoonglings and old false knaues bound in ropes all along, one af­ter another in their shirts, and euerie one a halter a­bout his necke, to the number of foure hundred men, line 40 and eleuen women. And when all were come before the kings presence, the cardinall sore laid to the ma­ior and communalti [...] their negligence, and to the pri­soners he declared that they had deserued death for their offense. Then all the prisoners togither cried; Mercie gratious lord, mercie. Herewith the lords al­togither besought his grace of mercie, at whose sute the king pardoned them all. The kings gratious and generall pardon. Then the cardinall gaue vnto them a good exhortation, to the great gladnesse of the hearers. line 50

Now, when the generall pardon was pronounced, all the prisoners showted at once, & all togither cast vp their halters into the hall roofe, so that the king might perceiue they were none of the discréetest sort. Here is to be noted, that diuerse offendors, which were not taken, hearing that the king was inclined to mercie, came well apparelled to Westminster, and suddenlie stripped them into their shirts with halters, and came in among the prisoners willing­lie, to be partakers of the kings pardon. By which line 60 dooing, it was well knowne, that one Iohn Gelson yeoman of the crowne was the first that began to spoile, and exhorted other to doo the same: and bicause he fled and was not taken, he came in with a rope a­mong the other prisoners, The blacke wagon that followed ill Maie daie. and so had his pardon. This companie was after called the blacke wagon. Then were all the gallowes within the citie taken downe, and manie a good praier said for the king, and the citi­zens tooke more héed to their seruants. But the kings mercie ministred abundant matter of communica­tion, euerie one (speciallie the pardoned and their a­lies) sounding the benefit of his roiall clemencie, whereby of dead men they became liuing, and had susteined the seuere sentence of law, had not mercie remitted the fault and the punishment, which brea­keth the force of iudgement, as the poet trulie saith: ‘Iudicij neruos frangit miseratio clemens.’

In Iune the king had with him diuerse ambassa­dours, for solace of whome he prepared a costlie iu­stes, he himselfe & twelue more against the duke of Suffolke and other twelue. Solemne [...] ­stes between the king and others. His base and bard was the one halfe cloth of siluer, & the other halfe blacke tinsell. On the siluer was a curious lose worke of veluet imbrodered with gold, cut on the siluer, and euerie cut ingrailed with gold, so that that side was gold, siluer, and veluet. On the blacke tinsell side was blacke veluet imbrodered with gold, and cut, and euerie cut was ingrailed with flat gold of da­maske. The base and bard were brodered with great letters of massie gold bullion, full of pearles and stones, maruellous rich: all his companie were in like sute, sauing that they had no iewels. The king had on his head a ladies sleeue full of diamonds. On the king attended gentlemen, armourers, and other officers, A gallant and glorious sh [...] to the number of an hundred and twentie fiue persons, all in white veluet and white sattin, horsse and harnesse for horssemen, caps and hosen for footmen, all white, at the kings cost. Thus roiallie the king and his companie with his waiters came to the tilts end.

Then entered the duke of Suffolke, with the marques Dorset, the earls of Essex and Surrie, and eight other of his band, in bards and bases of white veluet and crimsin sattin losenged, set full of letters of C. M. of gold, for Charles and Marie, and they tooke the other end of the tilt. The king & the duke run personallie. Then the trumpets blue, and the king and the duke ran fiercely togither, and brake manie speares, and so did all the other, that it was hard to saie who did best. But when the cour­ses were run, they ran volant one at another, so that both by the report of sir Edward Gilford maister of the armourie, and also of the iudges and heralds, at these iustes were broken fiue hundred and six spears: and then the king the same night made the ambassa­dours a sumptuous banket, with manie riddels and much pastime. After this great triumph, the king appointed his ghests for his pastime this summer; but suddenlie there came a plague of sickenesse, cal­led the sweating sickenesse, that turned all his pur­pose.

This maladie was so cruell, that it killed some within thrée houres, some within two houres, The sweting sicknesse per­emptorie and deadlie. some merrie at dinner, and dead at supper. Manie died in the kings court, the lord Clinton, the lord Graie of Wilton, and manie knights, gentlemen, and offi­cers. For this plague Michaelmasse tearme was adiourned. And bicause that this maladie continued from Iulie to the midst of December, the king kept himselfe euer with a small companie, and held no solemne Christmasse, willing to haue no resort for feare of infection: but much lamented the number of his people, for in some one towne halfe the people died, and in some other towne the third part, the sweat was so feruent and infectuous. [By the extre­mitie whereof, Abr. Flem, and the multitudes with such sudden­nesse and present mortalitie dropping awaie: it should seeme that they little remembred, or at least­wise neglected the preseruatiue remedie vsed in the first great sweating sickenesse in Sée before. pag. 763, 764▪ king Henrie the seuenths time, whereby as then manie a mans life was saued, so now the like benefit (by applieng of the same wholsome meanes) might haue redounded to the patients.]

In the beginning of this yeare, 1519 Anno Reg. 1 [...]. Trinitie tearme was begun at Oxenford, where it continued but one daie, and was againe adiourned to Westminster. The tearme begun at Ox­ford and ad­iourned to Westminster. This yeare came to Calis from pope Leo, a legat De latere, called Laurence Campeius borne in Bul­logne [Page 845] la Grasse, [...]ardinall [...] from [...] pope. [...]. commonlie called cardinall Cam­peius, to require the king of aid against the Turke. At the request of the king of England, and also of the French king (which sought now to be receiued into fréendship with the king of England chéeflie by cardi­nall Woolsies meanes) pope Leo constituted the said cardinall Woolsie his legat in England, ioining him in commission with the said Campeius, the which staid at Calis vntill the bulles were brought from Rome touching that matter. [...] Hall. [...] of [...] at [...]. There was also line 10 another cause that staid Campeius at Calis, & that was a sute which cardinall Woolsie had mooued for the obteining of the bishoprike of Bath, which bene­fice cardinall Adrian Castalian inioied by the colla­tion of king Henrie the seuenth.

This cardinall Adrian being fallen in the popes displeasure, withdrew out of the court of Rome vn­to Uenice: and in the meane time cardinall Cam­peius, at the instance of cardinall Woolsie, wrote to the pope, that cardinall Adrian might be depriued of that bishoprike, to the end that cardinall Woolsie line 20 might haue the same. Which request was accompli­shed, and the bulles sent vnto Calis; so that then car­dinall Campeius, after he had remained at Calis thrée moneths, came ouer into England, and was receiued with all pompe & honour that might be de­uised. [...]br. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in H [...]. fol. lxiiij. ¶ Insomuch that cardinall Woolsie had sent to the legat (whilest he laie at Calis) red cloth to cloath his seruants, which at their comming to Calis were but meanelie apparelled. And when all things were line 30 readie, he passed the sea and landed at Douer; and so kept foorth his iournie toward London.

At euerie towne as they passed, he was receiued with procession, Cardinall C [...]peius [...]ceiued with [...]reat pompe. and accompanied with all the lords & gentlemen of Kent. And when he came to Blacke­heath, there met him the duke of Norffolke, with a great number of prelats, knights, & gentlemen, all richlie apparelled. And in the waie he was brought into a rich tent of cloath of gold, where he shifted him­selfe into the robe of a cardinall, edged with ermins; and so tooke his mule riding towards London. The line 40 night before he came to London, the cardinall of Yorke, to furnish the carriages of the cardinall Campeius, sent to him twelue mulets with emptie coffers couered with red: which twelue mulets were led thorough London amongest the mulets of Cam­peius, which were but eight; and so these twentie mu­lets passed thorough the stréets, as though they had béene full of treasures, apparell, & other necessaries.

What trum­perie was in dosed in the lord legats chests.Now when they came into Cheape, one of the mu­lets brake from hir kéeper, and ouerthrew the chests, line 50 and ouerturned two or thrée other mulets carriages, which fell with such a violence, that diuerse of them vnlocked; & out of some fell old hosen, broken shooes, and roasted flesh, peeces of bread, egges, and much vile baggage. At which sight the boies cried; Sée, sée my lord legats treasure: and so the muletters were ashamed, and tooke vp all their stuffe and passed foorth. About thrée of the clocke in the after noone on the twentie ninth day of Iulie the said legat entered the citie, and in Southworke met him all the clergie of line 60 London, with crosses, censors, and copes, and censed him with great reuerence. The maior and aldermen, with all the occupations of the citie in their best liue­ries stood in the stréets, and him highlie honoured: to whome sir Thomas More made a bréefe oration in the name of the citie.

Now when he came to Paules, there he was recei­ued with bishops mitred, and vnder a canopie ente­tered the church: which canopie his seruants tooke for their fees. And when he had offered, he gaue his bene­diction to all the people, & tooke againe his mule, & so with all his traine aforesaid was conueied to Bath place, and there rested: where he was welcommed of cardinall of Yorke. On sundaie next insuing, The glorious shewes or pompous port of the two car­dinals going to the court. these two cardinals as legats tooke their barges, & came to Gréenewich, ech of them had besides their crosses two pillers of siluer, two little axes gilt, and two cloake-bags embrodered, & the cardinals ha [...]s borne before them. And when they came to the kings hall, the cardinall of Yorke went on the right hand: and there the king roiallie apparelled and accompanied, met them euen as though both had come from Rome and so brought them both vp into his chamber of pre­sence.

Then a solemne oration was made by an Italian, declaring the cause of the legacie to be in two arti­cles, one for aid against Gods enimies, and the se­cond for reformation of the clergie. And when masse was doone, they were had to a chamber, and serued of lords and knights, with much solemnitie: and after dinner they tooke their leaue of the king, and came to London, and rode through the citie togither, in great pompe and glorie to their lodgings.] This cardinall Campeius for his fréendship shewed in hel­ping the cardinall of England to the bishoprike of Bath, was considered (besides other great rewards) with the bishoprike of Salisburie, the profits where­of he receiued, vntill the act was established, that no forrenner should inioie anie spirituall benefice with­in this realme. But for the chéefest errand that this cardinall Campeius came, he could haue no toward answer: which was (as you haue heard) to haue lea­uied a summe of monie by waie of tenths in this realme, to the maintenance of the warre in defense of the christian confines against the Turke.

There were at the same time other legats sent in­to other parts of Christendome about the same mat­ter, as into France, Spaine, and Germanie. Sée after in the extract out of Guicci­ardine. A craftie feare of the pope. For pope Leo calling to remembrance, that the feare con­ceiued of the Turkes had brought no small gaines to diuerse of his predecessors, he began to feare too. But for that such feare was now too well knowne to be v­sed as an ordinarie shift of the popes, when they stood in néed of monie, this practise was at this time vsed in vaine; so that Campeius hearing that it tooke not place in other parties, left off his earnest sute a­bout it, and with great rewards receiued of the king and cardinall, returned to Rome, not without hope yet (by reason of promises made vnto him by his fréends) that the popes request might hereafter be granted, according to his motion. There attended him to Rome one Iohn Clearke a lawier, as am­bassadour from the king.

This man obteined for the cardinall, authoritie to dispense with all men for offenses committed a­gainst the spirituall lawes, which part of his power legantine was verie profitable and gainefull. For then he set vp a court, and called it the court of the legat: in the which he prooued testaments, The court of the legat erec­ted by the car­dinall. and heard causes, to the great hinderance of all the bishops of this realme. He visited bishops, and all the cleargie exempt and not exempt, and vnder colour of refor­mation he got much treasure. For thorough bribes & rewards, notorious offendors were dispensed with, so that nothing was reformed, but came to more mis­chéefe. The example of his pride, Examples of great ones what it dooth. caused préests and all spirituall persons to wax so proud, that they ruf­fled it out in veluet and silks, which they ware both in gounes, iackets, doublets, and shooes. They vsed o­pen lecherie, and bare themselues so stout by reason of his authorities and faculties, that no man durst reprooue any thing in them. So that we sée here vere­fied in proofe how forcible the examples of great men be in the inferior sort; as the wise man truelie saith:

Qualis erit princeps, talis praefectus habetur,
Gu. Ha. in Eccl. cap. 10.
Nobilitas qualis, plebs quoque talis erit.

[But before we inferre further processe of other [Page 846] accidents, it were good to heare a full discourse, for the exact vnderstanding of the popes affaires, where­abouts he addressed so manie cardinals into so ma­nie parts of christendome, as solicitors to obteine succour against the Turke. ¶ Now followeth (saith mine author) the yeare 1518, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 756. in which the regions of Italie, contrarie to the precedent of manie yeares before, felt not the least impression or motion of war, yea there appeared the selfe same disposition in all other princes of christendome, The pope so­liciteth all the princes of christendome a­gainst the Turke. betweene whome by the operation of the pope, though happilie more with line 10 faire reason, than with substantiall counsels, was so­licited an vniuersall expedition of all christendome aginst the pride of Selim prince of the Turkes.

This man the yeare before, had so inlarged and extended his greatnesse, that comparing with his power, his ambition to be greater, pushed on with manie helpes of nature, it was worthilie to be doub­ted, that if he were not preuented by the inuasions of the christians, he would in his pride lift vp his vic­torious hands against them. For Selim discerning line 20 that Baiseth his father, reduced to extreme old age, sought to establish the succession of the empire in the person of Acomath his elder brother, drew into rebel­lion against him, and by force of armes, concurring the corruption of the souldiors of his gard, constrei­ned him to resigne vp to him the authoritie of the go­uernment: and not suffering his ambition to staie there, The ambition and tyrannie of Selim a­gainst his fa­ther & affines. it was beleeued of all men, that for his more absolute assurance he tooke awaie his life by poison: and afterwards giuing an ouerthrow to his brother line 30 in an inconter of a battell, he confirmed fullie the seat of his empire, by depriuing him of his life in publike shew, exercising the like rage of crueltie vp­on Corcu the yongest brother of all. And being not satisfied according to the tyrannie of the house of Ot­tomanni, with the bloud and slaughter of all his ne­phues, or anie others that remained of that line and stocke, he was in thought oftentimes (by the rage and furie of his disposition) to take awaie the life of Soliman his onelie sonne. line 40

Of these beginnings bréeding one warre vpon another, after he had subdued the Aduliti, a people of the mountaines, he passed ouer into Persia against the Sophi, to whome he gaue battell and ouerthrew him, and in that felicitie of warre he tooke the citie of Tauris the souereigne seat of that estate, Selim ouer­throweth the Sophi of Persia. togither with the greatest part of Persia which he was con­streined to abandon, not through the valour of his enimies, who for their disabilitie to support their army line 50 were retired into the mounteins and places desert, but for the vniuersall dearth and barrennesse of that yeare, he fell into an extreme want of vittels: he re­turned soone after this expedition to Constantinople, where after he had doone execution vpon certeine souldiers seditious, and for certeine moneths had re­freshed his armie, he gaue out that he would eftsoons returne to make warre vpon Persia. But indeed he turned his forces against the Soldan king of So­ria and Aegypt, a prince not onelie of most ancient line 60 reuerence and dignitie for that religion; but most mightie for the amplitude of dominion, most rich in tributes, The state of the Soldan king of Soria and Aegypt. and verie glorious by the discipline of the Mammelukes, of whose armes and forces that state was possessed with great reputation thrée hundred yeares.

For that empire, being ruled of the Soldans, they not by succession but by election ascended to it, and to the supreme seat of gouernement were not preferred but men of manifest vertue, and confir­med by all the degrees of warre, in the administra­tion of prouinces and armies, and also the sinewes and strengthes of their forces stood not vpon souldi­ors mercenarie and forreine, but of men elected, who taken of children in the prouinces adioining, and trained vp by succession of yeares in hardnesse of fare, in suffering of labour and toile, and in the exer­cise of armes and all customes apperteining to the discipline and law of warre, they ascribed and inrol­led them in the order of the Mammelukes. There suc­céeded from hand to hand in this order, not the sons of the Mammelukes that were dead, but others, who being taken of children for slaues, had their rising by the same discipline, and by the same industrie and artes, by the which their predecessours had passed from hand to hand.

These not being in number aboue seuenteene or eighteene thousand, By whole e­lection the Soldans were chosen. held subiected vnder a most hea­uie yoke, all the people of Aegypt and Soria, whom they spoiled of the vse of all armes, and practise to manage horsses: yea such was their fiercenesse and valour, that oftentimes they made warre of them­selues, for that of their numbers and by their electi­on were chosen the Soldans, and in their power re­sted all authoritie to distribute the honours, offices, and profits of that most rich empire. By the opor­tunitie of which, hauing subdued manie nations ad­ioining, and reduced to obedience the Arabians, and mainteined manie warres with the Turkes, they were manie times victorious, but verie seldome or neuer vanquished of others. Against these people did Selim conuert his forces, whome he ouerthrew in manie battels fought in plaine field, wherein was slaine the Soldan, The Turks slaieth the [...] Soldans and subdueth all Soria and Aegypt. and afterwards in an other bat­tell was taken prisoner the other Soldan his succes­sor, whome he caused to be publikelie murthered with an vnworthie kind of torment. Thus hauing sa­tisfied his bloudie humour with such great slaugh­ters, and also wasted the name of the Mammelukes, he procéeded to the inuasion of Cairo a most popu­lous citie, wherein w [...]re resident the Soldans, and in short time subdued vnder his iurisdiction all So­ria and Aegypt.

These drew vnto him so great an increase of im­perie, such amplification of tribute and reuenue, and remoouing the impediments of so mightie enimies, and of so great reputation, that with great reason hée was to be feared of the christians. A feare which tooke his degrees of increasing by this consideration, that to so great a power and valour was ioined a settled impression of ambition to beare rule, & by manie vic­tories, to make glorious his name to all posterities: wherein reading oftentimes the legends and actions of the great Alexander, and Iulius Cesar, The Turks ambition hath no bounds o [...] circumscrip­tion. he séemed to suffer griefe and perplexitie of mind, that his ac­tions & exploits of warre could in no wise hold com­parison with so manie great triumphs and victories. In which humour, refurnishing continuallie his ar­mies, and building of new a great number of ships, and leuieng all prouisions necessarie for the warre, it was fered when his preparations were accompli­shed, that he would inuade Rhodes, the bulworke of the christians in the east parts, or else the kingdome of Hungaria, made fearefull by the valour of the in­habitants to the nation of the Turks, which at that time was in diuision amongst themselues, and made weake by the minoritie of their king, who was go­uerned by the priests and barons of the realme.

Others were of opinion, that he had addressed all his thoughts to the inuasion of Italie, taking his in­couragement vpon the discord of the potentates and naturall princes, whome he knew to be much shaken with the long warres of those regions. To this was ioined the memorie of Mahomet his grandfather, who with a power farre lesse than his, and with a small name sent vpon the coasts of the realme of Naples, had woone by assault the citie of O [...]ronto: and (sauing he was preuented by death) had both o­pened [Page 847] the way, and established the meane to perse­cute the regions of Italie with continuall vexati­ons: The pope put of feare that [...] Turke [...] ouerrun [...] territories [...] Italie. so that the pope togither with the whole court of Rome being made astonished with so great suc­cesse, and no lesse prouident to eschew so great a dan­ger, making their first recourse vnto the aid and succour of God, caused to be celebrated through Rome most deuout inuocations, which he did assist in presence bare-footed.

And afterwards calling vpon the helpe of m [...]n▪ line 10 he wrote letters to all christian princes, both admo­nishing them of the perill, and persuading them to lay aside all ciuill discords and contentions, and at­tend spéedilie to the defense of religion & their com­mon safetie, which he affirmed would more and more take increase of most grieuous danger, if with the vnitie of minds, and concordances of forces, they sought not to transferre the warre into the empire of the Turks, & inuade the enimie in his owne coun­trie. Upon this aduise and admonition, was taken line 20 the examination and opinion of men of warre, The pope [...] him [...] his securi­ [...] [...] tuition. and persons skilfull in the discouerie of countries, the dis­posing of prouinces, and of the nature and vsage of the forces and weapons of that kingdome, and there­vpon a resolution was set downe to make great le­uies of monie by voluntarie contributions of prin­ces, and vniuersall imposts of all people of christen­dome.

It was thought necessarie that Cesar accompa­nied with the horssemen of Hungaria and Polonia, line 30 nations warlike, and practised in continuall warre a­gainst the Turke, and also with the footmen of Ger­manie, should saile along Danubi into Bossina cal­led ancientlie Misia, and from thence to Thracia, and so to draw neare Constantinople, [...]litike deui­ [...]s to [...] & preuēt [...]he Turkes [...]poses. the seat of the em­pire of Ottomanes: that the French king with all the forces of his kingdome, the Uenetians, and the other potentates of Italie, accompanied with the infanterie of Swizzerland, should passe from the port of Brindisi in Albania, a passage verie easie & short, to inuade Greece, a countrie full of christian inhabi­tants, line 40 and for the intollerable yoke of the Turkes, most readie to rebell: that the kings of Spaine, of England, and Portugall, assembling their forces to­gither in Cartagenia, and the ports thereabouts, should take their course with two hundred ships full of Spanish footmen and other souldiers, to the streict of Galipoli, to make rodes vp to Constanti­nople, hauing first of all subdued the castels and forts standing vpon the mouth of the streict: and the pope to take the same course, imbarking at Ancona, with line 50 an hundred ships armed.

Why it was generallie thought that this warre would haue [...]ckie succes.With these preparations, séeming sufficient to couer the land, and ouerspread the sea, it was thought that of a warre so full of deuotion and pietie, there could not be but hoped a happie end, speciallie adding the inuocation of God, and so manie seuerall inua­sions made at one time against the Turkes, who make their principall foundation of defense, to fight in the plaine field. These matters were solicited with no small industrie, and to stop all matter of imputa­tion line 60 against the office of the pope, the minds of prin­ces were throughlie sounded, and an vniuersall truce for fiue yeares betweene all the princes of christen­dome, published in the consistorie, vpon paine of most grieuous censure to such as should impugne it. So that the negociation continuing for all things apperteining to so great an enterprise, he assigned ambassadours to all princes: to the emperour he sent the cardinall S. Sisto, to the French king he dispat­ched the cardinall of S. Maria in Portico, the cardi­nall Giles to the king of Spaine, This ope­ [...]h the place in our Eng­lish historie. and the cardinall Campeius to the king of England.

All cardinals of authoritie, either for their experi­ence in affaires, or for opinion of their doctrine, or for their familiaritie with the pope. All which things albeit they were begun with great hope and expec­tation, and the vniuersall truce accepted of all men, and all men with no little ostentation and brauerie of words, made shew of their readinesse with their forces to aduance so good a cause: yet, what with the consideration of the perill estéemed vncerteine and farre off, and extending more to one prince than to another, and what by the difficulties and long tract of time that appeared, to introduce a zeale and vnion so vniuersall, priuat interests and respects particular séemed to preuaile more, The popes negociation naked of all hope & issue. than the pietie of the expe­dition: insomuch that the negociation stood not one­lie naked of all hope and issue, but also it was follo­wed verie lightlie, and as it were by ceremonie.

This being one propertie in the nature of men, that those things which in their beginnings appeare fearefull, doo dailie take such degrées of diminution and vanishing, that vnles the first feares be reuiued by new accidents▪ they lead men in processe of time to securitie. Which propertie of negligence, both tou­ching the affaires publike, and affection of priuate and particular men was well confirmed by the death that succéeded not long after to Selim, who, The death of Selim, and succession of Soliman. hauing by a long maladie suspended the preparations of the warre; was in the end consumed by the passions of his disease, and so passed into the other life, leauing so great an empire to Soliman his sonne, yoong in yeares, and iudged to beare a wit and mind not so dis­posed to the warres, although afterwards the effects declared the contrarie.

At this time appeared betweene the pope and the French king a most great and streict coniuncton: for the king gaue to wife to Laurence his nephue, Aliance be­twixt the pope & the French king. the ladie Magdalen noblie descended of the bloud and house of Bullognie, with a yearelie reuenue of ten thousand crownes, whereof part was of the kings gift, and the residue rising of hir owne patrimonie. Besides, the king hauing borne to him a sonne, the pope required that in his baptisme, he would impose vpon him his name. By which occasion Laurence making preparations to go to marrie his new wife, for his more spéed, performed his iournie by post in­to France, where he was receiued with manie ami­ties and much honour of the king, to whome he be­came verie gratious and of deare account, the rather for that (besides other generall respects) he made a de­dication of himselfe wholie to the king, with promise to follow in all accidents, his fortune.]

And now to returne to cardinall Woolsie, who grew so into excéeding pride, The excessiue pride of the cardinall. that he thought him­selfe equall with the king. For when he said masse (which he did oftener to shew his pompe, rather than for anie deuotion) he made dukes and earles to serue him of wine, with a say taken, and to hold to him the bason at the lauatorie. Thus was the pride of the car­dinall and other priests so past the compasse of rea­son, that in maner all good persons abhorred and dis­deined it [as altogither degenerating from the ex­ample of Christ & his poore traine, of whome in name and title they séemed to be professors, but of their maners and trade of life open defiers; yea in such manifest sort, both in apparell and diet, as also in all other respects, that few there were (if they perceiued anie thing by discretion) but saw the euident abuses of their behauiours, tending greatlie to the disho­nour of the place which they possessed, as also to the no small offense of the modester sort of the cleargie, wherof some did so well like of this ruffling and mas­king presbyterie, that they abhorred it as strong poi­son in their broth.]

It fortuned that the archbishop of Canturburie wrote to the cardinall, anon after that he had recei­ued [Page 848] his power legantine, the which letter after his old familiar maner he subscribed thus: The cardinall taketh it in scorne to be called brother by the archbi­shop. Your bro­ther William of Canturburie. With which subscrip­tion, bicause the archbishop wrote him brother, he was so much offended, as though the archbishop had doone him great iniurie, that he could not temper his mood, but in high displeasure said, that he would so worke within a while, that he should well vnderstand how he was his superiour, and not his brother. When the archbishop (being a sober wise man) heard of the line 10 messenger that bare the letter, how the cardinall tooke it not well, but so as it might seeme there was a great fault in the letter, and reported the tale as one that misliked the cardinals presumption herein: Peace (said the archbishop) knowest thou not how the man is become mad with too much ioy. And thus the cardinall forgetting to hold the right path of true laud and praise, sought to be feared rather than belo­ued of all good men.

In this meane time the French king greatlie co­ueting line 20 to redeeme the citie of Tornaie out of the hands of the king of England, and knowing that he must make waie therevnto thorough the cardinals fréendship, ceassed not with high gifts to win his good will, and moreouer in often writing to him, ex­alted him with titles of honor, The French king writeth to cardinall Woolsie. and so magnified him, that the cardinall, as one tickled with vaine-glorie more than can be imagined, thought that he could not doo pleasure enough to the French king, that did estéeme so much of him. Herevpon the French king line 30 hoping to compasse his desire, after he perceiued the cardinals good will towards him, signified his mea­ning vnto the said cardinall; who found meanes to breake thereof to the king, in such wise as he was contented to heare the French kings ambassadors, that should be sent hither to talke of that matter.

The French king then vnderstanding the king of England his pleasure, sent ouer the lord Boniuet high admerall of France, Ambassadors from the French king. and the bishop of Paris as chéefe ambassadours, accompanied with a great line 40 sort of lustie gentlemen of the French kings court, to the number of foure score and aboue, on whome at­tended such a companie of other of the meaner sort, that the whole number amounted to twelue hundred one and other, An vnreaso­nable number for an ambas­sage. Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in Hen. 8. fol lxv. The ambassa­dors of Frāce receiued on Blackeheath. which were thought to be manie for an ambassage. ¶ On mondaie the twentie seuenth daie of September, the earle of Surrie high admerall of England, in a coat of rich tissue cut on cloath of sil­uer, on a great courser richlie trapped, and a great whistle of gold, set with stones and pearle, hanging line 50 at a great and massie chaine baudricke wise, accom­panied with an hundred and sixtie gentlemen, richlie apparelled, on goodlie horsses came to Blackeheath, and there amiablie receiued the ambassadours of France. The yoong gallants of France had coats garded with one colour, cut in ten or twelue parts verie richlie to behold: and so all the Englishmen ac­coupled themselues with the Frenchmen louinglie togither, and so road to London. After the two ad­merals followed foure and twentie of the French line 60 kings gard, accompanied with foure and twentie of the English gard. And after them a great num­rer of archers, to the number of foure hundred. And in this order they passed thorough the citie to tailors hall, and there the chéefe ambassadours were lodged, and the remnant in merchants houses about.

When these lords were in their lodgings, then the French harder men opened their wares, & made the tailors hall like the paund of a mart. At this doo­ing manie an Englishman grudged, but it auailed not. The last daie of September, the French ambas­sadours tooke their barge, The French ambassadors come to the court. and came to Greenewich. The admerall was in a gowne of cloath of siluer rai­sed, furred with rich sables; and all his companie al­most were in a new fashioned garment, called a she­mew, which was in effect a gowne cut in the middle. The gentlemen of France were brought into the kings presence, where the bishop of Paris made a solemne oration; which being ended, & answer made thereto, the king highlie interteined the admerall and his companie, and so did all the English lords and gentlemen.]

The ambassadours after this were dailie in coun­cell, till at length an agréement was concluded, vn­der pretense of a marriage to be had betweene the Dolphin of France, and the ladie Marie, daugh­ter to the king of England: in name of whose mar­riage monis▪ Tornaie should be deliuered vnt [...] the French king, he paieng to the king of England for the castell which he had made in that citie; Articles of [...]gréement [...] the deliuer [...] of Torna [...]. six hun­dred thousand crownes, to be paid in twelue yeares space, that is to saie, fiftie thousand euerie yeare du­ring that terme. And if the marriage chanced not to take effect, then should Tornaie be againe restored to the king of England. For performance of which article, hostages should be deliuered, that is to wit, monsieur de Montmorancie, monsieur de Montpe­sac, monsieur de Moie, monsieur de Morret. Moreo­uer the French king should paie to the lord cardinall of England a thousand marks of yearelie pension, in recompense of his reuenues before time receiued of the bishoprike of Tornaie: and likewise to other of the kings councell he should also giue certeine summes of monie as yearelie pensions, in like ma­ner as his ancestors had doone to the councellors of the kings of England before time.

The French K. agreed to call backe the duke of Al­banie out of Scotland, that the suertie of K. Iames might the better be prouided for, and lesse occasion of trouble ministred to the king of England. And fur­ther the French king was contented that the said king Iames should be receiued as a confederat in this peace. When all things were concluded, the king and the ambassadours road to the cathedrall church of saint Paule in London from Durham place, where the cardinall of England sang the masse in most pompous maner: and after that masse was ended, doctor Pace the kings secretarie made an eloquent oration in praise of peace: and that doone, the king and his nobles with the ambassadours went to the bishops palace, and there dined, and after din­ner, the king rode againe to Durham place. Edw. H [...]ll [...]n H. 8. fol. l [...]. That night the cardinall of Yorke made to the ambassa­dors a solemne banket, and them accompanied ma­nie lords and ladies of England. And when the ban­ket was doone, in came six minstrels, richlie disgui­sed, and after them followed thrée gentlemen in wide and long gownes of crimsin sattin, euerie one ha­uing a cup of gold in their hands.

The first cup was full of angels and roials, the se­cond had diuerse bales of dice, and the third had cer­teine paires of cards. These gentlemen offered to plaie at mumchance, and when they had plaied the length of the first boord, then the minstrels blew vp, and then entered into the chamber certeine ladies disguised, on whome attended twelue knights dis­guised bearing torches. All these thirtie & six persons were in one sute of fine gréene sattin, all couered o­uer with cloth of gold, vnder tied togither with laces of gold, and masking hoods on their heads: the ladies had tiers made of braids of damaske gold with long haire of white gold. All these maskers dansed at one time, and after they had dansed, they put off their vi­sors, and so were they all knowne. The admerall and lords of France hartilie thanked the king, that it pleased him to visit them with such disport. Then the king & his companie were banketted, and had high chéere: and so they departed euerie man to his lod­ging. [Page 849] The eight of October at Gréenewich, was soong a solemne masse by the bishop of Durham, and after masse, [...] maister [...] rolles. doctor Tunstall, maister of the rolles, made an eloquent proposition in praise of the matri­monie to be had betwixt the Dolphin and the ladie Marie. All that daie were the strangers feasted, and at night they were brought into the hall, where was a rocke full of all maner of stones, [...] verie artificiallie made, and on the top stood fiue trées, the first an oliue tree, on which hanged a shield of the armes of the line 10 church of Rome; the second a pineaple trée, with the armes of the emperour; the third a rosier, with the armes of England; the fourth a branch of lillies, bea­ring the armes of France; and the fift a pomegra­nat trée, bearing the armes of Spaine: in token that all these fiue potentats were ioined togither in one league against the enimies of Christes faith.

In and vpon the middest of the rocke sate a faire ladie, richlie apparelled with a dolphin in hir lap. In this rocke were ladies and gentlemen apparelled in line 20 crimsin sattin, couered ouer with floures of purple sattin, embrodered vpon with wrethes of gold, knit togither with golden laces, and on euerie floure a hart of gold moouing. The ladies apparell was after the fashion of Iude, with kerchifes of pleasance, hat­ched with fine gold, and set with letters of Gréeke in gold of bullion; and the edges of their kerchifes were garnished with hanging perle. These gentlemen and ladies sat on the nether part of the rocke, and out of a caue in the said rocke came ten knights, armed at line 30 all points, and fought togither a faire tournie. And when they were seuered and departed, the disguisors descended from the rocke, and dansed a great space: and suddenlie the rocke mooued and receiued the dis­guisors, and immediatlie closed againe.

Then entered a person called Report, apparelled in crimsin sattin full of toongs, sitting on a flieng horsse with wings and féet of gold called Pegasus. This person in French declared the mening of the rocke, the trées, A statelie or [...]all banket [...] two hun­dred and sixtie [...]. and the tournie. After this pastime en­ded, line 40 the king and the ambassadours were serued at a banket with two hundred and sixtie dishes, and after that a voidee of spices with sixtie spice plates of sil­uer and gilt, as great as men with ease might beare. This night the cupboord in the hall was of twelue stages all of plate of gold, and no gilt plate. When that euerie man had béene plentiouslie serued, the tables were taken vp, and the king with the quéene and all the strangers departed to their lodgings.

After diuerse iusts & feasts made for the said am­bassadours line 50 by the king and lords: sir Thomas Ex­mew maior of London made to them a costlie din­ner at Goldsmiths hall, which dinner they highlie praised, it was so well ordered. And when the time came, they tooke their leaue of the king, the quéene, and the kings councell, and deliuered into the kings possession their foure hostages (as you haue heard be­fore.) At which departing the king gaue to the adme­rall of France a garnish of gilt vessell, a paire of co­uerd basens gilt, The king of Englands [...]nific [...]nce and bounti­fulnesse to the French am­bassadours & [...]entlemen. twelue great gilt boles, foure paire line 60 of great gilt pots, a standing cup of gold, garnished with great pearles: and to some other also, he gaue plate, to some chains of gold, to some rich apparell, and to some great horsses with rich bards, so that euerie gentleman was well rewarded; which liberalitie the strangers much praised: and after that all their trus­ses were readie they departed towards the sea, and tooke ship and landed at Bullogne.]

Ambassadors sent from king Henrie [...] the French [...].Shortlie after their departure, the earle of Wor­cester, lord chamberleine, the bishop of Elie, the lord of saint Iohns, sir Nicholas Uaux, sir Iohn Pe­chie, sir Thomas Bullen, as ambassadours from the king of England, accompanied with thrée score and ten knights, gentlemen and yeomen, to the num­ber of foure hundred and aboue, passed the sea to Ca­lis, and so from thense went to Paris, where they were noblie receiued, & being brought to the French kings presence, the bishop of Elie made a solemne oration touching the mariage and peace concluded. [To interteine the English ambassadours and gen­tlemen, Edw. Hall in H. 8 fol. lxv [...]. A banketting house of the French kings descri­bed. the French king had made a banketting house in the bastill of Paris betwéene foure old walles. This house was couered with cords streined by craft, and euerie cord was woond about with box, and so laid crossewise one ouer an other in fret, and at the méetings a great knop gilt with gold foile. O­uer their cords was streined woollen cloaths of light blew: this roofe was foure score foot high, and on e­uerie side three stages high: all the pillers of the sta­ges were couered with antike works, & the brests of the stages curiouslie wrought with armes, viniets, and branches: the roofe was set full of starres gilt & furnished with glasses betwéene the frets. In this house was two hundred and twelue branches gilt hanged, & on euerie branch a great number of lights of white wax.

Diuerse sorts of maskes were shewed also that night: and at euerie side of the palace a great cup­boord of massie plate of much greatnesse was set, the French king welcomming the lords and ambas­sadours with good countenance.] Here is to be re­membred, that immediatlie after the conclusion of the marriage, a rumor was raised, that the Dolphin was dead before, and that this marriage was but a colourable pretext, deuised of the Frenchmen for a policie to come by their purpose: and therefore, after that the English ambassadours had beene feasted and interteined with banketting and princelie pastime, the bishop of Elie, with sir Thomas Bullen, and sir Richard Weston, were appointed to go vnto Coniacke to see the Dolphin, where they were hono­rablie receiued, and brought vnto the presence of the Dolphin, being a goodlie yoong child, whome they kis­sed and imbraced in most louing wise.

The earle of Worcester, and with him sir Nicho­las Uaux, sir Iohn Pechie, sir Edward Belknap, year 1520 and diuerse others at the same time, tooke leaue of the French king, and rode to Tornaie to sée the citie deliuered to the Frenchmen. Wherevpon, the eight of Februarie, the lord Chatillon came thither with one and twentie hundred men; and after some con­trouersie mooued about the deliuerie of his commis­sion, and sealing an indenture, which the earle had there readie ingrossed, conteining the articles of a­greement, in consideration whereof it was deliue­red, the capteine sir Richard Ierningham was dis­charged, and the Frenchmen suffered to enter with drumslads and minstrelsie, The maner how Tornaie was deliuered to the French king. but not with standards nor banners, which the Englishmen caused them to roll vp greatlie against their wils. Before they came to the gates, they sealed the indenture, confessing how they receiued the citie as a gift, and not as a right, and deliuered their commission, whereby they were authorised to receiue it, which at the first they re­fused to doo, affirming that it was sufficient for them to shew it.

Thus was Tornaie deliuered in this tenth yeare of the kings reigne, on the eight daie of Februarie, & the Englishmen returned into England, sore dis­pleased in their minds. For thereby manie a tall yeo­man lacked liuing, the which would not labour after their returne, but fell to robbing, pilfering, shifting, and other extraordinarie meanes of maintenance, whereas before they were staied vpon a certeintie of hope, so long as they had allowance by the king. So that this resignation of Tornaie, though it were an­swerable to the desire of the French king, and com­modious for his people, yet that benefit of theirs bred [Page 850] to the English soldiors detriment and losse: who wi­shed in their harts to haue left their liues behind them in defense of possession, rather than it should re­uert into the hands of them, by whome it was surren­dred & giuen vp to the English power, whom (bicause they were not able to incounter) they let in at their gates by a voluntarie motion and common consent for their better safetie, as a late writer witnesseth:

Angligenas passis intra sua moenia portis
Sponte intromittens. line 10

¶During this time remained in the French court diuerse yoong gentlemen of England, Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. lxvii. The light and misliked de­meanour of diuerse yoong gentlemen of England & the French king. and they with the French king rode dailie disguised through Pa­ris, throwing egges, stones, and other foolish trifles at the people, which light demeanour of a king was much discommended and ieasted at. And when these yoong gentlemen came againe into England, they were all French, in eating, drinking, and apparell, yea, and in French vices and brags, so that all the estates of England were by them laughed at: the line 20 ladies and gentlewomen were dispraised, so that no­thing by them was praised, but if it were after the French turne, which after turned them to displesure, as you shall heare.

After the kings ambassadours were returned, and Tornaie deliuered to the Frenchmen vpon the con­ditions aforesaid, the hostages that were here left for the paiment of the great summes and perfor­mance of the conditions comprised in the league (of the which one was, that if the marriage tooke none effect, then the citie of Tornaie should be redeliuered line 30 vpon repaiment of the same summes) the said hosta­ges knew not in what case they stood, but when they knew it, they were verie heauie and sorowfull: how­beit, they dissembled the matter in the best wise they could. The king vsed familiarlie these foure hostages, and on the seuenth daie of Maie prepared a disgui­sing, Preparation for solemne disport. and caused his great chamber at Gréenwich to be staged, and great lights to be set on pillors that were gilt, with basons gilt, and the roofe was couered line 40 with blue sattin set full of presses of fine gold and flowers: and vnder was written Iammes, the mea­ning whereof was, that the slower of youth could not be oppressed.

Into this chamber came the king, and the quéene, with the hostages, and there was a goodlie comedie of Plautus plaied; and that doone, there entered into the chamber eight ladies in blacke veluet bordered a­bout with gold, with hoopes from the wast downe­ward, A comedie of Plautus plaied before the king. and sléeues rusted and plited at the elbow, and line 50 plaine in the middest, full of cuts, plucked out at eue­rie cut with fine camerike, & tired like the Aegypti­ans verie richlie. And when these ladies had passed a­bout the place, in came eight noble personages in long gownes of taffata set with flowers of gold bul­lion, and vnder that apparell cotes of blacke veluet embrodered with gold all to cut, and plucked out with cuts of white sarcenet, and euerie man had buskins of blacke veluet full of agglets of gold.

Then the eight men dansed with the eight ladies line 60 all being visarded, and suddenlie the men cast off their large gownes, and then their vnder apparell was séene. And when all was doone, euerie lord and ladie put off their visards, and then it was knowne that the king, the duke of Suffolke, and the French quéene were there, which were present at the plaie time. On the eight daie of March was a solemne iu­stes, A iustes. the king himselfe, and eight yoong gentlemen based and barded in blacke veluet embrodered with gold; against the duke of Suffolke, and eight of his band, all in white satten with drops of gold. And that daie they all ran excéeding well, which the strangers highlie commended.]

About the end of March, the king sent for all the yeomen of the gard that were come from Tornaie, The [...] of [...] rewarde [...]. and after manie good words giuen to them, he gran­ted to euerie of them foure pence the daie without attendance, except they were speciallie commanded. Abr. Fl. ex [...] ¶ And here it seemeth requisit to adde the report of a forreine chronicler touching the league of amitie and conditions of the same, knit vp in breuitie and good tearmes as followeth. Now (saith he) the differences betwéene the French and English were also recon­ciled. And for the more stabilitie of which agreement, it was confirmed with a contract of parentage and aliance, wherein the king of England promised to giue his onelie daughter, to whome hauing no sons, there was hope of the descending & succession of the kingdome to the Dolphin the eldest sonne of the crowne of France, The porti [...] giuē with [...] kings daugh­ter of Eng­land. adding for a portion foure hun­dred thousand duckets. Both the one and the other bore yet so tender age, that infinit accidents might happen, before perfection of yeeres would make them able to establish matrimonie. There was made betwene them a league defensiue, wherin were com­prehended Cesar, and the king of Spaine, in case they would ratifie it in a certeine time.

The king of England bound himselfe to restore Tornaie, receiuing presentlie for defraiments ex­pended vpon that towne, two hundred and threescore thousand duckets, and thrée hundred thousand to bée defalked of the portion, and to paie thrée hundred thou­sand more in the space of twelue yeares. The French king also was bound, that if the peace and the paren­tage folowed not, to render vp againe into the hands of the English, the towne of Tornaie. Manie am­bassadours were sent from both the realmes to ne­gociat this league, and to receiue the ratifications and othes, by whome in the courts of both the kings the acts of the accord were dispatched with great so­lemnitie and ceremonie, with a resolution of an in­teruiew of both the kings betwéene Calis and Bul­longne, immediatlie after the restitution of Tor­naie.

About the same time, the daughter of the French king, appointed to be married to the king of Spaine, being dead, Peace and [...]liance betwix [...] the French king and the Spanish so­lemnlie ce­lebrated. the former peace and capitulation was eftsoones reconfirmed betwéene them, wherein was promised the marriage of the second daughter of France. Both the kings celebrated this coniunction with most great demonstrations of perfect amitie: for the king of Spaine, hauing paied in at Lions an hundred thousand duckets, ware publikelie the order of saint Michaell vpon the day of the celebration of the same, and in recompense of that honour: the French king, vpon the daie dedicated to saint An­drew, was honorablie attired in the robes and colour of the golden fléece.

About this time, Iohn Ia. Triuulce, whome nei­ther old age reduced almost to the last time, The death of Iohn Ia Tri­uulce, a noble seruitour in the French affaires. nor his vertue so oftentimes expressed in the seruice of the truce of France could anie waie aid or comfort (be­ing both ambicious and impatient, and therefore en­uied) following the French court, fell sicke at Char­ters, where he gaue vp to the king, his innocencie and complaints, and made to God the last reckoning of his aged daies. He was a man in the iudgement of manie, and confirmed by sundrie experiences, of singular valour in the discipline of warre, and ran a race alwaies opposed to the inconstancie of fortune, who (according to hir mutabilitie) made him feele the operation of both hir humors, sometimes reioising in hir fauour, and erst againe finding hir sowre and of a bitter tast. By his commandement were writ­ten vpon his toome these words, not disagreeable to the variable condition and course of his naturall life:

I find the rest within my graue,
Which in my life I could not haue.]

[Page 851] The death of the emperour Maximilian [...]. pag 763.In this yeare the twelfe of Februarie, died the emperour Maximilian, for whome the king caused a solemne obsequie to be kept in Poules church. ¶ Hée died at Luiz, a towne vpon the marches of Austrich, where he remained for his delight and plesure in hunting the wild bore, and other chases of the field. He liued alwaies vnder one condition of fortune, [...] description of the empe­ [...]s qualities. who manie times fauoured him, in offering him ma­nie faire occasions, & as often wrought against him in not suffering him to take the fruit and effect of line 10 them. He was by nature inconstant and remooue­able, and had conceipts and impressions verie ill dis­posed and different from the iudgement of other men, ioined to an excessiue prodigalitie and dissipati­on of monie.

Matters which cut off from him the effects and successe of all occasions, being otherwise a prince most perfect and instructed in the ordering of warre, secret to laie and dispose a plot, diligent to follow it, of bodie able and suffering, of mind affable and easie, line 20 and replenished with manie other excellent gifts and ornaments. Unto some of these properties, the good seruice which he did the king of England at Terwin giueth proofe, at what time both he and his people marched vnder the English ensigne, and receiued paie as stipendarie souldiors; whose wages the king had a care to paie, as maie appeare by his coining of siluer monie, whereof was scarsitie in his campe, in respect of gold, wherewith the souldiors were well stored, as one dooth verie well make report, saieng: line 30

Pro mercede nihil nisifuluum soluitur aurum,
Auri militibus radiantis copia totis
Tanta fuit castris, vt rex cudisse coactus
Nummum exargento fuerit.

Assoone as the emperour was dead, the French king and the king of Spaine began manifestlie to aspire to the empire, The French [...] and the Spanish [...] aspire to the empire. the purchase whereof albeit was a matter of right great importance, and no lesse the emulation running betwéene two so mightie prin­ces, yet they ordered their ambition with great mo­destie, line 40 neither vsing words of iniurie, nor threats of armes; but either one labouring by his authoritie, & by his meanes, to draw on his side the electors. The French king sundrie times reasoned touching the election with great comelinesse with the Spanish ambassadours, to whom he said it was a matter both agréeable and conuenient, that either of them seue­rallie should séeke by honest meanes to increase the honour of his house by so great a dignitie: which for that in times before had bene transferred into the fa­milies of their predecessours, there was now the lesse line 50 occasion to bréed betwéene them two matter of iniu­rie, nor diminution of their amitie and good will.

But rather he wished, that in the action of the empire, they might follow the example and order of two yoong louers, who albeit they follow the quest of one ladie, and either one laboureth by his industrie to carie hir; yet they forbere to come to contention. The king of Spaine alluded with good right, that the em­pire apperteined to him, The king of Spains claim to the empire. as hauing continued by a long succession of time in the house of Austrich, and line 60 that it had not béene the custome of the electors to depriue the issue of the emperour, without mani­fest cause of their disabilitie, neither was there anie in Germanie of that puissance and authoritie to make him equall to stand competitor with him in that election. And least of all did he hold it iust or like­lie, that the electors would transport to a forreine or strange prince, so great a dignitie continued by so manie ages in the nation of Germanie.

And albeit some particular amongst them, ei­ther through the insinuation of monie, or other pro­pertie of corruption, might be allured to another intention, yet he hoped to stop him with force prepa­red in time conuenient, not doubting also but the o­ther electors also would oppose against him, and the princes and frée townes of Germanie would not in­dure so vniuersall an infamie, speciallie to suffer it to be laid vpon the person of the French king, which would be no other thing than to make great the puis­sance of a king enimie vnto their nation, and from whome there was no suertie that the imperiall dig­nitie would euer returne into Germanie: he thought it would be an action easie to obteine and reduce to perfection, that which had bin solicited by his grand­father, who had alreadie compounded for recompen­ses and donations, and other diuidents for euerie of the electors.

On the other side, the desire of the French king was as great, and no lesse were his hopes, The French king in hope to be emperor as well as the Spanish. which tooke their principall foundation vpon an opinion he had to corrupt the voices of the electors with his huge summes of monie: especiallie for that there were a­mongest them both pensionaries to him, and other­wise assured by manie good offices, who incouraging him with the facilitie of the enterprise, pushed him on to imbrace it. And for his part, as mortall men are apt to beléeue the thing they desire, so he nourished that hope with reasons rather apparant than true: he knew that commonlie it was a matter grieuous to the princes of Germanie to haue the emperors mightie; being gealous that in so great a puissance, they would not either in part or in all, quarrell the iu­risdictions and authorities imperiall occupied by manie of them. In which reason he persuaded him­selfe, that they would in no sort consent to the election of the Spaniard, & so of themselues to subiect them­selues to an emperor more mightie than had beene since a long descent and race of emperors. A matter which in his person séemed to be qualified, for that ha­uing neither estates nor ancient aliances in Ger­manie, they had no occasion of suspicion of his great­nesse.

The same reason also made him beleeue well of the conformitie of the frée townes, in whome much lesse that the regard of the glorie of the nation would carie it from him, séeing it would helpe to peize the ballance on his side, for that with most men the mo­tions of proper and priuate interest maie doo more, than the respect of publike and generall profit. The French king builded his hope vpon the humors of the princes of Germanie. He knewe it was not a little grieuous to manie noble houses of Germanie, pretending to be capable of such a dignitie, to see the empire continue so long time in one house; but much more did it discontent them to suffer that so great an estate, which of right ought sometimes to be giuen to one of them, and sometime to passe to another, should become a perpetuall des­cent and succession in one line: insomuch as they might call inheritance and succession that election, which durst not leaue the line of the emperors. That in that sort the empire was translated from Albert de Austrich to Frederike his brother, and from Fre­derike to Maximilian his sonne; and now there was deuise to passe it from Maximilian to the person of Charles his grandchild.

By these humors and indignations of the prin­ces of Germanie, he tooke hope that the discords and gealousies among [...] themselues might helpe on his cause, the rather for that it often happeneth in the con­tentions of men, that he that is excluded, or the par­tie whome he fauoureth, runneth with a naturall rashnesse rather to call in, and to aduance a third, than to giue place to him that hath opposed against his intention. Moreouer, The French king relieth vpon the [...]a­uour of the pope. the French king was not without his hopes in the fauour of the pope, both in regard of the amitie and aliance newlie past betwixt them; and also for that he was not ignorant how in­conuenient it would be to the sée apostolike to haue [Page 851] [...] [Page 852] the imperiall crowne inuested in Charls, nor so much for his owne greatnesse, as for that by the opportuni­tie and neighbourhood of the realme of Naples to the estate of the church, and the adherencie of the barons of the Gebelins, he had a plaine and open passage to run vp to the gates of Rome.

But in that discourse he considered not that the same reason, which he iudged true against Charles, was also against himselfe: for that the empire being ioined to his person, he was no lesse to be feared of line 10 the pope & all others, than Charles. For that though the one of them possessed happilie more realmes and states; yet the other was not to be lesse esteemed, ha­uing his power not dispersed nor separate in manie places, but was prince of a realme entierlie assem­bled and vnited, where the obedience and fidelitie of his subiects was no lesse woonderfull, than his trea­sure and riches infinite. Neuerthelesse, not knowing in himselfe that which he considered in an other, he had recourse to the pope, and implored his fauor vn­der line 20 the offer and protestation of his person and king­doms, with all other deuotions of a louing son. Not­withstanding all this, the French king was abused by his vaine hope, which fed him with fansies of the empire, where to he was not allotted nor elected.

Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Ha [...]l. in H. 8. fol. lxviij, &c. Charles the fift, king of Spaine cho­sen emperour.For on the twentie eight of Iune was elected to be emperor Charles king of Castile, and nephue to the quéene, by the whole assent of the electors of the em­pire: namelie, the archbishop of Maience, the arch­bishop of Cullen, the count Palatine, and the duke line 30 of Saxon. Although the French king sent his great maister to cause him to be elected to the high maie­stie of the empire; yet his ambassador and great mai­ster of his houshold (called Gonffier lord of Boisie, and brother to William Gonffier lord Boneuet, ad­merall of France, which was ambassador in Eng­land the last yéere, as you haue heard) did not so his message that it tooke anie effect. The king which had sent doctor Pace his secretarie for the aduancement of his nephue the king of Castile, to the dignitie im­periall, line 40 because he had the duchie of Austrich, and manie other seigniories in Almaine, was verie ioi­ous of this election, and caused a solemne masse to be soong at Paules the seuenth daie of Iulie: at which masse was present the cardinall Campeius, the car­dinall of Yorke, the duke of Buckingham, of Norf­folke, & Suffolke, with the ambassadours of Spaine, France, Uenice, and Scotland.

After masse was doone, the quier sang Te Deum, and then all the lords departed to Bainards castell to line 50 dinner, and that night were solemne fires made thorough London, and great plentie of wine giuen by Italians, Dutchmen, and Spaniards for these newes. In this yeare the king with all the knights of his order being in England, rode on double horsses, with the henchmen following the king from Col­brooke to Windsore in gorgious apparell, and there he kept with great solemnitie the feast of saint George, and dined in the hall. The bishop of Winchester pre­lat of the order sat at the boords end alone. The king line 60 was solemnelie serued and the surnap cast like the feast of a coronation. All things were plentious to strangers that resorted thither. At the masse of Re­quiem were offered the banner & other habillements of honour belonging to Maximilian the emperour late deceassed.

After this feast ended, the king came to Rich­mond, and so to Gréenewich, and there laie all Maie. In which moneth the kings councell secretlie com­muned togither of the kings gentlenesse and libera­litie to all persons: The kings affablenesse & familiaritie with the infe­rior sort of people grud­ged at of the councell. by the which they perceiued that certeine yoong men in his priuie chamber, not regar­ding his estate or degree, were so familiar and home­lie with him, that they forgat themselues. Which things although the king of his gentle nature suffe­red, and not rebuked nor reprooued it: yet the kings councell thought it not méet to be suffered for the kings honour, and therefore they all togither came to the king, beseeching him to haue more regard to his roialtie.

To whome the king answered, that he had cho­sen them of his councell, both for the maintenance of his honour, and for the defense of all things that might blemish the same: wherefore if they saw anie about him misuse themselues, he committed it vnto their reformation. Certeine of the priuie chamber re­mooued, and others in [...] roome app [...]ted. Then the kings councell caused the lord chamberleine to call before them diuerse of the priuie chamber, which had béene in the French court, and banished them the court for diuerse consi­derations, laieng nothing particularlie to their char­ges, & they that had offices were commanded to go to their offices. Which discharge out of court gréeued sore the hearts of these yoong men, which were called the kings minions. Then was there foure sad & an­cient knights put into the K. priuie chamber, whose names were; sir Richard Wingfield, sir Richard Ierningham, sir Richard Weston, and sir William Kingston; and diuerse officers were changed.

In this summer the queene desired the king to bring to hir manor of Hauering in the Bower in Essex the gentlemen of France being hostages, The king [...] quéene at H [...]uering in [...] Bower. for whose welcomming the purueied all things in the most liberall manner: and especiallie she made to the king such a sumptuous banket, that the king thanked hir hartilie, & the strangers gaue hir great praise. The king lieng there did shoot, hunt, and run dailie with the hostages to their great ioy. This yéere in September the king laie at his manor of New­hall in Essex, otherwise called Beaulieu, Newhall in Essex called Beaulieu. where the king had newlie builded a costlie mansion, there to welcome the queene, the lords, and the French gen­tlemen, he made to them a sumptuous banket, and all along the chamber sat a ladie & a lord, or a knight, which were plentiouslie serued.

After the banket ended, with noise of minstrels entered into the chamber eight maskers with white beards, A maske of graue and ancient cour­tiers. and long and large garments of blew sa [...]tin paned with sipers, poudered with spangles of bulli­on gold, and they dansed with ladies sadlie, and com­muned not with the ladies after the fashion of mas­kers, but behaued themselues grauelie. Wherfore the quéene plucked off their visors, and then appeared the duke of Suffolke, the earle of Essex, the marquesse Dorset, the lord Aburgauennie, sir Richard Wing­field, sir Robert Wingfield, sir Richard Weston, sir William Kingston: all these were somewhat aged, the yoongest man was fiftie at the least. The ladies had good sport to see these ancient persons maskers.

When they departed, the king and the foure ho­stages of France, and the earle of Deuonshire with six other yoong gentlemen entered the chamber, A maske of youthfull courtiers. of the which six were all in yellow sattin, hose, shooes, and caps, and six other were in like maner in greene: the yelow sattin was fretted with siluer of damaske, and so was the greene verie richlie to behold: then euerie masker tooke a ladie and dansed. When they had dansed and communed a great while, their visors were taken off, and they knowne, and the king gaue manie brooches and proper gifts where he liked.] In the moneth of Nouember the king came from Lambeth to Westminster hall, The king [...]t­teth in the Starcham­ber in iudge­ment. and so to the Star­chamber, and there were brought before him the lord Ogle, the lord Howard, sir Matthew Browne, sir William Bulmer, and Iohn Scot of Camerwell, for diuerse riots, misdemeanors, & offenses by them committed: but the king speciallie rebuked sir Wil­liam Bulmer knight, bicause he being his seruant sworne, refused the kings seruice, and became ser­uant [Page 853] to the duke of Buckingham: yet at length vp­on his humble crauing of mercie, still knéeling on his knées before his grace, the king pardoned him his offense: and likewise he pardoned the lord Ho­ward, and sir Matthew Browne, their offenses: but bicause the lord Ogles matter concerned murther, he remitted him to the common law. And then he rose and went to his barge, and by the waie made Iames Yarford maior of the citie of London knight, and so returned to Lambeth.

The French king desirous to continue the friend­ship line 10 latelie begun betwixt him and the king of Eng­land, made meanes vnto the cardinall, that they might in some conuenient place come to an inter­uiew togither, that he might haue further knowlege of king Henrie, and likewise king Henrie of him. But the same went that the cardinall desired great­lie, of himselfe, that the two kings might méet, who mesuring by his will what was conuenient, thought it should make much with his glorie, if in France al­so line 20 at some high assemblie of noble men, [...] the [...] humor of the cardinal [...]. he should be séene in his vaine pompe and shew of dignitie: hee therefore breaketh with the king of that matter, de­claring how honourable, necessarie, and conuenient it should be for him to gratifie his friend therein, and thus with his persuasions the K. began to conceiue an earnest desire to sée the French king, and there­vpon appointed to go ouer to Calis, and so in the marches of Guisnes to meet with him.

Then were there sent vnto Guisnes, vnder the rule of sir Edward Belknap three thousand artifi­cers, [...] line 30 which builded out of the earth on the plaine be­fore the castell of Guisnes, a most pleasant palace of timber, right curiouslie garnished without and with­in. Herewith were letters written to all such lords, ladies, gentlemen, and gentlewomen, which should giue their attendance on the king and quéene, which incontinentlie put themselues in a readinesse after the most sumptuous sort. Also it was appointed that the king of England, & the French king, in a campe line 40 betwéene Ard and Guisnes, with eightéene aides, should in Iune next insuing abide all commers be­ing gentlemen, at the tilt, at tourneie, and at barri­ers, whereof proclamattion was made by Orleans king of armes of France here in the court of Eng­land, and by Clarenceaux king of armes of Eng­land in the court of France, and in the court of Bur­gognie, and in diuerse other courts and places in Al­manie and Italie.

During the time of these preparations, newes were brought to the king, [...]. Hall in [...]. lxix. Preparation for the inter­ [...]ning of the emperour Charles into England. that Charles his nephue e­lected line 50 emperour of Almanie, would shortlie depart out of Spaine by sea, and come by England to go to Acon or Aix (a citie of fame and renowme in Ger­manie, for the ancient residence and sepulchre of Charlemaine) where he receiued the first crowne. Wherefore the king hearing of this determination of the emperour, caused great prouisions to be made at euerie hauen, for the receiuing of his welbeloued nephue and friend; & dailie prouisions were made on line 60 all sides for these noble méetings of so high princes: and especiallie the quéene of England, and the ladie Dowager of France, made great cost on the appa­rell of their ladies and gentlewomen.

On the first daie of Februarie being Candle­masse éeuen, as the king and quéene were come from euensong at there manour of Greenwich, A deuise of a [...]gon vpon [...] sudden. before the quéenes chamber there blew a trumpet suddenlie, and then entered into the quéens chamber foure gen­tlemen apparelled in long and large garments of blew damaske bordered with gold, and brought with them a tricke waggon, in the which sat a ladie rich­lie apparelled, with a canopie ouer hir head: and on the foure corners of the waggon were foure hed­peeces called armites, euerie péece being of a sundrie deuise. The said ladie put vp a bill to the king, the ef­fect whereof was, that the foure gentlemen present would (for the loue of their ladies) answer all com­mers at the tilt at a daie by the king to be appointed: which daie was appointed at Shrouetide next insu­ing. At which daie the foresaid gentlemen valiantlie accomplished their enterprise, with great lauds of the king, the quéene, and the ladies.

Moreouer, now that it was concluded, that the kings of England and France should méet (as yee haue heard) then [...]oth the kings committed the order and manner of their méeting, The whole maner of the interuiew cō ­mitted to the cardinall. and how manie daies the same should continue, & what preheminence each should giue to other, vnto the cardinall of Yorke, which to set all things in a certeintie, made an instru­ment, conteining an order and direction concerning the premisses by him deuised and appointed.

The tenour of the said instrument mad by the cardinall.

THomas archbishop of Yorke and cardinall, &c. Ab. Fl. ex Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. lxx. Albeit that by the treatie and meeting of the right high, and right puissant princes, Henrie by the grace of God, king of Eng­land, and of France, lord of Ireland, my so­uereigne lord: and Francis by the same grace, K. of France right christened, made and concluded at London the eight daie of October, the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand fiue hundred and eighteene, be among other things concluded and accorded, that the same meeting shall be in place indiffe­rent, and not subiect to any of the said prin­ces. Neuerthelesse we, considering the ho­nour, profit, and vtilitie, that shall redound by the interuiew of the said two princes, and not onelie to the said two princes, their realmes and subiects, but also to all chri­stendome, after declaration herevpon had with the said princes.

Also considering that the said illustre king of England my souereigne lord, in pas­sing the sea with his retinue, shall susteine great costs and expenses, and dispose him­selfe to great labors and dangers, leauing his realme and puissance for certeine time, we haue thought & esteemed, that he should not be wholie satisfied to the honour and dignitie of the same, right illustre king of England my souereigne lord, and should not haue in regard condigne of his labours and dangers, if the said interuiew or mee­ting after the first treatie shuld be in place indifferent. Wherefore it is that we desi­ring to weie equallie the honor and digni­tie of the said two kings, by vertue and power of the commissions to vs giuen, of whom the tenours shall bee hereafter de­clared: we haue made, declared, and ordei­ned certeine articles accepted & approoued by the same princes respectiuelie, which they will obserue, and by these presents we make, declare, and ordeine as followeth.

And first we declare and ordeine, that before the end of the moneth of Maie next comming, The first ar­ticle of the in­teruiew of the two kings & their traine. the said illustre king of England shall come personallie to the castle of Guis­nes, with his bedfellow the queene, and his [Page 854] sister the Dowaresse of France: & sembla­blie the right christened K. of France, shall come in person to his castle of Ard with the queene & his mother: and some day, houre, and time, within foure daies at the most, after the end of Maie, that shall be assig­ned by the commissioners of the one and the other partie, the said king of England shall issue out of his castell of Guisnes half a mile long, without that that he shall issue line 10 out of the limits of his demain of Guisnes, and shall come towards the said castell of Ard: and there within the territorie of the said castell of Guisnes, he shall rest in some place not fortified nor walled, and neere the limits of France, that the said commissio­ners shall assigne (as aboue said.)

The maner of their méeting and mutuall gréeting.And the said right christened king, par­ting from his castell of Ard, shall come to­ward line 20 the said king of England the same day, place, time, and houre, that shall tarie him within the demaine of Guisnes, as is said. In the which shall not bee set or dres­sed anie pauilions or tents, and there the said two kings being on horssebacke, with their retinue shall see the one the other, and salute each other, and speake together fa­miliarlie, and common in that sort and ma­ner, line 30 and so long as shall seeme to them good. And after the said salutation and commu­nication finished for that time, the said il­lustre king of England shall returne to his castell of Guisnes, and the said right chri­stened king to his castell of Ard.

What both the kings were to doo the mor­row after the first inter­uiew.Item, for so much that we thinke to be satisfied touching the labours, dangers, & honour of the said king of England, my so­uereigne lord of so much, that the said line 40 right christened king at the first speaking, he shall come forward vnto, and within his territorie of Guisnes, we will keepe the ho­nour of the said kings: & therefore declare and ordeine, that on the morrow after the first interuiew, the same kings shall meet togither in some fit place, indifferent be­tweene Ard and Guisnes, that shall be as­signed by the said commissioners. line 50

And after the salutation made on the one and the other partie, the said right illu­stre king of England shall go to the castell of Ard, to see, salute, and visit the queene of France, and also the sister of the said chri­stened king, with whome he shall dine pri­uilie. And likewise the said right christened king shall go to the castell of Guisnes, to visit and salute the queene of England, and line 60 the Dowaresse of France, with whome he shall dine. In the which places the said princes shall be receiued familiarlie and a­miablie, vnto mutuall loue, and also to the honour of the said princes.

Item, as the said serene princes of En­gland & France, be like in force corporall, beautie, & gift of nature, right expert & ha­uing knowledge in the art militant, right cheualrous in armes, Order for feats of che­ualrie and ac­tiuitie and the place thereto appointed. & in the flower and vigor of youth, wherby seemed to vs a right assemblie, that for to adorne and honor the same assemblie, and to shew their for­ces in armes, they shall take counsell and dispose themselues to doo some faire fea [...] of armes, as well on foot as on horssebacke, against all commers: we declare and or­deine, that the place where shall be the sa [...]d fight and feat of armes, shall be chosen be­tweene Guisnes and Ard, and assigned by the commissioners of the one and the other partie.

And for a suertie of the persons of the said kings & their companie, the said place shall be apparelled, diched, fortified, and kept of the one and the other partie, by e­quall number of men of armes, respectiue­lie committed and deputed that to doo. And during the time of the said iusts and feats of warre, the same kings and queenes with their retinue, shall see ech other familiarlie, and conuerse and speake togither. And e­uerie daie towards the euening, after the iusts, triumphs, bankets, & familiar com­munications doone, the said kings with their retinue shall returne into their ca­stels, that is to say, the king of England into his castell of Guisnes, & the said right christened king into his castell of Ard; and thus they shall doo dailie, during the said fight and feat of armes.

Item, we declare and ordeine, Order for [...]periorit [...]e to be giuen to the king of England [...] the quéene within the French ter­ritorie. that when the same king of England and the queene his bedfellow, & the Dowaresse of France his sister, with their retinue, shall go to the territorie and entrie of the foresaid right christened king, the superioritie and prehe­minence shall be giuen to the said king of England, to the queene his bedfellow, and to their retinue respectiuelie, during the time that they shall tarie and be there: and semblablie when the said right christened king, and the queene his bedfellow and his right illustre ladie and moother, with their retinue shall come to the territorie and en­trie of the said illustre king of England, the superioritie and preheminence shall be gi­uen to the said right christened king, to the queene his bedfellow, and to his moother, and to their retinue during the time that they shall continue and abide there.

Item, forsomuch as the castels and pla­ces where the said interuiew shall be, be so little and narrow, that if entrie and licence to come thither be giuen to all them that would go thither, diuers annoiances, trou­bles & impechments should follow: wher­fore it is so, that we the cardinall aboue said, by these presents declare and ordeine, that none of the retinue of the said kings, Order for restraint of assemblies to the places appointed [...] the interui [...]. queenes, or other lords and nobles, of what estate, qualitie, or condition that he or they be of, shall not come to the said assemblie with more great number of persons or horsse, than shall be written by letters sub­scribed by the said kings: the which shall conteine the estates and conditions of the persons, as well men as women, and num­ber of seruants and horsse, except the com­mon consent and licence of the said kings.

Item, forsomuch as peraduenture it shall come that the said princes, lords, gen­tlemen, [Page 855] and houshold seruants, shall see and conuerse togither familiarlie, Order for [...] princes [...] going [...] comming. to the end that it maie ingender betweene them an a­mitie more firme and stable, for that cause, and that more suerlie and agreeablie they may be togither, as well by day as by night without any danger or feare, which we de­sire to prouide: we declare and ordeine that two gentlemen, with sufficient companie of equall & like number, be committed and line 10 deputed, respectiuelie by the said kings for the keeping and suertie of the waies and watches, that shall be made continuallie during the assemblie of the said kings. The which gentlemen, with their companies, shall ordeine and depute explorators and spies in the vallies, forrests, woods, towns, burrowes, villages, castels, passages, and waies, and other places dangerous and line 20 suspect: from time to time, and houre to houre, as well towards Flanders, as Pi­cardie, Artois, & England, to exploit and watch there.

And if anie be found suspect, them to re­pulse and take awaie, to the end that not onelie the said princes, their gentlemen, and houshold seruants, maie suerlie and without feare visit the one the other, as said is; but also those that shall bring vit­tels line 30 necessarie to the said assemblie, maie without danger, trouble, impechement, or noisance go and come: the which explora­tors shall be bounden euerie daie in the morning and euening, to make report to the said princes or to their said councellors respectiuelie, of that which they found, and in what estate the waies be. We declare further and ordeine, Order for the [...] of [...] armes [...] [...]rrisons. that all men of armes line 40 and of warre, of the one and the other par­tie, shall not approch neerer than two iour­nies, to the place where the said interuiew shall be, except the retinue and men of war that be committed and deputed to keepe Bullongne and Calis: and that the same men of warre nor none other, during the assemblie of the said princes, shall not pre­sume to come neerer, vnlesse by the consent, line 50 accord, and licence of the said princes.

Item, we cardinall aboue said, by ex­presse authoritie and power to vs giuen, by these presents, bind the said princes to doo, fulfill, and accomplish, all and euerie things aboue said herein conteined. Final­lie, The last [...] of this [...]trument for [...] ratificati­ [...] [...] the arti­ [...]s therein [...]. we declare and ordeine, that ech of the said kings on his partie, shall ratifie, con­firme, and approoue all and euerie the chap­ters line 60 and articles aboue said, by their let­ters pattents sealed with their hands. And by the same letters of ratification they shall be bounden, to accomplish with good faith and word of a king, all and eue­rie the things aboue said: the which let­ters made, subscribed, and sealed, as is said, they shall giue the one the other, and shall change in the citie of London, within one moneth next after the date of these presents. Made the twelfe of March, the yeare of our Lord a thousand fiue hun­dred and nineteene.

The peeres of the realme receiuing letters to pre­pare themselues to attend the king in this iournie, and no apparant necessarie cause expressed, why nor wherefore; séemed to grudge, that such a costlie iour­nie should be taken in hand to their importunate charges and expenses, without consent of the whole boord of the councell. But namelie the duke of Buc­kingham, being a man of a loftie courage, but not most liberall, sore repined that he should be at so great charges for his furniture foorth at this time, saieng; that he knew not for what cause so much monie should be spent about the sight of a vaine talke to be had, and communication to be ministred of things of no importance. Wherefore he sticked not to saie, that it was an intollerable matter to o­beie such a vile and importunate person.

The duke indeed could not abide the cardinall, and speciallie he had of late conceiued an inward malice against him for sir William Bulmers cause, Great hatred betweéne the [...] cardinall, and the duke of Bucking­ham. whose trouble was onelie procured by the cardinall; who first caused him to be cast in prison. Now such grée­uous words as the duke thus vttered against him, came to the cardinals eare; wherevpon he cast before hand all waies possible to haue him in a trip, that he might cause him to leape headlesse. But bicause he doubted his fréends, kinnesmen, and alies, and chéef­lie the earle of Surrie lord admerall, which had mar­ried the dukes daughter, he thought good first to send him some whither out of the waie, least he might cast a trumpe in his waie. There was great enimitie be­twixt the cardinall and the earle, for that on a time, when the cardinall tooke vpon him to checke the earle, he had like to haue thrust his dagger into the cardi­nall.

At length there was occasion offered him to com­passe his purpose, by occasion of the earle of Kil­dare his comming out of Ireland. For the cardinall knowing he was well prouided of monie, sought occasion to fléece him of part thereof. The earle of Kildare being vnmarried, was desirous to haue an English woman to wife; and for that he was a suter to a widow contrarie to the cardinals mind, he ac­cused him to the king, of that he had not borne him­selfe vprightlie in his office in Ireland, where he was the kings lieutenant. Such accusations were fra­med against him when no bribes would come, The earle of Kildare com­mitted toward. that he was committed to prison, and then by the cardinals good preferment the earle of Surrie was sent into Ireland as the kings deputie, in lieu of the said earle of Kildare, there to remaine rather as an exile, than as lieutenant to the king, euen at the cardinals plea­sure, as he himselfe well perceiued.

In the beginning of Aprill, Edw. Hall. the said earle passed ouer into Ireland, and had with him diuerse gentle­men that had béene in the garrison of Tornaie, and one hundred yeomen of the kings gard, and others, to the number of a thousand men, Good seruice doone by the earle of Sur­rie. where he by his manhood and policie brought the earle of Desmond and diuerse other rebels to good conformitie and or­der. He continued there two yeares, in which space he had manie bickerings and skirmishes with the wild Irish. There rested yet the earle of Northum­berland, whome the cardinall doubted also, Polydor. least he might hinder his purpose, when he should go about to wreake his malice against the duke of Bucking­ham: and therefore he picked a quarell to him, The earle of Northumber­land commit­ted to prison. for that he had seized vpon certeine wards which the car­dinall said apperteined of right to the king. And bi­cause the earle would not giue ouer his title, he was also committed to prison, & after tooke it for a great benefit at the cardinals hands, that he might be deli­uered out of his danger.

Now in this meane while, the cardinall ceassed not to bring the duke out of the kings fauour, by [Page 856] such forged tales, and contriued surmises, as he dai­lie put into the kings head: insomuch that (through the infelicitie of his fate) diuerse accidents fell out to the aduantage of the cardinall; which he not omit­ting, atchiued the thing whereat he so studiouslie (for the satisfieng of his canckered & malicious stomach) laid full aime. Now it chanced that the duke com­ming to London with his traine of men, to attend the king into France, went before into Kent vnto a manor place which he had there. And whilest he staid line 10 in that countrie till the king set forward, greeuous complaints were exhibited to him by his farmars and tenants against Charles Kneuet his surueiour, for such bribing as he had vsed there amongest them. Wherevpon the duke tooke such displeasure against him, that he depriued him of his office, not knowing how that in so dooing he procured his owne destruc­tion, as after appeared.

The kings maiestie perseuering in purpose to méet with Francis the French king, Anno Reg. 12. remooued with line 20 the quéene, The king set­teth forward towards France. and all his court, the one & twentith day of Maie being mondaie, from his manor of Gréen­wich towards the sea side: and so on the fridaie the fiue and twentith of Maie, he arriued at the citie of Canturburie, intending there to keepe his Whit­suntide. On the morrow after, the emperour being on the sea returning out of Spaine, arriued with all his nauie of ships roiall on the coast of Kent, direct to the port of Hieth the said daie by noone, where hée was saluted by the viceadmerall of England, sir line 30 William Fitz William, with six of the kings great ships well furnished, which laie for the safegard of passage betwixt Calis and Douer. Towards eue­ning the emperour departed from his ships, and en­tered into his bote, and comming towards land, was met and receiued of the lord cardinall of Yorke with such reuerence as to so noble a prince apperteined.

Thus landed the emperour Charles the fift at Douer, The emperor Charles the fift landeth in England. vnder his cloth of estate of the blacke eagle, all spread on rich cloth of gold. He had with him ma­nie line 40 noble men, and manie faire ladies of his bloud. When he was come on land, the lord cardinall con­ducted him to the castell of Douer, which was prepa­red for him in most roiall maner. In the morning, the king rode with all hast to the castell of Douer to wel­come the emperour, The méeting of the emperor and K. Henrie at Douer castell. and entering into the castell, a­lighted. Of whose comming the emperour hauing knowledge, came out of his chamber, and met him on the staires, where either of them embraced other in most louing maner, and then the king brought the line 50 emperour to his chamber. The emperor and K. Henrie kéepe Whit­suntide at Canturburie. On Whitsundaie earlie in the morning, they tooke their horsses, and rode to the citie of Canturburie, the more to kéepe solemne the feast of Pentecost: but speciallie to sée the quéene of England his aunt was the emperour his intent, of whome ye may be sure he was most ioifullie recei­ued and welcomed.

Thus the emperour and his retinue, both of lords and ladies, kept their Whitsuntide with the king and quéene of England, in the citie of Canturburie with line 60 all ioy and solace. The emperour yet himselfe séemed not so much to delight in pastime and pleasure, but that in respect of his youthfull yeares, Polydor. there appea­red in him a great shew of grauitie: for they could by no meanes bring him to danse amongst the resi­due of the princes, but onelie was contented to be a looker on. Peraduenture the sight of the ladie Marie troubled him, whome he had sometime loued, and yet through fortunes euill hap might not haue hir to wife. The chiefe cause that mooued the emperour to come thus on land at this time, was to persuade that by word of mouth, which he had before done most ear­nestlie by letters; which was, that the king should not meet with the French king at anie interuiew: for he doubted least if the king of England & the French king should grow into some great friendship and faithfull bond of amitie, it might turne him to dis­pleasure.

But now that he perceiued how the king was forward on his iournie, The [...] labouret [...] [...] hinde [...] the purposed i [...] ­teruiew. he did what he could to pro­cure, that no trust should be committed to the faire words of the Frenchmen: and that if it were possi­ble, the great friendship that was now in bréeding betwixt the two kings, might be dissolued. And forso­much as he knew the lord cardinall to be woone with rewards, as a fish with a bait: he bestowed on him great gifts, and promised him much more, so that hée would be his friend, and helpe to bring his purpose to passe. The cardinall not able to susteine the least as­sault by force of such rewards as he presentlie recei­ued, and of such large promises as on the emperours behalfe were made to him, promised to the empe­rour, that he would so vse the matter, as his purpose should be sped: onelie he required him not to disalow the kings intent for interuiew to be had, which he de­sired in anie wise to go forward, that he might shew his high magnificence in France, according to his first intention,

The emperour remained in Canturburie till the thursdaie, being the last of Maie, Edw. Hall. and then taking leaue of the king, and of his aunt the queene, depar­ted to Sandwich, where he tooke his ships and sailed into Flanders. The same daie, the king made saile from the port of Douer, The king [...] at Calis▪ and landed at Calis about eleuen of the clocke, and with him the quéene and la­dies, & manie nobles of the realme. His grace was receiued into the checker, and there rested. The fourth of Iune, the king and quéene with all their traine re­mooued from Calis, to his princelie lodging newlie erected beside the towne of Guisnes, the most noble & roiall lodging that euer before was seene. ¶ For it was a palace, the which was quadrant, Ed. Hall. in [...] fol. lxxiij. The descrip­tiō of the new palace before Guisnes. and euerie quadrant of the same palace was thrée hundred and twentie eight foot long of assise, which was in com­passe thirtéene hundred and twelue foot about. This palace was set on stages by great cunning & sump­tuous worke.

At the entering into the palace before the gate, on the plaine gréene, was builded a fountaine of un­bowed worke, gilt with fine gold, and bice, ingra [...]led with antike works: the old god of wine called Bac­chus birling the wine, which by the conduits in the earth ran to all people plentiouslie with red, white, and claret wine, ouer whose head was written in letters of Romane in gold, Faicte bonne chere qui vouldra. On the other hand or side of the gate was set a piller, which was of ancient Romane worke, borne with foure lions of gold, the pillers wrapped in a wreath of gold curiouslie wrought and intrailed, and on the summit of the said piller stood an image of the blind god Cupid, with his bow and arrows of loue, readie by his séeming to strike the yoong people to loue.

The foregate of the same palace or place with great and mightie masonrie by sight was arched, The forg [...] of the said palace. with a tower on euerie side of the same port, rered by great craft, and imbattelled was the gate and tower, and in the fenesters and windowes were images resem­bling men of warre, readie to cast great stones. Also the same gate or tower was set with compas­sed images of ancient princes, as Hercules, Alex­ander, and other by intrailed worke, richlie limmed with gold and albine colours: and well and warilie was made ouer the gate loups, and inforced with bat­telments, and in the same gate a lodge for the porter, which there appeared, and other sumptuouslie appa­relled like vnto kings officers. By the same gate all people passed into a large court faire and beau­tifull, [Page 857] for in this court appeared much of the outward beautie of this place, [...] for from the first water table, to the raising or reisin péeces, were baie windowes, on euerie side mixed with cleare stories curiouslie glased, the posts or moinels of euerie window was gilt.

Thus the outward part of the place lumined the eies of the beholders, by reason of the sumptuous w [...]ke. Also the tower of the gate (as séemed) was builded by great masonrie, and by great engine of mans wit, for the sundrie countenances of euerie i­mage line 10 that there appeared, some shooting, some ca­sting, some readie to strike, and firing of gunnes, which shewed verie honorablie. Also all the said qua­drants, baies, and edifices, were roiallie intrailed, as [...]a [...]re as vnto the same court apperteined. [...] And direct against the gate was deuised a halpas, and at the entrie of the staire, were images of sore and terri­ble countenances, all armed in curious worke of argentine. The baie of the same halpas pendant by craft of timber, & vnder it antike images of gold in­ [...]roned line 20 with verdor of olifs cast in compasse, moun­ [...]ring their countenances toward the entring of the palace. The staire of the said halpas was cast of pas­sage by the wents of brode steps, so that from the first foot or lowest step, anie person might without paine go vnto the highest place of the same halpas.

[...]On euerie hand was their chamber doores and enterings into the chambers of the same palace, which were long and large, and well proportioned, to receiue light and aire at pleasure: the roofes of them line 30 from place to place, and chamber to chamber were sieled, and couered with cloth of silke, of the most faire and quicke inuention that before time was séene. For the ground was white ingraild, embowed, and batoned with rich clothes of silkes, knit and fret with cuts and braids, and sundrie new casts, that the same clothes of silke shewed like bullions of fine burned gold: and the roses in losenges, that in the same roofe were in kindlie course, furnished so to line 40 mans sight, that no liuing creature might but ioy in the beholding thereof. For from the iaw péece of the said sieling (which péece was gilt with fine gold) were workes in pane paled, all the walles to the crest in­countering the cleare stories, the same crest which was of large deepnesse, the worke was antike knots with bosses cast and wrought with more cunning than I can write, all which works and ouerages were gilt, and to set it the more to the glorie, the flouri­shing bise was comparable to the rich ammell.

Also at the foot of the same palace was another crest line 50 all of fine set gold, [...] whereon hanged rich & maruelous clothes of arras wrought of gold and silke, compas­sed of manie ancient stories, with which clothes of ar­ras euerie wall and chamber were hanged, & all the windowes so richlie couered, that it passed all other sights before séene. In euerie chamber and euerie place conuenient were clothes of estate, great and large of cloth of gold, of tissue, and rich embroderie, with chaires couered with like cloth, with pommels line 60 of fine gold, and great cushins of rich worke of the Turkie making, nothing lacked of honourable fur­nishment. [...] Also to the same palace was reared a chappell with two closets, the quire of the said chap­pell sieled with cloth of gold, and thereon fret ingrai­led bent clothes of silke, all was then silke and gold. The altars of this chappell were hanged with rich re­ [...]esture of cloth of gold and tissue, embrodered with perles. Ouer the hie altar was hanged a rich canopie of maruellous greatnesse, the altar was apparelled with fiue paire of candlesticks of gold, and on the al­tar an halpas, and thereon stood a crucifix all of fine gold, and on the same halpas stood twelue images of the bignes of foure yeares of age, all gold.

All the copes and vestments were so rich as might be prepared or bought in the citie of Florens, for they were all but of one péece, so wouen for the purpose, cloth of tissue and powdered with red roses purpled with fine gold. The Orfris set with pearles and pre­cious stones. And all the walles and deskes of this chappell were hanged with right cloth of gold, Great cost vpō popish trum­perie & super­sticious trash. & thrée rich great crosses were there readie to be borne at festiuall times, and basens and censers, gospellers, paxes, crewets, holie water vessels, and other orna­ments all of gold. Also in the first closet was a tra­uerse for the kings person of cloth of gold, & in it his place & chaire, with cushins of cloth of gold: The kings closet. before the trauerse was an altar of presence, which altar was adorned with cloth of broderie, and rich pearles and precious stones, set in goldsmiths worke of fine gold. On the altar was a deske or halpas, whereon stood a patible of the crucifix of fine gold, with an image of the Trinitie, an image of the virgine Marie, and twelue other images, all fine gold & precious stones, two paire of candlesticks of fine gold, with the ba­sens, crewets, paxes, and other ornaments.

The said closet was hanged with tapets embro­dered with rich worke fret with pearles and stones, the roofe of the same closet was sieled with worke of inmouled, gilt with fine gold, and senoper, and bise. The second closet was for the queens person, in which was a trauerse of rich cloth of gold, The quéenes closet. the altar so richlie apparelled, that there lacked neither pearles nor stones of riches. On the altar were twelue great i­mages of gold, the closet hanged with cloth of gold, all other iewels missall I suppose neuer such like were séene, and the roofe of the same closet was sieled with like worke that the kings closet was, A priuie gallerie. as is be­fore rehearsed. And from this palace or place into the mightie & strong fortresse & castell roiall of Guisnes, was a gallerie for the secret passage of the kings person into a secret lodging within the same castell, Houses of of­fices both ho­nourable and otherwise necessarie. the more for the king ease. Also to this palace was all houses of offices, that to such an honourable court should apperteine, that is to wit, the lord chamberlein, lord steward, lord treasuror of the houshold, for the comptrollor, the office of gréene cloth, wardrobes, iewell house, and office of houshold seruice, as ewrie, pantrie, cellar, butterie, spicerie, pitcher house, larder and poultrie, and all other offices so large and faire, that the officers might & did maruell, as in the craft of viands, by ouens, harthes, reredorses, chimnies, ranges, & such instrumens as there were ordeined.

In this palace (as ye haue heard) was the kings grace lodged, and all the nobles after their degrées. And for that the towne of Guisnes was little, and that all the noble men might not there belodged, Tents erected. they set vp tents in the field, to the number of twen­tie and eight hundred sundrie lodgings, which was a goodlie sight. Thus was the king in his palace roiall at Guisnes. Francis the French king was with all his nobles of the realme of France come to the towne of Ard, which was prepared for his comming, manie tents, halles, and pauilions were set and pit­ched in the field. On the French partie also there was at the same towne of Ard builded the French kings lodging full well, but not finished. Much was the prouision in Picardie on euerie part thorough all. The French king commanded his lodging to bée made a little out of the towne of Ard, in the territo­rie of an old castell, which by the warre of old time had béene beaten. On the same place was edified a house of solace and sport, A banketting house for so­lace and dis­port. of large and mightie com­passe, which was chieflie susteined by a great mightie mast, whereby the great ropes and tackle streined, the same mast was staied. All the roofe of the same house hoóng on the same mast, and with tackle was streined & borne by the supporters of the same mast [Page 858] or trée, the colours of the same was all blew, set with starres of gold foile, and the orbs of the heauens by the craft of colours in the roofe, were curtouslie wrought in maner like the skie or firmament, and a cressant strained somedeale towards the towne of Ard, this cressant was couered with frets and knots made of iuie bushes, and box branches, and other things that longest would be gréene for pleasure.

Now like as diuerse of the French nobilitie had visited the king of England whilest he laie in Calis, line 10 so likewise the lord cardinall, as ambassadour to the king, rode with a noble repaire of lords, gentle­men, and prelates, to the towne of Ard, where he was of the French king highlie interteined, with great thanks, for that by his meanes hée had ioined in friendship with the king of England, to his high con­tentation and pleasure, as hauing obteined the thing which he had long desired. The noble port, sumptuous shew, The great pompe of car­dinall Wooisie. and great traine of gentlemen, knights, lords, and number of seruants, in rich apparell & sutes of li­ueries line 20 attendant on the cardinall, made the French men greatlie to woonder at his triumphant dooings.

The king of England had giuen vnto the said cardinall full authoritie, power, and libertie, to af­firme and confirme, bind and vnbind, whatsoeuer should be in question betwéene him and the French king: and the like authoritie, power, and libertie, did the French king by his sufficient letters patents, Great credit committed to the cardinall by both the kings. The inter­uiew of the two kings in the vale of Andren. grant to the same cardinall, which was accepted to be a signe of great loue, that he should commit so line 30 great a trust vnto the king of Englands subiect. The daie of the meeting was appointed to be on the thurs­daie the seauenth of Iune, vpon which daie the two kings met in the vale of Andren, accompanied with such a number of the nobilitie of both realmes, so richlie appointed in apparell, and costlie iewels, as chaines, collars of SS, & other the like ornaments to set foorth their degrees and estates, that a woonder it was to behold and view them in their order and roomes, which euerie man kept according to his ap­pointment. line 40

The two kings méeting in the field, either saluted other in most louing wife, first on horsebacke, and after alighting on foot estsoones imbraced with cour­teous words, to the great reioising of the beholders: and after they had thus saluted ech other, they went both togither into a rich tent of cloath of gold, there set vp for the purpose, in the which they passed the time in pleasant talke, banketting, and louing deuises, till it drew toward the euening, and then departed for line 50 that night, the one to Guisnes, the other to Ard. At this meeting of the two kings in open sight, I then well perceiued (saith Hall) the habillements roiall of the French king. Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. lxxvij. The French kings roiall ornaments. His garment was a chemew, of cloath of siluer, culponed with cloath of gold, of da­maske, cantell wise, and garded on the borders with the Burgon bands.

Ouer that he had a cloake of broched sattin, with gold of purple colour, wrapped about his bodie tra­uerse, beded from the shoulder to the wast, fastned in line 60 the loope of the first fould: this said cloake was richlie set with pearles and pretious stones. This French king had on his head a coife of damaske gold set with diamonds, and his courser that he rode on was co­uered with a trapper of tissue, brodered with deuise, cut in fashion mantell wise, the skirts were embow­ed and fret with frized worke, and knit with cor­belles & buttons tasseled of Turkie making, raines and headstall answering of like worke: and verelie of his person the same Francis the French king, a goodlie prince, The descrip­tion of the French kings person. statelie of countenance, merie of chéere, browne coloured, great eies, high nosed, big lipped, faire brested, broad shoulders, small legges, & long féet.

On saturdaie the ninth of Iune, [...] in a place with­in the English pale were set vp in a field called the campe, two trées of much honour, the one called the Aubespine, that is to saie, the hawthorne in English, for Henrie: and the other the Framboister, which in English signifieth the raspis berie, after the signi­fication in French. These trees were curiouslie wrought, the leaues of gréene damaske, the bran­ches, boughs, and withered leaues of cloath of gold; and all the bodies and armes of the same cloath of gold laid on timber: they were in height from the foot to the top thirtie foure foot of assize, in compasse a­bout an hundred twentie and nine foot, & from bough to bough fortie thrée foot: on these trées were flowers and fruits in kindlie wise, with siluer and Uenice gold: their beautie shewed farre.

On the same daie the two kings came to those trées of honour, noblie accompanied, The leng [...] of the camp [...] ▪ in such roiall sort as was requisit. The campe was in length nine hundred foot, and in bredth thrée hundred and twentie foot, ditched round about (sauing at the entries) with broad and déepe ditches. Diuerse scaffolds were rea­red about this campe for the ease of the nobles. On the right side of the field stood the quéene of England, and the quéene of France, with manie ladies. The campe was stronglie railed and barred on euerie end: in the entrie there were two lodgings prepared for the two kings, wherein they might arme them­selues, and take their ease. Also in the same compasse there were two great cellars couched full of wine, which was liberallie bestowed on all men. The two kings, as brethren in armes, The two kings make chalenge to all comm [...] at iusts, &c. vndertooke to deliuer all persons at iusts, tournie, and barriers.

With these two kings were associate by the order of armes, the duke of Uandosme, the duke of Suf­folke, the countie saint Paule, the marquesse Dor­set, monsieur de Roche, sir William Kingston, mon­sieur Brian, sir Richard Ierningham, monsieur Ca­naan, sir Giles Capell, monsieur Buccall, maister Nicholas Carew, monsieur Montafilion, and mai­ster Anthonie Kneuet. On mondaie the eleuenth of Iune, The two quéenes [...] at the camp [...]. the two quéenes of England and of France came to the campe, where either saluted other right honourablie, and went into a stage for them prepa­red. At the houre assigned, the two kings armed at all peeces mounted on horssebacke, and with their companies entered the field; the French king on a courser barded, couered with purple sattin, broched with gold, Ed. Hall in [...] ▪ fol. lxxv [...], &c. The French kings rich a­raie at these iusts. & embrodered with corbins fethers round and buckled, the fether was blacke and hatched with gold: on his head péece he bare a sléeue. All the par­teners of the French kings chalenge were in like ap­parell, euerie thing correspondent in cloath of silke embrodered, on his person were attendant on horsse­backe noble persons, and on foot foure persons all ap­parelled in purple sattin.

The king of England was vpon a fresh courser, the trappers of cloth of gold, of tissue, The king [...] Englands sumptu [...]us furniture at the same iusts. the arson man­tell wise, and on the brunt of the trapper bard fashion, cut in waues of water worke, and euerie waue raw wrought and frized with damaske gold: this worke was laid loose on russet veluet, and knit togither with points of gold, which waues signified the lordship of the narrow seas. All the parteners of the kings chalenge were in the same sute, their horsses as well as their persons. Attendant on the king on horsse­backe were sir Henrie Guilford maister of the kings horsse, sir Iohn Pechie deputie of Calis, sir Edward Guilford maister of the kings armie, and monsieur Moret of the French court. All these foure were appa­relled in the kings liuerie, which was white on the right side, and the left side gold and russet both hose and garment: on him were attendant on foot six ho­nourable knights, twentie esquiers, and officers to [Page 859] the number of an hundred and twelue persons, of the which number all the knights and gentlemen had coats, the one halfe siluer, and the other cloath of gold and russet veluet, and the other officers coats were of right sattin of the same colour, and all their hosen were of the same sute verie costlie.

Thus with honour and noble courage these two noble kings with their companies entered into the field, The two kings enter [...] the field. and them presented vnto the quéenes. After re­uerence doone, they rode round about the tilt, and so tooke their places appointed, abiding the answers: line 10 which was for the first the duke of Alanson and ten men of armes on his band, on coursers barded, the bards couered with white and blacke veluet, fastened the one within the other, garded with Burgon bands of tinsell sattin, as well their garments as their bards. Then entered on coursers barded twelue gen­tlemen of the band of the lord admerall of France, their garments and bards were russet sattin, broched with gold and white and purple sattin, after the deuise line 20 of their pleasure with great plumes. When these bands were entred the field, they shewed themselues about the tilt, and did reuerence vnto the queenes. The band of the duke of Alanson tooke first place, they made them prest on both sides, the French king was the first that ran, he did valiantlie and brake speares mightilie.

Then ran the king of England to monsieur Grandeuile with great vigor; The king of England run­ [...]eth against Grandeuile. so that the speares brake in the kings hand to the vantplate all to shi­uers. line 30 And at the second course he gaue the said mon­sieur Grandeuile such a stroke, that the charnell of his headpéece, although the same was verie strong, was broken in such wise that he might run no more, wher­by the king wanted three courses. Then ran the duke de Uandosme, & met his counter part right noblie, and brake speares right valiantlie. The noble duke of Suffolke charged his course, and met right vali­antlie his counter part, and furnished the fiue cour­ses right noblie togither like good men of armes. line 40 And when all parties of the chalenge had right vali­antlie furnished their courses, then ran againe the two noble kings, who did so valiantlie, that the be­holders had great ioy, after which courses the heralds tried Desarmee, and the trumpets sounded to lod­ging.

Monsieur de [...] and [...]is band.On tuesdaie the twelfe of Iune at houre conue­nient the two quéenes tooke their stages, and the band of chalenge in the field prest to answer and deliuer all commers, to whome came ten gentlemen armed line 50 on barded horsses of the band of monsieur de Swies, their bards and apparell cloath of veluet full of friers knots siluer. After they had presented them vnto the quéenes, then they tooke the end of the tilt, and so course after course they ran to the chalengers right egerlie, and the chalengers of the partie of the two kings deliuered to the end of their articles of iusts. Then entered eleuen men of armes of the band of monsieur de Tremoiell, on horsses barded with yel­low veluet, losenged with friers knots of blacke vel­uet: line 60 and after they had saluted the quéenes, they like­wise tooke the end of the tilt, and course after course ran vntill they were deliuered of their chalenges of iusts. Ualiantlie this daie was finished.

T [...]e [...]ire of t [...]e French king and his pa [...]t [...]ners at [...].On wednesdaie the thirtéenth of Iune, the two hardie kings armed at all peeces, entered into the field right noblie apparelled. The French king and all his parteners of chalenge were arraied in purple sat­tin, broched with gold and purple veluet, embrodered with little rolles of white sattin, wherein was writ­ten, Quando: their bards & garments were set full of the same, and the residue where was no rolles were poudered & set with the letter elle, as thus. L. which in French is she, which was interpreted to be, Quando elle, when she: and insuing the deuise of the first daie, it signifieth togither, Hart fastened in paine endles, when she. The king of England and the parteners of his cha­lenge. The king of England with all the band or parteners of his chalenge were likewise on horsse­backe, apparelled in trappers of losenges russet vel­uet and cloath of siluer of damaske, embrodered and set in euerie losenge a branch of eglantine of gold, the apparell of the persons were of the same corre­spondent to the trapper. This eglantine trée is sweet, pleasant and greene, if it be kindlie and fréendlie handeled; but if it be rudelie dealt with, it will pricke and he that will pull vp the whole trée by the top, his hands will be hurt.

The two kings with their companies thus appa­relled, presented themselues to the quéenes, and so tooke the end of the tilt. Then entered into the field monsieur Leskew called lord Leskin, with him came eleuen men of armes, himselfe the twelfe on horsses barbed and richlie apparelled, and so rode about the tilt and saluted the queenes, and tooke the end of the tilt. Monsi [...]u [...] Leskew. Monsieur de Leskew and his eleuen compani­ons had their bases and bards all of blacks cloath of gold of damaske all cut on blacke sattin, their gar­ments had mantell sléeues on the left arme, to the wast behind iust to the shoulder, which was praised for the strangenesse. The French king ran to mon­sieur de Ambois, one of the band of monsieur Les­kew, and the king of England charged his course and ran to monsieur Leskew, and so furnished their courses (as they saie) right noblie and valiantlie in breaking speares that were strong. Thus course after course ech with other, his counter partie did right valiantlie: but the two kings surmounted all the rest in prowesse and valiantnesse.

This band thus furnished, entered the marquesse de Salons and his band, The marques de Salons & his band. twelue persons all riding on coursers barded and apparelled in white sattin and blacke, broched with gold and siluer, with cuts and culpins much after tawnie and blacke sattin billots: & after reuerence doone to the queenes, they tooke the end of the tilt. To the marquesse de Salons ran the king of England, and the king of France to an other of the same band, still course after course ran all the noble men, till the marques de Salons and his band were deliuered, who bare them right valiantlie: then blew the trumpets the retreit, & the two kings them vnarmed and after departed, the French king vnto Ard, and the king of England to his castell of Guis­nes.

On thursdaie the thirtéenth daie of Iune by the noonetide the two quéenes met in the campe & tooke their places, the people were come to behold the ho­nour, and to sée the two kings, The two kings armed enter the field. who all readie armed entered the field, to receiue and deliuer all men by answer of iusts. Then entered the earle of Deuon­shire, on his band the lord Montacute, lord Herbert, lord Leonard Greie, maister Arthur Poole, maister Francis Brian, maister Henrie Norris, and foure other all richlie apparelled, the one side blew veluet embrodered with a mans heart burning in a ladies hand holding a garden pot stilling with water on the heart: A deuise o [...] conceipt. the other side was white sattin embrodered with letters of gold. This companie rode about the tilt, and did reuerence to the queenes, and so abode at the end of the same.

The earle of Deuonshire charged his speare, and the French king likewise charged his course to meet the same earle, and ran so hard togither, that both their speares brake, and so mainteined their courses noblie. Then ran the king of England to monsieur Memorancie, and him encountered, & both bare to­gither and gaue great strokes; the kings most noble grace neuer disuisored nor breathed vntill he ran the fiue courses & deliuered his counterpartie. Dukes, [Page 860] marquesses, knights, esquiers, and others ran as fast as euer they might, there was none that abode when the courses came, vntill the earle of Duonshire and his band were deliuered of demands. The lord Ho­ward and his eleuen compa­nions in armes. Then ente­red the lord Howard sonne to the duke of Norffolke and eleuen companions apparelled and barded in crimsin sattin full of flames of gold, the borders rib­bed with crimsin veluet, and with much honor (after due reuerence doone to the quéenes) were brought with heralds of armes about the tilts; and so tooke the place to them appointed: right rich was their ap­parell. line 10

Then ran the French king and incountered the same lord Edmund, they brake both their staues va­liantlie course after course, the incounter ceassed not till they had furnished their fiue courses; so was the lord Edmund deliuered by the French K. Then ran the king of England to a strong gentleman named Rafe Brooke and brake his speare, and ran course af­ter course, vntill he had finished his courses right no­blie and like a prince of most valiancie. The residue line 20 ceassed not vntill they had ech deliuered other of their chalenge. The king of England and his band with their deuise on their appa­rell. On fridaie the fiftéenth daie of Iune the king of England mounted on a courser roiall, his person armed at all peeces, his apparell and trappers was the one side rich cloath of gold of tissue, the other side cloath of tissue of siluer, and cloath of gold of tis­sue entered ound the one with the other.

The ound is a worke wauing vp & downe, and all the borders as well trappers as other was garded with letters of fine gold, and all the other side that line 30 was ound was set with signes called cifers of fine gold, the which were set with great and orientall pearles. The cifers signified letters knit togither in a knot, which was to wit; God my freend, my realme and I maie. This was the deuise and reason thereof. All the kings band were apparelled in like apparell. The French K. likewise armed at all points moun­ted on a courser roiall, The French king, his fur­niture and de­uise vpon his ornaments. all his apparell as well bards as garments were purple veluet entered the one with the other, embrodered full of little books of white line 40 sattin, & in the bookes were written A me. About the borders of the bards and the borders of the garments a chaine of blew like iron, resembling the chaine of a well or prison chaine, which was interpreted to be Li­ber, a booke. Within this booke was written (as is said) A me. Put these two togither and it maketh Li­berame. The chaine betokeneth prison or bonds, and so maketh togither in English, Deliuer me of bonds. Then they tooke the end of the tilt. line 50

Monsieur Florengis and his com­panie.Readie was monsieur Florengis and with him twelue men of armes with coursers barded: the bards and apparell was crimsin veluet, tawnie vel­uet, and plunket veluet embrodered borderwise with sheepeheards hookes of cloath of siluer. When they with honour had passed about the tilt (due reuerence to the quéenes and ladies doone) the two kings had their speares readie, and then began the rushing of speares. The king of England this daie ran so fresh­lie and so manie courses, that one of his best coursers line 60 was dead that night, this band was deliuered man after man of their pretense of iusts. Then entered bands of monsieur de Rambeurs and monsieur de Puis, ech hauing eleuen persons in number, the one band all white sattin embrodered with blacke, and the other all blacke dropped with siluer drops; who after reuerence doone to the quéenes, at the end of the tilt tooke their places. Then began a new incounter hard and sore, manie of them bare great strokes of the kings, to their honour: and with such violence they ran, as they set their horsses in a sweating heat, and themselues meeting with full force made the frag­ments or broken péeces of their staues mount aloft in the air like an arow out of a bow; as the poet saith: ‘Hastae stridentis fractae petit aethera cuspis.’

On saturdaie the seuentéenth daie of Iune, The French king [...] to Guisnes the king of England [...] to [...]. the French king with a small number came to the castle of Guisnes about the houre of eight in the morning. The king being in his priuie chamber had thereof knowledge, who with glad hast went to receiue the same French king, and him met and welcomed in friendlie and honorable maner; and after communi­cation betwéene them had, the king of England de­parted, leauing the French king there in the sump­tuous place before named. Then was busie the lord chamberleine, the lord steward, and all other officers, to make readie feast and cheare. It were too long to rehearse all, for such a feast and banket was then made, that of long time before the like had not bene séene. The king of England thus departing, he tooke his horsse, and with a companie of noblemen rode to Ard, where the French quéene and other noble men receiued him with much honour.

After which receiuing, The king of England in­terteined of the French queene. he was by the said quéene and lords brought into a chamber hanged with blew veluet embrodered with flowers delice of cloth of gold, wherein was a great bed of like worke, from whence he was conueied to another chamber, in the which was a kings state. This chamber was hanged and sieled with cloth of gold, embrodered with great cordels or friers knots of cloth of siluer. In the same chamber were two [...]upboords, on either side one, fur­nished with great and goodlie plate gilt. Noble fea­sting and cheare was there made. After dinner the ladies dressed them to danse, and certeine yoong ho­nourable lords of England, apparelled after the ma­ner of Rusland or farre Eastland, whose hosen were of rich gold sattin called anreat sattin, A masa [...] the French court of Eng­lish lords. ouerrolled to the knée with scarlet, and on their feet shooes with little pikes of white nailes after the Estland guise, their dublets of rich crimsin veluet and cloth of gold; with wide sléeues lined with cloth of gold: ouer this they had clokes of crimsin veluet short, lined with cloth of gold, on euerie side of the clokes rings of sil­uer, with laces of Uenice gold, and on their heads they had hats made in the towne of Danske, and purses of seales skinnes, and girdels of the same: all these yoong lords had visards on their faces, and their hats were drawne with like hatbands full of da­maske gold.

Other ten lords were apparelled in long gownes of blew sattin of the ancient fashion, embrodered with reasons of gold that said Adieu iunesse, Fare­well youth: they had tippeis of blacke veluet, & hats hanging therby, & on their heads hie violet standing caps, and girdels of silke, and purses of cloth of gold after the ancient maner, with visards on their faces of like anciencie. After all these triumphs and braue­ries, great store of spices, fruits, iellies, & banketing viands were brought, which being doone and ended, the king tooke leaue of the French queene and ladies, to whome were brought thirtie horsses trapped in da­maske, white and yellow, and so passed he and his traine the towne of Ard into the field and campe. Right roiallie also was the French K. interteined, and all other after their degree and state. Now when all this solemnitie was ended, the French king tooke leaue of the quéene and ladies of the court. The lord cardinall in statelie attire, accompanied with the duke of Buckingham, and other great lords, conduc­ted forward the French king, and in their way they incountered and met the king of England and his companie right in the vallie of Anderne, The [...] kings [...]. apparelled in their masking apparell, which gladded the French king. After reuerence doone, the said two kings de­parted for that night, the English to Guisnes, and the French to Ard.

On mondaie, the eighteenth of Iune, was such [Page 861] an hideous storme of wind and weather, [...] that manie coniectured it did prognosticate trouble and hatred shortlie after to follow betwéene princes. On tues­daie the nintéenth of Iune, the two kings came to the campe againe armed at all peeces, and there a­bode them that would come, so that then began the iustes afresh. On wednesdaie the twentith of Iune, the two kings began to hold tournies with all the parteners of their chalenge armed at all péeces. The quéene of France and the quéene of England were line 10 in the places for them prepared, and there was ma­nie a goodlie battell performed: the kings dooing as well as the best, so that the beholders spake of them honor. On thursdaie the one and twentith of Iune, the two kings likewise kept the tourneies, so that all those noble men that would prooue their valiancies, were deliuered according to the articles of the tour­neies, which this daie tooke end. On fridaie the 22 of Iune, Barriers. the two kings with their retinue did battell on foot at the barriers, and there deliuered all such as line 20 put foorth themselues to trie their forces. On satur­daie the thrée and twentith of Iune, the lord cardinall sang an high solemne masse by note, The cardinall [...] masse [...] the two kings. aloft vpon a pompons stage before the two kings & quéenes, the which being finished, indulgence was giuen to all the hearers. The two kings dined in one chamber that daie, and the two quéenes in another. After din­ner, the two kings with their band entered the field on foot before the barriers, & so began the fight, which continued battell after battell, till all the commers line 30 were answered. There were deliuered this day thus at the barriers by battell, an hundred and six persons: the two last battels did the kings trie. And so that sa­turdaie the whole chalenge was performed, and all men deliuered of the articles of iusts, tourneies, and battels on foot at the barriers, by the said two kings and their aids.

After this, there followed roiall maskes, and on the sundaie the foure and twentith of Iune, [...] the king of England with foure companies, in euerie companie line 40 ten, trimlie appointed in masking apparell, rode to Ard: and likewise the French king accompanied with eight and thirtie persons as maskers repaired to Guisnes. They met on the waie, & each companie passed by other without any countenance making or disuisarding. They were honorablie receiued, as well at the one place as the other. And when they had en­ded their pastime, banketting, and danses, they retur­ned and met againe on the way homeward, and then putting off their visards, they louinglie embraced: line 50 and after amiable communication togither, they tooke leaue each of other, & for a remembrance gaue gifts either to other verie rich and princelie.

[...]¶ During this triumph, much people of Picar­die and west Flanders drew to Guisnes, to sée the king of England & his honor, to whom vittels of the court were giuenin plentie, the conduit of the gate did run wine alwaies. There were vagabonds, plowmen, labourers, and of the bragerie, wagoners and beggers, that for drunkennesse laie in routs and line 60 heapes. [...] So great resort came thither, that knights and ladies, who were come to sée the noblenesse, were faine to lie in haie and straw, and held them thereof highlie pleased. From the court of the emperour, nor of the ladie Margarets court, nor of Flanders, Bra­bant, nor Burgognie came neuer a person to an­swer to the chalenge. By that it séemed that there was small loue betwene the emperour & the French king. Moreouer, monsieur Faiot capteine of Bul­longne with monsieur Chattelon, did their deuoir to haue taken the towne of saint Omer, of which dooing was thought no goodnesse to the emperour.]

On mondaie the fiue and twentith of Iune, the king with the quéene remooued from Guisnes to Ca­lis where he remained till the tenth of Iulie, King Henrie departed from Guisnes to Calis, a from thence to Graueling to visi [...] the em­perour. [...] Hall in H. S. fol. [...]. on which daie he rode to Graueling, and was receiued on the waie by the emperour, and so by him conueied to Graueling, where not onelie the king, but also all his traine was cheared and feailed, with so louing ma­ner, that the Englishmen highlie praised the empe­rours court. [When the French king and his lords had knowledge of the meeting of the emperour and the king of England in the towne of Graueling, they were therewith grea [...]lie gréeued, as by manie things appeared. For as the Englishmen were in France disdained, and in their sutes there greatlie deferred, and had little right, and much lesse fauour: so from day to day still more and more began hart­burning, and in conclusion open warre did arise be­tweene the two realmes.]

On Wednesdaie the eleuenth of Iulie, The emperor commeth to Calis to king Henrie. the empe­rour and his aunt the ladie Margaret duchesse of Sauoy came with the king of England to the towne of Calis, and there continued in great ioy and so­lace, with feasting, banketting, dansing and masking vntill the fouretéenth of Iulie. Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 927. Banketting house within the towne of Calis. R [...]. Turpin. ¶ For the intertei­ning of these estates (the English lords and gentle­men displaced of their lodgings to serue the other and their traine) there was builded a banketting house eight hundred foot compasse, like a theatre, after a goodlie deuise, builded in such maner as (I thinke) was neuer séene, with sixtéene principals made of great masts, betwixt euerie mast foure and twentie foot, and all the outsides closed with boord and can­uas.

Ouer it, and within round about by the sides, were made thrée scaffolds or lofts one aboue ano­ther for men and women to stand vpon. And in the midst of the same banketting house, was set vp a great piller of timber made of eight great masts, bound togither with iron bands, for to hold them to­gither: for it was an hundred and foure and thirtie foot of length, Goodlie work­manship with­in the banket­ting house. and cost six pounds thirteene shillings and fourepence to set it vpright. The banketing house was couered ouer with canuas, fastened with ropes and iron as fast as might be deuised. And within the said house was painted the heauens, with starres, sunne, mooue, and clouds, with diuerse other things made aboue ouer mens heads: and there were great images of wickers couered, and made like great men of diuerse strange nations: and diuerse reasons were written by them of the countries that they likened to be of, with the armes of those countries hanging by them.

Also there was made as it were manie ships vn­der saile, and windmils going, and about the high pil­ler of timber that flood vpright in the middest, was made stages of timber for organs and other instru­ments to stand vpon, and men to plaie on them, & for other musicians & pageants to be plaied, when the K. of England & the emperor should be at their banket. But in the morning of the same day, the wind began to rise, & at night blew off the canuas, Banketting house defaced by tempest. and all the ele­ments, with the starres, sunne, moone, and clouds, and the wind blew out aboue a thousand torches, and other lights of wax, that were prepared to giue light to the banket, & all the kings seats that were made with great riches, besides all other things, were all dashed and lost.]

The same daie at night that the states were in­terteined, A statelie mask to solace the emperor & his companie. the king and fiftéen persons were ap­parelled all in blacke veluet couered with cloth of gold, cut on the veluet, fastened with knots of gold, on the which knots hoong spangles of gold like tufts, and bonnets of the same, & clothes of crimsin sattin and cloth of gold wrapped trauerse, and their buskins of the same cloth of gold. All these lustie maskers went to the emperours lodging, and were receiued, [Page 862] and in the chamber of presence dansed and reuelled, the which at the emperours request, the king and o­ther disuisarded themselues, whereby the king was knowne: then the king tooke his leaue, and depar­ted for that night. On tuesdaie the twelfe of Iulie, bicause the banketting house could not be finished, the emperour and the ladie Margaret supped with the king & the queene at the checker, where the same night after supper reuelled ninetie and six maskers: after the reuels was a banket, after which banket line 10 the king brought the emperour and the ladie Mar­garet to the staple, and after withdrew him.

This night were eight companies of maskers, and in euerie companie twelue persons all in gold, siluer and veluet, richlie apparelled, but bicause the roome was small, the shew was the lesse. In these reuels were put in maskers apparell diuerse gentlemen of the French court vnwéeting to the K. or anie other that bare rule. French gen­tlemen in mas­kers apparell vnwéeting to them that bare rule in the reuels. For diuerse yoong gentlemen of the French court fauored more the French partie, than line 20 the emperours partie; through which meanes they saw and much more heard than they should haue doone. On fridaie the thirteenth daie of Iulie, the em­perour did intend to haue departed from Calis, but the counsell was such that he departed not that night.

On saturdaie the fouretéenth of Iulie, the empe­rour tooke his leaue of the queene of England his aunt, and departed toward Graueling, being con­ducted on his waie by the king of England, to a vil­lage towards Flanders called Waell, and there line 30 they imbraced and tooke their leaue either of other in most louing maner. They did not altogither spend the time thus while they were togither, in vaine plea­sures, and sporting reuels; for the charters before time concluded were read ouer, and all the articles of the league tripartite, agréed betwixt the emperour, the king of England, and the French king, were at full declared, to the which the French king had fullie con­descended. And for the more proofe thereof, and exem­plification of the same, he sent monsieur de Roch line 40 with letters of credence to signifie to the emperour, that in the word of a prince he would obserue, fulfill, performe and kéepe all the same articles, for him, his realme and subiects. The king re­turneth into England. Shortlie after that the emperour and the king had taken leaue each of other, and were departed, the king shipped, and with the quéene and all other the nobilitie returned safelie into England.

The king kept his Christmas at Greenwith this yeare, with much noblenesse and open court. And the tenth daie of Februarie, in his owne person, iusted line 50 with all commers. On Twelfe daie his grace and the earle of Deuonshire, with foure aids, answered at the tourneie all commers, which were sixtéene per­sons: noble and rich was their apparell, but in feats of armes the king excelled the rest. About this time the king hauing regard to the common welth of his realme, year 1521 considered how for the space of fiftie yeares past and more, Polydor. the nobles and gentlemen of Eng­land, being giuen to grasi [...] of cattell, and kéeping line 60 of shéepe, had inuented a meane how to increase their yearelie reuenues, to the great decaie and vn­dooing of husbandmen of the land. For the said no­bles and gentlemen, An inconue­nience of tur­ning arable ground into pasture. after the maner of the Numidi­ans, more studieng how to increase their pastures, than to mainteine tillage, began to decaie husband tacks & tenements, and to conuert arable ground into pasture, furnishing the same with beasts and shéepe, and also deere, so inclosing the field with hed­ges, ditches, and pales, which they held in their owne hands, ingrossing woolles, and selling the same, and also shéepe and beasts at their owne prices, and as might stand most with their owne priuate commo­ditie.

Hereof a thréefold euill chanced to the com­mon wealth, as Polydor noteth. One, The [...] wealth [...] thereby. for that there­by the number of husbandmen was sore diminished, the which the prince vseth chieflie in his seruice for the warres: an other, for that manie townes and villa­ges were left desolate, and became ruinous: the third, for that both wooll and cloth made thereof, and the flesh of all maner beasts vsed to be eaten, was sold at far higher prices than was accustomed. These enormities at the first begining being not redressed, grew in short space to such force and vigour by euill custome, that afterwards they gathered to such an v­nited force, that hardly they could be remedied. Much like a disease, which in the beginning with litle paine to the patient, and lesse labour to the surgeon maie be cured; whereas the same by delaie and negligence being suffered to putrifie, becommeth a desperate sore, and then are medicines nothing auailable, and not to be applied, according to his opinion that said:

Helleborum frustra (cùm iam cutis aegratumescit)
Poscentes videas: venienti occurrite morbo.
[...]

The king therefore causing such good statutes as had beene deuised and established for reformation in this behalfe, to be reuiued and called vpon, tooke or­der by directing foorth his commissions vnto the iusti­ces of peace, Commissions granted for the mainte­nance of [...]l­lage and lai­eng open of inclosures▪ and other such magistrats, that present­ment should be had and made of all such inclosures, and decaie of husbandrie, as had chanced within the space of fiftie yeares before that present time. The iustices and other magistrates, according to their commission executed the same. And so commande­ment was giuen, that the decaied houses should bée built vp againe, that the husbandmen should be pla­ced eftsoones in the same, and that inclosed grounds should be laid open, and sore punishment appointed a­gainst them that disobeied.

These so good and wholesome ordinances shortlie after were defeated by meanes of bribes giuen vnto the cardinall: for when the nobles and gentlemen, Bribes. which had for their pleasures imparked the common fields, were loth to haue the same againe disparked, they redéemed their vexation with good sommes of monie; and so had licence to keepe their parks and grounds inclosed as before. Thus the great expecta­tion which men had conceiued of a generall redresse, prooued void: howbeit, some profit the husbandmen in some parts of the realme got by the moouing of this matter, where inclosures were alreadie laid o­pen, yer mistresse monie could preuent them; and so they inioied their commons, which before had beene taken from them.

After that this matter for inclosures was thus dispatched, The cardina [...] deuiseth the destruction of the duke of Bucking­ham. the cardinall boiling in hatred against the duke of Buckingham, & thirsting for his bloud, deuised to make Charles Kneuet, that had beene the dukes surueior, and put from him (as ye haue heard) an instrument to bring the duke to destruction. This Kneuet being had in examination before the cardi­nall, disclosed all the dukes life. And first he vttered, that the duke was accustomed by waie of talke, to saie, how he meant so to vse the matter, that he would atteine to the crowne, if king Henrie chan­ced to die without issue: & that he had talke and con­ference of that matter on a time with George Ne­uill, lord of Aburgauennie, vnto whome he had giuen his daughter in marriage; and also that he threatned to punish the cardinall for his manifold misdooings, being without cause his mortall enimie.

The cardinall hauing gotten that which he sought for, incouraged, comforted, and procured Kneuet, The [...] imboider [...] Kneuet a­gainst the duke. with manie comfortable words and great promises, that he should with a bold spirit and countenance obiect and laie these things to the dukes charge, with more if he knew it when time required. Then Kneuet [Page 863] partlie prouoked with desire to be reuenged, and part­lie mooued with hope of reward, openlie confessed, that the duke had once fullie determined to deuise meanes how to make the king away, being brought into a full hope that he should be king, by a vaine prophesie which one Nicholas Hopkins, a monke of an house of the Chartreux order beside Bristow, cal­led Henton, sometime his confessor had opened vnto him.

The cardinall hauing thus taken the examinati­on line 10 on of Kneuet, [...] went vnto the king, and declared vnto him, that his person was in danger by such traito­rous purpose, as the duke of Buckingham had con­ceiued in his heart, and shewed how that now there is manifest tokens of his wicked pretense: where­fore, he exhorted the king to prouide for his owne suertie with speed. The king hearing the accusation, inforced to the vttermost by the cardinall, made this answer; If the duke haue deserued to be punished, let him haue according to his deserts. The duke her­vpon line 20 was sent for vp to London, & at his comming thither, [...] was streightwaies attached, and brought to the Tower by sir Henrie Marneie, capteine of the gard, the sixtéenth of Aprill. There was also atta­ched the foresaid Chartreux monke, maister Iohn de la Car aliàs de la Court, the dukes confessor, and sir Gilbert Perke priest, the dukes chancellor.

After the apprehension of the duke, inquisitions were taken in diuerse shires of England of him; Anno Reg. 13. so that by the knights and gentlemen, he was indicted line 30 of high treason, for certeine words spoken (as before ye haue heard) by the same duke at Blechinglie, The duke of Buckingham [...] of [...]nion. to the lord of Aburgauennie: and therewith was the same lord attached for concelement, and so likewise was the lord Montacute, and both led to the Tower. Sir Edward Neuill, brother to the said lord of A­burgauennie, was forbidden the kings presence. Moreouer, in the Guildhall, within the citie of Lon­don, before Iohn Brugge knight, then lord maior of the same citie, by an inquest whereof one Miles line 40 Gerrard was foreman, the said duke was indicted of diuerse points of high treason, as by the same indic­ment it appeareth.

Namelie, that the said duke intending to exalt him­selfe, The effect of the dukes [...]. and to vsurpe the crowne, the roiall power, and dignitie of the realme of England, and to depriue the kings maiestie thereof, that he the said duke might take vpon him the same; against his allegi­ance, had the tenth daie of March, in the second yéere of the kings maiesties reigne, The duke is [...] of [...] in Lon­don. and at diuerse other times before and after, imagined and compassed the line 50 kings death and destruction at London, & at Thorne­burie, in the countie of Glocester. And for the accom­plishment of his wicked intent and purpose (as in the indictment is alledged) the twentie and fourth daie of Aprill, Thus [...] had sent [...] of the [...] of Hentons [...] to the duke the [...], to [...] him to [...] ouer to [...] his chan­cellor, as by [...] other i­ [...]ment ap­ [...]ereth. in the fourth yéere of the kings reigne he sent one of his chapleins called Iohn de la Court, to the priorie of Henton in Summersetshire, which was an house of the Chartreux monks. The effect or substance of whose message was, to vnderstand of one Nicholas Hopkins, a monke of the same house line 60 (who was vainelie reputed by waie of reuelation to haue foreknowledge of things to come) what should happen concerning the matters which he had imagi­ned. Which monke, causing the said de la Court first to sweare vnto him, not to disclose his words to a­nie maner of person, but onelie to the duke his mai­ster: therewith declared, that his maister the said duke should haue all, willing him for the accomplish­ment of his purpose, to séeke to win the fauour of the people. De la Court came backe with this answer, and told it to the duke at Thorneburie the morrow after, being the twentie fift of Aprill.

Also the two and twentith of Iulie in the same fourth yeare, The monks reuelation was peremp­torie to the duke. the duke sent the same de la Court with letters vnto the said monke, to vnderstand of him further of such matters: and the monke told him againe for answer, that the duke should haue all. And being asked as well now, as before at the first time, how he knew this to be true: he said, By the grace of God. And with this answer de la Court now also returning, declared the same vnto the duke, the twentie fourth of Iulie at Thorneburie aforesaid. Moreouer, the said duke sent the same de la Court a­gaine to the said monke with his letters, the six and twentith of Aprill, in the fift yeare of the kings reigne, when the king was to take his iournie into France; requiring to vnderstand what should be­come of these warres: and whether the Scotish king should in the kings absence inuade the realme or not. The monke (among other things) for answer of these letters, sent the duke word, But herein the moonke lied. that the king should haue no issue male.

Againe, the said duke the twentith daie of Fe­bruarie, in the sixt yeare of the kings reigne, being at Thorneburie, spake these words vnto Rafe earle of Westmerland; Well, there are two new dukes created here in England, but if ought but good come to the king, the duke of Buckingham should be next in bloud to sucéed to the crowne. After this, the said duke on the sixtéenth daie of Aprill, in the said sixt yeare of the kings reigne, went in person vnto the priorie of Henton, and there had conference with the foresaid monke, Nicholas Hopkins, who told him, that he should be king. Wherevnto the duke said, that if it so chanced, The duke & the monke haue confe­rence saith the indict­ment. he would shew himselfe a iust and a righteous prince. The monke also told the duke, that he knew this by reuelation, and willed him in anie wise to procure the loue of the commons, the better to atteine his purposed intention.

The duke at the same time gaue, and promised to giue yearelie vnto the said priorie, six pounds, there­with to buie a tun of wine. And further he promised to giue vnto the same priorie, in readie monie twen­tie pounds, whereof ten pounds he gaue in hand, to­wards the conueieng of water vnto the house by a conduit. And to the said monke Nicholas Hopkins he gaue at that present in reward three pounds, and at an other time fortie shillings, at an other time a marke, and at an other time six shillings eight pense. After this, the twentith daie of March, in the tenth yeare of the kings reigne, he came to the same prio­rie, & eftsoones had conference with the said monke, to be more fullie informed by him in the matters a­boue specified. At what time the monke also told him, that he should be king. The duke in talke told the monke, that he had doone verie well, to bind his chapleine Iohn de la Court, vnder the seale of con­fession, to kéepe secret such matter: for if the king should come to the knowledge thereof, it would be his destruction.

Likewise, the twentith daie of October, in the se­uenth yeare of the kings reigne, and at diuerse other times, as well before as after, Robert Gil­bert the dukes chapleine and chancellor his errand to London. the said duke had sent his chancellor Robert Gilbert chapleine, vn­to London, there to buie certeine cloathes of gold, siluer, and veluets, euerie time so much as amoun­ted to the woorth of thrée hundred pounds; to the in­tent the said duke might bestow the same, as well vpon knights, esquiers, gentlemen of the kings house, and yeomen of his gard, as vpon other the kings subiects, to win their fauours and freendships to assist him in his euill purpose. Which cloathes the said Gilbert did buie, and brought the same vnto the said duke, who the twentith daie of Ianuarie, in the said seuenth yeare, & diuerse other daies and yeares before and after, did distribute and giue the same vn­to certeine of the kings subiects for the purpose afore [Page 864] recited, as by the indictment it was inferred.

Meanes that the duke vsed to make him­selfe strong a­gainst the king.Furthermore the said duke, the tenth of Iulie, in the tenth yeare of the kings reigne, and diuerse other daies and times, as well before as after, did consti­tute more seuerall and particular officers in his ca­stels, honours, lordships, and lands than he was accu­stomed to haue, to the end they might be assistant to him, vnder coulour of such offices, to bring his euill purpose to passe. Moreouer, the same duke sent vnto the king the tenth of Maie, in the ninth yeare of his line 10 reigne, for licence to reteine anie of the kings sub­iects, whome it should please him, dwelling within the shires of Hereford, Glocester, and Summerset­shire; and also, that he might at his pleasure conueie diuerse armors, and habillements for warre into Wales, to the intent to use the same against the king as the indictment imported, for the accomplishing of his naughtie purpose, which was to destroie the king and to vsurpe the roiall gouernement and power to himselfe. line 20

Which sute for licence to haue reteiners, and to conueie such armors and habillements of warre, the said Gilbert, the twentith daie of Maie, in the said ninth yeare, and diuerse other daies before and after, at London, and east Gréenewich did follow, labou­ring earnestlie, both to the king and councell, for ob­teining the same. On the twentith daie of Iulie in the said ninth yeare, the said duke sent the said Gil­bert vnto Henton aforesaid, to vnderstand of the said moonke Nicholas Hopkins, A fa [...]se pro­phesieng moonke. what he heard of him: line 30 and the moonke sent him word, that before Christmas next there should be a change, & that the duke should haue the rule and gouernment of all England. And moreouer, the twentith of Februarie, in the eleuenth yeare of the kings reigne, at Blechingleie in the countie of Surrie, the said duke said vnto the said Robert Gilbert his chancellor, that he did expect and tarie for a time more conuenient to atchiue his pur­pose, and that it might easilie be doone, if the nobles of this realme would declare their minds togither: line 40 but some of them mistrusted, and feared to shew their minds togither: and that marred all.

He said further at the same time to the said Gil­bert, that what so euer was doone by the kings father, was doone by wrong. And still he murmured a­gainst all that the king [...]hen presentlie reigning did. And further he said, that he knew himselfe to be so wicked a sinner, He was in a verie ill mind [...]f this were true. that he wanted Gods fauour: and therefore he knew, that what so euer he tooke in hand against the king had the woorse successe. And further­more, line 50 the said duke (to alienate the minds of the kings subiects from their dutifull obeisance towards the said king and his heires) on the twentith daie of September, in the first yeare of his reigne, being then at London, reported vnto the said Robert Gil­bert, that he had a certeine writing sealed with the kings great seale, comprehensing a certeine act of parlement, in the which it was enacted, that the duke of Summerset one of the kings progenitors was made legitimate: A certeine writing legi­timating the duke of Summerset. and further, that the said duke line 60 meant to haue deliuered the same writing vnto king Henrie the seuenth, but (said he) I would not that I had so doone for ten thousand pounds.

And furthermore, the same duke on the fourth of Nouember, in the eleuenth yere of the kings reigne, at east Greenwich in the countie of Kent, said vnto one Charles Kneuet esquier, after that the king had reprooued the duke for reteining William Bulmer knight into his seruice, that if he had perceiued that he should haue beene committed to the Tower (as he doub [...]ed hée should haue béene) hée would haue so wrought, that the principal dooers therein should not haue had cause of great reioising: for he would haue plaied the part which his father intended to haue put in practise against king Richard the third at Salis­burie, [...] who made earnest s [...]te to haue come vnto the presence of the same king Richard: which sute if he might haue obteined, he hauing a knife secretlie a­bout him, would haue thrust it into the bodie of king Richard, as he had made semblance to knéele downe before him. And in speaking these words, he malici­ouslie laid his hand vpon his dagger, and said, that if he were so euill vsed, he would doo his best to accom­plish his pretensed purpose, swearing to confirme his word by the bloud of our Lord.

Beside all this, the same duke the tenth of Maie, in the twelfe yeare of the kings reigne, at London in a place called the Rose, within the parish of saint Laurence Poultnie in Canwike street ward, de­manded of the said Charles Kneuet esquier, what was the talke amongest the Londoners concerning the kings iourneie beyond the seas. And the said Charles told him, that manie stood in doubt of that iourneie, least the Frenchmen meant some deceit to­wards the king. Whereto the duke answered, that it was to be feared, least it would come to passe, The duke [...] couereth the secrecie of all the matter [...] his owne vndoome▪ accor­ding to the words of a certeine holie moonke. For there is (saith he) a Chartreux moonke, that diuerse times hath sent to me, willing me to send vnto him my chancellor: and I did send vnto him Iohn de la Court my chapleine, vnto whome he would not de­clare anie thing, till de la Court had sworne vnto him to kéepe all things secret, and to tell no creature liuing what hée should heare of him, except it were to me.

And then the said moonke told de la Court, that neither the king nor his heires should prosper, and that I should indeuour my selfe to purchase the good wils of the communaltie of England; for I the same duke and my bloud should prosper, and haue the rule of the realme of England. Then said Charles Kne­uet; The moonke maie be deceiued through the diuels illusion: and that it was euill to meddle with such matters. Well (said the duke) it cannot hurt me, and so (saith the indictment) the duke séemed to reioise in the moonks woords. And further, at the same time, But the end of that ioy was heaui­nesse. the duke told the said Charles, that if the king had misca­ried now in his last sicknesse, he would haue chopped off the heads of the cardinall, of sir Thomas Louell knight, and of others; and also said, that he had rather die for it, than to be vsed as he had beene.

Moreover, on the tenth daie of September, in the said eleuenth yere of this kings reigne, at Bleching­lie, in the countie of Surrie, walking in the gallerie there with George neuill knight, lord Aburgauen­nie, the duke murmuring against the kings coun­cellors, and there gouernment, said vnto the said George; that if the king died, he would haue the rule of the realme in spite of who so euer said the contra­rie; and withall said, that if the said lord Aburga­uennie would say, that the duke had spoken such words, he would fight with him, and lay his sword vpon his pate: & this he bound vp with manie great oths. These were the speciall articles & points com­prised in the indictment, and said to his charge: but how trulie, or in what sort prooued, I haue not fur­ther to say, either in accusing or excusing him, other than as I find in Hall and Polydor, whose words in effect, I haue thought to impart to the reader, and without anie parciall wrestling of the same either to or fro.

Sauing that (I that) I maie without offense saie, that (as the rumour then went) the cardinall chieflie procured the death of this noble man, no lesse fauou­red and beloued of the people of this realme in that season, than the cardinall himselfe was hated and en­uied. Which thing caused the dukes fall the more to be pitied and lamented, sith he was man of all [Page 865] other, that chieflie went about to crosse the cardinall in his lordlie demeanor, & headie procéedings. But to the purpose. Shortlie after that the duke had béene in­dicted (as before ye haue heard) he was arreigned in Westminster hall, The duke of [...]ingham [...] at [...]minster. before the duke of Norffolke, be­ing made by the kings letters patents high steward of England, to accomplish the high cause of appeale of the péere or péeres of the realme, and to discerne and iudge the cause of the péeres.

There were also appointed to sit as peeres and line 10 iudges vpon the said duke of Buckingham, the duke of Suffolke, the marques Dorset, the earls of Wor­cester, The names [...] duk [...]s [...] for his [...]. De [...]o [...]shire, Essex, Shrewesburie, Kent, Or­ford, and Derbie, the lord of saint Iohns, the lord de la Ware, the lord Fitz Warren, the lord Willough­bie, the lord Brooke, the lord Cobham, the lord Her­bert, and the lord Morleie. There was made within the hall at Westminster a scaffold for these lords, and a presence for a iudge, railed and counterrailed about, and barred with degrées. When the lords had line 20 taken their place, the duke was brought to the barre, and vpon his arreignement pleaded not guiltie, and put himselfe vpon his péeres. Then was his indict­ment read, which the duke denied to be true, and (as he was an eloquent man) alledged reasons to falsi­fie the indictment; Pol [...]do [...]. [...]. Hall. pleading the matter for his owne iustification verie pithilie and earnestlie. The kings attourneie against the dukes reasons alledged the examinations, confessions, and proofes of witnesses.

The duke desired that the witnesses might bée line 30 brought foorth. And then came before him Charles Kneuet, Perke, de la Court, & Hopkins the monke of the priorie of the Charterhouse beside Bath, which like a false hypocrite had induced the duke to the trea­son with his false forged prophesies. Diuerse pre­sumptions and accusations were laid vnto him by Charles Kneuet, which he would faine haue couered. The depositions were read, & the deponents deliuered as prisoners to the officers of the Tower. Then spake the duke of Norffolke, and said: My lord, the king our souereigne lord hath commanded that you shall line 40 haue his lawes ministred with fauour and right to you. [...] Hall. in [...] f [...]l. lxxxvj. Wherefore if you haue anie other thing to say for your selfe, you shall be heard. Then he was com­manded to withdraw him, and so was led into Para­dise, a house so named. The lords went to councell a great while, and after tooke their places.

Then said the duke of Norffolke to the duke of Suffolke; The duke of Buckingham [...]nuinced of h [...]gh treason. What say you of sir Edward duke of Buc­kingham touching the high treasons? The duke of Suffolke answered; He is giltie: & so said the mar­ques and all the other earls and lords. Thus was this prince duke of Buckingham found giltie of high line 50 treason, by a duke, a marques, seuen earles, & twelue barons. The duke was brought to the barre sore cha­sing, and swet maruellouslie; & after he had made his reuerence, he paused a while. The duke of Norffolke as iudge said; Sir Edward, you haue heard how you be indicted of high treason, you pleaded thereto not giltie, putting your selfe to the péeres of the realme, which haue found you giltie. Then the duke of Norf­folke line 60 wept and said; The duke of Bucking­hams iudge­ment pronounced b [...] the [...]ke of Norf­f [...]ke. [...] Grafton. [...] St [...]w. You shall be led to the kings pri­son, and there laid on a hardle, and so drawne to the place of execution, and there be hanged, cut downe aliue, your members cut off and cast into the fire, your bowels burnt before you, your head smitten off, and your bodie quartered and diuided at the kings will, and God haue mercie on your soule, Amen.

The duke of Buckingham said, My lord of Norf­folke, you haue said as a traitor should be said vnto, but I was neuer anie: but my lords I nothing ma­ligne for that you haue doone to me, but the eternall God forgiue you my death, and I doo: I shall neuer sue to the king for life, howbeit he is a gratious prince, and more grace may come from him than I desire. I desire you my lords and all my fellowes to pray for me. Then was the edge of the axe turned towards him, and he led into a barge. Sir Thomas Louell desired him to sit on the cushins and carpet ordeined for him. He said nay; for when I went to Westminster I was duke of Buckingham, now I am but Edward Bohune the most caitife of the world. Thus they landed at the Temple, where recei­ued him sir Nicholas Uawse & sir William Sands baronets, and led him through the citie, w [...]o desired euer the people to pray for him, of whome some wept and lamented, and said: This is the end of euill life, God forgiue him, he was a proud prince, it is pitie that hée behaued him so against his king and liege lord, whome God preserue. Thus about foure of the clocke he was brought as a cast man to the Tower.

On fridaie the seuentéenth daie of Maie, about eleuen of the clocke, this duke of Buckingham, earle of Hereford, Stafford, and Northampton, The duke of Buckingham beheaded on a scaffold at Tower hill. with a great power was deliuered to Iohn Keime & Iohn Skeuington shiriffes, who led him to the scaffold on Tower hill, where he said he had offended the kings grace through negligence and lacke of grace, and de­sired all noble men to beware by him, and all men to pray for him, and that he trusted to die the kings true man. Thus méekelie with an axe he tooke his death. Then the Augustine friers tooke his bodie, and head, and buried them. Alas that euer the grace of truth was withdrawne from so noble a man, that he was not to his king in allegiance as he ought to haue béene! Such is the end of ambition, the end of false prophesies, the end of euill life, and euill counsell; but speciallie the end of malice, which grew to so huge and monstruous a fire in the hautie hart of the proud car­dinall, that nothing could asswage it, but the bloud of this noble duke, against whome he had procured this processe in iudgement ended with the execution of death: the torments whereof were (as it seemeth by the sentence of the iudge) much diminished through the mercie of the king.

For though his offense was traitorous, and therfore deserued as law had prouided, and the iudge defined; yet in respect of the offendors person, the kings fauor dispensed with the rigor of iudgement, so that he was beheaded onelie, and his bodie not dismembred. ¶ This duke had begun a great and sumptuous building at his manor of Thornburie, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 929. Iohn Leland. but left the same vnfinished. He made a faire parke hard by the same building, for the which he tooke in much and fruitfull ground. Also another parke at Eastwood, one mile off, he inlarged at two times to the compasse of six miles, for the which déed, and such like, he had manie a cursse of the poore tenants.] At the time of his death (no doubt) his conscience (gi­uing in greater euidence than 10000 witnesses) told him whether he was justlie condemned or no, for a mans dieng day is as a bill of information, putting him in mind of his life well or ill spent, as one saith:

Pectora terribili cùm mors ferit horrida telo,
Gu. Ha [...]in eccl. cap. 11.
Quomodo vita tibi sit priùs acta scies.

A conuenient collection concerning the high constables of England, which office ceassed and tooke end at the duke of Buckingham aboue mentioned.

THe death of this duke of Buckingham, The collection of Fr. Thin in this yere 1585. being the last constable of England, dooth present apt place to me wherein to insert the names of all such honorable persons as haue béene inuested with that title of the consta­bleship of England, an office of great account, & such [Page 866] as sometime was the chéefest place of a temporall subiect in the relme the (high steward excepted) whose power did extend to restreine some actions of the kings. Wherefore being now no such office (for ther [...] was neuer anie aduanced therevnto since the behea­ding of this duke) I thinke it not vuméet to make some memorie of those persons possessing so high a place, least both they and their office might hereaf­ter grow in vtter obliuion: these therefore they were. line 10

Alfgarus Stallere.Alfgarus Stallere, constable to Edward the Con­fessor, of whome thus writeth the historie of Elie in the second booke written by Richard of Elie a moonke of that house, in the time of Henrie the se­cond, whose words although they be somewhat long, I shall not gréeue to set downe in this sort. De famosa villa Estre, alio nomine Plassie vocata, dicendum est quàm mi­serè ab Elie est destracta. Alfgarus quidem Stallere, quod La­tinè dux dicitur, eam inuasit, & vsus estea. Abbas verò Wolfricus & fratres, cùm sedulò frustra requirerent, Ed­wardum Confessorem adeunt, cui rex mandauit, vt restitue­ret: line 20 sed ille regijs iussis nequaquam obtemperanit. Fratres au­tem, cùm nec prece nec precio eius animum flectere potuis­sent, anathematizant eum, nec sententiam super eum vllo dic praetermittebant.

Quod ille diutiùs paruipendens, licèt magnus & potens in regno esset (vti regis constabularius) ab ecclesia eliminatus, & fidelium consortio ad correptionem (vix iam cunctis dete­stabilis effectus) compulsus peruenire, tandem (plurimùm ob­iurgatus & correptus à rege) reuersus est in se, & prece tandem nititur obtinere quod iniqua manu cunctatus non est. line 30 Illi verò hoc cognoscentes, illi annunt, demiserúnt (que) ei (quam­uis ad suum incommodum) ita vt iureiurando postipsius vi­tam ab omni suorum inquietudine libera ad ecclesiam possessio rediret. Quod quidem factum est, & scripto Anglici sermo­nis designatum. Testes rex Edwardus & regina, &c. Which man (after the death of king Edward the Confessor and Harold the vsurper) was when the Normans en­tered England, as saith the said historie In ergastulo plurimis alijs ferro astrictus vsque ad mortem. line 40

Walter of Glocester.Walter constable of England in the time of William the Conquerour, and of William Rufus succeeded Alfgarus. Here (before I saie anie more) I thinke it not amisse to set downe somewhat tou­ching William Fitz Osberne, or Osbert earle of Hereford, whome manie will haue to be constable in the time of the Conquerour: which truelie I can not as yet be led to beleeue. For although that this Wil­liam was the onelie man, who both persuaded▪ incou­raged, and procured aid of others to assist William Conquerour for the obteining of England; and that line 50 this man was (as we commonlie saie) the onelie right hand, chéefe compeller, and disposer of the kingdome, after that William the Conquerour had obteined the same, being also Tribunus militum of all the armie that William Conquerour led into Eng­land, and the man that persuaded the bishop of Sam­borrow to compound for the title of the king of Den­marke made vnto England: yet I suppose him not to be constable, but onelie marshall of England; or line 60 at the least if he were, it could not be verie long. For that this earle was extreame old, departed the realme, and disposed all the affaires of the Norman bastard beyond the seas, and died about the yeare of our redemption 1072, being about the eight yeare of the reigne of William Conquerour.

Milo of Here­ford.Milo the sonne of the said Walter, an enimie to king Stephan (who yet confirmed him in his fathers inheritance) was aduanced first to great honors by Henrie the first: who méeting Mawd the empresse at Bristow, and taking hir for lawfull quéene, did con­tinuallie follow hir faction: for which she, in the sixt yeare of king Stephan, to honour him for his good seruice (as appeareth by the charter thereof) gaue him the earledome of Hereford, constableship of Eng­gland, the castell of Bironell, & the forrest of Deane. He was lord also of Breckenocke. He translated the chanons of the monasterie of saint Iohns of Lan­thonie, in the yeare of our redemption 1103, being the fourth yeare of king Henrie the first, to a place néere Glocester, then called Hide, and since Lantho­nie; as Iohn Stow hath well noted out of other au­thors.

He married Sibilla the daughter of Bernard Newmarch, a nobleman of Normandie, who obtei­ned by conquest the lordship of Breckenocke: by whome he had issue fiue sonnes and thrée daughters. The sonnes were Roger, Walter, Henrie, Willi­am and Mahaell. His three daughters were, Marga­ret, married to Humfreie Bohune; Bertha the se­cond was married to Philip Bruse, created by king Stephan lord of Bruse, Gower, Bauld, & Brimble, and in his wiues right lord of Breckenocke; Lucia married to Herebert the sonne of Herebert, base sonne to Henrie the first, who was (in hir right) lord of the forrest of Deane: he died in the eight or (as o­thers haue) the ninth yeare of king Stephan, being the yeare of our redemption 1143.

William (the sonne of Walter Beauchampe) shiriffe of Worcester, William Beaucha [...] ▪ was made high constable of England by king Stephan, in the fift yeare of his reigne, being in the yeare of our redemption 1139, when the king was at Worcester: which honour he tooke from Miles of Glocester; as saith that painefull antiquarie Iohn Stow in his chronicle printed in the yeare of our Lord 1580, fol. 191.

Roger the sonne of Milo succéeded his father in all his inheritance, as well of the earledome, Roger fitz Milo. as o­therwise: whereby he was in time following also constable of England, and (as it is most probable) re­stored to that office by Henrie the second; for that he was a great enimie to king Stephan. He went a­mongest others with Henrie Fitz Empresse to Da­uid king of Scots, who knighted the said Henrie in the fouretéenth yeare of king Stephan: he married Cicilie the daughter of Iohn Fitz Paine, and died without issue.

Walter second sonne to Milo, Walter fitz Milo. after the death of his brother Roger was earle of Hereford, constable of England, and lord ouer Gwenthie or Wenthie: he builded in the time of Henrie the first the castels of Glocester, Bristow, and Rochester, with the Tower of London: he held the land of Wenthie by long time, who hauing no heire of his bodie gaue the same land to Henrie of Hereford, and for saking the world tooke monasticall habit on him at Lanthonie, where he was buried, dieng without issue.

Henrie of Hereford the sonne of Milo, Henrie of Hereford. after the enterance of Walter his brother into religion, was earle of Hereford, constable of England, and lord of Breckenocke and Deane; who was in Wenthie at a conflict slaine by his owne men, and buried at Lan­thonie with Walter the constable: after whose death Henrie the second deputed Iago ap Seisell to the cu­stodie of the land of Wenthie.

William the sonne of Milo, William fitz Milo. and brother to Hen­rie of Hereford, was constable of England, after the death of his brother, and died without issue.

Mahaell the yoongest sonne of Milo, Mahaell fitz Milo. after the death of William, was constable of England, who died without issue: whome I feare not to place as constable, since all histories agrée that all the sons of Milo did successiuelie inioie that office, after whome the inheritance comming to their sister, whereof the eldest called Margaret (or Margerie) was married to Humfrie Bohuno, which line of the Bohunes be­came afterwards constables of England by inheri­tance.

[Page 867] [...]Humfrie de Bohune, steward to Henrie the first, (the sonne of Humfrie de Bohune, steward in house to William Rufus, sonne to Humfrie de Bohune that came in with the Conquerour) was (in the right of his wife Margerie one of the daughters and heire of the foresaid Milo) constable of England, he had issue Humfrie de Bohune.

[...]Humfrie de Bohune, constable of England, mar­ried Margaret sister to William king of Scots and daughter to the earle of Huntington, moother to line 10 Conon earle of Britaine: he had issue Henrie. This Margaret died the third of king Iohn, being the yeare of Christ 1201. And this Humfrie also died in the time of king Iohn, as some haue: or rather (as others haue) in the time of king Richard the first.

[...]Henrie de Bohune, the sonne of the said Hum­frie and Margaret, was the first earle of Hereford of that name of the Bohunes, contrarie to that re­ceiued error, which hitherto hath made the other Bo­hunes earle of Hereford: and contrarie to the prin­ted pedegrée of the deceassed father of the earle of line 20 Essex now liuing. For this man, being the first erle of the Bohunes, was made earle of Hereford in the first yeare of king Iohn, as the charter dooth wit­nesse. He was also constable of England, and mar­ried Mawd, the daughter and heire of Geffrie lord Ludgarsall sometime earle of Essex, in whose right hir husband was intituled to that honor of the earle­dome of Essex, by whome he had issue Humfrie his heire. He died about the fourth yeare of Henrie the line 30 third, being the yeare of our redemption 1220, in his iournie as he went to Ierusalem with other noble­men.

[...]Humfrie de Bohune sonne of Henrie, being the second of that name that was erle of Hereford, was also earle of Essex and constable of England, being by all men termed La bone counte de Hereford. He married Mawd the daughter of the earle of Oxie in Normandie, he had issue Humfrie de Bohune that was taken in the yeare of Christ 1265, being the for­tie line 40 & ninth of king Henrie the third at the battell of Euesham, and died in the life of his father, leauing behind him a sonne called Humfrie, heire to him and to his father, which Humfrie the father died in the yeare of our redemption 1275, being the third yeare of king Edward the first.

Humfrie de Bohune.Humfrie de Bohune the third earle of Hereford of that name, the sonne of Humfrie Bohune slaine at the battell of Euesham, was after the death of his grandfather erle of Hereford and Essex, and con­stable of England, he married Mawd de Ferens, or line 50 Frenis, and had issue Humfrie, this earle died in the yeare of our redemption 1298, being the twentie sixt of Edward the first, & was buried at Walden with his wife Mawd.

Humfrie de Bohune.Humfrie de Bohune the fourth erle of Hereford of that name, was earle of Hereford, Essex, and con­stable of England, he married Elizabeth the daugh­ter to king Edward the first, and widow to Iohn earle of Holland, he had issue Iohn erle of Hereford, Humfrie earle of Hereford, and William earle of line 60 Northhampton. This Humfrie taking part with Thomas earle of Lancaster was slaine at Borro­bridge by a Welshman standing vnder a bridge that thrust him thorough with a speare, in the fouretéenth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the second, be­ing the yeare of our redemption 1321.

[...]Iohn de Bohune the eldest sonne of this Humfrie, being the fi [...]t earle of Hereford, was after the death of his father earle of Hereford, Essex, and constable of England, he married the daughter of Edmund Fitz Alen earle of Arundell, and died without issue in the yeare of Christ 1335, being the ninth yeare of king Edward the third. He was buried in the ab­beie of Stratford besides London.

Humfrie de Bohune sixt earle of Hereford, Humfrie de Bohune. being brother to Iohn de Bohune, whome he succeeded, was after the death of his brother earle of Hereford and Essex, and constable of England, he died without issue in the yeare of our Lord 1361, being the thirtie fift of king Edward the third, and was buried at the Augustine friers in London.

William de Bohune seuenth erle of Hereford of that surname, William de Bohune. being the sonne of the other Humfrie and brother to the last Humfrie, was at a parlement holden in the tenth yeare of the reigne of king Ed­ward the third, being in the yeare of our Lord 1336, created earle of Northhampton, and after the death of his brother Humfrie, he was earle of Hereford and Essex, and constable of England. He was in the eighteenth yeare of Edward the third, being the yere of Christ 1344, sent into Britaine as generall ouer the English armie, to restore Iohn de Montford to the dukedome of Britaine: which he did, putting Charles de Blois to flight. He married Elizabeth some saie Eleanor, one of the daughters and heires of Bartholomew Bladesmere baron of Bedes in Kent, by whome he had issue Humfrie.

Humfrie de Bohune, the eight & last erle of Here­ford of that surname of Bohune, Humfrie de Bohune. was after the death of William his father earle of Hereford, Essex and Northampton, and constable of England. He aug­mented the castell of Brecnocke, first built by Ber­nard Newmarch. He in the eight and twentith yere of Edward the third (as Iohn Stow noteth) being the yeare of Christ 1354, reedified the frier Augustines church in London, in which he was buried. He ma­ried Ione the daughter of Richard Fitz Alen erle of Arundell, by whome he had issue two daughters and heires, Eleanor the eldest, maried to Thomas of Woodstocke; and Marie the second, maried to Henrie of Bollingbrooke, after king of England, by the name of king Henrie the fourth.

Thomas of Woodstocke the sixt sonne to king Edward the third, Thomas of Woodstocke. was created earle of Bucking­ham, in the first yeare of Richard the second at his co­ronation, being the yeare of our Lord 1377, and after duke of Glocester, in the eight yeare of Richard the second 1385. He maried Eleanor eldest daughter of Humfreie Bohune (as before) in whose right he was earle of Essex, Northampton, and constable of Eng­land, besides which he was also lord of Brecnocke. He had issue one son & foure daughters: his sonne was Humfreie erle of Buckingham, whom K. Richard (after the murthering of his father at Calis) sent in­to Ireland, where he remained as prisoner vntill the time of king Henrie the fourth, which called him home: who returning into England, died of the plague without issue at Chester: after whome his moother liued not long. Of whose death thus writeth that worthie poet sir Iohn Gower knight, liuing at that time, in his booke of the historie of Richard the second, and Henrie the fourth, commonlie taken as part of his worke intituled & named, Vox clamantis:

Interea transit moriens nec in orbe remansit,
Humfredus dictus reddit ille Deo benedictus,
Defuncto nato cito post de fine beato,
Mater transiuit dum nati funera sciuit,
Primo decessit
The duke of Glocester, bi­cause the swan was his cognisance.
Cignus, dolor vnde repressit
Matrem cum pullo sibi mors nec parcit in vllo.

The foure daughters, heires to Thomas of Woodstocke & their brother Humfreie, were Anne the eldest, married to Edmund Stafford erle Staf­ford, who had issue Humfreie erle of Stafford, Here­ford, & Northampton, lord of Brecknocke, &c: which Anne after the death of erle Staffor [...] [...]aid the second time marie William vicont Bou [...] [...] created erle of Ewe in France: the second daughter was Phi­lip, [Page 868] which died without issue: the third Ione, was ma­ried to Gilbert lord Talbot: the fourth Isabell, was a religious person at the Minories in London. This duke of Glocester was murthered at Calis about the yeare of Christ 1398, being the 22 yeare of Ri­chard the second, touching whose life and death, with the maner thereof, thus writeth the said sir Iohn Gower, in the same booke intituled Vox clamantis:

O quàm fortuna stabilis non permanet vna,
Exemplum cuius stat in ordine carminis huius, line 10
Rex agit, & Cygnus patitur de corde benignus,
Ille prostratus non est de rege leuatus,
Ad Plessye captus tunc est velut hostia raptus,
Rex iubet arma geri, nec eo voluit misereri,
Cum sponsa nati lugent quasi morte grauati,
Plúss (que) lupo saeuit rex dummodo foemina fleuit,
Nil pietas munit quem tunc manus inuida punit,
Rex stetit obliquus nec erat tunc vnus amicus,
O regale genus, princeps quasi pauper egenus,
Turpiter attractus iacet & sine iure subactus, line 20
Sunt ibi fautores regis de sorte priores,
Qui Cygnum pendent, vbi captum ducere tendent,
Sic ducendo ducem, perdit sine lumine lucem,
Anglia quae tota tenebrescit luce remota,
Trans mare natauit, regnum qui semper amauit,
Flent centum mille, quia Cygnus praeterit ille,
Calisij portus petit vnde dolus latet ortus,
Error quem regis genuit putredine legis,
Carcere conclusus subitò fuit ille reclusus,
Nescit quo fine sit vitae siue ruinae, line 30
Tunc rex elatum sumpsit quasi falco volatum,
Vnde suas gentes perdit custode carentes.

A little after which followeth these verses, touching the deniall of buriall to be granted vnto him among the rest of his honourable and roiall ancestors:

Sic nece deuictum, sic corpus ab hoste relictum,
Clam de conclaui, susceperat Anglia naui,
Per mare regreditur, corpus nec ad huc sepelitur,
Nám (que) sepulturam, defendit rex sibi puram,
Desuper à latere, patris loca iusta ten [...]r [...], line 40
Dummodo quaesiuit, vix bassa sepulchra subiuit.

Of the maner also of whole death the said sir Iohn Gower hath set downe these thrée following verses:

Heu quàm to [...]torum quidam de sorte malorum,
Sic ducis electi plumarum pondere lecti,
Corpus quassatum iugulánt (que) necara iugulatum.

His wife Elenor died the third of October, in the yeare of our redemption 1399, being the first yeare of king Henrie the fourth, and was buried at West­minster on the south side of king Edward the third line 50 with this epitaph: ‘Icy gist Elenor de Bohune aysne fille & vn des heyres a honorable seigneur monseigneour Hum­phrey de Bohune, countie de Hereford, & de Essex, & de Northampton, & constable d'Angliterre, fem­me a puissant [...]ble prince Thomas Woodstocke▪ fi [...]z tresexc [...]lle [...] & trespuissant seigneiur Edwarde roy d'Anglite [...]re pius le cóquest tierce, duc de Glo­cester, que mo [...]ust tierce i [...]ure de October lan du grace 1399, de que alme Dieux fait mercye. line 60’

Edward Plantagenet sonne to Edmund of Langleie, Edward Plantagenet. was by Richard the second created earle of Rutland, and duke of Albemerle, who being con­stable of England arriued in the thrée and twentith yeare of Richard the second, and in the yeare of our Lord 1399 in Ireland, to bring aid to the king being there in warre. Of this man is more liberall dis­course in my folowing treatise of the dukes of Eng­land.

Henrie Persie lord Persie, the sixt lord, and the first earle of Northumberland of that name, Henrie Persie was ad­uanced to that [...]onourable title of earle at the coro­nation of king Richard the second, in the yeare of our redemption 1377. He was made high constable of England by Henrie the fourth, then elected but not crowned king of England, bicause the said earle did giue that ring to the king whereby he was wed­ded to the kingdome of England, to whome also the king gaue the Ile of man to beare the sword with which he entered the realme. He in the fourth yeare of king Henrie the fourth, being the yeare of Christ 1403, rebelled against the king: but after comming to the king vpon sending for, he was pardoned his life, but commited to safe custodie. After which, in the fift yeare of that king, he was at a parlement hol­den at London restored to his estate and dignitie, who the yeare following, being the sixt of Henrie the fourth, and the yeare of Christ 1405, againe rebel­led, and after fled into Scotland, to Dauid lord Fle­ming who receiued him, and in the seuenth yeare of Henrie the fourth, being the yere of our redemption 1506, as saith Iohn Stow.

This Dauid persuaded the erle to flie into Wales, for which cause the Scots slue the said Dauid. After this, in the ninth yeare of Henrie the fourth, he came into England, raised the people, and was slaine at Broom [...]ham neere to Hasewood, in a conflict had with him by Thomas Rockleie shiriffe of Yorkshire. He married two wiues, the first was Margaret daugh­ter to Rafe lord Neuill, by whome he had issue Hen­rie Persie, surnamed Hotspurre (slaine at the battell of Shrewesburie in the fourth yeare of Henrie the fourth in his fathers life) Thomas and Rafe. His se­cond wife was Mawd, daughter to Thomas lord Lucie, and sister and heire to Anthonie lord Lucie baron of Cockermouth, being before the widow of Gilbert Humfreuill called the earle of Angus. This ladie Mawd gaue to hir husband the lordship and ca­stell of Cockermouth, whereby the earles of Nor­thumberland are bound still to beare the armes of Lucie.

Iohn duke of Bedford the sonne and brother of kings (for so he calleth himselfe in the precept to sum­mon Reginald lord Greie, Iohn of [...]ford. & sir Edward Hastings knight, to determine the controuersie for bearing of the armes of Hastings earle of Penbroke in the marshals court) was earle of Richmond and Ken­dall, and constable of England, being aduanced to that office about the eight yeare of Henrie the fourth his father, being the yeare of our redemption 1406, of whome there is more mention in the following discourse of the protectors of England.

Humfrie earle of Stafford, Hereford, Humfrie Stafford. and North­hampton, lord of Breenocke, Holdernesse, and of Cambridge, and constable of England, and of Do­uer castell, in the eight yeare of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of Christ 1430, went into France with Henrie the sixt to attend his coronation at Pa­ris. He was created duke of Buckingham in the two and twentith yeare of Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of Christ 1444. He was slaine at the battell of Northampton in the eight and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our Lord 1460, he maried Anne daughter to Rafe Neuil erle of West­merland: he had amongst manie other of his chil­dren Humfrie his eldest sonne earle Stafford, hurt (as hath Iohn Stow) with an arrow in the right hand at the battell of saint Albons in the three and thirtith yeare of Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our Lord 1455, of which battell of saint Albons thus writeth Iohn Whethamsted a learned abbat of that h [...]use:

Dum Maius madidi flos flo [...] uit imbribus austri,
Mollibus & Zephyrus refouerat flatilus aruos,
Flora velut regnans herbis ditauerat hort [...]s,
Post glacies inopes hos fecerat & locuple [...]es,
Sic r [...]pidis stilbon prae [...]onibus vndí (que) regnum
Repleuerat nimis, sic latè sta [...]serat ipses,
Vt
[...]
villam tandem tantus peruaserat is [...]am
[Page 869]Illorum numerus quod vlx euaderet vnus,
Quin spolium lueret, spoliantes vel trepidaret.
A [...]cidit ex causa spoliatio tam grauis ista,
Mars coeli dominus fuerat tunc, & soror eius
In terris domina belli Bellona vocata,
Vnde malum multis signanter partibus istis
Contigit, & bellum fuit istic grande peractum,
[...]
Sanguis & effusus multus, dux est iugulatus
Illius pugnae quae fertur causa fuisse.
Bello finito, strepitu quó (que) pacificato, line 10
Indultum est praedae, praedones quippe fuere
Victores omnes, nulli quasi compatientes.
Tunc rex, tunc proceres, tunc villani quó (que) plures,
[...]
Ac alij varij fuerant rebus spoliati,
Attamen ecclesia, simul ecclesiae bona cuncta
T [...]e abbeie of [...].
Intra quae fuerant, sub clausurá (que) iacebant,
Manserunt salua nec ei res defuit vlla.
Laus igitur domino, laus in specié (que) patrono,
Cuius per media stabant sua singula salua,
Saluis & in cuncti [...] simul abbas frater & omnis. line 20
Spiritus ille bonus sine fallo spiritus almus,
Ad villam regem qui direxit venientem
Illius ad medium, nec tunc permiserat ipsum
[...]
Ecclesiam petere, conseruauit sua quaeque.
Sed patronus erat qui pro monachis mediarat,
A raptore locúm (que) suum seruauit, & omnem
Ipsius ornatum fedari nec siuit ipsum.
S [...]rex intrasset, secúm (que) ducem sociasset,
R [...]h. Plan­tigenet duke of Yorke.
Valuas ecclesiae, paruissent cuncta rapinae,
Nec poterat furias quisquam compescere plebis. line 30
Laus igitur domino, rursus rursus (que) patrono,
Stat locusis [...]e suo saluus munimine so [...]o▪
Salua (que) supposita, sua salua iocalia cuncta.

Iohn Tip­toth or Tiptost.Iohn Tiptoth or Tiptost knight, the son of Iohn lord Tiptost, and of Ioice his wife, second daughter to Edmund Charleton lord Powes, was treasuror of the realme in Michaelmasse tearme in the tenth yere of Henrie the fourth, after which he was againe admitted to that office in the one and thirtith and two and thirtith yeare of Henrie the sixt, from which place line 40 being once more remooued, he was the third time ad­uanced to the honor of lord treasuror of England in the second of Edward the fourth, and continued the same in the third of the said king. He was created earle of Worcester in the time of king Henrie the sixt. This man in the yeare 1470, being the tenth of king Edward the fourth, tooke his part against the duke of Clarence, and Richard Neuill earle of Warwike, at what time the said duke and earle be­ing discomfited, sled to the sea side, and thence sailed line 50 to Southhampton, where they thought to haue had the Trinitie a great ship of the earle of Warwikes; but the lord Scales the queenes brother fought with them, and inforced them to flie into France.

Wherevpon king Edward the fourth came to Southhampton and caused Tiptost earle of Worce­ster to sit in iudgement vpon certeine gentlemen, as Clapham and others, taken at the same skirmish of Southhampton, where the earle caused the bodies of certeine condemned men, after that they were han­ged line 60 to be thrust thorough the fundament vp to the head with stakes, for the which crueltie he and others fell into indignation of the common people. Before which in the eight yeare of king Edward, he was with Iohn Dudleie made constable of the Tower, during their liues, and the longer liuer of them two.

After this in the said yeare 1470, being the tenth of Edward the fourth, in which Henrie the sixt readepted the crowne of England, which yeare of Henrie the sixt is called in the law bookes, the fourtie & ninth yere of the reigne of K. Henrie the sixt. This earle of Worcester was taken in the top of an high trée in the forest of Weibridge in Huntingtonshire, brought to London, and at a parlement arrested and condemned to death, by sir Iohn Uere earle of Ox­ford. Whervpon he was beheded at Tower hill, and buried in the blacke friers of London. He had three wiues, wherof the first was called Cicilie the daugh­ter of Richard earle of Salisburie: the second Eli­zabeth the daughter of Robert Greindoure: the third was Elizabeth, after married to sir William Stan­leie, which Iohn had by his third wife Edward lord Tiptost who died without issue, & so the inheritance went to the sisters of the said earle Iohn Tiptost.

And here I thinke it not amisse to say somewhat of the lord Beaumont, Lord Beau­mont who being in our chronicles named constable of England (as may appeare in the fiue and twentith yeare of Henrie the sixt, in which yeare he arrested Humfrie duke of Glocester) that for any thing that I can yet sée or learne, this Beau­mont was not constable by patent during his life, but for the present time to execute the princes plea­sure, and therefore not méet in this discourse to haue anie speciall place amongest such as were consta­bles of England, either by descent or patent.

Sir Richard Wooduile knight, earle Riuers, Richard Wooduile. was high constable of England in the fourth yere of king Edward the fourth, of whom is more large mention in the following discourse of the treasurors of Eng­land in the historie of the reigne of quéene Elizabeth.

George Plantagenet, George Plantagenet▪ second sonne to Richard duke of Yorke, was created amongst other estates duke of Clarence, in the yeare of our redemption 1461, being the first yeare of king Edward the fourth immediatlie vpon his coronation, and was made constable of England in the time of Edward the fourth. He in the eight of Edward the fourth, a­bout the yeare of Christ 1468, maried Isabell the el­dest daughter of Richard Neuill earle of Warwike and Salisburie, by whom he had issue Edward earle of Warwike and Salisburie, borne vpon the sea in the hauen of Calis, who was in the time of Richard the third a continuall prisoner, and so hauing béene a prisoner, and thereto borne by a certeine fatall desti­nie, was in the yere of our redemption 1485, being the first of king Henrie the seuenth committed to custodie in the Tower, where he continued all the rest of his life, & was beheaded at Tower hill in the fiftéenth yeare of king Henrie the seuenth, being the yeare of Christ 1499, & was buried at Birsam néere to his ancestors. Besides this Edward, this George duke of Clarence had issue a daughter called Mar­garet, created by king Henrie the eight countesse of Salisburie, who married sir Richard Poole knight of the garter, descended of the ancient familie of the Pooles in Wales.

Richard Plantagenet, Richard Plantagenet. the third sonne to Richard duke of Yorke, was aduanced to the title and honor of the dukedome of Glocester, in the yeare of our re­demption 1461, being the first yeare of king Ed­ward the fourth, soone after his coronation. He was high constable of England: he maried Anne second daughter to Richard Neuill earle of Warwike and Salisburie. Which Richard after the death of his bro­ther king Edward the fourth, did by the murther of his nephues ascend to the highest gouernement of England, and was crowned king by the name of Richard the third.

Henrie Stafford, whome our chronicles doo in manie places corruptlie terme Edward, Henrie Staf­ford. was sonne to Humfrie earle Stafford, & was high constable of England, and duke of Buckingham. This man rai­sing warre against Richard the third vsurping the crowne, was in the first yeare of the reigne of the said Richard, being the yeare of Christ 1483, betraied by his man Humfrie Banaster (to whome being in distresse he fled for succour) and brought to Ri­chard the third then lieng at Salisburie, where the [Page 870] said duke confessing all the conspiracie, was behea­ded without arreignement or iudgement, vpon the second of Nouember, in the said yere of our redemp­tion 1483, he maried Katharine the daughter of Ri­chard Wooduile, sister to quéene Elizabeth wife to Edward the fourth; & had issue, Edward duke of Buc­kingham, and Henrie earle of Wilshire, with two daughters, which were, Anne maried to George lord Hastings of whom is descended the erle of Hunting­ton now liuing, and Elizabeth married to Richard line 10 Ratcliffe lord Fitz Waters, of whome is issued sir Henrie Ratcliffe knight, now earle of Sussex.

Edward Stafford.Edward Stafford sonne to Henrie duke of Buc­kingham, being also duke of Bukingham after the death of his father was constable of England, earle of Hereford, Stafford, and Northhampton, being in the first yeare of Henrie the seuenth, in the yeare of our redemption 1485, restored to his fathers digni­ties and possessions. He is tearmed in the books of the law in the said thirtéenth yeare of Henrie the eight line 20 (where his arreignement is liberallie set downe) to be the floure & mirror of all courtesie. This man (as before is touched) was by Henrie the seuenth resto­red to his fathers inheritance, in recompense of the losse of his fathers life, taken awaie (as before is said) by the vsurping king Richard the third. He married Elianor the daughter of Henrie earle of Northumberland, and had issue Henrie lord Staf­ford (father to Henrie lord Stafford now liuing) and thrée daughters, Elizabeth married to Thomas Ho­ward line 30 earle of Surrie, Katharine married to Rafe Neuill earle of Westmerland, and Marie married to George Neuill lord of Aburgauennie. And thus much by Francis Thin touching the succession of the constables of England.]

In this meane while, were the emperour and the French king fallen at variance, so that the warre was renewed betwixt them; for the pacifieng wherof, the cardinall of Yorke was sent ouer to Calis, where line 40 the ambassadours of both those princes were appoin­ted to come to him. Cardinall Woolsie sent ouer to Calis. He arriued there the second of August. There went ouer with him the erle of Wor­cester, then lord chamberleine, the lord of S. Iohns, the lord Ferrers, the lord Herbert, the bishop of Du­resme, the bishop of Elie, the primat of Armacane, sir Thomas Bullen, sir Iohn Pechie, sir Iohn Hus­sie, sir Richard Wingfield, sir Henrie Guilford, and manie other knights, esquiers, gentlemen, doctors, and learned men. Thus honourablie accompanied he line 50 rode thorough London the twentie fift daie of Iulie, Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. lxxxvj. and at Thomas Beckets house the maior and alder­men tooke leaue of him, praieng God to send him good spéed. Thus passed he to Canturburie, where the archbishop of Canturburie and others receiued him in his statelinesse, and brought him vnto his lodging vnder a canopie to the bishops palace. On the eight daie of Iulie he came to Douer. On the twentith he & the other lords with their retinues tooke passage, and arriued at Calis in safetie, where the lord depu­tie line 60 and the councell receiued them with much honour and lodged the cardinall in the Staple hall.

Shortlie after his arriuall at Calis, thither came the chancellor of France, and the countie de Palice, with foure hundred horses, as ambassadors from the French king; and likewise from the emperour came great ambassadors, The emperor & the French king their am­bassadours méet at Calis, to treat of a peace. either partie being furnished with sufficient commissions to treat and conclude of peace as should appeare. But yet when it came to the point, as the one partie seemed conformable to rea­sonable offers, so the other would not incline that waie; insomuch that they were neuer at one time a­greeable to anie indifferent motion that could be made. There were also the popes ambassadors, wher­vpon the cardinall would haue furthered a league betwixt the emperour, the king of England, the king of France, and the pope: but the popes ambassadors wanted commission thereto, and therefore were let­ters sent to Rome in all hast, and the Frenchmen taried still in Calis, till answer came from thence. The cardinall rode into Flanders to speake with the emperour, which as then laie in Bruges. A mile without Bruges the emperour receiued him, and did to him as much honour as could be deuised. The chéere was great which was made to the English­men, and of euerie thing there was such plentie, that there was no want of things necessarie, insomuch that of the fare, both for plentifulnesse, delicatnesse, and statelinesse of seruice, a man might haue said: ‘ [...] magnorum dixisses esse deorum.’

The cardinall after he had soiorned in Bruges the space of thirtéene daies, The [...] receiueth the cardinall with great honour at Bruges▪ and concluded diuerse mat­ters with the emperour, and accomplished his com­mission, he tooke leaue of his maiestie, and by con­uenient iorneis returned to Calis, where the ambas­sadors of France taried his comming: and immedi­atlie after his returne to Calis, he treated with them of peace, but not so earnestlie as he did before. In fine, nothing was concluded, but onelie that fisher­men of both the princes might fréelie fish on the seas without disturbance, till the second of Februarie next. When no conclusion of agréement could be ac­corded, the cardinall sent to the emperour the lord of S. Iohns, and sir Thomas Bullen knight, to aduer­tise his maiestie what had béene doone, and likewise to the French king, as then lieng in campe with a mightie armie in the marches about Cambreie. The earle of Worcester and the bishop of Elie were sent to informe him of all things that had béene moti­oned, exhorting him to incline to peace, but he gaue little eare thereto: and then after they had béene a ninetéene or twentie daies in his host they returned. During the continuance of the cardinall in Calis, Cardinall Woolsie car­rieth the great seale with him to Calis, & then sealeth writs and patents all writs and patents were there by him sealed, and no shiriffes chosen for lacke of his presence, hauing there with him the great seale, & full power in things, as if the king had béene there in person. ¶Ambassa­dors comming from the king of Hungarie towards the king of England, were receiued honourablie of the Cardinall during his abode in Calis.

After the returne of the English ambassadours, which the cardinall had sent to the emperour, and to the French king, he returned into England, hauing (as some write) concluded a new league with the emperour, Polydor. and signified by waie of intendment to the French king in the treatie with his ambassadors, that the king of England meant him not so much fréendship as of late he had doone, for diuerse causes. But speciallie this was vttered, that where it was concluded that the king of Scots should be included within the league (as before yée haue heard) contra­rie to that agréement, the said king refused to enter as a confederate into the same league: and this no doubt procéeded through counsell of the French king, by whom he was wholie guided. This quarrell was laid as an occasion, whie to mooue the king of Eng­land (perceiuing himselfe to be dissembled with) to withdraw his good will from the French king.

Who when he vnderstood the drifts of the cardi­nall, and conclusion of the new league confirmed be­twixt the king of England and the emperour, he con­demned the cardinall of vntruth, accused him of dis­simulation, abhorred his practises, as by the which he lost the fruition of the king of England his freend­ship, and might no longer inioy it. And herewith he determined with himselfe neuer to put confidence in anie Englishman after, nor to bestow anie gifts or pensions vpon them. For he vsed yéerelie to send [Page 871] to diuerse of the kings councell after the maner of his predecessors sundrie gifts and summes of monie: ▪ bicause he had imploied more on the cardinall than on the residue, he was the more offended toward him as the head of all this iniurious dooing. Yet he found not himselfe so much gréeued, as to vtter anie bitter words towards the king: but contrarilie within a while after, directed his letters vnto him, signifieng that he meant to continue the league as his freend: but it maie be he did this after a dissembling sort, bi­cause he would not be at warres with two so mightie line 10 princes at one time.

[...]In this meane while, the warre was pursued be­twixt the emperour & the French king, as well on the confines towards Flanders, as beyond the moun­teins in the parties of Lombardie. Tornaie was be­sieged by the lord Hugh de Moncada, a Spaniard, the which comming vpon the sudden, tooke manie abroad in the fields, yer they knew of his approch, and after this, comming before the citie, he inuironed it with a siege, to kéepe the citizens from stirring foorth, and line 20 sent part of his armie with the light horsemen to for­laie the stréets and passages, that no succour should come to them within. The French king assembled an armie, in hope to aid them of Tornaie with men, mu­nitions, and vittels, the which armie assaied twise or thrise with all endeuor, to haue approched the citie: but in vaine, for with no small losse the French were re­pelled by the imperials, which neuerthelesse felt their part of slaughter, loosing sundrie of their capteins, as bastard Emerie, [...]. Hall. and the capteine of Gant. Finallie, line 30 the French armie brake vp, & was dispersed into for­tresses. Wherevpon they of Tornaie perceiuing the succours which they hoped for, [...] deli­ [...] vp to [...] [...]peror. to faile them thus at néed, rendered the citie to the emperor the last of No­uember, in this 13 yeare of king Henries reigne.

¶ Pope Leo died this yeare suddenlie, on the first of December, [...] Fl. ex [...] 813. The death of [...] Leo the [...] who (as [...]is suspec­t [...]d) was poi­ [...]n [...]d. as he laie at the village of Magliana wither he went oftentimes for his recreation. He had heard the first reapport of the taking of Millan, line 40 which stirred in him such an extreame passion of ioy, that the same night he entered into a small feauer: and for his better remedie he caused himselfe the next daie to be remooued to Rome: where he died within a verie few daies after, notwithstanding the physici­ans in the beginning made no great reckoning of his disease. There was great suspicion that he was poisoned by Barnabie Malespina his chamberleine, whose office was alwaies to giue him drinke. And yet though he was made prisoner through the suspici­on of the fact & the vehement reasons of the same; yet line 50 the matter was dashed and the examination thereof: for that the cardinall de Medicis as soone as he came to Rome, set him at libertie, fearing to fall further in disgrace of the French king, by whose practise it was supposed that Barnabie gaue him the fatall drinke. This was but whispered secretlie, the author being no lesse doubtfull than the coniectures vncerteine.

The manner and or [...]er of [...] popes [...] ▪He died (if we consider the common opinion of men) in verie great glorie and felicitie, not so much line 60 for that by the surprising of Millan he saw himselfe deliuered of dangers & expenses intollerable, which hauing drained him of all store of monie and trea­sure, he was constreined to aduance all meanes and maners for his supplie and reléeuing: but also that a verie few daies afore his death he receiued aduertise­ment of the taking of Plaisanca, and the verie daie he died, newes came to him of the winning of Par­ [...]a: a matter so greatlie desired by him, that at such time as he debated to mooue warre against the Frenchmen, it is verie well remembred that he said vnto the cardinall de Medicis labouring to dissuade hi [...], that as he was in nothing more caried to the de­si [...]e of that warre, than to recouer to the church those two cities; so when so euer God should blesse him with the effect of that desire, it would not gréeue him to die. He was a prince in whom were manie things worthie to be commended & blamed, and in the estate & discourse of his life he deceiued greatlie the expec­tation that was had of him, when he was created pope, for that in his gouernement was great discre­tion, but farre lesse bountie than was looked for.]

After the death of the pope, Polydor. Cardinall woolsie ma­keth meanes to be elected pope. doctor Richard Pace was sent to Rome, to make fréends in the behalfe of the cardinall of Yorke, who was brought into a vaine hope thorough the kings fauour and furtherance, to be elected pope. But Adrian the sixt of that name was chosen before doctor Pace could come to Rome; and so that sute was dashed. Guic. pag. 823. ¶This Adrian bishop of Derchuso (after great contention in the college of cardinals touching the election of a new pope) was preferred to the custome of lotting of voices in the conclaue, without anie affection or parcialitie of voice: he was of nation a Fleming, & in his youth hauing béene schoolemaister to Cesar, and by his meane made cardinall vnder pope Leo, did at that time gouerne Spaine in the absence of Cesar. And as there began some voices to publish for him, so car­dinall Xisto one of that election, began vnder an ora­tion speciall, to recount and amplifie his vertues and knowledge, by whose example certeine other cardi­nals yeelded, and the residue from hand to hand fol­lowed, though more by constraint than councell.

Thus was he chosen with the voices of all the car­dinals, The election of Adrian to the popedome woondered at, and why. and had his creation perfected the same mor­ning. Wherein this was to be woondered at, that e­uen those that had elected him could giue no reason, why amid so manie troubles & dangers in the estate ecclesiastike, they had raised to the souereigne sée a stranger, a forrener, and of long absence out of the countrie, & wherin were helping no respects of fauor, no consideration of former merits, nor anie conuer­sation had with anie of the other cardinals: yea they scarselie knew his name, he had neuer béene in Ita­lie, and had no hope nor cogitation to see it: of which strauagant maner of dealing, being not able to ex­cuse themselues, they attributed all to the working of the Holie-ghost, who is woont (for so they alleged) to inspire the hearts of the cardinals in the electing of popes: he receiued newes of his election in the towne of Uictoria in Biskaie, and would not haue imposed vpon him anie other name than his owne, which he caused to be published vnder Adrian the sixt.

Now he made his entrie into Rome the nine and twentith of August, Pope Adrian the sixt, com­meth to Rome. with a great concourse of the commons and the whole court: of whome albeit his comming was desired with an vniuersall gladnesse (for that without the presence forsooth of the popes, Rome beareth more a resemblance of a sauage de­sart than of a citie) yet that spectacle wrought sun­drie impressions and diuersities of thoughts in the minds of all men, when they considered that they had a pope for nation and language a stranger, and for the affaires of Italie and the court altogither vnex­perienced: and also for that he was not of those re­gions and countries, who by long conuersation were alreadie made familiar with the customes of Italie. The enuie that stirred vp in men this consideration was redoubled by the accident of the plague, which beginning in Rome at his arriuall, afflicted the citie during the whole season of Autumne, to the great calamitie and losse of the people: a matter which in the fansies of men was construed to an euill progno­stication of his pontificacie.]

Nowithstanding this election of Adrian (as you heare) accomplished; The descrip­tion of doctor Pace. yet doctor Pace kept his iour­nie according to his commission. This Pace was a right worthie man, and one that gaue in counsell [Page 872] faithfull aduise. Learned he was also, and indued with many excellent good gifts of nature, courteous, pleasant, and delighting in musike, highlie in the kings fauour, and well heard in matters of weight. But the more the prince fauoured him, the more was he misliked of the cardinall, who sought onelie to beare all the rule himselfe, and to haue no partener; so that he procured that this doctor Pace vnder color of ambassage, should be sent foorth of the realme, that his presence about the king should not win him too much authoritie and fauour at the kings hands. line 10

Edw. Hall. Doctor Tun­stall made bi­shop of Lon­don.This yeare was a great death in London and o­ther places of the realme. Manie men of honour and great worship died, and amongest other, the bishop of London, doctor Fitz Iames, in whose place was doc­tor Tunstall elected. The earle of Surrie retur­ned out of Ireland, and came to the court the fiue and twentith of Ianuarie. Manie complaints were made by the merchants to the king and his councell of the Frenchmen, year 1523 which spoiled them by sea of their goods. For by reason that the wars were open betwixt the line 20 emperour, and the French king, manie ships of warre were abroad on both parts, and now and then the Englishmen fell into their hands, and were vsed as enimies; namelie by the Frenchmen, which na­turallie hated the Englishmen. The French kings ambassadors promised restitution of euerie thing, but little was restored. In this moneth of Ianuarie therefore, the king commanded all his ships to be rigged, and made readie, which was doone with all diligence. line 30

The title of Def [...]ndor of the [...]aith gi­uen [...] the [...] Eng­land and his successors for e [...]er. I. S. pag. 930. King Henrie wrote against Luther. Abr. Fl. ex adm. A.G. ad Ang. & Scot. ex [...]us. Gen. 1558. in fol. 69.On the second daie of Februarie, the king as then being at Gréenewich, receiued a bull from the pope, whereby he was declared Defendor of the Christian faith▪ & likewise his successors for euer. The cardinall of Yorke sang the high masse that daie with all the pompous solemnitie that might be, and gaue cleane r [...]mission of sinnes to all that heard it. This title was ascribed vnto the king, bicause he had written a booke against Luther in Germanie; wherevnto the said Luther answered verie sharpelie, nothing spa­ring line 40 his authoritie nor maiestie. ¶ Of which booke published by the king, I will not (for reuerence of his roiallic) though I durst, report what I haue read: bicause we are to iudge honourablie of our ru­lers, and to speake nothing but good of the princes of the people. Onelie this bréefe clause or fragment I will adde (least I might seeme to tell a tale of the man in the moone) that king Henrie in his said booke is reported to rage against the diuell and antichrist, line 50 to cast out his some against Luther, to rase out the name of the pope, and yet to allow his law, &c. I sup­presse the rest for shame, and returne to our historie.]

In this meane time, grudges and displeasures still grew and increased betwixt the king of Eng­land and the French king, The king of England and the [...]ing of France at va­ [...]iance. so that their gréefs rank­led dailie more and more, till at length the duke of Albanie returned into Scotland, contrarie to that which was couenanted by the league. The French king in déed alleaged, that he was not priuie to his line 60 going thither; and wrote to the king, that the said duke was entered Scotland without his assent: but it was otherwise iudged & knowne, that he had com­mission of the French king to go thither. Herevpon, the king was sore offended, and prepared for wars. Musters were made of able men, and a note taken of what substance men were. The king also sent six ships to the sea, well trimmed, manned, and vit­telled. Christopher Coo admerall. The admerall was one Christopher Coo, an ex­pert sea man. His commission was, to safe gard the merchants, and other the kings subiects, that were greeuouslie spoiled and robbed on the sea, by French­men, Scots, and other rouers.

The eight of Februarie, the lord Dacres, warden of the marches fore aneinst Scotland, entered into Scotland with fiue hundred men, by the kings com­mandement, & there proclamed, that the Scots should come in to the kings peace, by the first of March fol­lowing, or else to stand at their perils; the duke of Al­banie being then within fiue miles with a mightie power of Scots. The eleuenth of Februarie, the lord of Aburgauennie was brought from the Tower to Westminster, The [...] of Aburg [...]ue [...]nie arreign [...]d at Westmin­ster. and there in the kings bench confessed his indictment of mispris [...]on. The lord Montacute was about the same time restored vnto the kings fa­uour. ¶ On the second of March, certeine noble men of the empire, arriued in England, to passe into Spaine, who were honourablie receiued; and in ho­nour of them, great iusts and triumphs were made, which being finished and doone, they tooke their leaue and departed on their iournie.

Duncan Campbell, a Scotish rouer, after long fight, A Scotish r [...] ­uer taken on the sea by Iohn Arun­dell. was taken on the sea by Iohn Arundell an es­quier of Cornewall, who presented him to the king. He was committed to the Tower, & there remained prisoner a long season. All the kings ships were put in a readinesse, so that by the beginning of Aprill, they were rigged and trimmed readie to make saile. ¶ This yeare died the lord Brooke, sir Edward Poi­nings, knight of the garter, sir Iohn Pechie, and sir Edward Belknap, valiant capteins, which were su­spected to be poisoned at a banket made at Ard, when the two kings met last. Wheat was sold this yeare in the citie of London, for twentie shillings a quarter, Great [...] of corne. & in other places for twentie six shillings eight pence.

In this yeare Gawan Dowglas, bishop of Dun­kell fled out of Scotland into England, bicause the duke of Albanie being come thither, had taken vpon him the whole gouernement of the king and realme there, the sequele of whose dooings the bishop sore mis­trusted. The king assigned vnto this bishop an honest pension to liue on. And shortlie after, Clarenceaux sent into Scotland. was Claren­ceaux the herald sent into Scotland, vnto the duke of Albanie, to command him to auoid that realme for diuerse considerations; & if he would not, then to de­fie him, sith contrarie to the articles of the league concluded betwixt France & England, he was ente­red Scotland without his licence. The duke refused to accomplish the kings commandement, and was therefore defied by the said Clarenceaux. The French K. attachet [...] the English­mens goods [...] Burdeaux. The sixt of March, the French king commanded all English­mens goods being in Burdeaux, to be attached, and put vnder arrest, and reteined not onelie the monie due to be paid for the restitution of Tornaie, but also withheld the French quéenes dower.

The cardinall vnderstanding that he was euill spo­ken of, Polydor. for vsing his power legantine to such aduan­tage as he did, in selling graces & dispensations, The cardi­nals liberali­tie by vertue of his spirit [...]all power [...] sooth. he thought to bestow some part therof amongst the peo­ple fréelie, without taking anie thing for the same. Wherevpon, when Lent drew neere, he appointed the preachers at Paules crosse, to declare, that it should be lawfull to all persons for that Lent, to eat milke, butter, chéese, & egs. And to the end that none should haue anie scrupulousnesse of conscience in so dooing, he by his authoritie granted remission of sins to all those that did [...]at white meats: knowing as it were afore hand, that the people giuen to the obseruance of their religious fast, would not easilie be brought to breake the same, contrarie to the ancient custome v­sed in their countrie. Neither was he deceiued there­in, for so farre were the people from receiuing or ac­counting this as a benefit, that they tooke it rather for a wicked & cursed déed in those that receiued it, & few or almost none could he induce to breake their old or­der and scrupulous trade in that behalfe.

The king, Anno Reg▪ [...] vnderstanding how his subiects were handled at Burdeaux by the French kings com­mandement [Page 873] in breach of the league, [...] French [...]bassador is [...] before [...] councell. the French am­bassadour was called before the councell, and the car­dinall laid sore to his charge, that contrarie to his pro­mise at all times on the French king his maisters behalfe, affirming that he ment nothing but peace and amitie to be obserued in all points with the king of England: yet now the English merchants had not onelie their goods staied at Burdeaux, but also they and their factors were laid in prison, in full breach of all peace and amitie afore time concluded. line 10 The ambassadour in woords so well as hée could ex­cused his maister, but in the end hée was comman­ded to keepe his house: and the French hostages that were appointed héere to remaine for the monie to be paid for the deliuerie of Tornaie, were com­mitted vnto the safe kéeping of the lord of Saint Iohns, sir Thomas Louell, sir Andrew Windsor, and sir Thomas Neuill, euerie of them to haue one.

Herewith also, all the Frenchmen in London were arrested, The French­ [...] in Lōdon [...] arested a [...]d put to [...] fines. [...] committed to prison, and put to their line 20 fines: but they were more courteouslie vsed than the Englishmen were in France. For after they had béene in durance ten daies, they were set at libertie, vpon finding suerties to appeare before the maior, or else before the councell at a certeine daie, and to paie the fine vpon them assessed, which fine the king par­doned to diuerse of the poorest sort. But in compari­son of the Scotish nation, If the Scots [...] England [...]p [...]ehended [...]. fined you would haue said, the Frenchmen were in small displeasure: for not one­lie those that were borne in Scotland, but also diuers line 30 northernmen borne, within English ground, for en­uious spite called Scots, were apprehended, impriso­ned, and grieuouslie fined, although some of them by streict inquirie tried to be Englishmen, escaped without paieng the fine.

There were sent to the sea, vnder conduct of sir William Fitz Williams viceadmerall, The nauie [...]. twentie & eight goodlie ships well manned and trimmed for the warres, & seuen other ships were sent toward Scot­land, which entered the Forth, and proffered to enter line 40 the Scotish ships that laie in the hauens: but the Scots ran their ships aland, and the Englishmen followed with boats, landed, and set the ships on fire, & at Leith tooke certeine prisoners, which they brought into England; and still the kings great nauie kept the narrow seas: for then was neither peace betwixt England and France, nor open warres. The king vnderstanding that the emperor would come to Ca­lis, so to passe into England, as he went towards Spaine, appointed the lord marquesse Dorset to go to Calis, there to receiue him, and likewise the line 50 lord cardinall was appointed to receiue him at Do­uer.

Cardinall [...] his [...] when he receiued the emperour at Douer.The cardinall taking his iournie forward on the twentith of Maie, rode through London, accompa­nied with two earles, six and thirtie knights, and an hundred gentlemen, eight bishops, ten abbats, thir­tie chapleins, all in veluet and sattin, and yeomen se­uen hundred. The marquesse Dorset was gone ouer before vnto Calis: and the fiue and twentith of Maie being sundaie, The marques Dorset recei­ueth the em­per [...]ur at Graueling. the said marquesse, with the bishop line 60 of Chichester, the lord de la Ware, and diuerse other at the water of Graueling, receiued the emperour in the name of the king of England, and with all ho­nour brought him to Calis, where he was receiued with procession, by the lord Bernes lieutenant of the towne, with the maior and merchants of the Staple, in the best maner that might be deuised.

The emperor [...] at [...].On the mondaie he tooke ship at Calis, and lan­ded at Douer, where the cardinall with thrée hundred lords, knights, and gentlemen of England was rea­die to receiue him, and with all honour that might be, brought him to the castell, where he was lodged. On wednesdaie, being the Ascension éeuen, the king came to Douer, and there with great ioy and glad­nesse, the emperour and he met. On the fridaie in the after noone they departed from Douer, & came that night to Canturburie, so from thence by easie iour­nies to Gréenewich, where she quéene receiued hir nephue with all the ioy that might be. Here the empe­rour taried certeine daies in great solace and plea­sure; and the more to honor his presence, Iustes and iournies at Gréenwich. roiall iustes and tourneies were appointed, the which were furni­shed in most triumphant maner: the king, and the earle of Deuonshire, and ten aids with them, kéeping the place against the duke of Suffolke: the marques Dorset, and other ten aids vpon their part.

On fridaie being the sixt of Iune, the king and the emperour with all their companies, marched toward London, where the citie was prepared for their entrie, after the maner as is vsed at a corona­tion, so that nothing was forgotten that might set foorth the citie. Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. xcviij. For the rich citizens well apparelled stood within railes set on the left side of the stréetes, and the cleargie on the right side in rich copes, which censed the princes as they passed, and all the streetes were richlie hanged with clothes of gold, siluer, vel­uet, and arras, and in euerie house almost minstrel­sie: and in euerie stréet were these two verses writ­ten in letters of gold, both Latine and English:

Carolus, Henricus, viuant; defensor vtér (que)
Henricus fidei, Carolus ecclesiae.

That is,

Long prosperitie,
To Charles and Henrie,
Princes most puissant:
The one of the faith,
The other of the church,
Chosen defendant.

Sundrie pageants were deuised, and stages verie faire and excellent to behold, with such melodie of in­struments, and other tokens of ioy and gladnesse, Sée Ed. Hall in H. 8. fo. xcv [...] ▪ & deinceps. that woonder it was to consider the manner thereof. The emperour was lodged at the Blacke friers, and all his nobles in the new palace of Bridewell. On Whitsundaie being the eight of Iune, the emperour and the king rode to the cathedrall church of saint Paule, and there heard masse, Note the pride of cardi­nall woolsie. which was soong by the cardinall that had his trauerse, and cupboord. Before masse, two barons gaue him water, and after the gospell two earles; and at the last lauatorie, two dukes: which pride the Spaniards sore disdained. The emperour thus remained with the king certeine daies and rode to diuerse places with him, being still feasted & banketted, and had all the pleasure shewed to him that might be imagined. At Windsor they taried a whole weeke and more, where on Corpus Christi daie, the emperour ware his mantell of the garter, and sate in his owne stall. The emperor and the king of England sweare each to other to ob­serue the league made betwixt them. On the same daie both the princes receiued the sacrament, and after that seruice was ended, they tooke their corporall othes to kéepe and obserue the league, which was concluded betwixt them. On the morrow after, they departed from Windsor, and by soft and easie iour­neies they came to Winchester, on the two & twen­tith of Iune.

Now before the emperour was thus come to Winchester, the earle of Surrie being high adme­rall of England, Erle of Sur­rie high adme­rall of Eng­land. was come to Hampton with all the kings nauie, & with him the lord Fitz Walter, the baron Curson, sir Nicholas Carew, sir Richard Wingfield, sir Richard Ierningham, Francis Bri­an, sir William Barentine, sir Adrian Foskew, sir Edward Donne, sir Edward Chamberleine, sir Richard Cornwall, sir Anthonie Poines, sir Henrie Shirborne, and the viceadmerall sir William Fitz Williams, sir Edmund Braie, sir Giles Capell, sir William Pirton, Iohn Cornwallis, sir Iohn Wal­lop, sir Edward Echingham, sir William Sidneie, Anthonie Browne, Giles Husie, Thomas Moore, Iohn Russel, Edward Bray, Henrie Owen, George Cobham, Thomas Oldhall, Thomas Louell, Robert [Page 874] Ierningham, Anthonie Kneuet, sir Iohn Trema [...]le, and sir William Skeuington the maister of the kings ordinance, & Iohn Fabian sergeant at armes, by whome this enterprise was chieflie mooued, with diuerse others, which in the end of Iune departed from Hampton, noising that they should onelie scowre the seas for safegard of the emperour and his nauie.

The emperor departeth out of England towards Spaine.On the first of Iulie, the emperours nauie came before Hampton, conteining an hundred and foure­score, line 10 goodlie ships. Then the emperour tooke leaue of the king, of whome he had manie great gifts, and no­table summes of monie by waie of lone; & so the sixt of Iulie he tooke his ship, and made saile to Spaine, where he arriued in safetie the tenth daie after. The king borrowed of the citie of London twentie thou­sand pounds, The king bo­roweth 20000 pounds of the citie. and deliuered priuie seales for warrant of the repaiment. None were charged but men of good wealth. The like lone was practised through all the realme, not without grudge of manie persons that were called vpon for the same. The earle of Sur­rie line 20 hauing wasted the emperour ouer to the coast of Biscaie, vpon his returne finding the wind fauoura­ble, according to his instructions, made to the coast of Britaine, and landing with his people in number seuen thousand, about fiue miles from Morleis, mar­ched thither, and assaulting the towne, wan it.

For the maister gunner Christopher Morreis hauing there certeine falcons, The maner of the winning of Morleis in Britaine by the earle of Surrie. with the shot of one of them, stroke the locke of the wicket in the gate, so that it flew open: and then the same Christopher and line 30 other gentlemen▪ with their souldiers, in the smoke of the gunnes pressed to the gates, and finding the wicket open, entered, and so finallie was the towne of Morleis woone, and put to sacke. The souldiers gained much by the pillage, for the towne was excée­ding rich, and speciallie of linnen cloth. When they had rifled the towne throughlie, and taken their plea­sure of all things therein, the earle caused them by sound of trumpet to resort to their standards, and af­ter they had set fire in the towne, and burned a great line 40 part thereof, the earle retreated with his armie to­wards his ships, burning the villages by the waie, and all that night lay on land. On the morrow after they tooke their ships, and when they were bestowed on boord, the earle commanded sixtéene or seuenteene ships small and great, lieng there in the hauen, to be burnt.

When the lord admerall had thus woone the towne of Morleis, Diuerse gen­tlemen knigh­ted by the erle of Surrie vpō the winning of Morleis. he called to him certeine esquiers, and made them knights, as sir Francis Brian, sir An­thonie line 50 Browne, sir Richard Cornewall, sir Thomas Moore, sir Giles Huseie, sir Iohn Russell, sir Iohn Reinsford, sir George Cobham, sir Iohn Corne­wallis, sir Edward Rigleie, and diuerse other. After this they continued a while on the coast of Britaine, and disquieted the Britains by entering their ha­uens, and sometimes landing and dooing diuerse dis­pleasures to the inhabitants about the coast. After that the earle had lien a while thus on the coast of line 60 Britaine, hée was countermanded by the kings letters, who therevpon brought backe his whole fleet vnto a place called the Cow, vnder the Ile of Wight, and then went on land himselfe, discharging the more part of his people, and leauing the residue with certeine ships vnder the gouernance of the viceadmerall sir William Fitz Williams, to kéepe the seas against the French. Polydor.

In this meane while, diuerse exploits were at­chiued betwixt them of the garrisons in the marches of Calis, & the Frenchmen of Bullo [...]gne and Bul­longnois: but still the losse ran for the most part on the French side. For the English frontiers were well and stronglie furnished with good numbers of men of warre, and gouerned by right sage and vali­ant capteins, which dailie made inuasions vpon the French confines, Sir William Sands [...] sir Edward Gilford [...] whips t [...] t [...]e Frenchmen▪ and namelie sir William Sands treasuror of the towne of Calis, and sir Edward Gilford marshall, were two that did the Frenchmen most displeasure. On the third of Iulie, three hun­dred French horssemen comming néere to the castell of Guisnes, kept themselues in couert, appointing eight or ten of their companie to shew themselues in sight to the Englishmen within. Wherevpon there went foorth eight archers, and fell in skirmish with those horssemen, till there came thrée other to the re­scue of the Frenchmen, and skirmished with the ar­chers on foot.

Herewith issued out of Guisnes twelue de [...] ­lances all Welshmen, in rescue of the footmen, and then all the troope of the French horssemen brake foorth and set on the Welshmen. The footmen, so long as they had anie arrowes to bestow, shot lustilie, and in the end were driuen to defend themselues with their swords. The Welshmen keeping togither, en­tered into the band of the Frenchmen, brake their speares, and after fought and laid about them with their swords, so that they made a waie, and escaped from those thrée hundred French horssemen. Of the French side were slaine thrée men and fiue horsses, The valian [...] of the We [...]men against the French. the English archers on foot selling their lines dearlie, were all slaine, for the Frenchmen would not take a­nie of them prisoners, they were so angrie for losse of their fellowes.

On the fiue and twentith of Iulie, the treasuror and marshall of Calis, with fourtéene hundred foot­men, entered the French pale: and finding not mon­sieur de Foiat for whome they sought, they went to Whitsand baie, set the towne on fire, and assaulting the church, into which the people were withdrawne, wan it, and afterwards set fire on the steeple, bicause that diuerse, hauing shut vp themselues therein, through counsell of a priest that was with them, re­fused to yéeld, till the fire caused them to leape downe and so manie of them perished, and the rest were ta­ken prisoners, and led to Calis. About two daies be­fore this, to wit, the three and twentith daie of Iulie, one Thwaits a capteine of an English ship, with six score men, archers and others, tooke land beside Bul­longne, and passing vp into the countrie thrée miles to a towne called Newcastell, forraied all the parts as he went, and in his returne set fire on that towne, and burnt a great part thereof, and came againe to his ship in safetie, notwithstanding fourscore hagbut­ters, and thrée hundred other men of warre of the countrie came foorth, and pursued the Englishmen verie fiercelie: but the Englishmen putting them backe, got to their ship, and lost not a man.

Moreouer, whilest the warres were thus followed in France, the lord Rosse, The lords Rosse & D [...] ­cres of the north [...] Scotland [...] spoile the [...] and the lord Dacres of the north, which were appointed to keepe the borders a­gainst Scotland, burnt the towne of Kelsie, and fourescore villages, & ouerthrew eighteene towers of stone, with all their barnekines. Also the king appointed the earle of Shrewesburie to be his lieute­nant generall of the north parts, against the inuasi­on which was intended by the duke of Albanie, which earle directed his letters to all the shires lieng from Trent northward, that all men should be in a readi­nesse. Order was taken by the cardinall, that the true value of all mens substance might be knowne, and he would haue had euerie man sworne to haue vttered the true valuation of that they were woorth, and required a tenth part thereof to bée granted to­wards the kings charges now in his warres, The cardinall will have [...] man [...] to tell [...] is woorth. in like case as the spiritualtie had granted a fourth part, and were content to liue on the other three parts.

[Page 875]This demand was thought gréeuous to them of the citie of London, where the cardinall first mooued it; so that manie reasons were alleaged by them why they iudged themselues sore dealt with. In the end they brought in their billes, which were receiued vpon their honesties. The earle of [...]rrie sent [...] an armie [...] [...]nuade France. The king in this meane time, being now entered into wars with France, thought not to suffer his enimies to rest in quiet: and there­fore leauied an armie which he sent ouer to Calis, ap­pointing the earle of Surrie to be generall of the line 10 same. When the earle was come to Calis, and had taken order in his businesse for that iournie, he set forward with his armie, being diuided into thrée bat­tels or wards, of the which, the first was led by sir Robert Ratcliffe, lord Fitz Water, the middle ward or battell the earle himselfe guided, and with him his brother the lord Edmund Howard. The rere­ward was gouerned by sir William Sands, and sir Richard Wingfield, both being knights of the garter. Capteine of the horssemen was sir Edward line 20 Guilford.

They entered into the French ground the second of September, The [...] with the English host. being tuesdaie, and tooke their iour­nie toward Heding. By the way there came to them a great power of Burgognians from the ladie Mar­garet, as then regent of Flanders, according to the articles of the league. All the townes, villages, and castels in the countrie thorough the which they mar­ched, were burned, wasted, and destroied on euerie side of their waie: as the towne and castell of Sel­lois, line 30 the townes of Brume bridge, Senekerke, Bo­tingham, & Manstier, the towne and castell of Ner­bins, the towne of Dauerne, the castels of Colum­berge, and Rew, the towne and church fortified of Boards, saint Marie de Bois, the towne of Ulaus, the towne and castell of Fringes. On the sixtéenth daie of September, the earle of Surrie with his ar­mie of Englishmen and Burgognians, came before the castell of Heding, and planted his siege before it. The towne was entered, The castell of [...]eding besie­ged by the Englishmen. and part thereof burned line 40 by the Burgognians.

Within the castell was capteine monsieur de B [...]ez, hauing prouided for defense of the place all things necessarie; so that the earle of Surrie, and o­ther the capteins of the hoast, perceiuing they could not within anie short time win it, after they had bin before it eleuen daies, they raised their siege, chéeflie bicause they had no great battering peeces to ouer­throw the walles. For the weather was such, and the waies waxed so deepe towards the latter end of that line 50 summer, that they could not conueie with them anie great ordinance. From Heding they passed forward, and comming to Dorlens, burned the towne, and rased the castell. From thense they came vnto the towne of Darrier, which they burnt also and spoiled. Thus they burned and spoiled all the waie as they passed. The earle of Surrie retur­neth with his [...] to Ca­lis. But the weather still waxed woorse and woorse, so that manie fell sicke through intemperance there­of, and the Burgognians and Spaniards which were in the armie returned into Flanders. line 60

Then the earle of Surrie, perceiuing that he could no longer keepe the field in that season of the yeare, turned backe towards Calis in good order of battell, and came thither the sixtéenth of October. He would gladlie in déed (before the departure of the Burgognians and Spaniards) haue passed the wa­ter of Somme: but other capteins considering the time of the yeare to be past, and that the whole armie conteined not aboue eightéene thousand men, iudged it more wisedome to returne, and so in the end their opinions were followed. After that the English ar­mie was returned to Calis, the earle of Surrie sent foorth sir William Sands, sir Maurice Berkeleie, sir William Fitz Williams, and with them three thou­sand men, which burned Marguison, the towne of saint Iehans rode, and also Temple towne, with ma­nie villages.

They also brought a maruellous great bootie of goods out of the countrie, which they got at this rode, A great bootie woone by the Englishmen. as fouretéene thousand shéepe, a thousand foure hun­dred oxen and kine, and other great cattell, a thousand thrée hundred hogs, and eight hundred mares and horsses, besides prisoners. When the earle of Sur­rie had set things in order, and appointed foorth such as he would haue remaine in the garrisons, The earle of Surrie retur­neth with his armie into England. on that side the sea; he returned, and all the residue of the ar­mie (sauing those that were commanded to tarie) came ouer also with the nauie, and arriued in the Thames; and so euerie man into his countrie at his pleasure. There remained also behind a compa­nie of men of warre called aduenturers, Aduenturers which serued without wages, liuing onelie on that which they could catch & win of the enimies. There were foure hundred of them that went with the armie now this last time into France, and did much hurt vnto the Frenchmen: for they were by practise become ex­pert and skilfull in the points of warre, and dailie ex­ploited one enterprise or other, to their owne aduan­tage, and hinderance of the enimie.

The duke of Albanie being in this meane while e­stablished gouernour of Scotland, The duke of Albanie leui­eth an armie of Scots to inuade Eng­land. Polydor. raised an armie of fourescore thousand men and aboue, with the which he approched to the English borders: but made no in­uasion. The mistrust that he had in the Scots caused him to staie, and therefore he sent to the French king for six thousand Almans, the which he dailie looking for (& that in vaine) droue off time till the end of sum­mer was now at hand, and then requiring a truce for certeine moneths, obteined it at the kings hand. Truce be­twixt Eng­land & Scot­land. Edw. Hall. The earle of Shrewesburie had in a readinesse eight and twentie thousand men to haue resisted him, if he had entered vpon the English confines. After that an ab­stinence of warre was taken betwixt England and Scotland, then in October following there came into England three personages of small behauiour (as it séemed) ambassadors out of Scotland: A meane am­bassage out of Scotland. they were smallie regarded, and shortlie departed.

Their commission was onelie to vnderstand, whe­ther the king had assented to the truce or not. Where­vpon it was thought that they were sent rather for a countenance onelie of fulfilling the promise made by the duke of Albanie at that present, when the truce was granted, than for anie true meaning to accom­plish that which was promised; that is to saie, to agrée vnto some vnfeined and perfect conclusion of peace. The king héere vpon doubting their old pranks, or­deined the earle of Northumberland Henrie Persie the fift of that name, warden of the whole marches, The earle of Northumber­land warden of the whole marches. who thankefullie receiued the honor thereof, and so he departed. But whatsoeuer matter it was that moo­ued him, year 1522 shortlie after he began to make sute to the king, and ceassed not, till he was of that office dischar­ged: and then the earle of Surrie lord admerall of England was made generall warden, and the lord Marquesse Dorset was made warden of the east and middle marches, and the lord Dacres of the west marches.

The earle of Northumberland was for this refu­sall of exercising the office of lord warden, greatlie blamed of his owne tenants, and accounted of all men to be void of the loue and desire that noblemen ought to haue to honor and chiualrie. The lord Mar­quesse Dorset accompanied with sir William Bul­mer, and sir Arthur Darcie, The Mar­quesse Dorset entereth into Scotland and burneth di­uerse townes there. with manie other of the nobilitie, the second of Aprill then being thursdaie before Easter, entered into Tiuidale, and so passing forward ten miles into Gallowaie, burnt on euerie side the townes and villages. All the night he tarried [Page 876] within the Scotish ground, and on the morrow be­ing goodfridaie, he withdrew backe into England with foure thousand neat, hauing burned Grimsleie, Mowhouse, Doufford, Miles, Ackfoorth, Crowling, Nowes manour, Midder, Crowling, Marbottell, Lowbog, Seforth manor, Middell right, Primsted, Broket, Shawes, Harwell, Wide open Haugh, with others.

A parlement holden at the Blackefriers in London. Edw. Hall. in H. 8▪ fol. Cvj.On the fiftéenth daie of Aprill began the parle­ment, which was holden as then at the Blackefriers, line 10 and that daie the masse of the Holie-ghost was soong, all the lords being present in their parlement robes. ¶Now when masse was finished, the K. came to the parlement chamber, and there sat downe in the seat roiall or throne, and at his féet on the right side sat the cardinall of Yorke and the archbishop of Can­turburie, and at the raile behind stood doctor Tunstall bishop of London, which made to the whole parle­ment an eloquent oration, declaring to the people the office of a king. First he must be a man of iudge­ment, line 20 according to the saieng of the prophet Dauid, Deus iudicium tuum regi da, &c. Also he must be a man of great learning, according to the saieng of the pro­phet, The oration of doctor Tunstall bi­shop of Lon­don. Erudimini qui tudicatis terram. According to which saiengs he said, that God had sent vs a prince of great iudgement, of great learning, and great ex­perience: which according to his princelie dutie, for­gat not to studie to set forward all things which might be profitable to his people and realme, least might be laid to his charge the saieng of Seneca; Es line 30 rex & non habes tempus esse rex? Art thou a king and hast no time to be a king? Which is as much to saie, as; Art thou a king, and dooest nothing profitable to thy people? Art thou a king, and séest the people haue an insufficient law? Art thou a king, and wilt not pro­uide remedie for the mischéefe of thy people?

These things haue mooued the kings most excel­lent maiest [...]e to call this his high court of parle­ment, both for the remedie of mischéefs which be in the common law, as recoueries, forren vouchers & line 40 corrupt trials, and for making and ordering of new statutes, which maie be to the high aduancement of the common-wealth. Wherefore he willeth his com­mons to repaire to the common house, and there to elect them a speaker, or their common mouth, and to certifie the lord chancellor of the same, who should thereof make report to the kings most noble grace, and should declare his pleasure when he would haue him presented to his person. This was the cause of the parlement, as he said. But suerlie of these things line 50 no word was spoken in the whole parlement, and in effect no good act made, except the grant of a great subsidie were one. But according to this instruction the commons departed to the common house, & chose for their speaker sir Thomas More knight, & presen­ted him on the saturday after in the parlement cham­ber, The oration of sir Tho­mas More speaker for commons. where he (according to the old vsage) disabled himselfe both in wit, learning, & discretion, to speake before the king, and brought in for his purpose how one Phormio desired Haniball to come to his rea­ding, line 60 which thereto assented, and when Haniball was come he began to read De remilitari, that is, of cheualrie. When Haniball perceiued him, he called him arrogant foole: bicause he would presume to teach him which was maister of cheualrie, in the feats of warre. So the speaker said, if he should speake before the king, of learning and ordering of a common-wealth and such other like, the king so well learned and of such prudence and experience might saie to him as Haniball said to Phormio. Where­fore he desired his grace that the commons might choose an other speaker.

The cardinall answered, that the king knew his wit, learning, and discretion by long experience in his seruice: wherefore he thought that the commons had chosen him as the most meetest of all; and so he did admit him. Then sir Thomas Moore gaue to the king his most humble thanks, and desired of him two petitions: the one, if he should be sent from the commons to the king on message and mistake their intent, that he might with the kings pleasure re­sort againe vnto the commons for the knowledge of their true meaning. The other was, if in communi­cation and reasoning, any man in the common house should speake more largelie than of dutie he ought to doo, that all such offenses should be pardoned, and that to be entered of record. Which two petitions were granted; and so thus began the parlement and con­tinued as you shall heare.]

This yeare was the citie and the whole Ile of the Rhodes conquered by the Turke, and all the christi­ans displaced: whereof Guicciardin hath discour­sed as followeth. Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag i. [...] ▪ Rhodes tak [...] by Soliman Ottoman. ¶ The end of this yeare (saith he) was made no lesse wretched and vnhappie, than slan­derous to all christian princes for the losse of the Ile of Rhodes: which Soliman Ottoman tooke by vio­lence, notwithstanding it was defended by the knights of Rhodes, called in other times more anci­ent the knights of saint Iohn of Ierusalem. And abiding in that place since they were chased out of Ierusalem, notwithstanding they laie betweene two so mightie princes as the Turke & the Soloan; yet their valour had preserued it of long time, and to the right woorthie glorie of the [...] [...]der, they had remai­ned as an assured rampie [...] christian religion in those seas: & yet they were not without their impu­tations & notes of infamie, for that hauing a continu­all custome for the better defending of [...] shoares, to spoile the vessels of the infidels, the [...] [...]ere thought sometimes to make pillage of christia [...] ships.

The Turke sent into the Iland a woonderfull great armie, which remaining there manie moneths with no lesse horrour to good men for their cruelties, than terrour to all men for their huge numbers, at last he came thither in person. And drawing to his de­sire of conquest and glorie, the respect of profit and riches which the victorie would yéeld, he lost not one minute of time to vex them. The Turke [...] great indu­strie equiua­lent to his valour. Wherein his industrie was nothing inferiour to his valour, for sometimes he cast monstrous mines and trenches, sometimes he raised platformes of earth and wood, whose height ouertopped the wals of the towne, and sometimes he afflicted them with most furious and bloudie assaults▪ insomuch that as these works and engines were not performed without a woonderfull butcherie & slaugh­ter of his souldiors; so also the defense of them was so dangerous to the liues of them within, that manie numbers were diminished, manie bodies maimed and made vnseruiceable, & the residue sore terrified by the calamitie of their companions and fréends, to whome they could giue no other propertie of com­passion, than to mourne with them in their common miserie.

Their aduersitie was so much the more intollera­ble, by how much their trauels were without fruit, their words without comfort, and their valour dis­fauoured of fortune, & lastlie their store of gunpow­der was consumed, which is not the least necessitie for the defense of a place. They saw before their eies huge breaches made into their walles with the ar­tilleries of their enimies, The [...] calamities & ruines infor­ced by this warre. they discerned seuerall mines wrought into manie parts of the towne, and they found by lamentable experience, that the lesse good they did, the more painfullie they laboured, for that their fortune had reduced them to these termes of extremitie, that in abandoning one place to re­lieue another, they put both in danger, not hauing numbers sufficient to furnish the seruice, and lesse [Page 877] expectation of rescue amid perils so raging and des­perate: so that, what for that their necessities were greater than their hopes, & their defense lesse able by the continuall diminution of their numbers, & last­lie holding it no breach of honour to preserue by wis­dome and composition, that they could no longer de­fend by their valour and prowes, they gaue place to their destinie, and capitulated with the Turke as followeth. That the great maister of their order should leaue the towne to him: that as well he as all line 10 his knights should depart in safetie, with libertie to earie with them as much of their goods as they could. And for assurance of this capitulation, the Turke should withdraw out of those seas, his fléet or nauie, and retire his armie by land fiue miles from Rhodes. By vertue of which capitulation Rhodes remained to the Turkes, and the christians passed into Sicilie, and so into Italie, [...] ren­dered by to [...] Turke. kéeping their faith and profession vnuiolated. They found in Sicilie an armie by sea compounded of a certeine number of vessels, with line 20 great releafe of vittels and munitions, and readie to hoise saile at the next wind to reuittle Rhodes. The slownesse of this reseue was laid to the popes fault.

After they were departed, Soliman for a more contempt of christian religion [...], made his entrie into the citie vpon the daie of the birth of the sonne of God: which daie being celebrated in the churches of christians with noise of musike & holie inuocations, he connected all the churches of Rhodes dedicated to the seruice of Iesus Christ, into Mosqueis (so they line 30 call their temples) which after all the christian rites and ceremonies were abolished, they made dedica­torie to Mahomet. Good cause had the christians here­vpon with heauie hearts to make their complaint to God by the president of the psalmist, lamenting the li­bertie of the enimies exercising the vehemencie of his rage against Gods people; & full well with swolne eies testifieng the sorrow of their soules might (sad­lie sounding the dumps of their threnomina) saie:

—perde funditùs line 40
Hostes proteruos,
[...] 74.
qui tuum sacrarium
Manu nefanda polluunt,
Clangunt sonora buccina, non quae tuas
Laudes canat, ludibrio
Sed festa acerbo quae profanet; in tuis
Vexilla figunt turribus, &c.

To vnderstand more of this historie touching the taking of Rhodes, what mooued the Turke to couet the same, his letter comminatorie to Philip de Uilli­ers who tooke part against him, with other accidents line 50 and circumstances belonging to this martiall acti­on; [...] read the report of Edward Hall, which is verie copious and plentifull in this behalfe. And now will we returne to our owne affaires here in England.] About this time the bishop of Durham departed this life, Cardinall [...] made bishop of Durham. & the king gaue that bishoprike to the cardinall, who resigned the bishoprike of Bath to doctor Iohn Clerke maister of the rolles, and sir Henrie Mar­neie. that was vicechamberleine, was made lord pri­uie seale, and shortlie after was created lord Mar­neie. line 60 In the end of this yeare, doctor Blith bishop of Chester was attached for treason, but he acquited himselfe. About this time the cardinall exercised his authoritie (which he pretended by his power legan­tine) verie largelie, not onelie in proouing of testa­ments in his court, calling the executors and admi­nistrators before him, The cardinall [...] his [...]. of what diocesse soeuer they were, but also by prouisions he gaue all benefices be­longing to spirituall persons, and ran thereby with­in danger of the premuni [...]e, as afterward was laid to his charge.

But after that he perceiued his owne follie and rash dooing herein, contrarie to the lawes, which would not permit that anie such things as were moo­ued within the prouince of Canturburie, might bee concluded without the authoritie of the archbishop, he sent them againe to Poules, and sate himselfe at Westminster with his cleargie of the prouince of Yorke. And euen as there was much adoo amongst them of the common house about their agréement to the subsidie, so was there as hard hold for a while a­mongst them of the clergie in the conuocation house. Namelie Richard bishop of Winchester, & Iohn bi­shop of Rochester held sore against it, but most of all sir Rowland Philips vicar of Croidon, and one of the canons of Poules, béeing reputed a notable preacher in those daies, spake most against that pai­ment.

But the cardinall taking him aside, so handled the matter with him, that he came no more into the house, willinglie absenting himselfe to his great in­famie, The cleargie grant halfe of all their spi­rituall reue­nues for one yeare. and losse of that estimation which men had of his innocencie. Thus the belwedder giuing ouer his hold, the other yéelded, and so was granted the halfe of all their spirituall reuenues for one yeare, to bée paid in fiue yeres following, that the burthen might the more easilie be borne. The parlement being be­gun (as ye haue heard) the cardinall on the nine and twentith day of Aprill came into the common house, Anno Reg. 1 [...]. and there shewing the great charges that the king necessarilie was at, and dailie must be at in mainte­nance of his warres against the French and Scots, A great subsi­die demanded by the cardi­nall in the cōmon house. demanded the summes of eight hundred thousand pounds to bée raised of the fift part of euerie mans goods and lands, that is to wit, foure shillings of eue­rie pound.

This demand was inforced on the morrow after, by sir Thomas Moore then speaker of the parlement: but he spake not so much in persuading the house to grant it, but other spake as earnestlie against it, so that the matter was argued to and fro, and handled to the vttermost. Hard hold a­bout grant of the great subsidie. There were that proued how it was not possible to haue it leuied in monie, for men of lands and great substance had not the fift part of the same in coine. And sith the king by the loane had re­ceiued two shillings of the pound, which by this rate amounted to 400000 pounds: and new to haue foure shillings of the pound, it would amount in the whole vnto twelue hundred thousand pounds, which is first and last six shillings of the pound, being al­most a third part of euerie mans goods, which in coine might not be had within this realme.

For the proofe whereof was alleaged, that if there were in England but tw [...]ntie thousand parishes, and euerie parish should gi [...] an hundred markes, that were but fiftéene hundr [...] thousand markes, which is but an hundred thousand pounds; and there be not ve­rie manie parishes in England one with another, a­ble to spare an hundred markes, There are no [...] 10000 pari­shes in Eng­land as Stow hath trulie noted. out of cities and townes. And where it is written, that in England there be fortie thousand parish churches, it was proo­ued that there were not thirtéene thousand at this daie. Hard hold there was about this demand, and certeine wise and discréet persons were sent to the cardinall, to mooue him to be a meane to the king, The obstinate answer of the cardinall to the motion of the common house in the parlement. that a lesse summe might be accepted: but he answe­red that he would rather haue his toong plucked out of his head with a paire of pinsers, than to mooue the king to take anie lesse summe: and so with that an­swer they departed, reporting to the house the cardi­nals words. Then euerie daie was reasoning, but nothing concluded.

Wherevpon the cardinall came againe into the lower house, and desired that he might reason with them that were against the demand: but he was an­swered that the order of that house was to heare, and not to reason, except amongst themselues. There he began to shew arguments of the great wealth of the [Page 878] realme, so that it might be thought, that he repined and disdained that anie man should be wealthie but himselfe. After he was gone, the commons debated the matter according to their former maner, and so in the end concluded of two shillings in the pound, from twentie pounds vpwards, and from fortie shil­lings to twentie pounds, of euerie twentie shillings twelue pence, and vnder fortie shillings of euerie head of sixtéene yeeres and vpward foure pence to be paid in two yeares. When this was notified to the cardinall, he was much therwith offended, so that to line 10 please him, at length, the gentlemen of fiftie pounds land and vpward, by the liberall motion of sir Iohn Huseie, Sir Iohn Huseie. a knight of Lincolnshire, were burdened with twelue pence more of the pound of the same lands, to be paid in thrée yeares.

The cardinall to mooue them thereto, bare them in hand that the lords had agreed to foure shillings of the pound, which was vntrue: for they had granted nothing, but staid till they might vnderstand what the commons would doo. The king therefore hauing line 20 knowledge of this, Polydor. and such other notable lies vtte­red by the cardinall, reprooued him therefore verie sharpelie, Cardinall [...] by the king. and said that yer it were long he would looke to things himselfe without anie substitute. A maruellous matter to consider how much the cardi­nall was cooled herewith, and how lowlie for a while he bare himselfe, so that thereby it well appeared how the maisters sharpenesse now and then, dooth much to refraine the euill nature of the seruant. But the car­dinall line 30 within a few daies after, pacifieng the kings displeasure toward him, became nothing the better.

After that the foresaid grant was passed and ac­corded, the parlement was proroged till the tenth of Iune. During which prorogation, the common peo­ple said to the burgesses; Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cx. Sirs, we heare say you will grant foure shillings of the pound, we aduise you to doo so that you may go home: with manie euill words and threatnings. In this season the cardinall by his power legantine dissolued the cōuocation at Pouls called by the archbishop of Canturburie, The cardinall dissolueth the archbishop of Canturbu­ries conuo­cation. calling him line 40 and all the cleargie to his conuocation at Westmin­ster, which was neuer séene before in England (saith Hall) whereof maister Skelton a merrie poet wrote:

Gentle Paule lay downe thy sweard,
For Pe [...]er of Westminster hath shauen thy beard.

When the parlement was begun againe, the gen­tlemen that saw themselues charged with twelue pence more of the pound for their lands, did so much, that it was granted, that men of fiftie pounds and vpward in goods, should also pay twelue pence of e­uerie line 50 pound in the fourth yeare: which could not bee brought about but with great adoo, and much grud­ging of the burgesses and commons. The one and thirtith of Iulie, the parlement was adiourned [...] Westminster, & there continuing till the thirtéen [...] of August, was that day at nine of the clock at night dissolued. During the time of this parlement, the seuen and twentith of Aprill, Arthur Plan­tagenet crea­ted vicount Lisle. was sir Arthur Plan­tagenet, bastard sonne to king Edward the fourth, at Bridewell created vicount Lisle, in right of his line 60 wife, which was wife to Edmund Dudleie beheaded.

The king of Denmake arriueth in England.In this yeare the fiftéenth of Iune, Christerne king of Denmarke, with his wife, and a small traine with them, landed at Douer, where he was noblie receiued by the earle of Deuonshire, the bishops of Excester and Rochester, and diuerse knights and es­quiers which brought them to Gréenwich, where the king and queene rec [...]iued them with all honor. Now after he had remained at the court certeine daies, Sée Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxj. he was brought to London, & lodged at Bathplace. He saw the watch on saint Peters eeuen, beeing brought vnto the kings head in Cheape, accompa­nied with the duke of Suffolke, the earles of Oxford, Essex, and Kent, and diuerse other lords and ladies. The citie made to him and to his wife a costlie ban­ket that night, The ketteth of London [...] the [...] of Denmark. and after he had passed the time a while in London, he resorted againe to the king, and had of him great gifts, and so likewise had his wife of the quéene hir aunt, & then taking their leaue they depar­ted, and were conueied to Douer. The king of Denmarke de­parteth out of England [...] Flanders. And thus after this king had béene in England two and twentie daies, he tooke shipping, and sailed againe into Flanders, where he remained as a banished man out of his owne countrie.

About the same time, Polydor. the earle of Kildare being restored to the cardinals fauour, and taking to wife the ladie Elizabeth Graie, The earle of Kildare resto­red to his of­fice of deputi­ship in Irelād. was sent ouer againe in­to Ireland to occupie his former office, whereby the assistance of his faithfull friend Hugh Hinke arch­bishop of Dublin, and chancellour of that land, hee brought the countrie into reasonable good order, so far as the rebellious dooings of the wild Irish would permit. In this meane while, Edw. Hall. the warre was earnest­lie pursued betweene England & France, & England and Scotland, insomuch that each part did what in them lay to hurt other. On the borders toward Scot­land lay the earle of Surrie high admerall of Eng­land, and the marques Dorset, with his brethren, sir William Compton, & sir William Kingston, with diuerse other knights and esquiers sent to them by the king, Scotland sore spoiled. which dailie inuaded the realme of Scot­land, and threw downe the castell of Wederborne, the castell of west Nesgate, the castell of Blackater, the tower of Mackwalles, the tower of east Nesgate, & manie other, and burnt to the number of thirtie and seuen villages, and haried the countrie from the east marches to the west, and neuer had skirmish.

For the Scots, albeit they shewed themselues in plumps, waiting some aduantage, they durst not yet approch to the maine battell of the Englishmen, so that in all this iournie there went but few Eng­lishmen lost. When the lords perceiued that the Scots ment not to make anie inuasion into England this yeare, they tooke order for the fortifieng of the fron­tiers, and so returned. It was thought that the cardi­nall perceiuing in what fauour sir William Comp­ton was with the king, Polydor. and doubting least the same might diminish his authoritie, deuised to send him thus into the warres against the Scots. For the said sir William could not well brooke the cardinals pre­sumption, in taking vpon him so highlie, to the dero­gation of the kings supreme gouernement, and ther­fore the cardinall in his absence thought to woorke him out of fauour: but it would not be. For shortlie after was sir William Compton called home to the court againe,

The Frenchmen burned a ship fraught with stone in the hauen of Calis, The French­men meaning to destroy Ca­lis hauen▪ are disapproued by missing the chanell. vpon hope to haue destroied the hauen; but they missed the chanell in bringing in the ship, and so after that the ship was consumed with fire, the stones were recouered out of the water, and brought into Calis, which serued the Englishmen to good vse. Diuerse enterprises were atchiued be­twixt them of the garrisons French and English in those marches. In Iulie the lord Sands treasuror of Calis, with other capteins & souldiors, to the number of twelue hundred, entered into the confines of their enimies, and came before Bullongne, where they had a great skirmish, & put their enimies to the woorse: A rode [...] into the [...] ground. and after marching into the countrie, tooke diuerse chur­ches and other places which the Frenchmen had for­tified, as the church of Odersall, the steeple of Oding­ham, and the castell of Hardingham, and so after they had beene within the enimies countrie almost two nights and two daies, they came backe to Calis, ha­uing not lost past a dozen of their men.

The king of England being aduertised that the [Page 879] duke of Albanie would returne shortlie into Scot­land by sea, and bring with him a power of French­men, prepared a fléet of tall and strong ships méet to encounter with the same duke and his power, and ap­pointed for admerall, sir William Fitz Williams, & with him sir Francis Brian, sir Anthonie Poines, sargeant Rot, Iohn Hopton, William Ganston, Anthonie Kneuet, Thomas West, and other, which vsed great diligence to haue met with the said duke of Albanie. And as they laie on the French coast, the line 10 foure and twentith of August being sundaie, at sea­uen of the clocke in the morning, they landed in the hauen of Treiport, [...] and assaulted the Frenchmen that were in certeine bulworks on the shore, and did what they could to impeach the Englishmens lan­ding.

But the Englishmen incouraged by their cap­teins, did so valiantlie (although they were but an handfull of men in comparison of their enimies, as seuen hundred to six thousand) that in the end they line 20 repelled the Frenchmen, and wan their bulworks of them, and in the same found diuerse peeces of ordi­nance, which they seized. And perceiuing that the Frenchmen fled to the towne of Treiport, they fol­lowed, and shot at them right egerlie, so that manie of the Frenchmen were slaine and wounded, yer they could get to the towne. The Englishmen assaul­ted the gates but could not breake them open: [...] English [...] the [...] of [...]. yet they set fire on the suburbes, & also burnt seuen ships which laie in the hauen. The English capteins per­ceiuing how the people of the countrie came downe line 30 in great numbers to the rescue of the towne, caused their men to get togither such spoiles as they might bring awaie in that sudden: and then after they had béene on land fiue houres, with like spéed as they came, they retired backe againe to their ships, not without some losse and damage of men both hurt & slaine; [...] as it often hapneth, when those be not found vnprouided which a man vnaduisedlie assaileth.

In this season the king hauing put an armie of line 40 men in a readinesse, caused the same to be transpor­ted ouer to Calis, & appointed the duke of Suffolke to haue the leading thereof, and to make a iourneie into France. [...] The duke (according to his commissi­on) came to Calis the foure and twentith of August, and there abiding the armie, caused all things to be prepared necessarie for the same, as vittels, muni­tion, The duke of [...] into France with [...] armie. and such like. There were appointed to attend him in this iourneie, the lord Montacute, and his brother sir Arthur Pole, the lord Herbert sonne to line 50 the earle of Worcester, the lord Ferrers, the lord Marneie, the lord Sandes, the lord Barkleie, the lord Powes, and the baron Curson: of knights sir Richard Wingfield chancellour of the duchie of Lancaster, sir Iohn Uéer, sir Edward Neuill, sir William Kingston, sir Richard Weston, sir An­drew Winsor, sir Robert Wingfield, sir Anthonie Wingfield, sir Edward Guilford, sir Edward Gre­uile, sir Edward Chamberleine, sir Thomas Lucie, sir Euerard Digbie, sir Adrian Foscew, sir Richard line 60 Cornewall, sir William Courtneie, sir William Sidneie, sir Henrie Owne, and manie others.

The whole armie (as appéered by the musters taken thereof) consisted in six hundred demilan­ces, two hundred archers on horssebacke, three thou­sand archers on foot, and fiue thousand bill men. To these also were adioined seuentéene hundred, which were taken out of the garisons and crewes of Hammes, Guisnes, & Calis, so that in all they were ten thousand and fiue hundred, well armed and ap­pointed for the warre. Beside them, there were also two thousand six hundred labourers and pioners. When this armie was come ouer to Calis, and all things readie for the iournie, they issued out of Calis and tooke the fields. The vant-gard was led by the lord Sandes. Capteine of the right wing was sir William Kingston, & on the left sir Euerard Dig­bie. The marshall of Calis sir Edward Guilford was capteine of all the horssemen. The duke him­selfe gouerned the battell, and sir Richard Wing­field was capteine of the rere-ward.

While the armie laie without Calis, A riot at Ca­lis. Edw. Hall. pag. Cxiiiii they dailie came into the towne. And so it happened that a sim­ple felow cut a pursse, as he made to buie apples, which incontinent was taken, and brought to the maiors house to ward. Which thing diuerse Welsh­men perceiuing, and not knowing what apperteined to iustice, ran in great companies to the maiors house, & would haue broken the house. The officers of the towne intreated, but the Welshmen more & more approched. The number of the Welshmen was so great, that the watch of Calis strake alarum. Then the lord deputie and the lord Sands did all that in them laie, to bring them to conformitie. But they were so rude, that they nothing them regarded: the priests brought foorth the sacrament, which also was not regarded. Wherefore the lord Ferrers was straightlie commanded to appease their rage, for with him they came thither, which with great paine and intreatie them appeased. And then all the Welsh­men were commanded to the field, and to depart the towne, and so were all other capteins: and after wards diuerse of the head rioters were apprehended and sore punished for example.

The first enterprise that the duke attempted, Bell castell assaulted. was the winning of a castell called Bell castell, to which the lord Sands, and the lord Ferrers being sent, did so much by the power of battrie, that after the wals were beaten, those that were appointed to giue the assalt, prepared them therto. Which when the French men within perceiued, Bell castell yeelded vp to the English­men. they yéelded the place into the Englishmens hands, and themselues to the mer­cie of the duke, which receiued them as prisoners, and deliuered the castell to sir William Skeuing­ton, the which he caused to be rased downe to the ground the seauen and twentith of September. In this season was the duke of Burbon high constable of France reuolted from seruice of the French king to the seruice of the emperour and the king of Eng­land. For after it was knowne that this duke had his mind alienated from the French king, Sir Iohn Russell crea­ted afterward erle of Bed­ford. sir Iohn Russell (that was afterward created erle of Bed­ford) was sent into France vnto the said duke.

This gentleman being verie faire spoken, & well languaged, in disguised apparell, ordered himselfe so wiselie and fortunatlie in his iorneie, that in couert manner he came to the duke, and so persuaded him, that he continued in his former determination, and auoided the realme of France, as in the French hi­storie ye maie more at large perceiue. The more to incourage the English souldiers, there was a pro­clamation made in the host the eight and twentith of September, how the said duke of Burbon was be­come enimie to the French king, and friend to the king of England; so that hauing in his wages ten thousand Almans, he was readie to inuade France in another part, the more to let & disturb the French kings purposes. For the accomplishing wherof there was sent to him monie in no small summes. After this proclamation the nine and twentith of Septem­ber, the duke of Suffolke remooued to Ard, and so forward into Picardie. At Cordes betwéene Ter­wine and saint Omers, there came to him the lord of Isilstein, and with him of Spaniards, Almans, The Spani­ards ioine with the En­glish armie. Cleueners, and others, thrée thousand footmen, and fiue hundred horssemen.

The duke being thus furnished with new aid, marched forward in wet weather, and made bridges, [Page 880] and mended the waies where he passed as well as he might, sending out diuerse companies of his men of warre, to take townes, and fetch in booties on eue­rie side. The Frenchmen were so afraid of the Eng­lishmen, that they fled out of their houses, and left the townes and villages void, conueieng such goods as they could awaie with them, but oftentimes they left good store behind them, so that the Englishmen gained greatlie, and namely at Anchor, which was a rich towne, and vpon the Englishmens approch the inhabitants fled out of it, and then the Englishmen line 10 entred. They tooke also the castell of Bounegard, and put therein a garison, The castell of Bounegard manned by the English­men. whereof was capteine the lord Leonard Greie, brother to the marquesse Dorset, to conduct vittellers to the armie, which now was farre from anie succours of the English part.

The duke passed forward till he came to the towne of Braie, The towne of Braie besie­ged. in the which were sixtéene hundred men of warre, vnder the gouernance of capteine Adrian, and beside his retinue, there came to the succours of line 20 the towne, monsieur Pontdormie, the vicount La­uerdam, the vicount Tourraine, monsieur Appling­court, and monsieur Dampneie, with fiue hundred horssemen, so that in the towne beside the inhabi­tants were two thousand good men of warre. This towne strandeth on the riuer of Some foure and twentie English miles from Arras, and foureteene of the same miles aboue Amiens. On the twentith of October, the duke caused his ordinance to be brought afore it by foure of the clocke in the mor­ning, line 30 the which was so well applied in making bat­terie to the walles of the towne, that by nine of the clocke the towne was made assaultable; and then the Englishmen, Flemings & Burgognians made forward, and by the good comfort of the lord Sandes and other capteins, they got the diches, and after en­tred vpon the walles. The Frenchmen stood at de­fense with pikes, crossebowes, handguns, and hal­bards, but they were too weake, for on all parts en­tred the Englishmen, and suddenlie the Frenchmen fled, and the Englishmen followed. line 40

Braie won by assault.On the further side of the towne there was a bul­worke fortified with ordinance verie stronglie to de­fend the passage ouer the water of Some, which is there diuided into diuerse branches. The French horssemen being withdrawne to the passage, defen­ded it till the footmen were got ouer the bridge, and then they plucked awaie the plankes of the bridge, so that no man should follow: but the Englishmen cast plankes on the bridge and got ouer, in which pas­sing line 50 diuerse were drowned: but such diligence and inforcement was vsed, that they all passed both hors­men and footmen. Then was the bulworke fiercelie assaulted, and finallie taken by the Englishmen, with all the ordinance. There was also taken cap­teine Adrian and capteine Utterlieu. The English horssemen followed the Frenchmen, and fiue & tooke manie of them. Sir Robert Ierningham brake a speare on the lord Pontdormie. The lord Leonard Greie did valiantlie that day, which was come from line 60 the castell of Bounegard, and was here at the win­ning of Braie, which was taken in maner aboue rehearsed the twentith of October.

A traine of gunpowder laid.The Frenchmen when they perceiued that they should not be able to defend, had laid a traine of gun­powder to set it on fire, in hope to haue destroied manie of the Englishmen as they should be occupi­ed in gathering the spoile; but by reason that they fol­lowed their enimies, and got ouer the passage, the fire tooke and set the towne on fire yer the English­men returned. Yet much wine was saued which laie in cellars, and stood the Englishmen in good steed. The one and twentith day of October the armie and all the ordinance passed ouer the riuer, and came to a towne called Kappe. All the inhabitants were fled, [...] but they had left good plentie of wine & other riches behind them. The garison that laie at anchor know­ing that the duke was passed the water of Some, rased the towne and castell there called Bounegard, and came to the armie now being lodged at Kappe.

The duke sent to them of Roie, requiring to haue the towne deliuered to him, Roie [...] to the [...] Suffolke. which they granted to doo, bicause they had no garison of souldiers within to defend the towne. Thither was sent sir Richard Cornewall, with foure hundred men, which receiued the towne and kept it in good quiet, till the duke came thither with his whole armie. On the fiue and twen­tith daie of October, the duke remooued to a village called Lihome where the souldiers had great pillage. Lihome [...] The next daie they went to Dauenker, and the se­uen and twentith daie they came before the towne of Montdedier, in the which were a thousand foot­men, Montded [...] besieged▪ and fiue hundred horssemen vnder the gouer­nance of monsieur de Roch baron, purposing to de­fend the towne to the vttermost. But after that sir William Skeuington had made batterie from foure of the clocke in the next morning till eight in the same forenoone, with such force that the wals were ouerthrowne and made assaultable, Montd [...]ie [...] yeelded. they with­in yeelded the towne into the dukes hands, with con­dition they might go with bag and baggage.

The Frenchmen made such hast, and were so glad to be gone, that they left much houshold stuffe be­hind them, and great plentie of wine. The English­men also would not suffer them to beare their stan­dards vnspred, but rent the same in péeces: where­with the lord Roch baron was highlie displeased, but he could not amend it. The duke remained in Mont­dedier till the last of October, and then remooued to Roie, where he rested a while with all his armie. On Alhallowes daie, Knights made by the duke of S [...]olke in Franc [...]. the duke of Suffolke in the chiefe church of Roie made knights, the lord Herbert, the lord Powes, Oliuer Manners, Arthur P [...]le, Ri­chard Sandes, Robert Ierningham, Robert Salis­burie, Edmund Bening [...]eld, Richard Corbet, Tho­mas▪ Wentworth, William Storton, Walter M [...]tell, George Warram, Edward Seimor, that was after duke of Summerset. The morow after the armie remooued to a place called Néele.

The souldiers being thus led from place to place, began to murmur among themselues & to grudge, bicause of the winter season, being nothing meet for their purpose to kéepe the fields: it grieued them that the Burgognions being prouided of wagons, [...] [...] ­mongst [...] English s [...]diers. made shift to send the spoile and pillage home into their countrie being at hand, & they to want such meanes to make the best of those things which they got, so that (as they tooke it) they beat the bush & others had the birds. This grudge was yet by gentle words ceassed for a time. On the sixt daie of Nouember the whole armie came to a village called Ueane, and there rested for that night, and on the morow after they returned againe ouer the water of Some, and came to a place called Beausford. At this passage the duke made Iohn Dudleie and Robert Utreight knights. Iohn [...] and [...] Utreig [...] knight [...]

On the eight of Nouember the duke remooued to a place called Mont saint Martine, and from thence was sent the lord Sands to the king in post, to aduertise him in what case the armie stood, and the armie remooued to Permont, and there rested for a time. The Welshmen still murmured that they might not returne home now that the winter was thus farre entered. But there were a sort of men of warre, to the number of a thousand persons vnder the leading of sir Iohn Wallop, [...] which had little wa­ges or none, liuing only on their aduentures, & were therefore called aduenturers, and of some they were [Page 881] called Kréekers, [...]d [...]entures [...] Kreekers. which had as good will to be still a­broad, as the Welshmen had desire to returne home. For these Kréekers by spoiling of townes, taking of prisoners, & other such practises of warlike exploits, made their haunts, and dailie brought to the campe, horsses, mares, vittels, cloth, corne, and other neces­saries, which might not haue béene missed.

After great raines and winds which had chanced in that season, [...] and [...] frost. there followed a sore frost, which was so extreame, that manie died for cold, and some lost line 10 fingers, some lost toes, and manie lost nailes be­side their fingers, so extreame was the rigour of that frost. ¶The thirteenth daie of Nouember the duke re­mooued to a place within two miles of Boghan ca­stell, and still it froze. The Welshmen in the morning set out a shout, and cried; Home, home. The Kréekers hearing that, cried; Hang, hang. Hereof businesse was like to haue insued, but by policie it was ceas­sed. Boghan [...] assaulted [...] yeelded. Sir Edward Guilford capteine of the horssemen viewing the castell of Boghan, perceiued that the line 20 marishes (wherewith it was inuironed) were so hard frozen, that great ordinance might passe ouer the same. Which he signified to the duke, & therewith the duke was contented that he should trie what successe would come of giuing the attempt to win it. So was the ordinance brought ouer the marish ground, wher­of they within being aduertised, immediatlie after thrée shots of canon discharged against them, they yéelded the castell, and all the artillerie within it, of the which there was good store, as thrée score & sixtéene péeces great and small. The kéeping of this castell line 30 was deliuered to the senescall of Henegow.

In this meane while the lord Sands was come to the court, and informed the king of the state of the armie. The king had before his comming heard that his people in the said armie were in great miserie, both by reason of the intemperat weather, & vnsea­sonable time of the yeare, the lacke of vittels, & such other discommodities: wherefore he caused a new power of six thousand men to be prepared and sent line 40 vnto the duke of Suffolke for a reléefe, vnder the lea­ding of the lord Montioie. The duke of Suffolke [...] vp [...] armie and c [...]mmeth to Calis. But yer this power could be put in order to passe the sea, and before the duke could haue knowledge againe from the king of his further pleasure, he was constreined to breake vp his armie, and returned by Ualencennes, and so through Flanders vnto Calis. He left at Ualencennes all the great artillerie. The king was somewhat displea­sed with the breaking vp of the armie thus contrarie to his mind, but hearing the resonable excuses which the duke & the capteins had to alleage, he was shortlie line 50 after pacified. And so after they had remained in Ca­lis a certeine time, vntill their fréends had asswaged the kings displeasure, they returned, and all things were well taken, and they receiued into as much fa­uour as before.

But now to returne to the dooings in other parts, as betwixt the Englishmen and Scots, which chan­ced in this meane while that the duke of Suffolke was thus in France. Ye shall vnderstand, that the line 60 Scots hearing that the warre was thus turned into France, thought that nothing should be attempted against them, and therefore waxed more bold, and be­gan to rob and spoile on the marches of England. The Scots soule the English [...]rches. The earle of S [...]rrie inua­ [...] Scot­land. Wherefore the king sent againe thither the earle of Surrie treasuror and high admerall of England, the which with all speed comming to the west borders, sent for an armie of six thousand men, with the which entering Scotland by the drie marishes, he ouer­threw certeine castels, piles, and small holds, till he came through the dales to Iedworth, wherein laie a great garrison of Scots, Iedworth [...]. which skirmished with the Englishmen right sharpelie at their first comming, but yet at length the towne, abbeie, and castell were woone, spoiled, and burned.

After this the earle incamped within the Scotish ground from the two and twentith of September till the fiue and twentith of the same moneth, & then returned backe againe into England. During which time the lord Dacres wan the castell of Ferniherst. The castell of Ferniherst woon by the lord Dacres. The French king perceiuing that the Scots did not worke anie notable trouble to the Englishmen to staie them from the inuading of France (& the cause was (as he tooke it) for that they lacked the duke of Albanie, whome they named their gouernour) he therefore prouided a nauie of ships to haue transpor­ted him ouer into Scotland; so that all things were redie for his iournie. But the Englishmen were re­die on the sea vnder the conduct of sir William Fitz Williams to stop his passage if he had set forward, wherefore he caused his ships to be brought into Brest hauen, and bruted it abroad, that he would not go into Scotland that yeare.

The king of England being certified that the duke meant not to depart out of France of all that yeare, about the middest of September, commanded that his ships should be laid vp in hauens till the next spring. The duke of Albanie being thereof aduerti­sed, boldie then tooke his ships, Sée the histo­rie of Scot­land, pag. 309. & sic deinceps. and sailed into Scot­land with all conuenient spéed, as in the Scotish hi­storie ye maie read more at large. Shortlie after his arriuall there, he wrought so with the Scots, that an armie was leauied, with the which he approched to the borders of England, & lodged at Cawdestreame, readie to enter into England. The king of Eng­land hauing aduertisement giuen to him from time to time of the proceedings of his aduersaries, with all diligence caused to be assembled the people of the North parts beyond Trent, in such numbers that there were three thousand gentlemen bearing coats of armes with their powers and strength, which were all commanded to repaire to the erle of Surrie with spéed. The noble marquesse Dorset was appointed with six thousand men to kéepe Berwike, Berwike chéeflie regar­ded. least the Scots should laie siege thereto.

The duke of Albanie hearing of the preparation which the earle of Surrie made against him, sent to him an herald, promising him of his honour to giue him battell; and if he tooke him prisoner, he would put him to courteous ransome, & his bodie to be safe. To whome the earle answered, that much he thanked the duke of his offer, promising him to abide battell if he durst giue it; & that if the said duke chanced to be taken by him or his, he would strike off his head, and send it for a present to his maister the king of Eng­land, and bade him that he should trust to none other. At this answer the duke and the Scots tooke great despite. The earle of Surrie being at Alnewicke, there came to him the earles of Northumberland and Westmerland, the lords Clifford, Dacres, Lum­leie, Ogle, & Darcie, with manie knights, esquiers, gentlemen, and other souldiers and men of warre, to the number of fortie thousand. And from the court there came the maister of the horsse, sir Ncholas Ca­rew, sir Francis Brian, sir Edward Bainton, and others.

The last of October being saturdaie, The castell of Warke assaul­ted by the Scots. in the night before the same daie, the duke of Albanie sent two or thrée thousand men ouer the water to besiege the castell of Warke, which comming thither with their great ordinance, beat the castell verie sore, and wan the vttermost ward called the Barnekins. On sun­daie and mondaie being the first and second of No­uember, they continued their batterie, and then thin­king that the place was assaultable, couragiouslie set on the castell, and by strength entered the second ward. Sir William Lisle that was capteine of this castell, perceiuing the enimies to haue woone the [Page 882] false breies, and that nothing remained but onelie the inner ward or dungeon, incouraged his men to the best of his power, with words of great comfort and manhood, and therewith issued foorth with those few that he had left about him (for he had lost manie at other assaults) and what with couragious shoo­ting, and manfull fighting, the enimies were driuen out of the place, The Scots & French dri­uen backe from Warke castell. and of them were slaine, and name­lie of those Frenchmen which the duke had brought foorth of France, to the number of thrée hundred, line 10 which laie there dead in fight when the earle of Sur­rie came thither, besides such as died of wounds, and were drowned.

Then the Scots and Frenchmen remooued their ordinance ouer the water in all hast, and by that time that they were got ouer, the earle of Surrie was come with fiue thousand horssemen, and all his great armie followed. He was sorie that his enimies were gone, and much praised sir William Lisle for his va­liancie. The earle would gladlie haue followed his line 20 enimies into their owne borders, but his commission was onelie to defend the realme, and not to inuade Scotland; and therefore he staid, not onelie vnto the great displeasure of himselfe, but also of manie a lu­stie gentleman, that would gladlie haue séene fur­ther proofe of the Scotish mens manhood. Shortlie after, the quéene of Scots, moother to the king, sent to hir brother the king of England, for an abstinence of warre, vntill further communication might be had about the conclusion of some good agréement be­twixt line 30 the two realmes of England and Scotland, which request to hir was granted; and so the Eng­lish armie brake vp, and the earle of Surrie retur­ned to the court.

Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxvj. A present sent by the empe­rour to the king.¶In this season the emperour Charles sent to the king of England two mules trapped in crimsin vel­uet curiouslie embrodered, all the buckles, stirrops and all such other garnishings were siluer and gilt of maruellous cunning worke. He sent also eleuen ge­nets full goodlie to behold trapped with russet veluet line 40 richlie wrought, and foure speares, and two iauelins of strange timber & worke richlie garnished, and fiue br [...]ce of greihounds: and to the queene he sent two mules with rich trappers, and high chaires after the Spanish fashion. All these presents were thankeful­lie receiued both of the king and quéene.]

Whilest the earle of Surrie was in the marches of Scotland, and the duke of Suffolke in France (as before ye haue heard) the cardinall sent out commis­sions in the moneth of October, that euerie man be­ing line 50 worth fortie pounds, should paie the whole subsi­die before granted, out of hand, not tarrieng till the daies of paiment limited. An anticipa­tion. This was called an antici­pation, that is to meane, a thing taken before the time appointed, and was a new tearme not knowne before those daies: but they paied swéetelie for their learning. ¶ In December were taken certeine traitors in Couentrie, one called Francis Philip, schoolemaister to the kings henchmen, and one Chri­stopher Pickering clearke of the larder, and one An­thonie line 60 Mainuile gentleman, which by the persuasion of the said Francis Philip, intended to haue taken the kings treasure of his subsidie, as the collectors of the same came towards London, and then to haue raised men and taken the castell of Kilingworth▪ and to haue arreared warre against the king. The said Francis, Christopher, and Anthonie, were hanged, drawne, and quartered at Tiborne the eleuenth of Februarie, and the other were sent to Couentrie, and there executed.

The archduke of Austrich made knight of the garter.In this yeare the king sent the lord Morleie, sir William Huseie knight, & doctor Lée his almoner to don Ferdinando the archduke of Austrich, with the order of the garter, which in the towne of Nu­remberge receiued the same, where all the princes of Germanie were then assembled at a diet or coun­cell. In this meane while, diuerse enterprises and feats of warre were practised and archiued by them of the garrisons in the marches of Calis, and the Frenchmen of Bullogne, and the borders therea­bouts: but the Frenchmen commonlie were put to the worse. Amongest other exploits, it chanced that one Brereton a gentleman, Brereton capte [...]ne of the [...] s [...]aine. and capteine of a num­ber of the aduenturers, as he went about to spoile the towne of Wast, was taken by the French horse­men, and sold vnto the pezants of the countrie, the which vnmercifullie slue him and sixtéene more that were taken with him, after that the men of warre had deliuered them, and were departed. But this murther was reuenged shortlie by other of the ad­uenturers, which comming vnto the same towne of Wast, tooke thirtie eight prisoners of the inhabi­tants, & slue of them thirtie & six, & burned the towne.

In this yeare thorough books of ephemerides, 15 [...] and prognostications, Bolton [...] of S. B [...]r [...] lomewes [...] a [...] at Harow [...] the hill to auoid flouds prognosticated that [...] foreshewing much hurt to come by waters & flouds, many persons vittelled themselues and went to high grounds for feare of drowning [...] speciallie one Bolton prior of saint Bartholomewes in Smithfield, builded him an house vpon Harow on the hill, onelie for feare of this floud, and thither he went and made prouision of all things necessarie for the space of two moueths. This great raine and wa­ters should haue fallen in Februarie, but no such thing happened, whereby the follie of men was shew­ed. The astronomers for their excuse did saie, that in their computation they had miscounted in their number an hundred yeares. Anno Reg. [...] A legat [...] Rome to [...] a peace be­tweene king Henrie and the French king. A legat was sent from the pope to the king to mooue him to peace: but the king declared to him the whole circumstance of his title, for the which he made wars against the French­men, and thereof deliuered notes to the said legat, the which departed with the same backe to Rome in post. He had béene first with the French king, and with the emperour, but could not bring them to anie good conformitie, as his desire was to haue doone; so that his trauell was without frute in maner, as it appeared.

Manie enterprises, skirmishes, forreis, and other feats of warre were attempted and put in vre be­twixt the Englishmen of Calis, Guisnes, and other fortresses there in those marches, and the French­men of Bullogne, and other of the garrisons in the frontiers of Picardie, and still sir William Fitz Williams as then capteine of Guisnes, sir Robert Ierningham capteine of Newnam bridge, sir Iohn Wallop, and sir Iohn Gage were those that did to the Frenchmen most damage. Also monsieur de Bees being capteine of Bullogne, did for his part what he could to defend the frontiers there, and to an­noie his enimies. Yet one daie in Maie, sir William Fitz Williams, and sir Robert Ierningham, with seuen hundred men (accounting in that number the Kreekers) went to Bullogne, and there skirmished with the Frenchmen, Christ [...]pher Coo. whilest Christopher Coo a cap­teine of foure English ships tooke land, and fought with them of base Bullogne on the one side, as the Kréekers assailed them on an other.

There was a sharpe bickering, and in the end the Frenchmen were driuen backe, and diuerse of them slaine & taken, speciallie by the Kréekers, The krée­kers [...]. that wan the barriers of them, & so when the tide was turned, Christopher Coo with his men withdrew to his ships, & the Kréekers returned to sir William Fitz Willi­ams, who staid for them, and then gathering his men togither by sound of a trumpet, sent foorth such as might fetch the drifts of beasts and cattell in the co [...]n­trie néere adioning, & with the same returned backe in safetie. On the eight of August monsieur de Bées [Page 883] accompanied with diuerse French lords and men of war, to the number of eight hundred footmen, and as manie horssemen, came verie earlie in a morning to a village called Bonnings, within the English pale, and leauing there thrée hundred horssemen in am­bush, road to Kalkewell, and there appointed to tarrie with other thrée hundred men, and the residue of the horssemen and footmen with banner, displaied went foorth and forraied all the countrie.

Sir Robert Ierningham also with foure score line 10 horssemen issued foorth of Calis, to vnderstand the demeanor of the Frenchmen: but being not able to resist the great number of the Frenchmen, he was chased, and saued himselfe by flight. But this displeasure was shortlie after reuenged by the said Robert, the which comming to Marguison the twelfe of August with three hundred footmen, and thrée score horssemen, he skirmished with the Frenchmen that stood at defense, chased them into the church, and fired them out of the same, so that the Frenchmen leapt line 20 out of the church to their destruction, for of thrée hun­dred there were saued but thrée score aliue. On the one and twentith of Maie being Trinitie sundaie, The Scots [...] Eng­land rob the market­ [...] going to Berwike [...]. fiue hundred Scotishmen in the morning verie ear­lie, entred by seuerall foords into England, and laie couertlie by the high waies, in purpose to haue sur­prised such market men as came to the faire that day kept at Berwike. They tooke diuerse, but finallie be­ing espied, the alarme rose, and they were fought with right sharplie, who defended themselues with line 30 such manhood in drawing backe to their aduantage, that if the yoong lord of Fulberie had not come to the succours of the Englishmen, the Scots had gone a­waie with their bootie. Notwithstanding in the end they were glad to séeke refuge by flight, loosing 200 of their number, which were taken in the chase.

On the fift of Iulie next insuing, sir Iohn a Fen­wike, Leonard Musgraue, and bastard Heron, with diuerse other English capteins, hauing with them nine hundred men of war, entred the Mers, mind­ing line 40 to fetch out of the same some bootie, and encoun­tring with the Scots being in number two thousand, after sore and long fight, caused them to leaue their ground and to flie, so that in the chase were taken two hundred Scots, The Scots [...] to flight [...] slaine. and manie slaine, & amongst them were diuerse gentlemen. But sir Rafe a Fenwike, Leonard Musgraue, and the bastard Heron, with thirtie other Englishmen well horssed, followed so farre in the chase, that they were past rescues of their companie, whereof the Scots being aduised, sudden­lie line 50 returned, and set on the Englishmen, which oppres­sed with the multitude of their enimies, were soone ouercome, and there was taken sir Rafe a Fenwike, Leonard Musgraue, and six other: and bastard He­ron, with seauen other were slaine. The residue by chance escaped. The other Englishmen with their 200 prisoners returned safelie into England.

On the seuenth of Iulie, the Englishmen fought with like fortune against the Scots that were ente­red England at the west marches. For in the begin­ning line 60 they put the Scots to the worse, and tooke thrée hundred of them prisoners: but afterwards, bicause the Englishmen that had taken those prisoners, withdrew out of the field with the same prisoners, the Scots perceiuing the number of the English­men to be diminished, gaue a new onset on the Eng­lishmen, and them distressed. After this, the Scots sued for a truce, and had it granted to indure till the feast of saint Andrew. The popes [...]bassadour presenteth the [...] with a [...]. This yeare the first of Sep­tember was doctor Thomas Haniball maister of the rolles receiued into London with earles, and bi­shops, and diuerse other nobles and gentlemen, as ambassadors from pope Clement, which brought with him a rose of gold for a token to the king. And on the daie of the natiuitie of our ladie, after a so­lemne masse song by the cardinall of Yorke, the said present was deliuered to the king: which was a trée forged of fine gold, & wrought with branches, leaues, and floures resembling roses. This tree was set in a pot of gold which had three feet of antike fashion. The pot was of measure halfe a pint, in the vppermost rose was a faire saphire loupe persed, the bignesse of an acorne, the trée was of heigth halfe an English yard, and a foot in bredth.

This yeare in Iulie the lord Archembald Dou­glas earle of Angus, which had maried the quéene of Scots sister to the king of England, escaped out of France (where he had remained for a season, in ma­ner as a banished man) and came into England to the king, as then being at Gréenewich, and was of him courteouslie receiued. Sir Anthonie Fitz Her­bert one of the Iustices of the common plées, Commissio­ners sent into Ireland to re­forme the countrie. sir Rafe Egerton knight, and doctor Denton deane of Lichfield, being sent in the begining of this yeare in­to Ireland as commissioners, behaued themselues so sagelie, that they reformed diuers wrongs, brought sundrie of the wild Irish by faire means vnto obedi­ence, and made (by the kings authoritie) the earle of Kildare deputie of the land; The earle of Kildare made deputie of Ireland. before whome the great Onele bare the sword. And the lord Piers Butler earle of Ormond, which before was deputie, was now made high treasurer of Ireland. In Septem­ber the said commissioners returned.

During all this season, there were dailie attempts made and practised by the Englishmen in the lowe countries, namelie the English horssemen; & the ad­uenturers rested not, but dailie made inuasions vp­on the French confines. But the aduenturers about the beginning of winter made an enterprise to fetch some bootie from a village lieng towards Mutrell. They were not fullie two hundred men, and of those there were fiue and twentie horssemen. The French­men by chance the same time were abroad vnder the conduct of the earle of Dammartine, which was going to S. Omers with fiftéene hundred horsse­men, and eight hundred footmen, and perceiuing where the aduenturers were comming, made to­wards them, and after long & cruell fight ouercame them, and slue most part of them, for that in defen­ding themselues most stoutlie, they had slaine and wounded a great number of the Frenchmen yer they could be ouercome, kéeping themselues close to­gither, and might not be broken so long as they had anie arrowes to shoot. The end of the Kréekers. This was the end of the ad­uenturers otherwise called Kréekers, being as har­die men as euer serued prince.

In December there came to London diuerse ambassadors out of Scotland, about a peace to be had, and a marriage concluded betwéene the king of Scots, and the ladie Marie daughter to the king of England, Sée the histo­rie of Scot­land, pag. 312▪ as in the Scotish historie yee shall find more at large expressed. Before the feast of Christ­masse, the lord Leonard Graie, and the lord Iohn Graie, brethren to the marquesse Dorset, sir George Cobham, sonne to the lord Cobham, William Ca­rie, sir Iohn Dudleie, Thomas Wiat, Francis Pointz, Francis Sidneie, sir Anthonie Browne, sir Edward Seimor, Oliuer Manners, Perciuall Hart, Sebastian Nudigate, and Thomas Calen, esquiers of the kings houshold, enterprised a cha­lenge of feats of armes against the feast of Christ­mas, which was proclaimed by Winsore the herald, and performed at the time appointed after the best maner, both at tilt, tourneie, barriers, Sée these triumphs in Edw. Hall pag. Cxxxiij. and assault of a castell erected for that purpose in the tiltyard at Gréenewich, where the king held a roiall Christmasse that yeare, with great mirth and princelie pastime.

In the moneth of Ianuarie, year 1525 the cardinall by his [Page 884] power Legantine, The friers obseruants impugne the cardinals au­thoritie. would haue visited the friers ob­seruants, but they in no wise would thereto condes­cend, wherefore ninetéene of the same religion were accurssed at Paules crosse, by one of their owne reli­gion, called frier Forrest. Iohn Iokin Steward of houshold to the French kings mother, this yéere whi­lest the French king was in Italie, came into Eng­land, & was receiued in secret maner into the house of one doctor Larke, a prebendarie of S. Stephans, and oftentimes talked with the cardinall about the line 10 affaires betwixt the kings of England and France, motioning waies for a peace to be concluded. When this was knowne abroad, as at the length it was, monsieur de Prate the emperours ambassador mis­liked such couert dooings, and sore grudged thereat. The foure and twentith of Ianuarie, the president of Rone called monsieur Brinion, came to London as ambassador from the French king, and was lodged with the said Iohn Iokin.

On sundaie the fift of March were receiued in­to line 20 London monsieur de Beuer lord of Campher, Ambassadors from the em­perour and their requests. ad­merall of Flanders, and maister Iohn de la Coose, president of Malins, & maister Iohn de la Gache, as ambassadours from the ladie Margaret in the name of the emperour. These ambassadors required thrée things in their suit. First they demanded the ladie Marie the kings onelie daughter to be deliuered out of hand, and she to be named empresse, and to take possession of all the lowe countries, and to be gouer­nour of the same. Also that all such sums of monie as line 30 the king should giue with hir in mariage for a dow­er to be made to hir, should be paid incontinentlie. Thirdlie, that the king of England himselfe should passe the sea, and make warre in France the next summer. The two first demands were not agreed to for certeine causes, and as to this last, the king said he would take aduisement.

On thursdaie the ninth of March, at seauen of the clocke in the morning, Newes of the siege of Pauia & the taking of the French king prisoner. there came a gentleman in post from the ladie Margaret gouernesse of Flan­ders, line 40 which brought letters conteining how that the foure and twentith of Februarie, the siege of Pauia (where the French king had lien long) was raised by force of battell, and the French king himselfe taken prisoner. The same day the president of Rone, & Iohn Iokin were going to the court (for they had not yet spoken with the king) and in Holburne in their waie heard these tidings, whervpon they returned to their lodging right sorowfull, and within short space after returned to the regent of France. It was thought line 50 the king would haue agréed with the French king, if this chance had not hapned, for all the people of Eng­land grudged against Flanders, for the euill demea­nour of the Flemings in time of the warre. Also the king was displeased with them for inhancing his coine there, which caused much monie to be conueied out of this realme dailie ouer into that countrie. Bounfires and great triumph was made in London for the taking of the French king, on saturdaie the eleuenth of March; and on the morow after being sundaie the twelfe of March, the king came to line 60 Paules, and there heard a solemne masse, and after the same was ended, the quéere sang Te Deum, and the minstrels plaid on eueri [...] side.

¶ Here it is conuenient to adde the battell of Pa­uia, wherein the French king was taken prisoner, most notablie discoursed by Guicciardine, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 902, & sic deinceps. The battell of Pauia, wherein the French king is taken pri­soner. in the fif­téenth booke of his historie: the principall matter wherof, to make the report of Pauia and the French king more perspicuous, it were good to inferre. On the night (saith mine author) before the fiue and twen­tith of Februarie, a daie dedicated by the christians to the apostle saint Matthew, and also the daie of the [...]tiuitie of the emperour, the imperialles determi­ned to march to Mirabell, where laie incamped cer­teine companies of horssemen and footmen. In this march they stood vpon this intention, that if the French men mooued, then they had set at libertie the siege of Pauia: and if they mooued not, then to ad­uenture the fortune of the battell. Therefore the bet­ter to aduance this determination, all the beginning of the night they gaue manie alarmes, the more to kéepe trauelled and wearie the French men, making semblance as though they would charge them on that side towards Paw, Thesin, and saint Lazarus.

About midnight euerie souldior, by the comman­dement of the capteins, put on a white cassakin ouer his armor, to be knowne from the Frenchmen. They were cast into two squadrons of horssemen, & foure of footmen▪ In the first were six thousand footmen equallie compounded of lanceknights, Spaniards, and Italians: this squadron was led by the mar­quesse of Guast: the second stood onelie vpon cer­teine bands of Spanish footmen vnder the charge of the marquesse of Pisquairo: the third and fourth squadron were of lanceknights, commanded by the viceroy and the duke of Burbon. They arriued at the parke walles certeine houres before daie, and by the working of their masons, and readie willes of their souldiers, they cast downe to the earth thrée score fadome of wall: by which breach, being entred within the parke, the first squadron drew towards Mirabell, and the residue of the armie tooke the waie to the campe.

As soone as the king vnderstood that they were entred into the parke, Whie the French king desired to fight in plaine and o­pen field. thinking they would draw to Mirabell, he issued out of his lodging to fight in plaine and open field, desiring to draw the battell rather to that place than to anie other, for the ad­uantages which it gaue to the horssemen: he com­manded to turne the artilleries toward the enimies, which beating them in flanke, brought great da­mage to the reregard. But in the meane while, the battell of the imperialles gaue a furious charge vp­on the kings squadron, which ordinarilie was the battell: but as the Spaniards went, it was the reregard. The king fought valiantlie, & abode with great courage the violence of his enimies, who with the furie of their harquebuziers forced his men to giue ground, till the rescue of the Switzers came, when the Spaniards were repelled, as well by them as by the horssemen that charged them in flanke. But the viceroy being called in by the marquesse of Pisquairo, who broght to the fight his lanceknights, they were easilie broken, not without great slaugh­ter of the Switzers, who that daie did nothing an­swer the opinion of valor which aforetimes they had woont so honorablie to expresse in battelles.

The king kept alwaies the middle of the battell, being inuironed with a great gard of men at armes. And albeit he did what he could to conteine and con­firme his people: The ma [...] how the French king was vanqui­shed and ta­ken prisoner [...]. yet after he had fought long with his owne hands, his horsse being slaine vnder him, him selfe lightlie hurt in the face and in the hand, he was stricken downe to the earth, and taken priso­ner by fiue souldiers that knew not what he was. In which misfortune the viceroy pressing into the throng his maiestie disclosed him selfe to him, who with great reuerence kissed his hand, and receiued him prisoner in the emperours name. At the same time the marquesse of Guast with the first squadron had defeated the horssemen that were at Mirabell. And Anthonie de Leua, who (as was said) had to that end cast downe to the earth so great a quantitie and space of wall, as an hundred and fiftie horssemen might sallie foorth in front, issued out of Pauia, & so charged the French behind, that he put them wholie to flight. And in that feare they were almost all strip­ped [Page 885] and trussed, except the reregard of the horsse­men, which being led by monsieur de Alanson from the beginning of the battell, retired almost whole.

It is holden for certeine, that in this battell were slaine more than eight thousand men of the French campe, The number [...] the French [...] were [...] in this battell. part by sword, and part of bodies drowned in the riuer of Thesin, séeking their safetie by swim­ming. Of this generall number were about twen­tie of the most noble and apparant lords of France, as the admerall, the lord Iames Chebanes, the lord line 10 Palissa, and Trimouille, the master of the horsse, monsieur de Aubignie, monsieur de Boissie, and monsieur de la Escud, who being taken gréeuouslie wounded by his enimies, gaue to them his life in stéed of a ransome. The prisoners that were taken were the king of Nauarre, the bastard of Sauoie, the lord Montmerancie, Saint Paule, Brion, A­nall, monsieur de Chandion, monsieur de Imber­court, Galeas Uisconte, Frederike Bossolo, Barna­bie Uisconte, Guidanes, with manie gentlemen, line 20 and almost all the capteins that escaped the slaugh­ter of the sword. There was also taken prisoner Ie­rome Leandro bishop of Brunduso the popes nun­tio; but by commandement of the viceroy, he was eftsoones set at libertie: as also monsieur Saint Paule and Frederike Bossolo committed to the ca­stell of Pauia, brake prison a little after, by the cor­ruption of the Spaniards that had them in charge. Of the imperialles side the vniuersall slaughter excéeded not seauen hundred bodies; The number of the slaine in the impe­rialles side. and not one line 30 capteine of name except Ferrand Castriot mar­quesse of Angeo, the marquesse of Pisquairo was wounded in two places, & Anthonie de Leua light­lie hurt in the leg. The preie and spoile of this battell was so great, as there had not beene seene in Italie more rich souldiors.

Of so great an armie there was preserned but the reregard of foure hundred lances, commanded by monsieur de Alanson, they neuer came to the fight, neuer suffered charge, nor neuer were followed, but leauing behind them their baggage, they retired line 40 whole to Piemont, their feare making them more hastie to flie, than carefull of their honor. And as one calamitie followeth another, so the losse of the battell was no sooner reapported at Millaine, than Theodor Triuulce, who laie there in garrison with foure hundred lances, departed and tooke his waie to Musocquo, all the souldiors folowing him by troops: insomuch as the same daie that the king lost the battell, all the dutchie of Millaine was made frée line 50 from the iurisdiction of the French. The daie after the victorie, The French king led pri­soner to the rocke of Pis­queton. the king was led prisoner to the rocke of Pisqueton, for that the duke of Millaine, in regard of his proper suretie, consented hardlie that the per­son of the king should be kept within the castell of Millaine: he was garded with great gelousie and watch; but in all other things (except his libertie) he was vsed and honored as apperteined to the state and maiestie of a king.

Now (saith mine author, speaking to the readers of his historie) you haue séene set downe the ouer­throw line 60 of the French armie in the battell of Pauia: [...] pag [...]04. a wretched successe, where was so great expectation of victorie. You haue séene a mightie king deliue­red vp prisoner into the hands of him, with whom he contended for glorie and emperie: a spectacle most tragicall amongst all the calamities that fortune bringeth vpon mans mortalitie. You haue séene the most part of the nobilitie, and honorable capteins of France, slaine in the seruice and presence of their king: a matter that made more lamentable his owne condition and aduersitie. You haue séene the residue of that armie, so vniuersallie perplexed with feare and confusion, that the same thing that should haue reteined them in so great affliction, made them the lesse assured, and further off from confidence.

When word came to the emperour of all the for­mer accidents, Guic. pag. 915. The modera­tion and tem­perance of the emperour vp­on the newes of the victorie. the eies of euerie man were set to behold with what propertie of affection he would receiue his gladsome news, and to what ends his thoughts were disposed: who so farre as exterior de­monstrations made shew, expressed great tokens of a mind much moderated, and verie apt to resist easilie the prosperitie of fortune: yea the signes and inclinations appeering so much the more incredible, by how much he was a prince mightie & yong, and as yet had neuer tasted but of felicitie. For after he was informed truelie of so great a victorie, whereof he had the reapport the tenth of March, togither with letters of the French kings owne hand, written ra­ther in the spirit and condition of a prisoner, than with the courage of a king, he went foorthwith to the church to make his holie oblations to God with ma­nie solemnities. And the morning folowing he recei­ued with signes of right great deuotion the sacra­ment of the eucharist, and so went in procession to our ladies church out of Madrill, where was his court at that time.

His temperance and moderation was aboue the expectation of his estate, and farre contrarie to the course of the time in matters of that nature: for he would not suffer anie bels to be roong, nor boun­fires to be made, nor anie other manner of publike demonstrations, such as are vsed for glorie or glad­nesse, alledging with a mind more vertuous than in­solent, that such propertie of feasting and reioising was due to victories obteined against infidels, A most excel­lent conceipt and saieng of the emperour. but ought to haue no shew where one christian ouercame another. Neither were the actions and gestures of his person and speaches differing from so great a temperance and continencie of mind, which he well expressed in the answers he made to the congratula­tions of the ambassadours and great men that were about him: to whome he said he was not glad of the accident according to the glorious operation of flesh and bloud, but his reioising was in that God had so manfestlie aided him: which he interpreted to be an assured signe that he stood in his grace and fauour, though not through his owne merit, yet by his cele­stiall election. Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxxxvj. The French king being in the custo­die of the viceroy of Naples (who much comforted him, and praised his valiantnesse, and praied him to be content, for he shoud haue a gentle end) desired to write to his mother, which was to him granted. His verie words were these.

The French kings letter to his mo­ther the regent of France.

TO aduertise you of my infortunat chance: This he wrote being the emperors prisoner. nothing is left but the honour and the life that is saued. And seeing some other news shall recomfort you, I haue desired to write to you this letter, the which liberallie hath beene granted to me: beseeching you to re­gard the extremitie of your selfe, in insu­ing your accustomed wisedome. For I hope that at length God will not forget me, to you recommending your little infants and mine, supplieng you to giue safe conduct, to passe and returne from Spaine, to this bearer that goeth toward the emperor, to know in what wise I shall be intreated. And thus right humbly to your good grace I haue me recommended. This subscri­bed [Page 886] by your humble and obedient sonne Francis.

In this estate of aduersitie the people set before their eies all that feare and despaire could imagine: Guic. pag. 625. The manifold passions or perplexities of the people in generall. they doubted least so great a calamitie were not the beginning of a further ruine & subuersion: they saw their king prisoner, and with him either taken or slaine in the battell the chiefteins of the kingdome, which in the imagination of their sorrowes they held line 10 a losse irreparable: they beheld their capteins dis­comfited, and their souldiers discouraged: a calamitie which stopped in them all hope to be readdressed or re­assured: they saw the realme made naked of mo­nie and treasure, and inuironed with most mightie enimies: an affliction which most of all caried their thoughts into the last cogitation of desperat ruine: for the king of England, notwithstanding that he had holden manie parlées and treaties, and shewed in manie things a variation of mind, yet not manie line 20 daies before the battell, he had cut off all the nego­ciations which he had interteined with the king, and had published that he would descend into France, if the things of Italie tooke anie good successe.

So that the Frenchmen feared least in so great an oportunitie, the emperour and he would not le­uie warre against France, either for that there was no other head or gouernour than a woman, and the little children of the king, of whom the eldest had not yet run eight yeares accomplished: or else bicause line 30 the enimies had with them the duke of Burbon, for his owne particular a puissant prince, and for his authoritie in the realme of France verie popular and strong in opinion, a mightie instrument to stirre vp most dangerous emotions. The ladie re­gent hir selfe was partaker of these griefs and feares. Besides, the ladie re­gent, as well for the loue she bare to the king, as for the dangers of the realme was not without hir pas­sions both proper and particular: for being full of ambition, and most gréedie of the gouernment, shée feared that if the kings deliuerie drew any long tract line 40 of time, or if anie new difficultie hapned in France, she should be constreined to yéeld vp the administra­tion of the crowne to such as should be delegate and assigned by the voices of the kingdome. Neuerthe­lesse amid so manie astonishments and confusions, she drew hir spirits to hir, and by hir example were recomforted the nobles that were of counsell with hir, who tooke spéedie order to man the frontiers of the realme, and with diligence to leuie a good proui­sion of monie. line 50

The ladie regent, in whose name all expeditions and dispatches went out, wrote to the emperour let­ters full of humilitie and compassion, wherin she for­gat not by degrées vehement and inducing to solicit a negociation of accord: by vertue whereof, hauing a little after deliuered don Hugo de Moncado, The ladie re­gents offer to the emperor for the deliue­rie of hir sonne shée sent him to the emperour, to offer him that hir sonne should renounce and disclaime from all rights of the kingdome of Naples, and the estate of Millan, with contentment to refer to the censure and arbitration line 60 of the law, the titles and rights of Burgundie, which if it apperteined to the emperour, he should acknow­ledge it for the dowrie of his sister: that he should render to monsieur Burbon his estate togither with his moouabl [...] [...] which were of great valour, and also the [...]ruits and [...]enues which had beene le­uied by the commissioners [...] out of the regall chamber: that he should giue to him his sister in ma­riage, and deliuer vp to him Prouence, if iudgement of the interest and right were made of his side.

And for the more facilitie and spéedie passage of this negociation, rather than for anie desire she had to nourish hir inclination to the warre, she dispat­ched immediatlie ambassadours into Italie, to re­commend to the pope and the Uenetians the safetie of hir sonne. To whome she offered, that if for their proper securitie▪ they would contract with hir, and raise armes against the emperour, she would for hir particular aduance fiue hundred lances, togither with a great contribution of monie. But amid these trauels and astonishments, The [...] standeth [...] in feare [...] king of [...]lands [...] ▪ the principall desire as well of hir, as of the whole realme of France, was, to appease and assure the mind of the king of England, iudging trulie that if they could reduce him to amitie and reconcilement, the crowne of France should re­maine without quarrell or molestation. Where, if he on the one side, and the emperour on the other, should rise in one ioint force, hauing concurrent with them the person of the duke of Burbon, and manie other opportunities and occasions, it could not be but all things would be full of difficulties and dangers.

Of this the ladie regent began to discerne manie tokens and apparances of good hope: for notwith­standing the king of England immediatlie after the first reapports of the victorie, had not onelie expressed great tokens of gladnesse and reioising, but also pub­lished that he would in person passe into France: and withall had sent ambassadours to the emperour to solicit and treat of the moouing of warre iointlie togither: yet procéeding in deed with more mildnesse than was expected of so furious shewes and tokens, he dispatched a messenger to the ladie regent, to send to him an expresse ambassadour: which accordinglie was accomplished, and that with fulnesse of authori­tie and commission, such as brought with it also all sorts of submissions & implorations which she thought apt to reduce to appeasement the mind of that king so highlie displeased. He reposed himselfe altogither vpon the will and counsell of the cardinall of Yorke, Note how forren chro­niclers could report of car­dinall Wo [...]l­sie. who séemed to restreine the king and his thoughts to this principall end, that bearing such a hand vpon the controuersies and quarrels that ran betwéene o­ther princes; all the world might acknowledge to de­pend vpon him and his authoritie the resolution and expectation of all affaires.

And for this cause he offered to the emperour at the same time to descend into France with a puis­sant armie, both to giue perfection vnto the aliance concluded betwéene them before; and also to remooue all scruple and gelousie, he offered presentlie to con­signe vnto him his daughter, who was not as yet in an age and disposition able for mariage. But in these matters were very great difficulties, partlie depen­ding vpon himselfe, and partlie deriuing from the emperour, who now shewed nothing of that readi­nesse to contract with him which he had vsed before: for the king of England demanded almost all the rewards of the victorie, as Normandie, Guien, and Gascoigne, with the title of king of France. And that the emperour, notwithstanding the inequalitie of the conditions should passe likewise into France, and communicate equallie in the expenses and dangers. The inequalitie of these demands troubled not a little the emperour, to whome they were by so much the more grieuous, by how much he remem­bred that in the yeares next before, he had alwaies deferred to make warre euen in the greatest dan­gers of the French king. So that he persuaded him­selfe that he should not be able to make anie founda­tion vpon that confederation.

And standing in a state no lesse impouerished for monie and treasure, The empe­rours hope to recouer more pro [...] by the French king in [...] than [...] than made wearie with labours and perils, he hoped to draw more commodities from the French king by the meane of peace, than by the violence of armes and warres, speciallie ioi­ning with the king of England. Besides, he made not that accompt which he was woont to doo of the mariage of his daughter, both for hir minoritie in [Page 887] age, and also for the dowrie for the which he should stand accomptable for so much as the emperour had receiued by waie of loane of the king of England: he séemed by manie tokens in nature to nourish a woonderfull desire to haue children, and by the neces­sitie of his condition he was caried with great co­uetousnesse of moni [...]: vpon which two reasons he tooke a great desire to marie the sister of the house of Portugall, which was both in an age able for mari­age, and with whome he hoped to receiue a plentifull line 10 portion in gold and treasure, besides the liberalities of his owne people offered by waie of beneuolence in case the mariage went forward: such was their desire to haue a quéene of the same nation and lan­guage, and of hope to procreat children.

For these causes the negociation became euerie daie more hard and desperat betwéene both those princes, wherein was also concurrent the ordinarie inclination of the cardinall of Yorke towards the French king, togither with the open complaints he line 20 made of the emperour, as well for the interests and respects of his king, as for the small reputation the emperour began to hold of him. He considered that afore the battell of Pauia, the emperour neuer sent letters vnto him which were not written with his owne hand, and subscribed, your sonne and coosine Charles: but after the battell, he vsed the seruice of secretaries in all the letters he wrote to him, infixing nothing of his owne hand but the subscription, not with titles of so great reuerence and submission, but line 30 onelie with this bare word Charles. In this alterati­on of affection in the emperour, [...]at mooued [...] king of England [...] the [...] regents [...]bassadour. the king of England tooke occasion to receiue with gratious words and demonstrations, the ambassadour sent by the ladie regent, to whome he gaue comfort to hope well in things to come. And a little afterward, estranging his mind wholie from the affaires which were in ne­gociation betwéene him and the emperour, he made a confederation with the ladie regent, contracting in the name of hir sonne, wherein he would haue inser­ted line 40 this expresse condition, that for the kings ran­some and deliuerie, should not be deliuered to the em­perour anie thing that at that time should be vnder the power or possession of the crowne of France.

Shortlie after, the viceroy & the other capteins im­periall were induced vpon vrgent reasons to trans­port the person of the French king into a surer hold, [...] pag. 930. The person of [...] French [...] led pri­s [...]er into Spaine. than where presentlie he was kept, iudging that for the ill disposition of others, they could not without perill kéepe him garded in the duchie of Millan: in line 50 which feare ioined to their continuall desire so to doo, they resolued to conueie him to Genes, and from thense by sea to Naples, where his lodging was pre­pared within the new castell. This determination brought no little gréefe to the king, who from the be­ginning of his captiuitie, had vehementlie desired to be carried into Spaine: perhaps he had opinion (measuring happilie an other man by his owne na­ture, or else running with the common errour of mortall men being easilie beguiled in things they de­sire) line 60 that if once he were brought to the presence of the emperour, he doubted not of some easie passage for his libertie, either through the emperours benig­nitie, or by the conditions he meant to offer. The vice­roy was of the same desire for the augmentation of his owne glorie.

But being reteined for feare of the French armie by sea, M [...]nsieur Montmera [...] ­ [...] sent to [...] ladie re­ [...]nt. they dispatched by common consent monsieur Montmerancie to the ladie regent: who granted to him six light gallies of those that laie in the port of Marseilles vpon promise to haue them restored as soone as the king was arriued in Spaine. With these gallies, he returned to Portofino, where the kings person was alredie arriued, and ioining them to six­téene gallies of the emperour, which was the nauie appointed at first to conduct him to Naples, he redu­ced them all into one fléet, and armed them all with footmen of the Spanish. The capteins imperials and the duke of Burbon were persuaded, that the kings person should be led to Naples: but of the contrarie, setting vp saile the seuenth of Iune, they tooke such course, that the eight daie they arriued with a happie voiage at Rosa a hauen of Catalognia: their com­ming brought no small ioy to the emperour, who vn­till that daie had vnderstood nothing at all of that re­solution.

Now as soone as he was made assured of the kings being there, The emperor commandeth that the French king should be re­ceiued with honour in all places where he should passe. he dispatched commandements vnto all places where he should passe, to receiue him with great honours: onelie till it should be otherwise de­termined, he gaue order to kéepe him in the castell of Sciatiua néere to Ualence, a castell ancientlie vsed by the kings of Aragon for the garding of great per­sonages, and wherein had béene kept prisoner for ma­nie yeares the duke of Calabria. But the delibera­tion to kéepe him in that place, séeming farre too rigorous to the viceroy, and nothing agréeable to the promises he had made to the king in Italie, he woone so much of the emperour, that till he had taken an o­ther counsell, the kings person might remaine neere Ualence in a place apt for hunting and other delights of the field. There he left him lodged with sufficient gard vnder the charge of capteine Alarcon, in whose custodie he had alwaies remained since his vnfortu­nate daie.

From thence the viceroy, togither with Mont­merancie, went to the emperour to make reapport of the state of Italie, and the discourse of things which till that daie had béene debated with the king, with whome he persuaded the emperour with ma­nie reasons to draw to accord, for that he could not haue a faithfull amitie and coniunction with the Ita­lians. The emperour after he had heard the viceroy and Montmerancie, determined to conueie the king into Castillo to the castell of Madrill, a place farre remooued from the sea and the confines of France, where being honored with ceremonies & reuerences agréeable to so great a prince, he should neuerthe­lesse be kept vnder carefull and strait gard, with li­bertie to take the aire abroad certeine times of the daie, mounted onelie vpon a mule. The emperour could neuer be brought to admit the king to his pre­sence, if first the accord were not either established, or at least in an assured hope of resolution.

And to the end there might be interposed in the negociation a personage honorable, & almost equall with the king, Montmerancie was sent in great di­ligence into France, to bring the duchesse of Alan­son the kings sister and a widow, with fulnesse of au­thoritie to debate and contract. And to the end this negociation of accord were not hindered by new dif­ficulties, A truce for a time betwéene the emperour and the gouer­nors of Frāce. there was made a little afterwards a truce vntil the end of December, betweene the emperour and such as administred the gouernment of France. Moreouer the emperour gaue order that one part of those gallies which were come with the viceroy, should returne into Italie to bring the duke of Bur­bon into Spaine, without whose presence and priui­tie he gaue out that he would make no conuention: and yet the gallies what for want of monie, and o­ther impediments, were prepared but with slow di­ligence.

Whiles the case of the French king was in de­mand, but not yet determined, The French king extreme­lie sicke in the castell of Ma­drill. Guic. pag. 937. by means of sundrie ouerthwarts that ouerthrew the foundation of eue­rie purpose tending to his deliuerance; it fortuned that the French king falling sicke in the castell of Madrill, and hauing in vaine desired the presence of [Page 888] the emperour, was caried by his discontentment and melancholie into such extremitie and danger of his life, that the physicians appointed for his cure, told the emperour that they stood desperate of his recoue­rie, if himselfe in person came not to comfort him with some hope of his deliuerie. The emperour obei­eng more compassion than the reason of things, was not curious to condescend to performe so good an of­fice, and as he prepared to visit him accordinglie, his high chancellor séeking to turne him from the ior­neie, line 10 told him with manie strong reasons, that he could not go to him in honour, but with intention to deliuer him presentlie and without anie couenant: otherwise as it would be a humanitie not roiall but mercenarie, so it would disclose a desire to recouer him, not mooued of charitie, but pushed on by his pro­per interest, as not to loose by his death the occasion of the profit hoped for by the victorie.

This counsell assuredlie was graue and honoura­ble touching the man that gaue it, and no lesse wor­thie line 20 to be followed by so great a prince as the empe­rour: and yet being more caried by the reasons of o­thers, The emperor visiteth the French king in durance. he tooke post to go to him. But for the danger of the king being almost at the extremitie, the visita­tion was short, and yet for the time accompanied with gratious words ful of hope that he would deli­uer him immediatlie vpon his returning to health: in so much that whether it was by the comfort that he breathed into him (in the sicknesse of captiuitie) the promise of libertie excéedeth all medicines) or by the benefit of his youth, which with the fauour of na­ture line 30 was stronger than the maladie, he began after this visitation to resume so good disposition, that with­in few daies he was out of danger, notwithstanding he could not recouer his former health but with verie slowe time.

And now neither the difficulties that were shew­ed on the emperours side, nor the hopes which were giuen by the Italians, nor anie other nature of im­pediments whatsoeuer, could staie the voiage of the ladie Alanson into Spaine. For that as nothing line 40 was more hard or heauie to the Frenchmen than to leaue off the practises and negociations of accord be­gun with those that had power to restore their king: so nothing was more easie to the emperour, than fée­ding the French with hopes, to draw their minds from taking armes; and by that meane so to kéepe the Italians in suspense, as not to dare to enter in­to new deliberations. And in that cunning maner, sometimes vsing delaies, and sometimes pressing for­ward line 50 the affaires, he thought to keepe the minds of all men confused and intangled. The ladie A­lanson trea­teth with the emperour for the kings de­liuerie. The ladie Alanson was receiued by the emperour with verie gratious demonstrations and hopes: but the effects fell out both hard and heauie. For when the ministred speech to him for the mariage of his sister the widowe with the king: he made answer; that it was a matter which could not be doone without the consent of the duke of Burbon.

The other particularities were debated by depu­ties line 60 of both parts, wherein, as the emperour insisted obstinatlie to haue the dutchie of Burgognie resto­red as apperteining to him: so the French refused to consent, vnlesse he would accept it for dowrie; or else to referre it to the sentence of the law and iustice to decide the true title. And albeit they could easilie haue condescended to the residue, yet for that they were so farre off for the demand of Burgognie, the ladie Alanson returned at last into France, without winning anie other grace, than a fauour to sée the king hir brother; who growing more and more into distrust of his deliuerie, desired hir at hir departing to admonish his mother, The French king is care­full ouer the crowned France. and all the councell from him, to looke carefullie to the profit of the crowne of France, without hauing anie consideration of him, as if he liued not. But notwithstanding the depar­ture of the ladie Alanson, the sollicitations for the kings deliuerie did not ceasse, for that there remai­ned behind the president of Paris, and the bishops of Ambrum and Tarbe, who had till then followed the negociation but with verie little hope, sith the em­perour would not harken to anie condition, if first Burgognie were not rendred, which the king would not be brought to restore, but in a last necessitie.

After this infortunate accident of the French king insued manie troublesome and intricate mat­ters, Guic. 961▪ & dein [...]ps. The treatie of Madri [...]l touching the deliuerie of the French king. among which the case of the French king was descanted vpon, and a sollicitation of peace resolued, which conteined these couenants following. That betwéene the emperour and the French king should be a peace perpetuall, in which should be compre­hended all such as should be named by their com­mon consent. That the French king by the sixt daie of the next moneth of March, should be set at libertie vpon the marches in the coast of Fontarabie. That within six weeks after he should consigne to the em­perour the dutchie of Burgognie, the countie of Charrolois, the iurisdiction of Noiers, the castell Chainro, dependancies of the said dutchie, the vi­countie of Flussona, the resort of S. Laurence de la Roche, a dependant of Franch countie, togither with all the appurtenances as well of the said dut­chie as vicountie, all which for hereafter should be separate and exempted from the souereigntie of the realme of France. That at the same and verie in­stant that the king should be deliuered, there should be put into the emperours hands the Dolphin of France, and with him either the duke of Orleance the kings second sonne, or else twelue principall lords of France, whom the emperour did name.

It was left to the election of the ladie regent, ei­ther to deliuer the kings second sonne, What was left to the lad [...] regents elec­tion in this capitulation. or the twelue barons, and they to remaine as hostages vntill resti­tution were made of the lands and places aforesaid, and the peace sworne and ratified, togither with all the articles by the estates generall of France, and inregistred in all the courts of parlement of the kingdome with forme and solemnities necessarie. For the accomplishing wherof, there was set downe a terme of foure moneths: at which time returning the hostages, there should be put into the emperors hands the duke de Angolesme the kings third son, to the end to traine him vp with the emperour, the bet­ter to interteine and assure the peace. That the French king should renounce and giue vp to the em­perour all his rights to the realme of Naples, togi­ther with all such titles and preeminences as were to come to him by the inuestiture of the church. That he should doo the like touching his interest in the state of Millaine, of Genes, of As [...], and likewise of Ar­ras, Tourneie, of the Ile, and of Dowaie. That he should render vp the towne and castell of Hedin as a member of the countie of Artois, with all the muni­tions, artilleries, and mooueables that were in it when it was last taken. That he should disclaime and yeeld vp all souereigntie in Flanders and Ar­tois, and all other places or péeces which the empe­rour possessed.

That on the other side, the emperour should re­signe and giue vp to him all the right, title, Couenants concerning the emperour, and of him to be kept and performed. and quar­rell which he pretended to anie place possessed by the Frenchmen, and especiallie the townes and castell­domes of Perone, Montdidier, Roie, the counties of Bullongne, Guines, & Ponthiew, with other towns standing vpon the one and other shore of the riuer of Some. That there should be betwéene them a league and confederation perpetuall for the defense of their estates, with oblation to aid one another [Page 889] when néed required, with 500 men at armes, and ten thousand footmen: that the emperour should promise to giue in marriage to the king the ladie E­lianor his sister, whom, as soone as the dispensati­on should be obteined from the pope, he should con­tract or handfast with words obligatorie for the pre­sent, and afterwards she should be led into France, to consummate the marriage at the same time that according to the capitulations the hostages were to be deliuered: that she should haue for hir portion two hundred thousand crowns, with iewels according to line 10 hir estate, the one moitie of the monie to be paid within sixtéene moneths, and the other halfe in one yeare after.

Furthermore, that a mariage should be made be­twéene the Dolphin & the daughter of the K. of Por­tugall, daughter to the ladie Elianor, at such time as their age will suffer: that the French king should doo all that he could to induce the ancient K. of Nauarre to giue vp to the emperour the rights of that king­dome, T [...]ese [...] restraine [...] part of the French [...] which in case he would not performe, then the line 20 king not to aid him with anie succours. That the duke of Guelders, and the countie of Zulffe, and the principall townes of those estates, should promise with sufficient securitie, to giue themselues to the emperour, after his death. That the king should giue no succour to the duke of Wittenberge, nor likewise to Robert de la March. That he should furnish and rigge for the emperour, both when he should passe into Italie, and two moneths after being so requi­red, twelue gallies, foure ships, & foure gallions, all line 30 well munitioned and appointed, except men of war, & the said vesselles to be rendred three moneths after accompting from the daie of his imbarking: that in place of the armie by land which the king offered for Italie, he should paie him two hundred thousand crownes in monie, the one halfe within sixtéene mo­neths, and the other halfe within a yéere after.

Againe, that at the time when the hostages should be deliuered, he should be bound to giue bils of ex­change for the paie of six thousand footmen for six mo­neths line 40 immediatlie after the emperours arriuall in Italie: that he should also furnish for his seruice fiue hundred lances paied, with a band of artillerie. That he should saue harmelesse the emperour of his pro­mise made to the king of England by pensions, which the French king should paie to him, The king of England in­cluded in this yeare. the are­rages whereof amounted to fiue hundred thousand crownes, or else to deliuer so much in readie monie to the emperour. That they should both ioine to be­séech line 50 the pope to call a generall councell with all spéed, to the end to consult vpon an vniuersall peace amongst christians, to aduance an enterprise a­gainst the infidels and heretikes, and to grant to all the croisade for thrée yeares. That within six weeks the king should restore the duke of Burbon in most ample forme, into all his estates, goods moouable and vnmoouable, and fruits and reuenues receiued: nor to molest him for anie thing past, nor constraine him to dwell or go to the realme of France. That it should line 60 be lawfull to the said duke of Burbon, to demand by the waie of law and iustice, the earledome of Pro­uence. That in like sort all those that had followed him, should reenter in safetie into their goods and states, and namelie the bishop of Autun, and mon­sieur de saint Ualier.

Moreouer, that the prisoners taken in the warre should be deliuered on both parts within fift [...]ene daies. That there should be restitution made to the ladie Margaret of Austrich of all that she possessed a­fore the warre. The prince [...] Orange [...]cluded also [...] th [...]s peace. That the prince of Orange should be set at libertie with restauration to the principali­tie of Orange, and all that he possessed by the death of his father, which had [...] from him for fol­lowing the faction of the emperour. That the like should be doone to other barons. That there should be made restitution to the marquesse of Salu [...]e of his estate. That the king as soone as he arriued in the first towne of his realme, should ratifie this capi­tulation, and be bound to procure the Dolphin to ra­tifie it when he should come to the age of fouretéene yeares. Manie were named by common consent, and cheeflie the Switzers. Onelie there was not one of the potentates of Italie, except the pope, whom they named as conseruator of the accord, and that more for maner sake and ceremonie, than in effect and true meaning. Lastlie, it was expressed in the said capitulation, that in case the king for anie occa­sion, would not accomplish these matters promised; he should returne true prisoner.

This accord for the parts it conteined, brought no small astonishment to all Christendome. Whie this ac­cord set all Christendome in a woonde­ring. For when it was vnderstood, that the first execution thereof consisted in the deliuerie of the king, all mens opini­ons were, that being in his libertie, he would not deliuer vp Burgongnie, as being a member of too great importance for the realme of France. And except a few, who had counselled the emperour to it, all his court had the same iudgement, and namelie the Chancellor, who reprehended and detested the matter with so great vehemencie, that notwith­standing he was commanded to signe the capitula­tion (according to the office of chéefe chancellors) yet he refused to doo it, alledging; that in such matters, dangerous and hurtfull as that was, he ought not to vse the authoritie that was giuen him: neither could he be altered from this opinion, notwithstanding the emperour was angrie with him: who séeing him so resolute in his opinion, signed it himselfe, and with­in few daies after went to Madrill, to confirme the aliance, and make a foundation of amitie and good will with the king, whom he interteined in familiar and priuat sort.

Great were the ceremonies and demonstrati­ons of amitie betwéene them: oftentimes they she­wed themselues togither in places publike: and as often did they passe in secret familiar discourses. The French king marrieth the emperors sister accor­ding to a clause in the capitulation. They went togither in one coch vnto a castell not halfe a daies iournie from thence, where was quéene Eleanor, whom the king married. And yet in all these great signes of peace and amitie, he was ob­serued with as carefull and streict gard as before, without anie aduantage of libertie. So that he was embraced as a brother, and garded as a prisoner. A matter which made manifest to the world, that it was an accord full of discord, an aliance without amitie, and that vpon euerie occasion their ancient gelou­sies and passions would be stronger in them, than the regard of that aliance, made more by force than freendship. Manie daies were spent in these offices and ceremonies of amitie, when was brought from the ladie regent the ratification, togither with the de­claration, that with the Dolphin of France they would rather giue in hostage the kings second son, than the twelue barons.

Then the king departed from Madrill, taking his waie to the frontier of his realme, where was to be exchanged his person for his sonnes, who bare verie small age. There was sent to accompanie him the viceroy the worker and author of his deliuerie, to whome the emperour had giuen the citie of Al [...], with other estates in Flanders and in the kingdome of Na [...]les. The king of England hearing that the French king should now be deliuered, The king of England glad of the French kings deliue­rance. sent to him a knight of his chamber, called sir Thomas Ch [...]nie, to signifie to him the great ioy and gladnesse, which he conceiued for his restitution to libertie, and the con­clusion of the generall peace. For which kindnesse & [Page 890] courteous remembrance, the French king thought himselfe much bound (as he confesseth himselfe here after) to the king of England, & thanked him great­lie hereafter.

Guic. pag. 966. The maner of the deliuerie of the French king.After much a doo and manie remoouings, the French king was come on the confines of Fonta­rabie, a towne apperteining to the emperour, stand­ing vpon the Ocean sea, and is a frontier betwéene Biskaie and the duchie of Guien. And on the other side, the ladie regent was ariued with the children of line 10 France, at Baion, not manie leagues from Fon­tarabie. The torments of the gowt tooke hir by the waie, which was the cause that she had lingred some time longer than the daie appointed of permutation. But at last, the eighteenth daie of March, the French king accompanied with the viceroy and capteine A­larcon with fiftie horsse, was presented vpon the shore of the riuer that diuideth the realme of France from the kingdome of Spaine. And on the other side, vpon the shore opposite appéered monsieur Law­trech line 20 with the kings children and like number of horsse. There was in the middest of the riuer a great barke made fast with anchors, in which was no per­son. The king was rowed néere to this barke in a little boat, wherein he was accompanied with the viceroy, capteine Alarcon, and eight others, all ar­med with short weapons: and on the other side of the barke were likewise brought in a little boat, mon­sieur Lawtrech with the ostages & eight others, wea­poned according to the others. line 30

The French king with the viceroy are imbarked.After this the viceroy went into the barke with the king, and all his companie: and also monsieur Law­trech with his eight that accompanied him, so that they were within the barke a like number of both parts, Alarcon and his eight being with the viceroy, and Lawtrech and the others with the person of the king. And when they were all thus within the barke, Lawtrech fetched out of the boat into the barke, the Dolphin, who being giuen to the viceroy and by him committed to capteine Alarcon, was foorthwith be­stowed line 40 in their boate, and after him followed the lit­tle duke of Orleance, who was no sooner entred the barke, than the French king leaped out of the barke into his boate, which he did with such quicknesse and celeritie, that the exchange or permutation was thought to be doone at one selfe instant; so welcome to him was libertie, without the which nothing is swéet, nothing is comfortable, as the poet saith: ‘Libertas perdulce bonum, bona caetera reddit.’

The French K. is not a litle glad of his li­bertie.Assoone as the king was on the other side of the line 50 shore, his new libertie making him fearefull of am­bush, he mounted vpon a Turkish horsse of a woon­derfull swiftnesse, which was prepared for the pur­pose: and running betweene feare and gladnesse vp­on the spurre, he neuer staied till he came to S. Iohn de Lus, a towne of his obedience, foure leagues from the place. And being there readilie relieued with a fresh horsse, he ran with the same swiftnesse to Baion, where, after he had passed ouer the offices of court doone to him by his people, he dispatched line 60 with great diligence a gentleman to the king of England, to whom he wrote with his owne hand let­ters of his deliuerie, The king of England the procurer of the French kings libertie. charging the messenger vnder verie louing commission, to tell the king of Eng­land, that as he acknowledged the effect of his liber­tie to be wrought wholie by him and his operations, so in recompense, he offered to remaine to him a per­petuall and assured friend, and to be guided in all his affaires by his counsell. And afterwards he sent an other solemne ambassage into England, to ratifie the peace which his mother had made with him, as one that reapposed a verie great foundation in the amitie of that king.

Guic. pag. 968.When the French king was gotten into Baion, being required by a gentleman of the viceroys, The French king is [...] verie [...] to ratifie the accord. to ratifie the accord according to the obligation of his word, being come into a place free and assured, he de­ferred it from one daie to another, interposing rea­sons and excuses generall: wherin, to the end to hold still the emperour in hope, he sent to aduertise him by a man especiall, that he forbare for the present to accomplish the ratification, not by omission or wil­ling negligence, but vpon this necessitie, that before he procéeded reallie to such an act, he was to labour to reappease and reduce the minds of his subiects ill contented with the obligations he had made, ten­ding to the diminution of the crowne of France. Neuerthelesse, he would in his time resolue all diffi­culties, and obserue with fidelitie all that he had pro­mised to him, both in substance and circumstance. By this dealing, no lesse doubtfull for the manner, than dangerous in meaning, might easilie be com­prehended what were his intentions, the same be­ing more manifestlie detected at the arriuall of the messengers sent to him not manie daies after, by the pope and Uenetians, in whome was no great néed of industrie or labour, to sound out the plaine course of his inclination.

For, The French king compla [...] ­neth vpon the emp [...]rour to the messen­gers sent from the pope and the Ue­netians. after he had receiued them with manie de­monstrations and offices of court, he interteined them seuerallie and apart with sundrie spéeches of compassion, such as tended to manifest complaints against the inhumanitie of the emperour: who he said did neuer administer to him during his capti­uitie, anie one office apperteining to the ranks of a prince, nor at anie time shewed himselfe touched with that affection and commiseration which one prince ought to expresse in the calamities of another: and much lesse would vse anie course of common comfort, either to relieue the heauinesse of his condi­tion with anie propertie of apt consolation, or once to enter into consideration, that the same accident that had fallen vpon him, might also be as heauilie heaped vpon his owne head. In this complaint, he alleaged the example of Edward king of England called of some Edward Long-shanke. To whome when was presented as prisoner Iohn king of the Frenchmen, The king of England al­ledged by the French king as a preside [...] of humanitie in the case of a captiue king. taken by the prince of Wales his son in the battell of Poitiers, he did not onelie receiue him with great comfort and compassion of his afflic­ted case, but also, all the time of his imprisonment within the realme of England, he let him go at liber­tie vnder a frée gard.

Furthermore he had dailie familiar conuersati­on with him, he would oftentimes haue him to ac­companie him on hunting, to communicate in the o­pen aire and solace of the field, and was not curious to call gim to eat with him at his table. And by these humanities much lesse that he lost his prisoner, or ranged him to an accord lesse fauourable; but of the contrarie, by the operation of those graces and good offices, there grew betwéene them such a familiaritie and confidence, that the French king, after he had continued manie yeares in France, made a volun­tarie voiage into England, to honour and gratifie vnder that propertie of office, the liberalitie and frankenesse of the king. He alleged that as there was onelie remembrance of two kings of France that had beene taken prisoners in battell, king Iohn and himselfe, so the diuersitie of the examples was also worthie of singular memorie, séeing vpon the one was exercised all facilitie and mildnesse of the victor, and to the other were ministred all those ri­gours and seuerities, which tyrants in the height and pride of their fortune are woont to vse. Herevn­to he added manie circumstances discouering the discontentment of his mind, wherevpon insued prac­tises wherewith the emperour was not well pleased. [Page 891] [...] [Page 892] said, that he might lawfullie demand anie summe by commission, and that by the consent of the whole councell it was doone, and tooke God to witnes that he neuer desired the hinderance of the com­mons, but like a true councellor deuised how to in­rich the king. The king indéed was much offended that his commons were thus intreated, & thought it touched his honor, that his councell should attempt such a doubtfull matter in his name, and to be denied both of the spiritualtie and temporaltie. Therefore be line 10 would no more of that trouble, but caused letters to be sent into all shires, that the matter should no fur­ther be talked of: & he pardoned all them that had de­nied the demand openlie or secretlie. The cardinall, to deliuer himselfe of the euill will of the commons, purchased by procuring & aduancing of this demand, affirmed, and caused it to be bruted abrode, that through his intercession the king had pardoned and released all things.

Those that were in the Tower and Fleet for the line 20 rebellion in Suffolke, The rebels pardoned af­ter their ap­pearance in the Star chamber. and resisting the commissio­ners aswell there as in Huntington shire and Kent, were brought before the lords in the Star chamber, and there had their offenses opened and shewed to them: and finallie the kings pardon declared, and thereon they were deliuered. ¶In this season a great number of men of warre laie at Bullongne, and in other places thereabout, which diuerse times attemp­ted to indamage the Englishmen, and to spoile the English pale: but they could neuer spoile the mari­shes line 30 where the greatest part of the cattell belonging to the inhabitants was kept. Tindale men great robbers Tindale men with aid of the Scots, did much hurt in England by robbe­ries, which they exercised: and therefore were sent thither, sir Richard Bulmere, and sir Christopher Da­cres, to restreine their dooings. Diuerse came to them, and submitted themselues: but the greatest théeues kept them in the mounteins of Cheuiot, and did much hurt, yet at length they seuered, and manie of them were taken.

The cardinall by his power legantine sent one of line 40 his chapleins called doctor Iohn Allen, to visit the religious houses of this realme about this season, which doctor practised amongst them greatlie to his profit, but more to the slander both of himselfe and of his maister. On the eightéenth daie of Iune, at the manor place of Bridewell, K. Henries base sonne created earle and duke in one daie. the kings sonne (which he had begot of Elizabeth Blunt, daughter to sir Iohn Blunt knight) called Henrie Fitzroie, was created first earle of Notingham, and after on the selfe same daie he was created duke of Richmond and Sum­merset. line 50 Also the same daie the lord Henrie Court­neie earle of Deuonshire, and coosine germane to the king, was created marquesse of Excester: and the lord Henrie Brandon sonne to the duke of Suf­folke and the French queene, a child of two yeares old, was created earle of Lincolne: and sir Thomas Manners lord Roos was created earle of Rutland, and sir Henrie Clifford earle of Cumberland, and the lord Fitzwater sir Robert Ratcliffe was crea­ted vicount Fitzwater, and sir Thomas Bullen trea­suror line 60 of the kings houshold was created vicount Rochefort.

The French kings mother as then regent of France, procured a safe conduct for an ambassador to be sent into England to treat of peace, and there­with sent Iohn Iokin called monsieur de Uaux, which (as yée haue heard) in the last yeare was kept secret in maister Larks house. By his procurement a truce was granted to indure from the thirtéenth of Iulie for fortie daies betwéene England and France both by sea and land. A truce be­twéene Eng­land & France for fortie daies. In the later end of Iulie came into England the chéefe president of Rone with suffi­cient authoritie to conclude anie agréement that should be granted. At his sute the king was conten­ted that a truce should be taken, to endure from the foureteenth of August, till the first of December. This yeare the king sent doctor Henrie Standish bi­shop of saint Asse, Ambassa [...] sent into Denma [...]. and sir Iohn Baker knight into Denmarke, to intreat with the nobles of that coun­trie for the reduction of their king Christierne to his realme and former dignitie: but the Danes hated him so much for his crueltie, that they could not a­bide to heare of anie such matter, and so these ambas­sadors returned without speeding of their purpose for the which they were sent.

But the French ambassadors did so much both by offers and intreaties, A peace pro­clamed be­tweene Eng­land & Frāce. that the king condescended to a peace, which being concluded, was proclamed in London with a trumpet the eight of September. By the couenants of this peace the king of Eng­land should receiue at certeine daies twentie hun­dred thousand crownes, which then amounted in ster­ling monie to the summe of foure hundred thousand pounds sterling, of which one paiment of fiftie thou­sand pounds was paid in hand. In October were sent into France, The ladie re­gent sworne to performe the articles of the league. sir William Fitzwilliam treasu­ror of the kings house, and doctor Tailor, as ambas­sadors from the king of England to the ladie regent, whome they found at the citie of Lion, where, of hir they were honorablie receiued: and in their presence the said ladie regent tooke a corporall oth in solemne wise, and according to the custome in such cases vsed, to performe all the articles and couenants passed and concluded in the league and treatie of peace by hir commissioners.

The emperour was nothing pleased, in that the king of England had thus concluded peace with the Frenchmen, and therefore the English merchants were not so courteouslie dealt with, as they had béene afore time. A winters death. In this winter was great death in Lon­don, so that the terme was adiourned: and the king kept his Christmasse at Eltham, The still Christmasse. with a small num­ber, and therefore it was called the still Christmasse. ¶In Ianuarie was a peace concluded betwixt the realmes of England and Scotland for thrée yeares and six moneths. year 1526 The cardinall about this time com­ming to the court, which then laie (as before yée haue heard) at Eltham, tooke order for altering the state of the kings house. The cardina [...] altereth the state of the kings hous­hold. Manie officers and other seruants were discharged, and put to their pensions and annu­ities. In which number were fourescore and foure yeomen of the gard, which before hauing twelue pence the daie with checke, were now allowed six pence the daie without checke, and commanded to go home into their countries. Diuers ordinances were made at that season by the cardinall, touching the gouernance of the kings house, more profitable than honorable, as some said, and were called long after, The statutes of Eltham. The statutes of Eltham.

On Shrouetuesdaie there was a solemne iusts held at the manor of Gréenewich, the king & eleuen other on the one part, and the marquesse of Excester with eleauen other on the contrarie part. ¶At those iusts by chance of shiuering of a speare sir Francis Brian lost one of his eies. The eleuenth of Februa­rie being sundaie, the cardinall with great pompe came to the cathedrall church of Paules, where he sat in pontificalibus vnder his cloth of estate of rich cloth of gold, and there doctor Barnes an Augustine frier bare a fagot for certeine points of heresie allea­ged against him; Doct. Barne [...] and two mer­chants of the Stillard beare fagots. and two merchants of the Still­ard bare fagots for eating of flesh on a fridaie: and there the bishop of Rochester doctor Fisher made a sermon against Martine Luther, which certeine yeares before, that is to wit, about the yeare a thou­sand fiue hundred and eightéene, had begun to preach and write against the authoritie of the pope.

[Page 893]Ye must here note, that the emperour being at Windsor in the fourtéenth yeere of the kings reigne couenanted, amongst other things, to take to wife the ladie Marie daughter to the king of England: but now vpon considerations his mind changed, for the which the Englishmen sore murmured against him. On the nine and twentith of Aprill being sun­daie, the cardinall soong a solemne masse in the kings chappell at Gréenewich, Anno. Reg. 18. and after the same was en­ded, the king sware in presence of the ambassadors of France, K [...]ng Henrie s [...]rne to per­for [...]e the lea­gue concluded. and of the ambassadors of Rome, of the line 10 emperour of Uenice, and of Florence, to obserue and kéepe the peace and league concluded betwixt him and his louing brother, and perpetuall alie the French king, during his life and one yeare after.

In this meane while, there was a secret league concluded betwixt the pope, A secret lea­g [...] betwixt [...] pope and [...] states of I [...]alie. the Uenecians, the Flo­rentins, and Francis Sforza duke of Millan: into the which league the French king also entered, after he was returned into France. There was also place line 20 left to the king of England to enter into the same league, and likewise to all other kings and princes: and if the king of England would, he should be ad­mitted as protector of the same. But the emperour might not be admitted, till he had deliuered the French kings children (hauing a reasonable summe of monie for the same) and had restored the duke of Millan to his whole duchie. It was thought indéed, that the emperour being wrongfullie informed a­gainst this duke, rather through enuie of some of the line 30 emperours capteins, than for anie cause ministred by the duke, dealt verie streightlie with him, & meant to defeat him of his duchie. For redresse wherof, and also to prouide that the emperor should not grow too strong in Italie to the danger of other estates, this league was deuised: by force whereof he might be brought to reason, if he would refuse conuenient of­fers and indifferent waies of agréement.

This league was concluded the two and twentith of Maie in this yeare. What followed thereof, ye line 40 may read more at large in the histories of Italie and France, Read Guic. [...].18. where the warres are more at large tou­ched, which chanced in that season betwixt the empe­rour, and the confederats, and how the imperiall ar­mie tooke the citie of Rome, and besieging the pope in castell saint Angelo, constreined him to yéeld, and agree to certeine propositions put vnto him. Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 1067 ¶Who being by his aduersitie made naked of all helpe pre­sent, and lesse expectation to be rescued where was so great want of valour and order, was driuen to line 50 run the race of his fortune, compounding the sixt daie of Iune with the imperials almost vnder the same conditions with the which he might haue accor­ded before. The pope be­ing abando­ned of all [...]opes, com­p [...]ndeth with the im­perials. That the pope should paie to the armie foure hundred thousand duckets in this order: one hundred thousand presentlie to be defraied of the gold, monie, and treasure reserued in the castell: fif­tie thousand within twentie daies, and two hundred and fiftie thousand within two moneths: assigning to him for these defraiments, an impost of monie to line 60 be charged vpon the whole church state. That he should deliuer into the power of the emperour, to re­teine them so long as he thought good, the castell S. Angelo, the rockes of Ostia, of Ciuita Uecchia, of Ciuita Castelano, togither with the cities of Par­ma, Plaisanca, and Modena.

A hard article [...]nd to be me [...] ­ [...]lled how the pope and his [...] brooke.Furthermore, that the pope togither with all those cardinals that were with him, which were thirtéene in number, should remaine prisoners within the ca­stell, vntill the first paiment of an hundred and fiftie thousand duckets were satisfied. That afterwards they should go to Naples or to Caietta, to expect what the emperour would determine of them. That for assurance of the paiments, whereo [...] the third part apperteined to the Spaniards, he should deliuer in for ostages, the archbishops of Siponto and Pisa, the bishops of Pistoia & Uerona, togither with Iames Saluiatio, Simon de Ricasola, and Laurence bro­ther to cardinall Rodolffo. That Ranso de Cero, Al­bert Pio, Oratio Baillon, the knight Casalo, the am­bassadour of England, with all others that were sa­ued within the castell, except the pope and the cardi­nals, should depart in suertie. That the pope should giue absolution to the Colonnois of the censures they had incurred. And that when he should be led out of Rome, a legat should remaine there for him with authoritie to dispose and administer iustice.

During the popes captiuitie, Guic. pag. 1072 Rome was sore af­flicted with the plague, in somuch that the rage there­of so greatlie increased, The castell where the pope was pri­soner infected with the pla­gue. that the castell of saint An­gelo was visited, to the great danger of the life of the pope; about whome died certeine speciall men that did seruice to his person: who amid so manie afflicti­ons and aduersities, and no other hope remaining to him than in the clemencie of the emperour, appointed for legat with the consent of the capteins, cardinall Alexander of Farneso, who notwithstanding being issued out of the castell, and Rome, refused vnder that occasion to go in the, said legation. The capteins de­sired to carie the person of the pope with the thirtéene cardinals that were with him, to Caietto: but he la­boured against that resolution with great diligence, petitions, and art.]

¶In the month of Maie was a proclamation made against all vnlawfull games, Ed. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxlix. according to the sta­tutes made in this behalfe, and commissions awar­ded into euerie shire for the execution of the same; so that in all places, tables, dice, cards, and bouls were taken and burnt. Wherfore the people murmured a­gainst the cardinall, saieng: that he grudged at eue­rie mans plesure, sauing his owne. But this procla­mation small time indured. For when yoong men were forbidden boules and such other games: some fell to drinking, some to feretting of other mens co­nies, some to stealing of deere in parks, and other vn­thriftinesse.]

This yeare in the citie of London a great grudge was conceiued against merchants strangers, Great grudge against stran­gers for pro­curing licēces to sell w [...]dad. for that they by vertue of licences, which they had pur­chased to bring woad into the realme, contrarie to a statute thereof prouided, brought ouer such plentie thereof, and vttered it aswell in the citie, as abroad in the countrie, so franklie, that Englishmens woad laie vnbought. Edw. Hall. H. 8. fol. Cliiij. At length the maior called a common councell in the moneth of August, and there were manie billes laied against the strangers, and at last it was enacted, that no citizen nor fréeman shuld buy nor sell in no place, nor exchange nor meddle with certeine strangers, called Anthonie Bonuice, Laurence Bonuice, Anthonie Uiuald, Anthonie Caueler, Francis de Bard, Thomas Calnecant, and a great sort more, whose names I let passe. And if anie person did meddle or occupie with them con­trarie to this act, he should loose his fréedome and li­bertie in the citie of London. By whi [...]h act the stran­gers were so brideled, that they came to a reasonable point and conclusion.

In this season the angell noble was iust the sixt part of an ounce Troie, Ualuation of certeine coins as angels, rials, crowns, &c. so that six angels were iust an ounce, which was fourtie shillings sterling; & the angell was worth two ounces of siluer: so that six angels were worth twelue ounces, which was but fourtie shillings in siluer. By reason of the good weight and low valuation of the English coine, mer­chants dailie carried ouer great store, bicause the same was much inhanced there. So that, to méet with this inconuenience, in September proclama­tion was made through all England, that the angell [Page 894] should go for seuen shillings foure pence, the roiall for eleuen shillings, & the crowne for foure shillings foure pence. On the fift of Nouember following, by proclamation againe, the angell was inhanced to se­uen shillings six pence, and so euerie ounce of gold should be fiue and fourtie shillings, and an ounce of siluer at thrée shillings and nine pence in value.

The king kept a solemne Christmasse at Gréene­wich with reuelles, Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cliiij. maskes, disguisings, & bankets: and the thirtith daie of December, was an enterprise line 10 of iusts made at the tilt by six gentlemen, against all commers, which valiantlie furnished the same, both with speare and sword: and like iusts were kept the third daie of Ianuarie, where were thrée hundred speares broken. That same night, the king and ma­nie yoong gentlemen with him, came to Bridewell, and there put him and fiftéene other, all in masking apparell, and then tooke his barge, and rowed to the cardinals place, where were at supper a great com­panie of lords and ladies, and then the maskers dan­sed, line 20 and made goodlie pastime: and when they had well dansed, the ladies plucked awaie their visors, and so they were all knowen, and to the king was made a great banket.

On the fourtéenth of Ianuarie came to the court don Hugo de Mendoza, year 1527 a man of a noble familie in Spaine: An ambassa­dour from the emperour. he came as ambassadour from the empe­rour put it to the kings determination, whether his demands which he required of the French king line 30 were reasonable or not. This noble man tarried here two yéeres. Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cliiij. A plaie at Graies In. ¶This Christmasse was a goodlie dis­guising plaied at Graies In, which was compiled for the most part by maister Iohn Roo, sergeant at the law manie yeares past, and long before the car­dinall had any authoritie. The effect of the play was, that lord gouernance was ruled by dissipation and negligence, The argu­ment of the plai [...] ▪ by whose misgouernance and euill order ladie publike weale was put from gouernance: which caused rumor populi, inward grudge and disdaine line 40 of wanton souereignetie, to rise with a great multi­tude, to expell negligence and dissipation, and to re­store publike welth againe to hir estate, which was so doone.

This plaie was so set foorth with rich and costlie ap­parell, with strange deuises of maskes & morrishes, that it was highlie praised of all men, The cardi­nall is offen­ded at it and punisheth the author and actors of the same. sauing of the cardinall, which imagined that the play had beene de­uised of him, and in a great furie sent for the said mai­ster Roo, and tooke from him his coife, and sent him to line 50 the Fléet; and after he sent for the yoong gentlemen, that plaied in the plaie, and them highlie rebuked and threatned, and sent one of them called Thomas Moile of Kent to the Fléet, but by means of friends maister Roo and he were deliuered at last. This plaie sore displeased the cardinall, and yet it was neuer meant to him, as you haue heard. Wherfore manie wisemen grudged to sée him take it so hartilie, and e­uer the cardinall said that the king was highlie dis­pleased with it, and spake nothing of himselfe. But what will you haue of a guiltie conscience but to sus­pect line 60 all things to be said of him (as if all the world knew his wickednesse) according to the old verse: ‘Conscius ipse sibi de se putat omnia dici.]’

Ambassadors frō the Frēch king.The second of March were receiued into London the bishop of Tarbe, Francis vicount of Thurane, and master Anthonie Uescie second president of Pa­ris, as ambassadours from the French king. They were lodged in Tailors hall. On Shrouetuesdaie the king himselfe in a new harnesse all gilt, of a strange fashion that had not béene seene, Edw. Hall pag. Clv. A iustes. and with him eight gentlemen all in cloth of gold of one sute, embrodered with knots of siluer, and the marques of Excester, and eight with him in blew veluet and white sattin, like the waues of the sea, these men of armes came to the tilt, and there ran manie fresh courses, till two hundred fourescore and six speares were broken, and then they disarmed and went to the quéenes chamber, where for them was prouided a costlie banket.

The French ambassadours sued (as was said) to haue the ladie Marie daughter to the K. of Eng­land, giuen in mariage to the duke of Orleance, Sute by the French am­bassadors for the ladie Ma­rie to be mar­ried to the duke of Or­leance. se­cond sonne to their master the French king: but that matter was put in suspense for diuerse considera­tions. And one was, for that the president of Paris doubted whether the mariage betweene the king and hir mother (she being his brothers wife) was lawfull or not. ¶While the French ambassadors laie thus in London, Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. Clv. The dogged nature of the French for a matter of no­thing. it happened one euening as they were com­ming from the Blacke friers, from supper to the Tailors hall, two boies were in a gutter casting downe rubbish, which the raine had driuen there, and vnwares hit a lackeie belonging to the vicount of Thurane, and hurt him nothing, for scantlie tou­ched it his cote. But the French lords tooke the mat­ter highlie, as a thing doone in despite, & sent word to the cardinall. Who being too hastie of credence, sent for sir Thomas Seimor knight, lord maior of the ci­tie, and in all hast commanded him vpon his allegi­ance, to take the husband, wife, children, and seruants of the house, and them to imprison, till he knew fur­ther of the kings pleasure, and that the two boies ap­prentises should be sent to the Tower: which com­mandement was accomplished without anie fauor. For the man, and his wife, and seruants, The cardi­nals cruelt [...]. were kept in the counter till the sixt daie of Maie, which was six wéekes full, and their neighbours of gentlenesse kept their house in the meane time, and one of the ap­prentises died in the Tower, and the other was al­most lame. Of the crueltie of the cardinall, and of the pride of the Frenchmen, much people spake, & would haue béene reuenged on the Frenchmen, if wise men in the citie had not appeased it with faire words.]

On the foureteenth daie of March were conueied from London to Gréenwich by the earle of Rutland and others, Ambassadors from the king of Hungarie. the lord Gabliel de Salamanca earle of Ottonburgh, Iohn Burgraue of Siluerberge, and Iohn Faber a famous clearke, after bishop of Uien, as ambassadors from don Ferdinando, brother to the emperour, newlie elect king of Hungarie and Beame, after the death of his brother in law king Lewes, which was slaine by the Turke the last sum­mer, as you haue heard before. This companie was welcomed of the high officers, and after brought in­to the kings presence, all the nobilitie being present, and there after great reuerence made, master Fa­ber made a notable oration, An oration made by mai­ster Faber. taking his ground of the gospell, Exijt seminator seminare semen suum, and of that he declared how Christ and his disciples went foorth to sow, and how their seed was good that fell in­to the good ground, and brought foorth good fruit, which was the christian faith: and then he declared how contrarie to that sowing, Mahomet had sowne séed, which brought foorth euill fruit. He also shewed from the beginning, how the Turkes haue increased in power, what realmes they had conquered, what people they had subdued euen to that daie.

He declared further what acts the great Turke then liuing had doone, and in especiall he noted the getting of Belgrad, and of the Rhodes, and the slai­eng of the king of Hungarie, to the great rebuke (as he said) of all the kings christened. He set foorth also what power the Turke had, what diuersities of com­panies, what armor, what capteins he had, so that he thought, that without a maruellous great number of people he could not be ouerthrowne. Wherefore he most humblie besought the king, as S. Georges [Page 895] knight, and defendor of the faith, to assist the king his master in that godlie warre and vertuous purpose. To this oration the K. by the mouth of sir Thomas Moore answered, The kings answer by the mouth of sir Thomas Moore. that much he lamented the losse that happened in Hungarie, and if it were not for the wars which were betweene the two great princes, he thought that the Turke would not haue enterprised that act. Wherefore he with all his studie would take paine, first, to set an vnitie and peace throughout all christendome; and after that, both with monie and men, he wold be redie to helpe toward that glorious line 10 warre, as much as any other prince in christendome. After this doone, the ambassadours were well cheri­shed, and diuerse times resorted to the court, and had great cheare and good rewards, and so the third daie of Maie next insuing, they tooke their leaue and de­parted homeward.

A verie wet season for a long time by continuall raine.In the winter season of this yeare fell great a­bundance of raine, and namelie in September, No­uember, and December. And on the sixtéenth of Ia­nuarie it rained so abundantlie, that great flouds line 20 thereby insuing, destroied corne fields, pastures, and drowned manie sheepe and beasts. Then was it drie till the twelfe of Aprill, and from thence it rained euerie day or night till the third of Iune, & in Maie it rained thirtie hours continuallie without ceasing, which caused great flouds, & did much harme, namelie in corne, so that the next yeare it failed within this realme, and great dearth insued.

¶This time a bill was set vp in London, much con­trarie to the honour of the cardinall, Anno. Reg. 19. Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fo. Clvj. in the which the line 30 cardinall was warned that he should not counsell the king to marrie his daughter into France: for if hée did, A caueat to the cardinall by a libell set [...]y in Lōdon. he should shew himselfe enimie to the king and the realme, with manie threatning words. This bill was deliuered to the cardinall by sir Thomas Sei­mor maior of the citie, which thanked him for the same, & made much search for the author of that bill, but he could not be found, which sore displeased the cardinall. And vpon this occasion the last daie of A­prill line 40 at night he caused a great watch to be kept at Westminster, and had there cart guns readie char­ged, & caused diuerse watches to be kept about Lon­don, in Newington, S. Iohns stréet, Westminster, saint Giles, Islington, and other places néere Lon­don: which watches were kept by gentlemen & their seruants, with housholders, and all for feare of the Londoners bicause of this bill. When the citizens knew of this, they said that they maruelled why the cardinall hated them so, The citizens of London are hated of the cardinall▪ and he also of them for they said that if he mis­trusted them, he loued them not: and where loue is line 50 not, there is hatred: and they affirmed that they ne­uer intended anie harme toward him, and mused of this chance. For if fiue or six persons had made alarm in the citie, then had entred all these watchmen with their traine, which might haue spoiled the citie with­out cause. Wherefore they much murmured against the cardinall and his vndiscréet dooings.]

The French ambassadors at Greenwich on sunday the fift of Maie, The French ambassadors in the name of their maister sweare to ob­serue the league. See Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol▪ Clv. & deinceps. sware in the name of their maister line 60 the French king to obserue the peace and league con­cluded betwéene them, for tearme of two princes liues. These ambassadours had great cheare, and iustes were enterprised for the honour and pleasure of them at the kings commandement by sir Nicho­las Carew, sir Robert Ierningham, sir Anthonie Browne, and Nicholas Haruie esquier chalengers. Against whome ran the marques of Excester, and thirtéen with him as defendants. When these ambas­sadours should returne, they had great rewards gi­u [...]n them of the king, and so tooke their leaue and de­parted. Shortlie after the king sent sir Thomas Bullen vicount Rochford, and sir Anthonie Browne knight, as ambassadours from him into France, which came to Paris to the bishop of Bath that laie there for the king as legier. Ambassadors into France.

Then these thrée went to the court, and saw the French king in person sweare to kéepe the league & amitie concluded betwéene him & the king of Eng­land. Also the king sent sir Francis Poins knight ambassadour from him to Charles the emperour, and with him went Clarenceaur king of armes, to demand the one halfe of the treasure and ordinance which was taken at Pauia, An ambassage to the emperor forsomuch as that warre was made as well at the kings charge as at the em­perours. Also they were commanded to demand one of the French kings sonnes, which lay in hostage with the emperour, that is to wit, the duke of Orle­ance to be deliuered to the king of England; and fur­ther that he shuld call backe his armie out of Italie. And if it were so that he refused these reasonable re­quests, then should they in the kings name denounce open warre against him. The English merchants liked the matter nothing at all, that there should bée anie warres betwixt the emperour and the king of England. And where they were desired by the cardi­nall to kéepe their marts at Calis, they would not assent thereto.

¶ In this meane time great warres were mana­ged betwéen the pope and other princes, Abr. Fl. ex Guic. pag. 106 [...] The duke of Burbon in­campeth néere Rome. amongest whom the duke of Burbon (of whom you haue heard often mention before in sundrie actions) leuieng a great power, led the same towards Rome, and in­camped within the medow néere to the citie, from whence with the insolencie of a souldier hee sent a trumpet to demand passage of the pope through the citie of Rome, to go with his armie to the realme of Naples. The morning following vpon the point of the daie, by the consideration of his case and the ad­uersities thereof, he found there remained no other hope for his affaires, than to be resolute to reléeue the afflictions of his armie, and according to the opportu­nitie that was offered by the citie of Rome, either to die or to vanquish. In which resolution pushed on more and more by the murmurs and exclamations of his souldiers, in whom he could not discerne which was greater, either their insolencies or their ne­cessities, he drew néere the suburbs by the waie of the mounteine and Santo Spirito, where he began to giue a furious assault. Wherein he séemed to haue the fauour of fortune, who made him present his armie in more suertie by the benefit of a thicke mist, which be­ing risen before daie, and increased with degrees of fog and thicknesse, became such a couer to his whole campe, that his souldiers were not discerned till they were néere the place where they began to giue the assault.

The duke of Burbon through a last despaire of his estate aduanced before all his companies, either for that he had no other expectation of refuge, in case he returned not victorious, or else by his owne example he thought to call on with a greater courage the lanceknights, who it séemed went not resolutelie to the seruice. But such was his destinie to determine his life & his glorie togither, or rather such the reward of his wilfull forwardnes, which for the most part hea­peth wretched effects vpon such as seeke not to ac­companie their valour with counsell and discretion. The duke of Burbon slain at the assault of Rome. In the beginning of the assault he was striken with a bullet of an harquebuze, of which wound he fell downe dead to the earth, receiuing iustlie vpon his bodie and life the price of the action, which contrarie to all iustice and pietie he went about to execute. But much lesse that his death did abate or diminish, séeing it did inflame and redouble the courage of his soul­diers, who fighting with a woonderfull constancie the space of two houres, made waie at last by their hands and weapons to enter the suburbs, wherin they [Page 896] were not onelie holpen by the weaknesse of the ram­pires which were great and generall, but also they found helpe in the slender resistance which the de­fendants made.

The morall of the fore said action woorth the noting.An experience of right good doctrine to such as haue not as yet gotten by the benefit of examples past, the knowledge of things present, who in that action maie discerne what propertie of difference is betwéene the vertue of souldiours exercised and trai­ned in war, and armies newlie and hastilie leuied, line 10 and compounded of the multitude of a people more wilfull than skilfull; and by so much lesse apt to be drawen vnder discipline, by how much more by their nature and custome they are seldome conformable to anie good order. For there was at the defense of the suburbs one part of the youth of Rome, vnder the ensignes of the people; notwithstanding that manie of the Gebelins & faction of Colonno desired, or at least did not feare the victorie of the imperials. They hoped in regard of their faction, to receiue no harme line 20 or offense by the victors: the same being the cause whie they procéeded so coldlie in the defense. Neuer­thelesse, for that according to the rules of warre, it is a hard matter to take townes without artilleries, there died of the assailants, partlie by that want, and partlie through their wilfull forwardnesse, about a a thousand footmen; who hauing once by their valor made the waie open to enter in, all the defendants fled before them as men whose feare was far aboue anie other sense or passion in them. line 30

Rome taken and sacked.In which disorder, some tooke the waie which his fortune and not his wit laid out for him: some in the astonishment séeking to flie, who durst no more fight, were slaine by the enimie afore he could re­solue vpon the waie of his safetie; some either better prepared, or more happilie preserued, found that safe­tie in running away, which they could not but doubt if they had longer endured the fight: and some with that resolution which their present calamitie would suffer, ran by heapes towards the castell, where in place of rescue they found a feare conformable to line 40 their owne: insomuch as all things being reduced to confusion and manifest flight, the suburbs were entierlie abandoned & left a preie to the victors. And the person of the pope, who expected with great deuo­tion in the palace of Uatican what would be the issue of the assault, hearing that the enimies were entred, had also (with the others) his passions of feare & frail­tie, The pope with certeine cardinals flie to the castell of saint Angelo. and in that timorous contemplation of his owne perill, he fled with certeine cardinalles to the castell. line 50

His feare kept him from being resolute in a pe­rill that was so desperate, neither did he thinke, that with the presence and maiestie of his person, though it was couered with the vaile of the highest dignitie on earth, he was able to put by the danger, which the valor and fidelitie of his souldiers could not defend with their weapons. There he consulted with the cardinalles, whether it were more for his safetie to remaine there, or during the furie of the astonish­ment, to retire with the light horssemen of his gard into some place of more suertie by the waie of line 60 Rome. But he, who was appointed by destinie, to be an example of the calamities that maie thunder vpon popes, and how fraile is the authoritie and ma­iestie of that sée, being certified by the relation of Berard de Padoa, who was fled from the armie imperiall, that the duke of Burbon was dead, and that the whole armie standing abated in courage for the death of their capteine, desired to come to accord with him. In which matter they sent out men to parlée with the principalles there, he wretchedlie left there all his councelles to go awaie, both he and his capteins remaining no lesse irresolute in the prouisions for defense, than they had beene slow in the expeditions.

So that the daie following, the Spaniards nei­ther séeing order nor councell to defend the quarter beyond Tiber, entred the place without anie resi­stance. And from thence, not finding anie impedi­ments to stop their victorie, the same euening they entred the citie of Rome by the bridge Xisto,; where, The Spani­ards enter in­to Rome by the bridge Xisto. except such as reapposed in the confidence of their fa­ction, and certeine cardinalles, who for that they bare a name to embrace the emperours quarrell, be­léeued to find more suertie than the others, all the re­sidue of the court and citie (as happeneth in accidents so furious) was conuerted into fléeing and confusi­on. But the souldiours being within the citie, which they knew wanted nothing to make them right glo­rious, and well satisfied of all things apperteining to their desires, they began to omit no time to execute the thing they had so dearlie bought. Euerie one ran to pillage with the same vnbridled libertie, which in such cases maketh souldiors both insolent and im­pious.

There was small care or regard borne either to the name of fréends, factions, or fauourers; The reader is to tol [...]erate the report of this historie though sauouring of superstition. and much lesse was respected the authoritie of cardinalles and prelats, or dignitie of temples and monasteries; and lastlie, not reserued from violation, the holie reliks brought thither from all parts of the world; yea e­uen things sacred, and speciallie dedicated, were pro­faned from their shrines and holie places, and made subiect to the furious wils and discretion of the soul­diours. It is not onelie impossible to reaccount, but also to imagine the calamities of that citie raised to a woonderfull greatnesse, and appointed by Gods ordinance to suffer manie fortunes and directions, hauing beene sacked by the Goths within ix.C. and lxxx yeares. It is hard to particulate the great­nesse of the preie, both for the generall wealth and riches which the gréedie hands of the souldiours had made vp in heaps, and for other things more rare and pretious drawne out of the store-houses of mer­chants and courtiers. But the matter which made the spoile infinit in value, was the qualitie and great number of prisoners redéemed with most rich and huge ransomes.

And to make vp a full tragedie of miserie and infamie, This spec­tacle could not but affoord plentie of hart-greéfe. the lanceknights being so much the more insolent and cruell, by how much they bare hatred to the name of the church of Rome, tooke prisoners cer­teine prelats, whom with great contempt and indig­nitie they set vpon asses and leane mules, and with their faces reuersed to the crowp of the beasts, they led them thorough the citie of Rome, apparelled with the habits and markes of their dignitie: yea they passed manie of them to cruell torments, who either died in the furie of the action, or at least with the painefulnesse thereof they liued not long after, first yéelding a ransome, and afterwards rendering their liues. The generall slaughter as well at the assault as in the rage of sacking, was about foure thousand bodies. All the palaces of the cardina [...]les were sac­ked, except some particulars, who to saue the mer­chants that were retired thither with their goods, to­gither with the persons and goods of manie others reserued of the generall calamitie, made promise of great summes of monie. To whom notwithstand­ing was vsed this iniquitie, that some of them that had compounded with the Spaniards, were after­wards sacked by the lanceknights, or at least con­streined to a second ransome.

The ladie marquesse of Mantua compounded for hir palace for the summe of fiftie thousand duc­kats, Composition [...] with the soul­diours to sa [...] certeine pla­ces vnsacked▪ which were paied by the merchants and others retired thither: of which summe the rumor ran, that Ferrand hir sonne had ten thousand for his share. [Page 897] The cardinall of Sienna dedicated in a perpetuall deuotion to the name of the emperor, after he had a­greed with the Spaniards, as well for him selfe as for his palace, was afterwards made prisoner by the lanceknights, who made bootie and preie of his pa­lace; and afterwards leading him all naked with buffets and bastanadoes into the borough, he was driuen to redéeme his life out of their hands, with a promise of fiue thousand duckats. The cardinalles Minerua and Ponsero passed vnder almost the like line 10 calamitie, who being prisoners to the lanceknights, were rated at a ransome which they paied, after they had béene in a vile spectacle caried in procession tho­rough the towne of Rome.

This furie of souldiours executed in a place of so great riches and profit, could endure no dispensati­on of anie sort or qualitie of men, seeing the prelats and cardinalles, Spanish and Germans, who made themselues assured that the souldiours of their nati­on would spare them from oppression and taxation, line 20 were taken and passed by the same measure of mi­serie and calamitie as others did. Right pitifull were the criengs and lamentations of the women of Rome: The shame­full and la­mentable ab­use which the souldiors offe­red to the fe­male sex. and no lesse woorthie of compassion, the calamitie of nunnes and virgins professed, whom the souldiours rauished by troopes out of their houses to satisfie their lust, no age, no sex, no dignitie or calling was frée from the violation of souldiours, in whom it was doubtfull whether bare more rule, the humor of crueltie to kill, or the appetite of lust to defloure, or line 30 lastlie, the rage of couetousnesse to rob and spoile: yea in the violation of these women might be discer­ned a confirmation of the iudgements of God hid­den from mortall men, for that he suffered to be deli­uered vp to the vilenesse of men, barbarous and bloo­die, the renowmed chastitie of women professed and virgins.

To this compassion was ioined the infinite cla­mors of men forced against all law of humanitie, partlie to wrest from them vnreasonable ransomes, line 40 and partlie to disclose their goods which [...] had hid­den from the rauine of the souldiors. All [...] things, sacraments and reliks of saints, whereof the chur­ches were full, being despoiled of their ornaments, were pulled downe, and laid vpon the earth, suffring no small prophanations, by the vile hands of the lanceknights. And whatsoeuer remained vpon the preies and spoilings of the imperialles, which were things but base and vile, were raked and caried a­waie by the pezants and tenants of the lands of the Colonnois, whose insolencie caried them into Rome line 50 during the generall furie. Onelie the cardinall of Colonno arriuing the daie after, preserued in his compassion the honor of manie women that happilie were fled for rescue into his house. The rumor went that the valuation and price of this sacke in gold, The value of this sacke in gold, siluer, and iewels. sil­uer, and iewels, amounted to more than a millian of duckats, but the matter of ransomes conteined a greater quantitie.]

When Rome was thus taken by the imperials, and the pope brought into captiuitie, therewith the line 60 king was so incensed against the emperour by the instigation of the cardinall, that he had determined not to spare anie treasure for the popes deliuerance. There rose a secret brute in London that the kings confessor doctor Longland, The kings marriage brought in question. and diuerse other great clerks had told the king that the marriage betweene him and the ladie Katharine, late wife to his brother prince Arthur was not lawfull: wherevpon the king should sue a diuorse, and marrie the duchesse of Alan­son sister to the French king at the towne of Calis this summer: and that the vicount Rochford had brought with him the picture of the said ladie. The king was offended with those tales, and sent for sir Thomas Seimor maior of the citie of London, se­cretlie charging him to sée that the people ceassed from such talke.

But what so euer the commons talked, it was determined that the cardinall should go ouer into France as high ambassadour for the king, and to take with him twelue score thousand pounds, to be emploied on the warres to be made by the confede­rats against the emperour, if he would not condes­cend to such demands as the English ambassadours on the kings behalfe should exhibit vnto him. The cardinall goeth ambas­sadour into France. The third of Iulie this triumphant cardinall passed tho­rough London with twelue hundred horsse towards the sea side, and comming vnto Canturburie rested there, and there declared to the people what had chan­ced vnto the pope, and caused the moonks of Christes church to sing their Letanie after this maner: A procession. A new deut­sed letanie. Sancta Maria ora pro Clemente papa, &c. Then he exhorted the people to fast and praie for the popes deliuerance, ac­cordinglie as he had alreadie sent commissions vnto all the bishops within the realme to follow that or­der, which was to fast three daies in the weeke, and to vse in euerie parish solemne processions. The ele­uenth of Iulie the cardinall tooke shipping at Do­uer, and landed the same daie at Calis, from whense he departed the two and twentith of Iulie, and with him was the bishop of London Cutbert Tunstall, the lord Sands chamberleine to the king, the earle of Derbie, sir Henrie Guilford, sir Thomas Moore, with manie other knights and esquiers, in all to the number of twelue hundred horsse, and of carriages there were foure score wagons, and three score mules and sumpter horsses.

He that is desirous to vnderstand with what ho­nour this triumphant cardinall was receiued in all places as he passed thorough Picardie by order gi­uen by the French king, maie read thereof at large in the chronicles of maister Edward Hall. The cardinall is honoura­blie receiued by the Frēch king. At Amiens he was receiued by the French king himselfe, and by his moother with all other chéefe péeres of France. There was nothing forgot that might doo him ho­nour or pleasure. But to the effect of his businesse. After he had shewed his commission, they fell in councell, and in the end grew to a full conclusion of a league to be accorded and established betwixt the kings of England and France: A league be­twéene Eng­land and France. the couenants and articles whereof were drawne and written vp in a faire charter, which was sealed in solemne wise, and deliuered vnto the cardinals by the kings owne hand.

After this, it was agréed, that Odet de Fois, com­monlie called monsieur de Lawtrech, Monsieur de Lawtrech. should go into Italie with a puissant armie to procure the popes deliuerance, & expell the emperours power out of all the partie of Italie, if he refused such reasonable of­fers & articls of agréement as were drawen, & should be exhibited to him. Sir Robert Ierningham. In this armie went sir Robert Ierningham, Iohn Carew of Hakam, & 80 other English gentlemen, which were sent by the cardi­nall from Amiens. When the armie was assembled, the cardinall deliuered the monie which he had brought out of England with him in barrels, with the which the armie was paid two moneths before hand, & the surplusage was deliuered to sir Robert Ierningham, which was called treasuror of the wars. This armie was called in Latine, The name of the armie sent into Italie. Exercitus Angliae & Gallorum regum pro pontifice Romano liberando congregatus, that is to saie, The armie of the kings of England and France, gathered for the deliuerance of the bishop of Rome: and so was it reputed.

In this meane time the English ambassadors, sir Francis Poins and Clarenceaux the herald, were come into Spaine, and there to the emperour in the towne of Uale Doliffe the sixt of Iulie deliuered [Page 898] the kings letters, and further declared their message as they had in commandement. The empe­rours answer to the am­bassadors. The emperor made to them a courteous answer for that time, and said he would take counsell in the matter, and then shuld they receiue further answer, and in the meane time they might repose them. Within a daie or two after he called to him doctor Lée that was the kings am­bassadour legier there with him, & the said sir Fran­cis Poins, and said to them; My lords we haue per­ceiued the king your maisters demands, which are line 10 weightie and of great importance. Wherefore we intend with all spéed to write to the king our vncle, and when we haue receiued answer from him, we shall deliuer you of such things as you require, prai­eng you in the meane time to take patience.

The emperour protracted time of purpose, bicause he was loth to answer directlie to such grieuous and most irkesome complaints, bicause he gessed by the course of things that the French king would shortlie be constrained to agrée to those conditions of peace, line 20 which he at the first had offered. But the French king & the cardinall being togither at Amiens, amongst other things determined there betwixt them in counsell, deuised further what articles of offer should be sent to the emperour, which if he refused, then open defiance to be made vnto him in name of both the kings. The articles were these in effect.

1 First that the French king should paie for his ransome 25000 crownes: Articles pro­poned to the emperor being in number fiftéene. one writer calleth it two millians. 2 Also that he should release all the pen­sion that he had in Naples, with all the right of the line 30 same. 3 Also that he should neuer claime title to the dutchie of Millane. 4 Also he should release the superioritie of Flanders for euer, and the right which he had to the citie of Torneie. 5 Also he should release all the homages of all persons within those countries. 6 Also to withdraw his armie out of Italie. 7 Also to forsake the aid of the Swit­zers against the emperour. 8 Also to take no more part with Robert de la March against the emperor. 9 Also neuer to aid the king of Nauarre against line 40 him, although he had maried the kings sister. 10 Also neuer to aid the duke of Gelderland, nor to chalenge the same dutchie. 11 Also to aid the emperor with ships and men to his coronation. 12 Also to marie the ladie Elenor quéene of Portugall sister to the emperor. 13 Also that the Dolphine should marie the said quéenes daughter. 14 Also that if the French king had anie children male by the said quéene, then the dutchie of Burgognie to remaine to line 50 the said child being male. 15 Also that the French king should be fréend to the emperour & his fréends, and enimie to his enimies.

These with manie other articles, which were not openlie knowne, were sent to the bishop of Tarbe, and to the vicount of Thuraine ambassadours with the emperour from the French king. Other articles were also sent to the English ambassadours being in Spaine, Articles sent to y e English ambassadors in Spaine. as to mooue the emperour to some reasona­ble end with the French king: and that the king of line 60 England would release vnto him all the summes of monie due to him, as well by the emperour Maximi­lian his grandfather as himselfe, and take the French king as debtor for the same. If he would not agrée to these offers, then was it accorded, that the French king should marrie the ladie Marie daughter to the king of England, and they both to be enimies to the emperour. When all these things were concluded, the cardinall tooke his leaue of the French king & his moother, The cardinall returneth out of France. and with great rewards returned, comming to Richmond, where the king then laie, the last of September.

Ambassadors from the French king.In October, there came ambassadours from the French king into England, the lord Annas de Mont­merancie, great maister of the said French kings house, the bishop of Baion chéefe president of Rone, and monsieur de Humiers accompanied with sixtie gentlemen well appointed. These ambassadours were receiued with all honour that might be deui­sed. On Alhallowes daie the king comming to the cathedrall church of saint Paule, where the cardinall sang masse, sware before the high altar in the pre­sence of the French ambassadours to kéepe and per­forme the league. The king of England re­ceiueth the or­der of saint Michae [...]l. On sundaie the tenth of Nouem­ber, the king being elected knight of the order of S. Michaell, receiued at Gréenewich the said order by the hands of the great maister of France, and mon­sieur Humiers that were companions of the same order: in like case as the French king the same daie at Paris receiued the order of the garter by the hands of the lord Lisle, doctor Tailor maister of the rolles, sir Nicholas Carew knight maister of the kings horsses, sir Anthonie Browne knight, and sir Thomas Wriothesleie knight, The French king recei­ueth the order of the garter. otherwise called Gar­tier king of armes, the which were sent thither with the whole habit, collar, and other habillements of the order as apperteined.

After that the French ambassadors had béene highlie feasted, banketed, and interteined, with all honor and pastime conuenient, the great maister and all his companie tooke leaue of the king, and with great rewards returned into France, leauing the bishop of Baion behind them, who abode ambas­sador legier in England. Bilneie and other abiured. In this moneth of Nouem­ber, Arthur Bilneie, Geffreie Lome, and one Gar­ret that spake against the popes authoritie, were ab­iured by the cardinall. ¶By reason of the great wet that fell in the sowing time of the corne, and in the beginning of the last yeare, now in the beginning of this, corne so failed, that in the citie of London for a while bread was scant, by reason that commissioners appointed to sée order taken in shires about, ordeined that none should be conueied out of one shire into an other.

Which order had like to haue bred disorder, for that euerie countrie and place was not prouided a­like, and namelie London, Dearth of corne in Lon­don and else­where. that maketh hir prouision out of other places, felt great inconuenience hereby, till the merchants of the Stiliard, and others out of the Dutch countries, brought such plentie, that it was better cheape in London than in anie other part of England, for the king also reléeued the citizens in time of their néed with a thousand quarters by waie of lone of his owne prouision. The scarsitie at the first was more than the dearth. For in the beginning of their want, wheat was onelie at fifteene shillings a quarter, & from thence it rose to twentie shillings, and after to six and twentie shillings eight pence the quarter, till remedie by outward prouision was pro­cured and had. In this meane while the lord Lautrech with his armie was entred into Italie, where how he sped, and what came of that expedition, yee shall find in the histories of France and Italie, and there­fore in this place I passe it ouer. Sir Francis Poins knight, in the end of December, returned out of Spaine into England, leauing Clarenceaux behind him to bring further answer.

The emperour at the request of this sir Francis Poins, The emperor releaseth 12 preiudiciall articles to the French king. who made the same in name of his maister the king of England, was contented to release twelue articles, which were reputed most preiudiciall to the French king, onelie to gratifie the king of England: but the cardinall kept the king still in dis­pleasure toward the emperor, for the fauour which he bare to the French king, whose onelie purposes he sought to aduance. The articles which were drawne at Amiens when the cardinall was there, were exhi­bited to the emperor by the French ambassadors, and [Page 899] bicause he refused the same, word was sent to Cla­renceaux king of armes, to make defiance to the emperor. Wherevpon on the wednesdaie the two and twentith of Ianuarie, Guien king of armes to the French king, and Clarenceaux king of armes to the king of England, being in the citie of Burges in Spaine, came to the court of Charles the elect empe­rour, about nine of the clocke in the morning, and there did request of his maiestie, that it would please him to appoint them an houre of audience. line 10

The lord de Chaoux by ordinance from his ma­iestie gaue them answer, that it should be about ten of the clocke before noone the same daie. And at the same houre his maiestie came into the great hall of his court accompanied with diuerse prelats, The emperor [...]mmeth at [...] houre of [...]dience. dukes, marquesses, earles, barons, and other great lords and good personages, of diuerse nations of his king­dome and seigniories in great number. The empe­rour sitting in a chaire prepared according to his dignitie, the two kings of armes of France & Eng­land line 20 being in the nether end of the hall, holding vpon their left arms each one his coat of armes, did make three solemne reuerences accustomed, with knée to the ground. And when they were at the lowest staire before his imperiall maiestie, Clarenceaux king of armes of England, hauing the words in both their names, spake as followeth.

‘Sir, following the three edicts inuiolablie kept and obserued by your predecessors emperours of Rome, The words of Clarence­ [...]ux king of armes to the emperor. kings, princes, and capteins, Guien king of line 30 armes of the most christened king; and also Claren­ceaux king of armes to the king of England our so­uereigne & naturall lords: we presenting our selues before your sacred maiestie, for to declare certeine things from the said kings our maisters: beseech your maiestie, that hauing regard to the said lawes according to your benignitie and mercie, that it would please you to giue vs sure accesse and good in­treating in your countries, lands, and seigniories, at­tending your answer, with sure conduct to returne line 40 vnto the countries, lands, and seigniories of our said souereigne lords. The emperor giueth the heralds liber­tie to speake.’ The emperour then bad them saie on whatsoeuer the kings your maisters haue giuen you in charge: your priuileges shall be kept, none shall doo you anie displeasure within my kingdomes or territories. After this, Guien read a writing signed with the hand of the said Guien king of armes.

A copie of the said writing line 50 read as followeth.

SIr, the most christened king my soue­reigne and naturall lord hath comman­ded me to saie to you, that he hath concei­ued a maruellous greefe and displeasure of that, that in place of amitie, which he so much desi­red to haue with you, the former enmitie in full force still remaineth. By the which he séeth and perceiueth, line 60 that the euils and inconueniences long since begun, shall continue and augment, not onelie vnto you, and vnto him, with your vassals and subiects, but also vn­to all christendome: and that the forces and youths which the one and the other ought to emploie against the enimies of the faith, shall be spent to the effusion of christian bloud, and in offense vnto God: and that you and he endowed with so manie gratious gifts, shall not inioy the benefits, which it pleased the son of God to leaue to vs, by his testament, which is peace, whereof all goodnesse procéedeth; and in place of the same shall haue war, wherof foloweth all calamities, dangers, inconueniences, pouerties, and miseries.

Héerewith you shall submit your selfe vnto them whome yée may command, The inconue­niences of warre mooued to y e emperor. and shall hazard the bloud and substance of your subiects in the pursses of stran­gers. Euerie one as for himselfe ought to haue re­gard thereto, and for the short time that we haue here to liue, not to go about to depriue himselfe of that tranquillitie, ioy, good regard and pastime, that the princes may haue by peace: and by following the warre, to be in pouertie, heauinesse, and hazard of losse of goods, honours, and liues: and that worst is, after they haue had euill daies in this world, to be in danger of eternall paine in the world to come, tho­rough them that haue béene the cause thereof, and that would not yéeld vnto reason.

The king my souereigne lord is readie to put him­selfe for his part in all deuoir, and more than so, to haue peace and amitie with you: and by this means peace shall be procured throughout all christendome, whereby men might doo God good seruice, in making warre on the Infidels, which will be so thankfull to him, that it will put off the punishment of faults, which haue béene committed héeretofore by reason of the warres, which haue too long indured betwéene you two, and not yet like to ceasse, considering the termes which you hold and séeke to mainteine; sith on the one part, certeine aduowing themselues on you, haue assailed and taken by force the citie of Rome, which is the place of the holie and apostolike sée, where they haue committed and done all the mischéefe that might be deuised.

The churches and relikes were prophaned, The herald prosecuteth the state of Rome & the pope in la­mentable sor [...]. the pope holding saint Peters seat, as vicar of God on earth, taken and put out of his libertie. By means whereof, they that haue committed and executed the said execrable deeds and wickednesse, with their au­thors and fautors, be fallen and run in paines of right; and they that hold them captiues, beare them­selues on you; and he that dooth keepe them, hath béene and is of the principall capteins, of whome you haue béene serued in your warres in Italie and other parts. And on the other side, the difference which at this time resteth betweene you and the king my so­uereigne and naturall lord, is principallie vpon the ransome and recouerie of the princes his sonnes, which you hold for hostages of the same. He hath of­tentimes offered, and yet dooth offer to paie to you, and giue to you, not onelie that which may be said to be reasonable, and in such cases accustomed, but also more largelie.

You ought not to stand vpon things which by force and constraint he hath promised, the which iustlie and honestlie he maie not performe nor accomplish: you had a great deale more gained, to haue taken the said ransome which was offered vnto you, than to continue the warre, and to giue occasion of all the e­uils and inconueniences that dailie happen thereby thorough christendome. You sée the king of England, The herald mooueth the emperor with the king of Englands example, &c. with whome he hath brotherlie amitie for euer, and also the Uenetians, Florentines, and duke of Bar, and other princes and potentats, following and hol­ding the partie of the said christian king, for that they sée he yéeldeth to reason, and by reason you will not thereto incline, the vniuersall peace can not be con­cluded in christendome. The enimies of the faith gaine countries: all Italie is in armes, bloud and rapine, and the apostolicall sée in trouble: so that if on your part you séeke not remedie, and that things doo thus continue as they haue begun, it is to be feared that God will be angrie.

And for as much (sir) as to the declarations which the aboue said princes haue offered vnto you, The herald commmeth to the verie drift of his message. and the presentations which the said christian king hath made vnto you, you haue refused to giue eare, thereby to come to some accord with him, and to content your selfe with a ransome more than reasonable: also for [Page 900] that you will not render vnto his good brother, per­petuall alie and confederat, the king of England, that which is his, set the pope at libertie, and leaue I­talie in peace and tranquillitie, he hath commanded me to declare, signifie, and notifie vnto you, his great gréefe and displeasure, with his said good bro­ther the king of England, that they will hold and take you for their enimie, declaring all maner of treaties and couenants heretofore passed betweene them and you, in all that concerneth your profit & vtilitie to be nothing, and that for his part he will not obserue nor line 10 kéepe the same.

Naie he hath resolued by all meanes that he may imagine with his good fréends, alies, & confederats, & with all his forces to indamage you, your coun­tries, What the king of Eng­lād desireth of the emperour in the French kings behalfe. lands, and vassals by warre, or otherwise, in such sort as he maie deuise, vntill the time that you haue restored vnto him his children, with honest meanes and couenants touching his ransome, deli­uered the pope, rendered vnto the king of England that you hold of him, and acquited the summe which line 20 you owe him, and suffer his alies and confederats to liue in peace, rest, and tranquillitie, and protesteth be­fore God and all the world, that he dooth not wish nor desire the warre, but that it wholie displeaseth him, and is not therefore the cause of the euill that is or maie come thereof, considering that he hath put, and will put himselfe vnto all reason, as he hath offered and signified vnto you and to all other christian prin­ces, and yet dooth.

And of all this he calleth God (who knoweth all line 30 things) to witnesse. And for that vnder colour of the publication of the pretended tretie of Madrill made, he being yet prisoner in Spaine, diuerse of your sub­iects, and of them of the king of Englands, and of his haue carried their merchandizes and other goods into the kingdomes, The king of Englands meaning and the French kings for the returne of the emperours subiects out of their coun­tries, and con­trariwise. streicts, and seignories the one of the other, whereby maie insue great damages, if of them no mention should be made in this present declaration and signification: my souereigne lord and the said king of England be contented that li­bertie line 40 be giuen vnto all subiects being in the said kingdomes, countries, streicts, and seigniories, to re­tire and depart from thence with all their goods and merchandizes within fortie daies after this intimati­on made. Prouided that you shall doo the like vnto their subiects in all & euerie their merchandizes. Gi­uen the eleuenth daie of Nouember 1527, & signed Guien king of armes.

The emperour after the defiance giuen by Guien, line 50 spake in this sort: I doo vnderstand that which you haue read from the king your maister, & I doo much maruell why he dooth defie me, The empe­rors words to Guien the French kings herald. for he being my priso­ner by right warre, and I hauing his faith by reason he can not doo it. It is vnto me a noueltie to be defied of him, séeing it is six or seuen yeares that he hath warred against me, and yet giuen me no defiance. And sith that by the grace of God I haue defended my selfe from him (as he hath seene, and euerie one line 60 else) without that he hath giuen me anie warning, or considering the reason and iustification whereon I doo rest my selfe, for the which I thinke I haue not otherwise deserued towards God: I hope that at this time now you aduertise me of it, being aduerti­sed I shall defend my selfe the better, in such sort that the king your maister shall doo me no hurt: for sith he dooth defie me, I am halfe assured.

And touching that which you spake of the pope, none hath béene more sorrowfull than I of that which was doone, How the em­peror was af­fectioned for the pope in his captiuitie. and it was without my knowledge or commandement: and that which hath béene doone, was doone by vnrulie people, without obedience to anie of my capteins. And yet I aduertise you, that the pope long since is set at libertie, and yesterdaie I had certeine newes of it. And touching the sonnes of your maister, he knoweth that I haue them for pled­ges; and also my lords his ambassadors know well, that the fault hath not lien in me that they haue not béene deliuered. And as for that of the king of Eng­land my good brother and vncle, The emperor seemeth loth to incur the [...]. of Englands displeasure. I beléeue if it be so as you doo say, that he is not well informed of things passed: and if he were, yet could I not saie as your writing conteineth, I desire to send him my reasons for to aduertise him of all the truth. And I beleeue when he shall know it, that he will be vnto me as he hath béene.

I neuer denied the monie which I borowed of him, and I am readie to paie it as by reason & right I am bound: and thanked be God I haue enough to doo it. Neuerthelesse, if he will make warre against me, it will be to my great displeasure, & I cannot but defend my selfe. I praie to God that he giue me no more occasion than I thinke I haue giuen vnto him. And to the rest, for that your writing is great, and the paper sheweth it selfe to be gentle, séeing that they haue written what they would, you shall giue me the writing, whereby more particularlie I maie answer in another paper, wherein shall be nothing but truth. This answer being made by his maiestie with his owne mouth vnto Guien king of armes, the said Guien tooke his cote of armes that he had on his left arme (as before is said) and put it on, and then Clarenceaux king of armes of England said vnto his maiestie, not by writing, but by mouth, as fol­loweth.

The English heralds message de­liuered by word of mouth.

SIr, the king my souereigne lord hath commanded me to say vnto you, that sée­ing the necessitie of peace in the christian religion, as well by reason of the inforce­ments manie yéers past, begun by the great Turke enimie vnto our faith, which by force of armes hath taken awaie from the christians the citie and Ile of Rhodes, one of the principall bulworks of christen­dome, and in Hungarie the fortresse of Belgrad, and part of the countrie there, as also by heresies and new sects, of late risen in diuerse places of christen­dome; and likewise knowing the great warres be­ing kindled in all parts, The report of the herald falleth out iu­stifiable by Guicciardines discourse, lib. 18. by meanes of which all chri­stendome is in trouble, confusion, and maruellous diuision, and not long since by your people and mini­sters and souldiers in your armie, and vnder your capteins the holie citie of Rome hath béene sacked and robbed, the person of our holie father the pope ta­ken prisoner, and kept by your people, the cardinals likewise taken and put to ransome, the churches rob­bed, bishops, priests, and people of religion put to the sword, and so manie other euils, cruelties, and inhu­mane facts committed by your people, that the aire and the land are infected therewith.

And it is verie like, that God is verrie greatlie stirred and prouoked vnto ire. And to speake after the maner of men, if by amendment it be not paci­fied, innumerable euils and inconueniences shall happen vnto all christendome. And for that the root and increasement of the said warre, proceedeth of the contentions and debates betwéene you, and the most christened king his good brother and perpetuall alie: to make an end of which debates, the king my soue­reigne lord hath sent his ambassadors and others, vn­to the most christened king his good brother, with whome he hath doone so much, The king of England fa­uoured the French king. that for the loue that he hath borne him, he hath made vnto you so great of­fers, and so reasonable, that you cannot, nor ought [Page 901] reasonablie to refuse them, as conditions and offers for his ransome excéeding the ransome accustomed of all kings. And if in this, the consideration of peace had not béene, an euill example might thereof grow for other kings and christened princes subiect vnto the like fortune.

Of which offers and conditions he hath likewise aduertised you by his ambassadours, The herald useth an argu­ment drawne from benefits receiued to mooue the emperour. praied and be­sought you for the honour of God, and the wealth of all christendome, for the benefits and pleasures that he hath doone vnto you diuerse waies, and that in line 10 time of your great néed, that it would please you to accept the said offers, and make an end of the said warres, that haue too long endured. Likewise as a christened prince bound to the protection of the pope, and sée apostolike, and consequentlie to the deliue­rance of his holinesse (whom you cannot, nor ought to kéepe prisoner without great offense) that you would restore his holinesse vnto a full and entier li­bertie. Also he hath oftentimes shewed by diuerse ob­ligations, line 20 and other meanes, how you are indebted vnto him in diuerse great summes of monie, that he hath giuen and lent you in your necessitie, requiring you to make paiment.

Of all which things you haue made no account from time to time, but deferred it, and held in sus­pense the ambassadours of the king my souereigne, without hauing regard to Gods honour, and the ne­cessitie of all christendome, and the reuerence that ye ought to haue vnto the holie seate and person of our line 30 holie father the pope, the vicar of God on earth, or vnto the pleasures that you haue receiued of him, or vnto your faith and promise that you so oftentimes haue made. The herald of England sheweth the emperour what is the king of Eng­lands present determination [...]f his offers be refused. And for this cause the king my said soue­reigne, by honest reason and iustice constreined, by great and ripe deliberation of his councell, hoping for a finall conclusion, hath caused againe to be pre­sented offers more large and to greater aduantage than the others before, to put you in deuoir, and to a­uoid and take awaie all occasion to deferre and dis­semble line 40 to come to reason.

Which offers, and the augmenting of the same, haue béene made and made againe, with all demon­strations and honest resons that haue beene possible, And in the end there hath béene made vnto you in­stance for the deliuerie of our holie father, whom you haue restreined or caused to be restreined in place of deliuerie, which is very strange, & against the true estate & dutie of a christian prince. So that the king my souereigne, & the most christian king his brother line 50 and perpetuall alie, can no longer indure it with their honours and dutie towards God and the church. And seeing you will not condescend to reason, nor accept the said offers being more than reasonable, nor satisfie the king my said souereigne of the debts by you due, as you are bound, he hath concluded with the said most christened king his good brother & per­petuall alie, & other of his confederats, to doo his en­deuour to constreine you by force & might of armes to deliuer our holie father, & likewise the children of France, whom you hold, in paieng you a reasonable line 60 ransome, and to satisfie him of that you owe him.

Therefore the king my souereigne lord, as a true and constant prince, The disposi­tion of the king of Eng­land to the pope and the French king. willing to kéepe inuiolablie his faith, which he hath promised vnto the said christian prince and other his alies, and not willing to leaue the person of our said holie father the pope in capti­uitie, as also will not the said christian king: they two doo summon you at this time for all, to accept these last offers, for the deliuerance of the said chil­dren of France, and for the wealth of an vniuersall peace, & to deliuer the person of our said holie father, & also to paie spéedilie and without anie more delaie, the debts by you due vnto the king my souereigne. And if you refuse these finall offers, and also to deli­uer the person of our said holie father, and paie the said debtes, as a good christian prince and louer of peace is bound to doo; the king my souereigne, and the said christian king his good brother, not without great sorrow and displeasure, The defiance intimated to the emperor by the herald of England. doo declare to be your e­nimies, and so hereafter doo hold and repute you for such one, denouncing vnto you warre by sea and land, and defieng you with all their forces.

Neuerthelesse, considering that there be diuerse of your subiects, and great quantitie of their goods in the realmes of England and France, and other lands & lordships of the said princes: likewise there be diuerse of the subiects of the kings of England and France, and of their goods in your kingdomes, countries, lands, and lordships, Libertie granted to the em­perors sub­iects in Eng­land and France to re­turne to their owne coun­tries, and the like demanded on the contra­rie part. the which may re­ceiue aswell of the one part as of the other, great and vnrecouerable hurts and damages, if without aduertisements and monition they should be taken and deteined, the kings maiestie my souereigne, and the most christian king of France his good brother be willing that libertie be giuen vnto your subiects being in their kingdomes, countries, and lordships, for to retire and depart with all their goods and mer­chandize, within fourtie daies after this intimation, so that the like libertie and permission be in like sort granted to their subiects. ¶To this defiance of the king at armes of England the emperours maiestie did answer in these words.

The emperours answer to the English heralds oration.

I Doo vnderstand that which you haue de­clared, and I cannot thinke that if the king of England were throughlie ad­uertised of things as they haue passed, and of the reason to which I haue yéelded, he would not saie that which you haue said, and therefore mine intention is to aduertise him. As to that which you spake of the pope, I was neuer consenting to his destruction, which was neuer doone by my comman­dement: & I giue you to vnderstand, that he is deli­uered, and I am sorie for the harmes that were doone at the time when he was taken, of the which I take my selfe not to be in fault, as I haue told the king at armes of France, And as to the deliuerance of the French kings sons, where means haue béene made for their deliuerance, I haue béene readie to giue eare thereto, and the fault resteth not in me, for that the peace hath not beene concluded.

But now that you tell me that the king your mai­ster will force me to deliuer them, The empe­rors modesti [...] in this point notable. I will answer thereto in other sort than hitherto I haue doone, and I trust to kéepe them in such wise, that by force I shall not néed to deliuer them: for I am not accusto­med to be forced in things which I doo. As to the debt which the king of England hath lent me, I haue ne­uer denied it, neither doo I denie it, but am readie to paie it as right requireth, as I haue caused it to be de­clared vnto him, and I my selfe haue shewed no lesse to his ambassadors, and deliuered my saieng by writing, and I cannot beleeue, that for such things (which I refuse not to accomplish) he will make war against me, and if he will so doo it will grieue me, but yet I must defend my selfe: and I praie God that the king your maister giue me not greater occasion to make him war, than I haue giuen him. You shall deliuer me in writing, that which you haue said, to the which I will answer by writing particularlie.

This answer made by the emperour to the king of armes Clarenceaux, the said Clarenceaux tooke his coat of armes, which he had lieng on his left [Page 902] arme (as before is said) and put it vpon him. The English herald is cō ­manded by the emperour to leaue his ora­tion behind him in wri­ting. The em­perour herewith commanded him to deliuer by wri­ting into the hands of the lord of Buclans all that he had vttered by word of mouth, as is aboue expres­sed. Which Clarenceaux promised to doo, & so he did afterwards, signed with his owne hand, word for word. Clarenceaux hauing thus doone his dutie, in­continentlie withdrew: but before his departure, the lord of Buclans said to him, and also to Guien, these words insuing. Behold here this writing in my hand, conteining the articles of the composition be­tweene line 10 the emperour and the pope.

Guic. pag. 1085. Accord be­twéene the pope & the emperours agents.¶That the pope should be no partie against the em­perour, neither in the affaires of Millaine, nor in the kingdome of Naples. That he should accord vnto the emperour the croisade in Spaine, and a tenth of the reuenues ecclesiastike through all his dominions. That to assure the obseruation of these things, Ostia should remaine in the hands of the emperour, and Ciuita Uecchia which Andrea Dore had left to him line 20 before. That he should assigne ouer to him Ciuita Castellana, a towne which had refused to receiue the imperials, Mario Perusquo procuror of the filke be­ing entred within the rocke by secret commission from the pope, notwithstanding he made semblance of the contrarie. That he should also deliuer ouer to him the rocke of Furlie, and to put into his hands for ostages Hyppolito and Alexander his nephues, and till they were come from Parma the emperour to be possessed of the cardinals Pisani, Triuulco, and line 30 Gaddi, whome they led to the realme of Naples.

Furthermore, that he should make present pai­ment to the lanceknights of three score thousand du­cates, Heauie pai­ments for the pope to dis­charge. and to the Spaniards thirtie & fiue thousand. That in so dooing they should let him come out at libertie with all the cardinals, and they to go out of Rome and out of the castell, alwaies interpreting to libertie when soeuer they should be conueied in safetie to Orbietto, Spoletto, or Perousa. That with­in fiftéene daies after his going out of Rome he line 40 should paie the like quantitie of monie to the lance­knights, and afterwards the residue within thrée moneths to the Spaniards & lanceknights ioint­lie, according to their shares and portions. Which re­sidue togither with the summes paid amounted to more than thrée hundred and fiftie thousand ducats.]

This is the true copie (said the lord of Buclans) of the capitulation, made touching the deliuerance of the pope, and how he is deliuered, and depar­ted from castell saint Angelo, the tenth of De­cember line 50 last past: put it in your relation. The said king of armes answered; We will so doo: and so for that time they parted. ¶ Here, bicause mention is made of the popes deliuerance out of prison, it shall not be amisse to set downe the maner thereof as it is reported by Guicciardine. Guic. pag. 1085 The manner of the popes go­ing out of pri­son. All things hauing their orderlie expedition, & the resolution set downe, that the tenth of December the Spaniards should accompanie him into a place of suertie, he fearing some variation either for the ill mind which he knew line 60 don Hugo bare to him, or for anie other accident that might happen, the night before he stale secretlie out of the castell in the closing of the euening, disgui­sed in the attire of a merchant. Lewis de Gonsaguo who was in the paie of the emperour, taried for him in the medowes with a strong companie of harque­buziers, and with that gard did accompanie him to Montfalcon, where dismissing almost all his bands of footmen, he was led by the same Lewis euen to Orbietto, into which citie he entred by night with­out the companie of anie one cardinall. An exam­ple worthie of consideration, and perhaps neuer happened since the church was great, that a pope should in that sort fall from so great a puissance and reuerence, his eies to behold the losse and sacke of Rome, his person to be turned ouer into captiuitie, and his whole estate reduced to the disposing of an other, and within few moneths after, to be restored & established in his former greatnesse. So great to­wards princes christian is the authoritie of the pope, and the respect which mortall men doo beare to him.]

At the same instant that the heralds were at the emperors court, the emperour called before him the said Guien king at armes of France, The empe­rors words to the French herald. and said to him as followeth: S [...]h it is reason that you enioy your priuileges, you ought also to doo your dutie; and therefore I praie you declare to your maister, yea euen to his owne person that which I shall tell you, which is this that since the trea [...]ie of Madrill, contra­rie to the same, diuerse of my subiects haue béene ta­ken going about their businesses, and other also go­ing to serue me in Italie, which haue béene deteined prisoners, euill intreated, and by force thrust into the gallies: and bicause I haue of his subiects the which I might likewise take, yee shall aduertise him, that if he deliuer vnto me mine, I will deliuer his▪ if not, as he shall intreat mine, I will intreat his; and that he send me answer hereof within fortie daies: if not, I will take the refusall for an answer.

The king of armes Guien asked if his maiestie ment this concerning the merchants? Whervnto the emperor answered: This is beside that which is con­teined in your writing, touching the merchants, to which point (said he) I will answer by writing. And herewith Guien making thrée obeisances, said; Sir I will gladlie doo it. Then said the emperor, This the em­peror infer­reth to iustifie his owne dea­lings by waie of comparison Tell the king your maister further, that I beléeue that he hath not béene aduertised of that which I told to his ambassador in Granado, which toucheth him néere. For I told him in such a [...]ase so noble a prince, that if he had vnderstood the same, he would haue made me an answer. He shall do well to know it of his ambas­sador. For by that he shall vnderstand, that I haue kept better faith to him in that I haue promised at Madrill than he to me, and I praie you so tell him, and faile not hereof. Guien answered, Without doubt sir I will doo it: and so making his obeisance he departed.

The emperor appointed Iohn le Alemant the baron of Buclans to see that no displeasure nor e­uill speach were vsed to the said kings of armes, but that they should be well vsed: which was doone to their good contentation. After this, The heralds receiue the emperors an­swer in wri­ting. the seauen and twentith of Ianuarie, the said kings of armes came to the said lord of Buclans, who by the emperours appointment deliuered an answer vnto either of them in writing, accordinglie as the emperor had promised, the copies whereof are set foorth at large in the annales of Aquitaine, and for bréefenesse here o­mitted. To conclude, the French king tooke such dis­pleasure with the emperours answers made vnto his king of armes Guien, whereby he was charged to doo otherwise than by his faith giuen he ought to haue doone, The s [...]auen & twentith [...]th Guic. pag. 1 [...]1. that the eight and twentith daie of March being in the citie of Paris, accompanied with a great number of the princes of his bloud, cardinals and other prelats and nobles of his realme, and also the ambassadors of diuerse princes and potentates, he called before him Nicholas Perenot lord of Granuelle, vnto whom he said in effect as followeth.

The French kings oration before an honourable assemblie at Paris. This speach of the kings dooth wholie concerne the emperor and fauoureth of displeasure▪

MY lord ambassadors, it hath gréeued me, and dooth gréeue me, that I haue béene constreined to handle you not so courte­ouslie and gratiouslie as for the good and [Page 903] honourable behauiour, which you haue shewed in doo­ing your dutie being here with me, you haue deser­ued at my hands, sith I must néeds saie, yée haue ac­quit your selfe in euerie behalfe, as well to the honor of your maister, as good contentation of each man else, so that I am assured the fault resteth not in you, whie things haue not come to better end and purpose than they haue doone, for the good zeale and affection, which I haue euer prooued in you to the aduance­ment of peace and quieting of things, wherein I line 10 doubt not but you haue doone your duetie to the full.

But being informed what your maister the elect emperor, against all right and law, as well diuine as humane, had commanded to be doone vnto my am­bassadors, and likewise to the other of the league re­maining with him, for the furtherance of things to­ward a peace, and contrarie to all good customs, which hitherto haue béene obserued betwixt princes, not onelie christians, but also infidels, me thought I could not otherwise doo, for the behoofe of mine owne line 20 ambassadours, What induced the French king to vse some discour­tesie against the emperors ambassadors. arrested and against reason kept in ward, but to doo the same to you, although I had no mind to vse you euill, for the reasons aboue said, for the which, and for the dutie you haue shewed in dooing that apperteined, I assure you my lord ambassador, that beside that I doubt not but your maister will recompense you for the same, yée may be assured that where particularlie in anie thing I may plea­sure you, I will doo it with as good a will as you can require me. line 30

And to make answer to that which your maister by word of mouth hath said vnto Guien and Cla­renceaux kings of armes of the king my good bro­ther and perpetuall and best alie, The king an­swereth the emperours words vtte­red to Guien his herald. and of me vpon the intimation of the warre which hath beene made by vs, consisting in eight points, I will that each one vnderstand it. First, as to the which he saith he mar­uelleth that he hauing me a prisoner by iust warre, and hauing also my faith, I should defie him, and that in reason I neither may nor ought to doo it; I answer line 40 thereto, that if I were his prisoner here, and that he had my faith, he had spoken true: but I know not that the emperor hath euer at anie time had my faith, that may in anie wise auaile him. For first in what warre so euer I haue béene, I know not that I haue either séene him or encountred with him.

When I was prisoner, garded with foure or fiue hundred harquebuzers, The French K. saith that constraint and necessitie made him tractable to the emperor. sicke in my bed, and in dan­ger of death, it was an easie matter to constreine me, but not verie honorable to him that should doo it: and after that I returned into France, I know not line 50 anie that hath had power to compell me to it: and to doo it willinglie without constraint, it is a thing which I waie more, than so lightlie to bind my selfe thereto. And bicause I will not that my honor come in disputation, although I know well that euerie man of warre knoweth sufficientlie, that a prisoner garded is not bound to anie faith, nor can bind him­selfe thereto in anie thing: I doo neuerthelesse send to your master this writing signed with mine owne line 60 hand, the which my lord ambassadour I praie you read, and afterwards promise me to deliuer it vnto your master, and not to anie other. And herewith the king caused it to be deliuered to the said ambassador by master Iohn Robertet, one of the secretaries of the estate, and of his chamber.

The empe­rors ambassa­dor refuseth to read the French kings letters sent to his soue­reigne.The ambassador tooke the writing in his hand, and after excused himselfe to the king, saieng: That as to him, by the letter which his master & souereigne lord had written vnto him now lastlie, his commis­sion was alreadie expired, and that he had no further commandement nor instructions from his maiestie, but to take leaue of the king with as much spéed as he might, and to returne home. Which he most hum­blie besought him to permit him to doo, without fur­ther charge or commission, although he knew that he was at his commanddement, and that he might at his pleasure constreine him, as seemed to him good. Herevnto the king answered; My lord am­bassador, sith you will not take vpon you to read this writing, I will cause it to be read in this companie, to the end that euerie one may vnderstand and know that I am cleered in that, whereof against trueth he goeth about to accuse me.

Beside that, if you afterwards will not beare it, The French king deliuer­eth his mind with a corage, as vtter eni­mie to the em­perour. & deliuer it to him, I will send one of my heralds here present to go in companie with you: for whom you shall procure a good & auailable safe conduct, that he maie passe vnto your master, protesting & demand­ing, that an act maie be registred before this compa­nie, that if he will not it should come to his know­ledge, that I am discharged, in that I doo my best to cause him to vnderstand it accordinglie as I ought to doo, and in such sort as he can not pretend cause of ignorance. ¶After the king had ended these words, he called to him the said Robertet, and commanded him to reade the said writing with a lowd voice, which was doone word for word.

The copie of the said writing di­rected to the emperour.

WE Francis, by the grace of God, king of France, lord of Genes, &c. To you Charles, by the same grace, chosen emperour of Rome, and king of Spaine. We doo you to wit, that being aduertised, that in all the an­swers that you haue made to our ambas­sadors and heraulds, sent to you for the e­stablishing of peace, in excusing your selfe, without all reason you haue accused vs, saieng, that we haue plight you our faith, and that therevpon (besides our promise) we departed out of your hands and power. In defense of our honour, The French kings allega­tions in de­fense of his honor charged with vntruth. which hereby might be burthened too much against all truth, we thought good to send you this writing; by which we giue you to vnder­stand, that notwithstanding that no man being in ward is bound to keepe faith, and that the same might be a sufficient excuse for vs: yet for the satisfieng of all men, and our said honor (which we mind to keepe, and will keepe, if it please God, vnto the death) that if ye haue charged, or will charge vs, not onelie with our said faith, and deliuerance, but that euer we did anie thing that became not a gentleman that had respect to his honor; that ye lie falslie in your throat: and as oft as ye saie it, The French king giueth the emperor the lie: sée Guic. pag 10 [...] ye lie: and we determine to defend our ho­nor to the vttermost drop of our bloud. Wherefore, seeing ye haue charged vs a­gainst all truth, write no more to vs here­after: but appoint vs the field, and we will bring you the weapons. Protesting, that if after this declaration ye write into anie place, or vse anie words against our honor, that the shame of the delaie of the combat shall light on you, seeing that the offering of combat is the end of all wri­ting. Made at our good towne and citie of Paris, the eight and twentith daie of [Page 904] March. In the yere of our Lord, one thou­sand fiue hundred twentie and eight, be­fore Easter. Thus signed. Francis.

After that Robertet had read this writing there in presence of the emperours ambassadors, This Rober­tet was one of the secretaries to the estate. the king made further replie vnto the points conteined in the emperours answers to the defiance: and withall to conclude, told the said ambassador, that his ma­ster the emperor had constreined him by such mes­sage line 10 as he had sent to him, to make the answer in truth, which he had made: and further willed him to deliuer vnto the emperour the writing which he had signed with his hand, and to saie to him, that he tooke him for so honorable a prince, that considering the matter wherewith he charged him, and the answer that he made, he would not faile but to answer him like a gentleman, and not by writing like an ad­uocate. For if he otherwise doo (said the king) I will answer his chancellor by an aduocate, and a man of line 20 his estate, and a more honest man than he.

Shortlie after, the emperors ambassadors returned home into Spaine in safetie, and well intreted. And vpō their returne, the ambassadors of France were set at libertie, and deliuered beyond Fonterabie, & so came safelie home into France. Then a French herald, appointed to accompanie the ambassadour Grandeuill, brought the writing of the combat vn­to the emperor, bicause Grandeuill refused to medle with it. To the which the emperor fiue moneths af­ter, The emperor answereth the French kings letters. line 30 or thereabouts, sent an answer by one of his heralds; who being arriued at Paris, meant vp­on the sudden to present his letters vnto the French king. But the king getting intelligence thereof, the tenth of September, sitting within his great hall of his palace at Paris aforesaid, before the table of marble in a roiall seat, addressed and set vp for him sixtéene steps in height, appointed to giue audience to the said herald.

What states both natiue and forren were present in the French kings hall.On his right hand sate in chaires the king of Na­uarre, line 40 the duke of Alanson and Berrie, the earle of Foix and Arminacke. And on the same side sate also vpon a bench, the duke of Uandosme a peere of France, lieutenant generall, and gouernor of Pi­cardie, don Hercules de Est, eldest sonne to the duke of Ferrar, duke of Chartres and Montarges, who latelie before had maried the ladie Rener, a daugh­ter of France, the duke of Albanie regent and go­uernor of Scotland, the duke of Longueuille, great chamberleine of France. And néere to them vpon line 50 another bench sate the presidents and councellors of the court of parlement; and behind them manie gen­tlemen, doctors, and learned men. On the left hand were set in chaires prepared for them, the cardinall Saluarie the popes legat, the cardinall of Burbon, and duke of Laon, a peere of France, the cardinall of Sens chancellor of France, the cardinall of Lor­rain, the archbishop of Narbon, the ambassadors of the kings of England and Scotland, of the segniorie of Uenice, of Millan, of the Cantons, of the Suis­ses, line 60 and of Florence.

On an other bench sate the bishop of Transilua­nia, ambassador for the king of Hungarie, the bishop and duke of Langres, one of the peeres of France, the bishop & earle of Noion, an other of the peeres of France, th'archbishop of Lion, primat of all France, the archbishop of Burges primate of Aquitaine, the archbishops of Aux and Rouen, the bishops of Pa­ris, Meaux, Lizeux, Mascon, Limoges, Uabres, Conserans and Terbe. And behind them sate the masters of the requests, Who stood on either side of the French kings seate roiall. and the councellors of the great councell. On either side the kings seate stood the earle of Beaumont great master and marshall of France, the lord de Brion admerall of France lieutenant generall, and gouernor of Burgognie. And behind the same seat were manie knights of the order, that is to wit, the earle of Lauall, lieute­nant generall and gouernor of Britaine, the lord of Montmerancie, the lord Daubignie capteine of an hundred lances, and of the Scotish gard, the earle of Brienne, Lignie, and Roussie, the lord of Fleuran­ges marshall of France, the lord of Ruffoie, the lord of Genoilliac great esquier and master of the artil­lerie of France, Lois monsieur de Elenes, the lord of Humiers, and the earle of Carpie.

Behind them was the earle of Estamps prouost of Paris, and with him manie gentlemen of the kings chamber: among the which was the earle of Tancaruill, the lord of Guien, the son of the earle of Rous [...]ie, the son of the lord of Fleuranges, the lord de la Rochpot, the lord Donartie great master of the waters and forrests, the lord of Lude, the lord of Ianlie, the lord de Uillebon, bailie of Rouen, the ba­ron of Chasteau Morant, the lord de la Loue, the vi­count de la Motheaugroing, and the lord of Uertes. And besides these, the masters and officers of the houshold & gentlemen waiters, with the more part of the two hundred gentlemen or pensioners, as we terme them. At the entrie into the said throne or tri­bunall seat, were the capteins of the gards, and the prouost of the houshold. And before the king knéeled the vshers of the chamber vpon the one knée: and at the foot of the step that went vp to the kings seate were the prouosts of the merchants and escheuins of the towne of Paris. Beneath in the hall (the gates whereof were still open) there was an infinite num­ber of people of all nations: and in presence of them all, the king made this declaration.

The cause wherefore I haue made this assemblie, The king she­weth the first cause of this assemblie of honorable per­sonages. is, for that the emperour elect hath sent to me an he­rald of armes, who (as I coniecture, and as the same herald hath said, and as his safe conduct importeth) hath brought me letters patents and autentike, con­cerning the suertie of the field for the combat that should be betwixt the said elected emperour and me. And forasmuch as the said herald, vnder colour to bring the suertie of the field, may vse certeine ficti­ons, dissimulations, or hypocrisies, to shift off the matter, whereas I desire expedition, and to haue it dispatched out of hand; so that by the same an end of the warres, which haue so long continued, may be had, to the ease and comfort of all christendome, to a­uoid the effusion of bloud, and other mischéefes which come thereof: I haue wished it knowne to all chri­stendome, to the end that euerie one may vnder­stand the truth, from whence procéedeth the mischéefe and the long continuance thereof.

I haue also caused this assemblie to be made, Further caus [...] whie the said assemblie was procured. to shew that I haue not without great cause enterpri­sed such an act; for the right is on my side: and if I should otherwise haue doone, mine honor had béene greatlie blemished. A thing which my lords that are of my bloud, and other my subiects would haue ta­ken in euill part. And knowing the cause of the combat, and my right, they will beare with it, as good and loiall subiects ought to doo, trusting by Gods helpe to procéed in such sort therein, that it shall plainelie appéere if the right be on my side or not: and how, against truth, I haue béene accused for a breaker of my faith, which I would be loth to doo, nor at anie time haue meant so to doo. The kings my predecessors and ancestors, whose pictures are ingrauen and set héere in order within this hall, which in their daies haue successiuelie atchiued glo­rious acts, and greatlie augmented the realme of France, would thinke me vnworthie, and not ca­pable to be their successor, if against mine honor I should suffer my selfe to be charged with such a [Page 905] no [...]e by the emperour, and should not defend my person and honor in the manner and forme accusto­med.

The French king in [...] of all his [...] that he [...] gaue his faith to [...] of his [...], ergo not to the empe­rour.And herewith he declared the whole case as it stood. First, how being taken at Pauia by fortune of war, he neuer gaue his faith to anie of his enimies, & con­senting to be led into Spaine, caused his owne gal­lies to be made readie to conueie him thither. Where at his arriuall, he was committed to ward within the castell of Madrill, garded with a great number line 10 of harquebuziers & others. Which vncourteous dea­ling found in the emperor, so much gréeued him, that he fell sicke, and laie in danger of death. Wherevpon the emperour comming to visit him after his reco­uerie of health, an accord was made betwixt the de­puties of the emperour and the ambassadours of the ladie his moother then regent of France: which ac­cord was so vnreasonable, that no prince being in li­bertie would haue consented thereto, nor for his de­liuerance haue promised so great a ransome. Which line 20 tretie yet they constrained him (as he said) to sweare to performe, being prisoner, against the protestation which he diuerse times had made, yea as yet being sicke, and in danger of recidiuation; and so conse­quentlie of death.

After this, he was conueied foorth on his iournie homewards, The king [...]rosecuteth the discourte­s [...]e of the em­perour in his [...]eclaration. still garded & not set at libertie. And it was told him, that after he came into France, it was conuenient that he should giue his faith, for that it was knowne well enough, that what he did line 30 or promised in Spaine, it nothing auailed. And fur­ther he remembred not that the emperour had told him at anie time, that if he performed not the con­tents of the treatie, he would hold him for a breaker of his faith, & though he had, he was not in his liber­tie to make anie answer. Two things therefore said he, in this case are to be considered. One, that the tre­tie was violentlie wroong out from them that could not bind his person, and the which (as to the residue) had béene accomplished by his moother, deliuering line 40 his sonnes in hostage. The other thing was his pre­tended faith, on which they can make [...]o ground, sith he was not set at libertie. And herevnto he shewed manie reasons, to prooue that his enimies could not pretend in right that they had his faith.

Further he said, that in matter of combat there was the assailant, The field, that is, a place where they may safelie come to fight in [...] be­fore indiffe­rent iudges. which ought to giue suertie of the field, and the defendant the weapons. Herewith al­so he caused a letter to be read, which the emperour had written to maister Iohn de Caluimont presi­dent line 50 of Burdeaux, the said kings ambassadour in the court of the said emperour: the tenor of which letter imported, that the emperour put the said ambassa­dour in remembrance of spéech which he had vttered to the said ambassadour in Granado, Guic. pag. 1091. repeating the same in substance as followeth. That the king his maister had doone naughtilie in not keeping his faith which he had of him, acording to the treatie of Ma­drill: and if the king would saie the contrarie, I will (said the emperour) mainteine the quarrell with my line 60 bodie against his. And these be the same words that I spake to the king your maister in Madrill, that I would hold him for a lewd and naughtie man, if he brake the faith which I had of him, &c.

Then after the said letter had béene read, he caused also his answer made by way of a cartell to be read, the tenor whereof ye haue heard before. That doone, he continued his tale, in declaring what order he had obserued to procure the emperour to the combat, without all shifting delaies: so as if the herald now come from the emperour would vse anie talke, other than to deliuer him an authentike writing for suer­tie of the field, and not obserue the contents of his safe conduct, he meant not to giue him audience. And herevpon was the herald called to come in, and de­clare his message. Who apparelled in his cote of armes, made his appéerance before the king there sit­ting, accompanied (as ye haue heard.) Unto whome the king said.

Herald, dooest thou bring the suertie of the field, The French kings talke and commu­nication to the emperors am­bassador vtte­red with in­dignation. such one as thy maister, being the assailant, ought to deliuer vnto the defendant, being such a personage as I am? The herald herevnto said: Sir, maie it please you to giue me licence to doo mine office? Then said the king; Giue me the pattent of the field, and saie what thou wilt. The herald beginning his tale, The sacred. Tush (said the king) shew me the pattent of the field, for I hold thy master for so noble a prince, that he hath not sent thée without the suertie of the field, sith I haue demanded it; and thou knowest that thy safe conduct conteineth no lesse but that thou shouldest bring it. The herald answered, that he trusted he had brought that which might content his maiestie.

The king replied & said: Herald, giue me the pat­tent of the field, giue it me: and if it be sufficient, I will receiue it, and after saie what thou wilt. The he­rald said he had in commandement not to deliuer it, except he might declare that which he had first to saie. The king said: Thy maister can not giue lawes to vs in France. To conclude he told the herald, that he peraduenture might speake things that his mai­ster would not auouch, and that he had not to deale with him, but with his maister. The herald requireth li­bertie to de­part. The herald then re­quired that he might haue licence to depart: which the king granted. And withall the king commanded that it might be registred what had passed in this be­halfe, for a testimonie that the fault rested not in him in that he receiued not the pattent. The herald like­wise for his discharge, required a copie in writing of that which had passed, and the same was granted.

Thus far haue I ouerpassed the common bounds of my purpose, in speaking so largelie of this mat­ter of combat, bicause of the rarenesse thereof, chan­cing betwixt two so mightie princes, although it came not to the effect of triall. year 1528 And now to returne to that which followed further vpon the defiance, The empero [...] defied by the kings of Eng­land and France. de­nounced to the emperor by the two kings of armes, Guien and Clarenceaux. Ye shall vnderstand, that the lords and nobilitie, to the number of seuen hun­dred in whose presence it was giuen, tooke it so offen­siuelie, that drawing foorth their swords, they sware that the same should be reuenged: for otherwise they protested, that the infamie would redound to them and their heires for euer. Herewith the warre was proclamed through all Spaine with baners displaied, in which were painted a red sword, with a burning cresset against the French king and his partakers, but not mentioning the king of England by expresse name. But it was recited in the proclamation, that the king of England had menaced and defied the em­perour in the French kings quarell.

Then were the English merchants in Spaine at­tached, and their goods put in safetie, English mer­chants staied in Spaine. till it might be knowne how the emperours subiects were ordered in England. Then likewise were all the ships of the emperours subiects here arrested: and in sembla­ble maner all the Englishmen and their goods and ships were arrested by the ladie regent in the low countries. The common people in England much lamented, that warre should arise betwéene the em­perour and the king of England, speciallie bicause the emperours dominions had holpen and reléeued them with graine in time of their necessitie & want. But cheefelie this matter touched merchants which hanted the emperors dominions. Yet at length were those of the low countries set at libertie, and their goods to them deliuered, in fauour of intercourse of [Page 906] merchandize. But forsomuch as the Spaniards were still deteined, the ladie regent also deteined the ships and goods of the English merchants though she set their persons at libertie.

By this meanes the trade of merchandize was in maner fore let here in England, The incōmo­ditie rising of lacke of inter­course for tra­ficke. and namelie the clothes laie on their hands, whereby the common­wealth suffered great decaie, and great numbers of spinners, carders, tuckers, and such other that liued by clothworking, remained idle, to their great impo­uerishment. line 10 And as this warre was displeasant to the Englishmen, so was it as much or more displea­sant to the townes and people of the low countries, & in especiall to the townes of Antuerpe & Barrow, where the marts are kept. So that at length there came ambassadours from the ladie regent, the which associating themselues with don Hugo de Mendoza ambassadour for the emperour, came to the king at Richmond the twentie and ninth of March, and there mooued their sute so effectuallie, An abstinence of war gran­ted vpon sute made to the king of Eng­land. that an abstinence line 20 of warre was granted, till time that a further com­munication might be had: and vpon this point let­ters were sent into Spaine, France, and Flanders, and so this matter continued vntill answers were brought from thense againe.

The emperours ambassadours intreated not so earnestlie to mooue the king to haue peace with their maister, but the French ambassadours sollicited the king as earnestlie to enter into the warre against him, and suerlie they had the cardinall on their side. But yet the king wiselie considering with other of line 30 his councell, what damage should insue therby vnto his subiects, and speciallie to the merchants and clo­thiers, would not consent so easilie to the purpose of the Frenchmen, though he had twentie thousand pounds sterling out of France, of yearelie pension, to continue fréend & alie to the French king. But he protested euer that he would sée the relme of France defended to his power, and studie no lesse to haue a peace concluded, which might be as honourable to the French king as to himselfe, and beneficiall vnto line 40 their people, of whome by warres, might be made both slaughter and bloudshed, which are compani­ons vnseparable of battell; as the poet well saith: ‘Hinc breuiter dirae mortis aperta via est.’

On the two and twentith of Februarie the king created at Windsor sir Piers Butler of Ireland, Creation of the earle of Osserie. erle of Osserie. ¶Also a Dutch craire of Armew cha­sed a French craire vp the Thames from Margate to the Tower wharfe, and there as they fought sir line 50 Edmund Walsingham lieutenant of the Tower perceiuing them, Sir Edmund Walsingham. called his men togither, and ente­ring the ships tooke both the capteins. The kings councell tooke vp the matter betwixt them, for the Fleming chalenged the Frenchman as a lawfull prise. An abstinence of the warre was taken in the beginning of this yeare betwixt Flanders, and the countries of Picardie on this side the riuer of Some to begin the first of Maie & indure till the last of Fe­bruarie. A truce and the benefits insuing from the same. By means of this truce all the Englishmen line 60 might lawfullie passe into the low countries, but not into Spaine: which sore gréeued the merchants that haunted those parties. It was further agréed, that if no generall peace could be had, during the time of this truce: then all the merchants should haue respit two moneths after to passe into their owne coun­tries with their wares and merchandizes in safetie.

In the end of Maie began in the citie of London the disease called the sweating sickenesse, The sweating sickenesse, whereof died both courtiers and others. which af­terwards infected all places of the realme, and slue manie within fiue or six houres after they sickened. This sickenesse, for the maner of the taking of the pa­tients, was an occasion of remembring that great sweat which raged in the reigne of this kings grand­father; and happilie men caused the same remedie then vsed to be reuiued. By reason of this sickenesse, the tearme was adiourned, and the circuit of the as­sises also. There died diuerse in the court of this sick­nesse, as sir Francis Poins, which had béene am­bassadour in Spaine, and diuerse others. The king for a space remooued almost euerie daie till he came to Tintinhangar, a place of the abbat of saint Al­bons, and there he with the quéene, and a small com­panie about them, remained till the sickenesse was past. In this great mortalitie died sir William Compton knight, and William Carew esquier; Sir William Compton. which were of the kings priuie chamber.

¶A prisoner brake from the sessions hall at New­gate when the sessions was doone, Abr. Fl. ex [...] pag 959. A prisoner brake frō the sessions house. Register of Greie friers. which prisoner was brought downe out of Newgate in a basket, he séemed so weake: but now in the end of the sessions he brake thorough the people vnto the Greie friers church, and there was kept six or seauen daies yer the shiriffes could speake with him, and then bicause he would not abiure and aske a crowner, with vio­lence they tooke him thense, and cast him againe in prison, but the law serued not to hang him.]

Ye heaue heard how the people talked a little be­fore the cardinals going ouer into France the last yeare, DoctorLong­land bishop of Lincolne. that the king was told by doctor Longland bi­shop of Lincolne and others, that his mariage with queene Katharine could not be good nor lawfull. The truth is, that whether this doubt was first mooued by the cardinall, or by the said Longland, being the kings confessor, the king was not onelie brought in doubt, whether it was a lawfull marriage or no; but also determined to haue the case examined, cléered, and adiudged by learning, law, and sufficient autho­ritie. Why the car­dinall was suspected to be against the marriage. The cardinall verelie was put in most blame for this scruple now cast into the kings conscience, for the hate he bare to the emperor, bicause he would not grant to him the archbishoprike of Toledo, for the which he was a suter. And therefore he did not onlie procure the king of England to ioine in fréend­ship with the French king, but also sought a diuorse betwixt the king and the quéene, that the king might haue had in marriage the duchesse of Alanson, sister vnto the French king: Polydor. and (as some haue thought) he trauelled in that matter with the French king at Amiens, but the duchesse would not giue eare therevnto.

But howsoeuer it came about, Edw. Hall▪ that the king was thus troubled in conscience concerning his mariage, this followed, that like a wise & sage prince, to haue the doubt cleerelie remooued, he called togither the best learned of the realme, The king is desirous to be resolued by the opinions of the learned touching his marriage. which were of seuerall o­pinions. Wherfore he thought to know the truth by indifferent iudges, least peraduenture the Spani­ards, and other also in fauour of the quéene would saie, that his owne subiects were not indifferent iud­ges in this behalfe. And therefore he wrote his cause to Rome, and also sent to all the vniuersities in Ita­lie and France, and to the great clearkes of all chri­stendome, to know their opinions, and desired the court of Rome to send into his realme a legat, which should be indifferent, and of a great and profound iudgement, to heare the cause debated. At whose re­quest the whole consistorie of the college of Rome sent thither Laurence Campeius, a préest cardinall, Cardinall Campeius sent into England. a man of great wit and experience, which was sent hither before in the tenth yeare of this king, as yée haue heard, and with him was ioined in commission the cardinall of Yorke and legat of England.

This cardinall came to London in October, and did intimate both to the king & queene the cause of his comming: which being knowne, The matter touching the kings mar­riage debated. great talke was had thereof. The archbishop of Canturburie sent for the famous doctors of both the vniuersities to Lam­beth, [Page 907] and there were euerie daie disputations and communings of this matter. And bicause the king meant nothing but vprightlie therein, and knew well that the quéene was somewhat wedded to hir owne opinion, and wished that she should do nothing without counsell, he bad hir choose the best clearks of his realme to be of hir counsell, and licenced them to doo the best on hir part that they could, according to the truth. Then she elected William Warham arch­bishop of Canturburie, The quéene chooseth law­yers for hir part. and Nicholas Weast bishop of Elie, doctors of the laws; and Iohn Fisher bishop line 10 of Rochester, and Henrie Standish bishop of saint Assaph, doctors of diuinitie, and manie o [...]her doctors and well learned men, which for suertie like men of great learning defended hir cause, as farre as lear­ning might mainteine and hold it vp.

This yeare was sir Iames Spenser maior of London, Polydor. in whose time the watch in London on Midsummer night was laid downe. About this time the king receiued into fauour doctor Stephan Gar­diner, Doctor Ste­phā Gardner. whose seruice he vsed in matters of great se­crecie line 20 and weight, year 1529 admitting him in the roome of doctor Pace, Doctor Pace falleth out of his wits. the which being continuallie abroad in ambassages, and the same oftentimes not much ne­cessarie, by the cardinals appointment, at length he tooke such gréefe therewith, that he fell out of his right wits. The place where the cardinals should sit to heare the cause of matrimonie betwixt the king and the quéene, Anno Reg. 21. Edw. Hall. was ordeined to be at the Blacke friers in London, where in the great hall was preparation made of seats, tables, and other furniture, accor­ding line 30 to such a solemne session and roiall apparance. The court was platted in tables and benches in manner of a consistorie, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 959. The maner of the session, e­uerie perso­nage of ac­count in his place. one seat raised higher for the iudges to sit in. Then as it were in the midst of the said iudges aloft aboue them three degrées high, was a cloth of estate hanged, with a chaire roiall vnder the same, wherein sat the king; and besides him, some distance from him sat the quéene, and vnder the iud­ges feet sat the scribes and other officers: the chéefe scribe was doctor Stéeuens, and the caller of the line 40 court was one Cooke of Winchester.

Then before the king and the iudges within the court sat the archbishop of Canturburie Warham, and all the other bishops. Then stood at both ends within, the counsellors learned in the spirituall laws, as well the kings as the quéenes. The doctors of law for the king (whose names yée haue heard before) had their conuenient roomes. Thus was the court furni­shed. The iudges commanded silence whilest their commission was read, both to the court and to the line 50 people assembled. The king and queene called into the court. That doone the scribes commanded the crier to call the king by the name of king Hen­rie of England, come into the court, &c. With that the king answered and said, Héere. Then called he the queene by the name of Katharine quéene of England come into the court, &c. Who made no answer, but rose out of hir chaire.

And bicause shée could not come to the king di­rectlie, for the distance seuered betweene them, shée line 60 went about by the court, and came to the king, knee­ling downe at his féet, to whome she said in effect as followeth: Quéene Ka­tharines la­mentable and p [...]hie spéech in presence of the court. Sir (quoth she) I desire you to doo me ius­tice and right, and take some pitie vpon me, for I am a poore woman, and a stranger, borne out of your do­minion, hauing héere no indifferent counsell, & lesse assurance of fréendship. Alas sir, what haue I offen­ded you, or what occasion of displeasure haue I shew­ed you, intending thus to put me from you after this sort? I take God to my iudge, I haue beene to you a true & humble wife, euer conformable to your will and pleasure, that neuer contraried or gainesaid any thing thereof, and being alwaies contented with all things wherein you had any delight, whether little or much, without grudge or displeasure, I loued for your sake all them whome you loued, whether they were my fréends or enimies.

I haue béene your wife these twentie yeares and more, & you haue had by me diuerse children. If there be anie iust cause that you can alleage against me, ei­ther of dishonestie, or matter lawfull to put me from you; I am content to depart to my shame and re­buke: and if there be none, then I praie you to let me haue iustice at your hand. The quéene iustifieth the mariage. The king your father was in his time of excellent wit, and the king of Spaine my father Ferdinando was reckoned one of the wisest princes that reigned in Spaine manie yeares before. It is not to be doubted, but that they had ga­thered as wise counsellors vnto them of euerie realme, as to their wisedoms they thought méet, who déemed the marriage betwéene you and me good and lawfull, &c. Wherefore, I humblie desire you to spare me, vntill I may know what counsell my freends in Spaine will aduertise me to take, and if you will not, then your pleasure be fulfilled. ¶With that she arose vp, making a lowe curtesie to the king, and de­parted from thence.

The king being aduertised that shée was readie to go out of the house, The quéene departing on [...] of the court is called againe. commanded the crier to call hir againe, who called hir by these words; Katharine quéene of England, come into the court. With that (quoth maister Griffith) Madame, you be called a­gaine. On on (quosh she) it maketh no matter, I will not tarrie, go on your waies. And thus she departed, without anie further answer at that time, or anie o­ther, and neuer would appeare after in anie court. The king perceiuing she was departed, said these words in effect: For as much (quoth he) as the quéene is gone, I will in hir absence declare to you all, that shée hath beene to me as true, as obedient, and as conformable a wife, as I would wish or desire. She hath all the vertuous qualities that ought to be in a woman of hir dignitie, or in anie other of a baser e­state, she is also surelie a noble woman borne, hir conditions will well declare the same.

With that quoth Wolseie the cardinall: Sir, The cardinall requireth to haue that de­clared which was well en­ough known. I most humblie require your highnesse, to declare be­fore all this audience, whether I haue béene the chéefe and first moouer of this matter vnto your maiestie or no, for I am greatlie suspected heerein. My lord cardinall (quoth the king) I can well excuse you in this matter, marrie (quoth he) you haue béene rather against me in the tempting héereof, than a setter for­ward or moouer of the same. The speciall cause that mooued me vnto this matter, was a certeine scrupu­lositie that pricked my conscience, vpon certeine words spoken at a time when it was, by the bishop of Baion the French ambassador, who had béene hither sent, vpon the debating of a marriage to be conclu­ded betweene our daughter the ladie Marie, and the duke of Orleance, second son to the king of France.

Upon the resolution and determination whereof, he desired respit to aduertise the king his maister thereof, whether our daughter Marie should be legi­timate in respect of this my marriage with this wo­man, being sometimes my brothers wife. Which words once conceiued within the secret bottome of my conscience, ingendered such a scrupulous doubt, The king confesseth that the sting of conscience made him mislike this mariage. that my conscience was incontinentlie accombred, vexed, and disquieted; whereby I thought my selfe to be greatlie in danger of Gods indignation. Which appeared to be (as me seemed) the rather, for that he sent vs no issue male: and all such issues male as my said wife had by me, died incontinent after they came into the world, so that I doubted the great dis­pleasure of God in that behalfe.

Thus my conscience being tossed in the waues of a scrupulous mind, and partlie in despaire to haue [Page 908] anie other issue than I had alredie by this ladie now my wife, it behooued me further to consider the state of this realme, and the danger it stood in for lacke of a prince to succéed me, I thought it good in release of the weightie burthen of my weake conscience, & also the quiet estate of this worthie relme, to attempt the law therin, whether I may lawfullie take another wife more lawfullie, by whome God may send me more issue, in case this my first copulation was not good, without anie carnall concupiscence, and not for line 10 anie displeasure or misliking of the queenes person and age, The state of the question. with whome I would be as well contented to continue, if our mariage may stand with the laws of God, as with anie woman aliue.

In this point consisteth all this doubt that we go about now to trie, by the learning, wisedome, and iudgement of you our prelats and pastors of all this our realme and dominions now heere assembled for that purpose; to whose conscience & learning I haue committed the charge and iudgement: according to line 20 the which I will (God willing) be right well content to submit my selfe, The king submitteth himselfe to the censures of the learned in this case of diuorse. and for my part obeie the same. Wherein, after that I perceiued my conscience so doubtfull, I mooued it in confession to you my lord of Lincolne then ghostlie father. And for so much as then you your selfe were in some doubt, you mooued me to aske the counsell of all these my lords: where­vpon I mooued you my lord of Canturburie, first to haue your licence, in as much as you were metropo­litane, to put this matter in question, and so I did of line 30 all you my lords: to which you granted vnder your seales, héere to be shewed. That is truth, quoth the archbishop of Canturburie. After that the king rose vp, and the court was adiorned vntill another daie.

Héere is to be noted, that the quéene in presence of the whole court most gréeuouslie accused the cardi­nall of vntruth, The quéene accuseth car­dinall Wolsie. deceit, wickednesse, & malice, which had sowne dissention betwixt hir and the king hir husband; and therefore openlie protested, that she did vtterlie abhorre, refuse, and forsake such a iudge, as line 40 was not onelie a most malicious enimie to hir, but also a manifest aduersarie to all right and iustice, and therewith did she appeale vnto the pope, She appeleth to the pope. committing hir whole cause to be iudged of him. But notwith­standing this appeale, the legats sat weekelie, and euerie daie were arguments brought in on both parts, and proofes alleaged for the vnderstanding of the case, and still they assaied if they could by anie meanes procure the quéene to call backe hir appeale, which she vtterlie refused to doo. The king would line 50 gladlie haue had an end in the matter, The king mistrusteth the legats of séeking de­laies. but when the legats draue time, and determined vpon no certeine point, he conceiued a suspicion, that this was doone of purpose, that their dooings might draw to none effect or conclusion.

The next court daie, the cardinals sat againe, at which time the councell on both sides were there rea­die to answer. The kings councell alleaged the ma­trimonie not to be lawfull at the beginning, The present mariage whie thought vn­lawfull. bicause of the carnall copulation had betwéene prince Ar­thur line 60 and the quéene. This matter was verie vehe­mentlie touched on that side, and to prooue it, they al­leaged manie reasons and similitudes of truth: and being answered negatiuelie againe on the other side, it seemed that all their former allegations were doubtfull to be tried, and that no man knew the truth. And thus this court passed from sessions to sessions, and daie to daie, till at certeine of their sessions the king sent the two cardinals to the queene (who was then in Bridewell) to persuade with hir by their wis­doms, and to aduise hir to surrender the whole mat­ter into the kings hands by hir owne consent & will, which should be much better to hir honour, than to stand to the triall of law, and thereby to be condem­ned, which should séeme much to hir dishonour.

The cardinals being in the queenes chamber of presence, Quéene Ka­tharine and the cardinals haue c [...]mmu­nication in hir priuie chamber. the gentleman vsher aduertised the quéene that the cardinals were come to speake with hir. With that she rose vp, & with a skeine of white thred about hir necke, came into hir chamber of presence, where the cardinals were attending. At whose com­ming, quoth she, What is your plesure with me? If it please your grace (quoth cardinall Wolseie) to go in­to your priuie chamber, we will shew you the cause of our comming. My lord (quoth she) if yée haue anie thing to saie, speake it openlie before all these folke, for I feare nothing that yee can saie against me, but that I would all the world should heare and sée it, and therefore speake your mind. Then began the cardi­nall to speake to hir in Latine. Naie good my lord (quoth she) speake to me in English.

Forsooth (quoth the cardinall) good madame, if it please you, we come both to know your mind how you are disposed to doo in this matter betwéene the king and you, and also to declare secretlie our opini­ons and counsell vnto you: which we doo onelie for verie zeale and obedience we beare vnto your grace. My lord (quoth she) I thanke you for your good will, The quéene refuseth to make sudden answer to so weightie a matter as the diuorse. but to make you answer in your request I cannot so suddenlie, for I was set among my maids at worke, thinking full little of anie such matter, wherein there néedeth a longer deliberation, and a better head than mine to make answer: for I néed counsell in this case which toucheth me so néere, & for anie counsell or freendship that I can find in England, they are not for my profit. What thinke you my lords, will anie Englishman counsell me, or be fréend to me against the K. pleasure that is his subiect? Naie forsooth. And as for my counsell in whom I will put my trust, they be not here, they be in Spaine in my owne countrie.

And my lords, I am a poore woman, lacking wit, to answer to anie such noble persons of wisedome as you be, in so weightie a matter, therefore I praie you be good to me poore woman, destitute of fréends here in a forren region, and your counsell also I will be glad to heare. And therewith she tooke the cardi­nall by the hand, and led him into hir priuie cham­ber with the other cardinall, where they tarried a sea­son talking with the quéene. Which communication ended, they departed to the king, making to him re­lation of hir talke. The king & quéenes mat­ter commeth to iudgement. Thus this case went forward from court to court, till it came to iudgement, so that euerie man expected that iudgment would be giuen the next day. At which daie the king came thither, and set him downe in a chaire within a doore, in the end of the gallerie (which opened directlie against the iudgement seat) to heare the iudgement giuen, at which time all their proceedings were red in Latine.

That doone, the kings councell at the barre called for iudgement. Cardinall Campeius refuseth to giue iudge­ment. With that (quoth cardinall Campei­us) I will not giue iudgement till I haue made re­lation to the pope of all our procéedings, whose counsell and commandement in this case I will ob­serue: the case is verie doubtfull, and also the partie defendant will make no answer here, but dooth ra­ther appeale from vs, supposing that we be not indif­ferent. Wherfore I will adiourne this court for this time, according to the order of the court of Rome. And with that the court was dissolued, and no more doone. This protracting of the conclusion of the mat­ter, king Henrie tooke verie displeasantlie. Then cardinall Campeius tooke his leaue of the king and nobilitie, and returned towards Rome.]

Whilest these things were thus in hand, the cardi­nall of Yorke was aduised that the king had set his affection vpon a yoong gentlewoman named Anne, The kings affection and goodwill to the ladie Anne Bullen. the daughter of sir Thomas Bullen vicount Roch­ford, which did wait vpon the quéene. This was a [Page 909] great griefe vnto the cardinall, as he that perceiued aforehand, that the king would marie the said gen­tlewoman, if the diuorse tooke place. Wherfore he be­gan with all diligence to disappoint that match, which by reason of the misliking that he had to the woman, he iudged ought to be auoided more than present death. While the matter stood in this state, and that the cause of the quéene was to be heard and iudged at Rome, The secret working and dissimulation of cardinall Wolseie. by reason of the appeale which by hir was put in: the cardinall required the pope by line 10 letters and secret messengers, that in anie wise he should defer the iudgement of the diuorse, till he might frame the kings mind to his purpose.

Howbeit he went about nothing so secretlie, but that the same came to the kings knowledge, who tooke so high displeasure with such his cloked dissimu­lation, The king cō ­ceiueth dis­pleasure a­gainst the cardinall. that he determined to abase his degrée, sith as an vnthankefull person he forgot himselfe and his dutie towards him that had so highlie aduanced him to all honor and dignitie. When the nobles of the line 20 realme perceiued the cardinall to be in displeasure, Edw. Hall. they began to accuse him of such offenses as they knew might be proued against him, and thereof they made a booke conteining certeine articles, Articles exhi­bited against the cardinall. to which diuerse of the kings councell set their hands. The king vnderstanding more plainlie by those articles, the great pride, presumption, and couetousnesse of the cardinall, was sore mooued against him; but yet kept his purpose secret for a while. Shortlie after, a parlement was called to begin at Westminster the line 30 third of Nouember next insuing.

In the meane time the king, being informed that all those things that the cardinall had doone by his power legantine within this realme, were in the case of the premunire and prouision, The cardinall sued in a pre­munire. caused his at­turneie Christopher Hales to sue out a writ of pre­munire against him, in the which he licenced him to make his atturneie. ¶And further, the seuentéenth of Nouember the king sent the two dukes of Norf­folke and Suffolke to the cardinals place at West­minster, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 966, 967. line 40 who (went as they were commanded) and finding the cardinall there, The cardinall is loth to part from the great seale. they declared that the kings pleasure was that he should surrender vp the great seale into their hands, and to depart simplie vnto Asher, which was an house situat nigh vnto Hampton court, belonging to the bishoprike of Winchester. The cardinall demanded of them their commission that gaue them such authoritie, who an­swered againe, that they were sufficient commissio­ners, and had authoritie to doo no lesse by the kings line 50 mouth. Notwithstanding, he would in no wise agrée in that behalfe, without further knowledge of their authoritie, saieng; that the great seale was deliue­red him by the kings person, to inioy the ministrati­on thereof, with the roome of the chancellor for the terme of his life▪ whereof for his suertie he had the kings letters patents.

This matter was greatlie debated betwéene them with manie great words, in so much that the dukes were faine to depart againe without their purpose, and rode to Windsore to the king, and made report line 60 accordinglie; but the next daie they returned againe, bringing with them the kings letters. Then the car­dinall deliuered vnto them the great seale, The cardinall discharged of y e great seale. and was content to depart simplie, taking with him nothing but onelie certeine prouision for his house: and after long talke betwéene him and the dukes, they depar­ted with the great seale of England, and brought the same to the king. Then the cardinall called all his officers before him, The cardinall calleth all his officers to accounts. and tooke accompt of them for all such stuffe, whereof they had charge. And in his galle­rie were set diuerse tables, wherevpon laie a great number of goodlie rich stuffe, as whole péeces of silke of all colours, veluet, sattin, damaske, taffata, gro­graine, and other things. Also, there laie a thousand peeces of fine Holland cloth.

There was laid on euerie table, bookes reporting the contents of the same, and so was there inuenta­ries of all things in order against the kings com­ming. He caused to be hanged the walles of the gal­lerie on the one side with cloth of gold, cloth of tissue, cloth of siluer, and rich cloth of bodken of diuerse co­lours. On the other side were hanged the richest sute of coapes of his owne prouision made for his colle­ges of Oxford and Ipswich, that euer were séene in England. Then had he two chambers adioining to the gallerie, the one most commonlie called the gilt chamber, and the other the councell chamber, wherein were set vp two broad and long tables vpon trestles, whervpon was set such a number of plate of all sorts, as was almost incredible.

In the gilt chamber were set out vpon the table nothing but gilt plate, and vpon a cupbord and in a window was set no plate but gold, verie rich: and in the councell chamber was all white and parcell gilt plate, and vnder the table in baskets was all old bro­ken siluer plate, and bookes set by them purporting e­uerie kind of plate, and euerie parcell, with the con­tents of the ounces thereof. Thus were all things prepared, giuing charge of all the said stuffe, with all other remaining in euerie office, to be deliuered to the king, to make answer to their charge: for the or­der was such, that euerie officer was charged with the receipt of the stuffe belonging to his office by in­denture. To sir William Gascoigne, The cardinall of Yorke go­eth to Asher, and hath his plentie turned into penurie. being his trea­suror, he gaue the charge of the deliuerie of the said goods, and therwithall, with his traine of gentlemen and yeomen, he tooke his barge at the priuie staires, and so went by water vnto Putneie, where when he was arriued, he tooke his mule, & euerie man tooke their horsses, and rode streight to Asher, where he and his familie continued the space of three or foure weekes, without either beds, shéets, table cloths, or dishes to eat their meat in, or wherwith to buie anie: the cardinall was forced to [...]orow of the bishop of Carleill, plate and dishes, &c.]

After this, in the kings bench his matter for the premunire, being called vpon, two atturneis, Iohn Scute, and Edmund Iennie. which he had authorised by his warrant signed with his owne hand, confessed the action, and so had iudge­ment to forfeit all his lands, tenements, goods, The cardinall condemned in a premunire. and cattels, and to be out of the kings protection: but the king of his clemencie sent to him a sufficient protec­tion, and left to him the bishoprikes of Yorke and Winchester, with plate and stuffe conuenient for his degrée. The bishoprike of Duresme was giuen to doctor Tunstall bishop of London, The bishop­rike of Du­resme giuen to doctor Tunstall. and the abbeie of saint Albons to the prior of Norwich. Also the bi­shoprike of London being now void, was bestowed on doctor Stokesleie, then ambassadour to the vni­uersities beyond the sea for the kings mariage.

The ladie Margaret duches of Sauoy aunt to the emperour, The duchesse of Sauoy, and the duchesse [...] Angolesme méet about [...] treatie o [...] peace. and the ladie L [...]is duchesse of Angolesme mother to the French king, met at Cambreie in the beginning of the moneth of Iune, to treat of a peace, where were present doctor Tunstall bishop of Lon­don, and sir Thomas Moore then chancellor of the du­chie of Lancaster, commissioners for the king of England. At length through diligence of the said la­dies a peace was concluded betwixt the emperour, the pope, and the kings of England and France. All these met there in the beginning of Iulie, accompa­nied with diuerse great princes and councellors, on euerie part. And after long debating on both sides, there was a good conclusion taken the fift daie of Au­gust. In the which was concluded, that the treatie of Madrill should stand in his full strength and vertue, Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fo. clxxx [...] sauing the third and fourth, and the eleuenth and four­téenth [Page 910] articles, which touch the duchie of Burgognie, and other lordships.

1 Item, it was agréed, that the French king should haue his children againe, Read more hereof in Guic. pag. 1145. & deinceps. paieng to the empe­rour two millians of crownes of gold, whereof hée should paie at the deliuering of the children, twelue hundred thousand crownes.

2 Item, that the French king should acquit the emperour against the king of England, of fourescore and ten thousand crowns, which the emperour owght line 10 to the king of England, and the king of England to deliuer all such bonds and gages as he had of the emperours.

3 Item, as touching the remnant, which was fiue hundred and ten thousand crownes, the emperour should haue fiue and twentie thousand crownes rent yearelie, for which he should haue the lands of the du­chesse of Uandosme, lieng in Flanders and Brabant bound.

4 Item, that Flanders and diuerse other coun­tries, line 20 should not behold in chiefe, nor haue resort to the crowne of France.

5 Item, that the realme of Naples, the duchie of Millan, and the countie of Ast, should for euer re­maine to the emperour.

6 Item, that the French king should withdraw all such souldiors as he had, out of Italie.

7 Item, that the ladie Eleanor should be brought into France, with the French kings children, and in time conuenient should be maried to the French line 30 king.

8 Item, that the French king should aid the em­perour with twelue gallies to go into Italie.

9 Item, that all prisoners on both parties should be acquited.

10 Item, that the French king should not aid Robert de la March, against the bishop of Luke.

11 Item, that all the goods mooueable and vnmoo­uable, of Charles duke of Burbon, should be restored to his heires, they paieng to lord Henrie, marquesse of Dapenete, and earle of Nassaw, lord chamber­leine line 40 to the emperour, ten thousand ducats, which he lent to the said duke of Burbon.

12 Item, that Iohn earle of Panthieure, should be remitted to all such goods, as were earle Rene his fathers.

13 Item, the lord Laurence de Gorowood, great master to the emperor, should be restored to the lord­ships of Chalmont, & Monteualle, which he bought of the duke of Burbon, or to haue his monie againe.

14 Item, Philip de Chalon prince of Orenge and line 50 viceroy of Naples, to be restored to all his lands in Burgognie.

15 Item, that the duches of Uandosme, and Lois earle of Nauers, should haue all such right and acti­ons, as they should haue had before the warre began.

In the emperours countries, when all things were written, sealed, and finished, there was a solemne masse soong in the cathedrall church of Cambreie, the two ladies ambassadors of the king of England, sit­ting in great estate: and after masse the peace was line 60 proclamed betwéene the thrée princes, and Te Deum soong, and monie cast to the people, and great fires made through the citie. The same night the French king came into Cambreie, well and noblie accom­panied, and saluted the ladies, and to them made di­uerse bankets: and then all persons departed into their countrie, glad of this concord. This peace was called the womens peace, The womens peace. for bicause that notwith­standing this conclusion, yet neither the emperour trusted the French king, nor he neither trusted nor loued him, and their subiects were in the same case. This proclamation was proclamed solemnelie by heralds with trumpets in the citie of London, which proclamation much reioised the English merchants, repairing into Flanders, Brabant, Zeland, and o­ther the emperors dominions. For during the wars, merchants were euill handled on both parties, which caused them to be desirous of peace. Sir Thomas Moore lord chancellor.] On the foure & twentith of Nouember, was sir Thomas Moore made lord chancellor, & the next day led to the Chan­cerie by the dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke, and there sworne.

At the daie appointed the parlement began, on which daie the king came by water to his place of Bridewell, Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fo. clxxx [...] An oration made in the audience of the parlement by sir Tho­mas Moore. and there he and his nobles put on their robes of parlement, and so came to the Blacke friers church, where a masse of the Holie-ghost was solemnelie soong by the kings chappell: and after the masse, the king with all the lords of parlement and commons, which were summoned to appeare at that daie, came into the parlement chamber, where the king sate in his throne or seat roiall: and sir Thomas Moore his chancellor, standing on the right hand of the king behind the barre, made an eloquent ora­tion.

In this oration he declared, that like as a good shéepheard, which not alonelie keepeth and attendeth well his shéepe, but also foreseeth and prouideth for all things which either may be hurtfull or noisome to his flocke, or maie preserue and defend the same against all perils that may chance to come: so the king which was the shéepheard, ruler and gouernour of his realme, vigilantlie foreséeing things to come, consi­dered how diuers laws before this time were made, now by long continuance of time and mutation of things, verie insufficient and vnperfect: and also by the fraile condition of man, diuerse new enormities were sproong amongest the people, for the which no law was yet made to reforme the same. Which was the verie cause whie at that time the king had sum­moned his high court of parlement. And hée re­sembled the king to a shéepheard or heardman for this cause: for if a prince be compared to his riches, he is but a rich man; if a prince be compared to his honour, he is but an honourable man: but compare him to the multitude of his people, and the number of his flocke, then he is a ruler, Wherein the person of the king is pro­perlie reputed a ruler. a gouernor of might & puissance, so that his people maketh him a prince, as of the multitude of shéepe commeth the name of a shéepheard. And as you sée that amongst a great sort of shepe some be rotten & faultie, which the good shéep­heard sendeth from the good sheepe: so the great wed­der which is of late fallen (as you all know) so crafti­lie, so scabbedlie, yea and so vntrulie iugled with the king, that all men must néedes ghesse and thinke, that he thought in himselfe that he had no wit to per­ceiue his craftie dooing; or else that he presumed that the king would not sée nor know his fraudulent iug­ling and attempts. But he was deceiued: for his graces sight was so quicke and penetrable, that hée saw him, yea and saw through him, both within and without, so that all things to him was open, and ac­cording to his desert he hath had a gentle correction.

Which small punishment the king will not to be an example to other offendors, but clearelie decla­reth, that whosoeuer hereafter shall make like at­tempt, or commit like offense, shall not escape with like punishment. And bicause you of the common house be a grosse multitude, and can not speake all at one time: therefore the kings pleasure is, that you shall resort to the nether house, & there amongst your selues, according to the old and ancient custome, to choose an able person to be your common mouth and speaker: and after your election so made, to aduertise his grace thereof, which will declare to you his plea­sure, what day he will haue him present in this place. After this doone, the commons resorted to the nether [Page 911] house, Thomas [...]udleie cho­sen speaker. and they chose for their speaker Thomas Aud­leie esquier, and attourneie of the duchie of Lanca­ster: and the same daie was the parlement adiorned to Westminster.

On the sixt daie of the same moneth, the king came to the parlement chamber, and all the lords in their robes. And there the commons of the nether house presented their speaker, which there made an e­loquent oration, An oration made by the speaker of the parlement. which consisted in two points. The first point was, that he much praised the king for his line 10 equitie and iustice, mixed with mercie and pitie, so that none offense was forgotten and left vnpunish­ed, nor in the punishment the extremitie nor the ri­gor of the law cruellie extended: which should be a cause to bridle all men from doing like offenses, & also a comfort to offendors to confesse their crime and offense, and an occasion of amendment and re­conciliation. The second point was, that he disabled himselfe, both for lacke of wit, learning, and discreti­on to so high an office, beseeching the king to cause line 20 his commons to resort eftsoones to their common house, and there to choose an other speaker for that parlement.

To this the king (by the mouth of the lord chancel­lor) answered; that where he disabled himselfe in wit and learning, his owne ornate oration there made testified the contrarie. And as touching his discreti­on and other qualities, the king himselfe had well knowne him and his doings since he was in his ser­uice, to be both wise and discreet: and so for an able line 30 man he accepted him, and for the speaker he him ad­mitted. When the commons were assembled in the nether house, The commōs of the lower house com­plaine against the clergie. they began to commune of their griefes, wherewith the spiritualtie had before time greeuouslie oppressed them, both contrarie to the law of the realme, and contrarie to all right: and in spe­ciallie they were sore mooued with six great causes.

line 1 The first for the excessiue fines, which the ordinaries tooke for probats of testaments, insomuch that sir Henrie Guilford knight of the garter, and control­lor line 40 of the kings house, declared in the open parle­ment on his fidelitie, that he and others being execu­tors to sir William Compton knight, paied for the probat of his will to the cardinall and the archbishop of Canturburie a thousand markes sterling. After this declaration were shewed so manie extortions doone by ordinaries for probats of willes, that it were too much to rehearse.

The second was the great polling and extreame line 2 eraction, which the spirituall men vsed in taking of line 50 corps, presents, or mortuaries. For the children of the defunct should all die for hunger, and go a beg­ging, rather than they would of charitie giue to them the séelie cow which the dead man owght, if he had but onelie one; such was the charitie then.

line 3 The third cause was, that priests being surueiors, stewards and officers to bishops, abbats, and other spirituall heads, had and occupied farmes, gran­ges, and grasing in euerie countrie, so that the poore husbandmen could haue nothing but of them; and line 60 yet for that they should paie déerlie.

line 4 The fourth cause was, that abbats, priors, and spi­rituall men kept tan-houses, and bought and sold wooll, cloth, and all maner of merchandize, as other temporall merchants did.

line 5 The fift cause was, bicause that spirituall persons promoted to great benefices, and hauing their li­uings of their flocke, were lieng in the court in lords houses, and tooke all of the parishioners, and no­thing spent on them at all: so that for lacke of resi­dence both the poore of the parish lacked refreshing, and vniuersallie all the parishioners lacked preach­ing and true instruction of Gods word, to the great perill of their soules.

The sixt cause was, to sée one priest little learned, line 6 to haue ten or twelue benefices, & to be resident vp­on none; and to know manie well learned scholars in the vniuersities, which were able to preach & teach, to haue neither benefice nor exhibition.

These things before this time might in no wise be touched, nor yet talked of by anie man, The bishops sticke hard a­gainst these billes. except he would be made an heretike, or léese all that he had. For t hebishops were chancellors, and had all the rule about the king, so that no man durst once presume to attempt anie thing contrarie to their profit or com­moditie. But now, when God had illuminated the eies of the king, and that their subtile dooings were once espied; then men began charitablie to desire a reformation: and so at this parlement men began to shew their grudges. Wherevpon the burgesses of the parlement appointed such as were learned in the law, being of the common house, to draw one bill of the probats of testaments, another for mortuaries, and the third for non residence, pluralities, and ta­king of farmes by spirituall men. The learned men tooke much paines, and first set foorth the bill of mor­tuaries, which passed the common house, and was sent vp to the lords. To this bill the spirituall lords made a faire face, saieng; that suerlie priests and cu­rats tooke more than they should, and therefore it were well done to take some reasonable order: thus they spake, bicause it touched them little.

But within two daies after was sent vp the bill concerning probats of testaments; at the which the archbishop of Canturburie in especiall, and all other bishops in generall both frowned and grunted, for that touched their profit. Insomuch as doctor Iohn Fisher bishop of Rochester said openlie in the parle­ment chamber these words: My lords, you sée dailie what billes come hither from the common house, The saieng of Iohn Fi­sher bishop of Rochester▪ and all is to the destruction of the church. For Gods sake sée what a realme the kingdome of Boheme was; and when the church went downe, then fell the glorie of the kingdome: now with the commons is nothing but Downe with the church; and all this me séemeth is for lacke of faith onlie. When these words were reported to the commons of the nether house, that the bishop should saie, that all their dooings were for lacke of faith, they tooke the matter gréeuouslie, for they imagined that the bishop estéemed them as heretikes, and so by his slanderous words would haue persuaded the temporall lords, to haue restrai­ned their consent from the said two billes, which they before had passed, as you haue heard before.

Wherefore the commons, after long debate, deter­mined to send the speaker of the parlement to the kings highnesse, A complaint made to the king against the bishop of Rochester. with a gréeuous complaint against the bishop of Rochester. And so on a daie, when the king was at leasure, Thomas Audleie speaker for the commons, and thirtie of the chéefe of the common house, came to the kings presence in his palace at Westminster, whi [...]h before was called Yorke place; and there verie eloquentlie declared what a dishonor to the king and the realme it was, to saie, that they which were elected for the wisest men of all the shires, cities, and boroughs, within the realme of England, should be declared, in so noble and open presence, to lacke faith: which was equiualent to saie, that they were infidels, and no christians, as ill as Turkes, or Saracens, so that what paine or studie soeuer they tooke for the common wealth, or what acts or lawes soeuer they made or stablished, should be taken as la [...]es made by Painims and heathen people, and not woorthie to be kept by christian men. Wherefore he most humbly besought the kings highnesse to call the said bishop before him, and to cause him to speake more discréetlie of such a number as was in the com­mon house.

[Page 912]The king was not well contented with the sai­eng of the bishop, yet he gentlie answered the spea­ker, that he would send for the bishop, and send them word what answer he made, and so they departed a­gaine. After this the king sent for the archbishop of Canturburie and six other bishops, and for the bishop of Rochester also, and there declared to him the grudge of the commons; to the which the bishop an­swered, that he meant the dooings of the Bohemians was for lacke of faith, and not the dooings of them that were in the common house. The bishops excuse to the kings ma­iestie. Which saieng was line 10 confirmed by the bishops being present, who had him in great reputation: and so by that onelie sai­eng the king accepted his excuse, and thereof sent word to the commons by sir William Fitz Willi­ams knight, treasuror of his houshold; which blind excuse pleased the commons nothing at all. Hard hold be­twéene the lords spiritu­all and tem­porall about the probats of willes and mortuaries. After diuerse assemblies were kept betwéene certeine of the lords, and certeine of the commons, for the billes of probats of testaments, and the mortuaries; the temporaltie laid to the spiritualtie their owne lawes line 20 and constitutions; and the spiritualtie sore defended them by prescription & vsage, to whom this answer was made by a gentleman of Greies inne: The v­sage hath euer beene of théeues to rob on Shooters hill, ergo is it lawfull?

With this answer the spirituall men were sore of­fended, because their dooings were called robberies. But the temporall men stood still by their saiengs, insomuch that the said gentleman said to the archbi­shop of Canturburie, that both the exaction of pro­bats line 30 of testaments, and the taking of mortuaries, as they were vsed, were open robberie and theft. Af­ter long disputation, the temporall lords began to leane to the commons: but for all that the billes re­mained vnconcluded for a while. In the meane sea­son, The loane of monie released to the king, which he borowed in anno reg. 15. there was a bill assented to by the lords, and sent downe to the commons: the effect whereof was, that the whole realme by the said act did release to the king, all such summes of monie as he had borrowed of them at the loane, in the fiftéenth yeare of his line 40 reigne (as you haue heard before.) This bill was sore argued in the common house, but the most part of the commons were the kings seruants, and the other were so laboured to by other, that the bill was assen­ted vnto.

When this release of the loane was knowen to the commons of the realme, Lord so they grudged & spake ill of the whole parlement. For almost euerie man counted it his debt, and reckoned suerlie of the line 50 paiment of the same. And therefore some made their willes of the same, and some other did set it ouer to other for debt, and so manie men had losse by it, which caused them sore to murmur, but there was no reme­die. The king like a good and discréet prince, séeing that his commons in the parlement house had relea­sed the loane, intending somewhat to requite the same, granted to them a generall pardon of all of­fenses; certeine great offenses and debts onelie ex­cepted: also he aided them for the redresse of their line 60 griefes against the spiritualtie, and caused two new billes to be made indifferentlie, both for the probats of testaments and mortuaries; which billes were so reasonable, that the spirituall lords assented to them all, The matter of testaments and mortua­ries modera­ted by the king. though they were sore against there mindes, & in especiall the probats of testaments sore displeased the bishops, and the mortuaries sore displeased the par­sons and vicars.

After these acts thus agréed, the commons made another act for pluralities of benefices, non resi­dence, bieng selling and taking of farmes by spiri­tuall persons. Which act so displeased the spiritualtie, that the priests railed on the commons of the com­mon house, and called them heretikes and schisma­tikes, for the which diuerse priests were punished. This act was sore debated aboue in the parlement chamber, and the lords spirituall would in no wise consent. All against the cleargie both head and taile. Wherefore the king perceiuing the grudge of his commons, caused eight lords and eight of his commons to méet in the Star chamber at an after noone, and there was sore debating of the cause, in somuch that the temporall lords of the vpper house, which were there, tooke part with the commons, a­gainst the spirituall lords; and by force of reason cau­sed them to assent to the bill with a little qualifieng. Which bill the next daie was wholie agreed to in the lords house, to the great reioising of the laie people, and to the great displeasure of the spirituall persons. During this parlement was brought downe to the commons the booke of articles, which the lords had put to the king against the cardinall, the chiefe wher­of were these.

1 First, that he without the kings assent had pro­cured to be a legat, Articles [...]h [...] ­bited against the cardinall of Yorke▪ by reason whereof he tooke awaie the right of all bishops and spirituall persons.

2 Item, in all writings which he wrote to Rome, or anie other forren prince, he wrote Ego & rex meus, I and my king: as who would saie, that the king were his seruant.

3 Item, that he hath slandered the church of Eng­land in the court of Rome. For his suggestion to be legat was to reforme the church of England, which (as he wrote) was Facta in reprobum sensum.

4 Item, he without the kings assent carried the kings great seale with him into Flanders, when he was sent ambassador to the emperour.

5 Item, he without the kings assent, sent a com­mission to sir Gregorie de Cassado, knight, to con­clude a league betwéene the king & the duke of Fer­rar, without the kings knowledge.

6 Item, that he hauing the French pockes presu­med to come and breath on the king.

7 Item, that he caused the cardinals hat to be put on the kings coine.

8 Item, that he would not suffer the kings clerke of the market to sit at saint Albons.

9 Item, that he had sent innumerable substance to Rome, for the obteining of his dignities, to the great impouerishment of the realme.

These articles, with manie more, read in the com­mon house, and signed with the cardinals hand, was confessed by him. And also there was shewed a wri­ting sealed with his seale, by the which he gaue to the king all his mooueables and vnmooueables. On the daie of the Conception of our ladie, Creation of earles at Yorke place. the king at Yorke place at Westminster, in the parlement time, created the vicount Rochford erle of Wilshire, and the vicount Fitz Water was created earle of Sussex, and the lord Hastings was created earle of Huntington. When▪ all things were concluded in the parlement house, the king came to the parlement chamber the 17 daie of December, and there put his roiall assent to all things doone by the lords and com­mons, and so proroged his court of parlement till the next yeare. After the parlement was thus ended, the king remooued to Gréenewich, and there kept his Christmasse with the queene in great triumph: with great plentie of viands, and diuerse disguisings and enterludes, to the great reioising of his people.]

The king, which all this while, since the doubt was mooued touching his marriage, absteined from the quéenes bed, was now aduertised by his ambassa­dors, whom he had sent to diuerse vniuersities for the absoluing of his doubt, that the said vniuersities were agreed, and cléerelie concluded, that the one brother might not by Gods law marrie the other bro­thers wife, carnallie knowen by the first marriage, & that neither the pope nor the court of Rome could [Page 913] in anie wise dispense with the same. For ye must vnderstand, A speciall argument in disproofe of the marriage. that amongst other things alleged for disproofe of the mariage to be lawfull, euidence was giuen of certeine words, which prince Arthur spake the morrow after he was first married to the quéene, whereby it was gathered, that he knew hir carnallie the night then passed. The words were these, as we find them in the chronicle of master Edward Hall.

In the morning after he was risen from the bed, in which he had laine with hir all night, he called for drinke, which he before time was not accustomed to line 10 doo. At which thing, one of his chamberleines mar­uelling, required the cause of his drought. To whome he answered merilie, saieng; I haue this night béene in the middest of Spaine, which is a hot region, and that iournie maketh me so drie: and if thou haddest beene vnder that hot climat, thou wouldest haue béene drier than I. Againe, it was alleged, that af­ter the death of prince Arthur, the king was defer­red from the title and creation of prince of Wales almost halfe a yeare, which thing could not haue béene line 20 doubted, if she had not béene carnallie knowen. Al­so she hir selfe caused a bull to be purchased, in the which were these words Velforsan cognitam, that is, and peraduenture carnallie knowen: which words were not in the first bull granted by pope Iulie at hir se­cond mariage to the king, which second bull with that clause was onelie purchased to dispense with the se­cond matrimonie, although there were carnall copu­lation before, which bull néeded not to haue béene pur­chased, if there had béene no carnall copulation, for line 30 then the first bull had béene sufficient. To conclude, when these & other matters were laid foorth to prooue that which she denied, the carnall copulation betwixt hir and prince Arthur, hir counsellors left that mat­ter, and fell to persuasions of naturall reason. And lastlie, when nothing else would serue, they stood stiffe in the appeale to the pope, and in the dispensation pur­chased from the court of Rome, so that the matter was thus shifted off, and no end likelie to be had line 40 therein.

The king therefore vnderstanding now that the emperour and the pope were appointed to méet at the citie of Bononie aliàs Bologna, where the emperour should be crowned, sent thither in ambassage from him the earle of Wilshire, Ambassadors sent to Italie out of Eng­land about this intricate matter of the marriage. doctor Stok [...]sleie, elected bishop of London, and his almoner doctor Edward Lée, to declare both vnto the pope and emperour, the law of God, the determinations of vniuersities in the case of his mariage, and to require the pope to doo iustice according to truth, and also to shew to the line 50 emperour, that the king did mooue this matter onelie for discharge of his conscience, and not for anie other respect of pleasure or displeasure earthlie. These ambassadours comming to Bononie were honorablie receiued, and first dooing their message to the pope, had answer of him, that he would heare the matter disputed when he came to Rome, and accor­ding to right he would doo iustice.

The empe­rours answer to the ambas­sadors.The emperour answered, that he in no wise would line 60 be against the lawes of God, & if the court of Rome would iudge that the matrimonie was not good, he could be content: but he solicited both the pope and cardinals, to stand by the dispensation, which he thought to be of force inough to prooue the mariage lawfull. With these answers the ambassadors depar­ted and returned homewards, till they came on this side the mounteins, and then receiued letters from the king, which appointed the earle of Wilshire to go in ambassage to the French king which then laie at Burdeaux, The earle of Wilshire am­bassador to the French king, & others sent to other pla­ces. making shift for monie for redéeming of his children: and the bishop of London, was ap­pointed to go to Padoa, and other vniuersities in I­talie, to know their full resolutions and determinate opinions in the kings case of matrimonie: and the kings almoner was commanded to returne home into England, and so he did.

¶ You haue heard before how the cardinall was attainted in the premunire, Abr. Flem. ex Edw. Hall. in H. 8. fol. cxcj.cxcij. and how he was put out of the office of the chancellor, & laie at Asher. In this Lent season the king by the aduise of his councell li­cenced him to go into his diocesse of Yorke, year 1530 & gaue him commandement to kéepe him in his diocesse, The cardinall licenced to re­paire into Yorkeshire. and not to returne southward without the kings speciall licence in writing. So he made great prouision to go northward, and a pparelled his seruants newlie, and bought manie costlie things for his houshold: and so he might well inough, for he had of the kings gentle­nesse the bishoprikes of Yorke and Winchester, which were no small things. But at this time diuerse of his seruants departed from him to the kings ser­uice, Thomas Crumwell aduanced to the kings seruice. and in especiall Thomas Crumwell one of his chiefe counsell, and chiefe dooer for him in the suppres­sion of abbeies. After that all things necessarie for his iournie were prepared, he tooke his waie north­ward till he came to Southwell, which is in his dio­cesse, and there he continued this yeare, euer grud­ging at his fall, as you shall heare hereafter. But the lands which he had giuen to his colleges in Oxford and Ipswich, were now come to the kings hands, by his atteindor in the premunire: and yet the king of his gentlenesse and for fauour that he bare to good learning, erected againe the college in Oxford, The kings college in Ox­ford otherwise called Christs church. and where it was named the cardinals college, he called it the kings college, & indowed it with faire possessi­ons, and put in new statutes and ordinances. And for bicause the college of Ipswich was thought to be no­thing profitable, therefore he left that dissolued.

In this yeare the emperour gaue to the lord ma­ster of saint Iohnes of Ierusalem, and his brethren the Iland of Malta lieng betwéene Sicill and Bar­barie, there to imploie themselues vpon Christs eni­mies, which lord master had no place sure to inhabit there, since he was put frō the Rhodes by the Turke that besieged Uienna, but missed of his expectation. For the christians defended the same so valiantlie a­gainst the said Turke and his power, The number of the Turks that died at the siege of Uienna. that he lost manie of his men by slaughter; manie also miscar­ried by sicknesse and cold: so that there perished in all to the number of fourescore thousand men, as one of his bassats did afterward confesse, which was to him a great displeasure; and in especiallie bicause he neuer besieged citie before, but either it was yéel­ded or taken. In the time of this siege a metrician did make these two verses in memorie of the same:

Caesar in Italiam quo venit Carolus anno,
Cincta est ripheis nostra Vienna Getis.]

In the beginning of this yeare was the hauing and reading of the new testament in English tran­slated by Tindall, Ioie, and others, Anno. Reg. 2 [...]. The new te­stament tran­slated into English. forbidden by the king with the aduise of his councell, and namelie the bishops, which affirmed that the same was not trulie translated, and that therein were prologs and prefaces sounding to heresie, with vncharitable railing against bishops and the cleargie. The king therefore commanded the bishops, that they calling to them the best learned men of the vniuersities, should cause a new translation to be made, that the people without danger might read the same for their better instruction in the lawes of God, and his holie word. Diuerse persons that were detected to vse reading of the new testament, and other bookes in English set foorth by Tindall, and such other as were fled the realme, were punished by order taken a­gainst them by sir Thomas Moore then lord chancel­lor, who held greatlie against such bookes, but still the number dailie increased.

¶ In this yeare in Maie, Edw. Hall in H. 8. fol. Cxci [...] the bishop of London [Page 914] caused all his new testaments which he had bought with manie other bookes, Tindals te­staments burned. to be brought into Paules churchyard in London, and there were openlie bur­ned. In the end of this yeare, the wild Irishmen, knowing the earle of Kildare to be in England, en­tered his land, The wild I­rish spoile the earle of Kil­dares coun­trie, &c. and spoiled and burnt his countrie, with diuerse other countries. And the erle of Osserie being the kings deputie made little resistance, for lacke of power. Wherfore the king sent the earle of Kildare into Ireland, & with him sir William Ske­uington line 10 knight, master of the kings ordinance, and diuerse gunners with him, which so politikelie orde­red themselues, that their enimies were glad to of­fer amends, and to treat for truce: & so sir William Skeuington the next yeere returned into England, leauing there the earle of Kildare for the kings de­putie.

Now I will returne to the execution of the trea­tie of Cambreie, The executi­on of the trea­tie accorded vpon at Cam­breie. in the which it was agréed, that the ladie Eleanor and the French kings children should line 20 be deliuered when the ransome appointed was paied as you haue heard in the last yeare. Wherefore the French king gathered monie of his subiects with all speed, and when the monie was readie, he sent the great master of France called Annas de Memoran­cie and diuerse other nobles to Baion with the mo­nie, and to receiue the ladie and the children. And thi­ther came to them the great constable of Castile and monsieur Prat for the emperour, & there the crowns were weied and touched: and what fault soeuer the line 30 Spaniards found in them they would not receiue a great number of them, and so they carried the chil­dren backe from Fontarbie into Spaine. Thus the great master of France and his companie laie still at Baion, without hauing his purpose performed, from March till the end of Iune, and longer had lien if the king of England had not sent sir Francis Brian to Baion to warrant the paiement: where vp­on the daie of deliuerance was appointed to be on saint Peters daie in Iune.

At which daie the great master, with one and thir­tie line 40 mulets laden with the crownes came to the one side of the riuer of Audaie, The deliue­rance of the French kings children. which riuer departeth Spaine and France, and there taried till the first daie of Iulie: on which daie the ladie Eleanor and the children were put in two great boates, hauing onelie twelue gentlemen of Spaine with them: and in like maner the great master with two great boats, in the which the mony was, and twelue gentle­men with him. All these boats met at a bridge made in the middest of the riuer. The constable of Spaine line 50 and his twelue gentlemen met with the great ma­ster of France and his twelue gentlemen on the bridge: and after a little salutation, the Frenchmen entered into the two boats where the ladie and the two children were; and the Spaniards into the two boats where the monie was, and then ech part hasted to land. Thus were the French kings wife and chil­dren deliuered into his hands, for which deliuerance was great ioy and triumph made in France: and al­so in Iulie were fiers made in London and diuerse line 60 other places for the same consideration and cause.]

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 968, 969.¶ Now will we leaue France, and returne to England, renewing the remembrance of cardinall Wolseie, who after great sute made to the king, was licenced to remooue from Asher to Richmond, Cardinall Wolseie re­mooueth to Richmond. which place he had a little before repared with great costs, for the king made an exchange thereof with him for Hampton court. The cardinall hauing licence of the king to repaire to Richmond, made hast thither, and lodged there in the lodge of the great parke, which was a verie pretie house, there he laie vntill the be­ginning of Lent. Then he remooued into the charter­house of Richmond, where he laie in a lodging which doctor Collet made for himselfe, vntill he remooued northward, which was in the Passion weeke after, and euerie daie he resorted to the charterhouse there, and would sit with one of the most ancient fathers, who persuaded him to despise the vaine glorie of the world.

Then prepared the cardinall for his iournie into the north, The cardi [...] prepareth [...] his iournie into the north. and sent to London for liuerie clothes for his seruants, and so rode from Richmond to Hen­don, from thence to a place called the Rie, the next daie to Raistone, where he lodged in the priorie; the next daie to Huntingdon, and there lodged in the ab­beie; the next daie to Peterborow, and there lodged in the abbeie, where he abode all the next wéeke, & there he kept his Easter, his traine was in number an hundred and thréescore persons. Upon Maundie thursdaie he made his maundie, there hauing nine and fiftie poore men, whose féet he washed, and gaue euerie one twelue pence in monie, three els of good canuas, a paire of shoes, a cast of red herrings, and three white herrings, and one of them had two shil­lings.

On thursdaie next after Easter, he remooued to master Fitz Williams, sometime a merchant-tailor of London, and then of the kings councell; the next wéeke he remooued to Stamford, the next daie to Grantham, the next daie to Newarke, and lodged in the castell that night and the next daie also: from thence he rode to Southwell, where he continued most part of all that summer, vntill the latter end of grasse time, and then he rode to Scrobie, where he continued vntill Michaelmasse, and then to Cawood castell within seuen miles of Yorke, whereof we will speake more hereafter. On the sixtéenth of Maie, a man was hanged in chaines in Finsburie field, Uicar of S. Brides slain. for murthering doctor Miles vicar of saint Brides. The fourth and fift of Nouember was a great wind, A great wind. that blew downe manie houses and trées, after which wind followed so high a tide, that it drowned the marshes on Essex side and Kent, with the Ile of Thanet, and other places, destroieng much cattell. The nineteenth of September, in the citie of Lon­don, a proclamation was made for the restreining of the popes authoritie in England, as followeth.

A proclamation published in Eng­land in the behalfe of the kings prero­gatiue roiall against the pope.

THe kings highnes streictlie char­geth and commandeth, that no maner of person, of what estate, degree, or condition soeuer he or they be of, doo purchase or attempt to pur­chase from the court of Rome or elswhere, nor vse & put in execution, diuulge, or pub­lish anie thing hertofore within this yeare passed purchased, or to be purchased here­after, conteining mater preiudiciall to the high authoritie, iurisdiction, and preroga­tiue roiall of this his said realme, or to the let, hinderance, or impechment of his gra­ces noble & vertuous intended purposes in the premisses, vpon paine of incurring his highnesse indignation, and imprison­ment, and further punishment of their bo­dies for their so dooing at his graces plea­sure, to the dreadfull example of all other.

Some iudged, that this proclamation was made, What was su [...]mised to be the cause of this procla­mation. bicause the quéene (as was said) had purchased a new bull for ratification of hir marriage. Others thought that it was made, bicause the cardinall had [Page 915] purchased a bull to cursse the king, if he would not restore him to his old dignities, and suffer him to correct the spiritualtie, the king not to meddle with the same. In déed manie coniectured, that the cardi­nall grudging at his fall from so high dignities, stic­ked not to write things sounding to the kings re­proch, both to the pope, and other princes; for that ma­nie opprobrious words were spoken to doctor Ed­ward Kéerne the kings orator at Rome, and that it was said to him, that for the cardinals sake the king line 10 should haue the worse spéed in the sute of his matri­monie.

Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 970. The cardinall at his manor of Cawood keepeth a bountifull house.¶Cardinall Wolseie lieng at Cawood, held there an honourable and plentifull house for all commers, and also built & repared the castell, which was great­lie in decaie, hauing artificers and labourers aboue thrée hundred persons dailie in wages. At length being therevnto persuaded by the doctors of the church of Yorke, he determined to be installed there at Yorke minster, the next mondaie after Alhal­lowes line 20 daie, against which time due preparation was made for the same, but not in such sumptuous wise, as his predecessors before him had vsed. For wheras the cardinall was not abashed to send to the king, re­quiring him to lend him the mitre and pall which he was woont to weare when he sang masse in anie so­lemne assemblie: the king vpon sight of his letters, could not but maruell at the proud presumptuousnes of the man, saieng: What a thing is this, that pride shuld thus reigne in a person that is quite vnder foot. line 30

The daie being once knowne vnto the worship­full gentlemen of the countrie, and other, as abbats, and priors, The cardinall knoweth not that he was to be arrested of treason. and notice of his installation, they sent in such prouision of vittels, that it is almost incredi­ble, all which was vnknowne to the cardinall, for as much as he was preuented and disappointed of his purpose, by the reason that he was arrested of high treason, as yée shall héereafter heare. So that most part of this former prouision that I speake of, was sent vnto Yorke the same daie of his arrest, and line 40 the next daie following: for his arrest was kept as close as could be. The order of his arrest was thus. It was appointed by the king & counsell, that sir Walter Walsh knight, one of the kings priuie chamber, should be sent downe with a commission into the north vnto the earle of Northumberland (who was sometime brought vp in house with the cardinall) and they twaine being iointlie in commission to arrest the cardinall of high treason, maister Walsh tooke his horsse at the court gate, about noone, vpon Alhal­lowes daie, toward the earle of Northumberland. line 50

Prognostica­tions of the cardinals ru­ine or fall.And now haue I occasion to declare what hap­pened about the same time, which peraduenture sig­nified the troubles following to the cardinall. The cardinall sitting at dinner vpon Alhallowes daie, hauing at his boords end diuerse chapleins sitting at dinner, yée shall vnderstand that the cardinals great crosse stood in a corner at the tables end, leaning a­gainst the hanging, and when the boords end was ta­ken vp, and a conuenient time for the chapleins to arise, one doctor Augustine a Uenecian, and physici­an line 60 to the cardinall, rising from the table with the o­ther, hauing vpon him a great gowne of boisterous veluet, ouerthrew the crosse, which trailing downe a­long the tappet, with the point of one of the crosses, brake doctor Bonars head that the bloud ran downe, Doctor Bo­nars head broken. the companie there standing greatlie astonied with the chance.

The cardinall perceiuing the same, demanded what the matter meant of their sudden amaze? And they shewed him of the fall of his crosse vpon doctor Bonars head. Hath it (quoth he) drawne anie bloud? Yea forsooth my lord (quoth they.) With that he cast his eies aside, & shaking his head, said Malum omen, & therewith saieng grace, rose from the table, & went to his chamber. Now marke the signification how the cardinall expounded this matter at Pomfret af­ter his fall. First, yée shall vnderstand, How the car­dinall expoun­ded the fall of his crosse. that the crosse which he bare as archbishop of Yorke, signified him­selfe; and Augustine the physician who ouerthrew the crosse, was onelie he that accused the cardinall, whereby his enimies caught an occasion to ouer­throw him: it fell vpon doctor Bonars head, who was maister of the cardinals faculties and spirituall iu­risdictions, and was then damnified by the ouerthrow of the crosse: yea, and more ouer, drawing bloud of him, betokened death, which shortlie after did insue.

About the time of this mischance, the same verie daie and season, maister Walsh tooke his horsse at the court as nigh as could be iudged. Now the appoin­ted time drew neere of his installation, and sitting at dinner vpon the fridaie next before the mondaie on the which daie he intended to be installed at Yorke, the earle of Northumberland and maister Walsh, with a great companie of gentlemen of the earles house, & of the countrie, The earle of Northumber­land aresteth the cardinall. whome he had gathered togi­ther in the kings name, came to the hall at Cawood, the officers being at dinner, and the cardinall not fullie dined, being then in his fruits. The first thing that the earle did after he had set order in the hall, he commanded the porter at the gates to deliuer him the keies thereof. Who would in no wise obeie his commandement, though he were roughlie threate­ned, and streictlie commanded in the kings name to make deliuerie of them to one of the earles ser­uants.

Sir (quoth he) seeing that yee doo but intend to set one of your seruants in my place to kéepe the gates, The porters words to the earle. I know no seruant that yée haue but I am as able as he to doo it, and kéepe the gates to your purpose (whatsoeuer it be) also the keies were deliuered me by my lord and maister, wherfore I praie you to par­don me, for whatsoeuer yée shall command me to doo in the ministration of mine office, I shall doo it with a good will. With that (quoth the earle) hold him a booke (& commanding him to laie his hand thereon:) Thou shalt sweare (quoth he) that thou shalt well and trulie kéepe the gates to the kings vse, and to doo all such things as we shall command: and that yée shall let passe neither in nor out at these gates, but such as yée be commanded by vs. And with this oth he recei­ued the keies at the earles hands.

Of all these doings knew the cardinall nothing, for they stopped the staires, The cardinall maruelleth at the earls sud­den comming. so that none went vp to the cardinals chamber, and they that came downe could no more go vp againe. At the last one escaped, who shewed the cardinall that the earle was in the hall. Whereat the cardinall maruelled, and would not be­léeue him, but commanded a gentleman to bring him the truth, who going downe the staires, saw the earle of Northumberland, and returned, and said it was verie he. Then (quoth the cardinall) I am sorie that we haue dined, for I feare our officers be not prouided of anie store of good fish to make him some honorable chéere, let the table stand (quoth he.) With that he rose vp, and going downe the staires, he en­countered the earle comming vp with all his taile. And as soone as the cardinall espied the earle, he put off his cap, and said, My lord ye be most hartilie wel­come, and so imbraced each other.

Then the cardinall tooke the earle by the hand, and had him vp into the chamber, whome followed all the number of the earles seruants. From thence he led him into his bed-chamber, The action of arrest which the cardinall taketh in ill part. and they being there all a­lone, the earle said vnto the cardinall with a soft voice, laieng his hand vpon his arme: My lord I ar­rest you of high treason. With which words the car­dinall being maruellouslie astonied, standing both [Page 916] still a good space. At last (quoth the cardinall) What authoritie haue you to arrest me? Forsooth my lord (quoth the erle) I haue a commission so to doo. Where is your commission (quoth he) that I may sée it? Naie sir that you may not (said the erle.) Well then (quoth the cardinall) I will not obeie your rest. But as they were debating this matter betwéene them in the chamber, as busie was maister Walsh in arresting doctor Augustine at the doore of the palace, saieng vnto him, Go in traitor or I shall make thée. line 10

At the last maister Walsh being entred the cardi­nals chamber, began to plucke off his hood, and after knéeled downe to the cardinall. Unto whom the car­dinall said, Come hither gentleman & let me speake with you: Sir, héere my lord of Northumberland hath arrested me, but by whose authoritie he sheweth not, if yée be ioined with him I praie you shew me. Indéed my lord (quoth maister Walsh) he sheweth you the truth. The cardinall desireth to sée the commissi­on of the arest. Well then (quoth the cardinall) I praie you let me see it. Sir I beséech you (quoth maister line 20 Walsh) hold vs excused: there is annexed to our commission certeine instructions, which you may not see. Well (quoth the cardinall) I trow yée are one of the kings priuie chamber, your name is Walsh, I am content to yeeld to you, but not to my lord of Northumberland without I see his commissi­on: the worst in the kings priuie chamber is suffici­ent to arrest the greatest péere of the realme by the kings commandement, without anie commission, therefore put your commission and authoritie in exe­cution, line 30 spare not, I will obeie the kings will; I take God to iudge, I neuer offended the king in word nor deed.

The cardinall committed to the custodie of the earls gen­tlemen.Then the earle called into the chamber diuerse gentlemen of his owne seruants, and after they had taken the cardinals keies from him, they put him in custodie of the earles gentlemen, and then they went about the house to set all things in an order. Then sent they doctor Augustine awaie to London with as much spéed as they could, who was bound vnto line 40 the horsse like a traitor. But it was sundaie toward night yer the cardinall was conueied from Cawood, who lodged that night in the abbeie of Pomfret. The next daie he remooued toward Doncaster, and was there lodged at the Blacke friers. The next daie he was remooued to Shefield parke, where the earle of Shrewsburie with his ladie, and a traine of gentle­men and gentlewomen receiued him with much ho­nour. Then departed all the great number of gentle­men that conducted him thither. line 50

The cardinall honourablie receiued and serued at the earle of Shrewsbu­ries house.The cardinall being thus with the earle of Shrews­burie, continued there eighteene daies after, vpon whome the earle appointed diuerse gentlemen to at­tend continuallie, to sée that he should lacke nothing, being serued in his owne chamber as honorablie as he had béene in his owne house, and once euerie daie the earle would repaire to him and commune with him. After the cardinall had thus remained with the earle of Shrewsburie about a fortnight, it came to passe at a certeine time as he sat at dinner in his line 60 owne chamber, hauing at his boords end a messe of gentlemen and chapleins to kéepe him companie, to­ward the end of his dinner, when he was come to eating his fruits, his colour was perceiued often to change, whereby he was iudged not to be in good health.

Wherevpon one of his gentlemen said, Sir, me séemes you are not well at ease. The cardinall sickneth sit­ting at the [...]able. To whom he answe­red with lowd voice, Forsooth no more I am, for I am (quoth he) taken suddenlie with a thing about my sto­mach, that lieth there along as cold as a whetstone, which is no more but wind, I praie you go to the apo­thecarie, & inquire of him if he haue anie thing that will breake wind vpward. Then went he to the earle and shewed him what estate the cardinall was in, and what he desired. With that, the earle caused the apothecarie to be called before him, & demanded of him if he had anie thing that would breake wind vp­ward in a mans bodie. And he answered he had such géere. Then (quoth the earle) fetch me some. Then the apothecarie fetched a white confection in a faire pa­per, & shewed it to the earle, who commanded one to giue the assaie thereof before him, and then the same to be brought to the cardinall, who receiued it vp all at once into his mouth.

But immediatlie after suerlie, he auoided much wind vpward: Lo (quoth he) ye may see that it was but wind, and now I am well eased, I thanke God, and so rose from the table, and went to his praiers. And that doone, there came on him such a loosenesse, that it caused him to go to the stoole. The cardinall falleth into a flux that cost him his life. And not long after the earle of Shrewesburie came into the galle­rie to him▪ with whome the cardinall met: and then sitting downe vpon a bench, the earle asked him how he did, and he most lamentablie answered him, and thanked him for his good interteinment. Sir (quoth the earle) if ye remember, ye haue often wished to come before the king, to make your answer; and I haue written to the king in that behalfe, making him priuie of your lamentation that yée inwardlie haue receiued for his displeasure, who accepteth all your dooings therein, as friends be accustomed to doo in such cases: wherefore I would aduise you to plucke vp your hart, and be not agast of your enimies, I doubt not but this your iournie to his highnesse shall be much to your aduancement.

The king hath sent for you that worshipfull knight master Kingston, Sir William Kingston is sent to fetch vp the cardi­nall before the king. and with him foure and twentie of your old seruants, now of the gard, to the intent yée may safelie come to his maiestie. Sir (quoth the cardinall) I trow master Kingston is constable of the Tower. Yea, what of that (quoth the erle) I assure you he is elected by the king for one of your friends. Well quoth the cardinall, as God will, so be it, I am subiect to fortune, being a true man, readie to accept such chances as shall follow, and there an end; I praie you where is master Kingston. Quoth the earle, I will send for him. I praie you so doo (quoth the cardi­nall) at whose message he came. And as soone as the cardinall espied him, he made hast to encounter him, and at his comming he knéeled to him, and saluted him in the kings behalfe, whome the cardinall bare­headed offered to take vp, and said: I praie you stand vp, knéele not to me, I am but a wretch replet with miserie, not esteeming my selfe but as a vile ab­iect, vtterlie cast awaie, without desert, as God knoweth.

Then said master Kingston with humble reue­rence: Sir, the king hath him commended vnto you. Talke be­twixt the said sir William & the cardinall. I thanke his highnesse quoth the cardinall, I trust he be in health. Yea (quoth master Kingston) and he commanded me to saie to you, that you should assure your selfe that he beareth you as much good will as e­uer he did, and willeth you to be of good chéere. And where report hath béene made, that ye should commit against him certeine heinous crimes, which he thinks to be vntrue, yet he can doo no lesse than send for you to your triall, & to take your iournie to him at your owne pleasure, commanding me to be attendant vpon you. Therefore sir I praie you, when it shall be your owne pleasure to take your iournie, I shall be readie to giue attendance. Master Kingston (quoth he) I thanke you for your newes, and sir, if I were as lustie as I haue béene but of late, I would ride with you in post, but I am diseased with a flux that maketh me verie weake, but I shall with all spéed make me readie to ride with you to morrow. The cardinall extremel [...]e

When night came, the cardinall waxed verie sicke [Page 917] with the laske, the which caused him continuallie to go to the stoole all that night, in so much that he had that night fiftie stooles: therefore in consideration of his infirmitie, they caused him to tarrie all that day: and the next daie he tooke his iournie with master Kingston, and them of the gard, till he came to an house of the earle of Shrewesburies called Hardwike hall, where he laie all night verie euill at ease. The next daie he rode to Notingham, and there lodged that night more sicke: and the next daie he rode to line 10 Leicester abbeie▪ and by the waie waxed so sicke that he was almost fallen from his mule; so that it was night before he came to the abbeie of Leicester, where at his comming in at the gates, the abbat with all his conuent met him with diuerse torches light, whom they honorablie receiued and welcomed.

To whom the cardinall said: Father abbat, I am come hither to lay my bones among you, riding so still vntill he came to the staires of the chamber, where he allighted from his mule, and master King­ston line 20 led him vp the staires, and as soone as he was in his chamber he went to bed. This was on the satur­day at night, and then increased he sicker and sicker, vntill mondaie, that all men thought he would haue died: so on tuesdaie saint Andrewes euen, master Kingston came to him and bad him good morrow, for it was about six of the clocke, and asked him how he did? Sir (quoth he) I tarrie but the pleasure of God, to render vp my poore soule into his hands. Not so sir (quoth master Kingston) with the grace of God, yée shall liue and doo verie well, if yee will be of line 30 good cheere. Nay in good sooth master Kingston, my disease is such, that I can not liue: for I haue had some experience in physicke.

Thus it is, I haue a flux with a continuall feuer, the nature whereof is, The cardinall affirmeth by his owne ex­perience in physicke that he can not liue. that if there be no alteration of the same within eight daies, either must insue ex­coriation of the intrailes, or fransie, or else present death, and the best of them is death, and (as I suppose) this is the eight daie, & if yée sée no alteration in me, there is no remedie, saue (though I may liue a daie line 40 or twaine after) but death must insue. Sir (quoth maister Kingston) you be in much pensiuenes, doub­ting that thing, that in good faith yée néed not. Well, well, master Kingston (quoth the cardinall) I sée the matter how it is framed: The cardinall ascribeth his fall to the iust iudgement of God. but if I had serued God as diligentlie as I haue doone the king, he would not haue giuen me ouer in my greie haires: but it is the iust reward that I must receiue for the diligent paines and studie that I haue had to doo him seruice, line 50 not regarding my seruice to God, but onelie to sa­tisfie his pleasure.

I praie you haue me most humblie commended vnto his roiall maiestie, & beseech him in my behalfe to call to his princelie remembrance all matters procéeding betwéene him & me from the beginning of the world, and the progresse of the same, &c. Master Kingston farewell, I can no more saie, but I wish all things to haue good successe, my time draweth on fast. Manifest in­dication of death in the cardinall. And euen with that he began to draw his spéech line 60 at length, & his toong to faile, his eies being set, whose sight failed him. Then they did put him in remem­brance of Christ his passion, & caused the yeomen of the gard to stand by to sée him die, and to witnesse of his words at his departure: & incontinent the clocke stroke eight, and then he gaue vp the ghost, and de­parted this present life: which caused some to call to remembrance how he said the daie before, that at eight of the clocke they should loose their master.

Example of pride and ar­rogancie.Here is the end and fall of pride and arrogancie of men exalted by fortune to dignitie: for in his time he was the hautiest man in all his procéedings a­liue, hauing more respect to the honor of his person, than he had to his spirituall profession, wherin should be shewed all meekenes, humilitie, and charitie. Guicc. pag. 1139. [An example (saith Guicciardin, who handleth this storie effectuallie, and sheweth the cause of this cardinals ruine) in our daies woorthie of memorie, touching the power which fortune and enuie hath in the courts of princes.] He died in Leicester abbeie, & in the church of the same abbeie was buried. Such is the suertie of mans brittle state, doubtfull in birth, & no lesse fée­ble in life, which is as vncerteine, as death most cer­teine, and the meanes thereof manifold, which as in number they excéed▪ so in strangenesse they passe: all degrees of ages & diuersities of sexes being subiect to the same. In consideration whereof, it was nota­blie said by one that wrote a whole volume of infir­mities, diseases, and passions incident to children:

A primo vitae diuersos stamine morbos
Perpetimur, diris affi [...]imúrque malis:
Sebast. Aust [...] ­rius.
Donec in occasum redeat qui vixit ab ortu,
Antea quàm discat viuere, vita cadit.

This cardinall (as Edmund Campian in his histo­rie of Ireland describeth him) was a man vndoub­tedly borne to honor: The descrip­tion of cardi­nall Wolseie, set downe by Edmund Campian. I thinke (saith he) some princes bastard, no butchers sonne, excéeding wise, faire spo­ken, high minded, full of reuenge, vitious of his bo­die, loftie to his enimies, were they neuer so big, to those that accepted and sought his fréendship woon­derfull courteous, a ripe schooleman, thrall to affec­tions, brought a bed with flatterie, insatiable to get, and more princelie in bestowing, as appeareth by his two colleges at Ipswich and Oxenford, the one o­uerthrowne with his fall, the other vnfinished, and yet as it lieth for an house of students, considering all the appurtenances incomparable thorough Chri­stendome, whereof Henrie the eight is now called founder, bicause he let it stand. He held and inioied at once the bishopriks of Yorke, Duresme, & Win­chester, the dignities of lord cardinall, legat, & chan­cellor, the abbeie of saint Albons, diuerse priories, sundrie fat benefices In commendam, a great preferrer of his seruants, an aduancer of learning, stout in euerie quarell, neuer happie till this his ouerthrow. Wherein he shewed such moderation, and ended so perfectlie, that the houre of his death did him more honor, than all the pompe of his life passed. Thus far Campian. Here it is necessarie to adde that notable discourse, which I find in Iohn Stow, concerning the state of the cardinall, both in the yeares of his youth, and in his settled age: with his sudden comming vp from preferment to preferment; till he was aduan­ced to that step of honor, which making him insolent, brought him to confusion.

¶This Thomas Wolseie was a poore mans sonne of Ipswich, in the countie of Suffolke, & there borne▪ Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 904, 905, &c. The ascen­ding of Tho­mas Wolseie. Bachellor of art at fiftéene yeares old. and being but a child, verie apt to be learned, by the meanes of his parents he was conueied to the vni­uersitie of Oxenford, where he shortlie prospered so in learning, as he was made bachellor of art, when he passed not fiftéene yeares of age, and was called most commonlie thorough the vniuersitie the boie bachellor. Thus prospering in learning, he was made fellow of Mawdeline college, and afterward appointed to be schoolemaster of Mawdelin schoole, at which time the lord marquesse Dorset had thrée of his sonnes there at schoole, committing vnto him as well their education as their instruction. Schoolema­ster to the marquesse Dorsets children▪ It pleased the said lord marquesse against a Christmas season to send as well for the schoolemaster, as for his chil­dren home to his house for their recreation, in that pleasant and honorable feast.

Then being there, the lord their father, perceiuing them to be right well imploied in learning for their time, he hauing a benefice in his gift, being at that time void, gaue the same to the schoolemaster in re­ward of his diligence at his departure after Christ­mas [Page 918] to the vniuersitie, Thomas Wolseie gat a benefice. and hauing the presentation thereof, repaired to the ordinarie for his induction, and being furnished of his instruments, made spéed to the benefice to take possession, and being there for that intent, one sir Iames Paulet knight dwelling thereabouts, Thomas Wolseie set in the stocks by sir Iames Paulet. Wolseies im­prisonment reuenged. tooke occasion against him, and set the schoolemaster by the héeles during his pleasure, which after was neither forgotten nor forgiuen.

For when the schoolemaster mounted to the dig­nitie to be chancellor of England, he sent for master line 10 Paulet, & after manie sharpe words, inioined him to attend vntill he were dismissed, and not to depart out of London without licence obteined; so that he continued there within the middle Temple the space of fiue or six yeares, and laie then in the Gate house next the stréet, Gatehouse of the middle Temple new builded. which he reedified verie sumptuouslie, garnishing the same all ouer the outside with the car­dinals armes, with his hat, cognisances, and other deuises in so glorious a sort, that he thought thereby to haue appeased his old displeasure. line 20

Now after the deceasse of the lord marquesse, this same schoolemaster considering himselfe to be but a simple beneficed man, and to haue lost his fellowship in the college, which was much to his reléefe, thought not long to be vnprouided of some other helpe, and in his trauell thereabouts, he fell in acquaintance with one sir Iohn Naphant, Sir Iohn Naphant treasuror of Calis, Tho­mas Wolsie his chapleine. a verie graue & ancient knight, who had a great roome in Calis vnder king Henrie the seuenth: this knight he serued, and beha­ued himselfe so discreetlie, that he obteined the espe­ciall line 30 fauor of his master, insomuch that he commit­ted all the charge of his office vnto his chapleine, and (as I vnderstand) the office was the treasurorship of Calis, who was in consideration of his great age discharged of his roome, and returned againe into England, and thorough his instant labor, his chap­leine was promoted to be the kings chapleine, Thomas Wolsie was chapleine to Henrie the s [...]uenth. and when he had once cast anchor in the port of promoti­on, how he wrought, I shall somewhat declare.

He hauing there a iust occasion to be in the sight line 40 of the king dailie, by reason he said masse before him in his closet, and that being doone, he spent not the daie in idlenesse, but would attend vpon those whom he thought to beare most rule in the councell, the which at that time was doctor For, bishop of Win­chester, secretarie, and lord of the priuie seale: and al­so sir Thomas Louell knight, a sage councellor, ma­ster of the wards, and constable of the Tower: these graue councellors in processe of time perceiued this chapleine to haue a verie fine wit, and thought him line 50 a méet person to be preferred to wittie affaires. It chanced at a certeine season that the king had an vr­gent occasion to send an ambassador vnto the empe­ror Maximilian, who laie at that present in the low countrie of Flanders, not farre from Calis.

The bishop of Winchester, and sir Thomas Lo­uell, whome the king counselled and debated with vpon this ambassage, saw they had a conuenient oc­casion to prefer the kings chapleine, whose wit, elo­quence, and learning, they highly commended to the line 60 king. The king commanded them to bring his chap­leine before his presence, with whome he fell in com­munication of great matters, and perceiuing his wit to be verie fine, thought him sufficient, com­manding him therevpon to prepare himselfe to his iournie; and hauing his depeach, he tooke his leaue of the king at Richmond about noone; & so comming to London about foure of the clocke, where the barge of Graues end was readie to lanch foorth, Thomas Wolseie am­bassador to the emperor. both with a prosperous tide and wind, without anie abode he en­tered the barge.

Hauing so doone, he passed foorth with such spéed, that he arriued at Graues end within little more than thrée houres, where he tarried no longer than his post horsses were a prouiding, and then trauelled so spéedily that he came to Douer the next morning, whereas the passengers were readie vnder saile to Calis, into the which passenger, without tarrieng, he entered, and sailed foorth with them, that long before noone he arriued at Calis, and hauing post horsses, The [...] verie [...] and readie [...] his ambas­sage. departed from thense with such speed, that he was that night with the emperor, and disclosed the whole summe of his ambassage to the emperor, of whome he required speedie expedition, the which was granted him by the emperor; so that the next daie he was cléerlie dispatched with all the kings requests fullie accomplished.

At which time he made no longer delaie, but tooke post horsses that night, and rode toward Calis, con­ducted thither with such persons as the emperor had appointed; and at the opening of the gates of Calis, he came thither, where the passengers were as readie to returne into England, as they were before at his iournie forward, insomuch that he arriued at Douer by ten of the clocke before noone, and hauing post horsses, His return [...] into Engla [...] after his a [...]bassage dis­charged. came to the court at Richmond the same night, where he taking some rest vntill the morning, repaired to the king at his first comming from his bedchamber to his closet, whom when the king saw, he checked him, for that he was not on his iournie: Sir (quoth he) if it may please your highnesse, I haue alreadie béene with the emperor, and dispatched your affaires (I trust to your graces contentation) and with that presented vnto the king his letters of credence from the emperor.

The king being in a great maze and woonder of his speedie returne and procéedings, The king maruelleth at the cardinals spéedie re­turne. dissembled all his woonder, and demanded of him whether he in­countered not his pursiuant the which he sent vnto him, supposing him not to be out of London, with letters concerning a verie necessarie matter, ne­glected in their consultation; Yea forsooth (quoth the chapleine) I met with him yesterdaie by the waie, and hauing no vnderstanding by your graces let­ters of your pleasure, haue notwithstanding béene so bold vpon mine owne discretion (perceiuing that matter to be verie necessarie in that behalfe) to di­spatch the same. And forsomuch as I haue excéeded your graces commission, I most humblie require your graces pardon. The king reioising not a little, said; We doo not onelie pardon you thereof, but also giue you our princelie thanks, both for the procéeding therein, and also for your good and speedie exploit, commanding him for that time to take his rest, and repaire againe after dinner for the further relation of his ambassage.

The ambassador, when he saw time, repaired before the king and councell, where he declared the effect of all his affaires so exactlie, with such grauitie and eloquence, that all the councell that heard him, commended him, estéeming his expedition to be al­most beyond the capacitie of man. Thomas Wolseie dea [...] of Lincolne. Thomas Wolseie the kings almo­ner. The king gaue him at that time the deanrie of Lincolne. From thense forward he grew more and more into estima­tion and authoritie, and after was promoted by the king to be his almoner. After the death of king Hen­rie the seuenth, and in the florishing youth of king Henrie the eight, this almoner handled himselfe so politiklie, that he soone found the meanes to be made one of the kings councell, Thomas Wolseie of the priuie coun­cell vnto Henrie the eight. and to grow in fauor with the king, to whome the king gaue an house at Bride­well in Fleetstréet, sometime sir Richard Empsons, where he kept house for his familie; and so dailie at­tended vpon the king, and in his especiall fauor, who had great sute made vnto him.

His sentences & wittie persuasions in the coun­cell chamber were alwaies so pithie, that the councell (as occasion mooued them) continuallie assigned him [Page 919] to be the expositor to the king in all their procée­dings, in whome the king receiued such a leaning fantasie, for that he was most earnest and readiest of all the councell to aduance the kings will and plea­sure: the king therefore estéemed him so highlie, that all the other councellors were put from the great fa­uor that they before were in, insomuch that the king committed all his will vnto his disposition, which the almoner perceiuing, The cardinall presumeth too [...]re vpon a conceit and flattering opi­nion of his owne quali­t [...]s and the [...] f [...]uor. tooke vpon him therefore to dis­charge the king of the weightie and troublesome bu­sinesse, line 10 persuading the king that he should not néed to spare anie time of his pleasure for anie businesse that should happen in the councell.

And whereas the other councellors would diuerse times persuade the king to haue sometime recourse into the councell chamber, there to heare what was doone; the almoner would persuade him to the con­trarie, which delited him much: and thus the almo­ner ruled all them that were before him, such did his policie and wit bring to passe. Who was now in high line 20 fauor but master almoner? And who ruled all vnder the king, but master almoner? Thus he perseuered in fauor, vntill at last in came presents, gifts, and re­wards so plentifullie, that he lacked nothing that might either please his fantasie, or inrich his coffers.

And thus proceeding in fortunes blisfulnesse, it chanced the warres betwéene the realmes of Eng­land and France to be open, insomuch as the king was fullie persuaded in his most roiall person to inuade his forren enimies with a puissant armie; line 30 wherefore it was necessarie that this roiall enter­prise should be speedilie prouided and furnished, in e­uerie degree of things apt & conuenient for the same, for the expedition wherof the king thought no mans wit so méet for policie and painefull trauell, The cardinall taketh vpon him the ma­naging of all the kings af­faires. as was his almoner, to whome therefore he committed his whole trust therein, and he tooke vpon him the whole charge of all the businesse, and brought all things to good passe in a decent order, as all maner of vittels, prouisions, and other necessaries conuenient for so line 40 noble a voiage and armie.

All things being by him perfected, the king ad­uanced to his roiall enterprise, passed the seas, and marched forward in good order of battell, vntill he came to the strong towne of Terwine, to the which he laid his siege, and assailed it verie stronglie conti­nuallie with such vehement assaults, Sée before pag▪ 821, 822. that within short space it was yéelded vnto his maiestie, vnto the which place the emperor Maximilian repaired vnto the king with a great armie like a mightie prince, ta­king line 50 of the king his graces wages: which is a rare thing, and but seldome seene, an emperor to fight vnder a kings banner.

Thus after the king had obteined this puissant fort and taken the possession thereof, and set all things there in due order, for the defense and preseruation thereof to his vse, he departed thense, and marched toward the citie of Torneie, and there laid his siege in like maner, to the which he gaue so fierce & sharpe assault, that they were constreined of fine force to line 60 render the towne vnto his victorious maiestie: at which time the king gaue the almoner the bishoprike of the same see, Thomas Wolseie bi­shop of Tor­ [...]ie in Frāce. towards his paines and diligence su­steined in that iournie. Now when the king had esta­blished all things agréeable to his will and pleasure, and furnished the same with noble capteines & men of warre for the safegard of the towne, he returned againe into England, taking with him diuerse no­ble personages of France being prisoners, as the duke of Longuile, and vicount Clarimont, with o­ther which were taken there in a skirmish.

After whose returne, immediatlie the sée of Lin­colne fell void, by the death of doctor Smith late bi­shop there, the which benefice his grace gaue to his almoner, late bishop of Torneie elect, who was not negligent to take possession therof, Thomas Wolseie bi­shop of Lin­colne. and made all the spéed he could for his consecration: the solemnization whereof ended, he found meanes that he gat the pos­session of all his predecessors goods into his hands. It was not long after that doctor Benbrike archbi­shop of Yorke died at Rome, Sée pag. 835. being there the kings ambassador, vnto the which sée the king immediatlie presented his late and new bishop of Lincolne; so that he had thrée bishopriks in his hands in one yeere giuen him.

Then prepared he for his translation from the see of Lincolne, vnto the sée of Yorke, Thomas Wolseie arch­bishop of Yorke. after which solem­nization doone, he being then an archbishop Primas Angliae, thought himselfe sufficient to compare with Canturburie, and therevpon erected his crosse in the court, and euerie other place, Note the pride of Wol­seie and his ambition▪ as well within the pre­cinct and iurisdiction of Canturburie, as in anie o­ther place. And forsomuch as Canturburie claimeth a superoritie ouer Yorke, as ouer all other bishop­riks within England, and for that cause claimeth as a knowledge of an ancient obedience of Yorke, to abate the aduancing of his crosse, in presence of the crosse of Canturburie: notwithstanding, the archbishop of Yorke nothing minding to desist from bearing thereof, in maner as I said before, cau­sed his crosse to be aduanced, as well in the pre­sence of Canturburie as elsewhere. Wherefore Can­turburie being mooued therewith, gaue vnto Yorke a certeine checke for his presumption, The two archbishops at strife for the preroga­tiue. by reason whereof, there ingendered some grudge betwéene Yorke and Canturburie; Yorke intending to pro­uide some such meanes, that he would be rather su­perior in dignitie to Canturburie, than to be either obedient or equall to him. Wherefore he obteined to be made priest cardinall, and Legatus de latere: Thomas Wolseie car­dinall, see pag. 837. vnto whome the pope sent a cardinals hat with certeine buls for his authoritie in that behalfe. Yet you shall vnderstand, that the pope sent him this woorthie hat of dignitie, as a iewell of his honor and authoritie, the which was conueied in a varlets budget, who see­med to all men to be but a person of small estima­tion.

Wherefore Yorke being aduertised of the basenes of this messenger, & of the peoples opinion, thought it meete for his honor, that this iewell should not be conueied by so simple a person, and therefore caused him to be stopped by the waie immediatlie after his arriuall in England, where he was newlie furnished in all maner of apparell, with all kind of costlie silks, The cardinall in all his ac­tions standeth vp on his re­putation. which séemed decent for such an high ambassador, and that doone, he was incountered vpon Blackeheath, and there receiued with a great assemblie of prelats, and lustie gallant gentlemen, and from thense con­ducted thorough London with great triumph. Then was great and spéedie preparation made in West­minster abbeie, for the confirmation and acceptance of this high order and dignitie, the which was execu­ted by all the bishops and abbats about or nigh Lon­don, with their rich miters and copes, and other orna­ments, which was doone in so solemne wise, as had not béene seene the like, vnlesse it had béene at the co­ronation of a mightie prince or king. Obteining this dignitie, he thought himselfe méet to beare rule a­mong the temporall power, & among the spirituall iurisdiction: wherfore, remembring as well the taunts susteined of Canturburie, as hauing respect to the ad­uancement of worldlie honor & promotion, he found the meanes with the king, Thomas Wolseie lord chancellor ar­rogateth all that he may to himselfe by vertue of his promotions, that he was made lord chancellor of England, and Canturburie which was chancellor dismissed, who had continued in that roome long since before the deceasse of Henrie the seuenth. Now being in possession of the chancellorship, and indued with the promotions of the archbishop, & car­dinall [Page 920] De Latere, hauing power to correct Canturbu­rie, and all other bishops and spirituall persons, to as­semble his conuocation when he would assigne, he tooke vpon him the correction of matters in all their iurisdictions, and visited all the spirituall hou­ses, hauing in euerie diocesse all maner of spirituall ministers, as commissaries, scribes, apparators, and all other officers to furnish his courts, and presented by preuention whome he pleased vnto all benefices thoroughout all this realme.

And to the aduancing further of his legantine line 10 iurisdiction and honor, he had masters of his facul­ties, masters Ceremoniarum, and such other, to the glo­rifieng of his dignitie. Then had he his two great crosses of siluer, the one of his archbishoprike, the o­ther of his legacie, borne before him whither soeuer he went or rode, by two of the tallest priests that he could get within the realme. And to increase his gaines, he had also the bishoprike of Durham, and the abbeie of saint Albons in commendation. And after, when doctor For bishop of Winchester died, he line 20 surrendred Durham into the kings hands, and tooke to him Winchester. Thomas Wolseie bi­shop of Win­chester, he had also thrée o­ther bishop­riks in his hands as it were in farme. Then had he in his hand (as it were in farme) the bishopriks of Bath, Worcester, & Hereford, for so much as the incumbents of them were strangers, and made their abode continuallie beyond the seas in their owne countries, or else at Rome, from whence they were sent in legation to this realme vnto the king, and for their reward at their departure, king Henrie the seuenth gaue them those bishopriks. line 30

But they being strangers, thought it more méet for the assurance to suffer the cardinall to haue their benefices for a conuenient sum of monie paid them yearelie, where they remained, than either to be trou­bled with the charges of the same, or to be yearelie burthened with the conueiance of their reuenues vn­to them: so that all the spirituall liuings and presenta­tions of these bishopriks were fullie in his dispositi­on, to prefer whom he listed. He had also a great num­ber dailie attending vpon him, both of noblemen & line 40 woorthie gentlemen, What kind of persons he re­teined in his seruice. with no small number of the tallest yeomen that he could get in all the realme, in­somuch that well was that nobleman and gentle­man, that could preferre a tall yeoman to his ser­uice.

Ye shall vnderstand, that he had in his hall conti­nuallie three boords, The order of the cardinals house, and first of his hall. kept with three seuerall principall officers, that is to saie, a steward which was alwaies a priest; a treasuror a knight; and a comptrollor an esquier; also a cofferer being a doctor; three mar­shals; line 50 three yeomen vshers in the hall, besides two groomes, and almoners. Then in the hall kitchin, two clearks of the kitchin; The hall kit­chin. a clearke comptrollor; a surueior of the dressor; a clearke of the spicerie, the which togither kept also a continuall messe in the hall. Also in his hall kitchin he had of master cooks two, and of other cooks, laborers and children of the kitchin, twelue persons; foure yeomen of the scul­lerie, and foure yeomen of the siluer scullerie; two yeomen of the pastrie, with two other pastelers vn­der line 60 the yeomen.

The priuie kitchin. The scalding house. The pantrie. The butterie. The yewrie. The cellar. The chandrie wafarie, &c.Then in his priuie kitchin a master cooke, who went dailie in veluet or in sattin, with a chaine of gold, with two other yeomen and a groome: in the scalding house, a yeoman and two groomes: in the pantrie two persons: in the butterie two yeomen, two groomes, and two pages: and in the yewrie like­wise: in the cellar thrée yeomen, and thrée pages: in his chandrie two: in the wafarie two: in the ward­robe of beds, the maister of the wardrobe, and ten o­ther persons: in the landrie, a yeoman, a groome, thirtie pages, two yeomen purueiors, & one groome: in the bake-house, a yeoman and two groomes: in the wood-yard a yeoman, and a groome: in the barne one: in the garden a yeoman and two groomes: por­ters at the gate, two yeomen, and two groomes: a yeoman of his barge: and a maister of his horsse: a clearke of the stable, a yeoman of the same: the sad­ler: the ferrier: a yeoman of his chariot: a sumpter man: a yeoman of his stirrop: a muleter: sixtéene groomes of his stable, euerie of them kept foure gel­dings.

In the almorie a yeoman and a groome: Thomas Wolseis chap­pell and such as bare office there. in his chappell he had a deane, a great diuine, and a man of excellent learning: a subdeane: a repeater of the quire: a gospeller: a pistler: of singing priests ten: a maister of the children: seculars of the chappell, sing­ing men twelue: singing children ten, with one ser­uant to await vpon the children: in the reuestrie a yeoman, and two groomes, ouer and besides diuerse reteiners that came thither at principall feasts. For the furniture of his chappell, The furni­ture of his chappell. it passeth my capacitie to declare the number of costlie ornaments and rich iewels that were to be occupied in the same continu­allie: there hath béene séene in procession, about the hall, foure and fortie verie rich coapes of one sute worne, besides the rich crosses and candlestickes, and other ornaments to the furniture of the same.

He had two crossebearers, and two pillerbearers in his great chamber: Officers of credit about Thomas Wols [...]ie in his priuie chamber. and in his priuie chamber these persons: first the chiefe chamberleine, and vicecham­berleine: of gentlemen vshers, besides one in his priuie chamber, he had twelue dailie waiters; and of gentlemen waiters in his priuie chamber he had six, and of lords nine or ten, who had each of them two men allowed them to attend vpon them, except the earle of Darbie, who had allowed fiue men: then had he of gentlemen, of cupbearers, caruers, and sewers, both of the priuie chamber, and of the great chamber, with gentlemen dailie waiters there, fortie persons: of yeomen vshers six: of groomes in his chamber eight: of yeomen in his chamber fiue and fortie dailie: he had also almes men sometime more in number than other sometime.

There was attending on his boord of doctors and chapleins, besides them of his chappell, sixtéene dailie: Attendants on his boord. a clearke of his closet: secretaries two: and two clearks of his signet: and foure counsellers learned in the law. And forsomuch as it was necessarie to haue diuerse officers of the Chancerie to attend vp­on him, that is to saie, the clerke of the crowne: Officers of the Chancerie a ri­ding clearke: a clearke of the hamper: and a chafer of the wax: then a clearke of the checke, aswell vp­on the chapleins, as of the yeoman of his chamber: he had also foure footmen which were garnished in rich running coats, His footmen. whensoeuer he rode in anie iour­neie: then had he an herald of armes: and a sarge­ant of armes: a physician: an apothecarie: His herald at armes & other officers. foure min­strels: a kéeper of his tents: an armorer: an in­structor of his wards: two yeomen of the wardrobe of his robes: and a keeper of his chamber continual­lie in the court: he had also in his house the surueior of Yorke, and a clearke of the gréene cloth.

All these were dailie attending, downe lieng and vprising, and at meales: he kept in his great cham­ber a continuall boord for the chamberers and gentle­men officers, hauing with them a messe of the yoong lords, and another of gentlemen. Besides all these, there was neuer an officer, gentleman, or worthie person, but he was allowed in the house, some thrée, some two, and all other one at the least, which grew to a great number of persons. Thus farre out of the checker roll, besides other officers, seruants, retei­ners, and suters, Thomas Wolseie twise ambassador to the emperour Charles. that most commonlie dined in the hall. After that he was thus furnished, he was sent twise in ambassage to the emperour Charles the fift, for diuerse vrgent causes touching the kings [Page 921] maiestie, it was thought, that so noble a prince (the cardinall) was most méet to be sent: wherfore being readie to take vpon him the charge thereof, hée was furnished in all degrées and purposes, most like a great prince.

For first he procéeded foorth furnished like a cardi­nall: his gentlemen being verie manie in num­ber, were clothed in liuerie coats of crimsin veluet of the best, with chaines of gold about their necks, and his yeomen and meane officers in coats of fine scar­let, line 10 garded with blacke veluet an hand broad. Thus furnished, he was twise sent into Flanders to the emperour then lieng in Bruges, whome he did most highlie interteine, discharging all his charges and his mens. There was no house within the towne of Bruges, wherein anie gentleman of the cardinals was lodged, or had recourse, but that the owners were commanded by the emperours officers, that they, The empe­rors munifi­cence notable and worthie his imperiall person. vpon paine of their liues, should take no monie for anie thing that the cardinals seruants did take line 20 of anie kind of vittels, no although they were dispo­sed to make anie costlie bankets.

Commanding furthermore their said hostes, to sée that they lacked no such things as they honestlie required for their honestie and pleasure. Also the em­perours officers euerie night went through the towne from house to house, whereas anie English gentlemen did repast or lodge, and serued their li­ueries for all night, which was doone in this maner. First, the officers brought into the house a cast of line 30 fine manchet, and of siluer two great pots with white wine, and sugar to the weight of a pound: white lights and yellow lights of wax: a boll of siluer with a goblet to drinke in, and euerie night a staffe torch: this was the order of the liueries euerie night. And in the morning, when the same officers came to fetch awaie their stuffe, then would they account with the hostes for the gentlemens costs spent in the daie be­fore. Thus the emperour interteined the cardinall and all his traine for the time of his ambassage there. And that doone, he returned into England with line 40 great triumph.

The maner of his going to Westminster hall dailie in the terme time.Now of his order in going to Westminster hall dailie in the tearme. First yer he came out of his pri­uie chamber, he heard seruice in his closet, and there said his seruice with his chapleine; then going againe to his priuie chamber, he would demand if his ser­uants were in a readinesse, and furnished his cham­ber of presence, and waiting chamber. Being thereof then aduertised, he came out of his priuie chamber line 50 about eight of the clocke, apparelled all in red, that is to say, his vpper garment either of fine scarlet, or else fine crimsin taffata, His owne ap­parell of crim­sin and other sumptuous stuffe. but most cōmonlie of fine crim­sin sattin ingrained, his pillion of fine scarlet, with a necke set in the inner side with blacke veluet, and a tippet of sables about his necke, holding in his hand an orenge, whereof the substance within was taken out, and filled vp againe with the part of a sponge, wherein was vineger and other confections against the pestilent aires, the which he most commonlie held to his nose when he came among anie prease, or else line 60 that he was pestered with manie suters.

The tokens and marks of his dignities borne before him.Before him was borne first the broad seale of England, and his cardinals hat, by a lord, or some gentleman of worship, right solemnlie: & as soone as he was once entered into his chamber of presence, his two great crosses were there attending to be borne before him: then cried the gentlemen vshers, going before him bare headed, and said: On before my lords and maisters, on before, make waie for my lords grace. Thus went he downe through the hall with a sergeant of armes before him, bearing a great mace of siluer, and two gentlemen carieng two great pillers of siluer. And when he came at the hall doore, there was his mule, being trapped all in crimsin veluet, with a saddle of the same stuffe, & gilt stirrups. Then was there attending vpon him when he was mounted, his two crosse-bearers: & his pil­ler-bearers in like case vpon great horsses, trapped all in fine scarlet. Then marched he forward with a traine of noble men and gentlemen, hauing his foot­men foure in number about him, bearing ech of them a gilt pollar in their hands.

Thus passed he foorth vntill he came to Westmin­ster hall doore, and there lighted, His behauior in the court of Chancerie & Starchamber and went vp after this maner into the Chancerie, or into the Starre­chamber: howbeit, most commonlie he would go into the Chancerie, and staie a while at a barre made for him beneath the Chancerie on the right hand, and there commune sometime with the iudges, and some time with other persons: and that doone, he would repaire into the Chancerie, and sitting there vntill eleuen of the clocke, hearing of sutes, and determi­ning of other matters, from thence he would diuers times go into the Starre-chamber, as occasion ser­ued. There he neither spared high nor low, but iud­ged euerie state according to his merits and deserts.

He vsed also euerie sundaie to resort to the court, then being for the most part of all the yeare at Gréenewich, with his former triumphs, His order of going to and cōming from the court. taking his barge at his owne staires, furnished with yeomen standing vpon the bails, and his gentlemen being within about him, and landed againe at the thrée cranes in the Uintrie: and from thense he rode vpon his mule with his crosse, his pillers, his hat and broad seale carried afore him on horssebacke through Thames street, vntill he came to Billingsgate, and there tooke his barge againe, and so was rowed to Gréenewich, where he was receiued of the lords and chiefe officers of the kings house, as the treasuror, comptrollor and others, and so conueied vnto the kings chamber. Then the court was woonderfullie furnished with noblemen and gentlemen: and after dinner among the lords, hauing some consultation with the king or with the councell, he would depart homeward with the like triumph.

Thus in great honour, triumph, and glorie, he reigned a long season, ruling all things within the realme apperteining vnto the king. His house was resorted to with noblemen and gentlemen, The cardi­nals house like a princes court for all kind of bra­uerie & sump­tuousnesse. feasting and banketting ambassadors diuerse times, and all other right noblie. And when it pleased the king for his recreation to repaire to the cardinals house (as he did diuerse times in the yeare) there wanted no preparations or furniture: bankets were set foorth with maskes and mummeries, in so gorgeous a sort and costlie maner, that it was an heauen to behold. There wanted no dames or damosels meet or apt to danse with the maskers, or to garnish the place for the time: then was there all kind of musike and har­monie, with fine voices both of men and children.

On a time the king came suddenlie thither in a maske with a dozen maskers all in garments like shéepheards, made of fine cloth of gold, A maske and banket, the king in person present at the cardinals house. and crimosin sattin paned, & caps of the same, with visards of good physnomie, their haires & beards either of fine gold­wire silke, or blacke silke, hauing sixtéene torch-bea­rers, besides their drums and other persons with vi­sards, all clothed in sattin of the same color. And be­fore his entring into the hall, he came by water to the water gate without anie noise, where were laid diuerse chambers and guns charged with shot, and at his landing they were shot off, which made such a rumble in the aire, that it was like thunder: it made all the noblemen, gentlemen, ladies, and gentlewo­men, to muse what it should meane, comming so sud­denlie, they sitting quiet at a solemne banket, after this sort.

[Page 922] The cardi­nals statelie sitting at ta­ble like a prince.First yée shall vnderstand, that the tables were set in the chamber of presence iust couered, & the lord car­dinall sitting vnder the cloth of estate, there hauing all his seruice alone: and then was there set a ladie with a noble man, or a gentleman and a gentlewo­man throughout all the tables in the chamber on the one side, which were made and ioined as it were but one table, all which order and deuise was doone by the lord Sandes then lord chamberleine to the king and by sir Henrie Gilford comptrollor of the kings ma­iesties line 10 house. Then immediatlie after the great chamberleine, and the said comptrollor, sent to looke what it should meane (as though they knew nothing of the matter) who looking out of the windowes into the Thames, returned againe and shewed him, that it séemed they were noblemen and strangers that arriued at his bridge, comming as ambassadours from some forren prince.

The cardinall knew not that the king was in the number.With that (quoth the cardinall) I desire you, bi­cause you can speake French, to take the paines to go into the hall, there to receiue them according to line 20 their estates, and to conduct them into this chamber, where they shall sée vs, and all these noble personages being merie at our banket, desiring them to sit downe with vs, and to take part of our fare. Then went he incontinent downe into the hall, whereas they receiued them with twentie new torches, and conueied them vp into the chamber, with such a noise of drums and flutes, as seldome had béene heard the like. At their entring into the chamber two and two line 30 togither, they went directlie before the cardinall, where he sate and saluted him reuerentlie.

The cardinall reuerentlie sa­luted of the maskers.To whom the lord chamberleine for them said: Sir, for as much as they be strangers, and can not speake English, they haue desired me to declare vnto you, that they hauing vnderstanding of this your trium­phant banket, where was assembled such a number of excellent dames, they could doo no lesse vnder sup­port of your grace, but to repaire hither, to view as well their incomparable beautie, as for to accompa­nie line 40 them at mum-chance, and then to danse with them: and sir, they require of your grace licence to accomplish the said cause of their cōming. To whom the cardinall said he was verie well content they should so doo. Then went the maskers, and first salu­ted all the dames, and returned to the most worthie, and there opened their great cup of gold filled with crownes and other péeces of gold, to whome they set certeine péeces of gold to cast at.

Thus perusing all the ladies and gentlewomen, to line 50 some they lost, and of some they woone: and marking after this maner all the ladies, they returned to the cardinall with great reuerence, The cardinall plaieth at dice. powring downe all their gold so left in their cup, which was aboue two hundred crownes: At all (quoth the cardinall) and so cast the dice and wan them, whereat was made a great noise and ioy. Then quoth the cardinall to the lord chamberleine, He suspecteth that the king is present and abateth his estate. I praie you (quoth he) that you would shew them, that me séemeth there should be a nobleman amongst them, who is more meet to occu­pie this seat and place than I am, to whome I would line 60 most gladlie surrender the same according to my dutie, if I knew him.

Then spake the lord chamberleine to them in French, and they rounding him in the eare, the lord chamberlein said to my lord cardinall: Sir (quoth he) they confesse, that among them there is such a noble personage, whome, if your grace can appoint him out from the rest, he is content to disclose himselfe, and to accept your place. With that the cardinall taking good aduisement among them, at the last (quoth he) me séemeth the gentleman with the blacke beard, should be euen be: and with that he arose out of his chaire, and offered the same to the gentleman in the blacke beard with his cap in his hand. He taketh [...] marks [...] and is decei­ued. The person to whom he offered the chaire was sir Edward Neuill, a comelie knight, that much more resembled the kings person in that maske than anie other.

The king perceiuing the cardinall so deceiued, The king dis­uisardeth his face and is ve­rie pleasant. could not forbeare laughing, but pulled downe his visar and master Neuels also, and dashed out such a pleasant countenance and [...]héere, that all the noble estates there assembles, perceiuing the king to be there among them, reioised verie much. The cardi­nall eftsoons desired his highnesse to take the place of estate. To whom the king answered, that he would go first and shift his apparell, and so departed into my lord cardinals chamber, and there new apparelled him: in which time the dishes of the banket were cleane taken vp, and the tables spred againe with new cleane perfumed cloths, euerie man and wo­man sitting still, vntill the king with all his maskers came among them againe all new apparelled.

Then the king tooke his seat vnder the cloth of e­state, A new banket vpon the sud­den of 200 dishes. commanding euerie person to sit still as they did before: in came a new banket before the king, and to all the rest throughout all the tables, wherein were serued two hundred diuerse dishes, of costlie deuises and subtilties. Thus passed they foorth the night with banketting, dansing, and other triumphs, to the great comfort of the king, and pleasant regard of the nobilitie there assembled. And thus spent this cardinall his time from daie to daie, and yeare to yeare, in such wealth, ioie, triumph, and glorie, hauing alwaies on his side the kings especiall fa­uour, vntill fortune enuied his prosperitie, and ouerthrew all the foundations of his glorie; which as they were laid vpon sand, so they shroonke and slipt awaie; whereby insued the ruine of his estate, euen to the verie losse of his life, which (as a man of a guiltie conscience, and fearing capitall punishment due by law for his vndutifull demeanour against his souereigne) Edward Hall saith (vpon report) he part­lie procured, willinglie taking so great a quantitie of a strong purgation, as nature was therewith op­pressed, and vnable to digest the same; so that in fine he gaue vp the ghost, and was buried in Leicester abbeie: of whome to saie more I will surceasse, con­cluding onelie with a description which I find of him not impertinent for this place, sith wholie concerning his person.

¶This cardinall (as you may perceiue in this storie) was of a great stomach, Ab. Fl. ex Edw. Hal. Clxxxxiiij. The descrip­tion of the cardinall. for he compted himselfe e­quall with princes, & by craftie suggestion gat into his hands innumerable treasure: he forced little on simonie, and was not pittifull, and stood affectionate in his owne opinion: in open presence he would lie and saie vntruth, and was double both in speach and meaning: he would promise much & performe little: he was vicious of his bodie, & gaue the clergie euill example: he hated sore the citie of London & feared it: it was told him that he should die in the waie to­ward London, wherefore he feared least the com­mons of the citie would arise in riotous maner and so slaie him, yet for all that he died in the waie to­ward London, carrieng more with him out of the world than he brought into it; namelie a winding shéete, besides other necessaries thought méet for a dead man, as christian comelinesse required. This ruine of the cardinall was not so much as once dreampt vpon, when I. Leland the famous antiqua­rie wrote this welwishing octastichon vnto the said Wolseie (being then in the flowre of his glorie, and the pearle of his pride) as hereafter followeth.

Sic tuus Henricus, regum qui gloria, florens,
Ad Tho. W [...] ­uesegū archi [...] ­piscopum Isurocanu [...].
Perpetuo studio te colat, ornet, amet:
Sic pia coniung at proceres concordia magnos,
Vt iusto bell▪ fulmine Turcaruat:
[Page 923]Sic vast [...]s operum tantorum deni (que) moles
Absolua [...], summo templa dicata Deo.
Sis bonus (ô [...]) mihi! tutela [...]
Diceru merito p [...]aesidiúm (que) meae.

The king and [...]eene kept a [...]o [...]emne Christmasse [...] GreenwichAfter the cardinall was dead, the king remooued from Hampton court to Gréenwich, where he with quéene Katharine kept a solemne Christmasse, and on the Twelfe night he sat in the hall in his estate, whereas were diuerse enterludes, rich maskes a [...] disports, and after that a great banket. Now after line 10 Christmas he came to his manour of Westminster, which before was called Yorke place: for after that the cardinall was attainted in the premunire, & was gone northward, he made a feoffement of the same place to the king▪ and the chapiter of the cathedrall church of Yorke by their writing consserued the same feoffement, & then the king changed the name and called it the king [...] manor of Westminster, and no more Yorke place.

The whole cleargie of England [...]uer supported and mainteined the power legantine [...] the cardi­nall, The cleargie in danger of a p [...]emunire. line 20 wherefore the kings learned [...] said plain­lie that they were all in the premuni [...]e: the spirituall lords were called by processe into the kings B [...]nch to answer, but before their daie of appearance they in their conuocation concluded an humble submissi­on in writing, and offered the king a hundred thou­sand pounds to be their good lord, The offer of the cleargie to the king. & also to giue them a pardon of all offenses touching the premunire by act of parlement, the which offer with much labour line 30 was accepted, and their pardon promised. In this submission the cleargie called the king supreame head of the church of England, The king first named supreme head. which thing they ne­uer confessed before, wherevpon manie things fol­lowed after, as you shall heare.

When the parlement was begun the sixt daie of Ianuarie, year 1531 the pardon of the spirituall persons was signed with the kings hand, and sent to the lords, which in time conuenient assented to the bill, and sent it to the commons in the lower house. Now when it line 40 was read, diuers froward persons would in no wise assent to it except all men were pardoned, saieng that all men which had anie thing to doo with the car­dinall were in the same case. The wiser sort answe­red, that they would not compell the king to giue them his pardon, & beside that it was vncharitablie doone of them to hurt the cleargie, and doo themselues no good: wherefore they aduised them to consent to the bill, and after to sue to the king for their pardon, which counsell was not followed, but they determi­ned first to send the speaker to the king yer they line 50 would assent to the bill.

Thom. Aud­lie speaker for the commons.Wherevpon Thomas Audleie speaker for the commons, with a conuenient number of the com­mon house, came to the kings presence, and there elo­quentlie declared to the king, how the commons sore lamented and bewailed their chance, to thinke or imagine themselues to be out of his gratious fauor, bicause that he had gratiouslie giuen his pardon of the premunire to his spirituall subiects and not to them: wherefore they most humblie besought his line 60 grace of his accustomed goodnesse and clemencie to include them in the same pardon. The summe of the kings wise answer. The king wiselie answered that he was their prince and souereigne lord, and that they ought not to restraine him of his libertie, nor to compell him to shew his mercie; for it was at his pleasure to vse the extremitie of his laws or mitigate and pardon the same: wherefore sith they denied to assent to the pardon of the spirituall per­sons, which pardon (he said) he might giue without their assent by his great seale, he would be well adui­sed yer he pardoned them, bicause he would not be noted to be compelled to it.

With this answer the speaker and the commons departed verie sorowfull and pensiue, and some light persons said that Thomas Crumwell, which was newlie come to the fauour of the king, had disclosed the secrets of the commons, which thing caused the king to be so extreame. The king like a good prince considered how sorowfull his commons were of the answer that he made them, The kings voluntarie inclination to pardon the premunire. and thought that they were not quiet: wherefore of his owne motion he caused a pardon of the premunire to be drawne, and signed it with his hand, and sent it to the common house by Christopher Hales his atturneie, which bill was soone assented to. Then the commons louinglie thanked the king, and much praised his wit, that he had denied it to them when they vnworth [...]lie deman­ded it, and had bountifullie granted it when he per­ceiued that they sorrowed and lamented.

While the parlement sat▪ on the thirtith daie of March at afternoone, there came into the common house the lord chancellor and diuerse lords of the spi­ritualtie and [...]emporaltie, to the number of twelue, and there the lord chancellor said: You of this wor­shipfull house (I am sure) be not so ignorant, but you know well, Touching the kings mari­age. that the king our souereigne lord hath married his brothers wife, for she was both wedded and bedded with his brother prince Arthur, and there­fore you may suerlie saie that he hath married his brothers wife▪ [...]f this marriage be good or no manie clerkes doo doubt. Wherefore the king like a ver­tuous prince willing to be satisfied in his conscience, & also for the suertie of his realme, hath with great deliberation consulted with profound clerkes, & hath sent my lord of London here present, Namelie Ed­mund Bon­ner. to the chiefe v­niuersities of all christendome, to know their opini­on and iudgement in that behalfe. And although that the vniuersities of Cambridge and Oxford had béene sufficient to discusse the cause, yet bicause they be in his realme, and to auoid all suspicion of parcia­litie he hath sent into the realme of France, Italie, the popes dominions and Uenecians, to know their iudgement in that behalfe, which haue concluded, written, and sealed their determinations according as you shall heare read. Then sir Brian Tuke tooke out of a box certeine writings sealed, and read them word by word as after insueth, translated out of La­tine into the English toong.

Determinations of diuerse vniuer­sities touching the vnlawfulnesse of the kings marriage, and first the deter­mination of the vniuersitie of Orleance.

NOt long since there were put foorth to vs the college of doctors, regents of the vni­uersitie of Orleance, these two questions that follow. The first, whether it be lawfull by the law of God for the brother to take to wife that woman whom his brother hath left? The second, if this be forbidden by the law of God, whether this prohibition of the law of God may be remitted by the pope his dispensation? We the foresaid college of doctors regents, according to our custome and v­sage came manie times togither, and did sit diuerse times vpon the discussing of these foresaid doubts and questions, and did examine and weigh as much as we might diuerse and manie places, both of the old testament and the new, and also the interpretors and declarers both of the law of God and the canon law.

After we had weighed & considered all things ex­actlie, with good leisure and deliberation we haue all determined and concluded, that these foresaid mari­ages cannot be attempted, nor enterprised, except a man doo wroong, and plaine contrarie to the law of [Page 924] God: yea and that although it be doone by pardon and sufferance of the pope. And in witnesse of this conclusion and determination, we haue caused this present publike writing to be signed by the scribe of our said vniuersitie, and to be strengthened & forti­fied with the seale of the same. Enacted in the chapell of our ladie, the annuntiation, or the good tidings that she had of Christes comming in Orleance, the yeare of our Lord 1529, the 5. daie of Aprill.

The determination of the facultie of decrees of the vniuersitie of Paris.

Lawiers of Paris.IN the name of the Lord so be it. There was put foorth before vs the deane and college of the right councelfull facultie of decrées of the vniuersitie of Paris, this question? Whether that the pope might dispense, that the brother might marrie the wife that his brother hath left, if mariage betweene his bro­ther now dead and his wife were once consummate? line 20 We the deane and college of the said facultie after manie disputations and reasons made of both sides vpon this matter, and after great and long turning and searching of bookes, both of the law of God, and the popes law, and of the law ciuill, we counsell and saie that the pope hath no power to dispense in this foresaid case. In witnesse whereof we haue caused this present writing to be strengthened with the seale of our facultie and with the signe of our scribe or chiefe bedle. Yeuen in the congregation or assem­ble at saint Iohn Laterenense in Paris the second line 30 daie of Maie 1530.

The determination of ciuilians and canonists of the vniuersitie of Aniou.

Aniou.NOt long time since there were proposed vnto vs the rector and doctors regents in law canon and ciuill of the vniuersitie of Aniou, these two questions line 40 here following, that is to wit; Whether it is vnlaw­full by the law of God & the law of nature for a man to marrie the wife of his brother, that is departed without children, so that the marriage was consum­mate? And againe, whether it is lawfull for the pope to dispense with such marriage? We the aforesaid rector and doctors haue according to our custome and vsage manie times communed togither, and sitten to dispute these questions, and to find out the certein­tie of them. And after that we had discussed and ex­amined line 50 manie and diuerse places, aswell of the law of God as of the law of man, which séemed to per­teine to the same purpose, and after we had brought reasons for both parties, and examined them: all things faithfullie and after good conscience consi­dered, and vpon sufficient deliberation and aduise­ment taken, we define and determine that neither by the law of God nor of nature, it is permitted for any christian man, no not euen with the authoritie of the sée apostolike, or with anie dispensation granted line 60 by the pope, to marrie the wife that his brother hath left, although his brother be departed without chil­dren, after that the marriage is once finished and consummate. And for witnes of the aforsaid things, we haue commanded the scribe of our said vniuersi­tie to signe this present publike instrument, and it to be fortified with the great seale of our vniuersitie. Enacted in the church of saint Peter in Aniou, the yeare of our Lord 1530, the 7 daie of Maie.

The determination of the facultie of diuinitie in the vniuersitie of Paris.

Paris.THe deane and the facultie of the holie diuinitie of the vniuersitie of Paris, to all them to whom this present writing shall come, wisheth safetie in our sauiour Iesu Christ, which is the verie true safetie. Where of late there is risen a great controuersie of great difficultie, vpon the marriage betweene the most noble Henrie the eight king of England de­fendor of the faith, and lord of Ireland, &c: and the no­ble ladie Katharine quéene of England, daughter to the catholike king Ferdinand, which marriage was not onelie contract betwéene hir and hir former hus­band, but also consummate and finished by carnall intermedling.

This question also was proposed to vs to discusse and examine according to iustice and truth, that is to saie; Whether to marrie hir that one brother dead without children hath left, being so prohibited by the law of God and nature, that it can not be lawfull by the popes dispensation, that any christian man shuld marrie the wife that his brother hath left? We the foresaid deane and facultie calling to our remem­brance, how vertuous, and how holie a thing, and how agréeable to our profession, vnto our dutie of loue and charitie it is for vs to shew the waie of iu­stice and right, of vertue and honestie, to them which desire to lead and passe ouer their life in the law of our Lord with su [...]e and quiet conscience; could not but be readie to satisfie so honest and iust requests: wherevpon after our old woont, we came togither vpon our oth in the church of S. Maturine, and there for the same cause had a solemne masse with deuout praier to the Holie-ghost.

And also we tooke an oth, euerie man to deliuer and to studie vpon the foresaid question, as should be to the pleasure of God & according to conscience. And after diuerse & manie sessions or sittings, which were had and continued in the church of saint Matu­rine, and also in the college called Sorbon, from the eight daie of Iune to the second daie of Iulie; when we had searched and examined through and through, with as much diligence as we could, and with such reuerence and religion or conscience as becommeth in such a matter, [...]oth the bookes of holie scripture, and also the most approoued interpretors of the same: finallie the generall and synodall councels, decrées and constitutions of the sacre and holie church, which by long custome hath béene receiued and approbate.

We the foresaid deane and facultie, disputing vpon the foresaid question, and making answer to the same, and that after the iudgement and full con­sent of the most part of the said facultie, haue con­cluded and determined, that the foresaid marriage with the brothers wife, departing without children, be so forbidden both by the law of God & of nature, that the pope hath no power to dispense with such mariages, whether they be contract or to be contract. And for credence, beléefe, and witnesse of this our assertion and determination, we haue caused the seale of our facultie, with our notaries signe, to be put vnto this present writing. Dated in our gene­rall congregation that we kéepe by an oth at saint Maturines, the yeare of our Lord 1530, the second daie of Iulie.

The determination of the vniuersitie of Burges in Berrie or Biturs.

WE the deane and facultie of diuinitie in the vniuersitie of Burges (bicause we will doo according to the example of S. Paule doctor of the gentiles, Burges. which dooth likewise) will begin our wri­ting with praier for all the belooued of God, a­mong whome you most deare readers, vnto whome we write, be called: grace, peace, and quietnesse of conscience come to you from God the father, and from our Lord Iesu Christ. While we were gathered [Page 925] together all into one place (in the octaues of Whit­suntide) both in bodie and mind, and were sitting in the house of the said deane, there was a question put to vs againe, which had beene proposed to vs often­times before, being no small question, which was this: Whether the brother taking the wife of his bro­ther now dead, and the marriage once consummate and perfect, dooth a thing vnlawfull or no?

At the last when we had sought for the truth of the thing, and had perceiued and found it out by much la­bour line 10 and studie of euerie one of vs by himselfe, and by much and often turning of holie bookes, euerie one of vs not corrupt, whereby we might the lesse o­beie the truth, began as the holie ghost did put in his mind, to giue euerie man one arbitrement and sen­tence, which was this. I haue well perceiued in ve­rie truth, without regard or respect of anie person, that those persons which be rehearsed in the 18 chap­ter of the Leuiticall law, be forbidden by the verie law of nature to contract matrimonie togither, and line 20 that this law can in no wise be released by anie au­thoritie of anie man, by the which there is made an abhominable discouering of his brothers foulenesse. And this is the signe of our common bedell or nota­rie, and the seale of our foresaid facultie put vnto this present writing the 10 daie of Iune, in the yeare of our Lord 1530. And bicause the foot of our wri­ting shall be of one forme and fashion with the head, as we began with praier, so let vs end after the ex­ample of S. Paule that we spake of before, and saie, line 30 the grace and fauour of our Lord Iesu Christ, the cha­ritie and loue of God and the communication of the holie ghost be with you all, Amen.

The determination of the diuines in the popes vniuersitie of Bononie.

GOD best and mightiest taught first the old law and testament with his owne mouth, Bononie. to forme and fashion according to loue and charitie the ma­ners line 40 and life of men. And secondarilie the same God did take afterwards manhood vpon him for to be the redéemer of man, and so made the new law or new testament, not onlie to forme and fashion according to loue and charitie the life and maners of men, but also to take awaie and to declare doubts, the which did arise in manie cases, which when they be once cléerelie determined, shall helpe greatlie to perfect vertue and goodnesse, that is to saie, to perfect loue and charitie. line 50

Wherefore we thought it euermore, that it should be our part to follow these most holie doctrines and lawes of our father of heauen, and that we lightned by the light of God aboue & of the holie ghost, should giue our sentence and iudgement in high and doubt­full matters, after that we haue once leisurelie and sufficientlie taken aduisement vpon the cause, and haue cleerelie searched out and opened the thing by many reasons and writings of holie fathers, as well for the one part as for the other, dooing nothing (as line 60 néere as we can) rashlie or without deliberation. Therefore where certeine great and noble men did instantlie desire vs, that we would with all dili­gence possible looke for this case that after insueth, & afterwards to giue our iudgement vpon the same, according to most equitie, right, and conscience, stic­king onelie to the truth.

All the doctors of diuinitie of this vniuersitie, when we had euerie one by himselfe examined the matter at home in our houses, came all togither in­to one place, and there treated vpon it manie daies with as much cunning and learning as we could, we anon looked on the case togither, we examined it to­gither, we compared all things togither, we handling euerie thing by it selfe, did trie them euen as you would saie by line and rule, we brought foorth all ma­ner of reasons which we thought could be brought for the contrarie part, and afterward solued them, yea euen the reasons of the most reuerend father car­dinall Caietane, yea and moreouer the Deuterono­mie dispensation of stirring vp the brothers séed, and shortlie all other maner of reasons and opinions of the contrarie part, as manie as séemed to belong to this purpose.

And this question that was asked of vs, was this: Whether it was forbidden onelie by the ordi­nance of the church, or else by the law of God, that a man might not marrie the wife left of his brother de­parted without children? And if it were comman­ded by both the lawes not to be doone, whether the pope may dispense with anie man to make such ma­riage? The which question now that we haue exami­ned both by our selfe secretlie, and also openlie as diligentlie and exactlie as we could possiblie, and dis­cussed it after the best manner that our wits would serue: we determine, giue iudgement, and saie, and as stiflie as we can we witnesse, and without anie doubt doo stedfastlie hold, that this marriage should be horrible, accurssed, and to be cried out vpon, and vtterlie abhominable not onelie for a christian man, but for an infidell, vnfaithfull or heathen.

And that it is prohibited vnder gréeuous paines and punishments by the law of God, of nature, and of man, and that the pope, though that he almost may doo all things, vnto whome Christ did giue the keies of the kingdome of heauen, hath no power to giue a dispensation to anie man for to contract such mari­age for anie maner of cause, consideration or sugge­stion: and all we be readie at all times & in all pla­ces to defend & mainteine the truth of this our con­clusion. In witnesse whereof we haue made this pre­sent writing, and haue fortified the same both with the seale of our vniuersitie, and also with the seale of our college of doctors of diuinitie, and haue sub­scribed & signed it with our generall and accustomed subscription in the cathedrall church of Bononie, the tenth daie of Iune, the yeare of our Lord 1530.

The determination of the facultie of diuinitie in the vniuersitie of Padua in Italie.

THey that haue written for the maintenance of the catholike faith, Padua. affirme that God (best and mightiest) did giue the precepts & commandements of the old law with his owne mouth, to be an exam­ple for vs, wherein we might sée how we should or­der our life and maners, and this God had doone be­fore he became man: and after that he had put vpon him our manhood, & was become redéemer or buier of mankind, he made the new law or testament, and of his méere liberalitie did giue it vs, not onelie for the cause aforsaid; but also to take awaie and de­clare all maner of doubts and questions that might arise, the which once opened and declared, what their verie true meaning is, to the intent that thereby we might be made perfectlie good, which be greatlie fruitfull vnto vs and wholesome.

And séeing that this was the mind of God in ma­king these lawes, it hath béene our intent, and euer­more shall be, as it becommeth christian men, to fol­low these most solemne ordinances of the most high woorkemaister God, & the helpe of his light, that is aboue the capacitie of nature, to vtter our iudgment in all maner of doubts and hard questions. After we had once considered the thing after the best maner, and had by sufficient leisure made it cleere by manie euident reasons of both parties, and by manie au­thorities [Page 926] of the fathers of the church, determining nothing (as neere as we can) rashlie or without con­uenient deliberation. Séeing therefore that certeine great orators or ambassadors did humblie require and praie vs, that we would vouchsafe to search out with all the diligence we could this case following, and afterwards to giue our sentence vpon the same, plainelie and simplie looking onelie on the truth.

After the doctors of diuinitie of this vniuersitie came togither, and after that we had euerie man ex­amined line 10 the thing particularlie in our owne houses, and had beaten it with all learning and cunning that we were able: anon when we were togither, we considered, examined, and weied all things by them­selues, and brought in all maner of reasons, which we thought might by anie meanes be made to the contrarie, and without all colour or cloke did wholie and cléerlie dissolue them and take them awaie. And amongst all, the dispensation by the law of Deute­ronomie, of stirring vp the brothers seed, and all ma­ner line 20 other reasons and determinations to the contra­rie, that séemed to vs to perteine anie thing to that purpose, we vtterlie confuted and dispatched them.

The question that is put vnto vs is this; Whether to marrie the wife of our brother departed without children, is forbidden onelie by the law of the church, or by the law of God also? And if it be forbidden by both these laws, whether the pope maie dispense with anie man for such matrimonie or no? Which questi­on now that we haue discussed it, and as farre as we line 30 could, haue made it cléere, both priuatlie euerie man by himselfe, and after all togither openlie, we saie, iudge, decrée, witnesse, and for a truth affirme, that such marriage is no marriage; yea and that it is ab­horred and curssed of euerie christian man, and to be abhominate as a grieuous sinne; and that it is as cleere as can be forbidden vnder most cruell penal­ties by the lawes of nature, of God, and of man; and that the pope, vnto whome the keies of the kingdome of heauen be committed by Christ the sonne of God, line 40 hath no power to dispense by the right of law for a­nie cause, suggestion, or excuse, that anie such matri­monie should be contracted.

For those things which be forbidden by the law of God, be not vnderneath his power, but aboue it; nor he is not the vicar of God as concerning those t [...]ings, but onelie in such things as God hath not de­termined himselfe in his law; but hath left them to the determination and ordinance of man. And to mainteine the truth of this our sentence and conclu­sion, line 50 and for the most certeine and vndoubted defense of the same, we all of one mind and accord shall at all times and in euerie place be readie. In witnesse whereof we haue made this writing, and haue autho­rised it with the accustomed seale of our vniuersitie and also of our college of diuines. Dated at Padua in the church of the heremites of saint Augustine the first daie of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord 1530.

The determination of the vniuersitie line 60 of Tholose.

THere was treated in our vniuersitie of Tholose a verie hard question; Tholose. Whether it be lawfull for the brother to marrie hir which had béene wife to his brother now departed, & that without children? There was besides this an other thing that troubled vs ve­rie sore; Whether, if the pope which hath the cure of Christs flocke, would by his dispensation (as men call it) suffer this, that then at the least wise it might be lawfull? The rector of the vniuersitie called to counsell all the doctors regents, that were at that time at Tholose for to shew their minds on this que­stion, and that not once, but twise: for he iudged that counsell giuing ought not to be hasted nor doone vp­on head, and that we had need of time and space to doo anie thing conuenientlie and as it ought to be.

At the last there came togither into one place all the best learned and cunningest doctors, both of holie diuinitie, and also doctors that were best learned in both lawes; yea, and finallie as manie as had anie experience in anie matter, and were able to doo anie thing either by iudgement and discretion, or by elo­quence or their excellent wits; and there did sweare that they would obeie the sacred and holie councels, and would follow the decrees of the fathers, which no man that hath anie good conscience will violat or breake. And so euerie man said his mind, & the mat­ter was debated and reasoned diffuselie and at large for both parts.

In conclusion, we fell so fast to this point, that this was the sentence and determination that our v­niuersitie, with one voice of all, did determine and conclude with most pure and cléere conscience, and defiled with no maner of leuen of corruption: That it is lawfull for no man, neither by the law of God, nor by the law of nature, to take hir to wife that his brother hath left: and séeing that it maie not be doone by the law of God nor of nature, we answered all, that the pope can loose no man from that law, nor dis­pense with him. And as for that thing can not be contrarie to our sentence and verdict, that the brother in old time was compelled by the law of Deuterono­mie to marrie the brothers wife departed without is­sue. For this law was but a shadow and a figure of things to come, which vanished awaie as soone as e­uer the light and truth of the gospell appeared. And bi­cause these things be thus, we haue giuen our sen­tence after this forme aboue, and haue commanded the same to be signed by our notarie which is our se­cretarie, and to be fortified and authorised by the put­ting to of our authenticall seale of our vniuersitie a­foresaid, at Tholose the calends or first daie of Octo­ber, the yeare of our Lord 1530.

After these determinations were read, there were shewed aboue an hundred books drawn by doctors of strange regions, which all agreed the kings marriage to be vnlawfull, which were not read, for the daie was spent. Then the chancellor said: ‘Now you of this common house maie report in your countries what you haue séene and heard, & then all men shall open­lie perceiue, that the king hath not attempted this matter of will and pleasure, as some strangers re­port, but onlie for the discharge of his conscience and suertie of the succession of his realme: this is the cause of our repaire hither to you, and now will we depart.’

When these determinations were published, all wise men in the realme much abhorred that marri­age: but women, and such as were more wilfull than wise or learned, spake against the determination, and said that the vniuersities were corrupt and inti­sed so to doo, which is not to be thought. The king him­selfe sore lamented his chance, and made no maner of mirth nor pastime as he was woont to doo. He di­ned and resorted to the quéene as he was accusto­med, and diminished nothing of hir estate, and much loued and cherished their daughter the ladie Marie: but in no wise he would not come to hir bed. When Easter began to draw neere, the parlement for that time ended, and was proroged till the last daie of March, in the next yéere. An act of poi­soning▪ In the parlement aforesaid was an act made, that whosoeuer did poison any per­son, should be boiled in hot water to the death: which act was made, bicause one Richard Roose, in the par­lement time had poisoned diuerse persons at the bi­shop [Page 927] of Rochesters place, which Richard, according to the same act, was boiled in Smithfield the teneber wednesdaie following, to the terrible example of all other.

Anno Reg. 23.When the vniuersitie aforesaid, and a great num­ber of clearks and well learned men had determined the kings marriage to be vnlawfull, detestable, and against Gods law (as you haue heard) the king wil­ling the quéene to haue knowledge of the same, sent to hir diuerse lords of the councell, the last daie of line 10 Maie, being the wednesdaie in Whitsun wéeke: the which Lords, M [...]ssage sent to the quéene from the king. in hir chamber at Gréenewich, declared to hir all the determinations (as you haue heard) and asked hir whether she would (for the quietnesse of the kings conscience) put the matter to foure prelats, and foure temporall lords of this realme, or abide by hir appeale? The quéene answered:

The king my fa­ther which concluded my marriage, I am sure, was not so ignorant but he asked counsell of clearks and well learned men before he married me the second line 20 time: for if he had had anie doubt in my marriage, he would not haue disbursed so great a tresure as he did, & then all the doctors in a maner agréed my mar­riage to be good, insomuch that the pope himselfe, which knew best what was to be doone, did both di­spense and ratifie the second marriage, against whose dooings I maruell that any person will speake or write.

And as to the determination of the vniuersitie, I am a woman, and lacke wit and learning to answer line 30 to them, but to God I commit the iudgement of that, whether they haue doone iustlie or parciallie: for this I am sure, that neither the kings father, nor my fa­ther would haue condescended to our marriage, if it had beene declared to be vnlawfull. And where you saie that I should put the cause to eight persons of this realme for quietnesse of the kings conscience, I pray God send his grace a quiet conscience. And this shall be your answer: that I saie I am his lawfull wife, and to him lawfullie married, and by the order line 40 of holie church I was to him espoused as his true wife (although I was not so woorthie) and in that point I will abide till the court of Rome, which was priuie to the beginning, haue made thereof a deter­mination and finall ending.

With this answer the lords departed to the king, which was sorie to heare of hir wilfull opinion, and in especiall that the more trusted in the popes law, than in kéeping the precepts of God.]

Forsomuch as merchant strangers, bringing line 50 their wares into the realme, did receiue readie mo­nie for them, and euer deliuered the same monie to o­ther merchants by exchange, not emploieng it vpon the commodities of the realme, A proclamati­on for mer­chant stran­gers. a proclamation was set foorth and made, that no person should make anie exchange, contrarie to the meaning of a statute or­deined in the time of king Richard the second: by reason whereof, clothes and other commodities of this realme shortlie after were well sold, till they fell to exchange againe, and that this proclamation was line 60 forgotten. After Whitsuntide, the king & the queene remooued to Windsor, and there continued till the fourtéenth of Iulie, on the which daie the king remoo­ued to Woodstocke, and left the quéene at Windsor, where she remained a while, & after remooued to the More, and from thence to Estamstéed, whither the king sent to hir diuerse lords, to aduise hir to be con­formable to the law of God, shewing sundrie rea­sons to persuade hir to their purpose, and one among the rest vsed for that present this communication, as I find it left in writing, in the behoofe of the king.

Ab [...]. Fle. ex lib. m [...]nuscripto. Talke to Q. Katharine.¶ Madam, the kings highnesse hath commanded vs repairing vnto you, on his highnesse behalfe to shew vnto you thus much, that his maiestie hauing heretofore sent vnto you a great number of his councellors and learned men, to declare what great iniuries and wrongs by your procurement and soli­citation were and yet be doone vnto his maiestie and this his realme, in citing his highnesse in his owne person, or by his proctor to appeare at Rome, to make answer to your sute, contrarie to the determination of all lawes, as not onelie the famous vniuersities of christendome, as Paris and Orleance, but also as the most part of the learned men here or elsewhere in that facultie affirme, and as maister deane learned in that facultie can and will testifie vnto you, on his conscience, if it shall please you to heare him, and contrarie also to his estate roiall, and to the priuile­ges and prerogatiues of this his graces realme.

His highnesse perceiuing your grace not to re­gard their aduertisements in right and iustice, but still to perseuere and continue, and rather increase your iniurious procurements and solicitations in that behalfe, is not a little gréeued & displeased with your continuance and prosecution of this iniurie and manifest wrong towards his maiestie, and this his graces realme. The continuance of which your vn­kind dealing hath compelled his highnesse not onelie to absteine from the sight of you, but also to forbeare to receiue anie of your tokens, which doo nothing else but renew and refresh his displeasure, inforcing him also to an indignation, to see tokens offered and sent by hir, who continueth in prosecuting of so nota­ble an iniurie and manifest wrong towards his ma­iestie, & this his realme, perceiuing also what bold­nesse other outward princes might take to misin­treat his highnesse, when they should vnderstand how his maiestie suffreth himselfe to be wronged by his pretended subiect, and so notable wrong to be doone to this his realme.

And vpon this cause and ground, like as the kings highnesse these certeine moneths past, hath disseue­red your grace from his presence, so he intendeth yet to continue, and hath commanded vs to shew you, that his pleasure is ye shalbe at your libertie, & (as ye shall thinke most commodious) repaire to either of these thrée places, his manour of Oking, his ma­nour of Estamsteed, or the monasterie of Bisham, and there to continue without further molesting of his highnesse with your sutes or requests to the con­trarie, as wherewith ye shall not preuaile; but more and more molesting and troubling his highnesse, pro­cure his further displeasure towards you.

And though percase the pope shall desist, as per­ceiuing now the matter of right he will, yet the kings highnesse cannot digest in his stomach this in­iurie doone, not to be amended or reformed at your graces procurement, but your grace rather suing and instanting the contrarie. And this is the charge, madam, which the kings highnesse hath committed vnto vs, to be spoken vnto you on his highnesse be­halfe. And to saie to you as of my selfe, concerning the iustnesse of the kings cause, as I haue heretofore said, I shall now repeat and rehearse againe vnto your grace; which is, that your grace being knowne by prince Arthur, ye be not lawfull wife to the kings highnesse our souereigne lord in my conscience.

This speach ended, others of the companie vsed their per­suasorie talke to the quéene: The queene standeth stiffe in hir opinion concerning the contro­uersie of hi [...] mariage. whose words notwith­standing did so little mooue hir, that she stood stiffelie in hir first opinion, that she was his true and lawfull wife, and from the same would not by anie meanes be remooued.]

The priests of London being called afore the bishop that would haue had them contributaries to the pai­ment of the hundred thousand pounds, granted to the king for his pardon of the premunire, kept such a stir [Page 928] in breaking into the chapiter house (where the bishop sat) all at once, and striking and buffeting the bishops seruants which gaue them euill language, that the bi­shop was faine to giue them his blessing, and suffer them to depart in quiet for that time. But after, vp­on complaint made to the lord chancellor, diuerse of them and of their partakers were arrested, and com­mitted to prison, to the number of fifteéne priests, and fiue laie men, some to the Tower, and some to the Fleet, and to other places, where they remained long after. Iohn Sow. ¶Thomas Bilneie, bachellor of law, was line 10 burnt at Norwich the ninteenth of August, and the fourth of December sir Rées Griffin was beheaded at the Tower hill, and his man named Iohn Hewes was drawne to Tiburne, and there hanged and quartered.

The fiue and twentith of Maie, beteene London and Grauesend, were taken two great fishes called whorlepooles, male and female. ¶In this season, there was in the realme much preaching, one lerned man holding against another, namelie in the matter of line 20 the kings mariage. After Christmas, the parlement began to sit againe, year 1532 in the which the commons found themselues sore gréeued with the crueltie of ordina­ries, Crueltie of ordinaries. that called men before them Ex officio. At length, a booke was drawne of all the griefes of the com­mons, for the cruell demeanor of the cleargie, and the same deliuered to th [...] K. by the speaker, humblie beséeching him in the name of all the commons, to take such direction therein, as to his high wisedome might séeme most expedient. The king answered, line 30 that he would take aduise, and heare the partie accu­sed speake. He was not so readie to gratifie the com­mons in their requests, as some thought that he would haue béene, if they had not sticked and refused to passe a statute, which he had sent to them touching wards and primer seasons.

The parlemēt proroged. Annates for­bidden to be paid.After this, was the parlement proroged till the tenth of Aprill. In this parlement was an act made, that bishops should paie no more annates or monie for their bulles to the pope: for it was prooued that line 40 there had béene paid for bulles of bishops, since the fourth yeare of Henrie the seuenth an hundred thrée­score thousand pounds sterling, beside other dispen­sations & pardons. When the parlement was begun againe after Easter, there was a motion made to helpe the king with monie toward his charges about the edifieng of houses, piles, and other fortifications, vpon the borders fore against Scotland, both for bet­ter habitation to be had there, & also for the restraint line 50 of the Scots that vsed to make inuasions. There was therefore a fiftéenth granted, but not enacted at this session, A fiftéenth granted. bicause that [...] began a pesti­lence in Westminster, [...] parlement was proroged, as ye shall heare in the ne [...] yeare.

A toll deman­ded in the low countries.In this yeare was an old toll demanded in Flan­ders of Englishmen called th [...] [...]oll of the hound, which is a riuer and a passage. The toll is twelue pence of a fardell. It had béene often demanded, but neuer paied, insomuch that king Henrie the seuenth for the line 60 demand of that toll, prohibited all his subiects to kéepe anie mart at Antwerpe or Barrow, till it was promised that vpon their returne the said toll should neuer be demanded. The king sent doctor Knight, and others to Calis, whither came the emperours com­missioners, and there (vpon talke) the matter was put in suspension for a time. The king hauing purcha­sed of the cardinall after his attendure in the premu­nire his house at Westminster, Yorke place or white Hall now the palace of Westmin­ster. S. Iames. called Yorke place, and got a confirmation of the cardinals feoffement thereof, made of the chapter of the cathedrall church of Yorke, purchased this yeare also all the medows about saint Iames, and there made a faire mansion and a parke for his greater commoditie & pleasure. And bicause he had a great affection to the said house at Westminster, he bestowed great cost in going forward with the building thereof, and changed the name, so that it was after called the kings palace of Westminster.

The fourtéenth daie of Maie, Anno reg. [...]4▪ The parlem [...] proroged. the parlement was proroged till the fourth of Februarie next comming. After which prorogation, sir Thomas Moore, chancel­lor of England, after long sutes made to the king to be discharged of his office, the sixtéenth of Maie he de­liuered to the king at Westminster the great seale of England, Sir Thomas Moore deliue­reth vp the great seale. and was with the kings fauour dischar­ged, which seale the king kept till mondaie in Whit­sunwéeke, on which daie he dubbed Thomas Audleie speaker of the parlement, knight, Sir Thomas Audleie lord kéeper of the great seale. and made him lord kéeper of the great seale, and so he was called. ¶ The king being informed, that the pope and the French king should meet in the beginning of the next spring at Marseiles, he thought good for diuerse considera­tions, to speake with the French king in his owne person, before the pope and he should come togither: wherevpon it was concluded, that in October follo­wing, both the princes should méet betwéene Calis and Bullongne. Wherfore the king of England sent out his letters to his nobles, prelats, and seruants, commanding them to be readie at Canturburie the six and twentith of September, to passe the seas with him, for the accomplishment of the interuiew be­twixt him and the French king.

On the first of September being sundaie, The ladie Anne Bul­longne created marchiones of Penbroke. the K. being come to Windsor, created the ladie Anne Bullongne marchionesse of Penbroke, and gaue to hir one thousand pounds land by the yeare; and that solemnitie finished, he rode to the college, where af­ter that seruice was ended, a new league was con­cluded and sworne betwene the king, and the French king, Messire Pomoraie the French ambassador be­ing present. On the tenth of October, The king passeth ouer to Calis. the king came to Douer, and on the eleuenth daie in the morning at thrée of the clocke hée tooke shipping at Douer rode, and before ten of the same daie, he with the la­die marchionesse of Penbroke landed at Calis, where he was receiued with all honour, and lodged at the Eschecker. There came to him whilest he laie in Calis, diuerse lords from the French court, and amongst other the lord great maister of France, and the archbishop of Roane, which were honorablie of him receiued, and with them he tooke a daie and place of méeting with the king their maister.

Wherevpon the one and twentith of October, he marched out of Calis, accompanied with the dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke, the marquesses of Dor­set and Excester, the erles of Arundell, Oxford, Sur­reie, Essex, Darbie, Rutland, Huntington, and Sus­sex, with diuerse vicounts, barons, knights of the garter, and other of the nobilitie and gentlemen freshlie apparelled, and richlie trimmed; and com­ming to the place appointed, he there met with the French king, The inter­uiew betwixt the kings of England and France. who was come to receiue him with all honor that might be: and after salutations and em­bracings vsed in most louing maner, the king of England went with the French K. to Bullongne; and by the waie was incountered by the French kings thrée sons, and other great lords that atten­ded them, with welcomming the king of England; he them gentlie receiued, and so all this noble com­panie came to Bullongne, where the king of Eng­land and his nobles were so noblie interteined, fea­sted, banketed, and cheared, that woonder it was to consider the great plentie of viands, spices, wines, and all other prouision necessarie for man and horsse, so that there was no more but aske and haue; and no man durst take anie monie, for the French king paid for all.

[Page 929]The fiue and twentith of October, whilest the king laie thus in Bullongne, the French king called a chapiter of the companions of his order named S. Michaell, of whome the king of England was one, and so there elected the dukes of Norffolke and Suf­folke to be companions of the same order: The dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke [...] into the order of S. Michaell. and being brought to the chapiter, they had their collars deli­uered to them, and were sworne to the statutes of the order, their obeisance to their souereigne lord alwaie reserued. Thus the two kings laie in Bullongne, line 10 mondaie, tuesdaie, wednesdaie, and thursdaie: and on fridaie the fiue and twentith of October, they departed out of Bullongne to Calis. Without the towne of Calis about the distance of two miles, the duke of Richmond the kings base son, with a great companie of noble men, The duke of Richmond. which had not béene at Bul­longne, met them, and saluting the French king, embraced him in most honorable and courteous ma­ner.

Thus they passed forward, and came to Newn­ham line 20 bridge, and so to Calis, where was such prouisi­on made for the receiuing of them, as well for lodg­ings, plate, and all such other furniture of houshold, as also of all sorts of viands, wines, and other neces­saries, that it séemed woonderfull: in so much as the proportion assigned to the French lords oftentimes was so abundant, that they refused a great part thereof. The French kings traine was twelue hun­dred horsses, or rather aboue. But there was lodging inough in Calis, not onlie for them, but also for ma­nie line 30 other, so that there were aboue eight thousand persons lodged within the towne in that season. The French king comming thither on the fridaie, tarri­ed there till tuesdaie the thirtith of October, and then departed; the king of England accompanieng him out of the towne, till he came to enter into the French ground, and there either tooke leaue of other with right princelie countenance, louing behauiour, and so hartie words, that all men reioised that saw them. line 40

Whilest the two kings laie in Calis, the lord An­nas de Montmorancie earle of Beaumont, great master of the French kings house, & Philip de Cha­bot erle of Newblanke, great admerall of France, were admitted into the order of the garter, The great master and admerall of France made knights of the garter. the king calling a chapiter for that purpose, of the knights of that order, at the which the French king was present, and ware a blew mantell, because he was one of the same order. Whilest the king was in the French kings dominion, he had the vpper hand, and likewise line 50 had the French king in his dominion. And as the French king paid all the Englishmens charges at Bullongne: so did the king of England at Calis. There rose about the same season such sore weather, storms and rigorous winds, continuing for the more part at north and northwest, that the king staied at Calis for a conuenient wind till tuesdaie the thir­téenth of Nouember at midnight, and then taking his ship, landed at Douer the next daie about fiue of the clocke in the morning. The king re­turneth into England. He marrieth the lady Anne Bullongne. And herewith vpon his line 60 returne, he married priuilie the ladie Anne Bul­longne the same daie, being the fourteenth daie of Nouember, and the feast daie of saint Erkenwald; which marriage was kept so secret, that verie few knew it till Easter next insuing, when it was per­ceiued that she was with child.

When the king should passe ouer the sea, he con­sidered that the Scots would happilie attempt some­what to the preiudice of his subiects in his absence, which sticked not (he being within the realme) to rob both by sea and land. Wherefore to resist their ma­lice, he appointed sir Arthur Darcie with thrée hun­dred men to go vnto Berwike, to defend the borders from inuasions of the Scots, who shortlie after by the middle marches entred the realme, and came to a place called Fowberie, and stering certeine villa­ges in their waie, returned. The erle of Angus as then was at Berwike as a banished man; and the said sir Arthur determined to reuenge this displea­sure: and therevpon with foure hundred men made a rode into Scotland, and set a village on fire. Then immediatlie assembled togither eight hundred Scots, and began to approch néere to the English men, who perceiuing them, caused their trumpet to blow the retreit, and the erle and twentie with him shewed himselfe on an hill, euen in the face of the Scots, and the trumpet blew at their backs, so that the Scots thought that there had beene two compa­nies, which caused the Scots to flie, Scots dis­comfited by the English­men. and the English­men followed and slew a great number of them, and tooke manie of them prisoners.

After Christmasse sir Thomas Audleie lord kée­per of the great seale was made high chancellor of England. And when the parlement began, year 1533 Sir Thomas Audleie lord chancellor. because the office of the speaker was void, Humfreie Wing­field of Greis inne was chosen speaker. In this par­lement was an act made, that no person should ap­peale for anie cause out of this realme to the court of Rome, but from the commissarie to the bishop, and from the bishop to the archbishop, and from the arch­bishop to the king; and all causes of the king to be tried in the vpper house of the conuocation. Quéene Ka­tharine to be named prin­cesse Dowa­ger. It was also enacted the same time, that quéene Katharine should no more be called queene, but princesse Dowa­ger, as the widow of prince Arthur. ¶In the season of the last summer died William Warham archbi­shop of Canturburie, and then was named to that sea Thomas Cranmer the kings chapleine, a man of good learning, and of a vertuous life, which latelie before had béene ambassador from the king to the pope.

After that the king perceiued his new wife to be with child, he caused all officers necessarie to be appointed to hir, and so on Easter euen she went to hir closet openlie as quéene; Quéene Anne. and then the king ap­pointed the daie of hir coronation to be kept on Whitsundaie next following: and writings were sent to all shiriffs, to certifie the names of men of fortie pounds to receiue the order of knighthood, or else to make fine. The assesment of the fine was ap­pointed to Thomas Cromwell, maister of the kings iewell house, & councellor to the king, a man newlie receiued into high fauour. He so vsed the matter, that a great summe of monie was raised to the kings vse by those fines. The matter of the quéenes appeale wherevnto she still sticked, and by no means could be remooued from it, was communed of, both in the parlement house, and also in the conuocation house, where it was so handled, that manie were of opinion, that not onelie hir appeale, but also all other appeales made to Rome were void and of none ef­fect: for that in ancient councels it had béene deter­mined, that a cause rising in one prouince should be determined in the same.

This matter was opened with all the circum­stances to the ladie Katharine Dowager (for so was she then called) the which persisted still in hir former opinion, Anno. reg. [...]5. and would reuoke by no meanes hir ap­peale to the court of Rome. Wherevpon the archbi­shop of Canturburie accompanied with the bishops of London, Winchester, Bath, Lincolne, and diuers other learned men in great number, rode to Dun­stable, which is six miles from Ampthill, where the princesse Dowager laie, and there by one doctor Lée she was cited to appeare before the said archbishop in cause of matrimonie in the said towne of Dun­stable, and at the daie of appearance she appeared not, but made default, and so she was called peremp­torie [Page 930] euerie daie fiftéene daies togither, The ladie Katharine Dowager called per­emptorilie. and at the last, for lacke of appearance, by the assent of all the learned men there present, she was diuorsed from the king, and the mariage declared to be void and of none effect. Of this diuorse and of the kings mariage with the ladie Anne Bullongne men spake diuerse­lie; some said the king had doone wiselie, and so as became him to doo in discharge of his conscience. O­ther otherwise iudged, and spake their fansies as they thought good: but when euerie man had talked line 10 inough, then were they quiet, and all rested in good peace.

In Maie pope Clement sent an orator to the king, requiring him to appeare personallie at the generall councell which he had appointed to be kept the yeére following. But when his commission was shewed, at the earnest request of the king, there was neither place nor time specified for the keeping of that coun­cell; and so with an vncerteine answer to an vncer­teine demand he departed, but not vnrewarded. The line 20 king vnderstanding that the pope, Ambassadors to the French king. the emperor, & the French king shuld méet at Nice in Iulie folowing, appointed the duke of Norffolke, the lord Rochford brother to quéene Anne, sir William Pawlet con­trollor of his house, sir Anthonie Browne, and sir Francis Brian knights, to go in ambassage to the French king, and both to accompanie him to Nice, and also to commune with the pope there concerning his staie in the kings diuorse. These worthie perso­nages made their prouision readie; and so with the line 30 number of eight score horsses they went to Douer, and passing ouer to Calis, tooke their waie through France, to accomplish their ambassage as they had in commandement.

Proclamati­on for the co­ronation of quéene Anne.In the beginning of Maie, the king caused open proclamations to be made, that all men that claim­ed to doo anie seruice, or execute anie office at the so­lemne feast of the coronation by the waie of tenure, grant, or prescription, should put their grant thrée wéekes after Easter in the Starrechamber before line 40 Charles duke of Suffolke, for that time high steward of England, and the lord chancellor and other com­missioners. The seuerall claimes of di­uerse honora­ble and wor­shipfull per­sons. The duke of Norffolke claimed to be erle marshall, and to exercise his office at that feast; the erle of Arundell claimed to be high butler, and to exercise the same; the erle of Oxford claimed to be chamberlaine; the vicount Lisle claimed to be pan­tler; the lord Aburgauennie to be chiefe larderer; and the lord Braie claimed to be almoner, and sir Henrie Wiat knight claimed to be ewrer. All these line 50 noble personages desired their offices with their fées.

Beside these, the maior of London claimed to serue the quéene with a cup of gold, and a cup of as­saie of the same, and that twelue citizens should at­tend on the cupboord, and the maior to haue the cup and cup of assaie for his labor: which petition was al­lowed. The fiue ports claimed to beare a canopie o­uer the quéens head the daie of the coronation with foure guilt belles, and to haue the same for a reward, line 60 which to them was allowed. The recei­uing, conuei­eng, and coro­nation of queene Anne, wife to the high & migh­ty prince king Henrie the eight. Edw. Hall. CCxij. The kings letters to the maior of Lon­don, touching the corona­tion. Diuerse other put in petie claimes which were not allowed, bicause they séemed onlie to be doone at the kings coronation. All this season great purueiance was made of all ma­ner of vittels: & lords, knights & esquierrs were sent for out of all countries, which came to London at their daie with a great number of people.

¶After that the kings highnesse had addressed his gratious letters to the maior and communaltie of the citie, signifieng to them, that his pleasure was to solemnize and celebrate the coronation of his most deare and welbeloued wife quéene Anne, at Westminster the Whitsundaie next insuing, wil­led them to make preparation, as well to fetch hir grace from Greenwich to the Tower by water, as to sée the citie ordered and garnished with pageants in places accustomed, for the honor of hir grace. When she shuld be conueied from the Tower to Westmin­ster, there was a common councell called, and com­mandement was giuen to the haberdashers (of which craft the maior sir Stephan Pecocke then was) that they should prepare a barge for the bachelors, with a wa [...]ter and a foist, garnished with banners and strea [...]ters likewise, as they vse to doo▪ when the maior is presented at Westminster on the morrow after Simon and Iude. Also all other crafts were commanded to prepare barges, and to garnish them, not alonelie with their banners accustomed, The cities preparation. but also to decke them with targets by the sides of the bar­ges, and to set vp all such séemelie banners and ban­nerets as they had in their halles, or could get meet to furnish their said barges, and euerie barge to haue minstrelsie: according to which commande­ments great preparation was made for all things necessarie for such a noble triumph.

The ninetéenth daie of Maie, Hir com­ming by wa­ter from Gréenewich on thursdaie. the maior and his brethren all in scarlet, and such as were knights had collars of S S, and the remnant hauing good chains, and the counsell of the citie with them, assembled at saint Marie hill, and at one of the clocke descended to the new staire to their barge, which was garnished with manie goodlie banners and streamers, and rich­lie couered. In which barge were shalmes, shagbu­shes, and diuerse other instruments, which continu­allie made goodlie harmonie. After that the maior and his brethren were in their barge, séeing that all the companies to the number of fiftie barges were readie to wait vpon them, they gaue commande­ment to the companies, that no barge should rowe néerer to another than twise the length of the barge vpon a great paine. And to sée the order kept, there were thrée light wheries prepared, and in euerie one of them two officers to call on them to kéepe their or­der, after which commandement giuen, they set foorth in order as hereafter is described.

First before the maiors barge was a foist or waf­ter full of ordinance, The maiors barge with the conceits and deuises thereof. in which foist was a great dra­gon continuallie moouing and casting wild fire: and round about the said foist stood terrible monsters and wild men casting fire, and making hideous noi­ses. Next after the foist a good distance came the ma­iors barge: on whose right hand was the bachelors barge, in the which were trumpets and diuerse other melodious instruments; the deckes of the said barge and the sailyards, with the top castels were hanged with rich cloth of gold and silke: at the foreship and the sterne were two great banners rich, beaten with the armes of the king and the quéene, and on the top castell also was a long streamer newlie bea­ten with the said armes. The sides of the barge was set full of flags and banners of the deuises of the companie of the haberdashers and merchants ad­uenturers, and the cords were hanged with innu­merable pensel [...]es, hauing little belles at the ends, which made a goodlie noise and a goodlie sight, waue­ring in the wind. On the outside of the barge were thrée dozen scutchions in mettall of arms of the king and the queene, which were beaten vpon square bucram diuided, so that the right side had the kings colours, and the left side the queenes, which scutchi­ons were fastened on the clothes of gold and siluer, hanging on the decks on the left hand.

On the left hand of the maior was another foist, A foist with [...] mount and o­ther deuises. in the which was a mount, and on the same stood a white falcon crowned, vpon a roote of gold inuiro­ned with white roses and red, which was the quéens deuise; about which mount sat virgins singing and plaieng sweetlie. Next after the maior followed his [Page 931] fellowship the habardashers; next after them the mercers, then the grocers, and so euerie companie in his order, and last of all the maior and shiriffes officers, euerie companie hauing melodie in his barge by himselfe, and goodlie garnished with ban­ners, and some garnished with silke, and some with arras and rich carpets, which was a goodlie sight to behold: and in this order they rowed to Gréenwich, to the point next beyond Gréenwich, and there they turned backeward in another order, that is to wit, line 10 the maior and shiriffs officers first, and the meanest craft next, and so ascending to the vttermost crafts in order, and the maior last, as they go to Paules at Christmas, and in that order they rowed downe­ward to Gréenwich towne, and there cast anchor, making great melodie.

Quéene Anne taketh barge with hir name attend­ing vpon hir.At thrée of the clocke the queene appéered in rich cloth of gold, entring into hir barge accompanied with diuerse ladies and gentlewomen: and inconti­nent the citizens set forwards in their order, their line 20 minstrelles continuallie plaieng, and the bache­lors barge going on the quéens right hand, which she tooke great pleasure to behold. About the quéenes barge were manie noble men, as the duke of Suffolke, the marques Dorset, the erle of Wilshire hir father, the erles of Arundell, Darbie, Rutland, Worcester, Huntington, Sussex, Oxford, and ma­nie bishops and noble men, euerie one in his barge, which was a goodlie sight to behold. She thus being accompanied rowed toward the tower: and in the line 30 meane waie the ships which were commanded to lie on the shore for letting of the barges, shot diuerse peales of guns, and yer she was landed, there was a maruellous shot out of the tower as euer was heard there. And at hir landing there met with hir the lord chamberlaine with the officers of armes, and brought hir to the king, which receiued hir with lo­uing countenance at the posterne by the water side, and then she turned backe againe, and thanked the maior and the citizens with manie goodlie words, line 40 and so entred into the tower. After which entrie the citizens all this while houered before the tower▪ ma­king great melodie, and went not on land, for none were assigned to land but the maior, the recorder, and two aldermen. But for to speake of the people that stood on either shore to behold the sight, he that saw it not would scarse beleeue it.

Knights of the bath serue at dinner.On Fridaie at dinner serued the king all such as were appointed by his highnesse to be knights of the bath, which after dinner were brought to their chambers, and that night were bathed and shriuen, line 50 according to the old vsage of England, and the next daie in the morning the king dubbed them according to the ceremonies thereto belonging, whose names insue; the marques Dorset, the erle of Darbie, the lord Clifford, the lord Fitzwater, the lord Hastings, the lord Mounteagle, sir Iohn Mordant, the lord Uaur, sir Henrie Parker, sir William Winsore, sir Francis Weston, sir Thomas Arundell, sir Iohn Halston, sir Thomas Poinings, sir Henrie Sauell, sir George Fitzwilliam, sir Iohn Tindall, sir Tho­mas line 60 Iermeie.

The recei­uing and con­ueieng of the quéen through London.To the intent that the horsses should not slide on the pauement, nor that the people should not be hurt by horsses, the high stréets where the queene should passe were all grauelled from the tower to temple barre▪ and railed on the one side, within which railes stood the crafts along in their order from Grace church, where the merchants▪ of the still [...]rd stood till the little conduit in Cheape, where the aldermen stood: and on the other side of the stréet stood the con­stables of the citie, apparelled in veluet and silke, with great slaues in their hands, to cause the people to kéepe roome and good order. And when the stréets were somwhat ordered, the maior clothed in a gowne of crimsm veluet, and a rich collar of SSS, The maior in a gowne of crimsm vel­uet. with two footmen clad in white and red damaske, rode to the tower to giue his attendance on the quéene, on whome the shiriffs with their officers did wait till they came to tower hill, where they taking their leaue, rode downe the high stréets, commanding the constables to sée roome and good order kept, and so went and stood by the aldermen in Cheape.

Now before the quéen and hir traine should come, Cornehill and Gratious stréet were hanged with fine scarlet, crimsin, and other grained cloths, and in some place with rich arras, tapistrie, and carpets; and the most part of the Cheape was hanged with cloth of tissue, gold, veluet, and manie rich hangings, which made a goodlie shew, and all the windowes were replenished with ladies and gentlewomen, to behold the quéene and hir traine as they should passe by. The attire of certeine Frenchmen belonging to the French embassador▪ The first of the queenes companie that set for­ward were twelue Frenchmen, which were belong­ing to the French ambassador clothed in coates of blew veluet, with sléeues of yellow and blew veluet, and their horsses trapped with close trappers of blew sarsenet powdered with white crosses: after them marched gentlemen, esquires and knights two and two: after them the iudges, and after them the knights of the bath in violet gownes, with hoods purfled with miniuer like doctors; after them ab­bats, then barons; after them bishops, then earls and marquesses; then the lord chancellor of Eng­land; after him the archbishop of Yorke, and the ambassador of Uenice, after him the archbishop of Canturburie and the ambassador of France, after rode two esquiers of honor with robes of estat rolled and worne bauldrike-wise about their necks, with caps of estate, representing the dukes of Norman­die & Aquitaine: after them rode the maior of Lon­don with his mace and garter in his cote of armes, which maior bare his mace to Westminster hall.

After all these rode the lord William Howard with the marshalles rod, The two dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke in their offi­ces. deputie to his brother the duke of Norffolke marshall of England, which was ambassador then in France: and on his right hand rode Charles duke of Suffolke, for that daie high constable of England, bearing the verder of siluer apperteining to the office of constableship, and all the lords for the most part were clothed in crimsin▪ vel­uet▪ and all the queenes seruants or officers of armes in scarlet. Next before the queene rode hir chancel­lor hareheaded, the sargeants and officers of armes rode on both the sides of the lords. Then came the quéene in a litter of white cloth of gold, not couered, nor bailed, which was lead by two palfries clad in white damaske downe to the ground, head and all, led by hir footmen. She had on a circut of white cloth of tissue, Quéene Annes attire verie sumptu­ous and roiall and a mantell of the same furred with er­mine, hir haire hanged downe, but on hir head shee had a coise with a circlet about it full of rich stones. Ouer hir was borne a canopie of cloth of gold, with foure guilt slaues and foure siluer belles. For the bearing of which canopie were appointed sixtéene knights, foure to beare it one space on foot, and o ther foure another space▪ according to their owne appoint­ment.

Next after the quéene rode the lord Borough hir chamberleine, next after him William Coffin mai­ster of the horsses, leading a spare horsse with a side saddle trapped downe with cloth of tissue. After him rode seauen ladies▪ in crimsin veluet turned vp with cloth of gold and of tissue, and their horsses trapped with cloth of gold, Thrée chari­ots with goodlie ladies and gentle­women. after them two chariots couered with red cloth of gold. In the first chariot were two ladies, which were the old dutchesse of Norffolke, and the old marchionesse Dorset. In the second chariot [Page 932] were foure ladies all in crimsin veluet. Then rode seauen ladies in the same sute, their horsses trappers and all. Then came the third chariot all white, with six ladies in crimsin veluet; next after them came the fourth chariot all red with eight ladies also in crimsin veluet: after whom followed thirtie gentle­women all in veluet and silke in the liuerie of their ladies, on whom they gaue their attendance. After them followed the gard in cotes of goldsmiths worke. line 10

Thus they rode foorth till they came to Fanchurch, where was made a pageant all with children, Sundrie pa­geants with the descripti­ons of their deuises. appa­relled like merchants, which welcommed hir to the citie, with two proper propositions both in French and English. And from thence she rode to Grati­ous church corner, where was a costlie and a mar­uelous cunning pageant made by the merchants of the Stilliard, for there was the mount Parnassus with the founteine of Helicon, which was of white marble, and foure streames without pipe did rise an line 20 ell high, and met togither in a little cup aboue the founteine, which founteine ran abundantlie racked Rhenish wine till night. On the mounteine sat Apol­lo, and at his feet sat Calliope, and on euerie side of the mounteine sat foure muses plaieng on seue­rall sweet instruments, and at their féet epigrams and poeses were written in golden letters, in the which euerie muse according to hir propertie praised the quéene.

The quéene from thence passed to Leaden hall, line 30 where was a goodlie pageant with a type and a hea­uenlie roofe, and vnder the type was a roote of gold set on a little mounteine inuironed with red roses and white: out of the type came downe a falcon all white & sat vpon the roote, and incontinent came downe an angell with great melodie, and set a close crowne of gold on the falcons head. And in the same pageant sat saint Anne with all hir issue beneath hir▪ and vnder Marie Cleoph sat hir foure children, of the which children one made a goodlie oration to the queene of the fruitfulnes of saint Anne and of hir line 40 generation, An oration made to the quéene by one of the children in the page­geant. trusting that like fruit should come of hir. Then she passed to the conduit in Cornhill, where were thrée graces set in a throne, afore whom was the spring of grace continuallie running wine. Afore the founteine sat a poet declaring the properties of euerie grace: and that doone euerie ladie by hir selfe, according to hir propertie, gaue to the quéene a seuerall gift of grace.

That doone, she passed by the great conduit in chéepe, The conduit in Cheape runneth wine white and cla­ret. which was newlie painted with armes of de­uises: line 50 out of the which conduit by a goodlie founteine set at the one end ran continuallie wine both white and claret all that afternoone, and so she rode to the Standard which was richlie painted with images of kings and quéenes, and hanged with banners of armes, and in the top was maruellous swéet harmo­nie both of song and instrument. Then she went for­ward to the crosse, which was newlie guilt, till she came where the aldermen stood, and then master Ba­ker the recorder came to hir with low reuerence, The recorder presenteth a 1000 marks in gold to the quéene for a gratuitie in y e cities behalfe. ma­king line 60 a proper and briefe proposition, and gaue to hir in the name of the citie a thousand marks in a purse of gold, which she thankefullie accepted with manie goodlie words, and so rode to the little conduit, where was a rich pageant full of melodie and song.

In this pageant was Pallas, Iuno and Uenus, and before them stood Mercurie, which in the name of the thrée goddesses gaue to hir a ball of gold diui­ded in thrée, signifieng thrée gifts which the thrée god­desses gaue to hir, that is to saie, wisedome, riches, and felicitie. As she entered into Paules gate there was a pretie pageant, in which sat thrée ladies richlie clothed, and in a circle on their head was written Regina Anna prosperè procede & regna. T [...]e ladie in the middes had a tablet, in the which was written Venia­mica coronaberis, and vnder the tablet sat an angell with a close crowne, and the ladie sitting on the right hand had a tablet of siluer in which was written, Do­miné dirige gressius meos, & the third ladie had a tablet of gold with letters azure written, Confido in Domi­no, & vnder their féet was written in legible letters:

Regina Anna nouum regis de sanguine natum
Cùm paries, populis aurea seclatuis.

And these ladies cast downe wafers, on the which the two verses were written. From thence she pas­sed to the east end of Paules churchyard against the schoole, where stood on a scaffold two hundred chil­dren well apparelled, Two hundred children vpon a scaffold gra­ting the Q. with verses. which said to hir diuerse goodlie verses of poets translated into English, to the ho­nour of the king and hir, which she highlie commen­ded. And when she came to Ludgate, the gate was newlie garnished with gold & bise. And on the leads of saint Martins church stood a goodlie queere of sing­ing men and children, which soong new balads made in praise of hir. After that she was passed Ludgate, she procéeded toward Fléetstréet, where the conduit was newlie painted, and all the armes and angels refreshed, & the chime melodiouslie sounding. Upon the conduit was made a towre with foure turrets, Goodlie me­lodie. and in euerie turret stood one of the cardinall ver­tues with their tokens and properties, which had se­uerall spéeches, promising the queene neuer to leaue hir, but to be aiding and comforting hir: and in the middest of the towre closelie was such seuerall so­lemne instruments, that it séemed to be an heauen­lie noise, and was much regarded and praised: and beside this the said conduit ran wine claret and red all the afternoone.

So she with all hir companie and the maior rode foorth to Temple barre, which was newlie painted and repared, The quéene commeth to Westminster hall and the maner of hir receiuing. where stood also diuerse singing men and children, till she came to Westminster hall, which was richlie hanged with cloth of arras, and new glased. And in the middest of the hall she was taken out of hir litter, & so led vp to the higher deske vnder the cloth of estate, on whose left hand was a cupbord of ten stages maruellous rich and beautifull to behold▪ and within a little season was brought to the quéene with a solemne seruice in great standing spice plates, a void of spice and subtilties with ipo­cras and other wines, which she sent downe to hir ladies, and when the ladies had dranke, she gaue har­tie thanks to the lords and ladies, with the maior and other that had giuen their attendance on hir, and so withdrew hir selfe with a few ladies to the Whitehall and so to hir chamber, and there shifted hir, and after went into hir barge secretlie to the king to his ma­nour of Westminster, where she rested that night.

On sundaie the maior [...]lad in crimsin veluet and with his collar, Sundaie be­ing Whitsun­daie the firs [...] daie of Iune, and the daie of hir coronatiō. and all the aldermen and shiriffes in scarlet, and the counsell of the citie tooke their barge at the crane by seauen of the clocke and came to Westminster, where they were welcomed & brought into the hall by master treasuror and others of the kings house, and so gaue their attendance till the quéene should come foorth. Betwéene eight and nine she came into the hall, and stood vnder the cloth of estate, and th [...]n [...]ame in the kings chappell, and the moonks of Westminster all in rich copes, and manie bishops and abbats in copes and miters which went into the middest of the hall, and there stood a season. Then was there a raie cloth speed from the quéenes standing in the hall through the palace and sanctua­rie, which was raised on both sides to the high altar of Westminster. After that the raie cloth was cast, the officers of armes appointed the order accusto­med.

[Page 933]First went gentlemen, then esquiers, then knights, The comelie [...]der & araie k [...]pt on the coronation daie of euerie attendant in his degrée. then the aldermen of the citie in their cloks of scarlet, after them the iudges in their mantels of scarlet and coiffes. Then followed the knights of the bath being no lords, euerie man hauing a white lace on his left sléeue, then followed barons and vicounts in their parlement robes of scarlet. After them came earls, marquesses and dukes in their robes of estate of crimsin veluet furred with ermine poudered ac­cording to their degrées. After them came the lord line 10 chancellor in a robe of scarlet open before, bordered with lettise: after him came the kings chapell and the moonks solemnelie singing with procession, then came abbats and bishops mitered, then sargeants and officers of armes, then after them went the ma­ior of London with his mace and garter in his cote of armes, then went the marquesse Dorset in a robe of estate which bare the scepter of gold, and the earle of Arundell which bare the rod of iuorie with the doue both togither. line 20

Then went alone the earle of Oxford high cham­berleine of England which bare the crowne, after him went the duke of Suffolke in his robe of estate also for that daie being high steward of England, ha­uing a long white rod in his hand, and the lord Wil­liam Howard with the rod of the marshalship, The quéene vnder a cano­pie borne by [...]ure of the [...]que ports. and e­uerie knight of the garter had on his collar of the or­der. Then proceeded foorth the quéene in a circot and robe of purple veluet furred with ermine in hir here coiffe and circlet as she had the saturdaie, and ouer hir was borne the canopie by foure of the fiue ports, line 30 all crimsin with points of blue and red hanging on their sléeues, and the bishops of London and Win­chester bare vp the laps of the queenes robe. The queenes traine which was verie long was borne by the old duches of Norffolke: after hir folowed ladies being lords wiues, which had circots of scarlet with narow sléeues, the brest all lettise with bars of bor­ders according to their degrées, and ouer that they had mantels of scarlet furred, and euerie mantell line 40 had lettise about the necke like a neckercher like­wise poudered, so that by the pouderings their de­gree was knowen. Then followed ladies being knights wiues in gownes of scarlet, with narow sléeues without traines, onlie edged with lettise, and likewise had all the queenes gentlewomen.

When she was thus brought to the high place made in the middest of the church, The maner of the coronatiō as it was then vsed. betwéene the quéere and the high altar, she was set in a rich chaire. And after that she had rested a while, she descended downe to the high altar and there prostrate hir selfe line 50 while the archbishop of Canturburie said certeine collects: then she rose, and the bishop annointed hir on the head and on the brest, and then she was led vp againe, where after diuerse orisons said, the archbi­shop set the crowne of saint Edward on hir head, and then deliuered hir the scepter of gold in hir right hand, and the rod of iuorie with the doue in the left hand, and then all the queere soong Te Deum, &c. Which doone, the bishop tooke off the crowne of saint line 60 Edward being heauie and set on the crowne made for hir. Then went she to saint Edwards shrine and there offered, after which offering doone she withdrew hir into a little place made for the nones on the one side of the queere.

Now in the meane season euerie duches had put on their bonets a coronall of gold wrought with flowers, and euerie marquesse put on a demie coro­nall of gold, euerie countesse a plaine circlet of gold without flowers, and euerie king of armes put on a crowne of coper and guilt, all which were worne till night. The quéene and the ladies in their pompe When the quéene had a little reposed hir, the companie returned in the same order that they set foorth, and the quéene went crowned and so did the la­dies aforesaid. Hir right hand was susteined by the earle of Wilshire hir father, and hir left hand by the lord Talbot deputie for the earle of Shrewesburie and lord Forinfall his father. Now when she was out of the sanctuarie and appéered within the palace, the trumpets plaied maruellous freshlie, then she was brought to Westminster hall, & so to hir withdraw­ing chamber: during which time the lords, iudges, maior and aldermen put off their robes, mantels and clokes, and tooke their hoods from their necks and cast them about their shoulders, and the lords sat on­lie in their circots, and the iudges and aldermen in their gownes. The attire of the lords all the time that they serued. And all the lords that serued that daie serued in their circots and their hoods about their shoulders: also diuerse officers of the kings house being no lords had circots and hoods of scarlet edged with mineuer, as the treasuror, controllor, & master of the iewell house, but their circots were not guilt.

While the queene was in hir chamber, The order and sitting at dinner. euerie lord and other, that ought to doo seruice at coronations, did prepare them according to their dutie, as the duke of Suffolke high steward of England which was rich­lie apparelled, his doublet and iacket set with orient pearle, his gowne of crimsin veluet imbrodered, his courser trapped with a cloth trapper head and all to the ground of crimsin veluet, set full of letters of gold of goldsmiths worke, hauing a long white rod in his hand; on his left hand rode the lord William, deputie for his brother as earle marshall with the marshals rod, whose gowne was crimsin veluet, and his horsse trapper purple veluet cut on white sattin imbrodered with white lions. The earle of Oxenford was high chamberleine, the earle of Essex caruer, the earle of Sussex sewer, the earle of Arundell cheefe butler, Twelue citi­zens of Lon­don attendant at y e cupboord. on whom twelue citizens of London did giue their attendance at the cupbord. The earle of Dar­bie cupbearer, the vicount Lisle pantler, the lord of Aburgaine chéefe larder, the lord Braie almoner for him and his coparteners, and the maior of Oxford kept the buttrie bar, and Thomas Wiat was chéefe eurer for sir Henrie Wiat his father.

When all things were redie, the quéene vnder hir canopie came to the hall, and washed and sat downe in the middest of the table vnder the cloth of estate. On the right side of the chaire stood the countesse of Oxford widow, The maner of sitting at the table. and on the left side stood the countesse of Worcester all the dinner season, which diuerse times in the dinner time did hold a fine cloth before the quéenes face when she list to spet or doo otherwise at hir pleasure. At the tables end sat the archbishop of Canturburie on the right hand of the quéene, and in the middest betwéene the archbishop and the coun­tesse of Oxford stood the earle of Oxford with a white staffe all dinner time, and at the quéenes féet vnder the table sat two gentlewomen all dinner time. When all these things were thus ordered, in came the duke of Suffolke and the lord William How­ard on horssebacke, The bringing in of the first course. and the sargeants of armes be­fore them, and after them the sewer, and then the knights of the bath bringing in the first course which was eightéene dishes, besides subtilties and ships made of wax maruellous gorgious to behold, all which time of seruice the trumpets standing in the window at the nether end of the hall plaied melo­diouslie.

When hir grace was serued of two dishes, then the archbishops seruice was set downe, whose sew­er came equall with the third dish of the quéenes ser­uice on his left hand. After that the quéene and the archbishop was serued, the barons of the ports be­gan the table on the right hand next the wall, next them at the table sat the masters and clearks of the Chancerie, How the seue­rall tables were furni­shed. and beneath them at the table other doc­tors and gentlemen. The table next the wall on [Page 934] the left hand by the cupbord, was begun by the maior and aldermen, the chamberleine and the councell of the citie of London, and beneath them sat substanti­all merchants, and so downeward other worshipfull persons. At the table on the right hand in the middest of the hall sat the lord chancellor, and other temporall lords on the right side of the table in their circots: and on the left side of the same table sat bishops and abbats in their parlement robes: beneath them sat the iudges, sargeants, & the kings councell, beneath line 10 them the knights of the bath. At the table on the left hand, in the middle part, sat dutchesses, marquesses, countesses, baronesses, in their robes, and other la­dies in circots, and gentlewomen in gownes. All which ladies and gentlewomen sat on the lest side of the table along, and none on the right side.

When all were thus set, they were incontinent serued, and so quicklie that it was maruell: for the seruitors gaue such good attendance, that meat or drinke nor any thing else néeded not to be called for, line 20 which in so great a multitude was maruell. As tou­ching the fare, there could be deuised no more costlier dishes nor subtilties. The maior of Londons seruice. The maior of London was ser­ued with thrée and thirtie dishes at two courses, and so were all his brethren, and such as sat at his table. The quéene had at hir second course foure and twen­tie dishes, and thirtie at the third course: & betwéene the two last courses, the kings of armes cried lar­ges, in thrée parts of the hall: and after stood in their place, which was in the bekins at the kings bench. line 30 And on the right hand out of the cloister of S. Ste­phans, was made a little closet, in which the king with diuerse ambassadors stood to behold the seruice. The duke of Suffolke and the lord William rode often times about the hall, The duke of Suffolke and Norffolke rode about the hall. chering the lords, ladies, and the maior and his brethren. After they all had di­ned, they had wafers and ipocras, and then they wa­shed, and were commanded to rise, and to stand still in their places, before the table or on the formes till the queene had washed. line 40

When she had taken wafers and ipocras, the ta­ble was taken vp, and the earle of Rutland brought vp the surnap, and laid it at the boords end, which im­mediatlie was drawne, and cast by master Rode, marshall of the hall: and the quéene washed, and after the archbishop, and when the surnap was drawne off, she arose and stood in the middest of the palace hall: to whome the earle of Sussex in a good­lie spice plate brought a void of spice and comfets. After him the maior of London brought a standing line 50 cup of gold, set in a cup of assaie of gold, and after that she had droonke, she gaue the maior the cup, with the cup of assaie, bicause there was no leiar, accor­ding to the claime of the citie, thanking him and all his brethren, The claime of the citie of London. for their paine. Then she vnder hir cano­pie departed to hir chamber, and at the entrie of hir chamber, she gaue the canopie with bels and all, to the barons of the ports, according to their claime, with great thanks. Then the maior of London bea­ring his cup in his hand, with his brethren, went line 60 through the hall to their barge, and so did all other no­ble men and gentlemen, for it was six of the clocke. On mondaie were the iusts at the tilt, before the kings gate, Running at tilt. where the maior and his brethren had a goodlie standing: but there were verie few speares broken, by reason the horsses would not cope. On wednesdaie, the king sent for the maior and his bre­thren to Westminster, and there he himselfe gaue to them hartie thanks, with manie goodlie words. On Midsummer daie after, the ladie Marie the French quéene died in Suffolke, who was the late wife to Lewes the twelfe, & after married to Charles duke of Suffolke, & was buried at S. Edmundsbu­rie. The K. kept his progresse about London, bicause of the quéene.] The seuenth of September being sun­daie, betwéene thrée & foure of the clocke in the after­noone, the queene was deliuered of a faire yoong la­die, on which daie the duke of Norffolke came home to the christening, which was appointed on the wed­nesdaie next following, and was accordinglie ac­complished on the same daie, with all such solemne ceremonies as were thought conuenient. The god­father at the font, was the lord archbishop of Can­turburie, the godmothers, the old dutches of Norf­folke, & the old marchionesse Dorset widow▪ and at the confirmation the ladie marchionesse of Excester was godmother: the child was named Elizabeth.

Upon the daie of the christening, Edw. Hall. C [...]xvij. the maior sir Stephan Peacocke, in a gowne of crimsin vel [...]et, with his collar of SS, and all the aldermen in scar­let, with collars and chaines, and all the councell of the citie with them, tooke their barge after dinner, at one of the clocke, and the citizens had another barge, and so rowed to Gréenwich, where were ma­nie lords, knights, and gentlemen assembled. All the walles betwéene the kings palace & the friers were hanged with arras, and all the waie strawed with gréene rushes: the friers church was also hanged with arras.

The font was of siluer, The christe­ning of quéene Elizabeth. and stood in the middest of the church, thrée steps high, which was couered with a fine cloth, and diuerse gentlemen with aperns and towels about their necks gaue attendance about it, that no filth should come in the font, ouer it hoong a square canopie of crimsin sattin, fringed with gold, about it was a raile couered with red saie: betweene the quier and the bodie of the church was a close place with a pan of fire, to make the child readie in. When all these things were ordered, the child was brought to the hall, and then euerie man set forward; first the citizens two and two, then gentlemen, esqui­ers and chapleins, The honou­rable traine of courtiers in their degrées. next after them the aldermen and the maior alone: next the maior the kings councell, the kings chappell in copes: then barons, bishops, earles, then came the earle of Essex, bearing the co­uered basins gilt, after him the marquesse of Exce­ster with the taper of virgin wax, next him the mar­quesse Dorset bearing the salt.

Behind him the ladie Marie of Norffolke, bear­ing the créesome which was verie rich of pearle and stone, the old dutches of Norffolke bare the child in a mantell of purple veluet, with a long traine furred with ermine. The duke of Norffolke with his mar­shall rod went on the right hand of the said dutches, and the duke of Suffolke on the left hand, and before them went the officers of armes. The countesse of Kent bare the long traine of the childs mantell, and betwéene the countesse of Kent and the child went the earle of Wilshire on the right hand, and the earle of Darbie on the left hand, supporting the said traine: in the middest ouer the said child was borne a cano­pie, by the lord Rochford, the lord Husée, the lord Wil­liam Howard, A canopie borne ouer the yoong princesse. and by the lord Thomas Howard the elder, after the child followed manie ladies and gen­tlewomen. When the child was come to the church doore, the bishop of London met it with diuerse bi­shops and abbats mitred.

When the ceremonies and christening were en­ded, Garter cheefe king of armes cried alowd, God of his infinite goodnesse send prosperous life & long to the high and mightie princesse of England Eliza­beth: & then the trumpets blew. Then the archbishop of Canturburie gaue to the princesse a standing cup of gold: Rich gifts giuen to the princesse. the dutches of Norffolke gaue to hir a standing cup of gold, fretted with pearle: the mar­chionesse of Dorset gaue thrée gilt bolles, pounced with a couer: and the marchionesse of Excester gaue thrée standing bolles grauen, all gilt with a couer. [Page 935] Then was brought in wafers, com [...]ets,& [...]p [...]rasse in such plentie, that eue [...]i [...] man had as much as he would desire. Then they set forwar [...]s, the truwpets going before in the same order towards the [...] palace, as they [...] when they came thitherwards, s [...] ­uing that the gifts that the godf [...]ther [...] the god­mothers gaue, were b [...]ene before the child by foure persons, Who bare the gi [...]ts presen­ted to the princesse. that is to saie. First sir Iohn Dudleie bare the gift of the ladie of Excester, the [...]ord Thomas Ho­ward the yoonger bare the gift of the ladie of Dorset; line 10 the lord Fitzwater bare the gift of the ladie of Norf­folke, and the earle of Worcester bare the gift of the archbishop of Canturburie, & all the oneside as they went was full of staffe torches to the number of fiue hundred, borne by the gard and other of the kings seruants, and about the child were borne manie o­ther proper torches by gentlemen.

In this order they brought the princesse to the Q. chamber, & tarried there a while with the maior & his brethren the aldermen, and at the last the dukes of line 20 Norffolke & Suffolke came out frō the K. thanking them hartilie, who commanded them to giue thanks in his name: which being doone with other courtesies they departed, & so went to their barges. From that time forward (God himselfe vndertaking the tuition of this yoong princesse, hauing predestinated hir to the accomplishment of his diuine purpose) she pro­spered vnder the Lords hand, as a chosen plant of his watering, & after the reuolution of certeine yeares with great felicitie and ioy of all English hearts at­teined to the crowne of this realme, and now reig­neth line 30 ouer the same: whose heart the Lord direct in his waies, and long preserue hir in life, to his godlie will and pleasure, and the comfort of all true and faithfull subiects. Of the blessed natiuitie of this most grati­ous virgine quéene, Angl. pra [...]l. as also of hir baptisme and con­firmation in the christian faith, with all the solemni­ties and ceremonies recorded in our English an­nales, hir education, hir knowledge in diuerse lan­guages, hir peaceable gouernement, and manie o­ther trim discourses C. O. in his Ei [...]enarchia, or line 40 Elisabetha hath made honorable mention, saieng:

Septembris (Deus hoc voluit) quae septima luxest
Septimo Septem­bris, videlices die Dominico nasci­tur Elisabetha.
Consecrata venit Domino voluentibus aennis,
Parturijt coniux Henrici principis Anna,
Vi dolor increuit, praescripto sedula nutrix
Perstat in offici [...], matronáque nobilis instat
Auxilium latura suum, cùm pondus in auras
Maturum genitrix enixa puerpera languet,
Certa tamen verae (que) salutis signa dabantur.
Postquam pulchellae faciei prodijt infans line 50
Compositis membris, speciosam vt caera liquescens
Fingitur in formam, populo mirante, periti
Artificis manibus: tensis adsidera palmis
Foemina conclamat senior, Benedicite Christo
Praesentes Domino, ô vos benedicite Christo,
Virgo beat matrem, virgo modo nata patrémque,
Britannos omnes posthâc haec virg [...] beabit,
Haec sola est nostrae spes & solatia gentis.
Rex pater inuisit celeri sua gaudia passis
Matrem & filiolam, verbis solatus [...]micis line 60
Languidam adhuc illā, partús (que) doloribus aegram, &c.]

¶This yéere also, Edw. Hal. Ccxvii [...]. Pauier a con­temner of the gospell, & his shamefull end. one Pauier the towne clerke of the citie of London hanged himselfe, which suerly was a man that in no wise could abide to heare the gospell should be in English. And I my selfe heard him once saie to me and other that were by, swearing a great oth, that if he thought the kings highnesse would set foorth the scripture in English, and let it be read of the people by his authoritie, rather than he would so long liue, he would cut his owne throat, but he brake promise, for (as you haue heard) he hanged himselfe: but of what mind and intent he so did, maie be soone gathered. For God had (no doubt) appointed him to that iudgement, no lesse heauie than his offense was heino [...]s; namelie the contempt of Gods word, the knowle [...]ge where of Dau [...]d [...]esired, preferring it before gold [...] siluer, yea before pearles & pretious stones in richnesse▪ and before honie and the honie­combe in [...] as the paraphrase noteth saieng:

[...] sapi [...] incùnda palato!
Eob. Hess. in psal. 119.
[...]
[...]
[...]

¶About this time the pope, by lingering sicknes, (whose grée [...]e in the first apprehension was the pains of the stomach, Guic. pag. 1182, &c. which drawing with them to pa [...]ions of a feuer and other accidents, kept him long time vexed and tormented) sometimes séeming to be re­duced to the point of death, and sometimes so eased and reléeued, Death of pope Clement the seuenth. that he gaue to others but not to him­selfe a kind of hope of recouering, being no longer able to make resistance against his maladie, exchan­ged his life the fiue and twentith of September, lea­uing behind him in the castell of saint Angcomanie rich stones and iewels, more than was expected of him, and in the chamber of the sée apostolike infinit offices, contrarie to custome and good order, but in the treasurie a verie small store of monie, wherin he beguiled the opinion of all men. He was raised from base degrée to the place of the popedome with woon­derfull felicitie, but in managing the place he proo­ued a verie great variation of fortune, wherein if both the properties of fortune be euenlie balanced the one with the other, the woorser fortune without all comparison was farre more familiar with him than the better.

For as there could happen to him no greater in­felicitie than the aduersitie of his imprisonment (for that with his owne eies he beheld with so great a ruine and destruction the sacke of Rome; Pope Cle­ment more infortunate than fortu­nate. a desola­tion which his fortune suffered him to bewaile with pitie and compassion, but not to turne awaie or re­medie the harme) so also by him mooued the generall desolation of his naturall countrie, to the which by how much more he was bound by perpetuall obliga­tions, by so much greater was his aduersitie to be a chiefe instrument in the ruine of the place where he had taken his first being.

He died hated of all the court, suspected to most princes, and for the discourse of his life, he left behind him a renowme rather hatefull than acceptable: for he was accounted couetous, of little fidelitie, and naturallie farre off from dooing pleasures to men. And in that humor albeit during his time of pope he created one and thirtie cardinals; How manie cardinals he created du­ring his popedome. yet vpon none of them did he impose that dignitie to content himselfe but was drawne as it were by the violent law of ne­cessitie and to please others: yea he called to that dig­nitie the cardinall of Medicis, not of his proper and frée election, but at the contemplation and persuasion of others, and at that time when being oppressed with a dangerous maladie, if he had died, he had left his friends and kindred in the state of beggers and de­priued of all aid. Neuerthelesse he was in counsell verie graue, and in his actions much foreséeing; tou­ching passions and affections a conqueror of him­selfe, and for the facultie of his mind & spirit of great capacitie and power, if timorousnesse had not often­times corrupted his iudgement.

Immediatlie after his death the cardinals going the same night into the conclaue, Creation of pope Paule the third a Roman borne. elected in his place with full voice, Alexander of the familie of Farne­sa, a Roman by nation, and for his time the most an­cient cardinall of the court: in which election their voices seemed conformable to the iudgement and in­stance that Clement had made, the person elected be­ing most woorthie to be preferred before all the other [Page 936] to so souereigne a degrée: for that he was both fu [...]ni­shed with doctrine and good learning, and fullie re­plenished with good apparanees and customes. And for the cardinals, they were so much [...]more for­ward to passe the election in his person, by how much for the greatnesse of his age, being alreadie vpon the thréescore and seuenth yeare, and supposed to beare a weake and vnsound complexion (which opinion he nourished with art) they hoped he would not [...]it long in the seat; whereby the dignitie of the place and pri­ma [...]e line 10 might fall to one of them, whose eies looked for the glorie which their hearts lusted, being vtterlie e­stranged from God and godlinesse, as altogither ad­dicted to the wanton desires of temporall delites, that they might passe their daies in delicacie; as one noteth trulie of all that viperous generation, Antith. Christi & papae. pag. 16. saieng:

Omnibus idem animus, ce [...]f [...]s [...]rans [...]er arces.
Idem animuis [...]
De grege quid fiat nibili gen [...]impia [...]rans▪
Spectat magnif [...] ambitiofa [...]: line 20
Elysios horum nullus contendit ad agras.
Nil coeleste iuuat, ter [...]ea sol [...]placen [...].]

About this season, the craftie practises of one E­lizabeth Barton, Elizabeth Barton. named the holie man of Kent, came to light and were discouered: so that she and hir adherents in Nouember folowing were brought to the Starchamber, & there before the kings coun­cell confessed their feined hypocrisie and dissembled holinesse, traitorous purposes and intents. The names of those hir adherents, which were presented line 30 with hir before the lords in the Starchamber were as followeth: Richard Master priest, parson of Al­dington in Kent: Edward Bocking doctor in diui­nitie, a moonke of Canturburie: Richard Dering, moonke also of Canturburie: Edward Twaites gentleman: Thomas Laurence register to the archdeacon of Canturburie: Henrie Gold parson of Aldermarie, bachellor of diuinitie: Hugh Rich frier obseruant: Richard Rifbie: and Thomas Gold gentleman. They were adiudged vpon their confes­sion line 40 aforesaid, Penance at Pauls crosse. to stand at Pauls crosse in the sermon time, where they with their owne hands should seue­rallie deliuer ech of them to the preacher that should be appointed, a bill, declaring their subtill, craftie, and superstitious dooings. Which thing they did the sundaie next following, standing vpon a stage at the crosse erected for that purpose. But for their trea­sons commited, the order was respited till the par­lement next following, in the which they were at­tainted, and suffered (as after ye shall heare.) line 50

In this meane time, the Scots were not quiet, but still robbed the kings subiects both by sea and land: The Scots mooue warre. wherevpon the king caused them to be requited, not onelie by the borderers and other to them asso­ciate, which entring by the marches, burnt manie of their strong piles, but also he set foorth certeine ships which entered into their streames, and fetched out manie of those prises, which they had taken out of their hauens and créekes, mawger all their heads. Yet was there no warre proclaimed, but still com­missioners line 60 sat and communed of agréement, and amends to be made on either part. Now in the end when the Scots had much demanded, and little or nothing granted, they for that time being wearie of warre, desired peace, which was concluded to indure both the kings liues. And so the twentith daie of Maie in the yeare following, it was openlie procla­med, to the comfort of all them that delited in peace and godlie quietnesse.

At the suit of the ladie Katharine Dowager, a cursse was sent from the pope, A cursse pro­cured from the pope. which curssed both the king and the realme. This cursse was set vp in the towne of Dunkirke in Flanders (for the bringer thereof durst no nearer approch) where it was taken [...]

After Christmas the parlement began, [...]534 wherein the forenamed Elizabeth Barton and other hir com­pli [...]es were attainted of treason, Elizabeth Barton at­tainted. for sundrie practised deuises and tales by them aduanced, put in vre, and [...]old, sounding to the vtter reproch, perill, and de­struction of the kings person, his honour, fame and dignitie: for they had of a diuelish intent put in the heads of manie of the kings subiects; that to the said Elizabeth Barton was giuen knowledge by reue­lation from God and his saints, that if the king pro­céeded to the diuorse, and maried another, he should not be king of this realme one moneth after, and in the reputation of God not one daie nor houre.

This Elizabeth first through sickenesse, being of­tentimes brought as it were into a transe, whereby hir visage and countenance became maruellouslie altered at those times when shee was so vexed, at length, by the incouraging, procurement, and infor­mation of the forenamed Richard Master person of Aldington, she learned to counterfeit such maner of transes (after she came to perfect health) as in hir sickenes by force of the disease she had bene acquain­ted with: so that she prac [...]sed, vsed, and shewed vnto the people diuerse maruellous and sundre alterati­ons of the sensible parts of hir bodie, craftilie vtte­ring in hir said feigned and false transes, diuerse and manie counterfeit, vertuous, and holie words, tending to the re [...]uke of sin, and reproouing of such new opinions as then began to rise.

And to bring the people the more in beliefe with hir hypocriticall dooings, she was counselled to saie in those hir transes, that she should neuer be perfect­lie whole, till she had visited an image of our ladie, at a place called Court at Stréet, within the parish of Aldington aforesaid. Thither was she brought, and by the meanes of the said Richard Master, and Ed­ward Bocking, that was now made of counsell in the matter, there assembled about two thousand per­sons at the daie appointed of hir thither comming, to sée the miracle. At which daie, being brought be­fore all that assemblie and multitude of people, shee falselie feigned and shewed vnto the people in the chappell of our ladie there in Court at Street, A forged miracle. manie alterations of hir face, and other outward sensible parts of hir bodie, and in those transes she vttered woonderous words, as she was before subtilie and craftilie induced, and taught by the said Edward Bocking and Richard Master.

And amongst other things she vttered, that it was the pleasure of God, that the said Bocking should be hir ghostlie father, and that she should be a religious woman. And within a while, after such feig­ned and counterfeit transes, she appeared to the peo­ple to be suddenlie relieued from hir sickenesse and afflictions, by the intercession and meane of the i­mage of our ladie, being in the same chappell. By reason of which hypocriticall dissimulation, the said Elizabeth was brought into a maruellous same, credit, Elizabeth Barton be­comm [...]th a nun. and good opinion of a great multitude of the people of this realme. And to increase the same, by counsell of the said Edward Bocking, she became a [Page 937] nun in the prsorie of saint Sepulchres at Canturbu­rie, to whome the said Edward Bocking had com­monlie his resort, not without suspicion of inconti­nencie, pretending to be hir ghostlie father by Gods appointment. And by conspiracie betwene hir & him, she still continued in practising hir dissembled tran­ses, alledging, that in the same she had reuelations from almightie God and his saints, and amongst o­ther, that which (as before we haue mentioned) tou­ched the kings mariage, as ye haue heard. line 10

This matter proceeded so farre, that there was a booke written by hir complices, and namelie by Thomas Laurence, register to the archbishop of Canturburie, of hir feigned and counterfeit mi­racles, reuelations, and hypocriticall holinesse. All things were handled so craftilie, that not one­lie the simple, but also the wise and learned sort were deceiued by the same, The archbi­s [...]op of Can­tur [...]urie and [...]bishop of Rochester giue credit to [...] hypocriti­cal pra [...]tises. insomuch that Wil­liam Warham the late archbishop of Canturbu­rie, and Iohn Fisher bishop of Rochester, and di­uerse line 20 others, being informed thereof, gaue credit thereto. All which matters and manie other had bene traitorouslie practised and imagined amongest the parties manie yeres, chieflie to interrupt the diuorse and to destroie the king, and to depriue him from the crowne and dignitie roiall of this realme, as in the act of their attaindor made more at large it maie appeare, and likewise in the chronicles of maister Edward Hall. Therefore to conclude with hir and hir adherents, on the one and twentith of Aprill next line 30 following, she with diuerse of them before condem­ned, Elizabeth Barton exe­c [...]ted. was drawen to Tiburne, and there executed, as iustlie they had deserued; where and when she made this con [...]ession following, euen at the present time that she suffered, in the hearing of the people.

The words of Elizabeth Barton, other­wise called the holie maid of Kent at the houre of hirdeath in maner of a confession.

HIther am I come to die, and I line 40 haue not beene the onelie cause of mine owne death, which most iustlie I haue deserued, but also I am the cause of the death of all these persons which at this time here suffer: and yet to say the truth, I am not so much to be blamed, considering that it was wel known vnto these learned men, that I was a poore wench, without learning, and therefore line 50 they might haue easilie perceiued, that the things that were doone by me, could not proceed in any such sort, but their capaci­ties and learning could right well iudge from whence they proceeded, and that they were altogither feined: but bicause the things which I feined were profitable vn­to them, therefore they much praised mee, and bare me in hand that it was the holie ghost, and not I that did them, and then I line 60 being puft vp with their praises, fell into a certeine pride and foolish fantasie with my selfe, and thought I might feine what I would, which thing hath brought me to this case, and for the which now I crie God and the kings highnes most hartilie mercie, and desire all you good people to praie to God to haue mercie on me, and on all them that suffer here with me.

Th [...] act of [...]tablishm [...]t the crowne.In this parlement also was made the act of suc­cession, for the establishing of the crowne, to the which euerie person being of lawfull age should bée sworne. On mondaie the thrée & twentith of March in the parlement time, Ambassadors foorth of Scotland. were solemnlie receiued into London ambassadours from Iames the fift king of Scots, the bishop of Aberdine, the abbat of Kinlos, and Adam Otterborne the kings attourneie, with diuerse gentlemen on them attendant, which were brought to the tailors hall, and there lodged. And on the daie of the Annunciation, they were brought to the kings palace at Westminster, where they shewed their commission and message, for the which the king appointed them daies to counsell. The p [...]pes supremacie denied in sermons. During the parlement time, euerie sundaie at Paules crosse preached a bishop, declaring the pope not to be su­preme head of the church.

The thirtith of March was the parlement proro­ged, and there euerie lord, knight, and burges, The lords sworne to the succession. and all other were sworne to the act of succession, and sub­scribed their hands to a parchment fixed to the same. The parlement was proroged till the third of No­uember next. After this were commissioners sent into all parts of the realme, to take the oth of all men and women to the act of succession. Doctor Iohn Fisher, and sir Thomas More knight, and doctor Nicholas Wilson parson of saint Thomas apostles in London, expreslie denied at Lambeth before the archbishop of Canturburie, to receiue that oth. The two first stood in their opinion to the verie death (as after ye shall heare) but doctor Wilson was better aduised at length, and so dissembling the matter es­caped out of further danger.

¶In this yéere it chanced that two merchant stran­gers fell in loue with a harlot, Ab. Fl. ex Edw. Hall 224▪ Woolfes wife a notable harlot. which was called Woolfes wife, and this harlot had often hanted the strangers chambers. And so on a time the said harlot appointed these strangers to come to Westminster, and she had prepared for them a bote, in the which bote was but one man to row which was a strong theefe, and in the end of the bote laie Woolfe hir husband, couered with a leather that botemen vse to couer their cushins with, and so these strangers sat them down mistrusting nothing. Now when this boteman had brought them as farre as a place called the tur­ning tree, suddenlie stepped vp the said Woolfe, The end of vnlawful loue and lust. and with his dagger thrust the one of them through: the other cried out to safe his life, and offred great sums of monie to the boteman and him to saue his life. But no proffers would be heard, nor mercie would they extend, but as cruell murtherers without pitie slue the other also, and bound them face to face, and so threw them into the Thames in the foresaid place, where they were long after before they were [...]ound. But immediatlie the harlot Woolfes wife went to the strangers chambers, The reward of murther committed through co­uetousnesse. & tooke from thence so much as she could come by. And at the last she and hir hus­band (as they deserued) were apprehended, arreigned, and hanged at the aforesaid turning trée.]

On the ninth of Iulie was the lord Dacres of the north arreigned at Westminster of high trea­son, Anno Reg. 26. The lord Da­cres of the north ar­reigned. where the duke of Norffolke sate as iudge▪ and high steward of England. The said lord Dacres be­ing brought to the barre, with the axe of the Tower before him, after his indictment read, so improoued the same, answering euerie part and matter therein conteined, and so plainlie and directlie confuted his accusers, which were there readie to auouch their ac­cusations, that to their great shames, and his high honor, he was found that day by his péeres not guil­tie, whereof the commons not a little reioised, as by their shout and crie made at those words, not guiltie, they fréelie testified.

The two and twentith of Iulie was Iohn Frith burned in Smithfield, Iohn Frith burned. for the opinion of the sacra­ment: and with him the same time, and at the same stake, suffered also one Andrew Hewet, a yoong man, [Page 938] by his occupation a tailor. The eleuenth of August were all the places of the obseruant friers suppressed, Iohn Stow. Frieries suppressed. as Gréenwich, Canturburie, Richmont, Newarke, and Newcastell, and in their places were set Augu­stine friers, and the obseruant friers were placed in the roomes of the graie friers. ¶ The one and twen­tith of September, doctor Tailor master of the rolles, was discharged of that office, and Thomas Cromwell sworne in his place the nintéenth of Oc­tober. Moreouer the third of Nouember, the parle­ment line 10 began againe, The parlemēt againe be­ginneth. in the which was concluded the act of supremacie, which authorised the kings highnes to be supreme head of the church of England, and the authoritie of the pope abolished out of the realme. ¶In the same parlement also was giuen to the king, the first fruits and tenths of all spirituall dignities and promotions. This yeare came the great admerall of France into England, The admerall of France cō ­meth in am­bassage into England. ambassadour from the French king, and was honorablie receiued.

In this time died the earle of Kildare, prisoner line 20 in the Tower, and his sonne Thomas Fitzgaret be­gan to rebell, year 1535 and tooke all the kings ordinance, and sent to the emperour, requiring him to take his part: also he slue the bishop of Dublin, and robbed all such as would not obeie him. In the beginning of this yeare, the duke of Norffolke and the bishop of Elie went to Calis, Anno Reg. 27. and thither came the admerall of France. On the two & twentith of Aprill the prior of the Charterhouse at London, Iohn Stow. Certeine pri­ors arreigned and executed for treason. the prior of Beuall, the prior of Erham, Reinalds a brother of Sion, & Iohn line 30 vicar of Thistleworth, were arreigned and condem­ned of treason: and therevpon drawne, hanged and quartered at Tiburne the fourth of Maie: their heads and quarters were set ouer the bridge & gates of the citie, one quarter excepted, which was set vp at the Charterhouse at London. ¶ On the eight of Maie, the king commanded that all belonging to the court should poll their heads, & to giue example, caused his owne head to be polled, and his beard from thencefoorth was cut round, but not shauen, which line 40 fashion the courtiers imbraced, and would (no doubt) haue put in practise, though they had not beene there­vnto bound by precept: for the people imitate the prince, as the poet long ago well noted, saieng: ‘Regis ad exemplum totus componitur orbis.’

¶The fiue and twentith daie of Maie, was in saint Paules church at London examined ninetéene men and six women borne in Holland, Iohn Stow. pag. 1004. Hollanders condemned for heretikes. whose opinions were, first, that in Christ is not two natures, God and man: secondlie, that Christ tooke neither flesh nor line 50 bloud of the virgin Marie: thirdlie, that children borne of infidels shall be saued: fourthlie, that bap­tisme of children is to none effect: fiftlie, that the sa­crament of Christs bodie is but bread onelie: sixtlie, that he, who after his baptisme sinneth wittinglie, sinneth deadlie, and cannot be saued. Fourtéene of them were condemned, a man & a woman of them were burned in Smithfield, the other twelue were sent to other townes there to be burnt.]

On the ninetéenth of Iune were three moonkes line 60 of the Charterhouse hanged, Moonks of y e Charterhouse executed. drawne, and quartered at Tiburne, and their heads and quarters set vp about London, for denieng the king to be supreme head of the church: their names were, Exmew, Middlemoore, and Nudigate. Also the one and twen­tith of the same moneth▪ The bishop of Rochester beheaded. and for the same cause, doc­tor Iohn Fisher bishop of Rochester was beheaded for denieng of the supremacie, and his head set vpon London bridge, but his bodie buried within Bar­king churchyard. This bishop was of manie sore la­mented, for he was reported to be a man of great learning, and of a verie good life. The pope had elec­ted him a cardinall, and sent his hat as far as Calis, but his head was off before his hat was on▪ so that they met not. Sir [...] M [...]re be­headed. On the sixt of Iulie was sir Thomas Moore beheaded for the like crime, that is to wit, for denieng the king to be supreme head. And then the bodie of doctor Fisher was taken vp, and buried with sir Thomas Moores in the Tower. This man was both learned and wise, and giuen much to a cer­teine pleasure in merie taunts and [...]easting in most of his communication, which maner he forgat not at the verie houre of his death.

¶I cannot tell (saith master Hall) whether I should call him a foolish wise man, or a wise foolish man, Abr. Fl. ex Edw. Hall. fol. CCxxvj. for vndoutedlie he beside his learning, had a great wit, but it was so mingled with taunting and mocking, that it seemed to them that best knew him, that hée thought nothing to be well spoken except he had mi­nistred some mocke in the communication. Inso­much as at his comming to the Tower, one of the officers demanded his vpper garment for his fee, meaning his gowne: and he answered, he should haue it, and tooke him his cap, saieng it was the vp­permost garment that he had. Likewise euen going to his death at the Tower gate, a poore woman cal­led vnto him, and be sought him to declare what he had doone with euidences of hirs in the time that he was in office (which after he was apprehended shée could not come by) and that he would intreat shée might haue them againe, or else she was vndoone. Sir Thomas Moore a scof­fer & mocker at the verie houre of his death. He answered, good woman, haue patience a little while, for the king is so good vnto me, that euen with­in this halfe houre he will discharge me of all busi­nesse, and helpe thée himselfe.

Also when he went vp the staiers on the scaffold, he desired one of the shirifes officers to giue him his hand to helpe him vp, and said; When I come downe againe, let me shift for my selfe as well as I can. Also the hangman knéeled downe to him, asking him forgiuenesse of his death (as the maner is) to whome he said, I forgiue thée, but I promise thee thou shalt neuer haue honestie by striking off my head, my necke is so short. Also euen when he should laie downe his head on the blocke, he hauing a great graie beard, stroked out his beard, and said to the hangman, I praie you let me laie my beard ouer the blocke, least you should cut it. Thus with a mocke he ended his life.

God had in most bountifull sort powred his bles­sings vpon this man, induing him with eloquence, wisedome and knowledge: but the grace of God withdrawne from him, he had the right vse of none, no not of reason as it should be rightlie vsed. God had extraordinarilie blessed his children, and namelie his thrée daughters, to whome he had giuen an admirable dexteritie in the science of toongs and arts, as Iohn Leland our reuerend antiquarie noteth in a proper and learned epigramme, saieng:

Desine facundas nimiùm laudare diserti
Natas Hortensi maxima Roma tui [...]
I. Lelandi M [...]ri­ades, siue Ch [...]i­taea corona▪
Candida tres Charites nam Mori cura politi
Obscurant multis nomina vestra modis▪
Non illis studium Milesia vellera dextra
Carpere, non facili ducere fila manu [...]
Sed iuuat eloquij crebro monumenta Latini
Versare, & doctis pingere verba notis,
Nec minùs authores Graecos euoluere▪ Homerum
Et quem dicendi gloria prima manet▪
Vt nec Aristotelis dicam quo pectore libr [...]
Scrutentur, sophiae mystica dona deae.
Turpe viris posthac erit ignorare Mineruae
Artes, gre [...] adeò quas muli [...]bris amet.

And yet was not the will of God for the infusing of spirituall graces, so linked to that of temporall, Spirituall graces doo not necess [...]rilie concurr [...] a [...] depend vpon temporall. as because the one was granted, therefore the other must not be denied. For the blessings of God which be outward, are common to the wicked with the [Page 939] good: the sun shinesh vpon all, the raine is kept from none: naie, God with a sparing hand reacheth out those things to the faithfull, which with full gripes he filleth out and powreth into the laps and bosoms of infidels and epicures: insomuch that the prophet Da­uid noting no lesse, with a kind of indignation ope­ned his mouth saieng; I was grieued at the wicked, I doo also see the vngodlie in such prosperitie, these flo­rish in the world, these haue riches in possession, and I said; Then haue I cleansed my heart in vaine, line 10 and washed my hands in innocencie: yea, and I had almost said euen as they; but lo, then should I haue condemned the generation of Gods children. But the end of these men, being set in slipperie places, are cast downe and destroied, yea suddenlie doo they con­sume and come to a fearefull end: euen like as a dreame when one awaketh, so dooth God make their image to vanish out of the citie.

Sir Thomas More in some cases com­m [...]nded.And albeit the fall of this sir Thomas More was reprochfull, issuing from a treasonable offense: yet as in pagans manie times there is somwhat which line 20 may teach christians lessons for their lerning to their shame: so in this papist was one praise-worthie pro­pertie among the rest most eminent, which I will note to the rebuke of protestants. ¶The reuerend fa­ther doctor Elmer bishop of London, Abr. Flem. [...] of a ser­mon made at Paules crosse by doctor El­mer bishop of London on the eightéenth of October 1584. in a sermon at Paules crosse by him made in a solemne audience assembled at the parlement time 1584, teaching diuerse points of doctrine, and the duties of sundrie degrées, said, that it was commendable for noble men and gentlemen, and a great furtherance to line 30 the loue of religion, to be deuout: he brought an ex­ample of sir Thomas More, a man for his zeale (saith the bishop) to be honored, but for his religion to be abhorred.

This knight would diuerse times put on a sur­plesse, Whether it w [...]re mattins or euensong it makes no matter. and helpe the préest in proper person to saie seruice: insomuch that vpon a time being at Chelsie, and busie about that exercise, the duke of Norffolke then liuing, came to the said sir Thomas, then line 40 lord chancellor of England, about speciall affaires: and being informed that sir Thomas was at the church; thither went the duke, expecting the end of seruice. Sir Thomas More de­uo [...]tlie giuen in his kind. In the end, the duke and the lord chancellor met, and after mutuall gréeting the duke said thus: ‘What! is my lord chancellor become a parish clarke? What will the kings maiestie saie to this geere, when he shall vnderstand that the lord chancellor of Eng­land, a speciall péere of the realme, and in highest roome of honor in the land next the prince is become line 50 a parish clarke?’ Now trulie (saith sir Thomas) I thinke, and verelie beléeue, that his highnesse will be so farre to misdéeme or mislike me herein, that when he shall heare of the care which I haue to serue both his maister and mine, he will accept and take me for a faithfull seruant. And thus much of him.]

The king of Scots knight of the garter.This yéere in the time that the king went his pro­gresse to Glocester, and to other places westward, the king of Scots was installed knight of the gar­ter at Winsore by his procurator the lord Erskin: line 60 and in October following, Stephen Gardner (which after the cardinls death was made bishop of Win­chester) was sent ambassador into France, The bishop of Winchester [...]mbassador into France. I. Stow. where he remained thrée yeeres after. ¶In August the lord Thomas Fitzgerard, sonne to the earle of Kildare, was taken in Ireland, and sent to the tower of Lon­don.

In the moneth of October, doctor Lée and other were sent to visit the abbeies, Uisitation of religious hou­se [...]. priories, and nunries in England, who set all those religious persons at libertie that would forsake their habit, and all that were vnder the age of foure and twentie yéeres▪ and the residue were closed vp that would remaine. Fur­ther, they tooke order that no men should haue accesse to the houses of women, nor women to the houses of men, except it should be to heare their seruice. The abbat or prior of the house, where anie of the brethren was willing to depart, was appointed to giue to e­uerie of them a priests gowne for his habit, and for­tie shillings in monie, the nunnes to haue such appa­rell as secular women ware, and to go whither them liked best. ¶The eleuenth of Nouember was a great procession at London for [...]oie of the French kings recouerie of health from a dangerous sicknesse. ¶In December a surueie was taken of all chanteries, and the names of them that had the gift of them.

The princesse Dowager [...]eng at K [...]imbalton, fell into hir last sicknesse, 1536. The ladie Katharine Dowager decease [...]h. whereof the king being ad­uertised, appointed the emperors ambassador that was legier here with him named Eustachius Capu­tius, to go to visit hir, and to doo his commendations to hir, and will hir to be of good comfort. The ambas­sador with all diligence did his duetie therein, com­forting hir the best he might: but she within six daies after, perceiuing hir selfe to wax verie weake and féeble, and to féele death approching at hand, caused one of hir gentlewomen to write a letter to the king, commending to him hir daughter and his, be­seeching him to stand good father vnto hir: and further desired him to haue some consideration of hir gen­tlewomen that had serued hir, and to sée them besto­wed in marriage. Further, that it would please him to appoint that hir seruants might haue their due wages, and a yéeres wages beside. This in effect was all that she requested, and so immediatlie herevpon she departed this life the eight of Ianuarie at Kimbalton aforesaid, and was buried at Peter­borow. ¶The nine and twentith of Ianuarie quéene Anne was deliuered of a child before hir time, which was borne dead.

On the fourth of Februarie the parlement be­gan, in the which (amongst other things) enacted, Religious houses giuen to the king. all religious houses of the value of three hundred marks and vnder, were giuen to the king, with all the lands and goods to them belonging. I. Stow. The number of these houses were thrée hundred seauentie and six; the va­lue of their lands yearlie aboue two and thirtie thou­sand pounds; their moouable goods one hundred thousand; the religious persons put out of the same houses, amounted to the number of aboue 10000. This yéere was William Tindall burnt at a towne betwixt Bruxels and Maclin called Uillefort. William Tin­dall burnt. This Tindall, otherwise called Hichins, was borne in the marches of Wales, and hauing a desire to translate and publish to his countrie diuerse books of the bible in English, and doubting to come in trouble for the same, if he should remaine here in England, got him ouer into the parties of beyond the sea, where he translated not onelie the new testament into the English toong, but also the fiue bookes of Moses, Io­sua, Iudicum, Ruth, the books of the kings, and Pa­ralipomenon, Nehemias, or the first of Esdras, and the prophet Ionas.

Beside these translations, he made certeine tre­tises, and published the same, which were brought o­uer into England, and read with great desire of di­uerse, and of many sore despised and abhorred, so that proclamations were procured foorth for the condem­nation and prohibiting of his [...]oks (as before you haue heard.) Finallie, he was apprehended at Ant­werpe by meanes of one Philips an Englishman, and then scholer at Louaine. After he had remain­ed in prison a long time, and was almost forgotten, the lord Cromwell wrote for his deliuerance; but then in all hast, because he would not recant anie part of his doctrine, he was b [...]rned (as before you haue heard.) Of whose conuersation and doctrine, innocent in the world, and sincere for truth, as al­so [Page 940] of his death and martyrdome, read the martyrolo­logie of Iohn Fox our ecclesiasticall chronographer Anno 1536. sub Hen. 8.

Anno reg. 28.On Maie daie were solemne iusts kept at Gréen­wich, and suddenlie from the iusts the king departed, not hauing aboue six persons with him, and in the euening came to Westminster. Of this sudden de­parting many mused, but most chéeflie the quéene. ¶On the next morrow, the lord Rochford brother to the quéene, Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1006. Quéene Anne committed to the tower. and Henrie Norris were brought to line 10 the tower of London prisoners. Also the same daie about fiue of the clocke in the after noone, queene Anne of Bullongne was brought to the tower of London, by sir Thomas Audleie lord chancellor, the duke of Norffolke, Thomas Cromwell secretarie, and sir William Kingston constable of the tower; and when she came to the tower gate, Hir impreca­tion at the tower gate on hir knees. entring in [...]he fell on hir knées before the said lords, beséeching God to helpe hir, as she was not guiltie of that whereof she was accused, and then desired the said lords to line 20 beséech the kings grace to be good vnto hir, and so they left hir there prisoner. She is ar­reigned in the tower. On the fiftéenth of Maie quéene Anne was arreigned in the tower of Lon­don on a scaffold for that purpose, made in the kings hall, before the duke of Norffolke, who sate vnder the cloth of estate as high steward of England, with the lord chancellor on his right hand, the duke of Suffolke on his left hand, with marquesses and lords, &c: and the earle of Surrie sat before the duke of Norffolke his father, as earle marshall of Eng­land. The kings commission being read, the consta­ble line 30 of the tower, and the lieutenant brought the queene to the barre, where was made a chaire for hir to sit downe in, and there hir indictement was read, wherevnto she made so wise and discréet answers, that she seemed fullie to cleere hir selfe of all matters laid to hir charge: but being tried by hir péeres, whereof the duke of Suffolke was chiefe, she was by them found guiltie, and had iudgement pronounced by the duke of Norffolke. line 40

The lord Rochford condemned.Immediatlie the lord Rochford the queenes bro­ther was likewise arreigned and condemned: the lord maior of London, his brethren the aldermen, the wardens and foure persons mo of euerie the twelue principall companies being present. The seauen­teenth of Maie, the lord Rochford brother to the quéene, Henrie Norris, Marke Smeton, William Brierton, and Francis Weston, all of the kings priuie chamber, about matters touching the quéene were beheaded on the tower hill: Quéene Anne and diuerse others behea­ded. the lord Roch­fords line 50 bodie with the head was buried in the chappell of the tower, the other foure in the churchyard there. On the ninetéenth of Maie quéene Anne was on a scaffold (made for that purpose) vpon the gréene within the tower of London, beheaded with the sword of Calis, by the hands of the hangman of that towne: hir bodie with the head was buried in the quéere of the chappell in the tower.]

The words of queene Anne line 60 at hir death.

GOod christian people, I am come hither to die, for according to the law, and by the law I am iudged to die, and therfore I will speake nothing against it. I am come hither to accuse no man, nor to speake anie thing of that whereof I am accused & condemned to die, but I praie God saue the king and send him long to reigne ouer you, for a gentler, nor a more mercifull prince was there neuer, and to me he was euer a good, a gentle, and a souereigne lord. And if anie person will meddle of my cause, I require them to iudge the best. And thus I take my leaue of the world, and of you all, and I hartilie desire you all to praie for me, Oh Lord haue mercie on me, to God I com­mend my soule, Iesu receiue my soule: di­uerse times repeting those words, till that hir head was striken off with the sword.

Now bicause I might rather saie much than suffi­cientlie inough in praise of this noble quéene, as well for hir singular wit and other excellent qualities of mind, as also for hir fauouring of learned men, zeale of religion, and liberalitie in distributing almes in reliefe of the poore, I will refer the reader vnto ma­ster Fox his volume of Acts and Monuments, I. For in mai­tyrologio. where he commendeth hir mild nature in taking admoni­tion, prooueth hir marriage lawfull, defendeth hir suc­cession, ouerthroweth the sinister iudgements, opini­ons and obiections of backebiters against that ver­tuous quéene, sheweth hir faith and trust in Christ at hir death, and finallie how the protestants of Ger­manie forsooke king Henrie for the death of so good a princesse. ¶ Anglorum praelia saith, Ang. praelia▪ that this good quéene was forwarned of hir death in a dreame, wherein Morpheus the god of sléepe (in the likenesse of hir grandfather) appéered vnto hir, and after a long narration of the vanities of this world (how enuie reigneth in the courts of princes, maligning the for­tunate estate of the vertuous, how king Henrie the eight and his issue should be the vtter ouerthrow and expulsion of poperie out of England, and that the go­uernment of quéene Elizabeth should be established in tranquillitie & peace) he saith vnto hir in conclu­sion by waie of prophesie, as our poet hath recorded:

Forti sis animo, tristis si nuncius adsum,
Ann [...] [...] prae­dicitur. Pla. in Phe. Socratis tale quiddam somnia [...]i [...].
Insperata tuae velox necis aduenit hora,
Intra triginta spacium moriere dierum:
Hoc magnum mortis solamen habeto futurae,
Elizabetha suis praeclarè filia gestis
Nomen ad astraferet patris, matrísque, suúmque.]

Immediatlie after hir death, in the wéeke before Whitsuntide, the king married the ladie Iane Sei­mer, The king ma­rieth ladie Iane Seimer daughter to sir Iohn Seimer knight, which at Whitsuntide was openlie shewed as quéene. And on the tuesdaie in Whitsunwéeke, hir brother sir Edw. Seimer was created vicount Beauchampe, and sir Water Hungerford, lord Hungerford. The eight of Iune began the parlement, A parlement▪ during the which the lord Thomas Howard, without the kings assent, affied the ladie Margaret Duglas daughter to the quéene of Scots, and neece to the king, The lord Th. Howard at­teinted of treason. for which act he was atteinted of treason, and an act made for like offen­dors, and so he died in the tower, and she remained long there as prisoner. In the time of this parlement the bishops and all the cleargie of the realme held a solemne conuocation at Paules church in London, where after much disputation and debating of mat­ters, they published a booke of religion, A booke pub­lished concer­ning religio [...] by the king. intituled Ar­ticles deuised by the kings highnesse, &c. In this booke is speciallie mentioned but thrée sacraments. Also beside this booke certeine iniunctions were gi­uen foorth, wherby a number of their holie daies were abrogated, & speciallie those that fell in haruest time. ¶ The nine & twentith of Iune, I. Stow. Triumph at Westminster▪ the king held a great iusting and triumph at Westminster, where were or­deined two lighters made like ships to fight vpon the water, one of the which brake in the midst, wherby one Gates a gentleman, & seruant to M. Kn [...]net was drowned in his harnesse. In the other a gun brake hir chamber, & maimed two of the mariners.] Thomas Cromwell secretarie vnto the king, and [Page 941] maister of the rols, was made lord kéeper of the pri­uie seale, and the ninth of Iulie the lord Fitzwaren was created erle of Bath, Ad [...]unce­ [...]t of the [...] Crom­well. and the morrow after the said lord Cromwell was created lord Cromwell. The eightéenth of Iulie he was made knight, and vi­car generall vnder the king ouer the spiritualtie, and sat diuerse times in the conuocation amongst the bi­shops as head ouer them. The two and twentith of Iulie, The death of the kings base sonne. Henrie duke of Richmont and Summerset, earle of Northampton, base sonne to the king, begot line 10 of the ladie Tailebois then called Elizabeth Blunt, departed this life at saint Iames, and was buried at Thetford in Norffolke, of whome you shall find more in the treatise of the dukes of this land.

In September, Thomas Cromwell lord priuie seale and vicegerent, sent abroad vnder the kings spirituall priuie seale certeine iniunctions, com­manding that the persons and curats should teach their parishioners the Pater noster, the Aue & Creed, with the ten commandements, and articles of the line 20 faith in English. These articles and iniunctions be­ing established by authoritie of parlement, The people grudged at the iniuncti­ons establish­ed by act of parlement. and now to the people deliuered, bred a great misliking in the harts of the common people, which had beene euer brought vp and trained in contrarie doctrine. And herewith diuerse of the cleargie as moonks, priests, and others, tooke occasion herby to speake euill of the late procéedings of the king, touching matters of religion, affirming that if spéedie remedie were not in time prouided, the faith would shortlie be vtterlie line 30 destroied, and all praier and diuine seruice quite abo­lished and taken awaie.

Manie sinister reports, slanderous tales, and feig­ned fables were blowne abroad, and put into the peo­ples eares, and diuerse of the nobilitie did also what they could to stir the commons to rebellion, faithful­lie promising both aid and succour against the king. The people thus prouoked to mischiefe, and deceiued through ouer light credence, incontinentlie as it were to mainteine that religion, which had so manie line 40 yeares continued, and béene estéemed, they stiffelie and stoutlie conspired togither, A traitorous conspiracie. and in a part of Lin­colneshire they first assembled, and shortlie after ioi­ned into an armie, being (as it was supposed) of men apt for the warres, in number about twentie thou­sand. Against these rebels with all the hast that might be, the king in his proper person vpon intelli­gence therof had marched towards them, The Lincoln­shire men in armes a­gainst the king. being fur­nished with a warlike armie, perfectlie appointed of all things that to such a companie should apper­teine. line 50

The rebels hearing that his person was present with his power to come thus against them, began to feare what would follow of their dooings: and such nobles and gentlemen as at the first fauoured their cause, fell from them and withdrew, so that they be­ing destitute of capteines, at length put certeine petitions in writing, which they exhibited to the king, professing that they neuer intended hurt to­wards his roiall person. The petiti­ons of the re­bels receiued of the king and of what points they consisted. The king receiued their pe­titions, line 60 which consisted in choise of councellors, sup­pression of religious houses, maintenance of the ser­uice of almightie God, the statute of vses, the release of the fifteenth, and receiuing of the first fruits, with such other matters as nothing apperteined to them: wherevpon he made them answer in pithie sentence, reprouing them of their presumptuous follie and re­bellious attempt, to meddle in anie such matters and weightie affaires, the direction whereof onelie belonged to him, and to such noble men and councel­lors as his pleasure should be to elect and choose to haue the ordering of the same.

Wherfore he aduised them to remember their rash and inconsiderate dooings, and that now in anie wise they should resort home to their houses, and no more to assemble contrarie to his lawes and their owne allegiances; and also to cause the prouokers of this mischiefe to be deliuered to the hands of his lieute­nant, and further to submit themselues wholie to such punishment as he and his nobles should thinke them worthie to receiue: for otherwise he would not suf­fer that iniurie at their hands to go vnreuenged. The Lincoln­shiremen giue ouer their re­bellious en­terprise. Af­ter the Lincolnshire men had receiued the kings an­swer thus made to their petitions, each mistrusting other, who should be noted the greatest meddler, sud­denlie they began to shrinke, and got them home to their houses without longer abode.

Herewith the duke of Suffolke the kings lieute­nant was appointed to go with the armie, to see the countrie set in quiet, accompanied with the lord ad­merall, sir Francis Brian, and sir Iohn Russell that were ioined with him also in commission for the ordering of things there within the countie of Lin­colne. The duke entred into the citie of Lincolne the seuentéenth of October. On the ninetéenth all the in­habitants of Louth (according to order giuen by the duke) came to Lincolne, The rebels submit them­selues and re­ceiue a new oth of fealtie to the king. and there in the castell made their submission, holding vp their hands, and crieng for the kings mercie. And herwith were chosen foorth Nicholas Melton, capteine Cobler, & thirteene more, which were commanded to ward, and all the residue were new sworne to the king, renouncing their for­mer oth receiued in time of their rebellion, and then departed home to their houses in the kings peace. After this were proclamations made abrode in the countrie in euerie market towne by the heralds of armes, Summerset and Winsore, that the capteins and souldiers of the dukes armie should not take a­nie mans goods, cattels, or vittels, except they paied or agréed with the owners of the same.

And further commandement was giuen, that all inhabitants and dwellers within the townes and villages about, should repaire to the citie of Lin­colne, with all maner of vittels as well for men as horsses, where they should receiue paiment at reaso­nable prices for the same. After this, there was like­wise proclamation made for the apprehending of all such lewd persons, as had sowne anie false rumors abrode in the countrie (the cheefe occasion of this re­bellion) bruting that the king pretended to haue the gold in the hands of his subiects brought into the tower to be touched, and all their cattell vnmarked, False rumors the occasion of rebellions. the chalices, goods, and ornaments of parish chur­ches, fines for christenings, weddings, and buriengs, licences to eat white meat, bread, pig, goose or ca­pon, with manie other slanderous, false, and detesta­ble tales and lies, forged of diuelish purpose to in­courage the people to rebellion. If therefore anie man could apprehend such as had béene the setters foorth and sowers of such seditious reports, they that brought them in, should be so rewarded, as they should thinke their labour well bestowed.

Moreouer, if there were anie assemblies made in anie part of the realme without the kings licence, by anie vnrulie persons, and would not depart to their houses vpon warning by his graces proclama­tions, they should not looke for further mercie at the kings hand, but to be prosecuted with fire and sword to the vttermost. To conclude, by the wise and sage direction taken in appeasing the countrie by that no­ble duke, all things were quieted in those parties. Di­uerse of the principall offendors were sent vnto London. He that tooke vpon him as cheefe capteine of the rout, was the same that called himselfe cap­teine Cobler: but he was indeed a moonke named doctor Makarell, which afterwards with diuerse o­thers was executed.

But now in the meane time, whilest the duke [Page 942] was sent forwards into Lincolneshire, within six daies after the king was trulie informed, that there was a new stir begun in the north parts by the peo­ple there, A com [...]otion in the north par [...]s. which had assembled themselues into an huge armie of warlike men & well appointed, both with capteins; horsses, armor, and artillerie, to the number of fortie thousand men, which had incamped themselues in Yorkeshire. These men declared by their proclamations solemnlie made, that this their rising and commotion should extend no further, but onelie to the maintenance and defense of the faith line 10 of Christ, and deliuerance of holie church, sore decaied and oppressed, and also for the furtherance as well of priuate as publike matters in the realme, touching the wealth o [...] all the kings poore subiects.

They named this their seditious voiage, an holie and blessed pilgrimage: An holie pil­grimage. they had also certeine ban­ners in the field, in which was painted Christ hang­ing on the crosse on the one side, and a chalice with a painted cake in it on the other side, with diuers other banners of like hypocrisie and feigned holinesse. The line 20 souldiers had also imbrodered on the sléeues of their cotes in stéed of a badge, the similitude of the fiue wounds of our sauiour, and in the middest thereof was written the name of our Lord. Thus had the re­bels hast of sathan with false and counterfeit signes of holinesse set out themselues, onelie to deceiue the simple people in that their wicked and rebellious en­terprise against their liege lord and naturall prince, whome by the law of nations and by Gods com­mandements they were bound in conscience to o­beie, line 30 and so farre to be from lifting vp the least finger of their hand, as rather to put life and goods in hazard for his sake, to testifie their allegiance.

The spéedie diligence and loiall dutie which was found at that present in the worthie councellour George earle of Shrewesburie, The faithfull diligence of the earle of Shrewsburie is not to be forgot­ten, who immediatlie after he vnderstood how the northerne men were thus vp in armes, considering how much it imported to stop them of their passage before they should aduance too far forwards, where­by line 40 they might both increase in power, and put all o­ther parts of the realme in hazard, through feare or hope to incline to their wicked purposes, he sent abroad with all spéed possible to raise such power of his seruants, tenants, and fréends, as by anie means he might make, and withall dispatched one of his ser­uants to the king, both to aduertise him what he had doone, and also to purchase his pardon, for making such leuie of power, before he had receiued his ma­iesties line 50 commission so to doo.

I haue heard by relation of men of good credit that were there present: that when such knights and gentlemen as were of his councell, and other of his especiall fréends were come vnto him, he put foorth this question to them; Whether his fact in raising a power of armed men without the kings commission (although he had doone it to resist the rebels) were treason or not? A good mean­ing or intent dooth not by and by iustifie and make good the action. Wherevnto when answer was made by some that were knowne to haue skill in the laws line 60 of the realme, how that by no means it could be in­tended treason, sith his intent was good, and no euill thereby meant, but contrarilie the aduancement of the kings seruice dutifullie sought: Yee are fooles (quoth the earle) I know it in substance to be treason, and I would thinke my selfe in an hard case, if I thought I had not my pardon comming.

Such a reuerend regard had this noble earle vn­to his bounden allegiance towards his prince, that whatsoeuer seemed but as it were to sound in anie be­halfe to the breach thereof, The loialtie of the earle. it so troubled his loiall mind, that he could not be satisfied, till as it were in confessing his fault: where according to the truth there was none at all. He had signified his assured fi­delitie in crauing pardon, where otherwise he might haue looked for thanks, which indéed he receiued with his pardon, according to his petition, and a commissi­on to procéed as he had begun. Moreouer, whereas there were diuerse speaches amongst the soldiors in the armie, vttered by some not altogither happilie well disposed, that the said earle had so good liking of the northerne mens cause, that when it came to the point of triall, he would surelie ioine with them against that part, which he yet pretended to main­teine.

To put that mat [...]er out of doubt, he caused the multitude of his soldiours to come before him, What the earle said to them that talked lewdlie of him in the campe. and there declared to them, that he vnderstood what lewd talke had béene raised of his meaning among them in the campe, as if he had fauoured the part of the re­bels: ‘But (saith he) whatsoeuer their colourable pre­tense may be, true it is, that traitors they are in this their wicked attempt. And whereas my ancestors haue beene euer true to the crowne, I meane not to staine my bloud now in ioining with such a sort of traitors, but to liue and die in defense of the crowne, if it stood but vpon a stake: and therefore those that will take my part in this quarrell, I haue to thanke them, and if there be anie that be otherwise minded, I would wish them hence. And herewith he caused his chapleine to minister an oth to him, which he re­ceiued to the effect aforesaid, in the presence of them all.’

And verelie this was thought to be doone not with­out great cause that mooued him thereto: for where­as the more part of his soldiours consisted of the countrie people, He was pro­uided of ill souldiors that so vndutifulli [...] to deale with him would be induced. who with forged tales and wicked surmises were easilie led to beléeue whatsoeuer was reported in fauor of the rebels, and disfauor of such as were then chiefe councellors to the king, against whome they pretended to rise (although there was no reasonable occasion leading them therevnto) it was greatlie to be suspected, least they might thorough some traitorous practise haue béene induced to forget their dutifull allegiance to their souereigne, and soul­diorlike obedience to their leaders, insomuch that the capteins of the rebels were persuaded (and some of them reported no lesse) that they might haue fought with the duke of Norffolke, and the earle of Shre­wesburie, on this hither side of the riuer of Dun, e­uen with their owne men, not néeding to haue brought a man of their armie with them.

Therefore it was thought, that the oth which the earle of Shrewesburie in that sort receiued before all his people there openlie in field, The oth of the earle of Shre [...]wesburie in presence of the people ne­cessarie. serued to great pur­pose; to put out of his soldiours wauering heads all such lewd expectation that he would turne to the eni­mies, staieng thereby their fickle minds; sith they were now assured, that he being their chiefteine meant no dissimulation. A matter trulie of no small importance, considering the fauor which the com­mons bare towards him, and the opinion they had conceiued of his high prowesse; so that which waie he inclined, it was thought verelie the game were likelie to go. But now after the king was aduertised of that perilous commotion of the northerne men, he appointed not onlie the said earle of Shrewesburie to raise a power to resist them: but also ordeined the duke of Norffolke his lieutenant generall, with the marquesse of Excester, The duke of Norffolke the kings li [...]ute­nant. and the said earle of Shre­wesburie, the earles of Huntington and Rutland, accompanied with a mightie power to go against them.

These lords raising such retinues of souldiers and men of warre as were to them assigned, made for­ward to the place where the armie of the rebels was then incamped, which was beyond the towne of Doncaster, in the high waie towards Yorke. But [Page 943] first the said earle of Shrewesburie, with the earles of Huntington▪ and Rutland, and such other that were next adioining to those parties, with their pow­ers assembled out of the shires of Salop, Stafford, Leicester, Rutland, Notingham, and Derbie, came to a place in Notingham shire called Blithlow, and there taking the musters of their people, streight­waies passed foorth to Doncaster, and appointed cer­teine bands of their men, to lie in places where anie [...]oords or passages laie ouer the riuer of Dun, that line 10 runneth by the northside of Doncaster, to staie the e­nimies if they should attempt to come ouer. Short­lie after came the duke of Norffolke, and finallie the marquesse of Excester with a iollie companie of westerne men, well and perfectlie appointed.

When these capteins and sage councellors being here assembled, vnderstood the manner of the nor­therne men, their number, and readinesse to battell, they first practised with great policie, to haue paci­fied the matter without bloudshedding: but the nor­therne line 20 men were so bent to mainteine their wilfull enterprise, that there was no hope to take vp the matter without battell: therefore a daie was set, on the which they should trie the quarrell bewixt them with dint of sword. The euen of Simon and Iude. But sée the chance. The night be­fore the daie assigned for this bloudie and vnnaturall battell, to haue béene fought betwixt men of one na­tion, and subiects to one king; there fell a raine not great to speake of, but yet as it were by miracle, the riuer of Dun rose suddenlie on such a height, A s [...]oud. that sel­dome had béene séene there the like hugenesse of wa­ter: Gods proui­dence staieth them from battell. line 30 so that the daie when the houre of battell should come, it was not possible for the one armie to come at the other, and so the appointment made betwéene both the armies for triall of the matter by force of armes, was by Gods good prouidence disappointed, and manie an innocent mans life preserued, that should haue died, if their purposes had taken place.

After this by the great wisedome and policie of the nobles and capteins, a communication was had, line 40 and an agréement made vpon the kings pardon, ob­teined for all the capteins and chiefe dooers in this insurrection, and promise made that they should be gentlie heard, to declare such things as they found themselues gréeued with: and that vpon their arti­cles presented to the king, their reasonable petitions should be granted, The matter is taken vp. as by him & his councell it should be thought expedient, whereby all troubles might be quieted, and ech thing brought to a good conclusion. Herewith euerie man departed, and those which be­fore line 50 came as hot as fire to fight, letted of their despe­rat purpose, by Gods mercifull prouidence, returned now peaceablie to their houses without anie more businesse.

At the selfe same time that these northerne men were lodged neere to Doncaster, and the kings pow­er readie to stop them of their passage (as before ye haue heard) there was an other armie readie to haue marched southwards thorough Lancashire: but by the faithfull diligence of the earle of Derbie, who with the forces of Lancashire and Cheshire was ap­pointed line 60 to resist them, An other ar­mie of rebels marching southwards through Lan­cashire. they were likewise kept backe and brought to quiet; notwithstanding they were a verie great number assembled togither of the com­mons out of Cumberland, Westmerland, and of the north parts of Lancashire. The earle of Sussex was sent downe by the king, to ioine in assistance with the earle of Derbie; who causing diuerse of the chiefe procurers of that rebellion in those parties to be ap­prehended and arreigned, they being found giltie had iudgement, and were executed, as the abbats of Walleie, Sauleie, and others.

A butcher & a priest hanged and the cause why.In time of this rebellion, a priest that by a but­cher dwelling within fiue miles of Windsor had been procured to preach in fauor of the rebels, and the but­cher (as well for procuring the priest thereto, as for words spoken as he sold his meat in Windsor) were hanged: the priest on a tree at the foot of Windsor bridge, and the butcher on a paire of new gallowes set vp before the castell gate, at the end of the same bridge. The words which the butcher spake were these. When one bad him lesse for the carcase of a sheepe than he thought he could make of it: Naie by Gods soule (said he) I had rather the good fellowes of the north had it, and a score more of the best I haue, than I would so sell it. This priest and butcher being accu­sed on a mondaie in the morning whilest the kings armie was in the field, and the king himselfe lieng at Windsor, they confessed their faults vpon their examinations, and by the law martiall they were adiudged to death, and suffered as before is mentio­ned. This yeare in December, A great frost. the Thames was fro­sen ouer: insomuch that the king and quéene rode thorough London to Gréenewich.

In Christmas the king by his messengers and he­ralds sent downe into the north his generall par­dons to all the offendors; Generall par­dons. year 1537 and shortlie after Aske that had beene the principall procurer, Aske rewar­ded. & as it were chiefe capteine of the northerne rebels, came to London, and now was both pardoned and receiued into fa­uor, receiuing of the kings bounteous liberalitie, apparell, and diuerse other rewards, whereof he was most vnwoorthie: for there liued not (as Hall saith) a verier wretch, as well in person as conditions and déeds, speciallie towards the kings maiestie, as after appeared. Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1010. Sir Ra [...]fe E­uers his good seruice in the north. ¶ Sir Rafe Euers kept Scarbrow castell in the north, being six wéeks besieged by the rebels, twentie daies whereof he and all his companie (which were his onelie friends, seruants, and tenants, and serued for good will to him) were forced to susteine themselues with bread and water, and yet he kept the same to the end of that rebellion; and so deliue­red it to king Henrie, who sent him soone after to serue in the borders against Scotland, where in great credit he continued his seruice, kéeping the Scots without dooing hurt to England, and with such obedience of them, as within twentie miles of the borders of Scotland fore against him, there was not a Scot but at his commandement: and so conti­nued, till he was killed in the yeare 1545.]

The twelfe of Nouember, Penance at Paules crosse. The earle of Kildare exe­cuted. sir Thomas Newman priest bare a faggot at Paules crosse, for singing masse with good ale. On the third of Februarie, Tho­mas Fitzgaret sonne and heire to the earle of Kil­dare was beheaded, and fiue of his vncles were drawne, hanged, and quartered at Tiborne for trea­son. In the same moneth Nicholas Musgraue, Tilbie. A new rebel­lion. Tho­mas Tilbie, with others, began a new rebellion at Kirkvie Stephan in Westmerland, who hauing got togither eight thousand men, besieged the citie of Carleill, from whence they were beaten with the on­lie power of the citie: and in returning from thense, the duke of Norffolke, who then was lieutenant of the north, incountered with them, tooke the capteins, and according to the law martiall areigned seuentie and foure of them, whome he hanged on Carbeill wals; but Musgraue escaped.

In the same moneth of Februarie began a new commotion, Sir Francis Bigod procu­reth a new commotion. by the procurement of sir Francis Bi­god, who being intised to that mischieuous enterprise by certeine wicked persons, forgat his dutie to his prince, although he had béene a man (as Hall saith) that vndoubtedlie loued God, and reuerenced his prince with a right obedient and louing feare: but such are men when God leaueth them, and that they will take in hand things which Gods most holie word vtterlie forbiddeth. This last rebellion began in Setrington, Pikering, Leigh, and Scarbrow; but [Page 944] it was quickelie suppressed, and the said sir Francis Bigod apprehended, and brought to the Tower. The said sir Francis & one Halam, hauing raised a great companie of rebels, meant to haue taken the towne of Hull, The purpose of the rebels. there to haue fortified themselues, and to haue assembled more power; but by the wisedome of sir Rafe Ellerkar, & the maior of the towne of Hull, the said Halam, & thréescore other of the rebels with­out anie slaughter were taken, which Halam was afterwards hanged in chaines, and two other with line 10 him, at the said towne of Hull. Sir Francis Bigod fled, & could not be heard of for a time, but at length he was also apprehended.

Moreouer, about the latter end of this twentith and eight yeare, Aske & others practise to raise a new rebellion. the lord Darcie, Aske, sir Robert Constable, sir Iohn Bulmer and his wife, sir Tho­mas Persie brother to the erle of Northumberland, sir Stephan Hamilton, Nicholas Tempest esquier, William Lomleie, began eftsoones to conspire, al­though euerie of them before had receiued their par­dons: line 20 and now were they all taken and brought to the Tower of London as prisoners. Robert Pac­kington mur­thered. This yeare Ro­bert Packington a mercer of London, a man both rich, wise, and of good credit, dwelling at the signe of the leg in Cheapside, on a morning going (as his cu­stome was) about foure of the clocke to heare masse, in the church then called S. Thomas of Acres, & now the Mercers chappell, as he crossed ouer the stréet from his house to the church, was suddenlie murthe­red with a gun, the cracke whereof was heard of the line 30 neighbors, and of a great number of laborers that stood at Soper lane end, and saw the said Packing­ton go foorth of his house: but there was such a thicke mist that morning, as the like had not béene séene, by couert whereof the murtherer found shift the more easilie to escape.

Manie were suspected, but none found in fault, albeit forsomuch as he was one that would speake his mind freelie, and was at the same time one of the burgesses of the parlement for the citie of London, line 40 and had talked somewhat against the couetousnesse and crueltie practised by the cleargie, it was mistru­sted least by some of them he came thus to his end. At length the murtherer in déed was condemned at Banburie in Oxfordshire, to die for a fellonie which he afterwards committed: and when he came to the gallowes on which he suffered, he confessed that he did this murther, and till that time he was neuer had in anie suspicion thereof. ¶ The nine and twentith of March, were twelue of the Lincolneshire rebels line 50 drawne to Tiburne, and there hanged and quarte­red, fiue of them were priests, the residue laie men. One of the priests was doctor Makarell, and an o­ther was the vicar of Louth.

Rich. Grafton. The inuenti­on of casting pipes.About this season the maner of casting pipes of lead for the conueiance of water vnder the ground, without occupieng of soulder to the same, was in­uented by Robert Brocke clearke, then one of the kings chapleins, an inuention right necessarie for the sauing of expenses: for two men and a boie will line 60 doo that in one daie, which before could not be doone by manie men in manie daies. Robert Cooper gold­smith was the first that made the instruments, and put this inuention in practise. ¶ In the verie begin­ning of this yeare, Anno reg. 29. certeine commissioners being sent into Summersetshire to take vp corne, the peo­ple began to make an insurrection: but by the wise­dome and diligence of yoong master Paulet & others the same was suppressed, and the beginners thereof, to the number of thréescore, were apprehended & con­demned, and fourtéene of them were hanged and quartered, one of the number being a woman, the residue were saued by the kings mercifull par­don.

In Iune the lord Darcie & the lord Huseie were arreigned at Westminster before the marquesse of Excester then high steward, Execution. where they were found guiltie, and had iudgement, as in cases of high trea­son. Shortlie after also were arreigned sir Robert Constable, sir Thomas Persie, sir Francis Bigod, sir Stephan Hamilton, sir Iohn Bulmer, Areignment. and his wife, or rather (as some report) his paramour: also William Lomleie, Nicholas Tempest, William Thurst abbat of Founteins, Adam Subburie abbat of Ierueux, William Wold prior of Birlington, al­so the abbat of Riuers, and Robert Aske. Execution. They were all found guiltie of high treason, and all put to death. Sir Robert Constable was hanged in chains ouer Beuerleie gate at Hull, and Robert Aske was also hanged in chains on a tower at Yorke, and Marga­ret Cheineie sir Iohn Bulmers paramour burnt in Smithfield in London. The other suffered at Ti­burne.

In the latter end of Iune, was the lord Darcie beheaded at the Tower hill, and shortlie after the lord Huseie was likewise beheaded at Lincolne. This yeare at saint Georges feast, was the lord Crom­well made knight of the garter. In October on saint Edwards euen, The birth of king Edward the sixt. which falleth on the twelft of that moneth, at Hampton court the quéene was deliue­red of hir sonne named Edward, for whose birth great ioie was made thorough the realme, with thanksgiuing to almightie God, who had sent such a yoong prince to succéed his father in the crowne of this realme (as afterwards he did) by the name of king Edward the sixt. His godfathers at the font­stone were the archbishop of Canturburie & the duke of Norffolke, the ladie Marie was his godmoother, and at the bishopping, the duke of Suffolke was his godfather. On the eightéenth of October he was made prince of Wales, duke of Cornewall, and erle of Chester.

But as ioie is often mixed with sorrow, so at that time it came to passe by the death of his moother, The death of quéene Iane. that noble and vertuous ladie queene Iane, which depar­ted out of this life the fourteenth daie of this moneth of October, to the great griefe of the whole realme: but namelie the king hir husband tooke it most grie­uouslie of all other, who remoouing to Westminster, there kept himselfe close a great while after. The eight of Nouember, the corps of the quéene was ca­ried to Windsor, with great solemnitie, and there buried in the midst of the quire in the castell church. There was also a solemne hearse made for hir in Paules church, and funerall exequies celebrated, as well as in all other churches within the citie of Lon­don. Thus was the king left againe a widower, and so continued the space of two yeares togither. Iohn Fox in Acts & Mo­numents. Upon the death of which quéene Iane, and the birth of prince Edward hir son this distichon following was made:

Phoenix Iana iacet nato Phoenice,
These verses were thought to be made by master Armi­gill Wade.
dolendum
Saecula Phoenices nulla tulisse duas.

The king held his Christmas at Gréenewich, and as well he as all the court ware mourning apparell, till the morrow after Candlemas daie, & then he and all other changed. year 1538 This yeare Edward Seimer vi­count Beauchampe the quéenes brother was created earle of Hertford, Creation of officers. & sir William Fitzwilliams lord high admerall was created earle of Southhampton, ¶ and master Paulet was made vicetreasuror, Abr. Fl. ex I. S pag. 1011, 1012. sir Iohn Russell comptrollor of the kings house, master Henedge, master Long, master Kneuet of the kings priuie chamber, knights; master Coffin, master Li­ftar, & master Seimer the quéenes brother, knights. On Allhallowes euen, the lord Thomas Howard, brother to the duke of Norffolke, Lord Tho­mas Howard deceassed. died prisoner in the Tower of London, and was buried at Thetford, and then the ladie Margaret Dowglas was pardoned, [Page 945] and released out of the Tower. The foure and twen­tith of Februarie, Good of grace shewed at Paules. being sundaie, the rood of Boxleie in Kent, called the rood of grace, made with diuerse vices, to mooue the eies and lips, was shewed at Paules crosse by the preacher, which was the bishop of Rochester, and there it was broken and plucked in peeces.

The fiue and twentith of Februarie, sir Ihon Al­len priest, and also an Irish gentleman of the Garets were hanged & quartered at Tiburne. The second of March, the image of the rood, called saint Sauior line 10 at Bermonseie abbeie in Southworke, Saint Saui­or in South­worke. was taken downe by the kings commandement. The one and twentith of March, Henrie Harsam customer of Plimmouth, and Thomas Ewell, were hanged and quartered at Tiburne.] In Maie a frier obseruant called frier Forrest was apprehended, for that he was knowne in secret confessions to haue declared to manie of the kings liege people, Anno Reg 30. Frier For­rest. that the king was not supreame head of the church, where he had line 20 by his oth neuerthelesse affirmed him so to be. Wher­vpon in his examination, that point being laid to his charge, he answered that he tooke his oth with his outward man, but his inward man neuer consented therevnto. But being further accused of diuerse he­reticall and damnable opinions that he held & main­teined contrarie to the scripture, at length being not able to defend the same, he submitted himselfe to the punishment of the church.

Now when vpon this his submission, hauing more libertie than before he had to talke with whome he line 30 would, and other hauing libertie to talke with him, he was incensed by some such as had conference with him, that when his formall abiuration was sent him to read and peruse, he vtterlie refused it, and obstinatelie stood in all his heresies and trea­sons. Wherevpon he was condemned, & afterwards on a paire of new gallowes prepared for him in Smithfield, he was hanged by the middle and arme­holes all quicke, and vnder the gallowes was made line 40 a fire wherewith he was consumed and burnt to death. Frier For­rest burnt. There were diuerse of the councell present at his death readie to haue granted him pardon, if a­nie sparke of repentance would haue appeared in him. There was also a pulpit prepared, in which that renowmed preacher Hugh Latimer, then bi­shop of Worcester, by manifest scriptures confuted the friers errors, and with manie godlie exhortati­ons mooued him to repentance, but he would neither heare nor speake. line 50

A little before the execution, an huge and great image was brought to the gallowes. This image was fetched out of Wales, which the Welshmen had in great reuerence: and it was named Daruell Ga­theren. They had a prophesie in Wales, that this image should set a whole forest on fire, which prophesie was now thought to take effect, A prophesie. for he set this frier Forrest on fire, and consumed him to nothing. The frier when he saw the fire come, caught hold on the ladder, which he would not let go, but in that sort vn­patientlie line 60 tooke his death, so as if one might iudge him by his outward man, he appeared (saith Hall) to haue small knowledge of God, and lesse trust in him at his ending: otherwise he would haue béene per­suaded to patience, R [...]c. Graf. in fol. pag. 1237. and a christian farewell to the world. ¶Upon the gallows that he died on, was set vp in great letters these verses here following:

Dauid Daruell Gatheren,
As saith the Welshmen,
Fetched outlawes out of hell:
Now is he come with speare and shield,
In harnesse to burne in Smithfield,
For in Wales he maie not dwell.
And Forrest the frier,
That obstinate lier,
That wilfullie shall be dead:
In his contumacie,
The gospell dooth denie,
The king to be supreme head.]

In Iulie was Edmund Cuningsbie atteinted of treason, for counterfeiting the kings signe ma­nuell, and in August was Edward Clifford for the same cause atteinted, and both put to execution as traitors at Tiburne. Execution. In September by the speciall motion of the Lord Cromwell, all the notable ima­ges, Certeine ima­ges takē away and remooued from their places. vnto the which were made anie especiall pilgri­mages and offerings, were vtterlie taken awaie, as the images of Walsingham, Ipswich, Worcester, the ladie of Wilsdon, with manie other, and likewise the shrines of counterfeit saints, as that of Thomas Becket, and others. And euen foorthwith, by meanes of the said Cromwell, all the orders of friers and nuns, with their cloisters and houses, Ab. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1013. were suppressed and put downe. ¶ As for the images of our ladie of Walsingham, and Ipswich, were brought vp to London, with all the iewels that hoong about them, and diuerse other images both in England & Wales, wherevnto anie common pilgrimage was vsed, for auoiding of idolatrie, all which were burnt at Chelsie by the lord priuie seale.

On the first of September being sundaie, one Gratnell hangman of London and two other were hanged at the wrestling place by Clearken well, Hangman hanged. for robbing a booth in Bartholomew faire, at which exe­cution were aboue twentie thousand people, as Ed­ward Hall himselfe (then a present beholder) iudged. This moneth of September, Thomas Cromwell lord priuie seale, vicegerent to the kings highnesse, sent foorth iniunctions to all bishops & curats through the realme, The bible in euerie church to be read. charging them to see that in euery parish church, the bible of the largest volume, printed in English, were placed for all men to read on: and that a booke of register were also prouided and kept in euerie parish church, wherein shall be written eue­rie wedding, christening, and burieng, Register booke in euerie church to be kept. within the same parish for euer.

Saint Augustines abbeie at Canturburie was suppressed, and the shrine & goods taken to the kings treasurie, as also the shrine of Thomas Becket in the priorie of Christs church was likewise taken to the kings vse, and his bones, scull and all, Thomas Becket burnt. which was there found, with a peece broken out by the wound of his death, were all burnt in the same church by the lord Cromwell. The moonks there were commanded to change their habits, &c. The one and twentith of October, the church of Thomas Becket in London called the hospitall of saint Thomas of Acres was suppressed. Nicholas Gibson groser, for this yeare shiriffe of London, builded a free schoole at Ratcliffe, néere vnto London, appointing to the same, Frée schoole and almes houses at Ratcliffe. for the instruction of thréescore poore mens children, a schoole­master and vsher, with a stipend of ten pounds by the yere to the master, and six pounds thirteene shillings foure pence to the vsher. He also builded there cer­teine almes houses for fouretéene poore and aged per­sons, who quarterlie receiue six shillings eight pence a peece for euer.]

In this season sute was made to the king by the emperour, to take to wife the duchesse of Millan: but shortlie after that sute brake off, bicause (as was thought) the emperours councell ment by a cautell to haue brought the king in mind to sue for a licence of the pope. Then the duke of Cleue began to sue to the king, that it would please him to match with his sister the ladie Anne, which after tooke effect. In No­uember, one Iohn Nicholson, otherwise called Lam­bert, [Page 946] a priest, Iohn Nichol­son aliàs Lambert. was accused of heresie, for holding opi­nion against the bodilie presence in the sacrament of the altar. He appealed to the kings maiestie, who fa­uourablie consented to heare him at a daie appoin­ted, against which daie, in the kings palace at West­minster, within the kings hall, there was set vp a throne or seat roiall for the king, with scaffolds for all the lords, and a stage for Nicholson to stand vpon.

This Nicholson was esteemed to be a man well learned, but that daie he vttered no such knowledge line 10 (saith Hall) as was thought to be in a man of that estimation. Diuerse arguments were ministred to him by the bishops, but namelie the king pressed him sore, and in the end offered him pardon if he would renounce his opinion: but he would not consent thereto, and therefore he was there condemned, and had iudgement, and so shortlie after he was drawne into Smithfield, and there burnt to ashes. The third of Nouember, The marques of Excester condemned. Henrie Courtnie marques of Exce­ster and earle of Deuonshire, Henrie Poole lord line 20 Montacute, and sir Edward Neuill brother to the lord Aburgauennie, were sent to the tower, being accused by sir Geffrie Poole, brother to the lord Mon­tacute, of high treason. They were indicted for deui­sing to mainteine, promote, & aduance one Reginald Poole, late deane of Excester, enimie to the king beyond the sea, & to depriue the king. The marques, and the lord Montacute were arreigned the last of December at Westminster before the lord Audleie that was chancellor, and for that present time high line 30 steward of England, and there they found him giltie.

I. Stow. pag. 1019.The third daie after were arreigned sir Edward Neuill, sir Geffreie Poole, two priests called Crofts and Collins, & one Holland a mariner, & all attein­ted. Frieries suppressed. ¶The sixteenth of Nouember, was the blacke friers in London suppressed, the next daie the white friers, the graie friers, and the moonks of the Char­terhouse, and so all the other immediatlie. The foure and twentith of Nouember, the bishop of Rochester line 40 preached at Paules crosse, Bloud of Hales shewed at Pauls crosse. & there shewed the bloud of Hales, and affirmed the same to be no bloud, but honie clarified, and coloured with saffron, as it had beene euidentlie prooued before the king and his councell. Also foure anabaptists, thrée men, and one woman, Anabaptists. all Dutch, bare fagots at Paules crosse the same daie. The nintéenth of Nouember, a man and a woman Dutch anabaptists, were burnt in Smith­field.]

The ninth of Ianuarie, the lord marques, and line 50 the lord Montacute, year 1539 with sir Edward Neuill lost their heads on the Tower hill. The lord marques executed. The two priests and Holland were drawne to Tiburne, and there han­ged and quartered. Sir Geffreie Poole had his par­don. ¶On Ashwednesdaie, Iohn Ihons, Iohn Pot­ter, & William Manering, were hanged in the prin­ces liueries (bicause they were the princes seruants) on the southside of Paules chuchyard, for killing Roger Cholmeleie esquier in that place, of malice prepensed. The third of March, sir Nicholas Carew of Bedington in the countie of Surrie knight of line 60 the garter, Sir Nicho­las Carew executed. and maister of the kings horsse, condem­ned before of treason, was beheaded on the Tower hill, where he made a godlie confession, both of his fault, and superstitious faith, giuing God thanks, for that his hap was to be prisoner in the Tower, where he first sauored the pleasant tast of Gods holie word, meaning the bible in English, which there he read by the exhortation of one Thomas Philips then kéeper of that prison, and sometime a citizen and point-ma­ker of London, who had béene in some trouble for religion, and examined before doctor Stokeslie bi­shop of London, and sir Thomas More, but through his wise demeanor and mild answers, he escaped their hands.

The ninth of March, Creation of new officers. the king created sir Willi­am Paulet knight treasuror of his house, lord saint Iohn, and sir Iohn Russell comptrollor of his house­hold, lord Russell. Also either then or shortlie after, was sir William Par created lord Par. The new abbeie of white moonks at the Tower hill, and the Minories, nuns without Algate, were suppressed on the last of March. The same time the king caused all the hauens to be fensed with bulworks, and blocke­houses, and riding to Douer, Bulworks & blockhouses builded. he tooke order to haue bulworks made alongst the sea coasts, and sent com­mission to haue generall musters made through the realme. Moreouer on Easter daie there were thrée­score saile discouered that laie in the Downes, and for that it was neither knowne what they were, nor what they intended to doo, all the able men in Kent rose and mustered in armour the same daie. The eight and twentith of Aprill began a parlement at Westminster, Anno Reg. 31 A parlement. Attaindors. in the which Margaret countesse of Salisburie, Gertrude wife to the marques of Exce­ster, Reginald Poole cardinall, brother vnto the lord Montacute, sir Adrian Foskew, & Thomas Ding­leie knight of saint Iohns, and diuerse other were atteinted of high treason, Execution. which Foskew and Ding­leie the tenth of Iulie were beheaded.

In this parlement the act of the six articles was established. The statute of the six ar­ticles, An inquest of inquirie. Of some it was named the bloodie sta­tute, as it prooued indéed to manie. And euen shortlie after the making thereof, when the first inquest for inquirie of the offendors of the same statute sat in London at the mercers chappell, those that were of that inquest were so chosen foorth for the purpose, as there was not one amongst them that wished not to haue the said statute put in execution to the vtter­most, insomuch that they were not contented onelie to inquire of those that offended in the six articles conteined in that statute, but also they deuised to in­quire of certeine branches (as they tooke the matter) belonging to the same, as of those that came seldome to heare masse, that held not vp their hands at the sacring time, who tooke no holie bread nor holie wa­ter, who vsed to read the bible in churches, or in com­munication séemed to despise preests, or images in the churches, &c. To conclude, they inquired so dili­gentlie of them that had so offended in anie of those articles or the branches, that they indicted & presen­ted to the number of fiue hundred persons and a­boue, so that if the king had not granted his pardon, for that he was informed by the lord Audleie then lord chancellor that they were indicted of malice, a great manie of them which alreadie were in pri­son, had died for it in Smithfield, in frieng a faggot. But although the king at that present granted his gratious pardon, and forgaue all those offenses: The extreme procéeding in execution of the six arti­cles. yet afterwards, during the time that this statute stood in force, which was for the space of eight years insuing, they brought manie an honest and simple person to death. For such was the rigor of that law, that if two witnesses, true or false, had accused anie, and ad­uouched that they had spoken against the sacrament, there was no waie but death; for it booted him not to confesse that his faith was contrarie, or that he said not as the accusers reported, for the witnesses (for the most part) were beléeued.

The king being informed that the pope by insti­gation of cardinall Poole, Prouision for defense of the realme. had mooued and stirred di­uers great princes and potentats of christendome to inuade the realme of England; without all delaie rode himselfe toward the sea coasts, and sent diuerse of his nobles and councellors to surueie all the ports and places of danger on the coast, where anie meet and conuenient landing place might be doubted, as well in the borders of England, as also of Wales: in [Page 947] which dangerous places he caused bulworks and forts to be erected. And further, he caused the lord ad­merall earle of Southampton to prepare in a readi­nesse his nanie of ships, for defense of the coasts. Be­side this, he sent forth commissions to haue generall musters taken through the realme, to vnderstand what number of able men he might make account of: and further to haue the armor and weapons séene and viewed. Nothing left he vndoone that tended to the foreséeing and preuenting of a mischiefe to insue, line 10 which in a prince is counted a vertue, because such prouidence and circumspection is reputed no lesse in a priuat & ordinarie man, as the poet Plautus saith; ‘Virtus est, vbi occasio admonet, dispicere.’

Sir William Forman knight, at that present maior of London, was commanded to certifie the names of all the able men within the citie and liber­ties thereof, betwéene the ages of thrée score and of sixtéene, with the number of armors and weapons of all kinds of sorts. Wherevpon the said maior and his brethren ech one in his ward, by the oth of the line 20 common councell and constable, tooke the number of men, armor, and weapons. And after well consi­dering of the matter, by view of their bookes, they thought it not expedient to admit the whole number certified for apt and able men: and therefore assem­bling themselues againe, they chose forth the most able persons, and put by the residue, speciallie such as had no armor, nor for whom anie could be proui­ded. But when they were crediblie aduertised by line 30 Thomas Cromwell lord priuie seale (to whome the citie was greatlie beholden) that the king himselfe would see the people of the citie muster in a conue­nient number, and not to set forth all their power, but to leaue some at home to kéepe the citie; then eftsoons euerie alderman repaired to his ward, and there put aside all such as had iacks, cotes of plate of maile, Preparation in London for a muster to be made and shewed before the king. and brigandines, and appointed none but such as had white armor, except such as should beare mo­rish pikes, which ware no armor but sculles, and line 40 there was no stranger (although he were a denisine) permitted to be in this muster.

Euerie man being of anie abilitie, prouided him selfe a cote of white silke, and garnished their base­nets with turues like caps of silke, set with owches, furnished with chaines of gold and feathers, or cau­sed their armor to be guilt, and likewise their hal­berds and pollaxes. Some, and especiallie certeine goldsmiths, had their whole armor of siluer bullion. The lord maior, the recorder, the aldermen, and e­uerie line 50 other officer beside were gorgeouslie trimmed, as for their degrees was thought séemelie. The ma­ior had sixteene tall fellowes on foot attending on him with guilt halberds, apparelled in white silke doub­lets, and their hose and shooes were likewise white, cut after the Almaine guise, pounsed and pulled out with red sarsenet: their ierkins were of white lea­ther cut, and chains about their necks, with feathers and brooches in their caps. The recorder and euerie alderman had about him foure halberders trimmed line 60 also in warlike sort. The chamberleine of the citie, the councellors & aldermens deputies were appoin­ted to be wiflers on horssebacke, which aloft on their armor ware white damaske cotes, mounted on good horsses well trapped, with great chaines about their necks, and proper iauelins or battell axes in their hands, and caps of veluet richlie trimmed.

The wiflers.The wiflers on foot, being in number foure hun­dred proper light persons, were clad in white ierkins of leather cut, with white hose and shooes, euerie man with a iauelin or slaughsword in his hands, to kéepe the people in arraie. They had chaines about their necks, The min­strels. and fethers in their caps. The minstrels were in white, with the armes of the citie, and so was eue­rie other person at this muster without anie diuersi­tie; the lord maior, recorder, and aldermen, onelie ex­cepted, who had crosses of veluet or satin pirled with gold. The standard bearers were the tallest men of e­uerie ward, for whome were made thirtie new stan­dards of the deuise of the citie, beside baners. Eue­rie alderman mustred his own ward in the fields, to sée that euerie man were in furniture prouided as was requisite.

The eight of Maie being the daie appointed for to shew themselues before the king, Euerie alder­man with his ward in order o [...] battell. euerie alderman in order of battell with those of his ward came into the fields at Mile end, and then all the gunners seue­red themselues into one place, the pikes into ano­ther, and the archers into an other, and likewise the bilmen, and there cast themselues in rings, and other formes of battell, which was a beautifull sight to be­hold: for all the fields from white Chapell to Mile end, and from Bednall greene to Ratcliffe & Step­nie, were all couered with armour, men, and wea­pons, and especiallie the battell of pikes séemed to be as it had béene a great forrest. Then was euerie part diuided into thrée battels, a for-ward, a midle-ward, and a rere-ward.

About seauen of the clocke marched forward the light péeces of ordinance, with stone and powder. The order of the Londo­ners in their musters. Af­ter them followed the drums and fifes, and immedi­atlie after them a guidon of the armes of the citie. Then followed master Sadler capteine of the gun­ners on horssebacke armed, and in a cote of veluet, with a chaine of gold, and foure halberders about him apparelled as before is recited. Then followed the gunners foure in a ranke, The king ta­keth view of the Londo­ners in their musters. euerie one going fiue foot in sunder, which shot altogither in diuerse places verie liuelie, and in speciallie before the kings maie­stie, which at that time sat in his new gatehouse at his palace of Westminster, where he viewed all the whole companie. In like maner passed the other companies of all the three battels in good and séeme­lie order. The foremost capteine at nine of the clocke in the morning, by the little conduit came and ente­red into Paules churchyard, and from thense directlie to Westminster, and so through the sanctuarie, and round about the parke of S. Iames, and vp into the field, comming home through Holborne, and as the first capteine entered againe to the little conduit, the last of the muster entered Paules churchyard, The number of Londoners in this mu­ster. which was then about foure of the clocke in the afternoone. The number, beside the wiflers, and of other wai­ters was fiftéene thousand.

¶ The eight of Iulie, Griffith Clearke, Iohn Stow. Uicar of Wandsworth and other exe­cuted. vicar of Wandsworth, with his chapleine and his seruant, & frier Waire, were all foure hanged and quartered at S. Thomas Waterings. The tenth of Iulie sir Adrian Fortescue, and Thomas Dingleie were be­headed. The ninth of September, Clerkenwell and other sup­pressed. The Pals­graue & other strangers come ouer in­to England. the nunnerie of Clerkenwell and diuerse others were suppressed.] This yeare the sixtéenth of September came to London duke Frederike of Baniere, the Palsgraue of the Rhine, and the eightéenth of the same moneth came to London the marshall of Hans Frederike prince elector of Saxonie, and the chancellor of Wil­liam duke of Cleue, Gulicke, Gelderland, and Ber­ghen. The Palsgraue was receiued and conducted to Windsore by the duke of Suffolke, and the other were accompanied with other noble men, and the thrée and twentith of the same moneth they all came to Windsore, where eight daies togither they were continuallie feasted, and had pastime shewed them, in hunting and other pleasures, so much as might be. The mariage concluded be­twixt king Henrie & the ladie Anne Cleue. The Palsegraue shortlie after departed homewards and was princelie rewarded, & at that present was the marriage concluded betwixt the king and the ladie Anne, sister vnto duke William of Cleue, [Page 948] & great preparation was made for the receiuing of hir. I. Stow, pag. 1016. ¶ The twelfe of October the nunnerie of Hali­well, & foorthwith the priorie of S. Marie oueries in Southworke, and S. Bartholomews in Smithfield, were suppressed, & all their lands & goods taken to the kings vse. Thomas Huntlow of London for this yeare shiriffe, Thom. Hunt­low his cha­ritie. gaue the habardashers certeine tene­ments, for the which they be bound to giue to ten poore almes people of the same companie, euerie one of them eight pence euerie fridaie for euer: and also at euerie quarter dinner kept by the masters, to be line 10 giuen to euerie one of those ten poore people a penie loafe, a pottell of ale, a péece of beefe worth foure pence in a platter, with porage, and foure pence in monie.]

The fouretéenth of Nouember, Hugh Feringdon abbat of Reding, and two priests, the one called Rug, and the other Onion, attainted of high treason for denieng the supremacie of the king ouer the church of England, were drawne, hanged, and quar­tered at Reding. The same daie was Richard Whi­ting line 20 abbat of Glastenburie likewise hanged and quartered on Towre hill beside his monasterie, for the same matter and other treasons whereof he had beene conuicted. The first of December was Iohn Bech abbat of Colchester put to death for the like offense. Pensioners instituted. In December were appointed to wait on the kings person fiftie gentlemen called pensio­ners, or speares, vnto whome was assigned the sum of fiftie pounds yeerelie a péece, for the maintenance line 30 of themselues and two horsses, or one horsse and a gelding of seruice.

The eleuenth daie of December at the turne pike on this side Graueling, was the ladie Anne of Cleue receiued by the lord deputie of the towne of Calis, and with the speares and horssemen belong­ing to the retinue there. When she came within little more than a mile of the towne of Calis, she was met by the erle of Southampton high admerall of Eng­land, who had in his companie thirtie gentlemen of the kings houshold, as sir Francis Brian, sir Tho­mas line 40 Seimer, and others, beside a great number of gentlemen of his owne retinue clad in blue veluet, and crimsin satin, and his yeomen in damaske of the same colours. The mariners of his ship were appa­relled in satin of Bridges, Ladie Anne of Cleue is receiued into Calis. cotes & slops of the same colour. The lord admerall brought hir into Calis by Lanterne gate. There was such a peale of ordi­nance shot off at hir entrie, as was maruellous to the hearers. The maior presented hir with an hun­dred markes in gold, the merchants of the staple line 50 with an hundred souereignes of gold in a rich purse. She was lodged in the kings place called the Chec­ker, and there she laie fiftéene daies for want of pro­sperous wind.

During which time, goodlie iusts and costlie ban­kets were made to hir, for hir solace and recreation. And on S. Iohns daie in Christmasse, She landeth in Kent. she with fiftie saile tooke passage about noone, and landed at Dele in the Downes about fiue of the clocke, where sir Tho­mas Chenie lord Warden of the ports receiued hir. line 60 She taried there a certeine space in a castell newlie built, and thither came the duke of Suffolke, and the dutches of Suffolke, and the bishop of Chichester with a great number of knights and esquiers, and ladies of Kent and other, which welcomed hir grace, and brought hir that night vnto Douer castell, where she rested till mondaie, on which daie (notwithstand­ing it was verie foule and stormie weather) she pas­sed towards Canturburie, and on Baram downe met hir the archbishop of Canturburie, with the bi­shops of Elie, S. Asse, S. Dauies, and Douer, and so brought hir to S. Augustins without Canturburie, where she laie that night. The next daie she came to Sittingburne, and laie there that night. As she pas­sed towards Rochester on Newyeares euen, on Reinam downe met hir the duke of Norffolke, and the lord Dacres of the south, and the lord Montioie, with a great companie of knights and esquiers of Norffolke and Suffolke, with the barons of the es­cheker which brought hir to Rochester, where the laie in the palace all Newyeares daie. On which daie, the king (longing to sée hir) accompanied with no more but eight persons of his priuie chamber, year 1540 both he and they all apparelled in marble cotes, The king commeth to see hir at Ro­chester. priuilie comming to Rochester, suddenlie came to hir pre­sence, wherof at the first she was somewhat astonied, but after he had spoken to hir and welcomed hir, she with louing countenance and gratious behauiour him receiued, and welcomed him on hir knées, whom he gentlie tooke vp and kissed, and all that after noone communed and deuised with hir, supped that night with hir, and the next daie he departed to Gréene­wich, and she came forward to Dartford.

On the morrow the third daie of Ianuarie being saturdaie, in a faire plaine of Blackeheath, more neere to the foot of Shooters hill, than the ascendent of the same, called Blackheath hill, was pitched a paui­lion of rich cloth of gold, and diuerse other tents and pauilions, in which were made fiers and perfumes for hir and such ladies as were appointed to receiue hir: The order of receiuing hir on Blacke­heath. and from the tents to the parke gate of Greene­wich, all the bushes and fixs were cut downe, and a large open waie made for the shew of all persons. And first next to the parke pale on the east side stood the merchants of the stilliard, and on the west side stood the merchants of Genoa, Florence and Uenice, and the Spaniards in cotes of veluet. Then on both sides the waie stood the merchants of the citie of Lon­don, and the aldermen, with the councellors of the said citie, to the number of a hundred and thréescore which were mingled with the esquiers; then the fiftie gentlemen pensioners: and all these were apparel­led in veluet and chaines of gold, trulie accounted to the number of twelue hundred & aboue, beside them that came with the king and hir, which were six hun­dred in veluet cotes and chaines of gold. Behind the gentlemen stood the seruingmen in good order well horssed and apparelled, that who so euer had well viewed them, might haue said, that they for tall and comelie personages, and cleane of lim and bodie, were able to giue the greatest prince in christendome a mortall breakefast, if he had béene the kings eni­mie.

About twelue of the clocke, hir grace with all the companie which were of hir owne nation, to the number of an hundred horsse, accompanied with the dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke, the archbishop of Canturburie, and other bishops, lords, and knights, which had receiued and conueied hir, came downe Shooters hill towards the tents, and a good space from the tents met hir the earle of Rutland appoin­ted lord chamberlaine to hir grace, sir Thomas De­nise hir chancellor, and all hir councellors and offi­cers, amongst whome doctor Daie (appointed to be hir almoner) made to hir an eloquent oration in La­tine, presenting to hir on the kings behalfe all the of­ficers and seruants: which oration was answered vnto by the duke hir brothers secretarie, there being present: which doone the ladie Margaret Dowglas, The ladies that receiued hir on Black­heath. daughter to the quéene of Scots, the ladie mar­quesse Dorsset, daughter to the French quéene, be­ing néeces to the king, and the dutches of Ritchmond the countesses of Rutland and Hereford, with diuers other ladies and gentlewomen, to the number of threescore and fiue, saluted and welcomed hir grace, who alighted out of hir chariot in the which she had rid all hir long iourneie, and with courteous demeanor [Page 949] & louing countenance, gaue to them hartie thanks, and kissed them all, and after all hir councellors and officers kissed hir hand: which doone, she with all the ladies entered the tents, and there warmed them a space.

When the king knew that she was arriued in hir tent, he with all diligence set out through the parke. And first issued the kings trumpets, then the kings officers sworne of his councell, next after came the gentlemen of his priuie chamber, after them follo­wed line 10 barons, the yoongest first, and sir William Hol­lis lord maior of London rode with the lord Par that was the yoongest baron. Then followed the bi­shops, and immediatlie after them the earles, and then the duke of Bauiere, and countie Palatine of the Rhine, with the liuerie of the Toison or golden fléece about his necke.

Then came the ambassadours of the French king and emperour, next to whome followed the lord pri­uie seale lord Cromwell, and the lord chancellour, line 20 then Garter king at armes, and the other officers and sargeants of armes gaue their attendance on each side the lord. The lord marquesse Dorset bare the sword of estate, and after him a good distance follow­ed the kings highnesse, The kings maiestie on horssebacke. mounted on a goodlie cour­ser. To speake of the rich and gorgeous apparell that was there to be séene that daie, I haue thought it not greatlie necessarie, sith each man may well thinke it was right sumptuous, and as the time then serued, verie faire and costlie, as they that are desi­rous line 30 to vnderstand the same may read in maister Halles chronicle more at large, which in this part I haue thought good to abridge.

Who followed the king.After the king followed the lord chamberleine, then came sir Anthonie Browne maister of his horsses, a goodlie gentleman, and of personage verie séemelie, richlie mounted, & leading the kings horsse of estate by a long reine of gold. Then followed his pages of honour riding on great coursers, and last­lie followed sir Anthonie Wingfield capteine of the line 40 gard, and then the gard well horssed, and in their rich cotes. In this order rode the king till he came to the last end of the ranke of the pensioners, & there e­uerie person that came with him placed himselfe on the one side or the other, the king standing in the middest.

When hir grace vnderstood that the king was come, she came foorth of hir tent, and at the doore ther­of, being set on a faire and beautifull horsse richlie trapped, she rode foorth towards the king, who percei­uing line 50 hir to approch, came forward somewhat beyond the crosse on Blackheath, and there staied till she came néerer, & then putting off his cap, he made for­ward to hir, and with most louing countenance and princelie behauiour saluted, The méeting of the king & the ladie Anne of Cleue on Blackeheath. welcomed, and imbra­ced hir, to the great reioising of the beholders: and she likewise not forgetting hir dutie, with most ami­able aspect and womanlie behauiour receiued him with manie apt words and thanks, as was most to purpose. Whilest they were thus talking togither, the line 60 fiftie pensioners with the gard departed to furnish the hall at Gréenewich. After the king had talked with hir a small while, he put hir on his right hand, and so with their footmen they rode togither, and with their companies being thus met, returned in this manner through the rankes of the knights and esquiers (which stood still all this while and remooued not.)

The kings trumpets and the ladie Anne of Cléeues.First hir trumpets set forward being twelue in number, beside two ketledrums on horssebacke; then followed the kings trumpeters, then the kings coun­cellors, then the gentlemen of the priuie chamber, af­ter them the gentlemen of hir graces countrie in [...]otes of veluet, and all on great horsses. Then the maior of London with the yoongest baron, then all the barons: next them the bishops, then the earles, with whom rode the earles of Ouerstein and Wal­dec hir countrimen, then the dukes of Norffolke and Suffolke, and the archbishop of Canturburie, and duke Philip of Bauier: next followed the ambassa­dors, then the lord priuie seale, and the lord chancellor, then the lord marquesse Dorset that bare the sword: next followed the king himselfe equallie riding with the ladie Anne, The king and the ladie Anne ride togither. and behind him rode sir Anthonie Browne with the kings horsse of estate, as yée haue heard, and behind him rode sir Iohn Dudleie mai­ster of hir horsses, leading hir spare horsse trapped in rich tissue downe to the ground; after them followed henxmen and pages of honor.

Then followed the ladie Margaret Dowglas, the ladie marquesse Dorset, the dutches of Richmond and Suffolke, the countesses of Rutland and Hert­ford, and other countesses. Hir chariot wherein she rode all hir iourneie. Then came hir chariot in which she had rid all hir iournie, well carued and gilt with the armes of hir countrie curiouslie wrought & couered with cloth of gold, all the horsses were trap­ped with blacke veluet, and on them rode pages of honor, in which chariot rode two ancient ladies of hir countrie: next after the chariot, followed six ladies and gentlewomen of hir countrie verie beautifull and richlie apparelled, and with them rode six ladies of England. Then followed an other chariot, gilt and furnished, then ten English ladies, and next them an other chariot couered with blacke cloth, and therein rode foure gentlewomen that were hir chamberers. Then followed all the remnant of the ladies, gentlewomen and damosels in great num­ber: and last of all came an other chariot all blacke, with thrée launders apperteining to hir grace; next after followed an horslitter of cloth of gold and crim­sin veluet vpon veluet paled, with horsses trapt ac­cordinglie, which the king had sent to hir. Then fol­lowed the seruingmen of hir traine, all clothed in blacke, mounted on great horsses, euerie one in due place and decent order, so that it was verie mag­nificall and more than princelie brauerie that then was exhibited to the beholders eies, as the poet saith: ‘Cernitur hîc plusquam regia pompa comes.’

In this order they rode through the rankes and through the parke, till they came at the late friers wall, where all men alighted except the king, the two maisters of the horsse, and the henxmen, which rode to the hall doore, & the ladies rode to the court gate, & as they passed, they might behold on the wharfe, how the citizens of London were rowing vp and downe on the Thames right before them, euerie craft with his barge garnished with banners, flags, streamers, pencels, and targets, painted and beaten with the kings armes, some with hir armes, and some with the armes of their craft and mysterie.

There was also a barge called the bachellors barke, richlie decked, on the which waited a foist that shot great peeces of artillerie, and in euerie barge was great store of instruments of diuerse sorts, and men and children singing and plaieng altogither, as the king and the ladie Anne passed by on the wharfe. When the king and she were within the vtter court, The king welcommeth hir to Green­wich. they alighted from their horsses, and the king louing­lie imbraced hir, kissed hir, & had hir welcome to hir owne, leading hir by the left arme through the hall, which was furnished beneath the harth with the gard and aboue the harth with the fiftie pensioners, with their battell axes; and so the king brought hir vp to hir priuie chamber, where he left hir for that time. Assoone as the king and she were entered the court, a great peale of artillerie was shot off from the tower of Gréenwich, and there about.

When the kings companie and hirs were once [Page 950] come within the parke (as before yée haue heard) then all the horssemen on Blackeheath brake their araie, and had licence to depart to London or otherwhere to their lodgings.

The mariage is solemnized betwixt king Henrie & the ladie Anne of Cleue.On the tuesdaie following, being the daie of the Epiphanie, the mariage was solemnized betwixt the king and the said ladie. She was fetched from hir chamber by the lords, so that she going betwéene the earle of Ouersteine, and the grand master Hoscon­der, which had the conduct and order to sée the mari­age performed, she passed through the kings chamber line 10 & all the lords before hir, till shée came into the galle­rie, where the king was readie, staieng for hir, to whom she made thrée low obeisances and courtesies. Then the archbishop of Canturburie receiued them, and married them togither, and the earle of Ouer­steine did giue hir. When the mariage was celebrate they went hand in hand into the kings closet, and there hearing masse, offered their tapers, and after Masse was ended, they had wine and spices. And line 20 that doone, the king departed to his chamber, and all the ladies waited on hir to hir chamber, the duke of Norffolke going on hir right hand, and the duke of Suffolke on hir left.

After nine of the clocke, the king hauing shifted his apparell, came to his closet, & she likewise in hir haire, & in the same apparell she was married in she came to hir closet with hir sargeant at armes, & all hir officers before hir like a quéene, & so the king and she went openlie in procession, and offered and dined line 30 togither. After they had supped togither, there were bankets and maskes, and diuerse disports shewed, till time came, that it pleased the king and hir to take rest. On the sundaie after were kept solemne iusts, Iusts and tornements. which greatlie contented the strangers. This daie she was apparelled after the English manner, with a French hood, which became hir excéeding well. When the earle of Ouersteine and the other lords and ladies which had giuen their attendance on hir grace all that iourneie, had béene highlie feasted line 40 and interteined of the king and other of the nobles, they tooke leaue, and had great gifts giuen to them, both in monie and plate, and so returned toward their countrie, leauing behind them the erle of Wal­decke, and diuerse gentlemen and damosels to re­maine with hir, till she were better acquainted in the realme.

The fourth of Februarie, the king and she remoo­ued to Westminster by water, The king and the ladie Anne remooue to Westminster. on whome the lord maior & his brethren, with twelue of the chéefe com­panies line 50 of the citie, all in barges gorgeouslie garni­shed with baners, penons, and targets, richlie coue­red, and furnished with instruments, sweetlie soun­ding, gaue their attendance: and by the waie, all the ships shot off, and likewise from the tower, a great peale of ordinance went off iustilie. The duke of Norffolke ambassador into France. The twelfe of Februarie, the duke of Norffolke was sent in am­bassage to the French king, of whome he was well interteined, and in the end of the same moneth he re­turned againe into England. line 60

S. Marie O­ueries made a parish church.After Christmas, the priorie church of S. Marie O­ueris in Southworke was purchased of the king by the inhabitants of the Borow, D. Gardener bishop of Winchester putting to his helping hand: they made thereof a parish church, and the little church of Marie Magdalen ioining to the same priorie, was made all one church, and saint Margarets in South­worke a parish, Iohn Stow. Erle of Essex deceassed. was admitted to the same parish. ¶The twelfe of March, Henrie Bourcher erle of Es­sex riding a yoong horsse, was cast, & brake his necke, at his manour in Essex: he was the eldest earle in England. The nintéenth of March, Iohn Uere erle of Oxford, Earle of Ox­ford deceassed. high chamberleine of England, deceassed at his manour in Essex. The tenth of Aprill, sir Willi­am Peterson priest, late commissarie of Calis, Priests at Calis exe­cuted. and sir William Richardson priest of S. Maries in Ca­lis, were both there drawne, hanged, and quartered in the market place for denieng obstinatelie the kings supremacie.]

The third sundaie in Lent, one doctor Barnes pre­ched at Paules crosse, D. Barnes. and in his sermon inueighed against the bishop of Winchester, for doctrine by him preached in the same place, the first sundaie of that Lent, intreating of iustification. Among other taunts that Barnes vttered against the bishop, this was one, that if he & the bishop were both at Rome, he knew that great sums of monie would not saue his life, where but for the bishop, there was no great feare, but small intreatance would serue. The bishop offended herewith, complained of Barnes to the K. and had him examined, & at length by the kings com­mandement he came to the bishops house, where the matter was so handled at this time, that Barnes with two other preachers, the one named Hierome, and the other Garret (of whom hereafter more shall be said) were appointed to preach at S. Marie spittle by London in the Ester wéeke. In that sermon which Barnes made before all the people, he asked the bi­shop forgiuenesse, for speaking so vnreuerentlie of him in his former sermon, and required the bishop (if he did forgiue him) in token thereof to hold vp his hand, which like as it was long before he did, so (as manie thought afterward) it was but a frigned forgiuenesse.

The twelfe of Aprill began a parlement, Sir Iohn Shelton, sir Nicholas Hare, sir Humfreie Browne fraudulent lawiers pu­nished. and sir Nicholas Hare was restored to the office of speaker, who togither with sir Humfreie Browne knight, and William Connesbie esquier, the three and twentith of Februarie last past, had bincalled before the lords into the Starchamber, for being of counsell with sir Iohn Shelton knight, in making a fraudulent will of his lands, to the hinderance of the kings preroga­tiue, and contrarie to the statute of Anno 27, for the which offense they were all at that time dismissed of their offices and seruices to the king, and the two knights were immediatlie sent to the tower, and three daies after Connesbie was committed thither also. They remained there in ward about ten daies, and were then deliuered. Sir Humfreie Browne was the kings sargeant at law, sir Nicholas Hare was one of the kings councellors, and speaker of the parlement, who being then depriued, was now a­gaine thereto restored. William Connesbie was attorneie of the dutchie of Lancaster. In this parle­ment, were freelie granted without contradictions, foure fiftéenes and a subsidie of two shillings of lands, and twelue pence of goods, toward the kings great charges of making B [...]lworkes.

The eighteenth of Aprill at Westminster was Thomas lord Cromwell created earle of Essex, Aduanc [...]ment of Thomas Cromwell. and ordeined great chamberleine of England, which of­fice the earles of Oxford were woont euer to enioie; also Gregorie his sonne was made lord Cromwell. The foure and twentith of Aprill, Thomas lord Audleie, & chancellor of England, with sir Anthonie Browne, maister of the kings horsses, were made knights of the night honourable order of the garter. On Maie daie, was a great triumph of iusting at Westminster, which iusts had beene proclaimed in France, Flanders, Scotland, and Spaine, for all commers that would, against the challengers of England; which were, sir Iohn Dudleie, sir Thomas Seimer, sir Thomas Poinings, sir George Carew knights, Anthonie Kingston, and Richard Crom­well esquiers, which said challengers came into the lists that daie richlie apparelled, and their horsses trapped all in white veluet, with certeine knights and gentlemen riding afore them, apparelled all in white [Page 951] veluet, and white sarsenet, and all their seruants in white dublets, and hozen cut after the Burgonion fashion: and there came to iust against them the said daie, of defendants fortie six, the earle of Surrie be­ing the formost, lord William Howard, lord Clin­ton, and lord Cromwell, sonne and heire to Thomas Cromwell earle of Essex, and chamberleine of Eng­land, with other, which were richlie apparelled.

And that day, sir Iohn Dudleie was ouerthrowne in the field, Sir Iohn Dudleie o­uerthrowne. by mischance of his horsse, by one master line 10 Breme defendant, neuerthelesse he brake diuerse speares valiantlie after that. And after the said iusts were doone, the said challengers rode to Durham place, where they kept open houshold, and feasted the king and quéene, with hir ladies, and all the court. The second of Maie, Anthonie Kingston & Richard Cromwell were made knights at the said place. The third of Maie, [...]rnieng. the said challengers did tournie on horssebacke with swords, & against them came nine and twentie defendants; sir Iohn Dudleie, and the line 20 earle of Surrie running first, who in the first course lost both their gantlets: and that daie, sir Richard Cromwell ouerthrew master Palmer in the field off his horsse, to the great honor of the challengers. On the fift of Maie, B [...]rri [...]rs. the said challengers fought on foot at the barriers, and against them came thirtie de­fendants, which fought valiantlie: but sir Richard Cromwell ouerthrew that daie at the barriers ma­ster Culpeper in the field.

The said challengers brake vp their houshold, af­ter line 30 they had kept open hospitalitie, and feasted the king, quéene, and all the lords, beside all the knights and burgesses of the common house in time of the parlement, and the maior, aldermen, and all their wiues to their no small honor, though great expense. In the parlement which began the eightéenth of A­prill last past, the religion of saint Iohns in Eng­land, commonlie called the order of knights of the Rhodes, The order of the Rhodes dissolued. was dissolued; & on the ascension day, being the fift of Maie, sir William Weston knight, prior line 40 of saint Iohns departed this life for thought (as was reported) which he tooke to the heart, after he heard of that dissolution of his order. I S. pag 1019. Saint Iohns in Smithfield suppressed. ¶For the king tooke all the lands that belonged to that order into his hands, to the augmentation of his crowne, and gaue vnto euerie of the challengers aboue written for a re­ward of their valiantnesse, a hundred marks, and a house to dwell in of yearelie reuenues out of the said lands for euer.]

The same moneth were sent to the Tower doctor line 50 Samson, The bishop of Chichester, & doctor Wilson committed to the Tower. bishop of Chichester, and doctor Wilson, for reléeuing certeine traitorous persons: and for the same offense was one Richard Farmer, a grocer of London, a rich and welthie man, and of good estimati­on in the citie, committed to the Marshalseie, & after at Westminster hall arreigned, and atteinted in the premunire; so that he lost all his goods. ¶The ninth daie of Iulie, Abr. Fle. ex. Ed. Hal. Ccxlij. The lord Cromwell committed to the Tower. Thomas lord Cromwell, late made earle of Essex (as before you haue heard) being in the councell chamber, was suddenlie apprehended & com­mitted line 60 to the Tower of London: the which manie la­mented, but more reioised, and speciallie such as ei­ther had béene religious men, or fauoured religious persons, for they banketed & triumphed togither that night, manie wishing that that daie had béene seuen yeares before; & some fearing that he should escape, although he were imprisoned, could not be merie.

Other who knew nothing but truth by him, both lamented him, and heartilie praied for him. But this is true, that of certeine of the cleargie he was dete­stablie hated, and speciallie such as had borne swinge and by his meanes were put from it: for in déed he was a man that in all his dooings seemed not to fa­uor anie kind of poperie, nor could not abide the snuffing pride of some prelats, which vndoubtedlie (whatsoeuer else was the cause of his death) did shor­ten his life, and procured the end that he was brought vnto: which was, that the ninteenth daie of the said moneth he was atteinted by parlement, and neuer came to his answer: which law manie reported that he caused first to be made, howbeit the plaine truth thereof I know not. The articles for which he died appeare in the records, where his attaindor is writ­ten, which are too long here to be rehearsed; but to con­clude he was there atteinted of heresie and high trea­son, and the eight & twentith of Iulie was brought to the scaffold on the Tower hill, where he said these words following.

The words of the lord Cromwell spo­ken at his death.

I Am come hither to die, and not to purge my selfe, as may happen some thinke that I will, for if I should so doo, I were a verie wretch and a miser. I am by the law con­demned to die, and thanke my Lord God, that hath appointed me this death for mine offense. For since the time that I came to yeares of discretion I haue liued a sinner, and offended my Lord God, for the which I aske him hartilie forgiuenesse. And it is not vnknowne to manie of you, that I haue beene a great traueller in the world, and being but of a base degree, was called to high estate. And since the time I came therevnto, I haue offended my prince, for the which I aske him hartilie forgiuenesse, and beseech you all to praie to God with me, that he will forgiue me. O Father forgiue me, O Sonne forgiue me, O Holie ghost forgiue me, O three persons and one God forgiue me. And now I praie you that be here, to beare me record, I die in the catholike faith, not doubting in anie article of my faith, no nor doubting in anie sacrament of the church. Manie haue slan­dered me, and reported that I haue beene a bearer of such as haue mainteined euill o­pinions, which is vntrue: but I confesse, that like as God by his holie spirit dooth instruct vs in the truth, so the diuell is rea­die to seduce vs, and I haue beene seduced: but beare me witnesse, that I die in the ca­tholike faith of the holie church, and I har­tilie desire you to praie for the kings grace, that he may long liue with you in health and prosperitie, & after him that his sonne prince Edward, that goodlie impe may long reigne ouer you. And once againe I desire you to praie for me, that so long as life remaineth in this flesh, I wauer no­thing in my faith.

Then made he his praier, which was long, but not so long as godlie and learned, Sée Iohn Fox in the Acts & Monuments. and after com­mitted his soule to the hands of God, and so patient­lie suffered the stroke of the ax, by a ragged and but­cherlie miser, which ill fauouredlie performed the office. This man being borne in Putneie, a village in Surreie by the Thames side, A description of the birth of Thomas Cromwell and other cir­cumstances. foure miles distant from London, was sonne to a Smith, after whose deceasse, his mother was married to a Shereman. But notwithstanding the basenesse of his birth and [Page 952] lacke of maintenance was at the beginning (as it happeneth to manie others) a great let and hinde­rance for vertue to shew hir selfe: yet through a sin­gular excellencie of wit, ioined with an industrious diligence of mind, and helpe of knowledge, gathered by painefull trauell, and marking the courses of states and gouernements as well of his natiue countrie at home, as in forren parties abrode, he grew to such a sufficient ripenesse of vnderstanding and skill, in ordering of weightie affaires, that he line 10 was thought apt and fit for anie roome or office wher­to he should be admitted.

Which being perceiued of cardinall Wolseie, then archbishop of Yorke, he tooke him into his ser­uice, and making him his solicitor, imploied him about businesse oftentimes of most importance, wherein he acquited himselfe with such dexteritie, as answered alwaies the credit committed to him. Af­ter the cardinals fall; Thomas Cromwell in most au­thoritie vnder the king. he was aduanced to the kings seruice, behauing himselfe so aduisedlie in matters line 20 which he tooke in hand, that within a small time he rose to high authoritie, and was admitted to be of the priuie councell, bearing most rule of all other vnder the king, as partlie ye haue heard: so that by him it well appeared, that the excellencie of heroicall ver­tues, which aduance men to fame and honor, resteth not onelie in birth and bloud, as a priuilege appro­priate and alonelie annexed vnto noble houses, but remaineth at the disposition of almightie God the gi­uer & disposer of all gifts, who raiseth the poore manie line 30 times from the basest degrée, and setteth him vp with princes, according to the saieng of Ecclesiastes:

Qui iacuit tetro quandóque in carcere vinctus,
Parta suis meritis regia sceptra tulit.

Neuerthelesse, concerning the lord Cromwell earle of Essex, if we shall consider his comming vp to such high degree of honor as he atteined vnto, we maie doubt whether there be cause more to maruell at his good fortune, or at his woorthie and industrious demeanor. Iohn Fox in the Acts and Monuments. But sith in the booke of Acts and Monu­ments line 40 ye maie find a sufficient discourse hereof, we néed not to spend more time about it, saue onelie as master Fox hath trulie noted, such was his actiuitie and forward ripenesse of nature, so readie and preg­nant of wit, so discreet and well aduised in iudge­ment, so eloquent of toong, so faithfull and diligent in seruice, of such an incomparable memorie, so bold of stomach and hardie, and could doo so well with his pen, that being conuersant in the sight of men, he could not long continue vnespied, nor yet vnproui­ded line 50 of fauor and helpe of friends, to set him forward in place and office.

Thankefull he was and liberall, not forgetting be­nefits receiued, as by his great courtesie shewed to Friscobald the Italian it well appeared: Friscobald an Italian, sée Iohn Fox in the Acts and Monuments. a fauourer of the poore in their sutes, and readie to reléeue them that were in danger to be oppressed by their mightie aduersaries: a fauorer of the gospell, and an enimie to the pride of prelates, verie stout, and not able well to put vp iniuries, which wan him shrewd enimies line 60 that ceassed not (as was thought) to séeke his [...]uer­throw, till at length they had brought to passe that they wished. Carefull he was for his seruants, and readie to doo them good, so that fearing the thing which came to passe, he prouided well for the more part of them, notwithstanding his fall. And thus much for the lord Cromwell. The morrow after Midsummer daie, the king caused the queene to remooue to Rich­mont, supposing it to be more for hir health, and more for hir pleasure.

The mariage betwixt the king and the ladie Anne of Cleue adiud­ged vnlawful.The sixt of Iulie, certeine lords came downe in­to the nether house, & expresselie declared causes, for the which the kings marriage was not to be taken lawfull: & in conclusion, the matter was by the con­nocation cléerelie determined, that the king might lawfullie marrie where he would, and so might she. And thus were they cléerelie diuorsed, and by the par­lement it was enacted, that she should be taken no more for queene, but called the ladie Anne of Cleue▪ In this yeare, the lord Leonard Greie, The lord L [...]onard Gr [...] committed the Tower. The prince [...] Salerne. brother vnto Thomas marquesse Dorset, being the kings lieute­nant in Ireland, was reuoked home, and vpon his comming to London was sent to the Tower. In Iulie the prince of Salerne, and the lord Lois Da­uola came into England to sée the king, & after they were departed, don Frederike, marquesse of Padu­la, brother to the duke of Ferrara, the prince of Ma­cedonie, the marquesse of Terra Noua, & monsieur de Flagie, with other, came from the emperors court into England to sée the king, the which on Marie Magdalens daie came to the court at Westmin­ster, and after they had béene highlie feasted, and no­blie interteined, they were richlie rewarded as the other, and so departed.

The eight and twentith of Iulie (as you haue heard before) the lord Cromwell was beheaded, and likewisewith him the lord Hungerford of Heitesbu­rie, who at the houre of his death séemed vnquiet, The lord Hungerford executed for buggerie. as manie iudged him rather in a frensie than otherwise: he suffered for buggerie. The thirteenth of Iulie were drawne on hurdels from the Tower to Smithfield, Execution of Barnes and others. Robert Barns doctor of diuinitie, Thomas Garard, and William Ierom bachellors in diuinitie: Ierom was vicar of Stepnie, and Garard was person of Honie [...]ane: also Powell Fetherston, and Abell priests. The first thrée were drawne to a stake, there before set vp, and then burned. The other three were drawne to the gallowes, and hanged, beheaded and quartered. The thrée first (as is found in their attein­dor) were executed for diuerse heresies, but none al­ledged, whereat (saith Hall) I haue much maruelled, that their heresies were so manie, and not one al­ledged as a speciall cause of their death. And verelie at their deaths they asked the shiriffs what was their offense for which they were condemned? Who answe­red, they could not tell: but most men said it was for preaching against the doctrine of Stephan Gar­diner bishop of Winchester, who chieflie (as the same Hall saith) procured their deaths. The last thrée, to wit, Powell, Fetherston, and Abell, suffered for trea­son, as in their atteindor was speciall mention made, to wit, for denieng the kings supremacie, and affirming his mariage with the ladie Katharin Do­wager to be good.

The fourth of August, Thomas Empson [...] obstinate moonke. Thomas Empson some­time a moonke of Westminster, which had béene in prison for treason in Newgate now for the space of thrée yeares and more, came before the iustices of gaole deliuerie at Newgate, and for that he would not aske the kings pardon, nor be sworne to be true to him, his moonks garment was plucked from his backe, and he repriued, till the king were informed of his malicious obstinacie: and this was the last moonke that was séene in his clothing in England till queene Maries daies. The fourth of August were drawne from the Tower of London to Tiburne, Execution [...] treason. Giles Heron gentleman, Clement Philpot gentle­man, late of Calis, and seruant to the lord Lisle, Darbie Genning, Edmund Brindholme priest, chapleine to the said lord Lisle, William Horne late a laie brother of the Charterhouse of London, and an other offendor: which six persons were there han­ged and quartered, and had béene atteinted of trea­son by parlement. The same daie also was one Charles Carew gentleman hanged for robbing of the ladie Carew.

The eight of August was the ladie Katharine Howard néece to the duke of Norffolke, and daugh­ter [Page 953] to the lord Edmund Howard shewed openlie as quéene at Hampton court. P [...]lots cause [...] mur­ [...]rs. The eleuenth of Sep­tember a stranger was hanged in Moorefield, na­med Iames Rinatian, who had slaine his maister, one Capon a Florentine in a garden, for his harlot. In the latter end of this summer, was vniuersallie through the most parts of this realme great death by a strange kind of hot agues and fluxes, [...] death and [...] [...]ought. I. [...]. and some pestilence, in which season was such a drought, that wels and small riuers were cleane dried vp, so that line 10 much cattell died for lacke of water, and the Thames was so shalow, & the fresh water of so small strength that the salt water flowed aboue London bridge, till the raine had increased the fresh waters.

On the two and twentith of September, Rafe Egerton, seruant to the lord Audleie, lord chancel­lor, and one Thomas Harman seruant to one master Flightwood, were drawne, hanged, and quartered, the one for counterfeiting and antidating of the kings seale in a sign [...]t, wherewith he sealed licen­ces for deuizens, vnder the name of the clearkes of line 20 the chancerie: and the other, that is to saie Harman, for writing them. One Tuckefield, being of their faction, robbed the lord Audleies chappell and fled, who being afterward apprehended at Calis, which towne he would haue betraied, he slue himselfe with a dagger. In the end of this yeare, the French king made a strong castell at Ard, A Castell built [...] Ard. and also a bridge ouer into the English pale, which bridge the crew of Calis did beat downe, and the Frenchmen built it vp a­gaine, but the Englshmen beat it downe againe. line 30 After this, the K. sent about fiftéene hundred worke­men to fortifie the towne of Guisnes, Guisnes fortified. and sent with them fiue hundred men of warre to gard them.

It was reported in France, that a mightie ar­mie was come ouer foorth of England with great ordinance: which brute caused the French king to send to the frontiers of Picardie the duke of Uan­dosme, and other capteins with all spéed to defend the same. The king of England hearing thereof, sent line 40 the earles of Surrie, and Southampton, and the lord Russell, The earles of Surrie and Southamton sent to Calis. high admerall into the marches of Calis, to set order there, and after them he likewise sent two hundred light horssemen of the borders of Scotland, whom the Frenchmen called Stradiots. The lords hauing set order in things, shortlie returned. A boie, oneRichard Mekins, not past fiftéene yeares of age, was burnt in Smithfield, Richard Me­kins burnt. Sée Iohn Fox in the Acts & Monuments. for speaking against the sacrament, and contrarie to the statute of the six ar­ticles. The bishop of London was thought in great line 50 fault, for procuring that terrible execution, seeing the yoong fellow was but an ignorant foole without learning, and gladlie recanted that wherewith he was charged.

About the latter end of this yeare, doctor Sam­son bishop of Chichester, year 1541 and doctor Wilson, which had béene committed to the tower (as before ye haue heard) were now pardoned of the king, and set a­gaine at libertie. In the beginning of this yeare, fiue priests in Yorkeshire began a new rebellion, line 60 with the assent of one Leigh, Anno Reg. 33. A new rebel­lion practised in Yorkshire. a gentleman, and nine temporall men, all which persons were apprehended, and in diuers places put to execution. The said Leigh and two other, the one named Taterfall a clothier, & the other Thornton a yeoman, on the seuentéenth of Maie, were drawne through London to Tiburne, and there executed. And sir Iohn Neuill knight, and ten other persons, Sir Iohn Neuill exe­cuted. The countesse of Salisburie beheaded. Execution of two of the gard. died for the same cause at Yorke. The same daie, Margaret countesse of Salisburie, that had remained a long time prisoner in the tower, was beheaded there within the tower. She was the last of the right line and name of Plantagenet. The ninth of Iune for example sake, two of the kings gard, the one named Damport, and the other Chap­man, were hanged at Greenwich by the friers wall, for robberies which they had committed.

¶ On the tenth of Iune, Abr. Fl. ex I.S▪ pag. 1020. Sir Edmund Kneuet ar­reigned for striking in the court. sir Edmund Kneuet knight, of Norffolke, was arreigned before the kings iustices (sitting in the great hall at Gréene­wich) maister Gage, comptrollor of the kings house­hold, maister Southwell, sir Anthonie Browne, sir Anthonie Winke [...]ield, maister Wrisleie, and Ed­mund Peckham, cofferer of the kings houshold, for striking of one maister Clers of Norffolke, seruant with the earle of Surrie, within the kings house in the tenis court. There was first chosen to go vpon the said Edmund, a quest of gentlemen, The order of euerie officer about that execution. and a quest of yeomen, to inquire of the said stripe, by the which in­quests he was found giltie, and had iudgement to lose his right hand. Wherevpon was called to doo the execution, first the sergeant surgion with his in­struments apperteining to his office: the sergeant of the woodyard with the mallet, and a blocke where­vpon the hand should lie: the maister cooke for the king, with the knife: the sergeant of the larder, to set the knife right on the ioint: the sergeant ferrer, with the searing irons to seare the veines: the sergeant of the poultrie, with a cocke, which cocke should haue his head smitten off vpon the same blocke, and with the same knife: the yeoman of the chandrie, with seare cloths: the yeoman of the skullerie, with a pan of fire to heate the irons, a chafer of water to coole the ends of the irons, and two formes for all officers to set their stuffe on: the sergeant of the cellar, with wine, ale, and béere: the yeoman of the yewrie in the sergeants stead, who was absent, with bason, ewre, and towels.

Thus euerie man in his office readie to doo the execution, Iudgement vpon Kneuet to lose his hand. there was called foorth sir William Pic­kering knight marshall, to bring in the said Ed­mund Kneuet; and when he was brought to the bar, the chiefe iustice declared to him his trespasse, and the said Kneuet confessing himselfe to be giltie, humblie submitted him to the kings mercie: for this offense he was not onelie iudged to lose his hand, but also his bodie to remaine in prison, and his lands and goods at the kings pleasure. Then the said sir Ed­mund Kneuet desired that the king of his benigne grace would pardon him of his right hand, He is par­doned. and take the left, for (quoth he) if my right hand be spared, I maie hereafter doo such good seruice to his grace, as shall please him to appoint. Of this submission and request the iustices foorthwith informed the king, who of his goodnesse, considering the gentle heart of the said Edmund, and the good report of the lords, gran­ted him his pardon, that he should lose neither hand, lands, nor goods, but should go frée at libertie.]

The lord Leonard Greie being indicted of cer­teine points of treason by him committed, as was alledged against him, during the season that he was the kings lieutenant in Ireland, to wit, for deliue­ring his nephew Girald Fitzgerard brother vnto Thomas Fitzgerard before executed, and also for that he caused certeine Irishmen to inuade the lands of the kings friends, whome he fauoured not: on the fiue and twentith of Iune he was arreigned at Westminster in the kings bench, and appointed to be tried by knights, because he was a lord by name, and no lord of the parlement; but he discharged the iurie, and confessed the indictement, wherevpon he had iudgement, and on the eight and twentith of Iune being saint Peters euen, he was beheaded at tower hill, The lord Le­onard Greie beheaded. where he ended his life verie quietlie and godlie.

This noble man as he was come of high linage, so was he a right valiant and hardie personage, ha­uing in his time doone his prince and countrie good seruice, both in Ireland, France, and other pla­ces, [Page 954] greatlie to his commendation, although now his hap was thus to loose his head, as conuicted by law, and his renowme (ouercast with a cloud of dis­grace) vanished, as future chances befell, to the abo­lishing of the present honor which sometime he in­ioied. Howbeit, his estimation he might haue pre­serued vnblemished, had prouident circumspecti­on vndertaken the direction of his dooings, and that he had borne his eies in his forehead, to foresee all af­terclaps, which a wise man will in no case neglect: line 10

Nam sapiens in fronte oculos habet, omnia spectans,
Omnia prudenti cum ratione videns.

The same daie that he suffered, there was execu­ted at saint Thomas Waterings thrée gentlemen, Iohn Mantell, Iohn Frowds, and george Roidon: they died for a murther committed in Sussex (as their indictement imported) in companie of Thomas Fines lord Dacres of the south. The true re­port of the cause where­vpon the mur­ther of Iohn Busbrig in­sued. The truth whereof was thus. The said lord Dacres, through the lewd persuasion of some of them, as hath béene reported, line 20 meaning to hunt in the parke of Nicholas Pelham esquire at Laughton, in the same countie of Sussex, being accompanied with the said Mantell, Frowds, and Roidon, Iohn Cheinie and Thomas Isleie gen­tlemen, Richard Middleton and Iohn Goldwell yeo­men, passed from his house of Hurstmonseux, the last of Aprill in the night season, toward the same parke, where they intended so to hunt; and comming vnto a place called Pikehaie in the parish of Hil­lingleie, they found one Iohn Busbrig, Iames Bus­brig, and Richard Sumner standing togither; and line 30 as it fell out through quarelling, there insued a fraie betwixt the said lord Dacres and his companie on the one partie, and the said Iohn and Iames Bus­brig and Richard Sumner on the other: insomuch that the said Iohn Busbrig receiued such hurt, that he died thereof the second of Maie next insuing.

Wherevpon, as well the said lord Dacres as those that were there with him, and diuerse other likewise that were appointed to go an other waie to méet line 40 them at the said parke, The lord Da­cres arreig­ned before the lord Audleie. were indicted of murther: and the seauen and twentith of Iune the lord Dacres himselfe was arreigned before the lord Audleie of Walden then lord chancellor, sitting that daie as high steward of England, with other péeces of the realme about him, who then and there condemned the said lord Dacres to die for that transgression. And afterward the nine and twentith of Iune being saint Peters daie, at eleuen of the clocke in the fore­noone, the shiriffs of London, accordinglie as they line 50 were appointed, were readie at the tower to haue re­ceiued the said prisoner, and him to haue lead to exe­cution on the tower hill. But as the prisoner should come forth of the tower, one Heire a gentleman of the lord chancellors house came, and in the kings name commanded to staie the execution till two of the clocke in the afternoone, which caused manie to thinke that the king would haue granted his par­don. Lord Dacres executed at Tiburne. But neuerthelesse, at three of the clocke in the same afternoone, he was brought forth of the tower, line 60 and deliuered to the shiriffs, who lead him on foot be­twixt them vnto Tiburne, where he died. His bodie was buried in the church of saint Sepulchers. He was not past foure and twentie yéeres of age, when he came through this great mishap to his end, for whome manie sore lamented, and likewise for the o­ther thrée gentlemen, Mantell, Frowds, and Roi­don. But for the sad yoong lord, being a right to­wardlie gentleman, and such a one, as manie had conceiued great hope of better proofe, no small mone and lamentation was made; the more indéed, for that it was thought he was induced to attempt such follie, which occasioned his death, by some light heads that were then about him.

The first of Iulie a Welshman a minstrell was hanged and quartered for singing of songs, which were interpreted to be prophesies against the king. This summer the king tooke his progresse to Yorke, The king [...] ­eth in pro­gresse into Yorkesh [...]re. and passed through Lincolneshire, where was made to him an humble submission by the temporaltie, and confessing their faults, they humblie thanked him for his pardon, which he had granted them. Gifts giue [...] to him by them of Lin­colneshire. The towne of Stanford gaue to him twentie pounds, the citie of Lincoln fortie pounds, Boston fiftie pounds, that part of the shire which is called Linscie gaue thrée hundred pounds, and Kesterne and the church of Lincolne presented him with fiftie pounds. At his entring into Yorkeshire, he was met with two hundred gentlemen of the same shire, in cotes of veluet, and foure thousand tall yeomen and seruing men well horssed, which on their knees made their submission, by the mouth of sir Robert Bowes, and gaue to the king nine hundred pounds. On Barnes­dale the archbishop of Yorke, Gifts giuen him by them of Yorkeshire. with thrée hundred priests and more met the king, and making a like submission, gaue to him six hundred pounds. The like submission was made by the maiors of Yorke, Newcastell, and Hull, and ech of them gaue to the king an hundred pounds.

After he had béene at Yorke twelue daies, Hull fortifie [...] ▪ he came to Hull, where he deuised certeine fortificati­ons. This doone, he passed ouer the water of Hum­ber, and so through Lincolneshire, returned toward the south parts, and at Alhallowen tide came to Hampton court. About the same time, the king had knowledge that the quéene liued dissolutelie, in v­sing the vnlawfull companie of one Francis Di­ram, Diram and Culpeper quéene Ka­tharins para­mours. with whome she had beene too familiar before hir maraiage with the king; & not meaning to for­go his companie now in time of hir marriage, with­out regard had either to the feare of God, or the king hir husband, the last summer being in progresse with the king at Pomfret, the seuen and twentith of Au­gust, she reteined the said Francis Diram in hir ser­uice, to the intent she might vse his companie in such vnlawfull sort the more freelie: and not satisfied with him, she also vsed the vnlawfull companie of Tho­mas Culpeper esquire, one of the gentlemen of the kings priuie chamber, as well at Pomfret aforesaid on the nine and twentith and last of August afore­said, and on the first of September, At Lincolne (saith Hall) in August, wher she gaue to him a rich cap and a chaine. as at diuerse o­ther times and places before and after. Wherevpon, the thirtéenth of Nouember, sir Thomas Wriothes­leie knight the kings secretarie, came to Hampton court vnto the said quéene, and called all hir ladies, gentlewomen, and seruants into hir great chamber, & there openlie in presence of them all, declared hir offenses committed in abusing of hir bodie before hir mariage, & therwith he discharged hir houshold. Quéene Ka­tharine detes­ted of inconti­nent liuing. The morrow after she was conueied to Sion, the ladie Bainton and certeine gentlewomen and some of hir seruants being appointed to wait vpon hir there, till the kings pleasure might be further knowen. Cul­peper, Diram, and others were had to the tower. Di­ram in his examination being charged with the fa­miliaritie which had béene betwixt them, before she was married to the king, confessed that he and she said quéene had made a precontract togither, and that he concealed it for hir preferment in marriage to the king, after he vnderstood the king began to cast a li­king towards hir.

The first of December, Culpeper and Diram were arreigned at the Guildhall in London, before the lord maior sitting there in iudgement as chéefe iudge, hauing the lord chancellor vpon his right hand, and the duke of Norffolke vpon his left hand, the duke of Suffolke the lord priuie seale, the earles of Sussex and Hereford, with diuerse other of the [Page 955] councell sitting there as iudges in commission that daie: the prisoners in the end confessed the indicte­ment, and had iudgement to die, as in cases of trea­son.

Culpeper and Diram execu­ted.The tenth of December, the said Culpeper and Diram were drawen from the tower vnto Tiburne and there Culpeper had his head striken off, and Di­ram was hanged, dismembred and headed. Culpe­pers bodie was buried in S. Sepulchers church, but both their heads were set on London bridge. The two and twentith of December were arreigned in line 10 the Kings bench at Westminster, Attaindors. the ladie Marga­ret Howard, wife to the lord William Howard, Ka­tharine Tilneie, & Alice Restwold gentlewomen, Ioane Bulmer, wife to Anthonie Bulmer gentle­man, Anne Howard, wife to Henrie Howard es­quier, and brother to the late queene, Malein Tilneie widow, Margaret Benet, wife to Iohn Benet gen­tleman, Edward Walgraue gentleman, William Ashbie gentleman; all these were condemned of mis­prision of treason, for concealing the queenes misde­meanour. line 20 And the same daie in the afternoone, the lord William Howard, and Damport a gentleman were likewise arreigned, and condemned of the same offense, and as well these as the other were ad­iudged to lose their goods, & the profits of their lands during life, and to remaine in perpetuall prison.

The sixtéenth of Ianuarie the parlement began at Westminster, A parlement. in the which the lords and commons exhibited certeine petitions to the king. year 1542 First, that he would not vex himselfe with the quéenes offense, line 30 and that she and the ladie Rochford might be attain­ted by parlement: The petitiōs of the lords & commons of the parlement i [...] the king. and to auoid protracting of time, they besought him to giue his roiall assent thereto, vnder his great seale, without staieng for the end of the parlement. Also, that Diram and Culpeper be­fore attainted by the common law, might also be at­tainted by parlement, & that Agnes duches of Norf­folke, and Katharine countesse of Bridgewater hir daughter, which for concealing the said offense, were committed to the towre, and indicted of misprision, line 40 & the lord William Howard arreigned of the same, might likewise be attainted. Also, that who soeuer had spoken or doone anie thing in detestation of hir naughtie life, should be pardoned.

To these petitions the king granted, thanking the commons, The quéene and other at­tainted by parlement, for that it appéered they tooke his griefe to be theirs: wherevpon the quéene and the ladie Roch­ford were attainted by both the houses. On the tenth of Februarie, The quéen [...] sent to the towre. the quéene was conueied from Sion to the towre by water, the duke of Suffolke, the lord line 50 priuie seale, and the lord great chamberleine, hauing the conduction of hir. The next daie after being sa­turdaie, and the eleuenth of Februarie, the king did send his roiall assent by his great seale, and then all the lords were in their robes, and the common house called vp, & there the act was read, and his assent de­clared. And so on the thirtéenth daie, those two ladies were beheaded on the greene within the towre with an ax, She is be­headed. where they confessed their offenses, and died re­pentant. line 60

Before this, on the thrée and twentith daie of Ia­nuarie was the king proclamed king of Ireland, The king proclamed king of Ire­land. as it was enacted both by authoritie of the parlement here, and also of an other parlement holden at Du­blin in Ireland, there begun the thirteenth of Iune last past, before sir Anthonie Saintleger knight, and the kings deputie there, where as till that time the kings of England were onlie intituled lords of Ire­land. In the beginning of March died sir Arthur Plantagenet vicount Lisle, bastard sonne to Ed­ward the fourth, in the towre of London vnattain­ted, when he should haue béene deliuered and set at libertie.

The occasion of his trouble for the which he was committed to the towre, The occasion of sir Arthur Plantage­nets trouble. rose vpon suspicion that he should be priuie to a practise, which some of his men (as Philpot and Brindholme executed the last yeare as before ye haue heard) had consented vnto, for the betraieng of Calis to the French, whilest he was the kings lieutenant there. But after that by due triall it was knowne that he was nothing guiltie to the matter, the king appointed sir Thomas Wriotheslie his maiesties secretarie, to go vnto him, and to deli­uer to him a ring, with a rich diamond for a token from him, & to will him to be of good chéere. For al­though in that so weightie a matter, he would not haue doone lesse to him if he had béene his owne son; yet now vpon through triall had, sith it was mani­festlie proued that he was void of all offense, he was sorie that he had béene occasioned so farre to trie his truth: and therefore willed him to be of good chéere and comfort, for he should find that he would make accompt of him as of his most true and faithfull kinsman, and not onelie restore him to his former li­bertie, but otherwise forth he readie to pleasure him in what he could. Master secretarie set foorth this message with such effectuall words, as he was an elo­quent and well spoken man, that the lord Lisle tooke such immoderate ioy thereof, The lord Li­sle dieth tho­rough immo­derate ioy. that his hart being op­pressed therwith, he died the night following through too much reioising. After his deceasse, the twelfe of the same moneth of March, sir Iohn Audeleie sonne and heire to the said lord Lisles wife, was at West­minster created vicount Lisle. ¶The seuentéenth of March one Margaret Dauie a yoong woman, being a seruant, was boiled in Smithfield for poisoning of hir mistres with whome she dwelt, and diuerse other persons.

In the Lent season, George Fer­rers a burges of the parle­ment arrested, and what mis­chiefe insued. whilest the parlement yet con­tinued, one George Ferrers gentleman, seruant to the king, being elected a burgesse for the towne of Plimmouth in the countie of Deuonshire, in going to the parlement house, was arrested in London by a processe out of the Kings bench, at the sute of one White, for the sum of two hundred markes or there­abouts, wherein he was late afore condemned, as a suertie for the debt of one Weldon of Salisburie: which arrest being signified to sir Thomas Moile knight, then speaker of the parlement, and to the knights and burgesses there, order was taken, that the sargeant of the parlement, called S. Iohn, should foorthwith repaire to the counter in Bredstréet (whi­ther the said Ferrers was caried) and there demand deliuerie of the prisoner.

The sargeant (as he had in charge) went to the counter, and declared to the clearks there what he had in commandement. But they and other officers of the citie were so farre from obeieng the said com­mandement, as after manie stout words they forci­blie resisted the said sargeant, whereof insued a fraie within the counter gates, betwéene the said Fer­rers and the said officers, not without hurt of either part: so that the said sargeant was driuen to defend himselfe with his mace of armes, & had the crowne thereof broken by bearing off a stroke, and his man striken downe. During this brall, the shiriffes of London, called Rowland Hill, and Henrie Suc­kliffe came thither, The shiriffes and officers denie the deli­uerie of the burgesse. to whome the sargeant complai­ned of this iniurie, and required of them the deliue­rie of the said burgesse, as afore. But they bearing with their officers, made little accompt either of his complaint or of his message, reiecting the same con­temptuouslie, with much proud language, so as the sargeant was forced to returne without the priso­ner, wheras if they had obeied authoritie, and shewed the seruice necessarilie required in their office and person, they might by their discretion haue appeased [Page 956] all the broile, for wisedome assuageth the outrage & vnrestreinable furiousnes of war, as the poet saith: ‘Instrumenta feri vincit sapientia belli.’

The sargeant thus hardlie intreated, made returne to the parlement house, and finding the speaker, and all the burgesses set in their places, declared vnto them the whole case as it fell, who tooke the same in so ill part, that they altogither (of whome there were not a few, as well of the kings priuie councell, as al­so of his priuie chamber) would sit no longer without their burges, but rose vp wholie, and repaired to the line 10 vpper house, where the whole case was declared by the mouth of the speaker, The speaker of the parle­ment decla­reth all the matter to the lords. before sir Thomas Aud­leie knight then lord chancellor of England, and all the lords and iudges there assembled, who iudging the contempt to be verie great, referred the punishment thereof to the order of the common house. They re­turning to their places againe, vpon new debate of the case, tooke order, that their sargeant should eft­soones repaire to the shiriffe of London, and require line 20 deliuerie of the said burgesse, without anie writ or warrant had for the same, but onelie as afore.

And yet the lord chancellor offered there to grant a writ, which they of the common house refused, being in a cléere opinion, that all commandements and o­ther acts of procéeding from the nether house, were to be doone and executed by their sargeant without writ, onelie by shew of his mace, which was his war­rant. But before the sargeants returne into Lon­don, the shiriffes hauing intelligence how heinouslie line 30 the matter was taken, The shiriffes deliuer the burgesse and are charged to appéere be­fore the spea­ker. became somwhat more mild, so as vpon the said second demand, they deliuered the prisoner without anie deniall. But the sargeant hauing then further in commandement from those of the nether house, charged the said shiriffes to ap­peere personallie on the morrow, by eight of the clocke before the speaker in the nether house, and to bring thither the clearks of the counter, and such officers as were parties to the said affraie, and in like manner to take into his custodie the said White, line 40 which wittinglie procured the said arest, in contempt of the priuilege of the parlement.

Which commandement being doone by the said sargeant accordinglie, on the morrow the two shi­riffes, with one of the clearks of the counter (which was the chiefe occasion of the said affraie) togither with the said White, appeered in the common house, where the speaker charging them with their con­tempt and misdemeanor aforesaid, they were com­pelled to make immediat answer, without being ad­mitted line 50 to anie counsell. Albeit, sir Roger Cholmelcie, then recorder of London, and other of the councell of the citie there present, offered to speake in the cause, which were all put to silence, and none suffered to speake, but the parties themselues: wherevpon in conclusion, The shiriffes committed to the Tower. the said shiriffes and the same White, were committed to the Tower of London, and the said clearke (which was the occasion of the affraie) to a place there called litle ease, and the officer of Lon­don which did the arrest, called Tailor, with foure o­ther line 60 officers to Newgate, where they remained from the eight & twentith vntill the thirtith of March, and then they were deliuered, not without humble sute made by the maior of London & other their fréends.

And for somuch as she said Ferrers being in exe­cution vpon a condemnation of debt, and set at large by priuilege of parlement, was not by law to be brought againe into execution, and so the partie with­out remedie for his debt, as well against him as his principall debter; after long debate of the same by the space of nine or ten daies togither, at last they resolued vpon an act of parlement to be made, and to reuiue the execution of the said debt against the said Welden which was principall debter, and to dis­charge the said Ferrers. An act passeth for George Ferrers. But before this came to passe, the common house was diuided vpon the que­stion: howbeit in conclusion, the act passed for the said Ferrers, woone by fourtéene voices.

The king then being aduertised of all this procée­ding, called immediatlie before him the lord chancel­lor of England and his iudges, with the speaker of the parlement, and other of the grauest persons of the nether house, to whome he declared his opinion to this effect. First commending their wisedomes in mainteining the priuileges of their house (which he would not haue to be infringed in anie point) he alle­ged that he being head of the parlement, and atten­ding in his owne person vpon the businesse thereof, ought in reason to haue priuilege for him and all his seruants attending there vpon him. Priuilege of a burgesse of the parlement or of anie ser­uant to such like officers belonging. So that if the said Ferrers had beene no burgesse, but onlie his ser­uant, yet in respect thereof he was to haue the pri­uilege as well as anie other.

For I vnderstand (quoth he) that you not onelie for your owne persons, but also for your necessarie seruants, euen to your cookes and horssekéepers, in­ioie the said priuilege; in somuch as my lord chancel­lor here present hath informed vs, that he being spea­ker of the parlement, the cooke of the Temple was arrested in London, and in execution vpon a statute of the staple. And for somuch as the said cooke, du­ring all the parlement, serued the speaker in that of­fice, he was taken out of execution, by the priuilege of the parlement. And further we be informed by our iudges, that we at no time stand so highlie in our estate roiall, as in the time of parlement, wherein we as head, and you as members, are conioined and knit togither into one bodie politike, so as whatsoe­uer offense or iniurie (during that time) is offered to the meanest member of the house, is to be iudged as doone against our person, and the whole court of par­lement. Which prerogatiue of the court is so great (as our learned councell informeth vs) as all acts and processes comming out of anie other inferiour courts must for the time cease and giue place to the highest.

And touching the partie, The king counted it presumption to arrest the burgesse. it was a great presump­tion in him, knowing our seruant to be one of this house, and being warned thereof before, would ne­uerthelesse prosecute this matter out of time, and therevpon was well worthie to haue lost his debt (which I would not wish) and therefore doo commend your equitie, that hauing lost the same by law, haue restored him to the same against him who was his debter. And if it be well considered, what a charge hath it béene to vs and you all, not onelie in expense of our substance, but also in losse of time, which should haue béene imploied about the affaires of our realme, to fit here welnigh one whole fortnight a­bout this one priuat case, he may thinke himselfe better vsed than his desert. And this may be a good example to other to learne good maners, & not to at­tempt anie thing against the priuilege of this court, but to take their time better. This is mine opinion, and if I erre, I must referre my selfe to the iudge­ment of our iustices here present, and other learned in our lawes.

Whervpon sir Edw. Montacute lord chiefe iustice, Sir Edward Montacute lord chiefe iustice. verie grauelie told his opinion, cōfirming by diuers reasons all that the king had said, which was assen­ted vnto by all the residue, none speaking to the con­trarie. The act in déed passed not the higher house, for the lords had not time to consider of it, by reason of the dissolution of the parlement, the feast of Easter then approching. Bicause this case hath beene diuer­slie reported, and is commonlie alleged as a presi­dent for the priuilege of the parlement; I haue ende­uored my selfe to learne the truth thereof, and so set [Page 957] it forth with the whole circumstance at large accor­ding to their instructions, who ought best both to know and remember it.

This yeare in Maie the king tooke a lone of mo­nie of all such as were valued at fiftie pounds and vpward in the subsidie bookes. Anno Reg. 34. The lord priuie seale, the bishop of Winchester, A lone. sir Iohn Baker, and sir Thomas Wriothesleie were commissioners about this lone in London, where they so handled the mat­ter, that of some head citizens they obteined a thou­sand markes in prest to the kings vse. They that laid line 10 forth anie summe in this wise, had priuie scales for the repaiment thereof within two yeares next insu­ing. Submission of the Irish nobilitie. Diuerse of the Irish nobilitie came this yeere into England, and made their submission to the king as in the Irish chronicle it is more particularlie tou­ched. Also wars fell out betwixt England and Scot­land, the causes whereof (as appeereth by a declarati­on set forth by the king of England at this present) in effect were these. First there were diuerse of the English rebels, The caus [...]s of the wars be­twixt Eng­land & Scot­land. such as had moued the commotion line 20 in the north and Lincolneshire, that fled into Scot­land, and were there mainteined: and although re­quest had béene made that they might be deliuered, yet it would not be granted.

Moreouer, where the king of Scots had promised to repaire vnto Yorke the last yeare, and there to méet his vncle the king of England, wherevpon the king of England to his great charges had made pre­paration for their méeting there; the same was not line 30 onelie disappointed, but also at the kings being at Yorke, in lieu thereof an inuasion was made by the Scots, as it were in contempt and despite of the king of England, who notwithstanding imputing the default of méeting to the aduise of his nephues councell, and the inuasion to the lewdnesse of his sub­iects, was contented to giue courteous audience vn­to such ambassadors as the same king of Scots sent into England, which came to the king at Christmas last, and with manie swéet and pleasant words excu­sed that which was doone amisse, & sought to persuade line 40 kindnesse and perfect amitie in time to come. And for the better accomplishment thereof, they offered to send commissioners to the borders, there to deter­mine the debate betwixt them of the confines, if it would please the king likewise to send commissio­ners for his part, which to doo he gratiouslie condes­cended, desirous to make triall of his nephue in some correspondence of deeds, to the faire and plea­sant messages in words which he had receiued from line 50 him.

Herevpon commissioners were sent from either king, the which met and talked. But where the Eng­lishmen chalenged a peece of ground, vndoubtedlie vsurped by the Scots, being for the same shewed such euidence as more substantiall, The wilfull obstinatnesse of the Scotish cōmissioners. or more autentike can not be brought forth for anie ground within the realme; the same was neuerthelesse by the Scots denied and reiected, onelie for that it was made (as they alleged) by Englishmen, and yet was it so an­cient, as it could not be counterfeited now, and the line 60 value of the ground so little, and of so small weight, as no man would attempt to falsifie a writing for such a matter. But yet this deniall notwithstanding, the English commissioners departed from the Sco­tish commissioners as fréends, taking order, as hath béene accustomed, for good rule vpon the borders in the meane time to be obserued.

After their departure, the lord Maxwell warden of the west marches in Scotland, made proclamati­on in deed for good rule to be kept: but neuerthelesse added therwith, that the borderers of Scotland shuld withdraw their goods from the borders of England, and incontinentlie after the Scotish borderers, on the fourth of Iulie entered into England suddenlie, & spoiled the kings subiects, contrarie to the league, and euen after the plaine maner of warre. Where­vpon the king of England greatlie maruelling, was driuen to furnish his borders with a garrison for defense of the same, as mistrusting a further mis­chiefe intended by the enimie, whose treacherie & loose dealing became a whetstone to the kings wrath, and set him in a heat of indignation, as the poet saith:

Iam Scotus Henrici iustam irritauerat iram
Foedifragus.

Then was Iames Leirmouch master of the Sco­tish kings houshold sent into England with letters deuised in the best maner, Iames Leir­mouth. offering a good redresse of all attempts: and yet neuerthelesse at the entrie of the said Leirmouth into England, a great number of Scots then not looked for, made a rode into Eng­land, to the great annoiance of the English borders, which dealing, though it much mooued the king of England to take displeasure against the Scots, yet he gaue gentle audience to Leirmouth at his com­ming vnto him, and by his faire words and promises was partlie pacified. But in the meane time, the déeds of the Scotish borderers were as extreame as might be. And in a rode made by sir Robert Bowes for reuenge thereof, the same sir Robert, and manie other with him, were taken prisoners, and could not be deliuered, nor admitted to paie their fine and ran­some, as hath beene euer accustomed betwixt them on the borders.

And where at the same time, King Henrie forced to take armes against the Scots. an assurance was made on both sides for a season, at the sute of the said Leirmouth, the Scots ceased not to make sundrie inuasions into England, in such wise, as the king no longer trusting to their faire words, but weieng their déeds, put an armie in a readinesse for defense of his subiects, as the due meane to atteine such a peace, as for the safetie of his people and dominions, he thought it stood with his honour to procure. After which preparation made, and knowledge thereof had, the king of Scots made new sute to haue the matter taken vp by treatie. Wherevpon the king caused the armie to staie about Yorke, and appointed the duke of Norffolke his lieutenant ge­nerall, the lord priuie seale, the bishop of Durham, & sir Anthonie Browne master of his horsses, to treat & conclude with the ambassadors of Scotland some friendlie peace, vpon reasonable and indifferent conditions, as should be thought requisit, for the a­uoiding of warres, than by sundrie inuasions of the Scots made open and manifest. But after they had viewed ech others commissions, and began to pro­pone articles, the Scotish commissioners to pro­tract time, The double dealing of the Scots in the negotiation a­bout an agrée­ment. at the first seemed to like such articles as the English commissioners had proponed, and made semblance as if there were no doubt, but that in case their king & ours might méet, all matters shuld be quietlie compounded and ended: and so taking it as for a thing sure and certeine, they onlie desired sir daies to obteine answer from their master, and our armie for that time to staie: wherevnto the English commissioners accorded.

After those six daies was sent a commission out of Scotland, to conclude a méeting preciselie, at such a place as they knew well could not in the winter season be obserued nor kept. Wherewith when the English commissioners séemed nothing content, the Scotish commissioners shewed forth instructions, wherein libertie was giuen to them to excéed their commission in the appointing of a place, & to consent to anie other by the English commissioners thought méet and conuenient. But when the English com­missioners refused to deale with men wanting suffi­cient commission to warrant their dooings, the Sco­tish [Page 958] commissioners required other six daies respit, to send for a larger commission, which being granted, at the end of those six daies, they brought forth a commission made in good forme, and without excep­tion or restraint of place: but therewith they shewed instructions conteining a like restraint, as in the former commission was expressed. And thus driuing forth the matter by trifting, vpon purpose onelie to win time, they hoped thereby through the winter comming on, that the English armie should not be line 10 able much to annoie their countrie for that yeare. And so their talke brake vp without anie conclusion of agréement at all; and forthwith was the armie set forward, a good part whereof had lien all this time of the treatie in Yorke, and in the countries therea­bouts.

When the whole power was assembled, the duke of Norffolke then lieutenant generall, The English armie entreth into Scot­land. accompani­ed with the earles of Shrewsburie, Derbie, Cumber­land, Surreie, Hertford, Angus, Rotland, and the line 20 lords of the north parts, and sir Anthonie Browne master of the horsses, sir Iohn Gage controllor of the kings house, and others, hauing with them twentie thousand men well and warlike appointed, entred Scotland the one and twentith of October, and tar­ried there eight daies, without hauing anie battell offered vnto them, in which space they burnt these townes and villages, Paxton, Ramrige, Stine, Gradin, Shilles, lang Ednem, Newton, Skitshell, Newthorne, Smellem spittle, the two Merdens, line 30 Sledericke, and the two Brorlawes, Floris, and the Faire croft, Ednem spittle, Roxborough, Kelscie and the abbeie, long Spronstow, Riden, and Haden­ston. For they had determined with fire and sword to take vtter reuenge, crieng out, as the poet saith;

Vindice ferro opus esse, opus esse & vindice flamma,
Acclamant omines.

Now while the duke was at Farnton, the fourth daie after his comming into Scotland, there came to speake with him halfe a mile from the campe, the line 40 bishop of Orkeneie, and Iames Leirmouth sent from the king of Scots to intreat of peace, but they agréed not. Finallie, after the Englishmen had lien so long within Scotland as they might recouer vit­tles, at length for necessitie they returned to Ber­wike. The earle of Southamp­tons stan­dard. In all which iourneie the standard of the earle of Southampton, late lord priuie seale (which died at Newcastell before their entring into Scotland) was borne in the fore-ward, because he was appointed capteine of the same. line 50

The king of Scots, hearing that the English ar­mie was returned, raised a power of fiftéene thou­sand men forth of all parts of his realme, vnder the guiding of the lord Maxwell (or rather of Oliuer Sincler, as the Scots affirme) boasting to tarrie as long in England, An armie of Scots inuade England. as the duke of Norffolke had tarried in Scotland. And so on fridaie being saint Katharins euen, they passed ouer the water of Eske, and burnt certeine houses of the Greues on the ve­rie border. Thomas bastard Dacres, with Iacke of Musgraue sent word to sir Thomas Wharton lord line 60 Warden for the king vpon the west marches, to come forward to succour them. But in the meane while the Scots entring verie fierclie, the aforesaid two valiant capteins, bastard Dacres and Mus­graue, manfullie set vpon the Scots with one hun­dred light horsses, and left a stale on the side of a hill, wherewith the Scots were woonderfullie dismaied, thinking that either the duke of Norffolke with his whole armie had béene come to those west marches, The error of the Scots. or that some other great power had beene comming against them, when they saw onelie sir Thomas Wharton with three hundred men marching forward toward them. The Scots flie. But so it fortuned at that time vn­doubtedlie, as God would haue it, that the Scots fled at the first brun [...], whome the Englishmen follo­wed, and tooke prisoners at their pleasure; for there was small resistance, or none at all shewed by the Scots.

Amongst others that were taken, Scotish lords taken at Solem Mosse. we find these men of name, the earle of Castill and Glencarne, the lord Maxwell admerall of Scotland, and warden of the west marches, the lord Flenung, the lord Su­merwell, the lord Oliphant, the lord Greie, sir Oli­uer Sincler the kings minson, Iohn Ro [...]o lord of Gragie, Robert Erskin son to the lord Erskin, Carre lard of Bredon, the lord Maxwelles two bre­thren, Iohn Lesl [...]ie bastard son to the earle of Ro­thus, George Hume lard of H [...]mitton, Iohn Maie­land lard of Wike castell, Iames Pringell, Iames Sincler brother to Oliuer Sincler, Iohn Carmell capteine of Craiforth, Patrike Hebborne esquire, Iohn Seton esquire son in law to the lord Erskin, William Seton esquire, Iohn Steward cousin to the king, Iohn Morrowe esquire, Henrie Drou­mont esquire, Iames Mitton esquire, Iohn Cor­murth esquire capteine of Gainsforth, Iames Mit­ton esquire, and other esquiers and gentlemen (be­side the earles and lords before mentioned) to the number of two hundred and aboue, The number of prisoners and [...] taken. and more than eight hundred other persons of meaner calling; so that some one Englishman, yea some women had thrée or foure prisoners. They tooke also foure and twentie peeces of ordinance, foure carts laden with speares, and ten pauilions, with other things of price; so that this might well be said to be the handie worke of God, and the verse of the psalme verified:

Contemplans dixi, Haec est mutatio dextrae
Numinis excelsi mortalia cuncta gubernans.

The king of Scots tooke such griefe and inward thought for his ouerthrow, The death of the king of Scotland. and also for the murther of an English herald that was slaine at Dunbar, by one Léech an Englishman (the which for the re­bellion in Lincolnshire was fled into Scotland) that he fell into a hot ague, and thereof died, although ma­nie reported that he was at the bickering, and recei­ued there his deaths wound, and fled there with into Scotland. But of his death, and of the birth of his daughter ye may see more in the historie of Scot­land.

Of these prisoners before named, Foure and twentie hath Hall. Scots prisoners brought to London. one and twen­tie of them were brought to London, and on the nine­téenth of December entred into the citie by Bishops gate, and so were conueied to the tower, where they remained for the space of two daies: and vpon saint Thomas daie the apostle, being the one and twentith of December, they were conueied to Westminster, sir Iohn Gage constable of the tower riding before them, and the lieutenant of the same tower riding behind them. They rode two and two togither, and eight of them being earls and lords, had new gowns of blacke damaske furred with blacke conie, cotes of blacke veluet, and doublets of sattin, with shirts and other apparell bought new for them at the kings charges.

Thus being solemnelie conueied through the stréets of London vnto Westminster, they came before the councell sitting in the Starchamber, The Scots prisoners be­fore the coun­cel in the S [...]a [...] chamber. and there the lord chancellor declared to them their vntruth, vnkindnesse, and false dissimulation, decla­ring further how the king had cause of war against them, both for denieng of their homages, and also for their traitorous inuasions made into his realme without defiance, and for keeping his subiects priso­ners without redemption, contrarie to the ancient laws of the marches; for which dooings, God (as they might perceiue) had scourged them. Howbeit the K. more regarding his honor than his princelie power, [Page 959] was content to shew them kindnesse for vnkind­nesse, and right for wrong. And although he might kéepe them in streict prison by iust law of armes, yet he was content that they should haue libertie to be with the nobles of his realme in their houses, and so according to their estates, they were appointed to dukes, earles, bishops, knights, and gentlemen, which so interteined them, that they confessed them­selues neuer to be better vsed, nor to haue had grea­ter cheere in all their life times. line 10

The earle of Cassils was appointed to be with the archbishop of Canturburie, the earle of Glencarne with the duke of Norffolke, the lord Fleming with the lord priuie seale, the lord Maxwell with sir Antho­nie Browne, the lord Sumerwell with the lord chan­cellor, the lord Oliphant with sir Thomas Lée, Oli­uer Sincler with the duke of Suffolke, Robert Erskin with the bishop of Westminster, the lord Mont [...]th with sir Antonie Wingfield, the lord Mon­t [...]th with sir Rafe Sadler, George Hume with the line 20 earle of Hertford, the lord of Gragie with sir Tho­mas Cheincie, the lard of Gredon with maister Gos [...]wike, Henrie Maxwell with sir Richard Long, Thomas Cra [...]ford with sir Arthur Darcie, Patrike Hebborne with sir Thomas Wriothesleie, Iames Pringell with sir Richard Rich, Iohn Matland with sir Edward North, the lord Greie, Iames Sincler, and Iohn Lisleie, were appointed to men of such cre­dit, as were thought méet to answer for their safe keeping.

The two and twentith of December, tidings line 30 came of the king of Scots death, and vpon S. Iohns daie in Christmas weeke the foresaid lords of Scot­land were brought to the court, which was then at Greenwich, where they had great cheare, and went before the king to the chappell, and were lodged with­in the court. Herevpon ye must consider, that where­as the king of Scots had left no issue behind him in life but onelie one daughter, the king and his coun­cell perceiuing a meane now offered, whereby with­out line 40 warre the two realmes might be vnited, these Scotish lords hauing first made the motion them­selues, A motion of a marriage be­tweene prince Edward and the yong Sco­tish queene. for a mariage to be had betwixt prince Ed­ward and their yoong queene, the king required their helpe vnto the furtherance of that matter, which might be a great benefit to themselues & their coun­trie. This they promised faithfullie to doo, and aswell by themselues as by their friends, to bring the same so effect, so much as the king could require. Where­vpon the king was not onelie contented to release them home, but also highlie rewarded them with rich line 50 and costlie gifts of sundrie sorts, in most bountifull wise, as Anglorum praelia noteth verie well, saieng:

Praeterea ex auro captucos corquibus ornat,
Et sumptum, vestes, argentum donat & aurum.

The Scots depart into their owne countrie.The thirtith of December they departed from the court, and the morrow after, eight of them dined with sir Iohn Cotes then lord maior of London, and the rest with the shiriffes, and had verie great [...]heare. On Newyeares daie they departed from line 60 London homewards towards Scotland, year 1543 and rode to Enfield to sée the prince, and there dined that day, greatlie reioising, as by their words and counte­nance it séemed, to behold so proper and towardlie an impe. From thence they kept on their iournie till they came to the north parts, where they found the duke of Suffolke the kings lieutenant there, and with him remained till such pledges were come forth of Scotland, as it was couenanted they should leaue behind them.

The duke then after he had receiued the hostages, permitted them to depart, and so they returned into Scotland, where they were gladlie welcomed by their kinsmen and friends. With them went also the earle of Angus, who had béene banished Scotland, The munif [...] ­cense of king Henrie to the earle of Angus. and hauing remained here in England a long time, receiued of the kings fée, a thousand marks by yeare; and likewise his brother sir George Dowglas, who had fiue hundred markes yearelie likewise of the kings gift. They were now both restored home into their countrie, and that (as was said) by the kings last will. The said earle of Angus, and diuerse of the lords that had beene prisoners here in England, were made of the priuie councell of the realme by the earle of Arraine, that was chosen gouernour to the yoong quéene, and of the realme, as next heire appa­rent: notwithstanding that the archbishop of saint Andrews, and cardinall of the sée of Rome, enimie mortall vnto the king of England for the popes cause (and partlie set on by the French king) had for­ged a will, Archbishop of S. Andrew deadlie enimie to K. Henrie. expressing how the king had made him gouernour (associat with two earles of his affinitie) as well of the queene as realme, contrarie to the lawes of Scotland. Wherevpon the said earle of Ar­raine, according to his right (as he pretended) with the helpe of his friends, The earle of Arraine. tooke vpon him the au­thoritie of gouernor, and put the said cardinall in pri­son, and deliuered sir Robert Bowes, and the other English prisoners, by their bonds, Sir Robert Bowes de­liuered. according to the custome of the marches.

All this yeare was neither perfect peace nor o­pen warre betwixt England and France, but the merchants ships were taken and robbed on both parts, and at length merchants goods were seized, and the ambassadors of both realms staied. Howbeit, shortlie after the ambassadors were deliuered: but the merchants still were robbed, and no warre pro­clamed. In the end of this yeare came from the go­uernor of Scotland as ambassadors, Ambassadors from Scot­land. sir William Hamilton, and Iames Leirmouth the secretarie of Scotland, whose message was so meanlie liked, that they were faine to send an herald into Scotland for other ambassadors, and so came hither the earle of Glencarne, and sir George Dowglas: but whatsoe­uer their answer was, sir George returned in post, and within twentie daies came backe againe with an answer that was well liked of. But shortlie after they brake promise, and went from that which they had couenanted, greatlie to their reproch.

Wood was sold verie deare in the winter season of this yeare, A dearth. and likewise vittels both flesh and fish grew to an high price towards the spring, by reason (as was thought) of the vntemperate wet summer last past, causing great death among cattell. A quar­ter of mutton was sold for two shillings, or seuen grotes, a lambe at thrée shillings, or thrée and foure pence, which afore that time was esteemed scarse woorth sixteene pence. Against Easter at a court of aldermen kept in the Guildhall the twentith of March 1542 it was enacted by the lord maior and his brethren, A necessarie & wholsome ordinance for moderati­on in diet. that the maior and shiriffs should be serued at their tables but with one course at dinner and supper in their houses; the maior to haue but seuen di­shes at the most at one messe for his owne table, and the shiriffs and euerie other alderman but six dishes, vpon paine to forfeit for euerie dish fortie shillings at euerie time when they offended in this ordinance. Also that the sargeants and yeomen of their houses should haue but thrée dishes at dinner or supper, the swordbearers messe onlie excepted, which should be allowed to haue one dish more. It was also enacted, that from the feast of Easter then next insuing, nei­ther the maior nor his brethren should buie anie crane, swan, or bustard, vpon paine to forfeit for eue­rie foule by them so bought, twentie shillings, the of­fense to be tried by oth, if it should be presented. Anno. Reg. 35. A league be­twixt the king of England and the empe­rour.

In the beginning of this yeare, on Trinitie sundaie, was a new league sworne betwéene the [Page 960] king and the emperour at Hampton court, either of them to be friends to the others friends, and enimies to the others enimies. Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1016. Whit meats licenced to be eaten in Lent, and noble men punished for breaking the law. ¶ In this yeare also a procla­mation was made, whereby the people were licen­ced to eate whit meats in Lent, but streictlie for­bidden the eating of flesh. Wherevpon shortlie after the earle of Surrie, with diuerse lords, knights, and gentlemen, were imprisoned for eating of flesh in the same Lent, contrarie to the said proclamation. The eight of Maie, one Léech, sometimes bailie of Louth, Summerset an herald kil­led, & the offen­dor dieth as a traitor. who had killed Summerset one of our heralds line 10 of armes at Dunbar in Scotland, was drawne to Tiburne, and there hanged and quartered. And the twelfe of Iune, Edward Leech his brother, and with him a priest, for the same fact were likewise executed at Tiburne.

This yeare the first cast péeces of iron that euer were made in England, First iron péeces cast. were made at Buckesteed in Sussex, by Rafe Hoge, and Peter Bawd.] The third of Iune came to the court from the realme of Ireland, thrée Irish lords, Obrin, Macke William a line 20 Burgh, Creations of earles and barons. and Macke Gilpatrike. In Iulie the said Obrin was created earle of Townon, Macke Wil­liam a Burgh, earle of Claurickford, and sir Dunon Obrin was made baron of Ebrankie, and so with rewards they tooke leaue and returned. The same moneth also, the Scotish ambassadors returned with great rewards. The twelfe of Iulie, at Hamp­ton court, The king ma­rieth the ladie Katharine Par. the king maried the ladie Katharine Par, widow, late wife vnto the lord Latimer deceased, and then she was nominated quéene, and so pro­clamed. line 30

In the parlement holden this yeare at Westmin­ster, a subsidie was granted to the king, to be paied in thrée yeares. Euerie Englishman being woorth in goods twentie shillings & vpward to fiue pounds, paied foure pence of euerie pound. From fiue pounds to ten pounds, eight pence. From ten pounds to twentie pounds, sixtéene pence. From twentie pounds and vpward, of euerie pound two shillings. Strangers as well denizens as other, be­ing line 40 inhabitants, doubled this summe: and euerie stranger not bring an inhabitant, that was sixteene yéeres of age and vpwards, paid foure pence for eue­rie poll. And for lands, fées, and annuities, euerie one borne within the kings dominions, Corporations, fraternities, & cōmunalties paid more as well of their lands as goods as appeareth by the statute. paid eight pence of the pound, from twentie shillings to fiue pounds. And from fiue pounds to ten pounds, sixtéene pence. From ten pounds to twentie pounds, two shillings. And from twentie pounds and vpwards, thrée shil­lings; line 50 strangers still doubling this summe. The cleargie granted a subsidie of six shillings the pound, to be paied of their benefices in perpetuities in three yeares insuing: and euerie priest hauing no perpe­tuitie, but an annuall stipend, paid yearelie (du­ring the said thrée yeares) six shillings and eight pence.

About the same time, the king and the emperour sent Garter and Toison Dor, Articles de­manded of the French king. kings at armes, to de­mand the performance of certeine articles of the line 60 French king, which if he denied, they were comman­ded then to defie him, but he would not suffer them to come within his land, & so they returned. Whervp­on the king caused the said demands to be declared to the French ambassador at Westminster. And in Iulie the king sent ouer six thousand men, vnder the leading of sir Iohn Wallop, appointed to haue the generall conduction of them, accompanied with di­uerse other knights, esquiers and gentlemen right hardie and valiant. Sir Thomas Seimer was mar­shall of that armie, sir Robert Bowes treasuror, sir Richard Cromwell capteine of the horssemen, and sir George Carew his lieutenant. There were like­wise sir Thomas Palmer, sir Iohn Reinsforth, sir Iohn saint Iohn, and sir Iohn Gascoigne, knights, that were capteines of the footmen. They were ap­pointed to ioine with the emperours power, and so to make warre into France. They departed from Calis the two and twentith of Iulie. The third of August open warre was proclamed in London be­twixt the emperour and the king of England on the one part, and the French king on the other, as eni­mie mortall to them both, and to all other christian princes beside, as he that had confederated himselfe with the Turke.

The armie that was sent ouer vnder the leading of sir Iohn Wallop, passed foorth from the marches of Calis, and keeping alongst betwixt the borders of the French and Burgonion pales and confines, and ioining with the emperors forces, Spaniards, Wallons, and Dutch, came at length before Lander­seie, a towne latelie fortified by the French, Landerseie besieged. within the borders of the emperors dominions, to the which they laid a strong siege. At length the emperour ha­uing dispatched his wars against the duke of Cleue, who had submitted himselfe vnto him, came now to the siege of Landerseie, with a mightie power of sun­drie nations, so that the towne was sore constreined and in danger to haue béene lost, if at that present the French king had not likewise with an huge ar­mie of Frenchmen, Switzers, Lantsquenets, The French king commeth to the rescue of Landerseie. Itali­ans, and others, come to the rescue, pitching downe his campe, making countenance as if he ment pre­sentlie to giue battell: and verelie it was thought that two such powers as were there at that time so néere togither, should neuer haue departed without battell. The emperor thinking suerlie to fight, raised his siege, and drew his people into the field. The Frenchmen thereby espieng their aduantage, put as well fresh men as vittels, and all kind of muniti­on necessarie into the towne, and in the meane while kept the emperours people occupied with hot skir­mishes.

But now after the towne was thus reléeued, which thing the French king onelie wished to accom­plish, the next daie when the emperor was readie with his armie ranged in battell to haue fought with his aduersaries, the French king put his armie also in order; but hauing no mind to come forward, he trifled foorth that daie, and in the night following, secretlie departed with as much haste as was possi­ble. When the next morning had discouered the Frenchmens flight (for manie so termed this their sudden retire) it was no néed to bid diuerse troops of the emperours armie to hie after them: but some made too much haste. The French king retireth backe with his armie. For the French king suspecting what would insue, appointed his eldest sonne Henrie the Dolphin to remaine behind with the rereward, accompanied with diuerse noble capteins, which or­dered their people in their retire with such warinesse and héedfull skill, as the reason of warre required, that such of the emperours campe as aduentured ouer rashlie, and shewed themselues more forward than wise, fell within danger of such ambushments as were by the waie couertlie laid in places of ad­uantage: and so diuerse were taken, as sir George Carew, sir Thomas Palmer knight porter of Calis, Edward Bellingham, and others. But neuerthelesse a great number of such Frenchmen as could not make waie, and kéepe pase with their maine troops, were snapped vp, slaine, and taken in no small num­bers by their enimies, who followed them as egre as tigers, and as the describer of that pursute saith: ‘Imbuit & gladios manante cruore Britannus.’

This was after Alhalowentide, so that now by reason the winter was farre entred, and the weather waxing extreame foule, and contrarie to an armie that should lie in the fields, the emperour brake vp [Page 961] his campe and licenced the most part of his people to depart home into their countries, The emperor breaketh vp his campe. for all hope to win Landerseie at that time was cleane cut off, sith it was vittelled and newlie furnished with fresh men and munition. After that the warres were once o­pen betwixt England and France, sundrie enter­prises were attempted by the parties on either side in the marches of Calis and Bullognois, in which, for the most part, the Englishmen got the vpper hand of their enimies. line 10

At one time the Frenchmen, to the number of eight hundred, comming in the night season to enter into the English pale by the turne pike at Hammes, in purpose to make some spoile in the countrie there, were assailed vpon the sudden by sir George Sum­merset, and sir William Walgraue, latelie before come ouer with two hundred men out of Suffolke, to strengthen the English pale against the enimies, and at this time did behaue themselues so valiantlie, that they disappointed the enimies of their purpose. line 20 For whereas they were entered into a lane inclosed with hedges on either side, sixtéene archers getting into the grounds on the backe side of the hedges li­eng alongst the lane, through which the Frenchmen were marching, placed themselues as they saw their aduantage, and so bestowed their shot, that they gal­led the Frenchmen in such wise, that they were for­ced to recule in so great disorder, that other of the Englishmen comming vpon them, easilie slue and tooke of them no small number. line 30

Beside this, at sundrie times the Englishmen in­uading the countrie of Bullognois, wasted the townes and villages, brought awaie great booties of goods and cattell, to the great impouerishing of the countrie. They burnt at one time the towne of Au­dinghen, and tooke the stéeple of the church there, into the which were fled six score pezzants with their wiues and children, whome the Englishmen threw downe headlong out of the steeple, bicause they had most stubbornelie refused to yéeld. In this yeare a line 40 great death of the pestilence reigned in London, A great death in London. and therefore Michaelmasse terme was adiourned to S. Albons, and there kept till the end thereof. The eightéenth of December the archbishop of Cantur­buries palace at Canturburie was burnt, I. Stow, pag. 1 [...]27. and ther­in was burnt his brother in law, and other men.

In Christmasse weeke came to the king lieng at Hampton court, Ferdinando Gonzaga viceroie of Sicilie, Ambassadors from the em­perour. prince of Malfeta, duke of Iuano, the em­perours capteine generall. The chiefest cause of his line 50 comming was, to appoint what time the emperours armie should be readie to inuade France. He had great chéere, and at his departure was rewarded with a hundred and fiftie thrée ounces of gold in plate, and foure thousand and thrée ounces in guilt plate, all verie curiouslie wrought, and all the time of his being here, his charges were borne by the king. The sundaie before Christmas, the lord Willi­am Par brother to the quéene, who had married the daughter & heire of Henrie Bourchier erle of Essex, line 60 at Hampton court was created earle of Essex, The lord Par created earle of Essex. & sir Will. Par knight vncle to them both, was made lord Par of Horton, & chamberleine to the quéene.

year 1544 On New yeares daie, was sir Thomas Wrio­thesleie the kings secretarie made lord Wriothesleie of Tichfield. The lord Wriothesleie. Abr. Fl. ex I S. pag. 1027▪ Foure E­ [...]lipses. Germaine Gardner and other execu­ted. I Stow 1005. Charitable déeds of sir Iohn Allen. ¶ This yeare chanced foure eclipses, one of the sunne the fourtéenth of Ianuarie, and three of the moone. On the seuenth of March, Germaine Gardner, and Larke person of Chelseie were execu­ted at Tiburne, for denieng the kings supremacie, & with whom was executed for other offenses one Sin­gleton. And shortlie after Ashbeie was likewise exe­cuted for the supremacie. In this yeare sir Iohn Al­len (who had bin twise maior of London, & of coun­cell to the king) departing out of this life, did giue to the citie of London a rich collar of gold, to be worne by the maior: which collar was first worne by sir William Laxton on S. Edwards daie, to the elec­tion of the new maior, who gaue to euerie ward in London twentie pounds to be distributed to the poore housholders, besides to one hundred and twen­tie persons, three score men euerie of them a gowne of brode cloth, and a blacke cap, and thréescore wo­men, to euerie of them a gowne of the like cloth, and a white kerchiefe. Humfreis Monmouth, Shiriffes put awaie their officers. and Iohn Coles which were shiriffes in his maioraltie, in the beginning of their yeare put awaie twelue sarge­ants and twelue yeomen, till they were forced by a court of common councell to take them againe.]

In this meane while was the cardinall of Scot­land deliuered forth of prison, and shortlie after got into his hands againe all such conclusions as were made touching the marriage betwixt the quéene of Scots and prince Edward, procuring in maner all the lords and nobles of the realme to renounce that which they had promised to the king of England, as well diuerse of those whome the said king had relea­sed home out of captiuitie, as others. Wherwith the king tooke such sore displeasure, that he prepared an armie to passe into Scotland by sea, and ordeined the lord Edward Seimer, The earle of Hertford lieutenant of the north. earle of Hertford to be lieute­nant of the north parts, and to haue the leading of the same armie, who went thither in March, as well for defense of the borders, as to foresee all things in order for the armie that should thus go into Scot­land, whereof he was appointed generall.

When all things were in a readinesse for the na­uie which was rigged to set forward towards Scot­land, and that the soldiers were come which were ap­pointed to go with sir Iohn Dudleie lord Lisle, The lord ad­merall Dud­leie setteth foorth from London to­wards Scot­land. and high admerall of England in that voiage, they were imbarked, and so the two and twentith of March the said lord admerall, with sir Nicholas Pointz, and di­uerse other knights and capteins departed from the port of London towards the north parts; and com­ming to Newcastell, found the erle of Hertford rea­die with such power as was appointed to be there at a daie assigned, forth of those countries that lie from Trent northwards. And now wanted nothing to fur­ther their iournie, but a conuenient wind; which cau­sed them to staie certeine daies at the said towne of Newcastell, and in the villages thereabouts.

After that the earle of Hertford, Anno Reg. 36. and the lord ad­merall, accompanied with the earle of Shrewesbu­rie, the lords Cobham, Clinton, Couiers, Stinton, the lord William Howard; and manie other right valiant knights, gentlemen, and capteines, had lien with the armie and nauie readie at Newcastell a certeine time, The armie setteth for­ward by sea towards Scotland. looking for a prosperous wind to set forward on their purposed iournie, at length the same came about verie fit to serue their turne, and then with all spéed the soldiers were bestowed aboord, euerie companie in their appointed vessels: and here­with vp went the sailes, and forth they got into the maine seas, making their course directlie towards the Forth, a gulfe or riuer in Scotland, able to beare vessels fiftie miles vp within the countrie. There were at the least two hundred saile which the lord ad­merall had caused to come togither, according to his commission, rigged, trimmed, The number of the Eng­lish armie. and furnished with all things necessarie for the conduction of such an armie, estéemed to be about ten thousand men.

The third of Maie they arriued in the Forth, en­tring betwéene two Ilands, the Bas and the Maie. The English armie landeth in Sco [...]land. The next daie being the fourth of Maie, the whole ar­mie was landed two miles by west the towne of Lith, at a place called Grantham crag. And forth­with the lord lieutenant putting his people in good [Page 962] order of warre, marched on towards the said towne of Lith. The lord admerall led the fore-ward, the lord lieutenant the battell, and the earle of Shrewesburie gouerned the rere-ward. Before they came to the towne of Lith, they found in their waie readie to im­peach their passage six thousand horssemen beside foot­men. At the first the Scots made towards the Eng­lishmen, The Scots offer to im­peach the Englishmens passage. as if they had ment to set vpon the voward: but being manfullie assailed by the hatquebutters, fiue hundred in number, and shrewdlie by them cur­ried line 10 and galled, they had no mind to come forward, but perceiuing how willing the Englishmen were to incounter with them, after certeine shot on both sides, they made a sudden retreat, and leauing their artillerie behind them, The Scots flie to Eden­burgh. they fled to Edenburgh.

The first man that fled (as the talke went) was the cardinall, who perceiuing the deuotion which the En­glishmen had to sée his holinesse, had no mind to ta­rie. With him also fled the gouernour, the earles of Huntleie, Murreie, and Bothwell: as for their soldi­ers, they were disparkled, and feared the English line 20 forces as the lambe dooth the wolfe, the doe the dog, or the hart the lion: to vse the words of Anglorum praelia verie fitlie describing this battell, and saieng: ‘Exhorrent, vt dama canes, vt cerua leones.’

The Englishmen thus hauing put their enimies to flight, The English armie entreth into Lith. & seized vpon their artillerie, made streight to the towne of Lith, and entered it without anie great resistance, wherein they incamped themselues the same night to their most ease and aduantage, and afterwards landed their vittels and great artillerie. line 30 They found also in this towne such plentie of riches as they looked not to haue found in anie one towne of Scotland.

The sixt of Maie they went towards Edenburgh, and as they approched néere the towne, the prouost of the same towne accompanied with one or two bur­gesses, The prouost of Eden­burghs re­quest. and two or three officers at armes, desired to speake with the kings lieutenant, and in the name of all the towne, said that the keies of the towne should line 40 be deliuered vnto his lordship, conditionallie that they might go with bag & baggage, and the towne to be saued from fire. The earle of Hertfords answer. Wherevnto answer was made by the said lord lieutenant, that where the Scots had so manifestlie broken their promises confirmed by oths and seales, and certified by the whole parlement, as was euidentlie knowne to the world, he was sent thither by the kings highnesse to take vengeance of their detestable falsehood, to declare and shew the force of his highnesse sword to all such as should line 50 make anie resistance vnto his graces power sent thi­ther for that purpose. And therfore he told them reso­lutelie, that vnlesse they would yéeld vp their towne franklie without condition, and cause man, woman, and child, to issue foorth into the fields, submitting them to his will and pleasure, he would put them to the sword, and their towne to the fire. The prouost answered it were better to stand to their defense.

Wherevpon charge was giuen to the said pro­uost and officer at armes, vpon their perill to de­part. And foorthwith the lord lieutenant sent to the line 60 voward, commanding that they should march to­ward the towne, which right hardilie they did, and the English gunners manfullie assailed the gates; namelie sir Christopher Morice master of the ordi­nance, Sir Christo­pher Morice. insomuch that the Scots were beaten from their ordinance, and the gate called Canogate bea­ten open with shot of the great artillerie, and there­with the Englishmen entering the same gate by fine force, Edenburgh entered by force. beat downe & slue a great number of Scots, and continuallie without staieng was the great ordi­nance drawne vp the stréet to the castell gates: but those that were within the castell shot so freelie at the Englishmen thus approching with their great artil­lerie, that diuerse were slaine, the artillerie of the ca­stell beat so directlie alongest the high stréet, as the Englishmen came vp the same. At length also one of the Englishmens culuerings was striken, and dismounted, and therevpon they were forced to re­tire backe and giue ouer their enterprise of making batterie to the castell, wanting pioners, baskets, and other things necessarie for such a purpose.

This daie the Englishmen set fire in diuerse parts of the towne, but they had not leasure to mainteine it, by reason of the smoke rising and troubling them so extremelie, that no great hurt could be doone that daie, for that the night also came on, and so they de­parted backe againe to their campe at Lith. But the next daie, a certeine number of Englishmen vnder the leading of doctor Leigh, went againe to Eden­burgh, and did what they could, vtterlie to destroie the whole towne with fire, and so continued all that daie & the two daies next following. During all this violence offered by the English to the enimie, & no­thing left but despaire of life, the women and chil­dren beholding this desolation, made such outragi­ous exclamations and wofull lamentations, that heauen it selfe rang with their noise, as verie pi­thilie is described by Chr. O. in his report, saieng:

Foeminei sexus gemitus ad sydera grandi
Tolluntur strepitu, puerorum clamor in auras,
Nil nisi triste fuit, faciésque miserrima rerum.

In the mean time, The lord E­uers brought a power of horssemen from the bor­ders. foure thousand light horsse­men, vnder the leading of the lord Euers, came from our borders, as order was taken afore, and ioi­ned themselues with the armie thus lieng in Lith, where after their comming, they did such exploits, in riding and wasting the countrie, that within se­uen miles euerie waie of Edenburgh, they left few places, either pile, village, or house vnburnt. And be­side this, they brought great numbers of cattell dai­lie into the armie, and met with much good stuffe, which the inhabitants of Edenburgh had for the safetie of the same conueied out of the towne.

The names of the knights made at Lith after the burning of Edenburgh by the earle of Hertford, Knights crea­ted at Lith by the earle of Hertford. ge­nerall of the kings armie there, on sundaie the ele­uenth of Maie, in the six & thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, in the yeare 1544, as they were deliuered to me by sir Gilbert Dethike knight, aliâs Garter, king of armes, are as followeth: The lord Clinton, the lord Coniers, sir William Wroughton, sir Thomas Holcroft, sir Edward Dorrell, sir Iohn Luttrell, sir Iohn Ienins, sir Tho­mas Waterton, sir Charles Howard, sir George Blunt, sir Peter Mewtas, sir Edward Warner, sir Rafe Bulmer, sir Hugh Cholmeleie, sir Tho­mas Leigh, aliàs doctor Leigh, sir Richard Leigh, sir Peter Leigh, sir Iohn Leigh of Booth, sir Lau­rence Smith, sir William Uauasour, sir Richard Shirburne, sir Robert Stapleton, sir Thomas Holt, sir William Dauenport, sir Rafe Leicester, sir Humfrie Bradborne, sir Thomas Maliuereie, sir Francis Hothome, sir Iohn Massie, sir Leonard Beckwith, sir Thomas Cokaine, sir Peter Fresh­well, sir Richard Egerton, sir Anthonie Neuill, sir Iohn Neuill, sir William Ratcliffe, sir George Bowes, sir Brian Brereton, sir William Brere­ton, sir Roger Brereton, sir Edward Waren, sir Brian Leiton, sir Robert Wurseleie, sir Thomas Talbot, sir Hugh Caluerleie, sir Iohn Clere, sir Ri­chard Holland, sir Thomas Uenables, sir Iohn Constable, sir Edmund Trafford, sir Iohn Ather­ton, sir Richard Cholmeleie, sir Philip Egerton, sir Hugh Willoughbie, sir Thomas Constable, sir William Woodhouse, sir Edmund Sauage, and sir Thomas Gerard.

On the fourtéenth daie the Englishmen brake [Page 963] downe the [...]ir [...] of the hauen of Lith, and burnt eue­rie sticke of it. This doone, and hauing shipped their great artillerie, and taken foorth all such Scotish ships as were méet to serue, appointing them to at­tend on their ships, they tooke vpon them to returne home by land▪ Amongst other ships which the Eng­lishmen had in Lith h [...]uen; there were two of nota­ble fairenesse, the one called the Salamander, giuen by the French king at the marriage of his daughter into Scotland, the other called the Unicorne, made line 10 by the late Scotish king [...]punc; The balast of these two ships was cannon [...], which they found in the towne, to the number of foure score thousand. The rest of the Scotish ships being taken awaie togither with their owne ships, which they brought with them, were for the more part pestered with the spoile and boot [...]es of the souldiors & mariners. On the fiftéenth of Maie; their armie and their fleet departed from Lith both in one houre, the towne being set on fire and burned to the gro [...]nd. Lith burnt. line 20

The English armie incamped that night at a place called Seaton, seuen miles from Lith, where they burnt the castell, and destroied the orchards and gardens with the more despite, for that the lord Sea­ton owner of the place, The lord Seaton. was the chiefe laborer to helpe the lord cardinall out of prison. The same daie was Haddington burnt, Haddington burnt. with a great nunrie and house of friers there. The next night they incamped beside Dunbar, where they had an alarum giuen them, but in the morning they burnt the towne of line 30 Dunbar, Dunbar burnt. and marched foorth, though somewhat staid by the waie, by reason of the mist and fog, which was verie thicke, continuing all the forenoone, and bicause also they vnderstood how the lords of Seton & Hume with the lard of Bouclough, and others, had assem­bled a power of men of warre, and were minded to impeach their passage at a streict named the Pease.

But after that the mist brake vp, which was about two of the clocke in the afternoone, the Englishmen came forward, and passed the same streict without a­nie line 40 resistance. For the Scotish lords perceiuing that they were not of power sufficient to incounter with the Englishmen, minded not to put their people in their danger, but wiselie retired, suffering the Eng­lishmen to passe at their pleasure, who that night lodged at Ranton, eight miles distant from our bor­ders, where hauing ouerthrowne a pile which stood there, they dislodged the next morrow, and the same daie being the eightéenth of Maie, they entered into Berwicke: The end of the voiage. so ending their voiage with great ioie and gladnesse, not hauing lost past fortie persons in line 50 all this iournie.

The names of the chiefe townes, castels, and pla­ces burned in this voiage, Townes burnt in the same voiage. were these: the burow and towne of Edenburgh, with the abbeie called ho­lie Rood house, and the kings palace adioining to the same. The towne of Lith burnt, and the hauen and pire destroied, the castle and village of Cragmiller, the abbeie of Newbottle, part of Muskelburow towne, with the chappell of our ladie of Lauret, Pre­ston line 60 towne and the castell, Seton castell, Hading­ton towne, with the friers and nunrie, a castell of O­liuer Sinclers, the towne of Dunbar, Lanreston with the grange, Drilaw, Wester crag, Enderligh, the pile, and the towne, Broughton, Thester fields, Crawnend, Dudi [...]ton, Stan house, the Ficket, Be­uerton, Tranent, Shenston, Markle, Trapren, Kirk­land hill, Hatherwike, Belton, east Barnes, Bow­land, Butterden, Quickewood, Blackeburne, Ran­ton, Bildie and the Tower, Kinkorne, saint Mi­nees, the quéenes ferrie, part of Petin Waines, and the burnt Iland, were burned by the fleet on the sea.

For during the continuance of the armie at Lith, the ships laie not idle, but scowring the riuer, burnt diuerse places, and left neither ship, craier, nor bote belonging to anie village, towne, créeke, or hauen, vpon either side of the foord, betwéene Sterling, and the mouth of the riuer, vnburned, or brought awaie, Sée more heereof in Scotland. which space conteineth fiftie miles in length. About the same time the earle of Lenox fled out of Scot­land into the rebne of England, where he was right gladlie receiued by king Henrie, and shortlie he ob­teined in marriage the ladie Marie Dowglas, néece to the king of England, and returned soone after in­to Scotland by sea, accompanied with a good compe­tent crue of English. But finding no such friend­ship among his countrie men as he looked to haue doone, he was constreined to returne, without atchi­uing the enterprise which he had taken in hand, in hope of such assistance by his friends, as now failed him at néed.

¶In the moneth of Maie proclamation was made for the inhancing of gold to eight & fortie shillings, Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1029. & siluer foure shillings the ounce. Also the K. caused to be coined base monie, Base monie coined. which was since that time called downe, the fift yeare of Edward the sixt, and called in the second of queene Elizabeth. Irish in war­like manner passe through the citie. In the same moneth also passed through the citie of London in warlike maner, to the number of seauen hundred Irishmen, hauing for their weapons, darts, and handguns, with bagpipes before them: and in saint Iames parke besides Westminster they mustered before the king. Procession in English. In Iune the letanie or procession was set foorth in English, with commandement by the king to be generallie vsed in parish churches.] About the same time that the armie before remem­bred, was set forward into Scotland vnder the gui­ding of the earle of Hertford, as before yée haue heard, the king by aduise of his councell tooke order for the leuieng of a mightie armie, to passe ouer into France, An armie le­uied to inuade France. according to the appointment taken with his confederate, fréend and colleague, the emperour, against the French king, at that present common aduersarie to them both, and not long before had en­tered in league with the Turks, as Ch. Oc. noteth:

—cum dira foedera Turcis
Iunxerat, heu nimiùm res est indigna relatu,
Christicolam facere hoc, qui relligionis amantem
Se profitens, titulum pietatis venditat orbi.

There were appointed thrée battels, Thrée battels apointed with their seuerall lieutenants. the voward vnder the leading of the duke of Norffolke, the bat­tell vnder the guiding of the duke of Suffolke, which also was reckoned to be the kings battell, bicause his maiestie ment to be present with the same in person, and the rere-ward was led by the lord Russell lord priuie seale. Those of the fore-ward were appare­led in blew cotes garded with red, and had caps and hosen after the same sute, partie blue and partie red, their caps made fit for their sculs, which were put in­to the same. The battell in cotes, caps, and hosen, af­ter the like fashion, but their colours were red and yellow.

The duke of Norffolke and the lord priuie seale, The duke of Norffolke & the lord priuie seale. accompanied with diuerse other noble men, as the earle of Surreie sonne to the said duke of Norffolke marshall of the field, the earle of Oxford, the lord Greie of Wilton lieutenant of Hammes, whose name euen then began to grow famous, the lord Ferrers of Charteleie, and sir Richard Deuereux his sonne and heire, that brought with them a great number of Welshmen, sir Thomas Cheinie lord warden of the cinque ports, the lord Mountioie a to­wardlie yoong gentleman, well learned, and for his time perfect in all points and qualities fit for a noble man, sir Francis Brian knight, one of the kings priuie chamber, and no lesse affectioned to his ser­uice, than of him fauoured and well estéemed, sir Tho­mas Poinings capteine of Guisnes, and diuerse [Page 964] others beside, no lesse worthie to be remembred for their valure and merits, if time would permit to re­hearse them, passed ouer to Calis about Whitsun­tide, and from thence marching forward to France, left Bullongne on their right hand, & kéeping foorth towards Muttrell, ioined with an armie which the emperour had raised for that purpose, vnder the lea­ding of the countie de Buren, admerall of the low countries, The countie de Buren. and so these armies being vnited in one, came before Muttrell, and there laid siege to that line 10 towne, being well manned and furnished with all things necessarie for defense, as well in vittels as munition. The chéefe capteine of which towne was mounsieur de Biez one of the marshals of France, Monsieur de Biez. and gouernour also in the absence of monsieur de Uandosme of Picardie, who being within Bullong­ne & hearing how the English armie was passed by, and drew towards Muttrell, he left Bullongne, and with all speed got him into Muttrell, not mistrusting anie thing of that policie which the king of England line 20 went about, which was, to send this armie to besiege Muttrell, to the end the Frenchmen might be kept occupied further off, while he with the residue of his power should come and besiege Bullongne, which towne standing most commodious for his purpose, he ment by force to bring vnder his subiection.

Herevpon was the duke of Suffolke appointed with the kings armie to passe ouer, The duke of Suffolke. accompanied with the earle of Arundell marshall of the field, the lord saint Iohn, and the bishop of Winchester, sir line 30 Iohn Gage comptrollor of the kings house, sir An­thonie Browne maister of the kings horsse, with di­uerse other worthie capteins, all which the ninteenth of Iulie came before Bullongne, incamped on the eastside of the said towne aloft vpon the hill, Bullongne besieged. and af­ter for his more safetie remooued into a vallie, where after manie sharpe skirmishes they first entered the base towne, being left and forsaken by the inhabi­tants, which hauing set fire on their fishing nets, and other such baggage, vnder couert of the smoke, got line 40 them vp into the high towne, before the Englishmen could espie them. After this, the Old man, otherwise called Le toure dordre, standing without the towne for a direction to them that were to enter the hauen, and now being kept by sixtéene souldiers, was yéelded vp by them, vpon presenting the canon before it.

The Frenchmen within the towne, being des­poiled of those two places, yet spared not to shoot off from their walles and bulworkes, dooing what da­mage they might deuise, and namelie from the ca­stell line 50 and gréene bulworke they did much hurt to the Englishmen with their shot, whereof they made no spare, till at length they were forced to be quiet: for the Englishmen so applied them with such plentie of their shot, that the Frenchmen had no oportunitie to doo them anie great hurt with their artillerie. The fourtéenth of Iulie, The king passeth the seas to Bul­longne. the king in person, accompanied with diuers of the nobilitie, passed the seas from Do­uer to Calis; and the six and twentith of the same mo­neth incamped himselfe before Bullongne on the north side, within lesse than three quarters of a mile line 60 of the towne, where he remained, till the towne was surrendered into his hands. The king being then in campe, it was a matter of ease to discerne which was he, for none of the rest came néere him in tal­nesse by the head: as for his proportion of lims, it was answerable to his goodlie stature and making: a memorable description whereof, as also of his artificiall armour, I find reported as followeth:

Rex capite Henricus reliquos supereminet omnes,
Heros praeualidus seu fortia brachia spectes,
Seu suras quas fuluo opifex incluserat auro,
Siue virile ducis praestanti pectore corpus,
Nulla vi domitum, nullo penetrabile ferro, &c.

Beside the trenches which were cast, and brought in maner round about the town, there was a mount raised vpon the east side; and diuerse peeces of artil­lerie planted aloft on the same, the which togither with the morter péeces, so [...] annoied them within, & battered downe the steeple of our ladies church. To conclude▪ the batterie was made in most forcible wise in thrée seuerall places, and the walles, towers, and castell were vndermine [...]; and the towne within so beaten with shot out of the campe, and from the mount and trench by the morter péeces, that there were verie few houses left whole therein. The towne thus standing in great distresse, there were two hundred Frenchmen and Italians, which interprised vnder the conduct of Io [...]ourtio to enter the town in couert of the night, which exploit they so warilie at­chiued, that by meanes of a priest that could speake the English toong, they passed by the scouts, & through the watch, so as the most part of them were got ouer the trenches yer it was knowne what they were: to the number of six score of them got into the towne, but the residue after they were once descried, being intercepted, were taken or slaine. Although this small succour somewhat relieued them within, and put them in some hope to defend the towne some­what longer against the kings power: yet [...]t length when a péece of the castell was blowne vp, and the breaches made, as was thought reasonable, the as­sault was giuen by the lord admerall Dudleie, Bullongne assaulted. that was come thither from the sea, which he had scowred after his returne foorth of Scotland.

This assault was couragiouslie giuen, and to speake a truth, no lesse manfullie defended: so that when the assailants had perceiued in what state the breaches stood, and what prouision they within had made for defense of their towne, which vndoubtedlie was great (for nothing was by them omitted, that might either aduantage the defendants, or annoie the assailants) those that were appointed in this sort to giue the assault, were called backe, and so they retired, but not without losse on both sides, and namelie of them within. For during the time of the assault, the great artillerie did beat still vpon them that presented themselues at the breaches to re­pell the assailants, and so diuerse of their valiant capteins and braue souldiers were slaine at this as­sault, & among other, capteine Philip Corse. Shortlie after, the capteins within the towne, doubting to be eftsoones assaulted, and perceiuing themselues in ex­treame danger to lose the towne by force, if they pro­uided not the sooner, by rendering it to saue them­selues: they sent foorth two of their chiefe capteins, monsieur Semblemont, and monsieur de Haies, which declared vnto the king, that monsieur de Uer­uine gouernour of the towne, with his retinue, was contented to deliuer the towne vnto his grace, with condition that they might passe wi [...]h [...]ag and bag­gage. Which request the king, like a noble and merci­full prince, fréelie granted: and so the next daie, the duke of Suffolke rode into Bullongne, vnto whome in the kings name the keies of the towne were deli­uered, Bullongne deliuered. & in the afternone departed out of Bullongne all the Frenchmen with heauie hearts, to the num­ber of six thousand, as C. O. witnesseth, saieng: ‘Sex hinc exierant Gallorum millia gentis.’

The number of the men of warre that were strong and able to serue, The number of them that went fort [...] [...] Bullongne. were of horssemen sixtie se­uen, of footmen fiftéene hundred, thréescore and three, of the which number eight hundred were harquebut­ters, of hurt men fourescore and seuen, of women & children ninetéene hundred and twentie seuen, beside a great number of aged & sicke persons, not able to depart with the others. The last person that came foorth was monsieur de Ueruine himselfe, who vpon [Page 965] his approch to the place where the king stood, alighted from his horsse, and came to the king, and after hée had talked with him a space, the king tooke him by the hand, and he reuerentlie kneeling vpon his knées, kissed his hand, and afterward mounted vpon his horsse, and so departed, following his companie.

The eight of September, the king hauing the sword borne before him by the lord marques Dorset, The king [...] into Bul [...]ongne. like a puissant conqueror rode into Bullongne, and the trumpetters standing on the walles, sounded line 10 their trumpets at the time of his entering, to the great comfort of the beholders. In the entering, there met him the duke of Suffolke, and deliuered to him the keies of the towne, and so he rode foorth to his lodging that was prepared for him on the south side of the towne. Within two daies after, the king rode about the towne within the walles, and appoin­ted that our ladie church of Bullongne should bée ta­ken downe, and in the place thereof a mount to bée made, for the more strengthening of the towne. Fi­nallie line 20 after he had set things in order for the safe kée­ping of this his towne of Bullongne, by his princely force thus woone out of the possession of his aduer­saries hands, he appointed the lord Lisle high adme­rall of the seas, to be his deputie of the same towne, and then determining not to staie there any longer, he tooke the seas, The king re­t [...]rneth into England. & returned into England, landing at Douer the first of October.

In this meane time, whilest the king of Eng­land laie (as ye haue heard) with his siege about line 30 Bullongne, and the duke of Norffolke, and lord pri­uie seale about Mutterell, the emperour inuaded France by Champeigne, winning diuerse castels and townes, as Comersis, Lignie, saint Desir, Chausteau, Thierie, and others. But at the length, meanes were made by treatie to haue the matter taken vp, as in the end it was, and a peace concluded without consent of the king of England, although there was place left for him and other princes to enter into this agréement of peace. The emperor c [...]ncludeth a peace with the french king. But the king of line 40 England hauing now defraied no small quantitie of treasure in these warres, beside the trauell of his owne person and his people, and hauing the thing now in a maner sure in his possession, which he chief­lie went about to obteine, that is to wit, the strong towne of Bullongne, he would not agrée vnto anie peace, except he might inioy that towne, at that in­stant redie to be deliuered into his hands. And euen now after it was to him deliuered, hearing that for certeine, the peace was concluded betwixt the empe­rour line 50 and the French king, he determined to breake vp his camps: but neuerthelesse to kéepe Bullongne in his possession, in despite of all his aduersaries. But here, before we procéed anie further, we haue thought good somewhat to speake touching the siege which all this white continued afore Mutterell, where the Englishmen and Burgonians inforced them­selues by all waies and meanes they could deuise, how to constreine their enimies within the towne. On the other part, monsieur de Biez, and those that line 60 were with him in gard of the same towne, left no­thing vndoone that might serue for their defense, and make to the annoiance of their enimies.

There were with monsieur de Biez within the towne, The number of the men of war in Mut­trell. an hundred men at armes of the retinue of the constable of France, vnder the leading of the lord de la Guich an expert man of war. There were also with the lord of Genlie, foure ensignes of French footmen. Count Berenger a Neapolitane with a thousand footmen Italians. Capteine Fran­cisco de Chiaramont, a Neapolitane also, with the like number of Italian footmen. So that the towne might séeme sufficientlie furnished with men, and they wanted neither shot nor powder requisit, so that there was no spare thereof when occasion serued on either part.

The duke of Norffolke and the lord priuie seale caused amount to be raised, A mount raised. and aloft thereon were certeine peeces of artillerie planted to shoot into the towne. Moreouer they compassed the walles so on ech hand with their seuerall camps and trenches, that hardlie might anie escape either in or out vnespied. Sir Francis Brian was appointed with certeine bands, Sir Francis Brian. conteining about the number of a thousand men, to lodge in a campe fortified by himselfe, ouer against one part of the towne, to stop certeine passa­ges on that side, that no succors should enter by the same to the reléefe of them within. There were skir­mishes dailie betwixt them that sallied forth of the gates, and the Englishmen that watched and war­ded in the trenches, and other places, insomuch that diuerse lost their liues, and some were irrecouerablie wounded, as Anglorum praelia witnesseth, saieng:

Confossi saeuo moriuntur vulnere multi
Disperso cerebro; faciei nulla figura.

On a daie as sir Thomas Poinings soldiours were warding in one of the trenches, Tiberio, that alter serued the king of England. an Italian se­cretlie comming forth of the towne, fetched awaie the said sir Thomas Poinings his ensigne; and not­withstanding the pursute that was made after him, he escaped and got into the towne with it, to the great displeasure of the whole campe. But as the enimies sometimes went awaie with the aduantage of their attempted enterprises, so ofttimes againe they paid for their aduenturing ouer rashlie aboue the com­mon price of the market.

But here I cannot but lament the negligence vsed in that season: for there is not one English writer to be found extant, that hath written anie thing effectuallie of the exploits atchiued in that iornie; Negligence of English­men for not putting their valiant doo­ings in wri­ting. so as we are driuen to borrow of the aduersa­ries that haue written thereof, wanting other helps of our owne nation to furnish our booke héerin accor­ding to our wished purpose. But neuerthelesse, to giue occasion to those that yet liue, and can best doo it, to set forth hereafter a more perfect discourse ther­of, I haue thought it not amisse to recite in part what I haue read and learned of such things as then were accounted worthie of relation, and now like to be buried in the dimme booke of obliuion, vnlesse some fauourer of notable euents chancing in the as­siegement of those two townes, Bullongne and Muttrell, will put to his helping hand to report the same to posteritie.

Among other stratagems, one I remember, A stratagem of the lord Mountioie. de­uised and put in practise by the lord Mountioie, as thus. The enimies had espied a place of aduantage without the towne, where vnder fauour of the shot of certeine peeces of great artillerie lodged vpon some platforms or bulworks within the towne, they might lie without the walles betwixt the English­mens trenches and the towne ditches, and there co­uer themselues within a litle trench or counterscarpe made for the purpose, and out of the same be readie with their harquebusses to shoot at the Englishmen, so soone as anie of them should once shew his head out of the trenches, to the great danger of them that warded in the same.

The lord Mountioie perceiuing this, deuised with himselfe how to rouse the enimies out of that lurking place, and withall came to the duke of Nor­folke, and desired licence to put the deuise (which he had alreadie forecast in his mind) in practise. But the duke being not willing that he should put him­selfe in such danger, was loth to grant thereto, but rather persuaded with him not to attempt it: for (said he) my lord, yée may doo the king better seruice than so to hazard your life, and cast your selfe awaie, [Page 966] as it is verie like you should, in aduenturing vpon such a desperat peece of seruice, and therfore I would not wish you to meddle therewith, for we shall o­therwise prouide for the matter well inough. But the lord Mountioie still persisted in his sute verie earnestlie, declaring that he doubted not (by Gods helpe) but to atchiue his purpose to his good conten­tation without anie great danger, if that were exe­cuted which he tooke to be necessarie for the accom­plishment of his deuise: and that was to haue cer­teine line 10 peeces of the great ordinance shot off that waie forth, A politike feat atchiued by the lord Mountioie. at what time the wind stood méet to car­rie the smoke full vpon the place where the French­men laie. At length vpon his earnest sute, the duke gaue him licence to trie what he could doo, comman­ding the great ordinance to be laid and charged rea­die to shoot off as he should appoint it. Herewith the lord Mountioie taking with him fouretéene of his owne soldiors (of the which number one of them for­sooke to go through with him when it came to the line 20 point) immediatlie vpon the shooting off of the artil­lerie, & that all the ground about was couered ouer with smoke, he came to the place where those French­men laie vnder couert of their trench, and so displa­ced them, that they had no liking eftsoones to lodge so neere vnto such vnfriendlie neighbors.

Manie other valiant and politike feats (no doubt) were atchiued during this siege, & happilie as wor­thie the rehearsall as this. But sith it was the inuen­tion of so noble a yoong gentleman, The lord Mountioie a noble yoong gentleman. I haue estéemed line 30 it not impertinent to speake thereof, and withall to lament the losse of the inuentor, who being taken a­waie shortlie after in his returne homewards, by vntimelie death, was like (if he had liued to grea­ter yéers of experience) to haue prooued comparable in valor to anie of his noble progenitors. But now to speake of other incidents that chanced whilest this siege remained before Muttrell, you must vnder­stand that the most part of the vittels that was spent in the campe was brought to them either from the kings campe at Bullogne, or else from S. Omers, line 40 to conueie the same so far off, it was néedfull to haue the carriage garded with good troops and bands both of horssemen and footmen: for the French fortresses were stronglie furnished with great numbers of men of war, which vpon occasions were readie to take aduantages offered.

And as it fortuned at one time among other, there was a conuoie of certeine wagons loden with vitels appointed to come from saint Omers, the same be­ing line 50 garded with diuerse bands of Englishmen and Burgonions, sent thither for that purpose, the which marching forward from saint Omers, kept not so good order as had béene requisit: whereof certeine companies of French horssemen that were abroad being aware, set vpon the Burgonions that were attendant vpon the foremost carriages, and finding them in some disorder, easilie discomfited them, follo­wed, and slue them in the chase, till they came to the hindermost carriages, where six hundred English men that attended on the same, impaled themselues line 60 with their wagons, so as the Frenchmen could take no aduantage: but with shot of the English archers were so curried and galled that they were driuen to retire, The English archers gall the French horssemen. and that in such hast, as they left diuerse of their companie captiues in the Englishmens hands beside those that were faire laid to take their last sléepe there on the ground. Neuerthelesse, of the Burgonions there were slaine foure hundred, and much good vittels lost, the bottoms of the hogsheads and other vessels being beaten out, and manie a good Flemish mare killed or taken. For the Frenchmen found small resistance (as before ye haue heard) till they approched to the Englishmen, by whose accusto­med manhood, some part of the vittels of that con­uoie was saued, to the releefe of the campe, which not­withstanding by losse of the residue suffered great want for the time.

Moreouer, somewhat towards the latter end of this siege, the earle of Surreie son vnto the duke of Norffolke and marshall of his field, accompanied with the lord warden of the cinque ports, and diuerse other valiant capteins English & Burgonions mar­ched forth into the countrie towards Abuile, where they tooke and burnt a proper towne called saint Re­quiers: Saint Re­quiers burnt by the Eng­lishmen. Rieu sacked and after comming to another towne cal­led Rieu, they found no bodie at home but women and children, for the men were departed out of it be­fore their comming thither. When they had taken their pleasure in sacking all such goods as they found there fit to be carried awaie, they spared the towne from fire, and so departed. And thus after they had béene two daies and two nights abroad in the coun­trie, they returned home to the campe with a great bootie of beasts, sheepe, and other things which they had got in that voiage.

But now to conclude with this siege of Muttrell, after the king had woone Bullongne, The siege [...] Muttrell broken vp. and vnderstood how the emperor had agréed with his aduersarie the French king, he resolued to haue his armie to raise that siege which thus had lien before Muttrell, and with all cōuenient spéed to draw toward Calis. And because it was signified that the Dolphin of France Henrie was comming forward with a great pow­er, which had béene raised by his father the French king to resist the emperor, and now was sent vnder the conduct of the said Dolphin, to the succours of them that were besieged in Muttrell, the king sent the earle of Arundell, sir Iohn Gage, sir George Carew, sir Iohn Reinsford, and others, with a chosen number of lustie soldiors vnto Muttrell, to reinforce his armie there, that in leuieng the campe, and with­drawing backe, they might be the better able to with­stand anie attempt which the enimies might put in execution to their annoiance. And verelie this was doone with good aduise and necessarie consideration, for the Englishmen that had lien so long time at the siege before Muttrell, wanting such behoouefull re­freshment as those were stored with that laie before Bullongne, hauing the seas open, and all things at pleasure brought vnto them forth of England, were sore weakened and decaied by death and sicknesse, and now in raising their campe had manie things to looke vnto, as well for the conueieng of their ordi­nance, trusse, and baggage, as their feeble and disea­sed persons: so that if the Dolphin with his armie might haue made such spéed forward as to haue ouer­taken them with his maine power before they had come to Bullongne, it was to be feared least he might haue put them in danger of a plaine distresse. But with such timelie foresight as was vsed the siege was raised, and the armie retired first to Bullongne, and after to Calis without losse, although the French horssemen in great number followed, and sundrie times made proud proffers to giue the charge vpon the hindermost companies; but nothing was doone to make great account of, except certeine skirmi­shes that were procured, and alarums giuen, as in such cases it fortuneth.

The Dolphin notwithstanding that the siege was thus raised from Muttrell, yer he could come thither, yet he kept forward his iourncie, The Dol­phin commeth before Bul­longne with his great power. to prooue what he might doo to recouer Bullongne, which towne the king of England (as ye haue heard) had left in the keeping of the lord Lisle high admerall. The same towne being then weake, God knoweth, on all sides through batterie and minings, which by the kings power had béen made, to bring it into his subiection, [Page 967] and the trenches not cast downe, nor the ordinance mounted.

The Dolphin being come before the towne, sent certeine bands of his best soldiors by night to giue a camisado to the base towne. A camisado [...] to base Bullongne. They that thus were sent, entred the same the ninth of October, about two of the clocke in the morning, where they tooke the stand watches, and slue (beside a great number of sicke and weake persons) as well soldiors as other, before they could araie themselues, or well get out of line 10 their beds. But after, the Frenchmen and Italians fell to rifling and breaking vp of coffers, scattering here and there abrode, and began to fall to their vit­tels, which they found there in good plentie. The Eng­lishmen that were driuen vp to the gates of the high towne, got weapons that were throwne downe vnto them foorth of the same, & assembling togither, fierce­lie entred in amongst the prease of their enimies. And herewith there sallied foorth of the high towne sir Thomas Poinings with a band of two hundred line 20 soldiors, [...]n euer­throw giuen to the French [...] Bul­longne. the which togither with the other so bestirred themselues, that they manfullie beat backe the eni­mies, slue to the number of eight hundred of them, and chased the residue out of the towne, which fled o­uer the sands vp to the hill, where the Dolphin him­selfe stood with a great troope of horssemen about him, and durst not once come downe to the rescue of his people, for feare of the great artillerie that with plentie of bullets saluted the enimies, after that the breake of the daie had once discouered them in sight. line 30 Amongst other that were slaine in this repulse of the Frenchmen, le segneur de Foquessolles, another of the marshall de Biez his sons in law, and sene­schall of Bullongne was one.

Thus the Dolphin, perceiuing that it would no­thing auaile him to make anie further attempt a­gainst Bullongne, passed foorth toward Guisnes, & shortlie after through want of vittels, and sicknesse which sore infested his campe, brake vp his armie, and returned into France: so that the proud enterprises line 40 of the vainglorious and most insolent French turned to their owne great shame, as C. O. trulie saith: ‘Sic Galli in magnum cesserunt dedecus ausa.’

But shortlie after Christmas came downe an ar­mie of fourtéene thousand, vnder the conduction of monsieur de Biez, Monsieur de Biez cōmeth before Bul­longne with an armie. the which the six and twentith of Ianuarie incamped on the west side of Bullongne beyond the hauen, where they laie ten daies: but on the sixt of Februarie, the earle of Hertford, the lord admerall, as then lord lieutenant of the towne of Bullongne, the lord Greie of Wilton, sir Thomas line 50 Poinings & others, hauing assembled out of the ga­risons on that side the seas, to the number of foure thousand footmen, & seuen hundred horsmen, whereof an hundred or foure score were Albanoises, issued foorth of Bullongne about foure of the clocke in the morning, and comming to the place where the king had incamped during the time of the siege, they staid there, and put themselues in order of battell: and a­bout six of the clocke, it being then a low water, cap­teine Edward Breie, with three hundred shot, was line 60 appointed to passe ouer, and to giue the enimies an alarum in their campe.

At which instant the trumpets sounded, and the drums stroke vp in the English armie, and here­wi [...]h they being diuided into three battels, and to ech one his gard of two hundred horssemen, beside the od hundred that attended as a defense to the residue, they shewed themselues to their enimies. The Frenchmen perceiuing this, packed awaie with all haste possible, The French­men dislodge out of their [...]. marching toward Hardilo in two battels. Wherevpon the English capteins leauing their footmen behind them, and taking onelie with them the horssemen, followed with all spéed after their enimies, and comming to the bridge commonlie cal­led pont de Bricque, which certeine English carpen­ters garded with a number of harquebutters, and foure small field peeces, had forced and repared the same that night: and so the horssemen finding it suf­ficientlie repared, passed ouer, and comming to S. Estienne, they found there fiue hundred Dutch hors­men, commonlie called Swart rutters, that were lodged there to kéepe that passage: but being surpri­sed on the sudden by the English horssemen, and sharpelie assailed, they were wholie distressed, and the most part of them taken prisoners, and there­with left with the followers of the armie, were af­ter slaine, bicause they knew not where to bestow them.

But now the hill of saint Estienne being thus gained by the English horsmen, they put themselues in order of battell againe, appointing an hundred of their men at armes to follow and kéepe aloofe as a stale to relieue their fellowes in time of need, when they saw them in anie danger. The lords, to incou­rage euerie one to doo his dutie, rode vp and downe about the troops, & vsing manie comfortable words, The comfor­table words▪ of the English capteins. desired them, that although they were but an hand­full in comparison to the number of their enimies, they would yet in regard of the honour of the realme of England, make a proffer of an onset to the eni­mies, that they might perceiue that there they were to giue them battell, and to follow, as they should sée them their capteins and gouernors to lead them the waie. The English horssemen charge the French bat­tels. Herewith forward they make towards the enimie, and ouertaking them three miles on the hi­therside of Hardilo sands, they valiantlie gaue the charge, and thrusting in betwixt the two French bat­tels, ouerthrew their cariages, tooke their ordinance and munitions, slue and bare downe manie of them that preased foorth to defend the same.

Monsieur de Biez being in the fore ward, The valiant order of mon­sieur de Biez. brought backe the strongest and best armed men he had to re­sist his enimes, ranging them in order so, as he ment to haue inclosed the English horssemen betwixt his battels and the sea, and so to haue distressed them. But this purpose being espied first of all by the lord admerall, The lord ad­merall his re­die cōceiuing the meaning of the enimies the Englishmen by his valiant incou­ragement gaue a new charge, and breaking through their ranks by force, came backe againe vnto their hundred men of armes that kept aloofe, and there staied till their footmen might come to them, who by this time were aduanced within sight of them, but distant yet by the space of two English miles, or little lesse.

Monsieur de Biez, perceiuing that the English footmen began thus to approch, made forward againe with his armie, so fast as was possible for his people to march, drawing still his armed men and best soul­diors to the hindermost ranks, there to be readie to withstand the Englishmen, as they should offer to assaile them: and in this order the Frenchmen made away, and rested not till they came to Hardilo sands, being a place of such strength and aduantage, Hardilo sands. by rea­son of the streict, that after they were once got thither, they might account themselues out of all danger, and therefore there they staid, and dispatched an he­rald vnto the chiefteins of the English armie, to sig­nifie vnto them, that there they ment to abide and to giue them battell, if they would aduance forward to fight with them: but yet they would not in anie wise come foorth of their strength vnto some euen ground, although they were earnestlie required therevnto. Wherevpon the Englishmen, to light them a candle that they might sée where they were, set all the villages & houses about on a light fire, con­tinuing the same all that afternoone, and most part of the night following, and the next morning betwixt [Page 968] foure and fiue of the clocke, they came backe a­gaine vnto Bullongne with all their spoiles and pri­soners.

They tooke in this incounter seuen peeces of ar­tillerie, Artillerie gained. two of brasse and fiue of iron; also the peeces of aduantage of the armour of monsieur de Biez, beside apparell, plate, and furniture in great plentie, as well taken in the field, as also in their campe, where they left their tents standing, & all their proui­sion of vittels wholie vnremoued. The same péeces of line 10 armour were sent ouer into England to the king for a witnesse of the good successe that had thus happened to his people in this famous enterprise, in the atchi­uing wherof there were not past halfe a dozen Eng­lishmen slaine, besides those that were hurt, which neither were manie, as vnder halfe a score at the most.

year 1545 Whilest such things were in dooing about Bul­longne, Iohn Stow. and other places (as before ye haue heard in this twentie and sixt yeare) the ships of the west line 20 countrie and other coasts of this realme wasted a­broad on the seas, and tooke to the number of thrée hundred & od French ships, so that the Graie friers church in London was laid full of wine, Great pri [...]es of French goods taken by the Wes­terne ships. the Austine friers and Blacke friers full of herring, and other fish that was taken, as the same should haue béene con­ueied into France. About the same season the king demanded a beneuolence of his subiects spirituall and temporall, towards the maintenance of the warres against the Frenchmen and Scots. ¶On the line 30 twelfe of Ianuarie, Abr. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1030. the lord chancellour, the duke of Suffolke, and other of the kings councell, began to sit at Bainards castell, where they first called before them the maior and aldermen, &c. And bicause Ri­chard Read alderman would not agree to paie as they set him; he was commanded vpon paine to serue the king in his warres of Scotland, who de­parted from London the thrée and twentith of Ia­nuarie.

Also sir William Roch alderman, for words of line 40 displeasure taken by the kings councell, Sir William Roch sent to the Fléet. was by them sent to the fléet, where he remained till passion sundaie. On the six and twentith of Ianuarie, there camped on the west side of Bullongne beyond the hauen, an armie of French, to the number of eigh­téene thousand, where they laie ten daies, and the sixt of Februarie were put to flight by the earle of Hertford, and sir Iohn Dudleie lord admerall, then deputie of Bullongne. On the thirteenth of Fe­bruarie, Execution for false ac­cusation. a priest was set on the pillorie in Cheape, line 50 and burnt in both chéekes with the letters F. and A. and a paper on his head, wherein was written, For false accusing: which iudgement was giuen by the lord chancellor in the Starre chamber, a notable ex­ample of iustice. Great cause haue I to wish the like to the like accuser, who neuer yet repented, but contrariwise sweareth and forsweareth that he ne­uer did anie such act against his brother.]

The discomfi­ture gotten by the Scots at Halidon rig.In the beginning of March sir Rafe Euers lord warden of the marches after manie fortunate rodes line 60 and forraies made into Scotland, assembled now a­bout foure thousand men, & entering with the same into Scotland, was incountered at Halidon rig by the earle of Arraine and other Scotishmen, which so beset the Englishmen with thrée battels on ech side, that in the end they slue the said lord warden, with the lord Ogle, The valiant sir Rafe E­uers slaine. and a great number of other gentle­men and commons, beside prisoners, which they tooke, so that few escaped the Scotishmens hands. Among other prisoners taken, Read, alder­man of Lon­don prisoner. Richard Read an alderman of London aforesaid was one. The death of sir Rafe Euers was greatlie bemoned: for he had shewed great proofe of his valiant prowesse at sundrie times before; namelie in this yeare past, as at the taking and burning of the towne of I [...]dworth, which enter­prise was atchiued the tenth of Iune, beside diuerse other exploits fortunatelie brought to passe by his high valiancie and manhood, till his hap was at this present to finish his daies: whose life though then it tooke end, yet shall not his fame & good report (purcha­sed by martiall courage, policie, and dangerous ad­uentures) perish or decaie; as the poet trulie saith:

Parta labore volat vas [...]um bona fama per orbem,
Haec veluti Phoebus non m [...]ritura manet.

This yeare on saint Georges daie sir Thomas Wriothestleie lord chancellor of England was made knight of the garter. Anno Reg. [...] Rich. [...] Also Trinitie terme was ad­iourned by reason of the warres, but the escheker and the court of the tenths were open, for those that were accomptable in either of the said courts. Anne Aske [...] and others ar­reigned and acquited. The thir­teenth of Iune Robert Luken seruant to sir Hum­frie Browne one of the iustices of the kings Bench, Anne Askew gentlewoman, otherwise called Anne Kime, wife to one Kime, a gentleman of Lincolne­shire, and Ione Sautereie, wife to Iohn Sautereie of London, were arreigned in the Guildhall of Lon­don, for speaking against the sacrament of the altar (as they tearmed it) contrarie to the statute of the six articles: but because no witnesse appeared against the women, nor against Luken, one onelie excepted, who was thought to accuse him rather of malice, than otherwise, they were by twelue honest substan­tiall men of the citie (sworne to passe vpon their in­dictments) cléerelie acquited and discharged.

The same daie also was a pewterer named Tho­mas Daie discharged, Thomas Daie pew­terer. by the pardon granted in the last parlement, after he had remained in prison in Newgate the space of thrée yeares now past, con­demned long before the date of the same pardon, for the article of auricular confession comprised within the same statute. About the same time, to wit the se­uenth of Iune a great armie of Frenchmen came downe to Bullongne, and néere to the hauen incam­ped themselues. Martin de Bellaie. In this armie were reckoned to be twelue thousand lanceknights, twelue thousand French footmen, six thousand Italians, foure thou­sand of legionarie soldiours of France, & a thousand or twelue hundred men of armes, beside seuen or eight hundred light horsmen. After some skirmishes not greatlie to their aduantage, they began yet to build a fort, which at length they accomplished, The new fort before Bul­logne. I. S. pag. 1031. as af­ter shall appeare. ¶About the fiue & twentith of Iune, was a great tempest in Derbishire, where thorough trées were ouerturned, & diuerse churches, chappels, and houses were vncouered. Also in Lancashire, Hailestones figured like mens heads. there fell hailestones as big as mens fists, which had diuerse prints in them, some like mens faces, some like gun holes, &c.]

The same moneth also the lord Lisle admerall of England with the English fléet entered the mouth of Saine, and came before Newhauen, The English fléet commeth before New­hauen. where a great nauie of the Frenchmen laie, to the number of a two hundred ships, and six and twentie gallies, wher­of the pope (as was reported) had sent twentie well furnished with men and monie, to the aid of the French king. The Englishmen being not past an hundred and thréescore saile, and all great ships, de­termined not to set vpon the Frenchmen where they laie: but yet approching néere vnto them, shot off cer­teine péeces of ordinance at them, and thereby cau­sed the gallies to come abroad, which changed shot a­gaine with the Englishmen. The gallies at the first had great aduantage, by reason of the great [...]alme. Twise either part assaulted other with shot of their great artillerie, but suddenlie the wind rose so high, that the gallies could not indure the rage of the seas, and so the Englishmen for feare of flats were com­pelled to enter the maine seas, and so sailed vnto [Page 969] Portesmouth where the king laie, for he had know­ledge by his espials that the Frenchmen intended to land in the Ile of Wight, wherefore he repaired to that coast, to see his realme defended.

After this, the eighteenth of Iulie the admerall of France monsieur Danebalte hoised vp sailes, The French [...] landeth in the Ile of Wight. The French­men land in Sussex. and with his whole nauie came foorth into the seas, and arriued on the coast of Sussex before bright Ham­stéed, and set certeine of his soldiors on land, to burne and spoile the countrie: but the beacons were fired, & the inhabitants thereabouts came downe so thicke, line 10 that the Frenchmen were driuen to flie with losse of diuerse of their numbers: so that they did little hurt there. Immediatlie herevpon they made to the point of the Ile of Wight, called saint Helens point, and there in good order vpon their arriuall they cast an­chors, and sent dailie sixtéene of their gallies to the verie hauen of Portesmouth. The English nauie li­eng there in the same hauen, made them readie, and set out toward the enimies, and still the one shot hot­lie line 20 at the other: but the wind was so calme, that the kings ships could beare no saile, which greatlie grie­ued the minds of the Englishmen, and made the eni­mies more bold to approch with their gallies, and to assaile the ships with their shot euen within the ha­uen.

The twentith of Iulie, the whole nauie of the Eng­lishmen made out, The Marie Rose drowned by negligence. & purposed to set on the French­men, but in setting forward, thorough too much fol­lie, one of the kings ships called the Marie Rose line 30 was drowned in the middest of the hauen, by reason that she was ouerladen with ordinance, and had the ports left open, which were verie low, and the great artillerie vnbreeched; so that when the ship should turne, the water entered, and suddenlie she suncke. In hir was sir George Carew knight and foure hundred soldiours vnder his guiding. There escaped not past fortie persons of all the whole number. On the morrow after about two thousand of the French­men landed in the Ile of Wight, Frenchmen distressed in the Ile of Wight. where one of their line 40 chiefe capteins named le cheualier Daux, a Prouen­cois was slaine with manie other, and the residue with losse and shame driuen backe againe to their gallies.

The king perceiuing the great Armada of the Frenchmen to approch, caused the beacons to be fi­red, and by letters sent into Hamptonshire, Sum­mersetshire, Wiltshire, and into diuerse other coun­tries adioining, gaue knowledge to such as were ap­pointed to be readie for that purpose, to come with line 50 all spéed to incounter the enimies. Wherevpon they repaired to his presence in great numbers well fur­nished with armor, weapon, vittels, and all other things necessarie, so that the Ile was garnished, and all the frontiers alongest the coasts fortified with ex­céeding great multitudes of men. The French cap­teins hauing knowledge by certeine fishermen, whom they tooke, that the king was present, & so huge a power readie to resist them, they disanchored and drew along the coast of Sussex, and a small number line 60 of them landed againe in Sussex, of whome few re­turned to their ships: for diuerse gentlemen of the countrie, as sir Nicholas Pelham, and others, with such power as was raised, vpon the sudden, tooke them vp by the waie and quickelie distressed them.

When they had searched euerie where by the coast, and saw men still readie to receiue them with bat­tell, they turned sterne, and so got them home againe without anie act atchiued woorthie to be mentioned. The number of the Frenchmen was great, The number [...] the French [...]. so that diuerse of them that were taken prisoners in the Ile of Wight, and in Sussex, did report that they were thrée score thousand. The French king aduertised the emperor most vntrulie by letters, that his armie had gotten the Ile of Wight with the ports of Ham­ton, and Portesmouth, and diuerse other places. In August following, The earle of Hertford fo [...] ­ra [...]th the middle mar­ches of Scot­land. the earle of Hertford entered a­gaine into Scotland with twelue thousand men, and destroied all the townes in the middle marches, bur­ned Coldingham abbeie, and passed to the west mar­ches, sore annoieng and indamaging the Scots, and yet neither they, nor the Frenchmen that were sent into Scotland this yeare to the aid of the Scots, vn­der the leading of monsieur de Lorges, Montgome­rie his father, durst once come foorth into the field to incounter with him.

Also in the beginning of this moneth the citie of London set foorth a thousand soldiors of archers, The Londo­ners set foorth a power into France. har­quebutters, pikes, and bils, which went to Douer, and so passed ouer vnto Calis, to serue the king in his wars on that side the seas. The death of the valiant lord Poi­nings. In the same moneth that valiant capteine sir Thomas Poinings knight, lord Poinings, and the kings lieutenant of his towne and marches of Bullogne departed this life, after he had to his great honor atchiued manie woor­thie enterprises in seruice of his prince against the enimies, so that his death was much lamented. A gentleman vndoubtedlie deseruing to be had in per­petuall memorie: and pitie it is, that diuerse such va­liant feats as he in his life time atchiued, were not committed to writing, to remaine for examples sake to posteritie.

Also in the same moneth at Guilford died the noble and valiant duke of Suffolke Charles Brandon lord great maister of the kings houshold, The death of the duke of Suffolke. a right hardie gentleman, and yet not so hardie, as almost of all e­stats and degrees of men, high & low, rich and poore, hartilie beloued, & his death of them greatlie lamen­ted: his bodie was honorablie buried at Windsore, at the kings costs. His iust com­mendation. This man in his daies had doone to the king and realme right agreeable seruices, as well in peace, as in wars, both in England, France, Scotland, and Ireland, he died the kings generall lieutenant of his armie then appointed to resist the Frenchmen, if they durst haue landed.

But now, whereas in this meane time we haue spoken nothing of the dooings in Scotland, where the warre was still continued, the king of France sent thither certeine bands of Frenchmen, vnder the gouernement of monsieur de Lorges, Monsieur de Lorges sent into Scot­land with cer­teine French bands. to aid the Scots against the Englishmen; and the king of En­gland waged manie strangers, and sent them with certeine Englishmen to the borders, for defense of the same against the inuasions of the enimies: for after the arriuall of the Frenchmen, a great armie of Scots was raised, and approched néere to the bor­ders, where for a certeine time they incamped, so that manie thought some notable enterprise would haue béene attempted. But after they had laine in campe a certeine time, they brake vp, and departed without attempting anie further exploit.

Shortlie after the earle of Hertford lieng on the borders, as lieutenant of the north parts of Eng­land, The earle of Hertford in­uadeth Scot­land. calling to him an armie of twelue thousand men, or thereabouts, what of Englishmen and stran­gers, entred Scotland with the same, and burnt a great part of the Mers, and Teuidale, as Kelsaie ab­beie and the towne; Melrosse abbeie & Driborne ab­beie, also Iedworth abbeie, and diuerse other places, townes, and villages, to the number of fiue score. Kelsaie abbeie was defended a while by thrée hun­dred Scots, but in the end the most part of them were slaine, & taken by the strangers and others that gaue the assault. Thus the earle of Hertford sore in­damaged the Scots by this inuasion, and yet neither they, nor the Frenchmen their assistants, dur [...] come foorth into the field once to incounter with him.

On the sixtéenth of September a number of [Page 970] Scots and Frenchmen attempted to enter into England on the east borders. But the Englishmen perceiuing them about to passe by a certeine streict, set vpon them, and slue and tooke of them to the num­ber of seuen score. Among the prisoners that were taken, the lord of Humes sonne, and a French cap­teine were accompted chiefest. Also in another rode made into the west borders, the lord Maxwels sonne, and diuerse others were taken. Ouerthrowes on both sides, betwixt the English and Scots. But at an other time about the same season also, certeine Englishmen to line 10 the number of fiue hundred, making their entrie by the west borders into Scotland, were discomfited by the Scots, and the more part of them either taken or slaine. Thus were they occupied as well on the bor­ders betwixt England and Scotland, in this season, as also in the marches of Calis, Guisnes, and Bul­lognois, where the garrisons lieng in those places, made continuall rodes & forraies into the marches of the enimies countrie, and oftentimes chanced to incounter with some of their troops. line 20

The capteine of Ard, monsieur de Dampiere, ha­uing got for a supplie from the French campe at Bul­logne, the companie of the men of armes that be­longed to the duke of Orleance, led by his lieute­nant monsieur de Tauannes, chanced on a daie to incounter with the Englishmen guided by that va­liant baron the lord Greie of Wilton, capteine of the towne of Guisnes, who being accompanied with a number of valiant gentlemen & soldiers, distressed their enimies, & slue the capteine of Ard the foresaid line 30 lord de Dampiere there in field. Diuerse other skir­mishes and incounters chanced in that summer, on the further side the seas. And moreouer, now after that the French nauie was withdrawen (as ye haue heard) from the coasts about Portesmouth, that mar­tiall chiefteine, sir Iohn Dudleie, lord Lisle, and high admerall of England, hauing all his ships, men, mu­nition, & furniture readie, set forward from Portes­mouth hauen, to haue fought with the Frenchmen, if they had still kept the seas, but they were with­draw [...]e line 40 home into harborough.

Wherevpon the lord admerall meaning to re­uenge their brauados, and presumptuous attempts made at Portesmouth, and in the Ile of Wight, ap­proched to the coasts of Normandie, and landed with six thousand men at Treport, burnt the suburbes of that towne, with the abbeie, and certeine villages and houses thereabouts. Also they destroied thirtie ships, and a barke there found in the hauen: and after they had wrought their pleasures, they returned to line 50 the sea, and so home, not hauing lost past fourtéene persons in the execution of this whole enterprise. Of this great spoile & ouerthrow giuen at Treport, by the kings admerall, I find these verses remembred:

—Treportem passibus aequis
T [...]eporte oppi­dum Galliae ma­ritimum à Iohanne Dud­leio praefecto re­giae clas [...]is diri­pitur & flam­mis absumitur.
Ordine seruato (qui mus est militis) intrant:
Obuius vt quisque est, is stricto sternitur ense,
Ast alius volucri traiectus membra sagitta,
Occidit exanguis, foedátque cruore plateas.
Dum reclusa alius vult prospectare fenestra, line 60
Nec conferre pedem, nec aperto praelia Marte
Commiscere audet, glandis transfigitur ictu.
Omne genus telorum ad caedem immittitur atram.

In this meane while monsieur de Biez, being in­camped néere to Bullogne with such a puissant ar­mie (as before you haue heard) busied about the buil­ding of a fort, there was not such diligence vsed ther­in, as was promised on his part in accomplishing the same, to the French kings great displeasure (as some write) who had meant with that armie (if this fort had béene finished at the appointed time) to haue gone to besiege the towne and castell of Guisnes: but now the time being prolonged, and not without some suspicion least monsieur de Biez cared not how long the warres indured in that sort, so as he might command ouer so manie princes and great lords as were there vnder his gouernance, at length before the fort were fullie finished, he remooued to mount Lambert with the more part of the armie, preten­ding as though he meant to fight with the English­men, the which (as he said) he vnderstood were purpo­sed to come with a conuoie of vittels from Calis to Bullogne.

Whilest he there remained, manie princes and great lords came from the court, that laie at an ab­beie called forrest Montier, eleuen leagues from Bullogne beyond Muttrell, on the waie towards Abuille, in hope that battell should haue followed be­wixt the English and French armies. Among other that came thither are these remembred as principall, monsieur Danguien, monsieur Daumalle, mon­sieur le duc de Neuers, monsieur le conte de La­uall, and monsieur de la Trimouille. Monsieur Dau­malle eldest sonne to the duke of Guise, being lod­ged in the vantgard that was gouerned by monsieur de Brissac, chanced on a daie to be present at a skir­mish, where shewing himselfe verie forward, he was striken through the sight of his helmet, with a light horssemans staffe, that pearsing in betwixt his nose and his eie, entred halfe a foot into his head, as mon­sieur de Langeie writeth, Martin de Bellaie, seig­neur Langeie in his memo [...] ­res. and breaking off a two sin­gers beneath the iron, the same iron remained still within his head: but yet escaping out of the English mens hands, he came backe to the campe, had the truncheon and iron pulled out of his head, and being dressed was conueied in a litter to Piquignie, where he laie for two or thrée daies in such danger, that no man looked that he should haue escaped with life.

There were manie of these skirmishes, wherin the Englishmen bare themselues so valiantlie, that the Frenchmen went awaie oftentimes with losse of manie of their noble men and best souldiers. At one time they lost the lord Menaintuille brother to the lord de Tillebonne, being slaine with stroke of lance and pike. At another time they lost likewise a yoong lord of Picardie called le seigneur de Fretoie. At length, after their new fort or basti [...]lion was brought in some strength, they furnished it in most defensible wise with men, munition and vittels, na­ming it Monpleastre. Herewith monsieur de Biez departing from mount Lambert with part of the ar­mie, came downe towards Calis, Monsieur de Biez forra [...]eth the English pale about Calis. and entring into the English pale beside Grauelin, wan certeine bul­works, and incountring diuerse new bands of Lei­cestershiremen and others, latelie before sent ouer, distressed them, and after burnt certeine villages, forraied the countrie almost to Marke, and after­wards in great hast with their bootie and pillage they turned. This enterprise was exploited by the French men about S. Matthews daie in September.

There were with monsieur de Biez at this enter­prise the lord of Brissac, Martin de Bellaie. who gouerned the vaunt­gard, and had with him his owne companie of men of armes, and the light horssemen of whome he had the generall conduct. There was also the companie of men at armes that belonged to the constable of France, led by the lord Guich, & fiftie men of armes vnder the gouernance of the lord of Helleie, the companie also of the lord of Boisie, the companie of the lord Escars, and that of the lord de la Roch du Maine, & others. There was also monsieur de Taies generall of the French footmen, and manie yoong princes and lords of high estate, as monsieur Fran­cis de Bourbon, duc Danglien, Francis de Lor­raine, duke Daumalle latelie recouered of his hurt, the duke of Neuers, and the earle de Lauall that in this voiage was hurt with an harquebush shot in the arme.

[Page 971]The three and twentith of Nouember, a parlement began at Westminster, [...] parlement. [...] s [...]bsidie [...]. in the which was granted to the king a subsidie of the spiritualtie of six shillings the pound, to be paid in two yeares next insuing: and of the temporaltie two shillings and eight pence of the pound in goods, and foure shillings of the pound in lands, to be paid likewise within two yeares. Also in this parlement all colleges, chanteries, and hospi­tals were committed to the king, to order, by alte­ring or transposing the same as to him should séeme expedient, which at the prorogation of the same parle­ment line 10 he promised should be doone to the glorie of God, and the common profit of the realme. The foure and tw [...]ntith of December, the said parlement was proroged, on which daie the king comming into the house, to giue his roiall assent vnto such acts as were passed, the speaker made vnto him an eloquent oration, to the which although the custome hath euer beene that the lord chancellor should make answer, it pleased the king at that present to make the answer himselfe, which he vttered as here ensueth. line 20

The kings oration in the par­lement house.

ALthough my chancellor, for the time being, hath before this time vsed verie eloquentlie and substantiallie, to make answer to such orations as hath béene set foorth in this high court of parlement; yet is he not so able to open and set foorth line 30 my mind and meaning, and the secrets of my heart, in so plaine and ample manner, as I my selfe am and can doo. Wherefore I taking vpon me to answer your eloquent oration maister speaker, saie, that where you in the name of our welbeloued commons, haue both praised and extolled me, for the notable qualities that you haue conceiued to be in me: I most hartilie thanke you all, that you haue put me in remembrance of my dutie, which is to indeuour my selfe to obteine and get such excellent qualities, line 40 and necessarie vertues, as a prince or gouernour should or ought to haue, of which gifts I recognise my selfe both bare and barren, but of such small qua­lities as God hath indued me withall, I render to his goodnesse my most humble thanks, intending with all my wit and diligence to get and acquire to me such notable vertues and princelie qualities, as you haue alledged to be incorporated in my person. These thanks for your louing admonition and good line 50 counsell first remembred, The kings thanks to his commons. I eftsoones thanke you. Againe, bicause that you considering our great charge, not for our pleasure, but for your defense, not for our gaine, but to our great cost, which we haue latelie susteined, aswell in defense of our and your enimies, as for the conquest of that fortresse, which was to this realme most displesant and noisome, and shalbe (by Gods grace) hereafter to our nation most profitable and pleasant, haue fréelie of your owne minds granted to vs a certeine subsidie, here in an line 60 act specified, which verelie we take in good part, re­garding more your kindnesse, than the profit there­of, as he that setteth more by your louing harts than by your substance. Beside this hartie kindnesse, I cannot a little reioise, when I consider the perfect trust and confidence, which you haue put in me, as men hauing vndoubted hope and vnfeined beléefe in my good dooings and iust proceedings for you, with­out my desire or request, haue committed to mine order and disposition all chanteries, The kings promises for the well dis­posing of chantries and colleges. colleges, hospi­tals, and other places specified in a certeine act, firm­lie trusting that I will order them to the g lorie of God, and the profit of the common-wealth. Surelie if I (contrarie to your expectation) should suffer the ministers of the church to decaie, or learning (which is so great a iewell) to be minished, or poore and mise­rable to be vnreléeued, you might saie that I being put in so speciall a trust, as I am in this case, were no trustie fréend to you, nor charitable to mine euen christian, neither a louer to the publike wealth, nor yet one that feared God, to whome accompt must be rendered of all our dooings. Doubt not I praie you, but your expectation shall be serued, more godlie and goodlie than you will wish or desire, as hereafter you shall plainlie perceiue.

Now sith I find such kindnesse on your part to­wards me, I cannot choose but loue and fauour you, affirming that no prince in the world more fauou­reth his subiects than I doo you; nor no subiects or commons more loued and obeied their souereigne lord, than I perceiue you doo me, for whose defense my treasure shall not be hidden, nor if necessitie re­quire, my person shall not be vnaduentured. Yet al­though I wish you, and you with me, to be in this perfect loue and concord, this fréendlie amitie cannot continue, except both you my lords temporall, and my lords spirituall, and you my louing subiects, stu­die and take paine to amend one thing, which surelie is amisse, and farre out of order, to the which I most hartilie require you: which is, that charitie and con­cord is not among you, but discord and dissention bea­reth rule in euerie place. Saint Paule saith to the Corinthians, and the thirtéenth chapter: Charitie and concord in common­wealths be things most necessarie: but in matters of religion, charitie and con­cord is not e­nough, with­out veritie and true wor­ship of God. Charitie is gentle, charitie is not enuious, charitie is not proud, and so foorth in the said chapter. Behold then what loue and charitie is among you, when the one calleth an other heretike and anabaptist, and he calleth him againe papist, hypocrite, and pharisie? Be these to­kens of charitie amongst you? Are these signes of fraternall loue betweene you? No, no, I assure you that this lacke of charitie amongst your selues will be the hinderance and asswaging of the feruer [...] betwéene vs, as I said before, except this [...] be salued, and cleerelie made whole. I must néeds iudge the fault and occasion of this discord to be [...] by negligence of you the fathers and preachers of the spiritualtie: for if I know a man which liueth in adul­terie, I must iudge him a lecherous and a carnall person: if I sée a man boast and brag himselfe, I can­not but déeme him a proud man. I sée heere dailie that you of the cleargie preach one against another, teach one contrarie to another, inueigh one against an other without charitie or discretion: some be too stiffe in their old Mumpsimus, other be too busie and curious in their new Sumpsimus: thus all men almost be in varietie and discord, and few or none preacheth trulie and sincerelie the word of God, according as they ought to doo. Shall I iudge you charitable per­sons dooing this? No, no, I cannot so doo. Alas, how can the poore soules liue in concord, when you prea­chers sow amongst them in your sermons debate and discord? Of you they looke for light, and you bring them to darkenesse. Amend these crimes I exhort you, and set foorth Gods word, both by true preaching and good example giuing: or else I, whome God hath appointed his vicar and high minister here, will sée these diuisions extinct, and these enormities corrected according to my verie dutie, or else I am an vnpro­fitable seruant, and an vntrue officer. Although I saie the spirituall men be in some fault, that charitie is not kept amongst you; yet you of the temporaltie be not cleare and vnspotted of malice and enuie: for you raile on bishops, speake slanderouslie of preests, and rebuke and taunt preachers, both contrarie to good order and christian fraternitie. If you know suerlie that a bishop or preacher erreth, or teacheth peruerse doctrine, come and declare it to some of our councell, or to vs, to whome is committed by God the [Page] high authoritie to reforme and order such causes and behauiors, and be not iudges your selues, of your owne fantasticall opinions and vaine expositions, for in such high causes you may lightlie erre. And al­though you be permitted to read holie scriptures, and to haue the word of God in your mother toong, you must vnderstand, that it is licenced you so to doo, onelie to informe your owne consciences, and to in­struct your children and familie, and not to dispute, and make scripture a railing and a taunting stocke line 10 against priests and preachers, as manie light per­sons doo. I am verie sorie to know and heare, how vnreuerentlie that most pretious iewell the word of God is disputed, rimed, soong, and iangled in euerie alehouse and tauerne, contrarie to the true meaning and doctrine of the same: and yet I am euen as much sorie, that the readers of the same follow it in dooing so faintlie and coldlie. For of this I am sure, that charitie was neuer so faint amongst you, and ver­tuous and godlie liuing was neuer lesse vsed, nor line 20 God himselfe amongst christians was neuer lesse re­uerenced, honored, or serued. Therfore (as I said be­fore) be in charitie one with an other, like brother and brother: loue, dread, and serue God, to the which I as your supreame head and souereigne lord exhort and require you, and then I doubt not, but that loue and league that I spake of in the beginning, shall neuer be dissolued or broken betwéene vs. And to the ma­king of laws which we haue now made and conclu­ded, I exhort you the makers to be as diligent in line 30 putting them in execution, as you were in making & furthering of the same: or else your labour shall be in vaine, & your common-wealth nothing releeued. Now to your petition, concerning our roiall assent to be giuen to such acts as haue passed both houses, they shall be read openlie that ye may heare them.

Then were they openlie read, and to manie his grace assented, and diuerse he assented not vnto. Thus the kings oration was to his subiects there pre­sent line 40 such comfort, that the like ioie could not be vnto them in this world. And thus the acts read (as the manner is) and his assent giuen, his grace rose and departed. Manie proper feats of armes were ex­ploited and doone in this meane while, betwixt the parties English and French about Bullongne. year 1546 On the morrow after the feast of the Epiphanie, there came a conuoie of vittels towards the French fort, garded with thrée or foure thousand lancequenetz vnder their coronell the Reingraue and certeine line 50 French horssemen. The Rein­graue. The earle of Surreie then lieu­tenant of Bullongne aduertised thereof, made out with such power as he might conuenientlie spare of them within Bullongne and the Old man, to cut off those vittels: but comming to encounter with the enimies at saint Estiens, he was put to flight: sir Edward Poinings capteine of a band called the kings gard of Bullongne was slaine in that conflict with fifteene or sixtéene other capteins, The English men put to flight. beside offi­cers and common soldiors. About the same time the line 60 Frenchmen made a voiage vnto the Isle of Brasill, with a ship called the barke Ager, which they had ta­ken from the Englishmen before: and in their waie they met with a little craier, of the which one Gol­ding was master, a proper man and an hardie. The barke perceiuing the craier to be an Englishman, shot at hir and bowged hir. Wherevpon straitwaies the craier drew to the great barke, and six or seauen of the Englishmen leapt into hir. The barke Ager an En­glish ship re­couered. In the meane time while the Frenchmen, without regard of perill to­wards themselues, looked ouer hatches to behold how the craier sunke there at hand before them, not mistrusting anie thing that the Englishmen might doo against them, it fortuned that those Englishmen which got vp into the barke, found in the end thereof a great number of lime pots, which they with water quenched, or rather (as the nature thereof is) set them on fire, and threw them so thicke at the Frenchmen which were there aboord, that they blinded them, in such wise as those few Englishmen that entred the ship vanquished the Frenchmen, and driuing them vnder hatches, shut the same, and brought the barke awaie with them home into England. In the latter end of March the brothell houses called the Stues on the banke side in Southworke were conuerted from such filthie vses by the kings commandement, The Stues suppressed. the bawds and ruffians being put out, and other persons of honest behauior placed in their rooms to inhabit in the same houses. This was doone by proclamation and sound of trumpet by an herald of armes.

¶On the seuen and twentith of Aprill being tues­daie in Easter wéeke William Foxleie pot-maker for the mint of the Tower of London fell asléepe, Ab. Fl. ex I.S.. William Fox­leie slept more than foure­téene daies, and as manie nights with­out waking. and so continued sléeping, and could not be wakened with pricking, cramping, or otherwise burning what­soeuer, till the first daie of the next terme, which was full fouretéene daies, and as manie nights or more, for that Easter terme beginneth not before seauen­téene daies after Easter. The cause of his thus sléep­ing could not be knowen, though it were diligentlie searched for by the kings physicians and other lear­ned men, yea the king himselfe examining the said William Foxleie, who was in all points found at his waking to be but as if he had slept but one night: he was liuing in the Tower of London in the yéere of our Lord God 1579.]

This yéere by meanes made by the emperor, com­missioners were appointed to méet & treat of some accord betweene the realmes of England & France, Anno Reg. 38. so that the king of England sent ouer to Guisnes, Cutbert Tunstall bishop of Duresme, sir William Paget his secretarie, and doctor Tregonell: and the French king sent to Ard a bishop, the chiefe president of Rouen, and a notarie, but no conclusion followed of their trauell. Wherevpon the king of England hauing perfect knowledge how the Frenchmen in­tended to build a fortresse at saint Iohns rode be­twéene Bullongne and Calis, to the great annoi­ance of both those places, if they might haue compas­sed their purpose; he meant to preuent that deuise of his aduersaries, sending ouer the earle of Hertford and the lord Lisle high admerall of England, with manie valiant capteins, which got the rode but two daies before the Frenchmen had appointed to be there. But when they vnderstood that the English­men had so preuented them, they staied about Hardi­low, where monsieur de Biez their generall gaue order to incampe, and durst not once come forward to assaie the English forces: so that without anie impeachment by land, the Englishmen built certeine fortresses, to wit, two at the same place of saint Iohns rode, otherwise called Hamble Thew, and an other about a two miles from thence at a place called Blacke Nesse. Hamble Thew [...] by the En­glishmen. There was in the earle of Hertfords campe beside Englishmen diuerse stran­gers, Almains, Spaniards and Italians. And be­cause it is not much impertinent to the matter, we haue thought good here to set downe the whole num­ber of all the kings forces at that present in his paie that were there vnder the said earle of Hertford the kings generall lieutenant. First the earle had two hundred, the lord William Sturton thrée hundred, the lord Iohn Greie brother to the marques Dorset two hundred, the lord Braie one hundred, sir Tho­mas Seimer knight marshall of the host one hun­dred, sir Henrie Kneuet capteine of the horssemen one hundred, sir Iohn Harrington treasuror, of the armie one hundred, sir Thomas Wiat master of the [Page 973] ordinance one hundred, sir Mauris Barkleie thrée hundred, sir Thomas Holcroft two hundred, sir Walter Dennis two hundred, sir George Blewet two hundred, sir Richard Greenefield two hundred, sir George Cornewall two hundred, sir Iohn Lut­terell one hundred, sir Edmund Hussie one hundred, Gorge Throkmorton two hundred, capteine Brough­ton two hundred, capteine Palmer two hundred, capteine Chancie two hundred, capteine Windam two hundred, capteine Stukeleie one hundred, cap­teine Blewet one hundred, capteine Sidnam one line 10 hundred, capteine Bret one hundred, capteine Dier one hundred, capteine Euans one hundred, Spani­ards fiftéene hundred, Italians two hundred, Eleue­ners thrée hundred; lancequenets vnder the gouern­ment of their coronell Conrade Phenning, common­lie called Courtpennie, thrée thousand. The summe of all the soldiors in Bullongne & Bullongnois were 93000. Here you must note, that whilest the Eng­lish armie laie thus in the field till the forts of Ham­ble Thew and Blacke Nesse were in building, the line 20 French gallies were on the seas, and now and then came and approched néere to the shore, where the En­glish armie laie in campe, at the which they shot off their ordinance: and the Englishmen answered them againe with the like. They came also before Calis, and shot off at the towne. But the lord ad­merall being there, made out to encounter them, notwithstanding they did first much hurt, and tooke awaie diuerse of the English vessels laden with line 30 vittels.

The eighteenth daie of Maie there were foure of the kings ships, and foure pinases abroad on the seas afore the hauen of Hamble Thew, and there came eightéene of the French gallies to set vpon them, and so there was great shooting betweene them: [...] French [...] taken, and at length one of their gallies was taken, in the which were aboord fourtéene score soldiors and seauen score rowers: [...] mutinie in [...] English [...]. the rest of their gallies packed awaie. Moreouer, whilest the campe laie thus at Hamble line 40 Thew, it chanced that on a daie a mutinie rose a­mong that they got themselues into order of battell, seized vpon the great artillerie, and shewed countenance as if they would haue set vpon the residue of the whole campe. Herevpon euerie soldior was com­manded to repaire to his ensigne, and the Spaniards came and ioined with the Englishmen, readie to take such part as they did. At length by the diligence of the chiefteines, and good countenance of the Eng­lish line 50 soldiors and Spaniards the tumult was staied, and six of the principall beginners were hanged.

The one and twentith of Maie the French armie came and incamped beyond Bullongne at the church on the hill: and the morrow after the earle of Hert­ford marched with his power to a place within two miles of them, and certeine footmen and horssemen went foorth and skirmished with them; and in the meane time the artillerie ceassed not to shoot off, as well from the French campe and fortresse as from line 60 Bullongne and the Old man. This daie were slaine fouretéene Frenchmen and two taken prisoners; and thrée of the English part were likewise taken, and so the earle of Hertford returned to his campe, and left the lancequenets vpon the hill, incamped before the enemies faces, not two miles distant from them, in which place a fort was begun to be raised, which was after called the fort of Bullongne Berg. The next daie, A great skir­mish. to wit, the thrée and twentith of Maie the soldiors of Bullongne and the lancequenets skirmi­shed with the Frenchmen, slue and tooke of them se­uen score and aboue▪ of the which there were fortie that were in cotes of veluet, and diuerse also with chaines.

Here you must vnderstand, that now in this meane while by the motion of diuerse princes, a mée­ting was had of sundrie commissioners, appointed to treat of some peace, to be concluded betwixt the two kings of England and France. Herevpon there came to Guisnes for the king of England the earle of Hertford, the bishop of Winchester, sir Iohn Dudleie vicount Lisle baron of Maupas, and high admerall of England, sir William Paget the kings secretarie, and doctor Nicholas Wootton deane of Canturburie. For the French king there came to Ard monsieur Claude Danebault admerall of France, being also one of the foure marshals of that realme, the bishop of Eureux, monsieur Reimund chiefe president of Rone, the secretarie Bouchetell. Diuerse times they met betwixt Ard and Guisnes, and after long debating of matters, and diuerse breakings off: yet at length the seauenth of Iune a peace was concluded, and proclamed as well in the court as in the citie of London on Whitsundaie the thirtéenth of Iune, with sound of trumpet, A peace con­cluded and proclamed. accord­ing to the manner: and in like sort the same daie it was proclamed at Paris and at Rone. The chiefest article of which peace was this, that the French king paieng to the king of England 800000 crownes within the terme of eight yeares, should haue Bul­longne againe to him restored, which in the meane time should remaine in the hands and possession of the king of England, as a pledge and gage for assu­rance of the said moneie.

On the seuen & twentith of Iune doctor Crome recanted at Paules crosse: I. Stow, pag. 1033. which recantation was vrged vpon this occasion. When the chanteries & col­leges were giuen by act of parlement into the kings hands (as is aboue remembred) which was about the moneth of December 1545, Iohn Fox in Acts & Mo­numents. the next lent following doctor Crome preaching in the mercers chappell, a­mong other reasons and persuasions, to rouse the peo­ple from the vaine opinion of purgatorie, D. Crome r [...]canteth at Paules crosse. inferred this, grounding vpon the said act of parlement: that if trentals and chanterie masses could auaile the soules in purgatorie, then did the parlement not well in giuing awaie monasteries, colleges, & chan­teries, which serued principallie to that purpose. But if the parlement did well (as no man could denie) in dissoluing them & bestowing the same vpon the king, then is it a plaine case, that such chanteries and pri­uat masses doo nothing conferre so reléeue them in purgatorie. This Dilemma of doctor Crome, no doubt, was insoluble: but notwithstanding the charitable prelats (for all the kings late exhortation vnto chari­tie) were so charitable to him that they brought him Coram nobis, and so handled him that they made him recant his words. ¶ On the sixtéenth of Iune were letters patents deliuered to sir Thomas Cheinie treasuror of the kings houshold, Abr. Fle. [...] manuscrip [...]oa [...] Henr. Tenant tradito. and lord warden of the cinque ports, wherby he was authorised to be the kings agent in christening the Dolphins daughter of France named Elizabeth. A true copie of which let­ters patents is here recorded, bicause the said action hath béene ignorantlie transferred from the said sir Thomas Chemie to sir Henrie Kneuet: as appeareth in Holinsheds chronicle published 1577, pag. 1608.

A true copie of the kings letters patents to sir Thomas Cheinie.

HEnricus octauus Dei gratia Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae rex, fidei defen­sor, & in terra ecclesiae Anglicanae & Hibernicae supremum caput. Praedile­cto & fideli consiliario nostro Thomae Cheinie sa­cri ordinis nostri garterij militi, domino gardiano [Page 974] quinque portuum, & hospitij nostri thesaurario sa­lutem. Cùm illustrissima princeps ac consanguinea nostra charissima domina Katharina illustrissimi principis consanguinei & filij nostri charissimi Henrici Franciae Delphini christianissimi princi­pis Francisci Francorum regis fratris, amici & confoederati nostri perpetui, filij primogeniti con­iunx praeclarissima, nuper (diuina cooperante cle­mentia) prolem foeminam enixa sit: nos summo­perè cupientes pacis, amicitiae, & vnionis vin­culum line 10 inter praefatum christianissimum Franco­rum regem & nos iam nuper redintegratum, fir­mioribus quibus possumus nexibus astringi, adma­iorem ipsius corroborationem & firmitatem, ac vt dicto illustrissimo filio nostro in hac parte gratifi­cemur, etiam compaternitatisfoedus duximus adij­ciendum. Quocirca ad leuandum de sacro fonte vice & nomine nostro dictam prolem ex praefata illustrissima domina Katharina dicti illustrissimi line 20 principis coniuge, & consanguinca nostra a charis­simanatam, illique nomen Elisabethae imponen­dum, & ipsam nomine Elisabethae in illius baptis­mo nominandā, caeterá (que) omnia & singula in prae­missis, & circa ea necessaria seu quouismodo opor­tuna nomine nostro faciendum & exercendum, e­tiamsi maiora existant superiùs expressis, & man­datum de se exigant magis speciale quàm superiùs est insertum: te commissarium ac ambassiatorem line 30 & procuratorem nostrum specialem ordinamus, facimus, & constituimus per praesentes: promit­tentes nos ratum, gratum, & firmum habituros quicquid per te gestum & procuratum siue actum fuerit in praemissis. In cuius reitestimonium has literas nostras fieri fecimus patentes. Teste me ipso apud Greenewich sextodecimo die Iunij anno regni nostri tricesimo octauo.

Henrie Rex.

The king hauing passed ouer the foresaid letters line 40 patents to sir Thomas, and he in forwardnesse to execute his charge, to the intent that his retinue and attendants should no waies offensiuelie behaue themselues against the French, with whom the king was verie carefull to continue and mainteine the peace interchangeablie agreed vpon and concluded, his maiestie to preuent and cut off all occasions that might anie waie impeach, interrupt, or violate this peace, commanded the lords of his councell to di­rect letters with all expedition to the said sir Thomas, line 50 then vpon his voiage into France, conteining a prescript forme of demeanor, which the gentlemen & yeomen attendant vpon him in France should vse, during the time of their abode in those forren parts: a copie of which letter, being a testimoniall of the king of Englands inclinable mind to peace hereaf­ter followeth out of the verie originall, as the same was subscribed by the lords.

A copie of the said letters sent in post to sir Thomas Cheinie being vpon his voiage into France.

Note: line 60

AFter our right hartie commendations to your good lordship. The kings maiestie hath willed vs to signifie vnto you, that his highnesse expresse pleasure and comman­dement is, ye should in his maiesties name declare to such gentlemen as accompanie you into France, that they haue in remembrance so to vse & behaue them selues among the Frenchmen as well on the waie as at the court, in such sort as they by communication vpon feats of the warre passed giue no occasion of priuat displeasure. Wherein therefore it shall be ex­pedient, that either they saie nothing, vnlesse they be prouoked; or in that case call the things happened fortune de la guerre, without comparison of things chanced on our part or on theirs, but turne the com­munication to reioise in peace. In the conditions whereof they shall pretend ignorance, without spea­king of the keeping still of Bullogne, or deliuerance of it againe, but as shall please the princes for the continuance of peace, wherein by Gods grace the crueltie of warre shall be conuerted into extreamitie of friendship, to the weale and commoditie of both realmes.

And forsomuch as there want not in the world naughtie men of the state of moonks and friers, who for malice of the alteration of their estate here, would gladlie defame our religion towards God, as though we had with them cast out all; his highnesse expresse pleasure and commandement is, that considering at this first entrie of you, the behauiour of your compa­nie shall be much marked and noted in matters of religion and circumstances: of the same they should therfore haue so much the more regard both to their communications and also behauiors, and not onelie in speech to forbeare to dispute or intermedle with the state of their policy there, but also in their diet on the fish daie and deuout hearing of masse, follow the order of the kings maiesties relme, so as their conuer­sation & behauior maie be cōfusion to such as would defame this realme in the contrarie. Thus fare your good lordship right hartilie well. From Greenewich the ninteenth of Iune 1546. Your lordships assured louing friends, Thomas Wriothesleie canc. W: Saint-Iohn. I: Russell. Cut [...]: Duresme. Steph: Winton. Anthonie Brenne. William Petres. This letter was thus indorsed. ¶To our assured louing friend sir Thomas Cheinie knight of the order, treasuror of the kings maiesties houshold, and lord warden of the cinque ports, presentlie in speciall commission from the kings maiestie into France. Hast, post hast for thy life, to Douer, Calis, or where he shall chance to be: hast, hast.

Thus farre of sir Thomas Cheinie, imploied a­bout the kings affaires in France; namelie the chri­stening of the Dolphins daughter: wherein we haue béene the more copious in words, bicause it hath béen published, that sir Henrie Kneuet was there vnto personallie deputed: which to be vntrue, both the let­ters patents and the letter missiue doo sufficient­lie prooue; both which we receiued at the hands of an Henrie Te­nant. ancient seruitor, attendant vpon the same sir Thomas at his béeing in France to execute his charge in the kings behalfe. Of which woorthie knight when we come to the yeare and daie of his death, we will deliuer further report to his high commendati­on, but yet none otherwise than as by warranted intelligence we shall be directed.]

The same time was a combat fought before the French king betwixt two Spaniards, A combat be­twéene Iu­lian Rome­rou, and Mo­row, Iulian Rom­erou, and one Morow. They both serued the king of England in the last wars against France: but Mo­row had reuolted from his seruice to the French kings, and for certeine spéeches which he had vttered, was chalenged to fight the said combat by the said Iulian, for whome sir Henrie Kneuet vndertooke that he should stand to his chalenge, and trie it with his aduersarie, which he now did, and vanquished him in lists, the fight being appointed on horsse­backe. Incontinentlie after, The death of sir Henrie Kneuet. sir Henrie Kneuet sick­ned and died at Corbell, and was buried in Paris within the church of S. Paule. Moreouer, for the full establishment of the peace, and to receiue the French kings oth, the vicount Lisle lord admerall, with the bishop of Duresme, and diuerse other lords, and gen­tlemen, [Page 975] to the number of one hundred and aboue, all in veluet cotes and chaines of gold, with fiue and fortie yeomen right séemelie appointed, The lord [...] went into France to [...] the [...] kings [...]. went into France, departing from Bullogne the tenth of Iu­lie, and came to Mellune a towne beyond Paris, where the French king then laie, by whome and the Dolphin his sonne they were roiallie receiued, fea­sted, and banketted: and hauing doone that for the which he was sent, the said lord admerall Dudleie the first of August tooke his leaue of the French king, line 10 who rewarded him with a cupboord of plate all gold, valued at 1500 pounds. The lords also and gentle­men had chaines of gold giuen to them, and the yeo­men had two hundred crownes bestowed amongst them, and so the lord admerall returned into Eng­land. This lord admerall, during the time that he had to deale with the French, so valiantlie demea­ned himselfe, and was such a terror and astonish­ment to the enimie, as it is left written of him, that they durst not quéech in his presence, but were like a line 20 sort of timorous cattell, giuing roome to the raging lion ranging ouer the pastures with hir yoonglings, and making the verie heauens to ring with hir ro­ring, after she hath filled hir selfe with bulles flesh, and laid hir selfe downe to rest being wearie with eating; the comparison verie aptlie followeth:

Vtque iracundo cedunt armenta leoni,
Pascua cum plenus bacchante furore peragrat
Solus cum catulis, coelum, & rugitibus implens
Conspicitur, postquam taurorum carnibus atra line 30
Sit saturata fames, lassúsque recumbit edendo:
Tantus terror erat Gallis Dudleius Heros.

In the same moneth of August monsieur Dane­balt high admerall of France, An ambassage [...] of France. accompanied with the bishop of Eureux, the earle of Nauteuill knight of the order, the earle of Uilliers, the chiefe president of Roan, secretarie Bouchetell, monsieur de Cana­ples knight of the order, monsieur de Taies knight of the order, monsieur de Masilerie viceadmerall of France, monsieur de Desse, the baron de la Gard, line 40 with diuerse other lords and capteines of honor, be­side two hundred gentlemen well appointed, leused from Déepe with twelue gallies and a right faire ship called the Sacre of Déepe, and so making saile he staied not anie where to take land, till he came in­to the Thames, where at Blackewall he was recei­ued into the kings barge by the earles of Darbie and Essex, who brought him to Gréenewich, where he landed, and lodged there that night.

The kings [...]ips that laie the riuer betwixt Gra­ [...]send & Det­ [...]d, shot off [...]stilie, & like­wise the French gal­l [...]s [...]alsed them againe.The next daie he came vp with all his gallies, line 50 and landed at the Tower wharfe. Upon all the banks by the water side were laid péeces of artillerie, which shot off freelie, and so likewise did all the artillerie in the ships, but speciallie from the Tower was shot a maruellous great peale of ordinance. From whence being landed, they rode thorough London in great triumph (the maior and the crafts standing in the streets in verie good order) vnto the bishops palace by Paules, where the French admerall lodged till Bartholomew euen, on which daie he was conueied line 60 toward Hampton court, where in the waie the prince hauing with him the archbishop of Yorke, The French admerall receiued by [...] Edward. the earles of Hertford and Huntington, and aboue two thousand horsse, met him and imbrased him in such courteous and honorable wise, that all the behol­ders greatlie reioised, and much maruelled at the said princes high wit and great audacitie, and so the French admerall came to the court, giuing the prince the vpper hand as they rode. And at the vtter gate of the court, the lord chancellor, and all the kings councell receiued him, and brought him to his lodging.

On Bartholomew daie the king admitting him to his presence, welcomed him, and in great triumph went to the chappell, where the king receiued his oth to performe the articles of the league, The admerall of France re­ceiueth an oth. as it was co­uenanted. To speake of the bankettings, huntings▪ and such like honorable sorts of interteinements, it were much to vtter, and hard to beléeue. But on fri­daie following, His gifts that he had of the king & others. being the seuen and twentith of Au­gust, he being rewarded with a cupboord of plate, to the value of twelue hundred pounds, returned to London, and on the sundaie next insuing tooke his gallies and departed. Beside the kings gifts, he had giuen to him by the citie of London two flaggons guilt, and two other that were parcell guilt, valued at one hundred thirtie six pounds, beside wine, wax, and torches. There were diuerse of his companie also that went not awaie vnrewarded, hauing both plate, and also manie horsses, and greihounds giuen them.

Although this peace pleased both the English and French nations, yet suerlie both mistrusted the con­tinuance therof. And verelie the old prouerbe séemed to be throughlie verefied, which saith, that what the eie séeth, the hart rueth: for the Frenchmen still lon­ged for Bullogne, and the Englishmen meant not willinglie to giue it ouer. For during the French admerals being in England, monsieur de Chatillon capteine of Montplaisier began to make a new ba­stilion euen at the verie mouth of the hauen, na­ming it Chatillons garden. Wherevpon that noble gentleman the lord Greie of Wilton, shortlie after appointed to be deputie of the towne and countie of Bullogne, perceiuing the great inconuenience that this new building would bring to the towne if it went forwards, did aduertise the king thereof, The lord Greie of Wilton. ear­nestlie beséeching his grace, that the matter might be throughlie considered of. Sir Tho­mas Palmer. Sir Thomas Palmer was the messenger.

The king vpon the intelligence, asked his coun­cels aduise, which onelie went wholie, that the condi­tions of the peace were not in anie wise to be infrin­ged. This resolued, secretarie Paget then knight, and afterwards lord, was commanded accordinglie to draw a letter to the lord Greie, the which [...]he king himselfe did signe, willing that the messenger should further know of his pleasure before he departed. Wherevpon sir Thomas Palmer, hauing his dis­patch at the secretaries hands, did get word to be giuen to the king, who presentlie sent for him into his priuie chamber, and betwixt them two, vsed these words: Palmer, you haue there a letter from vs to the lord Greie, King Henries message to the lord Greie by sir Thomas Palmer. that he doo in no wise deale in the matter that he hath by you aduertised vs of. Not­withstanding, I will that you deliuer him this mes­sage from vs.

‘Bid him call to mind how that his brethren and himselfe not a short time, but euen from tender yeares, nor farre off, but still neere to our person, we haue brought him vp, which (tell him) not vniustlie, if that be in him that we conceiue dooth bréed in vs an od trust of feruencie to serue vs of him, more than a common seruant or subiect. By that token will him whatsoeuer I haue written to the contrarie, that he presentlie impeach the fortification of Chatillons garden, and rase it if it be possible: and this my mes­sage shall be his cléering therein, & the seruice grate­fullie accepted.’ Sir Thomas Palmer somewhat a­stonied hereat, considering the weightinesse of the cause, and the contrarietie of the letter and message, began to put the king in mind of the small credit that his bare errand of right was like to haue, so flat against that which his maiesties letters imported. But the king cutting off his tale▪ ‘Deliuer thou the message (quoth he) at his choise then be the executing thereof.’

Sir Thomas thus dispatched, with great spéed ar­riued [Page 976] at Bullogne immediatlie vpon the opening of the gates at after noone. His letters and message deliuered, the lord Greie streight assembled the coun­cell, shewed them the kings letters, which read, he caused sir Thomas to pronounce before them the message also. Euerie man was to saie his aduise: it went roundlie through the boord without anie que­stion, that the letter was to be followed, the message not to be staied on. The lord Greie hauing heard, and not replieng anie thing, willed sir Thomas to be cal­led line 10 in againe, bad him repeat his message, and ther­whilest made a clearke of the councell to write the same Verbatim. This doone, he praied the whole table to set their hands vnto it, which they did, and the lord Greie taking the same into his hands, without fur­ther opening, declaring his resolution, brake vp councell, commanded streight the gates to be shut, gaue priuie warning, that certeine bands with ar­mour and weapon, and likewise pioners should that night by an houre be in a readines. line 20

The houre came, himselfe with the warned com­panie issued out, passed ouer the water, and without anie alarum of the enimie, Chattilons garden ouer­throwen and rased downe. did ouerthrow in thrée or foure houres, what in two or three moneths had bin raised, and so in great quietnesse returned into the towne. Presentlie he dispatched sir Thomas Pal­mer backe againe to the king with the newes, whose returne was so sudden, as the king himselfe being in the chamber of presence, & séeing him, said alowd: What? Will he doo it or no? Sir Thomas giuing no line 30 other answer, but presenting his letters, and saieng, that thereby his maiestie should know. The king againe in earnest mood, Naie tell vs I saie, whether he will doo it or not? Then sir Thomas told him that it was doone, and the whole fortification cleane rased. Whereat the king taking great ioy, presentlie called to certeine of the lords of the councell that were by, and said: How saie you my lords, Chatillons garden the new fort is laid as flat as this floore. One streight amongst them gaue iudgement, that he that had line 40 doone it, The lord Greies ser­uice verie ho­norablie ac­cepted of the king. was worthie to lose his head. The king streight replied, he had rather lose a dozen such heads as his was that so iudged, than one such seruants as had doone it: and herewith he commanded, that the lord Greies pardon should presentlie be made, the which with a letter of great thanks, and promise of reward, was returned by the said sir Thomas Palmer to the said lord Greie; but the reward fai­led, the king not continuing long after in life: the like hap whereof had oftentimes happened vnto di­uerse line 50 of his worthie ancestors vpon their due deserts to haue béene considered of, and therefore the case the lesse strange.

‘This haue I set downe the more willinglie, for that I haue receiued it from them, which haue heard it reported, not onlie by the lord Greis owne mouth, but also by the relation of sir Thomas Palmer, and others that were present: the same not tending so much to the lord Greies owne praise, as to the be­tokening of the kings noble courage, and the great secret trust which he worthilie reposed in the said lord line 60 Greie.’ Here is to be noted also, lest any man should mistake the matter, as if the king dealt indirectlie herein, that his maiestie knowing how the French­men in going about to build this fort, did more than they might by the couenants of the peace; and there­fore was resolued at the first aduertisement thereof, to haue it rased. But yet for that it might happilie haue béene signified ouer vnto the Frenchmen, be­fore my lord Greie could haue accomplished the feat, he therefore wiselie wrote one thing in his let­ters, wherevnto manie might be priuie, and [...]en [...] se­cret knowledge by words contrarie to the contents of the same letters, so as if the messenger were tru­stie, his pleasure might not be discouered to the hin­derance or dispappointing of the same. But now to our purpose.

The French king after this, bicause as yet hée would not séeme to breake the peace, commanded the trenches and new fortifications made about this fortresse, called Chatillons garden thus cast downe, to be filled by his owne people, and so it rested during the life of king Henrie: but afterwards it was be­gun againe, and finished, as after ye shall heare. A­bout Michaelmas in this present yeare, The duke of Norffolke cō [...]mitted to the tower. Thomas duke of Norffolke, and Henrie earle of Surrie that was his sonne and heire, vpon certeine surmises of treason, were committed to the tower of London, 154 [...] and immediatlie after Christmas, the thirtéenth of Ianuarie, the king then lieng in the extremities of death, the said earle was arreigned in the Guildhall of London, before the lord maior, the lord chancellor, and diuerse other lords and iudges being there in commission. Where if he had tempered his answers with such modestie as he shewed token of a right perfect and readie wit, his praise had béene the grea­ter. Some things he flatlie denied, seeking to wea­ken the credit of his accusers by certeine circum­stances: other he excused with interpretations of his meaning, to proue the same to be far otherwise than was alleged against him.

And one speciall matter amongest other where­with he was charged, was, for bearing certeine arms that were said to belong to the king, and to the prince. The bearing where of he iustified and mainte­ned, that (as he tooke it) he might beare them as be­longing to diuerse of his ancestors, and withall af­firmed, that he had the opinion of heralds therein. But yet to his indictment he pleaded not giltie: and for that he was no lord of the parlement, he was in­forced to stand to the triall of a common inquest of his countrie, which found him giltie, and therevpon he had iudgement of death: and shortlie after, to wit, the 19 of Ianuarie, The earle of Surrie be­headed. he was beheaded on the tower hill. ¶In this moneth of Ianuarie, the church of the late graie friers in London was opened, and masse [...]oong there: I. S. pag. 1034 king Henrie his gift to the citie of Lon­don. and that daie preached at Paules crosse the bishop of Rochester, who declared the kings gift to the citie of London, for the relieuing of the poore people, which was by patent vnder his great seale. Saint Bartholomews spittle, the church of the graie friers, and two parish churches, the one of saint Nicholas in the shambles, the other saint Ewine in Newgate market, all to be m [...]de on pa­rish church of the graie friers church; and in lands he gaue for the maintenance of the same 500 markes by yeare for euer, & this church to be named Christs church, founded by king Henrie the eight.]

The duke was atteinted by parlement, and the atteindor after reuersed in the first yeare of quéene Marie. The euill hap as well of the father, The duke atteinted. as of the sonne, was greatlie lamented of manie, not onelie for the good seruice which the duke had doone in his daies in defense of this realme, but also for that the earle was a gentleman well learned, and knowne to haue an excellent wit, if he had béene thankefull to God for the same, and other such good gifts as he had indued him withall. The king now lieng at the point of death, made his last will and testament, The king ma [...]keth his te­stament. wherein he not onelie yéelded himselfe to almightie God; but also tooke order, that during the minoritie of his sonne prince Edward, his executors should be councellors and aiders to him in all things, as well concerning priuate as publike affaires. They were sixtéene in number, whose names were as hereafter followeth.

Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie, His execut [...]. Thomas Wriothesleie lord chancellor, sir William [Page 977] Paulet knight of the order, lord Saint-Iohn, & great master of the houshold: sir Edward Seimer knight of the order, earle of Hertford, and high chamber­leine of England: sir Iohn Russell knight of the or­der, lord priuie seale: sir Iohn Dudleie knight of the order, vicount Lisle, & baron of Maupas, high adme­rall of England: Cutbert Tunstall bishop of Dur­ham: sir Anthonie Browne knight of the order, and master of the horsse: sir Edmund Montacute knight chiefe iustice of the cōmon plees: sir Thomas Brom­leie knight, one of the iustices of the kings bench: sir line 10 Edward North knight, chancellor of the augmenta­tion: sir William Paget knight of the order: sir Anthonie Dennie knight: sir William Herbert knight: sir Edward Wotton knight, treasuror of Calis: Nicholas Wotton deane of Canturburie and Yorke.

So soone as the noble king had finished his last will and testament, as afore is said, he shortlie there­vpon yeelded vp his spirit to almightie God, The decease of King Henrie the eight. depar­ting this world the eight and twentith daie of Ianu­arie, line 20 in the eight and thirtith yeare of his reigne, and in the yeare of our Lord 1546, after the accompt of the church of England; but after the accompt which we follow in this booke 1547, beginning our yeare the first of Ianuarie. He reigned thirtie and seuen yeares, nine moneths and od daies. His bodie (accor­ding to his will in that behalfe) was conueied to Windsor with all funerall pompe, and in the college there interred. Of this tresnoble and trespuissant monarch, I find these few verses, which maie serue line 30 in good stead of an epitaph or funerall inscription:

Henricus octa­ [...] post 38. [...].
Henricus princeps propè lustra peregerat octo,
Et populum magna prudens cum laude regebat,
Ex quo magna solitractauit sceptra Britanni:
Cùm Deus omnipotens, morbo obrepente, moneret
Hinc emigrandum de vita. Proh doloringens!
Quo [...] pia pleb [...]lachrymis quàm tristibus ora rigauit?
Quàm grauiterregni proceres planxere cubantem?
Anglia tota iacet moerens, lugubris & amens,
Nil opis apportant medici, nil profuit herba [...] line 40
Quae solet humanis membris adferre salutem,
Pharmaca nil prosunt, praebetur potio frustra [...]
Heu nulla tristis mors est medicabilis arte.

The descrip­tion of King Henrie the eight.This noble prince was right fortunate in all his dooings, so that commonlie whatsoeuer he attem­ted, had good successe, as well in matters of peace as of wars. Of personage he was tall and mightie, in his latter daies somwhat grosse, or as we tearment, bourlie: in wit and memorie verie perfect: of such line 50 maiestie tempered with humanitie, as best became so noble and high an estate: a great fauorer of lear­ning, as he that was not ignorant of good letters himselfe▪ he was of great magnificence and libera­litie, insomuch that Iohn Leland that woorthie anti­quarie, hauing tasted of his roiall bountifulnesse, hath le [...] no lesse te [...]tified to the world in a proper e­p [...]gram▪ which I will not omit, least I should wil­fullie conceale a manifest protestation of his thank­fulnesse le [...]t witnessed vnto the world in writing: line 60

Ad Henricum octa [...]um, regem Angliae, maxi­ [...] studiosorum [...]torem.
Antèsuos Phoebus radios ostende [...] mundo.
Definet, & claras Cynthia pulchra faces:
Antè slùet [...]apidu [...] tacitis fine piscibus ae [...]uo [...]punc;
Spinifer & nullam sentis habebit auem:
Antè sacrae quercus cessabunt spargere ramos,
Florá (que) sollicita pingere prata manu:
Quàm rex diue tuum labatur pectore nostro
Nomen, quod studijs portus & aura meis.

And the same Iohn Leland, who deseruedlie had, tasted the fruits of the kings largesse, was not vnac­quainted with the fame of his renowme, which had made it selfe knowne by restles flight to nations far and neare, some to their smart hauing felt the valor of his forces, and others submitting themselues for feare of vtter desolation. Wherevpon he became a terror to his enimies, and yet none more desirous of peace than he, if by anie other meanes (besides vio­lence) the same might haue béene obteined. Suffici­ent cannot be said in his high & merited commenda­tion, considering that as his victories were singular, so were they also manifold; and hard it is for the pen of a cunning rhetorician to paint him out according to his dignitie: howbeit the said Iohn Leland hath left in writing a proper epigram, deuised in praise of this most excellent king, by way of comparison, to his immortall commendation, as here followeth:

Comparatio in gloriam Henric [...] octaui regis po [...]entissimi.
Quantum puniceis nouo rosetis
Cedunt vere suis rubeta spinis▪
Quantum lilio amoenioris horti
Gemmae omnes aliae nitore cedunt:
Quantum caetera punicis decoro
Malis poma quidem rubore cedunt:
Quantum coniferis breues myricae
Concedunt quo (que) gloria cupressis:
Quantum stellig ero repressa tellus
Caelo mole sua & nigrore cedit:
Tantum omnes alij, celebritate,
Fama, nomine, gloriá (que) vera
(Vt mittam ingenij valentioris
Lumen, flumina, fulmen at (que) vires
Rari iudicij tui perennes)
Concedunt tibi principes sereni [...]
Henrice, ô patriae tuae columna
Talis, qualis erat celebris illa
Olim quam extulit Henricus triumphans.

Of lerned men that liued in the daies of this most famous prince, we find manie, as first Iohn Colet deane of Paules, and founder of the schoole there, he was borne in London of honest parents; William Lillie borne in the town of Odiham in Hampshire, and was the first schoolemaster of Paules schoole af­ter it was erected; Thomas Linacer, or rather Lina­ker, borne in Darbie, a learned physician, and well séene in the toongs; Iohn Skelton a pleasant poet, Richard Pace that succeeded Iohn Colet in the roome of deane of Paules, Iohn Fisher bishop of Rochester of whome ye haue heard before, Thomas More borne in London of whome mention likewise is made in the life of this famous king; William Horman borne in Salisburie viceprouost of Eaton college, a learned man, as by his works it appeareth; Iohn Frith borne in London, William Tindall, of which two persons ye haue heard likewise in the hi­storie of this king; Robert Wakefield excellentlie seene in toongs, Iohn Rastall a citizen and stationer of London, Christopher Saint German an excel­lent lawier, Robert Barnes of whom also we haue made mention before.

Sir Thomas Eliot knight, Edward Lée archbi­shop of Yorke, Iohn Leland a diligent searcher of antiquities, Anne Askew wrote certeine treatises concerning hir examinations, sir Iohn Bourchier knight lord Berners translated the chronicles of sir Iohn Froissard out of French into English, Willi­am Chubs, Henrie Standish a frier minor and bi­shop of saint Assaph wrote against Erasmus for his translation of the new testament, to his small praise as he handled the matter; Thomas surnamed Philo­melus a Londoner an excellent poet, William Grocine verie expert in both toongs Gréeke and La­tine, Thomas Spenser a Carmelite frier borne in Norwich, Henrie Bullocke, William Latimer, Yoong a moonke of Ramseie, Arnold of London wrote certeine collections touching historicall mat­ters, Thomas Lupset a Londoner a learned yoong man departed this life in the six and thirtith yeare of his age about the yeare of our Lord 1532, he wrote sundrie vertuous treatises; William Melton chan­cellor [Page 978] of Yorke, Iohn Sowle a Carmelite frier of London and a doctor of diuinitie, Iohn Batemanson a Charterhouse moonke & prior of his house at Lon­don, Richard Whitford.

Thomas Altourborne in Norffolke and fellow with Bilneie in suffering persecution vnder cardi­nall Wolseie, Henrie Bradshaw borne in Chester where he was professed a blacke moonke wrote the life of saint Werbourgh and a certeine chronicle, Iohn Palsgraue a citizen of London wrote in­structions line 10 for the perfect vnderstanding of the French toong, Iohn Skuish a Cornishman wrote certeine abbreuiations of chronicles with a treatise of the warres of Troie, Anthonie Fitzherbert a iudge wrote an abridgement of the lawe, Iohn Lit­tleton wrote also of the principles of the law but he liued before this season, Wilfride Holme wrote a treatise of the rebellion in Lincolneshire and in the North after the maner of a dialog, Iohn Constable an excellent poet and rhetorician, Iohn Hilier, Ed­ward line 20 For student in the kings college in Cam­bridge was aduanced to the bishops sée of Hereford and was imploied in diuerse amb [...]ssages from king Henrie the seuenth both into Germanie and Italie.

Iohn Lambert aliàs Nichols borne in Norffolke, of whome yee haue heard in the historie of this king, how he suffered for the controuersie of the sacra­ment; George Fulberie, Iohn Hooker, Thomas Lanquet wrote an epitome of chronicles and also of the winning of Bullongne, Iohn Shepre, Leonard line 30 Cox wrote diuerse treatises, one in English rhe­torike whereof Bale maketh no mention; Thomas Soulmon borne in the Ile of Gernseie verie studi­ous in histories as by his writings and notes it ap­peareth, Iohn Longland bishop of Lincolne, Mau­rice Chancie a Charterhouse moonke, Cutbert Tun­stall bishop of Duresme, Richard Samson, Alban Hill a Welshman an excellent physician, Richard Croke verie expert in the Gréeke toong, Robert Whittington borne in Staffordshire néere to Lich­field line 40 wrote diuerse treatises for the instruction of Grammarians, Iohn Aldrige bishop of Carleill, Iohn Russell gathered a treatise intituled Super iure Caesaris & Papae, he wrote also commentaries in Canti­ca; William Roie, Simon Fish a Kentishman borne wrote a booke called the supplication of beg­gers.

Iohn Powell and Edward Powell Welshmen wrote against Luther, Edward died in Smithfield for treason in denieng the kings supremacie in the line 50 yeare 1540; Iohn Houghton gouernour of the Char­terhouse moonks in London died likewise for trea­son in the yeare a thousand fiue hundred thirtie and fiue; Iohn Rickes being an aged man, forsaking the order of a frier Minor, which he had first professed, imbraced the gospell; George Bullen lord Rochford, brother to quéene Anne, wrote diuerse songs and so­nets; Francis Bigod knight borne in Yorkeshire wrote a booke against the cleargie intituled De im­propriationibus, and translated certeine bookes from Latine into English, he died for rebellion in the yeare a thousand fiue hundred thirtie and seauen; Richard Wise, Henrie Morleie lord Morleie, wrote diuerse treatises, as comedies and tragedies, the life of sectaries, and certeine rithmes; William Bote­uille aliàs Thin restored Chaucers workes by his learned and painfull corrections.

Iohn Smith sometime schoolemaister of Heiton, Richard Turpine borne of a worshipfull familie in England & seruing in the garrison of Calis wrote a chronicle of his time, he died in the yéere a thousand fiue hundred fortie and one, and was buried in saint Nicholas church in Calis; Sir Thomas Wiat knight, in whose praise much might be said, as well for his learning as other excellent qualities meet for a man of his calling, he greattlie furthered to in­rich the English toong, he wrote diuerse matters in English méeter, and translated the seauen penitenti­all psalmes, and (as some write) the whole psalter, he died of the pestilence in the west countrie, being on his iourneie into Spaine, whither he was sent am­bassadour from the king vnto the emperour, in the yeare a thousand fiue hundred fortie and one; Henrie Howard earle of Surrie, sonne to the duke of Norf­folke, delighted in the like studies with sir Thomas Wiat, wrote diuerse treatises also in English mée­ter, he suffered at Tower hill, as in the historie of this king before yée haue heard.

Iohn Field a citizen and lawyer of London wrote sundrie treatises, as his owne answers vnto cer­teine articles ministred to him by sir Thomas More, the bishop of Rochester, Rastall, and others; when he was in prison for religion, he wrote also a treatise of mans fréewill, De seruo hominis arbitrio, and collections of the common lawes of the land, &c: Tristram Re­uell, Henrie Brinklow a merchant of London wrote a little booke, which he published vnder th [...] name of Roderike Mors, and also a complaint vpon London, &c: Robert Shinglet [...]n borne of a good fa­milie in Lancashire wrote a treatise of the seauen churches, and other things, as of certeine prophesies, for the which (as some write) he suffered at London, being conuict of treason in the yeare 1544: Willi­am Parreie a Welshman wrote a booke intituled Speculum iuuenum.

Of strangers that liued here in this kings daies, and for their works which they wrote were had in estimation, these we find recorded by maister Bale: Barnard Andreas a Frenchman, borne in Tolouse an Augustin Frier, and an excellent poet; Adrian de Castello, an Italian of Corneto a towne in Thus­caine, he was commended vnto king Henrie the se­uenth by the archbishop Morton, and therevpon was first made bishop of Hereford, and after resigning that sée, was aduanced to Bath and Welles; Andre­as Ammonius an Italian of the citie of Luca, se­cretarie to the king▪ wrote diuerse treatises; Iames Calco an Italian also of Pauia in Lumbardie, by profession a Carmelite frier, an earnest defender of the diuorse betwixt the king and the ladie Katharine Dowager, disproouing the marriage be [...]wixt them to be in anie wise lawfull.

Thus farre the right high and renowmed Henrie the eight, sonne and successor to Henrie the seuenth.

Edward the sixt, sonne and successor to Henrie the eight.

AFter it had pleased al­mightie God to call to his mercie that famous prince king Henrie the eight, the parlement as yet continuing, and now by his death dissolued, the executours of the said king, and other of the no­bilitie, assembling them­selues line 10 togither, [...]. Edward proclamed. did first by sound of trumpet in the palace of Westminster, and so through London, cause his sonne and heire prince Edward to be pro­clamed king of this realme by the name of Edward the sixt, king of England, France, and Ireland, de­fender of the faith, and of the churches of England and Ireland the supreame head, he being yet but nine yeares and od moneths of age: he was thus pro­clamed the eight and twentith of Ianuarie, in the yeare of the world 5513, and after the birth of our line 20 Lord 1547, year 1547 according to the accompt of them that begin the yeare at Christmasse; but after the accompt of the church of England, in the yeare 1546, about the nine and twentith yeare of the emperor Charles the fift, the three and thirtith of Francis the first of that name king of France, and in the fift yeare of the reigne of Marie quéene of Scotland.

Shortlie herevpon the earle of Hertford with o­ther of the lords resorted to Hatfield, where the yoong king then laie, from whence they conducted him with line 30 a great and right honorable companie to the Tower of London. During the time of his abode there, for the good gouernement of the realme, the honour and suertie of his maiesties person, his vncle Edward earle of Hertford, was by order of the councell, and the assent of his maiestie (as one most méetest to oc­cupie that roome) appointed gouernour of his roiall person, The earle of Hertford cho­ [...] protector. and protector of his realmes, dominions and subiects, and so proclamed the first of Februarie by an herald at armes, and sound of trumpet through line 40 the citie of London in the vsuall places thereof, as it was thought expedient.

The sixt daie of Februarie the earle of Hertford lord protector adorned king Edward with the order of knighthood, remaining then in the Tower, and therewith the king standing vp, called for Henrie Hubbleshorne lord maior of the citie of London, who comming before his presence, the king tooke the sword of the lord protector, and dubbed the said Hub­blethorne knight, he being the first that euer he line 50 made. The seauenteenth of Februarie the lord protec­tor was created duke of Summerset, Lord protec­ [...] made duke [...] Summer­set the earle of Essex was created marquesse of Northhampton, the lord Lisle high admerall of England was crea­ted earle of Warwike and high chamberlaine of England, sir Thomas Wriothesleie lord chancellour was created earle of Southhampton, sir Thomas Seimer was aduanced to the honour of lord of Sud­leie and high admerall of England, which office the earle of Warwike then resigned, sir Richard Rich was made lord Rich, and sir William Willoughbie was created lord Willoughbie of Parrham, sir Edmund Sheffield was made lord Sheffield of But­terwike; and as saith a late writer of this action:

Vt quisque est ditione potentior, auctus honore,
Et noua virtutis sumens insignia fulget.

At the same time great preparation was made for the kings coronation, The king r [...] ­deth through London to Westminster. so that the foure and twentith of Februarie next insuing, his maiestie came from the Tower, and so rode through London vnto West­minster, with as great roialtie as might be, the stréets being hoong, and pageants in diuerse places e­rected, to testifie the good willes of the citizens, reioi­sing that it had pleased God to deale so fauourablie with the English nation to grant them such a to­wardlie yoong prince to their king and souereigne thus to succéed in place of his noble father. Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1036. ¶ Now as he rode through London toward Westminster, and passed on the south part of Pauls churchyard, an Ar­gosine came from the battlements of the stéeple of Paules church vpon a cable, Pauls stéeple laie at anchor. being made fast to an anchor by the deanes gate, lieng on his breast, aiding himselfe neither with hand nor foot, and after ascen­ded to the middest of the cable, where he tumbled and plaied manie pretie toies, whereat the king and the nobles had good pastime.]

The morrow after being Shrouesundaie and the fiue and twentith of Februarie, K. Edward crowned. his coronation was solemnized in due forme and order, with all the roial­tie and honour which therevnto apperteined. Shortlie after the coronation, to wit, the sixt of March, the erle of Southhampton, lord chancellour of England, for his too much repugnancie (as was reported) in mat­ters of councell to the residue of the councellors a­bout the king, The lord chancellor discharged of his roome. was not onelie depriued of his office of chancellor, but also remooued from his place and authoritie in councell, and the custodie of the great seale was taken from him, and deliuered vnto sir William Paulet lord Saint-Iohn, that was lord great maister of the kings houshold.

Also shortlie after his coronation, the kings ma­iestie by the aduise of his vncle the lord protector and other of his priuie councell, minding first of all to séeke Gods honor and glorie, and therevpon inten­ding a reformation, did not onelie set foorth by cer­teine commissioners, sundrie iniunctions for the remoouing of images out of all churches, to the sup­pressing and auoiding of idolatrie and superstition within his realmes and dominions, but also caused certeine homilies or sermons to be drawne by sun­drie godlie & learned men, H [...]milies. that the same might be read in churches to the people, which were afterward by certeine of these commissioners sent foorth as vi­sitors, accompanied with certeine preachers th [...] ­roughout [Page 980] the realme, for the better instruction of the people, The commu­nion in both kinds. published and put in vre. At Easter next fol­lowing, he set out also an order thorough all the realme, that the supper of the lord should be mini­stred to the laie people in both kinds. ¶ On the fif­teenth of Maie doctor Smith recanted at Paules crosse. I.S pag. 1036. D. Smith recanted.]

All these things doone concerning religion (as be­fore is said) the lord protector and the rest of the coun­cell, calling to mind the euill dealing and craftie dis­simulation of the Scots, concerning the matter of line 10 marriage betwixt the kings maiestie, and the quéene of Scotland (which marriage as ye haue heard, in the fiue and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight, was by authoritie of parlement in Scotland fullie concluded) thought it not to stand with the kings ho­nor to be in such maner by them deluded, and withall considering how greatlie it shuld turne to the quiet­nesse and safetie of both realmes to haue these two princes conioined in matrimonie, they did deuise line 20 sundrie waies and meanes how the same might be brought to passe, Rich. Crafton. and the rather (as some doo write) for that king Henrie (before his death) had giuen them in speciall charge by all indeuours to procure that the said marriage might take place, as wholie wishing by the coniunction of those two yoong prin­ces, the vniting of the two kingdoms in perpetuall amitie and faithfull league of loue; as our poet saith:

Optat coniugio duo regna coire fideli,
Aeternam pacem hinc aeternáque foedera iungi. line 30

But the lords of Scotland were so inueigled and corrupted by the French king, and abused by cardi­nall Beton, archbishop of saint Andrewes, and other of their clergie, that they not onelie shranke from that which they had promised, but also sought to de­stroie those that fauored the king of Englands part: wherevpon a great and puissant armie was now prepared to passe by land into Scotland, and like­wise a nauie to passe by sea to attend vpon the same: whereof the great gallie and foure and twentie tall ships were thoroughlie furnished with men and mu­nition line 40 for the warres, besides manie merchants ships and other small vessels, which serued for carri­age of vittels, and other necessaries.

But now to shew what noble men and other were ordeined officers, and assigned to haue the conduc­tion as well of the armie by land, as of the fleete by sea; ye shall vnderstand, that first the duke of Sum­merset, Chiefteines in the armie. lord protector, tooke vpon him to go himselfe in person, as generall of the whole armie, and cap­teine line 50 also of the battell or middle-ward, wherin were foure thousand footmen. The marshall erle of War­wike appointed lord lieutenant of the same armie, led the fore-ward conteining thrée thousand footmen. The lord Dacres gouerned in the rere-ward, where­in were other thrée thousand footmen. The lord Greie of Wilton was ordeined high marshall of the said armie & capteine generall of all the horssemen, being in number six thousand. Sir Rafe Sadler knight treasuror of the armie. Sir Francis Brian knight, capteine of the light horssemen, in number two thou­sand. line 60

Sir Rafe Uane knight lieutenant of all the men of armes and demilances. Sir Thomas Darcie knight capteine of all the kings maiesties pensio­ners, and men at armes. Sir Richard Leigh knight deuiser of the fortifications. Sir Peter Mewtas knight capteine of the harquebutters, which were in number six hundred. Sir Peter Gamboa knight, capteine of two hundred harquebutters on horsse­backe. Sir Francis Fleming knight was master of the ordinance. Sir George Blaag & sir Thomas Holcroft commissioners of the musters. Edward Shelleie, the lord Greies lieutenant of the men of armes of Bullongne, who was the first that gaue the onset in the daie of battell, and died most honorablie in the same. Iohn Brenne capteine of the pioners being in number a thousand foure hundred. Thomas Audeleie and Edward Chamberleine harbengers of the field.

The lord Edward Clinton admerall of the fl [...]et▪ sir William Woodhouse knight his viceadmerall. The chie [...] ­teins that commanded in the nauie by sea were these. There were in the armie of great ordinance fifteene peeces, and of carriages nine hundred carts, beside manie wagons, whereof the commissarie generall was George Ferrers. As soone as the armie by land was in a readinesse, and set forward to come to Ber­wike at a daie appointed, the nauie likewise tooke the sea, and by the helpe of Gods good guiding had so prosperous speed in their passage, that they arriued at Berwicke in time conuenient, whither vpon the thirtith of August being tuesdaie, the lord protector came, and laie in the castell with sir Nicholas Strel­leie knight, capteine there. The next daie com­mandement was giuen that euerie man should pro­uide himselfe for foure daies vittels to be caried foorth with them in carts.

On thursdaie the first of September the lord pro­tector, not with manie more than with his owne band of horssemen, rode to a towne standing on the sea coast, a six miles from Berwike within Scotland called Aimouth, The lord pro­tector causeth Aimouth ri­uer to be soun­ded. whereat there runneth a riuer into the sea, which he caused to be sounded, and finding the same well able to serue for an hauen, caused af­terwards a fortresse to be raised there, appointing Thomas Gower, that was marshall of Berwike, to be capteine thereof. On fridaie, all sauing the councell departed the towne of Berwike, and in­camped a two flight shoots off, by the sea side, toward Scotland. And the same daie the lord Clinton with his fléet tooke the seas from Berwike, to the end that in case the wind should not serue them to kéep [...] course with the armie by land; yet were it but with the driuing of tides, they might vpon anie néed of munition or vittels be still at hand, or not long from them.

The same daie the earle of Warwike, Sir Rafe Sadler trea­suror of the English ar­mie. and sir Rafe Sadler treasuror of the armie, came to Ber­wike from Newcastell, where they had staid till then, for the full dispatch of the rest of the armie, and the next daie the earle of Warwike incamped in field with the armie. A proclama­tion. On which daie a proclamation with sound of trumpet was made by an herald in thrée se­uerall places of the campe, signifieng the cause of the comming of the kings armie at that present into Scotland, which in effect was, to aduertise all the Scotish nation, that their comming was not to de­priue them of their liberties, but to aduance the mar­riage alreadie concluded and agréed vpon betwixt the kings maiestie of England and their quéene, and no hostilitie ment to such as should shew themselues furtherers thereof. On the fourth of September being sundaie, the lord protector came from out of the towne, and the armie raised, and marched that daie a six miles, and camped by a village called Ro­stan in the baronrie of Boukendall.

The order of their march was this. The order of the armie in marching forward. Sir Francis Brian capteine of the light horssemen, with foure hundred of his band, tended to the skout a mile or two before. The carriages kept along the sea coast, and the men at armes and demilances diuided into thrée troops, answering the thrée wards, rid in ar­raie directlie against the cariages a two flight shoots asunder from them. The thrée foot battels kept order in place betwixt them both. The fore-ward foremost, the battell in the middest, the rere-ward hindermost, ech ward hauing his troope of horssemen and gard of ordinance, his aid of pioners for amendment of [Page 981] waies, where néed should be. The fift of September they marched an eight miles, vntill they came to the Peaths, The Peaths. a clough or vallie, running for a six miles west streight eastward, and toward the sea a twentie score brode from banke to banke aboue, and a fiue score in the bottome, wherein runnes a little riuer. Stéepe is this vallie on either side, and déepe in the bottome.

The Scots had cast trenches ouerthwart the side waies on either side, in manie places, to make the passage more cumbersome: but by the pioners the line 10 same were soone filled, and the waie made plaine, that the armie, carriage, & ordinance were quite set ouer soone after sun set, & there they pitched downe their campe. Whilest the armie was thus passing o­uer this cumbersome passage, an herald was sent from the lord protector, [...]n English herald sent from the lord protector to s [...]mmon a ca­stell. to summon a castell, that stood at the end of the same vallie, a mile from the place where they passed downe towards the sea. Matthew Hume capteine thereof, a brothers sonne line 20 of the lord Humes, vpon his summons required to speake with the lord protector. It was granted, and he came, whome the lord protector handled in such sort with effectuall words, putting him in choise whether he would yeeld, or stand to the aduenture, to haue the place woone of him by force, that he was contented to render all at his graces pleasure.

And so being commanded to go fetch his compa­nie out of the house, he went and brought them, being in all one and twentie persons. The capteine and line 30 six other were staied and commanded to the kéeping of the marshall, the residue were suffered to depart whither they thought good. After this surrender, the lord Iohn Greie brother to the marques Dorset, was appointed to seize & take possession of the house, being capteine of a great number of demilances, as for his approoued worthinesse and valiancie right well he might, agréeable to the deserued report remai­ning of him in print in forren spéech as followeth:

—Graius heros
Ob summam belli cataphractis praefuit artem.

The spoile was not rich sure, but of white bread, o­ten cakes, and Scotish ale indifferent good store, and soone bestowed among my lords soldiors; for swords, bucklers, pikes, pots, pans, yarne, linnen, hempe, and heaps of such baggage, which the countrie peo­ple there about had brought into that pile, to haue it in more suretie, the soldiors would scarse vouchsafe to stoope and take the same vp.

The castell of Dunglas o­uerthrowne▪In the meane time the lord protector appointed line 50 the house to be ouerthrowne, which by the capteine of the pioners was doone, though with some trauell, by reason the walles were so thicke, and the foundation so déepe, and thereto set vpon so craggie a plot. Tues­daie the sixt of September, the armie dislodged and marched forward. In the waie as they should go, a mile and an halfe from Dunglas northward were two piles or holds, Thornton. Anderwike. Thornton & Anderwike, set both on craggie foundations, & diuided a stones cast a sun­der by a déepe gut, wherein ran a little riuer. Thorn­ton line 60 belonged to the lord Hume, and was kept by one Thom Trotter, Thom Trotter. who vpon summons giuen him to render the house, lockt vp a sixteene poore soules like the soldiors of Dunglas fast within the house, tooke the keies with him, commanding them to defend the place till his returne, which should be on the mor­row, wish munition and releefe: and this doone, he and his prickers prickt (as saith maister Patten) quite their waies.

The lord of Hambleton.Anderwike perteined to the lord of Hambleton, and was kept by his son and heire, whome of custome they call the master of Hambleton, & eight more gen­tlemen for the most part, as was reported. The lord protector at his comming nigh, sent vnto both these places, which vpon summons refusing to render, were streight assailed; Thornton by batterie of foure great péeces of ordinance, and certeine of sir Peter Mewtas hackbutters, and Anderwike by a sort of the same hackbutters, who so well bestirred them, that where these keepers had rammed vp their outer doores, cloied and stopt their staires within, and kept themselues for defense of their house about the bat­tlements, the hackbutters got in, The pile of Anderwike woone. and fired them vn­derneath, whereby being greatlie troubled with smoke, they cried for mercie, which the lord protector meant to grant them; but yer the messenger came, the hackbutters were got vp to them, & killed eight of them aloft: one leapt ouer the walles, and run­ning more than a furlong, was after slaine without in a water.

All this while at Thornton was the assault on the English part, and the defense by them within stoutlie continued: but at length when they perceiued in what danger they stood, and how little able they were to helpe themselues, or to annoie the assailants, they pluckt in a banner which they had hoong foorth, in to­ken of defiance, and put foorth a white linnen clout tied to a stickes end, crieng all with one tune for mercie: but hauing answer by the whole voices of the assailers that they were traitors, and that it was too late, they pluckt in their sticke, and set vp againe their banner of defiance, and shot off, hurled stones, & did what else they could with great courage of their side, & small hurt of the assailants. Wherefore percei­uing that they could not long kéepe out, being on the one side battered, and mined on the other, kept in with hackbutters on ech side, and some of the En­glishmen being got into the house below, for they hauing shopt vp themselues also in the highest of their house, pluckt in againe their banner, and cried eftsoones for mercie, but being answered generallie by the assailants, that they should neuer looke for it, they fell to make this petition, that if they should needs die, they might rather suffer by hanging, and so reconcile themselues to God, than to die in ma­lice with so great danger of their soules.

This sute was so furthered to the dukes grace by sir Miles Partrige that was néere at hand when they made this sute, that it was granted; Sir Miles Partrige. and they com­ming foorth, humbled themselues, Thornton yéelded. and without more hurt they were but commanded to the prouost mar­shall, who kept them for a time, and were after relea­sed. The house was shortlie after so blowen with pouder, The piles of Thornton and others defaced. that more than the one halfe of it fell streight downe to dust and rubbish, the rest stood all to shaken with rifts and chinks. Anderwike also was burned, and all the houses of office, and stacks of corne about them both. While this was in doing the dukes grace, in turning but about, saw the fall of Dunglas, which likewise was vndermined and blowen vp with pou­der.

This doone, about noone the armie marched, and passing by Dunbar, the castell sent them diuerse shots of artillerie, but all in vaine. The Scotish prickers shewed themselues in the field with proffer of skirmish, but to no great purpose, one of them be­ing killed with a shot of one of Barteuils men an hackbutter on horssebacke. The armie hauing mar­ched that daie a ten miles, lodged at night néere vnto Tantallon, and had a blind alarum. Tantallon. Marching the next morning a two miles, they came to a riuer cal­led Lin, where there is a stone bridge, Linton bridge. named Lin­ton bridge of a towne thereby on the right hand as the armie marched, and standing eastward vpon the same riuer: the horssemen and carriages passed tho­rough the water, for it was not verie deepe, and the footmen ouer the bridge. The passage was streict for an armie, and therfore the longer in setting ouer.

[Page 982]Beyond this bridge about a mile westward vpon the same riuer, on the south side standeth a proper cas­tell called Hailes, Hailes castell. perteining to the earle of Both­well, but kept as then by the gouernors appoint­ment, who held the earle in prison. Out of this castell as the lord protector passed forward in following the fore-ward, there were roundlie shot off (but without hurt) six or seuen péeces, the which before that (though some of the armie had beene verie nigh) yet kept they all couert. In the meane time rose a thicke mist, line 10 which caused a great disorder in the rere-ward, by reason they could not sée about them. The earle of Warwike therefore doubting least the enimies, who had béen pricking vp and downe néere to the armie, and offered skirmish the same morning, should now by occasion of the mist attempt some feat to the an­noiance of the Englishmen in their passage, his lordship himselfe scant with sixtéene horsses (whereof Barteuill, and Iohn de Ribaud Frenchmen were two, seuen or eight light horssemen more, and the rest line 20 being his owne seruants) returned toward the pas­sage to sée the arraie againe.

The Scotish horssemen perceiuing our horsse­men to haue passed on before, and thinking (as the truth was) that some capteine of honor did staie for the looking to the order of this rere-ward, A subtile pra­ctise of the Scots. they kéep­ing the south side of the riuer, did call ouer to some of the armie, to know whether there were anie noble man nigh there? They were asked whie they asked? One of them answered, that he was such a one whose line 30 name the Englishmen knew to be honorable a­mong the Scots, and would come in to the dukes grace, so that he might be sure to come in safetie. Some yoong soldiors nothing suspecting the craftie falshood of the Scots, told him that the earle of Warwike was nigh there, by whose tuition he should be safelie brought to my lord protectors pre­sence. They had cand their lesson & fell to their prac­tise, which was this. Hauing come ouer the water, in the waie as the earle should passe, they had cowched line 40 about two hundred of their prickers, and had sent fortie beside to search where my lord was, whome when they had found, part of them prickt verie nigh, whome ten or twelue of the earles small companie did boldlie incounter, and droue them well-nigh home to their ambush, fléeing perchance not so much for feare as for falshood, to bring them within their danger. But hereby informed that the earle was so nigh, they sent out a bigger number, and kept the rest more secret vpon this purpose, that they might line 50 either by a plaine onset distresse him, or else by fain­ing of flight to haue trained him within danger of their ambush. And thus instructed, they came prick­ing toward his lordship apase. Whie (quoth he) & will not these knaues be ruled? The manlie courage of the earle of War­wike. Dandie Car. Giue me my staffe. The which then with so valiant a courage he charged at one (as it was thought) Dandie Car, a capteine a­mong them, that he did not onelie compell Car to turne, and himselfe chased him aboue twelue score togither, all the waie at the speares point, so that if line 60 Cars horsse had not beene excéeding good and wight, his lordship had surelie run him through in this race, but also with his little band caused all the rest to flee amaine. After whome as Henrie Uane, a gentle­man of the said earles, Henrie Uane. and one of his companie did fiercelie pursue foure or fiue Scots, suddenlie turned, and set vpon him, and though they did not altogither escape his hands free, yet by hewing and mangling his head, bodie, and manie places else, they did so crueltie intreat him, as if rescue had not come the sooner, they had slaine him outright. Here was Barteuill run at sideling, Barteuill hurt. and hurt in the but­tocke, and one of the Englishmen slaine: of Scots againe none slaine, but thrée taken prisoners, wherof one was Richard Maxwell, and hurt in the thigh; Richard Maxwell taken, who had béene long in England not long before, and had receiued right manie benefits, both of the late kings liberalitie, and of the earle of Warwike, and of manie other nobles and gentlemen in the court beside.

But to conclude, if the earle of Warwike had not thus valiantlie incountred them, yer they could haue warned their ambush how weaklie he was garded, he had béene beset round about by them yer he could haue bin aware of them, or rescued of other. Whereas hereby his lordship vndoubtedlie shewed his woonted valor, saued his companie, and disc [...]m­fited the enimie. As Barteuill the Frenchman that daie had right honestlie serued, so did the lords right honorablie acquite it: for the earle of Warwike did get him a surgion, and dressed he was, streight after laid and conueied in the lord protectors owne chariot. The rest that were hurt were here also drest, Scots and others.

The armie hauing marched that same daie nine miles, Lang Nud­dreie. incamped at night by a towne standing on the Frith called Lang Nuddreie. The next morning being thursdaie the eight of September, in time of the dislodging of the English campe, signe was made to some of the ships (whereof the most part and chiefest laie a ten or twelue miles in the Forth, be­yond vs, ouer against Lieth & Edenborough) that the lord admerall should come a shore, to speake with the lord protector. In the meane time, somewhat earlie as our gallie was comming toward vs, about a mile and more beyond our campe, the Scots were verie busie, wasting here on shore toward them with a banner of saint George that they had, so to traine them to come on land there: but the earle of War­wike soone disappointed the policie, for making to­ward that place where the lord admerall should come on shore, the Englishmen on the water by the sight of his presence, did soone discerne their friends from their foes.

The lord admerall herevpon came to land, and ri­ding backe with the earle vnto the lord protector, Order taken for the placing of the ships. or­der was taken, that the great ships should remoue from before Lieth, and come to lie before Muskel­borough; and the Scotish campe which laie there in field alreadie assembled, to resist the English power that marched thus towards them. The smaller ves­sels that were vittelers were appointed to lie néerer to the armie. The lord admerall herevpon, being re­turned to the water, & the armie marching onward a mile or two, there appéered aloft on a hill, that laie longwise east and west, and on the south side of them, vpon a six hundred of their horssemen prickers, wher­of some within a flight shoot, The Scotish prickers shew themselues. directlie against the En­glishmen, shewed themselues vpon the same hill, & more further off.

Toward these, ouer a small bridge that laie ouer a little riuer there, verie hardlie did ride about a do­zen haquebutters on horssebacke, and held them at baie so nie to their noses, that whether it were by the goodnesse of the same haquebutters, or the bad­nesse of them, the Scots did not onelie not come downe to them, but also verie courteouslie gaue place, and fled to their fellowes. The armie went on, but so much the slowlier, bicause the waie was some­what narrow, by meanes of the Forth on the one side, and certeine marishes on the other. The Scots kept alwaies pase with them, till there were shot off two field peeces twise, wherewith there was a man killed, and the leg of one of their horsses striken off, which caused them to withdraw, so that the English­men saw no more of the [...], till they came to the place where they meant to incampe, for there they shewed themselues againe aloft on the fore remembred hill, [Page 983] standing as it were to view and take muster of the armie: but when the lord Greie made towards them, minding to know their commission, they wiselie ment their waie, and would not once abide the rea­soning.

Little else was doone that daie, but that George Ferrers, one of the duke of Summersets gentle­men, and one of the commissioners of the cariages in the armie, perceiuing where certeine Scots were got into a caue vnder the earth, stopping some of the line 10 vents, [...] and setting fire on the other, smothered them to death, as was thought it could be none other, by coniecture of the smoke breaking forth at some of the other vents. The English ships also taking their leaue from before Lieth, with a score of shot or more, and as they came by saluting the Scots in their campe also, with as manie, came and laie according to appointment. The armie hauing marched this daie about a fiue miles, Salt Preston. incamped at Salt Preston by the Forth. On fridaie the ninth of September, line 20 the English armie lieng in sight & view of the Sco­tish campe, that laie two miles or therabouts from them, had the Forth on the north, and the hill last re­membred on the south, the west end whereof is called Faurside Braie, [...] on the which standeth a sorie castell, and halfe a score houses of like worthinesse by it, and had westward before the Englishmen, the Scots li­eng in campe. About a mile from the English campe were the Scots horsemen verie busie, prank­ing vp and downe, & faine would haue béene a coun­sell with the Englishmens doings; who againe, bi­cause line 30 the Scots seemed to sit to receiue them, did di­ligentlie prepare that they might soone go to them, and therfore kept within their campe all that daie.

The lord protector and the councell sitting in con­sultation, the capteines and officers prouiding their b [...]nds, store of vittels, and furniture of weapons, for furtherance whereof our vessels of munition and vittels were here alreadie come to the shore. The Scots continued their brauerie on the hill, the which the Englishmen not being so well able to beare, line 40 made out a band of light horssemen, and a troope of demilances to backe them: the Englishmen and strangers that serued among them, got vp aloft on the hill, and thereby of euen ground with the enimie rode streight toward them with good spéed and order, whom at the first the Scots did boldlie countenance and abide: but after, when they perceiued that our men would néeds come forward, they began to pricke, and would faine haue béene gone, yer they line 50 had told their errand. The Scots [...]ssemen discomfited and put to flight But the Englishmen hasted so spéedilie after, that euen streight they were at their elbowes, and did so stoutlie then bestirre them, that what in the onset at the first, and after in the chase, which lasted a thrée miles welnie to as far as the fur­thest of their campe on the south side, they had killed of the Scots within a thrée houres, aboue the num­ber of thirtéene hundred, Scots slaine. Prisoners taken. and taken the maister of Hume, the lords Humes sonne and heire, two priests and six gentlemen, whereof one by sir Iaques Gra­nado, line 60 and all vpon the highest and welaéere nighest of the hill toward the Scots, within the full sight of their whole campe.

On the English part one Spanish haquebutter hurt, Englishmen [...]. and taken sir Rafe Bulmer knight, Thomas Gomer marshall of Berwike, and Robert Crouch, all capteins of seuerall bands of the English light horssemen, and men of right good courage and appro­ued seruice, & at this time distressed by their owne too much forwardnesse, and not by the enimies force. To conclude, of fiftéene hundred horssemen for skir­mish, and fiue hundred footmen to lie close in am­bush, and to be readie at néed, which came that mor­ning out of their campe, there returned not home a­boue seuen hundred, and diuerse of those sore hurt, and among other, the lord Hume himselfe▪ The lord Hume hurt with a fall in the chase. for hast in the flight, had a fall from his horsse, and burst the ca­nell bone of his necke, that he was faine to be caried streight to Edenborough, and finallie there departed this life of that hurt. So that it is true which C. O. saith, that in this skirmish manie a good rider was dismounted, their horsses with emptie saddles and loose bridles running vp hill and downe dale, as if they had beene starke mad, and to conclude (saith he)

—equi lapsurus inhaesit
Tergo alius summo tellurem vertice pulsans.

Then after this, the lord protector, and the earle of Warwike, and other of the councell, with a small gard, mounting vp the hill where the slaughter had beene made, about halfe a mile southeast from the Scotish campe, tooke full view therof, the plot where they laie, so chosen for strength, as in all their coun­trie (some thought) not a better, saue on the south by a great marish, & on the north by the Forth, which side they fensed with two field péeces, and certeine haque­butters a crooke, lieng vnder a turffe wall, Eden­borough on the west at their backes, and eastward betwéene the Englishmen and them stronglie defen­ded by the course of a riuer called Eske, running north into the Forth, which as it was not verie deepe of water, so were the bankes of it so high and stéepe, as a small sort of resistants might haue beene able to kéepe downe a great number of commers vp. About a twelue score from the Forth, ouer the same riuer, is there a stone bridge, which they did kéepe al­so well garded with ordinance.

When the lord protector, and the earle of War­wike had viewed euerie thing, as they thought expe­dient, they returned home towards their campe, a­longst before the campe of the enimies, within lesse than two flight shoots, entring into a lane of thirtie foot bread, fensed on either side with a wall of turffe, an ell of heigth. The Scots did often shoot at them in the waie as they passed thus homewards, without hurt, sauing the killing of an horsse among thrée hundred, the rider escaping else harmelesse. A Scotish herald deliue­reth a message to the duke of Summerset. And as the dukes grace was passed welnie halfe the waie homewards, a Scotish herald with a cote of his princes armes vpon him (as the maner is) and with him a trumpetter, ouertooke them.

The herald declaring this message to the lord protector, pretended to come from the gouernour, to inquire of prisoners taken, and therewith to proffer honest conditions of peace. And after he had told his tale, then began the trumpetter, and said, how he was sent from the earle of Huntleie: ‘My lord my maister (saith he) hath willed me to shew your grace, that bicause this matter maie be the sooner ended, and with lesse hurt, he will fight with your grace for the whole quarell, twentie to twentie, ten to ten, or else himselfe alone with your grace man to man. The lord protector hauing kept with him the lord lieu­tenant, had heard them both throughlie, and then in answering, spake somewhat with lowder voice, than they had doone their messages.’ Wherevpon they that were the riders by, thinking that his grace would haue it no secret, were somewhat the bolder to come néerer, the words whereof were vttred so expeditelie with honour, and so honourablie with expedition, The lord pro­tectors an­swer. that the standers by were mooued to doubt whether they might rather note in them the promptnesse of a singular prudence, or the boldnesse of a noble cou­rage: and they were thus.

‘Your gouernour maie know, that the speciall cause of our comming hither was not to fight, but for the thing that should be the weale, both of vs and you. For God we take to record, we mind no more hurt to the realme of Scotland, than we doo to the [Page 984] realme of England, and therefore our quarell being so good, we trust God will prosper vs the better. But as for peace, he hath refused such conditions at our hands, as we will neuer proffer againe: and there­fore let him looke for none, till this waie we make it: and thou trumpetter, saie to thy maister, he seemeth to lacke wit so to make this chalenge to me, being of such estate, by the sufferance of God, as to haue so weightie a charge of so pretious a iewell, the gouer­nance of a kings person, & then the protection of all line 10 his realms, whereby in this case I haue no power of my selfe, which if I had, as I am true gentleman, it should be the first bargaine I would make: but there be a great sort amongst vs his equals, to whome hee might haue made this chalenge without refusall.’

The earle of Warwikes request and message to the earle of Huntleie.Then quoth the lord lieutenant to them both, He sheweth his small wit to make this chalenge to my lords grace, and he so meane, but if his grace will giue me leaue, ‘I shall receiue it: and trumpetter bring me word thy maister will so doo, and thou shalt line 20 haue of me an hundred crownes. Naie (quoth my lords grace) the earle of Huntleie is not meet in e­state with you, my lord: but herald saie to the go­uernor, and him also, that we haue béene a good sea­son in this countrie, and are here now but with a so­ber companie, and they a great number, and if they will méet vs in field, they shall be satisfied with figh­ting inough: and herald bring me word if they will so doo, and by my honour I will giue the a thousand crownes. Ye haue a proud sort among you, but I line 30 trust to sée your pride abated shortlie, and of the erle Huntleies too: Iwis he is a glorious yoong gen­tleman.’

This said, the earle of Warwike continued his request, that he might receiue this chalenge: but the lord protector would in no wise grant it. These mes­sengers had their answers, and therewith leaue to depart. The Scots in midst of this message, dooing contrarie to the order of warre, The order of war touching heralds vio­lated. which as it granteth safetie to heralds and trumpett [...]rs, to passe betwixt line 40 armie and armie: so during the time of anie such message, as this was, hostilitie on both parts ought to ceasse, but it skilled not. On the morow after, they had their guns taken from them (as saith maister Patten) and put into their hands that could vse them with more good maner. But now concerning the message of the herald, it was thought that he was sent therewith, not for that it was beléeued of them, that it would be accepted; but rather that whilest he was dooing his errand, he might surueie the English line 50 power: or else for that vpon refusall of the offer, they might vse the victorie (whereof they accounted them­selues assured) with more crueltie.

Of nothing they doubted more, than least the Englishmen would haue béene gone backe, and got­ten to the water, The vaine doubt of the Scots. before they should haue incounte­red them, and therefore they had appointed to haue giuen the English armie a camisado in the night before the daie of the battell: but peraduenture, vn­derstanding that the Englishmen had warning of line 60 their intention, and were prouided for them if they had come, they staied and came not at all. But in the morning, they were vp verie timelie, and being put in order of battell, they marched streight towards the English campe, against whome then, though they saw the English horssemen readilie to make: yet could not be persuaded, but that it was for a policie to staie them, till the English footmen and cariages might fullie be bestowed a shipboord, and that for the same purpose the English ships were come backe from before Lieth.

Ordinance plāted against the enimie.In the night of this daie, the dukes grace ap­pointed, that earlie in the next morning part of the ordinance should be planted in the lane (wherof men­tion before is made) vnder the turfe of the wall, next to their campe, and some also to be set vpon the hill nie to Undreske church afore remembred: and this to the intent we should with our shot cause them ei­ther wholie to remooue their campe, or else much to annoie them in that place where they laie. It was not the least of the Englishmens meaning also to win from them certeine of their ordinance, that laie néerest vnto this church. Saturday, the tenth of Sep­tember, the daie of the battell. And herewith the same mor­ning, being the tenth of September, and Saturday, somewhat before eight of the clocke, the English ar­mie dislodged, & marched streight toward the church of Undre [...]ke, as well for intent to haue incamped neere the same, as for placing their ordinance, and o­ther considerations afore remembred.

The Scots either for feare of the Englishmens departing, or hope of their spoiling, were out of their campe comming toward them, passed the riuer, ga­thered in araie, and well néere at this church, yer the Englishmen were halfe waie to it, so quite dis­appointing the Englishmens purpose. Which at the first séemed verie strange in their eies, as altogither beside their expectation, as they that thought they would neuer haue forsaken their strength, to méet them in the field. But after it was knowne that they did not onelie thus purpose to doo, but also to haue assailed them in their campe, as they laie if they had not béene stirring the timelier, and hauing caused all their tents to be let flat downe to the ground, yer they came out, bicause none should lie lurking be­hind them in their campe, and as well the nobles as other, leauing their horsses behind them (except such as were appointed to serue on horssebacke) mar­ched on with their souldiors on foot.

They came spéedilie forwards on both sides, The Englishmen & Scots march the one armie toward the other. the one till then no whit aware of the others intent: but the Scots indeed with a rounder pase betweene two hillocks, betwixt the Englishmen and the church, mu­stred somewhat brim, at whome as they staied, the English gallie shot off, & slue the maister of Greime, The gallie. with fiue and twentie others néere by him, and there­with so skard foure thousand Irish archers, The Irish archers. brought by the earle of Argile, that where (as it was said) they should haue béene a wing to the fore-ward, they could neuer after be made to come forward. Hervp­on did their armie hastilie remooue, & from thence de­clining southward, tooke their direct waie toward Fauxside braie. Of this, sir Rafe Uane, lieutenant of all the English horssemen, first of all, or with the first, noting it, quicklie aduertised the lord protector, who thereby did readilie conceiue their meaning, which was to win the hill, and thereby the wind and sunne, the gaine of which thrée things (as is thought) whether partie in fight of battell can hap to obteine, hath his force doubled against his enimie.

In all this enterprise, they vsed for haste so little the helpe of horsse, that they plucked foorth their ordi­nance by draught of men, which at that present be­gan fréelie to shoot off towards the English armie, whereby it was perceiued they ment more than a skirmish. Consultation of the Eng­lish lords on horssebacke. Herewith euerie man began to applie him selfe in his charge and dutie which he had to doo. And herewith the lord protector, and other of the councell on horssebacke as they were, fell streight in consul­tation. The sharpenesse of whose circumspect wise­doms, as it quicklie espied out the enimies intents, so did it among other things promptlie prouide ther­in remedie, to preuent them (as néedfull it was) for the time asked no leisure.

Their deuise was, that the lord Greie of Wilton, marshall of the armie, with his band of Bulleners, The deuise of the lords vpon their consul­tation. and with the lord protectors band, and the earle of Warwikes, all to the number of eightéene hundred horssemen, on the left hand on the east halfe, and sir [Page 985] Rafe Uane, with sir Thomas Darcie capteine of the pensioners, and men of armes, and the lord Fitz­waters, with his band of demilances, all to the num­ber of sixtéene hundred, to be readie and euen with the lord marshall, on the west halfe. And thus all these togither afore to incounter the enimies afront, whereby either to breake their araie, and that waie to weaken their power by disorder, or at the least to stop them of their gate, and force them to staie, while the fore-ward might wholie haue the hilles side, and the battell and rere-ward be placed in grounds next line 10 that in order, and best for aduantage. And after this, that the same horssemen should retire vp to the hilles side to come downe in order afresh, and infest them on both sides, whilest the foot battels should occupie them in fight afront.

Which enterprise, though it séemed right dange­rous to the assailers, yet was it not more wiselie de­uised by the councell, than valiantlie and willinglie executed of the lord marshall, & the others. For euen there taking their leaues of the councell, The lord Greies re­quest to the lord protector. the said line 20 lord marshall requiring onelie, that if it went not well with him, the dukes grace would be good to his wife & children, he said he would méet those Scots, and so with their bands the foresaid capteins tooke their waie, and made towards the enimie. By this time were the fore-wards on either part aduanced within two flight shoots in sunder. The Scots came on so fast, that it was thought of the most part of the Englishmen, they were rather horssemen than foot­men. line 30 The Englishmen againe were led the more with speed, to shew that they were as willing as the Scots to trie the battell. The master of the ordinance to their great aduantage pluckt vp the hill at that instant certeine péeces, and soone after planted two or thre canons of them welnigh vpon the top there, wherby hauing so much the helpe of the hill, he might ouer the Englishmens heads shoot niest at the eni­mie. As the lord protector had so circumspectlie taken order for the araie and station of the armie, and for line 40 the execution of euerie mans office beside, he being perfectlie appointed in faire armour, accompanied onelie with sir Thomas Chaloner knight, one of the clearkes of the kings priuie councell, got him to the hight of the hill, to tarrie by the ordinance, where hée might best surueie the whole field, and succour with aid where most he saw néed, and also by his presence to be a defense to the thing that stood weakest in place, and also most in daunger, the which how much it stood in stead, anon ye shall heare further. line 50

As he was halfe vp the hill, the erle of Warwike was ware the enimies were all at a sudden staie, and stood still a good while, The Scots at a staie vpō the sudden. so that it séemed to him that they perceiuing now their owne follie in leauing their ground of aduantage, had no will to come anie further forward, but gladlie would haue bin whence they came. The reasons were these. First bicause at that time, beside the full muster of the English foot­men, of whome they thought there had béene none there in field, but all to haue béene either shipt, or a line 60 shipping; then they saw plaine that the Englishmen were sure to haue the gaine of the hill, and they the ground of disaduantage out of their hold, and put from their hope: and hereto, for that their herald gaue the lord protector no warning, the which by him (if they had ment to fight it out) who would not haue presumed that for the estimation of their honor, they would little haue stucke to haue sent; and he againe, and it had beene but for his thousand crowns, would right gladlie haue brought? Well yet how so euer their meaning changed, finallie considering belike the state they stood in, that as they had left their strength too soone, so now to be too late to repent, vp­on a change of countenance, they made hastilie for­ward againe, and (as it séemed) with no lesse stout­nesse of courage, than stronglie in order, whose ma­ner, armour, weapon, and order in fight in those daies and also before (though now somewhat chan­ged as well as amongest other nations) was as in­sueth.

Harquebutters had they few, and appointed their fight most commonlie alwaies on foot. The order of the Scots in warres both touching their furniture and disposition. They vsed to come to the field well furnished, with iacke and skull, dagger, buckler, and swords, all notablie brode and thin, of excéeding good temper, and vniuersallie so made to slice, as hard it is to deuise the better: here­to euerie man his pike, and a great kercher wrapped twise or thrise about his necke, not for cold but for cutting. In their araie toward the ioining with the enimie, they thrust so nie in the fore-ranke, shoulder to shoulder, togither with their pikes in both hands, streight afore them, and their followers in that or­der so hard at their backes, laieng their pikes ouer their foregoerrs shoulders, that if they doo assaile vn­disseuered, no force can well withstand them.

Standing at defense, they thrust shoulders like­wise so nie togither, the fore-ranks well nie to knée­ling stoope low before, for their fellowes behind, hol­ding their pikes in both hands, and therewith in their left their bucklers, the one end of their pike against their right foot, the other against the enimie breast high, their followers crossing their pike points with them before, and thus each with other, so nie as place and space will suffer, through the whole rankes so thicke, that as easilie shall a bare finger pearse through the skin of an angrie hedgehog, as anie in­counter the front of their pikes. Thus prouided, they (I meane the Scots) addressed themselues to incoun­ter inflamed with a heat of furious hatred, but not aduised whether the cause were iust or vniust, for the which they were vp in armes: which foolish mad­nesse the poet pointeth at, and painteth out, saieng:

Arma Scotus poscit, valida contendere vi vult,
Is nec habet pensi sit it aequum an prorsus iniquum.

The lord marshall notwithstanding, whome no danger detracted from dooing his enterprise, with the companie and order afore appointed, came full in their faces from the hill side towards them. Here­with waxed it verie hot on both sides, The incoun­ter is verie hot betwéene both sides. with pitifull cries, horrible rore, and terrible thundering of guns, beside the daie darkened aboue head with smoke of the artillerie, the sight and appeerance of the enimie euen at hand before, the danger of death on euerie side else, the bullets, pellets and arrowes flieng each where so thicke, and so vncerteinelie lighting, that no where was there anie suretie of safetie, euerie man striken with a dreadfull feare, not so much per­chance of death, as of hurt, which things though they were but certeine to some, yet doubted of all, assu­red crueltie at the enimies hands, without hope of mercie, death to flie, and danger to fight.

The whole face of the field on both sides vpon this point of ioining, The face of the field at the point of ioi­ning. both to the eie and to the eare so hea­uie, so deadlie, lamentable, furious, outragious, ter­rible, confuse, and so quite against the quiet nature of man, as if to the nobilitie the regard of their ho­nor and fame, to the knights and capteines the esti­mation of their worship and honestie, and general­lie to them all the naturall motion of bounden du­tie, their owne safetie, hope of victorie, and the fauour of God, that they trusted vpon for the equitie of their quarrell, had not béene a more vehement cause of courage, than the danger of death was cause of feare, the verie horrour of the thing had beene able to haue made anie man to forget both prowesse and policie. But the lord marshall and the others, with present mind and courage warilie and quicklie continued their course towards them. The enimies were in a [Page 986] fallow field, whereof the furrowes laie sidelong to­ward the Englishmen, next to whome by the side of the same furrowes, & a stones cast from the Scots, was there a crosse ditch or slough, which the English­men must needs passe to come to them, wherein ma­nie that could not leape ouer stucke fast, to no small danger of themselues, and some disorder of their fel­lowes.

The order of the Scotish battels.The enimie perceiuing the Englishmen fast to approch, disposed themselues to abide the brunt, and line 10 in this order stood still to receiue them. The earle of Angus next to the Englishmen in the Scotish fore­ward as capteine of the same, with an eight thou­sand men, and foure or fiue péeces of ordinance on his right hand, and a foure hundred horssemen on his left. Behind him westward, the gouernour with ten thousand Inland men (as they call them) the choi­sest soldiers counted of their countrie. And the earle of Huntleie in the rere-ward, welnie euen with the battell on the left side with eight thousand. The Irish archers on a wing. The foure line 20 thousand Irish archers as a wing to them both, last indéed in order, & first (as they said) that ran awaie. The battell and also the rere-ward were garded like­wise with their ordinance according.

Edward Shelleie.Edward Shelleie lieutenant vnder the lord Greie of his band of Bulleners, was the first that passed ouer the s [...]ough. The lord Greie himselfe next, with the lord Iohn Greie and others in the foremost ranke, The lord Iohn Greie. and so then after two or thrée rankes of their former bands. But badlie yet could they make their line 30 rase, by reason the furrowes laie trauerse to their course. That notwithstanding, and though also they were nothing likelie well to be able thus afront to come within them to doo them hurt, as well bicause the Scotishmens pikes were as long or longer than their staues, as also for that their horsses were all naked without bards, whereof though there were right manie among them, yet not one put on, for as much as at their comming forth in the morning, they looked for nothing lesse than for battell that daie: yet line 40 did those worthie gentlemen, the lord Greie of Wil­ton, the lord Iohn Greie, and maister Shelleie with the residue, so valiantlie & stronglie giue the charge vpon them, that whether it were by their prowesse or power, the left side of the enimies that his lordship did set vpon (though their order remained vnbroken) was yet compelled to swaie a good waie backe, and giue ground largelie, and all the residue of them be­side to stand much amazed.

Beside this, as the Englishmen were welnie at line 50 their enimies, they stood verie braue and bragging, shaking their pike points, & crieng; Come lounds, come héere tikes, come heretikes; and such like rhe­torike they vsed. But though (saith master Patten) they meant but small humanitie, yet shewed they thereby much ciuilitie, both of faire plaie, to warne yer they stroke, and of formall order, to chide yer they fought. The English capteines that were be­hind, perceiuing at eie, that both by the vnéeuennesse of the ground, by the sturdie order of the enimie, and line 60 for that their fellowes were so nie and streight be­fore them, they were not able to anie aduantage to mainteine this onset, The English horssemen re­pelled. did therefore according to the deuise in that point appointed, turne themselues, and made a soft retire vp toward the hill againe. Howbe­it, to confesse the truth, some of the number that knew not the prepensed policie of the counsell in this case, made of a sober aduised retire, an hastie, rash, and vnaduised flight: howbeit, without capteine or standard, & vpon no cause of néed, but of a méere vn­discretion and madnesse. A madnesse indéed, for first the Scots were not able to pursue, bicause they were footmen; and then if they could, what hope by flight so farre from home in their enimies land, where was no place of refuge?

The valiant lord Greie, Edward Shelleie, little Preston, Brampton, and Ierningham, Bulleners, Ratcliffe, the lord Fitzwaters brother, sir Iohn Cleres sonne and heire, Rawleie a gentleman of right commendable prowesse, Digs of Kent, Eller­ker a pensioner, Segraue: of the duke of Sum­mersets band, Standleie, Woodhouse, Conisbie, Gentlemen slaine. Horgill, Norris, Denis, Arthur, and Atkinson, with other in the fore-ranke, not being able in this earnest assault, both to tend to their fight afore, and to the re­tire behind: the Scots againe well considering her­by how weake they remained, caught courage a­fresh, ran sharplie forward vpon them, and without anie mercie, slue the most part of them that abode furthest in prease a six more of Bulleners, and o­ther than before are named, in all to the number of twentie six, and most part gentlemen. My lord Greie yet and my lord Iohn Greie, and likewise my lord Edward Seimer (as some grace was) returned againe; but neither all in safetie, nor without eui­dent markes they had bin there: for the lord Greie with a pike through the mouth was rased a long from the tip of the toong, The lord Greie hurt. and thrust that waie verie dangerouslie more than two inches in the necke; and the other two had their horsses vnder them with swords sore wounded. Like as also a little before this onset, sir Thomas Darcie vpon his approch to the enimies, was striken glansing wise on the right side, with a bullet of one of their field péeces, and thereby his bodie brused with the bowing in of his armour, his sword hilts broken, and the forefinger of his right hand beaten flat. Euen so vpon the parting of this fraie, was sir Arthur Darcie slasht at with swords, and so hurt vpon the wedding finger of his right hand also, as it was counted for the first part of curing to haue it quite cut awaie.

About the same time, certeine of the Scots ran on hastilie to the kings standard of the horssemen (the which sir Andrew Flammocke bare) and laieng fast hold vpon the staffe therof, cried, A king, a king, Sir Andrew Flammocke. that if both his strength, his hart, and his horsse had not beene good, and herewith somewhat aided at this pinch by sir Rafe Coppinger a pensioner, both he had béene slaine, and the standard lost, which the Scots neuerthelesse held so fast, that they brake and bare a­waie the nether end of the staffe to the burrell, and in­tended so much to the gaine of the standard, that sir Andrew (as hap was) scaped home all safe, and else without hurt. At this businesse also the lord Fitz­waters, The lord Fitzwaters. both earle of Sussex and lord chamberleine to the Quéene Elizabeth. quéenes maiestie, capteine there of a number of demilances was vnhorst, but soone mounted a­gaine, scaped yet in great danger, and his horsse all hewen. Caluerleie & Clement Pa­ston. Hereat further were Caluerleie the stan­dard-bearer of the men at armes, and Clement Pa­ston a pensioner, thrust each of them into the leg with pikes, and Don Philip a Spaniard into the knée, di­uerse others maimed and hurt, Don Philip [...] Spaniard. and manie horsses sore wounded beside.

By this time had the English fore-ward accor­dinglie gotten the full vantage of the hilles side, The placing of the English vantgard. and in respect of their march stood sideling toward the eni­mie: who neuerthelesse were not able in all parts to stand full square in arraie: by reason that at the west end of them vpon their right hand, and toward the enimie, there was a square plot inclosed with turffe (as their maner of fensing in those parts, as well as in diuerse other is) one corner whereof did let the square of the same arraie. The battell in good order next them, but so as in continuance of arraie, The battell. the former part thereof stood vpon the hils side, the taile vpon the plaine, and the rere-ward wholie vp­on the plaine. The rere-ward. So that the placing and countenance [Page 987] of the English armie in this wise, they shewed them­selues in maner to compasse in the Scots battels, that they should no waie escape them: but how little able they were to doo it with power and number, you may easilie coniecture.

Those horssemen that were so repelled, and in their comming backe vnorderlie brake their arraie from the residue, ran so hastilie through the ranks of the English fore-ward as it stood, that it did both dis­order manie, feared manie, and was a great incou­ragement to the enimie. The worthie earle of War­wike, The presence [...] the earle of [...]arwike [...] in­ [...]aged the [...]. line 10 who had the guiding of this fore-ward, right valiantlie had conducted the same to their standing, and there did verie noblie incourage and comfort them with such chéerefull words, offering to liue and die among them, that doubtlesse his presence, de­me [...]ing himselfe in such manlike sort, stood the whole companie in great stead. Neither wanted there the chearefull diligence of those capteines, with whome his honor was furnished in that fore-ward likewise to incourage their bands, nor the worthie behauiour line 20 of other in the battell and rere-ward, euerie one ac­cording to his calling, shewing such proofe of his du­tie, as the most part certeinlie deserued to haue their names registred in the kalendar of fame, where no rust of cankered obliuion might fret out the remem­brance of their commendable demeanours: and therefore if anie among them should haue shewed anie lacke of courage, their dispraise had béene the more, sith by others they saw such worthie example giuen, and were to stand vpon this resolution, to line 30 haue harts hardened against all hazzards in a iust cause, whereof they hoped almightie God had vnder­taken the managing and direction, vnto whome they had committed the same; as the poet truelie saith:

Iusta Deo commissa Anglorum causa tonanti,
Audaces animosfecit impauidósque pericli.

But sith there were so manie that did well, & ther­fore deseruing a longer processe to be made of their high valiancies shewed in that dangerous seruice, line 40 than this volume may permit, I will procéed to the battell. The Scots were somewhat disordred with their comming out about the slaughter of the Eng­lishmen, the which they did so earnestlie follow, that they tooke not one to mercie. The dukes grace pla­cing himselfe (as yée haue heard) on the hill of Faux­side braie, and therewith perceiuing the great disor­der of the stragling horssemen, that had in the retire broken arraie, hemmed them in from further strai­eng, whome sir Rafe Uane, and others of the cap­teins soone after with great dexteritie brought into line 50 good order and arraie againe, Sir Rafe Uane. and with all the rest of the strengths of the whole armie, by the policie of the lords, and diligence of euerie capteine and officer be­side, were so fitlie and aptlie applied in their feat, that where this repulse giuen by the enimie to the horssemen was doubted of manie, to turne to the whole losse of the field, the same was wrought and aduanced according as it was deuised, to the great certeintie of gaine and victorie. Sir Peter Mewtas. For first at this line 60 slough, where most of the horssemen had stood, sir Pe­ter Mewtas capteine of all the harquebutters a foot did verie valiantlie conduct & place a good number of his men, in maner hard at the faces of the enimies, wherevnto sir Peter Gamboa a Spaniard, Sir Peter Gamboa. capteine of two hundred harquebutters, Spaniards, and Ita­lians on horssebacke did readilie bring his men also, who with the hot continuance of their shot in both parts, did so stoutlie staie the enimies, that they could not well come further forward: The Archers. then the archers that marched in arraie on the right hand of the footmen, and next to the enimies, pricked them sharpelie with arrowes as they stood. The m [...]ster [...]. Therewith the master of the ordinance, to their great annoiance, did gall them with haile shot and other out of the great ordinance, directlie from the hill top, and certeine other gun­ners with their peeces a flanke from the rere-ward, most of the artillerie and missiue engines then who­lie thus at once, with great pu [...]ssance and vehemen­cie occupied about them, herewith the full sight of the Englishmen, all shadowed from them before by the horssemen, and dust raised, whome then they were ware in such order to be so néere vpon them, and to this the perfect arraie of the horssemen againe com­ming couragiouslie to set on them afresh, miserable men, perceiuing themselues then all too late, how much too much they had ouershot themselues, began suddenlie to shrinke.

Their gouernour and other the principall capteins that had brought them to the bargaine, The Scots flie and are sharplie pur­sued. tooke their horsses and fled amaine, which other perceiuing did quicklie follow, and with the formost of that crue their Irishmen, and therewith turned all the whole rout, cast downe their weapons, ran out of their wards, off with their iackes, and with all that euer they might, betooke them to the race that their gouer­nour began. The Englishmen at the first had found them (as what could scape so manie eies) and sharpe­lie and quicklie with an vniuersall outcrie, They flie, they flie, pursued after in chase so egerlie, and with such fiercenesse, that they ouertooke manie, and spa­red indéed but few, that when they were once turned, it was a woonder to see how soone, and in how sun­drie sorts they were scattered. The place they stood on like a wood of staues strewed on the ground, as ru­shes in a chamber, vnpassable (they laie so thicke) for either horsse or man. Here at the first had they let fall all their pikes, and after that, The enimies cast awaie their muniti­on and furni­ture the light­lier to flie and be gone. euerie where scat­tered swords, bucklers, daggers, iackes, and all things else that was of anie weight, or might be any let to their course: which course among them, thrée waies speciallie they made, some along the sands by the Frith towards Lith, some streight towards E­denburgh, whereof part through the parke there (in the walles whereof, though they be round about of flint stone, yet were there manie holes alreadie made) and part of them by the high waie that leadeth along by the abbaie of Holierood house; and the resi­due and most part of them towards Daketh, which waie by means of the marish our horssemen were worst able to follow.

Sundrie shifts, some shrewd, some sorie, made they in their running: diuerse of them in their cour­ses, as they were ware they were pursued but of one, would suddenlie start backe, and lash at the legs of the horsse, or foine him in the bellie, and sometime did they reach at the rider also, whereby Clement Paston in the arme, and diuerse in other parts of their bodies otherwise in this chase were hurt. Some other laie flat in a furrow as they were dead, there­by past by of the Englishmen vntouched, and (as was reported) the earle of Angus confessed he cou­ched in that sort till his horsse hapt to be brought him. The earle of Angus. Other some were found to staie in the riuer, couring downe his bodie vnder the root of some willow tree, with scant his nose aboue water for breath. Some for lightnesse cast awaie shoos and doublets, and ran in their shirts, and some were séene in this race all breathlesse to fall flat downe, and haue run them­selues to death.

Before this, at the time of the onset, which the English horssemen gaue, there came eastward fiue hundred of the Scotish horsmen vp along this Fau [...] ­side braie, streight vpon the English ordinance and cariage. The lord protector (as yée haue heard) most speciallie for doubt hereof, placing himselfe by the same, caused a péece or two to be turned toward them, with a few shots whereof they were soone tur­ned [Page 988] also and fled to Daketh. But had they kept on their purpose, they were prouided for accordinglie. For one parson Keble a chapleine of his graces, Parson Keble one of the lord protectors chapleins. and two or thrée other, by and by discharged foure or fiue of the carts of munition, and therewith bestowed pikes, billes, bowes and arrowes, to as manie as came; so that of carters and other, there were soone weaponed about a thousand, whome parson Keble and the other did verie handsomlie dispose in arraie, and made a pretie muster. line 10

To returne now after this notable strewing of their footmens weapons, began a pitifull sight of the dead corpses, The maner of the slaughter. lieng dispersed abrode, some their legs off, some but hought, and left lieng halfe dead, some thrust quite through the bodie, others their necks halfe a sunder, manie their heads clouen, with other thousand kinds of killing. After that, and further in chase all for the most part killed, either in the head, or in the necke, for the horssemen could not well reach them lower with their swords. And thus with bloud line 20 and slaughter of the enimie, this chase was continu­ed fiue miles in length, westward from the place of their standing, which was in the fallow fields of Un­dreske, vntill Edenburgh parke, and well nigh to the gates of the towne it selfe, and vnto Lith, and in breadth nie foure miles, from the Forth sands vp to­ward Daketh southwards: in all which space, the dead bodies laie as thicke as a man may note cattell grasing in a full replenished pasture. The number of Scots slaine. The riuer ran all red with bloud (a signe of great slaughter) so that line 30 in the same chase were slaine to the number of ten thousand men, some saie aboue fouretéene thousand, as I doo find by this report concerning the battell:

Millia bis septem sunt morte absumpta Scotorum,
Caetera pars certam quaerit fugiendo salutem.

To conclude, considering the smalnesse of the Englishmens number, and shortnesse of the time (which was scant fiue houres, from one till well nigh six) the mortalitie was so great (as it was thought) the like afore time had not béene séene. One great line 40 cause whie the Englishmen spared so few of them, The causes why so few Scots were taken. The Scotish­mens vow. was thought to be their tyrannous vow by them made (which the Englishmen certeinly heard of) that whensoeuer they fought and ouercame, they would kill so manie, and spare so few: a sure proofe whereof they plainelie had shewed at the first onset giuen, where they killed all, and saued not a man that came within their danger. An other respect was, to reuenge their great and cruell tyrannie shewed at Paniar hough, Paniar hough. where they slue the lord Euers, whome other­wise they might haue taken prisoner and saued, and line 50 cruellie killed as manie else of our men as came in­to their hands. The apparell of the Scots. An other occasion also was their ar­mor among them so little differing, all clad alike in iacks couered with white leather, doublets of the same, or of fustian, and most commonlie all white hosen, not one with either chaine, brooch, ring, or gar­ment of silke, vnlesse chains of latten drawne foure or fiue times along the vpper stocks, or to vse master Pattens words, the thighs of their hosen and doublet sleeues for cutting. line 60

This lacke for difference in apparell was the chief­est cause that so manie of their great men and gen­tlemen were killed, and so few saued. The outward shew, the resemblance or signe, whereby a stranger might discerne a poore man from a gentleman, was not among them to be séene: as for words and good­lie profers of great ransoms, were as rife in the mouths of the one as the other. And it came here to passe, that after at the examination and counting of the prisoners, there were found taken aboue twentie of their common countrie people, to one of their gentlemen, whome no man need to doubt the Eng­lishmen had rather haue spared than the other, if they could haue séene anie difference betweene them in taking. And yet verelie considering the case as it stood, the Englishmen shewed more grace, and tooke more to mercie, than the respects before mentioned might séeme to haue required. The earle [...] Huntleie [...]ken. For beside the earle of Huntleie, who in good armor appointed likest a gen­tleman of anie among them, but could not then e­scape bicause he lacked his horsse, and hapned to be taken by sir Rafe Uane, and beside the lord of Ye­ster, Hobbie Hambleton capteine of Dunbar, Other pris [...]ners taken▪ the master of Sanpoole, the lard of Wimmes taken by Iohn Bren, a brother of the earle of Cassils, and be­sides one Montrell, taken by Cornelius comptrollor of the ordinance in the armie, and one Camals an Irish gentleman, and beside manie other Scotish gentlemen more, taken by diuerse others.

The prisoners reckoned in the marshals booke were numbred to aboue fiftéene hundred. The numbe [...] of the priso­ners. Touching the slaughter, sure they killed not so manie, as for the time & oportunitie they might, if they had minded crueltie. The lord pro [...]tector not des [...]rous of slaughter. For the lord protector mooued with pitie at the sight of the dead bodies, and rather glad of victo­rie than desirous of slaughter, soone after (by gesse) fiue of the clocke, staid the standard of his horssemen at the furthest part of their campe westward, & cau­sed the trumpets to sound a retreat. Whereat also sir Rafe Sadler treasuror (whose great diligence at that time, Sir Rafe Sadler. and readie forwardnesse in the chiefest of the fraie before, did woorthilie merit no small commen­dation) caused all the footmen to staie; and then with much trauell & great paine made them to be brought in some order againe: which was a thing not easilie doone, by reason they all as then were somewhat bu­sie in applieng their market, The spoile [...] the Scotish campe. the spoile of the Scotish campe, where was found good prouision of white bread, ale, otencaks, otemeale, mutton, butter in pots, chéese, and in diuerse tents good wine also, and in some tents among them was found some siluer plate and chalices, which with good deuotion ye maie be sure were plucked out of their cold clowts, and thrust into their warme bosoms.

The plot of their campe called Edmonston edge, nigh Gilberton a place of the lord of Brimstons, halfe a mile beyond Muskelburgh, and foure miles on this side Edenburgh, occupied in largenesse with diuerse tents and tenticles, that stood in sundrie pla­ces out of square, about a miles compasse, wherein as the Englishmen vpon the sound of the retreat somewhat assembled, they all with a lowd and entire outcrie and hallowing, in signe of gladnesse and vic­torie, made an vniuersall noise and showt, A showt [...] signe of vic­torie. the shril­nesse whereof (as after was reported) was heard vn­to Edenburgh. It was a woonder to sée, but (as they saie) manie hands make light woorke, how soone the dead bodies were stripped out of their garments starke naked, euen from as farre as the chase went, vnto the place of the onset, whereby the personages of the enimies might by the waie easilie be viewed and considered, The featur [...] of the Sco­tishmens p [...]sonages. the which for the talnesse of their sta­ture, cleannesse of skin, bignesse of bone, with due proportion in all parts was such, as the beholders, if they had not séene it, would not haue beleeued that there had béene so many of that sort in all their coun­trie. Among them laie manie priests, and kirk­men, as they call them, Priests o [...] kirkmen. of whome it was bruted that there was a whole band of thrée or foure thou­sand, but it was found afterwards not to be altogi­ther so.

Among other banners, standards, and penno [...]s, a banner of white sarsenet was found, vnder which it was said these kirkmen came, A baner [...] papists [...] ­uise. wherevpon was painted a woman with hir haire about hir shoul­ders, knéeling before a crucifix, & on hir right hand a church, after that written in great Romane letters, [Page 989] Afflictae sponsae ne obliuiscaris. It was said that this was the abbat of Dunfirmlings banner, but whether it was his or the bishop of Dunkels, the gouernours brother, who (as was said) were both in the field, his meaning was, [...] was [...] signifi [...] ­ [...] and mea­ [...]g of the [...] so [...]. to signifie that the church made inter­cession to Christ hir husband, not now to forget hir his spouse, being at that time afflicted and persecuted by the Englishmen. But whose deuise soeuer it was, it maie séeme, that this church comming thus to bat­tell, full appointed with weapon, and garded with line 10 such a sort of deacons to fight, howsoeuer in pain­ting he had set hir out, a man might well thinke, that in condition, he had rather framed hir like a curst queane, that would plucke hir husband by the pate, except she had hir will; than like a meeke spouse, that went about humblie by submission and praier to de­sire hir husbands helpe, for redresse of things amisse.

But now to leaue this prelat with his Afflicta spon­sa, and to make an end with this battell. There was vpon Fauxside braie, a little castell or pile, which line 20 was verie busie all the time of the battell, A little castle [...] pile verie [...] with the English. as anie of the Englishmen came nigh it, to shoot at them, with such artillerie as they had; which was none other than of handguns and harquebuts, & of them not a dozen neither. Little hurt they did, but as they saw their fel­lowes in the field thus driuen and beaten awaie be­fore their faces, they plucked in their péeces, and cou­ched themselues within all mute: but by and by the house was set on fire, and they for their good wils burned and smoothered within. Thus (saith master line 30 Patten) through the fauour of Gods bountie, by the valiancie and policie of the lord protector, by the for­ward indeuour of all the nobles and councell there beside, and by the willing diligence of euerie cap­teine, officer, and true subiect else, they most valiant­lie wan the victorie ouer their enimies, of whome such slaughter was made in the field, as ye haue heard, amongest whome (as the prisoners reported) beside the lord Fleming, the lard of Loghenware, the master of Greim, [...]at men of [...] and [...] were [...] in the [...] and taken priso­ [...]ers. the master of Arskin, the ma­ster line 40 of Oglebie, the master of Auendale, the master of Rouen, and manie other of noble birth amongest them, there were of lards, lards sons, and other gen­tlemen slaine aboue twentie six hundred, & among the prisoners also there were manie gentlemen, spe­ciallie of name these: the earle of Huntleie lord chan­cellor of the realme, the lord of Yester, Hobbie Ha­milton capteine of Dunbar, the master of San­poole, the lord of Wimmes, and a brother of the earle of Cassils. Two thousand by lurking and lieng (as line 50 they had béene dead) scaped awaie in the night all maimed and hurt. Herewith of weapons and armor more was found than the Englishmen did vouch­safe to giue carriage for: Armor and weapons ca­ried into England. & yet were there conueied thense by ship into England, of iacks speciallie and swords, aboue thirtie thousand.

This night the Englishmen with great gladnesse and thanksgiuing to God (as good cause they had) a­bout seauen of the clocke pitched their campe at Edgebuckling braie, beside Pinkerslough, and a line 60 mile beyond the place they camped at before. Now after the battell, among other questions, one was mooued who killed the first man that daie in the field, the glorie whereof one Ieronimo an Italian would gladlie haue had, Ieronimo an Italian. a gentleman sure that had serued that daie right valiantlie: howbeit it was after well tried, Cutbert Musgraue. that Cutbert Musgraue, a gentleman of the earle of Warwiks, deserued the praise of killing the first enimie that died that daie, who right hardilie slue a guner at his péece in the Scots fore-ward, yer euer they began anie whit to turne. As for the ordi­narie soldiors, it was a pleasure vnto them to make rehearsall of their aduentures past, and to record what dangers (in maner ineuitable) they had esca­ped, according to the poets report in that case, saieng:

—res est meminisse laboris
Praeteriti iucunda: grau [...] effugisse peri lum
Summa recordari secura mente voluptas.

The next daie being sundaie the eleuenth of Sep­tember, somewhat before noone, the armie remooued, & marching along the Forth side toward Lieth about three of the clocke in the after noone pitched their field, a pricke shot on this side that towne on the southeast halfe, somewhat shadowed from Eden­burgh by a hill, but yet the most part of it laie with­in the full sight and shot of the castell there, The Eng­lish armie in­campeth by Lieth. and in di­stance somewhat aboue a quarter of a mile. The lord marshall, and the most part of the horssemen wer [...] bestowed and lodged in the towne of Lieth. The dukes grace, the lord lieutenant, and the rest of the armie in the campe. On tuesdaie the thirteenth of September, the smaller vessels of the English flée [...] burned Kinkorne, and a towne or two standing on the north shore of the Forth against Lieth.

In the after noone the dukes grace rowed vp the Forth a six or seuen miles westward, as it runneth into the land, and tooke in his waie an Iland there called saint Cooms ins, S. Cooms ins. which lieth foure miles be­yond Lieth, and a good waie neerer the north shore than the south, yet not within a mile of the néerest. It is but halfe a mile about, and had in it an abbeie, but the moonks were gone: fresh water inough, and store of conies, and is so naturallie strong, that but by one waie it can be entred; the plot whereof the lord protector considering, did quicklie cast to haue it kept, whereby all traffike of merchandize, all com­modities else comming by the Forth into their land, and vtterlie the whole vse of the Forth it selfe, with all the hauens vpon it, should quite be taken from them.

The next daie the lord protector riding backe a­gaine eastward, to view diuerse things and places, tooke Daketh in his waie, The castell of Daketh. where a house of George Dowglas did stand, and comming somewhat néere it, he sent Summerset his herald with a trumpet to know who kept it, and whether the keepers would hold or yéeld it to his grace? Answer was made, that there were three score persons within, whome their maister lieng there saturdaie at night after the bat­tell, did will that they, the house, and all that was in it, should be at his graces commandement. Where­vpon the chiefest came, and in name of all the rest humbled himselfe to the dukes will. From thense his grace passed to the place where the battell had béene striken, and so by Muskleburgh returned backe to the campe.

On thursdaie being the fiftéenth of this moneth, Blacke Nesse an hauen towne on the south shore of Scotland. the lord Clinton high admerall, taking with him the gallie whereof Richard Brooke was capteine, and foure or fiue other smaller vessels besides, as well ap­pointed with munition and men, rowed vp the Forth a ten miles westward, to an hauen towne standing on the south shore called Blacke Nesse, whereat to­ward the water side is a castell of a pretie strength; as nigh wherevnto as the depth of the water would suffer, the Scots for safegard had laid the Marie Willoughbie, and the Anthonie of Newcastell, two tall ships, which with extreme iniure they had stol­len from the Englishmen before time, when no war was betwixt vs: with these laie there also an other large vessell called the Bosse, and seauen more, wher­of part laden with merchandize. Thrée ships of name woone from the Scots. The lord Clinton and his companie with right hardie approach, after a great conflict betwixt the castell and his vessels, by fine force wan from them those thrée ships of name, and burnt all the residue before their faces.

The sixtéenth of September the lard of Brimston a Scotish gentleman came to the dukes grace from [Page 990] their counsell for cause of communication, and retur­ned againe to them, hauing with him Norreie an herald and king at armes of ours, who found them with the old quéene at Sterling. Sir Iohn Luttrell. S. Cooms ins kept with a garrison of Englishmen. On saturdaie the seauentéenth of September, sir Iohn Luttrell in the after noone departed toward saint Cooms ins, hauing with him an hundred harquebutters, fiftie pioners, & two row barks well furnished with muni­tion, and thrée score and ten mariners to remaine there, & kéepe that from inuasion of the enimies, a­gainst line 10 whom the English were so sharplie whetted, that when they came to incounter, they gaue proofe of their manhood by wounds and bloudshed, accor­ding to the report of C.O. in these verses following:

— Anglorum pectora Mauors
Belliger exacüit, crescunt ad vulnera vires.

In the time whilest the armie laie thus in the campe betwéene Lieth and Edenburgh, manie lards and gentlemen came in to the lord protector to require his protection, the which his grace to whome line 20 he thought good did grant. The earle of Bothwell. This daie came the earle of Bothwell to his grace, who hauing beene kept in prison by the gouernour, the night after the battell was set at libertie, and comming thus to the lord protector, was friendlie welcomed and interteined; and hauing this night supped with his grace, he de­parted.

Lieth was set on fire this saturdaie, whereas it was meant, Lieth burned. that there should haue beene but one house onelie burnt, belonging to one Barton that line 30 had plaid a slipperie part with the lord protector. But the soldiors being set a worke to fire that house, fired all the rest. Six great ships also that laie in the hauen, which for their age and decaie were not so apt for vse, were likewise set on fire and burnt. On sundaie the eightéenth of September, the lord pro­tector (for considerations moouing him to pitie) ha­uing all this while spared Edenburgh from hurt, did so leaue it, but Lieth and the ships burning, soone after seauen of the clocke in the morning, caused the line 40 campe to dislodge, The armie dislodged. and as they were raised and on foot, the castell shot off a peale, with chambers hard­lie and all, of foure and twentie péeces. Passing that daie seauen miles, they camped earlie for that night at Crainston by a place of the lard of Brimstons.

Crainston.The same morning the lord protector made mai­ster Andrew Dudleie knight, brother to the earle of Warwike, dispatched my lord admerall and him by ships full fraught with men and munition toward the winning of an hold in the east side of Scotland line 50 called Broughticrag, Broughti­crag. which stood in such sort in the mouth of the riuer of Taie, as that being gotten, both Dundée, saint Iohns towne, and diuerse other townes standing vpon the same riuer the best of the countrie in those parts, set vpon the Taie, should either become subiect vnto this hold, or else be com­pelled to forgo the whole vse of the riuer, for hauing anie thing comming in or outward. The lord ad­merall, and the said sir Andrew sped themselues with such good successe and diligence in that enter­prise, line 60 that on the wednesdaie following, being the one and twentith of September, after certeine of their shot discharged against that castell, the same was yeelded vnto them, Broughti­crag yéelded to the Eng­lishmen. the which sir Andrew did then enter, and after kept, as capteine to his high praise and commendation.

But now to the armie. On mondaie the nine­teenth of September, they marched ten miles, and incamped a little on this side a market towne called Lawder. Here as they were setled in their lodging, the herald Norrie returned from the Scotish coun­cell, Lawder. with the lard of Brimston, and Rose their he­rald, who vpon their sute to the lord protector, obtein­ed that fiue of their councell should haue his graces safe conduct, that at anie time and place within fif­téene daies, during his abode in their countrie, or at Berwike, the same fiue might come and commune with fiue of the English councell, touching matters in controuersie betwéene them. Rose the herald de­parted earlie with his safe conduct, the campe raised, and that daie they went seauen miles till as far as Hume castell, Hume caste [...]. where they camped on the west side of a rockie hill that they call Hare crag, standing about a mile westward from the castell.

Here they did so much by shewing that they ment indeed to win the castell by force, if otherwise they might not haue it, causing a certeine number of harquebutters vpon appointment before to beset the castell, and to watch that none should passe in or out, that in the end, the ladie of the house, Hume castell besieged and yéelded vp to the lord pro­tector. and other that were within in charge with it, yéelded it vp to the lord protectors hands: for the ladie doubting the losse of hir son that was prisoner with the Englishmen, hauing the first daie béene with the lord protector, and got respit till the next daie at noone, in the meane time consulted with hir sonne, and other hir friends the kéepers of the castell, returned at the time appointed the next daie, being the one and twen­tith of that moneth, and made sute for a longer respit till eight of the clocke at night, and therewith safe conduct for Andrew Hume hir second son, and Iohn Hume lard of Coldan Knows, a kinsman of hir husbands, capteins of this castell, to come and speake with his grace in the meane while. It was granted hir. Wherevpon these capteins about thrée of the clocke came to the lord protector, and after other co­uenants (with long debating on both parts) agréed vpon, she and these capteins concluded to giue their assent to render the castell, so far foorth as the rest of the keepers would therewith be contented, for two or thrée within (said they) were also in charge with kéep­ing it as well as they, for knowledge of whose minds the duke sent Summerset his herald with this ladie to the castell vnto them; Summerset the dukes herald. who as the herald had made them priuie to the articles, would faine haue had lei­sure for foure and twentie hours longer, to send to their lord to Edenburgh, where he laie hurt (as be­fore you haue heard) and in danger of death, which followed of the fall that he caught at the fridaies skirmish before the battell, to know his will and ple­sure in this point of rendering vp the castell: but be­ing wiselie and sharplie called vpon by the herald, they agréed to the couenants afore by their ladie and capteins concluded on: The conditi­ons of the sur­rendring of Hume castell. whereof part (as the sequele shewed) were these. That they should depart thense the next daie in the morning by ten of the clocke with bag and baggage, as much as they could carie, leauing all munition and vittels behind them in the castell. Howbeit, to be assured of them, the lord pro­tector prouiding ech waie to be readie for them, cau­sed eight péeces of ordinance fensed with baskets of earth to be planted on the southside toward the cas­tell within power of batterie, and the harquebutters to continue their watch and ward.

On thursdaie morning being the two and twen­tith of September, the lord Greie was appointed to receiue the rendring of the castell into his hands, and sir Edward Dudleie now lord Dudleie after to be capteine there. They both departed to it, and at the time set Andrew Hume, The lord Greie recei­ueth the pos­session of Hume castell. and foure other of the chie­fest there with him came out, and yéelding the castell, deliuered the keies to the said lord Greie: his lord­ship causing the residue to come out then, sauing six or seuen to keepe their baggage within, who all were in number seuentie and eight, entred the same with maister Dudleie, and diuerse other gentlemen with him. He found there indifferent good store of vittels and wine, & of ordinance two bastard culuerings, [Page 991] one sacre, also thrée falconets of brasse, and of iron eight péeces beside. The keeping of this castell the lord Greie betaking vnto sir Edward Dudleie ac­cordinglie returned to the campe. This doone, the next daie being fridaie, and the thrée and twentith of September, they dislodged, and went that morning to Rockesburgh, incamping in a great fallow field, betwixt Rockesburgh and Kelseie, standing east­ward a quarter of a mile off. The situation of Rockes­burgh. Here at Rockesburgh they began to build a fort within the compasse of an old ruinous castell, the plot and site whereof standeth line 10 naturallie verie strong, vpon a hill east and west of an eight score in length, and three score in breadth, drawing to a narrownesse at the east end, the whole ground whereof the old walles did yet inuiron. Be­side the heigth and hardnesse to come to, it is strong­lie fensed on either side with the course of two great riuers, Tiuet on the north, and Twéed on the south, both which ioining somwhat nigh togither at the west end of it. Tiuet by a large compasse about the fields line 20 (in which the campe laie) at Kelseie, dooth fall into this Twéed, which with great depth and swiftnesse runneth from thense eastward into the sea at Ber­wike. Ouer this betwixt Kelseie and Rockesburgh there hath béene a great stone bridge with arches, the which the Scots in times past haue all to broken, be­cause the Englishmen should not that waie come to them.

The determi­natiō in what [...] Rockes­burgh should be fortified.Soone after the lord protectors surueie of the plot, and determination to doo as much in déed for ma­king line 30 it defensible, as shortnesse of the time & season of the yéere could suffer (which was) that one great trench of twentie foot broad with depth according, and a wall of like depth, bredth, and heigth, should be made crosse within the castell from the one side wall to the other, and fortie foot from the west end: and that a like trench and wall should likewise be cast a trauerse within, about a coits cast from the east end, and hereto that the castell walles on either side where néed was, should be mended with turffe, and made with lowps, as well for shooting directlie for­ward line 40 as for flanking at hand: the worke of which deuise did make that (beside the safegard of these trenches and walles) the keepers should also be much defended from the enimies force by both the end walles of the castell: the pioners were set a worke, and diligentlie applied in the same.

The lard of Sesseforth, and manie other lards and gentlemen of Tiuidall and the Mers, hauing come and communed with the lord protector and the coun­cell, Scots that came to the kings obei­s [...]ce. made an assurance, or as it were a truce for that line 50 daie, till the next daie at night; and on the next daie, while assurance lasted, these lards and gentlemen be­ing the chiefest in the whole Mers and Tiuidale, came in againe, whome the dukes grace with wisedome and policie without bloudshed did win then vnto the kings obedience, for the which they did willinglie then receiue an oth: whose names in part insue. The lard of Sesseforth, Lards. the lard of Fernihurst, the lard of Greenehead, the lard of Hunthill, the lard of Huntleie, the lard of Markeston by Merside, the line 60 lard of Boniedworth, the lard of Ormeston, the lard of Mailestaine, the lard of Warmeseie, the lard of Linton, the lard of Egerston, the lard of Marton, the lard of Mow, the lard of Reddell, the lard of Reamerside. Gentlemen. George Trombull, Iohn Hollibur­ton, Robert Car of Greiden, Adam Kirton, An­drew Kirton, Andrew Meither, Sander Spur of Erleston, Marke Car of Littleden, George Car of Faldenside, Alexander Makdowell, Charles Ro­therford, Thomas Car of the Yere, Iohn Car of Meinthorne, Walter Holiburton, Richard Han­ganside, Andrew Car, Iames Dowglas of Cauers, Iames Car of Mersington, George Hoppringle, William Ormeston of Enmerden, Iohn Grim­stow. Manie more there were beside, but ouerpas­sed by maister Patten, for that they remained in the register with these, as he saith. The duke of Sum­merset tendred the furtherance of the worke so much, The diligence of the duke of Summerset to further the fortification to Rockes­burgh. that he forbare not to laie his owne hand to the spade and shouell, thereby to incourage others: so as there were but few lords, knights, and gentlemen in the field, but with spade, shouell, or mattocke did therein their parts.

The fiue and twentith of September being sun­daie, the Scots began to bring vittels to the campe, & were so well intreated and paied for the same, that during the time of the Englishmens abode there, they wanted not of the commodities which their countrie could minister. The eight and twentith of September a Scotish herald accompanied with cer­teine Frenchmen, A Scotish herald. that were perchance more desi­rous to marke the armie than to wit of their wel­fare, came and declared that within a seauen-night after, their commissioners, to whome safe conduct had béene granted, should come and commune with our councell at Berwike; whose comming the earle of Warwike, and sir Rafe Sadler with other the commissioners appointed, did so long while there a­bide. But what the Scots ment by breaking promise I cannot saie, howbeit come they did not, & therfore escaped not the iust note of dissimulation, howsoeuer else they could colour the matter in their owne ex­cuse.

The same daie after noone, Creation of banerets, knights, &c. the duke of Summer­set adorned with titles of dignitie diuerse lords, knights, and gentlemen, the names and promotions of whom master Patten hath set downe out of the he­ralds booke, as followeth: Sir Rafe Sadler treasu­ror, Banerets. sir Francis Brian capteine of the light horsse­men, sir Rafe Uane lieutenant of all the horsse­men: these knights were made banerets, a digni­tie aboue a knight, and next to a baron. The lord Greie of Wilton high marshall, Knights. Edward Seimer the duke of Sum­mersets son. the lord Edward Seimer the duke of Summersets son, the lord Tho­mas Howard, the lord Waldike a Cleuelander, sir Thomas Dacres, sir Edward Hastings, sir Ed­mund Bridges, sir Iohn Thin, sir Miles Patridge, sir Iohn Conweie, sir Giles Poole, sir Rafe Bag­noll, sir Oliuer Laurence, sir Henrie Gates, sir Tho­mas Chaloner, sir Francis Fleming master of the ordinance, sir Iohn Gresham, Sir Francis Fleming. sir William Skip­with, sir Iohn Buts, sir George Blaag, sir Willi­am Francis, sir Francis Knolles, sir William Thornburrow, sir George Howard, sir Iames Wil­ford, sir Rafe Coppinger, sir Thomas Wentworth, sir Iohn Meruen, sir Nicholas Strange, sir Charles Sturton, sir Hugh Askue, sir Francis Salmin, sir Richard Tounleie, sir Marmaduke Conestable, sir George Audleie, sir Iohn Holcroft, sir Iohn South­worth, sir Thomas Danbie, sir Iohn Talbot, sir Rowland Clarke, sir Iohn Horsleie, sir Iohn For­ster, sir Christopher Dies, sir Peter Negro, sir Alan­zo de Uile, sir Henrie Husseie, sir Iames Granado Brabander, sir Walter Bonham, sir Robert Brand­ling maior of Newcastell, and made knight there at the duke of Summersets returne.

But now that Rockesburgh was sufficientlie made defensible (the which to sée it séemed the duke of Summerset had vowed before he would thence de­part) his grace and the councell did first determine that my lord Greie should remaine vpon the bor­ders there as the kings lieutenant, and then tooke or­der for the forts: Order taken for defense of the fort gai­ned and built in this voiage. that sir Andrew Dudleie capteine of Broughticrag had left with two hundred soldi­ers of harquebutters & others, and a sufficient num­ber of pioners for his works: sir Edward Dudleie capteine of Hume castell threescore harquebutters, [Page 992] fortie horssemen, and a hundred pioners: sir Rafe Bulmer capteine of Rockesburgh thrée hundred soldiers of harquebutters and others, and two hun­dred pioners. As things were thus concluded, and warning giuen ouer night on this wednesdaie be­ing Michaelmasse euen, The armie re­turneth home­wards. on the next morrow being Michaelmasse daie euerie man fell to packing apase and got them homewards, passing ouer the Twéed there with some trouble and danger also, The danger of the soldiers in passing the riuer of Twéed. by reason of raine that latelie fell before, & had raised the streame, line 10 which being swift of it selfe, and the chanell vneuen in the bottome with great stones made the passage cumbersome, so that manie as well horssemen as footmen were in no small perill as they passed tho­rough, and one or two drowned, and manie cariages ouerthrowne, and in great hazzard of losing.

The duke of Summerset rode streight to New­castell, and thence homewards. The earle of War­wike, my lord Greie, and sir Rafe Sadler, with di­uerse other rode to Berwike, to abide the comming line 20 of the Scotish commissioners. In the meane time of their tarieng there, the earle of Warwike made sir knights; Knights made. sir Thomas Neuill the lord Neuils brother, sir Andrew Corbet, sir Anthonie Strelleie, sir Arthur Manering, sir Richard Uerneie, sir Iohn Berteuille. After that the earle of Warwike had ta­ried for the comming of the Scots the full terme of the appointment, which was vntill the fourth of Octo­ber, and perceiued they came not, the next daie he departed homewards.

Here ye haue to vnderstand also, that in part of line 30 the meane time whilest the duke of Summerset was in dooing of these exploits in Scotland (as ye haue heard rehearsed) the earle of Lenox, and the lord Wharton warden of the west marches, An inuasion made into Scotland. with an ar­mie of fiue thousand men, entred Scotland on that side, and first passing two miles after a daie and a nights defense, Annan church woone. they wan the church of Annan, tooke seuentie & two prisoners kéepers of the same, burnt the spoile for cumber of cariage, and caused the church to be blowen vp with powder, passing thence a six­téene line 40 miles within the land, they wan the castell of Milke, The castell of Milke woone. the which they left furnished with munition and men, and so returned. But of this ye shall find more in the historie of Scotland, by the sufferance of God, where we intreat of the dooings there in this yeare.

Thus much haue I collected out of master Pattens booke, or rather exemplified the same, not much di­gressing from his owne words, except where I haue line 50 bin forced to abridge his worke in some places, wish­ing to haue inserted the whole, if the purpose of this volume would haue so permitted, as well for the full vnderstanding of euerie particular point, by him re­membred, as also for his pleasant and apt ma [...]er of penning the same. Whilest the lord protector was abrode thus in wars against the Scots, the lords of the councell that remained at home, chiefelie by the good and diligent calling on and furtherance of the archbishop of Canturburie, and others of the clear­gie, line 60 tooke order for the aduancement of religion, cau­sing the bookes of homilies and the paraphrase of E­rasmus to be set foorth and had in churches. The homilies & paraphrase of Erasmus.

At the comming backe of the lord protector from his iourneie into Scotland, the citizens of London determined to haue receiued him with great tri­umph: but he hearing thereof, forbad them in anie wise so to doo: ‘for (said he) if anie thing hath béene doone to the honour of the realme, it was Gods doo­ing, and therefore willed them to giue him the praise.’ Neuerthelesse the maior and aldermen, with cer­teine of the commoners in their liueries and their hoods, The lord pro­tectors re­turne. hearing of his approch to the citie, the eight daie of October met him in Finnesburie field, where he tooke each of them by the hand, and thanked them for their good wils. The lord maior did ride with him till they came to the pound in Smithfield, where his grace left them, and rode to his house of Shene that night, and the next daie to the king to Hampton court. The fourth daie of Nouember began a par­lement, called and holden at Westminster, A parleme [...]. which continued till the foure and twentith of December next following, & was then proroged. In this parle­ment, all colleges, chanteries, and frée chappels were giuen to the king, and the statute of the six articles was repealed, with diuerse others tending to the like end. Moreouer, during this parlement visiters be­ing appointed to visit in London, the sixtéenth of No­uember began to take downe the images in Paules church: and shortlie after all the images in euerie church, not onelie through London, but also through­out the whole realme, were pulled downe and de­faced.

The lord protector and others of the councell, considering now in what sort they had got foothold in Scotland, 1548 Anno Reg. 2. by reason of such peeces as they had taken and fortified within the realme, did deuise for the more suertie of those places, which they had alreadie got, and the better to bring the rest of the countrie vnto reason, to haue some holds also more within the land, and therefore first they caused a fort to be builded at Lowder, Lowder for­tified. Sir Hugh Willoughbie. where sir Hugh Willoughbie was appointed capteine with a conuenient garri­son of soldiers to kéepe it. Beside this, it was thought expedient to fortifie the towne of Hadington, where­vpon the lord Greie lieutenant of the north parts, with sir Thomas Palmer, and sir Thomas Hol­croft, were appointed to go thither with a conuenient number of men of warre & pioners to sée that towne fensed with trenches, rampiers, and bulworks, as should séeme to his lordship necessarie and behooue­full; who therefore entring into Scotland the eigh­téenth of Aprill, passed forth to Hadington, Hadington fortified by the lord Greie. where he began to fortifie, and there remained to sée the worke brought to some perfection. During his abode there, diuerse exploits were both valiantlie attempted and luckilie atchiued by his martiall conduct and politike direction, as occasions offred might moue him, which I would gladlie haue set downe at large, if I could haue come to the true vnderstanding thereof; but sith I cannot get the same, in such full manner as I haue wished, that yet which I haue learned by true report (as I take it) I haue thought good to impart to the reader.

The eight and twentith of Maie, his lordship wan the castell of Yester, Yester castell woone. after he had beaten it right sore with terrible batterie of canon shot for the time it lasted, and therewith hauing made a reasonable breach for the soldiers to enter, they within yéelded with condition to haue their liues saued: which the lord Greie was contented to grant to them all, Vlpian Ful­well in the flower of fame. one onelie excepted, who during the siege vttered vn­séemelie words of the king, abusing his maiesties name with vile and most opprobrious termes. They all comming foorth of the castell in their shirts, hum­bled themselues to my lord Greie (as became them) and vpon strait examination who should be the rai­ler that was excepted out of the pardon, it was knowne to be one Newton a Scot: Newton and Hamilton [...] Scotish gen­tlemen accuse each other. but he to saue himselfe, put it to one Hamilton, and so these two gentlemen accusing one an other, the truth could not be decided otherwise than by a combat, which they required, and my lord Greie therevnto assented, and pronounced iudgement so to haue it tried: which he did the rather, bicause all men doo séeme resolute in the triall of truth (as in a verie good cause) by losse of life to gaine an endlesse name; as one saith: ‘Mors spernenda viris vt fama perennis alatur.’

[Page 993]At the appointed time they entered the lists, set vp for that purpose in the market place of Hading­ton, without other apparell sauing their doublets and hosen, weaponed with sword, buckler and dag­ger. At the first entrie into the lists, Hamilton kneeling downe, [...] them. made his hartie praier to God, that it might please him to giue victorie vnto the truth, with solemne protestation that he neuer vttred anie such words of king Edward of England, as his ad­uersarie charged him with. On the other side New­ton line 10 being troubled (as it séemed) with his false accu­sation, argued vnto the beholders his guiltie con­science. Now were the sticklers in a readinesse, and the combattors with their weapons drawne fell to it, so that betwixt them were striken six or seuen blowes right lustilie. But Hamilton being verie fierce and egre, vpon trust of his innocencie, con­streined Newton to giue ground almost to the end of the lists; and if he had driuen him to the end in déed, then by the law of armes he had woone the victorie. line 20 Newton perceiuing himselfe to be almost at point to be thus ouercome, stept forwards againe, and gaue Hamilton such a gash on the leg, that he was not able longer to stand, but fell therewith downe to the ground, Hamilton vanquished and slaine. and then Newton falling on him, incon­tinentlie slue him with a dagger.

There were gentlemen present that knowing as they tooke it for certeine, how Newton was the offendor (although fortune had fauoured him in the combat) would gladlie haue ventured their liues a­gainst line 30 him man for man, if it might haue béene granted: but he chalenging the law of armes, had it granted by my lord Greie, Newton re­warded by my lord Greie. who gaue him also his owne gowne beside his owne backe, and a chaine of gold which he then ware. Thus was he well rewar­ded how so euer he deserued: Newton [...] by his aduersaries. but he escaped not so, for afterwards as he was riding betwixt the borders of both the realms, he was slaine and cut in péeces. On the fourth of Iune, the towne of Dawketh was burnt, and the castell woone by force, where fourteene line 40 Scots were slaine, and three hundred taken priso­ners, amongst whome were these men of name; the maister of Morton, son in law to sir George Dow­glasse, the lard of Blengaruie, the lard of Wedder­burne, and one Alexander Hume, a man of good re­putation among them. The same daie the English horssemen burnt all the mils round about Eden­burgh, within the compasse of six miles on each side the towne. The seuenth of Iune they burnt Muskel­burgh. Muskel­burgh burnt. Now after that my lord Greie had fortified line 50 Hadington, and furnished it with vittels, and mu­nitions sufficient, the twelfe of Iune he departed from thence homewards, leauing there in garrison about two thousand footmen, and fiue hundred horsse­men.

In this meane time, Henrie the French king succeeding his father Francis the first (who departed this life the last of March in the yere last past, to wit, 1547) made prouision of an armie, The French king prepa­reth an armie in aid of the Scots. with a nauie of ships and gallies, to passe into Scotland to the aid of line 60 the quéene and other of his faction. And first he had sent thither monsieur de la Chapelle de Biron, a gen­tleman of good account, to assist the gouernour with his aduise and counsell, which gouernour desirous to recouer the castell of Broughticrag, and loth to sée it possessed by the Englishmen raised a power of eight thousand men, Broughti­crag besieged. and with eight péeces of artilleris came before that fortresse, meaning to win it by siege; but by the valiant prowes of sir Andrew Dud­leie, and the hardie manhood of such English souldi­ors as serued there vnder him, the Scots were re­pelled, and driuen to leuie their siege with dishonor.

Yet not thus contented, the earle of Argile with an armie of his Irish Scots, or Hieland men (if I maie so call them) after this likewise came and besie­ged the place, but glad to take truce for a time with sir Andrew. Before the tearme of the same truce was expired, there came new succours to him, and therevpon the earle in the end was constrained to leuie his siege, and suffer the Englishmen to become maisters of a little hill not farre off from the castell, where afterwards they builded a fortresse. But to re­turne to the French armie which was prepared to passe into Scotland, ye shall vnderstand that when their ships and prouisions were once readie, and the capteins with their bands come downe to Brest in Britaine, where the nauie was rigged to receiue them, monsieur de Desse generall of all the armie, Monsieur de Desse general of the French armie. reckoned to conteine seuen or eight thousand men, imbarked himselfe with all his people, and sailed foorth on his iournie, till they arriued in the Forth, and there tooke land at Lieth the sixteenth of Iune. He landeth at Lieth.

Shortlie after, hauing got their great artillerie on land, and taken aduise with the lord gouernour & other of the Scotish nobilitie, whome they found at Edenburgh, how to proceed in prosecuting the war against the Englishmen, it was resolued that with­out delaie they shuld trie their forces about the reco­uerie of Hadington, and go to besiege that towne, The French men resolue to besiege Ha­dington. before they attempted anie further exploit. The go­uernour and other of the Scotish lords, hauing with them seuen or eight hundred light horssemen, offred to go with them, to the better aduancing forward of that enterprise. Herevpon setting forward, and com­ming to Muskelburgh, the capteins with a cer­teine number of horssemen and footmen, as well of Scots as Frenchmen, were appointed to go before to view the said towne of Hadington. Upon their approch neere to the towne, there issued foorth certeine Englishmen and Italians, that were of Tiberios band, which skirmished with them right stoutlie, till at length the Frenchmen and Scots retired backe to Lauret a little from Muskelburgh (where their armie incamped for that night) and the Englishmen and Italians returned backe to their fortresse.

The next daie the Frenchmen and Scots with their whole power came before Hadington, The French armie com­meth before Hadington. where they were welcomed with a right sharpe and hot skirmish, in which was slaine with an harquebuse shot, one of the French capteins called Uilleneufue. In the meane time whilest this skirmish continued, The Reins­graue. the Reinsgraue with his Almans incamped him­selfe on the one side of the towne, where the maister of the ordinance in the French armie, named mon­sieur Duno, caused trenches to be cast for the safe placing of the artillerie: They plant their artillerie the Englishmen still kept them occupied on each side the towne with skirmi­shing, to the annoiance of the aduersaries. To con­clude, they incamped before the towne, cast trenches, lodged their ordinance, & laid their siege to the most aduantage, so far as they might be suffered. Shortlie after that this siege was planted, The earle of Argile. Monsieur de la Chapelle. there came to the aid of the French, the earle of Argile, with a great number of Irish Scots, and monsieur de la Cha­pelle brought an eight or nine hundred Scotish pio­ners, which began a trench on the left hand of the ab­beie gate, and likewise a trauerse to couer their soul­diors that should watch and ward, from danger of the shot out of the towne on that side.

The Englishmen with often issues gaue their aduersaries small rest, procuring manie hot skirmi­shes, as occasion serued. At one of the which skirmi­shes Piero Strozzi, Piero Stroz­zi hurt. coronell of three ensigns of Ita­lians, was striken with a musket shot. Yet monsieur de Desse inforcing the siege to the vttermost of his power, caused one night with helpe of baskets filled with earth, Hadington battered. six peeces of artillerie to be planted in batterie fast at the towne side, which at the breake [Page 994] of daie began to shoot off, and discharged that present daie thrée hundred and fortie shots. But after they perceiued that they did litle hurt to the fortifications of the towne in that place where this batterie was laid: the next night, the baskets & peeces of artillerie were remooued lower, and not past three score pases from the ditches of the towne, where the next daie two hundred shots were discharged against the ram­pire. To conclude, they made such breaches in sun­drie places for easie entrie into the towne, that it line 10 was greatlie maruelled whie they durst not assaie to giue a generall assault.

They lodged so neare within the verie ditches, that there were deuised certeine plummets of lead, tied with cords to a truncheon of a staffe, like to an handstaffe of a flaile, wherewith the souldiors that watched and warded within the towne on the ram­pire, slue diuerse of the Frenchmen being their lod­ged within their ditches. Thus notwithstanding that the Frenchmen with their artillerie had broken line 20 downe the fortifications, so as the breaches were made verie reasonable and easie for them to enter; yet durst they not presume once to giue the assault: for the Englishmen although their powder was sore spent, The valiancie of the Eng­lishmen. and that for want of matches they were con­streined to teare their shirts, and vse the same in sted of matches; yet they shewed themselues so valiant in defending the towne thus beaten & made weake on each hand, that there was no hope left to their aduersaries to win it of them by force. Although the line 30 French power on the one side, and eight thousand Scots on an other had so inuironed it, that the Eng­lishmen within were driuen to most hard shifts, for want of things necessarie & requisite for their main­tenance and defense of that towne.

But yet whilest they remained thus in such di­stresse and necessitie of things, two hundred Eng­lishmen vnder the conduct of capteine Windham, Warham Seintleger, and Iohn Car of Warke, found meanes one night to passe through all the line 40 watches on that side where the Scots laie, Succours entring the towne. and ente­ring the towne, and bringing with them great plen­tie of powder, and other necessaries, greatlie relie­ued them within, & so incouraged them, that they sée­med to make small account of their enimies forces. Herevpon within few daies after, the Scots (fiue or six hundred light horssemen onelie excepted) brake vp their campe and returned home. After this, my lord Greie remaining at Berwike, ment to make a voiage himselfe in person for the reliefe of them that line 50 were thus besieged in Hadington. Now when all things were so farre in a readinesse as the next daie he ment to haue set forward, letters were brought that night from the court, willing him to performe that seruice by a deputie, and to staie himselfe till the comming of the earle of Shrewesburie, who was appointed with an armie to come verie shortlie as generall into those parties.

My lord Greie herevpon appointed in his stead sir Robert Bowes, and sir Thomas Palmer, to go line 60 thither, Sir Robert Bowes sent to succour Hadington. who comming to Dunglas, left there cer­teine bands of footmen, and with the horssemen be­ing in number thirtéene hundred (whereof seuen hundred lances were appointed vnder the charge of sir Thomas Palmer) they rode forward to accom­plish their enterprise: but the French capteins ha­uing knowledge of their comming, they prouided the best they could to repell them, appointing foure venlins or ensignes of lanceknights to kéepe a stan­ding watch that night in the trenches, and the like number of French ensignes to watch about their campe. All the other of their bands were comman­ded to take rest, but yet with their armour on their backs.

Their generall monsieur de Desse himselfe, mon­sieur de Mailleraie admerall of their fléet, monsieur Dandelot coronell of the French footmen, Piero Strozzi coronell of the Italians, the Reinsgraue co­ronell of the lanceknights, and all other the noble men and capteins of honour among them were all night long in armour, trauelling vp and downe, some on horssebacke, and some on foot, to visit the watches and scouts, set in places and waies by the which they suspected that the Englishmen ment to come. The lord Hume. The lord Hume riding abrode to learne what he might of the Englishmens demeanour, earlie in the morning returned to the campe, and certified monsieur de Desse, that they were at hand. Here­with were the Scotish and French horssemen that kept the scout called in, Dandelot. and monsieur Dandelot with great expedition ranged his battell of foot­men in order, and so likewise did the Reinsgraue his Almans.

The Englishmen diuided into two bands came and shewed themselues in the sight of the towne, and charging such Scots and Frenchmen as came foorth to incounter them, gaue them the ouerthrow at two seuerall charges: but finallie presuming too farre vp­on their good lucke thus chancing to them in the be­ginning, followed in chase those that fled before them, vntill at length they were inclosed and shut vp betwixt the French footmen on the one side, and the Almans on the other. And herewith the Scotish hors­men vnder the conduct of the lords, Humes & Dune, & the French horssemen led by monsieur de Etauges their generall, being assembled togither eftsoones, Monsieur E­tauges. after they had beene so repelled, were now readie to come forward againe: and perceiuing their footmen so to haue inuironed the Englishmen, that they were not able to recouer themselues, nor to get out of danger, The English horssemen dis­comfited. but by disordring their ranks to take them to flight, followed amaine, so that those which escaped the Frenchmens hands were taken by the Scots that pursued them in chase, so that few were saued that were not either slaine or taken. My lord Greie lost thréescore and twelue great horsses, and an hun­dred geldings, with all the men vpon them, armed with his lordships owne furniture, onelie foure or fiue of his men came home, of the which Thomas Cornwallis now groome porter to the Quéene Elizabeth. quéenes ma­iestie was one, and Robert Car esquier an other then page to my said lord Greie.

The vnaduised rashnesse of sir Thomas Palmer was thought to be the chiefe occasion of this distresse of those horssemen, who after they had doone suffici­entlie for that time, would needs haue them to giue a new charge, and so were discomfited. After this o­uerthrow and chase of our horssemen, the armie that was leuied to passe into Scotland was hasted for­ward with all spéed possible: for although before the comming of the English horssemen, the French, The French­men remooue their campe. vp­on aduertisement giuen that they meant to come, had plucked backe their great artillerie, and sent the same vnto Edenburgh, kéeping onelie with them six field-péeces, and herewith remooued their campe further off from the towne: yet by forestalling vitels and all other necessarie things from them within, they were driuen to such distresse, that they must of force haue left the towne to the enimies, if some pow­er had not come within a while to remooue the siege that laie thus to annoie them.

When therefore the armie was come to Newca­stell, The earle of Shrewesbu­rie generall of the armie. The number of soldiours is the same ar­mie. & the earle of Shrewesburie generall lieutenant of the same was there arriued, they passed forward to Berwike, and from thense marched streight to­wards Hadington. The number of the Englishmen and strangers was reported at the point of fifteene thousand, whereof thrée thousand were Almans vn­der [Page 995] the conduct of a right woorthie and expert chief­teine, Conrad Phenning [...] of the [...]. named Conrad Phenning, commonlie cal­led Cortpenie. Beside this armie by land, there was also furnished foorth a fléet by sea, vnder the conduct of the lord Clinton high admerall of England, and other capteins of great experience in affaires and seruice by sea. This fléet was appointed so to kéepe course with the armie by land, that the one might be euer in sight of the other. Monsieur de Desse aduer­tised of the comming forward of this armie, durst line 10 not abide their comming, [...] but raised his field, and retired with his armie toward Edenburgh: howbeit they were no sooner dislodged, but that a great troope of the English horssemen were got within sight of them, and coasted them all the waie as they marched for the space of seuen or eight miles, in maner to as farre as Muskelburgh, [...] where the Frenchmen staied, and incamped in a place chosen foorth to their most aduantage.

The earle of Shrewesburie, and the lord Greie line 20 with the armie comming vnto Hadington, were ioifullie receiued of the capteins and soldiours with­in: where it might appeare how valiantlie they had defended that towne during the siege, being so desti­tute of all things necessarie for their reléefe; and the fortifications so weake, that if the noble prowesse of their woorthie generall sir Iames Wilford, and the incomparable manhood of the rest of the capteins and soldiours had not supplied all other wants, it was thought impossible that they should haue defen­ded the place so long a time against such forces as had line 30 beene there imploied against them. But such was the vndanted valiancie of that noble crue and garrison, that euen the verie enimies themselues could not but yeeld high commendations to the capteins and soldiours for the hardie forwardnesse and manhood, which at all times they had found and tried in them at all points of seruice, when they came to deale with them. And verelie their same deserueth to be had in memorie for euer, not onelie for their woorthie atchi­ued exploits, doone by force of hand, to the beating line 40 backe and repelling of the enimies, but also for their patient susteining of hunger, thirst, continuall wat­ching, nakednesse, sickenesse, and all other such ca­lamities and miseries, as want of things necessarie for the reléefe and maintenance of mans life is woont to bring, [...]x patience [...] the English [...] [...] all [...] of [...]. to those that are inclosed in such wise by the enimie. All which extremities they were well content to susteine, so that it might turne to the benefit and renowme of their countrie, in comparison whereof line 50 they esteemed all things else verie vile and contemp­tible, were the same neuer so good, as the poet saith:

Tantus amor patriae mortalia pectora tangit,
Natalisque soli, prae quo bona caetera sordent.

The noble earle of Shrewesburie could not for­beare to shed teares, to vnderstand and perceiue that such woorthie soldiours should suffer such great di­stresse, whose valiant hearts could not be quailed with anie afflictions. Thus with mournefull imbra­cings intermixed with pitifull regards they met. The line 60 earle entering the towne, furnished it with new bands of men, good store of vittels, munition, and all other things conuenient, and as then thought requi­quisit. Thus hauing refreshed the towne, within two daies after he passed foorth towards the enimies, appointing by the aduise of that noble chiefteine the lord Greie, certeine bands of horssemen to kéepe themselues close togither in ambush, [...] and to send a few to the French campe, to trie if they might traine the Frenchmen out of their strength. And as they wished, it partlie came to passe: for diuerse of their horssemen issued foorth of their campe, and prof­fered the skirmish. The Englishmen suffered them­selues to be chased, vntill they had got their enimies within danger of their ambush, and then whirling a­bout, gaue them the charge, inforcing them to make their careir backe, with more than an easie gallop; so that hauing the Frenchmen thus in chase, The French­men chased. they slue and tooke diuerse, and among the prisoners were two capteins, Pierre Longue, and one Lucinet. The others that escaped, returned with this losse to their campe.

In the meane time, whilest these things were thus in dooing, The armie of the Scots come to ioine with the Frenchmen. there came to the aid of the Frenchmen fouretéene or fiftéene thousand Scots, accounting herewith the Irish Scots which came with the earle of Argile. These Scots were scarse lodged, when suddenlie the earle of Shrewesburie & the lord Greie came with their armie diuided into three battels of footmen, garded with two troops of horssemen, The earle of Shrewesbu­rie profereth the enimies battell. pre­senting themselues before the faces of their enimies in the same place, where their anant currors the daie before had shewed themselues to draw foorth the Frenchmen. Here the armie thus ranged in arraie of battell, staied aboue the space of an houre, looking if the enimies durst haue come foorth to haue giuen battell: The French­men durst not come foorth of their campe. but when they perceiued that by no meanes the Frenchmen meant to forsake their strength, they returned backe to their campe. The English nauie being entered now into the Forth, was not idle: for comming to Brent Iland they set fire on foure ships, which they found there, Ships bur­ned. and after passing by Lieth saluted them within the towne with cannon shot, and after intending to burne saint Minets, were re­pelled from thense by the lord of Dune, and after re­turned to attend on the armie. The earle of Shrewes­burie, and my lord Greie hauing executed so much as their commission would beare, and refreshed Ha­dington with all things néedfull, departed home­wards; and comming to Dunglas, A fortresse built at Dun­glas. began there to build a fortresse. The English Almans as the armie passed by Dunbar, burned the towne. These Almans also, and certeine bands of Englishmen, as well horssemen as footmen, were left at Dunglas, vntill the Forth there begun was in some strength. The earle of Shrewesburie with the rest of the armie came backe into England. The lord Greie ente­reth againe into Scot­land. My lord Greie remaining on the borders lieutenant of the north parts, after the earle of Shrewesburie was returned home, assem­bled all the horssemen then lieng on the borders, and being backed with the Almane footmen, entered a­gaine with the same horssemen into Scotland, bur­ning and wasting in the countries of Tiuidall, and Liddesdall, for the space of twentie miles, both house, corne, haie, and all other things that came within their reach, and after returned without in­counter.

The ninth of October being tuesdaie, monsieur de Desse, with his Frenchmen and Almans, came in the morning long before daie to Hadington, mean­ing to haue woone the towne by stealth. And verelie the enterprise was gouerned in such secret maner, that the Frenchmen had killed the English scouts, and were entered the base court, yer anie alarum was raised: and hauing slaine the watch, some of them ran to a place behind a church, where the Eng­lishmen had their vittels and munitions, and some thrust vp to the towne gate, A camisado giuen to Ha­dington. inforsing with great vio­lence to breake it open, crieng with noise and shouts, Uictorie, victorie, whereof in déed they accounted themselues then assured. And questionles the Eng­lishmen being thus wakened out of their sléeps on the sudden, were in some great disorder; so that ma­nie of them came running foorth without either ar­mour or apparell, their shirts excepted; & others ran they wist not well whither, nor where to take héed. But yet as the Frenchmen were thronged togither at the gate to breake it open, a Frenchman (as their [Page 996] writers doo report) that serued within the towne, but as other saie Tiberio capteine of the Italians, with his match light gaue fier to a double canon, that laie readie bent against the gate, so that the same shooting off, The French­men repelled. made such a lane among the Frenchmen, that they were glad to giue place, and with such a fearefull crie, that those which were behind, not vnderstanding what losse their fellowes before had susteined, brake their arraie and fled amaine.

The Englishmen herewith passed through a priuie line 10 posterne into the base court, and comming vpon them with their halberds, and blacke bils, slue of them great plentie, and droue the rest that escaped ouer the wall in such hast, that happie was he that could tumble ouer first. Monsieur de Desse yet ga­thering them togither againe, gaue that morning thrée sharpe assaults to the towne, but was repelled with great losse, for they caried awaie with them six­téene carts and wagons laden with hurt persons and dead carcasses, besides thrée hundred that were line 20 found in the base court, which they could not come to, after they were beaten out, to take awaie with them. And thus was monsieur de Desse constreined to re­turne, repenting himselfe of that his bold attempted enterprise, hauing lost no small number of his Frenchmen and Almans, being slaine in the place. In this meane time, the kings maiestie summoned his high court of parlement, A parlement. to be holden vpon pro­rogation at Westminster the fourth of Nouember, where it continued till the fourteenth of March next line 30 insuing.

In the meane time, the proceedings for the Sco­tish wars was not forgotten, whervpon in the deepe of the winter, there were conueied certeine bands of the English lancequenets, and some number of Englishmen, both horssemen and footmen by sea vn­to Bronghticrag; and passing from thence vnto Dundée, a two miles from thence, entred the towne, and began to fortifie it: Dundeé spoi­led. but shortlie after by the com­ming of the French armie with monsieur de Desse, line 40 they left it, first spoiling the houses, and after set them on fire at their departure. The Reinsgraue coronell of the Almans, and monsieur de Etauges, being sent by monsieur de Desse before, entered Dundee, and lodged within it. Within two daies after their comming thither, they tooke certeine of their bands, and going foorth did view and surueie the new fort, which the Englishmen had begun to make on the hill, a small distance from the castell. But the Eng­lishmen and their Almans issuing foorth against line 50 them, were at their elbowes yer they were halfe well aduised that they were got so neare them, whereby being driuen hastilie to retire, they hardlie escaped out of danger, The Reins­graue con­streined to retire. being so hotlie pursued, that if the Reinsgraue had not shewed his approoued valiancie, guided with no lesse policie than manhood, the whole troope had béene (as was thought) vtterlie distres­sed.

In Christmasse this yéere the castell of Hume was recouered out of the Englishmens hands, through line 60 treson of certeine assured Scots, that vsing to bring vittels of the Englishmen that kept it, had marked all the manner of the scouts and watches, with the places of the wall where the clime was most easie. Whervpon in the night season, certeine of the Scots secretlie comming into the ditches, got vp to the heigth of the wals, and entring the place, slue and tooke vpon the sudden all that were within it. The sixtéenth of Ianuarie, sir Thomas Seimer baron of Sudleie, year 1549 lord admerall, and brother to the duke of Summerset lord protector, Sir Thomas Seimer sent to the tower. was arrested and sent to the tower, and after by authoritie of parlement he was attainted, and the twentith of March next insu­ing, Anno Reg. 3. in the third yeare of this kings reigne be headed at tower hill. Moreouer in this parlement, The masse abolished. the vse of the masse was clearlie prohibited, and a booke for the vniformitie of diuine seruice, and right admini­stration of the sacraments, was set foorth and esta­blished.

Yee haue heard how the Frenchmen fortified the towne of Dundee, where monsieur de Etauges, Monsieur de Etauges ta­ken prisoner. with his companie of horssemen lieng in garrison chanced in a skirmish to be taken by the English­men that laie in Broughticrag, to the great reioi­sing of them that tooke him, and no lesse gréefe of the French and Scots, for the tried valiancie that was throughlie knowne to rest in him. Moreouer, the Englishmen that kept the towne of Hadington all this while against the enimies, could not come by a­nie vittels, but onelie by a conuoie of some conueni­ent power to gard the cariages that brought the same from the borders. And as it fortuned at one time when the conuoie came and passed by Dunbar, a skirmish was proffered by the French which laie within that castell in garrison. And as sir Iames Wilford that was there amongst other vpon this occasion (according to his woonted valiancie) shew­ed himselfe verie forward and egre against the eni­mie, he was inclosed by an ambush, which the French­men had laid on ech side the stréete within the towne, that he could by no means escape out of their hands, but hauing his horsse there slaine vnder him, was taken prisoner euen by a Gascoigne of the countrie of Basque named Pellieque, Sir Iames Wilford taken prisoner. that woone no small commendation for that his good hap, in taking such a prisoner, whose name for his often approoued prow­esse was verie famous euen among the enimies, who saw well inough a resolutenesse in the man ra­ther by perillous aduentures to purchase the perpe­tuitie of renowme, than by defect of courage or neg­ligent seruice to loose both life and same. Which per­suasion should enter into the hart of euerie seruitor in the field, if they will be counted right valiant in­deed, considering that he which in his life time dooth performe nothing worthie memorie, is like a plaier entring vpon the stage, but shewing nothing either in spéech or in action, as the poet verie fitlie saith:

Qui nullum facinus tota memorabile vita
Ediderint, obscuri homines migrare videntur
Hinc, vt qui structa nil dixerit histrio scena.

Some haue written that he was taken through default of those that were appointed to follow him, sith he vndertooke to charge the enimie, in hope that by them he should haue beene assisted. But suerlie those that had the charge of this conuoie, doubting by aduenturing too far, to put all in hazard, thought it wisedome rather to suffer the losse of one, than to ieopard the whole; not perceiuing which waie to re­medie the matter at that present. Now after that the generall of Hadington was thus taken prisoner, to the great griefe vndoubtedlie, not onelie of all the garrison there, but also of all such as tendered the ad­uancement of the kings maiesties seruice, sir Iames Crofts was thought a man most méet to supplie the place, Sir Iames Crofts gene­rall of Had­ington. and therefore by the lord protector and others of the councell was ordeined generall of that towne of Hadington, and the garrison there, in which roome he bare himselfe so worthilie, as if I should not be suspected of flatterie, for that he liueth yet, and in such credit (as the world knoweth) I might mooue my selfe matter to saie rather much than suf­ficientlie inough in his due and right deserued com­mendation.

The king by the aduise of his councell meaning to prosecute the wars in Scotland, with great forces reteined a new power of lancequenets, and other strangers, vnder the conduct of diuers & sundrie cap­teines: but in the meane time the French king mea­ning [Page 997] to breake with the king of England, thought to haue stolen the fortresse of Bullognberg, so that a chosen power of men of warre, to the number of se­uen thousand, vnder the conduct of monsieur de Cha­tillon, being sent downe about that exploit on Maie daie at night, came forward with their ladders, and all other furniture méet for the purpose, approching about the houre of midnight néere to the fort, with­in the which were not at that time manie aboue thrée hundred and fiftie soldiers, vnder the gouernement of sir Nicholas Arnalt knight generall of that line 10 péece, Sir Nicho­ [...]s Arnalt [...]teine of Bullognberg. a capteine of great courage, and no lesse dili­gence in his charge.

And as it chanced, there were among the French­men thrée or foure Englishmen, which hauing mat­ched themselues in marriage with women of that countrie, after the peace was concluded betwixt France and England, were discharged out of the king of Englands wages; and remaining with their wiues, got interteinement among the French­men, line 20 and were with monsieur de Chatillon, now comming towards this enterprise. Wherevpon one of the same Englishmen named Carter, that had a­foretime giuen intelligence to the said sir Nicholas of the Frenchmens dooings, Carter an Englishman [...] amōg [...] french­men, but to their disad­ [...]tage. so farre as he might learne and vnderstand the same, would gladlie haue aduertised sir Nicholas Arnalt of the Frenchmens purpose at this time: but monsieur de Chatillon kept the matter so secret, that Carter nor any of the other Englishmen had knowledge thereof, till they were line 30 now marching forward, so that Carter could not get awaie from them, till they were approched within lesse than a quarter of a mile of Bullognberg, and then slipping aside from among them, came running so fast as he might towards the fort, crieng; Bowes, bowes, as lowd as his voice would serue, & so gaue the alarum to them within the fort.

One of the soldiers called Morgaine Deaton, that chanced to be there at hand in scout with three or foure other, streight knew him, and brought him to line 40 the draw-bridge, where sir Nicholas Arnalt caused him to be drawen vp betwixt two pikes, Sir Nicho­las Arnalts [...] vnto whome he declared how the Frenchmen were at hand, mea­ning to assaile his fort now vpon the sudden, in hope so to surprise it. Herewith, it néeded not to will sir Nicholas to bestirre him, to cause euerie man to make readie, and place themselues as was thought most expedient. And vndoubtedlie the noble courage of that worthie gentleman, furthered much, to cause euerie capteine and soldier vnder him, to put awaie line 50 all feare, and to haue a regard to doo his dutie, for the receiuing of the enimies; so as they séemed glad of the occasion, whereby they might shew proofe of their accustomed manhood against the enimie, that thus came to steale on them without warning, in purpose to kill euerie man that fell into their hands, if their intention had taken place, making now such hast forward, that before the Englishmen could [...]e well readie with their armour and weapons in their ap­pointed places, the Frenchmen were got to the dit­ches, line 60 and appointing thrée thousand of their numbers, the most part gentlemen and double paies, with tar­gets, The French­men assaile Bullogn­berg. battell axes, and pistols, to haue the first scale, saluted them within vpon their verie approch, with seuen hundred harquebuts shot at the first volée.

The Englishmen by order giuen by sir Nicholas, kept themselues close, till the Frenchmen by their sealing ladders, which they brought with them, and had quickelie raised against the walles, began to mount vp, and enter vpon them; at which instant, off went the flankers. Those of sir Nicholas Arnalts monts discharged verie well at the first, but at the se­cond volee the morters burst. Albeit there were two brasse peeces that were planted aloft on the same mont, of the which the one discharged fiue & twentie shot by the maister, and the other seuen and twentie by his maiestie. Sir Nicholas Arnalt here being ac­companied with his capteins and soldiers about him, stood at defense so stoutlie as was possible, doo­ing so valiantlie, that their fame deserueth to liue for euer. There were burst vpon the faces of the enimies (ouer and beside the shot that was bestowed among them) to the number of fiftéene hundred pikes and blacke bils. The number of pikes and bils broken vpon the Frenchmen. The Frenchmen verelie stucke to it to the vttermost, and did what laie in the verie last point of their powers to enter vpon the Englishmen, sup­plieng still the places of their dead and wearie men with fresh succors.

Carter that came to bring word of their com­ming, with a pike in his hand, Carter an hardie soldier and a good ser­uitor. stood at the place of the bulworke where they thus gaue the assault, & fought right valiantlie, giuing manie wounds, and recei­uing some againe: for he was hurt both in the thigh and arme, who suerlie of a priuat soldier (if he were priuat and ordinarie) séemed verie seruiceable at all assaies, considering into what desperat aduentures and hazzards he did as it were cast himselfe, estée­ming lesse the losse of life and lim, than the reproch and dishonor of his countrie, the glorie & renowme wherof (aboue all worldlie things which are but tem­porall) all men are naturallie bound with might & maine both to séeke and saue; as one verie well saith: ‘Nascimur vt patriam vitáque operáque iuuemus.’

Sir Nicholas Arnalt himselfe was hurt with a pike in the nose. Capteine Warren standing on the same bulworke with sir Nicholas, receiued two shots in his corselet, and one of them droue two or three links of his chaine into his necke. Capteine Broughton had there sixtéene of his armed men, e­uerie of them hauing their corselets persed through. The number of the Englishmen that were slaine, was reckoned to be fiue and twentie, and hurt eight and fiftie. Of Frenchmen there were slaine a great number, beside those that were hurt, The French­men repelled. and at length through shot, casting downe of stones and timber vpon their heads, scalding water and handblowes they were repelled, retiring out of the trenches shortlie after the breake of the daie, hauing conti­nued the assault from midnight till that time, still re­newing their forces, in hope to atchiue their wished preie: but being thus beaten off, they gathered togi­ther their dead men, and lading fiftéene waggons with their carcasses, they returned backe, Fifteéne wa­gons laden with French carcasses. without making anie further attempt at that time.

And so by the high valiancie of sir Nicholas Ar­nalt, and the other capteins that serued in that fort vnder him, and chieflie by the assistance of almightie God, the giuer of all victories, the enimies were re­pelled, to their great dishonor, and the péece reser­ued to the immortall renowme of the defendants. Within a daie or two after, the generall of the Frenchmen sent to know of prisoners taken; but sir Nicholas Arnalt answered the messenger, ‘that he knew of no warre: and therefore if anie had attemp­ted to make a surprise of his péece by stealth, they were serued accordinglie to their malicious mea­nings. Indéed (said he) we haue taken none of your men, but we haue got some of your braue guilt ar­mour & weapons. Well (said the messenger) it is not the cowle that maketh the moonke, and no more is it the braue armour or weapon that maketh the man of warre: but the fortune of warre is such, sometime to gaine, and sometime to lose.’ Sir Nicholas recei­uing him into the fort, made him good chéere, and gaue him fiftie crownes in reward, and so he de­parted.

But concerning the liberalitie of sir Nicholas, I might here speake further thereof, how bountifullie [Page 998] he rewarded the souldiers for their great manhood shewed at that time, in defending so sharpe an as­sault, to their great honour, and no lesse confusion of the aduersaries. The daie after the said assault, there came to Bullognberg from Guisnes, The lord Cobham with a new supplie of soldiers. a supplie of thrée or foure hundred men, vnder the leading of sir William Cobham, now lord Cobham and others. Within a while after, sir Nicholas Arnalt sent forth thrée hundred footmen, and fiue and twentie horsse­men, conducted by the said sir William Cobham, capteine Mutton of the Old man, & capteine More line 10 of Bullognberg, with certeine cariages, to go vn­to a wood not farre off, called the North wood, to fetch fagots and brush, to repare and mainteine the ram­pires.

These capteins with their bands being passed forward, about two miles in distance from the fort, met with certeine of their scouts that were sent forth that morning, who told them that they had discoue­red the tract of a great number of horssemen. Wher­vpon line 20 the Englishmen now being almost come to the wood side, retired with all spéed: and herewith the French horssemen brake out of the wood, and follo­wing them, fell in skirmish with them. The English­men casting themselues in a ring, kept them off with their pikes, wherewith they impailed themselues, and hauing their small troope lined with shot, they also galled the Frenchmen right sore therewith, as they still approched them. Neuerthelesse, those horssemen gaue three maine onsets vpon the Englishmen, with the number of a thousand horsse at two of the first line 30 onsets, and the third they gaue with all their whole power, being estéemed a fiftéene hundred horssemen in all.

But such was the valiant prowesse of the English souldiers, The great valiācie of the Englishmen vnder the con­duct of their noble capteins incouraged with the comfortable presence of sir William Cobham, and other their capteins, that conducted them in such order as stood most for their safegard, exhorting them with such effectuall words as serued best to purpose, that the enimie to line 40 conclude was repelled with losse of seuentie of their great horsses that laie dead there in the field, within the space of halfe a mile. There were also foure thou­sand French footmen that came forward, but could not reach, and so marching about the fort, returned in vaine, after they once perceiued that the English­men were safelie retired within their fort. The coun­cell thus perceiuing the French kings purpose, which he had conceiued to worke some notable damage to this realme, as well in support of his friends in line 50 Scotland, as in hope to recouer those peeces which the English held at Bullongne, and in those mar­ches, doubted also of some inuasion meant by him to be attempted into this realme, bicause of such great preparation as he had made, for leuieng of his for­ces both by sea and land. The prepara­tion for warre as well in England as France.

The councell therefore made likewise prouision to be readie to resist all such attempts, as anie waie foorth might be made, to the annoiance of the realme. But as things fell out, the same stood in good stead, line 60 not against the forren enimie, but against a number of rebellious subiects at home, the which forgetting their dutie and allegiance, did as much as in them laie (what soeuer their pretense was) to bring this noble realme and their naturall countrie vnto de­struction. But first, for that it maie appeare, that the duke of Summerset then protector, and other of the councell, did not without good ground and cause mainteine the warres against the Scots, I haue thought good to set downe an epistle exhortatorie, as we find the same in the great chronicle of Richard Grafton, sent from the said protector and councell vn­to the Scots, Rich. Grafton in fol. 1294. to mooue them to haue consideration of themselues, and of the estate of their countrie, by ioining in that friendlie bond and vnitie with Eng­land, as had beene of the kings part and his fathers continuallie sought, for the benefit of both realmes, the copie of which exhortation here insueth.

Edward by the grace of God, duke of Summerset, earle of Hertford, vicount Beauchampe,
The lord pr [...] ­tectors right honorabl [...] stile.
lord Sei­mer, vncle to the kings highnesse of England, go­uernor of his most roiall person, and protector of all his realmes, dominions, & subiects, lieutenant generall of all his maiesties armies, both by land and sea, treasuror and earle marshall of England, gouernor of the Iles of Gerneseie and Ierseie, and knight of the most noble order of the garter, with others of the councell of the said most high and noble prince Edward, by the grace of God of England, France, and Ireland king, defender of the faith, and in earth vnder Christ the supreame head of the churches of England and Ireland. To the nobilitie and councellors, gentlemen and com­mons, and all other the inhabitants of the realme of Scotland, greeting and peace.

COnsidering with our selues the present state of things, The epistle exhortatorie sent to the Scots. and weieng more déepe­lie the maner and tearmes wherein you and we doo stand, it maketh vs to mar­uell, what euill & fatall chance dooth so disseuer your hearts, and maketh them so blind and vnmindfull of your profit, and so still conciliate and heape to your selues most extreame mischiefs, the which we whome ye will néeds haue your enimies, go about to take awaie from you, and perpetuallie to ease you therof. And also by all reason & order of necessitie, it should be rather more conuenient for you to séeke and re­quire moderate agréements of vs, whome God hath hitherto according to our most iust, true, and godlie meanings and intents, prospered and set forward, with your affliction and miserie, than that we being superiours in the field, maisters of a great part of your realme, should seeke vpon you. Yet to the intent that our charitable minds and brotherlie loue should not cease, by all meanes possible to prouoke and call you to your owne commoditie and profit, euen as the father to the son, or the elder brother to the yoong­er; Herein appea­reth the lord protectors care for their good estate. and as the louing physician would doo to the mistrustfull and ignorant patient: we are content to call and crie vpon you to looke on your estate, to a­uoid the great calamitie that your countrie is in, to haue vs rather brothers than enimies, and rather countrimen than conquerors. And if your gouernor or capteins shall reteine and kéepe from you this our exhortation, as heretofore they haue doone our pro­clamation, tending to the like effect, for their owne priuat wealth & commoditie, not regarding though you be still in miserie, so they haue profit and gouer­nance ouer you, and shall still abuse you with feined and forged tales: yet this shall be a witnesse before God, and all christian people, betweene you and vs, that we professing the gospell of Iesus Christ, accor­ding to the doctrine thereof, doo not cease to call and prouoke you from the effusion of your owne bloud, from the destruction of the realme of Scotland, from perpetuall enimitie and hatred, from the finall de­struction of your nation, and from seruitude to for­ren nations, to libertie, to amitie, to equalitie with vs, to that which your writers haue alwaies wished might once come to passe.

Who that hath read the stories in times past, and dooth marke & note the great battels past [...]ought be­twixt England & Scotland, the incursions, rodes, & spoiles, which haue béene doone on both parties: the realme of Scotland fiue times woone by one king of [Page 999] England, S [...]otland [...] fiue [...] by one king of Eng­ [...]nd. the Scotish kings some taken prisoners, some slaine in battell, some for verie sorrow and dis­comfort vpon losse, dieng and departing the world: and shall perceiue againe, that all nations in the world, that nation onelie beside England, speaketh the same language: and as you and we be annexed and ioined in one Iland, so no people are so like in maners, forme, language, and all conditions as we are: shall not he thinke it a thing verie vnméet, vn­naturall, and vnchristian, that there should be betwixt line 10 vs so mortall war, who in respect of all other nations, be and should be like as two brethren of one Iland of great Britaine? And though he were a stranger to both, what should he thinke more meet, than if it were possible one kingdome to be made in rule, which is one in language, and to be diuided in rulers, which is all one in countrie?

And for so much as two successors cannot con­curre and fall into one, The case of [...] coniunctiō [...] mariage of [...] two yoong princes tou­ [...]ed. by no other maner of meanes than by marriage, wherby one bloud, one linage, one line 20 parentage is made of two, and an indefensible right giuen of both to one, without the destruction and abo­lishing of either. If God should grant that whatso­euer you would wish, other than that which now not by fortune hath chanced, but by his infinit mercie and most inscrutable prouidence, as carefull for you he hath giuen vnto you. The which thing that you should also thinke to come of his disposition, and not by blind fortune, how vnlike hath it beene, and how suddenlie hath it turned, that the power of God might be shewed: your last king being a prince of line 30 much excellencie and yoong, whom you know after a promise broken contrarie to his honor, & misfortune by Gods iust iudgement following vpon it, God ei­ther by sorrow or by some meanes otherwise at his inscrutable pleasure, did take awaie from you, had thrée children, did not almightie God (as it were) to shew his will and pleasure to be, that the long conti­nued warre and enimitie of both the nations should be taken awaie, The course of [...] iust [...]dgement in t [...]is example [...]able. and knit in perpetuall loue and ami­tie, take the two men-children of those babes being line 40 distant the one from the other, and in diuerse places, both as it were at one time, and within the space of foure and twentie houres, leauing but one maiden-child and princesse?

When the most wise and victorious prince late our king and maister, king Henrie the eight, in o­ther of his mariages not most fortunate, had by his most lawfull and most vertuous wife, quéene Iane, his otther two wiues before that mariage departed line 50 this world, and neuer surmise nor question made of that mariage, since that time to this daie, nor so much as all hir life time, name or motion to or of a­nie other wife, one prince of so high expectation, of so great gifts of God, the right and vndoubted heire of the realme of England and his maiestie onelie of male issue left behind him to succéed the imperiall crowne. If nothing else had béene doone, what can anie wise or anie christian man that thinketh the world to be gouerned by Gods proui­dence line 60 and not by fortune, thinke otherwise, but that it was Gods pleasure it should be so, The lord pro­te [...]tor infor­ [...]eth by [...]itchie persuasions a perpetuall [...]itie be­twéene the [...] realms [...] the foresaid [...]. that these two realmes should ioine in mariage, and by a godlie sa­crament, make a godlie, perpetuall and most friend­lie vnitie & concord, whereby such benefits as of vni­tie and concord commeth, may through his infinit grace come vnto these realmes. Or if anie man of you or of anie nation doubteth hereof, except you looked for miracles to be doone herein, and yet if ye marke all the possibilities of the natures of the two princes, the children alreadie had, the doubtfull chance, least each of them should haue a sonne, or both daughters, or not of méet ages, with other cir­cumstances both of the partie of this realme of England, and that of Scotland, which hath not chan­ced in eight hundred yeares, it must néeds be rec­koned a great maruell and a miracle.

But let it be no miracle, séeing that God dooth not now speake in oracles, as amongest the Iewes he did: and present prophesies now adaies be but ei­ther not certeine, or else not plaine: what more cer­teine can be had of Gods will in this case, than the before rehearsed dooth bring? But if God himselfe should speake, what could he speake more, than he speaketh in these? The lord pro­tector still vr­geth peace and amitie. Call you them prouidences or chances, if you be still afflicted and punished? Maie he not saie: I of mine infinite mercie and loue to your nation, had prouided a right heire and a prince to the one, and a right heire and princesse to the o­ther, to be ioined in my holie lawes, and by the lawe of nature and the world to haue made an vni­tie, concord and peace, in the which Isle of both the realmes you refused it; you loued better dissention than vnitte, discord than agréement, warre than peace, hatred than loue and charitie. If you doo then therefore smart for it, whome can you blame but your owne election?

But because some of those, who make therevn­to impediments, cannot but confesse, that there ap­peareth Gods prouidence herein, and oportunitie and occasion giuen to vnitie of both the realmes, yet may hereafter say, and heretofore haue said, that the fault herein is, that we séeke not equalitie, nor the mariage, but a conquest: we would not be friends but the lords. Although our proclamation at the last warres dooth inough declare the contra­rie, yet here we protest and declare vnto you and all christian people, to be the kings maiesties mind our maisters, by our aduise and counsell not to con­quer, but to haue in amitie; not to win by force, but to conciliate by loue; not to spoile and kill, but to saue and kéepe; not to disseuer and diuorse, but to ioine in mariage, from high to low both the realms, to make of one Isle one realme, in loue, amitie, concord, peace and charitie, which if you refuse, and driue vs to conquer, who is guiltie of the bloudshed? Who is the occasion of the warre? Who maketh the battels, the burning of houses, and the deuasta­tion which shall follow?

Can it be denied but that we haue the great seale of Scotland granted by the parlement of Scotland, The Scots by the consent of a parlement granted their great seale for the confirma­tion of a mari­age to be had betwéen Ma­rie the heire of Scotland, & prince Ed­ward heire of England. for the mariage which should be made, with assuran­ces and pledges, vntill the performance? And thus in the time that the late king of most famous me­morie our souereigne lord king Henrie the eight did reigne, and in the time of the same your gouer­nour, who now is the earle of Arrane, who then be­ing a chiefe dooer and laborer therin, for the high and inestimable benefit of that realme, so soone as he was by the late cardinall of saint Andrews and o­thers, with certeine vaine feares and hopes & grée­dinesse of dignitie peruerted, reuolted from his first agréement, and put all the realme to the losse of such holds and fortresses as are now taken from you, and to the losse of a foughten field, for the which we are sorie, if otherwise peace might haue bin conclu­ded, for his owne priuat lucre and retchlesnesse of that noble realme. And what end can you looke for of these manner of proceedings, but such successe as heretofore hath béene experimented & assaied? We offer loue, we offer equalitie and amitie, we ouer­come in warre, and offer peace: we win holds, What offers are made to the Scots. and offer no conquest: we get in your land, and offer England.

What can be more offered and more proffered, than intercourse of merchandizes, and interchange of mariages, the abolishing of all such our lawes, as prohibiteth the same, or might be impediment to [Page 1000] the mutuall amitie. We haue offered not onelie to leaue the authoritie name, title, right or chalenge of conquerour, but to receiue that which is the shame of men ouercommed, to leaue the name o [...] the nation, and the glorie of anie victorie (if anie we haue had, or should haue of you) and to take the indifferent old name of Britains againe, because nothing should be left on our part to be offered, Britaine was the first name of England and Scot­land. nothing on your part vnrefused, whereby ye might be inexcusable. And all the world might testifie all other meanes, line 10 not being able to doo anie thing, after manie other waies and remedies attempted, battell of vs to be taken as an extreame refuge, to atteine right and reason among christian men: if anie man may right­fullie make battell for his espouse and wife. The daughter of Scotland was by the great seale of Scotland promised to the sonne & heire of England.

If it be lawfull by Gods lawe to fight in a good quarrell, and for to make peace, this is to make an end of all warres, and to conclude an eternall and line 20 perpetuall peace; which to confirme, we shall fight, and you to breake, is it not easie to discerne who hath the better part? God and the sword hath alreadie, and shall hereafter (if there be no remedie) trie it. Who so willeth the mariage to go forward; who so mindeth the peace and tranquillitie of both the realmes; who willeth no conquest to be had, but a­mitie and loue to go forward, we refuse no man: let him bring his name and his pledge of good seruice in this quarrell, A verie good, lawfull, and bountifull of­fer. he shall not onelie be receiued to the line 30 amitie; but shall haue sufficient defense against the aduersaries, and recompense of his liuing, if he susteine anie losse. We neither doo nor intend to put anie man from his lands, taxes, or offices, vnlesse he will néeds resist, and so compell vs therevnto.

What face hath this of conquest? We intend not to disherit your queene, but to make hir heires inheritors also to England. The case of the foresaid mariage still vrged. What greater honour can ye séeke vnto your quéene, than the mariage of­fered? What more méeter mariage than this with the line 40 kings highnes of England? What more sure defense in the nonage of your quéene for the realme of Scot­land, than to haue England your patrone and gar­rison? We séeke not to take from you your lawes nor customes; but we seeke to redresse your oppres­sions, which of diuerse ye doo susteine. In the realme of England, diuerse lawes and customes be accor­ding to the ancient vsage thereof. And likewise, France, Normandie, and Gascoigne haue sundrie kind of orders. Haue all the realmes and domini­ons line 50 that the emperour now hath, one custome and one sort of lawes? These vaine feares and fantasies of expulsion of your nation, of changing the lawes, of making a conquest, be driuen into your heads, of those, who in deed had rather you were all conque­red, The lord pro­tector telleth the Scots who they be that put doubts into their heads, &c. spoiled, and slaine, than they would lose anie point of their will, of their desire of rule, of their estimation, which they know in quietnesse would be séene what it were, as it were in a calme water.

Now in this tumult of disorder, when the realme line 60 is tossed vp and downe with waues and surges of battell, famine, and other mischiefes which the warre bringeth, they thinke they cannot be espied; but looke on them you that haue wit and prudence, and consi­der the state of your quéene and realme, you will not kéepe hir sole and vnmaried, the which were to you great dishonor. If you maried hir within the relme, that cannot extinguish the title which we haue to the crowne of Scotland. And what dissention, enuie, grudge, and malice that shall bréed among you, is easie to perceiue. You will marrie hir out of the realme, our title remaineth, you be subiects to a for­ren prince of another countrie, and of another lan­guage, and vs ye haue your enimies, euen at your elbow, your succours farre off from you: and be we not in the bowels now of the realme? Haue we not a great part thereof, either in subiection or in ami­tie and loue? Who shall come into your realme, but he shall be met with, and fought with, if néede be, euen of your owne nation, who be faithfull and true to the realme of England in the waie of this most godlie vnion by mariage.

And if anie forren power, prince, or potentate, Further in­ducements to make the Scots for­ward in this mariage. or whosoeuer be your aider to nourish still discord, send you an armie also, how shall they oppresse you, fill your houses, waste your grounds, spend and con­sume your vittels, hold you in subiection, & regard you as slaues, which without them could not liue, & will take your quéene to bestow as they lust, & spe­ciallie if their ruler or king (as perchance he may be) in other warres be otherwise occupied, to be a preie to vs, & a true conquest, then it should be too late to saie; We will haue a mariage and no conquest, We wish peace & amitie, We are wearie of battell and miserie. A true saieng. The stubborne ouercommed must suffer the victors pleasure, and pertinacitie will make the victorie more insolent, whereof you your selfe haue giuen the cause, if they send monie and capteines, but no souldiers. First if they be capteins, who ru­leth and who dooth obeie? Who shall haue the honor of the enterprise, and if it be well atchiued? But whe­ther it be well atchiued or no, which number is that which shall be slaine? Whose bloud shall be shed? Their monie peraduenture shalbe consumed, & their commandements obeied. But whose bodies shall smart for it? Whose lands shall be wasted? The lord pro­tector pointeth (as it were) at the inconueni­ences which he would haue the Scots to preuent. Whose houses burned? What realme made desolate? Re­member what it is to haue a forren power within you, a strong power of your enimies vpon you, you (as it were) the campe & plaine betwixt them to fight on, & to be troden vpon, both of the victor, and of the ouercommed. And imagine you see before your eies your wiues & daughters in danger of wantonnesse & insolencie of the soldiors, the proud looks of the cap­teins & soldiors, whom you call to helpe you, the con­tempt you shall bring your nation in, then take heed least indeed that follow which you feare, that is, that you shall be by them conquered, that ye shall be by them put from your holds, lands, taxes & offices, that your laws by them shall be altered, that your nation shall be by them destroied. Consider in this realme, Examples confirming the former as­sertion. did not the Britons call in the Saxons for helpe, & by them were put out? Where be the Picts, once a gret nation betwixt you and vs? How did the nation of France put out the Galles out of all France? How got the Turk first all Grecia, & now of late all Hun­garie, but being called in for to aid & helpe? And did not the Goths by like meanes get all Italie, and the Lombards one part therof now called Lombardie? What looke you for more? Néedie soldiors, & hauing their weapons in their hands, and knowing that you cannot liue without them, what will not they com­mand you to doo? What will they not incroch vpon you? What will they not thinke they may doo? Insolencie o [...] soldiors and l [...]wlesse licen­tiousnesse. And what will they thinke that you dare doo? This forren helpe is your confusion, that succour is your detri­ment, the victorie so had is your seruitude: what is then to be thought of losse taken with them? The strangers and forren soldiors shall oppresse you with­in, our power and strength without; and of your owne nation, so manie as loue quietnesse, godlines, and wealth of your realme, shall helpe also to scourge and afflict you. The issue of the lord pro­tectors e [...]t [...]tation. Is it not better to compose and ac­quite all this calamitie and trouble by marriage, to end all sorrows and battels by such and so honorable a peace? Hath not the emperor Spaine & Burgun­die by title of marriage? How holdeth the French king Britaine now latelie annexed to that crowne, [Page 1001] but by title of marriage? How haue all the great princes of the world happilie and with quiet made of two kingdoms one, of diuerse lordships one, of nations alwaies at warre with themselues, or else in doubtfull peace, one well gouerned kingdome, rule, and dominion, but by that godlie, most quiet, and most amiable composition of marriage? Two meanes there be of making one rule, Two meanes or waies of making one regiment or [...] ▪ wherto title is pretended, and perfect agréement betwixt two nati­ons, either by force or superioritie, which is conquest; line 10 or by equalitie and loue, which is by parentage & ma­riage: you hate the one, that is, conquest; and by refu­sing the other, you inforce vpon you hatred & malice.

You will not haue peace, you will not haue ali­ance, you will not haue concord; and conquest com­meth vpon you whether you will or no. And yet if all things were considered, we feare it will appeere that it were better for you to be conquered of vs, than succoured of strangers, lesse losse to your goods, lesse hurt to your lands, lesse dishonor to your realme; line 20 this nation which is one in toong, one in countrie and birth, hauing so little diuersitie to occupie the whole, than other powers come in to you, neither like in language, nor yet like in behauior, who should rule ouer you, and take you to be but their slaues. But we eftsoons and finallie declare and protest vnto you, that although for the better furtherance of this god­lie purpose of vniting the realmes, The lord pro­ [...]tor protest­eth what the kings deter­mination is. and for the sure defense of them which fauour the marriage, we are compelled for the time to keepe holds, and to make line 30 fortifications in your realme: yet the kings maie­sties mind and determinat pleasure is, with our ad­uise and counsell to be as before is declared, that where fauour may be shewed, not to vse rigor, if by conditions you will receiue this amitie offered, not to follow conquest: for we desire loue, vnitie, concord, peace and equalitie. Let neither your go­uernor nor your kirkemen, nor those, who so often haue falsified their faith and promise, [...]nitem to the Scotish go­ [...]ernor and [...]irkemen, &c. and by treache­rie and falshood be accustomed to proroge the time, line 40 féed you foorth with faire words, and bring you into the snare from whence they cannot deliuer you. They will peraduenture prouide for themselues with pen­sions in some other realme, and set soldiors stran­gers in your holds to kéepe you in subiection, vnder the pretense to defend them against vs. But who prouideth pensions for you? How are you defended when they are fled away? Who conquereth you when the strange capteins haue your holds, when your land is wasted, and the realme destroied, and the more line 50 part kept from you? Who will set by the mariage of the quéene to buie a title with the war of England; to marrie the name, an other mightie king holding the land? What Eng­land & Scot­land might do being made [...] by amitie. If we two being made one by amitie, be most able to defend vs against all nations, and hauing the sea for wall, the mutuall loue for garrison, & God for defense, should make so noble and well agréeing mo­narchie, that neither in peace we may be ashamed, nor in war afraid of anie worldlie or forren power: whie should not you be as desirous of the same, and line 60 haue as much cause to reioise at it as we? If this ho­nor of so noble a monarchie doo not moue you to take and accept amitie, let the griefe and the danger of the aforenamed losses feare you to attempt that thing which shall displease God, increase warre, danger your realme, destroie your land, vndoo your children, wast your grounds, desolate your countries, and bring all Scotland either to famine & miserie, or to subiection and seruitude of an other nation. We re­quire but your promised quéene, your offered agrée­ment of vnitie, Nothing re­ [...]red of the Scots that was not pro­ [...]sed by them. the ioining of both the nations, which God of his infinite clemencie and tender loue that he hath declared to beare to both the nations, hath offe­red vnto vs both, and in manner called vs both vnto it, whose calling and prouocation we haue, and will folow to the best of our powers, and in his name, and with his aid, admonition, exhortation, requests, and ambassages, not being able to doo it, and to find sta­blenesse in promises, we shall not willing, but con­streined pursue the battell, chastise the wicked & ma­licious by the angrie angels of God, fire and sword. Fire & sword Gods angrie angels.

Wherefore we require and exhort you all, who haue loue to the countrie, pitie of that realme, a true hart to your quéene and mis [...]resse, regard of your honors and promises made by the great seale of Scotland, and who fauoureth the peace, loue, vnitie, and concord and that most profitable marriage to en­ter and come to vs; and declaring your true and god­lie harts thervnto, to aid vs in this most godlie pur­pose and enterprise. To be witnesse of our dooings we refuse no man, temporall nor spirituall, An argument of vpright me­ning that re­suieth no wit­nesse. lord ne lard, gentleman nor other, who will aid this our pur­pose, and minish the occasion of slaughter and de­struction, to whom we shall kéepe the promises here­tofore declared, and further sée reward and recom­pense made according to the desert.

And for a more sure proofe and plainer token of the good mind and will which we beare vnto you, that which neuer yet was granted to Scotland in anie league, truce, or peace betwixt England and Scot­land, because yée shall haue proofe of the beginning of loue and amitie of both the realmes: the kings highnes considering the multitude of them which are come to his maiesties deuotion, The kings grant as a proofe of the beginning of loue betwéene England and Scotland. and of them that be well-willers and aiders of this godlie enterprise, hath by our aduise and counsell granted, and by these presents doth grant, that from henceforth all maner of merchants and other Scotishmen, who will enter their names with one of the wardens of the mar­ches, & there professe to take part with vs in this be­fore named godly purpose, to his owne commoditie, & to serue all such as be of the same agréement, may lawfullie and without anie trouble and vexation en­ter into anie port, créeke, or hauen of England, and there vse their traffike of merchandize, buie and sell, bring in the commodities of Scotland, and take and carrie foorth the commodities of England, as libe­rallie and as fréelie, and with the same and none o­ther custome or paiments therefore, than English­men and the kings subiects doo at this present: min­ding further vpon the successe hereof to gratifie so the furtherers of this most godlie enterprise and vni­on, that all the world may be witnesse of the great zeale and loue which his highnesse dooth beare toward you and your nation. And all this the kings high­nesse, by our aduise and counsell, hath willed to be declared vnto you; and giuen in commandement vnto vs, and all his lieutenants, wardens, rulers, and other head officers, ministers, and subiects, to sée executed and doone, according to the true purport, effect, and meaning thereof. Fare you well.

Although this admonition and wholsome exhor­tation might haue mooued the Scots to haue regar­ded their owne state, yet it litle auailed, The Scots reiect the be­nefit of this exhortation. as by the se­quele it appeared. For hauing both great promises made by the French, and now considering therewith the hurlie burlies and tumults that sproong vp in England, they continued in their obstinat purposes, not to yéeld vnto such reasonable motions as had béene offered, if they would haue shewed themselues conformable thereto, and not haue so stubbornlie de­nied to submit themselues to that which of right they were bound vnto. So that herein they shewed them­selues verie peruerse and wilfull, reiecting not one­lie the good aduise that the duke gaue them, but also not so much as once thinking what might insue to their great mischéefe vpon their refusall, and what be­nefit [Page 1002] redound to them by admitting the offer: naie, they were of opinion and beléefe, that if so braue a bootie might befall England, it would be an occasion of great ruth and wretchednesse to Scotland: as one of late hath affirmed in his poeticall supposall:

—si haec praeda Britannis
Cederet, ô miserae Scotiae mis [...]rabile regnum,
Genti infelici nihil est nisiflere relictum.

But now to let the Scots alone for a time, we will returne to the rebellion which followed in this yéere, to the whole disappointing of the plot laid by the line 10 councell, for the present subduing of the Scots, as it was verie like that it should haue so come to passe, if none other let had come. So it was, that the kings maiestie, A proclama­tion for the laieng open of inclosures. by the aduise of his vncle the lord protector, and other of the councell, thought good to set foorth a proclamation against inclosures, and taking in of fields and commons that were accustomed to lie o­pen, for the behoofe of the inhabitants dwelling neere to the same, who had greeuouslie complained of gen­tlemen line 20 and others for taking from them the vse of those fields and commons, and had inclosed them in­to parks and seuerall pastures for their priuat com­modities and pleasures, to the great hinderance and vndooing of manie a poore man.

The meaning of the foresaid proclamation.This proclamation tending to the benefit and re­léefe of the poore, appointed that such as had inclosed those commons, should vpon a paine by a daie assi­gned laie them open againe. But how well soeuer the setters foorth of this proclamation meant, think­ing line 30 thereby peraduenture to appease the grudge of the people that found themselues grieued with such inclosures; yet verelie it turned not to the wished effect, but rather ministred occasion of a foule and dangerous disorder. For wheras there were few that obeied the commandement, the vnaduised people presuming vpon their proclamation, thinking they should be borne out by them that had set it foorth rashlie without order, tooke vpon them to redresse the matter: and assembling themselues in vnlawfull wise, chose to them capteins and leaders, brake o­pen line 40 the inclosures, cast downe ditches, killed vp the deare which they found in parkes, spoiled and made hauocke, after the maner of an open rebellion. First they began to plaie these parts in Summersetshire, Commotions in Summer­setshire, and other places. Buckinghamshire, Northhamptonshire, Kent, Es­sex, and Lincolneshire.

In Summersetshire they brake vp certeine parks of sir William Herbert, and the lord Sturton: but sir William Herbert assembling a power togither line 50 by the kings commission, slue and executed manie of those rebellious people. In other places also, by the good diligence and policie vsed by the councell, the rebels were appeased and quieted. But shortlie after, the commons of Deuonshire and Cornewall rose by waie of rebellion, demanding not onelie to haue in­closures laied open, and parkes disparked: but also thorough the instigation and pricking forward of certeine popish priests, Rebellion in Deuonshire. Iohn Fox in Acts & Mo­numents. ceased not by all sinister and subtill meanes, first vnder Gods name & the kings, and vnder the colour of religion, to persuade the peo­ple line 60 to assemble in routs, to choose capteins to guide them, and finallie to burst out into open rebellion. Their chiefe capteins were these, Humfrie Arundell esquier, The names of the capteins of the rebels. gouernour of the Mount, Iames Rosogan, Iohn Rosogan, Iohn Paine, Thomas Underhill, Iohn Soleman, and William Segar. Moreouer, of priests which were principall stirrers, and some of them chiefe gouernors of the camps, and after exe­cuted, there were to the number of eight, whose names we find to be as follow: Robert Bocham, Iohn Thompson, Roger Barret, Iohn Wolcocke, William Alsa, Iames Mourton, Iohn Barrow, Richard Benet, besides a multitude of other priests which ioined with them.

The whole companies of these rebels amounted little lesse than to the number of ten thousand stout and valiant personages, The number of the rebels in Deu [...]n­shire. able indéed (if their cause had beene good and fauoured of the Lord and giuer of vic­tories) to haue wrought great feats. But being (as they were) ranke and malicious traitors, the almigh­tie God confounded their deuises, and brought them to their deserued confusion. A strange case, that those mischéefous and wicked traitors could not be war­ned by the euill successe of their diuelish attempted outrage, in the yeare last past: at what time certeine seditious persons in Cornewall fell vpon one of the kings commissioners named master Bodie, sent thither with others for the reformation of matters in religion, in like manner as other were sent at the same time into other shires of the realme, for the which murther a priest being apprehended, arreig­ned, and condemned, was drawne into Smithfield, and there hanged and quartered the seauenth daie of Iulie, in the said last yeare before mentioned, to wit, 1548. Other of his complices and associats were ex­ecuted and put to death in diuerse other parts of the realme.

But now touching these other that rose in this present summer. At the first they were in great hope that the other disordered persons, which stirred in o­ther parts of the realme, Their hope in others failed them. would haue ioined with them, by force to haue disappointed and vndoone that which the prince by law and act of parlement, in re­formation of religion, had ordeined and established. But afterwards perceiuing how in most places such mischeefous mutinies and diuelish attempts, as the commons had begun, partlie by force and partlie by policie were appeased, or that their cause being but onelie about plucking downe of inclosures, and inlarging of commons, was diuided from theirs; so that either they would not, or could not ioine with them in aid of their religious quarrell: they began somewhat to doubt of their wicked begun enterprise. Notwithstanding now, sith they had gone so farre in the matter, they thought there was no shrinking backe: and therefore determining to proceed, they fell to new deuises, as first before all things to bring into their hands all such places of force, wealth, and defense, as might in anie respect serue for their aid and furtherance. Herevpon the second of Iulie, they came before the citie of Excester, Excester be­sieged. incamping about the same in great numbers, and vsed all waies and meanes they could deuise how to win it by force, sometimes assaulting it right sharplie, sometimes firing the gates, otherwhiles vndermining the wals, and at other times (as occasions serued) procuring skirmishes.

Finallie, nothing was left vndoone which the eni­mie could imagine to serue his purpose for the win­ning of that citie. And albeit there wanted not lustie stomachs among the citizens to withstand this out­ward force of the enimie: yet in processe of time, such scarsitie of bread and vittels increased, that the peo­ple waxed weari [...] & loth to abide such extremitie of famine. The great loialtie of the citizens of Excester. Howbeit the magistrats (though it gréeued them to sée the multitude of the citizens in such di­stresse) yet hauing a speciall regard of their dutie to­ward the prince, and loue to the common-wealth, left no waies vnsought to quiet the people, & staie them in their dutifull obedience to resist the enimies: so that comforting the people with faire promises, and reléeuing their necessities verie liberallie, so farre as their power might extend, did in such sort vse the matter, that euerie of them within resolued with one generall consent to abide the end, in hope of some spéedie reléefe. And in the meane while, when their corne and meale was consumed, the gouernors [Page 1003] of the citie caused bran and meale to be moulded vp in cloth, for otherwise it would not sticke togither.

Also they caused some excursions to be made out of the citie, to take and fetch into the citie such cattell as were found pasturing abroad néere to the wals, which being brought in, were distributed among the poore. To conclude, into such extremitie were the mi­serable citizens brought, that albeit mans nature can scarselie abide to féed vpon anie vnaccustomed food; yet these sillie men were glad to eat horsse flesh, line 10 and to hold themselues well content therewith. Whi­lest the siege thus remained before Excester, the re­bels spoiled and robbed the countrie abroad, and lai­eng their traitorous heads togither, they consulted vpon certeine articles to be sent vp to the king. [...] Iohn Fox [...] Acts & Sacraments. But herein such diuersitie of heads and wits was among them, that for euerie kind of braine there was one maner of article: so that neither appeared anie con­sent in their diuersitie, nor yet anie constancie in their agréement. Some séemed more tollerable, o­thers altogither vnreasonable, some would haue no line 20 iustices, some no state of gentlemen. The priests euer harped vpon one string, to ring the bishop of Rome into England againe, and to hallow home cardinall Poole their countriman. After much a doo, at length a few articles were agréed vpon, to be di­rected vnto the king, with the names of certeine of their heads set therevnto, the copie whereof here in­sueth.

The articles of the commons of De­uonshire and Cornewall, sent to the king, with answers afterward following vnto the same.

Sacrament [...] [...]ptisme. FIrst, forsomuch as man, except he be borne of water, and the Holie-ghost, can not enter into the kingdome of God, and forsomuch as the gates of heauen be not line 40 open without this blessed sacrament of baptisme; therefore we will that our curats shall minister this sacrament at all times of need, as well on the wéeke daies, as on the holie daies.

Confirma­ [...]2 Item, we will haue our children confirmed of the bishop, whensoeuer we shall within the diocesse resort vnto him.

Consecrating of the Lords [...] ▪3 Item, forsomuch as we constantlie beléeue, that after the priest hath spoken the words of conse­cration being at masse, there celebrating and conse­crating the same, there is verie reallie the bodie and line 50 bloud of our sauiour Iesus Christ God and man, and that no substance of bread and wine remaineth after, but the verie selfe same bodie that was borne of the virgin Marie, and was giuen vpon the crosse for our redemption: therefore we will haue masse celebra­ted as it hath beene in times past, without anie man communicating with the priests, forsomuch as ma­nie rudelie presuming vnworthilie to receiue the same, put no difference betweene the Lords bodie & other kind of meat; some saieng that it is bread be­fore line 60 and after, some saieng that it is profitable to no man except he receiue it: with manie other abu­sed termes.

Reseruation of the lords bodie conse­ [...]ated. Holie bread and holie water.4 Item, we will haue in our churches reserua­tion.

5 Item, we will haue holie bread and holie wa­ter in the remembrance of Christs pretious bodie and bloud.

6 Item, we will that our priests shall sing or saie with an audible voice, Gods seruice in the quier of the parish churches, and not Gods seruice to be set foorth like a Christmasse plaie. The single [...] of priests.

7 Item, forsomuch as priests be men dedicated to God for ministring and celebrating the blessed sa­craments, and preaching of Gods word, we will that they shall liue chast without marriage, as saint Paule did, being the elect and chosen vessell of God▪ saieng vnto all honest priests; Be you followers of me.

Item, we will that the six articles, The six arti­cles to be re­newed. which our so­uereigne lord king Henrie the eight set forth in his latter daies, shall be vsed and so taken as they were at that time.

9 Item, we praie God saue king Edward, for we be his both bodie and goods.

For the pacifieng of these rebels, were appointed by the king and his councell, The capteins appointed to go against the Deuonshire rebels. sir Iohn Russell knight lord priuie seale, the lord Greie of Wilton, sir Wil­liam Herbert after earle of Penbroke, sir Iohn Paulet, sir Hugh Paulet, sir Thomas Speake, and others, with a conuenient power of men of warre both on horssebacke and foot. Amongst others, there were certeine strangers that came with my lord Greie, as capteine Germane an Hennower, Strangers. with a band of horssemen, most part Albanoises and Ita­lians. Also capteine Paule Baptist Spinola an I­talian borne of a noble house in Genoa, with a band of Italian footmen. But now the lord priuie seale that was ordeined by the king and his councell, ge­nerall of that armie, Ric. Grafton. vpon his first approching to­wards them, A proclama­tion. sent vnto them the kings maiesties pro­clamation: the effect whereof was, that all such per­sons as were vnlawfullie assembled, and did not within thrée daies next after the proclaming thereof, yéeld and submit themselues to the lord priuie seale (the kings lieutenant) they should from thenceforth be déemed, accepted, and taken for rebels against his roiall person, and his imperiall crowne and dignitie.

And further, the kings maiestie, for a more ter­rour to the rebels, and the incouragement of such o­ther his louing subiects, as should helpe and aid to apprehend anie of the said rebels, he by his said pro­clamation granted and gaue all the offices, fées, goods and possessions, which the said rebels had at and before their apprehension. This proclamation not­withstanding, the rebels continued in their wicked deuises & traitorous purposes, hastening to the haz­zards of their owne deaths & vndooings, as the poet saith of the foolish fish swiming to the hidden hooke: ‘Occultum visus decurrere piscis ad hamum. H [...]. epist. lib. [...].’

Wherevpon yet once againe the kings maiestie, for the auoiding of the shedding of christian bloud, sent vnto them a most gentle and louing message in writing, thereby to reduce them againe to their du­tifull obedience: but all would not serue nor auaile to mooue their obstinate minds to leaue off their de­sperate and diuelish enterprise. The message was as followeth.

The kings message to the rebels of Cornewall and Deuonshire.

ALthough knowledge hath beene gi­uen to vs, and our deerest vncle the duke of Summerset gouernor of our person, and protector of all our realms, dominions, and subiects, and to the rest of our priuie councell, of diuerse assemblies made by you, which ought of dutie to be our louing subiects, a­gainst all order of law, and otherwise than euer anie louing or kind subiects haue attempted against their naturall and liege souereigne lord: yet we haue thought it méet, at this verie first time, not to condemne and reiect you, as we might iustlie doo; but to vse you as our subiects, thinking that the diuell hath not that power in you, to make you of naturall [Page 1004] borne Englishmen, so suddenlie to become enimies to your owne natiue countrie of our subiects, to make you traitors, or vnder pretense to relieue your selues, to destroie your selues, your wiues, children, lands, possessions, and all other commodities of this your life. This we saie, that we trust, that although ye be ignorantlie seduced, ye will not be vpon know­ledge, obstinate.

And though some amongst you (as euer there is some cockle amongst good corne) forget God, neg­lect line 10 their prince, estéeme not the state of the realme, but as carelesse & desperat men delite in sedition, tu­mults & wars: yet neuerthelesse the greater part of you will heare the voice of vs your naturall prince, and will by wisedome and counsell be warned, and cease your euils in the beginning, whose ends will be euen by God almighties order your owne destru­ction. Wherfore as to you our subiects by ignorance seduced, we speake and be content to vse our prince­lie authoritie like a father to his children, to admo­nish line 20 you of your faults, not to punish them; to put you in remembrance of your duties, not to auenge your forgetfulnesse. Disorder in subiects. First, your disorder to rise in multitudes, to assemble your selues against our o­ther louing subiects, to arraie your selues to the war, who amongst you all can answer for the same to al­mightie God, charging you to obeie vs in all things? Or how can anie English good hart answer vs, our lawes, and the rest of our verie louing and faithfull subiects, who in deed by their obedience make our line 30 honour, estate, and degrée?

Abusing of the kings name.Ye vse our name in your writings, and abuse the same against our selfe. What iniurie herein doo you vs, to call those which loue vs, to your euill purposes, by the authoritie of our name? God hath made vs your king by his ordinance and prouidence, by our bloud and inheritance, by lawfull succession, and our coronation: but not to this end, as you vse our name. We are your most naturall souereigne lord & king, Edward the sixt, to rule you, to preserue you, to saue line 40 you from all your outward enimies, to sée our lawes well ministred, euerie man to haue his owne, to sup­presse disordered people, to correct traitors, théeues, pirats, robbers, & such like, yea to keepe our realms from other princes, from the malice of the Scots, of Frenchmen, of the bishop of Rome. Thus good sub­iects, our name is written, thus it is honored and o­beied, this maiestie it hath by Gods ordinance, not by mans. So that of this your offense we cannot write too much. And yet doubt not but this is inough line 50 from a prince to all reasonable people, from a roiall king to all kindharted & louing subiects, frō the puis­sant K. of England, to euerie naturall Englishman.

False causes.Your pretense, which you saie, moueth you to doo thus, and wherewith you séeke to excuse this disorder, we assure you is either false, or so vaine▪ that we doubt not, that after that ye shall hereby vnderstand the truth thereof, ye will all with one voice acknow­lege your selues ignorantlie led, and by errour sedu­ced. And if there be anie one that will not, then as­sure line 60 you the same be ranke traitors, enimies of our crowne, seditious people, heretikes, papists, or such as care not what cause they haue to prouoke an in­surrection, so they may doo it, nor in deed can wax so rich with their owne labors & with peace, as they can doo with spoiles, with wars, with robberies and such like, yea with the spoile of your owne goods, with the liuing of your labors, the sweat of your bodies, the food of your owne households, wiues and children: such they be, as for a time vse pleasant persuasions to you, and in the end will cut your throtes for your owne goods.

Baptisme.You be borne in hand, that your children, though necessitie chance, shall not be christened but vpon the holie daies: how false this is, learne you of vs. Our booke which we haue set foorth by free consent of our whole parlement in the English toong teacheth you the contrarie, euen in the first leafe, yea the first side of the first leafe of that part which intreateth of bap­tisme. Good subiects (for to other we speake not) looke & be not deceiued. They which haue put this false opi­nion into your eares, they meane not the christening of children, but the destruction of you our christened subiects. Be this knowne vnto you, that our honor is so much, that we may not be found faultie of one iote or word: proue it, if by our laws you may not christen your children when ye be disposed vpon necessitie, e­uerie daie or houre in the wéeke, then might you be offended: but seeing you may doo it, how can you be­léeue them that teach you the contrarie? What thinke you they meane in the rest, which moue you to breake your obedience against vs, your king & souereigne, vpon these so false tales & persuasions in so euident a matter? Therfore all you which will acknowledge vs your souereigne lord, and which will heare the voice of vs your king, may easilie perceiue how you be de­ceiued, and how subtillie traitors and papists, with their falsehood séeke to atchiue and bring their pur­pose to passe with your helpe. Euerie traitor will be glad to dissemble his treason, and féed it secretlie; e­uerie papist his poperie, and nourish it inwardlie; and in the end make you our subiects partakers of treason and poperie, which in the beginning was pre­tended to be a commonweale and holinesse.

And how are you seduced by them, Sacrament of the bodie, &c. which put in your heads the blessed sacrament of Christes bodie, should not differ from other common bread? If our lawes, proclamations, and statutes be all to the con­trarie, whie shall anie priuat man persuade you a­gainst them? We doo our selfe in our owne hart, our councell in all their profession, our lawes and statutes in all purposes, our good subiects in all our dooings most highlie estéeme that sacrament, and vse the communion thereof to our most comfort. We make so much difference thereof from other com­mon bread, that we thinke no profit of other bread, but to mainteine our bodies: but this blessed bread we take to be the verie food of our soules to euerla­sting life. How thinke you, good subiects, shall not we being your prince, your lord, your king by Gods appointment, with truth more preuaile, than certeine euill persons with open falsehood? Shall anie sediti­ous person persuade you that the sacrament is despi­sed, which is by our lawes, by our selfe, by our coun­cell, and by all our good subiects estéemed, vsed, parti­cipated, and dailie receiued? If euer ye were sedu­ced, if euer deceiued, if euer traitors were beleeued, if euer papists poisoned good subiects, it is now. It is not the christening of children, nor the reuerence of the sacrament, nor the health of your soules that they shoot at, good subiects: it is sedition, it is high trea­son, it is your destruction they séeke. How craftilie, how pitiouslie, how cunninglie so euer they doo it, with one rule iudge yée the end, which of force must come of your purposes.

Almightie God forbiddeth vpon paine of euerla­sting damnation, disobedence to vs your king, Disobedience to a king [...]s disobedience to almightie God. and in his place we rule in earth. If we should be slow, would God erre? If your offense be towards God, thinke you it is pardoned without repentance? Is Gods iudgement mutable? Your paine is dam­nation, your iudge is incorruptible, your fault is most euident. Likewise are ye euill informed in di­uerse other articles, as for confirmation of your chil­dren, for the masse, for the maner of your seruice of mattins and euensong. Whatsoeuer is therein orde­red, hath beene long debated, and consulted by manie learned bishops, doctors, and other men of great [Page 1005] learning in this realme concluded, in nothing so much labour and time spent of late time, nothing so fullie ended. As for seruice in the English toong hath manifest reasons for it, and yet perchance seemeth to you a new seruice, Seruice in [...] English [...]. and yet in déed is none other but the old. The selfe same words in English which were in Latin, sauing a few things taken out, so fond that it had béene a shame to haue heard them in English, as all they can iudge which list to report the truth.

The difference is, that we ment godlie, that you our subiects should vnderstand in English, being our line 10 naturall countrie toong, that which was heretofore spoken in Latine, then seruing onelie them which vnderstand Latine, & now for all you that be borne English. How can this with reason offend anie rea­sonable man, that he should vnderstand what anie other saith, and so to consent with the speaker? If the seruice in the church were good in Latine, it re­maineth good in English: for nothing is altered, but to speake with knowledge, knowledge is [...] than [...]. that before was spoken line 20 with ignorance: and to let you vnderstand what is said for you, to the intent you maie further it with your owne deuotion, an alteration to the better, ex­cept knowledge be worse than ignorance. So that whosoeuer hath mooued you to mislike this order, can giue you no reason, nor answer yours, if ye vnder­stand it.

Wherefore you our subiects, remember we speake to you, being ordeined your prince and king by al­mightie God, if anie wise we could aduance Gods line 30 honour more than we doo, we would doo it, and sée that ye become subiects to Gods ordinance. Obeie vs your prince, and learne of them which haue autho­ritie to teach you, which haue power to rule you, and will execute our iustice, if we be prouoked. Learne not of them whose fruits be nothing but wilfulnesse, disobedience, obstinacie, & destruction of the realme. For the masse, we assure you, no small studie & tra­uell hath béene spent by all the learned clergie ther­in, The masse. and to auoid all contention thereof, it is brought line 40 euen to the verie vse as Christ left it, as the apostles vsed it, as holie fathers deliuered it: indeed somwhat altered from that which the popes of Rome for their lucre brought to it. And although you maie heare the contrarie of some popish and euill men, yet our ma­iestie, which for our honor maie not be blemished nor stained, assureth you, that they deceiue you, abuse you, and blow these opinions into your heads for to furnish their owne purposes.

And so likewise iudge you of confirmation of line 50 children, Confirmation [...] children. and let them answer you this one question. Thinke they that a child christened is damned, bi­cause he dieth before bishopping? Marke good sub­iects, what inconuenience hereof commeth. Our doctrine therefore is founded vpon true learning, and theirs vpon shamelesse errors. To conclude, be­side our gentle maner of information to you, what­soeuer is conteined in our booke, either for baptisme, sacrament, masse, confirmation and seruice in the church, is by parlement established, by the whole cler­gie line 60 agréed, yea by the bishops of the realme deuised, & further by Gods word confirmed. And how dare you trust, yea how dare you giue eare without trem­bling, to anie singular person to disalow a parle­ment; a subiect to persuade against our maiestie, or anie man of his single arrogancie against the deter­mination of the bishops, and all the cleargie, anie in­uented argument against the word of God?

But now you our subiects, we resort to a greater matter of your vnkindnesse, a great vnnaturalnes, and such an euill, that if we thought it had not béene begun of ignorance, and continued by persuasion of certeine traitors amongst you, which we thinke few in number, but in their dooings busie, we could not be persuaded but to vse our sword and doo iustice: and as we be ordeined of God for to redresse your errors by auengement. But loue and zeale yet ouercom­meth our iust anger, but how long that will be, God knoweth, in whose hand our heart is; and rather for your owne causes, being our christened subiects, we would ye were persuaded than vanquished, taught than ouerthrowne, quietlie pacified than rigorouslie persecuted. Six articles. Ye require to haue the statute of six ar­ticles reuiued. And know you what ye require? Or know ye what ease ye haue with the losse of them? They were lawes made, but quicklie repented; too bloudie they were to be borne of our people, yet at the first in deed made of some necessitie. Oh subiects how are ye trapped by euill persons? We of pitie, bicause they were bloudie, tooke them awaie, and you now of ignorance will aske them againe. You know full well that they helped vs to extend rigour, and gaue vs cause to draw our sword verie often.

And since our mercie mooued vs to write our lawes with milke and equitie, how are ye blinded to aske them in bloud? But leauing this maner of rea­soning, and resorting to the truth of our authoritie, we let you wit, the same hath béene adnulled by par­lement with great reioise of our subiects, and not now to be called in question. And dareth anie of you with the name of a subiect, stand against an act of parlement, a law of the realme? The autho­ritie of a par­lement. What is our power if lawes should be thus neglected? Or what is your suertie if lawes be not kept? Assure you most suer­lie, that we of no earthlie thing vnder the heauen make such reputation as we doo of this one, to haue our lawes obeied, & this cause of God to be through­lie mainteined, from the which we will neuer re­moue a heares bredth, nor giue place to anie crea­ture liuing: but therein will spend our whole roiall person, our crowne, treasure, realme, and all our state, whereof we assure you of our high honor. For herein resteth our honor, herein doo all kings know­ledge vs a king. And shall anie one of you dare breath or thinke against our kingdome and crowne?

In the end of this your request (as we be giuen to vnderstand) ye would haue them stand in force till our full age. To this we thinke, that if ye knew what ye spake, ye would not haue vttred the motion, nor neuer giuen breath to such a thought. For what thinke you of our kingdome? Be we of lesse autho­ritie for our age? Be we not your king now as we shall be? Shall ye be subiects hereafter, and now are ye not? Haue we not the right we shall haue? If ye would suspend and hang our dooings in doubt vntill our full age, ye must first know, as a king we haue no difference of yeares, but as a naturall man and creature of God we haue youth, and by his suffe­rance shall haue age. We are your rightfull king, your liege lord, the souereigne prince of England, not by our age, but by Gods ordinance; not onelie when we shall be one and twentie yeares of age, but when we were of ten yéers. We possesse our crowne not by yeares, but by the bloud and descent from our father king Henrie the eight. If it be considered, they which mooue this matter, if they durst vtter them­selues, would denie our kingdome.

But our good subiects know their prince, and will increase, not diminish his honor, inlarge his power, not abate it, knowledge his kingdome, not deferre it to certeine yeares. All is one, to speake against our crowne, and to denie our kingdome, as to require that our lawes maie be broken vnto one and twen­tie yeares. Be we not your crowned, annointed, and established king? Wherein be we of lesse maiestie, of lesse authoritie, or lesse state, than our progeni­tors kings of this realme, except your vnkindnes, your vnnaturalnesse will diminish our estimation? [Page 1006] We haue hitherto since the death of our father, by the good aduise and counsell of our deare and intire­lie beloued vncle the duke of Summerset, and gouer­nor and protector, kept our estate, mainteined our realme, preserued our honour, defended our people from all enimies. We haue hitherto béene feared and dread of our enimies, yea of princes, kings, and nations. Yea herein we be nothing inferiour to anie our progenitors, which grace we acknowledge to be giuen vs from God, and how else, but by good obedi­ence, line 10 good counsell of our magistrates, and by the au­thoritie of our kingdome?

England hitherto hath gained honour during our reigne: it hath woone of the enimie, and not lost. It hath béene maruelled that wée of so yoong yeares haue reigned so noblie, so roiallie, so quietlie. And how chanceth that you our louing subiects of that our countrie of Cornewall and Deuonshire, will giue occasion to slander this our realme of England, to giue courage to the enimie, to note our realme of line 20 the euill of rebellion, to make it a preie to our old eni­mies, to diminish our honour which God hath giuen, our father left, our good vncle and councell preserued vnto vs? What greater euill could ye commit, than euen now when our forren enimie in Scotland, and vpon the sea seeketh to inuade vs, to doo our realme dishonour, than to arise in this maner against our law, to prouoke our wrath, to aske our vengeance, and to giue vs an occasion to spend that force v [...]on you, which we meant to bestow vpon our enimies, to line 30 begin to slaie you with that sword that we drew forth against Scots, and other enimies, to make a con­quest of our owne people, which otherwise should haue beene of the whole realme of Scotland?

Thus farre we haue descended from our high ma­iestie, for loue to consider you in your simple igno­rance, and haue béene content to send you an instruc­tion like a father, who of iustice might haue sent you your destructions like a king to rebels. And now we let you know, that as you sée our mercie abundant­lie, line 40 so if ye prouoke vs further, we sweare to you by the liuing God, ye shall féele the power of the same God in our sword, which how mightie it is, no subiect knoweth; how puissant it is, no priuat man can iudge; how mortall, no Englishman dare thinke. But suerlie, suerlie, as your lord and prince, your on­lie king and maister, we saie to you, repent your selues, and take our mercie without delaie: or else we will foorthwith extend our princelie power, and execute our sharpe sword against you, as against in­fidels line 50 and Turks, and rather aduenture our owne roiall person, state, and power, than the same should not be executed.

And if you will proue the example of our mercie, learne of certeine which latlie did arise, as they per­ceiuing pretended some griefes, and yet acknowled­ging their offenses, haue not onelie most humblie their pardon: but féele also by our order, to whome onelie all publike order apperteineth, present redresse of their griefes. A godlie and princelie ad­monition. In the end, we admonish you of line 60 your duties to God, whome ye shall answere in the daie of the Lord, & of your duties toward vs, whom ye shall answere by our order, and take our mercie whilest God so inclineth vs, least when ye shall be constreined to aske, we shall be two much hardened in heart to grant it you. And where ye shall heare now of mercie, mercie, and life; ye shall then heare of iustice, iustice, and death. Written the eight of Iulie, in the third yeare of our reigne.

Although the rebels receiued this princelie mes­sage, & wholesome admonition from the kings ma­iestie, yet would they not reforme themselues, as dutifull subiects ought to haue doone, but stood still in their wicked begun rebellion, offering to trie it at the weapons point. There wanted not priestes and other busie bodies among them, such as by all waies and meanes possible sought to kindle the coles of malice and hatred betwixt the king and his subiects; which as the maner is among all the like wicked disposed people, contriued to raise and strew abroad false forged tales, and feined rumors, giuing it out, that the people should be constreined to paie a rata­ble taske for their sheepe and cattell, False rumors and an excise for euerie thing that they should eate or drinke. These and such other slanderous brutes were spred abroad by those children of Beliall, whereby the cankered minds of the rebels might the more be hardened and made stiffe from plieng vnto anie resonable per­suasion, that might be made to moue them to re­turne vnto their dutifull obedience, as by the lawes both of God and man they were bounden: and so it came to passe. For the rebellious ront were growne to an obstinacie, séeming so far from admitting per­suasions to submission, that they became resolute in their pestilent actions; wilfullie following the woorst, which they knew full well would redound to their detriment; and auoiding the best, which they doubted not might turne to their aduantage, agrea­ble in sense and meaning vnto that of the poet: ‘Quae nocüere sequar, fugiam quae profore credam. Har. in [...]. lib. 1.’

Herevpon when no hope was left to procure them by anie quiet meanes to laie downe armes, the lord priuie seale, and the lord Greie, with their forces, although not comparable with the rebels in num­ber, about the latter end of Iulie set vpon them, and by great manhood put them from their ground, not­withstanding they fought verie stoutlie, & gaue it not ouer for a little: and although they were thus driuen to giue place at this first onset, yet they got togi­ther againe, and aboad a new charge, defending their ground, & dooing what they could to beat backe and repell those that came to assaile them. But ne­uerthelesse through the power of the almightie God fauouring the rightfull cause, The rebels put from their ground. the rebels were distres­sed, and followed in chase with great slaughter for the space of two miles. This was about the begin­ning of August.

Their chiefe capteines, to wit, Humfreie Arun­dell, Whinsland, Holms, and Burie, Iohn Fox. The capteins of the rebels taken. were taken and brought vp to London. There were taken also others of their capteins, as Thomas Underhill, Iohn Soleman, William Segar, Tempson, and Barret, which two last were priests; also Boier and Henrie Lée, two maiors, all the which were executed in one place or other, as they had well deserued. The said Boier being maior of Bodmin in Cornewall, (as Grafton reporteth) had béene a busie fellow a­mong the rebels, to set them forward in mischiefe: howbeit some that loued him sought to excuse him, as if he had béene forced hereto against his will by the rebels, who would haue killed him, and burnt his house, if he had not consented to them. But how­soeuer it was, sir Anthonie Kingston that was pro­uost marshall in the kings armie vnder the lord pri­uie seale, wrote his letter vnto the said maior, Sir Anthonie Kingston pro­uost marshall. sig­nifieng to him, that he and other with him would come and dine with him such a daie. The maior sée­ming to be glad thereof, made the best purueiance he could to receiue them, and at the time appointed, sir Anthonie Kingston came with his companie, and were right hartilie welcomed of the maior. But be­fore they sat downe to dinner, calling the maior a­side, he told him that there must be execution doone in that towne, and therefore willed him that a paire of gallowes might be framed and set vp with spéed, so that they might be readie by that time that they should make an end of dinner.

[Page 1007]The maior with all diligence caused the same to be doone: so that when dinner was ended, sir Antho­nie calling the maior to him, and asking whether the gallowes were set vp accordinglie as he had willed, the maior answered that they were readie. Where­with sir Anthonie taking the maior by the hand, de­sired him to bring him to the place where they stood, and comming thither and beholding them, he said to the maior; Thinke you maister maior that they be strong inough? Yea sir, quoth he, that they are. Well line 10 then said sir Anthonie, get you euen vp vnto them, for they are prouided for you. The maior greatlie a­bashed herewith, said; I trust you meane no such thing to me. Sir said he, there is no remedie, ye haue béene a busie rebell, The maior of [...] han­ged. and therefore this is appoin­ted for your reward: and so without respit or staie, there was the maior hanged.

At the same time, & neere the same place dwelled a miller that had beene a great dooer in that rebellion, for whom also sir Anthonie Kingston sought: but the line 20 miller being thereof warned, called a good tall fel­low that he had to his seruant, and said vnto him: I haue businesse to go from home, if anie therefore come to aske for me, saie thou art the owner of the mill and the man for whome they shall so aske, and that thou hast kept this mill for the space of three yeares, but in no wise name me. The seruant pro­mised his maister so to doo. A millers man hanged for his mai­ster. And shortlie after came sir Anthonie Kingston to the millers house, and calling for the miller, the seruant came forth, line 30 and answered that he was the miller. ‘How long, quoth sir Anthonie, hast thou kept this mill? He an­swered thre yeares. Well then said he, come on, thou must go with me, and caused his men to laie hands on him, and to bring him to the next trée, saieng to him; Thou hast béene a busie knaue, and therefore here shalt thou hang. Then cried the fel­low out, and said that he was not the miller, but the millers man. Well then, said sir Anthonie, thou art a false knaue to be in two tales, therefore said line 40 he, hang him vp: and so incontinentlie hanged he was in déed.’ After he was dead, one that was pre­sent, told sir Anthonie; This was a hard procéeding, though the partie had beene no­ [...]nt. Surelie sir this was but the millers man. What then said he, could he euer haue doone his maister better seruice than to hang for him?

Manie other were executed by order of the mar­shall law, & a great part of the countrie abandoned to the spoile of the souldiers, who were not slouthfull to gleane what they could find for the time their li­bertie line 50 lasted. Abr. Fl. intro­duction into the next nar­ration being a new addition, [...] this rebellion. ¶Thus far the report of this rebellious broile, wherevpon it first kindled, by what meanes the same sparkled and became a flame, and what de­uises were vsed to extinguish & quench it. Where­in we sée how prone the people are to rise by routs vpon occasions of discontentments; how hastie and headie to vndertake dangerous enterprises, how wilfull and obstinate to persist in their pernicious proceedings, how cold-harted and hopelesse when they see the course of their plots of perilous policie line 60 either interrupted, vndermined, or ouerthrowne; and finallie, what a reprochfull reward redoundeth both to the ringleaders in rebellions, as also what falleth to the shares of all such as shake hands and become confederats to the furthering and strengthening of riots, mutinies, insurrections, commotions, and hurlieburlies. Wherby the state is disquieted, & (that more is) the prince drawne into a conceipt of sus­pecting his subiects loialties; besides a wicked pre­sident to posterities, without feare of shame, remorse of conscience, regard to allegiance, or foresight of afterclaps, to attempt the like. Now it resteth, that for the further truth and knowledge hereof, The addition following being a large dis­course, was neuer hereto­fore published. we adde a new report (new I meane, in respect of the pub­lication, hauing not heretofore béene printed) though old enough, and sufficientlie warranted by the re­porter, who vpon his owne notice hath deliuered no lesse in writing, than himselfe vpon verie good and infallible grounds obserued, and hath left testified in the discourse following; wherein there is not one word either added, or inuerted: but all things (from point to point) agreeable to the written copie.

The description of the citie of Exces­ter, and of the sundrie assaults giuen to the same: collected and gathered by Iohn Vowell ( alias Hooker) gentleman and chamberleine of the same.

Excester or Exceter is a famous and an ancient citie, being the metropole and Emporium of the west parts of England, Dumnonia, the countrie of vallies. situated and lieng in the pro­uince sometime called Dumnonia, that is to saie, the countrie of vallies: for whereas are manie hilles (as that countrie is full of hilles and mounteins) there are manie vallies. But ne [...] cor­ruptlie it is named Deuonia, or Deuonshire, Deuonia, Deuonshire. and not Daneshire of the Danes, as some would haue it. Of the first foundation thereof, by reason of the sun­drie inuasions of forren nations, who with their hosti­lities and cruell warres did burne and destroie the same, there remaineth no certeine memoriall, nei­ther among the records of the said citie, ne yet in a­nie one other writer.

But most certeine it is, that it was first builded and founded by the Britons or Brutes. For the names which they gaue and vsed, are yet at this pre­sent had in remembrance, as well among the chrono­graphers of this land, as also among the Cornish people, who were sometimes one with this prouince; but now in a countie of themselues, and next borde­ring to this, and in the same diocesse. And they are the remanent of the bloud of Brutus. For when Cad­wallader king of this land, by reason of a great fa­mine and pestilence was driuen to forsake the same, & to flie into little Britaine named Armorica, which is now vnder the dition of the French king: diuers & the most part of his people fled, some into Wales, and some into Cornwall, where euer since they and after them their posteritie haue remained and conti­nued.

The old chronographers, searchers, Corinia, Baleus lib. 1. Centuriarum Lelandus in Genethliaco. and writers of antiquities doo find, that this citie was called Co­rinia, and thereof the cathedrall church of the same was (as Bale saith) named Ecclesia Coriniensis: which name, if it were first giuen by Corinus (as Leland writeth) who after the arriuall of Brutus into this land, was made the first duke of this whole west countrie of Deuon and Cornewall, which were both comprised vnder the name of Corinia, and wherof this citie euer hath beene and is the metropole, and al­waies parcell sometime of the kingdome, then of the duchie, and after of the earledome, and now againe of the duchie of Cornwall: then out of doubt this citie is of no lesse antiquitie than the said names doo import. It was also called Augusta. Of this name there were diuerse cities, so named by the Romans; but this onelie was named Augusta Britannorum, and so called (as some thinke) by the Romans at the con­clusion of the peace made at the siege of this citie be­twéene king Aruiragus and Uespasian coronell of the Romane armie vnder Claudius Augustus. The Britons in their toong or language doo call this citie by sundrie names; Penhulgoile. the first and eldest in remem­brance is cair Penhulgoile, that is to saie, the pros­perous [Page 1008] chiefe towne in the wood, as dooth appeere by Geffreie of Monmouth, and Ponticus Virunnius. It was also called Pennehaltecaire, Pennehalte­caire that is, the chiefe citie or towne vpon the hill; as dooth appéere in a tra­uerse betweene the bishop, deane, and chapiter of this citie of the one partie; and the maior, bailiffe, and communaltie of the other partie, concerning their liberties. But the names which the Cornish people doo at these presents remember & reteine, are special­lie thrée, Pen necaire the chéefe citie, Caireruth the red citie, Caireiske the citie of Exe. Pennecaire, Caireruth, Caireiske, Penne­caire line 10 signifieth, and is to saie, the chéefe citie. Caire­ruth signifieth the red or reddish citie, so called and taking the name of the ground and soile wherevpon it is situated, which is a red earth. Caireiske is the citie of Iske, being so called of the riuer, which the Britons name Iske, and flotesh fast by the same. And of this name Houeden in his chronicle maketh men­tion, Houeden. saieng thus: Anno Domini 877 exercitus Dano­rum ab Wareham nocte quadam, foedere dirupto, ad Exean­cestre diuerterunt, quod Britannicè dicitur Caireiske. line 20

Ptolomeus in [...]abulis. Ptolomeus the famous astronomer, who was a­bout the yéere of our Lord 162, Coell being king of this land, nameth this citie Isca; and the riuer Isa­ca. Baleus centur. lib. And Bale the searcher of antiquities following the same opinion, dooth also name the citie Isca, and the inhabitants therein Iscans. But vnder corre­ction be it spoken, a man maie well thinke that Ptolomeus being in Alexandria, and so farre distant from this land, was misinformed, or the print mis­taken. For it is most likelie that the riuer should be named Isca according to the British spéech, wherein line 30 it was called Isca; and which name by transposing of the two middle letters, dooth at this present re­maine being now named Icsa or Era. But what­soeuer the censures and opinions of Ptolomeus and of Bale, who wrote onelie vpon report, be herein, it is certeine, that the names which the Brutes or Bri­tons gaue, were of longest continuance. And this citie was called by their denominations, by the space of fiftéene hundred yéeres, vntill the comming line 40 of the Saxons, the Picts, and the Scots into this realme, which was about the yéere of our Lord foure hundred and fiftie. New lords new names. For they, where, and whensoeuer they preuailed in anie place, did for the most part al­ter and change the names of all places & townes, ac­counting it a great renowme, as also a perpetuall memoriall of their chiualrie, to giue new names, ei­ther of their owne deuises, or of their owne natiue countries; for so is it writen of them: Picti, Scoti, An­gli, Daci, & Normanni in hac insula rerum potiti, cuncta im­mutârunt, line 50 pro tropheis habentes, locis à se deuictis noua impone­re nomina. The Saxons therfore as of all other cities & townes (few excepted) so of this also they changed and altered the old names and called it Monketon; and by which name it was so called by the space of three hundred and od yéeres, Monketon. and vntill the time of king Athelstane: for he about the yéere of our Lord nine hundred thirtie and two, being much gréeued and vnquieted with the rebellion of the Cornish peo­ple, because they refused and denied to acknowledge line 60 him for their lawfull king, did bend his force, & con­duct his armie against them. And hauing subdued and preuailed ouer them, he returned to this citie: and while he rested here, he repared the same; and the walles which before were but mightie ditches of earth, [...] [...]ibro. and the banks set with great poles of timber now destroied, he builded all of square stone, as it is recorded: Hanc vrbem primus Athelstanus in potesta­tem Anglorum fugatis Britonibus reductam, turribus muni­uit, & m [...]raex quadratis lapidibus randem cinxit. And then he altered and changed the former names, and called it after the name of the riuer Esseterra or Exe­terra, that is to saie, Exeter. For so is it written, Est Exonia vi [...] Deuoniae comitatus, Polydorus hist. lib. 5. Exeter. [...]eco praecelso ad occiden­tem versus posita: ablu [...]túr (que) flumine Exi, à quo nomen habet. Others name it of the riuer [...]oting by it, Baleusce [...] [...] lib. in [...] descripti [...] Exces [...]er Ex [...]ancestre. which they saie is named Excestrum, & thus they write: Clarissima vrbium est Excestria, quae ab amni Excestro qui eandem prae­terfluit est sic nuncupata. I find it also written in an old chronicle, that it is named Exancestria or Exancest [...]e: which shuld seeme to be so called by the Saxons. For the most part of the cities, townes, & forts, which they builded or reedified, did end in cestre: as Glocestre, Lecestre, Manchestre, Winchestre, Oscestre, Wor­cestre, Colchestre, Cicestre, Ilcestre, Bicestre, & this citie of Excestre, with others. For Caire in British & Cestre in Saxonish are one thing, Caire, a fort Cestre a fort & doo signifie in English a fort, towre, or castell. This citie (as is be­fore said) being walled about with stone by king A­thelstane is not altogither foure square, but decli­neth somewhat toward a roundnesse, and contein­eth in circuit or compasse sixteene hundred whole pa­ses, after fiue foot to a pase; which accounting after the Italian maner one thousand pases to a mile, it is a mile and halfe about, & somewhat more. The site of Excester and circuit. The situa­tion of this citie is verie pleasant and delicate, be­ing set vpon a little hill among manie hilles. For the whole countrie round about is mounteinous and full of hilles. It is pendent towards the south and west parts, after and in such sort, that be the streets neuer so foule or filthie, yet with a shoure of raine they are clensed and made sweet. And albeit hilles are commonlie drie, The citie is full of water springs. yet nature is so beneficiall to this litle hill, that it is in euerie quarter full of water springs: & by that meanes the whole citie is through­lie furnished with wels and tirpits; the great good benefit and commoditie whereof hath well appéered in sundrie times of necessitie, and especiallie in the time of the late commotion, which was in the yeere of our Lord 1549. For albeit the enimie, by breking and spoiling of the pipes or canales, The rebels breake and spoile the pipes o [...] lead for waters. whereby water was conueied to the founteins of the citie, from cer­teine springs distant not a mile from the same, did abridge them of that water: yet most comfortablie they did inioy without impeachment the wels and tirpits within the walles, which abundantlie floted with waters to the satisfieng of all people therein.

There are also within this citie certeine foun­teins or conduits, wherevnto, The conduits for water. through certeine ca­nales or pipes of lead, the waters from certeine springs, rising in the fields not far from the citie, are brought and conueied. And these waters are of most price, because by the carriage thereof they are puri­fied, and made lighter than are the other waters springing within the citie: and by that means more meet for dressing of meats. Of these conduits two are speciall, the one of them standeth and is within the cemiterie or churchyard of the cathedrall church of the said citie, and is called saint Peters conduit: Saint Pe­ters conduit. the other being of great antiquitie standeth in the middle of the citie, at the méeting of foure principall streets of the same, and whereof som [...]times it tooke his name, The great conduit. being called the conduit at Quatrefois or Carfox; but now the great conduit.

At the higher end of this citie is a verie old and ancient castell, named Rugemont, Castell Ruge­mont. that is to saie the red hill, taking that name of the red soile or earth wherevpon it is situated. The site of the castell. The site or situation of it is eminent and aboue both the citie and countrie ad­ioining: for they doo all lie as it were vnder the lée thereof. It hath a goodlie and pleasant prospect to­wards the seas: for betweene that and it is no hill at all. It is stronglie ditched round about, The cast [...]ll builded by the Romans. and was first builded (as some thinke) by Iulius Cesar: but rather and in truth by the Romans after him when they had their recourse to it for their defense, refuge, and abode, manie yeares. The same was sometimes the palace of such kings, as vnto whome the king­dome [Page 1009] of Westsex or Westsaxons was allotted vnto: and after them, it was the habitation of the earles of Cornewall, and last of all of the dukes of Exce­ster. It was alwaies parcell and of the inheritance of the earledome, but now of the duchie of Corne­wall: it is in great ruine and decaie, and not easilie to be gotten with force, if it were reedified and inui­roned.

At the lower end and part of this citie, without the wals, floteth a goodlie and a pleasant riuer, which the Britons called Isk; Ptolomeus by misinfor­mation line 10 nameth it Isaca: The riuer of E [...]e. but the other old writers named it Esse, Exe, Exa, or Excestrum: and these names be reteined at these presents. It hath his head or spring in a certeine moore or desert distant from the citie néere about foure and twentie miles, called Ex­moore. It floweth into the maine seas about eight miles from the citie, E [...]e riseth in Exmoore. at a place named Exmouth, and by the waie it is increased with sundrie riuers, brooks & lakes, the chiefe of which are Créedie and Collome. It is well stored and is plentifull of samon, front, line 20 peale, dace, pike, and other like freshwater fishes: which albeit they be verie good and delicate, and espe­ciallie the samon and pike: yet they are the lesse e­stéemed, bicause the seas being so néere do [...] furnish the citie & countrie verie abundantlie with sundrie kinds of sea fishes most delicate.

The maine seas are not distant from the citie a­boue eight miles, out of which commeth an arme ser­uing for the port of the same: which (as dooth appeare by certeine old and ancient records) did sometimes line 30 flow vp to the verie wals of the citie, The hauen of Excester. where boats and vessels were woont to be laden and vnladen of all kind of wares and merchandizes, at a proper place appointed for the same: which at these presents kée­peth his old and ancient name, and is called the wa­tergate. The decaie thereof hapned about the yeare of our Lord 1312, The decaie of the hauen of Excester. Hugh Court­n [...]ie the first [...]estroier of the [...]. by one Hugh Courtneie the third of that name, and earle of Deuon: who being of­fended and incensed against this citie, his wrathfull humor could not be satisfied, vntill by some meanes line 40 he did impaire and annoie the state of the common­wealth of the same. And séeing that among other commodities, the vse of the hauen and watercourse to the citie to be one of the chiefest, he was neuer quiet vntill he had destroied the same: wherefore minding to performe what he had conceiued, he did in the yeare of our Lord 1313, the fift yeare of king Edward the second, enterprise & begin his pretended deuise and mischéefe.

And first whereas the ladie Isabella d [...] Fortibus, coun­tesse line 50 of Aumerle and of Deuon, his ancestrix had builded certeine wéers vpon the riuer of Exe (the propertie and seignorie whereof did apperteine to the citie) the one of the west side of the riuer of Exe in Exminster parish, and the other of the east side of the same riuer in the parish of Topesham; leauing be­twéene the said two wéers a certeine aperture or o­pen space of thirtie foot, thorough which all boats and vessels without let or hinderance might haue and line 60 had their vsuall passage and repassage, to and from the citie vnto the seas: the said earle to abridge and destroie this great benefit and commoditie, did leuie and build a new wéere in the said aperture or open roome, stopping, filling, and quirting the same, with great trees, timber, and stones, in such sort, that no vessell nor vessels could passe or repasse.

Edward CourtneieAfter him Edward Courtneie earle of Deuon, and nephue to the said Hugh, did not onelie main­teine and continue the dooings of his ancestor, by his dailie reparing and defending the same: but also to worke an vtter destruction for euer, of anie passage or repassage to be had thensefoorth to and from the said citie; vnder pretense to build and make certeine mils, did erect two other weeres, the one at saint Iames ouerthwart the whole riuer, and the other at Lampreford: by meanes whereof not onelie the citie did susteine the whole losse of the hauen, but the whole countrie also was surrounded about it, and in pro­cesse of time altogither, and as it is at these presents couered with salt waters. For which gréefs and iniu­ries vpon complaints made thereof, diuerse & sun­drie writs and commissions of inquirie were awar­ded and granted by the king; Sundrie in­quisitions and iuries ta­ken against the earles of Deuon for destroieng of the hauen. and the said earles by sundrie inquisitions and verdicts found giltie. And yet notwithstanding, such was their power and au­thoritie, and such was the iniquitie of those daies, as no iustice could take place, nor law haue his due course against them.

Furthermore also the foresaid Hugh, to incroch the gaine and commoditie of the lading & vnlading of merchandizes within the port & riuer to himselfe, did build a keie and a crane in the riuer at his towne of Topesham, A keie first builded at Topesham. The mer­chants com­pelled to lade and vnlade at Topesham keie. distant from the citie about thrée miles: and by power did inforce and compell all ma­ner of merchants arriuing within that port to vn­lade & lade all their wares and merchandizes brought within that port (to be laden and vnladen) there one­lie. And from thense, euer since, all wares and merchandizes haue béene caried and recaried to and from the citie by horsse, cart, and waine, though to the gaine of the earle and his tenants, yet to the great trouble and hinderance of the citie and mer­chants of the same. Neuerthelesse, the port hath euer­more and yet dooth kéepe his old and ancient name, being called the port of the citie of Excester: and al­waies hath béene and presentlie is paied a tribute vn­to the citie, by the name of the towne custome, for all kind of wares and merchandizes, discharged with­in that port or riuer, or the members thereof.

And although the watercourse thus being de­stroied can hardlie be restored to his old pristinate and naturall estate; for that thorough long conti­nuance the old course can not be discerned: The hauen is recouered and renewed a­gaine. yet now at length after manie attempts and with great ex­penses, a watercourse and passage begun in the yeare 1564, is recouered, and by certeine sluces, boats, and vessels of fifteene or sixtéene tuns are con­ueied and brought vp to the citie, and there discharged at the old and ancient place, called the watergate: & where is builded a verie faire large keie or wharfe, A keie and a crane builded at Excester. as also an engine called a crane fit for the purpose. Within the citie were somtimes but few parish chur­ches, vntill the time of Innocentius the third: who when in the yeare 1198 he had established the doc­trine of transubstantiation, and had made it an ar­ticle of the symbole, as appeareth in the decretals, Ti­tulo de summa trinitate, canone Firmiter: then his next successor Honorius the third, in the yeare 1218 did not onelie confirme the same, but also by decree did establish reseruation, candlelight, and praieng for the dead, as dooth appeare, Decret. tit. de celebratione mis­sarum, canone Sane cum, & Sane cum creatura: by which meanes the number of sacrificing & massing priests did not onelie increase, but churches also and chapels began in all places and euerie where to be builded and erected.

And among others in this citie in the yeare 1222 and the sixt yeare of king Henris the third, the parish churches were limited, The parish churches first limited in Ex­cester. and increased to the number of ninetéene churches within the citie and suburbs, and were called by the name of the christianitie euen to this daie. Euerie of which in times past was a suf­ficient and competent liuing to mainteine a massing sacrificer; for such and so great was the blind deuo­tion of the people then in that Romish religion: but the same now being abolished, and the gospell prea­ched, the liuelihoods are so small, as not sufficient for [Page 1010] the most part to mainteine a poore clerke or scholar, & by reason thereof, the most part of them doo lie void and vacant, without incumbent.

A monasterie of saint Be­nets order builded in Excester.Besides these parish churches, there was also a monasterie, sometimes of moonks of saint Benets order, but since a cathedrall church, being of a verie faire and sumptuous building of fréestone and with beautifull pillers of graie marble. It standeth and is situated in the east part of the citie; and (as some re­port) was first founded and built by king Ethel­dred, King Ethel­dred the first founder of the monasterie. King Edgar founder of a religious house in Ex­cester. The cathe­drall church was first a monasterie and founded by king A­theistane. Chronica ecclesiea. the third sonne to king Ethelwolphus. Some line 10 thinke that king Edgar did it. True it is that euerie of them builded a house for religious persons within this citie, of which the one was spoiled and burned by the Danes, and the other in processe of time was vni­ted to the monasterie, which is now the cathedrall church. But the cathedrall church it selfe was founded & builded by king Athelstane, the sonne to king Ed­ward the elder: for so is it recorded in the historie of the same church, the words whereof are these: Athel­stanus line 20 subingatis Cornugualensibus, reuersus est ad ciuitatem, quae antiquitùs Monketon vocabatur, nunc autem Exeter: acibi sedens, anno Dom. 932, non tam lacerata eiusdem ci­uitatis moenia reparabat, quin & mansum quoddam dedit ad fundandum monasterium promonachis, Deo & sancto Petro famulantibus.

This king besides his great charges and expenses in building of this church, which at the first was but small, and that part which is now called the Ladie chapell, he placed therein moonkes of S. Benets or­der, line 30 prouided liuelihoods for them, and appointed a ru­ler or gouernour ouer them, and who was called by the name of an abbat, towards whose diet and liue­lihood he gaue Morkeshull and Tresurors béere: and which at these presents doo remaine to the said church and are annexed to the dignitie of the treasurorship of the same. The church being thus begun, kings, princes, & noble men were from time to time glad­lie and willinglie verie liberall contributors to the absoluing and finishing of the same. For about foure line 40 score years after king Athelstane, king Knoght who was also named Cahutus or Canutus, King Canu­tus confir­meth the pri­uileges of the monasteries. at the ear­nest sute of one of his dukes named Atheldred, did confirme and grant to Athelwood then abbat of the said church, and to his successors manie and sundrie priuileges and liberties, vnder his letters patents, dated the second yeare of his reigne, Anno Domini, 1019.

After him about thirtie yeares, king Edward the confessor remooued the moonkes vnto Westminster, K. Edward the confessor remooued the moonks vnto Westminster, and made this a cathe­drall church. Leofricus the first bishop of Excester. line 50 and made this church a cathedrall church, and remoo­ued the bishops sée which was then at Crediton vnto this citie, making Leofricus bishop therof, and whom he and his wife quéene Edith did put in possession of the same, as appeareth by his letters patents dated the eight yeare of his reigne, Anno Dom. 1050, Howbeit the moonke of Burie, Polydorus, and o­thers doo affirme and write, that this should be doone about the twelfe yeare of William the conqueror, Polyd. hist. li. 19 Chronica chro­nicorum. lib. 7. for thus they doo write: Habitum est Londini, sub Lanfran­co, line 60 autistitum & sacerdotum comitium, in quo decretum est, quòd aliquot sedes episcopales, quae in oppidulis & pagis an­teà fuerant in vrbibus & locis celeberrimis collocarentur, vn­de factum est vt Bathonia, Lincolnia, Sarisburia, Exonia, Ce­stria, & Cicestria vrbes, huiusmodi nouis episcoporum domici­lijs sunt nobilitatae.

But the reuerence of these writers reserued, this cannot be true concerning this church, The charter of the church. bicause the words of the charter thereof doo witnesse the contra­rie, and declare expresselie, how that king Edward and queene Edith his wife did put Leofricus the first bishop in possession, the one by the one hand and the other by the other hand, leading him betweene them vp to the high altar, and there put his hands vpon the same▪ And yet it may be true, that at the foresaid councell, this remoouing and placing of this bishop might be ratified and confirmed. The con [...]e­ror confirmeth the charters of the church, and inlargeth the possessions of it. Likewise William the conqueror, in the third yeare of his reigne 1069, did not onelie confirme the former charter, but also at the instance and request of William Warewest, then his chapleine, but afterwards bishop of the same sée, did giue vnto it the seigniories of Plimp­ton, Brampton, and S. Stephans in Excester, which the said William Warewest being afterwards bi­shop did distribute, giuing Plimpton to the religious canons, whome he placed there: Brampton was annexed to the deanerie, but S. Stephans was re­serued alwaies to the bishop, and to his successors, whereby they are barons, and so lords in the parle­ment house.

It was also inlarged from time to time with great possessions, reuenues, buildings, riches, priuileges, and sundrie other commodities, by kings, princes, prelats, bishops, and sundrie others. And this one thing is to be noted, The cath [...] ­drall church was foure hundred yeres in building. that albeit there were about foure hundred yeares distant from the first founda­tion and building thereof, vnto the ending and fini­shing of the same; yet it is so vniformelie and de­centlie compact and builded in one mould, as though it had beene doone at one instant. The bishop is di­stinct from the chanons both in house and reuenue: his liuelihoods being no part nor parcell of that which apperteineth to the deane and chapter. It was some­times of great reuenues and large possessions, but the more part thereof hath béene consumed and ex­hausted by a wastfull bishop. The bishop and chanons haue verie faire houses, which are situated about the church & cemiterie, and are inclosed euerie night by shutting fast of certeine gates, by which occasion it is called a close, A claudendo: and which gates are to be shut euerie night (except at certeine times) and to be opened euerie morning at certeine hours appointed, as it appeareth by a composition made for the same betwéene the communaltie of Excester, and the bi­shop and deane of the same. In the middle of the ce­miterie or churchyard is a verie faire founteine or conduit of water conueied by certeine pipes of lead from out of the same féelds, as is the cities conduit. S. Peters conduit. And albeit the springs of both waters are in the same field, and not farre distant: yet this dooth excell the other. Out of this well or founteine waters are conueied to sundrie of the chanons houses, as also of late vnto the bishops house, and yet it serueth be­sides the whole close and citie. The citie it selfe is verie populous, The inhabi­tants of this citie. and was sometimes chéefelie inha­bited with clothiers & clothworkers of broad clothes, seruing much for the Spanish and south countries; and which in those daies were of such goodnesse & sub­stance, that the names of them doo remaine in those countries: but new it is chéeflie inhabited with mer­chants, kersie- [...]othiers, and all sorts of artificers, a­mong whom the merchants are the chéefe & welthiest.

The gouernement of this citie was sometimes by foure bailiffes, The gouern­ment of this citie. which before the conquest were cal­led portgreues, that is, the chéefest lords or rulers of the towne: for porta is taken for a towne, and greue in Saxonie is Dominus or maior: Portegreues. but after the conquest they were after the French toong named Prouostres, that is to saie Praefecti or rulers, Prouostres. and now stewards. Not long after the conquest there was or­dered and constituted a senate of six and thirtie per­sons, but of later yeares by king Henrie the sea­uenth of foure & twentie persons, out of which num­ber yearelie there was and is chosen one to be the chéefest gouernour for the yeare following; and is called by the name of a maior, whome the Saxons called Meregreue, that is, Maior dominus, Mai [...]r or Meregreue. or the cheefe ruler. This maior associated with the foure prouosts [Page 1011] or bailiffes, hath the hearing, decerning, and deter­mining in all ciuill causes betwéene partie and par­tie, and for which they kéepe wéekelie vpon euerie mondaie a court in the Guildhall of the said citie: but the bailiffes reteining their old and ancient cu­stome, The maiors [...]. doo kéepe the like courts, and in the like causes distinctlie from the maior by themselues, at all time and times (the mondaies and festiuall daies excep­ted) as it shall please them to assigne, and with their court is called by the name of the prouost court. The prouost [...].

Thus the maior and bailiffes both iointlie and se­uerallie line 10 haue iurisdiction to decerne and determine in ciuill matters. But if the matters doo touch and concerne the prince, the crowne, the common peace, anie criminall matter, or the publike state of the ci­tie and common-wealth of the same, then the same are decided by the maior and iustices, or by the maior and common councell, or by the maior himselfe, or by some other officer or officers, according to the nature and qualitie of the cause and offense. But bicause it requireth a large and speciall course, to describe the line 20 gouernement of this citie and common-wealth of the same, the charge of euerie officer, the diuersitie of officers, their seuerall iurisdictions, and a number of other things incident vnto their charges: there is a particular booke imprinted, and at large the same is set out, in such order as is requisite, and apperteining to the gouernement: whereby euerie man may know his office and charge, and what to him dooth apperteine. And let it suffice, that partlie through good gouernement, and partlie of a good in­clination, The good in­clination and [...]fulness of the citizens. line 30 the people of this citie haue béene alwaies dutifull and obedient to the king and the lawes: and haue in great awe and reuerence their gouernours and magistrats for the time being. And this one thing is not so strange as worthie to be noted, that euen from the beginning, from time to time they haue béene carefull for their common-wealth, and vigilant for the preseruation of the same. And as in times of peace and quietnesse the same hath beene well gouerned: so in times troublesome and vn­quiet, line 40 it hath béene most valiantlie defended against the inuasions and assaults of the enimies, as by sun­drie histories it may appeare: whereof for example these few may serue.

line 1 First Aruiragus king of this land, then named Britaine, minding to staie the land in his ancient e­state, fréedome and libertie, did withdraw and denie to paie vnto the Romans the tribute which they did require and demand: wherefore Claudius the empe­ror sent Uespasian then duke of the Romane armie, Claudius [...]e [...]o the em­peror sendeth Uespasian in­to Britaine. line 50 into this realme with a great hoast, either to recouer the tribute, or to subdue the land. This Uespasian is he, who in the foure and twentith yeare after this his iourneie, did destroie Ierusalem. Wherfore this duke landing in Torrebate, Uespasian [...]andeth in Torreb [...]e, and lateth [...]ge to this [...]. then named Totonesium littus, came to this citie, laid siege vnto it, and gaue conti­nuall assaults therevnto, for eight daies continuallie togither. Aruiragus the king, being then in the east parts of the land, and hearing of this, with a great armie and power marcheth towards this citie to re­mooue line 60 the siege, King Aruira­gus rescueth this citie and [...]ncountereth the enemie. and incountereth with the enimie. The Romane after long fight, and not able to pre­uaile, is contented to come to parlée, and in the end a composition was concluded, as if dooth appeare, and is set downe and written by sundrie historiogra­phers. The chronicle of the cathedrall church of the said citie hath these words: [...] ecclesi [...] [...]. Anno Domini 49, Vespass­anus cum Romano exercitu ciuitatem nunc vocatam Exeter, [...]cto diebus obsedit sedminimè praeualuit, Aruirago rege ci­uibus auxilium praestante.

[...] Geffreie of Monmouth hath these words: Vespa­sianus à Claudio missus est, vt Ar [...]iragum vel pacificaret, vel Romanae subiectioni restitueret. Cùmigitur inportu in Rut [...]pi applicare voluisset Vespasianus, obu [...]a [...]it ei Aruiragus, atque prohibuit n [...] portum ingrederetur. Retraxit itaque se Vespasianus à portu illo, retortisque velis in littore Totonesio applicuit. Nactus deinde tellurem Caier [...]enhulgoite, quae nunc Exonia vocàtur obsessurus; eandem adiuit, cùmque octo diebus eandem obsedisset, superuenit Aruiragus cum exercitu suo, praeliùmque commisit: die illa, valde laceratus fuit vtro­rùmque exercitus, sed neuter est victoria potitus, mane autem facto, mediante Ge [...]a [...]issa regina, concordes effecti sunt. Mat­thew of Westminster writeth: Aruiragus Britannorum rex, in tantam pro [...]apsus est superbiā, Flores histo­riar [...]m. quòd Romanae potestatis noluit diutiùs subiectiom parere. Vespasianus igitur à Clau­dio missus cùm in Rutupi portu applicare incepisset, Aruira­gus illi [...]buius prohibuit ne ingrederetur. At Vespasianus re­cortis velis in Totonesio littore applicuit, & ciuitatem quae Britannicè Caier Penhulgoite, nunc auten [...] Exonia appella­tur▪ obsedit: elapsis inde septem diebus Aruiragus super­uenit, praeliùmque commisit, & vtrorùm (que) exercitu valde lacerato, mediante Genwissa Claudij filia, duces amici facti sunt.

In the historie intituled, Noua historia. Noua historia de gestis Anglorum a Britonibus vsque ad Henricum sextum, is written the like in effect: Vespasianus à Claudio missus est vt Aruiragum pacificaret, vel Romanae ditioni restitueret, cui obuians Aruiragus, probibuit ne terram suam ingredere­tur, timens Vespasianus armatorum cohortem, retraxit sese, retortis (que) velis in Totonesio littore est appulsus, atque vrbem Exoniae obsedit, post septem dies superuenit Aruiragus, prae­lium committitur, laceratùrque vtrorùmque exercitus, sed neuter potitur victoria, demum mediante Genewissa regina, reconciliati sunt. It was also in manie troubles and great perplexities, in the vncerteine and trouble­some states of this realme, when sometimes the Ro­mans, sometimes the Picts, sometimes the Scots, sometimes the Saxons, and sometimes the Danes made their incursions and warres within this land, by reason whereof the records and memorials in those daies for the most part were lost and consu­med.

And yet Matthew of Westminster writeth that it was besieged by Penda king of Mertia, in the yeare line 2 of our Lord 632, Flores historia­rum. Penda king of Mertia. Edwin king of Northum­berland. King Cad­wallo is dri­uen to flée into Ireland. in the time of Cadwallin one of the last kings of the Britons. The historie is this. Edwin the Saxon king of the Northumbers, [...]a­uing wars against Cadwallin or Cadwall [...], did so preuaile and had such conquests ouer him, that Cad­wallo was driuen to forsake his realme of Wale [...], and to flie into Ireland, where he being, was [...] carefull and pensifull how to recouer his countrie againe. Wherefore he repareth his armie and gathe­reth a new force, and gaue sundrie [...]ttempts to at­chiue to his purpose: but all was in vaine, [...] could neuer set foot on land in his countrie. [...] win was alwaies at hand and in a readinesse to [...] and resist the same, for this Edwin had about him in his seruice a man named Pellitus, Pellitus a witch droth foretell to king Edwin of things to come. who was a ma­gician and verie skilfull in necromancie, and who by his art and science did foreshew and declare vnto Edwin what things were a dooing and attempted against him.

Cadwallo hauing continuallie euill successe, was in vtter despaire and distrust to preuaile against Edwin, and therefore as one giuing ouer all, saileth ouer the seas into Armorica now called little Bri­taine, King Cad­wallo [...]a [...]leth into Armo­rica. vnto Salomon the king thereof, and vnto him dooth disclose his miserable estate and fortune, as also greatlie complaineth of Pellitus and of his sorce­ries. When these two kings had throughlie consulted and debated the matter, it was at length concluded and thought best, that some one man being bold and wittie should be sent ouer to the court of king Ed­win, & to giue the aduenture to kill Pellitus. Brienus the kings nephue is sent to kill Pellitus. Where­vpon the matter being discouered to Brienus ne­phue to king Cadwallo, he taketh vpon him to en­terprise [Page 1012] the matter, and to couer himselfe from all suspicion, apparelleth himselfe in a poore beggers wéed, and so saileth ouer into England, and trauel­leth foorthwith towards king Edwins court, who then laie at Yorke, and there ioineth and accompa­nieth himselfe among the poore people, whose cu­stome and maner was, to lie about the kings gates at dinner and supper times, waiting for the almesse vsuallie giuen and woont to be distributed amongst the poore. line 10

Pellitus being the kings almoner, and hauing the charge to distribute the said almesse, commeth foorth and setteth the poore folke in order. Brienus kil­leth Pellitus. Brienus be­ing there and amongst them, watcheth his time to worke his purpose, and thrusting himselfe in the middle of the presse of the people, suddenlie with his poinado or weapon which for the purpose he had pre­pared, thrusteth Pellitus into the bodie, & gaue him a deadlie wound whereof he died, and forthwith (the thing in such a thrust not perceiued) shifteth himselfe line 20 awaie priuilie, and through woods, hils, thickets, and dales out of the common waie, commeth to this citie of Excester, & declareth vnto the citizens (who were then Britons) what he had doone: whereof they were verie glad and ioifull, and in good hope that their king Cadwallo should yet againe returne; and therefore vpon good aduise doo prepare and make rea­die both themselues and the citie, aswell for the resi­sting of the enimie, as for the receiuing, succouring and aiding of their king. line 30

King Penda aduertised of this murther, and vn­derstanding the whole course of the matter and prac­tise, taketh in griefe the iniurie thus doone to his neighbor and countriman king Edwin. And there­fore to reuenge the same mustereth his subiects and gathereth a great armie; King Penda besiegeth Ex­cester. and vnderstanding that Brienus was come to this citie marcheth towards the same, and in the end laieth his siege round about it, minding the vtter subuersion thereof. But the citi­zens manfullie withstanding his force, did defend line 40 and kéepe both themselues and their citie, vntill that king Cadwallo, who before was aduertised both of the fact of Brienus and of this preparation of Pen­da, did with his force and armie come to the citie, who did not onelie rescue the same; but also ioining the battell with his enimie gaue him the ouerthrow, and so deliuered his countrie, and recouered himselfe and his kingdome.

It was also in greater troubles in the time of line 3 king Alured or Alfred the fourth sonne to king E­thelwolphus. Polyd. lib. 5 line 50 For Polydorus and others doo write, that in the fift yeare of the said kings reigne, the Danes concluded a peace with the said king, and gaue hostages for the true kéeping thereof. And yet notwithstanding most perfidiouslie and falselie con­trarie to the same, they assembled themselues, and vpon a sudden marched to this citie, and perforce en­tered and tooke the same: Daci etenim qui religionem & fidem pro suo commodo postponendam ducebant, Londino se mouent, & maximis itineribus Exoniam proficiscuntur, vrbéin (que), per vim capiunt. But long they inioied not the line 60 same, for after that winter passed, the king to be re­uenged marcheth with a great power to this citie, which the Danes vnderstanding and thinking them­selues too weake to withstand the K. as also vtterlie distrusting the citizens, shifted themselues awaie, of which some fled vnto Dartmouth and there tooke shipping, and who for the most part were drowned in a tempest at the seas. Some fled to Chipenham or (as some saie) to Bristow, The Danes are ouer­throwne and their capteins are slaine. but the king followed and pursued these so sharplie, that he neuer left nor gaue ouer, vntill he had ouercome and slaine the capteins Hubbert and Hungar.

line 4 Likewise in the nineteenth yeare of the reigne of the said king, the Danes contrarie to their faith, pledges, and promises, did againe come to this citie, and laid siege to the same: Neus [...] Danorum exercitus anno 877, ab Wareham nocte quadam foedere dirupto, ad Exean­cestre, quod Britannice dicetur Caieriske diuerterunt, at au­dito regis aduentu [...]d puppes fugerunt, & in mari praedantes manebant.

It was also besieged by the said Danes in the line 5 ninetéenth yeere of king Egelred, in the yeere of our Lord 1001. For the Danes, which were in Nor­mandie, being aduertised of the good lucke, successe, and great spoiles which their companions and coun­triemen in England had, and their teeth set on edge therewith▪ suddenlie prepared shipping, and came o­uer the coasts and landed in Deuon, and forthwith marched and tooke their course towards the citie of Excester; thinking to haue found the citizens nap­ping & to haue taken them suddenlie and vnawares; Sed ciuibus viriliter resistentibus recesserunt. The people & cōmons of Deuon, Cornewall, Flores hist [...] ­riarum Summerset & Dor­set, aduertised hereof, assembled themselues, & mind­ing to rescue the citie, as also to incounter & aduen­ture the field with the Danes, met with them at a place néere the citie called Pinneho, and ioined bat­tell with them, The battell at Pinneh [...] ▪ betwéene whome the fight was cruell and the slaughter great. And thus dooth Houeden testifie, whose words be these: Houeden. Memoratus paganorum exercitus de Normannia in Angliam reuectus, ostium fluuij Exe ingreditur, & mox ad extinguendam vrbem Exeance­stre egreditur, sed dum murum illius destruere moliretur, at ciuibus vrbem viriliter defendentibus repellitur, vnde nimis exasperatus more solito villas succendendo, agros depopulando, hominésque caedendo per Domnoniam vagatur, quare Domno­nenses invnum congregati, in loco qui dicitur Pinho certa­men cum eis ineunt.

King Sweno being in Denmarke, and aduerti­sed hereof, as also giuen to vnderstand how king Elfre [...] aliàs Etheldred or Egelred had caused all the Danes in the realme to be suddenlie slaine in one night, being much gréeued therewith, did prepare and prouide a great armie for the reuenge thereof. King Sweno inuadeth and spoileth the land. And in the yeare of our Lord 1002, he landed in sundrie and diuerse parts of this realme, vsing great hostili­tie, and making great spoiles, and brought the whole land to an vnspeakeable miserie and distresse: but at length, receiuing a tribute for a peace, he returned home into his owne countrie. Howbeit the citizens of Excester hearing of this crueltie vsed in the east parts, made themselues strong: and doubting of so mightie an enimie, did make themselues readie, and prepared the citie to withstand him, if he should haue attempted anie force or hostilitie against them.

But the Dane being gone and returned home, Hugh earle of Deuon as a false mā to his countrie, dooth betraie the citie. and knowing nothing of this preparation, one Hugh then earle of Deuon (as princes lacke no fawners) sent his letters into Denmarke to king Sweno, certifieng him both of the state and wealth of this citie, as also of the great preparation which had bene made to withstand him, persuading him not to su­steine such an iniurie. And as coles will be soone kindled: euen so the Dane vpon this aduertisement was in a great heat, and foorthwith arreareth his ar­mie, and repareth all things in readinesse to crosse the seas anew to worke his will against this citie. And accordinglie when time serued, in the yeare fol­lowing, line 6 being the yeare of our Lord 1003, he tooke the seas and landed vpon the coasts of Deuon and Cornewall, and marched foorthwith to this citie, King Sweno by the treche­rie of the earle of Deuon be­siegeth the citie. and laid his siege against the same in the beginning of the moneth of August, and continued the same vntill the kalends of September: during which time were sundrie sharpe, fierce, and cruell assaults giuen by the Dane, and as valiantlie resisted by the citizens.

But in continuance of time, when they saw them­selues [Page 1013] dailie more and more to be weakened, vittels to saile, the fire round about them, their walles bea­ten downe, themselues slaughtered and murthered, and the enimie to increase and be strong, and in all these distresses, their king Eldred being fled into Normandie, k [...]ng Eldred [...] his [...]. to haue no care of them, nor to prepare anie rescue, aid, or helpe for them: it was not to be maruelled, if in so heauie a distresse they were ama­zed and astonished. And yet considering with them­selues that Sweno was a Dane, a cruell enimie, a line 10 bloudie murtherer, an vsurping tyrant, hauing no other title to the crowne of England, but the sword, did with one consent agrée and conclude, neuer to yéeld nor giue ouer whilest anie were left liuing able to withstand the same, The stoutnes [...]nd courage of the citizens. wishing rather to die manfullie for their common wealth, than to liue in reproch and infamie; and by death to reape an immor­tall fame, than by life to become ignominious & in­famous, and in the end also to be the miserable slaues of a cruell and vsurping tyrant. line 20

Wh [...]n therefore after manie assaults, all or the most part of the ablest men were spent and consu­med, and none or few left aliue to withstand so migh­tie and so manie enimies: king Sweno entereth and [...]aketh the [...], & vtterlie destroieth it. the Dane on the seuen and twentith daie of August, with force entered the citie, And after that he had serued and satisfied his bloudie appetits, in deflowring the women, murthering the children, and making hauocke of all the people, hée spoiled the citie, [...]. Malm. burned the houses, rased the walles, bet downe the temples, and left nothing to be doone line 30 which might by fire, sword, and spoiles be consumed: and this is so witnessed by sundrie writers. Reinulph of Chester writeth thus: [...] Co [...]t. Daci cum suo rege Sweno Exce­striam venerunt, & vrbem funditùs destruxerunt, nullare in­columi relicta, quae aut serro aut igni vastari poterat: & omnia spolia cineribus tantùm relictis secum deportauerunt. Hun­tington hath these words: Hen. Hunt. Daci ir a exarserunt sicut ignis quem velit aliquis sanguine extinguere: aduolantes igitur quasi multitudo locustarum, quidam Excestriam venerunt, & vrbem funditùs destruxerunt: & omnia spolia cineribus tan­tùm line 40 relictis secum deportauerunt.

Houeden. Houeden thus saith: Rex Danorum Sweni periurium & proditionem Normannici comitis, quem Emma Domnaniae praefecerat, ciuitatem Exon infregit, spoliauit, & murum ab orientali vs (que) ad occidentalem portam destruxit, & cum in­genti line 7 praeda naues repetijt. It was also besieged by Wil­liam the Conquerour in the first yeare of his reigne Anno 1068. William the Conqueror besiegeth the [...]. For when he first entered this land, and by dint of sword sought the conquest thereof; the ci­tizens of this citie, and the noble and gentlemen of line 50 all the countrie about, A league be­twéene the gentlemen & the citizens to resist the Con­querour. entered into one common league, conclusion and promise, to ioine togither and to withstand the enimie to the vttermost. And this confederacie being confirmed by a publike oth, pre­paration on all parts was made accordinglie, for the accomplishing of the same. But the conquerour hauing preuailed, and subdued in a maner the whole land, was aduertised that this citie stood vpon their gard, and would not yéeld nor submit themselues vn­to him. Wherevpon he sent his armie from London line 60 and besieged the same: and perceiuing the siege to continue, marched and came himselfe vnto the same, but rather came no further than Salisburie. In the meane time the citizens were aduertised how the whole realme had yeelded, The records of the citie. and seeing also how their confederats did dailie shrinke awaie from them, and by that meanes they to grow weaker & weaker, and therefore the lesse able to withstand so great a force, and to keepe out so puissant an armie as was round about them; and considering also, that small mercie or fauor should they find if the citie by force were ta­ken; did by way of intreatie offer submission, and de­sire peace, which in the end they obteined: and so pa [...] ­eng a grieuous fine, they and the citie were restored. But yet in token of his conquest, the king altered and changed the gates of the castell, and tooke an oth of all the citizens to be his liege and true subiects.

Houeden in his historie maketh mention, that Githa king Harolds mother should be within this citie, Houeden. Polychron. li. 7 during the time that this siege and assault la­sted: and perceiuing the bent of the people to submit and yeeld themselues, secretlie conueied hirselfe a­waie. For these be his words: Hyeme minuente, re [...] Wilhelmus de Normannia in Angliam redijt, & Anglis im­portabile tributum imposuit: deinde in Dunmoniam hostiliter profectus est ad ciuitatem Excestriam, quam ciues & nonnulli Anglici ministri contra illum retinebant: & obsedit, & in [...]e­git. Githa verò comitissa, Githa king Harolds mo­ther laie in the citie during the siege, and secretlie fleeth awaie into Flanders., mater scilicet Haroldi regis Anglo­rum, & soror Swani regis Danorum, cum multis de ciuitate fugiens, euasit & Flandriam petijt, ciues autem dextris accep­tis regi se dederunt. Also in the second yeare of king Stephan Anno 1137, the lords and péeres of the realme, remembring the oth which they had before made to king Henrie the first, to whom they sware line 8 to be true to Mawd the kings onelie daughter and heire, and to hir heires, and yet contrarie to the same had sworne themselues to king Stephan, began to repent themselues, & consulted how to restore Mawd the empresse, and to expell Stephan. Wherefore they assembled themselues in armor, & diuided them­selues into sundrie cities, townes and castels.

Among whom one Baldwin Rideuers then erle of Deuon, with force entered and tooke this citie. Baldwin Ri­deuers earle of Deuon entred into this citie▪ and resisteth against king Stephan. Baldwin the earle is taken and banished. But the king so sharpelie followed and pursued him, that he draue him from hence into the Ile of Wight, which was then his lordship. But the king when he had receiued the citie into his faith, mar­ched with his armie to the said Ile, & tooke the same, as also the earle himselfe, whome he foorthwith bani­shed. But Mawd the empresse afterwards remem­bring this citie for such their seruice as she well li­ked, did inlarge the liberties of this citie, Q. Mawd is friendlie to the citie. for whome yearelie euer after was an anniuersarie kept at the charges of the citie.

It was also in great troubles in the eleuenth yere of king Richard the second, Anno 1387. Polydor. li. 20. For a con­trouersie line 9 being fallen betwéene the king & his two vncles, the dukes of Yorke & Glocester, none were then so highlie in the kings fauour, as were Robert Uere marques of Dublin, and Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke, & others of their faction. To these the king gaue in commandement, to collect and mu­ster an armie, as it were for his defense, against his said vncles: which when they had partlie doone, whe­ther it were bicause they mistrusted their owne parts, or whether they doubted of the sequele of their dooings, they left their iourneie towards London, The marques of Dublin, and the earle of Suffolke, come to Exon and are pur­sued by the dukes of York and Glocester. as it was first appointed, and came towards this citie. The two dukes who stood vpon their owne gard and defense, hauing aduertisement hereof, followed and persuaded them with all haste and spéed: and hauing ouertaken them at this citie, they ioined the fight with the marques and the earle. But they trusting more to their feet than to their hands, secretlie gaue the slip and fled awaie, making no staie before they came to Scotland; and from thence into Flan­ders, where they died.

It was moreouer in troubles in the tenth yere of line 10 king Edward the fourth Anno 1469, when the states of this king, and of king Henrie the sixt were doubtfull, and the whole realme diuided: some follo­wing king Henrie, and some king Edward. In time of which troubles the duches of Clarence, The duches of Clarēce with others com­meth to Exon being great with child & li­eth in the bi­shops palace. the lord Dineham, the lord Fitzwaren, and the baron of Carew, who followed and tooke part with king Hen­rie, came to this citie, being accompanied and stipa­ted with a thousand fightingmen. The duches was great with child, and lodged in the bishops palace, but [Page 1014] the lords were in other houses within the close a­mong the chanons, and here staied themselues. But sir Hugh Courtneie knight, Sir Hugh Courtneie laieth siege to the citie. who then fauoured and was on the part of king Edward, hearing of this as­semblie, raiseth an armie of his friends and alies, approcheth therewith vnto this citie, besiegeth it, brea­keth the bridges, and stoppeth all the waies leading to the same, and by which means no vittels could bée brought to the markets: and being thus incamped about this citie, The maior is required to de­liuer the keies of the citie▪ and refuseth so to doo. sendeth to the maior, requiring him line 10 either to open the gates and to giue him entrie, or to deliuer vnto him the gentlemen that were therein. On the other side, the gentlemen which were within, they either mistrusting the maior and citizens▪ or not willing to stand to his courtesie, and be vnder his go­uernement, required the keies of the citie gates to be deliuered vnto their custodie, and that all things to be doone by their order and appointment.

In these doubts and perplexities consulting what were best to be doone, they did at length resolue & con­clude line 20 neither to yeeld to the requests of them who were without, nor yet to satisfie the demands of them which were within the citie: but pacifieng both parties with such good words, and in such good order as they might, did reserue to themselues the kée­ping and safe custodie of the citie, being the chamber of the king, & parcell of the reuenues of the crowne, to the onlie vse of the king and crowne, as to them in dutie and allegiance did apperteine. And there­fore forthwith they rampired vp the citie gates, for­tified line 30 the walles, The maior and citizens doo fortifie the citie. appointed souldiers, and did set all things in such good order as in that case was requisit; leauing nothing vndoone which might be for the pre­seruation of the state & commonwealth of the citie.

But yet for want of forecasting, in processe of time the prouision within the citie waxed short, and vit­tels to be scant; whereof it was doubted there would insue some famine, which the common people nei­ther could nor would indure, if some remedie were not in due time had and prouided. The magistrats line 40 did their best indeuor euerie waie, aswell by dili­gence in following, as by counselling, in persua­ding euerie man to continue firme and true to the publike state, and their owne priuate common­weale. And albeit the common people were vnpa­tient to abide troubles, and loth to indure the pre­sent state of want and famine; yet they had that re­spect to their owne truth, faith, and safetie, as euerie man yeelded himselfe contented to abide and indure the time of their deliuerance: and by the good will line 50 of God it followed, and the same tooke good effect.

For about twelue daies after this sturre begun, by waie of intreatie and mediation of certeine cha­nons of the cathedrall church of this citie, The siege rai­sed, and the citie deliuered. the siege was remoued and raised; wherevpon verie shortlie after did insue the field of Edgecourt, where the duke of Clarence and the earle of Warwike being put to the worst, The duke of Clarence and the Earle of Warwike came from Edgecourt field to this ci­tie, and from hence to Dartmouth. did flée vnto this citie, and made their entrie into the same the third daie of Aprill, 1470, and laie in the bishops palace for a few daies, vn­till line 60 they had caused to be prouided ships at Dart­mouth for their passage ouer into Calis.

The king being aduertised which waie his eni­mies were gone, followed and pursued them with an armie of fortie thousand men, and came to this citie the fourtéenth of Aprill 1470, hauing with him in his companie sundrie & diuerse great lords and estates, as namelie the bishop of Elie lord tresuror of England, the duke of Norffolke earle marshall of England, the duke of Suffolke, the earle of Arundell, the earle of Wiltshire son to the duke of Buckingham, the earle of Shrewesburie, the earle Riuers, the lord Hastings, the lord Greie of Codner, the lord Audleigh, the lord Saie, the lord Sturton, the lord Dacres, the lord Mountioie, the lord Stanleie, the lord Ferris, & the baron of Dud­leigh, with a number of knights and gentlemen. But they all came too late; for the duke and the earle were both departed and gon to the seas before their comming.

Wherefore the king, after that he had rested and reposed himselfe here thrée daies, he departed and re­turned to London. It was also in great troubles, line 11 being besieged in the twelfe yeare of king Henrie the seuenth: by one Perkin Warbecke, 1470, who in the beginning of the moneth of Septem­ber came to this citie, Perkin Wa [...] ­becke com­meth to Ex­cester and b [...] ­siegeth it. and incamped about it with his whole armie with ordinance battered the walls, fired the gates, vndermined it, and with mightie ladders scaled them, and left nothing vndoone which might be to compasse their attempt: thinking and supposing that small would be the resistance against them. But such was the noble courage and valiant stomach of the citizens, that they manfullie resi­sted and defended those forces, and indured the same to the vttermost, vntill that the king be­ing aduertised thereof, did send the lord Edward Courtneie, earle of Deuon and the lord William his sonne, with sundrie others well appointed, The earle of Deuon sent to rescue the citie and i [...] hurt. who came and rescued the citie: but in certeine con­flicts the said earle and others were hurt; notwith­standing the enimie had the repulse, and was driuen to raise his campe and to depart.

Finallie & last of all, it was besieged in the third line 12 yeare of king Edward the sixt, 1549, The rebellion or commotio [...] in Deuon. by the com­mons of Deuon and Cornewall: the historie where­of, for so much as hitherto it hath not béene fullie and at large set forth by anie man, & wherat I Iohn Hoo­ker the writer herof was present, and Testis oculatus of things then doone, I will somewhat at large discourse & set downe the whole course & maner of the same. It is apparant and most certeine, that this rebellion first was raised at a place in Deuon named Samp­ford Courtneie, The rebellion first began at Sampford Courtneie. which lieth westwards from the citie about sixtéene miles; vpon mondaie in the Whitsun­wéeke being the tenth daie of Iune 1549. The cause thereof (as by the sequele it did appeare) was onelie concerning religion; The cause of this rebellion was for reli­gion. which then by act of parlement was reformed, and to be put in execution on Whit­sundaie the ninth of Iune. The which daie being now come, and the statute made for the same to be put in execution throughout the whole realme: it was ac­cordinglie with all obedience receiued in euerie place, and the common people well inough conten­ted therewith euerie where; sauing in this west coun­trie, and especiallie at the said Sampford Court­neie.

For albeit at the daie appointed by statute, they had heard and were present at the diuine ser­uice said, and had according to the new reformed or­der, and could not in anie respect, find fault, or iust­lie reprehend the same: yet (as old bottels which would not receiue new wine) would rather wallow in the old dreggs and puddels of old superstition, than to be fed and refreshed with the wholesome and heauenlie manna. Wherefore they confederated themselues, vtterlie to renounce, reiect, and cast off the same, not onelie to the great offense of God, whome they ought in all truth and veritie to reue­rence and honor; and to the great displeasure of the king, whome in all dutifulnesse they ought to haue obeied: but also to the raising of open rebellion, the cause of the spoile of the whole countrie, and the vndooing of themselues, their wiues, and children; as in sequele and in the end it fell out and came to passe.

And here dooth appeare what great detriments doo come and insue to the church of God, and what great [Page 1015] trouble to the publike and commonweale: when as learned preachers doo want to teach and instruct the peoople; The want of preaching was the cause of the rebel­lion. and well persuaded magistrats to gouerne the common state. For these people lacking the one, & not stored with the other, were left to themselues, and to their owne dispositions: and thereby partlie of ignorance, but more of a froward and a rebellious disposition, they doo now vtterlie condemne to ac­cept, and doo openlie resist to receiue the reformed religion, now put, and to be put in vre and execu­tion. For vpon the said mondaie, the priest being line 10 come to the parish church of Sampford, & preparing himselfe to saie the seruice according to the booke & reformed order set foorth, & as he had doone the daie before: some of the parishioners, namelie one Wil­liam Underhill a tailor, Underhill and Segar [...] first cap­tains of the rebellion. and one Segar a laborer, and others who had consulted and determined before of the matter, went to the priest, and demanded what he ment to doo, and what seruice he would saie? Who answered that according to the lawes set forth, line 20 he would saie the same seruice as he had doone the daie before. Then they said, that he should not so doo, saieng further, that they would kéepe the old and an­cient religion, as their forefathers before them had doone; and as king Henrie the eight by his last will and testament had taken order, that no altera­tion of religion should be made, vntill king Ed­ward his sonne were come vnto his full age. And therefore, for somuch as he was now but a child, and could doo nothing, they also would not haue a­nie change. line 30

In the end, all the parishioners ioining and ta­king parts togither, The priest was comp [...]l­led▪ b [...]cause he would be com­pelled saie [...]asse. were all of the same mind, willing and charging the priest that he should vse and saie the like seruice as in times past he was woont to doo: who in the end, whether it were with his will, or against his will, he relied to their minds, and yéelded to their wills: and forthwith rauisheth himselfe in his old popish attire, and saith masse, and all such seruices as in times past accustomed. These newes, as a cloud caried with a violent wind, and line 40 as a thunder clap sounding at one instant through the whole countrie, are caried and noised euen in a moment through out the whole countrie: and the common people so well allowed and liked thereof, that they clapped their hands for ioie, and agréed in one mind, to haue the same in euerie of their seue­rall parishes.

The iustices of peace dwelling not far from Sampford, being aduertised how disorderlie, & con­trarie to the lawes, things had béene doone in the line 50 church of Sampford; and how that the common people were clustered and assembled togither, to continue and to mainteine their lewd & disordered behauiour: The iustices [...] to Sampford and doo no good. such of them, namelie, sir Hugh Pol­lard knight, Anthonie Haruie, Alexander Wood, and Marke Slader esquiers came & met at Samp­ford, minding to haue had conference with the chiefe plaiers in this enterlude, aswell for the redresse of the disorder alreadie committed, as also to persuade line 60 and pacifie the rest of the people. But they partlie vnderstanding before hand of the iustices comming, were so addicted and wholie bent to their follies, that they fullie resolued themselues, wilfullie to main­teine what naughtilie they had begun. And therfore, when the iustices were come to the place, and reque­sted to talke with them, they refused it; vnlesse the said gentlemen would leaue all their men behind, and go with them into a certeine seuerall close not far off; and so they would be contented to conferre with them. These gentle­men were a­fraid of their [...]wne shadowes.

The gentlemen, albeit they and their men were the greater number, and sufficient to haue repressed the small companie of the commoners then & there assembled: yet whether it were because they thought in such a case to vse all the best & quietest waie for the pacifieng of them; or whether some of them being like affected as they were, did not like the alteration, as it was greatlie suspected: they yéelded, and accor­ding to the motion made, they left their men in the towne, & went into the foresaid close, & there hauing had conference a pretie while togither, did in the end depart without anie thing doone at all. Whereof as there appéered some weakenesse in the said iustices which were so white liuered, as they would not, or durst not to represse the rages of the people (which they might haue done) so therof also insued such a scab as passed their cure, and such a fire as they were not able to quench. For the commons hauing now their willes, were set vpon a pin, that the game was theirs, and that they had woone the garland before they had runne the race; nothing forecasting what might insue, nor yet accounting what follie it is to triumph before the victorie. Wherfore they assemble & confederat themselues throughout the whole shire in great troops and companies, and doo associat and flocke vnto them the Cornish people, minding to ioine togither, and foolishlie to mainteine what rash­lie they had begun.

The king and councell then occupied in the weightie causes concerning the state of Scotland, being aduertised of this towards rebellion, & respec­ting the speedie redresse thereof, sent foorthwith for sir Peter Carew knight, who then was in Lincolne­shire, and for sir Gawen Carew, Sir Peter Carew and sir Gawen Carew sent into Deuon. who was then at­tendant at the court: and to them commandement was giuen, that foorthwith, and with all spéed they should hasten and depart into Deuon, and there to vse, by the aduise of the iustices, all the best meanes and waies that they might for the appeasing of this rebellion, quieting of the people, and pacifieng of the countrie; and to cause euerie man quietlie to returne to his home, and to refer the causes of their griefs and complaints (if they had anie) vnto the king and councell: and if they then refused so to doo, they to vse such other good means and waies as might be for the suppressing of them. And the councell being dailie more and more aduertised, that these begun rebelli­ons did more and more increase; and doubting of the sequele thereof, by reason that in other places of the realme the like tumults were begun, though not for the like causes; doo direct and giue an order to the lord Russell, then lord priuie seale, and after earle of Bed­ford, that he also should follow and dispatch himselfe into Deuon; and he had a commission to deale in such order as he might best doo for the pacifieng of the said tumults and vprores.

The foresaid two knights, The iusticia­ries doo assem­ble all at Ex­cester. hauing receiued their commission vnder the kings hand, came in post into the countrie, and making their repaire to this citie, doo foorthwith send for sir Péers Courtneie then shi­riffe and the iustices of the peace of the countrie; and vnderstanding, that a great companie of the com­mons were assembled at Crediton, which is a towne distant about seauen miles from Excester, and that among them were the Sampford men: & who were the chiefe of them tooke councell & aduise what was best to be doone, and what waie méetest to be taken. In the end it was concluded, Sir Peter Carew by the aduise of the iustices rideth to Kirton. that the said sir Peter and sir Gawen with others should ride to Crediton, & there to haue conference and spéeches with the said commons, and to vse all the good waies and meanes they might to pacifie & appease them, they then suppo­sing, and being persuaded, that by good spéeches and gentle conferences they should haue béene able to haue compassed and persuaded the said commons. But the people being by some secret intelligence ad­uertised of the comming of the gentlemen towards [Page 1016] them, and they fullie resolued not to yéeld one iote from their determinations, but to mainteine their cause taken in hand, doo arme and make themselues strong, The people at Kirton doo arme them­selues & ram­pire vp the waies. with such armors and furnitures as they had; they intrench the high waies, and make a mightie rampire at the townes end, and fortifie the same, as also the barns next adioining to the said rampires with men and munition, hauing persed the walles of the barns with loopes and holes for their shot.

The foresaid gentlemen knowing nothing here­of, line 10 rode on their iourneie, and being come almost to the towne, they were aduertised how the waies were stopped and rampired, and that they could not ride into the towne. Whervpon they alighted from their horsses, and after a little conference had, they agréed to go into the towne on foot, nothing thinking lesse that they should be stopped or denied to go in on foot. But when they came to the rampires they found the contrarie: for they not onelie were denied to come néere the rampire, but vtterlie were refused to be talked withall: no offers of persuasions nor motions line 20 of conference at all could be allowed. For the sun be­ing in cancer, & the midsummer moone at full, their minds were imbrued in such follies, and their heads caried with such vanities, that as the man of Athens they would heare no man speake but themselues, and thought nothing well said but what came out of their owne mouths.

The gentlemen vpon such checks, taking the mat­ter in euill part, to be so vnreuerentlie and discour­teouslie intreated, with one consent doo agree to line 30 make waie ouer the rampire. But in the aduenture thereof they were so galled both by them which kept the rampires, and speciallie by such as were within the barnes, that they were faine to retire and giue place, with the losse of some, and the hurt of manie. In which distresse, The barns at the townes end at Kirton are set on fire. a certeine seruing man named Fox, and reteining to sir Hugh Pollard, suddenlie set one of the barnes on fire: wherevpon not onelie such as were therein, but all they also which were in the rampires fled and ran awaie. And then the gen­tlemen line 40 hauing recouered the rampire went into the towne; but there they found none except a few poore and old people, the residue trusting better to their héeles than to their armes were fled to a further place: and then they returned againe to Excester without anie thing doone.

The noise of this fire and burning was in post hast, and as it were in a moment carried and blazed abroad throughout the whole countrie; and the com­mon line 50 people vpon false reports, and of a gnat ma­king an elephant, noised and spread it abroad, that the gentlemen were altogither bent to ouer-run, spoile, and destroie them. And in this rage, as it were a swarme of wasps they cluster themselues in great troops and multitudes, some in one place, and some in an other, fortifieng and intrenching them­selues as though the enimie were readie to inuade and assaile them. And among other places one was at a village belonging to the lord Russell named S. Marie Clift distant from Excester about two miles, line 60 where the commons of the countrie thereabout had begun to fortifie the towne for their defense & safetie. An assemblie of the people at Clift Ma­rie or bishops Clift.

The cause and pretense of their dooings herein, was not onelie the burning of the barnes at Credi­ton aforesaid, which all the commons generallie did vse for a cloke of this their rising and rebellion: but this one thing also increased their disposition. It hap­pened that a certeine gentleman named Walter Raleigh dwelling not far from thense, A cause whie they rose at bishops Clift. as he was vpon a side holie daie riding from his house to Ex­cester, ouertooke an old woman going to the parish church of saint Marie Clift, who had a paire of beads in hir hands, and asked hir what she did with those beads? And entring into further spéeches with hir concerning religion, which was reformed, & as then by order of law to be put in execution, he did per­suade with hir that she should as a good christian wo­man and an obedient subiect yéeld therevnto; saieng further, that there was a punishment by law appoin­ted against hir, and all such as would not obeie and follow the same, and which would be put in executi­on vpon them.

This woman nothing liking, nor well digesting this matter, went foorth to the parish church, where all the parishioners were then at the seruice: and be­ing vnpatient, and in an agonie with the spéeches before passed betwéene hir and the gentleman, be­ginneth to vpbraid in the open church verie hard and vnséemelie spéeches concerning religion, saieng that she was threatned by the gentleman, that except she would leaue hir beads, and giue ouer holie bread and holie water, the gentlemen would burne them out of their houses and spoile them; with manie other spéeches verie false and vntrue, and whereof no talke at all had passed betwéene the gentleman and hir. Notwithstanding she had not so soon spoken, but that she was beléeued: and in all hast like a sort of wasps they fling out of the church, and get them to the towne which is not far from thense, and there began to intrench and fortifie the towne, sending abroad into the countrie round about, the news aforesaid, and of their dooings in hand, flocking, and procu­ring as manie as they could to come and to ioine with them.

And they fearing or mistrusting, least the gen­tlemen which were then at Excester, would come vpon them, they first fortified the bridge, which lieth at the end of the towne towards the citie, and laid great trées ouerthwart the same, The towne [...] Clift is forti­fied, and the bridge ram­pired. as also planted cer­teine peeces of ordinance vpon the same, which they had procured and fetched from Topsham a towne not far from thense. But before they came into the towne, they ouertooke the gentleman maister Ra­leigh aforesaid, and were in such a choler, and so fell in rages with him, that if he had not shifted himselfe into the chappell there, Walter Ra­leigh esquier in danger of the rebelles. and had béene rescued by cer­teine mariners of Exmouth which came with him, he had béene in great danger of his life, and like to haue béene murdered. And albeit he escaped for this time, yet it was not long before he fell into their hands, and by them imprisoned and kept in prison in the towre and church of faint Sidwelles, without the east gate of the citie of Excester, during the whole time of the commotion, being manie times threatned to be executed to death. But to the mat­ter.

These the dooings of the commons being aduer­tised to sir Peter Carew, who then was in Excester, assembleth all the iustices & the gentlemen, & confer­reth with them what were best to be doone; and in the end, concluded & agréed that he, sir Gawen Ca­rew, Sir Peter Carew and others ride to Clift. sir Thomas Denis, sir Hugh Pollard, and sun­drie others should ride to Clift, and there to vse all the best meanes they might, for the pacifieng and quieting of them. And accordinglie in the next morning being sundaie they all rode thither: and be­ing come almost to the bridge, they perceiued the same to be rampired, & no waie to be open for them to passe into the towne. Whervpon sir Peter Carew alighted from his horsse, and mistrusting nothing, was going on foot toward the bridge. But such was the rancor and malice conceiued against him, Sir Peter Carew like to be slaine. partlie for religion, and partlie for the burning of the barns at Crediton, which was laid altogither to his fault, that the gunner whose name was Iohn Hamon an alien and a smith, and dwelling then at Woodburie, not far from Clift, by the procurement and abetting [Page 1017] of some there, hauing charged his peece of ordinance there lieng, leuelled the same, to haue shot and dis­charged it at him: which he had doone, if one Hugh Osborne seruant then to sergeant Prideox had not let him and staied his hand.

The gentlemen perceiuing they could not passe into the towne, doo send in a messenger vnto the towne, aduertising them that they were come to talke friendlie with them, as also to satisfie them if they had anie cause of griefe, or were by anie bodie misused. They at this message and motion staggered line 10 a while and cast manie doubts: but in the end they sent word that they were contented, that if sir Tho­mas Denis, sir Hugh Pollard, and Thomas Yard esquier, would come into the towne to them and leaue their men behind them, as also would take order, and giue their faith and promise that no hurt should be doone or offered to be doone vnto them, whiles they were thus in conference togither: The conference of the gentleman with the com­mons at [...]. that then vpon these conditions they would be contented to talke with them. Upon which promise made and line 20 assured vnto them, the foresaid thrée gentlemen went into the towne about ten of the clocke in the fore­noone, and there taried and spent the most part of the daie in much talke and to no purpose: as in the end it fell out.

The other knights and gentlemen, which in the meane while taried without, and waited a long time euen vntill the daie did draw toward night, be­gan to mislike of the matter, some speaking one line 30 thing and some an other; yea and some of them in plaine spéeches said they would ride ouer the water and issue into the towne. But the friends and ser­uingmen of the two knights, respecting the promise made before their entrie into the towne, but especi­allie their masters safetie, which by breach of promise might be put in perill, did vtterlie mislike and were grieued with those spéeches, [...] to­wards among the serving­men. This man [...]as named Richard Carwithian [...]ruant to sir Peter [...]. and whereof began a lit­tle quarrelling among themselues, but foorthwith pa­cified and quieted. And yet some one or two of the companie rode to the waters side, & with their slaues line 40 searched the depth thereof: for at that bridge the wa­ter at euerie tide (by reason that the seas are so néere) swelleth vp and reboundeth. Which thing when they in the towne did sée, foorthwith cried out alarum, and made much a doo; and some of them began and grew into such rages, that the gentlemen within the towne began to distrust their safetie.

Neuerthelesse the conference and talke herewith ended, and they came awaie; who as soone as they were come to sir Peter Carew, they were deman­ded line 50 what they had doone, and how they had sped: who answered; Well inough: & giuing no other answer they rode all togither to Excester, deferring the dis­couerie of their dooings vntill their comming thither. The same night they supped all togither, & after sup­per ended, and all the seruingmen auoided out of that roome, The agrée­ment offered by the commo­ [...]ers. sir Peter Carew demanded of them what they had doone, and what agréement they had made: who answered that the commons had promised, and were contented to keepe themselues in good & quiet line 60 order, and to procéed no further in their attempts: so that the king and the councell would not alter the religion, but suffer it to remaine and tarie in the same state as king Henrie the eight left it, & vntill the king himselfe came to his full age. Sir Peter Carew and all the residue nothing liking this an­swer, being farre from their expectation, were for the time in a great dumpe or studie; but in the end misli­ked and discommended both the matter and the ma­ner of their dealings: insomuch that sir Peter Ca­rew, and sir Péerce Courtneie, then shiriffe of De­uon, openlie, sharpelie, and in plaine termes inueied against them for their slender, or rather sinister dea­lings in so weightie a cause: wherein they all ought rather to haue vsed all meanes to haue suppressed their outrages, than to haue mainteined their fol­lies: and therefore as there was a blame in them, so was there a plaine rebellion in the other.

But though the two knights would haue excu­sed the matter, The gentle­men depart asunder and euerie man shifteth for himselfe. and haue purged their sinceritie here­in; yet on ech side words were so multiplied, that they brake asunder without anie further dealings, and euerie man shifted for himselfe, some one waie some an other waie. The commons vnderstanding hereof stop all the high waies, casting great tren­ches, and laieng great trées ouerthwart the same, The high waies are stopped and intrenched. and doo watch & ward the same: and by that meanes sundrie gentlemen suspecting no such matter, and making waie to their appointed places, were intrap­ped, taken, and put in prison; and manie of them kept in durance, Sundrie gen­tlemen taken and impriso­ned. during the whole time of the com­motion, & abode great hardnesse, and were in perill of life and limme: manie were taken bicause they would be taken, & found fauour; & manie forsaking their houses and home, were driuen to sequester and hide themselues in woods & secret places. In the ci­tie none or verie few remained or taried, sauing six or seuen persons then knowne of: for by conference had before with the maior, it was knowne that the citie was vnprouided of sufficient vittels, méet for such a companie as the foresaid gentlemen were.

The gentlemen which taried and remained in the citie; namelie, sir Roger Blewet knight, A few gentle­men taried in the citie. Iohn Beauchampe, Bartholomew Fortescute, Iohn Courtneie, & Iohn Peter customer, esquiers, and o­thers, did verie good seruice as well in their persons, as in their good aduises and counsels, sauing such as secretlie kept themselues close in certeine houses then vnknowne. Sir Peter Carew rideth to the lord Russell being at George Henton. Sir Peter Carew verie earlie in the next morning tooke his horsse, and the high waies being then not stopped he escaped and rode vn­to George Henton, a place of sir Hugh Paulets in Summersetshire: where was the lord Russell, being then newlie come from London, and vnto him he gaue to vnderstand, how all things had passed: Sir Peter Carew rideth to the court & aduertised the king & coun­cell. The king grieued to heare of the commotion. The determi­ned conquest of Scotland was hindered by the rebel­lion. who foorthwith dispatched and sent him awaie to the king and councell to aduertise them of the same. The king at the first hearing of the matter, was verie much grieued, & in great perplexitie in two respects; the one bicause at this instant the like tumults and rebellions (though for an other cause) were now raised and begun in other places; the other was bicause he was inforced to leaue and giue ouer the appointed attempt for the conquest of Scotland, and to imploie now those soldiors and strangers, whome he had reteined for that seruice, for the quenching of this fire kindled at home.

Neuerthelesse minding to follow the first, The king v­seth all gentle persuasions to reduce the commoners to conformi­tie. and to appease the last, he sent verie courteous letters, gra­tious proclamations, and manie mercifull offers vnto all the commons of these parties, to haue paci­fied and satisfied them, if they had had so much grace so to haue accepted it. The commons being now en­tered in their follies, and hauing driuen the gentle­men to the flight, doo openlie shew themselues trai­tors & rebels: and therefore assembling themselues doo appoint out capteins to direct & order both them­selues, and all their procéedings, The first and chiefe cap­teins of the rebellion. and as the common prouerbe is, Like lips like lettice, as is their cause, so are the rulers, the one being not so bold and euill, as they wicked or woorse. The capteins then are these: Underhill a tailor, Maunder a shoomaker, Seager a labourer, and A [...]sheredge a fishdriuer, with sundrie other such like, the woorst men and the reffuse of all o­thers, thought most méet in this seruice. Howbeit it was not long before, that certeine gentlemen and yeomen of good countenance and credit both in De­uon [Page 1018] and Cornewall were contented, not onelie to be associats of this rebellion: but also to carrie the crosse before this procession, and to be capteins and guiders of this wicked enterprise, as namelie in Deuon sir Thomas Pomeroie knight, Iohn Burie and one Coffin gentlemen: & in Cornewall Hum­frie Arundell and Winneslade esquiers, & Holmes a yeoman, with sundrie others, who for the most part were in the end executed and put to death: and their facts to the memoriall of their perpetuall infamie line 10 recorded in chronicles.

The principall & chiefe capteins in Deuon being fullie resolued by their owne power and authoritie to mainteine & continue the religion, according to the Romish church, & vtterlie to impugne the reformati­sion therof, established by act of parlement; & to sup­port the authoritie of the idoll of Rome (whome they neuer saw) in contempt of their true and lawfull king, The rebels send to the maior of the citie to ioine with them. whome they knew and ought to obeie: these I saie sent their messengers vnto the maior of this ci­tie, line 20 whose name was Iohn Blackaller, to mooue and praie him to ioine with them, they thinking that they hauing by these meanes the libertie to haue frée accesse to and from the citie, and the helpe of the citi­zens, should not want monie or armor, or anie thing else to serue their turne: the maior foorthwith aduer­tised vnto his brethren this motion. And albeit some and the chiefest of them did like & were well affected to the Romish religion: yet respecting their dutie to God, The maior & citizens refuse to ioine or to deale with the rebels. their obedience to the king, their fidelitie to their countrie, and safetie of themselues, gaue their line 30 full resolute and direct answer, that they would not ioine nor deale with them at all.

This answer was nothing liked, and therefore sent they their second messenger, requiring and com­manding them to mainteine the old catholike reli­gion with them, and to doo as they did; or else they would besiege them, and perforce compell them ther­vnto. The maior and his brethren returned their for­mer answer, adding moreouer that they in their doo­ings line 40 were wicked & bad men; & they did & would re­pute them for enimies and rebels against God, their king, and countrie: and so renounced them. The one side therefore as they prepare to besiege the citie, and to worke all the extremities they can, by force to take that which by words they can not obteine: so on the other side the maior and his brethren vpon good aduise, Preparation is made on both sides to withstand the one the other. garded and watched the citie with sufficient men, armed both by daie and by night. The rebels (according to their determination) relieng themsel­ues line 50 vpon a vaine hope, thinking that notwithstan­ding the answer before made; yet because the most part of the citizens were of their opinions, and of the like affections in religion, would not resist them: as also that they had manie friends within the citie, more readie to ioine with them, than to follow the maior, if they might haue the choise what to doo: they came being in number about two thousand persons, to the citie, vpon the second of Iulie 1 [...]49, first ma­king proclamation that if the citie would not yeeld, The citie of Exon besie­ged. line 60 and ioine with them, they would enter with force and take the spoile of it, & so then they vpon the deniall compassed the same round about, and gained vnto them at the first all the suburbs.

And hereof they conceiued such a vaine hope to haue their full desire vpon the citie, that not onelie the number in hope did dailie more & more increase, but also manie of them brought their wiues, horsses, and p [...]niers; persuading themselues, and promising them, The vaine persuasions of the rebels to haue the spoile of the citie. by such a daie and vpon such a daie to enter in­to the citie, and then to measure veluets and silks by the bow, and to lade their horsses home with plate, monie, and other great riches. The maior and his brethren forecasting the perils which might in such a case insue, doo prouide all things necessarie and méet wherewith to defend themselues, and to annoie the enimie. The citie therefore is viewed for armor, The citie is viewed for [...]r­mor and all things are prepared for defense of the citie. men are mustered, soldiers are reteined, capteins in euerie ward appointed, warders for the daie and watchmen for the night assigned, great péeces of or­dinance laid in euerie gate, and placed in all conue­nient places of the wals; mounts in sundrie places erected, as well for laieng of ordinance, as for sa­uing of the soldiers & watchmen from the enimies shot: and nothing was left vndoone, which in anie re­spect that present state and necessitie required.

The rebels likewise intrench the high waies, The rebels stop vp all the waies com­ming to the citie. plash downe trées, breake downe bridges, kéepe watches and wards in euerie place; so that no man could passe to or from the citie without their sufferance. The markets are stopped, vittels are kept from it, and all dealings and intercourses shut and cut off: and hauing (as they bragged) penned and shut vp the townesmen in a coope or mew, The rebels plant their ordinance against the citie & break [...] vp the condu [...] pipes, and burne one of the gates. they plant their or­dinance against euerie gate, and in all other such places as best to serue their turne, and to hurt them within: they burnt the gates, they brake vp the pipes and conduits, aswell for the taking awaie of the water comming to the citie, as also to haue the led to serue for their shot and pellets. But for the bur­ning of the gates, there followed rather a benefit than a hurt thereof: The gates of the citie wer [...] kept open con­tinuallie and rampired within side, as also fiers kept burning all night in the same. for foorthwith there were made certeine rampiers within the gate, which were farre stronger and of more defense than the gates, as also there were fiers continuallie kept euerie night be­twéene the rampiers and the gates: and as for wa­ter, the citie so standeth vpon a little hill, that it is full of springs in euerie quarter within the same, and by that means full and plentifull of euerie good and swéet waters. The citie be­ing full of wa­ter springs they want no water. The citie wals at the west gate were vnder­mined, but [...] countermi­ning the [...] was preuen­ted. Also they in sundrie places did vnder­mine the wals, minding thereby with gunpowder and with other matters fit for fier to haue blowne vp the wals, and so to haue entered in that waie: but herein they were also preuented by this means and in this maner.

The citie it selfe (as is before said) is set vpon a little hill, and lieth verie stéeping towards two of the gates. And at one of these named the west gate, the said rebels had vndermined on the one side, and filled the place with certeine barels of powder, pitch, and other stuffe, méet and apt to receiue fier, and had ap­pointed the night when the same should be set on fier, and so to haue blowne the wals vp. At the same time there was a certeine tinner in the citie, whose dwel­ling was at Teingemouth, named Iohn New­combe, who depended much vpon the goodwill and fréendship of maister William Hurst one of the al­dermen of the citie; and he vnderstanding of such an vndermining to be in working, aduertised the same to maister Hurst, and maketh him priuie how he would preuent the same, which was doone in this ma­ner. For whereas he by a noise vnder the ground did suspect the vndermining to be in working, he tooke a pan of water, & did put the same on the ground, & by shaking of the water in the pan, he by remoouing the pan from place to place, came at length to the verie place, whereas the miners were working, and foorthwith he countermined against the same, The vnder­minings of the wals how it was [...]ound and destroi [...]d. and wrought so néere vnto it, vntill that he might and did sée & looke into it. That [...]oone, he caused all the wals and tirpits in the citie towards euerie stréet, hauing a fall that waie to be drawne at one time, and euerie man to fill therewith a great tub of water at his foredoore; which being [...], he caused them all at one instant to be cast out and emptied, which water run­ning in great abundance towards the said west gate, was conueied into the place countermined, & so entered and drowned the place, which before was [Page 1019] mined: at which time also by the goodnesse of God, there fell a great showre, as the like for the time had not beene séene manie years before, and which at that instant greatlie serued this turne.

The rebels perceiuing themselues disappoin­ted of their purpose, gaue ouer to deale anie further in those attempts: howbeit otherwise they left no­thing vndoone which might be to annoie the citizens. For sometimes they made alarums, as though they with all might and maine would haue giuen the line 10 scale: and indeed they had prouided ladders for the same purpose. Sometimes they by policies would séeke to come to the gates to burne them, and herein they vsed this stratagem. They prouided carts la­den with old haie, Aprettie stra­tagem of the rebels. & driuing the whéeles before them would come to the gate without danger, and so set fier in the gate. But notwithstanding they escaped not scotfrée, for both at the west gate and at the south­gate, their commings being perceiued, the great port péeces were charged with great bags of flint­stones line 20 and haileshot: and as they were approching vnto the gates, the gates were secretlie opened, and the said port péeces discharged, and so they were spoi­led diuerse of them, & by that means they had small pleasure to follow those deuises; as also the citizens to preuent the same, did from thensefoorth kéepe the gates open. The citie gates kept al­waies open. Likewise they would kéepe themselues close in sundrie houses, in the suburbs neere the wals, and would so watch the garrets, that if anie within the citie would looke out at the garrets, was line 30 in the danger of their shot, and some thereby were killed, and manie hurt. Upon which occasion the citi­zens set some part of the suburbs on fier, The suburbs burned and the houses beaten downe. and some part which was next to the wals they beat and brake downe, and so draue the rebels out of those holes. Be­sides this, they had in sundrie places their great or­dinance, so set and placed, that in certeine stréets and places none could go but in perill and danger of their shot, which their deuises were choked, by ma­king of certeine mounts to shadowe the streets line 40 from the same. Diuerse other deuises they practised to the continuall annoiance of the citie, which though they were greeuous and dangerous, yet not to be compared vnto the perils which were within the walles among themselues, and whereof had insued the confusion of the whole citie, had not the Lord God of his goodnesse kept and preserued the same. For the serpent of diuision, The citie di­uided within it selfe into two factions of religion. and the fier of malice, was ente­red into the citie, manie being inuenomed with the one, but more scaulded with the other. line 50

In the citie there were two sorts of people, the one and the greater number were of the old stampe, and of the Romish religion. The other being of the lesser number were of a contrarie mind and dispositi­on, for they wholie relied themselues to the reformed religion, and to the kings procéedings, and indeuou­red themselues to obeie and follow the same. The first were so addicted to their owne fantasies, and their bottels were so far [...]e seasoned with the old wines, The affection and dispositi­on of the Ro­mish faction. that they cannot abide to heare of anie other line 60 religion, than as they were first nuzled in. Wherfore to kéepe and obserue that, was their onelie endeuor, and in respect whereof they regarded not king nor Keisar, passed not for kin nor fréendship, regarded not countrie nor commonwealth, but were wholie of the opinion of the rebels, and would haue no refor­mation in religion; and how so euer all other things fared, that must néeds remaine as in times past had beene vsed.

The discreti­on and great ci [...]cumspecti­on of the ma­gistrates.The magistrates and chéefeteins of the citie, albe­it they were not as yet fullie resolued and satisfied in religion, yet they not respecting that, but chéefelie their dutifulnesse to the king and commonwealth, nothing like the rebellion, nor beare with the same, but they doo all things to defend the citie and them­selues against their rebellious attempts, and like­wise doo their best indeuour to keepe their owne citi­zens in peace and quietnesse. Wherevpon the fauou­rers of the old Romish religion, being inwardlie gréeued, that they could not haue their will, nor ob­teine to haue the gates to be opened, The secret conferences of the papists. that those good and religious men (as they termed them) might come in, they vsed priuat conferences with them, sometimes by secret conferences ouer the wals, som­times by priuat letters priuilie conueied too and fro, by messengers lurking and attending for the same, sometimes by open spéeches in times of truce, and manie times by bils and letters bound fast about ar­rowes, and so shot to and fro: and by these and other such like means they discouered ech one to the other their purposes and wicked deuises and practises: all which tended to this effect, to betraie the citie, and to set vp the religion.

Howbeit, these things were not so secretlie doone, but the same were knowne, & manifest arguments and proofes thereof did appeare. And among sundrie some one of them being one of good credit and coun­tenance, and of the number of the common coun­cell, whose name was Iohn Wolcot a merchant, was so farre inchanted herein, that vpon a certeine daie he being (as his course came about) a cap­teine for the daie and to ward one of the gates that daie, presuming that partlie by reason of his charge that daie, A fond enter­prise of an ex­pert citizen. and partlie for that he was one of the com­mon councell, he might doo more than in déed did ap­perteine to him, he vpon his first comming to the west gate in the morning met with certeine of his confederats, and after conference had with them, went suddenlie out at the wicket of the gate (which gate as then was not rampired) and carrieng the keies with him, went vnto the rebels, and had a long conference with them. But it tooke small effect, for he promised (as it after appeared) more than he could performe, which turned to his great discredit: both for that he himselfe verie hardlie escaped their hands who were bent to haue kept and reteined him, as they did the two others, who went out with him: as also when he came in, was both checked and blamed for his dooings.

At an other time the maior vpon an occasion as­sembled all the commoners vnto the Guildhall, e­uerie man being in his armor, and the papists being then the greater number, some one of them named Richard Tailor a clothier, This Tailor died after in prison for [...] thinking by making of a tumult or an vprore they should be too hard for the o­thers, and so atteine to their purposes, hauing his bowe bent, did nocke his arrow, minding to haue striken the man to whom he leuelled the shot: but ga­ging his hand, and missing his marke, he stroke his owne and best fréend Iohn Peter the kings custo­mer, a gentleman of good countenance and credit, What man purposeth God disposeth who had died thereof, had not the arrow lighted vpon one of his rib bones: a great muttering was like to haue bred a tumult, but the matter knowne it was appeased. Also at an other time there was a practise made with the souldiers, A wicked practise to re­ceiue the re­bels into the castell. who had the charge and cu­stodie of the castell, that they should receiue in at the posterne of the said castell, a certeine number of the rebels; wherevnto the said souldiers through corrup­tion had giuen their consent. The daie and time were appointed for the same: but whether the same by se­cret aduertisement were discouered, or whether the matter were mistrusted, or whether it pleased God to mooue the harts of certeine men to take the view of the castell, & of the maner of the souldiers vsages there: it is most certeine that by the repaire & resort of certeine men, vnder the colour to walke and sée the trecherie, it was espied, and the practises discoue­red, [Page 1020] and their whole deuises preuented. Likewise ma­nie times, and often there were truces made, and sundrie parlees and conferences had with the rebels, which were procured to the onlie end that they might compasse their deuises. And this was a common pra­ctise with them, that when soeuer the parlée was ap­pointed, there should be hostages or pledges put in on both parties: and they as men vpon whom the grea­test weight of the matter did depend, would require to haue the best and most chosen citizens, to be hosta­ges line 10 with them, The chiefest rulers & cap­teins among the commons were the worst men. in stéed and for the safetie of those which they would send to the parlée for them, who for the most part were the reffuse, the scumme, and the rascals of the whole countrie, and yet such they were in this case, as who ruled the rost and bore the whole or chiefest swaie; and the worsse the man, the greater his authoritie among them, which was good inough for so wicked a matter taken in hand, according as the common adage is: Dignum patella operculum, Like lips like lettice. line 20

But during the time of these truces and parlées, there being then a time and scope of libertie to talke and conferre with them euerie man at his pleasure, there wanted no deuises vnder colour of freendlie conferences, Great practise vsed to pro­cure the citi­zens to ioine with the re­bels. to deuise how to compasse their in­tents: howbeit it pleased the eternall God, so to car­rie and rule the hearts of the magistrats, that albeit being nuzled in the Romish religion they were af­fected therevnto; yet they so much respected their du­tie to their prince, and the safetie to their common­wealth, line 30 that they openlie professed they would neuer yéeld the citie so long as they liued, and were able to kéepe and defend the same.

For the maior himselfe maister William Hurst, maister Iohn Buller, maister Iohn Britnall, mai­ster William Periam, & others of the ancientest of the citie, were by sundrie means, waies, deuises, and reasons, persuaded to conioine themselues in this rebellion with the commoners. The faithfull and flat deter­mination of the citizens to refuse the cō ­ioining with the rebels. They all with one mind and one voice gaue a flat answer that in the ci­tie line 40 they had béene brought vp, there they had gotten their liuings, there they had sworne their fidelitie and allegiance to their king and prince, there they had faithfullie hitherto serued him, and there would so continue so long as they could to the vttermost of their powers, all which their promises & auowries (the Lord be praised) they performed.

But to the matter. Sundrie other trecheries & de­uises were practised, which particularlie to recite were verie tedious & to no purpose. The last but the line 50 most perillous practise was this. The last and perilous prac­tise of the re­bels. When these male­contents saw themselues to be preuented in all their deuises, which before they had but secretlie and priuatlie practised, now they conioining themselues togither doo openlie shew and declare themselues, being persuaded that bicause they were the greater number, and that also the most part of the poore peo­ple were wearie, and for want of vittels would not indure to be pinned in anie longer, that therefore manie would ioine against a few, and that the game line 60 would go on their side.

And so on a sundaie, being but two dais before the deliuerie of the citie, about eight of the clocke in the forenoone, a companie of them in euerie quarter of the citie, A pestilent practise. hauing their consorts in a readines to ioine & serue with them (if need so required) get into the streets, walking with their weapons and in their ar­mour, as to fight with their enimies, and crie out; ‘Come out these heretikes and twopenie bookemen; Where be they? By Gods wounds & bloud we will not be pinned in to serue their turne; We will go out and haue in our neighbors, they be honest, good, and godlie men.’ Their pretense and meaning being then, that if anie of the contrarie side had come out, they would haue quarelled with them, and haue taken oc­casion to set vpon him and so raise a new tumult.

But by the prouidence and goodnesse of God it so fell out, that some being in their houses, and some at their parish churches, the maior and magistrates were first aduertised herof, before the others heard a­nie thing of the matter: and they according to their wisedoms pacified the matter, and [...] Iohn Uin­cent, Iohn Sharke, and others the belwedders of this flocke vnto their houses. [...] in the south gate stréet and at the south gate, there was a little stur, which being soone stopped there insued no hurt therof, other than a broken pate or two: for as it fell out, the warders of that gate at that time were a­gainst them and of the greater companie. The papists were disap­pointed of their pur­poses. These and manie other like practises were dailie and continu­allie vsed on the one side, which in the end came to no effect, bicause the Lord kept the citie.

The others on the other side being altogither bent to honor God, obeie the king, and to serue in their commonwealth, were fullie resolued to kéepe and defend the citie, whose cause being iust and good, The determi­nation of the honest & good citizens. was sufficient of it selfe to kéepe them in that mind: and yet their courage was the more, for that they saw the good bent of the maior and magistrates; who, howso­euer they were affected otherwise in religion, yet they were wholie bent and determined to kéepe and defend the citie: and therefore they seeing the indu­strie, carefulnesse, seruice and painefulnesse, of these men, doo fauour, incourage, and countenance them, and (to saie the truth) by the industrie and good seruice of them, the citie was cheeflie kept and preserued.

For there was no seruice to be doone within, nor exploit to be aduentured without vpon the enimie (as manie times there were sallies giuen) but these were the chiefest and commonlie the onelie doo­ers: for which cause the contrarie side maruelouslie maligned at them, and sought by all means how to impeach and indanger them. Which thing being dai­lie perceiued more and more by sundrie arguments, and as wise men séeking how to preuent the same, The best citi­zens con [...]de­rated. did manie and sundrie times confer among them­selues herein, and in the end made a couenant and a faithfull promise among themselues (being then a­bout the number of one hundred persons) that they would stand firmelie and faithfullie to the defense and kéeping of the citie to their vttermost powers.

And if it so fell out, that the rebell and enimie should haue accesse and entrie into the citie, that then they should all méet at the lord Russels (now the earle of Bedfords) house, and there to issue out at the po­sterne of the garden, and to giue the aduenture to passe and to escape awaie, as also if they were resisted that then they to stand togither to their defense. And for this purpose they had then named some one man to be their capteine for this enterprise. And in the meane time, to doo all things circumspectlie for the preseruation of the citie, & by a particular couenant among themselues, did take order, that during the whole beseeging of the citie and their aboad therein, The careful­nesse of the good citizens. a certeine number by course and besides the ordina­rie set watch, should watch, ward, and walke about continuallie both by daie and night, by which means no sleight nor treacherie could be practised, but that they should haue an inkeling and vnderstanding thereof, and which indéed stood and came to such effect that it was the chiefest (if not the onelie) cause of the preseruation of the citie for that time. For there was no seruice, no diligence, no care, nor anie thing wan­ting or left vndoone, which by these men was not doone.

Howbeit the diuell, the author of all diuision and strife, who cannot abide anie vnitie, concord and a­gréement in good causes, did here also hurle in a bone [Page 1021] among these men, whereof had insued a great detri­ment to the common state, and an ouerthrow to themselues, had it not in due time beene preuented. There were two gentlemen within this citie, and both of this companie, A variance between Iohn Courtneie & Barnard Duffeld. the one was borne of a hono­rable house and parentage, named Iohn Courtneie a yoonger sonne to sir William Courtneie of Pore­derham knight, and a man of verie good knowledge and experience in seruice. The other also was a man of verie good seruice, practise, and experience, his line 10 name was Barnard Duffeld, & seruant to the lord Russell, and kéeper of his house in Excester. Both of these were verie forward and carefull in this present seruice against the rebels. But there fell an emulati­on betwéene them, which albeit it be verie commen­dable in good things, & he praise woorthie who can best excell therein: yet when the same shall tend to a di­uision of a publike state, the dissolution of a com­monwealth, the breach of common societie, or the maintenance of anie euill, it is vtterlie to be shun­ned line 20 and lamented.

It happened vpon an occasion offered, that cer­teine of this companie vpon a time issued out at the forsaid posterne and made a sallie vpon the enimies, A sallie made vpon the re­bels. and had such good successe, that some of them they slue, some they tooke prisoners, as also spoiled them of their goods, and brought awaie with them some of their ordinance, namelie basses and slings: howbeit they all scaped not scotfrée, for some of them were ta­ken, some also were hurt, as namelie Iohn Drake, line 30 who the yeare before was the receiuer of the citie was shot through the chéekes with an arrow, which he brought into the citie with him, and one Iohn Si­mons a cooke was so hurt that he died thereof.

But among them all one Iohn Goldsmith being of that companie and seruant to Richard Helierd of the same goldsmith, and a Fleming borne, had the best successe: for in the same skirmish he was taken prisoner by one of the rebels, who offered in taking of him with his bill to haue slaine him. With that line 40 this Iohn Goldsmith fell downe & yeelded himselfe, hauing then in his hand his péece or handgun char­ged, & suddenlie the other not mistrusting nor mar­king the same, he discharged into his verie bellie and so slue him, tooke the spoile of him, and brought the same into the citie with him.

This skirmish though it were not cléere gaines to this companie, yet it so incouraged them, that from time to time they consulted, and in the end determi­ned to make a fresh sallie and to giue a new aduen­ture: wherevpon there fell and grew a disagréement line 50 betwéene the two foresaid Iohn Courtneie & Bar­nard Duffeld, the one affirming that the same was not to be permitted in anie fort or citie, which stood vpon defense or gard, without a verie speciall order of the generall or chéefe capteine, or some vrgent ne­cessitie, especiallie in that present distresse and ex­tremitie, wherein the citie as then did stand. But Barnard Duffeld being verie loth to loose anie part of his credit, or to desist from that he with others line 60 had determined, could by no meanes be persuaded to the contrarie, but plainelie affirmeth that what he had determined should be performed.

Wherevpon the foresaid Iohn Courtneie resor­teth to the maior, [...] broile towards. aduertiseth vnto him the matter, & dealeth so fullie and with such persuasions with him, that the maior assembleth his brethren, and sendeth for the foresaid Duffeld: who being come, the mat­ter was at full debated and discoursed, and in the end concluded that it was verie hurtfull and dange­rous to that present state, that anie such issuing out should be granted or permitted: and therefore praied the said Duffeld to staie his determination, and to be contented. But he being vnpatient, & thinking his credit to be stained, if he should be debarred or de­nied to doo that which he had faithfullie promised, did vtterlie refuse to yéeld to this the maiors request, as also by continuing of talkes, fell out in foule and dis­ordered speaches. Wherevpon to auoid a further in­conuenience, he was commanded to ward. The daughter of this Duffeld, whose name was Fran­cis, hearing that hir father was in ward, and taking in greefe that so great an iniurie (as she tearmed it) should be doone to hir father, came more hastilie than aduisedlie vnto the maior, somewhat late in the eue­ning, & required to haue hir father out of the ward. Which thing being denied vnto hir, shée waxed so warme, that not onelie she vsed verie vnseemelie tearmes and speaches vnto the maior, but also con­trarie to the modestie and shamefastnes required in a woman, speciallie yoong and vnmarried, Francis the daughter of Barnard Duffeld strake the maior in the face. ran most violentlie vpon him, and strake him in the face. This was taken in so euill a part, and fearing that it had beene a set match of some further inconueniences, the common bell was foorthwith roong out: and al­so a rumour spread that the maior was beaten, or killed.

The whole commons immediatlie in great troops, & the most part in armor, ran to the Guildhall, where the maior was, who though he was safe, yet were they so gréeued with this iniurie, that they would in all hast haue run to the lord Russels house, where she was then gone, and haue fetched hir out: but the ma­ior forecasting what inconueniences might insue, and respecting the necessitie of the present state, was not onlie contented patientlie to wrap vp these iniu­ries, but also earnestlie requested the commoners to doo the like: who being so pacified, he went home, and they conducted him into his owne doores. The cha­nons of the cathedrall church which at that time were resident in their houses within the close there, name­lie archdeacon Pollard, treasuror Southron, chan­cellor Luson, and master Holwell, with others of the said church, who ioined with the maior and citizens in this seruice for the safegard of the citie, and did kéepe both watches and wards, and their men readie at all times to serue in euerie alarum and skirmish: they at the hearing of this disordered part were verie much greeued therewith, and they likewise forthwith assembled all their men, and being well armed and appointed, they went to the maior, who was then gone home to his house, and then and there verie friendlie did comfort him, and offred to stand by him and to assist him in all the best seruice they were able to doo for his defense, and safetie of the citie.

The said archdeacon offered, that in proper per­son he would herein stand in his behalfe against all persons whatsoeuer, that would attempt or offer to doo him anie wrong. And in the end, after sundrie friendlie and good speaches, they departed to their homes. And the said archdeacon, euerie daie after, would either come or send to the maior. This maior being a merchant, and onelie exercised in that trade, had small reach in matters of policie or martiall af­faires: he was maior of the citie thrée times, and in euerie yeare there grew some troubles in the citie, but he had such a speciall care & regard to his charge and gouernment, that he would neuer attempt nor doo anie thing therein, but by the aduise and counsell of wise, graue, and expert men: and God so blessed him that he prospered and had good successe in all his dooings.

Besides these and sundrie other former perils, the which the citie manie and oftentimes stood in, and by the goodnes and prouidence of God still ouercomed, there befell and happened a third one, which excéeded all the rest, and where of the greatest danger and pe­rill was feared: and this was famine, or penurie, [Page 1022] which of all other turmoils and perils is most dange­rous, & no other plague to be compared to it. For no force is feared, no lawes obserued, no magistrate o­beied, nor common societie estéemed, where famine ruleth. For as the poet saith: Nescit plebs ieiuna ti­mere. The store of vittels within the citie, for want of prouision in due time, Uittels wax scant within the citie. and by reason of the restreint of the markets, vpon a sudden was verie slender and small, and the same in verie short time spent and consumed. And albeit there were good store of drie line 10 fish, rise, prunes, rasins, and wine, at verie reasonable prices, yet bread which as the prophet saith, Confirmat cor hminis, Strengtheneth mans hart, that wanted: neither was anie to be had. And in this extremitie the bakers and housholders were driuen to séeke vp their old store of puffins and bran, Bread made of bran and of puffins. wherewith they in times past were woont to make horssebread, and to feed their swine and poultrie, and this they moulded vp in clothes, for otherwise it would not hold togi­ther, and so did bake it vp, and the people well conten­ted line 20 therewith. For (as Plutarch writeth) Fames reddit omnia dulcia, nihíl (que) contemnit esuriens: Hunger maketh all things swéet, and the hungrie bellie shunneth no­thing.

But when this also was spent, and nothing now left, and the common people being not acquainted with so hard a diet as famine prescribeth, were ve­rie vnpatient to indure the continuall barking of their hungrie bellies, and therefore they were verie soone & easie to be persuaded, or rather of themselues line 30 contented to yéeld vnto the enimie, to be fed for a time with the stollen fat of his flesh pot, than to abide for a short time a little penurie in hope of a deliuerie, and then to be filled with saturitie and plentie. But the magistrats and graue senators, who in all other causes had shewed themselues wise, carefull and dis­creet; and who hauing receiued sundrie iniuries, did yet without rigour, reuenge or malice, wrap the same vp, respecting rather the common state than their owne priuat cause; so in this matter also being line 40 of a great importance doo verie wiselie & politikelie deale with the said people: The godlie and politike dealings of the magistrates with the poore. The poore are wéekelie libe­rallie relieued. who the poorer they were, the better they were considered, and the more care­fullie prouided for. First, there was a generall collec­tion set and rated throughout the whole citie for their reliefe, and therby they were liberallie euerie weeke considered: which thing being some increase to their stocke and store, All vittels [...]etched into the citie were distributed a­mōg the poore. was the better to their content. Then all such vittels as were to be had within the citie, they either had it freelie, or for a verie small price. line 50

Besides this, manie times when anie cattell came néere vnto the walles of the citie, some shift was made to haue them, or by skirmishing & issuing out for them, or by some other means. And this also what so euer it was, was altogither diuided among them. And as for the prisoners fast fettered in the gaols, they had also their portions, as farre as it would stretch: notwithstanding in the end, for want they were fed with horsseflesh, The prisoners in the gaole did and were driuen to eate horsses. The gentle intreating of the poorer sort. which they liked and were well contented withall. For as the prouerbe is, Hun­ger line 60 findeth no faults but all things are swéet. Be­sides, if anie wrong were offered or iniurie doone to anie of them, it was foorthwith vpon complaint re­dressed: but if anie of them did disorder themselues, it was borne withall, and they in all gentle and cur­teous meanes intreated: as also from time to time persuaded with good words patientlie to abide and be contented: not mistrusting but that God shortlie would send a deliuerance.

And thus, and by these means, in hope almost against hope, The lord Russ [...]l [...] after that the citie had béene be­sieged fiue wéekes tur­neth to this citie up [...] [...] sixt of [...] and deliuer [...] [...] the same. they continued dutifull and obedient, from the second daie of Iulie 1549, vntill the sixt daie of August then folowing, the same being fiue whole wéekes, vpon which daie they were deliue­red by the comming and entrie into the citie of the lord Russell: and which daie in memoriall for euer to endure is kept for a high and holie feast amongst the citizens yearelie vpon the sixt daie of August. Im­mediatlie vpon which deliuerance of the citie, the first care that euerie man had, was to shift and to make prouision for vittels, wherof some hungrie bel­lies were so gréedie, that ouercharging their emptie stomachs too hastilie, they died therewith.

Thus hauing declared something of the state of the citie, and of the dooings therein during the time of this rebellion, though much more might be therein said, let vs now returne to the lord priuie seale, who after the departure of sir Peter Carew to the court, remooued from George Henneton, and came to Honiton, minding from thence to haue passed vnto Excester, if waie had béene open. But being aduerti­sed that the citie was besieged, and that all the waies leading thitherwards were stopped, he remained still in Honiton. Sir Peter Carew in the meane time, according to the former order betwéene them taken, Sir Peter Carew ad­uertiseth the king & councell of the rebelled. was ridden to London, and being before the king, declareth the whole matter at large. Which the king, not liking the disloialtie of his people, promised to séeke a spéedie remedie: and so commanded him to the counecli for the same: and being before them, and hauing at full discoursed the state of the matter, the duke of Summerset being much greeued with the matter, would haue reiected the whole on sir Peter, The duke of Summerset charged sir Peter Carew of the rebelliō. charging him that by reason he had caused the houses to be burned at Crediton, it was the onelie cause of the commotion. But therevnto he answered the ne­cessitie of that seruice, as also declared that he had doone nothing but by a good warrant, and therewith shewed foorth the kings letters vnder his hand and priuie signet.

The lord Rich then lord chancellor replied and said, The king his letters vnder his priuie sig­net counted to be no sufficiēt warrant. The stout an­swer of sir Peter Carew Sir Peter Carew being promised of helpe retur­neth home. that the kings letters were no sufficient warrant, vnlesse he had his commission vnder the brode seale: and therefore if he had right, he should by the lawes be hanged for his dooings. But to this sir Peter an­swered so stoutlie, and charged the duke so déepelie, that in the end he was willed to returne into the countrie, being promised that sufficient helpe both of men & monie should be with spéed sent downe into the countrie. And to this effect he had both the kings and the councels letters vnto the lord priuie seale, and so tooke his iournie backe againe into the coun­trie, and deliuered his letters to the said lord Russell, who in hope of the supplie promised, staied and remai­ned somtimes at Mohonesotre, but most common­lie at Honiton, still looking for that supplie and furni­ture that was promised. The lord Russell is almost l [...]ft forsaken. But hauing long looked for the same in vaine, he was dailie more and more for­saken of such of the common people, as who at the first serued and offered their seruice vnto him. And hauing but a verie small gard about him, he liued in more feare than he was feared: for the rebels dailie increased, and his companie decreased and shrunke awaie, and he not altogither assured of them which remained.

Wherefore distrusting himselfe, & by a false rumor being aduertised that the citie was taken, & in the possession of the rebels; as also how that there was a new sturre or rebellion begun about Sarisburie; he tooke aduise and counsell of the gentlemen and such as were with him what were best to be doone. The gentlemen of Dorsetshire were of the mind, and gaue him aduise, that it were best for him to returne into Dorsetshire, and there to remaine for a time; because it was a place of a more safetie, vntill such time as he were better prouided. And accordinglie the next daie following he tooke his iournie, & rode backe againe with the said Dorsetshire gentlemen. [Page 1023] Sir Peter Carew then being at Mohorosoton, and aduertised hereof, The lord R [...]ssell distru­ting himselfe, i [...] vpon his departure from out of Deuon; but by sir Peter Carew is [...] backe againe. tooke his horsse and came against the said lord Russell, & met him vpon Blacke downe, where was a long conference betweene them both: and in the end he so persuaded the lord, and with such pithie reasons he caried him, that leauing his former determination, he dooth returne againe into Ho­niton; & where he continued thenceforth, sauing one night spent at Oterie saint Marie, where as it fell out he was in more feare than perill. At his being line 10 in Honiton, and dailie waiting and looking for the promised helpe and supplie which came not; he was in an agonie, & of a heauie chéere: not onelie for the want of the men & monie which he had long in vaine looked for, but also because he had spent all that he had brought with him, and could not tell how other­wise to helpe and prouide to supplie his present need: but as it fell out all happened for the best.

For it chanced that there were then three mer­chants of the citie, following and attending vpon him; The mer­chants of Eron procure and borow monie to helpe the lord Rus­sel. Thomas Prestwood notlong before maior of line 20 the citie, Iohn Bodlie, and Iohn Periam, men of great wealth. These men vnderstanding of the heauinesse and griefe of his lordship, make their resort vnto him, and promise to helpe and relieue his agonie and want: and forthwith did procure vpon their credit from the merchants of Bristow, Linne, Tawnton, and elsewhere, such a masse of monie, as which when he had receiued, his griefe was eased. For forthwith he so prouided and furnished himselfe with such necessaries, and with a greater number of line 30 men; that he was now in the better safetie, as also the better able to incounter with the enimie: and it was not long after, but that he had a further supplie from the king, euen to his content. And being now somewhat reuiued, newes was brought vnto him, that the rebels vnderstanding of his distressed state, were comming, and marching toward Honiton to assaile him; and were come as far as Fenington bridge, which is about thrée miles. Wherevpon, he tooke aduise with sir Peter Carew, sir Gawen Ca­rew line 40 & others what were best to be doone. And in the end, after manie spéeches, it was concluded that they should march towards them, and giue the onset vp­on them, The lord Russell mar­cheth towards Fenington bridge. & accordinglie, without further delaies or much talke, it was doone out of hand. For vpon the next morning being a holie daie, they set forth, and came to the bridge aforesaid, where the rebels were indéed: some at the bridge, but the greatest companie in a medow beneath the bridge: who, as soone as line 50 they perceiued the lord Russell and the gentlemen with all their troope to be come, they make them­selues readie to the fight. But the riuer & the bridge being betwéene them, the lord Russell vseth all the policies that he can, how to recouer the bridge; which by bold aduenturing he did in the end: but with the hurt of sundrie of his companie, amongst whome sir Gawen Carew was one, Sir Gawen Carew is hurt at Fe­nington bridge. being hurt with an arrow in the arme.

And hauing recouered the bridge, and the riuer, line 60 all the rebels (such as were escaped) were gathered togither in a medow néere adioining in the lower side of the bridge, vpon whome they so fiercelie fol­lowed, and gaue the onset; that though not without good store of blowes and bloudshed, they in the end gaue the enimie the ouerthrow, and had the vpper hand. The rebels are ouer­throwne at Fenington. And thinking that the victorie was cleere with them, and that the enimie was cleane gone, the soul­diers and seruingmen gaue themselues all to the spoile; and being in the middle of their game, and they nothing thinking lesse than of anie more eni­mies to be comming towards, euen suddenly march towards a new crue of Gornishmen, to the number of two hundred, or two hundred and fortie persons, vnder the conduct of one Robert Smith of saint Germans in Cornewall gentleman; The Cornish rebels giue an onset, and are ouerthrowne at Fenington; their capteine flieth awaie. and who ta­king these spoilers napping, manie of them paied deerelie for their wares. The lord Russell forthwith setteth all his companie in good araie, as the others did the like, and gaue the onset vpon them: betwéene whome the fight for the time was verie sharpe and cruell. For the Cornishmen were verie lustie and fresh, and fullie bent to fight out the matter: ne­uerthelesse in the end they were ouerthrowne, and their capteine, whose combe was cut, sheweth a faire paire of héeles and fled awaie. In these two fights▪ there were reported to be slaine about thrée hundred rebels, which were verie tall men, lustie, and of great courage; and who in a good cause might haue doone better seruice.

The lord Russels companie followed the chase neere thrée miles, & he himselfe then throughlie min­ded and bent to haue passed through to the citie. But one Ioll his foole, who was then in hast come from Honiton, and where he had heard, as also by the waie as he came did heare bels ringing in sundrie parish churches, and supposing the same to be alarum, came with a foule mouth to my lord, and cried that all the countrie behind him were vp, and comming vpon him. Which his report (considering the cruell fights past) was credited, and thought that a new companie was in preparing to follow the for­mer quarels. Wherevpon they all retired and retur­ned againe to Honiton; and from thense his lordship sent his comfortable letters secretlie by a boy apoin­ted and accustomed for the same, vnto the maior of his successe, as also aduertising him of his determi­nation that he would be shortlie with him for the de­liuerance of the citie. Which letters (the citie being then but in a doubtfull and dismaied estate) came in verie good season; and yet in the end scarselie cre­dited by some men, because his comming was not so spéedie as was looked for.

Within verie short time after this ouerthrowe was giuen, The lord Greie and Spinol [...] come with a supplie to the lord Russell. the lord Greie of Wilton with a crue of horssemen, and one Spinola an Italian with three hundred shot, came to my lord; who being aduerti­sed of the ouerthrow of the enimie, and that there were slaine about three hundred persons of them, they were in a great chafe, and much bewailed their euill lucke, that they had not come sooner to haue béene partakers of that seruice. My lord being now of a verie good comfort & courage, aswell for the good successe which he had ouer the enimie, & that his long looked supplie was come, sendeth his other letters to the maior, comforting him, as also as before pro­mising him to be with him verie shortlie; willing him that he should now take but a little patience for a little time. And accordinglie about six daies after, The lord Russell mar­cheth towards Excester for their deliue­rance. on saturdaie the third of August, in good order he set foorth out of Honiton, and marched towards Ex­cester, his companie being aboue a thousand of good fightingmen; and leauing the direct high waie, draweth ouer the downs towards Woodburie, and there lodged and pitched his campe that night, at a windmill apperteining to one Gregorie Carie gen­tleman. Which when the rebels of saint Marie Clift heard of, forthwith, The rebels are ouer­throwne at the windmill. with all their force and power came forth, and marched onwards, vntill they came to the foresaid mill where they offer the fight: and notwithstanding they were of verie stout sto­machs, & also verie valiantlie did stand to their t [...]c­kels, yet in the end they were ouerthrowne, and the most part of them slaine.

Where after the victorie thus gotten, one Miles Couerdale then the preacher, Miles Co­uerdale pre [...] ­cher. and attending vpon my lord in this iournie made a sermon, and caused a generall thanksgiuing to be made vnto God: but [Page 1024] before all was ended, there began a new alarum; and forthwith euerie man to horsse & to harnesse againe. The rebels which remained in the towne of saint Marie Clist, hearing of the euill successe befallen to their neighbours, and they doubting that their turne would be next to receiue the like; doo spread abroad the newes, and request to be aided and assisted. Wherevpon, forthwith in great troopes resorted vnto them a number of their companions out of e­uerie quarter, to the number (as it was said) of six thousand men: and in all hast, they make them­selues line 10 and all things in a readinesse to abide the brunt. Upon the next morning being sundaie, my lord minding to follow on his course, The kings armie mar­cheth towards bishops Clist. commandeth the trumpet to sound, & euerie man to make readie to march forwards. And about nine of the clocke in the same morning, they come to Clist; where the armie is diuided into three parts, and in thrée seuerall pla­ces doo appoint to make entrie into the towne. For in so manie places they had fortified the towne, and made great rampires for their defense. line 20

These rampires were after some bickering reco­uered, Sir William Francis first entreth the rampire. and sir William Francis of Summerset­shire was named to be the first that gaue the aduen­ture, & made the entrie. The commons being dri­uen from the said rampires, ran all into the towne; and there ioine themselues togither to abide the pulse. And as the kings armie was in good order marching into the towne, one of the chiefe cap­teins of these rebels, named sir Thomas Pomeroie knight, kept himselfe in a furze close, and percei­uing line 30 the armie to be past him, and hauing then with him a trumpeter, and a drum [...]lade, commanded the trumpet to be sounded, and the drumme to be stricken vp. At which sound, the lord priuie seale, and his companie were amazed, supposing verelie that there had beene an ambush behind them to haue in­trapped and inclosed them. Wherevpon, they forth­with retire backe in all the hast they may: which when they in the towne perceiued, The kings armie reti­reth. they follow af­ter, and neuer staied vntill they came to the wagons line 40 then being in the high waie; & which now by flieng and retiring of the armie, are the formost and next to the towne. The rebels take the kings wa­gons, muni­tion and trea­sure. And these being laden with munition, armour, and treasure, they take and bring into the towne, where they rifle as much as they could, sa­uing the péeces of the ordinance, which with the shot and pouder they bestowed in places conuenient, and emploied the same against my lord and his compa­nie. line 50

The armie hauing recouered the hill, did there pause a while, and finding themselues to be decei­ued, march backe againe towards the towne: but before they came thither, it was aduertised vnto my lord, that the towne and euerie house therein was fortified and full of men, and that it was not possible for anie to passe that waie without great perill and danger, except the towne were set on fire. Where­vpon order was giuen, that as they passed and ente­red into the towne, notwithstanding it was my line 60 lords owne, they should set the houses on fire. Sir William Francis being in the fore-ward was for­most, Sir William Francis slaine [...] and leauing the [...]aie which he tooke before, tooke now an other waie, [...] [...]hich waie was both deepe and narrow. The [...] being vpon the banks vpon euerie side of the waie, with their stones so beat him, that they stroke his headpéece fast to his head and whereof he died. The armie being come into the towne, they set fire on euerie house as they passed by. Bishops Clist towne set on fire and burnt. The rebels ouerthrowne to the towne. But the rebelles conioining themselues in the middle of the towne, doo stand at their defense, where the fight was very fierce and cruell; and bloudie was that daie▪ for some were slaine with the sword, some burned in the houses, some shifting for themselues were taken prisoners, and manie thinking to escape ouer the water were drowned: so that there were dead that daie one with an other about a thousand men.

The towne thus being recouered, The lord Greie passeth ouer the riuer into Clist heath. and the ouer­throw giuen, the lord Greie desireth to passe ouer the riuer, and to be in the open field, which is a great heath named Clist heath: & this he could not doo, but that he must passe ouer either the water or the bridge, both which were somewhat dangerous, for the water was somewhat mirie and muddie, as also at that time ve­rie deepe, by reason of the flowing of the seas, which causeth the same at euerie tide to swell. Howbeit one Iohn Yard a gentleman, Iohn Yard first giueth the aduenture and findeth waie ouer the water. and who had dwelled thereabouts, knowing the said water, gaue the first aduenture ouer, and found waie neere vnto a mill aboue the bridge; and after him others doo followe. But this was not for all the rest of the armie, who must needs passe ouer the bridge, which as then they could not doo, by reason that the same was so ouer­laid with great trées and timber, as also there stood the gunner with his péece readie charged. A proclama­tion, that whosoeuer recoue­reth first the bridge to haue foure hundred crownes. Wherevp­on proclamation was made, that whosoeuer would aduenture and make waie ouer the bridge, should haue foure hundred crownes for his labor. Then one foorthwith more respecting the gaine, than foreca­sting the perill, gaue the aduenture: but the gunner rewarded him, for he discharged his péece vpon him, and slue him. The bridge recouered. And then before he could againe charge his péece, one of the companie, who before was pas­sed ouer the water, came and entred the bridge at the further end, and comming behind him slue him; who foorthwith calleth companie vnto him, and casteth a­side all the trees and timber, and maketh the bridge cléere, and so the whole armie passeth ouer the bridge into the heath.

The lord Greie as soone as he was passed ouer the water, he rode foorthwith to the top of the hill, which is in the middle of the heath; and from thense did make a view of all the countrie about him: and looking backe towards Woodburie, he saw and espied vpon Woodburie hill a great companie as­sembled; & marching forward, & suspecting that they were a new supplie appointed to follow and come vp­on them, and aduertised the lord Russell therof. All the priso­ners before taken are committed to the sword. Wher­vpon it was concluded, that the prisoners whom they had before taken at the windmill and in the towne, who were a great number, and which if they were newlie set vpon, might be a detriment and a perill vnto them, should be all killed: which foorthwith was doone, euerie man making a dispatch of his priso­ners; and then the night approching, there they in­camped themselues for that night.

The rebelles, which were and laie about Excester, were aduertised out of hand of this the euill successe of their neighbors, wherefore they with as manie as they could get, in all hast came to Clist heath: and in the lower side thereof next to the high waie, doo intrench and fortifie a place fast by a hedge, and se­cretlie there, in the night, doo place their ordinance, & make themselues in readinesse to abide the brunt: and as soone as the daie light serued, discharge and shoot off their péeces vnto the armie incamped about the top of the hill. The lords and capteins to end the quarrell, doo determine to giue the onset vpon them; and according to the nature of warres, doo politike­lie diuide themselues into thrée parts, and euerie one hath his place assigned and order appointed vnto him.

The lord Russell, hauing no waie open before him, causeth his pioners to make waie ouer the hedges & inclosed grounds, and by that means dooth at length recouer vpon the verie backe of the enimies: and they were so intrapped on euerie side, that they could [Page 1025] not by anie meanes escape, but must yeeld or fight. The one they would not, and in the other they preuai­led not. For notwithstanding valiantlie and stout­lie they stood to their tackle, and would not giue ouer as long as life and lim lasted: The rebelles [...] ouerthro­wen upon Clist heath. yet in the end they were all ouerthrowen, and few or none left aliue. Great was the slaughter, and cruell was the fight; and such was the valor and stoutnesse of these men, that the lord Greie reported himselfe, that he neuer in all the wars that he had béen in did know the like. line 10

Sir William Francis bu­ried at Exces­ [...] ▪This fight being doone, and all things set in good order, the whole armie marched vnto Topsham, which was about a mile off, and laie in that towne all that night, and carried with them in a horslitter the bodie or corps of sir William Francis, and from thense carried it to Excester, where it was buried in martiall manner verie honorablie in the bodie of the cathedrall church of saint Peters. When the rebels who laie about the citie heard how their neighbors had sped, The rebels forsake the [...]ne. and from time to time had the worse side, line 20 and were still ouerthrowen: then as men despairing to preuaile, secretlie gaue ouer the siege and ran apase euerie man his waie. The gentlemen, which were kept prisoners in the churches and in other pla­ces about the citie, being now at libertie, came straight to the walles about midnight, & gaue know­ledge thereof to the watch; and they foorthwith did the like vnto the maior. The ioie and comfort wher­of was so great, and the desire of fresh vittels so much persed, that manie not abiding till the daie­light, line 30 gat and shifted themselues out of the gates, but more for vittels than for spoile, and yet they were glad of both: howbeit some did not long enioie the same, for manie being more gréedie of meat than measurable in féeding, did so ouercharge themselues in surffetting, that they died thereof.

The next morrow being tuesdaie and the sixt of August, the lord priuie seale thinking it long before he came to the citie, commanded the trumpets verie earlie to sound, and euerie man to make readie and line 40 to prepare awaie. And accordinglie all things being doone, he marcheth towards Excester, and about eight of the clocke being tuesdaie the sixt of August 1549 he came to the same, to the great ioy & comfort of the long captiuated citizens, The lord Russell com­meth to Ex­cester. who were no more glad of their deliuerie, than was his lordship and all good subiects ioyfull of his victorie. But at his com­ming he entred not into the citie: for being aduerti­sed from the maior that the citie was altogither vn­furnished of vittels, order was taken that no stran­ger, line 50 nor one nor other should enter into the citie, but lie in the campe for a time. Then his lordship pitched his tents without the wals in S. Iohns fields, next to Southing haie, & vpon the cities wals next to the posterne of his house was the kings standard of the red dragon set vp. The maior and his bre­thren salute the lord Rus­sell, and he embraceth them. As soone as he was entred into his tent, the maior & all his brethren in most séemelie & decent order went vnto him, who most louinglie embrased them, most thankefullie accepted them, and most highlie commended them for their truth, line 60 dutie, and seruice, which vpon his fidelitie and honor he did promise should be well considered by the kings maiestie, The king thankefullie accepteth the seruice of the [...], and libe­rallie rewar­deth the same. and which in the end was performed. For the king being aduertised thereof, he did not onelie thankefullie accept and highlie commend their ser­uices, but also rewarded and considered the same, both by confirmation of their charters, inlarging of their liberties, and augmenting of their reuenues, in giuing vnto them the manor of Exilond, which as was said was sometimes their ancient inheritance, but by power of the earles of Deuon by force taken, and by wrong and iniurie kept from them.

Immediatlie after his comming, sir William Herbert then master of the kings horsses, and after earle of Penbroke, The Welsh­men came too late to the fight, but soone inough to the spoile. came with a thousand Welsh­men: who though they came too late to the fraie; yet soone inough to the plaie. For the whole countrie was then put to the spoile, and euerie soldier sought for his best profit: a iust plague of the Lord vpon re­bels and disloiall persons. But the citie being as yet altogither destitute of vittels, and the Welshmen at their first comming séeing the same, they did by their speciall industries & trauels fraught & furnish the same within two daies with corne, cattels, and vittels, verie plentifullie, to the great reléefe and comfort of the people therin, The lord pri­uie seale ta­rieth at Exon rewardeth the good and puni­sheth the euill. Sir Peter Carew, sir Gawen Ca­rew, William Gibbes, re­warded with traitors lands. & to the benefit of them­selues. The lord priuie seale remained and continued in this citie aboue twelue daies before he remooued: setting all things in good order, rewarding the good & punishing the euill. To sir Peter Carew he gaue all Wineslades land, to sir Gawen Carew Hum­frie Arundels lands, to William Gibbes esquier Beries lands, and to manie others which had doone good seruices he gaue prisoners, both bodies, goods, and lands.

On the other side he commanded forches and gal­lowes to be set vp in sundrie places, as well within the citie as also in the countrie; and did command and cause manie to be executed and put to death, e­speciallie such as were noted to be chiefe and busie dooers & ringleaders in this rebellion. Among them all there was no one so exalted as was Welsh the vicar of saint Thomas neere the Exbridge at Exce­cester, who was preferred and presented to that bene­fice by the lord Russell patrone thereof. This man had manie good things in him, he was of no great stature, but well set and mightilie compact: he was a verie good wrestler, shot well both in the long bow as also in the crossebow, he handled his handgun and péece verie well, he was a verie good woodman and a hardie, and such a one as would not giue his head for the polling nor his beard for the washing, he was a companion in anie exercises of actiuitie, & of a cour­teous and gentle behauiour, he descended of a good honest parentage, being borne at Penuerin in Cornewall; and yet in this rebellion an archcap­teine and a principall dooer. He was charged with thrée principall crimes. The first was, Thrée things laid to the charge of the vicar of saint Thomas. that he did not onelie persuade the people to the contemning of the reformed religion, according to the kings procée­dings, and to keepe and obserue the Romish and po­pish religion: but also did erect, kéepe, and vse the same in his parish church. Secondarilie, he was a capteine and a principall dealer in the cause of the re­bellion, which was chieflie directed by him, his order, & aduise. Thirdlie, The rebels hang King­well. he caused one Kingwell a tinner of Chagford, and seruant to master Iohn Charels of Tauestoke to be hanged, bicause secretlie he had conueied letters betwéene my lord and his master, and was earnest in the reformed religion, which was then termed the kings procéedings, & an enimie to the popish state. And being a sharpe inueier against the one, and an earnest mainteiner of the other, it procured vnto him great hatred and malice: when the rebellion was begun he sought by all the meanes he could how to escape awaie: but he was so nar­rowlie watched, that he could neuer haue anie opor­tunitie so to doo.

They vsed all the deuises they could to recouer him to their opinions, sometimes with faire words, sometimes with threatenings, and sometimes with imprisonments: but still he inueied against them, calling them rebels and traitors both against God and the king, and foreprophesied vnto them that de­struction and confusion would be the end & reward of their dooings. Thus when they could not reclame him to their disposition, then by the order and iudge­ment of this vicar Welsh, he was fetched out of the [Page 1026] prison, and foorthwith brought foorth before Caiphas and Pilat, and condemned to be hanged: which was executed vpon him foorthwith, and he brought to an elme tree in Exilond, without the west gate of the citie, before the house of one Nicholas Caue, and there hanged. The like crueltie or rather tyrannie was doone at Sampford Courteneie, where when a certeine Frankelin a gentleman, named William Hellions, who comming to Sampford to haue some communication with them for the staie of their re­bellion, line 10 and for the pacifieng of them in their due obe­dience, was at the townes end taken prisoner, & ca­ried to the churchhouse, where he so earnestlie reproo­ued them for their rebellion, & so sharplie threatened them an euill successe; that they all fell in a rage with him, and not onlie with euill words reuiled him: but also as he was going out of the churchhouse & going downe the staires, one of them named Githbridge with a bill strake him in the necke, and immediatlie notwithstanding his pitifull requests and lamentati­ons, line 20 a number of the rest fell vpon him, slue him, and cut him into small péeces: and though they coun­ted him for an heretike, yet they buried him in the church-yard there, but contrarie to the common ma­ner, laieng his bodie north and south.

These things being called to remembrance and obiected against this vicar, although some men in re­spect of his vertues and good gifts did pitie and la­ment his case, and would haue gladlie beene sutors for his pardon: yet the greatnesse of his lewdnesse line 30 and follies considered, they left him vnto his deserts: & so was by order of the marshall law condemned to death. And yet this one thing by the waie I must speake in his commendation. There was among the rebels a stranger and an alien, The rebels appoint to set fire on the citie and to burne it. who was a verie skilfull gunner, & could handle his peece verie well, and did much harme vnto the citie, & among others slue one Smith standing at a doore in northgate street with a great shot from saint Dauids hill. This fellow tooke vpon him, that he would set the whole citie on line 40 fire, and it should be cleane burned within foure houres, doo they what they could. This his offer was so well liked, that the daie and time was appointed when this should be doone.

The vicar hearing thereof, assembleth vnto him as manie men as he could make and haue, The vicar of saint Tho­mas lette [...]h and will not consent to the burning of the citie. & came to this companie when this fire should be kindled, and was so hot and earnest against their attempts, that he would in no wise suffer so lewd an act and wicked a thing to be doone. For (saith he) doo you what line 50 you can by policie, force, or dint of sword to take the citie, I will ioine with you, and doo my best: but to burne a citie which shall be hurtfull to all men and good to no man, I will neuer consent therevnto, but will here stand with all my power against you. And so stout he was in this matter, that he stopped them from their further enterprising of so wicked a fact. But to the matter. The execution of this man was committed to Barnard Duffeld, who being no­thing slacke to follow his commission, caused a paire line 60 of gallowes to be made, and to be set vp vpon the top of the tower of the said vicars parish church of S. Thomas: and all things being readie and the stage perfected for this tragedie, the vicar was brought to the place, and by a rope about his middle drawne vp to the top of the tower: The vicar is hanged in chaines vpon the top of the tower with his popish trash and or­naments a­bout him. and there in chains hanged in his popish apparell, and had a holie water bucket and sprinkle, a sacring bell, a paire of beads, & such other like popish trash hanged about him, and there he with the same about him remained a long time. He made a verie small or no confession, but verie pa­tientlie tooke his death, he had béene a good member in his common-wealth, had not the weeds ouer­growne the good corne, and his foule vices ouercom­med his vertues.

The lord priuie seale remaining still in Excester was continuallie occupied in setting things in order, he was verie seuere and sharpe against suth offen­dors as were chiefe and principall ringleders of this rebellion: but to the common sort who were led and carried, and who did humble themselues, he was pi­tifull and mercifull, and did dailie pardon infinite numbers. And his lordship thinking verelie that all things were now quieted, & the rebels pacified, sud­denlie newes were brought vnto him that there as­sembled at Sampford Courtneie, both Deuonshire­men and Cornishmen, The rebels assembled at Sampford Courtneie. and who were fullie bent to mainteine their quarrell and abide the battell. These newes so troubled and tickled my lord, that all busi­nesse set apart, he commandeth foorthwith the trum­pet to be sounded, and the drumme to be striken vp, and all his armie to be foorthwith mustered: which was then the greater, by reason of the Welshmen and gentlemen of the countrie and of the commo­ners, who vpon submission had obteined pardon, and increased to the number of eight or ten thousand men, and foorthwith he marcheth towards Sampford Courtneie, where sir William Herbert requested to haue the fore-ward for that daie, which was granted him.

And being come thither, albeit the great compa­nie of so manie good souldiers and well appointed might haue dismaied them, being nothing nor in or­der, nor in companie, nor in experience, to be com­pared vnto the others: yet they were at a point they would not yéeld to no persuasions, nor did, but most manfullie did abide the fight: and neuer gaue ouer, vntill that both in the towne and in the field they were all for the most taken or slaine. The rebels ouerthrowne at Sampford Courtneie. At which time one ap Owen a Welsh gentlman, more boldie than aduisedlie giuing the aduenture to enter the rampier at the townes end, was there slaine by the rebels, and after carried backe to Exon, where after the ma­ner of wars he was honorablie buried in the bodie of saint Peters church, few of the kings side besides him then slaine: and so of a traitorous beginning they made a shamefull ending. Neuerthelesse manie escaped and they fled towards Summersetshire: af­ter whom was sent sir Peter Carew, and sir Hugh Paulet then knight marshall: with a great compa­nie attending vpon them, Sir Peter Carew pur­sueth the re­bels which fled to King Weston. and followed them as far as to King Weston in the countie of Summerset: where they ouertooke them and ouerthrew them, and also tooke one Coffin a gentleman their capteine pri­soner and brought him vnto Excester.

The lord Russell himselfe minding to make all things sure, taketh his iorneie, The lord pri­uie seale ta­keth his ior­neie into Cornewall. and marcheth into Cornewall; and following his former course, causeth execution to be doone vpon a great manie, and espe­ciallie vpon the chéefe belwedders and ringleaders: but the cheefe and principall capteins he kept as pri­soners, and brought them with him to Excester. And when this lord had set all things in good order, The lord pri­uie seale ta­keth his ior­neie towards London and is honoura­blie receiued▪ he re­turned to Excester, & remained there for a time; but after departed towards London, where he was recei­ued with great ioy and thanks: and being come be­fore the king, he forgat not to commend vnto his ma­iestie the good seruice of this citie in this rebellion, which (as is before said) was liberallie rewarded and considered. After his departure, and according to his order and appointment, the chéefe capteins and prin­cipall heads of this rebellion, The chéefe capteins of the rebels are caried to Lon­don and there put to death▪ whome he left in prison in the kings goale at Excester, were caried to Lon­don and commanded to the tower, and in their due time were afterwards executed to death, namelie Humfreie Arundell esquier, Wineslade esquier, Iohn Berrie and Coffin gentlemen, and Holmes yeoman; which Coffin and Holmes were seruants [Page 1027] to sir Iohn Arundell knight. Of the number of them who were slaine, there is no certeintie knowne, but manie more be found lacke then numbred: howbeit it was accounted by such as continued in the whole seruice of this commotion to be about foure thousand men. But what number was of the contrarie side dispatched, nothing is reported, albeit it be well knowne that they escaped not scotfrée, and especial­lie the Burgonians, who were abhorred of the one partie, and nothing fauoured of the other. Thus much line 10 concerning the description of the citie, and of the sundrie inuasions and assaults against the same, and especiallie of the last rebellion or commotion in the yeare of our Lord 1549, wherein much more might be spoken, but this may suffice for this matter. And for as much as the cathedrall church of this citie, cal­led by the name of S. Peters, is a parcell of the citie, and compassed within the wals of the same, though in respect of certeine priuileges distinct from the iu­risdiction thereof; I thought it good to subnect here­vnto line 20 the description of the said church▪ and of the an­tiquitie of the same.

The antiquitie, foundation, and buil­ding of the cathedrall church of saint Peters in Excester.

AFter that corrupt religion and super­stition was crept and receiued into the church, and the people become deuout line 30 therein, then began the erecting of re­ligious houses and monasteries in e­uerie countrie. And as this was vniuersall through­out all christendome vnder the gouernement of the Romane bishop: so also was it generallie doone throughout all England, in which generalitie this ci­tie was of a particularitie; for in this citie from time to time as opportunitie serued sundrie religious hou­ses and monasteries were erected and builded, The religi­ous houses within the [...] of the [...] of S. Peters. of which there were thrée within the site, circuit, and line 40 place now called the close of S. Peters, and which in time accrued and were vnited into one. The first was a house for women called moniales or nuns, which is now the deanes house or Kalendar haie. The other was a house of moonks, supposed to be builded by king Ethelred, the third sonne to king Ethelwolph, and these two were vnited by bishop Leofricus vnto the cathedrall church. The third was a house for moonks of the order of S. Benet, which was builded and founded by king Athelstane, about the yeare of line 50 our Lord 932: and this is that part of the cathedrall church now called the ladie chappell. For the said king, hauing driuen out of this citie the Britons then dwelling therein, and minding to make a full conquest both of them and of this their countrie which they then inhabited, did so fiercelie follow and pursue them euen into Cornewall, that in the end he con­quered them, King Athel­ [...]ran builded the wals of the citie of stone. and had the victorie. After which he re­turned to this citie, and here staieng and soiourning for a time, did reedifie the citie, incompassed it with line 60 a stone wall, and founded the cathedrall church, which he then appointed for a monasterie for moonks of S. Benets order. For so is it written: Hanc vrbem rex A­delstanus primus in potestatem Anglorum, effugatis Britoni­bus redactam turribus muniuit, Ex pamphleto [...] S. Io­hannis Baptistae Exon. & muro ex quadratis lapidi­bus cinxit, ac antiquitùs vocatam Munketon nunc Exester vocari voluit: ac ibi sedens mansum quoddam dedit ad fun­dandum monasterium pro monachis Deo & sancto Petro fa­mulantibus. Ex chronica [...] cathred. [...]. Besides the charges which he was at the building of the said church, he gaue also lands and reuenues vnto them sufficient for maintenance and liuelihoods, whereof Morkeshull and Treasurors béere are parcell, and which now are appendant and apperteining to the treasuror of the cathedrall church.

After the time of king Athelstane, The Danes spoile the church of S. Peters. the Danes with great hostilitie and crueltie hauing ouerrun this whole land, they also came to this citie, and in spoiling the same, did also ransacke and spoile the said church, whose continuall inuasions the moonks being not a­ble to indure, fled and forsooke their house and home, and sought places of better safetie. The moonks forsake their monasterie. By which means this monasterie for sundrie yeares was left destitn­ted, vntill the time of king Edgar; who on a time made a progresse into these west parts, to visit his fa­ther in law Odogarus then earle of Deuon, Floreshistori­arum. and founder of the abbeie of Tauistoke, whose daughter he had married. And being come to this citie, did here rest and staie himselfe, where when he saw the distressed state of the said church, & pitieng the same, King Edgar restoreth the abbat and moonks to their house. caused search and inquirie to be made of the moonks which were scattered and yet left: and when he had gotten them togither, he restored them vnto their house and liuelihoods, and appointed Sidemannus who was afterwards bishop of this diocesse to be ab­bat of the same. Sidemannus abbat of this church, and after bishop of this dio­cesse. And from thensfoorth they continued togither (though sometimes in troubles) vntill that king Swanus or Sweno the Dane, with a mightie and a huge armie came to this citie, besieged, tooke, spoiled, and destroied it with sword and fier. Howbe­it not long after it was restored againe by king Cahutus or Canutus, K. Canutus restoreth both lands & priui­leges to the church. who being aduertised of the great cruelties which his father Sweno had doone to the said monasterie, did at the request of Atheldre­dus one of his dukes, make restitution vnto Athel­woldus then abbat of all their lands, liuings and pri­uileges: as dooth appeare by his charter dated in the yeare of our Lord 1019.

After this, about thirtie yeares, king Edward the Confessor came to this citie, and he by the aduise and at the motion of Leofricus bishop of Crediton, and who sometimes was lord chancellor of England vn­der the said king, and one of his priuie councell, partlie for the better safetie of the bishop and his suc­cessors, who lieng and hauing their houses in the countrie, were subiect to manie and sundrie perils, and partlie to prouide a more conuenient place for the moonks, did remooue the bishops sée from Credi­ton, and remooued the moonks vnto Westminster: The bishops sée remooued from Credi­ton to Exon. and he the king in his owne person, togither with quéene Edith his wife, did install the said Leofricus in possession of this his new church and sée. The bi­shop thus remooued from the old, Leofricus the first bishop of Excester. and placed in the new sée and church, dooth endow the same with all those lands and liuelihoods which he had of the gift of the said king, and which before did apperteine to his former church, and to reduce and make his sanctua­rie to his mind, pulleth downe the two monasteries néere adioining, the one being of moonks and the o­ther of nuns, and addeth and vniteth them vnto his owne church, and hauing brought all things to effect according to his mind, deuiseth and maketh lawes, orders, and ordinances for the good gouernment of his church and cleargie.

After the death of Leofricus, all his successors for the most part procure the augmentation and increase of this their new erected see and church, some in liue­lihoods, some in liberties and priuileges, some in buil­dings, and some in one thing, and some in another. William Warewest the third bishop of this church, The king at the request of William Warewest bi­shop, giueth Plimpton, Brampton, & S. Stephans to the church of Excester. who had sometimes béene chapleine to the Conque­ror, and to his two sonnes William and Henrie, was in such fauor and good liking with the Conque­ror, that at his request he gaue vnto him and to this his church. Plimpton, Brampton, and S. Stephans, in Excester, which gift his said sonnes being kings of England did ratifie and confirme. And then the said bishop, hauing the ordering and distributing [Page 1028] thereof, giueth Plimpton to the regular moonkes there, for whom he had founded and builded a mona­sterie, and wherein he himselfe shortlie after leauing and yéelding vp his bishoprike, became and was a moonke. Brampton was reserued to the church, and which afterwards was annexed to the deanerie. And S. Stephans with the fee to the same apperteining, he reserued to himselfe and to his successors, & where­by they are barons and lords of the parlement. This bishop in the yeare of our Lord 1112, first began to inlarge his cathedrall, The founda­tion of the quier of S. Peters church. and laid the foundation of that line 10 part, which is now the chore or quier: for before that time it was no bigger than that, which since and now is called the ladie chapell. After him William Brewer the bishop made and established in the yeare of our Lord 1235, Bishop Wil­liam Brewer instituteth the deane & foure and twentie prebendaries. a deane and a chapter of foure and twentie prebendaries: and for the deane (whome he appointed, and whose name was Serlo) and for his successors, he gaue and impropriated Brampton and Coliton Rawleigh, and for the pre­bendaries he purchased lands, alloting and assign­ing line 20 to euerie of them Pro pane & sale the like portion of foure pounds.

Peter Quiuell the bishop finding the chancell of his church to be fullie builded and ended, The bodie of saint Peters church first founded. beginneth to found and build the lower part or the bodie of his church, in the yeare of our Lord 1284, from the chan­cell of his church vnto the west end of the said church. This man first appointed a chanter and a subdeane to be in his church. The chanter and subdeane first consti­tuted in this church. To the one of them he impropriated Paineton and Chudleie, and to the other the perso­nage line 30 of Eglosehaile in Cornewall. After him Iohn Grandisson, Bishop Gran­disson a great benefactor to the church. in the yeare of our Lord 1340, did in­crease the length of the bodie of the church from the funt westwards, as also vaulted the roofe of the whole church, and did fullie end and finish the same. And al­beit from the time of king Athelstane the first foun­der in the yeare of our Lord 932, The church of S. Peters was in buil­ding 437 yeares. vntill the daie of the death of this bishop Grandisson, which was in the yeare 1369, there were about 437 yeares di­stant, and in the meane time this church was conti­nued line 40 in building by sundrie persons: yet it is so de­centlie and vniformelie compacted, as though it had béene builded at one verie time and instant.

The successour of this Grandisson, who was na­med Thomas Brentingham, finished and ended the north tower of the church. The cloister builded. After this, about the yeare of our Lord 1400, and in the time of bishop Stof­ford, the cloister was added to the church, and builded at the most part of the charges of the deane and cha­piter. line 50 And not long after Edmund Lacie bishop began to build the chapiter house, The building of the chapiter house. which being not en­ded in his time, his next successor George Neuill, in the yeare of our Lord 1456, did fullie end and ab­solue the same: and which is a verie faire, beautifull, and a sumptuous worke. And thus much concerning the antiquitie, foundation, and building of this ca­thedrall church. Thus far Iohn Hooker.

About the same time that this rebellion (whereto all the foresaid discourse tendeth) began in the west, line 60 the like disordered hurles were attempted in Ox­fordshire, Iohn Fox. and Buckinghamshire: but they were spée­dilie appeased by the lord Greie of Wilton, who com­ming downe that waie to ioine with the lord priuie seale, chased the rebels to their houses, of whome two hundred were taken, and a dozzen of the ringleaders to him deliuered, wherof certeine afterwards were executed. Common rebellion. Moreouer, in diuerse other parts of the realme, namelie in the south and east parts, did the people (as before ye haue heard) assemble themselues in rebellious maner, committing manie foule disor­ders: but yet by good policie and holesome persuasi­ons they were appeased, except in Norffolke, where after there was a rumour spred, that the commons in Kent had throwne downe the diches and hedges, wherewith certeine pasture grounds were inclosed, and had laid the same open. Diuerse seditious per­sons and busie fellowes began to complaine that the like had not béene doone in Norffolke, Norffolke. and ceased not to practise how to raise the people to an open rebelli­on; meaning not onelie to laie open parkes and in­closures, but to attempt other reformations, as they termed them, to the great danger of ouerthrowing the whole state of the common-wealth.

They chieflie declared a spitefull rancor and hate­red conceiued against gentlemen, whome they mali­ciouslie accused of inordinat couetousnesse, pride, ra­pine, extortion, and oppression, practised against their tenants and other, for the which they accounted them worthie of all punishment. The begin­ning of the rebellion in Norffolke. Herevpon diuerse of them, namelie the inhabitants of Atilborough, and other of their neighbors, conceiuing no small dis­pleasure, for that one Gréene of Wilbie had taken in a parcell of the common pasture, as was supposed, belonging to the towne of Atilborough, and adioi­ning to the common pasture of Harsham, riotouslie assembled togither, and threw downe certeine new diches made by the said Gréene, to inclose in the said parcell of commons.

This was doone before Midsummer, and so it re­sted till the sixt of Iulie, A conference to further this rebellion in a méeting at a publike plaie▪ at which time there should be a publike plaie kept at Wimondham, a towne di­stant from Norwich six miles, which plaie had béene accustomed yearelie to be kept in that towne, conti­nuing for the space of one night and one daie at the least. Wherevpon the wicked contriuers of this vn­happie rebellion, tooke occasion by the assembling of such numbers of people as resorted thither to see that plaie, to enter further into their wicked enterprise: and vpon conference had, they immediatlie assem­bled at Morleie a mile from Wimondham, & there they cast downe certeine diches of maister Hub­bords on the tuesdaie, and that night they repaired to Wimondham againe, where they practised the like feats. But as yet they tooke no mans goods by vio­lence.

Herevpon one Iohn Flowerdew of Hetherset gentleman, Iohn Flow­erdew. finding himselfe grieued with the cast­ing downe of some diches, came vnto some of the rebels, and gaue to them fortie pence to cast downe the fenses of an inclosure belonging to Robert Ket, Robert Ket. aliàs Knight, a tanner of Wimondham (which pasture lieth néere to the faire Wounge at Wimondham aforsaid) which they did. And that night consulting to­gither, the next morning they tooke their iourneie to Hetherset, by the procurement of the said Robert Ket, in reuenge of the displeasure which he had con­ceiued against the said Flowerdew, and set them in hand to plucke vp and cast downe hedges and diches, wherewith certeine pasture grounds belonging to the said Flowerdew were inclosed.

Here was somwhat adoo. Ket chosen [...] be capteine of the rebels. For maister Flowerdew did what he could to haue caused them to desist from that attempt, in somuch that manie sharpe words passed betwixt Ket and the said maister Flowerdew. But Ket being a man hardie and forward to anie desperat attempt that should be taken in hand, was streight entered into such estimation with the com­mons thus assembled togither in rebellious wise, that his will was accomplished: and so those hedges and diches belonging to the pasture grounds of mai­ster Flowerdew were throwne downe and made plaine. Herevpon was Ket chosen to be their cap­teine and ringleader, who being resolued to set all on six and seuen, willed them to be of good comfort, and to follow him in defense of their common libertie, being readie in the common-welths cause to hazard [Page 1029] both life and goods.

Herewith they passed the water betwixt Crin­gelford and Eiton, and comming to Bowthorpe, cast downe certeine hedges and diches in that place, and their number being now greatlie increased, they in­camped there that night. Here sir Edmund Win­dam knight, being high shiriffe of Norffolke and Suffolke, came and proclamed them rebels, com­manding them to depart in the kings maiesties name. With which proclamation they were greatlie line 10 offended, and attempted to haue got him into their hands: but he being well horssed, valiantlie brak [...] through them that had compassed him in: howbeit he escaped from them and got into Norwich, being not past a mile off. The same night there came a great number of lewd people vnto them, as well out of the citie of Norwich as out of the countrie, with weapon, armour, and artillerie.

The citizens [...] Norwich.The daie before that Ket came to this place, a great number of the meaner sort of the citizens of line 20 Norwich had throwne downe a quickset hedge, and filled vp the diches, wherewith the foresaid commons were on the one side inclosed, to kéepe in the cattell of the citizens that had the same going before their common neatherd: and so that fense which by good and prouident aduise of their forefathers, had beene raised and made for the common profit of the whole citie, was thus by a sort of lewd persons defaced and cast downe at that present. And scarse had they throwne downe the dich in the vpper end of this pa­sture, line 30 but that a companie of euill disposed persons stale out of the citie, and got them to Kets campe. The maior of the citie named Thomas Cod aduerti­sed hereof, Thomas Cod. doubting what might follow of this mis­chiefous begun rebellion, thought good to trie if he might persuade the rebels to giue ouer their traito­rous enterprises: and therfore taking certeine of the aldermen with him, he went to Kets campe, vsing what persuasions he could to reduce them vnto their dutifull obedience, & to depart home to their houses. line 40 But his trauell was in vaine, and therefore retur­ned backe to the citie without hope to doo anie good with that vnrulie rout.

After whose departure, they considering in what danger they stood to be surprised, if they should scat­ter abroad in such sort as till then they had doone, séeking to wast and spoile the countrie about them, without kéeping togither in anie warlike order, thought it stood most with their suertie to draw into one place, and to fortifie the same for their further line 50 strength. Upon this resolution they determined to go with all spéed vnto Mousehold, a place as they tooke it meet for their purpose, and therefore sent to the maior of Norwich, The rebels request licence to passe tho­rough Nor­wich. requesting him of licence to passe through the citie, bicause it was their néerest waie, promising not to offer anie iniurie or violence to anie person, but quietlie to march through the citie vnto their place appointed. But the maior did not on­lie denie them passage, but also with sharpe and bitter speach reprouing their rebellious dooings, told them what whould follow thereof, if they gaue not ouer in line 60 time from further proceeding in such wicked at­tempts.

Sir Roger Woodhouse.The next daie being thursdaie, sir Roger Wood­house with seuen or eight of his houshold seruants, came to them, bringing with him two carts laden with beere, and one cart laden with other vittels: for a recompense whereof he was stripped out of his ap­parell, had his horsses taken from him, and whatso­euer else he had, the rebels accounting the same a good preie, he himselfe was cruellie tugged and cast into a dich of one Mores of nether Arleham by Hei­lesdonbridge; where the same daie the rebels, being disappoint [...]d of their purpose to passe through Nor­wich, found meanes to passe, and comming to mai­ger Corbets house of Sprowston, intended to haue burnt the same house. But yet being persuaded to spare it from fire, they spoiled his goods, defaced a douehouse of his, which had beene a chappell, and after­wards got them to Mousehold, and comming to S. Leonards hill, on which the erle of Surrie had bu [...]t a statelie house called mount Surrie, Mount Sur­rie. they inken­nelled themselues there on the same hill; and in the woods adioining that lie on the west and the south side of the same hill, as the commons or pasture cal­led Mousehold heath lieth on the east side, Mousehold. which con­teineth foure or fiue miles in length, & thrée or foure in bredth.

They put sir Roger Woodhouse, and other priso­ners whom they had caught, in streict ward within the foresaid house of mount Surrie, on the which they seized, and spoiled whatsoeuer they found within it. In the meane time, the maior of Norwich taking aduise with his brethren the aldermen, what was best to doo in this case▪ whether presentlie to issue foorth, and distresse the rebels now in the beginning, least time might giue them meane to increase their pow­er: or rather to staie till they had aduertised the councell of the whole matter. In the end they agréed that this last aduise was most surest, and so they dis­patched a post with all spéed to the court. Beside this great campe (as they termed it) at Mousehold, there was a lesser at Rising chase neare to Lin: Rising chase. but the rebels there, by the good diligence and circumspect po­licie of the iustices and gentlemen of those parts, were spéedilie repressed, and driuen from thence. Notwithstanding afterwards they assembled togi­ther at Watton, & there remained about a fortnight, stopping also the passage at Thetford and Brandon ferrie, within nine miles of the said Watton: Watton. and at length came and ioined themselues with these other at Mousehold, by appointment of their ge­nerall capteine (as they tooke him) the foresaid Ro­bert Ket.

Moreouer, there came flocking from Suffolke and other parts, a great multitude of lewd disposed persons, raised by firing of beacons, and ringing of bels. Also a number of rascals & naughtie lewd per­sons stale out of the citie of Norwich, and went to campe. And thus being got togither in great multi­tudes, they added one wickednesse to another, as ha­uing no staie of themselues after their downefall, nor holding them content with the committing of one villanous trespasse and horrible transgression, according vnto the poets words to the like purpose:

Quisnam hominum est, quem tu contentum videris vno
Flagitio?—

Now to cloke their malicious purpose with a coun­terfeit shew of holinesse, they caused one Coniers vicar of saint Martins in Norwich to saie seruice morning and euening, Counterfeit religion. to praie to God for prosperous spéed in that their vngodlie enterprise. Moreouer they went about to ioine to their cause diuerse honest men, and right commendable for religion, doctrine, vertue, and innocencie of life; amongst whome were Robert Watson a preacher, Thomas Cod maior of Norwich, and Thomas Alderich of Mangréene hall. These thrée, although sore against their willes, were constreined to be present with them in all matters of counsell, and to take vpon them (as associats with capteine Ket) the administration and order of euerie thing: which happened well for manie. For when ci­sher Ket himselfe, or anie other of the capteins, through setting on of the outragious multitude, pur­posed anie mischéefe (as often it came to passe) in one place or other, through their graue aduise, and approo­ued industrie, their furie was sundrie times staied and calmed. Although Ket bent to all vngratiousnes, [Page 1030] would diuerse times grant foorth commissions, abu­sing now and then the names of honest men thereby, appointing his vntheistie mates to fetch in vit­tels to furnish their campe withall. The tenor of one of the which commissions here insueth.

The forme of a warrant granted out by the rebels to take vp vittels.

WE the kings friends & deputies, doo grant licence to all men, to line 10 prouide and bring into the campe at Mousehold, all maner of cat­tell, and prouision of vittels, in what place soeuer they may find the same: so that no violence or iniurie bee doone to any honest or poore man. Commanding all persons as they render the kings honor and roiall ma­iestie, and the releefe of the common welth, to be obedient to vs the gouernors, and to line 20 those whose names insue.

Signed Robert Ket.

Then followed in order a long list of names, for the number of the gouernors was great, as they that beside the chéefe capteins had chosen out of euerie hundred two, and there were six and twentie hun­dreds. By vertue of such commissions, manie that were of good worship and credit in the countrie, whom the rebels in their rage had condemned, Gentlemen imprisoned. were line 30 fetched from their houses, and other places where they might be found, and being brought to the campe, were committed to prison. Also the ditches and hed­ges, wherewith the commons abrode in the countrie were inclosed, were throwne downe, & manie were warned and called foorth from sundrie parts, to come and take part with them in these tumultuous vp­rores. And all these things were doone, the maior, maister Watson, and maister Aldrich not onlie hol­ding their peace and winking thereat, but also some­time line 40 after a maner giuing their consent to the same. For to haue resisted them had béene but follie, and the waie to haue put themselues in danger of de­struction, and their countrie too.

The honest citizens of Norwich in this meane while remained in great perplexitie, hearing no­thing from the king nor his councell. They therefore being vncerteine what to doo, abode in the citie, till they might vnderstand what order it should please the king to take for the quieting of these troubles. The cause why the councell was thus slacke in proui­ding line 50 remedie against the Norffolke rebels, was: for that they were busie in quieting the troubles in the inner part of the realme about London, and other places (as before ye haue heard) by meanes whereof the power of these Norffolke rebels still increased, so that there were assembled togither into Kets campe, to the number of sixtéene thousand vngratious vn­thrifts, The number of the rebels. who by the aduise of their capteins fortified themselues, and made prouision of artillerie, powder and other abiliments, which they fetched out of ships, line 60 gentlemens houses, and other places where any was to be found, and withall spoiled the countrie of all the cattell, riches and coine, on which they might laie hands.

But bicause manie (as in such case is euer seene) did prouide for themselues, and hid that which they got, laieng it vp for their owne store, and brought it not foorth to further the common cause, Ket and the other gouernors (for so would they be called) thought to prouide a remedie, Rebels and théeues can not kéepe to­gither with­out ministra­tion of iustice. and by common consent it was decréed, that a place should be appointed, where iudge­ments might bée exercised, as in a iudiciall hall. Whervpon they found out a great old oke, where the said Ket, and the other gouernors or deputies might fit and place themselues, to heare and determine such quareling matters as came in question. Afore whom sometime would assemble a great number of the re­bels, and exhibit complaints of such disorders, as now and then were practised among them; and there they would take order for the redressing of such wrongs and iniuries as were appointed, so that such gréedie vagabounds as were readie to spoile more than séemed to stand with the pleasure of the said go­uernors, and further than there commissions would beare, were committed to prison. The trée of reformation. This oke they na­med the trée of reformation.

The maior, maister Aldrich and others, whome they had receiued into the number of their gouer­nours, would oftentimes go vp into this tree, and make diuerse pithie orations to persuade the outra­gious multitude to giue ouer their riotous capines and spoilings. There were also certeine diuines which did vse all waies possible to withdraw them from their wicked attempts, and to reduce them to peace and quietnesse, although this was not doone without danger of their liues. Neuerthelesse, these in the daie time vsed to preach in the churches, and in the night to watch with armour vpon their backes, leauing no­thing vndoone that might séeme to apperteine vnto the dutie of godlie and vertuous diuines, or faithfull and obedient subiects. Among these was doctor Mat­thew Parker. afterward archbishop of Canturbu­rie, whose wisdome, faithfulnesse, Doctor Par­ker. and integritie was most apparant.

He comming on a daie into the campe with his brother Thomas Parker, that was after maior of Norwich, sound them before the tree at common praier, the foreremembred Coniers vicar of saint Martins in Norwich saieng the Letanie. Wherevp­on doctor Parker thinking the time to serue for his purpose, went vp into the tree, He preacheth to the rebels. where he made a sermon, diuiding it into thrée seuerall parts. In the first he exhorted them to vse with moderation those vittels which they had prouided & brought into their campe, and not riotouslie nor lauishlie to wast and consume them. In the second he aduised them in no wise to séeke reuenge of priuat displeasures, and not to chaine or kéepe in irons those persons whom they held in ward, nor to take anie mans life from him. Lastlie, he wished that they should haue regard to themselues, & leaue off their rash begun enterprise, giuing eare to such heralds or other messengers as came from the king, and to shew such honour vnto his maiestie now in his yoong and tender yeares, as they might inioy him hereafter being growne vp in vertue, to their great ioy, comfort, and gladnesse. As he was handling this matter, The rebels threaten doc­tor Parker. with manie good and effectuall reasons, hauing the auditorie atten­tiue to his words, one lewd fellow among the rest cried out and said; ‘How long shall we suffer this hire­ling doctor, who being waged by gentlemen, is come hither with his toong, which is sold and tied to serue their appetite? But for all his prating words, let vs bridle them, and bring them vnder the orders of our law.’

Then began the multitude to stur and make a noise, threatening the preacher, some of them saieng; It were well, that for his faire told tale we should bring him downe with a mischiefe, with arrowes and iauelings. This spéech brought doctor Parker in no small feare, and the more, for that he heard a noise and clattering of weapons vnder him, so that he looked for present death among them. But herein he was deceiued: for there was not a man that stood next him within the compasse of the trée, would him anie harme. And immediatlie the foresaid vicar of [Page 1031] S. Martins that executed the office of the minister, began with helpe of some singingmen that were present, Doctor Par­ke [...] conueieth [...]selfe from [...] the re­ [...]s. the canticle Te Deum, wherewith the vnru­lie multitude seemed partlie to quiet themselues. Which occasion doctor Parker perceiuing to serue his turne, thought not longer to tarie amongst them, but quietlie got him downe from the trée, and with his brother made hast towards the citie. But before he came to Pockthorp gate, there were of the rebels that came to him, and began to question with line 10 him about his licence, whereby he was authorised to preach: but he perceiuing that there was no rea­son to be conceiued of them, slipt his waies, and left his brother to argue the matter with them.

Yet the next daie he entring into saint Clements church, tooke occasion to expound somewhat out of one of the lessons that was read that daie, concer­ning these wicked hurliburlies; manie of the rebels comming about him, but not interrupting him a whit, hearing the end of his exhortation, although line 20 they séemed greatlie therewith offended. But as he came out of the church, they followed him, and told him that (as they vnderstood) he had three or foure able geldings to serue the king: and therefore charged him that after dinner they might be readie for them to occupie. But doctor Parker made them no great answer, The policie of [...]ctor Par­ker to beguile the rebels. but calling to him his horssekéeper, com­manded him to plucke off the shooes from some of his geldings, and to pare their hooues vnto the quicke; and that he should annoint the other with line 30 neruall, as if they had béene lamed with trauell. The rebels perceiuing this, when they saw the same geldings had forth as it had béene to pasture, made no further businesse. Wherevpon doctor Parker shortlie after, feining as if he went abroad to walke two miles off from the citie, at Crinkleford bridge found his horses readie as he had appointed, with his seruants, and mounting vp, tooke his iourneie to­wards Cambridge, with as much spéed as was pos­sible, escaping thither out of all danger, although by line 40 the waie they met with and saw diuerse of the re­bels plaieng their parts in their woonted outragious maner. Thus did doctor Parker escape the hands of the wicked rebels, who despising his wholesome ad­monitions, did afterwards by Gods iust iudgement proue his words to be most true.

But in the meane time proceeding from one mis­chiefe to another, after they had practised to spoile the gentlemen of the countrie of their goods, they began to attach their bodies, and by force to bring them in­to line 50 their campe: so that such as escaped their hands, were glad to flée, and hide themselues in woods and caues, where they might best keepe themselues out of their aduersaries reach and intended dangers. But to speake of all the horrible practises by these vngratious people exercised, The falsifieng [...] the kings [...]missions. it would be too long a processe. What shifts they found to cloake their doo­ings, and that euen vnder the kings authoritie, it is woonderfull. For whereas there were certeine commissions directed vnto diuerse gentlemen in line 60 the countrie, to take order for the appeasing of these tumults; they getting the same into their hands, tooke vpon them the authoritie committed to the gentlemen, vnto whome the same commissions were sent; and taking off the seales from the other, fastened the same vnto their counterfeit writings. To conclude, they grew to such vnmeasurable disor­der, that they would not in manie things obeie nei­ther their generall capteine, nor anie of their gouer­nors, but ran headlong into all kind of mischiefe, & made such spoile of vittels which they brought out of the countrie adioining vnto their campe, [...] that within few daies they consumed (beside a great number of béefes) twentie thousand muttons, also swans, géese, hens, capons, ducks, & other foules so manie as they might laie hands vpon. And furthermore, they spa­red not to breake into parks, and kill what déere they could. Such hauocke they made of all that came in their waie, and such number of shéepe speciallie they brought into their campe, that a good fat weather was sold for a groat. The woods, groues, and trées that were destroied I passe ouer, and make no men­tion thereof. Herewith, what crueltie was shewed by them in fettering and manacing such gentlemen as they caught, The outragi­ous dealing a­gainst gen [...]lemen. and committed to prison for some misliking they had conceiued of them, it was a mi­serable case to behold. Some there were whom they brought foorth▪ as it had béene to iudgement before the tree of reformation, there to be tried afore the go­uernors, as if they had béene guiltie of some heinous and gréeuous crime. And when it was asked of the commons, what should be doone with those prisoners, they would crie with one voice; Hang them, hang them. And when they were asked why they gaue so sharpe iudgement of those whome they neuer knew, they would roundlie answer, that other cried the same crie; and therefore they ment to giue their as­sent with other, although they could yéeld no reason, but that they were gentlemen, & therefore not woor­thie to liue.

Whilest the rebels thus raged abroad in the coun­trie at Hengham eleuen miles from Norwich, Sir Edmund Kneuets ser­uice. sir Edmund Kneuet knight, with a small companie of his owne meniall seruants, set vpon the night­watch of the rebels that were placed there, & brake through, ouerthrowing diuerse of them: and hauing some of his owne men also vnhorssed by the rebels, and in danger to be hewen in peeces among them, yet he recouered them, & escaped their hands through great manhood. After which good nights seruice, as they would haue it esteemed, they repaired to their great capteine Ket, to shew their hurts receiued, & to complaine of their griefes. It was talked among them, that they would go to sir Edmund Kneuets house called Buckenham castell, to assault it, and to fetch him out of it by force. But it was doubted of some, least it were too strong for them; and other feared sharpe stripes, if they should attempt that ex­ploit, being at the least twelue miles from their maine campe: and so that enterprise went not for­ward, the most part thinking it best to sléepe in whole skins.

There was at London the same time a citizen of Norwich, one Leonard Southerton fled from thence for feare of his life, Leonard Southerton. whome the councell sent for, to come to speake with them: and being asked what he knew touching the state of the rebels, he de­clared to them from point to point the maner of all their outragious procéedings: but yet that as he vn­derstood, there were manie among them that would laie aside their armour, if they might be assured of the kings pardon: and therefore if it would please the king to set foorth a proclamation, that all such as would depart from the campe and be quiet, should haue their pardon for all that was past, he doubted not but that those routs should be dispersed. His ad­uise was allowed, and therevpon was an herald sent with all spéed in companie with the said Sou­therton vnto Norwich; & comming into the campe the last of Iulie, and standing before the trée of refor­mation, apparelled in his cote of armes, pronoun­ced there before all the multitude, with lowd voice, a frée pardon to all that would depart to their homes, and laieng aside their armour, Pardon pro­clamed by an herald at armes. giue ouer their trai­torous begun enterprise.

After he had made an end of his proclamation, in maner all the multitude cried, God saue the king. And manie of them falling downe vpon their knées, [Page 1032] could not forbeare with teares gushing from their eies, but commend the kings great and vnspeak­able mercie thus freelie offered vnto them, which vn­doubtedlie they had at that time all of them recei­ued, if the wicked speech of some of the rascall sort, and namelie the traitorous persuasions of that wic­ked caitife Ket himselfe, had not staied them from their dutifull inclinations. But after that Ket had with lowd voice before declared, that kings & prin­ces were accustomed to grant pardons to such as line 10 are offendors, and not to others; he trusted that he néeded not anie pardon, sith he had doone nothing but that belonged to the dutie of a true subiect: and here­with he besought them not to forsake him, but to re­member his promise, sith he was readie to spend his life in the quarell. The herald herevpon called him traitor, and commanded Iohn Petibone the swordbearer of Norwich to attach him for treason. Then began a great hurlie burlie among the multi­tude, so that the herald, perceiuing they began to line 20 shrinke from their former purpose of receiuing the kings pardon, departed from them with these words; All ye that be the kings friends, come awaie with me. The maior & maister Alderich, with a great num­ber of other gentlemen & honest yeomen that were readie to obeie the kings commandement, followed him.

The maior being thus returned to the citie, caused the gates to be shut, The citizens fauouring the rebels. and such gentlemen as had béen committed to prison within the castell, or other pla­ces line 30 in the citie, he caused to be set at libertie, & with their aduise tooke order how the rebelles might be kept out. But as he was busie about such matters, certeine of the citizens that fauored the rebelles had receiued a great multitude of them into the citie, which did put the citizens in such feare, that it was thought the most suretie for the gentlemen that had beene now released out of prison, to be shut vp a­gaine, least the rebelles finding them abroad, should haue murthered them. Yet after this, when the re­bels line 40 were departed out of the citie againe, the ma­ior & aldermen fell in hand to rampire vp the gates, to plant ordinance, and to make all necessarie proui­sion that for them was possible.

At length they fell to shooting off their artillerie as well from the citie as from the campe, dooing their best to annoie ech other. But when the rebelles saw that they did little hurt to the citie with their great ordinance lieng vpon the hill, they remoued the same downe to the foot of the same hill, and from thense be­gan line 50 to beat the walles. Notwithstanding, shortlie after they made sute for a truce to indure for a time, that they might passe to and fro through the citie, to fetch in vittels, whereof some want began to pinch them in the campe. The maior and aldermen flatlie denied their request, protesting that they would not permit anie traitors to haue passage through their citie.

The rebels sore kindled in wrath with this an­swer, and deniall of their sute, came running downe from the hill, and assaulting the gates, were beaten line 60 off with shot of arrowes and other weapons. And yet such rage appéered among the rebels, that the boies and yoong lads shewed themselues so desperat in gathering vp the arrowes, that when they saw and felt the same sticking in some part of their bodies, they would plucke them foorth, and deliuered them to their bow-men, that they might bestow the same again at the citizens. In all this broile (a thing note­worthie) the seditious sort minding nothing more than the compassing of their purpose, had as little staie of themselues in this their outrage, as a bull at the sight of a cow, or a stoned horsse at the view of a mare; according vnto the old saieng of the poet:

Non facile est taurum visa retinere iuuenca,
Fortis equus visae semper adhinnit equae.

In the meane time, whilest they were thus busie vpon one side of the citie, an alarum rose at the de­fendants backes, crieng that the rebels were entred the citie on the contrarie side: and so euerie man shrinking awaie, and running thither to repell the enimie there, that part was left void of defendants where the first assault began. Whereof the rebels be­ing aduised, rushed into the riuer that runneth before bishops gate, got to the gates, and breaking them o­pen, entred without anie great resistance. For all the citizens were withdrawne to their houses and o­ther places, where they hoped best to hide themselues from the furie of their enimies.

The rebels hauing thus entred the citie by force, The rebelles conueie artil­lerie and mu­nition out of the citie to their campe. conueied all the guns and artillerie, with other fur­niture of warre out of the citie into their campe. The herald that was yet abiding in the citie, to see if the rebels would before the daie prefixed for their par­dons, being not yet expired, giue ouer their enter­prise, came with the maior into the market place, and in the hearing of a great multitude of people that were come foorth and stood about him, he eftsoons gaue commandement in the kings name, that they should laie armes aside, The h [...]ralds proclamation in Norwich. and get them home to their houses: which to so manie as did, he pronounced a ge­nerall pardon, and to the rest extreme punishment by death.

The rebels that stood by and heard him, when he had once made an end of his proclamation, bade him get him thense with a mischiefe: The traito­rous refusall of the rebels to accept the kings pardon. for it was not his faire offers, nor his swéet flattering words that should beguile them, sith they made no account of such manner of mercie, that vnder a colour of par­don, should cut off all their safetie and hope of preser­seruation. The herald perceiuing how obstinatelie they were bent, and set on all mischiefe, and that it was vnpossible to bring them from their outragious treason, either through feare of punishment or hope of pardon, departed; without hauing brought that to passe for which he was sent. Immediatlie after his departure, the rebels sought for Leonard Souther­ton, purposing to haue apprehended him, and com­mitted him to prison, for accompanieng the herald thitherwards. But he hauing knowledge of their meaning, hid himselfe from them.

After this, Prisoners committed toward in moūt Surrie. there were by Kets commandement apprehended diuerse persons, as the maior, Robert Watson, William Rogers, Iohn Homerston, William Brampton, and manie others, which were brought out of the citie, and committed to prison in mount Surrie. Ket perceiuing well that he must either now obteine a bloodie victorie by force against his countrie, or else to tast such an end as his vn­gratious attempts did well deserue, got togither so manie wicked persons as he might procure to come vnto him from ech side, with great rewards and faire promises: Kets power increaseth. so that it was a strange matter to consider what a multitude of vnthrifts and rascalles came to him vpon the sudden.

The citizens of Norwich were sore displeased, that their maior (being an honest man, and one greatlie beloued among them) should be imprisoned, and so remaine in danger of life among the rebels: for they threatned him sore, & ies [...]ing at his name, would saie one to another; Let vs all come togither to morrow, for we shall sée a Alluding to the maior whose name was Cod. cods hed sold in the campe for a pe­nie. Wherevpon the citizens fearing least through the malice and rage of the rebels, their maior might chance to be made awaie among them, procured maister Thomas Alderich (whose authoritie was great among them) to be a meane for his deliue­rance: who comming to Ket with sharpe and bitter [Page 1033] words reprooued him for his cruell dealing, by im­prisoning so honest a man as the maior was, The maior of Norwich set [...]. and withall commanded him to release him: which either for shame, or rather through feare of a guiltie consci­ence that pricked him, he caused incontinentlie to be doone: who therevpon might now and then go and come at his pleasure to and fro the citie. But bicause he could not still remaine in the citie, but was con­streined to continue for the most part in the campe, he appointed Augustine Steward to be his deputie, line 10 who with the assistance of Henrie Bacon, and Iohn Atkinson shiriffes, Augustine Steward. gouerned the citie right orderlie, and kept the most part of the citizens in due obei­sance.

The councell aduertised now vpon the heralds returne, that there was no waie to reduce these Norffolke rebels vnto quiet otherwise than by force, appointed the marquesse of Northampton with fif­téene hundred horssemen to go downe vnto Norwich to subdue those stubborne traitors that so vndutiful­lie line 20 refused the kings mercifull pardon, fréelie offered by his officer at armes, and others. There went with the lord marquesse diuerse honorable and worshipfull personages, The lord marquesse of [...]thamp­ [...]a sent into [...]uffolke to [...] the [...]. as the lord Sheffeld, the lord Went­worth, sir Anthonie Dennie, sir Henrie Parker, sir Richard Southwell, sir Rafe Sadler, sir Iohn Clere, sir Rafe Rowlet, sir Richard Lée, sir Iohn Gates, sir Thomas Paston, sir Henrie Beding­field, sir Iohn Suliard, sir William Walgraue, sir Iohn Cuts, sir Thomas Cornewallis knights, to­gither line 30 with a great manie of other knights, es­quiers and gentlemen, and a small band of Italians, vnder the leading of a capteine named Malates [...]a.

Norwich summoned.The lord marquesse being approched within a mile of Norwich, sent sir Gilbert Dethicke knight, now Garter, then Norrie, king at armes, vnto the citie, to summon them within to yéeld it into his hands, or vpon refusall to proclame warre against them. Herevpon Augustine Steward the maiors deputie sent to the maior that was in the campe with line 40 Ket, aduertising him what message he had receiued from the marquesse. The maior sent word againe, that nothing was more greeuous vnto him, than to sée into what miserie the citie and countrie about were brought by the rage of these commotions; and declaring in what case he stood, being kept by force among the rebels, wheras otherwise he would (ac­cording to his dutie) haue come to his honor. But as for the citie, he had committed the gouernance vn­to Augustine Steward, who should be readie to sur­render line 50 it into his lordships hands: and that if Ket would giue him leaue, he would come himselfe to his honor, submitting all things wholie to his lord­ships order and disposition.

This message being brought backe by the said Norrie, Augustine Steward the maiors deputie with the shiriffs, and a great number of the citizens, came to the lord marquesses campe, and deliuered vp the sword to his lordship, declaring how the ma­ior himselfe would gladlie haue come, if he could line 60 haue got from the rebels: and that although a great rowt of the lewd citizens were partakers with the rebelles, yet a number of the substantiall & honest ci­tizens would neuer consent to their wicked doings, but were readie to receiue his lordship into their citie. The lord marquesse giuing good woords to the citizens, and willing them to be of good comfort, sith he trusted to appease these troubles verie shortlie, Sir Richard Southwell. deliuered the sword vnto sir Richard Southwell, who bare it before the lord marquesse as he passed foorth towards the citie, entring the same by saint Ste­phans gate. And incontinentlie was proclamation made that they should all resort into the market place, where they consulted togither how they might best defend the citie against the enimies, and to re­presse their furie. Herevpon was order giuen for the placing of watch and ward about the gates and the wals, as might séeme expedient. The lord marquesse supped that night and lodged in the maiors deputies house; but his lordship as well as other kept their ar­mour on their backs all that night, for doubt of some sudden assault to be made against the citie by the re­bels. Here it chanced that the strangers, The strāgers offer skirmish to the rebels. either by appointment or otherwise, went foorth, and offered skirmish to the rebels vpon Magdalen hill.

The rebels came foorth with their horssemen: but it séemed that they were better practised to fetch in booties, than to make their manage or careire, and therefore not able to match the strangers, which be­ing perceiued of their fellowes that were footmen, they put foorth their archers before their horssemen, and such numbers herewith came swarming foorth of their campe, meaning to compasse in those stran­gers, that they perceiuing the maner and purpose of the enimies, cast themselues in a ring, and retired backe into the citie againe. But they left one of their companie behind them, a gentleman that was an I­talian, who more valiantlie than warilie ventured too farre among the enimies, and through euill hap be­ing ouerthrowne beside his horsse, he was inuironed about with a great multitude of those rebels, that tooke him prisoner, and like vile wretches spoiling him of his armor and apparell, hanged him ouer the wals of mount Surrie. An Italian hanged by the rebels. Which act well shewed what courtesie might be looked for at such cruell traitors hands, that would thus vnmercifullie put such a gen­tleman and worthie souldior to death: for whose ran­some, if they would haue demanded it, they might haue had no small portion of monie to haue satisfied their gréedie minds. But it séemed that their beastlie crueltie had berest them the remembrance of all ho­nest consideration and dutifull humanitie.

The marquesse of Northampton causing (as be­fore yee haue heard) diligent watch to be kept vpon the walles, and at the gates, appointed the same to be visited right often, that through negligence no mis­hap should follow. Moreouer, besides the watch at the gates and walles, the residue of the soldiors ma­king a mightie huge fire in the market place, so as all the stréets were full of light, they remained there all that night in their armour, readie vpon anie oc­casion to resist the enimies if they should make anie attempt. Sir Edward Warner marshall of the field gaue the watch-word, sir Thomas Paston, Sir Edward Warner. sir Iohn Clere, sir William Walgraue, sir Thomas Cornwallis, and sir Henrie Bedingfield were ap­pointed to the defense of other parts of the citie. And now when euerie thing was thought to be safelie prouided for, and that the lord marquesse and other were laid to take their rest, the rebels about the mid­dest of the night began to shoot off their great artille­rie towards the citie, so thicke as was possible: but the bullets passed ouer their heads that were lodged in the citie, without dooing anie great hurt at all.

The lord marquesse, by reason of the often ala­rums that were giuen, whilest the enimies thus cea­sed not to rage with continuall shot of ordinance, was called vp by the marshall sir Edward War­ner; and comming into the market place, accompa­nied with the nobles and gentlemen of the armie, fell in councell with them, how to foresée that the citie in such danger might be safelie defended against the enimies with such small power as he had there with him. It was therefore determined, that all the gates which were on the contrarie part of the towne from the rebels campe, and likewise the ruinous places of the walles should be rampired vp, that if the enimies should chance to giue an assault to the [Page 1034] citie, they might more easilie be repelled.

But as these things were in dooing, and almost brought to end, in a manner all the whole multitude of the rebelles came out of their cabins, running downe in most furious maner to the citie, and with great shouts and yelling cries went about to set fire on the gates, to clime ouer the walles, to passe the riuer, and to enter the citie at such places where the walles were through age decaied and ruinous. The soldiors that were there with the lord marquesse, did line 10 shew their vttermost indeuor to beat backe the eni­mies. This fight in most cruell wise continued for the space of thrée houres without ceasing, the rebels forcing themselues to the vttermost of their powers to enter perforce vpon them, and they within the ci­tie shewed no lesse courage to repell them backe. The hardie manhood of diuerse knights, and other men of worship was here right apparant. The despe­ratnesse of rebelles. It was strange to sée the desperat boldnesse of the rebelles, that when they were thrust through the bodies or line 20 thighs, and some of them hough-sinewed, would yet seeke reuenge in striking at their aduersaries, when their hands were scarse able to hold vp their weapon; thinking themselues somewhat satisfied if the humor of their enuie and deadlie spite might be fed but with a drop of their aduersaries bloud; with such a malignant spirit (tending wholie to venge­ance) these desperat rebels were possessed, according to the poets spéech in the like sense and meaning: ‘ Iutienal. sat. 13.Inuidiosa dabit minimus solatia sanguis. line 30’

But such was the valiancie of the gentlemen and soldiers, which were there with the lord marquesse, that in the end the enimies which were alreadie ente­red the citie, The rebels beaten backe. were beaten out againe, and driuen backe to their accustomed kennell holes with losse of thrée hundred of their numbers. They within the towne hauing thus repelled the enimies, & accoun­ting themselues in more safetie than before, for the rest of the night that yet remained, which was not much, they gaue themselues to refresh their wearied line 40 bodies with some sléepe. The next daie, the lord mar­quesse was informed by some of the citizens, that there were no small number in Kets campe that would gladlie come from him, if they might be sure of their pardon; and that at Pockethorpe gate there were foure or fiue thousand, that wished for nothing more than for pardon: and that if the same were of­fered them, there were no doubt (as they beléeued) but that they would submit themselues to the kings mercie. line 50

The marquesse was glad to vnderstand so much, & incontinentlie dispatched Norreie king at armes, with a trumpetter, to assure them on the kings be­halfe, that they should be pardoned for all offenses past, and that had beene committed in time of this rebellion, if they would laie armes aside. Norreie and the trumpet comming to the gate, found not a man there: but the trumpetter sounding his trum­pet, there came running downe from the hill a great multitude of their people, & amongst other as chiefe, one Flotman, Flotman. whome Norreie commanded to staie. line 60 Wherevpon the said Flotman asked him what was the matter, and wherefore he had called them togi­ther by sound of trumpet? Pardon offe­red to the re­bels. ‘Go thy waies (said he) & tell thy companie from my lord marquesse of North­hampton, the kings maiesties lieutenant, that he commandeth them to ceasse from committing anie further outrage: and if they will (saith he) obeie his commandement, all that is past, shall be forgiuen and pardoned.’

Flotman hauing heard Norreies declaration, as he was an outragious and busie fellow, presumptu­ouslie made answer, that he cared not a pins point for my lord marquesse, and withall, like a rebellious traitor, railed vpon his lordship, and mainteined, Flotmans presumptu­ous and n [...] ­torous alleg [...] ­tions. that he and the rest of the rebels were earnest defen­dors of the kings roiall maiestie, and that they had taken weapon in hand not against the king, but in his defense, as in time it should appeare, as they that sought nothing but to mainteine his maiesties roi­all estate, the libertie of their countrie, and the safe­tie of their commonwealth, &c. To conclude, he vt­terlie refused the kings pardon, and told Norreie certeinelie, that they would either restore the com­mon-wealth from decaie, into the which it was fal­len, being oppressed thorough the couetousnesse and tyrannie of the gentlemen; either else would they like men die in the quarrell.

Scarselie had he made an end of his tale, when suddenlie a fearefull alarum was raised thorough­out the citie: for whilest Flotman was thus in talke with the king of armes at Pockethorpe gate, the re­bels in great rage entring the citie by the hospitall, The rebels enter the citie. went about to bring all things to destruction: but being incountered néere to the bishops palace, by the lord marquesse his men, there insued a bloudie con­flict betwixt them, which continued long with great fiercenesse and eger reuenge on both parts. There died about seuen score of the rebels, and of the soldi­ers that serued against them some number, beside a great multitude that were hurt and wounded on both parts. The lord Sheffeld wofullie slaine. But the pitifull slaughter of the lord Sheffeld, who hauing more regard to his honor than safetie of life, desirous to shew some proofe of his no­ble valiancie, entering amongst the enimies, as he fought right hardilie, though not so warilie as had béene expedient, fell into a dich as he was about to turne his horsse: & herewith being compassed about with a number of those horrible traitors, was slaine amongest them: although he both declared what he was, and offered largelie to the vilans, if they would haue saued his life. But the more noble he shewed himselfe to be, the more were they kindled in outra­gious furie against him. And as he pulled off his head péece, that it might appeare what he was, a butcher­lie knaue named Fulks, who by occupation was both a carpenter & a butcher, slat him in the head with a club, and so most wretchedlie killed him. A lamen­table case, that so noble a yoong gentleman, indued with so manie commendable qualities, as were to be wished in a man of his calling, should thus mise­rablie end his daies by the hands of so vile a vilan.

Diuerse other gentlemen and woorthie soldiers came to the like end among those outragious rebels, and amongst other, Robert Woluaston, that was appointed to kéepe the doore of Christs church, was killed by the same Fulks, who tooke him for sir Ed­mund Kneuet, against whome the rebels bare great malice, for that he sought to annoie them so farre as by anie meanes he might, as partlie ye haue heard. But the slaughter of that noble man the lord Shef­feld, Alexander Neuill. sore discouraged the residue of the soldiers that were come with the lord marquesse. And on the other part, the rebels were aduanced thereby, in greater hope to preuaile against them, and therevpon preas­sed forward with such hardinesse, that they caused the lord marquesse and his people to giue place, and to forsake the citie, euerie man making the best shift he could to saue himselfe. But yet diuerse gentlemen of good account and worship remaining behind, and a­biding the brunt, were taken prisoners, as sir Tho­mas Cornewallis, and others, whome the rebels afterwards kept in streict durance, vntill the daie came of their ouerthrow by the kings power, vnder the conduction of the earle of Warwike. The mar­quesse ma­keth shift to escape dan­ger.

The lord marquesse and the residue that escaped, made the best shift they could to get out of danger; and at length, he and the most part of them that [Page 1035] went foorth with him, came to London. The rebels hauing thus repelled the lord marquesse & his power, set fire on the citie, whereby manie faire buildings were consumed and burnt. It happened yet well the same time, that there fell great abundance of raine, the which holpe in part to quench the rage of the fire. Neuertheles, all the houses on either side of Holmes stréet, and the hospitall of the poore; also Bishops gate, Pockthorpe gate, Magdalene gate, and Bearestréet gate, with manie other houses in other parts of the line 10 citie, were burned, and fowlie defaced with fire. The citizens were brought into such extreame miserie, that they knew not which waie to turne them. Some there were that fled out of the citie, taking with them their gold and siluer, and such short ware as they might conueie awaie with them, abandoning wife and children, to rest at the mercie of the rebels. Other hid their goods in wels, priuies, and other such secret places out of the waie.

The rebels entering into the houses of such as line 20 were knowne to be wealthie men, spoiled and bare awaie all that might be found of anie value. But to speake of all the cruell parts which they plaied, it would be tedious to expresse the same, their dooings were so wicked and outragious. There was shooting, howling, The misera­ble estate of Norwich. and wringing among them, wéeping, and crieng out of women and children. To be short, the staie of the citie at that present was most mise­rable. The maiors deputie kept himselfe close in his house, and might behold all this mischiefe and de­struction of the citie, but durst not come abroad, nor line 30 go about to staie them: at length, a great multitude of the rebels that were come downe frō their campe, entering by saint Augustines gate, came straight to his house, and stroue to breake open the doores: but when they could not easilie bring their purpose to passe that waie foorth, they began to fire the house. Wherevpon for feare to be burned within his owne lodging, The alder­mans depu­ [...] roughlie handled to tell where the lord marquesse had hidden him­self. he set open the doores, and in came those vn­manerlie ghests, tooke him, plucked his gowne be­side his backe, called him traitor, and threatened to line 40 kill him, if he would not tell them where the lord marquesse of Northampton had hidden himselfe.

And when he had told them that vndoubtedlie he and all his companie were gone, they were in a great rage, and with terrible noise and rumbling they sought euerie corner of the house for him, and taking what they found, they departed. But yet ma­nie of them afterwards partlie pacified for a péece of monie, and other things which they receiued of the line 50 maior, and partlie reprooued for the wrongfull robbe­ries by some that were in credit among them, they brought againe such packs and fardels as they had trussed vp togither, and threw them into the shops of those houses, out of the which they had taken the same before: but yet there were diuers of the citizens that were spoiled of all that they had by those rebels, that entered their houses vnder a colour to séeke for the marquesse of Northamptons men. Namelie, the houses of those citizens that were fled, were spoiled line 60 and ransacked most miserablie, for they reputed and called them traitors and enimies to their king and countrie, that thus had forsaken their houses and dwellings in time of such necessitie: [...] mini­ [...]red to the re­bels for feare [...] force. yet manie of the citizens bringing foorth bread, beere, and other vit­tels vnto the rebels to refresh them with, somewhat calmed their furious rage, and so escaped their vio­lent hands, although no small number were so fleesed (as before yee haue heard) that they haue liued the woorse for it all the daies of their life since that time.

But now the rebels hauing thus got possession of the citie, & chased awaie the kings people, they tooke order to haue the gates kept hourelie with watch and ward of the citizens themselues, thretning them with most shamefull death, if they omitted the same. These vnrulie persons were so farre stept into all kind of beastlie outrage, that when it ramed, they would kenell vp themselues in the churches, abusing the place appointed for the seruice and worshipping of the almightie God, in most prophane and wicked manner, and neither praier nor yet threats of men or women that aduised them to modestie could take place. The kings maiestie aduertised therefore, that there was no waie to tame their diuelish and traito­rous outrage, but by force: with the aduise of his councell caused a power to be put in a readinesse, as well of his owne subiects as of strangers, namelie lancequenets, which were come to serue his maiestie against the Scots.

But now it was thought expedient to vse their seruice against these rebels, whose power and despe­rate boldnesse was so farre increased, that without a maine armie, guided by some generall of great ex­perience, and noble conduct, it would be hard and right dangerous to subdue them: wherein violence and force was to be vsed, sith they had shewed them­selues in an extremitie of stubbornesse, like buls that by baiting are to be tamed, or like stifnecked stalions which with bit & bridle must be managed; as one saith: ‘Asper equus duris contunditur ora lupatis.’

Heerevpon that noble chéefteine and valiant erle of Warwike, The earle of Warwike ap­pointed to go against the Norffolke re­bels. latelie before appointed to haue gone against the Scots and Frenchmen into Scotland, was called backe, and commanded to take vpon him the conduction of this armie against the Norf­folke rebels: for such was the opinion then concei­ued of that honorable earle, for the high manhood, valiant prowesse, and great experience in all war­like enterprises, sufficientlie tried, and knowne to rest in him, that either they might be vanquished and ouercome by him, or by none other.

Capteine Ket and his rebellious armie, hauing some aduertisement by rumors spred, of this prepa­ration and comming of an armie against them; they were not slacke to make themselues strong and rea­die to abide all the hazard that fortune of warre might bring. The earle of Warwike then, The earle of Warwike commeth to Cambridge. after that his men and prouisions were readie, did set for­ward, and came vnto Cambridge, where the lord marquesse of Northampton and other met his lord­ship. Héere also diuerse citizens of Norwich came to him, and falling downe vpon their knees before him, besought him to be good lord vnto them; and withall declared their miserable state, great gréefe and sor­row, which they had conceiued for the wretched de­struction of their countrie: beséeching him to haue pitie vpon them. And if in such extremitie of things as had happened vnto their citie, they had through feare or ignorance committed anie thing contrarie to their dutifull allegiance, that it might please his honor to pardon them their offenses in such behalfe, sith if anie thing were amisse on their parts, the same came to passe sore against their wils, and to their ex­treame greefe and sorrow.

The earle of Warwike told them, that he knew indéed in what danger they had béene among those vnrulie ribalds; and as for anie offense which they had committed, he knew not: for in leauing their citie sith matters were growne to such extre­mitie, they were to be borne with, but in one thing they had ouershot themselues: for that in the begin­ning they had not sought to represse those tumults, sith if they had put themselues in defense of their countrie, to resist the rebels at the first, such mischiefs as were now growne, The kings pardon gran­ted. might easilie haue béene auoi­ded. But neuerthelesse, vpon this their humble sub­mission, he granted them all the kings mercifull par­don, and commanding them to prouide themselues [Page 1036] of armour and weapon, appointed them to march foorth with the armie, wearing certeine laces or ri­bons about their necks for a difference, that they might be knowne from others. Who serued vnder the erle of Warwike. There were in this armie vnder the earle of Warwike diuerse men of honor and great worship, as lords, knights, esquiers, and gentlemen in great numbers. First the lord marquesse of Northampton, and sundrie of them that had béene with him before, desirous to be re­uenged of his late repulse, the lords Willoughbie, Powes and Braie, Ambrose Dudleie, sonne to the line 10 said earle, and at this present worthilie adorned with the title (which his father then bare) of earle of War­wike, and his brother lord Robert Dudleie now erle of Leicester; also Henrie Willoughbie esquier, sir Thomas Tresham, sir Marmaduke constable, Wil­liam Deuereux sonne to the lord Ferrers of Chart­leie, sir Edmund Kneuet, sir Thomas Palmer, sir Andrew Flammocke, and diuerse other knights, esquiers, and gentlemen: all which plaid their parts line 20 as time and occasion was ministred vnto them to giue triall of their manhood.

The earle of Warwike, and such as were come with him to Cambridge, marched directlie from thence towards Norwich, and came vnto Wimond­ham the two and twentith of August, where and by the waie the most part of all the gentlemen of Norf­folke that were at libertie, came vnto him. The next daie betimes he shewed himselfe vpon the plaine, betwixt the citie of Norwich and Eiton wood, and line 30 lodged that night at Intwood, an house belonging to sir Thomas Tresham knight, a two miles distant from Norwich. Héere they rested that daie and night following, not once putting off their armour, but re­maining still in a readinesse, if the enimies should haue made anie sudden inuasion against them. The earle of Warwike in the meane time sent the afore remembred king of armes Norreie, Norwich summoned. to summon the citie, either to open the gates that he might quietlie enter; or else to looke for warre at his hands that would then assaie to win it by force, and such reward line 40 as rebels (that wilfullie withstand their souereigne) ought to receiue.

When Ket vnderstood that the herald was come to the gates, he appointed the maiors deputie Augu­stine Steward, and Robert Rug, two of the chéefest citizens, to go to him and to know his errand. They passing foorth at a posterne, What answer was made to the herald by the citizens of Norwich, whom Ket assigned ther­vnto. and hearing his message, made answer, that they were the miserablest men that were then liuing, as they themselues beleeued, sith that hauing suffered such calamities as they line 50 could not but tremble at in calling to remem­brance, they could not now haue libertie to declare the loiall dutie which they bare & ought to beare to the kings highnesse: so that they accompted themselues most vnfortunate, sith their hap was to liue in that season, in which they must either ieopard losse of life, or the estimation of their good name, although they trusted the kings maiestie would be gratious lord vnto them. sith they had giuen no consent vnto such wicked rebellion as was thus raised against his line 60 highnesse, but with losse of goods and perill of life so farre as in them laie, had doone what they could to kéepe the citizens in good order and dutifull obedi­ence.

One thing more they would humblie desire of my lord of Warwike, that whereas there was no small number of Kets armie in the citie without armour or weapon, and as it should seeme irkesome and wearie of that which had béene alreadie doone, it might please him once againe to vouchsafe to offer them the kings pardon, and if he should thus doo, they had great hope that the rebels would gladlie accept it, and so the matter might be pacified without more bloudshed. Norreie the herald deliue­reth his an­swer to the earle of War­wike. Norreie returned to the earle of War­wike, and declared what answer he had receiued. The earle desirous of nothing more than to haue the matter thus taken vp, as well for other consi­derations, as for feare least the gentlemen remai­ning prisoners with the rebels, should be vnmerci­fullie murthered by their kéepers, if they came to the vttermost triall of battell, he resolued to prooue if it would thus come to passe. And heerevpon was Norreie with a trumpet sent to offer them a generall pardon, who being entered the citie, met about fortie of the rebels on horssebacke, riding two and two togither verie pleasant and merrie, Norreie king of armes sent to offer the re­bels their pardon. and so passing from S. Stephans gate vnto Bishops gate, the trumpetter sounded his trumpet, and with that, a great multitude of the rebels came thronging downe togither from the hill: to whome the horsmen spéedilie riding, commanded that they should diuide themselues, and stand in order vpon either side the waie. And as Norreie and the trumpetter, with two of the chéefe citizens entred betwixt them, they were receiued with great noise and clamour, for euerie of them putting off their hats or caps, cried; God saue king Edward, God saue king Edward.

Norreie and the two citizens, highlie com­mending them herein, requested them to kéepe their place and order wherein they stood for a while: and then Norreie passing foorth about two hundred and fiftie pases, came to the top of the hill, and putting on his coate armour, Norreie the herald maketh a long [...]is­courie to the rebels, for the reducing of them to good order. staied a while (for Ket was not yet come) and at length began to declare vnto them in what maner diuers times since first they had taken armes in hand, the kings maiestie by sun­drie persons, as well heralds as other, had sought to reduce them from their vnlawfull and rebellious tumults, vnto their former dutie and obedience; and yet neuerthelesse, they had shewed themselues wil­full and stubborne, in refusing his mercifull pardon freelie offered vnto them, and despised the messen­gers which his grace had sent vnto them to pro­nounce the same. He willed them therefore to call themselues now at length to remembrance, and to behold the state of the common-wealth, which they so often to no purpose had still in their mouths, and neuerthelesse by them miserablie defaced, & brought in danger of vtter ruine and decaie.

And herewith discoursing at large of the horri­ble, wicked, and heinous murthers, riots, burnings, and other crimes by them committed, he willed them to consider into what sea of mischeefes they had throwne themselues, and what punishment they ought to looke for as due to them for the same; sith as well the wrath of God as the kings armie was hang­ing ouer their heads, and readie at hand, which they were not able to resist. For his grace had resolued no longer to suffer so great and presumptuous a mis­chéefe as this, to be fostered in the middle of his realme: and therefore had appointed the right ho­nourable earle of Warwike, a man of noble fame and approoued valiancie, The kings purpose in sending the earle of War­wike against them. to be his generall lieute­nant of that his roiall armie, to persecute them with fire and sword; and not to leaue off, till he had vt­terlie dispersed and scattered that wicked and abho­minable assemblie. And yet such was the excéeding greatnesse of the kings bountifull mercie and cle­mencie, that he that was by him appointed to be a reuenger of their heinous treasons committed a­gainst his maiestie, if they continued in their obsti­nate wilfulnesse, should be also the interpretor and minister of his gratious and free pardon, to so ma­nie as would accept it. Which vnlesse they now imbrased, the said earle had made a solemne vow, that they should neuer haue it offered to them againe; but that he would persecute them till he had puni­shed [Page 1037] the whole multitude according vnto their iust deserts.

[...] the re­ [...]els were af­ [...]ed after the [...]eralds dis­ [...]rse was [...].Manie that heard him, hauing due conside­ration of their miserable estate, were touched with some remorse of conscience, fearing at length to tast the reuenge of such horrible crimes as they had been partakers of with others in committing the same. But the more part finding themselues highlie offen­ded with his words, began to iangle (as they had doone before vnto other that had béene sent to offer line 10 them pardon) that he was not the kings herald, but some one made out by the gentlemen in such a gaie coate, patched togither of vestments and church­stuffe, being sent onelie to deceiue them, in offering them pardon, which would prooue nought else but halters; and therefore it were well doone, to thrust an arrow into him, The herald is [...] at [...]trusted [...], &c. or to hang him vp. Although o­ther séemed dutifullie to reuerence him, and diuerse that had serued in Scotland and at Bullongne, re­membring that they had séene him there and knew line 20 him, told and persuaded their fellowes, that he was the kings herald indeed. Wherevpon they be­came more mild, and offered him no further iniurie: but yet they could not be persuaded that this par­don te [...]ded to anie other end, but to bring them to destruction; and that in stéed of pardon, there was prepared for them nought else but a barrell full of halters.

Such lewd speech was amongst them, sauou­ring altogither of malicious mistrust, and most line 30 wilfull treason. Norreie neuerthelesse departing from thense, accompanied with Ket, came to ano­ther place, where he made the like proclamation: for the multitude was such that he could not be heard of them all in one place. Heere, before he had made an end of his tale, Alexander Neuill. there was a vile boie (as some write) that turned vp his bare taile to him, with words as vnseemelie as his gesture was filthie: with which spitefull reproch thus shewed towards the kings maiesties officer at armes, The iust re­ward of [...] bo [...]e. one (which in com­panie line 40 of some other that were come ouer the water to view things) being greatlie offended, with an harquebuse shot stroke that vngratious lad through the bodie a little aboue the reins.

Which when some of the rebels had séene, a doz­zen of their horssemen came gallopping out of the wood, crieng; ‘We are betraied fréends, we are be­traied, if you looke not about you: doo you not see how our fellowes are slaine with guns before our faces? What may we hope if we disarme our selues, line 50 that are thus vsed being armed? This herald goeth about nothing else, but to bring vs within danger of some ambush, that the gentlemen may kill and beate vs all downe at their pleasure.’ Héerevpon they all shranke awaie, and fled, as they had béene out of their wits: yet did their great capteine Ro­bert Ket accompanie Norreie, meaning (as hath béene said) to haue gone to the earle of Warwike himselfe, to haue talked with him: but as he was al­most at the foot of the hill, Ket meant to haue talked with the earle of Warwike. there came running after line 60 him a great multitude of the rebels, crieng to him, and asking him whither he went; We are readie (said they) to take such part as you doo, be it neuer so bad: and if he would go anie further, they would (as they said) suerlie follow him.

Norreie then perceiuing such numbers of peo­ple following them, desired Ket to staie them: who returning backe to them, they were incontinentlie appeased, and so they all returned with him backe to their campe. When the earle of Warwike vn­derstood that they were thus altogither set on mis­chéefe, and neither with praier, proffer of pardon, threatening of punishment, nor other meanes they could be reduced to quietnesse, he determined to procéed against them by force. S. Stephans gate. And héerevpon bring­ing his armie vnto saint Stephans gate, which the rebels stopped vp, with the letting downe of the port­culice, he commanded those that had charge of the ar­tillerie, to plant the same against the gate, and with batterie to breake it open.

As these things were in hand, he vnderstood by Augustine Steward the maiors deputie, that there was an other gate on the contrarie side of the citie, called the Brasen gate, The Brasen gate. which the rebels had rammed vp, but yet not so, but that it might be easilie broken open. Herewith were the pioners called, and com­manded to breake open that gate also: which being doone, the soldiers entered by the same into the citie, and slue diuerse of those rebels that stood readie to defend and resist their entrie. In the meane time had the gunners also broken in sunder with their shot the portculice, and néere hand the one halfe of the o­ther gate, by the which the marques of Northamp­ton, and capteine Drurie, aliàs Poignard (that being sent from London met my lord of Warwike by the waie) entered with their bands, and droue backe the rebels with slaughter, that were readie there to re­sist them.

Moreouer, the maiors deputie caused West­wike gate to be set open: at the which the earle of Warwike himselfe entring with all his armie, and finding in manner no resistance, came to the market place. Here were taken a thréescore of the re­bels, the which according to the order of martiall law were incontinentlie executed, according to the qua­litie of their offense, confessing (no doubt) in consci­ence, that their punishment was proportioned to their trespasse, and that in dieng the death (were the same neuer so extreame & dredfull) they had but their desert; and therefore might well saie with the poet: ‘Supplicia & scelerum poenas expendimus omnes.’

Shortlie after, Virgii▪ the carriages belonging to the ar­mie were brought into the citie by the same gate, and passing through the citie, by negligence & want of order giuen to them that attended on the same ca­riage, Cartes lad [...] with muniti­on taken by the rebels. they kept on forward till they were got out at Bishops gate towards Mousehold. Whereof the re­bels being aduised, they came downe, & setting vpon the carters, and other that attended on the cariages, put them to flight, and droue awaie the carts laden with artillerie, powder, and other munition, bring­ing the same into their campe, & greatlie reioising thereof, bicause they had no great store of such things among them: but yet capteine Drurie with his band comming in good time to the rescue, recouered some of the carts from the enimies, not without some slaughter on either side. Moreouer, the eni­mies as yet being not fullie driuen out of the citie, placed themselues in crosse stréets, & were readie to assaile the soldiers as they saw their aduantage, part of them standing at S. Michaels, part at S. Ste­phans, and part at S. Peters, and some of them also stood in Wimers stréet.

Here they assailing such as vnaduisedlie were en­tered within their danger, they slue diuerse, Gentlemen slaine. and a­mong other three or foure gentlemen, before they could be succoured from anie part. The erle of War­wike aduertised hereof, passed foorth with all his for­ces to remoue the enimie, and comming to S. An­drew in Iohns stréet, was receiued with a sharpe storme of arrowes: but capteine Drurie his harque­busiers galled them so with their shot, that they were glad to giue place, and so fled amaine. There were slaine a hundred and thirtie, and diuerse of them shrinking aside into churchyards and other places vnder the walles, were taken and executed. All the rest got them vp to their campe at Mousehold, and so the citie was rid of them for that time. Then di [...] [Page 1038] the erle of Warwike take order for the safe keeping of the citie, Order taken for the safe k [...]ping of the citie. appointing watch and ward to be kept on the walles, and in euerie street. Also that all the gates should be rammed vp, except one or two that stood to­wards the enimies, at the which were planted cer­teine péeces of the great artillerie.

But the rebels vnderstanding that the earle of Warwike wanted powder and other things apper­teining to the vse of the great ordinance, and with­all perceiuing that the Welshmen which were ap­pointed line 10 to the gard of the said great péeces of artille­rie were no great number, and therefore not able to resist anie great force that should come against them, they came downe the hill vpon the sudden as it were wholie togither in most outragious maner. And withall one Miles that was a verie perfect gun­ner, and maruellous skilfull in the feat of shooting of great artillerie, and at that time remaining among the rebels, Alexander Neuill. shot off a péece; and flue one of the kings principall gunners, that was attending vpon those line 20 péeces of artillerie, which stood thus before the gate. Whom when the rebels perceiued thus to be slaine, they made forward with more courage, and gaue such a desperate onset vpon them that garded the said artillerie, that their small number, being not a­ble to withstand their aduersaries great and huge multitude pressing in such furious rage vpon them, that they were constreined to flée backe, and to leaue the artillerie for a preie vnto the enimies, who seizing vpon the same, The rebels take certeine peeces of ar­tillerie from the earle of Warwike. conueied them awaie with certeine line 30 carts laden with all manner of munition for wars vp to their campe: a matter (as was thought) of no small importance, sith the enimies thereby were fur­nished now with such things, whereof before they stood most in néed, and now hauing store thereof, they spared not liberallie to bestow it against the citie, beating downe not onlie the highest top of Bishops gate, but also a great part of the wals on that side.

Capteine Drurie.And here trulie the good seruice of capteine Dru­rie is not to be forgotten, who now as earst being line 40 readie to reuenge this iniurie, following vpon the enimies, put them to flight, and recouered much of that which they had taken from the earls souldiers. The earle of Warwike after this cut off the entries at the gates, and rampired them vp, placed at the bridges and turnings of the waies and streets diuers bands of soldiers to kéepe the passages, brake downe the White friers bridge, and at Bishops gate he ap­pointed the lord Willoughbie with a great number of soldiers to defend that part, & in this sort he made line 50 prouision to defend the citie from the rebels, if they should attempt to make anie surprise vpon the sud­den.

The next daie yet they passing ouer the riuer, set fire on certeine houses at Connesfoorth, burning the more part of all the houses of two parishes: and so great was the rage of the fire, that catching hold vp­on an house wherein the merchants of Norwich vse to laie vp such wares and merchandize as they con­ueie to their citie from Yermouth, the same house line 60 with great store of wheat and other riches was mise­rablie consumed and defaced. Thus whilest euerie thing séemed to chance and fall out in fauour of the rebels, there were some in the earle of Warwiks armie, that despairing of the whole successe of their iourneie, Councell gi­uen to the erle of Warwike to abandon the citie. came to the earle of Warwike, and began to persuade with him, that sith the citie was large, and their companies small (for in déed the whole ap­pointed numbers as yet were not come, neither of strangers nor Englishmen) it was vnpossible to de­fend it against such an huge multitude as were as­sembled togither in Kets campe, and therefore be­sought him to regard his owne safetie, to leaue the citie, and not to hazard all vpon such an vncerteine maine chance.

The earle of Warwike as he was of a noble and inuincible courage, valiant, hardie, The earles answere. and not able to abide anie spot of reproch, whereby to lose the least péece of honour that might be, made this answer: ‘Whie (saith he) and doo your harts faile you so soone? Or are you so mad withall, to thinke that so long as anie life resteth in me, that I will consent to such dis­honour? Should I leaue the citie, heaping vp to my selfe and likewise to you such shame and reproofe as worthilie might be reputed an infamie to vs for euer? I will rather suffer whatsoeuer either fire or sword can worke against me.’ These words being vttered with such a courage as was maruellous to consider, he drew out his sword. Which other of the honorable and worshipfull that were then present likewise did, whome he commanded that each one should kisse others sword, according to an ancient custome vsed amongst men of war in time of great danger: and herewith they made a solemne vow, bin­ding it with a solemne oth, that they should not de­part from thence, till they had either vanquished the enimies, or lost their liues in manfull fight for de­fense of the kings honour.

Whilest these things were in dooing, the rebels brake into the citie on that side, where was no suspi­cion of their entring at all; but being come almost to the bridges, they were incountered by the soldiers, beaten backe, and chased out by the same waie they came. The next daie being the six and twentith of August, there came to the earle 1400 lancequenets. Lanceque­nets come to the earle of Warwike. The rebels notwithstanding that such reinforcement of the earles power might haue somewhat discoura­ged them, yet trusting altogither to certeine vaine prophesies, which they had among them, The rebels trust in vaine prophesies. and set out in verses by such wisards as were there with them in the campe, they had conceiued such a vaine hope of prosperous successe in their businesse, that they little estéemed anie power that might come against them. Among other of those same verses, these were two:

The countrie gnuffes, Hob, Dick, and Hick,
with clubs and clowted shoone,
Shall fill vp Dussin dale with bloud
of slaughtered bodies soone.

Upon hope therefore of this and other vaine pro­phesies, the rebels through the diuels procurement, The rebels remooue. that had nourished and pricked them forward all this while in their wicked procéedings, determined to remoue thither, to the end that they might with more spéed make an end of the matter, before they should be driuen to disperse themselues by famine. For the earle of Warwike had taken order to haue the passages stopped, in such wise as no vittels could easilie be conueied to their campe, the want whereof began alreadie to pinch them. Herevpon setting fire on their cabins, which they had raised and built here and there of timber and bushes (the smoke whereof couered all the grounds about them) they came downe with their ensignes into the vallie called Dussin daie where with all spéed that might be they intrenched themselues about, and raising a rampire of a good height, set stakes also round about them, to kéepe off the horssemen.

The earle of Warwike perceiuing their dooings, the next daie being the seuen and twentith of August with all his horssemen, The earle of Warwike go­eth foorth to giue the eni­mies battell. and the Almans with cap­teine Druries band, issued foorth of the citie, march­ing streight towards the enimies. Yet before he ap­proched in sight of them, he sent sir Edmund Kneuet & sir Thomas Palmer knights, with others, to vnder­stand of them, whether now at length they would sub­mit themselues, & receiue the kings pardon; which if they would doo, Pardon of [...] ­red he offred to grant it freelie to all the whole multitude, one or two of them onelie excep­ted: [Page 1039] but they with generall voices refusing it, the earle fell in hand to incourage his people vnto the battell, and hauing appointed as well the horssemen as footmen in what order they should giue the charge, they passed forward in approching the enimies. The rebels beholding them thus to come forward, put themselues in order of battell, in such manner, that all the gentlemen which had béene taken prisoners, and were kept in irons for starting awaie, were pla­ced in the fore ranke of their battell, coupled two and two togither, to the end they might be killed by their line 10 owne friends that came to seeke their deliuerance: but yet as God would haue it, the most part of them were saued. Miles the maister gunner among the rebels, leuieng a péece of ordinance, shot it off, and stroke him that caried the kings standard in the thigh, and the horsse through the shoulder.

The earle of Warwike and others sore grieued therewith, caused a whole volie of artillerie to be shot off at the rebels: and herewith capteine Drurie line 20 with his owne band, & the Almans or lanceknights, whether ye list to call them, on foot, getting néere to the enimies, hailsed them with their harquebut shot so sharplie, and thrust forward vpon them with their pikes so stronglie, that they brake them in sunder. The gentlemen, who (as we haue said) were pla­ced in the fore ranke, found meanes (as good hap was) to shrinke aside, and escaped the danger for the more part, although some indeed were slaine by the Almans, and other that knew not what they were. line 30 The light horssemen of the kings part herewith gaue in amongst them so roundlie, that the rebels not a­ble to abide their valiant charge, were easilie put to flight, and with the foremost their grand capteine Robert Ket gallopped awaie so fast as his horsse would beare him. The horssemen following in chase, slue them downe on heapes, euer still as they ouer­tooke them; so that the chase continuing for the space of thrée or foure miles, The number of the rebels slaine. there were slaine to the num­ber of thrée thousand fiue hundred at the least: beside line 40 a great multitude that were wounded as they fled here and there ech waie foorth, as séemed best to serue their turne for their most spéedie escape out of dan­ger. Yet one part of them that had not beene assailed at the first onset, séeing such slaughter made of their fellowes, kept their ground by their ordinance, and shranke not; determining as men desperatlie bent, not to die vnreuenged, but to fight it out to the last man.

They were so inclosed with their carts, carriages, line 50 trenches (which they had cast) and stakes pitched in the ground to kéepe off the force of horssemen, that it would haue béene somewhat dangerous to haue as­sailed them within their strength. But sure they were that now they could not escape, séeing no small part of their whole numbers were cut off and distres­sed, and they inuironed on ech side, without hope of succour or reléefe of vittels, which in the end must néeds haue forced them to come foorth of their inclo­sure to their vndoubted ouerthrow and destruction. The earle of Warwike yet pitieng their case, and line 60 loth that the king should loose so manie stout mens bodies as were there amongst them, which might doo his maiestie and their countrie good seruice, if they could be reclamed from this their desperat follie vn­to due obedience, sent Norreie vnto them, offe­ring them pardon of life if they would throw downe their weapons and yéeld: Pardon eft­s [...]es offered. if not, he threatened that there should not a man of them escape the deserued punishment. Their answer was, that if they might be assured to haue their liues saued, they could be contented to yeeld: but they could haue no trust that promise should be kept with them. For notwithstan­ding all such faire offers of pardon, they tooke it that there was nothing meant but a subtill practise, to bring them into the hands of their aduersaries the gentlemen, that had prepared a barrell of ropes and halters, with which they purposed to trusse them vp: and therefore they would rather die like men, than to be strangled at the wils and pleasures of their mor­tall enimies.

The earle of Warwike right sorie to sée such despe­rat minds among them, sent to the citie, and caused the most part of the footmen which he had left there to defend the same, to come foorth now in battell arraie, that they might helpe to distresse those wilfull rebels that thus obstinatelie refused the kings pardon. And hauing brought as well them as the Almans and the horssemen in order of battell againe, and readie now to set vpon the rebels, he eftsoones sent vnto them to know that if he should come himselfe and giue his word, that they should haue their pardon, Pardon once againe offe­red. whether they would receiue it or not. Herevnto they answered, that they had such confidence in his ho­nor, that if he would so doo, they would giue credit thereto, and submit themselues to the kings mercie. Incontinentlie herevpon he went vnto them, They yéeld to the earle of Warwike. and commanded Norreie to read the kings pardon frée­lie granted to all that would yéeld. Which being read, euerie man threw downe his weapon, and with one whole and entier voice cried; God saue king Ed­ward, God saue king Edward. And thus thorough the prudent policie, and fauourable mercie of the erle of Warwike, a great number of those offendors were preserued from the gates of death, into the which they were readie to enter.

Thus were the Norffolke rebels subdued by the high prowesse, wisedome, and policie of the valiant earle of Warwike, and other the nobles, gentlemen, & faithfull subiects there in the kings armie: Gentlemen slaine in this rebellion. but not without losse of diuers personages of great worship, beside other of the meaner sort, namelie master Hen­rie Willoughbie esquier, a man so well beloued in his countrie for his liberalitie in housekéeping, great courtesie, vpright dealing, assured stedfastnes in friendship, & modest staiednesse in behauiour, that the countries where his liuings laie lament the losse of so woorthie a gentleman euen to this daie. There died also master Lucie esquier, master Forster es­quier, and master Throckmorton of Northampton­shire, gentlemen of no small credit and worship in their countries. The battell being thus ended, all the spoile gotten in the field was giuen to the soldiers, who sold the most part thereof openlie in the market place of Norwich. The next daie the earle of War­wike was aduertised that Ket, Ket taken. being crept into a barne, was taken by two seruants of one master Riches of Swanington, and brought to the house of the same Riches. Herevpon were twentie horsse­men sent thither to fetch him, who brought him to Norwich. The same daie examinations were taken of them that were the principall beginners and set­ters foorth of this vnhappie rebellion, and diuerse be­ing found giltie were hanged, Execution. and nine of the chiefest procurers of all the mischiefe (Robert Ket and his brother William onelie excepted) were hanged vp­on the oke of reformation, Miles the gunner & two of their prophets being three of that number.

Some others of them were drawne, hanged, and quartered, & their heads and quarters set vp in pub­like places for a terror to others. But yet the earle of Warwike spared manie, where some would gladlie haue persuaded him, The earle of Warwike she­weth mercie. that there might haue béene a great number more executed. But his lordship per­ceiuing them importunate in that vncharitable sute, told them (as it were in fauour of life of those sillie wretches, whose miserable case he séemed to pitie) ‘that measure must be vsed in all things, & in punish­ing [Page 1040] of men by death (saith he) we ought alwaies to beware that we passe not the same. I know well that such wicked dooings deserue no small reuenge, and that the offendors are woorthie to be most sharplie chastised. But how farre yet shall we go? Shall we not at length shew some mercie? Is there no place for pardon? What shall we then doo? Shall we hold the plough our selues; plaie the carters and labour the ground with our owne hands. These and such like words tasting altogither of mercie and compassion line 10 in that noble earle, did quench the cruell desire of re­uenge in them that were altogither kindled in wrath and wished nothing more than to see the whole multi­tude executed: but now moued with the earles wise and mercifull answer to their rigorous sute, they be­came more mild and mercifull towards the misera­ble creatures.’

This also is not to be forgotten, that when infor­mation was giuen against some of the rebels, for that they had beene busie fellowes, & great dooers in time of those vprores, so as it was thought of some, line 20 that it stood with good reason to haue them punished by death, when the earle of Warwike vnderstood by credible report of Norreie king at armes, that vpon the offer of the kings pardon, they were the first that threw downe their weapons, and submitted them­selues to the kings mercie, the earle would not in a­nie wise consent that they should die, but protested frankelie that he would kéepe promise with them, and that he would be as good to them as his word: and so they had their liues saued. The same daie was line 30 order giuen by the earle that the bodies of them that were slaine in the field should be buried. The slaine carcases bu­ried. On the mor­row being the nine and twentith of August, the earle of Warwike, with the nobles and gentlemen of the armie, and others in great numbers, both men and women, went to saint Peters church, and there gaue praises and thanks to God for the victorie obteined. And this doone, he with all the armie departed out of the citie, and returned homewards with high com­mendation line 40 of citizens & others, that acknowledged the said earle to be the defendor of their liues, and re­couerer of their wiues, children, houses, and liuings.

It was afterwards ordeined, that vpon the same daie in the which the rebels were thus subdued, the citizens yearelie should repaire to their churches, and there to heare seruice, and to haue a sermon abrode, to the which they should come togither, to giue thanks to God for their deliuerance as that daie, and this is obserued till these our times. Robert Ket and his line 50 brother William Ket were brought vp to London, The two Kets exe­cuted. where they were committed to the tower, and short­lie after arreigned of their treason and found guiltie, were brought to the tower againe, where they con­tinued till the nine and twentith of Nouember, on which daie they were deliuered to sir Edmund Windham high shiriffe of Norffolke and Suffolke, to be conueied downe into Norffolke, where Robert Ket was hanged in chains vpon the top of Norwich castell: and William Ket his brother on the top of line 60 Windmondham stéeple, in which towne they had both dwelled, and conspired with others to go for­ward with their wicked rebellion.

This William Ket (as was thought) had beene sure of his pardon, if he had not plaied the traitorous hypocrite: William Ket a dissembling traitor. for vpon his submission at the first to my lord marquesse of Northampton, at his comming downe to suppresse this rebellion, he was sent to his brother to persuade him and the rest to yéeld, and re­ceiue the kings pardon: but he (like a dissembling wretch, although he promised to my lord to doo what he could in that behalfe) vpon his comming to his brother into the rebels campe, & beholding the great multitude that were there about him, he did one­lie not dissuade him and them from their traitorous rebellion, but incouraged them to persist and conti­nue in their dooings, declaring what a small num­ber of souldiers the marquesse brought with him, nothing able to resist such a puissance as was there assembled. So that if it had not beene thorough the wicked persuasion of him, and some others at that time, not onelie Robert Ket himselfe, but also all the multitude beside, would haue submitted themselues, and receiued the kings pardon, to the preseruation of manie a good mans life that after died in the quarrell.

But now to returne somewhat backe to the doo­ings in Scotland. In the meane while that such hurls were in hand here in England, ye shall vnderstand that in the beginning of this summer, the king by aduise of his councell sent foorth a nauie by sea to­wards Scotland, the which arriuing in the Forth, and comming before Lieth, saluted the towne with cannon shot, & remaining there ten or twelue daies, tooke in the meane time the Ile of Iusketh, leauing therein foure ensignes of Englishmen, Iusketh taken. and one of Italians, with certeine pioners to fortifie the place. But the Frenchmen (as in the Scotish historie yée shall find more at large) after the departure of the English nauie, recouered that Ile againe out of the Englishmens possession (after they had kept it six­téene daies) with the slaughter of capteine Cotton their generall, capteine Applebie, & one Iasper that was capteine of the Italians, beside others. After the recouering of this Ile, Monsieur be Desse retur­neth into France. monsieur be Desse retur­ned into France, leauing his charge to monsieur de Thermes latelie before there arriued: who after the departure of the said Desse, with a campe volant did what he could to stop the Englishmen within Ha­dington from vittels. The earle of Rutland. But notwithstanding the earle of Rutland being lieutenant of the north, did not on­lie vittell it, but put the French armie in danger of an ouerthrow, as it was thought must néeds haue fo­lowed, if they had not with more spéed than is vsed in a common march slipt awaie, after they perceiued the English armie so neare at their elbowes.

Moreouer, M. Fox. An other re­bellion or tu­mult begun in Yorkeshire. beside these inordinate vprores and insurrections aboue mentioned, about the latter end of the said moneth of Iulie, in the same yeare, which was 1549, an other like sturre or commotion began at Semer in the northriding of Yorkeshire, and con­tinued in the eastriding of the same, and there ended. The principall dooers and raisers vp whereof, was one William Ombler of Eastheslerton yeoman, and Thomas Dale parish clearke of Semer, The chiefe stirrers o [...] th [...] rebellion. with one Stéeuenson of Semer, neighbour to Dale and nephue to Ombler, which Stéeuenson was a meane or messenger betwéene the said Ombler and Dale, being before not acquainted togither, and dwelling seuen miles one from the other: who at last by the trauell of the said Steeuenson, and their owne euill dispositions, inclined to vngratiousnesse and mis­chiefe, knowing before one the others mind by secret conference, were brought to talke togither on saint Iames daie, Anno 1549.

The causes moouing them to raise this rebellion, The causes moouing the Yorkshiremen to rebellion. were these. First & principally their traitorous harts grudging at the kings most godlie procéedings, in aduancing and reforming the true honour of God and his religion. An other cause also was, for tru­sting to a blind and a fantasticall prophesie, wherwith they were seduced, thinking the same prophesie shuld shortlie come to passe, by hearing the rebellions of Norffolke, of Deuonshire, and other places. The te­nour of which prophesie and purpose togither of the traitors was, A blind pro­phesie among the northerne men. that there should no king reigne in England, the noblemen and gentlemen to be de­stroied, and the realme to be ruled by foure gouer­nours, [Page 1041] to be elected and appointed by the commons, holding a parlement in commotion, to begin at the south and north seas of England, supposing that this rebellion in the north, The deuise of [...] rebels how [...] purpose. and the other of the Deuon­shire men in the west, méeting (as they intended) at one place, to be the meane how to compasse this their traitorous diuelish deuise. And therfore laieng their studies togither, how to find out more companie to ioine with them in that detestable purpose, and to set forward the sturre, this deuise they framed: to sturre in two places, the one distant seuen miles from the line 10 other, and at the first rush to kill and destroie such gentlemen and men of substance about them, as were fauourers of the kings proceedings, or which would resist them.

But first of all for the more spéedie raising of men, they deuised to burne beacons, & thereby to bring the people togither, as though it were to defend the sea­coasts: and hauing the ignorant people assembled, then to powre out their poison, first beginning with the rudest and poorest sort, such as they thought were line 20 pricked with pouertie, and were vnwilling to labor, and therefore the more readie to follow the spoile of rich mens goods, blowing into their heads that Gods seruice was laid aside, and new inuentions neither good nor godlie put in place, and so feeding them with faire promises, to reduce into the church againe their old ignorance and idolatrie, thought by that means soonest to allure them to rage and run with them in this commotion. And furthermore, to the intent they would giue the more terror to the gentlemen at the line 30 first rising, The deuise of [...] rebels that [...] might be [...]. least they should be resisted, they deuised that some should be murthered in churches, some in their houses, some in seruing the king in commissi­on, and other as they might be caught, and to picke quarels at them by alteration of seruice on the holie daies: and thus was the platforme cast of their de­uise, according as afterward by their confession at their examinations was testified, and remaineth in true record.

Thus they being togither agréed, Ombler and line 40 Dale, with others, by their secret appointment, so la­boured the matter in the parish of Semer, Win­tringham, and the townes about, that they were in­fected with the poison of this confederacie, in such sort that it was easie to vnderstand whervnto they would incline, if a commotion were begun, the accomplish­ment whereof did shortlie follow. For although by the words of one drunken fellow of that conspiracie named Caluerd, at the alehouse in Wintringham, line 50 some suspicion of that rebellion began to be smelled before by the lord president and gentlemen of those parties, and so preuented in that place where the re­bels thought to begin: yet they gaue not ouer so, but drew to another place at Semer by the seacoast, and there by night rode to the beacon at Straxton, and set it on fire, and so gathering togither a rude rout of rascals out of the townes neare about, being on a sturre, Ombler, Thomas Dale, Barton, and Robert Dale, hasted foorthwith with the rebels to maister line 60 Whites house to take him: who notwithstanding be­ing on horssebacke, minding to haue escaped their hands, Dale, Ombler, and the rest of the rebels tooke him, and Clopton his wiues brother, one Sauage a merchant of Yorke, and one Berrie seruant to sir Walter Mildmaie. Which foure without cause or quarell, sauing to fulfill their seditious prophesie in some part, and to giue a terror to other gentlemen, they cruellie murthered, after they had caried them one mile from Semer towards the Wold, and there after they had stripped them of their clothes & purses, left them naked behind them in the plaine fields for crowes to feed on: vntill Whites wife and Sauages wife, then at Semer, caused them to bée buried.

Long it were and tedious to recite what reuell these rebels kept in their raging madnesse, The rebels increase their number & [...]e­bellious band. who ran­ging about the countrie from towne to towne, to in­large their vngratious and rebellious band, taking those with force which were not willing to go, & lea­uing in no towne where they came anie man aboue the age of sixtéene yeares, so increased this number, that in short time they had gathered three thousand to fauour their wicked attempts, and had like to haue gathered more, had not the Lords goodnesse through prudent circumspection of some interrupted the course of their furious beginning. For first came the kings gratious and frée pardon, The kings pardon offred, receiued, refused. discharging & par­doning all them and the rest of the rebels, of all trea­sons, murthers, felonies, & other offenses doone to his maiestie before the one & twentith of August, 1549. Which pardon although Ombler contemptuouslie reading, persisted still in his wilfull obstinacie, dis­suaded also the rest from the humble accepting of the kings so louing & liberall pardon: yet notwithstan­ding with some it did good, who of likelihood submitted themselues, assuredlie belieuing if they perseuered in their enterprise, there was no way with them but one, namelie deserued death, wherewith there was no dispensing after the contempt of the princes par­don and refusall of his mercie; so that in this hea­uie case they might verie well complaine and saie: ‘Funditùs occidimus, nec habet fortuna regressum. Virgil.’

To make short, it was not long after this, but Ombler as he was riding from towne to towne, twelue miles from Hummanbie, to charge all the conestables and inhabitans where he came, in the kings name to resort to Hummanbie: by the waie he was espied, and by the circumspect diligence of Iohn Word the yoonger, Iames Aslabeie, Rafe Twinge, and Thomas Conestable gentlemen, hée was had in chase, and at last by them apprehended, Ombler cap­teine o [...] the re­bels taken. and brought in the night in sure custodie vnto the ci­tie of Yorke, to answer vnto his demerits. After whome within short time, Thomas Dale, Henrie Barton, The names of the rebels ta­ken and exe­cuted at Yorke. the first chiefteins and ringleaders of the former commotion, with Iohn Dale, Robert Wright, William Pecocke, Weatherell, and Ed­mund Buttrie, busie stirrers in this sedition, as they trauelled from place to place, to draw people to their faction, were likewise apprehended, commit­ted to ward, lawfullie conuicted, and lastlie execu­ted at Yorke the one and twentith of September, in the yere of our Lord 1549. Exactis iudicij publici a regi­stro exceptis & notatis.

Whilest these wicked commotions and tumults through the rage of the vndiscréet commons were thus raised in sundrie parts of the realme, to the great hinderance of the common-wealth, losse and danger of euerie good and true subiect, sundrie whol­some and godlie exhortations were published, to ad­uertise them of their dutie, and to laie before them their heinous offenses; with the sequele of the mis­chiefs that necessarilie followed thereof, the which if they should consider togither, with the punishment that hanged ouer their heads, they might easilie be brought to repent their lewd begun enterprises, and submit themselues to the kings mercie. Among o­ther of those admonitions, one was penned and set forth by sir Iohn Chéeke, which I haue thought good here to insert, as a necessarie discourse for euerie good English subiect. Wherein, to a reader of iudge­ment and capacitie, such learning and wisedome, with a true loiall subiects heart bewraieth it selfe to haue béene setled in that gentleman; as the verie reading of this treatise is able to turne a rebellious mind to méekenesse: if reason be not altogither led awaie captiue by lust.

[Page 1042]

¶ The hurt of sedition how greeuous it is to a common-wealth, set out by sir Iohn Cheeke knight, in the yeare 1549.
The true subiect to the rebell.

AMong so manie and notable benefits, wherewith God hath alreadie and plen­tifullie indued vs, there is nothing more beneficiall, than that we haue by his line 10 grace kept vs quiet from rebellion at this time. For we see such miseries hang ouer the whole state of the common-wealth, through the great misorder of your sedition, that it maketh vs much to reioise, that we haue béene neither partners of your doings, nor con­spirers of your counsels. For euen as the Lacede­monians for the auoiding of drunkennesse did cause their sons to behold their seruants when they were drunke, What the La­cedemonians did to make their sons de­test drunken­nesse. that by beholding their beastlinesse, they might auoid the like vice: euen so hath God like a line 20 mercifull father staied vs from your wickednesse, that by beholding the filth of your fault, we might iustlie for offense abhorre you like rebels, whome else by nature we loue like Englishmen. And so for our selues, we haue great cause to thanke God, by whose religion and holie word dailie taught vs, we learne not onelie to feare him trulie, but also to o­beie our king faithfullie, and to serue in our owne vocation like subiects honestlie. And as for you, we haue surelie iust cause to lament you as brethren, line 30 and yet iuster cause to rise against you as enimies, and most iust cause to ouerthrow you as rebels.

For what hurt could be doone either to vs priuat­lie, or to the whole common-wealth generallie, that is now with mischiefe so brought in by you, that euen as we sée now the flame of your rage, so shall we necessarilie be consumed hereafter with the miserie of the same. Wherefore consider your selues with some light of vnderstanding, and marke this grée­uous and horrible fault, which ye haue thus vilelie line 40 committed, how heinous it must néeds appeare to you, if ye will reasonablie consider that which for my duties sake, and my whole countries cause, I will at this present declare vnto you. Ye which be bound by Gods word not to obeie for feare like men-plea­sers, Rebellion a verie grée­uous and hor­rible offense a­gainst God, the prince, and the state. but for conscience sake like christians, haue con­trarie to Gods holie will, whose offense is euerla­sting death, and contrarie to the godlie order of qui­etnesse, set out to vs in the kings maiesties lawes, the breach whereof is not vnknowne to you, taken line 50 in hand vncalled of God, vnsent by men, vnfit by reason, to cast awaie your bounden duties of obedi­ence, and to put on you against the magistrats, Gods office committed to the magistrats, for the re­formation of your pretensed iniuries. In the which dooing ye haue first faulted grieuouslie against God, next offended vnnaturallie our souereigne lord, thirdlie troubled miserablie the whole common-wealth, vndoone cruellie manie an honest man, and brought in an vtter miserie both to vs the kings sub­iects, line 60 and to your selues being false rebels. And yet ye pretend that partlie for Gods cause, and partlie for the common-wealths sake, ye doo arise, when as your selues cannot denie; but ye that seeke in word Gods cause, doo breake in déed Gods comman­dements; and ye that séeke the common-wealth, haue destroied the common-wealth: and so ye marre that ye would make, & breake that ye would amend, because ye neither seeke anie thing rightlie, nor would amend anie thing orderlie.

He that faulteth, faulteth against Gods ordi­nance, who hath forbidden all faults, and therefore ought againe to be punished by Gods ordinance, who is the reformer of faults. For he saith, Leaue the pu­nishment to me, and I will reuenge them. The autho [...]i­tie of the [...] ­gistrats [...] and peremp­torie. But the magistrate is the ordinance of God, appointed by him with the sword of punishment to looke streight­lie to all euill dooers. And therefore that that is doone by the magistrate, is doone by the ordinance of God, whome the scripture oftentimes dooth call God, be­cause he hath the execution of Gods office. How then doo you take in hand to reforme? Be ye kings? By what authoritie? Or by what occasion? Be ye the kings officers? By what commission? Be ye called of God? By what tokens declare ye that? Gods word teacheth vs, that no man should take in hand anie office, but he that is called of God like Aaron. What Moses I praie you called you? What Gods minister bad you rise?

Ye rise for religion. What religion taught you that? If ye were offered persecution for religion, Rebellion [...]n­lawfull in de­fense of true religion, E [...]go much more vnlawfull in maintenance of false reli­gion, &c. ye ought to flie: so Christ teacheth you, and yet you in­tend to fight. If ye would stand in the truth, ye ought to suffer like martyrs, and you would sleie like ty­rants. Thus for religion you kéepe no religion, and neither will follow the counsell of Christ, nor the con­stancie of martyrs. Why rise ye for religion? Haue ye anie thing contrarie to Gods booke? Yea, haue ye not all things agréeable to Gods word? But the new is different from the old, and therefore ye will haue the old. If ye measure the old by truth, ye haue the oldest; if ye measure the old by fansie, then it is hard: because mens fansies change, to giue that is old. Ye will haue the old still. Will ye haue anie ol­der than that as Christ left, & his apostles taught, & the first church after Christ did vse? Ye will haue that the chanons doo establish. Why that is a great deale yoonger than that ye haue, of later time, and newlier inuented. Yet that is it that ye desire. Why then ye desire not the oldest. And doo you preferre the bi­shops of Rome afore Christ, mens inuentions afore Gods law, the newer sort of worship before the ol­der? Ye séeke no religion, ye be deceiued, ye séeke traditions. They that teach you, blind you, that so instruct you, deceiue you. If ye séeke what the old doctors saie, yet looke what Christ the oldest of all saith. For he saith; Before Abraham was made I am. If ye seeke the truest way, he is the verie truth; if ye séeke the readiest waie, he is the verie waie; if ye séeke euerlasting life, he is the verie life. What religion would ye haue other now, than his religion?

You would haue the bibles in againe. The necessa­rie benefit an [...] vse of the bi­ble, and con­trariwise. It is no maruell, your blind guides would leade you blind still. Why, be ye howlets and backs, that ye can­not looke on the light? Christ saith to euerie one, Search ye the scriptures, for they beare witnesse of Christ. You saie, Pull in the scriptures, for we will haue no knowledge of Christ. The apostles of Christ will vs to be so readie, that we maie be able to giue euerie man an account of our faith. Ye will vs not once to read the scriptures, for feare of knowing of our faith. Saint Paul praieth that euerie man may increase in knowledge: ye desire that our know­ledge might decaie againe. A true religion ye séeke belike, and worthie to be sought for. For without the sword indéed nothing can helpe it, neither Christ, nor truth, nor age can mainteine it. But why should ye not like that which Gods word establisheth, the primitiue church hath authorised, the greatest lear­ned men of this realme haue drawen, the whole con­sent of the parlement hath confirmed, the kings maiestie hath set foorth? Is it not trulie set out? Can ye deuise anie truer than Christes apostles vsed? Ye thinke it is not learnedlie doone. Dare ye commons take vpon you more learning, than the chosen bi­shops and clearks of this realme haue? Thinke ye follie in it? Ye were woont to iudge your parlement wisest, & now will ye suddenlie excell them in wis­dome? [Page 1043] Or can ye thinke it lacketh authoritie, which the king, the parlement, the learned, the wise haue iustlie approoued? Learne, learne, to know this one point of religion, that God will be worshipped as he hath prescribed, A principall p [...]int of reli­ [...]on for re­ [...]ls speciallie [...] ca [...]ne. and not as we haue deuised; and that his will is wholie in his scriptures, which be full of Gods spirit, and profitable to teach the truth, to re­prooue lies, to amend faults, to bring one vp in righ­teousnesse, that he that is a Gods man may be per­fect & readie to all good works. What can be more re­quired to serue God withall? And thus much for re­ligion, line 10 rebels.

The rebelles of Norffolke pretended the c [...]mmmon-we [...]lth the cause of their rising.The other rable of Norffolke rebelles, ye pre­tend a common-wealth. How amend ye it? By kil­ling of gentlemen, by spoiling of gentlemen, by im­prisoning of gentlemen? A maruellous tanned common-wealth. Whie should ye thus hate them? For their riches or for their rule? Rule they neuer tooke so much in hand as ye doo now. They neuer re­sisted the king, neuer withstood his councell, be faith­full line 20 at this daie when ye be faithlesse, not onelie, to the king, whose subiects ye be, but also to your lords whose tenants ye be. Is this your true duetie, in some of homage, in most of fealtie, in all of allegi­ance; to leaue your duties, go backe from your pro­mises, fall from your faith, and contrarie to law and truth to make vnlawfull assemblies, vngodlie com­panies, wicked and detestable campes, to disobeie your betters, and to obeie your tanners, to change your obedience from a king to a Ket, to submit your line 30 selues to traitors, and breake your faith to your true king and lords? They rule but by law, if otherwise, the law, the councell, the king taketh awaie their rule. Ye haue orderlie sought no redresse, but ye haue in time found it. whie all must not looke to beare like r [...]le. In countries some must rule, some must obeie, euerie man maie not beare like stroke: for euerie man is not like wise. And they that haue séene most, and be best able to beare it, and of iust dealing beside, be most fit to rule. It is an o­ther matter to vnderstand a mans owne gréefe, and to know the common-wealths sore; and therfore not line 40 they that know their owne case, as euerie man doth, but they that vnderstand the common-welths state, ought to haue in countries the preferment of ruling. If ye felt the paine that is ioined with gouernance, as ye see and like the honor, ye would not hurt o­thers to rule them, but rather take great paine to be ruled of them. If ye had rule of the kings maiestie committed vnto you, it were well doone ye had ruled the gentlemen: but now ye haue it not, and cannot beare their rule, it is to thinke the kings maiestie foo­lish line 50 and vniust, that hath giuen certeine rule to them. And séeing by the scripture, Magistrates [...] to be hono­red both in speech and maners. ye ought not to speake euill of anie magistrate of the people, why doo ye not onelie speake euill of them whome the kings maie­stie hath put in office, but also iudge euill of the king himselfe, and thus seditiouslie in field stand with your swords drawen against him?

If riches offend you, because yée wish the like, then thinke that to be no common-wealth, but enuie to the common-wealth. Enuie it is to appaire an o­ther line 60 mans estate, without the amendment of your owne. And to haue no gentlemen, bicause ye be none your selues, is to bring downe an estate, and to mend none. Would ye haue all alike rich? That is the ouerthrow of labour, and vtter decay of worke in this realme. To haue all degrees alike, [...] no inequali­tie how incon­ [...]enient. For who will labour more, if when he hath gotten more, the idle shall by lust without right take what him lust from him, vnder pretense of e­qualitie with him. This is the bringing in of idle­nesse, which destroieth the common-wealth; and not the amendment of labour. that mainteineth the common-wealth. If there should be such equalitie, then ye take awaie all hope from yours to come to anie better estate than you now leaue them. And as manie meane mens children doo come honestlie vp, and are great succour to all their stocke: so should none be hereafter holpen by you, but bicause ye seeke equalitie, whereby all can not be rich. Ye would that (belike) whereby euerie man should be poore; and thinke beside that riches and inheritance be Gods prouidence, Riches and inheritance from whom, to whom, and to what end giuen. and giuen to whome of his wisdome he thinketh good: to the honest for the increase of their godlinesse, to the wicked for the heaping vp of their damnation, to the simple for a recompense of other lackes, to the wise for the greater setting out of Gods goodnesse. Whie will your wisdome now stop Gods wisdome, and prouide by your lawes, that God shall not inrich them, whome he hath by prouidence appointed as him liketh? God hath made the poore, & hath made them to be poore that he might shew his might, and set them aloft when he listeth for such cause as to him seemeth, & plucke downe the rich to this state of pouertie by his power, as he disposeth to order them. Whie doo not we then being poore beare it wiselie, rather than by lust seeke riches vniustlie, and shew our selues content with Gods ordinance, which we must either willinglie obeie, and then we be wise, or else we must vnprofitablie striue withall, and then we be mad?

But what meane yee by this equalitie in the common-wealth? If one be wiser than an other, The vncon­scionable wi­shing of equa­litie how hurtfull. will ye banish him, because yée intend an equalitie of all things? If one be stronger than another, will yee slaie him, bicause ye séeke an equalitie of all things? If one be well fauourder than an other, will yée pu­nish him, because yée looke for an equalitie of all things? If one haue better vtterance than another, will ye pull out his toong to saue your equalitie? And if one be richer than an other, will ye spoile him to mainteine an equalitie? If one be elder than an o­ther, will ye kill him for this equalities sake? How iniurious are ye to God himselfe, who intendeth to bestow his gifts as he himselfe listeth: and ye seeke by wicked insurrections to make him giue them commonlie alike to all men as your vaine fansie li­keth? Whie would ye haue an equalitie in riches & in other gifts of God? There is no meane sought. Either by ambition ye séeke lordlinesse much vnfit for you; or by couetousnesse ye be vnsatiable, a thing likelie inough in ye; or else by follie ye be not con­tent with your estate, a fansie to be plucked out of you.

But if we being wearie of pouertie would séeke to inrich our selues, The precept of S. Peter teaching the right waie to riches and honor. we should go a farre other waie to worke than this, and so should we rightlie come to our desire. Dooth not S. Peter teath vs afore God a right waie to honour, to riches, to all necessarie and profitable things for vs? He saith, Humble your selues that God might exalt you, and cast all your care on him, for he careth for you. He teacheth the waie to all good things at Gods hand, is to be hum­ble, and you exalt your selues. Ye séeke things after such a sort, as if the seruant should anger his master, when he seeketh to haue a good turne of him. Ye would haue riches (I thinke) at Gods hand who gi­ueth all riches, and yet ye take the waie cleane con­trarie to riches. Know ye not that he that exalteth himselfe, God will throw him downe? How can ye get it then by thus setting out your selues? Ye shuld submit ye by humilitie one to another, and ye set vp your selues by arrogancie aboue the magistrates. See herein how much ye offend God. Remember ye not that if ye come nigh to God, he will come nigh vnto you? If then ye go from God, he will go from you. Dooth not the psalme saie, He is holie with the holie, and with the wicked man he is fro­ward? Euen as he is ordered of men, he will order [Page 1044] them againe. If ye would follow his will, and obeie his commandements, ye should eat the fruits of the earth, saith the prophet; if not, the sword shall deuour you. Ye might haue eaten the fruits of this seaso­nable yéere, if ye had not by disobedience rebelled against God. Now not onelie ye can not eat that which your selues did first sowe by labour, and now destroie by sedition; but also if the kings maiesties sword came not against you, as iust policie requi­reth, yet the iust vengeance of God would light a­mong line 10 you, as his word promiseth, and your cruell wickednesse deserueth.

For whatsoeuer the causes be that haue mooued your wild affections herin, as they be vniust causes, & increase your faults much, The act of re­bellion aggra­uated, & proo­ued most wic­ked and hor­rible. the thing it selfe, the ri­sing I meane, must néeds be wicked and horrible be­fore God, and the vsurping of authoritie, and taking in hand of rule, which is the sitting in Gods seat of iustice, and a proud climing vp into Gods high throne, must néeds be not onelie cursed newlie by line 20 him, but also hath beene often punished afore of him. And that which is doone to Gods officer, God accoun­teth it doone to him. For they despise not the mini­ster, as he saith himselfe, but they despise him: and that presumption of chalenging Gods seat, dooth shew you to haue bin Lucifers, and sheweth vs that God will punish you like Lucifers. Wherfore right­lie looke, An exhorta­tion to rebels. as ye dulie haue deserued, either for great vengeance for your abhominable transgression, or else earnestlie repent, with vnfeined minds, your line 30 wicked dooings; and either with example of death be content to dehort other, or else by faithfulnesse of obe­dience declare how great a seruice it is to God, to obeie your magistrats faithfullie, and to serue in sub­iection trulie.

Well, if ye had not thus grieuouslie offended God, whome ye ought to worship, what can ye reaso­nablie thinke it, to be no fault against the king, whom ye ought to reuerence? Disobedience to the prince is a most ab­hominable sinne, and that we are bound by dutie to o­beie. Ye be bound by Gods word to obeie your king, and is it no breach of dutie line 40 to withstand your king? If the seruant be bound to obeie his maister in the familie, is not the subiect bound to serue the king in his realme? The child is bound to the priuat father, and be we not all bound to the common-wealths father? If we ought to be subiect to the king for Gods cause, ought we not then I praie you to be faithfullie subiect to the king? If we ought dutifullie to shew all obedience to heathen kings, shall we not willinglie and trulie be subiect to christian kings? If one ought to submit himselfe line 50 by humilitie to another, ought we not all by dutie to be subiect to our king? If the members of our natu­rall bodie all follow the head, shall not the members of the politicall bodie all obeie the king? If good ma­ners be content to giue place the lower to the high­er, shall not religion teach vs alwaie to giue place to the highest? If true subiects will die gladlie in the kings seruice, should not all subiects thinke it dutie to obeie the king with iust seruice. But you haue not onelie disobeied like ill subiects, but also taken stout­lie line 60 rule vpon you like wicked magistrates.

Ye haue béene called to obedience by counsell of priuat men, by the aduise of the kings maiesties councell, by the kings maiesties frée pardon. But what counsell taketh place, where sturdinesse is law and churlish answers be counted wisdome? A notable and rhetoricall clause, and to the purpose. Who can persuade where treason is aboue reason, and might ruleth right, and it is had for lawfull whatsoeuer is lustfull, and commotioners are better than com­missioners, and common wo is named common-wealth? Haue ye not broken his lawes, disobeied his councell, rebelled against him? And what is the common-wealth worth, when the law which is indif­ferent for all men, shall be wilfullie and spitefullie broken of head-strong men, that séeke against laws to order lawes; that those may take place, not what consent of wise men hath appointed, but what the lust of rebels hath determined? The rebels fullie fraught with most [...] ­ [...]anous quali­ties, &c. What vnthriftinesse is in ill seruants, wickednes in vnnaturall children, sturdinesse in vnrulie subiects, crueltie in fierce eni­mies, wildnes in beastlie minds, pride in disdainfull harts; that floweth now in you, which haue fled from housed conspiracies, to incamped robberies, and are better contented to suffer famine, cold, trauell, to glut your lusts, than to liue in quietnesse to saue the common-wealth, and thinke more libertie in wilful­nesse, than wisedome in dutifulnesse, and so run head­long not to the mischiefe of other, but to the destruc­tion of your selues, and vndoo by follie that ye intend by mischiefe, neither séeing how to remedie that ye iudge faultie, nor willing to saue your selues from miserie: which stifneckednesse cannot doo, but hone­stie of obedience must frame.

If authoritie would serue vnder a king, The kings councell of greatest au­thoritie▪ and why; yet are they disobei­ed: note. the coun­cell haue greatest authoritie; if wisedome and graui­tie might take place, they be of most experience; if knowledge of the common-wealth could helpe, they must by dailie conference of matters vnderstand it best: yet neither the authoritie that the kings maie­stie hath giuen them, nor the grauitie which you know to be in them, nor the knowledge which with great trauell they haue gotten, can mooue you either to kéepe you in the dutie ye ought to doo, or to auoid the great disorder wherin ye be. For where disobedience is thought stoutnesse, and sullennes is counted man­hood, and stomaching is courage, and prating is iud­ged wisedome, and the eluishest is most méet to rule; how can other iust authoritie be obeied, or sad coun­sell be followed, or good knowledge of matters be heard, or commandements of counsellors be consi­dered? And how is the king obeied, whose wisest be withstanded, the disobedientest obeied, the high in au­thoritie not weied, the vnskilfullest made chiefe cap­teins, to the noblest most hurt intended, the brag­gingest braller to be most safe? And euen as the vi­ler parts of the bodie would contend in knowledge & gouernement with the fiue wits: so doo the lower parts of the common-wealth enterprise as high a matter, to striue against their dutie of obedience to the councell.

But what talke I of disobedience so quietlie? The action of rebellion pro­ued by reason to be most hei­nous, intolle­rable, and di­uelish. Haue not such mad rages run in your heads, that forsa­king and bursting the quietnesse of the common peace, ye haue heinouslie and traitorouslie incamped your selues in field, and there like a bile in a bodie, naie like a sinke in a towne, haue gathered togither all the nastie vagabonds and idle loiterers to beare armour against him, whome all godlie and good sub­iects will liue and die withall. If it be a fault when two fight togither, and the kings peace broken, and punishment to be sought therefore; can it be but an outragious and a detestable mischiefe, when so manie rebels in number, malicious in mind, mischiefous in enterprise, fight not among themselues, but a­gainst all the kings true and obedient subiects; and séeke to prooue whether rebellion may beat downe honestie, and wickednesse may ouercome truth or no? If it be treason to speake heinouslie of the kings maiestie, who is not hurt thereby, and the infamie re­turneth to the speaker againe; what kind of outra­gious & horrible treason is it, to assemble in campe an armie against him, and so not onelie intend an o­uerthrow to him, and also to his common-wealth; but also to cast him into an infamie, through all out­ward and strange nations, and persuade them that he is hated of his people, whome he can not rule; and that they be no better than vilans, which will not with good orders be ruled?

[Page 1045] No death cru­ [...] enough for [...] and t [...]itors.What death can be deuised cruell enough for those rebels, who with trouble seeke death, and can not quench the thirst of their rebellion, but with the bloud of true subiects; and hate the kings mercifull par­don, when they miserablie haue transgressed, and in such an outrage of mischiefe will not by stubbornesse acknowledge themselues to haue faulted, but intend to broile the common-wealth with the flame of their treason, and as much as lieth in them not one­to annoie themselues, but to destroie all others? He line 10 that is miscontented with things that happen, A desperat m [...]lecontents behauiour. and bicause he cannot beare the miserie of them, renteth his heare, and teareth his skin, & mangleth his face, which easeth not his sorrow, but increaseth his mise­rie; maie he not be iustlie called mad and fantasti­call, and woorthie whose wisedome should be suspec­ted? And what shall we saie of them, who being in the common-wealth, feeling a sore greeuous vnto them, and easie to haue béene amended, sought not the remedie, but haue increased the gréefe, and like frantike beasts raging against their head, doo teare line 20 and deface as much as lieth in them his whole autho­ritie in gouernement, and violentlie take to them­selues that rule vpon them, which he by policie hath granted vnto other?

And who weieng well the heauinesse of the fault, maie not iustlie saie and hold them to be worse here­in than any kind of brute beasts? Rebels and traitors worse than brute [...]. For we sée that the sheepe will obeie the shepheard, and the neat be ru­led by the neatheard, and the horsse will know his line 30 keeper, and the dog will be in aw of his maister, and euerie one of them féed there, and of that, as his kée­per and ruler dooth appoint him, & goeth from thence, and that, as he is forbidden by his ruler. And yet we haue not heard of, that anie heard or companie of these haue risen against their heardman or gouer­nour, but be alwaies contented not onelie to obeie them, but also to suffer them to take profit of them. And we sée furthermore, that all heards, & all sorts, be more egre in fiercenesse against all kind of stran­gers, line 40 than they be against their owne rulers, & will easilier offend him who hath not hurt them, than touch their ruler who séeketh profit on them.

But ye that ought to be gouerned by your ma­gistrates, as the heards by the heardman, and ought to be like shéepe to your king, The applica­tion of the for­mer compari­sons implieng obedience. who ought to be like a shéepeheard vnto you, euen in the time when your profit was sought, and better redresse was intended, than your vpstirs and vnquietnesse could obteine, haue beyond the crueltie of all beasts fowlie risen a­gainst your ruler, and shewed your selues woorthie to line 50 be ordered like beasts, who in kind of obedience will fall from the state of men. A dog stoopeth when he is beaten of his maister, not for lacke of stomach, but for naturall obedience: you being not striken of your head but fauoured, not kept downe but succou­red and remedied by law, haue violentlie against law not onelie barked like beasts, but also bitten like helhounds. What? Is the mischiefe of sedition either not knowne vnto you, or not feared? Haue not examples aforetimes both told the end of rebels, line 60 and the wickednesse of rebellion it selfe? But as for old examples, let them passe for a while, as things well to be considered. But at this present one thing more to be weied.

Looke vpon your selues, after ye haue wickedlie stept into this horrible kind of treason, doo ye not sée how manie bottomlesse whirlepooles of mischiefe yee be gul [...]t withall, The presump­t [...]ous & arro­ [...]nt vsurped [...] of the re­ [...]ls noted to [...] imp [...]ach­ [...]nt of [...]. and what lothsome kinds of rebel­lion ye be faine to wade through? Ye haue sent out in the kings name, against the kings will, precepts of all kinds, & without commandement comman­ded his subiects, and vnrul [...]lie haue ruled where yée listed to command, thinking your owne fansies the kings commandements, and rebels lusts in things to be right gouernement of things, not looking what should follow by reason, but what your selues follow by affection. And is it not a dangerous and a cruell kind of treason, to giue out precepts to the kings people? There can be no iust execution of lawes, re­formation of faults, giuing out of commandements, but from the king. For in the king onelie is the right herof, & the authoritie of him deriued by his appoint­ment to his ministers. Ye hauing no authoritie of the king, but taking it of your selues, what thinke ye your selues to be? Ministers ye be none, except ye be the diuels ministers, for he is the author of sedition.

The kings maiestie intendeth to mainteine peace, and to oppresse warre; ye stirre vp vprores of people, hurliburlies of vagabonds, routs of robbers. Is this anie part of the kings ministerie? If a vaga­bond would doo what he lust, and call himselfe your seruant, and execute such offices of trust, The rebels outragious and intollera­ble demeanor descried. whether yée would or no, as yee haue committed vnto another mans credit, what would euerie one of you saie or doo herein? Would ye suffer it? Ye wander out of houses, ye make euerie daie new matters as it pleaseth you, ye take in hand the execution of those things, God by his word forbidding the same; which God hath put the magistrates in trust withall. What can ye saie to this? Is it sufferable thinke ye? If ye told a priuat message in another mans name, can it be but a false lie I praie you? And to tell a feined message to the common-wealth, and that from the king, can it be honest thinke ye? To command is more than to speake: what is it then to command so traitorous a lie? This then which is in word a deceit­full lie, and in déed a traitorous fact, Their disobe­dience noto­rious. noisome to the common-wealth, vnhonourable to the king, mischie­fous in you, how can ye otherwise iudge of it, but to be an vnheard of and notable disobedience to the king: and therefore by notable example to be puni­shed, and not with gentlenesse of pardon to be for­giuen? Ye haue robbed euerie honest house, and spoi­led them vniustlie, and pitiouslie wronged poore men being no offendors, to their vtter vndooing, and yet ye thinke ye haue not broken the kings lawes. The kings maiesties law and his commandement is, that euerie man should safelie kéepe his owne, The rebels offend against the law of iu­stice & equitie. and vse it reasonablie to an honest gaine of his liuing: ye violentlie take and carie awaie from men with­out cause, all things whereby they should mainteine, not onelie themselues, but also their familie, & leaue them so naked, that they shall féele the smart of your curssed enterprise, longer than your owne vnnatu­rall & vngodlie stomachs would well vouchsafe. By iustice ye should neither hurt nor wrong man, and your pretensed cause of this monstruous sturre is to increase mens wealth. And yet how manie, and saie truth, haue ye decaied and vndoone, by spoiling and taking awaie their goods? How should honest men liue quietlie in the common-wealth at anie time, if their goods, either gotten by their owne labor, or left to them by their friends, shall vnlawfullie and vnor­derlie, to the féeding of a sort of rebels, The former matter vehe­mentlie vrged. be spoiled and wasted▪ and vtterlie scattered abrode? The thing that ye take is not your right, it is an other mans owne. The maner of taking against his will is vnlawfull, & against the order of euerie good common-wealth. The cause why ye take it is mischiefous and horrible, to fat your sedition. Ye that take it be wicked trai­tors, and common enimies of all good order.

If he that desireth an other mans goods or cat­tell, doo fault: what dooth he (thinke you) whose desire taking followeth, and is led to and fro by lust, as his wicked fansie void of reason dooth guide him? Hée that vseth not his owne well and charitablie, hath much to answer for: and shall they be thought not [Page 1046] vniust, who not onelie take awaie other mens, but also misuse and wast the same vngodlie? They that take things priuilie awaie, and steale secretlie and couertlie other mens goods, be by law iudged wor­thie death: and shall they that without shame spoile things openlie, and be not affeard by impudencie to professe their spoile, be thought either honest creaturs to God, or faithfull subiects to their king, or naturall men to their countrie? The rebels are still char­ged with their rapines, and violentlie inferred wrongs. If nothing had mooued you but the example of mischeefe, and the foule practise of other mooued by the same, ye should yet haue abstei­ned line 10 from so licentious and vilanous a shew of rob­berie, considering how manie honester there be, that being loth their wickednesse should be blazed abrode, yet be found out by prouidence, and hanged for de­sert. What shall we then thinke or saie of you? Shall we call you pickers, or hid theeues; naie more than théeues, daie théeues, heard stealers, shire spoi­lers, and vtter destroiers of all kinds of families, both among the poore and also among the rich. Let vs yet further see. Be there no mo things wherein ye line 20 haue broken the kings laws, and so vilelie disobeie? him, flat contrarie to your bounden dutie and alle­giance?

Ye haue not onelie spoiled the kings true subiects of their goods, but also ye haue imprisoned their bo­dies, which should be at libertie vnder the king, and restreined them of their seruice, which by dutie they owe the king, Libertie desi­red aboue all things. and appaired both strength and health, wherewith they liue and serue the king. Is there a­nie line 30 honest thing more desired than libertie? Ye haue shamefullie spoiled them thereof. Is there anie thing more dutifull than to serue their lord and mai­ster? But as that was desired of the one part, so was it hindered and stopped on your part. For nei­ther can the king be serued, nor families kept, nor the common-wealth looked vnto, where fréedome of libertie is stopped, and diligence of seruice is hinde­red; and the helpe of strength and health abated. Mens bodies ought to be frée from all mens bon­dage and crueltie, and onelie in this realme be sub­iect line 40 in publike punishment to our publike gouer­nour, and neither be touched of Fit epithets and terms for head and taile of this rebel­lion. headlesse capteins, nor holden of brainlesse rebels. For the gouerne­ment of so pretious a thing ought to belong vnto the most noble ruler, and not iustlie to be in euerie mans power, which is iustlie euerie liuing mans treasure. For what goods be so deare to euerie man, as his owne bodie is, which is the true vessell of the mind, to be measurablie kept of euerie man for all exercises & line 50 seruices of the mind? If ye may not of your owne authoritie meddle with mens goods, much lesse you may of your owne authoritie take order with mens bodies.

For what be goods in comparison of health, liber­tie, and strength, which be all setled and fastened in the bodie? The offense of excluding the kings sub­iects from the benefit of li­bertie aggra­uated. They that strike other, doo greatlie offend, and be iustlie punishable: and shall they that cruel­lie and wrongfullie torment mens bodies with irons and imprisonments, be thought not of others but of themselues honest, and plaine, and true dea­ling line 60 men? What shall we say by them, who in a pri­uat businesse will let a man to go his iourneie in the kings high waie? Doo they not (thinke ye) plaine wrong? Then in a common cause not onelie to hin­der them, but also to deale cruellie with them, and shut them from dooing their seruice to the king, and their dutie to the common-wealth, is it not both dis­obedience, crueltie, and mischiefe thinke ye? What an hinderance is it, to haue a good garment hurt, anie iewell appaired, or anie estéemed thing to be de­caied? And séeing no earthlie thing a man hath is more pretious than his body, to cause it to be cruellie tormented with irons, feebled with cold, weakened with ordering: can it be thought anie other thing but wrong to the sufferer, crueltie in the dooer, & great disobedience and transgression to the king? A pithie con­clusion in [...]er­red vpon the premisses, i [...] forme of sen­tence defini­tiue. How then be ye able to defend it? But séeing ye so vnpi­tifullie vexe men, cast them in prison, lade them with irons, pine them with famine, contrarie to the rule of nature, contrarie to the kings maiesties lawes, contrarie to God holie ordinances, hauing no mat­ter but pretensed and fained gloses, ye be not onelie disobedient to the king like rebels, but withstanding the law of nature like beasts, and so worthie to die like dogs, except the kings maiestie, without re­spect of your deseruing, doo mercifullie grant you of his goodnesse that which you cannot escape by iu­stice.

Yet ye being not content with this, as small things enterprise great matters, and as though ye could not satisfie your selues, if ye should leaue anie mischiefe vndoone, haue sought bloud with crueltie, and haue slaine of the kings true subiects manie, The rebels charged with the murder and bloudshed of the kings liege people. thinking their murder to be your defense, when as ye haue increased the fault of your vile rebellion, with the horror of bloudshed, and so haue burdened mischiefe with mischiefe, whilest it come to an im­portable weight of mischiefe. What could we doo more, in the horriblest kind of faults, vnto the grea­test transgressours and offendors of God and men, than to looke strictlie on them by death, and so to rid them out of the common-wealth by seuere pu­nishment, whome ye thought vnworthie to liue a­mong men for their dooings? And those who haue not offended the king, but defended his realme, and by obedience of seruice sought to punish the disobedi­ent, and for safegard of euerie man put themselues vnder dutie of law, those haue ye miserablie and cru­ellie slaine, and bathed you in their bloud, whose doo­ings ye should haue followed, & not to haue appaired the common-wealth, both by destruction of good men, and also by increase of rebels. A licentious common-wealth cannot indure. And how can that common-wealth by anie meanes indure, wher­in euerie man without authoritie, may vnpuni­shed slea whome he list, and that in such case as those who be slaine shew themselues most noble of cou­rage, and most readie to serue the king and the com­mon-wealth, and those as doo slea be most vilanous and traitorous rebels that anie common-wealth did euer susteine?

For a citie and a prouince be not the faire hou­ses, and the strong walles, Wherein and whereof con­sisteth a citie, prouince, or politike bodie. nor the defense of anie engine, but the liuing bodies of men, being able in number and strength to mainteine themselues by good order of iustice, & to serue for all necessarie & behouable vses in the common-wealth. And when as mans bodie being a part of the whole common-wealth, is wrongfullie touched anie way, and speci­allie by death, then suffereth the common-wealth great iniurie, and that alwaies so much the more, how honester and nobler he is, who is iniuriouslie murdered. Lord Shef­felds slaugh­ter laid to the rebels char [...] ▪ How was the lord Sheffeld handled a­mong you, a noble gentleman, and of good seruice, both fit for counsell in peace, and for conduct in war, considering either the grauitie of his wisedome, or the authoritie of his person, or his seruice to the com­mon-wealth, or the hope that all men had in him, or the néed that England had of such, or among manie notablie good, his singular excellencie, or the fauor that all men bare toward him, being loued of euerie man, and hated of no man?

Considered ye who should by dutie be the kings subiects, either how ye should not haue offended the K. or after offense haue required the kings pardon, or not to haue refused his goodnesse offered, or at length, to haue yéelded to his mercie, or not to haue slaine those who came for his seruice, or to haue spared those [Page 1047] who in danger offered ransome. But all these things forgotten by rage of rebellion, because one madnesse cannot be without infinit vices, ye slew him cruel­lie, who offered himselfe manfullie, nor would not so much as spare him for ransome, L [...]d Shef­ [...]s wofull [...] this [...] p [...]thilie [...]. who was worthie for noblenesse to haue had honour, & hewed him bare whome ye could not hurt armed, and by slauerie slue nobilitie, in deed miserablie, in fashion cruellie, in cause diuelishlie. Oh with what cruell spite was violentlie sundred so noble a bodie from so godlie a line 10 mind? Whose death must rather be reuenged than lamented, whose death was no lacke to himselfe, but to his countrie, whose death might euerie way béene better borne, than at a rebels hand. Uiolence is in all things hurtfull, but in life horrible. What should I speake of others in the same case, The knitting [...] mans bodie [...] mind G [...]ds worke, [...] whome the dissolving [...]reof belon­ged. diuerse and notable, whose death for manhood and seruice can want no woorthie praise, so long as these vglie sturrers of rebellion can be had in mind. God hath himselfe ioined mans bodie and his soule togither, line 20 not to be departed asunder, afore he euer disseuer them himselfe, or cause them to be disseuered by his minister.

And shall rebels and heedlesse camps, being armed against God, and in field against their king, thinke it no fault to shed bloud of true subiects, hauing nei­ther office of God, nor appointment of ministers, nor cause of rebellion? He that stealeth anie part of a mans substance, is woorthie to lose his life. What shall we thinke then of them, who spoile men of their liues, for the maintenance whereof, not onelie line 30 substance & riches be sought for, but also all common-welths be deuised? Now then, your owne conscien­ces should be made your iudges, & none other set to giue sentence against ye. Séeing ye haue beene such bloudshedders, so heinous manquellers, so horrible murderers, could ye doo anie other than plainlie con­fesse your foule and wicked rebellion to be gréeuous against God, [...]ereby he [...]ooeth the rebels consci­ [...]ces see [...]ed [...] as it were [...] an hot [...]. and traitorous to the king, and hurt­full to the common-wealth? So manie gréeuous line 40 faults meeting togither in one sinke, might not one­lie haue discouraged, but also driuen to desperation, anie other honest or indifferent mind.

But what féele they, whose hearts so déepe mischéefe had hardened, and by vehemencie of affection be made vnshamefast, and stop all discourse of reason, to let at large the full scope of their vnmeasurable madnesse? Priuat mens goods séeme little to your vnsatiable desires, yée haue waxed gréedie now vpon cities, The rebels [...]tousnesse [...] ambition [...]satiable. and haue attempted mightie spoiles, to glut line 50 vp (and yée could) your wasting hunger. Oh how much haue they néed of, that will neuer be conten­ted, and what riches can suffice anie that will at­tempt high enterprises aboue their estate? Ye could not mainteine your camps with your priuat goods, with your neighbours portion, but yée must also at­tempt cities, bicause ye sought great spoiles with o­ther mens losses, and had forgotten how yee liued at home honestlie with your owne, and thought them worthie death that would disquiet yée in your house, line 60 and plucke awaie that which yée by right of law thought to be your owne. A briefe ca­ [...]lation of [...] rebels [...] atempts [...] purposes. Héerein in sée what yée would haue doone, spoiled the kings maiesties subiects, weakened the kings strength, ouerthrowne his townes, taken awaie his munition, drawne his sub­iects to like rebellion, yea and as it is among forren enimies in sacking of cities, no doubt thereof, yee would haue fallen to slaughter of men, rauishing of wiues, deflouring of maidens, chopping of children, fiering of houses, beating downe of stréets, ouer­throwing of altogither.

For what measure haue men in the increase of madnesse, when they can not at the beginning staie themselues from falling into it. And if the besetting but of one house to rob it, An argument from the lesse to the greater. be iustlie deemed worthie death: what shall we thinke of them that besiege whole cities for desire of spoile? We liue vnder a king to serue him at all times when he shall néed our strength: and shall ye then not onlie withdraw your selues, which ought as much to be obedient as we be, but also violentlie plucke other awaie too, fro the du­tie vnto the which by Gods commandement all sub­iects be strictlie bound, and by all lawes eueri [...] nation is naturallie led? The vse and necessarie ser­uice of towns, & what it is to ouerthrow them. The townes be not onelie the ornament of the realme, but also the seat of mer­chants, the place of handicrafts, that men scattered in villages, and néeding diuerse things, maie in little roome know where to find the lacke. To ouerthrow them then, is nothing else but to wast your owne commodities, so that when ye would buie a necessa­rie thing for monie, ye could not tell where to find the same.

Munition serueth the king not onelie for the de­fense of his owne, The vse and seruice of munition. but also for the inuasion of his enimie. And if ye will then so strictlie deale with him, that ye will not let him so much as defend his owne, ye offer him double iniurie; both that ye let him from dooing anie notable fact abrode, and also that ye suffer not him quietlie to inioie his owne at home. Wherein ap­péereth the faithfull ser­uice of cities. But herein hath notablie appéered what ci­ties haue faithfully serued and suffred extreme dan­ger, not onelie of goods, but also of famine & death, rather than to suffer the kings enimies to enter: and what white liuered cities haue not onlie not withstood them, but also with shame fauored them, and with mischiefe aided them. And I would I might praise herein all cities alike! which I would doo, A good sub­iects wi [...]h, and the reason thereof. if all were like worthie. For then I might shew more faith in subiects than strength in rebelles; and testifie to men to come, what a generall faith euerie citie bare to the kings maiestie, whose age although it were not fit to rule, yet his subiects hearts were willing to obeie, thinking not onelie of the hope, which all men con­ceiue hereafter to be in him, but also of the iust kind of gouernment, which in his minoritie his councell dooth vse among them. And here, Excester com­mended for loue & loiail seruice to the king & estate. how much and how worthilie maie Excester be commended, which being in the middest of rebels, vnuittelled, vnfurni­shed, vnprepared for so long a siege, did noblie hold out the continuall and dangerous assault of the re­bell? For they susteined the violence of the rebell, not onlie they had plentie enough of vittels, but also ele­uen or twelue daies after the extreme famine came on them, and liuing without bread, were in courage so manfull, & in dutie so constant, that they thought it yet much better to die the extreme death of hun­ger, shewing truth to their king, and loue to their countrie, than to giue anie place to the rebell, and fa­uor him with aid, although they might haue doone it with their lesse danger. Whose example if Norwich had followed, Norwich vp­braided with the example of Excester. & had not rather giuen place to traitor Ket, than to kéepe their dutie; and had not sought more safegard than honestie, and priuat hope more than common quietnesse: they had ended their re­bellion sooner, and escaped themselues better, and sa­ued the losse of the worthie lord Shefféeld, in whome was more true seruice for his life, than in them for their goods. Some citi­zens of Nor­wich excusa­ble of this re­bellion, but most charge­able therwith in a high de­grée of disloi­altie. And although this can not be spoken a­gainst a certeine honest sort that were amongst them, whose praise was the greater, bicause they were so few: yet the greater number was such▪ that they not onelie obeied the rebell for feare, but also fo­lowed him for loue, and did so traitorouslie order the kings band vnder my lord marquesse, that they suf­fered more damage out of their houses by the towns men, than they did abrode by the rebelles. Whose fault as the kings maiestie maie pardon, so I would either the example might be forgotten, that no citie [Page 1048] might hereafter follow the like, or the déed be so ab­horred, Excester no­ble and true. that others hereafter would auoid the like shame, & learne to be noble by Excester, whose truth dooth not onelie deserue great praises, but also great reward.

Who then that would willinglie defend ye, can say anie thing for ye, which haue so diuerslie faulted, so traitorouslie offended, not onlie against priuat men seuerallie, but also generallie against whole townes, and that after such a sort, as outward enimies full of line 10 deadlie feud could not more cruellie inuade them? A collection or beadroll of certeine out­rages doone by the rebels. And thus the kings maiestie dishonored, his councell disobeied, the goods of the poore spoiled, the houses of the wealthie sacked, honest mens bodies imprisoned, worthie mens personages slaine, cities besieged and threatned, and all kind of things disordered, can ye without teares and repentance heare spoken of, which without honestie and godlinesse ye practised, and not find in your hearts now to returne to dutie, which by witchcraft of sedition were drowned in dis­order? line 20 Haue ye not in disorder first gréeuouslie of­fended God, next traitorouslie risen against your king, and so neither worthie euerlasting life, as long as ye so remaine, nor yet ciuill life being in such a breach of common quietnesse? If euerie one of these cannot by themselues plucke you backe from this your lewd and outragious enterprises, Persuasions to obedience and loialtie. yet let them altogither stir ye; or at least be a fearfull example to others, to beware by your vnmeasurable follie, how they doo so far prouoke God, or offend man: and find line 30 by your mistemper to be themselues better ordered, and learne still to obeie, bicause they would not re­pent, and so to liue with honestie, that they would neither willinglie offend Gods law, nor disobeie mans.

But and ye were so much bleared, that you did thinke impossible things, and your reason gaue ye against all reason, that ye neither displeased God herein, nor offended the king, yet be ye so blind, that ye vnderstand not your owne case, nor your neigh­bors line 40 miserie, nor the ruine of the whole common-wealth, which dooth euidentlie follow your so foule and detestable sedition? Doo ye not sée how for the maintenance of these vngodlie rablements, The hurts & mischiefes that befall ci­ties, &c▪ by mainteining rebelles. not on­lie cities and villages, but also shires and countries be vtterlie destroied? Is not their corne wasted, their cattell fetcht awaie, their houses rifled, their goods spoiled, and all to féed your vprising without reason, and to mainteine this tumult of rebellion inuented of the diuell, continued by you, and to be o­uerthrowen line 50 by the power of Gods mightie hand? And whie should not so hurtfull wasting and harri­eng of countries be iustlie punished with great seue­ritie, Rebellion is worthilie to be punished, séeing robbing of houses, and taking of purses, doo by law deserue the extremitie of death? How manie suffer iniurie when one hundred of a shire is spoiled? And what iniurie thinke ye is doone; when not onelie whole shires be destroied, but also euerie quarter of the realme touched? Haue ye not brought vpon vs all pouertie, weaknesse, and hatred within the realme, & discourage, shame, and damage with­out line 60 the realme? If ye miserablie intended not one­lie to vndoo other, A further view of the in­conuenien­ces bred by rebellion. but also to destroie your selues, and to ouerthrow the whole realme, could ye haue taken a readier waie to your owne ruine than this is?

And first if ye be anie thing reasonable, lift vp your reason, and weigh by wisdome, if not all things, yet your owne cases, and learne in the beginning of matters to foresee the end, and iudge aduisedlie yer ye enter into anie thing hastilie. See ye not this yeare the losse of haruest? The losse of haruest. Barns be poore mens storehouses. And thinke ye can grow to wealth that yéere when ye lose your thrift and pro­fit? Barns be poore mens storehouses, wherein lieth a great part of euerie mans owne liuing, his wiues and childrens liuing, wherwith men mainteine their families, paie their rents: and therefore be alwaies thought most rich when they haue best crops. And now when there is neither plentie of haie, nor suffici­ent of straw, nor corne inough, and that through the great disorder of your lewd rebellion, can ye thinke ye doo well, when ye vndoo your selues, and iudge it a common-welth when the commons is destroied, and séeke your hap by vnhappinesse, and esteeme your owne losse to be your owne forwardnes, and by this iudgement shew your selues, how little ye vnder­stand other mens matters, when ye can scarselie con­sider the weightiest of your owne? Hath not the haie this yeare, as it rose from the ground, Haie rotting on the groūd. so rotted to the ground againe: and where it was woont by mens seasonable labor to be taken in due time, and then serue for the maintenance of horsse and cattell wher­with we liue, now by your disordered mischéefe hath béene by mens idlenesse and vndutifulnesse let alone vntouched, and so neither serueth the poore to make monie of, nor anie cattell to liue with. The corne was sowne with labour, Losse of corne for lacke of reaping. and the ground tilled for it with labour, and looked to be brought home againe with labour: and for lacke of honest laborers it is lost on the ground; the owners being loiterers, and sée­king other mens, haue lost their owne, and hoping for mounteins, lacked their present thrift, neither ob­teining that they sought, nor séeking that they ought.

And how shall men liue when the maintenance of their prouision is lacking? The losse of one yeares haruest verie hurtfull. For labouring and their old store is wasted by wildnesse of sedition, and so neither spare the old nor saue the new. How can men be fed then or beasts liue, when as such wastfull negligence is miserablie vsed? And mispending the time of their profit, in shamefull disorder of inobedi­ence, they care not greatlie what becommeth of their owne, bicause they intend to liue by other mens? Haie is gone, corne is wasted, straw is spoiled; what reckoning of haruest can ye make, either for the aid of others, or for the reléefe of your selues? And thus haue ye brought in one kind of miserie, which if yée saw before, as ye be like to feele after, although ye had hated the common-welth, yet for loue of your selues ye would haue auoided the great enormitie thereof, into the which ye wilfullie now haue cast your selues.

An other no lesse is, that such plentie of vittels as was abundantlie in euerie quarter for the reléefe of vs all, is now wastfullie and vnthriftfullie spent, Wastfull spē ­ding of vit­tels by the re­bels inconue­nient to the whole state▪ in mainteining you vnlawfull rebels, and so with disorder all is consumed, which with good husbandrie might long haue indured. For, so much as would haue serued a whole yeare at home with dili­gence and skilfull héed of husbandrie, that is wilfullie wasted in a moneth in the campe, through the rauen­ing spoile of vilanie. For what is vnordered plentie, but a wastfull spoile, whereof the inconuenience is so great, as ye be worthie to féele, and bringeth in more hardnes of liuing, greater dearth of all things, & occasioneth manie causes of diseases? A necessitie of inhansing the price of things. The price of things must needs increase much, when the number of things waxeth lesse, and by scarsitie be inhansed, & compelleth men to abate their liberalitie in house, both to their owne, and also to strangers. And where the rich wanteth, what can the poore find, who in a common scarsitie liueth most scarselie, and feeleth quickliest the sharpnesse of staruing, when euerie man for lacke is hungerbitten. Which if ye had well remembred before, as ye now maie after perceiue, ye would not I thinke so stiffe-neckedlie haue resi­sted and indangered your selues in the storme of fa­mine, whereof ye most likelie must haue the greatest part, which most stubbornlie resisted, to your owne [Page 1049] shame and confusion.

After a great dearth com­meth a great death, a reason why.Experience teacheth vs, that after a great dearth commeth a great death; for that when men in great want of meat eat much ill meat, they fill their bo­dies with ill humors, and cast them from their state of health, into a subiection of sickenesse: bicause the good bloud in the bodie is not able to kéepe his tem­per, for the multitude of the ill humors that corrup­teth the same. And so grow great & deadlie plagues, and destroie great numbers of all sorts, sparing no kind that they light on, neither respecting the poore line 10 with mercie, nor the rich with fauour. Can ye there­forethinke herein, A briefe re­hearsall or summarie of mischiefes is­suing from re­bellion. when ye see decaie of vittels, the rich pinch, the poore famish, the following of diseases, the greatnesse of death, the mourning of widowes, the pitifulnesse of the fatherlesse, and all this miserie to come thorough your vnnaturall misbehauiour, that ye haue not dangerouslie hurt the commons of your countrie with a dolefull and vncurable wound? These things being once felt in the common-wealth, line 20 as they must néeds be, euerie man séeth by and by what followeth: euen a great diminishment of the strength of the realme, when the due number that the realme dooth mainteine is made lesse, and thereby we be made rather a preie for our enimies, than a safetie for our selues.

And how can there be but a great decaie o [...] people at the length, A great decaie of people. when some be ouerthrowne in warre, some suffer for punishment, some pine for famine, some die with the campes diet, some be consumed line 30 with sickenesse? For although ye thinke your selues able to match with a few vnprepared gentlemen, and put them from their houses, that ye might gaine the spoile: doo ye iudge the refore your selues strong inough, Rebels can not preuaile against the princes power. not onelie to withstand a kings power, but also to ouerthrow it? Is it possible that ye should haue so mad a frensie in your head, that ye should thinke the number ye sée so strong, that all ye sée not should not be able to preuaile to the contrarie? With what reason could ye thinke, that if ye bode the hot line 40 brunt of battell, but ye must néeds feele the smart, speciallie the kings power comming against you: which if ye feare not, belike ye know not the force thereof? And so much the greater number is lost in the realme, that both the ouercommer and the o­uercommed be parties, although vnlike, of one realme: and what losse is not onelie of either side, but of both, that dooth plainlie redound to the whole.

Then where so great and so horrible a fault is com­mitted, A necessarie consequent that rebels are seuerelie to be punished, and that such punishment is good and ne­cessarie. as woorse can not be mentioned of from the line 50 beginning, and bringeth in withall such penurie, such weakenes, such disorder in the common-wealth, as no mischiefe besides could doo the like: can anie man thinke with iust reason, that all shall escape vn­punished that shall escape the sword, and not manie for terrour and examples sake should be looked vnto, who haue beene either great dooers in such a disorde­red vilanie, or great counsellors to such an out­growne mischiefe; séeing the onelie remedie of re­dressing wilfull faults is a iust and seuere punish­ment line 60 of such, whose naughtie déeds good men ought to abhorre for duties sake, and ill men maie dread for like punishments sake, and a frée licence to doo mis­chiefe vnpunished is so dangerous, that the suffe­rance of one is the occasion of the fall of a great number, Against [...] for­ [...]aring and [...] a withall [...]. and womanish pitie to one is a deceitfull crueltie to the whole, intising them to their owne de­struction by sufferance, which would haue auoided the danger by fore punishment.

And in such a barrennesse of vittels, as must néeds come after so rauening a spoile, it must néeds be, that some (though few) shall be so nipt with egernesse of famine, that they shall not recouer againe them­selues out of so fretting a danger. So in a generall weakenesse, where all shall be féebled, some must needs die, and so diminish the number, and abate such strength as the realme defended it selfe withall be­fore. Which occasion of neuer so few, comming of so great a cause, if ye should make iust amends for, not of recompense which ye could not, Rebels pu­nishable with manie deaths. but of punish­went which ye ought; how manie, how diuerse and how cruell deaths ought euerie one of ye often suf­fer? How manie came to the camps from long la­bour to sudden ease, and from meane fare to stroieng of vittels: and so fell in a maner vnwares to such a contrarie change, that nature hir selfe abiding ne­uer great and sudden changes, can not beare it with­out some grounds entered of diseases to come, which vncircumspect men shall sooner féele than thinke of, and then will scarselie iudge the cause, when they shall be vexed with the effect?

It is little maruell that idlenesse and meat of an other mans charge will soone feed vp & fat like men: Idlenesse and meat of other mens charge. but it is great maruell if idlenesse and other mens meat doo not abate the same by sickenesse againe, and speciallie comming from the one, and going to the other: contrarie in those who violentlie séeke to turne in a moment the whole realme to the contra­rie. For while their mind changeth from obedience to vnrulinesse, and turneth it selfe from honestie to wildnesse, and their bodies go from labour to idle­nesse, from small fare to spoile of vittels, and from beds in the night to cabins, and from swéet houses to stinking camps, it must néeds be by changing of af­fections which alter the bodie, and by vsing of rest that filleth the bodie, and by glutting of meats which weakeneth the bodie, & with cold in the nights which accraseth the bodie, and with corrupt aire which in­fecteth the bodie, that there follow some grieuous tem­pest not onelie of contagious sickenesse, but also of present death to the bodie.

The greatest plucke of all is, The force of pestilence fol­lowing fa­mine. that vehemencie of plague, which naturallie followeth the dint of hung­er, which when it entereth once among men, what darts of pangs, what throwes of paines, what showts of death dooth it cast out? How manie fall, not asto­nied with the sickenesse, but fretted with the paine? How beateth it downe not onelie small townes, but also great countries? The plague & pestilence oc­casioned by re­bellion. This when ye sée light first on your beasts which lacke fodder, and after fall on men whose bodies gape for it, and sée the scarse­nesse of men to be by this your foule enterprise, and not onelie other men touched with plagues, but also your owne house stoong with death, and the plague also raised of your rising, to fire your selues: can ye thinke you to be anie other but mankillers of other, and murtherers of your selues, and the principals of the ouerthrow of so great a number, as shall either by sword or punishment, famine, or some plague or pestilence be consumed and wasted out of the com­mon-wealth?

And seeing he that decaieth the number of cotta­ges or plowes in a towne, Rebels eni­mies & mur­therers of their coun­trie. seemeth to be an enimie to the common-wealth: shall we not count him, not onelie an enimie, but also a murtherer of his coun­trie, who by harebrained vnrulinesse causeth vt­ter ruine and pestilent destruction of so manie thou­sand men? Grant this follie then and ouersight to be such as woorthilie ye maie count it, and I shall go further in declaring of other great inconueni­ences, which your dangerous and furious misbe­hauiour hath hurtfullie brought in; séeing diuerse ho­nest and true dealing men, whose liuing is by their owne prouision, hath come so before hand by time, Further mis­chiefes of vn­charitablenes issuing from rebellion▪ that they haue béene able well to liue honestlie in their houses, & paie beside the rents of their farmes trulie, and now haue by your crueltie and abhorred insurrections lost their goods, their cattell, their har­uest, [Page 1050] which they had gotten before, and wherwith they intended to liue hereafter, & now be brought to this extremitie, that they be neither able to liue, as they were woont at home before; nor to paie their accu­stomeable rent at their due time. Whereby they be brought into trouble and vnquietnesse, not onlie mu­sing what they haue lost by you, but also cursing you by whome they haue lost it, and also in danger of loo­sing their holds at their lords hands, except by pitie they shew more mercie, than the right of the law line 10 will grant by iustice.

The fruits of honest mens trauels long in gathering, quickelie spoi­led by rebel­lion.And what a griefe is it to an honest man, to labor, trulie in youth, and to gaine painefullie by labour, wherewith to liue honestlie in age, and to haue this, gotten in long time, to be suddenlie caught awaie by the violence of sedition, which name he ought to abhorre by it selfe, although no miserie of losse fol­lowed to him thereby. But what greater griefe ought seditious rebels to haue themselues, who if they be not striken with punishment, yet ought to line 20 pine in conscience, and melt awaie with the griefe of their owne faults, when they sée innocents and men of true seruice hindered and burdened with the hurt of their rebellion, & who in a good common-wealth should for honesties sake prosper, they by these rebels onlie meanes be cast so behind the hand, as they can not recouer easilie againe by their owne truth, that which they haue lost by those traitors mis­chiefe? And if vniust men ought not so to be handled at anie mans hands, An argument from equitie & vpright dea­ling euen with the vn­iust. but onelie stand to the order of line 30 a law: how much more should true and faithfull sub­iects, who deserue praise, féele no vnquietnesse, nor be vexed with sedition, who be obedientlie in subiec­tion, but rather séeke iust amends at false rebels hands, and by law obteine that they lost by disorder, and so constreine you to the vttermost, to paie the re­compense of wrongfull losses, bicause ye were the authors of these wrongfull spoiles.

Then would ye soone perceiue the common-wealths hurt, not when other felt it who deserued it line 40 not, but when you smarted who caused it, and stood not & looked vpon other mens losses which ye might pitie, but tormented with your owne which ye would lament. Now I am past this mischiefe, which ye will not hereafter denie, when ye shall praise other mens foresight, rather than your wicked dooings, in be wailing the end of your furie, in whose beginning ye now reioise. Multitudes of vagabonds and roges procured by rebellions. What saie ye to the number of vaga­bonds and loitering beggers, which after the ouer­throw of your campe, and scattering of this seditious line 50 number, will swarme in euerie corner of the realme and not onelie lie loitering vnder hedges, but also stand sturdilie in cities, and beg boldlie at euerie doore, leauing labour which they like not, and follow­ing idlenesse which they should not? For euerie man is easilie and naturallie brought from labour to ease, from the better to the woorse, from diligence to sloth­fulnesse: and after warres it is commonlie séene, that a great number of those which went out honest, returne home againe like roisters, and as though line 60 they were burnt to the wars bottome, they haue all their life after an vnsauorie smacke thereof, & smell still toward daiesleepers, pursepickers, highwaie-robbers, quarrelmakers, yea and bloudsheders too.

Doo we not sée commonlie in the end of warres more robbing, To what shifts soldiers fall after dis­camping and ceassing from warres. more begging, more murdering than before, and those to stand in the high waie to aske their almes, whome ye be affraid to saie naie vnto honestlie, least they take it awaie from you violent­lie, and haue more cause to suspect their strength, than pitie their need? Is it not then dailie heard, how men be not onelie pursued, but vtterlie spoiled, & few maie ride safe by the kings highwaie, except they ride strong, not so much for feare of their goods, which men estéeme lesse, but also for danger of their life, which euerie man loueth. Against loite­ring lubbers that can not awaie with labour. Worke is vndoone at home and loiterers linger in stréets, lurke in alehouses, range in highwaies, valiant beggers plaie in towns and yet complaine of néed, whose staffe if it be once hot in their hand, or sluggishnesse bred in their bo­some, they will neuer be allured to labour againe, contenting themselues better with idle beggerie, than with honest and profitable labour. And what more noisome beasts be there in a common wealth? Drones in hiues sucke out the honie, a small mat­ter, but yet to be looked on by good husbands. Cater­pillers destroie the fruit, an hurtfull thing, and well shifted for by a diligent ouerséer. Diuerse vermine destroie corne, kill pulleme, engines and snares be made for them.

But what is a loiterer? A sucker of honie, A loiterer described. a spoiler of corne, a stroier of fruit, a waster of monie, a spoi­ler of vittels, a sucker of bloud, a breaker of orders, a seeker of breakes, a queller of life, a basiliske of the commonwealth, which by companie and sight dooth poison the whole countrie, and staineth honest minds with the infection of his veneme, and so draweth the commonwealth to death and destruction. Such is the fruits of your labour and trauell for your pretensed commonwealth, which iustice would no man should taste of but your selues, that yée might trulie iudge of your owne mischéefe, and fraie other by example from presuming the like. The sight of manie flies in a yeare a na­turall progno­stication of a plague like to follow. When we sée a great num­ber of flies in a yeare, we naturallie iudge it like to be a great plague, and hauing so great a swarming of loitering vagabonds, readie to beg and brall at euerie mans doore, which declare a greater infection, can we not looke for a greeuouser and perillouser danger than the plague is? Who can therefore other­wise déeme, but this one deadlie hurt, wherewith the commonwelth of our nation is wounded, beside all other is so pestilent, that there can be no more hurt­full thing in a well gouerned estate, nor more throwne into all kind of vice and vnrulinesse: and therefore this your sedition is not onelie most odi­ous, but also most horrible, that hath spotted the whole countrie with such a staine of idlenesse.

There can be none end of faults, if a man rehearse all faults that doo necessarilie follow this vnrulie sturdinesse. For not onelie vagabonds wandering and scattering themselues for mischeefe, shall run in a mans eies, but also disorder of euerie degrée shall enter into a mans mind, Disorder in euerie degrée caused by re­bellion. and shall behold hereby the commonwealth miserablie defaced by you, who should as much as other haue kept your selues in or­der in it. Neither be the magistrats dulie obeied, nor the lawes iustlie feared, Magistrats disobeied, and neglect of dutie in gene­rall by rebel­lion. nor degrées of men conside­red, nor maisters well serued, nor parents truelie re­uerenced, nor lords remembred of their tenants, nor yet either naturall or ciuill law much regarded. And it is plainlie vnpossible that that countrie shall well stand in gouernement, and the people growe to wealth, Obseruing of order in euerie state suppor­teth a com­monwealth, & contrariwise the hurt of disorder. where order in euerie state is not fitlie obser­ued: and that bodie cannot be without much gréefe of inflammation, where anie lest part is out of ioint, or not duelie set in his owne naturall place.

Wherefore order must be kept in the common-wealth like health in the bodie, and all the drift of po­licie looketh to this end, how this temper may be safelie mainteined, without anie excesse of vnmea­surablenesse, either of the one side, or of the other. And easie inough it is to keepe the same, when it is once brought into the meane, and to hold it in the staie it is found in: but when it bursteth out once with a vehemencie, and hath gotten into an vnrulie dis­order, it spreadeth so fast, and ouerfleweth all honest mens resisting so violentlie, that it will be hard to recouer the breach of long time againe, except with [Page 1051] great and wise counsell, which no doubt shall be in season vsed, there be woonderfull remedies sought therefore. And euen as a man falling, is easier hol­den vp by staie, [...] [...]rgument [...] [...]rom [...]. than when he is fallen downe he is able to rise againe: so is the commonwealth slipping, by the foresight of wisedome better kept from ruine; than when it is once fallen into anie kind of miserie, the same may be called againe to the old and former state. Doo we not euidentlie know, that a man may better kéepe his arme or his leg from breaking or line 10 falling out of ioint, afore hurt come to it; than after the hurt it may safelie and quietlie be healed, and re­stored to the former strength and health againe? And now through your seditious means, things that were afore quiet and in good order, A t [...]p [...]ie tur­ [...] of all [...]ings by re­b [...]l [...]on. laws feared and obeied, subiects ruled and kept in dutie, be all now in a great disorder, and like (if it be not holpen) to grow to wild­nesse, and a beas [...]linesse; séeing that neither common dutie can be kept, which nature prescribeth, nor com­mon law can be regarded, which policie requireth. line 20 How can yée kéepe your owne if yée kéepe no order? The necessitie of order, and [...]erefore S. Paule said [...]; Let all things be [...] in order. Your wiues and children, how can they be defended from other mens violence, if yee will in other things breake all order? By what reason would yée be obei­ed of yours as seruants, if yée will not obeie the king as subiects? How would yée haue others deale or­derlie with you, if yée will vse disorder against all others? Seeing then there is such a confusion now of things, such a turmoile of men, such a disorder of fa­shions; who can looke to liue quietlie a great while, line 30 who can thinke but that yée haue miserablie tossed the commonwealth, and so vexed all men with disor­der, that the inconuenience hereof cannot onelie nip others, but also touch you?

But now sée how that not onelie these vnlooked for mischeefes haue heauilie growne on yée, but also those commodities, R [...]b [...]ls are [...] the [...] [...] profit. which yée thought to haue holpen your selues and others by, be not onelie hindered, but also hurt thereby. The kings maiestie by the aduise, &c: intended a iust reformation of all such things as poore men could trulie shew themselues oppressed line 40 with, thinking equalitie of iustice to be the diademe of his kingdome, Equalitie of [...]tice. and the safegard of his commons. Which was not onelie intended by wisedome, but also set on with speed, and so entered into a due consi­dering of all states, that none should haue iust cause to grudge against the other, when as euerie thing rightfullie had, nothing could be but vnrightfullie grudged at. And this would haue béene doone, not onelie with your glad and willing assent: but also béene doone by this daie almost throughout the whole line 50 realme: so that quietlie it had béene obteined with­out inconuenience, and spéedilie without delaie. And whatsoeuer had béene doone by the kings maiesties authoritie, that would by right haue remained for e­uer, and so taken in law, that the contrarie partie neither could by iustice, neither would by boldnesse haue enterprised the breach thereof.

But least wicked men should be wealthie, and they whose hearts be not truelie bent to obedience, [...]ebels h [...]rt themselues. should obteine at the kings hands that they deser­ued line 60 not in a commonwealth, yée haue maruellouslie and worthilie hurt your selues, and gréeuouslie pro­uided (except the kings goodnesse be more vnto you than your owne deserts can claime) that yée be not so much worthie as to be benefited in anie kind, as yée be worthie to lose that yée haue on euerie side. [...] Ye haue thought good to be your owne reformers belike, not onelie vnnaturallie mistrusting the kings iu­stice, but also cruellie and vnciuillie dealing with your owne neighbours. Wherein I would as yée haue hurt the whole realme, so yee had not enterprised a thing most dangerous to your selues, & most con­trarie to the thing yée intended. If yée had let things alone, thought good by your selues to be redressed, and dutifullie looked for the performance of that, the kings maiestie promising reformation, they should nor haue béene vndoone at this time, as in a great sort of honest places they be; nor whole countries, who for their quietnesse be most worthie to be looked on, should haue béene vnprouided for at this daie. But this commoditie hath happened by the waie, The benefit of rebellion in one respect. that it is euidentlie knowne by your mischeefe, and others dutie, who be most true to the king, and most worthie to be doone for, and who be most pernicious and trai­torous rebels. And it is not to be doubted, but they shall be considered with thanks, and find iust redresse without deserued miserie, & you punished like rebels, who might haue had both praise & profit like subiects.

For that as yée haue valiantlie doone of your selues, thinke yée it will stand anie longer, than men feare your rage, which cannot indure long; and that yée shall not then bide the rigor of the law for your priuat iniuries, as yée vsed the furie of your braines in other mens oppressions? Will men suffer wrong at your hands, when law can redresse it, & the right of the commonwealth will mainteine it, and good order in countries will beare it? Reformation intended by rebels, like sores cured by ill surgions. Yée amend faults as ill surgions heale sores, which when they seeme to be whole aboue, they rankle at the bottome, and so be faine continuallie to be sore, or else be mended by new breaking of the skin. Your redresse séemeth to you perfect and good, yee haue pulled downe such things as yee would, yee thinke now all is well: yée consider no further, yee seeke not the bottome, yée see not the sore, that yée haue doone it by no law, yee haue redressed it by no order, what then? If it be no other­wise searched than by you, it will not tarie long so: either it will be after continuallie as it was afore your comming, or else it must be (when all is doone) a­mended by the king.

Thus haue yée both lacked in the time, and mist in the dooing, and yet besides that ye haue done, which is by your dooing to no purpose. Yée haue doone the things with such inconueniences, as hath béene both before rehearsed, and shall be after declared; that bet­ter it had béene for you, neuer to haue enioied the commoditie, if there be anie; than to suffer the greefs that will insue, which be verie manie. In euerie quarter some men (whom yee set by) will be lost, Gréefes insu­ing to the re­bels vpon this rebellion. which euerie one of you (if ye haue loue in ye) would rather haue lacked the profit of your inclosures, than cause such destruction of them, as is like by reason & iudge­ment necessarilie to follow. What commonwealth is it then, to doo such abhominable enterprises after so vile a sort, that yée hinder that good yée would doo, and bring in that hurt yee would not, and so find that yée séeke not, and follow that yée lose, and destroie your selues by follie; rather than yée would be orde­red by reason, and so haue not so much amended your old sores, as brought in new plagues, which yée your selues that deserue them will lament, and we which haue not deserued them may cursse you for? Reformation ought to be no priuat mans but the princes action For al­though the kings maiestie, &c: intended for your pro­fits a reformation in his commonwealth: yet his pleasure was not, nor no reason gaue it, that euerie subiect should busilie intermeddle with it of their owne head, but onelie those whome his councell thought most méet men for such an honest purpose.

The kings maiestie, &c: hath godlie reformed an vncleane part of religion, and hath brought it to the true forme of the first church that followed Christ, thinking that to be truest, not what later mens [...]an­sies haue of themselues deuised, but what the apo­stles and their felowes bad at Christes h [...]nd receiued, and willeth the same to be knowne and set abroad to all his people. Shall euerie man now that listeth and fansieth the same, take in hand vncalled, to be a mi­nister, [Page 1052] and to set foorth the same, hauing no authori­tie? What things in a well and iustlie doone matter ought well to be weighed. Naie, though the thing were verie godlie that were doone, yet the person must néeds doo ill that en­terpriseth it, bicause he dooth a good thing after an ill sort, and looketh but on a little part of dutie, conside­ring the thing, and leaueth a great part vnaduised, not considering the person: when as in a well and iustlie doone matter, not onelie these two things ought well to be weighed, but also good occasion of time, and reasonable cause of the dooing, ought also much to be set before euerie dooers eies. Now in this line 10 your déed, the manner is vngodlie, the thing vnsuf­ferable, the cause wicked, the person seditious, the time traitorous: and can ye possiblie by anie honest defense of reason, or anie good conscience religious­lie grounded, denie that this malicious and horrible fault, so wickedlie set on, is not onelie sinfull afore God, and traitorous to the king, but also deadlie and pestilent to the whole common-wealth of our coun­trie, and so not onelie ouerfloweth vs with the mi­serie, line 20 but also ouerwhelmeth you with the rage thereof?

Yet further see and ye be not wearie with the multitude of miseries, The yoke that rebels wilfullie bring vpon themselues. which ye haue maruellouslie mooued, what a yoke ye wilfullie doo bring on your selues, in stirring vp this detestable sedition, and so bring your selues into a further slauerie, if ye vse your selues into a further slauerie, if ye vse your selues often thus inobedientlie. When common or­der of the law can take no place in vnrulie and dis­obedient line 30 subiects, and all men will of wilfulnesse re­sist with rage, and thinke their owne violence to be the best iustice; then be wise magistrats compelled by necessitie to séeke an extreame remedie, where meane waies helpe not, and bring in the martiall law where none other law serueth. Then must ye be contented to bide punishment without processe, con­demnation without witnesse, suspicion is then ta­ken for iudgement, and displeasure may be iust cause of your execution, and so without fauor ye find strict­nesse, line 40 which without rule seeke violence. Ye thinke it a hard law and vnsufferable. It is so indéed, but yet good for a medicine.

Desperat re­medies for desperat di­seases.Desperate sicknesses in physicke must haue despe­rate remedies, for meane medicines will neuer helpe great griefes. So if ye cast your selues into such sharpe diseases, ye must néeds looke for sharpe medicines againe at your physicians hands. Rebels wor­thie to suffer extremitie of punishment. And worthie ye be to suffer the extremitie in a common-wealth, which seeke to doo the extremitie, and by rea­son line 50 must receiue the like ye offer, and so be conten­red to bide the end willinglie which set on the begin­ning wilfullie. For no greater shame can come to a common-welth, The greatest shame that can come to a com­mon-wealth. than that those subiects which should be obedient euen without a law, can not be conten­ted to be ordered by the law, and by no means kept within their dutie, which should euerie waie offend rather than in their dutie. It is a token that the sub­iects lacke reason, when they forsake law, and thinke either by their multitude to find pardon, which can­not line 60 iustlie stretch to all, or else by strength to beare the stroke, which cannot prosper against a king.

They must néeds little consider themselues, who bring in this necessitie, rather to stand to the pleasure of a mans will, than to abide the reason of the law; and to be indangered more when an other man li­steth, than when himselfe offendeth. And this must necessarilie folow if your rebellion thus continue: and while ye séeke to throw downe the yoke, which ye fansie your selues burdened withall, ye bring your selues in a greater bondage, leauing safetie and fo­lowing danger, and putting your selues vnder the iustice of them whose fauour ye might easilie haue kept, if ye would willinglie and dutifullie haue ser­ued. Now the gentlemen be more in trust, Gentlemen more trustie bicause the commons be vnt [...]ustie. bicause the commons be vntrustie, and they get by seruice, which ye loose by stubbornnesse, and therefore must needs, if ye thus continue, haue more authoritie from the king: bicause ye would be in lesse subiection to the king, and that as ye will not doo of your selues, ye must be compelled to doo by others, and that ye re­fuse to doo willinglie, thinke ye must be drawne to doo the same constreinedlie. Which when it commeth to passe, as wisedome séeth in your faults that it must néeds, what gaine ye then, or what profit can a­rise to you by rising, which might haue found ease in sitting still? And what shall ye be at length the bet­ter for this turmoile, which beside diuerse other in­commodities rehearsed, Martiall la [...] a burden vn­sufferable. shall be thus clogged with the vnsufferable burden of the martiall law.

Yet there is one thing behind, which me thinketh your selues should not forget, séeing that ye haue gi­uen the cause, ye should dulie looke for the effect. Ye haue spoiled, imprisoned, and threatened gentlemen to death, and that with such hatred of mind, as may not well be borne. The cause therof I speake not on, which tried, will happilie be not so great: but sée the thing, set murther aside, Crueltie and extremitie shewed to the gentlemen by the rebels. it is the heinousest fault to a priuat man. What could more spitefullie haue béene doone against them, than ye haue vsed with crueltie? Can this doo anie other but breed in their stomachs great grudge of displeasure toward you, and ingen­der such an hatred, as the weaker and the sufferer must néeds beare the smart thereof.

The kings best kind of gouernment is so to rule his subiects, as a father ordereth his children, The kings best kind of gouernment. and best life of obedient subiects is one to behaue himselfe to an other, as though they were brethren vnder the king their father. For loue is not the knot onelie of the common-wealth, whereby diuerse parts be per­fectlie ioined togither in one politike bodie, but also the strength and might of the same, gathering togi­ther into a small roome with order, which sca [...]tered would else bréed confusion and debate. The fruits of dissention. Dissention we sée in small houses, and thereby may take exam­ple to great common-wealths, how it not onelie de­caieth them from wealth, but also abateth them from strength. Thinke small examples to take place in great matters, and the like though not so great to follow in them both, and there by learne to iudge of great things vnknowne, by small things perceiued. When brethren agrée not in a house, goeth not the weakest to the walles; and with whome the father ta­keth part withall, is not he likest to preuaile? Is it not wisedome for the yoonger brother, after the good will of the parents, to seeke his eldest brothers fa­uour, who vnder them is most able to doo for him? To séeke them both with honestie is wisedome, to loose them both by sullennesse is madnesse.

Haue there not béene dailie benefits from the gen­tlemen to you, in some more, and in some lesse, The rebels had cause to beare with the gentlemen and to haue l [...] ­ued them. but in none considered, which they haue more friendlie offered, than you haue gentlie requited? This must ye lose, when ye will not be thankefull, and learne to gaine new good will by desert, when ye forsake the old friendship vnprouoked. And ye must thinke that liuing in a common-wealth togither, one kind hath néed of an other: and yet a great sort of you more néed of one gentleman, All the parts of a common-wealth b [...] not of like wor­thinesse: [...] gentlemen more wor [...]hie than yeomen, &c. than one gentleman of a great sort of you. And though all be parts of one com­mon-wealth, yet all be not like worthie parts, but all being vnder obedience, some kind in more subie­ction one waie, and some kind in more seruice an o­ther waie. And séeing ye be lesse able by monie and liberalitie to deserue good will than others be, and your onelie kind of desert is to shew good will, which honest men doo well accept as much worth as mo­nie, haue ye not much hind [...]red & hurt your selues [Page 1053] herein, losing that one kind of humanitie which ye haue onelie left, and turning it into crueltie, which ye ought most to abhor, not onelie bicause it is wic­ked of it selfe, but also most noisome to you.

I can therefore for my part thinke no lesse herein, if ye follow your stiffenesse still, & must needs iudge that ye haue wilfullie brought on your selues such plagues, as the like could not haue fallen on you, but by your selues. Seeing then thus manie waies ye haue hurt the common-welth of this whole countrie within, [...] of [...] flow­ [...]g from this [...]. by destruction of shires, losing of haruest, line 10 wasting of vittels, decaieng of manhood, vndooing of farmers, increasing of vagabonds, mainteining of disorders, hindring of redresses, bringing in of mar­tiall law, and breeding continuall hatred among di­uerse states: what thinke ye, I praie you? Iudge ye not that ye haue committed an odious and detesta­ble crime against the whole common-wealth, whose f [...]rtherance ye ought to haue tendered by dutie, and not to haue sought the hurt thereof with your owne line 20 damage?

Besides all these inward griefes, which euerie one seuerallie must néeds féele with miserie, there happeneth so manie outward mischances among strangers to vs with disdaine; Outward mischances insuing vpon rebellions to the shame of the land and [...] wherin they be raised. that if there were no­thing ill within the realme which we should féele, yet the shame which dooth touch vs from other countries, should not onelie mooue, but also compell you harti­lie to forethinke this your rebellious sedition. For what shall strangers thinke, when they shall heare of line 30 the great misorder which is in this realme with such confusion, that no order of law can kéepe you vnder, but must be faine to be beaten downe with a kings power? King con­temned. Shall they not first thinke the kings maie­stie, in whose mind God hath powred so much hope for a child, as we may looke for gifts in a man; either for his age to be little set by, or for lacke of qualities not to be regarded, or for default of loue to be resi­sted, and no notable grace of God in him considered, nor the worthinesse of his office looked vpon, nor na­turall line 40 obedience due to him remembred?

Shall they not next suppose, small estimation to be giuen to the rulers, Rulers little esteemed. to whom vnder the king we owe due obedience, that can not in iust and lawfull mat­ters be heard, nor men to haue that right iudgement of their wisedome, as their iustice in rule, and fore­sight in counsell requireth: but rather prefer their owne fansies before others experience, and déeme their owne reason to be common-wealth, and other mens wisedome to be but dreaming? Subiects dis­ordered. Shall they not line 50 trulie saie the subiects to be more vnfaithfull in dis­obedience, than other subiects worsse ordered be; and licence of libertie to make wild heads without order, and that they neither haue reason that vnderstand not the mischiefe of sedition, nor dutie which follow their beastlinesse, nor loue in them which so little re­member the common-wealth, nor naturall affection which will dailie séeke their owne destruction?

The whole [...]untrie ill spoken of.Thus the whole countrie lacking the good opinion of other nations, is cast into great shame by your line 60 vnrulinesse, and the proceedings of the countrie, be they neuer so godlie, shall be ill spoken of, as vnfit to be brought into vse; and good things hereby that deserue praise, shall bide the rebuke of them that list to speake ill, and ill things vntouched shall be boldlier mainteined. Nothing [...] by disorder [...]anc [...]able. Nothing may with praise be redressed, where things be measured by changeable disorder, rather than by necessarie vse; and that is thought most politike, that men will be best conten­ted to doo, and not that which men should be brought vnto by dutie. And with what dutie or vertue in ye, can ye quench out of memorie this foule enterprise, or gather a good report againe to this realme, who haue so vilelie with reproch slandered the same, and diuerslie discredited it among others, and abated the good opinion which was had of the iust gouernement and ruled order vsed heretofore in this noble realme, which is now most grieuous, bicause it is now most without cause.

If this outward opinion (without further incon­uenience) were all, yet it might well be borne, Further out­ward hurt be­sides voice in­gendere [...] of rebellions. and would with ease decaie as it grew: but it hath not onlie hurt vs with voice, but indangered vs in deed, and cast vs a great deale behind the hand, where else we might haue had a iollie foredeale. For that opor­tunitie of time which seldome chanceth, and is al­waies to bée taken, hath béene by your froward meanes lost this yeare, and so vainlie spent at home for bringing downe of you, which should else profita­blie haue béene otherwise bestowed, that it hath béene almost as great a losse to vs abrode, to lacke that we might haue obteined, as it was combrance at home, to go about the ouerthrow of you, whose se­dition is to be abhorred. And we might both conue­nientlie haue inuaded some, He meaneth the Scots & French with whome we haue had al­waies incom­berance. if they would not reaso­nablie haue growne to some kind of friendship, and also defended others which would beside promise for times sake vniustlie set vpon vs, and easilie haue made this stormie time a faire yeare vnto vs, if our men had beene so happie at home, as our likelihood a­brode was fortunat.

But what is it (I praie you) either to let slip such an occasion by negligence, or to stop it by stubborn­nesse, which once past awaie, can be by no means re­couered; no not though with diligence ye go about to reinforce the same againe? If ye would with wicked­nes haue forsaken your faith to your naturall coun­trie, Note in a few words of force the dangerous qualitie of rebellion. and haue sought craftie means to haue vtterlie betraied it to our common enimies: could ye haue had anie other speedier waie than this is, both to make our strength weake, and their weakenesse strong? If ye would haue sought to haue spited your countrie, and to haue pleased your enimie, and fol­low their counsell for our hinderance: could ye haue had deuised of them anie thing more shamefull for vs, and ioifull to them? If they which lie like spials, and hearken after likelihoods of things to come, bi­cause they declare oportunitie of times to the eni­mie, A reason drawne from the lesse to the greater. are to be iudged common enimies of the coun­trie; what shall we reasonablie thinke of you, who doo not secretlie bewraie the counsels of other, but open­lie betraie the common-wealth with your owne déeds, and haue as much as lieth in you, sought the ouerthrow of it at home: which if ye had obteined at Gods hand, as he neuer alloweth so horrible an en­terprise, how could yée haue defended it from the o­uerthrow of others abrode?

For is your vnderstanding of things so small, that although ye sée your selues not vnfit to get the vpper hand of a few gentlemen, that ye be able to beat downe afore the kings power: ye and by chance ye were able to doo that, would ye iudge your selues by strength mightie enough, to resist the power of outward nations, Rebellion ma­keth passage to forren inua­sion, & [...]ea [...]e­neth our owne region. that for praise sake would inuade ye? Naie, thinke trulie with your selues, that if yee doo ouercome, ye be vnsure both by strength abrode, and displeasure of honest men at home, and by the punishment of God aboue. And now ye haue not yet gotten in déed, that your vaine hope looketh for by fansie: thinke how certeinlie ye haue wounded the common-wealth with a sore stroke, in procuring our enimies by our weakenesse to séeke victorie, and by our outward miserie to séeke outward glorie with in­ward dishonor. Which howsoeuer they get, thinke it to be long of you, who haue offered them victorie be­fore they began warre: bicause ye would declare to men hereafter (belike) how dangerous it is to make sturres at home, when they doo not onelie make our [Page 1054] selues weake, but also our enimies strong.

Rebellion a [...] ­ [...]teth the papists, & each one beside that is offended at true religion.Beside th [...]se, there is another sort of men desi­rous of aduantage, and disdainefull of our wealth, whose greefe is most our greatest hap, and be offen­ded with religion, bicause they be drowned in super­stition, men zealed toward God, but not fit to iudge, meaning better without knowledge, than they iudge by their meaning, woorthier whose ignorance should be taken awaie, than their will should be fol­lowed; whome we should more rebuke for their stub­bornesse, than despise for their ignorance. These seeing line 10 superstition beaten downe, and religion set vp, Gods word taking place, traditions kept in their kind, dif­ference made betwéene Gods commandements and mans learning, the truth of things sought out accor­ding to Christes institution, examples taken of the primitiue churches vse, not at the bishop of Romes ordinance, and true worship taught, and wil-worship refused, doo by blindnesse rebuke that as by truth they should follow, and by affection follow that as by line 20 knowledge they should abhorre, thinking vsage to be truth, and scripture to be error, not weieng by the word, but misconstruing by custome.

Religion bea­reth the blame and is counted the cause of rebellion, but amisse.And now things be changed to the better, and re­ligion trulier appointed, they see matters go awrie, which hurteth the whole realme, and they reioise in this mischéefe as a thing worthilie happened, mista­king the cause, and slandering religion, as though there were no cause whie God might haue punished, if their vsed profession might still haue taken place. They sée not that where Gods glorie is truliest set line 30 foorth, there the diuell is most busie for his part, and laboureth to corrupt by lewdnesse, that as is gotten out by the truth, thinking that if it were not blemi­shed at the first, the residue of his falsehood should af­ter lesse preuaile. So he troubleth by biwaies, that he cannot plainlie withstand, and vseth subtiltie of so­phis [...]rie, The diuels sophistrie. where plaine reason saileth, and persuadeth simple men that to be a cause, which in deed can not be tried and taken for a cause. So he causeth religi­on line 40 which teacheth obedience, to be iudged the cause of sedition; & the doctrine of loue, the séed of dissention; mistaking the thing, but persuading mens minds, and abusing the plaine meaning of the honest to a wicked end of religions ouerthrow.

The husbandman had not so soone throwne séed in his ground, Examples. but steppeth vp the enimie, and hee soweth cockle too, and maketh men doubt whether the good husband had doone well or no, and whether he had sowne there good séed or bad. The fansifull Iewes in Egypt would not beléeue Ieremie, The Iewes ascribe their miserie to a false cause. but thought their line 50 plague and their miserie to come by his means; and leauing of idolatrie to be the cause of penurie, wher­fore by wilfull aduise they intended to forsake the prophets councell, and thought to serue God most trulie by their rooted & accustomed idolatrie. When the christian men were persecuted in the primitiue church, The heathens fond opinion of gods fauou­ring their cru­eltie against christians. & dailie suffered martyrdome for Christs pro­fession, such faire season of weather was for thrée or foure yeares togither, that the heathen iudged there­vpon line 60 God to be delighted with their crueltie, and so were persuaded that with the bloud of the martyrs they pleased God highlie. Such fansies light now in papists, and irreligious mens heads, and ioine things by chance happening togither, and conclude the one to be the cause of the other, and then delight in true worshippers hurt, bicause they iudge cur­sedlie the good to be bad, and therefore reioise in the punishment of the godlie. For they being fleshlie, iudge by outward things, and perceiue not the in­ward, for that they lacke the spirit and so iudge amis, not vnderstanding God, what diuersitie he suffereth to blind still the wilfull, and how through all dangers he saueth his forechosen.

And thus haue ye giuen a large occasion to stub­borne papists, both to iudge amisse, The [...] by [...] haue an [...] op [...]nion of Gods [...] truth. and also to reioise in this wicked chance, contented with our mischeefe, not liking our religion, and thinking God dooth pu­nish for this better change, and haue thereby an euill opinion of Gods holie truth, confirmed in them by no sure scripture, but by following of mischance, which they ought to thinke to come for the pride and stubbornnesse of the people, who dooth not accept Gods glorie in good part, nor giue no due praise to their Lord and maker. What should I saie more? Ye hurt euerie waie, the dangers be so great, The hurts is­suing from re­bellion out of count. and the perils so manie, which doo dailie follow your diue­lish enterprise, that the more I seeke in the mater, the more I continuallie see to saie. And what words can worthilie declare this miserable beastlines of yours, which haue intended to diuide the realme, and arme the one part for the killing of the other? For euen as concord is not onelie the health, Concord and discord with their [...] effects. but also the strength of the realme: so is sedition not onelie the weaknesse but also the apostume of the realme, which when it breaketh inwardlie, putteth the state in great dan­ger of recouerie, and corrupteth the whole common-wealth with the rotten furie that it hath béene long putrified withall. For it is not in sedition as in other faults, which being mischéefous of themselues, haue some notable hurt alwaies fast adioined to them: but in this one is there a whole hell of faults, not se­uerallie scattered, but clustered on a lumpe togither, and comming on so thicke, that it is vnpossible for a region armed with all kinds of wisedome, and strength thereto, to auoid the dangers that issue out thereof.

When sedition once breaketh out, sée ye not the lawes ouerthrowne, the magistrates despised, The mischiefs springing frō sedition. spoi­ling of houses, murthering of men, wasting of coun­tries, increase of disorder, diminishing of the realms strength, swarming of vagabonds, scarsitie of labo­rers, and all those mischiefes plentiouslie brought in, which God is woont to scourge seuerelie withall, warre, dearth, and pestilence? And séeing ye haue theft & murther, plague & famine, confusion and idle­nesse linked togither, can ye looke for anie more mis­chéefe in one shamefull enterprise, than ye euidentlie sée to grow herein? As for warre, although it be mi­serable, yet the one part getteth somewhat, Forren wa [...] farre better than sedition at home. and reioi­seth in the spoile, and so goeth lustier awaie: and ei­ther increaseth his countrie with riches, or inhan­seth himselfe with glorie: but in sedition both parts loose, the ouercommer cannot flie, the ouercommed cannot spoile; the more the winner winneth, the more he looseth; the more that escape, the more infa­mous men liue; all that is gained is scarselie saued; the winning is losse, the losse is destruction, both wast themselues, and the whole most wasted; the strengthening of themselues, the decaie of the coun­trie; the striuing for the victorie, is a preie to the eni­mie: and shortlie to saie, the hellish turmoile of sedi­tion so farre passeth the common miserie of warre, as to slaie himselfe is more heinous, than to be slaine of another.

O noble peace, what wealth bringest thou in, how doo all things flourish in field and in towne, The praise and benefits of peace▪ what for­wardnesse of religion, what increase of learning, what grauitie in counsell, what deuise of wit, what order of maners, what obedience of laws, what re­uerence of states, what safegard of houses, what qui­etnesse of life, what honor of countries, what friend­ship of minds, what honestie of pleasure hast thou alwaies mainteined, whose happinesse we knew not, while now we féele thy lacke, and shall learne by mi­serie to vnderstand plentie, and so to auoid mischiefe by the hurt that it bringeth, and learne to serue bet­ter, where rebellion is once knowen; and so to liue [Page 1055] trulie, and kéepe the kings peace. What good state were ye in afore ye began, not pricked with pouer­tie, The rebels [...] the [...] meanes [...] but sturred with mischiefe, to séeke your destruc­tion, hauing wa [...]es to redresse all that was amisse? Magistrats most readie to tender all iustice, and pi­tifull in hearing the poore mens causes, which sought to amend matters more than you can deuise, and were readie to redresse them better than ye could imagine: and yet for a headinesse ye could not be contented; but in despite of God, who comman­deth obedience, and in contempt of the king, whose line 10 lawes doo seeke your wealth, and to ouerthrow the countrie, which na [...]urallie we should loue, ye would proudlie rise, and doo ye wot not what, and amend things by rebellion to your vtter vndooing. The state of a [...] or [...] in time of [...] and tumult. What state leaue ye vs in now, besieged with enimies, diuided at home, made poore with spoile and losse of our haruest, vnordered and cast downe with slaugh­ter and hatred, hindered from amendments by our owne diuelish hast, indangered with sickenesse by reason of misorder, laid open to mens pleasures line 20 for breaking of the lawes, and féebled to such faint­nesse that scarselie it will be couered.

Reasons to withdraw the rebels from their enterpri­ses of rebel­lion, and to [...] them to [...].Wherefore for Gods sake haue pittie on your selues, consider how miserablie ye haue spoiled, de­stroied, and wasted vs all: and if for desperatnesse ye care not for your selues, yet remember your wiues, your children, your countrie, and forsake this rebellion. With humble submission acknowledge your faults, and tarie not the extremitie of the kings sword, leaue off with repentance, and turne to your line 30 duties, aske God forgiuenesse, submit ye to your king, be contented for a common-wealth one or two to die. And ye capteins for the residue sacri­fice your selues, ye shall so best atteine the kings gratious pardon, saue the assemblie, and helpe the common-wealth, & to declare your dooings to procéed of no stubbornesse; but all this mischiefe to grow out of ignorance, which séeing the miserie, would redresse the fault, & to recouer best the blot of your disorder, and staie the great miseries which be like to follow. line 40 Thus if ye doo not, thinke trulie with your selues, that God is angrie with you for your rebellion, the kings sword drawne to defend his countrie, A conclusion p [...]emptorie against irre­ [...]u [...]able re­bels. the crie of the poore to God against ye, the readinesse of the honest in armor to vanquish ye, your death to be at hand, which ye cannot escape, hauing God against ye, as he promiseth in his word, the kings power to ouerthrow ye, gathered in the field, the common-welth line 50 to beate ye downe with stripes and with curs­ses, the shame of your mischiefe to blemish ye for euer.

¶Thus far this necessarie treatise touching rebel­lion, penned by sir Iohn Chéeke, a gentleman e­uerie waie in complet sort satisfieng the report blazed abroad of him. For if there were no more testimonies extant in the world, but this onelie trea­tise discoursing Kets rebellion; it were enough to warrant no lesse true, than in common speech and writing is left witnessed of him. And suerlie it ap­peareth, line 60 that as in this gentleman there was an ex­traordinarie heape of laudable gifts; [...] [...]l. ex [...] so was there al­so in him the right vse of them all. Wherby he grew in such fauor with king Henrie the eight, that partlie for his absolute knowledge in toongs, speciallie the Gréeke and Latine, and also for his integritie of life and religion; he was chosen schoolemaister to yoong prince Edward, to traine him vp in the right vn­derstanding, both of forren languages, & the purenes of Gods seruice. Insomuch that by his industrie such effects followed (God aboue prospering his actions) that the yoong prince, when he came to the kingdome was mindfull of him, and among other (I will not saie gratuities, where cause of desert maketh chal­lenge of some recompense) tokens of beneuolence, aduanced him to the dignitie of knighthood; as here­after in due place maie appeare. Of this woorthie man, whose praise though neuer so excessiue (if meet for a man) is equiualent vnto his merits, Iohn Le­land, vpon presenting vnto him a booke, taketh oc­casion to write this epigram, comprising in summe no lesse than is here vnder in English remembred:

Si vis Thespiadum choro probari,
Fac vt consilio libelle nostro
Ad libellion, vt Ioanni Checo Gran [...]ano place­ [...]e studea [...].
Facundo studeas placere Checo,
Quem Pandioniae colunt Athenae,
Et quem Roma colit diserta multùm,
Quem rex maximus omnium supremúsque
Henricus reputans virum probatum,
Spectatúmque satis, reconditaeque
Censorem solidum eruditionis,
Eduardum bene filium suúmque
Haeredem puerum, illi ad alta natum,
Sic concredidit, vtriusque linguae
Flores vt legeret venustiores,
Exercens facili manum labore,
Et Christi imbiberet suaue nectar.
Foelicem arbitror hunc diem fuisse,
Tanto discipulo dedit magistrum
Qui talem, &c.]

During the time of these commotions and sturs here within the realme, The French king purposed to surprise Gernes [...]ie and Ierseie, but is repelled. to the great danger of the state; the French king hauing knowledge thereof, ment not to omit the oportunitie offered, to recouer out of the Englishmens hands those fortresses which they held at Bullongne and in Bullongnois. Where­vpon he gaue summons to the gentlemen and men of armes, and others of his realme, to put them­selues in order with all their furniture, that they might be readie to attend him in his armie in Bul­longnois by a daie appointed. And about the same time, that is to saie, in the beginning of August; the French king purposing to surprise the Iles of Gernes [...]ie and Ierseie, appointed certeine gallies and ships of warre to passe thither; but being recei­ued by the king of Englands nauie that laie there, and other of the Iland, Iohn Fox. they were beaten backe and repelled, with the losse of a thousand men (as some write) and so were constreined to retire without at­chiuing their enterprise.

Credible word was brought out of France to the lord protector, The French king is asha­med that anie report should passe of his e­uill successe. that into one towne in one vessell were brought at the least thrée score gentlemen to be buried, & also an inhibition giuen out by the French king, not to speake of the euill successe of that iour­nie. In the meane time, the French king being come downe vnto Abuile, departed from thence the sixtéenth of August, and comming vnto Rue, lodged there that night, and the next daie came to Monstreull, where he found the conestable and monsieur Daumalle. The next daie being the eigh­téenth of August, he came to his armie lodged foure leagues on this side Monstreull at a village called Neufcastell, neere to the forrest of Ardelo, vpon the waie that leadeth to Bullongne. The same daie were certeine pioners sent to Pont de Bricque to repare the bridge there, The French king perseue­reth in his former pur­pose, and mar­tiall action. and to make the waies easie for the artillerie to passe. The next daie the said king with his armie passed by Bullongne berg, and cam­ped that night on a little hill betwixt that forrest and the forrest of Suren.

In this place he caused trenches to be cast about a plot of ground, after the maner of a fortresse, with­in the which he left certeine bands of men of warre to be a safegard vnto such as should passe to and fro with vittels to furnish his campe. He staied not there past a daie & a halfe, but remoued to Ardenton, [Page 1056] a mile or little more beyond Marguisen; from thence he came with his armie, and lodged on a hill, some­what more than a mile & a halfe from Hambleteuue. The French king hauing viewed the forts, caused fiue and twentie péeces of artillerie to be planted a­gainst that fort, which was built in a place called the Almaine campe, but the Frenchmen named it Le fort de Selaque, Charles Sturton, and George Wil­loughbie. Les chroniques de Aquitaine. The fort cal­led Almaine campe woo [...]e. distant from Hambleteuue about a quarter of a mile. The artillerie had not gone off lit­tle more than the space of two houres, but that line 10 Charls Sturton capteine of that péece, and George Willoughbie a gentleman associat with him, came foorth to parlee with the Conestable, offering to yéeld the fort into his hands, vpon condition they might depart with bag and baggage. But as they were thus in hand to make their composition, the Frenchmen thrust forward to the rampiers, and en­tered in plumps into the fortresse, slue fourescore persons, & tooke the rest prisoners. There might be in all within that péece two hundred and thirtie per­sons, men and women. This happened the foure line 20 and twentith of August, being Bartholomew daie.

This doone, the king caused part of the artillerie to be planted against the castell of Hambleteuue, situated at the one end of the towne néere to the sea side. Towards night monsieur de Uandosme gaue an approch to the said castell, and they within by commandement of the lord Greie retired to the maine fort to helpe to furnish the same, The lord Greie. wanting numbers sufficient to defend it. The next daie be­ing line 30 the fiue and twentith of August, The castell of Hambleteuue lost. the king caused approches to be made vnto the great fort, and the morrow after the batterie began most furiouslie. The same daie after dinner, the king summoned them within to yéeld; but the lord Iohn Greie being generall (although he saw how weake the péece was of it selfe, & the lacke of sufficient numbers of men to resist such a puissant force, as the French king had there with him) would not yet hearken vnto anie talke, nor suffer the herald to come néere; for that he line 40 should not perceiue the weakenesse of the péece: and so he was commanded to get him thence with spéed, or else they would cause him to be packing smallie to his ease. The French king sore offended herewith, that his herald was so vncourteouslie vsed, Hambleteuue summoned. caused the batterie to be reinforced with great diligence, which dismounting their ordinance within, and bea­ting downe their rampiers, made such breaches, that my lord Iohn and the capteins within perceiued they were not able by anie meanes to defend the line 50 place anie longer. Herevpon they offered to ren­der the fort to the king vpon composition: which in the end fell out to be thus, Hambleteuue rendered to the French king. that the souldiers should depart with their liues saued, and that their generall (for honor sake) should haue one horsse to ride on in his corslet, without sword or dagger, and likewise two other capteins with him: but as for the o­ther souldiers, with the women and chidren, should depart on foot in their shirts, leauing all their goods and substance behind them. After it was agreed that the fort should be thus surrendered, there entered line 60 monsieur de Chatillon that was after admerall of France, and monsieur de Desse, latelie returned out of Scotland. The French souldiers entring by stealth into the fort by the breaches, committed foule disorders, not onelie in ransacking the houses, but also in spoiling the souldiers by force, intreating them in most rigorous maner.

The French writers confesse, that it was pitie to sée the poore men and women so miserablie handled and abused as they were by the outragious soldiors that thus entred the fort, The French writers re­port of their owne coun­triemens cru­eltie and sa­uagenesse. and sacked all that they could laie hands vpon. Monsieur de Desse saued a great number of women and yoong maidens from the cruell hands of their aduersaries, causing them to passe foorth by the breach, and presented them to the king, who appointed that they should be conueied in safetie, with all that they had about them, till they had gotten out of danger. Monsieur de Chatillon, by the kings commandement, caused all the rest within the fort to come forth, who passing thrée and thrée in a range came before the king, who stood there to behold them, with the whole armie placed so in order on ei­ther side the waie as they should come, that they might passe betwixt their ranks, as it were through a lane. The number that came foorth of Ham­bleteune. They that came foorth in this sort might be (as the French writers record) about seuen or eight hundred in all of men and women, wherof there were manie hurt and maimed; some with halfe a shirt on to couer them, and diuerse starke naked. The lord Iohn Greie being mounted on a curtaile, passing by the French king, and saluting him, was courteouslie of him embraced.

The morrow after was the fort of Blacknesse or Blaconnesse rendered to the French king, with like conditions as they of Hambleteuue had rendered theirs. This was on the tuesdaie the seuen and twen­tith of August. The nine and twentith of August sir Nicholas Arnault conueieng all the artillerie, mu­nition, vittels, and goods out of Bullongne berg, caused fire to be set on that fort, and retired with all his soldiors and other people vnto Bullongne. Wher­vpon shortlie after the Frenchmen seized vpon the said place of Bullongne berg, & kept it. The French king leauing monsieur de Chatillon within Ham­bleteuue with the old bands of the French footmen, Causes that compelled the French king to breake vp his campe. returned towards Bullongne, & approching within a mile and a halfe of the Old man, meant to build there a fort on the sea side: but what through such sharpe skirmishes as the Englishmen continuallie were redie to make with his men, and what through the abundance of raine which fell in that season, he was constreined to breake vp his campe, and lea­uing strong garrisons both of horssemen and foot­men in all those places, which he had in that season woone out of the Englishmens hands, he returned himselfe with the princes of his bloud into France.

In this meane time whilest the French king was thus occupied, to vse the oportunitie of time in reco­uering of those fortresses in Bullongnois out of the Englishmens hands, the kings maiestie and his councell were busie still in quieting his rebellious subiects here in England: and finallie for meane of a full pacification, and to set all things in good frame and quiet rest, the king published his graces most generall and frée pardon to all rebelles, The kings generall par­don. so that they would foorthwith (vpon publication of the same par­don) returne euerie man to his house and countrie; which they gladlie did: and so these seditious and most dangerous troubles were brought to end and paci­fied.

¶ Also in this busie time Marie Steward queene of Scots was conueied by sea out of Scotland into France, Abr. Fl. ex [...] [...]r­rundam c [...] ­ctan [...]is. and there on the ninetéenth daie of Aprill 1549, was married in our ladie church in Pa­ris (with great triumph and solemnitie) to Francis the Dolphin, eldest sonne vnto king Henrie the se­cond of that name French king. This conueieng of the yoong quéene is reported by one to haue béene priuilie wrought, at such time as the councell of En­gland were in some expectation and hope to obteine hir. Neuerthelesse the subtill aduise of the French, and the trecherous forwardnesse of the Scots, vtter­lie disappointed the honest and honorable purpose of the English. Now when the yoong quéene and hir traine, with the gard of hir person (be they whome you will) were vnder saile, the English nauie was abroade, and lieng in wait to haue intercepted hir [Page 1057] course, meant not onlie to skirmi [...]h, but also to reco­uer the yong queene from the French in spite of their hearts, had not the king of England and the most of his councell flatlie forbidden them to attempt anie warlike incounter, for certeine iust and weightie causes to them knowne. But the Scots smarted for this their vaine lightnesse, as in former times for like practices of their vile lewdnesse, as C.O. saith:

Sic leuiora leui pluma promissa Scotorum
Infamem reddunt gentem, dant sanguine p [...]nas line 10
Perfidiae quandó (que) suae velut antè dederunt.

[...] 1043.In this troublesome yéere also Edmund Bonner bishop of London preached a sermon at Paules crosse, for the which he was accus [...] vnto the councell by William Latimer parson of saint Laurence Pountneie, and Iohn Hooper sometime a white moonke, and so conuented before the archbishop of Canturburie, and other commissioners at Lambeth, on the twentith daie of that same moneth, and sent to the Marshalsea. On the first of October he was line 20 depriued of his bishoprike, for disobeieng the kings order in religion.]

Now after that these hurlie burlies were through­lie quieted, The councell withdraw themselues [...] priuat conferences about the lord protectors displacing. manie of the lords of the realme, as well councellors as other, misliking the gouernment of the protector, began to withdraw themselues from the court, and resorting to London, fell to secret con­sultation for redresse of things, but namelie for the displacing of the lord protector. And suddenlie vpon what occasion manie maruelled, but few knew. E­uerie line 30 lord and councellor went through the citie weaponed, and had their seruants likewise weapo­ned, attending vpon them in new liueries, to the great woondering of manie. And at the last a great assemblie of the said councellors was made at the earle of Warwiks lodging, which was then at Elie place in Holborne, whither all the confederats in this matter came priuilie armed; and finallie concluded to possesse the towre of London, which by the policie of sir William Paulet lord treasuror of England line 40 was peaceablie obteined, & who by order of the said confederats immediatlie remooued sir Iohn Mar­kam then lieutenant of the towre, and placed in that roome sir Leonard Chamberleine. And after that the said councell was broken vp at Elie place, the earle of Warwike remooued foorthwith into the citie of London, and laie in the house of one Iohn Yorke a citizen of London, who was then chéefe maister of the mint, kept at Suffolke place in Southworke. The lord protector hearing of the maner of the as­semblie line 50 of this councell, and of the taking of the towre, which séemed to him verie strange and doubt­full, The protector remooueth in hast with the king to Wind­sore. did presentlie the said night remooue frō Hamp­ton court, taking the king with him, vnto the castell of Windsore, and there began to fortifie the same, and withall wrote a letter to that noble gentleman the lord Russell lord priuie seale remaining as yet in the west countrie, aduertising him of these troubles as followeth.

A letter of the lord protectors [...]o the lord Russell lord priuie seale, concerning troubles working against him.

Note: line 60

Iohn Fox in the Acts and Monuments. A letter of the lord protec­tors to the lord priuie [...]. AFter our right hartie commendations to your good lordship. Here hath of late ri­sen such a conspiracie against the kings maiestie & vs, as neuer hath béene séene, the which they can not mainteine, with such vaine letters and false tales surmised, as was neuer ment nor intended on vs. They pretend and saie, that we haue sold Bullongne to the French, and that we doo withhold wages from the soldiers, & other such tales and letters they doo spread abroad (of the which if anie one thing were true, we would not wish to liue) the matter now being brought to a maruellous extre­mitie, such as we would neuer haue thought it could haue come vnto, especiallie of those men towards the kings maiestie and vs, of whome we haue deser­ued no such thing, but rather much fauour and loue. But the case being as it is, this is to require & praie you, to hasten you hither to the defense of the kings maiestie, in such force and power as you maie, to shew the part of a true gentleman, and of a verie friend: the which thing we trust God shall reward, and the kings maiestie in time to come, and we shall neuer be vnmindfull of it too. We are sure you shall haue other letters from them, but as ye tender your dutie to the kings maiestie, we require you to make no staie, but immediatlie repaire with such force as ye haue to his highnesse in his castell of Windsor, and cause the rest of such force as ye maie make to follow you. And so we bid you right hartilie fare­well. From Hampton court the sixt of October.

Your lordships assured louing friend Edward Summerset.

An answer to the lord protectors letter.

TO this letter of the lord protectors sent the sixt of October, The effect of the lord Rus­sels letter an­swering the lord protector. the lord Russell re­turning answer againe vpon the eight of the said moneth, first lamented the heauie dissention fallen betweene the nobilitie and him, which he tooke for such a plague, as a greater could not be sent of almightie God vpon this realme being the next waie (said he) to make vs of conque­rors, slaues; and like to induce vpon the whole realme an vniuersall thraldome and calamitie, vnlesse the mercifull goodnesse of the Lord doo helpe, and some wise order be taken in staieng these great extremi­ties. And as touching the dukes request in his let­ters, forsomuch as he had heard before of the broile of the lords, and feared least some conspiracie had beene meant against the kings person, he hasted forward with such companie as he could make, for the suertie of the king as to him apperteined. Now perceiuing by the lords letters sent vnto him the same sixt daie of October, these tumults to rise vpon priuat causes betwéene him and them, he therefore thought it expe­dient, that a conuenient power should be leuied, to be in a readinesse to withstand the woorst (what perils soeuer might insue) for the preseruation both of the king and state of the realme from inuasion of forren enimies, and also for the staieng of bloudshed, if anie such thing should be intended betwixt the parties in the heat of this faction. And this he thinking best for the discharge of his allegiance, humblie besought his grace to haue the same also in speciall regard and consideration; first, that the kings maiestie be put in no feare; and that if there be anie such thing, wherein he hath giuen iust cause to them thus to procéed, he would so conforme himselfe, as no such priuat quar­rels doo redound to the publike disturbance of the realme: certifieng moreouer the duke, that if it were true which he vnderstood by the letters of the lords, that he should send about proclamations and letters for raising vp of the commons, he liked not the same. Notwithstanding he trusted well that his wisedome would take such a waie, as no effusion of bloud should follow.

And thus much being conteined in his former let­ters the eight of October, The contents of the second answer of the lord Russell to the lord pro­tector. in his next letters againe written the eleuenth of October, the said lord Russell reioising to heare of the most reasonable offers of the lord protector made to the lords, wrote vnto him [Page 1058] and promised to doo, what in the vttermost power of him (and likewise of sir William Herbert ioined togither with him) did lie, to worke some honorable reconciliation betwéene him & them: so as his said offers being accepted and satisfied, some good con­clusion might insue, according to their good hope and expectation: The good lord Russell a soli­citor for peace betwéene the lord protector and the lords. signifieng moreouer, that as touching the leuieng of men, they had resolued to haue the same in readinesse for the benefit of the realme, to oc­curre all inconueniences whatsoeuer, that either by forren inuasion or otherwise might happen: & so ha­uing line 10 their power at hand to draw néere, wherby they might haue the better oportunitie to be solicitors and meanes for this reformation on both parts, &c. And thus much for the answer of the lord Russell to the lord protectors letters.

The lords of the councell assembled a­gainst the lord protector.But now to procéed and go forward with the matter of the lords, who togither with the earle of Warwike (vpon what occasion God knoweth) were assembled at London (as ye haue heard) against line 20 the lord protector. When the king with his councell at Hampton court heard therof, first secretarie Pe­ter with the kings message was sent vnto them, whome the lords notwithstanding deteined still with them, making as yet no answer to the message. Wherevpon the lord protector wrote as followeth.

A letter of the lord protectors to the councell at London.

line 30

The protec­tors letter to the lords. MY lords we commend vs heartilie vnto you. And wheras the kings maiestie was informed that you were assembled in such sort as you doo, and now remaine, and was aduised by vs and such other of his councell as were then here about his person, to send master secretarie Peter vnto you with such a message, as whereby might haue insued the suertie of his maie­sties person, with the preseruation of his realme and subiects, and the quiet both of vs and your selues, as line 40 master secretarie can well declare to you: his maie­stie and we of his councell here doo not a little mar­uell, that you staie still with you the said master se­cretarie, & haue not as it were vouchsafed to send an­swer to his maiestie, neither by him nor yet by anie other. And for our selues we doo much more maruell and are sorie, as both we and you haue good cause to be, to see the maner of your dooings bent with force of violence, to bring the kings maiestie & vs to these extremities. line 50

No word hi­therto sent from the lords to the lord protector what they re­quired of him to doo.Which as we intend, if you will take no other waie but violence, to defend (as nature and allegiance dooth bind vs) to extremitie of death, and to put all to Gods hand, who giueth victorie as it pleaseth him: so if that anie reasonable conditions & offers would take place (as hitherto none hath béene signified vn­to vs from you, nor we doo not vnderstand, what you doo require or séeke, or what you doo meane) and that you doo séeke no hurt to the kings maiesties person, line 60 as touching all other priuat matters, to auoid the ef­fusion of christian bloud, and to preserue the kings maiesties person, his realme and subiects, you shall find vs agréeable vnto anie reasonable conditions that you will require. For we doo estéeme the kings wealth and tranquillitie of the realme more than all other worldlie things, yea than our owne life. Thus praieng you to send vs your determinate answer herein by master secretarie Peter, or if you will not let him go, by this bearer, we beséech God to giue both you and vs grace to determinate this matter, as maie be to Gods honor, the preseruation of the king, and the quiet of vs all: which maie be, if the fault be not in you. And so we bid you most hartilie farewell. From the kings maiesties castell of Windsor the seuenth of October, 1549.

Your lordships louing friend Edward Summerset.

After the receipt of these letters, The lords continue in their intended purpose a­gainst the lord protector. the lords séeming not greatlie to regard the offers conteined therein, persisted in their intended purpose; and continuing still in London conferred with the maior of London and his brethren, first willing them to cause a good and substantiall watch by night, and a good ward by daie to be kept for the safegard of the citie, and the ports and gates thereof: which was consented vnto, and the companie. [...] London in their turnes war­ned to watch and [...] accordinglie. Then the said lords and councellors demanded of the lord maior and his brethren fiue hundred men to aid them, to fetch the lord protector out of Windsor from the king. But therevnto the maior answered, that he could grant no aid without the assent of the common councell of the citie: whervpon the next daie a common councell was summoned to the Guildhall in London. But in this meane time the said lords of the councell as­sembled themselues at the lord maiors house in Lon­don, who was then sir Henrie Amcotes fishmonger, and Iohn Yorke and Richard Turke shiriffes of the said citie. And there the said councell agréed and pub­lished foorthwith a proclamation against the lord pro­tector, A proclamati­on published against the lord protec­tor. the effect of which proclamation was as fol­loweth.

1 That the lord protector, by his malicious and euill gouernement, was the occasion of all the sedi­tion that of late hath happened within the realme.

2 The losse of the kings peeces in France.

3 That he was ambitious and sought his owne glorie, as appeared by his building of most sumptu­ous and costlie buildings, and speciallie in the time of the kings warres, and the kings soldiers vnpaied.

4 That he estéemed nothing the graue councell of the councellors.

5 That he sowed sedition betweene the nobles, the gentlemen, and commons.

6 That the nobles assembled themselues togi­ther at London, for none other purpose, but to haue caused the protector to haue liued within his limits, and to haue put such order for the kings maiestie as apperteined, whatsoeuer the protectors dooings were, which (as they said) were vnnaturall, ingrate, and traitorous.

7 That the protector slandered the councell to the king, and did what in him laie to cause variance be­twéene the king and his nobles.

8 That he was a great traitor, and therefore the lords desired the citie and commons to aid them to take him from the king. Witnesses to the contents of the said pro­clamation. And in witnesse and testi­monie of the contents of the said proclamation the lords subscribed their names and titles as followeth.

The lord Rich lord chancellor, the lord S. Iohn lord great maister and president of the councell, the lord [...] of Northampton, the earle of War­wike [...] great chamberleine, the earle of Arundell lord chamberleine, the earle of Shrewesburie, the earle of Southampton Wriothesleie, sir Thomas Cheinie knight treasuror of the kings house and lord warden of the cinque ports, sir Iohn Gage knight conestable of the tower, sir William Peter knight secretarie, sir Edward North knight, sir Ed­ward Montague chéefe iustice of the common plees, sir Rafe Sadler, sir Iohn Baker, sir Edward Woot­ton, doctor Wootton deane of Canturburie, sir Ri­chard Southwell.

After the foresaid proclamation was proclamed, the lords or the most of them continuing and lieng in London, came the next daie to the Guildhall, du­ring [Page 1059] the time that the lord maior and his brethren sat in their court or inner chamber, and entered and communed a long while with them, [...] kings [...] read to [...] [...]izens. and at the last the maior and his brethren came foorth vnto the common councell, where was read the kings letter sent vnto the maior and citizens, commanding them to aid him with a thousand men, as hath maister Fox, and to send the same to his castell at Windsore: and to the same letter was adioined the kings hand, and the lord protectors. The [...] enimie [...] the lord [...]. On the other side, by the mouth of the line 10 recorder it was requested, that the citizens would grant their aid rather vnto the lords: for that the pro­tector had abused both the kings maiestie, and the whole realme, and without that he were taken from the king, & made to vnderstand his follie, this realme was in a great hazard: and therefore required that the citizens would willinglie assent to aid the lords with fiue hundred men: herevnto was none other answer made but silence. But the recorder (who at that time was a worthie gentleman called maister Brooke) still cried vpon them for answer. line 20

At the last stepped vp a wise and good citizen, na­med (as maister Fox saith) George Stadlow, [...] Stad [...] citizen of L [...]don [...] answer [...] recorder [...] London [...] and [...]. and said thus. In this case it is good for vs to thinke of things past to auoid the danger of things to come. I remember (saith he) in a storie written in Fabians chronicle, of the warre betwéene the king and his ba­rons, which was in the time of king Henrie the third, and the same time the barons (as our lords doo now) commanded aid of the maior and citie of Lon­don, line 30 and that in a rightfull cause for the common­weale, which was for the execution of diuerse good lawes, wherevnto the king before had giuen his con­sent, and after would not suffer them to take place, and the citie did aid the lords. Now it came to an o­pen battell, wherein the lords preuailed, and tooke the king and his sonne prisoners, and vpon certeine conditions the lords restored againe the king and his sonne to their liberties. And among all other condi­tions, this was one, that the king should not onelie line 40 grant his pardon to the lords, but also to the citizens of London, which was granted, yea and the same ratified by act of parlement. But what followed?

Was it forgotten? No suerlie, nor yet forgiuen during the kings life. [...]hat it is to [...] into the [...] and [...] pleasure [...] the prince. The liberties of the citie were taken awaie, strangers appointed to be our heads and gouernours, the citizens giuen awaie bodie and goods, and from one persecution to another were most miserablie afflicted: such it is to enter into the wrath of a prince, as Salomon saith; The wrath and indignation of a prince is death. Wherefore forso­much line 50 as this aid is required of the kings maiestie, whose voice we ought to hearken vnto (for he is our high shepheard) rather than vnto the lords: The aduise [...] George [...]radlow. and yet I would not wish the lords to be clearlie shaken off, but that they with vs, and we with them may ioine in sute, and make our most humble petition to the kings maiestie, that it would please his highnesse, to heare such complaint against the gouernement of the lord protector as may be iustlie alledged and proo­ued. And I doubt not but this matter will be so paci­fied, line 60 that neither shall the king nor yet the lords haue cause to séeke for further aid, neither we to offend a­nie of them both. After this tale the commons staied, and the lord maior & his brethren for that time brake vp, and afterward communed with the lords.

Sir Philip [...] sent to [...] king by [...] lords.The lords sat the next daie in councell in the Star chamber, and from thence they sent sir Philip Hobbie with their letters of credence to the kings maiestie, beséeching his highnesse to giue credit to that which the said Philip should declare vnto his maiestie in their names: & the king gaue him libertie to speake, and most gentlie heard all that he had to saie. And trulie he did so wiselie declare his message▪ and so grauelie told his tale in the name of the lords, yea therewithall so vehementlie and gréeuouslie against the protector, who was also there present by the king, that in the end, the lord protector was commanded from the kings presence, and shortlie was commit­ted to ward in a tower within the castell of Wind­sore called Beauchamps tower. And soone after were staied sir Thomas Smith, sir Michaell Stanhope, The lord pro­tector commit­ted to prison. and sir Iohn Thin knights, master Whalleie, ma­ster Fisher, Woolfe of the priuie chamber, Graie of Reading, and diuers other gentlemen that attended vpon the lord protector. And the same daie the lords of the councell came to Windsore to the king, and the next daie they brought from thence the lord protector, and the other that were there staied, and conueied them through the citie of London, with as much woonderment as might be, vnto the tower, where they remained prisoners.

¶Touching the manner of the dukes comming to the tower from Windsore, Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1044. I find that it was on the fouretéenth of October in the after noone, at which time he was brought on horssebacke through Hol­burne, in at Newgate, and so to the tower of Lon­don, accompanied with diuerse lords and gentlemen with thrée hundred horsse: the lord maior, The lord pro­tectour com­mitted to the tower. sir Rafe Warren, sir Iohn Gresham, maister recorder, sir William Locke, and both the shiriffes, and other knights, sitting on their horsses against Soper lane, with all the officers with halberds, and from Hol­burne bridge to the tower, certeine aldermen or their deputies on horssebacke in euerie street, with a number of housholders standing with billes as he passed.] Shortlie after the lords resorted to the tower, and there charged the protector with sundrie articles, as followeth.

Articles obiected against the lord protector.

IN primis, you tooke vpon you the office of a protector and gouernour, vpon condi­tion, expresselie and speciallie, that you would doo nothing in the kings affaires publikelie or priuatlie, but by the assent of the late kings executors.

2 Also you, contrarie to the said condition, of your owne authoritie, did staie and let iustice, and subuerted the lawes, as well by your letters as by your commandements.

3 Also you caused diuerse persons, being arested and imprisoned for treason, murther, manslaughter and felonie, to be discharged and set at large, against the kings lawes and statutes of this realme.

4 Also you haue made and ordeined lieutenants for the kings armies, and other weightie affaires vn­der your owne writing and seale.

5 Also you haue communed with the ambassa­dors of other realmes, discoursing alone with them in the weightie causes of this realme.

6 Also you haue sometime rebuked, checked and tawnted, as well priuatlie as openlie, diuerse of the kings most honorable councellors, for shewing and declaring their aduises and opinions against your purposes in the kings weightie affaires, saieng som­times to them, that you néed not to open matters vnto them, and would therefore be otherwise adui­sed: and that you would, if they were not agréeable to your opinion, put them out, and take other at your pleasure.

7 Also you had and held against the law in your owne house, a court of requests, and thereby did in­force diuerse the kings subiects to answer for their free holds and goods, and determined the same to the [Page 1060] subuersion of the same lawes.

8 Also you being no officer, without the aduise of the councell, or the more part of them, did dispose of the offices of the kings gift for monie, and granted leases and wards of the kings, and gaue presenta­tions to the kings benefices and bishopriks, hauing no authoritie so to doo. And further, you did meddle with the selling of the kings lands.

9 Also you commanded multiplication and alcu­mistrie to be practised to abuse the kings coine. line 10

10 Also you caused a proclamation to be made concerning inclosures, whereby the common people haue made diuerse insurrections, and leuied open war, and distreined and spoiled diuerse of the kings subiects, which proclamation went foorth against the will of the whole councell.

11 Also you haue caused a commission with cer­teine articles therevnto annexed, to be made out concerning inclosures of commons, high waies, de­caieng of cottages, and diuerse other things, giuing line 20 the commissioners authoritie to heare and deter­mine the same causes, to the subuersion of the laws and statutes of this realme: whereby much sedition, insurrection, and rebellion haue risen and growne a­mong the kings subiects.

12 Also you haue suffered the rebels and traitors to assemble and to lie in campe and armor against the king, his nobles, and gentlemen, without anie spéedie subduing or repressing of them.

13 Also you did comfort and incourage diuerse of line 30 the said rebels, by giuing of them diuerse sums of your owne monie, and by promising to diuerse of them, fées, rewards, and seruices.

14 Also you in fauor of the said rebels did against the lawes cause a proclamation to be made, that none of the said rebels and traitors should be sued or vexed by anie person, for anie their offenses in the said rebellion, to the cleare subuersion of the same lawes.

15 Also you haue said in time of the rebellion, line 40 that you liked well the dooings and proceedings of the said rebels and traitors, and said that the coue­tousnesse of the gentlemen gaue occasion to the common people to rise: saieng also, that better it is for the commons to die, than perish for lacke of li­uing.

16 Also you said that the lords of the parlement were loth to incline themselues to reformation of in­closures and other things: therefore the people had good cause to reforme the things themselues. line 50

17 Also you after the report and declaration of the defaults and lacks reported to you by such as did sur­ueie Bullongne and the péeces there, would neuer amend the same defaults.

18 Also you would not suffer the péeces beyond the seas, called Newhauen and Blacknesse, to be furnished with men and vittels; although you were aduertised of the defaults therein by the capteins of the same péeces and others, and were thereto aduer­tised by the kings councell: wherby the French king line 60 being the kings open enimie, was incouraged and comforted to win the said péeces, to the kings great losse, and dishonour of his realme.

19 Also you declared and published vntrulie, as well to the kings maiestie, as other the yoong lords attendant vpon his graces person, that the lords of the councell at London minded to destroie the king, and you required the king neuer to forget it, but to reuenge it: and likewise you required the yoong lords to put the king in remembrance thereof, to the intent to make sedition & discord betwéene the king and his lords.

20 Also where the kings maiesties priuie councell, of their loue and zeale that they did beare vnto the king and his realme, did consult at London to haue communed with you, to the intent to moue you chari­tablie to amend your dooings and misgouernement: you hearing of the said assemblie, did cause to be de­clared by letters in diuerse places the said lords to be high traitors to the king, to the great disturbance of the realme.

And thus much for these troubles of the lord pro­tector, and articles against him obiected; to the end (as was doubted) that the same should haue cost him his life. But such was the pleasure of almightie God, disposing mens hearts as séemeth to him best, that at length, to wit, the sixt of Februarie next, he was de­liuered; and that night he supped at sir Iohn Yorks one of the shiriffes of London, also the proclamation before set foorth against him was reuoked & called in. And thus being againe restored, though not to his former office, yet vnto libertie, he continued therein for the space of two yeares and two daies, till new troubles (as after shall appeare) chanced to him, which as they were too heauie for him either to cast off, or carrie awaie; so were his loders more readie to ag­grauate his burthen, than willing to ease him anie waie of the weight. So that this his exaltation & rai­sing to dignitie, in respect of the short continuance thereof, as also for the enuie wherewith it was assai­led, had béene better not to haue happened, than with such infelicitie in so short a time to haue ended. But this fall from honor & aduancement with losse of life (than the which nothing more pretious, nothing more delicious) gréeued him the lesse: bicause he might perceiue (as some suspected) that rather of enuie than otherwise (reseruing the course of Gods iudgement and vengeance to the secrecie of his owne counsels) the same was deuised, prosecuted, & finallie practised:

Nam quo quisque magis pius est, studiosior aequi,
Charior & regi, & quo quisque potentior extat,
Sentiet à prauis se tanto odiosius iri
Dente Theonino rosum, quod fortè latenter
Fiet & occultè, linguae ne sentiatictum
Laethalem, donec stamen trux Atropos occet,
Et vi Parcarum coenum voluatur in imum.]

¶ The seuentéenth of October, king Edward came from Hampton court to his place in Southworke, Abr. Fl. ex I [...] 1044, 1045. and there dined, K. Edward rode through London. and after dinner he made maister Yorke one of the shiriffes knight, and then rode tho­rough the citie to Westminster. The lord maior of London for this yeare named sir Rowland Hill, was a man of great charitie and compassion, eui­dent and effectuall testimonies whereof he hath left in the world; some of whose good deeds partlie in his remembrance & partlie for others example are deser­uedlie recorded. This man caused to be made a cau­seie, commonlie called Ouerlane pauement in the high waie from Stone to Nantwich, Charitable déeds of sir Rowland Hill. in length foure miles, for horsse and man, with diuerse lanes on both sides the same causeie. He caused likewise a causeie to be made from Dunchurch to Bransen in War­wikeshire, more than two miles of length, and gaue twentie pounds in monie towards the making of Roitton bridge, thrée miles from Couentrie. He made the high waie to Kilborne néere to London. He made foure bridges, two of them of stone, contei­ning eighteene arches in them both, the one ouer the riuer of Seuerne, called Achambridge; the other Ternebridge, for that the water of Terne runneth vnder it; the other two of timber at Stoke, and built a good part of Stoke church. He builded one nota­ble frée schoole at Draiton in Shropshire, with maister and vsher, and sufficient stipends for them both, Fréeschole at Draiton in Shropshire. be­sides conuenient lodgings for the same. He also pur­chased a frée faire to the said towne, with a frée mar­ket wéekelie, & also a frée market for castell euerie [Page 1061] fouretéene daies. [...] gift to [...]. He gaue to the hospitall of Christs church in London in his life time fiue hundred pounds in readie monie, and a hundred pounds at his deceasse.]

But now to returne to other dooings. Whilest these hurls and tumults were in hand, to the danger of the whole state, the wars against the Scots were nothing followed, according to the former purposed meaning of the councell: so that it seemed necessa­rie to giue ouer the kéeping of Hadington, the same line 10 being in deed more chargeable (as was thought) than profitable, sith the garrison there could not be vitteled but with a great power to conduct the cariages in safetie, the enimies being still readie to take their aduantage to distresse them vpon anie opportunitie offered. It was therefore resolued, that the earle of Rutland should go thither to sée the fortifications ra­sed, and to conduct from thence the men & ordinance in safetie home into England. Héerevpon the said earle with the Almans, and other souldiours then line 20 remaining on the borders, [...] marched thither, and cau­sed the bulworks, rampiers, and trenches to be rased and filled flat with the ground, and bringing from thence all the men, artillerie and munition, bag and baggage returned vnto Barwike without incoun­ter, in peaceable and quiet maner.

[...] parlement.Shortlie after this, the kings maiestie called his high court of parlement, which began at Westmin­ster, the foure and twentith daie of Nouember in this third yeare of his reigne, and there continued the line 30 same vntill the first daie of Februarie next follow­ing, which was in the beginning of the fourth yeare of his reigne. And among other things there enacted and concluded, one statute was made for the punish­ment of rebels, [...] act for vn­lawfull assem­ [...]s. and vnlawfull assemblies: the which law was made by occasion of the late rebellion that happened in manner through the realme the yeare passed, & was not thought nor meant to haue touched anie noble man, speciallie such as the duke of Sum­merset was, which after (as it shall appeare) it did, and line 40 by that statute he was condemned within two yeares next after.

A [...]r. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1045.¶The nintéenth of Ianuarie, sir Iohn Russell lord priuie seale, was created earle of Bedford: and lord saint Iohn Lord great maister, States crea­ted. was created earle of Wilshire: and sir William Paget, comptrollor of the kings house, was made lord Paget. On the same daie at night, Peter Gambo [...]nd another capteine murthered. were murthered by saint Pul­ [...]hres church against the kings head without New­gate of London two capteins, that had serued the line 50 king of Bullongne and else-where, the one was sir Peter Gambo, the other Filicirga. Which murther was committed by Charles Gauaro a Flemming, Gauaro and [...] hanged. who came post from Barwike to doo that act. On the morrow, he with thrée of his companie was taken in Smithfield by the lord Paget, and sent to Newgate, and the foure and twentith of Ianuarie they were all foure, Charles Gauaro, Balthasar Gauaro, Ni­cholas Disalueron, and Francis Deualasco, had in a cart to Smithfield. And by the waie at the place line 60 where the murther was doone, Charles Gauaro had his right hand striken off on the cart wheele, and then all hanged in Smithfield; who being exhorted to re­concile himselfe to God and the world by confessing his fault, by repenting himselfe of the offense, and asking forgiuenesse, that he might with a disburthe­ned conscience resigne his soule into the hands of God, obstinatlie and desperatlie answered, that he would neuer repent him of the déed.]

1550 Anno Reg. 4.About the same time, monsieur de Thermes that succéeded monsieur de Desse in gouernement as ge­nerall of the French forces in Scotland, came be­fore Broughticrag, where he did so much by batterie & o [...]her kinds of inforcement, that giuing an assault both with his Frenchmen and certeine Scots ioi­ned with him, the twentith of Februarie, the fort was entered by fine force, and all within it either ta­ken or slaine. Sir Iohn Lutterell prisoner. Sir Iohn Lutterell gouernour of that peece remained prisoner amongst the Frenchmen. Moreouer, now after the end of the parlement, the earle of Warwike, hauing then highest authori­tie, and the rest of the lords of the councell, Erle of War­wike in high­est authoritie. calling to remembrance how the last yeare in the time of rebel­lion, the French king had entered Bullongnois, and woone diuerse of the English forts there, being of great importance for defense of the towne and countrie, the default whereof was imputed to the negligent gouernment of the lord protector: and for so much as they well vnderstood that the French king vpon further practise had placed a capteine cal­led the Reingraue, with diuerse regiments of Al­maine lancequenets, Morguison the midwaie betwéene Bullen and Calis. and certeine ensignes also of Frenchmen, to the number of foure or fiue thousand at the towne of Morguison, being the midwaie be­twéene Bullongne and Calis, to the great perill and danger as well of the counti [...] of Bollongnois, as al-of Calis, Guisnes, and all the low countrie.

The king therefore for the defense of the said fron­tiers, caused all the strangers which had serued that yeare against the rebels, being to the number of two thousand, It is agréed among the lords to inf [...]st and annoie the French. to be transported ouer the sea to the mar­ches of Calis. And now at Christmas last past, by or­der of the said earle, and of the councellors aforesaid, Francis earle of Huntington, and sir Edward Ha­stings his brother, sir Iames Croft, sir Leonard Chamberleine, and diuerse other capteins and soul­diers, to the number of thrée thousand, were set ouer to the marches of Calis, to ioine with the said stran­gers, minding with as conuenient speed as they might, to remooue the campe, and otherwise to an­noie the French. But in the meane time through the diligent trauell of certeine persons, speciallie of one Guidoti an Italian, and a Florentine borne, there was a motion made for a treatie to be had by cer­teine commissioners, appointed betwixt the kings of England and France, for the conclusion of some peace, vpon such reasonable conditions and articles as might be thought expedient for the present time; and to stand with the honor and commoditie of both the princes.

This motion tooke such effect, that about the seuenth daie of Februarie, certeine commissioners, Commissio­ners sent to treat of peace. appoin­ted for this treatie, that is to wit, Iohn the earle of Bedford, the lord Paget, sir William Peter the kings chéefe secretarie, and sir Iohn Mason, arriued at Calis: by reason of whose comming, the earle of Huntington, and the armie sent ouer before for the defense of the frontiers were countermanded from anie attempt, so that little or nothing was doone in that voiage, sauing certeine skirmishes at diuerse times, not much materiall to be written of. These commissioners being thus arriued, passed from Ca­lis to Bullongne, there to méet with the commissio­ners appointed for the French king, where as a cer­teine house was newlie erected for the said treatie to be had, which was vpon the side of Bullongne ha­uen next to France, where after diuerse méetings & conferences of the commissioners of either partie, a finall peace was at last concluded betwixt both the realmes. But chéeflie among other things, for the restitution of Bullongne and Bullongnois to the Frenchmen, which were vpon certeine conditions following.

First, A peace con­cluded with France vpon certeine con­ditions. that the French king should yeeld and paie to the king of England a certeine summe of monie, and the same to be paid at two paiments, as it was then agréed: and for the same summe the king of England should render the towne of Bullongne, [Page 1062] and all the forts thereto adioining, which he then in­ioied, with all such artillerie and munition as was there found at the taking of the same to the French king. And for the sure paiment of the said sums, the French king sent into England for hostages and pledges, the counte de Anguien, Lewes the duke of Uandosme his brother, the Uidame of Charters, and the duke de Aumale and others. And on S. Markes daie next following, Bullongne giuen vp to the French. being the fiue and twentith daie of Aprill, about eight of the clocke in the morning, line 10 the Englishmen did deliuer to the Frenchmen the possession of Bullongne, and the castels and forts in the countie of Bullognois, according to the agree­ments and articles of peace afore mentioned. And the fiftéenth daie next following the French king en­tered into the said towne of Bullongne with trum­pets blowne, He entereth. & with all the roiall triumph that might be, where he offered one great image of siluer of our ladie in the church there, which was called our ladie church: the which image he had caused speciallie to be made in the honor of the said ladie, and caused the line 20 same to be set vp in the place where the like image before did stand, the which before was taken awaie by the Englishmen at the winning of the towne.

Abr. Fl. ex I.S pag. 1046. N [...]w officers created of the nobilitie.¶ On Candlemasse daie, William lord S. Iohn earle of Wilshire, lord great maister, and president of the councell, was made lord treasuror. Iohn Dud­leie earle of Warwike, lord great chamberleine, was made lord great maister. William Parre mar­quesse of Northampton, was made lord great cham­berleine. Lord Wentworth was made lord cham­berleine line 30 of the household. Sir Anthonie Wingfield capteine of the gard, was made comptrollor of the kings house. And sir Thomas Darcie knight, was made vicechamberleine & capteine of the gard. And the earle of Arundell late lord chamberleine, with the earle of Southampton were put off the councell, and commanded to kéepe their houses in London. ¶On the 10 of Februarie, one Bell a Suffolke man was hanged and quartered at Tiburne, for moouing a new rebellion in Suffolke and Essex. The liberties of South­worke pur­chased. This time, line 40 the lord maior of London and the aldermen purcha­sed all the liberties of Southworke, which were in the kings hands.]

Soone after the aforesaid agreement betwéene England and France was concluded, The duke of Summerset deliuered out of the tower. vpon the fore remembred capitulations, bicause of suspicion of displeasure and hatred that was thought to remaine betwéene the earle of Warwike and the duke of Summerset, latelie before deliuered out of the line 50 tower, a meane was found that their fréendship should be renewed through aliance, A marriage to compose strife and establish amitie. and a mariage was concluded betweene the earle of Warwikes eldest sonne, and the duke of Summersets eldest daughter: the which marriage was solemnized at Shene, the king being then present. After the solem­nitie of this marriage, there appeared outwardlie to the world great loue and fréendship betwéene the duke and the earle, but by reason of carietales and flatterers, the loue continued not long, howbeit ma­nie line 60 did verie earnestlie wish loue and amitie to con­tinue betwéene them. Rich. Grafton. Rebellion in Kent execu­ted. ¶ About this time was a new rebellion in Kent, but it was soone suppressed, and certeine of the chiefe were apprehended and put to death, namelie Richard Lion, Goddard Gorram, and Richard Ireland. This yeare was a parlement holden at Westminster, where among other things by the authoritie of the said parlement, Priests chil­dren legiti­mate. Usurie for­bidden. priests chil­dren were made legitimate, and vsurie for the loane of monie forbidden.]

¶On wednesdaie in Whitsunweeke, at a court of aldermen kept at the Guildhall, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1047, 1048 sir Iohn Aliffe knight, and maister of Blackwell hall, was sworne alderman of the Bridge ward without, Alderman of Southworke. to haue iuris­diction of the borough of Southworke, and thus was he the first alderman that euer was there, who made vp the number of six and twentie aldermen of Lon­don, whereas befo [...]e that time had beene but fiue and twentie. Terme ad­iourned. Trinitie tearme was adiourned till Mi­chaelmasse, for that the gentlemen should keepe the commons from commotion. The eleuenth of Iune being S. Barnabies daie, S. Barnab [...] kept h [...]l [...]e. High altar Paules pul­led downe. was kept holiedaie all London ouer: and the same daie at night, the high altar in Paules church was pulled downe, and a table set where the altar stood, with a veile drawne beneath the steps; and on the sundaie next a commu­nion was soong at the same table; and shortlie after all the altars in London were taken downe, and tables placed in their roomes. No watch [...] Midsummer This yeare was no such watch at Midsummer as had béene accustomed.

The thirtith of Iulie Thomas lord Wriothesleie erle of Southampton, knight of the garter, Earle of Southamp­ton deceas [...]e [...] and one of the executors to king Henrie the eight, deceassed at Lincolne place in Holborne, and was buried in S. Andrewes church there. Charitable deeds of An­drew Iude. Fréeschoole [...] Tunbridge. Sir Andrew Iude for this yeare maior of London, and skinner, erected one notable fréeschoole at Tunbridge in Kent, wherein he brought vp and nourished in learning great store of youth, as well bred in that shire, as brought from o­ther countries adioining. A noble act and correspon­dent to those that haue beene doone by like worship­full men, and other in old time within the same citie of London. Almes houses. He also builded almesse houses for six poore almesse people, nigh to the parish church of saint Helens within Bishopsgate of London, & gaue land to the companie of the skinners in the same citie, a­mounting to the value of thréescore pounds thrée shil­lings eight pence the yeare: for the which they be bound to paie twentie pounds to the schoolemaister, and eight pounds to the vsher of his free schoole at Tunbridge yearelie for euer, and foure shillings the wéeke to the six poore almesse people at S. Helens aforesaid, eight pence the péece wéekelie, and fiue and twentie shillings foure pence the yeare in coles a­mongst them for euer.]

About this time there was at Feuersham in Kent a gentleman named Arden, 1551 Anno Reg. 5. most cruellie murthe­red and slaine by the procurement of his owne wife. Arden mur­thered. The which murther, for the horriblenesse thereof, al­though otherwise it may séeme to be but a priuate matter, and therefore as it were impertinent to this historie, I haue thought good to set it foorth somewhat at large, hauing the instructions deliuered to me by them, that haue vsed some diligence to gather the true vnderstanding of the circumstances. This Ar­den was a man of a tall and comelie personage, Arden d [...] ­scribed. and matched in marriage with a gentlewoman, yoong, tall, and well fauoured of shape and countenance, who chancing to fall in familiaritie with one Mosbie a tailor by occupation, a blacke swart man, Loue and lust. seruant to the lord North, it happened this Mosbie vpon some misliking to fall out with hir: but she being desirous to be in fauour with him againe, A paire of sil­uer dice worke much mischiefe. sent him a paire of siluer dice by one Adam Foule dwelling at the Floure de lice in Feuersham.

After which he resorted to hir againe, and often­times laie in Ardens house: in somuch that within two yeares after, he obteined such fauour at hir hands, that he laie with hir, or (as they terme it) kept hir, in abusing hir bodie. And although (as it was said) Arden perceiued right well their mutuall fa­miliaritie to be much greater than their honestie, yet bicause he would not offend hir, and so loose the bene­fit which he hoped to gaine at some of hir f [...]éends hands in bearing with hir lewdnesse, which he might haue lost if he should haue fallen out with hir: Arden wi [...] ­keth at his wiues l [...]w [...] ­nesse, & [...] he was contented to winke at hir filthie disorder, and both permitted, and also inuited Mos [...]ie verie of [...]en [Page 1063] to lodge in his house. And thus it continued a good space, before anie practise was begun by them a­gainst maister Arden. She at length inflamed in loue with Mosbie, and loathing hir husband, wished and after practised the meanes how to hasten his end.

Ardens wife a [...]tempteth [...] to make awaie hi [...] husband.There was a painter dwelling in Feuersham, who had skill of poisons, as was reported. She there­fore demanded of him, whether it were true that he had such skill in that feat or not? And he denied not but that he had in déed. Yea (said she) but I would haue such a one made, as should haue most vehement line 10 and speedie operation to dispatch the eater thereof. That can I doo (quoth he) and forthwith made hir such a one, and willed hir to put it into the bottome of a porrenger, & then after to powre milke on it. Which circumstance she forgetting, did cleane contrarie, putting in the milke first; and afterward the poison. Now maister Arden purposing that daie to ride to Canturburie, Ardens is poi­soned by his wife but reco­uereth. his wife brought him his breakefast, which was woont to be milke and butter. He hauing receiued a spoonefull or two of the milke, misliked the line 20 [...]ast and colour thereof, and said to his wife; Mistresse Ales what milke haue you giuen me here? Where­withall she tilted it ouer with hir hand, saieng, I wéene nothing can please you. Then he tooke horsse and road towards Canturburie, and by the waie fell into extreme purging vpwards and downewards, and so escaped for that time.

After this, his wife fell in acquaintance with one Greene of Feuersham, seruant to sir Anthonie A­ger, from which Greene maister Arden had wrested line 30 a péece of ground on the backeside of the abbeie of Feuersham, and there had blowes and great threats passed betwixt them about that matter. Therefore she knowing that Gréene hated hir husband, She deuiseth another waie [...]o dispatch hir [...]usband Ar­den. began to practise with him how to make him awaie; and concluded, that if he could get anie that would kill him, he should haue ten pounds for a reward. This Gréene hauing dooings for his master sir Anthonie Ager, had occasion to go vp to London, where his maister then laie, and hauing some charge vp with line 40 him, desired one Bradshaw a goldsmith of Feuer­sham that was his neighbor, to accompanie him to Grauesend, and he would content him for his pains. This Bradshaw, being a verie honest man, was content, and road with him. And when they came to Rainham downe, they chanced to sée three or foure seruingmen that were comming from Léeds: and therewith Bradshaw espied comming vp the hill from Rochester, A notorious murthering ruffian. one blacke Will, a terrible cruell line 50 ruffian with a sword and a buckler, and an other with a great staffe on his necke.

Marke how the diu [...]ll will no [...] let his or­gans or in­struments let [...] either oc­casiō or oppor­tunitie to con­ [...] most hei­nous wicked­ [...]s [...]e.Then said Bradshaw to Gréene; We are happie that here commeth some companie from Léeds, for here commeth vp against vs as murthering a knaue as anie is in England: if it were not for them we might chance hardlie to escape without losse of our monie and liues. Yea thought Gréene (as he after confessed) such a one is for my purpose, and therefore asked; Which is he? Yonder is he quoth Bradshaw, the same that hath the sword and buckler: his name line 60 is blacke Will. How know you that, said Gréene? Bradshaw answered, I knew him at Bullo [...]gne, where we both serued, he was a soldier, and I was sir Richard Cauendishes man, and there he committed manie robberies and heinous murthers on such as trauelled betwixt Bullongne and France.

By this time the other companie of seruingmen came to them, and they going all togither, met with blacke Will and his fellow. The seruingmen knew blacke Will, [...] desperat [...]. & saluting him, demanded of him whi­ther he went? He answered; By his bloud (for his vse was to sweare almost at euerie word) I know not, nor care not, but set vp my staffe, and euen as it fal­leth I go. If thou (quo [...]h they) wilt go backe againe to Grauesend, we will giue thée thy supper. By his bloud (said he) I care not, I am content, haue with you: and so he returned againe with them. Then blacke Will tooke acquaintance of Bradshaw, sai­eng; Fellow Bradshaw how doost thou? Bradshaw vnwilling to renew acquitance, or to haue ought to doo with so shameles a ruffian, said; An honest man is asha­med to re­new old ac­quaintance with a knaue, Why doo ye know me? Yea that I doo (quoth he) did not we serue in Bul­longne togither? But ye must pardon me (quoth Bradshaw) for I haue forgotten you.

Then Greene talked with blacke Will, and said; When ye haue supped, come to mine hosts house at such a signe, and I will giue you the sacke and sugar. By his bloud (said he) I thanke you, I will come and take it I warrant you. According to his promise he came, and there they made good cheare. Then blacke Will & Greene went and talked apart from Brad­shaw, and there concluded togither, that if he would kill master Arden, he should haue ten pounds for his labor. Then he answered, The match made to mur­ther Arden. By his wounds that I will if I maie know him. Marie to morrow in Poules I will shew him thee, said Gréene. Then they left their talke, & Gréene bad him go home to his hosts house. Then Greene wrote a letter to mistresse Ar­den, & among other things put in these words: We haue got a man for our purpose, we maie thanke my brother Bradshaw. Simplicitie abused. Now Bradshaw not knowing anie thing of this, tooke the letter of him, and in the morning departed home againe, and deliuered the letter to mistresse Arden, and Greene & blacke Will went vp to London at the tide.

At the time appointed, Gréene shewed blacke Will maister Arden walking in Poules. Then said blacke Will, What is he that goeth after him? Marie said Gréen, one of his men. By his bloud (said blacke Will) I will kill them both. Naie (said Greene) doo not so, for he is of counsell with vs in this matter. By his bloud (said he) I care not for that, Blacke will maketh no conscience of bloudshed and murther. I will kill them both. Naie said Gréene in anie wise doo not so. Then blacke Will thought to haue killed maister Arden in Poules churchyard, but there were so manie gentle­men that accompanied him to dinner, that he mis­sed of his purpose. Gréene shewed all this talke to maister Ardens man, whose name was Michaell, which euer after stood in doubt of blacke Will, lest he should kill him. Why Ardens man conspired with the rest to kill his maister. The cause that this Michaell conspi­red with the rest against his maister, was: for that it was determined, that he should marrie a kinswo­man of Mosbies.

After this, maister Arden laie at a certeine par­sonage which he held in London, and therefore his man Michaell and Gréene agréed, that blacke Will should come in the night to the parsonage, where he should find the doores left open, that he might como in and murther maister Arden. This Michaell ha­uing his maister to bed, left open the doores accor­ding to the appointment. His maister then being in bed, asked him if he had shut fast the doores, and hée said yea: but yet afterwards, fearing least blacke Will would kill him as well as his maister, One murthe­ring mind mistrusting a­nother, doo hinder the ac­tion where­about they agréed. after he was in bed himselfe, he rose againe and shut the doores, bolting them fast. So that blacke Will com­ming thither, and finding the doores shut, departed, being disappointed at that time. The next daie blacke Will came to Gréene in a great chafe, swearing and staring bicause he was so deceiued, and with manie terrible oths threatened to kill maister Ardens man first, wheresoeuer he met him. No (said Gréene) doo not so, I will first know the cause of shutting the doores.

Then Greene met and talked with Ardens man, and asked of him, why he did not leaue open the doors, according to his promise? Marie (said Michaell) I [Page 1064] will shew you the cause. My maister yesternight did that he neuer did before: for after I was in bed, hée rose vp and shut the doores, and in the morning rated me for leauing them vnshut. And herewith Gréene & blacke Will were pacified. Arden being redie to go homewards, The fourth attempt to make Arden awaie disap­pointed. his maid came to Gréene & said; This night will my maister go downe. Whervpon it was agréed that blacke Will should kill him on Reinam downe. When maister Arden came to Rochester, his man still fearing that blacke Will would kill him line 10 with his maister, pricked his horsse of purpose, and made him to halt, to the end he might protract the time, and tarie behind. His maister asked him whie his horsse halted, he said, I know not. Well (quoth his maister) when ye come at the smith here before (betwéene Rochester and the hill foot ouer against Chee [...]am) remooue his shoo, and search him, and then come after me. So maister Arden rode on: and yer he came at the place where blacke Will laie in wait for him, there ouertooke him diuerse gentlemen of his acquaintance, Blacke Will misseth his purpose. who kept him companie: so that line 20 blacke Will mist here also of his purpose.

After that maister Arden was come home, hee sent (as he vsuallie did) his man to Shepeie to sir Tho­mas Cheinie, then lord warden of the cinque ports, about certeine businesse, and at his comming awaie, he had a letter deliuered sent by sir Thomas Cheinie to his maister. When he came home, his mist resse tooke the letter and kept it, willing hir man to tell his maister, that he had a letter deliuered him by sir line 30 Thomas Cheinie, and that he had lost it; adding that he thought it best that his maister should go the next morning to sir Thomas, bicause he knew not the matter: he said he would, and therefore he willed his man to be stirring betimes. In this meane while, blacke Will, Ardens wife visiteth, suc­coureth, em­bold [...]eth, and directeth black Will &c: how to accomplish his bloudie purpose. and one George Shake bag his compa­nion, were kept in a storehouse of sir Anthonie A­gers at Preston, by Greenes appointment: and thi­ther came mistresse Arden to sée him, bringing and sending him meat and drinke manie times. He ther­fore line 40 lurking there, and watching some opportunitie for his purpose, was willed in anie wise to be vp earlie in the morning, to lie in wait for maister Ar­den in a certeine broome close, betwixt Feuersham & the ferrie (which close he must néeds passe) there to doo his feat. Now blacke Will stirred in the morning be­times, but mist the waie, & taried in a wrong place.

Maister Arden & his man comming on their waie earlie in the morning towards Shornelan, where sir Thomas Cheinie laie: as they were almost come to line 50 the broome close, Note here the force of feare and a troubled conscience. his man alwaies fearing that blacke Will would kill him with his maister, feined that he had lost his pursse; Why said his maister, thou foolish knaue, couldst thou not looke to thy pursse but loose it? What was in it? Thrée pounds said he. Why then go thy waies backe againe like a knaue (said his maister) and séeke it, for being so earlie as it is, there is no man stirring, and therefore thou maist be sure to find it, and then come and ouertake me at the ferrie. But neuerthelesse, by reason that blacke Will line 60 lost his way, maister Arden escaped yet once againe. At that time, blacke Will yet thought hée should haue beene sure to haue met him homewards: but whether that some of the lord wardens men accom­panied him backe to Feuersham, or that being in doubt, Blacke Will yet againe disappointed. for that it was late to go through the broome close, and therfore tooke another waie, blacke Will was disappointed then also.

But now saint Ualentines faire being at hand, the conspirators thought to dispatch their diuelish in­tention at that time. A pr [...]pens [...]d quarel against Arden by the conspirators. Mosbie minded to picke some quarrell to maister Arden at the faire to fight with him; for he said he could not find in his heart to mur­ther a gentleman in that sort as his wife wished: al­though she had made a solemne promise to him, and he againe to hir, to be in all points as man and wife togither, and therevpon they both receiued the sacra­ment on a sundaie at London, openlie in a church there. But this deuise to fight with him would not serue, for maister Arden both then and at other times had beene greatlie prouoked by Mosbie to fight with him, but he would not. Now Mosbie had a sister that dwelt in a tenement of maister Ardens néere to his house in Feuersham: and on the faire éeuen, Ardens wi [...]e, blacke Will, & the knot of vilans meet and conclude vpon their for­mer prepensed mischiefe. blacke Will was sent for to come thither, and Gréene brin­ging him thither, met there with mistresse Arden, ac­companied with Michaell hir man, and one of hir maids. There were also Mosbie and George Shake­bag, and there they deuised to haue killed him in ma­ner as afterwards he was. But yet Mosbie at the first would not agree to that cowardlie murthering of him, but in a furie floong awaie, and went vp the abbeie stréet toward the flower de lice, the house of the aforenamed Adam Foule, where he did often host. But before he came thither now at this time, a messenger ouertooke him, that was sent from mi­stres Arden, desiring him of all loues to come backe againe to helpe to accomplish the mater he knew of. Herevpon he returned to hi [...] againe, and at his com­ming backe, she fell downe vpon hir knées to him, O importu­nate & blou­die minded strumpet! and besought him to go through with the matter, as if he loued hir he would be content to doo, sith as shee had diuerse times told him, he néeded not to doubt, for there was not anie that would care for his death, nor make anie great inquirie for them that should dispatch him.

Thus she being earnest with him, at length hee was contented to agree vnto that horrible deuise, and therevpon they conueied blacke Will into mai­ster Ardens house, putting him into a closet at the end of his parlour. Before this, they had sent out of the house all the seruants, those excepted which were priuie to the deuised murther. Then went Mosbie to the doore, The practise to kill Arden is now set abroch. and there stood in a night gowne of silke gir­ded about him, and this was betwixt six and seuen of the clocke at night. Master Arden hauing béene at a neighbors house of his, named Dumpkin, & hauing cleared certeine reckonings betwixt them, came home: and finding Mosbie standing at the doore, as­ked him if it were supper time? I thinke not (quoth Mosbie) it is not yet readie. Then let vs go and plaie a game at the tables in the meane season, said mai­ster Arden. And so they went streight into the parlor: and as they came by through the hall, his wife was walking there, and maister Arden said; How now mistresse Ales? But she made small answer to him. In the meane time one cheined the wicket doore of the entrie. When they came into the parlor, Here the con­federats w [...]ne their practises Mosbie sat downe on the bench, hauing his face toward the place where blacke Will stood. Then Michaell mai­ster Ardens man stood at his masters backe, holding a candle in his hand, to shadow blacke Will, that Arden might by no meanes perceiue him comming foorth. In their plaie Mosbie said thus (which séemed to be the watchword for blacke Wils comming foorth) Now maie I take you sir if I will. The watch­word to the principall murtherer. Take me (quoth maister Arden) which waie? With that blacke Will stept foorth, and cast a towell about his necke, so to stop his breath and strangle him. Then Mosbie hauing at his girdle a pressing iron of fourtéene pounds weight, stroke him on the hed with the same, so that he fell downe, and gaue a great grone, inso­much that they thought he had béene killed.

Then they bare him awaie, to laie him in the coun­ting house, & as they were about to laie him downe, the pangs of death comming on him, Arden [...]lain [...] outright. he gaue a great grone, and stretched himselfe, and then blacke Will gaue him a great gash in the face, and so kil­led [Page 1065] him out of hand, laid him along, tooke the monie out of his pursse, and the rings from his fingers, and then comming out of the counting house, said; Now the feat is doone, giue me my monie. So mistres Arden gaue him ten pounds: [...]lacke will r [...]ueth ten pounds for h [...]s reward of Ardens wife, [...] murdering [...] husband. and he comming to Gréene, had a horsse of him, and so rode his waies. After that blacke Will was gone, mistresse Arden came into the counting house, and with a knife gaue him seuen or eight picks into the brest. Then they made cleene the parlor, tooke a clout, and wiped where line 10 it was bloudie, and strewed againe the rushes that were shuffled with strugling, and cast the clout with which they wiped the bloud, and the knife that was bloudie, wherewith she had wounded hir husband, into a tub by the wels side; where afterwards both the same clout and knife were found. Thus this wic­ked woman, with hir complices, most shamefullie murdered hir owne husband, who most entirelie lo­ued hir all his life time. Then she sent for two Lon­doners to supper, the one named Prune, and the o­ther line 20 Cole, that were grosers, which before the mur­der was committed, were bidden to supper. When they came, she said: I maruell where maister Ar­den is; we will not tarie for him, come ye and sit downe, for he will not be long. Then Mosbies sister was sent for, she came and sat downe, and so they were merie.

[...] what [...] after he m [...]rde­ [...]ng of hir husband.After supper, mistres Arden caused hir daughter to plaie on the virginals, and they dansed, and she with them, and so séemed to protract time as it were; line 30 till maister Arden should come, and she said, I mar­uell where he is so long; well, he will come anon I am sure, I praie you in the meane while let vs plaie a game at the tables. But the Londoners said, they must go to their hosts house, or else they should be shut out at doores, and so taking their leaue, depar­ted. When they were gone, the seruants that were not priuie to the murder, were sent abroad into the towne; some to séeke their maister, and some of o­ther errands, all sauing Michaell and a maid, Mos­bies line 40 sister, and one of mistres Ardens owne daugh­ters. Then they tooke the dead bodie, and caried it out, to laie it in a field next to the church [...]yard, and ioining to his garden wall, The workers of this mis­chiefe carie out Arden [...]laine into the [...]. through the which he went to the church. In the meane time it began to snow, and when they came to the garden gate, they remembred that they had forgotten the kaie, and one went in for it, and finding it, at length brought it, opened the gate, and caried the corps into the same field, as it were ten pases from the garden gate, and line 50 laid him downe on his backe streight in his night gowne, with his slippers on: and betwéene one of his slippers and his foot, a long rush or two remai­ned. When they had thus laid him downe, they re­turned the same way they came through the garden into the house.

This she did is colour hir wickednesse which by no meanes was [...]seable.They being returned thus backe againe into the house, the doores were opened, and the seruants re­turned home that had béene sent abroad: and being now verie late, she sent foorth hir folks againe to line 60 make inquirie for him in diuerse places; namelie, among the best in the towne where he was woont to be, who made answer, that they could tell nothing of him. Then she began to make an outcrie, and said; Neuer woman had such neighbors as I haue, and herewith wept: in somuch that hir neighbors came in, and found hir making great lamentation, pretending to maruell what was become of hir hus­band. Wherevpon, the maior and others came to make search for him. Arden a coue­ [...] man and [...]errer of his priuat [...] b [...]fore common [...]. The faire was woont to be kept partlie in the towne, and partlie in the abbeie; but Arden for his owne priuat lucre & couetous gaine had this present yeare procured it to be wholie kept within the abbeie ground which he had purchased; & so reaping all the gaines to himselfe, and bereauing the towne of that portion which was woont to come to the inhabitants, got manie a bitter cursse. The maior going about the faire in this search, at length came to the ground where Arden laie: and as it hap­pened, Prune the groser getting sight of him, Ardens dead bodie is descri­ed by one of his acquain­tance. first said; Staie, for me thinke I sée one lie here. And so they looking and beholding the bodie, found that it was maister Arden, lieng there throughlie dead, and viewing diligentlie the maner of his bodie & hurts, found the rushes sticking in his slippers, and mar­king further, espied certeine footsteps, by reason of the snow, betwixt the place where he laie, and the garden doore.

Then the maior commanded euerie man to staie, and herewith appointed some to go about, & to come in at the inner side of the house through the garden as the waie laie, Footsteps [...] alongst from the dead bodie of Arden to his dwelling house. to the place where maister Ardens dead bodie did lie; who all the waie as they came, perceiued footings still before them in the snow: and so it appeared plainlie that he was brought along that waie from the house through the garden, and so into the field where he laie. Then the maior and his companie that were with him went into the house, and knowing hir euill demeanor in times past, ex­amined hir of the matter: but she defied them and said, I would you should know I am no such wo­man. Then they examined hir seruants, and in the examination, by reason of a péece of his heare any bloud found néere to the house in the waie, A péece of Ar­dens heare and his bloud spil [...] in the house espied, as also a bloudie knife and a clou [...] found. by the which they caried him foorth, and likewise by the knife with which she had thrust him into the brest, and the clout wherewith they wiped the bloud awaie which they found in the tub, into the which the same were throwen; they all confessed the matter, and hir selfe beholding hir husbands bloud, said; Oh the bloud of God helpe, for this bloud haue I shed.

Then were they all attached, and committed to prison, and the maior with others went presentlie to the flower de lice, where they found Mosbie in bed: and as they came towards him, they espied his hose and pursse stained with some of maister Ardens bloud. Some of Ar­dens bloud vpon Mos­bies pursse. And when he asked what they meant by their comming in such sort, they said; Sée, here ye may vnderstand wherefore, by these tokens, shewing him the bloud on his hose and pursse. Then he confessed the déed, and so he and all the other that had conspi­red the murder, were apprehended and laid in pri­son, except Gréene, blacke Will, and the painter, The princi­pals of this murder fled a­waie. which painter and George Shakebag, that was also fled before, were neuer heard of. Shortlie were the sessions kept at Feuersham, where all the prisoners were arreigned and condemned. And therevpon being examined whither they had anie other compli­ces, mistres Arden accused Bradshaw, vpon occa­sion of the letter sent by Gréene from Graues end, Bradshaw as vniustlie accu­sed, as his simplicitie was shame­fullie abused. (as before ye haue heard) which words had none o­ther meaning, but onelie by Bradshaws describing of blacke Wils qualities; Gréene iudged him a méete instrument for the execution of their preten­ded murder. Whereto notwithstanding (as Gréene confessed at his death certeine yeares after) this Bradshaw was neuer made priuie; howbeit, he was vppon this accusation of mistres Arden, immediat­lie sent for to the sessions, and indicted, and declara­tion made against him, as a procurer of blacke Will to kill maister Arden, which procéeded wholie by mis­vnderstanding of the words conteined in the letter which he brought from Greene.

Then he desired to talke with the persons con­demned, and his request was granted. He therefore demanded of them if they knew him, or euer had a­nie conuersation with him, & they all said no. Then the letter being shewed and read, he declared the ve­rie [Page 1066] truth of the matter, Innocencie no barre a­gainst execu­tion. and vpon what occasion he told Gréene of blacke Will: neuerthelesse, he was condemned, and suffered. These condemned per­sons were diuerslie executed in sundrie places, for Michaell maister Ardens man was hanged in chaines at Feuersham, Note how these malefac­tors suffered punishment. and one of the maids was burnt there, pitifullie bewailing hir case, and cried out on hir mistres that had brought hir to this end, for the which she would neuer forgiue hir. Mosbie & his sister were hanged in Smithfield at London; line 10 mistres Arden was burned at Canturburie the foure and twentith of March. Gréene came againe certeine yeares after, was apprehended, condem­ned, Blacke Will burnt a [...] Flishing. & hanged in chaines in the high waie betwixt Ospring & Boughton against Feuersham; blacke Will was burnt on a scaffold at Flishing in Ze­land. Adam Foule that dwelt at the floure de lice in Feuersham was brought into trouble about this matter, and caried vp to London, with his legs bound vnder the horsse bellie, and committed to pri­son line 20 in the Marshalseie: for that Mosbie was heard to saie; Had it not béene for Adam Foule, I had not come to this trouble: meaning that the bringing of the siluer dice for a token to him from mistresse Ar­den, as ye haue heard, occasioned him to renew fa­miliaritie with hir againe. But when the matter was throughlie ripped vp, & that Mosbie had cléered him, protesting that he was neuer of knowledge in anie behalfe to the murder, the mans innocencie preserued him. line 30

A wonder tou­ching the print of Ar­dens dead bo­die two yeares after he was slaine.This one thing séemeth verie strange and nota­ble, touching maister Arden, that in the place where he was laid, being dead, all the proportion of his bo­die might be séene two yeares after and more, so plaine as could be, for the grasse did not grow where his bodie had touched: but betwéene his legs, be­tweene his armes, and about the hollownesse of his necke, and round about his bodie, and where his legs, armes, head, or anie other part of his bodie had touched, no grasse growed at all of all that time. So that manie strangers came in that meane time, be­side line 40 the townesmen, to see the print of his bodie there on the ground in that field. Which field he had (as some haue reported) most cruellie taken from a woman, that had beene a widow to one Cooke, and after maried to one Richard Read a mariner, to the great hinderance of hir and hir husband the said Read: for they had long inioied it by a lease, which they had of it for manie yeares, not then expired: neuerthelesse, he got it from them. For the which, the line 50 said Reads wife not onelie exclaimed against him, God heareth the teares of the oppressed and taketh vengeance: note an exam­ple in Arden. in sheading manie a salt téere, but also curssed him most bitterlie euen to his face, wishing manie a vengeance to light vpon him, and that all the world might woonder on him. Which was thought then to come to passe, when he was thus murdered, and laie in that field from midnight till the morning: and so all that daie, being the faire daie till night, all the which daie there were manie hundreds of people came woondering about him. And thus far touching this horrible and heinous murder of maister Arden. line 60 To returne then where we left.

A parlement.About this time the kings maiestie calling his high court of parlement, held the same at West­minster the three and twentith daie of Ianuarie, in this fift yéere of his reigne, and there continued it, vntill the fiftéenth daie of Aprill in the sixt yeare of his said reigne. In this parlement the booke of com­mon praier, Fooke of common prai­er confirmed. which in some part had béene corrected and amended, was newlie confirmed & established. ¶ In the end of this parlement, namelie the fifteenth of Aprill the infectious sweating sicknesse began at Shrewesburie, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1049. Sweating sickenesse. which ended not in the north part of England vntill the end of September. In this space what number died, it cannot be well accounted: but certeine it is, that in London in few daies nine hundred and sixtie gaue vp the ghost. It began in London the ninth of Iulie, and the twelfth of Iulie it was most vehement: which was so terrible, Iohn [...]. that people being in best helth, were suddenlie taken, and dead in foure and twentie houres, and twelue, or lesse, for lacke of skill in guiding them in their sweat. And it is to be noted, Of this [...] died Henrie [...] Charles [...] of Charles Brandon, the elder first, [...] the yoong [...] after: so th [...] they both [...] dukes of Suffolke. that this mortalitie fell chéeflie or rather vpon men, and those also of the best age, as betwéen thirtie & fortie yeers. The spéedie riddance of life procured by this sicknes, did so terrifie people of all sorts, that such as could make shift, either with monie or freendship, changed their soile, and leauing places of concourse, betooke them (for the time) to a­bodes, though not altogither solitarie, yet lesse frequented: to conclude, manifold meanes were made for safetie of life. The first wéeke died in Lon­don eight hundred persons.

The manner of this sweat was such, Rich. Gra [...]. that if men did take anie cold outwardlie, it stroke the sweat in, and immediatlie killed them. If they were suffered to sléepe, commonlie they swooned in their sleepe and departed, or else died immediat­lie vpon their waking. Remedie [...] ­gainst the danger of the sweating sicknesse. But the waie to escape dan­ger was close keeping moderatlie with some aire and a little drinke, and the same to be posset-ale, and so to kéepe them thirtie houres, & then was the dan­ger past; but beware of sudden cold. Before men had learned the manner of keeping, an infinit num­ber perished. This disease at that time followed Englishmen & none other nation; for in Antwerpe and other countries, our Englishmen being there a­mongst diuerse other nations, onelie our English­men were sicke thereof, and none other persons. The consideration of which thing made this nation much afraid thereof, who for the time began to repent and giue almes, and to remember God from whom that plague might well séeme to be sent among vs. But as the disease in time ceased, so our deuotion in short time decaied. The imb [...] ­sing of the coine.] At this time also the king with the ad­uise of his priuie councell, and hauing also great conference with merchants and others, perceiuing that by such coins and copper monies, as had beene coined in the time of the king his father, and now were commonlie currant in the realme; and indéed a great number of them not worth halfe the value that they were currant at, to the great dishonor of the kings maiestie & the realme, and to the deceit & no little hinderance of all the kings maiesties good subiects, did now purpose not onelie the abasing of the said copper monies, but also meant wholie to r [...] ­duce them into bullion, to the intent to deliuer fine and good monies for them. And therefore in the mo­neth of Iulie by his graces proclamation, he abased the péece of twelue pence, Two [...]a [...]les of moni [...]. commonlie called a tes­ton vnto nine pence, and the péece of foure pence vnto three pence. And in August next following, the peece of nine pence was abased to six pence, and the peece of thrée pence vnto two pence, and the pennie to an halfepennie.

On the eleuenth daie of October, there was a great creation of dukes and earles, Creation of honorable estates, as the lord mar­quesse Dorset was created duke of Suffolke, the earle of Warwike made duke of Northumberland, and the earle of Wilshire made marquesse of Win­chester, & sir William Herbert maister of the horsse; he also made William Cicill his secretarie knight, I.S. pag. 1050. maister Iohn Chéeke one of his schoolemaisters knight, maister Henrie Dudlie knight, The duked Summer [...]et againe appre­hended, and committed [...] the to [...]. & maister Henrie Neuill knight. The sixtéenth daie of the said moneth being fridaie, the duke of Summerset was againe apprehended, & his wife also, & committed to the tower; with him also were cōmitted sir Michaell [Page 1067] Stanhope, sir Thomas Arundell, sir Rafe Uane, sir Miles Partrige & other for suspicion of treason and felonie, whereof they were all shortlie after indicted. And so standing indicted, the second daie of Decem­ber next following, the said duke was brought out of the tower of London with the ax of the tower borne before him, with a great number of billes, gleaues, halberds & pollaxes attending vpon him, & so came into Westminster hall, where was made in the middle of the hall a new scaffold, where all the line 10 lords of the kings councell sate as his iudges: The duke ar­reigned both of treason and [...]lonie. and there was he arreigned and charged with manie ar­ticles both of felonie and treason. And when after much mild speech he had answered not guiltie, he in all humble manner put himselfe to be tried by his péeres: who after long consultation among them­selues, gaue their verdict that he was not guiltie of the treason, but of the felonie. The people there pre­sent (which was a great number) hearing the lords saie not guiltie, which was to the treason, thinking line 20 most certeinlie that he was cléerelie acquited; and chieflie for that immediatlie vpon the pronouncing of those words, he that caried the ax of the tower departed with the ax, The people [...]pposing the duke to be [...]re gaue a great showt [...] ioie. they made such an outcrie and [...]o [...]e, as the like hath not béene heard. Which was an euident declaration of their good willes and hartie fa­uors vnto him, whose life they greatlie desired to haue saued, for that he had deserued right well of most (though the good gentleman had some priuat e­nimies) and had béene as a man maie iustlie saie: ‘Solamen magnum patriae, solamen amicis. line 30’

The duke condemed to [...] for felonie.But neuerthelesse, he was condemned to the death, whereof shortlie after he tasted. The felonie that he was condemned of, was vpon the statute made the last yeare against rebelles, and vnlawfull assemblies, wherein amongst other things is one branch, that whosoeuer shall procure the death of anie councellor, that euerie such attempt or procurement shall be felonie. And by force of that statute, the duke of Summerset, being accompanied with cer­teine line 40 others, was charged that he purposed and at­tempted the death of the duke of Northumberland, the lord marquesse, the lord of Penbroke, and others of the priuie councell, which by statute was felonie.

The duke of Summerset condemned returneth to the tower.After the duke was thus condemned, he was a­gaine returned to the tower, and landed at the crane of the vinetree, and so passed through London, where were both exclamations: the one cried for ioie that he was acquitted, the other cried out that he was condemned. But howsoeuer they cried, he was con­ueied line 50 to the tower of London, where he remained vntill the two and twentith daie of Ianuarie next fo­lowing. The people murmur at the dukes condemnatiō. The duke being condemned (as is afore­said) the people spake diuerslie, and murmured a­gainst the duke of Northumberland, and against some other of the lords, for the condemnation of the said duke: and also (as the common same went) the kings maiestie tooke it not in good part. Wherefore as well to remooue fond talke out of mens mouths, as also to recreat and refresh the troubled spirits of line 60 the yoong king; who (as saith Grafton) séemed to take the trouble of his vncle somewhat heauilie: Policie. it was deuised, that the feast of Christs natiuitie, com­monlie called Christmasse then at h [...]nd, should be so­lemnlie kept at Gréenwich with open houshold, and franke resort to court (which is called kéeping of the hall) what time of old ordinarie course there is al­waies one appointed to make sport in the court, cal­led commonlie lord of misrule: whose office is not vnknowne to such as haue beene brought vp in no­ble mens houses, and among great house-keepers, which vse liberall feasting in that season. [...] There was therfore by order of the councell, a wise gentleman & learned named George Ferrers, appointed to that office for this yeare; who being of better credit & esti­mation than cōmonlie his predecessors had beene be­fore, receiued all his commissions and warrants by the name of the maister of the kings pastimes: Which gentleman so well supplied his office, both in shew of sundrie sights and deuises of rare inuenti­ons, and in act of diuerse interludes, and matters of pastime plaied by persons, as not onelie satisfied the common [...]ort, but also were verie well liked and al­lowed by the councell, and other of skill in the like pastimes: but best of all by the yoong king himselfe, as appéered by his princelie liberalitie in rewarding that seruice.

¶On mondaie the fourth of Ianuarie, the said lord of merie disports came by water to London, Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow 1055. and landed at the tower wharffe, entred the tower, and then rode through tower street, where he was receiued by Uause lord of misrule to Iohn Mainard one of the shiriffes of London, The shiriffe [...] lord of mis­rule. and so conducted through the citie with a great companie of yoong lords & gentlemen to the house of sir George Barne lord maior, where he with the chéefe of his companie dined, and after had a great banket: and at his de­parture, the lord maior gaue him a standing cup with a couer of siluer and guilt of the value of ten pounds for a reward, and also set a hogshed of wine, and a barrell of beere at his gate, for his traine that followed him. The residue of his gentlemen & ser­uants dined at other aldermens houses, and with the shiriffes, and then departed to the tower wharffe a­gaine, & so to the court by water, to the great com­mendation of the maior and aldermen, and highlie accepted of the king and councell.]

This Christmas being thus passed and spent with much mirth and pastime, year 1552 wherewith the minds and eares of murmurers were méetlie well appeased, ac­cording to a former determination as the sequele shewed: it was thought now good to procéed to the execution of the iudgement giuen against the duke of Summerset, touching his conuiction & atteindor of the fellonie before mentioned. Wherevpon, the two and twentith daie of Ianuarie, then next fol­lowing being fridaie, he was brought out of the tower, and according to the manner, The executiō of the duke of Summerset. deliuered to the shiriffes of London; and so with a great compa­nie of the gard & others with weapons, was brought to the scaffold where he should suffer, without chan­ging either voice or countenance, other than he was accustomed to vse at other times.

The same morning earelie, Meanes to restraine the multitude from the dukes exe­cution. the conestables of e­uerie ward in London (according to a precept direc­ted from the councell to the maior) strictlie charged euerie houshold of the same citie, not to depart anie of them out of their houses, before ten of the clocke of that daie: meaning thereby to restreine the great number of people that otherwise were like to haue béen at the said execution. Notwithstanding, by sea­uen of the clocke, the tower hill was couered with a great multitude, repairing from all parts of the ci­tie, as well as out of the suburbs. And before eight of the clocke, the duke was brought to the scaffold, in­closed with the kings gard, the shiriffes officers, the warders of the tower, & other with halberds: where as he nothing changing neither voice or counte­nance, Iohn Fox. The dukes behauiour as his death. but in a maner with the same gesture which he commonlie vsed at home, knéeling downe vpon both his knees, and lifting vp his hands, commended himselfe vnto God. After he had ended a few short praiers, standing vp againe, and turning himselfe toward the east side of the scaffold, nothing at all a­bashed (as it séemed vnto those that stood by) neither with the sight of the ax, neither yet of the hangman, nor of present death, but with the like alacri [...]ie and chéerefulnesse of mind and countenance as before [Page 1068] times he was accustomed to heare the causes & sup­plications of other, & speciallie of the poore (towards whome as it were with a certeine fatherlie loue to his children he alwaies shewed himselfe most atten­tiue) he vttered these words to the people.

The words of the duke of Summerset at his death.

DEerelie beloued friends, I am line 10 brought hither to suffer death, albeit I neuer offended against the king, neither by word nor deed, and haue beene alwaies as faithfull and true vnto this realme, as anie man hath beene. But forsomuch as I am by law condemned to die, I doo acknowledge my selfe as well as others, to be subiect there­vnto. Wherefore to testifie mine obedience line 20 which I owe vnto the lawes, I am come hither to suffer death, wherevnto I wil­linglie offer my selfe with most hartie thanks vnto God, that hath giuen me this time of repentance, who might thorough sudden death haue taken awaie my life, that I neither should haue acknowledged him nor my selfe.

Moreouer (deerelie beloued friends) there is yet somewhat that I must put line 30 you in mind of, as touching christian reli­gion, which so long as I was in authori­tie, I alwaies diligentlie set foorth, and furthered to my power. Neither doo I re­pent me of my dooings, but reioise therein, sith now the state of christian religion com­meth most neere vnto the forme and order of the primitiue church. Which thing I esteeme as a great benefit giuen of God, line 40 both to you and me, most hartilie exhorting you all, that this which is most purelie set foorth vnto you, you will with like thanke­fulnesse accept and embrace, and set out the same in your liuing: which thing if you doo not, without doubt, greater mischiefe and calamitie will follow.

When he had spoken these words, suddenlie there line 50 was a great noise heard, Great feare among the people assem­bled on the tower hill. Rich. Grafton. Iohn Stow. wherevpon the people were streight driuen into a great feare, few or none knowing the cause. Wherefore I thinke it good to write what I saw (saith Iohn Stow) concerning that matter. The people of a certeine hamlet which were warned to be there by seauen of the clocke to giue their attendance on the lieutenant, now came tho­rough the posterne, and perceiuing the duke to be al­readie on the scaffold, the foremost began to run, cri­eng to their fellowes to follow fast after. Which sud­dennes line 60 of these men, being weaponed with bils and halberds, & this running caused the people which first saw them, to thinke some power had come to haue rescued the duke from execution, and therefore cried Awaie awaie. Wherevpon the people ran, some one waie, some an other, manie fell into the tower ditch, and they which tarried, thought some pardon had beene brought: some said it thundered, some that the ground mooued, but there was no such matter.

Abr. Fl. ex Io. Foxi martyrolo­gio.¶ This amazement of the people is in other words recorded by Iohn Fox in the storie of this dukes trou­bles & death: which bicause they be effectuall I thinke good to interlace. When the duke had ended his speech (saith he) suddenlie there was a terrible noise heard: whervpon there came a great feare on all men. A sudden noise & feare of the people at the death of the duke [...] Summerset. This noise was as it had beene the noise of a great storme or tempest, which to some séemed to be heard from aboue: like as if a great deale of gunpowder being inclosed in an armorie, and hauing caught fire, had violentlie broken out. But to some againe it seemed as though it had béene a great multitude of horsse­men running togither, or comming vpon them; such a noise was then in the eares of all men, albeit they saw nothing. Whereby it happened, that all the people being amazed without any euident cause, and without anie violence or stroke striken, they ran awaie, some into the ditches and puddles, and some into the houses thereabout. Other some being affraid with the horrour and noise, fell downe groue­ling vnto the ground with their pollaxes & halberds, and most part of them cried out: Iesus saue vs, Ie­sus saue vs. Those which tarried still in their places, for feare knew not where they were. And Namelie Iohn Fox the writer of the [...] report. I my selfe which was there present among the rest, being also affraid in this hurlie burlie, stood still altogi­ther amazed, looking when anie man would knocke me on the head. It happened here, as the euangelists write, it did to Christ, when the officers of the high priests & Phariseis comming with wepons to take him, being astonied ran backe, & fell to the ground.

In the meane time, The like sto­rie you shall read of Caius Marius in Valerius Ma­ximus the se­cond booke and fift chap­ter. whilest these things were thus in dooing, the people by chance spied one sir Antho [...]ie Browne riding vnto the scaffold: which was the oc­casion of a new noise. For when they saw him com­ming, they coniectured that which was not true, but notwithstanding which they all wished for, that the king by that messenger had sent his vncle pardon: and therfore with great reioising and casting vp their caps, they cried out; Pardon, pardon is come: God saue the king. Thus this good duke, The great fa­uour of the people to the duke o [...] Sum­merset. although he was destitute of all mans helpe, yet he saw before his de­parture, in how great loue and fauour he was with all men. And trulie I doo not thinke, that in so great slaughter of dukes as hath béene in England within this few yeares, there was so manie weeping eies at one time: and not without cause. For all men did sée in the decaie of this duke, the publike ruine of all England, except such as indeed perceiued nothing.] The duke in the meane time standing still, both in the same place and mind wherin he was before, shaking his cap which he held in his hand, made a signe vnto the people that they should kéepe themselues quiet: which thing being doone, & silence obteined, he spake to them the second time in this maner.

The second speech of the duke of Summerset to the people.

DEerelie beloued friends, there is no such matter in hand, as you vainlie hope or beleeue. It seemeth thus good to almightie God, whose ordinance it is meet & necessarie that we be all obedient vnto. Wherfore I praie you all to be quiet, and without tumult: for I am euen now quiet, and let vs ioine in praier vnto the Lord, for the preseruation of our noble king, vnto whose maiestie I wish continu­all health, with all felicitie and abundance & all maner of prosperous successe: where­vnto the people cried out, Amen. Moreo­uer, I wish vnto all his councellors the grace and fauour of God, whereby they may rule althings vprightlie with iustice, vnto whome I exhort you all in the Lord to shew your selues obedient, the which is [Page 1069] also verie necessarie for you, vnder the paine of condemnation, and also most pro­fitable for the preseruation and safegard of the kings maiestie. And forsomuch as here­tofore I haue had oftentimes affaires with diuers men; & that it is hard to please euerie man that hath beene offended or in­iuried by me, I most humblie require and aske them forgiuenesse: but especiallie al­mightie God, whome thoroughout all my line 10 life I haue most greeuouslie offended. And vnto all other, whatsoeuer they be that haue offended me, I doo with my whole heart forgiue them.

And once againe (dearelie beloued in the Lord) I require that you will keepe your selues quiet and still, least thorough your tumult you might cause me to haue some trouble, which in this case would line 20 nothing at all profit me, neither be anie pleasure vnto you. For albeit the spirit be willing and readie, the flesh is fraile and wauering, and thorough your quietnesse I shall be much more the quieter: but if that you fall vnto tumult, it will be great trouble & no gaine at all vnto you. Moreo­uer, I desire you to beare me witnesse, that I die heere in the faith of Iesus line 30 Christ, desiring you to helpe me with your praiers, that I maie perseuere constant in the same vnto my liues end.

Then he turning himselfe about knéeled downe vpon his knées, Doctor Cox the dukes [...]. vnto whome doctor Cox, which was there present, to counsell and aduertise him, deliue­red a certeine scroll into his hand, wherein was con­teined a briefe confession to God. Which being read, he stood vp againe on his féet, without anie trouble of mind as it appeared, and first bad the shiriffes fare­well, line 40 then the lieutenant of the tower, & certeine o­ther that were on the scaffold, taking them all by the hands. Then he gaue the executioner monie, which doone, he put off his gowne, and knéeling downe a­gaine in the straw, vntied his shirt strings: and then the executioner comming to him, turned downe his collar round about his necke, and all other things which did let and hinder him. Then he couering his face with his owne handkerchiefe, lifting vp his eies vnto heauen, where his onelie hope remained, laid line 50 himselfe downe along, shewing no maner of trou­ble or feare; neither did his countenance change, but that before his eies were couered there began to ap­péere a red colour in the middest of his cheeks.

[...]x. Fl. out of [...] Fox in [...] and Monuments. The godlie [...] of the [...] of Sum­ [...]erset.¶ Thus this most méeke and gentle duke lieng a­long and looking for the stroke, bicause his doublet couered his necke he was commanded to rise vp and put it off: & then laieng himselfe downe againe vpon the blocke, and calling thrise vpon the name of Iesus, saieng: Lord Iesu saue me, as he was the line 60 third time repeating the same, euen as the name of Iesu was in vttering, in a moment he was bereft both of head and life; and slept in the Lord Iesus, be­ing taken awaie from all the dangers and euils of this life, and resting now in the peace of God: in the preferment of whose truth and gospell he alwaies shewed himselfe an excellent instrument and mem­ber, and therefore hath receiued the reward of his la­bours. Thus gentle reader thou hast the true histo­rie of this worthie and noble duke, and if anie man report it otherwise, let it be counted as a lie.]

This duke was in high sauour and estimation with king Henrie the eight, of whome he receiued sundrie high & great preferments, by reason that the the said king had married ladie Iane his sister, by whome he had issue king Edward the sixt. The duke of Summerset described. He was not onelie courteous, wise and gentle, being dailie attendant at the court; but forward and fortunate in seruice abroad, as may well appeare in his sun­drie voiages, both into France and Scotland. He was of nature verie gentle and pitifull, not blemish­ed by any thing so much, as by the death of the adme­rall his naturall brother, which could not haue beene brought to passe in that sort, without his consent. But of this good duke (to let passe multitude of words) maister Fox hath written no lesse trulie than commendablie, & no lesse commendablie than deser­uedlie, and no lesse deseruedlie than profitablie in his historie, whereto I refer the reader for further know­ledge. Neuerthelesse of this vertuous duke by waie of application I saie as somtime one said (verie apt­lie as some thinke) of the gratious ladie Who as it is supposed and proued since (saith Slei­dan) was vniustlie condemned. An Bullen,

Discite vos viui, quid dira calumnia possit,
Inuidia alterius vitae comes arcta beatae,
Et falsis linguae commista venena susurris.

The protectors of England collected out of the ancient and moderne chronicles, wherin is set downe the yeare of Christ, and of the king in which they executed that function.

VPon the death of this duke of Summer­set protector of England, The collectiō of Frācis Thin in the yeare 1585. it shall not be vnsitting in this place to set downe all the protectors (whereof I can as yet haue intelligence) and who haue béene gouernors, re­gents, gardians, or deputies of the realme, and of the kings person during his minoritie and time of his insufficiencie of gouernement; or else of his absence being out of the realme: whereof I haue made an especiall title in my Pantographie of En­gland, in which this my collection of the protectors, although perhaps I shall not set downe all (for Bar­nardus non videt omnia) yet it is better to haue halfe a loafe than no bread, knowledge of some than of none at all. Thus therefore I begin.

Guendoline the daughter of Corineus duke of Guendoline. Cornewall (after the procurement of warre against hir husband wherein he was slaine) was by common consent (for that hir sonne Madrane which she had by Locrine was insufficient by reason of his minoritie to gouerne the kingdome) made by the Britons ru­ler of the Ile, in the yeare of the world 2894, and so continued the same by the space of fiftéene yéeres, vntill hir sonne came to lawfull age.

Martia (the widow of Guenteline the king) by reason that Sicilius hir sonne was not of age con­uenient Martia. to weld the scepter (as one being but seuen yeares old) obteined the gouernement both of the realme and of hir sonnes person, which she most wor­thilie deserued, being a woman of rare vertue and iudgement.

Eldred, Ethelred, Eldred. or Edred (for all these diuersi­ties are found in authors) brother to Edmund king of England, while the sonnes of Edmund (Edwine and Edgar) were for their minorities insufficient to dispose the kingdome, was appointed protector to his nephues, in the yeare of Christ 940, who about six or seuen yeares after his protectorship tooke on him the kingdome at Kingstone on Easter daie, in the yeare of Christ, as hath Iohn Stow 946, as others haue nine hundred fortie seuen.

Emma the quéene of England, Emma. the widow of king Etheldred, and of Canutus, both kings of England iointlie, with Goodwine earle of Kent had the gouernement of the realme vnder Hardiknute [Page 1070] king of England, who began his reigne in the yeare of Christ 1041.

Harold.Harold the sonne of Goodwine at the death of king Edward the Confessor (which fell in the yeare of Christ 1066, and the three and twentith yeare of the same king) was by the testament of the said king Edward appointed regent of the yong Edgar Athe­ling (named heire in the life of the said Edward) and of the kingdome, after the death of king Edward, during the minoritie of the said Edgar. Beside which the like commending of the kingdome to this Ha­rold, line 10 in respect of the quéenes honour, as that before of the successours right, is set downe by one that li­ued at that time, and wrote the life of king Edward, of erle Goodwine, and of his children, in these words. Porrectá (que) manu (meaning king Edward lieng on his death bed, and speaking in the behalfe of Editha the quéene, sister to this Harold) ad praedictum nutricium suum fratrem Haroldum; Hancinquit cum omni regno tutan­dam tibi commendo, vt pro domina & sorore vt est fideli ser­ues & honores obsequio, vt quoad vixerit à me adepto non line 20 priuetur honore debito. Commendo pariter etiam eos, qui na­tiuam terram suam reliquerunt causa amoris mei, mihíque haectenus suleliter sunt obsequuti: vt suscepta ab eis siita volunt fidelitate eos tuearis & retineas, aut tua defensione conductos cum omnibus quae sub me acquisiuerunt cum salute ad propria transfretari facias, &c. But he, when king Edward was dead, vsurped the crowne to himselfe, and short­lie after lost both his life and his kingdome.

Odo bishop of Baieux, and William Fitzos­borne the first, Odo bishop of Baieux, and William Fitz­osborne earle of Hereford. being earle of Kent, and chiefe iustice line 30 of England, and the second being earle of Hereford, were gouernours of the realme, in the yeare of our Lord 1067, and the first yeare of William the Con­querour, when he went into Normandie after the conquest and indifferent quieting of the realme.

Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie, as ap­peareth by Matthew Parker, Lanfranke archbishop of Canturburie. writing in this sort in the life of the said Lanfranke: Absente Gulielmo omnia Lanfranco mandabantur, qui summa prudentia cunctae mode­ratus, line 40 proceres & plebem in officio tranquillè sine vlla motu atque tumultu continebat, adeò vt si quae defectionis suspicio nascebatur, ad eam illicò compescendam maximus & potentis­simus quisque opem & adiumentum illi imperantipraestitit.

Sir Richard Lucie knight, chiefe iustice of Eng­land was protector of the realme in the twelfe yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the second, Sir Richard Lucie chéefe iustice of England. being the yeare of our Lord 1166, in the absence of the king when he was in Normandie, and in the parts be­yond the seas. Which Lucie in the thirteenth yeare of the same king, being the yeare of our redemption line 50 1167, did valiantlie resist, and politikelie driue backe the earle of Bullongne inuading the realme. Hée built the abbeie of Leosnes or Westwood in the pa­rish of Erith in Kent (and not in Southfléet as some haue written) in the yeare of Christ 1178, being a­bout the foure and twentith yeare of king Henrie the second; and further built the castell of Angier in Essex, in the diocesse of the bishop of London. He had issue Godfreie bishop of Winchester, and thrée daughters, who after the death of Godfreie their bro­ther line 60 were his heires: the eldest daughter of which sir Richard Lucie, was maried to Robert the first cal­led Fitzwater: the second daughter Auelina, was maried to Riuers, of whome issued Iohn de Riuers: the third daughter Rose, was maried to Richard Warraine, son to king Iohn, as appeareth by a déed (belonging to my selfe, who had the rectorie of Leos­nes) beginning thus: Rosade Douer quondam vxor ve­nerabilis viri Richardi filij regis de Chilham.

Hugh Pusaz de Puteaco or Pudsie, nephue to king Stephan, Hugh Pudsie bishop of Durham. being bishop of Durham, and erle of Northumberland, and William Longchampe bi­shop of Elie, had the gouernement of the realme for Richard the first, vpon his departure foorth of the realme to take his iournie into the holie land. For in his absence he appointed this Hugh to haue the rule of the north parts, as chiefe iustice & warden of the realme from Humber to Scotland, deliuering to him also the keeping of the castell of Winchester, the other parts of the realme, with the custodie of the tower, he assigned to the gouernement of Wil­liam Longchampe bishop of Elie, whome he made chiefe iustice and warden of those east, south and west parts, making him also his chancellour: who being a man of great diligence and knowledge in the administration of things, was yet verie facti­ous and desirous of rule, honour and riches, farre a­boue all measure. And with these two bishops hée linked in authoritie by commission Hugh lord Bar­dolph, William Marshall the great, earle of Chep­stow Strigull or Penbroke, Geffreie Fitzpeter, and William Brewer, barons, men of great honor, wisdome & discretion. This the king did in the yeare of Christ 1190, and the first yeare of his reigne.

Walter de Constantijs sometime chancellor of England, bishop of Lincolne, Walter de Constantijs archbishop of Roane. and now archbishop of Roane, vpon the misdemeanor of the proud bishop of Elie William Longchampe, about the yeare 1192, had the custodie and gouernement of the realme committed vnto him, whilest king Richard the first remained still in the holie warres: who be­ing called from that place in the yeare of Christ 1193 (with Eleanor mother to the king) to come to king Richard then imprisoned in Austria, the archbishop of Canturburie Hubert succeeded him in the yeare 1194, whome the said archbishop of Roane procured to be installed in the see of Canturburie, which Wal­ter de Constantijs (as hath Eueresden) was made bishop of Lincolne in the yeare 1183, and the next yeare after bishop of Roane.

Hubert Walter, Hubert arch­bishop of Can­turburie. or Walter Hubert (for such a tansmutation of the name is vsed amongst historio­graphers) was made (vpon the discharge and going of Walter archbishop of Roane beyond the seas to king Richard) gouernor and protector of the realme, before the returne of Richard the first into England after the said kings imprisonment (by the duke of Austria and the emperour) procured by Sauaricus bishop of Glastenburie and Welles, & kinsman to the emperor, wherof our moderne printed chronicles nor our ancient writers, except one, make any men­tion. This Hubert died at his manor of Tenham, and was buried at Canturburie in the south wall, in the yeare of our redemption 1205, the third ides of Iulie, being the seuenth yeare of king Iohn.

Eleanor widow to Henrie the second, Eleanor the widow of Henrie the second. and mo­ther to Richard the first, was made protectresse of England, after the departure of hir son into France, when he had beene deliuered out of prison: in which office she continued during the life of hir sonne, which he ended in Poitiers in those French warres, by a hurt receiued from one that discharged a crossebow against him, on a fridaie as he besieged Chalons. Touching whose death (sith I am now in hand with the same) it shall not be amisse to set downe such se­uerall verses composed by seuerall men in seuerall sorts, as I haue read, and are not yet made common to the world, which verses be these, concerning his death and place of buriall, as hereafter followeth:

Pictauus exta ducis sepelit, tellúsque Chalucis
Corpus dat claudi sub marmore fontis Ebraudi,
Neustria tá (que) tegis cor inexpugnabile regis,
Sic loca per trina se sparsit tanta ruina,
Nec fuit hoc funus cui sufficeret locus vnus.

Whereof also another composed these following verses somewhat eloquentlie, as saith Matthew Pa­ris (and so in truth they were, considering that age [Page 1071] which mostlie vsed a riming kind of Latine verses, induced into the west part of the world by the bar­barous Gothes) in his greater historie of the life of king Richard in manner and forme following:

Ad Chalus cecidit rex regni cardo Richardus,
[...]
His ferus, his humilis, his agnus, his leopardus,
Casus erat lucis, Chalus per secula nomen
Non intellectum fuerat, sed nominis omen
Non patuit, res clausa fuit, sed duce cadente
Prodijt in lucem, pro casu lucis adeptae.

Besides which verses of two seuerall men, it plea­seth line 10 my pen to ad also the third mans dooing, aswell for that the number of thrée is the holie number, as for that there is nothing so sweet, but that varietie dooth refresh it: yet especiallie sith it is delightfull to sée the seuerall inuentions of manie wits, this third poet therefore, exclaming against the daie in which the said king Richard the first receiued his deaths wound (being on a fridaie) dooth thus write:

O veneris damnosa dies! ô sydus amarum! line 20
Ille dies tua nox fuit, & Venus illa venenum,
Illa dedit laethum, sed pessimus ille dierum,
Primus ab vndecimo, quo vitae victricus ipsum
Clausit vtra (que) dies: homicida tyrannide mira
Transigitur, clausus exclusum, tectus opertum,
Prouidus incautum, miles inimicus inermem.

This quéene Eleanor the protectresse died in the yere of Christ 1205, being the seuenth of king Iohn.

Gefferie Fitzpeter lord Ludgersall, who was by Richard the first made chiefe iustice of England, Geffreie Fitz­peter earle of Essex. af­ter line 30 the remouing of Hubert the archbishop of Can­turburie, and was in the first yeare of king Iohn girded by him with the sword of the earldome of Es­sex, was also protector of the realme. Who being a man of great power and authoritie, was by nature gentle, by birth noble, in the lawes cunning, in re­uenues great, and to all a good iusticer. This man was a bridle to king Iohn, to restreine his insolen­cie; since he was confederat and alied in friendship & bloud with all the nobilitie of England: & for that line 40 cause was greatlie feared of the K. who said of him, as he did before of the archbishop Hubert, that he then did fullie reigne, when they two were dead. For turning to those which stood by him, when news was brought vnto him of the death of Fitz Geffreie, he sware by Gods feet, that he was then king & lord of England, and not before. Which words he would not vse, when the archbishop Hubert died; because this man was yet liuing, whome the king (as is al­readie said) greatlie feared. And therefore vpon the line 50 death of the archbishop, he did onelie saie that he be­gan to reigne; but now vpon this mans departure out of the world, he said he was become a full lord & absolute king of England. This Geffreie Fitzpeter died in the yeare of our redemption 1212, being about the fourtéenth yeare of the reigne of the said miserablie afflicted king Iohn, who died in the yeare of Christ 1216: whose death I haue beene the wil­linger here to mention; because I would set downe his epitaph (not else before set downe in our Eng­lish line 60 chronicles) as I find the same of ancient report:

Hoc in sarcophago sepelitur regis imago,
Qui moriens multum sedauit in orbe tumultum,
Et cui connexa dum vixit probra manebant,
Hunc mala post mortem timor est nefata sequantur.
Qui legis haec metuens dum cernis te moriturum,
Discito quid rerum pariat tibi meta dierum.

This Geffreie Fitzpeter maried Beatrice, daugh­ter and heire of William lord Saie, by whom he had issue, Geffreie Mandeuile earle of Essex, & Mawd maried to Humfreie de Bohuns, by whome the Bo­hunes became earles of Essex.

[...] Marshall earle of Pen­broke.William Marshall surnamed the great, being erle of Penbroke, was made protector of the realme, & person of the king, after that the king (being nine yeares of age) was crowned in the yeare of our Lord 1216. Which office this William (being also marshall of England) vsed so honorablie, that he re­couered a great part of the nobilitie (which tooke part with Lewes son of the French king against king Iohn father to this Henrie) to assist the yoong king Henrie against the said Lewes: who in the time of the said Iohn had obteined a great part of the king­dome of England. By which meanes the said Lew­es was expelled, and the kingdome wholie recouered to the vse of the said yoong king Henrie the third.

This William Marshall maried Isabell daugh­ter and heire to Richard Strangbow earle of Pen­broke, who made him a happie father in the multi­tude of his children. For by hir he had fiue sonnes, all which were in succession marshals of England, and earles of Penbroke; and fiue daughters. The sonnes were William, Richard, Gilbert, Walter, and Anselme; who all dieng without issue, the inhe­ritance was deuolued to the fiue sisters; which were, Mawd the eldest, maried to Hugh Bigod, in hir right earle marshall; Ione the second, maried to Waraine Monthensie, in hir right also earle of Penbroke, as hath Nicholas Triuet; Isabell the third, maried to Gilbert de Clare earle of Glo­cester; Sibill the fourth, maried to William Fer­rers erle of Darbie; & Eue the fift daughter, maried to William de Berehuse, or de Brause. This Wil­liam the great died in the yeare of our redemption 1219, being the third (as hath Nicholas Triuet) or the fourth (as hath Matthew Westminster) yeare of the reigne of the said king Henrie the third, and was buried at the new temple, on Ascension daie, be­ing the seuenteenth calends of Aprill: of whome was made this epitaph by Geruasius Melckeleie, taking vpon him the person of the earle marshall:

Sum quem Saturnum sibi sentit Hibernia, Solem
Anglia, Mercurium Normannia, Gallia Martem.

Which signifieth that he was a sharpe corrector and ruler of the Irish, an honor & glorie to the Eng­lish, a councellor and dispatcher of the affaires of Normandie, a warlike knight and inuincible cap­teine against the Frenchmen.

Petrus de rupibus, or Peter of the Roch, Peter de l [...] Roches. being bi­shop of Winchester, was after the death of Wil­liam Marshall earle of Penbroke aduanced to the protectorship of the king; because that the yoong king was almost destitute of anie of his owne kin­dred that might woorthilie haue the rule of his per­son. For his mother quéene Isabell was newlie maried to Hugh Brune earle of March in France. This bishop of Winchester (who was both a wise and a stout prelat) being now in possession of the king, and mistrusting that he had entred into a more weightie office than he might well discharge, if all things were not doone according to the fansie of the nobilitie, procured diuerse graue and honorable men to be preferred to the kings councell, and to be associats to him in the administration of the weale publike; and so entred into the administration of his new atchiued honor. Which yet he did not long in­ioie.

But as the bishop was at the first carefull to plant such of the nobilitie about the king, for the support of the realme; so yet himselfe being a Gascoine, did after in the riper yeares of the king prefer to offi­ces about the king such Gascoins as both were of his owne bloud and kindred; and by their extraor­dinarie dealing procured the nobilitie with an hard and vndutifull course to oppose themselues against the king. This Peter was aduanced to the seat of Winchester, in the yeare of our redemption 1204, being about the sixt yeare of king Iohn. After which [Page 1072] he went to Rome, and being a prelat more fit to fight than to preach▪ for Mars than for the muses; did re­turne from Rome in the yeare of Christ 1205, be­ing about the seuenth yeare of king Iohn. He re­mained bishop about two and thirtie yeares, and di­ed at his manour house of Fernham, on the fift ides of Iune, in the yeare of our Lord (as haue Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster) 1238, being the two & twentith yeare of Henrie the third. Who somewhat before his death, about the one and line 10 thirtith yeare of his bishoprike, went into the holie land with the bishop of Excester. He builded, and in­dued with possessions manie religious houses: a­mongst which he founded Tichfield in Hampshire; of which Peter de la Roches, or of the rocks, Mat­thew Paris maketh a more large discourse.

Hubert de Burow, conestable of Douer castle, earle of Kent, Hubert de Burow earle of Kent. and chiefe iustice of England, being of great account in the realme for his probitie and goodnesse, was made protector of the king and king­dome, line 20 in the yeare of our redemption 1221, being the fift yeare of king Henrie the third. This man in the yeare of Christ 1221 (being the same yeare in the which he was made protector) maried at Yorke, Margaret, sister to Alexander king of Scots. And here I thinke it not amisse to saie somewhat tou­ching the issue of this Hubert of Burow, who in a certeine namelesse booke (caried about in the hands of all men) treating of the nobilitie (created since the inuasion of William Conqueror) is said to die without issue: which cannot possiblie be so, if that be line 30 true which I haue séene: which I am led by manie reasons to beléeue to be most true.

For I haue read of two children which this Hu­bert had, whereof the one being a sonne, was called Richard de Burow, who was knighted by Hen­rie the third (as it séemeth to me) after the death of his father: if this Richard be not the same Iohn, of whome Matthew Paris writeth, that in the yeare of Christ 1229, Rex Anglorum Henricus, in die Penteco­stes Iohannem filium Huberti Angliae iusticiarij cingulo mi­litari line 40 donauit tertio nonas Iunij. The other child was a daughter called Margaret, maried to Richard heire to the earldome of Glocester, as noteth Iohn Beuer in these words: Richardus haeres comitis Glouerniae Mar­garetam filiam Hoberti de Burgo comitis Cantiae in vxorem accepit. This Hubert of Burow was a verie old man, who after manie persecutions by the king, and after so manie chances of both fortunes, depar­ted this world on the fourth ides of Maie, in the line 50 yeare of our redemption 1243, being the seuen and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third at his manour of Banstud, or Bansted. Whose bodie was honorablie caried to London, and there buried in the church of the frier preachers, to whom in his life he had giuen great gifts; and amongst other things, his goodlie place which stood not far from the palace of earle Richard of Cornewall (as I with some probable reasons coniecture) néere vn­to Westminster, which afterward the archbishop of Yorke did procure. His wife the countesse of Kent, line 60 being likewise verie old, a woman that kept verie great hospitalitie, and that was well beloued, died in the yeare of Christ 1259, being the three and fortith yeare of Henrie the third, about sixteene years after the death of the earle hir husband.

Walter Greie archbishop of Yorke.Walter Greie archbishop of Yorke was made protector of the realme in this sort. The French king hauing vniustlie giuen the earldome of Poitiers to his brother Adulphus; Hugh Brune earle of March (the greatest of the nobilitie in that prouince) would not doo homage vnto Adulphus, but wrote his let­ters to his son in law king Henrie the third (whose mother Eleanor he had married) that if he would come into those parts, he should haue both aid of men, and furniture of war for the perfect restoring of those dominions to the crowne of England. For which cause Henrie the third assembling his power, did with his brother Richard (then latelie returned frō Ierusalem) depart the realme in the yéere of our redemption 1242, being the six & twentith yeare of his gouernment into Poitiers, & left the administra­tion of the kingdome to Walter Greie archbishop of Yorke, whilest he should remaine in those parts. Which office the said archbishop held also in the yéere of Christ 1243, being the seauen and twentith yéere of king Henrie the third. Of this man is more men­tion made in my collection of the chancellors of En­gland; in this place onelie further setting downe, that this Walter died in the yeere of Christ 1255, being about the nine and thirtith yeare of this Hen­rie the third, as hath Anonymus M. S.

Eleanor daughter to Reimond earle of Pro­uince, Eleanor wi [...] to king Hen­rie. wife to king Henrie the third and quéene of England, with Richard earle of Cornewall the kings brother (to whose custodie was committed Edward Longshanks, being after king of Eng­land by the name of Edward the first, son to the said king Henrie) were (in the yéere of our redemption 1253, being the seuen and thirtith yeere of the reigne of king Henrie the third) appointed gouernors and protectors of the realme in the kings absence, whilest he went into Gascoine, whither he went to pacifie the nobilitie, and to kéepe the same in safetie from the French. And because my pen hath here fallen vpon Richard earle of Cornwall, I determine to say somewhat of him in this place, not hauing other oc­casion offered to me therefore. This Richard the son of king Iohn was borne in the yeare of Christ 1208, being the tenth yeare of the reigne king Iohn. He was made (and so called) earle of Poitiers by Hen­rie the third, about the ninth yéere of his reigne, in the yéere of Christ 1225, who also that yéere with his vncle William earle of Sarisburie went into Poi­tiers, where he was ioifullie receiued: he putteth the earle of March to flight, he recouereth that which was lost in Gascoine, he went into the holie land, refuseth the kingdome of Apulia offered vnto him, he is chosen emperor, and receiueth that honor at Co­len, being there crowned king of the Romans: he subdued Alfonsus competitor with him for the em­pire, he after returneth into England: he is an eni­mie to Simon Montfort and the barons rebelling a­gainst his brother king Henrie the third; he is taken prisoner by the barons, and is afterward deliuered: he was created knight and earle of Cornwall in the yeare of our redemption 1225, as hath Matthew Westminster, but as saith William Packington, he was created earle of Cornwall in the yeare of Christ 1227. He married foure wiues, if that Eli­sabeth his first wife and Isabell the widow of Gil­bert de Clare were not all one woman. But lea­uing that to further knowledge, I doo for this time make them but one person; for so in truth it must be, whatsoeuer otherwise shall be shewed in mistak­ing their names. Elizabeth that was his first wife, as noteth Leland, was buried in the quéere of Bel­land, being that woman which is called Isabell, and was the daughter of William Marshall earle of Penbroke surnamed the great: and the widow of Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester was maried to this erle of Cornwall, in the yeare of our Lord 1231 being the fiftéenth yeare of king Henrie the third.

This Isabell died in the yeare of our redemption 1240, being the foure and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third, after this manner. For she being great with child, and néere to the time of hir deliuerance, fell into Mer [...]um ictericum, or the [Page 1073] hicket, and deliuering a child into the world, which had life, and was baptised by the name of Nicholas, they both presentlie died therevpon. Which thing when the earle vnderstood being then on his iourneie into Cornwall, he burst out in teares, and greatlie lamented that losse. Wherefore hastilie returning, and leauing his former iourneie, he honorablie bu­ried his wife at [...] religious [...]use in [...]pshire, as [...] by some [...]pposed. Belland or Beauleu, an house of religion builded by king Iohn from the foundati­on, and replenished with Charterhouse moonks. line 10

His second wife was Sinthia or Sanclia, daugh­ter to Reimond earle of Prouince, and sister to the queene of England, wife to king Henrie the third, brother to the said Richard earle of Cornwall, who maried the said Sinthia in the yeare of our redemp­tion 1243, being the seuen and twentith yéere of the reigne of king Henrie the third. Leland also appoin­teth to him the third wife, which was Beatrix de Fa­mastais, whom he calleth quéene of Almaine, & wife to king Richard, brother to Henrie the third. Which ladie died in the yere of our redemption 1277, being line 20 the sixt yéere of Edward the first, and was buried at the friers minors in Oxford. This noble Richard erle of Cornwall died in Februarie at Berkhamsted, in the yeare of Christ 1271, in the fiue and fiftith yeare of king Henrie the third, as saie Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster: but Nicholas Triuet refer­reth his death to the yeare 1270, being the foure and fiftith yéere of Henrie the third: and the chronicle be­longing to Euesham to the yeare 1272, being the six and fiftith yeare of Henrie the third. After whose line 30 death his hart was buried in the friers minors of Oxford, and his bodie committed to the earth in the monasterie of Hales (being Charterhouse moonks) which he had builded at his charge of 10000 marks, which at this daie at fiue shillings the ounce of sil­uer amounteth to the summe of twentie thousand pounds. He had two sonnes, the one called Henrie by his first wife Isabell; the other called Edmund de Almania by his second wife Sinthia. Henrie was slaine by Simon and Guie of Montfort sonnes line 40 of the last Simon Montfort earle of Leicester, in the life of his father Richard in Italie at Uiterbo, in the yere of our redemption 1270. Which fact be­ing doone in saint Syluesters church as he was at masse, occasioned the townesmen to paint the ma­ner of his death on the wall of the church: and that picture being beheld by a certeine versifier, he was vrged therevpon to compose these following verses:

Regis Theutonici Richardi clara propago, line 50
Sternitur Henricus, velut haec designat imago,
Dum redit à Tripoli, regum fultus comitiua,
In crucis obsequio patitur sub gente nociua,
Irruit in templum, post missam, stirps Guen [...]lonis
Perfodit gladius hunc Simonis atque Guidonis,
Disposuit Deus vt per eos vir tantus obiret,
Ne reuocatis his, gens Anglica tota periret,
Anno milleno Domini cum septuageno▪
Atque duceno, Carolo sub rege sereno,
Vrbe Viterbina fit in eius carne ruina, line 60
Coeli regina precor vt sit ei medicina.

His bones were brought into England, and bu­ried in the monasterie of Hales, where his father was after also buried: but his hart was bestowed in a guilt cup, and placed beside the chaine of saint Ed­ward the Confessor in Westminster abbeie. The o­ther sonne to this Richard earle of Cornwall was Edmund of Almaine, who after the death of his fa­ther was inuested with the honor of the earledome of Cornwall, being borne at Berkhamsted in the yéere of our redemption 1250, being the foure and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third, to whome his vncle Bonifa [...]ius bishop of Cantur­burie was godfather, and called him Edmund in the honor of saint Edmund archbishop of Canturburie and Confessor. This Edmund earle of Cornwall married the daughter of Richard earle of Clare, of whome shall be more spoken when we come to treat of him as protector of England.

Boniface the archbishop of Canturburie, with o­thers which follow, Boniface archbishop of Canturburie. were protectors of the realme af­ter this maner, as I haue gathered. It was ordei­ned in the parlement at Oxford called Parlementum insanum, that the king should choose foorth twelue per­sons of the realme, and the communaltie of the land other twelue, the which hauing regall authoritie in their hands, might as gardians of the kingdome take in charge vpon them the gouernment of the realme, & should from yeare to yeare prouide for the due election of iustices, chancellors, treasurors, and other officers, and further prouide to sée to the safe kéeping of the castels belonging to the crowne.

These foure and twentie persons appointed to that function, began to order all things at their owne ple­sure: in the meane time not forgetting to vse things chieflie to their owne aduantage, as well in proui­ding excheats and wards for their children and kins­folks, as also in bestowing of patronages of chur­ches belonging to the kings gift, vnto their owne li­king. So that these prouiders which shuld haue made carefull and beneficiall prouisions for the realme, made spéedie and plentifull prouision for them and theirs, insomuch that neither king nor Christ could get anie thing from these protectors. There be that write, how that there were but twelue or thirtéene chosen to be gouernors at this time (which for this present I déeme to be the truer opinion) whose names are as follow: Boniface archbishop of Can­turburie, the bishop of Worcester, Roger Bigod earle of Norffolke and marshall of England, Si­mon de Montfort earle of Leicester, Richard de Clare earle of Glocester, Humfreie Bohune earle of Hereford, Richard Fitzalane earle of Arundell, sir Iohn Mansell chiefe iustice of England, sir Ro­ger lord Mortimer, sir Hugh Bigod, sir Peter de Sauoie, sir Iames Audleie, & sir Peter de Montfort. To these (as some saie) was authoritie onlie giuen to punish all such as trespassed in the breach of anie of the constitutions of the parlement of Oxford. O­thers say that they were made rulers & protectors of the realme, and to dispose thereof, because the king was much misseled in the gouernment of the king­dome by the peruerse councell of his flatterers. Which twelue gouernors I suppose did not long con­tinue: for being euerie one priuatlie for himselfe, and so not iointlie for the common-wealth, they grew diuided, and what the one labored to set vp, the other sought to pull downe.

Boniface archbishop of Canturburie the second time, & the bishop of Worcester, Boniface archbishop of Canturbu­rie. with sir Philip Bas­set, or rather sir Hugh Bigod made chiefe iustice of England by the barons, were appointed in the yeere of our redemption 1260, being the fortie and fourth of king Henrie the third, to haue the gouernment of the realme in the absence of the king, whilest he re­mained in France at Paris about the affaires of Normandie: at what time a peace was made be­twéene the kings of England and France.

Gilbert de Clare the second of that name that was earle of Glocester and Hertford, Gilbert de Clare. was the sonne of Richard de Clare erle of Glocester and Hertford, which died in the yeere of our redemption 1262, be­ing the fortie & sixt yeare of the reigne of king Hen­rie the third, and was buried at Tewkesburie, with a great image of siluer and gilt vpon his toome, and the same sword and spurres which he did weare in his life time. Of which Richard these verses were composed for his probitie and rarenesse of vertuous [Page 1074] maners and conditions, and set vpon his toome:

Hîc pudor Hyppoliti, Paridis gena, sensus Vlyssis,
Aeneae pietas, Hectoris ira iacet.

This Gilbert (I saie) the sonne of the said Richard was after the death of Henrie the third (which happe­ned in the yeare of our Lord 1277, & in the seuen & fiftith yeare of the reigne of the said king Henrie) in the absence of king Edward the first in the holie warres made gouernour of the realme, vntill the re­turne of the said king Edward into England, to which function he was appointed by king Henrie the line 10 third, lieng on his death-bed: who caused the said Gil­bert to sweare to kéepe the peace of the land to the be­hoofe of Edward his sonne. Which he did most faith­fullie, vntill the second daie of August, in the second yeare of the said king, in which the said king Ed­ward landed in England, being in the yeare of our redemption 1274, at what time the king was hono­rablie interteined of the said Gilbert, and Iohn earle of Warraine (a supporter to him in the charge of the line 20 kingdome) at the castell of Tunbridge in Kent, and Rigate in Surrie, which Gilbert with the other péers of the land, immediatlie after the death of king Hen­rie the third, assembling at the new temple brake the old seale of king Henrie, made a new seale in the name of king Edward, and appointed faithfull officers for the sure kéeping and obseruing of the treasure, the riches, the peace, and the lawes of the kingdoms.

This Gilbert had two wiues, his first wife was line 30 Alice the daughter of Hugh le Brune erle of March, by whom he had issue a daughter, that was countesse of Fife in Scotland: his second wife was Ione the daughter of king Edward the first, called Ione of Acres, by whome he had one sonne, called Gilbert the third, earle of Glocester and Hertford, who mar­ried Mawd the daughter of Richard earle of Ulster in the yeare of Christ 1308 at Waltham, by whome he had issue a sonne, Iohn borne in the yeare of Christ 1312, being in the sixt yeare of Edward the second, that died without issue; after the death of which Gil­bert line 40 the third, his lands and earldomes of Glocester and Hertford came to the sister of the said Gilbert the third, who was slaine in the battell of Striueling against the Scots in the seuenth (or as others haue the eight) yeare of king Edward the second, whome the Scots would gladlie haue kept for ransome if they had knowne him: but he had forgotten to put on his cote of armes to shew what he was, after which he was brought into England and was buried line 50 at Tewkesburie, vpon whose death the two earle­domes of Glocester and Hertford were so dispersed, that there was neuer anie to this daie, that iointlie succéeded or possessed them both. Thus hauing digres­sed from Gilbert the second, in treating of his sonne Gilbert the third, let vs againe returne to him. He besides his sonne Gilbert the third, had by his wife Ione thrée daughters; Elenor, first married to Hugh Spenser, second sonne to Hugh Spenser earle of Glocester, and after his death to William Zouch; Margaret married to Piers de Gaueston earle of line 60 Cornewall, and after to Hugh Audeleie; and Eliza­beth or Isabell married in the yeare of our Lord 1308, being the first yeare of Edward the second, to Iohn the sonne of Richard earle of Ulster. This Gil­bert the second, before the marriage of his second wife, was on the fiftéenth kalends of August diuor­sed from Alice his first wife, in the yeare of our re­demption 1271, being the six and fiftith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third; and after in West­minster church the last of Aprill married his second wife, about the eightéenth yeare of Edward the first being the yeare of Christ 1290, which Gilbert the se­cond, being taken awaie by vntimelie death, de­parted this world in the yeare of our redemption 1195 (being the thrée and twentith of the reigne of the said Edward the first) who was in word & déed, in commandement and authoritie the greatest per­son of the kingdome, next to king Edward the first: for which cause he well deserued to haue his sepul­ture among his worthie ancestors.

Edmund earle of Cornewall, Edmund [...] of Corne [...] of whome there is somewhat spoken before, being the sonne of Richard king of Almaine, and earle of Cornewall brother to Henrie the third, married Margaret the daughter of Richard de Clare erle of Glocester, he was made protector of the Realme by Edward the first in the fouretéenth yeare (as some saie) or in the fifteenth, as others saie (for there is so much disagréement a­mongst authors for the accounts of yeares, as it pas­seth anie one man to reconcile them in all points) when the said king went into Aragon to reconcile the two kings of Arragon & Naples. He continued in this office in the yeare of Christ 1287, or 1228, as hath Treuet, being the sixteenth yeare of Edward the first, in which he subdued Rise ap Merdach the Welsh prince, rebelling against Edward the first, and ouerthrew the castell of Druffillane (as hath the said Nicholas Treuet) he was lord of Wallingford, did much cost therevpon, and died without issue, as hath Matthew Westminster, in the yeare of Christ 1300: but as hath Thomas Walsingham 1301, lea­uing the king of England his heire. Yet are there some pedegrées and other authors, and those not the meanest, which saie that he had a daughter, Isabell married to Morice Fitz Harding lord Barkleie: so that these authors, which saie that he died without is­sue, are to be vnderstood of the issue male, & not of the heire generall: for they account him to die without issue, which leaueth no posteritie to continue his title of honor. The which their meaning they make more plaine, in that they saie that after his issulesse death, the earledome came to the crowne. And here bicause there is mention made of Wallingford, I will set downe what Leland hath written touching the same, bicause I desire to make common, and to preserue all whatsoeuer monuments of Leland that come vnto my hands: thus therefore he writeth of Wal­lingford in his commentaries of England, written in the yeare of our redemption 1542, being the foure and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight in these words.

The towne of Wallingford hath béene a verie no­table thing and well walled. The dich of the towne, and the crest wherevpon the wals stand, be yet ma­nifestlie perceiued, and begin from the castell, going in compasse a good mile and more, and so continueth to Wallingford bridge, a large thing of stone ouer the Thames. There remaine yet the names of these stréets amongst others. Thamesstréet, Fishstréet, Woodstréet, Goldsmiths row. And by the patents and donation of Edmund earle of Cornewall and lord of the honour of Wallingford, it appeereth that there were fourtéene parish churches in Walling­ford: and there be men yet aliue that can shew the places and churchyards where they stood, at this time there are but thrée parish churches. The towne and the castell was sore defaced by the Danes warres, yet they méetlie florished in the time of Richard king of the Romans earle of Cornewall, and brother to Henrie the third, he did much cost vpon the castell which ioineth to the north gate of the towne, and hath thrée diches (as vpon the crests of the same may ap­péere) large and déepe, about each of the two first di­ches (on the crests of the ground cast out) runneth an embatteled wall now sore in ruine, and for the most part defaced. All the goodlie buildings, with the tower and dungeon, be within the third dich. There [Page 1075] is also a collegiat chapell amongest the buildings within the third dich. Edmund earle of Cornewall son to Richard king of Romans was the first foun­der and indower of this college. Prince Edward the blacke (as one told me) augmented this college. There is a deane, foure priests, six clerkes, and foure choristers. The late deane before doctor London that now is, builded a faire stéeple of stone at the west end of the collegiat chapell, to the making whereof he defaced (as it is said without licence) a peece of the line 10 kings lodging on the east end of the chapell. The deane hath a faire lodging of timber within the ca­stell, and to it is ioined a place for the ministers of the chapell. Thus much Leland for Wallingford, & thus much I for Edmund earle of Cornewall and lord of Wallingford.

Edward prince of Wales.Edward of Carnaruan prince of Wales, sonne to Edward the first, was in the yeare of our re­demption 1295, being the fiue and twentith yeare of Edward the first, protector of England, in the ab­sence of his father in Flanders, who because he was line 20 of tender yeares, had as tutors and gouernours ap­pointed vnto him Richard bishop of Durham ( Eu­logium hath the bishop of London) William Mont­acute, with diuerse other knights, as Reignold Greie, Iohn Giffard, & Alane Plunket, being wise, discreet and expert soldiers.

Piers de Gauestone erle of Corne­w [...]ll.Piers or Peter de Gauestone a Gascoine borne, whome king Edward the second so tenderlie loued as that he preferred him before all men, was appoin­ted gardian of the realme in the first yeare of the line 30 said king Edward the second, being the yeare of our redemption 1308, when the king went into France and there aboad to marrie Isabell daughter to Phi­lip king of France, before that the said Edward was crowned king of England, as hath Radulphus Higden. Of this Piers I will here saie litle, bicause I haue spoken more largelie of him in my panto­graphie of England.

Iohn de Dro­kensford.Iohn de Drokensford bishop of Bath and Wels, was in the yeare of our redemption 1313, being the line 40 sixt yeare of king Edward the second, made protec­tor of the realme in the absence of the said king Ed­ward the second, and his wife quéene Isabell, who went into France to solemnize the coronation of Philip (sonne to Philip king of France) who was at that instant created king of Nauarre. This Dro­kensford was the fourtéenth bishop of Bath & Wels. Great contention was there betwéene him and the deane and priests of that church. He succéeded in the bishoprike Walter Houelshaw. This Drokensford line 50 held the bishoprike about ninetéene yeares, he beau­tified the same with manie goodlie buildings, procu­red manie priuileges vnto it, and greatlie exalted his kindred. He was buried at Welles before the high altar of saint Iohn Baptist.

Henrie Lacie earle of Lin­colne.Henrie Lascie or Lacie earle of Lincolne, and of Salisburie, baron of Halton and of Pontfrait, cor­ruptlie called Pomefret, and constable of Chester, was made protector of the realme in the fift yeare of Edward the second, being the yeare of our redemp­tion line 60 1310, whilest the king remained in the warres of Scotland. Which Henrie died shortlie after in the same yeare, and was buried in the new worke of Paules, who carried for his armes the purple lion cōtrarie to the cote his ancestors had borne before. This man had doone great seruice in the warres in the time of Edward the first, he married Margaret the daughter and heire of William Longespée earle of Salisburie, and had by hir a daughter named A­lice, married to Thomas Plantagenet earle of Lancaster, Leicester, and Darbie. This Henrie (as I haue learned of other and read in Leland) had issue a bastard sonne, and hauing amongst manie other lordships the manour of Grantcester besides Cam­bridge, he gaue the same with other lands vnto that bastard, and commanded that the same Lacie so set vp in Grantcester, should for himselfe and his suc­cessors euer name their sonnes and heires by the names of Henrie, which hitherto hath béene religi­ouslie obserued amongst them. And this was the ori­ginall of the houses of the Lacies in Grantcester, as Leland learned of him which was then heire of those lands.

Gilbert de Clare the third earle of Glocester of that name, after the death of Henrie Lacie, Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester▪ was chosen gouernour of the realme (the king being still in Scotland) during the time that the king shuld make his abode in that countrie. Of this man see before in the discourse of his father Gilbert the second earle of Glocester and Hertford, and protector of the realme.

Edward prince of Wales and duke of Aqui­tane, Edward prince of Wales. comming out of France with Isabell in the second yeare of Edward the second, his father was after his landing in England and the taking of his father made gardian of England vnder his father, which office he did not long continue: for deposing his father from the kingdome in the yeare of Christ 1326 he assumed the crowne himselfe in his fathers life.

Walter Reinolds archbishop of Canturburie was with others appointed gardian of England on this sort. Walter Rei­nolds archbi­shop of Can­turburie. Edward the third as before atteining to the crowne in the yeare of our redemption 1327, or as some others more trulie saie 1326, being fourteene years of age did then begin his reigne. But bicause he was so yoong (not being of power or policie to weld so great a charge) it was decréed in this first yeare of his reigne, that twelue gouernors of the greatest lords within the realme should possesse the gouernement, vntill he came to riper yeares, whose names were as insueth: Walter archbishop of Canturburie, the archbishop of Yorke, the bishop of Winchester, the bishop of Hereford, Henrie earle of Lancaster, Thomas Brotherton earle marshall, Edmund of Woodstocke earle of Kent, Iohn earle of Warren, the lord Thomas Wake, the lord Hen­rie Persie, the lord Oliuer de Ingham, and the lord Iohn Rosse, who were sworne of the kings councell and charged with the gouernement of the kingdome as they would answere for the same. But this ordi­nance continued not long, for in the second yeare of this king, Isabell the kings mother and the lord Ro­ger Mortimer tooke the whole rule into their hands, in such sort that the king and his councellors were in all affaires of state, and otherwise, onelie gouer­ned by their direction. Of this Walter Reinolds the archbishop, bicause he was sometime chancellor, and sometime treasuror, is more mention made in the large volume of the liues of the chancellors.

Iohn of Eltham earle of Cornewall sonne to Edward the second, Iohn of El­tham earle of Cornewall. had (in the fourth yeare of king Edward the third being the yeare of our redemp­tion 1330) the gouernement of the realme com­mitted vnto him, whilest king Edward the third had passed the seas onelie fiftéene horsses in his compa­nie, apparelled in clokes like vnto merchants, which office the said Iohn of Eltham executed vntill the returne of the said king, and before that also when the said Edward the third, in the second yeare of his reigne, did before this time go into France to doo his homage. He was made earle of Cornewall in the second yeare of king Edward the third, being the yeare of Christ 1328, and died at Barwike, others saie at S. Iohns towne in Scotland, in the moneth of October 1336, being the tenth yeare of Edward the third, and was honorablie buried at Westmin­ster; for the solemnization of whose buriall the king [Page 1076] came out of Scotland about the feast of the Epi­phanie.

Edward the Blacke prince.Edward the Blacke prince, eldest sonne to Ed­ward the third, being about the age of nine yeares, was in the twelfe yéere of his father, being the yeare of our redemption 1338, or as saith Matthew Par­ker 1337, made gardian of England in the ab­sence of his father being as then sailed into Flan­ders to procure the Flemmings to aid him against the French king. Under which prince as some write (or rather as I for the time take it) equall in commis­sion line 10 to him it séemeth that Iohn archbishop of Can­turburie had the cheefest rule of the land, Iohn Strat­ford. bicause that king Edward after his returne into England, which was about the fouretéenth or the fifteenth of his reigne, charged the said bishop with certeine negli­gences which he vsed in collections of monie, whilest he had the chiefe rule of the land, when he was in the wars of France. Wherefore the words of Matthew Parker in the life of the said Iohn Stratford (saieng that the king held a parlement, in which Omnem regni line 20 curam & gubernationem archiepiscopo cōmisit) must néeds be intended that he had that charge vnder or equallie with the said Blacke prince, as chiefest councellor to support the tender yeares of his sonne.

After which also in the yeare of our redemption, as hath the same Matthew Parker 1342, being about the sixteenth of the said Edward the third, the king committed the care & gouernement of the kingdome to the said archbishop, whilest the king was beyond line 30 the seas in the warres: for thus writeth the said Par­ker, fol. 257. Ac paulo post nulla purgatione indicta (speaking of the said bishop vniustlie accused to the king) aut recepta, omnibus penè parlamenti ordinibus pro ar­chiepiscopo deprecantibus, rex eum sua sponte legitimè purga­tum & excusatum pronuntiauit, eúmque multo magis charum quàm antè habuit, omnibúsque gerendis in Anglia rebus se in militia absente praefecit. Of which archbishop being som­time chancellor and treasuror of England shall be set downe a more large discourse in my large booke of the liues of the chancellors. line 40

Lionell duke of Clarence.Lionell third sonne to Edward the third, was in the ninth yere of the reigne of the said king Edward the third, being the yeare in which the word became flesh 1345, made gardian of England, in the absence of his father, who as then was sailed into the parts (beyond the seas) of Flanders. Of this man there is more spoken in my following treatise of the dukes of England.

Henrie lord Persie, & Rafe lord Neuill, when Ed­ward line 50 the third was sailed into Normandie, Henrie lord Persie. were in the twentith yere of the reigne of the said Edward the third, being the yeare of our redemption 1346, appointed to be gardians of the realme in his absence with the archbishop of Yorke, the bishop of Lincolne, and Thomas Hatfield bishop of Durham.

Thomas of Woodstocke being verie yoong was made custos or gardian of England, Thomas of Woodstocke. in the yere that God tooke on him the forme of a seruant 1359, being the thrée & thirtith of the reigne of the said king Ed­ward the third, when he sailed into France with a line 60 1100 ships. Of this man is more spoken in my dis­course of the dukes of England, set downe in the time of quéene Elizabeth: and in my treatise of the conestables of England, set downe in the time of Henrie the eight pag. 867.

Iohn of Gant duke of Lan­caster.Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster, fourth sonne of Edward the third, bicause the king his father was féeble and sicklie (being now about thrée score & fiue yeares of age, though Bodinus in his Methodo historiae saie that he died in his climactericall yeare of thrée score and thrée: for the truth is, that the said Edward the third was fourtéene yeares old when he began to reigne, and he reigned about one and fiftie yeares, which make of his age thrée score and fiue yeares) but especiallie for the sorrow which the king inwardlie conceiued for the death of that worthie prince his son, commonlie surnamed the Blacke prince. This Iohn of Gaunt (after the death of the said Blacke prince, which died in the yeare of Christ 1376, being the fiftith yeare of the reigne of Edward the third, whose death was déemed to be hastned by the said Iohn of Gaunt aspiring to the crowne, the plat whereof though it tooke not effect in the life of the said Iohn, yet it was performed in his sonne Henrie of Bullingbrooke. who deposed Richard the second) was appointed by his father Edward the third to haue the rule of the realme vnder him, the which he continued during his fathers life, which was not a full yeare after that he had made the said Iohn of Gaunt gouernour of England. After which death of king Edward the third, when Richard the second, a child of eleuen yeares of age began his reigne, in the yeare of our redemption 1377, in the first yeare of the said Ri­chard the second, after his coronation, the said Iohn of Gaunt duke of Lancaster, & Edmund of Lang­leie earle of Cambridge brother to the said Iohn of Gaunt, were appointed to haue the gouernement of the kings person, and the administration of the com­mon-wealth. But shortlie after, in the same yere of the king, in the yeare of our redemption 1378, the said Iohn of Gaunt gaue vp the same office. Of this man is more said in my treatise of the dukes of England.

William Courtneie bishop of London (but short­lie after his protectorship aduanced vnto the sée of Canturburie, in the yeare of Christ 1381, William Courtneie bishop of London. about the ninth of Ianuarie, being about the fourth of Richard the second, was made gouernor of the realme in this maner. After (as is before said) that the duke of Lan­caster had wiselie weied the fickle estate of the realme, and considered that by the euill gouernment of the nobilitie, and inconstant mind of the yoong king, there must néeds fall a change of the estate, & doubting that if any thing succéeded otherwise than the nobles liked, the cause and negligence might be imputed to him, as one who cheeflie had the gouern­ment in his hands (and thanks howsoeuer the state was ruled he looked for none) did in the end after a few months authoritie (wholie misliking the maners of the court, which commonlie are not of the best in the minoritie of princes) surrender his protectorship, and obteined licence of the king to depart, and so got him quietlie to his castell of Kenelworth, permit­ting others to haue the whole swaie of the king­dome.

Notwithstanding all which, in the second yeare of Richard the second, about the yeare of Christ 1379 being not altogither carelesse of the kings well doo­ing; this duke before his departing to Kenelwoorth, caused certeine graue persons with his full consent, to be ordeined, which should haue the gouernement of the kings person, and administration of the com­mon-wealth. The names of whome were, William Courtneie before mentioned, Edmund Mortimer earle of March, Rafe Ergume bishop of Salisburie, and William lord Latimer, with others, of whome for the most part the people had conceiued a good o­pinion: yet bicause the said bishop of Salisburie, and the lord Latimer were associat to the rest, and of e­quall authoritie with them, the commons murmured greatlie against them. The cause for which they so misliked the lord Latimer, was for that he had some­times bin too much fauouring to dame Alice Piers, concubine to king Edward the third, to whome the said lord Latimer was chiefe chamberleine, & there­fore was of him best be loued, which two persons, the lord Latimer, and dame Alice, were by parlement [Page 1077] in the fiftith yeare of Edward the third remooued from the king, for that they miscounselled him, but especiallie sith much mischiefe grew in the realme by the same Alice Piers. For she being now exalted in pride by ouermuch loue of K. Edward the third, would beyond the modestie and maner of women, sit in iudgement with the kings iustices, be with the doctors in the consistorie, turne sentences to what side she would, and require manie things dishonest in themselues, and dishonourable to the king. Of line 10 which woman, an old written chronicle belonging to the house of Euesham, hath deliuered to me these words: Alicia Piers regis concubina supra modum mulierum nimis & supergressa, sui etiam sexus & fragilitatis foemineae immemor, nunc iuxta iusticiarios regios nunc in foro ecclesi­astico iuxta doctores sedendo, & pro defensione causarum sua­dere, & etiam contra iura postulare minimè verebatur, vnde propcer scandalum-petierunt ab illo (which was the king) penitùs amoueri in parlemento tento anno Domini 1376 & 50 Ed. 3. Thus that author. line 20

And here before I go anie further with my pro­tectors, bicause some curious heads that find not all these matters in the records of the tower, which they dailie turne with a churlish hand, or else thinke that nothing maie be knowne out of the walles of their office, will séeme to séeke a knot in a rush, and saie that I in compasse of some few lines haue written a contrarietie, in saieng that Iohn of Gaunt thirsted after the kingdome, and for that cause hastened the death of his elder brother prince Edward the blacke line 30 as Richard the third did the death of his brother George duke of Clarence, which intent could not possiblie be in Iohn of Gaunt, as appeareth by my owne following words: where I saie that he gaue ouer the protectorship of his nephue, bicause he would auoid all suspicion of euill gouernement: which hée would neuer haue doone if he had so ment, that place being so apt for the execution of his purpose, and might giue occasion to him that neuer ment anie such matter before, to attempt it being in that place, line 40 as Richard duke of Yorke did attempt, but not per­forme it, in the time of Henrie the sixt; and as Ri­chard duke of Glocester, being in the same office of protectorship, did not onelie attempt it, but brought to perfection. Wherevnto I answer, that all this is no contrarietie, but onelie a manifest shew and con­firmation, the one part of my words to the other. For sith he could not in the life of his father Edward the third before the crowning of king Richard the se­cond (as Richard the third did) atteine the crowne, he line 50 would not now attempt it (the king being once crowned, and in full possession of the kingdome) so rashlie and vnaduisedlie (as did Richard duke of Yorke against Henrie, for which he was in the end slaine) least that thereby his part might séeme to ca­rie the face of a rebellion, as in truth it should haue doone. For whosoeuer either for colour of God, bene­fit to their countrie, or for whatsoeuer cause, lift vp the sword against a crowned king, sitting at the sterne of gouernement, being one of the gods of the line 60 earth, the same must needs tend vnto a rebellion, which Iohn of Gaunt would not seeme to execute, & for that cause leauing off his purpose at that time, he did in the end also leaue the whole matter to his son to performe, especiallie sith he afterward perceiued Richard the second so much to fauor and further him with monie, munition, and men, to recouer the king­dome of Castile & Arragon in Spaine, in the right of the wife of the said Iohn of Gaunt. To whom and to his wife (as hath Henrie Knighton) king Richard the second gaue a seuerall crowne of gold to honour them withall, & to shew how intierlie he loued them when they both went into Spaine. And for these cau­ses the said Iohn of Gaunt refused the oportunitie of time & place in the king his nephues minoritie to execute it. But did he cease it so? No. For that sparke although it were a litle cooled, was not vtterlie quen­ched, bicause he hastened the same in his son, whom he not onelie persuaded, but furthered (after the ba­nishment of his said sonne Henrie of Bullingbrooke by Richard the second in the life of said Iohn of Gaunt) to returne into England, and after his death to chalenge by sword the earldome of Lancaster his right inheritance, and vnder the same to reuenge the death of the duke of Glocester and others: and by that means, when Richard the second was out of the realme of England in Ireland, the said Henrie Bullingbrooke sonne of Iohn of Gaunt entered the realme, put downe the king, and got the crowne which his father sought. Thus this much digressing from the protectors, and to returne to that course which I haue in hand, I will leaue the discourse of policies to obteine kingdoms, bicause they be no balles for me to bandie, and follow on my former in­tent as meeter for my simplicitie.

Thomas Beauchampe earle of Warwike was in the third yeare of Richard the second, Thomas Beauchampe earle of War­wike. being the yeare of our redemption 1380, made protector in this sort. In the parlement holden the same yeare, at the speciall sute of the lords, and of the commons, the bishops and barons chosen (as you haue heard) before by Iohn of Gaunt to be protectors of the realme, were remoued, and the earle of War­wike especiallie elected to that function, to remaine continuallie with the king as chéefe gouernor of his roiall person; & one that should giue answer to all for­reners repairing thither, vpon what cause soeuer their comming were; hauing further as ample go­uernment of the kingdome giuen vnto him, as the other remoued gouernors had. Being placed in that office by the duke of Lancaster, he died the sixt ides of Aprill, in the yeare of Christ 1401, being the third yeare of Henrie the fourth. He maried Margaret, the daughter of William lord Ferrers of Grobie; by whome he had issue, Richard earle of Warwike.

Thomas Fitzalane otherwise called Arundell bishop of Elie, Thomass Arundell bi­shop of Elie. the two and twentith that inioied that seat, being two and twentie yeares of age, and the son of Richard Fitzalane earle of Arundell & War­ren, was with others made protector of England in this sort. At a parlement holden at London in the tenth yeare of Richard the second, being the yeare of Christ 1386, were certeine gouernors of the kingdome elected, because the treasure of the realme had beene imbesiled & lewdlie wasted, nothing to the profit of the king and kingdome, by the couetous and euill gouernment of the deposed officers, which were Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke lord chancellor, Iohn Fortham bishop of Durham lord treasuror, & diuerse other persons that ruled about the king.

Now the gouernors elected by this parlement were in number thirtéene; and by name Thomas Arundell bishop of Elie, then made lord chancellor; Iohn Gilbert bishop of Hereford made lord treasu­ror; and Nicholas abbat of Waltham at that time made kéeper of the priuie seale; William Court­neie archbishop of Canturburie, Alexander Neuill archbishop of Yorke, Edmund Langleie duke of Yorke, Thomas of Woodstocke duke of Glocester, William bishop of Winchester, Thomas bishop of Ercester, Richard Fitzalane erle of Arundell, Iohn lord Deuereux, and Reinold lord Cobham of Star­borow. These were thus by parlement chosen to haue vnder the king the whole ouersight and gouern­ment of the realme, as by their commission in the statutes of the tenth yeare of the said Richard the se­cond it dooth in the printed booke appeare.

[Page 1078] Edmund of Langleie duke of Yorke.Edmund Langleie duke of Yorke, vncle vn­to Richard the second, was in the eighteenth yeare of the said Richard, being about the yeare of our redemption 1395, ordeined lord gardian of England, in the kings absence in the realme of Ire­land. This protector caused a parlement to be assem­bled at Westminster: where he dealt so effectuallie, notwithstanding the vntowardnesse of the burges­ses, that a tenth was granted by the cleargie, and a fiftéenth by the temporaltie; but not without prote­station, line 10 that those paiments were granted of a méere fréewill, for the loue they bare to the king, and to haue the affaires in Ireland to succéed the better. After this, about foure yeares; king Richard the second in the two and twentith yeare of his reigne, in the yeare of Christ 1399, making another viage into Ireland (being the last and most vnhappie that euer was to him, for before his returne he had in effect lost his realme, which after his com­ming he lost in deed) did againe in his absence sub­stitute line 20 this Edmund duke of Yorke as cheefe gouer­nor of England. Who in the absence of the king, assembled a power of men against Henrie of Bul­lingbrooke, now entered into the land to chal­lenge the dukedome of Lancaster after the death of his father Iohn of Gaunt, and vnder that colour to vsurpe the crowne. Which Edmund passing into Wales in the thrée and twentith yeare of Richard the second, was receiued into the castell of Bark­leie, & there remained vntill the comming of Hen­rie line 30 of Bullingbrooke. Whom when he perceiued (for the power which the said duke of Lancaster had as­sembled from all parts of the realme) that he was not of sufficiencie to resist; he came foorth into the church that stood without the castell, and there fell to par [...]ée with the duke of Lancaster; after which he did neuer forsake the duke of Lancaster, vntill he came to the crowne. Who, if he had faithfullie stood vnto his nephue, might perhaps haue saued vnto him both his crowne and life. Of this man is more said line 40 in my treatise of the dukes of England.

Ione de Namures sometime dutches of Britaine, (widow to Philip Montfort, Ione de Na­mures wi­dow to Henrie the fourth. as saith Hypodigma; but Walsingham in his historie casteth him Iohn duke of Britaine; being also the widow of king Henrie the fourth) was substitute gouernor of the realme by hir son in law king Henrie the fift, king of England, in the third yeare of his reigne, being the yeare from the birth of the Messias 1415, when the said Henrie the fift tooke his iournie into line 50 France to conquer the same. This woman in the seuenth yeare of Henrie the fift, which was in the yeare of Christ 1419, being suspected (as saith Iohn Stow) to practise witchcraft against the king, was committed to the custodie of Iohn Wellam, or ra­ther Iohn Pelham, who appointed nine seruants to attend vpon hir, and brought hir to Peuenseie castell to be gouerned vnder his prouidence. But shortlie after cléering hir selfe, she was deliuered. This ladie died at Hauering at the bowre in Essex line 60 the ninth of Iulie in the seuentéenth yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie and seuen, and was buried at Canturburie with hir husband king Henrie the fourth.

Iohn de Plantagenet duke of Bed­ford.Iohn duke of Bedford son to Henrie the fourth, & brother to K. Henrie the fift, was in the fourth yeare of the reigne of the said Henrie, being the yeare of our redemption 1416, by parlement appointed regent of the realme, to inioie the same office so long as the king was imploied in the French wars. Which place he possessed accordinglie; and in the ninth yeare of the victorious prince, king Henrie the fift, being gardian of England, he, with Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester vncle to Henrie the fift, and Iaqueline duches of Holland remaining then in England, were godfathers, and godmother to Henrie, after king by the name of Henrie the sixt, the son of Henrie the fift; Henrie Chichleie archbi­shop of Canturburie baptising the child. In the tenth and last yeare of Henrie the fift, this Iohn with a strong power conueied quéene Katharine wife to Henrie the fift▪ from Southampton into France. This man being duke of Bedford, earle of Rich­mond and of Kendall, conestable of England, and warden of the marches of Scotland, died the four­téenth daie of September at Rone in Normandie, who (hauing also béene regent of France, a most valiant gentleman, and one that kept the parts be­yond the seas in great obedience to the crowne of England) had for his yearelie pension 20000 crownes at the least. After whose death all things went backeward, and the English lost all that they had beyond the seas, Calis, & those dominions onlie excepted.

This man (I saie) died in the yeare of our redemp­tion 1435, being the thirtéenth yeare of the vnfor­tunat gouernment of the deposed king Henrie the sixt, and was honorablie buried at Rone in our la­die church there. Touching whome it shall not gréeue me to set downe the answer of a French king late­lie in our age made to one of his nobilitie; saieng vnto the king (then being in the said ladie church of Rone, and beholding the toome of this Iohn of Bedford) that it were conuenient that the same toome were defaced and pulled downe; since he was the onelie man that wrought the greatest damage that euer happened vnto France. To whom the king said; Hold thy peace foole, God forbid that euer we should doo such reproch to him being dead; whome the proudest of our nation durst not looke in the face when he was liuing. This duke Iohn maried the se­cond yeare of Henrie the sixt, in the yeare of Christ 1423, Anne the daughter of Iohn duke of Bur­gognie, who died in the tenth yeare of Henrie the sixt, in the yeare of Christ 1433, after which he ma­ried Iaques daughter to Peter earle of S. Paule in the same yeare, and yet died without issue. Of this man is mention made in my former discourse of the conestables of England, pag. 868.

Humfreie duke of Glocester brother to Henrie the fift, and vncle to Henrie the sixt, Humfreie duke of Glo­cester. was in the tenth and last yeare of Henrie the fift, being the yeare of our Lord 1422, made regent of England, vpon the remouing and departure of Iohn duke of Bedford with quéene Katharine, wife to Henrie the fift into France. In which yeare (happening the lamentable death of that woorthie prince king Henrie the fift) the said Henrie vppon his death-bed appointed this Humfreie to be protector of the realme; which he did exercise in the time of the minoritie of Henrie the sixt, from the time of his first enterance into the kingdome. Who at that time taking vppon him that function, called vnto him graue and wise coun­cellors; with whose support he might with better ho­nor to the realme, and benefit to the subiects, rule the ship of this kingdome, sailing in the dangerous waues of the kings infancie. By which meanes holding the sterne thereof, directed by the course of iustice, he did most honorablie during his life dis­charge the dutie of so weightie an office. Who in the fourteenth yeare of Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our Lord 1439, did with fiue hundred saile land at Calis, and for eleuen daies spoiled the low countries and so by Calis returned againe into England. This man in the fiue & twentith yeare of king Hen­rie sixt, being the yeare of Christ 1447, was in his castell of U [...]es in Wilshire, & comming from thence [Page 1079] to the parlement was lodged in the hospitall, and ar­rested by Iohn lord Beaumont high conestable of England. But on the foure and twentith daie of Fe­bruarie he died for sorrow as some said, and as Iohn Stow hath noted, bicause he might not come to his answer. Other write that he was murdered in the night by the quéens procurement, to the great griefe of the commons, and in time following to the vtter destruction of the king and the quéene. He was duke of Glocester, and also in the right of his wife duke of Holland and Zeland, earle of Penbroke, lord cham­berleine line 10 of England, and protector of the realme, be­ing highlie estéemed of learned men, himselfe also not meanlie furnished with knowledge, hauing rare skill in astrologie, wherof beside manie other things he compiled a singular treatise, obteining the name of Tabula directionum, touching whose death I haue read these verses following in Iohn Whethamsted:

Aemula sors varijs signanter honoribus altis
Causauit miserè mala multos flere ruinae,
Laesus erat Iulius, vndis mersus Ptolomeus, line 20
Pulsus Tarquinius, exul factúsque Tydeus,
Dux nimis properè iam dictus tempora vitae
Compleuit tristis, heu indignatio regis
Causa fuit magna, maior detractio falsa,
Plebis & iunctae fallacis & insidiosae,
Nam regis patrius, quamuis & proximus haeres,
Tunc fueratque suus consultor in ordine primus,
Vir prudénsque pius, vir doctus & ingeniosus,
Non tamen erubuit, nec pertimuit, ve pepercit
Hunc accusare falsè de proditione, line 30
Discere quódque suam clàm vellet tollere vitam
Et sibi surripere violenter iura coronae.
Diuitis argentum, proprium qui captat in vsum,
Desiderat medium quo vindicet aptiùs ipsum,
Sic regem plures comitantes collaterales
Sectantur praedam, mediat fraus, dat dolus ipsam,
Fidior in regno regi duce non fuit isto,
Plúsue fide stabilis aut maior amator honoris,
Et tamen vt praedo voto potiretur iniquo,
Fraudem consuluit, cum fraude dolum sociauit, line 40
Sícque ducem falsi maculans cum proditione
Obtinuit votum, praedator erátque bonorum
Illius, & tristis obijt dux criminis expers.

Which duke Humfrie was buried at saint Al­bons, dieng without issue, after he had married two wiues; whereof the first wife was Iacoba or Ia­queline (daughter and sole heire of William of Bauier) being then the lawfull wife to Iohn duke of Brabant then liuing, which wife this Humfrie mar­ried in England in the yéere of our redemption 1424 line 50 being the third yéere of king Henrie the sixt, vpon which grew great warres, and Humfrie duke of Glocester challenged the combat of the duke of Burgognie, taking part with his cousine Iohn duke of Brabant. But in the end the duke of Glocester left his wife at Mons & returned into England, and shée vnto Gaunt, and so into Holland, & the combat staid by means of the duke of Bedford brother to the duke of Glocester. But after (as it séemeth) the duke line 60 of Glocester was diuorsed from this dutchesse, and then married Eleanor Cobham (whome he had ten­derlie loued as his paramour before that) in the yeere of our redemption 1428, being the sixt yéere of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt. This woman in the nineteenth yeere of the said Henrie the sixt (vp­on the taking of Henrie Bullingbrook for practising necromancie, thereby to consume the king) fled in the night to Westminster for sanctuarie, which cau­sed hir to be suspected of treason. Wherevpon Bul­lingbrook confessing that he wrought the same at the procurement of the said Eleanor, desirous to know to what estate she should come vnto, the said dame Eleanor did oftentimes for the same fact appéere be­fore the bishop, and in the end was conuicted. After which in the twentith of Henrie the sixt she did grée­uous penance therefore, and so escaped with hir life. And here because I haue said somewhat of Ia­queline dutchesse of Holland, I thinke it not amisse to adde a little more of hir, being a woman of great beautie, and desire of change in performing the ple­sures of the flesh: wherefore I will set downe what I haue seene written vnder the pictures of hir and hir husband Francis in this sort.

The subscription vnder the pictures of the ladie Iaqueline, and of Francis hir husband.

IAcoba Dei gratia comitissa Hannoniae, Hollandiae, & Ze­landiae, domina Frisiae, Zutbeuerlandiae, terrae Brilensis, Vorensis, &c: Gulielmi Bauariensis ducis filia & haeres vnica, quae primò desponsata fuit Philippo Burgundiorum duci: po­stea Delphino Francorum regis filio: tertiò Iohanni duci Bra­bantiae Antonij filio: deinde Humfrido Glocestriae duci Hen­rici quarti Angliae regis filio: & postremò Franconi Bursa­liensi comiti Osteruandiae matrimonio copulatur. Quae obijt absque liberis 8 Idus Octobris, anno Domini 1463 sepulta apud Hagam comitis in Hollandia.

Beside which was this written in Dutch: ‘Vrowen Iacoba van Byeren Grauenne van Hollant starfe Anno Domini 1463.’

The subscription vnder the picture of hir husband Francone or Fran­cis was in this sort.

FRanciscus Dei gratia comes de Osteruant (erfginocht) in comitatibus Hollandiae, Hannoniae, Zelandiae, & Frise­landiae, dominus de Boursalia de Viorne, Zuylen, Hochstraten, Kortkene, de la Veer, Flishing, Zandenburge, terrae Bri­lensis, Sentmartinsdike, quo loco fundauit coenobium cano­nicorum, &c: & regi Edwardo quarto fideliter assistebat, necnon equestris ordinis diui Antonij.

Beside which also was this written in the Dutch toong. Here vranck van Boselen graue van Osteruant starfe Anno Domini 1470.

Thomas Beaufort duke of Excester (appointed to that office by Henrie the fift on his death-bed) was with Henrie Beaufort bishop of Winchester great vncle to king Henrie the sixt in the yéere of our re­demption 1422, Thomas Beaufort duke of Ex­cester. being the first yeere of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt (then but nine months old) made protector and gardian of the person of the yoong king, to see him tenderlie and carefullie brought vp and in­structed in all such parts as were to be required in the person of a monarch. Which office he left about the fourth yeere of king Henrie the sixt, and died on Newyéeres daie at his manor of Gréenwich in the said fift yéere of Henrie the sixt, being the yeere of our redemption 1446: he married Margaret the daughter of Thomas Neuill of Hornesbie.

Richard Beauchampe earle of Warwike son of the former Thomas Beauchampe, Richard Beauchampe earle of War­wike. being beyond the seas, and there deputie for Iohn duke of Bedford (be­ing regent of France) did (whilest the said regent was come ouer into England) obteine manie cas­tels in his deputieship; who being thus imploied in the forren warres, was in his absence out of his countrie (for his singular wisdome and valor) ordei­ned by the thrée estates of the realme of England in open parlement, to be gouernor of the person of the yoong king Henrie the sixt, in the place of Thomas Beaufort duke of Excester latelie deceased: which Richard did not yet foorthwith hasten his returne in­to England, but remained in France for a season, [Page 1080] inlarging the fame of his martiall exploits. This his election to the protectorship of the kings person, was in the fift yéere of Henrie the sixt, being the yéere of our redemption 1426. He died in the yeere of our Lord 1439, being the seuentéenth yéere of the deposed king Henrie the sixt, at Rone in Norman­die the last daie of Maie, as hath Iohn Stow; and the fourth of October next following his corps was ho­norablie conueied, as well by land as by water from Rone to Warwike, and there honorablie buried in line 10 the college of our ladie church founded by his noble ancestors. He maried two wiues, the first Elisabeth daughter and heire of Thomas lord Barkleie, by whome he had thrée daughters, Margaret maried to Iohn lord Talbot earle of Shrewesburie, Eleanor maried to Thomas lord Rosse, and Elisabeth mar­ried to Gorge Neuill lord Latimer. His second wife was Isabell the daughter and heire of Richard lord Spenser, by whome he had issue Henrie duke of Warwike, and Anne married to Richard Neuill line 20 earle of Salisburie.

Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke.Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke, sonne to Richard earle of Cambrige, and father to Edward the fourth king of England, notwithstanding that he made challenge to the crowne against Henrie the sixt, then in possession thereof, as heire to the house of Yorke, and was to be preferred before the house of Lancaster; and notwithstanding that he was by parlement appointed to weare the crowne after the death of Henrie the sixt: yet after all this, in the thrée line 30 and thirtith yeere of the same king, being the yéere of our redemption 1455 (such was the imperfection of the king to gouerne) he was appointed protec­tor of the realme, ruling the same at his owne dispo­sition. Which office he did not long inioie, and that most worthilie: for the next yéere after being the foure and thirtith of king Henrie the sixt, and the yeere of our redemption 1456, he was depriued from the same, and queene Margaret wife to Henrie the sixt tooke againe the absolute regiment into hir line 40 hands: which duke after in the nine and thirtith of king Henrie the sixt, being the yéere of our redempti­on 1460, the thirtith daie of December, being lord of Wakefield, was there with his sonne the earle of Rutland slaine at the battell commonlie called the battell of Wakefield; of which I haue read these verses in Whethamsted once abbat of saint Albons:

Anno milleno centum quater quoque seno,
This was doone 1561, counting the yeare to begin at Christmas as some doo, or at Ianuarie as others d [...] ▪
Terdenóque die, duodeno mense Decembre,
Infra Eboracensem nixta Wakefield comitatum line 50
Dux dominus villae fertur pugnans habuisse
Conflictum grandem contra gentem borealem,
Ac proceres plures praeerant quae gentibus ipsis,
Quod docuit, quia sors quod res fortuna secundas,
Vitat habere moras, cecidit dux natus & eius,
Ac comes insignis sors belli, sors fuit ipsis
Obuia, sícque fatis regni fuerat breuis haeres
Omen & idlaetum tulerat mutamine meestum
Deslendum multis, ius regni, ius fuit eius.

He maried Cicilie daughter to Rafe Neuill first line 60 earle of Westmerland, by whome he had issue Ed­ward duke of Yorke, earle of March, and after king of England by the name of Edward the fourth: George Plantagenet duke of Clarence, Richard Plantagenet duke of Glocester, after king of Eng­land by the name of Richard the third: thrée daugh­ters, Anne maried to Henrie Holland duke of Ex­cester, Elisabeth married to Iohn de la Poole duke of Suffolke, and Margaret maried to Charles duke of Burgognie.

George Plantagenet duke of Clarence, and co­nestable of England, George Plan­tagenet duke of Clarence. sonne of the foresaid duke of Yorke, and brother to king Edward the fourth, with Richard Neuill earle of Warwike (who set vp and pulled downe kings at his pleasure) were after the flight of Edward the fourth out of England into Burgognie to his brother in law (in the tenth yeare of the reigne of the said king Edward, being the yeare of our redemption 1470, when Henrie the sixt had by their means readepted the kingdome) made gouernors of the land, which office they inioied not long. For the said Edward the fourth returning into England, in the eleuenth yeare of his reigne, being the yeare of our redemption 1471, reconciled to him the duke of Clarence, did againe put downe king Henrie the sixt, and slue the said earle of Warwike (flieng awaie) at Barnet field (on Easter day) by one of the men of his campe. After this, on the fiftéenth daie of Ianuarie began a parlement, in the eigh­téenth yere of the reigne of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare of our redemption 1478, where this duke of Clarence was atteinted of treason, and the eleuenth of March following he ended his life in a but of malmeseie, and was buried at Teukesburie beside his wife, who being with child died by poison a little before him. Of this man sée more in my dis­course of the conestables of England pag. 869.

Richard Plantagenet third sonne to Richard duke of Yorke, Richard Plantagenet duke of Glo­cester. was conestable of England and go­uernour of the person of the king, of whome is more spoken in my discourse of the conestables of Eng­land pag. 869. But here mentioning the conesta­bles of England, A digression concerning the conesta­bles of Eng­land nor men­tioned before in pag. 865. I thinke it better now than not at all, to mention also some imperfection and default in my former discourse of the said conestables, set downe by me before in pag. 865. Which default of mine in that place grew by reason of ouermuch hast, which I vsed in sudden seeking for the same, whereby (according to the old prouerbe) I brought foorth a blind whelpe. For in the former description I haue omitted diuerse the which were conestables of England, the names of which were Henrie the first in the life of his father, Nigellus, and Robert de Oilie, with others of that line in descent, which Ni­gellus I can not as yet learne to be anie other but Nigellus de Oilie, Nigellus de Oilie cone­stable of Eng­land. brother to Robert de Oilie that came in with the Conqueror, who gaue Oxfordshire vnto the said Robert.

Besides which, if it shall séeme to anie that I haue in my former treatise rashlie written I know not what, & that here I make Henrie the first conestable in his father the Conquerors time, & by contrarietie therevnto did before make Walter conestable also in the Conquerors and William Rufus his time: let them know that there is no contrarietie herein. For Walter might first be conestable, & then Hen­rie the first, and both they in the Conquerors time, this office being taken from the first, and giuen to the latter by the Conqueror. After whose death Wil­liam Rufus might take it from his brother Henrie, bicause he would not make him too great in Eng­land, for doubt least he might hereby put the crowne in hazard, being fauoured of the people as one borne in England, and for that cause might restore that of­fice to Walter. Againe it maie be, that some men reading that I haue before set downe, that Mawd the empresse gaue the conestableship to Milo the son of Walter in the sixt of king Stephan, and that king Stephan tooke that office from Milo in the first yere of his reigne, and gaue it to Walter Beauchampe, will condemne me therefore of like vnaduised wri­ting: bicause it seemeth thereby that Stephan tooke it from Milo before that Milo had it. Which is not so, for I can proue with some reason and authoritie, that Milo had it a little before the death of king Henrie the first, and also after his death in part of the first yeare of king Stephan, being witnesse to a deed by king Stephan, made and dated the first of his reigne, [Page 1080] to which he subscribed his name Milo Constabularius, After which, king Stephan might in that yeare take that office from him, and so he did. Which Mawd the empresse vnderstanding, and finding Milo (now fal­len from king Stephan) one which assisted hir, she the better to confront Stephan, gaue the conestable­ship to Milo (accounting hir selfe as quéene) in the sixt of Stephan.

This being thus spoken in defense of that which before I haue written pag. 866. let vs go to our o­ther line 10 matter concerning the conestables not mentio­ned before in the said discourse, wherein I find my selfe in a maruellous laberinth (out of which I doubt that the best antiquaries cannot loose themselues, no not he which thinketh and saith that he can controll all men, for I suppose he will be lame in this matter) how all these could be conestables, vnlesse that in the time of Henrie the first, and of king Stephan, as it is most likelie, there was chopping & changing, put­ting in and taking out, setting vp and pulling downe line 20 one man in diuerse yeares of one and the selfe same king: for king Stephan was sometime a king, and sometime as no king, and then againe a king. And so likewise was it with Mawd the empresse at the same time, bearing hir selfe sometime as queene, and then deiected as no quéene. But be it as it will be, I will here set downe what I find in ancient charters and pedegrées touching the conestables of England not before mentioned, leauing the same to others (ei­ther to order for succession of time, or to amend for line 30 truth of matter) who peraduenture reading these things, which I haue seene and will here set downe, can bestow them in better order than I can, which I earnestlie praie them to doo, whereby truth maie be brought to light and perfection; which as yet tou­ching these conestables set downe in this place, sée­meth to be obscured and confused vntill the time that Roger Fitz Miles had that office: for from his time the same is without all controuersie sufficientlie knowne. Wherefore, here before I enter into the de­scent line 40 of the de Oilies, who were conestables of Eng­land, I will set downe a strange note of thrée per­sons witnesses to a déed, dated Primo Stephani, anno Dom. 1136, who doo all subscribe their names as cone­stables. Which charter being the same wherein king Stephan gaue the manor of Sudton or Sutton to the house of Winchester, the same was amongst o­ther witnesses thus signed, Robertus de Veer constabula­rius, Milo constabularius, Brientius filius comitis constabula­rius: all who could not be conestables of England at line 50 one time. Wherfore sauing correction I suppose that it is out of all controuersie, that neither the first nor the last of these three were conestables of England, but of some other places, as of Douer or other ca­stels. And so to that which I haue further to saie of the kings conestables in one descent and succession of the de Oilies, being tearmed the kings conesta­bles, both in ancient charters and pedegrées, whereof Nigellus before mentioned séemeth to be one.

This Nigellus was conestable of England in the line 60 yeare of our redemption one thousand one hundred and one, being the first yéere of king Henrie the first, as may appeare by a déed of confirmation made by Henrie the first touching the cathedrall church of Norwich, whereof I thinke good to saie somewhat to bring in the proofe that this Nigellus was constable. This church was built for the most part in the time of William Rufus, The founda­tion of the ca­thedral church [...] Norwich. by Herebert de Losinga the first bishop of Norwich, who translated the sée from Tet­ford vnto Norwich, in the yeare of Christ 1094, which church being finished and consecrated to the holie tri­nitie, was afterward confirmed by Henrie the first, and Mawd his wife, in the first yeare of the said Henrie, being the yeare of our redemption 1101, to the charter whereof signed by king Henrie & Mawd his wife, were manie bishops, noblemen and abbats witnesses, amongst whome are these two set downe; Nigellus Constabularius, and Rogerus Cancellarius, of which Nigellus thus writeth Leland in his com­mentaries on the song of the swan in the word Isidis insulae: Erat Roberto frater Nigellus nomine, de quo fam [...] non admodum multa refert, which I suppose is this Nigellus de Oilie the conestable, as I before said.

Robert de Oilie, sonne of the said Nigellus, Robert de Oilie consta­ble of Eng­land. did succéed his father, and was as may appeare by some authors (who tearme him accordinglie) great consta­ble of England. This man together with his wife Edith were the founders of the religious house of Osneie, touching whome I shall not greeue to set downe what I haue gathered out of Leland and o­thers. This Edith obteined of hir husband to build a church in the Ile of Osneie in Oxfordshire, to our sa­uiour Christ, about the yeare of our redemption 1129, The foundati­on of the ab­beie of Osneie or Orosneie in the yeare of Christ 1129, being about the thirtih yeare of Hen­rie the first, as some write. being about the nine and twentith yeare of king Henrie the first, which church did after grow to be of great renowme and building, the occasion of building whereof is set downe by others in this sort. Edith being in great estimation with Henrie, first married the said Robert de Oilie by the kings pro­curement, which Robert began the priorie of the blacke chanons of Osneie by Oxford, amongst the Iles made by the riuer of Isis or Owse. This Edith vsed oftentimes to walke out of Oxford castell with hir gentlewomen for to solace and recreate hir selfe. At what time at a certeine place, as often as she came by the same, certeine pies assembled them­selues in a tree, where they chattered and as it were spake vnto hir. This ladie much maruelling at the matter, happening so continuallie at one time in one place after one order, and with one maner of foules, was manie times astonished and feared therewith, esteeming it a verie strange woonder. Whervpon she sent for one Radulph or Rafe a chanon of saint Fre­diswide in Oxford, a man of vertuous life & hir con­fessor, asking his counsell vpon the same. To whom he answered (after that he had séene the order of those pies onelie chattering at hir comming thither) that she should build some church or monasterie in that place. Wherevpon she intreated hir husband to build a priorie, and so he did, making that Radulph the first prior of that house. All which matter, that is the com­ming of Edith to Osneie, Radulph wating on hir, and the trée with the pies were all extant (at the ge­nerall dissolution of the abbeies in the time of Hen­rie the eight) to be séene painted on the north side of the high altar, in the arch of the wall ouer Ediths toome in Osneie priorie, vpon which toome there laie a stone image of Edith in the habit of a vowesse holding a hart in hir right hand. This Robert de Oi­lie was buried in Osneie in the verie middle of the presbiterie, vnder a flat marble stone; wherevpon was a flowred crosse portraid, which Robert had issue Henrie de Oilie, baron of Hochnorton, & the kings conestable, which maried Margerie the daughter of Humfreie de Bohune, by whome that Henrie had issue Henrie de Oilie baron of Hochnorton, and the kings conestable which died without issue. Thus this much by waie of digression, touching the conestables of England, left out in my former discourse of those officers. And so againe to the protectors.

Katharine the daughter of Ferdinando king of Spaine, and wife to king Henrie the eight, Katharine quéene of England▪ was (in the absence of the said king beyond the seas in the the warres of Turwine and Turneie) made regent of the realme, in the yeare of Christ 1513, and the fift yeare of king Henrie the eight, she had béene the wi­dow of Arthur prince of Wales, eldest sonne vnto king Henrie the seauenth, and eldest brother to king [Page 1081] Henrie the eight, who after the death of that Arthur was by dispensation of the pope married to Henrie after king, by the name of Henrie the eight, being yoonger brother of the said Arthur, from which king Henrie she was afterward not onelie diuorsed, in the one and twentith of his reigne, being the yeare of Christ 1529, but after by parlement also in the foure and twentith of the kings reigne, in the yeare of Christ 1532, disgraded from the name of quéene, and from thensefoorth appointed onlie to be called the line 10 princesse dowager of prince Arthur, about fiue yeers after which she died on the eight of Ianuarie, being the yeare of our redemption 1535, which was the seauen and twentith yeare of king Henrie the eight, and was honourablie buried in the abbeie of Peter­borow, for which cause afterward in the generall dis­solution of the abbeies, when all those houses were spoiled, this abbeie was not onelie for hir buriall there spared and not defaced, but also further honored with a greater title, and turned into a bishoprike, by line 20 the said king Henrie the eight.

Katharine Par, the daughter of sir Thomas Par, lord of Kirkbie Kendall, and wife to king Henrie the eight, was by patent made protectresse of the realme of England, when king Henrie the eight went in person to the wars of Bullongne, on the thirtéenth of Iulie in the yeare of our redemption 1544, being the six & thirtith yeare of the triumphant reigne of the said king. This ladie Katharine being the lord Latimers widow, was maried to the king line 30 at Hampton court, one the twelfe of Iulie being the fiue and thirtith yeare of his reigne, and the yeare of Christ 1543, who hauing no issue by the king, was after the kings death married to Thomas Seimer knight, lord Seimer of Sudleie and high admerall of England.

Edward Seimer knight, vicount Beauchampe earle of Hertford, & after duke of Summerset, was protector of the kings person, and of the kingdome, in the first yeare of king Edward the sixt, his nephue line 40 which was in the yeare of our redemption 1546, the king being then but nine yeares old. Of this man is more spoken in my following discourse of all the dukes of England by creation or descent since the conquest, with which duke of Summerset, the last in office of protectorship, Francis Thin knitteth vp this simple discourse of the protectors of England of the kings person.

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 1051. Curteis, al­derman of London com­mitted to ward for vn­reuerend words and signes to the lord chan­cellor.¶ On the 17 of Februarie, on which daie were line 50 receiued the bookes of the reliefe of all the wards of London, towards the new hospitals, by the kings commissioners, the councell dined at maister Coo­pers the shiriffe, and after dinner maister Thomas Curteis alderman came thither to speake with the lord chancellor for a matter he had depending afore him in the chancerie, but for his misdemeanour in words and signes to the lord chancellor at that time, the said maister Curteis was committed to ward in the Fléet. Anno Reg. 6. Sir Rafe Uane & other executed. House blowne vp with gun­powder.] The six and twentith of Februarie, sir line 60 Rafe Uane and sir Miles Patridge were hanged on the tower hill; & sir Michaell Stanhope with sir Thomas Arundell were beheaded there. The last of Aprill, through negligence of the gunpowder ma­kers, a certeine house néere the tower of London, with thrée last of powder was blowne vp and burnt, the gunpowder makers being fiftéene in number, were all slaine.

The sixtéenth of Maie was a goodlie muster of horssemen made before the king, Muster of horssemen be­fore the king in Gréenwich parke. in the parke at Gréenwich, vnder the kings banner his band of pen­sioners, in number a hundred and fiftie, euerie pensi­oner two great horsses and a gelding, the lord Braie their lieutenant. Dukes. The duke of Northumberland, great maister of the kings houshold vnder the white lion & the ragged staffe fiftie. The duke of Suffolke vnder the vnicorne in the starre a hundred and ten. The lord marquesse of Winchester, high treasuror, Marquesses. vnder his banner the falcon, one hundred men. The marquesse of Northampton high chamberleine vnder the maidenhead a hundred. Earles. The earle of Bed­ford lord priuie seale vnder the gote a hundred. The erle of Warwike maister of the kings horsses vnder the white lion fiftie. The erle of Huntington vnder his banner fiftie. The earle of Rutland vnder the peacocke fiftie. The earle of Penbroke vnder the greene dragon fiftie. The lord Darcie vnder the mai­dens bodie fiftie. Lords. The lord Cobham vnder the Sa­racens head, fiftie. The lord Clinton lord admerall vnder the anchor, fiftie. The lord warden of the fiue ports, vnder the rose in the sunne beames, one hun­dred.

Not long after the death of the said duke of Sum­merset and his complices, Rich. Graf [...]on. Doctor Rid­leie preached before the king, mercie and charitie. it chanced the reuerend fa­ther in God maister doctor Ridleie then bishop of London, to preach before the kings maiestie at Westminster. In the which sermon he made a fruit­full and godlie exhortation to the rich, to be mercifull vnto the poore, and also to mooue such as were in au­thoritie, to trauell by some charitable waie & meane, to comfort and reléeue them. Wherevpon the kings maiestie being a prince of such towardnesse and ver­tue for his yeares, as England before neuer brought forth, and the same also being so well reteined and brought vp in all godlie knowledge, as well by his déere vncle the late protector, as also by his vertuous and learned scholemaisters, was so carefull of the good gouernement of the realme, and chieflie to doo and prefer such things as most speciallie touched the honor of almightie God. And vnderstanding that a great number of poore people did swarme in this realme, and chieflie in the citie of London, and that no good order was taken for them, did suddenlie and of himselfe send to the said bishop as soone as his sermon was ended, willing him not to depart, vn­till that he had spoken with him (and this that I now write was the verie report of the said bishop Rid­leie) who according to the kings commandement gaue his attendance. The verie re­port of bishop Ridleie, wher­in we may [...] what fruits followed vpon his sermon: Ergo the hea­ring of the word preach­ed is profita­ble. And so soone as the kings ma­iestie was at leasure, he called for him, and made him to come vnto him in a great gallerie at West­minster, where (to his knowledge) and the king also told him so, there was present no mo persons than they two, and therefore made him sit downe in one chaire, and he himselfe in another, which (as it seemed) were before the comming of the bishop there pur­poselie set, & caused the bishop (maugre his teeth) to be couered, and then entered communication with him in this sort.

First giuing him most hartie thanks for his ser­mon and good exhortation, he therein rehearsed such speciall things as he had noted, and that so manie, that the bishop said; ‘Trulie, trulie (for that was com­monlie his oth) I could neuer haue thought that ex­cellencie to haue béene in his grace, that I beh [...]ld and saw in him. At the last, the kings maiestie much commended him for his exhortation for the reliefe of the poore. A most noble and vertu [...]us saieng of king Edward to bishop Ridleie. But my lord (saith he) ye willed such as are in authoritie to be carefull therof, and to deuise some good order for their reliefe, wherein I thinke you meane me, for I am in highest place, and therefore am the first that must make answere vnto God for my negligence, if I should not be carefull therein, knowing it to be the expresse commandement of al­mightie God, to haue compassion of his poore and néedie members, for whome we must make an ac­compt vnto him. And trulie my lord, I am before all things most willing to trauell that waie, and I [Page 1082] doubt nothing of your long and approued wisedome and learning, who hauing such good zeale as wisheth h [...]lpe vnto them, but that also you haue had some conference with others, what waies are best to be ta­ken therein, the which I am desirous to vnderstand, and therefore I praie you saie your mind.’

The bishop thinking least of that matter, and be­ing amazed to heare the wisdome and earnest zeale of the king, was (as he said himselfe) so astonied, that he could not well tell what to saie: but after some line 10 pause, said that as he thought at this present for some entrance to be had, it were good to practise with the citie of London, bicause the number of the poore there are verie great, The citizens of London mooued to be assistants in this charita­ble action. & the citizens are manie & also wise; and he doubted not but they were also both pi­tifull & mercifull, as the maior & his brethren, & other the worshipfull of the said citie. And that if it would please the kings maiestie to direct his gratious let­ter vnto the maior of London, willing him to call vnto him such assistants as he should thinke méet, to line 20 consult of this matter, for some order to be taken therein, he doubted not but good should follow there­of. And he himselfe promised the king to be one him­selfe that should earnestlie trauell therein.

The king forthwith not onelie granted his letter, but made the bishop tarie vntill the same was writ­ten, and his hand and signet set therevnto, and com­manded the bishop not onelie to deliuer the said let­ter himselfe, but also to signifie vnto the maior, that it was the kings speciall request and expresse com­mandement, line 30 that the maior should therein trauell, and as soone as he might conuenientlie giue him knowledge how farre he had proceeded therein. The bishop was so ioious of the hauing of this letter, and that he had now an occasion to trauell in that good matter, wherein he was maruellous zealous, that nothing could more haue pleased and delighted him: wherefore the same night he came to the maior of London, who then was sir Richard Dobs knight, and deliuered the kings letter, and shewed his mes­sage line 40 with effect.

The maior not onelie ioiouslie receiued this let­ter, but with all spéed agreed to set forward this mat­ter, for he also fauoured it verie much. And the next daie being mondaie, The readines of the lord ma­ior to prefer this good déed. he desired the bishop of London to dine with him: and against that time, the maior promised that he would send for such men, as he thought méetest to talke of this matter, and so he did. And sent first for two aldermen and six commoners, and afterward were appointed more, to the number line 50 of foure and twentie. And in the end after sundrie méetings (for by meane of the good diligence of the bishop it was well followed) they agréed vpon a booke that they had deuised, wherein first they consi­dered of nine speciall kinds and sorts of poore people, and those same they brought in these thrée degrees:

Degrées of poore.
Thrée degrées of poore.
  • The poore by impotencie.
  • Poore by casualtie.
  • Thriftlesse poore.
  • 1 The poore by impotencie are also diuided in­to three kinds, that is to saie:
    • 1 The fatherlesse poore mans line 60 child.
    • 2 The aged, blind, and lame.
    • 3 The diseased person, by le­prosie, dropsie, &c.
  • 2 The poore by casualtie are of thrée kinds, that is to saie:
    • 4 The wounded souldier.
    • 5 The decaied housholder.
    • 6 The visited with gréeuous disease.
  • 3 The thriftles poore are three kinds in like wise, that is to saie:
    • 7 The riotor that consumeth all.
    • 8 The vagabond that will a­bide in no place.
    • 9 The idle person, as the strumpet and others.

For these sorts of poore were prouided thrée seuerall houses. First for the innocent and fatherlesse, Christes hos­pitall. which is the beggers child, and is in déed the séed and bree­der of beggerie, they prouided the house that was late Graie friers in London, and now is called Chri­stes hospitall, where the poore children are trained in the knowledge of God, and some vertuous e [...]ercise to the ouerthrowe of beggerie. S Thomas hospitall. For the second de­grée is prouided the hospitall of saint Thomas in Southworke, & saint Bartholomew in west Smith­field, where are continuallie at least two hundred diseased persons, which are not onelie there lodged and cured, but also fed and nourished. Bridewell. For the third degrée they prouided Bridewell, where the vaga­bond and idle strumpet is chastised and compelled to labour, to the ouerthrow of the vicious life of idlenes. They prouided also for the honest decaied housholder, Reliefe for the decaied house­holder and lazer. that he should be relieued at home at his house, and in the parish where he dwelled by a wéekelie reliefe and pension. And in like manner they prouided for the lazer to kéepe him out of the citie from clapping of dishes, and ringing of bels, to the great trouble of the citizens, and also to the dangerous infection of manie, that they should be relieued at home at their houses with seuerall pensions.

Now after this good order taken, and the citizens by such meanes as were deuised, willing to further the same, the report therof was made vnto the kings maiestie: and his grace for the aduancement here­of, was not onelie willing to grant such as should be the ouerséers and gouernors of the said houses a cor­poration and authoritie for the gouernement there­of: but also required that he might be accounted as the chiefe founder and patrone thereof. K. Edward the sixt foun­der of the hos­pitals in Lō ­don. And for the furtherance of the said worke, and continuall main­tenance of the same, he of his méere mercie and good­nesse granted, that where before certeine lands were giuen to the maintenance of the house of the Sa­uoie, founded by king Henrie the seuenth, for the lod­ging of pilgrims and strangers, and that the same was now made but a lodging of loiterers, vaga­bonds, and strumpets that laie all daie in the fields, and at night were harboured there, the which was rather the maintenance of beggerie, than the reliefe of the poore, gaue the same lands, being first surren­dred into his hands by the maister and fellowes there (which lands were of the yearelie value of six hundred pounds) vnto the citie of London, for the maintenance of the foundation aforesaid.

And for a further reliefe, a petition being made to the kings maiestie for a licence to take in mort­maine, or otherwise without licence, lands to a cer­teine yearelie [...]alue, and a space left in the patent for his grace to put in what summe it would please him; he looking on the void place, called for pen and inke, and with his owne hand wrote this summe, in these words (foure thousand marks by yeare) and then said in the hearing of his councell: A blessed king. ‘Lord God I yeeld thée most hartie thanks, that thou hast giuen mée life thus long, to finish this worke to the glorie of thy name.’ After which foundation established, he liued not a­boue two daies, whose life would haue béene wished equall to the patriarchs, if it might haue pleased God so to haue protracted the same. But he was too good a prince for so bad a people, and therefore God re­mooued him, and translated him to his owne king­dome, foreséeing the euent of something which in his secret counsell he had purposed, against a nation that knew not the benefit of the acceptable time of grace: wherein God by this péerelesse princes means ment all good to this land, as might be gathe­red by the reformation of religion, wherin the kings care was exceeding great, as his desire to establish Gods glorie was zealous: according to that notable [Page 1083] allusion of Iohn Leland recorded in praise of this most excellent prince, as followeth in this epigram:

Allusio ad ety­mon nominis Eaduerdi.
Quisquis Eaduerdum Romano expresserat ore,
Custodem fidei dixerit esse sacrae.
Hoc ego crediderim puero feliciter orto
A superis nomen coelitùs esse datum.
Est pater antiquae fidei defensor amicus,
Degener & nullo tempore natus erit.

But to returne where we left. By example of the charitable act of this vertuous yoong king, sir Willi­am Chester knight and alderman of London, Sir William Chester. Iohn Cal­throp draper. and line 10 Iohn Calthrop citizen and draper of the said citie, at their owne proper costs and charges made the bricke walles and way on the backeside that leadeth from the said new hospitall, vnto the hospitall of saint Bartholomewes, and also couered and vau­ted the towne dich from Aldersgate to Newgate, which before was verie noisome and contagious to the said hospitall.

This hospitall being thus erected and put in good order, Richard Ca­stel shoomaker. there was one Richard Castell aliàs Casteller, line 20 shoomaker, dwelling in Westminster, a man of great trauell and labor in his facultie with his owne hands, and such a one as was named the cocke of Westminster, for that both winter and summer he was at his worke before foure of the clocke▪ in the morning. This man thus trulie and painfullie labou­ring for his liuing, God blessed and increased his labours so abundantlie, that he purchased lands and tenements in Westminster, to the yearelie value of fortie and foure pounds. And hauing no child, with the line 30 consent of his wife (who suruiued him, & was a ver­tuous & good woman) gaue the same lands wholie to Christs hospitall aforesaid, to the reliefe of the inno­cent and fatherlesse children, and for the succor of the miserable, sore and sicke, harbored in the other hospi­tals about London, whose example God grant ma­nie to follow.

¶The third of August, at Midlenton eleuen miles from Oxford, I. Stow. 1053. A monster. a woman brought foorth a child which had two perfect bodies from the nauill vpward, and line 40 were so ioined togither at the nauill, that when they were laid in length, the one head & bodie was east­ward, and the other west: the legs for both the bo­dies grew out at the midst where the bodies ioined, and had but one issue for the excrements of both bo­dies: they liued eightéene daies, and were women children. The eight of August were taken at Quin­borow thrée great fishes called dolphins: Great fishes, & the weeke following at Blackewall were six more taken, and line 50 brought to London, the least of them was more than anie horsse.]

Much about this season there were thrée no­table ships set foorth and furnished for the great aduenture of the vnknowne voiage into the east by the north seas. The great dooer and incourager of which voiage was Sebastian Gabato an English­man, Sebastian Gabato. borne at Bristow, but was the sonne of a Ge­nowaie. These ships at the last arriued in the coun­trie of Moscouia, not without great losse and dan­ger, line 60 and namelie of their capteine, who was a woor­thie and aduenturous gentleman, called sir Hugh Willoughbie knight, who being tossed and driuen by tempest, was at the last found in his ship frozen to death and all his people. But now the said voiage and trade is greatlie aduanced, and the merchants aduenturing that waie, are newlie by act of parle­ment incorporated and indued with sundrie priuile­ges and liberties.

About the beginning of the moneth of Maie next following, Thrée maria­ges betwéene great estates. there were thrée notable mariages con­cluded, & shortlie after solemnized at Durham place. The first was betwéene the lord Gilford Dudleie, the fourth sonne of the duke of Northumberland, and the ladie Iane, eldest daughter to Henrie duke of Suf­folke, & the ladie Francis his wife, was the daugh­ter of Marie second sister to king Henrie the eight, first maried to Lewes the French king, and after to Charles Brandon duke of Suffolke. The second ma­riage was betwéene the lord Herbert, son and heire to William earle of Penbroke, and the ladie Katha­rine, second daughter of the said ladie Francis, by the said Henrie duke of Suffolke. And the third was betwéene Henrie lord Hastings, sonne and heire to Francis earle of Huntington, and ladie Katharine yoongest daughter to the forenamed duke of Nor­thumberland.

These mariages were compassed & concluded chief­lie vpon purpose to change & alter the order of succes­sion to the crowne, The euill end whereto the knitting of these couples in mariage tended. made in the time of king Henrie the eight, from the said kings daughters, Marie and Elizabeth, and to conueie the same immediatlie af­ter the death of king Edward to the house of Suf­folke, in the right of the said ladie Francis: wherein the said yoong king was an earnest traueller in the time of his sickenesse, The kings feare fell out to be true. & all for feare that if his sister Marie, being next heire to the crowne, should suc­céed, that she would subuert all his lawes and sta­tutes made concerning religion, whereof he was most carefull: for the continuance whereof he sought to establish a meet order of succession, by the aliance of great houses by waie of marriage, which neuer­thelesse were of no force to serue his purpose. For tending to the disheriting of the rightfull heirs, they proued nothing prosperous to the parties: for two of them were soone after made frustrate, the one by death, the other by diuorse.

In the meane while, The kings sickenesse in­creaseth. the king became euerie daie more sicke than other of a consumption in his lungs, so as there was no hope of his recouerie. Where­vpon those that then bare chiefe authoritie in coun­cell, with other prelats and nobles of the realme, cal­led to them diuerse notable persons, learned as well in diuinitie as in the lawes of the land, namelie bi­shops, iudges, & other, who fell to consultation vpon this so weightie cause, and lastly concluded vpon the deuise of king Edwards will, to declare the said la­die Iane, eldest néece to king Henrie the eight, and wife to the said lord Gilford, to be rightfull heire in succession to the crowne of England, without re­spect had to the statute made in the fiue and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight: An euill min­ded consulta­tion of coun­cellors. the true meaning of which statute they did impugne and ouerthrow by di­uerse subtill sinister constructions of the same, to dis­herit the said kings daughters, to whome the suc­cession of the crowne of England of right appertei­ned, as well by the common lawes of this realme, as also by the said statute made in the said fiue and thir­tith yeare of king Henrie, as aforesaid. To which new order of succession, all the said kings councell, with manie bishops, lords, doctors and iudges of the realme subscribed their names, Sir Iames Hales the od man. without refusall of anie, except sir Iames Hales knight, one of the iu­stices of the common plées, who being called to this councell, would in no wise giue his assent, either by word or writing, as ye shall heare more in the histo­rie of quéene Marie.

Now when these matters were thus concluded, The death of king Edward the sixt. and after confirmed by a number of hands, as afore­said, then the noble prince king Edward the sixt, by long lingering sickenesse and consumption of his lungs aforesaid, approched to his death, and departed out of this life the sixt daie of Iulie, in the seuenth yeare of his reigne, and seuentéenth of his age, after he had reigned and noblie gouerned this realme six yeares, fiue moneths, and eight daies. And a little be­fore his departing, lifting vp his eies to God, hee praied as followeth.

[Page 1084]

The praier of king Edward the sixt at his death.

LOrd God, deliuer me out of this miserable and wretched life, take me among thy chosen: howbeit not my will, but thy will be doone. Lord I commit my spirit to thee, oh Lord thou knowest how happie it were for mee to be with thee: yet for thy chosens sake if line 10 it be thy will, send me life and helth, that I maie trulie serue thee. Oh my Lord blesse thy people, and saue thine inheritance. Oh Lord God, saue thy chosen people of England. Oh my Lord God defend this realme from papistrie, and mainteine thy true religion, that I and my people maie praise thy holie name. And therewithall he said, I am faint, Lord haue mercie vpon me, and take my spirit. line 20

Thus did this good yoong king yéeld vp to God his ghost the sixt daie of Iulie (as before is mentio­ned) whome if it had pleased God to haue spared with longer life, not vnlike it was, but he should haue so gouerned this English common-wealth, The commen­dation of king Edward. that he might haue béene comparable with any of his noble progenitors: so that the losse of so towardlie a yoong king, greatlie discomforted the whole English na­tion, that looked for such a reformation in the state of line 30 the common-wealth at his hands, as was to be wi­shed for of all good subiects: which bred such a liking in them toward him, that euen among verie traitorous rebels his name yet was had in reuerence, although otherwise they neuer so much forgat their dutie both towards him and other, appointed to gouerne vnder him, through a malicious and most wilfull error; as if his tender yeares had not sufficientlie warranted his roiall authoritie, but that the same had béene v­surped by others against his will and pleasure. line 40

And as he was intierlie beloued of his subiects, so with the like affection of kindnes he loued them a­gaine; of nature and disposition méeke, much inclined to clemencie, euer hauing a regard to the sparing of life. There wanted in him no promptnes of wit, gra­uitie of sentence, Sir Iohn Fox [...] the Acts & Monuments [...]nder the title of Edward the sixt. ripenesse of iudgement, as his age might beare, sauour and loue of religion was in him from his childhood, his skill and knowledge in scien­ces, besides his other excellent vertues, were such, that to them he séemed rather borne than brought vp. line 50 It maie séeme verie strange, that in his yoong years (as maister Fox reporteth of him) he could tell and recite all the ports, hauens, and créekes, not within his owne realme onelie, The noble memorie of [...]ing Edward and his rare w [...]t. but also in Scotland, and likewise in France, what comming in there was, how the tide serued in euerie of them; moreouer, what burthen, and what wind serued for the com­ming into each hauen: also of all his iustices, magi­strates, & gentlemen that bare any authoritie within his realme, he knew their names, their houskeeping, line 60 their religion and conuersation what it was. He had a singular respect to iustice, a vertue most commen­dable in a prince, and chieflie to the dispatch of poore mens sutes. Hée perfectlie vnderstood the Latine toong, the French, the Gréeke, Italian, and Spanish, neither was he ignorant (saith Cardanus) in Lo­gike, in the principles of naturall philosophie, or in musicke.

To conclude, his towardlinesse was such in all heroicall vertues, noble gifts, and markable quali­ties conuenient for his princelie estate, that so much was hoped for in his roiall person (if he had liued till triall might haue béene had of the proofe) as was to belooked for in anie one prince that euer had rule ouer this noble realme. ¶ The eight of Iulie, I. Stow. 1 [...]8. K. Edwards death opened. the lord maior of London was sent for to the court, then at Gréenwich, and to bring with him six aldermen, as manie merchants of the Staple, and as manie mer­chant aduenturers, vnto whom by the councell was secretlie declared the death of king Edward, & also whom he had ordeined to the succession of the crowne by his leters patents, to the which they were sworne, and charged to kéepe it secret.] But now to procéed with the dooings that followed. Immediatlie after the death of this so worthie a prince king Edward, Ladie Iane proclamed quéene. the aforesaid ladie Iane was proclamed quéene of this realme by the sound of trumpet, that is to saie, the ninth daie of Iulie, at which proclamation were present the lords of the councell, the maior of Lon­don, with others.

¶ The eleauenth of Iulie, Gilbert Pot, I. Stow. 1059. Gilbert Pot punished in Cheape. drawer to Ninion Sanders vintenex, dwelling at S. Iohns head within Ludgate, who was accused by the said Sanders his maister, was set vpon the pillorie in Cheape, with both his eares nailed, and cleane cut off, for words speaking at time of the proclamation of ladie Iane. At the which execution was a trumpet blowne, and a herald read his offense, in presence of one of the shiriffes, &c. About fiue of the clocke the same daie in the afternoone, Ninion Sanders, mas­ter to the said Gilbert Pot, Men drow­ned at Lon­don bridge. and Iohn Owen a gun­ner, comming from the tower of London, by water in a wherrie; and shooting London bridge, towards the blacke friers, were drowned at saint Marie Locke, and the whirriemen saued by their ores.]

The ladie Marie, a little before lieng at Honesdon in Hartfordshire, hauing intelligence of the state of the king hir brother, and of the secret practise against hir: by the aduise of hir fréends, with all spéed tooke hir iorneie toward hir house of Keningall in Norf­folke, intending there to remaine, vntill she could make hir selfe more strong of hir freends and alies, and withall wrote vnto the lords of the councell in forme as followeth.

A letter of the ladie Marie sent to the lords of the councell, wherein she claimeth the crowne now after the decease of hir brother king Edward.

MY lords we gréet you well, and haue re­ceiued sure aduertisement, that our dearest brother the king our late soue­reigne lord is departed to Gods mer­cie: which newes, how they be wofull to our heart, he onelie knoweth, to whose will and pleasure we must and doo humblie submit vs, and all our wils. But in this so lamentable a case, that is to wit, now after his maiesties departure and death, concerning the crowne & gouernance of this realme of England, with the title of France, The ladie Maries chal­lenge to the crowne by right of suc­cession. and all things thereto belonging that hath béene prouided by act of parlement, and the testament and last will of our dearest father, besides other circumstances aduan­cing our right; you know, the realme, and the whole world knoweth, the rolles and records appeare by the authoritie of the king our said father, and the king our said brother, and the subiects of this relme, so that we verelie trust that there is no true subiect that is, can, or would pretend to be ignorant thereof: and of our part we haue our selues caused, and as God shall aid and strength vs, shall cause our right and title in this behalfe to be published and proclamed accor­dinglie. And albeit this so weightie a matter séemeth strange, that the dieng of our said brother vpon thursdaie at night last past, we hitherto had no knowledge from you thereof: yet we consider your wisedomes and prudence to be such, that hauing eftsoones amongst you debated, pondered, and well [Page 1085] weighed this present case with our estate, with your owne estate, the commonwealth, and all our honors, we shall and may conceiue great hope and trust, with much assurance in your loialtie and seruice, and ther­fore for the time interpret and take things not to the worst, and that ye yet will like noblemen worke the best. Neuerthelesse, we are not ignorant of your con­sultations to vndoo the prouisions made for our pre­ferment, She certi­fieth the lords that she knoweth what is intended a­gainst hir. nor of the great bands and prouisions for­cible, wherevnto ye be assembled and prepared, by whome, and to what end, God and you know, and na­ture line 10 can feare some euill. But be it that some consi­deration politike, or whatsoeuer thing else hath moo­ued you thereto, yet doubt you not my lords, but we can take all these your dooings in gratious part, be­ing also right readie to remit and fullie pardon the same, with that fréelie to eschew bloudshed & venge­ance against all those that can or will intend the same, trusting also assuredlie you will take ani [...] ac­cept this grace and vertue in good part, as appertei­neth, and that we shall not be inforced to vse this ser­uice line 20 of other our true subiects and freends, which in this our iust and rightfull case, God (in whome our whole alliance is) shall send vs. Wherefore my lords, we require you, and charge you, and euerie of you, that euerie of you of your allegiance which you owe to God and vs, She chargeth the lords vp­on their loial­ties to cause hir right to the regiment to be procla­med. and to none other, for our honour, and the suertie of our realme, onelie imploie your selues and foorthwith vpon receit hereof cause our right and title to the crowne and gouernment of this realme, to be proclamed in our citie of London, and such o­ther line 30 places as to your wisedoms shall seeme good, and as to this case apperteineth, not failing hereof, as our verie trust is in you: and thus our letter signed with our owne hand shall be your sufficient warrant in this behalfe. Yeuen vnder our signet at our ma­nor of Keningall the ninth of Iulie 1553.

To this letter of the ladie Marie, the lords of the councell answered againe line 40 as followeth.

MAdam, we haue receiued your letters the ninth of this instant, declaring your sup­posed title, which you iudge your selfe to haue to the imperiall crowne of this realme, and all the dominions thereto belonging. For answer wherof, this is to aduertise you, that for­somuch as our souereigne ladie quéene Iane is, after the death of our souereigne lord Edward the sixt, The lords ad­uertise the la­die Marie that the ladie Iane is queene. a prince of most noble memorie, inuested and possessed line 50 with the iust and right title of the imperiall crowne of this realme, not onelie by good order of old anci­ent good lawes of this realme; but also by our late souereigne lords letters patents, signed with his owne hand, and sealed with the great seale of Eng­land, in presence of the most part of the nobles, coun­cellors, iudges, with diuers other graue and sage per­sonages, assenting and subscribing to the same: we must therefore, as of most bound dutie and allegi­ance, line 60 assent vnto hir said grace, and to none other, except we should (which faithfull subiects cannot) fall into gréeuous and vnspeakeable enormities. Where­fore we can no lesse doo, but for the quiet both of the realme and you also, to aduertise you, that forsomuch as the diuorse made betwéene the king of famous memorie king Henrie the eight, and the ladie Katha­rine your mother, was necessarie to be had, both by the euerlasting lawes of God, and also by the ecclesi­asticall lawes, A subtill shift to prooue the ladie Marie illegitimate. and by the most part of the noble and learned vniuersities of christendome, and confirmed also by the sundrie acts of parlements, remaining yet in their force, and thereby you iustlie made illegi­timate, and vnheritable to the crowne imperiall of this realme; and the rules, dominions, and possessi­ons of the same: you will vpon iust consideration hereof, and of diuers other causes lawfull to be alled­ged for the same, and for the iust inheritance of the right line, and godlie orders taken by the late king Edward the sixt, and greatest personages aforesaid, surcease, by anie pretense to vex and molest anie of our souereigne ladie quéene Iane hir subiects, from the true faith and allegiance due vnto hir grace; assu­ring you, that if you will for respect shew your selfe quiet and obedient (as you ought) you shall find vs all, and seuerall, readie to doo you a [...]e seruice that we with dutie may, and to be glad of your quietnesse, to preserue the common state of this realme, where­in you may be otherwise gréeuous vnto vs, to your selfe, and to them. And thus we bid you most hartilie well to fare. From the tower of London this ninth of Iulie.

Your ladiships freends shewing your selfe an obedient subiect,
  • Thomas Canturburie, the marquesse of Winche­ster,
  • Iohn Bedford,
  • William Northampton,
  • Tho­mas Elie chancellor,
  • Iohn Northumberland,
  • Hen­rie Suffolke,
  • Henrie Arundell,
  • Francis Shrewes­burie,
  • William Penbroke,
  • Cobham,
  • R. Rich,
  • Hun­tington,
  • Darcie,
  • Cheineie,
  • R. Cotton,
  • Iohn Gates,
  • William Peter,
  • William Cecill,
  • Iohn Chéeke,
  • Iohn Mason,
  • Edward North,
  • Robert Bowes.

All these aforesaid, except onelie the duke of Nor­thumberland, and sir Iohn Gates, were either by speciall fauour, or speciall or generall pardon, dischar­ged for this offense against hir committed, after hir comming to be quéene. But now vpon the receit of this answer, Ladie Marie remooueth frō Keningall to Fremingham castell. vnderstanding by hir fréends that she could not lie in suertie at Keningall, being a place o­pen & easie to be approched, she remooued from thence vnto hir castell of Fremingham, standing in a wood countrie, & not so easie to be inuaded by hir enimies. So soone as the councell heard of hir sudden depar­ture, and considering that all came not to passe as they supposed; they caused spéedilie a power of men to be gathered togither. And first they agréed that the duke of Suffolke father to the new made quéene, should haue the conduct and leading of the armie.

¶But afterward it was deuised and decréed vpon further considerations, Abr. Fl. ex. I. S. 1059. and by the speciall means of the ladie Iane his daughter, who taking the matter heauilie, with wéeping teares, made request to the whole councell, that hir father might tarrie at home in hir companie. The councell persuade the duke to vn­dertake this enterprise. Wherevpon the councell persuaded with the duke of Northumberland, to take that voi­age vpon him, saieng, that no man was so fit there­fore: bicause that he had atchiued the victorie in Norffolke once alreadie, and was therefore so fea­red, that none durst once lift vp their weapon a­gainst him: besides that, he was the best man of warre in the realme, as well for the ordering of his campes and souldiers, both in battell and in their tents, as also by experience, knowledge and wisdome; he could both animate his armie with wittie persua­sions, and also pacifie and allaie his enimies pride with his stout courage, or else to dissuade them (if néed were) from their enterprise. Finallie, said they, this is the short and the long, the quéene will in no wise grant, that hir father shall take it vpon him: wherefore (quoth they) we thinke it good, if it may please your grace, it lieth in you to remedie the mat­ter. With these & the like persuasions the duke was allured to put himselfe desperatlie vpon hazzard: ‘Non morte horrenda non vllis territus armis.’

Insomuch that he reioined vpon their talke, and said: Well then, sith yee thinke it good, I and mine will go, not doubting of your fidelitie to the queenes [Page 1086] maiestie, which now I leaue in your custodie. So that night he sent for both lords, knights, and other that should go with him, and caused all things to be pre­pared accordinglie. Then went the councell in to the ladie Iane, and told hir of their conclusion, who hum­blie thanked the duke for reseruing hir father at home, and beséeched him to vse his diligence: where­to he answered, that he would doo what in him laie. The morrow following, great preparation was made, the duke earlie in the morning called for his line 10 owne harnesse, and saw it made readie at Durham place, where he appointed all his retinue to méet. The same daie carts were laden with munition and ar­tillerie, C [...]rts laden [...] munitiō. and field péeces were set forward.

The same forenoone the duke mooued eftsoones the councell to send their powers after him, as it was before determined, the same to méet with him at Newmarket, and they promised they would. He said further to some of them: My lords, I and these other noble personages, The dukes [...] to the [...] of the councell. with the whole armie that line 20 now go foorth, as well for the behalfe of you & yours, as for the establishing of the quéenes highnesse, shall not onelie aduenture our bodies and liues amongst the bloudie strokes and cruell assaults of our aduer­saries in the open fields: but also we doo leaue the conseruation of our selues, children, and families at home here with you, as altogither committed to your truth and fidelities: whome, if we thought ye would through malice, conspiracie, or dissention leane vs your fréends in the briers, and betraie vs; line 30 we could as well sundrie waies foresee and prouide for our owne safegards, as anie of you by betraieng vs can doo for yours. But now vpon the onelie trust and faithfulnesse of your honors, whereof we thinke our selues most assured, we doo hazzard our liues. Which trust and promise if yée shall violate, hoping thereby of life and promotion: yet shall not God count you innocent of our blouds, neither acquite you of the sacred and holie oth of allegiance, made fréelie by you to this vertuous ladie the queenes highnesse, [...] meaneth [...] new quéen [...] depriued [...] executed. who by your and our intisement is rather line 40 of force placed therein, than by hir owne séeking and request. Consider also, that Gods cause, which is the preferment of his word, & feare of papists entrance, hath beene (as ye haue here before alwaies laid) the originall ground wherevpon ye euen at the first mo­tion granted your goodwils and consents therevnto, as by your handwritings appeareth; and thinke not the contrarie, but if ye meane deceit, though not foorthwith, yet hereafter God will reuenge the same. line 50

I can saie no more, but in this troublesome time wish you to vse constant hearts, abandoning all ma­lice, enuie, and priuat affections. And therewithall the first course for the lords came vp, wherefore the duke shut vp his talke with these words. I haue not spoken to you in this sort vpon anie mistrust I haue of your truths, The conclusi­ [...] of the [...] talke [...] the lords. of which alwaies I haue euer hither­to conceiued a trustie confidence, but I haue put you in remembrance thereof, what chance of variance so euer might grow amongst you in mine absence: and this I praie you, wish me not worsse good spéed in this line 60 iorneie, than yée would haue to your selues. My lord, saith one of them, if yee mistrust anie of vs in this matter, your grace is farre deceiued, for which of vs can wash his hands cleane thereof? And if we should shrinke from you as from one that were cul­pable, which of vs can excuse himselfe to be giltlesse? Therefore herein your doubt is too farre cast. I praie God it be (quoth the duke) let vs go to dinner: and so they sat downe. After dinner the duke went in to the quéene, where his commission was by that time sealed, for his lieutenantship of the armie, and then tooke his leaue of hir, and so did certeine other lords also.

Then as the duke came through the councell cham­ber, he tooke his leaue of the earle of Arundell, The earle of Arundell pro­fesseth him­selfe sorie that he goeth not with the duke of Northum­berland. who praied God be with his grace, saieng he was sorie it was not his chance to go with him and beare him companie, in whose presence he could find in his heart to spend his bloud euen at his féet. Then the earle of Arundell tooke Thomas Louell the dukes boie by the hand, and said; Farewell gentle Thomas with all my heart. Then the duke, with the lord mar­quesse of Northampton, the lord Greie, and diuerse other tooke their [...]rge, and went to Durham place, and to White [...] where that night they mustered their men: and the next daie in the morning the duke departed with the number of six hundred men, or thereabouts. And as they rode through Shordich, said the duke to the lord Greie; The people prease to see vs, but not one saith God spéed vs. The same daie sir Iohn Gates and other went out after the duke.]

Now as the duke went forward on his waie (with his commission from the whole councell, Much a do on all sides du­ring this stir broched be­twéene the duke and the ladie Marie. and his warrant vnder the broad seale of England, without mistrust of that which after fortuned to his owne de­struction, as in the historie of quéene Marie shall ap­peare, accompanied with no small number of lords and gentlemen, hauing notwithstanding his times prescribed, and his iourneies appointed by the coun­cell, to the intent he would not seeme to doo any thing but vpon warrant) what a doo there was, what stir­ring on euerie side, what sending, what riding and posting, what letters, messages, & instructions went to and fro, what talking among the souldiers, what hartburning among the people, what faire pretenses outwardlie, inwardlie what priuie practises there were, what speeding and sending foorth ordinance out of the tower, yea euen the same daie that quéene Marie at euen was proclaimed quéene, what ru­mors, and comming downe of souldiers as there was from all quarters, a world it was to see, and a processe to declare, enough to make (as saith master Fox) a whole volume, euen as big as an Ilias.

The greatest helpe that made for the ladie Marie, was the short iourneies of the duke, which by com­mission were assigned vnto him before, as aboue is mentioned: and happilie not without the politike forecast of some in fauour of the ladie Marie: for the longer the duke lingered in his voiage, The old pro­uerbe ver [...]fied Delaie brée­deth danger. the ladie ma­rie the more increased in puissance, the hearts of the people being mightilie bent vnto hir. Whervpon she in the meane time remaining at Fremingham, and hearing of this preparation against hir, gathered to­gither such power of the noblemen & other hir fréends in that countrie, as she could get. And first of all, the noblemen that came vnto hir aid, were the earles of Sussex, Bath, and Oxford, the lord Wentworth, sir Thomas Cornewallis, sir Henrie Ierningham, sir William Walgraue, with diuerse other gentlemen and commons of the counties of Norffolke and Suf­folke. Here (as master Fox noteth) the Suffolke men being the first that resorted to hir, Suffolke men the first that resorted to the ladie Marie. promised hir their aid and helpe to the vttermost of their powers, so that she would not go about to alter the religion which hir brother had established, and was now vsed and exercised through the realme. To this condition she agréed, with such promise, as no man would haue doubted that anie innouation of matters in religi­on should haue followed, by hir sufferance or pro­curement during hir reigne: but how soone shée forgat that promise, it shall shortlie after plainelie appeare.

In this meane season, the lord Windsor, Assistants to the ladie Marie. sir Ed­mund Peckham, sir Robert Drurie, and sir Edward Hastings, raised the commoners of the shire of Buckingham; vnto whome sir Iohn Williams, which afterward was lord Williams of Thame, [Page 1087] and sir Leonard Chamberleine, with the cheefe pow­er of Oxfordshire. And out of Northamptonshire came sir Thomas Tresham, and a great number of gentlemen out of diuerse parts, whose names were too long to rehearse. These capteins with their com­panies being thus assembled in warlike manner, marched forward towards Norffolke to the aid of the ladie Marie, and the further they went, the more their power increased.

¶About this time six ships well manned, that were line 10 appointed to lie before Yarmouth, Abr. Fl. ex I.S pag. 1062. and to haue taken the ladie Marie if she had fled that waie, were by force of weather driuen into the hauen, where one maister Ierningham was raising power on the la­die Maries behalfe, who hearing therof, came thither. Whervpon the capteins tooke a bote and went to the ships, but the sailers and souldiers asked master Ier­ningham what he would haue, Aid by wind and wether for quéene Marie that was bent against hir. and whether he would haue their capteins or no, and he said yea. Marrie said they, ye shall haue them or we will throw them line 20 into the bottome of the sea. But the capteins said foorthwith, that they would serue quéene Marie wil­linglie, and so brought foorth their men, and conueied with them their great ordinance. Of the comming of these ships the ladie Marie was woonderfull ioi­ous, & afterward doubted little the dukes puissance: but when newes thereof was brought to the tower, each man there began to draw backward: and ouer that, word of a greater mischeefe was brought to the tower: that is to saie, that the noblemens tenants line 30 refused to serue their lords against quéene Marie.

The duke of Northumber­land writeth for more suc­cours.The duke thought long for his succors, and wrote somewhat sharplie to the councell at the tower in that behalfe, as well for lacke of men as munition, but a slender answer had he againe. And from that time forward, certeine of the councell, to wit, the erle of Penbroke, and sir Thomas Cheineie lord war­den, and other, sought to get out of the tower to con­sult in London, but could not. On the sixtéenth of Iulie, being sundaie, doctor Ridleie bishop of Lon­don, Doctor Rid­leie persua­deth the peo­ple in the title of queene Iane, &c. line 40 by commandement of the councell, preached at Paules crosse, where he vehementlie persuaded the people in the title of the ladie Iane, late proclamed quéene, and inueied earnestlie against the title of la­die Marie, &c. The same sixteenth of Iulie, the lord treasuror was gone out of the tower to his house in London at night, and foorthwith about seauen of the clocke the gates of the tower vpon a sudden were shut vp, and the keies borne vp to the ladie Iane, which was for feare of some packing in the lord trea­suror: line 50 but he was fetched againe to the tower about twelue of the clocke in the night.]

The lords of the councell, being in this meane while at London, The lords of the councell suspecting that all would go against them, procla­med the ladie Marie quéen. after they vnderstood how the bet­ter part of the realme were inclined, and hearing euerie daie newes of great assemblies, began to sus­pect the sequell of this enterprise. So that prouiding for their owne suertie, without respect of the duke (who now was at Burie) they fell to a new councell, and lastlie by assent made proclamation at London in the name of the ladie Marie, by the name of Ma­rie quéene of England, France, & Ireland, defender of the faith, & of the churches of England & Ireland supreme head. Of which proclamation, after the duke of Northumberland, being then at Burie, was ad­uertised by letters of discomfort from the councell, he incontinentlie, according to the new order recei­ued from them, returned with his power againe to Cambridge. Now so sudden change of minds foorth­with appeared in his armie, that they which before séemed most forward in that quarrell, began first to flie from him, & so euerie man shifting for himselfe, he that late before was furnished of such multitude of souldiers, was suddenlie forsaken of all sauing a few, whose perils were ioined with his.

But now before I proceed anie further in the hi­storie of quéene Marie, who was now receiued and proclamed quéene, as then to succeed hir brother, I will speake somewhat of the learned men that wrote & published anie pamphlets or treatises in his daies, Learned [...] that wrote [...] the reigne of king Ed­ward. as in deed there were manie: but for that the more part of them died in quéene Maries time, or in the quéenes maiesties time that now is, or else are yet liuing, I doo omit those here, meaning to speake of them hereafter, if God shall permit, as occasion maie serue. For the residue that ended their liues in this kings daies, these I find: Dauid Clapham a lawyer and well séene in the Latine toong, wrote sundrie treatises; Robert Talbot a prebendarie of Norwich, verie skilfull in antiquities; Edward Hall a counsellor in the common law, but excellent­lie séene in histories, wrote a notable chronicle of the vnion of the two houses of Yorke & Lancaster.

Furthermore Richard Tracie of Todington in Glocestershire, an esquier, and verie well learned, sonne to William Tracie; doctor Ioseph an excel­lent preacher; George Ioie a Bedfordshire man, that wrote diuerse treatises concerning diuinitie, and died either in the last yeare of king Edward, or in the beginning of quéene Maries reigne, as appea­reth by master Bale; Alexander Barkleie a Scot, a notable poet, and a good rhetorician, departed this life in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and two; William Hugh a Yorkeshireman, wrote, be­sides other things, a notable treatise called the trou­bled mans medicine, he deceassed by the bursting of a veine, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred fortie and nine; Thomas Sternehold borne in South­hampton, turned into English méeter seuen & thir­tie psalmes chosen foorth of Dauids psalter. Of stran­gers that liued and died here in this kings daies, ex­cellentlie learned, and renowmed for such treatises as they published to the world, Martine Bucer and Paulus Fagius are most famous. To end now with this part of the booke concerning king Ed­ward, I haue thought good to set downe Ierom Car­dans verses, written as an epitaph of him (and recor­ded by master Fox in his historie) as here followeth:

Flete nefas magnum, sed toto flebilis orbe
Mortales, vester corruit omnis honor.
Carmen [...] in obitum regi [...] Ed [...]ardi▪
Nam regum decus, & iuuenum flos, spésque bonorum,
Deliciae secli, & gloria gentis erat.
Dignus Apollineis lachrymis, doctaeque Minerua:
Flosculus heu miserè concidit ante diem.
Te cumulo dabimus musa, supremáque flentes
Munera, Melpomene tristia fata canet.
Thus farre the good and vertuous yoong prince Edward the sixt, successor to Henrie the eight of most famous memorie.

Marie the eldest daughter of king Henrie the eight successor to Edward the sixt.

MArie eldest daughter of K. Henrie the eight, by the ladie Katharine of Spaine, his first wife, and sister vn­to king Edward the sixt, by the fathers side, began hir reigne the sixt daie of Iulie, which daie the king hir bro­ther died, and she was pro­clamed at London (as is before remembred in the end of the historie of king Edward the sixt) the nine­teenth line 30 daie of the same moneth, year 1553 [...]uéene Ma­rie proclamed. in the yeare of our Lord 1553: after the creation of the world 5520, in the fiue and thirtith yeare of Charles the fift, em­peror of Almaine, in the seuenth yéere of Henrie the second of that name K. of France, & in the eleuenth of Marie quéene of Scotland. The twentith of Iulie the duke of Northumberland being come backe to Cambridge, heard that the proclamation of queene Marie was come thither, whereof he being aduer­tised, called for a trumpetter and an herald; but none line 40 could be found. Whervpon he riding into the mar­ket place with the maior, and the lord marques of Northampton, made the proclamation himselfe, and threw vp his cap in token of ioy. Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1064. ¶ Within an houre after he had letters from the councell (as he said) that he should forthwith dismisse his armie, and not come within ten miles of London: for if he did, they would fight with him, the rumor whereof was no sooner abroad, but euerie man departed. And shortlie after, the duke was arrested in the kings line 50 college by one maister Sleg sargeant at arms.

At the last, letters were brought from the coun­cell at London, that all men should go each his waie. Wherevpon the duke said to them that kept him; Ye doo me wrong to withdraw my libertie, sée you not the councels letters without exception, that all men should go whither they would? At which words they that kept him and the other noblemen, set them at libertie, and so continued they for that night: in­somuch that the earle of Warwike was readie in line 60 the morning to haue rode awaie. The duke submitteth [...]selfe and [...]s arrested by the earle of Arundell. But then came the erle of Arundell from the quéene to the duke into his chamber, who went out to méet him. Now as soone as he saw the earle of Arundell, he fell on his knees, and desired him to be good to him for the loue of God: Consider (saith he) I haue doone nothing but by the consents of you and all the whole councell. My lord (quoth the earle of Arundell) I am sent hither by the quéens maiestie, and in hir name I doo arrest you. And Iobeie it my lord (quoth he) I beséech you my lord of Arundell (quoth the duke) vse mercie towards me, knowing the case as it is. My lord (quoth the earle) ye should haue sought for mercie sooner, I must doo according to commandement: herwith he com­mitted the charge of him and the others to the gard and gentlemen that stood by.] The lord marques af­ter this went to quéene Marie. On the fiue & twen­tith daie of the said moneth, the duke of Northum­berland, with Francis earle of Huntington, Iohn earle of Warwike son and heire to the said duke, and two other of his yoonger sons, the lord Ambrose and the lord Henrie Dudleie, sir Andrew Dudleie, Sir Iohn Gates capteine of the gard to king Ed­ward the sixt, sir Henrie Gates brethren, sir Thomas Palmer knights, and doctor Sands were brought to the tower by the earle of Arundell. The lord Ha­stings dis­charged out of the tower. But as they entered within the tower gate, the earle of Arundell discharged the lord Hastings, taking him out of the tower with him. On the six & twentith of Iulie, the lord marques of Northampton, the bishop of Lon­don, the lord Robert Dudleie, and sir Robert Cor­bet were brought from the quéenes campe vnto the tower. The eight and twentith of Iulie, Duke of Suffolke committed to the tower. the duke of Suffolke was committed to the tower, but the one and twentith of the same moneth he was set at libertie by the diligent sute of the ladie Francis grace his wife.

After that quéene Marie was thus with full con­sent of the nobles and commons of the realme pro­clamed quéene, she being then in Northfolke, at hir castell of Framingham, Quéene Ma­rie commeth to London. repaired with all speed to the citie of London: and the third daie of the said moneth of August she came to the said citie, and so to the tower, where the ladie Iane of Suffolke (late afore proclamed quéene) with hir husband the lord Gilford, a little before hir comming, were commit­ted to ward, & there remained almost after fiue mo­neths. And by the waie, as the quéene thus passed, she was ioifullie saluted of all the people, without anie misliking; sauing that it was much feared of manie, that she would alter the religion set foorth by king Edward hir brother, whereof then were giuen iust occasions: because (notwithstanding diuerse lawes made to the contrarie) she had dailie masse and La­tine seruice said before hir in the tower. Yea it was doubted in like sort, that she would both adnull and innouat certeine lawes and decrées established by the yoong prince hir predecessor: which she did in deed, as one hath left testified in a memoriall of hir succes­sion (but little vnto hir commendation) saieng:

At Maria Eduardi regni succedit habenis,
Confirmans iterùm regno papalia iura,
Concilióque nouas leges sancire vocato
Molitur, latas à fratre perosa priores.

At hir entrie into the tower there were presented to hir certeine prisoners; namelie, Prisoners discharged. Thomas duke of Norffolke, who in the last yeare of king Henrie the eight (as you haue heard) was supposed to be attain­ted of treason: but in the parlement of this first [Page 1089] yeare of quéene Marie, the said supposed attaindour was by the authoritie and act of parlement, for good and apparant causes alleged in the said act, decla­red to be vtterlie frustrat and void. Also Edward Courtneie son and heire to Henrie marques of Ex­cester, coosine germane to king Henrie the eight, and Cutbert Tunstall bishop of Durham, with o­ther persons of great calling; but speciallie Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, whom she not onlie released out of imprisonment, Stephan Gardiner made lord chancellor. but also immediatlie line 10 aduanced and preferred to be lord chancellor of Eng­land, restoring him also to his former estate and bi­shoprike, and remoued from the same one doctor Poinet, who a little before was placed therein by the gift of king Edward the sixt.

And touching Edward Courtneie, she not onelie aduanced him to the earldome of Deuonshire, Edward Courtneie created earle of Deuon­shire. but also to so much of his fathers possessions as there re­mained in hir hands; whereby it was then thought of manie, that she bare affection to him by the waie line 20 of marriage: but it came not so to passe (for what cause I am not able to giue anie reason) but surelie the subiects of England were most desirous thereof. Upon the receiuing of this new queene, all the bishops which had béene depriued in the time of king Edward the sixt hir brother, Bishops re­stored and o­thers depri­ued. for the cause of reli­gion, were now againe restored to their bishopriks; and such other as were placed in king Edward his time, remoued from their sées, and others of con­trarie religion placed. Amongest whom, Edmund line 30 Bonner doctor of the lawes, late afore depriued from the sée of London, and committed prisoner to the Marshalsea by order of king Edwards councell, was with all fauour restored to his libertie and bi­shoprike. Maister Nicholas Ridleie doctor in diuini­tie, late before aduanced to the same sée by the said king, was hastilie displaced, and committed priso­ner to the tower of London. The cause why such ex­tremitie was vsed towards the said bishop Ridleie, more than to the rest, was for that in the time of ladie line 40 Iane, Why Ridleie was more ri­gorouslie handled than the rest. Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1067. he preached a sermon at Pauls crosse by the commandement of king Edwards councell, where­in he dissuaded the people, for sundrie causes, from receiuing the ladie Marie as queene. ¶ On the ninth of August in the afternoone, the queene held an obse­quie in the tower for king Edward, the dirge being soong in Latine, and on the morrow a masse of Re­quiem, The buriall of king Ed­ward. whereat the quéene with hir ladies offered. The same daie the corps of king Edward was bu­ried at Westminster, the lord treasuror, the earle of line 50 Penbroke, and the earle of Shrewesburie being chéefe mourners, with diuerse other noble men and others. Doctor Daie bishop of Chichester preached at the said buriall, and all the seruice with a commu­nion was in English. Thus was finished the so­lemne funerall of that good prince, at whose birth there were not so manie reioising hearts, but at his death there were by infinit ods manie more wee­ping eies, & sad spirits: whose tender bodie, though pined with sicknesse, & consumed with rottennesse, maie perhaps leaue for succéeding ages no relike line 60 to gaze vpon; yet the memorie of his name shall be euer gréene. For he was, as one trulie saith of him:

Ille erat Europae Phoenix, quem funere acerbo
(Vt flos vere nouo viridanti carpitur horto)
Sustulit ante diem mors immatura Britannis,
Inuidet haec terris pietatem & iura colentes.]

Doctor Boorne a chapleine of bishop Bon­ner.The thirteenth of August doctor Bonner restored now to his bishoprike againe, appointed one late a chapleine of his called doctor Boorne to preach at Paules crosse, who was then promoted to the queens seruice, & not long after was made bishop of Bath. The said doctor taking occasion of the gospell of that daie, spake somewhat largelie in the iustifieng of bi­shop Bonner, being present at the sermon, which bishop (as the said preacher then openlie said) for a sermon made vpon the same text, and in the same place the same daie foure yéeres afore passed, was most vniustlie cast into the vile dungeon of the Mar­shalsea among theeues, and there kept during the time of king Edwards reigne. This matter being set foorth with great vehemencie, so much offended the eares of part of the audience, that they brake si­lence, and began to murmur and throng togither, in such sort as the maior and aldermen with other of the wiser sort then present feared much an vprore. Du­ring which muttering, one more feruent than his fellowes threw a dagger at the preacher: A dagger throwne at the preacher. but who it was, came not to knowlege. By reason of which out­rage the preacher withdrew himselfe from the pulpit, and one maister Bradford at the request of the prea­chers brother and others standing there, tooke the place, and spake so mildlie to the people, that with few words he appeased their furie: and after the said maister Bradford and maister Rogers, although men of contrarie religion, conueied the said preacher into Paules schoole, and there left him safelie.

The next sundaie following, The preacher at Paules crosse defen­ded by the gard. for feare of a like tumult or worse, order was taken that the queens gard should be present in place to defend the prea­cher with weapons. Wherevpon the wiser men per­ceiuing such a number of weapons, and that great perill was not vnlike to insue, by such appeerance of late not accustomed, would not be present at the sermon, by reason whereof there was left a small auditorie. Wherefore afterward there was a com­mandement giuen by the lord maior, that the anci­ents of the companies should be present at the next sermon in their liueries, and so they were, whereby all became quiet. The duke of Northumber­lād arreigned. The eightéenth of August next following, the duke of Northumberland, the lord marquesse of Northampton, and the earle of War­wike, son and heire to the said duke, were brought in­to Westminster h [...]ll, and there arreigned of high treason before Thomas duke of Norffolke high Ste­ward of England.

The duke of Northumberland at his comming to the barre, vsed great reuerence towards the iud­ges: and protesting his faith and allegiance to the quéens maiestie, whome he confessed gréeuouslie to haue offended, he said that he meant not to speake anie thing in defense of his fact, but would first vn­derstand th'opinion of the court in two points. First whether a man dooing anie act by authoritie of the princes councell, The dukes request to vn­derstand the opinion of the court in two points. & by warrant of the great seale of England, & dooing nothing without the same, maie be charged with treason for any thing which he might doo by warrant thereof? Secondlie, whether anie such persons as were equally culpable in that crime, and those by whose letters and commandements he was directed in all his dooings might be his iudges, or passe vpon his triall as his péeres? Wherevnto was answered, that as concerning the first, the great seale which he laid for his warrant, was not the seale of the lawfull quéene of the realme, nor pas­sed by authoritie: but the seale of an vsurper, and therefore could be no warrant to him. And to the se­cond it was alledged, that if anie were as deeplie to be touched in that case as himselfe, yet so long as no atteindor were of record against them, they were neuerthelesse persons able in law to passe vpon anie triall, and not to be chalenged therefore, but at the princes pleasure. After which answer the duke vsing few words, declared his earnest repentance in the case (for he saw that to stand vpon vttering anie rea­sonable matter, as might séeme, would little pre­uaile) and he mooued the duke of Norffolke to be a meane vnto the quéene for mercie, and without fur­ther [Page 1090] answer confessed the indictment, by whose ex­ample the other prisoners arreigned with him, did likewise confesse the indictments produced against them, and therevpon had iudgement.

¶Now when iudgement was giuen, the duke said; I beséech you my lords all to be humble suters to the quéenes maiestie, Abr. Fl. ex [...]. 1069. The duke of Northumber­lands foure requests after [...] iudgment and to grant me foure requests, which are these: first, that I maie haue that death which noble men haue had in times past, and not the other: secondarilie, that hir maiestie will be grati­ous line 10 to my children which maie hereafter doo good ser­uice, considering that they went by my commande­ment who am their father, and not of their owne frée willes: thirdlie, that I may haue appointed to me some learned man for the instruction and quieting of my conscience: and fourthlie, that she will send two of the councell to commune with me, to whome I will declare such matters as shall be expedient for hir and the common-weale: and thus I beseech you all to praie for me. line 20

The ninetéenth of August, sir Andrew Dudleie, sir Iohn Gates, and sir Henrie Gates brethren, and sir Thomas Palmer knights, were arreigned at Westminster; and confessing their indictments, had iudgement, which was pronounced by the marquesse of Winchester high treasuror of England that sate that daie as chiefe iustice. On the twentith of August doctor Watson chapleine to the bishop of Winches­ter preached at Pauls crosse, Preacher at P [...]ules crosse [...]ded. by the quéenes appoint­ment, & for feare of the like tumult as had béene not line 30 long before, certeine lords of the councell repai­red to the sermon, as the lord treasuror, the lord pri­uie seale, the earle of Bedford, the earle of Penbroke, the lord Wentworth, the lord Rich, and sir Henrie Gerningam capteine of the gard with two hundred of the gard, which stood about the preacher with hal­berts. Also the maior had warned the companies of the citie to be present in their liueries, which was well accepted of the queenes councell: and the ser­mon was quietlie ended. line 40

On the two and twentith of August Iohn duke of Northumberland was beheaded on the tower hill, whose bodie with the head was buried in the tower, by the bodie of Edward late duke of Sumerset. So that there lieth before the high altar two dukes be­twéene two quéenes, to wit, the duke of Summer­set & the duke of Northumberland betweene quéene Anne and quéene Katharine, all foure beheaded. At the same time and place also was likewise behea­ded sir Iohn Gates, Sir Iohn Gates and sir Thomas Palmer be­ [...]ded. and sir Thomas Palmer, which line 50 sir Iohn Gates in that place vsed few words, but laid downe his head without anie kercher, and had the same striken off at thrée blowes. Sir Thomas Palmer, as soone as he came to the scaffold, tooke e­uerie man by the hand, and desired them to praie for him: then putting off his gowne, he leaned vpon the [...]ast raile, and said these words in effect.

The effect of such words as sir Thomas Palmer vttered on the line 60 scaffold at his death.

MY maisters (quoth he) God saue you all. It is not vnknowne vnto you wherefore I come hither, which I haue worthilie well de­serued at Gods hands: for I know it to be his diuine ordinance, by this meanes to call me to his mercie, and to teach me to know my selfe, what I am, and wherevn­to we are all subiect: I thanke his merci­full goodnesse, for hee hath caused me to learne more in one little darke corner in yonder tower, than euer I learned by a­nie trauell in so manie places as I haue beene. For there (I saie) I haue seene God▪ what he is, & how vnsearchable his woon­derous works are, & how infinit his mer­cies be: I haue seene there my selfe throgh­lie, and what I am, nothing but a lumpe of sin, earth, dust, and of all vilenesse most vi­lest: I haue seene there and know what the world is, how vaine, deceitfull, transitorie, and short it is; how wicked and lothsome the works thereof are in the sight of Gods maiestie; how he neither regardeth the manaces of the proud men and migh­tie ones, neither despiseth the humblenesse of the poore & lowlie which are in the same world: finallie, I haue seene there what death is, how nie hanging ouer all mens heds, and yet how vncerteine the time, and how vnknowne to all men, and how little it is to be feared. And should I feare death or be sad therefore? Haue I not seene two die before mine eies? Yea and within the hearing of mine eares? No, neither the sprinkling of the bloud, nor the sheading thereof, nor the bloudie ax it selfe shall make me afraid. And now taking my leaue of the same, I praie you all to praie for me. Come on good fellow (quoth he) art thou he that must doo the deed? I forgiue thee with all my hart; & then kneeling downe, & laieng his hed on the blocke, he said; I will see how meet the blocke is for my necke, I praie thee strike not yet, for I haue a few praiers to saie; and that doone, strike on Gods name, good leaue thou.

His praiers ended, and desiring ech man to praie for him, he laid downe his head againe, and so the ex­ecutioner foorthwith tooke it from him at one stroke. On the thrée and twentith of August the quéene deli­uered the great seale to doctor Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and made him lord chancellor. New lord chancellor. The sea­uen and twentith of August, Latine ser­uice. the seruice began in La­tine to be soong in Pauls church in London. The six and twentith of August in the euening the notablest ship in England called the great Harrie was burnt at Woolwich by negligence of the mariners, Great Harrie a ship burnt. she was of burthen a thousand tuns. The first of Sep­tember the quéene demanded a prest of the citie of London of twentie thousand pounds, Prest to the quéene. to be repaied againe within fouretéene daies after Michael masse next folowing, which sum was leuied of the aldermen and one hundred & twentie commoners. The fourth of September was proclamed certeine new coins of gold and siluer, New coine [...]. a souereigne of gold of thirtie shil­lings, the halfe souereigne fiftéene shillings, an an­gell at ten shillings, the halfe angell fiue shillings. Of siluer, the grote, halfe grote and pennie: Subsidie par­doned. all base coines to be currant as before. Also the same daie by proclamation was pardoned the subsidie of foure shillings the pound of lands, and two shillings eight pence the pound of moouable goods, granted in the last parlement of king Edward the sixt.] Soone af­ter this Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturbu­rie, and late before of king Edwards priuie councell, The archbi­shop of Can­turburie com­mitted to the tower. was committed to the tower of London, being char­ged of treason, not onelie for giuing aduise to the dis­heriting of quéene Marie, but also for aiding the duke of Northumberland with certeine horsse and men against the queene, in the quarrell of the ladie Iane of Suffolke: wherein (if he were culpable) he [Page 1091] lacked the prouidence and foresight of after-claps, which Sée before pag. 1030, 1031 doctor Parker in the insurrection Ket vsing saued both his life and estimation.

Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow 1067.¶On the seuen and twentith of September quéene Marie came to the tower by water, accompanied with the ladie Elizabeth hir sister, and other ladies, before whose arriuall there was shot a great peale of guns. The last of September quéene Marie rode through the citie of London towards Westminster, sitting in a chariot of cloth of tissue, drawne with six line 10 horsses all trapped with the like cloth of tissue. She sate in a gowne of purple veluet, furred with pow­dered ermins, Coronation of quéene Ma­rie, hir pompe and traine. hauing on hir head a kall of cloth of tinsell, béeset with pearle and stone, and aboue the same vpon hir head a round circlet of gold, béeset so richlie with pretious stones, that the value thereof was inestimable, the same kall and circle being so massie and ponderous, that she was faine to beare vp hir head with hir hand, and the canopie was borne ouer hir chariot. Who rode be­fore and after hir. Before hir rode a number of gen­tlemen line 20 & knights, then iudges, then doctors, then bi­shops, then lords, then the councell, after whome fol­lowed the knights of the Bath in their robes, the bi­shop of Winchester lord chancellor, and the marques of Winchester lord high treasuror, next came the duke of Norffolke, and after him the earle of Oxford, who bare the sword before hir, the maior of London in a gown of crimsin veluet bare the scepter of gold, &c. After the quéenes chariot sir Edward Hastings led hir horsse in his hand: then came another chariot line 30 hauing a couering of cloth of siluer all white, and six horsses trapped with the like: therein sate the ladie Elizabeth, The ladie Elizabeth and the ladie Anne of Cleue. and the ladie Anne of Cleue: then ladies and gentlewomen riding on horsses trapped with red veluet, and their gownes and kirtles like­wise of red veluet; after them folowed two other cha­riots couered with red sattin, and the horsses betrap­ped with the same, and certeine gentlewomen be­twéene euerie of the said chariots riding in crimsin sattin, their horsses betrapped with the same; the num­ber line 40 of the gentlewomen so riding were six and fortie, besides them in the chariots.

At Fanchurch was a costlie pageant made by the Genowaies: A pageant made by stran­gers. at Gracechurch corner there was an o­ther pageant made by the Easterlings. At the vpper end o [...] Gracesstréet there was an other pageant made by the Florentins verie high, on the top where­of there stood foure pictures, and in the middest of them and most highest, there stood an angell all in gréene, with a trumpet in his hand: and when the line 50 trumpetter (who stood secretlie in the pageant) did sound his trumpet, the angell did put his trumpet to his mouth, as though it had béene the same that had sounded, to the great maruelling of manie ignorant persons: this pageant was made with three thorough faires or gates, &c. The conduit in Cornehill ran wine, The conduit in Cornewall ran wine. and beneath the conduit a pageant made at the charges of the citie, and an other at the great con­duit in Cheape, and a founteine by it running wine. The standard in Cheape new painted, with the waits line 60 of the citie aloft theron plaieng. The crosse in Cheape new washed and burnished.

An other pageant at the little conduit in Cheape next to Paules was made by the citie, where the al­dermen stood, & when the quéene came against them, the recorder made a short proposition to hir, and then the chamberleine presented to hir in the name of the maior and the citie, The recorder of London maketh a short spéech to the quéene passing by. a purse of cloth of gold, and a thousand marks of gold in it: then she rode foorth, and in Paules church-yard against the schoole, one master Heiwood sat in a pageant vnder a vine, and made to hir an oration in Latine & English. A Dutchman on the Wea­thercocke of Paules. Then was there one Peter a Dutchman that stood on the weather­c [...]cke of Paules stéeple, holding a streamer in his hand of fiue yards long, and wauing thereof, stood sometimes on the one foot, and shooke the other, and then knéeled on his knees, to the great maruell of all people. He had made two scaffolds vnder him, one aboue the crosse, hauing torches and streamers set on it, and an other ouer the ball of the crosse likewise set with streamers & torches, which could not burne, the wind was so great: the said Peter had sixteene pounds thirtéene shillings foure pense giuen him by the citie for his costs and paines, and for all his stuffe.

Then was there a pageant made against the deane of Paules gate, A pageant wherein the queeri­sters of Paules [...] on vials. where the quéeristers of Paules plaied on vials and soong. Ludgate was newlie re­pared, painted, and richlie hanged, with minstrels plaieng and singing there. Then was there an other pageant at the conduit in Fleetstréet, and the temple barre was newlie painted and hanged. And thus she passed to Whitehall at Westminster, where she tooke hir leaue of the lord maior, giuing him great thanks for his pains, and the citie for their cost. On the mor­row, which was the first daie of October, the quéene went by water to the old palace, and there remained till about eleuen of the clocke, and then went on foot vpon blew cloth, being railed on either side, vnto saint Peters church, where she was solemnlie crow­ned and annointed by Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester (for the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke were then prisoners in the tower) which coro­nation and other ceremonies and solemnities then vsed according to the old custome, Quéene Ma­rie crowned quéene by Stephan Gardiner. was not fullie en­ded till it was nigh foure of the clocke at night that she returned from the church, before whom was then borne three swords sheathed, & one naked. The great seruice that daie doone in Westminster hall at din­ner by diuerse noblemen, would aske long time to write. The lord maior of London & twelue citizens kept the high cupboord of plate as butlers: and the quéene gaue to the maior for his fée a cupboord of gold with a couer weieng seuentéene ounces.]

At the time of this quéenes coronation, A pardon with excep­tions. there was published a generall pardon in hir name, being in­terlaced with so manie exceptions, as they that née­ded the same most, tooke smallest benefit thereby. In which were excepted by name no small number, not onelie of bishops and other of the cleargie, namelie the archbishops of Canturburie and Yorke, the bi­shop of London, but also manie lords, knights, and gentlemen of the laitie, beside the two chiefe iustices of England called sir Edward Montacute, and sir Roger Cholmeleie, with some other learned men in the law, for counselling, or at the least consenting to the depriuation of quéene Marie, and aiding of the foresaid duke of Northumberland, in the pretensed right of the before named ladie Iane, the names of which persons so being excepted, I haue omitted for shortnesse sake.

As soone as this pardon was published, Commissio­ners. and the so­lemnitie of the feast of the coronation ended, there were certeine commissioners assigned to take order with all such persons as were excepted out of the par­don, and others, to compound with the queene for their seuerall offenses. Which commissioners sat at the deane of Paules his house, at the west end of Paules church, and there called before them the said persons apart, and from some they tooke their fees and offices granted before by king Edward the sixt, and yet neuerthelesse putting them to their fines: and some they committed to ward, depriuing them of their states and liuings: so that for the time, to those that tasted thereof, it seemed verie grieuous. God deliuer vs from incurring the like danger of law againe. The fift daie of October next following, A parlement. the quéene held hir hie court of parlement at West­minster, [Page 1092] which continued vntill the one and twentith daie of the said moneth.

In the first session of which parlement, there pas­sed no more acts but one, and that was, to declare queene Marie lawfull heire in descent to the crowne of England by the common lawes, next after hir brother king Edward; Treason. Felonie. Premunire. and to repeale certeine cau­ses of treason, fellonie, and premunire, conteined in diuers former statutes: the which act of repeale was, for that cardinall Poole was especiallie looked for (as after ye shall heare) for the reducing of the church of line 10 England to the popes obedience: and to the end that the said cardinall now called into England from Rome, might hold his courts legantine without the danger of the statutes of the premunire, made in that case, whereinto cardinall Wolseie (when he was legat) had incurred to his no small losse, and to the charge of all the clergie of England, for exerci­sing the like power: The parle­ment proro­ged. the which act being once passed, foorthwith the queene repaired to the parlement line 20 house, and gaue therevnto hir roiall assent, and then proroged the parlement vnto the foure and twentith daie of the said moneth. In which second session were confirmed and made diuerse and sundrie statutes concerning religion, wherof some were restored, and other repealed.

¶Sir Thomas White for this yéere maior and mer­chant tailor, Abr, Fl. ex. I. S. pag 1075. Charitable deeds of sir Thomas White. a woorthie patrone and protector of poore scholers & lerning, renewed or rather erected a college in Oxenford, now called saint Iohns college, before Bernard college. He also erected schooles at Bristow line 30 and Reading. Moreouer, this worshipfull citizen in his life time gaue to the citie of Bristow two thou­sand pounds of readie monie to purchase lands, to the yearlie value of one hundred & twentie pounds, for the which it is decreed, that the maior, burgesses and communaltie of Bristow, in the yeare of our Lord 1567, and so yearelie during the tearme of ten yeares then next insuing, A president of monie well emploied af­ter death. should cause to be paid at Bristow, one hundred pounds of lawfull monie. The first eight hundred pounds to be lent to sixtéene poore line 40 yoongmen clothiers, & fréemen of the same towne, for the space of ten yeares, fiftie pounds the péece of them, putting sufficient suerties for the same, and at the end of ten yeares, to be lent to other sixteene, at the discretion of the maior, aldermen, and foure of the common councell of the said citie.

Prouision of corne for the poore.The other two hundred pounds to be imploied in the prouision of corne, for the reléefe of the poore of the same citie, for their readie monie, without gaine line 50 to be taken. And after the end of ten yeares on the feast daie of saint Bartholomew, which shall be in the yeare of our Lord 1577, at the merchant tailors hall in London, vnto the maior and communaltie of the citie of Yorke, or to their atturnie authorised, an hundred & foure pounds, to be lent vnto foure yoong­men of the said citie of Yorke, fréemen and inhabi­tants (clothiers alwaie to be preferred) that is, to e­uerie of them fiue and twentie pounds, to haue and occupie the same for the tearme of ten yeares, with­out line 60 paieng anie thing for the loane, the foure pounds ouerplus of the hundred and foure pounds, at the pleasure of the maior and communaltie for their paines to be taken about the receipts and paiments of the said hundred pounds.

The like order in all points is taken for the deli­uerie of an hundred and foure pounds in the yeare 1578, A perpetuall order of an hundred and foure pounds [...]ent yearelie by course. to the citie of Canturburie. In the yeare 1579 to Reading, 1580 to the companie of the mer­chant tailors, 1581 to Glocester, 1582 to Worce­ster, 1583 to Excester, 1584 to Salisburie, 1585 to Westchester, 1586 to Norwich, 1587 to South­hampton, 1588 to Lincolne, 1589 to Winchester, 1590 to Oxenford, 1591 to Herefordeast, 1592 to Cambridge, 1593 to Shrewesburie, 1594 to Lin, 1595 to Bath, 1596 to Derbie, 1597 to Ipswich, 1598 to Colchester, 1599 to Newcastell. And then to begin againe at Bristow an hundred and foure pounds, the next yeare to the citie of Yorke, and so foorth to euerie of the said cities and townes, in the like order as before: and thus to continue for euer, as in the indentures tripartite more plainelie maie appeare.]

At this time manie were in trouble for religion, Sir Iames Hales in trou­ble for religi­on. and among others, sir Iames Hales knight, one of the iustices of the common plées, which iustice being called among other by the councell of king Edward to subscribe to a deuise made for the disheriting of queene Marie, and the ladie Elizabeth hir sister, Sée before pag. 1083. would in no wise assent to the same, though most of the other did: yet that notwithstanding, for that he at a quarter sessions holden in Kent, gaue charge vpon the statutes of king Henrie the eight, and king Edward the sixt, in derogation of the primasie of the church of Rome, abolished by king Henrie the eight, he was first committed prisoner to the Kings bench, then to the Counter, & last to the Fléet, where, whether it were thorough extreame feare, Sore tempta­tions in afflic­tions, against which we are to praie for patience. or else by reason of such talke as the warden of the Fleet vsed vnto him, of more trouble like to insue, if he persi­sted in his opinion (or for what other cause, God knoweth) he was so mooued, troubled, and vexed, that he sought to rid himselfe out of this life, which thing he first attempted in the Fleet, by wounding him­selfe with a penknife, well neere to death. Neuerthe­lesse afterward being recouered of that hurt, he sée­med to be verie conformable to all the queenes pro­céedings, and was therevpon deliuered of his impri­sonment, and brought to the quéenes presence, who gaue him words of great comfort: neuerthelesse his mind was not quiet (as afterward well appeared) for in the end he drowned himselfe in a riuer not halfe a mile from his dwelling house in Kent, He drowneth himselfe. the riuer be­ing so shalow, that he was faine to lie groueling be­fore he could dispatch himselfe, whose death was much lamented. For beside that he was a man wise, vertuous, and learned in the lawes of the realme, he was also a good and true minister of iustice, whereby he gat him great fauour and estimation among all degrees.

During the aforesaid parlement, A publike disputation about the reall presence in the sacrament. about the eigh­téenth daie of October, there was kept at Paules church in London a publike disputation, appointed by the quéenes commandement, about the presence of Christ in the sacrament of the altar, which disputa­tion continued six daies, doctor Weston then being prolocutor of the conuocation, who vsed manie vn­seemelie checks & tawnts against the one part, to the preiudice of their cause. By reason whereof the di­sputers neuer resolued vpon the article proponed, but grew dailie more and more into contention, without anie fruit of their long conference, and so ended this disputation, with these words spoken by doctor Weston prolocutor: ‘It is not the queens plea­sure that we should herein spend anie longer time, and yeare well inough, for you haue the word, and we haue the sword.’ But of this matter ye maie read more in the booke of the monuments of the church. Iohn Fox. At this time was cardinall Poole sent for to Rome by the quéene, Cardinall Poole sent for home. who was verie desirous of his com­ming as well for the causes before declared, as al­so for the great affection that she had to him, being hir neere kinsman, and consenting with hir in reli­gion.

This message was most thankefullie receiued at Rome, and order taken to send the said cardinall hi­ther with great expedition: but before his comming, quéene Marie had married Philip prince of Spaine, [Page 1093] as after shall appeare. But here to touch somewhat the comming of the said cardinall. When he was ar­riued at Calis, there was conference had amongest the councellors of the quéene for the maner of his re­ceiuing: The councell diuided about the receiuing of the cardi­nall. some would haue had him verie honoura­blie met and interteined, as he was in all places where he had before passed, not onelie for that he was a cardinall, and a legat from the pope; but also for that he was the quéenes néere kinsman, of the house of Clarence. Neuerthelesse, after much debating, line 10 it was thought méetest, first, for that by the lawes of the realme (which yet were not repealed) he stood at­tainted by parlement, and also for that it was doubt­full how he being sent from Rome, should be accep­ted of the people, who in fiue and twentie yeares be­fore, had not béene much acquainted with the pope or his cardinals, that therefore (vntill all things might be put in order for that purpose) he should come without anie great solemnitie vnto Lambeth, where (in the archbishops house) his lodging was line 20 prepared.

The third of Nouember next following, Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie (notwithstan­ding that he had once refused plainelie to subscribe to king Edwards will, in the disheriting of his si­ster Marie, Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie arreigned of treason. and alledging manie reasons and argu­ments for the legitimation of both the kings sisters) was in the Guildhall in London arreigned and at­tainted of treason, namelie for aiding the duke of Northumberland with horsse and men against the line 30 queene, as aforesaid. At the same time also, the la­die Iane of Suffolke (who for a while was called queene Iane) and the lord Gilford hir husband, the lord Ambrose and lord Henrie Dudleie sonnes to the duke of Northumberland, were likewise arreigned and attainted, and thervpon led backe againe to the tower. Ambassadors from the em­perour. In the beginning of Ianuarie next follow­ing, Charles the fift emperor sent into England an honorable ambassage, amongest whome was the Conte de Aiguemont admerall of the low coun­tries, line 40 with Charles Conte de la Laing, Iohn de Montmorancie lord of Curriers, and the chancellor Nigre, with full commission to conclude a mariage betwéene Philip prince of Spaine his sonne & heire, and queene Marie (as you haue heard) which ambas­sage tooke such place, that shortlie after all things were finished accordinglie.

Ab. Fl. ex I. S. pag. 1077. Stephan Gardiner ma­keth an orati­on to the lords of the councell &c. touching the quéenes marriage.¶ On the fouretéenth of Ianuarie, doctor Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester lord chancellour of England, in the chamber of presence at Westmin­ster, line 50 made to the lords, nobilitie, and gentlemen, an oration verie eloquent, wherein he declared that the queenes maiestie, partlie for amitie, and other weigh­tie considerations had, after much sute on the empe­rours and prince of Spaines behalfe made, deter­mined by the consent of the councell and nobilitie, to match hir selfe with the said prince in most godlie and lawfull matrimonie; and declared further, that she should haue for hir iointer thirtie thousand du­cats by the yeare, with all the low countrie of Flan­ders, line 60 and that the issue (if there happened anie) be­twéene them two lawfullie begotten, should be heire as well to the kingdome of Spaine, as also to the said low countrie. He said therefore that they were all bound to thanke God, that so noble, worthie, and famous a prince would vouchsafe so to humble him­selfe, Gardiner cō ­mendeth the king of Spaine. as in this marriage to take vpon him rather as a subiect, than otherwise. For the queene & hir coun­cell should rule all things as she did before, and that there should be of the councell no stranger, neither to haue custodie of any forts or castels, &c: nor to beare anie rule or office in the quéenes house, or else where in all England, with diuerse other articles there by him rehearsed. Wherefore he said the quéenes plea­sure and request was, that like good subiects for hir sake, they would most louinglie receiue him with re­uerence, ioie, and honour. On the next daie, the lord maior of London with his bretheren the aldermen, were sent for to the court, and to bring with them for­tie of the head commoners of the citie, vnto whome before the councell, the lord chancellor made the like oration, desiring them to behaue themselues like good subiects with all humblenesse and reioising.]

But this marriage was not well thought of by the commons, nor much better liked of manie of the nobilitie, who for this, and for the cause of religion, conspired to raise war, rather than to see such change of the state. Of the which conspiracie though there were manie confederats; yet the first that shewed force therein, was one sir Thomas Wiat a knight in Kent, who in verie deed was driuen to preuent the time of the purposed enterprise by this hap. Diuerse of the partakers in this conspiracie, being with­drawne from London (where they had deuised their drift) home into their countries (amongst whome the said sir Thomas Wiat was one) it fell out, that whi­lest he was returned into Kent, where his lands and liuings chieflie laie, a gentleman of that shire, one to the said sir Thomas Wiat most déere, was by the councell for other matters committed to the Fléet. Wherevpon he verelie suspecting his secrets were bewraied, had no other shift (as he tooke it) but to put on armour, and to begin the attempt, before the time appointed with his complices. And herevpon giuing intelligence of his determination to his associats, as well at London, as else-where, on the thursdaie next following, Wiat pub [...] ­sheth a procla­mation at Maidstone▪ being the fiue and twentith of Ianuarie at Maidstone, being accompanied with master Tho­mas Isleie and others, published a proclamation a­gainst the quéenes marriage, desiring all his neigh­bors, fréends, and Englishmen to ioine with him and others, to defend the realme in danger to be brought in thraldome vnto strangers: He commeth to Rochester. and herewith he gat him to Rochester, and met with sir George Harper by the waie, that was one appointed afore to ioine with him in that quarrell. Sir George Harper. They brake vp the bridge at Rochester, and fortified the east part of the towne, & staid there abiding the comming of more strength, and in the meane while suffered all passengers to passe quietlie thorough the towne to London, or to the sea, taking nothing from them, but onelie their weapons.

In the meane while, sir Henrie Isleie, Anthonie Kneuet esquier, and his brother William Kneuet were busie in west Kent to raise the people there; and likewise in east Kent there were other that were of the same confederacie, which set forth the like procla­mations at Milton, Ashford, and other towns there in that part of the shire: and thus in each part of Kent in a maner was great stur. But yet such was the diligence and warie circumspection of Iohn Twine at that present maior of Canturburie, for that he misliked their disordered attempts, that there was not any of that citie knowne to stur, or go forth to ioine themselues with the said sir Thomas Wiat, or with anie other of his confederats: and yet verelie the more part of the people in all other parts of that shire were maruellouslie affected to the said sir Tho­mas Wiats quarrell, doubting that which might follow of the quéenes matching hir selfe thus with a stranger. Christopher Roper taken. At Milton when a gentleman of those parts named Christopher Roper, went about to resist them that set forth this proclamation, he was taken and conueied to Rochester vnto master Wiat. Like­wise maister Tucke and maister Dorrell iustices of peace, were fetched out of their owne houses, Maister Dor­rell & maister Tucke taken. & like­wise brought to Rochester, where they with the said Roper were kept as prisoners.

[Page 1094]Sir Thomas Wiat had written vnto sir Robert Southwell shiriffe of Kent, Sir Thomas [...]iat writeth [...] sir Robert Southwell. to moue him in (respect of the preseruation of the common-wealth now in danger to be ouerrun of strangers, through the pre­tensed marriage, if it should go forward) to ioine with him and others, The shiriffe of kent and the [...] of Abur­gauennie as­semble a pow­er against [...]. in so necessarie a cause for the disappointing of the same marriage, and to worke so with the lord of Aburgauennie, with whom he might doo much, that it might please him also to ioine with them. But as well the said sir Robert Southwell, as line 10 the said lord of Aburgauennie, and one George Clerke assembled themselues with such power as they might make against the said sir Thomas Wiat and his adherents; and comming to Malling on the saturdaie, being the market daie & seuen and twen­tith of Ianuarie, the said sir Robert Southwell ha­uing penned an exhortation to dissuade the people, and to bring them from hauing anie liking to Wi­ats enterprise, did read the same openlie vnto all the people there assembled, in confuting, reprouing, and line 20 refelling the proclamations set forth by sir Thomas Wiat and his adherents.

On the other part, sir Henrie Isleie, Anthonie Kneuet, and his brother William Kneuet being at Tunbridge, proclamed the shiriffe, the lord of Abur­gauennie, & George Clerke gentleman, traitors to God, the crowne, and the common-welth, for raising the quéenes subiects, to defend the most wicked & di­uelish enterprise of certeine of the wicked & peruerse councellors. And this they pronounced in their owne line 30 names & in the names of sir Thomas Wiat, sir Ge­orge Harper, and of all the faithfull gentlemen of Kent, & trustie commoners of the same. This doone, they marched to Seuennocke, mening from thence to passe to Rochester. But in the meane time the fore­said 27 of Ianuarie, there came from the quéene an herald & a trumpetter to sir Thomas Wiat, but he was not suffered to passe the bridge, In herald sent [...]rothā Wiat. and so did his message at the bridge end, in the hearing of sir Tho­mas Wiat and diuerse others. The effect of his mes­sage line 40 was, to offer pardon to so manie as within foure and twentie houres would depart to their houses, and become quiet subiects.

Sir Thomas Cheineie lord warden sent also vn­to Wiat, The lord [...]arden is [...] to Wiat. with words of contempt and defiance, de­sirous in deed to haue béene dooing with him, if hee had not mistrusted his owne people, which he should haue brought against him, as those that fauoured so greatlie Wiats cause, that they would haue beene loth to haue seene him take anie foile. And that sir line 50 Thomas Wiat knew well inough, and therefore de­sired nothing more than to haue him come foorth, vn­derstanding that he wanted no friends, as well a­bout him, as all other that would take in hand to re­presse him with force gathered in that shire. The lord of Aburgauennie, the shiriffe Warram Sentleger, and diuerse other gentlemen that were assembled at Malling, laie there within foure miles of Roche­ster on saturdaie at night, & hauing aduertisement that sir Henrie Isleie, the two Kneuets, and certeine line 60 other, [...]eldishmen, [...] is, such [...] dwel in the [...] of Kent. with fiue hundred Weldishmen, being at Se­uennocke, meant earlie in the morning to march to­wards Rochester for the aid of Wiat against the duke of Norffolke, that was come to Grauesend with fiue hundred white cotes Londoners, and cer­teine of the gard: and further that the said sir Hen­rie Isleie and the Kneuets meant in their waie to burne and spoile the house of George Clerke gentle­man: they departing with fiue hundred gentlemen & likewise yeomen, verie earlie that sundaie in the morning, marched out in order till they came to Wrotham heath, [...] heath. where they might easilie heare the sound of their aduersaries drums, and therevpon followed after them with all spéed, till they came to a place called Barrow gréene, Barrow greéne. through which laie the right readie waie from Seuennocke towards mai­ster Clerks house. Here the lord of Aburgauennie staied for the comming of his enimies, and vnder­standing they were at hand, placed his men in order, thinking to giue or take the ouerthrow. But they vpon their approch, misliking (as it should seeme) the match, shranke aside as secretlie as they could, by a bywaie, and were so farre gone before the lord of A­burgauennie vnderstood thereof by his espials, as for doubt of ouertaking them afore their comming to Rochester, he was driuen to make such hast for the ouertaking of them, as diuerse of his footmen were farre behind at the onset giuing.

The first sight that the lord of Aburgauennie could haue of them, after they forsooke their purposed waie, was as they ascended Wrotham hill, directlie vnder Yallam maister Pechams house, Wrotham hill▪ Yallam. where they thinking to haue great aduantage by the winning of the hill, displaied their ensignes, thinking they had béene out of danger. But the Lord of Aburgauen­nie made such hast after them, that ouertaking them at a field in the parish of Wrotham, a mile distant from the verie top of the hill, called Blacke soll field, Blacke soll field. after some resistance with shot and arrowes, and pro­fer of onset made by their horssemen, they were put to flight, and chased for the space of foure miles, The skirmish. euen to Hartleie wood. Thréescore of them were taken pri­soners, and some on both sides were wounded, as commonlie commeth to passe in an ordinarie and pri­uat fraie: how then is it possible, that a skirmish should be vnseasoned with slaughter and bloudshed, speciallie in a sedition or insurrection, which is the plague of all common-wealths, as the poet saith: ‘—regnorum pessima pestis Seditio.’

Sir Henrie Isleie fled into Hampshire, Anthonie Kneuet made such shift, that he got that night vnto Rochester; and the same time sir George Harper de­parting from sir Thomas Wiat, and comming to the duke of Norffolke, submitted himselfe vnto his grace, & the duke receiued him. Which duke (as before ye haue partlie heard) being sent with fiue hundred Londoners, and certeine of the gard for his better defense, to go against the Kentishmen thus assem­bled with sir Thomas Wiat, was come downe to Grauesend, set foorth from thence on mondaie the nine and twentith daie of Ianuarie, about ten of the clocke in the forenoone, marching towards Stroud on this side of Rochester, & about foure of the clocke in the after noone of the same daie, The duke of Norffolke ar­riueth at Stroud. he arriued at Stroud neare vnto Rochester, hauing with him sir Henrie Ierningham capteine of the gard, sir Ed­ward Braie, sir Iohn Fog, knights, Iohn Couert, Roger Appleton, esquiers, Maurice Griffith the bi­shop of Rochester, Thomas Swan gentleman, with certeine of the gard, and others, to the number of two hundred or thereabout, besides Bret and other fiue capteins, who with their bands taried behind at spittle hill néere vnto Stroud, whilest the duke went to Stroud to sée the placing of the ordinance, which being readie charged & bent vnto the towne of Ro­chester, and perceiuing by sir Thomas Wiat and his men by hanging out their ensignes, little to regard him, the duke commanded one of the péeces to be fired and shot off into Rochester, and as the gunner was firing the peece, sir Edward Braies eldest son came in all hast to the duke, and told him how the Londoners would betraie him.

Herewith turning backe, he might [...] how Bret, The reuol­ting of the Londoners. and the other capteins of the whit [...]ootes with their bands being vpon the hill, and at his backe, made great and lowd shouts sundrie times, crieng; We are all Englishmen, we are all Englishmen: fashioning themselues in araie, readie bent with [Page 1095] their weapons to set vpon the duke, if he had made anie resistance: wherevpon the duke willed the pée­ces that were bent against Rochester, to be turned vpon Bret and his fellowes. But vpon further con­sideration the shot was spared, The duke with the cap­teine of the gard, &c: put to their shifts. and the dukes grace, with the capteine of the gard, considering with wo­full hearts their chiefe strength thus turned against them; and being thus inuironed both behind and be­fore with enimies, shifted themselues awaie, as did also their companie. Sir Thomas Wiat accompa­nied with two or thrée, and not manie mo, came forth line 10 halfe a mile from Rochester, to méet Bret and the o­ther capteins, amongst whom was sir George Har­per, notwithstanding his former submission to the duke. Their méeting verelie séemed right ioifull both in gesture and countenance, & therewith hauing saluted each other, they entered all togither into Ro­chester. The lord of Aburgauennie & the shiriffe were greatlie abashed when they vnderstood of this mis­hap, for they doubted that such as were euill disposed before, would not be greatlie amended thereby. The line 20 shiriffe being then at Maidstone, The shiriffe of Kent rideth to the councell. hasted to come to Malling, where the lord of Aburgauennie laie, and vpon his comming thither, he tooke aduise to ride in post to the councell, to know their minds how they would direct them. Sir Thomas Wiat and his asso­ciats were greatlie recomforted with this new sup­plie added to their strength, by the reuolting thus of the Londoners: and verelie it bred no small hope in all their hearts that wished well to his enterprise, line 30 that he should the better atteine vnto the hoped end of his purpose. But it pleased God otherwise, who ne­uer prospereth anie that attempt such exploits with­out publike and lawfull authoritie.

In this meane while, the duke of Suffolke being persuaded to ioine with other in this quarell, as he that doubted (as no small number of true English­men then did) least the pretended mariage with the Spanish king should bring the whole nobilitie and people of this realme into bondage and thraldome line 40 of strangers, The duke of Suffolke go­eth downe in­to Leicester­shire. after he was once aduertised that sir Thomas Wiat had preuented the time of their pur­posed enterprise, he secretlie one euening departed from Sheene, and rode with all spéed into Leice­stershire where in the towne of Leicester and o­ther places, hée caused proclamation to be made in semblable wise, as sir Thomas Wiat had doone, against the quéenes match which she meant to make with the said king of Spaine: but few there were that would willinglie hearken thereto. But now ye line 50 must vnderstand, that before his comming downe, he was persuaded that the citie of Couentrie would be opened vnto him, The citie of Couentrie. the more part of the citizens be­ing throughlie bent in his fauour, in so necessarie a quarell, for defense of the realme against strangers, as they were then persuaded.

But howsoeuer it chanced, this prooued not alto­gither true: for whether through the misliking which the citizens had of the matter, or through negligence of some that were sent to sollicit them in the cause, line 60 or chieflie (as should séeme to be most true) for that God would haue it so, when the duke came with six or seuen score horssemen well appointed for the pur­pose, The duke of Suffolke kept out of Co­uentrie. presenting himselfe before the citie in hope to bée receiued, hee was kept out. For the citi­zens through comfort of the erle of Huntington that was then come downe, sent by the quéene to staie the countries from falling to the duke, and to raise a power to apprehend him, had put themselues in ar­mor, and made all the prouision they could to defend the citie against the said duke. Wherevpon percei­uing himselfe destitute of all such aid as he looked for among his friends in the two shires of Leicester and Warwike, he got him to his manour of Astleie, distant from Couentrie fiue miles, where appoin­ting his companie to disperse themselues, and to make the best shift each one for his owne safegard that he might, and distributing to euerie of them a portion of monie, according to their qualities, and his store at that present, he and the lord Iohn Greie his brother bestowed themselues in secret places there within Astleie parke; but through the vntrusti­nesse of them, to whose trust they did commit them­selues (as hath béene crediblie reported) they were bewraied to the earle of Huntington, that then was come to Couentrie, The duke of Suffolke ap­prehended. and so apprehended they were by the said earle, and afterwards brought vp to London.

The duke had meant at first to haue rid awaie (as I haue credible heard) if promise had béene kept by one of his seruants, appointed to come to him to be his guide; but when he either feining himselfe sicke, or being sloke in déed, came not, the duke was con­streined to remaine in the parke there at Astleie, ho­ping yet to get awaie after that the search had béene passed ouer, and the countrie once in quiet. Howso­euer it was, there he was taken, as is said, togither with his brother the lord Iohn Greie; but his bro­ther the lord Thomas got awaie in deed at that time, The lord Iohn Greie taken. meaning to haue fled into Wales, & there to haue got to the sea side, so to transport himselfe ouer into France, or into some other forren part. But in the borders of Wales he was likewise apprehended through his great mishap, and follie of his man that had forgot his capcase with monie behind him in his chamber one morning at his inne; and comming for it againe, vpon examination what he should be, it was mistrusted that his maister should be some such man, as he was in déed, and so was staied, ta­ken, The lord Thomas Greie taken. and brought vp to London, where he suffered; as after shall appeare.

But now to returne vnto sir Thomas Wiat. Af­ter that the Londoners were reuolted to him, as be­fore ye haue heard; the next daie being tuesdaie the thirtith of Ianuarie, he marched foorth with his bands, and six péeces of ordinance (which they had gotten of the quéenes) besides their owne. And first they came to Cowling castell, Cowling ca­stell. an hold of the lord Cobhams, foure miles distant from Rochester, and not much out of the waie towards London, whither they were now fullie determined to go, in hope of friends which they trusted to find within and about the citie. At their comming to Cowling, knowing that the lord Cobham was within the castell, they bent their ordinance against the gate, breaking it with sundrie shots, and burning it vp with [...]er, made a waie through it. The lord Cobham. The said lord Cobham defended the place as stoutlie as he might, hauing but a few against so great a number, and so little store of mu­nition for his defense: he himselfe yet discharged his gun at such as approched the gate right hardilie, and in that assault two of his men were slaine. After this assault, and talke had with the lord Cobham, sir Thomas Wiat marched to Grauesend, where he rested that night.

The next daie he came to Dartford with his bands, and laie there that night, whither came to him sir Edward Hastings maister of the quéenes horsse, and sir Thomas Cornwallis knights, both being of the quéenes priuie councell, and now sent from hir vn­to sir Thomas Wiat, to vnderstand the cause of his commotion. When he vnderstood they were come, he tooke with him certeine of his band to the west end of the towne, where he had lodged his ordinance. And at the lighting downe of sir Edward Hastings and his associat, sir Thomas Wiat hauing a parti­san in his hand, aduancing himselfe somewhat afore such gentlemen as were with him, traced neere them: [Page 1096] to whome the maister of the horsse spake in substance as followeth. ‘The quéenes maiestie requireth to vn­derstand the verie cause wherefore you haue thus ga­thered togither in armes hir liege people, which is the part of a traitor, and yet in your proclamations and persuasions, you call your selfe a true subiect, which can not stand togither I am no traitor quoth Wi­at, and the cause wherefore I haue gathered the peo­ple, is to defend the realme from danger of being ouerrun with strangers, which must follow, this ma­riage taking place. line 10’

Why, quoth the quéenes agents, there be no stran­sters yet come, who either for power or number ye néed to suspect. But if this be your onelie quarrell, because ye mislike the mariage; will ye come to com­munication touching that case, and the queene of hir gratious goodnesse is content ye shall be heard. I yéeld thereto, quoth sir Thomas Wiat: but for my suertie I will rather be trusted than trust, and therefore demanded, as some haue written, the cu­stodie of the tower, [...] re­quests. and hir grace within it; also the line 20 displacing of some councellors about hir, and to haue other placed in their roomes. There was long & stout conference betwéene them, in so much that the mai­ster of the horsse said: Wiat, before thou shalt haue thy traitorous demand granted, thou shalt die, and twentie thousand with thée. And so the said maister of the horsse, and sir Thomas Cornewallis, percei­uing they could not bring him to that point they wished, returned to the court, aduertising the quéene what they had heard of him. The same daie being line 30 the first of Februarie, Proclamation that the duke of Suffolke and others were fled. proclamation was made in London by an herald, to signifie that the duke of Suffolkes companie of horssemen were scattered, and that he himselfe and his brethren were fled. Also that sir Peter Carew, and sir Gawen Carew knights, and William Gibs esquire, which being parties to the conspiracie of the said duke, with sir Thomas Wiat & others, were likewise fled. True it was that sir Peter Carew, perceiuing himselfe in line 40 danger to be apprehended, about the thrée and twen­tith of Ianuarie last past fled out of the realme, and escaped into France: but the other taried behind and were taken.

The empe­rors ambassa­ [...]ors flée from Wiat.Moreouer, on this first daie of Februarie being Candlemas euen, the emperors ambassadors, of whome ye haue heard before, hearing of Wiats ha­stie approching thus towards London, sped them­selues awaie by water, and that with all hast. The queene then lieng at hir palace of White hall beside Westminster, and hearing of hir enimies so néere, line 50 was counselled for hir safegard to take the tower of London, wherevnto she would by no meanes be persuaded. Neuerthelesse, to make hir selfe more stronger of friends in the citie, so soone as the said ambassadors were departed, she came to the Guild­hall in London: against which time, order was ta­ken by the lord maior, that the chiefe citizens in their liueries should be there present. After that the queene had taken hir place in the said hall, and silence made, line 60 she with verie good countenance vttered in effect this oration following.

Queene Maries oration in Guild­hall in a solemne assemblie.

Quéene Ma­ries oration to the L [...]ndo­ners▪ I Am (quoth shee) come vnto you in mine owne person, to tell you that which al­readie you doo sée and know, that is, how traitorouslie & seditiouslie a number of Kentish rebels haue assembled themselues togither against both vs and you. Their pretense (as they said at the first) was onelie to resist a mariage de­termined betwéene vs and the prince of Spaine. To the which pretended quarrell, and to all the rest of their euill contriued articles ye haue béene made priuie. Since which time, we haue caused diuerse of our priuie councell to resort eftsoones to the said rebels, and to demand of them the cause of their con­tinuance in their seditious enterprise. By whose an­swers made againe to our said councell, it appeared that the mariage is found to be the least of their quarrell. For they now swaruing from their for­mer articles, haue bewraied the inward treason of their hearts, Demands are pretended to be sent from M. Wiat and his companie to quéene Marie. as most arrogantlie demanding the possession of our person, the kéeping of our tower, and not onelie the placing & displacing of our coun­cellors; but also to vse them & vs at their pleasures.

Now louing subiects, what I am, you right well know. I am your quéene, to whome at my corona­tion when I was wedded to the realme, and to the lawes of the same (the spousall ring whereof I haue on my finger, which neuer hitherto was, nor here­after shall be left off) ye promised your allegiance and obedience vnto me. And that I am the right and true inheritor to the crowne of this realme of Eng­land; I not onelie take all christendoome to witnesse, but also your acts of parlement confirming the same. My father (as ye all know) possessed the regall estate by right of inheritance, which now by the same right descended vnto me. And to him alwaies ye shewed your selues most faithfull and louing sub­iects, and him obeied and serued as your liege lord & king: and therefore I doubt not but you will shew your selues likewise to me his daughter. Which if you doo, then maie you not suffer anie rebell to v­surpe the gouernance of our person, or to occupie our estate, especiallie being so presumptuous a trai­tor as this Wiat hath shewed himselfe to be; who must certeinlie, as he hath abused my ignorant sub­iects to be adherents to his traitorous quarrell: so dooth he intend by colour of the same, to subdue the lawes to his will, and to giue scope to the rascall and forlorne persons, to make generall hauocke and spoile of your goods. How he pre­tended the spoile of their goods it ap­peareth in that he com­ming to Southworke, did hurt nei­ther man, wo­man, nor child, neither in bo­die nor in a pennie of their goods. And this further I say vnto you in the word of a prince, I cannot tell how natural­lie a mother loueth hir children, for I was neuer the mother of anie; but certeinlie a prince and gouer­nor may as naturallie and as earnestlie loue sub­iects, as the mother dooth hir child. Then assure your selues, that I being your souereigne ladie & quéene, doo as earnestlie and as tenderlie loue and fauour you. And I thus louing you, cannot but thinke that ye as hartilie and faithfullie loue me againe: and so louing togither in this knot of loue and concord, I doubt not, but we togither shall be able to giue these rebels a short and speedie ouerthrow.

And as concerning the case of my intended marriage, against which they pretend their quarrell, ye shall vnderstand that I entred not into the trea­tie thereof without aduise of all our priuie councell; yea, and by assent of those to whome the king my fa­ther committed his trust, who so considered & weigh­ed the great commodities that might insue thereof, that they not onlie thought it very honorable, but ex­pedient, both for the wealth of our realme, and also of all our louing subiects. Quéene Ma­rie excuseth hir mariage. And as touching my selfe (I assure you) I am not so desirous of wedding, nei­ther so precise or wedded to my will, that either for mine owne pleasure I will choose where I lust, or else so amorous as néeds I must haue one. For God I thanke him (to whome be the praise thereof) I haue hitherto liued a virgine, and doubting nothing but with Gods grace shall as well be able so to liue still. But if as my progenitors haue done before, it might please God that I might leaue some fruit of my bo­die behind me to be your gouernour, I trust you [Page 1097] would not onelie reioise thereat, but also I know it would be to your great comfort. And certeinlie if I either did know or thinke, that this marriage should either turn [...] to the danger or losse of anie of you my louing subiects, or to the detriment or im­pairing of anie part or parcell of the roiall estate of this realme of England, I would neuer consent therevnto, neither would I euer marrie while I li­ued. And in the word of a quéene I promise and as­sure you, The promise of quéene Marie tou­ching hir ma­riage. that if it shall not probablie appéere before line 10 the nobilitie and commons in the high court of par­lement, that this marriage shall be for the singular benefit and commoditie of all the whole realme; that then I will absteine, not onelie from this marriage, but also from anie other, whereof perill maie insue to this most noble realme. Wherefore now as good & faithfull subiects plucke vp your harts, and like tru [...] men stand fast with your lawfull prince against these rebelles, both our enimies and yours, and feare them not: for assure you that I feare them nothing line 20 at all, & I will leaue with you my lord Howard, and my lord treasuror to be your assistants, with my lord maior, for the defense and safegard of this citie from spoile and saccage, which is onelie the scope of this rebellious companie.

After this oration ended, the citizens séeming well satisfied therewith, the queene with the lords of the councell returned to White hall from whence she came: and foorthwith the lord William Howard line 30 was associate with the lord maior of London, whose name was sir Thomas White for the protection and defense of the citie. And for more suertie, as well of hir owne person, as also of hir councellors and other subiects, she prepared a great armie to méet with the said rebelles in the field, of which armie William Herbert earle of Penbroke was made generall, which earle with all spéed requisite in such a case, pre­pared all things necessarie to such a seruice belong­ing. The same daie sir Thomas Wiat hauing with line 40 him foureteene ensignes, conteining about foure thousand men, although they were accounted to be a farre greater number, Wiat mar­ched to Det­ford strand. marched to Detford strand, eight miles from Detford, and within foure miles of London; where vpon such aduertisement as he receiued by spiall, of the quéens being in the Guild­hall, & the order of the people to hir wards, he remai­ned that night & the next whole daie; diuerse of his owne companie doubting by his longer tarrieng there than in other places, and vpon other presump­tions which they gathered, that he would haue passed line 50 the water into Essex.

His prisoners Christopher Roper, George Dor­rell, and Iohn Tucke esquiers, who were kept some­what strict, for that they seemed sicklie, and finding within the towne no conuenient harborough or at­tendance, Wiat suffereth his prisoners to go abrode vpon their word. Wiat cōmeth into South­worke. were licenced by sir Thomas Wiat, vpon promise of their worships to be true prisoners, to pro­uide for themselues out from the towne, where they best might. But they breaking promise with him, line 60 sought waies to escape and come no more at him. On saturdaie following verie earlie Wiat marched to Southworke, where approching the gate at Lon­don bridge foot, he called to them within to haue it o­pened: which he found not so readie as he looked for. After he had beene a little while in Southworke, and began to trench at the bridge foot, and set two peeces of ordinance against the gate, diuerse of his soldiors went to Winchester place, where one of them (be­ing a gentleman) began to fall to rifling of things found in the house. Wherewith sir Thomas Wiat seemed so much offended, that he threatned sore to hang him euen presentlie there vpon the wharfe, and so as he made others to beleeue he meant to haue doone, if capteine Bret and others had not intreated for him.

The lord William Howard lord admerall of England, being appointed by the queens commission capteine generall, with the lord maior sir Thomas White, watched at the bridge that night with three hundred men, caused the draw bridge to be hewen downe into the Thames, made rampiers and for­tifications there, fensing the same with great ordi­nance. Wiat yet aduentured the breaking downe of a wall out of an house ioining to the gate at the bridge foot, Sir Thomas Wiats despe­rat attempt. whereby he might enter into the leads o­uer the gate, & came downe into the lodge about ele­uen of the clocke in the night, where he found the porter in a slumber, and his wife with other waking, and watching ouer a cole; but beholding Wiat, they began suddenlie to start as greatlie amazed. Whist quoth Wiat, as you loue your liues sit still, you shall haue no hurt. Glad were they of that warrant, and so were quiet, and made no noise. Wiat and a few with him went foorth as farre as the draw bridge: on the other side whereof he saw the lord admerall, the lord maior, sir Andrew Iud, and one or two others in consultation for ordering of the bridge, wherevn­to he gaue diligent heed and eare a good while, and was not séene.

This doone, Wiat and his complices [...] into consul­tation. he returned and said to some of his companie; This place sirs is too hot for vs. And here­vpon falling in counsell what was best to doo: some gaue aduise that it should be good to returne to Gréenewich, and so to passe the water into Essex, whereby their companie (as they thought) should in­crease, and then assaie to enter into London by Ald­gate: and some were of opinion, that it were better to go to Kingston vpon Thames, and so further west. Other there were, among which sir Thomas Wiat himselfe was chiefe, would haue returned into Kent to méet with the lord of Aburgauenie, the lord War­den, the shiriffe, sir Thomas Moile, sir Thomas Kempe, sir Thomas Finch, and others that were at Rochester, comming on Wiats backe, with a great companie well appointed, persuading himselfe (whether truelie or not I know not) that he should find among them more friends than enimies. But whether his desire to returne into Kent grew vpon hope he had to find aid there, or rather to shift him­selfe awaie, it was doubted of his owne companie; and some of them that knew him well (except they were much deceiued) reported not long before their execution, that his desire to returne into Kent, was onelie to shift himselfe ouer the sea.

The lord Warden being at Rochester (as yée haue heard) well furnished both with horsse and men, The lord Warden of the cinque ports verie willing to followe af­ter Wiat. perfectlie appointed to no small number, was wil­ling to haue followed after Wiat, and to haue she­wed his good will against him in the quéens quarrell: but yet vpon deliberation had, & aduise taken with o­thers that were there with him, he thought good first to vnderstand the quéenes pleasure how to proceed in his dealings; and heervpon he rode post to the queene himselfe, leauing the lord of Aburgauennie and the rest of the gentlemen with his and their bands be­hind till his returne. On sundaie the fourth of Fe­bruarie, the lord admerall caused a strong ward of three hundred men to be kept on the bridge till eight of the clocke at night, and then (for their reléefe) en­tred the watch of other thrée hundred: so that the bridge was thus garded both daie and night with thrée hundred men in armor. Wiat at his wits end. It troubled Wiat and all his companie verie sore, to sée that London did so stiffelie stand and hold out against them: for in the assistance which they looked to haue had of that citie, all their hope of prosperous spéed consisted. But now that they saw themselues greatlie disappointed [Page 1098] therein, they meant yet to set all on a hazard. And so the sixt of Februarie being Shrouetuesdaie, afore six of the clocke in the morning, they departed out of Southworke, [...] mar­cheth to kingstone. marching directlie towards King­stone ten miles distant from London, standing vpon the Thames, where they arriued about foure of the clocke in the after noone: and finding thirtie foot or thereabout of the bridge taken awaie, sauing the posts that were left standing; Wiat practised with two mariners to swim ouer, and to conueie a barge line 10 to him, which the mariners through great promises of preferment accordinglie did, wherein Wiat and certeine with him were conueied ouer: who in the meane time that the number of soldiors baited in the towne, [...]at repa­reth the bridge [...] kingstone. caused the bridge to be repared with lad­ders, planks, and beames, the same being tied togi­ther with ropes and boords, so as by ten of the clocke in the night it was in such plight, that both his ordi­nance and companies of men might passe ouer with­out perill. And so about eleuen of the clocke in the line 20 same night, Wiat with his armie passing ouer the bridge without either resistance or perill, & before it could be once knowne at the court, marched toward London, meaning (as some haue written) to haue bin at the court gate before daie that morning. Ne­uertheles, before he came within six miles of the citie staieng for a péece of his great artillerie which was dismounted by the waie, [...]. Grafton. his comming was discoue­red before daie: The earle of Penbroke [...] the ar­ [...] in order. wherby the erle of Penbroke gene­rall of the quéenes armie was with his men in good line 30 order of battell in S. Iames field beside Westmin­ster, two or thrée houres yer Wiat could rech thither.

The earle hauing vnderstanding by his espials, what waie Wiat would march, placed his armie in this order. First, in a field on the west side of saint Iames were all his men of armes, and demilances; ouer against whome in the lane next to the parke, were placed all the light horssemen. All which bands of horssemen were vnder the charge of the lord Clin­ton, being marshall of the field. The great artillerie line 40 was planted in the middest and highest place of the causeie next to the house of saint Iames, with cer­teine field peeces lieng on the flanke of ech battell. After that both the armies were in sight, and that the great artillerie began to thunder from either side without harme (as it happened to either of both) Wiat perceiuing that he could not come vp the fore right waie without great disaduantage, [...] com­ [...]th to the parke corner, [...]. when he was come to the parke corner, he leauing the cau­seie, swarued, and tooke the nether waie towards line 50 saint Iames. Which being perceiued by the quéenes horssemen, who laie on either side of him, they gaue a sudden charge, and diuided his battell asunder hard behind Wiats ensignes, whereby so manie as were not passed before with Wiat, were forced to flie backe towards Brainford: and certeine of his com­panie which escaped the charge, passed by the backe­side of saint Iames towards Westminster, and from thense to the court: and finding the gates shut against them, staid there a while, and shot off manie line 60 arrowes into the windowes, and ouer into the gar­den, neuerthelesse without anie hurt there that was knowne. Wherevpon the said rebels, ouer whom one Kneuet was capteine, perceiuing themselues to be too few to doo anie great feat there, departed from thense to follow Wiat, who was gone before to­ward London: and being on their waie at Charing­crosse, were there incountered by sir Henrie Ier­ningham capteine of the queenes gard, sir Edward Braie master of the ordinance, A skirmish at [...] betwéen [...] and the [...] and sir Philip Paris knights, which were sent by the order of the earle of Penbroke with a band of archers, and certeine field péeces for the rescue of the court, who incountered the said rebels at Charingcrosse aforesaid, after they had dischaged their field péeces vpon them, ioined with those rebels, halfe armed, and halfe vnarmed, at the push of the pike, & verie soone dispersed their power; whereof some fled into the lane toward saint Giles, & some on the other side by a brewhouse towards the Thames. In this conflict, which was the chiefe triall of that daie, there was not found slaine to the num­ber of twentie of those rebels. Which happened by rea­son that vpon their ioining with the quéens soldiors, the one part could not be discerned from the other, but onelie by the mire and dur [...] taken by the waie, which stacke vpon their garments comming in the night: wherefore the crie on the quéenes part that daie was; Downe with the daggle tailes.

But now to returne to Wiat, of whome ye heard before, who being come to the parke corner, and per­ceiuing the perill apparant, if he should haue mar­ched straight vpon the earls battels, which were ran­ged on either side of the causeie, did therefore poli­tikelie turne from the great causeie, marching along the wall of the house of saint Iames towards Lon­don: Wiat mar­cheth alongst the wall of saint Iames towards London. which could not haue béene without his no little losse of manie of his traine, if those that had the charge on that side the field, had béene as forward in seruice as the earle with his battell, and the horsse­men before shewed themselues to be. Neuerthelesse Wiat following his purposed enterprise, which was to haue entered into London, where he hoped of great aid, marched on with the small companie that was left him, as far as a common inne called the Bell sauage, néere to Ludgate, beléeuing to haue found some readie there to haue receiued him; wher­in his hope was much deceiued, finding the said gate fast shut, and stronglie garded with a number as well of most honest citizens, as also of other bands of the quéenes assured friends. Wherevpon Wiat, who comming towards the citie, made himselfe sure of his enterprise, now desperat of the same, was faine to turne his face, retiring backe againe to Temple-barre, where he with the rest of his retinue determined (as it seemed) to trie their last fortune.

The earle of Penbroke (who all this while kept his force togither in the field) hearing of Wiats approch to London, sent to him an herald called Claren­ceaux, An herald sent to Wiat willing him to desist from his enterprise. with great communication to desist from his rebellious enterprise. Which herald did his message accordinglie, albeit that some said he promised the said Wiat his pardon: which should not séeme to be true, as well for that the herald had no such commis­sion, as also that it was not like, that the said Wiat being then disarmed of all his forces, would haue re­fused mercie in such a case. For true it is, that he with a verie few of his forlorne fellowship, not ma­nie aboue the number of one hundred persons, stood still as men amazed at the gate of the Temple-barre, till such time as sir Maurice Barkleie knight, by chance riding towards London vpon his horsse, with footcloth, without anie armour, finding the said Wiat there, persuaded him to repaire to the court, and to yéeld himselfe to the quéene. Sir Thomas Wiat submit­teth himselfe to the quéene. Whose aduise he followed, and incontinent mounted vp on the said sir Maurice horsse behind him, and so road to the court voluntarilie to yéeld himselfe prisoner.

This comming of Wiat to the court being so lit­tle looked for, was great cause of reioising to such as of late before stood in great feare of him. But more than maruell it was to sée that daie, the inuin­cible heart and constancie of the quéene hir selfe, who being by nature a woman, and therefore common­lie more fearefull than men be, shewed hir selfe in that case more stout than is credible. For she, not­withstanding all the fearefull newes that were brought to hir that daie, neuer abashed. Insomuch that when one or two noblemen being hir capteins, [Page 1099] came in all hast to tell hir (though vntrulie) that hir battels were yéelded to Wiat. The stout courage of quéene Ma­rie. She nothing mooued thereat, said it was their fond opinion that durst not come néere to sée the triall, saieng further, that she hir selfe would enter the field to trie the truth of hir quarrell, and to die with them that would serue hir, rather than to yéeld one iot vnto such a traitor as Wiat was, and prepared hir selfe accordinglie.

But by the apprehension of Wiat that voiage tooke none effect: for after his comming to the court line 10 he was immediatlie committed to the Tower. As soone as the taking of Wiat was knowne, the ar­mie (whereof mention is made before that laie in saint Iames field) was discharged, and euerie man licenced to depart to his home. And foorthwith pro­clamation was made, Proclamati­on that none should kéepe in his house anie of Wiats faction. as well in the citie of London as in the suburbs of the same, that none vpon paine of death should kéepe in his or their houses anie of Wiats faction; but should bring them foorth imme­diatlie before the lord maior, and other the quéenes line 20 iustices. By reason of which proclamation a great multitude of their said poore caltifs were brought foorth, being so manie in number, that all the prisons in London sufficed not to receiue them: so that for lacke of place they were faine to bestow them in di­uerse churches of the said citie. And shortlie after were set vp in London for a terrour to the common sort (bicause the white cotes being sent out of the ci­tie, as before ye haue heard, reuolted from the quéenes part to the aid of Wiat) twentie paire of gallowes, line 30 on the which were hanged in seuerall places to the number of fiftie persons, which gallowes remained standing there a great part of the summer following to the great griefe of good citizens, and for example to the commotioners.

¶ As for the principals of this faction, namelie Tho­mas Wiat, Abr. Fl. ex I.S. pag. 1087, 1088 1089. Wiat sent to the tower. William Kneuet, Thomas Cobham, two brethren named Mantels, and Alexander Bret were brought by sir Henrie Ierningam by water to the tower prisoners, where sir Philip Denie receiued line 40 them at the bulworke, & as Wiat passed by he said; Go traitor, there was neuer such a traitor in Eng­land. To whom sir Thomas Wiat turned, and said, I am no traitor, I would thou shouldst well know thou art more traitor than I, it is not the point of an ho­nest man to call me so, and so went forth. When he came to the tower gate, Sir Thomas Bridges lieu­tenant of the tower. sir Thomas Bridges lieute­nant tooke in through the wicket, first Mantell, and said: Ah thou traitor, what hast thou and thy compa­nie wrought? But he holding downe his head said line 50 nothing. Then came Thomas Kneuet, whom master chamberleine gentleman porter of the tower tooke in. Then came Alexander Bret, whome sir Thomas Pope tooke by the bosome, saieng: Oh traitor, how couldest thou find in thy heart to worke such a villa­nie, as to take wages, and being trusted ouer a band of men, to fall to hir enimies, returning against hir in battell. Bret answered Yea; I haue offended in that case. Then came Thomas Cobham, whome sir Thomas Poines tooke in, and said, Alas maister line 60 Cobham, what wind headed you to worke such trea­son? And he answered, Oh sir I was seduced. Then came in sir Thomas Wiat, The zeale of the lieutenant sheweth it self by his hot lan­guage. whom sir Iohn Bridges tooke by the collar and said, Oh thou villen & vnhap­pie traitor, how couldest thou find in thy hart to worke such detestable treason to the quéenes maie­stie, who gaue thée thy life and liuing once alreadie, although thou diddest before this time beare armes in the field against hir, and now to yéeld hir battell, &c. If it were not (saith he) but that the law must passe vpon thee, I would sticke thée through with my dag­ger. To the which Wiat holding his arms vnder his side, and looking grieuouslie with a grim looke vpon the lieutenant, said; It is no maisterie now: and so passed on. Thomas Wiat had on a shirt of maile, with sleeues verie faire, theron a veluet cassocke, and a yellow lace, with the windlace of his dag hanging thereon, and a paire of boots on his legs, and on his head a faire hat of veluet, with a broad bone-worke lace about it. William Kneuet, Thomas Cobham, and Bret, were the like apparelled.

On the morrow and the next daie following were brought into the tower prisoners, George Cobham, sir William Cobham, Anthonie Kneuet, Hugh Booth, Thomas Uane, Robert Rudstone, sir George Harper, Edward Wiat, Edward Fog, George Moore, and Cutbert Uaughan. The tenth of Fe­bruarie, The duke of Suffolke and the lord Greie brought to the tower. the earle of Huntington and other gentle­men, and to the number of thrée hundred horssemen, brought to the tower as prisoners the duke of Suf­folke, and the lord Iohn Greie his brother from Co­uentrie, where the duke had remained thrée daies af­ter his taking in the house and custodie of Christo­pher Warren alderman there. Sir Henrie Isleie. The eleuenth daie sir Henrie Isleie who had fled, was brought into the tower in an old fréese cote, an old paire of hosen, all his apparell not worth foure shillings. The same daie came in two of the Culpepers, one Cromar, & Tho­mas Rampton the duke of Suffolks secretarie.

The twelfe of Februarie being mondaie, about ten of the clocke, there went out of the tower to the scaffold on the tower hill, the lord Gilford Dudleie, sonne to the duke of Northumberland, The lord Gil­ford Dudleie executed on the tower. husband to the ladie Iane Greie daughter to the duke of Suffolke; and without the bulworke gate, maister Thomas Offleie one of the shiriffes of London receiued him and brought him to the scaffold, where after a small declaration he knéeled downe and said his praiers. Then holding vp his eies & hands to heauen with teares, at the last he desired the people to praie for him, & after he was beheaded. His bodie being laid in a cart, and his head in a cloth, was brought into the chappell within the tower, where the ladie Iane, whose lodging was in maister Patridges house; did sée his dead carcasse taken out of the cart, as well as she did see him before aliue going to his death: a sight (as might be supposed) to hir worse than death. By this time was there a scaffold made vpon the greene ouer against the white tower, The [...] of the ladie Iane lead to execution. for the ladie Iane to die vpon, who being nothing at all abashed neither with feare of hir owne death, which then approched, neither with the sight of the dead carcasse of hir hus­band when he was brought into the chapell, came forth, the lieutenant leading hir, with countenance nothing abashed, neither hir eies anie thing moiste­ned with teares, with a booke in hir hand, wherein she praied vntill she came to the said scaffold. Whereon when she was mounted, this noble yoong ladie as she was indued with singular gifts both of learning and knowledge, so was she as patient and mild as a­nie lambe at hir execution: and a little before hir death vttered these words.]

The words of the ladie Iane at hir death, on a scaffold vpon the greene ouer against the white tower.

GOod people I am come hither to die, and by a law I am condem­ned to the same. My offense a­gainst the queenes highnes was onelie in consent to the deuice of other, which now is deemed treason; but it was neuer of my seeking, but by counsell of those who should seeme to haue further vnder­standing of things than I, which knew lit­tle of the law, and much lesse of the titles [Page 1100] to the crowne. But touching the procure­ment and desire therof by me, or on my be­halfe, I doo wash my hands in innocencie thereof before God, and the face of all you (good christian people) this daie. And ther­with she wroong hir hands wherin she had hir booke. Then (said she) I praie you all good christian people, to beare me witnesse that I die a true christian woman, & that I looke to be saued by none other meanes, line 10 but onelie by the mercie of God, in the bloud of his onelie sonne Iesus Christ; & I confesse that when I did know the word of God, I neglected the same, & loued my selfe and the world, and therefore this plague and punishment is iustlie & worthilie hap­pened vnto me for my sins, & yet I thanke God of his goodnesse, that he hath giuen me a time and respit to repent. And now line 20 good people while I am aliue, I praie you assist me with your praiers.

Then knéeling downe, she said the p [...]alme of Mi­serere mei Deus, in English, and then stood vp and gaue hir maid (called mistresse Ellin) hir gloues and handkercher, and hir booke she also gaue to maister Bridges then lieutenant of the tower, and so vntied hir gowne; and the executioner pressed to helpe hir off with it, but she desired him to let hir alone, and line 30 turned hir toward hir two gentlewomen, who hel­ped hir off therewith, and wish hir other attires, and they gaue hir a faire handkercher t [...] [...]ut about hir eies. The executio­ner asked the ladie Iane forgiuenesse. Then the executioner knéeled d [...]wne and asked hir forgiuenesse, whom she forgaue most willinglie. Then he willed hir to stand vpon the straw, which doone, she saw the blocke, & then she said; I praie you dispatch me quicklie. Then she knéeled downe, sai­eng; Will you take it off before I laie me down Whervnto the executioner answered, No madam▪ Then tied she the handkercher about hir eies, and fée­ling for the blocke, she said; Where is it, where is it? One of the standers by guided hir therevnto, and she laid downe hir head vpon the blocke, and then stret­ched forth hir bodie, and said; Lord into thy hands I commend my spirit, and so finished hir life. ¶ This was the end of the lord Gilford and the ladie Iane, I. Stow. whose deaths were the more hastened for feare of further troubles and sturs for hir title, like as hir fa­ther had attempted.] line 50

Thus (as saith maister Fox) were beheaded two innocents, Iohn Fox. in comparison of them that sat vpon them: for they did but ignorantlie accept that which the others had willinglie deuised, and by open pro­clamation consented to take from others, and giue to them. And verelie how vnwilling she was to take it vpon hir, there are yet liuing that can testifie. Iudge Morgan now that gaue the sentence against hir, Iudge Mor­gan fell mad. shortlie after fell mad, and in his rauing cried continuallie to haue the ladie Iane taken awaie from him, and so ended his life. ¶Touching this ladie line 60 Iane in the high commendation of hir godlie mind, I find this report in maister Foxes appendix to his Acts and Monuments, Abr. Fl. ex I. F. [...]. namelie that being on a time when she was verie yoong at Newhall in Essex at the ladie Maries, was by one ladie Anne Wharton desired to walke, and they passing by the chapell, the ladie Wharton made low curtsie to the popish sacra­ment hanging on the altar. Which when the ladie Iane saw maruelled why she did so, and asked hir whether the ladie Marie were there or not? Unto whome the ladie Wharton answered no, but she said that she made hir curtsie to him that made vs all. Why quoth the ladie Iane, how can he be there that made vs all, and the baker made him? This hir an­swer comming to the ladie Maries eare, she did ne­uer loue hir after, as is crediblie reported, but estée­med hir as the rest of that christian profession. In further witnesse of which good ladies disposition (both to God and the world) besides the verses of certeine learned men extant to hir praise, these following were found written by hir owne hand with a pin:

Non aliena putes homini, quae obtingere possunt,
Sors [...] mihi, tunc erit illa tibi.
Iane Dudley.
Deo iuuante, nil nocet liuor malus,
Et non iuuante, nil iuuat labor gra [...]is,
Post tenebras spero videre lucem.

Upon sa [...]urdaie being the seuentéenth of Februa­rie the duke of Suffolke was arreigned at West­minster, and there condemned to die by his péeres, The duke of Suffolke. the earle of Arundell being that daie chiefe iudge. Where some haue written that he should at his last going downe into the countrie make proclamation in his daughters name, that is not so: for whereas he stood by in Leicester, when at his commandement the proclamation was there made against the queenes mariage with the prince of Spaine, &c: ma­ster Damport then maior of that towne said to him: My lord I trust your grace meaneth no hurt to the quéenes maiestie. No saith he maister maior (laieng his hand on his sword) he that would hir anie hurt, I would this sword were through his hart, for she is the mercifullest prince, as I haue trulie found hir, that euer reigned, in whose defense I am & will be readie to die at hir foot. Iohn Fox. ¶On mondaie the ninetéenth of Fe­bruarie, the lord Cobhams thrée sonnes, and foure o­ther men were brought to Westminster, the yoong­est of the Cobhams, to wit maister Thomas Cob­ham was condemned with the other foure men, but the other two Cobhams came not to the barre. ¶On the wednesdaie the one and twentith of Februarie [...]he lord Thomas Greie that had beene taken (as be­ [...]re ye haue heard) in Wales, was brought togither with sir Iames Croft through London to the tower, by a number of horssemen.

Upon the fridaie the thrée and twentith of Fe­bruarie, about nine of the clocke, the duke of Suf­folke was brought foorth of the tower vnto the scaf­fold on the tower hill. And in his comming thither, The duke of Suffolke be­headed. there accompanied him doctor Weston, as his ghost­lie father: notwithstanding (as it should séeme) a­gainst the will of the said duke. For when the duke went vp the scaffold, the said Weston being on his left hand, pressed to go vp with him. The duke with his hand put him downe againe off the staires, and Weston taking hold of the duke forced him downe likewise. And as they ascended the second time, the duke againe put him downe. Then Weston said, Doctor Weston. that it was the quéenes pleasure he should so doo▪ wherewith the duke casting his hands abrode, ascen­ded vp the scaffold, and paused a prettie while after, and then he said.

The duke of Suffolks words to the people at the time of his death.

MAisters, I haue offended the queene and hir lawes, and there­by am iustlie condemned to die, and am willing to die, desiring all men to be obedient; and I praie God that this my death maie be an example to all men: beseeching you all to beare mee wit­nesse that I die in the faith of Christ, tru­sting to be saued by his bloud onelie (and by none other trumperie) the which died for [Page 1101] me, and for all them that doo trulie repent, & stedfastlie trust in him. And I doo repent, desiring you all to pray to God for me, that when ye see my breath depart from me, you will praie to God that he maie receiue my soule. And then hee desired all men to for­giue him, saieng that the queene had for­giuen him.

Then maister Weston declared with a lowd voice that the quéenes maiestie had forgiue [...] him. Then di­uers line 10 of the standers by said with audible voice▪ Such forgiuenes God send thee, meaning doctor Weston. Then the duke kneeled vpon his knees, and said the psalme Misereremei Deus, vnto the end, holding vp his hands, and looking vp to heauen. And when he had ended the psalme, he said; In manus [...] Domine com­me [...]do spiritum m [...]um. Then he arose and stood vp, and deliuered his cap and so [...]rffe to the executioner, and therewith the executioner kneeled downe: and asked line 20 the duke forgiuenesse, and the duke said, God forgiue thee, and I doo▪ and when thou doost thine office, I praie thee doo if quicklie, and God haue mercie to thee. Then s [...]od there a man and said, My lord, how shall I doo for the monie that you doo owe me? And the duke said, Alas good fellow, I praie thée trouble me not now, but go thy waie to my officers. Then he knit a kercher about his face, and knéeled downe and said, Our father which art in heauen, &c▪ vnto the end: and then he said, Christ haue mercie vpon me, and laid line 30 downe his head on the blocke: and the executioner toke the axe, and at the first chop stroke off his head, and held it vp to the people, according to the common custome of execution.

Such was the end of this duke of Suffolke, a man of high nobilitie by birth, The duke of Suffolke described. and of nature to his friend gentle and courteous, more easie in déed to be led than was thought expedient, of stomach neuer­thelesse stout and hardie, hastie and soone kindled, but pacified streight againe, and sorie if in his heat ought line 40 had passed him otherwise than reason might séeme to beare, vpright and plaine in his priuat dealings, no dissembler, nor well able to beare iniuries, but yet forgiuing & forgetting the same, if the partie would séeme but to acknowlege his fault, and seeke recon­cilement. Bountifull he was and verie liberall, som­what learned himselfe, Great pitie that so manie good gifts con­curring should suffer disgrace. and a great sauourer of those that were learned, so that to manie he shewed him­selfe a verie Mecoenas: as frée from couetousnesse, as void of pride and disdainefull hautinesse of mind, line 50 more regarding plaine meaning men, than claw­backe flatterers. And this vertue he had, he could patientlie heare his faults told him, by those whome he had in credit for their wisdome and faithfull mea­ning toward him, although sometime he had the hap to reforme himselfe thereafter. Concerning his last offense for the which he died, it is to be supposed, he ra­ther tooke in hand that vnlawfull enterprise through others persuasions, than of his owne motion for any malicious ambition in himselfe. line 60

But now to let this duke rest with God, we will procéed with the storie. The same daie (or as some haue noted the day before) a number of prisoners had their pardon, and came through the citie with their halters about their necks. They were in The number of them that thus had their pardon were 240. number a­boue two hundred. Upon the saturdaie, the eight and twentith of Februarie, sir William Sentlow was committed as prisoner to the maister of the horsse to be kept. This sir William was at this time one of the ladie Elizabeths gentlemen. Upon the sundaie being the fiue and twentith of Februarie, sir Iohn Rogers was committed to the tower. Upon the tuesdaie in the same weeke being the seuen & twen­tith of Februarie, Gentlemen sent into Kent to be executed. certeine gentlemen of Kent were sent into Kent to be executed there. Their [...] were the [...] the two Mantels, two Kneuets, and Bret: with these maister Rudston also, and certeine other were condemned, and should haue beene execu­ted, but they had their pardon.

Sir Henrie Isleie knight; Execution. Thomas Isleie his brother, and Walter Mantel [...], suffered at Maidsto [...], where Wiat first displaied his banner. Anthonie Kneuet and his brother William Kneuet, with an o­ther of the Mantels, were executed at Seugnecke▪ Bret at Rochester was hanged in chains. On satur­daie the third of March, sir Gawen Carew, and mai­ster Gibs were brought thorough London to the tower, with a companie of horssemen. Ladie Eli­zabeth and lord Court­neie prisoners in the tower. The fifteenth daie of March next following, the ladie Elizabeth the queenes sister, and next heire to the crowne, was ap­prehended at hir manour of Ashridge, for suspicion of Wiats conspiracie. And from thence (being that time verie si [...]ke) with great rigour brought priso­ner to London. On the sundaie after being the se­uentéenth of March, she was commited to the tower, where also the lord Courtneie earle of Deuonshire (of whome before is made mention) was for the like suspicion committed prisoner.

¶Touching the imprisonment of the foresaid ladie Elizabeth, & the lord Courtneie, Abr. Fl. ex Ioh. Fo [...]i ma [...] ­tyrologio. thou shalt note here for thy learning (good reader) a politike point of prac­tise in Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, not vnworthie to be considered. This Gardiner being alwaies a capitall enimie to ladie Elizabeth, & thin­king now by the occasion of maister Wiat to picke out some matter against the lord Courtneie, and so in the end to intangle the ladie Elizabeth, deuised a pestilent practise of conueiance, as in the storie here following maie appeare. The storie is this. The same daie that sir Thomas died, A point of practise of Stephā Gar [...]diner against the ladie E­lizabeth. he desired the lieutenant to bring him to the presence of the lord Courtneie, who there before the lieutenant and the shiriffes, knéeling downe vpon his knées, besought the lord Courtneie to forgiue him, for that he had falselie ac­cused both the ladie Elizabeth and him: and so being brought from thence vnt [...] the scaffold to suffer, there openlie in the hearing of all the people cleared the ladie Elizabeth, and the lord Courtneie, to be free and innocent from all suspicion of that commotion. At which confession, doctor Weston there standing by, Doctor West [...] against the l [...]die Elizabet [...] cried to the people, saieng: Beléeue him not (good people) for he confessed otherwise before vnto the councell.

After the execution doone of sir Thomas Wiat, which was the eleuenth daie of Aprill, word was brought immediatlie to the lord maior sir Thomas White a little before dinner, how maister Wiat had cleared the ladie Elizabeth and lord Courtneie, The lord ma­iors iudgme [...] of D. West [...] and the words also which doctor Weston spake vnto the people. Wherevnto the lord maior answering; Is this true quoth he? Said Weston so? In sooth I ne­uer tooke him otherwise but for a knaue. Upon this the lord maior sitting downe to dinner (who dined the same daie at the Bridgehouse) commeth in sir Martine Bowes with the recorder, newlie come from the parlement house, who hearing of the maior and shiriffes this report of Wiats confession, both vpon the scaffold and also in the tower, maruelled thereat, declaring how there was another tale con­trarie to this, told the same daie in the parlement house, which was, that sir Thomas Wiat should de­sire the lord Courtneie to confesse the truth, so as he had doone before.

Upon this it followed not long after, that a cer­teine prentise dwelling in saint Laurence lane, na­med Cut, as he was drinking with one Denham a plaisterer being one of quéene Maries seruants, a­mongst other talke, made mention how sir Thomas [Page 1102] Wiat had cleared the ladie Elizabeth, and the lord Courtneie, to be no consenters to his rising. Which words being brought to Gardiner (by what means I know not) incontinent vpon the fame, sir Andrew Iud was se [...]t by the said bishop to the lord maior, [...] commanding him to bring the said prentise to the Starchamber, which was accused of these words, that he should saie that Wiat was constreined by the councell to accuse the ladie Elizabeth, & the lord Courtneie. Which fellow when he was come to the line 10 Starchamber, the aforesaid Gardiner letting passe other matters that were in hand, began to declare to the whole multitude, how miraculouslie almightie God had brought the quéens maiestie to the crowne, the whole realme in a maner being against hir, and that he had brought this to passe for this singular in­tent & purpose, S [...]phā [...] tale in [...] Star­chamber a­gainst the la­die Elizabeth. that this realme being ouerwhelmed with heresies, she might reduce the same againe to the true catholike faith. And where she tooke the ladie Elizabeth into hir fauour, and loued hir so tenderlie, and also the lord Courtneie, who of long time had line 20 béene deteined in prison, and by hir was set at liber­tie, and receiued great benefits at hir hands; and not­withstanding all this, they had conspired most vn­naturallie and traitorouslie against hir with that heinous traitor Wiat, as by the confession of Wiat (said he) and the letters sent to and fro maie plainlie appeare: yet there was some in the citie of London, which reported that Wiat was constreined by the councell to accuse the ladie Elizabeth, and the lord line 30 Courtneie, & yet you my lord maior (quoth he) haue not seene the same punished.

The partie is here, said the lord maior. Take him with you (said Gardiner) and punish him according to his desert, and said further: My lord, take héed to your charge, the citie of London is a whirlepoole and a sinke of all euill rumors, there they be bred, and from thence spred into all parts of this realme. There stood by the same time the lord Shandois, who being then lieutenant of the tower, The Lord [...]handois [...] report in the Star­chamber, a­gainst the la­die Elizabeth and lord Courtneie. and now hea­ring line 40 the bishop thus speake, to sooth his tale, came in with these words as followeth: My lords (quoth he) this is a truth that I shall tell you, I being lieu­tenant of the tower when Wiat suffered, he desired me to bring him to the lord Courtneie; which when I had doone, he fell downe vpon his knees before him in my presence, and desired him to confesse the truth of himselfe, as he had doone before, and to submit him selfe vnto the quéenes mercie. And thus much of this matter I thought to declare, to the intent that the reader perceiuing the procéedings of the bishop line 50 in the premisses, & comparing the same with the true testimonie of Wiat himselfe, and with the testimo­nie of the shiriffes, the which were present the same time when sir Thomas Wiat asked the lord Court­neie forgiuenesse, maie the better iudge of the whole case and matter for the which the ladie Elizabeth and the lord Courtneie were so long in trouble.]

On saturdaie next following being Easter euen, and the foure and twentith of March, the lord mar­ques of Northampton, the lord Cobham, and sir line 60 William Cobham his sonne and heire, were deli­uered out of the tower, where they had remained for a time, being committed thither vpon some suspicion about Wiats rebellion: as diuerse others were, wherof manie were put to death, as C.O. reporteth:

Nunc istos laesae nunc illos quaestio torquet
Maiestatis, habet multos custodia clausos
Firma viros, atro parsplurima deditur Orco.

Not long after, quéene Marie partlie offended with the Londoners, as fauorers of Wiats conspi­racie, and partlie perceiuing the more part of them nothing inclined towards hir procéedings in religi­on, which turned manie of them to losse, summoned a parlement to be holden at Oxford, A parlement summoned at Oxford but no [...] holden. as it were to gratifie that citie, which with the vniuersitie, towne, and countrie, had shewed themselues verie forward in hir seruice; but speciallie in restoring of the reli­gion called catholike: for which appointed parlement there to be holden, great prouision was made, as well by the quéens officers, as by the townesmen & inhabitants of the countrie round about. But the quéens mind in short space changed, and the same parlement was holden at Westminster in Aprill next following, wherein the queene proponed two speciall matters, the one for the mariage to be had betweene hir and the prince Philip of Spaine: the o­ther, for the restoring againe of the popes power and iurisdiction in England. As touching hir mariage, it was with no great difficultie agréed vpon; but the other request could not be easilie obteined.

Howbeit, it was to be wished, euen to the disap­pointing of that mariage (if God in counsell had so prouided) that the whole bodie of the parlement had beene semblablie affected, as it is said, that all the nations of the world were, All nations in the world against the mariage of the sun, and why. when the sunne would néeds be maried. Against which purpose of the sun the people of all regions assembling, humblie be­sought Iupiter to cast in a blocke and impediment against that wedding. But Iupiter demanding of them why they would not haue the sun maried; one stepping vp made answer for the rest, and said: Thou knowest well enough Iupiter that there is but one sun, and yet he burneth vs all: who, if he be maried & haue children, as the number of suns must néeds increase; so must their heat and feruentnesse be multiplied, whereby a generall destruction of all things in their kind will insue. Herevpon that match was ouerthrowne. But God aboue ruling by prouidence all things here beneath, had purposed this coniunction; so that it was not in the power of man to withstand or interrupt it: howbeit it was his pleasure (to what end himselfe best knoweth) to cursse it with barrennesse, as he did the queene hir selfe with a short and vnpeaceable reigne (full of sedition and bloudshed) as our English poet noteth:

Quaepost Eduardi mortem conuersio rerum,
Transtulit in varias alieno pectore partes
Brutigenas, fauet hic externis, ille perosus
Mystarum rabiem, tantis obstacula quaerit
Opportuna malis: cùm iam proh dedecusingens,
Seditio exoritur, regnorum pessima pestis.

¶On the eight of Aprill, then being sundaie, Iohn Stow. A cat hanged in cheape. a cat with hir head shorne, and the likenesse of a vestment cast ouer hir, with hir fore féet tied togither, and a round peece of paper like a singing cake betwixt them, was hanged on a gallows in Cheape, néere to the crosse, in the parish of saint Matthew: which cat being taken downe, was caried to the bishop of London, and he caused the same to be shewed at Pauls crosse by the preacher doctor Pendleton.]

On the tenth daie of Aprill following, The bishops Cranmer, Latimer, and Ridleie sent to Oxford. Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie, Nicholas Ridleie bishop of London, and Hugh Latimer once bishop of Worcester, who had béene long prisoners in the tower, were now conueied from thence, and caried to Windsore, and afterward to the vniuersi­tie of Oxford, there to dispute with the diuines and learned men of the contrarie opinion. Two daies after their comming to Oxford, which was the twelfe daie of the said moneth, Commissio­ners. diuerse learned men of both the vniuersities were sent in commission from the conuocation (which during this parlement was kept in Pauls church in London) to dispute with those prisoners in certeine articles of religion. The names of them that were in commission were these following. Of Oxford, doctor Weston prolo­cutor, Cole, Chadseie, Pie, Harpesfield, Smith. Of [Page 1103] Cambridge, Yoong, Seton, Watson, Atkinson, Phecknam, Sedgewike. The thirtéenth daie of A­prill these disputers assembled themselues in saint Maries church, to conuent the thrée persons aboue named vpon certeine articles of religion, who being brought out of prison before them, were seuerallie one after another examined of their opinions, vpon the articles proponed vnto them, Io. Fox in acts and monu­ments. whereof ye maie read in the booke of monuments of the church more at large, and there find the whole procéeding in that matter. line 10

Sir Thomas Wiat arreig­ned.Sir Thomas Wiat (of whome mention is made before) was about this time brought from the tower to Westminster, and there arreigned of high trea­son: the earle of Sussex, sir Edward Hastings, and sir Thomas Cornwallis, with others being his iudges. The effect of whose indictment among o­ther things speciallie was; The effect of Wiats indict­ment. that he the fourtéenth daie of Februarie last before, with force of armed multitude and ensignes displaied, had at Brainford raised open warres against our souereigne ladie the line 20 quéene, traitorouslie pretending and practising to de­priue hir of hir crowne and dignitie; and the question was demanded of him, whether he was guiltie or no? Where at he staied, and besought the iudges that he might first aske a question, before he answered directlie to the point, Wiat answe­reth not di­rectlie to the question guil­tie or vnguil­tie. and he was licenced so to doo. The question was, that if he should confesse himselfe guiltie, whether the same should not be preiudiciall vnto him, so as he by that confession should be bar­red from vttering such things as he had more to say? line 30 Wherevnto it was answered by the court; Maister Wiat (said they) ye shall haue both leaue and leasure to saie what you can.

Then my lords (quoth he) I must confesse my selfe guiltie, and in the end the truth of my case must in­force me. I must acknowledge this to be a iust plague for my sins, which most gréeuouslie I there­fore haue committed against God, who suffered me thus brutishslie & beastlie to fall into this horrible of­fense of the law. Wherefore all you lords & gentle­men, line 40 with other here present, note well my words, lo here & sée in me the same end which all other com­monlie had, which haue attempted the like enter­prise from the beginning. For peruse the chronicles through, & you shall sée that neuer rebellion attemp­ted by subiects against their prince and countrie, A rebels re­port touching rebellion. from the beginning did euer prosper, or had euer better successe, except the case of king Henrie the fourth: who although he became a prince, yet in his line 50 act was but a rebell, for so must I call him: & though he preuailed for a time, yet was it not long but that his heires were depriued, and those that had right a­gaine restored to the kingdome and crowne, and the vsurpation so sharplie reuenged afterward in his bloud, as it well appeared, that the long delaie of Gods vengeance was supplied with more greeuous plagues in the third and fourth generation. For the loue of God all you gentlemen that be here present, remember and be taught as well by examples past, Wiats ex­hortation to loialtie by his owne exam­ple. line 60 as also by this my present infelicitie and most wret­ched case. Oh most misserable, mischiefous, brutish & bestlie furious imaginations of mine! I was per­suaded that by the mariage of the prince of Spaine, the second person of this realme, and next heire to the crowne, should haue béene in danger; and that I being a free borne man, should with my countrie haue beene brought into the bondage and seruitude of aliens and strangers. Which brutish beastlie opi­nion then seemed to me reason, and wrought in me such effects, that it led me headlong into the practise of this detestable crime of treason.

But now being better persuaded, and vnderstand­ing the great commoditie & honor which the realme should receiue by this marriage: Wiat altereth his mind tou­ching the quéenes ma­riage. I stand firme and fast in this opinion, that if it should please the queene to be mercifull vnto me, there is no subiect in this land that should more trulie and faithfullie serue hir highnes than I shall; nor no sooner die at hir graces féet in defense of hir quarrell. I serued hir highnesse against the duke of Northumberland, as my lord of Arundell can witnesse. My grandfather serued most truelie hir graces grandfather, and for his sake was set vpon the racke in the tower. My father also serued king Henrie the eight to his good conten­tation, and I also serued him, and king Edward his son. And in witnesse of my bloud spent in his ser­uice, I carrie a name. I alledge not all this to set foorth my seruice by waie of merit, which I confesse but dutie: but to declare to the whole world, that by abusing my wits, in pursuing my misaduised opini­on, I haue not onelie ouerthrowne my house, The fruits of rebellion by Wiats confes­sion. and defaced all the well dooings of me and my ancestors (if euer there were anie) but also haue béene the cause of mine owne death and destruction. Neither doo I alledge this to iustifie my selfe in anie point, neither for an excuse of mine offense: but most humblie sub­mit my selfe to the queenes maiesties mercie and pi­tie, desiring you my lord of Sussex, and you maister Hastings, with all the rest of this honorable bench, to be meanes to the quéenes highnesse for hir mercie, which is the greatest treasure that maie be giuen to anie prince from God, such a vertue as God hath ap­propriate to himselfe. Which if hir highnesse vouch­safe to extend vnto me, she shall bestow it on him, who shall be most glad to serue truelie, and not re­fuse to die in hir quarrell. For I protest before the iudge of all iudges, I neuer meant hurt against hir highnesse person.

Then said the quéenes attorneie; The quéenes attornie spea­keth to Wiat. Maister Wiat you haue great cause to be sorie, and repent for your fault, whereby you haue not onelie vndoone your selfe and your house, but also a number of other gen­tlemen, who being true men might haue serued their prince and countrie: yet if you had gone no further, it might haue beene borne withall the better. But being not so contented to staie your selfe, you haue so procured the duke of Suffolke (a man soone trai­ned to your purpose) and his two brethren also: by meanes whereof without the quéenes greater mer­cie, you haue ouerthrowne that noble house. And yet not so staied, your attempt hath reached as far as in you laie to the second person of the realme, in whom next to the quéenes highnesse resteth all our hope and comfort, wherby hir honor is brought in question, and what danger will folow, and to what end it will come God knoweth: of all this you are the author. Wiat answered; Wiats [...] to the quéenes attorneie. As I will not in anie thing iustifie my selfe, so I beseech you, I being in this wretched estate, not to ouercharge me, nor to make me séeme to be that I am not. I am loth to touch anie person by name; but that I haue written I haue written. Then said the iudge; Maister Wiat, maister attor­nie hath well mooued you to repent your offenses, The iudge speaketh. and we for our parts with you the same.

Then said sir Edward Hastings maister of the quéens horsse; Maister Wiat, Sir Edward Hastings spéech to Wiat. doo ye remember when I and maister Cornwallis were sent vnto you from the quéenes highnesse to demand the cause of your enterprise, and what you required? Were not these your demands, that the quéenes grace should go to the tower, and there remaine; and you to haue the rule of the tower and hir person, with the treasure in kéeping, and such of hir councell as you would re­quire to be deliuered into your hands, saieng that you would be trusted and not trust? Which words when Wiat had confessed, then said the quéenes soli­citor; Your presumption was ouer great, & your at­tempt [Page 1104] in this case hath purchased you perpetuall in­famie, Maister Cor­ [...]ell late mai­ster of the [...] speak­eth. and shall be called Wiats rebellion, as Wat Tilers was called Wat Tilers rebellion. Then said the attorneie; Maister Wiat, were you not pri­uie to a deuise whereby the quéene should haue béene murthered in a place where she should walke? I doo not burthen you to confesse this, for thus much I must saie on your behalfe, that you misliked that de­uise? William Thomas mean [...] to mur­ther quéene Marie. That deuise (said Wiat) was the deuise of William Thomas, whome euer after I abhorred for line 10 that cause.

Then was a letter shewed, which Wiat being in Southworke had written to the duke of Suf­folke, that he should méet him at Kingstone bridge, and from thense to accompanie him to London, al­though he came with the fewer number. Wiat at the first did not séeme to remember anie such letter; but when it was shewed him, he confessed his hand. Then was it demanded of him among other things, whie he refused the queenes pardon when it was offe­red line 20 him. My lords (quoth he) I confesse my fault and offense to be most vile and heinous, Wiats confes­sion. for the which first I aske God mercie, without the which I cannot cha­lenge anie thing, such is my offense alreadie com­mitted. And therefore I beséech you to trouble me with no more questions, for I haue deliuered all things vnto hir grace in writing. And finallie here I must confesse, that of all the voiages wherein I haue serued, this was the most desperat and painfull iorneie that euer I made. And where you asked whie I receiued not the quéenes pardon when it was offe­red line 30 vnto me; Wiat is sorie that he refu­sed the quéens pardon when it was offred. Oh vnhappie man! What shall I saie? When I was entred into this diuellish & desperat ad­uenture, there was no waie but wade through with that I had taken in hand: for I had thought that o­ther had béene as farre forward as my selfe, which I found farre otherwise. So that being bent to keepe promise with all my confederats, none kept promise with me; for I like a moile went through thicke and thin with this determination, that if I should come line 40 to anie treatie, I should séeme to bewraie all my friends.

But whereto should I spend anie more words? I yéeld my selfe wholie vnto the quéenes mercie, knowing well that it is onelie in hir power to make me (as I haue deserued) an open example to the world with Wat Tiler; or else to make me partici­pant of that pitie which she hath extended in as great crimes as mine; most humblie beséeching you all to be means for me to hir highnesse for mercie, which is line 50 my last and onelie refuge. The will of God be doone on me. Upon this confession without further triall, he receiued the iudgement accustomed in cases of treason, which was to be hanged, drawne and quarte­red. And the eleuenth of Aprill next folowing he was brought to the Tower hill, and there was pardoned of his drawing and hanging, The executi­on of sir Tho­mas Wiat. but had his head stric­ken off, and his bodie cut in foure quarters, and set vp in diuerse places about the citie, but his head was set vppon the gallowes at Haie hill beside Hide parke. line 60

Now here by the waie is to be noted, that he being on the scaffold readie to suffer, declared that the la­die Elizabeth and sir Edward Courtneie earle of Deuonshire, whome he had accused before (as it sée­med) were neuer priuie to his dooings, as farre as he knew, or was able to charge them. And when doctor Weston, being then his confessor told him that he had confessed the contrarie vnto the councell, he an­swered thus; That I said then, I said, but that which I saie now is true. This was the end of Wiat and his conspiracie; as also the like hath béene of others attempting anie rebellion. For as their enterprise being, according to the proper qualitie thereof, con­sidered, is flat against Gods ordinance, who hath or­deined magistracie to be reuerenced of inferiors: so it is vnlikelie to bring other than infortunatnesse, and shamefull ouerthrowes vnto the attempters; in whome although will want not to compasse anie worke; yet force failing, they misse the marke, & all bicause rashnesse giueth them a false aime. Where­fore to conclude this tragicall discourse of Wiat, it were to be wished that the sage and safe counsell of Cato were put in common practise of all men, which is, to vndertake & doo nothing aboue their strength:

Quod potes, id tentes, operis ne pondere pressus,
Succumbat labor, & frustra tentata relinquas.

The seuenth daie of Aprill next following, Sir Nicho­las Throck­morton ar­reigned of high treason cleéreth him­selfe. sir Ni­cholas Throckmorton knight was brought from the tower to Guildhall in London, and there arreigned of high treason, as adherent and principall counsel­lor to the said Wiat and the duke of Suffolke, and the rest in the fore remembred conspiracie against the quéene. But he so stoutlie, and therwithall so cun­ninglie answered for himselfe, as well in cleering of his cause, as also in defending & auoiding such points of the lawes of the realme, as were there alleaged a­gainst him, that the quest which passed vpon his life & death found him not giltie. With which verdict the iudges and councellors there present were so much offended, that they bound the iurie in the summe of fiue hundred pounds a péece, to appeare before the councell in the Starchamber, at a daie appointed. And according to their bond, they appeared there be­fore the said councell vpon Wednesdaie, being the one and twentith of Aprill, and saint Marks daie; from whense after certeine questioning, they were committed to prison, Emanuell Lucar and master Whetston to the tower, and the other to the Fléet.

But now forsomuch as a copie of the order of sir Nicholas Throckmortons arreignement hath come to my hands, and that the same maie giue some light to the historie of that dangerous rebellion, I haue thought it not impertinent to insert the same: not wishing that it should be offensiue to anie, sith it is in euerie mans libertie to weie his words vttered in his owne defense, and likewise the dooings of the quest in acquitting him, as maie séeme good to their discretions, sith I haue deliuered the same as I haue found it, without preiudicing anie mans opinion, to thinke thereof otherwise than as the cause maie mooue him.

The order of the arreignement of sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, in t [...]e Guildhall of London the seuenteenth daie of Aprill 1554, expressed in a dialog for the better vnderstan­ding of euerie mans part.

SIr Thomas White knight lord maior of London, the earle of Shrewesburie, The names of the com­missioners. the earle of Derbie, sir Thomas Bromleie knight lord chiefe iustice of England, sir Nicholas Hare knight master of the rolles, sir Francis Englefield knight master of the court of wards and liberties, sir Richard Southwell knight one of the priuie councell, sir Edward Walgraue knight one of the priuie councell, sir Roger Cholme­leie knight, sir William Portman knight one of the iustices of the Kings bench, sir Edward San­ders knight one of the iustices of the common plees; master Stanford & master Dier sergeants, The quéenes learned coun­sell gaue eui­dence against the prisoner. master Edward Griffin attournie generall, master Sen­dall and Peter Tithbourne clearks of the crowne. First, after proclamation made, and the commission read, the lieutenant of the tower, master Thomas Bridges, brought the prisoner to the barre: then si­lence was commanded, and Sendall said to the priso­ner [Page 1105] as followeth.

Sendall.Nicholas Throckmorton knight hold vp thy hand, thou art before this time indicted of high treason, &c: that thou then and there didst falselie and traitorous­lie, &c: conspire and imagine the death of the quéenes maiestie, &c: and falselie and traitorouslie diddest le­uie warre against the quéene within hir realme, &c: and also thou wast adherent to the quéenes enimies within hir realme, giuing to them aid and comfort, &c: and also falselie and traitorouslie diddest conspire line 10 and intend to depose and depriue the quéene of hir roi­all estate, and so finallie destroie hir, &c: and also thou diddest falselie and traitorouslie deuise and conclude to take violentlie the tower of London, &c. Ofall which treasons and euerie of them in maner & forme, &c: art thou giltie or not giltie?

Throckmor­ton.Maie it please you my lords and maisters, which be authorised by the queenes commission to be iud­ges this daie, to giue me leaue to speake a few words, which dooth both concerne you and me, before line 20 I answer to the indictement, and not altogither im­pertinent to the matter, and then plead to the indict­ment.

Bromleie.No, the order is not so, you must first plead whe­ther you be giltie or no.

Throckmor­ton.If that be your order and law, iudge accordinglie to it.

Hare.You must first answer to the matter wherewith you are charged, and then you maie talke at your pleasure. line 30

Throckmor­ton.But things spoken out of place, were as good not spoken.

Bromleie.These be but delaies to spend time, therefore an­swer as the law willeth you.

Throckmor­ton.My lords I praie you make not too much hast with me, neither thinke not long for your dinner, for my case requireth leasure, and you haue well dined when you haue doone iustice trulie. Christ said, Blessed are they that hunger and thirst for righteousnesse.

Bromleie.I can forbeare my dinner as well as you, and care line 40 as little as you peraduenture.

Shrewesbu­rie.Come you hither to checke vs Throckmorton? We will not be so vsed, no no, I for mine owne part haue forborne my breakefast, dinner, and supper to serue the queene.

Throckmor­ton.Yea my good lord I know it right well, I meant not to touch your lordship, for your seruice and pains is euidentlie knowne to all men.

Southwell.Master Throckmorton, this talke néedeth not, we know what we haue to doo, and you would teach vs line 50 our duties, you hurt your matter: go to, go to.

Throckmor­ton.Master Southwell, you mistake me, I meant not to teach you, nor none of you, but to remember you of that I trust you all be well instructed in; and so I satisfie my selfe, sith I shall not speake, thinking you all know what you haue to doo, or ought to know: so I will answer to the indictement, and doo plead not giltie to the whole, and to euerie part thereof.

Sendall.How wilt thou be tried?

Throckmor­ton.Shall I be tried as I would, or as I should? line 60

You shall be tried as the law will, and therefore you must saie by God and by the countrie. Bromleie.

Is that your law for me? It is not as I would, but sith you will haue it so, Throckmor­ton. I am pleased with it, and doo desire to be tried by faithfull iust men, which more feare God than the world.

The names of the iurors.
  • Then the iu­rie was cal­led.
    Lucar.
  • Yoong.
  • Martin.
  • Beswike.
  • Barscarfeld.
  • Kightleie.
  • Low.
  • Whetston.
  • Painter.
  • Banks.
  • Calthrop.
  • Cater.

What time the atturnie went foorthwith to master Cholmeleie, and shewed him the shiriffes returne, who being acquainted with the citizens, knowing the corruptions and dexterities of them in such cases, noted certeine to be challenged for the quéene (a rare case) and the same men being knowne to be suffici­ent and indifferent, that no exceptions were to be ta­ken to them, but onelie for their vpright honesties: notwithstanding, the atturnie prompting sergeant Dier, the said sergeant challenged one Bacon, and an other citizen peremptorilie for the quéene. Then the prisoner demanded the cause of the chalenge? The sergeant answered; We néed not to shew you the cause of the chalenge for the qu [...]ene. Then the inquest was furnished with other honest men, that is to saie, Whetston & Lucar, so the prisoner vsed these words.

I trust you haue not prouided for me this daie, Throckmor­ton. as in times past I knew an other gentleman occupi­eng this wofull place was prouided for. It chanced one of the iustices vpon gelousie of the prisoners ac­quitall, for the goodnesse of his cause, said to an other of his companions a iustice, when the iurie did ap­peare: I like not this iurie for our purpose, they séeme to be too pitifull and too charitable to condemne the prisoner. No no, said the other iudge (to wit Cholmeleie) I warrant you, they be picked fellowes for the nonce, he shall drinke of the same cup his fel­lowes haue doone. I was then a looker on of the pa­geant as others be now here: but now wo is me, I am a plaier in that wofull tragedie. Well, for these and such other like the blacke oxe hath of late troden on some of their féet: but my trust is, I shall not be so vsed. Whilest this talke was, Cholmeleie consul­ted with the atturnie about the iurie, which the priso­ner espied, and then said as here insueth; Ah ah ma­ster Cholmeleie, will this foule packing neuer be left?

Whie what doo I, I praie you M. Throckmorton? Cholmeleie. I did nothing I am sure, you doo picke quarrels to me.

Well maister Cholmeleie if you doo well, Throckmor­ton. it is bet­ter for you, God helpe you.

[The iurie then was sworne, and proclamation made, that whosoeuer would giue euidence against sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, should come in and be heard, for the prisoner stood vpon his deliue­rance, where vpon sergeant Stanford presented him­selfe to speake.]

And it may please you master sergeant and the o­thers my masters of the quéenes learned councell, Throckmor­ton. like as I was minded to haue said a few words to the commissioners, if I might haue had leaue for their better remembrance of their duties in this place of iustice, and concerning direct indifferencie to be vsed towards me this daie: so by your patience I doo thinke good to saie some what to you, and to the rest of the quéenes learned councell, appointed to giue euidence against me. And albeit you and the rest by order be appointed to giue euidence against me, and interteined to set foorth the depositions and matter against me; yet I praie you remember I am not alienate from you, but that I am your christian brother; neither you so charged, but you ought to con­sider equitie; nor yet so priuileged, but that you haue a dutie of God appointed you how you shall doo your office; which if you excéed, will be gréeuouslie required at your hands. It is lawfull for you to vse your gifts which I know God hath largelie giuen you, as your learning, art, and eloquence, so as thereby you doo not seduce the minds of the simple and vnlearned iurie, to credit matters otherwise than they be. For ma­ster sergeant, I know how by persuasions, inforce­ments, presumptions, applieng, implieng, inferring, coniecturing, deducing of arguments, wresting and [Page 1106] excéeding the law, the circumstances, the depositi­ons and confessions that vnlearned men may be in­chanted to thinke and iudge those that be things in­different, or at the woorst but ouersights to be great treasons; such power orators haue, & such ignorance the vnlearned haue. Almightie God by the mouth of his prophet dooth conclude such aduocates be curssed, speaking these words: Curssed be he that dooth his office craftilie, corruptlie, and maliciouslie. And con­sider also, that my bloud shall be required at your line 10 hands, and punished in you and yours, to the third and fourth generation. Notwithstanding, you and the iustices excuse alwaies such erronious dooings, when they be after called in question by the verdict of the twelue men: but I assure you, the purgation ser­ueth you as it did Pilat, and you wash your hands of the bloudshed, as Pilat did of Christs. And now to your matter.

S [...]anford.And it please you my lords, I doubt not to prooue euidentlie and manifestlie, that Throckmorton is line 20 worthilie and rightlie indicted and arreigned of these treasons, and that he was a principall deuiser, procu­rer, and contriuer of the late rebellion; and that Wi­at was but his minister. How saie you Throckmor­ton, did not you send Winter to Wiat into Kent, and did deuise that the tower of London should be taken, with other instructions concerning Wiats sturre and rebellion?

Throckmor­t [...]n.Maie it please you that I shall answer particu­larlie to the matters obiected against me, in asmuch line 30 as my memorie is not good, and the same much de­caied since my gréeuous imprisonment, with want of sleepe, and other disquietnesse: I confesse I did saie to Winter that Wiat was desirous to speake with him, as I vnderstood.

Stanford.Yea sir, and you deuised togither of the taking of the tower of London, and of the other great trea­sons.

Throckmor­ton.No, I did not so, prooue it.

Yes sir, you met with Winter sundrie times as line 40 shall appeare, Stanford. and in sundrie places.

That granted, prooueth no such matter as is suppo­sed in the indictment. Throckmor­ton.

Winters con­fession read by Stanford.Stanford read Winters confession, which was of this effect, that Throckmorton met with Winter one daie in tower stréet, and told him, that sir Tho­mas Wiat was desirous to speake with him, and Winter demanded where Wiat was, Throckmor­ton answered at his house in Kent, not farre from Gillingham, as I heard saie, where the ships lie. line 50 Then they parted at that time, and shortlie after, Throckmorton met with Winter, vnto whome Winter said; Master Wiat dooth much mislike the comming of the Spaniards into this realme, and feareth their short arriuall héere, in as much as dai­lie he heareth thereof, dooth sée dailie diuerse of them arriue here, scattered like souldiors; and therefore he thinketh good the tower of London should be taken by a sleight, before the prince came, least that péece be deliuered to the Spaniards. How saie you Throck­morton line 60 to it? Throckmorton answered; I mislike it for diuerse respects. Euen so doo I said Winter. At another time Throckmorton met me the said Win­ter in Paules, when he had sent one to my house, to seeke me before, and he said to me; You are admerall of the fleet that now goeth into Spaine. I answered Yea. Throckmorton said, When will your ships be redie? I said within ten daies. Throckmorton said, I vnderstand you are appointed to conduct and carrie the lord priuie seale into Spaine, and considering the danger of the Frenchmen, which you saie arme them to the sea apace, me thinke it well doone, you put my said lord and his traine on land in the west countrie to auoid all dangers. Throckmorton said also, that Wiat changed his purpose for taking the tower of London. I said I was glad of it, & as for the French­men, I care not much for them, I will so handle the matter, that the quéenes ships shall be (I warrant you) in safegard. Another time I met with master Throckmorton, when I came from the emperours ambassadors, vnto whome I declared, that the empe­rour had sent me a faire chaine, and shewed it vnto Throckmorton, who said; For this chaine you haue sold your countrie. I said it is neither French king nor emperour that can make me sell my countrie, but I will be a true Englishman. Then they parted. This is the summe of the talke betwixt Throck­morton and Winter.

Now my masters of the iurie, Stanford. you haue heard my saiengs confirmed with Winters confession. How saie you Throckmorton, can you denie this, if you will, you shall haue Winter iustifie it to your face.

My lords, shall it please you that I shall answer. Throckmor­ton.

Yea, saie your mind. Bromleie.

I may trulie denie some part of this confession, Throckmor­ton. but bicause there is nothing materiall greatlie, I suppose the whole be true, and what is herein deposed, sufficient to bring me within the compasse of the in­dictment?

It appeareth that you were of counsell with Wi­at, in as much as you sent Winter downe to him, Stanford. who vttered vnto him diuerse traitorous deuises.

This is but coniecturall, Throckmor­ton. yet sith you will construe it so maliciouslie, I will recompt how I sent Winter to Wiat, and then I praie you of the iurie iudge better than master sergeant dooth. I met by chance a seruant of master Wiats, who demanded of me for Winter, and shewed me, that his master would gladlie speake with him: and so without anie further declaration, desired me if I met Winter to tell him master Wiats mind, and where he was. Thus much for the sending downe of Winter.

Yea sir, Attourne [...]e. but how saie you to the taking of the tow­er of London, which is treason?

I answer, Throckmor­ton. though Wiat thought méet to attempt so dangerous an enterprise, and that Winter infor­med me of it, you cannot extend Wiats deuises to be mine, and to bring me within the compasse of treason. For what maner of resoning or proofe is this, Wiat would haue taken the tower, Ergo Throck­morton is a traitor? Winter dooth make my purga­tion in his owne confession, euen now red as it was by master sergeant, though I saie nothing: for Win­ter dooth auow there, that I did much mislike it. And bicause you shall the better vnderstand that I did al­waies not alow these master Wiats deuises, I had these words to Winter, when he informed me of it; I thinke master Wiat would no Englishman hurt and this enterprise cannot be doone without the hurt and slaughter of both parties. For I know him that hath the charge of the peece, & his brother, both men of good seruice, the one had in charge a péece of great importance, Bullongne I meane, which was stoutlie assailed, & notwithstanding he made a good accompt of it for his time: the like I am sure he will doo by this his charge. Moreouer, to accompt the taking of the tower, is verie dangerous by the law. These were my words to Winter. And besides, it is verie vnlike that I of all men would confederate in such a matter against the lieutenant of the tower, whose daughter my brother hath married, and his house and mine alied togither by mariage sundrie times within these few yeares.

But how saie you to this, Hare. that Wiat and you had conference togither sundrie times at Warners house, and in other places?

This is a verie generall charge to haue conference, Throckmor­ton. but whie was it not as lawfull for me to confer with [Page 1107] Wiat as with you, or anie other man? I then knew no more by Wiat, than by anie other. And to prooue to talke with Wiat was lawfull and indifferent, the last daie that I did talke with Wiat, I saw my lord of Arundell, with other noble men and gentlemen, talke with him familiarlie in the chamber of pre­sence.

But they did not conspire nor talke of anie sturre against the Spaniards as you did pretend, Hare. & meant it against the quéene, for you, Crofts, Rogers, and Warner did oftentimes deuise in Warners house line 10 about your traitorous purposes, or else what did you so often there?

Throckmor­ton.I confesse I did mislike the quéenes mariage with Spaine, and also the comming of the Spaniards hi­ther, and then me thought I had reason to doo so: for I did learne the reasons of my misliking of you ma­ster Hare, master Southwell, and others in the par­lement house, there I did sée the whole consent of the realme against it; and I a hearer, but no speaker, did line 20 learne my misliking of those matters, confirmed by manie sundrie reasons amongst you: but as concer­ning anie sturre or vprore against the Spaniards, I neuer made anie, neither procured anie to be made; and for my much resort to master Warners house, it was not to conferre with master Wiat, but to shew my fréendship to my verie good lord the marquesse of Northampton, who was lodged there when he was inlarged.

Stanford.Did not you Throckmorton tell Winter that line 30 Wiat had changed his mind for the taking of the tower, wherby it appeared euidentlie that you knew of his dooings?

Throckmor­ton.Truelie I did not tell him so, but I care not great­lie to giue you that wepon to plaie you withall, now let vs see what you can make of it.

Stanford.Yea sir, that prooueth that you were priuie to Wi­ats mind in all his deuises and treasons, & that there was sending betwixt you and Wiat from time to time. line 40

What master sergeant? Dooth this prooue against me, Throckmor­ton. that I knew Wiat did repent him of an euill de­uised enterprise? Is it to know Wiats repentance sinne? No, it is but a veniall sinne, if it be anie it is not deadlie. But where is the messenger or message that Wiat sent to me touching his alteration, and yet it was lawfull inough for me to heare from Wiat at that time, as from anie other man, for anie act that I knew he had doone.

Dier.And it may please you my lords, and you my line 50 masters of the iurie, to prooue that Throckmorton is a principall dooer in this rebellion, there is yet ma­nie other things to be declared: among other, there is Crofts confession, who saith, that he and you, and your complices, did manie times deuise about the whole matters, and he made you priuie to all his de­terminations, and you shewed him that you would go into the west countrie with the earle of Deuon, to sir Peter Caroe, accompanied with others.

Throckmor­ton.Master Crofts is yet liuing, and is heere this daie, line 60 how happeneth it he is not brought face to face to iustifie this matter, neither hath beene of all this time? Will you know the truth? Either he said not so, or he will not abide by it, but honestlie hath refor­med himselfe. And as for knowing his deuises, I was so well acquainted with them, that I can name none of them, nor you neither as matter knowne to me.

But whie did you aduise Winter to land my lord priuie seale in the west countrie? Attourneie.

Throckmor­ton.He that told you that my mind was to land him there, dooth partlie tell you a reason whie I said so, if you would remember as well the one as the other: but bicause you are so forgetfull, I will recite where­fore. In communication betwixt Winter and me, as he declared to me that the Spaniards prouided to bring their prince hither, so the Frenchmen prepa­red to interrupt his arriuall: for they began to arme to the sea, and had alreadie certeine ships on the west coast (as he hard.) Unto whom I said, that peraduen­ture not onelie the quéenes ships vnder his charge might be in ieopardie, but also my lord priuie seale, and all his traine; the Frenchmen being well prepa­red to méet with them, and therefore for all euents it were good you should put my said lord in the west countrie in case you espie anie ieopardie. But what dooth this prooue to the treasons, if I were not able to giue conuenient reasons to my talke?

Marie sir now commeth the proofes of your trea­sons, Stanford. you shall heare what Cutbert Uaughan saith against you.

Then sergeant Stanford did read Uaughans confession, tending to this effect. Uaughans confession was read by Stanford. That Uaughan comming out of Kent, met with Throckmorton at master Warners house, who after he had doone com­mendations from Wiat to him, desired to know where Crofts was. Throckmorton answered, either at Arundell house where he lodgeth, or in Paules. Then Uaughan desired to know how things went at London, saieng; Master Wiat & we of Kent doo much mislike the marriage with Spaine, and the comming of the Spaniards for diuerse respects: howbeit, if other countries mislike them as Kent dooth, they shall be but hardlie welcome, and so they parted. Shortlie after Throckmorton met with Uaughan in Paules, vnto whome Throckmorton declared with sundrie circumstances, that the We­sterne men were in a readinesse to come forwards, and that sir Peter Caroe had sent vnto him euen now, and that he had in order a good band of horsse­men, and an other of footmen. Then Uaughan de­manded what the earle of Deuonshire would doo? Throckmorton answered he will mar all, for he will not go hence, and yet sir Peter Caroe would méet him with a band, both of horssemen and footmen, by the waie at Andeuer for his safegard, and also he should haue béene well accompanied from hence with other gentlemen, yet all this will not mooue him to depart hence. Moreouer, the said erle hath (as is said) discouered all the whole matter to the chancel­lor, or else it is come out by his tailor, about the trim­ming of a shirt of male, and the making of a cloke. At another time, Uaughan saith, Throckmorton shewed him that he had sent a post to sir Peter Ca­roe, to come forward with as much spéed as might be, and to bring his force with him. And also Throck­morton aduised Uaughan to will master Wiat to come forward with his power: for now was the time, in as much as the Londoners would take his part if the matter were presented to them. Uaugh­an said also, that Throckmorton & Warner should haue ridden with the said earle westward. Moreouer the said Uaughan deposed, that Throckmorton shewed him in talke of the earle of Penbroke, that the said earle would not fight against them, though he would not take their parts. Also Uaughan said, that Throckmorton shewed him that he would ride downe into Barkeshire to sir Francis Englefields house, there to méet his eldest brother, to mooue him to take his part. And this was the sum of Cutbert Uaughans confession.

How saie you? Stanford. Dooth not here appeare euident matter to prooue you a principall, who not onelie gaue order to sir Peter Caroe and his adherents, for their rebellious acts in the west countrie, but also procured Wiat to make his rebellion, appointing him and the others also, when they should attempt their enterprise, and how they should order their doo­ings [Page 1108] from time to time. Besides all this euident matter, you were speciallie appointed to go awaie with the earle of Deuon as one that would direct all things, and giue order to all men. And therefore Throckmorton sith this matter is so manifest, and the euidence so apparant, I would aduise you to confesse your fault, & submit your selfe to the quéenes mercie.

[...]How saie you, will you confesse the matter, and it will be best for you?

[...]No, I will neuer accuse my selfe vniustlie, but in as much as I am come hither to be tried, I praie ye line 10 let me haue the law fauourablie.

[...]It is apparant that you laie at London as a fac­tor, to giue intelligence as well to them in the west, as to Wiat in Kent.

[...]How prooue you that, or who dooth accuse me but this condemned man?

[...]Whie will you denie this matter? You shall haue Uaughan iustifie his whole confession here before your face.

[...]It shall not néed, I know his vnshamfastnesse, he line 20 hath aduowed some of this vntrue talke before this time to my face, and it is not otherwise like, conside­ring the price, but he will doo the same againe.

My lord and masters, you shall haue Uaughan to iustifie this héere before you all, [...] and confirme it with a booke oth.

[...]He that hath said and lied, will not being in this case sticke to sweare and lie.

¶Then was Cutbert Uaughan brought into the line 30 open court.]

[...]How saie you Cutbert Uaughan, is this your owne confession, and will you abide by all that is here written?

[...]Let me sée it and I will tell you.

¶Then his confession was shewed him.]

[...]Bicause you of the iurie the better may credit him, I praie you my lords let Uaughan be sworne.

¶ Then was Uaughan sworne on a booke to saie nothing but the truth.] line 40

[...]It may please you my lords and masters, I could haue béene well content to haue chose seauen yeares imprisonment, though I had béene a frée man in the law, rather than I would this daie haue giuen eui­dence against sir Nicholas Throckmorton; against whome I beare no displeasure: but sith I must needs confesse my knowledge, I must confesse all that is there written is true. How saie you master Throckmorton, was there anie displeasure betwéene you and me, to mooue me to saie aught against you?

[...]None that I know. How saie you Uaughan, what line 50 acquaintance was there betwéene you and me, and what leters of credit or token did you bring me from Wiat, or anie other, to mooue me to trust you?

[...]As for acquaintance, I knew you as I did other gentlemen: and as for letters, I brought you none other but commendations from master Wiat, as I did to diuerse other of his acquaintance at London.

[...]You might as well forge the commendations as the rest: but if you haue doone with Uaughan my lords, I praie you giue me leaue to answer. line 60

[...]Speake and be short.

[...]I speake generallie to all that be here present, but speciallie to you of my iurie, touching the credit of Uaughans depositions against me, a condemned man, and after to the matter: and note I praie you the circumstances, as somewhat materiall to induce the better. First I praie you remember the small fa­miliaritie betwixt Uaughan and me, as he hath ad­uowed before you, and moreouer, to procure credit at my hand, brought neither letter nor token from Wiat, nor from anie other to me, which he also hath confessed here: and I will suppose Uaughan to be in as good condition as anie other man here, that is to saie, an vncondemned man: yet I referre it to your good iudgement, whether it were like that I, know­ing onelie Uaughans person from an other man, and hauing none other acquaintance with him, would so frankelie discouer my mind to him in so dangerous a matter. How like (I saie) is this, when diuerse of these gentlemen now in captiuitie, being my verie familiars, could not depose anie such mat­ter against me, and neuerthelesse vpon their exami­nations haue said what they could? And though I be no wise man, I am not so rash as to vtter to an vn­knowne man (for so I may call him in comparison) a matter so dangerous for me to speake, and him to heare. But bicause my truth and his falshood shall the better appeare vnto you, I will declare his incon­stancie in vttering this his euidence. And for my bet­ter credit, it may please you master Southwell, I take you to witnesse, when Uaughan first iustified this his vniust accusation against me before the lord Paget, the lord Chamberleine, you master South­well, and others, he referred the confirmation of this his surmised matter, to a letter sent from him to sir Thomas Wiat, which letter dooth neither appeare, nor anie testimonie of the said master Wiat against me touching the matter: for I doubt not sir Thomas Wiat hath béen examined of me, and hath said what he could directlie or indirectlie. Also Uaughan saith, that yoong Edward Wiat could confirme this mat­ter, as one that knew this pretended discourse be­twixt Uaughan and me, and therevpon I made sute that Edward Wiat might either be brought face to face to me, or otherwise be examined.

Master Throckmorton you mistake your matter, Southwell▪ for Uaughan said, that Edward Wiat did know some part of the matter, and also was priuie of the letter that Uaughan sent sir Thomas Wiat.

Yea sir, that was Uaughans last shift, Throckmor­ton. when I charged him before the master of the horsse and you, with his former allegations touching his witnesse, whome when he espied would not doo so lewdlie as he thought, then he vsed this alteration. But where be Edward Wiats depositions of anie thing a­gainst me? Now it appeareth neither his first nor his last tale to be true. For you know master Bridges, and so dooth my lord your brother, that I desired twice or thrice Edward Wiat should be examined, and I am sure, and most assured he hath béene willed to saie what he could, and here is nothing deposed by him against me, either touching anie letter or other conference. Or where is Uaughans letter sent by sir Thomas Wiat concerning my talke?

But now I will speake of Uaughans present e­state in that he is a condemned man, whose testimo­nie is nothing worth by anie law. And bicause false witnesse is mentioned in the gospell, treating of ac­cusation, hearke I praie you what S. Ierome saith, expounding that place. It is demanded whie Christs accusers be called false witnesses, which did report Christs words not as he spake them. They be false witnesses saith S. Ierome, which doo ad, alter, wrest, double, or doo speake for hope to auoid death, or for malice to procure another mans death: for all men maie easilie gather he cannot speake truelie of me, or in the case of another mans life, where he hath hope of his owne by accusation. Thus much speaketh S. Ierome of false witnesse. By the ciuill law there be manie exceptions to be taken against such testimo­nies: but bicause we be not gouerned by that law, neither haue I my triall by it, it shall be superfluous to trouble you therewith, & therefore you shall heare what your owne law dooth saie. There was a statute made in my late souereigne lord & master his time, touching accusation, and these be the words.

Be it enacted, that no person nor persons, &c: shalbe [Page 1109] indicted, arreigned, condemned, or conuicted for anie offense of treason, petit treason, misprision of treson, for which the same offendor shall suffer anie pains of death, imprisonment, losse or forfeiture of his goods, lands, &c: vnlesse the same offendor be accused by two sufficient & lawfull witnesses, or shall willinglie without violence confesse the same. And also in the sixt yeare of his reigne, it is thus ratified as insueth.

That no person nor persons shall be indicted, ar­reigned, condemned, conuicted or attainted of the line 10 treasons or offenses aforesaid, or for anie other trea­sons that now be, or hereafter shall be; vnlesse the same offendor or offendors be therof accused by two lawfull and sufficient accusers, which at the time of the arreignement of the parties so accused (if they be then liuing) shall be brought in person before the said partie accused, and auow and mainteine that they haue to saie against the said partie, to prooue him gil­tie of the treasons or offense conteined in the bill of indictment laid against the partie arreigned, vnlesse line 20 the said partie arreigned shall be willing without vi­olence to confesse the same. Here note (I praie you) that our law dooth require two lawfull and sufficient accusers to be brought face to face, and Uaughan is but one, and the same most vnlawfull and insuffici­ent. For who can be more vnlawfull and insufficient, than a condemned man, and such one as knoweth to accuse me is the meane to saue his owne life? Re­member (I praie you) how long & how manie times Uaughans execution hath béene respited, and how line 30 often he hath béene coniured to accuse (which by Gods grace he withstood vntill the last houre) what time perceiuing there was no waie to liue, but to speake against me or some other (his former grace being taken awaie) did redéeme his life most vniust­lie and shamefu [...]ie, as you sée.

Hare.Why should [...]e accuse you more than anie other, séeing there was no displeasure betwixt you, if the matter had not béene true?

Throckmor­ton.Bicause he must either speake of some man, or line 40 suffer death, and then he did rather choose to hurt him whom he least knew, & so loued least, than anie other well knowen to him, whome he loued most. But to you of my iurie I speake speciallie, and therefore I praie you note what I saie. In a matter of lesse weight than triall of life and land, a man maie by the law take exceptions to such as be impaneled, to trie the controuersies betwixt the parties: as for exam­ple. A man maie chalenge that the shiriffe is his eni­mie, and therfore hath made a parciall returne; or bi­cause line 50 one of the iurie is the shiriffe my aduersaries seruant: and also in case my aduersaries villen or bondman be impaneled, I may lawfullie chalenge him, bicause the aduersarie part hath power ouer his villens lands and goods, and hath the vse of his bodie for seruile office: much more I may of right take ex­ception to Uaughans testimonie, my life and all that I haue depending thervpon, and the same Uaughan being more bound to the quéenes highnesse my ad­uersarie (that wo is me therefore) but so the law dooth line 60 here so terme hir maiestie, than anie villen is to his lord: for hir highnesse hath not onlie power ouer his bodie, lands, and goods, but ouer his life also.

Yea, the exception are to be taken against the iu­rie in that case, Stanford. but not against the witnesse or accu­ser, & therefore your argument serueth litle for you.

Throckmor­ton.That is not so, for the vse of the iurie, and the wit­nesse and the effect of their dooings dooth serue me to my purpose, as the law shall discusse. And thus I make my comparison. By the ciuill law the iudge dooth giue sentence vpon the depositions of the wit­nesse, & by your law the iudge dooth giue iudgement vpon the verdict of the iurie; so as the effect is both one to finish the matter, triall in law, as well by the depositions of the witnesse, as by the iuries verdict, though they varie in forme and circumstance: and so Uaughans testimonie being credited, may be the materiall cause of my condemnation, as the iurie to be induced by his depositions to speake their verdict, and so finallie therevpon the iudge to giue sentence. Therefore I may vse the same exceptions against the iurie, or anie of them, as the principall meane that shall occasion my condemnation.

Why doo you denie, that euerie part of Uaughans tale is vntrue? Bromleie.

You may sée he will denie all, Attournie. and saie there was no such communication betwixt them.

I confesse some part of Uaughans confession to be true, as the name, the places, the time, Throckmor­ton. and some part of the matter.

So you of the iurie may perceive the prisoner dooth confesse some thing to be true. Attournie.

As touching my sending to sir Peter Caroe, Throckmor­ton. or his sending to me, or concerning my aduise to mai­ster Wiat to stur or to repaire hither, or touching the earle of Deuonshire parting hence, and my going with him, and also concerning the matter of the erle of Penbroke, I doo aduow and saie that Uaughan hath said vntrulie.

As for my lord of Penbroke, Southwell. you néed not excuse the matter, for he hath shewed himselfe cléere in these matters like a noble man, and that we all know.

Why what was the talke betwixt Uaughan and you so long in Paules, if these were not so, Hare. and what meant your oft méetings?

As for our often méetings, Throckmor­ton. they were of no set purpose, but by chance, & yet no oftener than twise. But sithence you would know what communicati­on passed betwixt vs in Paules church, I will de­clare. We talked of the incommodities of the mar­riage of the queene with the prince of Spaine, and how grieuous the Spaniards would be to vs here. Uaughan said, that it should be verie dangerous for anie man, that trulie professed the gospell to liue here, such was the Spaniards crueltie, and especial­lie against christian men. Wherevnto I answered it was the plague of God iustlie come vpon vs; and now almightie God dealt with vs as he did with the Israelites, taking from them for their vnthankeful­nesse their godlie kings, & did send tyrants to reigne ouer them. Euen so he handled vs Englishmen, which had a most godlie & vertuous prince to reigne ouer vs, my late souereigne lord and maister king Edward, vnder whome we might both safelie and lawfullie professe Gods word, which with our lewd dooings, demeanor, and liuing, we handled so irreue­rentlie, that to whip vs for our faults he would send vs strangers, yea such verie tyrants to exercise great tyrannie ouer vs, and did take awaie the ver­tuous and faithfull king from amongst vs: for eue­rie man of euerie estate did colour his naughtie af­fections with a pretense of religion, and made the gospell a stalking horsse to bring their euill desires to effect. This was the summe of our talke in Paules somewhat more dilated.

That it may appéere yet more euidentlie how Throckmorton was a principall dooer and counsellor in this matter, Stanford. you shall heare his owne confession of his owne hand writing. ¶ The clearke began to read, Throckmorton desired maister Stanford to read it, and the iurie well to marke it. Then maister Stanford did read the prisoners owne confession to this effect: that Throckmorton had conference with Wiat, Caroe, Croftes, Rogers, and Warner, as well of the quéenes marriage with the prince of Spaine, as also of religion, and did particularlie con­fer with euerie the forenamed, of the matters afore­said. Moreouer, with sir Thomas Wiat the priso­ner [Page 1110] talked of the brute that the Westerne men shuld much mislike the comming of the Spaniards into this realme, being reported also that they intended to interrupt their arriuall here. And also that it was said, that they were in consultation about the same at Excester. Wiat also did saie, that sir Peter Ca­roe could not bring the same matter to good effect, nor that there was any man so meet to bring it to good ef­fect, as the erle of Deuonshire, & speciallie in the west parts, insomuch as they drew not all by one line. line 10

Then Throckmorton asked how the Kentishmen were affected to the Spaniards? Wiat said; The peo­ple like them euill inough, and that appeered now at the comming of the countie of Egmount, for they were readie to stur against him and his traine, sup­posing it had bin the prince. But said Wiat, sir Ro­bert Southwell, maister Baker, and maister Moile, and their affinitie, which be in good credit in some pla­ces of the shire, will for other malicious respects hin­der the libertie of their countrie. Then Throckmor­ton line 20 should saie; Though I know there hath béene an vnkindnesse betwixt maister Southwell and you for a monie matter, wherein I trauelled to make you fréends, I doubt not, but in so honest a matter as this is, he will for the safegard of his countrie ioine with you, and so you may be sure of the lord Aburga­uennie & his force. Then Wiat said, It is for another matter than for monie that we disagree, wherein he hath handled me and others verie doublie & vnneigh­borlie; howbeit, he can doo no other, neither to me, nor line 30 to anie other man, & therefore I forgiue him. Item, with sir Peter Caroe, Throckmorton had confe­rence touching the impeachment of the landing of the said prince, and touching prouision of armour and munition as insueth, that is to saie, that sir Peter Caroe told Throckmorton that he trusted his coun­triemen would be true Englishmen, and would not agrée to let the Spaniards to gouerne them. Item, the said sir Peter Caroe said, the matter importing the French king, as it did, he thoght the French king would worke to hinder the Spaniards comming hi­ther, line 40 with whome the said sir Peter did thinke good to practise for armour, munition, and monie.

Then Throckmorton did aduise him to beware that he brought anie Frenchmen into the realme force­ablie, inasmuch as he could as euill abide the French­men after that sort as the Spaniards. And also Throckmorton thought the French king vnable to giue aid to vs, by meanes of the great consumption in their owne warres. Maister Caroe said; As tou­ching line 50 the bringing in of the Frenchmen, he meant it not, for he loued neither partie, but to serue his owne countrie, and to helpe his countrie from bon­dage: declaring further to Throckmorton, that he had a small barke of his owne to worke his practise by, & so he said, that shortlie he intended to depart to his owne countrie, to vnderstand the deuotion of his countrimen. Item Throckmorton did saie, he would for his part hinder the cōming in of the Spaniards as much as he could by persuasion. Item to sir Ed­ward Warner, he had and did béemone his owne line 60 estate, and the tyrannie of the time extended vpon di­uerse honest persons for religion, and wished it were lawfull for all of ech religion to liue safelie acording to their conscience; for the law (Ex officio) will be intol­lerable, & the clergies discipline now maie rather be resembled to the Turks tyrannie, than to the tea­ching of christian religion. ¶This was the summe of the matter which was read in the foresaid confession, as maters most greeuous against the prisoner.] Then Throckmorton said; Sithence maister sergeant you haue read and gathered the place (as you thinke) that maketh most against me, I praie you take the pains, and read further, that hereafter whatsoeuer become of me, my words be not peruerted and abused to the hurt of some others, and especiallie against the great personages, of whom I haue béene sundrie times (as appeareth by my answers) examined, for I perceiue the net was not cast onelie for little fishes, but for the great ones, Iuxta adagium.

It shall be but losse of time, Stanford. and we haue other things to charge you withall, and this that you desire dooth make nothing for you.

And for the better confirmation of all the treasons obiected against the prisoner, Dier. and therein to prooue him guiltie, you of the iurie shall heare the duke of Suffolks depositions against him, who was a prin­cipall, and hath suffered accordinglie. ¶Then the said sergeant read the dukes confession touching the pri­soner, amounting to this effect, that the lord Thomas Greie did informe the said duke, that sir Nicholas Throckmorton was priuie to the whole deuises a­gainst the Spaniards, & was one that should go in­to the west countrie with the earle of Deuonshire.]

But what dooth the principall authour of this mat­ter saie against me, Throckmor­ton. I meane the lord Thomas Greie who is yet liuing? Why be not his depositions broght against me, for so it ought to be, if he can saie anie thing? Will you know the truth? Neither the lord Thomas Greie hath said, can saie, or will saie anie thing against me, notwithstanding the duke his bro­thers confession and accusation, who hath affirmed manie other things besides the truth. I speake not without certeine knowledge: for the lord Thomas Greie being my prison-felow for a small time, infor­med me, that the duke his brother had misreported him in manie things, amongst others in matters touching me, which he had declared to you maister Southwell, and other the examinors not long ago. I am sure if the lord Thomas could, or would haue said anie thing, it should haue beene here now. And as to the dukes confession, it is not materiall: for he dooth referre the matter to the lord Thomas report, who hath made my purgation.

And it please you my lords, The atturnie. and you my maisters of the iurie, besides these matters touching Wiats rebellion, sir Peter Caroes treasons and confede­rating with the duke of Suffolke, and besides the prisoners conspiracie with the earle of Deuonshire, with Crofts, Rogers, Warner, and sundrie others in sundrie places, it shall manifestlie appeare vnto you, that Throckmorton did conspire the quéenes maiesties death, with William Thomas, sir Nicho­las Arnold, and other traitors intending the same, which is the greatest matter of all others, and most to be abhorred. And for proofe hereof, you shall heare what Arnold saith. ¶ Then was sir Nicholas Ar­nolds confession read, saieng that Throckmorton shewed to him, riding betwixt Hinam and Crosse laund in Glocestershire, that Iohn Fitz Willi­ams was verie much displeased with William Thomas.

William Thomas deuised, Attourneie. that Iohn Fitzwil­liams should kill the queene, and Throckmorton knew of it, as appeareth by Arnolds confession.

First I denie that I said anie such thing to mai­ster Arnold, and though he be an honest man, Throckmor­ton. he may either forget himselfe, or deuise meanes how to vn­burthen himselfe of so weightie a matter as this is; for he is charged with the mater as principall. Which I did perceiue when he charged me with his tale, and therefore I doo blame him the lesse, that he seeketh how to discharge himselfe, vsing me as a witnesse, if he could so transferre the deuise to William Tho­mas. But trulie I neuer spake anie such words vnto him. And for my better declaration, I did see Iohn Fitzwilliams here euen now, who can testifie, that he neuer shewed me of any displesure betwixt them, [Page 1111] and as I know nothing of the displeasure betwixt them, so I know nothing of the cause: I pray you my lords let him be called to depose in this matter what he can. Then Iohn Fitzwilliams drew to the barre, and presented himselfe to depose his knowledge in the matter in open court.

The atturnie.I praie you my lords suffer him not to be sworne, neither to speake, we haue nothing to doo with him.

Throckmor­ton.Why should he not be suffered to tell truth? And why be ye not so well contented to heare truth for me line 10 as vntruth against me?

Hare.Who called you hither Fitzwilliams, or com­manded you to speake? You are a verie busie officer.

Throckmor­ton.I called him, and doo humblie desire that he maie speake, and be heard as well as Uaughan; or else I am not indifferentlie vsed, especiallie séeing maister attourneie dooth so presse this matter against me.

Southwell.Go your waies Fitzwilliams, the court hath no­thing to doo with you: peraduenture you would not be so readie in a good cause. Then Iohn Fitzwilli­ams line 20 departed the court, and was not suffered to speake.

Sithence this gentlemans declaration may not be be admitted, Throckmor­ton. I trust you of the iurie can perceiue, it was not for anie thing he had to saie against me, but contrariwise that it was feared he would speake for me. And now to maister Arnolds depositions a­gainst me, I saie I did not tell him anie such words, so as if it were materiall, there is but his yea and my naie. But bicause the words be not sore strained a­gainst line 30 me, I praie you maister atturneie why might not I haue told maister Arnold, that Iohn Fitzwil­liams was angrie with William Thomas, and yet know no cause of the anger? It might be vnderstand, to disagrée oftentimes. Who dooth confesse that I know anie thing of William Thomas deuise tou­ching the quéenes death? I will answer, No man. For maister Arnold dooth mention no word of that matter, but of the displeasures betwixt them. And to speake that, dooth neither proue treason, nor know­ledge line 40 of treason. Is here all the euidence against me that you haue to bring me within the compasse of the indictment?

Stanford.Me thinke the matters confessed by others a­gainst you, togither with your owne confession, will weie shrewdlie. But how saie you to the rising in Kent, and to Wiats attempt against the quéens roi­all person at hir palace?

Why doo you not read Wiats accusation to him, which dooth make him partener to his treasons? Bromleie. line 50

Wiat hath gréeuouslie accused you, and in manie things that others haue confirmed. Southwell.

Whatsoeuer Wiat hath said of me in hope of his life, Throckmor­ton. he vnsaid it at his death. For since I came into this hall, I heard one saie (but I know him not) that Wiat vpon the scaffold did not onelie purge my la­die Elizabeth hir grace, and the erle of Deuonshire, but also all the gentlemen in the tower, saieng they were all ignorant of the sturre and commotion. In which number I take my selfe. line 60

Notwithstanding he said, all that he had written and confessed to the councell, Hare. was true.

Naie sir, by your patience, maister Wiat said not so, Throckmor­ton. that was maister doctors addition.

Southwell.It appeareth you haue had good intelligence.

Throckmor­ton.Almightie God prouided that reuelation for me this daie since I came hither: for I haue bin in close prison these eight and fiftie daies, where I heard no­thing but what the birds told me, which did flie ouer my head. And now to you of my iurie I speake spe­ciallie, whome I desire to marke attentiuelie what shall be said. I haue béene indicted, as it appeareth, and now am arreigned of compassing the queenes maiesties death, of leuieng war against the quéene, of taking the tower of London, of deposing and de­priuing the quéene of hir roiall estate, and finallie to destroie hir, and of adherence to the quéenes eni­mies. Of all which treasons, to proue me guiltie, the quéens learned councell hath giuen in euidence these points materiall; that is to saie: for the compassing or imagining the quéenes death, and the destruction of hir roiall person, sir Nicholas Arnolds depositi­ons, which is, that I should saie to the said sir Ni­cholas in Glocestershire, that maister Iohn Fitz­williams was angrie with William Thomas.

Wherevnto I haue answered, as you haue heard▪ both denieng the matter: and for the proofe on my side, doo take exceptions, because there is no witnesse but one. And neuerthelesse, though it were gran­ted, the depositions proue nothing concerning the quéenes death. For leuieng of warre against the quéene, there is alleged my conference with sir Tho­mas Wiat, sir Iames Crofts, sir Edward Rogers, sir Edward Warner. Against the mariage with Spaine, and the comming of the Spaniards hither, which talke I doo not denie in sort as I spake it, and ment it: and notwithstanding the malicious gathe­ring this daie of my conference, proueth yet no le­uieng of warre. There is also alleged for proofe of the same article, sir Iames Crofts confession, which (as you remember) implieth no such thing, but gene­rall talke against the mariage with Spaine. And of my departing westward with the earle of De­uon, which the said Iames dooth not auow, & there­fore I praie you consider it as not spoken. There is also for proofe of the said article, the duke of Suf­folks confession, with whome I neuer had confe­rence; and therefore he auouched the tale of his bro­thers mouth, who hath made my purgation in those matters; and yet if the matter were proued, they be not greatlie materiall in law. There is also alleged for the further proofe of the same article, and for de­posing and depriuing the quéene of hir roiall estate, and for my adhering to the quéenes enimies, Cut­bert Uaughans confession, whose testimonie I haue sufficientlie disprooued by sundrie authorities and circumstances, and principallie by your owne law, which dooth require two lawfull and sufficient wit­nesses to be brought face to face. Also for the taking of the tower of London, there is alleged Winters depositions, which vttereth my misliking, when he vttered vnto me sir Thomas Wiats resolution and deuise for attempting of the said péece. And last of all, to inforce these matters, mine owne confession is ingréeued against me, wherein there dooth appeare neither treason, neither concelement of treason, neither whispering of treason, nor procurement of treason.

And forsomuch as I am come hither to be tried by the law, though my innocencie of all these points materiall obiected, be apparant to acquit me, where­to I doo principallie cleaue: yet I will for your bet­ter credit and satisfactions, shew you euidentlie, that if you would beléeue all the depositions laid a­gainst me, which I trust you will not doo, I ought not to be attainted of the treason comprised within my indictment, considering the statute of repeale the last parlement, of all treasons, other than such as be declared in the fiue and twentith yeare of king Edward the third, both which statutes, I pray you my lords, maie be read here to the inquest.

No sir, Bromleie. there shall be no bookes brought at your desire, we doo all know the law sufficientlie without booke.

Doo you bring me hither to trie me by the law, Throckmor­ton. & will not shew me the law? What is your knowlege of the law to these mens satisfactions, which haue my triall in hand? I praie you my lords, and my lords [Page 1112] all, let the statutes be read, as well for the quéene, as for me.

Stanford.My lord chiefe iustice can shew the law, and will, if the iurie doo doubt of anie point.

Throckmor­ton.You know it were indifferent that I should know and heare the law whereby I am adiudged, and for asmuch as the statute is in English, men of mea­ner learning than the iustices can vnderstand it, or else how should we know when we offend?

Hare.You know not what belongeth to your case, and therefore we must teach you: it apperteineth not to line 10 vs to prouide bookes for you, neither sit we here to be taught of you, you should haue taken better héed to the law before you had come hither.

Throckmor­ton.Because I am ignorant, I would learne, and therefore I haue more néed to sée the law, and part­lie as well for the instructions of the iurie, as for my own satisfaction, which mee thinke were for the honor of this presence. And now if it please you my lord chiefe iustice, I doo direct my spéech speciallie to you. line 20 What time it pleased the quéenes maiestie, to call you to this honorable office, I did learne of a great personage of hir highnesse priuie councell, that a­mongst other good instructions, hir maiestie charged and inioined you to minister the law and iustice in­differentlie without respect of persons. And not­withstanding the old error amongst you, which did not admit anie witnesse to speake, or anie other matter to be heard in the fauor of the aduersarie, hir maiestie being partie; hir highnesse pleasure was, line 30 that whatsoeuer could be brought in the fauor of the subiect, should be admitted to be heard. And more­ouer, that you speciallie, & likewise all other iustices, should not persuade themselues to sit in iudgement otherwise for hir highnesse, than for hir subiect. Therefore this maner of indifferent proceeding be­ing principallie inioined by Gods commandement, which I had thought partlie to haue remembred you & others here in commission, in the beginning, if I might haue had leaue; and the same also being com­manded line 40 you by the quéens owne mouth: me thinke you ought of right to suffer me to haue the statutes read openlie, and also to reiect nothing that could be spoken in my defense; and in thus dooing, you shall shew your selues woorthie ministers, and fit for so woorthie a mistresse.

Bromleie.You mistake the matter, the queene spake those words to maister Morgan chiefe iustice of the com­mon plées: but you haue no [...]ause to complaine, for you haue béene suffered to talke at your pleasure. line 50

Hare.What would you doo with the statute booke? The iurie dooth not require it, they haue heard the eui­dence, and they must vpon their conscience trie whe­ther you be guiltie or no, so as the booke needeth not; if they will not credit the euidence so apparant, then they know not what they haue to doo.

Cholmleie.You ought not to haue anie books read here at your appointment, for where dooth arise anie doubt in the law, the iudges sit here to informe the court, and now you doo but spend time. line 60

The atturnie.I pray you my lord chiefe iustice repeat the eui­dence for the queene, and giue the iurie their charge, for the prisoner will kéepe you here all daie.

How saie you? Haue you anie more to saie for your selfe? Bromleie.

You seeme to giue and offer me the law, but in verie déed I haue onelie the forme and image of the law; Throckmor­ton. neuerthelesse, sith I cannot be suffered to haue the statutes red openlie in the booke, I will by your patience gesse at them as I maie, and I praie you to helpe me if I mistake, for it is long since I did sée them. The statute of repeale made the last parle­ment, hath these words: Be it enacted by the quéene, that from henceforth none act, deed, or offense, be­ing by act of parlement or statute made treason, pe­tit treason, or misprision of treason, by words, wri­ting, printing, ciphering, déeds, or otherwise whatso­euer, shall be taken, had, déemed, or adiudged trea­son, petit treason: but onelie such as be declared or expressed to be treason, in or by an act of parlement made in the fiue and twentith yeare of Edward the third, touching and concerning treasons, and the de­claration of treasons, and none other. Here may you sée, this statute dooth referre all the offenses afore­said, to the statute of the fiue and twentith yeare of Edward the third, which statute hath these words touching and concerning the treasons that I am indicted and arreigned of, that is to saie: Whosoe­uer dooth compasse or imagine the death of the king, or leuie warre against the king in his realme, or be­ing adherent to the kings enimies within this realme, or elsewhere, and be thereof probablie at­tainted by open déed by people of their condition; shall be adiudged a traitor. Now I praie you of my iurie which haue my life in triall, note well what things at this daie be treasons, and how these trea­sons must be tried and decerned; that is to say, by open déed, which the lawes dooth at some time terme (Ouert act.) And now I aske notwithstanding my in­dictment, which is but matter alleged, where dooth appeare the open déed of anie compassing or imagi­ning the queenes death? Or where dooth appeare anie open déed of being adherent to the quéens enimies, giuing to them aid and comfort? Or where dooth ap­peare anie open déed of taking the tower of Lon­don?

Why doo not you of the quéenes learned coun­cell answer him? Me thinke, Throckmorton, Bromleie. you need not haue the statutes, for you haue them méet­lie perfectlie.

You are deceiued to conclude all treasons in the statute of the fiue and twentith yeare of Edward the third; Stanford. for that statute is but a declaration of certeine treasons, which were treasons before at the com­mon law. Euen so there dooth remaine diuerse other treasons at this daie at the common law, which be expressed by that statute, as the iudges can de­clare. Neuerthelesse, there is matter sufficient al­leged and prooued against you, to bring you within the compasse of the same statute.

I praie you expresse those matters that bring me within the compasse of the statute of Edward the third. For the words be these: Throckmor­ton. And be thereof at­tainted by open déed: By people of like condition.

Throckmorton you deceiue your selfe, Bromleie. and mis­take these words; By people of their condition. For thereby the law dooth vnderstand the discouering of your treasons. As for example: Wiat and the other rebels, attainted for their great treasons, alreadie declare you to be his and their adherent, in as much as diuerse & sundrie times you had conference with him and them about the treason, so as Wiat is now one of your condition, who (as all the world know­eth) hath committed an open traitorous fact.

By your leaue my lord, Throckmor­ton. this is a verie strange and singular vnderstanding. For I suppose the meaning of the law-makers did vnderstand these words: By people of their condition; of the state and condition of those persons which should be on the inquest to trie the partie arreigned, guiltie or not guiltie, and nothing to the bewraieng of the of­fense by another mans act, as you saie. For what haue I to doo with Wiats acts, that was not nigh him by one hundred miles?

Will you take vpon you to skill better of the law than the iudges? The atturnie I doubt not but you of the iurie will credit as it becommeth you.

Concerning the true vnderstanding of these Cholmleie. [Page 1113] words: By people of their condition, my lord chiefe iustice here hath declared the truth, for Wiat was one of your condition, that is to saie, of your con­spiracie.

You doo not denie, Throckmorton, but that there hath beene conference and sending betwéene Wiat and you: Hare. and he and Winter dooth confesse the same, with others, so as it is plaine; Wiat may be called one of your condition.

Well, séeing you my iudges rule the vnderstan­ding of these words in the statute, Throckmor­ton. by people of your line 10 condition, thus strangelie against me: I will not stand longer vpon them. But where dooth appeare in me an open déed wherevnto the treason is speciallie referred?

Bromleie.If thrée or foure doo talke, deuise, and conspire to­gither of a traitorous act to be doone, and afterwards one of them dooth commit treason, as Wiat did, then the law dooth repute them, and euerie of them as their acts, so as Wiats acts doo implie and argue of your open déed: and so the law dooth terme it and line 20 take it.

These be maruellous expositions and woonderfull implications, Throckmor­ton. that another mans act whereof I was not priuie, should be accounted mine: for Wiat did purge me that I knew nothing of his stirre.

Hare.Yea sir, but you were a principall procurer and contriuer of Wiats rebellion, though you were not with him when he made the stirre. And as my lord here hath said, the law alwaies dooth adiudge him a traitor, which was priuie, and dooth procure treason, line 30 or anie other man to commit treason, or a traitorous act, as you did Wiat and others: for so the Ouert act of those which did it by your procurement, shall in this case be accounted your open deed. We haue a common case in the law, if one by procurement should disseize you of your land, the law holdeth vs both wrong dooers, & giueth remedie as well against the one as the other.

Throckmor­ton.For Gods sake applie not such constructions a­gainst me, and though my present estate dooth not line 40 mooue you, yet it were well you should consider your office, and thinke what measure you giue to others, you your selues I saie shall assuredlie receiue the same againe. The state of mortall life is such, that men know full little what hangeth ouer them. I put on within these xij. moneths such a mind, that I most wofull wight was as vnlike to stand here, as some of you that sit there. As to your case last recited, wherby you would conclude; I haue remembred and learned of you maister Hare, and you maister Stan­ford line 50 in the parlement house, where you did sit to make lawes, to expound and explane the ambigui­ties and doubts of law sincerelie, and that without affections. There I saie I learned of you, and others my maisters of the law, this difference betwixt such cases as you remembred one euen now, and the sta­tute whereby I am to be tried. There is a maxime or principle in the law, which ought not to be viola­ted, that no penall statute maie, ought, or should be line 60 construed, expounded, extended, or wrested, other­wise than the simple words and nude letter of the same statute dooth warrant and signifie. And amon­gest diuerse good and notable reasons by you there in the parlement house debated (maister sergeant Stanford) I noted this one, whie the said maxime ought to be inuiolable. You said, considering the priuate affections manie times both of princes and ministers within this realme, for that they were men, and would and could erre, it should be no secu­ritie, but verie dangerous to the subiect, to refer the construction and extending of penall statutes to a­nie iudges equitie (as you termed it) which might ei­ther by feare of the higher powers be seduced, or by ignorance and follie abused: and that is an answer by procurement.

Notwithstanding the principall (as you alledge it) and the precisenesse of your sticking to the bare words of the statute, Bromleie. it dooth appéere and remaine of record in our learning, that diuerse cases haue béene adiudged treason, without the expresse words of the statute, as the queenes learned councell there can declare.

It dooth appeere the prisoner did not onelie intise or procure Wiat, Caro, Rogers, and others, The attornie. to commit their traitorous act, and there dooth his o­pen facts appéere, which Uaughans confession dooth witnesse, but also he did mind shortlie after to associ­at himselfe with those traitors; for he minded to haue departed with the earle of Deuonshire westward.

My innocencie concerning these matters I trust sufficientlie appéereth by my former answers, Throckmor­ton. not­withstanding the condemned mans vniust accusa­tion. But because the true vnderstanding of the sta­tute is in question, I saie procurement, and special­lie by words onelie, is without the compasse of it, and that I doo learne and prooue by the principle which I learned of maister Stanford.

Maister Throckmorton, Stanford. You and I maie not a­grée this daie in the vnderstanding of the law, for I am for the quéene, and you are for your selfe; the iudges must determine the matter.

He that dooth procure another man to commit a felonie or a murther, Bromleie. I am sure you know well enough the law dooth adiudge the procurer there a fe­lon or a murtherer; and in case of treason it hath béene alwaies so taken and reputed.

I doo and must cleaue to my innocencie, Throckmor­ton. for I pro­cured no man to commit treson: but yet for my lear­ning I desire to heare some case so ruled when the law was as it is now. I doo confesse it, that at such time there were statutes prouided for the procurer, counsellor, aider, a better, and such like, as there were in king Henrie the eights time; you might lawfullie make this cruell construction, and bring the procurer within the compasse of the law. But these statutes being repealed, you ought not now so to doo: Happie for Throckmor­ton that those statutes stood then repealed. and as to the principall procurer in felonie and murther, it is not like as in treason; for the principall and acces­saries in felonie and murther be triable and punish­able by the common law: and so in those cases the iudges maie vse their equitie, extending the deter­mination of the fault as they thinke good: but in tre­son it is otherwise, the same being limited by sta­tute, which I saie and aduow is restreined from anie iudges construction, by the maxime that I recited.

Your lordships doo know a case in Richard the thirds time, where the procurer, Stanford. to counterfeit false monie, was iudged a traitor, and the law was as it is now.

Maister sergeant dooth remember you Throck­morton of an experience before our time, Hare. that the law hath béene so taken: and yet the procurer was not expressed in the statute, but the law hath béene al­waies so taken.

I neuer studied the law, Throckmor­ton. whereof I doo much re­pent me: yet I remember, whilest penall statutes were talked of in the parlement house, you the lear­ned men of the house remembred some cases contra­rie to this last spoken of. And if I missreport them, I praie you helpe me. In the like case you speake of concerning the procurer to counterfeit false monie; at one time the procurer was iudged a felon, and at another time neither felon nor traitor: so as some of your predecessors adiudged the procurer no traitor in the same case, but leaned to their principall, though some other extend their constructions too large. And here is two cases with me, for one against me.

[Page 1114] Bromleie.Because you replie vpon the principall, I will remember where one taking the great seale of En­gland from one writing, and putting it to another, was adiudged a traitor in Henrie the fourths time, and yet his act was not within the expresse words of the statute of Edward the third. There be diuerse o­ther such like cases that maie be alledged and need were.

Throckmor­ton.I praie you my lord chiefe iustice call to your good remembrance, that in the selfe same case of the seale, line 10 iustice Spilman, a graue & well learned man, since that time, would not condemne the offendor, but did reprooue that former iudgement by you last re­membred, as erronious.

S [...]anford.If I had thought you had béene so well furnished in booke cases, I would haue béene better prouided for you.

Throckmor­ton.I haue nothing but I learned of you speciallie maister sergeant, and of others my maisters of the law in the parlement house, & therefore I maie saie line 20 with the prophet ( Salutem ex inimicis nostris.)

Southwell.You haue a verie good memorie.

If the prisoner maie auoid his treasons after this maner, The attornie. the quéenes suretie shall be in great ieopar­die. For Iacke Cade the blacke smith, and diuerse other traitors, sometime alledging the law for them, sometime they meant no harme to the king, but a­gainst his councell, as Wiat, the duke of Suffolke, and these did against the Spaniards, when there was no Spaniards within the realme. The duke and his brethren did mistake the law, as you doo: yet at line 30 length did confesse their ignorance, and submitted themselues: and so were you best to doo.

Throckmor­ton.As to Cade and the blacke smith, I am not so well acquainted with their treasons as you be: but I haue read in the chronicle, they were in the field with a force against the prince, whereby a manifest act did appéere. As to the duke of Suffolkes dooings, they apperteine not to me. And though you would com­pare my spéech and talke against the Spaniards to the dukes acts, who assembled a force in armes, it is line 40 euident they differ much. I am sorie to ingréeue a­nie other mans dooings, but it serueth me for a péece of my defense, and therefore I wish that no man should gather euill of it; God forbid that words and acts be thus confounded.

The attornie.Sir William Stanleie vsed this shift that the prisoner vseth now; he said he did not leuie warre a­gainst king Henrie the seauenth, but said to the duke of Buckingham, that in a good quarrell he would line 50 aid him with fiue hundred men; and neuerthelesse Stanleie was for those words atteinted, who (as all the world knoweth) had before that time serued the king verie faithfullie and trulie.

Throckmor­ton.I praie you maister attorneie doo not conclude a­gainst me by blind contraries. Whether you alledge Stanlies case trulie or no, I know not. But admit it be as you saie, what dooth this prooue against me? I promised no aid to maister Wiat nor to anie other. The duke of Buckingham leuied warre against line 60 the king, with whome Stanleie was confederat so to doo as you saie.

The attornie.I praie you my lords that be the queens commis­sioners, suffer not the prisoner to vse the quéenes learned councell thus, I was neuer interrupted thus in my life, nor I neuer knew anie thus suffer­ed to talke, as this prisoner is suffered; some of vs will come no more at the barre & we be thus handled.

Bromleie.Throckmorton you must suffer the quéenes lear­ned councell to speake, or else we must take order with you, you haue had leaue to talke at your plea­sure.

[...]It is prooued that you did talke with Wiat a­gainst the comming of the Spaniards, and deuised to interrupt their arriuall: and you promised to doo what you could against them: wherevpon Wiat be­ing incoraged by you, did leuie a force, and attemp­ted warre against the quéenes roiall person.

It was no treason nor no procurement of trea­son, Throckmor­ton. to talke against the comming hither of the Spa­niards, neither was it treason for me to saie I would hinder their comming hither as much as I could (vnderstanding me rightlie as I meane it) yea though you would extend it to the worst, it was but words, it was not treason at this daie as the law standeth. And as for Wiats dooing, they touch me nothing; for at his death when, it was no time to re­port vntruelie, he purged me.

By sundrie cases remembred here by the queenes learned councell (as you haue heard) that procure­ment which did appeare none otherwise but by words and those you would make nothing, Bromleie. hath béene of long time, and by sundrie well learned men in the lawes adiudged treason. And therefore, your pro­curement being so euident as it is, we maie lawful­lie saie it was treason, bicause Wiat performed a traitorous act.

As to the said alleaged forepresidents against me, Throckmor­ton. I haue recited as manie for me, and I would you my lord chiefe iustice should incline your iudgments rather after the example of your honourable prede­cessors, iustice Markam, and others, which did eschue corrupt iudgements, iudging directlie and sincerelie, after the law & the principles in the same, than after such men as swaruing from the truth, the maxime, and the law, did iudge corruptlie, maliciouslie, and affectionatlie.

Iustice Markam had reason to warrant his doo­ings: for it did appeare, Bromleie. a merchant of London was arreigned and slanderouslie accused of treason for compassing and imagining the kings death, he did saie he would make his sonne heire of the crowne, and the merchant meant it of a house in Cheapside at the signe of the crowne, but your case is not so.

My case dooth differ I grant, Throckmor­ton. but speciallie bicause I haue not such a iudge: yet there is an other cause to restreine these your strange and extraordinarie constructions: that is to saie, a prouiso in the latter end of the statute of Edward the third, hauing these words: Prouided alwaies, if anie other case of sup­posed treason shall chance hereafter to come in que­stion or triall before anie iustice, other than is in the said statute expressed, that then the iustice shall for­beare to adiudge the said case, vntill it be shewed to the parlement to trie whether it should be treason or felonie. Here you are restreined by expresse words to adiudge anie case, that is not manifestlie mentio­ned before, and vntill it be shewed to the parlement.

That prouiso is vnderstood of cases that maie come in triall which hath béene in vre, Pirtman. but the law hath al­waies taken the procurer to be a principall offen­dor.

The law alwaies in cases of treason dooth account all principals and no accessaries as in other offenses, Sanders. and therefore a man offending in treason, either by couert act or procurement, wherevpon an open deed hath insued, as in this case, is adiudged by the law a principall traitor.

You adiudge (me thinke) procurement verie hard­lie, besides the principall, Throckmor­ton. and besides the good proui­so, and besides the good example of your best and most godlie learned predecessors, the iudges of the realme, as I haue partlie declared, and notwithstanding this grieuous racking & extending of this word procure­ment, I am not in the danger of it, for it dooth ap­peare by no deposition that I procured neither one or other to attempt anie act.

The iurie haue to trie whether it be so or no, Stanford. let it [Page 1115] weie as it will.

Hare.I know no meane so apparant to trie procure­ment as by words, & that meane is probable inough against you, as well by your owne confession, as by other mens depositions.

Throckmor­ton.To talke of the quéenes marriage with the prince of Spaine, and also the comming hither of the Spa­niards, is not to procure treson to be doone: for then the whole parlement house, I meane the common house did procure treason. But sith you will make line 10 no difference betwixt words and acts, I praie you re­member a statute made in my late souereigne lord and masters time, king Edward the sixt, which appa­rantlie expressed the difference. These be the words: Whosoeuer dooth compasse or imagine to depose the king of his roiall estate by open preaching, expresse words or saiengs, shall for the first offense loose and forfet to the king all his and their goods and cattels, and also shall suffer imprisonment of their bodies at the kings will and pleasure. Whosoeuer, &c: for the se­cond line 20 offense shall loose & forfet to the king the whole issues and profits of all his or their lands, tenements and other hereditaments, benefices, prebends, and other spirituall promotions. Whosoeuer, &c: for the third offense, shall for tearme of life or liues of such offendor or offendors, &c: and shall also forfet to the kings maiestie, all his or their goods and cattels, and suffer during his or their liues perpetuall imprison­ment of his or their bodies. But whosoeuer, &c: by writing, ciphering, or act, &c: shall for the first offense line 30 be adiudged a traitor, and suffer the paines of death. Here you maie perceiue how the whole realme and all your iudgements hath before this vnderstood words and acts diuerselie and apparantlie. And ther­fore the iudgements of the parlement did assigne diuersitie of punishments, bicause they would not confound the true vnderstanding of words & deeds, appointing for compassing and imagining by word, imprisonment: and for compassing and imagining by open déed, paines of death. line 40

Bromleie.It is agréed by the whole bench, that the procurer and the adherent be déemed alwaies traitors, when as a traitorous act was committed by anie one of the same conspiracie: and there is apparant proofe of your adhering to Wiat, both by your owne confes­sion and other waies.

Throckmor­ton.Adhering and procuring be not all one, for the sta­tute of Edward the third dooth speake of adhering, but not of procuring; & yet adhering ought not to be further extended, than to the quéenes enimies with­in line 50 hir realme, for so the statute dooth limit the vnder­standing. And Wiat was not the quéenes enimie, for he was not so reputed when I talked with him last, and our speech implied no enimie, neither tended to anie treason, or procuring of treason: and there­fore I praie you of the iurie note, though I argue the law, I alleage mine innocencie, as the best part of my defense.

Your adhering to the quéenes enimies within the realme, Hare. is euidentlie prooued: for Wiat was the line 60 queenes enimie within the realme, as the whole realme knoweth it, and he hath confessed it both at his arreignement and at his death.

Throckmor­ton.By your leaue, neither Wiat at his arreignement nor at his death, did confesse that he was the quéenes enimie when I talked last with him; neither was he reputed nor taken in foureteene daies after, vntill he assembled a force in armes, what time I was at your house master Englefield, where I learned the first intelligence of Wiats stirre. And I aske you who dooth depose that there passed anie maner of ad­uertisement betwixt Wiat and me, after he had dis­couered his dooings, and shewed himselfe an enimie? If I had béene so disposed, who did let me that I did not repaire to Wiat, or to send to him, or to the duke of Suffolke either, who was in mine owne coun­trie, and thither I might haue gone and conueied my selfe with him, vnsuspected for my departing home­wards.

It is true that you were there at my house, Englefi [...]ld. ac­companied with others your brethren, and to my knowledge, ignorant of these matters.

Throckmorton, Bromleie. you confessed you talked with Wiat and others against the comming of the Spa­niards, and of the taking of the tower of London, wherevpon Wiat leuied a force of men against the Spaniards he said, and so you saie all: but in deed it was against the quéene, which he confessed at length: therefore Wiats acts doo prooue you counsellor and procurer, howsoeuer you would auoid the matter.

My thinke you would conclude against me with a mishapen argument in logike, Throckmor­ton. and you will giue me leaue, I will make an other.

The iudges sit not here to make disputations, Stanford. but to declare the law, which hath béene sufficientlie doone, if you would consider it.

You haue heard reason and the law, Hare. if you will conceiue it.

Oh mercifull God, oh eternall father, Throckmor­ton. which séest all things, what maner of proceedings are these? To what purpose serueth the statute of repeale the last parlement, where I heard some of you here present, and diuerse other of the queenes learned councell, grieuouslie inueie against the cruell & bloudie lawes of king Henrie the eight, and against some lawes made in my late souereigne lord and masters time, king Edward the sixt. Some termed them Dracos lawes, which were written in bloud: some said they were more intollerable than anie laws that Diony­sius or anie other tyrant made. In conclusion, as manie men, so manie bitter tearmes and names those lawes had. And moreouer, the preface of the same statute dooth recite, that for words onelie, ma­nie great personages, and others of good behauiour, haue béene most cruellie cast awaie by these former sanguinolent thirstie lawes, with manie other sug­gestions for the repeale of the same. And now let vs put on indifferent eies, and throughlie consider with our selues, as you the iudges handle the constructi­ons of the statute of Edward the third, with your equitie and extentions, whether we be not in much woorse case now than we were when those cruell laws yoked vs. These lawes albeit they were grieuous and captious, yet they had the verie propertie of a law after saint Paules description. For those lawes did admonish vs, and discouer our sinnes plainelie vnto vs, & when a man is warned, he is halfe armed. These lawes, as they be handled, be verie baits to catch vs, & onlie prepared for the same, and no laws: for at the first sight they ascerteine vs we be deliue­red from our old bondage, and by the late repeale the last parlement, we liue in more securitie. But when it pleaseth the higher powers to call anie mans life and saiengs in question, then there be constructions, interpretations, and extentions reserued to the iusti­ces and iudges equitie, that the partie triable, as I am now, shall find himselfe in much woorse case than before when those cruell lawes stood in force. Thus our amendment is from Gods blessing into the warme sunne. But I require you honest men which are to trie my life, consider these opinions of my life, iudges be rather agréeable to the time, than to the truth: for their iudgements be repugnant to their owne principle, repugnant to their godlie and best learned predecessors opinions, repugnant I saie to the prouiso in the statute of repeale made in the last parlement.

Master Throckmorton quiet your selfe, The att [...]rnie. and it [Page 1116] shall be the better for you.

Throckmor­ton.Master atturnie, I am not so vnquiet as you be, and yet our cases are not alike: but bicause I am so tedious to you, and haue long troubled this presence, it maie please my lord chiefe iustice to repeat the eui­dence wherewith I am charged, and my answers to all the obiections, if there be no other matter to laie against me.

¶ Then the chiefe iustice remembred particularlie all the depositions and euidences giuen against the line 10 prisoner, and either for want of good memorie, or good will, the prisoners answers were in part not re­cited: wherevpon the prisoner craued indifferencie, and did helpe the iudges old memorie with his owne recitall.]

My masters of the iurie, you haue to inquire whe­ther sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, [...]dall here priso­ner at the barre, be giltie of these treasons, or anie of them, whereof he hath beene indicted and this daie ar­reigned, yea or no. And if you find him giltie, you line 20 shall inquire what lands, tenements, goods, and cat­tels he had at the daie of his treasons committed, or at anie time since: and whether he fled for the trea­sons or no, if you find him not giltie.

Throckmor­ton.Haue you said what is to be said?

Yea for this time.

Sendall. Throckmor­ton.Then I praie you giue me leaue to speake a few words to the iurie. The weight and grauitie of my cause hath greatlie occasioned me to trouble you here long, and therfore I mind not to interteine you here long, with anie prolix oration: you perceiue not­withstanding line 30 this daie great contention betwixt the iudges and the quéenes learned councell on the one partie, and me the poore and wofull prisoner on the o­ther partie. The triall of our whole controuersie, the triall of my innocencie, the triall of my life, lands, and goods, and the destruction of my posteritie for e­uer, dooth rest in your good iudgements. And albeit manie this daie haue greatlie inueied against me, the finall determination thereof is transferred one­lie to you. How grieuous & horrible the shedding of line 40 innocents bloud is in the sight of almightie God, I trust you doo remember. Therefore take héed (I saie) for Christs sake, doo not defile your consciences with such heinous & notable crimes. They be grieuouslie and terriblie punished, as in this world and vale of miserie vpon the childrens children to the third and fourth generation, and in the world to come with e­uerlasting fire and damnation. Lift vp your minds to God, and care not too much for the world, looke not line 50 backe to the fleshpots of Aegypt, which will allure you from heauenlie respects, to worldlie securitie, and can thereof neither make you anie suertie. Be­léeue I praie you, the queene and hir magistrats be more delighted with fauourable equitie, than with rash crueltie. And in that you be all citizens, I will take my leaue of you with S. Paules farewell to the Ephesians, citizens also you be, whom he tooke to record that he was pure from sheding anie bloud, a speciall token & doctrine left for your instruction, line 60 that euerie of you maie wash his hands of inno­cents b [...]oud shed, when you shall take your leaue of this wretched world. The holie ghost be amongest you.

[...]Come hither sergeant, take the iurie with you, and suffer no man to come at them, but to be ordered as the law appointeth, vntill they be agreed vpon their verdict.

Throckmor­ton.It may please you my lords and maisters which be commissioners, to giue order that no person haue accesse or conference with the iurie, neither that any of the quéenes learned councell be suffered to re­paire to them, or to talke with anie of them, vntill they present themselues here in open court, to pub­lish their verdict.

¶ Upon the prisoners sute on this behalfe, the bench gaue order that two seargeants were sworne to suffer no man to repaire to the iurie, vntill they were agreed according vnto order. Wherevpon then the prisoner was by commandement of the bench withdrawne from the barre, and the court ad­iourned vntill thrée of the clocke at afternoone, at which houre the cōmissioners returned to the Guild­hall, and there did tarie vntill the iurie were agréed vpon the verdict. And about fiue of the clocke, their agréement being aduertised to the commissioners, the said prisoner, sir Nicholas Throckmorton was a­ [...]ine brought to the barre, where also the iurie did [...]; and being demanded whether they were a­gréed vpon their verdict, answered vniuersallie with one voice, Yea. Then it was asked who should speake for them: they answered, Whetston the foreman.]

Nicholas Throckmorton knight, hold vp thy hand. Sendall.

Then the prisoner did so vpon the summons. Throckmor­ton.

You that be of the iurie, looke vpon the prisoner.

The iurie did as they were inioined. Sendall.

How saie you, Iurie. Sendall. is maister Throckmorton knight there prisoner at the bar, giltie of the treasons wher­of he hath bene indicted and arreigned in maner and forme, yea or no?

No.

How saie you, did he flie vpon them? Whetston.

No, we find no such thing. Sendall.

I had forgotten to answer that question before, Whetston. Throckmor­ton. but you haue found according to truth: and for the better warrantie of your dooings, vnderstand that I came to London, and so to the quéenes councell vn­brought, when I vnderstood they demanded for me: & yet I was almost an hundred miles hence, where if I had not presumed vpon my truth, I could haue withdrawne my selfe from catching.

How saie you the rest of you, is Whetstons verdict all your verdicts? Bromleie.

The whole inquest answered Yea. Iurie.

Remember your selues better, Bromleie. haue you conside­red substantially the whole euidence in sort as it was declared & recited; the matter dooth touch the quéenes highnesse, and your selues also, take good héed what you doo.

My lord, we haue throughlie considered the eui­dence laid against the prisoner, Whetston. and his answers to all these matters, and accordinglie we haue found him not giltie agréeable to all our consciences.

If you haue doone well, it is the better for you. Bromleie.

It is better to be tried, than to liue suspected. Throckmor­ton. Bles­sed be the Lord God of Israell, for he hath visited and redéemed his people, and hath raised vp a mightie saluation for vs in the house of his seruant Dauid. And it may please you my lord cheefe iustice, forso­much as I haue bene indicted and arreigned of sun­drie treasons, and haue according to the law put my triall to God and my countrie, that is to saie, to these honest men which haue found me not giltie, I hum­blie beseech you to giue me such benefit, acquitall and iudgement, as the law in this case dooth appoint.

¶ When the prisoner had said these words the com­missioners consulted togither.]

Maie it please you my lord chéefe iustice to pro­nounce sentence for my discharge? Throckmor­ton.

Whereas you doo aske the benefit that the law in such case dooth appoint, I will giue it you; to wit, Bromleie. that where you haue béene indicted of sundrie high trea­sons, & haue béene héere this daie before the queenes commissioners and iustices arreigned of the said treasons, where vnto you haue pleaded not giltie, and haue for triall therein put your selfe on God & your countrie, and they haue found you not giltie, the court dooth award that you be cléerlie discharged, pai­eng [Page 1117] your fees. Notwithstanding master lieutenant take him with you againe, for there are other mat­ters to charge him withall.

Throckmor­ton.It maie please you my lords & masters of the Q. highnesse priuie councell, to be on my behalfe hum­ble sutors to hir maiestie, that like as the law this daie (God be praised) hath purged me of the treasons wherewith I was most dangerouslie charged: so it might please hir excellent maiestie to purge me in hir priuat iudgement, and both forgiue & forget my o­uerrash line 10 boldnesse, that I vsed in talke of hir highnes marriage with the prince of Spaine, matters too far aboue my capacitie, and I verie vnable to consider the grauitie thereof, a matter impertinent for me a priuat person to talke of, which did apperteine to hir highnesse priuie councell to haue in deliberation. And if it shall please hir highnesse of hir bountifull li­beralitie, to remit my former ouersights, I shall thinke my selfe happie for triall of the danger that I haue this daie escaped, and maie thereby admonish line 20 me to eschue things aboue my reach, and also to in­struct me to deale with matters agréeable to my vo­cation. And God saue the quéens maiestie, and grant the same long to reigne ouer vs. And the same Lord be praised for you the magistrats, before whome I haue had my triall this daie indifferentlie by the law, and you haue procéeded with me accordinglie; & the grace of God be amongst you now and euer. ¶ There was no answer made by anie of the bench to the prisoners sute, but the atturnie did speake these line 30 words.]

And it please you my lords, forsomuch as it sée­meth these men of the iurie, The atturnie. which haue strangelie ac­quited the prisoner of his tresons wherof he was in­dicted, will foorthwith depart the court, I praie you for the quéene, that they, and euerie of them maie bée bound in a recognisance of fiue hundred pounds a péece, to answer to such matters as they shall bée charged with in the quéenes behalfe, whensoeuer they shall be charged or called. line 40

Whetston.I praie you my lords be good to vs, and let vs not be molested for discharging our consciences trulie. We be poore merchantmen, and haue great charge vpon our hands, & our liuings doo depend vpon our trauels, therefore it maie please you to appoint vs a certeine day for our appearance, for perhaps some of vs maie be in forren parties about our businesse.

¶Thus much for sir Nicholas Throckmortons ar­reignement, wherein is to be considered, that the re­pealing of certeine statutes in the last parlement, line 50 was the chiefe matter he had to alledge for his ad­uantage: whereas the repealing of the same sta­tutes was meant notwithstanding for an other pur­pose (as before you haue partlie heard) which statutes, or the effect of the chiefe branches of them haue béene since that time againe reuiued, as by the bookes of the statutes it maie better appeare, to the which I re­ferre the reader. The lord Tho. Greie beheaded.] The eight and twentith of Aprill, the lord Thomas Greie, brother to the duke of Suffolke, was beheaded at the tower hill, a proper gentleman, and one that had serued right valiantlie both in line 60 France and Scotland, in the daies of the late kings Henrie and Edward.

Upon saturdaie the eight and twentith of Aprill, sir Iames Crofts and maister William Winter were brought from the tower to the Guildhall in London, where sir Iames Crofts was arreigned: but bicause the daie was farre spent, maister Win­ter was not arreigned, but caried backe againe to the tower with the said sir Iames Crofts. William Tho­mas arreigned & condemned. William Thomas, of whome mention is made before in the historie of sir Thomas Wiat, with certeine other, were arreigned and condemned for the conspiring of the murther and killing of the quéene vpon the sud­den: and for that offense, the said William Thomas was the eightéenth daie of Maie, drawne, hanged, and quartered at Tiburne. The ladie E­lisabeth [...]li­uered out of the tower. The ninetéenth daie of Maie next following, the ladie Elisabeth sister to quéene Marie, was deliuered out of the tower, and committed to the custodie of sir Iohn Williams knight, afterward lord Williams of Tame, by whome hir grace was more courteouslie intreated than some would haue wished. Wherefore shortlie after she was committed to the manour of Wood­stocke, Sir Henrie Beningfield knight. vnder the custodie of sir Henrie Bening­field of Oxenborough in the countie of Norffolke, knight, at whose hands she found not the like courte­sie, who (as it is well knowne) vsed his office more like a gailor than a gentleman, and with such rigour as was not méet to be shewed to such an estate, which extremitie of crueltie to a person of great dignitie notwithstanding hir innocencie, is verie well noted by C. O. in Eirenarchia siue Elisabetha, where he saieth:

—odio quoque tenditur acri
Suspicio vehemens in te clarissima princeps
Elisabetha, capút (que) tuum: quòd vixeris insons,
Quód (que) animi candor culpa noxá (que) remotus
Hactenus inuidiae renitens hebetâarit ocellos,
Ah liuore tumens sacer obliuiscitur ordo.
Implacata cohors spumante exaestuatira
Furfuris eiusdem, donec custodibus
Elisabetha.
agna
(Arcebat Deus ipse lupos) committitur arctis
Asseruanda locis, vi libertatis adempta.

But here is to be noted, Rich. Graf [...]on. not so much the vnciuill nature of the man, as the singular lenitie, and grati­ous clemencie of that gentle and vertuous princesse, who afterward (as shall appeare) comming to the pos­session of the crowne as hir rightfull inheritance, was at that time so farre from reuenge of iniuries receiued, that whereas diuerse princes haue requited much lesse offenses with losse of life, she neuer tou­ched him either with danger of life, or losse of lands or goods, nor neuer procéeded further than to dis­charge him of the court: which manie thought was the thing that pleased him best. Quéene Eli­sabeths words to Be­ningfield hir butcherlie kée­ker in the time of hir durance. At whose departing from hir presence, she vsed onelie these words, or the like in sense: God forgiue you that is past, and we doo: and if we haue anie prisoner whome we would haue hardlie handled and strectlie kept, then we will send for you.

The fiue and twentith of Maie, the erle of Deuon­shire was brought out of the tower at three of the clocke in the morning, sir Thomas Tresham knight, and maister Chamberlaine of Suffolke, with cer­teine of the gard, being appointed to attend on him to Fodringham castell in Northamptonshire, where he was assigned to remaine vnder custodie of the said sir Thomas Tresham and others. A gun shot as the preacher: Sée before pag. 1102. ¶On the tenth of Iune, the foresaid doctor Pendleton preached at Poules crosse, at whome a gun was shot, the pellet wherof went verie neere him, and light on the church wall: but the shooter could not be found. Anno Reg. 2. The lord Iohn Greie arreigned, pardoned, and released.] The ele­uenth of Iune the lord Iohn Greie, brother to the late duke of Suffolke, was arreigned at Westmin­ster in the Kings bench, and there condemned: but yet through the painfull trauell and diligent sute of the ladie Greie his wife, his pardon was obteined, and so he escaped with life, and was at length set at libertie, as after it shall appeare.

¶ The two and twentith of Iune was proclama­tion made, forbidding the shooting in handguns, Abr. Fl. ex I. Stow. 109 [...]. A spirit in a wall without Aldersgate doth penāce at Paules crosse for abusing the people, &c. and bearing of weapons. The fifteenth of Iulie, Elisa­beth Croft, a wench about eightéene yeares old, stood vpon a scaffold at Pauls crosse all the sermon time, where she confessed, that she being mooued by diuerse lewd persons therevnto, had vpon the fourteenth of March last before passed, counterfeited certeine spea­ches in an house without Aldresgate of London, [Page 1118] through the which the people of the whole citie were woonderfullie molested, for that all men might heare the voice, but not sée hir person. Some said it was an angell, some a voice from heauen, some the Holie­ghost, &c. This was called the spirit in the wall: shée had laine whistling in a strange whistle made for that purpose, which was giuen hir by one Drakes: then were there diuerse companions confederat with hir, which putting themselues amongst the prease, tooke vpon them to interpret what the spirit said, expres­sing line 10 certeine seditious words against the quéene, the prince of Spaine, the masse, and confession, &c.]

The prince of Spaine pre­paration to [...] into England.But now in this meane while that these things thus passed here in England, the prince of Spaine prepared for his hither comming, vnto whome had béene sent the earle of Bedford lord priuie seale, and the lord Fitzwaters, accompanied with diuerse no­ble men and gentlemen, who arriuing at the Corone in Galisia, were receiued verie honorablie. And for­somuch as the prince was then at vale Dolido, di­stant line 20 from thence neere hand an hundred leagues, they were desired to staie there for their better ease, till he might haue conuenient oportunitie to repaire thither: which neuerthelesse he could not doo so soone as he pretended to haue desire thereto, as well by reason of the sickenesse of his sister, the princes Do­wager of Portugall, as by other weightie affaires. But being at length rid of such incumbers, & come into Galisia, The Eng­l [...]h ambassa­dors meet him [...] S. Iames [...] Cōpost [...]lla. the English ambassadors met him at saint Iames de Compostella. And after he had in presence of a great number of noble men and gen­tlemen line 30 there ratified the contract, and sworne to ob­serue the couenant, he departed towards Corone, where within a few daies after he imbarked, and ac­companied with the number of an hundred and fiftie saile, directed his course toward England.

The lord admerall hauing continuallie béene a­brode on the seas for the space of thrée moneths or more, with a nauie of eight and twentie ships and o­ther vessels, accompanied also with the viceadme­rall line 40 of the low countries, that had vnder his gouern­ance fourteene ships of the emperours, met with the said prince the ninetéenth of Iulie, about the Néedles, and from thence accompanied him vnto Southampton, The arriuall of the prince of Spaine in S [...]uthamptō. where he arriued the morrow after the twentith of Iulie, the earle of Arundell lord ste­ward of the quéens house being sent from hir to pre­sent to him the George and the garter of the order (of the which fellowship he was at the last chapiter hol­den by the confréers chosen one of the companie) met line 50 him vpon the water, and at his comming to land, presented the said George and garter vnto him. At his landing he was receiued by the lord treasuror, [...] is receiued [...] the nobilitie [...] lords. the bishop of Lincolne, the lord Saint-Iohn, and o­thers, by whom he was first conueied to the church, and from thence to his lodging.

After his landing, the lord chancellor accompa­nied with diuerse gentlemen, was sent from the queene to bid him welcome on hir behalfe; & so was he visited by [...] noble personages whilest he re­mained at Southampton, sent thither for that pur­pose. line 60 And he on the other part sent diuerse on his noble men to visit hir maiestie on his behalfe. Mon­daie the thrée & twentith of Iulie, he departed from Southampton towards Winchester, whither shée was the saturdaie before remooued from Bishops Waltham. On the waie he was accompanied, be­side the noblemen & gentlemen of his owne traine, [...] commeth [...] Winchester [...] the [...] was [...] of [...] to [...] him. with the marques of Winchester, the earles of A­rundell, Darbie, Worceter, Bedford, Rutland, Pen­broke, Surrie: the lords Clinton, Cobham, Wil­loughbie, Darcie, Matrauers, Talbot, Strange, Fitzwaren, and North, with manie other noblemen and gentlemen, and their traines, to the number of two thousand horsses. At his comming to the church in Winchester, the lord chancellor accompanied with the bishops of Durham, Elie, London, Lin­colne, Chichester, and diuerse other prelats, were rea­die to receiue him. After he had made his praiers, he was conueied to his lodging prepared for him in the deans house.

The quéene hir selfe was lodged in the bishops pa­lace, whither his highnesse the next daie came, The quéens lodging in the bishops pa­lace. and was receiued by hir in the hall, in most courteous & louing maner. And after such salutations & talke ended, as was thought conuenient for the time, he returned to his lodging, The mariage solemnized and what states of Ita­lie & Spaine were present at it. where he continued all that night: and the next daie being the fiue and twentith of Iulie, the mariage was openlie solemnized. At the which were present, the ambassadors of the em­peror, the king of Romans, the king of Bohem, of Uenice, Florence, Ferrare, and Sauoie, with cer­teine agents of other states in Italie. As for the shot of ordinance, the diuerse kinds of musicke, the sumptuous and costlie apparell, trappers, and other furniture, readie prouided against the receiuing of him, with other ceremonies vsed aswell about the mariage, as in other places where he was to be receiued, were suerlie such, and euerie thing doone in such good order, as better for such a purpose might not lightlie be deuised. Nobles of Spaine were, the duke of Alua, the duke of Medina celi, The names of the noble men that came ouer from Spaine with the prince. the admerall of Castilla, the marques of Bergues, the marques of Piscara, the marques of Saria, the mar­ques of Ualli, the marques of Aguillar, the earle of Egmund, the earle of Horne, the earle of Feria, the earle of Chinchon, the earle of Oliuares, the earle of Saldana, the earle of Modica, the earle of Fuentesalida, the earle of Landriano, the earle of Castellar, Don Ruigomes, the bishop of Cuenca, Don Iohn de Benauides; and diuerse others.

An abstract of the conditions of this mariage betweene both the princes.

BUt now forsomuch as some would hap­pilie be desirous to know the conditions of this memorable mariage betwixt these two high princes, the consequence wher­of might haue prooued of so great importance, al­though by the quéens decease the effect was made void, I haue thought good to recite in briefe the chiefe articles thereof.

1 It was couenanted that he should enioy the title and name of king, during the matrimonie, He to be inti­tuled king du­ring the ma­trimonie, &c. and should aid hir highnesse (being his wife) in the admi­nistration of hir realmes and dominions; but yet he should permit and suffer hir to haue the whole dispo­sition of all benefices, offices, lands, reuenues, and fruits of the said realmes and dominions, and that the same should be bestowed vpon such as were hir naturall borne subiects, and that all matters of the said realmes and dominions should be treated and handled in the same toongs, wherein of old they haue béene woont to be treated.

2 That the quéene by vertue of the said mariage should be admitted into the societie of the realities and dominions of the said prince of Spaine, She to be in­tituled to his dominions during the mariage. as well such as he now presentlie hath, as such other also as during the matrimonie may come to him.

3 And for hir dowrie, in case she ouerliued him, she was appointed to receiue yéerlie thrée score thousand pounds, Hir dowrie if she suruiued him. after the value of fortie groats Flemmish monie the pound, to be allotted vpon all the realms, lands, and patrimoniall dominions of his father the emperor, that is to saie, fortie thousand pounds to be assigned vp on the realms of Spaine, Castile, and [Page 1119] Aragon, according to the custome of those realms. The other twentie thousand pounds were appointed vpon the dukedoms, earledoms, and dominions of Brabant, Flanders, Henalt, Holland, and other pa­trimoniall lands and inheritances of the said empe­ror in the low countries of Germanie; in like ma­ner as the ladie Margaret of England, sometime wife and widow of the lord Charles, sometime duke of Burgogne, had and receiued of the same. And if anie parcell or parcels thereof be alienated, then in line 10 lieu thereof, other lands should be in due forme as­signed foorth for hir to enioy, lieng neere to the resi­due of hir dower.

Touching the issue of hir bo­die male or fe­male.4 The issue that should chance to come of this ma­riage, touching the right of the mothers inheritance in the realme of England, and the other realmes and dominions depending of the same, aswell the males as females should succeed in them, accor­ding to the laws, statutes, and customs of the same.

Touching the prince of Spaines dis­posing of his lands after his decease.5 And as touching the lands that the said prince line 20 of Spaine shall leaue behind him, first there should be reserued vnto his eldest sonne the lord Charles of Austrich, infant of Spaine, and to the children and heires of him descending, as well females as males all and singular their rights, which to the said prince doo either then, or thereafter should belong, or should at anie time be deuolued to him in the realmes of Spaine, of both the Sicils, in the dukedome of Mil­laine, and other lands and dominions in Lumbar­die and Italie, which neuerthelesse shall be burdened line 30 and charged with the foresaid dower of fortie thou­sand pounds. And if it fortuned the said lord Charles to die, and the issue of his bodie to faile, then the el­dest son of this matrimonie should succeed, and be ad­mitted vnto the said right, according to the nature, lawes, and customs of those realmes and domini­ons. The same eldest son should also succéed in all the dukedoms, earledoms, dominions, and patrimo­niall lands belonging vnto the said emperor father to the said prince of Spaine, as well in Burgogne, line 40 as in the low countries, in the dukedoms of Bra­bant, Luxenburgh, Gelderland, Zutphane, Bur­gougne, Fréeseland, in the countries of Flanders, Arthois, Holland, Zeland, Namure, and the land beyond the Isles, and all other whatsoeuer therevn­to belonging.

Touching the lord Charles and his des­cendents if heire male came by this mariage.6 But if the said lord Charles, or they that should come of him, remaine in life; and that there be anie male child by this matrimonie: the said lord Charles and his descendents should then be excluded from line 50 the said lands and patrimoniall dominions of the low countries, and of Burgongne, and the same should descend vnto the said eldest son borne of this matrimonie. And to the other children borne there­of, as well males as females, a conuenient portion and dower should be allotted in the realme of Eng­land, and dominions depending of the same, and in the said lands & patrimoniall dominions of the low countries: and neither the eldest sonne of this ma­trimonie, nor the sons begotten in the same, should line 60 pretend anie right in the realme of Spaine, or in the dominions of the same, and reserued to the said lord Charles the infant, otherwise than by their fa­thers and grandfathers disposition.

7 Moreouer, if it fortune no issue male to be borne of this matrimonie, What is to be doone if heire male faile, and there be none but issue fe­male. but onelie females, in that case the eldest female should with full right succéed in the said lands and dominions of the low countries, so as neuerthelesse she being minded to choose to husband anie noble man not borne in England, or in the low countries, without the consent of the said lord Charles the infant, in that case the right of the suc­cession should remaine to the said lord Charles, in the said dominions of the low countries, Burgongne, and their appurtenances. And yet neuerthelesse in that case, both she and the other daughters also des­cending of this matrimonie, shall be indowed of their fathers lands & possessions aswell in Spaine, as in the low countries.

8 And for want of the said lord Charles, What for want of iss [...]e by the lord Charles. and issue of him, and none but daughters remaining of this mariage, the eldest daughter in that case should suc­céed, not onelie in the lands of the low countries; but also in the realmes of Spaine, England, and the rest, after the nature, the lawes, and customs of the same.

9 Herewith was a prouiso accorded, A prouiso touching suc­cession. that what so­euer he or she should be that should succéed in them, they should leaue to euerie of the said realms, lands, and dominions, whole and entire their priuileges, rites and customs, and gouerne the same by the na­turall borne of the same realmes, dominions, and lands, &c.

10 Finallie, that betwéene the said emperor, Touching a perpetuall league or [...] of fraterni­tie, &c. the prince and his successors, their realmes, and the said quéene, it was concluded, that from thenseforth there should be an entire & sincere fraternitie, vnitie, and most strict confedera [...]ie for euer, &c: so as they shuld mutuallie aid ech other in all things, according to the strength, forme, & effect of the latter tretise of a strict amitie, bearing date at Westminster in the yéere 1542: the declaration of which treatie beareth date at Uteright, the sixtéenth of Ianuarie, in the yeare 1546.

In another treatise were these ar­ticles following comprised.

FIrst, No stranger to be admitte [...] to anie office▪ &c: in Eng­land. that the prince of Spaine should not promote, admit, or receiue vnto a­nie office, administration, or benefice in the realme of England, or dominions to the same belonging, anie stranger, or persons not borne vnder the subiection of the said quéene.

2 That he should receiue into his houshold and court, Englishmen to attend at the court. gentlemen and yeomen of the said realme of England in a conuenient number, estéeming, inter­teining, and nourishing them as his proper subiects, & bring none with him in his retinue that will doo a­nie wrong to the subiects of the said realme; & if they doo, he to correct them with condigne punishment, and to see them expelled his court.

3 That he shall doo nothing whereby anie thing be innouated in the state and right either publike or pri­uat, The state in no point to [...] innouated. or in the lawes and customs of the said realme of England, or the dominions therevnto belonging; but shall kéepe to all estates and orders their rights and priuileges.

4 That he shall not leade awaie the quéene out of the borders of hir graces realme, The quéene not to be con­ueied out of hir owne ter­ritories. vnlesse she hir selfe desire it; or carrie the children that may be borne of this matrimonie out of the same realme, vnlesse it be otherwise thought good by the consent and agrée­ment of the nobilitie of England.

5 And in case no children being left, The prince [...] Spaines [...] to end with the quéenes death. the said queene doo die before him, he shall not challenge anie right at all in the said kingdome, but without impediment shall permit the succession therof to come vnto them to whome it shall belong, by the right and lawes of the realme.

6 Item that he shall not beare nor carrie ouer out of the said realme, The iewels &c: of the [...] not to be car­ried out, [...], vsur­ped, &c. the iewels and pretious things of estimation. Neither shall he alienat or doo awaie a­nie whit of the appurtenances of the said realme of England, or suffer anie part of them to be vsurped by his subiects, or anie other. But shall see that all and singular places of the realme, and speciallie the forts and frontires of the same be faithfullie kept and [Page 1120] preserued to the vse and profit of the said realme, and by the naturall borne of the same.

[...] ships, [...], ordi­ [...]nce▪ &c: to be [...], &c: out of the land.7 He shall not suffer anie ship, guns, ordinance whatsoeuer of warre or defense, to be remooued or conueied out of the same realme: but shall contrari­wise cause them diligentlie to be kept and viewed when need requireth; and shall so prouide that the same maie be alwaies readie in their strength and force for defense of the realme.

Peace to be [...] in [...] realme without [...] in other [...] warres.8 Item the realme of England by occasion of line 10 this matrimonie, shall not directlie nor indirectlie be intangled with the warre that is betwéene the emperor father to the said prince of Spaine, and Henrie the French king; but he the said prince (as much as in him maie lie) on the behalfe of the said realme of England, shall sée the peace betwéene the said realmes of France and England obserued, and shall giue no cause of anie breach, by which couenant the latter treatise of a strict amitie should not be in a­nie point derogated, but the same still to remaine in line 20 the former force, &c.

But now to returne where we left. At the time of the solemnization of the foresaid marriage holden at Winchester (as before ye haue heard) the empe­rors ambassadors being present, openlie pronoun­ced, that in consideration of that marriage, the em­peror had giuen and granted to the said prince his sonne the kingdome of Naples and Ierusalem, The empe­ [...]s gift to the prince his [...]. with diuerse other seats and segniories. The solemnitie line 30 of that marriage ended, the king of heralds called Garter, openlie in the church in the presence of the king, the quéene, & the lords as well of England as Spaine, all the people being present, solemnelie proclamed the title and stile of those two princes, as followeth: The title of [...] belong­ [...]g both to P [...]ilip and Marie pro­clamed by the [...] Philip and Marie by the grace of God king and queene of England, France, Naples, Ie­rusalem, and Ireland, defendors of the faith, princes of Spaine and Sicilie, archdukes of Austrich, dukes of Millaine, Burgundie, and Brabant, counties of line 40 Haspurge, Flanders, and Tiroll. The proclamati­on being ended, the trumpets blew, and the king with the queene came forth of the church hand in hand and two swords borne before them, and so returned to their palace.

¶By this time report had sufficientlie sounded a­brode all that happened, speciallie the solemnities ex­ecuted about this roiall marriage; whereby some supposed that this land would haue become a golden world, and that such amitie would haue insued be­tweene both nations, as nothing should dissolue. But line 50 others were of a contrarie opinion, supposing (as it came to passe indéed) that the peoples minds would be alienated and estranged from the disposition whereto they were addicted in king Edwards daies, and that manie would become heauie hearted vpon heare-saie of this coniunction; much more pensife & grieued at the meditation of the miseries which were like immediatlie to follow; as C. O. noteth in dis­coursing on this matter, saieng as here follo weth: line 60

Succedit regi defuncto, sceptra capescens
Foemina, cui nomen Maria est, soror vna duarum
Ex stirpe Henrici: quae paucis nupta diebus
Post homini externo consanguineóque Philippo,
Coniugio talisubtristes reddidit Anglos,
Námque duas gentes rarò coalescere cernas
Vnanimes patria plerunque & amore diremptas.

[...] Fox in [...] Acts and [...]numents.Of this marriage (saith maister Fox) as the pa­pists chieflie séemed to be verie glad, so diuerse of them after diuerse studies, did shew foorth their in­ward affections: some made interludes and page­ants, and some drew foorth genealogies, deriuing his pedegrée from Edward the third, and Iohn of Gant; some made verses. Amongst all other mai­ster White then bishop of Lincolne in his poeticall veine, being droonken with ioie of the marriage, spued out certeine verses; the copie whereof we haue here inserted, to impart vnto common knowlege.

Philippi & Mariae genealogia, qua am­bo principes ex Iohanne de Gandauo Eduarditer­tij, Angliae, Franciaeque regis filio descendisse ostenduntur, Whito Lincolniense authore.

Ille parens regum Gandaua ex vrbe Iohannes
Somersetensem comitem profert Iohannem.
Somersetensis venit hoc patre dux Iohannes,
Qui Margaretam Richemundi habuit comitissam.
Haec dedit Henricum, qui regni septimus huius
Henrico octauo solium regale reliquit.
Hoc patre propitio, & fausto quasi sydere nata
Iure tenes sacram, teneásque Maria coronam.

Verses of maister White bishop of Lin­colne, These verses are answe­red in master Fox by the ler­ned. concerning the marriage of Phi­lip and Marie.

Nubat vt Angla Anglo, regina Maria Philippo,
Inque suum fontem regia stirps redeat,
Noluit humani generis daemon vetus hostis,
Sed Deus Anglorum prouida spes voluit.
Nollet Scotus inops, timidúsque ad praelia Gallus,
Caesar, & Italia, & Flandria tota volet.
Noluit Haereticus (stirps Caiphae) pontificum grex
Pontificum sed grex Catholicus voluit.
Octo vxorati Patres in daemone nollent:
Quinque Cathenati pro pietate volent.
Noluit Iohannes Dudley Northumbrius vrsus,
Sed fidum regni Concilium voluit.
Noluit aetatis nostrae Catilina Viatus,
Sed proceres & plebs & pia turba volet.
Nollet Graius dux, & Cantia terra rebellans:
Nos quoniam Dominus sic voluit, volumus.
Clarior effectus repetat sua limina sanguis,
Cùm sit Philippo iuncta Maria viro.]

But to procéed. As soone as the feasting & solem­nitie of the said marriage was ended, the king and quéene departed from Winchester, and by easie iour­nies came to Windsore castell, King Philip stalled at Windsor. where the fift of Au­gust being sundaie, he was stalled according to the order of the garter, and there kept S. Georges feast himselfe in his roiall estate, and the earle of Sussex was also the same time stalled in the order. Iohn Fox. At which time an herald tooke downe the armes of England at Windsore, and in the place of them would haue set the armes of Spaine, but he was commanded to set them vp againe by certeine lords. A generall hunting. The seuenth of August was made a generall hunting with a toile raised of foure or fiue miles in length, so that manie a déere that day was brought to the quarrie. The eleuenth of August they remooued to Richmond, and from thence the 27 of the same moneth they came by water to London, landing at the bishop of Winche­sters house, through which they passed both to South­worke parke, and so to Suffolke place, The king and quéene come through Lon­don to West­minster. where they lodged that night: and the next daie being saturdaie and the nineteenth of August, they being accompa­nied with a great number of nobles and gentlemen, rode from thence ouer the bridge, and passed through London vnto Westminster.

¶Now as the king came to London bridge, Abr. Fl. ex Ioh. Foxi martyrologi [...]. Uaine page­ants of Lon­don. & as he entred at the drawbridge, was a vaine great specta­cle set vp, two images representing two giants, one named Corineus, and the other Gogmagog holding betweene them certeine Latine verses, which for the vaine ostentation of flatterie I ouerpasse. And as they passed ouer the bridge, there was a number of [Page 1121] ordinance shot at the tower, such as by old mens re­port the like hath not béene heard or séene these hun­dred yéeres. From London bridge they passed to the conduit in Gratious stréet, which was finelie painted, and among other things, the nine worthies, whereof king Henrie the eight was one. He was painted in harnesse hauing in one hand a sword, Winchester cannot abide the booke cal­led Verbum Dei. and in the other hand a booke, wherevpon was written Verbum Dei, deliuering the same booke (as it were) to his sonne king Edward, who was painted in a cor­ner by him. But herevpon was no small matter line 10 made, for the bishop of Winchester lord chancellor, sent for the painter, and not onelie called him knaue for painting a booke in king Henries hand, and spe­ciallie for writing therevpon Verbum Dei: The painter sent for to the bishop of Win­chester. but also ranke traitor & villen, saieng to him that he should rather haue put the booke into the quéenes hand (who was also painted there) for that she had reformed the church and religion, with other things according to the pure and sincere word of God indéed. The painter answered and said, The painters answer. that if he had knowne that that line 20 had beene the matter wherefore his lordship sent for him, he could haue remedied it, and not haue trou­bled his lordship.

The bishop answered and said, that it was the quéenes maiesties will and commandement, that he should send for him; and so commanding him to wipe out the booke and Verbum Dei too: he sent him home. So the painter departed, but fearing least he should leaue some part either of the booke, or of Verbum Dei, in king Henries hand: he wiped awaie a péece of his line 30 fingers withall. Here I passe ouer and cut off other gauds and pageants of pastime shewed vnto him in passing through London, with the flattering verses set vp in Latine, wherin were blazed out in one place the fiue Philips, Fiue Philips as the fiue worthies of the world, Philip of Macedonia, Philip the emperor, Philippus Audax, Philippus Bonus, Philip prince of Spaine and king of England. In another poetrie king Phi­lip was resembled by an image representing Orphe­us, and all English people resembled to brute and line 40 sauage beasts following after Orpheus harpe, and dansing after king Philips pipe. Not that I repre­hend the art of the Latine verses, which was fine and cunning; but that I passe ouer the matter, ha­uing other grauer things in hand, and therefore passe ouer also the sight at Paules church side, of him that came downe vpon a rope tied to the batlements with his head before, neither staieng himselfe with hand or foot: which shortlie after cost him his life.

But one thing by the waie I cannot let passe, tou­ching line 50 the yoong florishing rood newlie set vp against this present time, to welcome king Philip into Paules church. The setting vp of which rood was this, and may make as good a pageant as the best. Anno 2. Mariae Boner in his roialtie, and all his prebenda­ries about him in Paules quéere, The erecting vp of the rood at Paules. the rood laid along vpon the pauement, and also all the doores of Paules being shut, the bishop with other said and soong di­uers praiers by the rood: that being doone they an­nointed line 60 the rood with oile in diuers places, and after the annointing crept vnto it and kissed it. After that they tooke the said rood and weied him vp and set him in his old accustomed place, Bishop Bo­ners god the rood of Pauls set vp with Te Deum. and all the while they were dooing thereof, the whole queere sang Te Deum, and when that was ended, they rang the bels, not on­lie for ioy, but also for the notable and great fact they had doone therein.

Not long after this, a merrie fellow came into Paules, Salutation to the rood of Paules. and spied the rood with Marie and Iohn new set vp, wherto (among a great sort of people) he made low curtsie & said: Sir, your maistership is welcome to towne, I had thought to haue talked further with your maistership, but that ye be héere clothed in the quéenes colours. I hope ye be but a summers bird, for that ye be dressed in white & gréene, &c. The prince thus being in the church of Paules, after doctor Harpesfield had finished his oration in Latine, set forward through Fléetstreet, & so came to White hall, where he with the quéene remained foure daies af­ter, and from thence remooued vnto Richmond. Af­ter this, all the lords had leaue to depart into their countries, with strict commandement to bring all their harnesse and artillerie into the tower of Lon­don with all spéed. Now remained there no English lord at the court but the bishop of Winchester.

From Richmond they remooued to Hampton court, where the hall doore within the court was con­tinuallie shut, so that no man might enter, vnlesse his errand were first knowne: which séemed strange to Englishmen that had not béene vsed thereto. The seuentéenth daie of September, A proclamati­on for the a­uoiding of maisterlesse men out of th [...] citie of Lon­don. was a proclamati­on in London, that all vagabonds and maisterlesse men, as well strangers as Englishmen, should de­part the citie within fiue daies: and strictlie charging all inholders, vittelers, tauerners, and ale house kée­pers, with all other that sold vittels, that they (after the said fiue daies) should not sell anie meat, drinke, or anie kind of vittels or reléefe to anie seruingman whatsoeuer, vnlesse he brought a testimoniall from his maister to declare whose seruant he was, & were in continuall houshold with his said maister, vpon paine to runne in danger of the law if they offend herein.]

In September, Death of the Duke of Nor [...] ­folke the duke of Norffolke departed this life at Fremingham castell in Norffolke, and there was honorablie buried among his ancestors. ¶The 26 of October, A Spaniard hanged. Iohn Stow. a Spaniard was hangd at Cha­ringcrosse for killing an Englishman, there was of­fered for his life by other strangers 500 crownes, but all that would not staie iustice.] On fridaie the same 26 of October, those honest men that had béene of Throckmortons quest, being in number eight (for the other foure were deliuered out of prison, for that they submitted themselues, and said they had offen­ded like weakelings, not considering truth to be truth, Eight of ma­ster Throck­mortons [...] appéere in th [...] starchamber but of force for feare said so) these eight men I saie (whereof maister Emanuell Lucar and maister Whetston were chéefe) were called before the coun­cell in the Starrechamber, where they affirmed that they had doone all things in that matter according to their knowledge, and with good consciences, euen as they should answer before GOD at the daie of iudgement. Where maister Lucar said openlie be­fore all the lords that they had doone in the matter like honest men, and true and faithfull subiects: and therefore they humblie be sought my lord chancellor and the other lords, to be meanes to the king and quéenes maiesties, that they might be discharged and set at libertie: and said that they were all con­tented to submit themselues to their maiesties, sa­uing and reseruing their truth, consciences, and ho­nesties.

The lords taking their words in maruellous euill part, iudged them worthie to paie excessiue fines. The hard iudgement [...] the lords a­gainst those eight honest men. Some said they were worthie to paie 1000 pounds a péece. Other said that Lucar and Whetston were worthie to paie a thousand marks a péece, and the rest fiue hundred pounds a peece. In conclusion, sentence was giuen by the lord chancellor that they should paie a thousand marks a peece, he that paid least; and that they should go to prison againe, and there re­main till further order were taken for their punish­ment. The thirtith of October being tuesdaie, The L. [...] Greie set at libertie. Further [...] mine [...] Throckmo [...] ­tons [...]. the lord Iohn Greie was deliuered out of the tower, and set at libertie. Upon saturdaie the tenth of Nouember, the shiriffes of London had commandement to take an inuentarie of each one of their goods, which were [Page 1122] of maister Throckmortons quest, & to seale vp their doores, which was doone the same daie.

Maister Whetston, and maister Lucar, and mai­ster Kightlie, were adiudged to paie two thousand pounds a péece, and the rest a thousand marks a péece, to be paid within one fortnight after. From this paiment were exempted those foure which con­fessed a fault, Iohn Fox. & therevpon had submitted themselues, whose names are these: maister Loe, maister Poin­ter, A parlement whereat the king & quéene [...]t present. maister Beswicke, and maister Cater. The 12 of Nouember being mondaie, the parlement began line 10 at Westminster, to the beginning whereof both the king and quéene rode in their parlement robes, ha­uing two swords borne before them. The earle of Penbroke bare his sword, and the earle of West­merland bare the quéenes. They had two caps of maintenance likewise borne before them: whereof the earle of Arundell bare the one, and the earle of Shrewesburie the other. Cardinall Poole arri­ [...]eth at Douer During this parlement, cardinall Poole landed at Douer vpon wednesdaie, being the 21 of Nouember, who being receiued with line 20 much honor in all other countries through which hee had passed, was receiued here at the first, with no great shew, for the causes aboue mentioned. The same daie on the which he arriued, an act passed in the parlement house, for his restitution in bloud, vt­terlie repealing (as false and most slanderous) that act made against him in K. Henrie the eights time. And on the next daie being thursdaie and the 22 of Nouember, An act for the restitution in [...] of cardi­nall Poole. the king and queene both came to the parlement house to giue their roiall assent, and to e­stablish line 30 this act against his comming. On saturdaie the foure and twentith of Nouember, he came to the court, and after went to Lambeth where his lodging was prepared.

On wednesdaie following in the after noone, he came into the parlement house, Cardinall Poole cōmeth [...] the parle­ment house. being at that pre­sent kept in the great chamber of the court of the White hall, for that the quéene by reason of sicknesse was not able to go abrode (where the king and quéene sitting vnder the cloth of estate, and the cardinall sit­ting line 40 on the right hand, with all the other estates of the realme being present) and the knights and bur­gesses of the common house being also called thither, the bishop of Winchester being lord chancellor, spake in this maner. ‘My lords of the vpper house, and you my maisters of the nether house, The words of the bishop of Winchester [...] lord chancellor. here is present the right reuerend father in God, my lord cardinall Poole, legat A Latere, come from the apostolike sée of Rome, as ambassador to the king and quéenes maie­sties, line 50 vpon one of the weightiest causes that e­uer happened in this realme, and which apperteineth to the glorie of God, and your vniuersall benefit; the which ambassage, their maiesties pleasure is to bee signified vnto you all by his owne mouth, trusting that you will receiue and accept it in as beneuolent and thankefull wise, as their highnesse haue doone, and that you will giue attentiue and inclinable [...]are vnto his grace, who is now readie to declare the same. [...] Grafton.’ So soone as the lord chancellor had ended his line 60 tale, the cardinall began and made a long & solemne oration, the which for shortnesse sake I haue collectd into these few articles, remitting the reader to mai­ster Foxes Acts and Monuments, where they shall find the same wholie and entierlie as by him it was vttered.

The effect of the cardinals [...]mblie in the [...] of parlement.1 First, he yéelded most heartie thanks to the king and queene, and next vnto the whole parlement; that of a man exiled & banished from this common­weale, they had restored him againe to be a member of the same, and to the honour of his house and fami­lie, and of a man hauing no place, neither here nor elsewhere within the realme, to haue admitted him into a place where to speake, and to be heard.

2 Secondlie, He sheweth the speciall cause o [...] his comming into England. that his especiall comming was for the restitution of this realme to the ancient estate, and to declare that the sée apostolike hath a speciall care of this realme aboue all other: and chieflie for that this Iland first of all other prouinces of Eu­rope, receiued the light of Christs religion from the see of Rome.

3 Thirdlie, He exhorteth to a generall returne into the bosome of the church. he exhorted that though the realme had swarued from the catholike vnitie, that yet being better informed, we ought to returne into the bo­some of the church, most open to receiue all peni­tents. For the persuasion wherof he brought a num­ber of old examples, what perill and hurt hath happe­ned vnto them that haue swarued and gone from the church of Rome, namelie Greece and Germanie.

4 Fourthlie, He declareth how wonder­fullie god had preserued Q. Marie. how much we are bound to God for the king and quéens maiesties, and how miraculous­lie God had saued and defended our queene from hir enimies in most dangerous times: and also that hée hath prouided to ioine with hir in mariage, such a noble prince as king Philip was, & one of hir owne religion.

5 Fiftlie, He exhorteth to obedience and treateth of restoring this realme to the vnitie of the church. he exhorted them all to obedience of these two princes, and to call vpon God for issue to be had betweene them, adding that king Philips fa­ther the emperour, had amongst other princes tra­uelled most for the restitution of the peace and vnitie of the church. But as almightie God said vnto Da­uid, though he had a mind and will to build his tem­ple: yet bicause he had shed bloud, he should not build it. And so bicause the emperour hath had so ma­nie warres, and shed so much bloud▪ therefore hee could not atteine to bring perfect peace to the church. But trulie (said he) this gratious prince king Philip his sonne, as I conceiue, is appointed of God to it, considering now the calling of him to be ioined with so catholike a princesse, as is the queene of this realme, one without all doubt sent likewise of God, for the restoring of the said realme to the vnitie of the church, from whence it hath erred and gone astraie, as it dooth and maie manifestlie appeare.

6 Sixtlie, he protested that his commission was not to preiudice anie person, He protesteth that he ment the preiudice of no man, &c. for he came not to de­stroie, but to build; he came to reconcile, and not to condemne; he came not to compell, but to call a­gaine; he came not to call anie thing in question al­readie doone: but his commission was of grace and clemencie to all such as would receiue it. For tou­ching all matters past, and doone, they should be cast into the sea of forgetfulnesse, and neuer more to bée thought vpon.

7 Finallie (said he) the meane whereby to receiue this high benefit, He sheweth the meanes of procuring the foresaid recon­ciliation. is first to reuoke and repeale all such lawes as are impediments, blocks and barres to this most gratious reconciliation. For like as he himselfe had no place to speake there, before such lawes were abrogated and remooued as stood in his waie: euen so they could not receiue the grace offe­red from the see apostolike, vntill these like impedi­ments of lawes made against the see of Rome, were vtterlie abolished and repealed. And so in conclusion aduertised them, first for the glorie of God, and next for the conseruation and suertie of the wealth and quietnesse of the whole realme, that they should ear­nestlie trauell therein, and that then he would make them participants of the benefit of his commission.

The next daie the whole court of parlement drew out the forme of a supplication, and the next daie fol­lowing, when the king, the quéene, and the cardinall, with all the nobles and commons were assembled a­gaine in the great chamber of the White hall afore­said, the bishop of Winchester there shewed what the parlement had determined concerning the cardi­nals request, and then offered to the king and quéene [Page 1123] the said supplication, to be by them presented to the cardinall. Wherein would be noted the readinesse of the assemblie to submit themselues to antichristi­an slauerie: but omitting to giue iudgement, marke their supplication, the copie whereof followeth.

A supplication exhibited to cardinall Poole by the parlement.

WE the lords spirituall and temporall, and line 10 commons in this present parlement as­sembled, representing the whole bodie of the realme of England and dominions o [...] the same, in the name of our selues particularlie, and also of the said bodie vniuersallie, offer this our most humble supplication to your maiesties, to this end and effect; that the same by your gratious inter­cession and meane maie be exhibited to the most re­uerend father in God the lord cardinall Poole legat, sent speciallie hither from our most holie father pope line 20 Iulie the third, This suppli­cation was exhibited to the king and quéene. and the sée apostolike of Rome. Wher­in we doo declare our selues verie sorie and repen­tant of the long schisme and disobedience happening in this realme, and the dominions of the same, a­gainst the sée apostolike, either by making, agréeing, or executing of anie lawes, ordinances or comman­dements against the primasie of the same sée, or o­therwise dooing or speaking that might impugne or preiudice the same. Offering our selues, and promi­sing by this our supplication, that for a token & know­ledge line 30 of our said repentance, Promise in signe of repen­tance to make full amends by being recō ­ciled to the ca­tholike church we be and shall be euer readie, vnder and with the authorities of your maie­sties, to the vttermost of our power, to doo that shall lie in vs, for the abrogation and repealing of all the said lawes and ordinances, made and enacted to the preiudice of the sée apostolike, as well for our selues as for the whole bodie whome we represent. Where­vpon we humblie beséech your maiesties, as persons vndefiled in offense of his bodie towards the said sée, which neuerthelesse God by his prouidence hath line 40 made subiect to you, so to set foorth this our humble sute, as we the rather by your intercession maie ob­teine from the sée apostolike, by the said most reue­rend father, as well particularlie as generallie, abso­lution, release, and discharge from all dangers of such censures and sentences as by the lawes of the church we be fallen into. And that we maie as children re­pentant, be receiued into the bosome and vnitie of Christs church: so as this noble realme, with all the members thereof, maie in this vnitie & perfect obedi­ence line 50 to the see apostolike, and popes for the time be­ing, serue God and your maiesties to the furthe­rance and aduancement of his honour and glorie, Amen.

This supplication being first openlie read, the same was by the chancellor deliuered to the king and quéene, with petition to them, to exhibit the same to the lord cardinall. And the king and quéene rising out of their seats, and dooing reuerence to the cardinall, line 60 did deliuer the same vnto him. The cardinall percei­uing the effect thereof to answer to his expectation, The king and quéene exhibit the supplicatiō to Poole the proud prelat. did receiue it most gladlie at their maiesties hands. And then, after that hée had in few words giuen thanks vnto God, and declared what great cause hée had to reioise aboue all others, that his comming from Rome into England had taken such most hap­pie successe; then he caused his commission to bée read (wherby it might appeare he had authoritie from the pope to absolue them) which commission was ve­rie long and large. And that being doone, and all the parlement on their knées, this cardinall, by the popes authoritie, gaue them absolution in maner fol­lowing.

An absolution pronounced by car­dinall Poole to the parlement house.

OUr lord Iesus Christ, which with his most pretious bloud hath re­deemed and washed vs from all our sins and iniquities, that he might purchase vnto himselfe a glorious spouse without spot or wrinkle, and whom the father hath appointed head ouer all his church; he by his mercie absolue you. And we by the apostolike authoritie giuen vnto vs by the most holie lord pope Iulius the third (his vicegerent in earth) doo ab­solue and deliuer you, and euerie of you, Pope Iulie the third [...] cardinall Poole his au­thoritie apo­stolike. with the whole realme, and the domini­ons thereof, from all heresie and schisme, and from all and euerie iudgements, cen­sures and paines for that cause incurred. And also wee doo restore you againe to the vnitie of our mother the holie church, as in our letters of commission more plainelie shall appeare.

After this generall absolution receiued, the king and the quéene, and all the lords with the rest, went into the kings chappell, and there sang Te Deum with great ioy and gladnesse, for this new reconci­liation. The report whereof with great spéed [...]lew to Rome, as well by the French kings letters, as also by the cardinals. Solemne pro [...]cession at Rome for the new reconcile­ment of Eng­land to the ca [...]tholike church. Wherevpon the pope caused so­lemne processions to be made in Rome, namelie one, wherein he himselfe with all his cardinals were present, passing with as great solemnitie and pompe as might be, giuing thanks to God with great ioy, for the conuersion of England to his church. At what time also he not a little commended the diligence of cardinall Poole, and the deuotion of the king and quéene. And on Christmas euen next following, he set foorth by his buls a generall pardon to all such as did reioise in the same reconciliation.

The eight and twentith of Nouember next follow­ing, it was commonlie reported, A report that the quéene was with child. that the quéene was quicke with child, & therefore commandement was giuen by Edmund Bonner then bishop of London (and as it was said not without the com­mandement of the councell) that there should be made in most solemne manner one generall proces­sion in London, wherein the maior, and all the com­panies of the citie were in their liuerie [...], at whose returne to the church of Pauls, there was soong ve­rie solemnlie Te Deum for ioy therof. The same daie at this procession was present ten bishops with all the prebendaries of Paules. The copie of the coun­cels letter implieng the aforesaid commandement touching the generall procession here followeth, Ad perpetuam rei memoriam.

A copie of a letter sent from the coun­cell vnto Edmund Bonner bishop of London, concerning queene Marie conceiued with child.

AFter our hartie commendations vnto your good lordship. The councel [...] letter to bishop Bonner of the quéenes con­ceiuing of child. Whereas▪ it hath plea­sed almightie God amongst other his in­finit benefits of late most gratiouslie powred vpon vs and this whole realme, to extend his benediction vpon the quéens maiestie in such sort, as she is conceiued & quicke of child; whereby (hir ma­iestie being our naturall liege ladie, quéene and vn­doubted inheritor of this imperiall crowne) good [Page 1124] hope of certeine succession in the crowne is giuen vnto vs, and consequentlie, the great calamities, which (for want of such succession might otherwise haue fallen vpon vs & our posteritie) shall by Gods grace be well auoided, If Quéene Marie were quicke with ch [...]ld on the 1 [...] of the mo­neth of No­uember and afterward did labour in the moneth of Iune, then went she al­most seuen moneths quicke with child. if we thankefullie acknow­ledge this benefit of almightie God, indeuoring our selues with earnest repentance to thanke, honor, & serue him as we be most bounden. These be not one­lie to aduertise you of these good news, to be by you published in all places within your dioces; but also line 10 to praie and require you, that both your selfe doo giue God thanks with vs for this his especiall grace, and also giue order that thanks maie be openlie giuen by singing of Te Deum in all the churches within your said dioces; and that likewise all priests and other ecclesiasticall ministers, in their masses and other diuine seruices, may continuallie praie to almightie God, so to extend his holie hand ouer his maiestie, the kings highnesse and this whole realme, as this thing being by his omnipotent power gratiouslie line 20 thus begun, may by the same be well continued and brought to good effect, to the glorie of his name. Wherevnto albeit we doubt not ye would of your selfe haue had speciall regard without these our let­ters: yet for the earnest desire we haue to haue this thing doone out of hand, & diligentlie continued, we haue also written these our letters, to put you in re­membrance: & so bid your lordship most hartilie well to fare. From Westminster the 27 of Nouember. 1554. line 30

Your assured and louing friends
  • S. Winton. Chancel.
  • Arundell.
  • F. Shrewesburie.
  • Edward Darbie,
  • Henrie Sussex.
  • Iohn Bathon.
  • R. Rich.
  • Thomas Warthom.
  • Iohn Huddilstone.
  • R. Southwell.

Upon this letter of the councels sent to bishop Bonner (signifieng the good news of quéene Marie to be not onelie conceiued, but also quicke with line 40 child, which was in the moneth of Nouember, the eight and twentith daie) it is out of count what great talke began at this time to rise in euerie mans mouth, with busie preparation and much adoo, especiallie among such as séemed in England to car­rie Spanish hearts in English bodies. In num­ber of whome here is not to be forgotten, nor defrau­ded of his condigne commendation for his woorthie affection toward his prince and hir issue, one sir Ri­chard Southwell, who being the same time in the line 50 parlement house, when as the lords were occupied in other affaires and matters of importance, sudden­lie starting vp for fulnesse of ioy, burst out in these words following: The words of sir Richard Southwell in the parlement house for his yoong maister. Tush my maisters (quoth he) what talke ye of these matters? I would haue you take some order for our yoong maister that is now comming into the world apace, least he find vs vn­prouided, &c. By the which words both of him, and also by the foresaid letters of the councell, and the common talke abroad, it may appeare what an assu­red line 60 opinion was then conceiued in mens heads of quéene Marie, to be conceiued and quicke with child. In somuch that at the same time, and in the same parlement, there was eftsoones a bill exhibited, and an act made vpon the same, the words whereof for the more euidence, I thought here to exemplificat.

The words of the act.

ALbeit we the lords spirituall & temporall, & the commons in this present parlement assembled, haue firme hope & confidence in the goodnes of almightie God, that like as he [...]ath hitherto miraculouslie preserued the quéenes maiestie from manie great imminent perils and dangers; euen so he will of his infinit goodnesse giue hir highnesse strength, the rather by our conti­nuall praiers to passe well the danger of deliue­rance of child, wherewith it hath pleased him (to all our great comforts) to blesse hir: yet for so much as all things of this world be vncerteine, and hauing before our eies the dolorous experience of this in­constant gouernment during the time of the reigne of the late king Edward the sixt, doo plainlie sée the manifold inconueniences, great dangers and perils that maie insue to this whole realme, if foresight be not vsed to preuent all euill chances, if they should happen. For the eschewing hereof, we the lords spiri­tuall and temporall, & the commons in this present parlement assembled; for and in consideration of a most speciall trust and confidence that we haue and repose in the kings maiestie, for and concerning the politike gouernment, order, Order taken by parlement for quéene Maries child. and administration of this realme in the time of the yoong yéeres of the is­sue or issues of hir maiesties bodie to be borne, if it should please God to call the quéenes highnesse out of this present life, during the tender yeares of such issue or issues (which God forbid) according to such or­der & maner as hereafter in this present act his high­nesse most gratious pleasure is, should be declared and set foorth, haue made our humble sute by the as­sent of the quéens highnesse, that his maiestie would vouchsafe to accept & take vpon him the rule, order, education & gouernment of the said issue or issues to be borne as is aforesaid, vpon which our sute being of his said maiestie most gratiouslie accepted, it hath pleased his highnes, not onlie to declare, that like as for the most part his maiestie verely trusteth that al­mightie God (who hath hitherto preserued the quéens maiestie) to giue this realme so good an hope of cer­teine succession in the blood roiall of the same realm, will assist hir highnes with his graces and benedicti­ons to sée the fruit of hir bodie well brought forth, Trust disap­pointed. liue and able to gouerne (whereof neither all this realme, ne all the world besides, should or could receiue more comfort than his maiestie should & would) yet if such chance should happen, his maiestie at our humble de­sires is pleased & contented not onlie to accept & take vpon him the cure and charge of the education, rule, order, and gouernment of such issues, as of this most happie mariage shall be borne betwéene the quéenes highnes and him: but also during the time of such go­uernment, would by all waies & meanes studie, tra­uell and imploie himselfe to aduance the weale, both publike & priuat, of this realme & dominions there­to belonging, according to the said trust in his maie­stie reposed, with no lesse good will & affection than if his highnes had béene naturallie borne among vs. In consideration whereof, be it enacted by the king & the quéens most excellent maiesties, by assent of the lords spirituall and temporall, & the commons in this present parlement assembled, and by the authoritie of the same, &c: as it is to be séene in the act more at large ratified and confirmed at the sam [...] parlement, to the same intent and purpose.

Thus much out of the act and statute I thought to rehearse, to the intent the reader maie vnderstand, Parlements maie be de­ceiued. not so much how parlements maie sometimes be de­ceiued (as by this child of quéene Marie may appéere) as rather what cause we Englishmen haue to ren­der most earnest thanks vnto almightie God, who so mercifullie against the opinion, expectation, and wor­king of our aduersaries, hath helped and deliuered vs in this case: which otherwise might haue opened such a window to the Spaniards, to haue entred and replenished this land, that peraduenture by this time Englishmen should haue inioied no great quiet in their owne countrie. The Lord therefore make vs [Page 1125] perpetuallie mindfull of his benefits, Amen.

Thus we sée then how man dooth purpose, but God disposeth as pleaseth him. For all this great labor, prouision, and order taken in the parlement house for their yoong maister long looked for, comming so surelie into the world; in the end appéered neither yoong maister nor yoong maistresse that anie man yet to this daie can heare of. The praiers of the papists of what litle effect they are with God. Furthermore as the labor of the laie sort was herein deluded, so no lesse ridiculous it was to behold what little effect the prai­ers of the popes churchmen had with almightie God, line 10 who trauelled no lesse with their processions, masses, and collects, for the happie deliuerance of this yoong maister to come, as here followeth to be séene.

A praier made by doctor Weston deane of Westminster, dailie to be said for the queenes deliuerance.

O Most righteous Lord God, which for the offense of the first woman, A praier for quéene Marie and hir child, turned out of Latine into English. hast threatned vnto all women a common, sharpe, and ineuitable malediction, and hast inioined them that they should conceiue in sinne; and being conceiued, should be subiect to manie and gréeuous torments, and finallie be deliuered with the danger and ieopardie of their life: we beséech thée for thine exceeding great goodnesse and botomlesse mercie, to mitigate the strictnes of that law. Asswage thine an­ger line 30 for a while, and cherish in the bosome of thy fauor and mercie our most gratious quéene Marie, being now at the point of hir deliuerance. So helpe hir, that without danger of hir life, she maie ouercome the sorow, and in due season bring foorth a child, in bodie beautifull and comelie, in mind noble and va­liant. So that afterward she forgetting the trouble, maie with ioie, laud and praise the bountifulnesse of thy mercie; and togither with vs, praise and blesse both thée and thy holie name world without end. line 40 This (O Lord) we desire thee, we beseech thee, and most hartilie craue of thée. Heare vs (O Lord) and grant vs our petition. Let not the enimies of thy faith and of thy church saie; Where is their God?

A solemne praier made for king Philip and queene Maries child, that it maie be a male child, welfauored and wittie, &c.

A deuout prai­er made by the catholikes for quéene Marie being great and quicke with child. O Most mightie Lord God, which regardest the praier of the humble, and despisest not their request, bow downe from thine high habitation of the heauens, the eies of thy mercie vnto vs wretched sinners, bowing the knees of our harts, and with manie and déepe sighs bewailing our sinnes and offenses humblie with eies intent, and hands displaied, praieng and beseech­ing thee, with the shield of thy protection, to defend Marie thy seruant and our quéene, who hath none o­ther line 60 helper but thee, and whome through thy grace thou hast willed to be conceiued with child; and at the time of hir trauell gratiouslie with the helpe of thy right hand deliuer hir, and from all danger with the child in hir conceiued, mercifullie preserue. It hath seemed good in thy sight (mercifull father) by thy seruant Marie to worke these woonders, that is to saie; in hir hands to vanquish and ouerthrow the stout enimie, and to deliuer vs thy people out of the hands of The papists call the pro­testants here­tikes and eni­mies to the crosse of Christ, euen as Achab cal­led Elias the disturber of Israell, when he was onelie the disturber himself [...] ▪ heretikes, infidels, enimies to thée, and to the crosse of thy beloued sonne Iesus Christ, that of thy seruant thou mightest speake in farre coun­tries. Therefore for these woonderfull workes which thou dooest to thy seruants, thou art magnified Lord God for euer, & we thy people blesse thée the God of heauen, which hast wrought vpon vs this great mer­cie, and hast excluded from vs the heretike, the eni­mie of truth, and the persecutor of thy church. We know, we know that we haue grieuouslie (Lord) sinned, that we haue beene deceiued by vanitie, and that we haue forsaken thée our God. Our iniqui­ties be multiplied on our head, and our sinnes be in­creased vp to heauen, and we our selues haue offen­ded, and our princes and our priests: for these our sinnes haue deserued an hypocrit to our prince, our sinnes haue deserued a tyrant to our gouernor that should bring our life vnto bitternesse. We be not worthie to haue so gentle and mercifull a queene, so godlie a ruler, and finallie so vertuous a prince. At the verie beginning of whose reigne, a new light, as it were of Gods religion, séemed to vs for to spring and arise. Quéene Ma­rie compared of the papists to quéene Iu­dith. The Iews did blesse the widow Iudith with one voice; saieng: Thou art the glorie of Ieru­salem, thou art the ioie of Israell, thou art the honor of our people, for that thou hast loued chastitie, and thou shalt be blessed for euer.

And we the English people with one agréeable consent doo crie: Marke how forgetting his praier he fa [...] ­leth to the praising of quéen Marie. Thou Marie art the glorie of Eng­land, our ioie, the honour of thy people, for that thou hast imbraced chastitie: thine hart is strengthened, for the hand of our Lord hath comforted thée, and therefore thou shalt be blessed for euer. But bow downe, O most mercifull father thine eare, and open thine eies, and behold our affliction, and our humble confession. Thou knowest Lord, that against Phi­lip, not by humane, but by thy ordinance our king, and against thy seruant Marie by thy prouidence our quéene, the restorers and mainteiners of thy tes­tament, and of the faith and most constant defenders of thy church; thou knowest (I saie) that against these our two gouernors (the enimies of thy holie testament, The testa­ment setteth vp onelie the glorie of Christ. and of the church thy spouse) be most ranke rebels, and spitefull murmurers, walking af­ter their lusts, whose mouth speaketh words of pride, to the end they maie set vp the kingdome of here­tikes and schismatikes. By the power of their hands they would change thy promises, If the chan­ging of Gods promises, de­stroieng his inheritance, stopping the mouths of Gods people if contentiōs, warres, and schismes be tokens of he­retikes, who so great here­tikes as the papists [...]e? and destroie thine inheritance, and stop and shut vp the mouths of them that praise thée, and extinguish the glorie of thy catho­like church and altar.

It is manifest and plaine, how manie contenti­ons, how manie conspiracies & seditions, how great warres, what tumults, how manie and how great troublesome vexations, how manie heresies and schismes (for these be the most readie deuises and eui­dent tokens of heretikes) for our sinnes doo hang o­uer vs, if thy seruant be taken from this life: for we acknowledge that our Lord is omnipotent, who hath pitched his dwelling place in the middest of his peo­ple, to the intent to deliuer vs out of the hands of our enimies. Turne therefore thy countenance vnto vs, shew vnto vs, O Lord, thy face. Punish vs for our sinnes according to thy will and pleasure, onelie now deliuer vs. We bowing the knées of our heart, be­seech thée that thou wilt not reserue vnto vs punish­ment for euer, and we shall praise thée, all the daies of our life. Heare our crie, and the praier of thy peo­ple, and open to them the treasure of thy mercie, thy gratious fauour, the spring of liuelie water. Thou that hast begun, make in the hand of thy seruant a perfect worke. Suffer not, we praie thee, Crie vp lowd­der you priests per [...]d­uenture your god is a sléepe. the faithlesse rebels to saie of thy seruant and hir councellors, that they haue deuised matters which they can not per­forme. And grant vnto thy seruant an happie and an easie trauell. For it is not impossible to thy power, nor indecent to thy iustice, nor vnwoonted vnto thy mercie.

It is well knowne vnto vs, The Lord gaue a pro­mise to Sara [...]nd Elisa­beth: so did [...] not to queene Ma­rie. how maruellouslie [Page 1126] thou diddest worke in Sara of the age of fourescore and ten yeares, and in Elisabeth the barren, and also farre striken in age: for thy counsell is not in the power of men. Thou Lord that art the searcher of hearts and thoughts, thou knowest that thy seruant neuer lusted after man, neuer gaue hir selfe to wan­ton companie, nor made hir selfe partaker with them that walke in lightnesse: but she consented to take an husband with thy feare, and not with hir lust. Thou knowest that thy seruant tooke an husband, not for carnall pleasure, but onelie for the desire and loue of line 10 posteritie, wherein thy name might be blessed for e­uer and euer. Giue therefore vnto thy seruants Phi­lip our king, & Marie our quéene, a male issue, which maie sit in the seat of thy kingdome. Giue vnto our quéene thy seruant, a little infant in fashion and bo­die comelie and beautifull, in pregnant wit notable and excellent.

It is not best such one to be granted vnto [...]ou, for being like Abraham Ioseph, Mo­ses, and Sa­lomon, he maie chance smell out your cor­rupt doctrine, and to detest your bloudie tyrannie, &c.Grant the same to be in obedience like Abraham, in hospitalitie like Lot, in chastitie and brotherlie line 20 loue like Ioseph, in meekenesse and mildnesse like Moses, in strength and valiantnesse like Samson. Let him be found faithfull as Dauid after thy heart. Let him be wise among kings as the most wise Sa­lomon. Let him be like Iob, a simple and an vpright man, fearing God and eschewing euill. Let him fi­nallie be garnished with the comelinesse of all ver­tuous conditions, and in the same let him wax old and liue, that he maie sée his childrens children to the third and fourth generation. And giue to our soue­reigne line 30 lord and ladie, king Philip and quéene Marie, thy blessing and long life vpon earth. And grant that of them maie come kings and quéenes which maie stedfastlie continue in faith, loue, and holinesse. And blessed be their séed of our God, that all nations maie know thou art onelie God in all the earth, which art blessed for euer and euer, Amen.

An other praier for queene Marie, and hir conceiued child. line 40

An other praier for the same. O Almightie father, which diddest sanctifie the blessed virgine and mother of Marie in hir conception, & in the birth of Christ our sauiour, thy onelie sonne; also by thy omnipotent power diddest safeli [...] deliuer the prophet Ionas out of the whales bellie [...]efend O Lord we beséech thée, thy seruant Marie our quéene, with child. conceiued, and so visit hir in and with thy godlie gift of health, that not onelie the child thy creature with­in line 50 hir conteined, maie ioifullie come from hir into this world, and receiue the blessed sacraments of baptisme and confirmation, inioieng therewith dai­lie increase of all princelie and gratious gifts both of bodie and soule; but that also she, the mother, through thy speciall grace and mercie, maie in time of hir trauell auoid all excessiue dolour and paine, and a­bide perfect and sure from all perill and danger of death, with long and prosperous life, thorough Christ line 60 our Lord, Amen. ¶And thus much shall suffice tou­ching this great adoo about quéene Marie and hir babe.]

Cardinall Poole com­deth to Pauls crosse with great pompe.The second daie of December being sundaie, car­dinall Poole came to Pauls church in London with great pompe, hauing before him a crosse, two pillers and two pollaxes of siluer, and was there solemnlie receiued by the bishop of Winchester, chancellor of England, who met him with procession. And short­lie after, king Philip came from Westminster by land, being accompanied with a great number of his nobles. Cer [...]eine [...] of Stephā Gar­diners ser­mon. And the same daie, the bishop of Win­chester preached at Pauls crosse, in the which sermon he declared, that the king and quéene had restored the pope to his right of primasie; & that the thrée estates assembled in parlement, representing the whole bo­die of the realme, had submitted themselues to his holinesse, and to his successors for euer. And in the same also, he greatlie praised the cardinall, and set foorth the passing high authoritie that he had from the [...] of Rome, with much other glorious matter, in the commendation of the church of Rome, which he called the see apostolike. This sermon being ended, the king and the cardinall riding togither, The king and the cardinall ride togither. returned to White hall, and the king had his sword borne be­fore him, and the cardinall had onelie his crosse, and no more.

The seauen and twentith daie of the said moneth, Emanuell Philibert earle of Sauoie and prince of Piemount came into England, Prince of Piemount commeth into England. accompanied with diuerse other lords and gentlemen strangers, who were receiued at Grauesend by the earle of Bed­ford lord priuie seale, and conueied by water through London bridge to White hall, where the king and queene then laie. ¶On the ninth of Ianuarie next fol­lowing, the prince of Orange was in like maner receiued at Grauesend, and from thence conueied to the court, being at White hall. I. Stow. 1053. Prince of O­range. The twelfth of Ia­nuarie, the said prince of Orange, with other lords, was conducted by the lord chamberlein to the tower of London, where was shewed vnto him the ordi­nance, artillerie, munitions, and armorie, with the mint, &c: and so was brought into the white tower, from whence, as he returned through the long galle­rie, all the prisoners saluted him: vnto whome the prince said, he was sorie for their captiuitie, and tru­sted the king and quéene would be good vnto them. At his departing from the tower, he gaue the gun­ners ten péeces of Flemmish gold at fiue shillings the péece, and the warders other ten péeces, as a reward.]

Upon wednesdaie the 12 of December, fiue of the eight men which laie in the Fléet, Fiue of Throckmor­tons iurie re­leased. that had pas­sed vpon sir Nicholas Throckmortons triall, were discharged and set at libertie vpon their fines paid, which was two hundred and twentie pounds a péece. The other thrée put vp a supplication, therein decla­ring their goods did not amount to the summe of that which they were appointed to paie: and so vpon that declaration, paieng thrée score pounds a péece, they were deliuered out of prison on saint Thomas daie before Christmas, being the one & twentith of December. The two and twentith of the same mo­neth, Parlement dissolued. the parlement (which began the two and twen­tith of Nouember before) was dissolued, wherein among other acts passed there, the statute Ex officio, and other lawes made for punishment of heresies were reuiued. But chiefelie, the popes most liberall bull of dispensation of abbeie land was there confir­med, much to the contentation of manie, who not without cause suspected by this new vnion, to lose some peece of their late purchase. Abr. Fl. ex Ioh. Foxi mar­tyrologio. A sturre be­twéene the Spaniards and English­men at West­minster. ¶ On new yeares daie at night was a great tumult betweene Spa­niards and Englishmen at Westminster, whereof was like to haue insued great mischiefe, through a Spanish frier which got into the church and roong alarum. The occasion was about two whores which were in the cloister of Westminster with a sort of Spaniards, wherof whilest some plaied the knaues with them, other some did kéepe the entrie of the cloi­ster with dags and harnesse. In the meane time cer­teine of the deanes men came into the cloister, and the Spaniards discharged their dags at them, and hurt some of them. By and by the noise of this dooing came into the streets, so that the whole towne was vp almost, but neuer a stroke was stricken. Not­withstanding, the noise of this dooing with the deans men, and also the ringing of the alarum made much [Page 1127] adoo, and a great number also to be sore afraid.]

year 1555 Upon fridaie the eighteenth of Ianuarie, all the councell, I S. pag. 1095. by name, the lord chancellor, the bishop of Elie, the lord treasuror, the earle of Shrewesburie, the comptrollor of the quéenes house, secretarie Bourne, and sir Richard Southwell master of the ordinance and armorie, went to the tower, and there the same daie discharged and set at libertie all the pri­soners of the tower, Prisoners de­liuered out of the tower. or the more part of them, name­lie the archbishop of Yorke, the late duke of Nor­thumberlands line 10 sonnes, the lords Ambrose, Robert, and Henrie; also, sir Andrew Dudleie, sir Iames Croftes, sir Nicholas Throckmorton, sir Iohn Ro­gers, sir Nicholas Arnold, sir George Harper, sir Edward Warner, sir William Sentlow, sir Gaw­en Carew, William Gibbes esquier, Cutbert Uaughan, and diuerse others.

Trouble and persecution for religion.Moreouer, about this season diuerse learned men being apprehended, and in prison for matters of reli­gion, were brought before the bishops of Winche­ster line 20 and London, and other the bishops and commis­sioners appointed therefore: who vpon the constant standing of the said learned men in their opinions, which they had taken vpon them to mainteine, as grounded vpon the true word of God, as they pro­tested, procéeded in iudgement against them, and so diuerse of them were burned at London in Smith­field, and in diuerse other places. Naie not onelie by fire but by other torments were the good christians persecuted, whose zeale was hot in religion and defi­ance line 30 of the pope: insomuch that then he was coun­ted Gods enimie, which tooke not the pope for the friend of Christ (whome he hateth with hostilitie) as C.O. noteth verie trulie in his Elisabetha, saieng:

—nam creditur hostis
Esse Dei, papa [...] si quis pius asserit hostem
Esse Dei, veros Christi qui tollit honores.

In Februarie next following, doctor Thirlebie bishop of Elie, Ambassadors out of Eng­land to Rome. and Anthonie lord Montacute, with a verie honorable traine of gentlemen and others, line 40 rode foorth of the citie of London towards Rome as ambassadors sent from the king and quéene, to con­firme this new reconciliation to the pope. William Fe­therstone, aliàs Constable a boie, nameth himselfe king Edward the sixt. A yoong stripling, whose name was William Fetherstone, a millers sonne, about the age of eightéene yeares, na­med and bruted himselfe to be king Edward the sixt, whereof when the quéene and the councell heard, they caused with all diligence inquirie to be made for him, so that he was apprehended in Southworke, or (as other haue) at Eltham in Kent the tenth of Maie, line 50 and brought before the councell at Hampton court, and there examined. And it was demanded of him why he so named himselfe? To which he counterfet­ting a maner of simplicitie, or rather frensie, would make no direct answer, but praid pardon; for he wist not what he said: affirming further, that he was counselled so to saie, and to take vpon him the name, whereof he accused certeine persons: but his talke was not found true, wherefore he was committed to the Marshalseie, as a lunatike foole. line 60

On the eight and twentith daie of Maie next fol­lowing, the aforesaid counterfet prince was brought in a cart from the Marshalseie thorough the citie of London, with a paper ouer his head, wherein was written, that he named himselfe king Edward. And from thense was conueied to Westminster, being led round about the hall, and shewed to all the peo­ple there: and afterward he was taken out of the cart and stripped, Iohn Stow. and then whipped round about the palace at the same carts taile, and then thorough Westminster into Smithfield, and then banished into the north, in which countrie he was borne, and had béene sometime lackie to sir Peter Mewtas, and without more punishment was discharged, and set at libertie. But the next yeare following, The counter­fet king exe­cuted. for that he had spred abroad that king Edward was aliue, and that he had spoken with him, he was againe appre­hended, and arreigned of high treason, whereof be­ing condemned, he shortlie after was drawne vnto Tiburne, and there hanged and quartered the thir­téenth of March. ¶ Here, as in a fit and conuenient place, Abr. Fl. ex Ioh. Foxi martyrologio▪ the obseruation of the daie and moneth offe­ring no lesse, it is not amisse to set downe the speech of quéene Marie vttered to sundrie of hir lords, tou­ching a motion which no doubt certeine popish pre­lats had put into hir mind; the effect whereof follow­eth as I find it in master Fox.

Before I passe this moneth of March (saith he) I cannot but leaue a little memorandum of the words or consultation of quéene Marie, vsed to certeine of the councell, the eight & twentith daie of the said mo­neth of March, touching the restoring againe of the abbeie lands. Who after she had called vnto hir pre­sence foure of hir priuie councell, the daie and mo­neth aforesaid: the names of which councellors were these; The names of the coun­cellors called before quéene Marie. William lord marquesse of Winchester high treasuror of England, sir Robert Rochester knight, the queenes comptrollor, sir William Peter knight, secretarie, sir Francis Inglefield knight, master of wards; the said queene Marie inferred these words: the principall effect & summe whereof here followeth. The effect of quéene Ma­ries words touching ab­beie lands to be restored. You are here of our councell, and we haue willed you to be called to vs, to the intent yee might heare of me my conscience, and the resolution of my mind, concerning the lands and possessions as well of mo­nasteries, as other churches whatsoeuer being now presentlie in my possession. First, I doo consider, that the said lands were taken awaie from the chur­ches aforesaid, in time of schisme, and that by vnlaw­full means, such as are contrarie both to the law of God and of the church. The quéene taketh a con­science to kée­ping abbeie lands. For the which cause my consci­ence dooth not suffer me to deteine them: and there­fore I here expresselie refuse either to claime or to re­teine the said lands for mine: but with all my heart fréelie and willinglie without all paction or conditi­on, here and before God I doo surrender and relin­quish the said lands and possessions or inheritances whatsoeuer, & doo renounce the same with this mind and purpose, The quéene surrendreth from hir selfe the possessiō of abbeie lands. that order and disposition thereof may be taken as shall séeme best liking to our most holie lord the pope, or else his legat the lord cardinall, to the honour of God and wealth of this our realme.

And albeit you may obiect to me againe, that considering the state of my kingdome, the dignitie thereof, and my crowne imperiall cannot be honora­blie mainteined and furnished without the possessi­ons aforesaid: yet notwithstanding I set more by the saluation of my soule, than by ten kingdoms: and therefore the said possessions I vtterlie refuse here to hold after that sort and title, and giue most hartie thanks to almightie God, which hath giuen me an husband likewise minded, with no lesse good affection in this behalfe, than I am my selfe. Promise for restitution of abbeie lands. Wherefore I charge and command, that my chancellor (with whom I haue conferred my mind in this matter before) and you foure, to morrow together doo resort to the most reuerend lord legat, and doo signifie to him the premisses in my name, & giue your attendance vp­on him for the more full declaration of the state of my kingdome, and of the foresaid possessions accor­dinglie, as you your selues doo vnderstand the mat­ter, and can informe him in the same. This charge (as the sequele gaue proofe) was followed with no lesse diligence of the lords, than it was imposed with willingnes vpon them by the quéene: insomuch that shortlie after (as anon you shall heare) the performed hir promise to [...]he pith.

But to le [...] this matter passe, till due time & place [Page 1128] require a declaration of the conclusion thereof; I am héere (saith master Fox, as occasion serueth) to in­treat of pope Iulius death, for so much as he made his end about the latter end of this foresaid moneth of March. R [...]ad more of [...] in a booke [...]lled a war­ning to Eng­land. Concerning the déeds and acts of which pope, to make a full declaration, it were not so much tedious to the reader, as horrible to all good eares. Under this Iulius florished the archbishop of Bene­uentanus, a Florentine, named Iohannes a Casa, deane of the popes chamber, The death of [...] Iulius the third. and chéefe legat to the line 10 Uenetians: who well declaring the fruit of that fil­thie see, so farre forgat both honestie and nature, that he shamed not onelie to plaie the filthie Sodomite himselfe, [...] and to boast openlie of the same: but also tooke vpon him most impudentlie in Italian metre, to all mens eares, to set foorth the praise and com­mendation of that beastlie iniquitie, N [...]te here what an holie catholike church this is saieng that he himselfe neuer vsed other: and this booke was prin­ted at Uenice, by one Troianus Nauus. And yet the pope could suffer this so great iniquitie and shame­lesse line 20 beastlinesse; euen vnder his nose in his owne chamber, which could not abide the true doctrine of Christ in christian bookes.

Amongst other pranks and déeds of this foresaid pope, in his Iubilée, and in the synod of Trent, and in confirming of the idoll of Lauretane, this is also re­ported of him in his life, that he delighted greatlie in porke flesh and peacocks. Upon a time when he was admonished of his physician to absteine from all swines flesh, for that it was noisome for his g [...]ut, and yet would not follow his counsell: the physician line 30 afterward gaue warning to his steward or orderer of his diet, that he should set no more porke flesh be­fore him. Wherevpon when the pope perceiued the said porke flesh to be lacking in his accustomed ser­uice; [...] [...]o [...]kish pope. Where (said he) is my porke? And when his stew­ard had answered that his physician had forbidden anie porke to be serued: then the pope bursting out in great rage, Monstrous blasphemie in the pope. said in these words; Bring me, said he, my porke flesh Al dispetto di Dio: that is to saie in English, In the despight of God. line 40

At an other time, he sitting at dinner, pointing to a peacocke vpon his table, which he had not touched; Kéepe (said he) this cold peacocke for me against sup­per, and let me sup in the garden, for I shall haue ghests. So when supper came, and amongst other hot peacocks, he saw not his cold peacocke brought to his table: the pope after his woonted manner, most horriblie blaspheming God, fell into an extreame rage, &c. Wherevpon one of his cardinals sitting by, line 50 desired him saieng: Pope Iulius blasphemeth God for a peacocke. Let not your holinesse, I praie you, be so mooued with a matter of so small weight. Then this Iulius the pope answering againe; What (said he) if God was so angrie for one apple, that he cast our first parents out of paradise for the same, [...] dignam. whie maie not I being his vicar, be angrie then for a peacocke, sithens a peacocke is a greater matter than an apple? Behold here good reader, by this pope, the holinesse of that blasphemous sée: and yet thou shalt sée here, what affection was borne vnto this line 60 pope here in England, by the di [...]iges, hearses, and funerals commanded to be had and celebrated in all churches by the quéene and hir councell, as may ap­peare by the copie of their letters here following.

A letter from the bishop of Winchester (being lord chancellour) vnto Boner bishop of London, touching the celebrating of the popes funerals.

[...] 10. [...]inchesters [...] to [...] for the [...] funerall AFter my hartie commendations to your good lordship. The king and queenes maiesties hauing certeine knowledge of the death of the popes holi­nesse, thought good there should be as well solemne obsequies said for him throughout the realme, as also these praiers (which I send you herein inclosed) vsed at masse times in all places at this time of vacati­on; and therefore willed me to signifie their pleasures vnto you in this behalfe, that therevpon ye might proceed to the full ac­complishment therof, by putting the same in due execution within your owne dio­cesse, and sending word to the rest of the bi­shops to doo the like in theirs. Thus doubt­ing not but that your lordship will vse such diligence in this matter at this time, as shall be necessarie, I bid your lordship har­tilie well to fare. From my house at Asher, the tenth of Aprill. 1555.

Your assured freend and brother, Stephanus Winton. Cancel.

Praiers commanded to be vsed in the funerall masses for the pope, Apostolica sede vacante.

Supplicite Domine humilitate deposcimus, vt tua immen­sa pietas sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae concedat pontificem illum, qui & pro in nos studio semper tibi gratus, A collect for the pope. & tuo popu­lo pro salubri regimine sit assiduè ad gloriam tui nominis ve­nerandus, per Dominum nostrum.

Secreta.

Tuae nobis Domine pietatis abundantia indulgeat, Another prai­er for chusing of the pope. vt gra­tum maiestati tuae pontificem sanctae matris ecclesiae regimini praeess [...] studeamus per Dominum nostrum.

Post communionen.

Pretiosi corporis & sanguinis tui Domine sacramento re­fectos, mi [...]ifica tuae maiestatis gratia de illius summi pontificis assumptione laetificet, qui & plebem tuam virtutibus instru­at, & fidelium mentes spiritualium aromatum odore perfun­dat, per Dominum nostrum.

Upon this commandement, on wednesdaie in Ea­ster wéeke there were hearses set vp, & diriges soong for the said Iulius in diuerse places. At which time it chanced a woman to come into S. Magnus church at the bridgefoot in London, & there séeing an hearse and other preparation, asked what it meant: and o­ther that stood by, said, that it was for the pope, and that she must praie for him. A woman of S. Magnus parish im­prisoned for not praieng for the pope. Naie (quoth she) that will I not, for he néedeth not my praier: and séeing he could forgiue vs all our sinnes, I am sure he is clean himselfe: therefore I need not to praie for him. She was heard speake these words of certeine that stood by: which by and by caried hir vnto the cage at Lon­don bridge, and bad hir coole hir selfe there.

And héere (saith master Fox) commeth to be re­membred the notable working of Gods hand vpon a certeine priest in Kent named Nightingall, par­son of Crondall besides Canturburie: who vpon Shrouesundaie, which was about the third daie of the said moneth of March, and yeare of our Lord afore­said, reioising belike not a little at this alteration of religion, began to make a sermon to his parishio­ners, taking his theame out of the words of saint Iohn: He that saith, he hath no sinne, is a lier, and the trueth is not in him, &c. And so vpon the same, A terrible ex­ample of Gods seuere punishment vpon Nigh­tingall par­son of Cron­dall in Kent. verie impertinentlie, declared to them all such arti­cles as were set foorth by the popes authoritie, and by the commandement of the bishops of this realme; saieng moreouer vnto the people in this wise: Now masters and neighbors reioise and be merrie, for the prodigall sonne is come home. For I know that the most part of you be as I am: for I know your [Page 1129] hearts well enough. And I shall tell you what hath happened in this wéeke past. I was before my lord cardinall Pooles grace, and he hath made me as cleane from sinne, as I was at the font stone: and on thursdaie last being before him, he hath appointed me to notifie (I thanke him for it) the same vnto you. Blasphemie to Christs [...]ospell puni­shed. And I will tell you what it is. And so reading the popes bull of pardon that was sent into England, he said, he thanked God that euer he had liued to sée that daie: adding moreouer that he beleeued, that line 10 by the vertue of that bull he was as cleane from sinne, as that night that he was borne: and immedi­atlie vpon the same fell suddenlie downe out of the pulpit, and neuer stirred hand nor foot, and so laie he. Testified by Robert Austen of Cartham, which both heard and saw the same, and is witnessed also by the whole countrie round about.]

About this time, Edward Courtneie, earle of Deuonshire, The lord Courneie go­eth ouer into Italie. of whom before yée haue heard, how he was appointed to remaine at Fodringheie vnder line 20 safe custodie, at length was set at libertie, came to the court, and got licence to passe the seas, went into Italie, where shortlie after he sickened, and died with­in foureteene daies after his sicknesse first tooke him: he was honorablie buried in Padwaie. This Court­neie was the onelie sonne and heire of Henrie, mar­quesse of Excester, cousine germane to king Henrie the eight, as is said before. For the said king and he were descended of two sisters, The lord Courtneie descended of the bloud [...]o [...]all. Elizabeth and Katha­rine, two of the daughters of king Edward the line 30 fourth, which propinquitie of bloud notwithstanding the said marquesse, for points of treason laid against him, suffered at the tower hill, the thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, to the great do­lour of the most of the subiects of this realme, who for his sundrie vertues bare him great fauour and goodwill.

After whose death, this yoong gentleman his sonne, being yet a child, was committed prisoner to the tower, where he remained vntill the beginning of line 40 the reigne of this quéene Marie (as before you haue heard.) This gentleman (as it appeared) was borne to be a prisoner, for from twelue yeares of age vnto thirtie, he had scarse two yeares libertie, within the which time he died, and obteined quiet, which in his life he could neuer haue. In the moneth of Maie next following, Ambassadors sent to treat a peace be­twéene the French king and the em­perour. cardinall Poole, who had bin a great la­bourer for peace betwéene the French king and the emperour, being accompanied with Stephan Gar­diner bishop of Winchester and chancellor of Eng­land, line 50 the erle of Arundell lord steward, and the lord Paget, were sent by the king and quéene ouer the sea to Calis, & from thence went to the towne of Marke where they met with the ambassadors of the emperor and the French king. From the emperour were sent the bishop of Arras with others. From the French king was sent the cardinall of Loraine, and the con­stable of France. In this treatie, cardinall Poole sat as president and vmpier in the name of the queene of England. This peace was greatlie laboured, line 60 where at the first, there was much hope, but in the end nothing was concluded: wherefore the seauen­teenth daie of Iune, this assemblie was dissolued, and the English ambassadours returned againe into England.

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 1097.¶ In this moneth of August, in Suffolke, at a place by the sea side, all of hard stone and pibble, called in those parts a shelfe, lieng betwéene the townes of Oxford and Alborough, where neuer grew grasse, nor any earth was euer séene, there chanced in this barren place suddenlie to spring vp without any til­lage or sowing, great abundance of peason, whereof the poore gathered (as men iudged) aboue an hun­dred quarters; The necessitie of the poore re­lé [...]ued by Gods proui­dence. yet remained some ripe, & some blosso­ming, as manie as euer there were before. To the which place rode the bishop of Norwich, and the lord Willoughbie with others in great number, who found nothing but hard r [...]ckie stone for the space of thrée yards vnder the roots of those peason, which roots were great and long, and verie swéet in tast to the mouth of the eater, &c.

On Bartholomew euen, Disputation at Christs hospitall, as had béene accustomed at saint Bartholo­mewes in Smithfield, being an in­couragement to yoong scholers. after the Lord maior and aldermen of London had rid about Bartholomew faire, they came to Christes hospitall within New­gate, where they heard a disputation betwéene the scholers of Paules schoole, saint Anthonies schoole, and the scholers of the said hospitall, for whome was prouided thrée games, which was three pennes: the best pen of siluer and gilt, valued at fiue shillings, woone by a scholer of saint Anthonies schoole, and the maister of that schoole had six shillings eight pence: the second, a pen of siluer parcell gilt, valued at iiij. shillings, woone by a scholer of Paules schoole, & his maister had fiue shillings in monie: the third a pen of siluer, valued at thrée shillings, woone by a scholer of the said hospitall, and his maister had foure shil­lings. And there were two preests maisters of arts appointed for iudges, which had each of them a siluer rule for their paines, valued at six shillings eight pence the peece. The disputation being ended, the maior and aldermen entred the hall, where the chil­dren of the hospitall vse to dine, and had fruit & wine, and so departed.

King Philip went ouer seas, King Philip went ouer in­to Flanders. and landed at Calis on the fourth of September, where he was honora­bly receiued by the lord deputie, & the maior of the sta­ple of Calis, an alderman of London named sir Andrew Iud, presenting his maiestie with a purse & a thousand marks of gold in it: that night the king was lodged in staple inne: and on the morrow he departed from Calis towards Brussels in Brabant, to visit the emperor his father: he gaue at his depar­ting among the souldiors of the towne of Calis, a thousand crownes of gold, and there accompanied him in his iournie of English lords, the earle of A­rundell lord steward of the quéenes house, the earle of Penbroke, the earle of Huntington, and others. On Michaelmasse euen, the prisoners that laie in the counter in Bredstréet, New counter in Woodstréet. were remoued to a new coun­ter made in Woodstréet of the cities purchase & buil­ding, the which remoouing was confirmed by a com­mon councell assembled at the Guildhall for that purpose.

On the last of September, by occasion of great wind and raine that had fallen, was such great floods, Great land­waters wher­by diuerse fre­quented places were ouerflowne. that that morning the kings palace at Westmin­ster, and Westminster hall was ouerflowne with water, vnto the staire foot, going to the chancerie and kings bench: so that when the lord maior of London should come to present the shiriffes to the barons of the excheker, all Westminster hall was full of wa­ter. And by report there, that morning, a whirriman rowed with his bote ouer Westminster bridge, into the palace court, and so through the staple gate: and all the wooll staple into the kings stréet, and all the marshes on Lambeth side, were so ouerflowne, that the people from Newington church could not passe on foot, but were caried by bote from the said church to the pinfold, neere to saint Georges in South­worke.]

About this time, the bishop of Lincolne, Glocester, Anno Reg. [...]. Commis [...]io­ners sent to Oxford, by th [...] popes autho­ritie, & [...]. and Bristow, were sent in commission to Oxford by the popes authoritie, to examine Ridleie and Lati­mer, vpon certeine articles by them preached, which if they would not recant, and consent to the popes doctrine, then had they power to proceed in sentence against them as heretikes, and to commit them o­uer to the secular power. Those two doctors neuer­theles [Page 1130] stood constantlie to that which they had taught, and would not reuoke: for which cause, they were condemned, and after burned in the towne ditch at Oxford, the sixtéenth daie of October. In the time of whose examination, bicause the bishops aforesaid de­clared themselues to be the popes commissioners, neither Ridleie nor Latimer would doo them any re­uerence, but kept their caps on their heads: where­fore they were sharplie rebuked by the bishop of Lin­colne, and one of the officers was commanded for to line 10 take of their caps. Of these men, and the maner of their death, ye may read at large in the booke of the monuments of the church.

The one and twentith of October, a parlement was holden at Westminster, [...] parlement [...]herein the kings of the [...]rch are [...] ▪ in the which amongst other things the queene being persuaded by the car­dinall (and other of hir clergie) that she could not prosper, so long as she kept in hir hands any posses­sions of the church, did frankelie and freelie resigne and render vnto them all those reuenues ecclesiasti­call, line 20 which by the authoritie of parlement, in the time of king Henrie, had béene annexed to the crowne, called the first fruits and tenths of all bishopricks, benefices, and ecclesiasticall promotions. The resig­nation whereof was a great diminution of the reue­nues of the crowne. [...] subsidie [...] Stowpunc; ¶In this parlement was gran­ted to the king & queene a subsidie of the laitie from fiue pounds to ten pounds eight pence of the pound, from ten pounds to twentie pounds twelue pence of the pound, & from twentie pounds vpward sixtéene line 30 pence of the pound, and all strangers double, and the cleargie granted six shillings of the pound.

Doctor Storie and other were appointed by the car­dinall, This Storie [...] executed [...] quéen El [...]zabeths [...] The death of Stephan Gardiner [...]shop of [...]inchester. to visit euerie parish church in London and Middlesex, to see their relikes repared, and the ima­ges of the crucifix, with Marie and Iohn therevpon to be fixed.] During the time of this parlement, Ste­phan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, and chancel­lor of England died at his house called Winchester place, beside saint Marie Oueries in Southworke, the ninth daie of Nouember, whose corps was short­lie line 40 after solemnly from thence conueied to his church of Winchester, & there buried. The maner of whose death why should I blush to blaze as I find it by re­port? A [...]r. Fl. ex I. F. [...]tyrologio. The reporter [...] this additi­ [...] a person of [...]dit. ¶One mistresse Mondaie, being the wife of one maister Mondaie secretarie sometime to the old lord Thomas duke of Norffolke, a present witnes of this that is testified, thus openlie reported in the house of a worshipfull citizen, bearing office in this citie, in words and effect as followeth. The same daie, line 50 when as bishop Ridleie and maister Latimer suffe­red at Oxford, being about the ninetéenth daie of October, there came to the house of Stephan Gar­diner, the old duke of Norffolke with the foresaid Mondaie his secretarie aboue named, reporter héer­of. The old aged duke, there waiting and tarieng for his dinner, the bishop being not yet disposed to dine, deferred the time till three or foure of the clocke at af­ter noone.

At length, about foure of the clocke commeth his seruant posting in all possible spéed from Oxford, line 60 bringing intelligence to the bishop what he had heard and séene: of whom the said bishop diligentlie inqui­ring the truth of the matter, & hearing by his man, that fire most certeinlie was set vnto them, com­meth out reioising to the duke: Now saith he, let vs go to dinner. Wherevpon, they being set downe, meat immediatlie was brought, and the bishop be­gan merilie to eate: G [...]di [...]er [...] with [...] sudden [...] of God. but what followed? The bloud­die tyrant had not eaten a few bits, but the sudden stroke of God his terrible hand fell vpon him in such sort, as immediatlie he was taken from the table, & so brought to his bed, where he continued the space of fiftéene daies, in such intollerable anguish and tor­ments, that all that meane while, during those fif­teene daies, he could not auoid by order of vrine, or otherwise, any thing that he receiued: whereby his bodie being miserablie inflamed within (who had in­flamed so manie good martyrs before) was brought to a wretched end. And thereof no doubt, as most like it is, came the thrusting out of his toong from his mouth so swolne & blacke, with the inflammation of his bodie. A spectacle worthie to be noted and behol­den of all such bloudie burning persecutors.

But whatsoeuer he was, séeing he is now gone, I referre him to his iudge, to whom he shall stand or fall. As concerning his death and maner thereof, I would they which were present thereat, would testi­fie to vs what they saw. This we haue all to thinke, that his death happened so opportunelie, that Eng­land hath a mightie cause to giue thanks to the Lord therfore: not so much for the great hurt he had doone in times past in peruerting his princesse, in bringing in the six articles, in murthering Gods saints, Stephan Gardiner especiallie hunteth for the life of ladie Elizabeth. Q. Elizabeth preserued. in de­facing Christs sincere religion, &c: as also especiallie for that he had thought to haue brought to passe in murthering also our noble quéene that now is. For whatsoeuer danger it was of death that she was in, it did (no doubt) procéed from that bloudie bishop, who was the cause thereof. And if it be certeine which we haue heard, that hir highnesse being in the to­wer, a writ came downe from certeine of the coun­cell for hir execution, it is out of controuersie, that wilie Winchester was the onelie Dedalus and fra­mer of that engine. Who (no doubt) in that one daie had brought this whole realme into wofull ruine, had not the lords most gratious councell, M. Bridges lieu [...]nant the Lords organ in sauing the ladie Eliza­beths life. thorough maister Bridges then the lieutenant, comming in hast to the quéene, certified hir of the matter, and pre­uented Achitophels bloudie deuises. For the which, thanks be to the same our Lord and Sauiour, in the congregation of all English churches, Amen.]

After whose death, The archbi­shop of Yorke lord chācellor. Nicholas heath archbishop of Yorke, was preferred by the quéene to the office of the chancellor. ¶She likewise gaue the priuie seale to the lord Paget, and made him lord priuie seale, Iohn Stow. these were both Londoners borne. In this moneth of Fe­bruarie, the lord maior of London and the aldermen entered into Bridewell, and tooke possession thereof, according to the gift of king Edward, now con [...] ­med by queene Marie.] In the moneth of March next following, there was in maner no other talke, but of the great preparation that was made for the quéens lieng in childbed, who had alredie taken vp hir cham­ber, and sundrie ladies and gentlewomen were pla­ced about hir in euerie office of the court.

¶And now forsomuch as in the beginning of the moneth of Iune about Whitsuntide, Abr. Fl. ex. I.F. martyrologio. Rockers and nurses proui­ded for quéene Maries child. the time was thought to be nie, that this yoong maister should come into the world, and that midwiues, rockers, nurses, with the cradle and all, were prepared and in a readi­nesse, suddenlie vpon what cause or occasion it is vn­certeine, a certeine vaine rumor was blowne in London of the prosperous deliuerance of the quéene, and the birth of the child: insomuch that bels were roong, bonefiers and processions made, Processions and bonefires in London for ioy of the yong prince. not one­lie in the citie of London, and in most other parts of the realme, but also in Antwerpe guns were shot off vpon the riuer by the English ships, and the mari­ners thereof were rewarded with an hundred pisto­lets or Italian crownes by the ladie regent, Triumph at Antwerpe for the same. who was the quéene of Hungarie. Such great reioising and triumph was for the quéenes deliuerie, and that there was a prince borne. Yea, diuerse preachers, namelie one the person of saint Anne within Alders­gate, after procession and Te Deum soong, tooke vpon him to describe the proportion of the child, how faire, how beautifull, and great a prince it was, as the like [Page 1131] had not béene seene.

In the middest of this great adoo, there was a simple man (this I speake but vpon information) dwelling within foure miles of Barwike, that neuer had béene before halfe waie to London, which said concerning the bonefires made for quéene Maries child; Here is a ioifull triumph, but at length all will not proue woorth a messe of pottage, Q. Maries child would not come. as in déed it came to passe: for in the end all prooued cleane con­trarie, and the ioy & expectations of men were much line 10 deceiued. For the people were certified, that the quéene neither was as then deliuered, nor after was in hope to haue anie child. At this time manie talked diuerslie. Some said this rumour of the quéenes con­ception was spread for a policie: some other affirmed that she was deceiued by a timpanie or some other like disease, What became of Q. Maries child no man can tell. to thinke hirselfe with child, and was not: some thought shée was with child, and that it did by some chance miscarie, or else that she was bewit­ched: but what was the truth therof, the Lord know­eth, line 20 to whome nothing is secret. One thing of mine owne hearing and séeing I cannot passe ouer vn­witnessed.

There came to me, whome I did both heare and sée, one Isabell Malt, a woman dwelling in Alders­gate stréet in Horne allie, not farre from the house where this present booke was printed, who before wit­nesse made this declaration vnto vs, that she being deliuered of a man-child vpon Whitsundaie in the morning, which was the eleuenth daie of Iune Anno line 30 1555, there came to hir the lord North, and another lord to hir vnknowne, dwelling then about old Fish­stréet, demanding of hir if she would part with hir child, and would sweare that she neuer knew nor had no such child. Which if she would, hir sonne (they said) should be well prouided for, she should take no care for it, with manie faire offers if she would part with the child.

After that came other women also, of whome one (she said) should haue beene the rocker: but she in no line 40 wise would let go hir sonne, who at the writing here­of being aliue and called Timothie Malt, was of the age of thirtéene yeares and vpward. Thus much (I saie) I heard of the woman hir selfe. What credit is to be giuen to hir relation, Ex testimonio e­iusdem puerpe­rae Londinensis. I deale not withall, but leaue it to the libertie of the reader, to beleeue it they that list: to them that list not, I haue no further war­rant to assure them. Among manie other great pre­parations made for the quéenes deliuerance of child, The yoong princes cradle there was a cradle verie sumptuouslie and gorgeous­lie line 50 trimmed, on the which cradle for the child appoin­ted, these verses were written, both in Latine and in English, as they are set downe here in record:

Quam Maria sobolem Deus optime summe dedisti,
Anglis incolumem redde, tuere, rege.
The child which thou to Marie,
Uerses vpon the cradle.
ô Lord of might hast send,
To Englands ioie in health
preserue, keepe and defend.

About this time there came ouer into England a certeine English booke, giuing warning to the line 60 Englishmen of the Spaniards, and disclosing cer­teine close practises for recouerie of abbeie lands, which booke was called A warning for England. Whereof ye shall vnderstand much more at large where I. Fox in mart. sub tit. Hen. 8▪we speake of the Spanish inquisition. So that by the occasion of this booke, vpon the thirteenth daie of this moneth came out a certeine proclamation, set foorth in the name of the king and the quéene, re­pealing and disanulling all maner of bookes writ­ten or printed, whatsoeuer should touch anie thing the impairing of the popes dignitie, wherby not one­lie much godlie edification was hindered, but also great perill grew among the people. This procla­mation is recorded at large with other appendents, in the Acts and Monuments, vnder the title of quéene Marie.]

¶ In this yeare died sir Iohn Gresham, I. Stow. 1037. Free scale [...] Holt, with o­ther charita [...] deeds of sir Io. Gresh [...] who bare the office of lord maior of London 1547, a man of a mercifull nature, and good deuotion both to God and his countrie. He founded a frée schoole at Holt, a market towne in Norffolke, & gaue to euerie ward in London ten pounds to be distributed to the poore; and to thréescore poore men and women, euerie one of them thrée yeards of brode cloth of eight or nine shillings the yard, to be made in gownes readie to their backs. He gaue also to maids mariages, and to the hospitals in London, aboue two hundred pounds in readie monie. A blasing starre. A blasing starre was seene at all times of the night, the sixt, seuenth, eight, ninth, and tenth of March.]

About this time, Brookes bishop of Glocester was by the cardinall sent downe as commissioner from the pope to Oxford, Brookes bi­shop of Glo [...]ster appoint to examine Cranmer. there to sit vpon the exami­nation of Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Cantur­burie, in such things as should be laid to his charge by Iohn Storie and Thomas Martin, doctors in the lawes, sent speciallie in commission from the quéene. At which time the said archbishop making low obei­sance to them that sate in the queenes name, shewed no token of reuerence to the bishop that was the popes commissioner: who neuerthelesse procéeded a­gainst him as iudge, and conuicted him of heresie. Th. Cranm [...] archbishop [...] Canturbur [...] condemned. According to the which sentence, the one and twentith daie of March next following, he was disgraded by Edmund Boner, and Thomas Thirlebie, bishops of London and Elie, sent downe for that purpose, and he was burned in the same place where Ridleie and Latimer before had suffered. He is burnt▪

Before his death by the persuasion of a Spanish frier, named frier Iohn, a reader of diuinitie in Ox­ford, and by the counsell of certeine other that put him in hope of life and pardon, he subscribed to a re­cantation, wherein he submitted himselfe wholie to the church of Rome, and continued in the same mind to outward appearance, vntill he was brought out of prison, to go to the fire. Afore whose execution, a ser­mon was made by doctor Cole deane of Paules, The archbi­shop brough [...] to the place [...] execution. in saint Martins church in Oxford. And in the end of his sermon, the said doctor Cole praied the people to incline their eares to such things as the said Cran­mer would declare vnto them by his owne mouth. For (saith he) he is a man verie repentant, and will here before you all reuoke his errors. Neuerthelesse he did cleane contrarie. Iohn Fox. For when he came to the place where the holie bishops and martyrs of God, Hugh Latimer and Ridleie were burnt before him, for the confession of the truth, knéeling downe hée praied to God, & not tarieng long in his praiers, put­ting off his garments to his shirt, he prepared him­selfe to death. His shirt was made long downe to his féet: his féet were bare. Likewise his head, The descrip [...]tion of his person. when both his caps were off, was so bare, that one heare could not be séene vpon it. His beard was long and thicke, couering his face with maruellous grauitie. Such a countenance of grauitie mooued the hearts both of his friends and of his enimies.

And as for the recantation aforesaid, with manie tears he protested, that he had subscribed to the same against his conscience, onelie for feare of death, and hope of life. Which seemed true: for when he came to the stake, & the fire kindled, he put his right hand into the fire, and held it there a good space, saieng: that the same hand should first burne, bicause it held the pen to subscribe against his Lord God. Upon the death of this Cranmer I find these reuerend verses:

Infortunatè est foelix, qui numine laeso,
Cuiusuis gaudet commoditate boni.
[Page 1132]Infoelix ille est verò foeliciter, orbi
Inuisus quisquis tris [...]ia fata subit.
Hoc Cranmere probas, vitae praesentis amore,
Dum quaeris sanctam dissimulare fidem.
Et dum consilijs tandem melioribus vsus,
Praeponis vitae funera saeua tuae.

Immediatlie after the death of the said bishop Cranmer, Cardinall Poole made archbishop of Canturburie. cardinall Poole (a popish prelat, and a sore enimie to the religion receiued & established in king Henrie the eights time) was made archbishop of Canturburie, who (during the life of the other) would line 10 neuer be consecrated archbishop. Who so desireth to see more of this matter, Persecution or religion. maie see the same at large in the booke of the monuments of the church, where you shall also find, that about this time manie were in trouble for religion. The eight and twentith daie of the aforesaid moneth of March, by the negligence of the kéepers maid of the gaile of Newgate in Lon­don, Newgate set in fire. who had left a candle where a great deale of straw was, the same was set on fire, and burnt all line 20 the timber worke on the northside of the same gate. A conspiracie.

The Summer next following was a new conspi­racie brought to light, which was, to haue raised war in the realme against the quéene, for maintenance whereof, their first enterprise was to haue robbed the treasurie of the quéens excheker at Westmin­ster, called the receipt of the excheker, [...] ▪ Stow, pag. 1100. in the which there was of the quéens treasure aboue fiftie thou­sand pounds the same time, to the intent they might be able to mainteine warre against the queene, as it fell out afterwards in proofe. The vtterer of which line 30 conspiracie was one White, who at the beginning was made priuie to the same, wherevpon diuerse of the conspiracie, namelie, Henrie Peckham, Dani­ell, The names of the conspira­cies and their [...]. Sir Antho­nie Kingston [...]parteth this [...]. Executions [...] treason [...], and religion. Dethicke, Udall, Throckmorton, and capteine Stanton, were apprehended, and diuerse other fled into France. Moreouer, sir Anthonie Kingston knight was accused and apprehended for the same, and died in the waie comming to London. The eight and twentith of Aprill, Throckmorton and Richard line 40 Ueale, were drawen to Tiborne, and there hanged & quartered. The ninetéenth of Maie Stanton was likewise executed. The eight of Iune, Rosseie, Re­dike, and Bedell suffered at Tiborne for the same of­fense. Iohn Stow. The eightéenth of Iune, one Sands, yoon­ger son to the lord Sands, was executed at S. Tho­mas Waterings, for a robberie committed by him and others to the value of thrée thousand pounds. The seuen and twentith of Iune, eleuen men & two women, were had out of Newgate, and in thrée carts conueied to Stratford the bow, where for reli­gion line 50 they were burnt to ashes.

The eight of Iulie, in the beginning of this fourth yeare of the quéens reigne, Anno Reg. 4. Henrie Peckham and Iohn Daniell were executed, Execution. and after they were dead, were headed on the tower hill: their bodies were buried in Barking church. ¶ About this time one Clober, I▪S. pag. 1101. Conspiracie began by one [...] and three brethren [...]. which sometime kept a schoole at Dis in Norffolke; with three brethren, whose names were Lincolne, pretended an insurrection, and would line 60 haue gathered the people at a mariage, vnto the which the brethren promised either of them to bring an hundred horsse with men. At which time by them appointed, the said Clober gaue charge to a seruant of his, to watch in a lane nigh to the church where they should méet, and as soone as he saw anie horsse­man comming thitherward, to giue him warning with all spéed. So it chanced (by the will of God) that certeine men riding through that lane, to some other place about their businesse, came about such an houre as Clober had appointed. Upon sight of which men, his said seruant returned to his maister, and told him that his friends were come: and imme­diatlie the said Clober stood vp in the parish church of Yarsleie, A traitorous proclamation read, and the reader appre­hended. and read a traitorous proclamation of pur­pose prepared: which being ended, and séeing his part was too weake, for that his mates were not come, began to flee. But one maister Shireman pursued and tooke him at a towne called Eie in Suffolke, and was kept in prison vntill the next sessions at saint Edmundsburie, and his three mates being brought to him, were there all togither drawne, hanged, and quartered.]

This yeare, the hot burning feuers and other strange diseases, which began the yeare before, Great death. con­sumed much people in all parts of England; but namelie, of most ancient and graue men: so that in London, betwéene the twentith of October, and the last of December, there died seuen aldermen, whose names were Henrie Heardson, Seuen alder­men of Lon­don dead in one yeare. sir Richard Dobs late maior, sir William Laxton late maior, sir Henrie Hoblethorne late maior, sir Iohn Champ­neis late maior, sir Iohn Aileph late shiriffe, and sir Iohn Gresham late maior. Ab. Fl. ex I. Stow. 1103. Fecknam abbat of Westminster. ¶ The one & twentith of Nouember, Iohn Fecknam late deane of Pauls in London, now made abbat of Westmin­ster, was stalled, and tooke possession of the same: and fourtéene monks more receiued the habit with him that daie of the order of saint Benet. False accuser set on the pil­lorie & burnt in both chéeks; would to God all such accusers were so well marked. The said one and twentith of Nouember, a man was brought from Westminster hall riding with his face to the horsse taile, and a paper on his head, to the stan­dard in Cheape, and there set on the pillorie, and then burned with an hot iron on both his chéekes, with two letters F. and A. for false accusing one of the court of the common plées in Westminster of trea­son.

The sixtéenth of December, A stranger would haue murdered the kéeper of Newgate. Gregorie Carpen­ter smith, and a Frenchman borne, was arreig­ned for making counterfeit keies, wherewith to haue opened the locks of Newgate, to haue slaine the kéeper, and let foorth the prisoners. At which time of his arreignement, hauing conueied a knife into his sléeue, he thrust it into the side of William Whit­rents his fellow prisoner, who had giuen witnesse a­gainst him, so that he was in great perill of death thereby. For the which fact he was immediatlie ta­ken from the barre into the street before the iustice hall, where his hand being first stricken off, he was hanged on a gibbet set vp for that purpose. The kée­per of Newgate was arreigned & indicted, for that the said prisoner had a weapon about him, and his hands loose, which should haue beene bound. A gun shot in­to the court at Greene­wich. The fourth of Ianuarie, a ship before Gréenewich (the court being there) shot off hir ordinance, one péece being charged with a bullet of stone, which passed through the wals of the court, and did no more hurt.]

About this time came to London an ambassador to the queene from the emperor of Cathaie, year 1557 Musco­uia, and Russeland, An ambassa­dor out of Muscouia. who was honorablie receiued at Totenham by the merchants of London, hauing trade in those countries, riding in veluet coates and chaines of gold, who bare all his costs and char­ges from the time of his entrie into England out of Scotland: for thither by tempest of weather he was driuen, and there forced to land. Iohn Stow. ¶ The lord Monta­cute with the quéens pensioners met him at Isling­ton townes end; and at Smithfield barres the lord maior and aldermen in scarlet receiued him, and conueied him through the citie vnto maister Dim­mocks house in Fanchurch street, where he lodged vntill the twelfe of Maie, all which time he wanted no resort.] And after his message and ambassage doone to the quéene, he departed againe with thrée faire ships from Grauesend into his countrie, when he had remained here by the space of two moneths and more.

[Page 1133] The lord Sturton committeth a shamefull murther.Also about this time, the lord Sturton, for a verie shamefull and wretched murther committed by him vpon two gentlemen, the father and the son, of the surnames of Hargill, being his neere neighbors, whom he caused to be smitten downe with clubs, then their throtes to be cut, and after to be buried in his owne house fiftéene foot deepe; for the which heinous offense he was apprehended and committed to the tower of London. And although the quéene séemed to fauour him much, as one professing the catholike religion: yet when she vnderstood the truth of his vile line 10 déed, she abhorred him, & commanded that he should be vsed according to iustice; wherefore shortlie after, he was brought to Westminster, & there arreigned & found guiltie, & had iudgement as a murtherer to be hanged. And for the same fact were likewise con­demned foure of his seruants. And the second daie of March next following, the said lord with his foure seruants were conueied by the queens gard from the tower of London through the citie, he hauing line 20 his armes pinioned at his backe, & his legs bound vnder the horsse bellie, and so caried to Salisburie, where the sixt daie of March next, he was hanged in the market place, The lord Sturton han­ged. and his foure seruants were hanged in the countrie neere vnto the place where the murther was committed.

Abr. Fl. ex I. S. 1105. Dearth and plentie.¶This yeare before haruest, wheat was sold for foure marks the quarter, malt at foure & fortie shil­lings the quarter, beans & rie at fortie shillings the quarter, & pease at six and fortie shillings and eight line 30 pence: but after haruest wheat was sold for fiue shil­lings the quarter, malt at six shillings eight pence, rie at thrée shillings foure pence. So that the penie wheat loafe, that weied in London the last yéere but eleuen ounces Troie, weied now six and fiftie oun­ces Troie. In the countrie, wheat was sold for foure shillings the quarter, malt at foure shillings eight pence; and in some places a bushell of rie for a pound of candles which was foure pence. The seauenth of September, Iohn Caius. at seauen of the clocke at night, in a line 40 blacke rainie cloud in the west was séene a rainbow, the moone in the east risen one houre before, and faire shining, and at the full the daie before.] This present moneth of March king Philip, The returne of king Phi­lip into Eng­land. who a long season had béene in Flanders to take possession & gouernment of the low countries (as is aforsaid) did now returne into England, and passed through London, being ac­companied with the quéene and diuerse nobles of the realme.

The foure and twentith of Aprill Thomas Staf­ford, line 50 second sonne to the lord Stafford, with other to the number of two and thirtie persons, comming forth of France by sea, arriued at Scarborough in Yorkeshire, where they tooke the castell, and held the same two daies, and then were taken without ef­fusion of bloud by the earle of Westmerland. The said Stafford and Richard Sanders, otherwise cal­led capteine Sanders, Stafford and others com­mitted to the tower, and af­ter executed. with three or foure others, of the which one was a Frenchman, were sent vp to London, & there committed to prison in the tower. line 60 The said Stafford and foure others were arreigned and condemned. Wherevpon the eight and twentith of Maie, being fridaie, the said Stafford was behea­ded on the tower hill; and on the morrow thrée of his companie, as Strellie, Bradford, and Proctor, were drawen from the tower to Tiborne, and there execu­ted. Their heads were set ouer the bridge, and their quarters ouer the gates about the same citie. Cap­teine Sanders had his pardon, and so escaped. The first of Maie Thomas Persie was made knight, Thomas Persie crea­ted earle of Northum­berland. and after lord, and on the next daie he was created earle of Northumberland. The queene gaue vnto him all the lands which had béene his ancestors, re­maining at that time in hir hands.

In this season, although the French king (as was said) was verie loth to h [...]ue warres with England, yet the quéene tangling hir selfe contrarie to pro­mise in hir husbands quarrell, sent a defiance to the French king by Clarenceaux king of armes; who comming to the citie of Remes, where the said king then laie, declared the same vnto him the seuenth of Iune, being the mondaie in Whitsunwéeke. On the which daie, Garter and Norreie king of armes, ac­companied with other heralds, and also with the lord maior and certeine of the aldermen of the citie of London, Quéene Ma­rie proclameth open warres against the French king. by sound of three trumpets that rode before them, proclamed open war against the said French king, first in Cheape side, and after in other parts of the citie, where customarilie such proclamations are made: the shiriffes still riding with the heralds, till they had made an end, although the lord maior brake off in Cheape side, and went to saint Peters to heare seruice, and after to Paules, where (accor­ding to the vsage then) he went on procession. King Philip bicause of the warres towards, King Philip passed ouer in­to Flanders▪ betwixt him and the French king, the sixt of Iulie passed ouer to Calis, and so into Flanders, where on that side the seas he made prouision for those warres: at which time there was great talke among the com­mon people, muttering that the king making small account of the quéene, sought occasions to be absent from hir.

Neuerthelesse, she shortlie after caused an ar­mie of a thousand horssemen, and foure thousand foot­men, with two thousand pioners to be transported o­uer to his aid, vnder the leading of diuerse of the no­bilitie and other valiant capteins, whose names part­lie follow: the earle of Penbroke capteine generall, The names of the cap­teins ouer the quéenes for­ces. sir Anthonie Browne vicount Montacute lieute­nant generall vnder the said earle, the lord Greie of Wilton lord marshall, the earle of Rutland generall of the horssemen, the lord Clinton earle of Lincolne coronell of the footmen, the lord Russell earle of Bed­ford, the lord Robert Dudleie earle of Leicester and maister of the ordinance, the lord Thomas Ho­ward, sir William West lord de la Ware, sir Ed­ward Windsore after lord Windsore, the lord Braie, sir Edmund Briges lord Shandois, the lord Ambrose Dudleie earle of Warwike, the lord Henrie Dud­leie, Edward Randall esquier sergeant maior, mai­ster Whiteman treasuror of the armie, Edward Chamberleine esquier capteine of the pioners, sir Richard Leigh trenchmaster, Iohn Higate esquier prouost marshall, Thomas Haruie esquier muster-master, sir Peter Carew, sir William Courtneie, sir Giles Stranguish, sir Thomas Finch master of the campe, and other nobles, knights, and gentle­men of right approoued valiancie: although diuerse of them were suspected to be protestants. Further­more, to make king Philips power the stronger, there came aid vnto him from sundrie places; where­by as his armie increased in number, so likewise grew the same more puissant in strength. The people that assisted him are thus remembred by C. O. in his discourse of this warre, as here followeth:

Misit in auxilium Germania lecta virorum
Corpora ferratas acies peditúmque cateruas.
Varie gen [...] in exerci [...]n Philippi.
Nec deerat miles Latia de gente cruentus,
Dalmata non deerat bello huic nec defuit Hunnus.
At tamen ante alios, fiducia summa locata est
In quibus armatus validè conuenerat Anglus.
Foedus amicitiae vetus id poscebat, & vxor,
Cui cum regefuit soci [...] commune periclum.

The fiftéenth of Iulie, The death of the ladie [...] of Cicut. the ladie Anne of Cleu [...] departed this life at Chelscie, and was honorablie buried at Westminster the fift of August: a ladie of right commendable regard, courteous, gentle, a good housekéeper, & verie bountifull to hir seruants.

[Page 1134] Obsequie for the king of Portingale.The eightéenth of August was a solemne obsequie celebrated in the church of S. Paule in London, for Iohn king of Portingale, who departed this life in Iulie last past. The lord treasuror was chéefe moor­ner. The queenes armie being transported ouer to Calis (as before ye haue heard) marched to some with king Philips power: the which alreadie being assembled, had inuaded the French confines, and be­ing come before saint Quintins, planted a strong siege before that tower. To the rescue whereof, the line 10 French king sent a great armie both of horssemen and footmen, vnder the leading of the conestable of France: which armie consisted of about nine hun­dred men at armes, Fifteene or [...] thou­sand footmen, and a threé or [...] thou­sand horsse­men. with as manie light horssemen, seuen or eight hundred Roisters, two & twentie en­signes of lancequenets, and sixteene ensignes of French footmen. They had also with them fiftéene péeces of great artillerie, to wit, six double canons, foure long culuerings, the rest bastard culuerings, and other péeces of smaller mould. The conesta­ble of France [...]oke Mont­ [...]encie ge­ [...]rall of the French for­ [...]s. The conestable line 20 thus garded vpon saint Laurence daie, which is the tenth of August, approched the towne, meaning to put into the same succours of more soldiors, with Dandelot the admerals brother, that was within the towne not furnished with such a garrison as was thought expedient for the defense therof, against such a power as king Philip had prepared against it.

The duke of Sauoie and other capteins of the armie that laie at siege before the towne, aduertised of the conestables comming towards them, assem­bled the most part of their horssemen togither, and line 30 with all speed made towards a passage distant from the place where the French armie stood houering a­bout a two English miles: and being got ouer, they diuided themselues into eight troopes of horssemen, led by the earles of Egmond, Horne, Mausfield, the dukes of Brunswike and others, being in all to the number of fiue thousand men of armes, beside the swart Rutters and light horssemen. Which gaue such a furious & cruell charge vpon the Frenchmen, that they not able to resist the same, were altogither de­feated, line 40 and their battels as well horssemen as foot­men put to flight. Wherof king Philip hauing know­lege, pursued them with all his force, in which pursute there were slaine of the Frenchmen a great num­ber, the chiefe wherof were these that follow. Iohn of Burbon duke of Anghien the vicount of Tur­raine & eldest sonne of Roch du Maine, the lord of Chandenier, with a great number of other gentle­men that bare armes in the field. There were taken these prisoners following; Prisoners of [...]. These nine knights of the order. the duke of Montmo­rencie line 50 constable of France hurt with an harquebuz shot in the hanch, the duke of Montpenser hurt in the head, the duke of Longueuille, the marshall of saint Andrews, the lord Lewes brother to the duke of Mantoa, monsieur de Uasse, the baron of Curton, monsieur de la Roch du Maine, the Reingraue coro­nell of the Almans: moreouer the counte de Roch Foucault, monsieur d' Obignie, monsieur de Meru, monsieur de Montbrun, monsieur de Biron, sonnes to the conestable, monsieur de la chapelle de Biron, line 60 monfieur de saint Heran: beside manie other gen­tlemen and capteins of good account and estimation. Yet there escaped the more part of the French horsse­men, and manie of their footmen, with certeine of their capteins of honor; as the duke of Neuers, the prince of Conde brother to the king of Nauarre, the earle of Montmorencie eldest sonne to the conesta­ble, the earle of Sancerre, monsieur de Burdillon, and other of the barons of France.

Within two or three daies after this ouerthrow, king Philip with the English armie, The siege [...] Quintins, [...] the same taken and sacked. vnder the go­uernement of the earle of Penbroke, and others, came to the siege afore saint Quintins, & so was the siege greatlie reinforced; and on the seuen and twen­tith of August by the speciall aid & helpe of the Eng­lishmen, the towne of saint Quintins was taken. For when the other soldiours, after diuerse assaults were repelled and gaue ouer, the Englishmen of a stout courage gaue a new onset, by reason whereof the [...]owne was taken. And in reward of their well dooing, king Philip granted them the saccage of the said towne. But then the swart Rutters, which keepe no rule when they be strongest, set vpon the English­men, in taking of the spoile, and killed a great num­ber of them. This grudge was with much difficultie appeased, & men thought that if the Englishmen be­ing much fewer in number had not béene oppressed with the multitude of the other, that it would haue growne to a great slaughter on both parts. The lord Henrie Dud­leie slaine with the shot of a gun. At the as­sault the lord Henrie Dudleie, yoongest sonne to the duke of Northumberland was slaine with the shot of a great péece, as he stooped vpon his approch vnto the wall, and staid to rip his hose ouer the knée, there­by to haue béene the more apt and nimble to the as­sault. This was his end, of whome one saith thus:

—Henricus Dudleius heros,
Ille annis generosam animam inuenilibus efflat,
Quem referunt socij slentes in castra peremptum,
Vt mos christicolae est, velatum sindone, gentis.

After the winning of this towne, newes in post were brought into England to the queene, who cau­sed generall processions to be made, and Te Deum to be soong, giuing all laud and praise to almightie God for this great victorie. And in the stréets of euerie ci­tie and towne of the realme were made bonefires with great reioising: which sudden short gladnesse turned verie shortlie after to great & long sorow. For if ought were woone by hauing of saint Quintins, England got nothing at all, for the gaine thereof came onelie to king Philip. But the losse of Calis, Hammes and Guisnes, with all the countrie on that side the sea (which followed soone after) was such a buf­fet to England, as happened not in more than an hundred yeares before; and a dishonor wherwith this realme shall be blotted, vntill God shall giue power to redub it with some like requitall to the French.

Doctor Weston being (as you haue heard before) prolocutor of the conuocation house, Doctor We­ston resigneth the deanrie of Westminster by compulsion and is rec [...]m­pensed. was at this time in displeasure with cardinall Poole, and other bishops: bicause he was vnwilling to resigne his deanrie of Westminster vnto the queene, whose pur­pose was to place there (as in old time before) the re­ligion of moonks, whome in déed he fauoured not, al­though in all other things he stood with the church of Rome. Neuerthelesse, by verie importunate sute, or rather compulsion, he with his collegues resigned the deanrie of Westminster. In recompense wherof he was made deane of Windsor, where not long af­ter he was taken in adulterie, and for that fact was by the cardinall depriued of all his spirituall liuings, from whose sentence he appealed vnto the court of Rome. For the following of which appeale he sought secretlie to depart the realme: but he was apprehen­ded by the waie, and committed to the tower of Lon­don, where he remained prisoner, vntill (by the death of quéene Marie) quéene Elizabeth came vnto the crowne, by whome he was set at libertie, and foorth­with fell sicke and died.

The common talke was, The malice of cardinall Poole against king Henrie the eight. that if he had not so sud­denlie died, he would haue disclosed the purpose of the chiefe of the clergie, meaning the cardinall, which was to haue taken vp K. Henries bodie at Wind­sor, and to haue burned it, as manie thought. The thir­tith of Nouember, being saint Andrews daie, Sir Thomas Tresham made lord of saint Iohns of Ierusalem. in the forenoone, the quéene came from saint Iames to hir palace at Westminster, where she heard masse: at the which, sir Thomas Tresham knight receiued [Page 1135] the order of the crosse, Calis not fur­nished with a sufficient number of men. & was instituted lord of saint Iohns of Ierusalem in England. At this time, al­though there was open hostilitie and warre betwéen England & France: yet contrarie to the common cu­stome before vsed, the towne of Calis and the forts thereabouts were not supplied with anie new ac­crewes of soldiors, but rather withdrawne from thense, and discharged. Which negligence was not vnknowne to the enimie, who long before had prac­tised the winning of the said towne and countrie. line 10

The losse of saint Quin­tins netleth the French king.The French king therefore being sharplie nettled with the late losse of saint Quintins, and a great péece of his countrie adioining, and desirous of re­uenge, thought it not meet to let slip this occasion, but rather to aduance the same with all expedition, ac­cording vnto the plot laied by the conestable before hand. The king yet neuerthelesse hauing an armie in a readinesse (although the conestable were now pri­soner, and therefore could not be present himselfe) to imploie where most aduantage should appeare, de­termined line 20 with all spéed to put in proofe the enterprise of Calis, The duke of Guise with a great armie commeth to­ward Calis. which long and manie times before was purposed vpon, as it was well knowne. This prac­tise was not secret, but that the deputies of Calis and Guisnes had some intelligence thereof, and in­formed the queene and hir councell accordinglie, as well by letters, as by sufficient messengers: for not onelie Iohn Hiefield master of the ordinance was sent from thense to giue due aduertisement of the French kings purpose, & to haue a supplie of things line 30 necessarie for mounting of the great artillerie wher­of he had charge; but also sir Rafe Chamberleine, capteine of the castell, was likewise sent to giue the like aduertisement, who returned not past two or three daies before the duke of Guise came thither with the armie. And so either by wilfull negligence, or lacke of credit by the quéenes councell here, this great case was so slenderlie regarded, that no proui­sion of defense was made, vntill it was somewhat too late. line 40

The duke of Guise being generall of the French armie, Guise entreth the English frontier. procéeded in this enterprise with maruellous speed and no lesse policie. For approching the Eng­lish frontier vnder colour to vittell Bullongne and Ard, he entered the same vpon a sudden on New­yeares daie, a sorie little plot of ground, intrenched at Sandgate, 1558. Anno Reg. 5. and then diuided his armie into two parts, sending one part with certeine peeces of great artillerie along the downes by the sea side to­wards Ricebanke: and the other part furnished also line 50 with batterie péeces, marched streightfoorth to New­nambridge, Newnam­bridge taken by the French. The master gunners head smitten cleane off with a gun. meaning to batter these two forts both at one time. Which thing he did with such readie di­spatch, that comming thither verie late in the eue­ning, he was master of both by the next morning: where at the first shot discharged at Newnambridge, the head of the master gunner of that peece, whose name was Horslie was striken off.

The capteine hauing sent vnto the lord deputie of Calis for some supplie of men, was answered that if line 60 he perceiued the enimies force to be such, whereby his péece should grow to be in anie danger: that then he should choke vp the artillerie, and retire with his men vnto Calis for defense of the towne, where they stood in great want of men also, euen to the perill of losing the whole, if the enimies came forwards to besiege it. Herevpon the capteine within Newnam­bridge perceiuing he might haue no succors, retired with his soldiors vnto Calis, in such secret wise, that the Frenchmen perceiued it not of a pretie while; in­somuch that they shot still at the fort, when there was not a man within it to make resistance: and by that time that they were come to Calis, the other part of the French armie that went by the sea side with their batterie, had woone Ricebanke, Ricebanke ta [...]ken by the French. being abandoned to their hands. The next daie the Frenchmen with fiue double canons and thrée culuerings began a batte­rie, from the Sandhils next Ricebanke against the curteine betwixt the watergate and the soldiors pri­son on the wall, and continued the same by the space of two or thrée daies, vntill they had made a little breach next vnto the watergate, which neuerthelesse was not yet assaultable: for that which was broken in the daie, was by them within the towne made vp againe in the night stronger than before. But the batterie was not begun there by the French, The duke of Guise his po­licie. for that they intended to enter in that place, but rather to ab­use the English, to haue the lesse regard vnto the de­fense of the castell, which was the weakest part of the towne, and the place where they were ascerteined by their espials to win easie entrie. So that while our people trauelled fondlie to defend that counterfet breach of the towne wall, The English­mens fond de­fense. the duke had in the meane season planted fifteene double canons against the ca­stell. Which castell being considered by the rulers of the towne, to be of no such force as might resist the batterie of the canon (by reason it was old and with­out anie rampiers) it was deuised to make a traine with certeine barrels of powder to this pupose, that when the Frenchmen should enter (as they well knew that there they would) to haue fired the said traine, and blowne vp the Kéepe, and for that purpose left neuer a man within to defend it.

But the French hauing passed through the dich full of water, The French­men disap­point the Englishmens deuise. & thereby with their cloths wringing wet as they passed ouer the traine, they moisted so the powder, that it would not take fire when it was gi­uen. Herevpon the Frenchmen espieng the traine, auoided the same; so as that deuise came to no pur­pose, and without anie resistance they entered the ca­stell, and thought to haue entered the towne by that waie. But by the prowesse and hardie courage of sir Anthonie Ager knight, & marshall of the towne, with his soldiors they were repelled, and driuen backe a­gaine into the castell, and so hard followed, that our men forced them to close and shut the castell gate for their suertie, least it should haue béene recouered a­gainst them, as it was once attempted by sir Antho­nie Ager; who there with his sonne and heire, Sir Antho­nie Ager and his sonne slaine. and a purseuant at armes called Calis, with diuese others to the number of three or foure score Englishmen lost their liues.

The same night after the recule of the French­men, whose number so increased in the castell, that the towne was not able to resist their force, the lord Wentwoorth being deputie of the towne, The lord wentwoorth. appointed Nicholas Fellow, aliàs Guisnes, and Richard Tur­pine, aliàs Hammes, to go to the French within the castell, to demand parlée: wherevnto they assented, A parlée de­manded of the French. put foorth of the posterne two French gentlemen, and in pledge for them receiued into the castell Iohn Hiefield master of the ordinance, and Edmund Hall one of the conestables of the staple. Herevpon they falling in talke about a composition: at length after some long debating of the matter, they concluded in this sort. First that the towne, with all the great artillerie, vittels, and munitions, should be fréelie yeelded to the French king, the liues of the inhabi­tants onelie saued, to whome safe conduct should be granted to passe where they listed: sauing the lord deputie, with fiftie such other as the duke should ap­point, to remaine prisoners, and be put to their ran­some. The next morning, Calis deliuered to the French. the Frenchmen entered and possessed the towne: and foorthwith all the men, women, and children, were commanded to leaue their houses, and to go to certeine places appointed for them to remaine in, till order might be taken for their sending awaie.

[Page 1136]The places thus appointed for them to remaine in, were chéeflie foure, the two churches of our ladie, and saint Nicholas, the deputies house, and the staple, where they rested a great part of that daie, and one whole night, and the next daie till thrée of the clocke at afternoone, without either meat or drinke. And while they were thus in the churches, and those other places, The duke of Guises pro­clamation to b [...]ing in mo­nie and plate, &c. the duke of Guise in the name of the French king, in their hearings made a proclamation, strict­lie charging all and euerie person that were inhabi­tants line 10 of the towne of Calis, hauing about them a­nie monie, plate, or iewels, to the value of one groat to bring the same foorthwith, and laie it downe vpon the high altars of the said churches vpon paine of death; bearing them in hand also, that they should be searched. By reason of which proclamation, there was made a great & sorowfull offertorie. And while they were at this offering within the churches, The French [...]a [...]l to spoiling and rifling. the Frenchmen entered into their houses, and rifled the same, where was found inestimable riches and trea­sure: line 20 but speciallie of ordinance, armor, and other munitions.

¶ Thus dealt the French with the English in lieu and recompense of the like vsage to the French when the forces of king Philip preuailed at S. Quintins: where not content with the honour of victorie, the English in sacking the towne sought nothing more than the satisfieng of their greedie veine of couetous­nesse, with an extreame neglect of all moderation. So likewise did the Spanish soldiors, and the rest line 30 that could come to finger anie thing of value: inso­much that neither monie nor plate, either of siluer or gold, rich hangings, bedding nor houshold stuffe was spared: but what they could not carie awaie for cumbersomnesse, they sold dogcheape; were the same necessarie furniture seruiceable for the chamber, the kitchin, or anie other roome in a mans house. Pearls and pretious stones, iewels and owches, the rich or­naments of the French dames were then bought and sold at a low price, which a long time had béene line 40 kept shut vp vnder locke and keie: all laie open now to the gréedie eie of the soldiors, who like landlords kept possession of houses, as C. O. noteth, of whom I haue borrowed the report of this reuell rowt, saieng:

Armatis muros firmissimáque occupat vrbis
Militibus victor, dominantur in aedibus altis
Iam vacuis veterum dominorum Marce phalanges
Conspicuae.]

About two of the clocke the next daie at after noone, being the seuenth of Ianuarie, The poorest & meanest sort [...]o [...]ded out of Calis. a great number of line 50 the meanest sort were suffered to passe out of the towne in safetie, being garded through the armie with a number of Scotish light horssemen, who vsed the Englishmen verie well and friendlie: and after this euerie daie for the space of thrée or foure daies togither, there were sent awaie diuerse companies of them till all were auoided, those only excepted that were appointed to be reserued for prisoners, as the lord Wentworth, & others. There were in the towne of Calis fiue hundred English souldiors ordinarie, Garison of soldiors that were in Calis line 60 and no more: and of the townesmen not fullie two hundred fighting men (a small garison for the defense of such a towne) and there were in the whole number of men, women, and children (as they were accoun­ted when they went out of the gate) foure thousand and two hundred persons. But the Lord Went­worth deputie of Calis, sir Rafe Chamberleine cap­teine of the castell, Iohn Harlston capteine of Rice­banke, Nicholas Alexander capteine of Newnam­bridge, Edward Grimstone the comptrollor, Iohn Rogers surueior, with others, to the number of fiftie (as aforesaid) such as it pleased the duke of Guise to appoint, were sent prisoners into France.

Thus haue ye heard the discourse of the ouerthrow and losse of the towne of Calis, Calis conque­red and lost in lesse than eight daies. the which enterprise was begun and ended in lesse than eight daies, to the great maruell of the world▪ that a towne of such strength, and so well furnished of all things as that was (sufficient numbers of men of warre onlie ex­cepted) should so suddenlie be taken and conquered, but most speciallie in the winter season, what time all the countrie about (being marish ground) is com­monly ouerflowne with water. The said towne was woon from the French king by K. Edward the third, How long Calis was in possession of the kings of England. in the time of Philip de Ualois then French king: and being in possession of the kings of England two hundred and eleuen yeares, was in the time of Phi­lip and Marie king & queene of England lost within lesse than eight daies: being the most notable fort that England had. For the winning whereof, king Edward aforesaid, in the 21 yeare of his reigne, was faine to continue a siege eleuen moneths and more. Wherefore it was iudged of all men, that it could not haue come so to passe, without some secret tre­cherie.

Here is also to be noted, that when queene Marie and hir councell heard crediblie of the Frenchmens sudden approch to that towne, As good neuer as too late. she with all spéed possi­ble (but somewhat too late) raised a great power for the rescue thereof; the which comming to Douer, stai­ed thereabouts till the towne was woone, either for that their whole number was not come togither, or for that there were not ships readie sufficient to passe them ouer, although the wind and weather serued ve­rie well to haue transported them thither, till the sun­daie at night after the towne was deliuered: for then began a maruellous sore and rigorous tempest, A terrible tempest. con­tinuing the space of foure or fiue daies togither, that the like had not béene seene in the remembrance of man. Rich. Grafton. Wherefore some said that the same came to passe through necromancie, and that the diuell was raised vp and become French, the truth whereof is knowne (saith maister Grafton) to God. True it is that after the said tempest began, for the time it la­sted, no ship could well brooke the seas, by reason of the outragious storms. And such of the quéenes ships as did then aduenture the passage, The quéenes ships sore sha­ken with storme and tempest. were so shaken and torne with the violence of the weather, that they were forced to returne in great danger, & not with­out losse of all their tackle and furniture: so that if this tempestuous weather had not chanced, it was thought that the armie should haue passed to haue gi­uen some succors to Guisnes, and to haue attempted the recouerie of Calis.

But if the same armie might haue béene readie to haue transported ouer in time, before the losse of Calis, and whilest the weather was most calme and swéet, as was possible for that time of the yeare, the towne might haue béene preserued; and the other pée­ces which through want of timelie succours came in­to the enimies possession. And thus by negligence of the councell at home, conspiracie of traitors else­where, force and false practise of enimies, holpen by the rage of most terrible tempests of contrarie winds and weather, this famous fort of Calis was brought againe and left in the hands and possession of the French. ¶ Now were he worthie of a kingdome, Abr. Fl. ex opere historico Schardij collectio that could sensiblie and significantlie set foorth the insolent triumphs and immoderate reioising of the French for the recouerie of Calis so long possessed by the English, and now in forren tenure. In des­cribing whereof a man had néed of manie heads fraught with extraordinarie inuention, and of many hands readilie to deliuer in writing his rare con­ceipts in this case. For as they are a people depen­ding wholie vpon extremities in their actions: so in this they vsed no measure, insomuch that euen the learneder sort among them, namelie Turnebus, Au­ratus, [Page 1137] Bellaius, and others did both pen and publish pamphlets in Latine verse, replenished with scoffs and vnreuerend termes against the English, cal­ling them Perfidos, and in flowting sort Diuisos orbe Bri­tannos; but aduancing to the skies their Henrie, their Guise, and the rest of the rowt that were actors in this conquest. A sight of which verses in some part I may not omit (for it requireth a booke to transcribe all) least I might be thought to impose vpon them a false charge. This therefore in the forme of a dialog betweene a post and the people writeth Auratus the line 10 French kings publike reader in the Gréeke toong:

N. Clamate Galli nunc ter io io.
V. Quae laeta Gallis instat ouatio?
N.
E [...] tomo terti [...] historiarum Schardij de capto Caleto pag. 1973 &c.
Capti Caletes. V. Multa paucis
Digna nouo memoras triumpho.
N. Vicêre Galli, sed duce Guisio.
V. Io triumphe, nunc ter io io.
N. Vicêre victores Britannos.
V. Nunc ter io, ter io triumphe. line 20
N. Annos discentos serua Britanniae
Vrbs liberata est. V. Nunc ter io io,
N. Migrate iam prisci coloni.
V. Nunc [...]er io, ter io triumphe, &c.

And thus procéedeth he in his od veine of inuenti­on, concluding with a question, whether the king of France or the duke of Guise are the more happie and blessed person? The answer is made that they are both blessed, the king for the duke sake, and the duke for the kings; and therefore his posie must of line 30 force sing and sound to them both thrise, that is, often­times Ter io triumphe, ter io triumphe. But I would to God the English had not béene so soon and so sudden­lie turned out of their old possession, nor the French fondlings obteined such a iust cause of immoderate ioy and outragious triumph.]

But to leaue Calis in the present state, you shall vnderstand, that so soone as this duke of Guise (con­trarie to all expectation) had in so few daies gained this strong towne of Calis (afore thought impreg­nable) line 40 and had put the same in such order as best sée­med for his aduantage, proud of the spoile, and pres­sing forward vpon his good fortune, without giuing anie long time to the residue of the guides or cap­teines of the forts there, to breath vpon their busi­nesse, The duke of Guise mar­cheth to the fort and town of Guisnes. the 13 daie of the said moneth being thursdaie, with all prouision requisite for a siege, marched with his armie from Calis, vnto the towne and fort of Guisnes, fiue miles distant from thence. Of which towne and castell at the same time there was cap­teine line 50 a valiant baron of England, The L. Greie capteine of Guisnes. called William lord Greie of Wilton, who not without cause sus­pecting a siege at hand, and knowing the towne of Guisnes to be of small force, as being large in com­passe, without walles or bulworks, closed onlie with a trench, before the Frenchmens arriuall had caused all the inhabitants of the towne to auoid, and so ma­nie of them as were able to beare armes he caused to retire into the castell, which was a place well forti­fied with strong and massie bulworks of bricke, ha­uing line 60 also an high and mightie tower, of great force and strength, called the Kéepe.

The towne being thus abandoned, the Frenchmen had the more easie approch to the castell, who thinking to find quiet lodging in those vacant houses, entred the same without any feare. And being that night at their rest (as they thought) a chosen band of souldiors appointed by the lord Greie, The L. Greie taketh the French at a sléepie aduan­tage. issued out by a posterne of the said castell, and slue no small number of their sleepie ghests, & the rest they put out of their new lod­gings, and maugre the duke and all the French po­wer, consumed all the houses of the towne with fire. That notwithstanding, the said duke with all dili­gence began his trenches. And albeit the shot of the great artillerie from the castell was terrible, & gaue him great impeachment: yet did he continue his worke without i [...]termission, and for examples sake wrought in his owne person as a common pioner or labourer. So that within lesse than thrée daies, Rabutine. he brought to the number of fiue & thirtie batterie pée­ces, hard to the brim of the castell ditch, to batter the same on all sides, as well foorthright as acrosse. But his principall batterie he planted against the stron­gest bulworke of all, called Marie bulworke, thin­king by gaining of the stronger to come more easi­lie by the weaker.

On mondaie morning therefore by breake of the daie, they had laid two battries to the said bulworke, Batterie [...]aid to the Marie bulworke. thirtéene canons in the one, and nine in the other, with which they plied it so well, as that by noone they had not onelie dismounted their counter batterie within, but also cleane cut awaie the hoope of bricke off the whole forefront of their bulworks, whereof the filling being but of late digged earth, did crimble awaie. Which the enimie finding about two of the clocke in the same afternoone, sent fortie or fiftie for­lorne boies with swords and targets to view and assaie the breach. The ditch at that place before the batterie was not foure and twentie foot broad, now assuredlie not a dozzen, nor in deapth aboue a mans knées, wherefore with small adoo they came to the breach, and with as little paine came vp the same, the clime was so easie; from whence hauing dischar­ged certeine pistols vpon the Englishmen, and re­ceiued a few pushes of the pike, they retired. And making report of the easinesse of the breach, strait a band or two of Gascoigns (as it was thought) threw themselues into the ditch, and vp they came. Then a little more earnestly the Englishmen leaned to their tackling, their flankers walked, their pikes, their culuers, their pots of wild fire were lent them, the harquebush saluted them, so as tollie maister Gas­coigne was set downe with more hast than he came vp with good spéed: and so ended mondaies worke, The Gas­coignes put backe with more hast than they came vp with good spéed. sauing that vpon the retire from the assalt, they gaue seuen or eight such terrible tires of batterie, as tooke cleane away from them within the top of their vau­mure and maunds, leauing them all open to the ca­nons mouth. Wherby surelie but for night that came on, the Englishmen had beene forced to haue aban­doned the place.

At this assault was slaine of gentlemen, one cap­teine Bourne an Englishman, verie valiant, The number slaine at this assault. also a Spanish gentleman, and common souldiours to the number of fortie or fiftie. There was also sore hurt at the same assault, one other Spanish capteine, with diuerse others, whom for the auoiding of tediousnesse I let passe. At night the lord Greie came to the bul­worke, and hauing rendred thanks to God for that daies good successe, The lord Greie com­mendeth his souldiours. did greatlie commend them all for their manfull defense and valiant behauiour, ex­horting them to continue therein, as the onelie thing wherein their safetie and good name did rest. The bat­terie (as before is told) hauing laid the bulworks o­pen, they within were inforced for winning of a new vaumure, to intrench within the bulworke six foot déepe, and nine in thicknesse, which maruellouslie did strengthen the péece, the same being of no great largenesse before. By the next daie being tuesdaie, they had planted two batteries more; the one in the market place of the towne, to beate a curteine of the bodie of the castell, of six canons; the other vpon the rampire of the towne of thrée péeces, to beat the Cat and a flanker of the Barbican, which two garded one side of the Marie bulworke.

This morning they bestowed most in battering at the flankers, which the daie before they had felt, Batter [...]g at the flankers. and in déed woone euerie one from them within, sa­uing [Page 1138] that of the Cat, which laie high and somwhat se­cret, and an other at the end of a braie by the gate on the other side of the bulworke; all the rest, as those of the Garden bulworke which chéeflie beheld the maine breach of the Barbican, and of the Kéepe, were quite béereued them. And besides the enimie continuallie interteined the breath, with eight or nine tires the houre. In the afternoone, about the same houre that they made their attempt the daie afore, C [...]teine Swisses and French ap­p [...]och the [...] as if [...] would [...] assault. a regiment of Swisses, with certeine bands of Frenchmen ap­proched line 10 the dich, as if presentlie they would haue gi­uen the assault; but there they did staie, sending to the breach onelie a capteine or two, seeking thereby to haue discouered what flankers yet were left to them within: wherein they were preuented, the lord Graie hauing before warned the gunners not to disclose them, but vpon extremitie. And thus after an houres plaie with the harquebush onelie, and a light offer or two of approach, this people retired them, and gaue the canon place againe, which by night had driuen line 20 them within anew to become moldwarps, and to intrench themselues with all speed possible.

The morrow being wednesdaie, by the péepe of daie, all the batteries began, and without intermissi­on held on till one of the clocke in the afternoone, and especiallie that in the market place so preuailed, as hauing cleane ruined the old wall, did driue through the rampire, and a new countermure of earth raised vpon the same, where the lord Greie himselfe sitting vpon a forme, The danger which my lord [...] escaped [...] vpon a [...] with [...] gentlemen. with sir Henrie Palmer, and master line 30 Lewes Diue his lordships cousin and deputie, made a faire escape, the forme being stricken asunder vn­der them, without anie further harme to anie of them: though sundrie other that daie and the next following lost their liues on the same curteine by the foresaid battrie, which full in flanke did beat it, where­in yet was his lordships onelie abode as his chéefest place, to view and regard the behauiour and néed of all the other lims, from which also a quoit might be throwne into Marie bulworke. The enimies canon line 40 (as is said) hauing plaid thus all the morning, and well searched (as they thought) euerie corner that flankers might lurke in, about the foresaid houre of one of the clocke, the Englishmen might descrie the trench before the breach to be stuffed with ensignes. The L. Greie streight expecting that which followed, gaue word incontinentlie to euerie place to stand on their gard, incouraging euerie man to continue in their well begun endeuor. A tower that was called Webs tower, and yet standing, which flanked one side of the beaten bulworke, he stuffed with twentie line 50 of the best shot with curriers. These things no sooner thus ordered, but that eight or nine ensignes of Swisses, The Swisses [...] Gascoigns [...] the [...]. and thrée of Gascoigns, did present them­selues vpon the counterscarfe; and without staie the Gascoignes slue into the ditch, run vp the breach, whome they within receiue with harquebush shot, but they requite the Englishmen againe with two for one. The top of the vaumure or rather trench, the enimie boldlie approcheth, the pike is offered, to handblowes it commeth. Then the Swisse with a line 60 statelie leasure steppeth into the dich, and close togi­ther marcheth vp the breach, the fight increaseth, wax­eth verie hot, & the breach all couered with the eni­mies. The small shot in Webs tower began now their parts, The manhood [...] the Spani­ [...]ds against the French. no bullet that went in vaine. On the other side againe 20 of the Spaniards on the inside of the braies had laid themselues close till the heat of the assault: and then shewing themselues, did no lesse gall the enimies than the tower. Thus was it no lustilier assailed than brauelie defended. At last after an houres fight and more, the gouernors with­out▪ finding the great slaughter that theirs went to, and small auaile, and perceiuing the two little case­mates of the tower and braies to be the cheefest an­noiances, did cause a retire to be sounded: and with­all three or foure of the canons in the market place, to be turned vpon Webs tower, the which at two tires brought cleane downe the same vpon the soldi­ors heads, wherein two or thrée were slaine outright, others hurt to death, and who escaped best, so maimed or brused, as they were no more able to serue.

The enimie this while hauing breathed, and a brace of an hundred shots put foorth onelie to attend on the few Spaniards that kept the corners of the b [...]aies the assault afresh is begun, and their beaten bands with new companies relieued. The lord Greie also sent into the bulworke two hundred fresh men. A fresh as­sault begun and the fight hot and heauie against the English. Now grew the fight heauie vpon the Englishmen, all their defense resting in the pike and bill, their chée­fest flankers being gone, their places to bestow shot in taken from them, their fier-works in manner spent, the Spanish shot on the other side so ouerlaid, as not one of them but was either slaine or marred, yer a quarter of the assault was past. The easinesse of the fight thus alluring the enimie, vnappointed companies flue to the breach, and courage was on euerie side with them, what hauocke they made it is not hard to gesse. My lord Greie perceiuing the ex­tremitie, sent to the two forenamed flankers, that they should no longer spare. They streight went off, the diches and breach being couered with men. These vnlooked for ghests made the enimie that was com­ming to pause, and the other alreadie come to repent their hast. Thrée or foure bowts of these salutations began to cleare well the breach, though the dich grew the fuller at night. At last parted with no great tri­umph of others winnings (for as the Englishmen within went not scotfrée) so suerlie no small number of their enimies carcasses tooke vp their iodgings in the ditch that night. Enimies slaine.

My lord Greie this night came into the bulworke, My lord Grei [...]s worke after the skir­mish ended. where after praise first to God, he gaue thanks and commendations to them all. The slaine men he cau­sed to be buried, the hurt to be remooued and looked vnto, saw the breach repared, inquired of their lacks, and (as he might) supplied the same. They that were great could not be helped, as cornpowder, fierworks, yea and pikes began to faile vs. The most part of the night he here bestowed, and longer as was thought had taried, My L. Greie hurt by mis­chance. had not a scaberdles sword about one of the souldiors as he went in the throng & darke amongst them, thrust him almost through the foot: wherevpon he withdrew him to be dressed, vsing first vnto his souldiors an exhortation to acquite them­selues no lesse valiantlie the next daie, assuring them that one or two more such bankets as this last, gi­uen to the enimie, would coole their courages for anie more assaults.

This night now, great noise & working was heard in the dich, wherevpon the bulworke was once or twice on alarum. At the last with cressets it was espied that they were making a bridge. The morning came, and then the same was séene to be finished, The French make bridges. emptie casks with ropes fastened togither, & sawed boords laid thereon. This yet did but put them with­in, in a certeintie of that which before they accounted of, and stood prepared for. To be short, the enimies spent all the daie till it was full two of the clocke in batterie, & beating at the two last flankers, which at length they woone from them within, & the gunners of either slaine. Wherevpon the lord Greie taking counsell of sir Henrie Palmer, Consultation betwéene the lord Greie and the English gentlemen. master Lewes Diue and Montdragon the leader of the Spaniards: it was resolued, that there might be order to make a fucasie within the bulworke, and presentlie to with­draw all from thence, sauing a certeine for a face and stale to toll in the enimie, and then to haue blowne it [Page 1139] vp whole to the destruction of them all.

Rich. Graf [...]on.In the meane time, the duke of Guise hauing gi­uen order to monsieur Dandelot coronell of the French footmen, The duke of Guise and mōsieur Dan­delot with their powers. that he with his bands should be in a readinesse to giue the assault when signe should be giuen, did withdraw him to an higher ground, from whence he might plainlie discouer the behauiour as well of his souldiors in the assault giuing, as also of the defendants in answering the same. And percei­uing not so manie of the English part appearing for line 10 defense (as he douted there would) gaue order foorth­with, that a regiment of his most forward lance, knights should mount the brech, to open the first pas­sage: and that monsieur Dandelot with his French footbands should backe them, which order was follo­wed, with such hast & desperat hardines, that entring a déepe ditch full of water, from the bottome whereof to the top of the breach, in some places, was well neare fortie foot, Rabutine. without feare either of the water beneath, or the fire aboue, they mounted the breach. line 20

And whereas the duke had prepared (as ye haue heard) bridges made of planke boords, borne vp with casks and emptie pipes, tied one to another, for his men to passe the said ditch: manie of them now at this assault, without care of those bridges, plunged into the water, The desperat aduenture of the French. and tooke the next waie to come to the assault. Which hot hast notwithstanding, the as­sailants were at the first so stoutlie repelled and put backe by the defendants, being furnished with great store of wildfire, and other fucasies for the purpose, line 30 that they were turned headlong one vpon another, much faster than they came vp, not without great wast and slaughter of their best and most forward souldiors, to the small comfort of the stout duke, who (as is said before) stood all this while vpon a little hill to behold this businesse. Wherefore he not induring this sight any longer, The duke of Guise in a [...]age with his soldiers. as a man inraged, ran among his men, so reprouing some, and incouraging other, that the assault was hot renewed, with much more vehemencie and furie than before, and with no lesse line 40 sturdie obstinacie and desperation receiued by the defendants, whereby all the breach beneath was filled with French carcases.

This notwithstanding, the duke still redoubled his forces with fresh companies, and continued so manie assaults one vpon another, that at the last charge, being most vehement of all the other, the Englishmen being tired, and greatlie minished in their numbers, by slaughter and bloudie wounds, were of fine force driuen to auoid, The English forced to auoid & the enimie entereth. & so after halfe an line 50 hours fight, the enimie entered. Which when the lord Greie beheld, he leaped to the top of the rampire, wi­shing of God that some shot would take him. When one that stood next him, by the scarffe suddenlie pulled him downe, otherwise the effects had well declared the earnestnes of the praier: for he was not yet vp a­gaine, when a canon shot grated vpon the same place from whence he fell. And thus verie narrowlie hée scaped the danger of that shot, which if it had hit him would (no doubt) haue wrought his dispatch. For what is the weake frame of a mans bodie to migh­tie line 60 forts and strong castels, builded of timber and stone, beside the iron worke therewith compact, of­tentimes redoubling the strength of the same? And yet these (we see by experience) ruinated, battered, and laid leuell manie times with the thundering shot of this dreadfull artillerie: an engine of no great anti­quitie, and not vsed among ancient warriours in former ages, but a late deuise of a Franciscan frier; pitie it is that euer he was borne to set abroch such a pestilent inuention, as the poet noteth, shewing also the vse and the mischéefous effect therof as followeth:

Tormenti genus est ex ferro aut aere coactum,
Quod Franciscanus frater reperisserefertur,
Vt capias paucis validissima castra diebus,
Quae vix cepisses armis toto prius anno, &c.

But to proceed. The fight within the bulworke yet lasted, to the great slaughter of them that defended it. Herevpon my lord Greie presentlie called to mai­ster Lewes Diue, and others that were about him, to follow him to the gate. The maze was such, that besides his sonne maister Arthur Greie, Arthur Gre [...] now lord Greie. and now lord Greie, maister Lewes Diue, capteine Bricke­well, and halfe a doozen of armed corslets, not a man else did follow him. By this means the Englishmen were cleane driuen out of the bulworke, The enimie i [...] dastardlie▪ all his victories notwithstan­ding. the enimie yet not daring to passe the braies, gaue them that es­caped good leisure to recouer the gate, where my lord Greie holding the wicket himselfe, receiued them in. Upon the taking of this bulworke, the souldiors of Whiteleies bulworke and the base court in dis­comfiture abandoned their charges, flieng to the ca­stell: so that more than the Kéepe and the bodie of the castell no part was free from the enimie. My lord Greie hauing receiued all his, caused the gates to be rammed vp.

Thus were the cheefe bulworks and vtter lims of the castell of Guisnes obteined by the French, Ric. Grafton. on saint Sebastians daie, being the twentith of Ianu­arie, but yet not without great expense of bloud on both sides: for of the French part there were slaine in those assaults aboue the number of eight or nine hundred, and of the English not manie fewer: a­mongst whom the greatest losse lighted vpon those few Spaniards and Wallons that were come to as­sist the English at that present. It was now night: A trumpetter from the duk [...] of Guise to th [...] lord Greie. when a trumpetter came to the ditches side in the base court, & sounded a summons: who being called vnto & asked what he would, told that he was sent to my lord Greie by the duke of Guise, with offer of a parlée if it would be harkened vnto. The souldiors no sooner heard these newes, but forsaking the walles came all in rowt togither, & confusedlie speaking to their chiefteine the said lord Greie, praied him to har­ken to the message, & to haue consideration of their liues, which so long as anie hope remained, they wil­linglie had ventured. The lord Greies answer was, that he maruelled, either what causelesse mistrust of his caring for them was now come vpon them, or what sudden vnwoonted faintnesse of mind had so assailed them, as to cause them in such disorder to for­sake their places, and leaue the walles naked, and he willed them to returne to the same.

My lord Greie hereof tooke counsell, and it was thought good not to reiect the offer, the extremitie on euerie side weied. The trumpetter receiuing answer, accordinglie departed, Hostages re­quired on the dukes part from the lord Greie during the time of the parlée, &c. & without long abode retur­ned againe, requiring in the dukes behalfe hostages for a truce during the parlee from vs, he minding to deliuer the like into the castell. From him in fine monsieur Des [...]rees, and a gentleman of the kings chamber were sent in: and maister Arthur Greie my lords sonne, and maister Lewes Diue, were put out. Monsieur Dandelot in the braies receiued them, and caried them ouer the vnfortunate bul­worke, being come vpon naked and new slaine car­cases, some of them spralling yet and groning vn­der their feet, were onelie the earth they trod on. So passing downe the breach somewhat to the ease of the former heauie sight, they saw it, and the ditch little lesse fraught with the enimies corpses. Then to the campe they came, and were lodged in the said Dan­delots tent.

The next daie in the morning, the lord Greie was to m [...]et the duke abrode: The duke and the lord Greie haue commu­nication an whole houre▪ betweene them willinglie one houre was spent in talking without agreement, onelie vpon this point, that the lord Greie would haue his bands depart with their ensignes displaied, [Page 1140] which would not be yeelded vnto: so he returned, & the hostages also therevpon were sent in. Monsieur De­strées not being yet come foorth, my lord was no soo­ner entered againe, but that the souldiers eftsoones forsaking the walles, willinglie & to the present cut­ting of all their owne throtes (if monsieur Destrées himselfe had not béene, with a few capteins & gentle­men of the lord Greies owne retinue) came and met him, crieng vpon him to haue pitie vpon them. The lord Greie herewith staied, and pausing a while, had line 10 this speach.

The onelie pitie (if fond I cannot saie) that I haue of you, The lord [...] words [...] his soldiers being ashamed [...] their time­ [...]nesse, and [...]pitieng [...] present [...]. hath caused me this daie to make such offers of composition, as neither your honesties, nor my honour, nor either of our duties in my thought maie well beare, which refused to take harder to the vtter defacing of our credits, sith the best would blot it. ‘If I would, souldiers, your selues (me thinketh) in vengeance thereof should turne your weapons vp­on me, and sacrifice so hartlesse a capteine, rather line 20 than to take it as a token of a pitifull capteine ouer you, and to yéeld thanks for the same. We haue be­gun, as becommed vs: we haue yet held on as dutie dooth bind vs: let vs end then as honest dutie and fame dooth will vs. Neither is there anie such extre­mitie of despaire in our case, but that we maie yet dearelie inough sell our skins yer we lose them. Let vs then either march out vnder our ensignes dis­plaied, or else herewith die vnder them displaied.’ The soldiers herewith in a mutinie flatlie answered, line 30 that they for his vainglory would not sell their liues. The lord [...] soul­ [...]rs in a mu­ [...] doo [...] against [...]. The desperatnesse of their case was not vnknowne vnto them (said they) and that their liues in other ser­uice might yet auaile their prince and countrie. In this now further to venture, was but like oxen to be thrust to the butcher. That his lordship was not to ex­pect anie one blow at their hands.

Herewith in hast came one from monsieur De­strees that stood at the rampire, aduising him to send his souldiors to the wals, otherwise that the Swisses line 40 would assuredlie enter. So constreined, his lordship promised them to compound, and so he got them to the wals. Then my lord going to councell, at length agreed vpon these conditions. [...] of a­greement be­ [...]eene the [...] Greie [...] the eni­ [...] ▪ First, that the castell with all the furniture therin as well vittels as great artillerie, powder, and all other munitions of warre, should be wholie rendred without wasting, hiding, or minishment thereof. Secondarilie, that the lord Greie with all the capteins, officers and others, ha­uing charge there, should remaine prisoners at the line 50 dukes pleasure, to be ransomed after the maner of warre. Thirdlie, that all the rest, as well souldiors as others, should depart with their armors, and baggage to what parties it séemed them best: neuer­thelesse to passe without sound of drum or trumpet, or ensigne, and to leaue them behind. These articles sent by monsieur Destrees to the duke were accep­ted, & so in the after noone, the duke himselfe came & receiued the keies of my lord Greie, who presentlie went out, and was giuen to the marshall Strozzie, line 60 and from him sold to monsieur de Randan, by whom he came into his brother the counte de Rochefou­calt his hands, and there rested, till he was redée­med for foure and twentie thousand crownes.

The daie following, that is saie the two and twen­tith of Ianuarie, The soldiors [...] Guisnes [...] thense [...] bag and [...]. all the souldiors of the said fortresse of Guisnes, as well English as strangers, with all the rest of the inhabitants, and other (excepted the lord Greie himselfe, maister Arthur Greie his son, sir Henrie Palmer knight, Montdragon capteine of the Spaniards, and other men of charge reserued by the composition) departed with their bag and bag­gage from thense towards Flanders. At whose is­suing foorth, there were estéemed to the number of eight or nine hundred able men for the warre, part English & part Burgognians. Of Spaniards so few were left, as no account is to be made of them, in maner the whole number of them being slaine, and selling their liues right déerelie, according to the or­der of good & hardie souldiors. Thus endeth this siege, wherein for breuities sake we haue left to saie anie thing of the prouisions that the lord Greie made a­gainst the same, of the aduertisements that from time to time he sent to king Philip and quéene Ma­rie, and of their answers, of the sundrie aduentures which they of Guisnes had with the enimie during their being about Calis, and of the great and ma­nie booties that were there taken. Onelie in a word or two will I ad what bands of strangers were within the péece, because thereof as in an other thing or two, What bands of strangers were within the [...]ort. I doo find maister Grafton in his chronicle speake at rouers. First came in Montdragon, with two Spaniards more, verie valiant men, whome did follow within a daie or two, about foure or fiue and thirtie other Spaniards, all shot, of which (as I haue heard) there went not fiue out of the ca­stell.

There came one capteine Desquie a Burgognian, with two hundred souldiors, pikes most. This band was appointed to the Marie bulworke, whose cap­teine being full of the gout, and an impotent man, would not yet be from his charge, but in his bed en­ded his life in the bulworke. And so of this enough. But now after the winning of this towne and ca­stell, the duke aduising well vpon the place, Rich. Grason. and con­sidering that if it should happen to be regained by Englishmen, what a noisome neighbor the same might be to Calis, now being French; and special­lie what impeachment should come thereby for the passage thither from France, considering also the neere standing thereof to the French kings fortresse of Ard: so that to keepe two garrisons so nigh to­gither should be but a double charge, and not onlie néedlesse, but also dangerous for the cause afore re­hearsed. Upon these considerations (as the French­men write) he tooke order for all the great artillerie, vittels and other munition, to be taken foorth, and the castell with all the bulworkes and other fortifi­cations there, with all spéed to be razed and throwne downe, and the stuffe to be caried awaie, and em­ploied in other more necessarie places.

Then rested nothing within all the English pale on that side vnconquered, Hammes ca­stell could not be easilie ap­proched vnto, and why. but the little castell or pile called Hammes, which though it were but of small force, made by art and industrie of mans hand, and being altogither of old workemanship without ram­piers or bulworks: yet neuerthelesse, by the natu­rall situation thereof, being on all sides inuironed with fens and marish grounds, it could not easilie be approched vnto, either with great ordinance for the batterie, or else with anie armie to incampe there for a siege: but hauing one streict passage thereto by a narrow causeie, trauersed and cut through in diuerse places, with déepe ditches, alwaies full of water. The lord Ed­ward Dud­leie. Which thing being well foreséene by Edward lord Dudleie then capteine there, hauing as good cause to suspect a siege there, as his neighbors had afore the Frenchmens comming to Guisnes, cau­sed all the bridges of the said causeie being of wood to be broken, to giue thereby the more impeachment to the French, if they should attempt to approch the same, as shortlie after they did, and kept diuerse of the passages.

But to deliuer the duke and his souldiors from that care, there came to him glad newes from those that had charge to watch the said causeie, how the capteine hauing intelligence of the rendering of Guisnes, secretlie the same night had conueied him­selfe, [Page 1141] with his small garrison by a secret passage o­uer the marish into Flanders. A prouiso of aduantage for the duke. Wherby the duke be­ing now past care of anie further siege to be laid in all the frontier, tooke order foorthwith to seize the said little fort into his own hands, as it was easie to doo, when there was no resistance. When this peece was once seized by the French, then remained there non [...] other place of defense nor strength of the Eng­lish on all that side the sea, for the safegard of the rest of the countrie. Whereby the French king became line 10 wholie and throughlie lord & maister of all the Eng­lish pale: for now (as ye haue heard) there was nei­ther towne, castell, or other fortresse, more or lesse on that side (sauing Boots bulworke neere to Graue­ling, which after king Philip kept as his) but that it was either taken awaie by force, or else abandoned, and left open to the enimie. And (as the French­men write) besides the great riches of gold and sil­uer, coine, This was a maruellous rich bootie for the enimie, and a great losse to the partie contra­rie. iewels, plate, wools, and other merchan­dize (which was inestimable) there were found thrée line 20 hundred peeces of brasse mounted on whéeles, and as manie of iron, with such furniture of powder, pel­lets, armour, vittels, and other munitions of war scarselie credible.

Thus haue you heard the whole discourse of the conquest of the noble towne of Calis, with all the English fortresses and countrie adioining made by the duke of Guise. The news whereof when they came to the French king, no need to aske how ioiful­lie they were receiued, not onelie of him and all his court, but also vniuersallie through the whole realme line 30 of France. For the which victorie, there was (as the maner is) Te Deum sung, and bonefiers made e­uerie where, Triumphs in France for the getting a­gaine of Ca­lis. as it is woont to be in cases of common ioy and gladnesse, for some rare benefit of God. In so much that shortlie vpon the conquest, there was a publike assemblie at Paris of all the estates of France, who franklie in recompense of the kings charges emploied in the winning of Calis, and the places aforesaid, and for maintenance of his wars to be continued afterwards, granted vnto him thrée line 40 millians of French crowns: whereof the clergie of France contributed one millian, besides their dis­mes. And no maruell though the French did high­lie reioise at the recouerie of Calis out of the Eng­lishmens hands: for it is constantlie affirmed of manie, that be acquainted with the affaires of France, that euer since the same towne was first woone by Englishmen, in all solemne councels as­sembled to treat vpon the state of France, there line 50 was a speciall person appointed to put them in re­membrance from time to time of Calis: as it were to be wished that the like were vsed in England, vn­till it were regained from the French.

A. Fl. ex opere historico Schar­d [...] collectio. pag. 1970.¶And here because thus much is said of the French by waie of discourse concerning their exulting, and immoderat ioyfulnesse manie waies testified, some­what being alredie written thereof before: it is note­woorthie, either for the increase of wit in vs, if it were the fault of our follie; or the aggrauating of line 60 their impudencie, if they blush not to publish a most lowd and lewd lie; to remember what I haue read in verses set foorth by a Frenchman; wherein a­mong manie words & terms vsed touching this con­quest of Calis & Guisnes (wherein also a prophesie of Merline (of which name there were two, D. Powell in hist. Camb. pag. 4, [...]. and both pro­phets) is introduced, foretelling the reuolution of the same to be rather fatall to that nation, than recoue­uerable by prowesse martiall (for thus he saith:)

Námque erat in fatis redditurum haud antè Caletum
Ad veteres dominos, quàm se regina marito
Traderet externo, veterúmque propagine regum
Posthabita, nouus hic succederet aduena regnis:
Ipse Valesina venturum à stirpe nepotem
Merlinus vates multo praedixerat antè,
Sanguinis vltorem nostri cladísque futurum.)

But this is not the matter that I meant (though it conteine somewhat whereat men may muse) but a further reach to the rebuke of rashnesse in some, if it were their déed; and to the shame of others, if the re­port be false. For thus saith the same author, whose verses euen now I rehearsed, speaking of the Eng­lishmen, whome former victories (saith he) made ve­rie venterous, confident, and full of heart; and be­sides that, so disdainfull and scornefull towards the French, that they caused to be grauen in hard mar­bell aloft at the entrie of the castell or fortresse in le­gible letters (but he telleth not in what language, no more than which of the Merlins prophesie it was; howbeit (saith he) thus much in effect in Latine:

Tùm demùm Francus premet obsidione Caletum,
Cùm ferrum plumbúmue natabit suberis instar.
Then shall the Frenchmen Calis win,
When iron and lead like corke shall swim.

Thus report the French, but how trulie, let them saie that are able (vpon their owne knowledge) to iudge: and thus much shall suffice for that matter.] Now séemed euerie daie a yeare to the French king vntill he personallie had visited Calis, and his new conquered countrie. The French king goeth to visit and sée Calis. Wherefore about the end of Ia­nuarie he tooke his viage thither, accompanied with no small number of his nobilitie: and immediatlie vpon his arriuall there, he perused the whole towne and euerie part thereof from place to place, deuising with the duke of Guise for the better fortification thereof, what should be added vnto the old, and what should be made new, and what should be taken a­waie. And after order taken for that businesse, he placed there a noble man, & no lesse valiant knight of the order, Monsieur de Thermes made captein of Calis. called monsieur de Thermes to be cap­teine of the towne, and so departed he againe into France.

After the French kings departure from Calis, he made great hast for the accomplishment of the mar­riage, mooued betweene Francis his eldest sonne, The mariag [...] betwéene the Dolphin and the princes [...]e of Scots. called the Dolphin, and Marie Steward daughter & sole heire of Iames the fift late king of Scotland: which princesse, if the Scots had bin faithfull of pro­mise, as they seldome be) should haue married king Edward the sixt. For the breach of which promise be­gan all the warre betwéene England & Scotland, as you heard in the latter end of the life of king Hen­rie the eight, and in the beginning of king Edward the sixt. This mariage (saith Grafton) though it be not of my matter, I thought not to omit, for that manie things were meant thereby, which thanks be to God neuer came to effect. But one speciall point was not hidden to the world, that by meanes of the same, the realme of Scotland should for euermore haue remained as vnited and incorporat to the crowne of France: and that as the sonne and heire of euerie French king dooth succéed to the inheritance and pos­session of a countrie called the Dolphin, Why the son and heire of euerie Fren [...] king is called the Dolphin. & is therfore called Dolphin; & like as the principalitie of Wales apperteineth to the eldest son of the king of England, who therefore is called the prince of Wales: euen so the Dolphin heire of France should thereby haue béene king of Scotland for euermore: which name and title vpon this mariage was accordinglie giuen to Francis Dolphin and heire apparant of France, to be called king Dolphin. The meaning whereof was vtterlie to exclude for euermore anie to be king of Scotland, but onelie the eldest sonne of France.

This memorable marriage was solemnized in the citie of Paris the foure and twentith daie of A­prill, The maria [...] of the queen [...] of Scots with the D [...] ­phin. in the yéere of Christ 1558, with most magni­ficall pompe and triumph, and honored with the pre­sence of the most part of the princes, prelats, lords [Page 1142] and barons of both the realmes, as it were for a con­firmation of this new aliance. Which as it was much to the aduantage and benefit of France: so nothing could be more preiudice & derogation to the crowne of Scotland, as a deuise tending to the perpetuall abolishing and extinguishment of the name & state of kings in that realme. In this meane time also the quéene Dowager of Scotland had doone what in hir laie, The quéene Dowager of Scotland [...]oo [...]h what she can to procure war against England. to procure the Scotish nobilitie to make warres against England: but they being not wil­ling line 10 thereto, monsieur Doisell coronell of certeine bands of Frenchmen came to Aimouth within six miles of Berwike, and fortified that place, making sundrie rodes and inuasions into England. In re­uenge whereof the Englishmen made the like in­rodes into Scotland, wherevpon the Scotishmen in their defense (as some pretend) were driuen to haue warres: and therevpon the earle of Huntleie was made lieutenant of the Scots borders, who remain­ing there by the helpe of the Frenchmen did manie line 20 displeasures to the Englishmen. This warre was begun in the yeere last past, and so continued: du­ring the which manie skirmishes and diuerse proper feats of armes were put in practise betwixt the par­ties (as in the historie of Scotland more at large it dooth appeeare) where we speake of the dooings in the yeares 1557 and 1558.

Abr. Fl. ex IS pag. 1106. A prest to the queene.¶A prest was granted to the quéene by the citizens of London, of twentie thousand pounds, which was leuied of the companies: for the which summe to be line 30 paied againe, the quéene bound certeine lands, & also allowed for interest of the monie twelue pounds of euerie hundred for a yeare. Also this yeare within a mile of Notingham, was a maruellous tempest of thunder, A woon­derfull tem­pest of thun­der woonder­full indéed. which as it came through two townes, beat downe all the houses and churches, the bels were cast to the out side of the churchyards, and some webs of lead foure hundred foot into the field, writhen like a paire of gloues. The riuer of Trent running be­twéene the two townes, the water with the mud in line 40 the botome was carried a quarter of a mile, and cast against the trées, the trées were pulled vp by the roots and cast twelue score off. Also a child was taken forth of a mans hands two speares length hie, and carried a hundred foot off, and then let fall, where­with his arme was broken, & so he died. Fiue or six men thereabout were slaine, and neither flesh nor skinne perished; there fell some hailestones that were fifteene inches about, A great death of old people through vehe­ment quar­ter [...] agues. &c. This yeare in haruest time the quartane agues continued in like maner, line 50 or more vebementlie, than they had doone the last yeare past, where through died manie old people, and speciallie priests, so that a great number of parishes were vnserued, and no curats to be gotten: and much corne was lost in the field for lacke of worke­men & laborers. Wherevpon insued a great scarsitie; so that in the beginning of sir Thomas Leighs ma­ioraltie, corne rose to fourtéene shillings the quarter, and wood waxed scant in London, and was sold for thirtéene and foureteene shillings the thousand of line 60 billets, and coles at ten pence the sacke, by reason of the great death and sicknesse the last summer for lacke of helpe and carriage.] ¶And here before we passe the yeare 1558, it were a fowle ouersight, not to make mention of a memorable discourse touching the ladie Katharine late dutchesse of Suffolke, [...] The old [...] of Stephan Gardiner [...] of [...]nchester against the [...] of [...]. a per­sonage of honor, and worthie of commemoration in chronicles for hir godlinesse to hir high praise: where manie a malefactor is recorded for their outragious wickednesse to their immortall shame. Concerning the said ladie therefore thus writeth master Fox.

Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester, sur­mising the ladie Katharine baronesse of Willough­bie and Cresbie, and duchesse Dowager of Suffolke, to be one of his ancient enimies, because he knew he had deserued no better of hir, deuised in the hol [...]e time of the first Lent in quéen Maries reigne, a holie practise of reuenge, first by touching hir in the per­son of hir husband maister Richard Bertie esquier, for whome he sent an attachment (hauing the great scale at his deuotion) to the shiriffe of Lincolnshire, with a speciall letter, Maister Richard Bertie hus­band to the dut­chesse, atta­ched by the bishop of Winchester. comanding most strictlie the same shiriffe to attach the said Richard immediatlie, and without baile to bring him vp to London to his great lordship. Maister Bertie hir husband being cleare in conscience, and frée from offense towards the quéene, could not coniecture anie cause of this strange processe, vnlesse it were some quarrell for religion, which he thought could not be so sore as the processe pretended.

The shiriffe, notwithstanding the commande­ment, aduentured onelie to take the bond of maister Bertie, with two suerties in a thousand pounds for his appéerance, to be made before the bishop on good fridaie following: Master Ber­tie appeareth before bishop Gardiner. at which daie maister Berti [...] ap­péered, the bishop then lieng at his house by [...]aint Marie Oueries. Of whose presence when the bishop vnderstood by a gentleman of his chamber, in a great rage he came out of his gallerie into his dining chamber, where he found a prease of suters, saieng he would not that daie heare anie: but came foorth onelie to know of maister Bertie, how he being a subiect durst so arrogantlie set at light two former processes of the quéenes. Maister Bertie answered, that albeit my lords words might séeme to the rest somewhat sharpe towards him, Ta [...]ke be­twéene bishop Gardiner and maister Bertie. yet he conceiued great comfort of them. For whereas he before thought it extremitie to be attached, hauing vsed no obstinacie or contumacie: now he gathered of those words, that my lord ment not otherwise but to haue vsed some ordinarie processe; albeit indeed none came to his hands. Yea Marie, quoth the bishop, I haue sent you two Sub poenas, to appéere immediatlie, and I am sure you receiued them: for I committed the trust of them to no worsse man but to maister so­licitor, and I shall make you an example to all Lin­colnshire for your obstinacie. Maister Bertie deni­eng the receipt of anie, humblie praied his lordship to suspend his displesure and the punishment, till he had good triall thereof: and then (if it pleased him) to dou­ble the paine for the fault, if anie were. Well (quoth the bishop) I haue appointed my selfe this daie (ac­cording to the holinesse of the same) for deuotion, The deuotion of bishop Gardiner to good fridaie. and I will not further trouble me with you: but I inioine you in a thousand pounds, not to depart without leaue, and to be here againe to morrow at seauen of the clocke.

Maister Bertie well obserued the houre, and no iot failed. At the which time the bishop had with him maister sergeant Stamford, to whome he mooued certeine questions of the said master Bertie, bicause master sergeant was towards the lord Wriothesleie late earle of Southampton, & chancellor of England, with whom the said master Bertie was brought vp. Master sergeant made verie friendlie report of ma­ster Bertie of his owne knowledge for the time of their conuersation togither. Wherevpon the bishop caused maister Bertie to be brought in; and first making a false traine (as God would, without fire) before he would descend to the quarrell of religion, he assaulted him in this maner. The quéenes plea­sure is (quoth the bishop) that you shall make present paiment of foure thousand pounds due to hir father by duke Charles, Maister Bertie atta­ched for debt of foure thou­sand pounds due to the quéene. late husband to the dutchesse your wife, whose executor she was. Pleaseth it your lordship (quoth maister Bertie) that debt is estalled, and is according to that estallment trulie answered. Tush (quoth the bishop) the quéene will not be bound [Page 1143] to estallments, Ket capteine of the rebels in Norffolke in king Ed­wards time. in the time of Kets gouernment, for so I estéeme the late gouernment. The estallment (quoth maister Bertie) was appointed by king Hen­rie the eight; besides, the same was by speciall com­missioners confirmed in king Edwards time, and the lord treasuror being an executor also to the duke Charles solie and wholie, tooke vpon him before the said commissioners to discharge the same.

If it be true that you saie (quoth the bishop) I will shew you fauor. But of an other thing maister Bertie, I will admonish you as mening you well. I line 10 heare euill of your religion; yet I hardlie can think euill of you, whose mother I know to be as god­lie and catholike, as anie within this land, your selfe brought vp with a maister, whose education if I should disallow, I might be charged as author of his error. Besides partlie I know you my selfe, and vn­derstand of my friends inough to make me your friend: wherfore I will not doubt of you, but I praie you if I maie aske the question of my ladie your line 20 wife; is she now as readie to set vp the masse, as she was latelie to pull it downe, A dog clothed in a rochet vnder the name of bishop Gardiner. when she caused in hir progresse, a dog in a rochet to be caried & called by my name? Or dooth she thinke hir lambs now safe inough, which said to me when I vailed my bonnet to hir out of my chamber window in the tower, that it was merie with the lambs now the woolfe was shut vp? It is merie with lambs when woolues be tied. Another time my lord hir husband hauing inuited me and diuerse ladies to dinner, desired eue­rie ladie to choose him whome she loued best, and so line 30 place themselues. My ladie your wife taking me by the hand, for that my lord would not haue hir to take himselfe, said, that for so much as she could not sit downe with my lord whome she loued best, she had chosen me whome she loued worst.

Of the deuise of the dog, quoth master Bertie, she was neither the author nor the allower. The words, though in that season they sounded bitter to your lordship: yet if it should please you without offense to know the cause, I am sure the one will purge the line 40 other. As touching setting vp of masse, which she learned not onelie by strong persuasions of diuerse excellent learned men, Purgation of the ladie du­chesse for not comming to masse. but by vniuersall consent and order whole six yeares past inwardlie to abhorre; if she should outwardlie allow, she should both to Christ shew hir selfe a false christian, and vnto hir prince a masking subiect. You know my lord, one by iudge­ment reformed, is more woorth than a thousand trans­formed temporizors. To force a confession of religi­on by mouth, contrarie to that in the heart, worketh damnation where saluation is pretended. Yea ma­rie line 50 (quoth the bishop) that deliberation would doo well if she neuer required to come from an old religi­on to a new. But now she is to returne from a new to an ancient religion: wherein when she made me hir gossip, she was as earnest as anie.

For that, my lord (said M. Bertie) not long since, she answered a friend of hirs vsing your lordships spéech, Religion go­eth not by age, but by truth. that religion went not by age but by truth: and therefore she was to be turned by persuasion and not by commandement. I praie you (quoth the bi­shop) line 60 thinke you it possible to persuade hir? Yea ve­relie (said master Bertie) with the truth: for she is reasonable inough. The bishop therevnto replieng, said: It will be a maruellous griefe to the prince of Spaine, and to all the nobilitie that shall come with him, when they shall find but two noble personages of the Spanish race within this land, the quéene, and my ladie your wife, and one of them gone from the faith. Master Bertie answered, that he trusted they should find no fruits of infidelitie in hir. So the bi­shop persuading master Bertie to trauell earnestlie for the reformation of hir opinion, Master Ber­tie released from his band of appearing. and offering large friendship, released him of his band from further ap­pearance.

The duchesse and hir husband, dailie more and more, by their friends vnderstanding that the bishop meant to call hir to an account of hir faith, whereby extreamitie might follow, deuised waies how by the quéenes licence they might passe the seas. Ma­ster Bertie had a redie meane: Waies practi­sed how to conueie the duchesse ouer the seas with the quéenes licence. Master Ber­tie deuiseth causes to passe ouer into Flanders. for there rested great summes of monie due to the old duke of Suffolke (one of whose executors the duchesse was) beyond the seas, the emperour himselfe being one of those deb­tors. Master Bertie communicated this his purpo­sed sute for licence to passe the feas, and the cause, to the bishop; adding, that he tooke this time most meet to deale with the emperour, by reason of likelihood of marriage betwéene the quéene and his sonne. I like your deuise well (quoth the bishop) but I thinke it better, that you tarrie the princes comming, and I will procure you his letters also to his father. Naie (quoth master Bertie) vnder your lordships correc­tion & pardon of so liberall spéech, I suppose the time will then be lesse conuenient: for when the marriage is consummate, the emperour hath his desire: but till then he will refuse nothing to win credit with vs.

By saint Marie (quoth the bishop, smiling) you gesse shrewdlie. Well, procéed in your sute vnto the quéene, and it shall not lacke my helping hand. Ma­ster Bertie found so good successe, that he in few daies obteined the quéenes licence, not onlie to passe the seas, but to passe and repasse them so often as to him séemed good, Master Ber­tie licenced by the quéene to passe the seas. till he had finished all his businesse and causes beyond the seas. So he passed the seas at Douer about the beginning of Iune in the first yeare of hir reigne, leauing the duchesse behind, who by agréement and consent betwixt hir and hir hus­band, followed, taking barge at Lion keie, Preparation made how to conueie the duchesse ouer the seas. verie ear­lie in the morning, on the first daie of Ianuarie next insuing, not without some perill. There was none of those that went with hir, made priuie to hir going till the instant, but an old gentleman called master Robert Cranwell, whome master Bertie had speci­allie prouided for that purpose. She tooke with hir hir daughter an infant of one yeare, M. Cranwell a trusty frien [...] to master Bertie. and the meanest of hir seruants: for she doubted the best would not ad­uenture that fortune with hir. They were in number foure men, one a Gréeke borne, which was a rider of horsses, an other a ioiner, the third a brewer, the fourth a foole one of the kitchin, one gentlewoman, and a landresse.

As she departed hir house called the Barbican, betwixt foure and fiue of the clocke in the morning, with hir companie and baggage, one Atkinson an herald, kéeper of hir house, The duches [...] with hir com­panie depar­ted the realme. hearing noise about the house, rose and came foorth with a torch in his hand as she was yet issuing out of the gate: wherewith being amazed, she was forced to leaue a male with necessaries for hir yoong daughter, & a milkepot with milke in the same gatehouse, commanding all hir seruants to spéed them before awaie to Lion keie: and taking with hir onelie the two women and hir child, so soone as she was out of hir owne house, The maner o [...] the duchesse flieng out of hir house. per­ceiuing the herald to follow, she slept in at Garter­house hard by. The herald comming out of the du­chesse house, and séeing no bodie stirring, not assured (though by the male suspecting) that she was depar­ted, returned in: and while he staied ransacking par­cels left in the male, the duchesse issued into the stréet, and proceeded in hir iournie, he knowing the place onelie by name where she should take hir boat, but not the waie thither, nor none with hir. Likewise hir seruants hauing diuided themselues, none but one knew the waie to the said keie.

So she apparelled like a meane merchants wife, and the rest like meane seruants, walking in the stréets vnknown, she tooke the way that led to Fins­burie [Page 1144] field, and the others walked the citie stréets as they laie open before them, till by chance more than discretion, they met all suddenlie together a lit­tle within Moore gate, from whence they passed di­rectlie to Lion keie, The duchesse with hir com­panie taketh [...]rge. and there tooke barge in a mor­ning so mistie, that the stearesman was loth to lanch out, but that they vrged him. So soone as the daie permitted, the councell was informed of hir depar­ture, and some of them came foorthwith to hir house to inquire of the maner thereof, Persute after the duchesse. and tooke an inuen­tarie line 10 of hir goods, besides further order deuised for search and watch to apprehend and staie hir. The same of hir departure reached to Leigh, a towne at the lands end, before hir approching thither. By Leigh dwelt one Gosling a merchant of London, an old ac­quaintance of Cranwels, whither the said Cranwell brought the duchesse, naming hir mistresse White, the daughter of master Gosling, The duchesse [...] in M. Goslings house by Leigh, vnder the name of h [...]s daughter. for such a daughter he had which neuer was in that countrie. There she reposed hir, and made new garments for hir daugh­ter, line 20 hauing lost hir owne in the male at Barbican.

When the time came that she should take ship, be­ing constreined that night to lie at an inne in Leigh (where she was againe almost bewraied) yet not­withstanding by Gods good working she escaping that hazzard, at length as the tide and wind did serue, they went aboord, The hard ad­ [...]nture of the [...]chesse vpon [...] seas. and being carried twise into the seas, almost into the coast of Zeland, by contrarie wind were driuen to the place from whence they came. And at the last recuile, certeine persons came line 30 to the shore, suspecting she was within that ship: yet hauing examined one of hir companie that was one land for fresh Achates, and finding by the simplicitie of his tale, onelie the appearance of a meane mer­chants wife to be a shipboord, he ceased anie further search. To be short, so soone as the duchesse had landed in Brabant, The duchesse landed in Brabant. [...]. Bertie [...] the du­chesse his wife armed at Santon. she and hir women were apparelled like the women of Netherland with hukes, and so she and hir husband tooke their iournie towards Cleueland, and being arriued at a towne therin called Santon, line 40 tooke a house there, vntill they might further deuise of some sure place where to settle themselues.

About fiue miles from Santon is a frée towne cal-Wesell, The frée [...]oone of [...]esell in Cleueland. vnder the said duke of Cleues dominion, and one of the Hauns townes, priuileged with the companie of the Stilliard in London, whither di­uerse Wallons were fled for religion, and had for their minister one Francis Perusell, then called Francis de Riuers, who had receiued some courtesie in England at the duchesse hands. A protection procured for [...] duchesse, [...] the magi­strates of Wesell. Master Bertie line 50 being yet at Santon, practised with him to obteine a protection from the magistrats for his abode and his wiues at Wesell: which was the sooner procured bicause the state of the duchesse was not discouered but onelie to the chéefe magistrate, earnestlie bent to shew them pleasure, whilest this protection was in séeking.

In the meane while, at the towne of Santon was a muttering, that the duchesse and hir husband were greater personages than they gaue themselues line 60 foorth, M. Bertie & the duchesse [...] danger of [...] by the bishop of Ar­ras at Santō. and the magistrats not verie well inclined to religion; the bishop of Arras also being deane of the great minster, order was taken, that the duches and hir husband should be examined of their condition and religion vpon the sudden. Which practise discoue­red by a gentleman of that countrie to master Ber­tie, he without delaie taking no more than the duches hir daughter, Another [...] of the [...]chesse and [...] husband. and two other with them, as though he meant no more but to take the aire, about thrée of the clocke in the afternoone in Februarie, on foot, with­out hiering of horsse or wagon for feare of disclosing his purpose, meant priuilie that night to get to We­sell, leauing his other familie still at Santon.

After the duches and he were one English mile from the towne, The hard di­stresse of the duchesse by euill wether. there fell a mightie raine of conti­nuance, whereby a long frost and ise before congea­led was thawed, which doubled more the wearinesse of those new lackies. But being now on the waie, and ouertaken with the night, they sent their two ser­uants (which onelie went with them) to villages, as they passed, to hire some car for their case: but none could be hired. In the mene time master Bertie was forced to carrie the child, and the duches his cloke and rapier. At last betwixt six and seauen of the clocke in the darke night, they came to Wesell, The hard in­terteinment of M. Bertie & the duchesse at their en­tring into Wesell. and repairing to their innes for lodging and some repose after such a painfull iourneie, found hard interteinment: for going from inne to inne, offering large monie for small lodging, they were refused of all the inholders, suspecting master Bertie to be a lanceknight, and the duches to be his woman. The child for cold and sustenance cried pittifullie, the mother wept as fast, and the heauens rained as fast as the clouds could powre.

Master Bertie destitute of all other succor of hos­pitalitie, resolued to bring the duchesse to the porch of the great church in the towne, and so to buie coles, victuals and straw for their miserable repose there that night, or at least till by Gods helpe he might prouide hir better lodging. Master Bertie at that time vnderstood not much Dutch, Gods proui­dence in time of distresse. and by reason of euill weather and late season of the night, he could not happen vpon anie that could speake English, French, Italian, or Latine; till at last going towards the church porch, he heard two striplings talking La­tine, to whome he approched and offered them two stiuers to bring him to some Wallons house. By these boies, and Gods good conduct, he chanced at the first vpon the house where master Perusell supped that night, who had procured them the protection of the magistrats of that towne. At the first knocke, the goodman of the house himselfe came to the doore, and opening it, asked master Bertie what he was. Master Bertie said, an Englishman, that sought for one master Perusels house. The Wallon willed master Bertie to staie a while, who went backe and told master Perusell that the same English gentle­man, of whome they had talked the same supper, had sent, by likelihood his seruant to speake with him. The meéting of W. Perusel & the duchesse of Wesell. Wherevpon master Perusell came to the doore, and beholding master Bertie, the duchesse, & their child, their faces, apparels, and bodies so farre from their old forme, deformed with durt, weather, and heaui­nesse, could not speake to them, nor they to him for teares. At length recouering themselues, they salu­ted one another, & so togither entered the house, God knoweth full ioifullie: master Bertie changing of his apparell with the goodman, the duchesse with the good wife, and their child with the child of the house.

Within few daies after, by master Perusels means, they hired a verie faire house in the towne, and did not let to shew themselues what they were, in such good sort as their present condition permitted. It was by this time through the whole towne what discourtesie the inholders had shewed vnto them at their entrie, in so much as on the sundaie following, The citizens of Wesell ad­monished by their preacher of their hard­nesse toward strangers. a preacher in the pulpit openlie in sharpe termes re­buked that great inciuilitie towards strangers; by allegation of sundrie places out of holie scriptures, discoursing how not onelie princes sometime are re­ceiued in the image of priuat persons, but angels in the shape of men, and that God of his iustice would make the strangers one day in an other land, to haue more sense of the afflicted heart of a stranger. The time was passing foorth, A fréendlie part of sir Iohn Mason towards the duchesse. as they thought themselues thus happilie setled, suddenlie a watchword came from sir Iohn Mason, then quéene Maries ambassa­dour in Netherland, that my lord Paget had fained [Page 1145] an errant to the baths that waies: A traine laid for y e dutches by the lord Paget and the duke of Brunswicke. and whereas the duke of Brunswicke was shortlie with ten ensignes to passe by Wesell for the seruice of the house of Au­stricke against the French king, the said duchesse, and hir husband should be with the same charge and com­panie intercepted. Wherefore to preuent the crueltie of these enimies, master Bertie with his wife and child departed to a place called Winheim in high Dutchland vnder the Palsgraues dominion, M Bertie & the dutchesse remooue to Winheim vnder the Palsgraue. where vnder his protection they continued till their necessa­ries line 10 began to faile them, and they almost fainting vnder so heauie a burthen, began to faile of hope.

At what time, in the middest of their despaire, there came suddenlie letters to them from the Palatine of Uilua and the king of Pole, The helping hand of the Lord againe in their neces­sitie. Ioan. Alasco a meanes to the king of Pole for the duchesse of Suffolke. being instructed of their hard estate by a baron named Ioannes Alasco, that was somtime in England, offring them large curte­sie. This puruison vnlooked for greatlie reuiued their heauie spirits. Yet considering they should remooue from manie their countriemen and acquaintance, to line 20 a place so farre distant, a countrie not haunted with the English, and perhaps vpon their arriuall not fin­ding as they looked for, the end of their iornie should be worse than the beginning: The dutchesse inuited into Poleland by the kings letters. they deuised therevpon with one maister Barlow, late bishop of Chichester, that if he would vouchsafe to take some paines ther­in, they would make him a fellow of that iournie. So finding him prone, they sent with him letters of great thanks to the king & Palatine, M. Barlow a messenger from the dut­chesse to the king of Pole. and also with a few principall iewels (which onlie they had left of manie) to solicit for them, that the king would line 30 vouchsafe vnder his seale, to assure them of the thing which he so honourablie by letters offered.

The Palatine of Uilua a great friend of the dutchesThat sute by the forwardnes of the Palatine was as soone granted as vttered. Upon which assurance the said dutchesse and hir husband, with their familie, entred the iournie in Aprill 1557, from the castell of Winheim, The dutches taketh hir iournie to­ward Pole. where they before laie, towards Franc­ford. In the which their iournie, it were long here to describe what dangers fell by the waie vpon them, & their whole companie, by reason of the Lantgraues line 40 capteines, The troubles happening to the du [...]ches in hir iournie to Poleland. who vnder a quarrell pretensed for a spa­niell of maister Berties, set vpon them in the high waie, with his horssemen, thrusting their borespears through the wagon where the children and women were, maister Bertie hauing but foure horssemen with him. In the which brabble it happened the cap­teins horsse to be slaine vnder him.

Wherevpon a rumor was sparsed immediatlie through townes and villages about, that the Lant­graues capteine should be slaine by some Wallons, line 50 which incensed the ire of the countriemen there more fiercelie against maister Bertie, as afterwards it prooued. For as he was motioned by his wife to saue himselfe by the swiftnes of his horsse, and to recouer some towne thereby for his rescue, he so dooing was in worse case than before: for the townesmen and the capteines brother supposing no lesse but that the cap­teine had béene slaine, M. Bertie in great danger of his life. pressed so egerlie vpon him, that he had beene there taken and murthered among them, had not he (as God would) spieng a ladder lea­ning line 60 to a window, by the same got vp into the house, and so gone vp in to a garret in the top of the house, where he with his dag and rapier defended himselfe for a space: but at length the Burghmaister com­ming thither with another magistrate, which could speake Latine, he was counselled to submit himselfe vnto the order of the law. Maister Bertie knowing himselfe cléere, and the capteine to be aliue, was the more bolder to submit himselfe to the iudgement of the law, vpon condition that the magistrate would receiue him vnder safe conduct, and defend him from the rage of the multitude. Which being promised, maister Bertie putteth himselfe and his weapon in the magistrates hand, and so was committed to safe custodie, while the truth of his cause should be tried. Then master Bertie writing his letters to the Lant­graue and to the earle of Erbagh, the next daie erlie in the morning the earle of Erbagh dwelling within eight miles, came to the towne whither the dutchesse was brought with hir wagon, maister Bertie also being in the same towne vnder custodie.

The earle, who had some intelligence of the dutches before, after he was come, & had shewed such courte­sie as he thought to hir estate was séemelie, the townesmen perceiuing the earle to behaue himselfe so humblie vnto hir, began to consider more of the matter: and further vnderstanding the capteine to be aliue, both they, and especallie the authors of the stir shrunke awaie, and made all the friends they could to maister Bertie and his wife, not to report their dooings after the woorst sort. And thus maister Bertie and his wife escaping that danger, M. Bertie with the dut­chesse honora [...]blie intertei­ned of the K. of Poole. procéeded in their iournie toward Poleland, where in conclusi­on they were quietlie interteined of the king, and placed honorablie in the earledome of the said king of Poles in Sanogelia, called Crozan, where mai­ster Bertie with the dutchesse hauing the kings ab­solute power of gouernment ouer the said earldome, continued both in great quietnesse and honor, till the death of queene Marie.] Whose troublesome time (sa­uoring altogither of bloudshed & mercilesse murthe­ring of Gods saints, wherof the poet saith full trulie,

— tellus madefacta cruore
Christicolûm regerit decursus sanguinis atros,
Heu carnem mollem puerorum deuorat ignis,
Foemina másque perit, nulla ratione virilis
Foeminei aut sexus habita)

being expired, and the peaceable reigne of gratious quéene Elizabeth established, the said dutchesse and hir husband returned into England, where they liued in libertie both of bodie and mind; in which good state we will leaue them. And bicause we are entred into a discourse of troubles happening to personages of good account and name; it is necessarie that wée adde another narration of like argument vnto the former, concerning the troubles and happie deliue­rance of the reuerend father in God doctor Sands, first bishop of Worcester, next of London, and now archbishop of Yorke, as I find it word for word in maister Fox, who beginneth and continueth the said discourse as followeth.

¶King Edward died, Abr. Fl. ex I. [...] martyrologi [...] ▪ D. Sands vicechancell [...] when the duke of Nor­thumberland came down t [...] Cambridge t [...] proclame the ladie Iane quéene. the world being vnworthie of him, the duke of Northumberland came downe to Cambridge with an armie of men, hauing com­mission to proclame ladie Iane quéene, and by pow­er to suppresse ladie Marie, who tooke vpon hir that dignitie, and was proclamed quéene in Norffolke. The duke sent for doctor Sands being vicechancellor, for doctor Parker, for doctor Bill, and maister Lea­uer, to sup with him. Amongst other spéeches he said; Maisters, praie for vs that we spéed well: if not, you shall be made bishops, and we deacons. And euen so it came to passe: doctor Parker, and doctor Sands were made bishops, and he and sir Iohn Gates, who was then at the table, were made deacons yer it was long after on the tower hill. Doctor Sands be­ing vicechancellor, was required to preach on the morrow. The warning was short for such an audito­rie, and to speake of such a matter: yet he refused not the thing, but went to his chamber, and so to bed. He rose at thrée of the clocke in the morning, tooke his bible in his hand, and after that he had praied a good space, he shut his eies, and holding his bible be­fore him, earnestlie praied to God that it might fall open where a most fit text should be for him to intreat of. The bible (as God would haue it) fell open vpon the first chapter of Iosua, where he found so conueni­ent [Page 1146] a péece of scripture for that time, that the like he could not haue chosen in all the bible. His text was thus: Responderúntque ad Iosue, atque dixerunt, Omnia quae praecepisti nobis faciemus, & quocunque miseris ibimus: sicut obediuimus in cunctis Mosi ita obediemus & tibi, The t [...]xt of D. Sands [...]revpon [...] ▪ tantúm sit Dominus Deus tuus tecum sicut fuit cum Mose, qui contra­dixerit ori tuo, & non obedierit cunctis sermonibus quos prae­ceperis ei, moriatur: tu tantùm confortare & viriliter age. Who shall consider what was concluded by such as named themselues by the state, and withall, the auditorie, the time, and other circumstances, he shall line 10 easilie sée that this text most fitlie serued for the pur­pose. And as God gaue the text, so gaue he him such order and vtterance, as pulled manie teares out of the eies of the biggest of them.

In the time of his sermon one of the gard lift vp to him into the pulpit a masse booke and a graile, which sir George Howard with certeine of the gard had ta­ken that night in master Hurlestons house, where la­die Marie had béene a little before, & there had masse. The duke with the rest of the nobilitie required doc­tor line 20 Sands to put his sermon in writing; The duke & [...] desire D. Sands to write his sermon that it might be printed. and appoin­ted maister Leauer to go to London with it, and to put it in print. Doctor Sands required one daie and a halfe for writing of it. At the time appointed he had made it readie, and maister Leauer was readie booted to receiue it at his hands, & carie it to London. As he was deliuering of it, one of the bedels na­med maister Adams, came wéeping to him, & praied him to shift for himselfe, for the duke was retired, and queene Marie proclamed. line 30

Doctor Sands was not troubled herewithall, but gaue the sermon written to master Leifield; ma­ster Leauer departed home, and he went to dinner to one master Moores a bedell, his great friend. At the dinner, mistresse Moore séeing him merrie and pleasant (for he had euer a mans courage, and could not be terrified) dranke vnto him, saieng: Master vicechancellor, Mistresse Moore spake [...]uer than peradventure [...]he thought. I drinke vnto you, for this is the last time that euer I shall sée you. And so it was, for shée was dead before doctor Sands returned out of Ger­manie. line 40 The duke that night retired to Cambridge, and sent for doctor Sands to go with him to the mar­ket place to proclame quéene Marie. The duke cast vp his cap with others, and so laughed, that the tears ran downe his chéekes for greefe. He told doctor Sands that quéene Marie was a mercifull woman, and that he doubted not thereof: declaring, that hée had sent vnto hir to know hir pleasure, and looked for a generall pardon. Doctor Sands answered; My line 50 life is not deare vnto me, neither haue I doone or said anie thing that vrgeth my conscience. D. Sands w [...]ds to the duke touching his owne ser­mon and the dukes action. For that which I spake of the state, I haue instructions warranted by the subscription of sixteene councellors. Neither can speach be treason, neither yet haue I spoken fur­ther than the word of God, and lawes of this realme dooth warrant me, come of me what God will. But be you assured, you shall neuer escape death: for if shée would saue you, those that now shall rule will kill you. line 60

That night the gard apprehended the duke, and certeine groomes of the stable were as busie with doctor Sands, [...] intended against doctor Sands. as if they would take a prisoner. But sir Iohn Gates who laie then in doctor Sands his house, sharplie rebuked them, and draue them awaie. Doctor Sands, by the aduise of sir Iohn Gates, wal­ked into the fields. In the meane time the vniuersitie (contrarie to all order) had met togither in consulta­tion, and ordered that doctor Mouse and doctor Hat­cher should repaire to doctor Sands lodging, and set awaie the statute booke of the vniuersitie, the keies, and such other things that were in his kéeping, and so they did. For doctor Mouse being an earnest prote­stant the daie before, and one whome doctor Sands had doone much for, now was he become a papist, and his great enimie.

Certeine of the vniuersitie had appointed a con­gregation at afternoone. As the bell rang to it, doc­tor Sands commeth out of the fields, and sending for the bedels, asketh what the matter meaneth, and re­quireth them to wait vpon him to the schooles, accor­ding to their dutie. So they did. And so soone as doctor Sands, the bedels going before him, A conspiracie of papists a­gainst doctor Sands, and their behauior towards him. came into the regent house and tooke his chaire; one master Mitch with a rabble of vnlearned papists went into a by-schoole, and conspired togither to pull him out of his chaire, and to vse violence vnto him. Doctor Sands began his oration, expostulating with the vniuersi­tie, charging them with great ingratitude, declaring that he had said nothing in his sermon, but that hée was readie to iustifie, and that there case was all one with his: for they had not onelie concealed, but con­sented to that which he had spoken.

And thus while he remembred vnto them how be­neficiall he had béene to the vniuersitie, and their vn­thankfulnesse to him againe, in commeth maister Mitch with his conspirators about twentie in num­ber. One laieth hand vpon the chaire to pull it from him, another told him that that was not his place, and another called him traitor. Whereat he percei­uing how they vsed violence, D. Sands couragious heart and manhood. and being of great cou­rage, groped to his dagger, and had dispatched some of them as Gods enimies; if doctor Bill and doctor Blith had not fallen vpon him, and praied him for Gods sake to hold his hands and be quiet, and pati­entlie to beare that great offered wrong. He was persuaded by them, and after that tumult was cea­sed, he ended his oration, and hauing some monie of the vniuersities in his hands, he there deliuered the same euerie farthing. He gaue vp the books, recko­nings & keies perteining to the vniuersitie, & with­all yeelded vp his office, praieng God to giue to the vniuersitie a better officer, D. Sands re­signeth vp his office of vice-chancellorship and to giue them better and more thankfull hearts, and so repaired home to his owne college.

On the morrow after, there came vnto him one master Gerningham, and one master Thomas Mild­maie. Gerningham told him, that it was the quéens pleasure that two of the gard should attend on him, and that he must be caried prisoner to the tower of London with the duke. Maister Mildmaie said he marueled that a learned man would speake so vnad­uisedlie against so good a prince, and wilfullie run in­to such danger. Doctor Sands answered, I shall not be ashamed of bonds. But if I could doo as master Mildmaie can, I needed not feare bonds: Master Mildmaies treche­rie noted by doctor Sands to his obl [...]quie for he came downe in paiment against quéene Marie, and ar­med in the field, and now he returneth in paiment for quéene Marie: before a traitor and now a great friend. I can not with one mouth blow hot and cold after this sort.

Upon this, his stable was robbed of foure notable good g [...]ldings, the best of them master Hurlestone tooke for his owne saddle, and rode on him to Lon­don in his sight. An inuentarie was taken of all his goods by master Moore bedell for the vniuersitie. Hée was set vpon a lame horse that halted to the ground, which thing a friend of his perceiuing, praied that he might lend him a nag. The yeoman of the gard were content. As he departed out of the townes end, some papists resorted thither to géere at him, some of his friends to mourne for him. He came into the ranke to London, the people being full of outcries. The misusage of certeine drabs aga [...]nst doctor Sands as he was brought priso­ner to the tower. And as he came in at Bishops gate, one like a milkewise hurled a stone at him, and hit him on the breast with such a blow, that he was like to fall off his horsse. To whome he mildlie said: Woman, God forgiue it thée. Truth it is, that iourneieng & euill intreating [Page 1147] so mortified him, that he was more readie to die than to liue.

As he came through tower hill street, one woman standing in hir doore, cried: Fie on thée thou knaue, thou knaue, thou traitor, thou heretike. Whereat hée smiled. Looke; the desperat heretike (saith she) laugh­eth at this geare. A woman on the other side of the stréet answered, saieng: Fie on thée neighbour, thou art not worthie to be called a woman, railing vpon this gentleman whom thou knowest not, neither yet line 10 the cause whie he is thus intreated. Then shée said, Good gentleman, God be thy comfort, an [...] giue thee strength to stand in Gods cause euen to the end. And thus he passed through fire and water into the tower, the first prisoner that entered in that daie, which was saint Iames daie. The yeoman of the gard tooke from him his borowed nag, and what else soeuer hée had. His man one Quintin Swainton brought af­ter him a bible, The gard of­fer him fowle wrong. and some shirts, and such like things. The bible was sent in to him, but the shirts and such line 20 like serued the yeoman of the gard.

After he had béene in the tower thrée weekes in a bad prison, he was lift vp into Nunnes bower, a bet­ter prison, where was put to him master Iohn Brad­ford. At the daie of quéene Maries coronation, their prison doore was set open, euer shut before. One ma­ster Michell his old acquaintance, who had béene prisoner before in the same place, came in to him and said: Master Sands, there is such a stur in the tower, that neither gates, Master Mi­chels counsell to D. Sands to make an escape. doores, nor prisoners are looked to line 30 this daie. Take my cloake, my hat and my rapier, and get you gone; you maie go out of the gates with­out questioning; saue your selfe, and let me doo as I maie. A rare friendship: but he refused the offer, sai­eng: I know no iust cause why I should be in prison. And thus to doo were to make my selfe guiltie, I will expect Gods good will, yet must I thinke my selfe most bound vnto you: and so master Michell de­parted.

While doctor Sands and master Bradford were line 40 thus in close prison togither nine and twentie wéeks, one Iohn Bowler was their keeper, a verie peruerse papist, yet by often persuading of him, for he would giue eare, and by the gentle vsing of him, at length he began to mislike poperie, Bowler of a p [...]uerse pa­pist becōmeth reformed in true religion. and to fauour the gospell, and so persuaded in true religion, that on a sundaie when they had masse in the chappell, he bringeth vp a seruice booke, a manchet and a glasse of wine, and there doctor Sands ministred the communion to Bradford and to Bowler. Thus Bowler was their line 50 sonne begotten in bonds when Wiat was in armes, & the old duke of Norffolke sent foorth with a power of men to apprehend him, that roome might be made in the tower for him and other his complices. Doctor Cranmer, doctor Ridleie, and master Bradford were cast into one prison, D. Sands remoued to the Mar­shalsea. & doctor Sands with nine other preachers were sent into the Marshalsea.

The kéeper of the Marshalsea appointed to euerie preacher a man to lead him in the stréet, he caused them go farre before, and he and doctor Sands came behind, whome he would not lead, but walked famili­arlie line 60 with him. Yet doctor Sands was knowne, and the people euerie where praied to God to comfort him, & to strengthen him in the truth. By that time the peoples minds were altered, poperie began to be vnsauerie. After they passed the bridge, the kéeper Thomas Waie said to doctor Sands: I perceiue the vaine people would set you forward to the fire, you are as vaine as they, if you being a yoong man will stand in your own conceit, Thomas Waie the kée­per preten­deth to per­suade doctor Sands to poperie. & prefer your own know­ledge before the iudgement of so manie worthie pre­lats, ancient, learned, and graue men, as be in this relme. If you so doo, you shal find me as strict a kéeper as one that vtterlie misliketh your religion. Doctor Sands answered; I know my yeares yoong, and my learning small, it is inough to know Christ cruci­fied, and he hath learned nothing that séeth not the great blasphemie that is in poperie, I will yeeld vn­to God and not vnto man: I haue read in the scrip­tures of manie godlie and courteous kéepers, God may make you one; if not, I trust he will giue me strength and patience to beare your hard dealing with me. Saith Thomas Waie; Doo you then mind to stand to your religion? Yea saith doctor Sands, by Gods grace. Trulie saith the keeper, I loue you the better, I did but tempt you. What fauor I can shew you, you shall be sure of, and I shall thinke my selfe happie if I may die at the stake with you. The frendship that doctor Sands found at his keepers hands. The said kéeper shewed doctor Sands euer after all friendship: he trusted him to go into the fields alone, and there met with maister Bradford, who then was remoued into the Bench, and there found like fauor of his kéeper. He laid him in the best chamber in the house: he would not suffer the knight marshals men to laie fetters on him, as others had. And at his re­quest, he put maister Sands in to him, to be his bed­fellow, and sundrie times suffered his wife, who was maister Sands daughter of Essex, a gentlewoman, beautifull both in bodie & soule to resort to him. There was great resort vnto doctor Sands, and maister Sanders: they had much monie offered them, but they would receiue none. They had the communion there thrée or foure times, and a great sort of com­municants. Doctor Sands gaue such exhortation to the people, for at that time being yoong, he was thought verie eloquent, that he mooued manie tears and made the people abhorre the masse, and defie all poperie.

When Wiat with his armie came into South­worke, Wiats mes­sage to doctor Sands, and his answer re­uersed. he sent two gentlemen into the Marshalsea to doctor Sands: saieng, that maister Wiat would be glad of his companie and aduise, & that the gates should be set open for all the prisoners. He answe­red: Tell maister Wiat, if this his rising be of God it will take place: if not, it will fall. For my part I was committed hither by order, I will be dischar­ged by like order, or I will neuer depart hence. So answered maister Sanders, and the rest of the prea­chers being there prisoners. After that doctor Sands had béene nine wéekes prisoner in the Marshalsea, Doctor Sands set at libertie by the meanes of sir Thomas H [...]l­croft. by the mediation of sir Thomas Holcroft then knight marshall he was set at libertie. Sir Thomas sued earnestlie to the bishop of Winchester, doctor Gardiner for his deliuerance after manie repulses, except doctor Sands would be one of their sect, and then he could want nothing. He wroong out of him, that if the queene could like of his deliuerance, he would not be against it: for that was sir Thomas his last request. In the meane time he had procured two ladies of the priuie chamber to mooue the quéene in it: who was contented, if the bishop of Winche­ster could like of it. The next time that the bishop went into the priuie chamber to speake with the quéene, maister Holcroft followed, and had his war­rant for doctor Sands remission readie, and praied the two ladies, when as the bishop should take his leaue, to put the quéene in mind of doctor Sands. So they did. And the queene said: Winchester, How quéene Marie is dis­posed to set doctor Sands at large, and sealeth hir warrant for his libertie. what thinke you by doctor Sands, is he not sufficientlie punished? As it please your maiestie, saith Winche­ster. That he spake, remembring his former pro­mise to maister Holcroft, that he would not be a­gainst Sands, if the quéene should like to discharge him. Saith the quéene: Then trulie, we would that he were set at libertie. Immediatlie maister Hol­croft offered the quéene the warrant, who subscri­bed the same, and called Winchester to put to his hand, and so he did. The warrant was giuen to the [Page 1148] knight marshall againe, sir Thomas Holcroft. As the bishop went foorth of the priuie chamber doore, he called maister Holcroft to him: commanding him not to set doctor Sands at libertie, vntill he had ta­ken suerties of two gentlemen of his countrie with him, euerie one bound in fiue hundred pounds, that doctor Sands should not depart out of the realme without licence. Maister Holcroft immediatlie af­ter met with two gentlemen of the north, friends & cousins to doctor Sands, who offered to be bound in line 10 bodie, goods and lands for him.

At after dinner the same daie, maister Holcroft sent for doctor Sands to his lodging at Westmin­ster, requiring the keeper to accompanie with him. He came accordinglie, finding maister Holcroft a­lone, Communica­tion betweene [...] Thomas Holcroft and [...] Sands [...] his de­parting out of England. walking in his garden: maister Holcroft im­parted his long sute, with the whole procéeding, and what effect it had taken to doctor Sands: much re­ioising that it was his good hap to doo him good, & to procure his libertie, and that nothing remained, but line 20 that he would enter into bonds with his two suer­ties, for not departing out of the realme. Doctor Sands answered: I giue God thanks, who hath mooued your hart to mind me so well, & I thinke my selfe most bound vnto you, God shall requite, and I shall neuer be found vnthankfull. But as you haue dealt friendlie with me, I will also deale plainlie with you. I came a frée man into prison, I will not go foorth a bondman. As I cannot benefit my friends so will I not hurt them: and if I be set line 30 at libertie, I will not tarie six daies in this realme if I may get out. If therefore I may not go frée foorth, send me to the Marshalsea againe, and there you shall be sure of me.

This answer much misliked maister Holcroft, who told doctor Sands that the time would not long con­tinue, a change would shortlie come: the state was but a cloud, and would soone shake awaie; and that his cousine sir Edward Braie would gladlie receiue him and his wife into his house, where he should ne­uer line 40 need to come at church, and how the ladie Braie was a zealous gentlewoman, who hated poperie: adding that he would not so deale with him to loose all his labor. When doctor Sands could not be re­moued from his former saieng, Sir Thomas Holcroft can­not persuade doctor Sands to [...]arie in England, and therefore set­ [...]eth him at large. maister Holcroft said: Seeing you can not be altered, I will change my purpose, and yéeld vnto you, come of it what will, I will set you at libertie: and seeing you mind ouer sea, get you gone so quicklie as you can. One thing I require of you, that while you are there, you line 50 write nothing to come hither, for so ye may vndoo me. He freendlie kissed doctor Sands, bad him fare­well, and commanded the kéeper to take no fées of him: saieng; Let me answer Winchester as I may. Doctor Sands returned with the kéeper to the Mar­shalsea and taried all night. There on the morrow gaue a dinner to all the prisoners, bad his bedfel­low and sworne stakefellow, if it had so pleased God, maister Saunders farewell, with manie teares and kissings, the one falling on the others necke, and so line 60 departed, clearelie deliuered without examination or bond. From thence he went to the Bench, and there talked with maister Bradford, and maister Farrar bishop of S. Dauids, then prisoners. Then he comforted them, & they praised God for his hap­pie deliuerance. He went by Winchesters house, and there tooke boate, Search made [...] doctor Sands after [...] ▪ and came to a freends house in London called William Banks, and taried there one night. On the morrow at night he shifted to an other fréends house, and there he learned that search was made for him.

Doctor Watson and maister Christopherson, com­ming to the bishop of Winchester, told him that he had set at libertie the greatest heretike in England, and one that had of all other most corrupted the vni­uersitie of Cambridge, doctor Sands. Wherevpon the bishop of Winchester, Gardiners commande­ment to watch and ward for doctor Sands and to appre­hend him, with a reward promised to the taker of him. being chancellor of Eng­land, sent for all the conestables of London, com­manding them to watch for doctor Sands, who was then within the citie, and to apprehend him; and who so euer of them should take him and bring him to him, he should haue fiue pounds for his labor. Doc­tor Sands suspecting the matter▪ conueied himselfe by night to one maister Barties house a stranger, who was in the Marshalsea with him prisoner a while, he was a good protestant and dwelt in Marke lane. There he was six daies, and had one or two of his fréends that repaired to him. Then he repaired to an acquaintance of his, one Hurlestone a skinner, dwelling in Cornehill, he caused his man Quintin to prouide two geldings for him, minding on the morrow to ride into Essex to maister Sands his fa­ther in law, where his wife was.

At his going to bed in Hurlestons house, he had a paire of hose newlie made that were too long for him. For while he was in the tower, a tailor was admitted him to make him a paire of hose. One came vnto him whose name was Beniamin, Note Gods prouidence in giuing a way to doctor Sands for his safe esca­ping out of danger. a good protestant, dwelling in Birchin lane: he might not speake to him, or come vnto him, to take mea­sure of him, but onelie looke vpon his leg, he made the hose, and they were two inches too long. These hose he praied the good wife of the house to send to some tailor to cut his hose two inches shorter. The wife required the boy of the house to carie them to the next tailor to cut. The boy chanced (or rather God so prouided) to go to the next tailor, which was Beniamin that made them, which also was a cone­stable, and acquainted with the lord chancellors com­mandement. The boy required him to cut the hose. He said I am not thy maisters tailor. Saith the boy, Because ye are our next neighbor, and my maisters tailor dwelleth far off, I come to you, for it is far nights, and he must occupie them timelie in the mor­ning. Beniamin tooke the hose and looked vpon them, he tooke his handie woorke in hand, and said: These are not thy maisters hose, but doctor Sands, them I made in the tower. The boy yéelded, and said it was so. Saith he, Go to thy mistresse, praie hir to sit vp till twelue of the clocke, then I will bring the hose and speake with doctor Sands to his good.

At midnight the goodwife of the house, All the mis­chiefes inten­ded against doctor Sands disclosed by a constable, who telleth him how to escape. and Ben­iamin the tailor, commeth into doctor Sands cham­ber. The wife praieth him not to be afraid of their comming. He answereth: Nothing can be amisse, what God will, that shall be doone. Then Benia­min telleth him that he made his hose, and by what good chance they now came to his hands, God vsed the meane that he might foretell him of his perill, & aduise him how to escape it, telling him that all the constables of London, whereof he was one, watched for him, & some were so gréedilie set, that they praied him (if he tooke him) to let them haue the carriage of him to the bishop of Winchester, and he should haue the fiue pounds. Saith Beniamin, It is knowen that your man hath prouided two geldings, and that you mind to ride out at Alogate to morrow, and there then yée are sure to be taken. Follow mine ad­uise, and by Gods grace yée shall escape their hands. Let your man walke all the daie to morrow in the stréet where your horsses stand, booted and readie to ride. The goodmans seruant of the house shall take the horsses and carrie them to Bednoll gréene. The goodman shall be booted, and follow after as if he would ride. I will be here with you to morrow a­bout eight of the clocke; it is both terme and parle­ment time, here we will breake our fast, and when the stréet is full we will go foorth. Looke wildelie, and [Page 1149] if you meet your brother in the street, shun him not, but outface him, Doctor Sands dis­guiseth him­selfe like a gentleman, and escapeth. and know him not. Accordinglie doctor Sands did, clothed like a gentleman in all re­spects, and looked wildlie as one that had beene long kept in prison out of the light. Beniamin carried him through Birching lane, and from one lane to an­other till he came at Moore gate: there they went foorth vntill they came to Bednoll gréene, where the horsses were readie, and maister Hurleston to ride with him as his man. Doctor Sands pulled on his boots, and taking leaue of his friend Beniamin, line 10 with teares they kissed ech other, he put his hand in his purse, and would haue giuen Beniamin a great part of that little he had, but Beniamin would take none. Yet since doctor Sands hath remembred him thankfullie. He rode that night to his father in law maister Sands where his wife was, he had not béen there two houres, but it was told maister Sands that there was two of the gard which would that night apprehend doctor Sands, and so they were ap­pointed. line 20

That night doctor Sands was guided to an ho­nest farmer neere the sea, where he taried two daies and two nights in a chamber without all companie. After that he shifted to one Iames Mower a ship­master, who dwelt at Milton shore, where he expec­ted wind for the English fléet readie into Flanders. While he was there, Iames Mower brought to him fortie or fiftie mariners, God stirreth vp the harts of the mari­ners to fansie doctor Sands &c. to whome he gaue an exhor­tation; they liked him so well, that they promised to line 30 die for it, yer that he should be apprehended. The sixt of Maie, being sundaie the wind serued: he tooke his leaue of his host and hostesse, and went towards the ship. In taking leaue of his hostesse who was ba­ren, and had beene married eight yeares, he gaue hir a fine handkercher and also an old roiall of gold in it, thanking hir much, Doctor Sands his propheticall blessing to his hostesse at his departing. and said: Be of good comfort, yer that an whole yéere be past God shall giue you a child a boie. And it came to passe, for that daie twelue mo­neths lacking one daie, God gaue hir a faire sonne. line 40

At the shore doctor Sands met with maister I­saac of Kent, who had his eldest sonne there, who vp­on the liking he had to doctor Sands, sent his sonne with him, who afterward died in his fathers house in Frankford. Doctor Sands and doctor Cox were both in one ship, being one Cokrels ship. They were within the kenning when two of the gard came thi­ther to apprehend doctor Sands. They arriued at Antwerpe, being bid to dinner to maister Locke. And at dinner time one George Gilpin being secre­tarie to the English house, and kinsman to doctor line 50 Sands, came to him and rounded him in his eare, and said; King Philip hath sent to make search for you, and to apprehend you. Herevpon they rose from their dinner in a maruellous great shower, and went out at the gate toward the land of Cleue; there they found a wagon and hasted awaie, Doctor Sands and doctor Cox go by wagon into Cleueland. and came safe to Auspurge in Cleueland, where doctor Sands tar­ried foureteene daies, and then iournied towards Strasborough, where after he had liued one yeare, line 60 his wife came vnto him. He fell sore sicke of a flix which kept him nine moneths, and brought him to deaths doore. He had a child which fell sicke of the plague and died. His wife at length fell sicke of a consumption and died in his armes; no man had a more godlie woman to his wife.

After this, maister Samson went awaie to E­manuell, a man skilfull in the Hebrue. Maister Grindall went into the countrie to learne the Dutch toong. Doctor Sands still remained in Strasbo­rough, whose sustentation then was chieflie from one maister Isaac, who loued him most dearelie, and was euer more readie to giue than he to take. He gaue him in that space aboue one hundred marks, which sum the said doctor Sands paied him againe, and by his other gifts and friendlinesse shewed him­selfe to be a thankfull man. When his wife was dead, he went to Zurike, and there was in Peter Martyrs house for the space of fiue wéekes. Happie news of queen Ma­ries death: wherevpon doctor Sands returneth into England. Being there as they sate at dinner, word suddenlie came that quéene Marie was dead, and doctor Sands was sent for by his friends at Strasborough. That news made maister Martyr and master Iarret then there verie ioyfull: but doctor Sands could not reioise, it smote into his hart that he should be called to mi­serie. Maister Bullinger and the ministers feasted him, and he tooke his leaue and returned into Stras­borough, where he preached, and so maister Grin­dall and he came towards England, and then to London the same daie that queene Elizabeth was crowned.

This is the true storie of such accidents as befell doctor Sands, a reuerend father, and constant in the truth; whereof if anie part had béene false, likelie it is that one or other would haue barked against it yer now. But the report being common, and hauing béene thus long extant in print, the silence of men is a sufficient proofe & confirmation of the truth.] Here therfore we will leaue doctor Sands in his archiepis­copall sée of Yorke; and after this long (but yet néed­full) digression fall againe to the discourse of Calis; which being lost (as you haue heard) in a verie short time after so long possession, tidings thereof were carried to and fro, farre and néere, by word of mouth and by writing. In so much that the same news like­wise being made notorious and knowne to the French were not so ioyfullie receiued in France, as they were generallie grieuous and displeasant to the whole relme of England: but speciallie to quéene Marie, who being a princesse of hart and courage, more than commonlie is in womankind, With what indignation quéene Ma­rie tooke the losse of Calis. thought hir selfe so much touched in honour by the losse of hir said towne and possessions on that side the sea, as she counted hir life irkesome, vntill the same were ei­ther recouered againe, or the losse redoubled with some like victorie against the French elsewhere.

In respect whereof she ceased not to trauell after with king Philip hir husband, as with hir owne pri­uie councell, and the lords of the realme, which waie should be best to reuenge this iniurie: and speciallie now whilest the French king was occupied in wars with king Philip, to indamage some of his countries by waie of inuasion, & to surprise some of his townes vpon the sudden. And among sundrie deuises, Force inten­ded against Brest in Bri­taine. none was thought so fit to be attempted as an hauen towne in Britaine called Brest, which in the time of king Richard the second was kept and mainteined with an English garrison, vntill the said king ren­dered the same to the French king againe by compo­sition. This towne as well for the conuenient situa­tion alwaies readie to receiue fresh succors and vit­telling out of England by sea, as also for that it was knowne to the quéene and hir councell at that pre­sent, not to be furnished with anie garrison of sol­diors, sufficient to repell the power of a prince vp­on the sudden, was thought to be the best marke to be shot at for the time. Wherefore vpon this case well debated, there was immediatlie order giuen to Ed­ward lord Clinton then high admerall of England, The lord Clinton ad­merall of En­gland sent [...] against [...] with all expedition to prepare himselfe with all the quéenes ships of warre, furnished with soldiors, mu­nition & vittels, to ioine with the admerall of king Philip, who had like order from the said king to ioine with the nauie of England for the atchiuing of this enterprise.

But before I declare to you the aduenture of these two great nauies by sea, it shall not be imper­tinent to touch some accidents in the meane time by [Page 1150] land. Monsieur de Thermes [...]apteine of Calis work­ [...] vpon the [...]uan [...]age to [...] the French [...] mo [...]e ho­ [...]orable ser­ [...]ce. While king Philip being absent from the low countrie, was (as you haue heard) occupied with his wa [...]res in France, monsieur de Thermes the new capteine of Calis, being a man verie expert in the wars (whose propertie is neuer to neglect anie time of aduantage) cast in his mind, how (during king Ph [...]lips absence) to doo some singular seruice to the French king his maister. And espieng well the neg­ligence of the Flemings his neighbors, how little they vnderstood the great weakening of their coun­trie line 10 by the losse of Calis, and that there was no new prouision made for the defense thereof, more than was before, whilest Calis was English, by the losse wherof, their frontiers were now become open for the French at all times to enter. He therefore taking out of Calis so manie of his soldiors as might be spared from thense, adioining to them all the forces of the French garrisons in Arthois, Bul­longnois, and Picardie, whereof togither with the soldiors of Calis, being to the number of seuen hun­dred line 20 footmen, and thrée hundred light horssemen Sco­tish, there were assembled fouretéene ensigns of the French footmen, eightéene vanlins of Almans, foure or fiue hundred men at armes of France, be­side the light horssemen Scots, amounting in the whole to the number at the least of nine thousand footmen, and fifteene hundred horssemen, entred in­to Flanders, with full determination to spoile and waste all king Philips countrie along the sea coast, Monsieur de Thermes de­ [...]mination a [...]le king Philips [...]ntrie. and namelie a proper hauen towne called Dun­kirke, line 30 and with like purpose to haue surprised the towne of Graueling; if occasion would so serue.

This capteine following his enterprise, of a poli­cie passing by the towne of Graueling, laid siege to a little towne not farre from thence called Berghs, which he wan in a small time, and with small resi­stance, leauing the saccage of the same vnto his sol­diors, where they found manie good booties. And with­out long staieng they marched foorth to Dunkirke be­foresaid, [...]ankirke [...] taken, [...] burned by [...] French. and planting a siege in like maner there, line 40 battered the same so sharplie with the cannon, that within lesse than foure daies he became master of the towne, which he in like maner put to the sacke, where was found more plentie of spoile and good boo­ties, than in anie place before, so farre foorth as the meanest slaues and lackies came awaie rich. And af­ter setting the towne on fire (whereby all in the coun­trie about were maruellouslie put in feare) and the French spreading further abroad, wasted the most fruitfull quarter of all that part of Flanders, euen line 50 almost vnto Newport. But yet bicause that mon­sieur de Thermes fell diseased of the gowt, Monsieur de Thermes [...] of the [...]. the armie withdrew and incamped within halfe a mile of Gra­ueling, & for his more ease, he himselfe laie in Dun­kirke, and in the meane time diuerse skirmishes fell out betweene the Frenchmen, and them of the garri­son within Graueling.

Countie Eg­mond lieute­nant generall [...] king Phi­lip in the low countrie.During which pastime, the countie de Aiguemont (or as he is commonlie called Egmond) lieutenant generall for king Philip in the low countrie, with all line 60 hast possible assembled all the power as well of king Philips garrisons, as also of men of warre in the low countrie, to the number of fouretéene or fiftéene thousand footmen, and two or thrée thousand horsse­men, whereof there were fiftéene hundred swart Ruf­ters, determining so to affront the French, that ei­ther they should passe no further into the countrie, or at the least waie to impeach them from the siege of Graueling, whereof there was great appearance. Monsieur de Thermes hearing of this power assem­bled (though scarselie well recouered) made all possi­ble hast toward Graueling, where he was no sooner arriued, but that he saw his enimies readie ranged in the field. By reason whereof his studie was now nothing else but how he might bring home his armie in safetie to Calis.

The countie de Egmond espieng the Frenchmen bent to march awaie with the spoile of the countrie, cut betwéene them and home, placing his battels in such order, that the Frenchmen had no waie to passe, but vpon the s [...]nds betwéene the towne and the sea. Whereas by good chance laie a great fleet of quéene Maries ships of warre, The English ships annoie the French with gunshot, &c. within the danger of whose gunshot the Frenchmen had no shift but to passe as their iournie laie. And so being forced either to fa­mish or to fight at disaduantage, monsieur the Ther­mes without staieng anie longer, caused his vant­gard to passe ouer the riuer somewhat néere the towne, to auoid the shot of the English ships. And staieng vpon the further side for the residue of his battels, there came such thicke haileshot of artillerie out of the towne on the one side, and from the Eng­glish ships on the other side, that there was a full batterie made vpon the Frenchmen on all sides, which they neuerthelesse abode, without breaking or­der for the time, when suddenlie appéered before them two great troops of horssemen; A veliant on­set giuen vpon the French­men by coun­tie Egmond. of fiftéene hundred a péece, part swart Rutters, and part Burgognians, whereof the one in front, and the other in flanke, gaue strong charges vpon the French vantgard, who being well backed with their other ba [...]tels (wher­of the most part then had passed the riuer) stoutlie re­pelled these two first troops, though not without losse of manie their best soldiors.

So thus both parties being at a staie, and seuered somewhat asunder, the countie de Egmond himselfe with eightéene hundred men of armes, and his foot battels following, A recharge vpon the French scars [...] recouered. before the French had well reco­uered breath, recharged vpon them with all his for­ces togither, so terriblie that he choked all their bat­tell, and the number tooke them to flight, without fur­ther triall. So by that time that the footmen on ei­ther side came to the push of the pike, the victorie was soone had, by reason (as the Frenchmen report) that the Almans beaten back with artillerie, as well of the towne as of the ships before said, brake their order, and came not to the shocke, whereby the whole charge of the battell rested vpon the French bands onelie. A great victo­rie. This field was fought the thirtéenth of Iu­lie· 1558, vpon the sea sands neere to Graueling, where besides those that were slaine, Certeine French priso­ners taken, and what they were by name. being estéemed to the number of fiue thousand fighting men, there were taken prisoners the marshall de Thermes cap­teine of Calis, monsieur Senerpont gouernour of Bullongne, monsieur Uillebou gouernour of Pi­cardie, monsieur Annebault sonne to the late adme­rall Annebault, knight of the order, monsieur de Moruilliers gouernour of Abuile, monsieur de Channe gouernour of Corbie, beside a great num­ber of other gentlemen, valiant capteins & soldiors: but speciallie the bands of Calis went to wracke, so as verie few returned home to bring tidings. Which gaue such a terrour to the soldiors remaining in Ca­lis, that it is verelie beleeued, Calis might haue béene re­couered from the French. that if the admerals of England and Flanders had béene present there with their nauies, as the said other few ships of England were, and vpon this sudden had attemp­ted Calis, with the aid of the countie Egmond ha­uing his power present: the towne of Calis might haue béene recouered againe with as little difficul­tie, and happilie in as short time as it was before gai­ned by the duke of Guise. But the said admerals (as it appeared) knew nothing thereof. Wherfore follow­ing their prescribed course, & ioining togither at the place appointed, they sailed from thence with prospe­rous wind & weather, & by the nine and twentith daie of the same moneth, and in the said yeare, with sea­uen score ships of warre, appeared by the breake of [Page 1151] the daie before the hauen of Counquest, commonlie called Conquet in Britaine; whereof the poet saith, touching the seat of the same, abutting vpon the sea: ‘Nobile Conquetum salsis Thetis alluit vndis.’

At whose arriuall there (as the manner is) they sounded their trumpets, & with a thundering peale of great ordinance gaue a lowd salue vnto the Bri­tains: and by eight of the clocke the same morning, mauger all the power of the countrie, being assem­bled there in armes, with manie péeces of great ar­tillerie, line 10 to defend the entrie of their port, the Eng­lishmen manning foorth their shipboats, with manie valiant capteins and soldiors, recouered landing, and within short time became masters of the said towne of Conquet, which they put to the saccage, with a great abbeie, Conquest or Conquet ta­ken and bur­ned. and manie pretie townes and villages neere thereabouts, where our men found great store of pillage and good booties. This done, they marched into the countrie, and burned manie villages and houses: and after withdrew downe vnto the sea side, line 20 where their ships laie readie to receiue them. But the Flemmings being couetous of spoile, passing further into the land, A great slaughter of the Flem­mings occa­sioned by their owne coue­tousnesse. before they could recouer their ships againe, were incountered by the power of the countrie, by whome there were slaine of them to the number of foure or fiue hundred.

The admerals perceiuing the power of the coun­trie greatlie to increase, and hauing intelligence that the duke of Estampes the French kings lieute­nant in Britaine was verie neere, comming on line 30 with a great number of horssemen and footmen, e­stéemed to be about twentie thousand (as the French­men themselues affirme) thought not best to at­tempt anie assault against the towne of Brest, or to make longer abode there. But yet in hope to doo some further exploit elsewhere, The adme­rals remooue for feare of losse. they laie there houe­ring on the coast a while, to vnderstand the demea­nour of the Britains: but by this time there was such numbers of people raised in all those parts for defense of the same coasts, that the admerals after­ward line 40 attempting in diuers places to land their men, and finding ech where more appearance of losse than of gaine, returned home without atchiuing anie fur­ther enterprise. Anno Reg. 6. In this meane time, while king Phi­lip and the French king, with two most puissant ar­mies affronted ech other, néere vnto the water of Some, either of them was obstinatelie bent to driue the other out of the field, for which cause they intren­ched their campes.

No memora­ble act doone by either of the kings du­ring the af­fronting of their armies.During which time there was nothing doone be­tweene line 50 them woorthie memorie, more than dailie skirmishes of no great account. Neuerthelesse, the countrie of France could not but susteine extreame damage, so long susteining such a maine multitude, speciallie of men of warre, which those two mightie kings had assembled. And daie by daie came fresh companies to either partie; so as it was thought a thing impossible that such two princes being so néere, could depart without some cruell bloudie battell to determine their quarrels. But God, in whose hands line 60 are the hearts of kings (when least hope was) con­uerted their obstinate minds from warre to peace, which came chieflie to passe by the mediation of the duchesse of Lorraine, Peace is pro­cured betwéen both kings at the sute and séeking of the duchesse of Lorraine. who had béene a long and ear­nest traueller to that end; and neuer ceassed, vntill by hir intercession, both the said kings appointed speci­all commissioners to treat vpon peace. So that af­ter diuerse conferences, they at last concluded vpon all controuersies, except the matter of Calis, wherof queene Marie by hir ambassadours required restitu­tion: but the French partie would in no wise heare thereof. By reason of which difficultie, this treatie could not come to anie good conclusion. King Phi­lip thinking himselfe bound in honour to stand in that case with the quéene his wife, who for his sake had entered into a néedlesse warre against France, and thereby lost hir said towne, with all the countrie adioining (as you haue heard before) did therefore staie a long time before he concluded peace with the French king.

Quéene Marie séeing no likelihood, Q. Marie pens [...]e for the los [...]e of Calis. nor hauing anie hope of the restitution of Calis, and considering also that most of hir affaires had but hard successe, conceiued an inward sorrow of mind: by reason whereof about September next she fell sicke of a hot burning feauer, which sicknesse was common that yeare through all the realme, and consumed a mar­uellous number, as well noblemen, as bishops, iud­ges, knights, gentlemen, and rich farmers: but most of the cleargie, and other ancient and graue persons. In which while the quéene laie languishing of a long sicknesse, The death of quéen Marie▪ and so continued vntill the seuentéenth of Nouember next betwéene the houres of fiue or six in the morning, and then ended hir life in this world, at hir house of saint Iames besides Westminster, when she had reigned fiue years, foure moneths, and eleuen daies, and in the three and fortith yeare of hir bodilie age. The death of this said queene made a maruellous alteration in this realme, namelie in the case of religion, which like as by the death of king Edward the sixt it suffered a change from the e­stablishment of his time: so by the death of this quéene it returned into the former estate againe. So that we sée the vncerteintie of the world, and what changes doo come in times by their reuolutions, and that euerie thing is subiect to vnconstancie, and nothing frée from variablenesse; as the poet saith:

—nihil vsquam
Perpetuum solet in terris fixúmque manere:
Humanis quàm nulla subest constantia rebus!

And heere, bicause we are come to the knitting vp of quéene Maries reigne, I cannot ouers [...]p with si­lence that notable and néedfull discourse of master Fox concerning our blessed souereigne, quéen Eliza­beth, whose maiestie the Lord of his mercie inuiron with fréends as in number manie, so in seruice tru­stie; and whose enimies the same Lord in iustice root out from the land of the liuing, heaping vpon them plague after plague, to their vtter confusion, bicause they haue reiected the gratious means of their con­uersion. Thus therefore writeth master Fox concer­ning the mischéefous persecution and miraculous preseruation of ladie Elizabeth, now quéene of Eng­land, from extreame calamitie and danger of life, in the time of queene Marie hir sister.

But (saith master Fox) when all hath béene said and told, The blessed protection of almightie God in preser­uing the ladi [...] Elizabeth in hir manifold dangers and troubles. whatsoeuer can be recited touching the admira­ble working of Gods present hand in defending and deliuering anie one person out of thraldome, neuer was there since the memorie of our fathers, anie ex­ample to be shewed, wherin the Lords mightie power hath more admirablie and blessedlie shewed it selfe, to the glorie of his owne name, to the comfort of all good hearts, and to the publike felicitie of this whole realme, than in the miraculous custodie and outscape of this our souereigne ladie, now quéene, then ladie Elizabeth, in the strict time of queene Marie hir sister. In which storie, first we haue to consider in what extreame miserie, sicknesse, feare, and perill hir highnesse was; into what care, what trouble of mind, The trouble [...] of ladie Eli­zabeth in Q. Maries [...] and what danger of death she was brought. First with great routs and bands of armed men (and hap­pie was he that might haue the carrieng of hir) be­ing fetched vp as the greatest traitour in the world, clapped in the tower, and againe tossed from thence, from house to house, from prison to prison, from post to piller, at length also prisoner in hir owne house, and garded with a sort of cut-throats, which euer [Page 1152] gaped for the spoile, whereby they might be fingering of somewhat.

Secondlie, we haue againe to consider, all this notwithstanding, how strangelie, or rather miracu­louslie from danger she was deliuered: what fauour and grace she found with the almightie, who when all helpe of man, and hope of recouerie was past, stret­ched out his mightie protection, and preserued hir highnesse, and placed hir in this princelie seat of rest and quietnesse, wherin now she sitteth, and long maie she sit, the lord of his glorious mercie grant, we be­séech line 10 him Amen.. In which storie, if I should set foorth at large and at full, all the particulars and circumstan­stances therevnto belonging, and as iust occasion of the historie requireth, besides the importunate length of the storie discoursed, peraduenture it might mooue offense to some being yet aliue, and truth might get me hatred. Yet notwithstanding, I intend (by the grace of Christ) therein to vse such breuitie and mo­deration, as both may be to the glorie of God, the discharge of the storie, the profit of the reader, & hurt line 20 to none, suppressing the names of some, whome here although I could recite, yet I thought not to be more cruell in hurting their name, than the quéene hath béene mercifull in pardoning their liues.

Therefore now to enter into the discourse of this tragicall matter, The historie of the ladie Elizabeth. first here is to be noted, that quéene Marie when she was first queene, before she was crowned, would go no whither, but would haue hir by the hand, and send for hir to dinner and supper: but after she was crowned, she neuer dined nor supped line 30 with hir, but kept hir aloofe from hir, &c. After this it happened, immediatlie vpon the rising of sir Tho­mas Wiat (as before was mentioned, These refe­ [...]cies by the page where­ [...]uer they [...]ll in this [...]course of [...]. Elizabeth [...]ment of the impression published 1583 Sir Richard Southwell, sir Edward Hastings, and [...] Thomas Cornwallis, [...] to fetch [...] ladie Eli­zabeth, with w [...]om also [...]erward was sent the [...] William [...]ward, &c. pag. 1418, 1419) that the ladie Elizabeth and the lord Court­neie were charged with false suspicion of sir Thomas Wiats rising. Wherevpon quéene Marie, whether for that surmise, or for what other cause I know not, being offended with the said Elizabeth hir sister, at that time lieng in hir house at Ashridge, the next daie after the rising of Wiat, sent to hir thrée of hir line 40 councellors, to wit, sir Richard Southwell, sir Ed­ward Hastings, then master of the horsse, and sir Thomas Cornwallis, with their retinue and troope of horsemen, to the number of two hundred & fiftie. Who at their sudden and vnprouided comming, found hir at the same time sore sicke in hir bed, and verie féeble and weake of bodie. Whither when they came, ascending vp to hir graces priuie chamber, they willed one of hir ladies, whome they met, to de­clare vnto hir grace, that there were certeine come line 50 from the court, which had a message from the quéene.

Hir grace hauing knowledge thereof, was right glad of their comming: howbeit, being then verie sicke, and the night farre spent (which was at ten of the clocke) she requested them by the messenger, that they would resort thither in the morning. To this they answered, and by the said messenger sent word againe, that they must néeds sée hir, and would so doo, in what case soeuer she were. The [...] of the knights. Whereat the ladie being line 60 against, went to shew hir grace their words: but they hastilie following hir, came rushing as soone as she into hir graces chamber vnbidden. At whose so sudden comming into hir bed chamber, hir grace be­ing not a little amazed, said vnto them: Is the hast such, that it might not haue pleased you to come tomorrow in the morning? They made answer, that they were right sorie to see hir in that case. And I (quoth she) am not glad to see you here at this time of the night. Wherevnto they answered, that they came from the quéene to doo their message and dutie: which was to this effect, that the quéens pleasure was, that she should be at London the seauenth daie of that present moneth. Wherevnto she said; Certesse, no creature more glad than I to come to hir maie­stie, being right sorie that I am not in case at this time to wait on hir, as you your selues do sée and can well testifie.

In deed we sée it true (quoth they) that you doo saie: I strait com­mission from the quéene to bring the ladie Elizabeth either quicke or dead. for which we are verie sorie: albeit we let you to vn­derstand, that our commission is such, and so strai­neth vs, that we must néeds bring you with vs, either quicke or dead. Whereat she being amazed, sorrow­fullie said, that their commission was verie sore: but yet notwithstanding she hoped it to be otherwise, and not so strict. Yes verelie, said they. Wherevpon they called for two physicians, doctor Owen and doctor Wendie, demanding of them, whether she might be remooued from thence with life, or no. Whose answer and iudgement was, that there was no impediment (in their iudgement) to the contrarie, but that she might trauell without danger of life. The gentle­nesse of quéene Marie to send hir horslitter to bring hir sister to trou­ble. In conclusi­on, they willed hir to prepare against the morning at nine of the clocke to go with them, declaring that they had brought with them the queenes litter for hir. After much talke, the messengers declaring how there was no prolonging of times and daies, so departed to their chamber, being interteined and cheared as apperteined to their worships.

On the next morrow at the time prescribed, they had hir foorth as she was, verie faint and féeble, Ladie Eliza­beth taketh hir iourn [...]ie toward the quéene. and in such case that she was readie to sound three or foure times betwéene them. What should I speake héere that cannot well be expressed, what an heauie house there was to behold the vnreuerend and dolefull dea­ling of these men, but especiallie the carefull feare and captiuitie of their innocent ladie and mistresse? Now to procéed in hir iornie from Ashridge all sicke in the litter, she came to Redborne, where she was garded all night: from thence to S. Albons, to sir Rafe Rowlets house, where she tarried that night, doth feeble in bodie, and comfortlesse in mind. From that place they passed to master Dods house at Mims, where also they remained that night: and so from thence she came to Highgate: where she be­ing verie sicke, taried that night and the next daie. During which time of hir abode there, came manie purseuants and messengers from the court: but for what purpose I cannot tell.

From that place she was conueied to the court: where (by the waie) came to méet hir manie gentle­men, to accompanie hir highnesse, which were verie sorie to sée hir in that case. But especiallie a great multitude of people there were standing by the way, Ladie Eliza­beth brought vp to Londō. who then flocking about hir litter, lamented and be­wailed greatlie hir estate. Now, when she came to the court, hir grace was there straightwaies shut vp, and kept as close prisoner a fortnight, which was till Palmesundaie, séeing neither king nor quéene, nor lord, nor friend, all that time, but onelie then the lord chamberlaine, sir Iohn Gage, and the vicecham­berlaine which were attendant vnto the dores. About which time sir William Sentlow was called before the councell; vnto whose charge it was laid, Sir William Sentlow committed to the tower. that he knew of Wiats rebellion. Which he stoutlie denied, protesting that he was a true man, both to God and his prince, defieng all traitors and rebels: but being strictlie examined, he was in conclusion committed to the tower.

The fridaie before Palmesundaie, Ladie Eliza­beth charged with sir Tho­mas Wiats conspiracie. the bishop of Winchester, with nineteene others of the councell (who shall be here namelesse) came vnto hir grace from the quéenes maiestie, and burdened hir with Wiats conspiracie: which she vtterlie denied, Ladie Eliza­beth charged with the busi­nesse of Peter Carew. affir­ming that she was altogither giltlesse therein. They being not contented with this, charged hir grace with businesse made by sir Peter Carew, and the rest of the gentlemen of the west countrie: which also [Page 1153] she vtterlie denieng, cleared hir innocencie therein. In conclusion, after long debating of matters, they declared vnto hir, Ladie Eliza­beth threatned to go to the tower. that it was the quéenes will and pleasure that she should go vnto the tower, while the matter were further tried and examined. Whereat she being agast, said, that she trusted the quéenes ma­iestie would be more gratious ladie vnto hir, and that hir highnesse would not otherwise conceiue of hir, but that she was a true woman: declaring fur­thermore to the lords, Ladie Eliza­beth purgeth hir selfe to the lords. that she was innocent in all line 10 those matters wherin they had burdened hir; and de­sired them therefore to be a further meane to the quéene hir sister, that she being a true woman in thought, word, and déed towards hir maiestie, might not be committed to so notorious & dolefull a place: protesting that she would request no mercie at hir hand, if she should be prooued to haue consented vnto anie such kind of matter, as they had laid vnto hir charge: and therefore in fine desired their lordships to thinke of hir what she was, and that she might not line 20 so extremelie be dealt withall for hir truth.

Whervnto the lords answered againe, that there was no remedie, for that the quéenes maiestie was fullie determined that she should go vnto the tower. Wherewith the lords departed, with their caps hang­ing ouer their eies. But not long after, within the space of an houre or little more, came foure of the foresaid lords of the councell, which were the lord treasuror, the bishop of Winchester, the lord steward, the earle of Sussex, with the gard, who warding the line 30 next chamber to hir, Ladie Eliza­beths seruāts remoued from hir. The quéenes men, and wai­ting women attendant vpō ladie Eliza­beth. secluded all hir gentlemen and yeomen, ladies and gentlewomen, sauing that for one gentleman vsher, thrée gentlewomen, and two groomes of hir chamber, were appointed in their roomes thrée other men of the quéenes, and three wai­ting women to giue attendance vpon hir, that none should haue accesse to hir grace. At which time there were an hundred of northerne souldiers in white cotes, watching and warding about the gardens all that night, a great fire being made in the midst of the hall, and two certeine lords watching there also with line 40 their band and companie.

Upon saturdaie following, two lords of the coun­cell (the one was the earle of Sussex, the other shall be namelesse) came and certified hir grace, that forth­with she must go vnto the tower, the barge being prepared for hir, and the tide now readie, which tarieth for no bodie. In heauie mood hir grace requested the lords that she might tarie another tide, trusting that the next would be better and more comfortable. But line 50 one of the lords replied, that nether tide nor time was to be delaied. And when hir grace requested him that she might be suffered to write to the quéenes maie­stie, The hard dea­ling of a cer­teine lord with the ladie Elizabeth. The earle of Sussex gentle to the ladie Elizabeth. Ladie Eliza­beth writeth to the quéene but it would not seru [...]. he answered, that he durst not permit that: ad­ding that in his iudgement it would rather hurt, than profit hir grace in so dooing. But the other lord, more courteous and fauorable (who was the earle of Sussex) knéeling downe, said she should haue liber­tie to write; and as he was a true man, he would de­liuer it to the quéenes highnesse, & bring an answer of the same, what soeuer came thereof. Wherevpon line 60 she wrote, albeit she could in no case be suffered to speake with the queene to hir great discomfort, being no offendor against the queenes maiestie.

And thus the tide and time passed awaie for that season, they priuilie appointing all things readie that she should go the next tide which fell about midnight: but for feare she should be taken by the waie, they durst not. So they staied till the next daie, being Palmesundaie, when about nine of the clocke these two returned againe, declaring that it was time for hir grace to depart; she answering: If there be no re­medie, I must be content, willing the lords to go be­fore. Being come foorth into the garden, she did cast vp hir eies toward the window, thinking to haue séene the queene, which she could not. Whereat she said she maruelled much what the nobilitie of the realme meant, which in that sort would suffer hir to be led into captiuitie, the Lord knew whither, for she did not. In the meane time commandement was giuen in all London, that euerie one should keepe the church and carie their palmes, while in the meane sea­son she might be conueied without all recourse of people into the tower.

After all this, she tooke hir barge with the two fore­said lords, thrée of the quéenes gentlewomen, Ladie Eliza­beth sent to the tower. and thrée of hir owne, hir gentleman vsher, and two of hir groomes, lieng & houering vpon the water a cer­teine space, for that they could not shoot the bridge, the bargemen being verie vnwilling to shoot the same so soone as they bad, bicause of the danger ther­of: for the sterne of the boat stroke vpon the ground, the fall was so big, and the water was so shallow, that the boat being vnder the bridge, there staied a­gaine a while. At landing, she first staied, and denied to land at those staires where all traitors and offen­dors customablie vsed to land, neither well could she vnlesse she should go ouer hir shoo. The lords were gone out of the boat before, and asked why she came not. One of the lords went backe againe to hir, and brought word she would not come. Then said one of the lords which shall be namelesse, that she should not choose: and bicause it did then raine, he offered to hir his cloke, which she (putting it backe with hir hand with a good dash) refused. So she comming out, ha­uing one foot vpon the staire, said; The words of ladie Eliza­beth entring the tower. Here landeth as true a subiect being prisoner, as euer landed at these staires: and before thée O God I speake it, hauing none other fréends but thee alone.

To whome the same lord answered againe, that if it were so, it was the better for hir. At hir landing there was a great multitude of their seruants and warders standing in their order; What néeded all this said she? It is the vse (said some) so to be when a­nie prisoner came thither. And if it be (quoth she) for my cause, I beséech you that they may be dismissed. Wherat the poore men kneeled downe, and with one voice desired God to preserue hir grace, who the next daie were released of their cold coats. After this pas­sing a little further, she sat downe vpon a cold stone, and there rested hir selfe. To whom the lieute­nant then being, said; Madame, you were best to come out of the raine, for you sit vnwholesomelie. She then replieng, answered againe: Better sitting here thanin a worse place, for God knoweth, I know not whither you will bring me. With that hir gen­tleman vsher wept: she demanding of him what he meant so vncomfortablie to vse hir, seeing she tooke him to be hir comforter, and not to dismaie hir, espe­ciallie for that she knew hir truth to be such, that no man should haue cause to wéepe for hir. But forth she went into the prison.

The dores were locked and bolted vpon hir: which did not a little discomfort and dismaie hir grace. The christian praier of ladi [...] Elizabeth. At what time she called to hir gentlewoman for hir bóoke, desiring God not to suffer hir to build hir foun­dation vpon the sands but vpon the rocke, whereby all the blasts of blustering weather should haue no power against hir. The doores being thus locked, and she close shut vp, the lords had great conference how to kéepe ward and watch, euerie man declaring his opinion in that behalfe, agreeing strictlie and cir­cumspectlie to kéepe hir. Then one of them, The lord of Sussex spea­keth for ladie Elizabeth. which was the lord of Sussex swearing, said: My lords, let vs take héed, and doo no more than our commission will beare vs, what soeuer shall happen hereafter. And further, let vs consider that she was the king our maisters daughter, and therefore let vs vse such [Page 1154] dealing, that we may answer vnto it hereafter, if it shall so happen, for iust dealing (quoth he) is alwaies answerable. Wherevnto the other lords agréed that it was well said of him, and therevpon departed. Be­ing in the tower, within two daies, commandement was that she should haue masse within hir house. One maister Yoong was then hir chapleine: and bi­cause there was none of hir men so well learned to helpe the priest to saie masse, the masse staied for that daie. line 10

The next daie two of hir yeomen, who had gone long to schoole before, and were learned, had two abcies prouided and deliuered them, so that vpon the abcies they should helpe the priest. One of the said yeomen, holding the abcie in his hand, pretending ignorance at Kyrie eleison, set the priest, making as though he could answer that no further. It would make a pitifull and a strange storie, here by the waie to touch and recite what examinations and rackings of poore men there were, to find out that knife which line 20 should cut hir throte: what gaping among my lords of the cleargie, to see the daie wherein they might wash their goodlie white rochets in hir innocent bloud, but especiallie the bishop of Winchester Ste­phan Gardiner, then lord chancellor, ruler of the rost, who then within fiue daies after came vnto hir, with diuerse others of the councell, and examined hir of the talke that was at Ashridge, The bishop of Winchester [...] to ladie Elisabeth. betwixt hir and sir Iames Acroft, touching hir remouing from thence to Dunnington castle, requiring hir to declare what line 30 she meant thereby.

At the first, she being so suddenlie asked, did not well remember anie such house: but within a while, well aduising hir selfe, she said; In déed (quoth she) I doo now remember that I haue such a place, Ladie Elisa­beth examined [...] the bishop [...] Winchester. but I ne­uer laie in it in all my life. And as for anie that hath mooued me therevnto, I doo not remember. Then to inforce the matter, they brought foorth sir Iames A­croft. The bishop of Winchester demanded of hir what she said to that man? She answered, that she had line 40 little to saie to him, or to the rest that were then pri­soners in the tower. But my lords (quoth she) you doo examine euerie meane prisoner of me, wherein me thinks you doo me great iniurie. If they haue doone euill and offended the quéenes maiestie, let them an­swer to it accordinglie. I beséech you my lords, ioine not me in this sort with anie of these offendors. And as concerning my going vnto Dunnington castle, I doo remember that maister Hobbie and mine offi­cers and you sir Iames Acroft, had such talke: but line 50 what is that to the purpose, my lords, but that I may go to mine owne houses at all times?

The lord of Arundell knéeling downe, said: Your grace saith true, The friendlie [...] of the [...] of Arun­ [...]ll to the ladie Elisabeth. & certeinlie we are verie sorie that we haue so troubled you about so vaine matters. She then said: My lords, you doo sift me verie narrowlie, but well I am assured, you shall not doo more to me than God hath appointed, and so God forgiue you all. At their departure, sir Iames Acroft knéeled down, declaring that he was sorie to see the daie in which he should be brought as a witnesse against hir grace. line 60 But I assure your grace (said he) I haue beene mar­uellouslie tossed and examined touching your high­nesse, Sir Iames Acroft exami­ [...] touching [...] ladie Elisabeth. which the lord knoweth is verie strange to me. For I take God to record before all your honors, I doo not know anie thing of that crime that you haue laid to my charge, and will thervpon take my death, if I should be driuen to so strict a triall.

That daie, or thereabouts, diuerse of hir owne of­ficers, who had made prouision for hir diet, brought the same to the vtter gate of the tower, These were [...] officers [...] the tower, [...] such as [...] in white [...]. the common rascall souldiers receiuing it: which was no small greefe vnto the gentlemen the bringers thereof. Wherfore they required to speake with the lord cham­berleine, being then conestable of the tower. Who comming before his presence, declared vnto his lordship, that they were much afraid to bring hir graces diet, and to deliuer it to such common and de­sperat persons as they were which did receiue it: be­seeching his honor to consider hir grace, and to giue such order, that hir viands might at all times bee brought in by them which were appointed therevnto. Yea sirs (said he) who appointed you this office? Ladie Elisa­beths seruāts restreined for bringing hir diet to the tower. They answered, Hir graces councell. Councell (quoth he?) There is none of them which hath to doo, either in that case, or anie thing else within this place: and I as­sure you, for that she is a prisoner, she shall be serued with the lieutenants men, as other the prisoners are. Whereat the gentlemen said, that they trusted for more fauor at his hands, considering hir personage, saieng; that they mistrusted not, but that the queene and hir councell would be better to hir grace than so, and therewith shewed themselues to be offended at the vngratefull words of the lord chamberleine to­wards their ladie and mistresse. Displeasure betwéene the lord chamber­leine and ladie Elisabeths men.

At this he sware by God, striking himselfe vpon the breast, that if they did either frowne or shrug at him, he would set them where they should neither see sunne nor moone. Thus taking their leaue, they desi­red God to bring him in a better mind towards hir grace, and so departed from him. Upon the occasion whereof, hir graces officers made great sute vnto the quéenes councell, that some might be appointed to bring hir diet to hir, & that it might no more be deli­uered in to the common soldiers of the tower. Which being reasonablie considered, was by them granted. Wherevpon were appointed one of hir gentlemen, hir clearke of hir kitchin, and hir two purueiors to bring in hir prouision once a day; all which was done the warders euer waiting vpon the bringers there­of. The lord chamberleine himselfe being alwaies with them, circumspectlie and narrowlie watched, and searched what they brought: and gaue héed that they should haue no talke with anie of hir graces waiting seruants, and so warded them both in and out. At the said sute of hir officers were sent by the commandement of the councell, to wait vpon hir grace, two yeomen of hir chamber, one of hir robes, two of hir pantrie and ewrie, one of hir buttrie, Ladie Elisa­beths wai­tingmen in the tower. ano­ther of hir cellar, two of hir kitchin, and one of hir larder, all which continued with hir the time of hir trouble.

Here the conestable, being at the first not verie well pleased with the comming in of such a compa­nie against his will, would haue had his men still to haue serued with hir graces men. Which hir seruants at no hand would suffer, Uariance betweene the lord chamber­leine & ladie Elisabeths seruants. desiring his lordship to be contented: for that order was taken, that no stran­ger should come within their offices. At which an­swer being sore displeased, he brake out into these threatning words: Well (said he) I will handle you well inough. Then went he into the kitchin, and there would néeds haue his meat rosted with hir gra­ces meat, & said that his cooke should come thither and dresse it. To that hir graces cooke answered; My lord, I will neuer suffer anie stranger to come about hir diet, but hir owne sworne men, so long as I liue. He said they shuld. But the cooke said, his lordship should pardon him for that matter. Thus did he trouble hir poore seruants verie stoutlie: though afterwards he were otherwise aduised, and they more courteouslie vsed at his hands. And good cause why, for he had good cheare, and fared of the best; and hir grace paied well for it. Wherefore he vsed himselfe afterwards more reuerentlie toward hir grace.

After this sort, hauing lien a whole moneth there in close prison, and being verie euill at ease therwith­all, she sent for the lord chamberleine, and the lord [Page 1155] Shandois, to come and speake with hir. Who com­ming, she requested them that she might haue liber­tie to walke in some place, for that she felt hirselfe not well. Ladie Elisa­beth denied the libertie of the tower. To the which they answered, that they were right sorie that they could not satisfie hir graces re­quest, for that they had commandement to the con­trarie, which they durst not in anie wise breake. Fur­thermore, she desired of them, if that could not bee granted, that she might walke but into the queenes lodging. No nor yet that (they answered) could by line 10 anie meanes be obteined without a further sute to the quéene and hir councell. Well (said she) my lords, if the matter be so hard that they must be sued vnto for so small a thing, and that friendship be so strict, God comfort me: and so they departed, she remai­ning in hir old dungeon still, without anie kind of comfort but onelie God.

The next daie after, the lord Shandois came againe vnto hir grace, declaring vnto hir that he had sued vnto the councell for further libertie. Some of them line 20 consented therevnto, diuerse other dissented, for that there were so manie prisoners in the tower. But in conclusion they did all agrée, that hir grace might walke into those lodgings, so that he & the lord cham­berleine, and three of the quéenes gentlewomen did accompanie hir, the windowes being shut, and shée not suffered to looke out at anie of them: wherewith she contented hirselfe, and gaue him thanks for his good will in that behalfe. Afterwards there was li­bertie granted to hir grace to walke in a little gar­den, Libertie granted to ladie Elisabeth to walke in a little garden. the doores and gates being shut vp, which not­withstanding line 30 was as much discomfort vnto hir, as the walke in the garden was pleasant and accepta­ble. At which times of hir walking there, the priso­ners on that side strictlie were commanded not to speake or looke out at the windows into the garden, till hir grace were gone out againe, hauing in consi­deration thereof, their keepers waiting vpon them for that time. Thus hir grace with this small libertie contented hir selfe in God, to whome be praise there­fore. line 40

During this time, there vsed a little boie, a mans child in the tower to resort vnto their chambers, and manie times to bring hir grace flowers, which like­wise hee did to the other prisoners that were there. Wherevpon naughtie and suspicious heads thinking to make and wring out some matter thereof, Suspicious heads. called on a time the child vnto them, promising him figs and apples, and asked of him when he had béene with the earle of Deuonshire, not ignorant of the childs woon­ted line 50 frequenting vnto him? The boy answered that he would go by and by thither. Further they deman­ded of him, A yoong child examined for bringing flowers to the ladie Elisabeth. when he was with the ladie Elisabeths grace? He answered: Euerie daie. Furthermore they examined him, what the lord of Deuonshire sent by him to hir grace? The child said: I will go know what he will giue to carie to hir. Such was the dis­cretion of the child, being yet but foure years of age. This same is a craftie boy, quoth the lord chamber­leine, how saie you my lord Shandois? I praie you my lord (quoth the boy) giue me the figs you promised line 60 me. No marie (quoth he) thou shalt be whipped if thou come anie more to the ladie Elisabeth, or the lord Courtneie. The boy answered: I will bring my la­die and mistresse more flowers. Whervpon the childs father was commanded to permit the boy no more to come vp into their chambers.

The next daie, as hir grace was walking in the garden, the child péeping in at a hole in the doore, cried vnto hir, saieng: Mistresse, I can bring you no more flowers. Whereat she smiled, but said nothing, vn­derstanding thereby what they had doone. Wherefore afterwards the chamberleine rebuked highlie his father, commanding him to put him out of the house. Alas poore infant, quoth the father. It is a craftie knaue (quoth the lord chamberleine) let me sée him here no more. The conesta­ble of y e tower discharged of his office. Sir Henrie Benefield with his com­panie, placed about the lady Elisabeth. Ladie Eli­sabeth in great feare and doubt of life. The fift of Maie the conestable was discharged of his office of the tower, & one sir Hen­rie Benefield placed in his roome, a man vnknowne to hir grace, and therefore the more feared: which so sudden mutation was vnto hir no little amaze. Hee brought with him an hundred soldiors in blew cotes, wherewith she was maruellouslie discomforted, and demanded of such as were about hir, whether the la­die Ianes scaffold were taken awaie or no, fearing by reason of their comming, least she should haue plaied hir part. To whome answer was made, that the scaffold was taken awaie, and that hir grace née­ded not to doubt of anie such tyrannie: for God would not suffer anie such treason against hir per­son. Wherewith being contented, but not altogither satisfied, she asked what sir Henrie Benefield was, and whether he was of that conscience or no, that if hir murthering were secretlie committed to his charge, he would sée the execution thereof? Ladie Elisa­beth in doubt of sir Henrie Benefield. She was answered, that they were ignorant what maner of man he was. Howbeit they persuaded hir that God would not suffer such wickednesse to procéed? Well, quoth she, God grant it be so. For thou O god canst mollifie all such tyrannous hearts, and disappoint all such cruell purposes: and I beséech thée to heare me thy creature, which am thy seruant, and at thy commandement, trusting by thy grace euer so to remaine.

About which time it was spread abroad, that hir grace should be caried from thense by this new iollie capteine and his souldiors: but whither, it could not be learned. Which was vnto hir a great griefe, espe­ciallie for that such a companie was appointed to hir gard, requesting rather to continue there still, than to be led thense with such a sort of rascals. At last plaine answer was made by the lord Shandois, that there was no remedie, but from thense she must néeds depart to the manour of Woodstocke, as he thought. Being demanded of hir for what cause? For that (quoth he) the tower is like further to be fur­nished. She being desirous to know what he meant thereby, demanded wherewith? He answered, with such matter as the quéene and councell were deter­mined in that behalfe, wherof he had no knowledge: and so departed. In conclusion, on Trinitie sundaie being the ninetéenth daie of Maie, she was remoo­ued from the tower, the lord treasuror being then there for the lading of hir carts, and discharging the place of the same. Where sir Henrie Benefield (be­ing appointed hir gailor) did receiue hir with a com­panie of rakehels to gard hir, beside the lord of Dar­bies band, waiting in the countrie about for the mooneshine in the water. Unto whome at length came my lord of Tame, ioined in commission with the said sir Henrie, for the safe guiding of hir to pri­son: and they togither conueied hir grace to Wood­stocke, as hereafter followeth. Ladie Eliza­beth remoued from the tower to Woodstocke. Ladie Eliza­beth seclu [...]ed from hir ser­uants. Ladie Eliza­beth in des­paire of hir selfe. The first daie they conducted hir to Richmond, where she continued all night, being restreined of hir owne men, which were lodged in outchambers, and sir Henrie Benefields souldiors appointed in their roomes to giue atten­dance on hir person. Whereat she being maruel­louslie dismaied, thinking verelie some secret mis­chiefe to be a woorking towards hir, called hir gentle­man vsher, and desired him, with the rest of his com­panie, to praie for hir. For this night (quoth she) I thinke to die. Wherewith he being stricken to the heart, said: God forbid that anie such wickednesse should be pretended against your grace. So com­forting hir as well as he could, at last he burst out into teares, & went from hir downe into the court, where were walking the lord of Tame and sir Hen­rie [Page 1156] Benefield.

Then he comming to the lord of Tame (who had proffered to him much friendship) desired to speake with him a word or two. Unto whome he familiarlie said, he should with all his heart. Which when sir Henrie standing by heard, he asked what the mat­ter was? To whome the gentleman vsher answe­red: No great matter sir (said he) but to speake with my lord a word or two. Then when the lord of Tame came to him, The ladie E­lizabeths [...]her talketh with the lord of Tame. he spake on this wise: My lord (quoth line 10 he) you haue béene alwaies my good lord, and so I beséech you to remaine. The cause why I come to you at this time, is to desire your honor, vnfeined­lie to declare vnto me whether anie danger is meant towards my mistresse this night, or no, that I and my poore fellows may take such part as shall please God to appoint: for certeinlie we will rather die, than she should secretlie and innocentlie miscarie. Marie (said the lord of Tame) God forbid that anie such wicked purpose should be wrought: and rather line 20 than it should be so, The gentle heart of the lord of Tame to ladie Eli­zabeth. I with my men are readie to die at hir foot also: and (so praised be God) they passed that dolfull night, with no little heauinesse of heart. Afterwards passing ouer the water at Richmond, going towards Windsore, hir grace espied certeine of hir poore seruants standing on the other side, which were verie desirous to sée hir. Whome when she be­held, turning to one of hir men standing by, she said; Yonder I sée certeine of my men, go to them and say th [...]se words from me: Tanquam ouis.

Tanquam ouis. i. Like a shéepe to the slaugh­ter.So she passing forward to Windsore, was lodged line 30 there that night in the deane of Windsors house, a place more méet in déed for a priest than for a prin­cesse. And from thense hir grace was garded and brought the next night to maister Dormers house, where much people standing by the way, Ladie Eliza­beth honoura­blie receiued and beloued of the people. some pre­sented to hir one gift, and some another: so that sir Henrie was greatlie mooued therewith, and trou­bled the poore people verie sore, for shewing their lo­uing hearts in such a maner, calling them rebels and traitors, with such like vile words. Besides, as line 40 she passed thorough the villages, the townesmen rang the bels, as being ioyfull of hir comming, thin­king verelie it had beene otherwise than it was in­deed, as the sequele prooued after to the said poore men. For immediatlie the said sir Henrie hearing the same, sent his souldiors thither, who apprehended some of the ringers, setting them in the stocks, and otherwise vncourteouslie misusing other some for their good wils. line 50

The gentle interteinment of ladie Eliza­beth at the lord of Tames house.On the morrow hir grace passing from maister Dormers (where was for the time of hir abode there a strict watch kept) came to the lord of Tames house where she laie all night, being verie princelie inter­teined, both of knights and ladies, gentlemen and gentlewomen. Wherat sir Henrie Benefield grun­ted, M. Benefield grudgeth at the gentle in­terteinment of ladie Eliza­beth. The rude and vngentle, [...]nlie beha­uiour of sir Henrie Be­nefield. and was highlie offended, saieng vnto them, that they could not tell what they did, and were not able to answer to their dooings in that behalfe; let­ting them to vnderstand that she was the quéens line 60 maiesties prisoner, and no otherwise: aduising them therfore to take heed & beware of afterclaps. Where­vnto the lord of Tame answered in this wise: that he was well aduised of his dooings, being ioined in commission as well as he, adding with warrant, that hir grace might and should in his house be mer­rie. The next daie as she should take hir iournie from Richmond towards Woodstocke, Ladie Eliza­beth commeth to Woodstocke. the lord of Tame, with an other gentleman being at tables, plaieng, and dropping vie crownes, the ladie Eliza­beth passing by, The strict watch kept at Woodstocke. staied & said she would sée the game plaied out, which sir Henrie Benefield would scarse permit. The game running long about, and they plaieng drop vie crownes; Come on saith he: I will tarie saith she, and will sée this game out.

After this, sir Henrie went vp into a chamber, where was appointed for hir grace a chaire, two cu­shions, and a foot carpet verie faire and princelike, wherein presumptuouslie he sat, and called one Bar­wike his man to pull off his boots. Which as soone as it was knowen among the ladies and gentles, euerie one mused thereat, & laughed him to scorne, obseruing his vndiscréet maners in that behalfe, as they might verie well. When supper was doone, he called my lord, and willed him that all the gentle­men and ladies should withdraw themselues euerie one to his lodging, maruelling much that he would permit there such a companie, considering so great a charge committed to him. Sir Henrie (quoth my lord) content your selfe, all shall be voided, your men and all. Nay my soldiors (quoth sir Henrie) shall watch all night. The lord of Tame answered, It shall not need. Well said he, Néed or néed not, they shall so doo: mistrusting belike the companie, which God knoweth was without cause.

The next daie hir grace tooke hir iournie from thense to Woodstocke, where she was inclosed, Ladie Eliza­beth garded and warded for starting a­waie. as before in the tower of London, the souldiors gar­ding and warding both within & without the wals, euerie daie to the number of thrée score, and in the night without the wals fortie, during the time of hir imprisonment there. At length she had gardens ap­pointed for hir walke, which was verie comfortable to hir grace. But alwaies when she did recreat hir selfe therein, the doores were fast locked vp, in as strict maner as they were in the tower, being at the least fiue or six locks betwéene hir lodging and hir walks: sir Henrie himselfe kéeping the keies, and trusting no man therewith. Wherevpon she called him hir gailor: and he knéeling downe, desi­red hir grace not to call him so, for he was appoin­ted there to be one of hir officers. From such offi­cers (quoth she) good Lord deliuer me. And now by the way as digressing, or rather refreshing the rea­der, if it be lawfull in so serious a storie to recite a matter incident, & yet not impertinent to the same: occasion heere mooueth, or rather inforceth me to touch briefelie what happened in the same place and time by a certeine merie conceited man, A merie storie concerning the strict kée­ping of the la­die Elizabeth. being then about hir grace: who noting the strict & strange kée­ping of his ladie & mistres by the said sir Henrie Be­nefield, with so manie locks & dores, with such watch and ward about hir, as was strange and woonder­full, spied a goat in the ward where hir grace was. And whether to refresh hir oppressed mind, or to noti­fie hir strict handling by sir Henrie, either else both; he tooke it vp on his necke, and followed hir grace therewith as she was going into hir lodging. Which when she saw, she asked him what he would doo with it, willing to let it alone. Unto whome the said par­tie answered: No by saint Marie (if it like your grace) will I not: for I can not tell whether he be one of the quéens friends or no. I will carie him to sir Henrie Benefield (God willing) to know what he is. So leauing hir grace, he went with the goat on his necke, and caried it to sir Henrie Benefield. Who when he saw him comming with it, asked him halfe angerlie what he had there. Unto whome the partie answered, saieng: Sir (quoth he) I can not tell what he is, I pray you examine him, The strictnes of sir Henrie Benefield merilie noted. for I found him in the place where my ladies grace was wal­king, and what talke they had I can not tell. For I vnderstand him not, but he should séeme to me to be some stranger, & I thinke verelie a Welshman, for he hath a white fréese coat on his backe. And forso­much as I being the quéens subiect, and perceiuing the strict charge committed to you of hir kéeping, that no stranger should haue accesse to hir without [Page 1157] sufficient licence, I haue here found a stranger (what he is I can not tell) in place where hir grace was walking: and therefore for the necessarie discharge of my dutie, I thought it good to bring the said stran­ger to you, to examine as you sée cause: and so he set him downe. At which his words sir Henrie séemed much displeased, and said: Well, well, you will ne­uer leaue this geare I sée: and so they departed.

Now to returne to the matter from whence we haue digressed. After hir grace had bene there a time line 10 she made sute to the councell that she might be suffe­red to write to the queene, which at last was permit­ted. So that sir Henrie Benefield brought hir pen, inke, and paper; and standing by hir while she wrote (which he strictlie obserued) alwaies she being wea­rie, he would carie awaie hir letters, and bring them againe when she called for them. In the finishing therof, he would haue béene messenger to the quéene of the same. Whose request hir grace denied, saieng one of hir owne men should carie them, and that she line 20 would neither trust him nor none of his therein. Then he answering againe said; None of them durst be so bold (he trowed) to carie hir letters, being in that case. Yes (quoth she) I am assured I haue none so dishonest that would denie my request in that be­halfe, but will be as willing to serue me now as be­fore. Well (said he) my commission is to the con­trarie, The cruell dealing of sir Henrie Bene­field to the ladie Eliza­beth reproo­ued. and I maie not so suffer it. Hir grace repli­eng againe said; You charge me verie often with your commission, I praie God you maie iustlie an­swer line 30 the cruell dealing you vse towards me.

Then he knéeling downe, desired hir grace to thinke and consider how he was a seruant, and put in trust there by the quéene to serue hir maiestie, pro­testing that if the case were hirs, he would as wil­linglie serue hir grace, as now he did the quéenes highnesse. For the which his answer hir grace than­ked him, desiring God that she might neuer haue need of such seruants as he was; declaring further to him, that his dooings towards hir were not good nor line 40 answerable, but more than all the friends he had would stand by. To whom sir Henrie replied & said; that there was no remedie but his dooings must be answered, The letters of the ladie Elizabeth sent to the quéene. and so they should, trusting to make good account thereof. The cause which mooued hir grace so to saie, was for that he would not permit hir letters to be caried foure or fiue daies after the writing thereof. But in fine he was content to send for hir gentleman from the towne of Woodstocke, demanding of him whether he durst enterprise the ca­riage line 50 of hir graces letters to the quéene or no. And he answered; Yea sir, that I dare, and will with all my hart. Wherevpon sir Henrie halfe against his stomach tooke them vnto him. Doctor Owen and doctor Wendie quéen Maries phy­sicians sent to the ladie Elizabeth. Then about the eight of Iune came downe doctor Owen & doctor Wen­die, sent by the quéene to hir grace, for that she was sicklie; who ministring to hir, and letting hir bloud, tarried there and attended on hir grace fiue or six daies. Then she being well amended, they returned againe to the court, making their good report to the line 60 quéene and the councell of hir graces behauior and humblenesse towards the quéenes highnesse. Which hir maiestie hearing, The popish prelats repi­ned against the ladie Elizabeth. tooke verie thankfullie: but the bishops thereat repined, looked blacke in the mouth, and told the quéene, they maruelled that she submit­ted not hir selfe to hir maiesties mercie, considering that she had offended hir highnesse.

About this time hir grace was requested by a se­cret friend, to submit hir selfe to the quéenes maie­stie, Ladie Eliza­beth requested to submit hir selfe to the quéene. which would be verie well taken, and to hir great quiet and commoditie. Unto whome she an­swered, that she would neuer submit hir selfe to them whome she neuer offended. For (quoth shée) if I haue offended and am guiltie, I then craue no mercie, but the law, which I am certeine (quoth she) I should haue had yer this, if it could be prooued by me. For I know my selfe (I thanke God) to be out of the danger thereof, wishing that I were as cleare out of the perill of mine enimies, & then I am assured I should not so be locked and bolted vp within wals and doores as I am. God giue them a better mind when it pleaseth him. About this time was there a great consulting among the bishops and gentlemen touching a marriage for hir grace, Counsell of the papists to marrie the ladie Eliza­beth to a Spaniard. which some of the Spaniards wished to be with some stranger, that she might go out of the realme with hir portion; some saieng one thing, and some another.

A lord (who shall be here namelesse) being there at last said, Wicked coun­sell giuen of the Lord Pa­get against the ladie Eliza­beth. that the king should neuer haue anie quiet common wealth in England, vnlesse hir head were stricken from the shoulders. Wherevnto the Spaniards answered saieng; God forbid that the king and maister should haue that mind to consent to such a mischéefe. Spaniards more fauoura­ble to ladie Elizabeth than some Englishmen. This was the courteous answer of the Spaniards to the Englishmen, speaking after that sort against their owne countrie. From that daie the Spaniards neuer left off their good persuasi­ons to the king, that the like honor he should neuer obteine, as he should in deliuering the ladie Eliza­beths grace out of prison; whereby at length she was happilie released from the same. Here is a plaine and euident example of the good clemencie and na­ture of the king and his councellors towards hir grace (praised be God therefore) who mooued their harts therein. Then herevpon she was sent for shortlie after to come to Hampton court.

But before hir remoouing awaie from Wood­stocke, Ladie Eliza­beth in dan­ger of fire. we will a little staie to declare in what dan­gers hir life was during this time she there remai­ned. First thorough fire, which began to kindle be­twéene the boords & séeling vnder the chamber where she laie, whether by a sparke of fire, gotten into a cranie, or whether of purpose by some that meant hir no good, the Lord dooth know. Neuerthelesse a worshipfull knight of Oxfordshire, which was there ioined the same time with sir Henrie Benefield in kéeping that ladie (who then tooke vp the boords and quenched the fire) verelie supposed it to be doone of purpose. Furthermore it is thought, Ladie Elizabeth in danger of killing. and also affir­med (if it be true) of one Paule Penie a keeper of Woodstocke, a notorious ruffian and a butcherlie wretch, that he was appointed to kill the said ladie Elizabeth, who both saw, the man being often in hir sight, and also knew thereof.

Another time one of the priuie chamber, Another conspiracie of murther a­gainst ladie Elizabeth. a great man about the queene, and chiefe darling of Stephan Gardiner, named maister Iames Basset came to Blandenbrige a mile from Woodstocke; with twen­tie or thirtie priuie cotes, and sent for sir Henrie Be­nefield to come and speake with him. But as God would, which disposed all things after the purpose of his owne will; so it happened, that a little before the said sir Henrie Benefield was sent for by post to the councell, leauing strict word behind him with his bro­ther, that no man whatsoeuer he were, though com­ming with a bill of the queenes hand, or anie other warrant, should haue accesse to hir before his re­turne againe. By reason whereof it so fell out, that maister Benefields brother comming to him at the bridge, would suffer him in no case approch in, who otherwise (as is supposed) was appointed violentlie to murther the innocent ladie. In the life of Ste­phan Gardiner we declared before, pag. 1787, Ladie Eliza­beth preserued by the lords prouidence from execu­tion in the tower. how that the ladie Elizabeth, being in the tower, a writ came downe subscribed with certeine hands of the councell for hir execution. Which if it were certeine (as it is reported) Winchester (no dout) was deuiser of that mischéefous drift. And doubtlesse the same [Page 1158] Achitophell had broght his impious purpose that day to passe, had not the fatherlie prouidence of almigh­tie God (who is euer stronger than the diuell) stirred vp master Bridges lieutenant at that time of the to­wer, to come in hast to the quéene, to giue certificat therof, & to know further hir consent touching hir si­sters death. Winchesters platforme [...]uerthrowne: wherof read before pa. 1787 Whervpon it folowed, that all that deuise was disappointed, & Winchesters diuelish platforme which he said he had cast, thorough the Lords great goodnes came to no effect. Where moreouer is to be line 10 noted, that during the prisonment of this ladie and princesse, one maister Edmund Tremaine was on the racke, and maister Smithwike, and diuerse o­ther in the tower were examined, and diuerse offers made to them to accuse the giltlesse ladie, being in hir captiuitie. Howbeit all that notwithstanding, no matter could be prooued by all examinations, as she the same time lieng at Woodstocke had certeine intelligence, by the meanes of one Iohn Gaier, who vnder a colorable pretense of a letter vnto mistresse line 20 Cleue from hir father, was let in, and so gaue them secretlie to vnderstand of all this matter▪ Where­vpon the ladie Elizabeth at hir departing out from Woodstocke, wrote these verses with hir diamond in a glasse window verie legiblie as here followeth:

Much suspected by me,
Nothing prooued can be:
U [...]ses writ­ten vp ladie Elisabeth in the glas [...]e window.
Quoth Elizabeth prisoner.

And thus much touching the troubles of ladie E­lisabeth at Woodstocke. Wherevnto this is more to line 30 be added, that during the same time, the lord of Tame had labored to the quéene, and became suretie for hir, to haue hir from Woodstocke to his house, and had obteined grant thereof. Ladie Eli­sabeth not suffered to come to the lord of Tames house. Wherevpon preparati­on was made accordinglie, and all things readie in expectation of hir comming. But through the pro­curement either of maister Benefield, or by the dooing of Winchester hir mortall enimie, letters came ouer night to the contrarie: whereby hir iornie was stopped. Thus this woorthie ladie oppressed with line 40 continuall sorrow, could not be permitted to haue re­course to anie friends she had; but still in the hands of hir enimies was left desolate, and vtterlie desti­tute of all that might refresh a dolfull hart, fraught full of terror and thraldome. Wherevpon no mar­uell, if she hearing vpon a time out of hir garden at Woodstocke, Ladie Eli­sabeth wish­eth hir selfe to be a milke­maid. a certeine milkmaid singing pleasant­lie, wished hir selfe to be a milkemaid as she was, saieng that hir case was better, and life more meri­er than was hirs in that state as she was. line 50

Now after these things thus declared, to pro­céed further where we left before, sir Henrie Be­nefield and his soldiors, with the lord of Tame, and sir Rafe Chamberleine, garding and waiting vpon hir, the first night from Woodstocke she came to Ricot. In which iourneie such a mightie wind did blow, Ladie Eli­sabeth remoo­ued from Woodstocke to Hampton court. that hir seruants were faine to hold down hir clothes about hir: in so much that hir hood was twise or thrise blowen from hir head. Wherevpon she desirous to returne to a certeine gentlemans line 60 house there néere, could not be suffered by sir Hen­rie Benefield so to doo: but was constreined vnder an hedge to trim hir head as well as she could. After this, the next night they iourneied to maister Dor­mers, & so to Colbrooke, where she laie all that night at the George: and by the waie comming to Col­brooke, certeine of hir graces gentlemen and yeo­men met hir to the number of three score, much to all their comforts, which had not séene hir grace of long season before: not withstanding they were comman­ded in the quéenes name immediatlie to depart the towne, to both their and hir graces no little heaui­nesse, who could not be suffered once to speake with them. So that night all hir men were taken from hir sauing hir gentleman vsher, thrée gentlewomen, two groomes, and one of hir wardrobe, the soldiors watching and warding about the house, and she close shut vp within hir prison.

The next daie following, Lord William Howard gen­tle and fauou­rable to ladie Elisabeth. hir grace entred Hamp­ton court on the back [...]side, into the princes lodging, the doores being shut to hir: and she garded with sol­diors, as before, laie there a fortnight at the least, yer euer anie had recourse vnto hir. At length came the lord William Howard, who maruellous honoura­blie vsed hir grace. Wherat she tooke much comfort, & requested him to be a meane that she might speake with some of the councell. To whome (not long after) came the bishop of Winchester, the lord of Arundell, the lord of S [...]rewesburie, and secretarie Peter, who with great humilitie humbled themselues vnto hir grace. She againe likewise saluting them, said: My lords (quoth she) I am glad to sée you▪ for me thinke I haue béene kept a great while from you desolatelie alone. Wherefore I would desire you to be a meane to the king and quéenes maiesties, that I maie be deliuered from prison, wherein I haue beene kept a long space, as to you my lords it is not vnknowne.

When she had spoken, Stephan Gardiner the bi­shop of Winchester kneeled downe▪ [...] requested that she would submit hir selfe to the quéenes grace, Ladie Elisa­beth requested by Winchester to submit hir selfe to the quéenes mer­cie. Ladie Elisa­beth standeth to be tried by the law. and in so dooing he had no doubt but that hir maiestie would be good vnto hir. She making answer that ra­ther than she would so doo, she would lie in prison all the daies of hir life, adding that she craued no mer­cie at hir maiesties hand, but rather desired the law, if euer she did offend hir maiestie in thought, word, or déed. And besides this, in yéelding (quoth she) I should speake against my selfe, and confesse my selfe to be an offendor, which neuer was towards hir ma­iestie: by occasion whereof the king and the quéene might euer hereafter conceiue of me an ill opinion: and therefore I saie my lords, it were better for me to lie in prison for the truth, than to be abroad and su­spected of my prince. And so they departed, promising to declare hir message to the quéene.

On the next daie the bishop of Winchester came againe vnto hir grace, and knéeling downe, Talke againe betweene Winchester & ladie Elisa­beth. Ladie Elisa­beth denied to confesse anie fault doone to the quéene. decla­red that the quéene maruelled that she would so stout­lie vse hir selfe, not confessing to haue offended: so that it should séeme the quéenes maiestie wrongful­lie to haue imprisoned hir grace. Naie (quoth the la­die Elisabeth) it pleaseth hir to punish me as she thin­keth good. Well quoth Gardiner, hir maiestie willeth me to tell you, that you must tell an other tale yer that you be set libertie. Hir grace answered, that she had as léefe be in prison with honestie and truth, as to be abroad suspected of hir maiestie: and this that I haue said, I will (said she) stand vnto, for I will ne­uer béelie my selfe. Winchester againe knéeled down and said: Then your grace hath the vantage of me and other the lords for your long and wrong impri­sonment. What vantage I haue (quoth she) you know, taking God to record I seeke no vantage at your hands for your so dealing with me, but God forgiue you and me also. With that the rest kneeled, desiring hir grace that all might be forgotten, and so departed, she being fast locked vp againe. A seauen nights after, the quéene sent for hir grace at ten of the clocke in the night to speake with hir: Ladie Elisa­beth sent for to the quéene. Ladie Elisa­beth brought to the quéenes bedchamber. for she had not séene hir in two yeares before. Yet for all that she was amazed at the sudden sending for, thinking it had béene woorse than afterwards it prooued, and desired hir gentlemen and gentlewomen to praie for hir, for that she could not tell whether euer she should sée them againe or no.

At which time sir Henrie Benefield with mistresse Clarencius comming in, hir grace was brought in­to the garden vnto a staires foot that went into the [Page 1159] queenes lodging, hir graces gentlewomen waiting vpon hir, hir gentleman vsher and hir groomes go­ing before with torches, where hir gentlemen and gentlewomen being commanded to staie all sauing one woman, mistresse Clarencius conducted hir to the queenes bedchamber where hir maiestie was. At the sight of whome hir grace knéeled downe, and de­sired God to preserue hir maiestie, not mistrusting but that she should trie hir selfe as true a subiect to­wards hir maiestie, as euer did anie, and desired hir maiestie euen so to iudge of hir: and said that she line 10 should not find hir to the contrarie, whatsoeuer re­port otherwise had gone of hir. Talke be­twéene the quéene and ladie Elisa­beth. To whome the quéene answered: You will not confesse your offense, but stand stoutlie to your truth: I praie God it maie so fall out. If it dooth not, quoth the ladie Elisabeth, I request neither fauour nor pardon at your maiesties hands. Well said the quéene, you stiflie still perseuere in your truth. Belike you will not confesse but that you haue béene wrongfullie punished. I must not saie so (if it please your maiestie) to you. line 20

Why then (said the queene) belike you will to o­thers. No, if it please your maiestie (quoth she) I haue borne the burthen, and must beare it; I humblie be­séech your maiestie to haue a good opinion of me, Small com­fort at the quéenes hand toward hir si­ster. and to thinke me to be your true subiect, not onelie from the beginning hitherto, but for euer, as long as life lasteth: and so they departed with verie few comfor­table words of the queene, in English: but what she said in Spanish, God knoweth. It is thought that line 30 king Philip was there behind a cloth, King Philip thought to be a friend to ladie Elisa­beth. Ladie Elisa­beth by Gods prouidence set at libertie. Sir Henrie Benefield discharged. and not séene, and that he shewed himselfe a verie friend in that matter, &c. Thus hir grace departing, went vnto hir lodging againe, and the seauenth night after was released of sir Henrie Benefield hir gailor (as she tearmed him) and his soldiors, and so hir grace being set at libertie from imprisonment, went into the countrie, and had appointed to go with hir sir Tho­mas pope, one of quéene Maries councellors, and one of hir gentlemen vshers, master Gage, and thus line 40 strictlie was she looked vnto all quéene Maries time. And this is the discourse of hir highnesse imprison­ment.

Mistresse Ashleie sent to the Fléet. Thrée gentle­women of ladie Elisa­beths sent to the tower. Note the woonderfull working of the Lords prouidence in sauing of ladie Elisabeth. Ladie Elisa­beth deliuered by the death of Stephan Gardiner.Then there came to Lamheire, master Gerning­ham, and master Norris gentleman vsher, quéene Maries men, who tooke awaie from hir grace mi­stresse Ashleie to the Fléet, and thrée other of hir gen­tlewomen to the tower: which thing was no little trouble to hir grace, saieng: that she thought they would fetch all awaie at the end. But God be prai­sed, line 50 shortlie after was fetched awaie Gardiner tho­rough the mercifull prouidence of the Lords good­nesse, by occasion of whose opportune deceasse (as is partlie touched in this storie before, pag. 1705) the life of this excellent princesse, the wealth of all Eng­land, was preserued. For this is crediblie to be suppo­sed, that the said wicked Gardiner of Winchester had long laboured his wits, and to this onelie most principall marke bent all his deuises, to bring this our happie and deere souereigne out of the waie, as line 60 both by his words and dooings before notified maie sufficientlie appeare.

But such was the gratious and fauourable proui­dence of the Lord, to the preseruation not onlie of hir roiall maiestie, but also the miserable and wofull state of this whole Iland, and poore subiects of the same, whereby the proud platforms and péeuish prac­tises of this wretched Achitophell preuailed not: but contrariwise, both he, and all the snares and traps of his pernicious counsell laid against an other, were turned to a net to catch himselfe, How the Lord here began to worke for ladie Elisa­beth. according to the prouerbe: Malum consilium consultori pessimum. After the death of this Gardiner, followed the death also and dropping awaie of other hir enimies, whereby by little and little hir leopardie decreased, feare dimini­shed, hope of comfort began to appeare as out of a darke cloud. And albeit as yet hir grace had no full assurance of perfect safetie, yet more gentle inter­teinment dailie did grow vnto hir, till at length to the moneth of Nouember, and seauentéenth daie of the same, three yeares after the death of Stephan Gardiner, followed the death of quéene Marie, as heretofore at large hath béene trulie declared. Al­though this historie following be not directlie apper­teining to the former matter, A note of a storie decla­ring the ma­lignant harts of the papists towards ladie Elisabeth. yet the same maie here not vnaptlie be inserted, for that it dooth discouer and shew foorth the malicious hearts of the papists to­wards this vertuous quéene our souereigne ladie in the time of queene Marie his sister, which is reported as a truth crediblie told by sundrie honest persons, of whome some are yet aliue, and doo testifie the same. The matter whereof is this.

Soone after the stirre of Wiat and the troubles that happened to this queene for that cause: Rober Far­rer of London a sore enimie to ladie Eli­sabeth. it fortu­ned one Robert Farrer a haberdasher of London, dwelling neere vnto Newgate market, in a certeine morning to be at the Rose tauerne (from whence he was seldome absent) and falling to his common drinke, as he was euer accustomed, and hauing in his companie thrée other companions like vnto him­selfe, Laurence Shiriffe, sworne friend and seruant to ladie Elisa­beth his mi­stresse. it chanced the same time one Laurence Shiriffe grocer, dwelling also not farre from thence, to come into the said tauerne, and finding there the said Far­rer (to whome of long time he had borne good will) sat downe in the seat to drinke with him, and Farrer hauing in his full cups, and not hauing considerati­on who were present began to talke at large, and namelie against the ladie Elisabeth, and said: Robert Far­rer raileth a­gainst ladie Elisabeth. That gill hath béene one of the chiefe dooers of this rebelli­on of Wiat, and before all be doone, she and all the heretikes hir partakers shall well vnderstand of it. Some of them hope that she shall haue the crowne, but she and they (I trust) that so hope, shall hop head­lesse, or be fried with fagots before she come to it.

The aforesaid Laurence Shiriffe grocer, being then seruant vnto the said ladie Elisabeth, The part of a good trustie seruant. & sworne vnto hir grace, could no longer forbeare his old ac­quaintance and neighbor Farrer in speaking so vn­reuerentlie of his mistresse, but said to him: Far­rer, I haue loued thée as a neighbour, and haue had a good opinion of thée, but hearing of thée that I now heare, I defie thée: and I tell thée I am hir graces sworne seruant, and she is a princesse, and the daugh­ter of a noble king, and it euill becommeth thée to call hir a gill, and for thy so saieng, I saie thou art a knaue, & I will complaine vpon thée. Doo thy woorst said Farrer, for that I said, I will saie againe: and so Shiriffe came from his companie. Shortlie after, Robert Far­rer complai­ned of to the commissio­ners, but no redresse was had. the said Shiriffe taking an honest neighbour with him, went before the commissioners to complaine: the which commissioners sat then at Boner the bi­shop of Londons house beside Pauls, and there were present Boner then being the chiefe commissioner, the lord Mordant, sir Iohn Baker, doctor Derbishire chancellor to the bishop, doctor A knaue. Storie, doctor Harps­field, and others. The aforesaid Shiriffe comming before them, declared the maner of the said Robert Farrers talke against the ladie Elisabeth. Boner answered, Peraduenture you tooke him woorse than he meant. Yea my lord (said doctor Storie) if you knew the man as I doo, you would saie that there is not a better catholike, nor an honester man in the ci­tie of London.

Well, said Shiriffe, my lord, she is my gratious ladie and mistresse, and it is not to be suffered that such a varlet as he is, should call so honorable a prin­cesse by the name of a gill: and I saw yesterdaie in the court that my lord cardinall Poole méeting hir in [Page 1160] the chamber of presence, knéeled downe on his knées and kissed hir hand: and I saw also that king Philip méeting hir, made hir such obeisance that his knée touched the ground: and then (me thinketh) it were too much to suffer such a varlet as this is, to call hir gill, and to wish them to hop headlesse that shall wish hir grace to inioie the possession of the crowne when God shall send it vnto hir as in the right of hir inheritance. Yea! Staie there (quoth Boner.) When God sendeth it vnto hir, How bishop Boner and [...]tor Storie bear with him that railed a­gainst ladie Elisabeth. let hir inioie it. But trulie (said he) the man that spake the words that you haue line 10 reported, meant nothing against the ladie Elisabeth your mistresse, and no more doo we: but he like an honest and zealous man feared the alteration of reli­gion, which euerie good man ought to feare: and ther­fore (said Boner) good man go your waies home and report well of vs towards your mistresse, and we will send for Farrer and rebuke him for his rash and vndiscréet words, and we trust he will not doo the like againe. And thus Shiriffe came awaie, and Farrer had a flap with a fox taile. Now that ye maie be ful­lie line 20 informed of the aforesaid Farrer, Note the vn­godlie life of these catho­ [...]kes. whome doctor Storie praised for so good a man, ye shall vnderstand that the same Farrer, hauing two daughters, being handsome maidens, the elder of them for a summe of monie he himselfe deliuered vnto sir Richard Cholmleie to be at his commandement; the other he sold to a knight called sir William Gooddolphin to be at his commandement: whome he made his lackie and so carried hir with him, being apparelled in mans apparell to Bullongne, and the said Farrer line 30 followed the campe. He also was a great and a hor­rible blaphemer of God, and a common accuser of honest and quiet men, also a common drunkard. And now I referre the life of these catholiks to your iudgement, to thinke of them as you please.

But of this matter enough and too much. Now let vs returne where we left before, which was at the death of queene Marie. After whose deceasse suc­céeded hir foresaid sister ladie Elisabeth into the right of the crowne of England: who after so long line 40 restreinement, Ladie Elisa­beth procla­med quéene the same daie that quéene Marie died. so great dangers escaped, such blu­sterous stormes ouerblowne, so manie iniuries di­gested and wrongs susteined by the mightie protecti­on of our mercifull God, to our no small comfort and commoditie, hath béene exalted and erected out of thrall to libertie, out of danger to peace and quiet­nesse, from dread to dignitie, from miserie to maie­stie, from mourning to ruling; brieflie, of a prison­ner made a princesse, and placed in hir throne roiall, proclamed now quéene, with as manie glad hearts line 50 of hir subiects, as euer was anie king or queene in this realme before hir, The Lord make Eng­land thanke­full to him for his great be­nefits. or euer shall be (I dare saie) hereafter. Touching whose florishing state, hir prince­lie reigne and peaceable gouernement, with other things diuerse and sundrie incident to the same, and especiallie touching the great stirres and alterations which haue happened in other forren nations, and al­so partlie among our selues here at home, forsomuch as the tractation hereof requireth an huge volume by it selfe, I shall therefore deferre the reader to the line 60 next booke or section insuing: He meaneth his owne worke; not this volume or anie part thereof. wherein (if the Lord so please to susteine me with leaue and life) I maie haue to discourse of all and singular such matters doone and atchiued in these our latter daies and memorie, more at large.

Now then after these so great afflictions falling vpon this realme, from the first beginning of quéene Maries reigne, wherein so manie men, women, and children were burned, manie imprisoned and in pri­sons starued, diuerse exiled, some spoiled of goods and possessions, a great number driuen from house to home, so manie wéeping eies, so manie sobbing harts, so manie children made fatherlesse, so manie fathers bereft of their wiues and children, so manie vexed in conscience, and diuerse against conscience constrained to recant; and in conclusion, neuer a good man almost in all the realme but suffered some­thing during all the time of this bloudie persecution: after all this (I saie) now we are come at length (the Lord be praised) to the seuentéenth of Nouember, Nouemb 17. quéene Marie endeth. which daie as it brought to the persecuted members of Christ, rest from their carefull mourning, so it ea­seth me somewhat likewise of my laborious writing, by the death I meane of quéene Marie, Quéene Eli­sabeth begin­neth hir reigne. who being long sicke before vpon the said seuentéenth daie of Nouember, in the yeare aboue said, about thrée or foure of the clocke in the morning, yéelded hir life to nature, and hir kingdome to quéene Elisabeth hir sister.

As touching the maner of whose death, The maner of quéene Ma­ries death. some saie that she died of a timpanie, some by hir much sighing before hir death supposed she died of thought and sor­row. Wherevpon hir councell seeing hir sighing, and desirous to know the cause, to the end they might minister the more readie consolation vnto hir, fea­red (as they said) that she tooke some thought for the kings maiestie hir husband, which was gone from hir. To whome she answering againe; In deed (said she) that may be one cause, but that is not the grea­test wound that pearseth mine oppressed mind: but what that was she would not expresse to them. Albe­it afterward she opened the matter more plainlie to mistresse Rise and mistresse Clarentius (if it be true that they told me, which heard it of mistresse Rise himselfe) who then being most familiar with hir, and most bold about hir, told hir that they feared she tooke thought for king Philips departing from hir. Q. Marie tooke thought for the losse of Calis. Not that onelie (said she) but when I am dead and o­pened, you shall find Calis lieng in my hart, &c. Which one supposing to be true, hath left this report:

Hispani
Caleto.
oppidulo amisso contabuit vxor,
Quam cruciatu aegro confecerat anxia cura.

And here an end of quéene Marie, and of hir persecution, during the time of hir misgouernment. Of which quéene this trulie may be affirmed and left in storie for a perpetuall memoriall or epitaph for all kings and quéenes that shall succéed hir to be noted, More Eng­lish bloud spil­led in quéene Maries time, than euer was in anie kings reigne before hir. that before hir neuer was read in storie of a­nie king or quéene of England since the time of king Lucius, vnder whom in time of peace, by hang­ing, heading, burning, and prisoning: so much chri­stian bloud, so manie Englishmens liues were spil­led within this realme, as vnder the said quéene Ma­rie for the space of foure yeares was to be séene, and I beseech the Lord neuer may be séene hereafter.

Now, for so much as quéene Marie, during all the time of hir reigne, The reigne of quéene Marie how vnpros­perous it was both to hir & hir realme in all respects. was such a vehement aduersarie and persecutor against the sincere professors of Christ Iesus and his gospell: for the which there be manie which doo highlie magnifie and approue hir dooings therein, reputing hir religion to be sound and catho­like, and hir procéedings to be most acceptable and blessed of almightie God: to the intent therfore that all men may vnderstand, how the blessing of the Lord God did not onelie not procéed with hir procee­dings; but contrarie, rather how his manifest dis­pleasure euer wrought against hir, in plaging both hir and hir realme, and in subuerting all hir counsels and attempts, what soeuer she tooke in hand: we will bestow a litle time therein, to perpend and surueie the whole course of hir dooings and cheuances: and consider what successe she had in the same. Which be­ing well considered, we shall find neuer no reigne of anie prince in this land, or anie other, which had euer to shew in it (for the proportion of time) so manie ar­guments of Gods great wrath and displeasure, as was to be séene in the reigne of this queene Marie, [Page 1161] whether we behold the shortnesse of hir time, or the vnfortunate euent of all hir purposes? Quéene Ma­rie neuer had good successe in anie thing she went a­bout. Who séemed neuer to purpose anie thing that came luckilie to passe, neither did anie thing frame to hir purpose, what soeuer she tooke in hand touching hir owne pri­uat affaires.

Of good kings we read in the scripture, in shew­ing moreie and pitie, A good king alwaies ma­keth a florish­ing realme. in seeking Gods will in his word, and subuerting the monuments of idolatrie, how God blessed their waies, increased their honors, and mightilie prospered all their procéedings: as we line 10 sée in king Dauid, Salomon, Iosias, Iosaphat, E­zechias, with such others. Manasses made the stréets of Hierusalem to swim with the bloud of his sub­iects, but what came of it the text dooth testifie. Of quéene Elisabeth, Comparison betweene the reigne of Q. Marie and quéene Eli­sabeth. which now reigneth among vs, this we must néeds saie, which we sée, that she in spa­ring the bloud, not onelie of Gods seruants, but also of Gods enimies, hath doubled now the reigne of quéene Marie hir sister, with such aboundance of line 20 peace and prosperitie, that it is hard to saie, whether the realme of England felt more of Gods wrath in queene Maries time, or of Gods fauour and mercie in these so blessed and peaceable daies of queene E­lisabeth.

Gamaliell speaking his mind in the councell of the Phariseis concerning Christes religion, Gamaliels reason. Acts. 5. gaue this reason, that if it were of God, it should continue, who soeuer said naie: if it were not, it could not stand. So may it be said of quéene Marie and hir Romish line 30 religion, that if it were so perfect and catholike as they pretend, and the contrarie faith of the gospellers were so detestable and hereticall as they make it, how commeth it then, that this so catholike a quéene, such a necessarie piller of his spouse the church conti­nued no longer, till she had vtterlie rooted out of the land this hereticall generation? Yea how chanced it rather, that almightie God, to spare these poore here­tikes, rooted out quéene Marie so soone from hir throne, after she had reigned but onelie fiue yeares line 40 and fiue moneths?

Now furthermore, how God blessed hir waies and indeuors in the meane time, Quéene Ma­rie prospered so long as she went not a­gainst the Lord. while she thus persecu­ted the true seruants of God, remaineth to be discus­sed. Where first this is to be noted, that when she first began to stand for the title of the crowne, and yet had wrought no resistance against Christ and his gospell, but had promised hir faith to the Suffolke men, to mainteine the religion left by king Edward hir bro­ther, Q. Maries p [...]omise to the gospellers broken. so long God went with hir, aduanced hir, and line 50 by the means of the gospellers brought hir to the pos­session of the realme. But after that she breaking hir promise with God and man, began to take part with Stephan Gardiner, and had giuen ouer hir supre­masie vnto the pope, by and by Gods blessing le [...]t hir, neither did anie thing well thriue with hir after­ward during the whole time of hir regiment. For first incontinentlie the fairest and greatest ship she had, The ship cal­led the great Harrie bur­ned. called great Harrie, was burned: such a vessell as in all these parts of all Europe was not to be line 60 matched.

Then would she needs bring in king Philip, and by hir strange marriage with him, Q. Maries mariage with a stranger. Q. Marie disappointed of hir purpose in crowning k [...]ng Philip. Q. Marie stopped of hir will in resto­ring abbeie lands. make the whole realme of England subiect vnto a stranger. And all that notwithstanding, either that she did or was able to doo, she could not bring to passe to set the crowne of England vpon his head. With king Philip also came in the pope and his popish masse: with whome also hir purpose was to restore againe the monks and nunnes vnto their places, neither lacked there all kind of attempts to the vttermost of hir abilitie: and yet therein also God stopt hir of hir will, that it came not forward. After this, what a dearth happened in hir time here in hir land, the like wherof hath not light­lie in England béene seene, in so much that in sun­drie places hir poore subiects were fame to féed of a­corns for want of corne.

Furthermore, The victorie of king Ed­ward the sixt in Scotland. where other kings are woont to be renowmed by some worthie victorie and prowesse by them atchiued, let vs now sée what valiant victorie was gotten in quéene Maries daies. King Edward the sixt hir blessed brother, how manie rebellions did he suppresse in Deuonshire, in Norffolke, in Oxford­shire, The ill luck [...] of Q. Marie in losing of Calis. and else where? What a famous victorie in his time was gotten in Scotland, by the singular wor­king (no doubt) of Gods blessed hand rather than by anie expectation of man? The eleuenth king from the conquest got Calis, and the eleuenth a­gaine after him lost it. King Edward the third (which was the eleuenth king from the conquest) by princelie puissance purchased Calis vnto England, which hath béene kept English euer since, till at length came queene Marie, the eleuenth likewise from the said king Edward, which lost Calis from England againe: so that the winnings of this quéene were verie small; what the losses were, let other men iudge.

Hitherto the affaires of quéene Marie haue had no great good successe, as you haue heard. The ill lucke of quéene Marie in hir childbirth. But neuer worsse successe had anie woman, than had she in hir childbirth. For séeing one of these two must néeds be granted, that either she was with child or not with child; if she were with child and did trauell, why was it not séene? if she were not, how was all the realme deluded? And in the meane while where were all the praiers, the solemne processions, the deuout masses of the catholike cleargie? Why did they not preuaile with God, if their religion were so godlie as they pre­tended? If their masses Ex opere operato be able to fetch Christ from heauen, & to reach downe to purgatorie, how chanced then they could not reach to the quéens chamber, to helpe hir in hir trauell, if she had béene with child in déed? If not, how then came it to passe, that all the catholike church of England did so erre, and was so déepelie deceiued? Quéene Marie, after these manifold plagues and corrections, which might sufficientlie admonish hir of Gods disfauor prouoked against hir, would not yet ceasse hir persecution, but still continued more & more to reuenge hir catholike zeale vpon the lords faithfull people, setting fire to their poore bodies by dozens & halfe dozens togither. Wherevpon Gods wrathfull indignation increasing more and more against hir, ceassed not to touch hir more neare with priuat misfortunes and calamities.

For after that he had taken from hir the fruit of children (which chieflie and aboue all things she desi­red) then he beerest hir of that, Q. Marie le [...]t desolate of K. Philip hir husband. which of all earthlie things should haue beene hir chiefe staie of honour, and staffe of comfort; that is, withdrew from hir the affection and companie euen of hir owne husband, by whose mariage she had promised before to hirselfe whole heapes of such ioy and felicitie. But now the omnipotent gouernour of all things, so turned the whéele of hir owne spinning against hir, that hir high buildings of such ioies and felicities came all to a ca­stell come downe, hir hopes being confounded, hir purposes disappointed, and she now brought to deso­lation: The ill lucke of Q. Marie with hir hus­band. who seemed neither to haue the fauour of God, nor the hearts of hir subiects, nor yet the loue of hir husband: who neither had fruit by him while shee had him, neither could now inioy him whome she had maried, neither yet was in libertie to marrie anie other whome she might inioy. Marke here (christian reader) the wofull aduersitie of this queene, & learne withall, what the Lord can doo when mans wilfulnes will néeds resist him, and will not be ruled.

At last, when all these faire admonitions would take no place with the queene, The finall [...]nd and death of Q. Marie. nor mooue hir to re­uoke hir bloudie lawes, nor to staie the tyrannie of hir priests, nor yet to spare hir owne subiects; but [Page 1162] that the poore seruants of God were drawne dailie by heapes most pittifullie as sheepe to the slaugh­ter, it so pleased the heauenlie maiestie of almightie God, when no other remedie would serue, by death to cut hir off, which in hir life so little regarded the life of others: giuing hir throne, which she abused to the destruction of Christs church and people, to ano­ther, Q. Marie [...]gned fiue ye [...]res & fiue [...]neths. The shortnes [...] Maries [...]gne noted. who more temperatlie and quietlie could guide the same, after she had reigned here the space of fiue yeares and fiue moneths. The shortnesse of which yeares and reigne, vneth we find in anie other storie line 10 of king or quéene since the conquest or before (being come to their owne gouernement) saue onelie in king Richard the third. Which reigne was so rough and rigorous, notwithstanding the shortnesse of the same, that it became a verie spectacle to all christen­dome; and the maner of dealing vsed vnder hir go­uernment was so detestable, that as it was rare, so it raised vp a rare report, euen among strangers, whose heads being fuller of matter than their pens full of inke, wrote in tearmes brode inough of the tu­mults line 20 and slaughters happening in hir vnhappie daies: among whome I will set downe for a saie a few verses drawne out of an hundred and od, pre­sented to Henrie the French king of that name the second, touching the conquest of Calis, whereat for ioy the French were rauished. Thus therfore he saith:

Regina pacem nescia perpeti,
I am spreta m [...]ret foedera,
E [...] Simone S [...]rdio de capto Calero, pag. 1968.
iam Dei
Iram pauet sibi imminentem,
Vindicis & furiae flagellum. line 30
Ciues & hostes iam pariter suos
Odit pauét (que) & ciuium & hostium
Hirudo communis, cruorem
Aequè auidè sitiens vtrúnque.
Huic luce terror Martius assonat,
Dirae (que), caedis mens sibi conscia,
Vmbrae (que) nocturnae quietem
Terrificis agitant figuris.

These short verses were thus subscribed. La. B. Te. line 40

And thus much here, as in the closing vp of this storie, I thought to insinuat, touching the vnluckie and rufull reigne of quéene Marie: not for anie de­traction to hir place and state roiall, wherevnto shee was called of the Lord: An admoniti­on to all chri­ [...]an r [...]iers. but to this onlie intent and effect, that forsomuch as she would needs set hirselfe so confidentlie to worke and striue against the Lord and his proceedings, all readers and rulers not one­lie maie sée how the Lord did worke against hir ther­fore, but also by hir maie be aduertised and learne line 50 what a perillous thing it is for men and women in authoritee, vpon blind zeale and opinion, to stirre vp persecution in Christs church, to the effusion of chri­stian bloud, least it prooue in the end with them (as it did here) that while they thinke to persecute here­tikes, they stumble at the same stone as did the Iewes in persecuting Christ and his true members to death, to their owne confusion and destruction.]

Leauing quéene Marie being dead & gone, you are to vnderstand and note, that the same euening, or (as line 60 some haue written) the next daie after the said quéens death, The death of [...]rdinall Poole. Cardinall Poole the bishop of Romes legat departed out of this life, hauing béene not long afore made archbishop of Canturburie: he died at his house ouer against Westminster commonlie called Lambe [...]h, and was buried in Christs church at Can­turburie. This cardinall was descended of the noble house of Clarence, The descrip­tion of cardi­nall Poole that is to saie, of one of the yoon­ger sonnes of Margaret countesse of Salisburie, daughter of George duke of Clarence, brother to K. Edward the fourth. ¶ So that hereby you haue a proofe of the noblenesse of his birth, [...] Fl. ex I. F. [...]rtyrologio. but how barba­rous he was of behauiour, and how vnnaturall in the course of his life (which blemished the honour of his descent) it maie appeare by the order and maner of his visitation in Cambridge, with the condem­ning, taking vp, and burning both the bones and bookes of Bueer and Paulus Phagius, as also by the despitefull handling and madnesse of the papists to­wards Peter Martyrs wife at Oxford, taken vp from hir graue at the commandement of the said cardinall, and after buried in a dunghill: so that in his actions he shewed himselfe (as he is noted) ear­nest in burning the bodies of the dead. Cardinall Poole earnest in burning the bones of the dead. And for fur­ther testimonie of his crueltie, it shall not be imperti­nent out of maister Fox, here to adioine and set forth to the eies of the world, the blind and bloudie arti­cles set out by cardinall Poole, to be inquired vpon within his dioces of Canturburie. Whereby it maie the better appeare what yokes and snares of fond and fruitlesse traditions were laid vpon the poore flocke of Christ, to intangle and oppresse them with losse of life and libertie. By the which wise men haue to sée what godlie fruits proceeded from that catho­like church and see of Rome. In which albeit thou seest (good reader) some good articles insparsed withall, let that nothing mooue thée: for else how could such poi­son be ministred, but it must haue some honie to re­lish the readers tast?

Here follow the articles set forth by cardinall Poole, to be inquired in his ordinarie visitation, with­in his dioces of Canturburie.

Touching the cleargie.

FIrst, whether the diuine seruice in the church at times, daies and houres, Articles of the cardinall to be inquired in his visita­tion of Kent. be ob­serued and kept dulie or no.

2 Item; whether the parsons, vicars, and curats, doo comlie and decentlie in their maners and dooings behaue themselues or no.

3 Item, whether they doo reuerentlie and dulie mi­nister the sacraments or sacramentals or no.

4 Item, whether anie of their parishioners doo die without ministration of the sacraments, through the negligence of their curats or no.

5 Item, whether the said parsons, vicars or curats, doo haunt tauerns or alehouses, increasing thereby infamie and slander or no.

6 Item, whether they be diligent in teaching the midwiues how to christen children in time of neces­sitie, according to the canons of the church or no.

7 Item, whether they see that the font be comelie kept, and haue holie water alwaies readie for chil­dren to be christened.

8 Item, if they doo keepe a booke of all the names of them that be reconciled to the dutie of the church.

9 Item, whether there be anie priests, that late vn­lawfullie had women vnder pretensed mariage, and hitherto are not reconciled, and to declare their names and dwelling places.

10 Item, whether they doo diligentlie teach their parishioners the articles of the faith, & the ten com­mandements.

11 Item, whether they doo decentlie obserue those things that doo concerne the seruice of the church, and all those thi [...]gs that tend to a good and christian life, according to the canons of the church.

12 Item, whether they doo deuoutlie in their praiers praie for the prosperous estate of the king and quéens maiesties.

13 Item, whether the said parsons and vicars doo sufficientlie repare their chancels, rectories, and vi­carages, and doo kéepe and mainteine them suffici­entlie repared and amended.

14 Item, whether anie of them doo preach or teach anie erronious doctrine, contrarie to the catholike faith and vnitie of the church.

[Page 1163]15 Item, whether anie of them doo saie the diuine seruice, or doo minister the sacraments in the Eng­lish [...]oong, contrarie to the vsuall order of the church.

16 Item, whether anie of them doo suspiciouslie kéepe anie women in their houses, or doo keepe com­panie with men suspected of heresies, or of euill opi­nions.

17 Item, whether anie of them that were vnder pretense of lawfull matrimonie maried, and now re­conciled, doo priuilie resort to their pretensed wiues, line 10 or that the said women doo priuilie resort vnto them.

18 Item, whether they go decentlie apparelled, as it becommeth sad, sober, and discréet ministers, and whether they haue their crowns and beards shauen.

19 Item, whether anie of them doo vse anie vnlaw­full games, as dice, cards, and other like, wherby they grow to slander and euill report.

20 Item, whether they doo kéepe residence and ho­spitalitie vpon their benefices, and doo make charita­ble contributions, according to all the lawes ecclesi­asticall. line 20

21 Item, whether they doo keepe the booke or regi­ster of christening, burieng, and mariages, with the names of the godfathers and godmothers.

Touching the laie people.

FIrst, whether anie maner of person, of what [...]tate, Articles of cardinal Poole to be inquired vpon touching the laitie. degrée, or condition soeuer he be, doo hold, mainteine, or affirme anie heresies, errors, or erronious opinions, contrarie to the lawes line 30 ecclesiasticall, and the vnitie of the catholike church.

2 Item, whether anie person doo hold, affirme, or saie, that in the blessed sacrament of the altar there is not conteined the reall and substantiall presence of Christ: or that by anie maner of meanes doo con­temne and despise the said blessed sacrament, or doo refuse to doo reuerence or worship therevnto.

3 Item, whether they doo contemne or despise by anie maner of means anie other of the sacraments, rites or ceremonies of the church, or doo refuse or de­nie line 40 auricular confession.

4 Item, whether anie doo absent or refraine, with­out vrgent and lawfull impediment, to come to the church, and reuerentlie to heare diuine seruice vpon sundaies and holie daies.

5 Item, whether being in the church, they doo not applie themselues to heare the diuine seruice, and to be contemplatiue in holie praier, and not to walke, iangle or talke in the time of the diuine seruice.

6 Item, whether anie be fornicators, adulterers, line 50 or doo commit incest, or be bawds and receiuers of euill persons, or be vehementlie suspected of anie of them.

7 Item, whether anie doo blaspheme and take the name of God in vaine, or be common swearers.

8 Item, whether anie be periured, or haue com­mitted simonie or vsurie, or doo still remaine in the same.

9 Item, whether the churches and churchyards be well and honestlie repared and inclosed.

10 Item, whether the churches be sufficientlie gar­nished and adorned with all ornaments and books necessarie, & whether they haue a rood in their church of a decent stature, with Marie and John, and an image of the patrone of the same church.

11 Item, whether anie doo withhold, or dooth draw from the church anie maner of monie or goods, or that doo withhold their due and accustomed tithes from their parsons and vicars.

12 Item, whether anie be common drunkards, ribalds, or men of euill liuing, or doo exercise anie lewd pastimes, especiallie in the time of diuine ser­uice.

13 Item, if there be anie that doo practise or exer­cise anie arts of magike, or necromancie, or doo vse or practise anie incantations, sorceries, or witchcraft, or be vehementlie suspected thereof.

14 Item, whether anie be maried in the degrees of affinitie, or consanguinitie, prohibited by the laws of holie church, or that doo marie, the banes not asked, or doo make anie priuie contracts.

15 Item, whether in the time of Easter last, anie were not confessed, or did not receiue the blessed sa­crament of the altar, or did vnreuerentlie behaue themselues in the receiuing thereof.

16 Item, whether anie doo kéepe anie secret con­uenticles, preachings, lectures, or readings, in mat­ters of religion contrarie to the lawes.

17 Item, whether anie doo now not duelie kéepe the fasting and embring daies.

18 Item, whether the altars in the churches be consecrated or no.

19 Item, whether the sacrament be caried de­uoutlie to them that fall sicke, with light and with a little sacring bell.

20 Item, whether the common schooles be well kept, and that the schoole maisters be diligent in tea­ching, and be also catholike, and men of good and vp­right iudgement, and that they be examined and ap­proued by the ordinarie.

21 Item, whether anie doo take vpon them to mi­nister the goods of those that be dead, without autho­ritie from the ordinarie.

22 Item, whether the poore people in euerie parish be charitablie prouided for.

23 Item, whether there doo burne a lampe or a candle before the sacrament: and if there doo not, that then it be prouided for, with expedition.

24 Item, whether infants and children be brought to be confirmed in conuenient time.

25 Item, whether anie doo keepe or haue in their custodie anie erronious or vnlawfull books.

26 Item, whether anie doo withhold anie monie or goods bequeathed to the amending of the high waies, or anie other charitable déed.

27 Item, whether anie haue put away their wiues, or anie wiues doo withdraw themselues from their husbands, being not lawfullie diuorsed.

28 Item, whether anie doo violat or breake the sun­daies and holie daies, dooing their dailie labors and exercises vpon the same.

29 Item, whether the tauerns or alehouses, vpon the sundaies and holie daies, in the time of masse, matins, and euensong, doo kéepe open their doores, and doo receiue people into their houses to drinke and eate, and thereby neglect their duties in comming to church.

30 Item, whether anie haue, or doo depraue or contemne the authoritie or iurisdiction of the popes holinesse, or the see of Rome.

31 Item, whether anie minstrels, or anie other persons doo vse to sing anie songs against the holie sacraments, or anie other the rites and ceremonies of the church.

32 Item, whether there be anie hospitals within your parishes, and whether the foundations of them be dulie and trulie obserued and kept; and whether the charitable contributions of the same be doone ac­cordinglie.

33 Item, whether anie goods, plate, iewels, or pos­sessions be taken awaie, or withholden from the said hospitals, and by whome.]

Thus you see of what a malignant nature the car­dinall was: neuerthelesse, of more lenitie than ma­nie other popelings, sauoring of the like lewd leuen of antichristianisme. For at what time two and twentie prisoners for their conscience were appre­hended [Page 1164] and sent vp all togither to London from Col­chester (as maister Fox reporteth in his martyro­loge) and conuented before Boner then bishop of that sée, the said Boner himselfe wrote to cardinall Poole concerning them, as you shall heare.

¶ A letter of bishop Boner to car­dinall Poole.

line 10

Bishop Bo­ [...]ers letter to cardinall Poole, concer­ [...]ing the two [...]nd twentie prisoners a­foresaid.MAy it please your good grace with my most humble obedience, reuerence and dutie, to vnderstand that going to Lon­don vpon thursdaie last, and thinking to be troubled with maister Germains matter one­lie, and such other common matters as are accusto­med, inough to werie a right strong bodie, I had the daie following to comfort my stomach withall, let­ters from Colchester, that either that day, or the day following I should haue sent thense two and twen­tie heretikes, indicted before the commissioners, and line 20 in déed so I had, and compelled to beare their char­ges as I did of the other, which both stood me in aboue twentie nobles, a summe of monie that I thought full euill bestowed. And these heretikes, notwith­standing they had honest catholike kéepers to con­duct and bring them vp to me, and in all the waie from Colchester to Stratford of the bow, did go qui­etlie, and obedientlie, yet comming to Stratford, they began to take heart of grace, & to doo as plea­sed themselues, for there they began to haue their line 30 gard, which generallie increased till they came to Al­gate, where they were lodged fridaie night.

And albeit I tooke order, that the said heretikes should be with me verie earlie on saturdaie mor­ning, to the intent they might quietlie come and be examined by me: yet it was betwéene ten and e­leuen of the clocke before they would come, and no waie would they take, but through Cheapside, so that they were brought to my house with about a thousand persons. Which thing I tooke verie strange, line 40 and spake to sir Iohn Gresham then being with me, to tell the maior and the shiriffes that this thing was not well suffered in the citie. These naughtie here­tikes all the waie they came through Cheapside, both exhorted the people to their part, and had much com­fort A promis [...]ua plebe, and being entred into my house and talked withall, they shewed themselues despe­rat and verie obstinat: yet I vsed all the honest meanes I could, both by my selfe and other, to haue woone them, causing diuerse learned men to talke line 50 with them: and finding nothing in them but pride & wilfulnesse, I thought to haue had them all hither to Fulham, and here to giue sentence against them. Neuerthelesse, perceiuing by my last dooing that your grace was offended, I thought it my dutie be­fore I anie thing further procéeded herein, to aduer­tise first your grace hereof, and know your good plea­sure, which I beséech your grace I may doo by this trustie bearer. And thus most humblie I take my leaue of your good grace, beseeching almightie God line 60 alwaies to preserue the same. At Fulham, Postridie Natiu. 1556.

Your graces most bounden bedesman and seruant Edmund Boner.

By this letter of bishop Boner to the cardinall (saith maister Fox) is to be vnderstood, what goodwill was in this bishop, to haue the bloud of these men, and to haue past with sentence of condemnation a­gainst them, Bishop Bo­ners crueltie somewhat [...] by the cardinall. had not the cardinall somewhat (as it seemed) haue staied his feruent headinesse. Con­cerning the which cardinall, although it can not be­denied by his acts and writings, but that he was a professed enimie, and no otherwise to be reputed but for a papist: yet againe it is to be supposed, that he was none of the bloudie and cruell sort of papists, Cardinall Poole [...] papist but no bloudie papist. as may appeare, not by staieng the rage of this bishop: but also by his solicitous writing, and long letters written to Cranmer, also by the complaints of cer­teine papists, accusing him to the pope to be a bea­rer with the heretikes, and by the popes letters sent to him vpon the same, calling him vp to Rome, and setting frier Peto in his place, had not queene Ma­rie by speciall intreatie made, kept him out of the popes danger. All which letters I haue (if néed be) to shew: besides also, that it is thought of him that toward his latter end, a little before his comming from Rome to England, he began somewhat to sa­uour the doctrine of Luther, Cardinall Poole halfe suspected for a Lutheran at Rome. and was no lesse suspec­ted at Rome: yea, and furthermore did there at Rome conuert a certeine learned Spaniard from papisme to Luthers side: notwithstanding the pompe and glorie of the world afterward caried him awaie to plaie the papist thus as he did.]

¶And sith I haue waded thus far in portraieng the said cardinall, Ab. Fl. ex concione Cut. Tunstalli [...]oram Hen. 8. I am willing to make you commu­nicants of a report concerning him, vttered by Cut­bert Tunstall bishop of Duresine, in a sermon which he made vpon Palmesundaie, in the yeare of our Lord 1539, before king Henrie the eight, trea­ting vpon these words of saint Paule to the Philip­pians, Cap. 2. Hoc sentite in vobis, quod & in Christ [...] Iesu, &c: See the same mind be in you, that was in Iesu Christ, &c. The ground of whose sermon stan­ding vpon obedience and disobedience, after he had discoursed at large thervpon, he fell into these words in presence of the king, the nobles, and people.

And the bishop of Rome now of late, to set foorth his pestilent malice the more, hath allured to his pur­pose a subiect of this realme Reginald Poole, come of a noble bloud, Cardinall Poole an ar­rant traitor. and thereby the more arrant trai­tor, to go about from prince to prince, and from coun­trie to countrie, to stur them to warre against this realme, and to destroie the same, being his natiue countrie. Whose pestilent purpose albeit the princes that he breaketh it vnto, haue in much abhominati­on, both for that the bishop of Rome (who being a bi­shop should procure peace) is a sturrer of warre, and because this most arrant and vnkind traitor is his minister to so diuelish a purpose to destroie the coun­trie that he was borne in, Cardinall Poole a sedi­tious fellow and an impu­dent. which anie heathen man would abhorre to doo. But for all that without shame he still goeth on, exhorting therevnto all princes that will heare him; who doo abhorre to sée such vn­naturalnesse in anie man, as he shamelesse dooth set forward [...], whose pernicious treasons late secretlie wrought against this realme, haue béene, by the worke of almightie God so maruellouslie detected, and by his owne brother, without looking therefore so disclosed, and condigne punishment insued, Cardinall Pooles trea­sons detected by his owne brother. that hereafter (God willing) they shall not take anie more such root to the noisance of this realme.

And where all nations of gentiles by reason & law of nature preferre their countrie before their pa­rents, so that for their countrie they will die against their parents being traitors: Cardinall Poole no chri­stian, but worse than a pagan. this pestilent man worse than a pagan, is not ashamed to destroie if he could his natiue countrie. And whereas Curtius a heathen man was content for sauing of the citie of Rome where he was borne, to leape into a gaping of the earth, which by the illusions of the diuell it was answered should not be shut, but that it must first haue one; this pernicious man is content to run headlong into hell: so that he maie destroie thereby his natiue countrie of England, being in that be­halfe incomparablie worse than anie pagan. And [Page 1165] besides his pestilent treason, Cardinall Pooles vn­kindnesse to king Henrie that brought him vp. his vnkindnesse against the kings maiestie, who brought him vp of a child, and promoted both him, and restored his bloud being attainted, to be of the péeres of this realme, and gaue him monie yéerelie out of his coffers, to find him honorablie at studie, maketh his treason much more detestable to all the world, Sée more thereof before pag. 1134. and him to be repu­ted more wild and cruell than anie tiger.

Thus much out of Cutbert Tunstals sermon printed Cum priuilegio aed imprimendum solum, by Tho­mas line 10 Berthelet, the yeare aboue named. Now it resteth to conclude this discourse concerning cardi­nall Poole with a briefe epitome of his last will and testament, which he made not long before he let his life, A traitor he liued, a trai­tor he died. wherein he professeth him selfe resolute to die in the same faith and obedience of the Romish church wherein he liued; willing & ordeining his bodie to be buried in his cathedrall church of Canturburie (as he termeth it) in the same chappell where the head of the most blessed martyr Thomas Becket, whilome archbishop of the said church was kept: with masses line 20 & dirges, &c: to be said for his soule, the soules of his parents, and of all the faithfull departed out of this life, &c.

As for patrimoniall goods, sith he had none wher­by he ought to haue had regard of his kindred; The distri­bution of his goods. there­fore such goods as he had he willed to be distributed among such persons as had well deserued of him, and vpon godlie vses. He made one Aloisius Priolus a Uenetian his heire and executor of all his goods and chattels, as well within England as without, in line 30 Spaine, Italie, Rome, Uenice, or elsewhere, &c. And for dilapidations, Touching di­lapidations. there is no reason (saith he) whie my successor in the sée of Canturburie shuld demand anie thing, because I haue bestowed more than a thousand pounds within these few yéeres, in repa­ring & making better such houses as belonged to the said sée, since I came to it (which was no long time by our computation.) The ouerséers and defend­ers of this his last will he made Nicholas archbi­shop of Yorke chancellor of England, Thomas bi­shop line 40 of Elie, his cousine the lord Edward Hastings the kings chamberleine, sir Iohn Boxall the queenes secretarie, sir Edward Cordall master of the rolles, and master Henrie Cole his vicar generall in his spiritualties. All these he besought to giue quéene Marie knowledge of this his last will, He is desi­rous that quéene Marie should haue knowledge of this his last will. and with all reuerence to beséech hir, that what good will and fauor she shewed him in all causes and affaires whiles he was aliue; the same she would vouchsafe to exhibit and bestow vpon him being dead, and gratiouslie line 50 prouide that all lets and impediments to the executi­on of this his last will & testament might be remoo­ued and vtterlie taken awaie: and to euerie one of his ouerséers for their paines taking herein, he gaue fiftie pounds a peece by will. This testament was subscribed with his owne hand, and signed with his owne seale, in presence of a number of witnes­ses there vndernamed. All which, with the tenor of his said last will at large, are remembred by Schar­dius in epitome rerum gestarum sub Ferdinando imperatore. line 60 And thus much of cardinall Poole.

Upon whose discourse presentlie ended, as hath beene doone in the treatise of high constables Sée pa. 865. at the duke of Buckinghams beheadding, and of the lord protectors Sée pa. 1069. at the duke of Summersets suffering (in which two honorable personages those two offi­ces had their end) so here we are to infer a collection of English cardinals, which order ceased when Re­ginald Poole died. After which treatise ended, accor­ding to the purposed order, and a catalog of writers at the end of this quéenes reigne annexed, it remai­neth that quéene Elizabeth shew hir selfe in hir tri­umphs at hir gratious and glorious coronation.

The cardinals of England collected by Francis Thin, in the yeare of our Lord, 1585.

THis cardinall Poole being the last cardi­dinall in England, and so likelie to be, as the state of our present time dooth ear­nestlie wish; dooth here offer occasion to treat of all such Englishmen as haue possessed that honor. Which I onelie doo, for that I would haue all whatsoeuer monuments of antiquitie pre­serued, least Pereat memoria eorum cum sonitu. Where­fore thus I begin.

Adrian the fourth of that name bishop of Rome (called before that time Nicholas Breakespeare) being borne in England about saint Albons (whome Onuphrius affirmeth to be borne in the towne of Malmesberie, in the dominions of saint Albons, Adrian the fourth pope [...] Rome. Will. Paruus lib. 2. cap. 26. Onuphrius. Matt. Parker. Ranulph Hig­den. in the dioces of Bath, somewhat like a stranger mis­taking the names of places and persons, as he often dooth) was for the pouertie of his father (who after be­came a moonke in saint Albons) not able to be main­teined here at learning. Wherevpon he goeth into Prouince to the monasterie of saint Rufus, whereof in time he was made a canon, and after abbat of that house; but in the end misliked of the couent, they appealed him to Rome before Eugenius the third then pope: who for that time pacifieng the mat­ter betwéene them, they did after fall at variance a­gaine, and so called him before the pope the second time. Eugenius séeing these continuall bralles, wearie to heare them, and fauoring this Nicholas, made them choose an other abbat, and appointed Ni­cholas to the bishoprike of Alba, and to the honor of a cardinall, sending him legat into Denmarke and Norweie: where he remained some yeares. But at length returning to Rome after the death of Euge­nius and his successor Anastasius, this Nicholas was aduanced from a cardinall to a pope, and called Adrian the fourth. Who died in the fift yeare of Henrie the second king of England, in the yeare of Christ 1159.

Bosa, an Englishman and cardinall, Bosa. Matt. Parker. Onuphriu [...]. was not that Bosa which was bishop of Yorke, of whome Beda maketh mention, lib. 4. cap. 13. and cap. 23. of his ecclesiasticall historie, where he saith that the same Bosa was made bishop of the same see, in the yeare of Christ 678. And therefore being long be­fore this Bosa, our cardinall could not be the same man, as some vnconsideratlie haue stiflie maintei­ned. For this our Bosa was a cardinall deacon, and the nephue to pope Adrian the fourth before na­med; and intituted a deacon cardinall of the title of Cosma and Damian, in the yeare of Christ 1155, being after made a priest cardinall of the title of saint Prudentian, by pope Alexander the third, in the yeare of Christ 1163, before which he was cham­berleine to the church of Rome, being created to the first cardinalship and office of chamberleine by his vncle the said pope Adrian the fourth.

Robert Curson, Robert Cur­son. Matt. Parker. Matt. Paris. Matt. West. Holinshed. a man excellentlie learned both in diuine & humane letters, comming from Rome, grew in such estimation, that in the end he became a cardinall, of whom we find recorded in this sort. At the taking of Dameta in Egypt, there was with Pelagius the popes legat, maister Robert Curson an Englishman a most famous clearke, borne of a noble house, and cardinall of the church of Rome.

Stephan Langhton made priest cardinall, Stephan Langhton. Matt. Parker. Matt. Paris. Holinshed. Onuphrius. in the yeare of Christ 1213, and the sixtéenth yeare of pope Innocent the third, of the title of saint Chrysogon, was archbishop of Canturburie, for whose cause and contention betwéene king Iohn and him, the realme [Page 1166] of England was long interdicted, the nobilitie was slaine, the king deposed, his kingdome made feo­darie to Rome, and Pandolph the cardinall sent hi­ther to receiue the crowne of K. Iohn. This Stephan departed the world, in the twelfe yeare of Henrie the third, and in the yeare of our redemption 1238.

Robert Somercot a cardinall, a man well estee­med for his vertue and learning, Robert So­mercot. [...]. a graue writer, and well beloued of all men, departed from the vanities of this life, in the yeare of our saluation 1241, being line 10 the fiue and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third.

Anch [...]rus citizen and archdeacon of London, was made priest cardinall of the title of saint Praxidis, Anch [...]rus. [...]. by pope Urban the second, in the yéere that the world became flesh 1262, and the yeare of the long reigne of king Henrie the third, the foure and fortith.

Robert de Kilwarbie. [...] Parker. [...].Robert de Kilwarbie, whome Onuphrius calleth Robert Biliberie frier preacher, doctor of diuini­tie was remoued from the archbishoprike of Can­turburie line 20 to be bishop of Portua, and afterward was made cardinall of saint Rufinian by pope Nicholas the third, in the yeare of Christ as some saie 1277, and as others haue 1278, or 1273: being a­about the first yeare of Edward the first of that name king of England; who died vnder the same pope Nicholas, in the yeare of Christ 1280, as hath Onuphrius.

Barnard de Anguiscelle. Matt. Parker.Barnard de Anguiscelle was remooued from the archbishoprike of Arras, and made bishop of Por­tua line 30 and cardinall of saint Rufinian, being a bishop cardinall, and aduanced to that principalitie by pope Martine the fourth of that name, in the yeare of our redemption 1291, being about the nintéenth yeare of the said Edward the first: whome Onuphrius much mistaking himselfe maketh a Frenchman: and Matthew Parker rightlie setteth him downe as an Englishman.

Hugh Attrat. [...].Hugh Attrat priest cardinall, of the title of saint Laurence in Lucina was created cardinall by line 40 pope Martine the fourth, in the yéere of our Lord 1281: he was also called Hugh of Euesham, and di­ed at Rome in the yeere of Christ 1287, whilest the sée was vacant, being about the fifteenth yeere of Ed­ward the first.

Bernard. Matthew [...].Berard or rather Bernard a cardinall of Pre­stina was aduanced to the dignitie of a cardinall by Nicholas the fourth of that name bishop of Rome in the yéere (as I suppose) 1298, though some saie in the yéere 1288, the error whereof I gather to be in the line 50 printer.

Leonard Guercine. [...].Leonard Guercine bishop, cardinall of Alba was receiued to the scarlet hat and robe by pope Bo­nifacius the eight, in the yéere of Christ 1300, being the eight and twentith of Edward the first.

William one of the order of the frier preachers doctor of diuinitie in Oxford, priest cardinall of the title of saint Sabina, to which place he was adopted by pope Benedict the eleuenth, in the yéere 1303, be­ing the one and thirtith yeere of Edward the first, in line 60 which yeere he died in England.

Walter Win­terborne. [...].Walter Winterborne (that came in place of William last before named) doctor of diuinitie of the order of frier preachers, confessor to Edward the first, and priest cardinall of the title of saint Sabi­na, was by the said Benedict the eleuenth admit­ted to the college of cardinals in the yeare of Christ 1304, being the one and thirtith yeere of Edward the first, which Walter small time inioied that place. For going with other cardinals into France, & so in­to Italie, he died at Genoa or Gene, whose bodie be­ing carried into England, was buried in the church of the frier preachers in the yeere of Christ 1305, be­ing the three and thirtith yeere of Edward the first.

Thomas Iorze a frier preacher doctor of diuini­tie of Oxford, confessor to Edward the first, Thomas Iorze. Wal [...]ingham. Nic. Triuet. Matthew Parker. Onuphrius. priest cardinall of the title of saint Sabina was created by pope Clement the fift in the yeere of Christ 1305, be­ing the three and thirtith yéere of Edward the first, or (as saith Walsingham) a little before Christmasse in the yéere of Christ 1306, who by him is also named Iorza. This man (as hath Onuphrius) died in the iorneie he made as ambassador into Italie to Hen­rie the seuenth of that name emperour in the yéere 1311, & the seuenth yeere of the popedome of Cle­ment the fift, who sent him in that ambassage: his bodie was carried into England, and buried at Ox­ford in a monasterie of the frier preachers.

Simon Langham abbat of Westminster, Simon Langham. trea­suror of England, bishop of Elie and of Canturbu­rie, and chancellor of England, was elected to the honor of the purple hat and cardinall dignitie, in the yéere of our redemption 1368, being the two and fortith yéere of king Edward the third. And here be­cause I would not set it downe in a distinct place, as receiuing it for truth, sith by search I find it not so, what authoritie soeuer they that wrote the same had to lead them to it: I will note an ouersight passed the fingers of Fabian, Holinshed, and Grafton, all writers of our age, who affirme that the bishop of Winchester, in the fiue and fortith yéere of king Ed­ward the third, being a cardinall (for so I gather by the words and circumstance of the storie) with the bi­shop of Beauois likewise a cardinall, were put in commission by pope Gregorie the eleuenth to treat betwixt the king of England and France. But be­cause I can not find in Onuphrius nor in Matthew Parker anie such cardinall set downe, I doo not at this time imbrace it, vntill I maie find better proofe thereof than the authoritie of Grafton, Fabian, and those before named; especiallie sith that he which was then bishop of Winchester in the said fiue and fortith yéere of Edward the third, and all they which were bishops of Winchester from the first yeare of the reigne of Edward the third, vntill the yeare of Christ 1404, in which Henrie Beaufort was bishop of Winchester, were neuer cardinals: the said bishops in orderlie succession thus named: Adam Orletie, William de Edington, William Wickham, and then Henrie Beaufort, who was a cardinall. But these writers mistaking perchance the yeare of the king, and the name of the bishops sée, in the fiue and fortith yeare of Edward the third (in which yeare Iohn Thorsbie was cardinall as after followeth) haue (in setting downe Winchester for Worcester committed a fault) so easie it is for the printer or anie other to misplace and misname the one bishoprike for the other.

Iohn Thorsbie bishop of saint Dauids in Wales chancellor of England, bishop of Worcester, Iohn Thors­bie. Holinshed and other authors. and af­ter bishop of Yorke, was made cardinall by Urban the fift then bishop of Rome (as I suppose) before the fiue and fortith yeare of Edward the third. This man surrendred his life in the yeare of our redemp­tion 1374, being the eight and fortith yeare of king Edward the third.

Adam priest cardinall of the title of saint Cici­lia, was inuested with the dignitie of a scarlet hat in the yeare of our redemption 1378, Adam. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Holinshed. about the first yeare of Richard the second. Holinshed mentioneth one Adam Eston to be a cardinall, who (considering the time when he liued) must néeds be this man, of whome he writeth in this sort. Adam Eston well séene in all the toongs, was made a cardinall by pope Gregorie the eleuenth, but by pope Urban the si [...]t he was committed to prison in Genoa (in the yeare of our redemption 1383, being about the sea­uenth yeare of Richard the second) and by contem­plation [Page 1167] of the said king Richard, was taken out of prison, but not fullie deliuered, vntill the daies of Boniface the ninth, who (in the yeare of our redemp­tion 1389, about the thirteenth yeare of Richard the second) restored the said Adam to his former dig­nitie: all which Holinshed speaketh of him amongst the writers of England, except the yeares of the Lord which I haue added out of Onuphrius, and the yeares of the king which I haue ioined of my selfe. Which Onuphrius maketh this Adam to be bishop line 10 of London, and to die in Rome the third calends of Maie, in the yéere of our sauior 1397, being the one and twentith of Richard the second, vnder Boniface the ninth pope of that name, and was buried in the place whereof he was intituled to the honor of a car­dinall.

Philip de Repindone. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker.Philip de Repindone bishop of Lincolne and doc­tor of diuinitie, was by pope Gregorie the twelfe, then bishop of Rome, in the yeare of Christ 1408, be­ing the tenth yeare of king Henrie the fourth line 20 created cardinall of the title of saint Nereus and A­chilleus.

Thomas. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Liber Dunel.Thomas bishop of Durham was made (as saith Onuphrius, in the yeare of our redemption 1411 by Iohn the two and twentith, commonlie called Iohn the thrée and twentith) priest cardinall. Touching which matter there is no mention made in the life of Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham, and liuing at this time that this Langleie was a cardinall: for this Thomas Langleie was made bishop of Dur­ham line 30 in the yeare of our Lord 1406, and continued in that see one and thirtie yeares, departing the world 1437, and so the creation of this Thomas bishop of Durham mentioned by Onuphrius and Matthew Parker bishop of Canturburie, in the yeare of Christ 1411 must néedes fall in the life of this Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham.

Robert. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker.Robert bishop of Salisburie priest cardinall (al­though it be not shewed of what title) was preferred to that place by pope Iohn the thrée and twentith in line 40 the yeare of our redemption 1411, being about the twelfe yere of the reigne of king Henrie the fourth, of whom Onuphrius writeth in this sort: Roberti epis­copi Sarisburiensis presbyteri cardinalis, & Egidij de campis presbyteri cardinalis gesta & exitus, quòd nunquam Roma­nam curiam adierint, incerti & obscuri omninò sunt. Satis ta­men constat, eos ante papae Martini electionem mortuos fuisse.

Henrie Beaufort.Henrie Beaufort, sonne vnto Iohn of Gant and Katharine Swineford, being bishop of Winchester and chancellor of England, tooke the state of a cardi­nall line 50 (of the title of saint Eusebius) at Calis, being absent (as hath Matthew Parker) in the yeare of our redemption 1426: in the fift yeare of king Henrie the sixt. He was called the rich cardinall of Winche­ster, being aduanced to that honor by Martine the third, commonlie called Martine the fift then pope of Rome. This Henrie died vnder pope Nicholas the fift in the yeare of Christ 1447: being about the six & twentith yeare of the miserable reigne of king Henrie the sixt. line 60

Iohn Staf­ford. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker.Iohn Stafford bishop of Bash and Welles chan­cellor of England, after bishop of Canturburie, was created priest cardinall by Eugenius then bishop of Rome, in the yeare that the word became flesh 1434: being the twelfe yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt.

Iohn Kempe. Holinshed. Polydor. Onuphrius.Iohn Kempe bishop of London, twise lord chan­cellour of England, bishop of Yorke, and after that archbishop of Canturburie, was by Eugenius the fourth then archbishop of Rome, made cardinall of the title of saint Sabina, as saith Holinshed, o­therwise by Onuphrius called Balbina: contrarie to Polydor, who in his thrée and twentith booke of the historie of England, affirmeth him to be cardinali­ted by pope Nicholas the fift. He died (as saith Onu­phrius) in the yeare that the godhead was vnited to the manhood, to wit, one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and foure, vnder pope Nicholas the first, which yeare of our Lord met with the fiue and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt.

Thomas Bourcher (borne of the noble house of the earles of Essex, being chancellor of England, Thomas Bourcher. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Holinshed. Polydor. bishop of Worcester, from thence remooued to E­lie, from that Ile aduanced to the metropolitan sée of Canturburie, and priest cardinall of the title of saint Siriacus in Thermis or the Baths) was hono­red with the scarlet hat and siluer pillers, by pope Paule the second of that name, in the yeare that the second person in trinitie tooke vpon him the forme of a seruant, one thousand foure hundred sixtie & fiue, being the fift yeare of the reigne of the noble prince king Edward the fourth.

Iohn Morton bishop of Elie chancellor of Eng­land & archbishop of Canturburie, Iohn Mor­ton. Onuphrius. Matthew Parker. Polydor. Holinshed. being priest car­dinall of the title of saint Anastasius, was honored with a scarlet hat by Alexander the sixt of that name (then gouernour of the seat of Peter at Rome) in the yeare from the birth of Christ 1493, being the ninth yeare of the Salomon of England king Hen­rie the seauenth. He died as saith Onuphrius, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand and fiue hundred, be­ing about the eight yeare of Alexander the sixt still pope of Rome, and the sixteenth yeare of the said Henrie the seauenth then king of England.

Christopher Bembridge a gentleman borne, was archbishop of Yorke, Christopher Bembridge. Matthew Parker. Onuphrius. & priest cardinall of the title of S. Praxidis, was aduanced to that scarlet dignitie by pope Iulius the second, in the yere that the virgin was deliuered of our sauiour one thousand fiue hun­dred & eleuen, being the third yeare of the triumphant reigne of king Henrie the eight. He died at Rome, (as saith Onuphrius) by poison, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and thirtéene yeares (be­ing the eleuenth yeare, when Leo the tenth did hold the sterne of the Romane bishoprike, & the fift yeare when the said Henrie the eight did rule the scepter of England) and was buried at Rome in the church of the holie trinitie of the English nation.

Thomas Wolseie the kings almoner, Thomas Wolseie. deane of Yorke, abbat of saint Albons, and of saint Austins, bishop of Lincolne, Winchester, and Yorke, chan­cellour of England: all which or all saue two he held at one time in his owne hands, was made priest car­dinall of the title of saint Cicilie, wherevnto he was promoted by pope Leo the tenth, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred and fifteene, being the seauenth yéere of the reigne of the famous king Henrie the eight, of whome Onuphrius some­what mistaking the pronuntiation of his name thus writeth: Thomas Wlcer ex oppido Sufforth diocessis Nordu­censis, &c: wherein like a stranger to our countrimen he mistaketh both name, towne, place, and the pro­uince of Suffolke for the towne of Ipswich. For this cardinall Wolseie being descended of meane paren­tage, was borne in the towne of Gipswich now cal­led Ipswich in the prouince or countrie of Suffolke in the diocesse of the bishoprike of Norwich.

Iohn Fisher bishop of Rochester priest cardinall of the title of saint Uitalis, Iohn Fisher. was (although he neuer came at Rome, nor for anie thing that I can learne was euer out of England) created cardinall at Rome, by Paule the third of that name, then wea­ring the triple crowned miter, and being bishop of Rome. But this Fisher neuer ware his scarlet hat: for after this high dignitie and before he might couer his priestlie crowne with the same, he lost his head, in the yeare from which the angels sang at the birth of the Messias one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and [Page 1168] fiue, being the seauen and twentith of the reigne of that king Henrie the eight, which deliuered his king­dome from all subiection to the bishop of Rome Cle­ment the seauenth of that name.

Reginald Poole.Reginald Poole, noblie borne, & yoong sonne to sir Richard Poole knight of the garter, by his wife Mar­garet countesse of Salisburie, daughter to George duke of Clarence brother to K. Edward the fourth, was made deacon cardinall of the title of saint Ma­rie in Cosmeden, by pope Paule the third of that line 10 name, in the yeare that the mother of God brought foorth the sonne of man 1536, being the eight and twentith yeare of king Henrie the eight. This man legat of pope Iulius the third, comming into Eng­land in the yeare of our Lord 1554, being the second yeare of quéene Maries reigne, was after made bi­shop of Canturburie, on the fiue and twentith of March, in the yeare of Christ 1556, being the third yeare of the reigne of the said quéene Marie, and died the seauentéenth daie of Nouember, in the yeare of line 20 Christ 1558, being the last daie of the reigne of the said quéene Marie, or rather the next daie erlie in the morning, at his house at Lambeth, and was honora­blie conueied to Canturburie, where he was buried. This man was the last English cardinall that liued and inioied that title of honour in England. For al­though the English cardinall which followeth were created after him, yet I suppose that he died much be­fore him: but he liued not in England at the same time that cardinall Poole died, as farre as I can line 30 lerne. Wherfore I still make this cardinall Poole the last English cardinall that was liuing in England.

Peter Peto.Peter Peto, borne of an ancient familie, and one of the order of the frier minors obseruants (whome Onuphrius calleth Angliae legatus) was created car­dinall by Paule the fourth of that name, chéefe bi­shop of Rome, in the yeare that the word became flesh 1557, being the fift yeare of quéene Marie. Besides this number of thirtie cardinals, there haue been manie other to the number of ten or more, line 40 before the time that pope Innocent the first of that name did weald the charge of the Romane bishop­rike, as Matthew Parker late bishop of Canturburie a worthie antiquarie dooth witnesse, and I my selfe haue obserued, besides those which Onuphrius and the said Matthew Parker (in the Latine booke of the arch­bishops of his owne sée) haue recited. But bicause neither they nor I haue yet atteined to their names, we must and doo omit them: and yet it may be that these thrée which follow, named by Onuphrius being line 50 English names, were Englishmen, and part of the said number of ten cardinals, whose names we doo not know, which thrée cardinals were Hugh Foliot, Peter Mortimer, and Simon Braie. But bicause I cannot certeinlie gather out of Onuphrius that they were Englishmen, I dare not presume so to make them; though in mine owne conceit I verelie suppose that they were borne in England: for in vncerteine matters I dare not set downe anie certeintie.

Wherefore to set end to this cardinals discourse, I will knit vp this matter with one onelie note line 60 drawne out of Matthew Parkers beforenamed booke of the liues of the bishops of Canturburie, which is as followeth: That this number and remembrance of our cardinals is not so wonderfull as is that com­putation of the Romane bishops, which pope Iohn the two and twentith of that name hath gathered of his predecessors. For he doth recite that out of the or­der of saint Benet or Benedict (whereof himselfe was) there haue issued foure and twentie popes, 183 cardinals, 1464 archbishops, 3502 bishops, and abbats innumerable. Thus concluding (that of all these our English cardinals, with the description of their liues, I will more largelie intreat in my booke intituled the Pantogrophie of England, conteining the vniuersall description of all memorable places and persons, aswell temporall as spirituall) I request the reader to take this in good part, till that booke may come to light. Thus much Francis Thin, who with the whéele of George Ripleie canon of Brid­lington, after the order of circulation in alchimicall art, and by a geometricall circle in naturall philoso­phie dooth end this cardinals discourse, resting in the centre of Reginald Poole, the last liuing cardinall in England, by whose death the said Francis tooke occasi­on to pase about the circumference of this matter of the cardinals of this realme.]

Of such learned men as had written and did liue in the reigne of quéene Marie there were manie, Learned men in quéene Maries reigne. of whome no small number ended their liues also du­ring that short time of hir reigne, some by fire, and o­thers in exile, Iohn Rogers borne in Lancashire, wrote diuerse treatises, translated the bible into English with notes, and published the same vnder the name of Thomas Matthew, he suffred in Smith­field the fourth of Februarie, in the yeare 1555. Ni­cholas Ridleie bishop first of Rochester, and after of London, suffered at Oxford in the said yeare 1555. Hugh Latimer borne in Leicestershire, sometime bishop of Worcester, a notable preacher, and a most reuerend father, suffered at the same place, and in the same daie and yeare with bishop Ridleie. Iohn Hooper borne in Summersetshire, bishop first of Glocester, and after of Worcester, suffered at Gloce­ster in the yeare of our Lord 1555. Iohn Bradford, borne in Manchester, a notable towne in Lanca­shire, a sober, mild, and discréet learned man, suffered at London the first of Iulie in the said yeare 1555.

Stephan Gardiner bishop of Winchester borne in the towne of saint Edmundsburie in Suffolke, of king Henrie the eights councell, and in king Ed­wards daies committed to ward within the tower, released by quéene Marie, made lord chancellor, and so died a stout champion in defense of the popes doc­trine, and a great enimie to the professours of the gospell. Iohn Philpot borne in Hamshire, sonne to sir Peter Philpot knight, was archdeacon of Win­chester, ended his life by fire in the yeare aforesaid 1555, the 18 of December, going then on the foure & fortith yeare of his age. Thomas Cranmer borne in Notinghamshire, archbishop of Canturburie, a worthie prelat, in sundrie vertues right commen­dable, suffered at Oxford the one and twentith of March, one thousand, fiue hundred, fiftie and six. Ri­chard Morison knight, borne in Oxfordshire, wrote diuerse treatises, and deceassed at Strausburge the 17 of March 1556. Iohn Poinet borne in Kent, bi­shop of Rochester first, & after of Winchester, deceas­sed likewise at Strausburgh, about the tenth or elea­uenth of August, in the yeare of our Lord 1556.

Robert Record a doctor of physicke, and an excel­lent philosopher, in arithmetike, astrologie, cosmo­graphie, and geometrie most skilfull, he was borne in Wales, descended of a good familie, and finallie departed this life in the daies of quéene Marie. Bar­tholomew Traheron descended of a worshipfull house in the west parts of England, deane of Chiche­ster, departed this life in Germanie, where he liued in exile, about the latter end of quéen Maries reigne. Cutbert Tunstall, bishop first of London, and after of Durham, borne in Lancashire of a right worship­full familie, excellentlie learned, as by his workes it may appeare, doctor of both the lawes, departed this life in the yeare 1559. Richard Sampson bishop of Couentrie & Lichfield wrote certeine treatises, & de­parted this life 1555. Lucas Shepherd borne in Col­chester in Essex, an English poet. Iane Dudleie [Page 1169] daughter vnto Henrie Greie duke of Suffolke, wrote diuerse things highlie to hir commendation, of whome yée haue heard more before héere in this historie; William Thomas a Welshman borne, of whome yée haue likewise heard how he suffered for treason, wrote the historie of Italie, and other things verie eloquentlie; Iames Brookes a doctor of diuini­tie, Iohn Standish a doctor likewise of the same pro­fession, great defenders of the popes doctrine, as by their workes appeareth; William Perine a blacke line 10 frier by profession, and a doctor also of diuinitie, wrote in defense of the masse, and preached sermons which were printed of like stuffe; Iohn Baret borne in Lin, a doctor of diuinitie, and sometime a Car­melit frier, but reuolting from the popes religion, he became an earnest setter foorth of the gospell, but eftsoones he fell off, and returned to his former opini­ons now in the daies of quéene Marie; Henrie lord Stafford, sonne to Edward duke of Buckingham, amongst other things which he wrote, he translated a booke out of Latine into English, intituled Vtrius­que potestatis differentia, that is, The difference betwixt the two powers, which booke (as some thinke) was first compiled and set foorth by Edward Fox bishop of Hereford; Iohn Hopkins translated diuerse psalmes of the psalter into English méeter, which are to be found amongst those appointed to be sung in the churches of England.

Thus farre the troublesome reigne of Queene Marie the first of that name (God grant she may be the last of hir religion) eldest daughter to king Henrie the eight.

The peaceable and prosperous regiment of blessed Queene Elisabeth, second daughter to king Henrie the eight.

AFter all the stormie, tempestuous, and bluste­ring windie weather of quéene Marie was o­uerblowne, the darke­some clouds of discom­fort dispersed, the palpa­ble fogs and mists of most intollerable mise­rie consumed, and the line 10 dashing showers of persecution ouerpast: it pleased God to send England a calme and quiet season, a cleare and louelie sunshine, a qu [...]tsest from former broiles of a turbulent estate, and a world of blessings by good quéene Elisabeth: into whose gratious reigne we are now to make an happie entrance as followeth.

When true knowledge was had that quéene Ma­rie was deceased, who left hir life in this world the seuentéenth daie of Nouember, as is before menti­oned line 20 in the latter end of hir historie: in the time of a parlement, The resoluti­ [...]n of the lords [...] declare la­ [...] Elisabeth [...]. the lords that were assembled in the vp­per house, being resolued according to the lawes of the land, to declare the ladie Elisabeth sister to the said quéene to be verie true and lawfull heire to the crowne of England, sent immediatlie to the spea­ker of the parlement, willing him with the knights and burgesses of the neather house, without delaie to repaire vnto them into the vpper house, for their assents in a case of great importance. Who being line 30 come thither, after silence made (as the maner is) the archbishop of Yorke chancellor of England, whose name was Nicholas Heth, doctor in diuinitie, stood vp and pronounced in effect these words follow­ing.

The cause of your calling hither at this time, is to signifie vnto you, The words [...] doctor death lord [...]ncellor, [...] in the parlement [...] touch­ing the [...] of the [...] Elisa­beth quéene. that all the lords here present are certeinlie certified, that God this present morning hath called to his mercie our late souereigne ladie queene Marie. Which hap as it is most heauie and line 40 gréeuous vnto vs, so haue we no lesse cause another waie to reioise with praise to almightie God; for that he hath left vnto vs a true, lawfull and right inheri­trice to the crowne of this realme, which is the ladie Elisabeth, second daughter to our late souereigne lord of noble memorie king Henrie the eight, and si­ster to our said late quéene, of whose most lawfull right and title in the succession of the crowne (thanks be to God) we néed not to doubt. Wherefore the lords of this house haue determined with your assents and line 50 consents, to passe from hence into the palace, and there to proclame the said ladie Elisabeth quéene of this realme, without further tract of time. Whereto the whole house answered with euident appearance of ioy, God saue quéene Elisabeth, long may quéene Elisabeth reigne ouer vs. And so this present parle­ment being dissolued by the act of God, the said lords immediatlie calling vnto them the kings and prin­cipall heralds at armes, went into the palace of Westminster, and directlie before the hall doore in the foore noone of the same daie, after seuerall sound­ings of trumpets made, in most solemne maner, pro­clamed the new quéene, by this name and title: The ladie E­lisabeth pro­clamed quéen. Eli­sabeth by the grace of God queene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c: to the great comfort and reioising of the people, as by their maners and countenances well appeared. After which proclama­tion made at Westminster, the said lords, to wit the duke of Norffolke, the lord treasuror, the earle of Oxford, and diuerse other lords and bishops, with all spéed repaired into the citie of London, where the like proclamation was made in the presence of them, and also of the lord maior and aldermen in their scarlet gowns, at the crosse in Cheape, with no lesse vniuersall ioy and thanksgiuing to God of all the hearers. The begin­ning of quéene Elisabeths prosperous reigne. And so our most gratious souereigne ladie queene Elisabeth began hir happie reigne ouer this realme of England, to the great comfort and gladnesse of all estates christianlie minded and dispo­sed, vpon the foresaid seuentéenth day of Nouember,

—(lux haec venerabilis Anglis,
Haec est illa dies albo signando lapillo

saith the poet) in the yeare after the creation of the world, fiue thousand, fiue hundred, twentie and fiue, year 1558 after the birth of our sauiour one thousand, fiue hun­dred, fiftie and eight; of the empire of Ferdinando the first emperor of Rome bearing that name, the first; in the twelfe yeare of the reigne of Henrie the second of that name French king; and in the six­téenth yeare of the reigne of Marie quéene of Scot­land.

On wednesdaie the three and twentith of Nouem­ber, the quéenes maiestie remooued from Hatfield, The quéenes remouing frō Hatfield. vnto the Charter house in London, where she lodged in the lord Norths house: in which remoouing, and comming thus to the citie, it might well appeare how comfortable hir presence was to them that went to receiue hir on the waie, and likewise to the great multitudes of people that came abroad to sée hir grace, shewing their reioising harts in countenance and words, with hartie praiers for hir maiesties prosperous estate and preseruation: which no doubt were acceptable to God, as by the sequele of things it may certenlie be belieued, sith his diuine maiestie hath so directed hir dooings, that if euer the common­wealth of this land hath flourished, it may rightlie be said, The flourish­ing estate of this land vn­der quéene E­lisabeth. that in hir most happie reigne it hath béene most flourishing, in peace, quietnesse, and due administra­tion of iustice, mixed with mercifull clemencie, so as those which cannot content themselues with the pre­sent [Page 1171] state of things vnder hir rule, no doubt they are such factious creatures, as will not rest satisfied with anie kind of gouernement, be it neuer so iust and commendable. From the which sort of men the Lord deliuer hir roiall maiestie, and all hir true and louing subiects, and preserue hir in long life to all our com­forts, and continue hir in such happie procéedings as she hath begun, to the end.

On mondaie the eight and twentith of Nouem­ber, about two of the clocke in the afternoone, hir line 10 grace remooued againe, and taking hir chariot, rode from my lord Norths house alongst Barbican, Hir grace re­moueth to the tower. and entring by Criplegate into the citie, kept along the wall to Bishops gate, and so by blanch Chapelton vnto Marke lane. At hir entring into blanch Cha­pleton, the artillerie in the tower began to go off, con­tinuallie shooting for the space almost of halfe an houre, but yet had made an end before hir maiestie was aduanced to Berkin church, and so with great ioie and prease of people, of whom all the streets were line 20 full as she passed, declaring their inward reioisings by gesture, words, and countenance, she entered the tower, where she continued till the fift of December being mondaie, Hir remouing to Summer­set house. on the which daie, she remooued by water vnto Summerset place in the Strond, where she arriued about ten of the clocke in the forenoone the same daie.

Abr. Fl. ex ma­nuscripto Hen. Tennant. The death of sir Thomas Cheinie lord Warden of the cinque ports.¶On thursdaie betwéene two and thrée in the mor­ning the eight of December 1558 in the first yeare of our souereigne ladie quéene Elisabeths reigne di­ed line 30 in the tower of London, that honorable man sir Thomas Cheineie knight of the order, treasuror of hir maiesties most honorable houshold, warden of the cinque ports, & of hir highnesse priuie councell, whose pulses (by the report of his surgeon) laboured more than thrée quarters of an houre after his death, so stronglie as though life had not béene absent from the bodie. By the report also of the same surgeon, he had the swéetest face of death to behold for one of his yeares that euer he saw, and died so quietlie and pa­tientlie, line 40 that neither his face, mouth, eies, hands, or féet were vncomelie vsed in the changing of this his life.

His horsse for seruice which proued him to be a louer of chiualrie.For twentie yeares before his departure, he kept in his stable continuallie winter and summer twen­tie great horsse at the least, and eight or nine gel­dings, besides sixtéene or seuentéene geldings which were kept at grasse, and had in a readinesse furniture for them all to serue in the field: and no one of the same horsse or geldings but he was able and readie for anie man at armes to serue vpon. Beside this he line 50 kept so bountifull a house, and was so liberall and good to his men, The like is reported of cardinall Wolseie when he was in the floure of his prosperitie. that well was that noble mans son, gentlemans sonne, or other that might happen to be preferred into his seruice. And againe, the number of his seruants to whom he gaue liueries were 205, wherof in houshold were six score, besides strangers that were dailie comming and going. And his ser­uants had no iust cause, either for lacke of great wa­ges trulie paid them euerie quarter, and boordwages line 60 euerie sundaie, or plentie of meat and drinke, & lodg­ing on good featherbeds to liue out of order. And such commoditie as might by chance fall within the iuris­diction of his office of wardenrie, But how ma­nie be there now that will giue away the profits of their office to their seruants? being a thing fit for his men, he neuer turned the same to his owne vse; but alwaies gaue it them. Whether this realme hath not lost a worthie subiect, and speciallie his men a good maister, let all men iudge that knew him.

Before his departure out of this world, he seemed to haue a great care for his men, thinking least with­out some prouision for them, they would after his death run at randon and liue disorderlie, which like a noble man he preuented after this liberall sort as followeth. In his last will and testament, to some he gaue annuities during life, His honest & honorable care for his men that serued him. and to others a whole yeares wages after his death; but both to the one sort and the other he prouided that all things which he owght them might be paied: and also so long as they vsed themselues like honest men, and were not retei­ned in seruice, they should haue meat, drinke, and lodging at his house, till his sonne now lord Cheinie came to his lawfull age, which was the space of thrée yeares, in no lesse or worsse maner than they were woont and accustomed to haue in his life time. In his last will he also remembred some of his freends, as well those of nobilitie and worship, as others, His mindful­nes of his friends at his death. some with one gift and some with an other, desiring them to assist his executors for the performance of his last will.

His wit, experience, courtesie, and valiantnesse in seruice was such, as king Henrie the eight, and his children, to wit, king Edward the sixt, quéene Marie, and queene Elisabeth vsed him as one of all their priuie councell, and was treasuror of all their hono­rable housholds during his life. He was brought vp in king Henrie the seuenths house, Sir Thomas Cheineie an old seruitor in court. See more of him before, pag. 973, 97 [...]. & was one of his henchmen. So that it appeareth before he died, he had serued thrée kings, and two quéenes. His truth was such to all these princes, that he euer liued to­wards them Sine macula, seruing in the court thrée score years. And although he bare this great saile, yet prouided he to paie euerie man iustlie that he owght them. His bountifulnesse, liberalitie, and courtesie to diuerse noble men, gentlemen and others, atten­ding in the court was such, A commenda­tion of his courtesie, bountifulnes, and warlike stoutnesse▪ that they were euer glad to haue him there amongst them; and his stoutnesse & haltie courage was such, and so well knowen to the Frenchmen, as they both feared and loued him wonderfullie. In the end he was so worthie a gentle­man, and such a necessarie member in the common­wealth, as his want cannot but be lamented of all good and true English harts. But the almightie must be serued when his good will and pleasure is.]

The thirtéenth of December being tuesdaie, Quéene Ma­rie buried. the corps of quéene Marie was right honorablie con­ueied from hir manor of S. Iames, vnto the abbeie of Westminster. Hir picture was laid on the coffin, apparelled in hir roiall robes, with a crowne of gold set on the head thereof, after a solemne manner. In the abbeie was a rich and sumptuous hearse prepa­red and set vp with wax, and richlie decked with pe­no [...]s, baners, and scutchions, of the armes of Eng­land and France, vnder which hearse the corpse rested all that night, and the next daie it was brought into the new chappell, where king Henrie the seuenth li­eth, and was interred there in the chappell on the north side.

The foure and twentith of December, An obsequie kept for the emperour. being the euen of the natiuitie of our Lord, was a solemne ob­sequie kept in the abbeie church of Westminster, for Charles the seuenth late emperour, who departed this life in September last, the one and twentith of the same moneth, in the monasterie of S. Iustus in Castile, being then of age about eight and fiftie yeares, hauing gouerned the empire before he re­nounced the same a six and thirtie yeares; and his kingdoms of Castile, Arragon, Naples, Sicill, and others, aboue fortie yeares.

Moreouer in this yeare 1558 there died two of the said emperors sisters, The deceasse of the queene of France. that went with him into Spaine, after he had resigned the empire, to wit, queene Leonor, first maried vnto Emanuell king of Portugall, and after his deceasse vnto the French king Francis the first of that name: she deceassed in Februarie last past. His other sister Marie, quéene of Hungarie, late regent of the low countries, The deceasse of the quéene of Hungarie. de­ceassed on saint Lukes daie, the eightéenth of Octo­ber last past. And so the one preuenting him, the other [Page 1172] taried not long after him, in so much that king Phi­lip did celebrate the exequies in the towne of Brus­sels, of his father the emperour, of his aunt Marie queene of Hungarie, and of his wife Marie quéene of England, in this present moneth of December subsequentlie, after the most pompous and solemne manner.

On sundaie the first of Ianuarie, by vertue of the quéenes proclamation, 1559. the English letanie was read accordinglie as was vsed in hir graces chappell in churches through the citie of London. The letanie. The epistle and gospell in English. And like­wise line 10 the epistle and gospell of the daie began to be read in the same churches at masse time in the Eng­lish toong, by commandement giuen by the lord ma­ior, according to the tenour of the same proclamati­on, published the thirtith of the last month. On thurs­daie the twelfe of Ianuarie, The quéene remooueth [...] West­minster to the tower by water. the queenes maiestie re­mooued from hir palace of Westminster by water vnto the tower of London, the lord maior and alder­men in their barge, and all the citizens with their barges decked and trimmed with targets and ban­ners line 20 of their mysteries accordinglie attending on hir grace.

The bachellers barge of the lord maiors companie, to wit, the mercers had their barge with a toist trim­med with thrée tops, and artillerie aboord, gallantlie appointed to wait vpon them, shooting off lustilie as they went, with great and pleasant melodie of in­struments, which plaied in most sweet and heauenlie maner. Hir grace shut the bridge about two of the clocke in the after noone, at the still of the ebbe, the line 30 lord maior and the rest following after hir barge, at­tending the same, till hir maiestie tooke land at the priuie staires at the tower wharfe: and then the said lord maior with the other barges returned, passing through the bridge againe with the floud, and landed at the wharfe of the thrée cranes in the Uintrie. Up­pon saturdaie, which was the fourteenth daie of Ia­unarie, in the yeare of our Lord God 1558, about two of the clocke at after noone, the most noble and christian princesse, our most dread souereigne ladie line 40 Elisabeth, by the grace of God quéene of England, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c: mar­ched from the tower, to passe thorough the citie of London toward Westminster, The quéene passeth from the tower to [...]estminster through the [...]. richlie furnished, and most honourablie accompanied, as well with gentle­men, barons, and other the nobilitie of this realme, as also with a notable traine of goodlie and beauti­full ladies, richlie appointed.

At hir entring the citie, she was of the people recei­ued maruellous intierlie, as appeared by the assem­blies line 50 praiers, wishes, welcommings, cries, tender words, and all other signes, which argued a woonder­full earnest loue of most obedient subiects towards their souereigne. And on the other side, hir grace by holding vp hir hands, and merrie countenance to such as stood farre off, and most tender and gentle language to those that stood nigh vnto hir grace, did declare hirselfe no lesse thankefullie to receiue hir peoples good will, than they louinglie offered it line 60 vnto hir. The quéene [...]teth them [...] salute hir. To all that wished hir grace well, she gaue heartie thanks; & to such as bad God saue hir grace, she said againe God saue them all, and thanked them with all hir hart. So that on the other side there was nothing but gladnesse, nothing but praier, nothing but comfort. The queenes maiestie reioised maruel­louslie to sée that so excéedinglie shewed towards hir hir grace, which all good princes haue euer desired, I meane so ernest loue of subiects, so euidentlie decla­red euen to hir graces owne person, being caried in the midst of them.

The peoples [...]earts wholie [...] vpon [...].The people againe were woonderfullie rauished with the louing answers and gestures of their prin­cesse, like to the which they had before tried at hir first comming to the tower from Hatfield. This hir gra­ces louing behauiour preconceiued in the peoples heads, vpon these considerations was then through­lie confirmed, and in deed implanted a woonderfull hope in them touching hir woorthie gouernment in the rest of hir reigne. For in all hir passage she did not onelie shew hir most gratious loue toward the people in generall, but also priuatlie if the baser per­sonages had either offered hir grace anie flowers, or such like, as a signification of their good will, or mooued to hir anie sute; she most gentlie, to the com­mon reioising of all the lookers on, and priuat com­fort of that partie, staied hir chariot, and heard their requests. So that if a man would saie well, he could not better tearme the citie of London that time, The citie of London a stage for the time of this solemnitie. than a stage, wherein was shewed the woonderfull specta­cle of a noble hearted princesse towards hir most lo­uing people, and the peoples excéeding comfort in be­holding so woorthie a souereigne, & hearing so prince­like a voice, which could not but haue set the enimie on fire, sith the vertue is in the enimie alwaie com­mended, much more could not but inflame hir natu­rall, obedient, and most louing people, whose weale leaneth onelie vpon hir grace, and hir gouernment.

Thus therefore the quéenes maiestie passed from the tower, till she came to Fanchurch, the people on each side ioyouslie beholding the view of so gratious a ladie their quéene, and hir grace no lesse gladlie no­ting and obseruing the same. Néere vnto Fanchurch was erected a scaffold richlie furnished, A scaffold let vp at Fan­church with melodie, &c. whereon stood a noise of instruments, and a child in costlie apparell, which was appointed to welcome the queenes maie­stie in the whole cities behalfe. Against which place when hir grace came, of hir owne will she comman­ded the chariot to be staied, and that the noise might be appeased, till the child had vtttered his welcoming oration, which he spake in English as here foloweth▪

O peerelesse souereigne queene,
behold what this thy towne
Hath thee presented with,
These verses were vttered by a child to the quéene who gaue good eare to them.
at thy first entrance heere:
Behold with how rich hope
she leades thee to thy crowne,
Behold with what two gifts,
she comforteth thy cheere.
The first is blessing toongs,
which manie a welcome saie,
Which praie thou maist doo well,
which praise thee to the skie.
Which wish to thee long life,
which blesse this happie daie,
Which to thy kingdome heapes
all that in toongs can lie.
The second is true hearts,
which loue thee from their root,
Whose sure is triumph now,
and ruleth all the game,
Which faithfulnesse haue woone,
and all vntruth driuen out,
Which skip for ioy, when as
they heare thy happie name.
Welcome therefore ô queene,
as much as heart can thinke,
Welcome againe ô queene,
as much as toong can tell;
Welcome to ioyous toongs,
and hearts that will not shrinke,
God thee preserue we praie,
and wish thee euer well.

At which words of the last line, all the people gaue a great shout, wishing with one assent as the child had said. And the quéens maiestie thanked most heartilie both the citie for this hir gentle receiuing at the first, & also the people for confirming the same.

[Page 1173]Here was noted in the quéenes maiesties counte­nance, during the time that the child spake, besides a perpetuall attentiuenesse in hir face, a maruellous change in looke, as the childs words either touched hir person, or the peoples toongs and hearts. So that she with reioising visage did euidentlie de­clare that the words tooke no lesse place in hir mind, than they were most heartilie pronounced by the child, as from all the hearts of hir most heartie citi­zens. The same verses were fastened vp in a table line 10 vpon the scaffold, and the Latine thereof likewise in Latine verses in another table, as herafter insueth:

Vrbs tua quae ingressis dederit tibi munera primo,
The verses in Latine which the child vtte­red to y e quéene in English.
O regina parem non habitura, vide.
Ad diadema tuum, te spe quàm diuite mittat,
Quae duo laetitiae des tibi dona, vide.
Munus habes primum, linguas bona multa precantes,
Quae te quum laudant, tum pia vota so [...]ant,
Foelicémque diem hunc dicunt, tibi sacula longa
Optant, & quicquid deni (que) longa potest. line 20
Altera dona feres, vera, & tui amantia corda,
Quorum gens ludum iam reget vna tuum.
In quibus est infracta fides, falsum (que) perosa,
Quae (que) tuo audito nomine laeta salit.
Grata venis igitur, quantum cor concipit vllum,
Quantum lingua potest dicere, grata venis.
Cordibus infractis, linguis (que) per omnia laetis
Grata venis: saluam te velit esse Deus.

Now when the child had pronounced his oration, and the quéenes highnesse so thankefullie had recei­ued line 30 it, she marched forward toward Gratious stréet, where at the vpper end before the signe of the eagle, the citie had erected a gorgeous and sumptuous arch as here followeth. A great stage arched and verie sumptu­ous at Grati­ous stréet. A stage was made which extended from the one side of the stréet to the other, richlie vawted with battlements conteining thrée ports, and ouer the middlemost was aduanced thrée seuerall stages in degrées.

Upon the lowest stage was made one seat roiall, wherein were placed two personages, representing line 40 king Henrie the seuenth, and Elizabeth his wife, daughter of king Edward the fourth; either of these two princes sitting vnder one cloth of estate in their seates, none otherwise diuided, but that the one of them which was king Henrie the seuenth, The vnitie of the white rose and the red. procée­ding out of the house of Lancaster, was inclosed in a red rose, and the other which was quéene Eliza­beth, being heire to the house of Yorke, inclosed with a white rose, each of them roiallie crowned, and de­centlie apparelled, as apperteineth to princes, with line 50 scepters in their hands, and one vawt surmounting their heads, wherein aptlie were placed two tables, each conteining the title of those two princes. And these personages were so set, that the one of them ioined hands with the other, with the ring of matri­monie perceiued on the finger. Out of the which two roses sprang two branches gathered into one, which were directed vpward to the second stage or degrée, wherein was placed one representing the valiant & noble prince king Henrie the eight, which sproong line 60 out of the former stocke, crowned with a crowne im­periall, Uertuous quéene Anne mother to gra­tious queéne Elizabeth. and by him sat one representing the right woorthie ladie quéene Anne, wife to the said king Henrie the eight, and mother to our most souereigne ladie quéene Elizabeth that now is, both apparelled with scepters and diadems, and other furniture due to the state of a king and quéene, and two tables sur­mounting their heads, wherein were written their names and titles.

From their seat also procéeded vpwards one branch, directed to the third and vppermost stage or degrée, wherein likewise was planted a seat roiall, in the which was set one representing the quéenes most excellent maiestie Elizabeth, now our most dread souereigne ladie, crowned and apparelled as the other princes were. Out of the fore part of this pageant was made a standing for a child, which at the queens▪ maiesties comming declared vnto hir the whole meaning of the said pageant. The two sides of the same were filled with lowd noises of mu­sicke. And all emptie places thereof were furnished with sentences concerning vnitie, and the whole pageant garnished wich red roses and white. And in the fore front of the same pageant, The posie [...] planing the shew set [...]or [...]h in color [...]. in a faire wreath, was written the name and title of the same, which was; The vniting of the two houses of Lan­caster and Yorke. This pageant was grounded vpon the quéens maiesties name. For like as the long warre betweene the two houses of Yorke and Lancaster then ended, when Elizabeth daughter to Edward the fourth matched in mariage with Hen­rie the seuenth, heire to the house of Lancaster: so sith that the quéenes maiesties name was Eliza­beth, & for somuch as she is the onelie heire of Hen­rie the eight, which came of both the houses, as the knitting vp of concord: it was deuised, that like as Elizabeth was the first occasion of concord, Unitie the [...] whereat the deuise of the pageant was directed. so she another Elizabeth, might mainteine the same a­mong hir subiects, so that vnitie was the end where­at the whole deuise shot, as the quéenes maiesties name moued the first ground.

The pageant now against the quéenes maiesties comming was addressed with children, representing the forenamed personages, with all furniture due vnto the setting forth of such a matter well meant, as the argument declared costlie and sumptuouslie set foorth, as the beholders can beare witnesse. Now the quéenes maiestie drew néere vnto the said page­ant. And for so much as the noise was great, The quéene is desirous [...] know the meaning of euerie repr [...] ­sentation. by rea­son of the prease of people, so that she could scarse heare the child which did interpret the said pageant, and hir chariot was passed so far forwards, that she could not well view the personages representing the kings & quéenes aboue named: she required to haue the matter opened vnto hir, and what they signified, with the end of vnitie and ground of hir name, accor­ding as is before expressed. For the sight whereof hir grace caused hir chariot to be remooued backe, and yet hardlie could she sée, because the children were set somewhat with the furthest in. But after that hir grace had vnderstood the meaning thereof, she thanked the citie, praised the fairenesse of the worke, and promised that she would doo hir whole in­deuor for the continuall preseruation of concord, as the pageant did import. The child appointed in the standing aboue named, to open the meaning of the said pageant, spake these words vnto hir grace:

The two princes that sit,
The meaning of the pageant opened by th [...] spéech of [...] child.
vnder one cloth of state,
The man in the red rose,
the woman in the white:
Henrie the seauenth, and
queene Elizabeth his mate,
By ring of marriage,
as man and wife vnite.
Both heires to both their blouds,
to Lancaster the king,
The queene to Yorke, in one
the two houses did knit:
Of whome as heire to both,
Henrie the eight did spring,
In whose seate his true heire
thou queene Elizabeth doost sit.
Therefore as ciuill warre,
and shead of bloud did cease,
When these two houses were
vnited into one;
So now that iarre shall stint,
[Page 1174]and quietnesse increase,
We trust, ô noble queene,
thou wilt be cause alone.

The which also were written in Latine verses, and both drawen in two tables vpon the fore front of the foresaid pageant, as hereafter orderlie followeth:

Hij quos iungit idem solium, quos annulus idem:
Hac albente nitens, ille rubente rosa:
The same verses in La­tine.
Septimus Henricus rex, regina Elizabetha,
Scilicet h [...]redes gentis vterque suae.
Haec Eboracensis, Lancastrius ille dederunt line 10
Connubio, è geminis quo foret vna domus.
Excipit hos haeres Henricus copula regum
Octauus, magni regis imago potens,
Regibus hinc succedis auis regíque parenti,
Patris iusta haeres Elizabetha tui.

Sentences placed therein concerning vnitie.

Nullae concordes animos virer doniant.
These verses [...].
Qu [...] iuncti terreni, deiuncti timent. line 20
Discorde sinimi so [...]uubi, concordes ligant.
Augentu [...] p [...]rua pace, magna bello ca [...]u [...]t.
Coniunc [...] [...] fortius tollunt [...]us.
Regno pro [...]nibus aeneis ciuium concordia.
Qui duc pugnant diutius lugent.
Dissidentes principes subdi to [...]um [...].
Princeps ad pacem natus non ad arma datus.
Filia concordiae copia, neptis quies.
Dissentiens respublica hostibus patet.
Qui idem tenent, duitius tenent. line 30
Regnum diuisum facilè dissoluitur.
Ciuitas concors armis frustrà tentatur.
Omnium gèntium consensus firmat fidem, &c.

These verses and other pretie sentences were drawen in void places of this pageant, all tending to one end, that quietnes might be mainteined, and all dissention displaced: and that by the quéenes ma­iestie heire to agreement, and agreeing in name with hir, which to fore had ioined those houses, which had béene the occasion of much debate and ciuill war line 40 within this realme, as maie appéere to such as will search chronicles, but be not to be touched herein: onelie declaring hir graces passage through the ci­tie, and what prouision the citie made therefore. And yer the quéenes maiestie came within hearing of this pageant, she sent certeine as also at all the o­ther pageants, to require the people to be silent. For hir maiestie was disposed to heare all that should be said vnto hir. line 50

When the quéenes maiestie had heard the childs oration, and vnderstood the meaning of the pageant at large, she marched forward toward Cornehill, al­waie receiued with like reioising of the people. And there as hir grace passed by the conduit, The conduit [...] Cornehill [...]cked, and a noise of loud instruments [...]n the top of the same. which was curiouslie trimmed against that same time, with rich banners adorned, and a noise of lowd instruments vpon the top thereof, she spied the second pageant. And bicause she feared for the peoples noise, that she shuld not heare the child which did expound the same, line 60 she inquired what that pageant was yer that shé [...] came to it; and there vnderstood, that there was a child representing hir maiesties person, placed in a seat of gouernement, supported by certeine vertues which suppressed their contrarie vices vnder their feet, and so foorth, as in the description of the said pa­geant shall hereafter appeere.

This pageant standing in the nether end of Corn­hill, was extended from the one side of the stréet to the other. The deuise of the pageant in Cornehill. And in the same pageant was deuised thrée gates all open, and ouer the middle part thereof was erected one chaire or seate roiall, with a cloth of e­state to the same apperteining, wherein was placed a child representing the quéenes highnesse, with con­sideration had for place conuenient for a table, which conteined hir name and title: and in a comelie wreath artificiallie & well deuised, with perfect sight and vnderstanding to the people.

In the front of the same pageant was written the name and title thereof, which is; The seat of worthie gouernance. Which seat was made in such artificiall maner, as to the appearance of the lookers on, the fore part seemed to haue no staie, Liuely work­manship and right com­mendable. & therefore of force was staied by liuelie personages, which personages were in number foure, standing and staieng the fore­front of the same seat roiall, each hauing his face to the quéene and people, whereof euerie one had a table to expresse their effects, which are vertues, namelie Pure religion, Loue of subiects, Wisedome and Iu­stice, A proper mo­rall. which did tread their contrarie vices vnder their feet, that is to wit; Pure religion did tread vp­on Superstition and Ignorance, Loue of subiects did tread vpon Rebellion and Insolencie, Wise­dome did tread vpon Follie and Uaine glorie, Iu­stice did tread vpon Adulation and Briberie. Ech of these personages according to their proper names and properties, had not onelie their names in plaine and perfect writing set vpon their breasts easilie to be read of all: but also euerie of them was aptlie an [...] properlie apparelled, so that his apparell and name did agree to expresse the same person, that in title he represented.

This part of the pageant was thus appointed an [...] furnished. How the pa­geant was appointed and furnished▪ The two sides ouer the two side ports had in them placed a noise of instruments, which imme­diatlie after the childs spéech, gaue an heauenlie me­lodie. Upon the top or vppermost part of the said pa­geant, stood the armes of England, roiallie purtrai­tured with the proper beasts to vphold the same. One representing the quéenes highnesse sat in this seat crowned with an imperiall crowne, and before hir seat was a conuenient place appointed for one child, which did interpret and applie the said pageant, as hereafter shall be declared. Euerie void place was furnished with proper sentences, commending the seat supported by vertues, and defacing the vi­ces, to the vtter extirpation of rebellion, and to euer­lasting continuance of quietnesse and peace. The queenes maiestie approching nigh vnto this pageant thus beautified and furnished in all points, The quéene draweth néere the pagent to heare the childs ora­tion. caused hir charriot to be drawne nigh therevnto, that hir grace might heare the childs short oration, which was this:

While that religion true,
shall ignorance suppresse,
And with hir weightie foot,
breake superstitions head:
While loue of subiects shall
rebellion distresse,
And with zeale to the prince,
insolencie downe tread.
While iustice flattering toongs,
and briberie can deface,
While follie and vaine glorie,
to wisedome yeeld their hands:
So long shall gouernement
not swarue from hir right race,
But wrong decaieth still,
and rightwisenesse vp stands.
Now all thy subiects hearts,
ô prince of peerelesse fame▪
Do trust these vertues shall
mainteine vp thy throne:
And vice be kept downe still,
the wicked put to shame,
That good with good may ioy,
and naught with naught may mone.

Which verses were painted vpon the right side of the same pageant, and the Latine thereof on the left side [Page 1175] in another table, which were these héere following:

The same verses in La­tins painted on a table.
Quae subnixa altè folio regina superbo est,
Effigiem sanctae principis alma refert,
Quam ciuilis amor fulcit, sapientia firmat,
Iustitia illustrat, relligióque beat,
Vana superstitio & crassa ignorantia frontis
Pressae sub pura relligione iacent.
Regis amor domat effraenos animósque rebelles,
Iustus adulantes doniuorósque terret.
Cùm regit imperium sapiens, sine luce sedebunt line 10
Stultitia, atque huius numen inanis honor.

Beside these verses, there were placed in euerie void roome of the pagent, both in English & Latine, such sentences as aduanced the seat of gouernance vpholden by vertue. The ground or morall of the pageant. The ground of this pageant was, that like as by vertues (which doo abundantlie appeare in hir grace) the quéenes maiestie was esta­blished in the seat of gouernment: so she shuld sit fa [...]t in the same, so long as she imbrased vertue, and held vice vnder foot. For if vice once got vp the head, it line 20 would put the seat of gouernement in perill of fal­ling. The queenes maiestie when she had heard the child, The quéenes promise with thanks to the citie. and vnderstood the pageant at full, gaue the ci­tie also thanks therefore, & most gratiouslie promised hir good indeuor for the maintenance of the said ver­tues, and suppression of vices, and so marched on▪ till she came against the great conduit in Cheape, which was beautified with pictures and sentences accor­dinglie, against hir graces comming thither. A­gainst Soper lane end was extended from the one line 30 side of the stréet to the other, A pageant at Soper lane end. a pageant which had three gates all open: ouer the middlemost whereof were erected thrée seuerall stages, whereon sat eight chil­dren, as hereafter followeth. On the vppermost one child, on the middle three, on the lowest foure, each ha­uing the proper name of the blessing that they did re­present, written in a table, & placed aboue their head.

In the forefront of this pageant, before the chil­dren which did represent the blessings, was a conue­nient standing cast out for a child to stand, which did line 40 expound the said pageant vnto the quéenes maiestie, as was doone in the other before. Euerie of these chil­dren were appointed and apparelled, according vn­to the blessing which he did represent. And on the fore­part of the said pageant was written in faire letters the name of the foresaid pageant in this manner: ‘The eight beatitudes expressed in the fift chapter of the gospell of saint Matthew, The inscripti­on fixed or set vpon the front of the said pa­geant. applied to our line 50 souereigne ladie queene Elisabeth.’

Ouer the two side ports was placed a noise of in­struments. And all the void places in the pageant were furnished with prettie saiengs, commending & touching the meaning of the said pageant, which was the promises & blessings of almightie God, made to his people. Before that the queenes highnesse came vnto this pageant, she required the matter somwhat to be opened vnto hir, that hir grace might the bet­ter vnderstand, what should afterward by the child be line 60 said vnto hir. Which so was, that the citie had there erected the pageant with eight children, representing the eight blessings touched in the fift chapter of saint Matthew. Whereof euerie one vpon iust considera­tions, The meaning of the pa­geant. was applied vnto hir highnesse, and that the people thereby put hir grace in mind, that as hir good dooings before had giuen iust occasion, why that these blessings might fall vpon hir, that so if hir grace did continue in hir goodnesse as she had entered, she should hope for the fruit of these promises due vnto them that doo exercise themselues in the blessings: which hir grace heard maruellous gratiouslie, and re­quired that the charriot might be remooued towards the pageant, The quéene giueth atten­tiue eare to the childs words. that she might better perceiue the childs words, which were these, the quéenes maiestie giuing most attentiue eare, and requiring that the peoples noise might be staid. The verses were as follow:

Thou hast beene eight times blest,
ô queene of worthie fame,
By meekenesse of thy spirit,
when care did thee beset,
By mourning in thy griefe,
by mildnesse in thy blame,
By hunger and by thirst,
and iustice couldst none get.
By mercie shewd, not felt,
by cleannesse of thine heart,
By seeking peace alwaies,
by persecution wrong.
Therefore trust thou in God,
sith he hath helpt thy smart,
That as his promise is,
so he will make thee strong.

When these words were spoken, all the people wi­shed, that as the child had vttered, A consent on all sides of prince, people▪ and children. so God would strengthen hir grace against all hir aduersaries, whome the queenes maiestie did most gentlie thanke for their so louing wish. These verses were painted on the left side of the said pageant, and other in La­tine on the other side, which were these héere insuing:

Qui lugent hilares sient, qui mitia gestant
Pectora, multa soli iugera culta metent:
Iustitiam esuriens fitiénsue replebitur: ipsum
Fas homini puro corde videre Deum:
Quem alterius miseret, Dominus miserebitur huius:
Pacificus quisquis, filius ille Dei est:
Propter iustiti am quisquis patietur habétque
Demissam mentem coelica regna capit.
Huit hominum generi terram, mare, fidera, vouit
O [...]mipotens, horum quisque beatus erit.

Besides these, euerie void place in the pageant was furnished with sentences touching the matter and ground of the said pageant. When all that was to be said in this pageant was ended, the queenes maiestie passed on forwards in Cheapside. The standard and crosse in Cheape ador­ned and tri [...] ­med. At the standard in Cheape, which was dressed faire against the time▪ was placed a noise of trumpets, with ban­ners and other furniture. The crosse likewise was also made faire, and well trimmed. And néere vnto the same, vpon the porch of saint Peters church doore, stood the waits of the citie, which did giue a pleasant noise with their instruments, as the quéenes maie­stie did passe by, which on euerie side cast hir counte­nance, and wished well to all hir most louing people. Soone after that hir grace passed the crosse, A pageant e­rected at the little conduct in Cheape. she had e­spied the pageant erected at the little conduit in Cheape, and incontinent required to know what it might signifie. And it was told hir grace, that there was placed Time. Time, quoth she? And time hath brought me hither. And so foorth the whole matter was opened to hir grace, as hereafter shall [...]e decla­red in the description of the pageant.

But in the opening, when hir grace vnderstood that the bible in English should be deliuered vnto hir by Truth, The quéene promiseth the citie often to read ouer the bible. which was therein represented by a child: she thanked the citie for that gift, and said, that she would oftentimes read ouer that booke, com­manding sir Iohn Parrat, one of the knights which held vp hir canopie, to go before, and to receiue the booke. But learning that it should be deliuered vnto hir grace downe by a silken lace, she caused him to staie, and so passed forward till she came against the aldermen in the high end of Cheape before the little conduit, where the companies of the citie ended, which began at Fanchurch, & stood along the stréets, one by an other inclosed with railes, hanged with cloths, and themselues well apparelled with manie [Page 1176] rich furres, and their liuerie hoods vpon their shoul­ders in comelie and seemelie maner, hauing before them sundrie persons well apparelled in silks and chains of gold: The seuerall companies of the citie shew [...] ioifull [...] at the queenes com­ming. as wiflers and garders of the said companies, besides a number of rich hangings, as well of tapistrie, arras, cloths of gold, siluer, veluet, damaske, sattin, and other silks plentifullie hanged all the waie, as the queenes highnesse passed from the tower thorough the citie.

Out at the windowes and penthouses of euerie house did hang a number of rich and costlie banners line 10 and stremers, till hir grace came to the vpper end of Cheape. Where by appointment, the right worship­full master Ranulph Cholmelie recorder of the citie, presented to the quéenes maiestie a pursse of crim­son sattin, richlie wrought with gold, wherein the ci­tie gaue vnto the quéens maiestie a thousand marks in gold, The citie gi­ [...]eth a thou­sand marks to the quéene in a pursse. as master recorder did declare bréefelie vnto the quéens maiestie, whose words tended to this end; that the lord maior, his brethren, and communaltie of line 20 the citie, to declare their gladnesse and goodwill to­wards the quéenes maiestie, did present hir grace with that gold, desiring hir grace to continue their good and gratious queene, and not to esteeme the va­lue of the gift, but the mind of the giuers. The queens maiestie with both hir hands tooke the pursse, and an­swered to him againe maruellous pithilie; and so pi­thilie, that the standers by, as they imbraced intirelie hir gratious answer, so they maruelled at the cou­ching thereof, which was in words truelie reported these. The verie words of the queene vtte­red to the lord maior, &c. I thanke my lord maior, his brethren, and you line 30 all. And whereas your request is that I should conti­nue your good ladie and quéene, be yee ensured, that I will be as good vnto you, as euer quéene was to hir people. No will in me can lacke, neither doo I trust shall there lacke anie power. And persuade your selues, that for the safetie and quietnesse of you all, I will not spare (if néed be) to spend my bloud, God thanke you all. Which answer of so noble an hearted princesse, if it mooued a maruellous shout & line 40 reioising, it is nothing to be maruelled at, sith both the haltinesse thereof was so woonderfull, and the words so iointlie knit.

When hir grace had thus answered the recorder, she marched toward the little conduit, A pageant of a square pro­portion, and what things the same had represented in it. where was e­rected a pageant with square proportion, standing di­rectlie before the same conduit, with battlements ac­cordinglie. And in the same pageant was aduanced two hilles or mounteins of conuenient height. The one of them being on the north side of the same page­ant, line 50 was made [...]ragged, barren, and stonie, in the which was erected one trée, artificiallie made, all wi­thered and dead, with branches accordinglie. And vn­der the same trée at the foot thereof sat one in home­lie and rude apparrell crookedlie, and in mourning maner, hauing ouer his head in a table, written in Latine and English, his name which was Ruinosa res­publica, [...]publica [...]. A decaied commonweale. And vpon the same withered trée were fixed certeine tables, wherein were written proper sentences, expressing the causes line 60 of the decaie of a commonweale. The other hill on the south side was made faire, fresh, greene and beau­tifull▪ the ground thereof full of floures and beautie, and on the same was erected also one tree, verie fresh and faire, vnder the which stood vpright one fresh per­sonage well apparelled and appointed, whose name also was written both in English and Latine, which was, [...]publica bene [...]. Respublica bene instituta, A flourishing common­weale.

And vpon the same tree also were fixed certeine tables conteining sentences, which expressed the cau­ses of a flourishing commonweale. In the middle betweene the said hils, was made artificiallie one hollow place or caue, with doore and locke inclosed, out of the which, a little before the quéenes highnesse comming thither, issued one personage, whose name was Time, apparelled as an old man, with a sieth in his hand, hauing wings artificiallie made, leading a personage of lesser stature than himselfe, which was finelie and well apparrelled, all clad in white silke, and directlie ouer hir head was set hir name and title in Latine and English, Temporis filia, Veritas temporis filia, expounded to the quéene. The daughter of Time. Which two so appointed, went forwards toward the south side of the pageant. And on hir brest was written hir proper name, which was Veritas, Truth, who held a booke in hir hand, vpon the which was written Verbum veritatis, The word of truth. And out of the south side of the pageant was cast a standing for a child, which should interpret the same pageant. Against whome when the quéenes maiestie came, he spake vnto hir grace these swéet words:

This old man with the sieth,
old father Time they call,
The interpre­tation of the pageant deli­uered in speéch to the quéene by a child.
And hir his daughter Truth,
which holdeth yonder booke:
Whome he out of his rocke,
hath brought foorth to vs all,
From whence this manie yeares
she durst not once out looke.
The ruthfull wight that sits
vnder the barren tree,
Resembleth to vs the forme,
when common weales decaie:
But when they be in state
triumphant, you may see
By him in fresh attire,
that sits vnder the ba [...]e.
Now sith that Time againe,
his daughter Truth hath brought,
We trust ô worthie queene,
thou wilt this truth imbrace,
And sith thou vnderstandst,
the good estate and naught,
We trust wealth thou wilt plant,
and barrennes displace.
But for to heale the sore,
and cure that is not seene,
Which thing the booke of truth,
dooth teach in writing plaine:
Shee dooth present to thee
the same, ô worthie queene,
For that, that words doo flie,
but written dooth remaine.

When the child had thus ended his spéech, he rea­ched his booke towards the quéenes maiestie, which a little before Truth had let downe vnto him from the hill, which by sir Iohn Parrat was receiued, and de­liuered vnto the quéene. But shée as soone as she had receiued the booke, kissed it, The quéene receiueth Ver­bum Dei, kis­seth it, and laieth it in hir lap. and with both hir hands held vp the same, and so laid it vpon hir brest, with great thanks to the citie therefore: and so went for­ward towards Paules churchyard. The former mat­ter which was rehearsed vnto the quéenes maiestie, was written in two tables, on either side the page­ant eight verses, and in the middest, these in Latine:

Ille, vides falcem laeua qui sustinet vncam,
Tempus is est, cui stat filia vera comes▪
Hanc pater exesa deductam rupereponit
In lucem, quam non viderat antè diu.
Qui sedet à laeua cultu malè tristis inepto
Quem duris crescens cautibus orbis obit,
Nos monet effigie qua sit respublica, quando
[...]orruit, at contra quando beata viget.
Ille docet iuuenis forma spectandus, amictu
Scitus, & aeterna laurea fronde virens.

The sentences written in Latine and English vpon both the trées, declaring the causes of both estates, and first of a ruinous commonweale were [Page 1177] these: Want of Gods feare, disobedience to rulers, blindnesse of guides, briberie in magistrats, rebelli­on in subiects, ciuill discord, flattering of princes, vnmercifulnesse in rulers, vnthankefulnesse in sub­iects. Causes of a flourishing commonweale are these: Feare of God, a wise prince, learned rulers, obedience to officers, obedient subiects, louers of the commonweale, vertue rewarded, vice chastened.

The meaning in brée [...]e of this pagent.The matter of this pageant dependeth of them that went before. For as the first declared hir grace line 10 to come out of the house of vnitie, the second that she is placed in the seat of gouernement staid with ver­tues, to the suppression of vice; and therefore in the third, the eight blessings of almightie God might well be applied vnto hir: so this fourth now is, to put hir grace in remembrance of the state of the com­monweale, which Time with Truth his daughter dooth reueale: which Truth also hir grace hath recei­ued, and therefore cannot but be mercifull and care­full for the good gouernement thereof. From thence, line 20 the quéenes maiestie passed toward Paules church­yard, A scholer of Paules vtte­reth an ora­tion in Latine to the quéene. and when she came ouer against Paules schoole, a child appointed by the schoolemaister thereof, pro­nounced a certeine oration in Latine, and certeine verses, which also were there written as followeth:

Philosophus ille diuinus Plato inter multa prae­clarè ac sapienter dicta, hoc posteris proditum reli­quit; Rempublicam illam foeliciss. fore, cui prin­ceps sophiae studiosa, virtutibús (que) ornata contige­rit. line 30 Quem si verè dixisse censeamus (vt quidem verissimè) cur non terra Britannica plauderet? cur non populus gaudium atque laetitiam agitaret? Immo, Laus Elisabe­thae regni iugum subeuntis. cur non hunc diem, albo (quod aiunt) lapillo notaret? Quo princeps talis nobis adest, qualē prio­res non viderunt, qualém (que) posteritas haud facilè cernere poterit, dotibus quum animi, tum corpo­ris vndi (que) foelicissima. Casti quidem corporis do­tes ita apertae sunt, vt oratione non egeant. Animi line 40 verò tot tantae (que), vt ne verbis quidem exprimipos­sint. Haec nempe regibus summis orta, morum at (que) animi nobilitate genus exuperaet. Huius pectus Christi religionis amore flagrat. Haec gentem Bri­tannicam virtutibus illustrabit, clypeó (que) iustitiae teget. Haec literis Graecis & Latinis eximia, inge­nió (que) praepollens est. Hac imperante pietas vigebit, Anglia florebit, aurea saecula redibunt. Vos igi­tur Angli tot commoda accepturi, Ad Anglorum gentem breuis adhortatio. Elisabetham reginam nostram celeberrimam ab ipso Christo line 50 huius regni imperio destinatam, honore debito pro­sequimini. Huius imperijs animo libentissimo sub­diti estote, vós (que) tali principe dignos praebete. Et quoniam pueri non viribus sed precibus, officium praestare possunt, nos alumni huius scholae ab ipso Coleto olim templi Paulini decano extructae, tene­ras palmas ad coelum tendentes Christum Opt. Max. precaturi sumus, vt tuam celsitudinem an­nos Nestoreos summo cum honore Anglis imperi­tare line 60 faciat, matrém (que) pignoribus charis beatam reddat▪ Amen.

Anglia nunc tandem plaudas, laetare, resulta,
Praesto iam vita est, praesidiúm (que) tibi.
En tua spes venit, tua gloria, lux, decus omne
Venit iam, solidam qua tibi praestat opem.
Quaenam prae­stabit Elisabae­tha suo regimi­n [...].
Succurrét (que) tuis rebus quae pessum abiere,
Perdita quae fuerant haec reparare volet.
Omnia florebunt, redeunt nunc aurea saecla,
In melius surgent quae cecidere bona.
Debes ergo illi totam te reddere fidam,
Cuius in accessu commoda tot capies.
Salue igitur dicas, imo de pectore summo,
Elizabeth regni non dubitanda salus,
Virgo venit, veniát (que) optes comitata deinceps,
Pignoribus charis, laeta parens veniat.
Hoc Deus omnipotens ex alto donet olympo,
Qui coelum & terram condidit at (que) regit.

Which the quéenes maiestie most attentiuelie hearkened vnto. And when the child had pronounced, he did kisse the oration which he had there faire writ­ten in paper, and deliuered it vnto the quéenes maie­stie, which most gentlie receiued the same. And when the quéenes maiestie had heard all that was there of­fered to be spoken, then hir grace marched toward Ludgate, where she was receiued with a noise of in­struments, the fore front of the gate being finelie trimmed vp against hir maiesties comming. The quéenes maiestie con­sidered the ci­ties charge. From thence by the way as she went downe toward Fleet­bridge, one about hir grace noted the cities charge, that there was no cost spared. Hir grace answered, that she did well consider the same, and that it should be remembred. An honorable answer, worthie a no­ble prince, which may comfort all hir subiects, consi­dering that there can be no point of gentlenesse, or obedient loue shewed towards hir grace, which she doth not most tenderlie accept, and gratiouslie weie. In this maner, the people on euerie side reioising, hir grace went forward towards the conduit in Fléetstréet, where was the fift and last pageant ere­cted in forme following.

From the conduit, which was beautified with painting, vnto the northside of the stréet was erected a stage, imbatteled with foure towers, A pagent in Fléetstréet de­scribed. and in the same a square plat rising with degrées; and vpon the vppermost degrée was placed a chaire, or seat roiall, and behind the same seat, in curious artificiall ma­ner was erected a trée of reasonable heigth, and so farre aduanced aboue the seat, as it did well and seemelie shadow the same, without indamaging the sight of anie part of the pageant: and the same trée was beautified with leaues as gréene as art could deuise, being of a conuenient greatnesse, and contei­ning therevpon the fruit of the date. And on the top of the same tree in a table was set the name thereof, which was a palme tree, and in the aforesaid seat or chaire was placed Alluding to the quéenes maiestie no doubt. a séemelie and meet personage richlie apparelled in parlement robes, with a scepter in hir hand, as a queene, crowned with an open crowne, whose name and title was in a table fixed o­uer hir head, in this sort: Debora the iudge and re­storer of the house of Israell: Iudic. 4. And the other degrees on either side were furnished with six perso­nages, two representing the nobilitie, two the clear­gie, & two the communaltie. And before these perso­nages was written in a table: Debora with hir e­stats consulting for the good gouernment of Israell. At the féet of these, and the lowest part of the pageant was ordeined a conuenient roome for a child to open the meaning of the pageant. How willing the quéene was to heare the child speake. When the quéenes maiestie drew neare vnto this pageant, and per­ceiued, as in the other, the child readie to speake; hir grace required silence, and commanded hir chariot to be remooued nigher, that she might plainlie heare the child speake, which said as hereafter followeth:

Iabin of Canaan king,
had long by force of armes
Opprest the Israelites,
which for Gods people went:
But God minding at last
for to redresse their harmes,
The worthie Debora
as iudge among them sent.
In warre she through Gods aid,
did put hir foes to flight,
[Page 1178]And with the dint ofsword
the band of bondage brast.
In peace she, through Gods aid,
did alwaie mainteine right,
And iudged Israell
till fortie yeares were past.
A worthie president,
ô worthie queene thou hast,
A worthie woman iudge,
a woman sent for staie:
And that the like to vs line 10
indure alwaie thou maist,
Thy louing subiects will
with true harts and toongs praie.

Which verses were written vpon the pageant, & the same in Latin also fixed in the face of the people:

Quando Dei populum Canaan, rex pressit Iaben,
Mittitur à magno Debora magna Deo:
Quae populum eriperet, sanctum seruaret Iudan,
Milite quae patrìo frangeret hostis opes.
Haec Domino mandante Deo lectissima fecit line 20
Faemina, & aduersos contudit ense viros.
Haec quater denos populum correxerat anno [...]
Iudicio, bello strenua, pace grauis:
Sic, ô sic populum bellóque & pace guberna,
Debora sis Anglis Elisabetha tuis.

The void places of this pageant were filled with pretie sentences concerning the same matter. The ground of this last pageant was, The morall [...] foresaid [...]. that for somuch as the next pageant before had set before hir graces eies the flourishing and desolate states of a common­weale, line 30 she might by this be put in remembrance to consult for the worthie gouernement of hir people, considering God oftentimes sent women noblie to rule among men, as Debora, which gouerned Israell in peace the space of fortie yeares: and that it beho­ueth both men and women so ruling to vse aduise of good councell. When the queenes maiestie had pas­sed this pageant, she marched toward Temple bar. But at S. Dunstans church, where the children of the hospitall were appointed to stand with their go­uernors, The children [...] Christs [...]pitall stand [...] S. Dun­stans. line 40 hir grace perceiuing a child offered to make an oration vnto hir, staied hir chariot, and did cast vp hir eies to heauen, as who should saie; I here sée this mercifull worke toward the poore, whome I must in the middest of my roialtie néeds remember: and so turned hir face toward the child, which in Latine pro­nounced an oration to this effect: That after the quéenes highnesse had passed through the citie, and had seene so sumptuous, rich, and notable spectacles line 50 of the citizens, which declared their most hartie re­ceiuing, and ioious welcomming of hir grace into the same: this one spectacle yet rested and remained, which was the euerlasting spectacle of mercie vnto the poore members of almightie God, furthered by that famous and most noble prince king Henrie the eight hir graces father, erected by the citie of Lon­don, & aduanced by the most godlie & vertuous prince king Edward the sixt, hir graces deare and louing brother, doubting nothing of the mercie of the line 60 quéenes most gratious clemencie, by the which they may not onelie be relieued and helped, but also staied and defended: and therefore incessantlie they would praie and crie vnto almightie God, for the long life and reigne of hir highnesse, with most prosperous victorie against hir enimies.

The child after he had ended his oration, kissed the paper wherein the same was written, & reached it to the quéenes maiestie, which receiued it grati­ouslie, both with words and countenance, declaring hir gratious mind toward their reliefe. From thence hir grace came to Temple bar, Temple bar [...] with Gogmagog, & [...] giants. which was dressed finelie with the two images of Gogmagog the Al­bion, & Corineus the Briton, two giants, big in sta­ture, furnished accordinglie, which held in their hands aboue the gate, a table, wherein was written in La­tine verses the effect of all the pageant which the citie before had erected, which verses were these insuing:

Ecce sub aspectu iam contemplaberis vno
(O princeps populi sola columna tui)
Quicquid in immensa passim perspexeris vrbe,
Quinque arcu [...] quam significa­tionem implici­ta [...] tenean [...].
Quae cepere omnes vnus hic arcus habet.
Primus te solio regni donauit auiti,
Haeres quippe tui ver a parentis eras.
Suppressis vitijs, domina virtute. Secundus,
Firmauit sedem regia virgo tuam.
Tertius ex omni posuit te parte beatam,
Si, qua caepisti pergere velle, velis.
Quarto quid verum, respublica lapsa quid esset,
Quae florens staret te docuere tui.
Quinto magnu loco monuit te Debora missam
Coelitùs, in regni gaudia long a tui.
Perge ergo regina, tuaespes vnica gentis,
Haec postrema vrbis suscipe vota tuae.
Viue diu, regná (que) diu, virtutibus orna
Rem patriam, & populi spem tueare tui.
Sic ô sic petitur coelum, sic itur in astra:
Hoc virtutis opus, caetera mortis erunt.

Which verses were also written in English mée­ter, in a lesse table as hereafter plainelie followeth:

Behold here in one view,
thou maist see all that plaine,
O princesse vnto this
thy people th'onlie staie:
What each where thou hast seene
in this wide towne, againe,
This one arch whatsoeuer
the rest conteind, dooth saie.
The first arch as true heire
vnto thy father deere,
What the ar­ches signifie.
Did set thee in thy throne
where thy grandfather sat.
The second did confirme
thy seat as princesse heere,
Vertues now bearing swaie,
and vices bet downe flat.
The third, if that thou wouldst
go on as thou began,
Declared thee to be
blessed on euerie side.
The fourth did open truth,
and also taught thee whan
The commonweale stood well,
and when it did thence slide.
The fift, as Debora
declard thee to be sent
From heauen, a long comfort
to vs thy subiects all.
Therefore go on ô queene,
on whom our hope is bent,
And take with thee this wish
of thy towne as finall.
Liue long, and as long reigne,
adorning thy countrie
With vertues, and mainteine
thy peoples hope of thee.
For thus, thus heauen is woone,
thus must thou perse the skie,
This is by vertue wrought,
all other needs must die▪

On the southside was appointed by the citie a noise of singing children, and one child richlie attired as a poet, which gaue the queenes maiestie hir farewell in the name of the whole citie by these sweet words:

As at thine entrance first,
The cities farewell to the quéene going out at Temple barre.
ô prince of high renowne,
Thou wast presented with
toongs and hearts for thy faier:
[Page 1179]So now sith thou must needs
depart out of this towne,
This citie sendeth thee
firme hope and earnest praier.
For all men hope in thee,
that all vertues shall raine,
For all men hope that thou
none error wilt support,
For all men hope that thou
wilt truth restore againe, line 10
And mend that is amisse,
to all good mens comfort.
And for this hope they praie,
thou maist continue long,
Our queene amongst vs here,
all vice for to supplant,
And for this hope they praie,
that God maie make thee strong,
As by his grace puissant,
So in his truth constant. line 20
Farewell ô worthie queene,
and as our hope is sure,
That into errors place,
thou wilt now truth restore:
So trust we that thou wilt
our souereigne queene endure,
And louing ladie stand,
from hensefoorth euermore.

While these words were in saieng, and certeine wishes therein repeated for maintenance of truth, line 30 and rooting out of errour, The last words of the quéene to the citie by waie of promise. she now and then held vp hir hands towards heauen, and willed the people to saie, Amen. When the child had ended, shee said; Be ye well assured I shall stand your good quéene. At which saieng, hir grace departed foorth through Tem­plebarre toward Westminster, with no lesse show­ting and crieng of the people, than she entered the citie with a noise of ordinance which the tower shot off at hir graces enterance first into Towerstréet. The childs saieng was also in Latine verses writ­ten line 40 in a table verie faire which was hanged vp there:

Carmen valedic­torium a puero recitatum.
O regina potens, quum primam vrbem ingredereris,
Dona tibi linguas fidá (que) corda dedit.
Discedenti etiam tibi nunc duo munera mittit,
Omnia plena spei, votá (que) plena precum.
Quippe tuis spes est in te, quòd prouida virtu [...]
Rexerit, errore nec locus vllus erit.
Quippe tuis spes est, quòd tu verum omni reduces
Solatura bonas, dum mala tollis, opes.
Hac spe freti orant, longum vt regina gubernes, line 50
Et regni excindas crimina cuncta tui.
Hac spe freti orant, diuina vt gratia fortem
Et verae fidei te velit esse basin.
Iam regina vale, & sicut nos spes tenet vna,
Quòd vero inducto, perditus error erit:
Sic quó (que) speramus quòd eris regina benigna
Nobis per regni tempora long a tui.

Thus the queenes highnesse passed through the ci­tie, which without anie forreigne person, of it selfe beautified it selfe, and receiued hir grace at all places as hath beene before mentioned, with most tender o­bedience line 60 and loue, due to so gratious a queene and souereigne a ladie. And hir grace likewise of hir side in all hir graces passage, shewed hir selfe generallie an image of a worthie ladie and gouernour. But pri­uatlie these especiall points were noted in hir grace, as signes of a most princelike courage, whereby hir louing subiects maie ground a sure hope for the rest of hir gratious dooings hereafter.

About the nether end of Cornehill toward Cheape, one of the knights about hir grace had espied an an­cient citizen, Certein notes of the quéenes maiesties great mercie▪ clemencie, and wisdome vsed in this p [...]ssag [...] which wept, and turned his head backe, and therewith said this gentleman; Yonder is an al­derman (for so he tearmed him) which wéepeth, and turneth his face backeward; how maie it be inter­preted that he so dooth, for sorrow, or for gladnesse? The quéens maiestie heard him, and said, I warrant you it is for gladnesse. A gratious interpretation of a noble courage, which would turne the doubtfull to the best. And yet it was well knowne, that as hir grace did confirme the same, Of one that wept for ioy and inward gladnesse. the parties cheare was mooued for verie pure gladnesse for the sight of hir maiesties person, at the beholding whereof he tooke such comfort, that with teares he expressed the same. In Cheape side hir grace smiled, and being thereof demanded the cause, answered, for that she heard one saie; Remember old king Henrie the eight. A natu­rall child, which at the verie remembrance of hir fa­thers name, tooke so great a ioy, that all men maie well thinke, that as she reioised at his name whome this realme dooth hold of so woorthie memorie: so in hir dooings she will resemble the same.

When the cities charge without parcialitie, and onelie the citie was mentioned vnto hir grace, shée said it should not be forgotten. Which saieng might mooue all naturall Englishmen hartilie to shew due obedience and intiernesse to their so good a queene, which will in no point forget anie parcell of dutie lo­uinglie shewed vnto hir. The answer which hir grace made vnto maister recorder of London, as the hea­rers know it to be true, & with melting hearts heard the same: so maie the reader thereof conceiue what kind of stomach and courage pronounced the same. What more famous thing doo we read in ancient histories of old time, The humble­nesse of the quéene in re­ceiuing verie trifles of hir poore subiect [...] thankefullie. than that mightie princes haue gentlie receiued presents offered them by base and low personages. If that be to be woondered at (as it is passinglie) let me sée anie writer that in anie prin­ces life is able to recount so manie presidents of this vertue, as hir grace shewed in that one passage tho­rough the citie.

How manie nosegaies did hir grace receiue at poore womens hands? How oftentimes staid she hir chariot, when she saw anie simple bodie offer to speake to hir grace? A branch of rosemarie giuen hir grace with a supplication by a poore woman about Fleetbridge, was séene in hir chariot till hir grace came to Westminster, not without the maruellous woondering of such as knew the presenter, and no­ted the quéens most gratious receiuing and keeping the same. What hope the poore and néedie maie looke for at hir graces hand, she as in all hir iournie conti­nuallie, so in hir hearkening to the poore children of Christs hospitall Where hir mind then was no dou [...] in heauen vpon God. with eies cast vp into heauen, did fullie declare: as that neither the wealthier estate could stand without consideration had to the pouer­tie, neither the pouertie be dulie considered, vnlesse they were remembred, as commended vnto vs by Gods owne mouth.

As at hir first entrance she as it were declared hir selfe prepared to passe through a citie that most intierlie loued hir: so she at hir last departing as it were bound hir selfe by promise, to continue good ladie and gouernor vnto that citie, which by outward declaration did open their loue vnto their so louing and noble prince, in such wise, as she hir selfe woon­dered thereat. The quéens maiestie is [...] forgetfull to glorifie God who glorified hir. But because princes be set in their seat by Gods appointing, and therefore they must first and chieflie tender the glorie of him, from whom their glorie issueth: it is to be noted in hir grace, that for somuch as God hath so woonderfullie placed hir in the seat of gouernement ouer this realme, she in all hir dooings do [...]th shew hir selfe most mindfull of his goodnesse & mercie shewed vnto hir. And among all other, two principall signes thereof were noted in this passage. First in the tower, where hir grace before she entred hir chariot, lifted vp hir eies to heauen, and said as followeth.

[Page 1180]

The praier of queene Elisabeth as she went to hir coronation.

O Lord almightie and euerlasting God, I giue thee most hartie thanks, that thou hast beene so mercifull vnto me, as to spare me to behold this ioifull daie. And I acknow­ledge that thou hast delt as woonderfullie and as mercifullie with me, as thou did­dest line 10 with thy true and faithfull seruant Daniell thy prophet; whome thou deliue­redst out of the den from the crueltie of the greedie and raging lions: euen so was I ouerwhelmed, and onlie by thee deliuered. To thee therefore onlie be thankes, honor, and praise, for euer: Amen.

The second was the receiuing of the bible at the lit­tle conduit in Cheape. For when hir grace had lear­ned that the bible in English should there be offered: she thanked the citie therefore, promised the reading thereof most diligentlie, and incontinent comman­ded that it should be brought. At the receipt where­of, how reuerendlie did she with both hir hands take it, As religious [...] princesse is queene Elisa­beth as euer she was. kisse it, and laie it vpon hir brest, to the great comfort of the lookers on? God will vndoubtedlie preserue so woorthie a prince, which at his honor so line 30 reuerendlie taketh hir beginning. For this saieng is true, and written in the booke of truth; He that first séeketh the kingdome of God, shall haue all o­ther things cast vnto him. Now therefore all Eng­lish hearts, and hir naturall people must néeds praise Gods mercie, which hath sent them so woorthie a prince, and praie for hir graces long continuance amongst vs. Hir coronati­on at West­minster. On sundaie the fiue and twentith of Ianuarie, hir maiestie was with great solemni­tie crowned at Westminster in the abbeie church there, by doctor Oglethorpe bishop of Carleill. She line 40 dined in Westminster hall, which was richlie hoong, and euerie thing ordered in such roiall maner, as to such a regall and most solemne feast apperteined.

In the meane time, whilest hir grace sat at dinner, sir Edward Dimmocke knight, Sir Edward Dimmocke knight hir champion by office. hir champion by of­fice, came riding into the hall in faire complet ar­mor, mounted vpon a beautifull courser, richlie trap­ped in cloth of gold, entred the hall, and in the midst thereof cast downe his gantlet: with offer to fight line 50 with him in hir quarell, that should denie hir to be the righteous and lawfull quéene of this realme. The quéene taking a cup of gold full of wine, dranke to him thereof, and sent it to him for his fée togither with the couer.

Now after this, at the seruing vp of the wafers▪ the lord maior of London went to the cupboord, The lord maior of Lon­don serueth the quéene of ipocrasse. and filling a cup of gold with ipocrasse, bare it to the quéene: and knéeling before hir tooke the assaie, and she receiuing it of him, and drinking of it, gaue the line 60 cup with the couer vnto the said lord maior for his fée, which cup and couer weied sixtéene ounces Troie weight. Finallie, this feast being celebrated with all roiall ceremonies, and high solemnities, due and in like cases accustomed, tooke end with great ioy and contentation to all the beholders. On wed­nesdaie the fiue and twentith of Ianuarie the parle­ment began, A parlement. the queenes maiestie riding in hir par­lement robes, from hir palace of Whitehall, vnto the abbeie church of Westminster, with the lords spi­rituall and temporall, attending hir likewise in their parlement robes. Doctor Cox sometime schoole­maister to king Edward the sixt, and now latelie returned from the parties of beyond the seas, where during the daies of quéene Marie he had liued as a banished man, Iohn Stow. preached now before the estates there assembled in the beginning of the said parlement. In this parlement, The first fruits and tenths resto­red to the crowne. the first fruits and tenths were restored to the crowne, & also the supreame gouern­ment ouer the state ecclesiasticall, which queene Ma­rie had giuen to the pope. Likewise the booke of common praier and administration of the sacra­ments in our mother toong was restored.

¶But before this good woorke was agréed vpon, Abr. Fl. ex Iohan. Foxi martyrologio. there was much debating about matters touching religion, and great studie on both parties imploied, the one to reteine still, the other to impugne the doc­trine and faction which before in quéene Maries time had béene established. But speciallie here is to be noted, that though there lacked no industrie on the papists side, to hold fast that which they most cruel­lie from time to time had studied, and by all meanes practised to come by: yet notwithstanding, such was the prouidence of God at that time, that for lacke of the other bishops, whom the Lord had taken awaie by death a little before, the residue that there were left could doo the lesse: and in verie deed, God be praised therefore, did nothing at all in effect; al­though yet notwithstanding there lacked in them neither will nor labor to doo what they could, if their cruell abilitie there might haue serued. But name­lie amongst all others, not onelie the industrious courage of doctor Storie, Doctor Sto­rie impuden [...] and sawcie. but also his words in this parlement are woorthie to be knowne of posteritie, who like a stout and furious champion of the popes side, to declare himselfe how lustie he was, and what he had and would doo in his maisters quarell, sha­med not openlie in the said parlement house to burst out into such impudent sort of words, as was woon­der to all good eares to heare, and no lesse woorthie of historie.

The summe of which his shamelesse talke was vt­tered to this effect. First beginning with himselfe, The words of doctor Sto­rie in the par­lement house. he declared, that whereas he was noted commonlie abroad, and much complained of, to haue béene a great dooer, & a setter foorth of such religion, orders, & procéedings, as of his late souereigne that dead is quéene Marie were set foorth in this relme, he denied nothing the same: protesting moreouer that he had doone nothing therein, but that both his conscience did lead him therevnto, and also his commission did as well then command him, as now also dooth dis­charge him for the same: being no lesse readie now also to doo the like, and more, in case he by this queene were authorised likewise, and commanded therevn­to. Wherefore as I sée (saith he) nothing to be asha­med of; so lesse I see to be sorie for: but rather said that he was sorie for this, because he had doone no more than he did, and that in executing those lawes, they had not béene more vehement & seuere. Where­in he said, there was no default in him, but in them, whome he both oft and earnestlie had exhorted to the same; being therefore not a little gréeued with them, for that they labored onelie about the yoong and little sprigs and twigs, while they should haue stroken at the root, and cleane haue rooted it out: &c. And con­cerning his persecuting and burning them, he de­nied not, but that he was once at the burning of an earewig (for so he termed it) at Uxbridge, where he tost a fagot at his face as he was singing psalmes, This mar­tyr burnt at Uxbridge was maister Denleie. and set a wine bush of thorns vnder his féet, a little to pricke him, with manie other words of like effect. In the which words he named moreouer sir Philip Hobbie, and an other knight of Kent, with such o­ther of the richer and higher degrée, whome his coun­sell was to plucke at, & to bring them vnder Coram; wherein (said he) if they had followed my aduise, then had they doone well and wiselie. This or much like [Page 1181] was the effect of the shamelesse and tyrannicall ex­cuse of himselfe, more méete to speake with the voice of a beast, than of a man. Although in this parle­ment some diuersitie there was of iudgement and opinion betwéene parties: yet notwithstanding through the mercifull goodnesse of the Lord, the true cause of the gospell had the vpper hand, the papists hope was frustrat, and their rage abated: the order and procéedings of king Edwards time concerning religion was reuiued againe, the supremasie of the line 10 pope abolished, the articles and bloudie statutes of queene Marie repealed: bréeflie, the furious fier­brands of cruell persecution, which had consumed so manie poore mens bodies, were now extinct and quenched.]

A motion made in the parlement house to the quéene touch­ing marriage, &c.Moreouer in the time of this parlement, a motion was made by the common house, that the queenes maiestie might be sued vnto, to grant hir graces li­cence to the speaker, knights, citizens & burgesses, to haue accesse vnto hir graces presence: to declare line 20 vnto hir matter of great importance, concerning the state of this hir graces realme. The which petiti­on being mooued to hir grace, she most honorablie a­gréed and consented therevnto, and assigned a daie of hearing. When the daie came, the speaker & common house resorted vnto hir graces palace at Westmin­ster called the White hall. And in the great gallerie there, hir grace most honorablie shewed hir selfe rea­die to heare their motion and petition. And when the speaker had solemnlie and eloquentlie set foorth line 30 the message (the principall matter wherof most speci­allie was to mooue hir grace to marriage) whereby (to all our comforts) we might inioie (as Gods plea­sure should be) the roiall issue of hir bodie to reigne ouer vs, &c. The quéenes maiestie after a little pause made this answer following, as néere as I could beare the same awaie (saith Grafton.)

The queenes answer to the for­mer line 40 motion of the parlement house.

Rich. Grafton. AS I haue good cause, so doo I giue to you my hartie thanks for the good zeale and care that you séeme to haue as well to­ward me, as to the whole state of your countrie. Your petition I gather to be grounded on thrée causes, and mine answer to the same shall con­sist in two parts. The quéenes maiestie estée­meth no life so glorious as to serue God. And for the first I saie vnto you, line 50 that from my years of vnderstanding, knowing my selfe a seruitor of almightie God, I chose this kind of life, in which I doo yet liue, as a life most accep­table vnto him, wherin I thought I could best serue him, and with most quietnesse doo my duetie vnto him. From which my choise, if either ambition of high estate offered vnto me by marriages (whereof I haue records in this presence) the displeasure of the prince, the eschewing the danger of mine enimies, or the auoiding the perill of death (whose messenger the line 60 princes indignation was no little time continual­lie present before mine eies, by whose meanes if I knew or doo iustlie suspect, I will not now vtter them, or if the whole cause were my sister hir selfe, I will not now charge the dead) could haue drawen or dissuaded me, I had not now remained in this virgins estate wherein you sée me. But so constant haue I alwaies continued in this my determination (that although my words and youth maie seeme to some hardlie to agrée togither) yet it is true, The quéenes maiestie hath no mind to marrie. that to this daie I stand frée from anie other meaning, that either I haue had in times past, or haue at this pre­sent. In which state and trade of liuing wherewith I am so throughlie acquainted, God hath so hitherto preserued me, and hath so watchfull an eie vpon me, and so hath guided me and led me by the hand, as my full trust is, he will not suffer me to go alone. The maner of your petition I doo like, and take in good part: for it is simple, and conteineth no limitation of place or person. If it had béene otherwise, A most excel­lent answer of a most excel­lent princesse. I must haue misliked it verie much, and thought in you a verie great presumption, being vnfit and altogither vnméet to require them that may command, or those appoint whose parts are to desire, or such to bind and limit whose duties are to obeie; or to take vpon you to draw my loue to your likings, or to frame my will to your fansies. A guerdon constreined, and a gift fréelie giuen can neuer agrée. Neuerthelesse, if anie of you be in suspect, that whensoeuer it maie please God to incline my hart to that kind of life, my meaning is to doo or determine anie thing wher­with the realme maie haue iust cause to be discon­tented; put that out of your heads. For I assure you (what credence my assurance maie haue with you I can not tell, but what credit it shall deserue to haue, the sequele shall declare) I will neuer in that mat­ter conclude anie thing that shall be preiudiciall vn­to the realme. The quéenes promise how­soeuer God incline hir hart. For the weale and good safetie where­of, as a good mother of my countrie, I will neuer shun to spend my life. And whomsoeuer my choise maie light vpon, he shall be as carefull for the preser­uation of the realme as you, I will not saie as my selfe: for I cannot so certeinlie promise of another, as I doo surelie know of my selfe, but as anie other can be. And albeit it dooth please almightie God to continue me still in this mind, to liue out of the state of marriage: it is not to be feared, but he will so worke in my hart, and in your wisdoms, that as good prouision may be made in conuenient time, wherby the realme shall not remaine destitute of an heire that may be a fit gouernor, The quéenes words tou­ching an heire roiall the last part of their motion. and peraduenture more beneficiall to the realme than such ofspring as may come of me. For though I be neuer so carefull for your well dooings, and mind euer so to be: yet may mine issue grow out of kind and become vn­gratious. And for me it shall be sufficient, that a marble stone declare that a quéene, hauing reigned such a time, liued and died a virgine. To make an end, I take your comming to me in good part, and giue vnto you eftsoons my hartie thanks, more yet for your zeale, good will, and good meaning, than for your message and petition.

Manie that for feare of persecution in quéene Maries daies were fled the realme, The returne of the protes­tants from exile. and liued in vo­luntarie exile, now that all persecution ceased by the gratious clemencie of this noble princesse quéene Elisabeth, they returned with all conuenient spéed home into their natiue countrie, giuing to almigh­tie God most humble thanks for that his mercifull deliuerance, in sending them a gouernor, that not onelie permitted libertie of conscience, but also was readie to aduance religion, and command frée exer­cise of common praier, preaching, and administrati­on of the sacraments, according to the right institu­tion of the primitiue churches. One set on the pillorie; and what pu­nishment the quéene by hir owne mouth appointed him. Fridaie the seauen­téenth of Februarie, one of maister Hunnings ser­uants (that was also one of the takers of fresh fish for the prouision of the queenes house) was set on the pillorie in Cheapside in the fish market ouer against the kings head, hauing a bawdrike of smelts hang­ing about his necke, with a paper on his forehead written: For buieng smelts for twelue pence the hundred, and selling them againe for ten pence the quarter. He stood so likewise on the eightéenth and the twentith daie of the same moneth, euerie one of those three daies from nine of the clocke till twelue. The last daie he should haue had one of his eares slit, [Page 1182] if by great sute made to the councell by the lord ma­ior of London, he had not béene pardoned and relea­sed out of prison. This penance was assigned to him by the quéenes owne appointment, when to hir grace his trespasse was reuealed. Whereby shée gaue a tast to the people of a zealous mind to haue iustice dulie ministred, and faults accordinglie punished, namelie of those which vnder pretense of hir graces authoritie should go about to wrong and oppresse hir louing subiects. line 10

This yéere in the Easter holidaies on the mon­daie preached at the Spittle doctor Bill, Preachers at S [...]ittle. on the tues­daie doctor Cox, & on the wednesdaie doctor Horne: the first was hir maiesties chapleine, the other two had remained at Geneua, and in other places be­yond the seas all queene Maries time. On low sundaie maister Samson made the rehearsall ser­mon: but when the lord maior and aldermen came to their places in Paules churchyard, the pulpit doore was locked, The pulpit [...] Paules [...] all [...] and [...]. & the keie could not be heard of. Wher­vpon line 20 the lord maior sent for a smith to open the locke, which was doone; and when the preacher should enter the place, it was found verie filthie and vn­cleanlie. Moreouer, the verger that had the custodie of the keie, which opened the doore of the place where the prelats and other vse to stand at the sermon time, would not open the doore; but the gentlemen with a foorme brake it open▪ and so came in to heare the ser­mon. This disorder chanced by reason that since Christmasse last past there was not a sermon prea­ched line 30 at Paules crosse, by meanes of an inhibition sent from the councell vnto the bishop of London, that he should admit no preacher, because of the con­trouersie betwixt the bishops and other of the clergie that were now returned into the realme, from the parties of beyond the seas.

A conference appointed [...]ncerning r [...]ligion.The last of March the parlement yet continuing, was a conference begun at Westminster concern­ing certeine articles of religion betwixt the bishops and other of the clergie on the one part, and certeine line 40 learned preachers of whome some had beene in digni­tie in the church of England before that time on the other part. The declaration of the procéeding wherin, and the cause of the breaking vp of the same confe­rence by default and contempt of certeine bishops, parties of the said conference was published in a lit­tle treatise, and imprinted by Richard Iug and Iohn Cawood, printers to the quéenes maiestie, as here followeth. The quéenes most excellent maiestie, hauing heard of diuersitie of opinions in certeine line 50 matters of religion amongst sundrie of hir louing subiects, and being verie desirous to haue the same reduced to some godlie & christian concord, thought it best by the aduise of the lords, and other of hir pri­uie councell, as well for the satisfaction of persons doubtfull, as also for the knowlege of the verie truth in certeine matter of difference, to haue a cōuenient chosen number of the best learned of either part, The best lear­ned of ech side to be chosen [...] [...]h [...]s con­ [...]erence. & to confer togither their opinions and reasons, and ther­by to come to some good and charitable agreement. line 60

And herevpon by hir maiesties commandement certeine of hir priuie councell declared this purpose to the archbishop of Yorke (being also one of the same priuie councell) & required him that he would impart the same to some of the bishops, and to make choise of eight, nine, or ten of them: and that there should be the like number named of the other part: and further also declared to him (as then was suppo­sed) what the matters should be. And as for the time, it was thought meet to be as soone as possible might be agreed vpon. The persons [...] & the [...]. And then after certeine daies past, it was signified by the said archbishop, that there was appointed by such of the bishops, to whome he had imparted this matter, eight persons, that is to saie, foure bishops, and foure doctors, who were content at the quéenes maiesties commandement to shew their opinions; and (as he termed it) render account of their faith in those matters which were mentioned, and that speciallie in writing, al­though he said they thought the same so determined, as there was no cause to dispute vpon them.

It was herevpon fullie resolued by the quéenes maiestie, with the aduise aforesaid, Order taken for qu [...]e [...] con­ference, and regard had of the bishops according to their dignitie. that according to their desire, it should be in writing on both parts; for auoiding of much altercation in words; and that the said bishops should, bicause they were in authori­tie and degree superiors, first declare their minds and opinions in the matter, with their reasons in wri­ting: and the other number being also eight men of good degrée in schooles, and some hauing béene in dig­nitie in the church of England, if they had anie thing to saie to the contrarie, should the same daie declare their opinions in like manner. And so ech of them should deliuer their writings to the other, to be con­sidered what were to be improoued therein, and the same to declare againe in writing at some other conuenient daie, and the like order to be kept in all the rest of the matters. All this was fullie agreed vp­on with the archbishop of Yorke, and also signified to both parties. And immediatlie herevpon, diuerse of the nobilitie and states of the realme, vnderstan­ding that such a meeting and conference should be, and that in certeine matters, wherevpon (the court of parlement consequentlie following) some lawes might be grounded: they made earnest meanes to hir maiestie, that the parties of this conference might put and read their assertions in the English toong, and that in the presence of them of the nobili­tie, and others of the parlement house, for the better satisfaction and inabling of their owne iudgements, to treat and conclude of such lawes as might depend herevpon.

This also being thought verie reasonable, The daie for the first meé­ting of this conference appointed. was signified to both parties, and so fullie agréed vpon, and the daie appointed for the first méeting to be the fridaie in the forenoone, being the last of March at Westminster church, where both for good order, and for honour of the conference, by the quéenes maie­sties commandement, the lords and others of the pri­uie councell were present, and a great part of the no­bilitie also. And notwithstanding the former order appointed, and consented vnto by both parts, yet the bishop of Winchester and his colleagues, alleging that they had mistaken that their assertions and rea­sons should be written, The bishop of Winchesters waie of pro­céeding misli­ked but yet in fine followed notwithstan­ding the con­trarie proui­ded. and so onelie recited out of the booke, said their booke was not readie then writ­ten: but they were prouided to argue and dispute, and therefore would for that time repeat in speech that which they had to saie vnto the first proposition. This variation from the order, and speciallie from that which themselues had by the said archbishop in writing before required, adding thereto the reason of the apostle, that to contend with words is profita­ble to nothing▪ but to subuersion of the hearer, sée­med vnto the quéenes maiesties councell somewhat strange: & yet was it permitted without anie great reprehension, bicause they excused themselues with mistaking the order, and agréed that they would not faile but put it in writing; and according to the for­mer order, deliuer it to the other part. And so the said bishop of Winchester and his colleagues appoin­ted doctor Cole deane of Paules, to be the vtter­er of their minds, who partlie by spéech onelie, and partlie by reading of authorities written, and at cer­teine times being informed of his colleagues what to sai [...], made a declaration of their meanings, The maner of their first entrance into this cōference. & their reasons to their first proposition. Which being ended, they were asked by the priuie councell, if anie of [Page 1183] them had anie more to be said: and they said; No. So as then the other part was licenced to shew their minds, which they did according to the first order, ex­hibiting all that which they meant to be propounded in a booke written, which after a praier & inuocation made most humblie to almightie God, for the indu­ing of them with his holie spirit, and a protestation also to stand to the doctrine of the catholike church, builded vpon the scriptures, and the doctrine of the prophets and the apostles, was distinctlie read by one line 10 Robert Horne bachellor in diuinitie, late deane of Duresme. Afterwards bishop of Win­chester.

And the same being ended with some likelihood, as it séemed that the same was much allowable to the audience: certeine of the bishops began to saie con­trarie to their former answer, that they had now much more to saie to this matter. Wherein although they might haue béene well reprehended for such ma­ner of cauillation, yet for auoiding of any mistaking of orders in this colloquie or conference, and for that they should vtter all that which they had to saie: it line 20 was both ordered, Another or­der taken for the next mée­ting to con [...]er. and thus openlie agreed vpon of both parts in the full audience, that vpon the mon­daie following, the bishops should bring their minds and reasons in writing to the second assertion, and the last also if they could, and first read the same, and that doone, the other part should bring likewise theirs to the same. And being read, ech of them should deli­uer to other the same writings. And in the meane time the bishops should put in writing, not onelie all line 30 that which doctor Cole had that daie vttered: but all such other matters as they anie otherwise could thinke of for the same: and as soone as they might possiblie, to send the same booke touching that first as­sertion to the other part, and they should receiue of them that writing which master Horne had there read that daie, and vpon mondaie it should be agreed what daie they should exhibit their answers tou­ching the first proposition.

Thus both parts assented thereto, and the assem­blie quietlie dismissed. And therefore vpon mondaie, line 40 the like assemblie began againe at the place & houre appointed: A new assem­bl [...]e on the mondaie ac­cording to appointment. and there (vpon what sinister or disordered meaning is not yet fullie knowne, though in some part it be vnderstanded) the bishop of Winchester and his colleagues, and especiallie Lincolne, refused to exhibit or read, according to the former notorious order on fridaie, that which they had prepared for the second assertion. And therevpon by the lord kéeper of the great seale, they being first gentlie and fauoura­blie required to kéepe the order appointed; and that line 50 taking no place, being secondlie as it behooued, pres­sed with more earnest request: they neither regar­ding the authoritie of that place, nor their owne re­putation, nor the credit of the cause, vtterlie refused that to doo. And finallie being againe particularlie euerie of them apart, distinctlie by name, required to vnderstand their opinions therein: they all sauing one (which was the abbat of Westminster, hauing some more consideration of order and his dutie of o­bedience than the other) vtterlie and plainelie denied line 60 to haue their booke read, some of them more earnest­lie than others, and some other more vndiscréetlie and vnreuerentlie than others.

The stubur­nesse of the aduerse part an occasion to dissolue this assemblie.Wherevpon giuing such example of disorder, stub­bornesse and selfewill, as hath not béene séene and suffered in such an honourable assemblie, being of the two estates of this realme, the nobilitie and the commons, besides the presence of the quéenes maie­sties most honourable priuie councell, the same as­semblie was dismissed, and the godlie and most chri­stian purpose of the quéens maiestie made frustrate. And afterwards for the contempt so notoriouslie made, the bishops of Winchester and Lincolne, ha­uing most obstinatelie both disobeied common au­thoritie, and varied manifestlie from their owne or­der, and speciallie Lincolne (who shewed more fol­lie than the other) were condignelie committed to the tower of London, and the rest (sauing the abbat of Westminster) stood bound to make dailie their personall appéerance before the councell, and not to depart the citie of London and Westminster, vntill further order were taken with them for their disobe­dience and contempt.

The three propositions wherevpon conference was determined to haue beene at Westminster.
  • 1 IT is against the word of GOD, and the custome of the ancient church, to vse a toong vnknowne to the people, in common praier, and the administration of the sacraments.
  • 2 Euerie church hath authoritie to ap­point, take awaie, and change ceremonies and ecclesiasticall rites: so the same bee to edification.
  • 3 It cannot be prooued by the word of God, that there is in the masse offered vp a sacrifice propitiatorie for the quicke and the dead.
The names of such as had conference in the propositions aforesaid.
  • The B. of Winchester.
  • The bishop of Lichfield.
  • The bishop of Chester.
  • The bishop of Caerleill.
  • The bishop of Lincolne.
  • Doctor Cole.
  • Doctor Harpesfield.
  • Doctor Langdall.
  • Doctor Chedseie.
  • D. Scorie B. of Chiche.
  • Doctor Cox.
  • Maister Whitehed.
  • Maister Grindall.
  • Maister Horne.
  • Maister doctor Sands.
  • Maister Gest.
  • Maister Elmer.
  • Maister Iewell.

The bishops and doctors sat on the one side of the quéere at a table for them prepared, & the other lear­ned men sat at another table on the other side of the same queere. And at the vpper end thereof at an o­ther table sat the quéenes maiesties councell, desi­ [...]ous to haue séene some good conclusion of the said conference, although (as ye may perceiue by that which is aboue recited) it came to small effect. In this meane time, a treatie of peace, which had béene in hand the last yeare, first at Lisle, and after at the ab­beie of Cercampe, a thrée leagues from Dorlens, A treatie for peace betwixt the kings of Spaine and France. be­twixt the two kings of Spaine and France, was now renewed againe, and the deputies were appoin­ted to meet at Chasteau Cambresi, a six leagues distant from Cambraie. For the king of Spaine, the duke of Alua, the prince of Orange, the bishop of Arras, Rigomes de Silua earle of Mellito, monsieur Ui­glius Zwichem, knight and president of the priuie councell in the low countries, who neuerthelesse came not, bicause he was letted by sicknesse. For the French king there came the cardinall of Loraine the conestable, the marshall of saint Andrew, The deputie [...] or commissio­ners appoin­ted for the princes. the bi­shop of Orleans, and Claude de Aubespine, the said kings secretarie. For the queene of England, the bi­shop of Elie, the lord William Howard baron of Effingham lord chamberleine to the said quéene, doctor Nicholas Wootton deane of Canturburie and Yorke.

For the duke of Sauoie, there were the earle of Stropiana, & the president of Asti. And as a meane or mediatrix betwéene the parties, there was Chri­stierna dutchesse of Loraine, with hir sonne the yong duke, which dutchesse, as well here as before at Cer­campe, [Page 1184] trauelled most earnestlie to doo good betwixt the parties, and to bring them to a finall accord, whose endeuor therein was to the great good liking & con­tentation of all the said parties. After that this trea­tie had continued a long time, and now rest [...]d no­thing to staie them frō concluding a generall peace, but onelie the article touching Calis, at length that matter was also accorded by a speciall treatie be­twixt the quéenes maiestie of England, [...]. The articles of the peace betwixt the [...]eenes ma­ [...]tie and the French king. & the French king, Guido Caualcanti a gentleman of Florence line 10 being the meane to bring the same to effect. The sub­stance of which articles was, that Calis shuld rest in the Frenchmens hands, for the terme of eight yéeres, and at the end of that terme, they couenanted to ren­der the same: or else for default, to forfeit vnto the quéenes highnesse the summe of fiue hundred thou­sand crownes; and for suertie hereof, to deliuer foure hostages, such as hir maiestie should thinke suffici­ent. And in case the towne were not deliuered at the end of the said eight yéeres, though the monie were line 20 paid according to the couenants: yet notwithstan­ding the right and title to the said towne and coun­trie adioining, should alwaies remaine and be reser­ued vnto the crowne and realme of England. It was further concluded also, that a peace should be firmed and had betwixt the realmes of England and Scotland, such fortresses to be rased as had been built and made by the Scots and French on the borders towards England, as Haimouth and others.

Sir Iohn Mason.Sir Iohn Mason knight, secretarie for the French line 30 toong, was sent ouer in post with instructions vnto the English commissioners, after whose comming, within two or thrée daies, A generall peace betwixt the kings of France and Spaine. a generall peace was con­cluded betwixt all the parties, the articles whereof not touching England, we haue of purpose omit­ted. But now after the conclusion of this peace, the said sir Iohn Mason returned in post with the same: and so therevpon, the seuenth of Aprill, the said peace was proclamed; The peace proclamed. to wit, betwixt the quéenes maiestie on the one part, and the French king on the other, line 40 their realmes, dominions, and subiects; and likewise betwixt hir said maiestie and the king Dolphin and quéene of Scots his wife, their realmes, dominions, and subiects. This proclamation was made by Gar­ter Norreie king at armes, accompanied with thrée other heralds, & fiue trumpettors: the lord maior of London & the aldermen in their scarlet gowns being also present, & riding in companie of the said heralds.

Pl [...]ies and interludes forbidden for [...].The same time also was another proclamation made vnder the quéenes hand in writing, inhibiting, line 50 th [...]t from thensefoorth no plaies nor interludes should be exercised, till Alhallowes tide next insu­ing. The lord Wentworth arreigned and acquited. Upon saturdaie the two and twentith of Aprill, the lord Wentworth, late deputie of Calis, was a­reigned at Westminster, vpon an indictment of treason found against him, in the late queene Maries daies, for the losse of Calis: but he was acquited by his péeres, the lord marquesse of Northampton sit­ting that daie as cheefe steward of England, vnder the cloth of estate. The eight of Maie, the parlement line 60 brake vp; in which parlement, beside other things be­fore recited, concluded, and passed in the same; a sub­sidie was granted to the quéenes highnesse, A subsidie granted o [...] [...]ables [...]. of two shillings eight pence the pound of mooueable goods, and foure shillings of lands, to be paid at two seue­rall paiments, of euerie person spirituall and tem­porall, towards the better furnishing of hir maiestie with monie, for the necessarie charges which she was presentlie occasioned to susteine, finding the treasure of the realme greatlie consumed, and the reuenues of the crowne sore diminished, and the same crowne much indebted, by taking vp of notable summes of monie by waie of loane vpon interest, as well in the daies of hir brother K. Edward, as hir sister quéene Marie. The foureteenth of Maie being Whitsundaie, the seruice in churches began according to the booke of cōmon praier, set foorth and established in this last parlement, correspondent to that which was vsed in the daies of hir brother king Edward. Iohn Stow. A muster at Gréenwich by the citi­zens of Lon­don in pre­sence of the queene. Upon sundaie the second of Iulie, the citizens of London set foorth a muster before the quéenes maiestie at Greenwich in the parke there, of the number of 1400 men, where­of 800 were pikes, armed in fine corselets, foure hundred shot in shirts of male, with mor [...]ans, & two hundred halbarders armed in Almaine riuets: these were furnished foorth by the crafts and companies of the citie. To euerie hundred two wifflers were assig­ned, richlie appointed and apparelled for the purpose. There were also twelue wardens of the best compa­nies mounted on horssebacke in coats of blacke vel­uet, to conduct them, with drums and fiffes, and six ensignes, all in ierkins of white sattin of Bridges, cut and lined with blacke sarsenet, and caps, hosen, and scarfs according. The sergeant Maiors, capteine Constable, and capteine Sanders, brought them in order before the queenes presence, placing them in battell arraie, euen as they should haue fought; so as the shew was verie faire, the emperours and the French kings ambassadors being present.

In this moneth also, the archbishop of Yorke, the bishops of Elie, London, and others, to the number of thirtéene or fouretéene, being called before the quéenes councell, and refusing to receiue the oth tou­ching hir maiesties supremasie, and other articles, were depriued from their bishopricks: in whose roomes and places, first for cardinall Poole, Bishops de­priued and o­thers succée­ding. Iohn Fox. succée­ded doctor Matthew Parker, archbishop of Cantur­burie. In the place of Heth, succeeded doctor Yoong. In steed of Boner, Edmund Grindall was bishop of London. For Hopton, Thurlbie, Tunstall, Pates, Christoferson, Peto, Coats, Morgan, Feasie, White, Oglethorpe, &c: were placed doctor Iohn Parkhurst in Norwich, D. Cox in Elie, Iewell in Salisburie, Pilkenton in Duresme, doctor Sands in Worce­ster, master Downam in Westchester, Bentam in Couentrie and Lichfield, Dauid in S. Dauies, Allie in Excester, Horne in Winchester, Scorie in Here­ford, Best in Carleill, Bullingham in Lincolne, Scamler in Peterburie, Bartlet in Bath, Gest in Rochester, Barlow in Chichester, &c. In like maner, were diuerse deans, archdeacons, parsons, & vicars, remooued from their benefices, and some of them committed to prison in the Tower, Fléet, Marshal­sea, and Kings bench.

Moreouer, Commissio­ners sent a­brode for esta­blishing of re­ligion. about the same time were commissio-appointed to visit in euerie diocesse within the relme, for the establishment of religion, according to the or­der appointed by act and statute, passed and confir­med in the last parlement. For London were appoin­ted sir Richard Sackuill knight, Robert Horne doctor of diuinitie, doctor Huic a ciuilian, and mai­ster Sauage; who calling before them diuerse per­sons of euerie parish, sware them to inquire and make presentment accordinglie, vpon certeine in­iunctions drawne and deuised, for the better accom­plishment and execution of that which they had in charge. Furthermore, about the same time, by vertue of an act established in parlement, all such religious houses as were againe erected and set vp, were now suppressed, as the abbeies of Westminster, the hou­ses of the nuns and brethren of the Sion and Shéene, the blacke friers of Gréenwich, &c. And on the twelfe of August being saturdaie, Religious houses sup­pressed. Images ta­ken downe and burned in the stréets. the high altar in Paules church, with the rood & the images of Marie and Iohn, standing in the rood loft, were taken downe, & the pre­bendaries and petie canons commanded to weare no more their graie amises, but to vse onelie a sur­plice in seruice time. This was doone by comman­dement [Page 1185] of doctor Grindall, newlie elect bishop of London, doctor Maie, then also newlie elected deane of Paules, and other the commissioners then appoin­ted. Diuerse po­pish relikes consumed to ashes. Also on the euen of saint Bartholomew, the day and morrow after, were burned in Paules church­yard, Cheapeside, and diuerse other places of the ci­tie of London, all the roods and other images of churches: and in some places, the coapes, vestments, and altar clothes, bookes, banners, sepulchers, and rood lofts, were likewise committed to the fier, and so line 10 consumed to ashes.

¶ The fift of September about midnight, fell a great tempest at London, Ex I. S. 1113. Churches in London stri­ken & broken by tempest. in the end wherof, a great lightning, with a terrible clap of thunder strake the spire (being stone) of the stéeple of Alhallowes church in Bredstréet, about a ten foot beneath the top, out of the which fell a stone that slue a dog, and ouerthrew a man plaieng with the same dog, and the spire of the stéeple was so perished, that not long after the same was taken downe with lesse charges to the parish, line 20 than the reparing would haue cost. And at the same instant, by the same tempest, one of the southdores of S. Dionise church in Fenchurchstréet, with the dore of the reuestrie of the same church, were both striken through and broken.]

Upon Fridaie the eight of September, was kept in Paules church of London a solemne obsequie for Henrie, An obsequie for the Frēch king, Henrie the second, in whose time Calis was lost. the second of that name, king of France, who departed this life, about the tenth of Iulie last past, of a wound receiued the 29 of Iune, in run­ning line 30 at tilt in a solemne iusts holden at Paris, in honor of the marriage celebrated betwixt his sister the ladie Margaret of France, and Philibert duke of Sauoie. He was striken on the viser with a lance, as he ran against the counte de Montgomerie: the spilts entring by the sight of his headpéece, & persing through his eie into his head, so perished his braine, that there was no meane to saue his life.

The obsequie for him was kept in verie solemne wise, The maner of the obsequie with a rich hearse, made like an imperiall line 40 crowne, susteined with great pillers, and couered with blacke veluet, with a valence stringed with gold and richlie hanged with scutchions, pennons, and banners of the French kings armes, without anie lights. And on the beere was laid a rich pall of cloth of gold, with a coat armor of the armes of France, and a crest, with an imperiall crowne standing vpon the béere: doctor Parker archbishop of Canturburie elect, doctor Barlow bishop of Chichester elect, and doctor Scorie bishop of Hereford elect, executing at line 50 the dirge of this euening song in English, they sit­ting in the bishop of Londons seat, in the vpper quéere, in surplices, with doctors hoods about their shoulders. The chéefe mourner was the marquesse of Winchester, lord treasuror, assisted with ten other lords mourners, The chéefe mourners at this obsequie. with all the heralds in blacke, and their coat armours vppermost.

On the morrow being saturdaie, & ninth of Sep­tember, a sermon was preached by doctor Scorie, in place of doctor Grindall bishop of London, who be­ing line 60 appointed to preach that sermon, was letted by sicknesse. After the sermon, six of the lords mour­ners receiued the communion with the bishops, Six bishops receiue the communion. which bishops were in copes and surplices, onelie at the ministration of the said communion. Which be­ing finished, there was a great dinner kept in the bi­shop of Londons palace by Paules, where the mour­ners apparelled them, and so ended the solemnitie of the said exequies. The bishops had blacke gownes giuen them, and eight blacke coats a peece for their seruants, at the quéenes charges.

¶About the last of September, Iohn duke of Fin­land, Ex I. S. pa. 1114. Embassador from Swe­then receiued into Eng­land. second sonne to Gustabus king of Swethen, was sent by his father to treat a marriage for his el­dest brother Ericus, with the quéenes maiestie of England: he arriued at Harwich in Essex, and was there honorablie receiued and interteined by the erle of Oxford, which said earle, and the lord Robert Dud­leie, with a goodlie band of gentlemen and yeomen, conueied him to London, where he was receiued of diue [...]se knights and gentlemen of the court, on the fift of October, and was with his traine of about the number of fiftie persons well horssed, conueied to the bishop of Winchesters place in Southworke, where he was lodged during his abode here, and re­moued from thence two daies before Easter home­wards, and sped on his message as may appeare by that which followeth, taken out of Iohannes Lewenclaij comment. de bellis Moscorum.

Ericus king of Swethen, sonne of Gustabus late king of the said kingdome, The queenes maiestie sued vnto out of Denmark [...] about ma­riage. hauing committed to prison his brother Iohn duke of Finland, whom a lit­tle before he had imploied into England on an am­bassage to the quéenes maiestie, whom he sued to for mariage, and had his sute reiected; againe the second time solicited hir maiestie in the same sute notwith­standing, to his great dishonor, and (as it fell out) his iust disgrace. He attempted the same matter with the yoongest daughter of Philip Lantgraue Uanhessen, at whose hand (hauing the second time beene reiected of hir maiestie héere) the matter being knowne there, he also not onelie receiued a deniall, but the la­die was by hir father bestowed vpon Adolfe duke Uan Holst, vncle of Frederike king of Denmarke, then enimie of the said Ericus. Thus farre Iohannes Lewenclaij.] Iohannes Lewenclaij.

¶Cuthbert Tunstall was translated from London to Durham, Fr. Thin. Description and commen­dation of bi­shop Tunstall. after the death of cardinall Wolseie, of whome (besides that which Holinshed in this booke reporteth) I will saie a little, he being so reuerend a prelat; as the managing of the princes affaires by him dooth well witnesse, and this present age can yet well remember. This man (being of a mild condi­tion) was borne at Hachaford in Richmondshire, and (as Leland hath left in writing that he heard) the base sonne of one Tunstall an ancient gentleman: whose ancestors (as I haue read) came into England with the conquerour, attending on him as his bar­bar, for which cause he beareth in his armes thrée combes as a note to posteritie of the originall of his gentrie. The armes of Tunstall. Which bishop although he is supposed to haue béene base borne (as manie noble capteins and other the valiant persons of the world haue béene, whereof six hundred examples as hath the prouerbe might be produced) yet was he not base in lerning, eloquence, grauitie, and honorable calling both in spirituall & temporall affaires: both in seruice of the prince and in charge of his church. For (besides manie other of­fices that he exercised) he was maister of the rols: sundrie time ambassador to forreine princes, bishop of London, and from thence (by vertue of Clement the seuenth his bulles to K. Henrie the eight in the yeare 1530, Tunstall bare office. the fiue & twentith of March) aduanced to the sée of Durham, and (by the kings letters) elec­ted therevnto the yeare before said. In the which function he behaued himselfe, as the worthinesse of the estate required, and as the doctrine of the church in those daies would permit; of which I meane not to intreat, neither of his fall or rising: but will onlie meddle with méere temporall accidents, as one that hath not béene accustomed to die his pen in the bloud of mens consciences, nor in the opinions of religion.

Wherefore to omit all such things, I saie of this bishop, that he was a man singularlie learned (& as Caius tearmeth him Litera [...]issimus) in the Hebrue, Gréeke, and Latine toongs; and did not onelie erect sumptuous buildings for the mind and inward man (in furnishing when he was bishop of London a li­brarie [Page 1186] in Cambridge, with manie notable both writ­ten and printed bookes: compiling also manie other bookes, aswell of diuinitie as of other sciences, wher­of at this daie his arithm [...]tike is of great estimati­on through Europe) but did also for the flesh & out­ward man build from the ground a most beautifull porch or gatehouse (with a chapell annexed therevn­to) of faire stone in the castell of Durham, Buildings founded by Tunstall, &c. withall adding vnto the said castell certeine gates with iron bars and portcullices supported with strong walles line 10 of stone on each part for the more strength against the enimie: not forgetting to make a water-con­duit for the ease of washing (and to serue the other of­fices in the house) on the left side of the entrance in­to the said castell. To which these sumptuous déeds (for they are verie heroicall) may be added the gate­house built at Alnewike, and the tolboth in the mar­ket of Durham all of stone, with the rest of the hou­ses of office next vnto the hinder part of the said tolboth, which afterward (with other great liberali­ties) line 20 he gaue to the citizens of Durham.

Lastlie (at his owne charge) he new repared with stoneworke the third part of Tinbridge, which his predecessour Thomas Langleie recouered against the manor of Newcastell: and which, others his pre­decessors (as occasion was offered therefore) did from time to time most statelie repare. In the end about the latter reigne of Edward the sixt (being by Kinian or Ninian, Menuile or Menille, accu­sed, Tunstall de­priued from his bishop­rike. for that he somewhat fauoured the Romane reli­gion, line 30 and was not so forward in furthering of the gospell as that time required) he was for that cause depriued from his bishoprike, from all other eccle­siasticall gouernment, and committed to the tower: where he remained all the time of K. Edward. After­ward (by the benefit of quéene Marie) in the first yeare of hir reigne, he was reinuested into his sée of Durham, which he possessed all the time of hir gouernement: Tunstall re­stored. during which he was not so seuere an executor of the Romane canons against the pro­testants, line 40 as the other bishops of England were.

But she not continuing long (such are the incon­stancies of our estates & vncerteinties of our trou­bles) he was againe (by the noble quéene Elisabeth) depriued of his bishoprike, after disputation and con­ference had at Westminster: in which he defended the Roman religion, in the first yeare of the said E­lisabeth, about the truth of Christs gospell: and was committed to Matthew Parker bishop of Cantur­burie, who vsed him verie honourablie, both for the line 50 grauitie, learning and age of the said Tunstall. But he not long remaining vnder the ward of the said bi­shop, did shortlie after the eightéenth of Nouember in the yeare 1559 depart this life at Lambeth, where he first receiued his consecration, Tunstall death. being a man of such age, as that he atteined to the number of foure­score & fiue years when he died. He was buried in the queere of the church of Lambeth, whose funerall ser­mon was doone by Alexander Nowell, then (& now in the yeare 1586) deane of Poules. Who taking this line 60 theame to intreat vpon, Blessed are they which die in the Lord, did there deliuer such liberall & singular commendation of this man for his vertuous life, ler­ning, grauitie, and good seruice doone to manie prin­ces of England, that more could not be said of anie man, being spoken trulie. Such force hath vertue, that we ought to commend it euen in our enimies, ouer whose dead carcase in the said church of Lam­beth is laid a faire marble, [...] Par. in act. [...]. Cant. ca. [...]. Warham. in which is ingrauen this epitaph of his, deuised by doctor Walter Haddon ▪

Anglia Cutbertum Tunstallum [...]oesta requirit,
Cuius summa domi laus erat [...]t (que) foris:
Rhetor, arithmeticus, iuris consultus & aequi,
Legatús (que), fuit, deni (que) praesul erat.
Annorum satur, & magnorum plenus honorum,
Vertitur in cineres aureus iste senex.

This man was (as it should appeare in stories) full of contumarie and selfe will, vntractable he was and of nature rebellious. Iohn Fox. For saith maister Fox in the reigne of king Edward, being cast into the tower for his disobedience, where he kept his Christmasse thrée yeares togither, more worthie of some other place without the tower, if it had pleased God other­wise not to haue meant a further plague to this realme by that man. Howbeit he was indued with such excellencie of lerning, and that of sundrie sutes, that of the learned he is noted for a mirror of that age wherein he liued: and albeit a papist, yet not de­priuable of the praise which it pleased God to prouide for him (being an enimie vnto the truth, perhaps through feare as manie more) by those rare and ma­nifold good means wherewith he was adorned. Inso­much that Leland, a man of a cleare iudgement and great insight to discerne betwéene substantiallie and superficiallie learned, comparing this bishop Tunstall with profound Budeus, saith as foloweth:

Qua te nostra canet Tunstalle Britannia laude?
Collatio Bude [...] & Cutberti Tunstalli.
An qua Budaeum Gallia docta suum?
Candidus ille studet Graecam celebrare Mineruam,
Graecorum celebras tu monumenta patrum.
Ille colit veteres intento pectore leges,
Sunt studij leges cura diserta tui.
Ille rudes assis docuit cognoscere partes,
Tu numeros primus verba Latina loqui.
Gallia causidicum tecum dignare Britannum
Conferri, niueis dignus vtér (que) notis.]

In this meane time, Anno Reg. 2. Trouble in Scotland. through controuersie raised betwixt the Scotish nobilitie, and the queene Dowa­ger of Scotland, which chanced especiallie about matters of religion, certeine of the lords there min­ding a reformation therein; and the quéene resisting them to hir power, in purpose to mainteine the old popish religion, which some name catholike; diuerse companies of souldiers and men of war were sent out of France into Scotland to aid the said quéene, Frenchmen sent into Scotland. where they were placed in diuerse townes and forts, to the high displeasure of the more part of the Sco­tish nobilitie: who lothing to be oppressed with stran­gers in that sort, The Scots sue to the queens maie­stie of Eng­land for aid against the French. were forced to sue vnto the quéene of England for aid to expell the French, who sought to subuert the ancient state of that realme, and to an­nex the same vnto the crowne of France.

Their sute was the better liked of, for that it was doubted, least the Frenchmen (vnder pretense of bringing an armie into Scotland to appease the Scots) might attempt some inuasion here in Eng­land, considering that by procurement (as was thought) of the duke of Guise, vncle to the quéene of France and Scotland, a title should seeme to be pre­tended by his néece, the foresaid quéene, as might be gathered by manifest coniectures of the vsurping of armes, and so foorth. The names of the lords of Scot­land that made sute for aid against the Frenchmen at this season, were these: The lords of Scotland that were confede­rat togither against the French. the duke of Chateau le reault, the earle of Arraine his sonne, the lord Iames prior of saint Andrews, the earle of Argile, the earle of Glencarne, the earle of Rothouse, the earle of Southerland, the earle of Mounteith, the earle of Huntleie, the earle of Cathnes, the earle of Erroll, the earle Marshall, the earle of Morton, the earle of Cassils, the earle of Eglenton, the earle of Montros, the lord Ruithuen, the lord Boid, the lord Ogletrée, the lord Erskin, the lord Dromond, the lord Hume, the lord Roose, the lord Chreighton, the lord Leuingston, the lord Somerwell, the maister of Lindseie, the maister of Maxwell.

The quéenes maiestie, with aduise of hir graces councell, considering of this weightie businesse, and [Page 1187] withall foreseeing the malicious purpose of hir ad­uersaries, and how the queene of Scots was in France married and gouerned, so as she was not a­ble to vse the libertie of hir crowne, did thinke it best to preuent such mischiefs as might insue, if timelie remedie were not vsed, to displace such dangerous neighbours the Frenchmen, that began to nestle themselues thus stronglie so néere at hand for no good purpose, The quéenes maiestie de­termineth to aid the Scots. as easilie might be ghessed. Herevpon was a power raised and sent foorth both by sea & land, line 10 the duke of Norffolke being appointed generall, and sent into the north, for the direction thereof. And first maister William Winter, Sir William Winter vice­admerall. appointed viceadmerall of the quéens nauie northwards, made saile toward Scotland, and wasting alongst the coast in Ianua­rie, year 1560 came into the Forth, & so to the road of Leith, and there cast anchor, as well to impeach the landing of such Frenchmen, as might happilie be sent foorth of France, to the aid of the French there, against the Scotish lords, named of the congregation; as also to line 20 keepe them that laie in Insketh from vittels: and likewise to sée that none of the Frenchmen by water should passe to or from Leith: but to watch them so, as they shuld not inioy any commoditie that might come to either place by the same water.

Moreouer, after that the armie by land was come togither into the north parts, and had soiourned at Berwike and thereabouts, The lord Grey generall of the armie. the lord Greie of Wilton being appointed generall of the said armie, departed with the same out of the bounds of Berwike, and marched to Coldingham, where they incamped that line 30 night. Sir Iames Croft. Saturdaie the thirteenth of March, sir Iames Croft, and sir George Howard departed Berwike to the armie, with all the lances and light horssemen, conteining the number of twelue hundred and fiftie horsses. The number of horssemen and footmen in the armie. The chiefest in charge of this armie. The number of the footmen amounted to a­boue six thousand in all. The chiefe gouernours of which armie were th [...]se: the lord Greie of Wilton lieutenant generall, sir Iames Croft assistant with him in that charge, the lord Scroope lord marshall, sir line 40 George Howard generall of the men at armes and demilances, maister Barnabie Fitz Patrike his lieutenant, sir Henrie Persie generall of the light horssemen, Thomas Hugghens esquier prouost mar­shall, Thomas Gower master of the ordinance, ma­ster William Pelham capteine of the pioners, Ed­ward Randoll esquier, sergeant Maior, mas [...]er Tho­mas Burrough, master Cutbert Uaughan, master Williams, and master Cornewall corporals.

This saturdaie at night the armie incamping at line 50 Dunglas, Dunglasse. the horssemen lodged in sundrie villages néere about. Sir Iames Croft laie that night at Co­berspeth, in the lard of Whitlaies house. Sundaie the last of March, the armie remooued from Dunglas, and marching by Dunbar, A skirmish at Dunbar. there issued out of the towne certeine horssemen and footmen, offering a skirmish: towards whome certeine of the English lances and pistoliers, with certeine harquebutters, made forwards: but they kept themselues within their strength. Yet some of the English horssemen line 60 approched them so néere, Two horsmen & one footman slaine. that in skirmish two of the enimies horssemen, and one footman were slaine. The Englishmen receiued little damage, sauing that Peter Mince, one of their horsmen was hurt there. This doone, the armie marched on to Linton brigs, where the footmen incamped that night. Linton brigs. The horsse­men laie at Hadington, and in diuerse other small townes: and sir Iames Croft laie at Clarking­ton, west of Hadington, at the lard of Cockburns house.

Mondaie the first of Aprill, the campe remooued from Linton brigs vnto salt Preston, and there in­camped. Salt Preston. This euening sir Iames Croft, with diuers of the capteins in his companie, m [...]t with the earle of Arraine, the lord Iames prior of saint Andrews, The earle of Arraine accō ­panied with other of the Scotish nobilitie. the master of Maxwell, sir William Kirkaudie lard of Grange, and diuerse other of the Scotish nobilitie with thrée hundred horsse in their traine. After they were met and had saluted each other, they rode alto­gither vnto salt Preston, where at the end of the towne, my lord Greie lord lieutenant met them, and imbraced them, & so they lighted from their horsses, and entered into communication for the space of an houre, and after tooke leaue each of other, and so de­parted for that night.

Tuesdaie the second of Aprill, my lord Greie, sir Iames Croft, my lord Scroope, sir George Ho­ward, with diuerse of the capteins, The duke of Chateau le rault and his companie. rode to Muskle­bourgh church, and there taried the comming of the duke of Chateau le rault, for the space of full two houres: at length he came accompanied with his sonne, the earle of Arraine, the earles of Argile, Glencarne, Southerland, Menteith, and Rothus, the lord Iames prior of saint Andrews, the lord Ru [...]th­uen aliàs Riuen, the lord Ogletrée, the lord Boid, the master of Maxwell, the lard of Ormeston, the master of Lindseie, the bishop of Gallowaie, the abbat of saint Colmes inch, the abbat of Culros, the lard of Pettirrow, the lard of Cunningham head, the lard of Grange, and diuerse others. They were two hun­dred horsse in traine.

Upon the dukes approch, they all lighted on foot, The English and Scotish gentlemen meet, embrace, and consult. as well on the one part as the other: and after cour­teous embracings, and gentle salutations, they en­tred into the house of one William Atkinson, néere to Undreske church, and sat there in councell the space of two houres, & then departed for that night. The armie laie still in campe at salt Preston, from mondaie, till saturdaie, Palmesundaie euen. On wednesdaie, the third of Aprill, my lord Greie, sir Iames Croft, and my lord Scroope, sir George Howard, sir Henrie Persie, and diuerse other cap­teins and gentlemen, rode vnto Pinkeie, a house of the abbat of Dunferns, distant a mile and a halfe from the campe, where the earle of Arraine, and the lord Iames Steward, with diuerse other noble men of Scotland méeting them, did conduct them into the said house, where they had long conference togi­ther, which ended, they went to dinner, and after din­ner, they returned with my lord lieutenant to salt Preston, and viewed the English campe. Thurs­daie the fourth of Aprill, fiue yoong gentlemen, The Scotish pledges ap­pointed to passe into England. ap­pointed to passe into England for pledges, & bound thither by sea, through contrarie winds were forced to come on land at salt Pannes. Their names were as follow.

The lord Claud Hamilton fourth sonne vnto the duke of Chateau le rault, Robert Douglas halfe brother to the lord Iames Steward, Archebald Campbell lord of Loughennell, George Gream second sonne to the earle of Monteith. Iames Co­ningham sonne to the earle of Glencarne: they were brought vp to salt Preston, and remained there that night. Saturdaie the sixt of Aprill, being Palmesundaie euen, the campe raised from salt Preston, and marched forwards. A crag called Arthurs s [...]at. Halfe a mile from Lesterike, beneath a crag, called Arthurs seat, the duke of Chateau le rault, the earle of Arraine, the earle of Argile, the lord Iames prior of saint An­drews, and the rest of the noble men of Scotland, accompanied with two hundred horssemen, or there­abouts, and fiue hundred footmen, staied for the com­ming of the English armie. Wherevpon the lord Greie, sir Iames Croft, the lord Scroope, sir George Howard, and sir Henrie Persie, repaired to them, Conference betwéene the English and Scotish. and had conference there with the duke, and other of the Scotish lords that were in his companie. In the meane while the armie staied: but yet at length, the [Page 1188] horssemen, the vantgard and battell, were com­manded to march foorth, who accordinglie passing forward alongst by the place where the duke & Sco­tish lords stood, held vpon their waie, till they ap­proched néere to Lesterike.

At their comming thither, Trombull, the queene regents trumpet, came to my lord lieutenant, and brought with him a safe conduct, giuen vnder hir hand & seale, for the safe repaire of sir Iames Croft, sir George Howard▪ and six others to accompanie line 10 them. Wherevpon they preparing themselues to go to hir (after they had talked with my lord lieute­nant, Sir Iames Cro [...]t, and sir George Ho­ward, went to talke with the [...]. and the duke Chateau le reault) they departed towards Edenburgh, where the said queene as then laie within the castell. There went with them mai­ster Summerset, maister Pelham, and foure other gentlemen. Whilest they were in conference with the quéene, although an abstinence of all hostilitie by appointment taken betwixt my lord Greie and the said quéene ought to haue ceassed, the French­men line 20 to the number of nine hundred, or a thousand shot, backed with fiue hundred corselets and pikes, & about fiftie horssemen, were come foorth of Leith, vnder the conduction of monsieur Doisell, and the counte Martigues, coronell of the French footmen. My lord Greie vnderstanding thereof, came vp to the hill, appointed an officer at armes called Rouge Crosse, My lord Greis mes­sage sent to the French­men. to go vnto them; with commandement from him, that they should retire their forces forth of the field into the towne of Leith: for if it were not for line 30 the promise which he had made to the quéene Dowa­ger, he would cause them to depart, not much to their ease.

The herald dooing his message, receiued answer, that they were vpon their maister and mistresse ground, and therefore meant not to remooue from it. Rouge Crosse returning with this answer, was sent againe from my lord lieutenant, to command them eftsoons to go their way backe to Leith: for if they did not, he would suerlie send them awaie with line 40 a mischiefe. But scarse had the herald doone this se­cond message, when the Frenchmen stepping foorth, discharged a whole volee of their shot into the field against my lord Greie and his companie. Here­vpon, the Englishmen and they fell in skirmish, which continued for the space of foure houres and more, A sharpe and [...]long skir­mish betwéene [...]oth parts. The French­men repelled by the Eng­lishmen. so hot & earnestlie mainteined on both parts, that the like had not lightlie beene séene manie a day before. Yet at length, the Englishmen droue the French footmen ouer the hill, wan the crag from line 50 them, and put them from a chappell, where they had stood a great while, vsing it for a couert and safegard for them against the Englishmens shot.

Then the enimies that were in Leith shot off di­uerse péeces of their great artillerie out of the towne against the Englishmen, who on the other part brought foorth two field péeces, and couered them with a troope of horssemen; and hauing planted them to some aduantage, discharged the same among the enimies: who perceiuing that, gaue place, & sudden­lie line 60 the English demilances gaue a charge, brake in amongst them, and slue diuerse. To conclude, they were put from their ground, and forced to retire backe into Leith, being followed welnéere to the verie gates of that towne. [...] Church­ [...]d. The number [...] the English [...] French [...]. There were slaine in this skirmish of the French, about a seuen score, and amongst them twelue men of name, beside some of them that remained prisoners. Of the English­men, there were also diuerse slaine, and manie hurt. But if the ground had bin knowen to the English­men, and what aduantage was offered to them by that presumptuous comming of the enimies so far from their hold, it was thought their whole power might easilie haue béene cut off, and vtterlie distres­sed. After that this skirmish was ended, The Frenchmen driuen in­to Leith. and the Frenchmen driuen into Leith, the armie incam­ped at Lesterike. The same daie the Scotish hosta­ges were imbarked to passe into England. To­wards euening; sir Iames Croft, and sir George Howard, returned from the quéene regent, after they had spent a long time in talke with hir.

On sundaie the seuenth of Aprill, a new trench was cast beside the crag, and thereon two péeces of ordinance planted. The same daie, sir Iames Croft, sir George Howard, and sir Henrie Persie, went againe vpon assurance, to talke with the queene Dowager▪ Mondaie the eight of Aprill, the French­men shot at the English campe verie sore out of S. Nicholas steeple, Saint Ni­cholas Stée­ple planted with two great hot pée­ces. where there were two great pée­ces placed for to annoie them, although they did no great hurt. But the same night, the Englishmen cast a trench beyond the crag, and placed in the same trench certeine small peeces of artillerie, which went off the next daie against the enimies: and they likewise shot off againe at the Englishmen; and so likewise on wednesdaie the tenth of Aprill, on which daie, a great part of the carriages for the great ordi­nance, and diuerse bullets for the same, were landed, and much thereof remoued, and brought to the inner­most trench. Thursdaie the eleuenth of Aprill, the great ordinance was landed, Ordinance landed. and two péeces thereof mounted into their carriages.

The twelfe of Aprill being good fridaie, Good fridaie to some bad fridaie. a bullet of a great péece of ordinance, being shot out of Leith earlie in the morning, did light in the campe, and slue thrée men. The same night, they were answe­red againe with foure or fiue canons, and demica­nons. Saturdaie was spent in warding the tren­ches, and mounting the great artillerie. Warre ma­keth no diffe­rence of time. Sundaie the fourtéenth of Aprill, being Easter daie, the Eng­lishmen shot off in the morning all their great ordi­nance, and the Frenchmen answered them againe, and so they continued most part of that day, in shoo­ting one at another. The footmen also skirmished so, that diuerse were hurt on both parts. The pile of Blackeness [...] surrendred. The same day, the pile of Blacknesse was surrendred to mai­ster Winter, vpon sight of the canon. There were within it eightéene Frenchmen, who were brought awaie prisoners, and the house deliuered to maister Iames Hamilton. The same daie, nine French­men apparelled like women, came foorth of Leith, Nine Frenchmen in wo­mens appa­rell. and counterfeiting some like demeanor to the appa­rell wherein they were disguised, trained one of the English skouts within their danger, whome they tooke, and chopped off his head, which they set vpon the top of one of their church stéeples.

Mondaie the fifteenth of Aprill about noone, Blacke mon­daie. there issued out of Leith a fiftie horssemen, and about fiue hundred harquebusiers: who making to the new trenches, The French­men win the trench. were vpon the Englishmen that warded in such wise vppon the sudden, before they could be brought into anie order; that so entring the trenches, they slue and wounded no small number: and pos­sessing the trenches a while, stopped and cloied the touch holes of three peeces of the artillerie, tooke mai­ster Maurice Barkeleie prisoner, and his ensigne. Maister Barkeleie ta­ken prisoner. Brian Fitz Williams was sore wounded, and a foule fright there was. The alarum being brought to the campe, sir Iames Croft and other repaired to­ward the trench with all expedition, and perceiuing the Frenchmen to be maisters of one of the tren­ches, he called to capteine Uaughan, commanding him with his band to enter the trench, and to relieue those that were hardlie beeset of the Frenchmen.

This was doone with great manhood shewed by the said Uaughan and others, who entring the trench, The French­men repelled, and some of them slaine▪ repelled the enimies, and slue sixteene of them that were in the trench. Capteine Summerset and cap­teine [Page 1189] Read with their bands followed them also, as they retired, and maister Arthur Greie, with certeine of his demilances, of whome he had the conduction, suddenlie came vpon them, and charging them with great courage, draue them into the towne, and made no small slaughter of them. Maister Ar­thur Greie hurt in the shoulder. In which charge master Arthur Greie was shot through the shoulder. The great artillerie in Leith was not idle, during this skirmish, discharging to the number of an hundred shot, greatlie to the annoiance of the English, and hinderance of the seruice, which else might by them line 10 haue beene atchiued. This night the Englishmen drew backe their ordinance, which the Frenchmen had cloied with nailes and wiers in the touch-holes, but the same were planted againe before daie. More­ouer, our pioners cast a new trench along by the old chappell.

A new supplie commeth to the armie, the capteines names.Tuesdaie the sixtéenth of Aprill, a supplie of two thousand & two hundred footmen came to the campe, ouer whome were capteins, sir Andrew Corbet, sir Rowland Stanleie, sir Thomas Hesketh, sir Arthur line 20 Manwering, sir Laurence Smith, master Francis Tunstall, maister Edward Littleton, capteine Caruell, Philip Sturleie, and Dauid Morris. They were garded with fiue hundred horssemen: sir Rafe Sadler, sir Francis Leake, sir Iohn Forster, and sir Nicholas Strange hauing charge to sée them safelie conducted: who after they had brought them past all danger of enimies, left them in safetie by the waie, & were come a daie or two before them to the campe. Wednesdaie the seuentéenth of Aprill, An hot alarum of an houres continuance. it rained sore line 30 the more part of the daie; but yet the same night ma­ster Winter caused diuerse of the shipbotes, being verie well manned, to giue a great alarum at the side of the towne towards the water, discharging manie basses and harquebusiers of Croke into the towne: the alarum was verie hot for the space of an houre. During this businesse there was a right pi­tifull crie made by the women and children within the towne. Ordinance planted in trenches. The pioners being applied in worke to make trenches, on fridaie all daie at night they pla­ced line 40 certeine péeces of the ordinance in the trenches beside the chappell.

Saturdaie the twentith of Aprill, manie péeces were shot off out of the trenches into the towne. There issued notwithstanding out at the gates an hundred shot, which placed themselues in the holes of the bankes, to hailse such of the Englishmen as came foorth to offer the skirmish. All this daie also the pioners, both Scots and English were occupied in making of a new trench néere to the towne. Sir line 50 Geruis Clifton & capteine Read with their bands garded them, and two hundred lances. The same daie the residue of the great ordinance with armour was brought on land. Sundaie the one and twentith of Aprill, The bishop of Ualence and his companie. the bishop of Ualence named Monluc, ac­companied with sir Henrie Persie, and thrée hundred light horssemen came to Lesterike: the lord lieute­nant, sir Iames Croft, the lord Scroope, and sir Rafe Sadler met him at the further end of the ward that line 60 was set of purpose for his entring into the campe. After they had receiued him with salutations accor­ding vnto the manner, he was conducted by Rouge Crosse the officer of armes from the campe into E­denburgh, and so went vp to the castell to conferre with the quéene Dowager. A skirmish of two houres continuance. He was no sooner entred into the castell, but that there issued [...]oorth of Leith the number of two hundred Frenchmen about twelue of the clocke, and began a hot skirmish, which conti­nued two houres, at the which diuerse were slaine on both parts.

The same night the lord lieutenant caused nine peeces of the great ordinance to be planted in the new trench: More ordi­nance plan­ted. so that the next daie being mondaie, the same péeces were shot off verie earlie, directlie towards the stéeple of saint Anthonies church. And although those peeces laie a quarter of a mile off, the peeces of ordinance that laie in the same st [...]eple were dismounted by them, and likewise those that laie in the stéeple of saint Nicholas church, The enimies ordinance displaced▪ at the which diuerse peeces were leuied, and within six or se­uen tire the péeces that laie in that stéeple were also displaced, and a gunner slaine that stood at one of them, the péece and the gunner comming tumbling downe both togither. In this church (as was repor­ted) their store of vittels and munition was laid, so that batterie was made against the same all that daie, and a great peece of the church wall beaten downe, and the stéeple defaced. The bishop of Ua­lence, after he had talked with the quéene Dowager, returned to commune with the lords of the congre­gation.

Tuesdaie the thrée and twentith of Aprill, A sort raise [...]. being saint Georges daie, the pioners Scotish and Eng­lish were busilie applied in worke, about the casting of trenches to make a fort; and still the artillerie went off against the towne. A skirmish▪ Wednesdaie the foure and twentith of Aprill about three of the clocke in the after noone, there issued out of Leith seauentéene horssemen, who offered the skirmish: and vnder the place called little London, where they were busie in fortifieng all that daie, thrée or foure hundred of their shot were placed readie to breake out, if occasion ser­ued. At length certeine of the English lances gaue a charge vpon their horssemen, who therewith reti­ring, drew the Englishmen within danger of their shot. But although the Frenchmen that daie shewed themselues verie valiant in skirmishing euen in the face of the English artillerie: yet being now egerlie pursued by those lances, The French repelled▪ they were forced to retire without anie great hurt doone to the Englishmen, although the skirmish continued néere hand two houres. In this last charge yoong maister Browne was hurt.

Thursdaie the fiue and twentith of Aprill, The new [...] called Mont­pelham. the pio­ners laboured sore for the most part of the daie in fi­nishing the new fort named Montpelham: to the gard whereof capteine Uaughan was appointed go­uernor, with twelue hundred soldiors. This fort was raised on the south side of the towne, the plot whereof was cast square, with foure bulworks at euerie cor­ner, and tw [...]e battering peeces planted in places conuenient within the same. This thursdaie also, Another skirmish. a­bout fiue of the clocke in the after noone, there issued out of Leith on the east side seauentie or eightie horssemen, and two hundred harquebusiers, offering the skirmish, towards whome certeine of the Eng­lish light horssemen roundlie made, and charging them, droue them backe to their footmen, who with their shot receiued the light horssemen so sharplie, that they were forced to retire. In which retire Iames Hamilton a Scotishman was taken priso­ner, Iames Ha­milton taken prisoner for the rescue of whome the horssemen made for­ward againe: but the enimies shot was so hot, that they were not able to recouer him; but yet they slue two of the French horssemen in sight.

During the time of this skirmish, there was great shooting off with the great ordinance on both sides, & much hurt doone as well to the English as French. This daie capteine Perith, and capteine Haies, ha­uing charge of a troope of light horssemen vnder sir Henrie Persie, Prisoners taken and slaine. and the lord of Grange were taken prisoners before Dunbar; and to the number of twentie or thirtie others were likewise taken or slaine the same time. The same night also, two thousand footmen with the pioners were sent to the other side of the towne, beyond the canon milles, where the pioners cast a trench for the safe lodging of [Page 1191] the armie, which remooued the next day being fridaie, and the six and twentith of Aprill from Lesterike downe into the vallie by the said canon milles cal­led the red Braies, The armie r [...]mooueth from Leste­r [...]ke to the red Braies. néere to the riuer side on the south part of the towne of Leith. As the armie was thus remoouing from Lesterike towards the said place called the red Braies, the Frenchmen within Leith shot off manie of their great péeces of artillerie, but without dooing anie great hurt. As the armie was incamping, A skirmish, and what was doone in the same. certeine of the enimies horssemen and line 10 footmen skirmished with the English lances and light horssemen a long time; there were two French­men slaine and their horsses also. In the time of this skirmish two canons were conueied and planted in the new trench, which discharged diuerse shots at the enimies.

Saturdaie the seauen and twentith of Aprill, the great artillerie was planted aloft on the hill aboue the campe, The planting [...] the great artillerie. within lesse than a curriers shot of the towne walles, and the pioners were set a worke to line 20 cast new trenches from the place where the same or­dinance was lodged vnto Montpelham, drawing so néere vnto Leith, as the harquebus might reach them that watched and warded within the gréene bul­worke. There issued out of Leith vnder the west bul­worke certeine of the Frenchmen, the which were chased into the towne by the lard of Grange and o­thers. A trench [...] from the [...]. The French kept the same daie a trench which they had made without the towne, continuallie shoo­ting at the Englishmen in the campe: but the same night the Englishmen wan that trench from them, line 30 slue diuerse of them therein, togither with their scout. And this doone, they gaue a great alarum to the towne both by land and water, the shipbotes shooting off against the towne verie hotlie, and they within the towne likewise at the Englishmen. The same night was the great ordinance planted, Great ordi­nance planted [...] dischar­ [...]. and maister Markham hurt. On sundaie the eight and twentith of Aprill the said great ordinance went off, and shot continuallie the more part of that daie. The line 40 bishop of Ualence departed the same daie towards Berwike: and this night sir George Howard that had béene sent backe to Berwike, to signifie to the duke of Norffolke the state of the siege, returned with sir Richard Lee, being conducted with fiue hun­dred horssemen.

Mondaie the nine and twentith of Aprill, the pée­ces of the great artillerie were occupied in shooting off verie hotlie, A skirmish. and the French likewise shot off theirs, and comming foorth of the towne skirmished line 50 with the Englishmen. This night the pioners made new trenches toward the south bulworke. Tuesdaie the last of Aprill was spent in shooting off the great artillerie into the towne. A fire in [...], and augmented with shot of ordinance and [...] wea­ther. About fiue of the clocke in the after noone, a sudden fire was raised within the towne, which hugelie increased and continued the most part of that night. At the beginning when it first appeered, the English ordinance was shot off to the place where the fire was, which shot togither with helpe of the wind, and being verie great at that pre­sent, line 60 did maruellouslie augment the same fire: yet neuerthelesse the French at that present time offered a skirmish, and continued the same néere hand for the space of two houres, manned their walles, and made the best prouision they might for doubt of some assault. It was indéed appointed, that certeine bands should make an alarum to the towne: Capteine Uaughan. in so much that capteine Uaughan with diuerse of the sol­diors of Montpelham entred the ditch, and approch­ing the walles, discouered the height of them. And notwithstanding that the French did what they could to annoie them in the diches with currier shot, yet did capteine Uaughan staie in the ditch a pretie while, and retired with his men without receiuing anie great hurt.

Wednesdaie the first of Maie, Maie poles set vp in Leith on Maie daie. the Frenchmen set vp verie earlie in the morning their Maie poles in certeine bulworks, and fouretéene ensignes: the which being discouered of them in the campe, they sa­luted them with a peale of great ordinance, and like­wise the Frenchmen answered them againe, and so continued the most part of that daie. A trench woon from the French. The same daie Iohn Brian lieutenant to capteine Capell, wan a trench frō the French at the west side of the towne, and in despite of them kept it all that daie with the losse onelie of one man. Thursdaie the second of Maie, the pioners made the trenches for the artille­rie to be planted in batterie. The night following they remooued and placed the same artillerie in the new trench: and the next morning being fridaie and the third of Maie, about foure of the clocke, the same batterie went off, and continued all that daie. In the after noone of the same daie certeine Frenchmen is­sued out of the west bulworke, and skirmishing with the Englishmen on that side the water, returned without anie great hurt.

The night insuing the pioners made a new trench by the citadell wherein they might lodge some shot, and capteine Uaughan with diuerse of the bands in Montpelham gaue two false assaults to the towne, entred the ditches, and viewed the flankers: where­vpon the French shot off the same flankers, Capteine Uaughan vieweth the enimies flan­kers. and manning their walles, shot off two or thrée volees of their small artillerie, slaieng and hurting to the num­ber of twentie of the Englishmen. Among other, little Norton lost his life that night, and so at length the residue returned. Saturdaie the fourth of Maie, there were thrée ensigns appointed to gard the new trenches, and towards night, when the ward should be reléeued, and the watch set, the Frenchmen that were in the trench vnder the citadell, made a sallie vpon the sudden. Wherevpon the Englishmen that garded the said trench were constreined to abandon a great part thereof for a time: The French repelled by the English. but yet the English­men eftsoons taking courage, laid to them afresh, repelled them againe, & draue them backe into their owne trenches, slue foure of them in sight, and hurt manie others. This was the lot of warre▪ to be o­uerthrowne by force of the enimie, as the poet saith: ‘Qui Martem experti, per vim subiguntur ab hoste.’

Whilest this was in dooing, the French had stuf­fed their bulworks and rampiers with curriers and harquebusiers of Croke, as thicke as was possible, which went off without ceassing at the Englishmen, for the space of an houre and more. The English ar­tillerie planted in the trenches did answer them a­gaine continuallie, and the great péeces did much hurt among them, in sight of them that watched in the same trenches. The same night the Englishmen conueied two culuerings ouer the water to scowre the mils: and before the breake of the daie they had burnt one of the same mils. Sundaie the fift of Maie earlie in the morning at the reléeuing of the watch, The mils burnt by the English and the French driuen from thense. and entring of the ward, foure souldiors that belon­ged to the great ordinance issued out, and set fier on the other mill, which burnt verie outragiouslie with­out ceassing, for the space of an houre or more. The French began to assemble towards the mill, in hope to haue quenched the fire, but they were deceiued: for suddenlie the Englishmen cut two holes through their trenches, & placing in the same the two dem [...] ­culuerings, shot them off at the Frenchmen, so that they were driuen to forsake the mill, and in their re­tire some of them were slaine.

This daie also, as foure French gentlemen came foorth to discouer the English trenches, capteine Read commanded one of his souldiors to shoot at them, but through mishap his péece burst, and a shiuer [Page 1192] thereof flue out, Capteine Reades arme broken. and brake the arme of his said cap­teine. Mondaie the sixt of Maie, the armie lieng qui­et all the morning, in the afternoone the English or­dinance on the further side the water began to shoot off against the enimies verie hotlie, so continuing till night. This daie the earle of Argile, and diuerse other noble men of Scotland, The earle of Argile with his armie commēth to Edenburgh. came to Edenburgh with two thousand horssemen and footmen, who shew­ed themselues in order of a muster, on the hill vnder­neth the castell. Which being perceiued of the French line 10 within Leith, they shot off thrée great péeces of artil­lerie at them, but (as God would haue it) without hurt, for two of the bullets lighted short, and the third did fall in a garden within the towne of Eden­burgh. The night insuing, the great ordinance in the Englishmens trenches and bulworks continu­ed shooting on euerie side. And héerewith commande­ment was giuen by the lord lieutenant, and the coun­cell, that the whole armie should be readie armed with their weapon and furniture according by mid­night. line 20

The assault giuen to Leith the seauenth of Maie.In the morning by two of the clocke the seuenth of Maie being tuesdaie, diuerse bands passed foorth towards the towne, and entring the ditches offered the scale: other capteins with their men approched the bulworks, and other there were appointed to en­ter beside the mils. Beside the English bands com­manded thus to giue the assault, there were a thou­sand Scots ioined with them, whereof fiue hundred with capteine Uaughan, and such other capteins as line 30 were commanded to attempt the bulworke next to Montpelham, and other fiue hundred went with such of the English capteins as were commanded to as­sault the breach beyond the water. Moreouer, as well the lances as light horssemen were assigned to gard the fields; The horsmen appointed to gard the field. sir George Howard with the lances kée­ping betwixt the fort of Montpelham and the sea westward, and sir Henrie Per [...]ie with the light horssemen betwixt the campe and the sea eastward. The rest of the footmen that went not to the assault, line 40 were also appointed to gard the trenches and field, in such wise as was thought expedient. So that perfect direction was giuen in euerie behalfe by the lord lieutenant, and other of the councell. And vpon war­ning giuen by capteine Randall sergeant maior, such as had béene commanded to giue the assault in their seuerall appointed places, preased forward with cou­rage inough, and boldlie aduentured to clime the wals, & enter at the breaches, but yet their attempt wanted the wished successe: for what through the line 50 Frenchmens policie in stopping the currant of the riuer that night, The English men repelled by the policies and deuises of the French. and other deuises for their owne safegard, and the annoiance of the assailants: and what by reason of the vnfitnesse of the ladders, being too short by two yards and more, the assailants were repelled. For during the whole time of the assault, which continued for the space of an houre and a halfe, the French shot off their flankers, and mainteined their shot from the wals so thicke, that it seemed a verie hell for the time. line 60

They also hurled downe ouer the wals vpon the assailants heads, great plentie of stones, logs, and mightie péeces of timber, which did much hurt to the Englishmen and Scots, that forced themselues to clime vp. But yet neuerthelesse, manie there were that entred the towne in sundrie places, of the which some came backe againe, although others were bea­ten downe and slaine. To conclude, at length all that escaped with life, were forced to retire with the losse of seauen or eight score Englishmen, The number slaine & hurt at the assault. some haue said two hundred, which were slaine outright, beside those that were wounded, being in number at the least two or three hundred: and amongst other, there were diuer se capteins and gentlemen that were hurt, as sir Thomas Hesketh, master Sutton, master New­port, master Conweie, capteine Wood, Thomas Fitton, with others. Upon the repulse thus giuen to our men by the French, they aduanced and set vp fouretéene ensignes presentlie about the towne, and continued otherwise quiet all that daie. Wednesdaie the eight of Maie in the afternoone, Sir George Howard and sir Richard Lée. sir George Ho­ward, and sir Richard Lée departed towards Bar­wike with certeine companies of horsmen for their safe conduction. Thursdaie the ninth of Maie, the Frenchmen wrought verie earnestlie within the towne, to fortifie the necessarie places, and repare the breaches, euen in the face of the English ordi­nance, which went off diuerse times, and did them much hurt.

The same daie also the French had manned to the sea wards a bote fraught with fiftie harquebusiers, meaning to conueie them ouer to Insketh: but the English ships discouering them, prepared certeine botes to encounter them, whereof they being aware, returned. Fridaie the tenth of Maie, master Ingle­bie, capteine Pickman, and capteine Browne, A supplie frō Barwike of foure hundred and fiftie sol­diors. came to the campe from Barwike, with a supplie of foure hundred and fiftie souldiors. The same daie about ten of the clocke at night, there chanced a brall to fall out among the Scots that watched in the tren­ches néerest vnto the towne of Leith on the west side, insomuch that one of them fell to and killed an other: which disorder being perceiued of the French within Leith, they issued out, and meant to haue vsed the vantage: but the Englishmen that wat­ched néere vnto the Scots staied the fraie, and did not onelie bring them to quiet, but also put the Frenchmen to flight. On sundaie the twelfe of Maie, about midnight the Frenchmen, to the num­ber of two hundred, sallied foorth of the towne, mind­ing to giue a camisado to the Englishmen, who kept watch that night in the trenches at the westside of Montpelham; but they were descried, and certeine of them killed, and so had the repulse. Sir Francis Leake bring­eth a supplie to the campe. Wednesdaie the fiftéenth of Maie, sir Francis Leake came to the campe with a supplie of fiue hundred men from Bar­wike.

Thursdaie the sixteenth of Maie towards night, the Frenchmen to the number of one hundred foot­men, and thirtie horssemen, came abroad and shew­ed themselues verie braue, skirmishing with the Englishmen at the west end of their towne. Tues­daie the one and twentith of Maie, about seauen of the clocke at night, there issued foorth of Leith six horssemen, and one hundred footmen harquebusiers, marching toward Montpelham to offer skirmish. Wherevpon capteine Uaughan went foorth to them verie orderlie, A skirmish b [...]twéene the English and French. and skirmished with them a prettie while: and in the meane time, off went the great ordi­nance on both sides. In the end the Frenchmen were driuen to retire into the towne, for the Eng­lishmen shewed themselues verie egre, and valiant­lie charged their enimies, put them to retire, and cha­sed them in at their gates, The French [...]men chased. to the which they followed them right hardilie.

The same night, maister Francis Summerset and other capteins were appointed to kéepe a [...]ort built aboue the campe; and now finished, tooke name of him being capteine thereof, and was after called Summersets mount. The same daie a souldiour of capteine Druries band was hanged for going to Edenburgh, contrarie to a proclamation, Summerse [...] mount. inhibi­ting anie soldiour so to doo without speciall licence. Wednesdaie the two and twentith of Maie, sir Pe­ter Carew came to the campe, Sir Peter Carew sen [...] from the court. being sent from the court. Thursdaie the foure and twentith of Maie at seuen of the clocke at night, the French sallied foorth to the number of two hundred footmen, and twentie [Page 1192] horssemen, at the reléefe of the warders when the watch should be set, meaning (as it appeared) to haue woone the trenches from the Englishmen. Wherevp­on a sore skirmish followed, [...] wherein [...] French [...]. diuerse slaine, and manie hurt on both parties: yet in the end the Frenchmen were driuen home by plaine force. This was at the west side of the towne, where they had fortified to­wards the sea.

The same daie the Frenchmen of Dunbar tooke an English hoie laden with double béere, [...] English [...] taken. béefe, oxen, line 10 and s [...]itches of bacon. Saturdaie the eight of Iune, sir Iohn Neuill with three hundred men, capteine Bridges, and capteine Drurie, with other thrée hun­dred, set from Barwike towards the campe, where they arriued on mondaie the tenth of Iune, [...] quéene Dowager [...] life. on which daie the queene Dowager departed this life. The thirtéenth of Iune, sir William Cicill, principall secretarie to the queenes maiestie, and doctor Wot­ton deane of Canturburie and Yorke came to Bar­wike, appointed commissioners on hir said maiesties line 20 behalfe, to treat of an accord with the conte de Ran­don, and the bishop of Ualence, commissioners sent for that purpose from the French king, and his wife Marie queene of Scotland. [...] French [...] to their [...]. The fouretéenth of Iune being fridaie, a certeine number of Frenchmen came foorth of Leith to gather cockles on the sands towards Montpelham: which the Englishmen perceiuing, set vpon them, slue thréescore and ten, and tooke sixtéene of them prisoners.

On sundaie the sixtéenth of Iune, the fore remem­bred line 30 commissioners came to Edenburgh: Sir William [...] and [...] Wotton [...] to E­ [...]urgh. and as master secretarie and doctor Wotton passed the English forts and campe, they were saluted with a gallant peale of the harquebusiers that shot off their harquebusies verie liuelie. Mondaie the seuentéenth of Iune about eight of the clocke, an abstinence of warre was concluded, warning being giuen by the discharging of two péeces of the great artillerie out of the castell; and then the Frenchmen shewed and aduanced themselues vpon their rampiers. Satur­daie the two and twentith of Iune, the abstinence line 40 was broken off, which till then had beene trulie kept and obserued. Thursdaie the fourth of Iulie, about thrée of the clocke in the after noone, the French came out of Leith, according to their accustomed maner to gather cockles. Whervpon the lord lieutenant be­ing at that present in Montpelham, Frenchmen [...] as they gathered [...]. sent a drum vn­to monsieur Doisell to signifie to him that his soldi­ours had gone further without their bounds than they might doo by the order taken by the commissio­ners line 50 of both parts. Doisell answered, that they were no souldiours, but poore people which went to gather cockles for their releefe and sustenance. The drum said, that if they kept not themselues within their ap­pointed limits, my lord lieutenant meant to send them backe not greatlie to their ease: wherevnto Doisell replied, that if he so did, he would doo the best he could to aid them. Herevpon the English horsse­men and footmen out of Montpelham gaue a charge vpon them, and slue of them to the number of fiftie, and tooke certeine of the residue prisoners. Fridaie line 60 the sixt of Iune, about six of the clocke in the after­noone, issued out of Leith fouretéene horssemen, and an hundred footmen, which offered the skirmish: but vpon the shooting off the great artillerie from Montpelham, they retired home againe into the towne.

The night following about twelue a clocke, one Scattergood an Englishman that was a gunner, Scattergood [...] the Frenchmen. & had feined himselfe to flée from the English campe for manslaughter into Leith, and was receiued of the Frenchmen, beléeuing that he had meant no de­ceit, came out of the towne, after he had remained there about seauen daies: in which meane while he had vnderstood fullie the state of the towne, and now vpon his returne made relation therof as he knew. On saturdaie the sixt of Iune, Order taken for the restrei­ning of all signes of ho­stilitie. the lord Greie lord lieutenant, master secretarie Cicill, and sir Rafe Sadler, betwixt three and foure of the clocke in the afternoone, gaue order that there should no peece be shot, nor shew of hostilitie made till seauen of the clocke the same night: and herewith sent sir Ger­ueis Clifton vnto all the souldiors that warded in the trenches and bulworks on the west side of Leith, to command them to obserue the like order. And sir Iohn Neuill was sent with like commandement vnto the souldiors that laie in Summersets mount. The peace now in the meane time being concluded, The peace concluded and word sent to the French that it should be proclamed. on the morrow being sundaie, and seauenth of Iune, sir Francis Leake, and sir Gerueis Clifton, accom­panied with two French gentlemen, were sent to the towne of Leith, to signifie vnto monsieur Doi­sell, the bishop of Amiens, la Brosse, Martigues, and other the French lords and capteins, that they were come thither by commandement from the commissi­oners, to cause the peace alreadie concluded to be proclamed: which accordinglie was doone in maner as followeth.

The forme of proclaming the foresaid peace betweene the parties at hostilitie.

THe most mightie princesse, Eliza­beth by the grace of God, queene of England, France, & Ireland, defender of the faith, &c: and the most christian king, Francis and Marie, by the same grace of God king and queene of France and Scotland: haue accorded vpon a reconciliation of a peace and ami­tie to be inuiolablie kept, betwixt them, their subiects, kingdomes and countries. And therfore in their names it is strictlie commanded to all maner of persons borne vnder their obeisances, or being in their seruice, to forbeare all hostilitie either by sea or land, & to keepe good peace each with other from this time forwards, as they will answer therevnto at their vttermost perils.

Immediatlie after this proclamation was ended, sir Francis Leake and sir Gerueis Clifton were brought to monsieur Doisels lodging, Sir Francis Leake and sir Gerueis Clifton ban­ketted by monsieur Doisell. where was prepared for them a great banket of thirtie or fortie dishes: and yet not one either of flesh or fish, sauing one of the flesh of a powdred horsse, as a certeine per­son hath written that tasted thereof, as he himselfe auoucheth. ¶ Héere then we sée the course of war, the end whereof of necessitie must be peace. For when both parts are either wearied, weakened, slaughte­red, or so discomfited, as that they be constreined to surceasse, least they be slaine euerie mothers sonne: then peace is sought, and hard conditions receiued rather than it shall be refused. O that it were Gods will (saith Schardus writing of the accidents happe­ning in the yeare 1570, Schardius in rebus gestis su [...] imperatore Maximiliano secundo. which all men counted a for­tunate and blessed yeare, albeit famine, the Turkish warre, the pestilence, and most cruell ouerflowings of waters did then outragiouslie take on: bicause thrée verie gréeuous warres, namelie the first of the Polanders against the Muscouits, the second of France within it selfe by ciuill dissention, & the third betwéene the Sweueners and the Danes, were then finished) O that it were Gods will (saith he) that [Page 1193] kings and princes would be admonished by exam­ples in due time to consult of peace, and to make much thereof, rather than after manie calamities susteined and taken, to thinke how beneficiall and pretious it is. Then should they without séeking or sweating inioy those things which to obteine they vndertake great voiages, and yet nothing neere their purpose without much bloudshed, slaughter, and wastfulnesse; as sometime verie wiselie said Cyneas to Pyrrhus, disuading him from the Italish warre: line 10 and as one both learnedlie and fitlie writeth, saieng:

Hic est perpetuus saeclorum lusus & vsus,
Ludendi vt faciat consumpta pecunia finem:
Sic vbi vastatae gentes lachrymantur & vrbes,
Aurea tum demum feruntur foedera pacis.
Heu quanto satius foret haec praeuertere damna!
Atque animos hominum saluis coalescere rebus!]

Thus haue I béene more large in this matter concerning the siege of Leith, Whie this historiogra­pher is so large in the description of this siege of Leith. than may be thought peraduenture necessarie, sith the thing is yet fresh in line 20 memorie: but bicause there came to my hands cer­teine notes of one or two persons that were there present, and for helpe of their owne memories wrote the same, I haue thought it not impertinent to insert the effect of them, that the same may serue to further those that hereafter shall write the historie of this time more at large, sith my purpose is not to conti­nue the same otherwise than I find things noted in the abridgements of Iohn Stow and Richard Graf­ton: except in some recitall of expeditions and iour­nies line 30 made, as this, and other into Scotland, and that same of the right honourable the earle of Warwike into Normandie, which I haue thought good to in­large, according to such notes as haue come to my hand, beseeching the readers to accept the same in good part: and if anie thing be omitted, either in this place or anie other, that were as necessarie to be spo­ken of, as those points which I haue touched, or after­wards may touch, to impute the fault to the want of good instructions, and not to anie negligence or lacke line 40 of good will in me to aduance euerie mans worthie dooings according to his merits.

But now concerning the articles of the peace, being about thirtéene in all, The articles of the peace at the siege of Leith. the chéefest may séeme to rest héerein, that the French souldiours and men of warre should depart out of the realme of Scot­land within a short time limited of twentie daies, as Ludouico Guiciardini hath noted; six score of them onlie excepted, as thrée score to abide in Insketh, and thrée score in the castell of Dunbar, they to be answered line 50 their wages at the hands of the estates of Scotland, and to be subiect vnto the lawes and ordinances of that realme. That the fortifications about Leith should be razed and demolished: and likewise the fort which had béene built and raised before the castell of Dunbar by the French, for a strength thereto. That the Frenchmen should not conueie into Scot­land anie men of warre, or munitions without con­sent of the parlement assembled of thrée estates of that realme. That the king and quéene of France & Scotland should not frō thensefoorth beare the arms line 60 of England, sith the same apperteined onelie to the queens maiestie of England and to no other person.

These and other articles were comprised and esta­blished in the conclusion of this peace, The end of this peace thus con­cluded. as well to the honour and suertie of the quéenes maiestie of Eng­land, hir realmes, dominions, and subiects, as also for the wealth and preseruation of the realme of Scot­land, Sée more her­of in Scotlād pag. 374. the nobles and other subiects of that realme. After that this peace then was fullie established, a­gréed, and concluded, the Frenchmen were imbar­ked at Leith in English vessels; those onelie excep­ted that were appointed to remaine as pledges with the Englishmen till the ships came backe againe, and a few other that were permitted to passe through England into their countrie. The commen [...]dation of the foresaid con­cluded peace. Thus were the French forces remooued out of Scotland, a matter so much importing to the confirmation of peace betwixt vs and that realme, and also to the auoiding of further perils, that this iournie ended with so honorable and profitable a peace, concluded by the high industrie and prudent policie of our quéenes maiesties com­missioners afore mentioned, may be accompted one of the most necessarie expeditions, and most benefi­ciall seruices that had béene made and put in practise in manie yeares before. T. Church­yard. For the quéenes maiestie (as some haue trulie written) had not onlie hir chiefe desire, by remoouing of the French hir dangerous neighbors, The quéene [...] meaning in remoouing [...] French out [...] Scotland. that were about to nestle themselues so neare hir elbow: but also a perfect peace with the Scots was therby procured, like to continue manie yeares (if the said Scots shall not seeke their owne wo) being full vnable to aduantage themselues by warres against vs, as to the wiser and best sort of them I trust is not vnknowne.

But to leaue the further consideration of the be­nefit that may grow herof to this realme, vnto their iudgements that haue riper heads to vnderstand the same: I will procéed, and herewith make an end of this matter, concerning the siege of Leith. After that the Frenchmen were departed, and the forts a­bout Leith and Dunbar razed and demolished, accor­ding to the couenants of peace, The quéenes armie reuoke out of Scot­land. the quéenes maiestie called backe hir armie without reteining anie péece within Scotland to hir owne vse. In which honora­ble and vpright dealing, she wan more fame and esti­mation, than if she had seized and kept in hir possessi­on halfe the realme of Scotland: speciallie regar­ding the perplexed state of the people by war, which she redressed by the establishment of peace, a thing which she alwaies loued, as the contrarie she mor­tallie hated: as one hath noted of hir grace, saieng: ‘Virgo pacis amans, quae stat contraria bellis.’

The quéenes maiestie by the aduise of hir most ho­norable councell, meaning to abolish all corrupt, base, and copper monies then currant in this realme of England, coined in the times and reignes of king Henrie the eight, and king Edward the sixt, to the great hinderance and decaie of the commonwealth of this realme, and therewith to restore vnto all hir subiects fine and pure sterling monies, both of gold and siluer, to the great honor and benefit of the whole realme: Iohn Stow. A fall of bas [...] monie & ma­king of new coines. published a proclamation on Michaelmasse euen before noone, that the teston coined for twelue pence, and in the reigne of king Edward embased by proclamation to six pence, should now foorthwith (that of the best sort marked with the port [...]uleis) be currant for foure pence halfepenie: the second mar­ked with the greihound for two pence farthing: the third and worst sort not marked as afore, not to be currant at all, nor receiued for anie value. The grote to be currant for two pence, the former péece of two pence for a penie, &c.

It was not long after this, Anno Reg. 3. but that hir grace re­storing to hir subiects fine sterling monie, called all the said base and corrupt coines into hir maiesties mint, allowing to them therefore after the rate be­fore mentioned, so much of the said fine monies as they brought in of the said base monies. year 1560 About the same time, Additions to Lanquet. The quéene furnisheth hi [...] land with ar­mour and mu­nition. hir grace also finding this realme great­lie vnfurnished of armour, munitions, and powder, for the defense thereof in time of necessitie, did so largelie and plentifullie prepare and cause to be brought into the same, such sufficient furniture of armour and weapons, as England hath iust cause to praise and giue thanks to God and hir maiestie; for that it is certeine, that the realme was neuer so amplie stored nor prouided of all maner of kinds of [Page 1194] conuenient armor and weapons, as it is at this pre­sent. The one and twentith of March a notable Grammar schoole was founded by the maister, The merchāt [...]lors frée s [...]hoole. war­dens, and assistants of the right worshipfull compa­nie of the merchant tailors of London, in the parish of S. Laurence Pontneie in the same citie, the right worshipfull Emanuell Lucar, Robert Rose, Willi­am Merike, Iohn Sparke, & Robert Duckington then maister and wardens of that companie.

The tenth of Aprill was one William Geffreie line 10 whipped, from the Marshalsea in Southworke, to Bedlem without Bishops gate of London, year 1561 for that he professed one Iohn Moore to be Christ our sauior: William Gef­freie whipped. on his head was set a paper, wherein was written as followeth: William Geffreie a most blasphemous heretike, denieng Christ our sauiour in heauen. The said Geffreie being staied at Bedlem gate, Iohn Moore was brought foorth, A false Christ whipped till he changed his song. before whome William Geffreie was whipped, till he confessed Christ to be in heauen. Then the said Iohn Moore being exami­ned, line 20 and answering ouerthwartlie, was comman­ded to put off his cote, doublet, and shirt; which he sée­med to doo verie willinglie, and after being tied to the cart, was whipped an arrowes shot from Bed­lem, where at the last he also confessed Christ to be in heauen, and himselfe to be a sinfull man. Then was Iohn Moore sent againe into Bedlem, and Gef­freie to the Marshalsea, where they had laine priso­ners nigh a yéere and a halfe, the one for professing himselfe to be Christ, the other a disciple of the same line 30 Christ. On wednesdaie the 4 of Iune, betwéene foure & fiue of the clocke in the afternoone, the stéeple of Paules in London being fired by lightning, Paules stée­ple on fire by lightening. brast forth (as it séemed to the beholders) two or three yards beneath the foot of the crosse, and from thence burnt downe the spire to the stoneworke and bels, so ter­riblie, that within the space of foure houres the same stéeple with the roofes of the church, so much as was timber or otherwise combustible, were consumed, which was a lamentable sight and pitifull remem­brance line 40 to the beholders therof. After this mischance, the queens maiestie being much gréeued for the losse of so beautifull a monument, The quéene [...] gréeued with the losse of Paules stéeple & pro­uideth means to repare it. directed hir highnesse letters to the maior of the citie of London, willing him to assemble the citizens to take some order for speciall aid and helpe for the reparing againe of the said monument. And she of hir most gratious dispo­sition, to giue a comfort to others for the furtherance thereof, did presentlie giue and deliuer in gold one thousand markes, The quéenes beneuolence to excite o­thers. and a warrant for a thousand lode line 50 of timber, to be taken out of hir maiesties woods or elsewhere: and the citizens of London granted one beneuolence, and three fiftéens to be foorthwith paied. The clergie vnder the prouince of Canturburie granted the fortith part of the value of their benefi­ces charged with first fruits, & not charged with first fruits the thirtith part. The clergie of the diocesse of London granted the thirtith part of their benefi­ces in first fruits, and the twentith part out of first fruits. Now immediatlie by commandement of the line 60 quéenes highnesse, Ouerséers appointed to [...] the reparing of Paules. hir priuie councell tooke order that six citizens of London, and two of the cleargie of the church of Paules, had charge and commandement to ouersée and set forward this worke, who made such expedition, that within one moneth next following the burning thereof, the whole church, that is to saie, all the foure great roofes of the same were couered with boords and lead, after the maner of a false roofe. And the greatnesse of the worke dispatched in so short time could scarselie be credited of anie, but of such as saw and knew the same. And the cause of this great hast was for feare of raine, which might haue perished the vawtes, to the destruction of the whole church, & the people that were therein. And be­fore the said yéere was fullie ended, all the said iles of the said church were made & framed of new & maine timber, & couered with lead, & fullie finished. All the iles of Paules made and framed of new timber. And the same yeare also, the great roofe of the west end was framed, and made of new & great timber in Yorke­shire, & brought to London by sea, and set vp & coue­red with lead, and fullie finished. And in like maner within the said yeare, the whole roofe and frame of the east end of the said church was made in Yorkeshire, & brought by sea to London, and there laid readie to be raised when the season of the yeare serued. This one thing resteth to be told, Ten thousand pounds insuf­ficient to re­pare Paules as it was at the first. that by estimation of wise men, 10000 pounds more than is yet granted vnto it, will not perfect & finish the church and stéeple in such sort as it was before the burning thereof.

In this meane time also, by reason of the quéenes maiesties letters directed to the maior and his bre­thren of the citie of London about the burning of Paules, there were certeine aldermen and commo­ners of the said citie named and called togither by the authoritie of the maior, to deuise some good order and spéedie remedie for the reliefe and comfort of the said citie, whensoeuer anie chance of fire hereafter should happen (as God forbid) within the said citie or liberties thereof. And the persons so called after sun­drie méetings, and with good aduisement and delibe­ration, agréed and penned a certeine order for the spéedie remedie thereof, as well for the readie know­ledge of the place, wheresoeuer the same fire should happen, and for the sudden extinguishment & suppres­sing of the same, as also for the safe kéeping of the goods of such persons in whose house anie fire should chance. Which orders and rules vndoubtedlie would be to the great comfort & safetie of the citie and citi­zens of the same, if they were published and made knowen in time, and executed accordinglie. But what should I saie? I can but lament, Good orders nothing worth if they be not put in execution. not onelie for this, but also for manie such painefull and profitable labors, which for good gouernement of this citie had béene taken. For as soone as the talking thereof is doone, and the bookes framed and deliuered, so soone is it put in obliuion, and nothing at all thought vpon, vntill an houre after the mischiefe be past.

This yeare was chosen lord maior of London a worthie citizen named William Harper, Fréeschoole in Bedford towne foun­ded by Wil­liam Harper maior of Lon­don elect. one of the companie of the merchant tailors. This man wish­ing in his life time to benefit his countrie, founded a free schoole in the towne of Bedford where he was borne, and now lieth buried, prouiding a competent stipend and liuing for a scholemaister, there to traine vp and instruct children in vertue and learning for­euer. The fiftéenth of Nouember, the quéenes ma­iestie published a proclamation, wherein she restored to the realme diuerse small péeces of siluer monie, New coines of small péeces as six pence, &c. as the peece of six pence, foure pence, thrée pence, two pence, and a penie, three halfe pence, and thrée far­things. She also forbad all forren coines to be cur­rant within the same realme, as well gold as siluer, calling them to hir maiesties mints, except two sorts of crownes of gold, the one the French crowne, the other the Flemmish crowne. ¶Thus did hir maiestie in all hir actions directed to common vtilitie shoot at a certeine perfection, purenesse, and soundnesse, as here in hir new stamps and coines of all sorts; so also in Gods religion, setting the materiall churches of hir dominions frée from all popish trash: which one hath aptlie noted by waie of comparison, saieng:

Eiectis paleis purgatur vt area multo
Vsque laborantis serui sudore, reuulsis
Vt nitet ampla domus, quas struxit aranea telis▪
Sic priùs idolis confractis, templa fricantur
Cuncta scopis, quicquid fuit, abradentibus vncis
Dentibus obscoenum, spurcum, verbóue repugnans
Sacro, relligióque erectis cultior ibat
[Page 1195]Iam pedibus, Christúsque Dei cognoscitur agnus,
Offensas delens mundi, peccatáque tollen [...]
Vaenalis populo non indulgentia papae.]

Anno Reg. 4.This yeare in England were manie monstruous births. In March a mare brought foorth a foale with one bodie and two heads, Monstruous births in di­uerse places of England. and as it were a long taile growing out betweene the two heads. Also a sow fa­rowed a pig with foure legs like to the armes of a manchild with armes and fingers, &c. In Aprill a sow farrowed a pig with two bodies, year 1562 eight féet, and but one head: manie calues and lambs were monstru­ous, line 10 some with collars of skin growing about their necks, like to the double ruffes of shirts and necker­chers then vsed. The foure and twentith of Maie, a manchild was borne at Chichester in Sussex, the head armes, & legs whereof were like to an anatomie, the breast and bellie monstruous big, from the nauill as it were a long string hanging: about the necke a great collar of flesh and skin growing like the ruffe of a shirt or neckercher, comming vp aboue the eares pleited and folded, &c. line 20

France at di­uision in it selfe by ciuill warres.The realme of France being in great trouble a­bout this season, by the means of ciuill dissention and warres that rose betwixt the house of Guise and o­ther of that faction vpon the one side, and the prince of Conde and other that tooke part with him on the contrarie side: the quéenes maiestie informed how that the duke of Guise and his partakers hauing got into their possession the person of the yoong king, vn­der pretext of his authoritie, sought the subuersion of manie noble men and good subiects of the crowne of line 30 France, The quéenes maiesties mis­trust of incon­uenience, and the same re­medied. namelie such as were knowne or suspected to be zealous for a reformation to be had in matters of religion: hir maiestie thervpon considering, that if their purpose might be brought to effect, it was to be doubted that they would not so rest, but séeke to set things in broile also within this hir realme of England, and other countries néere to them adioi­ning: first as one that had euer wished quietnesse, rather than the troubles of warre, Sir Henrie Sidneie sent ambassador into France. sent ouer sir Hen­rie Sidneie at that present lord president of Wales line 40 (a man of such estimation as his word ought to haue deserued credit) to trie if he might doo anie good to bring the parties to some attonement. But such wil­full headinesse séemed to rest in some that were chiefe of the one faction, that their desire seemed altogither bent to enter into wars. Hir maiestie yet hoping the best, An other am­bassage in Iu­lie directed in­to France. appointed to send another honourable ambas­sage, which by their wisedoms and good aduise might persuade the parties vnto concord, whereby all due line 50 authoritie, honor, & dignitie might be restored to the king, and euerie other degree keepe their roomes and places as to them apperteined, but all in vaine. For this motion of a pacification to be had could take no place, neither might the will of the yoong king, or of his timorous mother, as it then seemed, be regarded, otherwise than as stood with the pleasure & appoint­ment of those that were knowne to be the chiefe au­thors and furtherers of all those troubles.

Whilest the quéenes maiestie therefore did thus line 60 trauell in respect of the suertie which hir grace bare to hir welbeloued brother the said king, and to the commoditie and quietnesse of both the factions, an open iniurie was offered to hir maiestie: so as it might appeare what minds they bare towards hir, that had thus excluded and refused all offers & means to grow to some good and indifferent conclusion of peace. Ships of Lō ­don, Excester, & Falmouth, spoiled by the French in Britaine, the thirtith of Iulie, and ninetéenth of August. For whereas manie merchants, as well of London as of Excester, and other the west parts of hir realme, were soiourning for cause of traffike, in diuerse ports and hauens of Britaine; and hauing dispatched their businesse, and got their lading aboord, their ships were readie to hoise vp sailes, and to re­turne each one towards the place from whence hée came, they were suddenlie arested, their goods seized vpon, and they themselues cast in prison: and some that in reuenge of such offered iniurie attempted to make resistance, were cruellie slaine, their ships con­ueied awaie, their goods confiscat, without other pre­tense, but onelie that it was said to them that they were Huguenots. Neither was this doone by priuat persons, but by open violence of the gouernors & ma­gistrats of those places where the same disorder was executed: so that it appeared from whence they had their commission to vse such wrongfull dealing, and how farre the same would extend, if they might once haue time and occasion to accomplish their purposed intentions.

Moreouer, when complaint of such iniuries was made vnto the lawfull magistrats there, they found no redres at all. For what might the poore merchants profit by their plaints, when the packets of the am­bassadors leters, directed to hir maiestie, Letters ta­ken from the quéens ambas­sadors ser­uants. were taken from the bearer, & no punishment had against those that committed so vnciuill an outrage? A thing that offended hir maiestie so much more, for that as she tooke the matter, there wanted no good will, either in the king, or his mother, or in the king of Nauarre, the kings generall lieutenant, to sée such a presump­tuous and vnrulie part punished of their people: but rather that there lacked in them authoritie to haue it redressed. Furthermore, it greatlie gréeued hir, that the yong French king, hir déere brother was brought to such a streict, that he was nether able to defend the libertie of his people, nor the authoritie of his lawes, nor to deale vprightlie with other princes and poten­tats accordinglie, as by the bonds of leagues and of couenanted aliances had bene requisite. Neither did such disorder in gouernement of the kingdome of France touch anie so much and particularlie, The French troubles touch most y e quéene of England. as the queens maiestie of England.

She therefore lamenting that the king and quéene mother should be thus in the hands of them that pro­cured all these troubles, and led vp and downe at their pleasures, and driuen to behold the spoile and sacking of diuerse his cities, and miserable slaughter of his subiects: and againe hir grace thinking it ex­pedient to preuent that such as were knowne to beare no good will, either to hir or hir realme, The chiefe causes that mooued the quéenes ma­iestie to send a power into France. should not get into their possessions such townes and ha­uens as laie against the sea coasts of hir said realme, whereby they stuffing the same with garrisons and numbers of men of warre, might easilie vpon occa­sions seeke to make inuasions into this hir said realme, to the great annoiance of hir and hir louing subiects: at the request of the French themselues, thought it expedient to put in armor a certeine num­ber of hir subiects, to passe ouer into Normandie, vnto such hauens as néere approched vnto this hir realme of England, as well for the safegard of the same, as also for the reliefe and preseruation of the inhabitants there: and other that professed the gos­pell, liuing in continuall danger to be murthered and oppressed, and therefore crauing hir aid to saue and deliuer them out of the bloudie hands of their cruell aduersaries, that sought their hastie destruction.

For the conduction therefore of such forces as she meant to send ouer at that present, she ordeined the lord Ambrose Dudleie earle of Warwike to be hir principall lieutenant, capteine generall, chiefe lea­der and gouernor of hir said subiects, that should in such wise passe ouer into Normandie. Herevpon, The earle of Warwike sent into Norman­die with an armie. the said erle the seuenteenth of October, in this fourth yeare of hir maiesties reigne, tooke shipping at Por­tesmouth in the hauen there, at one a clocke in the after noone, being aboord himselfe in the quéens ship, called the New barke, and setting forward, sailed all that after noone, and the night following, directlie to­wards [Page 1196] Newhauen, but in the morning about eight a clocke, when his lordship was within twentie miles of the town of Newhauen, the wind suddenlie chan­ged cleane contrarie to his course: so that being dri­uen to returne about the next midnight, he arriued in the downes, and there remained at anchor, till a­bout eight of the clocke in the next morning being mondaie, and then was set on land by bote at San­don castell besides Deale, and the same daie at night came to Douer, & there laie till fridaie at thrée of the line 10 clocke at after noone; and then taking ship againe, sailed foorth: but finding the wind nothing prospe­rous for his course, after he had lien all that night & the daie following, tossing & tumbling on the seas, he was constreined to come backe againe, and arriued in the hauen of Douer, about ten of the clocke on sa­turdaie at night, and so remained there till tuesdaie next insuing at thrée of the clocke in the after noone, and then went to shipboord againe in the said ship cal­led the New barke: and directing his course for­wards, The earle of Warwike [...]ndeth at Newhauen. line 20 on thursdaie morning about eight of the clocke, his lordship landed at Newhauen, where he was most ioyfullie receiued with a great peale of artillerie.

Light horsse­men Scots.The next daie, being fridaie, & the thirtith of Octo­ber, there came to Newhauen from Diepe, fiftie light horssemen Scots, brought by one of maister Killigrues seruants. On saturdaie the last of Oc­tober, the earle of Warwiks commission was pro­clamed in Latine, English, and French, by Blew­mantell, An oth recei­ [...]ed by the lord lieutenant, [...]nd other of­ [...]cer [...]. line 30 purseuant at armes: which being ended, his lordship went into the church, and there sir Adri­an Poinings knight marshall gaue him his oth, and then my lord gaue the said sir Adrian his oth. And af­ter him were sworne Cutbert Uaughan controllor, Iohn Fisher knight porter, William Bromfield maister of the ordinance, William Robinson wa­ter bailife, and capteine Thomas Wood clearke of the councell. On mondaie the second of Nouem­ber, the earle of Warwike, with the knight mar­shall, line 40 and the controllor, rode out of Newhauen to Hauteuille, and so towards Mondeuille, accom­panied with all the horssemen English and Scotish, and a thousand footmen. A skirmish be­twéene the Scotishmen and them of Mondeuille. The Scotishmen & Mont­gomeries band passed foorth, and skirmished with them of Mondeuille, and the Scots brought awaie with them a bootie of thrée hundred shéepe: but in the morning, they were returned backe againe by com­mandement of the earle of Warwike.

Maister controllors souldiors went as far as line 50 Harflue, and there skirmished with them of that garrison, but without anie hurt to either part. My lord lieutenant riding all about the hils, viewed the countrie, A prise of win [...]s to the quantitie of two hundred tuns. and at night returned. On wednesdaie the fourth of Nouember, a barke of Newhauen, belonging to Francis Clearke, brought into the hauen of the same towne, foure Britons laden with wines, to the quantitie of two hundred tuns of good Gascoigne wines, which they ment to haue brought to the enimies: but being thus taken as a line 60 good prise, it was discharged in Newhauen, and stood the Englishmen and others of that towne in good stead. An alarum in [...] towne of Newhauen. On fridaie the sixt of Nouember, about nine of the clocke in the morning, a great alarum rose in the said towne of Newhauen: for vpon the hils on the north side of the towne, the Reingraue, and the sonne of the viceadmerall of France, shewed them­selues, accompanied with two thousand footmen, and fiue hundred horssemen. And herewith, the Rein­graue sent a trumpettor to the towne, to aduertise the lord lieutenant, that he was on the hils there at hand; and that vnderstanding his lordship was come into the countrie, and entred into Newhauen, if it would please him to promise vpon his honor, and by the faith of a gentleman, that he might come, and re­turne in safetie, he would be glad to come & sée him. Wherevpon the lord lieutenant, taking with him certeine capteins and gentlemen, rode foorth of the towne, and sent before him sir Adrian Poinings the marshall, Stephan Medcalfe trumpettor. The earle of Warwike and the Rein­graue talke togither. with Stephan Medcalfe hir maiesties trumpettor vnto the Reingraue, who talking with him, returned, and met with the lord lieutenant: who therewith passed forward, and méeting with the Reingraue, they imbraced each other, and conferred togither as they had occasion. And the Reingraue told the lord lieutenant (among other talke) that he was come to be his neighbor, and so with such merie speech they communed togither: and after taking their leaue either of other, they returned vnto their homes.

The counte Montgomerie and monsieur Beau­uois had some talke also with the Reingraue, casting out bitter and sharpe words in reproofe of the duke of Guise, and others that were of his faction. The Reingraue comming backe to his armie the same afternoone, forraied all the countrie, and droue awaie the most part of all the cattell that they might meet with: and comming to the church of Hauteuille, where an hundred and fiftie of Montgo­meries band laie, they skirmished with them, and in the end Montgomeries souldiors were forced to re­tire, and abandon the place, leauing it to the eni­mies; and comming awaie, withdrew the same night into Newhauen. The Almans the same euening, diuiding their armie into two parts, the one halfe of them went and lodged at Mondeuille, and the other halfe at Harflue. The morrow after, the Frenchmen that had abandoned the church of Hauteuille the night before, went thither againe, The church of Hauteuille recouered. tooke and kept it against the enimies, in like man­ner as they held it before.

The eleuenth of Nouember, A proclama­tion for good orders to be kept by the souldiors. a proclamation was made in the name of the lord lieutenant, by the of­ficer at armes Blewmantell, as well for good orders to be kept by the souldiors against the French inha­bitants of the towne, & reforming of certeine grée­uances, whereof the French had made complaint: as also for their comming to church to heare com­mon praier and preaching at due times, for the auoi­ding of vnlawfull games, whordome, wicked othes, and other blasphemies; and likewise concerning di­uerse other good orders to be obserued, and disorders to be eschewed, as was thought necessarie to giue warning of, with condigne paines appointed for pu­nishment of such as should transgresse in the same.

On thursdaie the twelfe of Nouember, there went out of the towne of Newhauen towards Har­flue, thrée bands of Frenchmen, conteining about six hundred footmen; and suddenlie they were béeset by the Almans and Frenchmen of the garrison of Harflue: so that the French protestants were dri­uen to take a village called Grauille, where they mainteined the skirmish for the space of two houres, till the lord lieutenant, A skirmish before Harflue▪ hearing of the perill in which they stood, sent foorth with the controllor the num­ber of a thousand footmen, and all the English and Scotish horssemen, and monsieur Beauuois with diuerse French horssemen: who comming before Harflue, fell in skirmish with the enimies, to whose succor there issued foorth of Harflue a great number of the Almans, both horssemen and footmen. But the Englishmen behaued themselues so valiantlie, that they beat them out of the field, and droue them in the end to the verie gates of their towne, with such lionlike courage, as was woonderfull: choosing rather to die in battell (if hap had so cut their cards) in an honest cause, than in their sicke beds: as mo­ued by the poets reason not amisse for a souldior to [Page 1197] remember and resolutelie to rest vpon, to wit:

Absumpti longis animam cruciatibus edunt
Languentes morbis: in bello pulchra paratur
Mors, homo momento pugnans extinguitur horae,
Euolat in tenues laetus citò spiritus auras.

This skirmish was stoutlie mainteined and conti­nued for the space of thrée long houres. Their great artillerie was shot off freshlie from the wals and bulworks. The English­men retire to Newhauen with honor. At length, when the night drew on, the retire was sounded, and the Englishmen came their line 10 waie backe to Newhauen with honor, hauing lost not past eight of their souldiors, that were slaine and six other hurt: whereas there was one of the eni­mies capteins slain in sight, with twentie souldiors, and another of their capteins, with diuerse others of their numbers gréeuouslie wounded. Monsieur Beauuois. Monsieur Beauuois shewed himselfe that daie verie forward and valiant, & so likewise did the Scotishmen. The thirteenth of Nouember, a pinnesse of the French­men that belonged to Newhauen, being gone foorth line 20 the night before, brought into the hauen a ship laden with Rochell wines, fiue and twentie tuns, that was bound to passe vp to the enimies, and so esteemed a good prise. Prises taken and brought to Newhauen On the fourtéenth of Nouember, ano­ther ship fraught with twentie tuns of Gascoigne wines was brought in as a prise, likewise taken by a barke of Newhauen, that belonged to a French­man, called Iehan de Bois, an earnest aduersarie to the papists.

The seuenth of Nouember, a proclamation was line 30 made by Blewmantell, concerning orders taken and passed by the lord lieutenant, A proclama­tion for har­quebut shot. that no English­man nor Frenchman should shoot off anie harque­buse within the towne; nor that anie Frenchman, except monsieur Beauuois, or monsieur Bricque­mault, or their companies, should be out of their lodgings after nine of the clocke at night till the next morning on paine of death: except in cases of ala­rums. An alarum vpon occasion of fier made by the papists. The twelfe of Nouember, about six of the clocke at night, one of the mils without the gate line 40 was set on fire by some of the papists (as was thought) whereof rose a great alarum. The thir­téenth of Nouember, the Reingraue was seene on the north hils of the towne, with foure score horsse­men: wherevpon the Scotish horssemen, and thrée bands of footmen issued out, marching vp towards the same hils, in hope to méet with their enimies, but they were retired towards Mondeuille, and so nothing was doone. It was reported for a certeine truth, that the duke Daumale was there at that pre­sent line 50 with the Reingraue.

On wednesdaie, the fiue and twentith of Nouem­ber, Execution. one of capteine Cocksons souldiors was han­ged in the market place: and an other that was brought thither likewise to be executed had his par­don, at the sute of certeine French gentlemen. And herewith was proclamation made, that where it had béene proclamed afore, A proclamati­on to restreine the outrage of souldiors. that none should take anie thing forceablie from the French on paine of death, for breach whereof, such execution was presentlie line 60 doone: the lord lieutenant did by this proclamation eftsoons charge and command, that none vpon like paine should breake or spoile anie house or ship: or take anie timber, wood, or anie other thing from the French, without their good will, consent, and agree­ment. Prises brought to Newhauen. The same afternoone came into the hauen hoies and botes laden with wine, cider, perrie, wheate, béefe, bisquet, meale, and other prouision of vittels. Two French shallops of Newhauen had taken them besides Hunflue, and beaten backe a shallop of the enimies, slaieng ten or twelue French­men that came foorth of Hunflue to haue succored the hoies. A supplie of souldiors out of Essex arriue at Newhauen. The fiue and twentith of Nouember, there landed at Newhauen six hundred souldiors Essex­men, vnder the leading of Auerie Darsie, Reginald Higate, and William Twedie, each of them ha­uing his appointed number of two hundred to his ensigne.

Moreouer, where as well diuerse prentises, as other Englishmen were come ouer, since the pla­cing of the garrison in that towne of Newhauen, not offering their seruice anie waie, other than by stragling abroad to séeke pillage, whereby they fell oftentimes into the hands of the enimies, both to the dishonor of their countrie, & losse of their owne liues. For reformation hereof proclamation was made the last of Nouember, A proclama­tion for the as­sembl [...]ng of souldiors at same Addres­ses. that all Englishmen within the said towne, aboue the age of sixteene yeares, and vnder thrée score, being not reteined in the queens maiesties paie, should at one of the clocke that pre­sent daie repaire to the bulworke called the bul­worke of saint Addresses, there to present his name & person to the [...]omptrollor, that order might be taken how to emploie them in some certeintie of seruice, vpon paine to euerie one failing hereof to suffer ten daies imprisonment, & also to be banished the towne.

The same daie the quéenes ship called the Hare, Sir Iohn Portinarie a Florentine, and an excel­lent engi­ner. comming from Portsmouth, arriued at Newha­uen; and in hir came sir Iohn Portinarie, whose ripe skill, déepe iudgement, and great experience in mat­ters of fortification had bred in him such knowledge, as he may worthilie be called a maister in that sci­ence. They were by the waie assailed by a French ship of foure score and ten tuns and better: but they that were aboord in the Hare, so manfullie acquited themselues, that they vanquished the enimies, tooke the same ship, & brought hir with them being laden with wines, which they meant to haue conueied to the aduersaries in some garrison. Sir Iohn More bring­eth a supplie of soldiors to Newhauen out of De­uonshire. The same daie sir Iohn More landed at Newhauen, bringing ouer with him fiue hundred soldiors out of Denshire, for a supplie of the garrison there. He himselfe returned backe into England, but the soldiors were appoin­ted to the leading of other capteins: so that Francis Summerset, brother to the earle of Worcester had three hundred of them; Oliuer Manners an hun­dred, and Edward Ormsbie the other hundred. On tuesdaie the eight of December monsieur de Beau­uois, capteine Francis Summerset, and capteine Edward Horseie, with diuerse other capteins, offi­cers and gentlemen, rode to the Reingraue, lieng at a faire house not farre from Mondeuille, where they dined with him, had great and hartie chéere, and after returned againe to Newhauen. A present sent by the Rein­graue to the earle of War­wike. The same daie the Reingraue sent for a present vnto my lord of Warwike, a great horse, verie faire, with saddle and bridle; estéemed to be well worth an hundred pounds.

Moreouer, the same daie at night, the Double Rose with certeine other botes and French shallops, passed foorth of the hauen: Edward Dudleie, Edward Dudleie. and capteine Iohn Ward being aboord in the said Dou­ble Rose, with diuerse other Englishmen & French­men, to the number of a hundred good soldiors, who sailing downe the riuer landed beside Tankeruille, and laie close all that night in the wood. And in the morning about nine of the clocke monsieur Bimar, ensignebearer to the counte Montgomerie, with six or seauen Frenchmen vnarmed went to the castell gate, and there fell in talke with monsieur Dimenée, who was capteine of that fortresse, hauing with him about ten soldiors that were appointed to remaine with him vpon the gard of the same castell. Whilest they were thus in talke, the Englishmen and other Frenchmen comming foorth of the wood that was there at hand, reared vp their ladders, The castell of Tankeruille woone by the Englishmen. which they had brought with them for that purpose, at the breach which was made the summer before by the duke [Page 1198] Daumale; and entring by the same, came downe into the base court. Which thing when the French soldiors that kept talke with them within at the ca­stell gate perceiued, they began to laugh. The cap­teine of the castell therwith turning his face, & behol­ding as good as thrée score armed men within the cas­tell at his backe, he suddenlie said: Ha, ie suis vostre, I am yours sirs, and so yéelded with his ten soldiors. And in this sort was the castell taken, & the capteine brought prisoner to Newhauen. line 10

On the twelfe of December, at ten of the clocke in the morning, the earle of Warwike, monsieur de Beauuois, and monsieur de Bricquemault, with all their horssemen & thrée thousand footmen, passed foorth of Newhauen vnto Harflue, A skirmish [...] Har­flue. The French [...] beaten [...] Harflue. out of which towne there issued seauen hundred Reisters of the retinue of the counte Reingraue, and thrée hundred footmen, who fell in skirmish with the French and Englishmen verie hotlie: but at length the Eng­lishmen draue them to the verie gates of Harflue, line 20 and slue them euen at the same gates, and vpon the walles of the towne; insomuch that they were con­streined to shut their gates, and off went the ordi­nance from the gates and bulworks, discharging bullets amongst the English soldiors freelie. But yet there were not slaine past seuen of the English part, albeit diuerse were hurt and wounded, & amongst o­ther was monsieur de Beauuois shot into the side of the necke through his gorget; Monsieur Beauuois & [...] Ant­wisell hurt. and capteine Antwi­sell through the arme. Moreouer, whereas they car­ried foorth with them foure barrels of gunpowder to line 30 mainteine the skirmish, through negligence by set­ting fire in the same, there were to the number of twentie gréeuouslie burned. Of the enimies were slaine that daie aboue thirtie, and hurt aboue fiftie, Manie of their horsses were also slaine in this skir­mish, which continued aboue thrée houres. As the Englishmen were returning backe, the Reingraue with two hundred horsses, and a certeine number of footmen, was laid fast by in an ambush, thinking to haue cut off part of their men: but he failed of his line 40 purpose. For the lord lieutenant marching with his men in battell araie, brought them home in safetie, without other impeachment. The seauentéenth of December, the counte Montgomerie, and sir Hugh Paulet arriued at Newhauen in one of the queenes ships called the Aid.

A proclamati­on for obser­ [...]ing of or­ders.The ninetéenth of December a proclamation was made for orders to be obserued, concerning the imbarking of such soldiors as were licenced to de­part by passeport or otherwise: and likewise prohibi­ting line 50 the taking into anie vessell anie drie fish, wine, sugar, or anie houshold stuffe without speciall licence of the lord lieutenant. Whilest things passed thus in Normandie at Newhauen & thereabouts, The death of the lord Greie of Wilton. where the earle of Warwike & other valiant capteines were readie to make proofe of their high prowesse in time & place as occasion might serue, there ended his life at home that honorable baron, and right famous cap­teine in his daies William lord Greie of Wilton, line 60 knight of the most noble order of the garter, and at that present gouernor of Berwike, and warden of the east marches against Scotland. He deceased the fiue and twentith of December, in the yéere 1562, at Cheshnut in Hertfordshire, then the house of Henrie Denie esquier that had married mistresse Honor Greie, the said lord Greies onelie daughter. ¶The six and twentith of December the counte de Montgo­merie tooke shipping at Newhauen rode, accompa­nied with foure hundred harquebutters Frenchmen, and sailed to Déepe, there to be gouernor of that towne. He went in an English barke belonging to Nicholas Malbie secretarie to the earle of War­wike lord lieutenant.

The third of Ianuarie a shallop that was sent the same morning from Newhauen, year 1563 laden with béere and other vittels to passe vnto Tankeruille, was assailed about Harflue, by a shallop of Hun­flue, which droue the hoie to the shore: so as the Eng­lishmen forsooke their hoie, and came running to Newhauen, to declare what had happened. A hoie reco­uered which the French had taken. Here­vpon the lord lieutenant sent foorth foure French shallops by water, and the horssemen with six hun­dred footmen passed foorth by land, and vsed such dili­gence, that they came euen as the Frenchmen were haling vp the hoie towards Harflue: and skirmish­ing with the Frenchmen (being foure score good har­quebutters) for the space of a long houre, at length recouered the hoie, and tooke thrée of their shallops with their ordinance, which they brought to New­hauen, with the losse of one onelie man, an harque­butter of capteine Zouches band. The fourth of Ianuarie in the morning, the English scout, being thirtie good harquebutters, were set vpon by the eni­mies that droue them vnto the verie gates. They shot also with their harquebusses into the towne, and ouer the mount roiall among the English soldiors. They hurt at that present thrée of the scouts; but when they perceiued the Englishmen were in a rea­dinesse to approch them, they departed, being in num­ber thrée hundred horssemen and a thousand footmen, soldiors of Mondeuille and Harflue. Certeine ap­prehended for conspiracie. The fift of Ia­nuarie were apprehended capteine Blondell, cap­teine Moucombell, monsieur Dimenee, and Uitan­na with others, for some conspiracie or traitorous practise which they went about, and had maliciouslie contriued. The same daie capteine Edward Hor­seie with his two hundred soldiors, & capteine Fran­cis Blunt with his hundred tooke shipping at New­hauen rode, and sailed to Déepe, there to remaine with the counte Montgomerie, whose wife the coun­tesse Montgomerie went also with them to hir hus­band the same time.

On the saturdaie following, A great tem­pest in Lei­cester. the twelfe daie after Christmasse, being the ninth of Ianuarie, a great tempest of wind and thunder happened in the towne of Leicester, which vncouered two and fortie baies of houses, and ouerthrew manie, renting and tearing them in péeces, in a strange and maruellous maner. The people that were assembled that daie in the mar­ket place to buie and sell their vsuall chafer, wares, and commodities, were sore amazed and astonied with the hidiousnesse of that most outragious & vio­lent tempest. On thursdaie the 14 of Ianuarie at one of the clocke in the morning, there issued forth of Newhauen thréescore horssemen, and a thousand foot­men, all English; & comming to Mondeuille, where the Reingraue laie, gaue to them within an alarum, An alarum giuen to Mondeuille. but neither the Reisters, nor the Almane footmen, nor French that were within that towne would come foorth: and therefore after the Englishmen had tarri­ed there the space of foure houres, they returned backe againe to Newhauen.

The fifteenth of Ianuarie, at one of the clocke in the afternoone, there issued foorth of Newhauen three­score horssemen, and fiftéene hundred footmen, which comming to Harflue, gaue a like alarum to that towne; An alarum giuen to Har­flue. but none of the garrison there would come foorth: wherevpon the Englishmen returned home againe to Newhauen. The sixteenth of Ianuarie, the castell of Tankeruille was surrendred to the Reingraue, after he had laine about it eight daies, The castell of Tankeruille deliuered to the Rein­graue. with two thousand horssemen and footmen. It was now yéelded by composition (after it had béene kept by the space of thirtie eight daies) that those within should depart with bag and baggage, the gallie be­ing sent from Newhauen to fetch them awaie. There were no more within it at that time when it [Page 1199] was thus deliuered: but capteine Iohn Ward, cap­teine Edward Dudleie, and capteine Saule, his lieutenant Rileie, with seuentie English souldiers, & thirtie French. Tremaine. The 19 of Ianuarie, there landed at Newhauen capteine Tremaine, with 50 horssemen verie well appointed to serue the quéenes maiestie there. Francis Clerke Frenchman. The foure and twentith of Ianuarie, Francis Clerke Frenchman arriued at Newhauen, with two tall ships of his owne, right well appointed for the wars, bringing with him thrée rich prises, valued at about fiftie thousand crownes, Prises taken by him of a­bout 50000 crownes va­lue. one of them was a line 10 mightie great hulke, laden with wood & allume. The 26 of Ianuarie, capteine Tremaine with all his horssemen, & capteine Clerke with his Scotish hors­men, and 600 footmen, went foorth of Newhauen to­wards Mondeuille, & by the waie in a little village, there was a French capteine came foorth of Monde­uille, named monsieur Emerie, hauing with him thirtie souldiers, where falling in hand to spoile the same village, the pezzants about gathered them­selues line 20 togither, and set vpon him and his souldiers. Now whilest they were thus in fight, the Scotish horssemen came suddenlie vpon them, Capteine E­merie taken by the Sco­tish horsmen. tooke the said capteine sore wounded, slue twelue of his soldiers, & tooke foureteene other of them prisoners, whome with their capteine wounded (as he was) they brought home the same night vnto Newhauen.

A proclama­tion for the obseruing of orders.The three and twentith of Ianuarie, a proclama­tion was made for orders to be obserued by the soul­diers, and other resiants within the towne of New­hauen, line 30 concerning politike gouernement thereof, as well for the better defense against the enimies without, as the quiet demeanor of the men of warre and inhabitants within. The fift of Februarie, two ships of Britons laden with Gascoigne wines, A prise brought to Newhauen. but­ter, bakon, lard, salt, and other vittels, were brought into Newhauen by a shallop of Killebeuf, that was resiant with other Frenchmen in Newhauen, ser­uing against the papists, and had taken those two vessels, as they were going to vittell the enimies. line 40

The sixt of Februarie thrée faire mightie ships of warre, belonging to Francis Clerke, brought into Newhauen thrée rich prises, Thrée other prises of sackes, ba­stards, &c. laden with sackes, ba­stards, sugar, orenges, graines, and other merchan­dizes. This Clerke had not béene foorth past six weeks at this time, and yet he had got aboue eightéene pri­ses, well worth by iust valuation the summe of fiftie thousand pounds. On saturdaie the sixt of Februa­rie, A souldier ex­ecuted for fighting con­trarie to the orders in that case giuen. a souldier of capteine Appleyards band was exe­cuted in the market place; for that contrarie to order line 50 taken and published afore that time by proclamati­on, he had not onelie drawen his weapon against another souldier, but also maimed him, and plaied o­ther lewd parts in contempt of the lord lieutenants commandements. There was another also condem­ned to die, Thrée other pardoned. and two others adiudged to lose their hands: but the lord lieutenant of his mercifull cle­mencie granted to those thrée his pardon, for their passed offenses. On sundaie the seuenth of Fe­bruarie, was Hunflue summoned by an herald, line 60 sent from the French admerall, monsieur de Chatil­lon. The admerall of France summoneth Hunflue. On mondaie the eight of that moneth, the said admerall came before Hunflue, with six thousand horssemen Reisters, and other of his owne retinues, beside footmen, and a thousand horssmen of the coun­tries thereabout. And about six of the clocke at night there was a great peale of ordinance shot off at Newhauen for a welcome to the said admerall.

The twelfe of Februarie, the French gallies of Newhauen passing foorth, and wasting about Hun­flue to séeke aduentures, in hope of suertie, by rea­son the lord admerall of France laie therby at Tou­que, rode at an anchor: whilest some of them that were aboord in hir went on land, to gaine somwhat of the enimies. But they within Hunflue perceiuing this, made out their great gallies, with fiftie good mariners and souldiers, who comming vpon the gal­lies of Newhauen lieng at anchor, put hir in great danger of taking. For there were but fifteene men left aboord in hir at that present, wherof thrée of them were Englishmen, who perceiuing in what danger they stood, waied anchor with all spéed, and drew to­wards the shore, to take in the rest of their compa­nie; and getting them aboord vnto them, they manful­lie stood to their defense, being in all but foure and twentie men. Neuerthelesse, they so behaued them­selues, that continuing in fight aboue a long houre, The great gallie of Hun­flue taken. at length they ouercame their enimies, slue seuen of them outright, wounded seuen and thirtie, tooke their gallie and brought hir to Newhauen, with thir­téene bels, diuerse copes, and church ornaments, shéepe, and other spoiles, which they had got abroad in the countrie, togither with thrée and fortie good priso­ners, and the artillerie which was found aboord in the foresaid great gallie, wherewith she was verie well appointed and furnished.

Of the French protestants there were but thrée slaine and six hurt, and one of the thrée Englishmen was also hurt. As it hath béene crediblie reported, The French beholden to the English. the French protestants might thanke those thrée Englishmen that were with them in their gallies for that their good hap: for if they had not manfullie stood to it at the first, and bestowed such artillerie as they had aboord with them freshlie against the eni­mies, the French had yeelded. But by Gods good helpe, and their worthie courage, the victorie remai­ned on their side. The fouretéenth of Februarie there came from the lord admerall of France, Noble men sent from the admerall of France to the earle of War­wike. lieng then at Touque, monsieur de Rohen, and monsieur de Grandemont, a knight of the order, monsieur Te­legnie the admerals sonne in law, and diuerse other French gentlemen, to confer with the lord lieute­nant, who receiued them right gladlie, and made them great cheere. They remained in Newhauen till the eightéenth of Februarie, and then departed and went to Caen, whither the said lord admerall was remooued, & had entred the towne, & laie within it, preparing with all spéed to besiege the castell.

The same daie that the French lords departed from Newhauen towards Caen, Sir Nicholas Throckmor­ton arriueth at Newhauen. monsieur Brique­mault, and sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight arri­ued at Newhauen in one of the quéenes ships called the Aid. The admerall Chatillon being got into the towne of Caen, kept the castell besieged, Caen castell besieged. The marquesse Dalbeuf bro­ther to the duke of Guise within the which was inclosed the marquesse Dalbeuf. There were sent to him from Newhauen the fiue & twen­tith of Februarie, seuen canons, two demie culue­rings, & one minion. On the morrow following be­ing fridaie, and six and twentith of Februarie, sir Nicholas Throckmorton knight, monsieur Bri­quemault, and monsieur Beauuois, with a thousand souldiers French, and as manie English, to wit, Aid sent to the siege of Cae [...] cap­teine Zouch, capteine Twedie, capteine Higate, ech of them with two hundred: capteine Iohn Ward, capteine Parkinson, capteine Saule, master Whée­ler, and capteine Fisher with his band, each of them with his hundred, and capteine Pelham with the la­bourers were imbarked in the rode at Newhauen, and sailed foorth towards Caen, to come to the siege which the admerall of France had laid to the castell there.

The same daie as the counte Montgomerie had imbarked at the hauen of Diepe in an English ves­sell, and was comming towards Newhauen, there came out from Festampe thrée shallops, by the ap­pointment of the Reingraue (as was said) which made towards Montgomerie, whose meaning when he perceiued, he set vpon the strongest of the same [Page 1200] shallops, The counte [...] a French [...]. so that there followed a sharpe conflict be­twixt them, but in the end the victorie fell to Mont­gomerie, the shallop being taken, the capteine and maister slaine, and three English vittellers rescued, which the said shallops had taken. Montgomerie herewith arriuing at Newhauen, and bringing his prise with him was ioifullie receiued, and after he had talked a while with the lord lieutenant and the councell, Mōtgomerie [...]th to Caen to speake with [...] admerall. he went aboord againe and sailed to Caen, there to confer with the admerall. line 10

The first of March in the morning they began to batter the castell of Caen, in such wise that about foure of the clocke in the afternoone, they within be­gan to parlée, but it tooke none effect: and then went off the artillerie againe till night, The castell of Caen batte­ [...]. and in the morning the batterie eftsoones began. And before that two tires of the said artillerie had gone off, they within offered to parlee againe, and finallie agréed by com­position to yéeld; and so on that tuesdaie by ten of the clocke, the castell was surrendred into the hands of line 20 the French admerall, It is rendred to the adme­rall. and the marquesse Dalbeuf, and other that had the place in keeping, departed in safetie. On wednesdaie the third of March, the towne of Baieulx was also yeelded vnto the lord admerall of France, Baieulx, Fa­leise, and S. Lo, yéelded to the admerall. and on the morrow following Faleise, and afterwards S. Lo, with diuerse other townes and castels, yeelded likewise vnto him. The tenth of March the great gallie and the foists were sent a­waie from Newhauen, with a canon and shot and powder vnto Hunflue, where they met with mon­sieur line 30 de Mouie, that came thither with a faire com­panie of horssemen and diuerse footmen French, and of Englishmen, capteine Tuttie with his two hun­dred, and capteine Fisher with his hundred.

The canon [...] to the [...]stell of [...]ndue.The canon which came from Newhauen was immediatlie planted, and about ten of the clocke in the forenoone it was shot off, and after it had beene six times discharged, they within began to parlée, and in the end they agréed to yéeld vp the castell vnto monsieur de Mouie, [...] yéelded. with condition, that their soul­diers line 40 and men of warre might depart onelie with their rapiers and daggers, leauing all the residue of their mooueables behind them. And according to this capitulation, capteine Lion with his hundred souldiers, and capteine Nicholas with his hundred, and fiftie other souldiers which were within depar­ted, and left the castell vnto monsieur de Mouie, whereby his souldiers, as well English as others, gained greatlie by the spoile.

A proclama­ [...]on vpon [...] of death.The twelfe of March proclamation was made in name of the lord lieutenant, that no souldier should line 50 draw weapon to doo hurt therewith vnto anie of the French within the towne of Newhauen, or limits of the same, nor to molest them, nor to spoile nor take anie thing violentlie awaie from anie of them, nor to breake downe their houses, nor to carrie awaie their timber on paine of death. A proclama­ [...]n in the Frēch kings [...]. There was also a proclamation made in the name of the king & adme­rall, that no capteine, burgesse, souldier, mariner, or other of the French nation within the towne or without, should draw anie weapon, nor picke anie line 60 quarrell, nor vse anie iniurious words against anie man to mooue them to wrath, speciallie against the Englishmen on paine of death: nor that anie bur­gesse or inhabitant, of what qualitie or condition so­euer, except capteins, gentlemen, and souldiers, re­ceiuing paie, should beare anie weapon on the like paine.

[...] Adrian P [...]ings.The fiue and twentith of March, sir Adrian Poi­nings knight, marshall of Newhauen departed from thence, and returning into England, remained there still. Whereas monsieur de Beauuois had by the admerall Chatillions commandement, charged by publike proclamation, [...] French appointed to depart out of Newhauen. all strangers, forreners, and French souldiers to depart the towne, by the 23 of March last past, and that all other hauing their wiues and families should depart with them, within foure daies after the same proclamation, to giue aid for the conseruation and keeping of the townes of Hunflue, Caen, Baieulx, Faleise, S. Lo, and other places, latelie brought into the obedience of the king, vnder the authoritie of the prince of Conde, vnder paine for making default, to be taken as good prisoners of warre to those that should appre­hend them. Proclamation for the lawfull taking of pri­soners. Proclamation was also therevpon made in the lord lieutenants name, the six and twentith of March, being fridaie, that it should be lawfull to the quéenes maiesties subiects and fréends, to apprehend and take as their good and lawfull prisoners, all such as contrarie to the former proclamation, should re­maine in the towne of Newhauen, after fiue of the clocke after noone of the daie then next following being saturdaie; those persons onelie excepted, whose names had beene presented and inrolled in bils re­maining with the lord lieutenants secretarie.

Prouided, that no person seizing vpon the bodie of anie such offendor, should by vertue or colour ther­of spoile anie of their houses, meddle with their goods or mooueables, without order and meane of iu­stice vpon paine of death. On the sundaie yet being the eight and twentith of March, Another pro­clamation in the behalfe of strangers. another proclama­tion was made, to giue respit to the said strangers, forreners, and French souldiers, vntill foure of the clocke in the afternoone of the same daie. And fur­ther there was another proclamation published this sundaie, that none should seize vpon anie of those strangers, forreners, or French souldiers, by colour of the two former proclamations, vntill the lord lieutenants pleasure should more fullie be knowen therein.

The thirtith of March being tuesdaie, Another pro­clamation for the lawfull ap­prehending of prisoners. proclamati­on was eftsoones made, that whereas all forreners, being not anie of the burgesses, or proper inhabi­tants of the said towne of Newhauen, nor of the garrison or armie of the Englishmen in the same towne, had béene warned by seuerall proclamati­ons to depart the towne; and yet the same proclama­tions notwithstanding, a great number made their abode still in the towne, in contempt of those pro­clamations: the lord lieutenant by this proclamati­on gaue full power and authoritie to the said prouost marshall of the garrison of the Englishmen in that towne, to apprehend and take as good and lawfull pri­soners, all such forreners, as well souldiers, and ma­riners, as other without exception, which should be found in the towne at anie time after fiue of the clocke in the afternoone on saturdaie then next com­ming: monsieur Beauuois and his familie, Exceptions against the foresaid pro­clamation. and all ministers then being within the towne, being ne­uerthelesse cléerelie excepted; and diuerse prouisions also included in this selfesame proclamation, for the mitigating of extremities, by wrong interpreting thereof, in behalfe of them that were to depart, as also that the gaine that should come by euerie parti­cular prisoner so arrested by the prouost marshall, should returne to anie of the quéenes maiesties sub­iects, by whose meane and procurement the same pri­soner was detected, and caused to be apprehended.

On mondaie the fift of Aprill, the Reingraue with foure hundred horssemen, The Rein­graue with his horssemen. and about fiue hun­dred footmen, came downe the hill, betwixt saint Ad­dresses & Englefield, where sir Hugh Paulet knight met with him, by appointment of the lord lieutenant accompanied with fortie horssemen, and a thousand English footmen: and after they had talked togither by the space of an houre, they departed the one from the other; maister Paulet returning to Newhauen, and the Reingraue to Mondeuille, the place where [Page 1201] he vsuallie remained. On Easter euen, two souldi­ers that had serued vnder capteine Parkinson were hanged in the market place of Newhauen, Execution on Easter euen. for run­ning awaie to the Reingraue and vnto Diepe. An­other also that serued vnder capteine Turner was condemned for the like offense, but pardoned throgh the great clemencie of the lord lieutenant.

A proclama­tion to be pac­king out of Newhauen.The eight and twentith of Aprill, proclamation was made, that all the papists, and the wiues and children of all them that were departed foorth of Newhauen, and made their abode at that present in line 10 Monstreuilliers, Harflue, or elsewhere abroad in the countrie, and likewise all other, whome the last pro­clamation for their auoiding out of the towne in a­nie wise touched, should depart on saturdaie then next insuing, on paine to haue their bodies arrested as prisoners, and their goods to be confiscate. Other articles were conteined in the same proclamation, as well for the forreners that should come foorth of the countrie to the market, as for the behauiour and demeanor of the French inhabitants of the towne, line 20 with promise of reward to such as should discouer and apprehend anie espiall, either dwelling in the towne, or comming and going to or from it. The first of Maie, Garter principall king of armes ar­riued at Newhauen, Garter king of armes brin­geth the gar­ter to the lord lieutenant. bringing with him the garter to the lord lieutenant, chosen on S. Georges daie last past to be one of the confréers of that most honora­ble order. The fourth of Maie proclamation was made, that all the French burgesses & others should bring and deliuer all their armour and weapon into line 30 the towne hall of Newhauen, which commandement was incontinentlie obeied and accomplished.

The seauenth of Maie, proclamation was made for the auoiding of all such, A proclama­tion for auoi­ding. whome the former pro­clamations had in anie wise touched, for their depar­ture foorth of the towne, that they should depart by tuesdaie next (the ministers of the church excepted) and that none should enter into the towne, Ministers excepted. of what condition or estate soeuer he should be, without li­cence line 40 of the lord lieutenant, except he were a bur­gesse of the towne, and of the number of those that had their names inrolled, as by the rols lastlie made it might appeare, on paine to be apprehended as good and lawfull prisoners. Places for­bidden by pro­clamation to be resorted vnto. The twelfe of Maie it was prohibited by proclamation to all burgesses, inhabi­tants, and others, not to go vnto Harflue, or Mon­treuilliers, or elsewhere out of sight of the towne of Newhauen, on paine to be taken as lawfull priso­ners. The fifteenth of Maie, a marriner of the great line 50 gallie suffered in the market place of Newhauen, for robbing and pilfering of ships there in the hauen, and thrée other that were condemned for the like of­fense had their pardons. Execution for pilfering.

The sixtenth of Maie was proclamation made, that all Frenchmen, A proclama­tion for the auoiding of the French out of New­hauen. being within the towne of Newha­uen, otherwise called Haure de Grace, as well men, women, as children, should depart the towne, be­twixt that present time and six of the clocke at night on the next daie being mondaie, except surgians, line 60 apothecaries, bakers, butchers, smiths, masons, lock­smiths, carpenters, and other such artificers, vpon paine to be attached as good and lawfull prisoners, and their goods to be confiscat. By the tenor of these seuerall proclamations it maie appeare, The lord lieutenants procéeding to be gathered by his procla­mations. that the lord lieutenant procéeded nothing rigorouslie against the French, in remoouing them foorth of the towne; al­though it maie be, that some which had to deale there­in, dealt hardlie inough with them. But in such cases there must of necessitie be some diligent héedfulnesse vsed, for otherwise in such packing away, some might peraduenture carie with them too much, & others too litle. But howsoeuer this mater was handled, true it is, that it was thought expedient to auoid the French out of the towne. For after the duke of Guise was slaine before Orleance, and that the parties were a­gréed, as by edict of the pacification published in March last past it maie appeare, the whole deuises as well of them of the one religion as the other tended to this end, The English­men for their owne su [...]rti [...] were forced to double their watch nightly how to recouer the towne of Newha­uen out of the Englishmens hands, either by prac­tise or open force. And such intelligence was vsed be­twixt the French within that towne, and the eni­mies without to bring this to passe, that the Eng­lish could assure themselues no more of the one than of the other, and so were driuen for their owne safe­ties, to rid the towne of so doubtfull partakers.

The seuen and twentith of Maie, proclamation was made, that all maner of furniture and apparell, apperteining to ships within the garrison, hauen, or rode of the towne of Newhauen, should be brought in: or a note to be giuen therof in writing to the lord lieutenant and councell there, before twelue of the clocke the next day. The Rein­graue with his forces. Saturdaie the two and twentith of Maie, about one of the clocke in the morning, the Reingraue with fiue hundred horsmen, and twen­tie two ensignes of footmen, came downe to the vil­lage called Lheure, neere vnto the new fort, which by order of the lord lieutenant was latelie before be­gun to be built, sir Iohn Portinarie being chiefe deuiser of the fortifications about the same. The eni­mies meaning was, to haue taken the same fort by a sudden assault: but the English scouts looking well to their charge, gaue intelligence to the lord lieute­nant thereof, who incontinentlie going to the bul­worke roiall, set out by the posterne capteine Iohn Ward with his hundred souldiers, and capteine Parkinson with his hundred, to passe to the fort, there to be an aid and defense to them that laie in the same.

About thrée of the clocke in the morning, the Reingraue suddenlie with his bands of horssemen and footmen gaue them in the fort an hot alarum; An alarum giuen to the new fort by the Rein­graue. and immediatlie the earle of Warwike gaue in charge to these capteins, Read, Appleyard, Tuttie, Zouch, Antwisell, Ward, Morton, and Parkinson, hauing with them a thousand footmen, and twentie horsmen, to set vpon the enimies in the village of Lheure, néere adioining to the said new fort, where the vali­ant English souldiers shewed well the woonted va­lure of their woorthie ancestors, The hardie onset of the Englishmen made vpon their aduer­saries. giuing such an har­die onset vpon their aduersaries, that greater man­hood had not lightlie appeared in any incounter, than was vsed by those martiall capteins, and their war­like bands at that present, to the high honor of their countrie: insomuch that they beat backe their eni­mies, slue and tooke of them to the number of foure hundred, beside thirtie faire horsses, and an ensigne, which one Eastwike lieutenant to capteine Antwi­sell got.

Amongst the numbers of them that were slaine, there were found aboue thirtie handsome gentle­men and verie well appointed. To conclude, the Englishmen behaued themselues so manfullie on each side, The Alma [...] put to flight. that by plaine force of armes they droue the enimies quite out of the village, & after set it on fire, bicause the enimies should not come to incampe therein, as their purpose was to haue doone at that present. The six and twentith of Maie, the French­men in number about thrée thousand horssemen and footmen came downe towards the windmils, neere to the bulworke called saint Addresses, against whom the English horsemen and footmen issued foorth of the towne, giuing them a right hot skirmish, Another skirmish. which con­tinued for the space of two houres, insomuch that there were slaine of the French to the number of 200; beside an hundred and aboue that were hurt. On the English side that daie were lost about a doz­zen [Page 1202] or thirtéene persons, and amongst others, was capteine Tremaine slaine, and manie hurt. To con­clude, the Englishmen like hardie and worthie soul­diers wan and kept the field, The French­men driuen to retire. so as the Frenchmen in the end were driuen to retire, and besides other losses which they receiued, they had aboue fiftie of their horsses killed and hurt.

In this skirmish, being one of the notablest that had béene lightlie séene manie a daie before, capteine Horseie shewed woorthie proofe of his most valiant line 10 courage, Capteine Horseies va­liant. winning to himselfe such commemdation, as the same will not be forgotten, whilest anie shall remaine aliue that beheld his manfull dealings: be­ing such at that present, as deserue to be registred in the booke of fame, & to continue with posteritie for e­uer. On saturdaie the fift of Iune at seuen of the clocke at night, the Reinsgraue hauing laid in the village of Lheure an ambush of six hundred horsse­men, and fiftéene hundred footmen, there came downe also betwéene the abbeie and the village called En­glefield line 20 towards the towne, Another skirmish. the number of a thou­sand footmen, which began a verie hot skirmish, first at the new fort, comming euen hard to the ditches, where the Englishmen manfullie incountered them. Herewith also the Reinsgraue appointed other to come downe, and approch the bulworks of saint Ad­dresses, saint Francis, & saint Michaell, and to (con­clude) round about the towne: so that there were of them to the number of six thousand that were im­ploied in this skirmish, which was mainteined right fercelie for the space of two hours, with verie sharpe line 30 and cruell fight: in the end the enimies were forced to giue place, The number which the French lost in t [...]is skirmish. with the losse of fiue hundred of their men, Almans, Frenchmen, Gascoignes, and Spa­niards.

The Englishmen verelie in this seruice shewed, that they were nothing degenerat from the ancient race of their noble progenitors. Besides those that were slaine on the French part▪ amongst whom was one of their capteins of good account amongst them, they tooke also Bassompeere an Almane, coronell line 40 ouer ten ensignes of footmen. Bassompéere. The presence of the lord lieutenant was not wanting that daie, both to incourage his worthie souldiers, and also to sée them applied with weapon [...]nd munition, so as they should not be vnprouided of anie thing that was néedfull for seruice. Of Englishmen there was hurt capteine Gilbert, and capteine Pelham, and about fiftéene o­ther hurt and slaine. Capteine Gil­bert and cap­teine Pelham hurt. Edward Dudleie. The seuenth of Iune capteine Edward Dudleie arriued at Newhauen, with an line 50 hundred souldiers. The morrow after, the first canon shot light within the towne of Newhauen, néere to the bulworke of saint Addresses, striking into the house where capteine Whéeler was lodged, which shot being brought to my lord of Warwike by Blew­mantell purseuant at armes, his honor beholding it, reioised thereat, and said, by Gods grace he would answer them againe.

The ninth of Iune arriued at Newhauen three capteins with their bands, A new supplie [...] Berwike souldiers. of an hundred a péece, line 60 being of the garrison of Berwike: to wit, capteine Tremaine, capteine Cornewall, & capteine Carew. Edward Randoll also landed there the same daie, appointed to be knight marshall. Capteine Randoll ap­pointed knight marshall. For ye must vnder­stand, that sir Adrian Poinings, being knight mar­shall vpon his returne into England, was otherwise emploid, and went not backe againe: and then was sir Thomas Finch of Kent appointed to go ouer to supplie the roome of knight marshall: Sir Thomas F [...]nch. who making his prouision readie, sent ouer his brother Erasmus Finch to haue charge of his band; and his kinsman Thomas Finch to be his prouost marshall, whilest staieng till he had euerie thing in a readinesse to passe ouer himselfe. At last, he imbarked in one of the quéenes maiesties ships called the Greiehound, ha­uing there aboord with him, beside thréescore and six of his owne retinue, fourtéene other gentlemen, two of them being brethren to the lord Wentwoorth, Iames Wentwoorth, and Iohn Wentwoorth, with diuerse o­thers, who in the whole (accounting the mariners) a­mounted vnto the number of 200 persons and vp­ward. And as they were on the furthest coast toward Newhauen, they were by contrarie wind and foule weather driuen backe toward the coast of England; and plieng towards Rie, they forced the capteine of the ship, a verie cunning seaman named William Maline, and also the maister and mariners, Sir Thomas Finch dro [...] ­ned. to thrust into the hauen before the tide, and so they all perished, seuen of the meaner sort onlie excepted, where of three died shortlie after they came to land.

The dead bodie of sir Thomas Finch amongst o­thers was cast on shore, & being knowne, was con­ueied home to his house, and there buried in his pa­rish church. After this mischance, and losse of that woorthie gentleman, Edward Randoll pro­uost marshall. the said Edward Randoll was appointed knight marshall, who ordeined a right suffi­cient personage, capteine Iohn Shute, to be his pro­uost marshall. The fifteenth of Iune, capteine Ri­chard Sanders, and capteine William Saule, A supplie of souldiers ar­riue at New­hauen. with their bands of an hundred souldiers a péece, and cap­teine Drurie, with two hundred, arriued at New­hauen: and the morrow after arriued capteine Ro­berts with another hundred of souldiers. And on the seuenteenth of Iune, being thursdaie, Sir Francis Knolles ar­riuall. sir Fran­cis Knolles, vicechamberleine of the quéenes maie­sties house landed there, béeing sent ouer by hir ma­iestie and hir councell, to view the state of the towne.

On fridaie the eightéenth of Iune, a sergeant of capteine Blunts band, Execution of souldiors for drawing vpon their cap­teins. and a souldior of capteine Darcies band, were executed in the market place of Newhauen, for drawing their weapons against their capteins, and forsaking their appointed places of warding, and such other lewd parts which they had committed. The fiue and twentith of Iune, procla­mation was made, A proclama­tion forbid­ding resort of souldiors to Newhauen without li­cence. that no souldior of the new fort should resort to the towne of Newhauen, without licence of his capteine, or some of his principall of­ficers, on paine of death: or that anie man should presume to passe the limits of the said new fort, ex­cept vpon occasion of seruice, in companie of his capteine or lieutenant, on like paine. And this order was taken, because diuerse stragling abroad, had béene taken prisoners, and slaine by the enimies, to their owne reproch, & hind [...]rance of the princes ser­uice. The eight and twentith of Iune, the French­men came downe to the village of Lheure, & there verie néere to the fort began to skirmish with the Englishmen. There were of them ten ensignes of footmen, and two hundred horssemen. This skirmish lasted thrée houres, A long skir­mish without anie great hurt. Canons pla­ced to beate the towne. and yet there were not past foure slaine. The night following, they placed fiue ca­nons betwixt the towne and the brickehils, and like­wise they placed other péeces of their artillerie at the foresaid village of Lheure, so that they shot both into the towne and fort.

The first of Iulie about midnight, they issued foorth of their trenches, and skirmished with the English scouts, droue them vnder the bulworke of saint Addresses, and there perceiuing that the English­men had a priuie sallie out, after a long skirmish they retired. They had meant to haue set the mils belonging to the towne on fire: but they had such plaie made them, that about thrée of the clocke in the morning, they became to be quiet, and left the Eng­lishmen in rest, hauing doone to them little or no hurt at all. The great ordinance on both sides was not idle, whilest this skirmish was in hand. The se­cond [Page 1203] and third of Iulie, Six hundred ou [...] of North­folke, and thrée hundred out of Suffolke. there landed nine hundred souldiors that came foorth of Northfolke and Suf­folke, yellow clokes and blew clokes verie well ap­pointed, hauing to their capteins Ferdinando Lig­gens, Philip Sturleie, Iohn Highfield, and Edward Driuer. Also there came the same time fiftie carpen­ters, sixtéene sawyers, and eight smiths in hir works. Moreouer, on the third daie of Iulie, about ten of the clocke at night, the French gaue a great alarum to the towne, beat in the scouts: but incon­tinentlie issued foorth fiue hundred souldiors out at line 10 the sallieng place, vnder the gréene bulworke, and beat the Frenchmen backe into their trenches, and kept them waking all that night.

Capteine Sanders hurt and di­eth.The same time, capteine Sanders was hurt with a shot in the leg, whereof he shortlie after died: other losse at that time the Englishmen receiued not. The fift of Iulie, a proclamation was made for souldiors to resort in time of alarums, vnto that part & quar­ter, which was assigned to their capteins, and not to absent themselues from their ensignes, whether it line 20 were at alarums, watch, ward, or other seruice. The sixt of Iulie, Ordinance planted and discharged in great num­bers. about thrée of the clocke in the mor­ning, the enimies planted thrée canons, and thrée culuerings, discharging that morning to the num­ber of foure score and ten shots: but perceiuing they did little hurt, they staied their shooting, sauing that now and then they shot into the bulworke, and ouer it into the towne: they also leuelled a péece, and shot it off towards the new gallie, slue therein two men, and hurt thrée or foure other. The same daie, a canon line 30 and a culuering were sent foorth of the towne to the new fort. The twelfe of Iulie, about foure of the clocke in the morning, the French laid batterie to the bulworke of saint Addresses, continuing the same all that daie. The ordi­nance in the stéeple dis­mounted. They also dismounted the same daie the ordinance in the stéeple of Newhauen, and beat downe the great bell, cleane defacing the stéeple. They discharged that daie against the towne (as was gathered by due estimation) to the number of twelue hundred canon shot. line 40

William Ro­binson killed. William Bromfield hurt.The same euening was William Robinson esqui­er, waterbailife of the towne of Newhauen slaine with a shot; and also William Bromfield maister of the ordinance hurt with the same, and being con­ueied ouer into England, he shortlie after died of that hurt. The fourtéenth of Iulie, sir Hugh Pau­let knight landed at Newhauen, bringing with him eight hundred souldiors out of Wiltshire and Glo­cestershire. A new sup­plie of Wilt­shire and Glo­cestershire men. The same daie came the Frenchmen downe to the number of three thousand, euen hard to line 50 the gates of the towne, beating the Englishmen out of their trenches: but yet in the end, they were forced to retire, and of Englishmen there were not past twentie slaine, and about an hundred hurt. But the Frenchmen (as was estéemed) lost aboue foure hundred horssemen and footemen, albeit they tooke from the Englishmen at that present a culuering, which was set foorth to annoie them. But their force at that time was such, as they preuailed, & so retired line 60 with that peece, though they well paied for it. The same daie also in the after noone, the little galeasse called the Fox, went out of the hauen, fraught with fiftie men, to flanke alongst the shore, and to beate the Frenchmen with hir shot; but as she was shoo­ting off at them, a linnen stocke fell into a barrell of powder and set it on fire togither with the vessell, The galeasse burnt by ca­su [...]ltie. so that she suddenlie sanke, and all that were aboord in hir were lost, sauing fiftéene that saued themselues by swimming.

The one and twentith of Iulie, the conestable of France, The conesta­ble of France commeth to the siege. accompanied with the marshals Montmo­rancie and Burdillon, and manie other lords and knights of the order, came to the abbeie of Grauil­le, where the marshall Brissacke was lodged, who had the generall charge in the armie, before the com­ming of the said conestable. They dined togither there in the said Brissacks lodging, and after din­ner they sat in councell togither how to procéed in the siege. Fridaie the three and twentith of Iulie, the conestable came into the trench that was cast ouer against the bulworke of saint Addresse, The conesta­ble summo­neth the towne. alongst by the sea side, and sent his trumpet to summon the towne. The lord lieutenant appointed sir Hugh Paulet to go foorth, & make the answer in his name: Sir Hugh Paulets an­swer to the con [...]stable. which was in effect, that [...]he quéens maiestie of Eng­land had appointed him and others to kéepe that towne; and therefore they meant not to deliuer it to anie other person, without hir graces especiall com­mandement. In the meane time, there were diuerse of the English capteins and gentlemen, which ac­companied the said sir Hugh, offered the wine which they had brought out of the towne with them in fla­gons of siluer and guilt, vnto such capteins and gentlemen as accompanied the trumpet by com­mandement of the conestable, to surueie the state of the trenches, and Palisad, as the French writers themselues confesse. Amongst others, Capteine Monines. Capteine Leighton. there was capteine Monines the lieutenant of one of the en­signes coronels of monsieur Dandelot, with whom capteine Leighton, being of acquaintance, had some talke.

The Englishmen and Frenchmen were no sooner departed, they to their trenches, and the English­men into the towne, but that the enimies hauing planted that morning eight canons in batterie a­gainst the castell, and the bulworke of the hauen, caused the same to be shot off, The castell battered. continuing the same till wednesdaie at noone, being the eight and twen­tith of Iulie. There were six other canons also plan­ted by them in the meane space, which likewise made batterie to the castell, and to the townegate. In this meane time also, Cutbert Uaughan comptrollor, Cutbert Uaughan de­parteth this life, his woor­thie praise. departed out of this life, a skilfull man of warre, and no lesse circumspect than hardie, both to preserue those which he had vnder his conduction, and to in­courage them to doo manfullie, when time thereto serued. Saturdaie, the foure & twentith of Iulie, the batterie still continuing as before, certeine peeces were bent also to beat and trauerse the hauen. The Englishmen therefore setting fire on two wind­mils that stood there, Windmils set on fire. abandoned a trench which they kept: and the Palisad, capteine Poiet, lieutenant of an other of the ensignes coronels of the French footmen vnder monsieur Dandelot, entred with his band, and tooke possession of a tower that stood at the end of the said Palisad. The French yet had hot a­biding there, notwithstanding all the diligence and policie which they could vse to lodge there in safetie. Among others, Richlieu ma [...]ster of the campe hurt▪ capteine Richlieu maister of the campe, was hurt in the shoulder with an harquebuse shot.

The marshall Montmorancie caused a platforme to be raised, ioining to the Palisad, where about eue­ning the same daie he planted foure péeces of artil­lerie. On sundaie the fiue and twentith of Iulie, monsieur de Estrée, great maister of the artillerie, accompanied with the seneshall of Agenois, Monsieur de Estrée. vsed all diligence that might be to place the artillerie for batterie: wherevnto also, Monsieur de Ca [...]lac. monsieur de Caillac ap­plied himselfe by the conestables commandement, who had compounded a matter in variance betwixt him and monsieur de Estrée. This sundaie and mondaie following, they were verie busie to bring their purpose in that behalfe to passe, & likewise to aduance their trench vnto the side of the breach. The marshall de Burdelon abode in the trench there all sundaie, and lost two of his gentlemen. The mar­shall [Page 1204] Montmorencie, The marshall Montmoren­cie. accompanied with diuerse lords & knights of the order, remained all mondaie in the trenches, to prepare things readie for the bat­terie, not without some danger of his person. For the stones that were beaten with the bullets comming out of the towne flew verie fast about his eares, of the which there was one that lent him a blow on the shoulder, an other of them philipped him on the fin­gers, and lighting also in other parts of his bodie, if his armor had not defended him the better, he had not escaped without further harme. The same daie, line 10 the prince of Conde and the duke of Montpensier came to the campe, The prince of Conde and the duke of Montpensier. and alighting at the conestables lodging, went from thence' to the trenches, to re­lieue the marshall Montmorencie, and to supplie his roome, whilest he might in the meane time go to sup with his father, and so take his rest. Monsieur De­strée, and the other that had charge about the plan­ting and ordering of the artillerie, vsed such dilgence, and were so earnestlie called vpon and incouraged by the prince of Conde, continuallie remaining in line 20 the trenches, The bul­worke of saint Addresses bat­tered. that on tuesdaie in the morning, the artillerie began to batter the bulworke of saint Ad­dresses, and other places.

This was doone not without great danger of the pioners and men of war that garded them, for as the French desperatlie made their approch, so they were made by English gunners to tast the bitter fruit that the canon & culuerings yéelded. But such was the multitude of the Frenchmen that were now as­sembled line 30 togither, in hope to recouer that towne, which being possessed by the English, cut off all traf­fike from Rouen and Paris, and so consequentlie from the chéefe parts of the whole realme of France, that with their generall aid, Thus we sée [...] in opi­nion vnpossi­ble, by indus­trie possible. and drawing the water downe to the sea, the marishes were made passable and firme ground, which to men of great experience was thought a thing vnpossible. The castell, the walles, and other defenses of the towne were bat­tered, breaches made, and the trench which before the line 40 comming of the conestable, was but brought to the point ouer against the bulworke of saint Addresses, was now within foure daies aduanced néere hand the space of two miles, vpon the causeie or breach which was all of stone, without anie earth to couer them: so that they were driuen to make the best shift they could with woolsacks, sandbags, baskets and fagots. Yet all this had neuer come to passe, nor could haue beene wrought without infinit slaughter, and far more losse of French bloud, that necessarilie line 50 should haue béene spilt, if the great mortalitie of pes­tilence which entred the towne about the beginning of the summer, The great [...] of pes­tilence in Newhauen. throgh a malicious infection, had not so greatlie increased, that it [...]ue & tooke awaie dailie great numbers of men, beside those that being sicke thereof, escaped with life▪ but were yet so feeble and weake, that they were notable to helpe themselues, nor to doo anie seruice auailable at all.

There died so manie dailie through the vehemen­cie of the infection, Additions to Lanquet ▪ that the stréets laie euen full of line 60 dead corpses, not able to be remooued or buried, by reason of the multitude that perished. Herewith they were gréeuo [...]slie annoied for want of fresh vittels; but chéeflie of fresh waters, which the enimie by long siege had cut off. And now the shot of the canon, li­eng within six and twentie pa [...]es of the towne, was so terrible, as the like had not lightlie beene heard of: and sundrie breaches therewith were alreadie made; namelie two verie great and easie for the eni­mies to enter. All these dangers and miseries not­withstanding, The high va­liancie of the [...] of War­wike. the worthie earle of Warwike with his capteins and soldiors in couragious order stood at those seuerall breaches, readie to defend the same, if the enimies had presumed to haue giuen the assault, nothing afraid of death nor bloudie wounds; before which he preferred the seruice of his prince. And al­beit the aduenture was great, yet by his owne ex­ample he incoraged other to cast awaie all dread of danger, and to shew themselues bold, which to a sol­dior in battell is a whetstone to set him on edge. And surelie in this point he was warriorlike minded, if a man may allow the poets words in the like sense:

Res magnae non absque graui discrimine fiunt,
In dubijs prodest generosa audacia rebus.

Which when the conestable perceiued, he caused a trumpet to sound the blast of imparleacute;e, that talke might be had for the concluding of a composition be­twixt both the parties. This offer, considering that sore contagious mortalitie wherwith the towne was most greeuouslie infected, hauing so greatlie inféeb­led the English forces within the same, was thought not vnméet to be receiued. Herevpon, after a sallie made by the Englishmen, and a faire skirmish be­twixt them and the Frenchmen that laie afore the fort de Lheure, Capteine Pelham went foorth to talke with the com­missioners. on the tuesdaie the seauen and twen­tith of Iulie maister William Pelham capteine of the fort, with another gentleman and a trumpetter, went foorth by appointment, and was receiued first by monsieur de Losses, who brought him to the mar­shall Montmorencie, and after by his appointment went with him by the Reingraues campe to the co­nestable: and till his returne a truce was accorded on that side of the fort. After that maister Pelham had talked a space with the conestable, the matter was put ouer till the next daie, and so he returned.

The morrow after being wednesdaie, The commis­sioners ap­pointed to talke with the conestable. and the eight and twentith of Iulie, the conestable about sea­uen of the clocke came to the end of the trenches next to the towne, where sir Maurice Denis treasu­ror of the towne, sir Hugh Paulet, capteine Hor­seie, capteine Pelham, capteine Iohn Shute prouost marshall, and Nicholas Malbie secretarie to my lord lieutenant came foorth, and passed ouer the hauen to commune with him. And during the parlee betwixt them, a truce was accorded and assented to by both parts: the which neuerthelesse was broken two seue­rall times through the vnrulie insolencie of certeine harquebutters. And though by the good diligence of the capteins they were incontinentlie quieted and staied: yet the valiant earle of Warwike, Additions to Lanquet. The earle of Warwike hurt. standing at a breach in his hose and dublet in sight of his eni­mies, was by a lewd soldior of the French (contra­rie to the law of armes) shot through the thigh with an harquebuse. The conestable and the English commissioners appointed, had long conference togi­ther; and before they concluded, the marshals Mont­morencie and Burdellion (and at length the marshall Brissac also) came to the place where they were thus in parlee: The cone­stable tooke vpon him to be chiefe in authoritie on the French part. but the conestable tooke vpon him to haue onelie authoritie to accept or refuse such conditions as should be offered, or agreed vnto by the English commissioners in this treatie. And so at length they passed certeine articles in forme as followeth.

The articles of agreement touching the surrender of Newhauen.

FIrst, that the earle of Warwike should render againe the towne of Newhauen into the hands of the said conestable of France, with all the artillerie and mu­nitions of war then being in that towne, and belong­ing to the French king and his subiects.

2 Item, that he should leaue the ships that were in the said towne at that present, belonging either to the king or his subiects, with all their furniture: and generallie, all such merchandize and other things, be­ing likewise at that present within that towne, as [Page 1205] either belonged to the king or his subiects.

3 Item, for the more suertie of the premisses, the said earle should presentlie deliuer into the hands of the said conestable, the great tower of the said ha­uen, so that the soldiors which were placed therin en­ter not into the towne: and that the said earle of Warwike should cause the gates there towards the towne to be warded, till it were in the possession of the said conestable, without planting anie ensigns on the said tower, according to the said agréement; line 10 and also that the said earle should deliuer foure such hostages as the said conestable should name.

4 Item, that the next daie, by eight of the clocke in the morning, the said earle should withdraw his soldiors which are in the fort, to deliuer it immediat­lie into the hands of the said conestable, or such as should be by him appointed to receiue the same at the said houre.

5 Item, that all prisoners which haue béene taken before the said hauen, should be deliuered on either side, without paieng anie ransome. line 20

6 Item, that the conestable should for his part suf­fer the said earle of Warwike, and all those that are in garrison in the said Newhauen to depart with all things whatsoeuer that belonged to the quéene of England and hir subiects.

7 Item, that for the departure as well of the said earle, as the remoouing of his soldiors, and other things before rehearsed, the said conestable agréed to giue them six whole daies, beginning the morrow then next following; to wit, the nine and twentith of line 30 Iulie: during which six daies, they might frankelie and fréelie take and carrie awaie all the said things. And if wind or foule weather shuld hinder, that their passage could not be made within the said terme, in this case the said conestable should grant them such further time of delaie, as might be thought reaso­nable.

8 Item, the said conestable did likewise permit, that all the ships and English vessels, and all other that should be appointed for the portage and conueieng a­waie line 40 of the said things should safelie and fréelie passe into and fro the said hauen, without anie staie or im­peachment, either by the French armie or anie other. The said foure hostages were appointed to be mai­ster Oliuer Maners, brother to the earle of Rutland, capteine Pelham, capteine Horseie, and capteine Leighton. In witnesse wherof, the said lords, the co­nestable of France, & the earle of Warwike signed these articles the eight and twentith of Iulie, 1563.

Thus the earle of Warwike, as he had (during the whole time of his abode there in that towne of Newhauen) shewed himsefe a right hardie & valiant capteine; Additions to Lanquet. The earle of Warwike commended. so now in the end he prooued himselfe to be both prudent and politike. For by accepting of these honorable conditions to go with all armor, muniti­on, ships, goods, bag and baggage, in anie wise apper­teining or belonging either to the quéenes maiestie, or to anie of hir graces subiects, he saued the liues of line 60 a great number, which otherwise scaping the scourge of the infectiue plague, must néeds haue fallen vnder the edge of the sword. The conestable, during the time of the parlée, sent his yoongest sonne monsieur de Thorree to the king and queene mother, to aduer­tise them of the treatie of this peace. And after it was once concluded and signed by the erle of War­wike, he sent his eldest sonne the marshall Montmo­rencie, to present the same vnto them at Crique­tot, The French king commeth to the campe before New­hauen. halfe waie betwéene Newhauen and Fescampe, who were right ioifull of the news: and the next daie they came to the campe, shewing great signes of their conceiued gladnesse, for the recouering of that towne thus out of the Englishmens hands.

On saturdaie the most part of the Englishmen tooke ship and departed homewards: for glad might he thinke himselfe that could get soonest out of that vnwholsome and most vnsauorie aire. Manie sicke persons yet were left behind, impotent and not able to helpe themselues. The miserie whereof Edward Randoll esquire high marshall of the towne (who was appointed to tarrie and sée the vttermost of the composition accomplished) perceiuing, mooued with naturall pitie of his countrimen relinquished with­out comfort, Iohn Stow. Maister Ed­ward Ran­doll full of pi­tie and com­miseration. caused the said sicke persons to be caried aboord, not sparing his owne shoulders, at that time féeble and full of the plague, himselfe and his men still bearing & helping the poore creatures on shipboord. A rare fact worthie reward, and no doubt in remem­brance with God, the true recorder of mercifull de­serts. Thus was the towne of Newhauen reduced againe into the hands of the French, more vndoub­tedlie through the extreme mortalitie that so outra­giouslie afflicted the soldiors and men of warre with­in the same, than by the enimies inforcements, al­though the same was great, and aduanced to the vt­termost of the aduersaries power.

Besides the meaner sort of those that died of the pestilence during the siege, Chiefe perso­nages that died of the plague at Newhauen. these I doo find noted as chiefe: Cutbert Uaughan comptrollor of the towne, Francis Summerset coosine to the earle of Worce­ster, Auerie Darcie brother to the lord Darcie, Iohn Zouch brother to the lord Zouch, Edward Ormes­bie, Thomas Drurie aliàs Po [...]gnard, Richard Cro­ker, Iohn Cockson, Thomas Kemish, Iohn Proud, William Saule, Wilfreid Antwisell. Besides these being capteins in chiefe dieng there in that towne, or else sickening there and dieng vpon their returne into England, there were diuerse other gentlemen, and such as had charge, which likewise ended their liues by force of that cruell and most gréeuous pesti­lent infection. Diuerse of name by ca­non shot, &c. slaine. There were diuerse also that were slaine, as well by canon shot, as otherwise in the field in skirmish, as both the Tremains brethren of one birth, Nicholas and Andrew, capteine Richard Sanders, with master Robinson, and master Brom­field, of which two before ye haue heard: also one Leighton a gentleman, & diuerse mo whose names I know not, worthie neuerthelesse to be remembred & placed in ranke with such worthie men, as in their countries cause haue lost their liues, and are there­fore by writers registred to liue by fame for euer.

But now to passe to other matters at home. As ye haue heard, Iohn Stow. Pestilence transported from New­hauen to Lon­don. the plague of pestilence being in the towne of Newhauen, thorough the number of soul­diors that returned into England the infection ther­of spread into diuerse parts of this realme: but espe­ciallie the citie of London was so infected, that in the same whole yeare, that is to saie, from the first of Ianuarie 1562, vntill the last of December, in 1563, there died in the citie and liberties thereof (conteining one hundred & eight parishes) of all dis­eases twentie thousand, three hundred, One hundred and eight pa­rishes in Lon­don, besides eleuen in the suburbs. thrée score and twelue: and of the plague being part of the number aforesaid, seuentéene thousand, foure hundred, and foure persons. And in the outparishes adioining to the same citie, being eleuen parishes, died of all dis­eases in the whole yeare, thrée thousand, two hundred, foure score and eight persons: and of them, of the plague two thousand, seuen hundred, thirtie and two. So that the whole number of all that died of all dis­eases, as well within the citie and liberties, as in the outparishes, was twentie thrée thousand six hundred and thréescore: and of them there died of the plague, twentie thousand one hundred thirtie and six.

The eight of Iulie in the morning, Tempest at London by lightning and thunder. happned a great tempest of lightning and thunder, where tho­rough a woman and thrée kine were slaine, in the [Page 1206] Couent garden néere to Chaxingcrosse. At the same time in Essex a man was torne all to péeces as he was carieng haie, his barne was borne downe, and his haie burned: both stones and trées were rent in manie places. King Phi­lip [...] procla­mation at Bruxels. The councell of king Philip at Bruxels commanded proclamation to be made in Antwerpe and other places, that no English ship with anie cloths, should come into anie places of the low countries: their colour was (as they said) the danger of the plague, which was at that time in London, & other places of England. Neuerthelesse line 10 they would gladlie haue gotten our woolles, but the quéenes maiestie thorough sute of our merchant ad­uenturers caused the wooll fleet to be discharged, and our cloth fléet was sent to Emden in east Friseland, about Easter next following, in the yeare of our Lord 1564. Forsomuch as the plague of pestilence was so hot in the citie of London, Thréefold plague to the poore citizens [...] London. there was no tearme kept at Michaelmasse. To be short, the poore citizens of London were this yeare plagued with a thréefold plague, pestilence, scarsitie of monie, and line 20 dearth of vittels, the miserie whereof were too long here to write: no doubt the poore remember it, the rich by flight into the countries made shift for them­selues, &c.

An earthquake was in the moneth of September in diuerse places of this realme, An earth­quake in di­uerse places [...] England. speciallie in Lin­colne & Northamptonshires. After the election of the maior of London by the councels letters, the quéens maiesties pleasure was signified vnto sir Thomas Lodge then maior, that forsomuch as the plague line 30 was so great in the citie, the new maior elected shuld kéepe no feast at the Guildhall, No maiors feast kept at the Guildhall. for doubt that tho­rough bringing togither such a multitude, the infec­tion might increase. For that wéeke there died with­in the citie and out parishes, more than two thou­sand: wherefore sir Iohn Whight, the new maior, tooke his oth at the vttermost gate of the tower of London. Anno Reg. 6. From the first daie of December, till the twelfe, was such continuall lightning and thunder, especiallie the same twelfe daie at night, Lightning & thunder in December. that the line 40 like had not béene séene nor heard by anie man then liuing.

A monstrous fish driuen to shore.In the moneth of December was driuen on the shore at Grimsbie in Lincolnshire a monstruous fish, in length ninetéene yards, his taile fiftéene foot broad, and six yards betwéene his eies, twelue men stood vpright in his mouth to get the oile. For that the plague was not fullie ceassed in London, Hila­rie tearme was kept at Hertford castell beside line 50 Ware. year 1564 Terme kept at Hertford. Rich. Grafton▪ A peace be­tweene Eng­land and France. This yeare the thirtéenth of Aprill, an hono­rable and ioifull peace was concluded, betwixt the quéenes maiestie and the French king; their realmes dominions and subiects: and the same peace was proclamed with sound of trumpet, before hir maie­stie in hir castell of Windsor, then being present the French ambassadors. And shortlie after, the quéenes grace sent the right honourable sir Henrie Careie lord of Hunnesdon, The noble de­scent of the lord of Hun­nesdon. now lord chamberleine (of whose honourable and noble descent it is thus written line 60

—cuius fuerat matertera pulchra
Reginae genitrix Henrici nobilis vxor)

accompanied with the lord Strange, beside diuerse knights and gentlemen, vnto the French king, with the noble order of the garter, who finding him at the citie of Lions, being in those parties in progresse, he there presented vnto him the said noble order: and Garter king at armes inuested him therewith, ob­seruing the ceremonies in that behalfe due and re­quisit. The plague (thanks be to God) being cleane ceassed in London, both Easter and Midsummer tearmes were kept at Westminster. ¶And here by the waie to note the infection of this plague to haue béene dispersed into other countries besides Eng­land, it is read in Schardius In epitome rerum gestarum sub Ferdinando primo imperatore, The plague in Germanie whereof three hundred thou­sand died. that the pestilence did so rage in Germanie, and poisoned such peopled pla­ces, namelie Norimberge, Francford, Magdburge, Danske, Hamburgh, and their borders, that by esti­mation (saith he) there died of that contagion to the number of thrée hundred thousand. A grieuous scourge of God (saith mine author) howbeit verie few thereby so terrified, that they reformed their wicked liues. Which plague in Germanie I there­fore doo here repeat, bicause by all likelihoods it is to be gathered, that as it raged in the same yeare both there and here; so the cause maie be all one that bred so venemous an effect.]

There was on the vigill of S. Peter a watch in the citie of London, Watch on S. Peters night. which did onelie stand in the highest stréets of Cheape, Cornehill, and so foorth to Algate: which watch was to the commons of the same ci­tie as chargeable, as when in times past it had béene commendablie doone. Abraham Hartwell in regina literata. The quéenes progresse tho­rough Cam­bridge. The fift of August, the quéenes maiestie in hir progresse came to the vniuersitie of Cambridge, and was of all the students (being inue­sted according to their degrées taken in the schooles) honourablie and ioifullie receiued in the Kings col­lege, where she did lie during hir continuance in Cambridge. The daies of hir abode were passed in scholasticall exercises of philosophie, physicke, and di­uinitie: the nights in comedies, and tragedies, set foorth partlie by the whole vniuersitie, and partlie by the students of the Kings college, to recreat and de­light hir maiestie, who both heard them attentiuelie, and beheld them chéerefullie.

At the breaking vp of the diuinitie act, being on wednesdaie the ninth of August (on the which daie she rode thorough the towne, and viewed the colle­ges, those goodlie and ancient monuments of kings of England hir noble predecessors) she made within saint Maries church a notable oration in Latine, in the presence of the whole learned vniuersitie, to the students great comfort. A. F. ¶A copie whereof I haue set downe, as I receiued it in writing at the hands of one that then was present, and noted the same as hir maiestie vttered it. Whose words vnto me in a letter, wherewith the same oration was sent, I doo here set downe Bona fide. Tho. Newto [...] ▪ This hir maiesties extem­porall oration (saith he) lieng among my papers these twentie yeares and more, I thought good now to send to you, that if anie occasion be fitlie offered in the discourse of hir highnesse reigne, you maie (if you please) insert it. In truth, I my selfe neuer else­where read it, which hath made me euen religiouslie to preserue it. Master Abraham Hartwell in his Re­gina literata, dwelling vpon this onelie argument of hir comming and dooings at Cambridge, glanceth in a dis [...]ich or twaine at the effect hereof. But this is the thing it selfe, as I my selfe (as most vnworthie) being both an eare and also an eie witnesse, can te­stifie.

Serenissimae reginae Elisabethae oratio, publicè Cantabrigiae habita, coram vniuerso academiae coetu, anno 1564: & regni sui sexto.

ETsi foeminilis iste meus pudor (sub­diti fidelissimi & academia charissi­ma) in tanta doctorum turba illabora­tum hunc sermonem et orationem me narrare apud vos impediat: tamen no­bilium meorū intercessus & erga academiam bene­uolētia me aliquid proferre inuitat. Duobus ad hanc rem stimulis moueor. Duo stimuli qui­bus mouebatur regia maiestat Primus est, bonarum litera­rum propagatio: alter est, vestra omnium expecta­tio. [Page 1207] Quod ad propagationem spectat, [...] in Academi­ [...]orum coe [...]u non­ [...]ihil eloqueretur. vnum illud apud Demosthenem memini: Superiorum verba apud inferiores librorum locum habent, & princi­pum dicta legum authoritatem apud subditos reti­nent. Hoc igitur vos omnes in memoria tenere ve­lim: quòd semit a nulla praestantior est, siue ad bona fortunae acquirenda, siue ad principum gratiam conciliandam, quàm vt gnauiter (vt coepistis) studijs vestris exhibeatis operam: quod vt facia­tis, vos omnes oro obsecróque. De secundo stimulo, line 10 vestra nimirùm expectatione, hoc vnum dico, me nihil lubenter praetermissuram esse, quod vestrae de me animae beneuolae concipiunt cogitationes.

Iam ad academiam venio. Tempore antemeri­diano vidi ego aedificia vestra sumptuosa, à meis maioribus, Regia maiestas pollicetur se ali­quod monumen­tum in academia relicturam. clarissimis principibus literarum causa extructa. Et inter videndum, dolor artus meos occupauit, atque ea mentis suspiria, quae Alexan­drum quondam tenuisse feruntur. Qui cum legis­set line 20 multa à principibus posita monumenta, conuer­sus ad familiarem seu potiùs ad consiliarium, mul­tùm doluit se nìhil tale fecisse. Haec tamen vulgaris sententia me aliquantùm recreauit, quae etsi non auferre, tamen minuere potest dolorem. Quae qui­dem sententia haec est: Romam non vno aedifica­tam fuisse die: tamen non est ita senilis mea aetas, nec tam diu fuit, ex quo regnare coepi, quin ante redditionem debiti naturae (si non nimis citò A­tropos line 30 lineam vitae meae amputauerit) aliquod opus faciam: & quandiu vita hos regit artus, nunquam à proposito deflectam.

Et si contingat (quàm citò futurum sit, nescio) me mori oportere, priusquam hoc ipsum quod pol­liceor complere possim: Si non ante sal­tem post mortem profitetur se pre­stituram quod pollicetur. aliquod tamen egregium opus post mortem relinquam, quo & memoria mea in posterum celebris fiat, & alios excitem exemplo meo, & vos omnes alacriores faciam ad studia ve­stra. Sed iam videtis quantum intersit inter do­ctrinam line 40 lectam, & disciplinam animo non reten­tam. Quorum alterius sunt complures satis suffici­entes testes: alterius autem vos omnes nimis qui­dem inconsyderatè testes hoc tempore effeci, quae meo barbaro orationis genere tam diu doctas ve­stras aures detinuerim. Dixi.

The next daie, she went forward on hir progresse to Finchinbrooke by Huntington. Duterier and Belman for the daie. The thirtith daie line 50 of August was enacted by a common councell of the citie of London, that all such citizens as from thence foorth should be constreined to sell their houshold stuffe, leases of houses, or such like, should first cause the same to be cried through the citie by a man wi [...]h a bell, and then to be sold by the common outcrier appointed for that purpose, and he to reteine one far­thing vpon the shilling for his paines. The twentith of September arose great flouds in the riuer of Thames, Great flouds in y e Thames. where through the marshes néere adioining line 60 were ouerflowed, and manie cattell drowned.

Ex I. S. pa. 1123 Creation of a baron name­lie sir Robert Dudleie barō of Denbigh.¶The creation of sir Robert Sutton aliàs Dud­leie knight of the garter, and master of the horsse, to the queenes maiestie, who was created baron of Denbigh, and after earle of Leicester on Michael­masse daie at saint Iames, with the gift of the ma­nour of Killingworth, and other things there to him and his heires, to the yéerlie value of foure and twen­tie pounds & better. First, the said lord attended on the queenes highnesse, to the chappell, and from the chappell to seruice, and when he was returned to the chamber of presence, the said lord with other depar­ted to the lord chamberleins chamber, and shifted them: the said lord Robert in his surcot with the hood, his mantle borne before him by the lord Huns [...]on, and led by the lord Clinton lord admerall by the right hand, and the lord Strange on the left hand, The statelie attendance a [...] this creation. in their parlement robes, Garter bearing the patent, & before him the officers of armes, and so procéeded in­to the chamber of presence, where the quéenes high­nesse sat vnder the cloth of estate with the noblemen on ech side of hir, the ambassador of France was also present with another stranger an Italian.

And when the said lord with the other came in the quéenes sight, they made their obeisance three times, the said lord knéeled downe: The executiō of the ceremo­nies & orders at this creatiō after the which Garter prese [...]ed the letters patents to the lord chamber­leine, and he presented the same to the quéenes high­nesse, who gaue it to sir William Cecill secretarie, who read the same with a lowd voice, & at the words of Creauimus, the lord of Hunsdon presented the man­tle to the quéens maiestie, who put on the same, wher­by he was created baron of Denbigh for him and his heires. Then the patent was read out to the end, after the which he deliuered it to the quéene againe, and hir highnesse gaue it to the said lord, who gaue hir maiestie most humble thanks, and he rose vp and departed to the chamber they came from, the trum­pets sounding before him.

Then he shifted him of those robes, Creation of an earle, and namelie the earle of La­cester. and put on the robes of estate of an earle, and being led by the earle of Sussex on the right hand, and the erle of Hunting­ton on his left hand, the earle of Warwike bearing his sword the pomell vpward, and the girdle about the same, all in their robes of estate, the lord Clinton lord admerall in his parlement robes, bearing his cap with the coronall, Garter before him bearing his patent, and the other officers of armes before him, they proceeded as afore into the chamber of presence, where, after they had made their obeisance, the said earle knéeled downe, and Garter deliuered his pa­tent to the lord chamberleine, who gaue the same to the quéenes maiestie, & hir highnesse gaue the same to sir William Cecill secretarie to read, who read the same. And at the words Cincturam gladij, the earle of Warwike presented the sword to the quéenes highnesse, The quéene hir selfe gir­teth the sword and girdle about the earles necke. who girt the same about the necke of the said new earle, putting the point vnder his left arme, and after hir maiestie put on his cap with the coro­nall. Then his patent was read out to the end, and then the said secretarie deliuered it againe to the quéene, and hir highnesse gaue it to the said new erle of Leicester, who gaue hir humble thanks for it.

And then he arose and went into the councell chamber to dinner, the trumpets sounding before, and at dinner he sat in his kirtle, and there accompa­nied him the foresaid ambassador of France, and the said Italian, with diuerse other erles and lords. And after the second course, Garter with the other offi­cers of armes, proclamed the quéenes maiesties stile, and after, the stile of the said earle, The officers fées fiftéene pounds at this creation▪ for the which they had fiftéene pounds, to wit, for his baronie fiue pounds, & for his earledome ten pounds, and Garter had his gowne of blacke veluet garded with thrée gards of the same, laid on with lace, lined through with blacke taffata, and garded on the inner side with the same, and on the sléeues eight and thirtie paire of aglets of gold. The earles stile was as fol­loweth: Du tresnoble & puissant seigneur Robert conte de Leicestre, baron de Denbigh, cheualier du tresnoble ordre de la iarretièrre, & grand esquier de la royne nostre souuereigne. On whole scutchion, conteining sundrie cotes, inui­roned with the cognisances of both orders, as well S. Michaels as S. Georges, with other ornaments, were made these verses, now common to be read:

Quot clypeos atauûm clypeo coniungis in vno,
[...]
Tot tibi virtutes atauûm sunt pectore iunctae:
[Page 1208]Somerij pietas, vis imperterrita Greij,
Intemerata fides Hastingi, nobile pectus
Ferrarij, Quinci probitas, bonitásque Boghani,
Martia Talbotti virtus, fidissima dextra
Beauchampi, Herculei mens inconcussa Guidonis,
Barklaei vigor, & generosa modestia Lisli.]

The second of October in the afternoone, and on the morrow in the sorenoone, was a solemne obse­quie at Paules church in London, for Ferdinando late emperor departed. ¶Of this emperor it is said, line 10 that lieng sicke, Ex Schardio. and so sicke that Zichard a precher of his court then present could not hold him vp: how­beit comming at last to himselfe and somewhat in recouerie, Ferdinand foretelleth the verie vtter­most daie of his own death. he said to the standers by; You thought that I would neuer come againe, naie mine houre is not so soone: I doo certeinlie know that I shall not die before Whitsuntide. Now when he had liued till that daie, and eight daies after, as hauing the verie time of his departure told him by secret reuelation, (and satisfied at full touching the request that Dauid line 20 made to God about the length of his life, saieng:

Lord let me know mine end and the number of daies, that I may be [...]tified how long I haue to liue.
Da mihi nosse meae quae sint stata tempora vitae,
Et quando vltima sint fata futura mihi)

he said to them that were about him: It is the holie ghosts pleasure that I should not die before saint Iames tide, that as he was a pilgrime among vs, so I with him should passe my pilgrimage out of this my natiue countrie. After which words spoken, his disease grew to greater force and sharpnesse, inso­much that at last, euen at the verie time prefixed, namelie S. Iames daie, he departed this life, after line 30 he had liued sixtie yeares, nine moneths, and od daies. He gouerned the empire aboue the space of seauen yeares, The goodlie [...] male and female that God gaue Ferdinand. & had to wife Anne queene of Hun­garie and Boheme, by whom he had fiftéene children, some male; namelie, Maximilian, Ferdinand, Iohn and Charles: also eleuen females; to wit, Elisabeth married to Sigismund king of Poland, Anne, Ma­rie, Mawdline, Catharine, Elenor, Margarite, Bar­bare, Ursule, Helen, and Ione. He is commended line 40 for his carefulnesse, his watchfulnesse, his bountiful­nesse, his gentlenesse, his vprightnesse, his discréet­nesse, his peaceablenesse, and other qualities, wherin he had a kind of singularitie. And thus much of him by waie of praise, as I found it readie to my hand.]

The seauenth of October at night, from eight a clocke till after nine of the clocke, Fierrie im­pressions. all the north parts of the element séemed to be couered with flames of fire, procéeding from the northeast and northwest, to­ward the middest of the firmament, where after it line 50 had staied nigh one houre, it descended west: and all the same night (being the next after the change of the moone) seemed nigh as light as it had béene faire daie. Anno Reg. 7. Houses shat­tered with gunpowder. The twentith of Nouember in the morning, through negligence of a maiden with a candell, the snuffe falling in an hundred pounds weight of gun­powder, thrée houses in Bucklersburie were sore shaken, and the maid died two daies after. The one and twentith of December began a frost, The Thames frozen ouer. which con­tinued so extremlie, that on Newyeares euen, peo­ple went ouer and alongst the Thames on the ise line 60 from London bridge to Westminster. Some plaied at the football as boldlie there, as if it had béene on the drie land: diuerse of the court being then at Westminster, shot dailie at pricks set vpon the Thames: and the people both men and women went on the Thames in greater numbers, than in anie strèet of the citie of London. On the third daie of Ianuarie at night it began to thaw, and on the fift daie was no ise to be seene betwéene London bridge and Lambeth, which sudden thaw caused great floods and high waters, that bare downe bridges and hou­ses, and drowned manie people in England: especi­allie in Yorkshire, Owes bridge borne downe. Owes bridge was borne awaie with others.

The third daie of Februarie, Henrie Stu­art married the quéene of Scots. Henrie Stuart lord Darleie, about the age of ninetéene yeares, eldest sonne to Matthew earle of Lineux (who went into Scotland at Whitsuntide before) hauing obteined licence of the quéenes maiestie, tooke his iourneie to­wards Scotland, accompanied with fiue of his fa­thers men, where when he came, he was honorablie receiued, & lodged in the kings lodgings, and in the summer following, he maried Marie quéen of Scot­land. About this time, for the quéenes maiestie were chosen and sent commissioners to Bruges, Commissio­ners chosen to go to Bruges the lord Montacute knight of the honourable order of the garter, doctor Wotton one of hir maiesties honou­rable councell, doctor Haddon one of the masters of requests to hir highnesse, with others: master doctor Aubreie was for the merchant aduenturers of Eng­land: they came to Bruges in Lent, Anno 1565, and continued there till Michaelmasse following, and then was the diet prolonged till March in the yeare 1566, and the commissioners returned into Eng­land.

The two and twentith of Aprill, year 1565 the ladie Marga­rite countesse of Lineux, Ladie Lineux sent to the tower. was commanded to kéepe hir chamber at the Whitehall, where she remained till the two and twentith of Iune, and then conueied by sir Francis Knolles and the gard to the tower of London by water. On s. Peters euen at night, was the like standing watch in London, Standing watch at at midsummer in London. as had béene on the same night twelue moneths past. The sixtéenth of Iulie, about nine of the clocke at night began a tem­pest of lightning and thunder, with showers of haile, which continued till three of the clocke in the next morning, so terriblie, Tempest at Chelmesford of lightning thunder and raine. that at Chelmesford in Essex 500 acres of corne was destroied, the glasse win­dowes on the east side of the towne, and of the west and south sides of the church were beaten downe, with the tiles of their houses also, besides diuerse barnes, chimneis, and the battlements of the church, which was ouerthrowne. The like harme was doone in manie other places, as at Leeds, Cranebroke, Douer, &c.

Christopher prince and margraue of Baden, The mar­graue or mar­ques of Badē and his wi [...]e great with child come to London. with Cicilie his wife sister to the king of Swethland, af­ter a long and dangerous iournie, wherein they had trauelled almost eleuen months sailing from Stock­holme, crossing the seas ouer into Lifeland, from whence by land they came about by Poland, Prussie, Pomerland, Meckelburgh, Friseland, and so to Ant­werpe in Brabant, then to Calis, at the last in Sep­tember landed at Douer, and the eleuenth daie of the same they came to London, and were lodged at the earle of Bedfords place neere to Iuie bridge, where within foure daies after, that is to saie, the fiftéenth of September she trauelled in childbed, She is deli­uered of a child. and was de­liuered of a man child: which child the last of Sep­tember was christened in the quéenes maiesties chappell of White hall at Westminster, the quéenes maiestie in hir owne person being godmother, the archbishop of Canturburie, and the duke of Norf­folke godfathers. At the christening the quéene gaue the child to name Edwardus Fortunatus: for that God had so gratiouslie assisted his mother, The quéene giueth the name. in so long and dangerous a iournie, and brought hir safe to land in that place, which she most desired, and that in so short time before hir deliuerance.

The eleuenth of Nouember, the right honorable Ambrose earle of Warwike maried Anne eldest daughter to the earle of Bedford. Mariage of the earle of Warwike. For the honor and celebration of which noble mariage, a goodlie cha­lenge was made and obserued at Westminster at the tilt, each one six courses: at the tournie twelue strokes with the sword, thrée pushes with the punchi­on staffe: and twelue blowes with the sword at bar­riers, [Page 1209] or twentie if anie were so disposed. At ten of the clocke at night the same daie a valiant seruice­able man called Robert Thomas, Robert Tho­mas maister gunner slaine by casualtie. maister gunner of England, desirous also to honour the feast and ma­riage daie (in consideration the said earle of War­wike was generall of the ordinance within hir ma­iesties realmes and dominions) made thrée great traines of chambers, which terriblie yéelded foorth the nature of their voice, to the great astonishment of diuerse, who at the firing of the second was vnhappi­lie line 10 slaine by a péece of one of the chambers, to the great sorow and lamentation of manie.

Anno Reg. 8.The foure and twentith of December in the mor­ning, there rose a great storme and tempest of wind, by whose rage the Thames and seas ouerwhelmed manie persons, and the great gates at the west end of S. Paules church in London (betwéene the which standeth the brasen piller) were through the force of the wind, Paules gate blowen open. then in the westerne part of the world, blowne open. In Ianuarie monsieur Rambulet a line 20 knight of the order in France was sent ouer into England, Order of saint Michaell. year 1566 by the French king Charles the ninth of that name, with the order: who at Windsore was stalled in the behalfe of the said French king, with the knighthood of the most honorable order of the garter. And the foure and twentith of Ianuarie, in the chappell of hir maiesties palace of Whitehall, the said monsieur Rambulet inuested Thomas duke of Norffolke, and Robert earle of Leicester, with the said order of S. Michaell. line 30

The marques of Baden re­turneth into his owne countrie.The marquesse of Baden and the ladie Cicilie his wife, sister to the king of Swethen, who came into this land in the moneth of September last past (as before is declared) being then by the quéenes especi­all appointment at their arriuall honorablie recei­ued by the lord Cobham, an honorable baron of this realme, and the ladie his wife one of the quéenes ma­iesties priuie chamber, now in the moneth of Aprill 1566 departed the realme againe, the marquesse a few daies before his wife, being both conducted by line 40 a like personage the lord of Aburgauennie to Do­uer. Ground for the Bursse in Cornehill first purchased. Certeine houses in Cornehill, being first pur­chased by the citizens of London, were in the mo­neth of Februarie cried by a belman, and afterward sold to such persons as should take them downe, and carie them from thence: which was so doone in the moneths of Aprill and Maie next following. And then the ground being made plaine at the charges also of the citie, possession thereof was by certeine aldermen in the name of the whole citizens, giuen to line 50 the right worshipfull sir Thomas Gresham knight, agent to the queenes highnesse, there to build a place for merchants to assemble in, at his owne proper charges: who on the seuenth daie of Iune laid the first stone of the foundation (being bricke) and foorth­with the workemen followed vpon the same with such diligence, The first stone of the Bursse laid. that by the moneth of Nouember, in An. 1567. the same was couered with slate. The com­missioners before named, appointed for the matters of Flanders, kéeping their diet at Bruges, agreed to refer the whole matter to the princes on both sides: line 60 and if they could not agrée, then the merchants to haue fortie daies to repare home with their mer­chandize, and in the meane time all things to stand as they were then. Our commissioners departed from Bruges about the six and twentith of Iune.

The one and thirtith of August, the quéenes maie­stie in hir progresse came to the vniuersitie of Ox­ford, The quéenes progresse to Oxford. and was of all the students, which had looked for hir comming thither two yeares, so honorablie and ioifullie receiued, as either their loialnesse towards the quéenes maiestie, or the expectation of their fréends did require. Concerning orders in disputa­tions and other academicall exercises, they agréed much with those which the vniuersitie of Cambridge had vsed two yeares before. Comedies also and tra­gedies were plaied in Christs church, where the queenes highnesse lodged. Among the which the co­medie intituled Palemon and Arcit, made by mai­ster Edwards of the quéenes chappell, had such tragi­call successe, as was lamentable. Misfortune at Oxford at the plaieng of a tragedie. For at that time by the fall of a wall and a paire of staires, and great presse of the multitude thrée men were slaine.

The fift of September after disputations, the quéene at the humble sute of certeine hir nobilitie, and the K. of Spaines ambassador, made a bréefe o­ration in Latine to the vniuersitie; The quéene maketh an oration to the vniuersitie. but so wise and pithie as England may reioise that it hath so lear­ned a prince, and the vniuersitie may triumph that they haue so noble a patronesse. The sixt of Septem­ber after dinner, hir grace comming from Christs church ouer Carfox, and so to S. Maries, the scholers standing in order according to their degrees euen to the east gate, certeine doctors of the vniuersitie did ride before in their scarlet gownes and hoods, & mai­sters of art in blacke gownes and hoods. The maior also with certeine of his brethren did ride before hir in scarlet to the end of Magdalen bridge, where their liberties ended: but the doctors and maisters went forward still to Shootouer, a mile and more out of Oxford, bicause their liberties extended so far: and there after orations made, hir highnes with thanks to the whole vniuersitie bad them farewell, and rode to Ricote.

The valiant capteine Edward Randoll esquier, Souldiers transported into Ireland to vanquish Shane Oneil. lieutenant of the ordinance, and coronell of a thou­sand footmen, in September last past was with his band imbarked at Bristow, and within few daies after landed at Knockfergus in the north parts of Ireland; and from thence by water to a place called Derrie, by which passeth the riuer Longfoile. There the said coronell in short space fortified, to the great annoiance of Shane Oneil, and by great foresight and experience garded himselfe and his charge, till the said Oneil (to hinder and disturbe his aboad there) the twelfe of Nouember arriued with a great armie of Kerne Galowglasses and horssemen, with whome the said capteine Randoll incountered, and him there so discomfited, as after that conflict he durst neuer approch the quéenes power. And to his perpetuall fame, the said capteine by reason of his bold and hardie onset, that daie lost his life. Yoong prince of Scots christened. Charles Iames the sixt of that name, son to Henrie Stuart lord of Darnleie and Marie king & queene of Scots was borne in Edenburgh castell, the ninetéenth of Iune last past: Anno Reg. 9. and the eighteenth of December this yeare solemnlie christened at Sterling, whose godfa­thers at the christening were Charles K. of France, and Philibert duke of Sauoie, and the quéenes ma­iestie of England was the godmother, who gaue a font of gold curiouslie wrought and inameled, wai­eng three hundred & thrée and thirtie ounces, amoun­ting in value to the summe of 1043 pounds, nine­téene shillings.

The tenth of Februarie in the morning, K. of Scots murthered. Henrie Stuart lord of Darnleie before named K. of Scots, by Scots in Scotland was shamefullie murthered, year 1567 the reuenge whereof remaineth in the mightie hand of God. The two and twentith of Februarie, the la­die Margaret Dowglas countesse of Lineux, The countesse of Lineux de­liuered out of the tower. mo­ther to the said king of Scots, was discharged out of the tower of London. Within the space of ten mo­neths last past died seuen aldermen of London, Seuen alder­men deceassed in London. the first Edward Bankes deceassed the ninth of Iulie, An. 1566: Richard Chamberleine late shiriffe, sir Martin Bowes, sir Richard Mallorie, sir William Hewet, and sir Thomas White late maiors, then Ri­chard Lambert one of the shiriffes for that yeare, the [Page 1210] fourth of Aprill 1567. The like mortalitie to haue happened among them about a ten or eleuen yeares before, [...] before pag. 1132. you shall read in the historie of queene Marie, in the fourth yeare of hir reigne.

The two and twentith of Aprill by great misfor­tune of fire in the towne of Ossestrie in Wales, The towne of Ossestrie burnt thrise in thirtie yeares. twelue miles from Shrewsburie, to the number of two hundred houses, to wit, seuen score within the wals, and three score without in the suburbs, besides cloth, corne, cattell, &c: were consumed, which fire be­gan line 10 at two of the clocke in the after noone, and ended at foure, to the great maruell of manie, that so great a spoile in so short a time should happen. Two long stréets with great riches in that towne was burnt in the yeare 1542: and likewise or worse in the yeare 1564. The foure and twentith of Aprill the sergeants feast was kept at Greis inne néere vnto Holborne, Sergeants [...]. and there were at that time made se­uen new sergeants of the law. The seuenteenth of Maie in the towne of Milnall in Suffolke eight line 20 miles from Newmarket, Milnal in Suffolke burnt. thirtie seuen houses be­sides barnes, stables, and such like were consumed with fire in the space of two houres.

Shane Oneil, who had most traitorouslie rebelled against the quéenes maiestie in Ireland, and had doone manie great outrages in the parts of Ulster, was this yeare with his great losse manfullie repel­led from the siege of Dundalke by the garrison ther­of: and afterward through the great valiancie and foresight of sir Henrie Sidneie knight of the order, Shane Oneil discomfited. S [...]tuta regni H [...]berniae. Edm. C [...]pian. line 30 and lord deputie of Ireland, he was so discomfited in sundrie conflicts, with the losse of thrée thousand fiue hundred of his men, that now foreséeing his declina­tion to be imminent, he determined to put a collar a­bout his necke, and disguising himselfe, to repaire to the lord deputie, and penitentlie to require his par­don to haue his life. But Neil Mackeuer his secre­tarie, who had incited him to this rebellion, persua­ded him first to trie & treat the freendship of certeine wild Scots, that then laie incamped in Clan Iboie, line 40 vnder the conducting of Alexander Oge, and Mac Gilliam Buske, whose father and vncle Shane O­neil had latelie killed in an ouerthrow giuen to the Scots. Neuerthelesse he well liking this persuasion, went to the said campe the second of Iune, where af­ter a dissembled interteinement, & quaffing of wine, Gilliam Buske burning with desire of reuenge for his fathers and vncles death, and ministring quar­relling talke, issued out of the tent, and made a fraie vpon Oneils men, and then gathering togither his line 50 Scots in a throng, Shane Oneil mangled and backt in pée­ces. suddenlie entred the tent againe, who there with their slaughter swords hewed in pée­ces Shane Oneil, his secretarie, and all his compa­nie, except a verie few which escaped by flight.

Standing watch at mid­summer main­tained in London. The emperor Ma [...]imilian inuested into the order of the garter.On saint Iohns euen at night was the like stan­ding watch in London, as had beene on saint Pe­ters euen in the yeare last before mentioned. This yeare the emperour Maximilian the second of that name, being elected into the most honourable order of the garter, the right honourable Thomas earle line 60 of Sussex, &c: knight of the same most noble order, was appointed by the quéenes maiestie to go vnto the said emperour, with the said order of the garter, according to his said election. Who being honorablie accompanied with the lord North, sir Thomas Mildmaie knight, Henrie Cobham esquier, one of the pensioners, and others, departed from London the fiue and twentith of Iune 1567, vnto Douer, and there imbarked, landed at Calis, and his traine at Dunkirke, and so passed through the low countries to Antwerpe in Brabant, where he was honoura­blie receiued by the English merchants and others, The earle of Susse [...] visi­teth madame de Parma. and being there went to visit madame de Parma, regent of the said countries, then resident within the same towne.

From thence he passed vnto Colen, where as his lordship and traine mounted the riuer of Rhene, & by sundrie continuall daies iourneies passed by the ci­tie of Ments or Magunce, vnto Oppenham, & there taking his waie by land, passed through the countrie by the cities of Wormes and Spires till he came to Ulmes, standing on the riuer of Danow, where hée arriued the one and twentith of Iulie: and the thrée and twentith his lordship rode in post to Auspurge, called in Latine Augusta Vindelicorum, nine Dutch miles from Ulmes. The iournies of the earle of Sussex du­ring his abode beyond the seas. From thence he departed the fiue and twentith of Iulie, and met with his traine at Donwert, being come thither vpon flotes downe by the said riuer of Danow. From thence he kept vpon his iourneie by Ingolstat, Reinspurge, in La­tine Ratisbona, by Passaw and other townes, till hée came to Linz, where his lordship staied the first, se­cond and third of August, by reason of the high wa­ters.

And departing from thence on the fourth of Au­gust, he passed by Stoan & Cremz, by the said riuer of Danow, and so arriued at the citie of Uienna the fift of August in this foresaid yeare 1567, where hée was receiued of the lord Smeckouites, hauing twelue horsses readie with their footclothes for his lordship, and the most respected of his traine, and so brought him to the presence of the emperour, The emperor interteineth the earle of Sussex. at that present within his castell there in that citie, by whom he was right honourablie receiued, and afterwards conducted to his assigned lodging, where as all pro­uision was prepared and made at the emperours charges. Here his lordship continued till the foure­téenth of Ianuarie. In which meane time the empe­rour verie often (as time serued) had the said earle foorth with him, vnto such pastimes of hunting the hart, boare, and such like, as the plentifulnesse of that countrie yéeldeth. Moreouer, during the time of his lordships abode there at Uienna, Charles duke of Austria & the earle of Sussex salute each other. Charles archduke of Austria and Carinth arriued in that citie, whom my lord went to salute.

After this, vpon the quéenes maiesties letters brought out of England by maister Henrie Brooke, aliàs Cobham, one of hir gentlemen pensioners, the said earle of Sussex vpon sundaie the fourth of Ia­nuarie in the after noone, year 1568 presented and deliuered vnto the emperours maiestie in his chamber of pre­sence, the habiliments and ornaments of the most noble order of the garter, sir Gilbert Dethike knight aliàs Garter, principall king of arms, and officer for the said order, and William Dethike then Rouge­crosse, also officer of armes, giuing their attendance in their cotes of armes. And the emperour at his in­uesture of the said habiliments, gaue vnto the said Garter his short gowne and vnder garment, furred throughout with luzerns, and then proceeded thence into a great chamber, adorned in forme of a chappell, where as all the other ceremonies belonging vnto the said noble order were obserued and accompli­shed. And the same night the said earle supped with the emperours maiestie, both being in their robes of the said order.

Now shortlie after, The earle of Sussex depar­teth from Uienna, &c. his lordship with certeine of his companie taking leaue of the emperour, depar­ted from Uienna the fourtéenth of Ianuarie afore­said vnto Newstat, and so through the countrie of Stire vnto Gra [...]z the chiefe citie of Carinth, where he tooke also leaue of the said archduke Charles: and from thence returning, passed those parts of the Alpes vnto Saltzburgh, where he met with the other part of his traine, and so by continuing iourneies came againe into England to the queenes maiestie towards the latter end of March. Iohn Stow. Anno Reg. 10. A sharpe win­ter following a drie summer. After a drie sum­mer folowed an extreme sharpe winter, namelie the [Page 1211] latter part therof, with such great scarsitie of fodder and haie, that in diuerse places the same was sold by weight, as in Yorkeshire, and in the Peake of Dar­bishire, where a stone of haie was sold for fiue pence. There followed also a great death of cattell, namelie of horsse and sheepe.

This yeare in the moneth of Ianuarie, the queens maiestie sent into the narrow seas thrée of hir ships, Rich. Graston. The quéenes ships sent forth into the narrow seas. and one barke named the Anthelop, the Swallow, the Aid, and the Phenix, the which were manned with line 10 fiue hundred men. And hir highnesse appointed the charge of the said ships and men to hir trustie ser­uant William Holstocke of London esquier, comp­trollor of hir highnesse ships, who had commande­ment to staie the subiects of king Philip. And accor­ding to his dutie he vsed such diligence, as one ha­uing care vnto his charge, in garding as well the French as the English coasts, did the eleuenth daie of March next following méet with eleuen saile of Flemmish hoies open vpon Bullongne, which came line 20 from Rone, Eleuen saile of Flemish hoies laden with wines surprised by admerall Holstocke. and had in them foure hundred and od tuns of Gascoigne and French wines, which they intended to haue caried into Flanders: but the said Holstocke staid all the said eleuen hoies, and sent them to London, where they made their discharge, and the Flemmings disappointed of those wines.

Moreouer the eight and twentith daie of the fore­said moneth of March, the said William Holstocke seruing in the Anthelop (at that present admerall) and in his companie being William Winter the line 30 yonger (at that time his viceadmerall) seruing in the Aid, and Iohn Basing capteine of the Swallow, and Thomas Gouarlie capteine of the Phenix met in the narrow seas with fouretéene saile of great hulkes, which were come out of Portugall, and bound to Flanders: their chiefe lading being Portugall salt▪ and yet had good store of Spanish roials of plate, and also of good spices. The which fourteene hulkes did mainteine their fight for the space of two houres. And after that they did perceiue that they could not line 40 preuaile, Six Spanish hulks laden with di­uerse things taken by the English. hauing tasted of the ordinance of the queens ships to their great hurt, as well in slaughter of their men, as also in spoile of their ships, the said Holstock and his companie tooke eight of the said hulks, wher­of six were sent into the riuer of Thames. And the admerall and viceadmerall in the said hulks being two great ships (which the said Holstocke himselfe did take) were caried vnto Harwich, and there dis­charged.

The eightéenth of March, through vehement rage line 50 and tempest of winds, manie vessels on the Thames with two tiltbotes before Grauesend, Iohn Stow. Great winds. were sunke and drowned. The six and twentith of Iune, deceased Thomas Yoong archbishop of Yorke, Archbishop of Yorke decesed. at the manour of Sheffield, and was honourablie buried at Yorke. The eleuenth of October were taken in Suffolke at Downam bridge, Monstrous fishes. neere vnto Ipswich seuentéene monstrous fishes, some of them conteining seuen and twentie foot in length, the other foure and twen­tie, or one and twentie foot at the least. At the costs line 60 and charges of the citizens of London, a new con­duit was built at Walbrooke corner neere to Dow­gate, New conduit at Walbrooke. which was finished in the moneth of October, the water whereof is conueied out of the Thames.

The seuen and twentith of Ianuarie, Philip Me­strell a Frenchman, Anno Reg. 11. 1569 and two Englishmen were drawne from Newgate to Tiburne, and there han­ged, A Frenchmā & two Eng­lishmen executed. Muster of pensioners. the Frenchman quartered, who had coined gold counterfeit; the Englishmen the one had clipped sil­uer, the other cast testons of tin. The eight and twen­tith of March, the pensioners well appointed in ar­mor on horsbacke, mustered before the queenes ma­iestie in Hide parke beside Westminster. A great lotterie being holden at London in Poules church yard at the west doore, A lotterie at London. was begun to be drawne the eleuenth of Ianuarie, and continued daie and night till the sixt of Maie, wherein the said drawing was fullie ended. Buriall for the dead pre­pared by sir Thomas Ro called y e New churchyard. Sir Thomas Ro lord maior of Lon­don, caused to be inclosed with a wall of bricke nigh one acre of ground, néere vnto Bedlem without Bishops gate, to be a place of buriall for the dead of such parishes in London as lacked conuenient ground within their said parishes.

¶ On the southside whereof, A. F. ouer a folding gate this inscription is grauen in stone in great letters: Thomas Ro miles, cùm praetor esset Londinensis, The inscrip­tion or wri­ting ouer the south gate of the new churchyard. hunc locum Reipublicae, in vsum publicae sepulturae communem, suo sump­tu dedicauit: Anno Domini 1569. Which writing I haue here recorded, for that in viewing the same, I saw some of the letters defaced and vtterlie made awaie: which in time might likewise befall to the re­sidue, and so the memorie of the gentleman there fixed to so good an end vanish and die. He also of a godlie motion builded a conuenient roome in Pauls churchyard, on the southside of the crosse, to receiue a certeine number of hearers at the sermon time: as may appeare by some remembrances of his name there fixed. Howbeit, The death of sir Thomas Ro knight and lord maior of London. this gentleman thus well disposed, and like inough to haue procéeded in more such godlie actions, was called out of this life the next yeare immediatlie following, forgoing all the pompe of this life, with no lesse good will, than he was forward by death to passe to eternall rest. His bodie was buried in Hacknie church, in the southside of the chancell, where (besides a monu­ment of himselfe and his wife) this epitaph remai­neth to be read in faire great letters, as followeth:

An. 1570. Septemb. 2.
Sir Thomas Ro lieth buried heare,
The epitaph of sir Thomas Ro, wherein his issue male and female is conteined.
Of London knight and alderman,
Who late was maior and rule did beare,
To right the cause of euerie man:
A merchant venturer was he,
Of merchant tailors companie:
A citizen by birth also,
And eke his wife dame Marie Ro.
In wedlocke one and thirtie yeare,
They did continue man and wife,
Eleuen children she did beare,
But fiue of them haue left this life:
And six aliue doo yet remaine,
Foure of them sons and daughters twaine;
His soule with God we hope is blest,
And dooth remaine in Abrams brest.]

A standing watch on S. Iohns euen at Midsum­mer, and sir Iohn White alderman rode the circuit, as the lord maior should haue doone. The seuen and twentith of August, Andrew Gregorenich Sauin, Ambassadors from Musco­uie land at tower wharfe. ambassador from Muscouie, landed at the tower wharfe, and was there receiued by the lord maior of London, the aldermen and shiriffes in scarlet, with the merchants aduenturers in cotes of blacke vel­uet, all on horssebacke, who conueied him riding through the citie to the Muscouie house in Seding lane, there to be lodged. Terme ad­iourned. The plague of pestilence somewhat raging in the citie of London, Michael­mas terme was first adiourned vnto the third of Nouember, and after to Hilarie terme next follow­ing. The eleuenth of October, Duke of Norffolke sent to the tower. Thomas Howard duke of Norffolke was brought from Burnam be­side Windsore by land to Westminster, and from thence by water to the tower of London prisoner, sir Henrie Neuill being his kéeper. No maiors feast at Guild­hall. This yeare the lord maior of London went by water to Westmin­ster, and there tooke his oth, as hath béene accusto­med, but kept no feast at the Guildhall, least through comming togither of so great a multitude, infection of the pestilence might haue increased. That wéeke [Page 1212] from the one and twentith vnto the eight and twen­tith of October, there died in the citie and out pari­shes of all diseases one hundred fiftie and two, of the which, one and fiftie were accounted to die of the plague.

On thursdaie the ninth of Nouember, Thomas Persie erle of Northumberland receiued the queens maiesties letters to repaire to the court. The earle of Northumber­land and [...]estmerland [...]. And the same night, other conspirators perceiuing him to be wauering and vnconstant of promise made to line 10 them, caused a seruant of his, called Beckwith (af­ter he was laid in his bed) to bustle in, and to knocke at his chamber doore, willing him in hast to arise, and shift for himselfe, for that his enimies (whome he termed to be sir Oswold Ulstrop, and maister Uaughan) were about the parke, and had béeset him with great numbers of men. Wherevpon he arose, & conueied himselfe awaie to his kéepers house. In the same instant they caused the bels of the towne to be roong backeward, and so raised as manie as they line 20 could to their purpose. The next night the earle de­parted thense to Branspith, where he met with Charls earle of Westmerland, and the other confe­derats. Then by sundrie proclamations, they abu­sing manie of the queens subiects, commanded them in hir highnesse name, The earles [...] the quéene and hir s [...]b [...]ects. to repaire to them in war­like maner, for the defense and suertie of hir maie­sties person; sometimes affirming their dooings to be with the aduise and consent of the nobilitie of this realme, who in deed were wholie bent (as manifest­lie line 30 appeared) to spend their liues in dutifull obedi­ence, against them and all other traitors, sometimes pretending for conscience sake to séeke to reforme religion: sometimes declaring that they were dri­uen to take this matter in hand, least otherwise for­ren princes might take it vpon them, to the great perill of this realme.

Upon mondaie the thirteenth of Nouember, they went to Durham with their banners displaied. And to get the more credit among the fauorers of the old line 40 Romish religion, they had a crosse with a banner of the fiue wounds borne before them, sometime by old Norton, sometime by others. As soone as they entred Durham, Rebels rent the bible, com­munion books and behaue themselues like Spanish [...]res. they went to the minster, where they tare the bible, communion bookes, & other such as were there. The same night they went againe to Branspith. The fourteenth daie of the same moneth, they went to Darington, and there had masse, which the earles and the rest heard with such lewd deuotion as they had. Then they sent their horssemen, to ga­ther togither such numbers of men as they could▪ line 50 The fifteenth daie the earles parted; he of Northum­beland to Richmond, then to Northallerton, & so to Borowbridge; & he of Westmerland to Ripon, & af­ter to Borowbridge, where they both met againe. On the eighteenth daie they went to Wetherbie, Anno Reg. 12. and there taried three or foure daies, and vpon Clifford moore, The number of rebels 2000 horssemen, and [...]000 footmen. nigh vnto Bramham moore, they mistrusted themselues, at which time they were about two thousand horssemen, and fiue thousand footmen, which was the greatest number that euer they were. line 60 From which they intended to haue marched toward Yorke, but their minds being suddenlie altered, they returned.

Bernards ca­stell besieged and defended.The thrée and twentith of Nouember, they besie­ged Bernards castell, which castell was valiantlie defended by sir George Bowes, and Robert Bowes his brother, the space of eleuen daies, and then deli­uered with composition to depart with armor, mu­nition, bag and baggage. In which time the quéens maiestie caused the said earles of Northumberland & Westmerland to be proclamed traitors, The earles [...]roclamed traitors. with all their adherents and fauourers, the foure and twen­tith of Nouember. The lord Scroope warden of the west marches, calling vnto him the earle of Cumberland and other gentlemen of the countrie, kept the citie of Carleill. The earle of Sussex the quéens lieutenant generall in the north, The earle of Sussex went against the rebels. published there the like proclamations (in effect) as had beene published by hir maiestie against the said rebels, and also sent out to all such gentlemen as he knew to be hir maiestes louing subiects vnder his rule, who came vnto him with such numbers of their friends, as he was able in fiue daies to make aboue fiue thousand horssemen and footmen. And so being ac­companied with the erle of Rutland his lieutenant, the lord Hunsdon generall of the horssemen, sir Rafe Sadler treasuror, the lord William Euers, The earle of Rutland and the lord Huns­don, with o­thers against the rebels. that was after appointed to lead the reareward, and diuerse other, that with their tenants and seruants were come to him, remaining as then within the ci­tie of Yorke: he set forward from thense the fift of December being sundaie, and marched with his power which he had thus got togither towards the enimies.

Sir George Bowes hauing surrendred Bernards castell (as before ye haue heard) met the earle of Sussex thus marching forward with his armie at Sisaie, from whence they kept forward to Northal­lerton: and resting two nights there, they marched on to Croftbridge, then to Akle, and so to Durham, and after to Newcastell. And the twentith of De­cember they came to Heram, from whence the re­bels were gone the night before to Naworth, where they counselled with Edward Dacres concerning their owne weakenesse, The rebels and Edward Dacres con­sult about their weake­nesse. & also how they were not on­lie pursued by the earle of Sussex & others with him, hauing a power with them of seuen thousand men, being almost at their héeles; but also by the earle of Warwike, and the lord Clinton, high admerall of England with a far greater armie of twelue thou­sand men, raised by the queens maiesties commissi­oners out of the south and middle parts of the relme. In which armie beside the earle of Warwike, The earle of Warwike and the lord adme­rall Clinton, sent against the rebels. & the lord admerall, chéefe gouernors in the same, there was also Walter Deuereux vicount Hereford high marshall of the field, with the lord Willoughbie of Perham, maister Charles Howard, now lord Ho­ward of Effingham, generall of the horssemen vn­der the earle of Warwike, yoong Henrie Knols el­dest sonne to sir Francis Knols, his lieutenant, Edward Horseie capteine of the ile of Wight, with fiue hundred harquebusiers out of the same Ile, and capteine Leighton with other fiue hundred harque­busiers Londoners, and manie other worthie gen­tlemen and valiant capteins.

The comming forward of these forces caused the rebels so much to quaile in courage, that they durst not abide to trie the matter with dint of sword. The rebels dare not stand to the triall of battell. For whereas the earle of Warwike, and the lord adme­rall, being aduanced forward to Darington, ment the next daie to haue sent Robert Glouer then Port­culeis, and now Summerset herald (who in his iour­neie attended on the lord admerall, as Norreie king of armes did vpon the earle of Warwike) vnto the rebels, vpon such message as for the time and state of things was thought conuenient: the same night aduertisements came from the earle of Sussex vnto the earle of Warwike, and to the lord admerall, that the two earles of Northumberland and Westmer­land were fled, as the truth was they were indéed, first from Durham, whither the said Glouer should haue béene sent vnto them: The earles of Northumber­land & West­merland flie into Scot­land. and now vpon the earle of Sussex his comming vnto Exham, they shranke quite awaie, and fled into Scotland, without bidding their companie farewell. The earle of Warwike and his power marched on to Durham. But the earle of Sussex pursuing those other rebels that had [Page 1213] not meane to flée out of the realme, apprehended no small number of them at his pleasure, without find­ing anie resistance among them at all.

The fourth and fift of Ianuarie did suffer at Durham to the number of thrée score and six, year 1570 cone­stables and others, Rebelles executed at Durham. amongst whome the alderman of the towne and a priest called parson Plomtrée were the most notable. Then sir george Bowes being made marshall, finding manie to be fautors in the foresaid rebellion, did sée them executed in diuerse line 10 places of the countrie. A prentise hanged in London for killing his maister. The one and twentith of Ia­nuarie a prentise of London was hanged on a gibet at the north end of Finch lane in London (to the ex­ample of others) for that he the thirteenth of Decem­ber had striken his maister with a knife whereof he died.

Rich. Grafton. Lord Leo­nard Dacres rebelleth.About the later end of Ianuarie, Leonard Da­cres of Harleseie began to rebell, and procured the people of the north parts to assist him: so that he rai­sed to the number of thrée thousand men. Of whose line 20 attempts when the lord Hunsdon lord warden of the east marches, and gouernor of Berwike heard, he prepared to go against him: and hauing with him sir Iohn Forster lord warden of the middle marches, they set forward towards the place where they thought they should find him. They had with them 300 chosen soldiors of the garrison of Berwike, and twelue hundred borderers, and other of the garrisons there about the borders: so that they were in all fif­téene hundred footmen and horssemen. They mar­ching line 30 therewith foorth approched néere to a towne and castell called Naworth, The lord Dacres rea­die with his power to set vpon the lord of Hunsdon. which was in the kéeping of the said Leonard Dacres. And vpon a moore, through the middle whereof a litle riuer called Chelt hath his course, the said Leonard Dacres the two and twen­tith of Februarie was readie with his power in or­der of battell, ranged & set in arraie after the forme of a triangle, compassed and inuironed about with horssemen. And now vpon the lord Hunsdons ap­proch, the said Dacres with great and stout courage line 40 gaue an hardie onset vpon the said lord Hunsdon and his companie, neere vnto the foresaid riuer.

The fight was sharpe and cruell, and the euent verie doubtfull for a while: the rebels were so stiffelie bent to doo their vttermost indeuor in defense of their wicked quarrell. There were amongst them manie desperat women that gaue the aduenture of their liues, Stout wo­men among the rebels. and fought right stoutlie. Manie therfore were slaine on both sides, to the number at the least of three hundred persons. But such was the forward valian­cie line 50 of the lord Hunsdon, that his people incoraged by his example (whome they might see so noblie acquit himselfe, in aduenturing so farre as anie other of the whole troope) behaued themselues in such manfull wise, that the victorie in the end fell to him and his companie: and the said Leonard Dacres was forced to flée from his séelie slaine and miserable people, Leonard Da­cres put to flight taketh his waie into Scotland. ta­king his waie into Scotland, so fast as his horsse might beare him. Capteine Reade and the other capteins and soldiors of Berwike bare themselues right valiantlie, and shewed proofe of their skill and line 60 hardie manhood in this skirmish. After the which these holds and castels were taken and deliuered vn­to the said lord Hunsdon: Naworth which was com­mitted vnto the kéeping of maister Scroope, Kest­wood, Greistocke and Rockleie, which were deliuered to the kéeping of diuerse of the duke of Norffolks officers.

On good fridaie the seauen and twentith of March Simon Digbie of Askue, Iohn Stow. Rebelles executed at Yorke. Iohn Fulthorpe of Isil­becke in the countie of Yorke esquiers, Robert Pe­neman of Stokesleie, Thomas Bishop the yoonger of Poklinton in the same countie of Yorke, gentle­men, were drawne from the castell of Yorke to the place of execution called Knaues mire, Knaues mire. halfe a mile without the citie of Yorke, and there hanged, headed, and quartered; their foure heads were set on foure principall gates of the citie, with foure of their quar­ters; the other in diuerse places of the countrie. Os­clope Clesbe was with them drawne to the gallows, and returned againe to the castell. William earle of Penbroke baron of Cardiffe, The earle of Penbroke deceased. knight of the gar­ter, one of the priuie councell, and lord steward of the quéenes maiesties houshold, deceased the eightéenth of Aprill, and was buried in saint Paules church at London. D. Powell in hist. Camb. pag. 399. ¶This noble man liued in great credit and estimation with king Henrie the eight, king Ed­ward the sixt, quéene Marie, and quéene Elisabeth, and was by euerie of the said princes imploied in matters of great importance: and for his good and faithfull seruice greatlie honored, as appéereth in an epitaph fixed vpon his toome in the cathedrall church of saint Paule in London, which I thought good here to laie downe.

Perpetuae pietati sacrum.

GVlielmo Herberto Penbrochiae comiti, equiti au­rato praenobilis ordinis Anglici: Hen. viij. R. A cubiculis: Edoard. vi. R. equitum magistro: Walliae praesidi. Tumultu occidentali cum Rus­sello & Grato baronibus paribus auspicijs summae rerum prae­posito: Mariae R. contra perduelles, ac expeditione ad Au­gustam Veromanduorum bis, totius exercitus duci: bis sum­mo in agro Caletum, limitum praefecto: Elisab. R. officiorum seu Magno Regiae magistro. Pariter & Dominae Annae ex vetusta Parrorum gente oriunda, Sorori Catharinae R. Henr. viij. R. vi. matrimonio coniunctae, ac Marchionis Northamp­tonij: Prudentiss. foeminae, pietatis, religionis, probitatis om­nísque auitae virtutis retinentiss. fidiss. Comitis coniugi: Henr. F. ac comes, Pp. chariss. sibi ac suis moerens. P.

  • Olijt aetatis Ann. 63. Secunda coniuge su­perstite, Georgio Salo­piae comite genita, insi­gni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, vir­tute foemina.]
  • Olijt salutis Ann. 1569. Secunda coniuge su­perstite, Georgio Salo­piae comite genita, insi­gni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, vir­tute foemina.]
Liberis relictis ex prima.
  • Henrico Pemb. Comite. Secunda coniuge su­perstite, Georgio Salo­piae comite genita, insi­gni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, vir­tute foemina.]
  • Edoardo equite Aurato. Secunda coniuge su­perstite, Georgio Salo­piae comite genita, insi­gni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, vir­tute foemina.]
  • Domina Anna Baroni Talbot nu­pta. Secunda coniuge su­perstite, Georgio Salo­piae comite genita, insi­gni praeter antiquum probitatis decus, vir­tute foemina.]

The earle of Sussex, in reuenge of the euill de­meanor of the Scots inhabiting néere to the Eng­lish marches, as well in receiuing and succouring diuerse of the English rebels, as other naughtie prac­tises, assembled such forces as he thought expedient in the night that followed the seauen and twentith of A­prill, and hauing with him the lord Hunnesdon go­uernour of Berwike and lord warden of the east marches, sir William Drurie marshall of the said armie and towne of Berwike, came to Warke, be­ing twelue miles distant from the said towne of Berwike: & then the next daie being the eightéenth of the same moneth, The earle of Sussex inu [...]deth Scot­land. they entered into Tiuidall in Scotland, where marching in warlike order, they burned, ouerthrew, wasted and spoiled all the castels, townes and villages, as they passed, till they came to a tower called the Mosse tower, standing in a ma­rish, and belonging to the lard of Buclewgh, The Mosse tower. which likewise was rased, ouerthrowne and burned: and so marching forward, wasted the whole countrie be­fore them, vntill they came to a great towne called Crauling.

The same daie sir Iohn Forster warden of the middle marches, Sir Iohn Forster wit [...] his compani [...] enter in [...]o Tiuidall. with all the garrisons and forces of the same, entered likewise into Tiuidall at Espes­gate, distant sixteene miles from Warke, where in like order they burned and spoiled the countrie be­fore them, till they came to a castell in the possession [Page 1214] of the lard of Ferniherst, being parcell of hir sons lands, which likewise was ouerthrowne, rased, and burned, with all other castels, piles, townes, and vil­lages, all alongst the said countrie, till they came to Crauling, ioining there with the lord lieutenants power. This towne was likewise burned and spoiled. Thus they passed the riuer of Tiuet, rasing, burning and spoiling the castels, piles, stone houses, townes, and villages alongst that riuer, vntill they came to Iedworth, They come to Iedworth and are inter­ [...]ed. where they lodged for that night, and were of the magistrats of that towne courteouslie recei­ued, line 10 who had made indifferent good prouision for the armie, both of vittels for men, and of haie and pro­uender for horsses. Wherevpon proclamation was publikelie made in the name of the lord lieutenant, that no Englishman (vpon paine of death) should disturbe or wrongfullie take awaie anie thing from anie of the inhabitants of the same towne, without disbursing readie monie therefore. Which thing did so much content the Scots, that the next daie the lard line 20 of Sesford, The lard of Sesford with the principals of his alies submit them­selues. warden of the middle marches of Scot­land, with all the principals of his alies and kinred, came in to the lord lieutenant, submitting themsel­ues to him, and were receiued into assurance: for that neither he nor anie of them had at anie time re­ceiued the English rebels, neither aided nor assisted them, neither yet made anie inuasion into England. And whereas some of their men, and tenants, with­out their knowledge had trespassed in such behalfe, they were contented to abide and stand vnto the erle of Sussex his order, for their said men and tenants. line 30 And herevpon neither they nor anie of theirs recei­ued anie hurt: but by his lordships commandement were preserued from susteining anie damage either in bodie or goods: so glad he was of their submission, and no lesse glad to giue them occasion to be carefull in performance of obedience. Unto which compassi­on God (no doubt) had inclined the noble mans hart, according to the poet words in this sense verie true:

—mollia pectora reddit line 40
Ad pietatis opus, flammis vt cera liquescens
In varias formas fictoris ducitur arte.

The nineteenth daie, the armie was diuided into two seuerall parts, whereof one passing ouer the ri­uer of Tiuet, The castell of Ferniherst burned. burned the castell of Ferniherst, vtter­lie spoiling the same, and all other castels & townes that belonged to the lards of Ferniherst, Hunthill, and Bedroll, At Minto [...]oth the ar­mies met. and so passed to Minto, where both the armies méeting, ioined togither againe, being not past a foure miles from Howike, whither they mar­ched line 50 directlie, intending to lodge there that night, bi­cause the bailiffes of the towne had offered to re­ceiue the whole armie, and to make prouision for the soldiours of all things necessarie, they paieng readie monie for the same, and the inhabitants to be assu­red not to be hurt in bodie or goods, as was promi­sed. But the Scots breaking the couenant before the comming thither of the armie, The Scots of Howike their breach of co [...]enant. had vncouered their houses, carried the thatch into the streets, and there set it on fire: and this doone they fled their waies with line 60 most part of their goods. So that when the armie ap­proched, there was such a thicke smoke, that no man might scarselie enter the towne: and so for that night the soldiours suffered great lacke of vittels, lodging, and prouision, as well for themselues as their horsses. But the fire which the Scots had of a malicious pur­pose and subtiltie thus begun, was by the diligent industrie of the Englishmen so increased: that both the thatch and timber of the whole towne was consu­med to ashes, Why the lord of Drumlane­rikes goods were saued from the fire, [...]. a stone house perteining to the lard of Drumlanerike onlie excepted, wherein the lord lieu­tenant laie that night. And bicause the said Drum­lanerike was a friend assured, the said house was spared, with all the goods and corne therein, whereof there was great plentie.

The twentith of Aprill, An house of the lard of Buclewghs blowne vp with powder. the armie marched toward a faire proper house, belonging to the lard of Bu­clewgh, which was blowne vp with powder and vt­terlie ruinated. Here the armie was againe diuided as before by the said lord lieutenant his appoint­ment, and marching by north the riuer of Tiuet to­wards England, they burnt and spoiled all such ca­stels, piles, townes and villages, as were belonging to the said lards of Ferniherst and Buclewgh their kinsmen, alies, and adherents, & came that night a­gaine to Iedworth, and there lodged. The one and twentith of Aprill, the armie diuiding it selfe againe, Nothing but wast & spoile by fire and sword. the one part vnder the leading of the marshall sir William Drurie, passed to the riuer of Bowbent, and there Tiuidale and Riddesdale men meeting him, all on both sides that riuer was burnt and spoi­led. The other part of the armie marching by the ri­uer of Caile, wasted and burnt in like maner there all that was found on both sides that riuer, belong­ing wholie to the lard of Buclewgh, his kinsmen, alies and adherents.

This doone, they returned againe néere to Kelseie, The lord lieu­tenants pur­pose to besiege Hume castell. where the lord lieutenant lodged for that night, mea­ning to haue besieged Hume castell. For the accom­plishment whereof, the same night the lord of Hun­nesdon and his companie went to Warke, to bring from thence the daie next following the great artil­lerie. But bicause the cariage horsses were returned to Barwike, this could not be brought to passe, & so the lord lieutenant with the whole armie returning into England the two & twentith of Aprill, came that night to Barwike. What castels & piles were ouerthrowne and spoiled in this voiage. In this iourneie there were ra­sed, ouerthrowne and spoiled, aboue fiftie castels and piles, and more than three hundred townes and villa­ges: so that there were verie few in Tiuidale and those parties there abouts, which had either receiued the English rebels, or by inuasion indamaged the English borders, and good subiects inhabiting vpon the same, that had left to them either castell, pile or house, for themselues, their freends, or tenants, beside the great losse of goods which were wasted, taken a­waie or consumed by this armie vnder the lord lieu­tenant.

Now in the meane while that he with his power thus afflicted the aduersaries on that side, The lord Scroope with his power. the lord Scroope warden of the west marches the eightéenth of Aprill entered Scotland on that side, with such forces as he had assembled. And the first night they incamped at Eglesham, and in the morning at the dislodging of the campe, that towne was burnt; and passing forward through the countrie, they burnt and spoiled diuerse other townes, almost till they came to Dunfrise, and had diuerse conflicts with the enimies, gaue them sundrie ouerthrowes, tooke ma­nie of them prisoners. And hauing accomplished his purpose, to his high praise and commendation, his lordship returned in safetie with his people into England; hauing burnt in that iourneie these pla­ces following: Hoddon, Trailebrow, old Cockpoole, Sherington, Blackeshaw, Banke end, Rowell, Logher wood, Bride kirke, and others. During these inuasions thus made into Scotland in that season, The marches of England garded a­gainst the enimie. the marches of England were so stronglie garded in all places by the lord Euers, sir George Bowes, and others; that the Scots durst not so much as once of­fer to make anie inuasion: so that in absence of the armies, there was not so much as an house burnt, or a cow driuen out of the English borders.

The six and twentith of Aprill, the earle of Sussex lord lieutenant, accompanied with the foresaid lord of Hunnesdon, master Drurie, and diuers other cap­teins and souldiours, to the number of thrée thousand or thereabouts, set from Barwike about fiue of the [Page 1215] clocke in the afternoone towards Warke, where they arriued about nine of the clocke in the night: and continuing there till the next morning, in the meane time he put things in order necessarie for the assieg­ging of Hume castell, the winning whereof his lord­ship seemed to haue vowed. The marshall sent before to Hume castell. About the breake of the daie he sent foorth master Drurie, with certeine hors­men and shot before, to inuiron that castell, and to choose there such a plot of ground, where he might in­campe best in safetie frō the shot of the same. Which line 10 the said master Drurie accordinglie performed, and there remained till the comming of the said lord lieutenant with the armie; who setting forward the footbands, cariage, and ordinance, made hast to fol­low. But yet yer he could passe the riuer of Twéed, and set ouer all the men, ordinance and carriage, it was almost ten of the clocke. Héere at this riuer, the lord lieutenant caused all the horssemen to staie and to take ouer the footmen.

The order ta­ken by the earle of Sus­sex for the safe [...]ie of the armie.This doone, with good circumspection he appointed line 20 the demilances and other horssemen to remaine be­hind in the rereward, and put the footmen in the bat­tell, for the more safegard of themselues, the ordi­nance and cariages. Then his lordship himselfe with his owne standard, and the lord of Hunnesdons gui­don, marched forward towards Hume castell, com­manding the rest of the armie with the ordinance to follow after, and so about one of the clocke in the af­ternoone, he came before the castell: out of the which the enimies shot at his standard verie hotlie; but line 30 (God be praised) without dooing hurt either to man or horsse, and incamped vnder a rocke or crag (which the marshall had possessed) with his band of horsse­men and certeine footmen, as in a place most apt from danger of shot out of the castell. Héerewith a companie of curriours and caliuers were put for­ward, Hume castell besieged. and appointed to take an other rocke néerer to the castell, which shot at them in the said castell; and the defendants within it answered them againe ve­rie roundlie, although without anie great hurt on line 40 either part.

In the meane time the lord lieutenant himselfe, accompanied onelie with the marshall master Dru­rie, The earle of Sussex view­eth the castell of Hume. rode sundrie times round about the castell to view and surueie the same: at whome they within shot verie sore, both with their great artillerie and small shot; yet missing them, as God would, though verie narrowlie. About six of the clocke in the eue­ning came the whole battell, ordinance and cariages, with ensignes spread, shewing themselues verie line 50 brauelie; at whome also the castell shot lustilie: but as God would haue it, without hurting either man or boie. They lodged vnder another rocke neere adioin­ing vnto the lord lieutenant vpon the west side, where there were appointed more small shot to go to the trench, which shadowed themselues vnder the old wals of the houses, which the Scots had burnt before the comming of the Englishmen, and occupied them so within the said castell, that one of them could not so soone looke out at a loope, but three or foure were line 60 readie to salute him: and kéeping them in such sort, that they durst not well shew their heads; the cap­teine of the pioners the same night by commande­ment of the lord lieutenant, A Mount raised at the lord lieute­nants com­mandement. raised a mount vpon the northeast side of the castell, wherevpon the péeces of artillerie might be planted in batterie.

This worke was so well applied, and with so great diligence aduanced, Batterie made against Hume castell. that by fiue of the clocke in the next morning it was finished. The eight and twen­tith of Aprill, the marshall maister Drurie verie earlie rode about the castell, to surueie and view eue­rie thing: which doone, the great ordinance was brought to the appointed place, and bent against the castell, to wit, thrée canons, and two falcons. Héere­with also the lord lieutenant caused summons to be giuen vnto them within to yéeld. And about sea­uen of the clocke the same morning, the whole tire began to go off, and a great showt was made by the armie, to the great terrour of the defendants, and of all the countrie neere adioining. The foresaid péeces continued shooting till two of the clocke in the after­noone, discharging within that space a thrée score shots. During the time of this batterie, there was no great store of shot discharged by the great peeces within the castell, bicause their master gunner with­in, after he had first shot off a péece, and doone no hurt therewith, as he was about to shoot againe, the ma­ster gunner of the two English falcons hauing espied him, tooke his leuell so right, that discharging therewith one of the falcons, The master gunner with­in the castell hurt. he displaced the eni­mies péece, and stroke the gunners leg off, whereby their great ordinance within ceassed, which was an happie turne for the Englishmen.

About two of the clocke they within sent foorth a trumpet vnto the lord lieutenant, The Scots sue for a re­spit of war. requiring a respit that they might talke with the marshall master Dru­rie, and to send a messenger to the lord Hume their master, to know his further pleasure: for that being put in trust by him with the kéeping of that fortresse, they could not giue it vp without his consent. And then vpon the returne of the messenger, they trusted to giue his lordship contented answer. The marshall master Drurie talked with them twise, and the lord lieutenant was contented to grant vnto William Trotter, The capteins within Hume castell. and Gilbert Greie the lord Humes wiues brother (being principall capteins appointed to the kéeping of the said castell) three houres respit: with condition, that they should not vse therein anie sub­tiltie, or for the delaieng of time: swearing by his honour, that if they so did, The lord lieutenant sweareth. he would not depart the field till he had woone it by force: and further, that there should not one of them escape with life.

They being brought in doubt of their owne safe­ties hereby, sent one in post togither with a seruant of master Druries the marshall, to the lord Hume. And presentlie heerevpon they shewed themselues vpon the walles and rampires of the said castell: but immediatlie the lord lieutenant sent to them a com­mandement, strictlie inhibiting them, that not one of them should once on paine of death looke ouer the wals or rampires, The lord lieutenants commande­ment on pain [...] of death. to the end to view the breach of the batterie, forsomuch as in the time of parlée it was against the law of armes so to doo. But now the messenger that was thus sent to the lord Hume, com­ming to him, declared i [...] what case his house and people stood, who being (as was supposed) not so farre off, but that he might heare how lustilie the Eng­lish canons did canuasse and batter his Humish ca­stell walles, did now agrée to méet the marshall ma­ster Drurie two miles distant from the said ca­stell, and there to commune further with him in that matter.

Upon the comming backe of the messenger with this answer, the lord lieutenant thought good to send the said master Drurie vnto the place appoin­ted: who comming thither met with the said lord Hume. And after they had debated the matter togi­ther, at length the lord Hume was contented that the castell should be surrendered into the hands of the lord lieutenant; with condition, that his people therein might depart with life: which the lord lieute­nant was contented to grant, so that there we [...] n [...] English men among them. The castell of Hume deliue­red to the marshall. Héerevpon about eight of the clocke in the euening, the gates were ope­ned, and the keies deliuered to the marshall, who presented them to the lord lieutenant: and then the lord Hunnesdon, the said marshall, and diuerse other gentlemen entered into the castell, and by & by tooke [Page 1216] possession thereof in the quéene of Englands name, pulled downe their banner of defiance, and in place thereof set vp the English banners, against all those in Scotland that would saie the contrarie.

The Scots that were within it, being in number an hundred thrée score and eight persons, were put out in their common wearing apparell, without armour, weapon, or anie baggage. They comming to the lord lieutenant that was then at the place of the batterie on horssebacke, presented themselues to line 10 him: who according to his word and promise of ho­nour, caused them to be safelie conducted through the watch and scouts, to such place as they requi­red. Two Eng­lishmen staied and after exe­cuted. Amongst them there were two Englishmen, the one of them named Hilliard, the earle of Nor­thumberlands man, the other was a vagarant per­son, or a roge (as we may call him) named Wil­liam God saue hir aliàs Lions, which both were caried to Barwike, & there executed the thirtéenth of Maie next insuing. In all this siege there were but foure line 20 persons slaine on both parts, two Scots, & two Eng­lishmen: but there were manie hurt as well on the one part as the other. The castell of Hume being thus woone, the lord lieutenant the morow after placed therein to kéepe the house to the quéenes maiesties vse, Capteine [...] and cap­teine Pik­man. capteine Wood, and capteine Pikman, with two hundred souldiours. This doone, his lordship returned towards England and came to Barwike. During this siege there were diuerse townes and villages, situate within thrée or foure miles of the campe, set line 30 on fire by the Englishmen, and vtterlie spoiled. The lord lieutenant vpon his returne to Barwike, The lord lieutenant [...] of an [...]. staied there for a time verie euill at ease, hauing in trauell about the siege taken such cold, as therewith he was brought into an extreame ague.

The fourth of Maie, his lordship sent maister William Drurie the marshall of Barwike, accom­panied with diuerse gentlemen and capteins, ha­uing with them about two thousand souldiours, to take Fast castell: the which vpon the first sum­mons line 40 was deliuered into his hands, who receiuing the keies being presented to him, entered the hold, and tooke possession thereof, in the queenes ma­iesties name: and expelling the Scots, being about the number of halfe a score (who according to coue­nant were suffered to depart with their liues saued) he put ten, Iohn Stow, Englishmen put into the castell to keepe it. or (as some haue) fouretéene Englishmen into that castell, which were thought able and num­ber sufficient enough to kéepe it against all the pow­er of Scotland, the situation thereof is so strong.

In this meane time the troubles increasing a­mong line 50 the Scots, by reason of the murther commit­ted in the person of the earle of Murreie the late go­uernour, the duke of Chatellerault, and other his partakers gathered a power of thrée thousand men, and comming to Lithquo, midwaie betwixt Ster­ling and Edenburgh, remained there for a time, and afterwards came to Edenburgh, in purpose to make warre against the lords of the kings part, The earle of Chatellerault [...]s complices purpose war against the [...]ings part. who hauing sent to the earle of Lennox, then remain­ing in England, earnestlie requested him to repaire line 60 into Scotland. Wherevpon he by the queenes ma­iesties licence, tooke his iourneie thitherwards, and came to Barwike, where he was also visited with sickenesse, and so remained certeine daies in that towne. And vnderstanding that the said duke of Chatelleraults power was such, that the lords of the kings side were not able to come togither, nor he to go to them without the quéene of Englands aid, he humblie sued vnto hir maiestie by letters to haue some power by hir appointment to conduct him into Scotland, and there to aid him and the other lords of that side against their aduersaries the duke and his complices. Héerevpon by hir maiesties com­mandement, the earle of Sussex, as yet not fullie re­couered of his sicknesse, Master Wil­liam Drurie goeth with the earle of Lennox a­gainst the earle of Cha­tellerault, &c. ordeined master William Drurie the marshall of Barwike, with such forces as were thought conuenient to go with the said earle of Lennox, for the execution of such exploits in ser­uice as séemed most expedient. And about the same time, to wit the sixt of Maie, the lord Scroope lord warden of the west marches, made a rode into Scotland, incamping the first night on the hither side of the water of Annan, and the next daie marched towards the water of Milke, burning and spoiling all on that side of Annandale, namelie the lard Iohnsons lands, finding small resistance, sa­uing that the forreie was a little troubled with a fortie or fiftie Scots horssemen, and so hauing doone his pleasure, he quietlie returned, without recei­uing other impeachment: notwithstanding the lord Herries was in Dunsrise, hauing gathered a great power in purpose to hinder his enterprise.

But now to returne to the earle of Sussex, who hauing instituted sir William Drurie generall of those bands that should passe with the earle of Lennox into Scotland: bicause each gentleman, The lord lieu­tenants orati­on implieng obedience of the souldiors to their new generall. souldior, and seuerall bands should dutifullie obeie the said sir William their new ordeined generall in all points of warlike order, the said earle made an oration in such pithie forme and manner, as through­lie expressed the whole substance of the seruice, the vnsuertie of the season, the strange and malicious dealing of diuerse aduersaries: which points he so cunninglie handled, as the excellencie of a perfect orator appeared fullie in his speach. At whose elo­quence the herers rather séemed astonied than vnsa­tisfied in anie point or parcell of those matters: for he opened the verie bowels of rebellion, the practises of enimies, and suborning of traitors: and therefore persuaded euerie honest mind to haue a dutifull con­sideration of his prince and countrie, in the defense and libertie whereof, both life, lands, and goods, are al­waies to be offered.

After which oration in respect of further aduance­ment as the custome is (for seruice past, Knights made by the earle of Sus­sex. and incou­ragement to procéed in the like worthie dooings) he made these knights: Sir William Drurie, sir Tho­mas Manners, sir George Careie, and sir Robert Constable, and placing the said sir William Dru­rie the appointed generall in full authoritie, he com­mitted them to God, and the good conduct of their chéefeteine. Now hauing heard the lord lieutenant thus speake, and séeing the means that he vsed to in­courage them against the enimie; how could they one with another but vow in mind, euen with the hazzard of their hearts, to performe to their power no lesse than he in speech implied? How could they (I saie) but venture life and lim, hauing so often séene the perillous enterprises which he himselfe vnder­tooke against forren hostilitie, as to his owne danger so to the high praise of his heroicall prowesse: and not without desert, as one verie well noteth, saieng:

—satrapas praeclarus, fortis & audax,
Elisabetha tui speciosi corporis acer
Comes Sussexi [...] Camerarius.
Et fidus custos, discrimen adire paratus
Quodlibet, inuicto Mauortis pectore campo.]

The same daie being the eleuenth of Maie, diuerse foot bands with shot and armed pikes were set for­ward into Scotland, with certeine péeces of artille­rie, powder, and munition in good quantitie. First capteine Brickwell with his ensignes departed the towne, and then the companies of capteine Read, capteine Caruell, capteine Game, capteine Lam­berd, and capteine Erington. These old bands of Barwike conteined fiue hundred souldiours.

After them followed the companie of sir Robert Constable, their sergeant maior of thrée hundred [Page 1217] shot, and the companie of sir Thomas Maners of two hundred shot. Lastlie marched foorth capteine Iohn Constable, and capteine Barwike with two hundred armed men. These twelue hundred footmen with fiue ensignes marched that night to Colding­ham. Also for the better assurance of couenants and promises made on the behalfe of such lords of Scotland, Hostages de­liuered by the Scotish lords on the kings side. as had made sute for this aid to be sent in­to their countrie for their assistance against them of the contrarie faction, there were certeine ho­stages sent into England by the same lords as line 10 it was thought expedient, for doubt of double dea­ling. The twelfe of Maie, they marched forward, and the same daie sir William Drurie, the earle of Lennox, and the other new made knights, with the horssemen, departed from Barwike, and at the Péece néere to Dunglas they ouertooke the footmen, and the same night all the horssemen and footmen came and incamped togither at Dunbar, The horsmen and footmen incampe at Dunbar. being in all not past sixtéene hundred men. They had line 20 foure field peeces with them, & good store of powder. The next day being the thirtéenth of Maie, and Whit­sun euen, they made such spéed in their march, that they came vnto Edenburgh, where they found the earles of Morton, Scotish lords of the kings side. Mar, Glencarne, the lords Rith­wen, Lindseie, Simple, Glames, Methuen, Ogil­tre, and Catcart, with diuerse other gentlemen.

Héere also they vnderstood that the duke of Cha­tellerault and his partakers were departed from Lithquo, whither they were retired backe againe line 30 from Edenburgh, on knowledge had that the Eng­lishmen were comming forwards towards them. The fouretéenth and fiftéenth day they laie still in E­denburgh, and the morrow after being the sixtéenth of that moneth, they marched forwards to Lithquo, and lodged in that towne that night, where they re­ceiued aduertisements that the said duke of Chatel­lerault had broken vp his campe, The duke of Chatellerault breaketh vp his campe. after he had vpon his departure from the said towne of Lithquo at­tempted the winning of the castell of Glasco, & mis­sing his purpose there, was driuen to retire with dis­honour. line 40 The next morning being wednesdaie, the armie marched forwards, and the footmen laie that night at a place called Faukirke, a six miles from Lithquo: but the generall with the horssemen rode six miles further vnto Sterling, where they saw the yoong king. The yoong king at Sterling. The next daie being the eightéenth of Maie, sir Robert Constable, Sargent Maior, with the rest of the capteins of the twelue hundred Eng­lish footmen, & two hundred Scots footmen, the which were most part shot, marched a long iourneie, and line 50 came to lodge that night at Glasco, and the generall sir William Drurie came to them with the horsse­men, and the most part of the noble men of Scotland that were on the kings side, which entred the towne and lodged in the same, with manie horssemen and footmen.

The duke of Chatellerault (as ye haue heard) had beene there, and besieged the castell that belonged to the king, but hearing of the Englishmens comming line 60 two daies before their approching thither, he raised his siege, and departed thence, with the losse of nine and twentie of his men. The nineteenth of Maie, sir William Drurie generall of the English power, being determined aforehand on a iourneie towards Dunbreton, sent foorth that morning before certeine vantcurrours on horssebacke, to staie all such as they found vpon the waie. This doone, he tooke with him certeine gentlemen, The generall goeth to view Dunbreton. and some shot, and rode foorth to­wards Dunbreton, to view the straits and situation of that castell, within the which were at that present the lord Fleming, that tooke vpon him as capteine thereof, the archbishop of saint Andrewes, and other their adherents, fréends to the duke of Chatellerault, and enimies to the lords that were about the king.

After sir William Drurie had viewed the castell, The generall sendeth to know who was within the castell, &c. and taken the plot of the situation thereof, he sent his trumpettor to know who were within it, and to whose vse they kept it. They within the castell requi­red to know what he was that sent to know the same. It was answered that it was the quéene of Englands generall of hir forces there in Scotland that made the demand. Wherevnto answer was re­turned, that they knew well he was not so ignorant as he séemed (as in deed he was not) but that he did well know that this castell was, and of long time had béene kept by the lord Fleming: and that accor­dinglie by him, his fréends and seruants it was now mainteined. Which answer being reported to the ge­nerall, he sent againe his trumpettor, to know if the lord Fleming would come foorth and parlée vpon assurance of honour to returne safelie. Lord Fle­ming is re­quired to come to parlee with the generall. Wherevnto the lord Fleming consented, although not mea­ning so to doo: but by a subtill practise (as was thought) intended to wind him within danger. For there were some harquebusiers secretlie couched in couert, within whose reach when the generall was come himselfe alone on horssebacke, most dishonest­lie (his trumpettor not yet being returned) they shot at him with great despite, meaning to haue killed him, without anie regard to the law of armes, or feare of God. The dishono­rable dealing of the lord Fleming. But through the goodnes of the Lord almightie, that wicked practise missed the pretensed effect: for that worthie English knight receiued no bodilie hurt, but perceiuing their dealings, with a bold courage he bestowed his pistols as fréelie at them as they did their harquebuse shot at him, and so returned to his companie backe againe in safetie, yéelding to God due honour and thanks for his mer­cifull deliuerance from such a murtherous practise of his deadlie foes.

Upon a new occasion to vnderstand the certein­tie of that, whereof he had some inkling, Sir William Drurie goeth againe to­wards Dun­breton. the one and twentith of Maie, sir William Drurie accompani­ed with the said gentlemen and horssemen, went a­gaine towards Dunbreton, to parlee with the lord Fleming vpon his further promise, that he would méet him three miles from the said castell. Whervpon the said sir William Drurie sent an Englishman and a Scotishman to view the ground, He sendeth to view the ground where he should [...] with the lord Fleming. which should be appointed foorth for their méeting, which they found to be so néere to the castell, as was subiect to all their shot both great and small, and cleane contrarie to the promise: and so they declared to the capteine named Iohn Fleming, that was sent foorth of the castell to appoint the same, how it was neither indifferent nor méet for such a purpose. The capteine answered, that his maister was a man of honour, and stood vp­on the same, and therefore would not hazard himselfe among horssemen wholie without the danger of the péece. Whereto the messengers replied, that the lord Fleming for his late euill dealing, was not to be credited in this case; neither comparable to the gene­rall of the English armie, for he was there for the queene of England. And further they said, This is a cō ­mon fault in the Scots. that for so­much as they had of late dealt so vniustlie contrarie to promise and the law of armes, and therby so great­lie cracked their credits, stained their honesties and honour: they could not but wish that their generall should be well aduised, yer he did hazard himselfe a­nie more within their danger vpon their slipperie promises, except they would appoint some other place of parlée, as might be thought indifferent, according to their former offers, which would not be granted, and so they departed. Immediatlie wherevpon, to shew some péece of their double dealings, Scotish ho­nestie. and vn­faithfull practises towards the Englishmen: the Scots within the castell presentlie sent after the mes­sengers [Page 1218] a culuering shot for a farewell. Thus did they by practise iustifie the opinion that strangers to them haue long conceiued of their dealing: and which he saw full well (perhaps also prooued in some part) that said of the Scotish nations vntrustinesse, &c:

—graue pectus abundat
Fraudibus ingenitis & non eget arte magistra.

Sir William Drurie then perceiuing that the meaning of the lord Fleming was not to deale simplie in this matter, The lord Fle­mings double [...]ling. touching a conference to be line 10 had betwixt them, returned to Glasco, where sir George Careie being maruellouslie inflamed with that vnhonest dealing of the lord Fleming, made earnest sute to the generall that he might send to him and offer him the combat in triall of this quarrell, Sir George C [...]eis sute. sith it was more requisit that a gentleman souldier should stand in those questions than a generall, [...]. Church­ [...]. con­sidering his calling and office. The generall than­ked sir George verie courteouslie, but yet said, ‘that it stood him vpon to search out these matters to the vt­termost (as he would haue doone in déed) were not line 20 his commission and charge (as was well knowne) to be otherwise imploied: Yet (quoth he) sith your sute is so reasonable (and the whole companie and lawes of armes alloweth of it) I grant your request, and therein doo as best shall séeme to your birth and esti­mation.’ Herevpon sir George Careie streight­waies deuised a letter of challenge, A letter of chalenge sent to the lord Fleming. and deliuered it to an herald to beare from him vnto the said lord Fleming, the tenour whereof here insueth. line 30

A copie of sir George Careis foresaid letter to the lord Fleming.

LOrd Fleming, if either your birth or bringing vp had wrought in you a noble mind, or estimation of credit, hardlie would you haue so much forgotten and stained your honour, as in a parlée of late with our generall you did. The lord Fle­ming charged with treache­ [...] ▪ At whom vilelie and vnhonorablie line 40 shooting, you falsed that assurance of warre which souldiers submit themselues vnto: and trained him to your treason vnder trust, a thing heretofore not accustomed, nor presentlie to be allowed of. He assu­redlie pretending your owne and your freends good, commoditie to your countrie, and quietnesse to the state, twise abased and submitted himselfe, comming to confer with you thereof: but your pride ioined with a harmefull meaning, With pride, harmefull meaning and vaineglorie. to those that you professe best vnto, and selfe wilfull vaineglorie, without cause line 50 why, refused that which reason and honour comman­ded you to haue doone. Therfore, bicause his calling is presentlie with his charge better than yours, and mine not inferior; I summon you reasonablie to ex­cuse that fault supposed to be yours, or else to main­teine that traitorous act with your person against mine in fight, when, where, or how you dare. Other­wise I will baffull your good name, sound with the trumpet your dishonour, and paint your picture with the heels vpward, and beare it in despite of your selfe. In the meane time I attend your answer. From line 60 Glasco, the 22 of Maie 1570.

Subscribed George Careie.

The copie of the lord Fle­mings answer.

GEorge Careie, I haue receiued your brainelesse letter, making mention of my false and treasonable dealing against your generall, in shooting vnder trust, so vilelie against my honour and truth, traitorouslie trained him vnder my trust: which is altogither false and vntrue. The lord Fle­mings de­fense against the charge of treacherie. And howbeit your generall came by the house of Dunglas by my appointment, which I suffered, and I appointed one place of mée­ting, six men of either partie which he refused, and he departed, and certeine of his companie came brag­ging vp the riuers side towards the house, viewing the same and the ground thereabouts, shooting your harquebusses against the same: I could doo no lesse but present you with such as I had. Whereas you write of your generals calling to be presentlie bet­ter than mine, and yours not inferiour; when your generall challengeth me therof, I shall giue answer. And as for you, I will not be inferiour to a better than you, or anie souldier vnder your generals charge. Whereas you summon me (as you call it) rea­sonablie to excuse that falt supposed to be mine owne, Lord Fle­ming beareth him bold of his gentrie. or else to mainteine that traitorous act with my per­son against yours: you shall wit, I haue gentlemen of honour, seruant souldiers to me, as ye are to your generall, which may be your fellowes, shall defend the same against you and your false and vntrue in­uented writing: and were not the charge I present, or how soone I can be relieued of the same, I should lowlie my person to méet you six English miles, or anie other person. Howbeit ye be but one souldier, assure your selfe from this daie foorth, I will not re­ceiue no such inuented message, for I haue little to doo with Englishmen, ye may raile vpon my hono­rable name as ye please. You shall haue as hono­rable gentlemen as your selfe against you fighting. Take this for answer.

Iohn lord Fleming.

The replie of sir George Careie vpon the lord Flemings answer.

LOrd Fleming, often the Flemings after noone answer smelleth more of wine than wit. But as to that common crime, the custome of their countrie yeeldeth them part of pardon; so your common acquaintance with the same condition, knowne to be verie great, shall to me somewhat excuse your witlesse writing, wherein first you disalow my right recitall of your traitorous dealing, by tearming it false and vntrue. For answer, know this, the truth my pen hath writ­ten, by the witnesse of a number; Sir George Carie voweth to mainteine no lesse than he hath written. and my hand I vow shall mainteine the same before the world at all times. But you in denieng it, haue both falslie and vniustlie lied in your throte, and dare neither defend nor disproue that in deeds, which in words you haue doone. Whereas you write, that our generall passed Dunglas, by your appointment which you suffered, therein you doo manifestlie saie vnhonorablie and vntrulie; for that you had no knowledge of our first comming, but saluted vs with your shot: and we likewise skirmished with your men euen at their owne strength, vntill we viewed the ground about at out pleasure. And touching the appointment of six of either part, easilie that maie be knowne to be a plaine lie: séeing we had neither parlée nor confe­rence with you before, to appoint place or méeting. But whereas you saie, The lord Fle­ming in sée­king to excuse accuseth him­selfe the more manifestlie. you could doo no lesse but present vs with such as you had, therein you confesse and acknowledge the dishonour and treason that I charged you withall, taking vpon your selfe that fault, which I supposed to haue bin of your seruants, for our generall retired his companie farre from him. And his trumpet being with you, approched him­selfe alone to haue parled, when vnder trust you dis­charged two harquebusses against him: an act rather séemelie for a cowardlie traitor, than one that profes­seth to be a souldier.

Finallie, whereas you let me wit, that you haue gentlemen of honour, seruant souldiers vnto you, that maie be my fellowes, which should defend the [Page 1219] chalenge that toucheth so néere your selfe, as with honor you should not haue refused it. First I thinke scorne to be anie waies inferior to you, though but a souldier, too honourable a name for you, being bet­ter in birth, and vnsteined with reproch as you haue béene. Secondlie, I haue more, and as good gentle­men vnder my conduct, Sir George Careie his answer to the lord Flemings brag of his gentrie. as your selfe haue vnder your charge, which shall answer as many as you can bring, if with number ye meane to combat, and will put them to that which you dare not doo your selfe. line 10 But assure you, my quarell shall remaine euerla­sting, except the proofe of your owne person against mine maie end it: and when you shall dare come out of your crowes nest, I will be readie to ride an hundred Scotish miles, Oh valiant heart! to méet with you in anie in­different place. And vntill that time, I shall account you deuoid of honestie & honor, vnworthie to march vpon ground, or keepe companie with men. From Hamilton, the 29 of Maie 1570.

Subscribed George Careie. line 20

Though manie waies were sought by message and otherwise, to mooue the lord Fleming to defend with battell the fault and follie committed: yet it would not be; for he shifted off the matter, so as it well appered, it was but lost labor further to attempt him therein. A muster of Scotishmen to the number of 4000. The two and twentith of Maie, the earle of Lennox, accompanied with the earle of Glen­carne, the lord Simple, and other his friends, feoda­ries & alies, mustered on the moore before the towne line 30 of Glasco the number of foure thousand horssemen and footmen, that were there assembled to serue him, in presence of sir William Drurie, and other of the English capteins. The thrée and twentith of Maie, sir William Drurie, The armie goeth toward Hamilton. the earle of Lennox, and other the Scotish lords, and the whole armie marched to­wards the castell of Hamilton, and sending a trum­pettor, and one with him to parlée with the capteine named Andrew Hamilton, he agreed to come foorth, and one other with him, to talke with sir William line 40 Drurie, and one other gentleman, such as he should thinke good to bring with him to a place somewhat distant, as well from the castell as the campe.

Herevpon sir William Drurie with his sword and target, and sir George Careie with a case of pi­stols went foorth to the appointed place, whither the capteine of the castell also with an halbert, and one other with him, hauing likewise a case of pistols, came according to appointment. Sir William Drurie tal­keth with the capteine of Hamilton castell. But after they had talked togither, and that the capteine would not in a­nie line 50 wise consent to deliuer vp the castell, he with his associat returned to their hold againe, & the English generall, with sir George Careie, came backe to the campe, and therevpon the English ordinance was presentlie placed about the castell, The English ordinance shooteth at the castell. and shot verie sore all that night: but did no great hurt, by reason they were but field péeces, and not fit for batterie. They in the castell likewise shot verie sore at the English­men, but did no great harme, sauing that there were thrée of the footmen hurt. In the palace which was a line 60 pretie house the duchesse of Chatellerault was at that time resident, The duchesse of Chatelle­rault com­mitted to the charge of an English knight. to whom sir William Drurie did re­paire, offering hir all the courtesie he might, with all that to hir apperteined, willing hir not to feare anie thing: and for hir more assurance, he committed hir to the charge of sir Thomas Maners.

The foure and twentith of Maie, the generall gaue summons vnto the castell. And bicause they within stoode stiffelie in deniall to make surrender thereof vnto him, he was driuen to send to Striueling for some great peeces of ordinance méet to make bat­terie. Great ordi­nance sent for. In the meane time, the earles of Lennox and Morton with the horssemen, The earles of Lennox and Morton. and some shot, marched into the countrie to a verie faire house of the abbat of Kilwinnings neere adioining, The abbeit of Kilwinnings burnt. whose name was Gawen Hamilton, which house they burnt and vtter­lie defaced, spoiling it, and rasing it downe to the earth. They burnt and spoiled also seuentéene houses more belonging to men of that surname, situate néere thereabouts, wherof one belonged vnto a lard that had married with the sister of Iames Hamil­ton of Bodweie haugh, which slue the regent. There were also burnt seuen other faire houses belonging to others that were not of that surname: but yet were of their friends and alies. Moreouer, there were diuerse other of their kinred and alies that came in with humble submission, and assured themselues, firmelie promising from thensefoorth their obedience to the king.

The fiue and twentith of Maie sir William Dru­rie the generall retired his people vpon a policie from the castell, and left it without either watch or ward for that night. The next daie he sent sir George Careie to the castell with a trumpettor, The castell summoned. to know if they within would deliuer it vp, before the great or­dinance should come, which the capteine vtterlie re­fused to doo. Wherevpon the small shot clapt sudden­lie round about the house, and kept them within occu­pied, till that a whole culuering & a demie culuering came to them from Sterling, the which with foure of the English small field péeces were in the night following planted against the castell, The castell of Hamilton battered. and being shot off, a bullet of one of the great péeces passed through the walles into the castell.

The seuen and twentith of Maie about foure of the clocke in the morning, The castell eftsoones sum­moned. the generall sent a trum­pettor to giue summons againe to the castell: vn­to whome the capteine answered, that he cared not for them, & so bad them doo their woorst, for he would not yéeld the place to them at anie hand. Wherevpon immediatlie the whole tire began to plaie in such sort, that within foure volées both sides of the house were battered through: at the sight whereof the cap­teine was so dismaied, that foorthwith he cried for parlée, and so the shot was staied. The capteine of the castell demandeth parlée. Now vpon humble sute the capteine was admitted to speake with the generall, and so comming to talke with him, at length he agreed to yeeld: wherevpon, the prouost marshall was sent into the castell to take possession thereof. The generall permitted them verie courte­ouslie to depart with their furniture, and other such stuffe as they could carie with them. There came out of the house nine and thirtie persons one and other, foure and thirtie men, thrée boies, and two women, and therewith was the castell blowne vp and rased, and the armie laie that night in the towne, and in places about it.

The next daie, being the eight and twentith of Maie they departed from thence: the earles of Len­nox, Mar, and Glencarne, with other of the nobilitie of Scotland of the kings part taking their leaues, with their companie returned to Glasco: and sir George Careie with the horssemen came that night to Lithquo, where also the rest of the English forces met. A castell called Combernawd belonging to the lord Fleming was yéelded to the generals hands, who vpon bond of assurance that the house should re­maine at the deuotion of the queene of England, was contented to spare it from fire and spoile. But this was not the first nor last courtesie which the ge­nerall shewed in this iournie, vnto such as in anie respect were thought worthie of his fauour. Amongst other the ladie of Lidington being great with child, The ladie of Lidington. mistrusting hir selfe (or hir husbands double dealing towards our countrie) in great feare began to flie. But sir William Drurie hearing thereof, sent hir word he came not to make warres with women, but rather to shew pitie to the weake and comfort­lesse, [Page 1220] and therevpon she staied, and had no further harme.

The nine and twentith of Maie, when the armie should dislodge from Lithquo, the generall called for the prouost of the towne, and commanded him to prepare with all expedition, to receiue a iust punish­ment and correction thorough the whole towne for treason, and vnpardonable offenses committed: and declaring that the inhabitants thereof had succou­red and supported traitors to the realme of England, [...] Church­ [...]d. line 10 and likewise to their owne king, contrarie to the leagues and quietnesse of both the realmes of Eng­land and Scotland, for which cause he was fullie resol­ued to ouerthrow that town & receptacle of traitors. If therefore there were anie women in childbed or impotent people within that towne, he gaue war­ning thus aforehand to conueie them out of it: and herewith also commanding each capteine & souldier vnder his charge, to sée due execution of that which he purposed in this behalfe to haue doone, he willed line 20 the prouost to appoint a place conuenient, into the which the goods of the towne might be brought, [...] of [...] threat­ [...] to be [...]. to the end that the same should neither bee spoiled by the English souldiers, neither yet consumed through ve­hemencie of fire, but to be preserued all wholie to the Scotishmens vse. Further, he granted, that euerie noble mans lodging and capiteins house should bée saued from fire.

But now the time being come for this determi­ned execution, the earle of Morton, that still accom­panied line 30 the English generall, offered himselfe as an intercessor to intreat and sue for a pardon, The earle of Morton, an [...]tercessor for [...] towne of [...] ▪ bringing afore the generall a multitude of wailing people, whose mournfull and most pitious cries were lamen­table and verie importunat. The generall hearing their requests, made answer, that for manie causes the towne ought to be destroied, considering how diuerse enimies (whose insolent practises were not to be suffered) had alwaies there a common resort to conferre of their wicked deuises: and further (quoth line 40 he) the courtesie that is shewed to such places of re­paire, hath imboldened the rest of Scotland to vse o­pen violence and secret villanies, to the preiudice of Gods glorie, hinderance of the weale publike, and breach of good lawes and policies: and therefore it was fit and most méet for a warning to thousands in that case of extremitie, to rase out such monuments of mischiefe. But at length, notwithstanding these heauie words vttered by sir William Drurie, the people of all sorts so preassed about him, & made such line 50 pitifull cries and sorowfull noise, with children suc­king of their mothers breasts, that he taking ruth of their miserable estates, at this their lamentable sute, and speciallie at the great instance of the earle of Morton, who came bareheaded to speake for them, the generall was contented to saue the towne and people therein: Lithquo spa­ [...]ed from de­serued de­struction▪ taking good band and assurance of the prouost and chiefest of the towne, that they should follow the campe, and at all times appeare when they were called for at Berwike, and there to submit line 60 themselues, their towne and goods, to the clemen­cie of the quéens highnesse; and to such order as the earle of Sussex hir maiesties generall lieutenant should by consent thinke necessarie: The prouost [...] other en­ [...] [...]ands. to which band & conditions they of Lithquo agréed. And for that their regent was slaine, & none since instituted to whome they had giuen faith of allegiance; they confessed, that none might command them anie waie without licence of him, to whome they had made this band, sith to him both their promise and obligation was passed. And in this sort they continued bound to him for their good behauiors.

The duke of Chatelle­raults palace burned.The duke of Chatelleraults palace in Lithquo was yet burnt and rased, and marching to another house belonging to the said duke, called Kenile, distant from Lithquo about a mile or more, they likewise burned the same. Thus hauing doone their pleasures at Lithquo, and in the countrie about that towne, they marched from thense to a proper house and ca­stell, belonging to the lord Seton, called Neitherie, which the enimies had fortified. Neitherie. But yet when the la­die of that house came to the generall, The ladie Seton. and made humble petition on hir knées for his fauor, offering to him the keies of that place in most humble wise; she found such courtes [...]e at his hands, that with con­dition that she & a baron with hir should enter bands for assurance, that the castell should euer afterwards remaine at the quéene of Englands pleasure, he tooke hir the keies againe, leauing hir in possession of hir house and goods, without dooing hir anie fur­ther displeasure.

This night the armie came to Edenburgh, Some of the English ar­mie spoiled in Edenburgh. where certeine of the companie that made hast to get thi­ther somewhat before the rest, receiued some discour­tesie: for they were spoiled in the streets of their fur­niture, & such other things as they had about them. But when the generall with the rest of the armie was come néere to the towne, and had knowledge of such foule disorder, he thought not good to enter the towne, without standing so sure on his gard, that he should not néed to doubt any double dealing, or cr [...] ­ked measure. Which sure handling of the matter did not onelie shew the deuiser thereof to haue good con­duct and experience: T. Church­yard. but in verie déed auoided no small inconuenience and mischiefe, that by the eni­mies was finelie contriued (through a fraie to be made in the suburbs) so that a great slaughter had burst out suddenlie, and no small bloudshed follow­ed, if God and good guiding of the people had not staied and turned awaie that imminent danger. To be short, Sir Thomas Maners with his two bands vnder one en­signe. the generall sent sir Thomas Maners with two bands of souldiors, vnder one ensigne, to seize vpon the gates at their first arriuall, and so the pre­tensed conspiracie was happilie preuented; for the re­sidue of the power was no sooner entred the towne, but that kéeping themselues in order to cléere the streets, and to command the inhabitants the better, they spent that night standing on their gard, as the case required. When the morning was come, sir William Drurie smelling out the couert practise, and naughtie meaning of some, demanded iustice and strict punishment of such offenses and things as he would truelie laie to the charges of some in that towne: and told them flatlie, if remedie were not the sooner prouided, and satisfaction made for the follies and outrage committed, he would be quick­lie reuenged, to the displeasure and shame of all the contriuers of that same mad and mischéefous pre­sumption.

Herevpon, Restitution made of things taken awaie from the souldiors. not onelie such things as had bin ta­ken from those few souldiors, which first entred the towne ouer night, were not onelie restored: but di­uerse malefactors were also deliuered to the gene­rall, to be executed and ordered by his discretion; who séeing their submission, mercifullie & franklie sent them awaie vnto their capteins: & so these broiles were pacified and things set in quiet. After they had rested in Edenburgh a two daies, the first of Iune they dislodged. The generall comming to Seton the chiefe castell & house of the lord Seton, Seton castell spared at the sute of the la­die. the ladie was readie there also to present him the keies, with like humble submission as before: and therevpon re­ceiued the like fauor for this house, as was shewed to hir for the other. That night they lodged at Ha­dington. Anderwike saued from ruine by occa­sion. It was determined that the pile of Ander­wike should haue beene ouerthrowne: but vpon sute and bands taken of diuerse gentlemen, the place was spared, and the offendors receiued to mercie. [Page 1221] And so the next daie, the generall with the horssemen came through to Berwike, a iournie of two and thir­tie long miles.

The footbands lodged the same night at Colding­ham with sir Robert Conestable, who the next daie the third of Iune came with them vnto Berwike. And so ended this iournie, to the great commenda­tion of the generall and capteins: The happie successe of the foresaid viage vndertaken by the English. and consequent­lie to all the gentlemen and souldiors that had béene foorth in the same, as well for the good successe which line 10 it pleased God the author of all good and prosperous euents to grant to them, as also for their dutifull o­bedience to all warlike discipline, their painfull tra­uels susteined, their manlie forwardnesse and skil­full practise in martiall polices still shewed, as occa­sion of seruice was anie where offered. But now to returne to the dooings at home. I. Stow. A bull from Rome han­ged on the bi­shop of Lon­dons gate. Whilest this iour­nie was made (as ye haue heard) into Scotland, the fiue & twentith of Maie in the morning was found hanging on the bishop of Londons palace gate in Pauls churchyard, a bull which latelie had béene sent line 20 from Rome, conteining diuerse horrible treasons against the quéens maiestie: for the which one Iohn Felton was shortlie after apprehended, and com­mitted to the tower of London. A. F. Sée the view of a seditious bull ripped vp by Iohn Iewell late bishop of Salisburie printed 1582. ¶And because the said bull may appeare and shew it selfe in nature and kind, it is behoofull here to interlace some rorings of the same, as I haue gathered them out of one that I am sure had a conscience to tell the truth: which I therefore am the willinger to insert, that the world may iudge the heinousnesse of Feltons fact, in fix­ing line 30 so pestilent a libell vpon a prelats gate in a place of common concourse, and against the quéens ex­cellent maiestie.

Pag. 3. Sententia declaratoria contra Elisa­beth, &c.

PIus Pag. 7. episcopus seruus seruorū Dei, &c. Pag. 23. Missae sacrificiū, preces, ieiunia, ciborum delectum, coeli­batum illa (regina Elisabetha) aboleuit. Pag. 36. Eadē line 40 occupato regno supremi ecclesiae capitis locum in omni Anglia, eiúsque praecipuā authoritatem at (que) iurisdicti­onem monstrosè sibi vsurpans, regnum ipsum rursum in mise­rum exitium reuocauit. Pag. 42. Regium conciliūex. Anglica nobi­litate conflatum diremit. Pag. 4 [...]. Hominibus obscuris compleuit. Pag. 49. Ho­minibus haereticis compleuit. Pag. 50. Ad quam velut ad asylum omnium infestissimi perfugium inuenerunt, &c. Pag 63. Declara­mus praedictā Elisabetham, eí (que) adhaerentes in praedictis, ana­thematis sententiā incurrisse. Pag. 67. Quinetiā ipsam praetenso regni line 50 praedicti iure, necnon omni & quocunque dominio, dignitate, priuilegióque priuatam. Pag. 74. Praecipimus & interdicimus vni­uersis & singulis proceribus, subditis, & populis, & alijs prae­dictis, ne illi eiúsue monitis, mandatis & legibus audeant o­bedire: qui secus egerint, eos simili anathematis sententia in­nodamus. Pag. 79. Omnes qui illi quomodocunque iurauerunt, à iuramento huiusmodi ac omni prorsus dominij fidelitatis & obsequij debito perpetuò absolutos declaramus, &c.

Pag. 3.A sentence denounced against line 60 Elisabeth, &c.

PIus Pag. 7. bishop, seruant of Gods seruants, &c. Pag. 23. Shée (quéene Elisabeth) hath cleane put awaie the sacrifice of the masse, prai­ers, fastings, choise or difference of meats & single life. Pag. 36. Shee inuaded the kingdome, & by vsurping monstrouslie the place of the supreme head of the church in all England, and the cheefe au­thoritie & iurisdiction of the same, hath againe broght the said realme into miserable destruction. Pag. 42. Shee hath remooued the noble men of England from the kings councell. Pag. 45. She hath made hir councell of poore, darke, beggerlie fellows, and hath placed them ouer the people. Pag. 49. These councellors are not onlie poore & beggerlie, but also heretikes. Pag. 50. Unto hir all such as are the woorst of the people resort, and are by hir re­ceiued into safe protection, &c. Pag. 63. We make it kno­wen, that Elisabeth aforesaid, & as manie as stand on hir side in the matters abouenamed, haue run in­to the danger of our cursse. Pag. 67 We make it also kno­wen, that we haue depriued hir from that right shée pretended to haue in the kingdome aforesaid▪ and also from all and euerie hir authoritie, dignitie, and priuilege. Pag. 74. We charge and forbid all and euerie the nobles, and subiects, and people, and others aforesaid, that they be not so hardie as to obeie hir or hir will, or commandements, or laws, vpon paine of the like accursse vpon them. Pag. 79. We pronounce that all who­soeuer by anie occasion haue taken their oth vnto hir, are for euer discharged of such their oth, and also from all fealtie and seruice, which was due to hir by reason of hir gouernment, &c.

Héere hath euerie true subiect to sée whether Fel­ton was not a fréend to Pius Quintus, in so easilie being induced and drawne to prefer his procéedings against the lords annointed; for whose sake if he had had a thousand liues, true loialtie would haue inuited him to the losse of them all, if occasion had so requi­red; considering that hir maiestie hath alwaies de­serued well of hir people, for whome she euer had a tender care, Sée the v [...]e [...] of the sediti­ous bull. pag. 72, 73. as one reporteth that saith he heard with his owne ears hir maiestie commending hir subiects to the carefull and wise gouernment of hir councell and iudges, when shée spake thus vnto them. Haue care ouer my people. You haue my place. Doo you that which I ought to doo. They are my people. Eue­rie man oppresseth them, and spoileth them without mercie. They cannot reuenge their quarell, nor help themselues. See vnto them, see vnto them, The quéenes words. for they are my charge. I charge you euen as God hath char­ged me. I care not for my selfe, my life is not deare to me, my care is for my people. I praie God who­soeuer succéed me be as carefull as I am. They which might know what cares I beare, would not thinke I tooke anie great ioie in wearing the crowne.

Could a mother speake more tenderlie for hir in­fant, than this good quéene speaketh for hir people? And shall the people be so vngratious to a prince so gratious, as to attempt anie thing that should dis­content hir highnesse? A mercifull hart shée hath al­waies had, before shee atteined the crowne, a merci­full hart shée hath now possessing the scepter: manie times remitting and pardoning offenses intended and practised against hir owne person: which C. O. noteth in his Eirenarchia siue Elisabetha, speaking of hir maiestie in this point verie trulie & vncontrollablie:

Nobilis & praestans est ignoscentia virtus,
Haec quanquam potis est, si vult,
Multipl [...] Elisabeth [...] virius.
excelsior & vis
Mentis inest, iram strictis compescit habenis.
Delictis mulctam grauibus quandóque remittens.
Hoc priuata priùs nondum diademate sumpto
Fecerat, hoc facit & princeps diademate sumpto.]

The seauen and twentith of Male, Thomas Nor­ton and Christopher Norton of Yorkshire, The Nor­tons execu­ted. being both condemned of high treason for the late rebellion in the north, were drawen from the tower of London to Tiborne, and there hanged, headed, and quartered. In this yeare also conspired certeine gentlemen with other in the countie of Norffolke, Conspiracie in Norffolke and where­vpon it tooke beginning. whose purpose was on Midsummer daie at Harlestone faire, with sound of trumpet and drum to haue rais [...]d a num­ber, and then to proclame their diuelish pretense a­gainst strangers and others. This matter was vtte­red by Thomas Ket one of the conspiracie vnto Iohn Kenseie, who foorthwith sent the same Ket with a conestable to the next iustice, before whome and o­ther [Page 1222] iustices he opened the whole matter. Wherevp­on maister Drue Drurie immediatlie apprehen­ded Iohn Throckmorton, and after him manie gen­tlemen of the citie of Norwich, and the countie of Norffolke, who were all committed to prison, and at the next sessions of goale deliuerie at the castell of Norwich, the seauentéenth of Iulie before sir Robert Catlin knight lord chéefe iustice, Gilbert Gerard the quéenes attornie generall, and other iustices, ten of them were indicted of high treason, and some others line 10 of contempt. Diuerse of them were condemned, and had iudgement the one and twentith of August: and afterward thrée of them were hanged, bowelled, and quartered, which were Iohn Throckmorton of Nor­wich gentleman, who stood mute at his arreignment, but at the gallows confessed himselfe to be the chéefe conspirator, and that none had deserued to die but he, for that he had procured them. With him was execu­ted Thomas Brooke of Rolsbie gentleman on the thirtith of August; and George Dedman of Cringle­ford line 20 gentleman was likewise executed the second of September.

The fourth of August, the duke of Norffolke was remooued from the tower of London to the Charter­house néere vnto Smithfield. The duke of Norffolke remooued. Felton ar­reigned with other offen­dors, and all [...]ondemned. The same daie was ar­reigned at the Guildhall of London, Iohn Felton, for hanging the foresaid bull of pope Pius Quintus on the gate of the bishop of Londons palace: and also two yoong men for coining & clipping of coine, who all were found guiltie of high treason, and had line 30 iudgement to be drawne, hanged, & quartered. The eight of August Iohn Felton was drawen from Newgate into Paules churchyard, Felton and others execu­ted for trea­son. and there han­ged on a gallows new set vp that morning before the bishops palace gate; and being cut downe aliue, he was bowelled and quartered. After this, the same morning the shiriffes returned to Newgate, and so to Tiborne with two yoong men, which were there executed for coining and clipping, as is aforesaid.

A iourneie into Scot­land by the earle of Sussex.The two and twentith of August the earle of Sus­sex, line 40 lord lieutenant generall for the queenes maiestie in the north, and the lord Scroope warden of the west marches, with diuerse others, marched from Carleill with the quéens armie and force of the north as well of horssemen as footmen into Scotland, pas­sing ouer the riuers of Eske, Leuine & Sarke, which riuer of Sarke parteth England and Scotland, and so to Dornocke wood belonging to Edward Urone, the lord of Bonshow, and then to Annan a strong house of the lord Harris, which they rased and ouer­threw line 50 with others thereabouts: from thense to Hod­ham, which they burnt and blew vp: from thense to Kennell, a towne belonging to the lord Cowhill, which they burnt: from thense to Donfrise, which they sacked and spoiled of such paltrie as the fugitiues had left, [...]ast by fire and sword in Scotland. and also rased and ouerthrew a sumptuous house belonging to the quéene of Scots, in the kéeping of the lord Harris. Then passing the riuer of Longher, they burnt and spoiled Cowhilles, and Powtracke, and returned to Donfrise, and so to the towne of Bankend, which they burnt, with another house per­teining line 60 to william Maxwell of the Iles, and so to the castell of Carlauarocke standing in a marish, iust to an arme of the sea, which parteth Annerdale and Gal­lowaie; which castell they blew vp, and returned homeward, transporting their ordinance ouer quick­sands and bogs, where neuer the like was doone be­fore, and so came to Dornocke wood.

Knights made by the earle of Sussex.The eight of August they marched towards Car­leill, where (by the waie) they burnt and ouerthrew two houses, the one being Arthur Greams aliàs Car­leill, the other rich George, two notable théeues. The same daie at night after the lord lieutenants com­ming to Carleill he made knights, sir Edward Ha­stings, sir Francis Russell, sir Ualentine Browne, sir William Hilton, sir Robert Stapleton, sir Hen­rie Curwen, sir Simon Musgraue. Tempest by sea and land which did much hurt. This yéere the fift of October chanced a terrible tempest of wind and raine both by sea and land, by meanes whereof manie ships perished, & much hurt was doone in di­uerse parts of the realme, as by a little pamphlet set foorth therof by Thomas Knell minister appéereth, Tho. Knell. What hurt this tempest did in Bed­fordshire. the effect whereof insueth. About midnight the water o­uerflowed so much, that men were faine to forsake their beds, & one woman drowned, where also were lost a great number of sheepe, oxen, kine, horsse, and other cattell. Among other there, one maister Cart­wright gentleman, hauing his house inclosed round about, the water came in so much, that a cart being laden with thornes did swim about the ground. Hée lost by the same floud, sheepe, and other cattell, to the value of an hundred pounds. The same gentleman had a close gate by the high waies side, A woonder of an hole made in the ground by a water­course. where the water ran ouer so extremelie, that at the fall thereof it made such an hole, that it was fortie foot déepe: so that no man could passe that waie without great danger. To the filling vp of the said hole or pit, was cast in by the men of the said towne fiue and twen­tie lodes of faggots, & twentie lodes of horsse doong, which said faggots and horsse doong filled not the hole. Also one maister Lée at the friers in Bedford, ha­uing a faire yard, wherein was great store of elme­trees, whereof thréescore were blowen downe, with the roots pulled cleane out of the ground. Also he had a close of conies that were cleane destroied.

The sea brake in betwixt Wisbich and Walsoc­ken, and at the crosse keies drowning Tilneie, What hurt this tempest did in the countie of Norffolke. and old Lin, saint Marie Teding, saint Marie Tid, saint Iohns Wauple, Walton & Walsocken, Emneie, Iarmans, and Stow bridge, all being the space of ten miles. At the crosse keies the goodman of the inne had built an house with a strong foundation ioi­ning vnto an other house being old and not so strong, wherein were certeine ghests. And when the water came in so violentlie, the goodman of the house being in the stronger house, called the men out of the old house, and they would haue gone downe the stairs, but the water was so high that they could not come downe, wherefore they went backe againe, and brake an hole into the other house, where they went tho­rough, and the last man was no sooner in, but the old house fell downe. The walles of the houses were broken downe, and the horsses that were tied at the manger (which was made fast in the ground) did swim in the water, when the stable was cleane car­ried awaie, vntill the waters were asswaged, and were saued aliue, and the people were constreined to get vp to the highest parts of the house, and so to be carried awaie in botes.

At Yarmouth a great part of the bridge was car­ried awaie. A péece of Yarmouth bridge borne awaie with water. The house vpon the hauen called the ha­uen house, wherein was one Nicholas Iossellin the hauen man & his son, with all their tooles, were cari­ed into the marishes six miles from the hauen, where it stood vpright, and where they abode long without meat or drinke. Also at Iermans Bridgestréet was verie much hurt doone by the extreame floods that were there. Also one Thomas Smith of Yarmouth lost a ship, with seauen men and a boie in it. Also at Newarke by Yarmouth were lost twelue saile. Also a great hulke, laden with oile and pitch, was lost at Worreie sand, and about twentie men lost therein, and thirtie saued by the hulke bote. What hurt this tempest did in the bi­shoprike of Elie. These townes and villages were ouerflowne, that is to saie, Wis­bich, Gutborne, Parson Droue, and Hobshouse. This Hobshouse being an almes house (and the wa­ter breaking downe the wals of it) the wind blew the cloths off from the bed of a poore man & his wife: [Page 1223] who being cold, awaked, and suddenlie stept out of his bed to reach vp his cloths, and slipt vp to the bel­lie in water, and then he thinking himselfe to be in danger (as he was in déed) and knowing the best waie to escape the danger of the water, he tooke his wife on his necke, and carried hir awaie, and so were both saued.

At the same time in Wisbich was a garden, a ten­nise plaie, & a bowling allie walled about with bricke (which was worth twentie pounds by yeare to the line 10 owner) was quite destroied by the water. What hurt this tempest did in Lin­colneshire. Mumbie chappell, the whole towne was lost, except thrée hou­ses. A ship was driuen vpon an house, the sailers thinking they had béene vpon a rocke, committed themselues to God: and thrée of the marriners lept out of the ship, and chanced to take hold on the house top, and so saued themselues: and the wife of the same lieng in childbed, by climing vp into the top of the house, was also saued by the marriners, hir hus­band and child being both drowned. Likewise, the line 20 church was wholie ouerthrowne except the stéeple. Betwéene Boston and Newcastell were threescore sea vessels, Thréescore sea vessels lost in this tem­pest. as small ships, craires, and such like, lost vpon the coasts of Boston, Humerston, Marsh chap­pell, Tetnie, Stepneie, Nercots, Kelbie, & Grims­bie, where no ship can come in without a pilot, which were all lost, with goods, corne, & cattell, with all the salt cotes, where the chiefe and finest salt was made, were vtterlie destroied, to the vtter vndooing of manie a man, and great lamentation both of old and line 30 yoong.

Wentford bridge, being verie strong, of eight ar­ches in length, had three of the arches broken, and cleane carried awaie. Master Smith at the swan there had his house (being thrée stories high) ouer­flowed vnto the third storie, and the wals of the sta­ble were broken downe, and the horsses tied to the manger were all drowned. Manie men had great losse, as well of sheepe, kine, oxen, great mares, colts of the breed of the great horsses, Great losse of cattell both great and small. and other cat­tell line 40 innumerable, of which the names manie of them shall here follow. Master Pelham lost eleuen hun­dred shéepe at Mumbie chappell. In Summercote were lost fiue hundred sheepe, that were of the inha­bitants there. Also betwéene Humerston & Grims­bie were lost eleuen hundred shéepe of one master Spensers, whose sheepheard about middaie, com­ming to his wife, asked his dinner: and she being more bold than manerlie, said, he should haue none of hir. Then he chanced to looke toward the marishes line 50 where the sheepe were, and saw the water breake in so fiercelie, that the shéepe would be lost, if they were not brought from thense, said, that he was not a good shéepheard that would not venture his life for his shéepe, Scripture abused. & so went streight to driue them from thense, but he & his shéepe were both drowned, and after the water being gone, he was found dead, standing vp­right in a ditch.

Master Thimblebie lost two hundred and twentie sheepe, master Dimocke lost foure hundred sheepe, line 60 & master Marsh fiue hundred, master Madison lost a ship, master William Askugh of Kelseie, sir Hugh Askugh, master Merin, master Fitz Williams of Maplthorpe, lost by estimation twentie thousand cat­tell, one and other. Boorne was ouerflowne vnto the midwaie of the height of the church. Steeping was wholie carried awaie, where was a waine lode of willow tops, the bodie of the waine with the wil­lowes carried one waie, and the axiltrée and whéeles an other waie. In the towne of saint Edes, the wa­ter flowed into the towne in such abundance, What hurt this tempest did in Hun­tingtonshire. that it ran thorough the towne and church, being in the middest therof, hauing about the churchyard a bricke wall of two yards high, was so ouerflowne, that botes were rowed ouer it, without touching of the same. Also a little from Huntington, were three men riding vpon the causeie, being then ouerflowne (the water on the causeie being not deepe) and thinking no danger therein, chanced to come into a place where the water had galled awaie the earth, and the grauell, were carried awaie with the water: and wil­lowes growing on both sides the waie, two of them caught hold on the willowes, and left their horsses, and saued themselues: and the third chanced to catch a verie little twig of willow betwéene his fingers, hauing verie little hold, and forsaking his horsse, which was carried a great waie from him, had much paine to kéepe his hold on the twig, A man woon­derfullie pre­serued from drowning. and hold his head aboue the water, and his horsse returning with force against the streame, came againe vnto him, and vn­der him: by which meanes he set his feet vpon him, and gat better hold of the willow, and so saued him selfe, and the horsse was immediatlie carried awaie, that he neuer saw him after.

Also Holland, Leuerington, Newton chappell in the sea, long Stutton & Holbich were ouerflowne. And in this countrie also was great losse of cattell. In the low parts in Mooreland, What hurt this tempest did in Staf­fordshire and Warwike­shire. in a little towne cal­led Cliffield, there was a man, his wife, and a suck­ing child in hir armes ouerwhelmed and slaine by the violence of the waters, and of the boisterous winds. The water called Auen, that passeth by the towne called Stratford vpon Auen, did run with such vio­lence, that méeting with the water called the Se­uerne, droue it backe ten miles against the course, ouerflowing much ground, and drowning much cat­tell. In Newport panell were two houses ouer­throwne, Hurt in Bu [...] ­kingham­shire by this tempest. and in one of them an old man and an old woman were ouerwhelmed and slaine. And in the same towne, on the backe side of the Saracens head, the water sprang out of the hard grauellie ground, and flowed so fast, that certeine merchants (sitting there at dinner) were faine to rise and depart from thense to saue themselues. Sir Henrie Leie knight (dwelling at Quarrington) lost by the flouds the number of three thousand shéepe, besides horsses and other cattell, a great number.

In the Wish at Rie (a place so called) the water came in so suddenlie, Hurt in Sus­sex by this sudden inunda­tion of wa­ters. and flowed so high about mid­night, that it was eight or nine foot high in mens houses: insomuch that if one William White had not called them vp, some of them had like to haue béene drowned. And the same William White ha­uing a bote, fetcht a great companie of them out of their windowes, and carried them to drie land as fast as he could fetch them, which were in great dan­ger and feare, and glad to escape with their liues. Moreouer, the water came in so vehementlie there, that it brake into the marishes, and made such waie, that where of late yeares, and now before this great floud came, a cockebote could not passe in at a low water, now a fisherman drawing six foot water and more maie come in at a low water, and at a full sea the greatest ship that the quéenes maiestie hath may come in, and haue good harborough there. A strange e­uent wrought by the inflow­ing of the water. The conti­nuance of the same will not onelie be profitable to the most part of the inhabitants there, but also com­modious vnto all the queenes subiects trauelling by sea.

And whereas one of the owners of a great part of the same marishes had certeine poles set vp there in (and being verie meet and in conuenient place of the same marish) for the drieng of their fishing nets, and receiued monie yeerelie of those that dried their nets there sufficientlie inough: yet he caused his seruant to pull vp the poles, and laie them in an house stan­ding in the same marish: and also commanded his seruant to giue them warning; that they should no [Page 1224] more hang their nets there, except they would come and compound with him for it. And the same night (by Gods prouidence) it came so to passe, that accor­ding to his saieng (though contrarie to his good will and mind) they are not like to hang their nets there anie more, bicause of the depth of the water is so great, and like to continue. In hope of continuance of the same new opened hauen, A new hauen and the same like to conti­nue. certeine men of the same towne haue begun to build faire barks to tra­uell the seas, the which in continuance of time will be a great furtherance to the maintenance of the line 10 quéenes nauie. At the blacke shore end, before the said floud, no bote could passe further than the shore end; and now a bote that draweth six foot water maie come in at a low water. Without the barre, the wa­ter is deeper than it was by two foot and more in the chanell.

At Prum hill marish, foure miles from Rie, the water came in so outragiouslie, Hurt in Kent by the same tempest and breaking in o [...] the streame. that it brake downe the marish wals, one master Burie being owner thereof, who lost by the same a thousand one hundred line 20 threescore and two of his shéepe, and it is thought that the marish is neuer like to be gotten againe. Also at Erith breach, a mariner riding by the marishes, sée­ing two maidens in the marishes, and perceiuing the waters breaking in so fast, that the maides were not like to escape, rode vnto them, and one of them gat vp behind him, & the other tooke hold on the horsse taile, and by that means were both saued from drow­ning. In the same marish were drowned a great number of sheepe. Also there in a marish land that line 30 was sowne, were two boies kéeping crowes in the after noone, & séeing the water breaking in so vehe­mentlie, gat them into a cart that was not farre from them, where they were faine to tarrie vntill the next tide, which came in so boisterouslie, that it had like to haue ouerthrowne both the cart & boies. And the one of them being more stronger than the other, kept the other in his armes, A boie drow­ned after he was dead. where he with cold, wet, and feare, died: so that he was faine to let him fall from him into the water, when he perceiued that he line 40 was past recouerie. A little from that place were al­so drowned a thousand shéepe, and also manie other cattell.

Hurt in Essex.From a town [...] called Rainam, vnto the towne named Mauldon, all alongst by the water side were the marishes all ouerflowen, wherein were a great number of cattell drowned. Hurt doone by [...] tēpest in Suffolke and Oxford. In Claie were two ships laden with Danske ware which came to shore, with no man in them, nor anie man could tell of whence they were. In Claie the dwellers there lost a line 50 verie great parcell of salt and herrings barrelled, being housed in an house walled with bricke thrée foot thicke, and yet the wall was broken downe. Also, there was lost much saffron ground, with manie o­ther things mo, to the great hinderance of manie a man. Also, in Walder [...]wicke, Dunwich, and Bla [...] ­brooke, was great losse of boord, planke, timber, and salt. A great part of the bridge by Magdalene col­lege was borne cleane awaie, and manie trées were line 60 turned vp by the root.

The thrée and twentith of Ianuarie, the quéenes maiestie, Anno Reg. 13. accompanied with hir nobilitie, came from hir house at the Stran [...], The quéenes [...]ing to the Bursse after [...] was fini­ [...]hed. called Summerset place, and entered the citie of London by Temple bar▪ Fléetstreet, Cheape, and so by the north side of the Bursse, to sir Thomas Greshams in Bishops gate stréet, where she dined. After dinner, hir grace retur­ning through Cornehill, entred the Bursse on the southside, and after hir highnesse had viewed euerie part thereof aboue ground, especiallie the Pawne, which was richlie furnished with all sorts of the [...] ­nest wares in the citie▪ She giueth it [...] name the Roiall ex­change. she caused the same Bursse by an herald and a trumpet, to be proclamed the Roi­all exchange, so to be called from thensefoorth, and not otherwise.

The seuenteenth of Februarie at a place called Kinnaston, A strange kind of earth moouing in the countie of He­reford. néere Marlech hill in the countie of He­reford, was séene the ground to open, and certeine rockes with a péece of ground remooued, and went forward the space of foure daies, making at the first a terrible noise as it went on the earth. It remooued it selfe betwéene six of the clocke in the euening, & se­uen the next morrow fortie pases, carrieng great trees and shéepecotes, some sheepecotes with three­score sheepe in them, some trées fell into the chinkes, other that grew on the same ground, grow now as firmelie on a hill; and some that stood east, stand west; and those that stood west, stand east. The depth of the hole where it first brake out is thirtie foot, the breadth of the breach is eight score yards, and in length aboue twentie score yards. It ouerthrew Kinnaston cha­pell. Also two high waies be remooued nigh one hun­dred yards, with the trées of the hedgerowes. The ground in all is six and twentie acres: and where til­lage ground was, there is pasture left in place; and where was pasture, there is tillage ground gone vp­on it. The ground as it remooued draue the earth be­fore it, & at the lower part ouerwhelmed the ground, so that it is growen to a great hill of twelue fadams high. It remooued from saturdaie till mondaie at night following, and so staied.

Moreouer this yeare about Candelmas, Sir Thomas Sackuille ambassador to the French king. sir Tho­mas Sackuille, baron of Buckhurst was sent in ambassage from the quéenes maiestie to Charles the ninth French king, as well to congratulate for his marriage with the daughter of the emperour Maxi­milian, as for other weightie affaires. And as his ambassage was great, so was his charge no lesse in furnishing himselfe and traine accordinglie, being both in number and furniture such in euerie point, as did apperteine; and his receiuing and interteine­ment in France by the king and others was agrée­able thereto, for he was receiued vpon the coast by the gouernours of the fortified townes right hono­rablie by order from the king. Among other the ba­ron of Bournoisell was one, who being verie well mounted and appointed, His inter­teinement ve­rie honorable. left not his lordship before he came to the court, and from thense accompanied him backe vntill his imbarkement homewards.

In the maine countries he was accompanied with the gouernours and nobles of the places about. And in the good townes where he passed, he was pre­sented by the chiefe magistrates, wherein their good wils were to be thankefullie accepted, though his lordships rewards far ouervalued their presents. At his approch néere to Paris he was incountred on the waie for courtesie sake, by two marquesses of Trans and Saluces; this being of the house of Sa­uoie, and the other of the worthie familie of Fo [...]x. These wanted not such as accompanied them, and the same euen of the best sort. At the lord ambassa­dors first audience, The first [...] of the lord am­bassadors au­dience. which was at the castell of Ma­drill, otherwise called Bullogne néere Paris (where the king then laie) the quéenes Almane coches verie brauelie furnished were sent to Paris for him, in one of the which his lordship with the marquesse of Trans rode towards the court, verie narrowlie es­caping from a shrewd turne and great mischance, by reason the same co [...]h was ouerthrowen by the Dutch wagoners their negligence, who in a brauerie gallopping the field made an ouer short [...], where­with the [...] was sore bru [...]ed.

The lord ambassador at his arriuall at the place was right honorablie receiued, he was banketted by diuerse, and that verie sumptuouslie: The lord am­bassadors li­beralitie. which by him was not left vnrequ [...]ted to the vttermost, and rather with the better. For his liberalitie vnto the French [Page 1225] was verie large, but his reward at the kings hands was onelie a chaine waieng a thousand French crownes. At that present there was a great dearth & scarsitie of vittels in France. The riuer of Saine that runneth through Paris was not passable with vessels, The riuer of Saine not passable with vessels. by reason of the great frosts: and thereby not onelie all kind of vittels, but also haie and wood hard to come by, and not to be had but at excessiue prices, the countrie thereabouts hauing before béene sore harried and spoiled by the ciuill tumults. By reason line 10 whereof, not onlie the lord of Buckhurst for the space he remained there, but also sir Henrie Norrice (now lord Norrice) and maister▪ Francis Walsingham hir maiesties ambassadors, ligiers successiuelie, were driuen to an increase in expenses, paieng for e­uerie thing they bought an higher price than ordina­rilie had béene accustomed.

The ambassa­dor returneth into Englād.After that the lord Buckhurst had béene feasted and banketted by the king, and other of the French nobilitie, and had accomplished the points of his am­bassage, line 20 he tooke leaue of the king, & departed home­wards, arriuing here in England a little before Ea­ster. The second of Aprill a parlement began at Westminster, year 1571 wherein was granted to the quéenes maiestie (toward hir great charges, A parlement at Westmin­ster. in repressing the late rebellion in the north, and pursuing the said re­bels and their fautors, which were fled into Scot­land) by the cleargie a subsidie of six shillings in the pound; A subsidie. and by the temporaltie two fiftéens, with a subsidie of two shillings and eight pence in the line 30 pound. The first, the second, and third of Maie was holden at Westminster before the quéenes maie­stie a solemne iust at the tilt, Iusts at Westminster at the tilt, iourneie and barriers. tourneie and barriers. The chalengers were Edward earle of Oxford, Charles Howard, sir Henrie Lée, and Christopher Hatton esquier, who all did verie valiantlie; but the chiefe honour was giuen to the earle of Oxford. The first of Iune, Iohn Storie a doctor of the canon law, who before had beene condemned of high treason, Doctor Sto­rie executed for high trea­son. was drawen from the tower of London to Tiborne, line 40 and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered, his head was set on London bridge, and his quarters on the gates of the citie. Of this monster disguised in the likenesse of a man, it is verie materiall to record what maister Fox hath noted in his historie.

Abr. Fl▪ ex Iohan. Foxi martyrologio. Stories [...]u­cation and birth.¶This doctor Storie (saith he) being an Englishman by birth, and from his infancie not onelie nuzled in papistrie, but also euen as it were by nature earnest­lie affected to the same, & growing somewhat to riper yeares, in the daies of quéene Marie became a most line 50 bloudie tyrant, and cruell persecutor of Christ in his members, as all the stories of martyrs almost doo declare. Storie a bloudie per­secutor. Thus he raging all the reigne of the fore­said quéene Marie; against the infallible truth of Christs gospell, and the true professors thereof, neuer ceased till he had consumed to ash [...] two or thrée hundred blessed martyrs, who willinglie gaue their liues for the testimonie of his truth. And thinking their punishment in fire not cruell inough, [...] inuen­ting new [...] for the martyrs. he went [...] line 60 Storie appre­hended.

Storie con­ueied himselfe ouer the seas▪ where he con­tinued a blou­die persecutor. [...] raging against Gods saints with fire and sword. In­somuch as he growing to be familiar and right deere to duke Dalua in Antwerpe, receiued a speciall com­mission from him to search all the ships for goods forfeited, and for English bookes and such like. Storie [...]btei­ned a commi­sion to search for English bookes. And in this fauour and authoritie he continued there for a space, by the which meanes he did much hurt, and brought manie a good man and woman to trouble, and extreme perill of life through his bloudthirstie crueltie. But at the last the Lord (when the measure of his iniquitie was full) procéeded in iudgement a­gainst him, and cut him off from the face of the earth, according to the praiers of manie a good man, which came to passe in order as followeth.

It being certeinlie knowne (for the brute thereof was gone foorth into all lands) that he not onelie in­tended the subuersion and ouerthrow of his natiue countrie of England by bringing in forren hostili­tie, Storie inten­deth the ouerthrow of England. if by anie means he might compasse it; but also [...]ailie and hourelie murthered Gods people: there was this platforme laid (by Gods prouidence no doubt) that one maister Parker a merchant should saile vnto Antwerpe, A platforme laid to appre­hend Storie. and by some means to conueie Storie into England. This Parker arriuing at Antwerpe, suborned certeine to repaire to doctor Storie, and to signifie vnto him, that there was an English ship come s [...]aught with merchandize; and that if he would make search thereof himselfe, hée should find store of English bookes, and other things for his purpose. Storie hearing [...]his and suspecting nothing, made hast towards the ship, thinking to make the same his preie; and comming aboord sear­ched for English hereticall books (as he called them) & going downe vnder the hatches, Storie sear­ched the Eng­lish ships for bookes, and is apprehended and brought into England. bicause he would be sure to haue their bloud if he could, they clapped downe the hatches, hoised vp their sailes, hauing (as God would) a good gale, and sailed awaie into Eng­land, where they arriuing presented this bloudie butcher and traitorous rebell Storie, to the no little reioising of manie an English heart.

He being now committed to prison, continued there a good space [...] during all which time, he was la­boured and solicited dailie by wise and learned fa­thers, to recant his diuelish & erronious opinions, to confirme himselfe to the truth, and to acknowledge the quéenes maiesties supremasie. All which he vt­terlie denied to the death, saieng that he was sworne subiect to the king of Spaine, and was no subiect to the quéene of England, nor shée his souereigne queene. Storie a trai­tor hanged, drawne and quartered. And therefore (as he well deserued) he was condemned (as a traitor to God, the quéenes maie­stie, and the realme) to be drawne, hanged, and quar­tered▪ which was performed accordinglie, he being laid vpon an hurdle, and drawne from the tower a­long the streets to Tiburne, where he being hanged till he was halfe dead, was cut downe and stripped. And (which is not to be forgot) when the executioner had cut off his priuie members▪ he rushing vp vpon a sudden gaue him a blow vpon the eare, to the great woonder of all that stood by. And thus ended this blou­die Nemrod his wretched life, whose iudgement I leaue to the Lord.

The eighteenth of Iune in Trinitie terme, A combat appointed at Turhill but not tried. there was a combat appointed to haue beene fought for a certeine manour & demaine lands belonging there­vnto, in the Ile of Hartie, adioining to the Ile of [...] in Kent. Simon L [...]w & Iohn Kim [...]were plaintifs, and had brought a writ of right against Thomas Para [...]re, who offered to defend his right by battell. Whervpon the plaintifs aforsaid accepted to answer his challenge, offering likewise to defend their right to the same manour and lands, and to proue by battell, that Paramore had no right no [...] good title to haue the same manour and lands. Here­vpon [Page 1226] the said Thomas Paramore brought before the iudges of the common plees at Westminster, Thorne and Nailer com­ [...]ttants. one George Thorne, a big, broad, strong set fellow; & the plaintifs Henrie Nailer, maister of defense, and seruant to the right honourable the earle of Leice­ster, a proper slender man, & not so tall as the other. Thorne cast downe a gantlet, which Nailer tooke vp, vpon the sundaie before the battell should be tried. On the next morow, the matter was staied, & the par­ties agréed, that Paramore being in possession shuld line 10 haue the land, & was bound in fiue hundred pounds to consider the plaintifs, as vpon hearing the mat­ter the iudges should award. The quéenes maiestie abhorring bloudshed, & (as the poet verie well saith) ‘ The quarell [...] combat [...] by the quéenes ma­ie [...]tie.(Tristia sanguinei deuitans praelia campi)’ was the taker vp of the matter, in this wise. It was thought good, that for Paramores assurance, the or­der should be kept touching the combat, and that the plaintifs Low and Kime should make default of ap­pearance; but that yet such as were suerties for Nai­ler line 20 their champions appearance, should bring him in; and likewise those that were suerties for Thorne, should bring in the [...]ame Thorne in discharge of their band: and that the court should sit in Tuthill fields, where was prepared one plot of ground, of one and twentie yards square, double railed for the com­bat. Without the west square a stage being set vp for the iudges, representing the court of the common plées.

All the compasse without the lists was set with line 30 scaffolds one aboue another, The maner of all things [...] redinesse for the combat. for people to stand and behold. There were behind the square where the iud­ges sat, two tents, the one for Nailer, the other for Thorne. Thorne was there in the morning timelie, Nailer about seauen of the clocke came thorough London, apparelled in a dublet, and gallie gascoine bréeches all of crimsin sattin, cut and rased, a hat of blacke veluet, with a red feather and band, before him drums and fifes plaieng. The gantlet cast downe by George Thorne was borne before the said Nailer line 40 vpon a swords point, and his baston (a staffe of an ell long made taper wise tipt with horne) with his shield of hard leather was borne after him, by As­kam a yeoman of the queenes gard. He came into the palace at Westminster, and staieng not long be­fore the hall doore, came backe into the Kings stréet, and so along thorough the Sanctuarie and Tuthill street into the field, where he staied till past nine of the clocke, and then sir Ierome Bowes brought him to his tent: Thorne being in the tent with sir Hen­rie line 50 Cheinie long before.

About ten of the clocke, the court of common plées remooued, & came to the place prepared. When the lord chiefe iustice, The lord chiefe iustice set and his associats with [...] ▪ with two other his associats were set, then Low was called solemnlie to come in, or else to lose his writ of right. Then after a certeine time, the suerties of Henrie Nailer were called to bring in the said Nailer, champion for Simon Low. And shortlie therevpon, sir Ierome Bowes, leading Nailer by the hand, entred with him the lists, brin­ging him downe that square by which he entred, be­ing line 60 on the left hand of the iudges, and so about till he came to the next square, iust against the iudges, and there making courtesie, first with one leg and then with the other, passed foorth till he came to the middle of the place, and then made the like obeisance, and so passing till they came to the barre, there he made the like courtesie, and his shield was held vp aloft ouer his head. Nailer put off his netherstocks, and so barefoot and barelegged, Nailer prepa­ [...]eth himselfe [...] the incoun­ [...] against Thorne. saue his silke scauilones to the ankles, and his dublet sleeues tied vp aboue the el­bow, and bareheaded, came in, as is aforesaid. Then were the suerties of George Thorne called to bring in the same Thorne: and immediatlie sir Henrie Cheineie entering at the vpper end on the right hand of the iudges, vsed the like order in comming about by his side, as Nailer had before on that other side: and so comming to the barre with like obeisance, held vp his shield. Proclamation was made that none should touch the barres, nor presume to come within the same, except such as were appointed.

After all this solemne order was finished, The lord chéefe iustice toucheth the present case. the lord chiefe iustice rehearsing the maner of bringing the writ of right by Simon Low, of the answer made therevnto by Paramore, of the procéeding therein, and how Paramore had challenged to defend his right to the land by battell, by his champion Tho­mas Thorne, and of the accepting the triall that was by Low with his champion Henrie Nailer: & then for default of appearance in Low, he adiudged the land to Paramore, & dismissed the champion, acqui­ting the suerties of their bands. He also willed Hen­rie Nailer to render againe to George Thorne his gantlet. Whereto the said Nailer answered, that his lordship might command him anie thing, but wil­linglie he wold not render the said gantlet to Thorne except he could win it. And further he challenged the said Thorne to play with him halfe a score blowes, Nailer cha­lengeth Thorne at a few blowes. to shew some pastime to the lord chiefe iustice, & to the o­ther there assembled. But Thorne answered, that he came to fight, & would not plaie. Then the lord chiefe iustice commending Nailer for his valiant courage, cōmanded them both quietlie to depart the field, &c.

On the sixtéenth of Iulie, Rebecca Chamber, late wife to Thomas Chamber of Heriettesham, A woman burnt at Maidston for poisoning. was found culpable of poisoning the said Thomas Cham­ber hir husband, at the assises holden at Maidstone in the countie of Kent. For the which fact she (hauing well deserued) was there burnt on the next morrow. The seuenth of September, the duke of Norffolke was remooued from the Charterhouse, Duke of Norffolke sent to the tower. Bishop of Salisburie de­ceassed. to the tower of London prisoner. The two and twentith of Sep­tember deceassed Iohn Iewell bishop of Salisbu­rie, in his life a most eloquent and diligent preacher, but a far more painefull and studious writer, as his workes remaining doo beare witnesse, wherby his fame shall neuer die. The ninth of Nouember, a sermon was preached in Paules church at London, A sermon in Paules church for victorie a­gainst the Turkes. by maister William Foulks of Cambridge, to giue thanks to almightie God for the victorie, which of his mercifull clemencie it had pleased him to grant to the christians in the Leuant seas, against the com­mon enimies of our faith, the Turks, the seuenth of October last past. His theame was taken out of the sixtéenth psalme of Dauids psalter, the fourth verse.

There were present at this sermon, the lord maior of London sir William Allen, with the aldermen and craftsmen in their liueries. The assemblie at this sermō. And in the euening there were bonefiers made through the citie, with banketting and great reioising, as good cause there was, for a victorie of so great importance vnto the whole state of the christian common-wealth. In the which were taken one hundred and thirtie vessels, Contareno. that is, one hundred and seuentéene gallies, and thir­téene galleots, beside other vessels that were bou­ged, abandoned, and let go at large abroad in the seas, as gallies, foists, and galleots, to the number of fourescore, or thereabouts. And of their chiefe­teins slaine in that bloudie battell, these we find by name as principall: Principals among the Turkes slaine. Halie Bassa high admerall of the whole nauie, Amar Beie capteine of the Ianis­saries, Assan Beie the sonne of Barbarossa, with his sonne Mehemet Beie gouernor of Mitellene, Gider Beie gouernour of Chio, Capsan Beie go­uernour of the Rhodes, Peruis Aga gouernour of Affrica otherwise Mahomeda, Mustafa Scelu­bie high treasuror, Affis Clueaga capteine of Gal­lipolie, Tramontana chiefe maister of the Tur­kish [Page 1227] emperours owne gallie, Caracoza, and also ma­nie others, whose names were too long to rehearse: but the whole number that were slaine of the Turks could not be perfectlie knowne, by reason that ma­nie were drowned in the sea, which came not to sight.

The whole number of the slaine. Bizari. Contareno.Some yet affirme, that there were slaine of them in all, to the number of one and twentie thousand, although other speake but of fifteene thousand. But Contareno writeth, that there were slaine and ta­ken 29990. Of which number he reckoneth 3846 to line 10 haue remained prisoners, and among them were these persons of name, Mahemet Beie, Sainus Beie, Bizari. and Sirocho Beie. There escaped yet from this discomfiture, Partau, generall of all the men of warre and souldiors by land, Persons that escaped from this discom­fiture. Ochialie, Murate Raie with his sonne, and Hali Genouese, and with them about fortie gallies, foists, and fregats. More­ouer, there were found in the Turkish gallies that came into the hands of the christians, Booties that fell into the christians hands. one hundred and sixteene double canons, two hundred sixtie and line 20 fiue demie canons, and sixtéene other great peeces of brasse. For it is to be remembred, that not one­lie the Turkish gallies, but also the christians were throughlie armed, furnished, and appointed with men, munition, and ordinance in euerie behalfe.

In Halie Bassa his gallie there were aboord three hundred harquebusiers Ianissaries, and an hun­dred archers. In the gallie of Don Giouan de Au­stria chiefe admerall of the christians, were foure hundred harquebusiers Spaniards, of the fierse of line 30 Sardigna, beside a great number of lords and gen­tlemen, and also beside the rowers: and in euerie o­ther gallie were 200 fighting men at the least, beside the rowers, & in some 300, & othersome 400 according to the mould of the vessels. The number of the christian gallies & the Turkes. The number of the christian gallies and galliots, were in all two hundred and two, besides six great galleasses. The Turks had their gallies, galliots, and foists, to the number of two hundred and fiftie, as appeareth by the account afore made, of those that were taken, line 40 abandoned, and escaped. There were deliuered and set at libertie, Christian cap­tiues set at li­bertie 14000. about twelue thousand, some say four­teene thousand christian captiues, whome the Turks kept for slaues, and had them chained there aboord with them in their gallies. But this victorie was not got without great losse of the christians, for be­side Augustine Barbarigo, the principall prouedi­tore of the Uenetians, there died seuentéene other gentlemen of Uenice, being men of good estimati­on, Iohn Cardone, & Barnardine Cardone Spa­niards, line 50 Uirginio and Horatio Ursini Romans, Troilo, Sabello, Marco Molino, besides diuerse other nobles and gentlemen of name, as well Ita­lians, as Spaniards, and Almans.

Contareno. The number of christians that died. Bizari.In all, there died of the christians to the number of seauen thousand six hundred fiftie and six, beside those that were hurt, being in like number to them that were slaine, among whom was don Iohn de Au­stria, generall of all the christian armie there, Seba­stian Ueniero the Uenetians generall, & the counte de Santa Fiore with diuerse others. Moreouer, line 60 there were christian gallies bouged, thrée of the Ue­netians, one of the popes, one belonging to the duke of Sauoie, Contareno. and another to the knights of Malta. There was one also taken & led awaie by Ochialie, and his companie. The space how long the battell conti­nued. Such was the successe of this bat­tell, which continued for the space of six houres, in the end whereof the victorie remaining with the christi­ans, caused no small reioising through all parties of christendome. For if this victorie had béene followed, with his gratious helpe and assistance that was the giuer thereof, the proud and loftie horne of the Is­maelite had béene so brused, as peraduenture his courage would haue quailed to put foorth the same so spéedilie as he did. But such is the malice of the time, that the christians haue more pleasure to draw their weapons one against another, A common fault among christians. than against that common enimie of vs all, who regardeth neither pro­testant nor catholike (they may be sure) those of the Gréekish church nor others, as if the mercifull proui­dence of the Lord of hosts doo not in time disappoint his proceedings, it will be too soone perceiued, though happilie too late to stop the breach, when the floud hath got head, and once woone passage through the banke.

It were therfore to be wished of all those that ten­der the suertie of the christian commonwealth, that princes would permit their subiects to liue in libertie of conscience, concerning matters of faith: and that subiects againe would be readie in dutifull wise, Good counsell if that faith be the faith of Christ & his true church. to obeie their princes in matters of ciuill gouernment, so that compounding their controuersies among themselues, with tollerable conditions, they might emploie their forces against the common enimie, to the benefit of the whole christian world, which (the more is the pitie) they haue so long exercised one a­gainst another, to each others destruction. And as for matters in variance about religion, rather to decide the same with the word, than with the sword, an in­strument full vnfit for that purpose, and not lightlie vsed nor allowed of by the ancient fathers in time of the primitiue church. But fith this is rather to be wished than hoped for by anie apparant likelihood, considering the strange contrarietie of humors now reigning among men in sundrie parts of christen­dome, let vs leaue the successe of our wish to the ple­sure of God, the author of all good haps, who ruleth the harts of princes (as the poet saith verie trulie

—& eius
In manibus sunt regum animi; quotún (que) volunta [...]
Fert sua, vertit eos)

and frameth the peoples minds as séemeth best to his diuine prouidence. And withall, let vs also hum­blie offer to him our praiers, instantlie beseeching him to spare vs in mercie, and not to reward vs af­ter our iniquities: but rather by his onmipotent power to turne from vs the violence of our enimies, in abridging their forces, as it may séeme good to his mercifull fauour and great clemencie.

The thirtith of December Reinold Greie was by the quéenes maiestie restored earle of Kent. Anno Reg. 14. ¶ The thirtéenth of Ianuarie deceassed sir William Peter knight, Reinold Gre [...] earle of Kent I St. pag. 115 [...] Sir Willia Peter dec [...]sed. His charita­ble déeds. who for his iudgement and pregnant wit had béene secretarie and of the priuie councell to foure kings and quéenes of this realme, and seauen times ambassador abroad in forren lands: he augmented Exceter college in Oxford with lands, to the value of an hundred pounds by yeare: and also builded ten almes houses in the parish of Ingerstone for twen­tie poore people, ten within the house, and ten without the house, hauing euerie one two pence the daie, a winter gowne, and two load of wood, and among them féeding for six kine winter and summer, and a chapleine to saie them seruice dailie.]

The sixteenth of Ianuarie the lord Thomas Ho­ward duke of Norffolke was arreigned at West­minster hall, before George lord Talbot, 157 [...] Duke of Norf­folke arreig­ned. earle of Shrewesburie, high steward of England for that daie, and there by his péeres found giltie of high trea­son, and had iudgement accordinglie. The eleuenth of Februarie Kenelme Barneie, and Edmund Ma­ther were drawen from the tower of London, Mather, Barneie, and Rolfe execu­ted. and Henrie Rolfe from the Marshalsea in Southworke, all thrée to Tiburne and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered for treason; Barneie and Mather for con­spiracie, and Rolfe for counterfeiting of the quéens maiesties hand.

¶ The queenes maiestie hearing crediblie by re­port, I.S. pag. 1 [...]55. that certeine lewd persons, vnder pretense of [Page 1228] executing commissions for inquiries to be made for lands concealed, Conueiers of bels, lead, and other church goods, are to b [...] punished to the example of their too manie followers. contrarie to hir maiesties mea­ning, chalenging lands, stocks of monie, plate, &c: let­ting not also to make pretense to the bels, led, and o­ther such things belonging vnto parish churches or chappels. Hir maiestie meaning spéedilie to with­stand such manner of vnlawfull practises, comman­ded, that all commissions then extant and not deter­mined, for inquisition of anie manner of conceale­ments, should be by Supersedias, out of hir excheker re­uoked. line 10 ‘And also appointed speedie remedie to be had against such extorcioners, as more at large appeareth by proclamation, concluding thus. Finallie, hir ma­iestie would hir iustices of assise to haue some speci­all care, not onelie to the premisses, but also to the re­forming of certeine couetous & iniurious attempts, of diuerse that of late time by other colour than for hir maiesties vse, had taken awaie the led of chur­ches and chappels; yea and bels also out of steeples, and other common goods belonging to parishes: an line 20 example not to be suffered vnpunished, nor vnrefor­med. And so hir maiestie eftsoones chargeth hir iu­stices of hir assise to prouide seuere remedie, both for punishment and reformation thereof. Dated at Westminster the thirtéenth daie of Februarie, the fourtéenth yeare of hir reigne.]’

Sir William Paulet lord treasuror deceassed.The tenth of March deceased sir William Pau­let knight, lord saint Iohn, earle of Wilshire, mar­quesse of Winchester, knight of the honorable order of the garter, one of the quéenes maiesties priuie councell, and lord high treasuror of England, at his line 30 manor of Basing. This worthie man was borne in the yeare of our Lord 1483, the first yeare of king Richard the third, and liued about the age of foure score and seauen yeares, in six kings and quéenes daies. His ancient and honorable seruice. He serued fiue kings and quéenes, Henrie the seauenth, Henrie the eight, Edward the sixt, queene Marie, and quéene Elisabeth. All these he serued faithfullie, and of them was greatlie fauou­red. Himselfe did sée the children of his childrens children, growing to the number of one hundred and line 40 thrée. A rare blessing giuen by God to men of his calling.

On the fiue and twentith and six and twentith of March, by the commandement of the quéenes ma­iestie hir councell, the citizens of London assem­bling at their seuerall halles; the maisters collected and chose out the most likelie and actiue persons of e­uerie their companies, Thrée thou­sand chosen persons for pikemen and gunners out of halles. to the number of thrée thou­sand, whome they appointed to be pikemen and shot. line 50 The pikemen were foorthwith armed in faire corslets and other furniture according thervnto; the gunners had euerie of them his caliuer with the furniture, and murrians on their heads. To these were appoin­ted diuerse valiant capteins, who to traine them vp in warlike feats, Training vp of yoong sol­ [...]s in the f [...]ld. mustered them thrise euerie wéeke, sometimes in the artillerie yard, teaching the gun­ners to handle their peeces, sometimes at the Miles end, & in saint Georges field, teaching them to skir­mish. In the which skirmish on the Miles end the line 60 tenth of Aprill, one of the gunners of the goldsmiths companie was shot in the side with a peece of a scou­ring sticke left in one of the caliuers, wherof he died, and was buried the twelfe of Aprill in Pauls church­yard; all the gunners marching from the Miles end in battell raie, shot off their caliuers at his graue.

[...] muster at Greenewich [...] the [...].On Maie daie they mustered at Gréenwich be­fore the quéenes maiestie, where they shewed manie warlike feats, but were much hindered by the wea­ther, which was all daie showring, they returned that present night to London, and were discharged the next morrow. Earles of [...] and [...] created. The fourth of Maie Walter De­uexeur, lord Ferrers of Chartleie, and vicount of Hereford was created earle of Essex: and Edward Fines lord Clinton and Saie high admerall of En­gland was created earle of Lincolne. The eight of Maie the parlement began at Westminster, and that same daie in the parlement by the quéenes ma­iesties writs, sir Henrie Compton knight, Barons made. lord of Compton in the Hole, sir Henrie Cheinie knight lord of Todington, sir William Paulet knight of Basing, & sir Henrie Norris knight lord of Ricot, were called barons into the higher house. In this parlement, Roges burnt through the eare. for so much as the whole realme of Eng­land was excéedinglie pestered with roges, vaga­bunds, and sturdie beggers, by meanes whereof dai­lie happened diuerse horrible murthers, thefts, and o­ther great outrages: it was enacted, that all persons aboue the age of fouretéene yéeres, being taken beg­ging, vagarant, & wandering disorderlie, should be apprehended, whipped, and burned through the gristle of the right eare, with a hot iron of one inch com­passe for the first time so taken.

The foure & twentith of Maie, Martin Bul­locke hanged at the well with two buckets. Martine Bullocke was hanged on a gibet by the well with two buckets in Bishops gate stréet of London, for robbing, and most shamefullie murthering of a merchant named Arthur Hall, in the parsonage of S. Martine by the said well. This Martine had procured the said Ar­thur Hall to come to the said parsonage, to buie of him certeine plate. But after the said Arthur had well viewed the same, he said; This is none of your plate, it hath doctor Gardeners marke, Fellonie and murther com­bined. and I know it to be his: That is true said Martine Bullocke, but he hath appointed me to sell it, &c. After this talke, whilest the said Arthur was weieng the plate, the same Martine fetcht out of the kitchin a thicke wash­ing beetle, The maner of the murther committed. and comming behind him stroke the said Arthur on the head, that he felled him with the first stroke; and then strake him againe, and after tooke the said Arthurs dagger, and sticked him, and with his knife cut his throte: and after would haue trus­sed him in a Danske chest, but the same was too short. Whervpon he tumbled him downe a paire of staires, and after thinking to haue buried him in the cellar, his legs being broken with the first fall, Ah mercilesse murtherer and stiffe, he could not draw him downe the cellar stairs being winding. Wherfore he cut off his legs with an hatchet, and in the end trussed him with straw in a drie vat: and saieng it was his apparell and bookes, caused the same to be carried to the water side, and so shipped to Rie. But as God would haue it, there was suspicion gathered against the murtherer, The murthe­rer examined. wher­by he was examined before alderman Branch then one of the shiriffes of London; but so small likelihood appéered that he should be guiltie, that there was an honest man dwelling in saint Laurence Pontneis named Robert Gée a clothworker, who supposing the offendor to be cléere in the matter, vndertooke for his foorth comming. Wherevpon Bullocke being suf­fered to go at libertie, slipt awaie, first to West­minster; and there taking bote, passed vp the riuer: He hath liber­tie notwith­standing his offense. and comming on land beyond Kingston, passed foorth till he came to Okingham, in the forrest of Wind­sore, an eight miles beyond the towne of Windsore: and from thense (what mooued him, I leaue to the se­cret iudgement of God) he came backe againe vn­to London, lodging at the red lion in Holborne.

In the meane time the foresaid Gée, vpon know­ledge had that Bullocke was withdrawen out of the waie, was not onelie had in some suspicion, but also committed toward: albeit so as he had libertie to take order to send abrode such as should make sute after Bullocke. And amongst other that went foorth, one of his seruants was sent to Rie, whither the drie vat was conueied: and comming thither, the same drie vat was opened, wherein the mangled corps of Hall was found: whereby the truth of the matter [Page 1229] came to light, The drie vat, wherein the murthered man was put to be trans­ported, des­cried. and by the good prouidence of God, the reuealer of such euill facts, Bullocke was at the ve­rie same time discouered at the place in Holborne a­fore mentioned, and there apprehended, did receiue (as ye haue heard) due punishment for his heinous and most wicked offense.

Earle of Lin­colne and o­ther ambassa­dors into France.The six and twentith of Maie, the right honorable earle of Lincolne, departed from London towards France ambassador, being accompanied with the lord Dacres, the lord Rich, the lord Talbot, the lord Sands, and the lord Clinton, sir Arthur Chamber­nowne, line 10 sir Ierome Bowes, and sir Edward Ha­stings knights, with diuerse other gentlemen, who taking ship at Douer, cut ouer to Bullongne, where they were verie honorablie receiued, and conueied by iournies to Paris, where they were lodged in a house of the kings named le chasteau de Louure, be­ing attended vpon of the kings officers. Fiue daies after they went to the king at a house called Madrill, The maner of the ambassa­dors inter­teinement. where the king with his two brethren, the admerall, & the most part of the nobles of France met them a line 20 distance from the place, & brought them to the house: where they dined, and abode till sundaie following, from whence the king and his nobles with the nobles of England came to Paris. The king, his two bre­thren, & our ambassador riding in one coch togither, and the nobles of England and France being so pla­ced also in coches, came to the said castell of Louure, and there dined. After dinner the king, our ambas­sador, with the nobilitie of both realmes, went to a church named saint Germane, where the French line 30 king, his brethren, and nobilitie heard euensong. The noblemen of England withdrawing them into a chappell till euensong was doone, were then fetched thense by the nobles of France to the king and his brethren that awaited their comming, where was confirmed the league which had béene concluded at Blois the ninteenth of Aprill, League with France con­firmed in France. deputies being there for the French partie, Francis Montmorencie, Rei­nold Birago, Sebastian de Laubespine, and Paule de Foix: and for the queene of England, sir Tho­mas line 40 Smith, and maister Walsingham ambassa­dors.

This being doone, they departed without the wals of Paris, to a garden of pleasure, where they supped. After supper, the king departed to his place of Ma­drill, and the nobles of England vnto the castell of Louure. On mondaie, the admerall feasted the no­bles of England: vpon tuesdaie, the duke of Aniou the kings brother, and on wednesdaie the duke of A­lanson line 50 his yoonger brother, and so passed in feasting and banketting, with rich gifts on both parts. On fridaie, The ambassa­dours retur­ned out of France. The duke of Norffolke be­headed. the nobles of England tooke leaue of the king, and on sundaie came to saint Denis, and after to Bullongne, where they tooke ship, and returned into England the fourth of Iulie. The second of Iune in the morning, betwéene the houres of seuen and eight, Thomas Howard duke of Norffolke, was beheaded on a scaffold newlie set vp on tower hill. ¶ This execution in a short time was spred a­broad, line 60 for fame, which (as the poet saith in few words ‘— volat leuibus sublata per aethera pennis)’ had sounded the same farre and néere: insomuch that in tract of time, as men had leasure to laie their col­lections togither, among other things this is recor­ded: euen of strangers. For the execution of an ho­norable personage must néeds be so much the more notorious, as his misdéed is dishonorable. Touching the duke therefore this I find in Schardius (howsoe­uer he came to the knowledge thereof) a moderne historien, Schaerdius in reb. gest. sub Maxi­mil. imperat. se­cundo pag. 2513. and doctor of the lawes in Basill. The duke of Norffolke, who (as we haue said) was condemned for treason the sixteenth daie of Ianuarie, was brought out of the tower of London, to a plaine hard by, which they call the hill; Forren nati­ons heare and write of the quéenes vn­bloudie go­uernement. in the middest whereof a scaffold had béene builded manie yeares ago seruing for execution: which being old was both rotten and ruinous. For queene Elisabeth hauing with mercie gouerned hir commonwealth, there was no punish­ment inflicted there vpon anie for the space of four­téene yeares. Wherefore a new scaffold must needs be made. Which when the duke at seuen of the clocke in the morning had mounted, hauing on a silken doublet, & a long gowne of like fine stuffe, all blacke, The [...] ▪ behauiour, & gesture of the duke at his execution. earnestlie he beheld the people round about with his cap on his head. Now when he had stood still a prettie while, and cast his eies vpon the scaffold, he asked whereabouts he might best stand to speake vnto the people? For the scaffold was foure square, and the people came flocking from all places. Now when he was directed to the east side thereof, and the people had muttered and whispered diuerslie among them­selues, master Alexander Nowell deane of Paules besought them that were present to be silent and still. Maister Nowell deane of Paules the dukes gh [...]st­lie father. Then began the duke to speake to the people as fol­loweth.

The duke of Norffolkes vvords vtte­red on the scaffold at tower hill when he should be executed

IT is no rare thing (good people) to sée a man come hither to die, albeit since this quéens most blessed reigne I be the first, I praie God I be the last. The people said Amen. It is a hard matter for a man of my calling to vse long spéech in such an audience, either for that audacitie serues me not, or for that comming to such an end as I doo, the feare of death troubleth me: and therfore I beseech you all heartilie to beare with me, I will not be long, I will make a short spéech and di­uide my talke into three parts. And first concerning my offense towards my prince, The duke confesseth his offense against the quéenes maiestie. wherein some thing I haue to confesse against my selfe, and in some thing to cléere my selfe. I come not to complaine a­gainst my peeres, I doo acquit them, I haue deser­ued to die, it is not vnknowne. I haue dealt with the quéene of Scots in verie great and high matters, without making my prince priuie therevnto, other­wise than I ought to haue doone.

There is one thing, which greatlie grudgeth my conscience, that is: when I was first deliuered out of this place, I made a submission, & promised the Q. neuer to deale further in that matter; He is sorie for the violating of his promise made to the quéene. and yet con­trarie to my promise I meant & did otherwise, I am sorie for it. It was reported I made a vow and tooke a solemne oth, and receiued the communion vpon it, that is not true: the other was too much. It was re­ported also I went about to destroie the citie of Lon­don: I take God to my witnesse I neuer meant to hurt this citie. I haue dealt with suspected persons, and such as haue shewed themselues enimies to the state; especiallie one I will name, to wit one Radul­pho, whome I neuer talked withall but once, He maketh shew to cléere himselfe in di­uerse points. and then I liked not his dealing, he shewed me two letters which he said came from the pope.

Then said one of the shiriffes of London, Good my lord be short: he said, I will be short, I haue not much to saie, good gentlemen beare witnesse, I come not to cléere my selfe. I saw two letters, the one inciphe­red and the other disciphered. I was charged to con­feder with the rebels, I take God to witnesse I did neuer. The secondarie interrupted him and said, I praie you my lord go not about to cléere your selfe, you haue béene tried as honourablie, as anie noble man hath euer béene in this land: I praie you make short, for the houre is past, it is vpon the perill of their liues (meaning the shiriffes) they can not suffer you. [Page 1230] Oh I praie you giue me leaue a little, I doo confesse my fault. He meaneth confession of his religion. This is my confession, I doo confesse it, notwithstanding my religion. It hath been reported I haue béene a papist, a confederer with papists, a friend to them and a mainteiner of them and of their religion: I take God to witnesse I am none, nor e­uer was a papist since I knew what religion ment. I haue had friends, yea familiar friends, yea perad­uenture seruants that haue béene papists, with whom I haue borne: but I take God to witnesse I am line 10 none, I vtterlie defie the pope and his religion, and I hope to be saued onlie by my faith in Iesus Christ: and I vtterlie abhorre all mans traditions, And if at anie time I did giue countenance to anie papist, whereby anie goodman or the church was offended, I aske them mercie: there is no man that allow­eth better of this religion than I doo. He confesseth himselfe much [...]und to the quéenes maiestie. Then he was desired againe to be short. Now touching the good­nesse of the queenes maiestie, I am much bound to hir grace. I doo thanke hir humblie for that she hath line 20 forgiuen all my offenses, and hath prolonged my life so long. You sée how good she hath béen to me, I haue béene looked for here long before this time, God send hir long ouer you to reigne, she hath promised me to be gratious to my poore orphan children. God grant my death maie end all troubles. [...]e exhorteth [...] beware of [...]ons. And if anie of you haue anie one faction, or two, or thrée, or mo, let him giue ouer & forsake it. Manie wish and desire diuerse things: but they know not what they wish. They seeke their owne destruction. If euerie man should line 30 haue his wish, God knoweth how manie would re­pent whatsoeuer they are.

The quéene hath promised in my death to forgiue all, and I praie God that she maie liue manie yeeres. I remember well the words of that good father and holie martyr Latimer. He putteth the people in mind of Latimers words vttered before king Edward. He told the people, that for their wickednesse God would take awaie his bles­sing from them. I praie God the contrarie, that your good life maie be such, that God maie turne awaie those plagues that he hath thretned. He spake it in an line 40 honorable place, in the pulpit, before king Edward: yet let not this place discredit my words. I praie God preserue the quéens maiestie, and that she maie liue and reigne ouer you manie yeares: euen to the worlds end, which I beléeue that some one aliue shall sée. Then he knéeled downe and praied, and master Nowell knéeled downe by him and wept, with ma­nie others. He praieth and manie more with him: the effect of his praier. His praier was vnto God for the conti­nuance of the truth of his gospell; he praied also in­stantlie for the quéenes most prosperous reigne, and line 50 knéeling vpon his knees he said two psalms, to wit Miserere and Domine ne in furore, and in the first psalme he praied to build the wals of Ierusalem, according to the psalme. Master Nowell said, That is meant of Christs church. I know that well (said he) I meane not the church of Rome, I abhorre it, but the church of England and of all the world wheresoeuer it be.

I haue forgotten one thing, I thanke thée God that hast put me in mind of it. He asketh all the world for­giuenesse, &c. I forgiue all the world and I aske all the world forgiuenesse: and I protest line 60 before God, if I knew anie particular man I had offended, I would namelie aske him forgiuenesse. Then he read the other psalme, wherein adulterie is mentioned, and when he came to that point, he said: I would I were as cleare in euerie thing as in that, He iustifieth himselfe a­gainst the [...] s [...]nne of [...]terie. sauing for thought, and that is as euill. Then he said a collect, and in the end he said, In manus tuas Domine, &c▪ in Latine and English. And then he desired the people to praie for him while he liued, for (quoth he) I looke not to haue anie excuse after my death. Then he imbrased sir Henrie Leie, and after a few secret words betweene them, Master Nowell stood vp and said to the people, He dooth desire you all with one voice to saie Lord haue mercie vpon him, and after to saie no more words, nor to make anie shout or shritching for troubling of him in his last visitation. Then the duke knéeled downe, and master Nowell bowed himselfe towards him with manie imbra­sings, and tooke there leaue each of other. Then the ex­ecutioner desired him knéeling to forgiue him: and he tooke him by the hand and forgaue him, and then requested sight of the axe; Master Nowell said, He knéeleth downe and submitteth himselfe to the axe. The sight will trouble you. He answered; No, let me see it: but he shewed it not, & then he laied his necke vp­on the blocke. Then the executioner said; My lord your head lieth not well. I will make it lie well, saith he, & therewith lifting vp his bodie he laid his necke euen vpon the blocke, which doone it was cut cleane off at one stroke. This was the end of the duke of Northfolke, a man whose life God had limited, as also the estate wherein he sometimes flourished: both which (as all things else) in a short time vanished. Let all degrées therefore learne, both by precept and example to know God principallie, secondlie their souereigne Gods annointed, and finallie themselues to be subiects: forgetting their owne honour, which puffeth men vp manie times with the wind of vain­glorie, euen to their owne ouerthrow, whilest they become insolent, and dreame that the transitorie ad­uancements of this world will make them princes, princes péeres; naie (O monstrous madnesse) gods, whereas all things are mutable and momentanie, and the higher that a man dooth clime, the greater is his fall; as verie aptlie saith the poet in these words:

Hoc fragili varijs voluuntur casibus orbe
Omnia, celsa ruit turris grauiore ruina.

The discourse and catalog of all the dukes of England by creation or descent since the time of the conquest.

TWo sentences, the one an Italian pro­uerbe, The collectiō of Francis Boteuille aliâs Thin, in the yeare of Christ 1585. the other an old English byword haue mooued me to make this collection (at the request of an other) of all the dukes of England. First the Italian said that France cannot abide anie treasurors, England anie dukes, nor Scotland anie kings, the truth wher­of need no confirming examples to be set downe, sith (as saith the philosopher) things subiect to the sense néed no further proofe. Secondlie the English saieng hath been, that a Nag of fiue shillings shall beare all the dukes of England & Scotland, being spoken in no sense of disgrace to that honorable title: but one­lie to shew that the time should come, wherein there should be no dukes in England or Scotland. How true the same is in England, and likelie againe to be in Scotland (being once before verified in that realme, for about fiue years past, there was no duke there also when the duke of Lineux was banished) e­uerie man dooth well perceiue. For the death of this Thomas duke of Northfolke, being the last of that honour hath iustified the same in England. And the turmoils in Scotland may perhaps shortlie verifie the same in that countrie, in which there were neuer so few dukes, as that they cannot make the first and smallest number: for being but one in that countrie, and he verie yoong (which is the duke of Lineux) if he should miscarie, the same would againe also be as true there as it is now héere. For which cause to per­petuat the memories of such antiquities and titles of honor, as age hath consumed with the persons which inioied such prehemences in England, I will from the first creation of anie duke since the con­quest recite the creation, descent, and succession of all the dukes of England, shewing first the time of the creation of such dukes, & secondlie the descent of all such dukes as are lineallie issued out of that crea­tion, [Page 1231] which follow as they came in one line.

Edward the blacke prince, duke of Corn­wall.Edward (the eldest sonne of king Edward the third) being surnamed the blacke prince, was made duke of Cornewall the eleauenth of Edward the third, in the yeare of our redemption 1337, when he was yet but yoong. This yoong prince was the first duke in England since the conquest, and Cornewall was by that creation the first place that was erected to a dukedome. Which duke, being the flower of chi­ualrie in his time, died about the fiftith yéere of king line 10 Edward the third; in the yeare of Christ 1376, and was buried at Canturburie.

Henrie Plan­tagenet duke of Lancaster.Henrie Plantagenet aliàs Tort Colle (bicause his head leaned somewhat to one shoulder like the great Macedone king Alexander, whose valure in feats of armes this Henrie did also imitate) being sonne to Henrie of Monmouth earle of Lancaster, was in like sort earle of Lancaster by descent. After which he was created earle of Darbie, as some saie in the eleauenth yeare of Edward the third, being line 20 the yeare of our Lord 1337, other saie in the foure­téenth yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our saluation 1340. He was created duke of Lancaster as some haue in the six & twentith yeare of Edward the third, as other haue the seauen & twentith, and as the third sort haue the eight & twentith yeare of Ed­ward the third. He was lord steward of England, & lieutenant of Guines. This man was wise, glorious in fortune, and full of honor in feates of armes, whi­lest he was yoong: he died the fiue and thirtith yeare line 30 of Edward the third, in the yeare of Christ 1361, be­ing one of the first knights which were made at the first institution of the honorable order of the garter, and the second duke that was made in England. He had issue two daughters & heires, Mawd maried to William duke of Bauare, earle of Henalt, Zeland & Holand, which after became mad; & Blanch maried to Iohn of Gant, fourth sonne to Edward the third.

Iohn Plantagenet, surnamed of Gant in Flan­ders, Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster. where he was borne, the fourth sonne to king line 40 Edward the third, was first by his father in the fiue and thirtith yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of Christ 1361, made duke of Lancaster, so that he was duke of Lancaster, earle of Lincolne, Salisbu­rie, Darbie and Leicester, king of Castile & Lirne, and steward of England. He married thrée wiues, the first was Blanch the daughter and heire of Hen­rie duke of Lancaster, earle of Leicester, Lincolne, Sarisburie & Darbie, in whose right he obteined all those titles of honor, whome he maried in the thirtith line 50 thrée yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our Lord 1359, and by hir had issue Henrie Plantage­net duke of Hereford: Philip married in the tenth yeare of Richard the second (in the yeare of Christ 1386, as some saie; or rather 1385, as others haue) to the king of Portingale: and Elisabeth married to Iohn Holland erle of Huntington. His second wife was Constance eldest daughter to Peter king of Castile, whom he maried in the six & fortith yeare of Edward the third, being in the yeare of Christ 1372, line 60 by whome he had issue Margaret maried to the king of Castile, which Constance died in the yere of Christ 1394, as saith Ypodigma. His third wife was Ka­tharine the widow of Otho Swinford, and daughter to sir Paien Ruet aliàs Guien king at armes, whom he maried in the nintéenth yeare of king Richard the second, being the yere of Christ 1395, or as some saie 1396, by this woman he had before mariage Thomas Beaufort, Iohn Beaufort, Henrie Beaufort cardi­nall of Winchester, & Iane maried to Rafe Neuill earle of Westmerland, all which children were in the twentith of Richard the second, being in the yeare 1396, legitimated by parlement: at which time the said Iohn of Gant gaue them the surname of Beau­fort. This Iohn of Gant was also earle of Richmond and constable of France in the time of Richard the second, who made him also duke of Aquitaine in the fourtéenth yeare of his reigne, being the yeare 1390▪ This Iohn of Gant died in the two & twentith yeare of Richard the second▪ in the yeare 1398, or as saith Ypodigma 1399, & was buried in the qu [...]ere of saint Paules church of London, on the north side▪

Henrie Plantagenet aliàs Henrie of Bollinbroke so surnamed of the place of his birth, Henrie Plan­tagenet duke of Lancaster and Hereford, king of Eng­land. the eldest son of the said Iohn▪ was by inheritance duke of Lan­caster, earle of Leicester, Salisburie▪ Darbie, and Lincolne▪ he was created duke of Hereford by Ri­chard the second, who made him earle of Darbie, in the ninth yeare of his reigne, in the yeare of Christ 1386, and after made him duke of Hereford in the 21 yeare of his reigne, being the yeare of Christ 1397. Which Henrie of Bollinbroke maried in the 9▪ yéere of the reigne of Richard the second, in the yeare of Christ 1386▪ Marie the second daughter, & one of the heires of Humphrie Bohune earle of Hereford & Es­sex, and conestable of England, which woman died in the yéere of Christ 1394, about the eighteenth yéere of Richard the second. This Henrie was after king of England by the name of Henrie the fourth.

Lionell Plantagenet surnamed Lionell of Ant­werpe in Brabant, because he was there borne, LionellPlan­tagenet duke of Clarence. be­ing the third son of king Edward the third, was erle of Ulster in Ireland by his wife, and created duke of Clarence in the 36 yéere of Edward the third, in the yéere of Christ 1462: but other saie he was made duke in the 33 yeer of Edward the third. He had two wiues, the first Elisabeth, some saie Eleanor (but rightlie as I doo suppose) the daughter of William Burgh earle of Ulster, by whom he had issue Philip maried to Edmund earle of March: the second wife was Ielant or Uielant daughter to Galeas duke of Millane, to whom he was maried, as saith the Eng­lish chronicle, in the two and fortith yéere of Edward the third▪ in the yéere of Christ 1368: which yéere the Italians count 1367, by whom he had no issue. This Lionell was somtime regent of France, & died 1368.

Edmund of Langleie, Edmund Plantagenet duke of Yorke▪ fift son to Edward the third made earle of Cambridge about the six and thirtith yéere of Edward the third, being the yeere of Christ 1361, was made duke of Yorke in the eight, or (as some haue) the ninth yéere of the said king Richard the second. He in the six and fortith yéere of king Ed­ward the third, in the yéere that the word became flesh 1372, married Isabell one of the daughters of Peter king of Castile, and sister by the mother to Constance second wife to Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster, brother to this Edmund, who was about the twentith yéere of Richard the second protector of England, while the king was in Ireland, which Isa­bell died in the yeere of Christ 1394, being about the eightéenth yéere of Richard the second, & by the kings commandement was buried in the friers of Lang­leie. This Edmund had issue by his wife Isabell Edward earle of Rutland, and duke Albermerle, Ri­chard earle of Cambridge, and one daughter called Constance married to Thomas lord Spenser: he died the second (as some haue) or rather the third (as others haue) of Henrie the 4, in the yéere of Christ, as hath Ypodigma 1402, and was buried at Langleie.

Edward Plantagenet son and heire of Edmund of Langleie duke of Yorke, Edward Plantagenet duke of Al­bermerle and Yorke▪ was in the fouretéenth of Richard the second created erle of Rutland in his fathers life, in the yéere of Christ 1390, and in the twentith yeare of Richard the second, or rather the 21 of the same king, being the yeare of Christ 1397, he was made duke of Albermerle or Aumerle, and after his fathers death he was duke of Yorke: he was slaine at the battell of Agincourt, in the third [Page 1232] yeare of Henrie the fift, being the yeare of Christ 1415, he married Margaret, or rather more trulie Philip the ladie Fitzwater, and widow to sir Iohn Gollafer knight, bastard sonne to sir Iohn Gollafer of Cercedone or Saresdone knight in Oxfordshire. And here because I haue mentioned the name of Gollafer, although it be digressing from my first purposes, onelie to treat of the dukes of England, I thinke it not amisse to saie somewhat of these two knights, of the Gollafers, sir Iohn the father, and sir Iohn the sonne. This sir Iohn Gollafer the fa­ther line 10 being the sonne of Iohn Gollafer esquier (whose ancestors as farre as I can learne had their first ori­ginall from Roger Gollafer of Cercedone in the time of king Iohn, and was buried in Domo capitula­ri de Bruera in com. oxon.) married Anne the daughter and heire of sir Thomas Langleie lord of Langleie in Oxfordshire (now at this daie in the yeare 1585, by grant of quéene Elisabeth, in the possession of Ro­bert Sutton or Dudleie earle of Leicester) which Anne died shortlie after without anie issue by him. line 20 After whose death this sir Iohn Gollafer married Isabell the ladie of Missenden (dwelling at Missen­den) and of Queintone in Buckinghamshire, she being daughter to sir Barnard Brocas. But this sir Iohn Gollafer hauing no issue by the said Elisabeth, and desirous by some meanes or other to continue his name (which yet he could not make perpetuall nor of anie long continuance) made choise in the life of his wife Isabell of another woman, whome he v­sed for procreations cause, and by hir had issue two line 30 bastards, one called Iennet Pulham after prioresse of Burneham by Windsore, and an other bastard called after the father Iohn Gollafer, who in follow­ing time became a knight. Afterward this sir Iohn the father died at Queintone in the yeare of our re­demption one thousand, three hundred, seauentie and nine, falling partlie in the second and third yeare of Henrie the fourth, and was buried at the Graie fri­ers in Oxford, whose wife Isabell was after buried in Missenden priorie. line 40

After the death of this sir Iohn the father, sir Iohn Gollafer knight his base sonne being lord of Langleie, married Phillip ladie Fitzwater, after maried to this duke of Yorke (as before is said) which sir Iohn Gollafer died at Wallingford, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand, three hundred, ninetie and six, being the twentith yeare of Richard the second, and was buried at Westminster, néere vnto the toome of Richard the second. Which ladie Philip died in the time of Henrie the sixt, and was line 50 buried at Westminster, néere vnto hir husband, whose statelie toome is yet extant, on the south side almost directlie oueragainst the toome of Richard the second. Thus this much for the name of Gollafer; and so againe to the dukes of England.

Thomas Plantagenet surnamed of Woodstocke duke of Glo­cester.Thomas Plantagenet, otherwise called Thomas of Woodstocke, sixt sonne to king Edward the third, was created earle of Buckingham, the first yeare of Richard the second, in the yeare one thousand, thrée line 60 hundred, seauentie and seauen, the daie of his coro­nation before dinner. This man was high constable of England, and created duke of Glocester, in the eight yeare of Richard the second, of whom is more especiall mention made in the treatise of the consta­bles of England, pag. 867.

Thomas Holland duke of Surreie.Thomas Holland, brother by the mothers side to king Richard the second, and sonne to the lord Tho­mas Holland (earle of Kent, in the right of Iane, daughter and heire to Edmund Plantagenet, surnamed of Woodstocke earle of Kent) was ad­uanced to the title of duke of Surreie in the two and twentith yeare of king Richard the second, being the yeare of Christ one thousand, thrée hundred, ninetie and seauen, he maried Alice the daughter of Richard Fitzallen earle of Arundell. He had issue six daugh­ters & heires; Margaret married to Iohn Beaufort earle of Summerset, and marquesie Dorset; Alice maried to Thomas Montacute earle of Salisburie; Elisabeth, married to Iohn lord Neuill sonne to Rafe Neuill the first earle of Westmerland, and af­ter his death to Edward Chareleton lord Powis; Ioane married to Edmund of Langleie duke of Yorke; and Bridget a nun at Barking. This man with others, at a parlement held the first yeare of Henrie the fourth, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand, thrée hundred, ninetie and nine, was depriued of his name of duke, & of all honours, togi­ther with the dignities belonging to a duke, & was after in the same yeare (rebelling against king Hen­rie the fourth) taken by the men of Circester, and be­headed in the same towne, after that he had caused the towne to be set on fire.

Iohn Holland full brother to Thomas Holland, Iohn Hol­land duke of Excester. and halfe brother to Richard the second, was created earle of Huntington in the fourtéenth yeare of king Richard the second, and made duke of Excester at a parlement holden in the one & twentith yeare of the same king, though some attribute that to the twen­tith yeare of king Richard. This man at a parlement held in the first of Henrie the fourth, in the yeare of Christ 1399, was disgraded from his title of duke­dome, and was after taken at Pritewell in Essex in a mill, and beheaded at Plassie in the said shire, in the said first yéere of the said king Henrie the fourth, he married Elisabeth the daughter of Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster, and had issue Iohn Holland earle of Huntington.

Iohn Holland earle of Huntington was (as it see­meth) made by Henrie the fourth (after the death of the duke of Excester his father) & admitted to be duke of Excester, Iohn Holland duke of Ex­cester. he married Anne the daughter of Ed­mund earle of Stafford, he had issue Henrie Hol­land duke of Excester, and Anne maried to sir Iohn Neuill knight, brother of Rafe the third of that name erle of Westmerland, he died the six and twen­tith of king Henrie the sixt on the fift of August, be­ing the yeare of Christ 1448, and was buried at S. Katharins nigh the tower of London. After which his first wife he maried Anne the daughter of Iohn Montacute earle of Salisburie, by whome he had no issue.

Henrie Holland sonne of Iohn Holland was (af­ter the death of his father) duke of Excester, Henrie Hol­land duke o [...] Excester. he was disherited in the first of Edward the fourth at a par­lement held then in the yeare 1461, he maried Anne daughter to Richard duke of Yorke, and sister to king Edward the fourth, which Anne at hir owne sute on the twelfe of Nouember in the eleuenth yeere of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare of Christ 1471, was diuorced from the said duke of Excester. Shortlie after which, in the yeare of Christ 1413, be­ing in the thirteenth of Edward the fourth, this duke was found dead in the sea betweene Douer & Calis, but how he came there none could certenlie declare. He died without issue, leauing his sister Anne his heire, maried (as before) to Iohn Neuill brother to Rafe earle of Westmerland.

Robert Uere earle of Oxford and marquesse of Dubline was in the yéere of Christ 1386, Robert Uere duke of Ire­land. in the tenth of Richard the second created duke of Ireland, he died withoutissue at Louaine in great penurie and vexation of mind, as hath Ypodigma, in the yeere of Christ 1392, being about the sixtéenth of king Ri­chard the second, he maried the daughter of Inge­rame de Cousie earle of Bedford, and after diuorced from hir he married Lancecrona one of meane pa­rentage.

[Page 1233] Margaret Segraue duchesse of Norffolke.Margaret ladie Segraue the daughter and heire of Thomas Brotherton earle of Norffolke and mar­shall of England, was created duchesse of Norffolke in the one and twentith yeare of king Richard the second, she had two husbands, whereof the first was Iohn lord Segraue; by whom she had issue Elisabeth married to Iohn Mowbreie the third of that name. Hir second husband was sir Walter Mannie knight of the order, by whome she had a daughter married to Iohn lord Hastings erle of Penbroke. This duchesse line 10 Margaret died in the yeare of Christ 1399, being a­bout the three and twentith of Richard the second, and was buried in the frier Minors of London.

Thomas lord Mowbreie duke of Norf­folke.Thomas lord Mowbreie second sonne of Elisa­beth Segraue and Iohn lord Mowbreie hir husband was aduanced to the dukedome of Norffolke, in the one and twentith yeare of the reigne of Richard the second. Shortlie after which he was appeled by Hen­rie earle of Bullingbroke of treason, and caried to the castell of Windsore, where he was stronglie line 20 and safelie garded, hauing a time of combat granted to determine the cause betwéene the two dukes the sixtéenth daie of September, in the two and twentith of the said king, being the yeare of our redemption 1398. But in the end the matter was so ordered, that this duke of Norffolke was banished for euer: wher­vpon taking his iourneie to Ierusalem, he died at Uenice in his returne frō the said citie of Ierusalem in the first yeare of king Henrie the fourth, about the yeare of our redemption 1399. He maried Elisa­beth line 30 one of the daughters and heires of Richard erle of Arundell Warren and Surreie, by whome he had issue Iohn duke of Norffolke, and three daughters, Elisabeth maried to Michaell de la Poole the yoon­ger earle of Suffolke, Margaret maried vnto sir Robert Howard knight, and Isabell maried to sir Iames Barkeleie.

Iohn Mow­breie duke of Norffolke.Iohn Mowbreie earle of Notingham marshall of England and duke of Norffolke, baron Segraue and Bower, was buried in the Charte [...]ouse within the ile of Exholme, he maried Katharine the daugh­ter line 40 of Rafe the first earle of Westmerland, by whom he had issue Iohn duke of Norffolke.

Iohn Mow­breie duke of Norffolke.Iohn lord Mowbreie the sixt baron of the name of Mowbreie, sonne to Iohn duke of Norffolke, was after his father duke of Norffolke. This Iohn was buried in Tetford priorie, who marieng Elenor the daughter of William lord Burchier earle of Ewe, had issue Iohn duke of Norffolke.

Iohn Mow­breie duke of Norffolke.Iohn the last duke of Norffolke of the surn [...]me of line 50 Mowbreie, the sonne of Iohn the last before mentio­ned, was in his fathers life time created earle of Warren and Surreie by king Henrie the sixt, and after the death of his father was duke of Norffolke. This Iohn the last duke died in his castell of Fre­mingham, in the yeare 1461, being the second yeare of king Edward the fourth. He maried Elisabeth daughter to Iohn lord Talbot earle of Shrewesbu­rie, by whome he had issue one onelie daughter and heire, maried to Richard duke of Yorke second son to Edward the fourth. line 60

Th [...] Planta­genet duke of Clarence.Thomas Plantagenet second sonne to Henrie the fourth, was created duke of Clarence in the ele­uenth yeare of his father, being about the yeare of our redemption 1409, and was afterward in the 13 of the same king created earle of Aumerle, and high steward of England: he was slaine the two and twentith of March, in the ninth yeare of the reigne of the victorious king Henrie the fift, in the yeare of our redemption 1420, beginning the yeare of our Lord on the fiue and twentith daie of March. He ma­ried Margaret the daughter of Thomas Holland earle of Kent, and died without issue legitimat, ha­uing a base sonne called Iohn the bastard of Cla­rence.

Iohn Plantagenet third son to Henrie the fourth, Iohn Plan­tagenet duke of Bedford. was by his father created duke of Bedford, at the parlement of Leicester, in the yeare of Christ 1414, in the second of king Henrie the fift. Of this man is more large mention made in my discourse of the protectors of England.

Humfreie Plantagenet fourth sonne of Henrie the fourth, Humfreie Plantagenet duke of Glo­cester. was by his father created duke of Gloce­ster, who for the nobilitie of his mind and vertu­ous life, was made protector of England. Of whom is more spoken in my former discourse of the protec­tors of England. Sée pag. 106▪

Iohn Beaufort (which name of Beaufort was gi­uen by Iohn of Gant to his children which he had by Katharine Swineford, Iohn Beau­fort duke of Summerset. when they were made legiti­mate by parlement, about the one and twentith yeare of king Richard the second as is before tou­ched) was created marquesse Dorset by Henrie the fourth, and after aduanced to the honour of duke of Summerset, in the first yeare of king Henrie the first, being the yeare of our redemption 1413. He maried Margaret the daughter of sir Iohn Beau­champe lord of Powicke, he had issue Margaret ma­ried to Edmund Haddam earle of Richmond father to king Henrie the seuenth: after the death of which Edmund she was maried to Thomas lord Stonleie, afterward by Henrie the seuenth created earle of Darbie, and after vnto Henrie sonne to Humfreie duke of Buckingham. This duke of Summerset died the two and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, and was buried at Winborne, in the yeare of Christ 1444. And his daughter the ladie Margaret died at Westminster on the nine and twentith of Iune, in the first yeare of king Henrie the eight, in the yeare of Christ a thousand fiue hundred and nine, about three score and fiue yeares after the death of hir father.

Thomas Beaufort sonne to Iohn of Gant duke of Lancaster and Katharine Swineford was crea­ted duke of Excester, Thomas Beaufort duke of Ex­cester. in the fift yeare of K. Henrie the fift, of whome is mention made in my protec­tors.

Edmund Beaufort sonne of Iohn Beaufort duke of Summerset, Edmund Beaufort duke of Summerset. was created earle Morton in the se­uenth yeare of K. Henrie the fift. He was created marquesse Dorset and duke of Summerset by king Henrie the sixt, he was made regent of Norman­die, and lost the whole countrie to the French: for which after his comming out of Normandie in the nine and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, he was on the sixt of December the same yeare, being the yeare of our Lord 1450, apprehended and put vnder arrest, and his goods by the commons fowlie despoiled and caried awaie from the Blacke friers. He was slaine at the battell of S. Albons in Maie, the thrée and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, falling in the yeare of our Lord 1455, and was with Henrie Persie earle of Northumberland, and Tho­mas lord Clifford buried at S. Albons. He maried two wiues, the first was Elenor the daughter of Richard Beauchampe earle of Warwike, & widow to Thomas lord Rosse, by whom he had issue Henrie duke of Summerset, Edmund duke of Summerset, Iohn marques Dorset, Margaret maried to Hum­freie duke of Buckingham, Elisabeth maried to sir Henrie Lewes knight, Elenor maried to Iames Butler earle of Wilshire, and after to sir Robert Spenser, Anne maried to sir William Pastone knight, and Ione maried to the lord Hooth of Ireland. His second wife was Ione, who was after maried to Henrie Bromefield knight, of the which Edmund duke of Summerset, and the other lords buried at saint Albons, thus writeth the worthie poet Iohn [Page 1234] Gower with these same verses hereafter following:

Quos mors quos Martis sors saeua, suae (que) sororis
Bella prostrarunt, villae medióque necarunt,
Mors sic occisos tumulauerat hîc simul ipsos,
Póst (que) necem requiē causauit habere perennem
Et medium sine quo vult hîc requiescere nemo,
Hic lis, hic pugna mors est qui terminat arma,
Mors sors & Mauors qui strauerunt dominos hos.

Hērie Beau­fort duke of Summerset.Henrie Beaufort eldest sonne to Edmund duke of Summerset was after the death of his father erle line 10 Morton, marquesse Dorset, and duke of Summer­set, he was capteine of Calis; who with other nobles in the nine and thirtith of Henrie the sixt slue the duke of Yorke at the battell of Wakefield, in the yeare of our redemption 1460; according to the accompt of England. Shortlie after which, K. Hen­rie the sixt, whom this duke supported all that he could, was deposed, & Edward the fourth crowned. Tou­ching which deposing of the one, & crowning of the o­ther, although it be impertinent to the treatise of line 20 the dukes of England, hauing here so good place ther­fore, I will set downe such verses as I haue found in I. Whethamsted, adding further such other ver­ses also as I find in him, concerning a battell fierce­lie fought at Ferribrig in Yorkeshire, in this sort:

X. numero seni lapsi sunt circiter anni,
In the yeare of Christ 1460.
Postquam successit lexiuris, iuréue rexit,
Anglorum regnum vis non ius rexerat ipsum
Iam noua progenies, quia coelo venit ab alto line 30
Saturni soboles, quae nomine dicitur altro
Edwardus quartus, Richardo sanguine iunctus
Creditur à multis, redeunt Saturnia nostris
Temporibus saecla, lis vis (que) nephas simul vna
Deperiunt, iura lex & pax sunt reditura.
Fraus etiámque dolus cessabunt, a [...] violentus
Raptus auaritiae, subeunt verúmque fidésque:
Haec spes plebis erat, cleri chorus haec (que) putabat.
Det ceu speratur regnum Deus vt statuatur, line 40
Et plebs tranquillè viuat clerus at (que) quietè.

Then of the time of that former recited warre, in which the northerne men were ouercome, there were these verses made, vpon the excesse and euill which they outragiouslie committed in the south parts of England, without regard of God, obedience to their naturall prince, reuerence to the church, loue to their natiue countrie, or benefite to themselues:

The battell of Ferribrig the thirteenth of March in the yeare 1461, ac­cording to the [...]empt of thē that begin the yeare at Ianuarie.
M. semel X. seno centum quater I. simul vno
In Martis mense terdena denique luce, line 50
In patria Boreae Ferrebrig propè iugera villae,
Pugna fuit plebis acris nimis & satis atrox.
Vicerat Arcthos in bello Martius heros,
Iunior Edwardus Hector nouus alter Achilles
Prostrauit multos Austro tunc cesserat Arcthos,
Et doluit casum supra X. bis millia, quorum
Aboue 20000 [...], wherof [...] knights [...] gentlemen.
Quamplures domini plures & erant generosi
Illius patriae flos vt sors tunc cecidere.
Et meritò, quoniā spoliarūt nequiter Austrum. line 60
Laus igitur Domino, sit honor, sit gloria Christo
Cessat nunc flatus grandis Boreae (que) boatus,
In (que) Austrum redijt, Acolus ventum variauit,
Est Bore as mordens, & valdè ventus adurens,
Est Auster iustus, vult morsu rodere morsus,
Et malè mordentes bene vires tollere eidem,
Est Zephyrus placidus, est suauis frater & eius,
Hinc Boreás (que) Aquilo pro nūc claudūtur in antro.

Furthermore, touching the title of the same king Edward the fourth to the gouernement of the king­dome of England, and of his right and truth there­vnto were these following verses composed, to de­clare the deposition of king Henrie the sixt, as be­foresaid in the coronation of Edward the fourth, and how the same kingdome of England, with all the members thereof, did belong to Edward the fourth, as vnto the rightfull lineall heire to the same with his pedegrée, proouing the same also in this sort:

In sibi coniunctis
King Ed­ward y e third.
Edwardi semine natis
Ortus erat primò
Lionell duke of Clarence third sonne to Edward the third.
Leonellus
Iohn of Gant fourth sonne to Ed­ward the 3.
Iohnque secundò,
Cedat lex regni vult iunior vt seniori.
Attamen
Henrie the fourth.
Henricus haeres genitúsque Iohannis
Per vim sceptrigerum regimen tulerátque coronam,
Et tenuit multis sed non sine viribus annis.
Illi successit rex
Henrie the fift.
qui si non caruisset
Iustitiae titulo, non Hector dignior ipso:
Non iudex Eacus, non ore politus Vlysses.
Ipso defuncto successit
Henrie the sixt.
filius in quo
Stirps ea cessauit. Haeres rectus remeauit
Scilicet
Edward the fourth.
Edwardus Leonelli proximus haeres,
Hic petijt regimen,
Henrie the sixt.
rex obstat, dátque negamen.
Resagitur belli, vicit sanguis Leonelli,
Et palmam tulerat
Henrie the sixt.
Henricus rex fugiebat
Bello finito, multo quóque sanguine fuso
Quum victor secum palmam ferrétque triumphum,
Vendicat hoc iterum, plebs applaudebat eidem
Clamabátque sibi
Edward the fourth.
Viuat foelicior omni
Rege vel Augusto, melior regat Octauiano.
Haec vox cunctorum, clamor fuit ac populorum.
Rex igitur factus, rex in solióque leuatus
Quod fractum fuerat iterum bene consolidabat,
Iuréque quo potuit, vim pressit, ius renouauit.
Sic vetus id dictum fuerat bene verificatum,
De malè quaesitis vix gaudet tertius haeres.
Starediu nequit mala quanquam vis stabiliuit
Ius, nescítque mori, valeat licèt ense feriri,
Ex bene patratis bene crescit honos quoque virtus.
O rota versatilis nimis oh (que) rotabilis axis!
Sorte nouercante fató (que) modum variante,
Corruit
King Henrie the sixt his disposition described.
Henricus isto sub nomine sextus,
Et casum tulerat, titulus sibi deficiebat
Defecít (que) bonus, heus pro moderamine sensus
Pró (que) bono campi cor defuit Herculis illi,
Matris non patris fuit ortus filius excors,
Martem non coluit nimis à
Henrie the fift.
patre degenerauit
Quo melior miles non Teucer erat vel Atrides,
Siue timor Phrygijs Aiax robustus in armis.
Henrie the sixt.
Hic fuit in verbis rex mitis, rex pietatis,
Attamen in factis nimiae vir simplicitatis.
Hinc postquam triginta nouem rex praefuit annis,
Caecamanu fortuna rotam quasifortis in armis
Voluerat, & regimen capiebat regis, eundem
Compulit ac subito sic dicere, Sum sine reg no.
Oh sor [...] prosperior, oh gratia sorté (que) maior!
Qui di [...]turna nimis fuit expectatio plebis,
Sed mittendus erat, iam dante Deo veniebat
Hic Martis soboles, & nomine
Edward erle of March, after king Edward the fourth.
Martius heros.
Marte triumphante, ius sceptri iús (que) coronae,
Vt decuit sumpsit, vt debuit ac sibi iunxit,
Tunc bona spes fuerat, sors prospera quod reueniret,
Letáque pro voto colere plebs secla sub ipso
Det Deus, ac faciat bona ne spes irrita fiat.

Thus after this long digression from the matter of the duke of Summerset, bicause I would set downe all the verses of Whethamsted, I must yet also ad other verses found in his register, mentio­ning some part of the dooings of the northerne men before spoken of: which verses although they should haue gone before, yet I thinke better here than not at all to write them in this sort. Shortly after the for­said battell of Wakefield wherin the duke of Yorke was slaine, and before the deposing of king Henrie the sixt, he had a battell at S. Albons, called the se­cond battell of S. Albons with the northern men (fo­lowing the quéene & this duke of Sūmersets faction) & now were come as far as S. Albons, on Shroue­tuesdaie the seuenteenth daie of Februarie in the [Page 1235] said yeare of Christ 1460, where the king was put to flight, and [...]led to the quéene. Touching which battell also, thus writeth that learned abbat of saint Al­bons Iohn Whethamsted in his ancient register:

The 17 of Februarie 1461 after the account of such as begin the yeare at Ianuarie.
M. simul X. seno centum quater I. simul vno,
Quum lux septena fuerat mensis quó (que) dena,
Numinis illius venerantur quod morientes,
Inter
Southerne men.
Solares pugnantes & Boreales,
Magna cohors cecidit, duo millia plebs numerauit,
Sors apud Albani villam protomartyris almi, line 10
Et pugnae campum, caesis dedit & tumulatum,
Quod dolet ac doluit annis multís (que) dolebit,
Villicus acmonachus prope eos habitator & omnis,
Principio pugnae potiores Marte fuere
Australes, tandem vicit Boreásque triumphum
Abstulerat secum, stat sors mox versa retrorsum,
Martis vt euentum fore scires sic dubiosum.
Vt veniunt cynephes, culices, brusique locustae,
Vt vastant segetes: aliae muscae quóque multae,
Sic aduenerunt similes illis Boreales, line 20
Austri totius. His iudex sit Radamantus,
Et Minos Cretae, coniunctus eis Eacúsque,
Atque modum poenae pensent seu demeruere,
Vix infernalis pro poena sufficit ipsis,
Aut focus aut furiae licent essent agminemille,
Gens est Cerberea, gens Sphingia, gens Briarea,
Latratu, raptu, spolij praedaeque voratu,
Laus haec, laus Boreae, laus est haec laus sine laude.

Thus to returne to the duke of Summerset, we saie that afterward in the first yeare of king Ed­ward line 30 the fourth, the said duke of Summerset fled to Yorke to king Henrie the sixt, and the quéene, who al­togither fled from thense to Berwike, and so to E­denburgh. Wherevpon by parlement in the first yeare of Edward the fourth 1461, this duke was atteinted, and his goods and lands seized for the king. But after that time king Edward the fourth besie­ging the castels of Bamburgh, Dunstenburgh, and Alnewike, this duke of Summerset and others yéelded those forts to the king on Christmas éeuen, in line 40 the third yeare of his reigne, being the yeare of our redemption 1463. For which cause this duke was taken againe into the kings fauour, who gaue him a thousand marks by yeare, whereof he was neuer paid. Notwithstanding all which, in the yeare follo­wing, being the fourth yeare of Edward the fourth, in Maie, in the yeare of Christ 1464, this duke with others raised an armie against the king, in which bat­tell he was taken (with Robert erle of Hungerford) by Iohn Neuill earle of Northumberland, and be­headed. line 50 He died without lawfull issue, leauing be­hind him a base sonne called Charles Summerset, by king Henrie the eight created earle of Worce­ster.

Edmund Beaufort duke of Sum­merset.Edmund Beaufort sonne of the foresaid Ed­mund, and brother and heire to this last Henrie duke of Summerset, was also duke of Summerset. This man in the eleuenth yeare of Edward the fourth, be­ing the yeare of Christ 1471, fléeing into the church of Teukesburie at the battell of Teukesburie (which line 60 quéene Margaret the wife of Henrie the sixt and hir sonne prince Edward had against king Edward the fourth) lost then the field. After which this duke was taken out of the church, and was there beheaded in the said eleuenth yeare of king Edward the fourth, and died without issue.

Richard Plā ­tagenet duke of Yorke.Richard Plantagenet, sonne and heire to Ri­chard earle of Cambridge, was created duke of Yorke by king Henrie the sixt: he was also earle of Cambridge, Ulster and March, lord of Wigmore and Clare, lieutenant of the realme of France and duchie of Normandie. Of this man sée more in the protectors of England.

George Plan­tagenet duke of Clarence.George Plantagenet the second sonne to Richard duke of Yorke, was make duke of Clarence by his elder brother king Edward the fourth when he came to the crowne, in the yeare of Christ 1461, being the first yeare of his reigne. Of this George I haue som­what intreated in my discourse of the conestables of England, pag. 869, and in my discourse of the protec­tors of England.

Richard Plantagenet, Richard Plā ­tagenet duke of Glocester. the third sonne of Richard duke of Yorke, and brother to George duke of Cla­rence, was made duke of Glocester by king Ed­ward the fourth, in the first yéere of his reigne, being the yeare in which God tooke on him the forme of a seruant 1461, of whome I haue discoursed in my constables of England, pag. 869, and in my collecti­on of the protectors of England.

Henrie Beauchampe, the sonne of Richard Beau­champe earle of Warwike by Isabell ladie Spen­ser his second wife, Henrie Beau­champe duke of Warwike. succeeded his father in all his in­heritances the twentith of Maie, in the seuenteenth yeare of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our redemption 1439. For then the said Richard Beau­champe died at Rone in Normandie. This Henrie after that his inheritance had béene kept two years in the kings hands, was dismissed of his wardship, and restored to his liuings with great glorie. For he was crowned king of the Ile of Wight (as saith Iohn Stow) by the kings owne hand, and nominated chiefe earle of England, in the twentith yeare of the said king Henrie the sixt, being about the yeare of Christ 1442. Shortlie after, in the two and twentith yeare of the said king Henrie the sixt, in the yeare of our redemption 1444, he was created duke of Warwike, vnto whome the king gaue the castell of Brightstow or Bristow, with all the appurtenances with king Iohn kept in his hands, to which duke al­so the king gaue the Iles of Garnseie and Ierseie. About two years after which, on the foure and twen­tith of the same king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our redemption 1446, died this duke of War­wike, whose stile was duke of Warwike chiefe earle of England, lord Spenser and Aburgauennie, king of the Ile of Wight, Garnseie and Ierseie, and lord of the castell of Bristow. He died without issue, and was buried at Teukesburie, whereby his inheri­tance came to his foure sisters, which were (by Elisa­beth one of the daughters and heires of Thomas lord Barkeleie, Lisle and Teies, first wife vnto his father) Margaret his eldest sister, maried to Iohn Talbot first earle of Shrewsburie of that name: E­lenor the second sister, first maried to Thomas lord Rosse, and after to Edmund duke of Summerset, &c: Elisabeth the third sister, maried to George Neuill lord Latimer: whose other fourth sister (by Isabell the second wife vnto Richard earle Beauchampe, daughter to Thomas lord Spenser, and mother also to the aboue named Henrie duke of Warwike, who died without issue) was Anne, maried to Richard Neuill earle of Salisburie.

Humfreie Stafford earle Stafford, created duke of Buckingham in the two and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, Humfreie Stafford duke of Buc­kingham. being the yeare of our redemp­tion 1444, was slaine at the battell of Northamp­ton. Of this man sée more in my discourse of the co­nestables of England, pag. 868.

Henrie sonne to the said Humfreie duke of Buc­kingham was beheaded in the first yeare of Richard the third, in the yeare of our redemption 1483. Henrie Staf­ford duke of Buckingham Of this man is more set downe in my discourse of the conestables of England, pag. 869.

Edward Stafford, sonne to the said Henrie, Edward Stafford duke of Buc­kingham. was duke of Buckingham, being beheaded in the thir­téenth yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, which was the yere of our redemption 1521, of whom also I haue intreated in the said discourse of the con­stables [Page 1236] of England, pag. 870.

William de la Poole duke of Suffolke.William de la Poole earle of Suffolke created marques of Suffolke in the two & twentith of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our redemption 1444, was shortlie after also created duke of Suf­folke, & in the eight & twentith of the said king Hen­rie the sixt, falling in the yeare 1450, was banished the realme for fiue yeares, to pacifie the hard opinion which the commons had conceiued against him. He tooke ship to performe his banishment the third of line 10 Maie, and sailed towards France, but was on the sea incountered by a ship of the tower named the Nicholas, by which he was taken and beheaded, and his bodie cast vp at Douer sands, and buried in the charterhouse at Hull. He maried Alice the daughter and heire of Thomas Chaucer, son to that famous poet Geffreie Chaucer, by which wife the maner of Ewelme, commonlie called Newelme in Oxford­shire came to the Pooles. This duke & his wife did there build a new parish church of Ewelme standing line 20 on a hill, and founded a pretie hospitall called Gods house, at the west end of Ewelme parish church, to which house he gaue the manours of Ramrige in Hampshire, Conocke in Wiltshire, and Mersh in Buckinghamshire. He also founded an hospitall at Donnington castell. This Alice wife of duke William, suruiuing hir husband, was after buried in the parish church of Ewelme, on the southside of the high altar, in a rich toome of alabaster, with an image in the habit of a dutchesse crowned, lieng on line 30 the same toome, and hauing this epitaph: Orate pro ani­ma serenissimae principissae Alissiae Sulfolchiae huius ecclesiae patronae, quae obijt 20 die mensis Maij, anno Domini 1475, litera dominicali A.

Iohn de la Poole duke [...] Suffolke.Iohn de la Poole son to the said William de la Poole duke of Suffolke, was also duke of Suffolke after the death of his father. This man on the eigh­téenth of Aprill in the fiftéenth yéere of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare of our redemption 1415, was knighted by the king. He married Elisabeth line 40 daughter to Richard duke of Yorke, and sister to Ed­ward the fourth, by whom he had issue Edmund erle of Suffolke; Iohn that by Edward the fourth was created earle of Lincolne, and Anne, who by pro­curement of king Richard the third was maried to the duke of Rothseie, eldest son to the king of Scots.

Richard Plantagenet second sonne to king Ed­ward the fourth, Richard Plantagenet duke of Yorke. was by his father created duke of Yorke, in the 15 yéere of his reigne, being the yeare of our Lord 1474, at a parlement in the said fif­téenth line 50 yeare of Edward the fourth. This duke on the fiftéenth of Ianuarie in the seauentéenth yeare of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare of our re­demption 1477, was married to ladie Anne daugh­ter and heire to Iohn Mowbreie duke of Norffolke, and was in the first yéere of the reigne of the tyrant king Richard the third his vncle most vnnaturallie murthered in the tower, in the yeare of Christ 1483.

George Plantagenet third sonne to king Ed­ward the fourth was created duke of Bedford by his line 60 father, George Plan­tagenet duke of Bedford. in the yéere of our redemption 1470, and died without issue being verie yoong.

Iohn Howard lord Howard (the son of sir Ro­bert Howard knight, Iohn Ho­ward duke of Norffolke. and of Margaret his wife, one of the daughters and heires of Thomas lord Mow­breie duke of Norffolke, earle of Notingham, and marshall of England) was created duke of Norf­folke, and marshall of England, in the first yéere of the vsurping king Richard the third, being the yéere of our redemption 1483. This man following the part of the said king Richard, was at the battell of Bosworth in Lecestershire (fought in the third yeare of the said king Richard, in the yéere of Christ 1485) slaine with the said king Richard. He had two wiues, Katharine the daughter of William lord Molins, by whome he had issue Thomas earle of Surreie, af­ter made duke of Norffolke by king Henrie the eight; Anne married to sir Edmund Gorge knight; Isabell married to sir Roger Mortimer of Essex; Iane married to sir Iohn Timperleie; and Marga­ret married to sir Iohn Windham: his second wife was Margaret the daughter of sir Iohn Chedworth knight, by whome he had Katharine married to sir Iohn Bourchier lord Barns.

Thomas Howard earle of Surreie sonne of the said Iohn was created duke of Norffolke, Thomas Ho­ward duke of Norffolke. in the fift yeare of king Henrie the eight, being about the yéere of Christ 1514. Of him is more mention in my discourse of the lord treasurors of England.

Thomas Howard created earle of Surreie in the fift yeare of king Henrie the eight, Thomas Ho­ward duke of Norffolke. being high admerall and lord treasuror of England, was duke of Norffolke, after the death of his father, which fell in the sixtéenth yeare of king Henrie the eight, being the yeare of our redemption 1524. Of this man is also more intreated in my discourse of the lord trea­surors.

Thomas Howard the third duke of the name of Thomas, and the fourth of the name of Howard, Thomas Ho­ward duke of Norffolke. was son to Henrie Howard earle of Surreie sonne to the last before recited Thomas Howard duke of Norffolke. This man, being the last duke that liued in England, & occasioned me to make this discourse of the dukes, was beheaded on tower hill the sea­uentéenth of September, in the thirteenth yeere of the now reigning prince Elisabeth, being the yeare of Christ 1571, and buried in the chappell of the to­wer. He maried thrée wiues; his first wife was Ma­rie one of the daughters and heires of Henrie Fitz­allen earle of Arundell, by whom he had issue Philip earle of Arundell; his second wife was Margaret daughter & onlie heire to Thomas Audleie knight, chancellor of England, and lord Audleie of saffron Walden, the widow of the lord Henrie Dudleie yoongest son to Iohn Sutton of Dudlie duke of Nor­thumberland, by which second wife this duke had is­sue Thomas, William, Elisabeth, & Margaret; his third wife was Elisabeth the daughter of sir Iames Leiborne knight, and widow of the lord Dacres of Gis [...]eland, by whome he had no issue.

Henrie the second son of king Henrie the seuenth was by his father created duke of Yorke at West­minster, Henrie Teu­ther duke of Yorke. in the eleuenth yéere of his reigne, be­ing the yeere of our redemption 1495, or therabouts. This man was after king of England by the name of king Henrie the eight.

Iasper of Hatfield the sonne of Owen Teuther esquier, by Katharine daughter to the French king, Iasper of Hatfield duke of Bedford. and widow to king Henrie the fift, was by king Henrie the sixt his brother on the mothers side crea­ted earle of Penbroke, in the yeare of Christ 1452, after which in the fiue and thirtith yeere of the said king he was made earle of Cambridge: and lastlie, in the first yeere of the reigne of king Henrie the seauenth he was created duke of Bedford on Si­mon and Iudes [...], in the yeare of our redemption 1485, but died without issue the eighteenth daie of December, in the twelfe yéere of the reigne of king Henrie the seauenth, in the yéere of Christ 1496, and was buried at Kensham.

Charles Brandon the son of sir William Bran­don knight, Charles Brandon duke of Suffolke. slaine on the part of king Henrie the se­uenth at Bosworth field, was created vicount Lisle, and after on Candlemasse daie in the yéere of Christ 1413, being the fift yeare of king Henrie the eight he was created duke of Suffolke. He married thrée wiues; the first was Anne daughter of sir Anthonie Browne knight; the second Marie, second daughter [Page 1237] of king Henrie the seauenth, & widow to the king of France, by whom he had issue Henrie earle of Lin­colne, and Francis married to Henrie Greie duke of Suffolke; his third wife was Katharine the daughter & onlie heire of William lord Willough­bie of Ersleie, by whome he had issue Henrie and Charles both dukes of Suffolke one after another, who both died within one houre of the sweat at Cambridge. This Charles the father died in the yéere of Christ 1545, and was buried at Windsore: line 10 & of the two dukes the sons thus writeth Iohn Park­hurst sometime placed in the bishops see of Norwich:

Fratres Amyclaei Pollux cum Castore
Potuere sic cum morte depaciscier,
Vt cùm alter illorum esset mortuus, tamén
Alter superesset, & reuersus sortibus
Vicissim vtérque vtriúsque morte viueret.
Cur Parca nunc crudelior est, quàm olim fuit?
Fratres duos nuper ea, quales hactenus
Nec vidit vnquam, nec videbit Anglia line 20
Lumina duo, duóque propugnacula
Fortissima virtutis, reíque publicae,
Crudelis ab vno perêmit funere.
Virtus nequaquam illam, nec egregia indoles
Mouit, nec Edwardi regis, nec optimae
Matris, neque totius gemitus Britanniae.
O dura dura mors! ô saeua numina!

Henrie Fitz Roie duke of Richmont.Henrie Fitz Roie the base son to king Henrie the eight, begotten vpon Elisabeth Blunt the ladie Talboise, was by his father first created earle of Summerset and Northampton, and after duke of line 30 Richmont. This duke was verie forward in the knowledge of toongs, and also in knightlie actiuitie, as may appéere by due consideration of the historie in place where he is mentioned. He loued Iohn Leland the reuerend antiquarie, who presented vnto the said duke a booke of copies, whereby he might learne to write Romane letters great & small, as appéereth by this hexastichon, which I find among the said Iohn Lelands written epigrams in this maner set downe:

Quo Romana modo maiuscula littera pingi, line 40
Ad illustrissi­mum Henricum ducem Rich­montanum.
Pingi quo possit littera parua modo,
Hic liber ecce tibi signis monstrabit apertis
Princeps, Aonij spes & alumne gregis:
Qui tibi si placeat (quod certè spero futurum)
Maxima pro paruo munere dona dabis.]

He died without issue the two and twentith of Iu­lie, in the eight and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, in the yeere of our redemp­tion 1536, and was buried at Thetford in Norffolke, hauing maried Marie the daughter of Thomas Ho­ward line 50 duke of Norffolke.

Edward Seimor duke of Sum­merset.Edward Seimor knight (the son of sir Iohn Sei­mor knight) was created vicount Beauchampe in Maie, the eight and twentith yéere of king Henrie the eight, being the yéere of our redemption 1536, & was after in the nine & twentith yeare of the same king on the eightéenth daie of October, in the yéere of Christ 1537 created earle of Hertford. Then king Henrie being dead, he in the first yeare of king Ed­ward line 60 the sixt, which was the yéere of our redemption 1546, was made protector of England, and imme­diatlie therevpon created duke of Summerset, be­ing vncle by the mothers side vnto the said king Ed­ward the sixt. This man had manie honors and offi­ces, as maie appéere by his stile, which he prefixed be­fore a missiue persuasorie sent to the Scots for the marriage of their yoong quéene Marie to our yoong king Edward the sixt in this sort: Edward by the grace of God duke of Summerset, earle of Hertford, vicount Beauchampe lord Seimor, vncle to the kings highnesse of England, gouernor of his most roiall person, and protector of all his realmes, dominions, and subiects, lieutenant generall of his maiesties ar­mies both by sea and land, treasuror and earle mar­shall of England, gouernor of the iles of Gerneseie and Ierseie, and knight of the most honorable order of the garter, &c. This stile he had, which I haue béene the more willing to set downe, because I doo not re­member that anie subiect did with like shew publish anie such stile before his time. Which honors he did not long inioie: for were it for malice of some of the nobilitie, disdaining such honor; or for cause in him offending the laws, or for his ouer carelesse good dis­position, that suspected no such euill from his eni­mies: he was the second time on the sixt of October in the fift yeere of king Edward the sixt, being the yeare of Christ 1551 committed prisoner to the to­wer, and the two and twentith daie of Ianuarie fo­lowing he was beheaded at tower hill, and buried in the tower chappell. He had two wiues, wherof the first was Katharine the daughter of sir William Filioll of Woodland knight, by whome he had a son called Edward: his second wife was Anne the daughter of sir Edward Stanhope, by whom he had issue Edward earle of Hertford, Henrie now liuing, and Edward, with Anne (married the third of Iune, in the fourth yéere of the reigne of king Edward the sixt, in the yéere one thousand fiue hundred and fiftie to Iohn lord Dudleie, eldest sonne to Iohn earle of Warwike and duke of Northumberland) Ione, Ma­rie, Katharine, and Elisabeth.

Henrie Greie marquesse Dorset, lord Ferrers of Groobie, Harrington, Boneuile and Asleie, Henrie Greie duke of Suf­folke. was at Hampton court created duke of Suffolke, on the eleuenth of October, in the fift yéere of the reigne of king Edward the sixt, being the yeere of our re­demption one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and one: who in the first yeere of quéene Marie, being the yéere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and thrée, supposing that the quéene would marrie a stranger, did flie into Leicester and Warwikeshires with a small companie, making proclamation against the quéenes marriage with the prince of Spaine: but the people inclined not vnto him. Wherevpon a com­panie being sent out after him, vnder the leading of the earle of Huntington, the first daie of Februarie proclamation was made at London, that the duke was discomfited and fled with his two brethren. Af­ter which the tenth of Februarie, the duke with his brother sir Iohn Greie was brought from Couen­trie (where he remained three daies after his taking, in the house and custodie of Christopher Warren alderman of that towne) by the earle of Hunting­ton, & attended with thrée hundred men to the tower. Where remaining a certeine space, he was on the thrée and twentith of Februarie beheaded at tower hill; and buried in the chappell of the tower (as I haue heard.) He married Francis one of the daugh­ters to Charles Brandon duke of Suffolke, by whom he had issue Iane, married to Gilford the sonne of Iohn duke of Northumberland, and died without is­sue; Katharine and Marie.

Iohn Sutton of Dudleie created by king Henrie the eight vicount Lisle, being admerall, Iohn Sut­ton of Dud­leie duke of Northum­berland. lord great chamberleine, lord great maister and earle of War­wike, was after on the eleuenth daie of October, the fift yéere of king Edward the sixt, being the yeere of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and one, created duke of Northumberland. He, af­ter the death of king Edward, tooke armes, and pro­clamed quéene Iane, daughter to Henrie duke of Suffolke; meaning to exclude quéene Marie. But shortlie after perceiuing quéene Marie to be procla­med at London, this duke did also proclame hir at Cambridge. Notwithstanding all which he was are­sted in the Kings college there by one maister Sleg sergeant at armes, and after anew arrested by the [Page 1238] earle of Arundell. Henrie Fitzallen (sent thither for that cause) who brought him to London, where this duke was the fiue and twentith of Iulie, in the said first yeare of quéene Marie commited to the tower. Shortlie after which, he was the eightéenth of August following arreigned at Westminster, there con­demned, and beheadded on tower hill the two and twentith of the same moneth: whose bodie with the head was buried in the tower, he being the last duke that was created in England. He maried Iane the line 10 daughter of sir Edward Gilford knight, the sister and heire to sir Henrie Gilford knight, of whose chil­dren I will not speake, bicause they are yet fresh in memorie. And thus farre Francis Thin, touching the creation and the succession in lineall descents of all the dukes of England since the conquest.

About the ninth of Iune, Francis duke of Mont­morencie, French am­basadors frō Charles the ninth came in­to England. chiefe marshall of France, gouernour and lieutenant of the Ile of France, generall to Charles the ninth king of France, and Paule de Foix of the line 20 priuie councell of the said king, and Bertrand de Sa­ligners, lord de la Mothfenelon, knights of the or­der of S. Michaell, ambassadors for the same king, arriued at Douer. The fourtéenth daie they shot London bridge toward Summerset house at the Strand, where they were lodged. The fifteenth daie being sundaie, the said ambassadors repaired to the White hall, where they were honourablie receiued of the quéenes maiestie, with hir nobilitie: and there in hir graces chappell, about one of the clocke in the line 30 after noone, the articles of treatie, league or confede­racie and sure friendship (concluded at Blois the ninteenth of Aprill as is afore shewed) betwixt the quéenes maiestie, League with France con­firmed at westminster. and the French king being read, the same was by hir maiestie and his ambassadors confirmed to be obserued and kept, without innoua­tion or violation, &c. The rest of that daie, with great part of the night following, was spent in great tri­umph, with sumptuous bankets.

S. Georges [...]east at Windsor.The eightéenth of Iune, the feast of saint George line 40 was holden at Windsor, where the French ambassa­dors were roiallie feasted, & Francis duke of Mont­morencie was stalled knight of the most honourable order of the garter. The eight and twentith daie of Iune, the forenamed ambassadors departed from London toward France. ¶The fourtéenth of Iune, Thomas lord Wharton deceased in his house of Chanon row at Westminster. Sir Willi­am Cicill lord treasu­ror, lord priuie seale, lord chamberleine, with other [...]ers. The thirtéenth daie of Iulie, the quéenes maiestie at Whitehall made sir William Cicill lord of Burghleie, lord high trea­suror line 50 of England: lord William Howard, late lord chamberleine, lord priuie seale: the earle of Sussex, lord chamberleine: sir Thomas Smith principall secretarie: and Christopher Hatton, esquier capteine of the gard.

A treatise of the treasurors of England set downe out of ancient histories and records, as they succeeded in order of time and in the reigne of the kings. line 60

Collected by Francis Thin in this yeare of Christ 1 [...]5. THis adorning of sir William Cicill knight, lord Burghleie with the honour of lord treasuror of England, hath row­sed my enuied pen thorough the malici­ous barking of some (who suppose nothing well but what they doo themselues, whereby gaine maie rise vnto their posteritie) in this liberall sort to set downe the names and times of such treasurors as haue liued in England, as hereafter I will doo the chancellors, and that with as good authoritie as these secret back­biters can challenge anie cunning to themselues, who suppose euerie blast of their mouth to come foorth of Trophonius den, and that they spake from the tri­uet. As I will not arrogate anie thing to my selfe, for in truth I saie with Socrates, Hoc tantùm scio quòd nihil scio, or derogate from them that which their wor­thinesse maie merit: so shall I be glad (sith nothing is at the first so perfect, but that somewhat maie be either augmented or amended to and in it) that this maie whet those enuious persons to deliuer anie thing to the world, that maie in comptrolling my labours benefit their countrie, which if they will not doo, let them cease their euill spéeches: for Qui pergit dicere quae libet, quae non vult audiet. And truelie for mine owne part, I will Canere palinodiam, and yeeld them an honourable victorie, if anie better shall be produced: and be heartilie glad, that truth (which is all that I seeke) maie be brought to perfection. Now how well I haue done it, my selfe must not be iudge, desiring pardon of such as either with wise modestie can or ought to iudge, or with rare antiquities can or will correct what I haue doone; if thorough igno­rance we haue committed anie escapes or imperfec­tions: further promising, that if hereafter we espie any of our owne error; or if anie other either friend for good will, or aduersarie for desire of reprehension shall open the same vnto me: I will not for defense of mine estimation, or of pride, or of contention by wranglings or quarrelling vpon authorities, histo­ries and records, wilfullie persist in those faults: but be glad to heare of them, and in the whole and large discourse of the liues of the lord treasurors (almost perfected) corrected them. For (as I said) it is truth of antiquities that I séeke for, which being had (either by good intention of my welwilling friends, or by oc­casion and reprehension of my enuious emulators) I greatlie esteeme not. And so to the matter.

Saint Dunstane (for I vse that name more for antiquities than deuoutnesse cause) was treasuror to Eadred or Eldred king of England, Saint Dun­stane. who began his reigne in the yeare that the word became flesh, nine hundred fortie and six: of whome thus writeth Matthew Parker in his booke of the archbishops of Canturburie, in the life of Odo Seuerus the two and twentith bishop of that see: Edmundo (the king of England) defuncto, Eadredus corona regia ab Odo­ne redimitus, & rem publicam administrans, Dunstanum (vt in eius vita pleniùs patebit) tam singulari amore prosequutus est, vt omnes regni thesauros illius custodiae commendaret.

Hugoline was treasuror and chamberleine to Ed­ward the confessor, Hugoline. he gaue Deane and South [...]righ to Westminster, which Edward the confessor did af­terward confirme to that house.

Odo halfe brother to William the conqueror erle of Kent bishop of Baieux and chiefe iustice of Eng­land, Odo bishop of Baieux. was treasuror in the time of the conqueror, who had at his death (as saith Anonymus M.S.) sixtie thou­sand pounds, Excepto auro, & gemmis, & vasis, & palijs.

Geffreie lord Clinton treasuror and chamberleine to Henrie the first, Geffreie lord Clinton. he about the thirteenth yeare of Henrie the first, in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand, one hundred and twelue, did found the priorie of Kenelworth, and was after accused of treason in the one and thirtith yeare of the reigne of the said Henrie the first: but (as it séemed) restored (in short time after) to the kings fauour.

Ranulph bishop of Durham, Ranulph bi­shop of Dur­ham. was treasuror to the king, whome Florentius Wigorniensis calleth Praeci­puum regis placitatorem & regni exactorem, whose last word Exactor some men doo English treasuror. Of this man is more said in the chancellors of Eng­land.

Roger bishop of Sarisburie treasuror & chancellor of England, as appeareth by Leland, Roger bishop of Sarisbu­rie. writing in this sort: Roger bishop of Sarum treasuror & chancellor to Henrie the first, made the castell of Uies such a costlie and so strong a fort, as was neuer before nor [Page 1239] since set vp by anie bishop of England. The kéepe or dungeon of it set vpon a hill cast by hand, is a peece of worke of incredible cost. There appeare in the gate of it six or seauen places for portculices, and much goodlie building was in it. It is now in ruine, and part of the front of the towers of the gate of the keepe, and the chappell in it, were carried full vnprofi­tablie to the building of master Beintons house at Bromhame, scant thrée miles off. There remaine diuerse goodlie towers, yet in the vtter wall of the castell: but all going to ruine. The principall gate line 10 that leadeth into the towne is yet of great strength, and hath places of seauen or eight portculices. Thus much Leland in his commentaries of England, which I haue here set downe, partlie to prooue Roger bishop of Salisburie to be treasuror, and partlie to commit to the world all such collections and notes as I can get of his. Besides which, to prooue the same Roger treasuror at the latter end of the reigne of Henrie the first, William de Pontlearch. togither with William de Pont­learch at the entering of king Stephan into Eng­land, line 20 thus writeth one Anonymall chronicle M. S. Stephanus cùm intrauit Angliam, Rogerū Seresberiensem & Willielmum de Pontlearcus custodes thesaurorum ad se tradu­xit: which William de Pontlearch was a witnesse with William Stigill to a certeine charter which Ranulph bishop of Durham made to the moonkes of Durham, commonlie called S. Cutberts moonks, wherin he confirmed to them Blakestone, Standrop and Sandropshire, with the wood of Henworth on the east part of Marneburne, as farre as it goeth to the line 30 sea. This Roger bishop of Salisburie died in the yeare of our redemption one thousand, one hundred, thirtie and nine, being about the fourth yeare of king Stephan, of whome mention is made in the chan­cellors of England.

Nigellus bi­shop of Elie.Nigellus the second, bishop of Elie, nephue to Roger bishop of Sarum, and treasuror to Henrie the first, was aduanced vnto that bishoprike of E­lie, in the yeare of our redemption, one thousand, one hundred, thirtie and three, the fift calends of line 40 Iune, being the thrée and thirtith yeare of the reigne of Henrie the first, at whose going downe to be in­stalled in the said bishoprike, he was receiued, with such ioie, that all the whole street of Elie thorough which he should passe, was hanged with curteins and carpets, with seats set on ech side; and the moonks, ca­nons, and clerks, méeting him with procession with diuers other priests standing round about them. Af­ter his installation he returned to the dispatch of the affaires of the kingdome, committing the charge of line 50 his bishoprike to one Rafe sometime a moonke of Glastenburie, and now become an apostata. Great contention was betwéene this man and king Ste­phan. He bought the treasurorship for the summe of foure hundred marks of Henrie the second for his sonne Richard Filius Nigelli, or Fitz Nele, otherwise called Richard of Elie. He gouerned the bishoprike six and thirtie yeares, as most saie, and builded saint Iohns college in Cambridge. line 60

But touching the time of his death, and the years of his bishoprike, I cannot as yet set downe anie thing perfectlie; but onelie this contradiction found in the written booke of Elie, which I suppose to haue risen by the negligence of the transcriber: which is, that he gouerned the see of Elie six and thirtie years, and died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred sixtie and six, the third calends of Iune, the first houre of the sixt ferie or fridaie. Which by no ac­count can fall to be true, accounting from the time of the first obteining of the bishoprike in the thrée and thirtith yeare of Henrie the first, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred thirtie and thrée. For if you adde the six and thirtie yeares of his gouerne­ment to the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hun­dred thirtie and thrée, then must he die in the yeare of grace one thousand one hundred sixtie and nine. And if you will haue him to die in the yeare one thousand one hundred sixtie and six, then can he gouerne but thrée and thirtie yeares: which thrée and thirtie added to the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred thir­tie and thrée, in which he began his gouernement, as all authors agrée, make the value of one thousand one hundred sixtie and six years of our Lord. So that considering the discordancie of the time of his death found in the written booke of his life, we cannot (I saie) as yet set downe anie certeintie of his death. Though I suppose that to be the truest which I find in Triuet, who affirmeth that he died in the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred sixtie and nine, and the fiftéenth of king Henrie the second, after that he had gouerned six and thirtie yeares. He was hono­rablie buried in the church of saint Ethelred of Elie before the altar dedicated to the holie crosse.

Richard de Elie or Fitzneale, Richard of Elie. sonne of the said Nigellus bishop of Elie, was made treasuror to K. Henrie the second, by the purchase of his father Ni­gellus, when the king went to the wars of Tolous. Of whom the historie of Elie writeth, that after the buriall of Nigellus his father, this Richard being al­so an enimie to the church of Elie, as his father had beene before, made hast to passe ouer the seas to king Henrie the second, fearing that some euill would be prepared against him, if the church should haue sent anie other thither before him. At whose comming to the king, he accused the moonks of manie things, and did therewith so edge the king against them, that the king sending into England, charged by Wun­nerus one of his chaplens, that the prior of Elie should be deposed, & the moonks with all their goods to be proscribed and banished. This man being tre­suror to king Henrie the second, the treasure of the said Henrie the second at his death came vnto one hundred thousand marks; notwithstanding the ex­cessiue charges of the king manie waies. Which Ri­chard being bishop of London, by the name of Ri­chard the third, and the kings treasuror, was chosen to that sée in the yeare of our redemption one thou­sand one hundred eightie and nine, being the first yéere of king Richard the first, and was consecrated bishop at Lambeth, by Baldwine archbishop of Canturburie, in the yeare of Christ 1190: he died the fourthides of September, in the yéere of grace 1198, being the ninth yeare of king Richard the first.

William of Elie being of kin to the last Richard bishop of London, William of Elie. was treasuror to king Richard the first, and to king Iohn. To which William then treasuror, Richard his kinsman the bishop of Lon­don An. Dom. 1196 being the seuenth yeare of the reigne of Richard the first, and the same number of yeares of the gouernment of the said Richard in the bishoprike of London, did giue all his houses in Westminster, which the said William did long after giue to the abbat and moonks of Westminster, as by the charter therof appeers by me in this sort abridged:

Vniuersis Christi fidelibus, ad quos praesens scriptum perue­nerit, Gulielmus de Elie quondam regum Angliae thesaura­rius salutem. Nouerit vniuersitas vestrame dedisse, &c: Deo & monachis Westminster, &c: pro animabus Richardi & Iohannis regum Angliae, & pro anima Richardi London episcopi, &c: domos meas, & curiam cum pertinentibus in villa Westminster, &c: quas habui ex dono Richardi episcopi London, & quae sunt de feedo Westminster, &c: testis Eusta­chius Fauconbridge domini regis thesaurarius, &c. He died in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred twentie two, being the sixt yeare of the long reigne of king Henrie the third, as noteth Matthew Pa­ris and Westminster, who write that then Obijt Guliel­mus [Page 1240] Eliensis Angliae thesaurarius.

A deane of Paules trea­suror.A deane of Paules was treasuror to the king, as appéereth by Mat. Parker, in the life of Hubert archbi­shop of Canturburie, writing after this maner: Eo­dem tempore (which was a time betwéene the creating of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie in the yéere of Christ 1194, being the sixt yeare of Richard the first, and the death of the said Richard the first, which fell in the yeare of Christ 1199) ecclesiae Paulinae decanus ararij regij custos fuit, siue (vt vocant) thesaurarius: and so goeth on with a discourse of his miserable death. line 10

Walter Greie bishop of Wor­cester.Walter Greie bishop of Worcester, whom some call treasuror, in the eleuenth of king Iohn, where­vnto I doo not yet agrée, leauing it to the iudgement of others, and to the finall receiuing or reiecting of him, in the large booke of the whole liues of the lord treasurors of England.

Geffreie arch­deacon of Norwich.Geffreie archdeacon of Norwich, treasuror to king Iohn, who forsooke his maister the king excom­municat by the pope: as writeth Matthew Parker in the life of Stephan Langton archbishop of Can­turburie, line 20 in these following words: Inter quos (mea­ning the bishops, which durst not openlie publish the excommunication of the king, but secretlie cast li­bels about the high waies, which gaue notice therof) quum ad fiscum regium Gaufridus Noruicensis archidiaconus negotijs regijs intendens sedisset, coepit assidentibus exponere excommunicationis sententiam, in regem iam latam, affir­mauítque non esse tutum capellanis & ecclesiasticis dignitati­bus beneficiísque affectis seruire regi ampliùs. Ideóque aulam deserens, ad ecclesiastica beneficia (quae regis seruicio acquisie­rat) line 30 secessit. Rex hunc tam proditoriè à se deficientē per Williel. Talbot militem prehendi & ad se reduci fecit, eúmque in pu­blica custodia seruatum (donec siue poenae siue conscientiae taedio pertaesus vitae fuit, & expirauit) detinuit: whose maner of death is in this sort set downe by Matth. Paris pag. 305, that he was committed to prison, Vbi post dies paucos, rege praefato (which was king Iohn) iubente, capa indutus plumbea, tàm victualium penuria quàm ipsius capae ponderositate cōpressus migrauit ad dominum. Much about which time (as I suppose) which was the yeare of line 40 Christ one thousand two hundred and nine, being a­bout the eleuenth yéere of K. Iohn, the checker was by the king remooued from London to Northamp­ton (in hatred of the Londoners) vntill Christmas.

Iohn RuthallIohn Ruthall Custos officij thesaurarij, as is proued out of the records of the excheker, had that office in the third yeare of Henrie the third, in the yéere 1219.

Eustace de Fauconbridge bishop of Lon­don.Eustachius de Fauconbridge, a iustice to receiue fines, chancellor of the excheker & treasuror to Hen­rie the third, was by the bishop of Rochester conse­crated line 50 bishop of London, in the yere of our redemp­tion one thousand two hundred twentie & one, being the fift yeare of king Henrie the third. Which Eusta­chius in the yéere 1222, with the deane & chapter of London, had great sutes against William abbat of Westminster: he was treasuror in the third yeare of king Henrie the third, being about the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred and ninetéene: he died the daie before the kalends of Nouember in the line 60 yeare of Christ 1228, being the thirtéenth of king Henrie the third, and is buried on the south side of the quéere of Paules (besides Henrie Wengham) vnder a faire monument of marble, ouer whom on the wall is this inscription: Hîc iacet Eustachius de Fau­conbridge quondam episcopus huius ecclesiae, qui multa bonae contulit ministris ecclesiae sancti Pauli.

Iohn de Font [...]es or Foun­ [...]s. Ioannes de Fontibus, or Iohn de Fontnes was bishop of Elie and treasuror in the ninth and eleuenth yéere of king Henrie the third, and before, as I take it. This man being abbat of Fontnes, and (as authors saie) Vir simplex & iustus, ac recedens à malo, was at Westminster made bishop of Elie, in the yeare of Christ 1220: he died after that he had bin bishop fiue yéeres & od moneths, in the yeare of Christ 1225, be­ing the ninth yéere of Henrie the third, & was buried in the church of Elie, toward the altar of S. Andrew.

Walter Malclerke or skillesse clerke, Walter Mal­clerke bishop of Carleill. treasuror of England, was made bishop of Carleill, in the yéere of our Lord 1223, being about the seuenth yeare of Henrie the third, who in the yeare of Christ 1233, being the seuentéenth of the said king, was by the counsell of Peter de Laroches bishop of Winchester not onlie remooued from his office of treasurorship, but also put to the fine of 100 marks, which he paied, with the losse of certeine holds, giuen him by char­ter, during his life. After which he would haue fled beyond the seas, but entring the ship at Douer, he & all his were staied and euillie intreted by the kings seruants. This man, in the yeare of Christ 1246, be­ing the thirtith yeare of Henrie the third, did on the daie of Peter and Paule at Oxenford enter into the habit of the frier preachers. After which, in the yeare of Christ 1248, being about the two & thirtith of Henrie the third, he surrendred his soule to God.

Ranulph Briton by some is made treasuror of England, but vntrulie as I suppose: Ranulph Briton. for in truth he was but treasuror of the chamber, for anie thing I can learne, and remooued from that place in the six­téenth yeare of king Henrie the third, in the yeare of Grace 1232, in whose place came Peter de Riuall. Of this Ranulph is mention had in the chancellors. Besides which, about this time I read, that Hubert of Borrow was treasuror: for thus writeth Iohan­nes Londoniensis. Rex (about the yeare of our Lord 1232) fecit ipsum (which was Hubert of Borrow) su­um iusticiarium principalem totius Angliae, & postea the­saurarium.

Peter de Oriall, in Latine called Petrus de Riuallis, Peter de Oriall. was treasuror of the chamber, and treasuror of the king, chamberleine of England and Ireland, gar­dian of all the forrests of Edgland, of all the es­cheats, of all the ports of the sea, and of all the prises of England and Ireland; being so déere to the king (as hath Matthew Westminster) that Expulsis castro [...]ū custodibus per totam ferè Angliam, rex omnia sub ipsius Pe­tri custodia commendarat. This man was made trea­suror after Walter Malclerke, in the yéere of Christ one thousand two hundred thirtie and thrée, being a­bout the seuenteenth yeare of king Henrie the third, and in the eighteenth yeare of king Henrie the third, who (as I gather) was togither with Peter bishop of Winchester, Stephan de Segraue, & Robert Pas­slew, called to accounts, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred thirtie & foure, for the kings treasure and seale euillie imploied & kept. Whervp­on Peter de Riuallis hid himselfe in the cathedrall church of Winchester. Which Peter bishop of Win­chester & Peter de Riuallis the king remooued by the persuasion of Edmund of Abindon bishop of Can­turburie, as they before had remooued Walter Mal­clerke. After which it séemeth that growing into fa­uor againe, this Petrus de Riuallis was in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred fiftie & seuen, be­ing the one & fortith yeare of king Henrie the third, made treasuror of the chamber. For thus writeth Matthew Paris: Circa festum sancti Michaelis (which was in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred fif­tie and seuen) mortuo Hurtaldo domini regis conciliarto & clerico speciali ac thesaurario de camera regis, subrogatur Pe­trus de Riuallis. Robert Pas­s [...]lew whether treasuror of England or no▪ Under this Peter de Riuallis did Ro­bert Passelew kéepe the kings treasure. Touching which Robert Passelew, whome some will haue one­lie treasuror of the chamber, some to be treasuror of England, & some to be vndertreasuror vnder Peter de Riuallis, I will set downe out of seuerall au­thors what I haue read therof, leauing to the reader to thinke thereof what he list at this time, sith I de­termine [Page 1241] fullie hereafter (not hauing now leisure therefore) to define the same in my large volume of the liues of the lord treasurors. Thus therefore touch­ing him writeth Matthew Parker. Quo etiam tempore (which was in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred fortie and foure, being about the eightéenth yeare of the reigne of Henrie the third) Robertus de Passelew, qui in thesauris regijs custodiendis & augendis to­tus versatus est, eóque nomine regi charus, ab ecclesiae cathe­dralis Cicestrensis canonicis, qui regi placere studuerant, Cice­strensis line 10 episcopus electus est. Quod Bonifacius Cantuariensis archiepisc. indignè tulit, & episcopis prouinciae suae cōuocatis, in difficilimis quibusdam & nodosis quaestionibus per Lincol­niēsem episcopum compositis seriò examinauit, deinde electione rescissa hunc Robertum repulit, & Richardum quendam de Wiz loco suo (incōsulto rege) substituit. Next writeth Mat­thew Westminster, that in the yeare of Christ 1233, being the seuentéenth of Henrie the third, the nobili­tie accused manie of the kings councellors, amongst whome they placed Robertum Passelew thesaurarium. A­gaine line 20 a little after he saith: Et sic abscondit se iterum Ro­bertus Passelew, qui post Walterum Carleolensem officium thesaurarij administrauerat. Of whose death Matthew Paris writeth thus: Eodem quo (que) anno (which was 1252, being the fiue and thirtith yeere of Henrie the third) octauo idus Iunij, obijt apud Waltham Robertus Passelew archidiaconus Lewis, &c: whome I will here leaue, al­though not in that place in which he should come, if I had once resolued with my selfe that he had beene treasuror of England. But because I had to speake line 30 of him with Peter de Riuallis, I thought here in one place to set downe what I had read of them both; and so to ioine them after their death, which were so fast ioined in offices during their liues.

Hugh Pate­shull.Hugh Pateshull, treasuror of the excheker, which was treasuror of the gréene wax, or of the seale, was also treasuror to the king in the eightéenth and nine­téenth yeare of his reigne, and after made iustice of all England: as Matthew Paris hath set downe in these words, Rex autēfretus consilio saniori (in the yere of line 40 Christ 1234, being the 18 yéere of Henrie the third) Hugonem de Pateshull clericum filium videlicet Simonis de Pateshull, quiquandóque habenas moderabatur totius regni iusticiarij, virum fidelem & honestum, loco praedictorum (which were Stephan Segraue chéefe iustice of En­gland and Peter de Riuallis treasuror) subrogauit▪ Administrauerat enim idem Hugo officium scaccarij antea laudabiliter, secundum quod appellatur secretum sigillum cu­stodiendo, & definitam pecuniam à vicecomitibus recipiendo: quare plenior fides est ei adhibita, paterna fidelitate testimoniū line 50 fidei perhibente. He was confirmed bishop of Couen­trie, in the yéere of Christ one thousand two hundred and fortie, being the 24 yere of Henrie the third, who (hauing bin the kings tresuror before) did now with great solemnitie take his leaue of the barons of the excheker with teares, and they all rose vp and kissed him. Of whose election (in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred thirtie and nine) to that bi­shoprike, thus further writeth the said Matth. touch­ching the moonks of Couentrie. Eligerunt secundum line 60 praedictam formam dominum Hugonem de Pateshull, &c▪ canonicum sancti Pauli London: & domini regis cancellariū, in episcopum & custodem animarum suarum. Concerning whome I collected this note out of the register of Westminster, that Philip Coleuille knight, the sonne of William Coleuille, the sonne of Agnes Foliot, gaue to Richard abbat of Westminster all his part of the inheritance which was Robert Foli­ots, brother to the said Agnes, in Langden, Morton, and Chalneie; witnesses Rafe bishop of Chichester chancellor, and Hugh Pateshull treasuror in the ninetéenth yeare of the reigne of Henrie the third, which Pateshull Matthew Westminster, in the yeere of Grace 1234, calleth Summum thesaurarium.

Galfridus Templarius, whome some will haue treasu­ror, but by what reson I cannot conceiue as yet, Galfridus Te [...] ­plarius. and therefore will not obstinatlie reiect him, nor hastilie receiue him into this place of the treasuror: of this man is more spoken amongst the chancellors.

William Hauerhull, a canon of Paules church in London, William H [...] ­uerhull. was made treasuror to king Henrie the third, the yere of our redemption one thousand two hundred and fortie, being the foure and twentith yeare of the reigne of the said Henrie, in which place he continued in the eight and twentith yeare of the said Henrie the third, being the yeare of our redemption 1244. He died at London in the yeare one thousand two hundred fiftie two, being the six and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third, as saith the addition to Matthew Paris fol. 1128, after which the said author fol. 1226, laied his death, in the yeere of Christ 1256, being the 39 yeare of king Henrie the third, such error is crept into hi­stories by the negligence of the transcriber: but I suppose the first note of his death to be the truer, be­cause the same is confirmed by Matth. West. spea­king in the said yeare 1252 of the death of this man, for whose epitaph these folowing verses were made:

Hîc iacet Hauerhulle iaces protothesaurarie regis,
Hinc Hauerhulle gemis non
Paritur [...].
paritura talem:
Fercula culta dabas, empyrea vina pluebas,
A modo sit Christus
Po [...]u [...].
cibus & esca tibi.

I haue also read a note of one William Hauerhull (which might be this man) which saith that William Hauerhull the sonne of Brithmarus de Hauerhull, gaue houses in Cheapeside to the abbeie of West­minster, and that one Thomas de Hauerhull was the sonne and heire of William Hauerhull.

Richard de Barking abbat of Westminster, Richard de Barking. as witnesseth the liues of the abbats, was one especiall councellor to Henrie the third, chéefe baron of the excheker, and treasuror of England, who I suppose did follow William Hauerhull. For his death, which happened on the thrée and twentith daie of Nouem­ber, in the thirtith yeare of king Henrie the third, in the yeare of Christ 1246, after that he had béene ab­bat foure and twentie yéeres, must needs prooue him to be treasuror before Philip Louell: yea and perad­uenture (as is most likelie) before Hugh Pateshull. Yet Matthew Paris, speaking of the death of Ha­uerhull, will néeds haue Philip Louell to succéed William Hauerhull, as after shall appéere. This Ri­chard de Barking was buried in Westminster church, before the midle of the altar in our ladie cha­pell in a toome of marble, which after in the time of William Colchester abbat of that place, was pulled downe by frier Combe, a sacrist of that house of Westminster, who laied a faire plaine marble stone ouer him, with this present epitaph thus inscribed:

Richardus Barking prior & post inclytus abbas,
Henrici regis prudens fuit iste minister:
Huius erat prima laus, insula rebus opima,
Altera laus éque Thorp, census, Ocham, decimequ [...],
Tertia Mortone castrum simili ratione,
Et regis quarta de multis commoda charta,
Clementis festo mundo migrauit abisto,
M. Domini C. bis, xl. sextóque sub anno,
Cui detur venia parte pia virgo Maria.

Philip Luuell or Louell, was in this order ad­uanced to the office of treasuror, Philip Louell. as appeereth by these words of Matthew Paris vpon the death of Willi­liam Hauerhull. Et cùm crederetur quòd dominus rex Iohannem Franciscum officio Wilhelmi (which was Ha­uerhull) subrogaret, fabricatis rumoribus quòd idem Iohan­nes in partibus remotis Angliae Borealibus (vt contra quos­dam religiosos plantauerat) obijsset, constituit dominus rex Philippum Louell clericum, virum prudentem, facundum & generosum, in loco memorati Willielmi suum the­saurariū, [Page 1242] quod factum est apud sanctū Albanū, pro­curante vt dicitur Iohanne Mansell amico Philip­pi speciali. This man was treasuror in the 35 and so vntill the 42 yeare of Henrie the third, & was in the same yeare deposed by the barons, he died at Hame­sleie, in the yeare of Christ 1259, whose executors were Philip Louell & Robert de Mercenton. But his goods after his death the king commanded to be confiscat. And heere before I go any further, I thinke it not amisse to note that some haue mistaken them­selues in the accompt of the kings treasuror much a­bouth line 10 this time, making these persons Walter Bru­dell & Peter Catchporke or Chaceporke to be the kings treasuror, which by no accompt of yeares can be true, for they were the quéenes and not the kings tresurors, as may appéere both by Mat. Paris and Mat. Westmin. whereof the first writeth thus: Obijt & Wal­terus de Brudell eiusdem reginae thesaurarius, which he pla­ceth in the yere of Christ 1255, being the thirtie ninth yeare of king Henrie the third. Of the second person line 20 Chaceporke thus writeth Mat. West. in the yeare of Christ 1254: Veniens autem rex ad mare nec ventum habēs prosperum, apud Boloniam moratus estinuitus, vbi obijt Petrus Chaceporc natione Pictauensis, reginae thesaurarius & regis clericus & conciliarius specialis. And thus this much by the waie of the two treasurors of the quéens, supposed by some (but not rightlie) to haue béene the kings.

Iohn Crakehall archdeacon of Bedford was trea­suror in 42, Iohn Crake­hall. 43, 44 yeare of Henrie the third, to whom the king in the fortie fourth of his reigne, being the line 30 yeare of Christ 1260, gaue a prebendarie, wherin be­ing inuested, he was from thence remooued by a for­mer collation therof made to one Iohn le Gras. The said Crakehall after died the same yere at London.

Iohn abbat of Peterbo­row.Iohn abbat of Peterborow was by the barons in the 44 yeare of Henrie the third made treasuror, as the other officers of the king also were, Nicholas of Elie was then made chancellor, & Hugh de Spenser chéefe iustice, which office of treasurorship this Iohn continued, in the 46 yeare of Henrie the sixt, 1262.

Nicholas de Elie.Nicholas de Elie so called bicause he was arch­deacon line 40 of Elie, was treasuror to the king in the se­uen and fourtith of Henrie the third, being the yeare of our Lord 1263, whereof I haue seene this note of record. Memorandum quòd in crastino Paschae, Anno 47 H. 3. In praesentia Rogeri le Bigot comite Norffolke & ma­rischalli Angliae, Hugo le Bigot, Arnoldi de Berkeley baron, de scaccario magistri, Iohannis de Chisull cancellar. regis, &c. Recepit magister Nicholaus archidiaconus Eliensis thesaura­rius subscripta in thesauraria dom▪ regis, &c. This man as line 50 before appéereth had bin chancellor, of whom is men­tion made in my following tretise of the chancellors.

Thomas de Wimundham.Thomas Wimundham. This man being chiefe chanter of Lichfield, was by the barons in the yeare of Christ 1258, in the one and fourtith yeare of king Henrie the third, made treasuror (at the excheker) of the seale or place where the writs be sealed with gréene war, after which he was treasuror to the king in the 50, 51, & 52 yeares of king Henrie the third.

Iohn Chisull sometime chancellor was treasuror line 60 in the foure & fiftith yeare of Henrie the third, Iohn Chisull. being about the yeare of Christ a thousand two hundred thrée score and nine. He was deane of Paules, chosen bishop of London in the yeare of Christ a thousand two hundred seuentie and thrée, and consecrat to that place in the yeare of Christ a thousand two hundred seuentie & foure, in which place he continued about fiue yeares, and died in the yeare of our redemption 1279, being in the seuenth yeare of the reigne of the victorious prince king Edward the first of that name. See more of this Chisull in my following dis­course of the chancellors.

Philip de Eie.Philip de Eie was treasuror (as appeareth by the records of the excheker) in the 56 yeare of king Hen­rie the third, and in the first yeare of king Edward the first, partlie falling in the yeare of our redemp­tion 1272, and 1273.

Ioseph de Chancie, Ioseph de Chancie. whom one anonymall author calleth Iohn de Chancie, but not rightlie as I sup­pose, was tresuror in the second yéere of the scourger of the Scots king Edward the first, being the yeare of our redemption 1274.

William Gifford bishop of Bath and Welles was treasuror to Edward the first, William bi­shop of Bath▪ he was remoo­ued to Yorke in the yeare of Christ 1265, this man is by manie chronicles, and that perhaps most trulie called Walter Gifford. He died in the seuenth yeare of king Edward the first, being the yeare of our re­demption 1279 as hath Nicholas Triuet. Of this man sée more in the chancellors of England.

Robert Burnell bishop of Bath and Welles chan­cellor of England, Robert Burnell. and treasuror to king Edward the first, is by the Welsh historie pag. 328, called chiefe iustice of England. Leland reporteth that an abbat told him how that a bishop Burnell built the castell of Acton Burnell. Of this man shall be more spoken hereafter in the chancellors of England.

Ioseph de Chancie the second time treasuror to king Edward the first, Ioseph de Chancie. in the sixt yeare of the said king, being the yeare of our redemption 1278, was also prior of S. Iohns Ierusalem in Anglia, as I take it; and by an other name called the lord of S. Iohns or of the knights of the Rhodes in England.

Thomas Becke archdeacon of Dorcester, was treasuror in the seuenth yeare of king Edward the first, Thomas Becke. being the yeare of our redemption 1278 as some haue, but 1279 as other haue (by the witnesse of Leland, out of a monke of Glastenburie) in his booke De assertione Arthuri, reciting the words of the said monke in this sort.

Anno Domini 1267: Eadueardus rex Henrici tertij fi­lius, venit cum regina sua Glasconiam. Die verò Martis proxima sequenti, fuit rex & tota curia accepta sumptibus monasterij. Quo die in crepusculo, fecit apperiri sepulchrum inclyti Arthuri, vbi in duabus cistis imaginibus & armis eorū depictis, ossa dicti regis mirae grossitudinis separata inuenit. Imago quidem reginae coronata, imaginis regiae corona fuit prostrata, cum abscissione sinistrae auriculae; & vestigijs pla­gae vnde moriebatur: inuenta est scriptura super his singulis manifesta. In crastino, videlicet die Mercurij rex ossa regis, regina ossa reginae, pallijs pretiosis reuoluta, in suis cistis reclu­dentes, & sigilla sua apponentes, praeceperunt idem sepulchrum ante maius altare celeriter collocari, retentis externis capitibus propter populi deuotionem; apposita huiusmodi scriptura: Haec sunt ossa nobilissimi regis Arthurij, quae anno dominicae incar­nationis 1278, decimo tertio calendas Maij, per dominum Eadueardum regem Angliae illustrem hîc fuerunt sic colloca­ta, praesentibus Leonora serenissima eiusdem regis consorte, & filia domini Ferandi regis Hispaniae, magistro William de Middleton nunc Norwicensi electo, magistro Thoma de Becke archidiacono Dorsitensi & praedicti regis thesaurario, domino Henrico de Lasciae comite Lincolniae, domino Amideo comite Subaudiae, & multis magnatibus Angliae. Thus farre the moonke of Glastenburie.

Richard Warren or de Ware abbat of Westmin­ster, Richard de Ware. was made abbat about the yeare of Christ 1260, being about the foure and fortith yeare of king Henrie the third, who was made treasuror, as hath Iohn de Euersden, in the yeare of our redemption a thousand two hundred & foure score, being the eight yeare of king Edward the first: which yeare of Christ a thousand two hundred and foure score, some doo falslie make to fall in the tenth, some in the eleuenth yeare of the said Edward the first, which contrarie­ti [...] hath onelie risen by the default of the transcriber. But most certeine it is that he was treasuror in the ninth, eleuenth, and part of the twelfe of the said king Edward the first. This man going to Rome for [Page 1243] his consecration, brought from thense certeine workemen and rich purphyrie stones, whereof and by whom he made that rare pauement (conteining a dis­course of the whole world) which is at this daie most beautifull, and to be seene at Westminster before the communion table: a thing of that singularitie, curi­ousnesse, and rarenesse, that England hath not the like againe, in which pauement are circularie writ­ten in letters of brasse these ten verses following:

Silector posita prudenter cuncta reuoluat, line 10
Hìc finem primi mobilis inueniet.
Sepes trina canes, & equos, homines superaddas,
Ceruos, & coruos, aquilas, immania cete,
Mundum quód (que) sequens praeeuntis triplicat annos,
Anno Domini 1268 Henricus tertius vrbs Ro­ma Odoricus ce­mentator & ab­bas Richardus de Ware fecerunt id pa [...]imentum.
Sphericus archetypū, globum hic monstrat microcosmum.
Christi milleno, bis centeno, duodeno,
Cum sexageno, subductis quatuor anno,
Tertius Henricus, rex, vrbs, Odoricus & abbas
Hos compegere purphyreos lapides.

The full explanation of which verses shall be at line 20 large set downe in the whole discourse of this ab­bats life, in my large booke of the liues of the lord treasurors. Which abbat with those workemen and those stones did also frame the shrine of Edward the confessor with these verses, carued out of stone and also gilded set about the same shrine or monument:

Anno milleno Domini, cum septuageno,
Et bis centeno, cum completo quasideno,
Hoc opus est factum, quod Petrus duxit in actum,
Romanus ciuis. Homo, causam noscere sivis, line 30
Rex fuit Henricus sancti praesentis amicus.

This abbat died the second daie of December, in the yeare of our redemption a thousand two hundred foure score and thrée, being the twelfe yeare of king Edward the first; after that he had gouerned the monasterie three and twentie yeares and more, and was buried there at Westminster, in the foresaid plaine pauement of purphyrie on the north side neere vnto the toome (as is yet well to be séene) of Odomer or Aimer de Ualence earle of Penbroke, on which line 40 graue is ingrauen this bréefe epitaph héere insuing:

Abbas Richardus de Wara qui requiescit
Hîc portat lapides, quos hic portauit ab vrbe.

Walter Wenlocke abbat of Westminster, whom Matthew Westminster calleth William de Wen­loke, Walter Wen­locke. was made abbat of Westminster after the death of Richard de Ware, & was treasuror to king Edward the first, as hath the register of the liues of the abbats of Westminster, and other records that I haue seene. Which office it séemeth that he had, meane line 50 betwéene the twelfe and the foureteenth yeare of the said king Edward the first, as I suppose. This man after that he had beene abbat six and twentie yeares lacking six daies, died the fiue and twentith of De­cember on the Christmas daie at night, in his ma­nour of Pireford in Glocestershire, in the first yeare of Edward the sonne of Edward (which was Ed­ward the second) being the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and seuen, and was bu­ried in the church of Westminster, besides the high line 60 altar then standing without the south doore of saint Edwards shrine before the presbiterie there, vnder a plaine pauement and a marble stone decentlie ador­ned with this epitaph to his high commendation:

Abbas Walterus iacet hîc sub marmore tectus,
Non fuit austerus, sed mitis, famine rectus.

A bishop of Couentrie (and Lichfield) was trea­suror of England in the fourteenth yéere of king Ed­ward the first, Bishop of Couentrie. being the yeare of our redemption 1286, in whose place in the same yeare came Iohn Kirkbie.

Iohn Kirkbie deane of Winburne and archdea­con of Couentrie, Iohn Kirkbie bishop of Elie. & treasuror to king Edward the first, was on the seuenth calends of August in the yeare of our Lord 1286, being the fouretéenth yeare of the said Edward (then at Paris) made bishop of Elie, whome Leland (the refiner of all names dooth in his cōment vpon his song of the swan in the word Winchelsega thus terme; Iohannes Cherche [...]ius episcopus Anguillarinus regi à thesauris. This man was tresuror in the sixtéenth, seuentéenth, & part of the eightéenth of Edward the first, in which yeare (as it séemeth) being part of the yeare of Christ 1290 this bishop died, the seuenth calends of Aprill, after that he had béene bi­shop three yeares some moneths and some daies, and was buried by Walepoole bishop of Norwich in the church of Elie, on the north part of the quéere before the altar of saint Iohn Baptist.

William de Marchia or Gulielmus Martius was treasuror in Easter terme, William de Marchia. in the eightéenth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the first, in which office he continued about fiue yeares, & was remooued from that place on the 23 yeare of the said king Edward the first, and Peter of Leicester baron of the exche­ker, with the two chamberleins executed all functi­ons of that office vntill a new treasuror was made. This William de Marchia was made bishop of Bath and Welles, in the yeare of Christ 1293, being the 22 yeare of king Edward the third, in which sée he remained almost ten yeares, and died in the yeare of our Lord 1302, being about the 32 yeare of the said king Edward the first, and was buried in the church of Welles in the wall, betwéene the doore of the cloi­ster and the altar of saint Martine, at whose toome in time past (as the nature of that credulous age did hastilie beléeue) were manie miracles doone; as some haue left in memorie to the following posteritie.

Walter Langhstone bishop of Lichfield and Co­uentrie was made treasuror after William de Marchia, in the 23 yeare of king Edward the first, Walter Lāgh­stone bishop of Lichfield. in which office he continued (as I gather) during the life of king Edward the first, which fell in the 35 yeare of his reigne, being the yéere of our redemption 1307, and was then remoued and imprisoned in the tower with two men onelie by Edward the second then comming to the crowne, bicause the said Walter Langhstone had caused king Edward the first to imprison, and as some haue to banish this new king Edward the second for breaking downe the parkes of the said bishop Walter Langhstone. During the time that this Peter de Willebie was vnder treasu­ror or lieutenant of the treasuror, for the words be Locum tenens thesaurarij, in the thirtith, one and thirtith, two and thirtith of Edward the first, this Walter was made bishop of Couentrie and Lichfield, in the yeare of our redemption 1295, being the thrée and twentith yeare of king Edward the first, and the same yeare that he was made treasuror. He died a­bout the yeare of our redemption 1321, being about the fouretéenth yeare of king Edward the second, to which bishop the lord Cobham now liuing his heire, as being descended from Margaret the sister and heire of Iohn Peuerell the coosine and heire to this Walter Langhstone, which Margaret was maried to sir William de la Poole of Asbie knight, frō whom the lord Cobham is issued. And here sith I haue be­fore made mention of the death of Edward the first, although it be somewhat impertinent to the treasu­rors; yet for that I doo not remember that the same verses are set down in any of our late English chro­nicles, & for that I would haue a perpetuall memorie of them, I will here deliuer such epitaphicall verses as I haue found touching king Edward the first:

Dum viguit (rex) & valuit tua magna potestas,
Fraus latuit, pax magna fuit, regnauit honestas,
Scotos Eadwardus, dum vixit, suppeditauit,
Tenuit, afflixit, depressit, dilaniauit.

Walter Reinolds scholemaster to Edw. 2. bishop Walter Rei­nolds bishop of Worcester. [Page 1244] of Worcester, and after of Canturburie, and chan­cellor of England, was aduanced to the place of the lord treasuror of England, in the 1. Edw. 2. being the yeare of Christ 1307, after which in the yeare of our Lord 1308, he was made bishop of Worcester, he continued in the office of treasuror vntill some part of the fourth yeare of the said Edward the second, at what time came in his place Iohn Sandall, who was lieutenant vnto the said Walter in place of the treasuror, as appeareth by manie writs directed vnto line 10 him by the name of Iohn Sandall Locum tenenti W. episcopi Wigorniae. Of him is more spoken in the chan­cellors of England. But here I cannot passe ouer some both skilfull in antiquitie, & persons of no small name by reason of their office, whereof the one in print, and the other in a booke of the nobilitie of Eng­land since the conquest vnprinted, doo make Hugh Spenser the elder treasuror of England, Hugh Spen­ser the elder. which as yet I cannot find to be true, for that I doubt that king Edw. 2. louing him so entierlie would euer af­ter line 20 remooue him, & for that the full succession of trea­surors before set downe, being true and taken out of ancient and most certeine records, will not afford him anie place among them. But leauing that mat­ter to others who can better defend the same, I will descend to the other treasurors.

Iohn de Sandall being clerke, Scutifer regis, chan­cellor of the excheker, Iohn de Sandall. and chancellor of England, ha­uing béene before vnder treasuror or deputie for the high treasuror, came now in the fourth yeare of Ed­ward line 30 the second to be made chiefe treasuror, & ente­red into that office in Easter terme about the begin­ning of the said fourth yeare of Edward the second. But in the yere following, which was the fift of Ed­ward the second, he gaue place to another. He was chosen bishop of Winchester in the ninth yeare of Edward the second, being the yeare of our redemp­tion 1316. Of whome thus writeth Anomymus M. S. Obierunt episcopus Winton & Eli viri sacra professione insigniti, quorum primo successit Iohannes de Sandall cancella­rius line 40 Angliae vir cunctis affabilis & necessarius communitati. Secundo successit Iohannes de Hothum scaccar. regis, vir siqui­dem scientiae penitùs ignarus, qui statim episcopatus ascenso culmine, ad honorum pariter & officij thesaurarij rex ipsum in sui fauoreni sublimauit. Of which Iohn Sandall, and also of Iohn Hothume, shall be more said hereafter.

Walter Norwich, knight, treasuror in the fift yeare of Edward the second, Walter Nor­wich. and afterward in Ea­ster tearme in the eight yeare of king Edward the second, did on the third daie of October in the said line 50 eight yeare of king Edward the second receiue the office of the treasurorship, and on the same daie tooke a corporall oth before the barons and chamberleins of the excheker, to behaue himselfe well and faith­fullie in the same office, which he had receiued of king Edward the second, by his letters dated at Yorke the six and twentith daie of September, in the eight yeare of the said king Edward the second, which he kept not long at that time.

Iohn Sandall was the second time lord treasu­ror, Iohn San­dall. line 60 in the six and seuenth yeare of king Edward the second. This man being bishop of Winchester, was treasuror. Of him sée more in the chancellors of Eng­land.

Walter de Norwich.Walter de Norwich being treasuror as before in the eight yeare of king Edward the second, did not long inioy the same, but as I suppose gaue place to Iohn Drokensford.

Iohn Dro­kensford.Iohn de Drokensford, the fourteenth bishop of Bath & Welles, had (as I haue read) the great seale deliuered vnto him, and was also treasuror of Eng­land. But bicause I find not as yet in what yeare, al­though it were in the time of king Edward the se­cond, I cannot set downe the certeintie. Of whome thus writeth the register of the bishops of Ba [...]h. Io­hannes Drokensford thesaurarius 14, Bathon episcopus post Walterum Haselshawes, successit in episcopatum Bathon, annis 19, iste episcopatum pluribus aedificijs insigniuit, franchesias per reges episcopatui concessas non solùm literatoriè renouauit sed etiam ampliauit. Et quo ad ditationem & exaltationem parentelae suae ferè fuit aequal [...]s praedecessori suo Roberto Bornell. Et Welliae sepelitur ante altare sancti Iohannis Baptistae.

Iohn Hothum Bishop of Elie (as is before no­ted out of one anonymall chronicle) obteined the place and honour of treasurorship, Iohn Ho­thum bishop of Elie. in the eleuenth yeare of king Edward the second, which he did not long inioy. For in the Michaelmas tearme in the twelfe yere of king Edward the second, came Wil­liam Walwaine. Of this Iohn Hothum is mention made in the discourse of the chancellors hereafter.

William Walwaine treasuror of England in the twelfe yeare of king Edward the second, William Walwaine being about the yeare of our redemption 1318, was (as it should séeme) for his negligence and vnworthines of the place most worthilie remooued at the parlement at Yorke, in such sort that he possessed not that place (as I coniecture) aboue halfe a yere. For in the same twelfe yeare came the bishop of Winchester.

Iohn Stratford bishop of Winchester, Iohn Strat­ford bishop of Winchester. vpon the remoouing of Walwaine, was in the same twelfe yeare of king Edward the second admitted into the office of the treasurorship, vntill the king should o­therwise determine. Which bishop found not in the treasurie aboue nine & twentie pounds seuentéene shillings and eight pence, which might well be the cause of the displacing of the said Walwaine, who had ouer prodigallie dispersed the kings treasure.

Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester was trea­suror in the thirteenth yeare of king Edward the se­cond, Walter Sta­pleton bishop of Excester. being the yeare of our redemption 1319, in which I suppose he continued vntill the fiftéenth yeare of the said king, being about the yere of Christ 1321. Of this man dooth more follow.

Walter Norwich knight was the third time made treasuror, Walter Norwich. which place he inioied in the fiftéenth yeare of king Edward the second, being the yéere of our redemption 1321, or there abouts. Walsingham saith that in the second of Edward the third Obijt William de Norwich.

Roger Northborow Scutifer or kéeper of the seale, Roger North­borow or Norberie. being taken by the Scots at the battell of Ba­nockesburne about the seuenth yeare of Edward the second, in the yeare of our redemption 1313, was also clearke of the wardrobe, and treasuror in the six­téenth of king Edward the second, being the yeare of our redemption 1322. Of whom thus writeth one ano­nymall chronicle M.S. Anno Domini 1321 obijt Walterus de Langtone episcopus Cestren. cui successit in episcopatus hono­re per viā impressionis & ambitionis Rogerus de Northburgh, clericus, de regis garderobia, sibi regis in cunctis fauentibus auxilio & voluntate. I haue read of one Godfreie de Northburgh bishop of Chester that died in the three and thirtith of king Edward the third, being the yere of Christ 1359, which perhaps should be this Roger Northborow, Godfreie being by the transcriber pla­ced in stéed of Roger. But I will not at this time de­fine anie certeintie thereof, although I find an other note of one Roger Northborow consecrated bishop of Couentrie and Lichfield, in the yeare of Christ 1321, who sat in that sée eight and thirtie years, which eight and thirtie yeares added to the yeare of Christ, in which this Roger was made bishop, doo make vp the number of the yeare of Christ 1359, in which it is said that Godfreie Northborow died.

Walter Stapleton bishop of Excester▪ Walter Sta­pleton bishop of Excester. the second time treasuror in the eightéenth yeare of king Ed­ward the second, & before, was remooued in Easter tearme in the same yeare. In which Easter tearme [Page 1245] was William bishop of Yorke also made treasuror, as is prooued by the pell of Exitus, that terme being thus intituled, De termino Paschae anno 18 Ed. 2. tam tem­pore W. episcopi Exon. quàm W. archiepiscopi Eborum. This Walter being elected to the bishoprike of Excester, in the yeare of our redemption 1307, did sit in that place twentie years, and was beheaded at the com­ming into England of quéene Isabell to depose Ed­ward the second, in the twentith yere of the said king Edward the second, in the yéere of our redempti­on line 10 1326. The cause of whose beheading was, for that he had procured the banishment of the said quéene I­sabell, and of hir sonne prince Edward.

William Melton.William Melton archbishop of Yorke made lord treasuror in Easter terme, in the eightéenth yéere of Edward the second, kept the same office vntill the deposition of himselfe from that place, & of his mai­ster from his kingdome, in the twentith yeare of the reigne of the said Edward the second, and then gaue place to Iohn Stratford. line 20

Iohn Strat­ford.Iohn Stratford bishop of Winchester was the second time made treasuror of England, in the twen­tith yeare of the deposed king Edward, after the death of Walter Stapleton. This Iohn the foure­téenth daie of Nouember, in the said twentith yeare of Edward the second, comming into the excheker, brought thither the kings patent, or open writ, or commandement, vnder the seale of Edward the kings eldest son, to witnes his election and creation to that place of treasuror: the tenor of which writ I line 30 haue thought good to set downe, because it was doone by the son in the fathers name, and vnder the teste of the son, the father yet being king in shew; but the son indéed as gouernor of the realme: which title he inioied, vntill that he most vnnaturallie by the ma­lice of his mother, the ambition of himselfe, and the flatterie of his followers had deposed his father. The tenor of which writ was in these words, as followeth.

EDwardus rex Angliae, & dominus Hiberniae, baronibus & camerarijs suis de scaccario suo salutem. Quùm pro eo line 40 quòd venerabilis pater W. archiepiscopus Eborum nuper the­saurarius scaccarij praedicti, circa diuersa negotia in partibus Borealibus est occupatus, quominùs intendere possit ad ea quae ad officium illud in dicto scaccario pertinent exercenda: con­stituerimus venerabilem patrem Iohannem Wintoniensem epis­copum, tenentem locum thesaurarij scaccarij praedicti, quousque de officio illo aliter duximus ordinandum. Percipiendo in eo­dem officio (dum illud sic tenuerit) feodum consuetum prout in literis nostris patentibus praefato episcopo inde confectis pleniùs line 50 continetur. Vobis mandamus, quòd ipsum episcopum ad offi­cium admittatis, & ei in his quae ad officium praedictum per­tineant intendatis in forma praedicta. Teste Edwardo filio no­stro primogenito custode regni nostri. Apud Hereford sexto die Nouembris, anno regni nostri vicesimo.

Adam Tarle­ton.Adam Tarleton, or de Orleton borne in Here­fordshire, being Decretorum doctor, was made bishop of Hereford by the pope at Auinion in the yeere one thousand thrée hundred and seauenteene, about the tenth or eleuenth yeare of the reigne of Edward the line 60 second, being he that made the sermon for the deposi­tion of king Edward the second, and wrote the am­phibologicall epistle for the death of the king, contei­ning these words, Regem occidere nolite timere bonum est, which hath by a comma or point made at Timere one sense, and by a comma made at Nolite another sense. Which Adam was made lord treasuror in the first yeere of king Edward the third, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred twentie and six, in which office he continued not long. For in the Easter terme of the said king came Henrie bi­shop of Lincolne. This man was made bishop of Winchester in the yéere one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and fiue, being the ninth yeere of king Ed­ward the third: in which seat he sate twelue yeares. The death of which Adam (who gaue Henningfield parsonage to the church of Hereford) sir Thomas de la More doth most plentifullie set foorth.

Henrie Burwash bishop of Lincolne was lord treasuror in Easter terme, Henrie Bur­wash or Bur­gesse bishop of Lincolne. in the first yéere of the reigne of king Edward the third, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand three hundred twentie and seauen, in which office he continued vntill the se­cond yeere of Edward the third, and was afterward remooued.

Thomas bishop of Hereford inioied the honorable place of the lord treasuror, Thomas bi­shop of Here­ford. in the third yeare of king Edward the third, being the yeere of our redemption one thousand three hundred twentie and nine: but in the yéere following another came in place.

Robert Woodhouse possessed the roome of the high tresuror of England, Robert Wood­house. in the fourth yéere of the reigne of the said yoong king Edward the third, being the yeere that the word became flesh one thousand thrée hundred and thirtie, and was also treasuror some part of Michaelmasse terme, in the fift yéere of king Eward the third, who in the yéere following did giue place vnto another.

William archbishop of Yorke was againe trea­suror of England, William Melton. in the fift yeere of the reigne of king Edward the third, being the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and one, and in­ioied that place some part of Michaelmasse terme in the said yeere, after whome came the bishop of Nor­wich.

W. bishop of Norwich was made treasuror in Michaelmas terme in the said fift yéere of the reigne of king Edward the third: W. bishop of Norwich. in which terme there had béene thrée lord treasurors successiuelie (a thing sel­dome or neuer heard, nor I thinke likelie againe e­uer to be) which office this bishop kept all Michael­masse terme, in the sixt yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third, being the yeare of our redempti­on one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and two, and somewhat more in the end, yet yéelding that honor to another.

Robert le Ailestone, being lord treasuror in the seuenth yéere of the reigne of Edward the third, Robert le Aileston [...] be­ing the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and thrée, continued in the same of­fice vntill the tenth yeare of the reigne of king Ed­ward the third, being the yeare of our saluation one thousand thrée hundred thirtie six, which was about thrée yeares, the same being a longer time than anie other had possessed that place, since the beginning of the reigne of the said king Edward the third.

Henrie Burwash bishop of Lincolne was againe treasuror the tenth yeare of the reigne of king Ed­ward the third, Henrie Bur­wash bishop of Lincolne. being in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand thrée hundred thirtie and six, in which yéere (as hath Scala chronicorum) the king holding his parle­ment at London, was aduised by his councell to pro­secute his title to the crowne of France. Where­vpon king Edward sent ambassadors to the duke of Bauiere emperor (which had married the other sister to the earle of Henalt, as king Edward the third had maried one) for suertie of aliance, and to re­teine noble men about him with no small charge, which ambassadors were Henrie Burgwash bishop of Lincolne, and the earles William Montacute of Sarum, and William Clinton of Huntington, who returned to the parlement at London with their an­swer well liked. Of this man see more in the chan­cellors, being yet after his ambassage treasuror in some part of the eleuenth yéere of Edward the third.

Richard de Burie bishop of Durham did inioie the honor of lord treasuror, Richard de Burie bishop of Durham. in the eleuenth yeere of [Page 1246] the reigne of king Edward the third: he was a man of great grauitie, and much estéemed of the nobilitie and gentlemen of the north. Of this man is more spoken in the chancellors of England.

Wiliam de la Zouch.William de la Zouch borne of the noble house of the lord Zouch, was treasuror of England, in the twelfe yéere of king Edward the third, in the yéere of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and eight; he being bishop of Yorke was vicegerent to the king in the north parts, in the twentith yéere of line 10 the reigne of the said Edward the third, and in the yéere of our redemption one thousand three hundred fortie and six, at what time he tooke Dauid Bruce king of Scots. This man went to Rome, and after a long contention betwéene him and William Kel­sleie, Kilsbie, or Kelseie (for all these different names are found in authors) touching the archbishoprike of Yorke, he was after two yeares thus spent consecra­ted bishop of Yorke by pope Clement the sixt. After which this William in the eleuenth yeare of his bi­shoprike, line 20 being long troubled with a greeuous dis­ease, began the worke of a chappell on the south side adioining to the church of saint Peters in Yorke, where he purposed to be buried: but died before it was finished, and lieth interred in the said church be­fore the altar of saint Edward the confessor.

Richard Sa­dington knight.Sir Richard Sadington knight was treasuror in the foureteenth yéere of the reigne of king Ed­ward the third, being the yéere of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred & fortie. There was one line 30 Robert Sadington liuing about this time, of whom is more mention in the chancellors of England: but as yet I well know not whether they were both one man or no; sith authors maie misplace Robert for Richard, as they haue often doone.

Robert North­borow bishop of Couentrie.Robert Northborow, being at that time (as I iudge) bishop of Couentrie, was treasuror of Eng­land, in the fouretéenth yéere of the reigne of Ed­ward the third, being the yeere of our Lord one thou­sand three hundred and fortie, in which yeere he was line 40 remooued, whom with the chancellor the king meant afterward (as after shall appeare) to haue sent into Flanders as pledges for monie that the king owght there. After whom I suppose that Sadington came in place, although I haue a little misplaced him at this time, following the fansies of other men more than mine owne.

A bishop of Chester.A bishop of Chester was lord treasuror of Eng­land in the fiftéenth yéere of the reigne of king Ed­ward the third, being about the yéere that the word line 50 became flesh, one thousand thrée hundred fortie and one, in which office he did not long continue.

Robert Perning or Pernicke was lord treasu­ror in the Easter terme, Robert Per­ning. in the yéere of our redempti­on one thousand thrée hundred fortie and one, being the fiftéenth yéere of king Edward the third, in which yéere also he was made chancellor, and so continued both offices a while, vntill in the sixtéenth yéere of the reigne of king Edward the third, as I gather by all circumstances of times, records, and histories: line 60 who in the seuentéenth yeere of the reigne of the said king Edward the third, being the yéere of our re­demption one thousand thrée hundred fortie and thrée (as appeareth by the bookes of the law) being chan­cellor, deliuered a record with his hands into the court of the kings bench. Of this man more shall be set downe hereafter in my discourse of the chan­cellors.

Roger North­borow bishop of Couentrie.Roger Northborow (as I take it) being then bi­shop of Couentrie, did honorablie possesse the place of the lord tresuror of England, in the sixtéenth yéere of the reigne of king Edward the third, being the yéere of our redemption one thousand three hundred fortie and two. Of whome thus writeth Matthew Parker in the life of Iohn Stratford archbishop of Canturburie: Ibi (meaning at the tower) concilium initum est, tandémque definitū, vt archiepiscopus & episcopus Cicestrensis regni cancellarius & Couentrensis thesaurarius, vnà cum alijs a satellitibus & lictoribus deprehensi, ad publi­cam custodiam rerum à se, absente rege, gestarum rationem red­dituri ducerentur. Manè accedunt sate [...]lites Lametham, sed Iohn Strat­ford. archiepiscopus ei pridie decesserat: tum Londinum reuersi Couentrensem & Cicestrensem episcopos cum alijs designatis capiunt, captos ad tur [...]im deducunt, &c.

William de Cusans, William de Cusans. being lord treasuror in the seauenteenth yeare of Edward the third, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand, three hundred, fortie and thrée, continued in the same office all Michael­masse tearme, in the eightéenth yeare of the said Ed­ward the third, and the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred fortie and foure: and being a yeare more. Betweene whom & Thomas Henlee abbat of Westminster was great contention about the iuris­diction of the hospitall of saint Iames in the parish of saint Margaret in Westminster, which hospitall is now a statelie house belonging to the prince, and built by king Henrie the eight called the manor of saint Iames with a parke walled about with bricke.

William de Edington, William de Edington bi­shop of Win­chester. lord chancellor and trea­suror of England, and bishop of Winchester, was lord treasuror in Easter terme the ninetéenth yeare of Edward the third, being about the yeare of our re­demption one thousand, thrée hundred fortie and fiue, in which office he continued vntill the two and thirtith of the said king, one thousand three hundred fiftie and eight, being fourteene years, which was (as I thinke) as manie more years as anie one man did possesse that place, since the beginning of the reigne of king Edward the third, vntill the time of this W [...]llam E­dington. He was so surnamed of the place where hée was borne, being the towne of Edington in Wilt­shire: he was made bishop of Winchester (as some haue) about the yeare of our redemption one thou­sand thrée hundred fortie and seuen, being about the one and twentith yeare of king Edward the third. This man (chosen bishop of Canturburie, but yet ne­uer bishop) died (as hath Walsingham) in the fortith yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand three hun­dred sixtie and six. I haue read of a bishop of Nor­wich that should also be treasuror in the foure and twentith of Edward the third, which must fall in the time that this Edington did continue that office: but how true it is, I leaue to others to consider, vntill I haue in my large booke of the liues of the lord treasu­rors dissolued that, and all other doubts and contra­rieties that are here touched, or by authors reported.

Iohn bishop of Rochester was lord treasuror in the two and thirtith yeare of king Edward the third, Iohn bishop of Rochester. in the yeare of our redemption 1358, in which office he continued in the thirtie thrée and thirtie fourth yéere of Edward the third.

Simon Langham, Simon Langham bishop of Elie. being of the priorie of West­minster, made abbat of that house, was shortlie af­ter made lord treasuror of England, which office he held in the fiue & thirtith and six and thirtith yeare of king Edward the third, who being bishop of London (as hath Matthew Parker) was in the yeare that the wordof the father tooke on it the forme of a seruant, by due account 1361, being the fiue and thirtith yeare of king Edward the third, by the pope made bishop of Elie, where he sat fiue yeares, and was after in the yeare of our redemption, one thousand, thrée hundred, sixtie and six, being the fortith yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third, chosen bishop of Canturburie, and consecrated in the yeare of our redemption 1367, as saith the same Matthew Par­ker. On which daie of his consecration he demanded [Page 1247] homage of the erle Stafford of Thomas Rosse, Iohn Kirrell, Robert Brockill, & Rafe Sentleger, knights for their lands which they held of the sée of Cantur­burie. Shortlie after which in the yere of our redemp­tion one thousand, three hundred, sixtie and eight, be­ing the two and fortith yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third, he was made cardinall, & died at Auimere the two and twentith daie of Iulie, about the yeare of our redemption, as saith one Anonymus M.S. 1376, being the fiftith yeare of king Edward the third, and was buried besides Auinion, in a place line 10 which he had raised from the foundation: three yeares after which his bones were brought to Westminster where at this daie he hath one honorable toome on the south side of the shrine amongst the kings, on whose toome the moonks of Westminster did sometime place this same epitaph in the remembrance of him:

Simon de Langham sub petris his tumulatus,
Istius ecclesiaemonachus fuerat, prior, abbas,
Sede vacante fuit electus Londoniensis line 20
Praesul & insignis eligi, sed postea prim [...]s
Totius regni, magnus regísque minister:
Nam thesaurarius & cancellarius eius,
Ac cardinalis in Roma presbyter iste,
Postque Praenestinus est factus episcopus atque
Nuntius ex parte papae, transmittitur istuc
Orbe dolente pater, quem nunc reuocare nequimus:
Magdalenae festo milleno septuageno
Et ter centeno sexto Christi ruit anno:
Hunc Deus absoluat de cunctis quae malè gessit, line 30
Et meritis matris sibi coelica gaudia donet.

Of this man I haue intreated in my discourse of the cardinals pag. 1165. and in my collection of all the chancellors of England hereafter following.

Iohn Barnet bishop of Wor­cester.Iohn Barnet made bishop of Worcester in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred sixtie and two, being the six and thirtith yeare of king Edward the third, was treasuror of England in the seuen and thirtith yeere of Edward the third, in which office he continued, being treasuror in Michaelmasse line 40 tearme in the eight & thirtith yeare of the reigne of the said Edward the third, which fell in the yeare of Christ one thousand three hundred sixtie & foure, and so he continued in the thrée & fortith yéere of king Ed­ward the third still treasuror. He was made bishop of Bath in the yeare of our redemption 1363, in which bishoprike he remained thrée yeares, and was by Ur­bane the sixt then bishop of Rome translated from Bath to Elie in the yeare of Christ 1866, being the fortith yéere of the reigne of king Edward the third, line 50 in which place he sat six yeares: and being a verie old man, and hauing béene treasuror about six yeares, he died at Hatfield the seuenth ides of Iune, in the yeare that God became man one thousand thrée hun­dred seuentie and thrée, and the seuen and fortith yéere of the often named king Edward the third, he was buried in the church of Elie besides the high altar on the south part.

I haue read and seene by manie noted that one named Richard de Chesterfield was treasuror to the line 60 king in the one and fortith yeare of king Edward the third, Richard de Chesterfield. whome they will haue lord treasuror: which by no possible meanes as farre as I can yet conceiue maie be true: bicause it appeareth by record that Iohn bishop of Elie (which was this Barnet if you marke the time of his translating to Elie) was trea­suror in the same yeare: but it maie be that he was treasuror of the chamber or houshold to the said king in the said one and fortith yeare of his reigne. Thomas de Branting­ton.

Thomas de Brantington, being treasuror for the king in the parts of Guisnes marches and Calis, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hun­dred sixtie and seuen, being the one and fortith yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third, was made bi­shop of Excester by especiall letters of the king in the yéere of our saluation one thousand thrée hundred sixtie and eight, being the thrée and fortith yeare of the said Edward the third, and was lord treasuror of England in the foure and fortith & fiue & fortith yéere of Edward the third: in which fiue and fortith yeare, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand three hundred seuentie and one, he was in a parlement at the petition of the lords remooued, at what time also there passed a law, that the chancellor, treasuror, and clerke of the priuie seale, shuld no more be spirituall men: but that secular men should haue those offices.

Sir Richard Scroope or Scrobs knight lord of Bolton and chancellor of England, Sir Richard Scroope lord of Bolton. was treasuror of England in the six and fortith, seuen & fortith, & eight and fortith of Edward the third, and then gaue place to sir Robert Ashton knight. This Richard made out of the ground the castell of Bolton consisting of foure great strong towers, and of other statelie lod­gings, which castell was erecting eightéene yeares, the charges whereof came yearelie vnto a thousand marks, which was eighteene thousand markes, or twelue thousand pounds: the ounce of siluer being then but at twentie pence, which being now trebl [...] and at fiue shillings, dooth at this daie amount vnto six and thirtie thousand pounds, which castell he fi­nished before Richard the second died. He bought the heire generall of saint Quintine, that was honor of Hornelie castell in Richmontshire, which heire he was content one Coniers a seruant of his should marrie, and haue the preferrement of that ward; and so Hornelie castell came to the Conierses, of which house the first lord was William Coniers, grand­father to him that died in the time of queene Marie without heire male, whereby his inheritance came to his three daughters. Which William the first lord Coniers of that name did much cost vpon Hornelie castell: being before but a meane thing. I haue read of this lord Scroope, that he had a sonne called Wil­liam, whereof we will speake more hereafter, that was earle of Wilshire, who being beheaded in his fathers life, left no issue behind him. After which the father suruiuing was made treasuror to the king and died in honor, although he was not restored to his dignitie of chancellorship: but at what time he should be the second time treasuror (after the death of his sonne William) in the time of Henrie the fourth, I can not as yet certeinlie learne. But it maie be that he was againe treasuror in the ninth yeare of Hen­rie the fourth; for that I find not by any former search who then possessed that place. It séemeth that he had two wiues, the one the daughter of the lord Spenser the other the daughter of Michaell de la Poole erle of Suffolke called Blanch. He had three sons, for whom he bought of the king the thrée daughters and heires of Robert lord Tiptost, whereof the eldest daughter Margaret was married to Roger his second sonne, the second daughter was married to William his eldest sonne, the third daughter called Millescent was married to Stephan the third sonne of the said Richard.

Sir Robert Ashton knight, Sir Robert Ashton. constable of Douer castell, was lord treasuror in the fiftith and one and fiftith of king Edward the third in Michaelmasse tearme, which was the last Michaelmasse tearme wherein the king reigned, being about the yeare of Christ one thousand three hundred seuentie and six, of which name there was also one that was chiefe baron in the time of Edward the second, as I haue read.

Henrie Wake or Wakefield, Henrie Wake bishop of Wor­cester. being made bishop of Worcester in the yeare of our red [...]mption one thousand thrée hundred seueantie and fiue, being the fortie and ninth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third, was made lord treasuror of England in the [Page 1248] yeare that the word of the father tooke flesh in the wombe of the woman, one thousand three hundred se­uentie and six, in the one and fiftith yeare of king Edward the third, in which office he continued part of Easter tearme in the first yeare of king Richard the second, being about the yeare of our redemption one thous [...]nd thrée hundred seauentie and eight, he died in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred ninetie and fiue, as saith Walsingham.

Thomas Brantington bishop of Excester was made lord treasuror of England towards the latter line 10 end of Easter tearme, Thomas Branting­ton bishop of Excester. in the first yeare of king Ri­chard the second, falling in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred seauentie and eight, as I at this time account it: from which place he was short­lie remooued in the second yeare of king Richard the second.

Richard earle of Arundell.Richard earle of Arundell and Surrie, made lord treasuror of England in the second yeare of the reigne of king Richard the second, whereof part fell in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred line 20 seauentie and eight, & part in the yéere one thousand thrée hundred seauentie and nine, continued about one yeare in the same, and then gaue place to him which possessed the same office last before him, he mar­ried Elisabeth the daughter of William de Bohune earle of Northampton & Hereford, by whome he had issue Thomas earle of Arundell, Ione married to William Beauchampe lord Aburgauennie, Elisa­beth married to Thomas lord Mowbraie, Margaret married to sir Rowland Lenthall, and Alice married line 30 to Iohn Charleton lord Powes: this Richard was beheaded in the one and twentith yeare of Richard the second.

Thomas Brantington bishop of Ex­cester.Thomas Brantington bishop of Excester was the third time lord treasuror of England, in the third yéere of the after deposed king Richard the second, & was remooued from his office in the fourth yéere of the said Richard, in the yéere of our redemption one thousand three hundred and eightie, after the account of such as begin the yéere on the fiue and twentith of line 40 March.

Robert Hales.Robert Hales chiefe prior of the knights of the Rhodes, intituled by the name of the knights of S. Iohns Ierusalem in England, was lord tresuror of England in the fourth yeere of the reigne of Richard the second, in which office he continued during his life: for shortlie after that he came into that place (which as I suppose he held Easter terme, and some moneths after) in the said yéere of Richard the se­cond, in the yeere of our redemption one thousand line 50 thrée hundred eightie and one (the rebelles hauing spoiled the hospitall or famous college of those knights of saint Iohns by Smithfield neere vnto London) amongest others did fetch this Robert Hales out of the tower of London (where the king then laie) and beheaded him on the tower hill.

Hugh lord Segraue.Hugh Segraue knight, whome Walsingham calleth Regis senescallum the kings steward, was made lord treasuror of England in the fift yeare of the line 60 reigne of king Richard the second, who continued in the said office the sixt, seauenth, eight, and some part of the Michaelmasse terme in the ninth yeare of the reigne of king Richard the second, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred eightie and fiue.

Iohn For­tham bishop of Durham.Iohn Fortham canon, being secretarie to the king, was made bishop of Durham the nine and twentith of Maie, in the yeere of our redemption one thousand three hundred eightie and one, being the fourth yeare of the reigne of king Richard the se­cond, and was inthronized in September, in the yeare of Christ one thousand three hundred eightie and two, being the sixt yeare of the reigne of king Richard the second. This man was made lord trea­suror in Michaelmasse terme the ninth yeare of king Richard the second, being the yeare of our saluation one thousand three hundred eightie and fiue: and so continued part of the tenth yeare of king Richard the second, vntill he was by parlement discharged. He was translated from the bishoprike of Durham to Elie by Boniface the pope the fift calends of Oc­tober, as hath the booke of Durham, one thousand thrée hundred eightie nine, being the twelfe yéere of the same Richard: but as saith the booke of Elie one thousand three hundred eightie and eight, being the thirtéenth yeare of Richard the second. Which both may be true, because the one may haue relation to the yeare of his translation, and the other to the yeare of his inthronization, both which manie times happened in seuerall yeares of manie other bishops. He was bishop of Elie seuen and thirtie years, three moneths, and foure daies, and died a verie old man the thirtéenth of December, in his manor of Dun­ham, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred twentie and fiue, falling in the fourth yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt.

Iohn Gilbert bishop of Hereford was by parle­ment made lord treasuror in the tenth yeare of king Richard the third, Iohn bishop of Hereford. being the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred eightie and si [...], as I for this time take it, in which office he continued the ele­uenth, and all Michaelmasse terme in the twelfe yéere of king Richard the second, and the one and twentith of March following: after which he was againe re­mooued, and then he with twelue more were appoin­ted by commission to the gouernment of the whole realme vnder the king, of whome thus writeth one Anonymall chronicle M. S. Is fuit de ordine praedicatorū, vir qui plus lingua quàm fide regebat, which bishop (as I suppose) was remooued to saint Dauids, after that he had beene thirtéene yeares bishop of Hereford.

Thomas Brantington bishop of Excester. Thomas Brantington bishop of Ex­cester. I haue read that the bishop of Excester was made treasu­ror in the twelfe yeare of Richard the second, vpon the remoouing of Iohn Gilbert, which bishop of Exce­ster could not be Edmund Gifford, as some falselie name him, for there is no such man as I can find in the catalog of all the bishops of Excester: neither was it Edmund Stafford, for he was not made bi­shop of Excester vntill the twentith of Iune one thousand thrée hundred ninetie and fiue, being the daie before king Richard the second began the one and twentith yéere of his reigne, which is eight yéers after the time whereof we now intreat. Wherefore it must néeds be Thomas Brantington, for he being consecrated bishop of Excester the tenth of March, in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred & se­uentie, being the foure and fortith yeare of Edward the third, and gouerning that sée foure and twentie years, till the yeare of Christ one thousand three hun­dred ninetie and fiue, in which came Edmund Staf­ford kéeper of the priuie seale; it must néeds be that (the bishop of Excester being treasuror in the twelfe yeare of Richard the second, falling in the yeere of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred eightie and eight) it was this man Brantington, and that he was the fourth time made lord treasuror of Eng­land, about the eighteenth yeare after that he was made bishop of Excester, who died in the yeare of Christ one thousand three hundred ninetie and fiue, as hath Ypodigma.

Iohn Gilbert bishop of saint Dauids in Wales was lord treasuror in the thirteenth and fouretéenth yeares of the reigne of the deposed king Richard the second. Of whome, Iohn Gilbert bishop of saint Dauids in Wales. because there is somewhat spoken before, we will intreat the lesse of him in this place.

[Page 1249] Iohn Wal­tham bishop of Salisburie.Iohn Waltham, of whome I haue spoken more in my discourse of the archbishops of Canturburie, in the life of William Courtneie was bishop of Sa­lisburie, maister of the rolles in the sixt yeare of Ri­chard the second, and kéeper of the priuie seale, after which he was treasuror of England, in the fiftéenth, sixteenth, seauentéenth, and part of the eightéenth of Richard the second, for he died in Michaelmas terme in the said 18 yeare of Richard the second, in the yere of Christ 1395, others saie 1394, of whome thus wri­teth line 10 Walsingham: Hoc anno (which was 1395) obij [...] Iohannes de Waltham episcopus Sarum & regni thesaurarius, qui tantùm regi complacuerit, vt etiam (multis licèt murmu­rantibus) apud monasterium inter reges meruit sepulturam.

Roger Wal­den bishop of London.Roger Walden sometime secretarie to the king and treasuror of the towne of Calis (in the twelfe yéere of Richard the second) was made lord treasuror in the eightéenth of the same king, about the yéere of our Lord 1365, in which office he continued the two and twentith of the said Richard the second. He was line 20 elected and made bishop of Canturburie, but after re­iected and deposed, and therevpon was by pope In­nocent the seuenth made bishop of London on the tenth of December, in the yéere of Christ 1404, be­ing the sixt yeere of Henrie the fourth, in the which bi­shoprike he continued about one yere, and died in the yeere 1406, being buried at saint Bartholomews priorie in Smithfield, who of a poore man (as saith Walsingham) was made lord treasuror of England.

G. bishop of S. Dauids was lord treasuror of En­gland line 30 in the two and twentith yere of Richard the se­cond, G. bishop of saint Dauids in Wales. which bishop I suppose to be Guie de Mone, whom the booke Ypodigma & Thomas Walsingham call bishop of S. Dauids, and saie that he died in the yéere of our redemption 1407, writing in this sort: Eodem anno Guido de Mone Meneuensis episcopus praesentis lucis sensit eclipsim, qui dum vixit magnorum malorum causa fuit.

William Scroope earle of Wilshire.William Scroope knight, vicechamberleine to Richard the second was lord treasuror, he bought of line 40 William Montacute earle of Salisburie the Ile of Man, with the crowne thereof. He was one of those to whom king Richard the second let the kingdom to farme, he was lord treasuror of England in the 21 of Richard the second, and was after created earle of Wilshire, in the said 21 yere of the same Richard the second, in the yéere of Christ 1397. He was after behe­ded at Bristow in the 23 and last yeere of the then de­posed king Richard. Of which William Scroope and others thus writeth that worthie poet sir Iohn Gow­er line 50 in his historie of Richard the second, commonlie taken as part of his worke intituled Vox clamantis.

Henrie Bol­lingbroke cō ­ming into England and deposing Ri­chard the se­cond.
Dux probus audaci vultu, cum plebe sequaci
Regnum scrutatur, siproditor inueniatur,
Sic tres exosos, magis omnibus ambitiosos,
Regni tortores, inuenerat ipse priores,
Ense repercussi pereunt, Gren, Scrop, quo (que) Bussi,
Hi qui regales fuerant cum rege sodales,
Scrop comes & miles, cuius Bristolia viles
Actus declarat, quo mors sua fata pararat. line 60
Gren quoque sorte pari, statuit dux de capitari
Bussi conuictus, similes quoque sustinet ictus,
Vnanimes mente, pariter mors vna repente,
Hos tres prostrauit gladius, quos fine vorauit,
Sicut & egerunt alijs, sic hi ceciderunt,
Quo dux laudatur, regnúmque per omne iocatur.

Sir Iohn Northberie made lord treasuror in the first yeare of king Henrie the fourth, Sir Iohn Northberie. being the yeare that God tooke on him the forme of a seruant, a thou­sand thrée hundred nintie and nine, and continued in the same in the third yeare of Henrie the fourth, in which yeare he was also keeper of the priuie garde­robe in the tower.

Henrie Bowet made bishop of Bath, Henrie Bowet. about the yeare of our redemption 1401, being also about the second yeare of Henrie the fourth, in which bishop­rike he continued eight yeares, and was after at the kings instance in the yéere of Christ a thousand foure hundred and seuen, about the eight yeare of Henrie the fourth remooued to Yorke. This man was lord treasuror of England in the fourth yeare of king Henrie the fourth, in the yeare of our redemption 1403, in which place he continued not aboue a yéere, if so long.

William lord Rosse, William lord Rosse. the sonne of Thomas lord Rosse, did possesse the honorable place of the lord treasuror of England, in the fift yeare of king Hen­rie the fourth, being about the yeare of our saluation one thousand foure hundred and foure, and shortlie after gaue place to the lord Furniuall. He married Margaret daughter of Fitzallen lord Matrauars, he had issue Thomas lord Rosse slaine in France, in the yeare one thousand foure hundred twentie and one, about the ninth yeare of Henrie the sixt, and ma­nie other children.

Thomas lord Furniuall kept the place and office of the lord treasuror of England, the sixt, seuenth, Thomas lord Furniuall. and some part of the eight yeare of king Henrie the fourth, as in Michaelmasse tearme of the same eight yeare, falling in the yeare of our redemption, one thousand foure hundred and six, after which this lord Furniuall (who had the custodie of the castell and ho­nour of Wigmoore, being in the kings hands by rea­son of the wardship and minoritie of Edmund Mor­timer earle of March) was (as it seemeth) remooued from the treasurorship, in whose roome succeeded the bishop of London. To these lord Furniuals did Fur­niuals inne of Holborne sometime apperteine as their mansion house, being now an inne of chance­rie for yoong students of the law and atturneies, and belonging vnto Lincolns inne in Chancerie lane.

Nicholas Bubwith made bishop of London in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and six: being the eight yéere of Henrie the fourth, Nicholas Bubwith bi­shop of Lon­don. must be that bishop of London (as farre as I can yet con­ceiue) who was lord treasuror of England in Mi­chaelmas tearme in the said eight yeare of Henrie the fourth: which office it seemeth that he held not long, for in Easter terme after in the same eight yeare, the office of the tresuror remained in the kings hands, and the accompts of the same terme go vn­der the same title of being in the kings hands.

Sir Richard Scroope lord of Bolton (wherof is Sir Richard Scroope lord Scroope of Bolton. so much spoken before) was as I suppose the second time treasuror of England in this ninth yeare of Henrie the fourth: wherevnto I am induced by this reason; that first the king would not keepe that of­fice so long in his hands as almost amounted vnto two yeares, but that he would bestow the same vpon some other: secondlie, for that I read that this Ri­chard Scroope father to William Scroope earle of Wilshire beheaded (by this Henrie the fourth before he came to the crowne) at Bristow (in the last yeare of Richard the second, and in the first of this kings reigne) was after the death of the said William made treasuror of England, and so died in honour: thirdlie for that I cannot sée how he might be treasu­ror in anie yeare since the death of the said William, vntill this ninth yeare of Henrie the fourth: and lastlie, for that I cannot in anie record or other au­thor find anie other man mentioned to supplie that place in this yeare: for which causes I haue attemp­ted to bestow him here, and that rightlie, for anie thing that I can yet learne.

Sir Iohn Tiptost or Tibetot knight, did possesse the place and office of the lord treasurorship of Eng­land in Michelmas terme, Sir Iohn Tiptost knight. in the tenth yeare of king [Page 1250] Henrie the fourth, being in the yere of our redemp­tion one thousand foure hundred and eight.

Henrie lord Scroope.Henrie lord Scroope of Masham and of Flar­fleet, was made lord treasuror of England, in the e­leuenth yere of the reigne of K. Henrie the fourth, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred and ten, as hath Walsingham: in which of­fice he continued vntill the death of king Henrie the fourth, which hapned in the fourtéenth yeare of the same king, and in the yeare of our redemption one line 10 thousand foure hundred & twelue, after the account of England: but one thousand foure hundred and thirtéene after the account of such as doo begin the yeare at Ianuarie. He rebelled against king Hen­rie the fift, and was beheaded at Southhampton in the third yeare of K. Henrie the fift, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred and fiftéene the last of Iulie. Of which Henrie so conspi­ring against Henrie the fift, I find these verses in a written booke of parchment, intituled Extractum bre­ue line 20 de chronica Thomae Helmham, prior Lenton de tempore regis Henrici quinti. In which verses by the capitall let­ters are set down the names of the principall conspi­rators, & the yere of our Lord wherein the same was doone, being the yeare of our redemption one thou­sand foure hundred & thirteene: the greater Romane capitall letters in the third verse seruing for the yere of Christ, & for the name Zorc deriued of this word COR in the fourth verse, & the English capitall let­ters onelie seruing for the names of the persons in this sort couched togither for common capacitie: line 30

Mox rex nauigium parat vt mare transeat armis,
Scrop furit Henricus proditione fremens,
SCrVtans
This C ser­ueth for the name of Scroope and the yeare of Christ.
ConspIrat RIMatVr OLenCla PLebi,
Richard is spelled by the first letters of the four. h verse, & Zorc by changing the letters of the word Cor, and adding to it the letter z. which signifi­eth a yoke.
Rumpe Iugo COR Auens Res Dabit Ultra Sonum

By the first letter of the words of the fift verse set together back­ward ariseth the name of Thomas Graie.

Thomas erle of Arundell.

EIA Ruit Gens Auita Malis Opus Hoste Triūphat,
Vota voluntatis sic sacre Christe tuae.
Versious his quinque praetactis traditionem
Lector scire potes: hinc repetendo stude.
Hitres, Richardus Zorc, Henri Scrúpque, Thomas Gray,
In regem surgunt proditione pares:
Mun [...]re Francorum corrupti terga dedere, line 40
Iusto munus habet vindice quisque suum.

Thomas Fitz Allen earle of Aundell and Sur­reie was aduanced to the honorable office of the lord treasurorship of England, in the yeare of our re­demption one thousand foure hundred and thirtéene, being the first yeare of the reigne of the most victo­rious prince K. Henrie the fift, in which office it sée­meth that he continued the first, second, and third of Henrie the fift. He in the yeare 1405, being the se­uenth of Henrie the fift, on the next daie of the feast of saint Katharine, married Beatrice the bastard line 50 daughter of the king of Portingale, by whom he had no issue, hauing his sisters his heires, and died in the yeare 1415, being the third yeare of Henrie the fift, and was buried in the college at Arundell.

Sir Roger Lech (whom some call but not rightlie as I suppose sir Philip Lech, Sir Roger Lech knight. being brother vnto the said sir Roger) was treasuror of England, in Mi­chaelmas and Easter tearme in the fourth yeare of king Henrie the fift, being the yeare of our redemp­tion line 60 one thousand foure hundred and sixteene. He was at the séege of Rone with this king Henrie, in the sixt yeare of his reigne, being also treasuror for the warres in that voiage.

Henrie lord Fitz Hugh.Henrie lord Fitz Hugh was aduanced to the of­fice of the lord treasurorship of England, in the fift yeare of Henrie the fift, being the yeare of our re­demption one thousand foure hundred & seuentéene, in which office he continued (as I gather) vntill the death of the said king Henrie the fift, which happened in August, in the yeare of our redemption one thou­sand foure hundred twentie and two.

Iohn Staf­ford▪Iohn Stafford clerke was made lord treasuror of England in the first yeare of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare that the word became flesh 1422, in which office he continued in Michaelmas terme, and fourth of the said king Henrie the sixt, falling in the yeare of Christ 1425, he was chosen bishop of Bath, in the third yeare of king Henrie the sixt, in the yere 1424, he was chancellor of England, and remooued to the archbishoprike of Canturburie, of whome is mention made hereafter in the discourse of the chan­cellors of England, & touching whom I will for this time onelie set downe héere what Matthew Parker writeth of him in the life of Henrie Chicheleie an archbishop of Canturburie. Archiepis [...]opus (saith he) in the yeare of Christ our redéemer 1424: Cantuariensis 12. Octob. clerum in ecclesia Pauli­na conuocauit, in ea Henricus Beauford Winton episcopus regni cācellarius, & Iohannes Stafford Bathoniēsis electus episcopus regni thesaurarius, ad bellū Gallicum opē à clero petiuit, & interpo­sit a paucorum dierum deliberatione, Wilhelmus Lindwood officialis curiae Cātuariēsis de arcubus, hoc responsum ab inferiori cleri synodo acceptum episcopis declarauit: non esse penes cleri procura­tores potestatem subsidium concedendi. Nam cùm in dicta synodo in singulis diocoesibus cōstituti es­sent, clerus his solutionibus consentiendi licentiā expressè ademit: quia tantis tributis diu penden­dis ad magnam inopiam & egestatem deuenit. I­taque cancellarius à superiori synodo ad inferiorē transiens, longa & diserta oratione, ac regis iam minoris necessitate, ac de instanti in Gallia bello egit, ac nequicquam suasit.

Walter lord Hungerford knight of the garter, the sonne of sir Thomas Hungerford knight, Walter lord Hungerford. was made lord treasuror of England in the fourth yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt, being the yere of Christ 1425, in which office he continued about six yeares, vntill some part of Michaelmas tearme in the tenth yeare of king Henrie the sixt, falling in the yeare that the sonne of God tooke on him the forme of a seruant, one thousand foure hundred thir­tie and one. He was also one of the councell to the said king, of whome is mention made by Matthew Parker in the life of Henrie Chicheleie archbishop of Canturburie, in these words: Proximo anno (which was about the yeare of our Lord 1425) synodus sub eodem archiepiscopo, 15 Aprilis inchoata est. Qua Iohanne Kempo Eboracēsi archiepiscopo & Waltero Hungerfordo mi­lite, regijs conciliarijs (illo cancellario hoc thesaurario regni) re­gis nomine postulantibus regi decimam concessit. Ac eisdem his petentibus, triennio post in recenti synodo media decima regi à clero data est. This lord treasuror maried Katha­rine, the daughter and heire of Thomas Peuerell knight, by whom he had issue Walter lord Hunger­ford of Hatchberie knight of the garter, that died without issue, sir Robert lord Hungerford of Hatch­berie, Edmund Hungerford knight, that died with­out issue, Margaret maried to sir Walter Rodneie knight, and Elisabeth maried to Philip Courtneie knight: which Robert lord Hungerford and Marga­ret his wife, Iohn Cheineie of Pim esquier, Iohn Meruin esquier and others did (by the kings licence granted vnto them in the eleuenth yeare of king Edward the fourth) build the hospitall of Hatchberie in Wilshire.

Iohn lord Scroope of Upsall and Masham, made lord treasuror in the tenth yeare of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our redemption 1431, Iohn lord Scroope, in which office he continued vntill some part of the twelfe yere of the said king, as I for this time doo ga­ther. Of whom thus writeth Matthew Parker in the life of Henrie Chichelie archbishop of Canturburie, touching a synod holden in the yeare of our Lord 1430, at what time, of the clergie he saith that Iohan­nes [Page 1251] Stafford episcopus Bathoniensis cancellarius, & D. Scrope thesaurarius regni, necnon Wilhelmus Lindwood, custos pri­uati sigilli, pro rege subsidium postularunt, & mediam deci­mam tandem aegrè impetrarunt.

Rafe lord Cromwell, the son of Rafe Cromwell lord of Tatershall, Rafe lord Cromwell. possessed the place of the lord treasurorship of England, in Easter terme in the twelfe yeare of the after deposed K. Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of Christ 1434, and so continued in that office about ten years, falling (as I suppose) in line 10 the yeare of our redemption 1444. This man be­ing knight was created lord Cromwell by the said king Henrie the sixt, and was lineallie descended of one of the heires of Robert lord Tatershall, that ma­ried one of the daughters and heires of William Dalbinie earle of Arundell. This Rafe lord treasu­ror died without issue, and made his testament in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fiftie and foure, being in the thrée and thirtith yere of king Henrie the sixt, after whose death the inheritance line 20 came to the three aunts being his heirs, whereof the first was married to the lord Bardolfe slaine at Brancehome moore in Northumberland, the second was married to sir William Fitzwilliams knight of the sepulchre, the third Elisabeth to sir Iohn Clif­ton knight, & after his death to sir Edmund Bene­sted knight. Of one Rafe lord Cromwell I find this note set downe by Leland. Dominus Radulphus Crome­well & Matildis vxor eius fundatores collegij sanctae trinita­tis de Tatershall, quúmque Roberti ordine domini erant de line 30 Tatershall, hos sequutus est Radulphus Cromewell.

Sir Rafe Butler knight of the garter, lord Sud­leie (descended from Iohn lord Sudleie, Sir Rafe Butler lord Sudleie. and Wil­liam Butler baron of Wem, which maried Ione daughter and heire to Iohn Sudleie lord Sudleie) did possesse the honorable place of the lord treasuror­ship of England the seuenth of Iulie, in the two and twentith yere of king Henrie the sixt, being the yere of our redemption one thousand foure hundred for­tie and foure, which office he kept about thrée yeres: line 40 for in the fiue and twentith yeare of the said king, was the bishop of Carleill lord treasuror. This Rafe lord Sudleie builded the castell of Sudleie, in the time of king Henrie the sixt, and of Edward the fourth; who in the time of the said Edward the fourth was committed to prison by the king, first sending for him to come to his presence. Wherevpon he go­ing to the king, and resting on an hill, from whense he did behold Sudleie castell, said: It is thou, it is thou Sudleie castell and not I which am the traitor. line 50 After which comming to king Edward the fourth, he resigned the said Sudleie castell into the kings hands. Which castell came after to Iasper duke of Bedford, and is now in the yeare 1585 in the pos­session of Giles a Bridges lord Shandois. This Rafe being made baron in the twentith yeare of Henrie the sixt, maried Elisabeth the daughter of sir Iohn Northberie, by whome he had issue Thomas his son that died without issue, leauing his two sisters to be his heires; wherof the eldest daughter called Elisa­beth, was maried to sir Iohn Northberie, whose heire line 60 generall was maried to Iohn Halwell of Deuon­shire, who had issue Ione his daughter and heire ma­ried to Edward lord Braie, of whome the lord Cob­ham now liuing is descended. The other sister ma­ried to sir Hamond Belknap, of whome is descen­ded the woorthie gentleman Thomas Wootton of Bacton Maleherbe in Kent esquire now liuing. The which Rafe lord Butler of Sudleie was Vexil­lifer, and high Butler of England, and steward in house to king Henrie the sixt.

Marmaduke bishop of Carleill was made lord treasuror of England in the fiue and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, Marmaduke bishop of Carleill. in which office he continued about two yeares, in the seuen and twentith yere of king Henrie the sixt, being about the yeare of our redemption 1448, or (as some haue) 1449.

Iames Fines created at Burie baron of Saie and of Sele, on the third of March, Iames Fines lord Saie and Sele. in the fiue and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our redemption, according to the English account 1446, was constable of Douer castell, and lord treasuror of England in the eight and twentith yeare of the said king Henrie the sixt, and was from thense remooued (as some haue) in the nine & twen­tith yere of the said king, & was by the rebels of Kent Iacke Cade and his felowes taken out of the tower to the Guildhall, where he was areigned before the maior and other the kings Iustices; who desiring to be tried by his péeres, was by the rebels forceab­lie taken from the officers, and beheaded at the stan­dard in Cheape. The maner whereof shall be more fullie set downe hereafter in my large booke of the liues of the lord treasurors. Which his beheading some doo attribute to the eight and twentith yere of the said Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our re­demption 1450. He had issue sir William Fines knight, and one daughter maried to sir William Cromer knight, shiriffe of Kent, beheaded at that time also with his father inlaw. Of which Cromer is Iames Cromer of Kent now liuing descended.

Iohn Lord Beauchampe, Iohn lord Beauchampe. a person of great woor­thinesse, possessed the place of the treasurorship of England, the nine and twentith and thirtith yeares of king Henrie the sixt.

Iohn Tiptost earle of Worcester possessed the place of the lord treasuror, Iohn Tiptost in the one and thirtith and two and thirtith of king Henrie the sixt. Of whome is more mention made hereafter.

Iames Butler, Iames But­ler earle of Wilshire. the sonne of Iames earle of Or­mond, being earle of Wilshire and Ormond, posses­sed the office of the lord treasuror of England in Ea­ster tearme the thrée and thirtith yeare of king Hen­rie the sixt, falling in the yeare of our redemption 1455. Of whom is more spoken hereafter.

Henrie vicount Bourchier, Henrie vicoūt Bourchier. borne of the noble house of the Bourchiers, the sonne of William Bourchier earle of Ewe in Normandie, was lord treasuror of England in the thrée and thirtith yeare of the reigne of the deposed king Henrie the sixt, in which office he did not long remaine.

Iohn Talbot earle of Shrewsburie, Iohn Talbot earle of Shrewsburie. the sonne of Iohn Talbot, the first earle of Shrewsburie of that name, possessed the place of the treasurorship of Eng­land in the fiue and thirtith and six and thirtith yeres of king Henrie the sixt, and then gaue place to the earle of Wilshire. This earle was slaine at the bat­tell of Northampton, in the eight and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of our salua­tion 1460. He maried Elisabeth the daughter of Iames Butler erle of Ormond, and had issue, Iohn erle of Shrewesburie, Iames, Gilbert, Christopher, and George; Anne maried to sir Henrie Uernon, and Margaret: this man was buried in the priorie of Workesop.

Iames Butler, Iames earle of Wilshire. sonne to Iames the fourth of that name earle of Ormond, was the second time made lord treasuror of England, about the 37 yere of king Henrie the sixt, in which office he continued (as I suppose) in the eight & thirtith yeare of the said king. This man in the said eight and thirtith yeare of the king conueied himselfe awaie out of England into Dutchland (for feare of the nobilitie, as the duke of Yorke and others that rebelled against the king) sen­ding backe his souldiers into England, which he had before assembled vpon the sea: but after he returned into England, and was againe put to flight at Mor­timers crosse by Edward earle of March after king [Page 1252] by the name of king Edward the fourth. He was made earle of Ormond in the nine and thirtith yeare and last yeare of king Henrie the sixt. He maried E­leanor the daughter of Edmund duke of Summer­set, and died without issue, being beheaded at New­castell in the yeare one thousand foure hundred sixtie one, in the first yeare of Edward the fourth.

Henrie vi­ [...]unt Bour­chier.Henrie vicount Bourchier was lord treasuror of England the second time, in the nine and thirtith and last yeare of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of line 10 our redemption one thousand foure hundred & sixtie. Who vpon the deposition of the said king Henrie the sixt by Edward the fourth, was also remooued from his office.

Thomas lord Bourchier.Thomas Bourchier, made lord treasuror of Eng­land in the first yeare of the reigne of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred sixtie and one, continued not long in that office, but gaue place to Iohn earle of Worcester. line 20

Iohn earle of Worcester.Iohn Tiptost earle of Worcester, the second time possessed the place of the lord treasuror of Eng­land, in the second and third yeare of king Edward the fourth. Of whom is more spoken before by me in my treatise of the conestables of England pag. 869.

Edmund lord Greie of Ruthine, the sonne of Iohn lord Greie of Ruthine, Edmund lord Greie of Ru­thine after erle of Kent. did inioy the office of the lord treasurorship of England, in the fourth yeare of the noble prince king Edward the fourth, being the yere of our redemption 1464. This man secretlie line 30 in hart forsaking the part of king Henrie the sixt, for iniuries receiued at the same king Henries hands, aided the said Edward the fourth, and was the chiefe means whereby he atteined the crowne. In Michaelmas tearme in the said fourth yeare of the king, there was a sergeants feast held in Holborne in the bishop of Elies house, to which the maior and aldermen repaired, being bidden thither. But when the maior looked to be set to kéepe the state in the hall (forgetting that he was out of his owne liberties, for line 40 the bishops palace was an exempt place) as it had béene vsed (saith Iohn Stow) in all places of the citie & liberties of the same, out of the kings presence: the lord Greie of Ruthine then treasuror of England vnknowne to the sergeants, and (against their wils as they said) was placed in the highest [...]oome. Where­vpon the maior, aldermen, and commons departed. This Edmund dooth Matthew Parker, in the life of Thomas Bourchier archbishop of Canturburie, make to be treasuror in the third yeare of Edward line 50 the fourth, being the yeare of Christ 1463: which may well inough stand with the former, being treasuror to Iohn earle of Worcester in the said third yeare of the king. For vpon the remoouing of the said earle in the third yeare of Edward the fourth, came this lord Greie in place. The words of which Matthew Parker (with a note of the yeare of Christ 1463 in the margent) are in this order. Edwardus rex, duobus iam annis foeliciter gesto regno, parliamentum Westmonasterij tenuit, quo etiā tempore archiepiscopus (which was Thomas line 60 Bourchier the brother of Henrie Bourchier earle of Essex) & clerus in synodo conuenerunt. In hac synodo Iohan­nes comes Wigorniae, Henricus comes Essexiae, D. Edmundus Grey thesaurarius Angliae, D. Humfridus Cromewell, D. Wenlocke, D. Iohannes prior sancti Iohannis, & Robertus Stillington legum doctor custos priuati sigilli, regis conciliarij, allatis literis regijs petierunt a clero decerni regi ad Scotos re­pellondos subsidium. Quod quidem gratissimis omnium animis tam munifico regi concessum est, qui superiori anno ecclesiae im­munitates atque iura iniquis iudiciorum calumnijs (vti in Io­hanne Stafford antea diximus) conuulsa & labefactata diplo­mate regio restaurauit.

Besides which, thus writeth Iohn Whethamsted, that learned abbat of saint Albons, of this lord Greie, declaring in what authoritie he was at first, in the daies of Henrie the sixt, and then in the reigne of Edward the fourth. His words be these. Anno 36 H. 6. venerunt tres viri monachi de coenobio Clu­niacensi, quibus ad audiendum eorū nunt ium mis­si sunt episcopus. Dunelmensis custos priuati sigilli, dominus Edmundus Greie de Ruthine, & secre­tarius regis, quibus isti viri dixerunt eorum ad­uentum esse ob tria. Primò ad aperiendum quomo­do reges Angliae & praecipuè Henricus secundus fuerunt tam magni benefactores ad eorum eccle­siam, vt potiùs pro nunc dicatur earum patronus a [...] praecipuus fundator. Secundò venerunt ad peten­dum possessionem & confirmationem bonorum illo­rum, quae dicti progenitores eis contulerant, & per tempus non paucum iamdudum à manibus eorum detenta & distracta erant. Tertiò ad impetrandum liberam licentiam ad ingrediendum singula loca religiosa ab eorum coenobio dependentia, & quae per nobiles progenitores regis posita fuerūt sub eo­rum regimine. Sed nihil hîc eis gratū fuit actum, ita vt tristes discederent. Out of the which words of Whethamsted maie other things be gathered, be­sides the dooings of the lord Greie: as that the kings of England, and speciallie Henrie the second, haue beene great benefactors and founders of the Char­terhouse moonks: with manie mo matters contei­ned in the same, which I referre to the wise and lear­ned reader, which made me the willinger to set downe his words so largelie.

Moreouer, the same Whethamsted, continuing the historie of Henrie the sixt, writeth of the battell of Northampton, wherin was this lord Greie, in this sort. In praelio Northamptonensi Edmundus Grey dominus Ruthine corpore licèt praesens (euen as the lord Stanleie was in the battell fought betwixt Richard the third & Henrie erle of Richmond, after king by the name of Henrie the seuenth) in campo domini regis Henrici sexti steterat, cor tamen eius non erat rectum in eo, né (que) omnino fide­lis habitus aut inuentus suit. Nam venientibus turmis dictis ad fossam circumuallationis, & ipsam nō multùm promptè pro­pter eleuationem verticis in parte vlteriore ascendere valenti­bus, occurrit ipsis dominus cum suis copijs obuiàm, porrigendó (que) ipsis dextram traxit eos per manus in campum Ma [...]tium, iux­ta votum suum. Thus much Whethamsted of Edmund Greie lord Ruthine, who was made earle of Kent in the fift yeare of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare of our redemption 1464.

This Edmund Greie being lord Hastings, Weis­ford, and Ruthine (before he had the honour of this earledome) did by his déed of indenture dated the 18 of Nouember, in the fiue and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, falling in the yeare of our redemp­tion 1446, giue to Iohn Pinchbecke prior of Duf­field in Northamptonshire in almesse, during the life of the said prior, his field called Challocke, belonging to the manour of Challocke, to kéepe the obits of sir Iohn Greie, father to the said sir Edmund, and of dame Custance the widow of the earle marshall, and daughter of Iohn Holland duke of Excester and erle of Huntington, mother to the said sir Edmund, with masse, &c: and such other collects as the said Ed­mund should deliuer vnto the said prior. Out of this house of the Greies haue issued manie noble houses, and those of great antiquitie, whereof at this daie there yet remaineth two honourable houses: the one being Henrie Greie earle of Kent now liuing, a man of singular estimation in the countrie of Bedford where he now liueth, as well for the nobi­litie of his race, being descended of this Edmund Greie lord treasuror of England, for the good gouern­ment and carriage of himselfe, and for the orderlie and wise managing of the affaires of that countrie, [Page 1253] deseruing no lesse honourable place in the common­wealth, than the honour of his race, and woorthinesse of his behauiour doo well merit.

The other house at this daie in honour, is the lord Greie of Wilton knight of the garter, The lord Greie of Wilton. and somtime deputie of Ireland, a man of no lesse merit for his seruice abrode in the feats of armes, than is the other Greie for his seruice at home in the affairs of peace. But I will not saie all that I thinke and know of them both, least some more maliciouslie than trulie line 10 blemish me with the note of flatterie. For I protest I am so farre estranged from that, as I being not at all knowne to the one, and but slenderlie to the other, and neuer benefited by anie of them both, there is no cause why I should vse anie flatterie: and yet such force hath vertue, as it will shine euen in despite of malice. But againe to the matter. There haue out of this house of the Greies, besides manie noble houses, issued one duke of Suffolke, two marquesses of Dorset, and fiue earles of Kent. line 20

Againe I thinke it not impertinent for the conti­nuance of antiquities, and of deserts of honour, to mention how manie seuerall houses there haue bin of the nobilitie of these Greis, The seuerall houses of the Greies. and in what time they liued. First there was Reignold Greie lord Greie of Codnor, in the time of king Stephan: the second was Reignold lord Greie of Rotherfield, in the time of Richard the second: the third Iohn Greie earle of Tankeruile in Normandie, in the time of Hen­rie the fift: the fourth this Edmund Greie lord Ru­thine line 30 earle of Kent, and treasuror of England in the time of king Edward the fourth: the fift house Tho­mas Greie marquesse Dorset, in the time of king Edward the fourth: the sixt Edward Greie lord Lisle in the time of king Edward the fourth: the seuenth Edward Greie lord Powes, in the time of king Ed­ward the fourth: the eight Henrie Greie duke of Suffolffe, in the time of Edward the sixt. So that there were at one time, in one kings daies, which was the time of Edward the fourth, six noble men li­uing line 40 of the name of Greies, The Greies [...]ight honou­rable. which were the mar­quesse Dorset, the earle of Kent, the lord Lisle, the lord Powes, the lord Greie of Wilton, and the lord Greie of Rotherfield.

Wherefore to draw to an end of this lord treasu­ror, who hath occasioned me to be more liberall in treating of him and the Greies, than of any lord treasuror or noble name besides (for manie priuat reasons which I reserue to my selfe) I will yet speake more liberallie of him and the Greies in my large line 50 booke of the liues of the lord treasurors of England, and knit vp this Edmund Greie lord treasuror with the marieng of his wife Katharine, the daughter of Henrie Persie earle of Northumberland, by whome he had issue George Greie earle of Kent; Elisabeth, maried to Robert baron of Greiestocke; and Anne maried to Iohn lord Greie of Wilton.

Sir Walter Blunt knight, who was the first lord Montioie, Sir Walter Blunt knight possessed the place of the lord trea­surorship of England, in the fift yeare of king Ed­ward line 60 the fourth, which fell in the yeare that the word of the father tooke flesh in the wombe of the virgine 1465. Of this man is mention made in the booke of the law called Long Quinto of Edward the fourth. He maried the daughter of one Dirham, and had is­sue, William, Iohn, and Iames.

Sir Richard Wooduile.Sir Richard Wooduile knight, chamberleine to the king, and constable of England, was made ba­ron on the ninth of Maie in the second yeare of king Henrie the sixt, being the yeare of Christ 1424, and was after created earle Riuers in the fift yeare of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare of our re­demption 1465, who thus aduanced was after lord treasuror in the sixt, seuenth, & eight of Edward the fourth. In which eight yeare of Edward the fourth, Thomas Cooke late maior of London, was accused of treason and arreigned for the same. Who after that he had béene manie times purged thereof, was yet at last found giltie, and by this lord Riuers then lord treasuror so handled, as that he could not be deliuered vntill he had paied eight thousand pounds to the king, and eight hundred to the quéene. This lord trea­suror maried Iaquet the widow of Iohn duke of Bedford, daughter to Peter of Lucenburgh earle of S. Paule, by whom he had issue Richard earle Ri­uers, Antonie lord Scales in the right of his wife, Edward Wooduile knight slaine at the battell of S. Albine in Britaine in the third yeare of Henrie the seuenth: Lionell bishop of Salisburie, Margaret maried to Thomas erle of Arundell, Margaret ma­ried to William Herbert erle of Huntington, Anne first maried to William Burcher erle of Essex and after to George Greie erle of Kent, Iaquet maried to Iohn lord Strange, Elisabeth maried to sir Iohn Greie yoonger sonne to the lord Greie of Ruthine, and after the death of the said sir Iohn Greie to king Edward the fourth: and Katharine maried to Hen­rie duke of Buckingham. Besides all which I haue read of one Iohn, which was sonne to this earle Ri­uers, which Iohn maried the old duchesse of Norf­folke, & was beheaded with his father: the truth wher­of I leaue to further triall. This Richard erle Riuers the lord treasuror in the ninth yeare of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare of our redemption 1469, was by Robert Hiltard, who named himselfe Ro­bert of Ridesdale, taken in the forrest of Dene as some haue, others saie at Grafton, and from thence brought to Northampton, where he was beheaded.

Iohn Longstrother, Iohn Long­strother. prior of saint Iohns Ierusa­lem in England, possessed the place of the lord trea­suror of the realme, in the ninth yeare of king Ed­ward the fourth, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred and nine, for in the same yeare he gaue place to the bishop of Elie.

William Greie bishop of Elie, Williā Greie bishop of Elie▪ was after the translation of Thomas Burcher from Elie to Can­turburie aduanced to that see by Nicholas the fift then bishop of Rome, who gaue it to the said Wil­liam being then procurator for king Henrie the sixt at Rome, in the yeare of our redemption one thou­sand foure hundred fiftie and foure. This man was lord treasuror in the ninth yeare of king Edward the fourth, being the yeare in which God became man one thousand foure hundred three score and nine, in which office he continued (as I gather) vntill the ele­uenth of king Edward the fourth, or thereabouts. This Greie was borne of the noble house of the lord Greies of Codnor, as saith Bale, and trauelled in­to Italie to atteine great learning, where he heard the noble clerke Guarinus Veronensis read in Fer­raria. He continued bishop of Elie foure and twen­tie yéeres, eleuen moneths and two daies, departing this life at Dunham the fourth of August, in the yere that the word of the father tooke flesh in the wombe of the virgine, one thousand foure hundred seuentie and eight, as I haue red; and was buried at Elie be­twéene two marble pillers, hauing bestowed great summes of monie vpon the reparation of that fa­mous belfrie of the church of Elie, and vpon other ornaments of the same churth.

Henrie Bourcher erle of Essex did the third time possesse the honorable place of the lord treasur [...] of England, Hērie Bour­cher. in the eleuenth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the fourth, in which office he continued (as I gather) about twelue yeares, being all the rest of the life of the said Edward the fourth, who departed this world about the ninth daie of Aprill, in the yeare from the conception of the Meschiah one thousand [Page 1254] foure hundred foure score and thrée, which Bourchier being made earle of Essex in the first yeare of king Edward the fourth, in the yeare of Christ 1461, maried Elisabeth the daughter of Richard de Co­nisburgh earle of Cambridge the sister of Richard duke of Yorke, by whome he had issue William lord Bourchier, Thomas, Iohn, Henrie, and Humfrei [...] knights.

Sir Richard Wood▪Sir Richard Wood knight, whome some call sir Iohn Wood, being before vnder treasuror in the thrée line 10 and twentith yeare of king Edward the fourth, was in the same yeare of the same king made knight, a­bout a moneth before the death of the said king Ed­ward the fourth. This man did possesse the place of the lord treasuror of England (as I gather out of the re­cord of Pellis exitus of that yeare) in the second yeare of the reigne of the vnnaturall, bloudie, and vsur­ping tyrant king Richard the third, being the yeare of our redemption 1484, which office I suppose that he kept, vntill the said Richard the third was slaine line 20 by Henrie earle of Richmond afterwards king of England, by the name of Henrie the 7. And here I thinke it not amisse before I go anie further (al­though it be somewhat out of order, sith it is best to obserue Decorum, and vnorderlie to treat of vnorder­lie officers vnder such an vnorderlie king as Richard the third was) to make report of sir William Hop­ton knight, Sir William Hopton. whome some will haue to be treasuror in the first yeare of the reigne of the same king, in the yeare of Christ 1483, attending on him to his coro­nation. line 30 But trulie, sauing the correction of better séene antiquaries than my selfe, I can not as yet re­ceiue him into the catalog of the lord treasurors of England, but rather suppose that he was treasuror of the houshold.

Sir Reinold Braie knight.Sir Reinold Braie knight (the sonne of Richard Braie physician as some haue noted to king Henrie the sixt) being seruant to Margaret countesse of Richmond mother to Henrie the seuenth, was for the fidelitie to his ladie, & good seruice in furthering king Henrie the seuenth to the crowne, receiued into line 40 great fauour with the said king, and made lord trea­suror of England, as appeareth by the record of Pellis exitus made vnder his name in the first yeare of the reigne of Henrie the seuenth, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand, foure hundred, eightie, and fiue: besides which office he had manie other offices and honours, part whereof were, that he was treasuror of the kings wars, that he was one of the executors to K. Henrie the seuenth, that he was line 50 made knight of the Bath at the coronation of the said king, and created a banneret at Blacke heath field. He died the eighteenth yeare of the Salomon of England king Henrie the seuenth, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred & three, and was honorablie buried at Windsore.

Sir Iohn Dinham knight.Sir Iohn Dinham knight (the sonne of sir Iohn Dinham knight) a faithfull seruant to the house of Yorke aswell in aiding the duke of Yorke, as in ser­uing king Edward the fourth sonne to the said duke of Yorke; to whom the said Edward the fourth, in the line 60 second yeare of his reigne had giuen one annuitie of fortie pounds by yeare, did after the death of the said king Edward the fourth, in the second yeare of king Henrie the seuenth, possesse the place of the lord tresuror of England, being the yeare of our redemp­tion one thousand foure hundred foure score and six, and so continued vntill in the sixtéenth yéere of king Henrie the seuenth, and then gaue place to Thomas earle of Surreie, of which lord Dinham thus writeth Leland: Diminus Denham primus fuit fundator sancti Ni­cholai aliàs Hortland. He was created lord Dinham in the first yeare of king Edward the fourth, shortlie after the coronation of the said king, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred thrée score and one, he died in the sixteenth yeare of king Henrie the seuenth, being the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred, and the thirtith of Ianuarie was brought to the Greie friers in London & there buried: he maried Elisabeth the daughter of the lord Fitzwater, by whom he had issue George and Philip, and sir Thomas Dinham his base sonne that mari­ed one of the daughters and heires of sir Iohn Or­mond, which Thomas was buried at Ashrug three miles from Berkhamsted. Besides which children this lord Dinham or Denham, for so I find both written in chronicles, had by his legitimat wife di­uerse daughters, which were Margaret maried to Nicholas baron of Carew, Ioane maried to the lord Zouch, Elisabeth maried to the lord Fitz Warren, and Katharine maried to sir Thomas Arundell of Cornewall knight.

Here I thinke it not amisse to saie somewhat of a note which I haue séene, that maketh Iohn Touchet lord Audleie tresuror, which note is this. Iohn Tou­chet lord Audleie treasuror of England, died the six and twentith daie of December, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred foure score and ten, falling in the sixt yeare of king Henrie the seuenth, and had issue Iames lord Audelie beheaded the eight and twentith of Iune, in the yeare of Christ 1497, being the twelfe yeare of king Henrie the se­uenth, he maried the daughter of sir Richard Dauell knight: thus much the note. But trulie for anie thing I can yet learne, I can not perceiue when this Iohn Touchet should be treasuror, and so cannot perceiue where he should be placed in this catalog of the trea­surors of England. But as I will not receiue him into anie place of this succession at this time; so I will not altogither reiect him, in hope that follow­ing time will informe me of the truth therein.

Thomas Howard the sonne of Iohn lord Howard (created the first duke of Norffolke of that name in the time of Richard the third) was at the same time also created earle of Surreie. Thomas Howard erle of Surreie. This man (after the slaughter of his father at Bosworth field, when the tyrant Richard the third was slaine by Henrie the seuenth) was after receiued into such fauour with the said king Henrie the seuenth, that he was ad­uanced to be lord treasuror of England, in the six­téenth yeare of king Henrie the seuenth, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred, which place he continued all the life of the said king Hen­rie the seuenth, who died in the foure and twentith yeare of his reigne, being the yeare of our redemp­tion one thousand fiue hundred and nine. After which for the good seruice he vsed in the time of Henrie the seuenth, king Henrie the eight also permitted him to keepe that office, which he possessed vntill the fiftéenth yeare of king Henrie the eight, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred twentie and thrée.

This man was created duke of Norffolke on Candelmasse daie, in the fift yeare of king Henrie the eight, being the yeere of our redemption one thou­sand fiue hundred and thirtéene, at what time also his son Thomas Howard was made earle of Surreie. This duke was aduanced to that honour (in recom­pense of the death of the king of Scots, and for the good seruice that he did against that nation in the said fift yeare of Henrie the eight) with an augmen­tation of his armes, to beare the armes of Scotland in the bend of the arms of Howard. Touching which victorie and death of the king of Scots Buchanan lib. 13. writeth to this effect, that the said Thomas Ho­ward (as a note of the conquest) gaue to his seruants his cognisance (to weare on their left arme) being a white lion (the beast which he bare before as the proper [Page 1255] ensigne of that house) standing ouer a red lion (the peculiar note of the kingdome of Scotland) and tea­ring the same red lion with his pawes. This Tho­mas duke of Norffolke maried two wiues, his first wife was Elisabeth the daughter of sir Frederike Tilneie knight, by whom he had issue Thomas erle of Surreie after duke of Norffolke, Edward slaine at Bret admerall of England, & Edmund Howard, with Elisabeth maried to Thomas Bulleine earle of Wilshire, and Muriell married to Iohn Greie vi­count Lisle His second wife was Agnes daughter line 10 of sir Philip Tilneie knight, by whome he had issue William lord Howard of Effingham, with manie others. This Thomas duke of Norffolke died in the sixtéenth yeare of king Henrie the eight, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fortie and foure, and was buried at Thetford in Norf­folke.

Thomas Howard.Thomas Howard (sonne to the said Thomas duke of Norffolke) being earle of Surreie, possessed the place of the lord treasuror in the fiftéenth yeare line 20 of king Henrie the eight, being the yeare that Christ tooke flesh of the virgine Marie one thousand fiue hundred twentie and three: the which office he continued in the eight and thirtith yeare of the said king, being the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fortie and six; in which yeare on the eight and twentith of Ianuarie, the said king Henrie died (so that this duke and his father were lord treasurors of England almost eight and fortie yeares.) But about some few daies more than a moneth before the death line 30 of the said king, that is to saie, on the twelfe of De­cember, this duke with his sonne Henrie earle of Surreie were committed to the tower, the one by water the other by land. Shortlie after which the said Henrie was beheaded at tower hill, the nineteenth daie of Ianuarie: about nine daies before the death of the king. And the duke remained as condemned to perpetuall prison, till the beginning of the reigne of queene Marie, who then set him at libertie. He married for his first wife Anne the daughter of king line 40 Edward the fourth, but had no issue by hir: after whose death he married Elisabeth daughter to Ed­ward duke of Buckingham, by whome he had issue, Henrie earle of Surreie beheaded as before, Tho­mas vicount Bindon, and Marie married to Hen­rie Fitzroie duke of Richmont. He died about the beginning of the reigne of quéene Marie.

Edward Seimor earle of Hertford was after the death of king Henrie the eight made lord treasuror of England, Edward Seimor. in the first yeare of king Edward the line 50 sixt: being the yeare of our redemption one thou­sand fiue hundred fortie & six, in which yeare he was also made protector of England and duke of Sum­merset: of whom thus writeth Matthew Parker, cal­ling him Regni camerarium, in the life of Thomas Cranmer archbishop of Canturburie in these words page 397. In testamento (meaning king Henrie the eight) Edwardo principi minori nouem annis nato haeredi suo sexdecim tutores, ex episcopis solos Thomam Cranmerum Can­tuariensem line 60 archiepiscopum & Cutbertum Tonstalium Dunel­mensem episcopum dedit. And a little after pag. 398. fol­loweth: Verùm pluribus (vt diximus) ei minori (that was king Edward) a patre constitutis curatoribus, ne numero suo atque multitudine ad dissentiones faciles essent & procliues vnus electus est, qui ex consilijs reliquorum impuberis regis tu­telam solus administraret. Is fuit Edwardus Seimerus comes Hertfordiensis, totius regni camerarius regísque a [...]unculus. Qui suscepta tutela regis, totius regni atque dominiorum suo­rum protector & Somerseti dux nuncupatus atque creatus est. This duke of Summerset being treasuror of Eng­land continued in the same office vntill his death (as I gather) more than foure years, and was beheaded in the fift yeare of king Edward the sixt, being the yeare of our Lord, one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and one.

Sir William Paulet knight, Sir William Paulet. marquesse of Win­chester was made lord treasuror vpon the death of the duke of Summerset: in the fift yeare of king Edward the sixt, and the yeare of Christ one thou­sand fiue hundred fiftie and one, which office he kept by the space of twentie yeares and more: a longer time than euer anie other treasuror had done before, except the two last dukes of Norffolke. This man be­ing a man of extreme age (as atteining to the yeares of ninetie seuen) died lord treasuror of England (the tenth of March, in the yeare of our saluation one thousand fiue hundred seuentie and one, being the fourtéenth yeare of the reigne of the famous queene Elisabeth) at his manor of Basing. He in his life time did sée the children of his childrens children growne to the number of one hundred and thrée, a rare blessing of God to men of his calling. He mar­ried Elisabeth the daughter of sir William Capell knight, by whome he had issue Iohn marquesse of Winchester, Thomas, Chidiocke, and Giles; Alice married to Richard Stowell, Margaret married to sir William Berkeleie, Margerie married to Ri­chard Waller, and Eleanor married to sir Richard Peckshall.

Sir William Cecill knight of the garter and lord Burghleie, Sir Willi [...] Cecill. was aduanced to the honorable place of lord treasuror of England on the thirtéenth daie of Iulie, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand, fiue hundred, seauentie and two, being the foure­téenth yeare of the reigne of our gratious quéene Elisabeth. This man was descended of the hono­rable familie of the Sitsylts of Wales, sometime lords of Beauport in the daies of Henrie the first, as appeareth by this pedegrée here inserted.

1 In the yeare of Christ one thousand ninetie and one, D. Powell in hist. Cambriae pa. 142, 143, &c. Robert Sitsylt. Robert Sitsylt came with Robert Fitzhamon to the conquest of the countrie of Glamorgan, and after wedded a ladie, by whom he had Halterennes and other lands in Hereford and Glocestershires: he had a sonne called Iames Sitsylt.

2 Iames Sitsylt tooke part with Mawd the em­presse against king Stephan, Iames Sitsylt. and was slaine at the siege of the castell of Wallingford Anno quarto Stephani, hauing then vpon him a vesture, where­on was wrought in néedle worke his armes or en­signes, as they be made on the toome of Gerald Sitsylt in the abbeie of Dore, which are afterward trulie blazed, in a iudgement giuen by commission of king Edward the third, for the ancient right of the same armes. This Iames had a sonne called Iohn Sitsylt, and foure daughters.

3 Iohn Sitsylt, the sonne of Iames, was after the death of his father, Iohn Sit­sylt. in the same warres with Ro­ger earle of Hereford, and constable of England, and being taken prisoner at the siege of Lincolne, Anno. 6. Stephani, he paid for his ransome foure hundred marks, and therefore sold his lordship of Beauport, and all his lands in the countie of Gloce­ster: he tooke to wife a ladie called Mawd de Frenes and had issue Eustace.

4 Eustace Sitsylt the son of Iohn was wedded to Elianor the daughter of sir Walter Pembridge knight, and had by hir Baldwin and Iohn; Eustace Sitsylt. and foure daughters, whereof one of them was the wife of sir Thomas Fitzneale knight.

5 Baldwin Sitsylt the sonne of Eustace, Baldwin Sitsylt. was made knight by king Henrie the second, in the warres that the king had against the Welshmen, he was also killed in the same warres, at the siege of the castell of Cardiffe, his father being aliue; he tooke to wife the daughter of Maurice de Bromp­ton, and had by hir Gerald Sitsylt, Eustace Sitsylt, [Page 1256] Henrie Sitsylt, Iohn Sitsylt, and Walter Sitsylt; and two daughters, Catharine and Elianor. Ca­tharine was the wife of Hugh Muredake, and E­lianor was the wife of Walter Wallis. This Bald­win Sitsylt knight tooke to his second wife, Mar­gerie the daughter of Stephan Radnor knight, and had by hir, Stephan Sitsylt, Roger Sitsylt, Hugh Sitsylt, and Dauid Sitsylt; and thrée daughters, the first was Mawd and she was a Nun, the se­cond was Ione and she was the wife of Iohn de line 10 Solers, the third daughter Anne was the wife of Owen ap Meredith. This man gaue certeine lands in the towneship of Kigestone, vnto the moonks of Dore, and granted vnto the same moonks fréedome of common and pasture, and other liberties in his woods.

Gerald Sit­sylt.6 Gerald Sitsylt, the first sonne of Baldwin Sitsylt knight, tooke to wife Mabill the daughter of Sir William Moigne knight, and had by hir three sonnes, Gerald Sitsylt that died a child, Robert line 20 Sitsylt that married and had children, and Owen Sitsylt a moonke of the abbeie of Dore. He had also three daughters, Catharine, that was wed­ded to sir Griffin ap Yoreford, and after to Dauid ap Euan, and the third time to Geffreie de Bret, sonne of sir Walter Bret knight. Anne the second daughter of Gerald Sitsylt was wedded to Ro­bert the sonne of Richard Bromewich. And El­len the third daughter of Gerald Sitsylt, was the wife of Iohn Abrahall, father of sir Iohn Abrahall line 30 knight.

7 Robert Sitsylt, the sonne of Gerald tooke to wife Alicia daughter of sir Robert Tregois knight, Robert Sitsylt. and had by hir Iames Sitsylt his first sonne, Ge­rald the second sonne, Thomas the third sonne, and Baldwin the fourth sonne; and Margaret the first daughter, and Elisabeth the second daughter.

Iames Sitsylt.8 Iames Sitsylt the sonne of Robert, tooke to wife Isabell the daughter of sir Iohn Knell knight, and had by hir Iames and Gerald twins; Iames line 40 died yoong: he had also Robert Sitsylt, and Iohn Sitsylt; and fiue daughters, that is to saie, Alicia wedded to Walter Monington, Grace wedded to Roger sonne of William Blunt, Elianor wedded to Thomas Paine, Margerie wedded to Morgan ap Meredith, and Sislie married to Howell ap Ble­thin, and after to sir Hugh Bruge.

Gerald Sitsylt.9 Gerald Sitsylt, sonne of Iames, tooke to wife Margaret, daughter of Stephan Dalaber, and by hir had Iohn Sitsylt; and after he wedded Bridget line 50 the widow of sir Simon Ward knight, and had by hir Iames Sitsylt, and the third time married the daughter of Martine Hopton, and had by hir Mar­tine Sitsylt, Henrie Sitsylt, and Dauid Sitsylt, and Ione a daughter. And the fourth time the same Gerald Sitsylt tooke to wife Iane the daughter of Robert Emerton, and had by hir one sonne named Stigand Sitsylt, that was slaine in the warres of Striuelin in the time of king Edward the second, and had no issue, as the register of the abbie of Dore maketh mention. line 60

[...]ron. de Dôr. Iohn Sitsylt.10 Iohn Sitsylt, the sonne of Gerald, tooke to wife Sibill the daughter of Robert of Ewyas, and had by hir sir Iohn Sitsylt knight, George Sitsylt, and a daughter named Margaret, that was the wife of sir Robert Baskeruile knight, who had by hir sir Iohn Baskeruile knight; and by his second wife he had sir Richard Baskeruile knight, that tooke to wife Iane the daughter and heire of George Sitsylt second sonne of this Iohn Sitsylt, and had by hir sir Iohn Baskeruile knight.

Sir Iohn Sitsylt.11 Sir Iohn Sitsylt knight, tooke to wife Alicia, the sister of the said sir Roger Baskeruile, and sir Roger married his sister, as is aforesaid. This sir Iohn Sitsylt had Iohn Sitsylt and Roger Sitsylt.

D. Powell▪ In the time of the warres that king Edward the third made against Scotland, at a place called Halidon hill néere Barwike anno 6. of Edward the third, there arose a great variance and contention betweene sir William de Facknaham knight, on the one side approuant, & this sir Iohn Sitsylt knight, on the other side defendant, for an ensigne of armes, that is to saie; The field of ten barrets siluer and a­zure, supported of fiue scutcheons sable charged with so manie lions of the first rampants incensed geuls, which ensigne both the parties did claime as their right. But as both parties put themselues to their force to mainteine their quarrell, and vaunted to mainteine the same by their bodies; it pleased the king that iustice should be yéelded for triall of the quarrell, without shedding of bloud: and so the bea­ring of the ensigne was solemnelie adiudged to be the right of the said sir Iohn Sitsylt, as heire of blood lineallie descended of the bodie of Iames Sitsylt, lord of Beauport slaine at the siege of Wallingford, as before is declared. The finall order and determi­nation of which controuersie is laid downe by Iohn Boswell gentleman, in his booke intituled The con­cords of Armorie, fol. 80. This sir Iohn Sitsylt had a charge of men at arms, for the custodie of the mar­ches to Scotland, in the eleuenth yeare of king Ed­ward the third.

12 Iohn Sitsylt, Iohn Sitsylt. the sonne of sir Iohn Sitsylt knight, tooke to wife Ione daughter of sir Richard Monington knight, and had by hir Iohn Sitsylt (that died, his father being aliue) and Thomas Sitsylt.

13 Thomas Sitsylt married Margaret the daughter and heire of Gilbert de Winston, Thomas Sitsylt. and had by hir Philip Sitsylt, and Dauid Sitsylt. This man was a great benefactor to the moonks of Dore, and forgaue them great sums of monie which they did owe him.

14 Philip Sitsylt married Margaret, Philip Sitsylt. the daugh­ter of Iohn Philips, and had by hir Richard, Iohn, and Margaret.

15 Richard Sitsylt or Cecill married Margaret the daughter of Philip Uaughan, Richard Sitsylt. and had by hir Philip Cecill, Margaret Cecill, Iohn Cecill, Dauid Cecill, and Iames or Ienkin Cecill.

*These pedegrées & descents I gathered faithfullie out of sundrie ancient records and euidences, D. Powell. wherof the most part are confirmed with seales autentike therevnto appendent, manifestlie declaring the anti­quitie and truth therof; which remaine at this present in the custodie of the right honourable sir William Cecill, knight of the noble order of the garter, lord Burghleie, and lord high treasuror of England, who is lineallie descended from the last recited Richard Sitsylt, father to Dauid Cecill, The descent of sir William Cecill now lord treasuror. grandfather to the said sir William Cecill now lord Burghleie. And at this daie William Sitsylt or Cecill esquier coosen german to the said lord Burghleie, remooued by one degrée onelie, is possessed of the foresaid house of Halterennes in Ewyas land as the heire male of the house of Sitsylts, and is descended of Philip Ce­cill, elder brother to the said Dauid.

This sir William Cecill lord Burghleie, Fr. Thi [...]. liuing at this instant in the yeare of Christ, one thousand, fiue hundred, eightie and six, to the great support of this commonwealth, dooth worthilie inioy the place of the lord treasuror of England, of whome (for auoi­ding the note of flatterie) I may not saie that good which we the subiects of England doo féele by his meanes, and all the world dooth sée in his rare and wise gouernment. And therefore leauing what may be said of him for his honorable deserts, from his countrie, his prince, and his countriemen, as well [Page 1257] for rare gouernement at home, as for graue mana­ging of the matter of state abroad, I beseech the al­mightie Lord to lengthen his yeares with perfect health and happie successe of all his good desires, to answer the worth of those his honourable deserts. Thus knitting vp this discourse of the treasurors, with no lesse honorable person of the temporaltie in this our age, than I began the same discourse with a rare person of the spiritualtie in that their age: this being knowne as singular in policie as the other line 10 was supposed to be in prelacie, I here set end to that which with much labour of bodie, trauell of mind, and charge of pursse, I haue brought to this forme what so euer it be. Thus this much by Francis Thin touching the treasurors of England.]

The earle of Northumber­land beheaded.The 22 of August Thomas Persie earle of Nor­thumberland late of Topclife, who had beene before attainted by parlement of high treason, as one of the principall conspirators in the late rebellion, and line 20 now brought out of Scotland, whither he had fled, was beheaded at Yorke about two of the clocke in the afternoone, on a new scaffold set vp for that pur­pos [...] in the market place. Englishmen sent to Ulster in Ireland. In this moneth of August sir Thomas Smith, one of the quéenes maiesties pri­uie councell, carefullie tendering the reformation of Ireland, sent his son Thomas Smith esquier thither with a certeine number of Englishmen to inhabit the Ards in Ulster, after the maner of a colonie vsed by the Romans.

Anno Reg. 15The eighteenth of Nouember in the morning was line 30 séene a star northward verie bright and cléere, A strange star appeared; the bignesse ther­of, and of what continuance. in the constellation of Cassiopeia, at the backe of hir chaire, which with thrée chéefe fixed stars of the said constel­lation made a geometricall figure losengwise, of the learned men called Rhombus. This starre in bignes at the first appeering séemed bigger than Iupiter, & not much lesse than Uenus when she seemeth great­est. Also the said starre neuer changing his place, was caried about with the dailie motion of heauen, as all fixed starres commonlie are, and so continu­ed line 40 (by little and little to the eie appearing lesse) for the space of almost sixtéene moneths: at what time it was so small, that rather thought by exercises of off vewing might imagine the place, than anie eie could iudge the presence of the same. And one thing is herein cheefelie to be noted, that (by the skill and con­sent of the best and most expert mathematicians, which obserued the state, propertie, and other circum­stances belonging to the same starre) it was found line 50 to haue beene in place celestiall far aboue the moone, otherwise than euer anie comet hath béene séene, or naturallie can appéere. Therefore it is supposed that the signification therof is directed purposelie and spe­ciallie to some matter, not naturall, but celestiall, or rather supercelestiall, so strange, as from the begin­ning of the world neuer was the like.

The foure and twentith of Nouember Edward earle of Darbie, Earle of Dar­bie deceased. lord Stanleie, & Strange, of Knoc­king, lord and gouernor of the Iles of Man, knight line 60 of the noble order of the garter, and one of the quéens maiesties priuie councell deceased at his house cal­led Latham in Lanca [...]hire. His life and death de­seruing commendation, and crauing memorie to be imitated, The life and death of the foresaid earle of Darbie. was such as followeth. His fidelitie vnto two kings and two queenes in dangerous times and great rebellions, in which time, and alwaies as cause serued, he was lieutenant of Lancashire and Ches­shire, and latelie offered ten thousand men vnto the quéenes maiestie of his owne charge for the suppres­sion of the last rebellion. His godlie disposition to his tenants, neuer forcing anie seruice at their hands, but due paiment of their rent. His libera­litie to strangers, and such as shewed themselues gratefull to him. His famous housekéeping, and ele­uen score in checkroll, neuer discontinuing the space of twelue yeares. His féeding especiallie of aged persons twise a daie thrée score and od; besides all commers thrise a wéeke appointed for his dealing daies; and euerie good fridaie these fiue and thirtie yeares one with another two thousand seauen hun­dred, with meat, drinke, monie, and monie worth. There was neuer gentleman or other that waited in his seruice, but had allowance from him, to haue as well wages as otherwise for horsse and man. His yeerlie portion for the expenses of his house foure thousand pounds. His cunning in setting bones dis­iointed or broken, Rare quali­ties in a noble man. his surgerie and desire to helpe the poore, his deliuerie of the George and seale to the lord Strange, with exhortation that he might kéepe it so vnspotted in fidelitie to his prince as he had, and his ioie that he died in the quéenes fauour. His ioifull parting this world, his taking leaue of all his seruants by shaking of hands, & his remem­brance to the last daie.

The eight and twentith of Nouember Iohn Hall late of Battell in Sussex gentleman, Hall and Wil­kinson execu­ted. and Oswold Wilkinson late of Yorke and gailor of Yorke cas­tell (being before arreigned and condemned of trea­son) were drawne from the tower of London to Ti­borne, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. This yéere a great and sharpe frost almost continual­lie lasted, from before the feast of All saints, Great frost and a sharpe winter. till after the feast of the Epiphanie of our Lord, with somtime great and déepe snowes, and sometime raines, which fréesed as fast as the same fell to the ground: where­through at Wrotham in Kent, and manie other pla­ces, the armes and boughs of trées being ouerchar­ged with ise, brake off, and fell from the stockes of the same trées. Also the wind continued north and east, till after the Ascension daie, with sharpe frosts and snowes, whereby followed a late spring.

The twelfe of Ianuarie William lord Howard, year 1573 baron of Effingham, lord priuie seale, Lord priuie seale deceased. knight of the noble order of the garter, and one of the priuie coun­cell deceased at Hampton court. Earle of Wor­cester sent in­to France. The eightéenth of Ianuarie William lord Smmerset earle of Wor­cester began his iourneie towards France, to the christening of the kings daughter there in stead of the quéenes maiestie of England, who sent with him a font of gold for that purpose, weieng thrée hundred and six and twentie ounces. The said earle with ma­nie of his companie were robbed vpon the sea by pi­rats of much of their baggage, Earle of Wor­cester robbed on the sea. and thrée or foure of their men slaine. In France he and his traine were honorablie receiued. At the christening he gaue the child to name Elisabeth. They returned into Eng­land the seauen and twentith of Februarie.

In the moneth of Februarie, The narrow seas scowred. thorough sundrie heinous complaints brought to the quéenes maiestie and hir councell of pirats that kept the narrow seas, dooing manie robberies, as also the robbing of the earle of Worcester (as is aforesaid) hi [...] highnesse, by the aduise of hir honourable councell, tooke order with the lord admerall of England, that he should send to the seas, ships and men to scowre the narow seas, & to apprehend so manie pirats ships as might be met with. And for the better dooing thereof, it plea­sed hir maiestie to send one of hir owne ships, na­med the Swallow to be the admerall, vnder the charge of William Holstocke of London esquier, comptrollor of hir highnesse ships, who had with him the Gillian, the barke Garet, and the barke of Yar­mouth, and thrée hundred and thrée score able mari­ners, gunners, and souldiors in the said thrée ships, and one barke which scowred the narrow seas, from the north foreland, as farre westward as Falmouth in Cornewall, and tooke twentie ships and ba [...]ks of [Page 1258] sundrie nations, Pirats on the west seas. to wit, English, French, and Flem­mings (but all pirats) and in fashion of warre. He apprehended in those ships and barks to the number of nine hundred men of all nations, and sent them to ward to Sandwich, Douer, Wight, and Portes­mouth (whereof thrée of them that robbed the earle of Worcester were shortlie after executed at Wight. Pirats execu­ted.) Also the said William Holstocke did rescue and take from the aboue said pirats ships, fiftéene other mer­chants ships laden with merchandize, that were their line 10 prises, being of sundrie nations, and set at libertie the said fiftéene merchants ships and goods: which doone, he returned to Portesmouth, and there ended his voiage in March.

The fourth of March, a man was hanged in chains in saint Georges field beyond Southworke of Lon­don, A man hang­ed in saint Georges field. The earle of kent deceas­sed. for murthering the gailor of Horsham in the same field. The seuentéenth of March deceassed Rei­nold Greie of Ruthin, earle of Kent, at Herneseie, and was buried at saint Giles without Creplegate. line 20 About the same time died Edmund lord Shandois. The fiue and twentith of March being wednesdaie in Easter wéeke, George San­ders murthe­red at Shoo­ters hill. and the feast of the Annuntiation of our ladie, George Browne cruellie murthered two honest men néere to Shooters hill in Kent, the one of them was a wealthie merchant of London named George Sanders, the other Iohn Beane of Wool­wich, which murther was committed in manner as followeth. A discourse of the murther practised and committed. On tuesdaie in Easter wéeke (the foure and twentith of March) the said George Browne re­ceiuing line 30 secret intelligence by letter from mistresse Anne Drurie, that master Sanders should lodge the same night at the house of one master Barnes in Woolwich, and from thense go on foot to saint Marie Craie; the next morning he laie in wait for him by the waie, a little from Shooters hill, and there slue both him & Iohn Beane seruant to master Barnes. But Iohn Beane hauing ten or eleuen wounds, & being left for dead, by Gods prouidence did reuiue a­gaine: and créeping awaie on all foure, was found line 40 by an old man and his maiden, and conueied vnto Woolwich, where he gaue euident marks of the murtherer.

Roger Cle­ment aliàs tru­stie Roger.Immediatlie vpon the déed dooing, Browne sent mistresse Drurie word thereof by Roger Clement (among them called trustie Roger) he himselfe re­paired foorthwith to the court at Greenewich, & anon after him came thither the report of the murther al­so. Then departed he thense vnto London, and came to the house of mistresse Drurie, where [...]hough he line 50 spake not personallie with hir, after conference had with hir seruant trustie Roger, she prouided him twentie pounds that same daie, for the which she laid certeine plate of hir owne, & of mistresse Sanders to gage. Browne the murtherer re­ [...]eued with m [...]ne. On the next morning being thursdaie (ha­uing intelligence that Browne was sought for) they sent him six pounds more by the same Roger, war­ning him to shift for himselfe by flight, which thing he foreslowed not to doo. Neuerthelesse, the lords of the quéens maiesties councell caused so spéedie and nar­row search to be made for him, that vpon the eight line 60 and twentith of the same moneth he was apprehen­ded in a mans house of his owne name at Rochester and being brought backe againe to the court, was examined by the councell: vnto whome he confessed the deed (as you haue heard) and that he had often­times before pretended and sought to doo the same, He confesseth his offense vp­pon his exa­mination. by the instigation of the said mistresse Drurie, who had promised to make a marriage betwéene him and mi­stresse Sanders (whome he seemed to loue excessiue­lie) neuerthelesse he protested (though vntrulie) that mistresse Sanders was not priuie nor consenting therevnto.

Upon his confession he was arreigned at the Kings bench in Westminster hall the eighteenth of Aprill, where he acknowledged himselfe guiltie, and was condemned as principall of the murther, accor­ding to which sentence he was executed in Smith­field, on mondaie the twentith of Aprill: at which time also vntrulie (as she hir selfe confessed after­ward) he laboured by all meanes to cléere mistresse Sanders of committing euill of hir bodie with him, George Browne hanged in Smithfield, and afterward in chains on Shooters hill. and then floong himselfe besides the ladder. He was after hanged vp in chains néere vnto the place where he had doone the fact. In the meane time mistresse Drurie and hir man being examined, as well by their owne confessions, as by falling out of the mat­ter, and also by Brownes appeachment thought cul­pable, were committed to ward. And after mistresse Sanders being deliuered of child, and churched (for at the time of hir husbands death she looked presentlie to lie downe) was vpon mistresse Druries mans confession, and other great likelihoods, likewise com­mitted to the tower, and on wednesdaie the sixt of Maie she was arreigned with mistresse Drurie at the Guildhall.

The effect of their indictment was, that they by a letter written had béene procurers of the said mur­ther: & knowing the murther doone, had by monie & otherwise reléeued the murtherer: wherevnto they pleaded not giltie. Howbeit they were both condem­ned as accessaries to master Sanders death, Anne San­ders, Anne Drurie, and trustie Roger hanged in Smithfield. and ex­ecuted in Smithfield the thirtéenth of Maie, being wednesdaie in Whitsunwéeke, at which time they both confessed themselues guiltie of the fact. Trustie Roger mistresse Druries man was arreigned on fridaie the eight of Maie, & being there condemned as accessarie, was executed with his mistresse at the time and place aforesaid. Not long after, Anthonie Browne brother to the fornamed George Browne, Anthonie Browne han­ged at Yorke. was for notable felonies conueied from Newgate to Yorke, and there hanged.

The tenth of Aprill seauen pirats which among o­thers had béene taken on the north seas, Pirats han­ged at Wap­ping. were lead from Southworke to Wapping, and fiue of them were there hanged: the other two had their pardon at the gallowes. Foure wo­men on the pillorie. The seauentéenth of Aprill a chande­lers wife without Aldersgate of London, who had practised hir husbands death by poisoning and other­wise, was set on the pillorie in Cheape, with thrée o­ther women, who had béene of hir counsell: two of them were with hir there whipped.

The seauenth of Iune, Haile in Nor­thamptōshire. betwéene the houres of one and two of the clocke in the after noone, a great tempest of haile and raine happened at Tocester in Northamptonshire, wherethrough six houses in that towne were borne downe, and foureteene more sore perished with the waters which rose of that tempest. The hailstones were square, & six inches about. One child was there drowned, and manie shéepe with o­ther cattell, which when the water was fallen, manie of them were lieng on the high hedges, where the wa­ters had left them. The sixteenth of Iune, Thomas Woodhouse, a priest of Lincolnshire, Thomas Woodhouse. who had laine long prisoner in the Fleet, was arreigned in the Guildhall of London, and there condemned of high treason, who had iudgement to be hanged and quar­tered, and was executed at Tiburne the ninetéenth of Iune.

The sixtéenth of August, Walter earle of Essex, accompanied with the lord Rich, Erle of Essex and the lord Rich with o­ther sailed in­to Ireland. and diuerse other gentlemen, imbarked themselues in seuerall ships at Leirpoole, and the wind sitting verie well, tooke their voiage towards Ireland. The earle after manie and great dangers on the sea, at length woone Cope­mans Iland, from whence in a pinnesse of capteine Perses he was brought safe to Knockfergus. The lord Rich with the like danger landed at castell Kil­life, [Page 1259] where being met by capteine Malbie, maister Smith, & master Moore pensioners, he was conduc­ted to Inch abbaie maister Malbies house, where he had in a readinesse on the morrow morning a hun­dred and fiftie horssemen for their safegard to Knock­fergus, beside fiftie Kerns which went a foot through the woods: there was among these a thirtie bowes with a bagpipe, Bowes, bag­pipes & darts among the Irish. the rest had darts. Sir Brian Make­phelin had preied the countrie, and taken awaie what was to be carried or driuen, but on the sixt of Sep­tember line 10 he came to Knockfergus, to the earle of Es­sex, and there made his submission: the number of kine were estéemed thirtie thousand, besides shéepe and swine.

After him Ferdorough Macgillasticke the blind Scots sonne, Roze, Oge, Macwilline did the like: and diuerse other sent their messengers to the earle, to signifie that they were at his lordships disposition as the baron of Dongarrow, Condenell, Odonell, and the capteine of Kilulto. The earle of Essex ha­uing line 20 the countrie of Claniboie and other, the quéens maiestie of England directed hir letters to the lord deputie of Ireland, Erle of Essex capteine gene­rall of Ulster in Ireland. willing him to make by commis­sion the earle of Essex capteine generall of the Irish nation in the prouince of Ulster, and to diuide the countrie woone, Claniboie, and else where, &c. The eleuenth of October, Peter Burchet gentleman of the middle temple, with his dagger suddenlie assai­led, Peter Bur­chet wounded maister Haw­kins. cruellie wounded, and meant to haue murthered a seruiceable gentleman named Iohn Hawkins line 30 esquier, as he with sir William Winter, and an o­ther gentleman rode towards Westminster, in the high stréet neare to the Strand, beyond the Temple­barre of London: for which fact the said Burchet be­ing apprehended and commited to the tower, was afterward examined concerning the fact. Who an­swered that he tooke the said maister Hawkins for an other gentleman: and being further examined, he was found to hold certeine erronious opinions, Peter Bur­chet found to be an heretike. for the which he was sent to the Lollards tower. line 40 From thence being called into the consistorie of Paules church, Peter Bur­chet abiured his heresie, & submitted himselfe to doo penance. before the right reuerend father Ed­wine bishop of London, and others, & by them exa­mined, he stood in his opinions, till the sentence of death as an heretike was readie to haue béene pro­nounced against him on the fourth of Nouember: but through the earnest persuasions of diuerse lear­ned men, who tooke great paines in that matter, he renounced, forswore, and abiured his opinions for erronious & damnable, promising neuer to returne line 50 to them, and also willinglie to doo and performe all such penance as the bishop his ordinarie should in­ioine him.

The ninth of Nouember, the said Peter Burchet was remoued from the Lollards tower, to the tower of London, where on the next morrow about noone, whilest one that had kept him companie was gone downe, and locked the doore after him, leauing an o­ther with him called Hugh Longworth, who stood at the window reading in the bible, the said Burchet line 60 walking vp and downe in the chamber, Peter Bur­chet killeth his kéeper. tooke a bil­lets end out of the fire, and knocked the said Long­worth on the head, and left not till he had striken him starke dead: for the which on the next morow he was arreigned & condemned at Westminster, and then returned to Summerset house, where he remained that night: and on the next morrow being the twelfe of Nouember, he was brought to the gibet, where (after his right hand being striken off, and nailed to the gibbet) he was hanged nigh the place where hée wounded master Hawkins. Peter Bur­chet hanged. This yeare about Lam­mas, wheat was sold at London for thrée shillings▪ the bushell: Anno Reg. 16. but shortlie after it was raised to foure shillings, fiue shillings, six shillings: & before Christ­mas to a noble, and seuen shillings, Dearth with­out scarsitie, & afterwards plentie to them that had monie. which so conti­nued long after: béefe was sold for twentie pence, and two and twentie pence the stone, and all other flesh and white meats at an excessiue price, all kind of salt fish verie deare, as fiue herings two pence, &c: yet great plentie of fresh fish, and oft times the same verie cheape: pease at foure shillings the bushell, otemeale at foure shillings eight pence: baie salt at thrée shillings the bushell, &c. All this dearth notwith­standing (thanks be giuen to God) there was no want of anie thing to them that wanted not monie.

The fourth of Aprill being Paline sundaie, there was taken saieng of masse in the lord Morleis house within Algate of London, year 1574 Priests sai­eng masse ap­prehended. one Albon Dalman priest, and the ladie Morleie with hir children, and di­uerse others were also taken hearing of the said masse. There was also taken the same daie and houre for saieng masse at the ladie Gilfords in Trinitie lane, one Oliuer Heiwood priest: and for hearing of the said masse, the said ladie Gilford with diuerse o­ther gentlewomen. There was also taken at the same instant in the ladie Browns house in Cowlane for saieng masse, one Thomas Heiwood priest, and one Iohn Cowper Priest, with the ladie Browne, and diuers other were likewise taken being hearers of the said masse. All which persons were for the same offenses indicted, conuicted, and had the law accor­ding to the statute in that case prouided. There was also found in their seuerall chappels, diuerse Latine bookes, beads, images, palmes, chalices, crosses, vest­ments, pixes, paxes, and such like.

The ninth of Iulie at six of the clocke at night, A monstrous fish (but not so monstrous as some repor­ted) for his eies being great, were in his head and not in his backe. in the Ile of Thanet besids Ramesgate, in the parish of saint Peter vnder the cliffe, a monstrous fish or whale of the sea did shoot himselfe on shore, where for want of water, beating himselfe on the sands, he di­ed about six of the clocke on the next morning, before which time he roared, and was heard more than a mile on the land. The length of this fish was twentie two yards, the nether iaw twelue foot the opening: one of his eies, being taken out of his head, was more than six horsse in a cart could draw, a man stood vpright in the place from whence the eie was taken. The thicknesse from the backe whereon he laie, to the top of his bellie (which was vpward) was fouretéene foot, his taile of the same breadth: betweene his eies twelue foot, thrée men stood vpright in his mouth, some of the ribs were six foot long, his toong was fif­téene foot long, his liuer two cart lode, into his nose­trils anie man might haue crept: the oile being boi­led out of the head was Sperma [...]. parmasitie, the oile of his bo­die was whitish and sweet of tast. The seuenth of Au­gust, Obsequie at Pauls for the French king. a solemne obsequie was kept in saint Paules church at London for Charles the ninth king of France, who deceassed on the twentie day of Maie last before passed.

On the fiftéenth daie of August being sundaie, Agnes Bridges, Agnes Brid­ges & Rachell Pinder at Pauls crosse for counter­fetting to be possessed. a maiden about the age of twen­tie yeares, and Rachell Pinder, a wench about ele­uen or twelue yeares old▪ who both of them had coun­terfetted to be possessed by the diuell (wherby they had not onelie maruellouslie deluded manie people, both men and women, but also diuerse such persons as o­therwise séemed to be of good wit and vnderstanding) stood before the preacher at Paules crosse, where they acknowledged their hypocriticall counterfetting, with penitent behauiours, requiring forgiuenesse of God and the world, and the people to praie for them. Also their seuerall examinations and confessions were there openlie read by the preacher, and after­wards published in print for the further posteritie hereafter to beware of the like deceiuers.

The fourth of September in the after noone, such a storme of raine happened at London, A lad of eigh­teéne yeares [...] drowned [...] chanell in London. as the like of [Page 1260] long time could not be remembred, wherethrough the chanels of the citie suddenlie rising, ran with such a forceable course towards the common sewes, that a lad about the age of eightéene yeares, minding to haue lept ouer the chanell neere vnto Dowgate, was borne ouer with the streame, and by the same caried from the conduit there towards the Thames, with such a swiftnesse, that no man with staues or other­wise could stay him, till he came against a cart wheele that stood in the watergate, afore which he was drow­ned line 10 and starke dead.

This yeare the maior of London went by wa­ter to Westminster, [...] ma [...]ors [...]ast at the Guildhall. and there tooke his oth; as hath béene accustomed: he kept no feast at the Guildhall, although great prouision had béene made for that purpose, but dined at his owne house with his bre­thren the aldermen: the companies dined at their seuerall halles. This was doone by the speciall ap­pointment of the quéenes maiesties councell, to a­uoid infection of the plague, like to haue increased by line 20 comming togither of such a multitude. This wéeke from the two and twentith, vnto the eight and twen­tith of October, deceased in the citie and liberties, conteining an hundred and eight parishes, of all dis­eases, one hundred thréescore & six, of the which num­ber thréescore and fiue were accounted to die of the plague. T [...]a [...]me ad­ [...]rned. Michaelmas tearme, which had beene adiour­ned by proclamation, began at Westminster on the sixt of Nouember. The same sixt day in the morning, there happened two great tides at London, in the line 30 riuer of Thames, Two tides in one houre. the first by course, the other within one houre following, which ouerflowed the marshes, with manie vaults and cellars neare adioining.

The fourtéenth of Nouember being sundaie, about midnight following, Fierie im­pressions [...]llous. diuerse strange impressions of fire and smoke were séene in the aire to procéed foorth of a blacke cloud in the north toward the south, which so continued till the next morning that it was daie light. The next night following, the heauens from all parts did séeme to burne maruellous raginglie, line 40 & ouer our heads the flames from the horizon round about rising did méet, and there double and roll one in another, as if it had béene in a cleare fornace. The eightéenth daie at night blew verie stormie & tem­pestuous winds out of the south, Anno Reg. 17. as hath not béene knowne the like out of that quarter, Tempestuous winds out of [...] south. especiallie af­ter midnight, till the next morning that it was daie light. These are to be receiued as tokens of Gods wrath readie bent against the world for sinne now abounding, and also of his great mercie, who dooth line 50 onlie thus but to shew vs the rod wherwith we dailie deserue to be beaten.

This yeare at London after haruest, the price of wheate began by little and little to fall, from seuen shillings to thrée shillings the bushell, at which price it staied (little or nothing rising or falling) all the yeare after: but baie salt was raised from three shillings to foure shillings, [...]aie [...]alt [...] fiue shillings, and six shillings the bushell, the like whereof had neuer béene seene or heard within this realme. The 24 day of Februarie, line 60 being the feast of saint Matthie, on which daie the faire was kept at Teukesburie, year 1575 a strange thing hap­pened there. For after a floud which was not great, but such as therby the medows néere adioining were couered with water, in the after noone there came downe the riuer of Seuerne great numbers of flies & b [...]tels, [...] in Fe­bruarie the [...]. such as in summer euenings vse to strike men in the face, in great heapes, a foot thicke aboue the water, so that to credible mens iudgement there were séene within a paire of buts length of those flies aboue a hundred quarters. The mils there a­bouts were dammed vp with them for the space of foure daies after, and then were clensed by digging them out with shouels: from whence they came is yet vnknowne: but the daie was cold and a hard frost.

The six and twentith of Februarie, An earth­quake in sun­drie places of England, and what effects it wrought. betwéene foure and six of the clocke in the after noone, great earth­quakes happened in the cities of Yorke, Worcester, Glocester, Bristow, Hereford, and in the countries about, which caused the people to runne out of their houses: for feare they should haue fallen on their heads. In Teukesburie, Bredon, and other places, the dishes fell from the cupboords, and the bookes in mens studies from the shelues. In Norton chappell, the people being on their knees at euening praier, the ground moouing, caused them to run awaie in great feare that the dead bodies would haue risen, or the chappell to haue fallen: part of Ruthen castell fell downe with certeine bricke chimneies in gentle­mens houses. The bell in the shire hall at Den­bigh was also caused to toll twise, by shaking of the hall, &c.

On Easter daie, which was the third of Aprill, Anabaptists bare fagots at Pauls crosse. a­bout nine of the clocke in the forenoone, was disclosed a congregation of anabaptists, Duchmen, in a house without the bars of Aldgate at London, wherof sea­uen and twentie were taken and sent to prison: and foure of them bearing fagots recanted at Paules crosse, on the fifteenth daie of Maie in forme as follo­weth.

The forme of recantation openlie made by the said anabaptists.

WHereas I. I. T. R. H. being seduced by the diuell the spirit of error, and by false teachers his ministers, haue fallen into certeine most detestable and damnable heresies, namelie:

1 That Christ tooke not flesh of the substance of the blessed virgine Marie: The anabap­tists heresies

2 That infants of the faithfull ought not to be baptised:

3 That a christian man may not be a magistrat or beare the sword or office of authoritie:

4 That it is not lawfull for a christian to take an oth:

Now by the grace of God, and through confe­rence with good and learned ministers of Christ his church, I doo vnderstand and acknowlege the same to be most damnable and detestable heresies, and doo aske God here before his church mercie for my said former errors, and doo forsake them, recant, and renounce them, and abiure them from the bo­tome of my heart, professing that I certeinlie be­léeue:

1 That Christ tooke flesh of the substance of the blessed virgine Marie: Recanted.

2 That infants of the faithfull ought to be bap­tised:

3 That a christian man may be a magistrat, or beare the sword or office of authoritie:

4 That it is lawfull for a christian man to take an oth.

And further I confesse, that the whole doctrine and religion established and published in this realme of England, as also that which is receiued and preach­ed in the Dutch church here in this citie, is sound, true, and according to the word of God: whervnto in all things I submit my selfe, and will most gladlie be a member of the said Dutch church, from hense­forth vtterlie abandoning and forsaking all and eue­rie anabaptisticall error. This is my faith now, in the which I doo purpose and trust to stand firme and stedfast to the end. And that I may so doo, I beséech you all to praie with me, and for me, to God the hea­uenlie father, in the name of his sonne our sauiour [Page 1261] Iesus Christ. The like recantation was made by them afterwards in the Dutch church.

Matthew Parker arch­bishop of Canturburie deceased.The seauenteenth of Maie about midnight follo­wing, the reuerend father in God Matthew Par­ker doctor of diuinitie archbishop of Canturburie deceased at Lambeth, and was there honorablie bu­ried, on whose toome (being of blacke marble) is written this most worthie epitaph here following:

Sobrius & prudens, studijs excultus & vsu▪
Integer & verae relligionis amans, line 10
Walter Had­don.
Matthaeus vixit Parkerus, fouerat illum
Aula virum iuuenem, fouit & aula senem,
Ordine res gessit, recti defensor & aequi,
Vixerat ille Deo, mortuus ille Deo est.
Matthew Parker liued soberlie and wise,
Learned by studie and continuall practise,
Louing, true, of life vncontrold,
The court did foster him both yoong and old,
Orderlie he dealt, the right he did defend, line 20
He liued vnto God, to God he made his end.

[...]o. St. 1182. Mat [...]hew Parker a ler­ned antiqua­rie, and what monuments of his loue to learning he left behind him.¶This reuerend father examined throughlie the English translation of the holie bibles, wherein he partlie vsed the helpe of his brethren bishops, and o­ther doctors, and caused the same to be newlie prin­ted in the largest volume, for the due furniture of manie churches then wanting. Also making dili­gent search for the antiquities of the Britons, and English Saxons, to the end those monuments might be carefullie kept, he caused them to be well line 30 bound and trimlie couered: and such wherof he knew verie few examples to be extant (among the which was Matthew Paris, Matthew Florilegus, and Tho­mas Walsingham) he caused to be printed. The fa­mous palace of his see at Canturburie, by long con­tinuance decaied & consumed with fire, he renewed, builded, and fullie restored with the charges of more than fourtéene hundred pounds. Founder of a grammar schoole. A benefactor to Corpus christi college. He founded a gram­mar schoole in Rochdale in the countie of Lancaster.

To Corpus Christi college in Cambridge he pro­cured line 40 thirtéene scholarships, and bare the charges in making and furnishing two chambers for scholars, and the inward librarie of the same college. Item he gaue to the outward and inward librarie of the said college a goodlie companie of printed bookes, & a great number of written books of great antiquitie & much value. Item he procured to the said college the patronage of saint Marie Abchurch in London. Item he hath founded two felowships in the said col­lege, and procured one charter of mortmaine to the line 50 summe of one hundred pounds by yeare. Item he hath giuen to the same college of siluer plate double guilt thrée hundred nine ounces, and thrée quarters, & surrendred to them a lease with the improouement of foureteene pounds and eight shillings yeerelie for seuentéene yéeres. Item one hundred pounds to the maintenance of a fier in the hall from Halomas to Candlemas; and by his last will and testament fiue hundred pounds. Item to diuers scholars cham­bers within the said college diuerse bedsteads, with line 60 sufficient bedding & books to remaine for euer. Item he hath founded for euer fiue sermons to be preach­ed in diuerse places of Norffolke euerie yéere in Ro­gation weeke; Sermons perpetuallie founded at his charges in Norffolke: and what o­ther particu­lar gifts he bestowed to good pur­poses. and fortie shillings to be diuided at Norwich to the poore and others. Item to the citie of Norwich one bason and ewer of siluer and double guilt of one hundred seauentie and fiue oun­ces. Item to the towne of Matsall in Norffolke for euer an annuitie of fiftie shillings to be diuided to the poore with a sermon in Rogation weeke. Item to Gunuill and Caius college one scholarship, with a standing cup, and a pot of siluer double guilt of fiue and fiftie ounces and thrée quarters, and one nest of goblets with a couer siluer and guilt; with a num­ber of good bookes to their librarie. Item to Trini­tie hall one scholarship, a standing cup and a pot of siluer and guilt of thrée and fiftie ounces, a nest of goblets siluer and guilt with a couer; and bookes to their librarie. Item to the vniuersitie librarie fiftie old ancient written bookes, and fiftie printed bookes. Of this prelat, to his further commendati­on the aforesaid doctor Haddon, in the second booke of his poems maketh very honorable mention, com­prising in six verses the ensignes of his ancestors, with those also which were accessarie by the gratious­nesse of the prince, who preferred him to his prelacie. In the same verses also is comprehended as it were an harmonie or consent of most godlie qualities an­swerable vnto the ensignes that he bare; as thus:

Sunt antiquorum claues monumenta parentum,
De insigni [...]u [...] eiusdem Mat­th [...].
Venit ab augusto principe stella triplex.
Sic benè conspirant virtus, doctrina, potestas,
Et placidae pacis semina laeta serunt.
Sed tamen ad finem decurrunt gaudia vitae,
Ac homo puluis erit, puluis vt antè fuit.]

The 21 of Maie being Whitsun éeuen, Anabaptists banished. one man and ten women anabaptists Dutch, were in the consistorie of Paules condemned to be burned in Smithfield: but after great pains taken with them, onlie one woman was conuerted, the other were banished the land. On the first of Iune the nine women being led by the shiriffs officers, and the man also tied to a cart & whipped, were all conueied from Newgate to the waters side, where they were shipped awaie neuer to returne againe. Fiue person [...] of the familie of loue stood at Paules crosse. The twelfe of Iune stood at Paules crosse fiue persons English­men of the sect termed the familie of loue, who there confessed themselues vtterlie to detest as well the author of that sect H. N. as all his damnable errors and heresies.

The two and twentith of Iulie two Dutchmen anabaptists were burned in Smithfield, Anabaptists burned in Smithfield. who died in great horror with roring and crieng. The thirtith of Iulie in the afternoone was a great tempest of ligh­tening and thunder, Thunder and haile, where [...] insued great hurt. wherethrough both men and beasts in diuerse places were striken dead. Also at that time fell great abundance of haile, whereof the stones in manie places were found to be six or seuen inches about. The fourth of September being sun­daie about seuen of the clocke in the morning, The gla [...] hou [...]e burn [...] a cer­teine glasse house, which sometime had béene the cros­sed friers hall neere to the tower of London burst out on a terrible fire: wherevnto the lord maior, al­dermen and shiriffes with all expedition repaired, and practised there all means possible, by water buc­kets, hookes, and otherwise to haue quenched it. All which notwithst [...]nding, whereas the same house in a small time before had consumed great quantitie of wood by making of fine drinking glasses; now it selfe hauing within it neere fortie thousand billets of wood was all consumed to the stone walles, which walles greatlie defended the fire from spreading further, and dooing anie more harme.

The six and twentith of September, A woman brought a be [...] of foure chil­dren at one burthen. a pulters wife in the parish of Christs church within Newgate of London was deliuered & brought to bed of foure children at one burthen, all females or maiden chil­dren, which were christened by the names of Elisa­beth, Marie, Margaret, and Dorothie: and the same daie moneth the mother was buried, but all the foure children liuing, and in good liking, were borne to church after hir. ¶On Michaelmas éeuen at night the like impressions of fire and smoke were séene in the aire to flash out of the northeast, north and north­west, as had béene on the fiue and twentith of No­uember last before passed.

The tenth of October manie French, and some Englishmen, but all pirats of the seas, were arreig­ned [Page 1262] at the admeraltie court in Southworke, To the num­ber of two and twentie pi­rats condem­ned and iud­ged to die. No maiors feast at the Guildhall, and [...] ▪ where to the number of two and twentie were condemned, and had sentence of death pronounced against them. The maior of London went by water to West­minster, and there tooke his oth as hath beene accus­tomed: he kept no feast at the Guildhall, but dined at his owne house with his brethren the aldermen and others. The companies dined at their seuerall halles, &c. This was doone as in the yéere last before passed, to auoid the infection of the plague, which line 10 might haue increased by comming togither of grea­ter numbers of people. The plague [...]aged in London. That wéeke, from the two and twentith vnto the eight and twentith of Octo­ber, deceased in the citie and liberties of all diseases one hundred thirtie and two, of the which number six and thirtie were accounted to die of the plague. The next wéeke following ending the third of Nouem­ber (thanks be giuen to God therefore) there decea­sed of all diseases but one hundred and ten, and of them of the plague but six and twentie. line 20

[...] pag. 1185. God punish­ed periurie.¶ The eleuenth of Februarie Anne Aueries, wi­dow, forswearing hir selfe for a little monie that she should haue paid for six pounds of tow at a shop in Woodstréet of London, fell immediatlie downe spéechlesse, casting vp at hir mouth in great aboun­dance, & with horrible stinke, the same matter which by natures course should haue béene voided downe­wards, till she died. A terrible example of Gods iust iudgement vpon such as make no conscience of swearing against their brother. Archbishop [...]. The fiftéenth of Fe­bruarie, line 30 Edmund Grindale somtime bishop of Lon­don, late archbishop of Yorke, was in the chapter-house of S. Paules church at London elected archbi­shop of Canturburie. The fift of March in the night through a great flaw of wind then in the northeast, The bote [...]wned. a tilt bote with about the number of one and thirtie persons, men and women, comming from Graues­end toward London, were all drowned; one boie ex­cepted. The thirtith of Maie Thomas Gréene gold­smith was drawen from Newgate of London to line 40 Tiburne, Gréene han­ged. and there hanged, headed, and quartered, for clipping of coine both gold and siluer.

Frobishers first voiage for the disco­uerie of Ca­taia.The fiftéenth of Iune Martine Frobisher being furnished of aduenturors, with two small barkes & one pinnesse departed from Blackewall, vpon his voiage for the discouerie of a passage to Cataia by the northwest seas. Upon the first of Iulie he had sight (as he iudged) of Fréesland, but durst not ap­proch the same, by reason of the great yee that laie a­longst the coast. Not far from thense he lost his pin­nesse and one of his barkes, who mistrusting the dan­ger line 50 of tempests returned home, with report that their generall Martine Frobisher was cast awaie: which worthie capteine notwithstanding continued his course northwest, A rumor that capteine Fro­bisher was cast awaie. Queene Eli­sabeths fore­land. beyond anie man that hath heretofore discouered, and the twentith of Iulie had sight of a high land, which he named Quéene Elisa­beths foreland; and after that another foreland with a great passage, diuiding (as it were) the two maine lands asunder: this place he named Frobishers line 60 streits. After he had passed sixtie leagues further, he went ashoare, found the same to be inhabited with sauage people, caught one of them into his barke, and returning, arriued in England in the moneth of August following. One of his companie brought from thense a péece of a blacke stone, much like to a seacole in colour, which being brought to certeine goldfiners in London, to make a saie thereof, found it to hold gold, and that verie richlie for the quantitie.

A woman burnt at Tun­bridge for poi­soning hir husband.The ninteenth of Iulie a woman was burnt at Tunbridge in Kent for poisoning of hir husband: and two daies before a man, named Oxleie, was hanged at Maidstone for being accessarie to the same fact. The tenth of August a rare péece of worke and almost incredible, Rare worke­manship shew­ed in the com­passe of a penie by the hand­writing of an Englishman. was brought to passe by an Englishman borne in the citie of London named Peter Bales, who by his industrie and practise of his pen, contriued and writ within the compasse of a pe­nie in Latine, the Lords praier; the créed, the ten commandements, a praier to God, a praier for the quéene, his posie, his name, the daie of the moneth, the yeare of our Lord, and the reigne of the quéene. And on the seuentéenth of August next following at Hampton court he presented the same to the quéens maiestie in the head of a ring of gold, couered with a christall, and presented therewith an excellent specta­cle by him deuised for the easier reading thereof: wherewith hir maiestie read all that was written therein with great admiration, and commended the same to the lords of the councell, and the ambassa­dors, and did weare the same manie times vpon hir finger.]

This yeare, by reason of the troubles in the low countries, Anno Reg. 18. 1576 the English merchants susteined great losses diuers waies. For the men of warre that kept the seas, English mer­chants su­steine great losse by sea; and why? aduowing themselues to be reteined with the prince of Orenge, vnder colour to serch for their aduersaries goods, oftentimes boorded the English ships as they met with them on the seas, smallie to the profit of them to whome the same ships and goods apperteined. Some they staied and tooke awaie with them. And at length there was a generall restraint made by the prince of Orenge, that no English ships should passe to or fro the towne of Antwerpe by the riuer of Scheld, such being arrested and detei­ned at Flishing as were comming downe that ri­uer, and other likewise that were bound vp the same time towards Antwerpe.

The English merchants, The English merchants complaine to the quéene of their wrongs. féeling themselues thus molested and damnified at sundrie seasons, exhibi­ted their complainis to the quéenes maiesties coun­cell, who accordinglie dealt from time to time with the prince of Orenge and his deputies for redresse, but speciallie now vpon this generall restreint. And although great difficultie appeared in the matter, as­well for contenting of the aduenturors of Flishing, as for that there had beene foure ships belonging to the prince arrested and staied at Falmouth: These foure ships were staied for sa­tisfaction of one Simons ship, out of the which a Flishingec had taken cer­teine tuns of Canarie wines. at length yet such English ships as were kept and holden at Flishing were released and sent home; but not till two of the English merchants aduenturors Martin Caltrop & William Go­dard. men of good calling and estimation (hauing first as hath bin said made a certeine maner of protest) were faine to enter into bond for the loane of a summe of monie, and were therewith kept at Flishing till the con­tract in that behalfe might be performed. Whervpon the quéenes maiestie, misliking that hir subiects should be thus hardlie dealt with, armed and set foorth certeine of hir ships, which going to the seas to see that hir subiects might trauerse the same in safetie, tooke diuerse of the Flishingers vessels, and brought them into the English streames. The Flishingers herewith on the other part tooke and arrested other of the English ships, The troubles increase. so that the troubles séemed rather to increase than to be in any wise appeased: although afterwards by sending to and fro, the matter was taken vp, and such order had as was thought to stand verie well for the suertie, commoditie, and good li­king of the English merchants.

But in the meane time, and before this could be brought to passe, through a disordered mutinie which chanced among the Spanish souldiers, it so fell out, that the states of those low countries agréed with the prince of Orenge, and set themselues wholie against the Spaniards. Wherevpon the yoong count de Eg­mont, the marquesse de Hauerie entered the towne of Antwerpe, with a power of souldiers for the States, and meant to haue kept that towne against [Page 1263] the Spaniards that held the castell. This was the fourth of Nouember, 5500 one with another slain, drowned and burned. But they doub­ting to be inclosed & shut vp by some siege, got more of their fellowes to them, entred the towne by force, & spitefullle killing no small number of people, sac­ked the towne, and put aswell the townesmen as o­thers that were merchants resident there to their ransoms. Amongst other our Englishmen escaped not altogither frée, so as diuerse were spoiled of that they had, and the whole number put to their ransome; although vpon the sending ouer of doctor Wilson hir maiesties ambassador, so much of the ransome as line 10 remained vnpaid was promised to be remitted.

Thus were our merchants euill intreated on each hand, by reason of those ciuill tumults in the low countries, aswell this yeare as in the former yeares past, and small hope would be of better successe there, if some end should not be had of that ciuill dissenti­on, which hath so long continued betwixt the king of Spaine and his subiects in those countries, not one­lie to the hinderance of themselues, but also of others that haue to trade among them, speciallie for traffike line 20 sake and intercourse of merchandize. A conclusion of peace be­twéene the parties before diuided. But at length they haue compounded their controuersies, and are growen to a full agréement and perfect conclusion of peace, which God grant may take place so effec­tuallie, as may turne to the quietnesse and publike commoditie not onlie of those countries but of their neighbors, whereby merchants and passengers may in suertie passe to and fro without disturbance, so as no occasion be giuen of breach of leagues and ami­ties betwixt princes and countries, but that the same line 30 may be mainteined to Gods glorie, and the suertie of the christian commonwealth.

In this yeare the right honorable Walter Deue­reux earle of Essex and Eu, earle marshall of Ire­land, vicount Hereford and Bourcher, lord Ferrers of Chartlie, Bourcher & Louaine, knight of the most noble order of the garter, fell sicke of a loosenesse of his bodie the one and twentith of August being fri­daie, and for the space of two and twentie daies togi­ther he was so grieuouslie tormented therwith, that line 40 finallie on saturdaie the two & twentith of Septem­ber he departed out of this transitorie life, Walter Deue­reux earle of Essex depar­teth this life. passing from hence to the ioies of heauen, as by his godlie end all that were about him gaue testimonie. The losse of this noble man was greatlie béemoned, as­well by the English as Irish, for the noble courage, vertuous q [...]lities, and tender zeale to the aduance­ment of th [...] commonwealth which appéered in him. ¶So that it were a fowle fault in the highest degree, Abr. Fl. ex con­cione funebri, vt patet in contex­tu. line 50 not to laie vp some commemoration of so worthie and well deseruing a gentleman, both of prince and people, in perpetuall records: which I will doo by Gods grace none otherwise than I am lead by such matter, yea memorable matter, as I find in a fune­rall sermon, made by the reuerend father in God Richard bishop of saint Dauis, at the buriall of this right honorable earle of Essex, in the parish church of Caermerthin in Wales, where the said bishop ta­king for his text these words of S. Iohn, in the 14 of line 60 the reuelation, Audiui vocem de coelo, dicentem: Beati mortui, &c. I heard a voice from heauen, saieng: Bles­sed are the dead that die in the Lord, &c. After he had discoursed vpon the text as the spirit of God gaue him vtterance, he descended at last to a particular treatise tending wholie to the praise of this right no­ble man: saieng in sort as followeth.

Behold the heauie hand of God for our sins, vpon all the whole countrie in the death of this noble man, The place of the erls birth: what losse all Englād hath of him. which is not onelie a messenger of Gods wrath to­wards this towne and countrie (wherein he was borne) but also in verie déed a great losse to the whole realme. And although this countrie, who shall misse so noble and so worthie a ruler and magistrate, that bore them so great affection, so readie to benefit all, and hurt none, and for the high calling he was of so able to pleasure and to doo good: although I saie this countrie by the death of this noble earle is most ear­nestlie & e [...]ectuallie cited to appéere before the Lord, and to fall to a reckoning: yet doo I beléeue that the queenes maiestie, hir highnesse councell, and all the nobilitie of the realme may hereby receiue admoni­tion, and cause of further circumspection and aduigi­lancie. For such valiant and couragious noble men are the bulworks and walles of defense of the whole realme. They saie the realme is walled about, What noble­men are the wals of the realme. bicause it is inuironed with the sea: but I hold rather with their iudgements, that make the fidelitie and true harts of the subiects, and especiallie of such of the no­bilitie that haue made themselues (by Gods especiall grace) expert to gouerne and rule vnder hir maiestie, aswell in warre as peace, the strong towers of de­fense both of hir maiestie and hir highnesse realme. This noble earle was one of these number: The praise of the earle for sundrie consi­derations. for I be­léeue there is no prince in the world, that had a more faithfull noble subiect, than hir maiestie had of him in his time. And for the notable valiantnesse, expe­rience, and vertues that were in him, I am persua­ded that hir maiestie (if he had liued) might haue v­sed his seruice to be a terrour to all enimies, forren or domesticall. And now that I may speake some­what of his great nobilitie, his excellent, vertuous, and worthie qualities: first I thinke I may saie thus much in a generalitie, that it was easie for a man of any iudgement, that should behold his coun­tenance and behauiour, to find in him nobilitie, ma­iestie and honor, planted by the especiall gift of God, euen from his mothers wombe. Comparison of true nobili­tie vnto a ri­uer or floud, &c. When I consider the nature of nobilitie with the causes efficient and finall, it séemeth vnto me that nobilitie may be com­pared vnto a riuer or a floud, which in the originall issueth out of foure principall wels, and all the foure rise out from the compasse of one hill. The welles of nobilitie are prudence, fortitude, iustice, and tempe­rance: the hill whence they spring is the feare of God, or true religion.

Although this worthie earle by progenie was of noble bloud, whose ancestors were of great honour, which of it selfe, if a man degenerat not too far from his forefathers, deserueth honorable acceptation in this world: yet was he not therewith satisfied, as it may appéere by his studie and trauell in his life time: for he séemed to be of that iudgement that Alphonsus king of Aragon (of whome we read in stories) was of. [...]anor. lib. [...]. it reb [...] ges [...] Al­pho [...]si. When a certeine man tooke in hand to set out the land and praise of his nobilitie, he stood much in reci­tall that he was a king, a kings sonne, a kings ne­phue, a kings brother, and such like titles. The king interrupting his tale answered, that he neuer estée­med much of that kind of glorie: and that it was the praise and commendation of his ancestors, who by vertue and worthie qualities had deserued such high callings and honour, and not of him: and that his praise stood not in that which might fall vnto him by testament, but in the imitation and performing of the noble acts, prowesse, and valiantnesse of his fore­fathers. This noble earle likewise, The dispositi­on of the earle to inlarge and augment his nobilitie. not answered to his expectation in that he was a noble man by bloud and inheritance, gaue himselfe wholie all the daies of his life to purchase and win the nobilitie that springeth immediatlie from the verie originall foun­teins of the same, as par [...]lie I will put you in re­membrance of. We will begin with prudence, which may be thus defined.

Prudence is a power or facultie of the mind gi­uen of God, whereby man is made wise, Prudence a noble vertue wherewith this erle was indue [...]. prouident and circumspect, and whereby man atteineth know­ledge, cunning, and expertnesse in all matters that [Page 1264] the children of men haue to deale with in this world. This noble erle was of great wisedome, deepe iudge­ment, graue consideration, and so blessed with vn­derstanding, experience, and manifold vertues and gifts of God, that he was right worthie to serue hir maiestie in princelie and weightie affaires, both in warre and peace. He was of such prudent and excel­lent discretion, that he had a speciall grace to inter­teine all states of men, superiour, equall, and inferi­our, with such comelinesse and decencie, that for ci­uilitie, line 10 humanitie, maners, and honorable behauior, he was a paterne and an example for nobilitie to i­mitate and to follow. How he be­stowed his youthfull yeares. In his youth he bestowed not the time in vanitie, idlenesse, or voluptuousnesse; but in atchiuing and winning of such sciences, proper­ties and vertues, which might beautifie and increase his nobilitie, and preuailed therin so effectuallie, that be became excellent in all kinds of knowledge and qualities, méet, commendable, or necessarie for a man of honour. Concerning diuine matters, I haue line 20 in my time conferred with his lordship, The bishops report of him vpon his own knowledge. and therefore can saie somewhat therein: and amongst others, one thing is notable, which in conference I receiued at his mouth. He affirmed this in effect, that there was nothing in the world that could blemish and abase the heroicall nature of nobilitie so much, as to haue the eies of vnderstanding so closed and shut vp, that a man in honour should not be able to discerne be­twixt true religion, and the hypocriticall false religi­on; betwixt the right worshipping of God, & idolatrie; line 30 betwixt the traditions of men and Gods word: but remaine subiect to lies and superstition, and to call bad good, and good bad: and concluded that to be frée from this seruile state, was a necessarie point of true nobilitie.

The erle per­fect in the scriptures and matters of religion.He therefore in his time had diligentlie tra­uelled in the scriptures, and so furnished himselfe with principles of christian religion, that he was able readilie to discerne sermons and disputations, and to find out who had veritie on their side: and also pro­bablie line 40 to speake with authoritie of scripture in mat­ters of controuersie. His vnderstanding by the espe­ciall worke of the holie ghost was so illumined, that he claue & drew to true christian religion, as the ada­mant stone cleaueth and draweth to stéele. His lord­ship therefore furthered and fauoured all preachers of Gods word, He was a fa­uourer of preachers. so that whosoeuer will iudge of the suc­cesse of Christs religion by humane reason, must con­fesse that the gospell hath lost a mightie protector, and an earnest defender. But God in setting out of his line 50 word, vseth to worke beside the expectation of man, and beyond the reach of reason. His expert­nesse in chro­nicles, histo­ries, &c. I haue yet further to speake of his lordship, that I beléeue there be verie few noble men in England, more readie and expert in chronicles, histories, genealogies, and pedegrées of noble men, and noble houses, not onlie within the realme, but also in forren realmes, than this noble earle was in his time. He excelled in describing and blasing of armes, and in all skill perteining thereto: and to be short, his vnderstanding and capacitie was line 60 so liu [...]lie and effectuall, that it reached to all kind of matters that a perfect nobleman shall haue to deale withall in this world.

Fortitude a noble vertue wherewith [...] earle was [...].Fortitude is another founteine from whense nobi­litie floweth, of Cicero In Tusculanis quaestionibus thus defined: Est affectio animi qua grauia patiendo legibus obtē ­peratur: It is an affection of the mind whereby to sa­tisfie the lawes a man is content to suffer hardnesse; he meaneth mans lawes, and not Gods law. It sée­meth therefore that it may be thus more euidentlie and fullie defined: Fortitude is an affection of the mind, wherby a man is made hardie and couragious to suffer difficulties and dangers, auoiding on the one side rashnesse, & expelling on the other side feare, to performe that which Gods law and honestie pre­scribeth and commandeth. Although by this definiti­on we find, that the effect of fortitude resteth much in banishing of feare of bodilie hurts: yet dooth it agrée verie well with the feare of God. Iethro therefore counselling Moses to choose men to gouerne vnder him, saith; Prospice viros fortes, timentes Deum; Exod. 28, 21 Séeke out men indued with fortitude, fearing God, &c. Whereby we perceiue, that fortitude and the feare of God va­rie not, but are linked togither. Déepe was the floud of nobilitie that this valiant earle had fetched out of this founteine. The earles chiualrie, mar [...]iall knowledge and prowesse aduanced. For in this togither with the well of prudence, he found that excellent knowledge of chi­ualrie, the cunning to lead an armie, to guide and to rule soldiors, that experience of stratagems & war­like policies, that notable magnanimitie and inuin­cible courage, whereby he indured and ouercame so manie dangers and perils, for the which he is renow­med in England and Ireland, and shall neuer be for­gotten. He was by nature the sonne of Mars; and by practising feats of war and exercise aforehand he had made himselfe in manner a perfect warrior, a­fore that euer he came to the wars; and was for pro­wesse, magnanimitie, and high corage to be compa­red to the old Romane capteins, that be so much in stories commended. Fortitude néedfull both in time of peace and warre. This fortitude is no lesse neces­sarie for nobilitie in time of peace than in time of war. For it belongeth vnto them to minister iustice betwixt partie and partie, without respect of persons, which cannot be performed without the assistance of this vertue. I haue good cause to thinke of this noble earle, that there was no subiect in England, that could feare or corrupt him from executing of iustice. He was to the proud and arrogant a lion, and to the méeke and humble a lambe, neither is there anie contrarietie in this: for true nobilitie discerneth a due and conuenient time and place to vse both the one and the other.

Iustice is the third well of nobilitie, Iustice a no­ble vertue, wherwith this erle was indued. it is a con­stant and a perpetuall will to giue euerie man his owne. This is a diuine vertue, pretious, and com­mendable in all men, and especiallie in the nobilitie, who by reason of authoritie may doo iniurie without remedie for the same. We sée by experience that great is the number of them that would oppresse, if they had authoritie: we see also the iniuries that are doone dailie by them that haue colour of authoritie, be it neuer so simple. But examine the life of this earle who will, and I beléeue there is no man liuing that can iustlie complaine of anie iniurie or wrong doone by him. The bishop reporteth of the earles iu­stice vpon his owne know­ledge. I once in my time heard him not a litle offended with one of his men that was complained vpon; saieng that his seruant could doo him no grea­ter dishonor, than by pretense of his authoritie to doo anie poore man wrong. Iob in the time of his autho­ritie & wealth, was commended to be a iust & a righ­teous man. And in the explication of part of that iustice Iob hath these words, Fui oculus caeco, Iob. 29, 15. vice pedum claudo, &c: I was the eies to the blind, and I was the féet to the lame, I was a father to the poore, and when I knew not the cause I sought it out diligentlie, I brake the chawes of the vnrighteous man, and pluc­ked the preie out of his téeth. The paterne of a good earle indéed. Here we find that who soeuer will doo iustice, must not onelie doo no wrong, but must also with all his might, succour and comfort the helplesse and oppressed. In this part of iustice there was neuer noble man more forward than this good earle. He was the comfortable refuge of all such as were in aduersitie, or oppressed by power.

Of Titus Uespasianus emperor of Rome we read, that he answered one of his freends, admonish­ing him to hold his hands, and not to make his libe­ralitie and gentlenesse common to all men, saieng; Suetonius. that it becommeth not a prince to let anie man part [Page 1265] from him with a heauie hart. This worthie erle was of like mind: The huma­nitie, courte­sie, affable­nesse, and other ver [...]ues of this earle. for he was so full of humanitie and compassion, that he would be loth to let anie distres­sed part from him without some comfort and ease. In so much that in him (if euer in anie man) this adage, Homo homini Deus, A man a god to man, was as true­lie performed, as in tyrants the contrarie adage, that is, Homo homini lupus, A man a woolfe to man. Wee read in chronicles of emperors, kings, & noble men, which for their bountifulnesse, gentlenesse, affabilitie, line 10 and goodnesse, deserued some honorable addition to their names; as amongst the emperors Antoninus pi­us, Anthonie the vertuous; amongst the British kings, Elidorus pius, Elidor the godlie; and amongst noble men, in the time of king Richard the second, sir Thomas Montacute the good earle of Salisburie; and in the time of king Henrie the sixt, sir Thomas Beuchampe the good earle of Warwike. This no­ble earle for the verie like qualities hath trulie deser­ued to be called, the good earle, the vertuous earle, line 20 and the valiant earle of Essex.

Temperance, a noble vertue wherewith this erle was indued.Temperance is the founteine of nobilitie; it is a vertue whereby a man obserueth a moderation, & a reasonable meane in the vse of all things perteining to bodie & mind: it is the mother of all other vertues, without which, the rest are blemished and disgraced. In the Dutch chronicles that tell of the liues of em­perors, the first qualitie that is noted, is temperat, or not temperat, as an argument of the rest of his life and dooings: for he is thought vnworthie to rule line 30 others that can not rule himselfe. This noble earle had a speciall grace, and an excellent gift of God in obseruation of this vertue, whether you respect diet, or the suppression of all vicious affections. The bishops report of the earle vpon his owne know­ledge. I haue di­uerse times noted in him, when vnderstanding was brought vnto him of some Thrasonicall contumeli­ous word, spoken by some glorious inferior aduersa­rie against him, he would neuer be stirred to anie perturbation of mind thereby, but with graue wise­dome and magnanimitie contemne it and smile, de­riding line 40 the vanitie and waiwardnesse of that canke­red stomach that vomited such sowre rotten infecti­on: for he did effectuallie consider that it became no better a noble hart to take in & receiue wranglings, brallings, chafings, and anger, than it is conuenient to dawbe a golden piller with mire and claie. Salo­mon was of that mind, Eccles. 7.9. and therefore saith; Be not thou hastie to be angrie, for anger resteth in the bo­some of fooles. I haue had occasion by that I noted in his lordship to call to remembrance this saieng of line 50 Christ; Luke 6.45. A good man out of the good tresure of his hart bringeth foorth good things: & the euill man out of the euill treasure of his hart bringeth foorth euill things. For though occasion were ministred, yet should you neuer heare him vtter anie opprobrious words, no not against his aduersarie, so pure & immaculate did he studie to preserue the nobilitie of his mind. The earle could not a­waie with swearing, cha­sing, nor anie disordered dealing, &c. There be some that count themselues worthie honor & esti­mation, when they teare God in péeces with chafing and horrible oths: which this noble earle detested and line 60 abhorred, as a matter not onelie vndecent, but also repugnant to the nature of true nobilitie, attribu­ting due reuerence to the name of the Lord, & there­by proouing the founteins of his nobilitie to spring out of the hill of the feare of God.

But what was his religion, what faith God had blessed him withall, what godlie disposition he was of, and how abundantlie God had inriched him with his holie spirit; the confession of his faith, his spée­ches, naie rather his sermons in his sickenesse afore his death shall testifie for euer. The disposi­tion and de­uotion of this earle in the time of his sickenesse. For I receiued by the relation of such as are woorthie credit, and were pre­sent about him, although not all, yet manie of his learned godlie saiengs at that time. Concerning his saluation, he reposed his affiance and sure trust in the bloud of Iesus Christ. He forgaue all the world, and by inuincible faith apprehended, laied hold, and imbrased remission of his sinnes, in the merits of the sacrifice of Christs bodie offered vpon the crosse for the sinnes of the world. Trentals, masses, diriges, pardons, and such other papisticall trifles he vtterlie contemned, as wicked and blasphemous against the death and passion of Christ. He fared like the children of Israell in the wildernesse, which when they were stinged with serpents euen to death: Numb. 21. [...]. yet when they lookt vp to the brasen serpent, they were made whole, safe, and sound. So this noble earle grieued with the remembrance of his former vnthankefull life (as he iudged) immediatlie directed the eies of his mind to the passion of Christ, The heauen­lie contem­plation of this earle drawing to his end. and foorthwith felt such health of soule, that he was filled with ioie in the holie Ghost, and all his delight was in meditation of the ioie of the world to come, and the fruition of the presence of God for euer: insomuch that fiue or six daies before he died, he shewed himselfe more like an angell from heauen, than a man compassed with flesh and bloud.

My lord the archbishop of Dublin (as I was infor­med) could mooue him in no question or article per­teining to saluation, that he was not readie in, A woonderfull gift of the ho­lie Ghost and most worthie to be chroni­cled. and learnedlie, and godlie resolued: yea, and made such answers in all things, that my lord of Dublin had them in great admiration, and affirmed that his spéeches at that time should serue him for sermons as long as he liued. How trulie he relinquished the vanities of this world, and how effectuallie he thir­sted after the ioies of the life to come, his godlie ad­monitions ministred vnto such as visited him, and his heauenlie lessons & exhortations to his seruants, shall testifie for euer: How his ser­uants were affected at his last spéeches. for they were such that his ser­uants report they shall neuer forget, and such as they shall be the better for whilest they liue. Thus haue I brieflie and partlie declared vnto you, both the life and death of this worthie magistrate, to the end we should consider how seriouslie God dooth call vs to a reckoning by the losse of such a good magistrat. Now a word or two to shew who they be that die in the Lord, and then an end. Who they be that die in the Lord. They principallie are said to die in the Lord, which suffer death vnder the beast, for confession of Christs religion, for they properlie die in the Lords cause. Such are the martyrs, as well of the primitiue church vnder the cruell emperours, as the martyrs of all ages since vnder antichrist of Rome. They also die in the Lord, which though they die not by the crueltie of the beast, yet they die in the faith of Iesus Christ, and are therefore blessed.

Of this number was this godlie earle, A spéech con­clusorie of the bishop direc­ted to the earl [...] departed. as I haue before declared. Wherfore I will conclude and direct my spéech for two or thrée words to this good earle. O noble earle of Essex, in thy time the pearle of nobili­tie: the mirrour of vertue and worthie qualities: the child of chiualrie: the beautifull floure of England: the pretious iewell and comfort of Wales: the tru­stie staie of Ireland. Thy life was most honourable: thy worthinesse incomparable: thy death pretious in the sight of God: for thou diedst in the Lord a right inheritour of the euerlasting kingdome of heauen. Wherefore by authoritie of the heauenlie oracle that saint Iohn was commanded to write, The earle e­tern [...]llie bles­sed. thou art to be pronounced blessed for euer. Our sins haue shortened thy life, so that we could inioie the same no longer. Thou hast notwithstanding bequeathed thy bodie to be buried amongst vs here in Wales. Of verie du­tie therefore O noble earle, thy toome shall be with vs in reuerence, estimation, and honor; the fame and name of thy nobilitie, valiantnesse, vertue, and woor­thinesse shall neuer be forgotten; but shall liue and be kept with vs in memorie from generation to ge­ration while the world standeth. Thus far the words [Page 1266] of the bishop vttered in a sermon preached in the ears of no meane audience, either for reputation or num­ber. Now then brieflie considering wherein true and perfect noblenesse consisteth, & that the heroicall ver­tues with their naturall vse were most firmelie fixed in his heart, and practised by his hand: there is great reason to mooue euen his enimies (if it were possible for so good a gentleman to haue anie) to confesse in him most absolute nobilitie; and that this epitaph al­luding to his right honorable ensignes, is deserued­lie to be recorded; being an abstract of that notable line 10 epitaph intituled Epitapium genealogicum in obi­tum illustrissimi Gualteri comitis Essexiae, & Euiae, & comitis marischalli regni Hiberniae, vicecomitis He­reford & Bourghcher, domini Ferrers de Chartleie Bourgcher & Louein, & praenobilis ordinis garterij militis, qui obijt Dublinij 21. Septemb. 1576. aeta­tis suae 36 sepulti apud Maridunum 26. Nouemb. &c.

Si quisquam claret veterum splendore parentum,
Aut famam meritus morum probitate perennem, line 20
Profiteatur in hijs nomen Essexius heros:
Qui praeclara virûm gestat monumenta tot vnus,
Quot rarò licuit multis gestaminaferre,
Qui intrepidè ob patriam tot mille pericula passus,
Quot rarò poterint vlla aulica corporaferre.
Aureolus partus
[...]
matris, patriae decus ingens,
Quo non exultat moderante Herefordia sola,
Aut Trinobantum, titulo probitatis honorem
Plebs referens: strenuum validúmue Britannia sola
Sensit, in aduersos Boreales, dum benegessit: line 30
Tota sed heroem cognouit marte feroci
Eugeniae tellus Hibernica bella probantem.
Regia cum proprijs expendens, bella per annos,
Dura gerit binos, & multa pericula tentans,
Vltoniae fines vultu dextràque quieti
Perficit, hinc comitis donatur nomine belli▪
Nec tamen is potuit gladio finire labores.
Mors nemini parcens Dublinia funera fletu
Trans mare transuexit, Maridunica sydera voluens,
Clotho colum tenuit post septem lustra per annum, line 40
Quinque die [...] Lachesis post haec sua fila trahebat,
Térque dies septem septeno mense, videns heu
Atropos, eximij fulgentia lumina clausit:
Quatuor ast pueris illustria stamina spondent.
In tribus regnis titulos gestabat honoris,
Nam comitem Euensem cognouit Gallia fortem,
Aureus heroem demonstrat circulus Essex,
Ob bello vires comes est is martis Hibernus.
Nobilitas innata tibi probitatis honorem,
(Armipotens Gualtere) dedit probitásque laborem, line 50
Perpetuámque labor vitam, sic vita salutem.

This epitaph with the said earles whole genealo­gie or pedegree comprised in heroicall verse, and ioi­ned with the funerall sermon, was presented to the right honourable lord Robert now earle of Essex and Ew, vicount of Hereford and Bourchier, lord Ferrers of Chartleie Bourchier & Louaine, at such time as he was the quéenes maiesties ward; with an epistle of the presenter: which bicause it is a veine of godlie deuise, & tending to a verie honorable pur­pose, line 60 deserueth here to be placed, answering the president heretofore set out in print, as followeth.

The epistle of E. W. prefixed before the genealogicall epitaph, and funerall sermon published at the interring of the right honourable the lord Walter earle of Essex, &c.

MY lord, your absence latelie from the funerals of my lord your father, was lamented by such in Wales as would gladlie haue beheld the liue­lie image of him in you; and if the ten­dernesse of your yeares (vnmeet for so tedious and so vnseasonable trauell) had not by necessitie disappoin­ted their hope, The death of the earle much lamented. then should the lamentable speech of the graue and reuerend father, the bishop of saint Dauies (expressed with abundance of dolour & tears) haue left in you a déepe impression of griefe for the intollerable losse of so honourable a parent. But it maie be iudged that God hath turned your absence to your more benefit; sith the importunacie of such as loue & honour you, and who couet to haue your fa­thers vertues descend with his inheritance, hath ob­teined the publishing of that learned sermon: wherin you maie at good leasure view in the iust report of his life & death the paterne & forme of true nobilitie.

The heroicall description that the bishop maketh of nobilitie, comparing it vnto a mounteine, The heroicall description of true nobilitie. from which foure famous riuers must issue (the moun­teine true religion, the riuers, prudence, iustice, for­titude, and temperance) is a rule to you: first to fol­low your father in truth of religion, then to be as he was, wise, iust, valiant, and temperat. The naturall and vnforced courtesie & affabilitie that was in your father, and that excellent mixture of disposition and aptnesse, both for warre and peace, dooth promise to the world a singular perfection in you hereafter. For as your grandfather (who died in his yoong yeares) did make shew of much more honour than was in the noble vicount his father: A persuaso­rie reason to mooue the yoong earle now liuing to an excellent imitation of his ancestors. and this our earle by famous actions did altogither eclipse the vertuous hope conceiued of your grandfather: so considering that God in nature continueth as it were the race by outward shew of good parts in you, and that you haue more aduantage of education, both by the place where you liue, and by the honour and wisedome of your patrons than your grandfather or father had; we can not but hope of a further degree of excel­lencie in you to ouershine the goodnesse both of your father and grandfather.

Some people there be that can hardlie discerne betweene honour & profit, that doo ouermuch thinke of the disaduantage offered you by the earle your fa­ther, in diminishing some part of his patrimonie in his forren seruices; and will wish you perhaps with a contrarie course to deserue more of your heire, and woorse of the world. But as I wish in you a liberall frugalitie vnder this rule and protestation, Notable counsell to the earle to de­serue well of his souereigne and countrie. that no­thing can be profitable that is not honest: so to de­serue well (as your father did) of your souereigne and countrie in matters apperteining to hir maie­sties obedience, rather throw the helue after the hat­chet, and leaue your ruines to be repared by your prince, than anie thing to degenerat from honoura­ble liberalitie. And as in attempting great things, it is good to be circumspect, and with iudgment wise­lie to foresée the end before you begin: so hauing en­tered into anie honourable attempt that maie be iustlie grounded vpon reason, follow the same with such inuincible constancie in all extremities as your father did, for so shall you iustlie deserue like testimo­nie as hir maiestie gaue to him in hir gratious let­ters: namelie, The quéenes testimonie of the earle. that he was a rare iewell of hir realme, and an ornament of hir nobilitie.

True religion and wisedome (vpon whome iustice dependeth) doo procéed from God by grace, and there­fore by inuocation, praier, and studie to be obteined: but the other vertues, as fortitude, temperance, Uertues na­turallie inci­dent to the erle by cours [...] of descent. cour­tesie, affabilitie, liberalitie and constancie, be pecu­liar to your house, descending by nature, and graffed as it were in your principles. So that to degenerat into the lothsome contraries of these, & in steed of the habit of vertue, to disguise your selfe with vice, shall be harder to you, and more impos [...]ible for the contra­rietie of your nature, than to atteine in good things to the perfection of excellencie. And to the end that [Page 1267] you may know what you are by birth and bloud, and that you should not by ignorance or lacke of know­ledge of your selfe, doo anie thing vnworthie the no­ble houses from whense you are descended: To what end [...]he epitaph genealogicall was added to the funerall sermon. a wel­willer of yours hath [...]oined to this sermon (amongst other epitaphs conteining your fathers due praises) his statelie descent in well digested Latine verses: not to puffe you vp with anie swelling vanities, but to giue you a reason how you beare your armour and badges of honour, and to remember you what line 10 errour you enter into, if you should blemish the ver­tues of your noble ancestours, or to doo anie thing (as I said) vnworthie your birth and calling.

Lastlie my lord, haue alwaies before your eies the feare of God, The old earls counsell at his death to the yoong earle now aliue touching the shortnesse of life. and the counsell of the earle your fa­ther at his death: namelie, that you should euer be mindfull of the moment of time, assigned both to your father and grandfather, the eldest hauing attei­ned but to six and thirtie yeares, to the end that vpon consideration of the short course of life that you in line 20 nature are to looke for, you might so imploie your tender yeares in vertuous studies and exercises, as you might in the prime of your youth become a man well accomplished to serue hir maiestie and your countrie, as well in warre as peace: wherevnto he commanded you to bend all your indeuours, & with those conditions heaped his blessings vpon you. I praie therefore that God will increase those conditi­onall blessings, and the causes of them in you, to the end that hir maiestie may thinke of you hereafter as of a true seruant and humble subiect, one of the line 30 pillers of hir estate, hir maiesties kinsman by ma­nie aliances, and the sonne of a most noble father.

Your L. at commandement E. W.

Thus much concerning the two earles, the father departed, and the sonne suruiuing, of whose procée­ding in the steps of his father, there is no doubt but within few yeares the world shall haue iust cause (as there is present hope) to beare witnesse: whome in line 40 all his attempts we will leaue to such fortunat suc­cesse, as God the giuer thereof shall vouchsafe to pro­uide and affoord.]

The tenth of Nouember a proclamation was A proclamati­on for the f [...]e traffike of merchants as before, &c. published for the frée traffike of merchants to be re­stored as had béen accustomed in times past betwixt the kingdoms and countries of the quéenes maiestie of England and the king of Portingall, which traf­fike had been discontinued by reson of certeine staies and arrests made of diuerse subiects on both parts, with their goods & ships. But now it was accorded in name of both their maiesties, that all maner of both their subiects of what kingdome or countrie so euer they be, from the fiftéenth of the said moneth, might vse the like mutuall traffike for merchandizes, and in the same places: that is to saie, hir maiesties subiects in the kingdomes of Portingale & Algarbia, and in the Iles of Medera and Azore: and likewise the sub­iects of the king of Portingale in England and Ire­land, as they were lawfullie accustomed before the said arrests. This restitution of the said traffike to remaine from the said fifteenth daie of Nouember in this yeare one thousand, fiue hundred, seauentie and six, during the space of thrée yeares next insuing. At the end of which terme, if by the said princes in the meane time it be not otherwise prouided for conti­nuance of the said traffike to indure perpetuallie, no new arrests shall be made of anie things brought into the kingdoms and Iles aforesaid, of either of the said princes during the time of the said thrée yeares. It was further agréed by the said princes for the more sure preseruation of the amitie and friend­ship betwixt them, their said realmes and subiects, that neither of them shall receiue anie pirat or rouer into anie of the ports or créeks of either of their realmes, dominions, and countries, which may or shall haue committed anie pirasie or robberie vpon either of their subiects, nor shall shew anie fauour, giue anie aid or succor, or suffer anie to be giuen di­rectlie or indirectlie to the said rouers or pirats. Nei­ther shall they during the time of the said amitie, in either of their kingdoms, or anie place of their do­minions, fauour, interteine, receiue or reteine, nor suffer to be fauoured, interteined, receiued, or retei­ned by anie of their subiects, anie rebels, traitors, or fugitiues, subiects to either of them.

Thus farre haue I continued this collection of the English histories, noting breefelie in these later yeares, such things as I find in the abridgement of Richard Grafton, and in the summarie of Iohn Stow, increased somewhat (as may appeare) in places with such helpes as haue come to my hand; humblie beseeching the reader to accept the same in good part, and to pardon me where I haue not satis­fied his expectation: sith heerein I must confesse, I haue nothing contented my selfe, but yet at the request of others haue doone what I could & not what I would, for want of conference with such as might haue furnished me with more large instructions, such as had beene neces­sarie for the purpose.

THE CHRONICLES OF England, from the yeare of our Lord 1576, where Raphaell Holinshed left; supplied and continued to this present yeare 1586: by Iohn Stow, and others.

A Disciple of Socrates, by name Aristip­pus, a man suerlie of a verie sharpe iudgement and pleasant wit, when he was demanded what profit he tooke by the studie of wisedome, made this an­swer: Forsooth this profit, that with all sorts of men I can frankelie and boldlie speake. Which answer might well be of that mans making; bicause he bare a mind indifferentlie free, as well from hope as feare: for he serued no man, nor yet flattered anie person, nor otherwise behaued himselfe than his hart gaue him. Of the same mind it were to be wished that all storie-writers were: for then should Chronicles approch next in truth to the sacred and inuiolable scripture, and their vse not onelie growe more common, but also of greater account. And right good reason whie. For therein is conteined the rich and pretious treasure of time, the wisest counsellor vnder the cope of heauen. And that saw Thales the philosopher well inough, who being as­ked what of all was the eldest? answered, God: what of all the fairest? the world: what of all the greatest? place: what of all the swiftest? the mind: what of all the strongest? necessitie: and what of all the wisest? time. Time in Greeke is cal­led [...], whereof the word Chronicles ariseth, termed [...], that is, obseruati­ons of time: so that if nothing in wisedome dooth excell time, then who can but wax wise by reading and perusing the obseruations of time, which are meerelie & simplie Chronicles? Chroniclers therefore deserue a reuerence of dutie, whome time hath called and culled out as it were by the hand, to vse their ministerie and seruice for the disposing and distributing of the riches of his wisedome to all ages, that successors may be taught by their predecessors, wit by their follie, fealtie by their disloialtie, obedience by their rebellion, vnitie and peace by their dissention, plainnesse by their doublenesse, sobrietie by their vntemperance, courtesie by their churlishnesse, pitie by their vncharitablenesse; finallie all goodnesse by their badnesse; for the which (as we may see by a sea of examples in this booke) sith they were greeuouslie punished, it is our gaine by their smart to be admonished.

[Page 1269]For surelie heerein standeth a speciall vse of chronicles, that whilest some of­fending against the lawes of God, of nature, and of nations, doo draw vnto them­selues deserued vengeance: others by loue allured, or by feare inforced, seeing their rufull fals, and auoiding the meanes, may happilie escape the paine. This frute hitherto hath this historie of chronicles affoorded, no lesse heereafter by the continuation following is like to be performed; besides manifold mat­ters of recreation, policie, aduentures, chiualrie, &c: abundant­lie ministred; and all vnder the golden reigne of blessed queene Elisabeth, the sweet floure of ami­able virginitie:

Cui vitam, studiúmque Deus, regníque coronam
Perpetuet, beet, & tranquillo prosperet vsu:
Póstque hanc exactam vitam, studium atque coronam,
Coelesti vita, studio, diademate donet.
A. F.

THE CONTINVATI­on of the chronicles of England from the yeare of our Lord 1576, to this present yeare 1586, &c.

THe tenth day of No­uember, [...] Stow. An vnnatu­rall brother murthereth his naturall brother, but the vnnatu­rall brother was hanged as he well d [...]serued. in the citie of worcester, a cruell & vnnatural brother (as an other Cain) murdered line 10 his owne na­turall & lo­uing bro­ther, first smiting his braines out of his head with an ax, and after cutting his throte to make him sure, and then buried him vnder the hearth of a chimneie, thinking thereby (though wrongfullie) quietlie to haue inioied his brothers goods long before in his possession: Anno Reg. 19. but line 20 not long after this secret murder comming to light, the murderer was rewarded according to his de­serts, and to the terror of such vnnaturall murde­ring brethren. A tempest in Richmond­shire. The seuententh of March, through a strange tempest which hapned in the North, neere to a towne called Richmond, not onelie cotages, trées, barnes and haiestakes, but also the most part of the church called Patrike Brumton was ouerthrowen, with most strange sights in the aire, both fearefull and terrible. line 30

year 1577 In the moneth of Aprill, the decaied stone house called the tower vpon London bridge was begun to be taken downe, Tower on Londō bridge [...]ken downe. and the heads of traitors that were woont there on poles to be fixed, were remoued thense, and set on the gate at the bridge foot toward Southworke. The seuentéenth daie of Maie, Ri­chard Robinson goldsmith was drawne from the tower of London to Tiburne, Robinson hanged for clipping of gold. and there hanged for clipping of gold. The one and thirtith daie of Maie, Martin Frobisher with one ship and two barks fur­nished line 40 for that purpose, Second voi­age to Cataia. sailed from Harwich in Es­sex towards Cataia by the northwest seas, and ente­red the streicts beyond quéene Elizabeths foreland, about thirtie leagues, where he went on shore, and finding store of the blacke stone, which the goldfiners had said to hold gold, and therefore called the same gold o [...]e, he fraught his ship & barke, caught a man, a woman, and a child of that countrie, and then on the foure and twentith of August returning from thense, arriued at Milford hauen in Wales on the twentith of September next following.

Strāge sicke­nesse at Oxford.The fourth, fift, and sixt daie of Iulie, the assises being holden at Oxford, there was arreigned and condemned one Rowland Ienkes, for his seditious toong, at which time there arose amidst the people such a dampe that almost all were smouldered, verie few escaping that were not taken at that instant: the iu­rors died presentlie, shortlie after died sir Robert Bell lord chiefe baron, sir Robert de Olie, sir Willi­am Babington, master Wineman, master de O­lie high shiriffe, master Dauers, master Hare­combe, master Kirle, master Phetipace, master Gréenewood, master Foster, master Nash, sergeant Baram, master Stephans, &c. There died in the towne of Oxford three hundred persons, and sickened there, but died in other places two hundred and od, from the sixt of Iulie to the twelfe of August, after which daie died not one of that sickenesse, for one of them infected not an other, nor anie one woman or child died thereof.

¶ Of this sickenesse there passed a report in print, Ab. Fl. ex re­latu W. B. im­press. 1577. published vnder the name of W. B. who (as he saith himselfe) was present with sir William Babington, and therefore was able, and did (as he thought good) set downe the certeintie of that heauie accident, for the satisfaction of such friends of his as desired to know the vndoubted truth. And the same W. B. set­ting downe the opinion, that diuerse conceiued of this venemous maladie, saith that some supposed it to be of two sorts; howbeit (saith he) it is not so. For those that bled till they died, stroue so much with their sickenesse, that the bloud issued out at their vents: but yet had perfect memorie, euen to the yéelding of their breath, as was verie well perceiued by sir William Babington, who neuer ceased to call vpon God in his great agonie, &c. This reported W. B. as a certeine truth, to stop the flieng rumors of those that (as he saith) haue spoken vntrulie in this be­halfe, and published their owne fantasies.]

On sundaie the fourth of August, Tempest in Suffolke. betwéene the houres of nine and ten of the clocke in the forenone, whilest the minister was reading of the second lesson in the parish church of Bliborough a towne in Suf­folke, a strange and terrible tempest of lightening and thunder strake thorough the wall of the same church into the ground almost a yard déepe, draue downe all the people on that side aboue twentie per­sons, then renting the wall vp to the reuestre, clef [...] the doore, and returning to the steeple, rent the tim­ber, brake the chimes, & fled toward Bongie a towne six miles off. The people that were striken downe were found groueling more than halfe an houre af­ter, whereof one man more than fortie yeares and a boie of fiftéene yeares old were found starke dead: [Page 1271] the other were scorched. The same or the like flash of lightening and cracks of thunder rent the parish church of Bongie, nine miles from Norwich, wroong in sunder the wiers and whéeles of the clocks, slue two men which sat in the belfreie, when the other were at the procession or suffrages, and scorched an other which hardlie escaped. The tower on London bridge being taken downe, The tower on London bridge new builded. and a new foundation drawne, sir Iohn Langleie lord maior of the citie of London laid the first stone on the eight and twen­tith line 10 daie of August, in the presence of the shiriffes of London & the two bridgemasters, which new tower was finished in the moneth of September, Anno 1579.

The thirtith daie of Nouember, Cutbert Maine was drawne, Anno Reg. 20. Cutbert Maine exe­cuted. An example of sorcerers, and such as seeme to worke wō ­ders to deceiue men of their monie. hanged, and quartered at Lanceston in Cornewall for preferring Romane power. The seuentéenth of Ianuarie, one Simon Penbrooke dwelling in saint Georges parish in Southworke, being a figureflinger, and vehementlie suspected to line 20 be a coniurer, by commandement of the ordinarie iudge for those parties, appeared in the parish church of saint Sauiors in Southworke, at a court holden there. Which Simon being busied in interteining a proctor, and hauing monie in his hand, leaned his head vpon a pew wherein the proctor stood: which af­ter he had doone a certeine space, the proctor began to lift vp his head to sée what he ailed, and found him de­parting out of life, and streightwaie the said Simon fell downe, ratling a little in the throte, and neuer line 30 spake word after. This was doone euen as the iudge came into the church, who said it was the iust iudge­ment of God towards those that vsed sorcerie, and a great example to admonish other to feare the iustice of God. After, his clothes being opened, there were found about him fiue diuelish bookes of coniuration, and most abhominable practises, with a picture of tin of a man, hauing thrée dice in his hand with this poesie: Chance dice fortunatlie; & diuerse papers of such like matters, as he had dealt in for men, such line 40 men I meane as are mentioned in Leuiticus the twentith chapter and sixt verse: If anie soule turne himselfe after such as woorke with spirits, and after soothsaiers, to go a whooring after them (saith the Lord) I will put my face against that soule, and will cut him off from among my people.

Nelson and Sherewood executed.The third daie of Februarie, Iohn Nelson for denieng the quéenes supremasie, and such other trai­torous words against hir maiestie, was drawne from Newgate to Tiburne, and there hanged, line 50 bowelled, and quartered. And on the seuenth of the same moneth of Februarie, Thomas Sherewin was likewise drawne from the tower of London to Ti­burne, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered for the like offense. The fiue and twentith of Februarie, Iohn de Loy a Frenchman, Counterfet­ters of coine executed. and fiue English gen­tlemen, was conueied from the tower of London towards Norwich, there to be arreigned and execu­ted for coining of monie counterfeit. And on the ninth of March, Pirats hanged. seuen pirats were hanged at Wap­ping line 60 in the ouze beside London.

The ladie Margaret countesse of Lennox decea­sed on the tenth of March, year 1578 at hir house in the parish of Hackneie besides London, and was buried at Westminster on the third of Aprill. The one and thir­tith and last of Maie, Frobishers third voiage. Martine Frobisher with fif­teene saile of good ships, manned, vittelled, and other­wise well appointed, departed from Harwich in Es­sex on his third voiage towards Cataia. And on the one and thirtith and last daie of Iulie, after manie attempts, and sundrie times being put backe by I­lands of ice in the streicts, he recouered his long wished port, and came to anchor in the Ilands, new­lie by hir maiestie named Meta incognita, where (as in the yeare before) they fraught their ships with the like stone or gold ore out of the mines; and then on the last of August returning thense, arriued safelie in England about the first of October.

The two and twentith of Ianuarie being thursdaie, Anno Reg. 21. The recei­uing of Cas­simere. about seuen of the clocke at night, Iohn Cassimere countie palatine of Rhene, duke of Bauare, landing at the tower of London, was there by diuerse noble men and others honourablie receiued, and conueied by cresset light and torch light to sir Thomas Gres­hams house in Bishops gate street, where he was receiued with sounding of trumpets, drums, fiefs, and other instruments of musicke, and there both lodged and feasted till sundaie next, that he was by the nobilitie fetched and conueied to the court at Westminster, where after he had talked with hir ma­iestie, he returned vnto Summersets house at the strand, and was there lodged. In the wéeke follo­wing he hunted at Hampton court. On sundaie the first of Februarie he beheld a valiant iusting and running at the tilt at Westminster. On the next morrow in the same place he saw them fight at bar­riers with swords on horsse backe. On tuesdaie he dined with the lord maior of London; on wednes­daie with the dutchesse of Suffolke, at hir house cal­led the Barbican in Red crosse stréet; on thursdaie at the Stilliard, &c. On sundaie the eight of Februa­rie, the quéene made him knight of the garter, by de­liuering to him the collar, & putting the garter on his leg at White hall. And on the fourteenth of Februa­rie, he departed from London to Rochester home­wards, with great rewards giuen to him by the quéenes maiestie, the nobilitie, men of honour, the lord maior of London, and other citizens of that citie.

The same moneth of Februarie; to wit, on the fourth daie, and in the night next following, year 1579 fell such abundance of snow, Déep [...] snow. that on the fift daie in the mor­ning, the same snow was found in London to lie two foot déepe in the shallowest, and otherwise being driuen by the wind, verie boisterous in the northeast on banks one ell or a yard & a half déepe. In the which drifts of snow, farre deeper in the countrie, manie cattell, and some men and women were ouerwhel­med and lost. It snowed till the eight daie of that moneth, and frised till the tenth, and then followed a [...]haw with continuall raine a long time after, which caused such high waters, and great flouds, that the marishes and low grounds being drowned for the time, Great land waters. and the water of the Thames rose so high into Westminster hall, that after the fall there­of, some fishes were found to remaine in the said hall.

The seuentéenth of Februarie, an Irishman for murdering of a man in a garden of Stepenheth pa­rish, A murtherer hanged on Mile end gréene. was hanged in chaines on the common called Mile end gréene. This common was sometimes, yea in the memorie of men yet liuing, a large mile long (from White chappell to Stepenheth church) and therefore called Mile end greene, but now at this pre­sent, by gréedie (and as séemeth to me vnlawfull) in­closures, and building of houses, notwithst [...]nding hir maiesties proclamation to the contrarie, it re­maineth scarse halfe a mile in length. Lord kéeper deceased. The twentith daie of Februarie deceased sir Nicholas Bacon, lord kéeper of the great seale of England, who was honourablie buried vnder a sumptuous monument or toome (by him in his life time erected) in S. Pauls church of London, on the ninth daie of March. This sir Nicholas Bacon in his life time gaue for six scho­lers, to be found in Bennets college in Cambridge, to each of them three pounds six shillings and eight pence the yeare for euer.

¶The said sir Nicholas Bacons toome aforesaid, bea­ring [Page 1272] certeine representations of his wiues and chil­dren in imagerie worke, Ab. Fl. collect ex epitaph [...] praenobilis. is adorned with a notable epitaph, wherein is pithilie described the meanes whereby he grew to be noble, as also immortall. The same being conteined in these verses following, and iustifiable by the verie epitaph, whereof this is a true transcription, & great pitie but it shuld be perpetuall.

Hic Nicolaum ne Baconum conditum
On the south side these verses.
Existima illum, tam diu Britannici
Regni secundum columen; exitium malis, line 10
Bonis asylum; caeca quem non extulit
Ad hunc honorem sors; sed aequitas▪ fides,
Doctrina, pietas, vnica & prudentia.
Non morte raptum crede, qui vnica
On the north side these.
Vita perennes emerit duas: agit
Vitam secundam coelites inter animus,
Fama implet orbem, vita quae illi tertia est:
Hac positum in ara est corpus olim animi domus,
Ara dicata sempiternae memoriae.]

Great snow in the moneth of Aprill.This yeare in the moneth of Aprill, to wit on the line 20 foure and twentith daie, fell such a snow betwéene the hours of foure of the clocke in the morning, & nine of the clocke before noone of the same daie, that in Lon­don the same snow was found to lie one foot déepe. The 25 daie of Aprill, sir Thomas Bromleie knight was made lord chancellor of England. Sir Thomas Bromleie lord chancellor.

The chancellors of England, col­lected out of sundrie ancient line 30 histories.

The collec­tion of Fran­cis Thin. THe creation of this sir Thomas Bromleie lord chancellor, hath occasio­ned me to treate of the chancellors of England, a matter which I haue béene the willinger to set downe, because I would mini­ster cause to others (who haue long wanted of their cunning in this matter) to impart to the world some of their great knowledge herein, to the benefit of their countrie. But since I doubt that they will line 40 not: accept this in good part till that come. And as I may, & perhaps doo (in this) somewhat more largelie (than in the iudgement of others shall seeme answe­rable to the most receiued opinion, touching the chancellors) treat of the antiquitie of them; so yet I haue no mind to erre, or to leade anie other into error. Wherefore, if things be not in perfection vp­on this first rough hewing (as nothing is at the first so exquisit, as time dooth not after amend it) yet disdaine it not, sith this may giue more light than line 50 before was knowen. And I determine God wil­ling, either to amend, or to confesse and auoid in the large description of their liues, whatsoeuer imper­fections haue now distilled out of my pen, either for mistaking or misplacing of name, person, or time; and so to the matter.

It hath beene some question amongst the best an­tiquaries of our age, that there were neuer anie chancellors in England, before the comming of Ed­ward the confessor out of Normandie, whome they line 60 suppose to haue brought the same officer with him from thense into this realme. But sith I am with manie reasons and ancient authorities led to beleue the contrarie; I will imbrace the contrarie opinion therevnto, and hold in this discourse (as the order thereof shall prooue) that there were chancellors be­fore saint Edwards time; for the confirmation whereof and for the authoritie of them; for the ety­mologie and originall of the name, and for the conti­nuance of their office, thou shalt find an ample dis­course in my booke purposelie written of the liues of the chancellors, whervnto I wholie refer thée: who I hope shall within these few yeares be partaker thereof, and in the meane time giue thee this tast of the age and names of the chancellors, and vicechan­cellors, and such keepers of the great seale, as ser­ued in place of chancellors. For euerie one that was kéeper of the great seale, was not intituled chan­cellor, no more than euerie chancellor was intitu­led the keeper of the greatseale. But because the one did serue in the vacancie of the other (so that after a certeine sort, the kéeper of the great seale was vicechancellor, and possessed the place, though not the name of a chancellor; as in our age, sir Ni­cholas Bacon did: we therefore haue set downe the names of the one and the other, as they followed in succession of time, after this manner.

Turketill chancellor to Ethelbald, Turketill. who began his reigne about the yeare of Christ 718, which Tur­ketill gaue six manours to the abbeie of Cro [...]land, as I haue séene noted.

Saint Swithin bishop of Winchester was chan­cellor, Saint Swi­thin. and chiefe of councell to the great monarch king Egbert, though some attribute him to Ed­gar, which Egbert began his reigne about the yeare of Christ 802.

Wlfinus, chancellor to king Athelstan, Wlfinus. who began his reigne in the yeare of our redemption nine hun­dred and foure and twentie.

Adulphus, chancellor to king Edgar, Adulphus. who began his reigne in the yeare that the world became flesh, nine hundred fiftie and nine: of this man speaketh Hugo Petro Burgensis; and Leland calleth this A­dulph Cancellarium & archigrammatum: chancellor or chiefe secretarie.

Alsius or Aelsius the second abbat of Elie, Hist. Eliens. lib. 2. written in the time of K. Stephan. chan­cellor to king Etheldred, who began his reigne in the yeare of Christ nine hundred seuentie and eight, this man, being by Ethelwold bishop of Winchester, consecrated abbat at the appointment of the said king Ethelred or Egelred, and being then abbat of Elie, when Ethelred gaue foorth his commande­ment that the abbat of Elie should then, and for e­uer, be chancellor; I doubt not to place him here a­mongst the chancellors: the proofe of which matter I haue here Verbatim set downe, out of the second booke of the historie of Elie. Statuit (which was Ethelred) atque concessit quatenus ecclesiam de Eli, ex tunc & semper in regis curia cancellarij ageret dignitatem, quod etiam alijs sancti videlicet Augustini & Glesconiae eccle­sijs constituit, vt abbates istorum coenobiorum vicissim adsig­natis succedendo temporibus annum trifariè diuiderent, cum sanctuarijs & caeteris ornamentis ministrando: &c.

Leofricus Bathonicus chancellor to Edward the confessor, Leofricus. in the yeare of Christ one thousand fortie and fiue, and some yeares before: this man was bi­shop of Cridington in Cornewall, which sée was af­ter translated to Excester.

Wlfinus, Wlfinus. or Wul [...]inus chancellor to Edward the confessor, in the latter end of the said yeare of Christ one thousand fortie and fiue, being the third yeare of his reigne; this man cannot be he which some would haue to be Wlfinus the abbat of Westminster. For that Wulfinus died one and fortie yeares before this Wulfinus the chancellor; sith that Wulfinus was made abbat of Westminster, about the yeare nine hundred fiftie and eight, and died in the yeare one thousand and foure; being bishop of Shireburne. Yet I will not at this time iudiciallie resolue, al­though I suppose it true, whether this Wlfinus the chancellor, and Wulfinus the bishop of Lichfield, witnesse to a déed, wherein Edward the confessor granted certeine liberties to Leofwine, abbat of the abbeie of Couentrie, built by Leofrike erle of Mer­cia, be all one man or no. Againe, there is an other man which was abbat of saint Albons called Wul­finus, which for affinitie to the name of this man I thought onelie to touch in this place.

[Page 1273] Resenbaldus.Resenbaldus, or Rembaldus, for I take them both by manie and ancient authorities to be all one man, was chancellor to Edward the confessor, and seale bearer, witnesse amongest others, to manie déeds which I haue séene of the confessors; some da­ted in the yeare one thousand thrée score and six, and some otherwise. He was buried at Cirencester, or Cicester.

Mauricius chancellor to William the Conque­ror in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée score line 10 and seuen, Mauricius. being the first and part of the second yere of William the Conqueror.

Osmundus.Osmundus, after bishop of Sarum, chancellor to William the Conqueror, in the yere one thousand three score and seauen, and after in the yere one thou­sand thrée score and fiftéene, about the ninth yeare of the kings reigne.

Arfastus.Arfastus bishop of Helmane, who translated his sée from Helmane to Tetford, was chancellor to William the Conqueror, in the yéere of Christ one line 20 thousand thrée score and eight, being in the second and third yere of the Conqueror, and also in the yere one thousand seuentie and seuen, being about the tenth yeare of William Conqueror.

Hirmanus that was first made bishop of Su­ring or Wilton, Hirmanus. and translated his sée from Wil­ton to Shirburne, & from thense to Sarum; he is that Hirmanus which I suppose was chancellor to Willi­am the Conqueror, and called Hirmannus, and that wrote the life and miracles of saint Edmund line 30 king of the Eastangles.

William Uelson borne of a noble house, chap­leine and chancellor to William the Conqueror (as hath Robertus Montensis) succéeded Arfastus in the bishoprike of Tetford, William Uelson. to whom by the gift of Willi­am Rufus succeeded in that sée Herbertus Losinga abbat of Ramseie, which translated the bishops see to Norwich; of which Losinga were (as hath Matthew Westminster) these verses here set downe compiled:

Surgit in ecclesia monstrum genitore Losinga, line 40
Simonidum secta, canonum virtute resecta,
Petre nimis tardas, nam Simon ad ardua tentat,
Sipraesens esses, non Simon ad alta volaret,
Proh dolor! ecclesiae nummis venduntur & aere,
Filius est praesul, pater abbas, Simon vterque.
Quid non speremus, sinummos possideamus?
Omnia nummus habet, quid vult facit, addit & aufert,
Res nimis iniusta, nummus sit praesul & abbas.

William Gif­ford.William Gifford bishop of Winchester was chan­cellor in the time of the Conqueror, and of William line 50 Rufus, & of Henrie, who made him bishop of Win­chester in the yeare one thousand and one hundred, and was consecrated in the yéere of Christ one thou­sand one hundred and seuen: though it seemeth that Robert Bluet came in place of this William Gif­ford, remooued about the fourth of the same Rufus from his office of chancellorship, as I suppose will be well proued, but after placed againe in that office. Of the death of this William is much contrarietie, for Matthew Westminster placed it thrée seuerall yéeres, line 60 the eight and twentith and nine and twentith yeare of Henrie the first, and againe in the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred fortie and two, being the seuenth yeare of king Stephan.

Robert Bluet.Robert Bluet, Bloet, or Bloscit made chancellor in the yéere of Christ one thousand and ninetie, being the fourth yeare of William Rufus, he was made bishop of Lincolne in the yeare of our redemption one thousand ninetie and two: but as it appeereth to me by some authoritie that I haue seene, he did exe­cute that office being bishop of Lincolne: he died at Woodstocke in the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred twentie and thrée, being about the thrée and twentith yere of the reigne of Henrie the first, whose epitaph Henrie Huntington reciteth in this manner:

Pontificûm Robertus honor, quem fama superite [...]
Perpetuare dabit, nec obiturus obit:
Hic humilis, diues (res mira) potens, pius vlt [...]r,
Compatiens, mitis, quùm pateretur erat,
Noluit esse suis dominus, studuit pater esse,
Semper in aduersis murus & arma suis:
In decima Iani mendacis somnia mundi
Liquit, & euigilans vera per hennè vidit.

Ranulphus in the time of William Rufus, which might be that man which was after chancellor in the time of Henrie the first. Ranulphus

Waldricus chancellor to Henrie the first, Waldricus. about the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred and thrée, being the third yeare of his reigne.

Herbertus chancellor in the fourth yeare of Hen­rie the first, Herbertus. in the yeare of our saluation one thou­sand one hundred and foure (as appeareth by an ano­nymall pamphlet in written hand) of whome I am not yet resolued whether this were Herbertus Lo­singa bishop of Norwich or no.

Roger bishop of Salisburie, Roger. whome Henrie the first called a méet chapleine to serue souldiors, was chancellor to king Henrie the first, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand one hundred and one, being the first yéere of king Henrie the first, and in the yéere one thousand one hundred and seuen, about the seuenth yeare of the said Henrie the first, being chosen bishop in the yere of Christ one thousand one hundred and two, and consecrated in the yeare one thousand one hundred and seuen.

Galfridus Rufus bishop of Durham, Galfridus. witnesse to a déed wherein Henrie the first confirmed to the pri­orie of Christs church a peece of ground without Ald­gate called Knighton guild, in the presence of Gef­frie chancellor, Geffrie Clinton, and William Clin­ton: he was also chancellor in the two and twentith yéere of Henrie the first, and so vntill the thrée and thirtith yeare of the reigne of Henrie the first, and then was made bishop of Durham, which Geffrie died about the yere of our redemption one thousand one hundred fortie and one.

Ranulphus, Ranulphus. called by Matthew Westminster Ar­nulphus, chancellor to Henrie the first, and Richard the chapleine, kéeper of the great seale, being at one time. This Ranulph was chancellor in the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred and sixtéene, being the sixtéenth of king Henrie the first, in which office I suppose that he continued, vntill the yeare of Christ one thousand one hundred twentie and thrée, being the thrée and twentith of the said Henrie, in which yeare this chancellor (for so is he then called) fell from his horsse and brake his necke on a hill not far from Dunstable, where the king kept his Christmasse.

Reginald chancellor to king Henrie the first, Reginald. as Leland hath set him downe, writing in this sort in his notes of Montacute abbeie: Reginaldus cancellarius, so named (béelike) of his office, he was a man of gret fame about king Henrie the first: he fell to religion, and was prior of Montacute, and inlarged it with great buildings and possessions, &c.

Roger bishop of Salisburie againe chancellor in the latter end of the reigne of king Henrie the first, Roger. and in the beginning of king Stephan, in the yere of Christ one thousand one hundred thirtie and six, which Henrie the first died in the yeare of our redemption one thousand one hundred thirtie and fiue, being the fiue and thirtith yeare of the reigne of the said Hen­rie. This Roger died in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand one hundred thirtie and nine, being about the fourth yeare of king Stephan.

Godfreie chancellor to Henrie the first (as I ga­ther Godfreie. out of Matthew Parker in the life of William Corbell or Corbris) the six and thirtith archbishop of [Page 1274] [...]rburie, to which dignitie this William was [...] in the three and twentith yeare of Henrie [...], being the yeare of Christ 1123, of which God­ [...]e the said Matthew further writeth in this sort, speaking of the said William the archbishop retur­ned from Rome with the pall: Deinde Alexandrum Lincolniensem episcopum Cantuariae, Godefredum regni can­cellarium Bathoniensem episcopum Londini conse [...]rauit. Con­cerning which Godfreie we will speake more here­after in the liues of the chancellors, onelie at this time setting downe that this Godefredus was the line 10 quéenes chapleine, and could not be that Galfridus before named, which was bishop of Durham; for this Godefredus died six yeares before that Galfridus, for this bishop of Bath died in the yeare of our Lord 1135, being the last of king Henrie Beauclerke, and the first of king Stephan; & that bishop of Dur­ham died in the yeare of our Lord 1141, being a­bout the sixt yeare of the said king Stephan; and this Godfreie was the second bishop of Bath and Wels line 20 after the vniting of those two cities to one bishop­rike by Iohn de Towres, the first bishop of those two places in the yeare of our Lord 1092, being about the fift yeare of William Rufus.

Alexander bishop of Lincolne.Alexander bishop of Lincolne (as may be after a sort gathered out of Wilhelmus Paruus lib. 1. cap. 6.) being cousine or nephue to Roger bishop of Salis­burie was chancellor: the words of which W. Paruus be these: Eidem (that was to king Stephan) quoque sublimato in regem, This was a­bout the be­ginning of the fourth yeere of K. Stephan, being An. Do. 1138, but Mat. [...] giueth it to An. Dom. 1139: who saith, Collo [...] qui [...] fuit [...] anne. [...] &c. And Henrie Hun­tington agre­eth wholie with W. Par­ [...]s. se (that was Roger bishop of Sa­lisburie) line 30 talem exhibuit, vt obsequiorum gratia praeclaram apud illum habere fiduciam videretur. Tantis ille beneficijs in­gratus, & in ipsum episcopum (cuius opera nunquam episco­palia fuere) vltor diuinitus ordinatus, eundem tanquam ex­igui hominem momenti primo carcerati custodia, postmodum etiam cibi inopia, & nepoti eius (qui cancellarius fuerat regis) intentato supplicio ita coarctauit, vt duo illa praeclara castella (which were the castels of Uise otherwise called de Deuises, and the castell of Shirburne) in quibus thesauri eius erant repositi resignaret. Thus much Wilhelmus line 40 Newburgensis, the truth whereof I leaue to other to consider, sith the words of those authors may be di­uerslie expounded, either that this Alexander was chancellor, or his sonne, or else the sonne of Roger bi­shop of Salisburie. But be it any or none of them, as the truth shall hereafter be made plaine, yet bicause I haue mentioned Alexander in this place, I thinke it not amisse to set downe such verses as Henrie Huntington hath recited of this Alexander, which are:

Splendor Alexandri, non tam renitescit honore,
Quàm per eum renitescit honor, flos námque virorum, line 50
Dando tenere putans thesauros cogit honoris,
Et gratis dare festinans ne danda rogentur,
Quod non dum dederit non dum se credit habere
Oh decus! oh morum directio! quo veniente,
Certa fides, hilaris clementia, cauta potestas,
Lene iugum, doctrina placens, correctio dulcis,
Libertásque decens, venere pudórque facetus.
Lincoliae gens magna prius, nec maxima semper,
Talis & iste diu sit nobis tutor honoris.

Robert.Robert chancellor of England in the time of line 60 king Stephan, but I find not in what yeare, bicause the charter is without date, neither can I learne what he was, bicause I know not his surname.

Philip.Philip chancellor to king Stephan, about the fourth yeare of his reigne, being about the yeare of our Lord 1139, witnesse to manie déedes which king Stephan made to the moonks of Elie, and to Nigellus the bishop of that sée.

Reinold.Reinold abbat of Walden, whome I haue séene in one anonymall briefe written chronicle to be ter­med chancellor: but in what time he liued, or what o­ther name he had I doo not yet know, but by the course of the historie much about this time.

Iohn chancellor of England in the time of king Henrie the second, Iohn. but what he was or in what yeare of king Henrie he liued I doo not know, and there­fore leaue it to him that both can and ought to giue life to these persons whom he imprisoneth in the east castell of London; not doubting but in time he will doo his countrie good, and correct other men; though now he be so streict laced, as that he will not procure anie furtherance of other mens trauels.

Thomas Becket made chancellor (as some write) in the first yeere of the reigne of king Henrie the se­cond, others saie in the fourth yeare: Thomas Becket. but the best au­thors agrée that he gaue ouer the seale in the yeare of Christ 1162, being the eight yeare of the victorious prince the said Henrie the second against the will of the prince, he died in the yeare of our redemption 1170, as these verses doo prooue, being such as the curiositie of that superstitious age would permit:

Pro Christo, sponsa Christi, sub tempore Christi,
Christes church in Canturburie.
In templo Christi, verus amator obit,
Anno mileno, centeno, septuageno,
Anglorum primas corruit ense Thomas.
Quis moritur? praesul: cur? pro grege: qualiter? ense:
Quando? natali: quis locus? ara Dei.

Rafe Warneuile archdeacon of Rone and trea­suror of the church of Yorke, Rafe Warne­uile. was made chancellor a­bout the yeare that the word became flesh 1173, be­ing about the eightéenth yeare of king Henrie the second: of this man speaketh Matthew Paris and Matthew Westminster.

Walterus de Constantijs archdeacon of Oxford after bishop of Lincolne, Walterus de Constantijs. in the yeere of our redemp­tion 1182, from whense he was aduanced in the yeare 1184, being the one and thirtith yéere of king Henrie the second vnto the archbishoprike of Rone, of this man is more spoken in my discourse of the protectors of England pag. 1069.

Geffreie the bastard sonne to king Henrie the se­cond, Geffreie. after that he had surrendered the bishoprike of Lincolne, whereof he was neuer consecrat bishop, but kept the place and receiued the reuenues, was made chancellor much about the six and twentith yeare of king Henrie the second, being the yeare of Christ 1180: yet be there some that saie he resig­ned the bishoprike in the seuen and twentith yeare of king Henrie the second, in the yeare of Christ 1181. The difference whereof groweth (as I suppose) for that some accompt the beginning of the yeare of our Lord from the first of Ianuarie, as all other na­tions of Europe doo; some from the birth of Christ, as we in England did long time since the conquest; and some from the fiue and twentith of March, on which it is supposed that the world began first to be created: which last accompt we in England (and the Scots as hath Lesleus) doo kéepe, togither with them of Genoa or Gene in Italie, contrarie to the order of all other nations. The begining of which maner of accompt amongst vs I cannot as yet certeinlie learne: but I suppose it began much about the time of king Edward the third, for all the former historio­graphers begin the yeare from the birth of Christ.

William Longchampe the proud bishop of Elie, William Longchamp. legat of England for the bishop of Rome, chiefe iu­stice of the south and west parts of England, and de­putie of that part of the realme, when Richard the first went to the warres of the holie land, was made chancellor in the said first of king Richard, being the yeare of our redemption 1189: of the sumptuous feast of whose inthronization thus writeth Ferthul­phus (or Ferculphus) by the waie of comparison:

Praeuisis alijs, Eliensia festa videre,
Est quasi praeuisa nocte videre diem.

He died in the yéere of Christ 1197, going to Rome, in the abbeie of Pimie, being of the charterhouse or­der. [Page 1275] About which time in the sixt yeare of Richard the first, there was a vicechancellor called Malus Catulus.

Eustachius.Eustachius deane of Salisburie, was chancellor of England, being elected bishop of Elie the third [...]des of August, in the yeare that the word became flesh 1196, being the ninth yeare of king Richard the first, of whome thus writeth Matthew Parker, in the life of Hubert archbishop of Canturburie, con­trarie to that which others affirme, writing that Eu­s [...]achius succeeded William Lonchampe in the of­fice line 10 of chancellor, and in the bishoprike of Elie. The words of Matthew Parker in the life of Hubert be these: Hubertus deposito magistratu ciuili, ecclesiae curae totus vacabat, consecrauítque postea Robertum de Salopesbi episco­pum Banchorensem, & Eustachium qui in cancellarij munere ei successit Eliensem episcopum, Westmonasterij debita accepta ab vtróque subiectionis professione.

Hubert Wal­ter or Walter Hubert.Hubert Walter or Walter Hubert, for such a transmutation of the name is vsed by authors, be­ing first bishop of Salisburie and then archbishop of line 20 Canturburie, was made chancellor shortlie after the coronation of king Iohn, which was in the yeare that the virgine brought foorth Christ 1199, at what time a certeine noble man said vnto him in scorne, I haue often seene of a chancellor made a bishop, but I neuer before saw an archbishop made a chan­cellor.

Simon.Simon or rather Hugh, of which is more herafter, archdeacon of Welles in the first yeare of king Iohn (after as I suppose that Hubert had left the of­fice line 30 being so disgraced & abased as he thought) was witnesse to a déed, in which king Iohn granted to the citizens of Yorke a guildhall, hanse, and other li­berties, as I haue seene noted in the copie of the same charter, for which cause I haue heere set it downe as an other man, although in truth I am ful­lie resolued that this Simon and the Hugh follow­ing were all one person, leauing it yet for euerie mans iudgement.

Hugh de Welles.Hugh de Welles archdeacon of Welles, wit­nesse line 40 to the déed in which king Iohn, in the sixt yeare of his reigne, confirmed to the monasterie of West­minster, Gistslep or Islep in Oxfordshire, in which house Edward the confessor was borne, he was made bishop of Lincolne about the tenth yeare of king Iohns reigne, in the yeare of our Lord 1209, and died in the yeare of our Lord 1235.

Walter Braie chosen bishop of Chester, in the yeare of our Lord 1210, Walter Braie. was bishop of Worcester and after bishop of Yorke, a man of extreame age, line 50 was made chancellor in the seuenth yeare of king Iohn as one anonymall chronicle saith, to hold that office during his life. Others saie that he was made chancellor in the yeare of Christ 1209, being the tenth yeare of king Iohn after Hugh de Welles. But I suppose he surrendred that patent to hold it during his life, when he came to be bishop of Yorke. Of this man is more spoken in my treatise of the protectors of England, pag. 1069.

Richard de Marischo.Richard de Marischo, whom Matthew Paris term­eth Tholenarius, as it were tolegatherer or treasuror if line 60 you list, being archdeacon of Northumberland, was chancellor in the fourth yeare of king Iohn, as ap­peareth by a déed that I haue séene: and further he was made chancellor in the 15 yeare of king Iohn, in which office he cōtinued to the 17 yeare of the said king, and as some doo write during king Iohns life, and died about the calends of Maie in the yeare of our redemption 1226, in the tenth yeare of the long reigne of king Henrie the third, as some haue. But the booke of Durham saith, that he was made bishop of that sée by Gwado the legat, and consecra­ted by Walter Braie bishop of Yorke, in the yeare of our redemption 1214, being about the sixtéenth yeare of king Iohn, and died suddenlie at Peter­borrow the first daie of Maie, in the yeare of Christ 1226, being the tenth yeare of king Henrie the third, after that he had béene bishop of Durham nine yeares, of whom a moonke of Durham made this epitaph in formall deuise as you see following:

Culmina qui cupi tis laudes pompásque siti tis
Est sedata si tis sime pensare veli tis
Qui populos regi tis memores super omnia si tis
Quòd mors immi tis non parcit bonore poti tis
Vobis praeposi tis similis fueram bene sci tis
Quod sum vos e [...]i tis ad me currendo veni tis

And here sith I am entered into the surname of Marischus, I will set downe what I found ingra­uen on the wall of the doore of the chapter house of the monasterie of Bath (almost defaced with the wether) written in Gréeke Saxon characters. ✚ Hic iacet Alexander de Alueto, & Ernbuerga vxor eius, & Fulco de Alueto filius eorum: & Lucia de Mariscis silia eo [...]ū, & Iordanus de Mariscis filius eiusdem Luciae, & Wilhelmus de Mariscis filius eiusdem Iordani. Which name of the Marishes, Marshes, or Moores, if it like them to ex­pound it, as I doubt not but manie will quiddle therevpon, was as great a name in Ireland as it was in England.

Rafe Neuill was confirmed (as it séemeth) chan­cellor by the whole consent of the nobilitie, Rafe Neuill bishop of Chi­chester. in the yeare that the word became flesh 1226, being about the tenth yeare of king Henrie the third, after which he was made bishop of Chichester in the eleuenth yeare of king Henrie the third, being the yeare of our redemption 1227, or as hath Matthew Westm. he was made bishop of Chichester in the yeare of Christ 1223, being before chancellor. After which the king in the two and twentith yeare of his reigne, of­fended with Neuill, tooke from him the great seale, & deliuered it to Gefreie of the temple, as hath Mat­thew Paris, and to Iohn de Lexinton: although that the said Neuill remained still chancellor, and recei­ued the profits thereof, to whom the king would after haue regiuen the seale in the yeare of Christ 1239, being the thrée and twentith yeare of the said king Henrie, but Neuill would not receiue it. This man died in the yeare of Christ 1243, being the seuen and twentith yeare of king Henrie the third, at his palace at London not far from the new temple.

Geffreie the Templer & Iohn de Lexinton were made keepers of the great seale. Geffreie the Templer. But shortlie after this Geffreie had the seale taken from him, bicause he grew in mislike of the nobilitie in continuall pro­uoking them to anger.

Hugh Pateshall chanon of Paules is by Mat­thew Paris fol. 656, Hugh Pate­shall chanon of Paules. called chancellor in the thrée and twentith yeare of king Henrie the third, which I much doubt to be true. Of this man shall be more said in the treasurors of England.

Simon the Norman kéeper of the great seale in the three & twentith yeare of king Henrie the third, Simon the Norman. being the yeare of our Lord 1229: he had the seale shortlie after taken from him, and was banished the court, bicause he would not seale the patent, wherby Thomas earle of Flanders might take foure pence for custome of euerie sacke of wooll that came out of England into Flanders. This Simon died in the yeare of Christ 1249, being the thrée and thirtith of king Henrie the third.

Richard Grasse or Grossus abbat of Euesham (the said Simon expelled) had the keeping of the great seale in the thrée and twentith yeare of king Henrie the third, he kept the seale thrée yeares, Richard Grasse abbat of Euesham. and being chosen bishop of Chester, he resigned the same in the yeare of Christ 1242, being the six & twentith yeare of king Henrie the third: he died (being wise & learned in the canon and ciuill law) in the same [Page 1276] yeare in Gascoine, in a citie called in Latine Riola or Regula, where he was buried.

Iohn de Lexinton.Iohn de Lexinton was againe made keeper of the seale in the six and twentith yéere of king Henrie the third, being the yeare of our redemption 1242, to execute that office, Rafe Neuill being in life and still chancellor, but in the kings disgrace, shortlie af­ter which this Neuill died. This Iohn Lexinton died 1257, being the 41 yeare of Henrie the third.

Ranulfe Briton.Ranulfe Briton (as I read) is said to be chancellor line 10 and treasuror of the chamber, about the seuen and twentith yeare of Henrie the third, being the yeare of our Lord 1242. I suppose that he onelie had the keeping of the great seale as the rest had before him, during the life of Rafe Neuill, and so I leaue him to the iudgement of others, sith Matthew Paris conti­nuallie nameth him treasuror and once chancellor, who suddenlie died after dinner beholding plaiers at dise, in the yeare of Christ 1246, being the thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third: of whom thus writeth the said Matthew Paris in his line 20 greater historie fol. 954. Ranulphus Brito quondam do­mino familiarissimus regi & reginae (multis posthabitis nobi­libus) & eiusdem cancellarius specialis, quum post mensalem refectionem aleatores certatim inspexisset colludentes, laetalis apoplexiae inexpectato vulnere corruit sugillatus.

Syluester de Euersden receiued the great seale the nine and twentith yeare of Henrie the third, Syluester de Euersden. be­ing the yeare that the son of God became flesh one thousand two hundred fortie and six: he was vice­chancellor & consecrated bishop of Carleill (being a line 30 man most cunning in the custome of the chancerie) in the yeare of Christ 1247, being the one and thir­tith yeare of Henrie the third.

Iohn Man­sell.Iohn Mansell treasuror of Yorke, parson of Maid­stone in Kent, and parson of Wigan, chancellor of Paules, master or ruler of Beuerleie, chiefe iustice of England, one of the priuie councell to Henrie the third, his chapleine, ambassador into Spaine, and a worthie souldier, crossed to go to Ierusalem, who at one feast had two kings, two quéenes, and I line 40 know not how manie noble men, and whose spiritu­all liuings were about foure thousand marks of yerelie reuenues (as I haue gathered) he was at the will and instance of the king made kéeper of the great seale as vicechancellor (for Matthew Paris saith, Custodiam sigilli regij accepit cancellarij vices acturus & officium) about the one & thirtith of king Henrie the third, in the yeare that God tooke on him the forme of a seruant 1247, he built a house of regular ca­nons at Romneie two miles from the sea. To this line 50 man king Henrie the third, in the thirtith yeare of his reigne, did grant that his towne of Wigan should be a burrow.

Iohn de Lexinton.Iohn de Lexinton, being after chiefe iustice of the forest from the riuer of Trent southward, was againe kéeper of the great seale, vntill some part of the two and thirtith yeare of Henrie the third, in the yeare of Christ 1248.

Iohn Man­sell.Iohn Mansell againe kéeper of the great seale, line 60 who at Woodstocke in the two and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the third, did receiue the great seale of the said Iohn Lexinton, which he kept (as I suppose and that with some good proofe) vntill the thrée & thir­tith yeare of the said king, being the yeare of our re­demption 1248. Of which Iohn Mansell thus wri­teth an old anonymall chronicle concerning the ba­rons warres: Sed & Iohannes Mansell multarum in An­glia ecclesiarum rector seu potiùs incubator, reddituum quoque quorum non erat numerus possessor magnificus, ita quòd ditior eo clericus non videbatur in orbe episcopali, puta dignitate mi­nimè insignitus, metu baronum aufugit & latenter vltra mari de turri London, in qua rex Angliae & regina sua tunc temporis tenuerunt se. Quem quum Henricus filius regis Ale­maniae fugientem insequeretur, & ipse capitur quum applicu­isset Bononiae à magistro Gerando de Fenes procuratore vt putabatur reginae, &c.

Radulphus de Diceto was chancellor (as I read & suppose) much about this time: Radulphus de Diceto. but for certeintie I refer the same to the large booke of their liues, where he shall not faile to haue his right time and place.

William of Kilkennie, being a modest, wise, William of Kilkennie. and faithfull man, learned in the canon and ciuill lawes, was made kéeper of the great seale, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred and fiftie, being the foure & thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third. He was elected to the bishoprike of Elie, as saith the historie of Elie, the eighteenth ka­lends of September, in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand two hundred fiftie & fiue, being about the nine and thirtith yere of Henrie the third. But others saie that he being then vicechancellor, was elected bishop of Elie in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred fiftie and foure, being the eight and thirtith yeare of Henrie the third, after that he had faithful­lie and to his great commendation vsed and borne the great seale, he was cōsecrated to that bishoprike in the yere of Christ 1255, and died in the yere 1256 being about the one and fortith yeare of king Henrie the third, whose heart was buried at Elie.

Henrie de Wingham was made chancellor in the nine and thirtith yeare of Henrie the third, Henrie de Wingham. and continued in the one and fortith and two and fortith yeare of Henrie the third, in which yeare (as some haue) and in the 43 of Henrie the third (as others haue.) He was chosen bishop of Winchester, vpon condition that he should giue place to Athelmer halfe brother to king Henrie the third, & son to Hugh Brune earle of March, and of Eleanor king Henrie the thirds mother, being banished by the barons, if that he should againe returne into England, and then leaue the bishoprike of Winchester vnto him, which he did vpon the comming againe of the said Athelmer into England, and for that cause was af­ter chosen bishop of London, being chosen thereto in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred fiftie and nine, being the thrée and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the third, and still chancellor, and is buried in Paules on the south side of the quier (next to Eusta­chius bishop of London) in a monument of marble, with this inscription on the wall to tell who it was: Hîc iacet Henricus de Wingham quondam epicscopus huius ecclesiae, qui multa bona contulit ministris ecclesiae sancti Pauli.

Walter Merton chancellor in the foure and fortith yere of king Henrie the third, being the yeare 1260. Walter Merton.

Nicholas of Elie made chancellor by the barons, in the said yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred and sixtie, Nicholas of Elie. and Walter Merton displa­ced. But king Henrie the third, disdaining to haue officers appointed him by his subiects, did in the mo­neth of October following, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred and sixtie, or rather one thou­sand two hundred sixtie and one, depriue the said Ni­cholas, and replaced the said Walter Merton.

Walter Merton bishop of Rochester the second time made chancellor as before appeareth. Walter Mer­ton the se­cond time.

Iohn de Chesill archdeacon of London and treasu­ror of England, was made keeper of the great seale, Iohn de Chesill. in the yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixtie and foure, being the eight and fortith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third. This man was consecrated bishop of London in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seuentie & foure, the third kalends of Maie, as hath Matthew West­minster: he died in the yeare that the word of the fa­ther became flesh one thousand two hundred seuentie and nine, the fourth ides of Februarie, in the seuenth yeare of the scourge of the Scots and Welshmen.

[Page 1277] Vi [...]a Thomae Cantelupi.Thomas de Cantelupe, borne of the noble house of the lords Cantelupes (the son of William Cante­lupe and Millesent, [...] as saith Leland drew hir originall from the counte [...]ses of Yorke) being arch­deacon of Stafford, was doctor and after bishop of Hereford in the yeare one thousand two hundred se­uentie and six, and before that made chancellor, after the feast of saint Peters chaire, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixtie & fiue, being the nine and fortith yeare of the reigne of king line 10 Henrie the third. He died beyond the seas comming from the court of Rome, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seuentie and eight, being the sixt yeare of the reigne of king Edward the first, or more trulie (as others haue) in the yeare one thou­sand two hundred eightie & thrée, being the eleuenth yeare of king Edward the first, whose b [...]nes were brought to Hereford.

Walter Gifford bishop of Bath and Welles, whome manie doo call William, Walter Gif­ford bishop of Bath. did inioy the state line 20 of the chancellor, in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand two hundred sixtie & six, being the fiftith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the third: he was trans­lated from Bath to Yorke, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred fiftie and nine, being the nine and fortith yeare of the same Henrie the third, and died the seuenth kalends of Maie in the twelfe yeare of his bishoprike, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seuentie & seuen, being the sixt yeare of king Edward the first, or (as hath Nicholas Triuet) line 30 in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred se­uentie and nine, being the seuenth yeare of king Ed­ward the first.

Geffreie Gifford was chancellor also in the one and fiftith yeare of king Henrie the third, Geffreie Gifford. being the yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixtie and seuen. This man was bishop of Worcester about the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred ninetie and nine, where he sat foure and thirtie yeares, foure moneths, and foure daies, and died line 40 in the yeare one thousand thrée hundred and foure, being about the two and thirtith yeare of king Ed­ward the first.

Iohn de Chesill was the second time honoured with the place of the chancellor, Iohn de Chesill. in the yeare that the word became flesh one thousand two hundred sixtie and eight, being the thrée and fiftith yeare in which king Henrie the third of that name did hold the scep­ter of England.

Richard de Middleton.Richard de Middleton, so surnamed of the place line 50 where he was borne, was aduanced to the office of the chancellorship, in the said three and fiftith yeare of king Henrie the third, in the moneth of Iulie, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand two hundred sixtie and eight, and was also (as appeareth by a char­ter which I haue séene) witnesse to the same déed, in the foure and fiftith yeare of the said king Henrie, who (as farre as I can gather) died in August, in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seuentie and one, being the six and fiftith yeare of the long go­uernment line 60 of king Henrie the third. There was a writer of England that wrote many volums of this name liuing at this time, whom I doubt not (for anie thing that I can yet learne) to be the same man which was chancellor.

Iohn de Kirbie, after the death of Richard Middle­ton, Iohn de Kirbie. was made kéeper of the great seale in the said six and fiftith yere of king Henrie the third. Whether this were the same Iohn Kirkbie, which after was bi­shop of Elie, and treasuror of England, I haue not as yet to determine, although I rather hold the af­firmatiue than the contrarie.

Walter Mer­ton.Walter Merton the third time made chancellor of England, in the yeere of our Lord one thousand two hundred seuentie and thrée, being the first yeare of the reigne of that famous prince king Edward the first of that name: he was bishop of Rochester, and built Merton college in Oxford, and died in the yeare of Christ one thousand two hundred seauentie and eight, being the sixt yeare of the reigne of king Edward the first.

Robert Burnell the eleuenth bishop of Bath and Robert Bur­nell. Wels (after the vniting of those two sées in one by Iohn de Toures in the yeare of Christ one thousand ninetie and two) was made bishop of Bath in the yeare of our Lord (as saith Euersden) one thousand two hundred seuentie & foure, and chosen archbishop of Canturburie in the yeare one thousand two hun­dred seuentie and eight, but reiected by the pope: he was chancellor in the second yeare of the said Ed­ward the first, in which place it séemeth that he long continued: of whom thus writeth an anonymall chro­nicle; Dominus Edmundus comes Cornubiae fundauit no­uum studium ordinis Cisterciensis apud Oxonias, & monachos de Thame primò ibidem introduxit, & dedit eis prima dona­tione manerium de Erdington, & fecit dedicare locum abba­tiae tertij idus Decembris: per dominum Robertum Burnelle­piscopum Bathon & Welles, cancellarium regis, & posuit fun­damentum nouae ecclesiae eodem die Northosneiae. This bi­shop was required with the son of Edward the first, and Gilbert de Clare earle of Glocester, in the time of Edward the first, to be deliuered for pledges for Lheweline prince of Wales for his safe returne, if he came to the parlement, wherevnto he was sum­moned by the said king Edward. In the time of this chancellor the court of chancerie was kept at Bris­tow. This man died in the yéere of Christ one thou­sand two hundred ninetie and thrée, being the one and twentith yere of the reigne of king Edward the third.

Iohn de Langhton made chancellor of England in the yéere of our Lord one thousand two hun­dred ninetie and thrée, Iohn de Langhton. being the one and twentith yeare of the scourger of the Scots, king Edward the first, in which office he remained vntill the thirtith of the said king, Matthew Pa [...]ker. being the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and two. He was made bishop of Chichester about the six and twentith or ra­ther the seauen and twentith yeare of king Edward the first, being the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred ninetie and eight, or rather one thou­sand two hundred ninetie and nine: and in the said yeare one thousand two hundred ninetie and nine he was before chosen bishop of Elie, but reiected by the pope, who made him archdeacon of Canturburie: from which Langhton this Edward did take the great seale in the thirtith yeare before said, and deli­uered it to Iohn Drokensford.

Iohn Drokensford kéeper of the wardrobe was made keeper of the great seale in the thirtith yere, Iohn Dro­kensford. as before, in which office he continued from about the fiftéenth daie of August vntill Michaelmas.

William de Greinfield, deane of Chichester, William de Greinfield. and canon of Yorke, was aduanced to the place of the chancellor, in the yeare that God became man one thousand three hundred and two, being about the thir­tith yeare of the said king Edward the first, which of­fice was giuen vnto him at saint Radigunds (as saith Anonymus M.S. He was after chosen bishop of Yorke, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and thrée: who in the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred and eight buried the bo­die of the said king Edward the first at Westmin­ster, though that king died in the yeare of our Lord God one thousand thrée hundred and seauen. This bishop died about the yere of our saluation one thou­sand thrée hundred and fifteene (being about the sixt yeare of king Edward the second) at Cawood, after [Page 1278] that he had béene bishop nine yeares, eleuen mo­neths, and two daies, and was buried in saint Nicho­las porch of Yorke, receiuing his consecration at Rome in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hun­dred and fiue (after that he had béene there two yéeres) of pope Clement. This Greinfield was a man verie eloquent and pithie in counsell.

William de Hamelton, deane of Yorke, was created chancellor of England, William de Hamelton. in the yeare that the virgine brought foorth the sonne of God one thousand line 10 thrée hundred and fiue, being the thrée and thirtith yeare of that noble prince king Edward the first. This William surrendred his borrowed life in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and seuen, being about the fiue and thirtith yeare of the said king, at the abbeie of Fontnesse in Yorkshire, being a man that well deserued of the common-wealth.

Ralfe de Baldocke chosen bishop of London, in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred and thrée, Ralfe Bal­docke. was confirmed at Titneshall by Robert of line 20 Winchelseie bishop of Canturburie, and consecra­ted at Lions by Peter of Spaine bishop of Alba, the third calends of Februarie, in the yere of our re­demption one thousand thrée hundred and fiue. He was made lord chancellor of England, after the death of the said William Hamelton in the said fiue & thirtith yere of king Edward the first, and receiued the great seale in the Rogation wéeke following, be­ing some foure or fiue wéekes after that he was ad­uanced to that office at the excheker. Shortlie after line 30 which died king Edward the first; for which cause the said Baldocke sent the great seale to king Edward the second then at Carleill, by reason of his fathers death. This Ralfe Baldocke died on saint Iames éeuen in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and thirtéene, being the seuenth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the second.

Iohn Langhton bishop of Chichester againe made lord chancellor of England, Iohn Langhton. in the yeare that the line 40 word of the father tooke on him the forme of a ser­uant one thousand thrée hundred and seauen, being the first yeare of king Edward of Carnaruan, in which office it séemeth that he continued, vntill the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred and ten, being the third yeare of the reigne of the after deposed king Edward the second.

William Melton, hauing two others ioined with him, William Melton. had the great seale deliuered vnto them for a certeine time, to execute all such things as were to be doone therewith during the kings pleasure. This line 50 man was a canon of Yorke, prouest of Beuerleie, treasuror of England, and archbishop of Yorke, as saith Anonymus M. S. He was consecrated bishop of Yorke at Rome, where he tarried two yeares for the same: he was a man neuer wearied with tra­uell. He first of all the bishops of Yorke (after a long controuersie betweene the deane and canons of Yorke) visited the chapter by due order: he was wise, rich, seuere in correction, gentle, familiar, and hum­ble: he finished the west part of the church of saint line 60 Peters in Yorke with thrée hundred pounds, he was archbishop of Yorke two and twentie yeares, fiue or six moneths, and two daies: he died at Cawood on saint Georges éeuen, in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand three hundred and thirtie, and was buried in the minster of Yorke néere to the font.

Walter Reinolds bishop of Worcester, treasu­ror of England and archbishop of Canturburie, Walter Rei­nolds. was made kéeper of the great seale, and chancellor of England on the sixt of Iulie one thousand thrée hun­dred and ten, in the said yeare of our Lord God one thousand thrée hundred and ten, being the said third yeare of that king Edward, whome his sonne Ed­ward the third deposed from his kingdome. Of this man & all other chancellors, which were archbishops of Canturburie, shall be somewhat more said at ano­ther time, in the order and placing of the bishops of that sée; which caution I haue here set downe, bicause I would once for all make repetition thereof in one place, and not seuerallie in manie places, vnder the seuerall names of euerie chancellor that was inues­ted with that metropolitan honor of Canturburie.

Iohn de Sandall clerke, bishop of Winchester, Iohn de Sandall. & treasuror, was at Yorke made chancellor of Eng­land, in the yeare that the virgin Marie was deliue­red of the first begotten son one thousand thrée hun­dred and foureteene, being the eight yeare of king Edward the second, in which place he continued two yeares and more; some part thereof being after that he was bishop of Winchester (as I gather) and then deliuered backe the seale at Westminster, in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and seuentéene, being the eleauenth yeare of the said king Edward the second. Of this man is more spo­ken in the treasurors of England.

Iohn Hotham bishop of Elie was created lord chancellor of England in the yere of Christ one thou­sand thrée hundred and seauentéene, Iohn Ho­tham. being the elea­uenth yeare of king Edward the second, in which of­fice he continued vntill the yeare of our Lord God 1319, being the thirteenth yeare of the last before named king Edward. During whose gouernment of the sée of Elie, in the yeare one thousand three hundred fortie and one, the stéeple of the chaire fell downe, which made such terrible noise and shaking of the ground that it was supposed to haue béene an earthquake. He died of the palseie in the yere of our redemption one thousand three hundred thirtie and six, being the tenth yeare of that king Edward the third that first wrote himselfe king of both realmes, England and France.

Iohn Salmon bishop of Norwich was aduan­ced to be chancellor, Iohn Sal­mon bishop of Norwich. in the yeare that God tooke on him the forme of a seruant, one thousand three hun­dred and nineteene, being the thirtéenth yeare of that king Edward the second, against whome the nobles rebelled for the misdemeanor of Piers de Gauestone (the Gascoine) earle of Cornewall. In this yeare one thousand three hundred and nineteene (as saith one anonymall chronicler M.S.) was Wil­liam Airemine kéeper of the seale vicechancellor ta­ken prisoner by the Scots. The words of the which author for the more certeintie thereof we haue here set downe, in the yeare of Lord one thousand thrée hundred and nineteene. Episcopus Eborum, episcopus Eliae thesaurarius, abbas beatae Mariae Eborum, abbas de Selbie, de­canus Eborum dominus Willielmus Arymence vicecancella­rius Angliae, ac dominus Iohannes Or Pabeham. Dabeham cum 8000 fermè hominum, tam equitum quàm peditum & ciuibus pro­peranter Yorke. ciuitatem egredientes, quoddam flumen Twelue miles from Yorke. Swale nuncupatum sparsis cuneis transeuntes, & indispositis seu po­tuis confusis ordinibus cum aduersarijs congressisunt. Scoti si­quidem in martegnari amplitudinem eorum exercitus cautè regentes, in nostros agminibus strictis audacter irruerunt, no­strorum denique in breui laceratis cuneis atque dissipatis. Cor­ruerunt ex nostris tam in ore gladij quàm aquarum scopulis suffocati, plusquam 4000, & capti sunt domini Iohannes de Pabeham miles & dominus Willielmus de Arymenee vt praefertur de cancellaria, &c. Which William Aire­menée was also in the fiftéenth of the said king Ed­ward the second, one of the kéepers of the great seale, as I haue séene registred.

Robert Baldocke archdeacon of Middlesex, Robert Bal­docke. a man euillie beloued, and whom the old English chronicle calleth a false péeld priest, was made chancellor of England in the seauentéenth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the second, at the castell of Pike­ring [Page 1279] in Yorkeshire, he was after made bishop of Norwich, Histor. episc. Norwich. and did his fealtie for restitution of his temporalties in the nineteenth yeare of the said king Edward the second at Woodstocke in Oxfordshire, he was apprehended in the 20 yeare of Edward the second, being the yéere of our Lord 1326, or (as others haue) one thousand thrée hundred & fiue and twentie, & first committed to the custodie of Adam Tarleton or de Orleton bishop of Hereford, & after was put in the prison of the Newgate in London, in which line 10 twentith yeare of the said Edward the second the great seale was againe deliuered to William Aire­mée, William Ai­remee kéeper of the seale. who I suppose was then also made bishop of Norwich, and this Baldocke deposed from that see, of which Baldocke thus writeth a Polychronicon of Durham: Robertus de Baldocke cancellarius An. 1325 captus cum Hugonibus de despensers, quia clericus fuit & sa­cerdos in noua porta Londiniarum, poni fecit Edwardus prin­ceps & Isabella mater eius, vbi pro nimia miseria mortuus fu­it infra breue. line 20

Iohn Hotham bishop of Elie the second time was at Westminster made chancellor of Eng­land, Iohn Hot­ham bishop of Elie. in the yeare that the word became flesh 1326, being the first yeare of the reigne of that king which first intituled himselfe king of England and France: but he continued not long in the same office, for he was remooued in the second yeare of the said king, being the yeare of our redempti­on, one thousand thrée hundred twentie and eight. He was elected bishop in the yéere of Christ one thou­sand line 30 thrée hundred and sixtéene, in which place he ru­led twentie yeares, and died in the yeare of our re­demption one thousand thrée hundred and six and thirtie of the palseie at Summersham, being buried in the church of Elie vnder a goodlie monument of stone, with the image of a bishop carued out of ala­baster vpon his toome.

Henrie Cliffe master of the rolles had the charge and kéeping of the great seale of England, Henrie Cliffe master of the rolles. in the said yeare of Christ 1328, being the second yeare line 40 of king Edward the third, and was the kings chan­cellor also.

Henrie de Burgh, Burghwash, or Burgesse, ne­phue vnto sir Bartholomew Bladismere baron of Léeds in Kent, Henrie Burghwash bishop of Lincolne. hauing béene treasuror of England, inioied the honor of the chancellor in the second yéere of king Edward the third, being the yeare that the sonne of God tooke on him the forme of a seruant 1328, and was made chancellor at Northampton, which office he did not long inioie. Here bicause I line 50 haue a little mentioned sir Bartholomew Blades­mere, I will saie somwhat more of him, which is, that being orator for the king in diuers weightie affairs, he spent in those businesses, 15000 pounds of the kings monie, and yet produced little or nothing to effect in the kings causes, except the procuring of this Henrie Burghwash to the bishoprike of Lin­colne, who was buried in the east end towards the north of the church of Lincolne, at whose féet was also buried Robert his brother a knight of great line 60 fame in the warres, in which church is also buried Bartholomew sonne to the said Robert. They foun­ded a grammar schoole, and fiue priests, & fiue poore scholars in Lincolne.

Iohn Strat­ford.Iohn Stratford bishop of Winchester, and after of Canturburie, and sometime treasuror of Eng­land, was made chancellor of the realme, in the yéere of our redemption one thousand thrée hundred and thirtie, being the fourth yeare of the said king Ed­ward the third, who being sent in the sixt yeare of Ed­ward the third, in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand three hundred two and thirtie, ambassador be­yond the seas about the affaires of the king & king­dome, did not (like cardinall Woolseie the chancellor in the daies of K. Henrie the eight) presumptuous­lie carrie the great seale with him beyond the seas, but left the same in his absence with others, who both could and would answer the well or euill vsing there­of whilest he was in France. This man continued in the office vntill the eight yeare of Edward the third.

Richard de Burie, Richard de Burie or Ri­chard de An­geruile. otherwise called Richard de Angeruile (being borne in a little village b [...]side saint Edmundsburie, commonlie called the Berrie ab­beie, was so surnamed Burie of that place) had to his father sir Richard Angeruile knight. This man being first kept at schoole by his vncle sir Iohn Wil­obie priest, was afterward treasuror of England, chancellor and bishop of Durham: to which place of chancellorship he was aduanced in the yeare that the second person in trinitie was brought into the world 1334, being the eight yeare of that king of England which first quartered the armes of England and France. Which office he receiued by the kings gift at Westminster, in which yeare he was inthronized (be­ing first consecrated bishop in the yere of Christ 1333) in the bishoprike of Durham by William Cowton prior of Durham: he kept the see 11 years two mo­neths and 12 daies, & died in the yeare 1345, & was buried in the south angle of the church of Durham.

Iohn Stratford the second time lord chancellor, Iohn Strat­ford archbi­shop of Can­turburie. being now archbishop of Canturburie, was instal­led therein at Yorke in the yeare of Christ 1335, be­ing the ninth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the third.

Robert de Stratford or Strafford (as some haue written, Robert de Stratford. but as I thinke corruptlie) being archdea­con of Canturburie (which office was first ordeined by Anselme archbishop of the said citie of Cantur­burie) was made chancellor of England on the foure and twentith daie of March (being the éeue of the an­nuntiation of the virgin Marie) at Westminster, in the yeare that the word of the father tooke on him the forme of a seruant 1336, being the eleuenth yeare of the gouernement of king Edward the third. He was after made bishop of Chichester, desiring to be re­mooued from that office of chancellorship, which was granted vnto him: whervpon he surrendered vp the seale to the said king Edward the third in the twelfe yeare of his reigne, being the yeare of our redemp­tion 1338.

Richard de Bintwoorth chosen bishop of London, Richard de Bintwoorth bishop of London. and confirmed by Iohn Stratford archbishop of Canturburie at Oteford in the tenth kalends of Iune 1338, was at Waltham aduanced to the ho­nour of lord chancellor in the moneth of Iulie, in the said yeare of Christ 1338, being the twelfe yeare of that king which first ordeined the knights of the order of the garter.

Iohn Stratford the third time lord chancellor of England, Iohn Strat­ford archbi­shop of Can­turburie. in which office he did not now long conti­nue.

Robert bishop of Chichester, being the foresaid Robert Stratford, Robert bishop of Chichester. was againe made lord chancel­lor of England, in the yere of our redemption 1340, being the fourtéenth yeare of the reigne of king Ed­ward the third, who was put out of that office, and should with the treasuror of England haue bene sent into France for a pledge for the paiment of certeine summes of monie.

Robert de Bourchier, Robert de Bourchier. borne of the honourable house of the lord Bourchiers, was in the towre of London made lord chancellor of England in De­cember, in the said fouretéenth yeare of king Ed­ward the third, being the yeare of our Lord 1340, though some saie he was made chancellor in the fif­téenth yeare of the said king.

Robert Perning, Pernicke, or Pernwicke, Robert Per­ning iustice at the law. also treasuror of England, was made chancellor of Eng­land [Page 1280] in the yeare that the virgine brought foorth the the Messiah 1341, being the fiftéenth yeare of king Edward the third. He died in the yeare 1343, being the seuentéenth yeare of the foresaid king Edward the third. This man was a sergeant in the third yeare of Edward the third, when he began to plead as a sergeant, in which he continued vntill about the ele­uenth yeare of Edward the third, and was after that iustice, treasuror, and chancellor, and did in the com­mon place, being chancellor, sit and argue amongst the iustices, as appeareth in the law bookes of those line 10 yeares of Edward the third, of whom is last mention made in the seuentéenth yeare of Edward the third, where he is named chancellor.

Robert de Saddington.Robert de Saddington knight, was inuested with the dignitie of lord chancellor after the death of Perning in the yeare of Christ 1343, and the seuen­teenth yeare of the often mentioned king Edward the third. There was also one sir Richard Sadding­ton knight treasuror of England, of whome I haue spoken in my discourse of the lord treasurors. line 20

Iohn Offord or Ufford.Iohn Offord or Ufford, deane of Lincolne, was made chancellor of England, in the yeare of our re­demption 1345, being the nineteenth yeare of king Edward the third. He was elected to be bishop of Canturburie, and so was installed, but neuer recei­ued the pall. He died in the moneth of Maie, in the yeare of Christ 1349, being the three and twentith yeare of the reigne of that victorious king Ed­ward, which neuer receiued greater honour than that he was father vnto Edward surnamed the Blacke line 30 prince the flower of chiualrie, and woorthie conque­rour of the French dominions.

Iohn Thors­bie.Iohn Thorsbie bishop of Worcester, archbishop of Yorke and cardinall, was installed in the seat of the lord chancellor, in the yeare that God became man, one thousand thrée hundred fortie and nine, be­ing the thrée and twentith yeare of that king Ed­ward the third, so often before recited, who at his great sute was discharged of the office of chancellor, by deliuerie of the great seale in Nouember, in the line 40 thirtith yeare of the said king, being the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred fiftie and six, after that he had kept that place by the space almost of sea­uen yeres. He in the tenth yeare of his bishoprike in the third calends of August, began the frame of the quée [...]e of S. Peters church in Yorke, & laid the first stone therof, to which he gaue a hundred pounds. He died at Thorpe, and was buried at Yorke in the yere of Christ 1363, or as other haue 1373, after that he had béene archbishop one and twentie yeares, and line 50 one and twentie daies.

William de Edington.William de Edington, bishop of Winchester, lord treasuror of England, was made chancellor of this realme in Nouember in the said yeare of Christ 1356, and the thirtith yeare of the reigne of that king Edward, which at Sauoie in England kept king Iohn of France his prisoner. Sée more of him in the treasurors of England.

Simon Langham.Simon Langham, abbat of Westminster, bi­shop line 60 of Elie, archbishop of Canturburie, and lord treasuror of England, was made lord chancellor in Februarie, in the yeare of our redemption one thou­sand thrée hundred sixtie and three, being the seauen and thirtith yeare of the gouernment of king Ed­ward the third, and was chancellor in the fortith yere of the reigne of that king: being the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hundred sixtie and thrée. Of this Simon were these verses made, when he was re­moued from Elie to the bishoprike of Canturburie:

Exultent coeli quia Simon transit ab Eli,
Cuius in aduentum flent in Kent millia centum.

Of whome also, bicause he richlie indowed the abbeie of Westminster with great gifts, of singular cost & value, a certeine moonke compiled these verses:

Res es de Langham tua Simon sunt data quondam,
Octingentena librarum millia dena.

Of this man is more spoken in the former discourse or treatise of the lord treasurors of England.

William de Wikeham, William de Wikeham. so called of the place of his birth, was by surname from his parents called Perot, and Long, whome Lel [...]nd maketh treasu­ror of England, which by anie possible meanes can­not be so for anie thing that I can yet learne. This man being bishop of Winchester, and aduanced to that place in the yeare of Christ one thous [...]nd thrée hundred sixtie and seuen, in the one and fortith yeare of the reigne of Edward the third, in which place he sat seauen and thirtie yeares, was sometime kéeper of the priuie seale, and made also chancellor of Eng­land, in the yeare that the virgine brought foorth the first begotten sonne one thousand three hundred sixtie and seauen, being the one and fortith yeare of the gouernement of the foresaid Edward the third, in which office he remained about foure yeares; and (in March in the yeare of Christ one thousand thrée hun­dred seauentie and one, being the fiue and fortith of king Edward the third) did deliuer vp the great seale to the king at Westminster. He was buried in the bodie of Winchester church, which he new built with the other places about it: of whome were these verses composed for the building of his colleges, the one at Oxenford and the other at Winchester:

Hunc docet esse pium fundatio collegiorum
Oxoniae primum stat Wintoniaeque secundum.

Robert Thorpe knight, Robert Thorpe. being before iustice of the law in the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred and seauentie, was after at Westminster aduanced to the chancellorship, in March, the fiue & fortith yeare of king Edward the third, being the yeare of our redemption (as is before said) one thou­sand thrée hundred seauentie and one, who going home to his owne house, left the great seale with foure of the gardians or maisters of the chancerie, wherof the one was called Walter Powre, to kéepe and vse as néed required.

Sir Iohn Kniuet or Kniuell (as some books haue by the transcriber corrupted) was made chancellor of England in Iulie, Sir Iohn Kniuet. in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand thrée hundred seauentie and two, being the six and fortith yeare of king Edward the third, in which office he continued (as I for this time doo ga­ther) vntill the fiftith yeare of the said king Edward, in which yeare (as heere at hand appeareth) came in place of the bishop of S. Dauids.

Adam de Houghton, Adam de Houghton. bishop of Meneuia or of Saint Dauids in Wales, was aduanced to the of­fice of lord chancellor in the yeare of our redempti­on 1376, being the fiftith yeare of king Edward the third, who in the one and fiftith yeare of the said king, was with the earle of Salisburie, and the bishop of Hereford, sent ambassador beyond the seas. ¶And here I thinke it not amisse to set downe the originall of the rolles in chancerie lane in this sort.

Henrie the third did build a house for the Iewes conuerted to the faith of Christ, which house is at this daie (& hath béene long before this time) appoin­ted for the kéeping of the kings rolles and records, being now called and knowne by the name of the rolles in chancerie lane besides Lincolns inne. In which house the maister of the rolles (for the time be­ing) hath a goodlie and statelie lodging. In which also there is a faire chappell, called the chappell of the rolles, being a place commonlie appointed wherein men accustom to paie monie vpon contracts. Wher­in also is buried Iohn Yoong, sometime maister of the rols and doctor of both laws, on the left side in his doctors wéed: and maister Allington vnder a state­lie [Page 1281] toome of white marble, iet, and other rich stone, on the right side of the said chappell, the epitaphs of both which persons are heereafter recited: besides which in this chappell are the ancient records of all inrol­ments, confirmations of the prince, & of other sutes in the chancerie kept in chests and presses, built on each side about the middle part of the chappell, be­neath the chaire or place of seruice. At the west end whereof (on certeine appointed daies therefore) the maister of the rols dooth in the afternoones sit in a place formed and railed in, after the manner of the line 10 courts of Westminster, to heare and determine matters depending in the chancerie: which maister of the rolles now liuing is sir Gilbert Gerrard knight, sometime generall atturneie to the noble princesse quéene Elisabeth. And here before I leaue this chappell, I thinke it not amisse to set downe the epitaphs of the two persons before named there bu­ried, with these words.

The epitaph of maister doctor Yong maister of the rols.

Io. Yong LL. doctoris sacror. scrinior. ac huius domus custodi decano olim EBOR. vita defun­cto xxv Aprilis sui fideles executores hoc posue­runt M.D.XVI.

Dominus firmamentum meum.

Beside which in an old table hanging by are writ­ten in text hand these verses héereafter following: line 30

Hîc iacet ille Iohannes Yong cog nomine dignus,
Tali quod nunquam marcesceret vtpote charus:
Omnibus apprimè summo testante dolore,
Quem neque celabant neque dissimulare valebant,
Dum sternit iuuenem mors immatura labentem,
Quis non defleret iuuenis miserabile fatum,
Ex quo multorum pendebat vita salúsque:
Horum inquam inprimis, quos ille benignus alebat
Impensis donec vitales carperet auras.
Nec satu illi erat hoc priuatis consuluisse line 40
Rebus, quinetiam prudenter publica gessit
Munia siue forensia siue etiam extera summa
Cum laude, illa quidem dum sacris praefuit olim
Scrinijs, haec verò legati functus honore.

The epitaph of maister Alington is in this sort.

Hospes qui fueram quondam si quaeris amice,
Nomen Alingtonus stirps generosa fuit: line 50
Haec monumenta mihi coniuxfidissima struxit,
Quaeque mihi struxit destinat illa sibi.
Charáque coniugij tres natae pignora nostri,
Sunt, vultus quarum marmora sculpta tenent,
Cum matre has omnes precor vt post funera summe
Coelica perducas in tua regna Deus.

Richardus Alington armiger qui hîc sepultus est obijt 23 die Nouembris 1561.

Now (as you haue heard before that this house of the rols was first a house of conuerts) it shall not be line 60 amisse also for the more proofe thereof, to set downe the grants of the princes and kings which conuerted the same to those vses.

The grant of Henrie the third, for erecting of the house of conuerts.

REx archiepiscopis, &c. Sciatis nos intui­tu Dei, & pro salute animae nostrae, & animarum antecessorum & haeredum meorum concessisse, & hac charta nostra confirmasse pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, domum quam fundari fecimus in vico, qui vocatur New­street, inter vetus templum & nouum London, ad sustentationem fratrum conuersorum & conuer­tendorum de Iudaismo ad fidem catholicam, in au­xilium sustentationis eorundem fratrum in eadem domo conuersantium, domos & terras quae fuêre Iohannis Herbeton in London, & sunt in manu nostra tanquam eschaeta nostra, excepto gardino, quod fuit eiusdem Iohannis in vico praedicto de Newstreet, & quod priùs per chartam nostram concessimus venerabili patri Ralfe Ne­uill▪ Radulpho Cicestren­si episcopo cancellario nostro, & omnes alias eschae­tas, quae tempore nostro per feloniam, vel quacun­que ex causa nobis accident in ciuitate nostra, vel in suburbio infra libertatem ciuitatis nostrae Lon­don. Quare volumus, & firmiter praecipimus pro nobis & haeredibus nostris, quòd praedicta domus habeat & teneat liberè & quietè, bene & in pace, ad sustentationem fratrum conuersorum & con­uertendorum de Iudaismo ad fidem catholicam, in auxilium sustentationis eorundem fratrum in ea­dem domo conuersantium, domos & terras quae fu­erunt Iohannis Herbeton in London, & sunt in manu nostra tanquam eschaeta nostra excepto gardino quod fuit eiusdem Iohannis in vico prae­dicto de Newstreet, & quod priùs per chartam nostram concessimus venerabili patri R. Cice­strensi episcopo cancellario nostro, & omnes alias eschaetas, quae tempore nostro per feloniam vel quacunque ex causa nobis accident in ciuitate no­stra, velin suburbio infrà libertatem ciuitatis no­strae London, sicut praedictum est. Hijs testibus venerabilibus patribus, W. Kaerl. & W. Exon. episcopis, H. de Burgo comite Kantiae Radulpho fi­lio Nicholai, Godfrido de Crancumbe, Iohanne fi­lio Philip. Amaurico de sancto Aumundo, Will. de Picheford, Galfrido de Cauz, & alijs. Dat. per manum Ve. P. R. Cicestren. episcop. cancellar. no­stri apud Westmin. 19. die Aprilis.

The grant of Edward the third, where­by the said house was in the one and fiftith and last yeare of the said Edward con­uerted to the custodie of the rolles and records of the chancerie.

REx omnib. ad quos, &c: salutem. Sciatis quòd nos, considerantes qualiter domus conuersorum in suburbio ciuitatis no­strae London, de patronatu nostro exi­stens, & capella, edificia, & clausur. eiusdem, tem­pore quo dilectus noster Will. Burstall custodiam eiusdem domus ex collatione nostra primò habuit, per negligentiam & incuriā aliorum qui ante di­ctum Will. custodiam domus illius habuerunt & ibidem, morari seu inhabitari non curauerunt, multipliciter & quasi totaliter in ruina extite­runt, & quòd praedictus Will. tempore suo de bonis suis proprijs grādes costas & expensas super recu­peratione & emendatione domus, capellae, edificio­rū ▪ & clausur. praedict. ac etiam super factur. nouar. domorum ibidem. Nos vt domos conuersorum ca­pella, edificia, clausur. & nouae domus supradict. cōpetenter sustententur, & custodientur in futu­rum, ad supplicationem praedicti Willielmi qui cu­stos rotulorum cancellariae nostrae existit, in prae­senti concessimus de gratia nostra speciali pro no­bis & haeredibus nostris, quòd post mortem eius­dem [Page 1282] Will. dicta domus conuersorum cum suis iu­ribus & pertinent. quibuscunque remaneat & moretur in perpetuum clerico custod. rotulorum cancellar. nostrae & haeredū nostrorū pro tempore existent. & similiter annex. eidē officio in perpe­tuum: & quòd cancellarius Angliae vel custos siue custodes magni sigilli nostri & haeredum nostro­rum Angliae pro tempore existentium, post mor­tem ipsius Willielmi habeat & habeant potesta­tem ad quamlibet vacationem dicti officij custodis line 10 rotulorum per mortem, cessionē, vel mutationem, personae quocunque tempore futur. [...]. institutum successiuè custodes rotulorum praedictorum in di­cta domo conuersorum, & custodes illos ponend. in possessionem eiusdem cum suis iuribus & per­tin. quibuscunque, in cuius, &c. T. R. apud Shene 11 Aprilis An. 51 Edw. 3.

But after the death of this king Edward, the said William Burstall maister of the rolles (belike not line 20 supposing this to be a sufficient grant) procured this house by act of parlement, in the first yeare of king Richard the second, to be more stronglie established, to the vse of the master of the rolles for the time. Af­ter which Iohn de Waltham, master of the rolles, af­ter bishop of Salisburie and treasuror of England, procured K. Richard the second in the 6 yeare of his reigne, by his letters patents to confirme the said house to the said Waltham and his successors ma­sters of the rolles. And whereas by the patent of Ed­ward line 30 the third, the master of the rolles was appoin­ted and installed in that house by the chancellor, it is to be noted, that the same manner of induction and instalment continued as long as the master of the rolles were of the clergie, as I haue séene set downe by others, and as the presidents of those instal­ments and the writs themselues extant of record doo well prooue.

Sir Richard Scroope knight lord of Bolton, hauing béene lord treasuror in the time of the decea­sed line 40 king Edward the third, Sir Richard Scroope. was now in October a­bout the latter end of the yeare 1378, or the begin­ning of the yeare 1379, being the second yeare of the after deposed king Richard the second, made lord chancellor, and had the great seale deliuered vnto him, who in the third yeare of the said king at a par­lement did surrender vp his office. Of this man is more set downe in the discourse of the treasurors.

Simon Sudburie, so surnamed of the place of his birth, Simon Sudburie. but by descent called Tibold the sonne of Ni­cholas line 50 Tibold, descended of a gentlemanlie race dwelling at Sudburie in Suffolke. This Simon was archbishop of Canturburie, and made chancel­lor about the yeare of Christ 1380, in the third yeare of Richard the second, and was by the rebels behea­ded at the towre of London, in the fourth yeare of the disquieted gouernment of that vnfortunat, but valiant king Richard the second; after whom in the fift yeare of the said king Richard, was R. B. of London, wherof I haue seene and taken a note: which line 60 bishop was (as I coniecture & haue some authoritie to prooue) Robert Braibroke which followeth, & was made chancellor againe after sir Richard Scroope.

Sir Richard Scroope knight lord of Bolton, made chancellor againe about the latter end of Nouem­ber, Sir Richard Scroope lord Scroope of Bolton. by the lords of the parlement (as I take it) in the fift yeare of the reigne of king Richard last mentio­ned, and was the yeare following, being about the yeare of our Lord 1383 againe deposed from his of­fice, and the king receiuing the great seale, kept it a certeine time, and therewith sealed such grants and writings as it pleased him, and in the end deliuered the same to Robert Braibrooke. Of this man see more in the treasurors before.

Robert Braibrooke bishop of London made lord chancellor in September following the moneth of Iulie, when sir Richard Scroope was deposed, Robert Brai­brooke bishop of London. was aduanced to that dignitie on saint Matthews éeue, in the sixt yeare of the reigne of the said king Ri­chard the second, in which he continued not longer than the March following, as hath Anonymus M. S. he was consecrated bishop of London the fift of Ia­nuarie 1381, he died the seuenteenth of August in the yeare 1404, being the fift yeare of king Henrie the fourth.

Michaell de la Poole, Michaell de la Poole earle of Suffolke. or at Poole (as hath Thomas Walsingham) was made chancellor in the moneth of March, in the sixt yeare of the said king Richard the second, and was made earle of Suffolke in the ninth yeare of the said king, being after deposed from his office of chancellorship at his owne and earnest request in the tenth yeare of the said king. This man hauing fled the realme, for that he was pursued by the nobilitie, died at Paris in the thir­téenth yeare of the said Richard the second, being the yeare of our redemption 1389, of whom that wor­thie poet sir Iohn Gower, liuing at that time, in his booke intituled Vox clamantis, composed these verses:

Est comes elatus, fallax, cupidus, sceleratus,
Fraudes per mille stat cancellarius ille,
Hic proceres odit, & eorum nomina rodit
Morsibus à tergo, fit tandem profugus ergo:
Sic Deus in coelis mala

Michael de puteaco, or of the Poole.

Thomas A­rundell bishop of Elie.

de puteo Michaelis
Acriter expurgat ne plùs comes ille resurgat.

Thomas Arundell, of the noble house of the earles of Arundell, was first bishop of Elie, and then of Yorke, and lastlie of Canturburie, he was made lord chancellor of England in the tenth yeare of the reigne of the vnfortunat king Richard the second, being about the yeare of our redemption 1386, in which office he remained about two yeares, as farre as my search will giue leaue to vnderstand.

William Wickham was againe made lord chancellor of England, William Wickham. in the twelfe yeare of the said king Richard the second, but was in the end re­moued from thense in September, in the fifteenth yeare of the troublesome gouernement of the said king Richard.

Thomas Arundell aforesaid was the second time Thomas Arundell. created lord chancellor of England (in the said fif­téenth yeare of king Richard the second) in place of William Wickham, in which office he remained a­bout fiue yeares, and was deposed and banished the realme in the twentith yeare of the said king Ri­chard.

Iohn Scarle, Scirlée, or Serle, Iohn Serle master of the rols. maister of the rolles, of the chancerie, and kéeper of the great seale: he was chancellor, or in place of the chancellor, in the first yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the fourth, being the yeare in which the sonne of God descen­ding from the bosome of his father, tooke flesh in the wombe of his mother, one thousand thrée hundred ninetie and nine.

Edmund Stafford kéeper of the priuie seale, Edmund Stafford. bi­shop of Excester, and sometime bishop of Rochester, and lastlie bishop of Yorke, kéeper of the priuie seale, and borne of the noble house of the Staffords, was made lord chancellor of England about the moneth of March, in the yeare of our redemption one thou­sand and foure hundred, being about the second yere of the vsurping king Henrie the fourth, in which of­fice he continued vntill the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred and thrée, being the fourth yeare of the said king Henrie the fourth. He being kéeper of the priuie seale was made bishop of Exce­ster the twentith of Iune, in the yeare of our re­demption one thousand thrée hundred ninetie & fiue, being the daie before king Richard the second began [Page 1283] the one and twentith yeare of his reigne. He was consecrated at Lambeth, and kept the see of Excester three and twentie yeares. He increased two fellow­ships in Stapletons inne in Oxford, reformed the statutes of the house, and called it Excester college: he died the fourth of September, in the seuenth yeare of king Henrie the fift, being the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and ninetéene. About the making of this Stafford chancellor (as farre as my memorie serueth) Ypodigma is much deceiued, if I haue not for want of the booke mistaken his iudge­ment. line 10

Henrie Beauford, the sonne of Iohn of Gaunt by Katharine Swineford, Henrie Beauford. made bishop of Lincolne in the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred ninetie and eight (as hath Ypodigma) was aduanced to the dignitie of chancellor in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred & thrée, being the fourth yeare of king Henrie the fourth his elder brother, by the daughter of the earle of Hereford, in which office he was in the fift yeare of king Henrie the fourth, line 20 and sixt of the same king (as our chronicles doo re­member.) He was made bishop of Winchester in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and foure, being the fift yeare of Henrie the fourth.

Thomas Langleie priest, and bishop of Dur­ham, Thomas Langleie bi­shop of Dur­ham. was at Westminster made chancellor, in the yeare of our saluation one thousand foure hun­dred and fiue, being the sixt yeare of the reigne of the said king Henrie the fourth, in which office he conti­nued (as farre as I know) vntill he was made bi­shop line 30 of Durham, which was on the seuenth of Maie, being the seuenth yeare of the reigne of king Hen­rie last before named, being the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and six. He was bishop one and thirtie yeares, and died in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie and seuen, being the sixtéenth yeare of king Henrie the sixt. Sée more fol­lowing.

Thomas Fitzalen.Thomas Fitzalen, brother to Richard earle of Arundell, being returned out of exile with Henrie line 40 of Bollingbroke duke of Hereford and Lancaster, and after king of England by the name of Henrie the fourth, was the third time being bishop of Can­turburie, made lord chancellor of England, the ninth yeare of the said king Henrie the fourth, and conti­nued therein about two years, being remooued from that place about September, in the eleuenth yeare of the reigne of the said king, being the yeare of our re­demption one thousand foure hundred and ten. line 50

Thomas Beauford knight, the sonne of Iohn of Gaunt son to king Edward the third, Thomas Beauford. & brother to king Henrie the fourth, was made lord chancellor in the eleuenth yere of the said king Henrie the fourth, being the yeare that the sonne of God tooke on him the forme of a seruant one thousand foure hundred and ten, in which office he remained not full thrée yeares, but left the same office togither with his life, as I suppose, in the thirtéenth yeare of the same king, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand line 60 foure hundred and twelue.

Iohn Wakering clearke, maister of the rolles, was made kéeper of the great seale, Iohn Wake­ring clearke. when Thomas Beauford left the office of chancellor, which seale hée kept about the space of a moneth. For in Ianuarie after that he receiued the seale, there was a chancel­lor created.

Thomas Fitzalen or Arundell, archbishop of Canturburie, Thomas A­rundell arch­bishop of Can­turburie. was the fourth time inuested with the chancellorship, in the yeare of our saluation one thou­sand foure hundred and twelue, being the thirtéenth yeare of king Henrie the fourth, in which office hée continued during the life of the said king Henrie the fourth, who died in the fourtéenth yeare of his kingdome, and in the yere of our Lord one thousand foure hundred and thirtéene.

Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester, Henrie Beauford bishop at Winchester. and af­ter cardinall in the time of Henrie the sixt, being vncle to king Henrie the fift then reigning, was the second time made chancellor, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred and thirteene, be­ing the first yeare of the fift king Henrie, in which place he remained vntill the fift yeare of the said king Henrie, being the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand foure hundred and seuentéene.

Thomas Langleie bishop of Durham was the second time made lord chancellor of England, Thomas Langleie bi­shop of Dur­ham. in the said yere of our redemption one thousand foure hun­dred and seuentéene, being the fift yeare of that woor­thie conqueror king Henrie the fift, which office he receiued at Southwicke, and continued in that ho­nour (as farre as I can learne) by the space of six yeares or more, whereof fiue yeares were fullie en­ded in the life and death of the said Henrie the fift, and the sixt yeare ended in the last of the first or begin­ning of the second yeare of king Henrie the sixt.

Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester before named, Henrie Beauford bishop of Winchester. was the third time made lord chancellor of England, in the second yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt, being about the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred twentie and thrée, or one thousand foure hundred twentie and foure. For the second yeare of that king fell part in the one and part in the other of the said yeares of our Lord, in which office he continued about foure yeares, vntill he was made cardinall, in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand foure hundred twentie and six.

Iohn Kempe, bishop of London, was made lord chancellor of England in the fourth yere of that king Henrie, Iohn Kempe bishop of London. who in his yoongest yeares was crowned first king of England, and then king of France in Paris; in which office he remained (as I suppose) a­bout six yeares.

Iohn Stafford deane of S. Martine & of Welles, prebend of Milton in Lincolne church, Iohn Staf­ford bishop of Bath. bishop of Bath and Welles, lord chancellor and treasuror of Eng­land, and bishop of Canturburie, was made lord chancellor of England in the moneth of Februarie, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thirtie & one, falling in the tenth yeare of king Hen­rie the sixt: he remained in that office vntill Iohn Kempe was againe made lord chancellor, which was about the eight and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt. And here I think it not vnméet to remember that some haue noted William Wanfleet that was bishop of Winchester, and chancellor of Oxford, to be chancellor of England, when he built Magdalen college in Oxford, in the fiue and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the sixt: which possiblie can not be, sith this Iohn Stafford held that office from the tenth of Henrie the sixt, vntill the eight & twen­tith of the same king, which was eightéene yeares: during which time they place this Wanfléet to bee chancellor of England. Which error (I suppose) they haue commited, in that they finding him chancellor at the time of the building of his college, in the said fiue and twentith yeare of king Henrie the sixt, haue taken him to be chancellor of England, when he was then but chancellor of Oxford: although in deed afterward he was chancellor of England, in the fiue and thirtith yeare of the said king, as after shall appeare.

Iohn Kempe bishop of Yorke and cardinall, was the second time made lord chancellor in the eight and twentith of king Henrie the sixt, Iohn Kempe bishop of Yorke. being about the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hun­dred and fiftie, in which o [...]ce he died, being bishop of Canturburie, in the yeare of our redemption (as [Page 1284] saith Matthew Parker, one thousand foure hundred fiftie and thrée, being the two & thirtith yeare of the reigne of the simple king Henrie the sixt. This man was first bishop of Rochester, next of Chicester, thirdlie of London, then of Yorke, where he sat eight and twentie yeares, and lastlie he was archbishop of Canturburie.

Richard Neuill earle of Salisburie, the sonne of Rafe Neuill earle of Westmerland, Richard Ne­uill earle of Salisburie. and father to the valiant Richard Neuill earle of Warwike, was line 10 after the death of Iohn Kempe by parlement made lord chancellor in the two & thirtith yeare of K. Hen­rie the sixt: though others make it to be in the three & thirtith yeare of the same king, in which place he continued not long. For in the yeare following an o­ther was substituted, and he remoued.

Thomas Bourchier (brother to Henrie Bourchier earle of Essex) bishop of Elie, Thomas Bourchier bi­shop of Elie. and bishop of Can­turburie, was made chancellor in the three & thirtith yeare of the gouernement of king Henrie the sixt, in which he remained much about two yeares. In line 20 whose time, as saith Matthew Parker, about the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred thrée­score and one, In vita Thomae Bo [...]cheri [...]pisco. [...]. was the art of printing inuented at the citie of Argentorat in Germanie. About the which matter, and especiallie for the exact & certeine time thereof, manie writers although their count about one time doo disagree: yet at the inuention of that woorthie thing were these verses composed in the commendation of the same most excellent art. line 30

O foelix nostris memoranda impressio tectis,
Inuentore nitet vtraque lingua tuo▪
Desierat quasi totum quod fundis in orbe,
Nunc paruo doctus quilibet esse potest.
Omnes te homines igitur nunc laudibus ornent,
Te duce quando ars haec mira reperta fuit.

William Pa­tan, or Paten [...] William Wanfled.William Patan or Paten, borne of gentle­manlie familie, being commonlie called William Wanfled of the place of his birth, and being prouost of Eaton, and bishop of Winchester, was lord chan­cellor line 40 in the fiue and thirtith, six and thirtith, and the seuen and thirtith yeare of the vnfortunat king Hen­rie the sixt, as haue the records of the excheker. By which appeareth the error of those, as I haue before noted, that mistaking the fiue and twentith of king Henrie the six, in which time he was but chancellor of Oxford; for the fiue and thirtith of the said king, in which he was chancellor of England.

George Neuill (the sonne of Richard Neuill earle of Salisburie, George Ne­uill archbi­shop of Yorke. and brother to Richard Neuill line 50 earle of Warwike) being made bishop of Excester, came to that sée in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred fiftie and fiue; in which sée he continued ten yeares, and was remoued to Yorke in the yeare that God became man one thousand foure hundred three score and fiue, he was made lord chancellor in the eight & thirtith yeare of the reigne of the after deposed K. Henrie the sixt, in which office he remained about eight yeares, & then was remo­ued in the seuenth yeare of the woorthie K. Edward line 60 the fourth, being the yeare that the word became flesh one thousand foure hundred thréescore & seuen. He was a great friend to saint Albons, & procured Edward the fourth in the fourth yeare of his reigne to giue & confirme to Iohn Whethamsted, abbat of saint Albons, the priorie of Penbroke. This bishop Neuill did after in the thirtéenth yeare of king Ed­ward the fourth grow in such disgrace with the king, that he was spoiled at one time of twentie thousand pounds, as in his life shall be more at large declared. To this man did Hugh Ueine giue the manour of Hener Cobham, and Hener Brokas in Kent, in the fourth yeare of king Edward the fourth. He died at Blithlaw comming from Yorke, being almost fortie yeares old, and was buried at Yorke. And heere I thinke it not amisse, to note the mistaking of time of such historiographers as haue set downe, that Ed­ward the fourth did, in the fourth yeare of his reigne, take the chancellorship from the bishop of Excester (brother to the earle of Warwike, which must néeds be this George Neuill) & gaue the same to the bishop of Bath. For by that which I haue seene, this Neuill liued vntill the seuenth yeare of Ed­ward the fourth, and that for this time I suppose to be the truest.

Robert Kirkeham maister of the rolles was Robert Kirk­ham maister of the rolles. made lord kéeper of the great seale (vppon the remo­uing of George Neuill) in the moneth of Iulie in the said yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred threescore and seuen, being the seuenth yeare of king Edward the fourth.

Robert Stillington doctor of the lawes, Robert Stil­lington doctor of the lawes. kéeper of the priuie seale in the third yeare of Edward the fourth, bishop of Bath & Wels, being made chancel­lor in the seuenth yeare of king Edward the fourth, did still so continue (as I gather) vntill the thirtéenth yeare of the said king.

Henrie Bourchier earle of Essex, Henrie Bour­chier earle of Essex. and first ad­uanced to that title of honor by Edward the fourth, came in place of the last chancellor, about the four­téenth yeare (as some vntrulie haue noted) of Ed­ward the fourth. But in my poore opinion, the same was in the thirtéenth yeare of the said Edward the fouth: in which place he remained not much more than one Trinitie terme. For in the said thirtéenth yeare, about the moneth of August, was Booth lord chancellor of England.

Laurence Booth sometime maister of Penbroke hall bishop of Durham, and after of Yorke, Laurence Booth bishop of Durham. was made lord chancellor about August or rather before, betwéene that and Trinitie terme (after Henrie Bourchier) in the said thirteenth yeare of the valiant king Edward the fourth, after his redemption of the kingdome of England. This bishop (being brother to William Booth sometime bishop of Yorke) did build the bishop of Yorks house at Baterseie, which manour he before bought of Nicholas Stanleie, whome Leland the minser and refiner of all Eng­lish names dooth most curiouslie in Latine call Ni­cholaum Stenelegium. He continued in the sée of York [...] thrée yeares & nine moneths, and died at Southwell in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred and foure score, being the twentith yeare of king Edward the fourth.

Thomas Scot surnamed Rotheram, Thomas Scot aliâs Rotheram. because of the towne of Rotheram in Yorkeshire where he was borne and bred vp, was bishop of Rochester, and then of Linclolne, where he sat nine yeares, and after that was bishop of Yorke: whereinto he installed first at Yorke, and then at Ripon, being prouost of Be­uerleie, he was made chancellor of England in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred seuentie and foure, being the fourtéenth yeare of the reigne of king Edward the fourth. This bishop, in the fifteenth yeare of the said king, went ouer the sea (as I haue séene noted) with the said Edward the fourth, when he went to haue an interuiew with the French king: of which meeting monsieur de Ar­gentine by name Philip Comineus (besides our English chronicles) dooth make mention, as a person that bare a part in that pageant.

Iohn Alcot bishop of Rochester was made chan­cellor, during the absence of king Edward, Iohn Alcot bishop of Ro­chester. as I haue found recorded.

Thomas Rotheram, Thomas Ro­theram. being before lord keeper of the priuie seale, was after his returne out of France the second time made lord chancellor, about the time [Page 1285] in which the said king had gotten Berwike from the Scots, being about the twentith yeare of the said Edward the fourth. For the frée gaining of the towne was not much before his death; in which of­fice this Rotheram continued all the life of king Edward the fourth, & in the time of the little or no reigne at all of the guiltlesse murthered yoong prince king Edward the fift; vntill it was ascribed to him for ouermuch lightnesse, that he had deliue­red in the beginning of the rebellious gouernement line 10 of the protectorship of the bloudie and vnnaturall Richard duke of Glocester the seale to the quéene, to whome it did not apperteine, and from whome he receiued it not. He founded a college at Rotheram, dedicated, it to the name of Iesus, & indowed it with great possessions & ornaments, and annexed therto the churches of Langthton, and Almanburie.

Iohn Russell bishop of Lincolne, a graue and learned man, Iohn Russell bishop of Lin­colne. had the seale deliuered to him by the said protector of England, during the time of the line 20 short reigne of the yoong king Edward, when the same seale was taken from Rotheram: and so this Russell was made chancellor in the moneth of Iune, in the yeare of our saluation one thousand foure hundred foure score and thrée, being the first yeare of the vsurped gouernement of the bloudie tyrant the mishapen king Richard the third. This Russell is buried in the church of Lincolne, in a chappell cast out of the vpper wall of the south part of the church.

Thomas Barow maister of the rolles was made line 30 keeper of the great seale (as I haue seene recorded) which I suppose, Thomas Barow mai­ster of the rolles. was in the third and last yeare of the said king Richard the third: for in that yeare he was maister of the rolles.

Thomas Rotheram made againe lord chancellor, in the first entrance of king Henrie the seuenth into the gouernement: Thomas Ro­theram. but verie shortlie after he was displaced, and the bishop of Worcester placed in that roome; he was archbishop of Yorke nintéene yeares & ten moneths; he was verie beneficiall to all his line 40 kinred, and aduanced some with mariages, some with possessions, and some with spirituall liuings. He died the nine and twentith daie of December, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred, being the sixtéenth yeare of king Henrie the eight, at Ca­wood in Yorkeshire the morrow after the Ascension, being of the age of three score and sixtéene yeares or more: he was buried in Yorke minster on the north­side in our ladie chappell, in a toome of marble which he caused to be made whilest he was liuing. line 50

Iohn Alcot bishop of Worcester, made in the yeare one thousand foure hundred three score and six­teene, Iohn Alcot bishop of Wor­cester. was lord chancellor of England in the first yeare of the said K. Henrie the seuenth, the Salo­mon of England, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred foure score & fiue: short­lie after the entrance of the said Henrie into the go­uernement of England. For though Rotheram were chancellor when he got the victorie, for that he had béene so before, & for that the king was neither prouided nor minded suddenlie to haue a man not line 60 méete for that place to execute the same: yet this Rotheram kept not that roome manie moneths, but that Alcot came in place because the king found Alcot a méeter person to execute the same office, answerable to the disposition of the kings humor. All which notwithstanding, whether for malice of o­thers, or for his owne deserts, or both, or for more especiall trust that king Henrie put in Moorton bi­shop of Elie, who had beene the meanes to bring him to the crowne, this Alcot fell shortlie in the kings disgrace, was displaced of his office, and Moor­ton came in his roome. So that in this first yeare of the said king Henrie the seuenth, there seemed to be thrée chancellors in succession one after another, if I haue not misconceiued the matter: all which be­fore Moorton in this first yeare of king Henrie the seuenth, may perhaps more properlie be termed kée­pers of the great seale, than chancellors.

Iohn Moorton doctor of the ciuill law, Iohn Moor­ton bishop of Elie. an aduo­cat in the ciuill of the councell to Henrie the sixt, and to Edward the fourth, to whome also he was maister of the rolles, was made bishop of Elie in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred thrée score and eightéene, and lord chancellor of England, (vpon his returne from beyond the seas) in the first yeare of the woorthie prince K. Henrie the seuenth, being the yeare that the word became flesh, one thousand foure hundred foure score and fiue: after which he was aduanced to the bishoprike of Can­turburie; he died in the yeare of our redemption one thousand foure hundred foure score and nintéene, in the fifteenth yere of the reigne of king Henrie the seuenth, as hath Matthew Parker.

William Warham aduocat in the arches, William War­ham archbi­shop of Can­turburie. mai­ster of the rolles, bishop of London, and then bi­shop of Canturburie; was (before his aduance­ment to the see of Canturburie) made chancellor of England in the time of Henrie the seuenth, in which office he continued vntill about the latter end of the seuenth yeare of king Henrie the eight. At what time surrendring the seale by reason of his age and weakenesse, the same great seale was deliuered to Thomas Woolseie.

Thomas Woolseie somtime chapleine to Henrie Deane archbishop of Canturburie, Thomas Woolseie. after the kings almoner and abbat of saint Austins, who possessing manie other abbeies and bishopriks, as in other pla­ces shall more largelie appeare, was aduanced to the gouernment of the great seale, about the beginning of the eight yeare of the triumphant reigne of king Henrie the eight, being the yeare of our Lord and Sauior Iesus Christ one thousand fiue hundred six­téene, to hold the same during his life (as I gather) in which office yet he continued not aboue thirtéene yeares, vntill the one and twentith of the said king Henrie the eight, being the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred twentie and nine. Du­ring which time of his chancellorship, in the nine­téenth yere of king Henrie the eight, being the yere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred twentie and sea­uen, he went into France, representing the king of Englands person, to set order for the deliuerie of pope Clement the seuenth and Francis the French king, at what time he carried the great seale ouer the seas to Calis, which seale he left with doctor Tailor maister of the rolles, to kéepe the same at Calis vn­till the cardinals returne out of the French domini­ons. He died in Leicester abbeie (not without sus­picion of poison as was thought, which he had prepa­red for himselfe, and giuen to his apothecarie to de­liuer when he called for it) the two and twentith of king Henrie the eight, in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred and thirtie.

Thomas Moore knight, Thomas Moore. sometime vndershiriffe of London, and chancellor of the dutchie of Lancas­ter, was aduanced to the honor of chancellorship of England, in the yere that the word became flesh one thousand fiue hundred twentie and nine, being the one and twentith yéere of that king Henrie which ex­pelled pope Clement the seauenth his authoritie out of his dominions, in which office this rare witted knight (to vse Erasmus his epitheton) and learned chancellor continued not full thrée yeares; but in the foure and twentith yeare of the reigne of the said king Henrie the eight, with much labor and earnest sute he left his office. Touching which it shall not gréeue me to set downe the words of Matthew Par­ker [Page 1286] of the liues of the bishops of Canturburie in the life of Thomas Cranmer writing after this maner: Intereà rex dum papae meditabatur excidium, singulorum de papali auctoritate sensus iudicijs haud obscuris collegit. Inter quos Thomas Morus, quia regis conatus pontificijs valdè sus­pectus fuit, cancellarij munere, venia regis aegrè impetrata, sese abdicauit.

Thomas Audleie attornie of the dutchie of Lan­caster, Thomas Audleie. sergeant at the law (as most affirme) and spea­ker of the parlement, was made knight and lord kée­per line 10 of the great seale the fourth of Iune, in the foure and twentith yere of the reigne of the famous prince king Henrie the eight, being the yeare of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred thirtie and two, not long after which he was indued with the title and ho­nor of lord chancellor of England. This man in the tenth yere of his chancellorship, H [...]sto▪ C [...]ntab. per Caium. 78. being the yere of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred fortie and two, and the fiue and thirtith yeare of king Henrie the eight, changing the name of Buckingham col­lege line 20 in Cambridge, did name it the college of saint Marie Magdalen, and indued it with some posses­sions. He died on Maie éeuen in the yeare of our saluation one thousand fiue hundred fortie and foure, being the fiue and thirtith yeare of Henrie the eight.

Thomas Wriotheslie knight of the garter, being created baron at Hampton court on the first of Ia­nuarie, Thomas Wriotheslie. in the fiue and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, in the yere of Christ one thou­sand fiue hundred fortie and three, was after aduan­ced line 30 to the honor of the great seale and chancellorship of England, about the beginning of Maie, in the six and thirtith yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the eight, being the yere of grace one thousand fiue hun­dred fortie and foure, in which office he continued vn­till the death of the said king Henrie the eight, and in the beginning of the reigne of king Edward the sixt, vntill for his obstinacie in the Romane religion he was the sixt of March remooued, and the seale was deliuered to William Paulet lord Sent-Iohn of line 40 Basing. This Wriotheslie (being created earle of Southampton by king Edward the sixt) died at his house of Lincolne place in Holborne the 30 of Iulie, in the fourth yeare of the said king Edward, in the yéere 1550, & was buried at saint Andrews in Old­borne commonlie called Holborne.

William Paulet.William Paulet knight being first steward of the lands of the bishoprike of Winchester, then treasu­ror of the houshold, lord Sent-Iohn of Basing, lord great maister of the kings house, afterwards earle line 50 of Wiltshire, marquesse of Winchester, and trea­suror of England, being of the priuie councell to king Henrie the eight, king Edward the sixt, queene Marie, and queene Elisabeth, had the kéeping of the great seale committed vnto him the seuenth daie of March, in the yeare that the second person in trini­tie descended from the bosome of the father into the wombe of the mother one thousand fiue hundred for­tie and seuen, being the first yere of the reigne of the yoong king Edward the sixt, which seale he had in cu­stodie line 60 about seuen moneths, vntill the thrée and twen­tith or foure and twentith of October following, at what time sir Richard Rich was made lord chancel­lor.

Sir Richard Rich▪Sir Richard Rich knight, lord Rich, was aduan­ced to the dignitie of lord chancellor of England a­bout the 23 of October in the yere of our saluation one thousand fiue hundred fortie and seuen, being the first yeare of the reigne of the noble king Edward the si [...]t, in which place he remained about fiue yeers.

[...].Thomas Goderich or Goderike being bishop of Elie had the great seale deliuered to him, and was made lord chancellor of England the twentith of De­cember (as Iohn Stow hath noted in his chronicle) in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hun­dred fiftie and one, being the fift yeare of the reigne of king Edward the sixt, in whi [...]h office he continued all the life of the said king Edward, which died in Iu­lie one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and thrée, being the seuenth yeare of his reigne, and about one mo­neth after vntill the thirtéenth or fouretéenth daie of August, in which quéene Marie made Stephan Gar­dener hir chancellor.

Sir Nicholas Hare, maister of the rolles, Sir Nicho­las Hare. had at the comming of quéene Marie to the crowne the kee­ping of the great seale, after the death of king Ed­ward, as lord kéeper by the space of one fortnight, and shortlie after was Stephan Gardener made chancellor.

Stephan Gardener bishop of Winchester was in August, Stephan Gardener. in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and thrée, being the first yeare of the reigne of the vnfortunat quéene Marie, made chan­cellor of England. This man going in ambassage vnto Calis left the great seale in the custodie of William Paulet marquesse of Winchester, which bishop after his returne into England continued in that office all the time of his life, which he ended the 19 of Nouember, in the yeare that the word became flesh one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and fiue, being the third yeere of quéene Marie. After which the great seale lieng in the custodie of the prince, she on the new yeares daie following made a new chancellor.

Nicholas Heath bishop of Rochester, Nicholas Heath. almoner to the king, ambassador into Germanie, bishop of Worcester, president of Wales, and archbishop of Yorke, was vpon new yeares daie, in the yeare of our Lord God one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and fiue, being the third yeare of the reigne of quéene Marie, aduanced to the honorable dignitie of the chancellorship. But quéene Marie deceasing the sea­uentéenth daie of Nouember, in the yeare of grace one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and eight, and the sixt yere of hir gouernement, this Heath vpon the placing of the worthie quéene Elisabeth vpon the throne of the English gouernment, was remooued from his office, and maister Bacon aduanced.

Sir Nicholas Bacon esquier, Nicholas Bacon. attourneie of the court of wards, was made knight, and lord kéeper of the great seale the two and twentith of December, in the yeare of our redemption 1558, being the first yeare of the now reigning Elisabeth the Saba of England. Which name of lord kéeper he still kept du­ring his life, and the time of his office. In whose time there was an act of parlement established, to make the power of the keeper of the great seale equall with the authoritie of the chancellor. This man continued in this office, and woorthilie executed the same, being a man of rare wit and déepe experience, during the time of his life, which continued vntill the twentith of Februarie, in the yeare of our saluation 1578 after the account of England, being the one and twentith yeare of the rare and singular gouernement of the worlds woonder the famous quéene Elisabeth, which place this man kept eightéene yéeres, being (as I suppose) double as long time as anie other chancellor or kéeper of the great seale possessed that place, except Rafe Neuill bishop of Chichester, and Iohn Stafford bishop of Bath and Wels, both which held it equallie eighteene yeares with him: a strange thing, that in the course of almost 600 yeares, no such officer might possesse that place by twentie years togither.

Thomas Bromleie, the generall solicitor of quéene Elisabeth, a councellor of the law, Thomas Bromleie. and one of the inner temple, was aduanced to the dignitie of lord chancellor on the fiue and twentith day of Aprill, in the yeare of our redemption 1579, being in the one & twentith yeare of the reigne of the said quéene [Page 1287] Elisabeth, which office at this daie he beareth.

Thus (although I maie be a little wetshod in pas­sing ouer the deepe sea of this difficultie of the chan­cellors, in which I am sure I am not ouer head and eares) I haue at length brought my chancellors to end: a worke of some labour and difficultie, of some search and charge, which I haue doone onelie of my selfe without the furtherance or help of some others, who more inconsideratlie than trulie doo disorderlie report, that I haue atteined vnto this in obtei­ning line 10 those names by some sinister means, from the priuat bookes of them who haue trauelled in the same matter. In which (as I said in the begining, so I saie againe) if anie imperfection for hast, by reason of the printers spéedie calling on me, haue now fallen out of my pen, it shall hereafter God willing be cor­rected in the large volume of their liues. Wherefore as I neither estéeme nor feare the secret reports of some others; so for their countries good it shall be well that they would deliuer something to the world line 20 to bring truth to perfection (if other men haue vnwil­linglie set downe error) and not as they doo, for a litle commoditie & gaine to themselues, neither benefit their countrie, nor speake well of such as would and doo helpe posteritie. Thus this much by Francis Thin, touching the chancellors of England.]

Ab. Fl. ex pub­licis aeditio­nibus B.G. & T. C.¶Here though somewhat out of place (for it should haue béene entered in 1578) it were better to record the receiuing of the quéenes maiestie into Suffolke line 30 & Norffolke, than making no commemoration ther­of at all, to let it perish in thréehalfepenie pamphlets, and so die in obliuion. It maie also serue for a rest of recreation, after so long an introduction of serious matters, as also (and that most woorthilie) maie re­maine in record, to signifie what well affected sub­iects the quéens maiestie hath within hir dominions, to whome goods, lands, friends, kindred, or life, none of these seuerallie, nor all iointlie, are so pretious and deere, but for hir sake they can find in their hearts to line 40 esteeme them as doong. And now to the matter. The truth is (saith one that wrote the whole intertein­ment) that albeit they had but small warning cer­teinlie to build vpon, The recei­uing of the quéene into Suffolke and Norffolke. of the comming of the queenes maiestie into both those shires, the gentlemen had made such readie prouision, that all the veluets and silks were taken vp that might be laid hand on, and bought for anie monie, and soone conuerted to such garments and sutes of robes, that the shew thereof might haue beautified the greatest triumph that was line 50 in England these manie yeares. The number of gentlemen that receiued the quéene in­to Suffolke. For (as it was said) there were two hundred yoong gentlemen clad all in white veluet, and three hundred of the grauer sort apparelled in blacke veluet cotes, and faire chaines, all readie at one instant and place, with fiftéene hun­dred seruing men more on horssebacke, well and brauelie mounted in good order, readie to receiue the quéenes highnesse into Suffolke, which surelie was a comelie troope, and a noble sight to behold: and all these waited on the shiriffe sir William Spring, du­ring line 60 the quéenes maiesties abode in those parties, and to the verie confines of Suffolke.

But before hir highnesse passed to Norffolke, there was in Suffolke such sumptuous feasting and ban­kets, as seldome in anie part of the world haue béene seene before. The maister of the rolles sir William Cordall was one of the first that began this great feasting, Persons of worship in Suffolke that feasted hir highnesse du­ring hir abode amongst them. and did light such a candle to the rest of the shire, that manie were glad bountifullie and franke­lie to follow the same example, with such charges and costs, as the whole traine were in some sort pleased therewith. And neere Burie sir William Drurie for his part at his house made the quéenes highnesse a costlie and delicat dinner, and sir Robert Germine of Roeshbrooke feasted the French ambassadors two seuerall times, with which charges and courtesie they stood maruellouslie contented. The shiriffe sir Wil­liam Spring, sir Thomas Kidson, sir Arthur Hig­ham, and diuerse others of worship, kept great hou­ses, and sundrie either at the quéenes comming, or re­turne, solemnelie feasted hir highnesse, yea and de­fraied the whole charges for a daie or twaine, presen­ted gifts, made such triumphs and deuises, as in­déed was most noble to behold, and verie thankfullie accepted.

The Norffolke gentlemen hearing how dutiful­lie their neighbors had receiued the prince, Norffolke in­cited by the example of Suffolke to giue y e quéene roiall inter­teinment▪ prepared in like sort to shew themselues dutifull: and so in most gallant maner they assembled and set forward with fiue and twentie hundred horssemen, wherof (as some affirme) were six hundred gentlemen, so braue­lie attired and mounted, as in déed was woorthie the noting, which goodly companie waited on their shirife a long season. But in good sooth (as it was credi­blie spoken) the bankets and feasts began here a­fresh, all kinds of triumphs that might be deuised were put in practise and proofe. The earle of Surreie did shew most sumptuous cheare, in whose parke were speaches well set out, and a speciall deuise much commended: and the rest, as a number of iollie gen­tlemen, were no whit behind to the vttermost of their abilities, in all that might be doone and de­uised.

But when the quéenes highnesse came to Nor­wich, What order was taken in Norwich for the receiuing and recreating of the quéene. the substance of the whole triumph and feasting was in a maner there new to begin. For order was taken there, that euerie daie for six daies togither, a shew of some strange deuise should be seene. And the maior and aldermen appointed among themselues and their brethren, that no one person reteining to the queene should be vnfeasted, or vnbidden to din­ner & supper, during the space of those six daies: which order was well & wiselie obserued, and gained their citie more fame and credit than they wot of: for that courtesie of theirs shall remaine in perpetuall me­morie whiles the walles of their citie standeth. Be­sides the monie they bestowed vpon diuerse of the traine, and those that tooke paines for them, will be a witnesse of their well dooing and good will, whiles the report of these things maie▪ be called to remem­brance. Now, who can (considering their great charges and discreet gouernement in these causes) but giue them due land and reputation, as farre as either pen or report maie doo them good & stretch out their credit. For most assuredlie, they haue taught and learned all the townes and cities in England a lesson, how to behaue themselues in such like seruices and actions.

On saturdaie being the sixteenth of August 1578, The maior of Norwich with his at­tendants set forth to recei [...] the quéene. and in the twentith yeare of the reigne of our most gratious souereigne ladie Elisabeth, by the grace of God quéene of England, France & Ireland, defen­der of the faith, &c: the same our most dread and soue­reigne ladie (continuing hir progresse in Norffolke) immediatlie after dinner set forward from Braken­ash, where she had dined with the ladie Stile, being fiue miles distant from Norwich, towards the same hir most dutifull citie. Sir Robert Wood then esqui­er, now knight, maior of the same citie, at one of the clocke in the same happie daie, set forward to méet with hir maiestie in this order. First there rode be­fore him well and séemelie mounted, thréescore of the most comelie yoong men of the citie, as batchellers apparelled all in blacke satten dublets, blacke hose, blacke taffata hats, and yellow bands, and their vni­uersall liuerie was a mandilion of purple taffata, laid about with siluer lase: & so apparelled they mar­ched forwards two and two in a ranke. Then one [Page 1288] which represented king Gurgunt, The builder [...] Norwich [...]astell repre­ [...]nted. sometime king of England, which builded the castell of Norwich, called Blanch Flowre, and laid the foundation of the citie. He was mounted vpon a braue courser, and was thus furnished: his bodie armed, his bases of greene and white silke: on his head a blacke veluet hat, with a plume of white feathers. There attended vpon him thrée henchmen in white and gréene: one of them did beare his helmet, the second his target, the third his staffe: after him a noble companie of gentlemen and wealthie citizens in veluet coats and other cost­lie line 10 furniture, brauelie mounted. Then followed the officers of the citie euerie one in his place. Then the sword-bearer, with the sword & hat of maintenance. Then the maior and foure and twentie aldermen, and the recorder all in scarlet gownes, whereof so manie as had béene maiors of the citie, and were iu­stices, did weare their scarlet clokes: then followed so manie as had béene shiriffs, and were no alder­men, in violet gownes and sattin tippets. Then follo­wed line 20 diuerse others, to kéepe the people from distur­bing the araie aforesaid.

Thus euerie thing in due and comelie order, they all (except Gurgunt, The founder [...] Blanch Flowre stai­ [...] person [...] meét the [...]. which staied hir maiesties com­ming within a flight shoot or two of the citie, where the castell of Blanch Flowre was in most beautifull prospect) marched forwards to a bridge, called Hart­ford bridge, the vttermost limit that waie, distant from the citie two miles or there abouts, to méet with hir maiestie; who within one houre or little line 30 more after their attendance, came in such gratious and princelie wise, as rauished the harts of all hir louing subiects, and might haue terrified the stoutest heart of anie enimie to behold. Whether the maie­stie of the prince, which is incomparable; or ioie of hir subiects, which excéeded measure, were the greater, I thinke would haue appalled the iudgement of Apollo to define. The acclamations and cries of the people to the almightie God for the preseruation of hir ma­iestie ratled so lowd, as hardly for a great time could line 40 anie thing be heard. But at last, as euerie thing hath an end, the noise appeased: and the maior saluted hir highnesse with the oration following, and yéelded to hir maiestie therewith the sword of the citie, and a faire standing cup of siluer and guilt, with a couer, and in the cup one hundred pounds in gold. The ora­tion was in these words.

Praetoris Nordouicensis ad se­renissimam Reginam, &c. line 50

SI nobis ab Opt. Max. concederetur optio quid rerū humanarū nunc potissi­mùm vellemus: nihil duceremus anti­quius (augustissima princeps) quàm vt tuus ille, qui ita nos recreat, castissimi ocelli radius posset in abditissimos cordium nostrorū angulos se conferre. Cerneres profectò quanta sint hilaritate perfusa, quàm in ipsis arterijs & venulis spiritus line 60 & sanguis gestiant: dumintuemur te huius regni lumen (vt Dauid olim fuit Israelitici) in hijs tan­dem finibus post longam spem, [...] pro [...] fratri­ [...] ob [...]estatio. & ardentissima vo­ta exoriri. Equidem vt pro me, qui tua ex authori­tate & clementia (quod humillimis gratijs profite­or) celeberrimae huic ciuitati praesum, & pro hijs meis fratribus, at (que) omni hoc populo quem tuis au­spicijs regimus, ex illorum sensuloquar, quod & ipse sentio: sic nos demum supplicibus votis expo­scimus, vt maiestatem tuam beneuolam nobis, & propitiam experiamur: vt nunquam cuiquam po­pulo aduenisti gratior quàm nobis. In illius rei lucu­lentissimū indicium, insignia haec honoris, & offi­cij nostri, Henricus quar­tus ciuitati Nordouicensi princeps mu­nificentssimus quae nobis clementissimus princeps Hen­ricus quartus quinto sui regni anno cū praetore, se­natoribus, & vicecomitibus cōcessit: (cum antea balliuis (vt vocant) vltra annalium nostrorum memoriam regeremur) perpetuis deinde regum priuilegijs, & corroborata nobis, & aucta magni­ficè, maiestati tuae omnia exhibemus, quae per tu­am vnius clementiam (quam cum immortalibus gratijs praedicare nunquam cessabimus) vicesimo iam anno tenuimus: at (que) vnâ cum illis, hunc the­saurum, Praetoris p [...]ose su [...]s (que) tratri­bus quàm sig­nificanter facta o [...]atio. quasi pignus nostrarum & voluntatum & facultatum. Quas omnes, quantae, quantulaeu [...] sint, ad tuum arbitrium deuouimus: vt si quid om­ni hoc foelicissimi tui temporis decursu admisimus, quod amantissimos, obsequentissimos, amplitudinis tuae saluti, coronae, emolumento deuotissimos non deceat: statuas de nobis, & nostris omnibus, pro tua clementissima voluntate. Sin ita clauum huius ciuitatis (Deo duce) reximus: vt eam in portu saluam maiestati tuae conseruauerimus, & popu­lum primum gloriae Dei, & verae religionis, dein­de salutis, honoris, & voluntatis tuae studiosissi­mum, quantum in nobis est, effecerimus: tum non libet nobis id à te petere, quod insita tibi singularis clementia facillimè à te ipsa impetrabit. Tantum obsecramus, vt amplitudinem tuam Deus omni­bus & animi & corporis bonis cumulatissimè bea­re velit, Amen.

The maiors oration to the queene Englished.

IF our wish should be granted vnto vs by the almightie, what humane thing wee would chieflie desire: we would account nothing more pretious (most roial prince) than that the bright beame of your most chast eie which dooth so cheare vs, might pearse the secret and strait corners of our hearts. Then surelie should you see how great ioies are dispersed there, and how the spirits and liuelie bloud tickle in our arteries & small veines, in beholding you the light of this realme (as Dauid was of Israel) now at length, after long hope and earnest petitions, to appeare in these coasts. Tru­lie on mine owne part, which by your highnesse au­thoritie and clemencie (with humble thanks bee it spoken) doo gouerne this famous citie, The maior speaketh in his owne and his brethren the alderaiens behalfe. and on the part of these my brethren, and all these people which by your authoritie we rule (speaking as they meane, and as I my selfe doo thinke) this onelie with all our hearts and humble praiers we desire, that we maie so find your maiestie gratious and fauourable vnto vs, as you for your part neuer came to anie subiects bet­ter welcome than to vs your poore subiects here. For most manifest token whereof, we present vnto your maiestie here, these signes of honor and office, which we receiued of the most mightie prince Henrie the fourth, in the fift yere of his reigne, Henrie the fourth a most bounti [...]u [...]l prince to the citie of Nor­wich. then to vs granted in the name of maior, aldermen and shiriffs; whereas before time out of mind or mention, we were gouer­ned by bailiffs (as they tearme them) which euer since haue beene both established and increased with con­tinuall priuileges of kings: and which by your onelie clemencie (which with immortall thanks we shall neuer cease to declare) we haue now these twentie yeares inioied: and togither with those signes, this treasure is a pledge of our good willes and abilitie: which all how great or little so euer they be, wee powre downe at your pleasure, A most duti­full submis­sion. that if we haue neg­lected anie thing in all this course of your most hap­pie reigne, which becommeth most louing, obedient and well willing subiects to performe, for the preser­uation of your crowne, and aduancement of your [Page 1289] highnesse, you maie then determine of vs and all ours at your most gratious pleasure. But if we haue (God being our guide) so ordered the gouernance of this citie, that we haue kept the same in safetie to your maiesties vse, and made the people therein (as much as in vs lieth) first most studious of Gods glorie and true religion, Wherein the dutie of sub­iects chieflie consisteth. and next of your maiesties health, ho­nour, and pleasure; then aske we nothing of you: for that the singular clemencie ingraffed in your high­nesse, will easilie of it selfe grant that which is requi­sit line 10 for vs to obteine. We onelie therefore desire, that God would abundantlie blesse your highnesse with all good gifts of mind and bodie.

Which oration ended, hir maiestie accepting in good part euerie thing deliuered by the maior, did thankefullie answer him in these words, or verie like in effect: The quéens maiesties ac­ceptable an­swer vttered by hir owne mouth in per­son. We hartilie thanke you maister maior, and all the rest, for these tokens of goodwill; neuer­thelesse, princes haue no néed of monie: God hath indued vs abundantlie, we come not therefore, but line 20 for that which in right is our owne, the hearts and true allegiance of our subiects, which are the grea­test riches of a kingdome; whereof as we assure our selues in you, so doo you assure your selues in vs of a louing and gratious souereigne. Wherewith was deliuered to the maior, a mace or scepter, which he carried before hir to hir lodging, which was in the bishop of Norwich his palace, two miles distant from that place. The cup and monie was deliuered to a gentleman, one of hir maiesties footmen to car­rie. line 30 The maior said to hir, Sunt hîc centum librae puri auri. The couer of the cup lifted vp, hir maiestie said to the footmen; Looke to it, there is 100 pounds. With that hir highnesse, with the whole companie, marched towards Norwich, till they came to a place called the Towne close, distant from the citie a good flightshot, where the partie which represented Gur­gunt came forth, as in due maner is expressed, and was readie to haue declared to hir maiestie this spéech following; Gurguntius his spéech cut off by a showre of raine. but by reason of a showre of raine line 40 which came, hir maiestie hasted awaie, the spéech not vttered. But thus it was as here followeth.

Leaue off to muse most gratious prince of English soile,
What sudden wight in martiall wise approcheth neere:
Gurguntius the el [...]est son of Belinus.
King Gurgunt I am hight, king Belins eldest sonne,
Whose sire Dunwallo first, the British crowne did weare.
Whom truthlesse Gutlacke forst to passe the surging seas,
His falshod to reuenge, and Denmarke land to spoile.
And finding in returne, this place a gallant vent,
This castle faire I built, a fort from forren soile:
To win a conquest, get renowme and glorious name,
To keepe and vse it well, deserues eternall fame.
When brute through cities, townes, the woods & dales did sound: line 50
Elizabeth this countrie peerelesse queene drew neere:
I was found out, my selfe in person noble queene
Did hast, before thy face in presence to appeare.
The ancient­nesse of Nor­wich citie by the founders age may be gathered.
Two thousand yeares welnie in silence lurking still:
Heare, why to thee alone this seruice I doo yeeld.
Besides that, at my cities sute their founder first
Should gratulat most this ioifull sight in open field,
Foure speciall points and rare concurring in vs both
This speciall seruice haue reserud to thee alone:
The glorie though of each in thee dooth far surmount,
Yet great with small compard, will like appeare anon.
When doubtfull warres the British princes long had wroong,
My grandsire first vniting all did weare the crowne.
Of Yorke and Lancaster, who did conclude those broiles?
King Henrie the seuenth, and king Hen­rie the eight.
Thy grandsire Henrie seuenth, a king of great renowne.
Mine vncle Brennus eke, my father ioining hands, line 60
Old Rome did rase and sacke, and halfe consume with fire:
Thy puissant father so, new Rome that purple whore
Did sacke and spoile hir neere, of all hir glittering tire.
Lo Cambridge schooles by mine assignement founded first,
By thee my Cambridge schooles are famous through the world,
I thirtie wandring ships of banisht men relieued.
The throngs of banisht soules that in this citie dwell,
Do weepe for ioy: and praie for thee with teares vntold:
Gurguntius yeeldeth his estate to the quéene.
In all these things thou noble queene doost far excell.
But lo to thee I yeeld as dutie dooth me bind
In open field my selfe, my citie, castle, keie,
Most happie fathers kings in such a daughter queene,
Most happie England were, if thou shouldst neuer die.
Go on most noble prince, for I must hast awaie
My citie gates doo long, their souereigne to receaue:
More true thou neuer couldst, nor loiall subiects find,
Whose harts full fast with perfect loue to thee doo cleaue.

Then hir maiestie drew néere the gates of the citie called saint Stephans gates, which with the wals there were both gallantlie and stronglie repared. S. Stephans gates in Nor­wich richlie beautified. The gate it selfe was thus inriched and beautified. First the portcullice was new made both timber & iron. Then the outward side of the gate was thus beautified. The quéenes armes were most richlie and beautifullie set forth in the chiefe front of the gate. On the one side thereof, but somewhat lower, was placed the scutchion of saint George his crosse: on the other side, the armes of the citie: and directlie vnder the queenes maiesties armes, was placed the falcon, hir highnesse badge, in due forme, and vn­der the same were written these words, God and the queene we serue. The inner side of the gate was thus beautified. On the right side was gorgeouslie set foorth the red rose, signifieng the house of Yorke; on the left side the white rose, representing the house of Lancaster; in the midst was the white and red rose vnited, expressing the vnion, The vnion of the white rose and the red. vnder the which was placed by descent the armes of the quéene, and vnder that were written these verses following.

Diuision kindled strife,
Blist vnion quencht the flame:
Thense sprang our noble Phenix deare,
The pearelesse prince of fame.

And besides that, at this gate, the waits of the ci­tie were placed with lowd musicke, who cheerefullie & melodiouslie welcomed hir maiestie into the citie, this song being soong by the best voices in the same.

The deaw of heauen drops this daie
on drie and barren ground,
Wherefore let fruitfull hearts I saie
at drum and trumpets sound
Yeeld that is due, shew that is meet,
to make our ioy the more,
In our good hope, and hir great praise,
we neuer saw before.
The sun dooth shine where shade hath beene,
long darkenesse brought vs daie,
The star of comfort now come in,
and here a while will staie.
Ring out the bels, plucke vp your spreets,
and dresse your houses gaie,
Run in for floures to strew the streets,
and make what ioy you maie.
The deaw of heauen, &c.
Full manie a winter haue we seene,
and manie stormes withall,
Since here we saw a king or queene
in pompe and princelie pall.
Wherefore make feast and banket still,
and now to triumph fall,
With dutie let vs shew good will,
to glad both great and small.
The deaw of heauen, &c.
The realme throughout will ring of this,
and sundrie regions mo
Will say, full great our fortune is,
when our good hap they kno.
O Norwich, heere the welspring runs,
whose vertue still dooth flo,
And lo this day dooth shine two suns
within thy wals also.
The deaw of heauen, &c.

This song ended, hir highnesse passed towards hir lodging, & by the waie in a church-yard, ouer against maister Pecks doore (a woorthie alderman) was a scaffold set vp & brauelie trimmed. On this scaffold was placed an excellent boy, well and gallantlie dec­ked, in a long white robe of taffata, a crimsin scarffe wrought with gold, folded on the Turkish fashion a­bout his browes, and a gaie garland of white flowers on his head, which boie was not séene, till the quéene had a good season marked the musicke, which was maruellous swéet and good, albeit the rudenesse of some ringers of bels did somewhat hinder the noise and harmonie: and as soone as the musike ended, the boy stepped reuerendlie before the queene, and spake these woords that follow in comelie order.

Great things were meant to welcome thee (O queene)
The boies speach at ma­ster Pecks doore.
If want of time had not cut off the same:
Great was our wish, but [...]mall is that was seene,
For vs to shew before so great a dame.
Great hope we haue it pleasd our princes eie,
Great were the harmes that else our paines should reape:
Our grace or foile dooth in your iudgement li [...],
If you mislike, our griefs doo grow on heape:
If for small things we doo great fauour find,
[Page 1290]Great is the ioy that Norwich feeles this daie:
If well we waid the greatnesse of your mind,
Few words would serue, we had but small to saie.
But knowing that your goodnesse takes things well
That well are meant, we boldlie did proceed:
And so good queene, both welcome and farewell,
Thine owne we are in heart, in word, and deed.

The boy there vpon flang vp his garland, and the quéenes highnes said, The quéene liked this deuise. This deuise is fine. Then the noise of musike began againe, to heare the which the quéene staid a good while, and after departed to the ca­thedrall church, which was not far from thense. Then line 10 passed she forwards through saint Stephans stréet, The first pa­geant was in S. Stephans parish in this man [...]r. where the first pageant was placed in forme follow­ing. It was builded somewhat in maner like a stage of 40 foot long, & in breadth eight foot. From the stan­ding place vpward was a bank framed in maner of a frée stone wall, & in the height therof were written sentences, that is to saie: The causes of this common wealth are, God trulie preached, Iustice dulie execu­ted, The people obedient, Idlenesse expelled, Labour cherished, Uniuersall concord preserued. line 20

From the standing place downewards it was beautified with painters worke, How the pa­geant was beautified with repre­sentation of the mysteries of the citie. artificiallie expres­sing to sight the portraiture of these seuerall loomes, and the weauers in them (as it were working) and ouer euerie loome the name thereof, that is to saie. Ouer the first loome was written, the weauing of worsted: ouer the second, the weauing of russels: o­uer the third, the weauing of darnix: ouer the fourth, the weauing of iust mockado: the fift, the weauing of lace: the sixt, the weauing of caffa: the seuenth, the line 30 weauing of fringe. And then was there the portrai­ture of a matrone, and two or three children, and ouer hir head was written these words: Good nurture changeth qualities. Upon the stage there stood at the one end eight small women children spining worsted yarne, and at the other end as manie knitting of worsted yarne hose: and in the middest of the said stage stood a pretie boy richlie apparelled, which repre­sented the common wealth of the citie. And all the rest of the stage was furnished with men, which line 40 made the said seuerall works, and before euerie man the worke in déed. Euerie thing thus readie, and hir maiestie come, the child representing the common wealth, spake to hir highnesse these words following.

Most gratious prince, vndoubted souereigne queene,
Our onelie ioy next God, and chiefe defense:
In this small shew, our whole estate is seene,
The wealth we haue, we find proceed from thense,
The idle hand hath here no place to feed,
The painfull wight hath still to serue his need.
Againe, our seat denies our traffike heere,
The sea too neare decides vs from the rest,
So weake we were within this doozen yeare, line 50
As care did quench the courage of the best:
But good aduise hath taught these little hands,
To rend in twaine the force of pining bands.
From combed wooll we draw this slender threed,
  • 1. Pointing to the spinners.
  • 2. Pointing to the loomes.
  • 3. Pointing to the workes.
From thense the loomes haue dealing with the same,
And thense againe in order doo proceed,
These seuerall works which skilfull art dooth frame:
And all to driue dame need into hir caue,
Our heads and hands togither labourd haue.
We bought before the things that now we sell,
These slender impes, their works doo passe the waues,
Gods peace and thine, we hold and prosper well,
Of euerie mouth the hands the charges saues.
Thus through thy helpe and aid of power diuine,
Dooth Norwich liue, whose hearts and goods are thine. line 60

This shew pleased hir maiestie so greatlie, as she particularlie viewed the knitting & spinning of the children, perused the loomes, and noted the seuerall works and commodities which were made by these means: and then after great thanks by hir giuen to the people, marched towards the market place, where was the second pageant thwarting the stréet at the enterance of the market, The second pageant with the situation of the same, and what re­presentations & bare. betwéene master Skinner & master Quash, being in bredth two and fiftie foot of assise, and was diuided into three gates, in the midst a maine gate, & on either side a posterne: the maine gate in breadth fourtéene foot, each posterne eight foot, their heights equall to their proportion: ouer each po­sterne was as it were a chamber, which chambers were replenished with musike. Ouer all the gates passed a stage of eight foot brode, in manerof a page­ant, curious, rich, & delitefull. The whole worke, from the pageant downewards, séemed to be iasper & mar­ble. In the forefront towards hir maiestie was the armes of England on the one side the gate, & on the other side the Which is hir owne badge.falcon with crowne and scepter. The other side was beautified with the arms of England on the one side of the gate, & the crest of England on the other. The pageant was furnisht with fiue perso­nages apparelled like women. The first was the citie of Norwich; the second Debora; the third Iudith; the fourth Hester; the fift Martia, sometime quéene of England. At the first sight of the prince, These mu­sicians were inclosed in the cham­bers of the said pageant. & till hir ma­iesties comming to the pageant, the musicians vsed their lowd musike, and then ceassed: wherewith hir highnesse staied, to whome the personage represen­ting the citie of Norwich, did speake in these words.

Whom fame resounds with thundring trump,
ratling skies▪
that rends the
And perseth to the hautie heauens, and thense descending flies
Through flickering aire: and so conioines the sea & shore togither,
In admiration of thy grace, good queene thart welcome hither:
The citie of Norwich speaketh to the quéenes mai [...]stie.
More welcome than Terpsicore was to the towne of Troie.
Sea-faring men by Gemini conceiue not halfe my ioie.
Strong Hercules to Theseus was neuer such delight,
Nor Nisus to Eurialus as I haue in this sight.
Penelope did neuer thirst Ulysses more to see,
Than I poore Norwich hungred haue to gaine the sight of thee.
And now that these my happie eies behold thy heauenlie face,
The Lord of lords I humblie praie, to blisse thy noble grace
With Nestors life, with Sibils helth, with Cresus stocke & store,
With all good gifts of Salomon, and twise as manie more.
What shuld I saie? Thou art my ioy next God, I haue none other,
My princesse & my peerlesse queene, my louing nursse and mother.
My goods & lands, my hands and hart, my lims and life are thine,
What is mine owne in right or thought, to thee I doo resigne.
How Nor­wich is affec­ted to the quéenes high­nesse.
Grant then (oh gratious souereigne queene) this onlie my request,
That that wh [...]ch shall be doone in me, be construed to the best.
And take in part my slender shewes, wherein my whole pretense
Is for to please your maiestie, and end without offense.
So shall I clap my hands for ioy, and hold my selfe as rich
As if I had the gold of Iude, and double twise as mich.
Where princes sitting in their thrones set God before their sight
Then spake Debora the second person.
And liue according to his law, and guide their people right,
There doth his blessed gifts abound, there kingdoms firmlie stand
There force of foes cannot preuaile, nor furie f [...]et the land.
My selfe (oh peerlesse prince) doo speake by proofe of matter past,
Which proofe by practise I performd, and foild his foes at last.
For Iabin king of Canaan, poore Israell did spite,
And meant by force of furious rage to ouerrun vs quite.
Nine hundred iron chariots, he brought into the field,
With cruell capteine Sisera by force to make vs yeeld.
His force was great, his fraud was more, he fought, we did defend,
And twentie winters long did last this warre without an end.
But he that neither sleepes nor slackes such furies to correct,
Appointed me Debora for the iudge of his elect:
And did deliuer Sisera into a womans hand,
I slue them all, and so in rest his people held the land.
So mightie prince, that puisant Lord, hath plast thee here to be,
The applica­tion of the former exam­ples.
The rule of this triumphant realme alone belongs to thee.
Continue as thou hast begun, weed out the wicked rout,
Uphold the simple, meeke and good, pull downe the proud & stout.
Thus shalt thou liue and reigne in rest, & mightie God shalt please,
Thy state be sure, thy subiects safe, thy commonwealth at ease.
Thy God shall grant thee length of life, to glorifie his name,
Thy deeds shall be recorded in the booke of lasting fame.
Oh floure of grace, oh prime of Gods elect,
Then spake Iudith the third person.
Oh mightie queene and finger of the Lord,
Did God sometime by me poore wight correct
The champion stout, that him and his abhord?
Then be thou sure thou art his mightie hand,
To conquer those which him and thee withstand.
The rage of foes Bethulia did oppresse,
The people faint were readie for to yeeld:
God aided me poore widow nerthelesse,
To enter into Holofernes field,
And with this sword by his directing hand,
To slaie his fo, and quiet so the land.
If this his grace were giuen to me poore wight,
The applica­tiō of the for­mer examples
If widowes hand could vanquish such a fo:
Then to a prince of thy surpassing might,
What tyrant liues but thou maist ouerthro?
Perseuere then his seruant as thou art,
And hold for aie a noble victors part.
The fretting heads of furious foes haue skill,
Then Hester spake the fourth person.
As well by fraud as force to find their preie.
In smiling lookes dooth lurke a lot as ill,
As where both sterne and sturdie streams doo swaie,
Thy selfe oh queene, a proofe hast seene of this,
So well as I poore Hester haue Iwis.
As Iabins force did Israell perplex,
And Holofernes fierce Bethulia besiege,
So Hamans slights sought me and mine to vex,
Yet shewd a face of subiect to his liege.
But force no fraud, nor tyrant strong can trap,
Those whom the Lord in his defense dooth wrap.
[Page 1291]The proofes I speake by vs haue erst bin seene,
The applica­tion of the for­mer exāples.
The proofes I speake, to thee are not vnknowne.
Thy God thou knowst most dread and souereigne queene,
A world of foes of thine hath euerthrowne,
And hither now triumphantlie dooth call
Thy noble grace, the comfort of vs all.
Doost thou not see the ioie of all this flocke?
Uouchsafe to view their passing gladsome cheare,
Be still (good queene) their refuge and their rocke,
As they are thine to serue in loue and feare:
So fraud, nor force, nor foreine fo may stand
Against the strength of thy most puissant hand.
With long discourse (oh puissant prince) some tract of time we spend,
Then [...] Mar­tia the fift per­son.
Uouchsafe yet now a little more, and then we make an end. line 10
[...] blast of fame, whereof dame Norwich first did speake,
Not onelie shooke the aire and skies, but all the earth did breake,
It rent vp graues, and bodies raisd, ech spirit tooke his place,
And this alonelie word was heard: Here comes the pearle of grace,
Here coms the iewell of the world, hir peoples whole delight,
The paragon of present time, and prince of earthlie might.
The voice was strange, the wonder more: for when we viewd the earth
Ech prince that earst had reigned here, receiud againe his breath,
And with his breath, a libertie to hold againe his place,
If anie one amongst vs all exceed your noble grace.
Some comfort euerie one conceiud to catch againe his owne,
His vtmost skill was trimlie vsde, to haue his vertues knowne.
The plaies surpasse my skill to tell. But when ech one had said,
Apoll [...] did himselfe appeare and made vs all dismaid.
Will you contend with hir (quoth he) within whose sacred brest line 20
Dame Pallas and my selfe haue framd our souereigne seat of rest?
Whose skill directs the muses nine, whose grace dooth Uenus staine:
Hir eloquence like Mercurie: like Iuno in hir traine?
Whose God is that eternall Ioue which holds vs all in awe?
Beleeue me, you exceed the bounds of equitie and lawe.
Therewith they shronke themselues aside, not one I could espie,
They coucht them in their caues againe and that full quietlie.
Yet I that Martia hight, which sometime ruld this land,
As queene for thirtie three yeares space, gat licence at his hand,
And so Gurguntius did, my husbands father deere,
Which built this towne and castell both, to make our homage here,
Which homage mightie queene accept: the realme and right is thine,
The crowne, the scepter, and the sword to thee we doo resigne,
And wish to God, that thou maist reigne, twise Nestors yeares in peace,
Triumphing ouer all thy foes, to all our ioies increase, Amen. line 30
Herewith she passed vnder the gate, with such shanks as plainelie expressed hir noble nature: and the musicians within the gate vpon their soft instru­ments vsed broken musike, and one sang this dittie.
From slumber soft as I fell fast asleepe,
A dittie soong to soft musicke at the queénes entrance vn­der the gate.
From sleepe to dreame, from dreame to deepe delight,
Ech gem the gods had giuen the world to keepe
In princelie wise came present to my sight:
Such solace then did sinke into my mind,
As mortall man on mould could neuer find.
The gods did striue, and yet their strifes were sweet, line 40
Ech one would haue a vertue of hir owne.
Dame Iuno thought the highest place most meet
For hir, bicause of riches was hir throne.
Dame Uenus thought by reason of hir loue
That she might claime the high [...]st place aboue.
The virgins state Diana still did praise,
And Ceres praisd the fruit of fertile soile:
And Prudence did dame Pallas chieflie raise,
Minerua all for eloquence did striue,
They smild to see their quarelling estate,
And Ioue himselfe decided their debate.
My sweets (quoth he) leaue off your sugred strife,
In equall place I haue assignd you all:
A souereigne wight there is that beareth life,
In whose sweete hart I haue inclosd you all. line 50
Of England soile she is the souereigne queene,
Your vigors there doo florish fresh and greene.
They skipt for ioy, and gaue their franke consent,
The noise resounded to the hautie skie:
With one lowd voice they cried all, content,
They clapt their hands, and therewith waked I.
The world and they concluded with a breath,
And wisht long reigne to queene Elisabeth.

The place of the queénes a­bode during the time of hir tariance in Norwich.Herewith she passed through the market place, which was goodlie garnished, and thense through the other stréets which were trimlie decked, directlie to the cathedrall church, where Te Deum was soong, and after seruice she went to the bishops palace, where line 60 hir maiestie kept the time she continued in Nor­wich. All this was on saturdaie the sixtéenth of Au­gust 1578. On the next daie after, which was sun­daie, when princes commonlie come not abroad (and time is occupied with sermons and laudable exerci­ses) T. C. was to watch a conuenient season, where and how might be vttered the things that were pre­pared for pastime. And so vpon mondaie before sup­per, he made a deuise, as though Mercurie had beene sent from the gods, to request the quéene to come a­broad, & behold what was deuised for hir welcome, the whole matter whereof dooth follow.

The manner of Mercuries coch & mes­sage to the queene, reque­sting hir high­nesse to come abroad, and see what pastime the gods had prouided for so noble a prince.The coch that Mercurie came in vnto the quéene, was closelie kept in secret a long season, and when the time came it must passe towards the court, it had a trumpetter with it, and the cochman was made to driue so fast, as the horsses should seeme to flie, which was so well obserued, as the people woondered at the swiftnesse therof, and followed it in such flocks and multitudes, that scarse in a great greene (where the preaching place is) might be found roome for anie more people. And when the coch approched in the hearing of a trumpet, the trumpetter sounded, and so came in to the greene sounding, vntill the coch was full placed before a window at the which the quéene stood, and might be plainelie séene and open­lie viewed. When Mercurie had espied hir highnesse, he skipped out of the coch, and being on the ground, gaue a iumpe or two, and aduanced himselfe in such a sort, that the quéene smiled at the boldnesse of the boie. Thus Mercurie beholding the quéene with great courage and audacitie, at the length bowed downe his head, and immediatlie stood bolt vpright, and shaked his rod, and so began his spéech with a most assured countenance, and brauelie pronounced it in déed, to his great liking and commendation.

Muse not good queene at me that message brings
From Ioue or iust Iehoua Lord of might,
No earthlie god, yet gouerns mortall things,
And sprites diuine, and shunning angels bright.
This lord of late to shew his mightie power,
Hath wonders wrought when world lookt least therefore:
For at his becke, this daie and present hower,
The heauens shakt, the thunderbolts did rore.
The earth did moue, the dead therein did rise,
And out of graue the ghosts of men are gone,
The wandring sprites that houered in the skies
Dropt downe from aire▪ for world to wonder on.
The saints themselues that sat in glorie great,
Were sent in hast to worke Iehouas will,
He reuealeth what he is by office.
And I that oft my restlesse wings doo beat,
Was cald to vse my wings and office still.
A common post is Mercurie you know,
When he commands that made the world of nought.
And flies as fast as arrow out of bow,
When message may expresse Iehouas thought.
Whose power diuine full long yer this hath seene,
That in this place should lodge a sacred queene.
And weigheng well, the prince whereof I speake,
Might wearie wax of common pastimes heere,
(For that he knowes hir iudgement is not weake)
Deuisd aboue, below there should appeere
(To welcome hir) some sights that rare should seeme,
And carelesse stood, what world thereof did deeme,
So that good queene, you take them well in worth.
Rare sights if anie such were as Mercurie nameth.
No sooner had Iehoua meant these things,
But clouds clapt hands, and soules of men came foorth
Of heauen gates, yea goodlie crowned kings
Were flowen abroad from blessed Abrams brest:
Some in the aire, and tops of trees did rest,
Some fell on towres and statelie houses high,
Some sunke in seas, whose names were drowned now,
And some did light on land where euerie eie
May them behold, and note their manners throw.
And therewithall the blacke infernall spreets
Ran out of hell, the earth so trembling than,
And like yoong lads they hopt about the streets,
The satyres wild, in forme and shape of man,
Crept through the woods, and thickets full of breers,
The water nymphs, and feiries streight appeers
In vncouth formes and fashion strange to view:
The hags of hell that hatefull are of kind,
To please the time had learnd a nature new,
And all those things that man can call to mind,
Were glad to come and doo their dutie throw.
I seeing this, cald for my coch in hast,
Abide sir boie, then said Iehoua now,
Thou goest not yet vntill a prince be plast,
Where I appoint, thou hast nothing to saie.
Then still I stood, to know what should be done.
Mercurie is attentiue to his charge.
With that a swarme of people euerie waie
Like little ants about the fields gan run,
Some to prouide for pompe and triumph great,
Some for good fare, yea houshold cates and meat,
And some they ran to seeke where poets dwell,
To pen foorth shews and paint out trifles well.
Some haild and puld to bring the carrege in,
Some ran to gaze on triumph neere at hand,
And some stood mute, as they amazd had bin
To see a court and princelie noble band
Come marching on, and make heere their abode.
But when I saw the carrege heere vnlode,
And well had weid the wonders I haue told,
O mightie God (quoth I) now giue me leane
The charge giuen by Iu­piter to Mer­curie for y e re­creation of the quéene.
To go from thee some message to vnfold,
That by my speech the hearers may conceiue.
Thy godhead great hath brought this princesse here.
It shall be so (quoth he) dispatch and part,
And tell hir that she is to me so deere,
That I appoint by mans deuise and art,
That euerie daie she shall see sundrie shoes,
[Page 1292]If that she please to walke and take the aire,
And that so soone as out of doore she goes
(If time doo serue and weather waxeth faire)
Some od deuise shall meet hi [...] highnesse streigth,
To make hir smile, and ease hir burthened brest,
And take away the cares and things of weight
That princes feele, that findeth greatest rest.
When I had thus receiud my charge at full,
My golden rod in liuelie hand I tooke,
And bad in hast my flieng horses pull.
But yer I past, I gan about me looke,
To see that coch, and ech thing gallant were:
So downe I came all winged as you see.
And sith I haue espide that princesse there,
That greatest kings doo sue to by degree, line 10
The quéenes rare estate described.
And manie mo that sues no whit, doo feare
I kisse hir steps, and shew my maisters will,
And leaue with hir such graces from aboue,
As alwaies shall command hir peoples loue,
(Uphold hir reigne, mainteine hir regall state,
Find out false harts, and make of subiects true,
Plant perfect peace, and root vp all debate)
So with this grace good queene now heere adue,
For I may now on earth no longer staie,
Thus seruants must to maisters will obaie.

Mercurie hauing thus spoken to the quéene, whose gratious inclination is such, as will not haue anie thing dutifullie offered to passe vnregarded, line 20 was well heard, hir highnes standing at a window, and the spéech verie well taken and vnderstood. Mer­curie as he came passed awaie, at whose coch the peo­ple that had seldome séene such a deuise maruelled, and gazed verie much; for it had horsses to draw it finelie painted and winged, The descrip­tion of Mer­curies coch. to as great shew and or­der of that it presented, as wit might imagine: the cochman sutable to the same, and a trumpetter in right good garments, as decent for that purpose as could be deuised. But the coch was made and fra­med line 30 on such a fashion as few men haue séene: the whole whereof was couered with birds and naked spirits, hanging by the heeles in the aire and clouds, cunninglie painted out, as though by some thunder cracke they had béene shaken and tormented: yet staied by power diuine in their places, to make the more woonder and miraculous shew. And on the middle of that coch stood a high compassed tower be­decked with golden and gaie iewels, in the top wher­of was placed a faire plume of white feathers, all to bespanged and trimmed to the most brauerie: The descrip­tion of Mer­curie, his at­tire, abili­ments, &c. Mer­curie line 40 himselfe in blew satin lined with cloth of gold, his garments cut and slashed on the finest maner, a peaked hat of the same colour, as though it should cut and seuer the wind asunder; and on the same a paire of wings, and wings on his héeles likewise. And on his golden rod were little wings also, about the which rod were two wrigling or scralling ser­pents, which séemed to haue life when the rod was mooued or shaken. So in this sort and forme was line 50 Mercurie and his coch set foorth, and indéed at such a season as a great sort looked not for anie shew, nor things were readie, as some thought, to performe that was necessarie and expected: yet hap was so good, and the gratious fauour of the prince, that all was well taken, and construed to the best meaning of the deuisor. So ended that daies deuise, which of­fered occasion to further matter.

On tuesdaie following (for before that daie by meanes of the weather the quéene went not abrode) a verie pretie and pleasant shew was performed be­fore line 60 hir highnes without saint Benets gates, as she went towards Cossie parke to hunt. At which sea­son, although the deuisor was not well prouided of things necessarie for a shew (by meane of some cros­sing causes in the citie) yet hearing the quéene rode abrode, The deuisor ventureth the hazard of a shew. determined as he might (and yet by helpe of freends and hap) verie well to venture the hazard of a shew, and to be full in the waie where hir highnesse shuld passe towards hir dinner. In which determina­tion manie doubts were to be cast, and manie per­suaded him to tarrie a better time. But considering how time rolled on, and daies and houres did wast (without dooing anie thing promised and not perfor­med) he hastilie prepared his boies and men with all their furnitures, and so set forward with two coches handsomlie trimmed. The common people beholding the maner thereof, and gréedie to gaze on that should be doone, followed as their fansies did lead them: so that when the deuisor and his retinue came into the o­pen field, there was as great a traine and prease a­bout the shew, as came with the court at that in­stant, which graced much the matter, and gaue it some expected hope of good successe.

First, there was a fained deuise, The whole manner of the deuise or shew. that Uenus and Cupid were thrust out of heauen, and walking on the earth, met a philosopher; who demanded from whense they came. They told the philosopher what they were, and he replied, and began with truth & tants to tickle them so néere, that Uenus fell in a great an­ger, and Cupid ran awaie, and left his mother and the philosopher disputing togither. But Cupid bicause he would be nourished somewhere, ran to the court, and there sought for succor, & incountring the quéene began to complaine his state and his mothers, and told how the philosopher had handled them both. But finding neither answer nor aid, he returned againe, but not to his mother, for she was fallen mad vpon a conceipt that she was not made of. And Cupid wan­dering in the world, met with dame Chastitie & hir maids, called Modestie, Temperance, Good exercise, and Shame fastnes: Dame Chasti­tie & hir maids incounter with Cupid. and she with hir foure maids in­countring Cupid in a goodlie coch, and without anie honest gard waiting on him, set vpon him, threw him out of his golden seat, trod on his pompe, spoi­led him of his counterfeit godhead and cloke, & tooke awaie his bow and quiuer of arrows, the one headed with lead, and the other with gold, and so sent him like a fugitiue awaie, and mounted vp into the coch hir selfe and hir maids, and so came to the queene, and rehersed what had hapned. Although this was done in hir view, & bicause (said Chastitie) that the quéene had chosen the best life, she gaue the quéene Cupids bow, to learne to shoot at whom she pleased, sith none could wound hir highnesse heart, it was méet (said Chastitie) that she should doo with Cupids bow & ar­rows what she pleased; and so did Chastitie depart as she said to the powers diuine. Cupid in the meane while wandering in the world had found out Wan­tonnesse and Riot, What associ­ats Cupid found out to kéepe him companie. who soone fell into beggerie and ruine (a spectacle to be looked into) and felt such dai­lie miserie with Wantonnesse and Riot, that Cupid was forced to fling awaie once againe, and hazard himselfe to fall into the hands of naughtie people, or where fortune assigned: and comming abrode, hap­pened vpon the philosopher, who talked with him a­gaine, told him his errors, and other points of pride and presumption; declaring it was a great blasphe­mie & abuse, to report & beleeue that in heauen were anie other gods but one, who had the onelie rule of all, & that made all of naught. In which reasoning & discourse Cupid waxed warme, & yet in his greatest heat knew not how nor where to coole himselfe, at which time came Wantonnesse & Riot, & persuaded Cupid to plaie no longer the foole in striuing with philosophers, and go awaie with them. So Cupid de­parted, & went awaie with Wantonnesse and Riot, & the philosopher remained, & declared that all abuses & follies shuld come to no better end than presentlie was expressed by the miserie of Wantonnesse, Riot, and Cupid. Then Modestie and hir fellows, Chastitie and hir maids matched togi­ther, &c. leauing their mistresse dame Chastitie with the powers di­uine, came soft and faire in their mistresse coch, sing­ing a song of chaste life, as heere vnder followeth.

CHast life liues long and lookes
on world and wicked waies,
Chast life for losse of pleasures short,
dooth win immortall praise.
Chast life hath merrie moods,
and soundlie taketh test,
[Page 1293]Chast life is pure as babe new borne,
that hugs in mo [...]hers brest.
Lewd life cuts off his daies,
and soone runs out his date,
Confounds good wits, breeds naughtie bloud,
and weakens mans estate.
Lewd life the Lord doth loth,
the law and land mislikes,
The wise will shun, fond fooles doo seeke,
and God sore plages and strikes.
Chast life may dwell alone,
and find few fellowes now,
And sit in regall throne,
and search lewd manners throw.
Chast life feares no mishap, line 10
the whole account is made,
When soule from worldlie cares is crept,
and sits in sacred shade.
Lewd life is laught to scorne,
and put to great disgrace,
In hollow caues it hides the head,
and walks with muffled face,
Found out and pointed at,
a monster of the mind,
A [...]ankred worme that conscience eates,
and strikes cleere senses blind.
Chast life a pretious pearle,
dooth shine as bright as sun,
The faire houre glasse of daies and yeeres, line 20
that neuer out will run.
The beautie of the soule,
the bodies blisse and ease,
A thing that least is lookt vnto,
yet most the mind shall please.

And when the song was ended, modestie sent (as she said she was) from hir maistresse, spake to the quéene a good season, and so the matter ended. For this shew the deuiser had gratious words of the quéene openlie and often pronounced by hir high­nesse. On the same daie the minister of the Dutch church, pronouncing to hir maiestie at hir being a­brode line 30 the oration following, presented the cup there­in mentioned, which was esteemed to be worth fiftie pounds, verie curiouslie and artificiallie wrought.

Oratio ad serenissimam Angliae regi­nam habita 19. Augusti 1578 à mini­stro ecclesiae Belgogermanicae Nordouici in loco publico.

MAgna oratoribus, qui percelebratorum aetate vi­xerunt line 40 fuit laus, serenissima regina, quòd iudi­cum animos partim suauiloquentia, Quinam orato­re [...] antiqua aetate praeclarissima laudatissimi ex­titerunt. partim posita rei personaeque ante ipsorum oculos calamitate, in quemcunque vellent animi habitum transformarent. Prius membrum non vulgarem nobis ob oculos ponit hominum faci­litatem, quòd adeò sequaces dictóque audientes fuerint, vt se linguis duci paterentur. Posterius magnam vbique apud gen­tes, quarum respublica optabili ordine fuit constituta, obtinuit gratiam: longè autem maiorem apud eos, qui Christo nomen dederunt: Beneficiorum à regia maiestate collatorum agni­tio cum obsequio &c. omnium verò maximam apud te (ô serenissima regi­na) line 50 ecclesiae Christi nutrix, cuius animum verbo Dei obsequen­tem instruxit, non fucatus hic sermo, sed Christi spiritus, pie­tatísque Zelus. Ipsissima piorum calamitas afflictorúmque la­chrymae, lachrymae inquam Christi fidelium te commouerunt, misera dispersáque Christi membra quibusuis iniurijs obiecta, mille iam mortibus territa, in tutelam salutémque animi iuxta ac corporis recipere ac protegere. Ob haec singularia tua in nos pietatis beneficia, & quòd sub tutore optimo magistratu in hac tua Nordouicensi vrbe (quam maiestas tua nobis ob Christi religionem exulantibus domicilij loco clementer concessit) viui­mus, line 60 adde quòd populi in nos animum fauorabilem experimur, inprimis Deo patri, & Domino vnico seruatori nostro Iesu Christo, deinde & tibi serenissima regina immortales non quas debemus sed quas possimus agimus gratias. Porrò humile qui­dem & vnicum tamen nostrum est votum, animi nostri gratitudinem maiestati tuae ostendere. Ecce igitur nullum munus, sed animum nostrum: nullum regium splendorem, sed pietatis posteritatísque monumentum serenissimae tuae maiestati consecratum. Monumentum antiquum regiae maiestati exhi­bitum. Hoc autem eo gratius maiestati tuaefore confidi­mus, quòd ex inculpatipijssimí (que) Iosephi historia, Dei erga ma­iestatem tuam bonitas, ad viuum sit delineata, quem nulla astutia, nullum robur, nulla denique regnandi libido; sed fides constans, christiani pectoris pietas, coelestísque virtus, singulari Dei fauore ex sanguinaria fratrum conspiratione, mortísque metu, ad summam dignitatem, regníque decus euexe [...]unt. In huius fratres non aliena videtur prouerbial [...]s illa apud Hebraeos sententia, Inuidia malarum rerum appetitus, & studium vanae gloriae hominibus saepissimè occasio sunt sui inte­ritus. Tamen quòd Iosephi animum attinet, Iosephus insig­niter lau [...]atus, neque [...] ▪ ea fuit praeditus & temperantia & fortitudine, vt nimis iniquus simul & prauus censeri posset, qui eum vel minimo vindicandi affectu accusare velit; adeò Dei prouidentiae & se & omne vitae suae studium, vitae inquam in alieno regno periclitantis, commi­sit, vt non aliunde quàm à solo Dei nutu pendêre visus sit. Sed quorsum ista? In te ne haec ipsa aliáque consimilia (ô serenis­sima regina) & regni tui ratione omnium oculis conspicua sunt? Haec inquam esse ecclesiae Christi foelicissimum gaudium, spirituale diadema, & summum decus, huius verò regni verè regium splendorem, atque perennem gloriam, quis nisimente captus inficias ire potest? Pijssimè tu quidem singulari Dei bonitate animum Iosephi tum in regni tui conseruatione, Regia maies [...]a [...] in omnibus Iose­pho aequiparat [...]. tum in regno Christi amplificando imitata es (ô nutrix ecclesiae Dei fidelissima) solius enim Dei est hunc per res (prout hominum oculis sunt subiectae) secundas disperdere, illum autem per quae­uis tētationum genera rerúmque discrimina extollere. Quos vt vasa suae misericordiae agnoscit, ita etiam & bonitate & spiri­tus sui tum consolatione, tum fortitudine ad aeternae vitae foeli­citatem prosequitur. Quod nostrum votum ratum esse, maies­tatem tuam regníque ordinem spirituali prudentia ac sapien­tia stabilire, eámque in longam aetatem seruare, tuae item ma­iestatis subditos vera sui cognitione magis ac magis imbuere, dignetur bonus ille & clemens Deus, per meritafilij sui Do­mini nostri Iesu Christi, Amen.

Regiae maiestati post orationem oblatum est monumentum aliquod, in cuius superficie artifi­ciosè sculpta erat historia Iosephi: ex lib. Genesios.

In circumferentia verò hoc carmen.
Innocuum pietas ad regia sceptra Iosephum,
Ex manibus fratrum, carnificísque, rapit:
Carcere & insidijs sic te regina tuorum
Ereptam duxit culmina ad ista Deus.
Inscriptio erat in ipsius capacitate scripta in orbem, hoc modo.

Serenissimae Angliae reginae Elisabethae, ecclesiae Belgicae Nordouici ob religionem exulātes, hoc monumentum & pietatis & posteritatis ergô consecrabant, Anno salutis humanae, 1578.

In interiore ipsius parte erat insigne serpentis in gyrum conuoluti, cui media insidebat columba, cum hoc Christi elogio: Prudens vt serpens, simplex vt columba.

The minister of the Dutch church his oration in English.

THe oratours (most grations queene) which liued in the age of them that woone grea­test renowme, What ora­tors were best commen­ded in former times of best renowme. were highlie commended for that they could transforme the iudges minds, partlie by eloquence, and partlie by setting downe before their eies the calamitie of the thing and person they spake of, into what disposition them listed. The first part declareth vnto vs no common fe­licitie of men, in that they were so willing in follow­ing, and attentiue in hearing, as they would suffer themselues to be lead by eloquence. The last obtei­ned great fauour amongst all nations, whose com­mon weale was gouerned in good order, and farre greater amongst the christians: but greatest of all with thee (ô most excellent queene) the nursse of Christ his church, whose mind obedient to Gods word, the spirit of Christ, and zeale of godlinesse, and not this prophane kind of speech hath instructed. The verie calamitie of godlie men and teares of the affli­cted, the teares I saie of faithfull christians haue tho­roughlie mooued thee to defend and protect the mi­serable [Page 1294] and d [...]persed members of Christ obiect to euerie kind of iniurie, [...] for the same. before beaten in peeces by a thousand deaths, with the safetie and preseruation as well of mind as bodie. For these thy singular bene­fits of godlinesse towards vs, and that we liue vn­der so good a tutor, being magistrate in this thy ci­tie of Norwich, which thy maiestie hath of clemencie granted vnto vs for a mansion place, which were banished for Christ his religion; and moreouer that we find the minds of the people fauourable towards vs, first wee giue immortall thanks, not such as wee line 10 ought, but such as we are able vnto God the father, and the Lord our onelie sauiour Iesus Christ; and then vnto thee most mercifull queene. Moreo­uer, it is our humble and yet our onelie petition, to shew vnto your maiestie the thankefulnesse of our mind. Behold therefore dedicated to your most ex­cellent maiestie, not anie gift but our mind, no prin­celie iewell but a monument of godlinesse and po­steritie. A monument of antiquitie presented to hir maiestie. The which we hope will be so much the more acceptable to your maiestie; for bicause the goodnes line 20 of God towards your maiestie is liuelie drawne out of the historie of the innocent and most godlie Io­seph, whom neither policie, strength nor desire of bearing rule, but constant faith, godlinesse of a chri­stian heat, and heauenlie vertue by Gods singular mercie deliuered from the bloudie conspiracie of his brethren and feare of death, and brought vnto high dignitie & roiall kingdome. To whose brethren that prouerbiall sentence of the Hebrewes is verie fitlie alluded: Enuie being the desire of euill things, and line 30 couetousnesse of transitorie renowme, Ioseph singularlie commended & not with­out cause. is oftentimes the occasion of mans destruction. But touching the mind of Ioseph, the same was indued with such temperance and fortitude, that he might be thought no lesse vniust than wicked, that would accuse him so much as with the least affection of reuengement: so wholie did he commit himselfe and all the gouerne­ment of his life, his life I say put in hazard in a strange kingdome vnto the prouidence of God, that he see­med line 40 to hang of no other thing than the onelie will of God. But to what end speake I this? Are not these selfe same things, and others their like (ô most excel­lent queene) by the eies of all men clearlie beheld in thee and the order of thy kingdome? What man (I saie) hauing his wits, can denie these things to be the most happie ioy, spirituall crowne, & chiefest or­nament of Christes church, & trulie of this kingdome the princelie beautie and perpetuall renowne? Thou surelie doost folow most holilie the mind of Ioseph, The quéenes maiestie com­pared to Io­seph, &c. line 50 by the singular goodnesse of God, as well in preser­uing thy kingdome, as in amplifieng the kingdome of Christ (ô thou most faithfull nursse of the church of God.) For it is in God onelie to destroie this man by prosperitie (as the world seeth) and aduance ano­ther by al kinds of aduersities, tentations, & dangers. Whom as he acknowlegeth the vessels of his mer­cie, so by his goodnesse togither with the consolation and strength of his spirit, he dooth bring them to the happinesse of eternall life. Which our petition that line 60 good and mercifull God grant may be ratified, in establishing your maiestie and gouernance of your kingdome with spirituall wisedome and vnderstan­ding, in preseruing the same full manie years, and in­duing your maiesties subiects more and more with true knowledge of him, for his sonnes sake our Lord Iesus Christ, Amen.

The oration ended, there was a certeine monu­ment presented to hir maiestie, in the vpper part whereof was artificiallie grauen the historie of Io­seph out of Genesis. In the inner part of the same there was the figure of a serpent, interfolding it selfe: in the middest whereof did sit a dooue with this sentence of Christ, Matth. 10, 16. Wise as the ser­pent, and meeke as the doue. In the circumference or compasse thereof was these verses to be read.

To roiall scepter, godlinesse,
Ioseph the innocent,
Dooth take from brothers bloudie hands,
and murtherers intent.
So thee, O queene, the Lord hath led
from prison and deceit
Of thine, vnto these highest tops
of your princelie estate.

On wednesdaie hir highnesse dined at my lord of Surreis, where were the French ambassadors also, The quéenes maiestie is banketted at the earle of Surreis. at a most rare and delicate dinner and banket. At which season the deuiser did watch with his shew (cal­led Manhood & Desert) at my lord of Surreis backe dore, going to the quéenes barge: but the roome was so little, that neither the shot, the armed men, nor the plaiers could haue place conuenient. Wherevpon he and his assistants tooke boats, and conueied their people downe the water, towards a landing place that they hoped the queene would come vnto. And there hauing althings in redinesse, they hoouered on the water three long houres, by which meanes the night came on, and so they were faine to withdraw themselues and go homeward, trusting for a better time and occasion, which in déed was offered the next daie after by the quéenes maiesties owne good mo­tion, who told the deuiser she would sée what pa­stimes were prepared, as hereafter you shall per­ceiue by the discourse of these matters, and by this shew of Manhood, and the shew of the Nymphes. Neuerthelesse, as hir maiestie returned homeward; within Bishops gate at the hospitall doore, master Stephan Limbert, master of the grammar schoole in Norwich stood readie to render hir an oration. Hir maiestie drew neare vnto him, & thinking him fearefull, said gratiouslie vnto him: Be not afraid. O singular affabilitie of a prince to put awaie a sub­iects bashful­nesse. He answered hir againe in English: I thanke your maiestie for your good incouragement: & then with good courage entered into this oration following.

Ad illustrissimam principem Elisabe­tham, Angliae, Franciae, & Hiberniae regi­nam &c: ante fores [...] Nor­douicensis, oratio Stephani Limberti ludimagistri publici.

AEgyptum fama est inundante Nilo (se­renissima regina) & aureo Pactoli flu­mine quotannis Lidiam irrigari, Egregiae necnon impares Anglig dotes. quae res in ijs agris maxima fecunditatis causa putatur. In nos autem at (que) adeo vniuersam Angliam, quae lat è patet, non è Tmolo aut alijs ne­scio quibus montibus, sed ex illo perenni & vber­rimo fonte bonitatis tuae, multi maximi (que) pietatis, iusticiae, mansuetudinis, aliorúm (que) innumerabili­um bonorum, prae quibus iam viluit aurum & ob­soleuit, copiosissimi riui profluxerunt. At (que) vt ex infinitis vel vnum leuiter attingam, propterea quòd de pluribus dicere nec est huius loci & tem­poris nec facultatis meae. Insignem illam misericor­diam celsitudinis tuae, nobilissima regina, & ad leuandum pauperrimorum hominum inopiam in­credibilem propensionem, qua de plurimis virtu­tibus nulla Deo gratior ( [...] vt canit Homerus) in summa principe nul­la mortalibus admirabilior esse potest, quibus tan­dem laudibus efferemus? Quàm honorificis verbis prosequemur? [...], hoc est, hospitium pau­perum celeberrimum est apud omnes posteros re­giae virtutis at (que) beneficentiae monumentum futu­rum, Henricus & E­douardus reges▪ necnon Elisabe­tha regina praeci­pui benefactores agnoscuntur. institutum quidem ab illustrissimo Henrico patre celsitudinis tuae, à nobilissimo Edouardo fra­tre [Page 1295] maximis tabulis consignatum, a tua verò maie­state, quod non minorem laudem meretur, Crinle­fordiensibus fundis & possessionibus egregiè nuper auctum at (que) amplificatum, vt non tam alienis iam ornamentis, quàm proprijs virtutibus meritò lae­tari possis. Recordata quippe es pro tua singulari prudentia at (que) eruditione, diuinam illam sapientis­simi Platonis legem, quam vndecimo de legibus li­bro scriptam reliquit, [...]. Tantamigitur benignitatem, tam eximi­am line 10 & incredibilem misericordiam tuam (illu­strissima princeps) quibus complectemur studijs? Quibus officijs, aut qua voce grati animi volunta­tem testificabimur? Cùm enim omnes referendae gratiae studio & labore, vel accuratissimas ratio­nes exquisiuerimus, ne vnius quidem huius bene­ficij, quo nos augustissimae maiestatituae obstrictos esse & deuinctos agnoscimus, magnitudinem asse­quipoterimus. Superabimur vel ab hoc vno & sin­gulari line 20 merito, Pares gratias pro imparibus bene­ficijs agi non posse. nedum sperandum est, vt immenso reliquorum meritorum pelago, quod tum in omnes tibi subditos publicè & generatim, tum in hanc ci­uitatem propriè ac particulatim exundauit, pares esse queamus. Verè nos iam [...] incolimus, & in beatis illis insulis de quibus meminit Hesiodus [...] aetatem agimus, qui non modò frugibus, lana, pecore, alijs (que) subsidijs humanae vitae sed multo magis verae religionis verbí (que) diuini, in quibus animi solùm acquiescunt, pretiosissimis opi­bus line 30 abundamus. Sunt qui Britanniam alterum or­bem appellârunt, Angliam meritò alterum orbem nuncupari. quod hac aetate nostra dici rectis­simè posse arbitror. Cùm enim omnes vndíque ter­rae grauissimis bellis affligantur, & discordiarum iactentur fluctibus, soli nos, celsitudine tua cla­uum moderante, in pacatissimo portu nauigamus, & ab orbe malorum disiuncti, in coelum quodam­modo foelicitatis sublati videmur. Quod est ergô officij nostri, primùm deo Opt. Max. gratias agi­mus, line 40 cuius vnius bonitati omnem hanc, quanta­cùn (que) est, beatitudinem acceptam referimus, pre­camùr (que) vt eam nobis propriam & perpetuam esse velit: deinde celsitudini tuae, serenissima regina, cuius opera, cura, solicitudine, & partam hanc no­bis foelicitatem, & tot annos conseruatam agnosci­mus. Laetamur hoc aspectu tuo, & gratulamur in­credibili studio, quod tum ex meo ipsius sensu lo­quor, tum omnes qui iam vndi (que), confluxerunt line 50 Nordouicenses tui à me dici postulant. At (que) vti­nam in haec pector a posses oculos inserere, Nordouicensium veraeuet ex inti puris medullas prouenicus laetitia quam regiam maiestatem nidean [...]. & ocul­tos animorum nostrorum sinus perlustrare, vide­res profectò inclusam intus, quae tantis angustijs e­rumpere non potest, infinitam molem voluntatis. Fidem omnem, studium, obseruantiam, quae tantae principi debentur, vt haectenus promptissimè detu­limus, ita studiosissimè semper deferemus: & si quando casus aliquis inciderit (quod Deus omen a­uertat) line 60 sacrosanctae maiestatis tuae, aut istius flo­rentissimi regni, vel salus in discrimen veniat, vel dignitas periclitetur, non solùm bonorum om­nium ac facultatum effusionem, sed laterum nostro­rum oppositus & corporum pollicemur. Rogamus deinde & obsecramus excellentiam tuam, illustris­sima regina, vt & hoc nostrum qualecun (que) offici­um à summa beneuolentia animó (que) quàm gra­tissimo profectum boni consulas, & de no­bis Nordouicensibus sic existimes, ad lautiores te fortasse subditos venisse saepe, adlaetiores nunquam.

The oration of Stephan Limbert, pub­like schoolemaister, to the most magnificent prince, Elisabeth of England, France, and Ireland queene, &c: before the gates of the hospitall of Norwich.

IT is reported (most gratious queene) that Aegypt is watered with the yerelie ouer­flowing of Nilus, The excellent and [...]compa­rable blessings of England. and Lidia with the gol­den streame of Pactolus, which thing is thought to be the cause of the great frute­fulnes of these countries: but vpon vs, and further, ouer all England, euen into the vttermost borders, manie and maine riuers of godlinesse, iustice, humilitie, and other innumerable good things, in comparison of the which, gold is vile and naught worth, doo most plen­tifullie gush out, and those not from Tmolus, or other hilles I know not which, but from that continuall and most aboundant welspring of your goodnesse. And that of those infinit goodnesses I maie lightlie touch one, for that neither place, time, nor my abilitie dooth permit to speake of manie: with what praises shall we extoll; with what magnificent words shall we ex­presse that notable mercie of your highnesse (most re­nowmed queene) and vncredible readinesse to re­lieue the need of poore men, than the which of manie vertues none can be more acceptable vnto God, as Homer writeth, neither anie vertue in a mightie prince more woondered at amongst men. This hospi­tall of poore men is most famous, King Henrie king Edward and quéene Elisabeth ac­knowledged speciall bene­factors. which will be a monument of princelie vertue and beneficence a­mongst all posteritie, instituted by the most mightie king Henrie your highnesse father, confirmed with the great seale by the most noble king Edward your brother, but by your maiestie, which deserueth no lesse praise, of late notablie increased and amplified by the lands and possessions of Cringleford, that you maie not now worthilie reioise so much in others or­naments, as your owne vertues. For you are said for your singular wisdome and learning, to haue studied that diuine law of the most wise Plato, which he left written in the eleuenth booke of lawes. Such your great bountie therefore, so exceeding and incredible mercie (ô most vertuous prince) in what bookes shall we comprehend? With what duties, or with what voice shall we testifie the good will of a thankefull mind? For when we diligentlie seeke all the most ex­quisit and curious means of thankesgiuing: we can­not so much as atteine vnto the greatnesse of this one benefit, Condigne thanks vnp [...] ­sible to be giuen. by the which we acknowledge our selues bound and streictlie holden to your most roiall ma­iestie. We shall be ouercome, euen with this one and singular benefit, so much the lesse hope haue we then in anie point to counteruaile the huge sea of the rest of your benefits, which ouerfloweth on euerie side as well publikelie & generallie ouer all your subiects, as properlie and particularlie vpon this citie. We cer­teinlie now inhabit, and lead our liues in those most happie Ilands, of the which Hesiodus maketh men­tion, which not onelie abound with all maner of graine, wooll, cattell, and other aids of mans life; but much more with the most pretious treasure of true religion and the word of God, in the which onlie the minds of men haue rest and peace. England de­seruedlie cal­led another world. There be that call England another world, which I thinke maie be most true in this our age. For whereas all lands on euerie side of vs are afflicted with most grieuous warres, and tossed with the flouds of dissention, we onelie (your highnesse gouerning our sterne) doo saile in a most peaceable hauen, and seuered from a world of mis­chiefs, doo seeme after a sort to be taken vp into a heauen of happinesse. We therefore (according to our bounden dutie) first giue thanks vnto God almightie, vnto whose goodnesse onelie with thanks we referre all this our happinesse, how great soeuer it be, & praie that he would vouchsafe to make the same proper and perpetuall vnto vs. And afterwards vnto your highnesse (ô most gratious queene) by whose studie, care and diligence we confesse this blessednesse to be gotten, and so manie years preserued vnto vs. Their vnfrig­ned reioising to see hir maiestie. We are glad in this beholding you, and we reioise with desire more than maie be beleeued, which as I speake of mine owne thought, so also all the subiects of Nor­wich desire me to saie the same in their behalfe. And [Page 1296] I would to God you could pearse these our breasts with your eies, and throughlie view the hidden and couered creeks of our minds! Then vndoubtedlie should you behold an infinit heape of goodwill close­lie shut vp within, which cannot breake out of so nar­row straits. All the faith, studie, and obedience, which are due to so great a prince, as hitherto we haue most willinglie imploied, so will we alwaies most diligent­lie performe the same: and if at anie time anie chance shall happen (which fortune God turne from vs) that [...]he state of thy blessed maiestie, or of this flourishing realme should come in danger, or the worthinesse line 10 therof be in hazard, we do not onlie protest the effu­sion of all our goods and substance, but also the put­ting foorth and brunt of our strengths and bodies therein. Finallie, we desire and beseech thy excellen­cie (most renowmed queene) well to accept of this our dutie, howsoeuer it be, proceeding from a singu­lar good will, and a most thankefull mind, and so to thinke of vs citizens of Norwich, that perhaps you haue manie times come to people more wealthie, but to more ioifull neuer.

Immediatlie after the beginning of the oration line 20 hir maiestie called to hir the French ambassadors, whereof there were three, and diuerse English lords, and willed them to harken, and she hirselfe was ve­rie attentiue, euen vntill the end thereof. And the oration ended, after she had giuen great thanks therefore to maister Limbert, The quéenes high commen­dation of ma­ster Limberts oration. she said to him; It is the best that euer I heard; you shall haue my hand: and pulled off hir gloue, and gaue him hir hand to kisse, which before kneeling on his knees, he arose and kissed; and then she departed to the court without a­nie line 30 other shew that night, but that she sent backe to know his name. The next night being thursdaie there was an excellent princelie maske brought be­fore hir after supper by maister Goldingham in the priuie chamber, it was of gods and goddesses both strangelie and richlie apparelled. The first that en­tred was Mercurie, The descrip­tion of an ex­ [...]llent and princelie maske. then entred two torchbearers in purple taffata mandillions laid with siluer lace, as all other the torchbearers were; then entred a consort of musike, to wit, six musicians, all in long line 40 vestures of white sarsenet girded about them, and garlands on their heads, plaieng verie cunninglie; then two torchbearers more; then Iupiter and Iu­no, then two torchbearers more; then Mars and Ve­nus, then two torchbearers more; then Apollo and Pallas, then two torchbearers more; then Neptune and Diana; and lastly Cupid concluding the matter.

Thus when they had once marched about the chamber, Mercurie dischargeth his message in these words to the quéene: The good meaning maior and line 50 all his brethren, Mercuries message to the quéene. with the rest, haue not rested from praieng vnto the gods to prosper thy comming hi­ther; and the gods themselues mooued by their vnfai­ned praiers, are readie in person to bid thée worthilie welcome; and I Mercurie the god of merchants and merchandize, and therefore a fauourer of the citizens, being thought méetest am chosen fittest to signifie the same. Gods there be also which cannot come, be­ing tied by the time of the yeare, as Ceres in haruest, Bacchus in wines, Pomona in orchards. Onelie line 60 Hymineus denieth his good will, either in presence or in person: notwithstanding Diana hath so counter­checked him therfore, as he shall hereafter be at your commandement. For my part, as I am a reioiser at your comming, Then march­ed they about againe, and that done Iu­piter spake to the quéene in this sort, and then gaue hir [...]nding wand of whales [...]in [...] wrought. so am I a furtherer of your wel­come hither; and for this time I bid you farewell.

Feare not oh queene, thou art beloued so,
As subiects true will trulie thee defend:
Feare not my power to ouerthrow thy wo,
I am the God that can ech misse amend.
Thou doest know great Iupiter am I,
That gaue thee first thy happie souereintie.
I giue thee still as euer thou hast had,
A peerelesse power vnto thy dieng daie:
I giue thee rule to ouercome the bad,
And loue to loue thy louing subiects aie.
I giue thee heere this small and slender wand,
To shew thou shalt in quiet rule the land.
Is Iuno rich? No sure she is not so,
Then Iuno spake, whose g [...]t was a purse curiou­slie wrought.
She wants that wealth that is not wanting heere,
Thy goods get friends, my wealth wins manie a fo,
My riches rust, but thine shine passing cleere.
Thou art beloued of subiects farre and uie,
Which is such wealth as monie cannot buie.
Farewell faire queene, I cannot giue thee ought,
Nor take awaie thy good that is so bound:
Thou canst not giue that I so long haue sought,
Ne can I hold the riches thou hast found.
Yet take this gift, though poore I seeme to be,
That thou thy selfe shalt neuer poorer be.
Where force dooth fiercelie seeke to foster wrong,
Then after they had mar­ched againe about, Mars gaue his gift, which was a faire paire of kniues, and said:
There Mars dooth make him make a quicke recoile,
Nor can indure that he should harbor long,
Where naughtie wights manure in goodlie soile.
This is the vse that aids the force of warre,
That Mars dooth mend, that force dooth seeke to marre.
And though oh queene thou beest a prince of peace,
Yet shalt thou haue me fastlie sure at need:
The stormes of strife and blustering broiles to cease,
Which forren foes or faithlesse friends may breed.
To conquer, kill, to vanquish and subdue,
Such fained folke, as loues to liue vntrue.

These words were ingrauen vpon the kniues:

To hurt your fo and helpe your frend,
These kniues are made vnto that end:
Both blunt and sharpe you shall vs find,
As pleaseth best your princelie mind.
In vaine (faire queene) from heauen my comming was,
Then spake Uenus whose gift was a white doue.
To seeke to mend that is no waie amis:
For now I see thy fauour so dooth passe,
That none but thou, thou onelie she it is,
Whose beautie bids ech wight to looke on thee,
By view they may another Uenus see.
Where beautie boasts, and fauour dooth not faile,
What may I giue to thee O worthie wight?
This is my gift, there shall no wo preuaile,
That seekes thy will against thy willes delight,
Not where they will, but where it likes thy mind,
Accept that friend if loiall thou him find.

The doue being cast off, ran directlie to the queene, and being taken vp and set vpon the table before hir maiestie, sate so quietlie as if it had béene tied. Then after they had marched againe about, Apollo presented his gift, which was an instrument called a bandonet, and did sing to the said instrument this short and pithie dittie, as he was plaieng therevpon:

It seemeth strange to see such strangers heere,
The song of Apollo to the quéene.
Yet not so strange but strangers knowes you well:
Your vertuous thoughts to gods doo plaine appeere,
Your acts on earth bewraies how you excell:
You cannot die, loue here hath made your lease,
Which gods haue sent, and God saith shall not cease.
Uertuous desire desired me to sing,
No subiecs sute, though suters they were all,
Apollos gifts are subiect to no king,
Rare are thy gifts that did Apollo call,
Then still reioise, sith God and man saie so,
This is my gift, thou neuer shalt haue wo.
Most worthie wight, what wouldst thou haue of me?
Pallas then speaketh and presenteth hir gift, which was a booke of wisdome.
Thou hast so much, thou canst inioie no more:
I cannot giue that once I gaue to thee,
Nor take awaie the good I gaue before.
I robbed was by natures good consent,
Against my will, and yet I was content.
A Pallas thou, a princesse I will be:
I queene of losse, thou goddesse which hast got:
I sometime was, thou onelie now art she:
I take, thou gauest that [...]ucke that was my lot.
I giue not thee this booke to learne thee aught,
For that I know alreadie thou art taught.
What art thou (queene) that gods do loue thee so?
Then Nep­tune spake: his gift was a great artifi­ciall fish, and in the bellie of it a pike, which he threw out be­fore hir ma­iestie.
Who woon their wils to be [...]o at thy will?
How can the world become thy cruell fo?
How can Disdaine or Malice seeke to kill?
Can sea or earth deuise to hurt thy hap?
Sith thou by gods doost sit in fortunes lap.
As heauen and earth haue vowed to be thine,
So Neptunes seas haue sworne to drench thy foes,
As I am god, and all the waters mine,
Still shalt thou get, but neuer shalt thou lose:
And sith on earth my wealth is nought at all,
Accept good will, the gift is verie small.
Who euer found on earth a constant friend,
That may compare with this my virgin queene?
Diana pre­sented a bow and arrowes nocked and headed with siluer; hir speach was this.
Who euer found a bodie and a mind
So free from staine, so perfect to be seene?
Oh heauenlie hew, that aptest is to soile,
And yet doost liue from blot of anie foile.
Rare is thy gift, and giuen to few or none,
Malist therefore of some that dare not say,
More shines thy light, for that I know but one,
That anie such shew, to follow on their waie.
Thou thou art shee, take thou the onelie praise,
For chastest dame in these our happie daies.
[Page 1297]Accept my bowe, sith best thou do [...]st deserue,
Though well I k [...]ow [...]hy mind can thee preserue.
Cupido his speach, his gift an arrow of gold.
Ah ha, I see my mother out of sight,
Then let the boy now plaie the wag a while,
I seeme but weake, yet weake is not my might,
My boiesh wit can oldest folke beguile.
Who so dooth thinke, I speake this but in iest,
Let me but shoot, and I shall quench his rest,
Marke here my shafts: this all is made of wood,
Which is but soft, and breeds but soft good will,
Now this is gilt, yet seemes it gold full good,
And dooth deceiue blind louing people still.
But here is one is seldome felt or seene:
This is of gold, meet for the noblest queene.
line 10
Wherefore dame faire, take thou this gift of me,
Though some deserue, yet none deserue like you,
Shoot but this shaft at king or Cesar: he,
And he is thine, and if thou wilt allow,
It is a gift that manie here doo craue,
Yet none but thou this golden shaft maie haue.

There was written vpon the shaft:

My colour, ioy, my substance pure,
My vertue such as shall indure.

The quéenes behauiour af­ter all this welcomming.Hir maiestie receiued these gifts verie thankeful­lie, the gods and goddesses with the rest of the maske marched about the chamber againe, and then depar­ted in like maner as they came in. Then the queene line 20 called vnto hir master Robert Wood, the maior of Norwich, whom first she heartilie thanked, and tooke by the hand, and vsed secret conference: but what I know not. And thus this delightfull night passed, to the ioy of all that saw hir grace in so pleasant plight.

On thursdaie in the morning, my lord chamber­laine gaue the deuisor warning the quéene would ride abrode in the after noone, The deuisor is commanded to be readie with his shewes to de­light the queene. and he commanded him to be readie, dutifullie to present hir with some shew. Then knowing which waie the queene would line 30 ride (by coniecture and instructions giuen) the deui­sor caused a place to be made and digged for the nymphes of the water, the maner and proportion whereof was in this forme and fashion. First there was measure taken for threescore foot of ground eue­rie waie, the hole to be made déepe and foure square, which ground was all couered with canuas painted greene like the grasse, and at euerie side on the can­uas ran a string through curteine rings, which string might easilie be drawne anie kind of waie, by reason line 40 of two great poales that laie along in the ground, and answered the curteine or canuas on each side, so that drawing a small cord in the middle of the can­uas, the earth would séeme to open, & so shut againe as the other end of the cord was drawne backward. A proper de­uise and verie de [...]ectable of a caue & twelue water nym­phes, &c. And in the same caue was a noble noise of musike of all kind of instruments, seuerallie to be sounded and plaied vpon, and at one time they should be soun­ded all togither, that might serue for a consort of bro­ken musike. And in the same caue also was placed line 50 twelue water nymphes, disguised or dressed most strangelie, ech of them had either vpon white silke, or fine linnen, gréene sedges stitched cunninglie on a long garment, so well wrought and also set on, as scarse anie whit might be perceiued. And euerie nymph had in hir hand a great bundle of bulrushes, and had on hir head a garland of iuie, vnder the which iuie was a coife of mosse, and vnder the mosse was there long goodlie heare like golden tresses that coue­red line 60 hir shoulders, and in a maner raught downe vn­to hir middle.

Now touching the beautie of the nymphes, they sée­med to be the chosen children of the world, and be­came their attire so well, that their beautie might haue abused a right good iudgement. For diuerse of those that knew them before (albeit they were bare faced) could scarse know them in their garments, and sundrie tooke them to be yoong girles and wen­ches, prepared for the nonce, to procure a laughter. These nymphs thus apparelled, and all things in good plight and readinesse, What was de­uised to be done by the nymphs at the quéens com­ming néere the water side. there was deuised, that at the quéenes comming néere the water side (as this caue stood at the brim of the riuer) one nymph should pop vp out of the caue first, and salute the queene with a speach, and then another: and so till foure of them had finished their speaches, there they should re­maine; and when they retired into their caue, the mu­sike should begin: which sure had beene a noble hea­ring, and the more melodious for the varietie there­of, and bicause it should come secretlie and strange­lie out of the earth. And when the musike was doone, then should all the twelue nymphs haue issued togi­ther, & dansed a danse with timbrels that were trim­med with belles, and other iangling things, which timbrels were as brode as a siue, hauing bottoms of fine parchment, and being sounded, made such a confused noise and pastime, that it was to be woon­dered at: besides the strangenesse of the timbrels (yet knowne to our forefathers) was a matter of ad­miration vnto such as were ignorant of that new found toy, gathered and borrowed from our elders. So in order and readinesse stood that shew for the time.

And to kéepe that shew companie (but yet farre off) stood the shew of Manhood and Desert, The shew of Manhood and Desert with the furniture declared. as first to be presented, and that shew was as well furnished as the other; men all, saue one boy called Beautie; for the which, Manhood, Fauour, and Desert, did striue (or should haue contended) but good Fortune (as victor of all conquests) was to come in, and ouer­throw Manhood, Fauour, Desert, & all their powers, and onelie by fine force (vpon a watchword spoken) should laie hand on Beautie, and carrie or lead hir a­way. The other sutors troubled with this kind of dea­ling, should talke togither, and sweare to be in one mind for an open reuenge: and vpon that Fortune should crie Arme, arme. The other side called for their friends, at the which stirre should appeare both their strengthes: but good Fortune should farre in power exceed his enimies. And yet to shew that Destinie (and who best can conquer) shall gouerne all, For­tune should make an offer, that six to six with sword and target should end the brall and businesse. Then six gentlemen on either side with rebated swords and targets (onelie in dublet and hose, and murrion on head) approched and would claime the combat, and deale togither twelue blowes apéece, and in the end fortune should be victor: and then the shot and ar­med men should fall at variance so sharpelie (vpon mistaking of the matter) that Fortunes side should triumph and march ouer the bellies of their enimies: A bloodie fight and yet harm­lesse doone by art. in which time were legs and armes of men (well and liuelie wrought) to be let fall in numbers on the ground, as bloudie as might be. Fortune, regarding nothing but victorie, marcheth so awaie in great tri­umph: and then should haue come into the place a song for the death of Manhood, Fauor, and Desert, and so the shew should haue ended.

But now note what befell after this great busi­nesse and preparation. All the prepa­ration disap­pointed by thunder and raine. For as the queenes highnesse was appointed to come vnto hir coch, and the lords and courtiers were readie to mount on horssebacke, there fell such a showre of raine (& in the necke there­of came such a terrible thunder) that euerie one of vs were driuen to séeke for couert and most comfort, insomuch that some of vs in bote stood vnder a bridge and were all so dashed & washed, that it was a grea­ter pastime to sée vs looke like drowned rats, than to haue beheld the vttermost of the shewes rehearsed. Thus you sée, a shew in the open field is alwaies sub­iect to the sudden change of weather, and a number of more inconueniences. But what should be said of that which the citie lost by this cause; veluets, silkes, The cities los [...]e by occa­sion of this tempest. tinsels, and some cloth of gold being cut out for these purposes, that could not serue to anie great effect af­ter? Well, there was no more to saie, but an old ad­age, that Man dooth purpose, but God dooth dispose, [Page 1298] to whose disposition and pleasure the guide of grea­ter maters is committed. So this thursdaie tooke his [...]aue from the actors, and left them looking one vpon another, & he that thought he had receiued most [...], kept greatest silence, and lapping vp (among a bundle of other misfortunes) this euill chance, eue­rie person quietlie passed to his lodging.

The next daie being fridaie, in which daie the court remooued, the stréets towards saint Benets gates were hanged, from the one side to the other, line 10 with cords made of hearbs and floures, with gar­lands▪ coronets, pictures, rich cloths, and a thousand d [...]ses. At the gates themselues there was a stage made verie richlie apparelled with cloth of gold and crimsin veluet, whervpon in a close place made ther­ [...]n for the purpose, was placed verie swéet musike: & one readie to render hir this speach following. The queens [...] Norwic [...] [...] take [...]. The daiefull houre of hir departure came, she passed from the court, to those gates, with such countenances, both of hir maiesties part, and hir subiects now dolo­rous▪ line 20 now chéerefull, as plainlie shewed the louing [...]earts of both sides. When she came there the speach was thus vttered vnto hir in verie plausib [...]e sort:

Terrestriall ioies are tide with s [...]ender fi [...]e,
Ea [...]t happie hap full hastilie dooth slide,
As summer season lasteth but a while,
So winter stormes doo longer time abide:
[...]as wha [...] blisse can anie [...]ime endure?
Ou [...] sunshine daie is dasht with sudden shoure.
Could toong expresse our secret ioies of hart▪
O [...] [...] prince) when thou didst come in place?
[...] n [...] God wo [...], nor can expresse the sma [...]
Thy subiects feele in this departing [...]ase. line 30
But gratious queen [...], let here thy grace remaine
I [...] gra [...]ious wi [...]e, till thy returne againe.
I [...] lieu whereof, receiue thy subiects harts,
[...]
I [...] fixed faith con [...]inuallie thine owne:
Who readie rest to loose their [...]itall parts
I [...] thy defense, when anie blast is blowne.
Thou are our queene, our rocke and onelie staie,
We are thine owne to serue by night and daie.
Farewell oh queene, farewell oh mother deare,
Le [...] Iacobs God thy sacred bodie gard:
Al [...] is thine owne that is possessed here,
And all in all is but a small reward
For thy great grace, God length thy life like Noy,
To gouerne vs, and eke thy realme in ioy. Amen. line 40

Th [...]se words were deuised by B. Goldingham, and spoken by himselfe, to whome hir maiestie said: We [...]anke you hartilie. Then with the musicke in the same place was soong this short dittie following, in a verie sweet voice, to the great delite of the hearers;

What vaileth life, where sorow sokes the hart?
A dittie soong in a verie swéet voice.
Who feareth death that is in deepe distresse?
Release of life dooth best abate the smart
Ofhim, whose woes are quite without redresse.
Lend me your teares, resigne your sighes to me,
Helpe all to wai [...] the dolor which you see.
What haue we doone, she will no longer staie?
What may we doo to hold hir with vs still? line 50
Shee is our queene, we subiects must obaie,
Grant, though with greefe, to hir departing will.
Conclude we then, and sing with sobbing breath,
God length thy life (oh queene Elisabeth.)

Fridaies [...] vpon the remoouing of [...] court.On fridaie, the court vpon remooue, the citie trou­ [...]d with manie causes, and some séeking to doo ser­uice like the deuiser, mooued him to doo somewhat of himselfe, bicause his aids (as manie times they were before) were drawne from him, each one about his owne businesse, and he left to his owne inuentions and policie, at which exigent or casuall things of for­tune, line 60 he drew his boies vnto him, that were the Nymphs on the water, and so departed the citie, with such garments and stuffe necessarie as fitted his purpose and the matter he went about. Then he chose a ground, by the which the quéene must passe, inclo­sing his companie in the corner of a field, being de­fen [...]ed with high and thicke bushes, and there some parts he made, which the boies might misse, bicause the time was short for the learning of those parts. But he being resolued to doo somewhat might make the quéene laugh, A pleasant de­uise to make the quéene laugh. appointed that seauen boies of twelue should passe through a hedge from the place of abode (which was gallantlie trimmed) and deliuer seauen spéeches. And these boies (you must vnder­stand) were dressed like Nymphes of the water, and were to plaie by a deuise and degrees the feiries, and to danse (as néere as could be imagined) like the feiries. Their attire and comming so strangelie out, made the queenes highnesse smile and laugh withall. And the deuiser hearing this good hope, be­ing apparelled like a water sprite, began to sound a timbrell, & the rest with him, all the twelue Nymphs togither (when the seauen had repaired in) sounded timbrels likewise. And although the deuiser had no great harting, yet as he durst, The deuisers [...]oings well taken of the queene, &c. he led the yoong foolish feiries a danse, which boldnesse of his [...]red no dis­grace, but as he heard, was well taken. The quéene vpon their retire in, hasted to hir highnes lodging, which was seuen miles off, and at that present, when the shew ended, it was past fiue of the clocke.

All these shewes finished, hir maiestie in princelie maner marched toward the confines of the liberties of the citie of Norwich, which was supposed almost two miles. Before she came there, Maister ma­ior [...] to [...] ano­ther or [...]ion, is wil [...]ed [...] forbeare [...] and [...] maister maior brake to my lord chamberlaine, that he was to vtter to hir maiestie an other oration, whereof my lord seemed to haue good liking: but before they came to the said confines, maister maior was wil [...]ed to for­beare the vtterance of the same his oration, bicause it was about seauen of the clocke, and hir maiestie had then fiue miles to ride. Neuerthelesse he gaue to hir maiestie both his orations in writing, which she thanked him for. She also thanked the maior, euerie alderman, and the commoners, not onelie for the great chéere they had made hir, but also for the open housholds they kept to hir highnesse seruants, and all others. The maior of Norwich knighted. Then she called maister maior and made him knight: and so departing, said: I haue laid vp in my breast such good will, as I shall neuer forget Norwich; and proceeding onward did shake hir ri­ding rod and said: Farewell Norwich, with the wa­ter standing in hir eies. The quéenes words at h [...]r departing. In which great good will to­wards vs all, I beséech God to continue hir maiestie with long and triumphant reigne ouer vs, Amen.

Now to come to the returne of the queenes ma­iestie from Norfolke and Suffolke, in which two counties hir highnesse knighted certeine gentle­men, as namelie in Suffolke George Colt, Gentlemen of Suffolke & Norffolke knighted. Philip Parkar, Robert Iermine, William Spring, Tho­mas Barnardiston, Thomas Kidson, Arthur He­dingham: In Norffolke, Thomas Knou [...]t, Nicho­las Bacon, William Pastons, Edward Clée [...]e, Rafe Shelton, Henrie Woodhouse, Thomas Gau­die, Robert Wood maior, Roger Woodhouse. Th [...]se gentlmen hir maiestie knighted, for that they should all their life time after haue the greater regard to God and their prince. The quéenes maiestie de­parteth from Norwich and is now inter­teined b [...] the waie. Now the queenes maiestie pas­sing from Norwich, she came to sir Roger Wood­houses that night, where she was well receiued, and noblie interteined. From thense to Wood rising at sir Edward Cleeres. From thense to sir Thomas Kidsons, where in verie déed the fare and bankets did so excéed a number of other places, that it is wor­thie the mention. A shew representing the feiries (as well as might be) was there séene, in the which shew a rich iewell was presented to the queenes highnes. From thense to master Reuets, where all things were well and in verie good order, and meat liberallie spent.

But now to speake a little by the waie of Gods mightie hand and power, that framed mens hearts so [...]ell in manie parts, before the quéenes highnesse c [...]e to Cambridgeshire, and to tell how blessedlie o [...]r great and good God did deale with our deere so­uereigne ladie, in causing euerie person to shew the dutie, is a matter of great discourse, and of no little weight and comfort to all good minds that shall consider of the same. Such a Lord is our great God, [Page 1299] that can fr [...]me all things to the best, and such a so­uereigne ladie we haue, that can make the crooked paths streight where she commeth, & draw the harts of the people after hir whersoeuer she trauelleth. So from master Reuets hir highnesse came to my lord Norths, who was no whit behind anie of the best for a franke house, a noble heart, and well ordered inter­teinement. And there was an oration made by a gentleman ofCambridge, The vniuer­si [...]ie of Cam­bridge present a faire and statelie cup to the quéene. with a statelie and a faire cup presented from the vniuersitie, all the ambassa­dors of France beholding the same. And the gentle­men line 10 of the shire (as in manie other places) did beare the quéenes meat to the table, which was a great li­king & gladnesse to the gentlemen, & a solemne sight for strangers & subiects to looke vpon. From my lord Norths to sir Giles Allingtons, where things were well, and well liked. From thense to sir Iohn Cuts. From thense to M. Kapels, where was excellent good cheere & interteinement. From thense to Hide hall, T.C. where I heard of no great cheere nor banket­ting. line 20 From thense to Rockwood hall, but how the traine was there interteined, I am ignorant of. From thense to master Stonars, and from thense to my lord of Leicesters house, where the progresse ended, & (to knit vp all) the good chéere was reuiued, not onelie with making a great feast to the quéene and the French ambassador, but also in feasting so­lemnelie (at seuerall times) the whole gard, The lord of Leicesters bountifull in­terteinement. on sun­daie and mondaie before the queene came, at his owne table, vsing such courtesie vnto them for the space of two daies, as was and is worthie of perpe­tuall line 30 memorie. Thus much of the quéenes highnesse returne, whom God hath so well preserued, that she like a worthie prince to our great comfort prospe­reth in peace, to the great disgrace of the enimies of God, and aduersaries of our common weale and countrie, wherin God continue hir maiestie, Amen.

The quéenes maiestie, now gone from Norwich, carried awaie with hir all the gladnesse of the citie, which sprang from hir presence; in place whereof suc­céeded line 40 melancholie sadnes: in somuch that the verie aier altered with the change of the countrie cheere proceeding from the departure of hir highnes roi­all person: which he meant that made these verses, wherwith the description of this progresse shall end.

Ad solem nubi­bus obductum die lunae 18. Augusti, 1578.
Splendide Phoebe redi, cur te sub nube recondis?
Innuba Pallas adest, splendide Phoebe redi.
Hasta minax procul est, non Gorgonis ora videbis,
Pallas inermis adest, splendide Phoebe redi.
Scilicet à tanto metuis tibi lumine forsan:
line 50
Ne superet radios foemina Phoebe tuos.
Pulcher Apollo tibi ne sit regina rubori▪
Ipse decore tuo vincis, & illa suo.
Euge redux reducem quia pulsa nocte reducis
Phoebe diem: toto est gratius orbe nihil.
Haec pepulit tetri tenebras noctémque papismi,
Et liquidum retulit relligione diem.
Euge nigras nebulas radijs quiasaepe repellis
Phoebe tuis: pene est gratius orbe nihil.
Texuerant remoras discrimina mille papistae: line 60
Neceptum princeps continuaret iter:
Nec tamen hunc nebulae potuerunt condere solem:
Quamuis tu nebulis cedis Apollo tuis.
Ergô iubar nostrum repulisse obstaculo cernis:
Sic age, sol nebulas lumine pelle tuo.
Splendide Phoebe redi, cur te sub nube recondis?
Innuba Pallas adest, splendide Phoebe radi.
Eiusdem in eandem.
Sustinet, ornat, habet, regnum, literaria, formam,
Prouida, docta, decens, Iuno, Minerua, Venus.
Singula dona trium simul Elizabetha dearum
Prouida, docta, decens, sustinet, ornat, habet.
Esse deas lusi: diuinam dicimus istam:
Quamuis nec liceat nec libet esse deam.
In shadowing clouds why art thou clo [...]d? O Phebus bright [...]etire:
To the s [...]nne couer [...]d with cloudes vpon mon [...]a [...], be­ing the 1 [...] of August 15 [...].
Unspoused Pallas present is, O Phebus bright retire.
The thretning speare is flong far off, doubt not grim Gorg [...]s ire:
Unarmed Pallas present is, O Phebus bright retire.
Perhaps thou art afraid: And why? at this so large a light:
Least that a woman should excell, thy beams (O Phebus) bright.
Let not a queene, a virgine pure, which is, and euer was,
O faire Apollo, make thee blush: you both in beautie passe.
O Phebus safe and sound returne, which, banishing the night,
Bringst backe the daie: in all the world nothing of like delight:
She, onelie she, the darkenesse draue of poperie quite awaie:
And by religion hath restord the bright and lightsome daie.
O Phebus with thy beams, which foilst the clouds both blind & blacke,
The world, in maner all, a thing of like delight doth lacke.
A thousand dangers and delaies the papists had deuisd,
To thend our princesse should abridge hir progresse enterprisd:
Yet this our bright & shining sun, cast light through euerie cloud:
Although in clouds thou art content, Apollo oft to shroud.
Thou seest our sunne in comelie course, cuts off ech stop and staie:
Do thou the like, and by thy light driue euerie cloud awaie.
In shadowing clouds why art thou closd? O Phebus bright retire:
Unspoused Pallas present is: O Phebus bright [...]etire.
Hir kingdome all by prouidence, queene Iuno doth vphold:
By the same concerning the queene.
And of Minerua ladie learnd, is learned lore extold:
And Uenus faire of countenance, hath beautie vncontrold.
These sundrie gifts of goddesses three, Elisabeth possesseth:
By prouidence hir peoples peace, and comfort she increaseth:
Hir learning, learning amplifies: hir beautie neuer ceaseth.
I did but ieast, of goddesses to giue them three the name:
This ladie maist thou goddesse call, for she deserues the same:
Although she will not vndertake, a title of such fame.

Matthew Hamont, Mathew Ha­mont burnt at Norwich. by his trade a ploughwrite of Hetharset three miles from Norwich, was conuen­ted before the bishop of Norwich, for that he denied Christ our sauiour. At the time of his appearance it was obiected that he had published these heresies following. That the new testament and gospell of Christ are but méere foolishnesse, a storie of man, The heresies that he held. or rather a méere fable. Item, that man is restored to grace by Gods méere mercie, without the meane of Christs bloud, death and passion. Item, that Christ is not God nor the sauiour of the world, but a méere man, a sinfull man, and an abhominable idoll. Item, that all they that worship him are abhominable ido­laters, & that Christ did not rise againe from death to life by the power of his godhead, neither that he ascended into heauen. Item, that the Holie ghost is not God, neither that there is anie such Holie ghost. Item, that baptisme is not necessarie in the church of God, neither the vse of the sacrament of the bo­die and bloud of Christ. For the which heresies he was condemned in the consistorie, and sentence was pronounced against him by the bishop of Norwich on the thirtéenth daie of Aprill, and thervpon deliue­red to the shiriffes of Norwich. And bicause he spake words of blasphemie (not to be recited) against the quéenes maiestie and others of hir councell, he was by the recorder, master sergeant Windham, and the maior sir Robert Wood of Norwich condemned to lose both his eares, which were cut off on the thir­teenth of Maie in the market place of Norwich, and afterwards, to wit on the twentith of Maie, he was burned in the castell dich of Norwich.

This yeare in the moneth of Maie, An English­man made a locke and a keie, weieng but one whea [...] corne. Marke Sca­liot blacke smith citizen of London, borne in the pa­rish of saint Clements Da [...]e without Temple bar, and now dwelling in Cornehill néere vnto Leaden hall, for triall of workemanship, made one hanging locke of iron, steele and brasse, of eleuen seuerall pée­ces, a pipe keie filed three square with a pot vpon the shaft, & the bow with two esses, all cleane wrought, which weied but one graine of gold or wheat corne. He also at the same time made a chaine of gold of three and fortie linkes, to the which chaine the locke and keie being fastened, and put about a fleas necke, she drew the same with ease. All which, locke, keie, chaine, and flea, weied but one graine and a halfe. A thing almost incredible, but that my selfe (amongst manie others) haue séene it, & therfore must affirme it to be true.

The first of Iune deceased Robert Horne doctor of diuinitie, bishop of Winchester, The bishop [...] Winchester deceased. and prelat of the garter, at Winchester place in Southworke, and [Page 1300] was buried at Winchester. ¶This man was lear­ned and eloquent, of a round and readie vtterance, sound in religion and zelous in the truth; in testimo­nie whereof he chose rather to forsake his natiue soile, and to liue a stranger in a forren land, than with offense of conscience to tarrie at home within the sight and hearing of the manifold abhominati­ons which supported poperie: so that although death haue deuoured his mortall bodie, yet in respect of his vertue and godlinesse, his name shall be im­mortall; line 10 according to the truth of this sentence:

Corpore deposito viuit virtute superstes,
De virtute nihil mors violenta rapit.

Iohn Wolton bish [...]p of Ex­cester.Iohn Wolton now liuing, was called to be bi­shop of Excester, & consecrated at Lambith by Ed­mund Grindall archbishop of Canturburie, in Au­gust 1579. He is a professor of diuinitie, and a preacher of the gospell, and vniuersallie séene in all good letters. This William Wolton, being in suc­cessiue order the eight and fortith that occupied the line 20 said sée, from the first that inioied the same episco­pall aduancement, ministreth iust occasion to insert a catalog of all the bishops of Excester as they fol­lowed one after another in that sée, being an apt col­lection, and verie answerable to the description of Excester, and the ancient foundation of saint Pe­ters church there; mentioned in the third yeare of the reigne of king Edward the sixt, page 1007, and continued to page 1028.

A catalog of the bishops of Exce­ster collected by Iohn Vowell aliâs Hooker, gentleman.

Werstanus.1 WErstanus, at a prouinciall synod holden in Westsex, in the yeare 905, was con­secrated bishop of Deuon, and had his see at bi­shops Tauton: and in the yeare following 906 he died, and was buried in his owne church. line 40

Putta.2 Putta, after the death of Werstanus, was e­lected and consecrated bishop, and had his sée at Tauton: and taking his iourneie towards Credi­ton, to sée and visit the king (or as some saie, Uf­fa the kings lieutenant) was by the said Uffas men slaine, and then vpon his death the sée was remo­ued to Crediton.

Eadulphus.3 Eadulphus, brother to Alpsius duke of Deuon and Cornewall, and founder of Lanceston, was consecrated bishop of Deuon, but installed at Cre­diton, line 50 where he had his sée, and continued bishop two and twentie yeares, and then dieng about the yeare 932, he was buried in his owne church.

Ethelgarus.4 Ethelgarus, in the yeare 932, succeeded Ea­dulphus, and in his time king Athelstane subdued the Cornish people, reedified this citie, and compas­sed the same with a stone wall: he founded the mo­nasterie of saint Peters for monks of saint Be­nets order. This Ethelgarus, after he had béene bishop ten yeares, died, and was buried in his owne line 60 church.

Algarus.5 Algarus, in the yeare 942 after Ethelgarus, was constituted & installed bishop at Crediton, and hauing béene bishop about ten yeares, died and was buried in his owne church.

Alfwoldus.6 Alfwoldus, as Matthew Westminster writeth, was next bishop after Algarus, and consecrated by the aduise of Dunstane, in the yeare 952. In this time Odogarus earle of Deuon, and father in law to king Edgar, builded the abbeie of Tauestoke: and king Edgar called home all the monkes of saint Peters which were dispersed, and without a­nie abbat, and made Sidemannus abbat, who was afterwards bishop. This Alfwoldus after sixtéene yeares that he was consecra [...]e [...], died and was bu­ried in his owne church.

7 Alfwolfus, as Dicetus affirmeth, was conse­crated bishop in the yeare of our Lord 969, Alfwolfus. and after nine yeares died, and was buried in his owne church.

8 Sidemannus of an abbat was made a bishop, Sideman­nus. in the yeare 978. In this mans time the Danes o­uerran and spoiled the whole countries of Deuon and Cornewall, burned the towne of Bodmen, and the cathedrall church of saint Petrokes, with the bi­shops house. Wherevpon the bishops sée was remo­ued from thense to saint Germans, where the same continued, vntill the remouing and vniting thereof vnto Crediton. Sidemannus in the twelfe yeare after his consecration died, and was buried at Cre­diton in his owne church 990.

9 Alphredus, whome Dicetus calleth Alfricus, Alphredus. abbat of Malmesburie, was consecrated bishop, and installed at Crediton: he was taken for a lear­ned man, because he wrote two bookes, the one in­tituled Derebus coenobij sui, and the other De rerum natu­ris. In this bishops time, king Ethelred endowed the bishoprike of saint Germans with lands, li­berties, and priuileges. The Danes made a fresh inuasion in and vpon all Deuon and Cornewall, burned and spoiled the abbie of Ordolphus at Taue­stoke: they besieged Excester, and being remoued from thense, were fought withall at Pinneho, a­bout thrée miles from the citie, and ouerthrowne. Alphredus, after he had béene bishop about nine yeares, died in the yeare 999, and was buried in his owne church.

10 Alwolfus (as Dicetus writeth) was the next bishop. In his time Sweno king of Denmarke, Alwolfus. by intisement of one Hugh then earle of Deuon, came with a great host and besieged the citie of Ex­cester, tooke it and burned it, and with great cruel­tie vsed the people, vntill in the end Almarus then earle of Deuon, and the gentlemen did yéeld and submit themselues, and so obteined peace. This Al­wolfus about the fiftéenth yeare of his bishoprike, in the yeare 1014 died, and was buried in his owne church.

11 Arnoldus, Arnoldus. by the report of the archdeacon of London, succéeded Alwolfus, and was installed at Crediton. In this mans time, king Canutus gaue to Athelwold abbat of S. Peters of this citie great gifts, and sundrie priuileges, in recompense of his fathers great iniuries. Arnoldus in the fiftéenth yeare of his bishoprike 1030 died, and was buried in his owne church.

12 Leuigus or Leuingus abbat of Tauestoke, Leuigus, or Leuingus. and nephue to Brithwaldus bishop of Cornewall, was chosen the next bishop, and according to the or­ders then vsed, consecrated and installed. He was in great fauour and credit with king Canutus, vp­pon whome he attended in pilgrimage to Rome; and after his vncle the bishop of saint Germans be­ing dead, obteined of the king that the bishops sée was remoued from saint Germans vnto Crediton, and both were thereby reduced and vnited into one bishoprike, and so hath euer since continued. Hée was after the death of Brithegus bishop of Worce­ster, remoued to that church, and there died, and was buried as some suppose: but some affirme, that in the time of Hardicanutus the king, at the accusa­tion of Alfredus then archbishop of Yorke, for that he should be consenting to the death of Alfredus the sonne of Etheldred, that he should be deposed of his bishoprike there, and so did returne vnto Tauestoke, where he died. But Dicetus affirmeth, that he purged himselfe of this crime, and by that meanes was re­stored, both to the fauour of the king, and to his bi­shoprike [Page 1301] againe, and died bishop of Worcester. It is recorded that he was bishop of Crediton fiftéene yeares.

Leofricus.13 Leofricus, a man descended of the bloud and line of Brutus, but brought vp in the land of Lotho­ringia or Loreine, was so well commended for his nobilitie, wisedome, and learning, that king Ed­ward the Confessor had him in great fauour, and made him first one of his priuie councell; then lord chancellor of all England: and lastlie the bishoprike line 10 of this prouince being void, he was made, consecra­ted, and installed bishop of the same. By him and by his meanes, the bishops sée was remoued from Crediton vnto this citie of Excester: for at his re­quest, king Edward togither with quéene Edith his wife came to Excester, & remouing the monkes from hense to Westminster, did also remoue the bishops sée from Crediton vnto his citie, and did put the bishop in possession. For he conducting the bishop on the right hand, and the quéene on the line 20 left hand, brought him to the high altar of his new church, and there placed him in a seat appoin­ted for him. He suppressed sundrie houses or cels of religion within his sanctuarie, and appropriated and vnited them to his owne church; as also by the good liberalitie of the king obteined great reuenues, possessions, priuileges, and liberties to be giuen vnto the church. In this mans time, William duke of Normandie made a conquest of this whole realme, as also in the yeare 1068 besieged this line 30 citie of Excester, which after by composition he re­stored to his former estate againe. Also in his time, Richard de Brion, a noble man of Normandie, the sonne of Baldwin of Brion, & of Albred the néece to the Conqueror, was made baron of Okehampton, warden of the castell of Excester, and vicount of Deuon. This Leofricus, after that he had well and worthilie ruled his church and diocesse by the space of three and twentie yeares, he ended his daies in peace, and died in the yeare 1073, and was buried line 40 in the cemiterie or churchyard of his owne church, vnder a simple and a broken marble stone, which place by the since inlarging of his church is now within the tower of the same, where of late, in the yeare 1568, a new monument was erected in the memorie of so good, woorthie, and noble a personage, by the industrie of the writer hereof, but at the char­ges of the deane and chapter. Osbertus or Osbernus.

14 Osbertus or Osbernus, a Norman borne, and brother to an earle named William, was pre­ferred to this bishoprike, and in the yeare 1074 was line 50 consecrated and installed to the same. Polydorus writeth, that one Galfrid who ioined with Odo, earle of Kent and bishop of Baion, against William Ru­fus, should be bishop of Exon: but it was not, nor could not so be. In this mans time, William the Conqueror, and William Rufus his sonne died. This Osbertus or Osbernus, after he had béene bishop thirtie yeares, was blind, and died, and lieth buried in his owne church.

William Warlewast.15 William Warlewast a Norman borne, and line 60 chapleine both to the Conqueror and his two sons, William and Henrie: he was a graue and a wise man, and for the same was preferred by Henrie the king to this bishoprike, in the yere one thousand one hundred and seuen, and was consecrated by Ansel­mus archbishop of Canturburie, in the moneth of August the same yeare. He first began to inlarge his church, which at that time was no bigger than that which is now called the ladie chappell. He foun­ded and builded the monasterie of Plimpton, and placed therein regular canons: in his latter daies he waxed and became blind. And yet notwithstand­ing for his wisdome the king sent him in ambassage vnto pope Paschalis the second, wherein he so wise­lie dealed, and so discréetlie behaued himselfe in his message, that he made a reconciliation betweene the pope and the king, and returned with great praise and commendation. Not long after his returne, and hauing small ioie of the world, he gaue ouer his bi­shoprike, and became one of the religious canons in his owne house of Plimpton, where he died and was buried, he was bishop about twentie yeares.

16 Robert Chichester, deane of Sarisburie, Robert Chichester. was consecrated bishop vnder Anselmus archbishop of Canturburie, Anno 1128, and the eight and twen­tith yeare of king Henrie the first. He was a gentle­man borne, and therefore estéemed for his zeale in religion, wherein he was deuout according to those daies; and thinking his labours to be best imploied that waie, did eftsoons go in pilgrimage, sometime to Rome, sometime to one place, sometime to an­other; and euer he would bring with him some one relike or other. He was a liberall contributor to the buildings of his church. In his time was founded and builded the monasterie of S. Stephans in Lan­ceston, and furthered by Reinold erle of Cornewall; but vnto it this bishop was an aduersarie, not for misliking the worke, but for feare of an intrusion vpon his liberties. Likewise at this time was buil­ded the priorie of saint Nicholas in Excester, by the abbat of Battell, vnto which abbeie this priorie was a cell. In this mans time also king Henrie made William Rideuers a Norman (and his kinsman) earle of Deuon; and therewith the lordshop of Twi­fordton, and the honor of Plimpton, togither with the third pennie of his reuenues in Deuon, which in the whole was then thirtie marks, whereof this earle had ten. Also in this mans time king Henrie died, and king Stephan entred, and tooke vpon him the crowne, whereof insued great warres. This bishop, after that he had occupied the place two and twentie yeares, died, and was buried in his owne church. But the moonke of Westminster writeth that he should be bishop seuen and twentie yeares, and died in the yeere one thousand one hundred fiftie and fiue, but he neuer saw the records of this church which are to the contrarie.

17 Robert Warlewast, Robert Warlewast. nephue to William the bishop of this church, deane of Sarisburie, was con­secrated bishop by Theobaldus archbishop of Can­turburie, in the yeare one thousand one hundred and fiftie, he nothing degenerated from the steps of his predecessors, but was altogither of the same bent and disposition. In his time king Stephan died, and Henrie the second was crowned king. This Robert after that he had occupied this sée nine yéers or there­about, died, & was buried at Plimpton by his vncle.

18 Bartholomeus Iscanus, otherwise Bartho­lomew of Excester, Bartholome­us Iscanus. was consecrated bishop of Ex­cester vnder Theobald archbishop of Canturburie, in the yeare a thousand one hundred fiftie nine, he was called Iscanus of Isca, which is one of the ancientest names of this citie. He was a meane citizens son, but being verie apt vnto learning, his parents and friends kept him to schoole; and he so well profited therein, that he came and prooued to be a verie well learned man: and being bishop he wrote sundrie bookes, as of predestination, fréewill, penance, and o­thers. Of all men he could not brooke nor fauor Tho­mas Becket archbishop of Canturburie for his con­tempt and disobedience against the king, for the which he sharplie improoued, rebuked, and inueighed against him openlie in the parlement house holden at Northampton; and with such effectuall reasons, and pithie arguments, he did so temper the same, that the whole parlement relied vnto his iudgement and opinion herein against Thomas Becket. And [Page 1302] after his death, such was the gravitie, modestie, and wisedome of the man, that he was speciallie chosen to be ambassador for the king vnto pope Alexander the third; and so wiselie, and with such discretion vsed the same, that notwithstanding his cause and mes­sage had manie aduersaries, yet he reconciled the pope and the king, obteined the goodwill and fauour of the pope, and brought his message to good effect. This bishop was in great familiaritie and acquain­tance with Baldwin of Excester his countriman, line 10 now archbishop of Canturburie, who was a poore mans sonne in this citie; but for his learning aduan­ced to this estate. In this bishops time, about the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred thrée score and eight, William Fitzralfe a citizen of this citie founded a cell for moonks within this citie, and dedicated the same to saint Alexius, which not long after was united to saint Iohns within the east gate of the same citie. In his time also Reinold of Court­neie a nobleman of Normandie, the son of Elorus line 20 the son of Lewes, named Lewes le Grosse king of France came into this land, and married Hawise daughter and heire to Mawd the daughter and heire to Adelis, sister and heire to Richard de Briono the first vicount of Deuon, and in hir right was vicount of Deuon. This Bartholomew, after he had béene bishop about fouretéene yeares, in the yere one thou­sand one hundred eightie and foure, died: but where he died, and where he was buried it dooth not appeere. In this bishops time about the yeare one thousand line 30 one hundred and seuentie, one Iohannes Corinien­sis a Cornish man borne, was a famous learned diuine, he was a student at Rome and other places in Italie, and by that meanes grew into great ac­quaintance with pope Alexander the third: he wrote diuerse bookes, and namelie one De incarnatione Chri­sti, against Peter Lombard, who affirmed, Quòd Chri­stus secundum quod homo est, aliquid non est; and this he de­dicated to pope Alexander.

Iohn the chanter.19 Iohn the chanter of the cathedrall church of line 40 this citie was consecrated and installed bishop of this church, in the yeare one thousand one hundred eightie and foure, he was well reported of for his li­beralitie in continuing the buildings of this church, wherein he was nothing inferior to his predecessors. In his time king Henrie Fitzempresse died, and he himselfe, hauing beene bishop about six yeares, died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred ninetie and one.

Henrie Marshall.20 Henrie Marshall archdeacon of Stafford, the line 50 brother to Walter earle marshall of England, was consecrated bishop by Hubert archbishop of Cantur­burie, in the yeare one thousand one hundred ninetie and one; he finished the building of his church, accor­ding to the plot and foundation which his predeces­sors had laid; and that doone, he purchased the patro­nage and lordship of Woodburie of one Albemarlie, which he gaue and impropriated vnto the vicars cho­rall of his church. In this mans time, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred and one, one line 60 Simon Thurnaius a Cornish man borne, brought vp in learning, did by diligence and studie so prosper therein, that he became excellent in all the liberall sciences, and in his daies none thought to be like him. He left Oxenford, where he had béene a student, and went to Paris, and there became a priest, and studied diuinitie, and therein became so excellent, and of so deepe a iudgement, that he was made chéefe of the Sorbonists; at length he became so proud of his learning, and did glorie so much therein, that he would be singular, & thought himselfe to be another Aristotle: and so much he was therein blinded, and waxed so farre in loue with Aristotle, that he prefer­red him before Moses and Christ. But behold Gods iust iudgement. For suddenlie his memorie failed him, and he waxed so forgetfull, that he could neither call to remembrance anie thing that he had doone, neither could he discerne, read, or know a letter of the booke. This Henrie, after that he had spent and liued twelue yeares in his bishoprike, he died, and li­eth buried in the north side of the chancell of his church, in a verie faire toome of marble, in the yeare one thousand two hundred and six.

21 Simon de Apulia, Simon de Apulia. in the yeare one thousand two hundred and six was installed bishop of this sée, of him there remaineth no memoriall at all. In his time were famous Ioseph Iscanius, and Alexander Neckam; the one was verie well learned in the La­tine and Gréeke toong, and in the liberall sciences; the other was prior of saint Nicholas, and was an v­niuersall man, being a profound philosopher, an elo­quent orator, a pleasant poet, and a déepe diuine. In this bishops time the doctrine of eleuation, adorati­on, reseruation, and praieng for the dead, being esta­blished by pope Honorius the third, the parish chur­ches within this citie were limited, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred twentie & two. In this mans time, in the yeare one thousand two hundred and twelue, one Iohannes Deuonius, so surnamed, because he was borne in Deuon, being well bent to good studies, was much commended for his learning and modestie. He was familiar and of great acquaintance with Baldwin archbishop of Canturburie, and being made abbat of Ford, was in such fauor with king Iohn, that he chose him to be his confessor and chapleine: he was a writer, and compiled diuerse bookes which were then accounted of. Being dead, he was buried in his abbeie, the people much lamenting the want of so good a man. This bishop hauing spent eightéene yeares, died, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred twentie and foure, & was buried in his owne church.

22 William Brewer, verie shortlie after the death of the foresaid Simon, was elected bishop, and consecrated by Stephan Langton archbishop of Canturburie, William Brewer. in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred twentie and foure. He was borne and descended of a noble house and parentage, being brother to sir William Brewer knight, the husband of the eldest daughter, & one of the heirs to William de Uerona, erle of Deuon; and who also was founder of the abbeies of Tor, of Hartland, and other mo­nasteries. This bishop so wiselie and discréetlie be­haued himselfe, that he was had in great reputati­on among all men, and in speciall fauour with the king. For king Henrie, hauing giuen his sister ladie Isabell to wife vnto Frederike the emperor, did commend and betake hir to this bishop, to be conuei­ed and conducted to the emperor. And such was the fame and good report spred of him, that as he passed through the countries, they were from place to place receiued with great honor; and being come to the ci­tie of Coleine, the archbishop there did not onelie ve­rie honorablie receiue them, but also accompanied them vnto the citie of Wormes, where the mariage was solemnized. When this bishop had séene the marriage, and all things performed, he tooke his leaue, and was dismissed with great presents, and honorablie accompanied homewards by the archbi­shop and others. At his returne he was ioifullie re­ceiued of all the noble men about the king, and most thankfullie by the king himselfe, and whome the king vsed as his speciall and most trustie councellor in all his weightie causes. This bishop being come home to his owne house, andminding (as his predecessors had doone) to leaue some good memoriall behind him, he made a deane, and constituted twentie foure pre­bendaries within his church. To the one he impro­priated [Page 1303] Brampton and Coliton Rawleie: for the o­thers he purchased so much land, as out whereof he assigned to euerie prebendarie foure pounds by the yeare, and of these he ordeined his chapter. Also in this mans time, in the yeare one thousand two hun­dred and fortie, Gilbert Long and Robert his bro­ther citizens of this citie builded and founded the ho­spitall of saint Iohns, within the east gate of this ci­tie, for the sustenance of certeine poore folks, called afterwards the poore children of saint Iohns, & gaue all their lands and tenements to the same, which was line 10 sufficient. The yeare following, the cell of Alexius was remooued and adioined to saint Iohns; and then the founders being dead, the charge and gouerne­ment of that house was by those founders commen­ded to the maior of this citie, & they thenseforth were founders and patrons thereof. In the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred fortie and foure, there grew a contention concerning the poore lazer sicke people of the Magdalen without the south gate of this citie, whose maner and vsage was then, with line 20 a clapdish vpon euerie market daie to resort and come to the markets, and there to beg euerie mans deuotion: but by reason of their sicknesse, which was lothsome and abhorred, the peoples deuotion waxed short and scant against them: as also euerie man murmured against their going & begging at large. Where vpon the matter being brought into question betwéene the bishop and this citie, it was concluded that a perimutation should be made: and that there­fore the bishops should be patrones, and haue the line 30 gouernement of saint Iohns, and the maior and his successors to be gardians and founders of the hospi­tall of the Magdalen; with a prouiso, that the proctor of the hospitall of the Magdalen should on one daie in euerie moneth come with his box to saint Peters church at the time of seruice, and there receiue and gather the deuotion of the canons, which is vsed at these presents. This poore house remaineth still, but the other for want of good freends was suppressed and dissolued. This bishop, after he had continued in his line 40 church about nineteene yeares, he died, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred fortie and foure, and lieth buried in the middle of his owne church vnder a plaine marble stone.

Richard Blondie.23 Richard Blondie, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred fortie and fiue, was conse­crated and installed bishop, Bonifacius then being archbishop of Canturburie. This Richard was a man of a mild spirit, but verie stout against such as in his time did offer anie iniurie to the church. And line 50 in his old yeares being but a weake man, he was much carried and ruled by such as were his officers and about him, who taking the opportunitie of the time, vsed all the meanes they might to inrich them­selues. His chéefest officers were one Lodeswell his chancellor, Sutton his register, Fitzherbert his of­ficiall, and Ermestow the kéeper of his seale. These with others of the chéefe seruants of his houshold compacted among themselues, that whilest the bi­shop was yet liuing, who then laie sicke and verie line 60 weake in his bed, to make and conueie vnto them­selues conueiances of such liuelihoods as then laie in the bishops disposition; and accordinglie made out aduousons and other such conueiances as to them seemed best, all which were forthwith sealed and deliuered according to the orders among them con­cluded. But these their subtill dealings were not so closelie conueied, but that the next bishop follow­ing boolted and found the same out; and did not one­lie reuerse all their dooings, but also did excommuni­cat them, and who were not absolued vntill they had doone their penance for the same: which was doone at saint Peters church openlie, vpon Palmesun­daie, being the nineteenth daie of March, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred threescore and seuen. This bishop Richard in the twelfe yeare of his bishoprike, died, and was buried in his owne church.

24 Walter Bronescome, Walter Bro­nescom [...]. archdeacon of Sur­reie, was consecrated bishop of Excester vpon Passion sundaie, in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand two hundred foure score and six vnder Bonifa­cius then archbishop. He was borne in this citie of Exon, and was the sonne of poore parents; but he be­ing of a verie towardnesse and good disposition, and verie apt to learning, they partlie of themselues▪ and partlie by helpe of their friends, did put him to schoole and kept him to his booke, wherein he proued and pro­spered so well that he was verie well learned. At the time of his election he was no priest, and therefore not capeable of anie such dignitie: but immediatlie he tooke that order vpon him, and forthwith was con­secrated bishop. All which being doone within fiftéene daies, it was counted as for a miracle; namelie that be should be elected bishop, then made priest, and at last to be consecrated within that space. For so ma­nie dignities (as they termed it) to be cast vpon one man in so short a time, had not béene lightlie séene. He founded the college of Glaseneie in Perrin in Cornewall, and indowed the same with faire posses­sions and reuenues. He purchased the Barton of Rokesdon and Clist, and gaue it to the hospitall of S. Iohns within the east gate of the citie of Exce­ster. He instituted in his owne church the feast cal­led Gabriels feast; and gaue a peece of land for the maintenance thereof. He also did by a policie pur­chase the lordship and house of Clist Sachisfield, and by a deuise did inlarge the Barton thereof, by gain­ing of Cornish wood from his deane and chapter: and builded then a verie faire & a sumptuous house, and called it bishops Clist, which he left to his succes­sors. Likewise he got the patronage of Clist Fo­meson, now called Sowton, and annexed the same to his new lordship, which (as it was said) was in this order. He had a frier to be his chapleine and confes­sor, which died in his said house of Clist, and should haue bin buried at the parish church of Faringdon, bicause the said house was and is in that parish: but bicause the parish church was somewhat far off, the waies soule, and the weather rainie, or for some other causes; the bishop willed and commanded the corps to be carried to the parish church of Sowton, then called Clist Fomeson, which is verie néere and bor­dereth vpon the bishops lordship: the two parishes there being diuided by a little lake called Clist. At this time one Fomeson a gentleman was lord and patrone of Clist Fomeson, and he being aduertised of such a buriall towards in his parish, and a léech waie to be made ouer his land, without his leaue or consent required therein, calleth his tenants togi­ther, and goeth to the bridge ouer the lake, betwéene the bishops land and his, and there méeteth the bi­shops men bringing the said corps, and forbiddeth them to come ouer the water. But the bishops men nothing regarding the same, doo presse forwards to come ouer the water; and the others doo withstand and fall at strife about the matter, so long, that in the end my lords frier is fallen into the water. The bi­shop taketh this matter in such griefe, that a holie frier, a religious man, and his owne chapleine and confessor should so vnreuerentlie be cast into the wa­ter, that he falleth out with the gentleman, and (vpon what occasion I know not) he sueth him in the law, and so vexeth and tormenteth him, that in the end he was faine to yéeld himselfe to the bishops deuotion, and séeketh all waies he could to currie the bishops good will, which he could not obteine, vntill for his re­demption [Page 1304] he had given and surrendred vp his patro­nage of Sowton with a péece of land, all which the said bishop annexeth to his new lordship. Thus by policie he purchased the manor of bishops Clist, by a deuise gaineth Cornish wood, and by power wre­steth the patronage of Sowton. This bishop after he had occupied this see about thrée and twentie years, died and was buried in his owne church, in a sump­tuous toome of alabaster.

Peter Quiuill.25 Peter Quivill, in the yeare of our Lord one line 10 thousand two hundred foure score and one, was con­secrated bishop of this church, vnder Iohn archbi­shop of Canturburie. He first instituted a chanter and a subdeane in his church. To the one he impro­priated Painton and Chidleigh, and to the other the rectorie of Eglosehaile in Cornewall, he was a libe­rall and a speciall benefactor to the hospitall of saint Iohns in Excester as well in goods as in liuelihoods, he first began to inlarge & increase his church from the chancell downewards, and laid the foundation line 20 thereof. In his time in the yeare of Christ one thou­sand two hundred foure score and fiue, Walter Lich­lade the first chanter was slaine in a morning as he came from the morning service, then called the Mat­tins, which was then woont to be said shortlie after midnight. Upon which occasion the king came vnto this citie, and kept his Christmasse in the same, and therevpon a composition was made betweene the bishop and the citie for inclosing of the churchyard, and building of certeine gates there, as appéereth by line 30 the said composition bearing date in Festo annuncia­tionis beatae Mariae 1286. The king at the sute of the earle of Hereford, who at his being here was lodged in the house of the Greie friers, which then was néere the house of S. Nicholas, obteined of the bishop, that they should be remoued from thense to a more whole­some place, which was to the place without the south gate: wherof after the kings departure grew some controuersie, bicause the bishop refused to performe his promise made to the king. This man also impro­priated line 40 the parish of S. Newleine, and the parish of Stoke Gabriell, and vnited the same to the office of the chancellor of the cathedrall church; & vnder con­dition, that the said chancellor should continuallie read a lecture within the said citie, of diuinitie or of the decretals: and if he should faile to doo this, that then it might and should be lawfull to the bishop to resigne the said parsonages impropriated, and to be­stow it at his pleasure, as appeereth by the said grant vnder the seales of the said bishop, deane and chap­ter, line 50 dated the twelfe of the calends of Maie 1283. This bishop not long after, and in the eleuenth yeare of his bishoprike, died; being choked in drinking of a sirrup, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand two hundred ninetie and two, & was buried in his owne church. The Franciscans or Greie friers of this ci­tie imputed his death to his hard dealing with them. For whereas he had promised the king to prouide a conuenient place for them to build their house in, and had willed their warden named Deodatus, to line 60 séeke out and make inquirie for the same: yet not­withstanding when he had so doone, bicause the same was in his sée, he did swarue from his said promise, and did vtterlie denie to performe the same, by the persuasion of one Peter Kenefeld, a Dominican or Blacke frier, and Confessor vnto the said bishop. For he enuieng the good successe of the Franciscans, per­suadeth with the bishop, that in no wise he should per­mit them to inioy the place which they had gotten, nor to build therein; bicause it was within his sée: for saith he, as vnder colour of simplicitie they créepe into the hearts of the people, and hinder vs poore preachers from our gaines and liuings; so be ye sure, that if the canons put foot within your liberties, they will in time so incroch vpon the same, as that they will be cleane exempted from out of your libertie, and iurisdiction. The bishop being soone persuaded and contented contrarie to his promise to yéeld ther­vnto, denieth the Franciscans; and vtterlie forbid­deth them to build or to doo anie thing within his sée or libertie. About two yeares after, the bishop kept a great feast vpon the sundaie next before saint Fran­cis daie, and among others was present with him one Walter Winborne one of the kings chiefe iu­stices of the bench; and who was present when the bi­shop at the request of the king made promise to fur­ther and to helpe the Franciscans, and who in their behalfe did now put the bishop in mind thereof, and requested him to haue consideration both of his owne promise and of their distresse. The bishop mis­liking these spéeches, waxed somewhat warme and offended, and in open termes did not onelie denie to yeeld herevnto, but wished himselfe to be choked what daie soeuer he did consent or yéeld vnto it. It fortuned that the same wéeke, and vpon the daie of saint Francis eue, the bishop tooke a certeine sirrup to drinke, and in too hastie swallowing thereof his breath was stopped, and he forthwith died. The Fran­ciscans hearing thereof, made no little a doo about this matter, but blazed it abrode that saint Francis wrought this miracle vpon the bishop, bicause he was so hard against them.

26 Thomas Bitton the yeare following was e­lected bishop, & the sée of Canturburie being void, Thomas Bitton. he was consecrated by Iohn Roman archbishop of Yorke. He left no memoriall of anie great things doone by him, sauing that he continued in the buil­ding of his church; as also was a fauourer of such learned men as were in his diocesse in his time: namelie Robert Plimpton a regular canon of Plimpton, and professor of diuinitie, and who wrote two bookes, Walter of Exon a Franciscane frier of Carocus in Cornewall, who at the request of one Baldwin of Excester wrote the historie of Guie of Warwike; William of Excester doctor of diuinitie and warden of the Franciscane friers of this citie; Godfrie surnamed Cornewall, a subtill schooleman, and a reader of diuinitie sometimes in Paris. This bishop, after fouretéene yeares that he had occupied this sée, died, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and six, and was buried in his owne church.

27 Walter Stapledon, Walter Sta­pledon. in the yere of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and seauen, being elected bishop of this citie, was consecrated by Robert Winchelseie archbishop of Canturburie. He descen­ded of a most noble parentage, which ioined with his learning, wisedome, & politike head, did him great credit and fauour with the king, who had him not onelie one of his priuie councell, but also made him lord treasuror of England. At his inthronization or installing he kept a solemne obseruation. For being come first to the citie, immediatlie after his conse­cration, as soone as he came to the east gate, he a­lighted from his horsse, and went in on foot, all the stréet being couered and laied with blacke cloth; he was led on both sides with two men of worship: and sir Hugh Courtneie knight, who clamed to be steward of his feast, went next before him. The feast it selfe was verie sumptuous and liberall. A contro­uersie was betweene him & the said sir Hugh Court­neie, concerning his chalenge to be his steward, but it was compounded and ended. This bishop as he grew and increased in wealth, so he was carefull in the well disposing of part therof. For the increase of learning he builded and erected two houses in Oxen­ford, the one named Stapledons inne, but since Ex­cester college, the other Hart hall. He was also a spe­ciall [Page 1305] benefactor vnto the hospitall of saint Iohns in Excester; vnto the which, for the reléeuing of certeine poore children therein, he impropriated the rectorie or personage of Ernescome. In the controuersie be­twéene his maister king Edward the second, and Charles the French king, he was sent ambassadour to the French king, and ioined in commission with the quéene, for the treatie of a peace and reconcilia­tion: which though it were obteined, yet he ioining with the Spensers, who fauoured not the queene, he line 10 returned into England; leauing the queene behind him. And whereas they practised what they could, to put enimitie betweene the king and hir; and to set hir besides the cushion, they themselues fell into the same snares, which they had laied for others. For not long after, the queene, by the helpe of the earle of He­nauld, and of sir Iohn his brother, came into Eng­land with a great armie. Whereof the king and the Spensers, being affraied, departed from London to Bristow, leauing the bishop at London, and made line 20 him custos of the same; who requiring the keies of the gates of the citie of the maior, the commoners tooke him and beheaded him, as also his brother sir Richard Stapledon, in Cheapside, and carried his bodie to his house without Templebar, & there bu­ried it in a sandhill; namelie the fiftéenth of October in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred twentie and nine. But the quéene forgetting all dis­curtesies, and reuerencing his calling, commanded his corps to some more honourable buriall: where­vpon line 30 the same was taken vp, and brought to this ci­tie, and with great solemnitie was buried in his owne church, vpon the eight and twentith of March, where his epitaph by the writer thereof is set. Thus after that he had béene bishop about twentie yeares, he ended his daies.

Iames Barkeleie.28 Iames Barkeleie, vpon the six and twentith of March, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred twentie and seauen, before the buriall of his predecessor in his owne church, was consecrated bi­shop line 40 of this citie. He descended of the noble house of the lord Barkeleie, and albeit he were reputed to be a verie godlie and a wise man, yet he had no time to yéeld the triall thereof. For he died in the fourth mo­neth after his consecration, vpon the foure & twen­tith daie of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand thrée hundred twentie and seauen, and was bu­ried in his owne church as some say, but some thinke he neuer came hither at all.

Iohn Gran­desson.29 Iohn Grandesson, being in Italie with pope line 50 Iohn the two & twentith. After the death of Iames Barkeleie, the king presented him vnto the pope, who accepted the presentation, & consecrated him bishop of this diocesse on the eight of October, Anno 1327. He was borne and descended of the ancient house of the Grandessons, dukes of Burgognie, his father was named Gilbert, the brother of Otho the great lord Grandesson. Which Gilbert comming into this land, was well interteined by the king and nobilitie, and had a good liking of the countrie, that by meanes of Henrie earle of Lancaster, with whome he came line 60 into England, he married ladie Sibill, daughter and one of the heires to Iohn Tregos, lord of the ca­stell of Ewas, néere Hereford east, and by hir had is­sue fiue sonnes, and foure daughters; of which this bishop was one, and was borne in the parish of Ash­perton, in the diocesse of Hereford. He was from his childhood verie well afftected to learning, and be­came a good scholar and professor of diuinitie, of which method he wrote two books, the one intituled Pontifi­cales maiores, and the other Pontificales minores. He was also verie graue, wise, and politike, and therby grew into such credit with pope Iohn the two and twen­tith, that he was not onelie of his priuie councell, but also Nuntius apostolicae sedis; and in all matters of weight and importance an ambassadour for him to the emperour, to the kings of Spaine, of France, of England, and of all others the mightiest princes of christendome. And being on a time sent in an ambassage to king Edward the third, he did with such wisedome and grauitie behaue himselfe, that the king was rauished in loue with him; and did so tenderlie loue and fauour him, that he neuer ceassed, vntill he had procured him from the pope, and then he gaue him the archdeaconrie of Notingham, and be­stowed great liuings on him. He made him one of his priuie councell, and in the end preferred him to this bishoprike. After this, there being some disliking betwéene pope Clement the sixt, and the king; he for his approoued wisedome was sent in an ambassage to the pope, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred fortie and thrée, for an intreatie of a peace and an amitie betweene them to be had; and with such wisedome he did his message, that he obtei­ned his purpose, and made a reconciliation. After his returne home to his bishoprike, he was altogi­ther giuen in dooing some good things. He builded & founded the college of saint Marie Otreie, and in­dowed the same with great and goodlie liuelihoods, he was a liberall benefactor to the vicars chorall of his owne church, as also to the college of Glasneie in Perrin; he builded the two last arches in the west end of his church, vauted the roofe of all the church, and fullie performed and ended the buildings of the same, and then inriched his said church with plate, ornaments, and great riches. Also he builded a verie faire house in his sanctuarie at bishops Teington, which he gaue and left full furnished unto his succes­sors, and did impropriate vnto the same the parso­nage of Radwaie, to the end as he setteth downe in his testament, Vt haberent locum vndè caput suum recli­narent, si fortè in manum regis eorum temporalia caperentur: and which his halsening in the end came partlie to effect. For not onelie the most part of the temporal­ties of this bishoprike, but this new builded house and impropriation are come to be the possessions and inheritances of temporall men. This bishop wa­xed old, and féeling in himselfe a decaie of nature, made his last will and testament, wherein he made such large and bountious legacies to the pope, em­perour, king, queene, archbishop, bishops, colleges, churches, and to sundrie persons of high estates and callings; that a man would maruell, considering his great and chargeable buildings & works other­wise, how and by what meanes he could haue attei­ned to such a masse of welth and riches; but his wise­dome and policie considered, it was easie. For first, he sequestrateth from himselfe and out of his house the troope of manie men and horsses, reteining and kéeping no more than to serue his reasonable estate; his diet was frugall, his receipts great, his expenses no more than necessarie. Moreouer, he had taken and set an order with all the ecclesiasticall persons of his diocesse, that at the time of their deaths, they should leaue and bequeth all their goods to him or to some other in trust, In pios vsus, & towards his charge­able buildings; and so well he was beloued, and his dooings liked, that they all accepted this his order: by meanes whereof he grew within the course of fortie yeares to infinite wealth and riches. He was in all his life time a plaine man, and void of all vaine glo­rie and pompe; and preuenting that none should be vsed at his buriall, commanded the same to be doone plainelie & simplie; and that none of his executors, chapleins, seruants, nor none of his houshold should weare anie moorning blacke cloths at the same, but onelie their accustomable & common apparell, which then was commonlie greie coloured cloths. This [Page 1306] bishop was no lesse graue and wise, than stout and of courage, if occasion did so require. And amongest other things this is reported of him; that about the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred thirtie and one, Simon Mepham, then archbishop of Can­turburie, sent his mandatum to this bishop, that he would visit his church & diocesse vpon mondaie next after Ascension daie then following. This bishop (vpon what occasion it is not written) did refuse this mandatum, and appealed from the same, aduerti­sing the archbishop that he should not visit his church line 10 nor diocesse. Notwithstanding, the archbishop at the time appointed came to this citie, and went to S. Peters church, nothing thinking that anie durst to withstand him. But the bishop knowing of his com­ming, goeth to the church doore, méeteth the arch­bishop, and forbiddeth him to enter into his church; but the archbishop pressing forward, as with force to enter, the bishop being then well garded, denied and resisted him: whervpon the archbishop departed, and after at a prouinciall counsell holden at London, the line 20 archbishop complained hereof, but by meanes of the like discord betwéene him & his suffragans, he pre­uailed not. In this bishops time one William of Ex­cester, a verie well learned man, was a canon of this church; and he ioining with Nicholas de Cesena, Okeham, Walsingham, and others, did openlie preach, that Christ and his apostles were but poore men, and had no temporall possessions: neither was anie emperor or laie man subiect to the pope, but on­lie in matters of religion. But when he heard that line 30 pope Iohn the thrée and twentith had excommunica­ted, and would condemne them all for heretikes; this William, to saue his liuings, secretlie shroonke a­waie from his old companions, and changed his co­pie, and writeth certeine conclusions against them and his owne preachings. Also in this bishops time, about the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hun­dred and fortie, one Iohn of Bampton, so named, bicause he was borne at Bampton, in this diocesse, and a moonke of the order of the Carmelites, was a line 40 verie good scholar, and first did openlie read Aristotle in the vniuersitie of Cambridge▪ where he was a scholar; and afterwards he studied diuinitie, and was made doctor: he wrote certeine bookes, which are not extant. This bishop, after that he had occupied this church about two and fortie yeares, he died vpon S. Swithins daie, in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand three hundred sixtie and nine, and was buried in a chappell which he builded in the west wall of his line 50 owne church.

Thomas Brenting­ham.30 Thomas Brentingham, after the death of this Iohn Grandesson, was at one instant chosen bishop of Excester and bishop of Hereford, who refusing the one tooke the other, and was consecrated bishop of Excester vpon the tenth daie of March, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred and seauen­tie, being the feast daie of Nereus and Achilles, William of Worcester then archbishop of Cantur­burie. This Thomas was a man verie well lear­ned, line 60 and experted both in ecclesiasticall matters, and in politike gouernement, and in both these respects greatlie reuerenced and estéemed; and for that cause, at the parlement holden at Westminster, in the tenth yeare of the reigne of king Richard the second, was chosen one of the twelue péeres of the realme vnder the king. He was a benefactor to the Ca­lenderhaie of the vicars chorall of his owne church, and performed and supplied in buildings and other­wise, what his predecessors had left vndoone. And ha­uing beene bishop foure and twentie yeares, he di­ed the third of December, in the yeare of our Lord 1394, and was buried in the north side of the bodie of his owne church.

31 Edmund Stafford vpon the twentith daie of Iune, Edmund Stafford. in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred ninetie and fiue, was consecrated at Lam­beth by William Courtnaie archbishop of Cantur­burie. He was borne and descended of noble paren­tage, being brother to Ralfe lord Stafford created earle of Stafford by king Edward the third; he was both wise and learned, and for his wisedome grew into great credit with the king, and was both of his priuie councell, as also lord chancellor of England. At the parlement holden at Westminster, the one and twentith yeare of the reigne of king Richard the second, he being then speaker of the higher house, made a verie learned and pithie oration, to prooue the absolute authoritie of a king: his theme was, Rex vnus erit omnibus. And hauing discoursed at large of the authoritie of a king, he did conclude; Quòd potesta [...] regis esset sibi sola, vnita, annexa solida; and whosoeuer did by anie meanes impeach the same, Poena legis me­ritò esset plectendus. And for the furtherance of good letters, he did increase two fellowships in the col­lege of Stapledons inne in Oxford, reformed the statutes of the house, and altered the name of it, and called it Excester college. After that he had conti­nued bishop in much honor about thrée and twentie yeares, he died the fourth of September, being the seuenth yeare of king Henrie the fift, and lieth bu­ried in his owne church in a verie faire toome of ala­baster.

32 Iames Carie bishop of Chester, Iames Carie. then being at Florence when news was brought to pope Martin the fift of the said late bishop Staffords death, was there made bishop of this church, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred and nineteene, and also consecrated; but long he inioied not his office, for there he died, and was buried.

33 Edmund Lacie bishop of Hereford was translated from thense vnto this church in the feast of Easter, Edmund Lacie. and in the eight yeare of the reigne of king Henrie the fift, in the yeare of our Lord God one thousand foure hundred and twentie. He was a man verie deuout and religious, but subiect to flat­terers, who carried him to their pleasure; he was a liberall benefactor vnto the vicar of Calenderhaie. Great contentions were betwéene him and the citie for liberties, which by arbitrement were compoun­ded. He founded the chapter house in his owne church. He was a professor of diuinitie, and verie well learned. For in the second yeare of his bishop­rike, being the ninth yeare of the kings reigne, there was a parlement holden at Westminster, in which great complaints were made against the loose and dissolute life of the religious men, and especiallie the blacke moonks. And this matter being brought to the conuocation house, this bishop as chéefe proloqun­tor of that assemblie, did make a verie learned and a pithie oration before the king, then of purpose pre­sent, and the whole cleargie, much lamenting that the religious men were so far straied from the rules of their professions, and the holinesse of their prede­cessors. And when he had at large discoursed the same, he deliuered vp certeine articles in writing, praieng for reformation. Which his spéeches were so effectuallie vttered, and his articles so pithilie pen­ned, that both the king and the clergie did not onelie with great liking and allowance praise and com­mend the same; but also tooke order that there should be a prouinciall councell called out of hand for a re­formation. Which was then promised, but not perfor­med, by reason of the kings death, which not long af­ter followed. But yet in the waie of good spéed, it was then concluded and agréed, that euerie third benefice, being of the gift of anie of the prelats, or of anie mo­nasterie, should from thenseforth for seauen yeares [Page 1307] be giuen to some scholar of Oxford or Cambridge. This bishop, after he had liued fiue and thirtie yeares in this bishoprike, died and was buried in the north wall of the queere in his owne church. After whose death manie miracles were said and deuised to be doone at his toome, wherevpon great pilgrimages were made by the common people to the same.

George Neuill.34 George Neuill succéeded Edmund Lacie, and was consecrated in the feast of saint Katharine, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred fiftie line 10 and fiue, he was of a noble parentage, being the second son at Richard Neuill earle of Sarisburie, he finished and ended the chapter house which his prede­cessor had begun. And after that he had beene bi­shop about ten yeares, he was remooued to Yorke, and made archbishop there, in the yeare of Christ one thousand foure hundred thrée score and fiue.

Iohn Booth.35 Iohn Booth, after the translation of George Neuill to Yorke, was consecrated bishop vnder Thomas Burscher archbishop of Canturburie, vpon line 20 the two and twentith daie of Februarie, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred three score and six. He was by profession a ciuillian, and a bat­chelor of the same, he gouerned his church verie well, and builded (as some suppose) the bishops sée in the queere. But being werie of the great troubles which were in this countrie betwéene king Edward the fourth and the earle of Warwike, he remooued from hense to his house of Horsleigh in Hamshire, where in the twelfe yere of his bishoprike he died, vpon the line 30 fift of Aprill, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred seuentie and eight, and lieth buried at saint Clements in London.

Peter Court­neie.36 Peter Courtneie, immediatlie after the death of Iohn Booth, was presented to this bishoprike, and consecrated by Thomas archbishop of Canturburie in Nouember, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred seuentie and seuen at saint Stephans in Westminster; he was the son of sir Philip Court­nie of Powderham, his mother was named Elisa­beth, line 40 daughter to Walter lord Hungerford. He for his wisedome and good behauiour was in great fa­uor & credit with king Henrie the seauenth, by whose means he was translated from this church to Win­chester, in the ninth yeare of his being bishop here, and in the fift yeare of his being there he died, vpon the twentith daie of December, in the yere one thou­sand foure hundred ninetie and one, and lieth buried in his owne church. He finished the north tower of saint Peters, and gaue the clocke bell which is in the line 50 same, and which beareth the name Peter.

Richard Fox.37 Richard Fox, vpon the remoouing of Peter Courtneie, was consecrated bishop of this church, vnder Thomas archbishop of Canturburie, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred thrée score and six. He was a verie wise man, and in great credit and estimation with king Henrie the seuenth, vnto whome he was a faithfull councellor, and of his councell; with whom he acquainted himselfe at Pa­ris, when he was there a student. For king Henrie line 60 then erle of Richmond, being at Uenice, and aduer­tised how the nobilitie of England was bent to haue him for their king, came from thense to Paris, and sought vnto Charles then king of France for aid and helpe: in which the earle his sutes this Fox was a speciall traueller and councellor; and in the end, God giuing the succes, the erle obteined the crowne, and hauing had due triall of the fidelitie, wisedome, & trust of this bishop, he made him lord priuie seale; and kept and vsed him & his aduise in all his weightie matters as well at home as abrode. He being am­bassador sundrie times to the kings of France and Scotland, and of a verie hartie good will and loue, the king made him godfather to his second son king Henrie the eight. There was a kind of emulation, betwéene this bishop and the earle of Surreie, both of them being verie wise and of great seruice to the king and commonwealth: howbeit, in some diuer­sitie of respects, the one hauing no issue to care for, did deale without anie priuat affection or singular gaine; and the other hauing issue, was desirous to aduance his house and honor. These affections did bréed some dislike betwéene them two, yet the king finding a faith vnto himselfe, and a commoditie to the commonwealth, misliked it not, if the same ex­céeded his measure: and they more warme than commendable for their callings and estates. The king then or the councell would deale betwene them for the appeasing and pacifieng of them, and to them he was both friendlie, louing, and liberall. The one he deliuered out of the tower, pardoned him of his offenses, restored him to his lands, receiued him in­to speciall fauor, made him of his priuie councell, as also lord treasuror of England, and his generall into Scotland, & augmented his liuelihoods. The other he first made bishop to this church, then remooued him to Bath, and from thense vnto Durham, and lastlie vnto Winchester. Erasmus, in his booke intituled The preacher or Ecclesiastes, declareth how that the king vpon a time, wanting some péece of monie, was to borow the same of the commons, and of the clergie. And for the dealings with the clergie, the matter was by commission committed to this bi­shop. Who when they came before him, vsed all the excuses that they could, to shift themselues from len­ding of anie monie. Some came verie séemelie and well apparelled, and awaited vpon by their men, ac­cording to their liuelihoods; and these alledged, that they were greatlie charged in hospitalitie and house kéeping, with other charges incident to the same, so that they had no monie, & therefore could paie none. Some came poorelie and barelie apparelled, and they alledged that their liuelihoods were but small, and yet their charges were great, and by that meanes the world was so hard with them that they had it not to spare. This bishop, hauing heard all these excuses, vsed this dilemme. To the richer sort he said; Forso­much as you are so well and séemelie apparelled, and doo kéepe so great houses, and haue all things necessa­rie about you; it is a manifest argument, that you haue some store about you, or else you would not doo as ye doo: and therefore yee must néeds lend. To the other, who pretended excuse of their pouertie, he thus replied vnto them; that forsomuch as they were so bare in their apparell, and so sparing of their expenses, it must néeds be that they saued their pursses and had monie, and therefore they must néeds paie, and so ad­iudged them to lend vnto the prince. Now as he a­rose by learning, so he was a great fauorer and fur­therer of learning: and for the good increase of the same he builded and founded Corpus Christi col­lege in Oxenford. In his latter daies he waxed and was blind, and dieng in Winchester, he was there buried in his owne church, after that he had beene bi­shop of Excester six yéers, he was remoued to Bath, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred ninetie and two.

38 Oliuer King, immediatlie vpon the transfer­ring of bishop Fox, Oliuer King. was consecrated bishop of this church, in Februarie, one thousand foure hundred ninetie and two, Iohn Morton then archbishop of Canturburie. This Oliuer was chapleine to king Henrie the seuenth, and deane of Windesor, and re­gister of the order of the garter. In his time were the rebellions of Ioseph the blacke smith in Corne­wall, and of Perken Warbecke. This bishop after that he had occupied this sée about fiue yeares, he di­ed in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hun­dred [Page 1308] ninetie and seuen, and (as some suppose) he was buried at Windesor.

Richard Redman.39 Richard Redman, immediatlie vpon the death of bishop Oliuer King, was translated from his bi­shoprike in Wales to this citie; but after fiue yeares he was remooued vnto the bishoprike of Elie, and installed there in September in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and one. He was a gentleman borne, and descended of a verie worship­full house, which ioined with his wisedome and lear­ning, did much increase his credit and good report. line 10

Iohn A­rundell.40 Iohn Arundell, next after the translation of bishop Redman, was remooued from Couentrie and Lichfield vnto this citie, and was installed the fifteenth of March, one thousand fiue hundred and one. Wherein he sought not the preferment for anie liuelihoods, but rather desirous to be a dweller and resiant in his countrie where he was borne: for he was descended of the Arundels of Lanherne in Cornewall, a house of great antiquitie and worship. line 20 He long inioied not his new bishoprike, for after two yeares after his installing, he had occasion to ride vnto London, and there died, and was buried in S. Clements church without Templebar, in the yeare one thousand fiue hundred and three.

41 Hugh Oldham, vpon the death of Arundell, by the preferment of the countesse of Richmond and Derbie, Hugh Old­ham. vnto whom he was chapleine, was prefer­red vnto this bishoprike, and installed in the same. He was a man hauing more zeale than knowledge, line 30 and more deuotion than learning; somewhat rough in spéeches, but friendlie in dooings. He was carefull in the sauing and defending of his liberties, for which continuall sutes was betwéene him and the abbat of Tauestoke; he was liberall to the vicars chorall of his church, and reduced them to the kéeping of com­mons, and towards the maintenance thereof he gaue them certeine reuenues, and impropriated vn­to them the rectorie of Cornewood. He alb [...]it (of him­selfe) he were not learned▪ yet a great fauourer and a line 40 furtherer of learning and of learned men. Notwith­standing, he was sometime crossed in his honest at­tempt therein. He first was minded to haue inlar­ged Excester college in Oxford, as well in buildings as in fellowships: but after being a requester to the fellowes for one Atkins to be a fellow, in whose fa­uour he had written his letters and was denied, he changed his mind, and his good will was alienated. About the same time doctor Smith bishop of Lin­colne was building of the college named Brasen nose, and was verie willing and desirous to ioine line 50 with him: but being denied to haue the nomination of a founder, his mind was changed. Not long after, being aduertised that bishop Fox of Winchester was minded to erect & found a new college, he ioi­ned with him, and contributed vnto him a great masse of monie, and so a college was builded for scho­lars, and great liuelihoods prouided for them: & then the house was named Corpus Christi college. Where­of the one of them bare the name of a founder, and line 60 the other of a benefactor. Howbeit, some diuersitie was betwéene these two bishops at the first, to what vse this college should be imploied. For the founder was of the mind that he would haue made it for a house of moonks; but the benefactor was of the con­trarie mind, and would haue it for scholars, alleging that moonks were but a sort of buzzing flies, & whose state could not long indure; wheras scholars brought vp in learning would be profitable members to the commonwealth, and good ornaments to the church of God, and continue for euer. The founder being a wise man, and of a déepe iudgement, when he had paused and considered hereof, yeeldeth herevnto: and so it was concluded betweene them to make and build a college for scholars. And forthwith for the good direction, guiding, and gouernement of the said col­lege and scholars; such wise, good, & politike statutes and ordinances were by good aduise and counsell de­uised, established, and ordeined; as whereby the said college hath beene, and yet continueth one of the best nursseries for training and instructing of good scholars in learning within that vniuersitie. This bi­shop and the abbat of Tauestoke did still contend and continue in law during their liues: and during which sute this bishop died, being excommunicated at Rome, and who could not be suffered to be buried, vntill an absolution from Rome was procured for him. After that he had béene bishop about sixteene yeares, he died the fiue and twentith of Iune, one thousand fiue hundred and ninetéene, and was bu­ried in his owne church.

42 Iohn Uoiseie, otherwise Harman, Iohn Uoiseie succéeded Oldham, by the preferment of king Henrie the eight, whose chapleine he then was, and deane of his chapell as also of this church; he was doctor of the lawes, verie well learned and wise, and in great fa­uour with the king, who sent him sundrie times in ambassages to forreine princes; he was lord presi­dent of Wales, & had the gouernement of the kings onlie daughter ladie Marie princesse of Wales. Of all the bishops in the land he was accounted the court likest and the best courtier. And although he were well reported for his learning, yet better liked for his courtlike behauiour, which in the end turned not so much to his credit, as to the vtter ruine and spoile of the church: for of two and twentie lord­ships and manors, which his predecessors had and left vnto him, of a goodlie yearelie reuenue he left but three, & them also leased out. And where he found fouretéene houses well furnished, he left onelie one house bare and without furniture, and yet charged with sundrie fées and annuities; and by these means this bishoprike, which sometimes was counted one of the best, is now become in temporall lands one of the meanest, and according to the foreprophesieng of bishop Grandesson, a place scarse left for the bi­shop to laie and rest his head in; and yet neuerthelesse he was a great fauourer of learned men, and especi­allie of diuines, whome he preferred in his church a­boue others. He was verie bountions and liberall vnto all men, but especiallie vnto courtiers, vnto his owne kindred and countriemen. Upon manie he be­stowed much, to the confusion of some of them; and vpon the others he spent much by building of a towne called Sutton Colshull where he was borne, which he procured to be incorporated, and made a market towne, and set vp therein making of kear­sies, but all which in the end came to small effect. In his time, after the death of king Henrie the eight, there was an alteration of religion by king Ed­ward the sixt, wherof insued a rebellion & commotion in this diocesse: which in some part was imputed to this bishop, bicause he laie farre from it, and dwelled in his owne countrie. Wherevpon he resigned the bishoprike into the kings hands, after that he had beene bishop about thirtie yeares, and liued by the rents of the temporaltie of the bishoprike, which when he alienated and discontinued, he did receiue vnto him for terme of his owne life.

43 Miles Couerdale, Miles Co­uerdale. after the resignation of Uoiseie, was by king Edward made bishop of this citie, & consecrated at Lambeth by Thomas Cran­mer archbishop of Canturburie, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and fiftie. He was borne in the north countrie, and from his childhood giuen to learning, wherein he profited verie much: he was one of the first which professed the gospell in this land in the time of king Henrie the eight, he [Page 1309] translated the bible out of the Hebrue into English, and wrote sundrie bookes vpon the scriptures. Which doctrine being verie new and strange in those daies, and he verie streightlie pursued by the bishops, made his escape, & passed ouer into low Germanie, where he printed the bibles of his translation and sent them ouer into England, and therof made his gaine wherby he liued. But the bishops, namelie D. Sto­kesleie bishop of London, when he heard hereof, and minding to preuent that no such bibles should be dis­persed line 10 within this realme, made inquirie where they were to be sold, and bought them all vp; supposing that by this meanes no more bibles would be had: but contrarie to his expectation it fell out otherwise. For the same monie which the bishop gaue for these bookes, was sent ouer by the merchant vnto this Co­uerdale, and by that meanes he was of that wealth and abilitie, that he imprinted as manie more and sent them ouer into England; but he was then so narrowlie sought for, that he was driuen to remooue line 20 himselfe out of Flanders into Germanie, and dwel­led vnder the Palsegraue of Rhene, where he found much fauour. First he taught yoong children, and ha­uing learned the Dutch toong, the prince Palatine gaue him a benefice, named Burghsaber, where he continued and liued verie well, partlie by that bene­fice, and partlie by the liberalitie of the lord Crome­well, who was his good lord and reléeued him verie much. At length, when the religion was altered in England, and the gospell had a frée passage, he retur­ned line 30 & did verie much good in preaching of the same. And when the commotion in Deuon was for religi­on, he was appointed to attend the lord Russell, when he came to suppresse the same, and verie shortlie for his learning and godlie life was made bishop of this see; who most worthilie did performe the office com­mitted vnto him. He preached continuallie vpon eue­rie holie daie, and did read most commonlie twise in the wéeke in some one church or other within this ci­tie. He was after the rate of his liuings a great kée­per line 40 of hospitalitie, verie sober in diet, godlie in life, friendlie to the godlie, liberall to the poore, and cour­teous to all men, void of pride, full of humilitie, ab­horring couetousnesse, and an enimie to all wicked­nesse and wicked men: whose companies he shun­ned, and whom he would in no wise shrowd or haue in his house and companie. His wife a most sober, chast, and godlie matrone; his house and houshold another church, in which was exercised all godlinesse and vertue. No one person being in his house, which line 50 did not from time to time giue an account of his faith and religion, and also did liue accordinglie. And as he had a care for the successe in religion, so had he also for the direction of the gouernement in ecclesi­asticall causes. And bicause he was not skilfull ther­in, neither would be hindered from his godlie stu­dies, and be incombered with such worldlie matters, which neuertheles he would haue be doone in all vp­rightnesse, iustice, and equitie; he sent to Oxford for a learned man to be his chancellor, and by the mini­sterie line 60 of the writer hereof he procured and obteined one master Robert Weston doctor of the ciuill law, & afterwards lord chancellor of Ireland, vnto whome he committed his consistorie, and the whole charge of his ecclesiasticall iurisdiction; allowing vnto him, not onelie all the fées therevnto apperteining, but al­so lodged and found him, his wife, familie, horsse, and man, within his owne house, and gaue him a yearelie pension of fortie pounds. And surelie the bi­shop was no more godlie and carefull of his part, concerning preaching; but this man also was as di­ligent and seuere in dooing of his office, without re­proch of being affectionated or corrupted. And not­withstanding this good man, now a blamelesse bi­shop, liued most godlie and vertuous: yet the com­mon people, whose old bottels would receiue no new wine, could not brooke nor digest him; for no other cause, but bicause he was a preacher of the gospell, an enimie to papistrie, & a married man. Manie de­uises were attempted against him for his confusion, sometimes by false suggestions, sometimes by open railings, and false libels; sometimes by secret back­bitings, and in the end practised his death by impoi­soning: but by Gods prouidence the snares were broken and he deliuered. After that he had béene bi­shop about thrée yeares king Edward died, and then queene Marie hauing the crowne, the religion was altered, and he depriued. And notwithstanding the malice of prelats and archpapists was most bitter against him, and who had sworne his death: yet by the goodnesse of God he was most miraculouslie pre­serued, and deliuered from out of their hands, at the sute and by the meanes of the king of Denmarke: who so earnestlie sued, & so often wrote to the quéene for him, that he was deliuered and sent vnto him; with whome after that he had staied a while, he went againe into Germanie to the Palsgraue, who most louinglie receiued him, placed him againe in his for­mer benefice of Burghsaber, where he continued vntill the death of quéene Marie. And then the prea­ching of the gospell being againe receiued, & hauing a free passage, he returned into England; but would neuer returne to his bishoprike, notwithstanding it was reserued for him, & sundrie times offered him; but liued a priuat life, continuing in London, prea­ching & teaching the gospell, so long as the strength of his bodie would permit; and at length being ve­rie old and striken in yeares, he died, and was hono­rablie buried at saint Magnus church in London.

44 Iohn Uoiseie, Iohn Voi­seie. after the depriuation of Miles Couerdale, was restored to this church, and for the better setling of the Romish religion did here state for a while: but his mind was addicted to his owne countrie, that he returned thither, and made his on­lie abode there, practising there what he could, to haue the making of kersies to come to some effect; but the same being more chargeable than profitable, came to small proofe. This man being verie old died in his owne house, with a pang, and was buried in his parish church there, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and fiue.

45 Iames Troblefield succéeded bishop Uoi­seie, Iames Tro­blefield. and was consecrated in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fiftie & six, he was a gen­tleman borne, and of a good house, verie gentle and courteous; he professed diuinitie, but most zelous in the Romish religion, & yet nothing cruell nor blou­die. And yet that he might not séeme to doo nothing, he was contented to prosecute and condemne a gilt­lesse poore séelie woman, named Agnes Pirest for re­ligion and heresie, & who was burned in Southing­ham for the same. It was laied to hir charge (as dooth appeare by an indictment taken at Lanceston, Dit lunae in quarta septimana quadragesimae, anno Philippi & Mariae secundo & tertio, before William Stanford then iustice of the assise) that she should denie the re­all presence in the sacrament of the altar, and that the same was but a signe and a figure of Christs bo­die, and that none dooth eat reallie the bodie of Christ but spirituallie. He was verie carefull to recouer some part of the lands of his bishoprike, which his predecessor wasted, and did obteine of quéene Marie, to him and to his successors, the fee farme of the ma­nor of Credition. After that he had béene bishop about two yeares, quéene Marie died; and he was depri­ued, and liued after a priuat life.

46 William Alleie, William Al­leie. in the second yeare of quéene Elisabeth, was chosen bishop, and installed the sixt of [Page 1310] August, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred sixtie and one. In all quéene Maries time, which were called the Marian daies, he trauelled from place to place in the north countrie, where he was not knowne; and sometimes by practising of physike, and sometimes by teaching of scholars, he picked out a poore liuing for himselfe and his wife, and so continued, being not knowne to haue béene a priest, during all quéene Maries time: after whose death he went to London, and there did read diuini­tie lecture in Paules verie learnedlie, and to his line 10 great commendation; and from whense he was ta­ken and made bishop of this citie. He was verie well learned vniuersallie, but his chiefe studie and profession was in diuinitie, and in the toongs. And being bishop, he debated no part of his former tra­uels, but spent his time verie godlie and vertuouslie. Upon euerie holie daie (for the most part) he prea­ched, and vpon the weeke daies he would and did read a lecture of diuinitie; the residue of his time, and free from his necessarie businesse, he spent in his line 20 priuat studies, and wrote sundrie books, whereof his prelections or lectures which he did read in Paules, and his poore mans librarie he caused to be imprin­ted: the like he would haue doone with his Hebrue grammar, and other his works, if he had liued. He was well stored, and his librarie well replenished with all the best sort of writers, which most gladlie he would impart and make open to euerie good scholar and student, whose companie and conference he did most desire & imbrace. He séemed at the first appée­rance line 30 to be a rough and an austere man, but in ve­rie truth, a verie courteous, gentle, and an affable man; at his table full of honest speeches, ioined with learning and pleasantnesse, according to the time, place, and companie. All his exercises, which for the most part was at bowles, verie merrie and plesant, void of all sadnesse, which might abate the benefit of recreation; loth to offend, readie to forgiue, void of malice, full of loue, bountifull in hospitalitie, liberall to the poore, and a succourer of the néedie, faithfull to line 40 his friend, and courteous to all men; a hater of co­uetousnesse, and an enimie to all euill and wicked men, and liued an honest, a godlie, and vertuous life. Finallie, he was indued with manie notable good gifts and vertues, onelie he was somewhat credulous, of a hastie beléefe, and light of credit, which he did oftentimes mislike & blame in himselfe. In his latter time he waxed somewhat grosse, and his bodie full of humors, which did abate much of his line 50 woonted exercises: and hauing béene bishop about eight yeares, he died the first of Aprill one thousand fiue hundred and seauentie, and was buried in his owne church.

William Bradbridge.47 William Bradbridge, deane of Sarisburie, was the next bishop, and consecrated at Lambeth by Matthew Parker archbishop of Canturburie, the eightéenth of March one thousand fiue hundred and seauentie: he was a professor of diuinitie, but not taken to be so well grounded as he persuaded line 60 himselfe, he was zelous in religion, but not so for­wards as he was wished to be. In his latter daies he delighted to dwell in the countrie, which was not so much to his liking, as troublesome to his clergie, & to such as had anie sutes vnto him. It was thought he died verie rich, but after his death it proued other­wise: he died suddenlie, no bodie being about him, at Newton Ferris, the ninth yeare of his bishoprike, vpon the nine and twentith of Iulie, in the yeare of our Lord 1578, and was buried in his owne church. Thus farre the collection of Iohn Hooker, agréeing with the records.]

I. Stow.The seuentéenth daie of Iulie the quéenes maie­stie being on the riuer of Thames, A trai [...]orous fact o [...] Tho­mas Apple­treé. about nine of the clocke at night (betwixt hir highnesse manour of Gréenewich & Dartford) in hir priuie barge, accom­panied with the French ambassador, the earle of Lincolne, and maister vicechamberlaine; it chanced that one Thomas Appletrée, a yoong man, and ser­uant to maister Henrie Carie, with two or thrée o­thers, being in a bote on the Thames, rowing vp and downe betwixt the places aforenamed: the foresaid Thomas had a caliuer or harquebus charged with bullet, and shooting at randon, by misfortune shot one of the watermen, being the second man next vnto the bales of the said barge (which sat within six foot of hir highnesse) cleane through both armes, and mooued him out of his place. For the which fact the said Thomas being apprehended and condemned to death, was on the one and twentith of Iulie brought to the water side, where was a gibbet set vp, direct­lie placed betwixt Dartford and Gréenewich. But when the hangman had put the halter about his necke, the right honorable sir Christopher Hatton capteine of the gard, and one of hir maiesties priuie councell, shewed the queenes maiesties most grati­ous pardon, and deliuered him from execution. This yeare Iohn Fox of Woodbridge, William Wick­neie of Portsmouth, Iohn Fox an Englishman deliuered two hundred and threé score christians frō captiuitie of the Turke. and Robert More of Harwich Englishmen, hauing béene prisoners in Turkie a­bout the space of thirteene or foureteene yeares, with more than two hundred and sixtie other christians of diuerse nations, by killing their kéeper, maruel­louslie escaped, and returned into their natiue coun­tries.

This yeare in the moneths of September and October fell great winds and raging flouds in sun­drie places of this realme, Winds and high waters. as in the towne of New­port: the cotages were borne downe, the corne lost, pasture ground ouerwhelmed, and cattell drowned. In the towne of Bedford the water came vp to the market place, where cup boords, chests, stooles, and fourms swam about the houses; their fewell, corne and haie was wrackt & borne awaie. Also the towne of saint Edes in Huntingtonshire was ouerflowed suddenlie in the night, when all men were at rest; & the waters brake in with such force, that the towne was almost all defaced; the swans swam downe the market place, and all the towne about the botes did flote. The towne of Gormanchester was suddenlie supprest, their houses flowed full of water, when men were at rest, and their cattell with other things were destroied.

The one and twentith of Nouember, Anno reg. 22. sir Thomas Gresham knight agent to the quéenes highnesse, who had in his life built the roiall Exchange in London, Sir Thomas Gresham de­ceassed. betwéene six and seuen of the clocke in the euening, comming from the same Exchange to his house (which he had sumptuouslie builded) in Bishopsgate stréet of London, suddenlie fell downe in his kitchin, and being taken vp was found spéechlesse, and pre­sentlie dead, who afterwards was solemnlie bu­ried in his owne parish church of saint Helen there, where he had prepared for himselfe a sumptuous toome or monument, without anie epitaph or inscrip­tion therevpon. This sir Thomas Gresham in his testament (which long before his death he had ordei­ned) bequeathed diuerse large legacies not yet per­formed.

The eight and twentith daie of March, year 1580 one Fran­cis aliàs Marmaduke Glouer was hanged on a gi­bet set vp for that purpose by the standard in Cheape, Glouer a murtherer hanged in Cheape. Dod executed for murther. for wilfullie murthering sergeant Grace after he was by him arrested. Also on the next morrow, be­ing the nine and twentith daie of March, the same gibet was set vp at Hog lane end vpon east Smith­field, néere vnto the tower of London, thereon to [Page 1311] haue hanged one Richard Dod for murthering of mistresse Skinner a widow, in hir house there by, But sir Owen Hopton lieutenant of the tower, cō ­manding the officers perteining to the shiriffes of London backe againe to the west side of the crosse, tooke the shiriffe of the out shire with the prisoner in­to an house, and after long talke brought the priso­ner forth againe, & deliuered him to the officers, to be by them brought backe to London. Then he cau­sed the gibet to be taken downe and carried awaie line 10 at his pleasure, and without further contention (to my knowledge) the said Richard Dod was in the af­ter noone of the same daie hanged at Tiborne.

A great earthquake.On the sixt of Aprill, being wednesdaie in Easter weeke about six of the clocke toward euening, a sud­den earthquake happening in London, and almost generallie throughout all England, caused such an amazednesse among the people as was woonderfull for the time, and caused them to make their, earnest praiers to almightie God. The great clocke bell in line 20 the palace at Westminster strake of it selfe against the hammer with the shaking of the earth, as di­uerse other clocks & bels in the stéeples of the citie of London and elsewhere did the like. The gentlemen of the Temple being then at supper, ran from the ta­bles, and out of their hall with their kniues in their hands. The people assembled at the plaie houses in the fields▪ as at the Whoreater (the Theater I would saie) were so amazed, that doubting the ruine of the galleries, they made hast to be gone. A péece of the line 30 temple church fell downe, some stones fell from saint Paules church in London: and at Christs church neere to Newgate market, in the sermon while, a stone fell from the top of the same church, which stone killed out of hand one Thomas Greie an apprentise, and an other stone fell on his fellow seruant named Mabell Eueret, and so brused hir that she liued but foure daies after. Diuerse other at that time in that place were sore hurt, with running out of the church one ouer another for feare. The tops of diuerse chim­neies line 40 in the citie fell downe, the houses were so sha­ken: a part of the castell at Bishops Stratford in Essex fell downe. This earthquake indured in or about London not passing one minute of an houre, and was no more felt. But afterward in Kent, and on the sea coast it was felt thrée times; as at Sand­wich at six of the clocke the land not onelie quaked, but the sea also fomed, so that the ships tottered. At Douer also the same houre was the like, so that a péece of the cliffe fell into the sea, A water­quake. with also a péece of line 50 the castell wall there: a péece of Saltwood castell in Kent fell downe; and in the church of Hide the bels were heard to sound. A peece of Sutton church in Kent fell downe, the earthquake being there not on­lie felt, but also heard. And in all these places and others in east Kent, the same earthquake was felt three times to moue, to wit, at six, at nine, and at e­leuen of the clocke. The nineteenth daie of Aprill the ferrie at Lambeth was drowned with fiue men and foure horsses; A ferrie drowned. other two men and fiue horsses swam to land and were saued. line 60

William Lambe es­quier decea­sed, his al­mesdeéds.On the one and twentith of Aprill, in the yeare 1580 departed this life master William Lambe esquier, sometime gentleman of the chappell in the reigne of king Henrie the eight, citizen of London, and frée of the clothworkers. Of this mans almes­deeds and manifold charities, some before, some since his death put in effectuall practise, thus reporteth a memoriall recorded in print, agréeing in truth with his last will and testament: an extract whereof for others imitation is necessarilie here to be inserted. This gentleman remembring that learning bring­eth preferment, yea euen to them which are put base­lie borne, as it pleased God to mooue him by his good and gratious spirit, he prooued himselfe by testimo­nials of his dooings a louer of learning, and a fauou­rer of euerie honest profession. For in the towne of Sutton Ualens in Kent, this worshipfull gentle­man at his owne costs and proper expenses erected a grammar schoole for the education of youth in the feare of God, in good maners, The erection of a gram­mar schoole & necessarie al­lowance to the maister and vsher. in knowledge and vn­derstanding.

He also weieng with himselfe, that the labourer ought of right to haue his hire; and that, no man goeth to warre of his owne proper charge, besides o­ther commodities which he thought méet and neces­sarie, hath allowed the master twentie pounds, and the vsher ten pounds▪ from time to time, as either place shall be supplied by succession, for their yearelie stipends and perpetuall pensions. To continue the rehersall of his good déeds in Sutton aforesaid, note his tender & pitifull heart toward the poore, for whose sustentation, maintenance, and reliefe, he hath buil­ded six almes houses for the impotent, Almes houses built for the poore. and hath gi­uen six pounds to be yearelie paied vnto them for their necessarie prouision. Moreouer, besides this cha­ritable déed, to keepe still within the compasse of Kent, marke the singular loue which this gentleman did beare vnto learning; for the furtherance wherof, and the more incouragement of poore scholers, he hath giuen to the schoole of Maidstone ten pounds a yeare for euer, with this caueat or prouiso, Allowance for poore mens children to be kept at schole. that néedie mens children should be preferred to the enioieng of this singular benefit.

That this gentleman had not onelie a regard for the seed-plots of learning, to haue them watered with the springs of his bountie: but also a prouident eie, The commonwealth re­membred. and a carefull hart for the profit of the common­wealth, the particulars following substantiallie doo prooue. For, séeing in his life time the decaie of sun­drie trades, the ruine of diuerse occupations, and o­ther inconueniences, which are like to grow to the vndooing of a multitude, except by policie they be preuented: of a méere, affection (if I said fatherlie I were not controllable) he hath freelie giuen to the poore clothiers in Suffolke, A reliefe to poore clothi­ers in diuerse places. to the poore clothiers of Bridgenorth in Shropshire, and to the poore clothi­ers at Ludlow in the said countie, thrée hundred pounds, to be said by euen portions, to each seuerall towne of the said counties one hundred pounds a péece, for their supportation and maintenance at their worke and occupation. So litle estéemed he the mucke of this world, in respect of dooing good, speci­allie when he saw old age drawing him to his graue: of which mind it were to be wished all richmen would be (whom God hath made his stewards) when they wax crooked & bow backt, and (as the poet saith) ‘Obrepit canis rugosa senecta capillis.’

Furthermore, the well of his weldooing not yet waxing drie, but yéelding liquor of reliefe verie largelie, hath watered other places. For, as the coun­trie, so likewise the citie (the citie I meane of Lon­don) hath cause, London the better by ma­ster Lambe. yea iust cause with open mouth to magnifie the goodnesse of God, so mightilie working in this praiseworshie esquier. The memorable mo­numents, which shall liue when he is dead, and shall flourish when he is rotten, are witnesses of the loue, which he being a citizen bare vnto this citie. For, let vs begin with the conduit which he of his owne costs, A remem­brance of Holborne conduit foun­ded and fini­shed in An. 1577. not requiring either collection or contribu­tion, founded of late in Holborne, not sparing ex­penses so it might be substantiall, not pinching for charges so it might be durable and plentifull, as they can testifie which saw the seeking of the springs, the maner of making the trenches, the ordering of the pipes, lieng in length from the head to the said conduit, more than two thousand yards: and finallie, the framing of euerie necessarie appur­tenance [Page 1312] therevnto belonging. The wast water at the iudge run­ning at the standard. Besides this, means is made, by a standard with one cocke at Hol [...]orne bridge to conueie the wast, which doth such seruice, the water thereof being both swéet, pleasant, and whol­some, as neither rich nor poore can well misse. Which great worke as he aduisedlie attempted, so he com­mendablie finished, hauing disbursed therabouts, of his owne costs & charges, to the sum of 1500 pounds.

And yet further note the wisedome and proui­dence of this gentleman, who considering that the right vse of a good thing might cut off manie occasi­ons line 10 of vnthristines and idlenesse, Prouident considera­tions. and knowing that we are placed in this world to follow the vocation wherevnto we are called: besides that, séeing the hardnesse of this age wherein we liue, that manie would worke if they had meanes, manie neglect and care not for worke though they haue meanes, some would willinglie withstand pouertie if they might, some had rather beg and doo woorsse than giue them­selues to labour, hath béene thus beneficiall to poore women that are glad to take pains, Poore women benefited by the conduit. as to bestow vp­on line 20 them a hundred and twentie pales, wherewith to carrie and serue water: an honest shift of liuing, though somewhat toilesome. To descend and come downe to other his almesdeeds, you shall vnderstand that he being a member of the right worshipfull cor­poration and societie of Clothworkers, The right worshipfull Clothwor­kers remem­bred. was not for­getfull of that companie, vnto whome he hath giuen his dwelling house in London, with other lands, and tenements, to the value of thirtie pounds or there­abouts, by them to be thus bestowed: to wit, for the line 30 hiring of a minister to read diuine seruice thrise a weeke, that is, euerie sundaie, wednesdaie, and fri­daie throughout the yeare, in the chapell or church be­longing to his house, called by the name of saint Iames in the wall by Criplegate: and for foure ser­mons there yéerelie to be made and preached, Allowance for foure yearelie ser­mons. a com­petent allowance.

Out of which sum also of thirtie pounds, it is proui­ded that a deduction be made by the said Clothwor­kers▪ for apparelling twelue men, and as manie wo­men, Euerie poore man and poore women a shirt, a smock, a gowne, and a paire of shooes, &c. line 40 in forme as followeth: that is to saie, to euerie one of the twelue men one fréeze gowne, one loco­rum shirt, & a good strong paire of winter shooes: to twelue women likewise one fréeze gowne, one loco­rum smocke, & a good strong paire of winter shooes, all readie made for their wearing: remembred al­waies that they must be persons both poore and ho­nest, vnto whome this charitable déed ought to be ex­tended. Prouided also, that the execution hereof be done the first daie of October, orderlie from yeare to line 50 yeare for euer whiles the world dooth last. Moreouer, he hath giuen to those of his companie foure pounds fréelie, not for a time, but perpetuallie: and thus doth his bountifulnesse manie waies appeare. To the pa­rish of S. Giles without Criplegate, Saint Giles without Cri­plegate bene­fited. he hath giuen fiftéene pounds to the bels and chime, hauing meant (as it seemeth if they had taken time) to be more libe­rall in that behalfe. The said bels & chime were in his life, & also after his deth kept in good order according to his will: but afterwards vpon occasion some of line 60 them newlie cast became ill of sound & out of tune: a fault in some which would be amended. The poore of the parish aforesaid, by their reliefe in his life time se­cretlie ministred, haue iust cause to lament the losse of this right bountifull almoner. For by his means their succour was the more: now it is to be feared it will be so much the lesse, by how much it may be sup­posed he incresed their reliefe. Thus regarded he not so much his priuat thrift, as the cōmon good, giuing therein to the world a testimonie of christian pru­dence, whose nature is to prefer the benefit of manie before the profit of one, according to that of the poet: ‘Publica priuatis qui sapit anteferet.’

Th's gentlemans distributions are so diuerse, and so manie, that the rehersall of them requireth a large discourse. It is well knowen, and that can the wor­shipfull companie of the Stationers witnesse, Reliefe for the poore people. M. Lambes loue to the worshipfull Stationers. that this gentleman, for the space of these fouretéene or fiftéene yeares, whiles he liued, was pitifull to the poore of the parish of S. Faiths, and other parishes: in which said parish church▪ euerie fridaie ordinarilie throughout the yeare, distribution was made of their allowance by the hands of the said worshipfull Sta­tioners, to whome that charge was and is commit­ted: namelie, to twelue poore people twelue pence in monie, and twelue pence in bread. Neither is this charitable déed laid asleepe, Perpetuall prouision for the poore. but continued euen to the worlds end, for the perpetuall succor of the poore and impotent, a legacie of six pounds, thirtéene shillings and foure pence, allowed to that end; the bestowing whereof is in the hands of the said worshipfull socie­tie of Stationers, the distributors of this almesse to the poore: who are put in mind to praise God for that prouision, in this request of the benefactor grauen in mettall, and fixed fast in the wall hard by his toome:

I praie you all that receiue bread and pence,
To saie the Lords praier before ye go hence.

As for Christes hospitall, Reliefe for Christes ho­spitall. vnto the which he hath prooued himselfe a fatherlie benefactor, towards the bringing vp of the poore children, he hath giuen six pounds, which they shall inioie for the terme of fiue hundred yeares. Moreouer (marke the rare liberali­tie of this vertuous gentleman) he hath giuen to the said hospitall one hundred pounds in readie monie, A purchase for the said hospitall. wherewith to purchase lands, that their reliefe, by the reuenues of the same, might be perpetuall: a nota­ble deed, and an vndoubted worke of perfect christia­nitie. As for S. Thomas spitle in Southworke, to­ward the succour of the sicke and diseased, he hath gi­uen foure poundes yearelie, and for euer: Reliefe for S. Thomas spittle. so that we may sée in all his procéedings with what mercie he was mooued, with what pitie pricked: and finallie, in all respects how godlie giuen. And here by the waie it is to be noted, that wheras it was reported, that he gaue to the hospitall, commonlie called the Sauoie, founded by king Henrie the seuenth, to purchase lands for the behoofe of the said hospitall, one hun­dred pounds in monie: it is nothing so. Why he staid his benefi­cence from the hospitall of the Sauoie. For his be­neficence towards that hospitall was staid, not tho­rough anie default in him; but bicause such agrée­ments could not be concluded vpon, as he reasona­blie required. Wherefore his contribution that waie ceased, sore (I dare saie) against his godlie will. Thus much I was desired to speake touching that mat­ter, to the intent that nothing but plaine truth might be reported, with the contrarie whereof he was not a little offended.

And although offendors deserue rather to be puni­shed than fauoured, wherevpon by politike gouerne­ment it is prouided, that their bodies apprehended, Prisons for offendors. be committed to appointed places of imprisonment: yet this good gentleman remembring that the holie Ghost willeth vs not to withdraw our hand from a­nie of our brethren in distresse, considering that cha­ritie should not be parciall but indifferent, hath for the reléefe of the poore prisoners of the two Coun­ters, of Newgate, of Ludgate, of the Marshalseie, Reléefe for poore priso­ners. of the Kings Bench, and of the white Lion, dealt ve­rie bountifullie, and discréetlie: giuing vnto the two Counters, six pounds to be paied vnto them both by twentie shillings a moneth: and to the other prisons aboue mentioned, six mattresses a péece, the whole number being two doozen and a halfe. In considera­tion of which charitable déed, A charitable worke in­déed. how deepelie they are bound, if they haue anie sparkle of grace, to thanke God for his goodnesse shewed vnto them by the mi­nisterie of this gentleman, all the world maie per­ceiue. [Page 1313] It were iniurie offered, to let slip vnremem­bred his mindfulnesse of poore maides marriages: and how willing he was to helpe them, it appeareth by his good gift of twentie pounds to be equallie di­uided among fortie such in number by equall porti­ons of ten shillings a péece: Marriage monie for poore maids. with this caueat, that these poore maides so to be married, should be of good, name and fame: wherein marke how in all his be­quests, wisedome is ioined as a yokefellow with his bountie.

Lastlie, and for conclusion, this discréet gentle­man, His loue to­wards his seruants. line 10 carried awaie with the zeale of a good consci­ence, tendering the state of his seruants, left them also at a resonable good staie. For besides their halfe yeares boord freelie giuen and granted, he hath béene beneficiall to them in diuerse other respects, which I passe ouer vnremembred. But alas! these sorowfull seruants doo not a little lament the losse of so louing a maister. I omit the hundred & eight fréese gownes readie made, which he bequeathed at his funerall to poore people, both men and women: with the dis­spersing line 20 of the remnant of all his goods after his bu­riall, where need and reason required. And thus you see what monuments this gentleman hath left be­hind him, to beare witnesse to the world of the fruit­fulnesse of his faith: His faith was fruitfull. which if (as saint Iames saith) it maie be iudged by works, and that it is a dead and a barren faith which declareth not it selfe by déeds: then the sequele maie be this, that the faith where­with he (of whome this is written) was indued, she­weth line 30 it selfe to be the same faith which is wished, and I would to God were in the heart of euerie chri­stian. As for his religion, it was sound; his professi­on sincere; his hearing of Gods word, attentiue & diligent; his vse of praier, deuout: in his sickenesse patient, willing to forsake the world, and to be with Christ, in whose faith he died; and lieth intoomed in a faire large vawt in saint Faiths vnder Paules, this epitaph grauen in brasse or copper, fixed vpon his graue stone, comprising a note of our mortalitie: line 40

As I was, so are ye:
As I am, you shall be:
That I had, that I gaue:
That I gaue, that I haue:
Thus I end all my cost:
That I left, that I lost.

Hitherto concerning maister Lambes almes­déeds, wherein thus much hath at large beene spoken for others example, whome as God hath indued with riches: so it were to be wished they would vse them line 50 no woorse.] The first daie of Maie, after twelue of the clocke in the night, I. Stow. An earth­quake in Kent. was an earthquake felt in di­uerse places of Kent, namelie at Ashford, great Chart, &c: which made the people there to rise out of their beds, and run to the churches, where they called vpon God by earnest praiers to be mercifull vnto them. T. C. Of this earthquake one writeth thus. Ma­nie thousands haue heard and commonlie it is re­ported, that latelie in Kent an other earthquake was séene and felt, and so terriblie and sore the line 60 earth did tremble and quake, that it wakened people that soundlie slept, and had like to haue roc­ked them all asléepe that were awake. So feare­full was the matter, and so dreadfull is the wrath of God in time of visitation, and wicked season of ini­quitie. This was a pretie naturall cause: in deed so I thinke. For the naturall diseases of man, and the naughtie filthinesse of the flesh (full of lust and infir­mities) caused God for the correction of natures in­clination, to make Douer, Sandwich, Canturbu­rie, Grauesend, and sundrie other places tremble and shake.

Castels and ships séene in the aier.The eightéenth daie of Maie, about one houre be­fore sun setting, diuerse gentlemen of worship, and good credit, T. C. riding from Bodnian in Cornewall to­wards Foie, there appeared to their séeming in the northeast, a verie great mist or fog, much like vnto the sea: and the forme of a cloud in the fashion of some great castell, with flags, & streamers thereon as it were standing in the sea, which presentlie va­nished awaie. In whose stéed, and néere to the same place, appeared an other cloud which altered into the likenesse of a great argosie, furnished with masts, and other necessaries; and hir sailes séeming full of wind, made hir waie on the southwest of the castell, hauing streamers and flags verie warlike, with two boats at either sterne. There incontinent appeared againe the forme of a castell, and behind the same came following on the southwest side, an other great argosie, furnished as the first. This being past, there appéered three or foure gallies with their masts and flags in warlike sort, hauing boats at their sternes; and thereby appeared other small clouds to the num­ber of twelue, which altered into the proportion of the said castels, and one following an other, as soone as anie of them vanished other came in their rooms; and this continued the space of an houre. Shortlie af­ter the sights in the aier aforesaid, T. C. Woonders in Wiltshire and Summerset­shire. a worthie Gen­tleman in the countrie writ to a right good gentle­man in the court, that there was seene vpon a downe called Brodwels downe, in Summerset­shire, thrée score personages all clothed in blacke, a furlong in distance from those that beheld them; and after their appearing, and a little while tarieng, they vanished awaie; but immediatlie, an other strange companie in like maner, colour and number appea­red in the same place, and they incountered one an other, and so vanished awaie. And the third time ap­peared that number againe all in bright armour and incountered one an other, and so vanished awaie. Foure honest men which saw it, reporting the same abroad, were examined thereof, before sir George Norton, to whome they sware, that those things they had séene were true, as here before is rehearsed.

Moreouer, it is crediblie reported of manie honest men, that fiue miles from Blonsdon in Wiltshire, T. C. a crie of hounds was heard in the aier, the selfe same daie that the first earthquake was, and the noise was so great that was made, that they seemed thrée or foure score couples: whereat diuerse tooke their greihounds, thinking some gentlemen had béene a hunting in the chase, and thought to course: yet some of those that went out of their houses, séeing nothing below abroad, looked vpwards to the skies, and there espied in the aier fiue or six hounds perfectlie to be discerned. Now (to saie my fansie) I doubt not but thousands hold these newes for fables inuented for pleasure. But I protest before God and man, I can beléeue a great deals more stranger matter than this, in this strange world: for the people so estrange themselues from God by vsing manie strange fa­shions, and clapping on new conditions & natures, that except he shew some miracles, his godhead would quickelie be forgotten on earth, and men would beléeue there were no other world but this.

The thirtéenth of Iune, about six of the clocke in the morning, at Shipwash within the baronie of Bo­thell in Northumberland, there happened a tempest of lightning and thunder, after the which, on a sud­den came a great showre of haile, Haile stones of strange shapes. amongest the which were found stones of diuerse shapes maruel­lous to behold, as in the likenes of frogs, mattocks, swords, horsse shooes, nailes, crosses of diuerse sorts, skuls of dead men, &c. The seuentéenth day of Iune, A monstrous birth. in the parish of Blasedon in Yorkeshire, after a gret tempest of lightning & thunder, a woman of foure score yeares old, named Alice Perrin, was deliue­red of an hideous monster, whose head was like vn­to [Page 1314] a sallet or headpeece, the face like vnto a mans, except the mouth, which was round and small, like vnto the mouth of a mo [...]so, the fore part of the bodie like to a man, hauing eight legs not one like an o­ther, and a taile halfe a yard long. Which monster brought into the world, besides an admiration of the diuine works of God, an astonishment at his iudge­ments. But of these we may saie as a stranger said sometime vpon the like occasion of prodigies and woonders successiuelie insuing, not without weigh­tie line 10 signification; to wit, that such things be as tales told to the deafe, verie few weieng in their minds the meaning & effect of strange accidents, and ther­fore thinke vpon nothing lesse than a reformation of their wicked life: for the which things sake God sendeth these and manie such significant warnings, before he taketh the rod in hand, and whippeth vs till we smart: we then not looking to the meanes that prouoke this vengeance, as willing to auoid them: but murmuring at the iust iudge, vnder whose hea­uie line 20 hand we grone, & charging him to be the author of all misfortunes falling vpon vs: which Homer trulie séemeth right well to haue noted in this sense:

[...] oratio apud H [...]erum.
Cur stulti incusant mortales numina coeli?
Et sibi nos dicunt autores esse malorum?
Cum praeter fati leges in aperta ferantur
Damna, suaementis proprijs erroribus orti.

About the eightéenth daie of Iulie, the lord Greie tooke his voiage towards Ireland as lord deputie thereof, Soldiors transported into Ireland. after whom was sent diuerse bands line 30 of lustie souldiors, both horssemen and footmen, vn­der the leading of expert capteins, of whose prospe­rous and happie successe against their enimies, the I­rish and others, diuerse pamflets haue béene publish­ed, & matter more at large is set downe in the histo­rie of Ireland. The thrée and twentith of Septem­ber, Monstrous birth. at fennie Stanton in Huntingtonshire, one Agnis wife to William Linseie was deliuered of an vglie and strange monster, with a face blacke, the necke red, mouth and eies like a lion, on the fore­head line 40 a roll of flesh that might be turned vp with ones finger, on the hinder part of the head a lumpe of flesh proportioned like a fether, being hollow, with one eare growing on the lower part of the chéeke, his bellie big and hard, the armes big, hauing fiue fin­gers and a thumbe on either hand, and in place of toes on the left foot fiue fingers and a thumbe, on the right foot a thumbe and seuen fingers, & in the place of priuitie the shape both of male & female: a strange sight to be seene, and I feare, signifieth our mon­strous line 50 life, which God for his mercie giue vs grace to amend, without procrastination or putting off from daie to daie, as the poet significantlie saith:

Cras vultis, sed vult hodie vindex Deus, & cras,
Aut non vult, aut vos obruet atra dies.

The eight daie of October, immediatlie after the new moone, Blasing star. there appeared a blasing star in the south, bushing toward the east, which was nightlie séene (the aier being cléere) more than two moneths. The eighteenth of October were made eight serge­ents line 60 at law, Sergeants least. to wit, William Fléetwood recorder of London, Edward Flowerdue, Thomas Snag, William Periam, Robert Halton, Iohn Clench, Iohn Pickering, Thomas Warmsleie; maister Snag before named was sicke, and therefore was sworne in his chamber at Greies inne, the other se­uen were sworne at Westminster, and held their feast at the new Temple at London.

The quéenes maiestie being informed, that in sun­drie places of this realme, [...]roclamati­on against the familie of loue. certeine persons secretlie taught damnable heresies, contrarie to diuers prin­cipall articles of our beléefe and christian faith, who to colour their sect named themselues the familie of loue, and then as manie as were allowed by them to be of that familie to be elect and saued, and all o­thers of [...]hat church soeuer they be, to be reiected and damned. And for that vpon conuenting of some of them before the bishops & ordinaries▪ it was found that the ground of their sect is mainteined by cer­teine lewd, hereticall, and seditious books, first made in the Dutch toong, and lastlie translated into Eng­lish, and printed beyond the seas, & secretlie brought ouer into the realme, the author whereof they name H. N. &c. And considering also it is found, that those sectaries held opinion, that they may before a­nie magistrat or ecclesiasticall or temporall, or anie other person, not being professed to be of their sect, by oth or otherwise denie anie thing for their aduan­tage: so as though manie of them are well knowne to be teachers and spreaders abroad of these dange­rous and damnable sects; yet by their owne confes­sion they can not be condemned. The quéenes maiesties purpose to root out this pestilent sect. Therefore hir ma­iestie being verie sorie to sée so great an euill, by ma­lice of the diuell to be brought into this hir realme, and by hir bishops and ordinaries she vnderstandeth it verie requisit, not onelie to haue those dangerous heretiks and sectaries to be seuerelie punished; but that also all other meanes be vsed by hir maiesties roiall authoritie, which is giuen hir of God to de­fend Christs church, to root them out from further infecting of hir realme: she hath thought méet and conuenient, and so by hir proclamation comman­deth, that all hir officers and ministers temporall shall in all their seuerall vocations assist the bishops of hir realme, and all other person to search out all persons dulie suspected, to be either teachers or pro­fessors of the foresaid damnable sects, and by all good meanes to proceed seuerelie against them, being found culpable by order of the lawes ecclesiasticall or temporall: and that all search be made in all pla­ces suspected, for the books and writings maintein­ing the said heresies and sects, and them to destroie and burne, &c: as more at large may appéere by the said proclamation, giuen at Richmond the third of October, and proclamed at London on the nine­téenth daie of the same moneth.

About this time there arriued vpon the west coast of Ireland, Victorie a­gainst the I­rish and other in Ireland. a certeine companie of Italians and Spaniards, sent by the pope to the aid of the earle of Desmond in his rebellion, which fortified themselues stronglie néere vnto Smerwike, in a fort which they called castell del Ore, there erecting the popes ban­ner against hir maiestie. Which when the lord Greie of Wilton deputie of Ireland vnderstood, he mar­ched thitherward, and on the sixt of Nouember, hea­ring of the arriuall of the Swift, the Tigre, the Aid, the Merlion, & other of the quéenes maiesties ships, and also of thrée barks fraughted from Corke and Limerike with vittels, on the morrow after marched towards the fort, vnto the which he gaue so hot an assault, that on the ninth of Nouember the same was yéelded, all the Irishmen and women hanged, and more than foure hundred Spaniards, Italians, and Biscaies put to the sword; the coronell, capteins, secretarie, and others, to the number of twentie saued for ransome. In which fortresse was found good store of monie, bisket, bakon, oile, wine, and diuerse other prouisions of vittels sufficient for their companie for halfe a yeare, besides armour, powder, shot, and other furniture for two thousand men and vpwards.

The eight and twentith daie of Nouember were arreigned in the kings bench, Anno reg. 23. Randoll han­ged for coniu­ring. William Randoll for coniuring to know where treasure was hid in the earth, and goods felloniouslie taken were become; Thomas Elks, Thomas Lupton, Rafe Spacie, and Christopher Waddington, for being present, aiding, and procuring the said Randoll to the coniuration a­foresaid; [Page 1315] Randoll, Elks, Spacie, and Waddington were found guiltie, & had iudgement to be hanged; Randoll was executed, the other were repriued. A­bout the 24 of December in the town of Walsham in the countie of Sussex, Strange spéeches of a child. a child of eleuen yéers old, named William Withers, laie in a trance for the space of ten daies without anie sustenance, and at the last comming to himselfe he vttered to the stan­ders by manie strange spéeches, inueieng against pride, couetousnesse, coldnesse of charitie, and other line 10 outragious sins. To behold this child there resor [...]d diuerse godlie & zelous preachers, as also knights, es­quiers, & gentlemen, all of them hearing and séeing that which was woonderfull. And among others that came thither, there was a gentleman of great cre­dit and worship, with certeine of his men to heare and behold the child: who hauing espied a seruing­man that had béene there with his maister two times, whom he had sharplie tawnted for his great and monstrous ruffes, spake vnto him verie vehe­mentlie, line 20 and told him that it were better for him to put on sackecloth and mourne for his sinnes, than in such abhominable pride to pranke vp himselfe like the diuels darling, Pride in great ruffes reprooued and reformed in a seruingman. the verie father of pride and lieng, who sought by the exercise of that damnable sinne to make himselfe a preie to euerlasting torments in helfire. Wherevpon the seruingman, as one prickt in conscience, sore sorowed and wept for his offense, rent the band from his necke, tooke a knife and cut it in péeces, and vowed neuer to weare the like againe. line 30 This for the strangenesse thereof will be condemned as a lie, speciallie of vnbeléeuers and peruers world­lings, whose hearts are so hardened, that they will not beléeue though one rise from the dead, or though God should speake vnto them from heauen (as the poet noteth trulie) which he hath doone in times past:

—solióque tremendus ab alto
Ab. Hart. in R. L.
Altitonans coelo signa stupenda dedit.

Against Ie­sui [...]s and massing priests.About the twelfe daie of Ianuarie proclamation was published at London, for reuocation of sundrie line 40 the quéenes maiesties subiects remaining beyond the seas vnder colour of studie, and yet liuing con­trarie to the lawes of God, and of the realme: and also against the reteining of Iesuits and massing priests, sowers of sedition, and other treasonable at­tempts, One executed for counter­feiting the quéenes hand. &c. The thirtéenth of Ianuarie a man was drawne to saint Thomas of Waterings, and there hanged, headed, and quartered, for begging by a li­cence wherevnto the quéenes hand was counterfei­ted.

On the sixteenth daie of Ianuarie, the lords line 50 and barons of this realme began to sit in the parle­ment house at Westminster: Parlement at Westminster. and on the twentith daie of Ianuarie the quéenes maiestie went from White hall to the parlement house by water. Where­as a great chalenge of iusts was signified by waie of deuise before hir maiestie on Twelfe night last past, to haue beene performed the fiftéenth daie of Ianuarie, Iusting at Westminster. hir maiesties pleasure was for diuerse considerations the same should be deferred vntill the two and twentith daie of the same moneth; on which line 60 daie the same was most couragiouslie accomplished in the accustomed place at Westminster, where ma­nie staues were valiantlie broken; but through the great concourse of people thither repairing, manie of the beholders, as well men as women, were sore hurt, some maimed, and some killed, by falling of the scaffolds ouercharged.

Mice deuoure the grasse in Daneseie hundred.This yeare about Hallowntide last past, in the marishes of Daneseie hundred, in a place called Southminster, in the countie of Essex, a strange thing happened. There suddenlie appéered an infinite multitude of mice, which ouerwhelming the whole earth in the said marishes, did sheare and gnaw the grasse by the roots, spoiling & tainting the same with their venemous teeth: in such sort that the cattell which grased thereon were smitten with a murreine and died thereof. Which vermine by policie of man could not be destroied, till now at the last it came to passe, that there flocked togither all about the same marishes such a number of owles, as all the shire was not able to yeeld: whereby the marsh holders were shortlie deliuered from the vexation of the said mice.

This yeere (against the comming of certeine com­missioners out of Francis into England) by hir ma­iesties appointment, year 1581 Banketting house at West­minster. on the six and twentith daie of March in the morning (being Easter daie) a banket­ting house was begun at Westminster, on the south west side of hir maiesties palace of White hall, made in maner and forme of a long square, thrée hundred thirtie and two foot in measure about; thirtie princi­pals made of great masts, being fortie foot in length a peece, standing vpright; betwéene euerie one of these masts ten foot asunder and more▪ The walles of this house were closed with canuas, and painted all the outsides of the same most artificiallie with a worke called rustike, much like to stone. This house had two hundred ninetie and two lights of glasse. The sides within the same house was made with ten heights of degrées for people to stand vpon: and in the top of this house was wrought most cunning­lie vpon canuas, works of iuie and hollie, with pen­dents made of wicker rods, How this banketting house was garnished and decked with artificiall de­uises. and garnished with baie, rue, and all maner of strange flowers garnish­ed with spangles of gold, as also beautified with hanging toseans made of hollie and iuie, with all maner of strange fruits, as pomegranats, orenges, pompions, cucumbers, grapes, carrets, with such o­ther like, spangled with gold, and most richlie han­ged. Betwixt these works of baies and iuie, were great spaces of canuas, which was most cunning­lie painted, the clouds with starres, the sunne and sunne beames, with diuerse other cotes of sun­drie sorts belonging to the quéenes maiestie, most richlie garnished with gold. There were of all man­ner of persons working on this house, to the number of thrée hundred seuentie and fiue: two men had mis­chances, the one brake his leg, and so did the other. This house was made in thrée wéeks and three daies, and was ended the eightéenth daie of Aprill; The costs and charges of this ban­ketting house. and cost one thousand seuen hundred fortie and foure pounds, nineteene shillings and od monie; as I was credi­blie informed by the worshipfull maister Thomas Graue surueior vnto hir maiesties workes, who ser­ued and gaue order for the same, as appeareth by re­cord.

On the sixteenth daie of Aprill arriued at Douer these noblemen of France (commissioners from the French king to hir maiestie) Francis of Burbon prince dolphin of Auergne, Noblemen of France arriued at Douer. Arthur Cossaie marshall of France, Lodouic Lusignian lord of Laneoc, Ta­uergius Caercongin countie of Tillir, Bertrand Salignacus lord Mot Fenelon, monsieur Manais­sour, Barnabie Brissen president of the parle­ment of Paris, Claud Pinart, monsieur March­mont, monsieur Ueraie; these came from Graues­end by water to London, where they were honorably receiued and interteined; and shortlie after being ac­companied of the nobilitie of England, they repaired to the court and banketting house prepared for them at Westminster, as is afore said, where hir maiestie

—(decus illa Britannûm
Gemmáque non alijs inuenienda locis)

with amiable countenance & great courtesse recei­ued them: and afterward in that place most roiallie feasted & banketted them. Also the nobles & gentle­men of the court, desirous to shew them all courtesie [Page 1316] possible fittest for such estates, and to sport them with all courtlie pleasure, agréed among them to prepare a t [...]iumph, which was verie quicklie concluded: and being deuised in most sumptuous order, was by them performed in as valiant a manner to their end­lesse fame and honor. The chiefe or chalengers in these attempts were these: the earle of Arundell, the lord Windsore, maister Philip Sidueie, and maister Fulke Greuill, who calling themselues the foure fo­ster children of desire, made their inuention of the foresaid triumph in order and forme following. line 10

The excel­lent inuen­tion of the triumph.The gallerie or place at the end of the tiltyard ad­ioining to hir maiesties house at Whitehall, wheras hir person should be placed, was called and not with­out cause, The castell or fortresse of perfect beautie, for as much as hir highnesse should be there inclu­ded; whereto the said foster children laid ti [...]le and claime as their due by descent to belong vnto the them. And vpon deniall or anie repulse from that their de­sired patrimonie▪ they vowed to vanquish and con­quer by force who so should séeme to withstand it. line 20 For the accomplishing whereof they sent their chal­lenge or first defiance to the quéenes maiestie: which was vttered by a boie on sundaie the sixtéenth of A­prill last, as hir maiestie came from the chappell, who being apparelled in red and white, as a martiall mes­senger of Desires fostered children without making anie precise reuerence at all, vttered these spéeches of defiance from his masters to hir maiestie, the ef­fect whereof insueth.

O ladie, that dooth intitle the titles you possesse line 30 with the honor of your worthinesse, The first de­fie of chal­lenge. rather crowning the great crowne you hold, with the [...]ame to haue so excelling an owner, than you receiuing to your selfe anie increase, keeping that outward ornament: vouchsafe with patient attention to heare the words which I by commandement am here to deli­uer you, wherein if your ears (vsed to the thankes­giuing of your people & the due praises of the earth) shall féele a statelie disdaine to heare once the sound of a defie, yet dare I warrant my selfe so far vpon line 40 the replie & deceiuing shew of rare Beautie, as that malice can not fall from so faire a mind vpon the sea­lie messenger, whose mouth is a seruant to others direction. Know yée therefore alonelie princesse, that herby (for far off they are neuer) there lies incamped the foure long haplesse, now hopefull fostered chil­dren of Desire: Desire and h [...]r foure fo­stered chil­dren. who hauing béene a great while nou­rished vp with that infectiue milke, and too too much care of their fierie fosterer (though full oft that drie nursse despaire indeuored to weine them from it) line 50 being now as strong in that nurture, as they are weake in fortune, incouraged with the valiant counsell of neuer fainting Desire, and by the same assured, that by right of inheritance euen from euer, the fortresse of beautie dooth belong to hir fostered children: lastlie, finding it blazed by all toongs, in­graued in all hearts, and proued by all eies, that this fortresse built by nature is seated in this realme: these foure I saie and saie againe, thus nourished, line 60 thus animated, thus intituled, and thus informed, doo will you by me, Uertuous desire not to be excluded from perfect Beautie. euen in the name of iustice, that you will no longer exclude vertuous Desire from per­fect Beautie. Whereto if you yéeld (O yéeld for so all reason requireth) then haue I no more to saie, but re­ioise that my saiengs haue obteined so rightfull and yet so blissefull a request. But if (alas but let not that be needfull) Beautie be accompanied with dis­dainefull pride, and pride waighted on by refusing crueltie; then must I denounce vnto you (wo is me, answer before it be denounced) that they deter­mine by request to accomplish their claime. And bi­cause they will better testifie to the world, they haue bin brought vp vnder the wings of honorable De­sire, this honorable forewar [...]ing [...] send you; that vpon the foure and twentith daie of this moneth of Aprill they will besiege that fatall fortresse, vow­ing not to spare (if this obstinaci [...] continue) the sword of faithfulnes, and the fire of affection. The chal­lenge made and how to be tried. Now if so it fall out, the worthie knights of your court (mooued with passion in themselues) disdaine of any senders baldnesse, or parciall thing (which I most doubt) to the maiestie of your eies, will either bid them battell before they approch, or suffering them to approch, will after labour to leuie the siege; they pro­test to meet them in what sort they will choose, wish­ing onelie it may be performed before your owne eies, whome they know as euen in iudgement as daintie in choosing▪ where if so they li [...]t, first at the tilt in so manie courses, as your selfe shall please to ap­point; and then if anie will call them to the course of the field with lance and sword, they hope to giue such true proofes of their valour, as at lest shall make their desires more noble. Uowing on the other side, that if before the night part the fraie, they doo not o­uercome all them that come in against them, they will yeeld themselues slaues vnto you for euer. This therefore O quéene (greater in that you are queene of your selfe, than in passing the whole compasse of the earth) haue I deliuered my charge, not as a chal­lenge to your knights, against whome (but in so iust a cause) they acknowledge themselues vnable to match the meanest▪ but as a plaine proclamation of war, vnles the fortres of Beautie, The fortresse of Beautie. that hath woone so manie to loose themselues, be speedilie surrendered. And now it shall be séene what knights you haue, whome Beautie may draw to resist a rightfull title. And I for my poore part mooued by that I sée in you (though I serue your enimies) will dailie praie that all men may sée you, & then you shall not feare anie armes of aduersaries: or if enimies you must haue, that either they may haue the mind of them that send me, or their fortune in that they haue long desired.

At which daie abouesaid for certeine vrgent oc­casions, the said challenge and triumph, Urgent cau­ses why the challenge was deferd. by hir maie­sties commandement, was deferred till the first daie of Maie: at which daie for like causes it was further deferred till the next mondaie following, being the eight daie of Maie: and so till Whitsun mondaie, when they first began to performe it. The said daie being come, the foure foster children had made pre­paration to besiege the fortresse of Beautie, and thereto had prouided a frame of wood, which was co­uered with canuas, and painted outwardlie in such excellent order, The order of the rowling trench with most excellent inuentions. as if it had bin verie naturall earth or mould, and caried the name of a rowling trench, which went on whéeles, which waie soeuer the persons within did driue it. Upon the top whereof was pla­ced two cannons of wood, so passing well coloured as they séemed to be in déed two faire field peeces of ordinances, and by them was placed two men for gunners clothed in crimson sarcenet, with their bas­kets of earth for defense of their bodies by them. And also there stood on the top of the trench an en­signe bearer in the same sute with the gunners, dis­plaieng his ensigne, and within the said trench was cunninglie conueied diuerse kind of most excellent musike against the castell of Beautie. These things thus all in a readinesse, the challengers approched, & came from the stable toward the tiltyard, one after another in braue & excellent order as followeth.

First, the earle of Arundell entred the tiltyard, all in gilt and ingrauen armour, The earle of Arundels en­trie the first daie and his attendants. with caparisons and furniture richlie and brauelie imbrodered, ha­uing attendant vpon him two gentlemen vshers, foure pages riding on foure spare horsses, and twen­tie of his gentlemen. All which aforesaid were appa­relled in short clokes and venetian hose of crimson [Page 1317] veluet, laid with gold lace, doublets of yellow sattin, hats of crimson veluet with gold bands and yellow feathers, and yellow silke stockes. Then had he six trumpetters that sounded before him, and one and thirtie yeomen that waited after him apparelled in [...]assocke coats, and venetian hose of crimson veluet, laid on with red silke and gold lace, doublets of yel­low taffatie, hats of crimson taffatie, with yellow feathers, and yellow worsted stockings.

The lord Windsors en­trie the first daie and his attendants.After him procéeded the lord Windsore, in gilt and ingrauen armour, with caparisons and furni­ture, line 10 richlie imbrodered with gold, hauing atten­dant on him foure pages riding on foure spare hors­ses, and foure and twentie gentlemen, all apparelled in short cloaks of scarlet, lined through with orange tawnie taffatie, and laid about with siluer lace, dou­blets of orange tawnie sattin, venetian hose of o­range tawnie veluet, blacke veluet caps, with siluer bands and white feathers, and siluered rapiers and daggers, with scabberds of blacke veluet; foure line 20 trumpetters, and two footmen in cassocke coats and venetian hose of orange tawnie veluet, and blacke veluet caps with siluer bands and white feathers, foure groomes of his stable leading of his foure hors­ses, in cassocke coats and venetian hose of orange tawnie taffatie and orange tawnie felts with siluer bands, and white feathers. Then had he thrée score yeomen in coats of orange tawnie cloth, with the vnicorne of siluer plate on their sléeues, and orange tawnie felts with siluer bands and white feathers. line 30

M. Sidneis entrie, now sir Philip S [...]d­neie and his attendants.Then procéeded maister Philip Sidneie, in verie somptuous maner, with armour part blew, and the rest gilt and ingrauen, with foure spare horsses, ha­uing caparisons and furniture verie rich and costlie, as some of cloth of gold imbrodered with pearle, and some imbrodered with gold and siluer feathers, verie richlie and cunninglie wrought: he had foure pages that rode on his foure spare horsses, who had cassocke coats, and venetian hose all of cloth of siluer, laied with gold lace, and hats of the same with gold bands and white feathers, and ech one a paire of white bus­kins. line 40 Then had he a thirtie gentlemen and yeomen, & foure trumpetters, who were all in cassocke coats and venetian hose of yelow veluet, laied with siluer lace, yelow veluet caps with siluer bands and white fethers, and euerie one a paire of white buskins; and they had vpon their coats, a scrowle or band of sil­uer, which came scarfe wise ouer the shoulder, and so downe vnder the arme, with this poes [...]e, or sentence written vpon it, both before and behind, Sic nos non nobis. line 50

Then came maister Fulke Greuill, in gilt ar­mour, M. Fulke Greuils en­trie with his traine of atten­dants. with rich and faire caparisons and furniture, hauing foure spare horsses with foure pages riding vpon them, and foure trumpetters sounding before him, and a twentie gentlemen and yeomen atten­ding vpon him, who with the pages and trumpet­ters were all apparelled in loose ierkins of tawnie taffatie, cut and lined with yelow sarsenet, and laied with gold lace, and cut downe the arme and set with loopes and buttons of gold, venetian hose of the same line 60 lined (as aforesaid) laied with gold lace downe the side with loopes and buttons of gold, with ech a paire of yelow worsted stockings, and hats of tawnie taf­fetie with gold bands and yelow feathers. Hauing thus all entered the tiltyard, they proceeded on with the rowling trench before them, which staied against the queene, and they passed by, as though they would behold the Fortresse of beautie; and so went about the tilt. At last the boie that vttered the first defiance pronounced these speeches to hir maiestie.

If the message latelie deliuered vnto you had beene beleeued and followed (O quéene) in whome the whole storie of vertue is written, The second defie or cha­lenge. with the language of beautie; nothing should this violence haue née­ded in your inuiolate presence. Your eies, which till now haue béene onelie woont to discerne the bowed knées of knéeling hearts, and inwardlie turned, found alwaies the heauenlie peace of a swéet mind, should not now haue their faire beames reflected with the shining of armour, should not now be dri­uen to see the furie of desire, nor the fierie force of fu­rie. But sith so it is (alas that so it is) that in the defense of obstinate refusall there neuer groweth victorie but by compassion; they are come: what néed I saie more, you sée them, readie in hart as you know, and able with hands as they hope, not onelie to assailing but to preuailing. Perchance you despis [...] the smalnesse of number. I saie vnto you, the force of desire goeth not by fulnesse of companie. Naie ra­ther view with what vnresistable determination themselues approch, and how not onelie the heauens send their inuisible instrument to aid them: Meaning the musike with­in the mount. but al­so the verie earth the dullest of all the elements, which with naturall heauinesse still striues to the sleepie centre; yet for aduancing his enterprise is content actiuelie (as you shall sée) to moue it selfe vpon it selfe to rise vp in height, that it maie the better command the high and highminded fortresses. Manie words, Wherewith the mount mooued & ros [...] vp in height. when deeds are in the field, are tedious both vnto the speaker and hearer. You sée their forces, but know not their fortunes; if you be resolued, it boots not, and threats dread not. I haue discharged my charge, which was euen when all things were readie for the assault, then to offer partlie a thing not so much vnu­sed as gratious in besiegers. You shall now be sum­moned to yéeld, which if it be reiected, then looke for the affection at alarme to be followed with desirous assault. The time approcheth for their approches, but no time shall staie me from wishing, that howsoeuer this succéed, the world maie long inioie hir chiefest ornament, which decks it with hir selfe, and hir selfe with the loue of goodnesse.

Which spéech being ended, the rowling trench or mount of earth was mooued as néere the queenes maiestie as might be, which being setled, The rowling trench mooued néere to the quéene. the musike plaied verie pleasantlie, and one of the boies being then accompanied with cornets, summoned the for­tresse with this delectable soong, here vnder noted.

Yeeld, yeeld, ô yeeld, you that this fort doo hold,
The fortresse summoned in soong.
which seated is, in spotlesse honors feeld,
Desires great force, no forces can withhold:
then to desires desire, ô yeeld ô yeeld.
Yeeld yeeld ô yeeld, trust not on beauties pride,
fairenesse though faire, is but a feeble sheeld,
When strong desire, which vertues loue dooth guide,
claimes but to gaine his due, ô yeeld ô yeeld.
Yeeld yeeld ô yeeld, who first this fort did make,
did it for iust desires, true children beeld,
Such was his mind, if you an other take,
defense herein dooth wrong, ô yeeld ô yeeld,
Yeeld yeeld ô yeeld, now is it time to yeeld,
before th'assault begin, ô yeeld ô yeeld.

When that was ended, an other boie turning him­selfe to the foster children and their retinue, soong this alarme with plesant voice & seemelie countenance.

Alarme alarme, here will no yeelding bee,
The alarme soong.
such marble eares, no cunning words can charme,
Courage therefore, and let the statelie see,
that nought withstands desire, alarme alarme.
Alarme alarme, let not their beauties mooue
remorse in you to doo this fortresse harme,
For sith warre is the ground of vertues loue,
no force, though force be vsed, alarme alarme.
Alarme alarme, companions now begin,
about this neuer conquered wals to swarme,
More praise to vs we neuer looke to win,
much maie that was not yet, alarme alarme.
[Page 1318]Alarme alarme, when once the fight is warme,
then shall you see them yeeld, alarme alarme.

The shooting off of the two canons, the one with swéet water, and the other with swéet powder.Which ended, the two canons were shot off, the one with swéet powder, and the other with swéet wa­ter, verie odoriferous and pleasant, and the noise of the shooting was verie excellent consent of melodie within the mount. And after that was store of pre­tie scaling ladders▪ and the footmen threw floures and such fans [...]es against the wals, with all such deui­ses as might seeme fit shot for desire. All which did line 10 continue till time the defendants came in.

The maner of the defen­dants com­ming in.Then came in the defendants in most sumptuous maner, with euerie one his seruants, pages, and trumpetters (hauing some more, some lesse) in such order as I haue here vnderplaced them, with eue­rie one his sundrie inuention, which for that some of them be mysticall and not knowne to manie, I omit therefore for breuities sake to speake of anie. Yet such spéeches as were spoken or presented for them to hir maiestie, so manie as were, or at the least as line 20 I could come by, I haue here in their order placed them, whereby their inuentions for whome they were spoken, are therein plainelie declared. Therefore I referre you to the reading of them hereafter. But thus the defendants entered the tiltyard, one after an other as followeth. The defen­dants names that run at [...]. First maister Henrie Greie, sir Thomas Perot, maister Anthonie Cooke, maister Thomas Ratcliffe, maister Henrie Knolles, mai­ster William Knolles, maister Robert Knolles, maister Francis Knolles, maister Rafe Bowes, line 30 maister Thomas Kelwaie, master George Goring, maister William Tresham, maister Robert Alex­ander, maister Edward Dennie, maister Hercules Meautus, maister Edward Moore, maister Richard Skipwith, maister Richard Ward, maister Ed­ward Digbie, maister Henrie Nowell, maister Henrie Brunkerd. And afterwards in the middest of the running came in sir Henrie Leigh, as vn­knowne, and when he had broken his six staues went out in like maner againe. So passing on one after line 40 an other, when sir Thomas Perot & maister Cooke came to the end of the tilt, ouer against the quéenes maiestie, one of their pages arraied like an angell vttered these spéeches vnto hir.

Despaire, no not despaire (most high and happie princesse) could so congeale the frozen knight in the aier, The spéech of sir Thomas Perot and maister Cooke to the quéene. but that desire (ah swéet desire) inforced him to behold the sun on the earth, whereon as he was ga­zing with twinkling eie (for who can behold such beames stedfastlie?) he begun to dissolue into drops, line 50 melting with such delight, that he séemed to preferre the lingering of a certeine death before the lasting of an vncerteine life. Such is the nature of ingrauen loialtie, that it chooseth rather to haue the bodie dis­solued, than the mind disliked. Thus consuming with content (a swéet sickenesse is conceipt) and pining with more than speakeable passions, he suddenlie be­held that sun to be besieged which he so deuoutlie ser­ued. Wherewith boiling in no lesse disdaine, than sur­prised with immoderat pens [...]uenesse, he vttered these line 60 words: O Ioue, if thou meane to resolue nature into contraries; why doo I liue to sée it? If into nothing, why doo I liue at all? If the foot scale the head, there is no rest; if desire ouershoot dutie, there is no reason: and where either of these are, there can be no rule. And so setting more sighs than maie be numbred by ciphers, this present time (ah griefe) this present time, that honest & faire hearted frozen knight died (what said I) euen that which againe with griefe I must say died, whose ghost making speedie passage into the Elisian fields (for what more swift than a soule) in the midst of the infernall multitude, [...] the sun is meant hir ma­iestie, called before The fortresse of beautie. with schréeches, cries & clamors made both heauen & hell to redouble this eccho: O times, O men, O corruption of ma­ners! The sun is besieged, the sun (O mischiefe) the sun is besieged. Which strange and vnacquainted termes caused not onelie murmuring amongst the ghosts beneath, but a musing amongst the gods a­boue: who as well to represse the tumults, which might haue risen among the shadows, as to reuenge the pride which began to grow on the earth, sent downe an angell with this commandement; Go de­scend, Sir Thomas Perot & mai­ster Cooke were both in like armour beset with ap­ples and fruit, the one signi­fieng Adam & the other E [...]e▪ who had haire hoong all downe his helmet. and cause Adam and Eue to appeare on the earth in that sort as they were in paradise, that the world may know them & woonder at them. For see­ing out of their loin [...]s haue issued those preposterous limmes, I know none more fit to correct them. Cer­tes none more willing. They will attempt anie thing for thy sake, and seruice of that earthlie, and yet (O strange conceipt) most heauenlie sun. For as they were before driuen from their desire, bicause they desired to know the best: so now shall they b [...] driuen vnto their desire, which they couet to honour most. This shall be their reward, they shall come néere and yet shall not search, and be they farre off, it shall warme. A cloud maie sometimes barre their sight, but nothing shall depriue them of the safegard: yet command them to be humble in affection, though feruent, least they séeme to disdaine that pride in others which they desire themselues.

The sun in the highest delighteth in the shadow which is shortest, The angell speaketh to the quéene. nourisheth the tree whose root grow­eth déepest, not whose top springeth loftiest. This commission and counsell ended, all things were in a moment accomplished with such celeritie (for to the gods time is tied) that they were sped so soone as they were spoken. And now most renowmed and diuine sun, Adam and Eue being present, vouchsafe to heare somwhat in their behalfs pronounced. Sir knights, if in beséeging the sunne ye vnderstood what you had vndertaken, ye would not destroie a common bles­sing for a priuat benefit. Will you subdue the sun? He speaketh to the chalengers in the behalfe of the two knights A­dam and Eue. Who shall rest in the shadow where the wearie take breath, the disquiet rest and all comfort? Will ye be­reue all men of those glittering & gladsome beams? What shall then prosper in the shining, but you will clime it by the raies? O rare exhalations! Brothers you may be to desire, but sons ye are to ill hap, which thinke you can not sinke déepe inough into the sea, vnlesse you take your fall from the sun. Desist you knights, desist, sith it is impossible to resist: content your selues with the sunnes indifferent succor, suffer the inniper shrub to grow by the loftie oke, and clame no prerogatiue where the sun grants no pri­uilege; for being of the same mettall that others are, the sun will worke the like effects, as she doth in o­thers. The giants would haue bin gods, if they could haue scaled the heauens; and you no lesse than stars could you conquer the same: but as their throwing hill vpon hill did manifest their pride, but nothing further their pretense; so your laieng chalenge vpon claime, and conquest vpon chalenge, may well proue a will but no worthinesse; a desire to reach, but no possibilitie to recouer. In which your soaring as­saies if you chance to fall, the only comfort you haue is to crie with Phaeton, Magnis excidimus ausis. But if no persuasions may mooue your minds, Magnis excidi­mus ausis, the crie of Phae­ton at his fall. know yée proud knights, there are that haue hearts as big as mounteins, and as far aboue you in prowesse as ye are aboue all in presumption, yet not so vaine (which ye terme valiant) to assalt the sun. And whie? bicause it is impregnible. We content to inioie the light, yée to eclipse it; we to rest vnder the féet, yée to run ouer the head; we to yéeld to that which nothing can con­quer, you to conquer that which maketh all men cap­tiues. But were it possible that head could deuise, courage attempt, or hand execute anie thing that might shew the depth of our vnspotted loialtie, soon [...] [Page 1319] should be séene (and for your selues too soone) that your enterprises should be of as small account then, as now they are of likelihood; so déepe an impression is ingrauen in our thoughts, for the maiestie of that sun which now persing our eies hath fullie subdued our hearts, that we are prest in hir defense to offer the whole world defiance. In proofe whereof I am charged to throw downe this gantlet, The defen­dants gantlet throwne downe, &c. which who so dareth take vp, shall féele both the heat of their iust conceiued quarrell, and the reproch of their owne line 10 deserued follie, not by riding in breaking a few sta [...]es to end the strife, but at tourneie, or what else soeuer they can deuise, or dare aduenture to win the benefit of Beautie. Thus most renowmed & diuine Beautie, whose beams shine like the sun, haue Adam & Eue aduentured to defend the sun. The same I call Beautie the light of the world, the maruell of men, the mirrour of nature, on which their incounter if those fauourable gleames may fall, they will not on­lie thinke to haue doone good herein, but to be restor­ed line 20 againe to paradise. The one meaneth to repose his trust in a woman, who like Eue cannot be beguiled, the other to rest on a saint which by a serpent will not be tempted. Thus being placed in the garden of your graces, O of all things most gratious, where vertues grow as thicke as leaues did in paradise, they will take héede to tast of the forbidden fruit, contented to behold, not coueting to take hold. And for that it hath beene long argued, and no arguing can end, The defen­dants [...]u [...]e and desire. whether the first offense came by the crude­litie line 30 of Adam, or the simplicitie of Eue; the one de­fending his fault by sound arguments, the other ex­cusing hirs by sharpe answers: they most humblie sue for this, that either by six courses betwéene them the quarrell may be ended, or by your hignesse per­emptorie sentence determined. For they both being in the world, are desirous that one might beare the blame of both. And what herein your excellencie shall set downe, there is none shall gainesaie; for when­soeuer the question shall be mooued, no other reason line 40 shall be allowed or liked than this; Elizabetha dixit. This speach being thus ended, sir Thomas Perot and master Cooke procéeded backward on the other­side of the tilt. And when master Ratclife came like­wise against the queene, one of his pages pronoun­ced these spéeches in his masters behalfe to hir ma­iestie.

So manie were the misfortunes (most renow­med and beautifull princesse) of the desolate knight my master, M. Ratclifs s [...]éech to the quéen [...]. as neither the shortnesse of the time will line 50 suffer me to repeat, nor the greatnesse of the myste­rie to remember. But let this suffice, that some there were and so manifold, that geometrie whereon the bodie of man hangeth could not beare being intolle­rable, nor the mind which consisteth in arithmetike number being infinit. Thus alwaies crossed by for­tune, whose crossing is no blessing, he determined to separate himselfe as far from societie, as his actions were from successe; who wandering through manie deserts, yet finding as he thought no place desolate, line 60 happened at the last to come to a clif [...]e adioining to the maine sea, A moss [...]e cliffe. couered all with mosse, whereon he was walking: much delighted with the solitarie seat, but not well liking the cold situation, he sudden­lie sunke into a hollow vault, surprised at the first with feare, but séeing it at the last a place of succour, he accounted his former miseries méetlie appeased by this present fortune. Mosse and nothing but mosse. In this den he vsed for his bed mosse, for his candle mosse, for his céeling mosse, and vnlesse now and then a few coales, mosse for his meat: a drie food God wot and a fresh, but so moi­stened with wet teares, and so salt, that hard it was to coniecture, whether it were better to féed or to fast. Here he gaue himselfe to continuall meditation, se­parating his mind from his bodi [...], his thought from his hart, yea diuorcing himselfe from himselfe, in so much that with his strange diet and new conc [...]its he became so inchanted▪ that neither the remem­brance of others, nor a thought touching himselfe could enter into his mind▪ an alteration seldome heard of, that the place whereas he was shrowded in, should make him to forget who he is. Liuing thus a long tim [...] for that no lim should seeme short, rising according to his maner to walke in the mosse in the grisping of the day, he espied vpon the shore certeine men either cast awaie by shipwracke, or ouer boord by pirates, vnto whome he went; and perceiuing by their plaints one which laie dead amongst them to be their master, inquired [...]hense they were? But th [...]y not willing to repeat their misfortunes, opened the bosome of the gentleman, and pulled out a scroll conteining a claime, a chall [...]nge, A claime or conquest of beautie con­teined in a scroll. naie a conquest of Beautie. At the sight whereof, suddenlie (quoth he) Beautie▪ and therewithall appalled paused, entring by litle and litle out of his present melancholies in­to his former misfortunes, who as one awaked out of a long dreame began thus to bebate. O Beautie, where thy fortr [...]sse is founded I know, but what these brethren should meane I maruell; for as I am assured that to win thée none could be so fortunate, so did I thinke that to claime thée none could be so fond; when as thou O diuine Beautie art of euerie one to be desired, but neuer to be conquered of De­sire. But as the eagle beholding the sunne, coue­teth to build hir nest in the same, A similitude. and so dimmeth hir sight: so they vewing the brightnesse of Beautie are incensed to conquere it by Desire. And what then? Bicause she is inuincible shall I be indiffe­rent? No, I will forsake this caitife cottage, and will take arms to defend that Beauties castell. Nothing shall remooue me from mine attempt, which being performed, nothing can mooue me. Yea but she ha [...]h seruants alreadie a number; I but vnles I be there, not the whole number: but manie were famous, but none more faithfull: yet alas, if thou go, thou shal [...] euer be infortunat: better alwaies infortunat, than once disloiall. Which words being ended, he deman­ded whether they would in like case aduenture with one of no lesse courage than their master, but certein­lie of greter affection: whose seruice he hauing vpon small intreatie obteined, for that belike they were desirous to see the euent for the which they had suffe­red such aduentures, he departed to his caue, hewing a shield out of the hard cliffe inriched onelie with soft mosse: a double signe of his desire, thinking that nothing could manifest Beautie so well as Pytha­goras walnut, a tender rine and a hard shell. And now most excellent and diuine Beautie, diuine it must néeds be that worketh so heauenlie, sith he is called from his solitarie caue to your sumptuous court, from bondage to libertie, from a liuing death to a neuer dieng life, Here the [...] deliuered M. Ratclifs shield to the quéene. and all for the sake and seruice of Beautie: vouchsafe his shield, which is the ensigne of your fame, to be the instrument of his fortune. And for prostrating himselfe to your féet, he is here readie prest to aduenture anie aduentures for your gratious fauour.

Which spéech being ended, Here enter the foure [...]oes of sir Francis Knolles. he retired backe as the rest. And after him came the foure sonnes of sir Francis Knolles, one after an other, according to their age, and all in like armour: who comming to the end of the tilt, staied till these spéeches were vtte­r [...]d by one of their pages, who being apparelled like vnto Mercurie, pronounced these spéeches in the knights behalfes to hir maiestie.

Report hath bruted all abroad, The spéech of the foure sons of sir Francis Knoll [...]s, [...] by [...] page being appar [...] ­ [...] like vnto Mercurie. that desperat De­sire with a woonderfull armie of affections hath laid his siege against the inuincible fortresse of péere­lesse [Page 1320] beautie, and that the chiefest champions of this most famous enterprise are foure of fansies fel­lowes, fosterbrothers to desire, and drie nurst by despaire, valiant knights, and honorable personages, whose hautie hearts deserue renowme at least, for venturing to win the golden fleece without Medeas helpe. The giants long ago did scale the clouds men saie, in hope to win the fort of Iupiter. The wanton youth, whose waren wings did frie with soa­ring vp aloft, had scapt vnscorcht if he had kept a meaner gale below. So falles it out in this attempt, line 10 desire vaunts to conquer Beauties fort by force, wherein the goddesse keepes continuallie watch and ward, [...] and Beautie. so that desire may despaire to win one inch of hir against hir will. Hir statelie seat is set so high, as that no leuell can be laid against hir walles: and sooner may men vndertake to hit a starre with a stone, than to beat hir braue bulworkes by batterie. No vndermining may preuaile, for that hir fort is founded vpon so firme a rocke, as will not stir for ei­ther fraud or force. And is there anie hope to win by line 20 famine such a fort as yeelds continuall food to all hir foes? And though they feed not fat therwith, yet must they either feed thereon or fast: for Beautie is the on­lie bait whereon desire bites; and loue the chiefe re­sto [...]tie that ladie Beautie likes, so that she can no more be left without meat, than men can liue with­out minds. Why desire [...]serues least to win beau­tie. Of all affections that are, desire is the most worthie to woo, but lest deserues to win Beau­tie: for in winning his saint, he looseth himselfe: no sooner hath desire what he desireth, but that he dieth line 30 presentlie: so that when Beautie yéeldeth once to desire, then can she neuer vant to be desired againe. Wherfore of force this principle must stand, it is con­uenient for desire euer to wish, and necessarie that he alwais want. O rare and most renowmed Beau­tie, O goddesse to be honored of all, not to be equalled of anie, become not now a prisoner: your fortresse is inuincible. No doubt desire will content himselfe with a fauourable parlée, and wait for grace by loial­tie, not chalenge it by lance; although he make neuer line 40 so braue. The world dooth know that ladie Beautie néeds no rescue to raise this siege, for that she sits a­boue all reach, hir heauenlie lookes aboue when she so lists can dazell all mens eies. But though she li [...]t not vse those meanes, yet it is méete that all hir ser­uants come and shew themselues deuout to doo hir will: perchance hir pleasure is to sée the forts tried of these foure foster friends. O happie, ten times happie they whose hap shall be with fauour of hir dei­tie, The foure sonnes of sir Francis Knolles. line 50 to take in hand this braue attempt: in hope whereof these foure legitimate sonnes of despaire, brethren to hard mishap, suckled with sighes, and swathed vp in sorrow, weaned in wo, and drie nurst by desire, long time fostered with fauourable coun­tenance, and fed with sweet fansies, but now of late (alas) wholie giuen ouer to griefe and disgraced by disdaine, are come with readie hearts and hands, to prooue against these other foure, that desire dooth not deserue one winke of good fauour from ladie Beau­ties line 60 smiling eies, for threatning to win hir fort by force. They doubt not the victorie, if onelie they may find some like shew from their saint in fauor of their enterprise. If Mercurie haue said amisse, blame those bright beams which haue bereft him of his wit; if well, vouchsafe one becke to bid him packe awaie.

These spéeches being ended, both they and the rest marched about the tilt, and so going backe to the ne­ther end thereof prepared themselues to run, The running [...] the tilt. euerie one in his turne, each defendant six courses against the former challengers: who performed their parts so valiantlie on both sides, that their prowesse hath demerited perpetuall memorie, and worthilie woon honor both to themselues and their natiue countrie, as fame hath the same reported. When this daies sport was thus accomplished, the boie that vttered the defiances, in these few speeches tooke his good­night of the quéene.

In the triall of this debatefull question O your selfe) what can be said more than is? The boie that vttered the defian [...] ▪ in this speech tooke his good night of the queene. You see that seeing begins to faile. Night the ordinarie truce ma­ker, though no truce be treated if at least your pre­sence make it not lightsome will wrap all in hir blacke and mourning weeds, perchance mourning, for that the noblest desire hath beene subiect to vnde­serued torments: and therefore these knights by the authoritie of darkenes verie vndesirouslie are com­pelled to depart from whence they came. To con­clude, thus much they command me in their names to confesse, that such excellencie they find in your knights, and in comparison of them such vnablenesse in their selues, that if desire did not banish despaire as a traitor out of his kingdome, it would haue al­readie vndermined their best grounded determina­tion: but no inward nor outward wound, no weake­nesse, no wearinesse, can dant desire, nor take awaie the naturall effects that follow it. Therfore hauing left them no other courage than desire, no other strength than desire, no other beginning or ending cause but desire, they will continue this hard and hardie enterprise to morow. In the meane time they can find no place in their hearts that dooth not wish you as swéet rest, as Psyche was conueied vn­to by the gentle Zephyrus, and if it be possible by the same ghost visited. They wish that when your lids looke vp, your eies may be brightened, to see to morrow a better daie than this, and therewithall so singular successe, as you may long, fréelie, and ioy­fullie inioy your selfe, to the delight of lookers, and woonder of markers. ¶This said, and all the trium­phant shewes ended, the knights in verie comelie and conuenient order (as they came) departed:

Et fessos soluunt artus, mollissima quaeque
Gustant, & dulci membra quie [...]e f [...]uent.

The next daies shew was doone in this order. Here entereth a most excel­lent and braue charriot, with ra [...]e▪ curious, and costlie worke with the foure chal­lengers in it, which charri­ot was verie curiouslie sha­dowed with fine lawne. The foure foster children of desire entered in a braue cha­riot (verie finelie and curiouslie decked) as men fore­wearied & halfe ouercome. The charriot was made in such sort, as vpon the top the foure knghts s [...]t, with a beautifull ladie, representing desire about them. Wherevnto their eies were turned, in token what they desired. In the bulke of the charriot was conueied roome for a full consort of musike, who plaid still verie dolefull musike as the charriot mooued. The charriot was drawne by foure horsses according to the foure knights, which horsses were apparelled in white and carnation silke, being the colours of de­sire. And as it passed by the vpper end of the tilt, a he­rald of armes was sent before to vtter these spéeches in the knights behalfe to hir maiestie.

No confidence in themselues, The first spéech the second daie. O most vnmatched princesse, before whome enuie dieth, wanting all néerenes of comparison to susteine it, & admiration is expressed, finding the scope of it void of conceiue­able limits, nor anie slight regarding the force of your valiant knights, hath incouraged the foster children of desire to make this daie an inheritour of yesterdaies action: but the wing of memorie alas, the sworne enimie vnto the wofull mans quietnesse, being constantlie held by the hand of perfection, and neuer ceassing to blow the cole of some kindled de­sire, hath brought their inward fire to blaze forth this flame vnquenchable by anie meanes: till by death the whole fewell be consumed. And therefore not able to maister it, they are violentlie borne whither de­sire draweth, although they must confesse (alas) that yesterdaies braue onset should come to such a confes­sion, that they are not greatlie companied with hope, [Page 1321] the common supplier to desires armie. Hope the sup­plier to desirs armie. So as now from summoning this castell to yéeld, they are fal­len lowlie to beseech you to vouchsafe your eies out of that impregnable fortresse, to behold what will fall out betwixt them and your famous knights: wherin though they be so ouerpressed with the others valour, that alreadie they could scarselie haue béene able to come hither, if the charriot of desire had not carried them; yet will they make this whole assem­blie witnesses so farre of their will, that sooner their soules shall leaue their bodies than desire shall leaue line 10 their soules. In that onelie standeth their strength that gaue them their first courage, and must be their last comfort. For what resistance is there, where not onlie they are met with forren enimies, such as state­lie disdeine, which looketh from so high a tower to poore desire, that though (in it selfe) it be great, yet in hir eies (so seated) it séemeth small, or such on the o­ther side as vnfortunat despaire, which maketh the countrie so barren where they laie their siege, that it would take awaie all the food of fansie: but euen ci­uill line 20 warre yesterdaie grew betwixt them and others who beare the same badge of desire: that they doo so, as thus bestead they are brought to this faire passe, to desire no more, but that this death or ouerthrow maie be séene by those eies who are onlie vnhappie, in that they can neither find fellows nor sée themselues.

Which spéech being doone, the defendants came in, in such order as they came in the daie before. There­fore I shall not need to make a new repetition of the line 30 same, sith all hath béene touched alreadie. Then went they to the tourneie, Tourneies & barriers cou­ragiouslie tried. where they did verie noblie, as the shiuering of the swords might verie well testifie; and after that to the barriers, where they lashed it out lustilie, & fought couragiouslie, as if the Gréeks and Troians had dealt their deadlie dole. No partie was spared, no estate excepted, but ech knight indu­red to win the golden fleece, that expected either fame or the fauour of his mistresse, which sport continued all the same daie. And towards the euening the sport line 40 being ended, there was a boie sent vp to the quéene being clothed in ash coloured garments in token of humble submission, who hauing an oliue branch in his hand, & falling downe prostrate on his face, and then kneeling vp, concluded this noble exercise with these words to hir maiestie.

Most renowmed princesse of princes, in whome can nothing obteine victorie, The last spéech to the quéene signi­fieng the hum­ble hearted submission of the foure fo­ster children of desire. but vertue. The foster children of desire (but heires onelie to misfortune) send me to deliuer in such words as sorrow can af­foord their most humble hearted submission. They ac­knowledge line 50 this fortresse to be reserued for the eie of the whole world, farre lifted vp from the compasse of their destinie. They acknowledge the blindnesse of their error, in that they did not know desire (how strong soeuer it be) within it selfe to be stronger without it selfe than it pleased the desired. They ac­knowledge they haue degenerated from their foste­rer in making violence accompanie desire. They ac­knowledge that desire receiued his beginning and nourishment of this fortresse, and therefore to com­mit line 60 vngratefulnesse in bearing armes (though desi­rous armes) against it. They acknowledge noble desire should haue desired nothing so much, as the flourishing of that fortresse, which was to be estée­med according to it selfes liking. They acknow­ledge the least determination of vertue (which stands for the gard of this fortresse) to be too strong for the strongest desire, & therefore they doo acknow­ledge themselues ouercome, as to be slaues to this fortresse for euer, which title they will beare in their soreheads, An oliue branch pre­sented to the quéene. as their other name is ingrauen in their hearts. For witnesse thereof they present this oliue branch to your presence, in token of your trium­phant peace, and of their peaceable seruitude, where­by they present themselues as bondmen by those bonds, which the losse of life can onelie loose. Onelie from out of that which was theirs they craue thus much, to giue some token to those knights, which maie be iudged to haue doone best in ech kind of wea­pon, or who by his deuise hath come in best sort in this desirous strife. This being doone, they being now slaues (in whome much dutie requireth) for feare of offense, dare saie no further; but wish from the bot­tome of their captiued hearts, that while this realme is thus fortified and beautified; desire maie be your chiefest aduersarie.

Which speech being ended, hir maiestie gaue them all praise and great thanks, which they estéemed so well, and thought themselues rewarded according to their owne wishing: and so they departed ech one in order, according to the first comming in. And thus ceassed these courtlie triumphes, set foorth with most costlie brauerie and gallantnesse, whereof I maie saie as the academicall poet sometime said at the gratious entering of hir maiestie into Cambridge:

Hîc cocco murex, aurum superatur ab auro,
Naturam certant vincere quaeque suam:
Nil ibi sat pulchrum, quamuis pulcherrima quaeque,
Et quamuis vincant omnia, victa iacent.

The one and twentith of Iune in the night, the lowest images (which were of Christs resurrection, Crosse in Cheape de­faced. of the virgin Marie, and of kings and bishops of this realme) about the crosse in Cheape (being six square) on all the sides, were broken and defaced: where vp­on two daies after, proclamation was made tho­rough out the citie, that who so would bewraie the dooers thereof, should haue fortie crownes for their labour: but nothing came to light. Thomas Butcher whipped and rescued. The seauen and twentith of Iune, Thomas Butcher brewer, was conuicted in the Guildhall of London, for that he as principall, and others as accessaries, to the number of a thousand persons, on the fiue and twentith of Iune last past, about ten of the clocke in the night, with force of armes, in west Smithfield of London, & other stréets of the citie congregated themselues, and with diuerse exclamations, prouoked the people in maner of a rebellion, contrarie to the peace & sta­tutes of the realme. On the eight and twentith of Iune, the same Thomas Butcher, being areigned at the Iustice hall in the old Bailie, was found giltie, and had iudgement to be whipped on the next market daie from Newgate thorough Smithfield, Long lane, Aldersgate street, saint Martins le grand; & so thorough the citie to the bars without Aldgate, & then to be committed to Newgate. On the 30 of Iune, the same T. Butcher, being deliuered vnto Iames Mase and other beadles, to haue receiued execution, as is aforesaid, he being whipped from Newgate into west Smithfield, was there rescued, taken from the beadles, and sent to shift for himselfe abrode: for the which fact the one & twentith of Iulie, William Downe, I. Hand, T. Harres, and T. Appowell, Foure men whipt and set on the pillorie. thrée shoomakers and a brewer, were whipped from Newgate to the middest of Smithfield, and there set on the pillorie, whereon they stood from ten of the clocke till twelue, and from thense againe commit­ted to prison. The thirtéenth of Iulie, Richard Cox doctor of diuinitie, Bishop of E­lie deceassed. sometime schoolemaister to king Edward the sixt, deane of Westminster, and of Christs college in Oxenford, and of late bishop of Elie deceassed, and was buried at Elie; whose epi­taph (alluding to his name and the execution of his charge, wherein he was iust) hereafter followeth:

Vita caduca vale, salueto vita perennis,
Corpus terra tegit, spiritus alta tenet.
In terra Christi gallus Christum resonabam,
Da Christe in coelis te sine fine sonem.

[Page 1322] Two men of strange sta­tures to be [...].This yeare were to be séene in London two Dutchmen of strange statures, the one in height sea­uen foot & seauen inches, in bredth betwixt the shoul­ders thrée quarters of a yard and an inch, the com­passe of his brest one yard, an halfe, and two inches; & about the wast one yard, quarter, and one inch; the length of his arme to the hand a full yard: a comelie man of person, but lame of his legs (for he had bro­ken them with lifting of a barrell of béere.) The other was in height but thrée foot, had neuer a good foot, nor anie knée at all, and yet could he danse a galli­ard, line 10 he had no arme, but a stumpe to the elbow or lit­tle more on the right side, on the which, singing, he would danse a cup, and after tosse it about thrée or foure times, and euerie time receiue the same on the said stumpe: he would shoot an arrow néere to the marke, flourish with a rapier, throw a bowle, beat with an hammar, hew with an ax, sound a trumpet, and drinke enerie daie ten quartes of the best béere, if he could get it. About the seauenteenth of Iulie, I saw these men in the parish of saint Peter vpon line 20 Cornehill, the taller sitting on a bench bareheaded, the lesser stood on the same bench, and hauing on his head a hat with a feather, was yet the lower. Also the taller man standing on his féet, the lesser (with his hat & feather on his head) went vpright betwéene his legs, and touched him not.

The eightéenth of Iulie, Euerard Hance, aliàs Ducket, Euerard Hance exe­cuted. a seminarie priest, was in the sessions hall in the old Bailie of London arreigned, where he before the quéenes iustices affirmed that himselfe line 30 being now in England was subiect to the pope in ecclesiasticall causes, and that the pope hath now the same authoritie here in England that he had an hun­dred yeares past, and which he hath now at Rome, with other traitorous spéeches: for the which he was condemned to be drawne, hanged, and quartered, and was executed accordinglie on the last of Iulie. At the same sessions were brought from the Fléet, the Gatehouse, Men arreig­ [...] for not [...]ning to [...]rch. Newgate, and the Counters, sun­drie prisoners, indicted for refusing to come to church; line 40 all which being conuicted by their owne confession, had iudgement according to the statute, to paie twentie pounds for euery moneth of such wilfull ab­sence from the church. The first of Nouember, mon­sieur Francis duke of Aniou, Monsieur [...] of [...] into England. the Frenc [...] kings bro­ther, and other nobles of France (hauing latelie ar­riued in Kent) came to London, and were honoura­blie receiued, and reteined at the court with banket­ting, and diuerse pleasant shewes and pastimes, of whome more hereafter in place conuenient. line 50

On mondaie being the twentith of Nouember, Edmund Campion, Ex libro cui ti­tulus A disco­uerie of Ed­mund Cam­pion dedica­ted to certeine [...] of the councell. Edmund Campion with diuerse o hers ar­reigned of high treason. The fore­ [...] [...]. Rafe Sherwin, Lucas Kerbie, Edward Rishton, Thomas Cotcham, Henrie Or­ton, Robert Iohnson, & Iames Bosgraue. All these before named persons were brought vnto the high barre at Westminster: where they were seuerallie, and altogither indicted vpon high treason, the sum whereof followeth in briefe as thus. That these per­sons, contrarie both to loue and dutie, for sooke their natiue countrie, to liue beyond the seas, vnder the line 60 popes obedience, as at Rome, Rheimes, and diuerse other places: where (the pope hauing with other prin­ces practised the death and depriuation of our most gratious princesse, and vtter subuersion of hir seat & kingdome, to aduance his most abhominable re­ligion) these men, hauing vowed their allegiance to the pope, to obeie him in all causes whatsoeuer, be­ing there, gaue their consent; yea vttermost furthe­rance they might, to aid him in this most traitorous determination. [...] why [...] And for this intent and purpose they were sent ouer to seduce the hearts of hir maiesties louing subiects, and to conspire and practise hir gra­ces death, as much as in them laie, against a great daie, set and appointed, when the generall hauocke should be made, those onelie reserued that ioined with them. This laied to their charge, they boldlie and impudentlie denied. Wherevpon a iurie was im­panelled, their owne confessions, their owne wri­tings, and credible witnesses Vina voce produced to their faces, approouing them giltie of the former al­legations, as hereafter followeth.

After the indictment was read vnto them, and their answer, that it was beyond their power to prooue them faultie in such matters, so stiff [...]lie they stood in their apparant impudencie; first was mooued to them sundrie treasons past, attempted against hir maiestie by those of their sect and disposition: yet notwithstanding the vttermost of their malice, how mightilie God had defended his chosen Elisabeth, returning their dealings to their owne destruction. Among sundrie these treasonable practises, which the pope, the ancient aduersarie to hir maiestie hath at diuerse times set abroch, the rebellion in the north may remaine as a witnesse of his excéeding malice and spite against hir grace and gouernement. The rebellion in the north, onlie through the popes meanes. Wher­to let vs ad the bull sent ouer by Iohn Felton, which traitorouslie he placed on the bishop of Londons gate: in which bull, the pope vtterlie excommunica­ted hir maiestie, she was an heretike, The sum of the popes bull which our Englishmen beyond the seas hold as their authori­tie to rebell a­gainst hir ma­iestie. he had dispos­sessed hir of hir crowne and dominion, she was not the lawfull quéene of this realme, and hir subiects were not bound to obeie anie of hir laws or decrées; but they were all frée, and perfectlie discharged of their allegiance to hir, so that they might lawfullie, when time serued so conuenient for them, both stirre rebellion against hir, and also enter into armes a­gainst hir maiestie. The popes will in this hath bin put in execution, as through the ill demeanor of di­uerse persons to him affected it was mooued in the north, where mainteining themselues on the autho­ritie of the pope and his traitorous bull secretlie dispersed abrode, they entred into a plaine and ma­nifest rebellion. Doctor San­ders his re­bellion in Ire­land, through whome the people were seduced to fight against their lawfull princesse. The like was put in practise in Ire­land through doctor Sanders and other traitors, who there ioined themselues togither vnder the popes standard, to bring to passe their secret appointment in this realme. Through their persuasions and dea­lings, the people were mooued in the popes name to fight against their lawfull princesse vnder his ban­ner; and to rebell against hir so notoriouslie as they might. The incouragement to this great disobedi­ence they receiued through doctor Sanders a fugi­tiue and ranke traitor to his prince and countrie, as also through diuerse Iesuits both English and Irish, whose hypocriticall shew of holinesse and diuellish persuasions on the behalfe of the pope their maister and head, intised a multitude of the people there to change their profession in religion, and to yeeld them­selues to the popes authoritie, whereby they should renounce the most certeine and iust title of hir maie­stie: and when foren forces should be assembled there, they to ioine with them in their intent, and so traitorouslie rebell against their lawfull souereigne. All these practises tooke their originall from the pope, as well by sending his secret messengers, as also by his traitorous bull, which being sent by Pius quin­tus, is neuerthelesse confirmed (in the former au­thoritie) by this pope Gregorie the thirtéenth, and remaineth in hope to take effect at some time or o­ther, This bull re­maineth in his former force by this pope, onelie a toller [...]tion for the straitnesse to the subiects ther [...] in amen­ded. for which he doth watch opportunitie as conue­nientlie as he maie. But God the iust auenger of all causes, as he hath hither to preserued hir maiestie & this litle Iland from all their malicious attempts and practises, and hath deseruedlie throwne the yoke of their shame on their owne necks: so will he no doubt continue his fatherlie care, that his children shall be preserued, & their aduersaries confounded.

[Page 1323] Campion de­sireth not to heare how these treasons [...]ook [...] their o­riginall, and how from time to time they haue béene en­terprised and confounded: wherefore to blind the peo­ples cies he maketh this counterfeit answer.But saith Campion: What is this to vs here present? What apperteineth this to our indictment? We are here both seuerallie and all togither indicted of high treason; and for that that is obiected against vs we must answer. Let not other mens offenses be laid to our charge, that we should answer for other mens falts committed long since. Some of vs were then but nouices here in the vniuersities, and were altogither ignorant of these matters. What haue we to doo with anie thing that they did? They that line 10 were offendors, let them answer to what you can lay against them. For vs that be here at this instant, you must either saie; Thou Campion didst this thing, or thou (naming some of the other) committedst this offense, and ther vpon bring your proofes and witnes­ses, otherwise you shall neuer be able to touch vs. As for these assertions, for the strength they haue against vs, I will not estéeme it worth a penniworth of pip­pins. And therefore to your indictment.

This answer so smoothlie deliuered, and with such line 20 coie lookes and protestation of action gested, that all the standers by gaue perfect notice of the man, both of his nature and disposition, as also of his prompt & ingenious wit, to shadow an absolute truth with a shew of great wisedome and learning. For this he knew right well, that before he came to that place, he had woone a maruellous goodlie report, to be such a man as his like was not to be found, either for life, learning, or anie other qualitie that might beautifie a man. So that by his fauorers and fréends it was, line 30 blowen abrode, that we had neither doctors, nor o­thers that were worshie to enter disputation with him, he was so farre aboue them all, that they might not deale with him. Here to doo the great titles which they adorne him withall giue credit, saieng thus:

Ex libello que­da [...] fa [...]ose.
Quid? Campiano de [...]rat doctrina perito,
Doctrinae natus qui penetrale fuit:
Cui fuit in primis sponsata scientia cunis,
Quíque puer nulli mente secundus erat:
Ingenuas iuuenis qui sedulus imbibit artes, line 40
Vírque videbatur vix habuisse parem, &c.

Now being brought vnto a publike triall, it stood him vpon to argue somewhat of the praise that had béene giuen him: wherefore in verie quaint and fa­miliar eloquent gloses he stood vpon quirks and fine deuise of spéech, thinking as he had deluded manie before, so at that present he might blind the eies of iu­stice, & acquite himselfe of his horrible tresons. But as truth sheweth most braue when she goeth bare & naked, and deceipt finest when he is cunninglie flo­rished; line 50 euen so the poore habit of the one discouered the proud hart of the other, and confounded his bold­nesse with hir sacred brightnesse, giuing all men to vnderstand, that Veritas vincit omnia. And bicause Campion would haue made such a cunning conuei­ance of the matter, as though it neither might or could attaint him or anie of them: it was giuen him to vnderstand, that they would not alone touch him in the sequele of the former causes, but them all, and he that thought himselfe the cléerest. Wherevpon do­ctor line 60 Sanders and doctor Bristow, Doctor San­ders and doc­tor Bristows bookes were there read vn­to them▪ wher­in most traito­rously they de­fended the re­bellion against hir maiestie. their traitorous writings in defense of the popes bull exhibited a­gainst hir maiestie, were read vnto them, how they both allowed it, and also the rebellion in the north. Af­terwards it was manifestlie prooued to their faces, that Bristows booke in allowance thereof, named his Motiues, was especiallie commanded to be vsed amongest them both at Rome and at Rheimes, eue­rie one being expreslie charged not to be without one of these bookes.

This with open mouths they altogither denied, some that they had neuer séene it, They denied what one of their owne fe­lows had con­fessed, & sub­scribed to, and what euerie one of the witnesses knew to be most certeine▪ and some that they neuer heard of anie such commandement: when as Iohn Hart one of their owne fellowes had auouched had auouched it, and there vnto subscribed. Besides, my selfe when M. A. I came to Rheimes, saw them as common amongst them, as the litle catechisme here amongst children, the inequalitie of the number con­sidered. Againe, at Rome they were as common likewise in the seminarie, and among the English­men in the citie, for M. A. my selfe had it, and one of do­ctor Allens catechismes deliuered me, with great charge to embrace it as my chiefe instruction. My companion that went with me had one likewise; the rest of the witnesses had seene how common they were, and in what reuerence and authoritie they e­stéemed them: yet these men would with shamelesse faces denie it; yea, and if they might haue beene so credited, would haue sworne against it. This ma­nifest reproofe they would not grant vnto, but Cam­pion taketh vpon him to wrest it according vnto his humor, by answering that the booke was not so ill as they tooke it for, nor deserued anie such iudgement of preiudice. Now he thought he could not be taken tardie, but supposed his argument to passe vnreprou­able; for that in the new imprinting of this booke, such matters as did most sharplie touch them, Campion an­swered this point subtilie, because in the last edition of the booke the chiefe matters against them­selues were abridged. were abridged, thinking none of the former bookes should come to light. But here Campion ouershot himselfe, for so slie an answer could not couer so foule a ble­mish. When they had notably conuicted them of these matters, which with obstinacie they still denied, they came to the intent of their secret comming ouer in­to this realme, which was for the death of hir maies­tie, and ouerthrow of the whole realme, which should be by domesticall rebellion and forren hostilitie, the sum whereof in briefe is thus. This little Iland, God hauing so bountifullie bestowed his blessings vpon it, that except it prooue false within it selfe, no trea­son whatsoeuer can preuaile against it, and the pope being hereof verie well persuaded, by reason that all his attempts haue prooued of no effect: he hath found out a meane, whereby he assureth himselfe to spéed of his desire. Secret rebellion must be stirred here at home among our selues, the harts of the peo­ple must be obdurated against God and their prince; The generall determinati­on how to bring to passe their intent in this realme. so that when a foren power shall on a sudden inuade this realme, the subiects thus seduced must ioine with these in armes, and so shall the pope atteine the sum of his wish. And all this must be wrought by certeine locusts of the popes seminaries maintein­ed at Rome & Rheimes, arriuing in England, and dispersing themselues into such places, Their owne confession how they be­haue them­selues when they come into England. where they thinke themselues to be surest, some in one place, and some in another; and disguising themselues like gentlemen, seruingmen, or what apparell they may find meetest for them, haue accesse to manie and sundrie places, where hauing reconciled some, their fréends must likewise be of the same stampe. And so, what from father to son, husband and wife, kinsman and acquaintance, a number are seduced & brought into their detestable dealings. For, after they haue gotten anie litle ground within them to build vpon, then doo they laie vnto them, what a generall bloudie daie is toward England, that the pope and other for­ren princes haue fullie determined to ouerrun the realme; then better it were for you (saie they) to yéeld your selues willinglie, than to sée so horrible a slaughter, both of your princesse, and all that dare presume to take hir part. Your selues, yea and your freends shall abide the same hard iudgement, except you ioine with vs in this action. Thus through ter­rifieng, and a thousand traitorous fetches they haue; one friend bringeth another, and one kinsman ano­other. So that, as they themselues will make their boast, in short time they doubt not to haue the most part of all England: yea and further they pre­sume, that hir maiestie thinking hir selfe in most [Page 1324] safetie, shall then be soonest of all beguiled & deceiued. These are the men that make themselues so sound and substantiall, Campion co­ [...]reth their cōming ouer, affirming it was for the safegard of soules. that they are as true subiects to hir maiestie, as the best of vs. Yea, saith Campion, ne­uer shall you prooue this, that we came ouer either for this intent or purpose: but onelie for the sauing of soules, which meere loue and conscience compelled vs to doo, for that we did pittie the miserable estate of our countrie. But where are your proofes (saith he) these are but quirkes by the waie, our liues I line 10 perceiue standeth vpon points of rhetorike, you haue shewen vs the antecedent, now let vs haue the Ergo. With this continuall course of boldnesse and impu­dencie, Campion and his fellowes would grant no­thing, but stiflie denied euerie cause: and Campion he tooke it for a custome to wrest euerie [...]hing as pleased him, When he had no other shift, he fell into these words. saieng: that the iurie were not men learned, and therfore causes of conscience ought not to be committed to them, neither was that barre ap­pointed to define on causes of conscience: wherfore, line 20 all that you doo (saith he) is but to bring vs in Odium with the iurie. After this order he deluded the peo­ple, appealing still to the deuoutnesse of his consci­ence: bicause he saw the matter brought to the ve­rie push that would generallie conuict them all, for the witnesses were produced and sworne, Harts con­fession and their owne writings before them, so that they would remooue them from their ordinarie illu­sions.

The depositiō of G. Eliot.George Eliot, one of the ordinarie yeomen of hir line 30 maiesties chamber, vpon his oth gaue foorth in eui­dence as followeth. That he, liuing here in England among certeine of that sect, fell in acquaintance with one Paine a préest: who gaue him to vnder­stand of a horrible treason intended against hir ma­iestie and the state, which he did expect shortlie to happen, the order how & after what manner in bréefe is thus. That there should be leuied a certeine com­panie of armed men, which on a sudden should enter­prise a most monstruous attempt: a certeine com­panie line 40 of these armed men should be prepared against hir maiestie, as manie against my L. of L. as manie gainst my L. T. as manie against S. F. W. and di­uerse other, whose names he dooth not well remem­ber. The deaths of these noble personages should be presentlie fulfilled, and hir maiestie vsed in such sort, as modestie nor dutie will not suffer a subiect to re­hearse: but this should be the generall crie euerie where, Meaning the quéene of Scots. Queene Marie, queene Marie. It was also ap­pointed and agréed vpon who should haue this man line 50 of honours roome, and who should haue thai office, e­uerie thing was determined, there wanted nothing but the comming ouer of such préests and others, as were long looked for. Upon this report, this aforena­med George Eliot tooke occasion to question with this Paine, how they could find in their hearts to attempt an act of so great and horrible crueltie, con­sidering how high an offense it should be to God, be­side great dangers might arise thereby. A most traito­ [...]ous and v [...]l­lan [...]us an­swer: of eue­rie true sub­iect to be read with reue­rence of the person. Whereto Paine made answer, that the killing hir maiestie line 60 was no offense to God, nor the vttermost crueltie they could vse to hir, or anie that tooke hir part, but that they might as lawfullie doo it as to a brute beast; and himselfe would be one of the formost in execu­ting of this villanous and most traitorous action.

By this you may perceiue, that the death of hir maiestie and ouerthrow of this realme was through­lie agréed vpon, No iot of their good will wanted, if God did not (as he dailie dooth) preuent their pur­poses. and fullie determined: there wan­ted nothing but opportunitie, for preests both then and after came ouer continuallie to further it, so much as in them laie. To the said effect did A. M. vtter most odious matter, the reading whereof would make anie true English hart quake & trem­ble: and to write it, what loiall subiect is able to a­bide? And therefore as deriued from the diuell to his dearlings we omit the same; counting it more loi­altie to [...]ull such deuises and consultations asléepe, than to publish them to the world in bl [...]cke & white: due reuerence to the principall obiects alwaies re­serued. All which abhominable stuffe, circumstances of times, places, persons, and other particulars dulie pondered, giue euident demonstration what affec­tion these fellowes affoord their lawfull queene and countrie: well is he that can imagine most against hir maiestie, and highlie is he esteemed that beareth the most traitorous hart to hir. Campion nor his fellowes will grant to anie thing, but raile and vse bold spee­ches, whereby their guiltie consciences were disco­uered. Yet Campion and the rest of his fellowes they plead ignorance in all these causes, they bolster vp one another with large protestations, railing words, and subtill surnuses: affirming that they were not sent hither for anie such intent▪ which is as vntrue, as we know it for truth, that the Lord God liueth in heauen.

For this M. A. I am able to saie my selfe, that at di­uerse other times, it was whispered among them in the seminarie: that shortlie there should be préests appointed for England, to win the people against the appointed time, when as a great armie should be readie to ioine with them: and Campion, who was then at Praga in Bohemia, he was spoken of a­mongst them all, to be a rare and singular fellow, and therefore generallie was taken for a méet man to be sent about such a message, so that they iudged that he should be sent for to be a chiefe man in this matter. Campion co­uereth their traitorous in­ten [...]s vnder the sauing of soules. Well (saith Campion) it may be they had such an opinion of me, which in my selfe I find not to be deserued; and it may be that I was appointed to be sent into England, according as those other preests were, for the sauing of soules and benefit of my countrie: must it follow then that we are sent to practise the death of the quéene, and to seeke the ruine of our countrie? Alas, this is a hard case, and I de­sire you of the iurie to marke it, for these are but shadowes without anie substance. A holie kind of life were it not for the B▪ This you are to note, that we which enter into that Blessed societie of the Iesuites: we doo as it were forsake the world, vowing our selues to chastitie and sinceritie of con­science, to obeie our superiours, and to be readie to go whither they shall appoint vs. If they send vs to the Indies, or to anie such places, where the people haue not the true catholike faith: we are bound by dutie in conscience to go whither they appoint vs. And shall it then be said that we come for the destru­ction of the prince and countrie, where we settle our selues? Alas, that were a hard case, Note here the perfect image of hypocrisie. for christian cha­ritie willeth vs to comfort one another, and if we can to get the shéepe into the fold which hath long run astraie. And when we heare confession, we doo not persuade them to anie disobedience; for that is against the nature of confession: God forbid that we should once thinke anie such thing.

Behold the subtill shifts that he found out still to flie vnto, yea though the manifest disproofe laie be­fore them, yet would he find some cauill or other: for not onelie the euidence of their generall determina­tion beyond the seas was shewed them, but also the traitorous articles were there read vnto them, which Iohn Hart had copied out for doctor Allen (concer­ning the procéeding of these traitorous causes, When mani­fest proofes of their treasons were laid be­fore them: they would in no wise gran [...] their guilti­nesse. and for which he went purposelie to Rome to confer with the pope about) and subscribed vnto, that they were certeine and true, as also their owne confessions and writings were laid open before them, approouing them notablie guiltie of the matters aforesaid, and yet in their lieng pam [...]hlets scattered here & there in sundry hands, they haue faces of brasse to report, that ‘Insidiae sanctos implicuere viros.’

Charles Sled, who sometime serued master doctor Morton in Rome, in whose house there was manie [Page 1325] matters determined, both by doctor Allen when he came to Rome, and diuers other doctors liuing there in the citie, as also diuerse of the seminarie: he like­wise vnderstood of the prouision for the great daie, that it was generallie spoken of among the Eng­lishmen: and to be more certeine he kept a iournall or booke of their dailie dealings, noting the daie, time, place, and persons present at their secret confe­rences, and verie much matter hath he iustified a­gainst them. One Cradocke a merchant, when he line 10 was in Rome, he vnderstood the aforesaid determi­nation, and how that doctor Shelleie the English pri­or, who is a knight of the Rhodes, for that he some­what spake against such crueltie to be vsed to his na­tiue countrie, was somewhat misliked of himselfe, and had almost béene turned out of his office. And this aforesaid Cradocke being in prison there for the space of twentie moneths and more: it was said to him, that he might account himselfe blessed of God that he was there, bicause he should not sée the grie­uous line 20 ruine of his natiue countrie. Consider eue­rie matter and then iudge how they con­cord and agreé togither. He that hath but halfe an eie may sée how these matters concord and agrée togither, and noting euerie thing as it lieth, may plainelie sée their horrible and traitorous de­uises.

And further, there was a little booke in Latine, which they themselues brought ouer with them, A booke which they vse as their instruction, how to an­swer to euerie question so­phisticallie. it was there openlie read vnto them: wherin was cer­teine rules and orders prescribed, how they should behaue themselues here in England, and how if line 30 they were demanded of anie thing, they should make answer indirectlie: or to take the word it selfe, according as it is mentioned in the booke, they must answer Sophisticè, whereby is meant as thus. If they be examined as concerning their allegiance to hir maiestie, they will make their answer after this maner; She is our lawfull souereigne ladie & quéene, and we obeie hir. But then obiect vnto them; Will you obeie hir, notwithstanding the popes exommu­nication, or anie thing that he commandeth to the line 40 contrarie? Then will they answer: We desire you not to charge our consciences, To doo their dutie is a weightie bur­den to their consciences, and therefore they abide in their obstina­cie and blind­nesse. and that you would not enter so deepe into our consciences, we trust the pope will not command vs anie thing against hir: & a hundred such like sléeuelesse answers they make, neuer agréeing to anie certeintie, but holding the pope in more reuerence than they doo hir maiestie.

For this consideration they carrie with them, that if by their shew of humilitie, & their deuised order of craftie answering, they might mooue our magi­strats line 50 to haue a good opinion of them, & not to deale so strictlie as law and their deseruing dooth worthi­lie merit: then they might with lesse suspect go a­bout their holie fathers businesse, in that their sophi­sticall answers couered so foule an abuse. And then so manie as come after them, purposelie sent a­bout the same affaires, séeing their passage made be­fore them, and being schooled after the same maner: they might withdraw the hearts of a number of hir maiesties subiects, by such meanes as is before largelie expressed; so that destruction should come line 60 vpon vs, before we had discouered their trecherous dealings. But God be thanked, as all their deuises haue had their deserued successe, this sophisticall or­der hath sped alike with them for companie: and this let them fullie assure themselues, that what meanes soeuer they séeke against their princesse and coun­trie, God will reward them after their owne dea­lings.

To Campion himselfe the former questions were put foorth at the barre: Campion his owne answer as concerning his allegiance to hir maie­stie. and this answer he made to them. She is my lawfull souereigne ladie & quéene, and I doo obeie hir. But when he was demanded, al­though the pope did expresselie command him the contrarie: if he would neuerthelesse faithfullie o­beie hir? Oh then! they must not so deepelie enter in­to his conscience, that barre was not a barre to de­fine on causes of conscience: that question touched his conscience, wherefore he flatlie said he might not answer it. No, no, he knew full well that the trai­torous affaires he came about, would not allow him such a direct answer as they had looked for, and glad­lie would haue had, that of a Saule they might haue made him a Paule. Wherefore his secret and guile­full behauiour made perfect appéerance of his wic­ked intent, which he shadowed vnder the counter­feit cloke of sauing soules, and reconciling his coun­triemen to the catholike faith, vnder the sweet bait of the amiable title of the societie of Iesus, to which order hauing bequeathed himselfe (and become a re­solute and obstinate votarie) he thirsted after the kingdome of heauen; if we maie beléeue their owne report concerning Campion, of whome they saie:

Nominis inde tui sancto deuotus Iesu
Ille sodalitio coelica regna sitit.

Here it can not be greatlie amisse, The cause why this pope hath tolerated the former bull of Pius Quinius. to rehearse vn­to you the cause why this pope hath tolerated the former bull, seeing this sophisticall kind of answer­ing grew chieflie thereby. When anie of these secret messengers should be sent about their holie fathers determination here in England, to reconcile, shriue, & win hir maiesties subiects to their diuelish intent: if such misaduenture should happen to them, that their secret delings came to the eares of iustice, then they fell into the danger of law. Wherfore to shadow their subtiltie, and to prosecute the effect of their mes­sage, the pope thought good to harten them by this so­phisticall addition. For well we know, & themselues likewise are not ignorant thereof, that being exa­mined, if they should denie the quéenes maiestie to be their supreme princesse and gouernesse in all cau­ses: then they fell into condemnation by hir lawes. Againe, if they denied the authoritie of the pope, as of force they must néeds doo, if they will estéeme themselues good subiects, and manifest a dutifull and obedient heart to hir maiestie: then they breake their vow made to the pope, and so fall into his cursse and condemnation likewise: so that this is certeinlie appointed them, to cleaue faithfullie to the one, and vtterlie to forsake the other.

Yet that they might haue as much fauour and friendship, Our English doctors con­ferring with the cardinals found out the meane for this toleration. as the furtherance of such a cause requi­red: this hard clause (being well scanned of diuerse our English doctors and others, both at Rome and at Rheimes) was thorough earnest sute deliuered to diuerse of the cardinals, who laieng their heads togither, and throughlie searching the bottome of e­uerie doubt: a toleration for that strict point was found out, which was ordeined as you haue heard before. Then in all she hast the pope was giuen to vn­derstand thereof, who respecting what might be for his benefit, and what might turne to his discommo­ditie, authorized them this former toleration, which (God be thanked) carried as slender strength as the rest of his practises hath doone. Yet all this being knowne to vs, Campion & his fellowes will grant no knowledge, but pleade still their deuout con­sciences. An other of their owne bookes was also there read vnto them, An other booke how to handle all ma­ner of persons to win them to their in­tent. wherein was other orders pre­scribed them, how they should handle a nobleman, how a gentleman, and how a poore man: which be­ing openlie read before them, gaue all there present to vnderstand, how assuredlie they had appointed the course for their treason. A number of inuincible proofs passing against them, they came at last to the point of their comming ouer; how suddenlie, how ha­stilie, & all thorough a generall appointment. Campi­on, he had staid a long time at Praga in Bohemia, Campion sent for from Pra­ga to go with other priests appointed for England. [Page 1326] and on a sudd [...]n he was hastilie sent for to Rome: by his owne confession he knew not wherefore, but the message was in such hast, that he must come thither with all speed.

When he came to Rome, he staied there but fiue daies: in which time, receiuing the summe of their charge from the pope, as is their vsuall woont, and their father generall deliuering them what he hath in office: he was dispatched from thense with other préests, who had their Viaticum from the popes trea­surie, line 10 and were all especiallie appointed for Eng­land. These préests were sent (as all other are) about the chéefe cause, The priests are there one­lie mainteined for this pur­pose, and none come from thense, but a­bout this cause, which proueth them altogither gil­tie. for that none come from thense but onelie for that purpose. The estate of the cause before expressed, it is too manifest, that Campion and his fellowes are guiltie of the matters obiected against them. For this you are to remember, that none must staie there without they will be préests; when they re­ceiue their préesthood, they enter into their oth, which oth conteineth the summe of the treason: so that all line 20 which come from thense (hauing taken that oth) come about the exe [...]ion of the treason, in that none but they that are especiallie sent, can haue their Viaticum of the pope; and then he sending them, the case is too euident.

Let not a light iudgement passe ouer a matter of so great respect, let the popes intent of kéeping them there be considered, the great malice and spite that he beareth hir maiestie and the relme, and then their oth to execute his commandements; all these laid to­gither, line 30 discouereth the depth of their trecherie. But what answereth maister Campion to this? He con­fesseth that he was quietlie setled at Praga, Campion granteth, he came as the other priests did to recon­cile & shrine: but he wil not allow that he came for anie treason. and lit­tle expected anie such hastie sending for: beside that, he went to Rome with great spéed, tarrieng there no longer than fiue daies, as is before expressed, and that he receiued his Viaticum of the pope, when as he was dispatched thense with other préests, purposelie appointed for England, and that he came no other­wise than they did, nor for anie other intent than for line 40 the benefit of soules, as he still termed it: but he would not grant that he came for anie treason.

So that to seduce hir maiesties subiects, to per­suade them from their duetie and obedience, and to ioine themselues in such sort, as their princesse and countrie must be destroied thereby: this is no trea­son in his opinion. Howbeit, Campion and his fel­lowes pleaded ignorance still, they saw and would not sée, Iames Bos­graue, his ha­stie comming from Uilna, whē he heard that priests were appoin­ted for Eng­land. they were so craftilie schooled. Iames Bos­graue, he was at Uilna in Polonia, and as he con­fessed line 50 himselfe, he vnderstood that there was préests appointed for England: vpon which report he came awaie from thense in verie great hast. And in his passage, he mentioned to one in the ship, who was sworne, and confessed the same before certeine iusti­ces, that there was such matter towards in Eng­land, as hath béene before expressed: and therevpon he sought to haue woone him, if his purpose could haue taken effect. Campion seeing this begun some­what to touch the quicke, and that in truth it discoue­red line 60 the dealings of them all: he taketh vpon him to answer on his behalfe, for that they all reposed them­selues on him.

He saith, that if Bosgraue did heare such news, that there were papists appointed for England, Campion fre­quenteth his accustomed order of subtil answering. whie should they take hold on so small a cause? Flieng reports are not to be credited, for albeit he heard such newes, how knew he, if they were certeine or no? Againe (quoth he) the man hath beene long out of England, and he doth not speake English per­fectlie: it maie be then that some word maie escape him vnawares, which you are not to build vpon, con­sidering the defect of the man, for he maie peraduen­ture speake he knoweth not what. And where you saie, that such a one hath auouched before certeine iu­stices, that he vsed such and such words to him; where is the man, we are not to credit a written paper, what know we if it be true or no? Let vs heare him selfe saie so, and then we will beléeue it. Traitors will neuer beleeue anie truth, es­peciallie if it touch them­selues. Sée what a number of shifts he had cōtinuallie to wast the time, and all to no pupose. The mans owne confession was there, wherto himselfe had subscribed, and foure or fiue iustices set their hands to it for the certeintie thereof; yet this was not sufficient to answer them.

Robert Iohnson he was likewise at Auinion in France, Robert Iohn­son his com­ming from Auinion in France. from whense he came also in verie great hast, vpon the report he had heard of priests that were appointed for England. Now there is an o­ther thing to be considered, that these men, setled where they were, by their owne confession they must not depart from thense without they be appointed by their superiors, then it is easie to be answered, that they came by their superiors apointment at this pre­sent: and as the generall determination was, so they came all for one cause & intent. Edward Rishton, he being here in England, Edward Rishtons let­ter to Ri­chardson one of the con­demned. wrote a letter to Richardson a priest, and who is likewise condemned amongest them; which letter was there openlie read to his face. How there were foure goldsmiths of his occupation latelie come ouer, who indeed were priests, and how all things went successiuelie forwards. Campions letter to mai­ster Pownd in the Tower. And Campi­on being in the Tower wrote a letter vnto Pownd likewise, wherein he gaue him to vnderstand that he was verie sorie, that through his frailtie he had be­wraied those, at whose houses he had béene so fréend­lie interteined; wherefore he asked God hartilie for­giuenesse, and them all whome he had so highlie of­fended. Campion was resolute in the chiefe matter. But (saith he) as for the chiefe matter that is as yet vnreuealed, and come racke come rope, ne­uer shall that be discouered. A number of matters more were brought against them, which to rehearse, would require a farre more large discourse: but to be bréefe, in the end, this was the full and certeine is­sue. That these men, when they were beyond the seas: the generall agréement and determination a­mongest them, was to worke the death of our most gratious princesse, to destroie hir dominion, and to erect such as pleased them when this aforesaid daie should take effect. And that their comming ouer, was to seduce hir louing subiects, to win their obe­dient hearts from hir, so that they should be in a rea­dinesse to ioine with a foren power, and so they should likewise be destroiers of their princesse and coun­trie. And that in the meane while they themselues sought to accomplish hir maiesties death, so much as in them laie.

This was manifestlie prooued by verie large and ample euidence, credible witnesses, and their owne confessions and writings: whereon the iurie, hauing wiselie and discreetlie pondered and searched and séene into the depth of euerie cause, worthilie and de­seruedlie gaue them vp all guiltie of the treasons whereof they were indicted and arreigned. Which being doone, after a godlie and comfortable exhorta­tion, persuading them patientlie to suffer and abide the death for them appointed, and to be heartilie sorie for their greeuous and hainous offenses, the sentence of death was pronounced on them: that they should depart to the places from whense they came, Sentence of death denoun­ced against Campion and his confe­derats. and from thense to be drawne on hurdles to the place of execution, where they should he hanged till they were halfe dead: then to be cut downe, their priuie mem­bers to be cut off, and their entrailes taken forth, and to be burned in the fire before their eies: then their heads to be cut off, their bodies parted into foure quarters to be disposed at hir maiesties pleasure, and the Lord God to receiue their soules to his mer­cie. Afterwards they were conueied from thense [Page 1327] with botes to a place of landing for them appointed, from whense they were conducted to the Tower of London, diuers of them giuing foorth sundrie lewd and dishonest spéeches: as Thomas Coteham, seeing so manie people to behold them, desired that fire and brimstone might fall from heauen, to destroie both the citie and all that were in it: with diuerse other wicked words, which for modesties sake I omit here to rehearse, desiring God in mercie to giue men better grace.

On the next daie, being tuesdaie and the one and twentith daie of Nouember, there was brought to the said high barre these persons following; Iohn Hart, Thomas Foord, William Filbie, Laurence Richardson, Iohn Shert, Alexander Brian, and Iohn Collington. A verie holie thing, but ve­rie méet for his deuotion. Alexander Brian, he had shauen his crowne himselfe, & made him a crosse of a peece of a trencher, which he held in his hand openlie & prai­ed to: which when he was rebuked for, he boldlie and stoutlie made answer; that his crowne was of his owne shauing, and he had good hope to doo it againe. line 20 In breefe, they were all indicted on the selfe same treasons as they were the daie before; and Iohn Harts traitorous sermon which he made at Rhems against hir maiestie auouched to his face, their owne writings and confessions with substantiall witnesse produced against them, so that they were found gil­tie of their treasons, as the other were before them, except Iohn Collington, he was quit of the former high treason by the Iurie.

On fridaie being the first of December, Ed­mund line 30 Campion Iesuit, Execution of Campion, Sherwin, and Brian. Ralfe Sherwin, & Alexan­der Brian seminarie priests, being condemned for high treason against hir maiesties most roiall per­son, as also for traitorous practises, touching the sub­uersion of the true & vndoubted religion here main­teined, with the vtter ruine and ouerthrow of this realme of England, were drawne from the Tower of London on hurdles, to the place of execution ap­pointed, garded with such a sufficient companie as might expresse the honor of iustice the larger in line 40 that behalfe. Being come to the place of execution, where diuerse of hir maiesties honorable councell, with manie honorable personages, and gentlemen of worship and good account, beside a multitude of people not here to be remembred attended their comming; Edmund Campion was first brought vp into the cart, where after the great rumor of so manie people somewhat appeased, he spake thus.

First he began (the people then present expec­ting his confession) with a phrase or two in Latine, Campion in his confession implieth a de­fense of his in­nocencie. line 50 when immediatlie after he fell into English in this maner. I am here brought as a spectacle before the face of God, of angelles, and of men, satisfieng my selfe to die as becommeth a true christian & ca­tholike man. As for the treasons that haue béene laid to my charge, and I am come here to suffer for: I de­sire you all to beare witnesse with me, that thereof I am altogither innocent. Wherevpon answer was made to him by one of the councell, that he might line 60 not seeme to denie th'obiections against him, hauing béene prooued so manifestlie to his face, both by suffi­cient witnesse and euidence. Well my lord (quoth he) I am a catholike man, and a priest, in that faith haue I liued hitherto, and in that faith I doo intend to die; and if you esteeme my religion treason, then of force I must grant vnto you, as for anie other treason I will not consent vnto. Then was he moo­ued as concerning his traitorous and hainous of­fense to the quéenes most excellent maiestie. Where­to he answered; She is my lawfull princesse and quéene. There somwhat he drew in his words to him­selfe, whereby was gathered, that somwhat he would haue gladlie spoken: but the great timiditie and vnstable opinion of his conscience, wherein he was all the time euen to the death, would not suffer him to vtter it.

Here is with iudgement a deepe point and high matter to be considered, Cam [...]ion no­ted to be verie vainglorious. that this man alwaies di­recting the course of his life to a vaineglorious ima­gination, and alwaies couetous to make himselfe famous; at this instant made a perfect discouerie of himselfe. For being somewhat learned, Campion described all matters whatsoeuer (as you haue heard before) he bare a­waie with a maiesticall countenance, the visor of vanitie aptlie fitting the face of onelie hypocrisie; what was sound he would make sophisticall, what was the infallible truth of it selfe he would carrie in his owne conceipt, and delude the people with a pleasant quirke, or some such stuffe, onlie to purchase him credit and affection. And he was not to learne to set a coragious countenance on euerie such slight reason, whereby he peruerted manie, deceiued more, and was thought such a champion, as the pope neuer had the like. But now behold the man, whom neither racke nor rope should alter, whose [...] was such as he boasted inuincible: feare had caught hold on this braue boaster, and terror entred his thoughts, where­by was discouered his impudent dissimulations. Now let it with patience be mooued a little, that the outward protestations of this man vrged some there present to teares, not entring into conceipt of his inward hypocrisie to make a plausible definition of this perillous deceiuer, not by coniecture, but by proofe it shall be thus answered.

Edmund Campion, A further des­cription of Edmund Campion. as it is by men of suffici­ent credit reported, at what time he spent his studie here in England both in the hospitall, and also at the vniuersitie of Oxford, was alwaies addicted to a maruellous suppose in himselfe of ripe iudgement, prompt audacitie, and cunning conueiance in his schoole points: wherethrough he fell into a proud and vaineglorious iudgement, practising to be eloquent in phrase, and so fine in his quirks and fantasticall coniectures, that the ignorant he woon by his smooth deuises, some other affecting his pleasant imagina­tions he charmed with subtiltie and choked with so­phistrie. The learned, who beheld his practises and peremptorie order of life, pitieng his follie, and wi­shing him a more staied determination, lothed his maners; yet loued the man, bicause christian chari­tie willed them so to doo. Now this glorious Thraso hauing by his libels made himselfe famous, and vn­der shew and suppose of great learning (though in­deed being approoued, found verie simple to the spee­ches giuen of him) subdued manie to affect him ve­rie much, when he was taken he knew it stood him vpon, not to loose the credit openlie he had woone se­cretlie. Wherefore in his former ridiculous maner, both in prison, at his arreignment, Campions curious care to keepe the credit he had woone in England. yea and at his death, he continued the same in all points, which the foulnesse of his treasons blemished euerie waie. Now indéed, as our English nation is both louing and pitifull: so manie seeing the gifts of God so well bestowed on the man, and by him applied to so great abuse, through naturall kindnesse bemoned his case, wishing he had not fallen into so traitorous a cause. Then was mooued to him againe his treasons and hainous offenses against the quéenes maiestie, which impudentlie he still denied, séeming to vtter words on the behalfe of one Richardson, one likewise of the condemned traitors, taking on his conscience that it was not be. Which hath bin prooued to the contra­rie, for that it is knowne how this Richardson is he, who distributed Campions libels and bookes abrode: and when he was put to his oth, whether it was he or no, he refused to sweare on his behalfe. And because the world might be fullie resolued, that (notwiths [...]an­ding [Page 1328] all the pretended & colourable meanes be could vse for his excuse and innocencie he was to suffer death deseruedlie as a traitor, &c. There was read to his face in the hearing of the assemblie a pamphlet published by authoritie as followeth.

An aduertisement and defense for truth against hir backebiters, and speciallie against the whispering fauourers and colourers of Camp [...]n [...] and the rest of his con­federats line 10 treasons.

ALthough at the late arreignements at Westminster of Edmund Campion, & other his complices condemned there of sundrie high tresons, it was manifest­lie declared and fullie prooued, The true oc­ca [...]ion of Campions & other of his st [...]mpe comming in­to England how they all, vnder pretense of the names of Iesuits, seminarie priests, & other persons of like condition, had secretlie come into this realme, by sending of sundrie persons au­thorised line 20 by the pope, to mooue the people by their se­cret persuasions to change their professions in the matter of religion, of long time quietlie established in this realme, and to be reconciled to the obedience of the pope, and withdrawen from their naturall al­legiance due to the quéenes maiestie, and by these meanes to be readie in their hearts and minds and otherwise prouided, to ioine their forces as well with such as their heads and superiors which sent them in­tended speedilie to procure to be sent into this relme, line 30 as with other rebellious subiects by them to be there­to also excited, of purpose to depriue hir maiestie of hir life, crowne, and dignitie; in like maner as late­lie hath béene notoriouslie attempted and put in exe­cution by doctor Sanders an arrant and detestable traitor, and whilest he liued one of the said Campi­ons companions, and by other English and Irish Iesuits and traitors in Ireland, The euill practises of the Iesuits in Ireland. where they had first by their like secret meanes and persuasions, intised a great multitude of people of that land, first to line 40 change their profession of religion, and to acknow­ledge the popes authoritie, and to renounce the iust authoritie of hir maiestie; & so departing from their allegiance, vpon the arriuall of forten forces they did enter into a manifest rebellion, against the which al­mightie God the iust auenger of rebels by his good­nesse hath giuen hir maiestie (through hir good mini­sters) power to the vanquishing, not onelie of those forren forces, but also of a great number of the re­bels there. The procée­ding of iustice against Cam­pion, &c: defa­ [...]ned. Yet it is maliciouslie, falselie, and traito­rouslie line 50 by some of the secret fauourers of the said Campion, and other the said condemned traitors whispered in corners, that the offenses of these trai­tors were but for their secret attemptings as Iesu­its, by exhorting and teaching; with shriuing, mas­sing, and such like acts, to mooue people to change their religion, & to yeeld their obedience to the pope as Christs vicar (although the same be of themselues offenses verie heinous, and séeds of sedition not al­lowable by the lawes of the realme) whereas in ve­rie line 60 truth neuerthelesse it did manifestlie appeere vp­on their indictments, and at their arreignements, by sundrie confessions of some of their owne compani­ons, and by manie good proofes and witnesses produ­ced and sworne before their faces, that their facts whereof they were arreigned and condemned, were such as were in truth hie tresons committed against hir maiesties roiall person, and against the ancient lawes and statutes of this realme, Campion and his com [...]lices offense was ranke trea [...]on. which manie hun­dred yeres past were in force against like traitors, and not for facts of doctrine or religion, nor yet for of­fenses against anie late or new statutes, the same being manie conspiracies at sundrie times beyond the seas, at Rome in Italie and other places, and lastlie at Rheimes in France, where there are nou­rished by the popes authoritie in seminaries multi­tudes of English Iesuits, seminarie priests, and fu­gitiues, whereof their heads and gouernors vse con­tinuallie in their sermons, and in their bookes pub­likelie printed, as traitors to declare their traitorous minds as far forth as they can, to the depriuation of the queenes maiestie of hir life and crowne: to which ends the said Campion and his said companions, by procurement of their said heads, came secretlie into this realme, to mooue the subiects to renounce their naturall obedience; The su [...] and dri [...]t of pope Pius his s [...] ­ditious bull. & according to a bull of the last pope Pius published to persuade all sorts with whom they durst secretlie deale, that hir maiestie by the said popes excommunication was not the lawfull quéene of the realme, nor that the subiects were bound to obeie anie of hir lawes or ministers: but that they were all frée, and discharged of their obedience and allegiance, and that they might lawfullie, yea that when time might serue, they ought to take armes a­gainst hir maiestie, as in the late rebellion in the north was manifestlie by like meanes put in exe­cution, and as now also latelie was notoriouslie at­tempted in Ireland, by stirring vp the people in the popes name, and vnder his st [...]ndard to an open ge­nerall rebellion. And to haue brought these things to passe in this realme, was the comming into this realme of the said Campion and his complices most manifestlie tried and prooued; Much mis­chiefe preuen­ted by the timelie atta­ching of Cam­pion and his like. as if by Gods goodnes by their apprehensions, after their secret wandrings and disguisings of themselues in a great part of the shires of the realme, these traitors had not beene now staied, and by iust punishmments ordered to be e [...]e­cuted, there would haue appéered such mischiefe as islamentable to be thought of; to the danger of hir maiesties person, and to the hazard and ruine of the whole realme by inuasion of the same with forren e­nim [...]es, and by raising of inward warre within the realme; the end and euent whereof, as of warre ci­uill, can not be without great greefe mentioned or imagined.

And to the further reproofe and condemnation of the said Campion and other the traitours now con­demned, How the trai­tors stood opinioned to y e said factio [...]s bull, &c. they being all seuerallie and earnestlie re­quired at the place of their arreignement to declare what they thought of the said popes bull by which hir maiestie was in the popes intention depriued of the crowne) and of doctors Sanders, and of Bristowes traitorous writings in maintenance of the said bull, and allowance of the rebellion in the north, and of Sanders traitorous actions in Ireland; and be­ing likewise demanded what they did thinke if the present pope should publish the like bull: none of them all, but one onelie named Rushton, could be persuaded by anie their answers to shew in anie part their mislikings either of the former bull, or of doctor Sanders, or Bristowes traitorous writings or actions, or of the pope that now is, if he should now publish the like bull against hir maiestie; so as they did apparantlie shew their traitorous harts still fired to persist in their diuelish minds against their naturall allegiance: whereof God giue all good sub­iects, being true Englishmen borne, grace to be­ware, and in no sort to giue eare or succour to such pernicious traitors, howsoeuer they shall be couered with hypocrisie, & false and fained holines of Rome.

This aduertisement read and heard, the time by pitifull delaies began to passe awaie, in somuch that the executioner was now to fall to his charge: wher­vpon Campion was exhorted to praie with the peo­ple in English; naie, to doo so he was desired, how­beit he would not: but said his Pater noster in Latine, and desired all those of the household of faith to saie [Page 1329] one Credo for him. Manie indirect answers he made, as when he was mooued to aske the quéene forgiue­nesse, and when the preacher requested him to shew some signe of a penitent sinner, then shortlie he re­plied: You and I, we are not of one religion. After a few silent praiers to himselfe, the cart was drawen awaie, & he committed to the mercie of God. There he hanged till he was dead, when being cut downe, he was bowelled and quartered, according as it was appointed by iustice. Rafe Sher­wins beha­uiour at his death. Rafe Sherwin séemed a line 10 man of better iudgement, more learned, and more obedient; he said the Lords praier in English, belée­uing in God that made him, in Christ his sonne that saued him, and in the Holieghost that sanctified him: and according to the saieng of S. Augustine, desired Iesus, that he would be to him Iesus, as much to saie, as his sauiour and redéemer. He likewise con­fessed himselfe a catholike man and a préest, inten­ding to die in that faith. But when the treasons were mooued to him, he likewise did make deniall thereof. line 20 He asked the quéenes maiestie forgiuenesse, and de­sired that she might long liue and reigne ouer vs. Then was read to him the booke of the aduertise­ment, which before had beene read to Campion, and after a few praiers he likewise ended his life. Alexander Brians de­menour at his death. Alex­ander Brian séemed more obstinate and impious, vsing verie little signe of repen [...]ance and hartie hu­militie: he vsed manie praiers to himselfe, and spake verie little worthie the rehearsall. Iustice being ex­ecuted on him, he and Sherwin were quartered, ac­cording line 30 as Campion had beene before them.

¶No sooner had iustice giuen the blow of executi­on, and cut off the foresaid offendors from the earth; but certeine enimies to the state politike and ecclesi­astike, greatlie fauouring them, and their cause, which they falslie gaue out to be religion, dispersed abroad their libels of most impudent deuise, tending to the iustifieng of the malefactors innocencie, to the heinous and vnrecompensable defamation of the course of iustice and iudgement against them com­mensed line 40 and finished: in somuch that speaking of the daie whereon they died, they blushed not to intitle them martyrs, saieng among other things not pub­lishable, as in these few verses extracted followeth:

Ex libello quo­dam famoso.
Vna dies viuos pariter caesósque videbat,
In coelum missos vidit & vna dies:
Aeternísque breui gaudent pro morte coronis,
Haec sunt martyribus dona parata pijs.
Foelix illa dies mensis fuit illa Decembris,
Martyrijs donans coelica regna tribus: line 50
Foelix quae sanctum suscepit terra cruorem,
Quem caecata odij fuderat ira
Alludit ad Angliam.
tui:
Supremúmque manens foelix constantia finem,
Atque in conspectu mors pretiosa Dei, &c.

Thus slanderouslie against the administration of iustice scattered these vipers brood their lieng re­ports, therein to the skies aduancing the children of iniquitie as spotlesse; yea forging most monstruous fables, put them in print; as though God and na­ture had suffered violence to their vnappeaseable in­dignation, line 60 for that men of such integritie forsooth and extraordinarilie sanctified, suffered to shamefull a death: Abr. Fl. Ex concione a­pud crucem Paulinam per D. Sellar 6. Feb. 1586. in somuch that it was bruted abroad not by men, but brute beasts, that on the selfe same daie wheron Campion was executed, the riuer of Thams did neither eb nor flow, but stood still. O miracle! Whether this were a lie or not, as all the world may sweare it was no truth; this is certeine and vndoub­ted, that there was found a facultie about Campion a litle before his death, wherein authoritie was giuen him from the bishop of Rome Gregorie the thir­téenth, to execute the sentence of the bull published by Pius Quintus against all the quéens maiesties subiects as heretiks, &c: and yet this man forsooth (al­beit notorious) died not for treason but for religion, as with fowle mouths they are not ashamed to saie: ‘Relligio crimen non mala vita fuit.’

But of this matter inough, & now to the processe of English accidents after this tragicall narration.] When the quéene of England and the monsieur euen duke of Aniou vnderstood by report made to hir ma­iestie and his highnesse by monsieur de Pruneaux (who had béene sent ouer a litle before from the duke to the prince of Orange, Monsieur the duke of Aniou departeth out of England. and had prosecuted the trea­tie the former yeares as his ordinarie ambassador) what good will and great longing he had found in the prince of Orange, who was come into the Ile of Walkeren with a great number of gentlemen, and with the deputies of the states, and of the chiefest of the best cities of the low countrie to receiue his highnesse, and to doo him most humble seruice: and when they had also heard the ambassage of the lords of Ohain & Iunius, sent from the lords of the state to the duke, to shew vnto him the excéeding great de­sire which all the people had to sée his highnes, for the present ratifieng of the former couenants that had passed betwixt them: for accomplishing whereof it was néedfull that he should passe ouer with all spéed: whereby the same thing was confirmed which had béene declared oft afore by the lord of mount saint Aldegond, ordinarie ambassador to hir maiestie and his hignes: vpon the intelligence of these things, it was resolued by hir maiestie & his highnes, that the monsieur should depart. Wherevpon the quéene cal­ling the lord Howard, commanded him (for the earle of Lincolne was then sicke) to take vpon him the charge of the admerals ship, and to go to Rochester, and there to choose vessels méet for transporting of the monsieur & his traine, & to furnish them with men of war, mariners, and all manner of necessaries as well of war as of vittels. Which thing was doone with such diligence and speed, that the ships being readie with all things in lesse than eight daies, passed out of the riuer of Rochester and the Thames, and were conueied to the downes néere to the towne of Sandwich, where the monsieur was to take ship­ping. And for so much as the monsieur came into England accompanied but with a few princes and lords, & they also had left their traine in France, & some of the same lords were sent backe againe after­ward by his commandement and for his seruice; the quéene determined to giue him a companie & traine méet for his greatnesse, taking his iournie about so great & noble exploit. And therfore (as agréeing with hir highnesse hart) she commanded the earle of Lei­cester master of hir horsses, the lord of Hunsdon go­uernour of Berwike hir maiesties néere kinsman,

—(cuius fuerat matertera pulchra
Reginae genetrix Henrici nobilis
Nempe Annae Henrici 8 vx [...], sereniss. reginae Elisabethae ge­netrix.
vxor)

and the lord Howard the viceadmerall (of whom the first two were of hir priuie councell, and all thrée were knights of the order (of the garter) to attend vpon him, and to assemble as great a number of English lords and gentlemen as could be gotten in so litle time, to honour him withall: wherevnto the said lords obeied verie willinglie. And there went with them to accompanie them, the lord Willough­bie, the lord Windsore, the lord Sheffield, the lord Howard, the lord Awdleie second sonne to the late duke of Norffolke: master Philip Sidneie nephue to the forenamed erle of Leicester, sir George Careie, and master Iohn & Robert Careie all thrée sonnes of the said lord of Hunsdon; master William How­ard brother of the said lord Howard, sir Thomas Sherleie, sir Thomas Perot, sir William Russell, sir William Drurie, & sir George Bowser knights, and a great number of gentlemen; namelie, master Henrie Windsore brother to the lord Windsore, ma­ster [Page 1330] Iohn Borough brother to the lord Borough, master Walter Ralegh, master George Carew, master Edward Hobbie, master Francis Darcie, master Michaell Stanhoope, master William Knols master Francis Knolles, master George Digbie, master Thomas Uauasor, master Anthonie Milde­maie, master Henrie Nowell, master Nicholas Gorges, master Michaell Harecourt, master Fulke Greuill: so as the whole traine that attended vpon the said earle, was to the number of an hundred gen­tlemen, and more than three hundred seruingmen. line 10 The lord of Hunsdon had of gentlemen and others togither to the number of a hundred and fiftie: and the lord Howard had as manie; besides manie more, whereof diuerse were hir maiesties seruants. The quéene determined to accompanie the monsieur to the sea side, & yet neuerthelesse commanded the said lords to kéepe their course, and to attend vpon his highnesse to the said place, with all maner of solem­nities, interteinments, and feastings. He on the o­ther side desired and besought hir maiestie not to de­part line 20 from London, as well for that the iournie would be painefull vnto hir; and for that he saw the weather faire and wind fauorable, and therefore was loth to loose anie occasion of performing his voiage with all spéed. But he could not preuaile.

The quéenes maiestie lodgeth at Rochester.Wherevpon hir maiestie tooke hir iournie with hir whole court, the first daie of Februarie, & lodged that night at Rochester. The next daie abiding still at Rochester, hir maiestie shewed him all hir great ships which were in that place, into most whereof his line 30 highnesse and the prince and lords of his traine ente­red, not without great admiration of the French lords & gentlemen, who confessed that of good right the quéene of England was reported to be ladie of the seas. Also he beheld how all those ships were rea­die furnished and well appointed. And hir maiestie told him that all those vessels & the furniture of them should doo him seruice, when soeuer he would imploie them: for the which he most humblie thanked hir ma­iestie, and so after all the great ordinance had béene line 40 shot off, they returned for that daie againe to Roche­ster. The third day they went to Sittingborne, where dining both togither, the queene was serued after the English manner by the greatest ladies of hir court; and the monsieur after the French manner by the gentlemen of his traine, which ladies and gentle­men dined afterwards togither. Then his highnesse besought hir maiestie againe to go no further, decla­ring vnto hir that the faire weather passed awaie. line 50 But notwithstanding his intreatance the quéene went on still to Canturburie. The quéenes maiestie ac­cōpanied the monsieur to Canturburie where they & their traine parted. At which place, after one daies tarriance, when she had openlie feasted all the French nobilitie, either part tooke their leaue of other, not without great griefe and shew of verie great amitie, especiallie betwéene hir maiestie and the monsieur. Which thing was perceiued also in the lords and gentlemen of both nations, & likewise in the ladies, to all whome it was like griefe to de­part after they had béene conuersant and had liued line 60 friendlie and brotherlie togither by the space of three moneths, without anie change or alteration of good willes. But the honor which inforced his highnesse, asswaged his griefe, and made him to proceed on his iournie with the said prince and lords of both nati­ons.

The sixt daie of the same moneth, whereas he was determined to haue taken ship, he was counselled to lodge that night of Sandwich, bicause the wind was somewhat changed. Howbeit, some of the English gentlemen, namelie master Killegreie, master Diar and diuerse others, to eschew thronging at their im­barking went to Douer, and there taking ship the same night laie a while at anchor, and somwhat after midnight sailed awaie with certeine other vessels. The seuenth daie in the morning about nine of the clocke, his highnesse tooke the sea in three great ships of war. In the greatest of them named the Discoue­rer, sailed the monsieur himselfe with the erle of Lei­cester, and the lord Howard the viceadmerall; in the second called the Sentinell went the prince Dol­phin; and in the third was the countie of Louall, and the lord of Hunsdon. Now as his highnesse was yet at anchor, there came a post from a lord of England, who brought him word that the states of the low countries were reuolted, and namelie the citie of Antwerpe, and therefore he praied him not to depart vntill he had more certeine newes. Notwithstand­ing this, his highnesse determined to depart, and so sailed awaie with fifteene ships: and he had so faire weather (which continued euen vntill after his enie­ring into Antwerpe, and his feasting and solemne interteinement there) that the heauen, the winds, the sea, and the earth séemed all to fauour his voiage, and to further the gladnesse which the people shewed in receiuing him with so great good will.

In the meane time the prince of Orange, The prince of Orange ta­keth order for the intertein­ment of the monsieur. séeing the time fit, departed from Middleborough, where he had taried the monsieurs comming six weekes and more, and came to Flushing to take order for all things that were requisit for the honorable and com­modious interteinement of so great a prince. At the which place, vnderstanding by the letters of the said lords ambassadours and others, that the monsieur was departed from London and come to Cantur­burie; and therefore thinking it would not be long yer he arriued there: he dispatched monsieur Tres­lon his viceadmerall of Zeland, with a litle pinnesse called the Chase, to go before to meet the monsieur: commanding him that as soone as he had discouered his fléet, he should giue him a watchword thereof by the shot of two cannons. Monsieur Treslon hauing about noonetide discouered the ships that were par­ted from Douer, and thinking that they had béene the great fléet, gaue his watchword, which was the cause that a certeine vessell went foorth to the sea to méet his highnesse; but anon after perceiuing his er­rour, he returned to Flushing, where by and by the fléet of Douer arriued. Then monsieur Treslon go­ing foorth, found the monsieur and the great fleet be­twéene Newport and Dunkirke: where after saluta­tion giuen and taken on either side, the monsieur standing vpon the hatches of his ship, espied his owne secretarie named Nephue standing likewise vpon the hatches of the Chase; Nephue the monsieurs secretarie. to whome he sent his shipbote, commanding him to come aboord to him, which thing he did, and there aduertised the monsieur that as concerning the reuolting of the states there was no such matter, but that all things went verie well, & that his highnesse was waited for with great longing. That daie, by reason the wind was turned northeast, they could go no further, but were faine to cast anchor ouer against a place called Ostend, where they passed that night, waiting for the tide the next morning. His ships were perceiued by them of Flushing, where after midnight arriued the lord of S. Aldegond, who assured the prince of Orange, The lord of S. Aldegond, the prince of Orange and the prince of Espinoie, &c, that the next morning the monsieur would arriue there with the tide. Wherevpon the prince of Orange and the prince of Espinoie with a great number of gen­tlemen tooke the sea the next morning: but bicause the tide was against them, and on the other part the monsieur hauing a side wind with him was con­streined to hast to the land. By meanes whereof the prince, being not able to come aboord to him with his ship, was faine to turne saile backe againe to Flush­ing, where the prince Dolphin had taken land alrea­die, & sought euerie where for the prince his brother. [Page 1331] When they had imbraced and saluted one an other like brethren; the prince of Orange, perceiuing the monsieur to approch verie néere, tooke the water a­gaine. But when he perceiued him to come downe into his bote to take land, he turned backe againe, and hied him so fast that he tooke land before him, and there tarried his comming. As soone as he was ar­riued, while he was yet in his bote readie to come a­land, the prince receiued him with great reuerence; and imbracing his highnesse knée, Embracing of the knée. because he saw the line 10 weather was cold said vnto him in few words, that he was verie glad to sée that happie daie, which had beene so long expected, wherein he had the honor to behold his highnesse, and to offer vnto him his most humble seruice, with goods and life, & all that he had besides; hoping that by meanes of his highnesse, that countrie hauing indured so great aduersitie, should now be fullie set at libertie. Wherevnto the monsieur answered verie wiselie and brieflie. And when he had imbraced him with such honor as was line 20 due in respect of his age and dooings: The mounsier landeth. he came aland, and was brought by the prince to the palace of the citie: howbeit not without great difficultie, by rea­son of the great prease of men of war and other peo­ple pestering one an other, the folke of that countrie thronging to sée his highnesse, and the Englishmen which as then were come downe thither in great numbers preasing to know the prince of Orange. In the meane while the trumpets and drums sounded with such noise that the aire rang of it, and all the or­dinance line 30 shot off, as well of the quéenes ships as of the other ships, wherof the number was great which laie then in the rode, with so great roring and thundering, Lustie dis­charging of guns on all sides. that they conueied the newes of his highnesse happie arriuall in the low countrie to Ca­lis, and to other places of France. They of Flushing shot two peales, with so great noise by reason of the great number of the péeces that are in the towne, that all the ground rang of it. The monsieur found in that place all sorts of his officers; for his houshold line 40 and his gard of Swisses and Frenchmen, departing from Calis and Bullongne foure daies afore, were come to Middleborough.

The monsieur verie ioifullie receiued.The magistrates of the citie waited for him at the gates of the citie, who told him by the mouth of their recorder, that they were verie glad of his comming, and thought themselues happie to sée him, in hope, that by his guiding and gouernement they should sée their countrie restored to tranquillitie, and set vp againe in hir former renowme. The states of Bra­bant line 50 speaking by the mouth of monsieur van Stra­len Amptman of Antwerpe, after their welcom­ming of him, declared with what mind the noble and good cities of Brabant had expected him, beseeching him most humblie to honor the countrie of Brabant with his presence out of hand. Next then the deputies of the citie of Bruxelles (besides the declaration which they made of their owne good will, and gene­rallie of all the peoples of that countrie) declared al­so particularlie, with what great goodwill and affecti­on line 60 his highnesse had beene waited for in that citie, the cheefe seat of the lords of that countrie; and that after so manie mischéefes which they had suffered for withstanding the tyrannie of the Spaniards, next vnto God they had not anie hope, but in the com­ming of his highnesse their prince and lord. After­ward they of Antwerpe were heard, who declared the affection of the people toward his highnesse, their long longing for him, and the great desire which they had to see their prince and souereigne. Antwerpe reioiseth at the monsieurs comming. The colonels and capteins of the towne spake afterward, and de­clared vnto him how carefullie and diligentlie they had kept the citie, in hope to put it shortlie into his hands, and reioising likewise at his comming.

Unto all these orations his highnesse answered verie sagelie and brieflie, as vnto all the residue, to the well liking and contentment of all that stood by. The prince of Orange tarried a while with the mon­sieur in the towne house of the citie: and then taking his leaue went to visit the princes and lords of both the nations that came with him to sée how they fa­red, and to take order that they should want nothing, so far forth as the abilitie of the towne of Flushing (which is none of the greatest) could extend, where such prouision was made, that all were well lodged and serued, notwithstanding that aboue fiue hun­dred men of the onelie English lords were come a­land that daie. English lords and their re­tinues. All that after noone was spent in fea­sting, in making of bonefires, in fireworks, in sounding of trumpets, and in all maner of tokens of ioie, which all men vttered vniuersallie for the comming of so great a prince. Also the foure mem­bers of Flanders, which came by the counsell of the prince of Orange, waited to present themselues vn­to him at Middleborough.

The prince of Orange, Thrée waies to Middlebo­rough. perceuing that the mon­sieur was minded to go the next daie to Middlebo­rough, told him that there were thrée waies, the one about the castell of Ramekins, to enter in at the great chanell of Middleborough by the bout of the foreland; an other by the little chanell through the countrie; and that he had kept ships in a readinesse to go the outer waie, and a great fort of botes to go the inner waie, because his highnesse could not ior­neie either by coch or on horssebacke by reason of the winter, and there was but onelie one causeie where­by folke trauelled ordinarilie on foot. The monsieur beholding the fitnesse of the time, for indéed it was verie faire weather, and vnderstanding that the waie was not past a good French league in length, vnder­tooke to go it on foot, and so did all the rest of the prin­ces, lords, and gentlemen, as well of the same coun­trie, as of France and England. The monsieur is met going to Middlebo­rough. A great sort of the monsieurs house, which were lodged alredie at Mid­dleborough, came to méet him, speciallie his gard of Frenchmen and Swissers. A good waie out of the towne the magistrate of Middleborough came to meet him, as it were, about a third part of the waie, and there making an oration to him, told him of the great and long desire which all the people had of his comming, and that the people of Middleborough for their owne part thought themselues greatlie ho­nored, in that he had vouchsafed to come to their ci­tie, offering all dutifulnesse vnto him. His gard al­so met him in the same place, & then began the Swis­sers to march on in their order, striking vp their drums after their manner. Moreouer, six companies of the citizens well armed and well araied stood im­battelled without the towne, who kept their place till the monsieur was past, and then they followed after leisurelie behind.

The deputies of the states of the earledome of Zeland waited his comming at the towne gate; The deputies of the states of the earledome of Zeland. who hauing declared the gladnesse which they concei­ued, reioised at the happie successe which his highnes had had in making the peace in France, and in res­cuing the citie of Cambraie by his armie and in his owne person, and in his passing into England, which they knew he had taken vpon him for none o­ther cause than for the furtherance of the affaires of those countries; and finallie for that hauing put his person in danger of that passage, he was now hap­pilie arriued in Zeland, most humblie thanking his highnesse, and declaring what hope they had concei­ued of his presence, and therewithall offering right humblie whatsoeuer their dutie required. The monsieur would doo as the companie did▪ At the en­trie of the gate one brought him a coursor of Na­ples, but he determined with himsefe (séeing that [Page 1332] the princes and lords had not their horsses there) to go through with his iornie on foot, and so entred into the citie of Middleborough in this order. First went the magistrates of the citie with their vnder officers and ministers of iustice. Next them the deputies of the states of Zeland. After them followed diuerse gentlemen of all the three nations, with the deputies of the cities of Brabant, and of the foure members of Flanders. Then marched the Swissers after their accustomed fashion; in whose traine were a great line 10 sort of noblemen and also gentlemen, of whome the most part were Englishmen of the retinue of the thrée lords sent thither by the quéene. The earle of Leicester and other English lords. Behind them insued as it were in one troope togither, the prince Dolphin, the earle of Leicester, the prince of Espi­noie, the countie de Lauall, the lord of Hunsdon, the lord Howard▪ [...]nd the rest of the lords. Then came the monsieur himselfe, hauing on his left hand some­what more than halfe a pase beneath him, the prince of Orange, of whome he alwaies asked some questi­on. line 20 After him followed his gard of Frenchmen, and after them the gard of the prince of Orange; and last of all the six ensigns that stood in battell raie without the citie, and ten others which had marshalled the stréets vnto the market place, where all the rest of the citizens were imbattelled. Throughout all the stréets from the gate to the monsieurs lodging, there were railes, and at euerie tenth pase on either side were burning cressets. Burning cressets on each side. And so his highnesse and all the nobilitie which accompanied him, passed on, maruel­led line 30 to sée so goodlie a citie in so little an Ile, and so néere to thrée other good towns, not distant one from another aboue one league. But most of all they won­dered at the beautie of the marketsted, and of the common hall of the citie. His highnes lodging was verie well and richlie hanged and furnished, conside­ring the small respit that the inhabitants had, so as he was verie well and commodiouslie lodged, both he and all the princes, noblemen, and gentlemen of all nations that attended vpon him. That euening line 40 was passed in feasting, in making of bonfires in the stréets, in artificiall fireworks vpon the towers and stéeples, The monsieur Taiard re­corder of Gant. and in sounding of trumpets. The next mor­ning the twelue deputies of the foure members of Flanders speaking to his highnesse by the mouth of monsieur Taiard the recorder of Gant, declared at large the great goodwill of all the people of Flan­ders towards him, and that like as they had beene of the first that had sent vnto him, so they hoped to be of the first that should yéeld all humble seruice and sub­iection line 50 vnto him. Wherevnto his highnesse answe­red verie discréetlie, as his custome was. He pas­sed the rest of the time in plaieng at tennis with the prince of Orange, and after with other lords.

The thirtéenth daie he had a solemne feast made him in the townehall, A solemne feast held in the townehall. where his highnesse comman­ded the tables to be prepared of purpose, that he might haue the companie of the prince Dolphin, the prince of Orange, the earle of Leicester, the prince of Espinoie, the countie de Lauall, the lord of Huns­don, and the lord Howard. For the lords of England line 60 were highlie regarded & honored euerie where, both in respect of hir maiestie which sent them, and also for the worthines of their persons. The feast was excel­lentlie well furnished of all things, & speciallie of ta­pistrie worke & other deuises of sugar; insomuch that both the Frenchmen and Englishmen confessed, that they had not béene woont to sée such manner of seruices in their countries. The fourteenth daie the prince of Orange would néeds go sée the putting of the ships in a readinesse, which should carrie the mon­sieur and his traine, which were in number foure and fiftie, and therefore he would haue gone to the fore­land of Middleborough. Whereof the monsieur hea­ring would néeds go with him. The mon­sieur go­eth to see the towne of Ermwiden. On thursdaie the fif­téenth of that moneth, his highnesse went to see the towne of Ermwiden, which is about halfe a league from Middleborough. And vnderstanding that the English lords were gone to sée the towne of Uere, (called by strangers Camfer by reson of the passage that was sometime in the towne of Campe which is now drowned) he also tooke bote and went thither, where all the companie was verie well receiued by the inhabitants, notwithstanding that they were taken vnprouided. The sixteenth daie his highnesse was determined to haue taken ship, but there arose so great a storme, that the mariners councelled him to forbeare the sea for that daie: by reason whereof his imbarking was deferred till the next morrow, at which time his highnesse with all his traine sailed awaie. The mon­sieurs ships painted with his owne co­lours. He himselfe was caried in a ship painted all ouer with his owne colours beset with a number of flags and pensils of the armes of Aniou. The resi­due had their accustomed flags so greatlie feared of the Spaniards, belaied with the colours of the prince of Orange. This fléet came that daie against Beer­land in the Ile of south Beueland, where they cast anchor and spent that night there. The next daie be­ing arriued luckilie at Lislo, after manie shot of or­dinance from the fort and from the ships of warre which accompanied his highnesse, they did cast an­chor againe. He himselfe went aland, and laie that night in the capteins lodging longing for the morn­ing. The fort of Lislo. This fort of Lislo is builded a thrée leagues be­neath Antwerpe vpon the point of a dike or causeie in the parish of Lislo. The place is so commodious, that with a musket a man may easilie shoot from the one banke of the riuer Skeld to the other; and by rea­son that the streame of the riuer and the tide of the sea, which passeth that waie twise a daie, doo make it crooked, that place being occupied by the enimie, might greatlie hinder and annoie the sailing there­of. And therefore the citizens of Antwerpe follow­ing the aduise and platforme laid forth by the prince of Orange, bestowed great cost in fortifieng that place, which hath a great tower with great bulworks rampires, and ditches, and is so well strengthned and flanked to the purpose, and hath the water so at com­mandement, that as now it is not to be woone by a­nie force. The next daie being mondaie, the nine­téenth daie of Februarie, The monsieur prepareth to make his en­trie into Ant­werpe. his highnesse departed thense to make his entrie into the renowmed citie of Antwerpe.

The roiall interteinement of the right high and mightie prince, Francis the French kings onelie brother, by the grace of God duke of Brabant, Aniou, Alanson, Berrie, &c, into the citie of Antwerpe.

IN all great and statelie shewes and assemblies, they that are the authors and setters foorth of them, indeuour to beautifie and commend as much as they can the things which they offer to the sight of those whome they intend to honour, and of those which resort thither from strange places, to delight them­selues with the beholding of them. The ancient historiographers describe vnto vs manie great triumphes, and statelie interteinements of em­perours, kings, and great capteins, and they for­get not to put into their writings the great costli­nesse and charges, and whatsoeuer else was set foorth to the shew, to content the eies of the beholders. And albeit that neither gold, siluer, pretious stones, tapi­strie, cloth of silke, fine linnen, diuersities of vessels, nor varietie of paintings were spared, but all such things haue inriched those shewes: yet notwithstan­ding, [Page 1333] there is not anie thing that hath yéelded grea­ter grace, The finest shew that can be made what it is. beautie, and contentment to such assem­blies, than the multitude and brightnesse of armorie and of things perteining to martiall affaires, as en­gines, artillerie, and shewes of cities and castels bea­ten downe or taken by force from the enimies. And therefore in the Romane empire (which excelled all the other not onlie in conquests, martiall discipline, and politike order of gouernment, but also in sump­tuousnes and roialtie) although infinit numbers of line 10 publike games and exercises were exhibited by them being the greatest lords of the world, who not onelie spared not anie thing that was in their owne power, but also made the cities and countries, which were anie waie bound vnto them, to send vnto them whatsoeuer rare and exquisit things they could come by, to serue their turnes in the shewes which they ex­hibited to the people: yet notwithstanding their tri­umphes haue so borne the bell aboue all the rest, that the word triumphing which commeth thereof, The tri­umphs of the Romans ex­celled all their other shewes. hath line 20 béene applied to all high, great, and statelie dooings. Not that in their other shewes anie thing was spa­red, which might content the eies euen of couetous folke, or satisfie the bloudthirstie harts of such as tooke no pleasure but to behold the sheading of bloud, yea oftentimes of mans bloud before their eies: but in their triumphings nothing was so glori­ous as the armorie and personages of the great cap­teines that had béene conquerors, which thing con­tented the beholders far more without all compari­son. line 30 And therefore when men intend to betoken the exceeding huge greatnesse of Rome, they terme it the triumphant Rome, which importeth as much as the rich, wealthie, and victorious Rome, replenished with great numbers of noble capteines, and valiant souldiors. And this terme is come of the great num­bers of triumphs, which were séene there in the times of the Scipios, Other shewes of the Romās verie gallant. Paules, Claudies, Metelles, Pom­peis, Cesars, and others. True it is that the other shewes also were verie glorious and beautifull to be­hold, and did (I wote not how) tickle the harts of such line 40 as were fed with the beholding of their riches and of the infinite numbers of lions, tigres, panthers, beares, and swordplaiers incountring one another to the death: but yet the beholding of a goodlie com­panie of men armed in goodlie armour, marching in good order (besides the contenting of the sight, which is far better than to sée riches) dooth also wonderful­lie rauish mens minds, and driue the beholder into an astonishment, setting him after a sort besides line 50 himselfe; and yet neuerthelesse filling him with a ioy and contentation surmounting all others. For as in the pleasures of the bodie, those seeme greatest which doo most alter the senses with their pleasantnes: A comparison betwéene the pleasures of the bodie and delights of the mind. so fares it also with the delights of the mind, which be­come so much the greater, when admiration being matched with them, dooth also moreouer rauish the vnderstanding, and set a man as it were out of his wits. And therefore when great personages (who can better iudge of matters than plaine simple folke can) doo make discourse of things that are beautifull line 60 and desireable to behold: they speake of gold, siluer, pretious stones, pictures, vessels, tablets, and diuers other exquisit iewels: but yet they passe ouer those things & stand not vpon them. But when they come to talke of faire armour, good horsses, and such other things as belong to knighthood and chiualrie: then they make such tariance vpon them, as they hold it for a thing fullie agréed vpon & granted, that in beau­tie and glorie nothing is comparable to a goodlie ar­mie.

Onelie this matter remaineth still in question vndecided; A questiō vn­decided touch­ing gallant and glorious [...]hewes. namelie, whether is the pleasanter sight, to sée three or foure great battels of footmen well ap­pointed in bright armour, well flanked with small shot, and with their great ordinance before them: or to sée as manie squadrons of horssemen, or else two or three hundred ships furnished with their flags and banners, and ranged in order as if they were readie to giue battell. But as for the rest of all goodlie things, all men are fullie agréed that they come no­thing néere to anie of those thrée, and much lesse doo them all thrée togither, if a man might behold them all at once: as it is reported that at one instant a man might haue séene the great armie of Xerres both footmen and horssemen ranged in battell raie: and also the two fléets of the Persians and of the Greekes fighting vpon the sea by Salamine, where by the wisedome and valiantnesse of Themistocles, the Gréekes got that famous victorie of the Persi­ans. In mine opinion that is the ca [...]e why the glad receiuing and ioifull entering of Francis duke of Brabant into the citie of Antwerpe seemed so good­lie and roiall to all such as saw it: in somuch that there hath not beene anie of them which hath not con­fessed that he neuer saw the like. And yet were there verie manie present at it, as well of the same coun­trie as of strangers, which haue séene manie statelie and roiall meetings, both in the same citie and in o­ther cities of the low countries, and also in other great cities of other countries, as Paris, London, Rone, and Lions: and yet neuertheles the common voice is, that this last hath passed all the rest. And tru­lie the citie had no more but six daies respit to pre­pare for it, as I said before: The respit that Antwerp had to pro­uide for this triumphan [...] shew. in somuch that they could not put to making anie worke of silke, nor of gold and siluer beaten or wouen, nor anie imbrode­rie: no nor in so short time make anie meane appa­rell new, nor anie rare costlinesse of imageries, pil­lers, triumphall arches, or other pageants: but were constreined to make a shift with such things as they had in a readinesse aforehand of their owne store.

In other interteinments there haue in deed beene séene great plentie of riches and roialties in attires of kings and quéenes, princes and princesses, lords and ladies, citizens and their wiues; but in this in­terteinment no such were séene: howbeit there was not anie grosenesse, nor ought that might not well beséeme the neatnesse and finenesse of that people, although it came nothing neere the sumptuousnesse of other interteinements. As touching triumphall arches, chariots, portraitures, and such other shewes; although there were manie wittie inuentions and agreeable to the time: yet haue men séene of them in other places, which might match these. And as touch­ing the number of their people, Paris for multitude of people passeth▪ although it was great: yet it is well knowen that Paris excéedeth them in that behalfe. But the onelie reason of this contentment commeth chéeflie of the great number of people in armour, being not fewer than twentie thousand, in so good and so faire armour: and of their order and obedience, and of the small noise which all that huge multitude made: in somuch that if it had not béene for the thundering of the canons, and the sounding of trumpets, clarions, halboies, and other instruments, there was no more noise than is a­mong a councell of graue men. That then was in mine opinion the onlie verie cause, which was great­lie furthered by their beholding of the monsieur of Brabant, Monsieur of Brabant his attire and ha­bit. who representing the statelinesse of old time, was clothed in a large mantell, with the bon­net of his dukedome vpon his head: so that among that great number of people (which were so well ar­med, that thrée of the best cities in christendome could not shew so manie faire armors of their owne) his highnesse resembled a pretious stone or iewell set in fine gold. And bicause that they which were the beholders thereof (for they could not be euerie where, [Page 1334] nor sée euerie thing) will be verie glad to vnderstand of the things that so escaped them, and delight their minds now with the remembrance of the things which they saw before, as they delighted their eies and minds with the beholding of them that daie: and strange nations, The cause why this re­port was published in print. to whom the fame of that so renow­med daies worke is come, will take pleasure to vn­derstand the same, whereof they could not be behol­ders. Therefore is this booke set foorth, for the satisff­ing of all men, and also to make it knowen to a line 10 number of men (who partlie for enimitie, partlie for enuie, and partlie for other surmises and mistrusts will not beléeue it) with what mind and affection the prince of Orange, and the other lords and noblemen of Brabant, the good cities, and the small townes, and namelie the most renowmed citie of Antwerp, haue receiued their new prince and souereigne lord.

The ninetéenth daie of the foresaid moneth in the forenoone, The mōsieur saileth toward Antwerpe. the monsieur the duke of Aniou departed from Lislo and sailed towards Antwerpe, hauing line 20 in his companie but twentie ships, for the rest had gotten to Antwerpe afore, as well to put themselues in a readinesse as for other affaires. And he came about eight of the clocke nigh to the new towne, and passing along by the townes side, left the foreland of Flanders on his right hand and the towne on his left, and passed beyond all the towne and the place where the castell was. By the waie he heard all the canons shot off from that part of the towne which fa­ceth the riuer, & from a great number of ships which line 30 rode at anchor there: and he saw all the wharfes fur­nished with men of warre of the citie, well armed, who welcommed him with their shot, and were an­swered againe by the ships of warre that accompa­nied him, conducted by monsieur de Treslon and the viceadmerals, and diuerse capteins of Flushing. And so the first foot that he did set on land in Bra­bant, The mon­sieur lan­deth at a vil­lage in Bra­bant. was at a village called Kiell, which is at the canon wharfe at Antwerpe. The states of Brabant, the magistrates of the citie, and diuers other states, line 40 comming in like order on horssebacke to the same place with their trumpets, sergeants and heralds, ap­parelled in cotes of the armes of Lothier, Brabant, and Limborough, alighted there, and waited on foot at the wharfe to receiue his highnesse, and to shew him the good will and affection of the states and peo­ple. But the prease of people was so great, which re­sorted thither to sée the prince, whome they looked for to be their duke; and againe there were so manie im­pediments in his landing; that it was found better line 50 for them by the aduise of the prince of Orange to re­turne backe, and to tarie for his highnesse vpon a theater which was prepared for him.

This theater was set vp towards a corner of the castell, A theater e­rected for the monsieur to shew himselfe vpon to the people. and opened towards the citie, so as his high­nesse being there, might at one time view both the citie and the castell, and behold the counterscarffes: the déepe ditches full of faire water cléere to the ve­rie bottome of the chanell, inclosed on either side with hewne stone: the great and faire buildings, line 60 the goodlie walles, beautifull to looke on and verie thicke: and the broad rampires garnished with trees planted by hand, that it resembled a little forest. The monsieur was brought vp to this theater accompa­nied with the prince Dolphin the onelie sonne of the duke of Montpanuser: Prince Dol­phin, the earle of Leicester, &c: the earle of Leceister, and other English lords representing the quéene of Eng­land: the princes of Orange and Espinoie, the coun­tié de Lauall, the other English lords, the countie de Chateauroux, and a great sort of the barons, lords and gentlemen, besides the chiefe magistrats and maisters of the companies of the citie of Antwerpe.

The lords of the state of Brabant waiting vpon the theater, came dutifullie downe to go and méet his highnesse: which thing he perceiuing, did stand still. Then the prince of Orange stepped foorth to take his place among the states, as one of the chiefe lords and barons of the duchie of Brabant. Kissing the monsieurs hand. As soone as they had saluted his highnesse, and with great hum­blenesse kissed his hand, they mounted vp the steps againe with him, after whome followed the princes and lords of France and of England: and when they were come vp aboue, they ranged themselues on ei­ther side. A chaire of estate. There was set for the monsieur a chaire co­uered with cloth of gold, wherein he sat him downe. And vpon the theater there was likewise a trauerse of cloth of gold, and all the theater was couered with tapistrie. On the front of the theater on the highest part thereof were the armes of the marqueship of the holie empire: and a little beneath them on the right hand did stand the armes of Brabant with a wreath of fruits: and on the left hand stood the armes of the citie of Antwerpe. Banners with the armes of Aniou. Also there were set vp two banners of silke azured with the armes of Aniou, & in one partition were written these same verses:

O noble prince, whose footsteps faith
and gentlenesse preserue:
Receiue thou here the honour which
thy vertue dooth deserue.
That these low countries maie at length
take breath by meanes of thee,
And thou a father to vs all
in name and dooings bee.

After that euerie man had taken his place, and si­lence was made, the states of Brabant began their oration by the mouth of monsieur de Hesseiles doc­tor of both the lawes, secretarie to the said estates, The summe of monsieur de Hesseiles oration to the monsieur. and one of their councell. The summe whereof was, that the barons, noblemen, & deputies of the chiefe cities, and of the other good townes, representing the states of the duchie and countrie of Brabant, hauing now the good hap to sée among them and to behold face to face the prince, in whome next vnto God they had wholie set the hope of their deliue­rance, and of the establishing of their ancient rest and libertie, did highlie thanke the almightie Lord, which had shewed them that fauour: taking it for an assured warrant, that he of his infinite goodnesse and prouidence, had not forgotten nor forsaken their iust quarrell: but had chosen his highnesse to be the defender of his people and the administrer of his iu­stice: to the end that to Gods glorie, and to his owne honour and renowme, the stormes of all troubles, & of all other things that annoied their estate, might by the beames of his princelie maiestie, wisedome, and prowesse be chased awaie; and the brightnesse of their former prosperitie heretofore knowne to all nations, be made to spring vp & shine foorth againe. In respect wherof they gaue his highnesse most hum­ble thanks for the singular loue and good will, The states thankefulnes signified. which he of his owne onelie motion and princelie disposi­tion had vouchsafed to continue towards them vnto that instant, notwithstanding all the crosse dealings and practises that cunning heads could skill to put foorth to the hinderance of their affaires, forsomuch as they were not ignorant that for their calamities and miseries sakes, nothing could haue fallen in, which could haue made more to the fauour and fur­therance of their case. Which thing they had esteemed and would estéeme for euer, as a péerelesse president of his incomparable staiednes and rare constancie: They ac­knowledged themselues indebted to th [...] monsieur. for the which, and for the great number of his other benefits and gratious dealings towards them, they were & euer should be bound to acknowledge them­selues indebted to his highnesse with all faithfull o­bedience, and were readie that daie (by Gods grace) to submit themselues to him, as his humble vassals and subiects. And although they doubted not but [Page 1335] that his highnesse did well vnderstand, and was ful­lie satisfied, not onelie of the generall causes which had vniuersallie mooued the states of the prouinces of the low countries togither, to sue to him for suc­cour, and to put themselues into his hands: but also of the particular causes, which the states of that du­chie and countrie of Brabant had to renounce their obedience to the king of Spaine: yet notwithstan­ding, to the intent to put his highnesse in remem­brance therof, and to confirme that sacred resolution line 10 and high enterprise of his, builded therevpon, and moreouer to yeeld some reason of all their dooings to the princes and noblemen, and vnto the rest of that whole companie, The secreta­rie vnto the states falleth to the point of the matter. who for the honour of his highnesse were come thither of courtesie, to further the solem­nitie of his interteinment: to the intent that at this his repaire thither (which alwaies was called ioifull) they might vtter the more good will and gladnesse of heart; they would saie no more but this, that as long as the dukes of Brabant (speciallie since the falling line 20 of that duchie into the hands of the dukes of Bur­gognie, and other the famous ancestors of his high­nesse) gaue themselues vnto the gouerning of their subiects by themselues, thereby making it to appéere that they loued them, and were not carelesse of them; they reaped so great commodities and notable ser­uices at their hands, that their names and puissan­ces became oftentimes renowmed, yea and some­times dreadfull to the greatest monarchs, kings, and common-wealths of christendome, whereof their line 30 warres and conquests made proofe: howbeit that of those things, as of matters familiarlie knowne by the histories, it was not requisit to make discourse in that place and time, which were appointed to greater matters. But after that their dukes and princes ei­ther by other allurements, or being withheld in their other countrie and seigniories, began to leaue them for a time, and afterward at length to forget them, abandoning them to the pleasure and will, and some­times also to the lust and couetousnesse of their vnder line 40 officers, whereof the king of Spaine had lastlie fini­shed and perfected vp the worke, leauing them dis­dainefullie as husbandlesse and fatherlesse, vtterlie destitute of his presence by the space of twentie yeares; it came to passe, that hauing altered & chan­ged almost all the whole state of the countrie, and committed the offices to such as by the lawes and priuileges of the countrie were not capable of them; or rather to such as would giue most for them, and yet the vnsatiable couetousnesse, The king of Spaines offi­cers full of ty­rannicall lord­lines and vil­lanie. malice, and excée­ding line 50 tyrannicall lordlinesse of the Spaniards being not contented therewith: in the end, when they had abused the whole common-wealth after their owne lust, they grew into so great pride, that they fell to snatching of the priuat goods and substance of the in­habitants, to liuing vpon the labour and sweat of the poore: yea and to rauishing the chastitie of mens wiues and daughters: and (to fill vp the measure of all abhomination and crueltie) they fell to taking a­waie the liues, & to sucking the bloud of those which line 60 sought by all meanes to please them. Wherevpon in the end the great and righteous God (who hath a care of his seruants) being offended thereat, made that people (who had aforetimes beene of great valour) to call to mind their former state and libertie: and gaue them both will and courage to mainteine the same, in such sort as they had receiued from their forefa­thers. Which thing they said could not be better doone than by the election which the said states of Brabant, The cause why the states of Brabant made the mon­sieur their prince & lord. vnited with the other prouinces, had made of his highnesse person to be their prince and lord, of pur­pose to bring all things backe to their former order; hauing first sought (howbeit in vaine) for all reme­dies of their mischiefes, and of the disorders of the estate, from the causes and welsprings thereof. De­claring that the dukes in old time had béene of great valour, prowesse, and power; and had made manie renowmed voiages and exploits of warre, and that amongest others, they had chosen a duke of Aniou heretofore, who had béene equall with the rest in chiualrie & feats of armes, as their conquests and dominions witnessed: that they had had their princes gentle, mild, gratious, familiar, and fauou­rable to their subiects: and that his highnesse had in that behalfe alreadie giuen such proofes of his gen­tlenesse, truth, and soundnesse, that to their seeming, some ancient duke of Burgognie was raised vp a­gaine vnto them. Insomuch that in his onelie high­nesse, they firmelie beleued themselues to haue re­couered whatsoeuer good renowme the duks of Bra­bant, Aniou and Burgognie could haue left vnto them. Wherefore, insomuch as there remained no more, The states loialtie and fealtie signi­fied by their secretarie. but to proceed in the performance of the chiefe worke, which it had pleased the souereigne▪ God to put into the hands of his highnesse, and of the said states to performe that daie: they on their part were readie and resolute to doo him the homage, fealtie, du­tie, and obedience, which loiall subiects and good vas­sals ought to doo to their rightfull princes: of which sort they trusted in God without doubting, that his highnesse was, & that he would promise by solemne oth vnto God so to continue.

Herevnto his highnesse answered in effect, The mon­sieurs answer to the foresaid oration. that intending not to hold the states with long talke, but onelie to be mindfull of the honor and good will which they had vouchsafed to yéeld to him, in that among so manie other great princes, they had chosen him out to deliuer them from the oppression and tyran­nie of the Spaniards, and to rule them according to their customes, lawes, and priuileges: he thanked them hartilie for it, assuring them that the iustnesse and equitie of their case, their honourable dealings in his behalfe, and the loue which they had shewed him, had made him to resolue with himselfe to take vpon him their protection, and the reestablishing of their ancient libertie, and to hazard therein whatsoe­uer abilitie God had put into his hands, and whatso­euer else it should please the king his lord and bro­ther, and the queene of England, The mon­sieurs promise euen to the shedding of his bloud. of their fauour to bestow vpon him; yea euen to the shedding of his owne bloud and the spending of his life.

This doone the foresaid monsieur Hessels told his highnesse, how it was the custome there, to proclame openlie before the people in the Dutch toong the points and articles of the ioifull entrance, which the dukes of Brabant are bound to promise and sweare at their admission. Herevpon, when as one held the said articles translated into French, readie to re­hearse them point by point after the proclaiming of them in Dutch, forsomuch as the daie was farre spent, and communication had béene had thereof al­readie, the monsieur to win time thought it expedi­ent, by the aduise of the prince of Orange, that they should be read but onlie in Dutch. Which thing was doone by the said monsieur Hessels, with a new pre­face added to the articles, conteining breeflie the rea­sons and causes of that dealing. After the reading of the said articles, it was demanded of his highnes whether he liked of them, and whether he were con­tented to be sworne to them, or whether it were his pleasure to be further satisfied of them? The monsieur is content to sweare to the articles a­gréed vpon. Wherevpon he said to the prince of Orange, that forsomuch as he had séene the articles, and conferred of them with him as they came by ship out of Zeland, he held him­selfe well satisfied with them, and was well conten­ted to sweare vnto them. Which spéech of his was foorthwith proclamed, and with further declaration, that for their better contentation his highnesse was [Page 1336] desirous to haue them all knowne, that although the said articles were read but onelie in Dutch, yet would he of his owne good mind, with aduised de­liberation and certeine knowledge be sworne vnto them.

Then did the said monsieur Hessels recite vnto the people in the Dutch toong, the first oth which the dukes of Brabant were of old time accustomed and bound to take for the obseruing of the said articles. Which doone, deliuering the booke wherein it was conteined to messier Thierreie de Leisfield chancel­lor line 10 of Brabant, Two oths that the dukes of Brabant were accu­stomed to take. he read the same oth againe openlie in French, & the monsieur spake it after him word for word. Then the monsieur Hessels taking the booke againe, told the people that the dukes of Bra­bant made an other second oth to the barons, noble­men, cities, boroughs, & all the inhabitants & sub­iects of the countrie, to be to them a good & iust prince, and not to deale with them after his owne will, nor by waie of rigor, but by law and iustice, & according to their priuileges. Which oth was likewise rehear­sed line 20 in the Dutch toong, & the booke deliuered againe to the said chancellor, and the monsieur repeated the oth after him as he had doone the first. Then were the mantle and bonnet of the dutchie brought vnto him, The mantle and bonnet of the dutchie of Brabant. which were crimosin veluet; the mantle was trailed on the ground, and both of them were furred with powdered ermine turned vp verie brode. The prince of Orange told his highnesse, that it behooued him to be apparelled in those robes. And when he as­ked whether he must weare them into the citie? It line 30 was answered, yea: and that it was the solemne attire of the princes and dukes of Brabant of old time. The mon­sieur created duke of Bra­bant. Wherevnto when his highnesse had agréed, the prince did first put vpon him the said mantle, and fastening the button thereof, said these words; My lord, you must keepe this button fast closed, that no man may pull your mantle from you. And then he set the bonnet vpon his head, and said vnto him: Sir I praie God you may well kéepe this attire, for now you may well assure your selfe that you be duke line 40 of Brabant.

Then the said Hessels told him how the custome required that the states should presentlie be sworne to him againe to yéeld him fealtie. Wherevpon he vttered to the people the forme of the oth; and then the said chancellor required it of the barons, noble­men, and deputies, and they pronounced it after him according to the maner of the former othes, The states promise their fealtie and obedience. reue­rentlie dooing againe their homage, and promising fealtie and obedience. After the taking of the othes line 50 on both sides, as well by the monsieur as by the states of Brabant, while his highnesse was yet still in his robes of estate, the magistrates of Antwerpe commanded their recorder and councellor maister Uanderwerke to come vp vpon the stage, to make him an offer of the marquesship of the sacred em­pire, in the name of the citie of Antwerpe, which thing he did as followeth. An offer of the marquesship of the sacred empire made to the mon­sieur. Most gratious lord and prince, the markegraue, amptman, boroughma­sters, and skepons, the treasurors, and receiuers, the line 60 chiefe burgesses, and quartermaisters, the wardens, and ancients of the handicrafts, togither with the coronels, wardens of guilds, and capteins of the ci­tie, were verie glad when they vnderstood of your highnesse happie arriuall in the Ile of Walkeren, as they haue caused to be verie largelie and with all humilitie and reuerence shewed vnto you, by their deputies sent to your highnesse for the same purpose. But now, forsomuch as they sée your highnesse not onelie arriued in the countrie of Brabant, but also receiued for duke, and for their prince and lord: their fore-conceiued ioie is greatlie increased and made fullie perfect, trusting that by this your comming there will once insue an end of the desolations, cala­mities, and miseries, whereinto the countrie hath béene brought by the vniust gouernement past, and by the more vniust and wrongfull warre which the e­nimies hold yet still to bring the whole countrie to destruction, with all maner of calamities and oppres­sions which they are able to deuise. The magi­strates of Antwerps thankfulnesse to the mon­sieur signified. And therfore they giue your highnesse most humble thanks for the paines & trauell which you haue vouchsafed to take to come into this countrie: yeelding infinitelie like thanks vnto God, for that he hath giuen & sent them such a prince, as not onelie is of abilitie and power, but also is verie willing, and well disposed to de­fend them from all enimies, & to rule and gouerne them with all good policie & iustice, according to the priuileges, lawes, and customs of the countrie. For although they be ioined in league with the rest of the states of Brabant, and generallie with all the states of the low countries, & that they haue all entred into armes iointlie togither; yet their so dooing hath not béene to exempt and withdraw themselues from the iust gouernement of their lord and prince, but onlie to mainteine their ancient liberties, lawes, and pri­uileges, that being gouerned according to the same, they might liue with all dutifull obedience in good rest, peace, and tranquillitie. The soue­reigntie of what places the monsieur had vnderta­ken. The full accomplish­ment of which their desires, they thinke themselues to haue most happilie obteined, sith it hath pleased God of his infinit grace & mercie to put into your highnesse heart, to take vpon you the souereigntie of these low countries, the dukedome of Brabant, the citie of Antwerpe, and the marquesship of the sacred empire. For séeing that God hath stirred them vp so great a prince, the brother of a mightie king; they haue no doubt at all, but that your highnesse will (by Gods grace) soone find means to deliuer these coun­tries from the wretched warres wherein they haue béene so long plunged.

The markegraue, amptman, boroughmaisters, skepons, and other members of this citie, thinke it not expedient to repeat the causes of the warre, and the equitie of the case whereon they stand; forsomuch as it hath diuerse times heretofore béene discussed largelie enough by the generall estates: and moreo­uer béene notablie knowne to the world, and manie waies allowed by your highnesse. Yet againe ther­fore with all humble submission and reuerence, they thanke your highnesse, that it hath pleased you to a­gree vnto them, and to promise the maintenance of their priuileges, lawes, and customs: yea and of the articles comprised in the principall composition, and in the ioifull entrance into the dutchie of Brabant, assuring your highnesse, Antwerpe and the mar­quesship pro­miseth hum­ble subiection. that the people of the citie of Antwerpe, and of the marquesship of the holie empire shall be, and continue right humble subiects to you, euen to the spending of their bodies & goods, and whatsoeuer else they be able to make for the in­creasing of your honour and glorie. Herevnto his highnesse answered verie gratiouslie, that he than­ked those noblemen for their good will and affection towards him; and that he meant to shew them by his dooings how desirous he was to gouerne and rule the countrie with good policie and iustice. And all this he did at large and with verie great grace. This doone, the said Uanderwerke turning himselfe to the people cried with a lowd voice, that his highnesse, as duke of Brabant, Alanson, Aniou, Berreie, &c: would be sworne to the citie of Antwerpe, and the marquesship of the sacred empire, desiring them to praie vnto God, that by that so good and solemne deed Gods name might be sanctified, the safetie and prosperitie of the countrie procured, and the honour and glorie of the said duke increased.

Then was the oth, which his highnesse should take, [Page 1337] read openlie to the people in the Flemmish toong by the same Uanderwercke. The oth that the monsieur should take openlie read to the people. Which being doone, mon­sieur the amptman read the same oth to his high­nesse in French, and his highnesse made and perfor­med the same in his hands, which the boroughma­ster of the towne of Antwerpe held vp, bicause the receiuing of the oth at his hand belonged vnto him. Also the said boroughmaster, whose name was sir Philip of Schoonehouen, knéeling downe before the dukes highnesse, at the same time gaue him a gilt keie in token of subiection, and that he might dispose line 10 of the citie as of his owne: which keie was deliue­red againe by his highnes to the boroughmaster, to whome he said verie gratiouslie, that he assured him­selfe, that the said boroughmaster and all the bur­gesses and inhabitants of the citie, would kéepe the citie faithfullie for him, as they had doone vntill that instant.

After the finishing and accomplishment of all the said solemnities, the heralds of Brabant and Lo­tricke (or in the vulgar Brabant, Wallon, Lothier, line 20 that is to saie Lotharing, or the true Lorraine) cried with a lowd voice, A largesse cast among the standers by. God saue the duke of Brabant, And then sounding the trumpets, they made a lar­gesse, casting a great sort of péeces of gold and siluer among the standers by. These péeces were of two sorts: the one sort had on the one side the image of the monsieur then duke of Brabant: the other sort had on the one side the armes of Aniou & Brabant, and about the verges was written; Francis of line 30 France duke of Brabant. On the otherside of them all was a deuise of the sunne, with the monsieurs owne inscription, Cheriseth and Chaseth, which is the monsieurs ordinarie posie. The mon­sieurs posie. Without the towne were three regiments of the citizens, to the number of a thrée thousand men in order of battell, who made a goodlie shew with their faire armours and their en­signes displaied. A shew of mē in armour. And they neuer went out of their place vntill all the ceremonies were dispatched, and that his highnesse was gone into the citie. Besides line 40 these, there was an infinit number of people in the citie, whereof manie were strangers, who maruelled greatlie at these sights, and especiallie the French­men, The French­men maruell at the mon­sieurs strange habiliments, &c. who woondered to see their master in that appa­rell, and spake diuerslie of it, as is woont to be doone in matters that are new and erst vnséene. But when they vnderstood how it was the dukelie apparell, and that he wore it as a representation of antiquitie▪ the like whereof is worne yet still by the electors of the sacred empire in their great ceremonies; they were astonished, and thought him to be a prince of more line 50 statelie countenance and maiestie than afore: in so­much that it was said alowd among them, that sée­ing it was the mantell of the duchie, it should cost the liues of fiftie thousand Frenchmen, before it should be plucked from him againe.

As soone as the ceremonies were ended▪ his high­nesse came downe from the theater, and mounted vpon a white courser of Naples, couered with a co­perison of veluet richlie imbrodered with gold. And so he began to take his waie towards the right re­nowmed line 60 and rich citie of Antwerpe, and was con­ueied along by the counterscarfe, vnto the sumptu­ous and statelie gate, called Keisers gate or S. Ge­orges gate, whereat he entered into the good citie of Antwerpe in this sort. The order of the monsieurs entering into Antwerpe. First marched the two serge­ants maiors or marshals of the citie, accompanied of two purseuants with the armes of the citie, af­ter whome followed the trumpets with the armes of Brabant. The first companie was of Almane mer­chants commonlie called Easterlings, well moun­ted and well apparelled after the maner of Almane. Next them followed the English merchants in excel­lent good order, all apparelled in cassockes of blacke veluet all of one fashion. Then came the coronels and capteins of the citie: after whome followed a great number of gentlemen, as well of the same countrie as of other nations. Behind them went the bodie of the citie, that is to wit, the wickema­sters, the wardens, the ancient magistrate, the ma­sters of the wardes, the boroughmasters, deputies, and wardens of the halles, the vshers, the secreta­ries, the registers, the receiuers and treasurers, the schepons, the amptman, & the two boroughmasters, all apparelled in clokes of blacke veluet, and all of one fashion. After them came the trumpets of the states of Brabant, Lembourgh, and Lothier, & after them the states themselues in this order. First went the deputies of the vnder cities. The deputies of the citie of Antwerpe. The deputies of Brussels. Then succéeded the noblemen of Brabant, as the chancel­lor of Brabant, and aboue him Lamorall Egmond brother to the countie of Egmond, baron of Gase­becke. A great number of lords of the same coun­trie, of France, Lords of England and France well horssed. and of England well horssed and richlie apparelled. The Swissers with their drums and fiffes. The monsieurs owne houshold, among whome were intermingled certeine lords of Eng­land. Next this came the countie de Lauall, hauing on either hand an English lord. The prince of Espi­noie, hauing on his right hand the lord of Hunsdon, & on his left the lord Howard: the prince Dolphin, The earle of Leicester on the right hand of prince Dolphin. hauing on his right hand the earle of Leicester, & on his left the prince of Orange: the markegraue of Antwerpe bareheaded, bearing the mace of iustice: the lord Peterson baron of Merode, taking vpon him that daie as marshall of Brabant, and bearing the naked sword before the dukes highnesse: then came the duke himselfe, mounted and apparelled as you haue heard afore. Next behind the duke follow­ed countie Morice of Nassau sonne to the prince of Orange, hauing on his right hand countie Philip of Nassau nephue to the said prince, and sonne to coun­tie Iohn of Nassau, and on his left hand the lord She­field. His highnes was garded by the companies of the guilds, that is to saie, The compa­nies of the guilds. by the ancient brotherhoods of the archers, crossebowes, and harquebussers in so goodlie armour, as fairer could not be found: these went afore him and about him on a cluster without order, like flowre deluces vpon a roiall robe.

After them followed the gard of Frenchmen on a like heape, and after them the prince of Oranges gard on foot. Then lastlie in verie good order came the twentie ensignes of citizens, which had stood in order of battell without the towne. Ouer the gate where his highnes entered, there was a compartement of Doricke worke, wherein was written this title . To Francis the sonne of Henrie the second, An inscriptiō congratula [...]o­rie to the mō ­sieur. and onelie brother of Henrie the third king of France, called by Gods singular prouidence to the souereigne princi­palitie of the low countries, and to the dukedome of Brabant, and the marqueship of the sacred empire, which God grant to be most happie and luckie vnto him, as to their inuested prince whom they haue most earnestlie wished for, and who as now is happilie come into this his most seruiceable citie, his most hartie fauourers: The senate & people of Antwerpe.

The chariot of the maiden of Antwerpe could not go out of the citie for want▪ of roome to turne in: The chariot of the maiden of Antwerpe described. and therefore it tarried for his highnes at the gate with­in the citie. This chariot was called the chariot of aliance: wherein sat a damosell apparelled in satin red and white, which are the colours of Antwerpe: who had in hir left hand a branch of baietrée, & on hir head a garland of laurell, in token of victorie a­gainst the tyrannies of the king of Spaine, and in token of the deliuerance which the people hoped for by means of their new prince, through his gratious [Page 1338] goodnesse, faithfulnesse, victoriousnesse, and defense: to whom with hir other hand the p [...]rsented the k [...]ies of the towne, [...]. according to the verses written ouer h [...]r [...]ead, which shall be let downe hereafter. Before h [...]r were the armes of the marqueship of the holie empire. On hir right hand was Religion apparelled like one of the Sybils▪ h [...]lding in hir one hand an open booke, named the Law and the Gospell: and in hir other hand a sword: named Gods word: and on hir left hand was Iustice holding a balance and a line 10 sword in hir hand, and ouer the balance was writ­ten, [...]. Yea and Naie.

Before the damosell sa [...]e Concord, clothed in white, yellow, and orange taw [...]ie, bearing a tar­get vpon hir arme, wherein was painted a crowned scepter, with two little snakes; and vnder them, two doo [...]es, all closed in with a garland of [...]life, betoke­ning commendable gouernement with prouidence. Upon hir head shée had a helmet, W [...]sedome. be tokening Wise­dome. In hir hand shée caried a lance, with a penon line 20 vpon it, on the one side whereof were the armes of Aniou crowned with olife, and on the other side a lambe with a woolfe, Emblems of peace & [...] and a lion with an or, to beto­ken the great peacefulnesse that is looked for vnder this prince, as well in religion as in matters of state. At Concordes right hand sat Wisedome, and at hir left hand Force. In the middest of the chariot was a piller richlie made of Corinthian worke, vpon the top whereof was a Hart held betwéene two ar­med hands, which hart had two wings, betokening line 30 Union, Faith, and Force: and a sword with two serpents writhing about it, and holding their tailes to their [...]ares; signifieng Discréet gouernement, and [...]ares stopped against flatterers. Discréet go­uernement. At the foot of the pil­ler was a compartement with the armes of Aniou and Brabant. On the brest of the lion of Brabant, were the armes of the marqueship of the sacred em­pire, Attonement. and of the citie of Antwerpe. Upon the armes was written Attonement. Upon the corners of the chariot were two armed images with morians on line 40 their heads, attired in orange white and blew. The one of them was named Faithfulnes, Faithfulnes▪ Watchfulnes. and the other Watchfulnes. In their hands they had ech of them a shield, wherein were painted two swords acrosse, and two doo [...]es with a sheafe of arrowes, betoke­ning Union. Union. Upon one of the shields was written, Defense: Defense. Offense. and vpon the other, Offense; each of the images had a penon of azure silke: in one of the which there was a pellican killing hirselfe for hir yoong birds: and in the other a hen a brooding hir chic­kens. line 50 Ouer the maidens head were these verses set:

My rulers outrage, wickednesse,
and furious tyrannie,
Haue cast me backe these keies, which I
had giuen obedientlie,
Vpon conditions neuer kept,
ô prince of noble fame,
With better bead of lucke and lot,
receiue thou now the same.
Thy godlines and prowesse haue line 60
of right deserued it.
O treble happie prince to whom
these countries doo submit
Their state! ô happie Belgike, ô
most happie like to bee,
Which vnderneath so great a prince,
maist now liue safe and free.

Sir gentlemen of the citie waited at the gate with a canopie of cloth of gold frized, A canopie carried ouer the monsieurs [...]ead. which they af­terward vnfolded & carried it ouer the dukes head, who went vnder it into the towne in the foremen­tioned order. All the stréets from the gate to his lod­ging were set on either side with armed men vnder their ensignes with their fiffes & drums. The officers cari [...]d gilt targets and swords in their [...]: and all the rest were armed after the best and goodl [...]est maner that could be seene. His highnesse proceeded fo [...]rth on to the corner of the street called Gastbo [...]e street, that is to sa [...]e, the S [...]ttlehouse street, neere vnto saint Georges [...] where was a shew made in the likenesse of a [...]able, verie great and high, [...] which was made by one of the companies of their tragi­call and comicall poets, commonlie called amongst them rhetoricians. The companie was called Care, or as some others terme it, the Followsun, after the name of a floure which followeth the sun, & the speech of the deuise was, Growing vp in vertue. The shew or table had thrée compartements or partitions. The first was the first booke of Samuell the fifteenth chapter, where Samuell chargeth Saule with his disobedience, & hath a péece of his garment rent off by him, in token that the kingdome should be pluc­ked from Saules house & giuen to a better. Whereby was meant▪ The signifi­cation of the sh [...]w [...]s con­cerning the K. of Spaine and the mon­sieur. that the souereigntie of those low coun­tries was taken from the king of Spaine for his abhommable perturies, tyrannies, & extortions. In the second compartement was set foorth, how Sa­muell commanded Ishaie the father of Dauid to bring foorth his sonnes: of whome God would make one the prince of his people, that is to wit, the yoong­est, which was Dauid. In the third was shewed how Dauid bring annointed fought with Golias, and o­uercame him. The title or superscription was a [...]y­gian worke, wherein were written these verses:

As God bereauing Saule of crowne and mace,
Did dispossesse him of his kingdome quight,
And after set vp Dauid in his place:
So now likewise dispatching from our sight,
The tyrans which oppressed vs by might,
He giueth thee (ô noble duke) the reine
Of these our countries, ouer vs to reine.

The front and crest being garnished with baners, scutchions of armes, cresse [...]s and torches, caried the dukes deuise, Cherisheth and Chaseth. And at the foot of the table laie Discord closed vp in a prison of lat­tisworke, where she was tormented with belhounds and serpents; and there were these verses following:

Alanson whom God Cherish aie,
Dooth Chase all ire and wrath awaie.

His highnesse passing foorth still beyond the place called the Thréewaieleet, came to the street named Hwiuetter street, that is to say, the chandellors stréet, where was an other statelie pageant with armes, A statelie pa­geant impor­tant to the present pur­pose. torches, and cr [...]ssets, made by an other companie of the rhetoricians, called painters or violers, who had for their deuise, [...]nit togither by singlenesse. In this pageant was painted the néere aliance of Dauid and Ionathas: to betoken the firmenesse of the oth mutuallie made by his highnes & the states of Bra­bant; and the magistrats, members, colonels, and capteins of the citie of Antwerpe. In this table was written in a compartement of Phrygian worke:

Like as the faithfull Ionathas
did promise to defend,
Good Dauid from the harmes which Saule
against him did intend:
So keepe thou vs (ò gratious prince)
which loue to liue in rest,
Against the tyrans by whose force
we haue beene sore opprest.

Then went he further to the end of the stréet, where the vpholsters shops are, which part was full of bur­ning torches & barrels of burning pitch, and so came to the Meerebridge. At the entering thereof stood an oliphant bearing a castell of stone with souldiers and artillerie. An oliphant bearing a ca­stell of stone with soldio [...]s and artillerie. Before the oliphant were painted the armes of the marquesdome and of the citie, and be­hind, a speare with a banner of taffetie, with the [Page 1339] armes of Aniou in a wreath of laurell, and foure o­ther bannerets of crimsin taffeta, pulled out, wherin were painted the hands of Antwerpe, with this poe­sie: Cherisheth and Chaseth. And vpon his side of his bellie were these verses manifestlie written:

Whome light of Phebee heretofore did lead,
I now am drawne awaie,
Her brothers beames to follow in hir stead,
A farre more certeine staie.
I thinke my change right gainefull, sith I see,
These lower countries vnder him to bee. line 10

From the Merebridge he went along the Mere­stréet, vntill he came to the ward, where were foure companies ranged in order of battell. From thense he passed to the corner of Clare street, where was a stage made by a companie of rhetoricians called the Olife branch, who had for their posie, Behold grace. Upon this stage sat a damsell named Antwerpe, A damsell re­presenting Antwerpe holding a cof­fer of priuile­ges, &c. bearing in hir bosome a pretie daughter called the Knowledge of God: who held a coffer wherin were priuileges, lawes, franchises and truth: which were line 20 kept by the Grace of God, and by Prouidence, Wis­dome, Faithfulnesse, Diligence, Loialtie, Per­seuerance, Unitie, Good heed, and Order. And aloft was a compartement of Phrygian worke (verie artificiallie handled) wherein were these verses:

O prince, our father, hope of helpe and staie:
Dame grace, Gods impe, whom here thou seest to stand,
From top to toe faire clad in white araie,
With branch of olife in hir heauenlie hand:
Hath willed thee to harbor here within line 30
The statelie walles of ladie Antwerpe, and
The loue of hir with endlesse fame to win,
By curing of hir griefes with law and right,
And eeke by putting of hir foes to flight.

Somewhat lower towards the midst, was Nep­tune with his threetimed mace, riding ouer waues vpon a dolphin, & on his left hand were these verses:

Gods heauenlie grace, and soothfull skill,
reuiuing Antwerpe new,
Through chare defense of faithfull league line 40
haue kept hir safe, as dew
To thee hir duke innobled both
by father and by brother,
Both kings of France, tone gone to God
long since, still reigning tother.
And therefore bend thou now thy wits,
by rightfull force to wreake
Hir cruell foes, which did so oft
their leagues through falshood breake.

He passed from Clare stréet thorough long New line 50 stréet to saint Katharins bridge, right ouer against Crosse stréet, where was a triumphall arch cunning­lie painted and builded of white stone, A triumphall arch diuerslie garnished. which was garnished with his highnesses armes, and with tor­ches and cressets, and with musike of holboies and clarions. And on the top of it was written: To the happie comming hither of Francis, onelie brother to Henrie the third, sonne to Henrie the second, grandchild to Francis the first, now inuested duke of Brabant, the prince that hath most déepelie deser­ued line 60 of this their countrie, as a father of the same: The senat and people of Antwerpe. Underneath this in an other compartement of Phrygian worke, was written this: At length yet hinder not this impe to bring the wrooping world againe vnto some re­dresse. In passing thorough the short New stréet, & by the marketstéed, he turned toward the Coopers stréet in the stréet called Chéeselane to the great market place, which was full of torches of war, and of barels of pitch vpon long poles vp to the highest win­dowes, which commonlie are fiue stories high. In this market place were imbattelled six ensignes, with the ensigne of the youth which was vnder a gréene standard, Six ensignes with the en­signe of the youth vnder a greene stan­dard. all in the best armor that was to be séene in anie place of the world. In the middest of the citizens was the great giant the founder of the citie of Antwerpe, whose curace was azure, and his ap­parell tawnie white and graie. He bore banners of azure with the armes of Aniou, & had these giantlike spéeches cōteined in these verses, written before him:

Feerce furie, moodie rage, vnbridled ire,
Stout force, hot violence, cruell tyrannie,
Nought booted me, ne furthered my desire:
In keeping of my wished souereigntie.
The surest waie for kings to gouerne by,
Is mildnesse matched with a prudent mind,
To vice seuere, to vertue meeke and kind.
For oft the calme and quiet gouernance,
Brings things to passe which violence could not win:
Feercenesse that case will nought at all aduance,
By mildnesse shalt thou better hold folke in:
Outragious storming is not worth a pin,
By mine example therefore haue a care,
All cruell dealings vtterlie to spare.

Behind the giant were written these verses:

See you this orped giant here,
so huge of limme and bone?
Fame saies that Antwerpe was sometime
a thrall to such a one.

This giant was made by cunning to turne his face towards the duke as he passed by, A cunning deuise of a giant turning his head. and to let fall the armes of Spaine which he held in his hand, & to put vp the armes of Aniou. Also there was a stage in the same market place before the towne house, full of nymphs & vertues. But forsomuch as it serued chief­lie for the daie of his taking of his oth in the citie of Antwerpe, which was the 22 daie of that moneth: it shall be spoken of more at large hereafter. His high­nes departing out of the market place, tooke his waie towards the stréet called the High stréet, and when he came to the stréet called the old Cornemarket; there was a whale carieng Neptune naked with his thrée­forked mace in his hand, A whale car­rieng Nep­tune & what [...] betokened. which betokened the great commodities which the citie of Antwerpe receiued by the sea and by the riuer Schelt. Before this mon­ster was an other naked man, and by him two other portraitures, the one of nauigation, and the other of merchandize, with a booke of accounts, and a pursse, such as the factors doo carie with them when they go to receiue monie. Before this Neptune, in a com­partement, were written these verses following:

The lordship of the seas to thee
the destinies behight:
In signe whereof I Neptune yeeld
this mace as thine of right.
That Antwerpe hauing rid all lets
by thee on sea and land,
Maie once inioie hir wished fruit,
and safe from perill stand.

His highnesse kept on his waie through the High stréet, to a place where sometime was the gate called S. Iohns gate, which was beaten downe the yeare before: in steed whereof there was a triumphall arch of Ionian worke. An arch who­lie applied to the monsieurs owne posie. This arch was wholie applied vnto his hignesse owne posie Cherisheth and Chaseth. On high ouer it was strained a couering after the maner of a round vaut, wherein was painted the sun: & vnder the sun was painted the sea with ships, and the earth clad with hir verdure. Also there ap­peared a cloud on both sides, so as the light of the sun did shine forth and yéeld out his force to the earth. On the outside of the bowing of the arch were pain­ted thrée goddesses: namelie Flora, who held hir floures in hir hand: Ceres, who had hir corne: and Pomona, who held a horne stored with abundance of all things. Likewise the earth was clad with gréene trées, fruits, and fields, replenished with all fruitfulmesse: which thing came to passe by the heat and operation of the sun, which was betokened by this word Cherisheth. Cherisheth. On the other side being the left [Page 1340] hand, were drierie and barren fields, the aire euerie where lowring and cloudie, and the trees and plants withered: which thing was doone by the thrée hel­hounds, Discord, Uiolence, & Tyrannie, who fled a­waie at the sight of his highnes, according to the sig­nification of his other word, Chaseth. On an other side stood the same posie againe, Chaseth. Cherisheth and Cha­seth, by an other meane.

At the right hand ouer the word Cherisheth was a great field well tilled, with a husbandmans house line 10 vpon it. The husbandman himselfe being apparelled after the French fashion was sowing of corne, The mon­sieurs posie interpreted in a shew. and an other by him was spreading of mu [...]ke. At the left hand was written the word Chaseth, on which side also was painted a French capteine in armor following his alies, confederats, and souldiors: to doo men to vnderstand, that by the treaties, leagues, and agreements made with the dukes highnesse, all tyrannie, violence, and discord should be chased a­waie; and that by the beames of that sun, the coun­trie line 20 should receiue all peace, prosperitie, and abun­dance. Upon the forfront were these verses painted:

Like as the rising of the sun
dooth chase the night awaie,
And with his kindlie heat
the ground well cherish aie:
Euen so thy comming (noble prince)
dooth chase all tempests quite,
And folke with cheerefull hope
of freedome much delite. line 30

This arch was impossed aloft with scutchions of the armes of Aniou, The orna­ments of the arch aloft. compassed about with branches of oliue, all vpon azure. Also there were diuerse o­ther scutchions, whose field was gules bordered with argent, and a great number of burning torches. And the said arch was furnished with diuerse instru­ments of musicke, and the musicians themselues were clad in the colours of the citie. His highnesse passing vnder this triumphall arch, came to a place called the Owure, that is to saie, the banke, where line 40 were two companies imbattelled, armed like all the residue. A monstrous sea horsse of twentie foot high, & what it signified. And so passing by the ward there, he went to the place that is right ouer against the mint: be­fore the which there was a huge and monstrous sea­horsse of twentie foot high, vpon whom sat a nymph called Concord, bearing a shield wherein was pain­ted a booke and a rod, which was named, the Rule of truth. In hir hand she bare a flag, wherein was writ­ten, Faithfull aliance. This monster of the sea was named Tyrannie, and he had a bridle in his mouth line 50 with double reines of iron chained called Law and Reason. Whereby the dukes highnesse was doone to vnderstand, that he as a true Perseus was to deli­uer that countrie from all tyrannie, and afterward to gouerne it by iustice and reason. Ouer against the mint gate, where the stréet is narrowest, were two obeliskes or round spires, and betwéene them a triumphall arch with his pillers of Corinthian worke, gilded and inriched with his releefe vnder him. Upon the forefront were his highnesses arms, line 60 and likewise on the sides were other armes, with banners, torches, and cressets. Under the armes of his highnesse were written these verses following:

Full mightie is that common weale,
and in a happie case,
And blest with all commodities
through Gods most heauenlie grace,
Where prince behaues himselfe as head,
and commons him obeie
As members, either carefullie
regarding others staie.

From this triumphall arch vnto the palace, that is to wit, all along saint Michaels stréet, which is a mile in length, stood on either side thrée score and ten pillers, Three score and ten pil­lers, with a space of two and twentie foot betweene each. with a space of two and twentie foot betweene piller and piller. Euerie piller was twelue foot high, and vpon the pillers was a continuall tarras, & on euerie ech other piller was a cresset: and on the pil­lers betwéene were the armes of Brabant, Aniou, and Antwerpe, diuided according to the spaces be­twéene the said pillers. And the pillers were crested about with garlands of iuie. On the side of the street towards the palace was a pageant with banners, torches, and pyramides; vpon the vppermost part of one of the sides whereof was a crane, and vpon the o­ther side a cocke: Proper em­blems and their mean­ings. giuing knowledge as well to the heads as to the members, that watchfulnesse is needfull. A little spaniell betokening faithfulnesse, & a little lambe betokening peace, were painted ac­companied with the Sybils; which represented wise­dome, loue, faithfulnesse, obedience, vertue and ho­nor, without the which no true peace can continue. And all these were guided by the light of the holie ghost, which was resembled by a certeine brightnesse that discouered the chiefe instruments of discord, namelie Enuie and Slander, who péered out behind, Enuie and Slander. Enuie gnawing hir owne heart, and Slander ha­uing double heart, double toong, and double face, howbeit with small effect. For on the two sides of this pageant were two counterfets, on the one side Hercules, & on the other Dauid, as it were in copper, hauing gotten the vpper hand of Goliah, betokening strength and stowtnesse: Concord hol­ding Discord in a chaine, &c. and vnderneath was Con­cord, who held Discord in a chaine with collars about his necke: which Discord offering with his one hand an apple of gold, and with his other hand threatning men with his force and tyrannie, was yet neuerthe­lesse driuen into the dungeon of sorrow, where he is kept prisoner by Concord, who kéepeth the doore fast shut: betokening the same thing which the countrie looketh for at his highnesse hand according to his po­sie Cherisheth and Chaseth. Upon the forefront of the compartement made of Phrygian worke were these verses following painted out in most liuelie forme:

O let the earth the kissings sweet
of peace and iustice see,
And let hir powre hir riches foorth
in all mens bosoms free:
Let godlines and faithfulnes
go matched arme in arme,
And let the bond of endles loue
keepe all things knit from harme.

Before the duke came at saint Michaels, where the palace was prepared for his highnesse, Light with torches and cressets as cléere as the noone daie. the daie was so farre spent, that they were faine to light vp their cressets & torches, which cast so great and cléere a light through the whole towne, that the dukes high­nesse, and the princes and lords which accompanied him, and likewise the souldiors with their glistering armors, were séene more cleerelie than at anie time of the daie. And as the multitude of people was ve­rie great in the citie, so the néerer that his highnesse drew to his palace, the greater still did the number grow. So at length the duke of Brabant and An­iou entred into his palace in the order afore mentio­ned, hauing moreouer a two or thrée hundred as well of offendors as of banished folke which followed him bareheaded and fettered, crauing mercie. The he­ralds did cast péeces of gold and siluer abrode, as they had doone at the méetings of all the stréets as they passed through them. At the entrie of the pa­lace was an arch of twentie foot high, Thrée graces Uertue, Glo­rie, and Honor in a compar­tement. resting vpon thrée pillers of Phrygian worke; and vpon the top thereof was a compartement wherein were the thrée graces, that is to wit, Uertue, Glorie, and Honor, who offered vnto his highnesse an olife branch, in to­ken of peace, a laurell bough in token of victorie, and a crowne which was sent him from heauen. And [Page 1341] vnder the compartement were written these verses:

O prince whose merits passe his praise,
whose vertues haue no peeres,
Whose mind surmounts his fortune far,
whose thews exceed his yeeres:
Take gentlie heere this oliue branch,
this laurell bough and crowne,
Three presents giuen thee by three nymphs,
and sent from heauen downe.

¶The oth made by Francis duke of Brabant to the line 10 members of the right renowmed citie of Ant­werpe, and the oth made by them againe vnto his highnesse.

Twentie or thirtie thou­sand harque­busses shot off.The duke of Brabant being come into his pa­lace, caused a peale of a twentie or thirtie thousand harquebusses to be shot off, and then all the compa­nies (sauing those which were to watch that night) began to withdraw themselues appase. Which thing was doone in such order and with such silence, that in lesse than halfe an houre all the citie was disar­med; line 20 after which maner they had also armed them­selues in lesse than an houre without anie noise in the morning. The princes also and the lords withdrew themselues to their lodgings, and then was all the great ordinance of the towne shot off twise, as it had béene at the dukes first comming to the citie, that all the towne séemed to be on fire. The night resembled the daie. Cressets were lighted and fires made for ioie through all the stréets and méetings, waies, and vpon the stéeples, in so great number and so continuallie, that all the night resem­bled line 30 the daie: in so much that when they that were without the towne looked vp into the skie, they thought the element was all on fire. These bonefires continued euerie night vntill the next thursdaie; on which daie his highnesse tooke his peculiar oth to the towne of Antwerpe, in dooing whereof these solem­nities insuing were obserued. Solemnities vsed whiles the monsieur was taking his peculiar oth to Ant­werpe. The amptman, bo­roughmaisters, and skepons of Antwerpe came to the said palace of S. Michaell the next thursdaie be­ing the two and twentith daie of the same moneth: line 40 at which place they made humble sute vnto his high­nesse, that as he had vouchsafed to giue his oth to the states of Brabant and the marquesdome of the sacred empire, and likewise to receiue theirs; so it might please him to giue his oth that daie peculiar­lie to the citie of Antwerpe, and likewise to take theirs at the place of old time accustomed. Where­vnto when the duke had assented, they tooke their waie in the same order that had beene obserued at line 50 his entring into the towne; sauing that the lord Ed­ward de Clastro ambassador for Don Antonio king of Portugall, was that daie in the latter companie of the princes and lords. And so they marched along the said stréet of saint Michaell to the great market­sted, where the sumptuous common house of the ci­tie is. And bicause that on the daie of his entrance in, it was not possible for him to take a perfect view of all the shews, by reason that the night ouertooke them, they were presented vnto his highnes againe, line 60 as well in the place before the mint, as in other pla­ces. Two page­ants, one of mount Par­nassus, and the other a mossie rocke. Also there were two pageants more prepared, which were deuised both in one daie; the one was mount Parnassus wheron sat Apollo apparelled like the sun, and accompanied with the nine muses plai­eng vpon diuerse kinds of instruments, and with sweet voice singing a certeine ditie togither written in commendation of his highnesse. This pageant was in the stréet called the High stréet, ouer against the stréet named Reiner stréet. Right ouer against this pageant was an other on the side of the stréet called the Flax market, which was a mossie rocke o­uergrowen with drie and withered trées, wherin ap­peared a caue verie hideous, darke, and drierie to be­hold, & in the same laie lurking the three helhounds, Discord, Uiolence, and Tyrannie: who féeling Apol­los beames, and hearing the sweetnesse and harmo­nie of the voices and instruments, shroonke awaie and hid themselues in the déepest of the dungeon, and afterward péered out againe to harken whether that melodie and harmonie continued still or no, mind­ing to haue come foorth againe, and to haue troubled the common wealth, if the same had ceassed.

His highnesse passed on, and with verie much adoo came to the great market place, by reason of the in­finit multitude of people, which could not be put a­sunder without great paine. A scaffold hōg with scarlet and richlie adorned. As soone as he was a­lighted from his horsse, he went vp a scaffold which had béene set vp for the same purpose, in the middest of the market place hard by the towne house; before whome went the magistrate of the citie, and a great number of princes, lords, and gentlemen. This scaf­fold being great and large of the heigth of fortie foot, was hanged with scarlet. Upon it was a cloth of estate, the backe whereof was cloth of gold frized, A chaire of estate of cloth of gold frized. vnder the which was a chaire of the same. The daie of his first comming thither, there had béene presented vnto him on the right side, Wisedome offering him a golden scepter: on his left side, Iustice offering him the sword of iustice from aboue the chaire: and behind him Clemencie offering him the cap of the dukedome. Before the chaire as it were at the foot of it, were Obedience, Faithfulnes, Loue of God, & Reuerence. And by the chaire sides there were with them, Concord, Sagenesse, Ualiantnes, Good will, Truth, Pitifulnesse, Perseuerance, and Reason, of whome two on either side held ech of them a torch of virgin war, & they were all appareled like nymphes. But on this daie when his highnesse went vp to this stage, the nymphes were awaie; and in stéed of them, the chaire was garnished on both sides with pillers. On the right side betwéene the pillers was a lion holding a naked sword, Beautifull emblems a­bout the chaire of e­state, & what they signified. to betoken the authoritie of the magistrate. Aboue the lion was an egle féeding hir yoong, and turning hir selfe towards the shining of the sunne, as taking hir force of the prince. On the left side was an ox with a yoke on his necke, and aboue him a hen brooding hir chickens, and by hir a cocke. The ox with his yoke signified obedience: and the cocke and the hen betokened the watchfulnesse, care, and defense of the superior. The said scaffold was garnished with banners of azure beaten with the armes of Aniou, and with banners of gewles beaten with the armes of Antwerpe, and with cres­sets and torches. And aboue among the armes were writte [...] these verses in verie faire & legible letters:

At length thou art come,
and ioifull we bee,
Thy presence long lookt for
here present to see.
1
Of triumphs, though statelie,
1 A little vnder, at the right hand vnder the armes of Brabant▪ were these verses.
kings boast but in vaine,
Vnlesse they by iustice
vprightlie doo raine.
2
Nought booteth law, authoritie, or sage forecast of wit,
2 On the left hand vnder the armes of Antwerpe was writ­ten thus.
Vnlesse to lawfull gouernement
folke doo their force submit.
3
God, God is he the harts of kings
which holdeth in his hand,
He,
3 This was written som­what lower.
He it is that highest things
dooth make too fall or stand.
When he with gratious looke beholds
a people: they inioy
A goodlie ruler, vnder whom
no troubles them annoy.
[Page 1342]But if misliking make him frowne,
then makes he them a preie
To tyrants, vnder whom they tast
of sorrow euerie daie.

From this scaffold he might behold before him an infinit number of people, readie to be sworne vn­to him: and also thrée companies of banished and condemned men in fetters, Banished and condemned men in fetters crauing mer­cie pardoned. and bareheaded, cra­uing mercie at his hand, which was granted vnto them. Moreouer all the houses about the market line 10 stead had cressets burning on high before them. Now then, after that roome and silence was made, their councellor and recorder Uanderwerke propounded the matter as followeth. Right gratious lord and prince, the markegraue, the amptman, the borough­masters, the skepons, the treasurors, the receiuers, the old deputies, the chiefe burgesses, the quarterma­sters, the wardens, the ancients of the handicrafts, the coronels, the wardens of the guilds, and the cap­teines of the citie, your highnesses most humble and line 20 obedient subiects, are excéeding glad to see that you, whome they haue alreadie receiued for duke of Bra­bant, and for their souereigne lord and prince, are readie to make your oth vnto this citie, and to re­ceiue it at the hand of the magistrats, burgesses and citizens thereof, in respect of the citie it selfe, and of the marquesdome of the sacred empire: assuring themselues that your highnesse will be vnto them a good, All promises kept on the monsieurs part, they could doo no lesse. righteous, and lawfull prince, to gouerne them according to their franchises, lawes, and customes: line 30 and promising mutuallie on their behalfe to your highnesse, to be good, loiall, and faithfull subiects vn­to you, to spend all their goods, yea and their liues in your seruice, and in the maintenance of your dignities, rights and preheminences. And like as God hath put into your highnes mind, to take vpon you, first the protection and defense, and secondlie the whole souereingtie of the low countries and prouin­ces, which haue entered into league with you, vpon hope that the same God will of his gratious good­nesse line 40 and mercie so blesse and prosper your dealings and enterprises: as that they shall out of hand sée the effect of that communication in the hiest degrée, to the accomplishment of your roiall and heroicall de­sires, both in the generall, and also in the particular deliuerance of the countrie from the calamities and miseries of war: whereby they shall haue the better cause to acknowlege the great good turnes and be­nefits receiued at your highnesse hand, and to honor, loue, and serue you, as the verie protector of the land and father of their countrie. line 50

When Uanderwerke had made an end, and the dukes highnesse had answered him conformablie to that which he had spoken without the towne, The mon­sieur is readie to take his oth of the magi­strate & people of Antwerpe. the said Uanderwerke told the people alowd, that the duke was readie to take and receiue his oth, at the hand of the magistrate, and of all the people and inhabiters of the citie of Antwerpe: and that God had vouchsa­fed to send them a prince of so rare and heroicall ver­tues, of so great puissance, and the onelie brother of line 60 so great a king; that they might well hope, that the same God would inable him to rid these countries within a while from the great number of calamities and miseries wherwith they were oppressed. And for­somuch as his highnesse had béene receiued with so­lemne deliberation of the states confederate, yea and with solemne resolution of all the members of that citie, and God had commanded men to loue, ho­nour and obeie their princes: he exhorted the people to yéeld him all humble obedience according to Gods commandement. To which intent, the oth as well which his highnesse should make to the people, Good successe wished to the mutuall oth­ [...]akers. as which the people should make to his highnesse, should be read vnto them; praieng God to giue such grace vnto his highnes, as he following the same, might well rule and gouerne; and vnto the burgesses and citizens of Antwerpe, as they might performe their obedience, like good, loiall, and faithfull sub­iects: that Gods name might be sanctified, to the be­nefit, prosperitie, and safegard of the citie, and to the great increase of the dukes puissance, honour, and glorie. Then the same Uanderwerke read the oth which was to be made by the duke, The mon­sieurs oth red in French. with the stile of the duke of Brabant, and all his other titles. Which oth was read to his highnes in French, and recei­ued by sir Philip Schonehouen, lord of Waneroe, boroughmaster without the citie.

Which being doone, the said Uanderwerke read the oth which the magistrate and people were to make, which was repeated word for word by the magistrats and a great number of people which were within the hearing of it. And this oth was exacted of the ma­gistrate and people of Antwerpe by the amptman in the name and by the commandement of the duke. Upon the finishing of these solemnities, the duke himselfe did cast two or thrée handfuls of gold and sil­uer among them, The mon­sieur casteth largesse of gold & siluer among the people. & then the heralds cried A larges, and the trumpets and drums were sounded euerie where, and manie instruments of musike were plai­ed vpon, as had béene doone afore at his first arriuall. When he was come downe from the scaffold, he went to the townehouse with all the princes, lords, and gentlemen, which were verie manie: where he was receiued by the worshipfull of the citie, and di­ [...]ed openlie at a verie sumptuous and roiall feast pre­pared for him: and so that daie passed in great ioy, contentation and admiration, as well of his high­nes & his companie, as of all the rest of the people. Towards night were shot off two peales of great ordinance againe, Two peales of great ordi­nance with o­ther signes of ioy. and the fires of ioy were conti­nued much greater, and more in number than afore.

Thus ended the ioifull and roiall interteinement of the right noble prince Francis, sonne and brother to the king of France, by the grace of God duke of Brabant, The rest of the weeke and the daies follow­ing, the lords of the priuie councell, What was doone by the waie of courteous du­tie when all the triumphs were ended. the officers of the aides, of the exchekers, of the chambers of the ac­counts, and of the other corporations, colleges, and communalties came to visit his highnes, and to offer him their humble seruice, promising all faithfulnes and obedience: all whome he receiued verie grati­ouslie to their contentation, answering them so ad­uisedlie, with so good grace & fitnesse, without omit­ting anie point of that which he had purposed: that all men not onelie woondered at him, but also were inforced to honour and loue him, and to set foorth his praises among the people. Finallie the deputies of the reformed churches of both the languages, being presented vnto him by the prince of Orange, were gentlie heard, and they spake to him as followeth.

Sir, we be sent vnto your highnes by the refor­med churches of this citie, as well of the language of low Dutchland, as of the French, to shew vnto you with all humilitie, reuerence and subiection, that we haue thanked and still doo thanke God with all our hart, for vouch [...]afing to bring your highnesse so happilie hither. And this our ioie is matched with the ioie of all other folks, as we hope your highnesse hath vnderstood by the glad and ioifull receiuing and interteining of you. Also sir we hope, that as the great honour and felicitie which these countries haue atteined vnto (wherein few countries are able to match them) haue béene purchased vnder the soue­reigntie and gouernement of the right renowmed princes, the dukes of Burgognie, Dukes of Burgognie issued out of the house of France. which issued out of the most noble house of France: so vnder your gui­ding and gouernement being of the same house, the ancient renowme of the same dignitie shall be reco­uered [Page 1343] by your prowesse, and mainteined by your wisdome. It is little more than thrée hundred yeeres ago, Under whom the state hath beene a [...]uan­ced. that these countries being gouerned by sundrie dukes, earles, and lords, had not atteined the re­nowne which other nations haue since that time so much woondered at. The first that began to giue in­crease to it was Philip duke of Burgognie, surna­med the hardie, Philip duke of Burgognie surnamed the hardie. who was brother to king Charles the fift, the sonne of king Iohn, and grand sonne of king Philip of Ualois: of which kings your highnes line 10 is lineallie descended from the father to the sonne. For the first duke of Orleance, of whome your high­nesse is lineallie descended from the father to the sonne, was the sonne of king Charles the fift; and as now there be no more heires males of the said duke of Orleance, but onelie your highnes and the king your brother. Whereby it falleth out, that the dukes of Burgognie are great vncles to your highnes by the fathers side. And therefore we doubt not but you will follow the footsteps of their vertues, in restoring the state of the countrie to hir ancient renowme line 20 and dignitie: and also mainteine and increase the ho­nour wherevnto it hath beene aduanced, by those no­ble princes your vncles.

Duke Iohn the second, and Philip the second, aduancers of the state.The second duke vnder whom this state hath béene greatlie aduanced, was Iohn the second: neuerthe­lesse it came not to full perfection, vntill the time of Philip the second. In which perfection it was main­teined by Charls the last duke of Burgognie so long as he liued. The said Philip the second, to whom the line 30 honour of stablishing that state most peculiarlie be­longeth, was one of the most knightlie and valiant princes of his time. He wan the victorie in nine foughten fields, in most of the which he was put to the triall and hazard of his person, by fighting with his owne hands. He was a verie sage prince, and such a one as had to deale with the greatest princes in christendome: of whome some were his aduersa­ries, and yet he behaued himselfe so wiselie, that he atchiued all things to his honour whatsoeuer he tooke in hand. Also he was verie rich: insomuch that line 40 for all his warres which lasted aboue thirtie yeares, Philip the se­cond a verie rich prince, surnamed Philip the good. he left behind him more substance and readie monie, than anie other prince of his time, as the writers of the histories of that age doo witnes vnto vs. And yet notwithstanding, for all these great vertues & quali­ties of his, he was not named Philip the sage, nor Philip the valiant, nor Philip the rich, but Philip the good. So well doo all folke by generall consent vn­derstand, which is the vertue that best beséemeth and becommeth a great prince, & is best liked of his peo­ple: line 50 namelie, that a prince be good and louing to his subiects. Surelie sir, all men hope that your highnes will follow the example of that good prince, He directeth his spéech to the monsieur. the first bringer of the state of this countrie to perfection, a right noble and renowmed prince of the house of France. And we praise God, for that as manie as haue had the honour to come into your highnes pre­sence, yeeld record that you haue verie great likeli­hoods of these vertues, which we praie God so to ac­complish and make perfect in you, as all his people line 60 may to your great honor receiue the perfect and ripe fruits of them. And this doo all the rest of the people desire as well as we.

Howbeit, we haue a most humble sute to make peculiarlie to your highnes, A su [...]e mooued to y e monsieur. which we most humblie beséech you to grant. The thing that induceth vs to doo it, is that you beare the name of Francis. For as of [...] as we heare that name named: the remem­brance of that great king Francis your highnesse grandfather commeth to our mind. He was a right valiant, Francis the monsieurs grandfather commended. couragious, noble and godlie prince: and yet notwithstanding all the nations of the earth did by one common consent surname him the father of learning. For of a truth, since that emperour and great king of France, called Charles the great, there was neuer anie king of France that so highlie fa­uoured learning, as this great king Francis. And as the said king Charles was the founder of the fa­mous vniuersitie of Paris, so was king Francis the restorer therof againe: and both of them to their great costs & charges called men of excellent know­ledge thither out of strange countries, to teach the languages & all kinds of arts & sciences. The house of this great king Francis was as an vniuersitie, and his table was a place of conference concerning all maner of learning. A good sute to the mōsieur, & the like of all princes and great men to be preferred and granted. And like as other great prin­ces of his time following his example, inriched their dominions and kingdomes with learned men and learning: so we most humblie beséech your highnes to follow the example of this great king your grand­father in dooing the like, and to make singular ac­count of learning, and to take the professours there­of vnder your protection. True it is sir, that through the malice of men, warre is commonlie the ouer­thrower of learning. But if a great prince set him­selfe against the mischiefe, he may easilie stop it. Our desire is not that your highnesse should neglect the exercise of chiualrie, for to giue your selfe to studie: but to follow so the one, as the other be not left off and forgotten. For as we haue seene manie com­monweales florish so long as they professed chiualrie and learning togither: and yet haue fallen into the hands of their enimies, euen in the chiefe flowre of their skill in sciences, by reason of their discontinu­ing of their former trade of armes, after which ma­ner it fell to the Atheniens to come into subiection to the kings of Macedonie: so the people which haue professed armes alone without learning, Learning and chiualrie must go togither. haue al­waies become barbarous, cruell, and vtterlie desti­tute of all humanitie, as we see at this daie by the Tartars and Moscouits. And therefore to our sée­ming, a man may well saie, that chiualrie is the fun­dation and sinewes of a commonweale: and that learning garnisheth and beautifieth the bodie there­of with liuelie and fresh colours, seruing it for in­richments and ornaments. In respect wherof, as we meant not to desire your highnesse to forget those which make profession of chiualrie, whome you ought to embrace as your strength: so we most humblie beséech you to vouchsafe to succour learning, and to mainteine learned men with your gratious fa­uour.

Sir, Causes that mooued the making of this sute. verie néedfull causes mooue vs to make this humble petition to your highnesse: for that we be­ing professors of learning, ought to haue learning in singular estimation, and to procure (if it be possi­ble for vs) that the frute of the things which we haue inioied for a time, may be conueied to our posteri­tie: and secondlie for the oths sake which we haue ta­ken at the time of our procéeding in our degrées, which is, to mainteine and further the schooles and learning of the vniuersitie, in what degrée soeuer we come vnto. And therefore we hope that your highnesse will doo vs the honour to take this most humble request of ours in good part. As touching our owne persons, He speaketh in the behalfe of all the rest of like profes­sion and fa­cultie. we promise your highnesse all o­bedience, faithfulnesse, and subiection: and that ac­cording to our small abilitie, we will doo our indeuor towards such as we may haue accesse vnto, that they also may yeeld obedience to your highnesse, and to the magistrates whome it shall please you to set ouer the people. And here to make an end, we harti­lie praie God to preserue your highnes a long time in happie estate among this people, and to giue you the grace to rule and gouerne them iustlie and vp­rightlie, to rid them out of the hands of their eni­mies, to mainteine them long in most happie peace, [Page 1344] and to restore this state againe to the ancient digni­tie, greatnesse, renowme, and felicitie: that after your deceasse you maie leaue a most blessed and fa­mous remembrance among all nations. And for the bringing hereof to passe, we yet againe beséech the king of kings and great prince of princes, to make you as valiant as Dauid, as wise as Salomon, and as zelous of his glorie as Ezechias.

The mon­sieur speaketh well whatsoe­uer his mea­ning was.Herevnto the duke answered, that he was verie glad to sée such a consent of all the people in the re­ceiuing of him: and that he hoped so to rule and go­uerne line 10 them, as they should not be disappointed of the hope which they had conceiued of his gouernement, which he would fashion out after the paterne of his predecessors and great vncles, who had gouerned these countries so happilie. And he thanked them for their good will & loue, praieng them to continue the same, and promising to take them into his protection togither with the rest of the people in generall: & that as he had heretofore a singular regard of learned men, so would he be willing to continue the same line 20 hereafter.

A good begin­ning in prince and people. After this maner began this great prince to go­uerne that people with great authoritie and mode­stie; and the people to yéeld vnto him verie willing and honorable obedience: and all men hope both ge­nerallie and particularlie, that God will giue him the grace so to hold on in that so holie and commen­dable gouernement, as that by his example he shall shew to all princes and to all others that come after him, how greatlie the iust and lawfull gouernement line 30 auaileth: and that the people on their side shall shew what maner of obedience, loue, and constancie is due to good princes: in which vertues there was neuer yet anie people that could skill to surmount them, neither shall anie hereafter, by the helpe of the great God, and euerlasting father of our sauiour Iesus Christ, to whome with the vnitie of the holie spirit be all glorie for euer and euer, Amen.]

Iohn Paine executed at Chelmsford.Iohn Paine priest being indicted of high treason line 40 for words by him spoken, was arreigned and con­demned at Chelmsford on the last daie of March, and was there executed on the second daie of Aprill, ac­cording to the qualitie of his offense, and as law had awarded. In the moneth of Maie, namelie, on the fifteenth daie at night, A blasing [...]tarre. about ten of the clocke, a blasing starre appeared, descending in the north­west, the beard whereof streamed into the southeast.

On mondaie being the eight & twentith of Maie, line 50 Thomas Foord, Execution of Thomas Foord, Iohn Shert, and Robert Iohn­son priests of the popes order. Iohn Shert, and Robert Iohnson priests, hauing beene before indicted, arreigned, and as well by their owne testimonie, as also sufficient witnesses produced to their faces, found giltie, and condemned for high treason intended, practised, and appointed against hir maiesties most roiall person, as also for the vtter ruine, ouerthrow, and subuersion of hir peaceable and well gouerned realme, them­selues being sent as instruments, to deale for and in the behalfe of the pope, in this disloiall and traito­rous cause; according as iustice had before deter­mined, line 60 were drawne vpon hurdles from the Tower of London to the place appointed for execution; ha­uing béen so long time spared, To perseuere in wickednes is no constan­cie but obsti­nacie. by hir maiesties most roiall and princelie regard of mercie, to trie if either the feare of God would take place in them, conside­ration and respect of their owne duties mooue them, or the meere loue and accustomed clemencie of hir maiestie might win them, to acknowledge hir to be their lawfull souereigne, and themselues hir subiects bound to serue hir, notwithstanding any pretense or authoritie to the contrarie, & not for matter of their popish superstition. All this notwithstanding they remained giuen ouer to their owne wickednes, and swallowed vp in the gulfe of their vndutifull affecti­on, which caused iustice to step before mercie, com­mitting them to the reward of their lewd and vnna­turall dealing.

All the waie as they were drawne, Consolation ministred to them as they went to their [...]eaths. they were ac­companied with diuers zealous and godlie men, who in mild & louing spéeches made knowne vnto them, how iustlie God repaieth the reprobat, how fatherlie againe he receiueth the obedient, how he ouerthro­weth the vngodlie in their owne deuises, and protec­teth his chosen in all stormes and afflictions. In re­membrance of all these, to bethinke themselues of their wickednesses passed, and to shew such hartie and zealous repentance for the same, that albeit they had so gréeuouslie trespassed, yet in contrite and humble sorrowing they might be gratiouslie recei­ued into his heauenlie fauour, whome they had moo­ued and stirred by their vnreuerent regard, to smite and chasten with the rod of his furie. The shiriffe himselfe trieth what he can doo to conuert them. Among which godlie persuasions, maister shiriffe himselfe, both learnedlie and ernestlie labored vnto them, moouing all good occasions he might deuise to change the ob­stinacie he perceiued in them, into a christianlike hu­militie and repentance; but these good indeuors tooke no wished effect, their owne euill disposition so blin­ded them, that there was no waie for grace to en­ter.

When they were come beyond saint Giles in the field, there approched vnto the hurdle one of their owne sect, and a priest (as himselfe had confessed) who in this maner spake vnto the prisoners: O gen­tlemen be ioifull in the bloud of Iesus Christ, for this is the daie of your triumph and ioie. Being asked whie he vsed such words, he said vnto the prisoners a­gaine; I pronounce vnto you; yea, I pronounce a full remission and pardon vnto your soules. Using these and other traitorous spéeches, hold was laid on him. He was the eccho of a false and antichri­stian voice. When as maister shiriffe demanded what he was, he answered; He was the voice of a crier in the wildernesse, and that he was sent to prepare the Lords waie. And notwithstanding such meanes of resistance as himselfe vsed, he was deliuered vnto Thomas Norris purseuant, who brought him vnto Newgate, where he confessed vnto him that he was a priest, and that he had so long dissem­bled, as he would now leaue off and doo so no more.

Being come to the place of execution Thomas Foord was first brought vp into the cart, when as he began in this maner. Thomas Foord his words touch­ing his inno­cencie. Whereas I am come hither to die, for matters laid vnto my charge of treason, which should be conspired against the queene, within these two yeares or somewhat more: I giue you to vnderstand, that of anie such matter I am innocent & frée, for that I can prooue my comming into En­gland to be fiue yeares since. Wherevpon maister shiriffe spake vnto him and said; Foord, haue mind on God, and aske him and hir maiestie heartilie for­giuenesse, whome thou hast so highlie offended; thou doost but delude the people, for it is manifestlie kno­wen how thou art guiltie of the matters laid to thy charge, here be thine owne answers to shew, affir­med vnder thine owne hand, and other witnesses to reprooue thee. Wherevpon The writer of this pam­phlet, who sée­med to be ac­quainted with all their dea­lings. I my selfe was called foorth, who iustified the causes to his face, that at his arreignement was laid to his charge, and he eui­dentlie and plainelie found guiltie thereof. Then were his answers whereto he had subscribed read vn­to him, which is in the booke latelie set foorth by autho­ritie. Wherevpon he tooke occasion to tell a long cir­cumstance of a certeine question mooued at Oxford, as concerning taking armes against hir maiestie, which horrible treason he séemed to approoue thereby.

Then maister shiriffe willed him to aske hir ma­iestie forgiuenesse, offering him to stand his friend [Page 1345] in atteining hir graces mercie, if he would change his former traitorous mind, to become a true and faithfull subiect, acknowledging hir to be his lawfull souereigne ladie, notwithstanding anie thing that a­nie pope could saie or doo to the contrarie. A shamelesse negatiue voice to a ma­nifest charge of offense, and euident con­uiction. Where to he answered; I haue not offended hir maiestie, but if I haue, I aske hir forgiuenesse and all the world; and in no other treson haue I offended than my reli­gion, which is the catholike faith, wherein I will liue and die. And as for the queenes maiestie, I doo ac­knowledge hir supremasie in all things temporall, line 10 but as concerning ecclesiasticall causes, I denie hir; that onelie belongeth to the vicar of Christ, the pope. In briefe, he granted to nothing, but shewed him­selfe an impious and obstinat traitor, and so he re­mained to the death, refusing to praie in the English toong, mumbling a few Latine praiers, desiring those that were Ex domo Dei to praie with him, & so he died. In the meane time that hehanged, which was till he was dead, so great is the mercie of our grati­ous princesse, Iohn Shert was brought from off the line 20 hurdle to the gallowes, where seeing Foord hanging, he began with holding vp his hands, as the papists are woont to doo before their images; O sweet Tom, O happie Tom, Iohn Shert his vaine spée­ches at the sight of Tom Foords dead bodie dismem­bred. O blessed Tom. Then being staied, Foord was cut downe & caried to the place where his bodie should be quartered. In which time Shert was brought vp into the cart, where looking towards the dead bodie of Foord, he fell downe on his knées, and held vp his hands vnto it, saieng againe: O happie line 30 Tom, O blessed Tom, thy swéet soule praie for me; O deare Tom, thy blessed soule praie for me. For which words being rebuked, the executioner lifted him vp on his féet, when as he prepared him to his confession, saieng; I am brought hither to this place, to die a death which is both shamefull & ignominious, Sherts ora­tion to the people iustifi­eng the forme of a go [...]lie martyres death. for which I thanke thée my Lord God, who framing me to thine owne similitude and likenesse, hast bles­sed me to this good end. There being staied, because he seemed to prolong the time to small purpose, the line 40 shiriffe willed him to remember himselfe, for what cause he was come thither, how he had offended the queenes maiestie, and that he was now to aske hir forgiuenesse. Besides, he might receiue hir prince­lie mercie; whereto with an hypocriticall outward boldnesse, but an inward fainting feare (as after­ward euerie one plainelie beheld) he gaue this an­swer: What (maister shiriffe) shall I saue this fraile and vile carcasse, Note Sherts obstinacie. and damne mine owne soule? No, no, I am a catholike, in that faith I was borne, in that faith will I die, and here shall my bloud seale it. line 50

Then maister shiriffe spake vnto him, saieng; By the waie as we came you swore an oth, for which you willed me to beare witnesse that you were heartilie sorie: now I praie you let me be a witnesse, that you are heartilie sorie for offending the quéens maiestie. Whie sir (quoth he) I haue not offended hir, without it be in my religion; and if I haue offended hir, then I aske hir forgiuenesse. Maister shiriffe vpon this said vnto him; Is this the fruit of your religion, to kneele to the dead bodie of thy fellow, and to desire line 60 his soule to praie for thée? Alas, what can it either profit or hinder thée? Praie thou to God, and he will helpe thée. Maister shiriffe (quoth Shert) this is the true catholike religion, and whosoeuer is not of it is damned. I desire his soule to praie for me, the most glorious virgin Marie to praie for me, Sh [...]rt is per­emptorie in his spéech to iustifie his re­ligion. and all the holie companie of heauen to praie for me. At which words the people cried; Awaie with the traitor, hang h [...]m, hang him. O Shert (quoth maister shiriffe) for­sake that whoore of Rome, that wicked Antichrist, with all his abhominable blasphemies and treache­ries, and put thy whole confidence in Iesus Christ. Whereto he answered; O maister shiriffe, you little remember the daie when as you & I shall stand both at one barre, and I come as witnesse against you, that you called that holie and blessed vicar of Christ the whoore of Rome. At which words the people cried againe; Hang him, hang him, awaie with him. Then he beganne his Pater noster in Latine, and before he had fullie ended two petitions of it he fell into the Créed, and then to the Pater noster againe, Hudling vp of praiers man­gled and [...]ee­ced togither after the po­pish maner. afterward he said the Aue Maria, which doone, knocking him­selfe on the breast, saieng, Iesus esto mihi Iesus, the cart was drawen awaie, and he committed to the mercie of God. But then, to manifest that his former bold­nesse was but méere dissembling and hypocrisie, he lifted vp his hands, and caught hold on the halter: so that euerie one perceiued his faire outward shew, and his foule inward disfigured nature, also how loth he was and vnwilling to die. Whereby he shewed that he was not indued with the audacitie and stout resolution of the heathen, who for morall vertues sake cast themselues into dangers, manie times deadlie; holding opinion, that he beareth but a coun­terfeit shew of vertue that shrinketh at anie tor­ment, at anie hazard, at anie death, & therefore said:

—virtus
Per scopulos durum fortis anhelat iter.

Robert Iohnson being brought vp into the cart, maister shiriffe, according as he had before, both de­clared vnto him hir maiesties mercie if he would re­pent; and also willed him to be sorie for his offenses against hir: whereof he séemed to make small esti­mation, denieng the treasons according as the o­thers had doone, and appealing likewise vpon his re­ligion. Then was the Who séemed acquainted with all their practises. writer hereof called foorth, who gaue him to vnderstand, how notablie he was approoued guiltie at his arreignment, & euerie mat­ter sufficientlie handled, how according as the rest were, he was confounded to his face. Wherevnto he would make no other answer, but said; Well well, (quoth he) calling the partie by his name, God for­giue the. Then were his answers read vnto him, as they had béen before to the other two, he not yéeld­ing deniall, but said he spake them & would doo it a­gaine. Then was Athanasius Creed mooued to him, which he granted to be the catholike faith, where­of the pope was vicar, and that there was no o­ther catholike faith, but onelie his. Whie (quoth the preacher) the pope is not named in it. I know not that (quoth he againe) I haue not read it. Then mai­ster shiriffe desired him to saie his praiers in Eng­lish, and he with all the companie would praie with him: which he refusing to doo, in his Latine praiers the cart was drawne awaie, and he committed to Gods mercie. And thus was iustice ministred, and that execution to Gods glorie, & the ease of the com­mon wealths gréefe dispatched.

On the wednesdaie following, Execution of Luke Kirbie, William Fil­bie, Thomas Coteham, and Laurence Richardson préests of the popes order▪ which was the thir­tith daie of Maie, in the same maner as I haue be­fore expressed, Luke Kirbie, William Filbie, Tho­mas Coteham, & Laurence Richardson, were com­mitted from the tower of London, to the place of execution; and as the other were on the mondaie be­fore associated and accompanied with diuerse lear­ned and godlie preachers; euen so were these, as to saie, master Charke, master Herne, and diuerse o­thers, who all the waie applied such godlie and christi­an persuasions vnto them (as had not the child of perdition so maruellouslie blinded them) were of force to haue woone them into grace and mercie. The spéeches they vsed to them by the waie were néed­lesse here to set downe, for that they did especiallie concerne causes to root out that wicked opinion in them, and to establish a sound and perfect faith in place thereof; but euen as it was in the other, so it did agrée in them. But Luke Kirbie séemed to cha­lenge [Page 1346] the Who was an obseruer (as he pretended) of all their dooings. writer hereof as sufficient to prooue no­thing against him, which he did bicause it was suppo­sed he was not there present: but what passed be­twéene him & the said writer, you shall heare hereaf­ter. They being come to the place of execution, Wil­liam Filbie was brought vp into the cart, where conforming himselfe vnto the death, his wicked tre­sons were mooued vnto him, which obstinatelie and impudentlie he denied. Then was he demanded if he would acknowledge the quéenes maiestie his so­uereigne princesse, and supreme head vnder Christ of line 10 the church of England? No (quoth he) I will acknow­ledge no other head of the church than the pope onlie. Whervpon his answers were read vnto him, and he not denieng them in anie point, euen as they were wicked and impious, euen so he remained in them, still appealing that it was for his religion that he di­ed, and not for anie treason. But the contrarie was prooued vnto his face, as well by sufficient proofes, as also by the traitorous answers, whereto he had sub­scribed with his owne hand. At last, as he was desi­red, line 20 Most mani­fest and vn­doubted to­ [...]ens of a reso­lute votarie to the pope his [...]. he praied for the queenes maiestie, that God might blesse hir, and incline hir heart to mercie to­ward the catholikes, of which societie he was one. Then they opening his bosome, found there two crosses, which being taken from him were held vp, and shewed to all the people, beside his crowne was shauen. So after a few silent Latine praiers to him­selfe, the cart was drawne awaie.

The next was Luke Kirbie, who being brought vp into the cart, offered long circumstance of spéech, as line 30 concerning that he was come thither to die, hoping to be saued in the bloud of Christ: and much matter, which were néedlesse here to rehearse. Afterward, he began to saie, that there were none could approoue him to be a traitor: neither had he at anie time at­tempted anie thing preiudiciall to hir maiestie, and that his aduersaries, naming them by speciall name, could not vpbraid him with anie thing. Wher­vpon master shiriffe told him that one of them was there, and asked him if he would haue him called to line 40 him. I sée him (quoth he) yonder, and let him saie what he can against me. Then he was the Th [...]obseruer [...]nd writer of [...] their plots and deuises [...]s he preten­ded. partie bid­den come somewhat néere him, to whom he began in vehement sort to saie, Consider with thy selfe how vntrulie thou hast charged me, with that which I ne­uer said nor thought. Besides, thou knowest that when thou camest to the Tower to me, before master lieutenant, & an other who was there present then, thou wast demanded what thou thoughtest of me, and what thou couldest saie against me? When as line 50 thou madest answer, thou knewest no harme by me, neither couldest thou at anie time saie otherwise of me than well: wherevpon thou wast asked, where­fore thou reportedst otherwise at my arreignement? Then the shiriffe said vnto him; Who can beare thée witnes of this? Quoth he againe; He spake it before master lieutenant, and an other was by then. Then was he demanded what other he was that was pre­sent? Which (after long trifling) he said was a kéeper, & named him. Whereto the said writer made answer line 60 as followeth. One of these two must néeds be in a fowle errour: for both hol­ding contra­ries could not speake truth. Master Kirbie, I with and desire you, in the feare of God, to remember your selfe: for this is not a place to report an vntruth, neither to slan­der anie man otherwise than you are able to prooue, Wh [...]n as I came vnto the Tower, & made knowne to master lieutenant for what cause I was sent to speake with you▪ you were brought into a chamber by your kéeper: and what I then mooued, your selfe verie well knoweth, as concerning my allowance being the popes scholer: where what answer you made, I haue trulie, and according as you answe­red, alreadie set downe in print. Master lieutenant neither mooued anie such words to me, as here you reported, and I call God to my witnesse, that not a motion of anie such matter was once offered to me by master lieutenant, or by your kéeper. Your selfe then vttered, that at sundrie times in the seminarie there were diuerse lewd words spoken, which might better haue beene spared; and denied that you were not in my chamber, when as I lieng sicke in my bed, the traitorous speeches were mooued by them, which were then present, whereof your selfe was one; with diuerse other matters which you spake vnto me, which master lieutenant himselfe heard, and your kéeper being present. But if this be true which you saie, that it may be prooued there were either such words mooued vnto me, or anie such answer made by me, I offer to susteine what punishment the law shall affoord me. Then falling to an other matter, Repetitio bene­ficij est expre­bratio. for that this redounded to his owne confusion (as master lieutenant can well witnesse) he began to talke of my being at Rome, what fréendship he had shewed vnto me, and had doone the like vnto a num­ber of Englishmen, whome he well knew not to be of that religion, both by his owne purse, as also by fréending them to some of the popes chamber, he made conueiance for th [...]m thense sometime going fortie miles with them: when (quoth he) had my dea­lings bin knowne, I should hardlie haue bin well thought of: and I knew well inough that you were neuer bent to that religion, albeit they thought the contrarie. Yea I knew well inough when you de­parted thense, that your disposition was contrarie to ours, and concealed it to my selfe.

O Kirbie (quoth master shiriffe) this is verie vn­like, that you could affoord such fauour to anie, Master shi­riffes words vttered by the waie of inter­ception. who were contrarie to that religion that you professed. No, no, if you knew anie such there, you would ra­ther helpe to persecute them than pitie them, as it is the nature of you all. M. Kirbie (quoth this writer) it is verie vnlike that you had anie such secret know­ledge of me, either of my religion, or how I was se­cretlie bent as you séeme here to professe: for had I béene such a one as you would persuade these here you knew me to be, would you haue deliuered me those silken pictures hallowed by the pope which you did: and moreouer, make knowen vnto me sundrie of your friends here in England, to whome I should conueie them? This was great & verie mercifull for­bearance to let all this talke passe to and fro at the place of exe­cution. O sir (quoth he) I confesse indéed I deliuered to thée such pictures, but thou knowest I gaue thee two Iulies to go buy them with, I did it bi­cause I knew thée to be such a one, and therfore I did misdoubt thee, for I would not credit thée with my hallowed pictures. M. Kirbie (quoth the other) to [...]e­nie your owne dooings is maruellous impudencie: did not you in your chamber deliuer me certeine silken pictures, which you told me at Stukleis being there, were hallowed by the pope, and what indul­gences were alowed them? One of them, which was a crucifix, you gaue me; the other you willed me de­liuer to your freends at Rheimes and in England. And bicause they were too few (as in déed I thinke they were no more but fiue) you gaue me two Iu­lies, to go into the citie to buie more, which I did: and hauing brought them to you, thrée or foure of the fai­rest you tooke from me, promising to get them hal­lowed at the next benediction: the other in déed you gaue me, and I tooke them with me. How saie you now Kirbie (quoth master shiriffe) would you haue credited him with such matters, Men indéed vse to repose their trust in such, whom they suppose to be like themselues. had you not suppo­sed him to be one of your owne sect? Master shiriffe (quoth he) what I haue said, I know verie well▪ And after he was gone from Rome I sent fiftéene shil­lings to Rheimes to be deliuered to him, but he was departed thense towards England, before it came.

Then master shiriffe said to him againe; You stand vpon these points verie much, which there is none [Page 1347] that are here, but will iudge to be vntrue: thou hea­rest what he hath said vnto thée, and we haue heard that thou deniedst euerie thing. What saiest thou to thy treasons, Mercie offe­red to Kirbie notwithstan­ding his con­uiction of treason. wherefore thou art come hither to die? Wilt thou be sorie for them? aske God and hir maie­stie forgiuenesse, for she is mercifull, and we will car­rie thee backe againe if we shall perceiue in thée a­nie such motion, that thou wilt forsake thy former wickednesse, and become a good and faithfull subiect. At these words the people among themselues almost line 10 generallie said: O excéeding mercie and fauour! what a gratious princesse haue we, who affoordeth such mercie vnto those that haue so ill deserued? Can there be a princesse of greater pitie, of more clemen­cie or tendernesse to be found in all the world? No.

Principe nil ista mitius orbis habet.

Then Field the preacher in the booke read his an­swers to him, whereto he had subscribed with his owne hand: Whether the pope might lawfullie de­pose hir maiestie, or had anie authoritie to take the line 20 title of hir crowne and dignitie awaie from hir? To such as are prodito­riouslie min­ded it is a matter dispu­table: but to a good subiect a matter deter­minable. Wherto Kirbie answered: This is a matter disputa­ble in schooles, and therefore I may not iudge of it. I thinke this with my selfe, that if anie prince fall by infidelitie into turcisme, atheisme, paganisme, or anie such like, that the pope hath authoritie to depose such a prince. And being asked, if hir maiestie were in anie such? He said, he knew his owne conscience. An other preacher being by said vnto him, that the prince receiued his authoritie from God, and that he line 30 was to be suppressed by none, but onelie by God. A­gaine, that Salomon said: By me (meaning by God) kings reigne, Prou. 8.15, 16. and princes decrée iustice. By me princes rule, and the nobles and all the iudges of the earth. Rom. 13.1, 2, 3, 4. Againe, S. Paule saith: Let euerie soule be subiect to the higher powers, for there is no power but of God, and the powers that be, are ordeined of God. Whosoeuer therefore resisteth the power, resi­steth the ordinance of God, & they that resist, shall re­ceiue to themselues iudgement. For princes are not line 40 to be feared for good works but for euill. Wilt thou then be without feare of the power? doo well, so shalt thou purchase praise of the same. For he is the mini­ster of God for thy wealth; This counsell of the apostle they had not the grace to follow. but if thou doo euill, feare, for he beareth a sword not for naught, for he is the minister of God to take vengeance on him that dooth euill. If then the pope be a soule, he is to be obe­dient to the higher powers. And being a subiect vnto God, as all other princes be, he must not take vpon him what belongeth to God. As for the authoritie line 50 that hir maiestie hath, she hath receiued it from God; neither is the pope, or anie earthlie prince to depriue hir thereof, but onelie God. Againe, when Iesus was brought before Pilat, Pilat said vnto him; Knowest thou not that I haue power to crucifie thée, Iohn. 19.10, 11. and haue power to loose thée? To the which Iesus answered: Thou couldest haue no power at all a­gainst me, except it were giuen thée from aboue. Thus maie you sée, that what prince soeuer ruleth vpon earth, hath his power and authoritie onelie from God: and not that anie mortall man can vse line 60 the authoritie of a prince at his pleasure. How saie you to this? Wherto he would make no answer, but séemed to demand of them, This demand implieth a kind of suspi­cion or secret charge that hir maiestie is such a one. if they would denie, that if a prince were in paganisme, atheisme, or gouer­ned by infidelitie: that such a prince might not law­fullie be deposed? Which the learned preachers an­swered in learned sort, approouing that as the power was of God, so princes were not to be deposed by a­nie, but onelie by God.

No (quoth Kirbie againe) hath it not béene dispu­ted in schooles for these fiue hundred yeares, and will you denie it? O maister Crowleie, maister Crow­leie; and there paused: as if that maister Crow­leie had agreed with him in such a monstruous error. But maister Crowleie himselfe gaue one to vnder­stand, that at such time as he conferred with the said Kirbie in the tower, about the same argument, that his answer was vnto him: If anie prince fell into anie such kind of error, that prince were corrigible, but of whome? Not of anie earthlie prince, but of that heauenlie prince, who gaue him his authoritie, Not of the pope then, be­like, who is not to [...]oore into o [...]her princes pro­uinces, &c. and seeing him abuse it anie waie, correcteth him in his iustice. For by his attributing to the pope this authoritie, he witnessed him to be antichrist, in that he will depose princes at his pleasure, and exalt him selfe aboue all that is called God, and forgiue men their sinnes at his pleasure likewise. All this was not sufficient to mollifie the obstinate mind of Kir­bie, but he would persist still in this diuelish imagi­nation. Maister shiriffe and the preachers, séeing him wauering, and not able to yéeld anie reason for his arrogant opinion, laboured as much as in them laie to change it: when all would not serue, they de­sired him in hartie and humble maner to praie vnto God, to aske hir maiestie forgiuenesse, for the trea­sons wherein he had offended hir. Wherevnto he an­swered, that he had not offended in anie treason, to his knowledge. Wherevpon they shewed him his treasons, which were adiudged by the people woor­thie of greater punishment, Vox popili Dei, vox fertur esse Dei. than he was at that time to suffer; yet would not he acknowledge them, but praied to God for hir maiestie, that she might long rule in hir authoritie, to confound all hir eni­mies: and that his hart was free from anie treason to hir maiestie. Then preparing himselfe vnto his praiers, the preachers desired him to praie in Eng­lish with them, and to saie a praier after them; where­in, if he could find anie fault, he should be resolued thereof. O (quoth he againe) you and I were not one in faith, therefore I thinke I should offend God, if I should praie with you: at which words, the people began to crie, Awaie with him: so he saieng his Pater noster in Latine, ended his life.

Then was Laurence Richardson brought vp into the cart, Laurence Richardson and Thomas Coteham their gestures and spéeches of their deaths. & to him Thomas Coteham to be executed togither. But Coteham séemed to vtter such words as though there had béene hope he would haue forsa­ken his wickednesse, so that the halter was vntied, and he brought downe out of the cart again [...]. In which time Laurence Richardson prepared him to death, confessing himselfe a catholike, and that he would beléeue in all things as the catholike church of Rome did, vnto the pope he allowed the onelie supre­masie. In which traitorous opinion, after certeine Latine praiers, he was committed to God. Then was Coteham brought vp to the cart againe, & the good opinion had of him before changed into that ob­stinat nature that was in them all, saieng to master shiriffe, that before he came into England, he was armed for India, and thither if he might be suffered he would passe with as much conuenient spéed as might be. For he was not so furni­shed for Eng­land as to [...] seules so easi­lie to papi­strie. Then looking to the bodie of Laurence Ri­chardson, whereon the executioner was vsing his of­fice, he lifted vp his hands and said; O blessed Lau­rence praie for me, thy blessed soule Laurence praie for me: for which words both t [...]e preachers and the people rebuked him, telling him that he ought to praie to none, but to God onelie; all helpe of man was but in vaine. Whereto he answered, he was assured that he could praie for him. In bréefe, his treasons being mooued to him, he denied all, albeit his owne handwriting was there to affirme it. He praied for hir maiestie, and said his Pater noster & Aue Maria: and as the cart was drawing away he said; In marius tuas He should haue said Daemon. Domine commendo spiritum meum, and then he died. Thus did the broome of iustice swéepe awaie these noisome cobwebs, noisome both to church and [Page 1348] commonwealth, as being of the diuels h [...]tching, but nurssed and fostered of poperie, to insnare and trap seelie soules, as the spider dooth the flie: from whome the Lord God deliuer euerie member of his church.

On the second daie of Iune, Philip Prise was hanged in Fléetstréet for killing one of the shiriffes sergeants that had arrested him. Philip Price hanged in Fleetstreet for killing of a sergeant. This man at his death, as inwardlie touched with sorrow for the of­fense which he had committed and died, gaue such ap­parant tokens and notes of a repentant mind; line 10 that partlie with his spéeches which were patheticall, and partlie with his teares which were plentifull, as also with his vehement sighs and greeuous grones, ioined with diuerse other gestures (great signes of inward grace) he so mooued the beholders, that ma­nie which beheld him, pitied his wofull end, most yea in maner all (whereof some were such as a man would haue thought had neuer a teare to shed at such a sight, hauing viewed diuerse the like and more lamentable spectacles) with wet eies beheld line 20 him, and yet in heart reioised that he died reconciled to God. On the eight and twentith of Iune, Pere­grine Bartie lord Willoughbie of Grobie appoin­ted ambassador to Frederike the second king of Denmarke with the garter, Lord Wil­loughbie am­bassador sent into Den­marke. wherevnto he had béene elected & chosen a long time before, tooke his leaue of the quéenes maiestie at Gréenewich; with whome sir Gilbert Dethicke aliàs Garter principall king of armes was ioined in commission, for the inuesting of the said king into the order; and Robert Glouer line 30 aliàs Summerset herald was also present, and gaue his attendance in the same voiage, as likewise did a competent number of gentlemen and yeomen, in all to the number of six and fiftie persons, besides mariners, &c. The said lord ambassador prepared him­selfe towards Kingstone vpon Hull, where he im­barked with his whole traine on the fourtéenth daie of Iulie, and prosperouslie arriued at Elsemore in Denmarke on the one and twentith daie of the same moneth, where he was honorablie interteined. line 40

On the thirtéenth daie of August he presented him­selfe before the king in his castell of Croneborough, and made his first spéech vnto him in Latine; which spéech being ended, The lord am­bassadors ora­tion in Latine to the king of Denmarke, &c the lord Willoughbie deliuered vnto the king hir maiesties letters, and withall the commission for the kings inuesture into that hono­rable order of the garter. Which letters the king o­pened, and deliuered them to Henrie Ramelis his chancellor for Germanie to read, whom he comman­ded line 50 to answer my lords former oration. From the king my lord was conueied to the quéenes presence, vnto whome also he deliuered hir maiesties letters with salutations. The next daie being thursdaie the fouretéenth of August, the king roiallie prepared, receiued the robes of the order with his owne hands, The king of Denmarke inuested into the right ho­norable order of the garter. and with great contentment accepted and ware the garter, the collar, and the George, when as my lord concluded the whole dedication with sundrie wel­wishings. In the end whereof he put the king in mind line 60 of the oth and thankefull acceptation of the order to be testified by a publike instrument, as was before promised, where vnto the king answered by his chan­cellor Nicholas Kaas with manie effectuall words: and immediatlie in signe of ioie, a great volee was discharged of all the great shot in his castell, and the lord ambassador with all his traine was roiallie fea­sted & rewarded. On thursdaie the sixtéenth daie of August, the king tooke my lord ambassador foorth on hunting two leagues from Elsemore, and there in the dinner time vttered manie louing spéeches. And after, to wit, on the one and twentith of September the lord ambassador with all his traine imbarked at Emden, and arriued at Bromeholme in Norffolke on thursdaie the seauen and twentith daie of Sep­tember.

On the nineteenth daie of Iulie certeine ferkins of gunpowder to the number of seauen, Misfortune by gunpow­der. and as ma­nie or more ferkins of sturgeon laden in a car vpon Galleie keie néere vnto the Tower of London, some small portion of the same powder being shed on the ground, the horsse in the said carre stroke fire with his foot, and fired all togither, where-through the stur­geon was blowen awaie, some into the Thames, some elsewhere: one ferkin was driuen through a lome wall that was boorded ouer, but all was spoi­led and lost, the cra [...]e on the wharffe with the houses neere adioining shattered, manie men and horsses sore blasted; the thrée men and seauen horsses died thereof. Strange tempest in Norffolke. On the twelfe daie of August there arose a great tempest of lightening, thunder, whirlewind, and raine, with hailestones fashioned like to the ro­wels of spurs two or thrée inches about in the coun­tie of Norffolke, betweene the market townes of north Walsham and Worsted (the towne wherein the making of woorsteds commmonlie called Nor­wich woorsted was first practised and tooke their be­ginning) which tempest beat the corne flat vnto the ground, rent vp manie great trees, and shiuered them in peeces, or woond them like withies. At Hening more than a mile from Worsted, the west doore of the church, weieng more than thrée hundred pound weight, was lifted off the hookes, and throwne ouer the font, within one yard of the chancell doore; the top of the church was riuen vp, and the lead as it were blowen awaie; fiue webs of lead were ruffled vp togither, like as they had béene clouts of linnen cloth, and blowen into the field without the church­yard. Also at east Russen were manie barnes blow­en downe, and houses vncouered.

This yeare Michaelmasse terme was reiourned from the vtas thereof, Anno reg. 2 [...]. vntill the fourth returne of the same called Mense Michaelis, Terme kept at Hertford. and from the said re­turne vntill the returne commonlie called Crastino animarum next insuing, & then reiorned from West­minster to the castell of Hertford in Hertfordshire, there to begin in the said Crastino animarum, and to be continued till the end of the same terme, which was doone accordinglie, where was plentie of good viands to be had for monie, but lodging hard and scant; be­sides the long and plashie waie that manie had vnto their hosts, and then peraduenture sléepe in the chim­neie corner, or vpon the hard boords with a pillow vnder their heads. Was not this a good amends?

This yeare Peter Moris frée denison, Thames wa­ter conueied ouer saint Magnus stéeple. hauing made an engine for that purpose, conueied Thames water in pipes of lead ouer the stéeple of saint Mag­nus church, at the north end of London bridge, and so into diuerse mens houses in Thames stréet, new Fish stréet, and Grasse street, vp vnto the northwest corner of Leaden hall (the highest ground of the citie of Lond [...]n) where the waste of the first maine pipe ran first this yeare one thousand fiue hundred eigh­tie and two on Christmasse éeuen: which maine pipe being since at the charges of the citie brought vp in­to a standard there made for that purpose, and diui­ded into foure seuerall spouts ran foure waies, plen­tifullie seruing to the vse of the inhabitants néere adioining that will fetch the same into their houses, and also clensed the chanels of the stréets, north to­wards Bishopsgate, east towards Aldgate, south towards the Bridge, and west towards the Stocks market. No doubt a great commoditie to that part of the citie, and would be farre greater, if the said water were mainteined to run continuallie, or at the least, at euerie tide some reasonable quantitie, as at the first it did; but since is much aslaked, tho­rough whose default I know not, sith the engine is [Page 1349] sufficient to conueie water plentifullie: which being well considered by Barnard Randolph esquier, Iustice Ran­dolph h [...]s cha­ritie. com­mon sergeant of the citie of London: he being a­liue, gaue and deliuered to the companie of the fish­mongers in London a round sum to be imploied to­ward the conducting of Thames water for the good seruice of the commonwealth in conuenient order. Other legacies verie liberallie and bountifullie he gaue by his testament to be laid out in works of cha­ritie, as I haue noted more at large hereafter in due line 10 place, vpon occasion of recording the daie of his death. The publication of whose acts, as also of di­uerse others, if they may mooue the rich of this world to part with some small portion of their store to the like christian vses, I shall be glad, and thinke my paines worth the printing: otherwise I saie with one that persuading this age to walke worthie of their calling, and doubting his words should be but wind, concluded with this interrogatiue distichon:

Sed quid verba miser non proficientia per do? line 20
Quid iuuat in vacuos missa loquela notos?

Publike lec­ture of sur­gerie founded in London, & presentlie red (as also in the life of the founder) by doctor For­ster, to his high praise & credit.This yeare 1582 was there instituted and first founded a publike lecture or lesson in surgerie, to begin to be read in the college of physicians in Lon­don, in Anno 1584, the sixt daie of Maie, against that time new reedified in a part of the house that do­ctor Linacre gaue by testament to them, by Iohn Lumleie lord Lumleie, and Richard Caldwell do­ctor in physicke, to the honour of God, the common profit of hir maiesties subiects, and good same, with line 30 increase of estimation and credit of all the surgians of this realme. The reader whereof to be a doctor of physicke, and of good practise and knowledge, and to haue an honest stipend, no lesse than those of the vni­uersities erected by king Henrie the eight, namelie of law, diuinitie, and physicke, and lands assured to the said college for the maintenance of the publike lesson; wherevnto such statutes be annexed as be for the great commoditie of those which shall giue and incline themselues to be diligent hearers for the ob­teining line 40 of knowledge in surgerie, as whether he be learned or vnlearned that shall become an auditor or hearer of the lecture, he may find himselfe not to repent the time so imploied. First twise a wéeke tho­rough out the yeare; to wit, on wednesdaies and fri­daies, at ten of the clocke till eleuen, shall the reader read thrée quarters of an houre in Latine, and the o­ther quarter in English, wherein that shall be plain­lie declared for those that vnderstand not Latine, what was said in Latine. What exerci­ses are to be followed in the said col­lege by the will of the founder. The first yeares exer­cises. And the first yeare to read Horatius Morus tables, an epitome or briefe hand­ling line 50 of all the whole art of surgerie, that is, of swel­lings or apostems, wounds, vlcers, bonesetting, and healing of bones broken, termed commonlie fractions, and to read Oribasius of knots and Ga­len of bands, such workes as haue beene long hid, and are scarselie now a daies among the learned knowen, and yet are (as the anatomies) to the first enterers in surgerie and nouices in physicke; but a­mongst the ancient writers and Grecians well line 60 knowne. At the end of the yeare in winter to dis­se [...]t openlie in the reading place all the bodie of man especiallie the inward parts for fiue daies togither, as well before as after dinner; if the bodies may so last without annoie.

The second years exer­cises.The second yeare to read Tagaultius institutions of surgerie, and onelie of swellings or apostems, and in the winter to dissect the trunke onelie of the bodie, namelie from the head to the lowest part where the members are, and to handle the muscles especiallie. The third yeare to read of wounds one­lie of Tagaultius, The third yeares, and fourth yeares exercises. and in winter to make publike dis­section of the head onelie. The fourth yeare to read of vlcers onlie the same author, and to anatomize or dissect a leg and an arme for the knowledge of mus­cles, sinewes, arteries, veines, gristles, ligaments, and tendons. The fift and sixt yeares ex­ercises, and so to continue with Re [...]e [...]n [...]i [...] princip [...]. The fift yeare to read the sixt booke of Paulus Aegineta, and in winter to make anatomie of a skeleton, & therwithall to shew & declare the vse of certeine instruments; as Scamnum Hippocratis, and other instruments for setting in of bones. The sixt yeare to read Holerius of the matter of surge­rie, as of medicines for surgians to vse. And the seuenth yeare to begin againe, and continue still. A godlie and charitable erection doubtlesse, such as was the more néedfull, as hitherto hath beene the want and lacke so hurtfull: sith that onelie in ech vniuersities by the foundation of the ordinarie and publike lessons, there is one of physicke, but none of surgerie, and this onelie of surgerie and not of physicke, I meane so as physicke is now taken sepa­ratelie from surgerie, and that part which onelie v­seth the hand as it is sorted from the apothecarie. So that now England may reioise for those happie bene­factors & singular welwillers to their countrie, who furnish hir so in all respects, that now she may as compare for the knowledge of physicke so by means to come to it, with France, Italie, and Spaine, and in no case behind them but for a lecture in simples, which God at his pleasure may procure, in moouing some hereafter in like motion and instinct to be as carefull and beneficiall as these were to the helpe and furtherance of their countrie. Ab. Fl. Specta­tor & auditor. ¶At the publication of this foundation, which was celebrated with a good­lie assemblie of doctors collegiats and licentiats, as also some masters of surgerie, with other students, some whereof had beene academicall; doctor Cald­well so aged that his number of yéeres with his white head adding double reuerence to his person (whereof I may well saie no lesse than is left written of a doc­tor of the same facultie verie famous while he liued,

Conspicienda aetas, sed & ars prouectior annis,
Famáque Paeonio non renuenda choro)

euen he, notwithstanding his age and impotencie, made an oration in Latine to the auditorie, the same by occasion of his manifold debilities vnfinished at the direction speciallie of the president, Doctor Gil­sord president of the college of physicians. who (after a few words, shortlie and swéetlie vttered) gaue occasi­on and opportunitie to D. Forster, then and yet the appointed lecturer, to deliuer his matter, which he dis­charged in such methodicall maner, that ech one pre­sent indued with iudgement, conceiued such hope of the doctor, touching the performance of all actions incident vnto him by that place, as some of them continued his auditors in all weathers, and still hold out; whose diligence he requiteth with the imparting of further knowledge than the said publike lecture dooth affoord. When the assemblie was dissolued, and the founder accompanied home, diligent care was taken for the due preferring of this established exer­cise: insomuch that D. Caldwell, and D. Forster, to furnish the auditors with such bookes as he was to read, caused to be printed the epitome of Horatius Morus first in Latine: then in English, which was translated by the said doctor Caldwell. But before it was halfe perfected, the good old doctor fell sicke, and as a candle goeth out of it selfe, or a ripe apple falling from the trée, so departed he out of this world at the doctors commons, where his vsuall lodging was; & was verie worshipfullie buried. But of his death hereafter, in the yeare 1584: where the daie of his decease being mentioned, matter worth the reading shall be remembred.]

Francis of Ualois, the kings onlie brother, Francis of Ualois at­tempteth di­uerse exploits, the issue whereof fell out to his misfortune. duke of Louthier, Brabant, Limbourgh, Gelders, An­iou, Alanson, &c: earle of Flanders, Holland, Ze­land, &c: marquesse of the sacred empire, lord of Friseland, &c: hauing now indifferentlie well (with [Page 1350] his good successes h [...]d in the vittelling, and remoouing the séeges of Cambreie and Lothem, and winning the townes of Alaft and Endonan) gotten the harts of the people, and by that meanes placed his French­men in Dunkirke, Winexburgh, Dixmide, Dex­mond, Uilno [...]d, and other places, thought now (v­sing yoong & euill counsell) to make himselfe a more absolute prince, The monsi­ [...]urs ambition spreading like [...] canker. as though it were too base a thing for his highnesse to rule with the aduise of the estates of the countries. Wherfore hauing come to him out line 10 of France the marshall Biron, with great troops of Swissers and Frenchmen, he now causeth them all at one time; to wit, on the seuenth of Ianuarie, to inuade so manie townes as they could make them­selues maisters of; which with them tooke effect in the aboue named townes, but at Bridges they were put out. And at Antwerpe on the said seuenth daie, vn­der the pretense to muster his armie without the towne, vpon the verie noone time of the daie, when the citizens were at dinner, he causeth two gates (as line 20 vncerteine by which he would go) to be opened for him, and the chaines ouerthwart the stréets to be vn­chained, which (for some suspicion had of the French­men without) were locked: then he issued out with all his court and a great number of gentlemen, verie braue, mounted on great horsses aboue two hun­dred, manie of them being secretlie armed vnder their garments, The French gentlemen ware armor vnder their garments: with good meaning no doubt. and comming to saint Iames gate. At the bridge without met him certeine of his com­panies of horssemen and footmen, who staied them­selues line 30 on both sides the waie, making as it were a lane for the duke to passe by with a few of his: who being past them, made a token to them with his cap, to inuade the citie: wherevpon his men killed the watch, with the coronell Uierendell, that stood bare headed to sée their prince passe. Then entred the gate seuenteene ensignes of footmen, and foure coronels of horssemen, the Swissers following, & the duke cri­eng to them, March, march, La ville est gagnee, mais me pillon point. Being thus stronglie entred they line 40 cried, The monsi­eur was glad to retire not­withstanding this confident clamor. Ville gagnee viue la messe, and tooke in on both sides the bulworks, turned the ordinance towards the citie, & came by diuers stréets almost to the midst of the citie. The citizens at dinner hearing the a­larum, verie furiouslie issued out, with such weapons as first came to their hands, and set vpon them, first, by the bylanes, other some chained vp the streets, and so barred them from going anie further. They turne all against the soldiors that were entred the ci­tie with most violent shot. In the meane space the line 50 citizens néere and about the gate with their harque­bussers bestow their small shot as thicke as haile out of windowes vpon the gate, where first they killed a horsse, and then diuers men entring, which troubled the other following, that a great number was euen in the verie gate killed, and so heaped one vpon ano­ther that the gate was stopped; wherby all that were entred within the citie, in lesse than in one houres space were killed or taken prisoners. Wherein the citizens behaued themselues so valiantlie, & so man­lie, line 60 that manie for lacke of leaden pellets, tooke their monie out of their purses, bowed it with their teeth, and put it in stead of pellets in their harquebussers:

Sic sese & sobolem charam, cum vxore mariti
Defendunt, Gallis ne praeda voracibus essent.

In this skirmish of so litle space were slaine aboue 1530 Frenchmen horssemen and footmen, Noblemen & oth [...]r French [...] priso­n [...]s. told at the burieng, and more than two thousand prisoners ta­ken, amongst the which were the earle Fernaugus, the bishop of Constance, and manie other notable personages. And amongst the dead were the earle of saint Agnau and his sonne, the earle of Chasteau­rousse, the sonne of the marshall of France Biron: monsieur de Saisonall gouernor of Uilnord, Noblemen of France slaine the sonne of the lord Miranbeau, and others. A mar­uellous act of citizens in their defense without anie soldiors, against old soldiors and tried men of armes, and number of so great nobilitie. A maruellous con­tinencie & clemencie of rough citizens against their enimies, in kéeping their hands from the killing of prisoners whome they had in their power, and surelie a woonderfull worke of God.

The prince of Orange with others had refused to go foorth, and his danger was not small; with other gentlemen more, and lords of the religion. The prince Dolphin, the earle Lamall and others were with the duke lookers on, and intercessors for their friends whom they reckoned dead. After that fact, the duke with his campe was forced for lacke of vittels and necessaries, Francis duke of Aniou and Alanson re­tireth. to retire him with his armie toward Machlin, and from thense with great difficultie passing great waters, with losse of manie a man got to Dermond, where he was kept in by the generall Norris, with three and twentie ensignes English­men and Scots, so that he lacked vittels and neces­saries, whereby he was forced, Generall Norris with 23. ensignes. as also to haue his prisoners restored, to enter into a treatie with the e­states, to surrender all the townes by his men pos­sessed, and to retire him to Dunkirke: where further with the estates, by intercession of princes was ho­ped a reconcilement to be made. But he séeing the countrie vnwilling, and finding himselfe sicke (as it was thought) of melancholie, he retired from Dun­kirke toward France. And so as he was retired, the prince of Parma for king Philip, Francis duke of Alanson and of Aniou sickeneth. caused Dunkirke to be besieged, few Frenchmen left within it. And as the states Generall and the prince of Orange would haue sent thither to rescue the towne, the marshall Biron with his Frenchmen and Swissers, the Fle­mings chéeflie they of Gaunt, partlie for hatred of the French, and partlie that manie now were be­come Spanish, would not suffer him to come ouer into Flanders, whereby Dunkirke was forced to surrender: and this losse being imputed to the duke, increased his sickenesse, so that he died at Chasteau Thierie the tenth of Iulie 1583, & was roiallie buri­ed at saint Diones by Paris.

¶ But before we passe the absolute cōmemoration of the monsieur, Abr. Fl. ex lib. cui tit. Regret funebre, contenant le dis­cours de la mor [...] de Monseigneu [...] fils de France, frere vnicque, du roy. sith in some remembrances we haue atteined to a perfection, it shall not be amisse héere to annex the manner of his sicknesse, as also the ve­rie speeches which he vttered, as they are reported by Iames Berson Parisien, preacher to the French king, and to the said monsieur, in a discourse by him published, vnder the title of A funerall complaint, &c. Wherein whatsoeuer is spoken, deserueth the grea­ter credit, for that the said Berson was vpon his owne certeine knowledge able to giue out the truth, and therfore intimateth to the readers of his treatise, that they are not to looke for either flatteries, or hau­tie, proud, and lieng arguments: he being the man who assuredlie was able to answer and beare witnes of the pietie, religion, and departure of monsieur, a sonne of France, and the kings onelie brother in the fauor of God, as the same vpon whome he reposed himselfe concerning his conscience, soule and salua­tion; and hauing from the beginning of his sickenes administred vnto him the holie sacrament, and did assist him to the end. You are therfore to vnderstand, that after Meaning Berson the monsieurs preacher and the writer of this discourse. my said lords crosse haps and danger of life in the low countries, and his returne into his du­chie of Castle Thierie, his naturall & brotherlie reso­lution taken to go alone to Paris, there to yéeld him selfe to his maiesties armes, a déed to be accounted and taken as a strong bulworke against whatsoeuer the popular and enuious slanders: after his returne home he conceiued an extreame contentation in dailie hearing of sermons, yea not satisfied with the [Page 1351] onelie hearing of them, he greatlie delited to talke of the same, also to haue the same repeated vnto him. Thus did our Lord in conuenient time dispose his soule, The maner of the monsieurs sickenesse. which he purposed shortlie to visit in his next sickenesse, and that was an ague that continu­ed without equalitie vntill the thirtéenth of March, and then he fell into so strange a iudgement, that all euen the physicians began to doubt of him. For a flux of bloud issued so continuallie out of his nose and mouth, that they were still forced to hold him line 10 a basen, whereinto he voided the pure and cléere bloud. When all men were as it were astonied ther­at, himselfe began with a perfect mind and vnder­standing to saie; My friends, helpe me, will you suf­fer a christian prince thus to die? Now is the time come that God will call me to account: cause mon­sieur Berson to come hither.

When I came, ha monsieur Berson (said this good prince) I am dead, I must acknowledge my God; my frend flatter me not, I will reconcile my selfe. line 20 Alas I am a great sinner, will not God haue mer­cie on me? Will not he forgiue me? I answered, There is no dout my lord but vpon humbling your selfe before his holie maiestie with contrition, you shall obteine remission of your sinnes. My lord, you are verie sicke, Bersons words of comfort to the monsieur, whether his disease were naturall, or procéeding [...]rom God. I will not flatter with you, but your whole life and your selfe resteth in the hands of God. Sickenes is naturall, or sent by God for a warning; if your disease be naturall there is hope: we will vse all means for remedie. On the one side the physici­ans line 30 are here readie, who shall imploie themselues. On the other side, all the world is in praier & deuoti­on for your health. If it procéedeth from God, it is a warning to you for the rest of your life, to the end to draw you neerer to him, either else to aduertise you of your naturall condition: that is, that you are mortall & must once paie this debt, and restore your soule to God who lent it to you, at whatsoeuer time he shall call for it. Now my lord, sith we can not cer­teinlie discerne the one from the other, is it not best line 40 for you to conforme your will to Gods will. Also in case God granteth you to ouerliue this sickenesse, are you not resolued to better your life, and to liue more in his feare than before? Againe, if he be deter­mined to call you out of this world, are not you con­tent to go into Abrahams bosome, and there to rest vnder the protection of his mercie? Resolue your selfe my lord, you haue a goodlie soule.

The mon­si [...]urs reso­lu [...]e to die.I am (said this good prince) fullie resolued in the will of my God, let him doo with me whatsoeuer line 50 shall please him: onelie that he will vouchsafe to haue mercie on me. I wold reconcile me but I shall hardlie speake: and in truth the bloud still belched out into the basen which Namelie Berson. I held with one hand, whilest with a handkercher in the ot [...]er I wiped from his face and brest a great cold sweat that euen smelt of death: as also I perceiued his nostrils to be closed vp, his eies sunke, and heard the ratling and bloud that stopped him vp. Euerie bodie being gone forth I said vnto him, My lord straine not your selfe line 60 to speake much, onelie begin with the chiefest mat­ters, and those that most trouble your conscience, and for the rest I will instruct you. Then ioining his hands and lifting vp his eies vnto heauen, he began to sigh, mourne, and sob with extreame contrition and griefe, which when I perceiued, I still indeuou­red to assure him in talking to him of God and of the merits of the bloud of Iesus Christ, wherein the greater delight that he conceiued, the more did he detest himselfe as a most miserable sinner: then might you haue séene among much sweat which as pearles ran downe his haire and heard, the great teares trickeling downe his eies, whiles with great paine he accused himselfe.

After this, diuerse spéeches passed with certeine a­ctions betweene the monsieur and Berson, which to omit is lesse offensiue than to publish. To procéed then, the monsieur lieng in his agonie, be thought him (amongest other things) of his familie, and said; Alas I mone none but my poore seruants, & withall, that I shall die without celebration of mine East­er: will not the Lord grant me that grace? Then Berson who was then bu­sie about cer­teine ceremo­nies incident to the time and his office. I promised him that God would heare so iust a petiti­on, and therefore willed him a while to haue patience, it should not be the first miracle that euer our Lord had wrought. Hauing thus spoken, certeine cere­monies were solemnlie commensed and finished, not without manie speeches interchanged betwéene the monsieur and Berson; insomuch that (saith he) I can not rehearse all that he said vnto me; but this I dare assure you, that if his health had continued, I was thereby in hope of most profitable effects to all christendome, Great hope conceiued of the monsieur if he had not beene preuen­ted with d [...]ath. and to the estate and quietnesse of our France. But we were not worthie, our sinnes crieng for vengeance to God, who as he punisheth nations by giuing them wicked princes, so dooth he also chastise them by taking from them the good, euen at such time as they are readie to reléeue vs, and af­terward we haue cause to lament and moorne.

His health after this first fit continued a while, but by reason of a crum of bread that stucke in the v­uula, and thereby procured a violent cough with spit­ting of bloud, he fell into it againe, and from thense­foorth kept his bed, sometimes well and sometimes ill, yet eating his meat reasonablie well, howbeit gathering no force to the substance of his bodie. Fi­nallie, the same daie that the physicians (after the view of the operation of a medicine) had conceiued a better opinion of him than before; being saturdaie the ninth of Iune about eight of the clocke at night, he was taken with a maruellous shortnesse of wind, The monsieur falleth into an extremitie of his maladie, and past hope of recouerie. and a paine in one of his sides: and séeing himselfe so taken before anie man spake to him, he sent for me, saieng; Now is the time that I must die, you haue greatlie abused me; howbeit they vsed all diligence. But about midnight, when there was no further hope, they sent for me. When I was come I found the good prince laid in his estate, of whome trulie I had no other opinion but that death was at hand, and therefore was verie importunat to speake vnto him, fearing least he should haue died without the sacrament, which so greatlie he had longed for.

One commendable matter I noted in the nobi­litie there present, which was; that there was not one but did importunatlie vrge to speake vnto him of God: for mine owne part I was verie vnpatient, & euerie one was in feare to speake first. One there was that willed me to change mine apparell, & to put on a blacke garment, least he should conceiue anie mistrust. How (said I) can I so doo? He hath sent for me, and knoweth my clothing: if by my spéech he should know me, and then find my clothing chan­ged, he will enter a greater apprehension of death than before: therefore consider of it, if anie thing fall out amisse, it will be a perpetuall reproch to vs all. In the end monsieur Fougier his steward a ve­rie wise man so ordered the matter, and with such discretion, that he brake with him of it. At that time was he ouercome with a drowsie sléepe, and still hol­den with a short wind, accompanied with continuall sweats, and sometime would aske; Doo men [...]te thus? saith the monsie [...]r drawing t [...] his end. Doo men die thus? On the tenth daie of Iune which was sundaie, after diuers ceremoniall actions dispatched, and spée­ches to and fro vttered, with pitifull sighs on all sides of inward setled sorow; the monsieur desired that he might sléepe a while: but his sleepe was not long yer he awaked, when betwixt him and Berson (all the rest being gone) something was said and doone, [Page 1352] which (belike) was not for euerie eare & eie to heare or see. In the end, Berson perceiuing by manifest indications, that death preased vpon him, vsed these words to the monsieur, some (of likeliehood) being then within the hearing. My lord, in the beginning of your sickenesse, Bersons words to the monsieur in the hearing of diuerse gen­tlemen pre­sent. you & I made a ioint promise vnto God, wherwith I am burdened: now therefore I doo vnburden my selfe thereof, vnlesse you will helpe to burden me againe. We are witnesses that you haue loued God: now is the time that you must acknow­ledge him, you are verie sicke, but your soule is line 10 sound in your bodie. If it please our good God to grant you life, he granteth it to the end you should amend; so should your selfe be happie, and we content that you should liue. If he vouchsafe [...]o call you in­to paradise, how blessed shall you be, or where may you be better? So that whatsoeuer happen, be it life, be it death, still shall you be content and happie. Re­solue your selfe therefore wholie in the will of God. All we here are your faithfull seruants, and those who euermore haue desired to be so fortunate as to be ho­nored line 20 with your commandements; whose eies and eares haue alwaies beene open to heare and obeie you, and to fulfill your will; neuer did you command anie thing, but you were immediatlie obeied. Now know you, that your selfe are Gods seruant; him you must obeie, and to his will must you wholie re­solue your selfe: whether it be his will you should liue, or is his pleasure you should die still saie: His will be doone. line 30

His will (meaning Gods) be doone, saith the monsieur with a forced spéech on his death bed.Then with a forced speech this good prince said: His will be doone. Take no care my lord said I, for anie worldlie matters. Greatnesse, riches, and re­nowme doo perish. Paradise is to be found and pos­sessed. It is a great matter to be a kings sonne, but it is much greater to be the child of God. You are now as a child new borne, you want nothing but the food of the children of God: you haue no more to doo, but to communicat in the pretious bodie of our Lord: it is here readie, would you not gladlie haue line 40 it? I will cause you easilie to vse it. He answered yes. Then taking the holie sacrament I began to saie vnto him: My Lord Iesus the heauenlie word and euerlasting sonne of God, in old time inuisible, did in the end visiblie manifest himselfe to the world in humane flesh, by taking vpon him our visible and passible nature: but because he was not perpetuallie to remaine in this humane vale, reuiuing and as­cending into heauen, we had him no longer to touch and handle carnallie and visiblie. And therefore to line 50 the end not to faile of his promise, The institu­tion and vse of the sacrament of the bodie and bloud of Christ. that he would be still with vs vntill the consummation of the world; he hath giuen vs inuisiblie his pretious bodie & bloud vnder these holie signes and sacraments, that by the communion in such and so pretious a gift, we might be strengthened in his loue, & through his grace be de­fended against all temptations & stumbling blocks of our saluation: like as Elias, who in the strength of the food for him miraculouslie ordeined, after his sléepe trauelled long iournies, euen vntill he did sée line 60 God. Receiue therefore this signe and testimonie of the remission of your sinnes, and when you shall be presented before the maiestie of God, it shall be vnto you a badge and token that you belong vnto him.

Then lifting vp his eies and looking all about him, this good prince opened his mouth, which presentlie I moistened with his drinke, & so gaue him the holie sacrament, and againe powred in some of his drinke to swallow it withall, which he did both deuoutlie and couragiouslie; insomuch that afterward he did eat & speake better than he had doone all the night & morning before, to the great contentation of all the [...]ompanie: in whose presence I did againe exhort him saieng: Now my lord, behold you are armed with the cheefe of all your desire, I beséech you com­fort your selfe in the Lord. Bersons ex­hor [...]atorie speeches to the monsieur, preparing and setling him­selfe to Cod­ward. It is a great fauour that he hath shewed you, in making you (as it appea­reth) inheritor vnto the faith, pietie, and christianitie of the kings of France, whose faith and descent you doo hold.

Let your soule now re [...]oise, yea although you should now die. Thinke what a contentation vn­to you it shall be; to be discharged from so manie worldlie affaires, what a pleasure to exchange this mortall life for an immortall, glorious and perdura­ble life; feare no lets: the waie is alreadie beaten, alreadie are they passed the same, whose greatnesse & faith you do [...] insue. The patriarchs doo tarie for you, the prophets doo call you: the apostles doo stretch foorth their armes vnto you: the martyrs doo inuite you: the confessors doo solicit you: the virgins doo giue you place: all the saincts doo looke for you. We haue discharged all the duties of faithfull seruants, and such as loue you hartilie. And hauing thus spo­ken, with a demand or two made, and their answers added: Berson, being the mouth of the residue, said of the monsieur drawing on; that they (meaning himselfe and the companie present) waited but for the houre of his death: yet had he one houre and a halfe to liue. So soone as we were goone, he desired to haue his head laid lower: his chamberleine im­mediatlie called to vs for helpe, & suddenlie he gaue vp the ghost: my selfe Iames Berson, at the dissolu­tion of his sweet soule from his louelie bodie, vsing these words: Go and passe on christian soule, and re­turne to him that hath created thée, &c.

He went awaie so swéetlie that it could hardlie be perceiued, The mon­sieur depar­ture out of this world like a lamp, whose light [...] for want o [...] oile. insomuch that some who could not be persuaded that he was dead (for his eies were open and cléere, and his countenance no whit changed) held a looking glasse to his mouth, but there was no signe of life: others féeling his pulses, imagined they did beat, but that was bicause they were strai­ned euen to the nailes ends. At this word, He is gone, oh what pitie! oh God what tears! what sighes! what sobs! all was dissolued into howling and cries: those that in armor were forwardest, were now rea­diest in teares, sundrie swooned in the chamber, at the sound hereof the towne quaked, the castell soun­ded most lamentable voices: yea my selfe hauing lost all courage was forced to open the poole of my head, and to vnstop the gate of my hart, to the end with teares and lamentations to discharge that af­fection which I bare vnto him.

About foure of the clocke, Maruellous [...] of in­ward loue & [...] affectiō [...] the mon [...]eur de­parted. when all were departed I tooke the linnen wherein he was lapped from about the bodie of this good prince, then did I laie and order it honestlie and with reuerence handled it, some of vs also had so good hap as to kisse his hands & head. Oh my good lord and master, neuer durst I haue béene so bold, had it not beene for the confidence you reposed in me: alas whie was it so late befo [...]e I did know you, to serue you so small a time? Infinitlie am I forced to print you in my remembrance, in­graue you in my soule, and to burie you in my hart, for that you vouchsafed to make mine eares gardi­ans of that which rested in your conscience. Mourne, The [...]e be ve­rie [...] & [...] [...]eed. mourne with me my masters, and all ye the officers of his house: we haue l [...]st the best master in the world for euer shall the tenth daie of Iune beare witnesse of our mishap: hereafter shall we neuer vpon that daie haue occasion to hold merie feast be­twéene twelue and one of the clocke, the houre of the decease of so desired a prince▪ The yeare 1584 is in­déed a yeare of reuolu [...]on. France, France, quar­ter thine armes & in [...] of lions sow in teares: for the Lord taketh from vs all our noble & honorable, [Page 1353] and taketh the good to depriue vs of them, for my part I will beare thee companie. Moreouer for his trespasses I doo giue him flowres, and for his bodie in ashes the lamentations of Flanders, at the least I inherit in his right an example of vertue, accoun­ting my selfe infinitlie bounden vnto their maie­sties, who gaue me to doo the seruice apperteining to my ministerie, For he was preacher, &c: to the moun­sieur and lost dimidium ani­mae suae vp his death. vnto a prince that loued me so much, and in whose house all men honored me, whose ora­tor I doo most deuoutlie rest, desiring them to haue line 10 patience, though for recompense they haue no more but my selfe. Requiescat in pace. This is all that we purposed to saie touching the monsieur, hauing o­mitted much that is not communicable, & now will we turne our pen vpon passage to England, noting occurrents of our owne.]

Ground re­moued.The thirtéenth daie of Ianuarie, in the parish of Ermitage in a place called Blacke more in Dorset­shire, a peece of ground conteining thrée acres re­mooued from the place where it was first planted, and was caried cleane ouer an other close, where al­der line 20 and willow trées grew, the space of fortie goad (euerie goad conteining fiftéene foot) and hath stop­ped vp an high waie that directed towards the mar­ket towne of Cerne; and yet notwithstanding the hedges wherewith it was inclosed, inuiron it still, and the trées stand thereon bolt vpright, sauing one oke trée, that is well nigh twentie goads remooued: the place whereas the ground had his being at the first is left like vnto a great hollow pit. Eight persons killed by the fall of a scaffold at the bea [...] garden, a warning to prophaners of the sabboth daie. The same thirteenth daie of Ianuarie, being sundaie, about line 30 foure of the clocke in the afternoone, the old and vn­derpropped scaffolds round about the beare garden, commonlie called Paris garden, on the southside the Thames, ouer against the citie of London, ouer­charged with people fell suddenlie downe, whereby to the number of eight persons men and women were slaine, and manie other sore hurt and brused. A fréend­lie warning to all such as more delight themselues in the crueltie of beasts, to sée them rent one an o­ther; line 40 than in the works of mercie, which are the fruits of a true professed faith, and ought to be the sabboth daies exercise: and not onelie a warning to works of mercie, but a watchword to put vs in mind how we violate the sabboth daie, the Lords owne daie, which he sanctified himselfe, that we by his example might sanctifie the same, and not prophane it with such gentilisme as we doo, as though God would not call vs to a r [...]ckoning for abusing his holie ordinan­ces, and falsifieng the glorious title of christians in line 50 our odious actions: for the which God will seuerelie expostulat with vs, and with indignation demand of vs why we take his lawes in our mouths, & renounce them in our minds; why we let them swim in our lips, and slip from our liues, as the vaine Iewes did, vnto whome God said in displeasure as followeth:

Quid de lege mea declamas ore profano?
Eob. H [...]ss. in Psal. 50.
Non hoc officij debuit esse tui:
Cùm tamen & mores & leges oderis aequas,
Et verbi officium negligis omne mei. line 60

On the third of Februarie being sundaie, Wil­liam Bruistar habardasher (a man of more than threescore yeares old) being lodged ouer the south­west porch of saint Brides church in Fleetstréet, Williā Brui­star and Ma­rie Breame smothered to death. with a woman named Marie Breame (whome the same Bruistar had bailed out of Bridewell) were both found smothered to death, in maner following. On the same sundaie in the morning, a marriage being solemnized in that church, a strong fauour was felt, which was thought to haue béene the burning of old shooes or such like, in some gentlemans chamber there about, thereby to suppresse the infection of the plague. But in the afternoone before euening prai­er, the parishioners espied a smoke to issue out of Bruistars chamber, and therevpon made hast to the dore, which they found fast locked, and were forced to breake it open, but could not enter, till they had rip­ped vp the lead and roofe of the chamber to let out the smothering stench: which being doone, they found Bruistar dead, sitting on a settle by his beds side (in his apparell, and close trussed) his right thigh & right arme vp to the elbow burnt or scorched with the fire of a small pan of coales that stood before him, but now being cleane quenched with the dampe or lacke of aire. The woman also laie dead ouer the pan, so that hir armes were likewise burnt, with the nether part of hir bodie before to hir brest, and behind to the shoulders, and nothing else in the chamber burnt, but the bottome of the settle wheron Bruistar sat. Of this lamentable accident people talked diuerslie, and pamphlets were published to make the same more knowne: howbeit, to leaue the certeine meanes of the euent to his knowledge that vnderstandeth and séeth all things, let it be a warning to all ages so to liue, as that an honest report may attend their death, & shame flie from them as a cloud before the wind: ‘Sic sapient, sic non insipientes erunt.’

On the sixteenth of Aprill about six of the clocke in the morning, Thomas Worth & Alice Shepheard, year 1583 A man and a woman han­ged at Shoo­lane end. were hanged on a gibbet at Shoolane end in Fléet­street, for killing of a prentice in the same Shoolane. Also on the same daie about eight of the clocke in the morning, a gunpowder house, The gun­powder house in Fetterlane blowne vp. called the signe of the gun in Fetterlane néere vnto Fléetstréet, and di­uerse other houses néere adioining, were blowne vp, with the spoire of fiftie hundred weight of pow­der: two men and one woman were slaine, & diuerse other persons, as well men as women and children were sore hurt; some blasted with the flame, some brused with the fall of timber vpon them, &c.

Albertus Alasco, frée baron of Lasco, Uaiuode, Palatine of Siradia in Poland came into England. or palatine of Siradia in Poland, arriued at Har­wich in Essex, and on the last of Aprill came by wa­ter to Winchester house in Southworke, where he remained for the most part of his abode heere: of whome more hereafter at his returne into his owne countrie. Elias Thackar tailor was hanged at saint Edmunds burie in Suffolke on the fourth of Iune, Elias Thac­kar, and Iohn Coping han­ged at Berrie▪ and Iohn Coping shoomaker on the sixt of the same moneth, for spreading and mainteining certeine bookes seditiouslie penned by one Robert Browne against the receiued booke of English common praier, established by the lawes of this realme their bookes (so manie as could be found) were burned be­fore them. This yeare on the ninth of Iune decea­sed Thomas Ratclife earle of Sussex, Thomas Ratclife earle of Sussex de­ceased. lord chamber­leine to hir maiestie, and knight of the garter, at Barmundseie in the borough of Southworke be­sides London, and was on the eight of Iulie next following conueied through the same citie of Lon­don toward Newhall in Essex, there to be buried in forme folowing. First went on foot before him fortie and fiue poore men in blacke gownes, then on horsse­backe one hundred and twentie seruingmen in blacke coats, then ninetie and fiue gentlemen in blacke gownes or clokes, besides the heralds at armes and other, which bare his helme, creast, sword, coat of armes, and banners of armes, &c. Then the deceased earle, couered with a pall of blacke vel­uet, in a chariot likewise couered with blacke veluet, drawne with foure goodlie geldings; next after was led the earles stéed couered with blacke veluet, then sir Henrie Ratclife the succéeding erle chiefe mour­ner, and eight other lords all in blacke, then the lord maior and his brethren the aldermen of London ri­ding in murraie gownes, then on foot the gentle­men of Greis in, and last of all the worshipfull com­panie of the merchant tailors of London in their li­ueries, [Page 1354] for that the said earle was a brother of their companie, as manie noble men, and famous prin­ces, kings of this realme before him had béene; as more at large is declared in I. Stow. the summarie of the chronicles of England, in the eightéenth yeare of king Henrie the seuenth. The maior and aldermen, the gentlemen of Greis in, and the merchant tailors accompanied the corps to the barres without Ald­gate, and returned. This was the end of that noble­man, who (whiles he liued) aduentured lim and life line 10 against the enimies of the English commonwelth, and therefore in respect of his excellent seruices, de­serued no lesse remembrance than is alreadie extant of him in print, whereof this following is a parcell:

—satrapas praeclarus, fortis & audax,
Elisabetha tui speciosi corporis acer
Et fidus custos, discrimen adire paratus
Quodlibet, inuicto Mauortis pectore campo:
Cui virtus persaepè herbam porrexit Hibernus,
Quem pugnis fulg [...]ns ornat victoria parta line 20
Sanguineis, sed laus huic maxima iudicis aequi.

Edmund Grindall doctor of diuinitie archbishop of Canturburie deceassed at Croidon in Surrie on the sixt daie of Iulie, Edmund Grindall archbishop of Cantur­burie deceas­sed. & was there buried. This good man in his life time was so studious, that his booke was his bride, and his studie his bridechamber, wher­vpon he spent both his eiesight, his strength, and his health, and therefore might verie well not actiue­lie but passiuelie be named as (he was) Grindall: for he groond himselfe euen to his graue by mortifi­cation. line 30 Of whome much might be spoken for others imitation (si [...]h the vse of the historie, is to instruct succéeding ages) but this shall suffice, that as his learning & vertue were inseparable companions; so the reward of both is the good name which he hath left behind him as a monument perpetuall, bicause vertue was the founder of the same: according to the true saieng of the late poet importing no lesse:

Virtutis merces eadem & labor, illa tropheum est,
Abr. Hart. in R.L.
Soláque dat nigrae vincere mortis iter: line 40
Nam nisi virtutis quaeratur gloria factis,
Omnis in extremos est abitura rogos.

Iustice Ran­dolfe his cha­ritie of one thousand nine hundred pounds.Barnard Randolfe esquier, common sargeant to the citie of London, deceassed on the seauenth of August. This man in his life time, somewhat before his death, gaue and deliuered to the companie of the Fishmongers in London the summe of nine hun­dred pounds, of good and lawfull monie of England to be imploied towards the conducting of Thames water, cesterning the same in lead, and castelling line 50 with stone in the parishes of saint Marie Magda­lene, and saint Nicholas cold abbeie, néere vnto old Fishstréet, seauen hundred pounds. The other two hundred pounds, to paie for euer yearelie the summe of ten pounds, that is, towards the maintenance of a poore scholar in the vniuersitie of Oxenford yeare­lie foure pounds. Towards the mending of the high waies in the parish of Tisehurst, in the countie of Sussex, where the said Barnard was borne, euerie yeare foure pounds. And to the poore people of the line 60 parishes of saint Nicholas Oliue in Bredstréet and saint Marie Magdalene néere to old Fishstreet for­tie shillings, to wit, twentie shillings to either pa­rish for euer. More he willed and bequeathed by his last will and testament to be bestowed in land or an­nuities, to the reléefe of the poore inhabiting in the wards of Quéenehiue, and castell Bainard in the citie of London, and in the aforesaid parish of Tise­hurst in the countie of Sussex, the summe of one thousand pounds.

This yeare in the moneth of Iune, were sent to the seas, [...]roners apprehended and executed. a ship called the barke Talbot, and a small barke, both manned with a hundred men, vnder the charge of William Borough esquier, clerke of hir maiesties nauie, for the apprehending of certeine outragious searouers, who for that they were manie in number, and well appointed (contemning the small strength that was set out against them) so boldlie behaued themselues, as that shortlie after it was confidentlie bruted, that they had vanquished in fight the said ship and barke. But within few daies after, beyond all expectation, they were by the said William Borough and his companie discomfi­ted and taken, to the number of ten saile (whereof three were prises) & some of the chiefe pirats, namelie Thomas Walton aliàs Purser, Clinton Atkinson, William Ellis, William Ualentine aliàs Bagh, Thomas Beuen and foure more, on the thirtith of August were hanged at Wapping in the ooze besides London. Walton as he went to the gallowes rent his venecian breeches of crimsin taffata, and distri­buted the same péecemeale, to such his old acquain­tance as stood néere about him: but Atkinson had be­fore giuen his murrie veluet dublet with great gold buttons, and the like coloured veluet venecians laid with great gold lace (apparell too sumptuous for sea­rouers) which he had worne at the seas, & wherein he was brought vp prisoner from Corse castell in the Ile of Porbeke to London, vnto such his fréends as pleased him, before he went to Wapping.

¶ This Clinton Atkinson (a personable fellow, A briefe de­scription of Clinton At­ki [...]son and his paren­tage▪ tall of stature and well proportioned, of acceptable beha­uiour when he kept shop for himselfe, being a free man of London, and like enough to doo well if he had taken good waies) had his name of the late earle of Lincolne now deceassed, who christened him being an infant, & by whose speciall meanes (being growne a proper man) he was not long before saued from the like death, and yet thorough want of grace making relapse, fell within danger of law. He descended of honest parents, his father speciallie being a man of verie honest name, one that loued the truth, for the testimonie wherof he forsooke his owne natiue coun­trie, leading a hard life with his familie beyond the seas in queene Maries daies: & returning to Eng­land at the inthronization of our gratious queene Elisabeth in the seat roiall, was made minister, in which vocation he died in Gods fauour, and the good opinion of his neighbors, leuing behind him (among other sonnes) this his eldest, sorted (as you sée) to the shame, which malefactors of that qualitie, and so con­uinced, can not auoid. This auoweth he that knew the man as well as the right hand from the left. Where (to conclude) we are to marke that it is not al­waies true, that good parents haue good children: for here is an example of degeneration, procured not by euill education (for this Clinton wanted no good bringing vp) but by bad companie and libertie, Companie & libertie bring manie to mise­rie. the verie spoile of many a one that otherwise might liue & thriue. Wherin by the way we are to woonder at the counsels of God, who suffreth children so much to va­rie from their parents in qualitie, as if they had not receiued their birthright, but were bastards & chang­lings: but to end with the prophet Dauids saieng: ‘Intima consilij non penetranda Dei.’

On the eighteenth daie of September, An heretike Iohn Lewes burned at Norwich. Sée pag. 1299. Iohn Lewes, who named himselfe Abdoit, an obstinate heretike, denieng the godhead of Christ, and holding diuers other detestable heresies (much like to his pre­decessor Matthew Hamont) was burned at Nor­wich. On the two and twentith of September Alber­tus de Lasco, palatine of Siradia in Poland, Palatine of Siradia in Poland re­turned. before spoken of, now when he had well viewed the order of our English court and nobilitie; with other places of this realme, especiallie the vniuersitie of Oxenford, &c: taking leaue of hir maiestie, and of the nobilitie, he departed towards Poland. But before we make entrance into further occurrents, it shall not be [Page 1355] amisse to touch some necessarie circumstances of re­membrance.

A description of Albertus his person, ap­parell, &c.This Albertus in the eies of the most, whereof some knew him, that might hardlie commend him, estéemed him a man for making well proportioned, of an indifferent tall stature, of countenance amia­ble, and complexion English like, hauing a white beard of such length and bredth, as that lieng in his bed, and parting it with his hands, the same ouer­spred all his brest and shoulders, himselfe greatlie line 10 deliting therein, and reputing it an ornament: as for his qualities (apparant vnto the world) they were generous, his vtterance swéet, his wit plausi­ble, in the knowledge of toongs well seene: his ordi­narie attire scarlet, but when he presented himselfe to hir maiestie, a robe or gowne of purple veluet, with other habiliments and furniture agréeable; his shooes of a strange fashion, supposed of some not al­togither vnlike Chaucers. Finallie, a gallant fel­low he was, & (as might be gathered by some words line 20 spoken by him in At Oxen­ford, where he termed the Latine that he spake Militare Lati­num, that is, souldiers La­tine. The lord Norris his daughter ma­ried to sir A. Paulet his eldest sonne. open audience) more Martiall than Mercuriall; verie actiue in respect of his age, and also studious in diuerse faculties, &c.

Touching the interteinement which he had at Oxenford, and how the vniuersitie did congratulate his comming, it is somewhat worth the noting. In the moneth of Iune, the said Albertus de Lasco, comming from the marriage of the lord Norris his daughter, with sir A. Paulets eldest sonne at Ricot, he put himselfe on the waie to Oxenford▪ wherof the line 30 vniuersitie (doctor Houenden then vicechancellor, & maister Le [...]son with maister Edes proctors) hauing intelligence, prouided for his conuenient receiuing: insomuch that in the waie to Oxenford, there met him doctor Westfailing, who greeted him with a pithie salutation. In like sort did the maior and his bréethren, in whose behalfe for the whole citie, the towne clerke a worshipfull maister of art, pronoun­ced his short and sententious spéech in Latine, not without some gratulatorie gift from that corporati­on. line 40 On the east gate wherat he entered, stood a con­sort of musicians, who for a long space made verie sweet harmonie, which could not but mooue & delight:

Inscia plebs populísque arrectis auribus astat,
Dulciferúmque rudi suscipit aure melos.

All vp the high stréet vnto saint Maries church, on either side the waie, were decentlie marshalled scholers in their gownes & caps, batchelors and mai­sters in their habits and hoods. At saint Maries the orator of the vniuersitie (notable in his facultie) pre­sented line 50 him a booke, The welcom­ming of Al­bertus to the vniuersitie of Oxenford, with a partile description of his intertein­ment. in which were closelie couched ve­rie rich and gorgeous gloues. From thense he mar­ched to Christs church, where he was whilest he abode in the vniuersitie most honourablie interteined. And the first night being vacant, as in which he sought ra­ther rest in his lodging than recreation in anie aca­demicall pastimes, strange fire works were she­wed, in the great quadrangle, besides rockets and a number such maner of deuises. On the second daie, his first dinner was made him at Alsoules college, where (besides dutifull receiuing of him) he was so­lemnelie line 60 satisfied with scholerlie exercises and court­lie fare. This night & the night insuing, after sump­tuous suppers in his lodging, he personaly was pre­sent with his traine in the hall, first at the plaieng of a pleasant comedie intituled Riuales; then at the set­ting out of a verie statelie tragedie named Dido, wherein the quéenes banket (with Eneas narration of the destruction of Troie) was liuelie described in a marchpaine patterne, there was also a goodlie sight of hunters with full crie of a kennell of hounds, Mercurie and Iris descending and ascending from and to an high place, Raine of rose­water, and haile of sugar confects, &c. the tempest wherein it hailed small confects, rained rosewater, and snew an arti­ficiall kind of snew, all strange, maruellous, & abun­dant.

Most of the actors were of the same house, six or seauen of them were of saint Iohns, & thrée or foure of other colleges & hals. His second dinner the third daie was at Magdalen college, with oratorie wel­comming & bountifull feasting. His third dinner the fourth daie at New college. The eloquent spéech in Gréeke Latine and Dutch with his owne vnstudied answer thervnto, & all other before rehersed, are not to be omitted; nor the publike philosophie, physike, and diuinitie disputations, in all which those learned opponents, respondents, & moderators, quited them­selues like themselues, sharplie and soundlie, besides all other solemne sermons & lectures. At afternoone the fourth & last daie, he went towards Woodstocke manour, and without the north gate by the waie he was inuited vnto a banket at saint Iohns college, where the gates & outward wals ouercouered with thousands of verses, & other emblematicall poetries then offered him, argued their hartie goodwils: but his hasting to his iournies end caused him not to ta­rie the delicat banket; yet onelie staieng the deliue­rie of a swéet oration and his owne quicke wittie re­plie therevnto, he departed immediatlie, accompa­nied for a mile or two with the most of those reue­rend doctors and heads of houses all on horssebacke, where the orator againe gaue him an orators fare­well. And this is the summe of his interteinement, not deliuered in such sort as the dignitie of the same requireth; howbeit sufficient for a sudden remem­brance.

On the thrée & twentith daie of September, Iohn Whitegift doctor of diuinitie, Doctor Whitegift archbishop of Canturburie. sometimes maister of Trinitie colledge in Cambridge, and afterwards bishop of Worcester, was at Lambhith translated to the archbishoprike of Canturburie, where he at his comming to Lambehith (as also elsewhere he al­waies did) gaue euident testimonies both of mind­fulnesse and thankefulnesse for his aduancements: as by the thrée tables hanging at the vpper end of his great chamber appeareth: their position in this sort. In the midst hir maiesties armes roiall artificiallie wrought, with as much cunning as the painter by his pencill could describe them: and vnder them this distichon of thankesgiuing, and welwishing:

Nestoreos foelix regat Elisabetha per annos,
Quae mihi munificè
Allusio, ad D. archiep. nomen.
Candida dona dedit.

On the right side, the armes of the sée of Cantur­burie of azure, a pall siluer garnished with crosses forme fiche sable ouer a crosse portatile gold: to the lower end whereof this distichon is fairelie fixed:

En leue multiplici premeretur cuspide corpus,
Ab. Hart. quon­dam Cant. & Trinitarius.
Nibaculus Christi grande leuaret onus.

On the left side are placed the ancient armes of the sée of Worcester, from the which he was transla­ted, which are of siluer, ten torteaux, foure, three, two, one: with this distichon therevnto annexed:

Qui crucis aerumnas patitur, post fata triumphat,
Lilia sic spondent fuluis coniuncta talentis.]

Ouer & aboue the arms of both the said sées is his graces posie, Vincit qui patitur: a deserued posie, and iustified by his actions. A monstrous fish taken in Norffolke. The tenth of October at Ea­ster, a towne in Norffolke neere the sea coast, about two miles from Yarmouth, there was a fish of woonderfull length, by force of the wind (being then easterlie) driuen a shore, the length whereof was from the necke vnto the taile seuenteene yards and one foote, hauing a big head; for the chap of the saw was thrée yards and a quarter in length, with téeth of three quarters of a yard compas, great eies, and two great holes ouer them to spout out water, hir taile was fourteene foot broad, &c: she laie in the sands, and was soonken therein a yard and a halfe [Page 1356] déepe, and yet was she aboue the sands so high, that a lather of fourtéene staues would but reach to the top of hir backe; so that in thicknesse from the backe to the bellie, she was foure yards and a halfe. Iohn Slade, Slade and Bodie execu­ted. sometime a schoolemaister, and Iohn Bodie a maister of art of Oxford, being both indicted and condemned of high treason, were drawne, hanged, and quartered: Slade at Winchester on the thirtith daie of October, and Bodie at Andouar on the se­cond daie of Nouember. line 10

An Reg. 26. Horssestealers hanged, ten at once in Smithfield.About this time, one named Ditch a notable horssestealer, was apprehended at the sessions hol­den for the goale deliuerie at Newgat, on the fourth of December, ninetéene times indicted, whereof he confessed eightéene: who also betwéene the time of his apprehension and the said sessions, appeached ma­nie for stealing of horsses, whereof (diuerse being ap­prehended) ten of them were condemned, and han­ged in Smithfield on the sixt daie of December, be­ing Fridaie, and horsse market there. He also holpe diuerse more to their horsses againe which had béene line 20 stolne from them, taking of euerie one of them ten shillings the péece or more that so recouered their horsses: wherby he made fiftéene pounds of currant monie towards his charges. Desmonds head set on London bridge. Iames earle of Des­mond in Ireland, secretlie wandering without anie succour as a miserable begger, being taken in his cabbin by one of the Irishrie, his head was cut off, and sent into England, where the same (as the head of an archrebell) was set vpon London bridge on the line 30 thirteenth daie of December. Looke for the man­ner of his rebellion and his death more at large set downe in the historie of Ireland.

The tenth daie of December, through negligence of vndiscréet persons, Nantwich in Cheshire burnt. brewing in the towne of Nantwich, in a place called Waterlode; the fire be­ing careleslie left, tooke hold (as should séeme) vpon some straw, or such light matter, & so burst foorth to the roofes of the house, and in short time so increased, that from the west end of the towne (the wind at line 40 southwest) the flame was dispersed so furiouslie in­to the towne on the southside, that in short space a great part of the said southside and some of the east­side was burned downe to the ground. Which fire beginning at six of the clocke in the euening, and continuing till six of the clocke in the morning fol­lowing, neuer ceased burning, till it had consum [...]d aboue the number of two hundred houses, besides brew houses, barnes, stables, &c: in all about six hundred houses, so that by estimation of manie, the losse of houses and goods amounted to aboue thir­tie line 50 thousand pounds, as more at large appeared by a particular booke printed of that matter. About this time, Someruile, Arden, and o­thers arreig­ned. Iohn Someruile a furious yoong man of El­stow in Warwikeshire, of late discouered and ta­ken in his waie comming with full intent to kill the quéenes maiestie (whom God long prosper to reigne ouer vs) confessed the treason, and that he was mo­ued therevnto in his wicked spirit, by certeine trai­torous persons his kinsmen and alies, and also by often reading of certeine seditious bookes latelie line 60 published, for the which the said Someruile, Edward Arden a squire of Parkehall in Warwikeshire, Marie Arden his wife (father and mother in law to the said Someruile) and Hugh Hall priest, being with other before indicted at Warwike, were on the sixtéenth of December arreigned in the Guildhall of London, where they were found guiltie and con­demned of high treason. On the nintéenth of De­cember, Arden [...] ▪ Iohn Someruile, and Edward Arden, be­ing brought from the tower of London to New­gate of the same citie, and there shut vp in seuerall places: within two hours after, Someruile was found (desperatlie) to haue strangled himselfe. And on the morrow being the tw [...]ntith of December, Edward Arden was drawne from Newgate into Smithfield, and there hanged, bowelled, and quar­tered: whose head with Someruiles was set on Lon­don bridge, and his quarters on the gates of the ci­tie; but the bodie of Someruile was buried in the Morefields, néere vnto the windmils without More­gate. A dreadfull example of Gods heauie iudge­ment vpon those two offendors; but speciallie a­gainst the last, whome God deliuered to a reprobat mind, in somuch that his owne hands became his hangman, preuenting the office of the common exe­cutioner, who should haue performed that last action vpon him: whereof the iustice of God in vengeance made himselfe the finisher and fulfiller. Thus much by the waie of terror, that the remembrance hereof, by the reading & reporting of the same, maie make men euill minded, amazed at the rigorous reuenge­ment which God taketh (when he séeth his due time) vpon the wicked: after his long sufferance and pa­tience most wickedlie abused; wherof the poet saith:

Vltio procedit (fateor) diuina gradatim,
Nec quoties peccant fulmina vibrat eis:
Supplicij verò iusta grauitate rependit
Turpia, quae longo tempore facta tulit.

In this yeare 1583 (which should haue béene no­ted in the fore part of the yeare) by the meanes of a certeine astrologicall discourse, This booke for the time that it was in request, set people toongs on woorke▪ and filled their minds with strange conceipts. vpon the great and notable coniunction of the two superior planets, Sa­turne and Iupiter, prognosticated to be the eight and twentith of Aprill; the common sort of people, yea and no small multitude of such as thinke scorne to be called fooles, or counted beggers, whilest they were in expectation of this coniunction, were in no small imaginations, supposing that no lesse would haue béene effectuated, than by the said discourse was prophesied. Into these fansies not void of feare and mistrust they were drawne with the more facilitie, for that they had read, and heard, & pondered, and sus­pected, and in part beléeued the predictions of such euents as should insue by influence of that coniunc­tion. For it was termed the great and notable con­iunction, which should be manifested to the ignorant sort, Why it was called the great coniun­ction. by manie fierce and boisterous winds then sud­denlie breaking out. It was called the greatest and most souereigne coniunction among the seuen pla­nets: why so? Because lawes, and empires, and re­gions are ruled by the same: which foretelleth the comming of a prophet, & the destruction of certeine climats and parts of the earth, and new found he­resies, and a new founded kingdome, and dama­ges through the pestilence, and abundant showers: which dooth prognosticat the destinie of a great and mightie king, much sorrow & heauinesse to men, los­ses to rich and noble men, yea and those too which are accounted and reputed like to prophets, and a mul­titude of locusts: which dooth foreshew▪ that weightie and woonderfull things shall come into the world: which dooth threten continuall ouerflowes of waters, and particular deluges in some countries: finallie, which menaceth much mischiefe. The publication, off reading, and talking of this coniunction, with the re­membrance of the instant wherin it should be, made manie (when the daie foretold was come) to looke for some strange apparition or vision in the aire; and withall, put them in mind of an old and common pro­phesie, touching the yeare 1588, Touching the yeare of woonders, gath [...]red to be 1588. which is now so ri [...]e in euerie mans mouth. That yeare was manie hundred yeares ago foretold and much spoken of a­mongst astrologers, who haue as it were, Vnanimi consensu, prognosticated, that either a maruellous fearfull & horrible alteration of empires, kingdoms, segniories and estates, togither likewise with o­ther most woonderfull, and verie extraordinarie acci­dents, [Page] as extreame hunger and pestilence, desperat treasons and commotions shall then fall out, to the miserable affliction and oppression of huge multi­tudes: or else, that an vtter and finall ouerthrowe and destruction of the whole world shall insue: which prophesie is conteined in these verses following:

Post mille expletos à partu Virginis annos,
[...]ouitius Re­giomontanus.
Et post quingentos rursus ab orbe datos:
Octogesimus octauus mirabilis annus
Ingruet, is secum tristia fata feret.
Si non hoc anno totus malus occidet orbis, line 10
Si non in nihilum terra, fretúmque ruet:
Cuncta tamen mundi sursum ibunt atque retrorsum,
Imperia, & luctus vndique grandis erit.

So that by this prophesie, either a finall dissoluti­on, or a woonderfull horrible alteration of the world is then to be expected. All these considerations laid togither, as well the prediction of the coniunction in expectation, The great yeare of 1588 is more talked of than feared. as also the dreadfull euents, which were to insue therevpon: and vpon the necke of these, the line 20 great yeare of 1588 in euerie mans mouth, the more frequent and common by occasion of a booke extant vnder the title of the end of the world, and the second comming of Christ, made diuerse diuerslie affected; insomuch that some conuersing and confer­ring, looked for no lesse than was prophesied; and talking verie religiouslie, séemed as though they would become sanctified people: howbeit, the day of the coniunction being past, When people saw nothing in the aire (as they looked for) they fell to derision. with a certeine counter­checke against the said astrologicall discourse in line 30 some points defectiue, and no such euents palpablie perceiued as were prognosticated; people fell to their former securitie, and condemned the discourser of extreame madnesse and follie: whereof no more but this, Scientia nullum habet sibi inimicum praeter ignoran­tem.

year 1584 On the tenth of Ianuarie in the yeare 1584 at a sessions holden in the iustice hall in the old bailie of London for goale deliuerie of Newgate, Cartar execu­ted for prin­ting a trai­torous booke. William Cartar of the citie of London was there indicted, ar­reigned, line 40 and condemned of high treason, for printing a seditious and traitorous booke in English, intitu­led A treatise of schisme: and was for the same (ac­cording to sentence pronounced against him) on the next morrow, which was the eleuenth of Ianuarie, drawne from Newgate to Tiborne, and there han­ged, bowelled, and quartered. And foorthwith against slanderous reports, A declaration of the fauora­ble dealing of hir maiesties commissio­ners, for the examining of trait [...]rs. spread abroad in seditious books, letters and libels, thereby to inflame the hearts of our countriemen, and hir maiesties subiects: a booke line 50 was published, intituled, A declaration of the fauo­rable dealing of hir maiesties commissioners, &c. Which booke I haue thought good in this place to set downe (for the better instruction of the reader) euen as the same was printed and published, and thus it followeth.

A declaration of the fauourable dea­ling of hir maiesties commissioners appointed for the examination of certeine traitors, and of tor­tures vniustlie reported to be done vpon them line 60 for matters of religion.

To the rea­der. GOod reader, although hir maiesties most mild and gratious gouernement be suf­ficient to defend it selfe against those most slanderous reports of heathenish and vnnaturall tyrannie and cruell tortures, preten­ded to haue béene executed vpon certeine traitors, who latelie suffered for their treason, and others, as­well spread abroad by rungates, Iesuits, and semi­narie men in their seditious bookes, letters, and li­bels, in forren countries and princes courts, as al­so insinuated into the hearts of some of our owne countriemen and hir maiesties subiects: yet for thy better satisfaction I haue conferred with a verie ho­nest gentleman, whom I knew to haue good and suf­ficient meanes to deliuer the truth against such for­gers of lies and shamelesse slanders in that behalfe, which he and other that doo know and haue affirmed the same will at all times iustifie. And for thy fur­ther assurance and satisfaction herein, he hath set downe to the vew of all men these necessarie notes following.

Touching the racke and torments vsed to such traitors as pretended themselues to be catholikes, vpon whom the same haue beene exercised, it is affir­med for truth, and is offered vpon due examination so to be prooued, to be as followeth. First, The slande­rous report concerning the extreame vse of y • racke conuinced. that the formes of torture in their seueritie or rigour of exe­cution, haue not beene such and in such maner perfor­med, as the slanderers and seditious libellers haue slanderouslie & maliciouslie published. And that euen the principall offendor Campion himselfe, who was sent & came from Rome, and continued here in sun­drie corners of the realme, hauing secretlie wande­red in the greatest part of the shires of England in a disguised sort, to the intent to make speciall prepa­ration of treasons; and to that end and for furthe­rance of those his labours, sent ouer for more helpe and assistance, and cunninglie and traitorouslie at Rome before he came from thense, procured tolera­tion for such prepared rebels to kéepe themselues co­uert vnder pretense of temporarie and permissiue o­bedience to hir maiestie the state standing as it doth; but so soone as there were sufficient force whereby the bull of hir maiesties depriuation might be pub­likelie executed, they should then ioine all togither with that force vpon paine of cursse and damnation: that verie Campion, I saie, Campion and Briant were too fauoura­blie vsed: and far vnder the proportion of their treason­able offenses. before the conference had with him by learned men in the Tower, wherin he was charitablie vsed, was neuer so racked, but that he was presentlie able to walke, and to write, and did presentlie write and subscribe all his confes­sions, as by the originals thereof may euidentlie appeare.

A horrible matter is also made of the staruing of one Alexander Briant, how he should eat claie out of the wals, gathered water to drinke from the drop­pings of houses, with such other false ostentations of immanitie: where the truth is this, that what soeuer Briant suffered in want of food, he suffered the same wilfullie & of extreame impudent obstinacie, against the mind and liking of those that dealt with him. For certeine traitorous writings being found a­bout him, it was thought conuenient by conference of hands to vnderstand whose writing they were, and thervpon he being in hir maiesties name comman­ded to write, which he could verie well doo, and being permitted to him to write what he would himselfe, in these termes, that if he liked not to write one thing, he might write another, or what he listed (which to doo being charged in hir maiesties name was his dutie, and to refuse was disloiall and vndutifull) yet the man would by no meanes be induced to write a­nie thing at all. Then was it commanded to his kee­per to giue vnto him such meat, drinke, and other conuenient necessaries as he would write for, and to forbeare to giue him anie thing for which he would not write.

But Briant being thereof aduertised and off mooued to write, The curst & stubborne hart of Bri­ant. persisting so in his curst heart by almost two daies and two nights, made choise ra­ther to lacke food, than to write for the sustenance which he might readilie haue had for writing, & which he had indeed readilie and plentifullie so soone as he wrote. And as it is said of these two, so is it to be said of other; with this, that there was a perpetuall [Page 1358] care had, & the quéenes seruants the warders, whose office and act it is to handle the racke, were euer by those that attended the examinations speciallie char­ged, to vse it in as charitable maner as such a thing might be.

Secondlie it is said, and likewise offered to be iu­stified, that neuer anie of these seminaries, or such o­ther pretended catholikes, which at anie time in hir maiesties reigne haue béene put to the racke, were vpon the racke or in other torture demanded anie line 10 question of their supposed conscience; as what they beleeued in anie point of doctrine or faith, as the masse, Ergo it is false which the infamous libeller hath [...]ast abrode, Relligio [...] mala vita [...]. transubstantiation, or such like: but onelie with what persons at home, or abroad, and touching what plats, practises and conferences they had dealt about attempts against hir maiesties estate or per­son, or to alter the lawes of the realme for matters of religion, by treason or by force, and how they were persuaded themselues, and did persuade other touch­ing the popes bull and pretense of authoritie, to de­pose line 20 kings and princes; and namelie, for depriuati­on of hir maiestie, and to discharge subiects from their allegiance, expressing herein alwaie the kinglie powers and estates, and the subiects allegiance ciui­lie, without mentioning or meaning therein anie right that the quéene as in right of the crowne hath ouer persons ecclesiasticall being hir subiects. In all which cases, Campion and the rest neuer answered plainelie, but sophisticallie, deceiptfullie and traito­rouslie, restraining their confession of allegiance line 30 onelie to the permissiue forme of the popes tolera­tion. As for example, if they were asked, whether they did acknowledge themselues the queenes subiects and would obeie hir, they would saie, Yea: for so they had leaue for a time to doo. This is con­sonant to the report set downe before in the discoue­rie of Campi­on, pag. 1325. But adding more to the question, and they being asked, if they would so acknowledge & obeie hir anie longer than the pope would so permit them; or notwithstanding such com­mandement as the pope would or might giue to the contrarie: then they either refused so to obeie, or de­nied line 40 to answer; or said, that they could not answer to those questions without danger. Which verie an­swer without more saieng, was a plaine answer to all reasonable vnderstanding, that they would no longer be subiects, nor persuade other to be subiects, than the pope gaue licence. And at their verie ar­reignement, when they labored to leaue in the minds of the people and standers by, an opinion that they were to die, not for treason, but for matter of faith and conscience in doctrine, touching the seruice of line 50 God, without anie attempt or purpose against hir maiestie, they cried out that they were true subiects, and did and would obeie and serue hir maiestie. Im­mediatlie, to prooue whether that hypocriticall and sophisticall speach extended to a perpetuitie of their obedience, or to so long time as the pope so permit­ted, or no; they were openlie in place of iudgement asked by the queenes learned councell, What allegi­gi [...]nce these fellows meant to her maiestie may appéere by these words of Campion, be­ing the mouth o [...] the [...]est. whether they would so obeie and be true subiects, if the pope com­manded the contrarie? They plainlie disclosed them­selues in answer, saieng by the mouth of Campion: line 60 This place (meaning the court of hir maiesties Bench) hath no power to inquire or iudge of the ho­lie fathers authoritie: and other answer they would not make.

Thirdlie, that none of them haue béene put to the racke or torture, no not for the matters of treason, or partnership of treason or such like, but where it was first knowen and euidentlie probable by former de­tections, confessions, and otherwise, that the partie so racked, or tortured, was giltie, and did know, and could deliuer truth of the things wherewith he was charged: so as it was first assured, that no innocent was at anie time tormented, and the racke was ne­uer vsed to wring out confessions at aduenture vp­on vncertenties, in which dooing it might be possible that an innocent in that case might haue bin racked.

Fourthlie, that none of them hath beene racked or tortured, vnlesse he had first said expreslie, or amoun­ting to asmuch, that he will not tell the truth, As namelie Campion, of whom an in­famous libel­ler reporteth (in commen­dation for­sooth of his constancie) Non secreta mee iorius lic [...]tor [...] fatebor. though the queene command him. And if anie of them be­ing examined did saie he could not tell, or did not re­member, if he would so affirme in such maner as christians among christians are beléeued; such his an­swer was accepted, if there were not apparant eui­dence to prooue that he wilfullie said vntrulie. But if he said that his answer in deliuering truth, should hurt a catholike, & so be an offense against the chari­tie, which they said to be sinne, & that the quéene could not command them to sin, & therfore how soeuer the quéene commanded, they would not tell the truth, which they were knowen to know, or to such effect: they were then put to the torture, or else not.

Fiftlie, that the procéeding to torture was alwaie so slowlie, so vnwillinglie, & with so manie preparati­ons of persuasions to spare themselues, and so ma­nie meanes to let them know that the truth was by them to be vttered, both in dutie to hir maiestie, and in wisedome for themselues, as whosoeuer was pre­sent at those actions, must néedes acknowledge in hir maiesties ministers, a full purpose to follow the example of hir owne most gratious disposition: whome God long preserue.

Thus it appéereth, that albeit by the more gene­rall lawes of nations, torture hath béene, and is law­fullie iudged to be vsed in lesser cases, and in sharper maner for inquisition of truth in crimes not so néere extending to publike danger, as these vngratious persons haue committed, whose conspiracies and the particularities thereof it did so much import and be­hooue to haue disclosed: yet euen in that necessarie vse of such procéeding, inforced by the offendors no­torious obstinacie, is neuerthelesse to be acknowled­ged the swéet temperature of hir maiesties mild and gratious clemencie, and their slanderous lewdnesse to be the more condemned, that haue in fauour of hainous malefactors, and stubborne traitors, spred vntrue rumors and slanders, to make hir mercifull gouernement disliked, vnder false pretense and ru­mors of sharpenesse and crueltie to those, against whom nothing can be cruell, and yet vpon whom no­thing hath béene doone but gentle and mercifull.

The execution of iustice in England for maintenance of publike and christian peace, against certeine stirrers of sedition, and adherents to the traitors and enimies of the realme, without anie per­secution of them for questions of religion, as is falslie reported and published by the fautors and fosterers of their treasons.

IT hath béene in all ages and in all coun­tries a common vsage of all offendors, All offendors couer their faults with contrarie causes. for the most part, both great and small, to make defense of their lewd and vnlaw­full facts by vntruths, and by colouring and couering their déeds (were they neuer so vile) with pretenses of some other causes of contrarie operations or effects: to the intent not onelie to auoid punishment or shame, but to continue, vphold, and prosecute their wicked attempts, to the full satisfaction of their dis­ordered and malicious appetites. And though such hath beene the vse of all offendors, Rebels doo most dange­rouslie couer their faults. yet of none with more danger than of rebels and traitors to their law­full princes, kings, and countries. Of which sort of late yeares are speciallie to be noted certeine per­sons naturallie borne subiects in the realme of Eng­land and Ireland, who hauing for some good time [Page 1359] professed outwardlie their obedience to their soue­reigne ladie quéene Elisabeth, haue neuerthelesse af­terward beene stirred vp and seduced by wicked spi­rite, Rebellion in England and Ireland. first in England sundrie yeares past, and se­condlie and of later time in Ireland, to enter into open rebellion, taking armes and comming into the field against hir maiestie and hir lieutenants, with their forces vnder banners displaied, inducing by notable vntruths manie simple people to follow and assist them in their traitorous actions.

And though it is verie well knowen, that both line 10 their intentions and manifest actions were bent to haue deposed the quéenes maiestie from hir crowne, and to haue traitorouslie set in hir place some other whome they liked, The rebels vanquished by the quéens power. whereby if they had not béene spée­dilie resisted, they would haue committed great bloudsheds and slaughters of hir maiesties faith­full subiects, and ruined their natiue countrie: yet by Gods power giuen vnto hir maiestie, they were so spéedilie vanquished, Some of the rebels fled in­to forreine countries. as some few of them suffered by order of law according to their deserts, line 20 manie & the greatest part vpon confession of their faults were pardoned, the rest (but they not manie) of the principall, escaped into forren countries, & there, bicause in none or few places rebels and traitors to their naturall princes and countries dare for their treasons chalenge at their first muster open comfort or succour, these notable traitors and rebels haue falselie informed manie kings, princes and states, and speciallie the bishop of Rome, commonlie called the pope (from whom they all had secretlie their first line 30 comfort to rebell) that the cause of their flieng from their countries was for the religion of Rome, Rebels pre­tend religion for their de­fense. and for maintenance of the said popes authoritie: whereas diuerse of them before their rebellion li­ued so notoriouslie, the most part of their liues, out of all good rule, either for honest maners, or for anie sense in religion, as they might haue béene rather fa­miliar with Catiline, or fauourers to Sardanapa­lus, than accounted good subiects vnder anie christi­an princes. As for some examples of the heads of line 40 these rebellions, out of England fled Charles Ne­uill earle of Westmerland, a person vtterlie wasted by loosenesse of life, and by Gods punishment euen in the time of his rebellion bereaued of his children that should haue succéeded him in the earledome, and his bodie now eaten with vlcers of lewd causes (as his companions doo saie) that no enimie he hath can wish him a viler punishment: a pitifull losse to the realme of so noble a house, neuer before in anie age atteinted for disloialtie. Kingleaders of rebels, Charles Ne­uill earle of Westmerland, and Thomas Stukeleie. And out of Ireland ran line 50 awaie one Thomas Stukeleie, a defamed person al­most thorough all christendome, and a faithlesse beast rather than a man, fléeing first out of England for notable pirasies, and out of Ireland for trecheries not pardonable, which two were the first ringleaders of the rest of the rebels, the one for England, the o­ther for Ireland.

But notwithstanding the notorious euill and wic­ked liues of these & others their confederats, void of line 60 all christian religion, it liked the bishop of Rome, as in fauour of their treasons, not to colour their offen­ses, as themselues openlie pretend to doo, for auoi­ding of common shame of the world: but flatlie to animate them to continue their former wicked pur­poses, that is, to take armes against their lawfull quéene, to inuade hir realme with forren forces, to pursue all hir good subiects & their natiue countries with fire and sword: for maintenance whereof there had some yeares before, at sundrie times, procéeded in a thundering sort, The effect of the popes bull against the queene of England. buls, excommunications, and other publike writings, denouncing hir maiestie be­ing the lawfull quéene, and Gods annointed seruant not to be the queene of the realme, charging and vp­on paines of excommunication comm [...]ing all hir subiects to depart from their naturall allegiances, whereto by birth and by oth they were bound: prouo­king also and authorising all persons of all degrees within both the realmes to rebell. And vpon this an­tichristian warrant, being contrarie to all the lawes of God and man, & nothing agréeable to a pastorall officer, not onelie all the rable of the foresaid trai­tors that were before fled; but also all other persons that had forsaken their natiue countries, being of di­uerse conditions and qualities, some not able to liue at home but in beggerie, some discontented for lacke of preferments, which they gaped for vnworthilie in vniuersities and other places, some bankerupt mer­chants, some in a sort learned to contentions, The practises of the traitors rebels, and fu­gitiues to exe­cute the [...]. being not contented to learne to obeie the laws of the land, haue manie yeares running vp and downe, from countrie to countrie, practised some in one corner, some in an other, some with séeking to gather forces and monie for forces, some with instigation of prin­ces by vntruths, to make warre vpon their naturall countrie, some with inward practises to murther the greatest, some with seditious writings, and verie manie of late with publike infamous libels, full of despitefull vile termes and poisoned lies, altogither to vphold the foresaid antichristian and tyrannous warrant of the popes bull.

And yet also by some other meanes, to further these inuentions, bicause they could not readilie pre­uaile by waie of force, Seminaries erected to nursse sedi­tious fugi­tiues. finding forren princes of bet­ter consideration & not readilie inclined to their wic­ked purposes, it was deuised to erect by certeine schooles which they called seminaries, to nourish and bring vp persons disposed naturallie to sedition, to continue their race & trade, and to become seedmen in their tillage of sedition, and them to send secretlie into these the quéenes maiesties realmes of Eng­land & Ireland vnder secret maskes, some of priest­hood, some of other inferiour orders, with titles of se­minaries for some of the meaner sort, and of Iesuits for the stagers and ranker sort and such like, but yet so warilie they crept into the land, as none brought the markes of their priesthood with them. The semina­rie fugitiues come secretlie into the relme to induce the people to obeie the popes bull. But in di­uers corners of hir maiesties dominions these semi­naries or séedmen and Iesuits, bringing with them certeine Romish trash, as of their hallowed war, their Agnus Dei, their graines, and manie kind of beads, and such like, haue as tillagemen laboured secretlie to persuade the people to allow of the popes foresaid buls and warrants, & of his absolute autho­ritie ouer all princes and countries, and striking manie with pricks of conscience to obeie the same; whereby in processe of small time, if this wicked and dangerous, traitorous, & craftie course had not béene by Gods goodnesse espied and stated, there had fol­lowed imminent danger of horrible vprores in the realmes, and a manifest bloudie destruction of great multitudes of christians.

For it can not be denied but that so manie as should haue béene induced & thoroughlie persuaded to haue obeied that wicked warrant of the popes, and the contents thereof, should haue béene forth­with in their harts and consciences secret traitors, and for to be in déed errant and open traitors: there should haue wanted nothing but opportunitie to féele their strength & to assemble themselues in such numbers with armour and weapons, as they might haue presumed to haue beene the greater part, and so by open ciuill warre to haue come to their wicked purposes. But Gods goodnesse, by whome kings doo rule, and by whose blast traitors are commonlie wa­sted and confounded, hath otherwise giuen to hir ma­iestie as to his handmaid and deare seruant, ruling vnder him, the spirit of wisedome and power, where­by [Page 1360] she hath caused some of these seditious séedmen and sowers of rebellion, Sowers of s [...]dition ta­ken, co [...]en­ted, & executed [...] tr [...]ason. to be discouered for all their secret lurkings, and to be taken and charged with these former points of high treason, not being dealt withall vpon questions of religion, but iustlie by or­der of lawes, openlie condemned as traitors.

At which times, notwithstanding all maner gen­tle waies of persuasions vsed, to mooue them to de­sist from such manifest traitorous courses and opini­ons with offer of mercie; yet was the canker of their rebellious humors so déepelie entered and grauen in­to line 10 the harts of manie of them, as they would not be remooued from their traitorous determinations. And therefore as manifest traitors in mainteining and adhering to the capitall enimie of hir maiestie & hir crowne (who hath not onelie béene the cause of two rebellions alreadie passed in England and Ire­land, but in that of Ireland did manifestlie wage and mainteine his owne people, capteins, and soul­diers vnder the banner of Rome, against hir maie­stie, line 20 so as no enimie could doo more) these I saie haue iustlie suffered death not by force or forme of a­nie new lawes established, The seditious treitors con­demned by the ancient lawes of the realme, made two hundred yeres past. either for religion or a­gainst the popes supremasie, as the slanderous libel­lers would haue it séeme to be; but by the ancient temporall lawes of the realme, and namelie by the laws of parlement made in king Edward the third his time, about the yeare of our Lord 1330, which is aboue two hundred yeares and more past, when the bishops of Rome and popes were suffered to haue line 30 their authoritie ecclesiasticall in this realme, as they had in manie other countries. But yet of this kind of offendors, Persons con­demned, spa­red [...]rom exe­cution, vpon refusall of their treaso­nable opini­ons. as manie of them, as after their con­demnations were contented to renounce their for­mer traitorous assertions; so manie were spared from execution, & doo liue still at this daie: such was the vnwillingnes in hir maiestie to haue anie bloud spilt, without this verie vrgent, iust, and necessarie cause procéeding from themselues.

And yet neuerthelesse, such of the rest of the trai­tors as remaine in forren parts, continuing still line 40 their rebellious minds, and craftilie kéeping them­selues aloofe off from dangers, ceasse not to prouoke sundrie other inferiour seditious persons, The forren traitors con­tinue sending of persons to mooue sedition in the realme. newlie to steale secretlie into the realme, to reuiue the former seditious practises, to the execution of the popes fore­said bull against hir maiestie and the realme, preten­ding when they are apprehended, that they came one­lie into the realme by the commandement of their superiors, the heads of the Iesuits, to whome they are bound (as they saie) by oth against either king line 50 or countrie, and here to informe or reforme mens consciences from errors in some points of religi­on, as they thinke meet. But yet in verie truth, the whole scope of their secret labours is manifestlie prooued, to be secretlie to win all people, with whom they dare deale; so to allow of the popes said buls, and of his authoritie without exception, as in obei­eng thereof, they take themselues fullie discharged of their allegiance and obedience to their lawfull prince and countrie: yea, and to be well warranted line 60 to take armes to rebell against hir maiestie, when they shall be therevnto called; and to be readie se­cretlie to ioine with any forren force that can be pro­cured to inuade the realme, whereof also they haue a long time giuen, and yet doo for their aduantage, no small comfort of successe. And so consequentlie the effect of their labours is to bring the realme not one­lie into a dangerous warre against the forces of strangers (from which it hath béene frée aboue three and twentie or foure and twentie yeares, The seditious [...] la­bour to bring the realme in­to a warre ex­ternall and domest [...]ll. a case ve­rie memorable and hard to be matched with an ex­ample of the like) but into a warre domesticall and ciuill, wherein no bloud is vsuallie spared, nor mer­cie yéelded, and wherein neither the vanquishor nor the vanquished can haue iust cause of triumph.

And forsomuch as these are the most euident perils that necessarilie should follow, if these kind of ver­mine were suffered to créepe by stealth into the realme, and to spred their poison within the same, howsoeuer when they are taken, like hypocrits, they colour and counterfeit the same with profession of deuotion in religion: The dutie of the quéene and all hir gouer­nors to God and their countrie, is to repell prac­tises of rebel­lion. it is of all persons to be yéel­ded in reason, that hir maiestie and all hir gouer­nours and magistrats of iustice, hauing care to mainteine the peace of the realme (which God hath giuen in hir time, to continue longer than euer in a­nie time of hir progenitors) ought of dutie to al­mightie God the author of peace, and according to the naturall loue and charge due to their countrie, and for auoiding of the flouds of bloud, which in ci­uill warres are séene to run and flow, by all lawfull meanes possible, as well by the sword as by law, in their seuerall seasons to impeach and repell these so manifest and dangerous colourable practises, and works of sedition and rebellion.

And though there are manie subiects knowne in the realme, that differ in some opinions of religion from the church of England and that doo also not for­beare to professe the same: yet in that they doo also professe loialtie and obedience to hir maiestie, and offer readilie to hir maiesties defense, to impugne & resist anie forreine force, though it should come or be procured from the pope himselfe: none of these sort are for their contrarie opinions in religion prosecu­ted or charged with anie crimes or paines of treason, None char­ged with ca­pitall crimes, being of a con­trarie reli­gion, and pro­fessing to withstand forreine for­ces. nor yet willinglie searched in their consciences for their contrarie opinions, that sauour not of treason. And of these sorts, there haue béene and are a num­ber of persons, not of such base and vulgar note as those which of late haue beene executed, as in particu­lar, some by name are well knowne, and not vnfit to be remembred. The first and chiefest by office was doctor Heth, that was archbishop of Yorke, and lord chancellor of England in quéene Maries time; who at the first comming of hir maiestie to the crowne, shewing himselfe a faithfull and quiet subiect, conti­nued in both the said offices, though in religion then manifestlie differing; and yet was he not restreined of his libertie, nor depriued of his proper lands and goods, but leauing willinglie both his offices, liued in his owne house verie discréetlie, and inioied all his purchased lands during all his naturall life, vntill by verie age he departed this world, and then left his house and liuing to his friends. An example of gen­tlenesse neuer matched in quéene Maries time.

The like did one doctor Poole that had béene bi­shop of Peterborough, an ancient graue person, Names of di­uerse ecclesia­sticall persons professing contrarie re­ligion, neuer charged with capitall crimes. and a verie quiet subiect. There were also others that had béene bishops and in great estimation, as doc­tor Tunstall bishop of Duresme, a person of great reputation, and also whilest he liued of verie quiet be­hauiour. There were also other, as doctor White & do­ctor Oglethorpe, the one of Winchester, the other of Carlill, bishops, persons of courteous natures, and he of Carlill so inclined to dutifulnes to the quéenes maiestie, as he did the office at the consecration and coronation of hir maiestie in the church of West­minster: and doctor Thurlebie, & doctor Watson yet liuing, one of Elie, the other of Lincolne, bishops: the one of nature affable, the other altogither sowre, and yet liuing. Whereto may be added the bishop then of Excester, Turberuile, an honest gentleman, but a simple bishop, who liued at his owne libertie to the end of his life: and none of all these pressed with anie capitall paine, though they mainteined the popes authoritie against the lawes of the realme. And some abbats, as maister Feckenam yet liuing, [Page 1361] a person also of quiet and courteous behauiour, for a great time. Some also were deanes, as doctor Boxall deane of Windsore, a person of great mo­destie, learning and knowledge: doctor Cole deane of Paules, a person more earnest than discréet: do­ctor Reinolds deane of Excester, not vnlearned, and manie such others, hauing borne office & digni­ties in the church, & that had made profession against the pope, which they onelie began in queene Maries time to change: yet were these neuer to this daie burdened with capitall peanes, nor yet depriued of line 10 anie their goods or proper liueloods; but onelie remo­ued from their ecclesiasticall offices, which they would not exercise according to the lawes. And most of them, & manie other of their sort for a great time were deteined in bishops houses in verie ciuill and courteous maner, without charge to themselues or their friends, vntill the time that the pope began by his buls & messages, to offer trouble to the realme by stirring of rebellion. About which time onlie, some line 20 of these aforenamed, being found busier in matters of state tending to stir troubles, than was méete for the common quiet of the realme, were remoued to other more priuat places, where such other wande­rers as were men knowne to moue sedition, might be restreined from common resorting to them to in­crease trouble, as the popes bull gaue manifest occa­sion to doubt: and yet without charging them in their consciences or otherwise, by anie inquisition to bring them into danger of anie capitall law: line 30 so as no one was called to anie capitall or bloudie question vpon matters of religion, but haue all inioied their life as the course of nature would: and such of them as yet remaine, may (if they will not be authors or instruments of rebellion or sedition) inioie the time that God and nature shall yeeld them without danger of life or member.

And yet it is woorthie to be well marked, that the chiefest of all these and the most of them, The late fa­uorers of the popes autho­ritie were the chiefe aduer­saries of the same, by their doctrines and writings. had in time of king Henrie the eight, and king Edward the sixt, line 40 either by preaching, writing, reading, or arguing, taught all people to condemne, yea to abhorre the authoritie of the pope: for which purpose they had many times giuen their othes publikelie, against the popes authoritie, and had also yéelded to both the said kings the title of supreame hed of the church of Eng­land next vnder Christ, which title the aduersaries doo most falselie write and affirme, that the quéenes ma­iestie now vseth: a manifest lie & vntruth, to be séene by the verie acts of parlement, and at the beginning of hir reigne omitted in hir stile. And for proofe that line 50 these foresaid bishops and learned men had so long time disauowed the popes authoritie, manie of their books and sermons against the popes authoritie re­maine printed both in English and Latin to be séene in these times, to their great shame and reproofe to change so often, but speciallie in persecuting such as themselues had taught and stablished to hold the contrarie. A sin, neere the sin against the holie ghost.

There were also and yet be a great number of o­thers, line 60 being laie men of good possessions and lands, A great num­ber of laie per­sons of liue­lood being of a contrarie re­ligion, neuer charged with capitall crime. men of good credit in their countries, manifestlie of late time seduced to hold contrarie opinions in reli­gion for the popes authoritie: and yet none of them haue béene sought hitherto to be impeached in anie point or quarell of treason, or of losse of life, mem­ber or inheritance. So as it may plainelie appeare, that it is not, nor hath béene for contrarious opini­ons in religion, or for the popes authoritie alone, as the aduersaries doo boldlie and falslie publish, that anie persons haue suffered death since hir maiesties reigne. And yet some of these sort are well knowne to hold opinion, that the pope ought by authoritie of Gods word to be supreame and onelie head of the catholike church through the whole world, and one­lie to rule in all causes ecclesiasticall, and that the quéenes maiestie ought not to be the gouernour ouer anie hir subiects in hir realme being persons eccle­siasticall: which opinions are neuerthelesse in some part by the lawes of the realme punishable in their degrées. And yet for none of these points haue anie persons béene prosecuted with the charge of treason, No person charged with capitall [...] for the onelie maintenance of the popes supremasie. or in danger of life.

And if then it be inquired, for what cause these o­thers haue of late suffered death, it is trulie to be an­swered as afore is often remembred, that none at all were impeached for treason to the danger of their life, but such as did obstinatlie mainteine the con­tents of the popes bull afore mentioned; Foure points of treason. Such cōdem­ned onelie for treason, as mainteine the effects of the popes bull a­gainst hir ma­iestie and the realme. which doo im­port, that hir maiestie is not the lawfull quéene of England, the first and highest point of treason: and that all hir subiects are discharged of their oths and obedience; a second high point of treason: and all warranted to disobeie hir and hir lawes; a third and a verie large point of treason. And thereto is to be ad­ded a fourth point most manifest, in that they would not disallow the popes hostile procéedings in open warres against hir maiestie in hir realme of Ire­land, where one of their companie doctor Sanders, a lewd scholer and subiect of England, a fugitiue and a principall companion and conspirator with the traitors and rebels at Rome, was by the popes spe­ciall cōmission a commander, as in forme of a legat, and sometime a bursor or paiemaster for those wars. Which doctor Sanders in his booke of his church mo­narchie, did afore his passing into Ireland openlie by writing, gloriouslie auow the foresaid bull of Pius Quintus against hir maiestie, to be lawfull; Doctor San­ders mainte­nance of the popes bull. and affir­meth that by vertue thereof one doctor Morton, an old English fugitiue and conspirator, was sent from Rome into the north parts of England, which was true, to stirre vp the first rebellion there, whereof Charles Neuill the late earle of Westmerland was a head capteine.

And thereby it may manifestlie appéere to all men, how this bull was the ground of the rebellions both in England and Ireland, The persons that suffered death, were condemned for treason & not for reli­gion. and how for maintenance thereof, and for sowing of sedition by warrant and allowance of the same, these persons were iustlie condemned of treason, and lawfullie executed by the ancient lawes temporall of the realme, without charging them for anie other matter than for their practises and conspiracies both abroad and at home against the queene and the realme; and for the main­teining of the popes foresaid authoritie and bull, pub­lished to depriue hir maiestie of hir crowne, and for withdrawing and reconciling of hir subiects from their naturall allegiance due to hir maiestie and to their countrie, and for moouing them to sedition: and for no other causes or questions of religion were these persons condemned; although true it is, that when they were charged & conuinced of these points of conspiracies and treasons, they would still in their answers colourablie pretend their actions to haue beene for religion: but in deed and truth they were manifested to be for the procurement and mainte­nance of the rebellions and wars against hir maie­stie and hir realme.

And herein is now the manifest diuersitie to be séene and well considered betwixt the truth of hir ma­iesties actions, The diuersi­tie betwixt truth and falshood. & the falshood of the blasphemous ad­uersaries: that where the factious partie of the pope the principall author of the inuasions of hir maie­sties dominions, doo falselie allege that a number of persons, whom they terme as martyrs, haue died for defense of the catholike religion; the same in verie truth may manifestlie appeere to haue died (if they so will haue it) as martyrs for the pope, but yet as trai­tors [Page 1362] against their souereigne and quéene in adhe­ring to him, being the notable and onelie open ho­stile enimie in all actions of warre against hir ma­iestie, hir kingdomes and people: A full proofe that the main­teiners of the bull are direct­lie guiltie of [...]. and that this is the meaning of all these that haue so obstinatlie mainteined the authoritie and contents of this bull, the verie words of the bull doo declare in this sort, as doctor Sanders reporteth them.

PIus Quintus pontifex maximus, de apostolicae potestais plenitudine, declarauit Elisabetham praetenso regni iure, line 10 necnon omne & quocunque dominio, dignitate, priuilegióque priuatam: itémque proceres, subditos & populos dicti regni, ac catero; omnes qui illi quomodocunque iurauerunt, à iura­mento huiusmodi ac omni fidelitatis debito, perpetuò absolutos: That is to saie, Pius Quintus the greatest bishop, of the fulnesse of the apostolike power, declared Eli­sabeth to be bereaued or depriued of hir pretended right of hir kingdome, and also of all and whatsoeuer dominion, dignitie and priuilege: and also the no­bles, subiects and people of the said kingdome, and line 20 all others which had sworne to hir anie maner of wais, to be absolued for euer from such oth, and from all debt or dutie of fealtie, &c: with manie threat­ning cursings, to all that durst obeie hir or hir laws. As for execution hereof, to prooue, that the effect of the popes bull and message was a flat rebellion, it is not amisse to heare what the same doctor Sanders the popes fire brand in Ireland also writeth in his vi­sible church monarchie, which is thus.

Pius Quintus pon [...]ifex maximus, Anno Domini 1569 reuerendum presbyterum Nicolaum Mortanum Anglum i [...] Angliam misit, Doctor Mor­tons secret ambassage frō Rome to [...] the rebellion in the north. vt certis illustribus viris authoritate apo­stolica denuntiaret, Elisabetham quae tunc rerum potiebatur, haereticam esse: obe [...]mque causam, omni dominio & potestate excidisse, impunéque ab illis velut ethnicam haleri posse, nec [...] l [...]gibus aut mandatis deinceps obedire cogi: That is to saie, Pius Quintus the greatest bishop, in the yeare of our Lord 1569, sent the reuerend priest Nicholas Morton an Englishman into England, line 40 that he should denounce or declare by the apostolike authoritie to certeine noblem [...]n, Elisabeth, who then was in possession, to be an heretike: & for that cause to haue fallen from all dominion and power, and that she may be had or reputed of them as an ethnike, and that they are not to be compelled to o­beie hir lawes or commandements, &c. Thus you sée an ambassage of rebellion from the popes holi­nesse, the ambassador an old doting English priest, a fugitiue and conspirator, sent (as he saith) to some no­ble line 50 men, and these were the two earles of Northum­berland and Westmerland, heads of the rebellion. And after this, he followeth to declare the successe therof, which I dare saie he was sorie it was so euill, with these words.

Qui dementiatione milti nobiles viri adducti sunt, vt de [...] liberandis cogitare auderent ac sperabant illi quidem [...] [...]nes summis viribus affu [...]ur [...]s esse: verum etsi [...] expect [...]bant res euenit, quia catholici omnes nandum probè cognouerant, Elisabetham haereticam esse decla­r [...]m, line 60 tamen laudanda illorum nobilium consilia erant: That is: By which denuntiation, manie noblemen were induced or led, that they were boldened to thinke of the fréeing of their brethren, and they hoped certeinlie that all the catholikes would haue assi­s [...]d them with all their strength: but although the matter happened otherwise than they hoped for, bi­cause all the catholikes knew not that Elisabeth was declared to be an heretike, yet the counsels and intents of those noblemen were to be praised. A re­bellion and a vanquishing of rebels verie smoothlie described.

This noble fact here mentioned was the rebellion in the north: the noblemen were the earles of Nor­thumberland and Westmerland: the lacke of the e­uent or successe was, that the traitors were vanqui­shed, and the queenes maiestie and hir subiects had by Gods ordinance the victorie: and the cause why the rebels preuailed not, was bicause all the catho­likes had not béene dulie informed that the queenes maiestie was declared to be (as they terme it) an he­retike: which want of information, to the intent to make the rebels mightier in number and power, was diligentlie and cunninglie supplied by the send­ing into the realme of a great multitude of the se­minaries and Iesuits, whose speciall charge was to informe the people thereof, as by their actions hath manifestlie appéered. A supplement to amend the for­mer errour.

And though doctor Sanders hath thus written, yet it may be said by such as fauoured the two nota­ble Iesuits, one named Robert Persons (who yet hi­deth himselfe in corners to continue his traitorous practise) the other named Edmund Campion (who was found out being disguised like a roister and suf­fered for his treasons) that doctor Sanders treason is his proper treason in allowing of the said bull, Persons and Campion are offendors as doctor San­ders is, for al­lowance of the bull. and not to be imputed to Persons and Campion. There­fore to make it plaine that these two by speciall au­thoritie had charge to execute the sentence of this bull, these acts in writing following shall make ma­nifest, which are not fained or imagined, but are the verie writings taken about one of their compli­ces, euen immediatlie after Campions death: al­though Campion before his death would not be knowen of anie such matter. Whereby may appéere what trust is to be giuen to the words of such pseu­domartyrs.

Facultates concessae pp. Roberto Personio & Edmundo Campiano, pro Anglia, die 14 Aprilis, 1580.

PEtatur à summo domino nostro explicatio bulla decla­ratoria per Pium Quintum contra Elisabetham & ei adhaerentes, quam catholici cupiunt intelligi hoc modo; vt obliget semper illam & haereticos, catholicos vero nullo mod [...] obliget rebus sic stantibus, sed tum demum quando publica eiusdem bullae executio fieri poterit. Then followed ma­nie other petitions of faculties for their further au­thorities, which are not néedfull for this purpose to be recited: but in the end followeth this sentence as an answer of the popes. Has praedictas gratias concessit summus pontifex patri Roberto Personio, & Edmundo Cam­piano in Angliam profecturis, die 14 Aprilis, 1580. Prae­sente patre Oliueri [...] Manarco assistence. The English of which Latine sentences is as followeth.

Faculties granted to the two fathers Robert Per­sons and Edmund Campion, for England, the fourteenth daie of Aprill, 1580.

LEt it be asked or required of our most holie lord, Faculties granted to Persons and Campion by pope Grego­rie the thir­téenth Anno 1580. the explication or meaning of the bull declarato­rie made by Pius the fift against Elisabeth, & such as doo adhere or obeie hir, which bull the catholikes desire to be vnderstood in this maner: that the same bull shall alwaies bind hir and the heretikes; but the catholikes it shall by no meanes bind, as matters or things doo now stand or be: but hereafter, when the publike execution of that bull maie be had or made. Then in the end the conclusion was thus added. The highest pontife or bishop granted these foresaid gra­ces to father Robert Persons & Edmund Campi­on, who are now to take their iournies into Eng­land, the 14 daie of Aprill, By what au­thoritie Cam­pion came in­to England. in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and eightie. Being present the father Oliuerius Manarke assistant. [Page 1363] Hereby it is manifest, what authoritie Campion had to impart the contents of the bull against the quéens maiestie, howsoeuer he himselfe denied the same: for this was his errand.

And though it be manifest that these two Iesuits, Parsons and Campion, not onelie required to haue the popes mind declared for the bull; but also in their owne petitions shewed how they and other catho­likes did desire to haue the said bull to be vnderstood against the quéene of England: yet to make the matter more plaine how all other Iesuits and semi­naries; line 10 yea how all papists naming themselues catholikes, doo or are warranted to interpret the said bull against hir maiestie and hir good subiects, howsoeuer they will disguise it, you shall see what one of their fellowes, named Hart, who was con­demned with Campion and yet liueth, did amongst manie other things declare his knowledge there­of the last daie of December in the same yeare one thousand fiue hundred and eightie, in these words following. Harts confes­sion of the in­terpretation of the bull of Pius Quintus. The bull of Pius Quintus (for so much line 20 as it is against the quéene) is holden amongest the English catholikes for a lawfull sentence, and a suf­ficient discharge of hir subiects fidelitie, and so re­maineth in force: but in some points touching the subiects, it is altered by the present pope. For where in that bull all hir subiects are commanded not to obeie hir, and she being excommunicate and deposed, all that doo obeie hir are likewise innodate and accurssed, which point is perillous to the cath [...] ­likes: for if they obeie hir, they be in the popes cursse, line 30 and if they disobeie hir, they are in the quéenes dan­ger: therefore the present pope to reléeue them hath altered that part of the bull, and dispensed with them to obeie and serue hir, without perill of excom­munication: which dispensation is to indure but till it please the pope otherwise to determine.

Wherefore to make some conclusion of the mat­ters before mentioned, A conclusion that all the in­famous books against the quéene and the realme, are false. all persons both within the realme and abroad, maie plainelie perceiue that all the infamous libels latelie published abroad in sun­drie line 40 languages, and the slanderous reports made in other princes courts of a multitude of persons, to haue béene of late put to torments and death one­lie for profession of the catholike religion, and not for matters of state against the queenes maiestie, are false and shamelesse, and published to the main­tenance of traitors and rebels. And to make the matter seeme more horrible or lamentable, they re­cite the particular names of all the persons, which by their owne catalog exceed not for these fiue and line 50 twentie yeares space, aboue the number of thrée score, Difference of the small numbers that haue béene ex­ecuted in the space of fiue and twentie yeares, from the great numbers in fiue yeares of quéene Ma­ries reigne. forgetting or rather with their stonie and senselesse harts not regarding, in what cruell sort in the time of quéene Marie, which little excéeded the space of fiue yeares, the quéenes maiesties reigne being fiue times as manie, there were by im­prisonment, torments, famine, and fire, of men, women, maidens, and children, almost the number of foure hundred, besides such as were secretlie line 60 murthered in prisons: and of that number, aboue twentie that had béene archbishops, bishops, and principall prelats or officers in the church lamenta­blie destroied; and of women aboue thrée score, and of children aboue fortie, and amongest the women, some great with child, and one, out of whose bodie the child by fire was expelled aliue, and yet also cruellie burned: examples beyond all heathen cru­eltie.

And most of the youth that then suffered cruell death, both men, women, and children (which is to be noted) were such, as had neuer by the sacrament of baptisme, or by confirmation, professed, or was euer taught or instructed, or euer had heard of anie other kind of religion, but onelie of that which by their bloud and death in the fire they did as true martyrs testifie. A matter of an other sort to be la­mented in a christian charitie with simplicitie of words, and not with puffed eloquence, than the ex­ecution in this time of a verie few traitors; who al­so in their time, if they excéeded thirtie yeares of age, had in their baptisme professed, and in their youth had learned the same religion which they now so bitterlie oppugned. And besides that, in their o­pinions they differ much from the martyrs of quéene Maries time: for though they which suffe­red in queene Maries time continued in the profes­sion of the religion wherein they were christened, and as they were perpetuallie taught; yet they neuer at their death denied their lawfull quéene, nor mainteined anie of hir open and forren eni­mies, nor anie procured rebellion or ciuill warre, nor did sow anie sedition in secret corners, nor withdrew anie subiects from their obedience, as these sworne seruants of the pope haue continuallie doone.

And therefore all these things well considered, there is no doubt, but all good subiects within the realme doo manifestlie sée, and all wauering per­sons (not being led cleane out of the waie by the se­ditious) will hereafter perceiue, how they haue béene abused to go astraie. And all strangers, but speciallie all christian potentats, as emperours, An aduertise­ment vnto all princes of countries abroad. kings, princes, and such like, hauing their soue­reigne estates, either in succession hereditarie, or by consent of their people, being acquainted with the verie truth of these hir maiesties late iust and necessarie actions, onelie for defense of hir selfe, hir crowne, and people, against open inuadours, and for eschewing of ciuill warres, stirred vp by re­bellion, will allow in their owne like cases, for a truth and rule (as it is not to be doubted but they will) that it belongeth not vnto a bishop of Rome as successour of saint Peter, and therein a pastour spirituall, or if he were the bishop of all christendome, as by the name of pope he clai­meth, first by his bulles or excommunications, in this sort at his will in fauour of traitors and re­bels, to depose anie souereigne princes, being lawfullie inuested in their crownes by succession in bloud, or by lawfull election; and then to arme sub­iects against their naturall lords, to make warres, and to dispense with them for their oths in so dooing, or to excommunicat faithfull subiects for obeieng of their naturall princes, & lastlie himselfe to make open warre, with his owne souldiers, against prin­ces moouing no force against him.

For if these high tragicall powers should be per­mitted to him to exercise, then should no empire, no kingdome, no countrie, no citie or towne be posses­sed by anie lawfull title, longer than one such one­lie an earthlie man, sitting (as he saieth) in saint Peters chaire at Rome, should for his will and ap­petite (without warrant from God or man) thinke méet and determine: The authori­tie proclamed by the pope not warran­ted by Christ, or by the two apostles Pe­ter and Paul▪ an authoritie neuer chalen­ged by the Lord of lords the sonne of God, Iesus Christ our onelie Lord and sauiour, and the onelie head of his church, whilest he was in his humani­tie vpon the earth; nor yet deliuered by anie wri­ting or certeine tradition from saint Peter, from whome the pope pretendeth to deriue all his autho­ritie; nor yet from saint Paule the apostle of the gentils: but contrariwise by all preachings, pre­cepts and writings, conteined in the gospell and other scriptures of the apostles, obedience is ex­presselie commanded vnto all earthlie princes; yea, euen vnto kings by especiall name, and that so generallie, as no person is excepted from such [Page 1364] dutie of obedience, as by the sentence of saint Paule euen to the Romans, appeareth, Omnis anima sublimio­ribus potestatibus sit subdi [...]a, that is, Let euerie soule be subiect to the higher powers: within the compasse of which law or precept, saint Chrysostome being bishop of Constantinople▪ writeth, that Euen apostles pro­phets, euangelists, and moonks are comprehended.

And for proofe of saint Peters mind herein, from whome these popes claime their authoritie, it can not be plainelier expressed, than when he writeth line 10 thus, Proinde subiecti estote cuiui [...] hu [...]ane ordinationi, pro­pter Dominum, siue regi, vt qui super [...]m [...]e [...]a, siue praesidi­bus ab eo missis, that is, Therefore be you subiect to eue­rie humane ordinance or creature for the Lord, whe­ther it be to the king, as to him that is superemi­nent, or aboue the rest, or to his presidents sent by him. By which two principall apostles of Christ, these popes the pretensed successors, but chieflie by that which Christ the sonne of God the onelie maister of truth said to Peter and his fellow apostles, Reges gen­tium line 20 dominantur, vos autem non sic, that is, The kings of the gentils haue rule ouer them, but you not so, maie learne to forsake their arrogant and tyran­nous authorities in earthlie and temporall causes o­uer kings and princes, and exercise their pastorall of­fice: as saint Peter was charged thrise at one time by his Lord and maister, Pasce oues meas, Féed my shéepe, and peremptorilie forbidden to vse a sword, in saieng to him, Conuerte gladium tuum in locum suum, or Mitte gladium tuum in vaginam, that is, Turne thy line 30 sword into his place: or, Put thy sword into the scabbard.

All which precepts of Christ and his apostles were dulie followed and obserued manie hundred yeares after their death, by the faithfull and godlie bishops of Rome, that dulie followed the doctrine and humi­litie of the apostles, and the doctrine of Christ, and were holie martyrs, and thereby dilated the limits of Christs church and the faith more in the compasse of an hundred yeares, than the latter popes haue line 40 doone with their swords and cursses these fiue hun­dred yeares, and so continued vntill the time of one pope Hildebrand, otherwise called Gregorie the seuenth, Pope Hilde­brand the first that made warre against the emperor. about the yeare of our Lord, one thousand thrée score and fourtéene; who first began to vsurpe that kind of tyrannie, which of late the late pope cal­led Pius Quintus, and since that time Gregorie now the thirteenth hath followed, for some example as it séemeth: that is, where Gregorie the seuenth, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée score and line 50 fourtéene, or thereabout, presumed to depose Hen­rie the fourth, a noble emperor then being; Grego­rie the thirtéenth now at this time, would attempt the like against king Henrie the eights daughter and heire quéene Elisabeth, a souereigne, and a mai­den quéene, holding hir crowne immediatlie of God.

And to the end it may appeare to princes, or to their good councellors in one example, what was the fortunat successe that God gaue to this good christian emperor Henrie, against the proud pope Hilde­brand, line 60 it is to be noted, that when the pope Grego­rie attempted to depose this noble emperor Henrie, there was one Rodulph a noble man, by some named the count of Reenfield, An. Do. 1074. The iudge­ment of God against the popes false erected empe­ror. that by the popes procure­ment vsurped the name of the emperor, who was ouercome by the said Henrie the lawfull emperor, and in fight hauing lost his right hand, he, the said Rodulph, lamented his case to certeine bishops, who in the popes name had erected him vp, and to them he said, that the selfe same right hand which he had lost, was the same hand wherewith he had before sworne obedience to his lord and maister the empe­ror Henrie; and that in following their vngodlie counsels, he had brought vpon him Gods heauie and iust iudgements. And so Henrie the emperor pre­uailing by Gods power, Pope Grego­rie the seuenth deposed by Henrie the fourth. caused Gregorie the pope by a synod in Italie to be deposed, as in like times be­fore him his predecessor Otho the emperor had de­posed one pope Iohn for manie heinous crimes: & so were also within a short time thrée other popes, namelie, Syluester, Bennet, and Gregorie the sixt, vsed by the emperor Henrie the third, about the yeare of our Lord, one thousand fortie and seuen, for their like presumptuous attempts in temporall actions against the said empero [...]s.

Manie other examples might be shewed to the emperors maiestie, Henrie the fift. Frederike the first. Frederike the second. Lewes of Bauar, em­perors. and the princes of the holie em­pire now being, after the time of Henrie the fourth: as of Henrie the fift, and Frederike the first, and Frederike the second, and then of Lewes of Bauar, all emperors, cruellie and tyrannouslie persecuted by the popes, and by their buls, cursses, and by open wars, and likewise to manie other the great kings and monarchs of christendome, of their noble pro­genitors, kings of their seuerall dominions. Where­by they may sée how this kind of tyrannous autoritie in popes to make warres vpon emperors & kings, and to command them to be depriued, tooke hold at the first by pope Hildebrand, though the same neuer had anie lawfull example or warrant from the lawes of God of the old or new testament: but yet the suc­cesses of their tyrannies were by Gods goodnesse for the most part made frustrat, as by Gods goodnesse there is no doubt, but the like will followe to their confusions at all times to come.

And therefore, as there is no doubt, but the like vi­olent tyrannous procéedings by anie pope in main­tenance of traitors and rebels, would be withstood by euerie souereigne prince in christendome in de­fense of their persons and crownes, and mainte­nance of their subiects in peace: so is there at this present a like iust cause that the emperors maiestie, with the princes of the holie empire, and all other souereigne kings & princes in christendome, should iudge the same to be lawfull for hir maiestie being a quéene, Whatsoeuer is lawfull for other princes souereignes, is lawfull for the queene and crowne of England. and holding the verie place of a king and a prince souereigne ouer diuers kingdoms and nati­ons; she being also most lawfullie inuested in hir crowne: and as for good gouerning of hir people, with such applause and generall allowance, loued, and obeied of them; sauing a few ragged traitors, or rebels, or persons discontented, whereof no other realme is frée, as continuallie for these fiue & twen­tie yeares past hath béene notablie séene, and so pub­likelie marked, euen by strangers repairing in­to this realme, as it were no cause of disgrace to a­nie monarch and king in christendome, to haue hir maiesties felicitie compared with anie of theirs whatsoeuer: and it maie be, there are manie kings and princes could be well contented with the frui­tion of some proportion of hir felicitie.

And though the popes be now suffered by the em­peror, in the lands of his owne peculiar patrimonie, and by the two great monarchs, the French king and the king of Spaine, in their dominions and ter­ritories (although by manie other kings not so al­lowed) to continue his authoritie in sundrie cases, and his glorious title to be the vniuersall bishop of the world, The title of vniuersall [...] ­shop is a pre­amble of an­tichrist. which title Gregorie the great aboue nine hundred yeares past, called a prophane title, full of sacrilege, and a preamble of antichrist: yet in all their dominions & kingdoms, as also in the realme of England, most notablie by manie ancient lawes it is well knowne, how manie waies the tyrannous power of this his excessiue authoritie hath béene, and still is restreined, checked and limited by lawes and pragmatikes, both ancient and new, both in France [Page 1365] and Spaine and other dominions: a verie large field for the lawyers of those countries to walke in and discourse.

And howsoeuer the popes canonists, being as his bombarders, doo make his excommunications and cursses appeare fearefull to the multitude and simple people: yet all great emperors and kings a­foretime, in their owne cases, of their rights and roi­all preeminences, though the same concerned but a citie or a poore towne, and sometime but the not al­lowance line 10 of some vnworthie person to a bishoprike or to an abbeie, neuer refrained to despise all popes cursses or forces; but attempted alwaies, either by their swords to compell them to desist from their fu­rious actions, or without anie feare of themselues, in bodie, soule, or conscience, stoutlie to withstand their cursses, and that sometime by force, sometime by or­dinances and lawes: the ancient histories whereof are too manie to be repeated, and of none more fre­quent and effectuall than of the kings of France. line 20 And in the records of England dooth appeare, how stoutlie the kings & the baronadie of England from age to age, by extreame penall laws haue so repelled the popes vsurpations, as with the verie name of premunires his proctors haue béene terrified, and his cleargie haue quaked, as of late cardinall Wool­seie did prooue.

But leauing those that are ancient, we may re­member how in this our owne present or late age, it hath béene manifestlie seene, how the armie of the line 30 late noble emperour Charles the fift, father to king Philip that now reigneth, was not afraid of his curs­ses, when in the yeare of our Lord 1527, Rome it selfe was besieged and sacked, year 1527 and the pope then cal­led Clement, and his cardinals, Rome sacked, and the pope Clement takē prisoner by the emperors armie. to the number of a­bout thirtie and thrée, in his mount Adrian or castell S. Angelo, taken prisoners and deteined seauen mo­neths or more, and after ransomed by Don Vgo di Moncada a Spaniard, and the marquesse of Guasto, at aboue foure hundred thousand duckets, besides the line 40 ransomes of the cardinals which was much greater; hauing not long before time béene also (notwithstan­ding his cursses) besieged in the same castell by the familie of the Colonies and their fautors his next neighbours being then imperialists, and forced to yeeld to all their demands. year 1550 Neither did king Henrie the second of France, King Henrie the second of France his edicts against the pope and his courts of Rome. The besie­ging of Rome and the pope by the duke of Alua and king Philips armie. father to Henrie now king of France, about the yeare 1550, feare or regard the pope or his court of Rome, when he made seue­rall strict edicts against manie parts of the popes claimes in preiudice of the crowne and cleargie of line 50 France, retracting the authoritie of the court of Rome greatlie to the hinderance of the popes for­mer profits. Neither was the armie of king Philip now of Spaine, whereof the duke of Alua was ge­nerall, striken with anie feare of curssing, when it was brought afore Rome against the pope, in the yeare of our Lord 1555, where great destruction was made by the said armie, and all the delicat buil­dings, gardens, and orchards, next to Rome walles ouerthrowne, wherewith his holinesse was more ter­rified line 60 than he was able to remooue with anie his cursses. Quéene Ma­rie and cardi­nall Poole re­sisted the pope. Neither was quéene Marie the quéenes ma­iesties noble late sister, a person not a little deuoted to the Romane religion, so afraid of the popes curs­sings; but that both shée and hir whole councell, and that with the assent of all the iudges of the realme, according to the ancient lawes, in fauour of cardi­nall Poole hir kinsman, did most strictlie forbid the entrie of his bulles, and of a cardinals hat at Calis, that was sent from the pope for one frier Peito, an obseruant pleasant frier, whom the pope had assigned to be a cardinall in disgrace of cardinall Poole: nei­ther did cardinall Poole himselfe at the same time o­beie the popes commandements, nor shewed him­selfe afraid, being assisted by the quéene, when the pope did threaten him with paine of cursses and ex­communications; but did still oppose himselfe a­gainst the popes commandement, for the said pre­tended cardinall Peito: who notwithstanding all the threatenings of the pope, was forced to go vp and downe in the stréets of London like a begging frier, without his red hat: D. Peito a begging frier. a shout resistance in a quéene for a poore cardinals [...], wherin she followed the ex­ample of hir grandfather king Henrie the seuenth, for a matter of Allum, wherein the king vsed verie great seueritie against the pope.

So as how [...]oeuer the christian kings for some re­spects in policie can indure the pope to command where no harme nor disaduantage groweth to them­selues, yet sur [...] it is, and the popes are not ignorant, The kings of christendome neuer suffer popes to a­bridge their titles or rights, though they suffer them to haue rule ouer their people. but where they shall in anie sort attempt to take from christian princes anie part of their domini­ons, or shall giue aid to their enimies, or to anie o­ther their rebels, in those cases, their bulles, their cur­ses, their excommunications, their sentences and most solemne anathematicals, no nor their crosse keies, or double edged sword, will serue their turnes to compasse their intentions. And now, where the pope hath manifestlie by his bulles and excommuni­cations attempted asmuch as he could, to depriue hir maiestie of hir kingdomes, to withdraw from hir the obedience of hir subiects, to procure rebellions in hir realms, yea to make both rebellions and open warres with his owne capteines, souldiers, ban­ners, ensignes, and all other things belonging to warre: shall this pope Gregorie or anie other pope after him, thinke that a souereigne quéene, possessed of the two realmes of England and Ireland, stabli­shed so manie yeares in hir kingdomes as thrée or foure popes haue sit in their chaire at Rome, fortifi­ed with so much dutie, loue and strength of hir sub­iects, acknowledging no superiour ouer hir realms, The quéene of England may not suffer the pope by a­nie meanes to make rebelli­ons in hir realme. but the mightie hand of God: shall she forbeare, or feare to withstand and make frustrate his vnlawfull attempts, either by hir sword or by hir lawes; or to put his soldiers inuadors of hir realme to the sword martiallie, or to execute hir lawes vpon hir owne re­bellious subiects ciuillie, that are prooued to be his chiefe instruments for rebellion, & for his open war? This is sure, that howsoeuer either he sitting in his chaire with a triple crowne at Rome, or anie other his proctors in anie part of christendome, shall re­new these vnlawfull attempts: almightie God the king of kings whom hir maiestie onlie honoreth and acknowledgeth to be hir onlie souereigne Lord and protector, & whose lawes and gospell of his son Iesus Christ she seeketh to defend, will no doubt but deli­uer sufficient power into his maidens hand his ser­uant quéene Elisabeth, to withstand and confound them all.

And where the seditious trumpetors of infamies & lies haue sounded foorth and intituled certeine that haue suffered for treason, to be martyrs for religion: Addit [...]men [...] to the popes martyrolog [...]. so may they also at this time (if they list) ad to their forged catalog the headlesse bodie of the late mise­rable earle of Desmond, the head of the Irish rebel­lion: who of late, secretlie wandering without suc­cour, as a miserable begger, was taken by one of the Irishrie in his caben, and in an Irish sort, after his owne accustomed sauage maner, his head cut off from his bodie: an end due to such an archrebell. And herewith to remember the end of his chiefe con­federats, may be noted for example to others, The strange ends of Iames earle of Desmond, D. Sanders, Iames Fitz­moris. the strange manner of the death of doctor Sanders the popes Irish legat, who also wandering in the mountains in Ireland without succor, died rauing in a frensie. And before him, one Iames Fitzmoris [Page 1366] the first traitour of Ireland next to Stukeleie the rakehell, a man not vnknowen in the popes palace for a wicked craftie traitor, was slaine at one blow by an Irish noble yoong gentleman, in defense of his fathers countrie which the traitor sought to burne. A fourth man of singular note was Iohn of Des­mond, Iohn of Des­mond. brother to the earle, a verie bloudie faithlesse traitor, & a notable murderer of his familiar friends, who also wandring to séeke some preie like a woolfe in the woods, was taken & beheaded after his owne vsage, being (as he thought) sufficientlie armed with line 10 the popes buls and certeine Agnus Dei, & one nota­ble ring with a pretious stone about his necke sent from the popes finger (as it was said) but these he saw saued not his life. And such were the fatall ends of all these, being the principall heads of the Irish warre and rebellion, so as no one person remaineth at this daie in Ireland a knowen traitor: a worke of God and not of man.

To this number they may (if they séeke number) also ad a furious yoong man of Warwikeshire, Iohn So­meruile. by line 20 name Someruile, to increase their kalendar of the popes martyrs, who of late was discouered and ta­ken in his waie, comming with a full intent to haue killed hir maiestie, whose life God alwaies haue in his custodie. The attempt not denied by the traitor himselfe, but confessed, and that he was mooued ther­to in his wicked spirit, by intisements of certeine seditious and traitorous persons his kinsmen and a­lies, & also by often reading of sundrie seditious vile bookes latelie published against hir maiestie, and his line 30 end was in desperation to strangle himselfe to deth: an example of Gods seueritie against such as pre­sume to offer violence to his anointed. But as God of his goodnesse hath of long time hitherto preserued hir maiestie from these and the like treacheries: so hath she no cause to feare, being vnder his protecti­on, she saieng with king Dauid in the psalme: My God is my helper and I will trust in him, he is my protection, and the strength or the power of my sal­uation. And for the more comfort of all good subiects line 40 against the shadowes of the popes bulles, it is mani­fest to the world, that from the beginning of hir ma­iesties reigne, The prospe­ritie of Eng­land, during the popes cursses. by Gods singular goodnesse, hir king­dome hath inioied more vniuersall peace, hir people increased in more numbers, in more strength, and with greater riches, & with lesse sickenesse, the earth of hir kingdomes hath yeelded more fruits, and ge­nerallie all kind of worldlie felicitie hath more a­bounded since and during the time of the popes thun­ders, bulles, cursses and maledictions, than in anie o­ther line 50 long times before, when the popes pardons and blessings came yearelie into the realme: so as his cursses and maledictions haue turned backe to him­selfe and his fautors, that it may be said to the blessed quéene Elisabeth of England and of hir people, as was said in Deuteronomie of Balaam: The Lord thy God would not heare Balaam, but did turne his maledictions or cursses into benedictions or bles­sings: the reason is, for bicause thy God loued thée.

Although these former reasons are sufficient to line 60 persuade all kind of reasonable persons to allow of hir maiesties actions, to be good, reasonable, lawfull and necessarie: yet bicause it may be, that such as haue by frequent reading of false artificiall libels; and by giuing credit to them, vpon a preiudice or foreiudgement afore grounded, by their rooted opi­nions in fauour of the pope, will rest vnsatisfied: therfore as much as may be, to satisfie all persons as farre foorth as common reason may warrant, that hir maiesties late action in executing certeine sedi­tious traitors, hath not procéeded for the holding of opinions, either for the popes supremasie, or against hir maiesties regalitie; but for the verie crimes of sedition and treason: it shall suffice brieflie, in man­ner of a repetition of the former reasons, to remem­ber these things following.

First, it cannot be denied, Reasons to persuade by reason the fa­uourers of the pope, that none hath béene execu­ted for reli­gion but for treason. The first reason. but that hir maiestie did for manie yeares suffer quietlie the popes bulles and excommunications without punishment of the fautors thereof, accounting of them but as of words or wind, or of writings in parchment waied downe with lead, or as of water bubbles, commonlie called in Latine Bullae, & such like: but yet after some proofe that courage was taken therof by some bold and bad subiects, she could not but then estéeme them to be verie preambles, or as forerunners of greater dan­ger: and therefore, with what reason could anie mis­like, that hir maiestie did for a bare defense against them, without other action or force, vse the helpe of reuiuing of former lawes, to prohibit the publica­tion or execution of such kind of bulles within hir realme?

Secondlie, when notwithstanding the prohibition by hir lawes, The second reason. the same bulles were plentifullie (but in secret sort) brought into the realme, and at length arrogantlie set vpon the gates of the bishop of Lon­dons palace neere to the cathedrall church of Paules the principall citie of the realme, by a lewd person, The bull of Pius Quin­tus set vp at Paules. vsing the same like a herald sent from the pope: who can in anie common reason mislike, that hir maie­stie finding this kind of denunciation of warre, as a defiance to be made in hir principall citie by one of hir subiects, auowing and obstinatlie mainteining the same, should according to iustice cause the offen­dor to haue the reward due to such a fact? The first pu­nishment for the bull. And this was the first action of anie capitall punishment in­flicted for matter sent from Rome to mooue rebelli­on, which was after hir maiestie had reigned about the space of twelue yeares or more: a time sufficient to prooue hir maiesties patience.

Thirdlie, when the pope had risen vp out of his chaire in his wrath, The third reason. from words and writings to ac­tions, and had contrarie to the aduise giuen by saint Barnard to one of his predecessors, that is, when by his messages he left Verbum, and tooke Ferrum, that is, left to féed by the word, which was his office, and be­gan to strike with the sword which was forbidden him, and stirred hir noblemen and people directlie to disobedience and to open rebellion, which was the of­fice of Dathan and Abiram, and that hir lewd sub­iects by his commandement had executed the same with all the forces which they could make or bring in­to the field: Rebellion in the north. who with common reason can disallow that hir maiestie vsed hir roiall lawfull authoritie, and by hir forces lawfull subdued rebels forces vn­lawfull, and punished the authors thereof no other­wise than the pope himselfe vseth to doo with his owne rebellious subiects, in the patrimonie of his church, as not manie moneths passed he had béene forced to intend? And if anie prince of people in the world would otherwise neglect his office, and suffer his rebels to haue their wils; none ought to pitie him, if for want of resistance and courage he lost both his crowne, his head, his life, and his kingdome.

Fourthlie, when hir maiestie beheld a further in­crease of the popes malice, The fourth reason. notwithstanding that the first rebellion was in hir north parts vanquished, in that he interteined abroad out of this realme, the traitors and rebels that fled for the rebellion, and all the rable of other the fugitiues of the realme, & that he sent a number of the same in sorts disguised into both the realmes of England and Ireland, who there secretlie allured hir people to new rebellions, and at the same time spared not his charges to send also out of Italie by sea, certeine ships with capteines of his owne, with their bands of souldiers, The inuasion of Ireland by the pope. furnished with treasure, munition, vittels, ensignes, banners, [Page 1367] and all other things requisite to the warre, into hir realme of Ireland, where the same forces with other auxiliar companies out of Spaine landed, and forti­fied themselues verie stronglie on the sea side, and proclamed open warre, erecting the popes banner against hir maiestie: may it be now asked of these persons, fauourers of the Romish authoritie, what in reason should haue béene done by hir maiestie other­wise, than first to apprehend all such fugitiues so sto­len into the realme, and dispersed in disguising ha­bits to sow sedition, as some priests in their secret line 10 profession, but all in their apparell as [...]oisters or ruf­fians, some scholers, like to the basest common peo­ple, and them to commit to prisons, and vpon their examinations of their trades and hants, to conuince them of their conspiracies abroad, by testimonie of their owne companions, and of sowing sedition se­cretlie at home in the realme? What may be reaso­nablie thought was meet to be doone with such sedi­tious persons, but by the lawes of the realme to trie, condemne and execute them? And speciallie hauing line 20 regard to the dangerous time, when the popes forces were in the realme of Ireland, and more in prepara­tion to follow as well into England as into Ire­land, to the resistance whereof hir maiestie and hir realme was forced to be at greater charges, than e­uer she had béene since she was quéene thereof. And so by Gods power, which he gaue to hir on the one part, she did by hir lawes suppresse the seditious stir­rers of rebellion in hir realme of England, and by line 30 hir sword vanquished all the popes forces in hir realme of Ireland, The popes forces vanqui­shed in Ire­land. excepting certeine capteines of marke that were saued from the sword, as persons that did renounce their quarrell, and seemed to cursse or to blame such as sent them to so vnfortunate and desperate a voiage.

The politike aduersaries satisfied.But though these reasons, grounded vpon rules of naturall reason, shall satisfie a great number of the aduersaries (who will yeeld that by good order of ciuill and christian policie and gouernement hir ma­iestie line 40 could nor can doo no lesse than she hath doone, first to subdue with hir forces hir rebels and traitors, and next by order of hir lawes to correct the aiders & abettors, & lastlie to put also to the sword such forces as the pope sent into hir dominions) yet there are certeine other persons, Obiection of the papists, that the per­sons executed, are but scho­lers and vn­armed. more nicelie addicted to the pope, that will yet séeme to be vnsatisfied: for that, as they will tearme the matter, a number of sillie poore wretches were put to death as traitors, being but in profession scholers or priests, by the names of seminaries, Iesuits, or simple schoolemaisters, that line 50 came not into the realme with anie armour or wea­pon, by force to aid the rebels and traitors, either in England or in Ireland in their rebellions or wars; of which sort of wretches the commiseration is made, as though for their contrarie opinions in religion, or for teaching of the people to disobeie the lawes of the realme, they might haue beene otherwise puni­shed and corrected, but yet not with capitall paine. These kinds of defenses tend onelie to find fault ra­ther with the seueritie of their punishments, than to line 60 acquit them as innocents or quiet subiects.

But for answer to the better satisfaction of these uice and scrupulous fauourers of traitors, it must be with reason demanded of them (if at least they will open their eares to reason) whether they thinke that when a king being stablished in his realme, hath a rebellion first secretlie practised, and afterward o­penlie raised in his realme by his owne seditious subiects; and when by a forren potentate or enimie the same rebellion is mainteined, and the rebels by messages and promises comforted to continue, and their treasons against their naturall prince auowed; and consequentlie when the same potentat and eni­mie, being author of [...]he said rebellion, Manie are traitours though they haue no ar­mour nor weapon. shall with his owne proper forces inuade the realme and subiects of the prince that is so lawfullie and peaceablie pos­sessed: in these cases, shall no subiect fauouring these rebels, and yéelding obedience to the enimie the in­uador, be committed or punished as a traitor; but onelie such of them, as shall be found openlie to car­rie armour and weapon? Shall no subiect, that is a spiall and an explorer for the rebell or enimie against his naturall prince, be taken and punished as a trai­tor, bicause he is not found with armour or weapon; but yet is taken in his disguised apparell, with scrolles and writings, or other manifest tokens, to prooue him a spie for traitors, after he hath wandered secretlie in his souereignes campe, region, court, or citie? Shall no subiect be counted a traitor, that will secretlie giue earnest and prest monie to persons to be rebels or enimies, or that will attempt to poison the vittels, or the founteins; or secretlie set on fire the ships or munition, or that will secretlie search and sound the hauens and créeks for landing, or mea­sure the depth of ditches, or height of bulworks and walles, bicause these offendors are not found with armor or weapon? The answer I thinke must needs be yéelded (if reason and experience shall haue rule with these aduersaries) that all these and such like are to be punished as traitors: and the principall reason is, bicause it can not be denied, but that the actions of all these are necessarie accessaries, and ad­herents proper to further and continue all rebellions and warres. But if they will denie, that none are traitors that are not armed, they will make Iudas no traitor, that came to Christ without armour, co­louring his treason with a kisse.

Now therefore it resteth to applie the facts of these late malefactors that are pretended to haue offended but as scholers, or bookemen; The applica­tion of the scholasticall traitors, to others, that are traitors without ar­mor. or at the most but as persons that onelie in words and doctrine, and not with armour did fauour and helpe the rebels and the enimies. For which purpose let these persons be ter­med as they list, scholers, schoolemaisters, bookemen, seminaries, priests, Iesuits, friers, beadmen, Ro­manists, pardoners, or what else you will; nei­ther their titles, nor their apparell hath made them traitors, but their traitorous secret motions & prac­tises: their persons haue not made the warre, but their directions and counsels haue set vp the rebelli­ons. It is trulie to be pondered, that the verie cau­ses finall of these rebellions and warres, haue béene to depose hir maiestie from hir crowne: the popes bull hath roared it so to be. The causes instrumen­tall are th [...]se kind of seminaries and seedmen of se­dition: their secret teachings and reconciliations haue confirmed it. The fruits and effects thereof are by rebellion to shed the bloud of all hir faithfull sub­iects: the rewards of the inuadors (if they could pre­uaile) should be the disinheriting of all the nobili­tie, the clergie, and the whole communaltie, that would (as they are bound by the lawes of God, by their birth, and othes) defend their naturall gratious quéene, their natiue countrie, their wiues, their chil­dren, their familie, and their houses.

And now examine these which you call vnarmed scholers and priests, wherefore they first fled out of the realme, why they liued and were conuersant in companie of the principall rebels and traitors at Rome, and in their places, where it is proued that they were partakers of their conspiracies? Let it be answered why they came thus by stealth into the realme? Why they haue wandered vp & downe in corners in disguised sort, changing their titles, names and maner of apparell? Why they haue inti­sed and sought to persuade by their secret false rea­sons, the people to allow and beléeue all the actions [Page 1368] and attempts whatsoeuer the pope hath doone, or shall doo, to be lawfull? Why they haue reconciled and with [...]wne so manie people in corners from the lawes of the realme to the obedience of the pope, a [...] potentate and open enimie, whome they k [...]w to haue alreadie declared the queene to be no lawfull queene, to haue mainteined the knowne re­bels and traitors, to haue inuaded hir maiesties do­minions with open warre? Examine further, how these vagarant disgised vnarmed spies haue answe­red, line 10 when they were taken and demanded what they thought of the bull of pope Pius Quintus, [...] which was published to depriue the quéenes maiestie, and to warrant hir subiects to disobeie hir: whether they thought that all subiects ought to obeie the same bull, and so to rebell? Secondlie, whether they thought hir maiestie to be lawfull queene of the realme, not­withstanding the said bull or anie other bull of the pope? Thirdlie, whether the pope might giue such li­cence as he did to the earls of Northumberland and line 20 Westmerland, and other hir maiesties subiects to rebell as they did? Or giue power to doctor Sanders a naturall borne [...], but an vnnaturall worne priest, to take armes and moue warres as he did in Ireland? Fourthlie, whether the pope may discharge the subiects of hir maiestie, or of anie other princes christened, of their oths of obedience? Fiftlie, whe­ther the said traitorous priest doctor Sanders or one Bristow a rebellious fugitiue, did in their bookes writ [...] trulie or falslie, in approuing the said bull of line 30 [...], and the contents thereof? Lastlie, what were to be doone, if the pope or anie other assigned by [...], would inuade the realme of England, and what part they would take, or what part anie faithfull sub­iect of hir maiesties ought to take? To these few questions verie apt to trie the truth or falshood of any such seditious persons, being iustlie before condem­ned for their disloialtie, these lewd vnarmed traitors I say would in no wise answer directlie herto, as all other faith full subiects to anie christian prince ought line 40 to doo.

And as they by refusall to answer directlie to these questions onelie, might haue béene iustlie conuinced as guiltie of treason: The o [...]en­ [...]ors executed [...], re [...]i­gion▪ so yet were they not therevpon condemned, but vpon all their other former actions committed both abroad & in the relme, which were no lesse traitorous than the actions of all other the spies and traitors, and of Iudas himselfe afore remem­bred, which had no armor nor weapon, and yet at all times ought to be adiudged traitors. For these dis­guised persons (called scholers or priests) hauing line 50 beene first conuersant of long time with the traitors beyond the sea in all their conspiracies, came hither by stealth in time of war and rebellion by comman­dement of the capitall enimie the pope or his legats, to be secret espials and explorers in the realme for the pope, to deliuer by secret, Romish tokens, as it were an earnest or prest, to them that should be in readi­nes to ioine with rebels or open enimies, and in like sort with their hallowed baggages from Rome to line 60 poison the senses of the subiects, powring into their hearts malicious and pestilent opinions against hir maiestie and the lawes of the realme; and also to kindle and set on fire [...]he hearts of discontented sub­iects with the flames of rebellion, & to search & sound the depths and secrets of all mens inward inten­tions, either against hir maiestie, or for hir: and fi­na [...]ie, to bring into a beadroll, or as it were into a m [...]er roll, the names and powers with the dwel­lings of all them that should be readie to rebell, and to aid the forreine [...]uasion.

These kinds of seditious actions for the seruice of the pope and the traitors and rebels abroad, haue made them traitors: not their b [...]ks, nor their [...]eads, no nor their cakes of ware which they call Agnus Dei, nor other their relikes, no nor yet their opinions for the ceremonies or rites of the church of Rome: and therefore it is to be certeinelie concluded, that these did iustlie deserue their capitall punishments as traitors, though they were not apprehended with open armour or weapon. Now if this latter repeti­tion, as it were of all the former causes and reasons afore recited, may not serue to stop the boisterous mouthes, and the pestif [...]r [...]us toongs, and venemous breaths of those that are infected with so grosse er­rors, as to defend seditious subiects, stirrers of re­bellion against their naturall prince and countrie; then are they to be left without anie further argu­ment of the almightie God, as persons that haue co­uered their eies against the sunnes light, Unreasonable [...]nd obstinate persons are left to Gods iudgement. stopped their eares against the sound of iustice, and op­pressed their hearts against the force of reason, and as the psalmist saith: They speake lies, they are as venemous as the poison of a serpent, euen like the deafe adder that stoppeth his eares.

Wherefore with christian charitie to conclude, if these rebels and traitors, and their fautors would yet take some remorse and compassion of their naturall countrie, and would consider how vaine their at­tempts haue béene so manie yeares; and how ma­nie of their confederats are wasted by miseries and calamities, and how none of all their attempts or plats haue prospered, and therefore would desist from their vnnaturall practises abroad: and if these seminaries, secret wanderers, and explorators in the darke, would imploie their trauels in the works of light and doctrine according to the vsage of their schooles, and content themselues with their profes­sion and deuotion: and that the remnant of the wic­ked flocke of the seedmen of sedition would cease from their rebellious, false and infamous railings and libellings, altogether contrarie to christian cha­ritie: there is no doubt by Gods grace (hir maiestie being so much giuen to mercie and deuoted to peace) but all colour and occasion of shedding the bloud of anie more of hir naturall subiects of this land, yea all further bodilie punishment should vtterlie cease. Against whose malices, if they shall not desist, al­mightie God continue hir maiestie with his spirit and power long to reigne and liue in his feare, and to be able to vanquish them all, being Gods eni­mies, and especiallie hir rebels and traitors both at home & abroad, & to mainteine & preserue all hir na­turall good louing subiects, to the true seruice of the same almightie God, according to his holie word & will. Manie other things might be remembred for defense of other hir maiesties princelie, honorable, and godlie actions in sundrie other things, wherein also these and the like seditious railors haue of late time without all shame, by fained and false libels sought to discredit hir maiestie & hir gouernement: but at this time, these former causes and reasons al­leaged by waie of aduertisements, onelie for main­tenance of truth, are sufficient to iustifie hir maie­sties actions to the whole world in the cases remem­bred. Magna est veritas, & pr [...]ualet: Great is truth, 2. Esd. 4. and she ouercommeth.

On the two and twentith of Ianuarie, Bishop of Winchester deceased. Iohn Watson bishop of Winchester deceased at Wool­seie, and was buried at Winchester on the sixtéenth daie of Feb [...]uarie; a man he was well taught by the art which he professed and practised, to esteeme this life as it is, euen tran [...]itorie & verie vaine; wherin as men are the further s [...]epf in age, so should they be the lesse desirous to liue, and take death comming timelie (which is, when as naturall heate and the moi­sture radicall are decaied) in such good part, as no­thing [Page 1369] more acceptable. But who thinkes his death to come timelie; but the godlie wise, who haue lear­ned, that as men haue daies of life decreed, so they haue daies of death determined; according to the te­trastichon, which that famous man Ioachimus Ca­merarius (an excellent man and of singular note) made a little before his departing out of this world:

Morte nihil tempestiua esse optatius aiunt,
Sed tempestiuam quis putat esse suam?
Qui putat ille sapit; quoniam vt solatia vitae, line 10
Sic & quisque suae tempora mortis habet.

On the seuenth of Februarie were arreigned at Westminster, Fiue executed for treason. Iames Fenne, George Haddocks, Iohn Munden, Iohn Nutter, and Thomas Homer­ford: all fiue were found guiltie of high treason, and had iudgement to be drawne, hanged, bowelled, and quartered, A. F. ex add. G. C. Maister Wal­ter Raleigh his viage for the discouerie of that land which lieth betwéene No­tembega and Florida. and were executed at Tiborne on the twelfe daie of Februarie. ¶ In this yeare, 1584, euen at the prime of the yeare, namelie in Aprill, maister Walter Raleigh esquier, a gentleman from line 20 his infancie brought vp and trained in martiall dis­cipline, both by land and sea, and well inclined to all vertuous and honorable aduentures, hauing built a ship and a pinesse, set them to the sea, furni­shed with all prouisions necessarie for a long viage, and committed the charge of them to two gentlemen (his owne seruants) the one called Philip Amadis, the other Arthur Barlow, Philip Ama­dis, and Ar­thur Barlow. with direction to disco­uer that land which lieth betwéene Norembega and Florida in the west Indies; who according to their line 30 commission, made as sufficient a discouerie thereof as so short a time would permit: for they returned in August next following, Two sauage men and other things brought from the said land discouered. and brought with them two sauage men of that countrie, with sundrie other things, that did assure their maister of the goodnesse of the soile, and of great commodities that would arise to the realme of England, by traffique, if that the English had anie habitation, and were planted to liue there. Maister Wal­ter Raleigh prepareth for a second vi­age to the said land late dis­couered. Wherevpon, he immediatlie prepared for a second viage, which with all expedition (nothing line 40 at all regarding the charges that it would amount vnto) did presentlie set in hand.

This countrie of Norembega aforesaid (and the land on this side of it) sir Humfrie Gilbert, brother to sir Walter Raleigh, a man both valiant and well experienced in martiall affaires, did attempt to dis­couer, with intention to settle an English colonie there, in the yeare 1578: hauing in his companie his two brethren, Gentlemen that associated sir Humfreie Gilbert in his viage to No­rembega 1578. Walter and Carew Raleighs, Henrie Knolles, George Carew, William Careie, line 50 Edward Dennie, Henrie Nowell, Miles Morgan, Francis Knolles, Henrie North, and diuerse other gentlemen of good calling, and ten sailes of all sorts of shipping, well and sufficientlie furnished for such an enterprise, weighed anchor in the west countrie, & set to the sea. But God not fauoring his attempt, the iourneie tooke no good successe: The viage hath not wi­shed successe. for all his ships inforced by some occasion or mischance, made their present returne againe; that onelie excepted, where­in his brother Walter Raleigh was capteine, who being desirous to doo somewhat woorthie honor, tooke line 60 his course for the west Indies, but for want of vit­tels and other necessaries (needfull in so long a vi­age) when he had sailed as far as the Ilands of Cape De Uerde vpon the coast of Africa, was inforced to set saile and returne for England. Maister Wal­ter Raleigh sailed as far as Cape de Uerde, &c. and arriueth in sa [...]e [...]ie at Plimouth. In this his vi­age he passed manie dangerous aduentures, as well by tempests as fights on the sea; but lastlie he arriued safelie at Plimouth in the west countrie in Maie next following. Sir Humfreie Gilbert not­withstanding this vnfortunate successe of his first attempt, enterprised the said viage the second time, and set to the sea with thrée ships and pinesses, Sir Humfrie Gilberd seue­red from his companie, dead, and ne­uer heard of. in the yeare 1584, in the which iourneie he lost his life; but in what sort no man can witnesse. For being by force of foule weather separated from his companie, he was neuer heard of afterwards.]

¶ In this yeare, and the twentith daie of Maie de­parted out of this life that famous father of physicke and surgerie, the English Hippocrates and Galen, Ab. Fl. hor [...] omnium ma [...]i­mè cons [...]ius. I meane doctor Caldwell, and was buried on the sixt of Iune immediatlie following at S. Benets church by Paules wharfe, The deceasse of D. Cald­we [...]l physician of whom there is former mē ­tiō, pag. 1349. at the vpper end of the chancell: his bodie was verie solemnelie accompa­nied to the church with a traine of learned and graue doctors, besides others of that facultie, the heralds of armes dooing him such honour at his funerall as to him of dutie apperteined. Of this mans rare loue to his countrie hath béene spoken before, where mention is made of the institution of a surgerie lec­ture perpetuallie to be continued for the common benefit of London, and consequentlie of all Eng­land: the like whereof is not established nor vsed in anie vniuersitie of christendome (Bononie and Pa­dua excepted) and therefore the more to be esteemed. Indéed the like institution was in towardnesse, The court of Francis the first a vniuer­sitie, &c. pag. 1343. whiles Francis the French of that name the first li­ued: but when he died, as the court that he kept in his time was counted a vniuersitie, but after his deth made an exchange thereof with another name: so likewise discontinued or rather vtterlie brake off that purposed institution of a surgerie lecture at Paris: so that in this point London hath a preroga­tiue excelling the vniuersities.

This D. Caldwell in his last will and testament gaue manie great legacies to a great number of his poorest kinsfolkes, The distribu­tions of D. Caldwell in his life times and his be­quests after his death. as also vnto others nothing alied vnto him. He gaue in his life time two hundred pounds to be lent gratis foreuer to the Clothiers in Burton, whereby clothing might be mainteined, the poore artificers set on worke, and the poore citizens in Lichfield also benefited: the corporation of the said towne being bound for the receiuing and deliuering thereof euerie fiue yeares to the yoongest and poorest occupiers. He gaue great summes of monie to the poore towneships in Staffordshire where he was borne, both towards the reléeuing of their priuat e­state, as also to the reparing of their bridges and a­mending of their high waies, for the commoditie of all the countrie. He left large sums of monie to be emploied by his executors at their discretion, His commen­taries vpon some part of Paulus Ac­gineta, and other bookes. where charitie moued; as also to the publishing of such lear­ned bookes of physicke and surgerie (with sundrie chargeable formes grauen in copper and finished in his life) as he meant (if he had liued) to sée extant.

Diuerse good works in his daies he had doone, and hath left order to be doone after his death: which was verie mild and still, not vnlike the deceasse of a babe in the cradle; hauing béene assailed with no extremi­tie of sicknesse (his His ordina­rie infirmitie was the co­licke, which tormented him excée­dinglie. ordinarie infirmitie excepted which was intermissiue) that either might wring him or wearie him to make him vnpatient. So that he died as sléeping, hauing left behind him both credit of lerning, cunning, & other good ornaments, the very beautie of his age, which was exactlie found by true computation to be threescore and fouretéene, His age and counterfet which séemed to be made 1571, and in the yeare of his age 5 [...]. in which yeare he died; as may be gathered by his counterfet so naturallie conueied into colours, with his white beard, the hollownesse of his cheekes, the wrinkels of his browes, the liuelie sight of his eies, and other accessaries; and all within a module, the circumference whereof excéedeth not six inches, if it amount to so much in exact measure, as a man beholding the said representation, would swer [...] that it were not possible for art to draw more néere in imitation to nature. So that this doctor dieng in so ripe an age, was committed to holie ground, where he rested in peace, his cote armour bearing witnesse [Page 1370] of his ancestrie: The armes of Caldwell blasoned. for he beareth azure, a crosse forme fiche or, within an vrle of stars or: the second argent, a fesse indented sable charged with foure leuses heads [...]irant rased or: the third as the second, and fourth as the first quarterlie. Also he beareth to his crest on a tosse or and azure, a cocks head argent, couped, membred geules supporting The crosse forme fiche was the cote of Cedwalla­der the last king of Bri­tains▪ in An. Dom. 680. a crosse forme fiche or, betwéene two wings sable, and mantled geules doubled argent.

In further memorie of whome (so long as the line 10 church wherin he lieth buried dooth stand, and the mo­numents therein blessed from sacrilegious hands) there remaineth fixed in the wall ouer his graue, a copper plate wherein his said cote armour is worke­manlie grauen, with the armes of the physicians col­lege so vnder it, as they are knit vnto it. On either side of this latter scutchion are set certeine binding bands and other instruments of surgerie in their right formes, with their proper vse also to be practi­sed vpon ech member; be the same head, leg, arme, line 20 hand, or foot: all workemanlie wrought, & vnder the same a memoriall grauen for wished perpetuitie:

Caldwallus iacet hîc patriae studiosus alumnus,
Chirurgis Chiron, Hippocrates Medicis:
Heracles laqueis dum fascia membra reuincit,
Galenus priscae laudis & artis amans:
These figurs 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, haue relation to certeine marks, name­lie the mullet, the [...]nque­soil [...], the floure delice, the hād, the cressant or moone, and the pansie, grauen in the copper plate, which markes are referred to their like, in and about the armes aboue said.
Chirurgis stabilem lecturam condidit, illi
Praefecit Medicos, quos ea turba colat:
Plintheus hinc astat laqueus, Carchesius, inde
Fascia; quae studij sunt monumenta sui: line 30
Felix Chirurgus patronum qui tibi talem
Nactus es, & felix qui dolet aeger erit.
Laquei Plintheus 1
Laquei Charchesius 2
Fascia Totum caput cingens 3
Fascia Rhombus 4
Machinamenta Scamnum Hippocratis 5
Machinamenta Glossocomium 6
Quem tibi vinxisti charum dum vita manebat, line 40
Te cum Melpomene post tua fata canet.
Ric. Forsterus.

In this yeare of Lord 1584, on the one and twentith daie of Maie, Francis Throckmor­ton arreigned and cōdemned of high trea­son. Francis Throckemorton e­squier, was arreigned in the Guildhall of the citie of London, where being found guiltie of high trea­son, he was condemned and had iudgement accor­dinglie, to be drawne, hanged, boweled, and quarte­red. A discouerie of whose treasons, practised and at­tempted against the quéens maiestie and the realme, line 50 were afterward; to wit, in the moneth of Iune, pub­lished as followeth.

A true and perfect declaration of the treasons practised and attempted by Francis Throckemorton, late of London, against the queenes maiestie and the realme.

WHereas there haue béene verie lewd and slanderous brutes and reports giuen out, line 60 of the due and orderlie procéedings held with Francis Throckemorton latelie ar­reigned & condemned of high treason at the Guild­hall in London, the one and twentith daie of Maie last, whereby such as are euill affected toward hir maiestie, and the present gouernement, haue inde­uoured falselie and iniuriouslie to charge hir maie­stie and hir faithfull ministers with crueltie and in­iustice vsed against the said Throckemorton, by ex­torting from him by torture, such confessions as he hath made against himselfe, & by inforsing the same to make them lawfull euidence to conuict him of the treasons therein specified: albeit hir maiesties subiects in generall, calling to mind the mild and temperate course she hath held all the time of hir most happie reigne, might rather impute hir clemen­cie and lenitie vsed towards all sorts of offendors to a kind of fault, than tax hir with the contrarie: yet such as allow of practises and treasons against hir maiestie, But how can their interpre­tations be found, whose iudgements are corrupt? doo alwaies interpret both of the one and of the other, according to the particular affections that doo possesse them, that is, to the worst. And for­somuch as the case of Throckemorton at this time hath béene subiect to their sinister constructions; and considering that lies and false brutes cast abroad are most commonlie beleeued, vntill they be controlled by the truth: it hath béene thought expedient in this short discourse to deliuer vnto your view and consi­deration, a true and perfect declaration of the trea­sons practised and attempted by the said Throcke­morton against hir maiestie and the realme, by him confessed before his arreignement, whereby hir ma­iestie was iustlie and in reason persuaded to put him to his triall.

You shall likewise perceiue what course hath béene held with him by hir commissioners to bring him to confesse the truth: with what impudencie and how falselie he hath denied his saiengs and confessi­ons: and lastlie, how by a new submission and con­fession of his said treasons since his condemna­tion, he endeuoureth to satisfie hir maiestie, and to shew the reasons that mooued him to denie the first, The premis­ses being all sufficient can­not but an­swer anie cir­cumstance touching this traitor. which he affirmeth and confirmeth by the last: which may in reason satisfie, though not all; yet such as are not forestalled, or rather forepoisoned and infected with the lies and vntruths alreadie spred and deliue­red in fauour of the traitor & his treasons. You shall therefore vnderstand, that the cause of his apprehen­sion grew first vpon secret intelligence giuen to the queenes maiestie, that he was a priuie conueier and receiuer of letters to and from the Scotish quéene: vpon which information neuerthelesse diuerse mo­neths were suffered to passe on, before he was called to answer the matter, to the end there might some proofe more apparant be had to charge him therewith directlie: which shortlie after fell out, and therevpon there were sent vnto his houses in London, and at Leusham in Kent, to search and apprehend him, cer­teine gentlemen of no meane credit and reputation: of whome, two were sent to his house by Paules wharfe, where he was apprehended, & so by one of them conueied presentlie awaie; the other remaining in the chamber to make search for papers, writings, &c: which might giue proofe of his suspected practises.

In that search, there were found the two papers conteining the names of certeine catholike noble­men and gentlemen, expressing the hauens for lan­ding of forren forces, with other particularities in the said papers mentioned, the one written in the se­cretarie hand (which he at the barre confessed to be his owne handwriting) and the other in the Roman hand, which he denied to be his, and would not shew how the same came vnto his hands: howbeit in his examinations he hath confessed them both to be his owne handwriting: and so they are in truth. There were also found among other of his papers, twelue petidegrées of the descent of the crowne of Eng­land, The bishop of Rosse an eni­mie to the English state. printed and published by the bishop of Rosse, in the defense of the pretended title of the Scotish quéene his mistresse: with certeine infamous libels against hir maiestie printed and published beyond the seas: which being found in the hands of a man so euill affected, comparing the same with his dooings and practises against hir maiestie, you will iudge the purpose wherefore he kept them.

Shortlie after his apprehension, he was examined by some of hir maiesties priuie councell, how he came by the said two papers of the hauens: and h [...] [Page 1371] most impudentlie denied with manie protestations that he neuer saw them, affirming they were none of his, but were foisted in (as he termed it) among his papers by the gentlemen that searched his house. Notwithstanding being more earnestlie pressed to confesse the truth, he said they had beene left (he knew not how) in his chamber by a man of his, who not long before was departed out of the realme, na­med Edward Rogers, aliàs Nuttebie, by whome they were written. And to make this deuise to carie some colour of truth, A colour of truth to coun­tenance a ma­nifest lie. after his committing vnto the line 10 Tower, he found the meanes to get thrée cards, on the backeside of which cards he wrote to his brother George Throckemorton to this effect. I haue béene examined by whome the two papers, conteining the names of certeine noblemen and gentlemen, and of hauens, &c: were written; & I haue alleged them to haue beene written by Edward Nuttebie my man, of whose handwriting you know them to be: mea­ning by this deuise to haue had his brother confirme his falshood. line 20

These cards were intercepted, and thereby the su­spicion before conceiued of his practises increased. Wherevpon, as vpon other iust cause and matter a­gainst him, hauing béene sundrie times brought be­fore some of the principall personages of hir maie­sties most honourable priuie councell; and by them with all industrie examined, and persuaded in verie mild and charitable maner, to confesse the truth, pro­mising to procure pardon for him, in case he would bewraie the depth of his practises: but no persuasi­on line 30 preuailing, hir maiestie thought it agréeable with good policie, and the safetie of hir roiall person and state, to commit him ouer to the hands of some of hir learned councell and others hir faithfull ser­uants and ministers, with commission to them, to assaie by torture to draw from him the truth of the matters appearing so weightie as to concerne the inuading of the realme, &c. These men by vertue of that commission, The maner of procéeding against Throckemor­ton by com­mission. procéeded with him, first as the councell had formerlie doone by waie of persuasion, line 40 to induce him to confesse: but finding that course not to preuaile, they were constreined to commit him to such as are vsuallie appointed in the Tower to handle the racke, by whome he was laied vpon the same, and somewhat pinched, although not much: for at the end of thrée daies following, he had reco­uered himselfe, and was in as good plight as before the time of his racking: which if it had then or anie other time beene ministred vnto him with that vio­lence that he and his fauourers haue indeuoured line 50 slanderouslie to giue out, the signes thereof would haue appeared vpon his lims for manie yeares.

At this first time of torture he would confesse no­thing, but continued in his former obstinacie and de­niall of the truth. The second time that he was put to the racke, before he was strained vp to anie purpose, he yeelded to confesse anie thing he knew, in the matters obiected against him: wherevpon he was loosed. And then the commissioners proceeded with line 60 him according to such interrogatories as had béene deliuered vnto them: which for the more breuitie shall here be omitted, the intent of this declaration tending onelie to discouer vnto you the treasons and treacherous dealings of the said Francis Throcke­morton as well before as since his imprisonment, The intent of this declarati­on what it is. for your better knowledge of the man, and manife­station of the due and iust procéedings held with him by hir maiesties commissioners appointed vnto that seruice. And here you are to note, that when he was first pressed to discouer by whome the plots of the ha­uens were set downe, and to what purpose; he began (without anie further interrogation ministred) by waie of an historicall narration, to declare that at his being at Spain in the countrie of Liege certeine yeares past, he entered into conference with one Iennie a notorious knowne traitor, Iennie a no­torious knowne trai­tor, & conferre [...] with Throck­morton. touching the al­tering of the state of the realme here, and how the same might be attempted by forren inuasion, and to the like effect had sundrie conferences with sir Fran­cis Englefield in the low countries, who dailie solici­ted the Spanish king in Spaine, and his gouernors in the said countries, to attempt the inuading of the realme, continued a course of practising against hir maiestie & the state, by letters betweene sir Francis Englefield & himselfe, till within these two yeares last past, and that he did from time to time acquaint sir Iohn Throckemorton his late father with his traitorous practises, who (as he said) séeing no proba­bilitie of successe in them, dissuaded him from anie further meddling with those practises.

He hath further confessed, that he vsed his fathers aduise & opinion in setting downe the names of the catholike noblemen & gentlemen, and did acquaint him with the description of the hauens for the lan­ding of forces, which he conceiued and put in writing onelie by view of the map, & not by particular sight or surueie of the said hauens.

Item, he hath also confessed, that vpon the inter­mission of writing of letters, Sir Francis Englefield, Thomas Throckemor­ton, and Tho­mas Mor­gan. and the accustomed in­telligences passed betwéene sir Francis Englefield and him, he was made acquainted by his brother Thomas Throckemorton, by letters and conference, and by Thomas Morgan by letters (two of the prin­cipall confederats and workers of these treasons re­siding in France) with a resolute determination a­gréed on by the Scotish quéene and hir confederats in France and in other forren parts, and also in Eng­land, for the inuading of the realme.

That the duke of Guise should be the principall leader and executor of that inuasion.

That the pretention (which should be publikelie notified) should be to deliuer the Scotish quéene to libertie, A pretention of an inuasion into Eng­land. & to procure euen by force from the quéenes maiestie a tolerance in religion for the pretended catholikes. But the intention (the bottome whereof should not at the first be made knowne to all men) should be vpon the quéenes maiesties resistance, to remooue hir maiestie from hir crowne and state.

That the duke of Guise had prepared the forces, The speciall meanes wan­ting. but there wanted two things, monie, and the assi­stance of a conuenient partie in England, to ioine with the forren forces; and a third thing, how to set the Scotish queene at libertie without perill of hir person.

For the first thing wanting, that is, monie; mes­sengers were sent from forren parts both to Rome and Spaine, & their returne dailie expected to their liking. And the Spanish ambassadour to incourage the English to ioine both in purse & person, The Spanish ambassadours words ten­ding to this inuasion. did giue out, that the king his maister would not onlie make some notable attempt against England, but also would beare halfe the charge of the enterprise. For the second thing, that is, the preparing of a sufficient partie in England, to receiue and to ioine with the forren forces, one especiall messenger was sent ouer into England in August last, vnder a counterfeit name from the confederats in France, to signifie the plat and preparation there, and to solicit the same here.

That Thomas Throckemorton his brother made him priuie to his negotiation at his last being here in England; and that therevpon Francis Throcke­morton tooke vpon him to be a follower and meane for the effectuating thereof among the confederats in England, with the helpe of the Spanish ambassa­dour, whome he instructed how and with whome to deale for the preparing of a conuenient partie here [Page 1371] within the realme, for that himselfe would not be séene to be a sounder of men, least he might be disco­uered, and so indanger himselfe and the enterprise, knowing that the ambassadour being a publike per­son, might safelie deale therein without perill.

Landing pla­ces for forren forces about Arundell in Sussex.That the duke of Guise and other heads of the en­terprise had refused some landing places, and made speciall choise of Sussex, and about Arundell in Sus­sex, both for the néere cut from the parts of France, where the duke did or best could assemble his force, line 10 and for the oportunitie of assured persons to giue assistance, &c.

That he, taking vpon him the pursute of this course, shewed the whole plot and deuise of the hauens for landing to the Spanish ambassadour, who did incou­rage him therin; he promising, that if he might haue respit vntill the next spring, the same should be doone more exactlie.

That at the time of Thomas Throckemortons be­ing here, least the negotiation of the enterprise, by line 20 s [...]me casualtie, might faile in the onelie hand of one man Thomas Throckemorton, there was also from the confederats sent ouer into Sussex, Charles Pa­get, Charles Pa­get vnder the name of Mope aliàs Spring a confederat in this action. vnder the name of Mope aliàs Spring, and ther­of an aduertisement couertlie sent vnto Thomas Throckemorton, both that Thomas might vnder­stand it, and not be offended that an other was ioi­ned with him in his labour.

That the Spanish ambassador, by aduertisements from the confederats, was made priuie to this com­ming line 30 of Charles Paget vnder the name of Mope, and yet knowne to him to be Charles Paget.

That the said ambassador did, according to his said aduertisements, know & affirme that Charles Pa­get was come ouer to view the hauens and countrie for landing of such forren forces about Arundell, and speciallie to sound and conferre with certeine princi­pall persons for assistance.

The same ambassadour also knew and affirmed, that Charles Paget had accordinglie doone his mes­sage, line 40 and had spoken with some principall persons here according vnto his commission, and was re­turned.

He moreouer confessed that there was a deuise betwéene the Spanish ambassadour and him, This would be feared and therefore alwaies by policie pre­uented. how such principall recusants here within the realme, as were in the commission of the peace in sundrie coun­ties, might vpon the first brute of the landing of for­ren forces, vnder colour and pretext of their authori­tie and the defense of hir maiestie, leuie men, whome they might after ioine to the forren forces, and con­uert line 50 them against hir maiestie.

In these few articles is brieflie comprised the whole effect of his confession made at large, without anie interrogatorie particularlie ministred, other than vpon the two papers before mentioned, contei­ning the names of men and hauens. And here you are to note, that at the time of his apprehension, there was no knowledge or doubt had of these trea­sons, or of his priuitie vnto them; but onelie an in­formation and suspicion deliuered and conceiued of line 60 some practise betwéene him and the Scotish quéene, as is before mentioned. For the discouering where­of, Throckemor­ton wrote diuerse letters to Marie the Scotish queene. after he had béene sundrie times vpon his allegi­ance commanded to declare his dooings in conuei­eng and receiuing of letters to and from hir; he did voluntarilie confesse that he had written diuerse let­ters vnto hir, and had conueied manie to and fro, be­twéene hir and Thomas Morgan in France, by whose meanes he was first made knowne to hir, and that he had receiued as manie letters from hir. He also declared the effect of his letters to hir, & of hirs to him: which letters betwéene them were alwaies written in cipher, and the cipher with the nullities and marks for names of princes and councellors he sent vnto the queenes maiestie written with his owne hand. He also deliuered the names of some, by whome he conueied his letters vnto the Scotish quéene, as by one Godfrie Fulgeam, Godfrie Ful­geam was glad to [...]. who fled the realme immediatlie vpon Throckemortons appre­hension; and one other person, whome he described by his stature, shape, and apparell, and the man since apprehended and examined, hath confessed the same: the mans name is William Ardington.

The summe and effect of the most part of these confessions, although they were at the time of his arreignement opened and dilated by hir maiesties sergeant, atturneie, and solicitor generall at the bar, and therefore seeme not néedfull to be repeated here; yet because the purpose of this discourse is to shew sufficient proofe, that the matters conteined in his said confessions, The cause why Throck­mortons con­fessions are here mentio­ned. are neither false nor feigned (as Francis Throckmorton most impudentlie affirmed at his triall, alledging that they were méere inuen­tions of himselfe by policie to auoid the torture) they haue béene here inserted, to the end you may the bet­ter iudge of the proofes, presumptions, and circum­stances following, by comparing the matters with their accidents, and consequentlie sée the falshood of the traitor, the iust and honorable procéedings of hir maiestie, and the honest and loiall indeuors of hir ministers imploied in the discouering of the trea­sons.

First, it is true and not denied by himselfe, Throckemor­ton was at Spaw, and elswhere, &c. that he was at Spaw about the time by him mentioned, and had conference with Ienneie in that place, and with sir Francis Englefield in Flanders, and that he hath written letters to sir Francis, and receiued letters from him: for if he should denie the same, he were to be conuinced by good proofe: for it hath béene noted in him by manie of his countriemen, English subiects, that both in those parts and in France, he did continuallie associat himselfe with English rebels and fugitiues. If then you consider with whome he hath conuersed beyond the seas, and compare his religion with theirs, you will iudge of his conuersation accordinglie. And it is to be suppo­sed, that those men, knowne to be continuall prac­tisers against the quéenes maiestie and this realme, from whense for their treasons and vnnaturall de­meanours they are woorthilie banished, will not in their conuenticles and méetings forget to bethinke them of their banishment, and how they might be restored to their countrie, where vnto no desert in hir maiesties life time (which God long continue) can well (without hir maiesties great mercie) restore them.

Then I praie you, what conferences might maister Throckemorton haue with sir Francis Englefield, This is a principall marke where­at they shoot, and therefore they cannot but meditat vpon the meanes. with Ienneie, with Liggons, with Owen, and with such like, who were his dailie companions in France and in the low countries? He hath written letters to sir Francis Englefield. To what purposes? He haunted continuallie two ambassadors in London, by whose meanes he sent and receiued letters to and from beyond the seas dailie. To whome, and from whome? Euen to and from Thomas Morgan, and Thomas Throckemorton at Paris, men knowne to hir maiestie and hir councell to be notorious prac­tisers, verie inward with the duke of Guise, and con­triuers of the treasons and deuises for the inuasion intended. And for verie certeine knowledge thereof, we néed not be beholding to Francis Throckemor­ton onelie (although he hath said much of them) but to others of better credit than himselfe. The duke of Guise his en­terprise to in­uade the realme.

That the duke of Guise did vndertake the enter­prise to inuade the realme with a forren power, to be defraied by the pope and king of Spaine (a part of [Page 1372] maister Throckemortons confession) and he in truth the first discouerer thereof to hir maiestie: if he will say that it was but inuention, it will approue false. For since he discouered the same, there haue béene diuerse aduertisements thereof sent to hir maiestie from forren princes hir highnesse louing neighbors and alies; as also by other good meanes and intelli­gences from hir ambassadors and seruants residing in other countries. If he denie (as he hath doone) that he neuer had knowledge of anie such matter when he confessed the same, it hath no likelihood of line 10 truth: for Throckemorton was neuer knowne to be a prophet to foretell things Defuturo.

He resorted often to the Spanish ambassador, at the least twise a wéeke when he was in London: The Spanish ambassador and Throcke­morton did often times conuerse and conferre. this often repaire could not be to conferre with the am­bassador for the exchange of monie for his brother, as he pretended at his arreignement: there was some other cause. When he was apprehended, he had a casket couered with gréene veluet, verie cun­ninglie conueied out of his chamber by a maidser­uant line 20 of the house, taken vp vnder a beds side in his chamber (one of the gentlemen who were sent to ap­prehend him then being in the chamber, & vnknow­ing thereof) which casket not long after his appre­hension, was by one Iohn Meredith a follower of Throckemorton, conueied to the hands of the Spa­nish ambassador. And why to him? If the matters therein might well haue abidden the light, why should not the casket haue béene kept still at home? And if not there, why not sent to some other place of line 30 safetie, as well as to the Spanish ambassador? It is to be conceiued, that this casket was not conueied thither without the direction of Francis Throcke­morton, though caried by Meredith, who did well know of what moment the matters were that were within the casket, & of what danger to Throckemor­ton if they had béene disclosed; & therefore meant to bestowe them in a safe place where they could not readilie be had (as he thought) and with a person not vnacquainted with the qualitie of them. After the line 40 deliuerie of the casket, Meredith fled: for in truth he was priuie to the treasons, and a fellow practiser in them. To whome Francis Throckemorton, being taken short at the time of his apprehension, Throckemor­ton surprised and put to a narrow shift. and for­ced to run vp a staire to deface a letter, which he was then in writing to the Scotish quéene in cipher (as he hath confessed) being suddenlie apprehended, and so forced to depart awaie presentlie out of his house, deliuered priuilie into the hands of Meredith, either the cipher by the which he was writing his let­ter line 50 to the Scotish quéene, or a letter in cipher by him written vnto hir: therefore he trusted Meredith as a man priuie to his dooings.

You are also to vnderstand, that Throckemorton was in verie great feare of the discouering of this casket after his apprehension. [...]eare is an ordinarie tor­mentor of a guiltie consci­ence. For remaining two or thrée daies prisoner in the house of one of the gentle­men that were sent to apprehend him, before he was committed to the Tower, he was permitted to talke with a solicitor of his law causes, who brought him line 60 certeine bookes drawne, or other like papers writ­ten, which he made shew to peruse. But that was not the matter why he sent for his solicitor: for in perusing the bookes, he conueied into them a little péece of paper, vpon the which he had written with a cole; I would faine know whether my casket be safe: or to the like effect. The solicitor departing from him, and resorting to Throckemortons house, not far di­stant from the place where he remained prisoner, o­pening his papers, did shake out this peece of paper, which he tooke vp and deliuered to one of Francis Throckemortons men; but the casket was alreadie conueid to the Spanish ambassador. Wherby you wil perceiue what care he had of the casket, & how much it might import him to haue the writings or matters within the same concealed. He being examined tou­ching the casket, and what was in the same, he deni­ed at the first that euer he had anie such casket; The clouds of lies cannot so darken the truth but it will appeare. but finding afterwards that the casket was discouered, he confessed the casket, and said there were certeine letters therein that came to his hands for the Sco­tish quéene from Thomas Morgan at Paris, and o­ther letters and papers, but confessed not all, as it is supposed. That Charles Paget came ouer into the realme to euill purposes, as Throckemorton dooth declare in his confession, could not be inuented: for euen at the same time that he mentioneth, Paget came ouer, in secret and suspicious maner, staied not aboue fiftéene daies, indeuored in a sort to find the disposition of William Shellie esquier, how he might stand affected to giue assistance to the trea­sons, How William Shellie stood affectioned to these treaso­nable plots. although Paget discouered not directlie his traitorous intents to Shellie: therefore all Throcke­mortons confessions were not forged or inuented.

But bicause the two papers produced at his ar­reignement, conteining the description of the ha­uens for the commodious landing of forces, doo most apparantlie condemne him, and are a manifest argument of his priuitie to the whole treason; you may not forget that he acknowledged one of the pa­pers written in the secretarie hand, to haue béene of his owne dooing, but denied the other written in the Romane hand. In the which, vnder the title of Che­shire, &c: is said, Certeine words and clauses of let­ters treasona­ble. Upon the landing of forren sup­plies, Chester shall be taken. But what in your opini­ons might be vnderstood by that sentence, Chester shall be taken, when you shall compare the paper in the secretarie hand with the other written in the Romane hand, intituled; The names of noblemen and gentlemen in euerie countie fit to be dealt with­all in this matter (which in truth were both one, al­though the Romane were somewhat more inlarged) the question is to be asked, What matter? The an­swer followeth necessarilie, To assist the forren for­ces that shall come to inuade the realme: for that there is an other title in that paper ouer the names of the hauens, &c: Hauens in euerie coast fit for the landing of forces. Now iudge you, to what end these names of men and descriptions of hauens, their en­tries, capacities, what winds bring vnto them from Spaine, France, and Flanders, were written and set downe by Throckemorton: the papers are both of his owne handwriting, and the secretarie but a proiect or copie of the Romane.

Is it not likelie (thinke you) that he would ac­quaint the Spanish ambassador with these papers (as he hath confessed) when he made him partaker of the rest of his traitorous practises & deuises, as you haue heard, and thought his casket of treasons to be most safelie committed to his hands? It may be thought that there is no man of so simple vnder­standing, that will iudge to the contrarie, vnlesse he be parciallie affected to excuse the treasons. What mind Throckemor­ton hath car­ried towards hir maiestie. And now to shew vnto you what mind this man hath car­ried towards hir maiestie; you are to be informed that Francis Throckemorton, after he had discoue­red to hir maiestie his course of practising, repenting himselfe of his plaine dealing in the bewraieng thereof, said to some of the commissioners vpon oc­casion of speach; I would I had béene hanged when I first opened my mouth to declare anie of the mat­ters by me confessed. And being at other times sent vnto by hir maiestie with offer of pardon, if he would disclose the whole packe and complices of the treasons; he vsed this argument to persuade hir ma­iestie, that he had confessed all, saieng that Sith he had alreadie brought himselfe by his confessions [Page 1373] within the danger of the lawes, to the vtter ruine of his house and familie, he wondered why there should be anie conceit in hir maiestie, that he had not decla­red all. But to persuade such as were sent vnto him for these purposes, the rather to beleeue that he could discouer no more, at one time he vsed these speeches following with great vehemencie: Now I haue dis­closed the secrets of hir who was the déerest thing vnto me in the world (meaning the Scotish quéene) and whom I thought no torment should haue draw­en line 10 me so much to haue preiudiced as I haue doone by my confessions. This vehe­ment speach importeth same secrets of great mo­mēt betwéene Throckemor­ton and the Scotish quéene. I sée no cause why I should spare anie one, if I could saie ought against him: and sith I haue failed of my faith towards hir, I care not if I were hanged.

And when he began first to confesse his treasons, which he did most vnwillinglie, after he was entered into the declaration of them before all the commis­sioners, vpon aduisement he desired he might deli­uer his knowledge but to one of them onelie: where­vnto they yéelded. And therevpon remoouing aside line 20 from the place where he sat by the racke, he vsed this prouerbe in Italian, Chi a perso la fede, a perso l'honore, an Ita­lian prouerbe. Chi a perso la fede, a perso l'honore, that is, He that hath falsed his faith, hath lost his re­putation; meaning thereby (as it may be conceiued) that he had giuen his faith to be a traitor, and not to reueale the treasons: & then he began to confesse as you haue heard. By this discourse, conteining the principall heads of his treasons, and the proofes and circumstances of the same, you that are not trans­ported with vndutifull minds and affections, will line 30 cléerelie perceiue how impudéntlie and vntrulie he denied at his arreignement the truth of his confes­sions, charging hir maiestie with crueltie, and hir mi­nisters with vntruths in their proceeding against him. The cause that mooued Throckemor­ton to denie his confessiōs at his ar­reignement. But the cause that mooued him thereto, was the vaine conceit he had taken that his case was cleere in law, by the intermission of the time betweene his confession made and his arreignement, grounding himselfe vpon a statute of the thirtéenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne, in the which there are certeine trea­sons line 40 specified and made of that nature, that no per­son shalbe arreigned for anie of those offenses com­mitted within anie of the quéenes maiesties domi­nions, vnlesse the offendor be thereof indicted with­in six moneths next after the same offense commit­ted; and shall not be arreigned for the same, vnlesse the offense be prooued by the testimonie and oth of two sufficient witnesses, or his voluntarie confessi­on without violence: wherein he was greatlie de­ceiued. For it was made manifest vnto him by the line 50 lord chiefe iustice and other of the iudges in commis­sion at his triall, that his treasons were punishable by a statute of 25. Edw. 3. which admitted no such li­mitation of time or proofe. Herein his skill failed him, and forgot the aduise giuen vnto him by some of the commissioners, who (pitieng his misfortune) for sundrie good gifts of the mind appearing in him) assured him that there was no waie so readie for him to redéeme his life, These gifts in him were Vivenenum in [...] poculo. as by submission and acknowled­ing of his offense, which for a time after he had con­fessed line 60 his treasons he was contented to follow, and now eftsoones after his condemnation by a new submission to the quéens maiestie the fourth of Iune had resumed that course. The submission Verbatim, written with his owne hand, followeth.

To hir most excellent maiestie, euen to hir owne roiall hands.

Throckemor­tons submis­on in a letter, answering Ad verbum with his owne handwriting. MOst excellent prince, and my most grati­ous souereigne, sith to me the most mise­rable of all your maiesties poore distressed subiects, being iustlie condemned by the ordinarie and orderlie course of your maiesties laws, there resteth no further meane of defense but submis­sion: vouchsafe, most excellent prince, gratiouslie to accept the same, which prostrate in all humilitie I here present vnto the hands of your most excellent maiestie; beseeching the same, that as iustice hath beene deriued from your highnesse, as from the foun­teine, to the triall of mine actions: so I may receiue from the same spring, some drop of grace and mercie for the great & grieuous offense, wherof I rest by your maiesties lawes iustlie condemned: some part, I saie, of that your accustomed gratious clemencie, wherof most your distressed subiects haue tasted, and few beene depriued. And albeit the inconsiderate rash­nesse of vnbridled youth hath withdrawen me from that loiall respect, which nature & dutie bound me to owe vnto your maiestie, as to my lawfull & naturall dread souereigne; and that the naturall care in me of the defense of my life mooued me latelie to the vntrue & vndutifull gainesaieng of some such points as had beene before by me in most humble sort confessed: neuerthelesse, I most humblie beseech your most ex­cellent maiestie, that in imitation of God, whose image (both in respect of the happie place you hold, He sueth for vndeserued mercie to hir maiestie in his miserie, in whose fauour he might haue liued by loi­altie. as also in regard of your singular wisdome and other the rare and singular vertues & perfections wherwith God & nature hath plentifullie indued you) you re­present vnto vs here in earth, it may please your ma­iestie to commiserate the lamentable estate of me now the most miserable of all your maiesties subiects and gratiouslie to grant vnto me remission and for­giuenes, that not onelie doo most humblie confesse my selfe worthie of death; but also in shew of my re­pentance and sorowfull afflicted mind, doo not craue at your maiesties hands the prolonging of my life, if the same shall not stand with your gratious good plesure; but rather desire the trebling of the torment iustlie by your maiesties lawes imposed vpon me, if the same may be anie satisfaction to your maiestie for the heinous crime whereof I remaine by your maiesties lawes iustlie condemned; or anie mitiga­tion of your maiesties indignation worthilie concei­ued against me, that desire not to liue without your fauour; and dieng will wish from my hart, that my end may be the beginning of your maiesties securi­tie, and my death the preseruation of your life, and the increase both to your maiestie, and to this your most flourishing commonwealth, of all the most hap­pie blessings of almightie God.

Your maiesties most wofull subiect in that he hath offended you: Francis Throckemorton.

He sent vnto hir maiestie, A declaration, &c: written by Throcke­morton to the quéenes ma­iestie. togither with the said submission, a declaration written likewise with his owne hand, conteining the effects of the most princi­pall points of his treasons formerlie confessed: re­tracting onelie the accusation of his father, and some other particularities of no moment to cléere him of his treasons, the effect wherof followeth in his owne words, as he set them downe.

The declaration which Throckmorton sent to hir maiestie, with his letter of submission.

THe onelie cause why I coined the practise first by me confessed, and vniustlie tou­ched my father, was, for that partlie I conceiued that the paper written so long since, could not now by law haue touched me: but principallie, for that I was willing thereby to co­lour the setting downe of those names and hauens [Page 1374] in Romane hand, which were written long after the time by me confessed vpon occasion of conference betwéene the Spanish ambassador and me of this latter practise. Mine intelligence with the Scotish queene began a little before Christmas was two yeares: the cipher I had from Thomas Morgan in France; the first letter I receiued by Godfrie Ful­geam, by whome also came all such others as I af­ter receiued for the most part, vnlesse it were such as came to me by F. A. his hands, who as he told line 10 me, William Ardington. receiued them of the fellow by me spoken of in my former confessions, whose name, I protest be­fore God, I know not, nor whense he is. And for such letters as came vnto me in the absence of Ful­geam, they were inclosed vnder a couerture from Fulgeam, and were deliuered me by the hands of Robert Tunstead his brother in law, vnto whome I deliuered such as I had for the Scotish quéene, coue­red with a direction vnto Fulgeam: and once I re­member or twise I sent by one of my men called line 20 Butler, letters for the Scotish queene to the house of the said Tunstead, néere Buckestones, couered with a direction to Tunstead, and vnder a letter to Fulgeam. In such letters as came to me from the Scotish quéene, were inclosed letters to F. A. ma­nie times, and most times some for Thomas Mor­gan. Hir letters to me conteined, &c.

But before I returned mine answer vnto hir, I vnderstood of the death of the duke of Lenox, and withall heard from Morgan, with whome all mine line 30 intelligence was (for with my brother I neuer had anie, other than that the matters by me written to Morgan were by him imparted vnto my brother most times) that by the persuasion of the pope and the king of Spaine, The next way to atteine libertie for the Scotish quéene, &c. the duke of Guise had yeel­ded to performe the iournie in person: and that it was thought that the next waie to atteine libertie for the Scotish quéene, and to reforme Scotland, was to begin here in England. And therefore he de­sired to know from me, whether in mine opinion line 40 catholikes would not backe any such force as should be sent, considering a demand of tolerance in reli­gion for them should insue the well performing of the said enterprise, and what I thought the force would amount vnto, both of horsse and footmen, and where I thought to be the fittest landing. Mine answer was, that as then, I saw no great proba­bilitie of the good successe of such an enterprise, for that the catholikes were timorous, dispersed, the matter perillous to be communicated vnto manie, without which I saw not how anie estimat could be line 50 made of the forces: besides, that it was an immi­nent danger vnto the Scotish quéene, whereof I saw no remedie.

I tooke notice of this matter in my next letters to the Scotish quéene, whose answer was, that she latelie heard of that determination, &c. Upon my former answer vnto Morgan, he desired me, that I would conferre with the Spanish ambassador, to whom I should be recommended from thense. Here­vpon line 60 the said ambassador sent for me, and brake with me in this matter, assuring me that in his opi­nion he found it verie easie to make great altera­tion here with verie little force, The pestilent persuasion of the Spanish ambassador to prefer this pernicious enterprise. considering the dis­use in men to warre, and troubles would so amaze them (as he thought) that they would be as soone ouerthrowne as assailed: & he could not thinke but in such a case catholikes would shew themselues, sith the purpose tended to the obteining for them li­bertie of conscience: and therefore he desired me to acquaint him, what I thought men would doo in such a case, and where I thought the fittest landing, and what holds in these parts were easiest to be surpri­sed. I answered him, that (as it séemed) the enter­prise stood vpon great vncerteinties, if it depended of the knowledge of a certeine force to be found here, which no man could assure him of, vnlesse he had sounded all the catholikes, which was not possi­ble without a manifest hazard of the discouerie of the purpose. For as for anie great personage, I know no one to be drawne to this action, that could carrie anie more than his ordinarie retinue: the on­lie waie in such a case was (I told him) for such as would be drawne into this matter, and were of cre­dit in their countries, to leuie forces vnder colour of the princes authoritie.

But for that these things depended vpon vncer­teine grounds, The resolutiō was frustrate as also the later of the plo [...] ▪ such was Gods iustice to persecute & supplant both the one and the other. which was not fit to be vsed in so great an action, I said it was to be resolued, that the force to be sent should be of that number, that what backing soeuer they should find here, they might be able of themselues to incounter with anie force that might be prouided to be sent against them, and therfore they could not be lesse than fiftéene thou­sand men. For the place of their landing, I said it de­pended much vpon the force that should be sent: for if that were in great number, it mattered not where they landed: if in a small companie, then was it re­quisit that it should be in the countries best affec­ted, & furthest from hir maiesties principall forces, which I said to be in the northerne parts on either side. To the danger of the Scotish quéene by me obiected, he said he knew no remedie, vnlesse she might be taken awaie by some two hundred horsse, which I told him I saw not to be possible: for that I knew not anie gentleman in those parts (which were men, if anie, to performe it) that I durst wish to be made acquainted with the matter before hand.

Finallie, our conclusion was, that I should in­forme him of the hauens as particularlie as I could: and within few daies after, finding by him that the force intended hither, was farre inferior vnto that I spake of; and that there was some different be­twéene the pope & the king of Spaine for the charge, I told him that the surest course and of least danger were, to send a supplie into Scotland, Was this (thinke you) [...] naturall sub­iects opinion, or not rather the conceipt of a tyrannous traitor? where a small force would bréed a great alteration, and things be­ing there established by the good liking of the king, I thought it was in him by a continuall war, & by in­cursions so to annoie this state, as hir maiestie here should be forced to yéeld the libertie of the Scotish quéene, and what should therevpon haue beene rea­sonablie demanded for the benefit of the catholikes here. And herein I said it would be a great furthe­rance, if at the same time some few were landed in Ireland, where: although they abide the same hazard that the former forces susteined; yet would the charge be so great to hir maiestie, and so great an oc­casion of dispersing of hir forces, as a much lesse companie than was spoken of first by me, would (being landed here in a conuenient place) shake the minds of men generallie, and be of force (if anie thing) to draw them to shew themselues in the fur­therance of the purpose.

He vtterlie reiected the purpose for Ireland, and disliked not the purpose for Scotland; but still he was in mind to haue forces landed here: and there­fore desired me verie earnestlie to inquire particu­larlie of the hauens on the side of Cumberland and Lancashire, This Spa­nish ambassa­dor had no good meaning in moouing this request. and what men were dwelling there that were well affected in religion, and what places easie to be taken, and what apt for fortification. The next time that I went to the Spanish ambassador, he found himselfe gréeued that he vnderstood matters were determined in France without his priuitie: and told me that Persons the Iesuit was gone vnto Rome, sent (as he thought) to vnderstand the popes [Page 1375] mind. Soone after came ouer my brother Thomas, to make an end of our account, and to persuade me to come ouer, assuring me that for ought he could see in likelihood, the enterprise was neuer like to take effect. In the time of his being here, and while I interteined intelligence with the Scotish quéene concerning hir libertie, the Spanish ambassador sent for me, and told me of the comming ouer of Mope to view Sussex and the hauens, This Mope was Charles Paget other­wise named Spring: as before. and as he thought, to tast the best of account there: whereat he line 10 séemed to be aggreeued, for that such matters had not béene left to him, being one whome they in France made beléeue that they relied vpon principallie in this enterprise. Afterwards, the ambassador told me, that it was Charles Paget, and that he was re­turned, but where he had béene he knew not, and at the same time I receiued a letter from Morgan, that it was Paget: but assuring me, and so willed me to assure the ambassador, that his comming was not to mooue anie man, but onelie to view the countrie, line 20 for that the moouing of anie man was referred vnto him. I did so, and he intreated me to remember him for those foresaid names and hauens, saieng, that so it were doone exactlie by the spring, it would suffice: for that sooner he saw no likelihood of the execution of the enterprise.

My brother hauing made an end of his account with me, Throckmor­tons purpose if his enter­prise succée­ded not by the next spring. returned with this resolution betweene vs (I protest before God) that if the enterprise succéeded not betweene this and the next spring now past, that line 30 I would settle my things here and go ouer. And for this cause, he being gone, I went downe into the countrie, both to sell and take order for my lands in those parts, as also to fetch the draught of gentlemen and hauens for the most part of England, which had béene set downe by me aboue two yeares since, and left behind me at Feckenham in my studie. Not finding the draught at Feckenham, I returned to London, where I found the note of names in secre­tarie hand, which I carried to the Spanish ambassa­dor, line 40 and there drew that other in Romane hand in his studie, putting downe Chester to be taken, in respect of the easinesse as I thought, and the rather to giue him incouragement in the matter, I left it with him, promising him that by the next spring I would perfect it, if I taried so long; making knowne vnto him, that I was had in suspicion, and my de­termination to be gone: but he pressed the contrarie of me, assuring me, that if the enterprise procéeded not, he would then also depart. line 50

Sir Francis Englefield whether excu­sable or no▪Whether sir Francis Englefield were a dealer in this practise or no, I know not: but sure I am (for so the Spanish ambassador told me) that sir Fran­cis had intelligence with the said ambassador all the time of his being here. The Spanish ambassador told me that he heard the people of Northwales were generallie well affected, and therefore he desi­red to haue the hauens of that countrie: I told him that hereafter I would helpe him therevnto, al­though no good might be expected there, for the rea­sons by me set downe in my first confession: and line 60 herevpon the daie before mine apprehension, the am­bassador sent me backe the said paper in Romane hand, desiring me to set downe the same at my lea­sure more exactlie, which was the cause that it was not in my gréene veluet casket. The writings in my casket were such as were by me confessed, and came vnto my hands as I haue confessed.

¶ I most humblie beséech hir most excellent maie­stie▪ that she extremitie which I haue alreadie sustei­ned, Throckemor­tons sute for commisera­tion to hir maiestie. and the causes by [...] discouered, to the safetie of hir maiestie and the state, [...] made knowne (as hath appeared) by anie other meane than by my selfe, may craue at hir hands the extending of hir grati­ous commiseration towards the releeuing of the la­mentable estate of me, hir maiesties poore distressed subiect, and mine, if God for mine offenses forbid not the same.

Now iudge all ye, that be not peruerslie affected whether Throckemorton be iustlie condemned, and whether his confessions (though as he pretended, extorted from him by violence) be of force in law a­gainst him. He conspired to ouerthrow the state, to bring in strangers to inuade the realme, to re­moue hir maiestie from hir lawfull & naturall right and inheritance to the crowne of England, A recapitula­tion of so [...]e treasonable enterprises by Throckemor­ton. and to place a stranger in hir seat. But this last point, for placing of a stranger, will (per chance) be denied: then note, that in the whole course of the practise, the greatest barre to the prosecution of the enterprise, was, they found no waie how to put the Sco tish queene in safetie. Then, if these dangerous trea­sons be discouered by torture (the onelie meanes left vnto princes to discouer treasons and attempts a­gainst their states and persons, where they find ap­parant matter to induce suspicion, as in the case of Throckemorton, vpon sight of the plots of hauens, &c) may the law touch the traitor or not? If anie man hold this question negatiuelie, hold him for a friend to traitors and treasons, and an enimie to the quéenes maiestie, whome God long preserue, and confound hir enimies: Amen.

On the tenth daie of Iulie next following, the same Francis Throckemorton was conueied by water from the Tower of London to the Blacke friers staires, Throckemor­ton executed. and from thense by land to the sessions hall in the old bailie without Newgate, where he was deliuered to the shiriffes of London, and then laid on a hurdle, from whence he was drawne to Ti­burne, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. The nintéenth daie of Iulie, Robert baron of Den­bigh, Robert baron of Denbigh deceased. the onelie sonne and heire of Robert earle of Leicester, departed this mortall life, being then of the age of thrée yeares and somewhat more, at Wan­sted in Essex, the solemnitie of whose funerall was there honorablie kept on the first of August; and af­ter, his bodie was conueied to Warwike, & there in the chappell of Richard Beauchampe earle of War­wike his ancestor honorablie intoomed, on the one and twentith of October. In memorie of whom (but not as an epicedium, nor yet as an epitaph) thes [...] verses of fit inuention and deuise may well be vsed:

O puer, ô [...]xpressa atrum sed maior imago,
Nunc bona cum domino spes tumulata iacet:
Sic rosa, sic tenerae sulco resecantur aristae,
Candida sic primo lilia vere cadunt.

In this yeare, The charita­ble déeds of D. S. an ancient and charitable ci­tizen of London named D. S. embroderer to the quéenes maiestie (whome God from bare estate had aduanced to a degrée of credit, hauing his wife aliue, and by hir onelie eight children, six of them maried, whose children counted together made aboue the number of twentie) this man (I say) notwithstan­ding these great occasions by multiplied generati­ons might haue prouoked him to gather and laie vp against his death, such worldlie wealth, as they thereby might reape profit after his decease: yet re­membring himselfe, that christians are not placed in this world to benefit their children onlie, but also to doo good to the houshold of faith, whereof none are more likelie to be members than the godlie poore, did laie out the most part of his substance (when he was thrée score yeares of age) in and about the building of six proper houses in forme of a quadrangle, with these words in faire great letters round about the same:

The poore widowes Inne here you may see,
These letters are placed aboue the qu [...] ­drats or squares of the building.
Where six poore widowes haue houseroome fre:
[Page 1376]And twentie shillings yeerelie paid,
During our liues for our further aid:
Though gift be but bare & came from small store,
Despise not the giuer but praise God therefore.
Woorke whilest thou hast breath:
No waie to life but Christs death.

Upon the front of the building, ouer the doore or gate of entrance, are these words of well wishing grauen in stone: GOD SAVE OVR NOBLE QVEENE ELISABETH CHEEFE FOVN­DER line 10 OF THIS WORKE. The originall of this foundation was in this maner. The said D. S. did purchase certeine old houses in the ward of castell Bainard, Six houses of perpetuall reléefe, foun­ded vpon S. Peters hill in Baniard ca­stell ward. in the citie of London, and pulling them downe to the ground, did (vpon his owne charges) build vpon the same ground six little houses all of bricke and stone, as stronglie as he could deuise to continue, euerie house hauing thrée seuerall roomes one ouer the other: wherein he placed six poore wi­dows immediatlie after they were builded, that is, line 20 in euerie house one widow, choosing them within the parish where the said houses doo stand; being such as haue liued in good name and fame all the daies of their liues, and so doo continue, and are of the age of three score yeares or thereabouts, before they shall be admitted to dwell in anie of them: & being thus admitted, and remaining widowes, they haue their dwelling frée during their liues, and twentie shillings a péece beside, paid them quarterlie by fiue shillings euerie quarter, to buie them wood & coles. line 30 And this he trulie paieth themduring his owne life, and his wife shall doo it likewise if she doo out liue him during hir life; and after both their deceases, he hath made it ouer vnto Christs hospitall to performe the same for euer. Rents left in perpetuitie for the mainte­nance of the said houses. For the performance of the pre­misses, he hath left vnto the said hospitall sufficient rents, as well to paie the said six pounds yearelie vn­to the said six poore widowes; as also to kéepe the said houses in reparations and buildings for euer, with some ouerplus vnto the said hospitall. line 40

Ordinances of the founder to be inuiola­blie obserued.And to the intent that his good and charitable pro­uision should by no misbehauiour be abused, but de­cent and agreeable to the age of the parties there seated, he made certeine ordinances and rules, to be obserued and kept by those six poore widowes which doo dwell or heereafter shall dwell in anie of those six houses, standing vpon saint Peters hill, in the ward of castell Bainard, erected by the said D. S. embroderer to our most gratious and noble queene Elisabeth, Anno 1584. line 50

What kind of widowes are to be admitted into these houses.1 First, I will that they shall be such widowes as shall be giuen to serue God, before all other exer­cises, and such as haue liued in good name and fame, and so doo continue; no blasphemers of the name of God, no drunkards, no scolds, nor anie disquiet persons, but of good and godlie conuersation, to the better example of others. They shall be of the age of thréescore yeares, or of six and fiftie yeares at the least, before they shall be admitted to dwell in anie of the same houses. And if anie of them shall fortune line 60 to marrie, they shall depart out of the same house or houses wherein shée or they doo dwell, before they doo marrie, and neuer to be admitted to dwell in anie of the same houses againe.

2 Also, they nor anie of them shall not lodge, nor suffer to be lodged or harboured by daie nor yet by night, Whom they may lodge and not lodge. anie manner of person, neither man, nor wo­man, nor child, within anie of their houses, but onelie themselues; without it be in some great extremitie of sicknesse, when as of necessitie some honest anci­ent woman a kéeper, may watch with anie of them for a night or two vpon great necessitie, or else not lodge, harbour, keepe, or mainteine, or suffer to be lodged, harboured, kept, or mainteined, neither by daie nor yet by night, any maner of person; although they be neuer so néere of bloud or kindred, but if anie of them shall so doo, she or they shall presentlie auoid out of hir or their houses within twentie daies next after anie such offense commited, & neuer to be ad­mitted to dwell in anie of the said houses after. My meaning is not but that they may come the one of them vnto the others house, or their friends, to be merie together (when they shall thinke méete) lo­uinglie, as honest neighbours vse to doo at houres conuenient, and so to depart in good order.

3 Also, they shall be no kéepers of sicke persons in other houses which shall be sicke of the plague, In order for the auoiding of infection, sicknesse, an­noiance, &c. or of anie infectious sickenesse, for bringing of infected clothes among themselues: nor they shall not suffer anie other folkes to haue anie recourse by their meanes, to wash anie bucks or other clothes, neither woollen or linnen at the well, nor in anie other part of the same yards but onelie themselues, for annoi­eng of the tenants with filth & foule waters running through their yards & houses there adioining. And if anie of the rest of the said widowes doo or shall know that anie of them or more, haue offended anie of these articles aforesaid, and doo not shew the same vnto such persons as shall haue authoritie to correct and amend the same: then all such persons shall be in the like danger as the partie that hath so offen­ded, if it may be proued that they did know there­of: and if they or anie of them shall offend in anie of these articles, they shall be put from their houses as is aforesaid, and not be admitted anie more into anie of them.

4 Also, I will that they and either of them, What wéeke daies they are to repaire to the church. shall most vsuallie vse the parish church of saint Benets, néere Paules wharfe, and especiallie vpon the sab­both daie, and vpon mondaie, wednesdaie, and fridaie, in euerie wéeke if there be anie seruice in the same church on the said daies: and if they or anie of them shall be absent from the same church at seruice time, being in the citie, and being not sicke, they shall paie two pence for euerie time so offending, which shall be put into the poores bore among themselues, or into the poores box in the said parish church.

5 Also, Conuenien [...] vse of water, &c. I will that none of them doo occupie anie water aboue the staires of anie of the same houses, for decaieng of the same houses, and perishing of the séelings: and if anie of them shall so offend, she or they shall loose the fiue shillings that they should receiue the next quarter daie following, by vertue of my will.

6 Also, Performanc [...] of these ordi­nances in­tended. I will haue them to put in two sufficient suertis to be bound in twentie pounds before they be admitted into anie of the same houses, to performe these articles, or else to auoid the said houses within twentie daies (as is aforesaid) quietlie.

7 Also, An order for lanthorne and candle light in winter. I will that the two widowes that doo or shall dwell in the two houses next the stréet on either side of the gate, shall hang out one lanthorne be­twéene them both, and a whole candell in it burning, according vnto the custome in the citie of London v­sed in the winter season; that is to saie, the one wi­dow one wéeke to hang it out, and the other widow another wéeke, and so to continue from time to time, and the said lanthorne to be mainteined by those two widowes that shall haue the hanging of them out. And I will that they doo mainteine them to be faire, large, and cléere lanthorns: and for the prouision of the candels, I will that the other foure widowes dwelling in the other foure houses, shall buie either of them one pound of cotton candels, and deliuer them vnto the two widowes that shall hang out the lanthorne, so as alwaies there shall not be aboue ten candels in the pound. And if any of the same widows shall not performe this my meaning, I will that [Page 1377] twise so much more as will performe the premisses, shall be staid out of the fiue shillings that they or ei­ther of them should receiue the next quarter daie fol­lowing, by vertue of my last will and testament.

God grant that they which are better able, may haue no lesse good will to doo the like, or better, that the godlie poore may be relieued here on earth, vpon whom, be it litle or much that is bestowed; Christ Ie­sus no doubt will reward it a hundred fold in hea­uen: and who would not by workes of faithfull cha­ritie, line 10 endeuour to dwell in God, whome the scripture calleth charitie? Considering that the apostle exhor­teth all christians in no case to forget to doo good and distribute, sith with such sacrifices he is well pleased.

On the 12 daie of Nouember, the quéens maiestie (returning after hir progresse) came to hir manor of S. Iames, The loue of the Lōdoners to the queenes maiestie. where the citizens of London, to the number of two hundred of the grauest sort in cotes of veluet, and chaines of gold, on horssebacke, and a thousand of the companies on foot (hauing with line 20 them a thousand men with torches readie there to giue light on euerie side for that the night drew on) receiued and welcomed hir grace. A parlement at Westmin­ster. And on the foure and twentith daie of the same moneth, hir maiestie and the lords rode to the parlement, which was that daie begun at Westminster. An▪ Reg. 27.

Addition of Fr. Thin.¶In the foresaid parlement held at Westminster, were manie necessarie lawes ordeined for the com­monwealth, amongst which was one speciall act pro­cured by sir Roger Manwood knight thiefe baron of line 30 the excheker, An act for the maintenance of Rochester stone bridge procured by sir Roger Manwood. for the maintenance of the famous stone bridge of Rochester. And here bicause there is mention made of sir Roger Manwood & Rochester bridge; I thinke it conuenient (sith I haue alwaies determined to set foorth what soeuer might come to my mind and pen touching my sweet and natiue countrie of Kent, and such persons of the same as ei­ther by honorable descent in that countrie, or by of­fice of hie place in the commonwealth, or by worthie remembrance deserue not to be forgotten) to speake line 40 somewhat of the same sir Roger Manwood, and such things as he hath doone for that countrie, Sir Roger Manwood a fréend to the cōmonwealth. especiallie sith master Lambard a man of rare iudgement hath not for gotten to treat of him in his booke of the perambulation of Kent vnder the title of Sand­wich. Wherfore thinking him worthie remembrance for that which he hath doone in his owne countrie of Kent, I enter in discourse of him a Kentishman [...]n this sort.

This man being borne at Sandwich in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred and line 50 fiue and twentie, The place & time of Sir Ro­ger Man­woods birth, and bringing vp. was first instructed in the gram­mar schoole of that towne, as then but a meane thing and taught by a chanterie préest of the founda­tion of one Thomas Ellis. Afterwards, when as by dissolution of chanteries in the time of king Ed­ward the sixt this chanterie schoole was taken away, Dissolutiō of chanteries. & the children of the townes people being manie in number were forced to be taught in the grammar schooles far distant from Sandwich, to the great char­ges of their parents (whereby manie poore mens chil­dren line 60 for capacitie and paines taking méet for lear­ning, were put by the course of learning which other­wise might haue prooued learned and become good members of the commonwealth) the said sir Roger Manwood by st [...]die in the law, Sir Roger Manwood reader in the inner temple. and reader in the inner temple, well considering the same (and mind­ing to restore to Sandwich towne his birth place, a better grammar schoole than tha [...] wherein he was first brought vp) did in the yeare of our redemption one thousand fiue hundred thrée sco [...]e and three, vpon his m [...]nie charges procure from the de [...]e & chapter of Christs church of Canturburie a vacant place (ha­uing manie broken neere walles) [...] to the towne gate in Sandwich called Canturburie gate. He erected [...] faire schoole­house of bricke and stone. In which void toome adioining to the riuer of Delfe is now erected a faire schoolehouse (for the schoolemaster, vsher, & certen boording scholers) framed all of bricke & stone. For perpetuall continuance of which schoole, the said sir Roger Manwood (now lord chiefe baron in this yeare of our Lord 1586) procured letters pa­tents from the quéene for incorporating and assu­rance of the same schoole (with other lands and reue­nues thereto belonging) to the maior and his bre­thren of Sandwich and to their successors for euer, He procureth leters patents &c: for the maintenance of the same in perpetuitie. by the name of the gouernours of the frée grammar schoole of Roger Manwood in Sandwich; assuring to the said gouernors of his owne land the cleere yeare­lie value of 22 pounds and more. Further, thervnto procuring of his brother Thomas Manwood (some­time maior of Sandwich) the cleere yearelie value of ten pounds of lands and tenements; and also of one Thomas Tompson (iurat of Sandwich) eight pounds by yeere De claro, of his owne lands and tene­ments, The summe of 40 pounds allowed year­lie, &c: to the maintenance of the said grammar schoole. in the grosse summe amounting to fourtie pounds by yeare, which lands being sufficientlie assu­red to the said gouernours, with conuenient dwel­ling for the master, and vsher, lodging for sixteene boording scholers, and with some beneuolence of pa­rents for the teaching of their children, is a large en­dowment for perpetuall maintenance of the same grammar schoole.

Besides which, for the further benefit of the same schoole, the same sir Roger Manwood hath obteined two scholers roomes in Gonuile and Caius college in Cambridge, Two scho­lers roomes obteined in Cambridge & two in Ox­ford for such scholers as remooue from the said schoole to either of the vniuersities. and two other scholers roomes in Lincolne college at Oxford, with pension of foure markes yearelie to euerie of the said foure scholers to be remooued from that schoole of Sandwich, and to be placed in those colleges, from time to time as of­ten as anie of the same college scholers roomes shall be void, and that anie scholer shall be méet to come from that schoole of Sandwich. Beyond all which that he hath doone for recompense of his birth place, with a frée grammar schoole for the education of the youth there, he also for reliefe of age hath néere vnto his dwelling place of saint Stephans in Hacking­ton parish (adioining to Canturburie) built in the yeare of our redemption 1573, Seuen al­mes houses by him founded for the reléefe of the honest aged. a faire row of se­uen almes houses of bricke, placing in euerie of the same almes houses poore folkes, such as are counted to be honest & good. For perpetuall maintenance of which almes persons he hath endowed that buil­ding with a yéerelie allowance of the value of foure pounds by yeare (to euerie of the same almes men & houses) in monie, bread, & fewell. Sir Roger Manwood [...] toome. And in the same pa­rish church néere to those almes houses he hath new­lie erected an Ile, where his toome is made and pla­ced, & in that church a new roome of seuen pewes and seates for the almes people to be bestowed in, togi­ther by themselues.

Likewise for setting to worke of middle age, whereby they may eschew idlenesse, A house of correction for [...]ustie idle per­sons. this sir Roger Manwood did in the yeare of Christ, one thousand fiue hundred seuentie and eight, build a new house of correction in the Westgate street in the suburbs of Canturburie. And moreouer, The ancient bridge of Ro­chester, when builded and by whom. whereas Rochester bridge standing on the riuer of Medweie, being fa­mouslie built of stone (in the time of king Richard the second as is most likelie, though some attribute the same to the time of Edward the third) by one sir Robert Knolles knight, Diuerse opi­nions concer­ning the first founding of y e said bridge. with the helpe of Iohn lord Cobham of Cobham, and Margaret Courtneie his wife, being two of the principall benefactors there­vnto, after the decaie of a woodden bridge (first erec­ted ouer the same riuer some hundred yeares before that of stone) had (for the perpetuall maintenance of the same stone bridge) the ancient contributarie [Page 1378] lands (giuen for the support of the woodden bridge) af­ter the ruine of the same woodden bridge reduced (by act of parlement holden in the one and twentith of Richard the second) to the maintenance of the same new stone bridge; and that sundrie manors, lands, tenements, & rents in Kent, London, & Essex, were by deuise of sundrie persons assured for the vp­holding of the same new stone bridge: How the said bridge began to decaie, and what meanes are vsed for the reparing of the same. yet by want of due circumspection this new stone bridge became in so great decaie, that in the latter time of quéene Marie, and beginning of hir maiestie now reigning, line 10 collection was made vpon all horssemen, & carriages passing ouer that bridge in manner of a tole or tax: and more, by reason of the queenes commission, an vniuersall taxation was made in nature of a tenth and fiftéenth ouer all the countrie of Kent, and the ci­tie of Canturburie, for and towards the reparations of the same bridge.

All which being an vnwilling burthen, & griefe to the people, togither with the reuenues of the bridge lands, did not yet suffice to saue the ruine of that fa­mous line 20 stone bridge, vntill by the carefull trauell of the said sir Roger Manwood (then a iustice in the common plées) a remedie was sound therefore with­out iniurie to anie person, Sir Roger Manwoods deuised reme­die for the kée­ping of the said bridge well repared. and without exaction of a­nie passenger. Which remedie was, that all the ma­nors, lands, tenements, and rents, belonging vnto the bridge, should be fréed from all leases thereof, made at small rents; and the same lands so let to be dulie improoued to a higher rate, the same being a matter answerable to right and reason; considering line 30 the cause of the first gift of those lands then suffici­ent, and the now dearth of things, which made it in­sufficient to support the said bridge) the stone, tim­ber and other stuffe, for repare of the same bridge, with the works, wages, and carriages concerning it, being now growne to farre greater prices than in old time they were. Which deuised remedie to vn­doo the old leases, His deuised remedie ten­ding to so good a purpose was impug­ned. was much impugned by manie persons of wealthie hauior, receiuing great profit by those old vnder rented leases. line 40

All which notwithstanding, this Roger Manwood prosecuted the same to a good successe: for he making to appeare before the lords of the councell and the rest of the iudges of the realme (in the presence of such as inioied these old leases, and of their learned councell, and other fauourers) that the said manors, lands, and tenements, belonging to the said bridge, were giuen to the wardens & communaltie, owners of the contributorie lands; and that their old leases line 50 made by the wardens onelie without consent of the communaltie, were not good in law: the farmers submitted themselues to surrender their old insuffi­cient leases, The yearelie reuenues of the said bridge amount vnto more in value by triple than they were before. and to take such as might be auailable in law of the same lands. Whereby the yearelie reue­neues of the bridge lands grew to be of more va­lue than triple that which they were before: and yet the old farmers had new leases vnto their owne contentation; bicause the same are not so improoued, but that they are as reasonablie letten as other pri­uat line 60 mens lands be.

To which deuise a further remedie was then added, A further remedie deuised. and set foorth by the said iustice. Manwood, who for perpetuall supplie (when need should be) procured that the ancient contributorie lands, almost growne into obliuion, should be to that end reduced into a conuenient order answerable vnto right and iustice. And likewise (for good direction in yearelie elections of wardens, and other officers, with the accounts, prouision, works; and other such necessaries required for perpetuall maintenance of that bridge) obteined an act of parlement in the eightéenth yeare of this quéenes reigne, An act of par­lement obtei­ned for the behoofe of the said bridge. as appeareth in the printed booke of statutes: wherein were manie things ord [...]ined for the good ordering of the said bridge, and the offi­cers belonging therevnto. After all which a charge of fiue hundred pounds was of record demanded and leuied vpon the wardens of the said bridge, for arerages of the stipends of chanterie priests, some­time seruing in the chappell at the east end of the said bridge, to the great damage and ouerthrow of the bridge; had not the said iustice Manwood by his tra­uell vpon due and lawfull triall at the assises, deli­uered & discharged the bridge of that great demand; as appeareth by record in the court of the excheker, before the said sir Roger Manwood came to be chiefe baron there. And yet abuse and slackenesse being had in these things, the wardens (notwithstanding that great beneuolence and reléefe was at sundrie times and of sundrie persons procured vnto the said bridge, by the carefull and diligent trauell of Tho­mas Wooten of Bocton Maleherbe of Kent esquier, a deere father and fauourer of his countrie, Maister Thomas Wooten of Kent esquire a father and fauourer of his countrie. as well at the times of the elections of the wardens, and the accounts of the officers) were forced to disburse great sums of their owne monie from time to time, to dispatch the néedfull charges and works required for the bridge, without anie conuenient allow­ance of the contributorie persons, at the yearelie e­lections of the wardens, and without due regard had for order of the said land, belonging and contributo­rie to the bridge.

For auoiding wherof the said sir Roger Manwood, then & now lord chiefe baron of the excheker, procured to passe another act of parlment, in the seuen & twen­tith yeare of hir maiestie reigne, wherein is further prouision made for the said bridge, as in the printed booke of statutes at large appeareth. By which fullie prouided meane [...] and by reasonable following the presidents of the works and accounts (written in great Sir Roger Manwood and maister William Lambard esquier war­dens of the said bridge. l [...]gear books by the said chiefe baron▪ and William Lambard esquier, in the yeare next after the said last mentioned act of parlement of the sea­uen and twentith of the quéenes reigne, they then executing the office of wardens) all néedfull repa­rations be so doone, and prouision before hand so made, as it is now growne out of all controuersie, that the said famous stone bridge of Rochester for e­uer like to last according vnto the intent of the first building, and the indowment thereof for the good and beneficiall seruice of the commonwealth. This sir Roger Manwood, hauing had before an other wife issued of the gentlemanlie familie of the Theo­balds, Elisabeth (daughter of Iohn Copin­ger esquier) second wife to sir Roger Manwood, hir modestie, &c. is at this daie ioined in marriage with Elisa­beth (descended of an ancient and worshipfull fami­lie) the daughter of Iohn Copinger of Alhallowes in the countie of Kent esquier: which Elisabeth, be­ing a woman of such rare modestie and patience, as hir verie enimies must néeds confesse the same: oc­casioned these verses following to be composed tou­ching hir & hir husband the said sir Roger Manwood:

Scaccarij protho bar [...] (Manwoode) beatum
Quem faciunt leges, lingua, loquela virum [...]
Coniuge foelici [...]r tamenes, quae nata Copinger
Egreg [...] est summa foemina digna viro:
Quae viduata th [...]ro Wilkins, coniunctáque Manwood,
[...] coniux est [...]oriata binis.]

In the moneth of Ianuarie deceassed Edward Fines lord Clinton, earle of Lincolne, The earle of Lincolne deceassed. and lord ad­merall of England, knight of the garter, and one of hir maiesties priuie councell, a man of great yéeres, and seruice, as well by sea as land, he was burie [...] at Windsor, leauing manie children behind him hono­rablie married. Of this noble man (whiles he liued) one to whome the honorable lords of the cour [...] were not obscurelie knowne, writing of the [...] siue Elisabeth [...] ▪ C. O. pea [...]eable regiment of the queenes maiestie, & comprising in an orderlie discourse their high places of seruice to [Page 1379] the crowne, amongest others, speaketh verie com­mendablie and deseruedlie of this deceassed earle, who (at such time as the said booke was published vnder the title aforenamed) had béene lord great admerall of England thirtie yeares, and of councell vnto thrée princes: alwaies of vnspotted report spe­ciallie for allegiance, and therefore as singularlie be­loued in his life; so accordinglie bemoned at his death. The words that concerne this noble mans memoriall are thus extant, to the aduancement of his honour, testified by report of two English poets: line 10

O Clintone tuae concessa est regia classis
Tutelae, totos ter denos circiter annos:
Consuluisse tribus (nec & haec tibi gloria parua)
Principibus, veterum satraparum sanguine clares,
Multa gerens pelago praeclarè, multáque terris:
Hunc decorat comitem grandi Lincolnia fastis.

And before this, namelie in the yeare 1564, at what time the said noble man was honored with the title of Praefectus maris, and attendant vppon hir ma­iestie in presence, at hir being in Cambridge, where line 20 she was magnificallie interteined with all hir troope of lords and traine of ladies, &c: thus did an academike write in praise of the forenamed earle:

Regnatórque maris Clintonus, cuius in vndis
Excellens nomen praecipuúmque decus:
Ille mihi Neptunus, aquas mouet ille tridente,
Hunc Triton, hunc pelagi dij (que) deae (que) colunt.

Iesuits, semi­naries, and massing priests set o­uer the seas and banished out of this realme of England for euer.On the one and twentith daie of Ianuarie, one and twentie Iesuites, seminaries, and other massing priests, late prisoners in the Tower of London, line 30 Marshalsee, and Kings bench, were shipped at the Tower wharffe, to be conueied towards France, & banished this realme for euer, by vertue of a com­mission from hir maiestie, as may more fullie ap­peare by that which followeth.

A vew of the said commission from the queenes maiestie.

WHere as the queenes most excellent line 40 maiestie, foreseeing the danger that hath and might grow vnto the realme, by ac­cesse of Iesuits and seminarie priests, and other like wandering and massing priests com­ming hither to seduce and withdraw hir louing sub­iects from their due obedience to God and hir maie­stie; and there withall, traitorouslie to practise the mo­uing and stirring of rebellion within the realme, as hath appeared by sufficient proofe against them, and line 50 by confession of sundrie of themselues; for the which diuerse of the said Iesuits and seminaries haue béene tried, condemned, and executed by the ordinarie and orderlie course of hir maiesties lawes, and yet they haue not refrained dailie to practise and attempt the like treasons. The quéenes maiesties mercies no­table. Hir maiestie notwithstanding, follow­ing the accustomed course of hir princelie clemen­cie, liking rather for this time to haue them onelie banished out of the realme, than to suffer the iustice line 60 of hir lawes to be executed against them (although they haue deserued the same in the highest degrée) hath giuen power to vs of hir maiesties priuie coun­cell & others, by commission and warrant vnder the great seale of England, bearing date the fiftéenth daie of this present month of Ianuarie, to sée this hir purpose and determination for their banishment put in execution. By vertue whereof, we haue procéeded therevnto, and haue committed to the charge of these bearers, William Bolles one of hir maiesties yeo­men of hir chamber, and Anthonie Hall, the persons whose names doo follow, that is to saie, Iames Bos­graue, The names of such I [...] ­busites (Ie­suits, I should say) as by vertue of the queenes commission were banished out of the queéenes domi­nions. Iohn Hart, Edward Rushton, Iaspar Hei­wood, William Tedder, Samuell Coniers, Arthur Pits, William Wharmington, Richard Slake, William Hartlie, Richard Norris, William Dean, William Bishop, Robert Nutter, Thomas Ste­phanson, Iohn Coliton, Christopher Tomson, Tho­mas Worthington, Iohn Barns, William Smith, clearks, being Iesuits, seminaries, and other wan­dering and massing priests, and Henrie Orton gen­tleman: all which haue béene apprehended in this realme, to be by them imbarked, and transported beyond the seas, according to such direction as they haue receiued in that behalfe.

These shall be therefore by the authoritie aforesaid, to will and require you, and in hir maiesties name strictlie to charge and command you, and euerie of you hir maiesties officers, as well within the realme of England and Iceland, as in anie other parts of hir maiesties dominions and countries, to whome it may and shall apperteine, not onelie to suffer them to passe vnder the charge of the said William Bolles and Anthonie Hall: but also that in case by contrarie­tie of winds, or extremitie of weather, they shall be after their imbarking, driuen into anie port or creeke within anie of your iurisdictions, that vpon the sight of this pasport ye aid and assist the said Bolles, and Anthonie Hall, if they shall so require you, in séeing them safelie reteined, committed, & kept in custodie (if they shall come aland) till such time as they the said William Bolles and Anthonie Hall may with safe­tie put againe into the sea, to transport them to such place beyond the sea as by our direction they are ap­pointed; and to suffer them eftsoones to imbarke and depart, without staie or interruption. Foreseeing, that they the said Iesuits and seminaries, A further charge vpon the said semi­naries tou­ching trans­portation. and other the wandering and massing priests aforesaid, nor a­nie of them, nor the said Henrie Orton be suffered to conueie or transport out of the realme, anie thing that by the lawes be prohibited or forbidden. Where­of (as of the rest commanded herein) we require you not to faile, as you will answer to the contrarie at your perils. Giuen vnder our hands at Gréenewich the twentith daie of Ianuarie, in the seuen and twen­tie yeare of hir maiesties reigne. ¶ Now followeth a certificat of the maister that transported the fore­named one and twentie banished persons, as fol­loweth.

To the right honorable lords and o­thers of hir maiesties most honorable priuie councell, and all other officers to whome it may apperteine.

THese may be to certifie, &c: A certificat to the lords of the councell, &c: concer­ning the fore­said maiter. that William Bolles, yeoman vsher of hir maiesties chamber, and Anthonie Hall of London skinner, hauing imbarked at the Tower wharffe of London, the one and twentith daie of Ianuarie 1584 one and twentie persons being banished men into my barke called the Marie Martin of Colchester, to be transported and conuei­ed into Normandie, for sixtéene of which said one and twentie persons they had compounded with me aforehand. The same William Bolles and An­thonie Hall haue satisfied and paid me for all their passages and vittels, and haue also hired at Douer an experimented pilot for the coasts of Normandie; which said Bolles and Hall with the said banished men in their charges, after their being by contrarie winds driuen to staie against Erith, at Grauesend, in Tilberie hope, at Lée, at the Spaniard, at the Downes, at Douer, and at Rie, were by force of weather and chase of pirats driuen to Bullen, and there arriued all safelie the second day of Februarie 1584, and thense sent the said banished men, some by horsse, but most on foot, with conducts to Abbi­uile [Page 1380] in the coasts of Normandie. Witnesse my hand herevnto this fift of Februarie, 1584. ¶ By me Matthew Strut.

An other certificat, written and directed into England by the said banished men.

TO all magistrats, officers, & ministers, within the realme of England or else­where, to whome it may in anie wise ap­perteine: line 10 this may be to giue certifica­tion, that we whose names are here vnder written, A certificat worthie to hang vpon perpetuall re­cord, wherein the Iesuits doo acknow­ledge the ex­céeding cour­teous and bountifull v­sage shewed vnto them at and in their banishment, &c. Note good reader note. who were imbarked at the Tower wharffe of Lon­don the one and twentith daie of Ianuarie 1584, and there receiued into the charge of maister Wil­liam Bolles, and maister Anthonie Hall, by com­mission from their lordships and other hir maiesties most honorable priuie councell, haue béene by them the said William Bolles and Anthonie Hall verie friendlie & honestlie intreated, and with carefull dili­gence line 20 safelie conducted, transported, & conueied to the prouince of Normandie, & by them left this third daie of Februarie, according to the English compu­tation, in the yeare of Christ 1584, which said Bolles and Hall haue in our presence paid the maister of the barke which transported vs for his whole fraught and vittels in the ship, for the time of our remaining a­broad: and generallie so well vsed vs in all respects, that we can not but acknowledge our selues much beholding to them & fullie satisfied, in hauing béene line 30 committed to the charge of so courteous officers, sith the case standeth so with vs that we are banished our countrie contrarie to our desires, wherein we take no little griefe of mind. For testimonie wher­of, we haue herevnto set our seuerall hands this pre­sent third daie of Februarie 1584. Iaspar Hal­wood, Edward Rushton, Iohn Hart, &c.

¶ O Lord what a mercifull quéene is this, in such sort to forgiue and forget iniuries, yea treasonable iniuries, as by banishment onelie to chastise them, line 40 that deserued extreame punishment? Yea with a banishment scarse fitlie to be so termed; sith in the execution thereof there was such clemencie shewed, as that the banished by their owne confessions haue left acknowledged vnder their owne handwriting, a notable kind of courtesie receiued by the meanes of hir maiestie. And therefore they cannot but in conscience commend hir highnesse tender affection so gratiouslie exchanged for seuere affliction; inso­much that it may rightlie be reported of hir, gigh­nesse, line 50 which the poet spake of Caesar, that is to saie:

Ouid. lib. 1. de Pons.
Est piger ad poenas princeps, ad praemia velox,
Cuíque dolet quoties cogitur esse ferox.

Earle of Derbie am­bassador into France.Henrie earle of Darbie appointed to be hir maie­sties ambassador, to Henrie the third French king, and to inuest him with the order of the garter, tooke his leaue of the quéenes maiestie at Greenewich on the twentith daie of Ianuarie, and with him such gentlemen as were present, were admitted to kisse hir highnesse hand. Maister Robert Cooke, Claren­cieux line 60 appointed to attend in that voiage in place of Garter, Attendants vpon the said ambassador. whose rome was void, and Robert Glouer Sumerset herald likewise appointed to that iour­neie, were referred to the two and twentie daie of the same moneth. Noble men and gentlemen at­tending on the earle of Derbie; the lord Sands with eight seruants, lord Windsore, eleuen ser­uants, maister Scroope sonne and heire to the lord Scroope two seruants, maister Windsore brother to the lord Windsore thrée seruants, sir Richard Sherborne thrée seruants, sir Randolph Brereton six seruants, maister Clarencieux for Garter foure seruants, maister Anthonie Cooke foure seruants, maister Gerard sonne and heire to sir Thomas Ge­rard, maister Fléetwood, maister Nudigate, mai­ster Stallage gentleman vsher, the quéenes ser­uants. Maister Sumerset herald of armes two seruants, maister Crompton, maister Smith, mai­ster Denton, maister Thomas Mils one seruant. The earls owne; maister Thomas Arden stuard two seruants, maister Fox controllor one seruant, maister Newton gentleman vsher one seruant, maister Philips chapleine one seruant, maister Alex­ander gentleman of the horsse one seruant, maister Morecroft physician one seruant. The earls waiting gentlemen; maister Dawnie sonne and heire to sir Iohn Dawnie one seruant, maister Legh son and heire to sir Piers a Legh one seruant, mai­ster Warren one seruant, maister Thomas Shere­borne sonne to sir Richard Shereborne, maister Do [...]lie had one seruant, maister Market one ser­uant, maister Richard Starkie one seruant, mai­ster Stanlie one seruant, maister Brierton, mai­ster Hanmer one seruant, maister Flood one ser­uant, maister Salisburie one seruant, maister Bu­shie my lords page, maister Donnes one seruant, maister Francis Starkie one seruant, maister Baptist one seruant, maister Randolph one ser­uant, maister Tusser, maister Chambers one ser­uant, maister Forton, maister Russell one seruant. The earles yeomen fiftie. This traine had to carie trunks, males, and chests, fiue carts and a wagon throughout from Calis to Paris, besides the earls sumpter horsse and garde viands on horsse backe.

On the six and twentith daie of Ianuarie, the earle with his traine passed from London to Grauesend in a tiltboat called a light horsseman, The lord am­bassadour pas­seth from Lō ­don to Gra­uesend, and so to Douer, and arriueth at Calis. and there ta­king post horsses rid to Sittingborne, and there lodg­ed, from whense they rid to Douer, where they im­barked and landed at Calis on the first of Februarie, the earle of Derbie lord ambassador, with the lords Sands and Windsor transported in the quéens ship named the Skout, the other gentlemen & traine in craiers of Douer to the number of eight in the whole, Monsieur de Gourdon go­uernour of Calis inter­teineth the ambassadour. where they were all receiued and welcomed to the towne by monsieur de Gourdon gouernour ther­of, and rested there the next daie: on which daie at night the said earle, barons, and principall gentle­men were inuited to a supper, by the said monsieur de Gourdon, which was prepared for them in a mer­chants house in verie sumptuous sort and great in­terteinement, and after supper musicke and dansing, some ladies and gentlewomen of the towne being purposelie brought to the place to interteine and to danse with the noblemen and others.

On the third of Februarie the whole traine went from Calis to Bullogne to bed, where they were ve­rie well interteined, the gouernors deputie presen­ting the earle with certeine pots of wine of sundrie sorts. On the fourth of Februarie they rid to Mon­strell to bed, and there were likewise presented. On the fift they went to Albeuill to bed, and were met with one hundred and fiftie shot of harquebuzers at the entrie of the towne, where on either side the streets were made ranks of shot all the way as they passed to their lodging, & after marched off about the market place, giuing manie a volée of shot till it waxed darke, the gouernor of the towne presenting sundrie sorts of wine. And the daie following they tooke their iournie to Amiens to bed, where of mon­sieur Creuicure called Boniuet, Monsieur Creuicure lieutenant of Picardie mée­teth the lord ambassadour▪ &c. lieutenant of Pi­cardie for the king, accompanied with an hundred gentlemen, and best citizens, met the earle halfe a mile without the towne, and so rid talking with him & his traine. That night the said Creuicure presen­ted the earle with great store of verie large and good fresh water fish, and the towne with wine of diuerse [Page 1381] sorts, and the daie following being sundaie, the said Creuicure inuited the earle to dinner, which dinner was greatlie commended. After dinner his lord­ship & traine went to Brethnill to bed, the next daie to Cleremont, where he staied tuesdaie, and on wed­nesdaie the tenth of Februarie to Luzarch.

On the 11 he went to S. Denise, where by the waie his lordship was met by sir Edward Stafford, Sir Edward Stafford the quéenes am­bassador resi­dent with the French king, &c. hir maiesties ambassador resident with the French king, who brought with him diuerse gentlemen of England, to the number of thirtie horsse, and so ac­companied line 10 him to S. Denise where they kept com­panie all the daie following being fridaie. On satur­daie his lordship made his entrie into Paris, about two or thrée of the clocke at after noone, there being of the lord ambassadors traine more than two hundred horsse; and midwaie betwéene saint Denise and Pa­ris, there met with their lordships sent from the king, the duke of Montpensier a prince of the bloud, the lords of Cauignie, le Chapelle aux Ursins, coun­tie de Lude, de Pienne, de Malicorne, de la Moth line 20 Fenelon, who had sometimes béene ambassador li­ger in England, Destrie, D'abin, de Fontaines, de Cormisson, the marques of Curton, the countie de Grignan, all councellors in the councell, & knights of the holie ghost. The duke of Tremouille, the coun­ties de Brissac, de Creance, Sancerre, and of La­suze, with a great number of lords and barons, gen­tlemen of the chamber, which all were cōmanded by the king to mount on horssebacke, and accompanie the said duke de Montpensier, who met the earle of line 30 Derbie and the English traine midwaie betwixt Paris and saint Denise, and did accompanie him vnto hostell de Longueuille, sometime called the hostle of Aniou. At his lordships entrie into the said lodging, The lord am­bassadors in­terteinement and vsage. the siers de Marle and de Gonaix maistres de hostell to his maiestie, gaue him to vnderstand how they were appointed by the king to haue care of his good vsage and interteinement, who likewise had appointed mesiers de la Moth Fenelon, the mar­ques de Curton, & the countie de Grignan, to keepe line 40 his lordship companie at all times. And so was his lordship with the other lords and gentlemen lodged in the said hostell de Longueuille, where was thrée tables verie sumptuouslie furnished for them all of the kings cost; the one table in the great chamber for the lords and gentlemen, seruants to hir maie­stie; the other in the hall for the erle of Derbies gen­tlemen; and the third in a gallerie beneath for gentle­mens seruants, besides liuerie into euerie chamber, both of wax, wood, wine, and such like, in as great line 50 plentie as could be desired.

The statelie & the honorable receiuing at the lord am­bassadour be­fore he came in presence ¶ audience of the French king.On sundaie the fouretéenth of Februarie after the English account, and the foure and twentith after the French reckoning, the said earle betwixt the houres of two and thrée in the after noone, went from his lodging by a posterne through the garden, which is néere to the Louure, accompanied with the said lords de la Moth Fenelon, de Curton, and Grignan, togither with the sier de Gondie, & the said de Marle, and de Gonaix, and found the capteins of the regi­ment line 60 of the kings gard, making two ranks on ei­ther side of the stréet, beginning from the posterne to the Louure gate, who welcōmed him in the kings behalfe. Without the gate of the said Louure he was receiued by the lieutenants of the great prouost of France & his archers; at the Louure gate by the sier de Montegnie capteine thereof to his maiestie and his archers; which archers togither with those of the great prouost made two ranks from the said gate of the Louure to the foot of the staiers. From the foot of the staiers his lordship was receiued by the sier de Perdillon the French lieutenant of the Swissers of the kings gard, which from the foot of the said stai­ers to the doore of the hall, made two ranks for his lordships passage. At the entrie of the hall, his lord­ship was receiued by the sier de Chasteau viaux knight of the holie ghost, and capteine of the archers of the kings gard; who likewise from the said doore vnto the doore of the antichamber made two ranks. From the doore of the antichamber, his lordship was receiued by the sier de Combault of the holie ghost, chiefe master de hostell to the king, and by the other masters of the hostell to his maiestie, and by his gen­tlemen waiters; and there in the said antichamber all the said earle of Derbies officers and gentlemen wearing liueries were appointed to staie, and the quéenes seruants that procéeded next after them, and before the said earle went still forward. At the entrie of the chamber of estate his lordship was receiued by the sier de Liencourt knight of the holie ghost, chiefe escuir of the kings escuir, and the other es­cuires of the escuir togither, with the lieutenant of the hundred gentlemen of his maiestie, who made likewise two ranks for his lordships passage from that chamber doore to the chamber of audience, eue­rie of them bearing halberds in their hands. At the entrance of the antichamber, his lordship was re­ceiued by the duke Ioieulx, accompanied with the gentlemen of the kings chamber ordinarie, who made two ranks from that chamber doore to the doore of the chamber roiall.

Into the said chamber roiall first entred all the gen­tlemen, The chamber roiall, & man­ner of recei­uing and con­ducting of the lord ambassa­dour therevn­to, and other notable obser­uations. the quéenes maiesties seruants, the lords that had receiued and accompanied the said earle and lords: and the said duke de Ioieulx accompani­ed the said earle of Derbie euen vnto the bars that stood about the edge of the haltpase, or mounting floore [...] the same chamber, where the king stood at his beds féet, accompanied without the said barriers on his right hand with the cardinals of Bourbon, Uandosme, and Ioieulx; and on the left hand with the lords, the princes of Contie, the countie de Sois­sons, and duke Montpensier, princes of the bloud: the dukes de Neuers, Delbeufe, de la Tremouille, de Retz, monsieur le chancellor, sier de Uilequier, du Bouchase, de la Ualette, Dantragues, de la Chapelle aux Ursins, Chauignie, la Uauguion, countie de Mauleurier, Clermont, Dantragues, de Larchaut, and other knights of the holie ghost, and councellors of the estate in great number. The earle of Darbie & sir Edward Stafford, &c: are courteous­lie receiued of the king. The said earle with the lord ambassador ordinarie of England alone­lie entered within the said haltpase within the bar­riers vnto his maiestie, of whom they were receiued with great courtesie, & as amiable countenance as could be. And the earle deliuered the quéenes maie­sties letters vnto the king with great reuerence, and then making rehearsall of that he had in charge to saie, the said ambassador presented vnto the king the lords Sands and Windsor, with other the English knights and gentlemen; which all one after an other mounted vpon the haltpase, kissed their hands, & did their reuerence vnto the king. The lord am­bassador s [...]lu­ted the quéene mother. Then the erle tooke his leaue, and was conducted by all the lords & capteins that had before receiued him, and conueied him vnto the place where they had first receiued him. After­wards he went to salute the quéene mother, and at the entrance into hir antichamber he was receiued by monsieur de Lansac knight of the holie ghost, and knight of honour vnto the same queene, whome he found accompanied with hir néece the princesse of Loraine standing at hir beds head, the princesses of Conde and Iontie, and the duches of Neuers stand­ing at the beds féet, the duchesses Dusez, and of Rez, and other ladies and gentlewomen in great num­ber. The lord am­bassadour con­ueied to the quéene Re­gents cham­ber. From thense his lordship was conueied to the quéene Regents chamber, at the entrance where­of he was receiued by the countie de Fiesque knight [Page 1382] of the holie ghost, and hir knight of honour, finding hir accompanied with the duchesses of Montpen­sier and Ioieulx, who stood at hir beds féet, the ladie of Roiden hir ladie of honour and other ladies and gen­tlewomen also in great number, and then returned to the foresaid hostell de Longueuille.

On mondaie the fiftéenth of Februarie, the king by monsieur le Moth Fenelon told the lord ambassa­dor his mind touching the receipt of the order, that he intended to receiue it on thursdaie following in the after noone, at the Augustine friers, which was doone line 10 accordinglie with a mantle of blew veluet, The French king inuested into the order of the garter. and a hood, and collar of the order, with a booke of the sta­tutes of the order, which all were inuested vpon the king in a place called maison de Nautralles; but the oth was ministred vnto the king in the friers church, Magnificat being then soong, or singing. On sundaie the eight and twentith of Februarie, the ambassador with his traine tooke their leaue, at whose returne from the court to his lodging he was presented that night with a rich cupboord of plate, Gifts of ro [...]all magnificence bestowed and receiued. woorth twelue line 20 hundred pounds at the least; and vnto maister Cla­renceaux was giuen a chaine of gold woorth one hundred and twentie pounds and better, of two hun­dred thirtie and six links; to maister Sumerset a chaine of one hundred and fiftie links, woorth one hundred marks; and to Thomas Mils a chaine of the same value.

On the thursdaie following, the earle with his traine set forward homewards from Paris vnto saint Denise, and so were lodged all the waie in the line 30 same lodgings that before they had béene receiued in, and arriued prosperouslie in England, from Bul­logne to Douer, on fridaie the twelfe day of March; and on the tuesdaie following were brought to the quéenes maiesties presence at Greenewich, who gra­tiouslie welcommed them home.

William Par­rie hanged and quartered at Westminster.This yeare on the second daie of March being tuesdaie, William Parrie was drawne from the Tower thorough the citie of London to Westmin­ster, line 40 and there in the palace court, hanged, boweled, and quartered, for high and horrible treasons by him practised, as maie appeare by the discourse that fol­loweth, published vpon his execution, to giue gene­rall intimation of his notorious trecheries vnto all the quéenes maiesties subiects.

A true and plaine declaration of the horrible treasons practised by William Parrie against the queenes maiestie, and of his line 50 conuiction and execution for the same, the second of March 1584, accor­ding to the account of England.

A description of William Parrie. THis William Parrie, being a man of verie meane and base parentage, but of a most proud and insolent spirit, bearing himselfe alwaies far aboue the measure of his fortune, after he had long led a wastfull and dissolute life, and had committed a great outrage a­gainst one Hugh Hare, a gentleman of the inner line 60 temple, with an intent to haue murthered him in his owne chamber, for the which he was most iustlie conuicted, séeing himselfe generallie condemned with all good men for the same, and other his misde­meanors, he left his naturall countrie, & gaue him­selfe to trauell into forren parts beyond the seas. In the course of this his trauell he forsooke his allegi­ance and dutifull obedience to hir maiestie, William Par­rie reconciled to the pope: and of hi [...] treason In superlatiuo gradu. and was reconciled, and subiected himselfe to the pope. After which, vpon conference with certeine Iesuits and o­thers of like qualitie, he first conceiued his most de­testable treason to kill the quéene (whose life God long preserue) which he bound himselfe by promise, letters, and vowes, to performe and execute: and so with this intent he returned into England in Ia­nuarie one thousand fiue hundred foure score & thrée; and since that did practise at sundrie times to haue executed his most diuelish purpose and determinati­tion: yet couering the same so much as in him laie with a veile and pretense of great loialtie vnto hir maiestie.

Immediatlie vpon his returne into England, O papisticall dissimulation! he sought to haue secret accesse to hir maiestie, preten­ding to haue some matter of great importance to reueale vnto hir: which obteined, and the same so pri­uatlie in his highnesse palace at Whitehall, as hir maiestie had but one onelie councellor with hir at the time of his acresse, in a remote place, who was so far distant, as he could not heare his spéech. And there then he discouered vnto hir maiestie (but shadowed with all craftie and tratiorous skill he had) some part of the conference and procéeding as well with the said Iesuits, and other ministers of the popes, as e­speciallie with one Thomas Morgan a fugitiue, Thomas Morgan a fugitiue and furtherer of Parries purpose. resi­ding at Paris, who aboue all others did persuade him to proceed in that most diuelish attempt (as is set downe in his voluntarie confession following) bearing hir maiestie notwithstanding in hand, that his onelie intent of proceeding so farre with the said Iesuits, and the popes ministers, tended to no other end, but to discouer the dangerous practises deuised and attempted against hir maiestie by hir disloiall subiects and other malicious persons in forren parts: albeit it hath since appeared most manifestlie, as well by his said confession, as by his dealing with one Edmund Neuill esquier, Edmund Neuill not ignorant of this attempt. that his onelie intent of discouering the same, in sort as he craftilie and traitorouslie did, tended to no other end, but to make the waie the easier to accomplish his most diuelish and wicked purpose.

And although anie other prince but hir maiestie (who is loth to put on a hard censure of those that protest to be loiall, as Parrie did) would rather haue procéeded vnto the punishment of a subiect that had waded so farre, as by oth and vow to promise the taking awaie of hir life (as he vnto hir maiesties selfe did confesse) yet such was hir goodnesse, as in stead of punishing, she did deale so gratiouslie with him, as she suffered him not onelie to haue accesse vnto hir presence: but also manie times to haue pri­uat conference with hir, and did offer vnto him vp­on opinion once conceiued of his fidelitie towards hir (as though his wicked pretense had béene, as he protested, for hir seruice) a most liberall pension. Be­sides, to the end that he might not grow hatefull to the good and well affected subiects of the realme (from whome he could in no sort haue escaped with safetie of his life, O gratious quéene and too too fauourable, euen to thine enimies! if his diuelish purpose had beene reuealed hir maiestie did conceale the same, without commu­nicating it to anie creature; vntill such time as he himselfe had opened the same vnto certeine of hir councell; and that it was also discouered that he sought to draw the said Neuill to haue béene a partie in his diuelish and most wicked purpose.

A verie rare example, and such as dooth more set forth the singular goodnesse and bountie of hir maie­sties princelie nature, than commend (if it be law­full for a subiect to censure his souereigne) hir proui­dence such as ought to be in a prince and person of hir maiesties wisdome and qualitie. And as the good­nesse of hir maiesties nature did hereby most mani­festlie shew it selfe to be rare in so extraordinarie a case, The malice of Parrie grow­eth to an ex­tremitie of mischiefe against the quéene. and in a matter of so great perill vnto hir owne roiall person: so did the malice of Parrie most eui­dentlie appeare to be in the highest and extreamest degrée, who notwithstanding the said extraordinarie grace and fauour extended towards him, did not on­lie [Page 1383] persuade the said Neuill to be an associat in the said wicked enterprise: but did also verie vehement­lie (as Neuill confesseth) importune him therein as an action lawfull, honourable, and meritorious, o­mitting nothing that might prouoke him to assent therevnto. But such was the singular goodnesse of almightie God (who euen from hir maiesties cradle by manie euident arguments hath shewed himselfe hir onelie and especiall protector) that he so wrought in Neuils heart, Neuill dis­couereth the intended trea­son against hir maiestie. as he was mooued to reueale the same vnto hir maiestie, and for that purpose made line 10 choice of a faithfull gentleman and of good qualitie in the court, vnto whome vpon mondaie the eight of Februarie last past, he discouered at large all that had passed betwéene Parrie and him, who immediat­lie made it knowne to hir maiestie. Wherevpon hir highnesse pleasure was, that Neuill should be exa­mined by the earle of Leceister, and sir Christopher Hatton: who in the euening of the same daie did ex­amine him, and he affirmed constantlie all which he had before declared to the said gentleman. line 20

In the meane time, hir maiestie continued hir singular and most princelie magnanimitie, Did euer anie man read or heare of the like magnani­mitie in a wo­man. neither dismaied with the rarenesse of the accident, nor appa­led with the horror of so villanous an enterprise, ten­ding euen to the taking awaie of hir most gratious life (a matter especiallie obserued by the councellor that was present at such time as Parrie after his re­turne did first discouer vnto hir maiestie his wicked purpose; who found no other alteration in hir coun­tenance, than if he had imparted vnto hir some mat­ter line 30 of contentment) which sheweth manifestlie how she reposeth hir confidence wholie in the defense of the almightie. And so hir maiestie, following the woonted course of hir singular clemencie, gaue or­der that Parrie the same mondaie in the euening (though not so knowne to him) should be sent vnto maister secretaries house in London, he being then there; who according vnto such direction as he recei­ued from hir maiestie, did let him vnderstand, that hir highnesse (in respect of the good will she knew he line 40 bare vnto the said Parrie, Parrie is committed to the custodie & examination of sir Francis Walsingham. & of the trust that Parrie did outwardlie professe to repose in maister secre­tarie) had made especiall choice of him to deale with him in a matter that concerned hir highlie, and that the doubted not, but that he would discharge his dutie towards hir, according vnto that extraordi­narie deuotion that he professed to beare vnto hir.

And therevpon he told him that hir maiestie had béene aduertised, that there was somewhat inten­ded presentlie against hir owne person, wherwith she line 50 thought he could not but be made acquainted, con­sidering the great trust that some of hir woorst affec­ted subiects reposed in him: and that hir pleasure therefore was, that he should declare vnto him his knowledge therein: and whether the said Parrie himselfe had let fall anie spéech vnto anie person (though with an intent onelie to haue discouered his disposition) that might draw him in suspicion, as though he himselfe had anie such wicked intent. But line 60 Parrie with great and vehement protestations de­nied it vtterlie. Parrie de­nieth with protestations whatsoeuer is demanded of him. Whervpon maister secretarie, the ra­ther to induce him to deale more plainelie in a mat­ter so important, declared vnto him, that there was a gentleman of qualitie euerie waie as good or bet­ter than himselfe, and rather his friend than enimie, that would auouch it to his face: yet Parrie persi­sted stubbornelie in his former deniall, and iustifica­tion of his owne innocencie, and would not in anie respect yéeld that he was partie or priuie to anie such motion, enterprise, or intent.

Being lodged that night at M. secretaries house, the next morning he desired earnestlie to haue some further spéech with maister secretarie: which gran­ted, Parrie declared to him that he had called to re­membrance that he had once some spéech with one Neuill a kinsman of his (so he called him) touching a point of doctrine conteined in the answer made to the booke, intituled, The execution of iustice in Eng­land; Parrie is de­sirous to haue some spéech with maiste [...] secretarie. by which booke it was resolued, that it was law­full to take awaie the life of a prince, in furtherance of the catholike religion: but he protested that they neuer had anie speech at all of anie attempt inten­ded against hir maiesties person. Which deniall of his (at two sundrie times after so much light giuen him) dooth set forth most apparantlie both the iustice and prouidence of God: his iustice, for that (though he was one of a sharpe conceipt) he had no power to take hold of this ouerture, thereby to haue auoi­ded the danger that Neuils accusation might bring him into by confessing the same, as a thing propoun­ded onelie to féele Neuils mind, whome before he had reported vnto maister secretarie he found a per­son discontented, and therefore his confession might to verie great purpose haue serued to haue cléered himselfe touching the intent: his prouidence, for that of his great mercie he would not suffer so dange­rous and wicked a member to escape and liue to hir maiesties perill.

The same daie at night, Parrie was brought to the earle of Leicesters house, Parrie is exa­mined before certeine lords of the coun­cell, &c. and there eftsoons exa­mined before the said earle of Leicester, maister vicechamberlaine, and maister secretarie: he per­sisted still in his deniall of all that he was charged with. Wherevpon, Neuill being brought before him face to face, iustified his accusation against him. He notwithstanding would not yet yéeld to confesse it, but verie proudlie and insolentlie opposed his credit against the credit of Neuill, affirming that his no, was as good as Neuils yea, & as by way of recrimi­nation, obiected the crime to Neuill himselfe. On the other side, Neuill char­geth Parrie so preciselie, that he is committed to the Tower. Neuill did with great constancie af­firme all that he had before said, and did set downe manie probable circumstances of the times, places, and maners of their sundrie conferences, and of such other accidents as had happened betwéene them in the course of that action: wherevpon Parrie was then committed to the Tower, and Neuill com­manded by their honors to set downe in writing vnder his hand, all that which before he had deliue­red by words: which he did with his owne hand as followeth.

Edmund Neuill his declaration the tenth of Februarie, 1584, subscribed with his owne hand.

WIlliam Parrie the last summer, Note the malicious hu­mor of Parrie because he might not ob­teine prefer­ment to his liking. soone af­ter his repulse in his sute for the maister­ship of saint Katharins, repaired to my lodging in the White friers, where he shewed himselfe a person greatlie discontented, and vehementlie inueighed against hir maiestie, and willed me to assure my selfe, that during this time and state, I should neuer receiue contentment. But sith, said he, I know you to be honorablie des­cended, and a man of resolution, if you will giue me assurance, either to ioine with me, or not to discouer me, I will deliuer vnto you the onelie meanes to doo your selfe good. Which when I had promised him, he appointed me to come the next daie to his house in Feuterlane: & repairing thither accordinglie, I found him in his bed; wherevpon he commanded his men foorth, and began with me in this order.

My lord said he (for so he called me) I protest be­fore God, that thrée reasons principallie doo induce me to enter into this action which I intend to disco­uer [Page 1384] vn to you: A triple rea­son that mo­ued Parrie to his pretended treason. the replanting of religion, the pre­ferring of the Scotish title, and the aduancement of iustice, woonderfullie corrupted in this common­wealth. And therevpon entred into some discour­ses, what places were fit to be taken to giue entrance to such forren forces as should be best liked of, for the furtherance of such enterprises as were to be vnder­taken. And with these discourses he passed the time, vntill he went to dinner: after which, the companie being retired, he entered into his former discourses. And if I be not deceiued (said he) by taking of Quin­borough line 10 castell, we shall hinder the passage of the quéenes ships foorth of the riuer. Wherevnto when he saw me vse no contradiction, he shooke me by the hand. Tush (said he) this is nothing: if men were re­solute, there is an enterprise of much more moment, and much easier to performe: an act honorable, and meritorious to God and the world. Parrie coun­ted it an act meritorious to murther hir maiestie. Which séeing me desirous to know, he was not ashamed to vtter in plaine termes, to consist in killing of hir maiestie: wherein, saith he, if you will go with me, I will line 20 loose my life, or deliuer my countrie from hir bad and tyrannous gouernment. At which spéeches fin­ding me discontented, he asked me if I had read doctor Allens booke, out of which he alledged an au­thoritie for it. I answered, no, and that I did not beléeue that authoritie. Well (said he) what will you saie, if I shew further authoritie than this, euen from Rome it selfe, a plaine dispensation for the killing of hir, wherein you shall find it (as I said before) meri­torious? Good cousine said I, when you shall shew it line 30 me, I shall thinke it verie strange, when I shall see one to hold that for meritorious, which another hol­deth for damnable. Well, said Parrie, doo me but the fauour to thinke vpon it till to morrow: and if one man be in the towne, I will not faile to shew you the thing it selfe: and if he be not, he will be within these fiue or six daies; at which time if it please you to méete me at Chanon row, we may there re­ceiue the sacrament to be true ech to other, and then I will discouer vnto you both the partie, O villanous persuasion or inducement to be accessarie to the treason! & the thing line 40 it selfe. Wherevpon I praied Parrie to thinke bet­ter vpon it, as a matter of great charge both of soule and bodie. I would to God, said Parrie, you were as perfectlie persuaded in it as I am! for then vn­doubtedlie you should doo God great seruice.

Not long after eight or ten daies (as I remem­ber) Parrie comming to visit me at my lodging in Herns rents in Holborne, as he often vsed, we wal­ked foorth into the fields, where he renewed againe line 50 his determination to kill hir maiestie, whom he said he thought most vnwoorthie to liue, Note Par­ries pestilent humor of ma­lice against hir maiestie. and that he woon­dered I was so scrupulous therein. She hath sought, said he, your ruine and ouerthrow, why should you not then seeke to reuenge it? I confesse (quoth I) that my case is hard, but yet am I not so desperat as to reuenge it vpon my selfe, which must néeds be the euent of so vnhonest and vnpossible an enterprise. Unpossible, said Parrie! I woonder at you, for in truth there is not anie thing more easie: you are no line 60 courtier, and therefore know not hir customes of walking with small traine, and often in the garden verie priuatlie, at which time my selfe may easilie haue accesse vnto hir, and you also when you are knowen in court. Upon the fact we must haue a barge readie to carie vs with spéed downe the riuer, where we will haue a ship readie to transport vs if it be néedfull: but vpon my head, we shall neuer be followed so far. These doubts were of ad­uantage to Neuill, but meanes of reprochfull ruine to Par­ri [...] ▪ I asked him; How will you escape foorth of the garden? For you shall not be permit­ted to carie anie men with you, and the gates will then be locked, neither can you carie a dag without suspicion. As for a dag (said Parrie) I care not: my dagger is enough. And as for mine escaping, those that shall be with hir, will be so busie about hir, as I shall find opportunitie enough to escape, if you be there readie with the barge to receiue me.

But if this séeme dangerous in respect of your reason before shewed, let it then rest till hir comming to saint Iames, and let vs furnish our selues in the meane time with men and horsse fit for the purpose: may ech of vs kéepe eight or ten men without su­spicion? And for my part, said he, I shall find good fel­lowes that will follow me without suspecting mine intent. It is much, said he, that so manie resolute men maie doo vpon the sudden, Note the trai­torous p [...]oc­tise of Parrie laid downe in order as it should haue béene come, being well appoin­ted with ech his case of dags: if they were an hun­dred waiting vpon hir, they were not able to saue hir, you comming on the one side, and I on the o­ther, and discharging our dags vpon hir, it were vn­happie if we should both misse hir. But if our dags faile, I shall bestirre me well with a sword yer she escape me. Wherevnto I said: Good doctor giue ouer this odious enterprise, & trouble me no more with the hearing of that, which in heart I loth so much. I would to God the enterprise were honest, that I might make knowne vnto thée whether I want re­solution! And not long after, hir maiestie came to saint Iames, after which, one morning (the daie cer­teine I remember not) Parrie reuiued againe his former discourse of killing hir maiestie, with great earnestnesse and importunitie persuading me to ioine therein: saieng he thought me the onelie man of England like to performe it, in respect of my va­lure, as he termed it.

Wherevpon I made semblance as if I had beene more willing to heare him than before, hoping by that means to cause him to deliuer his mind to some other that might be witnesse thereof with me, wher­in neuerthelesse I failed. After all this, Marke the resolutenes of Parrie to ac­complish his treason by oft frequenting the action. on saturdaie last being the sixt of Februarie, betwéene the houss of fiue and six in the after noone, Parrie came to my chamber, and desired to talke with me apart, where­vpon we drew our selues to a window. And where I had told Parrie before, that a learned man whom I met by chance in the fields, vnto whom I proponed the question touching hir maiestie, had answered me that it was an enterprise most villanous and dam­nable, willing me to discharge my selfe of it: Par­rie then desired to know that learned mans name, and what was become of him, saieng after a scorne­full maner; No doubt he was a verie wise man, and you wiser in beléeuing him: & said further, I hope you told him not that I had anie thing from Rome. Yes in truth, said I. Wherevnto Parrie said, I would you had not named me, nor spoken of anie thing I had from Rome! And therevpon he earnestlie per­suaded me eftsoones to depart beyond the seas, Neuill i [...] re­solued at no hand to be partaker with Parrie in his treason. pro­mising to procure me safe passage into Wales, and from thense into Britaine, whereat we ended. But I then resolued not to doo so, but to discharge my con­science, and laie open this his most traitorous and abhominable intention against hir maiestie: which I reuealed in sort as is before set downe.

Edmund Neuill.

After this confession of Edmund Neuill, Wil­liam Parrie the eleuenth daie of Februarie last, being examined in the Tower of London, by the lord Hunsdon lord gouernour of Berwike, sir Christopher Hatton knight vicechamberleine to hir maiestie, and Francis Walsingham knight princi­pall secretarie to hir maiestie, Parries vo­luntarie con­fession in the hearing of certein lords, &c. did voluntarilie and without anie constraint, by word of mouth make confession of his said treason, and after set it downe in writing all with his owne hand in his lodging in the Tower, and sent it to the court the thirtéenth of the same, by the lieutenant of the Tower. The parts [Page 1385] whereof concerning his maner of dooing the same, and the treasons wherewith he was iustlie charged are here set downe, word for word, as they are writ­ten and signed with his owne hand & name, the ele­uenth of Februarie, 1584.

The voluntarie confession of William Parrie, in writing all with his owne hand.
¶The voluntarie confession of William Parrie, do­ctor of the lawes (now prisoner in the Tower) & ac­cused line 10 of treason by Edmund Neuill esquier, promi­sed by him (with all faith & humilitie) to the queenes maiestie, in discharge of his conscience and dutie to­wards God and hir. Before the lord Hunsdon lord gouernor of Berwike, sir Christopher Hatton knight vicechamberlaine, sir F. Walsingham knight princi­pall secretarie, the thirteenth of Februarie, 1584. Parrie.

Alacke, good and gratious ladie, whose hard hap it was to inter­teine so bad & gracelesse a seruant. IN the yeare 1570 I was sworne hir line 20 maiesties seruant, from which time vn­till the yeare 1580, I serued, honored, and loued hir with as great readinesse, deuotion and assurance as anie poore subiect in Eng­land. In the end of that yeare, and vntill Midsum­mer 1582, I had some trouble for the hurting of a gentleman of the Temple. In which action I was so disgraced and oppressed by two great men (to whome I haue of late béene beholden) that I neuer had con­tented thought since. There began my misfortune, line 30 and here followeth my wofull fall. Parrie sueth [...]or licence to trauell beyond sea, and obtei­neth it. In Iulie after, I laboured for licence to trauell for thrée yeares, which (vpon some consideration) was easilie obteined. And so in August, I went ouer with doubtfull mind of re­turne, for that being suspected in religion, and not hauing receiued the communion in two and twen­tie yeares, I began to mistrust my aduancement in England. In September I came to Paris, where I was reconciled to the church, and aduised to liue without scandale, the rather for that it was mistru­sted line 40 by the English catholikes, that I had intelli­gence with the greatest councellour of England. I staied not long there, but remooued to Lions (a place of great traffike) where, bicause it was the ordinarie passage of our nation to and fro betwéene Paris and Rome, I was also suspected.

Parrie iusti­fieth himselfe in religion before the in­quisitor of Millaine.To put all men out of doubt of me, and for some other cause, I went to Millaine, from whense as a place of some danger (though I found fauour there) after I had cléered my conscience, and iustified my line 50 selfe in religion before the inquisitor, I went to Ue­nice. There I came acquainted with father Benedi­cto Palmio, a graue and a learned Iesuit. By confe­rence with him of the hard state of the catholikes in England, & by reading of the booke De persecutione Anglicana, and other discourses of like argument, 1 I conceiued a possible meane to relieue the affli­cted state of our catholikes, if the same might be well warranted in religion and conscience by the pope, or some learned diuines. I asked his opinion, he line 60 made it cléere, commended my deuotion, comforted me in it, Parrie is re­solued in the plot of his treacherous deuise. and after a while made me knowen to the Nuntio Campeggio, there resident for his holinesse. By his meanes I wrote vnto the pope, presented the seruice, and sued for a pasport to go to Rome, and to returne safelie into France. Answer came from cardinall Como, that I might come, and should be welcome. I misliked the warrant, sued for a better, which I was promised: but it came not before my departure to Lions, where I promised to staie some time for it.

And being indéed desirous to go to Rome, and loth to go without countenance, I desired Christofero de Salazar, secretarie to the king catholike in Uenice, who had some vnderstanding (by conference) of my deuotion to the afflicted catholikes at home and a­broad, Note with what felows, enimi [...]s to God and his church, Par­rie linketh himselfe. to commend me to the duke [...] Noua terra gouernour of Millaine, and to the countie of Oliua­ris Embi, then resident for the king his master in Rome: which he promised to doo effectuallie for the one, and did for the other. And so I tooke my iournie towards Lions, whither came for me an ample pas­port (but somewhat too late) that I might come & go In verbo pontificis per omnes iurisdictiones ecclesiasticus, abs (que) impedimento. I acquainted some good fathers there of my necessitie to depart towards Paris by promise, & praied their aduises vpon diuerse points, wherein I was well satisfied. And so assuring them that his holinesse should heare from me shortlie, it was vn­dertaken that I should be excused for that time.

In October I came to Paris, where (vpon better opinion conceiued of me amongst my catholike countriemen) I found my credit well setled, and such as mistrusted me before, readie to trust and imbrace me. Note the di­uelish confe­rēce betwéene Morgan and Parrie. And being one daie at the chamber of Thomas Morgan a catholike gentleman (greatlie beloued and trusted on that side) amongst other gentlemen, talking (but in verie good sort) of England, I was de­sired by Morgan to go vp with him to another cham­ber, where he brake with me, and told me that it was hoped and looked for, that I should doo some seruice for God and his church. I answered him I would doo it, if it were to kill the greatest subiect in England: whom I named, and in truth then hated. No no, said he, let him liue to his greater fall and ruine of his house: 2 it is the quéene I meane. I had him as I wished, and told him it were soone doone, if it might be lawfullie doone, and warranted in the opinion of some learned diuines. Parrie bow­eth to vnder­take the kil­ling of the quéene. And so the doubt once resol­ued (though as you haue heard I was before reaso­nablie well satisfied) I vowed to vndertake the en­terprise, for the restitution of England to the ancient obedience of the sée apostolike. Diuers diuines were named, doctor Allen I desired, Parsons I refused. And by chance came master Wats a learned priest, with whome I conferred, and was ouerruled.

3 For he plainelie pronounced (the case onelie altered in name) that it was vtterlie vnlawfull: with whome manie English priests did agrée as I haue heard, if it be not altered, since the booke made in answer of the execution of the English iustice was published, which I must confesse hath taken hard hold in me, and (I feare me) will doo in others, if it be not preuented by more gratious handling of the quiet and obedient catholike subiects, whereof there is O Lord what a lamē ­table hearing is this! good and greater store in England than this age will extinguish. Well, notwithstanding all these doubts, I was gone so far by letters and conference in Italie, that I could not go backe, but promised faithfullie to performe the enterprise, if his holinesse vpon my offer & letters would allow it, & grant me full remission of my sinnes. 4 I wrote my letters the first of Ianuarie 1584, by their computation, Parrie is now become altogither past grace, and growne resolute with Iudas to kill the Lords an­nointed. tooke aduise vpon them in confession of father Aniball a Codreto a learned Iesuit in Paris, was louinglie imbraced, commended, confessed, and communica­ted at the Iesuits at one altar with the cardinals of Uandosmi and Narbone: whereof I praied certifi­cat, and inclosed the same in my letter to his holi­nes, to lead him the rather to absolue me, which I re­quired by my letters, in consideration of so great an enterprise vndertaken without promise or reward.

5 I went with Morgan to the Nuntio Ragazzoni, to whome I read the letter and certificat inclosed, sealed it, & left it with him to send to Rome: he pro­mised great care of it, and to procure answer; and so louinglie imbraced me, wished mee good spéed, and promised that I should be remembred at the altar.

[Page 1386]6 After this I desired Morgan, that some speciall man might be made priuie to this matter, least he dieng, and I miscarieng in the execution, and my intent neuer trulie discouered, it might sticke for an euerlasting spot in my race. Diuerse were na­med, but none agréed vpon for feare of bewraieng.

7 This being doone, Morgan assured me, that short­lie after my departure, A prouiso for a Scotish in­uasiō after the deuise of Parrie exe­cuted. the L. Fernehurst (then in Paris) should go into Scotland, and be readie vpon the first newes of the queens fall, to enter into Eng­land line 10 with 20 or 30000 men to defend the queene of Scotland (whom, and the king hir sonne, I doo in my conscience acquit of anie priuitie, liking, or consent to this, or anie other bad action, for anie thing that e­uer I did know.)

I shortlie departed for England, and arriued at Rie in Ianuarie 1583, from whense I wrote to the court, aduertised some, that I had a speciall seruice to discouer to the quéens maiestie. Note the vil­lans ill mind to hir maie­stie. 8 Which I did more to prepare accesse and credit, than for anie care I line 20 had of hir person, though I were fullie resolued ne­uer to touch hir (notwithstanding anie warrant) if by anie deuise, persuasion, or policie she might be wrought to deale more gratiouslie with the catho­likes than she dooth, or by our maner of procéeding in parlement meaneth to doo, for anie thing yet seene. I came to the court (then at Whitehall) praied audience, had it at large, and verie priuatlie discoue­red to hir maiestie this conspiracie, much to this ef­fect, though couered with all the skill I had: she tooke line 30 it doubtfullie, I departed with feare. And amongst other things, I cannot forget hir maiesties gratious speech then vttered touching the catholikes, which of late, after a sort I auowed in parlement: she said to me that neuer a catholike should be troubled for reli­gion or supremasie, Note hir ma­iesties vnde­serued grati­ousnes to pre­tended catho­likes. so long as they liued like good subiects. Whereby I mistrusted that hir maiestie is borne in hand, that none is troubled for the one or the other. It may be trulie said that it is better than it hath béene, though it be not yet as it should be. line 40

In March last, while I was at Gréenewich (as I remember) suing for saint Katharines, came let­ters to me from cardinall Como, dated at Rome the last of Ianuarie before, whereby I found the en­terprise commended, and allowed, and my selfe ab­solued (in his holinesse name) of all my sinnes, and willed to go forward in the name of God. That let­ter I shewed to some in court, who imparted it to the quéene: what it wrought, or maie worke in hir maiestie, God knoweth: onelie this I know, 9 That line 50 it confirmed my resolution to kill hir, Note Parries resolution by letters from cardinall Como. and made it cléere in my conscience, that it was lawfull and me­ritorious. And yet was I determined neuer to doo it, if either policie, practise, persuasion, or motion in parlement could preuaile. I feared to be tempted, and therefore alwaies when I came neere hir, I left my dagger at home, 10 When I looked vpon hir ma­iestie, & remembred hir manie excellencies, I was greatlie troubled: and yet I saw no remedie, for my vowes were in heauen, Parrie is in a mammering what to doo as maie be noted by these spée­ches interro­gatorie. my letters and promises in earth, and the case of the catholike recusants and o­thers line 60 little bettered.

Sometimes I said to my selfe: Why should I care for hir? What hath she doone for me? Haue I not spent ten thousand markes since I knew hir ser­uice, and neuer had penie by hir? It maie be said, she gaue me my life. But I saie (as my case stood) it had béene tyrannie to take it: and I feare me it is little lesse yet. If it please hir gratiouslie to looke in­to my discontentments, Parrie despe­rat. would to Iesus Christ she had it, for I am wearie of it. And now to come to an end of this tragicall discourse. In Iulie I left the court, vtterlie reiected, discontented, and as hir ma­iestie might perceiue by my passionate letters, care­lesse of my selfe. I came to London: doctor Allens booke was sent me out of France: 11 It redoubled my former conceipts, euerie word in it was a war­rant to a prepared mind. It taught that kings maie be excommunicated, depriued, and violentlie hand­led. It prooueth that all warres ciuill or forren, vn­dertaken for religion, is honourable. Hir maiestie maie doo well to read it, and to be out of doubt (if things be not amended) that it is a warning, and a doctrine full dangerous. This is the booke I shewed, in some places read, How long the conspiracie was in hand­ling ye [...] it was detected. and lent to my cousine Neuill (the accuser) who came often to mine house, put his finger in my dish, his hand in my purse, and the night wherein he accused me, was wrapped in my gowne, six moneths at least after we had entered in­to this conspiracie: in which space hir maiestie, and ten princes in seuerall prouinces might haue béene killed. God blesse hir maiestie from him: for before almightie God I ioie and am glad in my soule, that it was his hap to discouer me in time, though there were no danger neere.

And now to the matter of our méetings. He came to me in the beginning of August, and spake to me in this or the like sort: Cousine, let vs doo some­what, sith we can haue nothing. I offered to ioine with him, and gladlie heard him, hoping bicause I knew him to be a catholike, that he would hit vpon that I had in my head: but it sell not out so. He thought the deliuerie of the quéene of Scotland ea­sie, Note the ac­tions that should haue béene com­mensed and finished in this conspi­racie. presuming vpon his credit and kinred in the North: I thought it dangerous to hir, and impossible to men of our fortunes. He fell from that to the ta­king of Berwike: I spake of Quinborough and the nauie, rather to interteine him with discourse, than that I cared for those motions, my head being full of greater matter. 12 I told him that I had an o­ther maner of enterprise, more honourable and pro­fitable vnto vs, and the catholikes commonwealth, than all these, if he would ioine in it with me, as he presentlie vowed to doo. He pressed to know it, I willed him to sleepe vpon the motion: he did so, and (belike ouertaken) came vnto me the next morning to my lodging in London, offered to ioine with me, This oth and all of the like qualitie and nature are violable Sa [...]u [...] interi [...] anima. and tooke his oth vpon a bible, to conceale and con­stantlie to pursue the enterprise for the aduance­ment of religion: which I also did, and meant to per­forme: the killing of the quéene was the matter.

The maner and place, to be on horssebacke, with eight or ten horsses, when she should ride abroad a­bout saint Iames, or some other like place. It was once thought fit in a garden, and that the escape would be easiest by water into Shepeie, or some o­ther part: but we resolued vpon the first. This conti­nued as agréed vpon manie moneths, The death of Westmerland reported. till he heard of the death of Westmerland, whose land and digni­tie (whereof he assured himselfe) bred belike this con­science in him to discouer a treason in Februarie, contriued and agreed vpon in August. If it cost him not an ambitious head at last, let him neuer trust me. He brought a tall gentleman (whome he com­mended for an excellent pistolier) to me to Chanon Row, to make one in the match: but I refused to deale with him, being loth to laie my head vpon so manie hands.

M. Neuill hath (I thinke) forgotten, Parrrie char­geth Neuill with grieuous spéeches of curssed dis­loialtie. that he did sweare to me at diuerse times, that all the aduance­ment she could giue, should serue but for hir scourge, if euer time and occasion should serue: and that al­though he would not laie hand vpon hir in a corner, his hart serued him to strike off hir head in the field. Now leauing him to himselfe, thus much (to make an end) I must confesse of my sefe: I did meane to trie what might be doone in parlement, to doo my best to hinder all hard courses, to haue praied hea­ring [Page 1387] of the queenes maiestie, to mooue hir (if I could) to take compassion vpon hir catholike subiects, and when all had failed, to doo as I intended. If hir ma­iestie by this course would haue eased them, though she had neuer preferred me, I had with all comfort and patience borne it: 13 but if she had preferred me without ease or care of them, the enterprise had held. God (no doubt) will preserue good quéene. Elisa­beth, though a thousand such traitors as Parrie conspire hir death to their owne destruc­tion. ¶ God preserue the quéene, & incline hir mer­cifull hart to forgiue me this desperat purpose, and to take my head (with all my hart) for hir better sa­tisfaction. line 10

W. Parrie.

After which, for the better manifesting of his trea­sons, on the fouretéenth of Februarie last past, there was a letter written by him to hir maiestie, verie voluntarilie, all of his owne hand, without anie mo­tion made to him. The tenor whereof, for that which concerneth these his traitorous dealings, is as fol­loweth. line 20

A letter written by Parrie to hir maiestie.

YOur maiestie maie see by my volunta­rie confession, the dangerous fruits of a discontented mind: Parries pur­pose conceiued in Uenice, continued in Lions, resol­ued in Paris, to be executed in England. & how constant­lie I pursued my first conceiued pur­pose in Venice, for the releefe of the af­flicted catholikes, continued it in Lions, and resol­ued in Paris to put it in aduenture, for the restitution line 30 of England to the ancient obedience of the see apo­stolike. You maie see withall how it is commended, allowed, and warranted in conscience, diuinitie, and policie, by the pope and some great diuines: though it be true or likelie, that most of our English diuines (lesse practised in matters of this weight) doo vtterlie mislike and condemne it.

The enterprise is preuented, and conspiracie dis­couered, by an honourable gentleman my kinsman, and late familiar friend, Neuill char­ged by Parrie to be accessa­rie to the trea­son. maister Edmund Neuill, pri­uie line 40 and by solemne oth (taken vpon the bible) partie to the matter, wherof I am hardlie glad, but now so­rie (in my verie soule) that euer I conceiued or inten­ded it, how commendable or meritorious so euer I thought it. God thanke him, and forgiue me, who would not now (before God) attempt it (if I had li­bertie and oportunitie to doo it) to gaine your king­dome. I beseech Christ that my death and example maie as well satisfie your maiestie, and the world, as it shall glad and content me. line 50

The queene of Scotland is your prisoner, let hir be honourablie intreated, but yet surelie garded. The French king is French, Compare these war­nings with the euents in Anno 1585, 1586, speciallie about August. you know it well enough, you will find him occupied when he should doo you good; he will not loose a pilgrimage to saue you a crowne. I haue no more to saie at this time, but that with my hart & soule I doo now honour & loue you, am inwardlie sorie for mine offense, and readie to make you amends by my death and patience. Dis­charge me A culpa but not A poena, good ladie. And line 60 so farewell, most gratious and the best natured and qualified queene that euer liued in England. From the Tower, the fourteenth of Februarie, one thousand fiue hundred eightie and foure.

W. Parrie.

After which, to wit, the eightéenth of Februarie last past, Parries guil­tie conscience exonerateth it selfe by volun­tarie confes­sion. Parrie, in further acknowledging his wicked and intended treasons, wrote a letter all of his owne hand in like voluntarie maner to the lord treasuror of England, and the earle of Leicester, lord steward of hir maiesties house, the tenor wherof is as followeth.

William Parries letter to the lord treasuror, and the earle of Leicester.

MY lords, now that the conspiracie is dis­couered, the fault confessed, my consci­ence cleared, and mind prepared pati­entlie to suffer the paines due for so hai­nous a crime; I hope it shall not offend you, if cri­eng Miserere with the poore publicane, I leaue to despaire with curssed Caine. My case is rare and strange, and for anie thing I can remember, singular: A traitor of singular note by his owne confession was Parrie. a naturall subiect solemnlie to vow the death of his naturall queene (so borne, so knowne, and so taken by all men) for the releefe of the afflicted catholikes, and restitution of religion. The matter first concei­ued in Venice, the seruice (in generall words) pre­sented to the pope, continued and vndertaken in Pa­ris, and lastlie commended and warranted by his holinesse, digested and resolued in England, if it had not beene preuented by accusation, or by hir maie­sties greater lenitie and more gratious vsage of hir ca­tholike subiects.

This is my first and last offense conceiued against my prince or countrie, An offense sufficient to hang 1000 traitors with­out drop of mercie. and dooth (I cannot denie) conteine all other faults whatsoeuer. It is now to be punished by death, or most gratiouslie (beyond all common expectation) to be pardoned. Death I doo confesse to haue deserued, life I doo (with all humili­tie) craue, if it may stand with the queenes honor, and policie of the time. To leaue so great a treason vnpunished were strange; to drawe it by death in example were dangerous; a sworne seruant to take vpon him such an enterprise vpon such a ground, and by such a warrant, hath not beene seene in Eng­land; to indict him, arreigne him, bring him to the scaffold, and to publish his offense, can doo no good; to hope that he hath more to discouer than is con­fessed, Parrie had more glosing rhetorike than faithfull obe­dience. or that at his execution he will vnsaie anie thing he hath written, is in vaine; to conclude, that it is impossible for him in time to make some part of amends, were verie hard, and against former expe­rience.

The question then is, whether it be better to kill him, or (least the matter be mistaken) vpon hope of his amendment to pardon him. For mine owne opi­nion (though parciall) I will deliuer you my consci­ence. The case is good queene Elisabeths, the of­fense is committed against hir sacred person, and she may (of hir mercie) pardon it without preiudice to a­nie. Then this I say in few words, as a man more de­sirous to discharge his troubled conscience, than to liue: Pardon poore Parrie and releeue him; for life without liuing is not fit for him. If this may not be, or be thought dangerous, or dishonorable to the queenes maiestie (as by your fauors, Good Lord with what heart might Parrie hope after anie thing but death, hauing béene so capi­tall a traitor? I thinke it full of honor and mercie) then I beseech your lordships (and no other) once to heare me before I be indi­cted, and afterwards (if I must die) humblie to in­treat the queenes maiestie to hasten my triall and execution: which I praie God (with all my heart) may prooue as honorable to hir, as I hope it shall be happie to me▪ who will while I liue (as I haue doone alwaies) praie to Iesus Christ for hir maiesties long and prosperous reigne. From the Tower the eigh­teenth of Februarie, 1584.

W. Parrie.

ANd where in this meane time sir Francis Walsingham secretarie to hir maiestie, had dealt with one William Creitchton, a Scot for his birth, and a Iesuit by his profession, Creitchton apprehended with diuerse plots for in­uasions of this realme. now prisoner also in the Tower, for that he was apprehended with diuerse plots for inuasions of this realme, to vnder­stand of him, if the said Parrie had euer dealt with him in the parties beyond the seas touching that [Page 1388] question, whether it were lawfull to kill hir maie­stie or not. The which at that time the said Creitchton called not to his remembrance: yet after vpon bet­ter calling it to mind, vpon the twentith daie of Fe­bruarie last past, he wrote vnto maister secretarie Walsingham thereof voluntarilie, all of his owne hand, to the effect following.

William Creitchtons letter to sir Francis Walsingham, Febr. 20. line 10

RIght honorable sir, when your honor de­manded me if maister Parrie did aske me, if it were leason to kill the queene; in deed and veritie, then I had no remem­brance at all thereof. But since, thinking on the mat­ter, I haue called to mind the whole fashion of his dealing with me, and some of his arguments: for he dealt verie craftilie with me, Note Cre­itchtons re­port of Par­ries craft and malice. I dare not say malicious­lie. For I did in no wise thinke of anie such deseine of his, or of anie other, and did answer him simplie line 20 after my conscience and knowledge to the veritie of the question. For after that I had answered him twise before, Quòd omninò non liceret; he returned late at euen by reason I was to depart earlie in the next mor­ning toward Chamberie in Sauoie where I did re­maine, and being returned out of the closse within one of the classes of the college, he proponed to me of new the matter, with his reasons and arguments.

First he alleged the vtilitie of the deed for deliue­ring of so manie catholikes out of miserie, Creitchtons reasons to re­pell Parries traitorous allegations. and resti­tution line 30 of the catholike religion. I answered, that the scripture answereth thereto, saieng: Non sunt facienda mala, vt veniant bona. So that for no good, how great that euer it be, may be wrought anie euill, how little that euer it be. He replied that it was not euill to take awaie so great euill, and induce so great good. I an­swered, that all good is not to be doone, but that onelie: Quòd bene & legitimè fieri potest. And there­fore, Deum magis amare aduer­bia quàm no­mina. dixi Deum magis amare aduerbia, quàm nomi­na. Quia in actionibus magis ei placent bene & legitimè, line 40 quàm bonum. Ita vt nullum bonum liceat facere, nisi bene & legitimè fieri possit. Quòd in hoc casu fieri non potest. Yet said he, that seuerall learned men were of the opini­on, Quòd liceret. I answered, that they men perhaps were of the opinion, that for the safetie of manie in soule and bodie, they would permit a particular to his danger, & to the occult iudgement of God: or per­haps said so, mooued rather by some compassion and commiseration of the miserable estate of the catho­likes, nor for anie such doctrine that they did find in line 50 their bookes. For it is certeine, that such a thing is not licit to a particular, without speciall reuelation diuine, which exceedeth our learning and doctrine. Creitchton holdeth Par­ries attempt vnlawfull: note. And so he departed from me. Out of the prison in the Tower, the 20 of Februarie.

Your honors poore seruitor in Christ Iesu, W. Creitchton prisoner.

Parrie saith and vnsaith like a traitor to shift off the heauie charge of treason.ANd where also the same Parrie was on the same twentith daie of Februarie examined by sir Francis Walsingham knight, what was be­come line 60 of the letter conteined in his confession to be written vnto him by the cardinall de Como: h [...] then answered, that it was consumed and burnt. And yet after, the next daie following, being more vehementlie vrged vpon that point in examination (because it was knowne that it was not burnt) he confessed where he had left it in the towne: where­vpon, by Parries direction it was sent for, where it had beene lapped vp togither with other friuolous pa­pers, and written vpon the one side of it; The last will of William Parrie. The which letter was in the Italian toong as hereafter followeth, with the same in English accordinglie translated.

Amon Signore, mon signor Guglielmo Parrie.

MOn Signore, la Santita di N.S. haveduto le lettere di V.S. del primo con la fede inclusa, Cardinall de Como his a­nimating let­ter to Parrie to perseuere in his diuelish deuise. & non può se non laudare la buona dispositio­ne che scriue di tenere verso il seruitio & be­neficio publico, nel ch [...] la Santita sua lessorta di perseuerare, con farne riuscireli eff [...]tti che V.S. promette: & accioche tanto maggiormente V.S. sia aiutata da quel buon spirito chel ha mosso, le concede sua beneditione, plenaria indul­genza & remissione di tutti li peccati, secondo che V.S. ha chiesto, assicurandossi che oltre il merito, chen hauera in cielo, vuole anco sua Santitata constituirsi debitore a reconoscere li meriti di V.S. in ognimiglior modo che porta, & cio tanto piu, But as God would, Par­ries enter­prise wanted that wished Bu [...]no & se [...]c [...] successo. quanto che V. S. vsa maggior modestia in non pretender nien­te. Metta dunque ad effetto li suoì santi & honorati pensi­eri, & attenda a star sano. Che per fine io me le offero di core, & le desiderio ogni buon [...] & felice successo. Di Roma a 30 di Gennaro, 1584.

  • Al piacerdi V.S.
  • N. cardinali di Como.
  • Al Sig. Guglielmo Parri.

Cardinall de Comos letter to D. Parrie, 30. Ian. 1584 by account of Rome.

MOn signor, his holinesse hath seene your letter of the first, with the certificat inclu­ded, A good clear­gie in the meane time that allow treasons in this sort. and cannot but commend the good disposition & resolution which you write to hold towards the seruice and benefit publike: wherein his holines dooth exhort you to perseuere, & to bring to effect that which you haue promised. And to the end you may be so much the more holpen by that Good spirit, naie malignāt spirit & more than diaboli­call. good spirit which hath mooued you therevnto, he granteth vnto you his blessing, plenarie indul­gence and remission of all your sinnes, according to your request. Assuring you, that besides the merit that you shall receiue therfore in heauen, his holines will further make himselfe debtor to acknowledge your deseruings in the best maner that he can: and so much the more, in that you vse the greater modestie in not pretending anie thing. Put therefore to effect your Naie curssed and abhomi­nable purpo­ses, with destruction to the vnderta­ker. holie and honorable purposes, and attend your health. And to conclude, I offer my selfe vnto you hartilie, and doo desire all good and happie successe. From Rome the 30 of Ianuarie, 1584.

At the pleasure of your Signorie, N. Card. of Como.

VPon all which former accusation, declaration, confessions and proofes, Parrie co [...] ­uented, and arreigned a [...] Westminster hall the 22 of Februarie. vpon mondaie the two and twentith daie of Februarie last past, at West­minster hall, before sir Christopher Wraie knight chiefe iustice of England, sir Gilbert Gerrard knight master of the rolles, sir Edmund Anderson knight chiefe iustice of the common plées, sir Roger Manwood knight chiefe baron of the excheker, sir Thomas Gawdie knight one of the iustices of the plees before hir maiestie to be holden, & William P [...] ­riam one of the iustices of the common plées, by ver­tue of hir maiesties commission to them and others in that behalfe directed: the same Parrie was indi­cted of high treason, for intending and practising the death and destruction of hir maiestie, whome God long prosper, and preserue from all such wicked at­tempts. The tenor of which indictment appeareth more particularlie in the course of his arreignment following.

The maner of the arreignment of Wil­liam Parrie the 25 of Februarie 1584, The names of such perso­nages of [...]. at West­minster, [Page 1389] in the place where the court commonlie called the Kings bench is vsuallie kept by vertue of hir maiesties commission of oier and termi­ner, before Henrie lord Hunsdon gouernour of Barwike, sir Francis Knolles knight treasuror of the queenes maiesties houshold, sir Iames Croft knight comptrollor of the same houshold, sir Christopher Hatton knight vicechamberleine to hir maiestie, sir Christopher Wraie knight chiefe iustice of England, sir Gilbert Gerrard knight line 10 master of the rols, sir Edmund Anderson knight chiefe iustice of the common plees, sir Roger Manwood knight chiefe baron of the excheker, and sir Thomas Hennage knight treasuror of the chamber.

FIrst thrée proclamations for silence were made, according to the vsuall course in such cases. Then the lieutenant was commanded to returne his precept, who did so, The lieute­nant of the tower retur­neth his pr [...] ­c [...]pt. and brought the prisoner to the bar, to whome line 20 Miles Sands esquier clerke of the crowne said; William Parrie hold vp thy hand: and he did so. Then said the clerke of the crowne; Thou art here in­dicted by the oths of twelue good and lawfull men of the countie of Midlesex, before sir Christopher Wraie knight and others, which tooke the indictment by the name of W. Parrie, late of London gentleman, o­therwise called W. Parrie, late of London doctor of the law, The indict­ment against Parrie wher­in his [...]i­nous [...]reason appeereth. for that thou as a false traitor against the most noble and christian prince, quéene Elisabeth line 30 thy most gratious souereigne and liege ladie, not ha­uing the feare of God before thine eies, nor regard­ing thy due allegiance (but being seduced by the in­stigation of the diuell, and intending to withdraw and extinguish the hartie loue and due obedience, which true & faithfull subiects should beare vnto the same our souereigne ladie) diddest at Westminster in the countie of Midlesex on the first daie of Februarie, in the six and twentith yeare of hir highnesse reigne, and at diuerse other times and places in the same line 40 countie, maliciouslie, and traitorouslie conspire and compasse, not onelie to depriue and depose the same our souereigne ladie of hir roiall estate, title and dig­nitie; but also to bring hir highnesse to death and fi­nall destruction, and sedition in the realme to make, and the gouernement thereof to subuert, and the sin­cere religion of God established in hir highnesse do­minions to alter and supplant.

And that, whereas thou William Parrie, by thy letters sent vnto Gregorie bishop of Rome, Parrie sent letters to Gregorie the [...] bishop of Rome: and wha [...] was the sco [...] of them. diddest signifie vnto the same bishop thy purposes and in­tentions line 50 aforesaid, and thereby diddest praie and re­quire the same bishop to giue thée absolution; that thou afterwards, that is to saie, the last day of March in the six and twentith yeare aforesaid, diddest traito­rouslie receiue letters from one called cardinall de Como, directed vnto thée William Parrie, whereby the same cardinall did signifie vnto thée, that the bi­shop of Rome had perused thy letters, and allowed of thine intent; and that to that end he had absolued line 60 thee of all thy sinnes, and by the same letter did ani­mate and stir thée to procéed with thine enterprise; and that therevpon, thou, the last daie of August in the six and twentith yeare aforesaid, at saint Giles in the fields, in the same countie of Midlesex, diddest traitorouslie confer with one Edmund Neuill es­quier, Parrie moo­u [...] Neuill to assi [...] him in his treasons. vttering to him all thy wicked and traitorous deuises, and then and there diddest mooue him to as­sist thee therein, and to ioine with thee in those wicked treasons aforesaid, against the peace of our said so­uereigne ladie the queene, hir crowne and dignitie. Wha [...] saiest thou William Parrie, art thou guiltie of these treasons whereof thou standest here indicted, or not guiltie▪

Then Parrie said; Before I plead not guiltie, Parries an­s [...]er to the indictment, wherein he c [...]nfesseth [...]. or confesse my selfe guiltie, I praie you giue me leaue to speake a few words: and with humbling himselfe began in this maner. God saue quéene Elisabeth, & God send me grace to discharge my dutie to hir, and to send you home in charitie. But touching the mat­ters that I am indicted of, some were in one place, and some in another, and doone so secretlie, as none can see into them, except that they had eies like vnto God: wherefore I will not laie my bloud vpon the iurie, but doo mind to confesse the indictment. It con­teineth but the parts that haue béene openlie read, I praie you tell me. Whervnto it was answered, that the indictment conteined the parts he had heard read, & no other. Whervpon the clerke of the crowne said vnto Parrie, Parrie, thou must answer direct­lie to the indictment, whether thou be guiltie or not.

Then said Parrie, Parrie con­fesseth that he is guiltie of all things cō ­teined in the indictment. I doo confesse that I am guiltie of all that is therein conteined: and further too, I desire not life, but desire to die. Unto which the clerke of the crowne said; If you confesse it, you must con­fesse it in maner and forme as it is comprised in the indictment. Wherevnto he said; I doo confesse it in maner and forme as the same is set downe, and all the circumstances thereof. Then the confession being recorded, the quéenes learned councell being readie to praie iudgement vpon the same confession, master vicechamberleine said: These matters con­teined in this indictment, and confessed by this man, Sir Christo­pher Hattons collection out of Parries indictment. are of great importance; they touch the person of the quéenes most excellent maiestie in the highest degrée, the verie state and weldooing of the whole commonwealth, and the truth of Gods word esta­blished in these hir maiesties dominions, and the o­pen demonstration of that capitall enuie of the man of Rome, that hath set himselfe against God and all godlinesse, all good princes and good gouerne­ment, and against good men. Wherefore I praie you for the satisfaction of this great multitude, let the whole matter appéere, that euerie one may see that the matter of it selfe is as bad as the indictment pur­porteth, and as he hath confessed.

Whereto in respect that the iustice of the realme hath béene of late verie impudentlie slandered, all yeelded as a thing necessarie to satisfie the world in particular, of that which was but summarilie com­prised in the indictment, though in the law, his con­fession serued sufficientlie to haue procéeded there­vpon vnto iudgement. Wherevpon the lords and o­thers the commissioners, Certeine spe­ciall matters vnder wri­ting read in open audience of the multi­tude for their satisfaction. hir maiesties lerned coun­cell, and Parrie himselfe agréed, that Parries con­fession (taken the eleuenth and thirteenth of Februa­rie 1584, before the lord of Hunsdon, master Uice­chamberleine, and master Secretarie) and cardinall de Como his letters, and Parries letters to the lord treasuror and lord steward, should be openlie read.

And Parrie, for the better satifieng of the people and standers by, offered to read them himselfe: but being told how the order was, that the clerke of the crowne should read them, it was so resolued of all parts. And then maister vicechamberleine caused to be shewed to Parrie his said confession, the cardi­nals letter, and his owne letter aforesaid: which after he had particularlie viewed euerie leafe thereof, he confessed, and said openlie they were the same. Then said maister vicechamberleine; Before we proceed to shew what he hath confessed, what saie you (said he to Parrie) is that which you haue confessed here true, and did you confesse it fréelie and willinglie of your selfe, or was there anie extort means vsed to draw it from you? Parries con­fession was not Coacta but Voluntaria: ergo more credible. Surelie (said Parrie) I made that con­fession fréelie without anie constraint, and that is all true, and more too: for there is no treason that hath beene since the first yeare of the queene anie waie [Page 1390] touching religion, sauing receipt of Agnus Dei, and persuading of others, wherein I haue not much dealt, but I haue offended in it. And I haue also deli­uered mine opinion in writing, who ought to be suc­cessor to the crowne: which he said to be treason also.

Parries con­fession of his treasons was read by his owne assent. A letter of cardinall di Como vnto Parrie also read.Then his confession of the eleuenth and thirtéenth of Februarie, all of his owne handwriting, and be­fore particularlie set downe, was openlie and di­stinctlie read by the clerke of the crowne. And that doone, the cardinall di Como his letter in Italian was deliuered vnto Parries hand, by the direction of line 10 maister vicechamberleine, which Parrie there peru­sed, & openlie affirmed to be wholie of the cardinals owne handwriting, and the seale to be his owne al­so, and to be with a cardinals hat on it: and himselfe did openly read it in Italian, as before is set downe. And the words bearing sense as it were written to a bishop or to a man of such degrée, it was demanded of him by maister vicechamberleine, whether he had not taken the degrée of a bishop? He said, No: but said at first, those tearmes were proper to the degrée line 20 he had taken: and after said that the cardinall did vouchsafe as of a fauour to write so to him. Then the copie of that letter in English as before is also set downe, was in like manner openlie read by the clerke of the crowne, which Parrie then acknowled­ged to be trulie translated. Parries let­ter of the eightéenth of Februarie to the lord trea­suror and the earle of Leice­ster read. And therevpon was she­wed vnto Parrie his letter of the eightéenth of Fe­bruarie, written to the lord treasuror, and the lord steward: which he confessed to be all of his owne handwriting, and was as before is set downe. line 30

These matters being read openlie for manifesta­tion of the matter, Parrie praied leaue to speake; whereto maister vicechamberleine said: If you will saie anie thing for the better opening to the world of those your foule and horrible facts, speake on: but if you meane to make anie excuse of that which you haue confessed, which else would haue beene and doo stand prooued against you; for my part, I will not sit to heare you. The quéenes atturnie re­quireth iudge­ment. Then hir maiesties atturnie generall stood vp and said: It appeareth before you my lords, line 40 that this man hath béene indicted and arreigned of seuerall most heinous and horrible treasons, and hath confessed them, which is before you of record: wherefore there resteth no more to be doone, but for the court to giue iudgement accordinglie, which here I require in the behalfe of the quéenes maiestie. Then said Parrie, I praie you heare me for dischar­ging of my conscience; I will not go about to ex­cuse my selfe, nor to séeke to saue my life, I care not for it, you haue my confession of record, that is line 50 inough for my life: and I meane to vtter more, for which I were worthie to die; and said: I praie you heare me, in that I am to speake to discharge my conscience. Then said maister vicechamberleine; Parrie, then doo thy dutie according to conscience, and vtter all that thou canst saie concerning those thy most wicked facts.

Then said Parrie: My cause is rare, singular and vnnaturall, conceiued at Uenice, presented in gene­rall words to the pope, vndertaken at Paris, com­mended line 60 and allowed of by his holinesse, and was to haue béene executed in England, if it had not béene preuented. Yea, I haue committed manie treasons, for I haue committed treason in being reconciled, and treason in taking absolution. There hath béene no treason since the first yeare of the quéenes reigne touching religion, but that I am guiltie of (except for receiuing of Agnus Dei, & persuading as I haue said) and yet neuer intended to kill quéene Elisabeth. I appeale to hir owne knowledge and to my lord trea­surors and maister secretaries. Parrie had for his credit a [...]ore time said verie secretlie, that he had béene solicited beyond the [...]as to com­mit the fact, but he would not doo it, [...] wherewith he crast [...]i [...] abu­sed both the quéenes ma­iestie, & those two coun [...]l­lors, w [...]erof he now would helpe himselfe with these speeches a­gainst most manifest proofs. Maister vice­chamberleins spéeches, proo­uing mani­festlie Par­ries traito­rous intenti [...]ons. Then said my lord of Hunsdon: Hast thou acknowledged it so often, and so plainelie in writing vnder thy hand, and here of record; and now, when thou shouldest haue thy iudge­ment according to that which thou hast confessed thy selfe guiltie of, dooest thou go backe againe, and de­nie the effect of all? How can we beleeue that thou now saiest?

Then said master vicechamberleine; This is ab­surd, thou hast not onelie confessed generallie, that thou wert guiltie according to the indictment, which summarilie, and yet in expresse words dooth conteine that thou haddest traitorouslie compassed and inten­ded the death & destruction of hir maiestie: but thou also saidst particularlie that thou wert guiltie of eue­rie of the treasons conteined therein, whereof the same was one in plaine & expresse letter set downe, and read vnto thée; Yea thou saiedst that thou wert guiltie of more treasons too beside these; And diddest thou not vpon thy examination voluntarilie con­fesse, how thou wast mooued first thervnto by mislike of thy state after thy departure out of the realme? And that thou diddest mislike hir maiestie for that she had doone nothing for thée? How by wicked pa­pists and popish bookes thou wert persuaded that it was lawfull to kill hir maiestie? How thou wert by reconciliation become one of that wicked sort, that held hir maiestie for neither lawfull quéene, nor chri­stian? And that it was meritorious to kill hir? And diddest thou not signifie that thy purpose to the pope by letters, and receiuedst letters from the cardinall, how he allowed of thine intent, and excited thée to performe it, and therevpon diddest receiue absoluti­on? And diddest thou not conceiue it, promise it, vow it, sweare it, and receiue the sacrament that thou wouldest doo it? And diddest not thou therevpon af­firme, that thy vowes were in heauen, and thy let­ters and promises on earth to bind thee to doo it? And that what soeuer hir maiestie would haue doone for thée, could not haue remooued thee from that intenti­on or purpose, vnlesse she would haue desisted from dealing as she hath doone with the catholikes, as thou callest them? All this thou hast plainelie confes­sed; and I protest before this great assemblie, Not [...] all this charge of mai­ster vicecham­berleine to be a recapitulatiō of all or most the treasons of Parrie▪ thou hast confessed it more plainelie & in better sort, than my memorie will serue me to vtter: and saiest thou now, that thou neuer meantest it?

Ah (said Parrie) your honors know how my con­fession vpon mine examination was extorted. Then both the lord Hunsdon and master Uicechamber­leine affirmed, that there was no torture or threat­ning words offered him. But Parrie then said, Parrie char­ge [...]h the lords of the councell with vn [...]ruth. that they told him, that if he would not confesse willing­lie, he should haue torture. Wherevnto their honors answered, that they vsed not anie spéech or word of torture to him. You said, said Parrie, that you would proceed with rigour against me, if I would not con­fesse it of my selfe. But their honors expreslie affir­med that they vsed no such words. But I will tell thée, said master Uicechamberleine, what we said; I spake these words: If you will willinglie vtter the truth of your selfe, it may doo you good, and I wish you to doo so; if you will not, we must then procéed in ordinarie course to take your examination. Wher­vnto you answered, that you would tell the truth of your selfe. Was not this true? Parrie r [...] ­prooued of false spéeches, and so by him­selfe also con­fessed. Which then he yéel­ded vnto. And herevnto, hir maiesties attournie ge­nerall put Parrie in remembrance what spéeches he vsed to the lieutenant of the Tower, the queenes maiesties sergeant at law, M. Gaudie, and the same attournie on saturdaie the twentith of Februarie last at the Tower, vpon that he was by them then examined by order from the lords: which was, that be acknowledged he was most mildlie and fauoura­blie dealt with, in all his examinations: which he also at the bar then acknowledged to be true.

Then maister vicechamberleine said, that it was [Page 1391] woonder to sée the magnanimitie of hir maiestie, The magna­nimitie of the quéenes ma­iestie notified by sir Chri­stopher Hat­ton. which after that thou haddest opened those traitorous practises in sort as thou hast laid it downe in thy con­fession, was neuerthelesse such, and so far from all feare, as that she would not so much as acquaint a­nie one of hir highnesse priuie councell with it, to his knowlege, no not vntill after this thine enterprise dis­couered and made manifest. And besides that which thou hast set downe vnder thine owne hand, thou diddest confesse, that thou haddest prepared two Sco­tish line 10 daggers fit for such a purpose: and those being disposed awaie by thée, thou diddest saie that an o­ther would serue thy turne. And withall, Parrie, diddest thou not also confesse before vs how woonder­fullie thou wert appalled and perplexed vpon a sud­den at the presence of hir maiestie at Hampton court this last summer, saieng that thou diddest thinke thou then sawest in hir the verie likenesse and image of king Henrie the seuenth? And that therewith, and vpon some speaches vsed by hir maiestie, thou diddest line 20 turne about and weepe bitterlie to thy selfe? And yet diddest call to mind that thy vowes were in heauen, thy letters and promises on earth; and that therefore thou diddest saie with thy selfe, that there was no re­medie but to doo it? Diddest thou not confesse this? The which he acknowledged.

Then said the lord Hunsdon; Saiest thou now, that thou diddest neuer meane to kill the quéene? The lord of Hunsdons spéeches con­uincing Par­rie manifestlie of hie treason. Did­dest thou not confesse, that when thou diddest vtter this practise of trecherie to hir maiestie, that thou line 30 diddest couer it with all the skill thou haddest; and that it was doone by thee, rather to get credit and ac­cesse thereby, than for anie regard thou haddest of hir person? But in truth thou diddest it, that there­by thou mightest haue better opportunitie to per­forme thy wicked enterprise. And wouldest thou haue run into such feare as thou diddest confesse that thou wert in, when thou diddest vtter it, if thou had­dest neuer meant it? What reason canst thou shew for thy selfe? With that he cried out in a furious maner: I neuer meant to kill hir: I will laie my line 40 bloud vpon quéene Elisabeth and you, Parries ex­clamation of outrage and vnpatient­nesse. before God and the world: and therevpon fell into a rage and e­uill words with the quéenes maiesties attourneie ge­nerall. Then said the lord Hunsdon; This is but thy popish pride & ostentation, which thou wouldest haue to be told to thy fellowes of that faction, to make them beléeue that thou diest for poperie, when thou diest for most horrible and dangerous treasons a­gainst hir maiestie, and thy whole countrie. For thy line 50 laieng of thy bloud, it must lie on thine owne head, as a iust reward of thy wickednesse. The lawes of the realme most iustlie condemne thée to die out of thine owne mouth, for conspiring the destruction both of hir maiestie, and of vs all: therefore thy bloud be vpon thée: neither hir maiestie, nor we at anie time sought it; thy selfe hast spilt it.

Then he was asked what he could saie, why iudge­ment of death ought not to be awarded against him? Whereto he said, Parrie abu­seth the hono­rable and woorshipfull of the bench with termes vncouth and darke spée­ches. he did sée that he must die, because he was not setled. What meanest thou by that, said line 60 maister vicechamberleine? Said he, Looke into your studie, and into your new bookes, and you shall find what I meane. I protest (said his honor) I know not what thou meanest: thou dooest not well to vse such darke spéeches, vnlesse thou wouldest plaine­lie vtter what thou meanest thereby. But he said, he cared not for death, and that he would laie his bloud amongst them. Then spake the lord chiefe iu­stice of England, being required to giue iudge­ment according to law, and said; Parrie, you haue beene much heard, and what you meane by being set­led, I know not; but I see you are so setled in pope­rie, that you cannot setle your selfe to be a good sub­iect. But touching that you should saie to state iudge­ment from being giuen against you, your spéeches must be of one of these kinds; either to proue the in­dictment (which you haue confessed to be true) to be insufficient in law; More libertie of speech gi­uen to Parrie than by law was allow­able. or else to pleade somewhat tou­ching hir maiesties mercie, why iustice should not be doone of you. All other spéeches wherein you haue vsed great libertie, is more than by law you can aske. These be the matters you must looke to, what saie you to them? Whereto he said nothing.

Then said the lord chiefe iustice; Parrie, thou hast béene before this time indicted of diuerse most horri­ble and hatefull treasons, committed against thy most gratious souereigne, and natiue countrie: the matter most detestable, the maner most subtill and dangerous, and the occasions and meanes that lead thée therevnto most vngodlie and villanous. That thou diddest intend it, Parries trea­ [...]ons recapitu­lated by the lord chiefe iu­stice, both for maner and matter. it is most euident by thy selfe. The matter was the destruction of a most sa­cred and an anointed queene thy souereigne and mi­stresse, who hath shewed thée such fauour, as some thy betters haue not obteined: yea, the ouerthrow of thy countrie wherein thou wert borne, & of a most hap­pie common-wealth whereof thou art a member, and of such a quéene, as hath bestowed on thée the be­nefit of all benefits in this world (that is to saie) thy life, hertofore granted thée by hir mercie when thou hadst lost it by iustice & desert. Yet thou hir ser­uant sworne to defend hir, mentest with thy bloudie hand to haue taken awaie hir life, that mercifullie gaue thée thine, when it was yéelded into hir hands. This is the matter wherein thou hast offended.

The maner was most subtill and dangerous, be­yond all that before thée haue committed anie wic­kednesse against hir maiestie: for thou making shew as if thou wouldest simplie haue vttered for hir safetie the euill that others had contriued, diddest but seeke thereby credit & accesse, that thou mightest take the apter opportunitie for hir destruction. And for the occasions and meanes that drew thée on, The occa­sions and meanes that induced Par­rie to these treasons. they were most vngodlie and villanous: as the per­suasions of the pope, of papists, and popish bookes. The pope pretendeth that he is a pastor, when as in truth he is far from féeding of the flocke of Christ, but rather as a woolfe séeketh but to féed on & to sucke out the bloud of true christians, and as it were thir­steth after the bloud of our most gratious and chri­stian quéene. And these papists and popish bookes, while they pretend to set foorth diuinitie, they doo in­déed most vngodlie teach and persuade that which is quite contrarie both to God and his word. The danger & damnable­ness [...] of popish bookes either read or liste­ned vnto of papists, &c. For the word teacheth obedience of subiects toward princes, & forbiddeth anie priuat man to kill; but they teach subiects to disobeie princes, & that a priuat wicked person may kill. Yea & whome? a most godlie quéene, & their owne naturall and most gratious souereigne. Let all men therfore take héed how they receiue any thing from him, heare or read anie of their bookes, and how they confer with anie papists. God grant hir maiestie, that she maie know by thée, how euer she trust such like to come so néere hir person!

But see the end, and why thou diddest it, and it will appeare to be a most miserable, fearefull, and foo­lish thing: for thou diddest imagine, that it was to releeue those that thou callest catholikes, who were most likelie amongst all others to haue felt the woorst of it, if thy diuelish practise had taken effect. But sith thou hast béene indicted of the treasons comprised in the indictment, and therevpon arreigned, and hast confessed thy selfe guiltie of them; The forme of iudge­ment against the traitor pronounced by the lord cheefe iustice▪ the court dooth a­ward, that thou shalt be had from hense to the place whense thou diddest come, and so drawne through the open citie of London vpon an hurdle to the place of execution, and there to be hanged and let downe [Page 1392] aliue, and thy priuie parts cut off, and thy entrals taken out and burnt in thy sight, then thy head to be cut off, and thy bodie to be diuided in foure parts, and to be disposed at hir maiesties pleasure: and God haue mercie on thy soule.

Parrie ra­geth at the iustice bar without all reuerence.Parrie neuerthelesse persisted still in his rage and fond speach, and raginglie there said, he there sum­moned quéene Elisabeth to answer for his bloud be­fore God: wherewith the lieutenant of the Tower was commanded to take him from the barre: and line 10 so he did. And vpon his departure, the people stri­ken as it were at heart with the horror of his inten­ded enterprise, ceased not, but pursued him with out­cries, as; Awaie with the traitor, awaie with him, & such like: wherevpon he was conueied to the barge, to passe to the Tower againe by water: William Par­rie the traitor executed. & the court was adiorned. After which, vpon the second daie of this instant March, William Parrie was by ver­tue of processe in that behalfe awarded from the same commissioners of oier and terminer, deliue­red by the lieutenant of the Tower erlie in the mor­ning line 20 vnto the shiriffes of London and Middlesex, who receiued him at the Tower hill, and therevpon, according to the iudgement, caused him there to be foorthwith set on the hurdle: from whense he was drawne therevpon through the middest of the citie of London, vnto the place for his execution in the pal­lace at Westminster: Parrie (euen at the time of his death) sée­keth to cleare and purge himselfe as in­nocent of the treasons for the which he was condem­ned. where, hauing long time of staie admitted vnto him before his execution, he most maliciouslie and impudentlie, after some other line 30 vaine discourses eftsoons & often deliuered in speach, that he was neuer guiltie of anie intention to kill quéene Elisabeth, and so (without anie request made by him to the people to pray to God for him, or praier publikelie vsed by himselfe for ought that appeared: but such as he vsed, if he vsed anie, was priuat to himselfe) he was executed according to the iudge­ment. And now for his intent, how soeuer he pre­tended the contrarie in words, yet by these his owne writings, confessions, letters, & manie other proofes line 40 afore here expressed, it is most manifest to all per­sons, how horrible his intentions and treasons were, and how iustlie he suffered for the same: and there­by greatlie to be doubted, that as he had liued a long time vainelie and vngodlie, and like an atheist and godlesse man, so he continued the same course till his death to the outward sight of men. ¶ Here en­deth the true and plaine course and processe of the treasons, arrest, arreignement, and execution of William Parrie the traitor. line 50

An addition not vnnecessarie for this purpose.

FOrsomuch as Parrie in the aboundance of his proud and arrogant humour, hath often both in his confession, and letters, pretended some great and grieuous cau­ses of discontentment against hir maiestie, and the present state: it shall not be impertinent, for better satisfaction of all persons, to set foorth simplie and trulie, the condition and qualitie of the man, what he line 60 was by birth and education, and in what course of life he had liued. A description of Parrie both by linage person, educa­tion, and qua­litie, &c. This vile and traitorous wretch was one of the yoonger sonnes of a poore man, called Harrie ap Dauid: he dwelled in Northwales in a little village called Northop in the countie of Flint: there he kept a common alehouse, which was the best and greatest staie of his liuing. In that house was this traitor borne, his mother was the reputed daughter of one Conwaie a priest, parson of a poore parish called Halkin in the same countie of Flint: his eldest brother dwelleth at this present in the same house, and there kéepeth an alehouse as his fa­ther did before him. This traitor in his childhood so soone as he had learned a litle to write and read, was put to serue a poore man dwelling in Chester, Parrie base­lie borne and baselie brought vp▪ named Iohn Fisher, who professed to haue some small skill and vnderstanding in the law. With him he conti­nued diuerse yeares, and serued as a clerke, to write such things as in that trade, which his master vsed, he was appointed.

During this time, he learned the English toong, and at such times of leasure as the poore man his master had no occasion otherwise to vse him, he was suffered to go to the grammar schoole, where he got some litle vnderstanding in the Latine toong. In this his childhood he was noted by such as best knew him, to be of a most villainous and dangerous nature & disposition. He did often run awaie from his ma­ster, and was often taken & brought to him againe. His master, to correct his peruerse and froward con­ditions, Parrie a ve­rie runna [...]te and vag [...]rant rakehell in his yoong yeares▪ did manie times shut him as prisoner in some close place of his house, and manie times cau­sed him to be chained, locked, and clogged, to staie his running awaie. Yet all was in vaine: for about the third yeare of hir maiesties reigne, for his last fare­well to his poore master, he ran awaie from him, and came to London to séeke his aduentures. He was then constreined to seeke what trade he could to liue by, and to get meat and drinke for his bellie, and clo­thes for his backe.

His good hap in the end was to be interteined in place of seruice aboue his desert, where he staied not long, but shifted himselfe diuerse times from seruice to seruice, and from one master to another. Now he began to forget his old home, his birth, his educati­on, his parents, his friends, his owne name, and what he was. He aspired to greater matters, Note Par­ries ambitiō, and how the priest forget­teth that euer he was parish clerk [...]. he chal­lenged the name and title of a great gentleman, he vanted himselfe to be of kin and alied to noble and worshipfull, he left his old name which he did beare, and was commonlie called by in his childhood, & during all the time of his abode in the countrie, which was William ap Harrie (as the maner in Wales is.) And bicause he would séeme to be in déed the man which he pretended, he tooke vpon him the name of Parrie, being the sirname of diuerse gentlemen of great worship and hauiour. And bicause his mo­thers name by hir father a simple priest, was Con­waie: he pretended kinred to the familie of sir Iohn Conwaie, and so thereby made himselfe of kin to Edmund Neuill.

Being thus set foorth with his new name and new title of gentleman, Parrie mat­cheth himselfe in marriage with a widow in South­wales. and commended by some of his good fauorers, he matched himselfe in mariage with a widow in Southwales, who brought him some reasonable portion of wealth. She liued with him but a short time, and the welth he had with hir lasted not long: it was soone consumed with his dissolute [...] wastfull maner of life. He was then driuen to his woonted shifts, his creditors were manie, the debt which he owed great, he had nothing wherewith to make paiment, he was continuallie pursued by sergeants and officers to arrest him, he did often by sleights and shifts escape from them. Parrie a shi [...] ­ter, in debt & danger; he marrieth a rich widow, &c. In this his néedie and poore estate, he sought to repare himselfe againe by a new match in mariage with another widow, which before was the wife of one Richard Heiwood.

This matter was so earnestlie followed by him­selfe, and so effectuallie commended by his fréends and fauourers, that the sillie woman yéelded to take him to husband: a match in euerie respect verie vn­equall and vnfit. Hir wealth and yearelie liuelihood was verie great, his poore and base estate worse than nothing, he verie yoong, she of such age as for yeares she might haue beene his mother. When he had thus possessed himselfe of his new wiues wealth, he omit­ted [Page 1393] nothing that might serue for a prodigall, disso­lute, Parrie de­floureth his wiues owne daughter, and sundrie waies abuseth the old mother. and most vngodlie course of life. His riot and excesse was vnmeasurable, he did most wickedlie defloure his wiues owne daughter, and sundrie waies pitifullie abuse the old mother: he caried him­selfe for his outward port and countenance (so long as his old wiues bags lasted) in such sort, as might well haue sufficed for a man of verie good hauiour and degrée. But this lasted not long, his proud hart & wastfull hand had soone powred out old Heiwoods wealth. line 10

He then fell againe to his woonted shifts, borow­ed where he could find anie to lend, and ingaged his credit so far as anie would trust him. Amongst o­thers, he became greatlie indebted to Hugh Hare, the gentleman before named. Who after long forbea­ring of his monie, sought to recouer it by law. For this cause Parrie conceiued great displeasure a­gainst him, which he pursued with all malice, euen to the seeking of his life. In this murtherous intent, he came in the night time to M. Hares chamber in line 20 the Temple, broke open the doore, assaulted him, and wounded him grieuouslie, and so left him in great danger of life. For this offense he was apprehended, committed to Newgate, indicted of burgularie, ar­reigned, and found guiltie by a verie substantiall iu­rie, and condemned to be hanged, as the law in that case requireth.

Parrie con­demned for burgularie, is pardoned of the quéene.He standing thus conuicted, hir maiestie of hir most gratious clemencie, and pitifull disposition, line 30 tooke compassion vpon him, pardoned his offense, & gaue him his life, which by the law & due course of iustice he ought then to haue lost. After this he taried not long, but pretending some causes of discontent­ment, departed the realme, and trauelled beyond the seas. How he demeaned himselfe there from time to time, and with whome he conuersed, is partlie in his owne confession touched before. This is the man, this is his race, which he feared should be spotted if he miscaried in the execution of his traitorous enter­prise, this hath béene the course of his life, these are line 40 the great causes of his discontentment.

Parrie pre­tended a con­science of re­ligion, being vtterlie pro­phane and of as religion.And whereas at his arreignement and execution, he pretended great care of the disobedient popish sub­iects of this realme, whom he called catholikes, and in verie insolent sort séemed to glorie greatlie in the profession of his pretensed catholike religion: the whole course and action of his life sheweth plainelie, how prophanelie & irreligiouslie he did alwaies beare himselfe. He vaunted, that for these two and twentie yeares past he had béene a catholike, and during all line 50 that time neuer receiued the communion: yet before he trauelled beyond the seas, at three seuerall times within the compasse of these two and twentie years, Parries vo­luntarie oth (thrise taken in 22 yeares) of obedience to hir maiestie. he did voluntarilie take the oth of obedience to the queenes maiestie, set downe in the statute made in the first yeare of hir highnesse reigne; by which, a­mongst other things, he did testifie and declare in his conscience, that no forreine prince, person, prelat, state, or potentat, hath or ought to haue anie iuris­diction, power, preeminence, or authoritie, ecclesiasti­call line 60 or spirituall, within this realme; and therfore did vtterlie renounce & forsake all forren iurisdictions, powers, and authorities, and did promise to beare faith and true allegiance to the quéenes highnesse, hir heires and lawfull successours.

With what conscience or religion he tooke that oth so often, if so be he were then a papist in deed, as since the discouerie of his treasons he pretended, let his best freends the papists themselues iudge. And this is most like, for what will not [...] pope dispense withall. But perhaps it may be said, that he repented those his of­fenses past: that since those thrée oths so taken by him, he was twise reconciled to the pope, and so his conscience cleared, and he become a new man, and (which is more) that in the time of his last trauell, he cast awaie all his former lewd maners: that he changed his degrée and habit, and bought or begged the graue title of a doctor of law, for which he was well qualified with a little grammar schoole Latine: that he had plenarie indulgence and remission of all his sinnes, in consideration of his vndertaking of so holie an enterprise as to kill quéene Elisabeth, a sa­cred annointed queene, his naturall and souereigne ladie: that he promised to the pope, & vowed to God to performe it: that he confirmed the same by re­ceiuing the sacrament at the Iesuits, Parries tw [...] beaupéers the cardinals of Uand o [...] me & Narbone▪ at one altar with his two beaupéeres, the cardinals of Uandosme and Narbone: and that since his last returne into England, he did take his oth vpon the bible to execut it. These reasons may séeme to beare some weight in déed amongst his friends the Iesuits, and other pa­pists of state, who haue speciall skill in matters of such importance.

But now latelie in the beginning of this parle­ment in Nouember last, What a nota­ble dissembler was this? he did eftsoones solemnelie in publike place take the oth before mentioned, of o­bedience to hir maiestie. How that maie stand with his reconciliations to the pope, and with his promi­ses, vowes, and oth to kill the quéene, it is a thing can hardlie be warranted, vnlesse it be by some spe­ciall priuilege of the popes omnipotencie. But let him haue the glorie he desired, to liue and die a pa­pist. He deserued it, it is fit for him, his death was correspondent to the course of his life, which was dis­loiall, periured, and traitorous towards hir maie­stie; and false and perfidious towards the pope him­selfe, Parrie pe [...]iu­red towards hir maiestie & perfidious to the pope, &c. and his catholikes, if they will beléeue his so­lemne protestations which he made at his arreigne­ment and execution, that he neuer meant nor inten­ded anie hurt to hir highnesse person. For if that be true, where are then his vowes which he said were in heauen, his letters and promises vpon earth? Why hath he stollen out of the popes shop so large an in­dulgence and plenarie remission of all his sinnes, and meant to performe nothing that he promised? Why was his deuotion and zele so highlie commen­ded? Why was he so speciallie praid for and remem­bred at the altar? All these great fauours were then bestowed vpon him without cause or desert: for he deceiued the pope, No trust nor certeine dea­ling vsed by Parrie to or fro. he deceiued the cardinals and Ie­suits with a false semblance and pretense to doo that thing which he neuer meant.

But the matter is cleere, the conspiracie, and his traitorous intent is too plaine and euident: it is the Lord that reuealed it in time, and preuented their malice: there lacked no will or readinesse in him to execute that horrible fact. It is the Lord that hath preserued hir maiestie from all the wicked practises and conspiracies of that hellish rable: it is he that hath most gratiouslie deliuered hir from the hands of this traitorous miscreant. The Lord is hir onelie defense in whome she hath alwaies trusted, he will defend hir maiestie, and fulfill for hir sake no lesse than good king Dauid (sundrie times assalted with falseharted enimies) and all loiall subiects will har­tilie praie for; namelie such vengeance and heauie measure of iudgement to be proportioned and allot­ted them, as is wished against the malicious wic­ked in the eight and fiftith psalme, effectuallie set downe by the Paraphrast in these words following:

Confringe malas (ô Deus) impudens
Os comminutis contere dentibus:
Buch. in psalm. 58.
Et rictibus saeuis hiantes
Hos inhibe catulos leonum, &c.
Sensim liquescant, tardigradus velut
Limax: acerbo funere deserant
Vitale lumen, more foetus
Ante suum pereuntis ortum, &c.

A few obseruations gathered out of the verie words and writings of William Parrie the traitor, applied to prooue his traitorous coniuration, with a resolute intent, imagination, purpose, and obstinate de­termination to haue killed hir maiestie, our most gratious souereigne: whom the Lord hath saued, and euer maie he saue by his mercie.

THis William Parrie the traitor, 1 con­fesseth to haue conceiued the treason at line 10 Uenice, Benedicto Palmio a Ie­suit, mentio­ned before, pag. 1385. by conference with B. Palmio, of whome he still thinketh so well, as he can not but speake of him with reuerend mention; whereas, if he had neuer thought, or did now fore­thinke the treason, he would rather cursse the time that euer he met with such a bloudie and treacherous ghostlie father. Well, this graue and learned frier Palmio (saith he) made the matter cleere in religion and conscience, and commended the traitors deuo­tion. line 20 This treason Parrie so apprehended, as he wrote presentlie to the pope, presenting the seruice. 2 Returning to Paris, Thomas Morgan and Wats the one termed a ca­tholike gentle­man, pag. 1385. he conferred with Morgan, vowed to performe it for restitution of England, &c. 3 Being dissuaded (as the credible man writeth) by Wats, he replied that he was gone so farre, as he could not go backe, but promised faithfullie to per­forme the enterprise, if the pope would vpon his of­fers and letters allow it, and grant remission, &c.

Where this by the waie is to be noted, that if the line 30 opinions of these English priests (as he will néeds make vs beléeue) were differing from the pope, and our English Iesuits, varieng from Iesuit Palmio and others beyond sea Iesuits, in the question of murthering a prince: some of them at least would haue giuen loiall intelligence of such a treason con­ceiued and nourished in that man, who had made so manie priuie both beyond and on this side the sea, as could not be dissuaded from his purpose, but e­uer departed with a resolution contrarie vnto these cold dissuaders. They cannot be found in loialtie that are vnfound in religion: Ergo how ca [...] they giue Caesar his right, that denie God his due and true seruice? It were no good policie to trust this line 40 popish traitor, but rather to suspect all pope created priests to be of the same mind with their supreame head, and all English Iesuits to consent with forren Iesuits their fellow members. They be all of one or­der and vow, they haue one superior; and if they had detested this fact in déed, some of them, séeing the wretch to persist, must néeds haue bewraied it, and not to suffer him to go on headlong in such a sinne, leauing hir roiall person to the will and malice (as much as in them laie) of a murthering ruffian. line 50

But to prooue his intent with continuance and growing of the same, 4 Againe he writeth letters to the pope, in Ianuarie one thousand fiue hundred eightie and foure by that account, tooke aduise vpon them in confession of A. Codreto, Aniball a Ie­suit in Paris, of whome be­fore, pag. 1385. was commended, againe confessed, tooke the sacrament (verelie Cruen­tum sacramentum, & sacrificium cruoris) at the Iesuits, at one altar, with the cardinals of Uandosmi and of Narbone. Hereof he had certificat to the pope, which he sent inclosed in his letters to his holinesse, to lead line 60 him to absolue him; which he required in considera­tion of so great an enterprise vndertaken without reward. 5 The latter and certificat he read to Ragaz­zoni, and left with him to be sent to the pope, Ragazzoni the Nuntio: sée before, pag. 1385. who wi­shed him good spéed, promising he should be remem­bred at the altar. 6 He doubteth, least if Morgan di­ed, and he miscarried in the execution (as he did, God be thanked, and choked in the halter, notwithstan­ding their remembrance at the altar) and his intent neuer trulie discouered; that is to saie, that he did it for the catholikes, it might be a spot in his race. Marke here the verie word (intent) in his owne con­fession. Sée before pag. 1386. 7 Morgan assureth him, that the lord Ferne­hurst should go into Scotland, and be readie to en­ter vpon the first newes of our quéenes fall. Thus much for his intent beyond the sea, and before his coniuration discouered.

Upon his arriuall in England, he wrote to court, that he had a speciall seruice of discouerie vnto the quéene: but with what intent, let his owne words speake, 8 More to prepare accesse and credit, Sée befor [...], pag. 1386. than for anie care had of hir person. Admitted vnto hir gra­tious audience, he discouered the coniuration; yet in what maner, let himselfe saie, euen couered with all the skill he had. This intent was with déepe trea­son: for (as he saith) so he did, he disclosed onelie so much as he thought good and necessarie to ground in hir highnesse a setled confidence towards him, wher­by he might effect his traitorous intent with better opportunitie, and his owne safetie. He bewraied him­selfe so farre as he might couer his chiefe drift, manie principall things concealed, nothing of lord Ferne­hurst with his Scotish forces, &c. 9 Receiuing from the pope himselfe commendation and allowance of his enterprise, of incouragement, and plenarie in­dulgence by no meaner man than cardinall di Co­mo, though he shewed the letter to hir maiestie; Cardinall di Como, of whom sée b [...] ­fore, pag. 1385. and his letter to Parrie, pag. 1388. not for anie care of hir person, but for his better accesse & credit, as the rest, yet let his owne words tell what his intent was at the verie receiuing and shew­ing of the same letter. Forsooth (saith he) this letter confirmed his resolution to kill the quéene, making it cléere in his conscience, as a thing lawfull and me­ritorious.

Now is his intent grown to a resolution, not dout­full, but cleere in conscience, not alone lawfull, but meritorious. Papa dixit, a cardinall is Nuntio. What other thing is this, than for the pope and his cardi­nals, like an other Antoninus Commodus, to make one Inter sicarios & gladiatores? The diuell inforcing this traitors heart to execute his intent, S [...] befor [...] ▪ pag. 1386▪ 10 He was troubled looking vpon the quéene, and remembring hir excellencies: yet he saw no remedie, his vowes were in heauen, his letters and promises on earth. Yea, he stroue to close his eies at these excellencies, and obstinated his hart by séeking reasons to quench all sparks of humanitie and allegiance arising in his thoughts. For thus reasoneth he against his con­science; Why shouldest thou care for hir? What hath she doone for thee? Hast thou not spent ten thousand marks, &c. What more diuelish intent could possesse a traitor, than to labour to suppresse a small remaine of conscience, abhorring to kill so excellent a perso­nage, which God stirred vp in his thoughts to his iuster condemnation? S [...] befor [...] ▪ pag. 1386. part of Par­ries volunta­rie confession. 11 Doctor Allens booke re­doubled his former conceipts, euerie word was a warrant to a prepared mind.

Sée how the smooth words of that catholike booke are interpreted and conceiued. One spirit occupieth the catholike reader with the catholike writer, and therefore can best expound the writers sense in his readers mouth, euen to be a booke fraught with em­phaticall speaches of energeticall persuasion to kill and depose hir maiestie, and yet dooth the hypocrite writer, that traitor catholike, dissemble and protest otherwise. 12 Parrie suffering repulse in a sute for S. Katharins, communeth with maister Neuill, Note the p [...] ­nicious dea­ling of Parrie euerie waie hurtfull, Ta [...] principi quàm populo, dei [...] ­ceps sibime [...] o [...] proditori sum­ [...]. pag. 1386. recommendeth the enterprise as honorable & profi­table to the catholike common-weale. Being pre­iudiced in opinion of Allens booke (as before) he com­mendeth it, and deliuereth it to Neuill, thereby to worke the same vile intent in him which it had alrea­die confirmed in himselfe. He tooke now an other oth vpon the bible, after the maner of a protestant, to pursue the enterprise, and ment (he saith) to performe it, so far foorth as the place and maner of dooing was appointed. This second coniuration he neuer be­wraied [Page 1395] in six moneths, till accused by Neuill, and then at first denied it.

13 Finallie, to declare his height of malice, he saith, if the quéene had preferred him neuer so great­lie, yet must this bloudie enterprise haue holden, ex­cept [...] [...]ad reléeued the catholikes. Was this no inten [...] ▪ [...] neither benefit nor bountie could staie? Which neither feare of God, nor reuerence of excel­lencie could repell? Which neither dread of punish­ment, nor tract of time could remooue? Did he conceiue it, conferre and aduise of it, vow himselfe line 10 to the execrable seruice, present and offer it, harden his heart against others dissuasions, beat backe con­trarie motions of his owne conscience, go so farre as he could not go backe, promise it faithfullie, re­ceiue a church sacrament therevpon, make certifi­cat thereof, propound himselfe the end and reason of his intent, discourse vpon the contingent sequele, preuenting the spot of his race, receiue letters of al­lowance, commendation, incouragement, and ab­solution, could he vow in heauen, and promise on line 20 earth, could he doo all this in a thing which he meant not?

Could he resolue and confirme his resolution of a thing which he intended not; All these cir­cumstances prooue that Parrie was resolute and by prepared both in hart and by hand to put in practise his conceiued vn­naturall trea­son. yea, could he intend & meane (for all these be his owne words) that which he neuer meant nor intended? could he redouble his conceits, and haue a prepared mind for that he in­tended not? Would such a craftie traitor practise with others by persuasiue speach, & traitorous booke in such a matter, as the onelie broching thereof must line 30 capitallie indamage his kinsman and friend, and withall laie his owne head in his friends hand? And yet notwithstanding, either he meant this treason, either else he little loued his friend, to tempt him so dangerouslie; whom yet, he saith, he loued so, as to suffer his finger in his dish, & his hand in his pursse. But which is aboue all, would anie man sweare a­gaine on the bible, appoint time and place, conceal [...] it with as much perill as if he had doone it; would he denie it, would so ambitious a man discontent him­selfe line 40 with all preferment, for the atchiuing of that which he meant not? Was this mischiefous course, begun and continued, a long time, at home and a­broad, in manie kingdomes, communicated with manie persons, of seuerall nation and qualitie, as pope, How could this heihound die an inno­cent for in­tent; the pre­misses consi­dered. cardinall, Nuntio, fri [...]r, priest, kings secretarie and ambassadors, all this while not meant? Was it frankelie and voluntarilie confessed meant, final­lie, recorded by pleading guiltie in maner & forme with all circumstance, and yet could he die an inno­cent line 50 for intent?

All this falling vpon no simple man, but vpon one, not now the first time holding vp his h [...]nd at barre, & vpon a doctor of law, the verie hood whereof is able to giue a man more iudgement, than to slip without light in all these things: I know not how he maie be excused without strong suspicion of the excuser. And if a prince may not iudge a wicked seruant out of his owne mouth, nor determine an offense by two or three monthes, it were a notable line 60 world for traitors and murtherers, thus to haue all procéedings set loose, as well of our common lawes, which condemne vpon all euidences, as of the ciuill lawes, which giue capitall sentence vpon confession onelie: yea, Moses wisedome is ouerreached, and Christes equitie in his euangelicall parable against the lewd seruant not vsing his talent is eluded. All this is also ratified by voluntarie letters of his to hir maiestie apart, and to hir honorable councell. And if anie Italianat papist neuerthelesse will néeds beleeue this [...]epugnancie of his last speaches▪ let him yet take this one note of him, whereby to consider how credible a man he crediteth.

Either Parrie meant this monstrous murther according to his vowes in heauen, A dilemm [...] or reason of ad­uantage, con­cluding that Parrie died a periured traitor. and sworne pro­mises in earth, and so died a desperat traitor, prote­sting the contrarie in his last words vpon his soule and damnation: or else was he periured, to the foule abuse of pope & all poperie, most execrablie propha­ning Gods name by promising, swearing, vowing, &c: that which he meant not. Necessarilie therefore must he perish vpon periured treason, or wreck [...] vpon desperat deieration. Nothing auoideth this di­lemma, but a popish bull of dispensation, which if he had, I know not how princes may not as safelie suf­fer woolues and beares come to their presence, as such papists. And verie like it is that Parrie had a spe­ciall bull, either else was it comprehended in his indulgence, that he might take othes contrarie to his catholike conscience, as he did the oth of suprema­sie in the beginning of the last parlement. Which if his coniuratours had not béene priuie with what in­tention he did sweare, he neuer durst haue taken it, least they should haue now bewraied him as a man sworne against the pope, therefore not to be trusted. But the truth is, this papist Parrie was both a trai­tor, and a manifold periured traitor, whome (with all other of the like stampe) we leaue to the finall iudgement of God at the last and dreadfull doome: registring (in the meane time) a proper epigram, and of no lesse fit than true deuise, in memorie of the said capitall traitor, requiting that propheticall posie concerning Daruell Gatheren and frier Forrest, of whome you shall read in the thirtéenth yeare of king Henrie the eight; this of Parrie being as followeth:

William Parrie
Was ap Harrie
By his name:
From the alehouse
To the gallows
Grew his fame.
Gotten westward
On a bastard
[...]s is thought:
Wherefore one waie
Kin to Conwaie
Hath he sought.
Like a beast
With inceast
He begon:
Mother maried
Daughter caried
Him a sonne.
Much he borrowed
Which he sorrowed
To repaie:
Hare his good
Bought with blood
As they saie.
Yet for paiment
Had arrainment
Of his detter
Shee that gaue him
Life to saue him
Hangd a better.
Parrie his pardon
Thought no guardon
For his woorth:
Wherefore sought
That he mought
Trauell foorth.
Which obtained
He remained
As before:
And with rashnes
Shewd his bashnes
More and more.
He did enter
To aduentuer
Euen hir death:
By whose fauor
He did euer
Draw his breath.
It was pittie
One so wittie
Malcontent:
Leauing [...]eason
Should to treason
So be bent.
But his gifts
Were but shifts
Void of grace:
And his brauerie
Was but knauerie
Vile and base.
Wales did beare him
France did sweare him
To the pope:
Venice wrought him
London brought him
To the rope.
Wherewith strangled
And then mangled
Being dead:
Poles supporters
Of his quarters
And his head.

[Page 1396]In this yeare one thousand fiue hundred eightie & foure, sir Walter Mildmaie knight, one of hir ma­iesties most honorable priuie councell, founded a college in the vniuersitie of Cambridge, and named it Emmanuell college. ¶ The same was sometimes a house of friers, Abr. Fl. ex lib. manuscripto. and came to king Henrie the eight by dissolution, as appeareth by the sequeale, being an extract out of a substantiall and large booke written in parchment (which I haue seene, and whense I had this transcript) conteining the entrie or inrolment of certeine letters patents, writings and euidences line 10 touching the said college. First the premisses came vnto king Henrie the eight by act of parlement tou­ching the dissolution of monasteries; Situs nuper do­mus fratrum praedicatorū vo­cata le Blacke­friers in villa Cantabrigiae. & afterwards the said king by letters patents vnder the great seale of England, dated Decimo sexto Aprilis, anno tricesimo quinto regni sui, did grant the same to Edward El­rington and Humfreie Metcalfe, and to the heires of the said Edward for euer. After that, the said Ed­ward Elrington and Humfreie Metcalfe by their déed pold dated Quarto Martij, anno tricesimo sexto Hen­rici line 20 octaui, did grant the premisses to William Sher­wood gentleman & his heires for euer. Then George Sherewood gentleman, sonne and heire to William Sherwood by déed pold dated Vicesimo nono Septembris, anno vicesimo tertio Elisabethae reginae, did grant the pre­misses to Robert Tailor esquier and to his heires for euer.

And afterwards, the said Robert Tailor by déed pold dated Duodecimo Iunij, anno vicesimo quinto Elisa­bethae reginae, did grant the premisses to Richard Cul­uerwell line 30 citizen & mercer of London and Laurence Chaderton of Cambridge bachelor of diuinitie, and their heires for euer. And after that, the premisses were conueied to sir Walter Mildmaie, who hath conuerted the same into a séedplot of learning, for the benefit of the church & common-wealth: so that the students maie verie trulie saie this, and more too of so good, so honoorable and vertuous a founder:

—fluuijs dum cruerit aequor,
Dúmque vagas stellas pascet vterque polus, line 40
Dum steriles altis lustrabunt montibus vmbrae,
Virtutis stabit fama decúsque tuae.

year 1585 On the nine and twentith daie of March, which was in the yeare of Christ 1585, The parle­ment dissol­ued. the parlement was dissolued: at the breaking vp whereof, the quéenes maiestie in the parlement house made an oration, to such effect as followeth.

The queenes maiesties oration line 50 in the parlement house.

MY Lords and ye of the lower house, my silence must not iniurie the owner so much, The quéenes maiesties ora­tion in the parlement house. as to suppose a substitute sufficient to render you the thanks that my heart yéeldeth you: not so much for the safe keeping of my life (for which your care appeareth so manifest) as for line 60 the neglecting your priuat future perill, not regar­ding other waie than my present state. No prince herein (I confesse) can be surer tied, or faster bound than I am, with the linke of your good will; and can for that, but yeeld a hart & hand to séeke for euer all your best. Yet one matter toucheth me so neere, as I may not ouerskip: O the care that hir ma­iestie hath of true religion, the lord of life lengthen hir graces life. religion, the ground on which all other matters ought to take roote, and being cor­rupted may marre all the trée: and that there be some faultfinders with the order of the cleargie, which so may make a slander to my selfe & the church, whose ouer ruler God hath made me; whose negli­gence can not be excused, if anie schismes or errors hereticall were suffered.

Thus much I must saie, that some faults and neg­ligences may grow and bee (as in all other great charges it happeneth) and what vocation without? All which if you my lords of the cleargie doo not a­mend, I meane to depose you: looke you therefore to your charges; this may be amended without heed­lesse or open exclamation. I am supposed to haue manie studies, but most philosophicall: Hir maiesties reuerend esti­mation of Gods word and sacred scriptures. I must yéeld this to be true, that I suppose few (that be no profes­sors) haue read more. And I need not tell you, that I am so simple that I vnderstand not, nor so forget­full that I remember not; & yet amongst my manie volumes, I hope Gods booke hath not beene my sil­domest studies, in which we find that, which by reason (for my part) we ought to beleeue, that séeing so great wickednesse and griefs in the world, in which we liue but as waie-faring pilgrims, we suppose that God would neuer haue made vs but for a better place, and of more comfort than we find here. I know no creature that breatheth, whose life standeth hourelie in more perill for it than mine owne, who entered not into my state without sight of manifold dan­gers of life and crowne, as one that had the migh­tiest and greatest to wrestle with. Then it follow­eth, that I regarded it so much as I left my selfe be­hind my care.

And so you sée that you wroong me too much (if anie such there be) as doubt my coldnesse in that behalfe. O most princelie reso­lution and persuasion! For if I were not persuaded that mine were the true waie of Gods will, God forbid I should liue to prescribe it to you. Take héed, lest Ecclesiastes saie not too true; They that feare the horie frost, the snow shall fall vpon them. I sée manie ouer bold with God almightie, making too manie subtill scannings of his blessed will, as lawiers doo with humane te­staments: the presumption is so great as I may not suffer it (yet mind I not hereby to animate The God of vengeance and iustice roote them out, that the Lords an­nointed maie be frée from all feare of hurt. Roma­nists, which what aduersaries they be to mine estate is sufficientlie knowne) nor tolerate new fangled­nesse. I meane to guide them both by Gods true rule: in both parts be perils, and of the latter I must pronounce them dangerous to a kinglie rule, to haue euerie man according to his owne censure to make a doome of the validitie and priuitie of his prin­ces gouernement, with a common veile and couer of Gods word, whose followers must not be iudged but by priuat mens exposition, God defend you from such a ruler that so euill will guide you. What subiect would thinke life and lands too déere to lose (if néed were) for so gratious a quéene? Now I con­clude, that your loue and care neither is nor shall be bestowed vpon a carelesse prince, but such as for your good will passeth as litle for this world as who careth least; with thanks for your frée subsidie: a manifest shew of the aboundance of your good wils, the which I assure you, but to be imploid to your weale, I could be better pleased to returne than receiue.

This is the summe of hir maiesties oration vtte­red in a solemne assemblie, and well worthie the re­cording, as testifieng no lesse in sinceritie and truth, than euerie good subiect may seale vnto himselfe, and laie his hand vpon his hart to be faithfullie meant for his securitie. Wherein is speciallie to be noted the religious care which hir maiestie hath vowed to haue of the propagation and supportation of the gospell; according to that which is reported of hir by waie of prophesie in the vision of quéene Anne in a dreame; where (after a repetition of miseries foretold to befall in quéene Maries daies) these words are inferred:

Ecce malis tantis tua parua medebitur infans,
C. O. in sua Eli­sabetha.
Iámque tenella geret post sceptrum patris adulta,
Solamen magnum patriae, solamen amicis:
Qua regnante diu, coelis ea fata feruntur,
Britanni populus foelix, erit Anglia foelix,
Et longa tali sub principe pace fruetur.
[Page 1397]Papa relegatus fallax ad littora Tybris
Ausonij, propria ditione iubebitur esse
Contentus, vaenúmque domi protrudere merces.
Hic iuris papalis erit tum terminus Anglis.
Vestra dabit proles papae immedicabile vulnus,
Non post idolis genua incuruare licebit
Ampliùs, aut statuis benè olentia thura cremare▪
Hinc papae incassum furibunda mouebitur ira,
Dentibus infrendens & quaeret tollere prolem
[...] insidijs structis, quae numine coeli line 10
Protectore suo sem [...]tis hostibus aeuum
Pace colet, seros ornabit honoribus annos,
Pace suos placida ciues: sua regna beabit.
Non tamen in claram bacchari desinet atrox
Reginam, pus ore vomens & virus vt aspis,
Promittet coelum verbis (quis crederet illud?)
Principis obsequium quicunque reliquerit vltrò,
Cum pacto hoc miseros reuera in Tartara mittat.

Abr. Flem. The death of pope Gregorie the thirtéenth: read of this popes practi­ses against England in Parries trea­sons, pag. 1382, &c.¶In this yeare of Grace, on the eleuenth of Aprill died pope Gregorie the thirtéenth, termed the last & line 20 lewd pope of that name; one that wanted not the waies to applie his vsurped supremasie to the com­mon abuse of all christendome, according to the re­ceiued custome of his predecessors; who rather than they would abide anie be it neuer so small an eclipse of their worldlie pompe, all the world shalbe set togi­ther by the ears, in so much that heauen & earth shall ring with the noise of the tumults. This is he that (a­mong other acts by him vndertaken & doone) after the old Romane or Iulian kalendar was by popish ar­guments line 30 accused & charged with manifold imperfec­tions, whereinto by continuance of time it fortuned to fall, thrust foorth into the world a reformed kalen­dar, exhibited to his holinesse by one Antonie Lillie doctor of arts & physicke, wherein (by a certeine new cyrcle of epacts by one Aloisius the said Antonies brother germane deuised, and to an vndoubted rule of the golden number directed, as also to whatsoeuer magnitude or greatnesse of the yeare of the sunne applied) all things that in the old kalendar were line 40 faultie, may by constant reason and for euer to last be so restored; that the kalendar once reformed accor­ding to this plot, néed neuer hereafter either to be al­tered or amended. The pope is verie busie by his owne pre­sumptuous & proud enter­prises to im­peach christian libertie. Howbeit, in commending the perfect reformation of this new kalendar, whereby not onelie all things erronious are abolished; but also such foresight is had of the time to come, that the calculation of this kalendar shall neuer hereafter séeme subiect vnto change: an occasion of some de­mands may hereof arise, touching christian libertie; line 50 namlie; Whether the church be tied to a certeine time according to the reformed calculation astronomi­call, in the celebration of yearelie festiuals? Whether it be lawfull for the bishop of Rome to reforme the time and the kalendar? Whether the church of Christ be bound by necessitie of religion to receiue that ka­lendar, at the first originall beginning procéeding from the pope, though the same afterwards were set foorth vnder another title? Whether it profiteth or be requisit that for the kéeping of peace and concord, in contracts, bargainings, and intercourse of traffike line 60 and merchandize; the one partie should submit him­selfe to that kalendar, wherevnto the pope hath yo­ked his popelings; and persuaded manie more to doo the same, This hath beene doone in such sort by a mathematici­an stranger, that he is bold to chalenge anie holding the contrarie opinion to a re­proofe of his examination. &c. Although these and the like interrogato­ries may be made against the papists; yet bicause to giue an instance is not to answer a doubt, it is to be wished that this kalendar were throughlie si [...]ted by some sound and sober mathematician, and the three heads, whereof this new reformed kalendar of Gregorie dooth consist, disprooued: which thrée heads, repeated by Gregorie in his bull before the said ka­lendar, are these.

1 The restoring and coupling of the equinoctiall in the spring to the one and twentith daie of March, with such a caueat giuen, that from thense, as from the proper and fixed seat, it may not possiblie hereaf­ter at anie time remooue. 2 The correction of the golden number by the cyrcle of epacts, in such sort, that the numbers of epacts may shew not onelie the daie of the new moone in euerie moneth of all years; but also, and that principallie the terme of Easter: that is, the certeine & iust daie of the verie next full moone following after the equinoctiall of the spring; and that euerie yeare without error or deceipt. 3 The verie iust and certeine sundaie of Easter, that ought to be celebrated and kept on the verie next sundaie after the full moone, which first dooth follow after the iust equinoctiall of the spring. Vide M. Micha­elem Maestlinum Gaeppingensem in Tibuigens [...] academia Ma­thematicum, &c. These thrée heads be­ing so anatomized and opened by mathematicians as were méet, it should be found in the end, that this new kalendar, in all and euerie part thereof, euen wherin it is best reformed, or so thought to be, is ma­nie waies faultie, & erronious in the verie grounds: in which qualitie leauing it, as not to be put to the touch in a publike chronicle, but otherwise to be had in triall, Gregorie the preferrer thereof is now to be handled by description, which is no fiction or imagi­ned bable, but deriued out of an oration or funerall sermon at Rome, at the buriall of his holinesse, conteining his maners, life, deeds, and last words at his death: togither with the lamentations of the cardinals and whole Romish clergie. Otherwise to be intituled: as followeth.

A sermon full of papisticall adulation, and matter sufficient to procure the wise and ver­tuous minded to contemne such grosse and pal­pable blindnesse, and all persons to laugh at the Romanists absurd and erronious follies.

THere is nothing so certeine as death, A good and plausible be­ginning, if the procéeding were agree­able. ei­ther vncerteine as the moment thereof. Wherefore the holie doctor saith: Kéepe thy selfe continuallie in that estate wher­in thou desirest to die. And the prouerbe goeth, that manie a one thinketh himselfe in perfect helth, when he beareth death in his bosome. To saie the truth, we doo continuallie carrie death about with vs, it is in vs immediatlie after we take life and moouing in our mothers wombe; and wheresoeuer we walke, it is still at our héeles: if we take horsse, it is with vs: if we be on the water, it is the guide of our ship: so as we can neuer saie death to be absent from vs: for our selues are verie death, and no part of our bodie immortall. Wherefore those that suppose themselues to liue in this world are far deceiued in their owne opinions, and the pilgrimage of man in this world is but a shadow of life, which vnto vs seemeth life, but in déed is none. The better therefore to describe the said shadow, I will make an abstraction of the dead time of mans age, from the full and greatest age that a creature can liue in the world. Popish di­uines doo ra­ther imitate anie duns than the pro­phet Dauid, who setteth downe the age of man to consist of 70▪ yeares.

First, the longest age that man can liue is but sixtie years. From sixtie years we must deduct the nights, for man when he sleepeth liueth not. Besides that, sleep is termed the image of death: so that deducting the nights, which comprehend one halfe of the time, man liueth but thrée score yeares in the world. Whiles man liueth these sixtie yeares, he liueth but the one halfe of them, for if he haue one daie of mirth and quiet, he hath another of sorrow and care, bicause griefe dooth still secretlie créepe into mirth. And anie person troubled with cares and vexed in mind, dooth rather die than liue. We must therfore take from the sixtie yeares aforesaid the one halfe, and so there re­maine but thirtie. Now, let vs sée whether in the [Page 1398] space of six score yeares a man may not passe awaie ten at the least in sickenesse, A further ex­amination of mans age by popish lear­ning. mischances, or other in­firmities? I may tell you there is no man that liueth six score yeares in the world, but at seuerall times and during the said age he hath aboue ten yeares in­firmitie: and therefore we must take from the thirtie yeares which are the remainder of mans life yet ten yeares, & then there are but twentie left, which are now the twentie yeares of his life. We must take them at his infancie & in his oldest age: that is, ten line 10 yeares from his verie chlidhood, & the other ten from his extreame old age. But sith aswell in infancie as in extremitie of age there is no life, but rather a li­uing death; I conclude, that man hath not one onelie houre of life in this world, also that whosoeuer séeketh life in this world dooth much deceiue himselfe. In heauen therefore it is that we must assure our selues to liue, and seeke for life; but not vpon earth where death dooth continuallie haunt vs. For we ought to die to the world, to the end to be borne in Iesus line 20 Christ; according to the souereigne sentence and de­crée, O ye inhabitants of Rome we sée your great bishop and mine is dead: Happie newes to the true church, when the membes of antichrist de­crease. behold our crowne is fal­len: our lodestar vanished awaie and our light ex­tinguished.

And for mine owne part, O miserable man, who am depriued of him, of two things I wish for one, that is, either neuer to remember the good that we haue lost; either else calling the same to mind, to find some one that were able to giue me comfort cor­respondent line 30 to the greatnesse of the heauinesse wher­into I am fallen. And indéed my selfe doo now come into the pulpit vpon two seuerall occasions méere contrarie ech to other, to wit, to reherse the gretnes of the good that is taken from vs, & to comfort those that susteine the losse: naie rather, to doo two things which séeme to repugne ech other. For if it be true that nothing dooth more aggrauate the griefe of the losse, This is no adulation to a dead carrion, what did this fellow (thinke you) to the beast when he was aliue? than the remembrance of the value of the thing lost▪ then dooth nothing séeme more contrarie to the comfort of the liuing, than the praises of him that is line 40 dead, as in this case, wherein so far doo the merits of the deceased exceed, that the arrowes which pearse his hart that is depriued of him are the more sharpe and grieuous. Howbeit some man would answer, that contrariwise by the commendations of him that is departed, we doo declare that he is not dead, but li­ueth, and thus we may by litle and litle asswage the sorrow of our losse and damage in whatsoeuer ma­ner. line 50

A comparison abused to the commenda­tion of lewd pope Grego­rie.But as it were hard for a painter in the face of a sorrowfull person to represent a smiling counte­nance, so dooth it séeme to me a difficult enterprise to vndertake to comfort a man by rehearsing the ver­tues of him that is taken awaie from vs: and that the more, if we should enter into consideration of him that is spoken of: of your selues that are the hearers: and of me that doo make the discourse: for in each of these three, the same circumstances that séeme to make mine enterprise easie, are those that indeed doo yéeld it most difficult and troublesome. As line 60 if a man should in respect of him saie, that if the mul­titude of his great vertues doo séeme to abridge my labour, Childish rea­sons and worse diuini­tie. in séeking some argument wherevpon to ground his praises: so contrariwise the aboundance of so great vertues doo hold me so short, that I can not certeinelie resolue vpon the choice of one onlie wherevpon worthilie to commend him. For you, if a man should saie, in that you all knew him and vsed him to your great profit, it should séeme sufficient for me onelie to decipher matters: so contrariwise your own perfect knowlege, togither with your dea­lings with him, would sufficientlie open vnto you all my defaults in displaieng of him. And for mine owne part, if infinit courtesies and great fauors, How did this fellow flatter Gregorie a­liue, whom he so magnified being dead▪ wherewith he hath alwaies gratified me, doo séeme without seeking anie cuning to bréed in me as much affection as is requisit: so by contrarie reason, the great fauours and benefits, wherewith he hath al­waies gratified me, doo not leaue me anie cunning meanes to hinder me from hauing greater affecti­on than is héere to be required of me. And this was the principall reason that mooued me somewhat to refuse this so honorable a commission, and vnto me in manie other respects most welcome, and to re­quest you to appoint and commit to some other the charge to discourse herevpon, and to leaue vnto me teares and lamentations onelie.

But now vnto thée, A fit child and scholer for so bad a father and maister. Oh my good master and fa­ther (for so will I alwaies call thée) doo I turne my selfe. Maie it be possible that this my oration, which latelie in thy life thou diddest harken vnto, should now be imploied in praising of thee being dead, ei­ther that this my toong, which imploieng me to the seruice of this countrie, thou diddest too greatlie ho­nor, should now be occupied, alas, in lamentations for thy so hurtfull death to all christendome? And what? Hast thou then brought me so ioifullie to Rome, to the end here to celebrate thy funerals? Oh how that commission to read Hieremie might well foreshew vnto me (but I perciued it not) that my le­cture thereof should end in lamentations, and now behold that diuination accomplished! See Quomodo sedet sola ciuitas, how the citie sitteth desolat, notwith­standing it be Plena populo, full of people: also how this spouse, the church of Rome, No spouse but a strumpet spotted with spirituall for­nication. who by great brightnes seemed to be Domina gentium, ladie of nations, now hauing lost thee, Est facta quasi vidua, is made as it were a widow: and as a widow all dipped in teares and lamentations, willeth me to celebrate the prai­ses of hir déere spouse, which she all wholie togither can not celebrate: Beastlie and blasphemous diuinitie, fit for so lewd a bishop, and so vnlearned a chapleine. wherein although I can not (as in truth I am not able) atteine to the least parcell of thy deserts, which are not well to be expressed, yet at all aduentures I assure my selfe, O happie soule, that as in thy life time thou diddest pardon me a number of other imperfections, so now thou wilt likewise forgiue me this: I know that as thou wert accusto­med, thou wilt make better accompt of the good will than of the glose and pompe of words, and as discréet shalt well see, that not onelie I, but also that no ora­tour is able to atteine to the type of thy commenda­tions.

Among the which my lords, and ye my hearers, I doo fréelie confesse, that I haue greatlie doubted whether I were best to begin, as I take the maner to be, Noblie borne (no doubt) was this Gregorie, o­therwise cal­led Hugh the good fellow. at the greatnesse and eminencie of the familie from whense he is extract: and at the first I was pur­posed so to doo, and that the rather bicause it is not yet scarse two months since that my selfe heard him in this temple, discourse how our sauiour Iesus Christ was content to be borne of a mother though poore, yet noble, and descended of a noble race; also that nobilitie was verie effectuall euen to spirituall life, as it may be said of him that is noble, that whe­ther it be through conformitie or resemblance of mind with his predecessors, either thorough the re­membrance of such things as they haue doone, either else through the effect of good bringing vp, or for what other reason he is better disposed to doo well; that nobilitie serueth him as a spur to goodnesse and a bri­dle to euill: also that as the pretious stone being set in gold maketh a greater shew than in iron, A similitude of a pretious stone set in gold, and ver [...]tues in perso­nages noblie descended. euen so the same vertuous déeds do giue a more effectuall ex­ample, when they proceed from noble personages than from men of base estat, with other things which he spake to the same purpose.

Howbeit I will not speake thereof, in that it [Page 1399] might be accompted rashnesse in me, euen in Rome to séeke to make his holinesse familie more famous than it is. It may be that some may saie that this familie dooth want glorious titles, preeminence, ri­ches, possessions, iurisdictions, pretentions of rights, patronages, ancient petidegrees of their predeces­sors, commendations of learning, praise of armes, noble and famous aliances either in Italie or with­out, and to be briefe, all such things collected into one, as being seuerallie taken are sufficient to set a faire line 10 shew vpon a whole progenie. Notwithstanding all these things which are terrestriall & too common with others, and for the causes aforesaid his holinesse per­ceiuing (as he perceiued all things) that it is not inough for a horsse to be of a good race, Gregorie per­ceiued all things: but it would be kno­wen how. except him­selfe be also good, and that they are happie and wise, who as the sea, doo not receiue the swéetnesse of this vaine glorie of the riuers of their predecessours, but returning their course and swelling ouer the mouths of the riuers themselues, can yéeld to their forerun­ners line 20 the reward of firme and permanent commen­dation; so of that great nobilitie which he had brought foorth of his mothers wombe with him, he did therin onelie yéeld thankes to God, for that his actions with their circumstances, thereby, and in respect thereof, were more notable and exemplarie.

A long simili­tude most fōd­lie and most ridiculous­lie applied.Oh most happie person, who in the middest of so great eminencie of birth, could so well subdue pride, and in himselfe giue example vnto other! Euen like vnto the pearle, which although it lieth in the bottome line 30 of the sea, yet kéeping it selfe close in the shell, and neuer opening vntill it ascendeth to receiue the dew of heauen, we find therein no smell, no sauour, or drop that tasteth of hir sea; but being pure, cleare and white, it seemeth to be formed euen in heauen. We must not therfore take commendations of this peo­ple at the transitorie things of the sea of this world, and although he be therein extract of a most noble birth, yet will I not saie anie more thereof as of that which is none of his. line 40

Marke this principallie, that Gregorie was mortified if the text lie not.But discoursing and speaking of that which pro­perlie apperteineth to himselfe, I would aske whe­ther his mind commanded not his bodie? Also whe­ther it were possible to find a bodie more withered, afflicted, macerated, dried vp, or pale through the ef­fect of austere and hard penance? Other mens bo­dies (O christian hearers) are for the most part wish­ed to be of this or that forme, bicause they yéeld such or such inclination to the mind. But in this I will shew you a matter woorth the noting; that is, that line 50 here the case was altered, for it was the mind that ministred inclination to the bodie: so that being waxen altogither spirituall, had not extreame néed forced him, he neuer desired meat, drinke, or bodilie rest: and he liued in such sort as it was a miracle (whereof, alas, we haue but too soone séene the issue) how he could liue so manie yéeres, but rather liuing was dead. And for my part I assure you, I neuer, euen in the hart of summer, Iesu! what a woonder is this? and well woorthie to be placed in Legenda au­rea. kissing his holie hands (good God shall I neuer doo so more?) found them o­ther line 60 than cold, wherein there was no heat, except the same procéeded of some excesse or immoderate labor, or of some motion of a sudden feuer. O most déere bodie! O most holie members! But looke yet once againe vpon them, O ye Romane people, and saie: Are not these the verie hands which so often haue bin ioined togither, and lifted vp to praie and offer sacri­fice for vs? The head which sought to ouerthrow y e true church, to dissuad [...] subiects from their allegi­ance to their prince, and to mainteine his owne pompe and glorie. Be not these the feet that haue trauelled so far for our sakes? Is not this the head that neuer imagined anie thing but for our benefit? Is not this the heart that burned in loue of vs? O déere members! O members so déere! What? Shall you then go vnder the earth? And what? Must you be buried? Alas my God! who is that thou hast taken awaie from vs? And wherefore doo ye hide your selues? For my part, none but onlie death shall euer plucke out of my heart the liuelie image of that so well beloued countenance: especiallie in this act, wherein with your eies toward heauen as it were smiling, and with an angelicall countenance I sée you depart and remaine dead.

But it is time for vs (O christian hearers) to pro­céed to matters of greater importance, For all that is hitherto spo­ken is méere ridiculous, idle and méere lip­labour. which are so manie & withall so intangled one within an other, that I could not find anie more fit meane to part and diuide them; neither doo I thinke that we can take anie better course, than the verie course of his holie life: and there to begin. When he was a little child he was verie deuout, and it is well knowne that God, euen in his first youth, wrought in him maruellous signes of singular goodnesse. The like is read of saint Basill, saint Gregorie, saint Domi­nike, saint Francis, and manie others, as was to be seene in this yoong child (saie they that doo remem­ber it) namelie, that at his returne from the college, all the delite that that age vsed to take in anie other thing, he tooke onelie in framing of little altars, adorning of small chapels, Notes that he would in time prooue a strong piller of idolatrie. and counterfeiting of holie things. Matters, which although the wisest maie thinke too base for this place, and for the occa­sion now ministred, yet would I not onelie not dis­daine, but also take great and singular pleasure in the same.

And although some doo saie, that among such serious affaires such small trifles should haue no place: yet doo I delite to shew how commenda­ble, not onelie graue matters, but euen such small things were in him. Concerning the rest, according to the proportion of his age, or rather beyond the reach of that age (as occasions doo increase so must my stile arise) his holinesse being past the inferiour schooles, and comming to studie the law, it is not pos­sible to make an end of writing with what modestie and grauitie he there passed the yeares of his studie: he was apparelled in clerks attire, but, which was of greater importance, he obserued clergie maners, much continencie, The conti­nencie and virginitie of the popish cler­gie dooth con­sist in kéeping of concubines. & (as is supposed) perpetuall virgi­nitie, with modest behauiour, no vanitie, continuall studie: these were his exercises. And to be briefe, al­though thorough our mishaps, the vniuersitie wherin he studied were not vsuallie either the quietest or the holiest in the world, yet might the writing of Nazi­anzen concerning the great Basill and the towne of Athens be applied to him. Like as there is one riuer, Note how Gregorie is extolled by waie of com­parison. which flowing thorough the sea, taketh no bitternesse thereof; also a certeine beast that liueth in the fire and consumeth not: euen so he with great quietnesse passing these troubles, and with souereigne vertues such vices, did first and most worthilie atteine to the doctorall degree, & afterward was called to Rome, and made cardinall, onelie thorough desert, for his learned studies, and not by fauour, as the most part doo now vsuallie practise.

A happie departure, a blessed iournie for all the holie church, but especiallie for this great citie of Rome, which haue receiued so great benefits and so much comfort at his hands. Notwithstanding, what­soeuer affaires he had in hand, A great stu­dēt was Gre­gorie, but in no good facultie. yet did he dailie ap­plie his studie at a certeine houre, & so continued his studie euen to his death, with so déepe iudgement and good successe, that although his intellectuall habi­tudes had not béene verie farre surmounted & darke­ned thorough the maruellous brightnesse of his mo­rall and theologicall vertues: yet in respect of his learning and studie onelie, he deserued great praise, and in truth he was neuer other than most learned and a great fauourer of learned men. Who did euer shew them more pleasure, or receiue them more [Page 1400] courteouslie? Better had that liberalitie bene exhibited to théeues than to sacri­legious beasts &c. Besides the seminaries and colleges, as well at Pauie as here, the lectures, the stipends, with such & so manie things doone to the behoofe of learning, and besides the books which he hath of him­selfe written: and now that the bridle of his mode­stie dooth no longer deteine, I hope, as my selfe haue séene them, so comming to light, all the world shall behold them, and in them perceiue as in him­selfe whether were more his holie writings or good maners. This loue of learning and holinesse of life line 10 he practised so diligentlie in himselfe, that thorough Gods grace, and the inspiration of the holie ghost, he was in respect of his vertues, knowledge, and holie life, Gregorie a good compani­on to traitors, but an ill com­panion to the godlie. elected pope, and his name from Hugh good Companion, was changed and called Gregorie the thirteenth. During his papasie he liued so religi­ouslie and deuoutlie, that the whole life of a man were little enough to rehearse the same. But herein I repose my selfe vpon that zeale which I perceiue in euerie one to commend him, whereby I maie line 20 shortlie sée so manie poesies, verses, and rimes, with such histories, so manie orations, and volumes to his honor, that all these things, as well such as I can not touch, as the rest which I mention and speake of, shall brieflie be deciphered and liuelie set foorth.

It is vnpossi­ble (if you will beléeue this flattering pa­rasite) to re­hearse Gre­gories works &c.For to rehearse all the holie works of our good shéepheard, or to indeuour to set foorth that verie pat­terne of a bishop which he hath expressed in himselfe, to saie truth, I thinke vnpossible, and much lesse to beléeue that the verie summarie of those things that line 30 he hath doone maie be drawne into anie annals or chronicle. Neither can I conceiue anie means to at­teine thereto, vnlesse some one haue in forme of re­membrances béene dailie collecting the course of his déeds and works. For my part in this short discourse that I haue to prosecute, as one not able to restreine the whole sea, I will go sée if I maie gather the wa­ter at the riuers and brooks from whense this sea doth arise, that is, from his vertues, which in him haue wrought so manie holie works. Notwithstanding I line 40 might at once in generall words saie, that all ver­tues beséeming a bishop, which saint Paule & others doo speake of, were to be found in him.

Alas how this holie pastor burning in loue, made himselfe leane for you, The woolfe is dead, and the shéepe want a good shéep­heard. O ye poore artificers, ladies, yoong infants, and poore beggers! Alas ye all haue lost your father, the shéepheard is dead, & the sheepe remaine a preie to the wolues. How soeuer it is, hereof maie we plainelie sée O Rome, that he bare thée singular good will: and in déed (for I will not line 50 conceale thy commendation) it is euident that thou diddest answer his good will with reciprocall amitie, witnesse this thy assemblie: these sobs & these teares doo testifie thy acknowledging thereof, besides all o­ther things, alas, too bitter and too swéet togither; euen the night of his departure was to you and to me infortunate. O great, O great pitie, what could be séene more worthie compassion and teares, than the fearefull stirre of the people? It seemed, when the most horrible sound of the bell called Aue Maria, How could the pope néed the praiers of men, sith him­selfe can for­giue sinnes? that gaue notice of his death, to the end to praie to God line 60 for him, sent furies to all both men and women.

One ran here, an other there, some two togither, others without order or reason: all wept, all cried, all howled out, saieng: Ah, good God whereto are we brought? What shall become of vs? If the infecti­on dooth afflict vs, who shall praie for vs? Ah that we had not deserued it! Oh how God is wroth with vs! With manie other exclamations sufficient to haue rent the marble stones, and clouen the wals in sun­der. He was a man of much praier and reading, as euer was anie, and in priuat behauior had not his like. Two things there were that made him woon­derfull wise. Two things made Grego­rie wise if you will beleeue the reporter▪ The one, he would in all affaires heare counsell. The other, he had still recourse vnto praier. Truelie he was as wise as holie. I confesse that in respect of his example onelie, I learned to vnder­stand this place of saint Paule concerning his care of all the churches: Quis infirmatur & ego non infirmor? Quis scandalizatur & ego non vror? Who is weake and I am not sicke? Or who is offended and I burne not? And that which followeth.

To be briefe, toward the end of his daies, Two imagi­nations in Gregories head toward his death. and be­ing hore haired, he conceiued two excellent imagi­nations. The one, concerning that great and woon­derfull college that is now at building in your Rome, for the teaching (a woonderfull matter) of all languages in the world. The other, Some traito­rous deuise for the perse­cution of the gospell. the same which he propounded and began to put in execution tou­ching the recouerie of the goods of the catholike apo­stolike Romish church. The same was it which he did so highlie commend to the clergie, yea to the christi­an princes, and vnto his successor, to the end that the Romane sée might recouer the full brightnesse of hir glorie, and to depriue the enimie of mankind of that innumerable gaine of soules, that through his sub­tiltie he dooth dailie make. These were his last words when he left vs with the water in our eies, and sor­row in our harts, for the losse of a thing of so great value. Neuerthelesse, sith it is to no purpose to wéepe, it resteth that we doo two things. The one, that so much as in vs lieth, we indeuour to reteine those notable institutions, and walke in that path which he hath prescribed for vs. The other, God root out all of that suc­cession, & giue his truth frée passage a­gainst poperie. that we haue recourse to God with praier, that he will send vs a successor worthie him: and that as Simplician succéeded saint Ambrose, so to this Ambrose an other Simplician in vertue and holinesse maie succéed.

This is that small matter, Oh blessed soule, which my foolish and vnméete toong is able this day to vtter of thée in middest of these sighs and lamen­tations. Now shall it cease: howbeit, at time con­uenient, both this daie and euer, my heart shall dis­course of thée. Oh wretch that I am! O ye Romane people, to whome happeneth still the contrarie of that which happened to the Romane souldior, that was wounded and maimed vpon one of his legs, at a certeine victorie that he obteined. For he said, that at euerie step that he set, and vpon the least paine that he felt of his leg, he called to mind the most honora­ble blason of his glorie: but I contrariwise, in the least commendations that I may obteine, shall thinke vpon my losses. For when soeuer I shall boast, that I haue béene seruant to such a holinesse, A lacke good soule that hast lost thy solace and comfort. and so great a personage, I must necessarilie with­all remember what a good I am depriued of. Let vs therefore praie to our good God, that it may please him of his grace with his holie spirit to inspire the most reuerend cardinals, the electors of the holie a­postolike and Romish sée, to the end his holinesse suc­cessor, succéeding in the holie sée, may likewise suc­céed in those vertues and holinesse, wherewith he was indued and replenished.

¶ This is the parasiticall and flattering Faithfullie translated out of the French copie printed at Paris for Peter Iabert dwelling in Harpe stréet, with y e kings priuilege 1585 sermon of a popeling, patched togither like a beggers mantle of sundrie rotten rags diuerslie colored: wherein there is as much learning as wit; and as much of both as of truth and goodnesse in this praiser and the praised: of whome (because it is sinne against the holie ghost to speake otherwise than according to the motion of a good and sound conscience) an epi­taph imprecatorie (as fit for him as a pudding for a friers mouth) is here placed as a conclusion of this his memoriall, and appliable vnto all and euerie one of that antichristian and diabolicall succession.

Albus an ater (lector) cognoscere sivis
Papa, tibi dicam qua ratione licet;
Tumetamorphôsin lepidam spectabis: olorem
[Page 1401]Fac papam, ceruus protinus ater erit.
Vt quocunque meat, sordes testudo relinquit,
Sic immundiciem linquit vbique suam.
Monstrum tale vorax absorbeat ergo barathrum,
Atque Deo poenas tempus in omne luat.

When this Gregorie was deceased, shortlie after (least the ouerlong vacancie of the sacred and apo­stolike sée should preiudice the Romish prelasie and cleargie) the succession came to Sixtus Quintus, Sixtus quin­tus pope of Rome next af­ter Gregorie the good felow or boun com­panion. who according to the disposition of his predecessors) inde­uoring line 10 to mainteine the title of his supremasie, and to beare rule ouer mens consciences, as though per­emptorie authoritie had by priuilege passed vnto the bishops of that sée to controll and giue the checke to all christendome; one iot or minute whereof the beast now residing at Rome not meaning to relin­guish, but rather to fortifie and aduance, vndertooke to intermedle with princes of renowme, as proffe­ring to bring them within the compasse of his iuris­diction: insomuch that falling to the extreame point of his antichristian power, he let flie (but as paper­shot) line 20 his excommunications, Excommuni­cation a peril­lous bolt to shoot at prin­ces. thinking that if anie thing were able to daunt and appall the courages of mightie men, this were the waie. But herein Sixtus Quintus was foolified, for proofe whereof behold an answer to the excommunication latelie denoun­ced and published by the said Sixtus Quintus, pope of Rome so called, against two christian princes vn­dermined, and sent to Rome as followeth.

The answer of Henrie king of Nauarre, and Henrie prince of Conde, to the excom­munication of Sixtus Quintus, now pope, &c.

HEnrie by the grace of God king of Na­uarre, prince of Bearne, chiefe péere and prince of France, opposeth himselfe a­gainst the excommunication of Sixtus line 40 Quintus, The popes excommuni­catiōs against for [...]en princes are to be estée­med but as paper hot. terming hmselfe pope of Rome, auouching the same to be false, and appealeth to the court of péeres of France, of whome he hath the reputation to be the first in degrée. And as concerning the crime of heresie, whereof he is falslie accused by the said excommunication, The king of Nauarre gi­ueth the pope the lie. he auoweth and affirmeth, that my lord the pope, sauing his holinesse and reuerence, hath therein most falselie and wickedlie lied: and that the pope himselfe is an heretike, which he offe­reth to prooue publikelie in a generall or common councell lawfullie assembled. Where if he shall refuse line 50 to appeare and submit himselfe, as by his owne ca­nons and decrées he is speciallie bound, the said king dooth and will hold and repute him a verie antichrist, and in that qualitie of antichrist denounceth perpe­tuall warre against him: The king of Nauarre de­nounceth per­petuall warre against the pope. protesting in the meane time, the popes wicked sentence to be vnlawfull and insufficient, and to prosecute against him and his successors (for reparation of honor) reuenge of the iniurie thereby offered to him and all the princes of his bloud, as the lewdnesse of the act and the present line 60 necessitie doo require. For if in times past, the prin­ces and kings his progenitors haue béene able to chastise the insolencie and arrogancie of such compa­nions as the pope is, This their forgetfulnesse is wilfull, as agréeable to their ambiti­ous humor. when they forga [...] [...]heir duties, and excéeded the limits of their voca [...]ion and place, confounding and intermixing their spirituall iuris­diction with the temporall: the said king of Nauarre being in state nothing inferior to them, dooth hope, that God will giue him the grace to reuenge the wrong and iniurie hereby doone to his souereigne, his familie and bloud, and to the supreame courts and seats of iustice and parlement in France, vpon the said pope and his successors: and to that end and pur­pose he imploreth the aid, succour, The king of Nauarre im­ploreth the aid of all christian kings, &c: a­gainst the ty­rannie and v­surpation of the pope. and assistance of all true christian kings, princes [...] common-weales, whome this case dooth concerne, together with the alies and confederats of the crowne of France, a­gainst the tyrannie and vsurpation of the said pope and of the associated conspirators against the state of their souereigne, enimies to God, France, and the common peace and quiet of christendome. The like protestation is also made by Henrie of Burbon prince of Conde, vnto whome the excommunicati­on likewise reacheth. ¶ Fixed and set vp vpon the Pasquile at Rome to the view of all men.

¶ Thus farre of two popes, who though they be but prophane priests, & méere foreners to England both by birth and beleefe; yet sith they haue beene o­uerbold to busie themselues with the affaires not onelie of other christian princes, but also with the state of our nation, wherinto they haue had too far an insight, by the aid of certeine vnnaturall and dege­nerat people; manie of them being fugitiues, and carieng about them euen in their bosome a consci­ence bespotted with sinnes of excéeding horror and heinousnesse: in consideration hereof, as also of o­ther practises tending to an vniuersall desolation of truth and louers of truth, as also to the dissolution of ciuill policie and destruction of our most gratious souereigne ladie quéene Elisabeth, the lords annoin­ted and lieutenant, principall within hir owne do­minions: what faithfull subiect can but note them; howbeit, none otherwise than the repors of them haue passed vnder manie eies and through manie hands, printed euen in forren speach, before the same were published in English. At which popes, meaning now to make a stop, we will come againe to mat­ters of our owne.

¶ In this yeare 1585, euen in Aprill, at the plea­sant prime, sir Walter Raleigh knight, Abr. Fl. ex chi­rographo D. G. militis. Sir Walter Raleighs chargeable voiage to the foresaid land latelie discoue­red, and by the quéenes maie­stie named Uirginia. being incou­raged by the reports of his men of the goodnesse of the soile and the fertilitie of the countrie, which they had discouered this yeare last past, and now by hir maiestie called Uirginia, with knightlie courage counteruaileable to his double desire of honour, by vndertaking hard aduenturs, furnished to his great charges eight sailes of all sortes, and immediatlie set them to the sea, ordeining sir Richard Gréenfield his kinsman (a gentleman of verie good estimation both for his parentage and sundrie good vertues, who for loue he bare vnto sir Walter Raleigh, togither with a disposition that he had to attempt honorable actions worthie of honour, Sir Richard Gréenefield lieutenant to sir Walter Raleigh for this voiage. was willing to hazard himselfe in this voiage) his lieutenant, inioining him either to tarrie himselfe, or to leaue some gentle­man of good worth with a competent number of sol­diers in the countrie of Uirginia, to begin an Eng­lish colonie there. Who with the ships aforesaid, ha­uing in his companie sir Iohn Arundell, Gentlemen that associated sir Richard Gréenefield. Thomas Candish, Rafe Lane, Edward Gorges, Iohn Stu­klie, Edward Stafford, Philip Amadis, Arthur Barlow, Thomas Heriot, and diuerse other gentle­men with a competent number of souldiers, depar­ted from London in Aprill aforesaid. But after they had sailed certeine numbers of leagues at the sea, by force and violence of fowle weather they were sepa­rated one from another; Sir Richard Gréenefield singled from his companie by fowle wea­ther arriueth in Hispaniola. so that sir Richard Gréene­field being singled from his fléet, all alone arriued in the Iland of Hispaniola in the west Indies, about the middest of Iune following, where he determined resolutelie to remaine, vntill he had built a bote (for he had lost his owne bote in the tempests aforesaid.)

Wherevpon immediatlie after his landing, find­ing a place to his liking, he esconsed himselfe in de­spite of the Spaniards, who by all possible means did there best indeuour by proffering of sundrie skirmi­shes, [Page 1402] to inforced him to retire to his ship: The valiant­nesse of sir Ri­chard Gréene­field against the Spani­ards. but he no­thing appalled with their brags kept his ground. Twelue daies after his arriuall there, after Thomas Candish arriued at the same place, where sir Richard Gréenfield was ensconsing of himselfe, to the great reioising both of themselues & their companies. The Spaniards finding it too hard for them (notwith­standing their multitudes) to remooue these few re­solute Englishmen by violence, came to a parlée, and in the same concluded an amitie, that the one na­tion might in safetie traffike with the other. A parlée ten­ding to the concluding of an amitie be­twéene the English and Spanish. Now line 10 when sir Richard Gréenefield had taried in that I­land almost a moneth, and had built his bote, reuit­telled himselfe, and laden his ships with horsses, mares, kine, sheep, swine, &c: to transport with him to Uirginia (bicause these sorts of cattell heretofore were not to be found in that countrie) he departed thense; What kind of cattell for vit­telling sir Ri­chard Gréene­field transpor­ted to Uirgi­nia. and in his waie he made discouerie of manie Ilands and hauens vpon the continent adioining, and arriued safelie in the new discouered countrie (where he met with the rest of his fléet that attended line 20 his comming thither) about the middest of Iulie next insuing, Sir Richard Gréenefield méeteth with the rest of his fléet and is in danger of shipwracke. not without great danger of ship­wracke. For at the verie entrance into the harbo­rough, his ship strake on the ground, and did beat so manie strokes vpon the sands, that if God had not miraculouslie deliuered him, there had beene no waie to auoid present death. In this danger his ship was so brused, that the saltwater came so aboun­dantlie into hir, that the most part of his corne, salt, meale, rice, bisket, & other prouisions that he should line 30 haue left with them that remained behind him in the countrie was spoiled.

Sir Richard Gréenefield establisheth an English colonie in Uirginia by commission.After he had remained there certeine daies, accor­ding to his commission from sir Walter Raleigh, he began to establish a colonie, appointing maister Rafe Lane (a gentleman of good account) generall of those English which were to remaine there, being in all to the number of an hundred and seauen per­sons, amongst whom diuerse gentlemen remained; line 40 namelie, Philip Amadis, Edward Stafford, Mer­uin, Kendall, Prideaux, Acton, Heriot, and others. When he had taken sufficient order for the establish­ing of master Lane and his companie aforesaid, lea­uing with them as much of all prouisions as his plentie would giue him leaue, he weighed anchor for England. But in his returne, not hauing sailed ma­nie leagues from the coast of Uirginia, he descried a tall ship of foure hundred tuns or thereabouts, Sir Richard Gréenefield descrieth a Spanish ship, chaseth and surpriseth hir. ma­king the same course that he did, vnto whom he gaue line 50 chase, and in few houres by goodnesse of saile ouer­tooke, and by violence wan, richlie laden with sugar, hides, spices, and some quantitie of gold, siluer, and pearle: she was the viceadmerall of the fleet of San­cto Domingo that yere for Spaine. After this good for­tune, An other voi­age resolued vpon by sir Walter Ra­leigh for the supplie of those that were left in Uirginia. hauing a merie gale, not manie daies after he arriued at Plimmouth in October next insuing; where sir Walter Raleigh méeting with him, did presentlie resolue vpon another voiage, to supplie Rafe Lane, and his companie that were left with line 60 him in Uirginia, the next spring following: which accordinglie was performed with all expedition.]

In Aprill about the fourtéenth daie, by comman­dement of hir maiesties most honorable priuie councell, Foure thou­sand men trai­ned vp with shot in the citie of London. the citizens of London appointed out of the companies of the same citie to the number of foure thousand men, with armour, ensignes, drums, fifes, and other furniture for the warres, the greater part whereof (or almost all of them) were shot, the other were pikes and halberds in faire corslets: all those to be trained vp vnder expert capteins, Skirmish be­fore the quéens maiestie at Gréenewich. with serge­ants of the bands, wiflers, and other necessarie offi­cers, mustered and skirmished dailie at the Miles end, and in saint Georges field, and on the eightéenth daie of Maie (hauing ouernight set forward out of saint Georges field) mustered in the parke at Gréen­wich, and skirmished before the quéenes maiestie, who gaue to them great thankes for their actiuenesse and paines: sith hir maiestie might perceiue the ap­pliablenesse of those hir people, euen in pastime not void of perill, to delight hir eies and reioise hir hart; estéeming nothing too déere to part withall, so it might anie waies concerne dutie to hir highnesse. In discharge whereof as she hath no forwarder sub­iects in hir land, so to discouer, inquire, The Londo­ners commen­ded. and persecute the disloiall none readier, euen to the hazzard of their liues, for the safetie of hir life, which is the life of the whole land, and the prop of true religion: in respect whereof we saie and praie with the well wishing sub­iect, that vpon seeing & hearing of hir highnesse, fell into such an admiration of hir excellencie, that he left these verses among manie after his godlie death:

Inclyte da longum dici, Deus, Elisabetha Est,
Elisabetha tua Est, relligióque tua Est:
Da Deus haud vnquam dici, Fuit Elisabetha,
Elisabetha Fuit, relligióque Fuit.

¶ On the ninetéenth of Maie being Ascension eeue, Edward Wootton esquier, Fr. Thin. descended of a woorthie parentage, was ambassador into Scot­land, to establish a league of amitie betwéene the two nations of England and Scotland: A league of a­mitie betwéene England and Scotland established: Edward Wootton esqui­er ambassador. whome I will now leaue in that countrie executing his com­mission, and turne my pen to some persons of that surname, who for their singularitie of wit & lerning, for their honour and gouernement in and of the realme about the prince, and elsewhere at home and abroad, deserue such commendations, that they me­rit Niueo signari lapillo. In treating of whome I will neither make mention of the antiquitie of that wor­shipfull familie from the first originall, The Woot­tons an anci­ent familie, and of speciall name in di­uerse kings reignes. nor yet treat of Richard Wootton, liuing in the time of Edward the first, the father of Iohn Wootton coroner of Dunstable an officer of great account in those daies and father to an other Iohn Wootton, &c: nor of Ri­chard Wootton or Woocton, an officer of the excheker in the time of Edward the second, nor of sir Nicho­las Wootton knight, liuing about the daies of Ri­chard the second, nor of anie other Woottons wherof this Edward Wootton is descended: but onelie of such Woottons his ancestors, who of late time liued within the compasse of my memorie, and were the sonnes of sir Robert Wootton of Bocton Malherbe in Kent knight, deseruing not to be forgotten, Sir Robert Wootton of Bocton Mal­herbe in Kent, a man of sin­gular note. in that he was father to two such worthie sonnes, as I doo not remember that euer England nourished at one time for like honour, disposition of mind, fauour and seruice to their countrie.

The sonnes of this sir Robert Wootton, whereof we intend to intreat, Sir Edward Wootton and Nicholas Wootton do­ctor of both lawes, the rare sonnes of a rare father. were sir Edward Wootton knight the eldest, and Nicholas Wootton doctor of both lawes the yoonger sonne. Whereof the first be­ing a man of great estimation in the countrie for his orderlie and wise managing of the priuat af­faires of his countrie of Kent, was for his fidelitie and good carriage in small things made lord and ru­ler of great things. For king Henrie the eight, vn­derstanding the grauitie of the man, his rare wit, deepe iudgement, great experience, Sir Edward Wootton one of king Henrie the eights pri­uie councell. and other parts required in a sound councellor, did admit this sir Ed­ward into his owne bosome, and made him of his priuie councell: whose modest mind being so farre estranged from desire of honour, as that he would not accept it by great inforcement (a vertue verie rare, Sir Edward Wootton refu­seth to be lord chancellor of England. and such as declareth a noble mind iudiciallie grounded vpon the truth of diuine philosophie) refu­sed the honorable place of the chancellorship of Eng­land, accounting that the vertue of the mind made a man honorable, and not the honorable place. For [Page 1403] [...] saith saint Chrysostome; Chrysost. de re­paration [...] lap [...]. Honor verus virtus animi est, hic honor nec à Caesaribus praestatur, neque adulatione conquiritur, neque pecunia praeparatur; nihil fucati in se habet, nihil sunulati, nihil occulti huius honoris successor est, nullus est accusator: nullus ingratus.

Wherefore not being ambitious of honour (after which the best doo often hunt, although such gréedie desire of honour and ambition be, as saith Barnard, Futile malum, Barnard in se [...]. quadrages. secretum virus, pestis occulta, doli artifex, ma­ter hypocrisis, liuoris parens, vitiorum origo, tinea sanctitatis, line 10 excae [...]atrix cordium, ex remedijs morbos creans, ex medicina languorem generans) did further increase his honour and aduance him to greater credit; as appeareth by this, that king Henrie the eight, whom this man had long and faithfullie serued in his life time, made him one of his executors, and the disposer of his te­stament at the time of his death; Nicholas Wootton doc­tor of both lawes refuseth to be archbi­shop of Can­turburie: a rare note in him (as also in his brother) of contentation with their estates. with whom also in the same authoritie he ioined his brother doctor Ni­cholas Wootton, a man of no lesse merit than the other, and rightlie deseruing to be here ioined in re­membrance with his brother after their deaths, since line 20 almost equall honor, like loue, the same authoritie in the common-weale, one bloud, and one Christ did ioine them togither in perfect amitie during their liues: of which Nicholas Wootton I will not speake anie more (except that as his brother refused the chancellorship, so he in the beginning of the reigne of this quéene (refused the bishoprike of Canturbu­rie) but that which the woorthie gentleman Thomas Wootton of Bocton Malherbe esquire now liuing (sonne to the said sir Edward, Thomas Wootton of Bocton Mal­herbe (sonne to the said sir Edward) a great regarder of his progeni­tors estimatiō. and nephew to the line 30 said Nicholas, this Thomas being a great and fast fauoror of his countrie, not vnthankefull vnto him therefore) hath set downe in a statelie and rich toome of curious workemanship, formed after the order of a pyramis, and placed in the church of Canturbu­rie, on which is ingraued in a faire stone of marble this epitaph following: wherin his birth, his parents, his honors at home, his ambassages abroad, and o­ther things necessarie the knowledge are faithfullie set downe. line 40

Nicholaus Woottonus Roberti Woottoni equitis aurati ex Anna Belknappa filius, Epitaphium ce­lebre Nicholai Woottoni primi post monasteriorū dissolutionem vtrius (que) iuris doctor, ecclesiae huius primus itém (que) metròpolitanae ecclesiae diui Petri Eboracensis decanus, Henrico 8. Eduardo 6. Mariae & Elisabethae An­gliae regibus à secretis concilijs; ad Carolum 5. Caesarem bis, ad Philippum Hispaniarum regem semel, ad Franciscum primū Francorum regem semel, ad Henricum secundum eius filium ter, ad Mariae Hungariae reginam Belgarum praesidem semel, ad Gulielmum Cleuiensem ducem bis, legatione functus. Re­nouatae pacis inter Anglos, Francos, & Scotos, inter Guinas line 50 & Arderam anno. 1540. similiter, & ad castrum Camera­cense anno. 1559. Deni (que) Edinburgi Scotiae anno 1560. ora­torum vnus, Annus aetatis cùm è vita ex­cessisset. hîc tandem ferè septuagenarius requiescit. Haec ille ante mortem & ante morbum quasi fatalem diem praesen­tiens, & cygneam cantionem propheticè canens, sua manu in museo scripta reliquit.

Qui apud tales principes (diuina prouidentia gubernante) laudabiliter, & in tot ac tantis causis (quarum magnitud [...] grauissima, vtilitas publica fuit) feliciter bonam vitae suae partem consumpit; Homo summa laude dignus Woottonus vel ipsa inuidia iu­dice. eum virum sapientem & experientissi­mum line 60 ipsa inuidia iudicare debet. Quàm semper ab omni con­tentione honorum fuerit alienus, illud decalarat, quòd ad hanc ecclesiasticam dignitatem non ambitione vlla sua inflamma­tus, nec amicorum opera vsus, aspirauit: sed eam vtram (que) Henricus octauus (hominis merito & virtute prouocatus) vltro detulit. Cùm (que) idem rex illustrissimus morbum laetha­lem ingrauescere persentiret, Dignitatis gra­dus quibus Woottonus iste est insignitus regnantibus diuersis princi­pibus. & Eduardi principis sanè excel­lentissimi, adhuc tandem pueri & reipublicae administrandae imparis, imbecillam aetatem senili prudentia secretioris con­cilij sui, regendum existimaret, illis instituit hunc Nichola­um (absentem tunc in Francia legatum) vnum esse voluit. Eduardi regi iam medio regni curriculo propè confecto, vnus è primarijs secretarijs fuit, quem locum tenere potuisset, nisi & suis & assiduis amicorum precibus abdicandi veniam impe­trasset. Corpus illi erat gracile quidem & paruum sed erectum, Rerum quar [...] ­dum mi [...]io Wot­tone [...]e [...]orabi­lu [...]m luc [...]ienta descriptio. habitudo sana, vultus liberalae, victus exquisitus, quem semel tantùm in die capere consueuerat: valit [...]do adeo firma vtra­rò morbum aliquem sentiret: animus vero totus libris acliteris dicatus: artium medicinae, iurisprudentiae, & theologiae stu­dio intentus: linguarum Romanae, Italicae, Gallicae, & Ger­manicae inferioris cognitione pulch [...]e exornatus. Ita vir iste genere clarus, legationibus clarior, domi ac foris clarissimus, Videlice [...] ecclesiae christi Cannia­riensis. ho­nore florens, labore fractus, aetate confectus; postquam decanus huius ecclesiae annis 25. dies 293. praefuisset, Londini Ianuarij 26. anno nostrae salutus 1566. piè & suauiter in Domino ob­dormiuit. Thoma Wootteno nepote haerede relicto, qui ei hoc monumentum non honoris ergo quo abundauit viuus & flo­rescit mortuus, Monumentum in demor tui memori [...] amo­ris ergô extruct [...] ▪ sed amoris causa quem memoria colet vt debet sempiterna, consecrauit.

In which epitaph it appeareth what he was, & how greatlie learned and reuerenced for the same. Wher­fore néeding not to speake anie more of him, sith, I shall not be able with due maiestie of stile to expresse his woorthinesse; I will yet, leauing what other wise his merit might challenge to be spoken, note one strange and rare thing, which to my remembrance neuer happened to anie one man before the same, This is tou­ched in the former epitaph among other his prefer­ments. be­ing this that he had not onelie béene councellor to foure kings and quéenes of England following in succession of time, but also that he had béen thirtéene seuerall times ambassador and orator to diuerse princes for the affaires of the publike wealth, and the princes honor. Thus leauing this woorthie doctor with his nephue Thomas Wootton, father to Ed­ward Wootton sent ambassador to Scotland, which occasioned me to treat thus much of the Woottons, I conclude, that it is a singular blessing of God, not commonlie giuen to euerie race, to be beautified with such great and succeeding honor in the descents of the familie. Commendati­on of Edward Wootton, in respect of his great trauel­ling ouer the most part of Europe and his imploi­ments in ambassages &c. Whereof this Edward Wootton now liuing, hath in the life of his father giuen great proofe of continuance to descend to their posteritie, in that he in these his yoong yeares, hath beene (after his tra­uell ouer the most part of Europe) twise imploied in ambassages for the seruice of his countrie; first to the king of Portingall, & now to the king of Scots: with whome I will at this time set end to this dis­course of the Woottons.]

On the one and twentith daie of Iune, Earle of Northumber­land found to haue murthe­red himselfe in the tower of London. Henrie Persie earle of Northumberland, prisoner in the Tower of London vpon vehement suspicion of high treason, was there found dead, and also of his owne diuelish intent, and of his malice before pre­tended to haue murthered himselfe, as more mani­festlie and at large may appeare, by an inquisition made by a substantiall iurie, taken before the coro­ner as followeth verbatim with the record.

¶ A copie of the said inquisition.

AN inquisition taken at the citie of London, that is within the tower of London, A quest of inquirie vpon his violent & voluntarie death. in the parish of Alhallowes Barking, in the ward of the Tower of London, on Mondaie being the one and twentith daie of Iune, in the yeare of the reigne of our soue­reigne ladie Elisabeth by the grace of God quéene of England, France, and Ireland, defendor of the faith &c, the seuen and twentith: before William Squier gentleman coroner to our said souereigne ladie the quéene within the citie of London and the liber­ties of the same, vpon the view of the bodie of Hen­rie Persie knight, late earle of Northumberland, late prisoner there within the Tower of London a­foresaid, for suspicion of high treason by him suppo­sed to be doone, there lieng dead, and slaine: by the othes of Nicholas Whéeler, Simon Horssepoole, Thomas Gardener, William Leaueson, Owen Morgan, Henrie Lodge, William Abraham, Wil­liam Horne, Thomas Russell, Iohn Porter, Robert [Page 1404] Dowe, Anthonie Hall, William Curtis, Thomas Wood, Matthew Dolman, Thomas Martin, Ri­chard Sleford, Iohn Trot, Philip Smith, Thomas Tailor, and Henrie Bowdler, of good and lawfull men of the same ward, and of thrée other wards to the same ward next adioining, as the maner and cu­stome is in the citie aforesaid, to inquire how, in what maner, and when the said Henrie Persie late earle of Northumberland came to his death.

Which iurie doo saie vpon their oths, that on the line 10 one & twentith daie of this instant moneth of Iune, The verdict of the iurie deli­uered vpon their oths. in the yeare of the reigne of our souereigne ladie E­lisabeth by the grace of God quéene of England, France, and Ireland, defendor of the faith, &c: the seuen and twentith aforesaid, and long before the fore­said Henrie late earle of Northumberland prisoner in the Tower of London situat in the parish of Al­hallows Barking aforesaid, in the ward of the Tower of London, aforesaid, for suspicion of high treason aforesaid, by him against our souereigne la­die line 20 the quéene supposed to be committed; and the fore­said earle so remaining prisoner, and being placed in a certeine chamber within the Tower of London aforesaid, there prisoner remaining, imagining and intending himselfe diuelishlie and feloniouslie to kill and murther before the foresaid one & twentith daie of Iune: that is to saie, the sixtéenth daie of Iune in the seuen and twentith yeare aforesaid, The meanes that the earle made and pre­pared to de­stroie himselfe. did pre­pare a certeine dag of iron and stéele of the value of ten shillings: and also certeine bullets of lead, and a certeine quantitie of gunpowder, conteined in a line 30 certeine small box, and caused the foresaid gun, the bullets of lead and the gunpowder to be brought in­to the foresaid chamber vnto him the same earle of Northumberland, and to be deliuered to the same earle then and there by the hands of Iames a Price yeoman, to execute his diuelish and felonious pur­pose and intention.

Which dag aforesaid, the foresaid earle caused se­cretlie to be hidden in a certeine mattris vnder the bolster of his bed in the chamber aforesaid, and line 40 then and there, the foresaid one and twentith daie of Iune in the seuen and twentith yeare aforesaid, This consen­teth with the discourse fol­lowing, wher­in the same matter is more largelie handled. be­twéene the houres of twelue and one in the night of the foresaid one and twentith daie of Iune, thin­king and intending to prosecute and follow his di­uelish intention and purpose aforesaid, did bolt the doore of the foresaid chamber, and the inner part of his said chamber towards himselfe, least anie man should foresée or withstand his diuelish, felonious, and malicious intent: and the said doore of his foresaid line 50 chamber, being so bolted; the same earle then and there into his bed himselfe did laie; and vpon this afterward, that is to saie, the foresaid one and twen­tith daie of Iune, in the seuen & twentith yeare afore­said, about the houres aforesaid, within the Tower of London aforesaid, situat and being in the parish of Alhallows Barking aforesaid, in the ward of the Tower of London aforesaid, not hauing the almigh­tie God or his feare before his eies, but being moued and seduced by the instigation of the diuell, of his line 60 malice afore pretended; did take vp into his hands the foresaid dag of iron and stéele, then and there made readie, charged with gunpowder, and thrée bullets of lead, and the foresaid dag to the left part of his breast neere vnto the pappe of the same part of his brest, The order of the action that was the earls destruction. then and there feloniouslie and diuelishlie did put, and vpon the same part of his brest the fore­said dag did discharge.

By reason of the violence of which gunpowder, and of the foresaid thrée bullets of lead, the foresaid earle into his bodie and heart, and through his chine­bone, euen into his right shoulder, himselfe then and there with the foresaid bullets of lead feloniouslie and voluntarilie did strike; giuing vnto himselfe then and there one mortall wound, of the depth of twelue inches, and of the bredth of two inches: The bredth and depth of his wound. of which mor­tall wound aforesaid, the foresaid earle within the Tower of London aforesaid, the daie, yeare, parish, and ward aforesaid, instantlie died. And so the iurie dooth saie vpon their oths aforesaid, that the foresaid earle, the daie, yeare, and place aboue written, of his diuelish intent aforesaid, and of his malice be­fore pretended, feloniouslie and voluntarilie himselfe did kill and murther in manner and forme aforesaid, against the peace of our souereigne ladie the quéene, hir crowne and dignitie. But what goods and cattels the foresaid earle in the time of the felonie and mur­ther to himselfe aforesaid committed, had, or as yet hath, the iurie knew not, &c: in witnesse whereof, &c. ¶This was the verdict of the iurors, wherby the man­ner how, and the matter whereby the earle dispat­ched himselfe is trulie declared: which being taken for truth (as deseruing no lesse, the parties welwor­thie of credit) it remained to prouide for the bestow­ing of his wretched carcase, which on the thrée and twentith daie of Iune was buried in saint Peters church within the said Tower of London. Henrie earle of Northum­berland buried in the Tower. This was the end of that gracelesse earle, the manner of whose murther, and part of his treasons are here dilated, as the same was publikelie deliuered in the Star­chamber, and after published in a booke intituled:

A true and summarie report of the de­claration of some part of the earle of Northumber­lands treasons, deliuered publikelie in the court at the Starchamber by the lord Chancellor and others of hir ma­iesties most honorable priuie councell, & councell learned, by hir maiesties speciall commandement, togither with the exa­minations & depositions of sundrie persons touching the ma­ner of his most wicked and violent murther committed vpon himselfe with his owne hand, in the Tower of London, the 20 daie of Iune, 1585.

MAlice, among other essentiall properties perteining to hir ouglie nature, hath this one not inferior to the rest and the woorst, incredulitie, Incredulitie an essentiall propertie of malice. wherewith the commonlie possesseth the minds and affections of all those that are infected with hir, so blinding the eies & iudge­ment of the best and clearest sighted, that they can­not see or perceiue the bright beames of the truth, although the same be deliuered with neuer so great puritie, proofe, circumstance and probabilitie. It is said that no truth passeth abroad vnaccompanied with hir contrarie; and as they go, truth is euer con­streined to yeeld the precedence and preheminence to hir yokefellow falshood, Truth and falshood com­monlie concur & are opposite. whose lodging is alwaies first made and prepared without a harbenger in the corrupt nature of mankind, by whome she is first re­ceiued, interteined and harbored at all times: wher­of in our dailie experience there happen manie and dangerous demonstrations, especiallie in matters of the highest moment, tending to excuse or accuse the actions of the greatest personages.

There was of late deliuered in publike by per­sons of honour, credit, and reputation, a large decla­ration of certeine treasons practised by the late earle of Northumberland, An ingredi­ence into the historie of Northumber­land. of the maner of his vntimelie death, being with his owne hand murthered in the Tower, and of the causes that wrought him there­vnto. The particularities whereof are such and so ma­nie, as for the helpe of my memorie (comming then to the Starchamber by occasion, and not looking for anie such presence of the nobilitie and priuie coun­cell as I found there at that time, and not looking for anie such cause of that nature to haue béene handled there that daie) I tooke notes of the seuerall mat­ters [Page 1385] declared by the lord chancellor, maister attour­neie, and solicitor generall, the lord chiefe baron, and maister vicechamberlaine: for (as I remember) they spake in order as they are here marshalled, and there­fore I place them in this sort, and not according to their precedence in dignitie.

Upon the hearing of the treasons with their proofs and circumstances, and the desperat maner of the earles destruction deliuered in that place, and by persons of that qualitie, I supposed no man to line 10 haue beene so void of iudgement or the vse of com­mon reason, The maner of the earles ma­king awaie of himselfe not generallie be­loued. that would haue doubted of anie one point or particle thereof, vntill it was my chance (falling in companie with diuerse persons at sun­drie times, as well about the citie of London as a­broad) to heare manie men report variablie and cor­ruptlie of the maner and matter of this publike de­claration, possessing the minds and opinions of the people with manifest vntruths: as, that the earle had béene vniustlie deteined in prison without proofe or line 20 iust cause of suspicion of treason: and that he had beene murthered by deuise and practise of some great enimies, The cause whi [...] the col­lection of Northumberlands treasons and selfe-murther was pub­lished. and not destroied by himselfe. These slan­derous reports haue ministred vnto me this occasion to set forth vnto thy view and consideration (gentle reader) this short collection of the said treasons and murther, as neere vnto the truth as my notes taken may lead and permit me, with the view of some of the examinations them selues concerning this cause for my better satisfaction since obteined. Which I line 30 haue vndertaken for two respects: the one, to con­uince the false and malicious impressions and con­structions receiued and made of these actions, by such as are in heart enimies to the happie estate of hir maiesties present gouernement: the other, be­cause it may be thought necessarie for the preuenting of a further contagion like to grow (by this créeping infection) in the minds of such as are apt (though o­therwise indifferent) in these and the like rumors, to receiue the bad as the good, and they the most in number. Wherein if I haue séemed more bold than line 40 wise, or intermedled my selfe in matters aboue my reach, and not apperteining vnto me, I craue par­don where it is to be asked, and commit my selfe to thy friendlie interpretation to be made of my simple trauell and dutifull meaning herein.

Upon the three and twentith daie of Iune last, as­sembled in the court of Starchamber, Persons of honour and worship as­sembled in the Starcham­ber, in whose audience Northumberlands case was can­uassed. sir Thomas Bromleie knight lord chancellor of England, Wil­liam lord Burleigh lord treasuror of England, line 50 George earle of Shrewsburie lord marshall of Eng­land, Henrie earle of Derbie, Robert earle of Lei­cester, Charles lord Howard of Effingham lord chamberlaine, Henrie lord Hunsdon lord gouernor of Berwike, sir Francis Knollis knight treasuror, sir Iames Croft knight comptrollor of hir maie­sties houshold, sir Christopher Hatton knight vice-chamberlaine to the quéenes maiestie, the lord chiefe iustice of hir maiesties bench, the maister of the rolles, and the lord chiefe baron of the excheker, line 60 and others. The audience verie great of knights, esquiers, and men of other qualitie, the lord chan­cellor began briefelie and summarilie to declare, that whereas Henrie late earle of Northumberland, for diuerse notable treasons and practises by him taken in hand, to the danger not onelie of hir maiesties roiall person, but to the perill of the whole realme, had béene long deteined in prison, and looking into the guilt of his owne conscience, and perceiuing by such meanes of intelligence, as he by corrupting of his keepers and other like deuises had obteined, that his treasons were by sundrie examinations and con­fessions discouered, grew thereby into such a despe­rat estate, as that therevpon he had most wickedlie destroied & murthered himselfe. Which being made knowen to the lords of hir maiestees priuie councell, order was therevpon taken, and direction giuen to the lord chiefe iustice of England, the maister of the rolles, and the lord chiefe baron of the e [...]cheker, Examinants appointed for and about the manner of Northum­berlands selfe murther. to examine the maner and circumstances of his death, which they with all good indeuor and diligence had accordinglie performed. And least through the sini­ster meanes of such persons as be euill affected to the present estate of hir maiesties gouernement, some bad and vntrue conceipts might be had as well of the cause of the earles deteinement, as of the maner of his death: it was therefore thought necessarie to haue the truth thereof made knowen in that pre­sence: and then he required hir maiesties learned councell there present to deliuer at large the particu­larities both of the treasons, and in what sort the earle had murthered himselfe. Then began Iohn Popham esquier, hir maiesties attourneie generall, as fol­loweth.

The earle of Northumberland about the time of the last rebellion in the north, Maister at­turnie, name­ly Iohn Pop­ham discoue­reth the earles treasonable practises. in the eleuenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne (then called by the title of Henrie Persie knight) had vndertaken the con­ueieng awaie of the Scotish quéene: for the which (as appeareth by a record of the fourtéenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne) in the court of hir maiesties bench he was indicted, he confessed the offense, and put him­selfe to hir maiesties mercies. At which time, vpon his said confession, submission, and faithfull promise of his dutie and allegiance to hir highnesse from thenseforth, the quéenes maiestie of hir mercifull na­ture was pleased, not to looke into his offense with the extremitie of hir lawes; but dealt therein as by waie of contempt onelie, as may appeare by the re­cord: the effect whereof was then shewed in the court, vnder the hand of one of the clerkes of hir maiesties said bench, In haec verba.

An extract of the said record contei­ning the said earles indictment.

MEmorandum, Middlesex. that Henrie Persie late of Tinmouth in the countie of Nor­thumberland knight, was indicted in the terme of Easter, in the fourtéenth yéere of hir maiesties reigne, for that hée with diuers o­thers did conspire for the deliuering of the quéene of Scots out of the custodie of the erle of Shrewsbu­rie. Upon which indictment the same Henrie Persie did confesse the offense, The erle con­fesseth his of­fense, and is put to 5000 marks fine. and did put himselfe to the quéenes mercie: and therevpon iudgement was after giuen by the court, that the said Henrie should paie to the queene for a fine for his said offense, fiue thousand marks, as appeareth by the record thereof in court.

Per Micha. 14. & 15. Elisabethae reginae, rotulo quinto inter placista reginae. Con­cordat cum recordo. Per Io. Iue.

By this record it maie appeare that the earle had his hand in that rebellion. But for a further proofe thereof, it is most manifestlie discouered in a cer­teine tract written by the bishop of Rosse (wherein he sheweth how faithfullie he behaued himselfe in the managing of those treasons, The earle a dealer in re­bellion as his brother (ther­fore executed) was. at and about the time of that rebellion) that the said earle was in ef­fect as farre plunged into the same, as the late earle his brother, howsoeuer he woond himselfe out of the danger thereof at that time. Notwithstanding these traitorous practises, the queenes maiestie was con­tented to remit all within a short time, and then ac­cepted [Page 1406] most gratiouslie of him both in honor and fa­uor, though vnworthilie bestowed vpon him, for that he vtterlie forgetting those graces and fauors recei­ued at hir maiesties mercifull hands, with a grace­lesse resolution was contented to enter into a new plot now latelie contriued, not onelie for the deli­uering of the Scotish queene, but for the inuading of the whole realme, A summe of the traitorous purposes whereinto the earle was en­tered with a gracelesse re­solution. the ouerthrow of the gouern­ment, aswell concerning the state of religion, as o­therwise, the danger of hir maiesties sacred per­son, and aduancing of the said Scotish quéene to the line 10 regall crowne and scepter of this realme, wherevn­to hir maiestie is lineallie and lawfullie borne and descended, and wherein God of his mercie conti­nue hir long in happie state of gouernement, to the increase of hir owne glorie, and the comfort of hir louing and obedient subiects.

Then did maister Atturneie enter into the parti­cularities of the treasons, leauing manie parts thereof vntouched, because the case stood so as it was not then conuenient to reueale them (as he said) in line 20 respect that they touched some other persons vndealt withall at that time, shewing that Throckemortons treasons were not old, but fresh in euerie mans me­morie, and how far foorth they reached vnto the earle, he declared. The treasons of Throck­morton com­municable. with the earle. And for that the treasons of Throcke­morton tended especiallie to the inuading of the realme with forren forces, the purpose of that in­uasion long before intended, is prooued by sundrie examinations and confessions taken héere within the realme, aswell of hir maiestes owne subiects as line 30 others, by letters intercepted, written from and to the conspirators abroad and at home, and by other good aduertisements and intelligences had from forren parts discouering the same. He declared that in a letter written from doctor Sanders to doctor Allen out of Spaine, in the yeare 1577, it is set downe among other things, that the state of Chris­tendome stood vpon the stout assailing of England.

That in a letter sent to the said Allen from Rome, touching audience giuen by the pope to the ambas­sadors line 40 of certeine forren princes, betwéene the pope & whom a league was agréed on against the quéenes maiestie, there were inclosed certeine articles con­teining in effect, An inuasion of this land by twentie thou­sand men con­cluded vpon. that the realme should be inuaded with twentie thousand men at the charge of the said pope and princes, that hir maiestie should be depo­sed, and some English catholike elected king. That it was confessed that the comming ouer of so ma­nie priests into the realme, was to win great num­bers line 50 to the catholike partie, to ioine (if opportunitie serued) either with forren inuasion, or with tumult at home. That at Narbonne in Prouince, there was met an Englishman, being the head preacher there, who gaue intelligence to one of hir maiesties subiects, that the realme should shortlie be inuaded by a forren king, and the popish religion restored: and said further, that priests came into England and dispersed themselues in countries, to make their partie strong. A message was sent in Nouember line 60 1581, to doctor Allen from a subiect of this realme, by a seminarie priest then returning beyond the seas: that whereas he had receiued word from Al­len at Alhallontide before, that men and all things were in a readinesse, if the place of landing might be knowne: that Allen should forthwith send word whether things were in such readinesse or not: and if they were, he would then send him such perfect in­structions as he could. Paine with all of his ac­curssed stampe shall (I hope in God) be found false prophets. One Paine executed for treason, confessed that this realme could not conti­nue in the state wherein it was, for that the pope had a speciall care thereof, and would in short time either by forren princes, or by some other meanes worke a change of things here.

From hense, maister Atturneie fell into the treasons confessed by Francis Throckemorton, shewing that the state of this realme had béene of­ten presented to the consideration of a forren prince, who after long hearkening to the motion, had resol­ued to yéeld what furtherance he might, and to giue all aids necessarie for the reforming of religion, so they might be backed by such as were well affected within this countrie. That the duke of Guise had solicited for two yeares together the pope and other princes, to supplie him with forces: but being cros­sed by the death of a great personage, it was now growne to this passe, if there could be a partie found in England to ioine in that action, and conuenient places and meanes for landing, and other things necessarie, there should be a supplie for Guise of for­ren strength. Francis Throckemorton was recom­mended from beyond the sea to Don Barnardino de Mendoza, Francis Throckmor­morton re­commended to Don Barnar­dino de Men­doza & made acquainted with that which cost him his life. ambassador resident for the Spanish king here in England, who acquainted Throcke­morton what plot was laid for the enterprise of the duke of Guise, and that he was willed to conferre with Throckemorton in the matter, who therevpon acquainted the said ambassador with the plot of the hauens, and with the noble men and gentlemen that he had set downe as fit to be dealt withall in that cause. Throckemorton said, that the bottome of this enterprise (which was not to be knowne to manie) was, that if a toleration of religion might not be obteined without alteration of the gouerne­ment, that then the gouernment should be altered, & the quéene remoued. That the Scotish quéene was made acquainted from the duke of Guise with the intention to relieue hir by these forces.

It was in debate betweene Throckemorton and the Spanish ambassador, Francis Throckmor­tons owne confessions doo con [...]rme the repor [...] of these practises, see pa. 1374, 1375. how the Scotish quéene might be deliuered, as by an enterprise to be made with a certeine number of horsses: and it was told Francis Throckemorton by his brother Thomas Throckemorton, that it was a principall matter in debate beyond the seas, how she might be deliuered with safetie: the lacke of resolution wherin, was the principall staie of the execution of the attempt of inuasion. Mendoza told Francis Throckemorton about Bartholomewtide 1583, that one Mope was come into England to sound the earle of Nor­thumberland, and other principall men in Sussex: and about the end of September following, the same Mendoza told him, that Mope was Charles Paget, and that he came not onelie to sound the men, but to view the places, the hauens, the prouisi­ons and meanes, and néerenesse and commoditie of mens abidings that should ioine with the forren forces. It was deuised, that such noble men and o­thers, as would be contented to assist the forren for­ces (being iustices of peace & of credit in their coun­tries) might by colour of their authoritie leuie men as for hir maiesties defense, and yet emploie them to assist the forren forces. The lord Paget was made acquainted with this deuise, and answered, that it was a good course, and that he had thought vpon it before. Mendoza told Throckemorton, that Charles Paget had béene in Sussex, and had spoken with those that were there, Francis Throckmor­ton desireth the lord Pa­get not to make the earle priuie to the consultations of them two. and that he came to moue the earle of Northumberland and others. The night before Throckemorton was apprehended, he came to the lord Paget, and desired him that he would not acquaint the earle of Northumberland and certeine others (whome he named) with such matters as had passed betwéene them two, touching the practise of this inuasion: and the lord Paget wil­led him to deale as wiselie for his part as he would doo for himselfe, and all should be well: but (quoth the lord Paget) the earle of Northumberland [Page 1407] knoweth you well enough. It was once agreed a­mong the confederats, that the duke of Guise should land in Sussex, being ouer against Déepe and Nor­mandie: which after was misliked, because those parts laie too néere to hir maiesties greatest force and store, and that the people thereabout for the most part were protestants.

Maister attourneie shewed further, that in sum­mer last, there was taken vpon the seas, sailing towards Scotland, a Scotish Iesuit, about whome line 10 there was found a discourse written in Italian of a like enterprise to be attempted against England, which should haue beene executed in September or October then last past: wherein assurance is made that the earles of Northumberland and Westmer­land, Dacres that is dead, whom they termed lord Dacres, In the North parts should the purposed inuasion of this land haue beene made. and of all the catholike lords and gentle­men in the north parts (where the inuasion should haue béene attempted) setting it downe, that it is not said by coniecture that these men are assured, line 20 but that it is certeinlie knowne that they will ioine with the forren forces. In the said discourse it is al­so affirmed that the priests dispersed in the realme, can dispose of the other catholikes of the realme, as they shall be ordered: and that the popes excommu­nication should be renewed and pronounced against hir maiestie, and all those that shall take hir part: and that all such should be holden traitors that did not ioine with that armie by a daie.

When maister attourneie had thus prooued the line 30 purpose of inuasion, Charles Pa­gets comming ouer about the prosecution & practise of the [...] enter­prise [...]. he procéeded to the proofe of Charles Pagets comming ouer about the practise and prosecution of that enterprise. And first, that Paget came to Petworth in September 1583, was secretlie receiued, and brought in the night la [...]e to the earle of Northumberland into his gallerie at Petworth, by one of the earles seruants: where the earle and he had secret conference together by the space of a large houre: from thense Paget was likewise conueied backe into the towne by the same line 40 seruant, and there lodged all that night, and the next night following was conueied secretlie to a [...].

[...]

And for better proofe thereof, it was alleaged by master attorneie, that Charles Paget returning from Petworth to the house of one William Da­uies, néere to the place where Paget had landed in Sussex, William [...] an actor in this purposed [...], & what consultations passed be­tweene him and Charles Paget. and tooke shipping againe at his departure beyond the seas, sent to William Shelleie esquire, residing then at his house at Michelgroue, distant a­bout a mile from the house of William Dauies, to come vnto him (who within few daies before had béene at the lodge at Petworth with the said Pa­get) and now at their méeting in a coppice néere to Dauies house, Paget entred into speech and dis­course with him of diuers matters, and at the last among other things, he began to be inquisitiue of the strength and fortification of Portesmouth, and what forces and strength hir maiestie had in the o­ther parts westward.

Paget brake out and declared vnto him that for­raine princes would séeke reuenge against hir ma­iestie of the wrongs by hir doone vnto them, & would take such time and opportunitie as might best serue them for that purpose, and said that those princes dis­deined to see the Scotish queene so kept & vsed here as she was, and would vse all their forces for hir de­liuerie: that the duke of Guise would be a dealer therin, [...] and that the earle of Northumberland would be an assistant vnto them, willing Shelleie whatso­euer should happen, to follow the earle of Northum­berland, affirming that there was not a noble man in England of conduct and gouernment like to the said earle; saieng further, that the earle of Northum­berland was affected to the Scotish quéene, & would do what he could for hir aduancement: that the duke of Guise had forces in a readinesse to be emploied for the altering of the state of religion here in Eng­land, and to set the forenamed Scotish queene at li­bertie.

[...]

[...]

[...] [Page 1408] awaie the lord Paget, grew vpon the apprehension of Throckmorton, who being committed to the To­wer, and charged with high matters, was in case to be delt withall by waie of extremitie to be made to confesse the treasons charged vpon him; in reuealing whereof, Charles Pagets comming to Petworth, and the cause of his repaire thither could not be con­celed. No man at this time within the realme could accuse the earle of these confederacies, but the lord Paget onlie, who stood in danger to be discouered by Francis Throckmorton: the safetie therefore of the line 10 earle rested altogither vpon the lord Pagets depar­ting out of the realme. This was a shift but yet succourlesse, as appeareth by the sequele. Which was procured by the earle with so great expedition, as that Throckmor­ton being cōmitted to the Tower about the seuenth daie of Nouember 1583, the earle made meanes the twelfe daie to haue the lord Paget prouided of shipping in all hast by William Shelleie, wherin the earle vsed such importunat intreatie, & sent so often to hasten the preparation of the ship, that the same was prouided, and the lord Paget imbarked by the line 20 14. of the same moneth following, or thereabout.

The departure of the lord Paget soone after dis­couered, and how, and by whom he was conueied a­waie: hir maiestie vpon good cause taking offense thereat, the earle being then at London had notice thereof, and of the confessions of Throckmorton (who began to discouer the treasons) came presentlie down to Petworth, sent immediatlie for William Shelleie, who comming to him to Petworth the next morning about dinner time, met the earle in a di­ning line 30 parlour readie to go to his dinner. The earle tooke Shelleie aside into a chamber, The earle and Shelleie con­ferre, and as men dismaied for the discoue­rie of their dealings are extreame pen­life. and as a man greatlie distracted and troubled in mind, entred into these speeches: Alas I am a man cast awaie! And Shelleie demanding what he ment by those spéeches, the earle answered: The actions I haue entred in­to, I feare will be my vtter vndooing, and thervpon desired Shelleie to kéepe his counsell, and to discouer no more of him than he must néeds. The earle more­ouer at this méeting intreated William Shelleie to line 40 conueie away all such as he knew to haue béene em­ploied and were priuie of the lord Pagets going a­waie, and of Charles Pagets comming ouer, which was accordinglie performed by Shelleie: and the earle for his part conueied awaie a principall man of his own, whom he had often vsed in messages in­to France, and had béene of trust appointed by the earle, to attend on Charles Paget, all the time of his staie at Connigar lodge.

Maister solicitor pursuing the matters that made line 50 the earles practises and deuises for the concealing of his treasons manifest, declared further: that after the earle and Shelleie had obteined some libertie in the Tower after their first restreint: the earle found meanes to haue intelligence with Shelleie, & was aduertised from him of all that he had confessed in his first examinations, taken before they were last restreined: since which time, the earle by corrup­ting of his kéeper hath practised to haue continuall aduertisements as before, What deser­ued the kéeper that would be corrupted by an offendor so malicious? as well of things doone within the Tower as abroad: in so much as by his said keeper he had sent and conueied twelue seuerall letters out of the Tower within the space of nine or ten wéekes, and one of those on sundaie the twen­tith daie of Iune in the morning, when he murthered himselfe the night following.

By the same corruption of his kéepers he sent also a message to William Shelleie by a maidser­uant in the Tower, The earle and Shelleie com­municat their minds by mes­sage. by the which he required him to stand to his first confessions, and to go no further; for so it would be best for him, and he should keepe him­selfe out of danger. Wherevnto Shelleie returned answer by the same messenger, that he could hold out no longer, that he had concealed the matters as long as he could, and willed the earle to consider that there was a great difference betwéene the earles e­state and his: for that the earle in respect of his no­bilitie was not in danger to be dealt withall in such sort as he the said Shelleie was like to be, being but a priuat gentleman, and therefore to be vsed with all extremitie to be made confesse the truth: wherefore he aduised the earle to deale plainlie, and to remem­ber what spéeches had passed at his house at Pet­worth, when Charles Paget came last thither.

Iames Price by the same corruption of the earls kéeper came to William Shelleie on the fridaie or saturdaie before Trinitie sundaie last, Iames Price a messenger to and fro be­twéene the earle & Shel­leie. and told him that the erle was verie desirous to vnderstand how farre he had gone in his confessions: and at Prices instance, Shelleie did set downe in writing the effect of the said confessions, and sent the same to the said earle: who vpon the sight therof, perceiuing the trea­sons reuealed and discouered, and knowing thereby how heinous his offenses were, fearing the iustice and seueritie of the lawes, and so the ruine and ouer­throw of his house, fell into desperation, & so to the destruction of himselfe. For confirmation whereof, it was confessed by one Iaques Pantins, a groome of the earles chamber, who had attended on the earle in the Tower by the space of ten wéeks before his death, that he had heard the earle often saie, that maister Shelleie was no faithfull fréend vnto him, and that he had confessed such things as were suffi­cient to ouerthrow them both: that he was vndoone by Shelleies accusations, affirming that the earle be­gan to despaire of himselfe, The earle b [...] ­commeth de­sperat and forceth not to destroie him­selfe. often with teares la­menting his cause, which the earle said to proceed on­lie of the remembrance of his wife and children, sai­eng further, that such matters were laid vnto his charge, that he expected no fauour, but to be brought to his triall, and then he was but a lost man: repea­ting often that Shelleie had vndoone him, and still mistrusting his cause, wished for death.

Herewith maister solicitor concluded, Sir Roger Manwood describeth the maner how the earle mur­thered himself. and then sir Roger Manwood knight, lord chiefe baron of hir maiesties excheker, entered into the description of the earles death, and in what sort he had murthered himselfe: shewing first how the same had beene found by a verie substantiall iurie chosen among the best commoners of the citie, impanelled by the coroner vpon the view of the bodie, and diligent in­quirie by all due meanes had according to the law, and declared, that vpon the discouerie of the intel­ligence conueied betweene the earle and Shelleie, it was thought necessarie for the benefit of hir maie­sties seruice, by such of hir highnesse most honoura­ble priuie councell, as were appointed commissio­ners to examine the course of these treasons, that Iaques Pantins attending vpon the earle, and the earles corrupt kéepers should be remooued.

Wherevpon Thomas Bailiffe gentleman, sent to attend on the earle of Northumberland, Thomas Bailiffe the one & twentith of Iune 1585. deposed. vpon the remoouing of Palmer and Iaques Pantins from about the said earle (who from the beginning of his last restreint attended on him) for the reasons last­lie before mentioned, was by the lieutenant of the Tower on the sunday about two of the clocke in the after noone (being the twentith of Iune) shut vp with the earle, as appointed to remaine with him, and serue him in the prison for a time, vntill Palmer, Palmer, Pantins and Price com­mitted close prisoners. Pantins, and This Price is supposed to be mistaken for Edward Brice. Price, then committed close priso­ners, might be examined, how the earle came by such intelligences as were discouered to haue passed betwéene the earle and Shelleie, and betweene the earle and others. Bailiffe serued the earle at his sup­per, brought him to his bed about nine of the clocke, and after some seruices doone by the earles com­mandement, [Page 1409] departed from the earle to an vtter chamber, where he laie part of that night: and being come into his chamber, the earle rose out of his bed and came to his chamber doore, and bolted the same vnto him in the inner side, O desperat dissimulation! saieng to Bailiffe, he could not sleepe vnlesse his doore were fast.

About twelue of the clocke at midnight, Bailiffe being in a slumber, heard a great noise, séeming vnto him to be the falling of some doore, or rather a péece of the house: the noise was so sudden and so line 10 great, that he started out of his bed, and crieng vn­to the earle with a lowd voice, said: My lord, know you what this is? The earle not answering, Bailiffe cried and knocked still at the earles doore, saieng, My lord, how doo you? But finding that the earle made no answer, He could not answer hauing discharged the dag into his bodie. continued his crieng and calling, vntill an old man that laie without, spake vnto him, saieng, Gentleman, shall I call the watch, séeing he will not speake? Yea (quoth Bailiffe) for Gods sake. Then did the old man rise, & called one of the watch, whome Bailiffe intreated with all possible spéed to line 20 call maister lieutenant vnto him. In the meane time Bailiffe heard the earle giue a long and most grée­uous grone, and after that, gaue a second grone: and then the lieutenant (being come) called vnto the earle, who not answering, Bailiffe cried vnto the lieutenant to breake open the earles chamber doore bolted vnto him in the inner side, which was doone, and then they found the earle dead in his bed, and by his bed side a dag, wherewith he had killed him­selfe. line 30

Sir Owen Hopton knight, lieute­nant of the Tower, 1585.Sir Owen Hopton knight, examined vpon his oth, affirmed that on sundaie last at night, lesse than a quarter of an houre before one of the clocke after midnight, he was called vp by the watch to come to the earle of Northumberland, who had béene called vnto by maister Bailiffe his kéeper, and would not speake as the watch told him. Wherevpon the said sir Owen went presentlie to the earles lodging, ope­ned the vtter doores, till he came vnto the chamber where maister Bailiffe laie, which was next to the line 40 earles bedchamber. Bailiffe said to this examinat as he came in, that he was wakened with a noise as it were of a doore or some great thing falling, & that he had called on the earle, and could haue no answer. And this examinat going to the earls chamber doore, finding the same bolted fast on the other side within the earles lodging, so as he could not go into the earle, this examinat called on the earle, telling him the lieutenant was there, and praied his lordship to open the doore. line 50

The warders with their halbe [...]ds wrest and wring at the earles chamber doore.But this examinat hauing no answer made vn­to him, and finding the doore fast bolted in the inner side of the earles chamber with a strong iron bolt, so as they could not enter into the same out of the lod­ging where the said Bailiffe laie, without breaking vp the chamber doore, caused the warders which were with this examinat, to thrust in their halberds, and to wrest the doore thereby, as much as they could, and withall to run at the doore with their féet, & with violence to thrust it open, which they did according­lie. line 60 And when this examinat came into the chamber, in turning vp the shéets, The place of the bodie where the earle had wounded him­selfe. he perceiued them to be bloudied: and then searching further, found the wound, which was verie néere the pap, not think­ing at the first sight, but that it had béene doone with a knife.

This examinat went therevpon presentlie to write to the court, and tooke the warders into the vt­ter chamber, & left them there vntill he returned, bol­ting the doore of the earles bedchamber on the out­side. And as soone as this examinat returned from writing of his letter to the court, The dag found in the floore, and the box and pellets in the bed. he searched about the chamber, and found the dag in the floore, about thrée foot from the bed, néere vnto a table that had a gréene cloth on it, which did somewhat shadow the dag: and after, turning downe the bed cloths, found the box in the which the powder and pellets were, on the bed vnder the couerlet; and saith, that the cham­ber where the earle laie, hath no other doore but that one doore which was broken open as aforesaid, saue one doore that went into a priuie, which hath no maner of passage out of it: and that the earles lod­ging chamber, and the entering to the priuie, This is a manifest proofe and full of suf­ficient credit, that none could come at him to doo him violence. are both walled round about with a stone wall, and a bricke wall, and that there is no doore or passage out of or from the said earles bedchamber or priuie, but that onelie doore which was broken open by the ap­pointment of this examinat. The warders that were with this examinat at the entrie into the pri­son, and the breaking vp of the earles chamber doore, and the dooing of the other things aforesaid, were Michaell Sibleie, Anthonie Dauies, William Ri­land, and Iohn Potter, and one Iohn Pinner this examinats seruant was there also.

For the proofe and confirmation of the seuerall parts and points of this deposition, Sibleie, Dauies, Deponents Viua voce, con­firming the lieutenants deposition vp­on his exami­nation. Riland, Potter and Pinner were deposed, and they Viua voce affirmed so much thereof to be true, as was reported by the examination of the lieutenant, concerning the comming of the lieutenant vnto the earles chamber, the breaking vp of the doore being bolted with a strong bolt on the inner side, the fin­ding of the earle dead vpon his bed, the dag lieng on the ground, the powder and pellets in a box on the bed vnder the couerlet, with the rest of the circum­stances therevnto apperteining. They affirmed also, that there was but one doore in the earles chamber, sauing the doore of the priuie, which togither with the chamber was stronglie walled about with stone and bricke: and further (as I remember) the lord chiefe baron confirmed the same, hauing viewed the cham­ber himselfe where the earle lodged, and was found dead.

Iaques Pantins in his examination of the one and twentith of Iune confesseth, that Iames Price deliuered the dag to the earle his maister in this ex­aminats presence: wherevpon he presentlie suspec­ted that the earle meant mischiefe to himselfe, and therefore did his indeuour to persuade the earle to send awaie the dag, and told the earle that he knew not how the diuell might tempt his lordship, & that the diuell was great; but could by no meanes pre­uaile with the earle in that behalfe: and saith more­ouer, that the earle required him to hide the dag, and he therevpon hanged the same on a naile within the chimneie in the earles bedchamber, where the earle thinking the same not to be sufficientlie safe in that place, it was by the earles appointment taken from thense, and put into a slit in the side of a mattresse that laie vnder the earles bed, néere to the beds head, and that the same sundaie morning that the earle murthered himselfe at night, he saw the dag lieng vnder the earles beds head. The dag was bought not manie daies before of one Adrian Mulan a dag­maker, Of whom the dag was bought. dwelling in east Smithfield, as by the said Mulan was testified Viua voce vpon his oth, in the o­pen court, at the time of the publike declaration made of these matters in the Starchamber.

All these particularities considered, with the de­positions and proofs of the witnesse concerning the earles death; first, how he came by the dag; second­lie, how long he had kept the same, and in what se­cret maner; thirdlie, the earles bolting of his cham­ber dore in the inside; fourthlie, the blow of the dag; fiftlie, the breaking vp of the earles chamber doore by the lieutenant of the Tower; and lastlie, the fin­ding of the earle dead as aforesaid: what is he so [Page 1410] simple that will thinke or imagine, or so impudent and malicious that will auouch and report, that the earle of Northumberland should haue béene mur­thered of purpose, by practise or deuise of anie per­son, affecting his destruction in that manner? If men consider the inconuenience happened thereby, as well in matter of state, as commoditie to the quéenes maiestie, lost by the preuention of his triall, who can in reason coniecture the earle to haue béene murthered of policie or set purpose, as the euill af­fected line 10 séeme to conceiue?

If the earle had liued to haue receiued the cen­sure of the law for his offenses, all lewd and friuo­lous obiections had then béene answered, and all his goods, cattels and lands by his atteindor had come vnto hir maiestie, and the honour and state of his house and posteritie vtterlie ouerthrowne: The princi­pall cause that made the earle laie hands vp­on himselfe. the con­sideration and feare whereof appeareth without all doubt to haue béene the principall and onelie cause that made him laie violent hands vpon himselfe. If line 20 obiections be made, that to murther him in that sort might be a satisfaction to his enimies, who could be pacified by no meanes but with his bloud: that sée­meth to be as improbable, for that it is commonlie discerned in the corrupt nature of man, that when we are possessed with so profound a hatred, as to seeke the death of our enimie, we imagine and wish his destruction to be had with the greatest shame and infamie that can be deuised: thinke you not then, that if the earle of Northumberland had anie line 30 such enimie that knew the danger wherein he stood, and that his triall and conuiction by law would draw vpon him the losse of his life, lands and goods, fame, honor, and the vtter subuersion of his house, would be so kindharted vnto him, as to helpe to take awaie his life onelie, & saue him all the rest? I sup­pose there is no man of iudgement will beléeue it.

But to returne to the maner of the earles death. It was declared by the lord Hunsdon, and the lord chiefe baron, The lord of Hunsdon de­clareth how the dag was more than or­dinarilie char­ged: and how the earle dis­patched him selfe. that the dag wherewith the earle mur­thered line 40 himselfe, was charged with thrée bullets, and so of necessitie with more than an ordinarie charge of powder, to force that weight of bullets to worke their effect. The earle lieng vpon his backe on the left side of his bed, tooke the dag charged in his left hand (by all likelihood) laid the mouth of the dag vp­on his left pap (hauing first put aside his wastecote) and his shirt being onelie betwéene the dag and his bodie (which was burnt awaie the breadth of a large hand) discharged the same, wherewith was made line 50 a large wound in his said pap, his heart pearsed and torne in diuerse lobes or péeces, thrée of his ribs broken, the chinebone of his backe cut almost in sunder, and vnder the point of the shoulder blade on the right side within the skin, the thrée bullets were found by the lord Hunsdon, Thrée bullets found vnder the point of the earls shoulder blade. which he caused the sur­gion in his presence to cut out, lieng all three close togither within the breadth and compasse of an inch or thereabout: the bullets were shewed by his lord­ship at the time of the publication made in the court at the Starchamber. line 60

And whereas it hath béene slanderouslie giuen out to the aduantage of the earle, as the reporters suppose, A slanderous report of the quéenes eni­mies and the earles fauou­rers answered. that he was imprisoned & kept in so streict, narrow and close roome, with such penurie of aire and breath, that thereby he grew sickelie and wea­rie of his life, and that to haue béene the cause chief­lie why he murthered himselfe; if it were so that he died by the violence of his owne hand which they hardlie beléeue. To answer that péeuish and sense­lesse slander, there was much spoken by the lord chiefe baron, who had viewed and caused verie ex­actlie to be measured the chambers and roomes with­in the prison where the earle laie, being part of hir maiesties owne lodging in the Tower. The particu­lar length and breadth of the said chambers & rooms, and the qualitie of the lights and windows, expres­sed by the said lord chiefe baron, I can not repeat: but well I doo remember it was declared, that all the daie time, the earle had the libertie of fiue large chambers, The earle wanted no prospects for pleasure nor walks of con­uenient liber­tie. and two long entries within the vtter doore of his prison: thrée of which chambers, and one of the entries laie vpon two faire gardens within the Tower wall, and vpon the Tower wharfe, with a pleasant prospect to the Thames, and to the coun­trie, more than fiue miles beyond. The windowes were of a verie large proportion, yéelding so much aire and light, as more cannot be desired in anie house. Note therefore how maliciouslie those that fauour traitors and treasons, can deliuer out these and the like slanderous spéeches, to the dishonor of hir maiestie, noting hir councellors and ministers with inhumanitie and vncharitable seueritie, con­trarie to all truth and honestie.

When the lord chiefe baron had finished this dis­course of the manner of the earles death, Sir Christo­pher Hatton reuealeth to the court and auditorie the gratious dea­ling of hir ma­ies [...]ie with the said earle, no such fauour deseruing. with the circumstances, and had satisfied the court and audi­torie concerning the qualitie of the prison where the earle had remained, sir Christopher Hatton knight hir maiesties vicechamberlaine, who (as it séemed) had béene speciallie imploied by hir maiestie among others of hir priuie councell in the looking into and examining of the treasons aforesaid, aswell in the person of the earle as of others, and at the time of the earles commitment from his house in S. Mar­tins to the Tower of London, sent vnto him from hir maiestie to put the earle in mind of hir maiesties manifold graces and fauors in former times confer­red vpon him, procéeding from the spring of hir ma­iesties princelie and bountifull nature, and not of his deseruings, and to aduise him to deliuer the truth of the matters so cléerelie appearing against him, either by his letters priuatlie to hir maiestie, or by spéech to maister vicechamberlaine, who signi­fied also vnto him, that if he would determine to take that course, he should not onlie not be commit­ted to the Tower, but should find grace & fauor at hir maiesties hands, in the mitigation of such punish­ment as the law might laie vpon him.

And here M. vicechamberlaine repeated at length the effect of hir maiesties message at that time sent to the earle, begining first with the remembrance of his practise vndertaken for the conueieng awaie of the Scotish quéene about the time of the last rebel­lion (as hath béene declared in the beginning of this tract) and that he confessing the offense being capitall, hir maiestie neuerthelesse was pleased to alter the course of his triall by the iustice of hir lawes, The quéenes maiestie miti­gateth the pu­nishmēt which the law would haue awarded against the earle. and suffered the same to receiue a slight and easie punishment by waie of mulct or fine of fiue thousand marks, whereof before this his imprison­ment (as it is crediblie reported) there was not one penie paid, or his land touched with anie extent for the paiment thereof, which offense was by hir ma­iestie not onelie most gratiouslie forgiuen, but also most christianlie forgotten, receiuing him not long after to the place of honor that his ancestours had inioied for manie yeares before him, and gaue him such entrance into hir princelie fauour and good opi­nion, that no man of his qualitie receiued greater countenance and comfort at hir maiesties hands than he; insomuch that in all exercises of recreation, The quéenes maiesties na­ture is to loue hir enimies, O that they could change their nature, and loue hir highnesse a­gaine! vsed by hir maiestie, the earle was alwaies called to be one: and whensoeuer hir maiestie shewed hir selfe abroad in publike, she gaue to him the honor of the best and highest seruices about hir person, more often than to all the noble men of the court.

But the remembrance of these most gratious and [Page 1411] more than extraordinarie fauours and benefits re­ceiued, nor the hope giuen vnto him by maister vice­chamberlaine of hir maiesties disposition of mercie towards him, nor the consideration of the depth and weight of his treasons against hir maiestie, hir estate, hir crowne and dignitie, with the danger thereby like to fall vpon him by the course of hir highnes lawes, to the vtter ruine and subuersion of him and his house (standing now at hir maiesties mercie) could once mooue his heart to that naturall line 10 and dutifull care of hir maiesties safetie that he ought to haue borne towards hir, and she most wor­thilie had merited at his hands, or anie remorse or compassion of himselfe and his posteritie: but re­sting vpon termes of his innocencie, The earle standeth vpon termes of his innocencie, all the world sée­ing the cause to contrarie. hauing (as you maie perceiue) conueied awaie all those that he thought could or would anie waie accuse him, he made choise rather to go to the Tower, abide the ha­zard of hir maiesties high indignation, and the ex­tremitie of the law for his offenses. line 20

All which was a notable augur of his fall, and that God by his iust iudgement had for his sinnes and ingratitude taken from him his spirit of grace, and deliuered him ouer to the enimie of his soule, who brought him to that most dreadfull & horrible end, wherevnto he is come: To this pe­tition let all true harted Englishmen saie, Amen. from the which, God of his mercie defend all christian people, and preserue the quéenes maiestie from the treasons of hir subiects, that she maie liue in all happinesse, to sée the ruine of hir enimies abroad and at home, and that she, and line 30 we hir true and louing subiects, maie be alwaies thankfull to God for all his blessings bestowed vp­on vs by hir, the onlie mainteiner of his holie gos­pell among vs.

The arriuall and intertein­ment of the de­puties for the estates of the low countries.On the six & twentith of Iune arriued at London deputies for the estates of the netherlands, or low countries, who were lodged about the Tower stréet, & had their diet for the time of their abode here, ve­rie worshipfullie appointed (all at the charges of hir maiestie) in the Clothworkers hall in Minchenlane, line 40 néere to the said Tower stréet. These on the nine & twentith of Iune, being the feast of the apostles Pe­ter & Paule repaired to the court, then at Gréene­wich, where by vertue of their commissions from the vnited countries, they presented to hir maiestie the souereingtie of those countries, to wit of Bra­bant, but the commission (for the siege) of Antuerpe not full authorised, of Guelder, of Flanders, of Hol­land, The names of the said depu­ties for the estates. of Zeland, of Utrecht, and of Friseland. For Brabant, Iaques de Grise great bailie of Brid­ges line 50 councellour of the Franks. For Guelerr, Rut­ger of Barsold, gentleman. For Flanders, Noell de Garsie lord of Schonewalle. For Holland, Iohn Wanderdoest, lord of Nortwicke, Iosse de Menin pensionarie of Dordreght, Iohn of old Barneuelt pensionarie of Rotradame, and D. Francis Maolso. For Zeland, Iacob Dales councellor and pensionarie of Tergoest. For Utrecht, Paulus Buis doctor of the lawes. For Friseland, I. Fritz­ma, line 60 gentleman: H. Ansona president of Friseland: and Lads Iangema, gentleman. All these falling on their knées tofore hir maiestie, and so remaining for a long space, one of them, to wit, Iosse de Menin councellor and pensionarie of Dordreght, one of the commissioners for Holland, made to hir maiestie this oration in French as followeth.

The said deputies oration in French to hir maiestie at Greenwich.

MAdame, les estats des prouinces vnies des pais bas, remercient treshumble­ment vostre maiesté de la bonné affecti­on & faueur, quel à pleu de monstrer au­dits pais en leur necessites, & confermer per tant de tesmoignaiges euidens; & encores dernierement, quand apres l'execrable assasmat comme en la per­sonne de feu monsir le prince d'Orenges, il à pleu a vostre maiesté faire entendre audits estats per son ambassadeur le sire Dauison, le soing qu'icelle auoit a nostre defense & obseruation, & aussy par le sire de Grise, le grand desplaisir que vostre maiesté auoit conceu, de voir l'esdits estats frustres de l'esperance quelle auoient fondeé sur le traicte de France. Mais que le soin que vostre maiesté a tousiours en de no­stre bien & conseruation n'estoit pour cela en rien diminué, aine quel s'augmentoit, plustost a mesure quella necessité de nos affaires le requiert, dont le­dits pais en general, & chacun d'eulx en particulier demeurerent perpetuellement tresobliges a vostre maiesté, pour le recognoistre auec tout fidelité & o­beisance.

Et comme ledits estats considerent Madame, que depues le deces endit sire prince d'Orenges, ils out faict perte de plusieurs de leurs places & bonne vil­les; & que pour la conseruation desdits pais il leur est besoing d'vng prince & sire souuerain, qui les puisse garentir & defendre contre la tyranné & inique o­pression des Espaignols & leurs adherēs, qui s'effor­cent de plus en plus par leurs sinistres armes & tous aultres moyens, de destruire & ruiner lesdits pais, de fonds en comble & reduire ce pouure peuple en vne seruitude perpetuellé, pire que des Indiēs souls l'in­suportable ioug de la detestable inquisition d'Es­paigne. Considerans aussy que les corps des villes & communaultes desdits pais ont vne fermé afience, que vostre maiesté ne les vouldra veoir perir au gre de leurs ennemys, qui leur font ceste lōgue & cruelle guerre, a toute oultrance laquelle les estats desdits pais bas (ensuiuant leur deuoir & obligation quels ont a leurs bourgois & ycitogens) ont estes con­traincts de soustenir, repoulser, & destourner, pour la tyranné & seruitude manifest qu'on taschat d'intro­duire & imposer au pouure peuple, & pour conser­uer leur liberté, droits, priuileges, & franchises, auec l'exercise de la vray religion chrestienné, dont vo­stre maiesté porte a bon droit le tiltre de protectrice & defenderesse, contre laquelle lesdits ennemys & leurs associes, ont & faict tant de ligues, dresse tant de cauteleuzes, embushes, & trahisons, & ne cessent encore tout les iours de praticquer & machiner con­tre la personne de vostre maiesté, & au preiudice du reque & transquillite de ses royaulmes & estats, la­quelle le bon Dieu a preserue iusques a present, pour le bien de la chrestienté, & sustentation de ses eglises.

Sy est ce Madame, que pour ces causes, & raisons, & aultres bonnes considerations, lesdits estats ont prins par ensemble vne bonné & fermé resolution, de prendre leurs recours a vostre maiesté, veu que cest vne chose ordinaire a tous peuples & nations op­pressées, de recourir en leurs calamites & oppressi­ons, pour support & faueur contre leurs ennemys, aulx roys & princes voisme, & singulierement a ceulx qui sont douez a magnanimité, pieté, iustice, & aul­tres vertus royalles, & a cest effect nous ont lesdits estats depute vers vostre maiesté, pour presenter a icelle la principaulté, souuerainté, & iuste dominatiō desdits prouinces, soubs certaines bonnes & equi­tables condicions, concernantes principallement la conseruation de l'exercise de la religion reformée, & de leurs ancienne priuileges, libertes, franchises & v­sances, & l'administration du faict de la guerre, po­lice, & iustice esdits pais.

Et combien que lesdits pais ayent beaucoup souffert par ces longues & continuelles guerres, & que l'ennemy se soit empare de plusieurs villes & places fortes esdits pais, toutes fois, oultre ce qu'es [Page 1412] pais de Brabant, Gueldre, Flandre, Malins, & Oueris­sel, se mainteinent encores maintes bonnes villes & places contre l'effort de l'ennemy, sy est ce que les pais d'Holland, Zeeland, Vtrecht, & Frise sont en­cores, graces a Dieu, en leur entier, ou il y a beaucoup de grandes & fortes villes, & places belles, riuieres, profondes, ports & haures de mer, desquelles vostre maiesté & ses successeurs pourront tirer plusieurs bons seruices, fruicts, & commodites dont il n'est de faire yci plus long recit. Seulement que ceste cy entre aultres merite bien vne consideration speciale line 10 que la coniunction desdits pais d'Holland, Zeeland, Frise, & des villes de l'Escluze, & Osteynd en Flādres auec les royaulmes de vostre maiesté, emporte quant & soy l'empire absolut de la grand mer occeane, & par consequence vne asseurance & felicité perpetu­elle pour les subiects de vostre serenissime maiesté. La quelle nous supplions treshūblemēt que son bon plaisir soit de nous accorder lesdits points ou condi­tions, & ce en suiuant, vouloir accepter pour soy & line 20 ses successeurs legittimes en la couronne d'Angle­terre protecteurs de la religion reformée, la iustice principaute & seigneurie souueraine desdits pais & consequemment du recepuoir les peuples desdits pais, comme vous treshumbles & tresobeissants sub­iects soubs la protection & sauuegarde perpetuelle de vostre maiesté, peuples certeinement autant fi­delles, aymant leurs princes & seigneurs (a parler & sans iactance) que nul aultre de la chrestienté.

Ce faisant Madame, vous conserueres tant de belles eglises, qu'il a pleu a Dieu en ce dernier temps line 30 assembler esdits pais a present en beaucoup de lieux fort affliges, & esbranles & deliureres lesdits pais & peuples (nagueres auant l'inique maison des Espaig­nols) tant riches & florissans, pour la grande commo­dité de la mer, ports, haures, riuieres, traffiqs, & ma­nifactures dont ils sont doues de nature. Vous les deliureres (dis ie Madame) de ruine & perpetuelle seruitude de corps & ame, qui sera vng oeuure vraye­ment roial & tresexcellent, agreable a Dieu, profita­ble a toute chrestienté, digne de louange immor­telle, line 40 corespondant a la magnanimité & vertus he­roicques de vostre maiesté, & conioinct auec l'asseu­rance & prosperites des royalmes & subiects d'icelle. Et surce presentons a vostre maiesté lesdits articles ou conditions, en reuerence, prians le grand Roy des roys de preseruer vostre maiesté de ses ennemys, l'accroistre en gloire & felicité, & l'auoir en sa seinte garde à perpetuité.

Faict par Iosse de Menin, concelier & pensionaire de Derdreght.
An. 1585. 29 de Iune, A Greenwich.

The foresaid oration in English.

MAdam, the states of the vnited prouin­ces of the low countries most humblie thanke your maiestie for the good affecti­on & fauor, which it pleased you to shew to the said countries in their necessitie, & to confirme the same with so manie euident testimonies; & that line 60 lastlie, after the execrable assault committed vpon the person of the late prince of Orange, The quéenes maiesties most gratious fauor acknow­ledged. at what time it pleased your maiestie to let the said states vnderstand by your ambassador maister Dauison, what care you had of our defense and preseruation, and also by segneur de Crist, the great displeasure which your maiestie conceiued, to sée the states fru­strated of the hope which they had founded vpon the treatie of France. But since the care which your maiestie hath alwaies had ouer our good and con­seruation is not thereby anie whit diminished, but hath more plentifullie increased, according as the necessitie of our affaires required; for which the said countrie in generall, and euerie of vs in particular remaine perpetuallie bound to your maiestie, and acknowledge the same with all fidelitie and obei­sance.

And as the said states (Madam) doo consider that since the decease of the prince of Orange they haue susteined the losse of diuerse of their holds and good townes; The distressed state of the [...] countri [...] [...]ter the death of the prince of Orange. and that for the preseruation of the said countrie it is néedfull for them to haue a prince and souereigne ruler, which may warrant and defend them against the tyrannie and vniust oppression of the Spaniards and their adherents, which dailie more and more inforce themselues by their sinister power and all other meanes to destroie and ouer­throw the said countries, and reduce this poore peo­ple in perpetuall seruitude, worse than that of the Indians vnder the importable yoke of the detesta­ble inquisition of Spaine. The hope that the low coun­trie people had in hir highnes helpe. Considering also that the bodie of the townes and communalties of the a­foresaid countries haue a firme hope, that your ma­iestie will not sée them perish according to the desire of their enimies, which make this long and cruell warre, all which outrages the states of the said low countries (following the diligence and band which they owe to their burgesses and citizens) are to susteine, repell, and to turne from them, by reason of the manifest tyrannie & seruitude which the Spa­niards attempt to bring in & to laie vpon the poore people) thereby to preserue their liberties, rights, Spanish ser­uitude impor­table. priuileges, and franchises, with the exercise of the true christian religion, whereof your maiestie by good right carrieth the title of protectrice and defendresse, against which the said enimies and their associats al­readie haue and still doo make manie leagues, deuise manie subtilties, treasons, and ambushes, not cea­sing dailie to practise and imagine them against the person of your maiestie, and to the preiudice of the rest of your realme and states, whome the good God hath preserued vntill this present, for the wealth of the christians, and sustentation of their churches.

Wherefore (Madam) it is so, that for these causes, The cause whie the de­puties for the states came into England, and their sute vnto hir high­nesse expressed. reasons, & other considerations, the said states haue assembled and concluded vpon a good and firme reso­lution to haue recourse vnto your maiestie, sith it is an ordinarie matter amongst all people and op­pressed nations, in their calamities and oppressions to craue support and fauour against their enimies, of kings and princes neere vnto them, but especiallie of those who be indued with magnanimitie, pietie, iustice, and other princelie vertues, to which effect the states haue appointed vs to come vnto your maies­tie to present vnto the same the principalitie, soue­reigntie, The gouerne­ment & princi­palitie of the low countries presented to the quéenes maiestie. and iust gouernment of the said prouinces vnder certeine good and equall conditions, chieflie concerning the preseruation of the exercise of the re­formed religion, and of the ancient priuileges, li­berties, franchises, and customs, and next of the ad­ministration of the affaires, policie, and iustice of the warres in the said countrie.

And although that these countries haue sustei­ned much hurt by these long and continuall warres, and that the enimie hath taken diuers strong places and forts in the same countries: Manie good townes and places yet re­maining in the low countries defensible a­gainst the eni­mie. yet there is besides the same in the countries of Brabant, Gelderland, Flanders, Malmes, & Ouerset, manie good townes and places, which defend themselues against the force of the enimie, and the countries of Holland, Zeland, Utricht, and Frise be yet (thanks be to God) entire and whole: in which there be manie great and strong townes and places, faire riuers, and déepe ports and hauens of the sea, out of which your maiestie and your successors may receiue diuerse good seruices, fruits, and commodities, whereof it is néedlesse here to make anie long recitall. Onelie [Page 1413] this amongst other matters deserueth good and es­peciall consideration, The vniting of the low countries to the realmes of England, &c: how benefi­ciall. that the vniting of those coun­tries of Holland, Zeland, Frise, and the townes of Sluze and Ostend in Flanders, vnto the realmes of your maiestie importeth so much as the absolute gouernement of the great ocean sea, and by conse­quence, an assurance and perpetuall felicitie for the subiects of your woorthie maiestie. Which we most humblie beséech, that it will please the same to con­descend vnto vs in the said points and conditions, line 10 and in that which followeth, which is, that you will for you and your lawfull successors in the crowne of England be protectors of the reformed religion, Protection of the reformed religion a part of their sute. as the principall iusticer and souereigne gouernor of the said countries: and consequentlie to receiue the people of the same, as your most humble and most obedient subiects vnder the protection and continu­all safegard of your maiestie; they being a people as­suredlie so faithfull and louing to their princes and lords (be it spoken without vaunting) as anie other line 20 nation is throughout christendome. The loialtie and faithful­nesse of the low countrie people com­manded. Benefits like to insue vpon the said pro­tection vnder­taken of hir highnesse.

In dooing whereof (Madam) you shall preserue manie goodlie churches, which it hath pleased God to assemble in these latter times in the same coun­tries, at this present in manie places greeuouslie af­flicted, and you shall deliuer the same countrie and people (of late before the vniust deeds of the house of Spaine) verie rich and florishing, through the great commoditie of the sea, ports, hauens, riuers, traf­fike, and merchandize, whereof they be naturallie in­dued. line 30 You shall I saie (Madam) deliuer them from ruine and perpetuall bondage of bodie and soule, being a worke right roiall and most magnificent, acceptable to God, profitable to all christianitie, woorthie immortall commendation, answerable to the magnanimitie, and heroicall vertues of your maiestie, and ioined with the assurance and prospe­ritie of your dominions and subiects. Wherevpon we present vnto your maiestie the said articles and conditions, The said de­puties doo pre­sent certeine articles and conditions to hir maiestie concerning their sute. reuerentlie praieng the King of kings line 40 to preserue your maiestie from your enimies, to in­crease your glorie and felicitie, and for euer to keepe you in his holie protection.

¶ This oration ended and the summe thereof con­sidered, it pleased the quéenes maiestie, by direction of hir wise and politike councell, to incline hir hart (alwaies pitifull and replenished with commiserati­on) to the ease and reléefe of the said oppressed people. And bicause hir owne subiects should not be vtter­lie line 50 vnacquainted with hir highnesse dooings in that case, there was published by authoritie a booke thereof as in due place hereafter followeth.

On sundaie the fourth of Iulie, Charles lord Ho­ward, late lord chamberleine was made lord ad­merall, and Henrie lord Hunsdon was made lord chamberleine of houshold. On the fift daie of Iulie Thomas Awfeld a seminarie priest, and Thomas Weblie diar, Aufeld and Weblie han­ged for publi­shing of sediti­ous bookes. were arreigned at the sessions hall in the Old bailie, found guiltie, condemned, and had line 60 iudgement as fellons to be hanged: for publishing of bookes conteining false, seditious, and slanderous matter, to the defamation of our souereigne ladie the quéene, and to the excitation of insurrection and rebellion, as more at large appeareth in their indict­ments. These were on the next morrow, to wit, the sixt of Iulie, executed at Tiborne accordinglie. On thursdaie the sixteenth of Iulie, Fiue or rather [...] people slain by the fall of a wall in Lon­don néere vnto Downegate. by the sudden fall of a bricke wall in Thames stréet of London, neere vn­to Downegate, fiue persons were ouerwhelmed and slaine, to wit, a man & his wife (the wife being great with child) and two children, the one their own, the other a nurse child, and a poore man that liued by charitie, hauing no knowne dwelling place. On the same sixteenth of Iulie was sir Francis Russell knight, lord Russell, Earle of Bed­ford and the lord Russell his sonne de­ceased. third sonne to Francis Russell earle of Bedford, slaine with a dag in the borders of Scotland beside Berwike, by a Scot borne in those parts, as they met vpon a true daie, as more at large appeareth in the historie of Scotland. On the next morrow, to wit, the seuentéenth of Iulie, Fran­cis Russell earle of Bedford, knight of the garter, and one of hir maiesties priuie councell, father to the late named sir Francis, lord Russell slaine on the borders of Scotland, deceassed, and was honorablie buried at Cheinies in Bedfordshire on the eight of September next following.

On the three and twentith of Iulie certeine soul­diers were pressed in the seuerall wards of the citie of London, Souldiers sent to aid the low countries of Holland, Zeland, &c. which souldiers being furnished for the warres, and clothed in red cotes, all at the charges of the companies and citizens, set forth toward the seas on the thirtéenth of August, and were transpor­ted ouer into Holland, Zeland, &c: as other the like souldiers out of other parts of the realme before had béene, to serue for the defense of the low countries vnder generall Norris, and other approoued cap­teins. On the fourth daie of August, betwixt the hours of foure and fiue of the clocke in the morning, Ground and trées soonke and swallowed vp in Kent eight miles from London. at the end of the towne called Motingham in Kent, eight miles from London, in a lane not farre from the houses, the ground began to sinke, thrée great elmes being swallowed vp, the tops falling down­ward into a hole with the rootes vpward, turning round in the falling, and driuen into the earth past mans sight, to the woonderfull amazement of manie honest men of the same towne, being beholders of this strange sight: and before ten of the clocke that present day, the ground & trees were soonke so low, that neither the one or other might be discerned, the hole or vaut being sometimes filled with water, and otherwhiles neither bottome, trées, or water maie be perceiued: the compasse of this hole is about foure­score yards, and being sounded with a lead and line of fiftie fadams, cannot therewith find or féele anie bottome. Ten yards distant from this place, there is another péece of ground soonke in like maner, which parcell of ground falleth still into the high waie to the great feare of that whole towne, but especiallie to the inhabitants of a house not far distant from the aforesaid places.

On the fiftéenth daie of September, to the num­ber of two & thirtie seminaries, Seminarie and massing priests bani­shed. massing priests and others, late prisoners in the tower of London, Mar­shalsée, Kings bench, and other places, were imbar­ked in the Marie Martine of Colchester, on the southside of the Thames right ouer against S. Ka­tharines, to be transported ouer into the coasts of Normandie, to be banished this realme for euer, by vertue of a commission from hir maiestie, before specified in pag. 1379.

A copie of the certificat written and directed into England by the said banished men.

WHereas vpon your honors commission directed vnto Anthonie Hall, Note in this certificat an acknowledg­ment of verie great English courtesie to the seminaries in their transpor­tation. and Tho­mas Stockar, for the transporting of vs whose names are vnder written, into the coasts of Normandie, who accordinglie tooke vs into a barke called the Marie Martine of Colchester, on the south side of the Thames, right ouer that part of saint Katharines next to London bridge, the fiftéenth day of September 1585, according to the computa­tion of England: our will is to testifie vnto your good honors, that they the said Anthonie Hall & Tho­mas Stockar haue generallie so well vsed vs in all [Page 1414] respects, that we can not but acknowledge our selues much beholding (as much as in them laie) to so courteous & louing officers. Neuerthelesse com­ming along the sea, and meeting with hir maiesties admerall in the downes, who promising that we should not be disturbed in our course into the pro­uince of Normandie, according to your honors said commission, we had not from him departed two leagues, The semina­ries suddenlie assaulted and in danger of death by a Flushinger as they were pas­sing ouer sea. when as a Flushinger with his people sud­denlie entred vpon vs, being peaceablie stowed vn­der line 10 the hatches, and in our quiet rest, with their swords drawne, their calleiuers and their matches fi­red in their hands, to our great terror & discomfort, the most of vs being verie sore sea sicke, expecting at that instant nothing but either the rigorous dint of sword, or bullet of calleiuer. Howbeit parlee being had by our said commissioners with them, they de­parted, after which time we considering the generall danger on the seas, besought with one consent your honors commissioners to set vs on land at Calice: line 20 but they in no wise yéelding therevnto, at last by reason of our importunitie in such danger & weake­nesse, The semina­ries are set on shore at Bul­logne through their owne im­portunitie. yéelded to set vs on shore at Bullogne, partlie by reason of the feare we were then put in, & partlie for that we feared afterward more vnreasonable measure; but speciallie the greatest number of vs so sore sicke, that verie tedious vnto vs it séemed to beare so long and dangerous a passage. In witnes whereof to this our certificat we haue all subscribed our names the nineteenth of September 1585. W. line 30 Gimlets, R. Fen: Io. Nele: Christopher Small, &c.

¶Ye haue heard before that certeine souldiers out of diuers parts of this realme were transported o­uer the seas into Holland and Zeland, &c: with such conuenient and seruiceable furniture, as might be presupposed necessarie for defense: whom we will leaue vpon their gard, and more cleerelie to set foorth the reasons of their transportation, we doo meane héere, as we promised before page 1413▪ when we line 40 came to due place, to deliuer a booke published by au­thoritie concerning that argument, the title and substance whereof in all points agréeable with the printed copie first extant, doth orderlie follow.

A declaration of the causes moouing the queene of England to giue aid to the defense of the people afflicted and oppressed in the low countries.

Kings and princes soue­reignes, are to yéeld account of their actions onelie to al­mightie God, the king of kings. ALthough kings and princes soueregnes, owing their homage and seruice onelie vnto the almightie God the King of all kings, are in that respect not bound to yéeld account or render the reasons of their actions to anie others but to God their onelie souereigne Lord: yet (though amongst the most ancient and christian monarchs the same Lord God hauing com­mitted to vs the souereigntie of this realme of England and other our dominions, which we hold line 60 immediatlie of the same almightie Lord, and so thereby accountable onelie to his diuine Maiestie) we are notwithstanding this our prerogatiue at this time speciallie mooued, for diuerse reasons hereafter brieflie remembred, to publish not onelie vnto our owne naturall louing subiects, but also to all others our neighbors, speciallie to such princes & states as are our confederats, or haue for their subiects cause of commerce with our countries and people, what our intention is at this time, and vpon what iust and reasonable grounds we are mooued to giue aid vnto our next neighbours the naturall people of the low countries, being by long warres and persecutions of strange nations there, lamentablie afflicted, and in present danger to be brought into a perpetuall seruitude.

First, Naturall cau­ses of the an­cient continu­all trafficke be­twixt the peo­ple of Englād & them of the low countries. it is to be vnderstood (which percase is not perfectlie knowne to a great number of persons) that there hath béene, time out of mind, euen by the naturall situation of those low countries and our realme of England, one directlie opposit to the other, and by reason of the readie crossing of the seas, and multitude of large and commodious hauens respec­tiuelie on both sides, a continuall traffike and com­merce betwixt the people of England, and the natu­rall people of those low countries, and so continued in all ancient times, when the seuerall prouinces thereof, as Flanders, Holland, and Zeland, and o­ther countries to them adioining, were ruled and possessed by seuerall lords, and not vnited togither, as of late yeares they haue béene by intermarria­ges, Confedera­titions both betwixt the kings of England and lords of the low countries, and also the subiects of both countries and at length by concurrences of manie and sundrie titles haue also béene reduced to be vnder the gouernement of their lords that succéeded to the dukedome of Burgundie: whereby there hath béene in former ages manie speciall aliances and confe­derations, not onelie betwixt the kings of England our progenitors and the lords of the said countries of Flanders, Holland, Zeland, and their adherents: but also betwixt the verie naturall subiects of both countries, as the prelats, noblemen, citizens, bur­gesses, and other communalties of the great cities and port townes of either countrie reciprocallie, The people of both the coun­tries bound by speciall obligations interchangea­blie, for mutu­all fauours and friendlie offices. by speciall obligations and stipulations vnder their seales interchangeablie, for maintenance both of commerce and intercourse of merchants, & also of speciall mutuall amitie to be obserued betwixt the people and inhabitants of both parties as well eccle­siasticall as secular: and verie expresse prouision in such treaties conteined for mutuall fauours, affec­tions, and all other friendlie offices to be vsed and prosecuted by the people of the one nation towards the other. By which mutuall bonds, there hath con­tinued perpetuall vnions of the peoples hearts togi­ther, and so by waie of continuall intercourses, from age to age the same mutuall loue hath béene inuio­lablie kept and exercised, as it had beene by the worke of nature, and neuer vtterlie dissolued, nor yet for anie long time discontinued, howsoeuer the kings, and the lords of the countries sometimes (though verie rarelie) haue béene at difference by si­nister meanes of some other princes their neigh­bours, enuieng the felicitie of these two countries.

And for maintenance and testimonie of these na­turall vnions of the peoples of these kingdoms and countries in perpetuall amitie, there are extant sun­drie authentike treaties and transactions for mutu­all commerce, Treaties ex­tant of ancient time, betwixt the kings of England and the dukes of Burgundie, for the com­merce betwixt their coun­tries. intercourse and streict amitie of an­cient times: as for example, some verie solemnelie accorded in the times of king Henrie the sixt our progenitor, and Philip the second duke of Burgun­die, and inheritour to the countie of Flanders by the ladie Margaret his grandmoother, which was a­boue one hundred & fortie yeares past, & the same al­so renewed by the noble duke Charles his son, father to the king of Spaines grandmoother, and husband to the ladie Margaret sister to our great grandfa­ther king Edward the fourth: and after that, of new ofttimes renewed by our most noble & sage grand­father king Henrie the seuenth, and the archduke Philip grandfather to the king of Spaine now be­ing: and in latter times, often renewed betwixt our father of noble memorie king Henrie the eight, and Charles the fift emperor of Almaine, father also to the present king of Spaine. Conuentions for the subiects of either side, to shew mutuall fauors one to th e other.

In all which treaties, transactions, and confede­rations of amitie and mutuall commerce, it was also at all times speciallie and principallie conteined [Page 1415] in expresse words, by conuentions, concords, and conclusions, that the naturall people, and subiects of either side, should shew mutuall fauours and duties one to the other, and should safelie, freelie and secure­lie commerce togither in euerie their countries; and so hath the same mutuall and naturall concourse and commerce béene without interruption continu­ed in manie ages, farre aboue the like example of a­nie other countries in christendome, to the honour and strength of the princes, and to the singular great benefit and inriching of their people: vntill of late line 10 yeares that the king of Spaine departing out of his low countries into Spaine, hath beene (as it is to be thought) counselled by his councellors of Spaine, Spaniards and strangers latelie appoin­ted gouernors in the low countries, to the violation of the liberties of the countrie. to appoint Spaniards, forrenners and strangers of strange bloud, men more exercised in warres than in peaceable gouernement, and some of them nota­blie delighted in bloud, as hath appeared by their ac­tions, to be the chiefest gouernours of all his said low countries, contrarie to the ancient lawes and customes thereof, hauing great plentie of noble, line 20 valiant and faithfull persons naturallie borne, and such as the emperour Charles, and the king himselfe had to their great honours vsed in their seruice, able to haue béene imploied in the rule of those coun­tries.

But these Spaniards, being méere strangers, hauing no naturall regard in their gouernement to the maintenance of those countries and people in their ancient and naturall maner of peaceable li­uing, as the most noble and wise emperor Charles; line 30 yea and as his sonne king Philip himselfe had, whi­lest he remained in those countries, and vsed the counsels of the states and naturall of the countries, not violating the ancient liberties of the countries: but contrariwise, these Spaniards being exalted to absolute gouernement, by ambition, and for priuat lucre haue violentlie broken the ancient lawes and liberties of all the countries, The destruc­tion of the no­bilitie, and the people of the countries by the Spanish gouernement. and in a tyrannous sort haue banished, killed and destroied without order of line 40 law, within the space of few moneths, manie of the most ancient and principall persons of the naturall nobilitie that were most worthie of gouernement. And howsoeuer in the beginning of these cruell per­secutions, the pretense therof was for maintenance of the Romish religion: yet they spared not to de­priue verie manie catholikes and ecclesiasticall per­sons of their franchises and priuileges: and of the chiefest that were executed of the nobilitie, none was in the whole countrie more affected to that re­ligion line 50 than was the noble and valiant countie of Egmond, the verie glorie of that countrie, who nei­ther for his singular victories in the seruice of the king of Spaine can be forgotten in the true histo­ries, The lamenta­ble violent death of the countie of Egmond, the glorie of those countries. nor yet for the crueltie vsed for his destruction, to be but for euer lamented in the harts of the natu­rall people of that countrie.

And furthermore, to bring these whole countries in seruitude to Spaine, these forren gouernours haue by long intestine warre, with multitude of Spaniards, and with some few Italians and Al­mains, line 60 made the greater part of the said countries (which with their riches by common estimation an­swered the emperour Charles equallie to his In­dies) in a maner desolat, and haue also lamentablie destroied by sword, The rich townes and strengths with the wealth there­of possessed by the Spani­ards. famine, and other cruell maners of death, a great part of the naturall people, & now the rich townes and strong places being desolate of their naturall inhabitants, are held and kept chief­lie with force by the Spaniards. All which pitifull miseries and horrible calamities of these most rich countries and people, are of all their neighbours at this daie, euen of such as in ancient time haue beene at frequent discord with them through naturall com­passion verie greatlie pitied, which appeared special­lie this present yeare, when the French king preten­ded to haue receiued them to his protection, had not (as the states of the countrie & their deputies were answered) that certeine vntimelie and vnlooked for complots of the house of Guise, stirred and maintai­ned by monie out of Spaine, disturbed the good and generall peace of France, and thereby vrged the king to forbeare from the resolution he had made, not onlie to aid the oppressed people of the low coun­tries against the Spaniards, but also to haue accep­ted them as his owne subiects. But in verie truth, howsoeuer they were pitied, and in a sort for a time comforted & kept in hope in France by the French king, who also hath oftentimes earnestlie solicited vs as quéene of England, both by message and wri­ting to be carefull of their defense: yet in respect that▪ they were otherwise more streictlie knit in ancient friendship to this realme than to anie other coun­trie, The French kings offers to haue aided and receiued to his subiec­tion the op­pressed people of the low countries. we are sure that they could be pitied of none for this long time with more cause and griefe general­lie, than of our subiects of this our realme of Eng­land, being their most ancient alies and familiar neighbours: and that in such manner, as this our realme of England and those countries haue béene by common language of long time resembled and termed as man and wife.

And for these vrgent causes and manie others, The quéene of Englands cō ­tinuall fréend­lie aduises to the king of Spaine for restreining of the tyrannie of his gouernors. we haue by manie fréendlie messages and ambassadors, by manie letters and writings to the said king of Spaine our brother and alie, declared our compas­sion of this so euill and cruell vsage of his naturall and loiall people by sundrie his martiall gouernors and other his men of warre, all strangers to these his countries. And furthermore, as a good louing sister to him, and a naturall good neighbour to his lowe countries and people, we haue often, and often againe most friendlie warned him, that if he did not otherwise by his wisedome and princelie clemencie restreine the tyrannie of his gouer­nours and crueltie of his men of warre, we feared that the people of his countries should be forced for safetie of their liues, and for continuance of their na­tiue countrie in the former state of their liberties, to séeke the protection of some other forreine lord, or rather to yeeld themselues wholie to the soue­reigntie of some mightie prince, as by the ancient lawes of their countries, and by speciall priuileges granted by some of the lords and dukes of the coun­tries to the people, they doo pretend and affirme, that in such cases of generall iniustice, and vpon such vio­lent breaking of their priuileges they are frée from their former homages, and at libertie to make choise of anie other prince to be their prince and head.

The proofe whereof by examples past is to be seene & read in the ancient histories of diuerse alterations, of the lords and ladies of the countries of Brabant, Flanders, Holland, and Zeland, and other countries to them vnited by the states and people of the coun­tries; and that by some such alterations, as the sto­ries doo testifie, Philip the duke of Burgundie came to his title, from which the king of Spaines interest is deriued: but the further discussion hereof, we leaue to the view of the monuments and records of the countries. And now, The quéene of Englands means vsed to staie the states of the lowe countries frō yéelding their subiection to anie other for­reine prince. for the purposes to staie them from yéelding themselues in anie like sort to the souereigntie of anie other strange prince, cer­teine yéeres past, vpon the earnest request of sundrie of the greatest persons of degrée in those countries, and most obedient subiects to the king, such as were the duke of Ascot, and the marquesse of Hauerie yet liuing, and of such others as had principall offices in those countries in the time of the emperour Charles, we yéelded at their importunat requests, to grant [Page 1416] them prests of monie, onelie to continue them as his subiects, and to mainteine themselues in their iust defense against the violence and cruelties of the Spaniards their oppressours, thereby staieng them from yeelding their subiection to anie other prince from the said king of Spaine: and during the time of that our aid giuen to them, and their staie in their obedience to the king of Spaine, we did fréelie ac­quaint the same king with our actions, and did still continue our fréendlie aduises to him, to mooue him to command his gouernours and men of warre, not line 10 to vse such insolent cruelties against his people, as might make them to despaire of his fauours, and séeke some other lord.

And in these kind of persuasions and actions we continued manie yéeres, not onelie for compassion of the miserable state of the countries, but of a na­turall disposition to haue the ancient conditions of streict amitie and commerce for our kingdoms and people to continue with the states and the people of the said dukedome of Burgundie and the appen­dents, line 20 and namelie with our next neighbours the countries of Flanders, Holland and Zeland. For we did manifestlie sée, if the nation of Spaine should make a conquest of those countries, as was and yet is apparantlie intended, and plant themselues there as they haue doone in Naples and other countries, adding thereto the late examples of the violent ho­stile enterprise of a power of Spaniards, The enter­prise of the Spaniards in Ireland sent by the king of Spaine and the pope. being sent within these few yeares by the king of Spaine and the pope into our realme of Ireland, with an intent line 30 manifestlie confessed by the capteins, that those numbers were sent aforehand to seize vpon some strength there, to the intent with other great forces to pursue a conquest thereof: we did (we saie againe) manifestlie see in what danger our selfe, our coun­tries and people might shortlie be, if in conuenient time we did not speedilie otherwise regard to pre­uent or staie the same. And yet notwithstanding our said often requests and aduises giuen to the king of Spaine, manifestlie for his owne weale and honor, line 40 we found him by his councell of Spaine so vnwil­ling in anie sort to incline to our fréendlie counsell, that his gouernours and chéefeteins in his low countries increased their cruelties towards his owne afflicted people, and his officers in Spaine offered dailie greater iniuries to ours, The refusall of the quéenes messenger, and hir letters to the king of Spaine. resorting thi­ther for traffike: yea, they of his councell in Spaine would not permit our expresse messenger with our letters to come to the king their masters presence: a matter verie strange, and against the law of line 50 nations.

The iust cau­ses of dismis­sing of Bar­nardin Men­doza out of Englā [...].And the cause of this our writing and sending to the king, procéeded of matter that was worthie to be knowne to the king, and not vnméet now also to be declared to the world, to shew both our good dispo­sition towards the king in imparting to him our gréefes, and to let it appeare how euill we haue béene vsed by his ministers, as in some part may appeare by this that followeth. Although we could not haue line 60 these manie yeares past anie of our seruants, whom we sent at sundrie times as our ambassadours to the king our good brother (as was meet) suffered to continue there without manie iniuries and indigni­ties offered to their families, and diuerse times to their owne persons by the greatest of his councel­lours, so as they were constreined to leaue their pla­ces, and some expelled and in a sort banished the countrie, without cause giuen by them, or notified to vs: yet we, minding to continue verie good fréend­ship with the king, as his good sister, did of long time and manie yeares giue fauourable allowance to all that came as his ambassadours to vs, sauing onelie vpon manifest dangerous practises attempted by two of them to trouble our estate, Two turbu­lent spirited persons (Spaniard [...] d [...]uing what they could to set all Englā in a tumult. whereof the one was Girald Despes, a verie turbulent spirited person, and altogither vnskilfull and vnapt to deale in prin­ces affaires being in amitie, as at his returne into Spaine he was so there also reputed: the other and last was Barnardin de Mendoza, one whome we did ac­cept and vse with great fauour a long time, as was manifestlie séene in our court, and we thinke cannot be denied by himselfe: but yet of late yeares (we know not by what direction) we found him to be a secret great fauourer to sundrie our euill disposed and seditious subiects, not onelie to such as lurked in our realme, but also to such as fled the same, being notoriouslie condemned as open rebels & traitours, with whome by his letters, messages, and secret counsels he did in the end deuise how with a power of men, partlie to come out of Spaine, partlie out of the low countries, whereof he gaue them great com­fort in the kings name, an inuasion might be made into our realme, setting downe in writing the man­ner how the same should be doone, with what num­bers of men and ships, and vpon what coasts, ports, and places of our realme by speciall name, and who the persons should be in our realme of no small ac­count, that should fauour this inuasion, and take part with the inuadours, with manie other circum­stances declaring his full set purpose and labours taken, to trouble vs and our realme verie dange­rouslie, as hath beene most cléerelie prooued and con­fessed by such as were in that confederacie with him, whereof some are fled and now doo frequent his com­panie in France, and some were taken, Sée the vo [...]luntarie con­fession of F. Throgmorto [...] in pages 1370 1373. who confes­sed at great length by writing the whole course here­in held by the said ambassadour, as was manifestlie of late time published to the world vpon Francis Throgmortons a principall traitours examination.

And when we found manifestlie this ambassa­dour so dangerous an instrument, or rather a head to a rebellion and inuasion; and that for a yeare or more togither he neuer brought to vs anie letter from the king his master, notwithstanding our of­ten request made to him that he would by some let­ter from the king to vs, let it appeare that it was the kings will that he should deale with vs in his ma­sters name in sundrie things that he propounded to vs as his ambassadour, which we did iudge to be con­trarie to the king his masters will: we did finallie cause him to be charged with these dangerous prac­tises, and made it patent to him how, and by whome, with manie other circumstances we knew it, and therefore caused him in verie gentle sort to be con­tent within some reasonable time to depart out of our realme, the rather for his owne safetie, The courte­ous dealing of hir maiestie with Mendo­za (a man mortallie ha­ted) departin [...] out of Eng­land. as one in verie déed mortallie hated of our people: for the which we granted him fauourable conduct, both to the sea and ouer the sea: and therevpon we did spée­dilie send a seruant of ours into Spaine with our letters to the king, onelie to certifie him of this acci­dent, and to make the whole matter apparant vnto him: and this was the messenger afore mentioned, that might not be suffered to deliuer our message or our letters to the king.

And beside these indignities, it is most manifest how his ministers also haue both heretofore manie times, and now latelie practised here in England by meanes of certeine rebels, to haue procured sundrie inuasions of our realme, by their forces out of Spaine and the low countries: verie hard recom­penses (we may saie) for so manie our good offices. Heerevpon we hope no reasonable person can blame vs, if we haue disposed our selues to change this our former course, and more carefullie to looke to the saf­tie of our selfe and our people: and finding our owne dangers in déed verie great and imminent, we haue [Page 1417] béene the more vrgentlie prouoked to attempt and accelerat some good remedie, for that besides manie other aduises giuen vs both at home & from abrode, in due time to withstand these dangers, we haue found the generall disposition of all our owne faith­full people verie readie in this case, and earnest in offering to vs both in parlements and otherwise, their seruices with their bodies and bloud, and their aids with their lands and goods, to withstand and preuent this present common danger to our realme line 10 and themselues, euidentlie séene and feared by the subuerting and rooting vp of the ancient nation of these low countries, and by planting the Spanish nation and men of war, enimies to our countries, there so néere vnto vs.

The quéene of Englāds pro­céeding for the deliuerie of Scotland from the serui­tude wherein the house of Guise meant to haue broght it.And besides these occasions and considerations, we did also call to our remembrance our former for­tunat procéeding by Gods speciall fauor, in the be­ginning of our reigne, in remedieng of a like mis­chéefe that was intended against vs in Scotland by line 20 certeine Frenchmen, who then were directed onelie by the house of Guise, by colour of the marriage of their néece the quéene of Scots with the Dolphin of France, in like maner as the ofsprings of the said house haue euen now latelie sought to atteine to the like inordinate power in France: a matter of some consequence for our selues to consider; al­though we hope the king our good brother professing sincere friendship towards vs, as we professe the like to him, will moderate this aspiring greatnesse of line 30 that house, that neither himselfe, nor the princes of his bloud be ouerruled, nor we (minding to conti­nue perfect friendship with the king & his bloud) be by the said house of Guise & their faction disquieted or disturbed in our countries. But now to returne to this like example of Scotland aforesaid. When the French had in like maner (as the Spaniards haue now of long time attempted in the low countries) sought by force to haue subdued the people there, and brought them into a seruitude to the crowne of line 40 France, and also by the ambitious desires of the said house of Guise, to haue procéeded to a warre by waie of Scotland, for the conquest of our crowne for their néece the queene of Scots (a matter most manifest to the common knowledge of the world) it pleased almightie God, as it remaineth in good memorie to our honor and comfort, to further our tention and honorable and iust actions at that time in such sort, as by our aiding then of the nation of Scotland being sore oppressed with the French, and line 50 vniuersallie requiring our aid, we procured to that realme (though to our great cost) a full deliuerance of the force of strangers and danger of seruitude, and restored peace to the whole countrie, which hath continued there euer since manie yeres, sauing that at some time of parcialities of certeine of the noble men, as hath béene vsuall in that countrie, in the minoritie of the yoong king, there haue risen some inward troubles, which for the most part we haue in fauor of the king and his gouernors vsed meanes to pacifie: The realme of Scotland re­stored to the ancient frée­dome, and so possessed by the present king by the meanes onelie of the quéene of England. so as at this daie such is the quietnesse in line 60 Scotland, as the king our deare brother & cousine, by name Iames the sixt, a prince of great hope for manie good princelie respects, reigneth there in ho­nor and loue of his people, and in verie good and per­fect amitie with vs and our countrie. And so our ac­tions at that time came to so good successe by the goodnesse of God, as both our owne realme, and that of Scotland, hath euer since remained in better amitie and peace than can be remembred these ma­nie hundred yeares before; and yet nothing hereby doone by vs, nor anie cause iustlie giuen: but that also the French kings that haue since succéeded, which haue béene thrée in number, and all brethren, haue made and concluded diuerse treaties for good peace with vs, which presentlie continue in force on both parties, notwithstanding our foresaid actions attempted, for remoouing out of Scotland of the said French forces, so transported by the onelie di­rection of the house of Guise.

And therefore, to conclude for the declaration of our present intention at this time, The conclu­sion of the cau­ses of sending of certeine cō ­panies of English soul­diors to the de­fense of the oppressed peo­ple of the low countries, and to withstand the attempts against this realme. we hope it shall of all persons abroad be well interpreted, as we know it will be of such as are not led by parcialitie, that vpon the often and continuall lamentable re­quests made to vs by the vniuersall states of the countries of Holland, Zeland, Guelders, and other prouinces with them vnited (being desperat of the king of Spaines fauours) for our succours to be yéelded to them, onelie for their defense against the Spaniards and other strangers, and therewith fin­ding manifestlie by our often and importunat re­quests and aduises giuen to the king of Spaine, no hope of reliefe of these their miseries, but rather an increase thereof by dailie conquests of their townes and slaughter of their people (though in ve­rie truth we cannot impute the increase of anie late cruelties to the person of him that now hath the title of generall gouernor, shewing his naturall dispo­sition more inclinable to mercie and clemencie, than it seemeth he can direct the hearts of the Spaniards vnder him, that haue béene so long trained in shed­ding of bloud vnder the former Spanish gouer­nors) and ioining therevnto our owne danger at hand, by the ouerthrow and destruction of our neigh­bours, and accesse and planting of the great forces of the Spaniards so néere to our countries, with pre­cedent arguments of manie troublesome attempts against our realme: we did therefore by good ad­uise and after long deliberation determine, to send certeine companies of souldiors to aid the naturall people of those countries, onelie to defend them and their townes from sacking and desolation, & there­by to procure them safetie, to the honor of God, whome they desire to serue sincerelie as christian people according to his holie word, and to inioie their ancient liberties for them and their posteritie, and so consequentlie to preserue and continue the lawfull and ancient commerce betwixt our people and those countries and ours.

And so we hope our intention herein, and our subsequent actions will be by Gods fauour both ho­norablie interpreted of all persons (sauing of the oppressors themselues, and their partizans) in that we meane not hereby, either for ambition or ma­lice (the two roots of all iniustice) to make anie par­ticular profit hereof to our selfe or to our people; Thrée speciall things reaso­nablie desired by the quéene of England. 1. The end of warres with restitution of the low coun­tries to their ancient liber­ties. 2. Suertie frō inuasion of hir owne realme. 3. And renew­ing of the mu­tuall traffike betwéene the countries. The causes of taking some townes into hir maiesties custodie. one­lie desiring at this time to obteine by Gods fauour for the countries, a deliuerance of them from warre by the Spaniards and forraines: a restitution of their ancient liberties and gouernement by some christian peace, and thereby a suertie for our selues and our realme to be frée from inuading neighbors: and our people to inioie in those countries their law­full commerce and intercourse of friendship & mer­chandize, according to the ancient vsage and trea­t [...]ies of intercourse, made betwixt our progenitors and the lords and earles of those countries, and be­twixt our people and the people of those countries.

And though our further intention also is, or maie be, to take into our gard some few townes vpon the sea side next opposite to our realme, which otherwise might be in danger to be taken by the strangers, enimies of the countrie: yet therein considering we haue no meaning at this time to take and reteine the same to our owne proper vse: we hope that all persons will thinke it agreeable with good reason and princelie policie, that we should haue the gard [Page 1418] and vse of some such places for sure accesse and re­cesse of our people and souldiors in safetie, and for furniture of them with vittels and other things re­quisit and necessarie, whilest it shall be néedfull for them to continue in those countries for the aiding thereof in these their great calamities, miseries, and imminent danger, and vntill the countries may be deliuered of such strange forces as doo now oppresse them, and recouer their ancient lawfull liberties and maner of gouernement, to liue in peace as they haue heretofore doone, and doo now most earnestlie line 10 in lamentable manner desire to doo, which are the verie onelie true ends of all our actions now inten­ded: howsoeuer malicious toongs maie vtter their cankred conceits to the contrarie, as at this daie the world aboundeth with such blasphemous reports in writings and infamous libels, as in no age the diuell hath more abounded with notable spirits re­plenished with all wickednesse to vtter his rage a­gainst professors of christian religion. But thereof we leaue the reuenge to God the searcher of hearts, line 20 hoping that he beholding the sinceritie of our heart, will grant good successe to our intentions, whereby a christian peace may insue to his diuine honor, and comfort to all them that loue peace trulie, and will séeke it sincerelie.

An addition to the declaration, touching the slanders published of hir maiestie.

AFter we had finished our declaration, there came to our hands a pamphlet written in Italian, printed at Milan, intituled Nuo­uo aduiso, directed to the archbishop of Mi­lan, conteining a report of the expugnation of Ant­werp by the prince of Parma: by the which we found our selfe most maliciouslie charged with two nota­ble crimes, no lesse hatefull to the world, than most repugnant and contrarie to our owne naturall in­clin [...]ion. The summe of a slanderous pamphlet pub­lished in the Italian toong against the quéenes ma­iestie. line 40 The one with ingratitude towards the king of Spaine, who (as the author saith) saued our life being iustlie by sentence adiudged to death in our sisters time: the other, that there were some persons procured to be corrupted with great promi­ses, and that with our intelligence, as the reporter addeth in a parenthesis in these words (as it was said) that the life of the prince of Parma should be taken awaie. And for the better proouing and coun­tenancing of this horrible lie, it is further added in line 50 the said pamphlet, that it pleased the Lord God to discouer this, and bring two of the wicked persons to iustice. Now, knowing how men are malicious­lie bent in this declining age of the world, both to iudge, speake, and write maliciouslie, falslie, and vnreuerentlie of princes: The quéenes maiestie is gelous ouer the conserua­tion of hir re­putation. and holding nothing so déere vnto vs, as the conseruation of our reputa­tion and honor to be blamelesse: we found it verie expedient, not to suffer two such horrible imputa­tions to passe vnder silence; lest for lacke of answer, line 60 it might argue a kind of guiltinesse, and did there­fore thinke, that what might be alledged by vs for our iustification in that behalfe, might most aptlie be ioined vnto this former declaration now to be published, to laie open before the world, the maner and ground of our procéeding in the causes of the low countries.

And for answer of the first point wherewith we are charged, An answer to y e first point of the said pam­phlet, clearing hir highnes of ingratitude. touching our ingratitude towards the king of Spaine; as we doo most willinglie acknow­ledge that we were beholding vnto him in the time of our late sister, which we then did acknowledge ve­rie thank [...]fullie, and haue sought manie waies since in like sort to requite, as in our former declaration by our actions maie appeare: so doo we vtterlie de­nie as a most manifest vntruth, that euer he was the cause of the sauing of our life as a person by course of iustice sentenced vnto death, whoeuer car­ried our selfe towards our said sister in dutifull sort, as our loialtie was neuer called in question, much lesse anie sentence of death pronounced against vs: a matter such, as in respect of the ordinarie course of proceeding, as by processe in law, by place of tri­all, by the iudge that should pronounce such sentence, and other necessarie circumstances in like cases vsu­all, especiallie against one of our qualitie, as it could not but haue beene publikelie knowne, if anie such thing had beene put in execution. This then be­ing true, we leaue to the world to iudge how mali­ciouslie and iniuriouslie the author of the said pam­phlet dealeth with vs, in charging vs by so notable an vntruth, with a vice that of all other we doo most hate and abhorre. And therefore by the manifest vn­truth of this imputation, men not transported with passion maie easilie discerne what vntruth is contei­ned in the second, by the which we are charged to haue béene acquainted with an intended attempt a­gainst the life of the said prince: a matter, The second point of the pamphlet an­swered to the full satisfacti­on of anie that is reasonable. if anie such thing should haue béene by vs intended, must haue procéeded either of a misliking we had of his person, or that the prosecution of the warres in the low countries was so committed vnto him, as no other might prosecute the same but he.

And first for his person, we could neuer learne that he hath at anie time, by act or speach, doone anie thing that might iustlie bréed a mislike in vs to­wards him, much lesse a hatred against his person in so high a degree, as to be either priuie or assenting to the taking awaie of his life. Besides, he is one of whom we haue euer had an honorable conceit, in re­spect of those singular rare parts we alwaies haue noted in him, which hath woone vnto him as great reputation, as anie man this daie liuing carrieth of his degree and qualitie: and so haue we alwaies de­liuered out by speach vnto the world, when anie oc­casion hath béene offered to make mention of him. Now touching the prosecution committed vnto him of the warres in the low countries, The prosecu­tion of the warres in the low countries is not like to cease, though the prince of Parma were dead. as all men of iudgement know, that the taking awaie of his life carrieth no likelihood that the same shall woorke anie end of the said prosecution: so is it manifestlie knowne, that no man hath dealt more honorablie than the said prince, either in dulie obseruing of his promise, or extending grace and mercie, where merit and desert hath craued the same: and there­fore no greater impietie by anie could be wrought, nor nothing more preiudiciall to our selfe (so long as the king shall continue the prosecution of the cause in that forcible sort he now dooth) than to be an instrument to take him awaie from thense by such violent meanes, that hath dealt in a more ho­norable and gratious sort in the charge committed vnto him, than anie other that hath euer gone be­fore him, or is likelie to succéed after him.

Now therefore how vnlikelie it is, that we ha­uing neither cause to mislike of his person, This being dulie ponde­red, all the world maie sée how vniustlie hir highnesse is slandered. nor that the prosecution of the warres should cease by losse of him, should be either author, or anie waie assenting to so horrible a fact, we referre to the iudgement of such as looke into causes, not with the eies of their affection; but doo measure and weigh things accor­ding to honor and reason. Besides, it is likelie if it had béene true that we had bin anie waie charge­able (as the author reporteth) the confessions of the parties executed (importing such matter as by him is alledged) would haue béene both produced and pub­lished: for malice leaueth nothing vnsearched, The nature of malice compri­sed in a sen­ [...]nce of few [...] ▪ that [Page 1419] maie nourish the venome of that humor. [...] in a [...] of few [...]ords.

The best course therefore that both we and all o­ther princes can hold in this vnfortunat age that ouerfloweth with numbers of malignant spirits, is through the grace and goodnesse of almightie God, to direct our course in such sort, as they maie rather shew their wils through malice, than with iust cause by desert to saie ill, or deface princes either by spéech or writing: assuring our selues that besides the pu­nishment that such wicked and infamous libellors line 10 shall receiue at the hands of the almightie for depra­uing of princes and lawfull magistrats, The reward [...]at wicked and infamous [...]bellors shall [...]ape at the hands of God and men. who are Gods ministers; they both are and alwaies shall be thought by all good men, vnwoorthie to liue vpon the face of the earth.

Giuen at Richmount the first of October, 1585, and the 27 yeare of the reigne of our souereigne ladie the queene, to be published.

In the moneths of Nouember and December, line 20 manie horsses and men were shipped at the Tower wharffe to be transported ouer into the low coun­tries. And on the sixt of December the right hono­rable lord Robert Dudleie earle of Leicester, The earle of Leicesters pa [...]sing ouer [...] the low [...]ntries. lord lieutenant generall (after he had taken his leaue of hir maiestie and the court) with his traine entred the towne of Colchester in Essex, where the maior & his brethren, all in scarlet gownes, with multitudes of people met him, and so with great solemnitie entred line 30 the towne, where he lodged that night, and on the next morrow set forward to Harwich, into the which towne he was accordinglie receiued and intertei­ned. On the eight of December, accompanied with diuers lords and knights, he arriued at Flushing, where he was interteined by sir Philip Sidneie go­uernour, the Graue Morris, the states of the towne, and others passing honorablie. The next day he sailed to Middleborough, where his receiuing was answe­rable to his person; and after certeine daies there spent, as occasions then moued, he came to Willi­amstat, line 40 then to Rotherodam, then to Delph, where he lodged euen in the house where the prince of O­range was slaine. And after a daie or twooes tari­ance, he remoued thense to Donhage, where he was interteined with ten seuerall shewes, of no lesse rare inuention than exquisit sumptuousnesse, so glad were the people (best and worst, one with another) of his comming. Certeine daies passed, and Ianuarie entred, the lord lieutenant with three hundred horsses in their furniture entred Leidon, where he was re­ceiued of the burgomasters, burgesses, and others, line 50 with seuen seuerall shewes that follow. It is to be noted, that eight yeares before this, they were besie­ged, and therefore now presented their extremities, which at that time they were driuen into. They brought therefore a faire woman on the stage verie brauelie apparelled, The first shew [...]f a woman [...]presenting Leidon. & she represented the towne, hir they assalted by Spaniards, with false fiers of great and small shot a long time in order of battell, & then retiring continued their siege; héere they laie so long that vittels waxed scarse, and then they presented af­ter line 60 the poets, [...]he second [...] of fa­ [...]e. of what this shew had passed. Famine attired accordinglie then breathed into the woman, after which they presented men rending dogs and cats aliue in sunder, and fed on them, and souldiors robbing women of their children.

Sicknesse now possesseth hir and pestilence, and this they presented in abrupt burials of townes­men on heapes; [...]he third [...] of [...]. and lastlie with a braue buriall of a capteine, who was borne ouer the stage with dead matches, howling trumpets, wrapt vp ancients, trailed pikes, drawne péeces; and after he was put into the ground, and bid farewell with a volée of great and small shot. The Spaniards pitieng hir, The fourth shew of Spa­nish seruituu [...]. writ and sent letters by diuerse messengers, all which she read and refused, without returne of an­swer: now hope possesseth hir, and therefore they tooke another waie. Now she commanded a light to be set on the highest stéeple in the towne, to signi­fie vnto the prince of Orange that laie in Delph, The fift shew of hope to be succored. how they hoped for succor; who againe by deuise of a doue sent them promise of aid, by which doue they promised to attend the good houre, and so the shew ended.

Now came Gods prouidence, vpon whome the towne relied, and she leaned: The sixt shew of aid promi­sed. Gods prouidence in the dead of the night ouerthrew a peece of the wall and vawmure of six and twentie poles. Which the enimie hearing, and fearing the prince and his power to be entred for their aid, they fled, whome when the towne had in pursute, they put all they o­uertooke to the swoord, the rest escaped by flight, and so with the woman as it were now at libertie that presented the towne, they marched awaie merilie with great triumph. At the last they brought in a woman verie braue, armed as the other was, The last shew of libertie, vic­torie, and tri­umph. hir they besieged with a Spaniard, intised with a Frenchman, and flattered with an Iatlian twise, the Spaniard put by, she fled the stage, and leaping off hastilie hid hir selfe vnder the earls cloke, whom he shadowed, and the Spaniard threatning mar­ched awaie. The earle led hir to his lodging, wherein­to he entred with shot. On the skaffold were written these verses, in effect as followeth in English:

We Flemings being banished, now wailing here,
These verses séeme to be made by no metrician, per­haps they were deuised by some of Leidon.
We are as they in Babylon, by the water clere,
Bicause we wold not worship idols, but Gods word,
And might not sing our praise vnto the Lord,
Are we driuen out as now dooth appeere,
But our deliuerance is now verie neere,
For God hath looked vpon our miserablenesse,
And sent vs a prince whom he will blesse,
Which praised be God as it dooth beseeme,
Who hath deliuered vs from dangerous case,
And humbled the heart of such a noble queene,
As hath sent vs a gouernor now in this space,
Laieng his hand to the warres through his grace,
And his arme mightilie, the which vs defend,
Thus praised may he be world without end,
Which sendeth such a prince aboue all that liueth,
And one that gouerns to gods honor he now giueth.

So passing on to my lords lodging, on the doore of the entring were written these verses following:

Pro auspicijs illustrissimi & generosissimi comitis Roberti Dudlaei, regiae maiestati apud Anglos à consilijs, & gubernatoris Belgiae, &c: ad Ho­landos consolatio.

Inter Iberiadum furias & tigridis iras,
Uerses writ­ten vpon the doore of the lord lieute­nāts lodging.
Oppressi fletum comprimitote viri,
Nos licèt innumeris hostilia bella periclis
Assiduè infestent, mille necesque trahant,
Nostra tamen Domini rebus fiducia si sit
In Domino, miseris expediet facilè.
Nicanor Lestrij generis viribus malè nostras
Ceruices pulsat, barbara verba vomens:
Viribus at Lecestranis iugulabitur ille,
En Machabaeus adest, qui Nicanora premat,
Auspicio Christi, qui in vitam funera vertit,
Qui fidei vindex, qui mala nostra leuat.
En generose comes, Dauidis pia facta sequutus,
Iusticiae exerce iura seuera tuae:
Et tibi sit praesens magnum qui temperat orbem,
Vt pede victrici colla ter as Goliae.

On the daie after his comming to the towne, The lord lieu­tenant return­eth backe from Leidon to Donhage. he was banketted, at which banket were orations and deuises manie. On the fift of Ianuarie hée came backe from Leidon vnto Donhage. The [Page 1420] tenth he mustred part of his horssemen, to the num­ber of fiue hundred or more, and then pointed them into seuerall garrisons, and to seuerall gouernors, the earle of Essex was that daie made generall of the horsses. The eleuenth daie hée came from Donhage to Leidon. The twelfe daie a generall fast was proclamed through Holland, A géneráll fast proclamed and deuoutlie obserued. Gelderland, and Friseland, which was kept with great zeale. The lord lieutenant spent that daie till night with preaching, reading, and singing of psalmes; neither he or anie of his eating anie thing. The ninetéenth line 10 of Ianuarie he came from Leidon to Donhage, where in his time of abode he rode to a lit [...]le fisher towne two miles from the Hage, The lord lieu­tenant rideth to Skeueling, and is presen­ted with a few English ver­ses. named Skeue­ling, which towne dooth bound on the maine seas. In this towne he was presented with these verses:

Like as the sea goddesse Thetis had ingendred,
The valiant Achilles to the Greeks defence,
So hath now this English Thetis, who all praise de­serued
Sent vs this Achilles to our assistence,
Wherefore we yeeld him all due reuerence. line 20

These words were written in the great hall at Donhage, cōteining terms of honor & welwishing: Beatus qui facit opus Domini fideliter. Titles of ho­nór ascribed to the lord lieute­nant, with a reioising at his comming. ¶Inclyto principi Roberto Dudlaeo comiti Leicestriae, inter magnates maximè pio, prudenti, forti, Dei permissu a regina misso, praefecto ac gubernatori Belgarum, prosperum hunc optatúmque aduentum toto laeti­tiae sinu gratulamur, ecclesiae & reipublicae salutem optamus, foederati ordinis Belgij, addicti celsitudini eius. ¶Deus caepit, Deus dirigat. line 30

The estates sworne to the quéene of England.On the fiue and twentith of Ianuarie, the lord lieutenant was installed and sworne, and likewise all the states sworne to the quéene. The manner of the installing was thus. At Donhage is a maruel­lous faire hall, at the vpper end whereof are fiue or six large steps ascending, which doo reach to a faire chamber, at the vpper end whereof on high was pla­c [...]d a cloth of estate, The earle of [...]eicester in­stalled at Donhage▪ with the ma­ner and order thereof. in the middest of which were the armes of England, and against them my lord was seated: on each side of him two steps descending line 40 sat twelue of the principall states, & below them sat the residue, to the number of twentie right before my lord, but foure or fiue steps descending. On the right hand of my lord did stand the prince of Portu­gall, Persons of honor and worship. next him the lord Morleie, next master Norris gouernor of Munster, next sir William Russell, and sir Robert Germin, with diuerse men of great ac­count. On the left hand of my lord did stand the Graue Morris, next the earle of Essex, sir William Stanleie, sir Robert Stapleton, and sir Thomas line 50 Parrat, with diuers others of great account. Thus being placed, a Dutchman made a large oration in Dutch, declaring the causes of the matter in hand, with thanks to the quéenes maiestie and the lord lieutenant.

Then was read in Latine the couenants be­twéene the states, The coue­nants betwéen the quéens maiestie and the estates, read in Latine and deliuered to and fro. the queene and my lord: this doone the couenants were deliuered to my lord, which he deliuered to the states, and the states deliuered an other to him: then was my lord demanded to vow line 60 the same by oth, who holding his hand to heauen did sweare to the couenants. The like did the states, hol­ding vp their hands, vow to performe. Then againe were the states sworne to the queene and my lord hir lieutenant in those affaires. This doone, my lord gaue to them seuerall thanks, and they seuerallie did giue to him the like, which being doone, my lord passed through to his chamber, the trumpets all sounding before him. And héere as matter of conue­niencie requireth, we purpose to touch the peremp­torie authoritie committed to the said lord lieute­nant by common consent of the states: being as followeth in the placard.

A placard conteining the authoritie giuen by the states of the low countries, vnto the mightie prince, Robert earle of Leicester, baron of Denbigh, &c: for the gouernment of the said low countries: translated out of Dutch into English, as fol­loweth.

THe generall states of the vnited prouin­ces of the low countries, to all those which shall sée or heare these present wri­tings, health and dilection. Euen as it hath pleased hir maiestie of England mercifullie to send ouer into these countries the high and migh­tie prince and lord, lord Robert earle of Leicester, Note what [...] title and stil [...] of excellencie the states [...] to the earle their gouer­nor, and the honorable se [...]uice to him [...]pointed. baron of Denbigh, and one of the priuie councell, knight of the noble order of the garter, and not onlie to admit and institute his excellencie as chéefe head aboue all militarie souldiers on horse or foot, which hir maiestie hath sent or shall send ouer hereafter in­to these countries; & to the end to assist vs with coun­sell, aid & aduise, according to his great experience, policie and wisedome in the direction of publike af­faires of the land, as well touching the feates of warre, as other waies, in conseruation of all that which most tendeth to the profit of the foresaid land, to bring backe and reduce the same into such good or­der and rule as it hath béene in times past, to the end that so much the better and orderlie he maie resist the force and tyrannie of our enimies, and to frustrate all his practises: but also besides this to honour and inrich his foresaid excellencie with greater authori­tie, might and commandement, aboue all hir maie­sties admerals and viceadmerals, and ships of war, to command them all, & to emploie them to the ser­uice of these countries, and in such order as his ex­cellencie shall find néedfull for the same countrie; and that his excellencie following hir maiesties commandement, The good [...] and aff [...]ction of the lord lieutenant to performe the premisses sig [...]nified and by good proofe [...] stified. desirous to shew the effect of the good will and affection which he beareth to these af­faires, and to the preseruation of the same, and also of the true christian religion, and hath imploied him­selfe so willinglie in the foresaid matters, that his excellencie for that onlie cause hath left and abando­ned his natiue countrie and goods, and transported himselfe hitherward amongst vs: so that hir maie­stie and his excellencie could neuer haue doone or shewed vnto vs a greater benefit than this.

Therefore are we resolued, with good and ripe de­liberation, to certifie all men by these presents, The states agnise the p [...]emptorie au­thoritie put into the lord lieutenants hands in re­spect of his gouernment. that we haue desired, accepted, and authorised the fore­said mightie and honorable prince, lord Robert earle of Leicester, &c: to be our gouernor and generall captaine ouer all the vnited prouinces, and associat cities and members of the same. And we giue vnto his excellencie, besides the authoritie of hir maiestie giuen vnto him, the highest and supreme comman­dement, and absolute authoritie aboue, and in all matters of warfare by sea and by land, to execute & administrat the same to the resistance of the eni­mie, euen as his excellencie shall thinke most com­modious to the preseruation of these countries: and so further, to doo all such things as apperteine to the office of a generall capteine. And furthermore, we commit the administration & vse of policie and iustice ouer the foresaid vnited prouinces, and asso­ciat cities and members of the same into his hands, Like auth [...] ­tie giuen to the lord lieu­tenant, as o­ther gouer­nours his [...] [...]decessors [...] had in the [...] countries. to execute and administrat the same with such power and authoritie, as haue had in times past all the o­ther gouernors of these low countries before him; and especiallie, as haue béene exercised, and law­fullie administred in the time of Charles the fift; re­serued onelie the lawes and priuileges of the fore­said countries: also with especiall power to collect profits, and receiue, and administrat all the contri­butions [Page 1421] which are agreed and condescended, or shall hereafter be consented or agréed, to the mainte­nance of the warres: and also, that which is or shall be deliuered hereafter into his excellencies hands: and this all according to the vertue of other letters and miss [...]ues written more at large touching the same agreement. All which former charge and com­mission, his excellencie through our earnest desire hath accepted, and hath deliuered solemne oth and assurance into our hands, first of all, for the preser­uation line 10 of the true christian religion, and mainte­nance of the priuileges and rights of these lands and prouinces, members, and cities of the same.

We therefore ordeine and command all gouer­nors of prouinces and cities, [...]n acknow­ledgement and performance of dutie and elegiance in­ioined to all persons of the low countries (vnder paine of punish­ [...]ent) to the lord lieute­nant. all admerals and vice­admerals, all officers, coroners, capteins, their of­ficers and souldiors by sea and land, and furthermore all other councellors, officers, treasurors, receiuers, bailiffs, burgomaisters, marshals, magistrats, gen­tlemen, burgers, & other inhabitants & subiects of line 20 these l [...]nds, of what qualitie or condition soeuer; that they & euerie of them doo acknowledge his fore­said excellencie in the qualitie of gouernement, and capteine generall ouer the foresaid vnited prouin­ces, to honor, respect and obeie him, as they ought to doo, without making anie difficultie in dooing the same, vpon paine of falling in the displeasure and anger of his excellencie, and to be punished accor­ding to the heauines of the fault, and as reason shall require. And to the end that no bodie should pretend line 30 ignorance, we command expreslie to make knowne these ordinances, All pretense of ignorance cut off, least the course of obe­ [...]ence might be hindered. to proclame and publish them, whereas men are accustomed to proclame all pub­lications; procéeding, and commanding to procéed with rigor against all disdainors and neglectors of the same, according to the order of punishment be­fore mentioned, without anie fauour or dissimula­tion to the contrarie, because we haue thought the same to be expedient for the preseruation of the countrie.

Giuen in our congregation & assemblie line 40 in the Hage, the sixt daie of Februa­rie, 1586, by ordinance of the foresaid generall states.

This placard thus passed, the lord lieutenant bending his mind to his charge vndertaken, Councellors [...], matters of late elected by the lord [...]eutenant. did ordeine certeine speciall men, natiues borne, of the councell, to the intent that such affaires as chanced to occur, might by them be conuenientlie managed. And as he tooke order for matters of policie, so was he studious in preferring martiall affaires, proui­ding line 50 by good lawes and ordinances not onelie con­cerning common souldiours, but capteins in like sort, that a conuenient course and well beseeming the excellencie of his place, might be obserued in all militarie businesses: for proofe whereof these lawes touching capteins (as a note of the rest) may serue.

[...]wes for captein [...] and souldiours.First, no capteine, officer, or other person, shall receiue or interteine anie other mans souldiour or seruant, without consent of his former capteine or line 60 master, neither shall intise anie other mans souldi­or from him, vpon paine of losse of a moneths wa­ges, and to restore the partie to his former capteine or master.

Secondlie, no capteine shall send foorth anie men to doo anie enterprise, without knowledge of the ge­nerall or chéefe officer appointed therevnto, vpon paine of losse of his place.

Thirdlie, all priuat capteins being no head offi­cers, shall watch and ward with their ensignes, vn­lesse it be by speciall leaue, vpon paine of the losse of a moneths paie, & for the second time lose his place.

Fourthlie, no capteine shall sell or ransome his prisoner without licence of the generall, and shall not suffer them to depart without making the high marshall priuie to the same, vpon paine to lose his prisoner, and imprisonment.

Fiftlie, anie capteine finding anie souldiour, of what band or companie so euer, which hath trans­gressed anie of these lawes & ordinances, may take him & bring him vnto the marshall to be punished.

Sixtlie, that no capteine shall receiue or inroll anie person into his paie vnder him, but that he cause the said souldior to receiue the oth, vpon paine to the capteine for not obseruing the same, or losse of a moneths paie.

Seauenthlie, no inferiour capteine shall for cor­ruption or anie other cause, licence anie of his soul­diors to depart the campe or garrison, without spe­ciall licence of the generall or head officer, vpon paine of losse of his moneths paie, and expulsion out of his office.

Eightlie, if anie capteine heereafter receiuing his souldiors paie, doo not paie the same vnto them within eight daies after, and being demanded, then vpon complaint made, and the capteine thereof in­dicted, he shall lose his moneths paie, and be depri­ued of his office, banished the campe, and disabled from thensefoorth to serue in the armie.

Ninthlie, capteins & officers shall resort to their souldiors lodgings, to sée in what state their armor and munition be in, and to giue great charge that their furniture be alwaies in a readinesse, their cors­lets with all péeces belonging to the same, and their caléeuers to be made cleane & oiled, to haue match and powder drie, and strings for their bowes, their bils and holberds to be kept cleane and sharpe, vpon paine and punishment arbitrarie, according to the qualitie of their negligence.

Tenthlie, that euerie capteine or officer shall cause these said statutes to be read euerie twentith daie to them of their charge, as well horssemen as footmen, & to follow the same so néere as they may.

Now when the state of the countrie was prouided for in such sort as before ye haue heard, The lord l [...]eu­tenant com­meth from the Hage to Har­lem, & how he was receiued. the lord lieu­tenant procéeded to other actions, insomuch that on the first of March he came from Hage to Leidon, and the third of March from Leidon to Harlem, where being honorablie interteined, according to the maner in other places before named, with sun­drie representations: on the tenth daie of March he came from Harlem to Amsterdam, a towne counted inexpugnable, being there receiued in most sumptuous sort with diuersitie of shewes & ceremo­nies. Utricht peo­ple commen­ded for their great kindnes shewed to the Englishmen. The like also were exhibited vnto him com­ming to Utricht, the people of which towne shewed themselues greatlie to fauour our Englishmen, for there came to the towne from the Leger three hun­dred or foure hundred souldiors, so sicke and poore, that it was woonder to sée their miserie: and the townesmen not onelie receiued them, but also re­leeued them with meat drinke and cloths, giuing them for the most part new shirts and other necessa­rie apparell; looking so vnto them for their health, that whereas for the most part they were in great danger of death, few or none of them at that time perished.

The thrée and twentith of Aprill, the earle of Lei­cester being lieutenant, S. Georges feast solemntlie obserued at Utricht. and gouernour generall of hir maiesties forces in the low countries of the vni­ted prouinces (as is aforesaid) and making his resi­dence at that time in Utricht (a great and goodlie towne vpon the frontiers of Holland) kept most ho­nourablie the feast of S. George therein, the procée­dings whereof being so princelie performed to the honor of our nation, in the view of so manie thou­sand strangers, I could not choose (hauing gotten the true and faithfull description, by one William S [...] ­ger [Page 1490] aliàs Portcullis an officer at armes in that ser­uice) to make some breefe remembrance of the ma­ner thereof in this booke, S. Georges feast solemnlie obserued at Utricht. to wit. The streets of U­tricht being large and faire, were rankt and set with eight ensignes of burgers richlie appointed, wea­ring scarffes knit like roses white and red vpon their armes, betwéene whome from the court of my lord vnto the cathedrall church called the Dome, the pro­céeding was on horssebacke. First rid the trumpet­tors apparelled in scarlet, laid with siluer lace, sound­ing their trumpets most roiallie, their bannerols be­ing line 10 displaied and richlie limmed with my lords armes. Then followed the gentlemen, capteins, co­ronels, and hir maiesties sworne men, to the number of a fortie horsse, richlie adorned in cloth of gold, sil­uer, and silks, of all colours. After came six knights, foure barons, with the councell of estates: the right honourable earle of Essex accompanied the bishop of Cullen prince elector; and the prince of Portin­gall rid by himselfe: next procéeded the capteine of line 20 the gard, the treasuror and controllor of the houshold, bearing their white slaues; after whom followed two gentlemen vshers, and Portcullis herald in a rich cote of armes of England.

Then came my lord most princelike, inuested in his robes of the order, L. lieutenant inuested in the robes of order. garded by the principall bur­gers of the towne, which offered themselues to that seruice, besides his owne gard, which were a fiftie halberds in scarlet clokes, garded with purple and white veluet. He being thus honourablie brought vnto the church, after due reuerence doone vnto the line 30 quéenes maiesties estate, which was there erected on the right hand, he tooke his owne stall on the left, by certeine degrees lower. Then began praiers, and a sermon made by maister knewstubs my lords chap­leine, after which my lord procéeded to the offering; first for hir maiestie, & then for himselfe, the which he performed with such decorum & princelie behauiour, that all generallie spake most honorablie of him.

These solemnities being doone, his lordship retur­ned line 40 as he came, leauing behind him the earle of Es­sex and certeine gentlemen to accompanie the prin­ces and the ladies of the court. His court was a faire and large house, belonging in times past to the knights of the Rhodes, in which was a verie great hall richlie hoong with tapistrie; at the vpper end whereof was a most sumptuous cloth and chaire of estate for the quéens maiestie, with hir armes and stile thereon, and before it a table couered with all things so requisit as if in person she had beene there; line 50 on the left hand almost at the tables end was my lords trencher and stoole, for he would haue no chaire. The tables being couered, & all degrees assembled, my lord before the estate of hir maiestie knighted a Dutch gentleman, called sir Martin Skinke, for his manifold seruices doone to his countrie, the which doone, the vshers marshalled the feast. Martin Skinke knighted, who promised Portcullis to shew him seuentie en­signes that he had now in the field. At the table on the right side of the hall sat the yoong prince of Portingall, the prince elector and his wife, the prin­cesse Semeie, the earle of Essex, the Graue Morris line 60 and his ladie, & betwéene euerie ladie was an Eng­lish lord or knight placed. On the left side sat the states and chéefe burgers of the towne, and the grand prior of Amerford (who came to see the feast) was by my lords appointment placed vppermost at that ta­ble. Then began the trumpets to sound in the seruice which was (most princelike & abundant serued on the knée) carued & tasted to hir maiesties trencher.

To prosecute the sumptuousnesse, statelinesse, and varietie of deuises in seruice at this banket, requi­reth a discourse of manie lines, and therefore lea­uing it to the imagination of the reader (hauing re­lation to the former) we will heare surcease; remem­bring thus much to the honour of the lord lieute­nant, that sundrie militarie exploits or stratagems were with no lesse magnanimitie attempted, than with felicitie atchiued against the enimie, during the time of his abode in those countries, which it were better vtterlie to omit, than not with conueni­ent dignitie to record: being heerein semblablie af­fected to his honour, as sometimes was the poet Horace to Agrippa, Qui sibi non conuenire tam sublime argumentum asseuerabat; proinde Varium poetam rectiùs scripturum eius praeclara facinora dicebat, qui ad Homeri­cam foelicitatem proximè accedere videbatur. And now to leaue him in the hands of God, vpon whome depen­deth his honours hope, we will héere leaue the ne­therlands, and approach to matters of England.

On the one and twentith daie of this Ianuarie, Seminarie préests exec [...]t [...]d at Ti­burne. A wench burnt in Smithfield. two seminarie préests (before arreigned and con­demned) were drawne to the Tiburne, and there hanged, bowelled, and quartered. Also on the same daie, a wench was burnt in Smithfield for poiso­ning of hir aunt and mistresse, and also attempting to haue doone the like wicked offense to hir vncle. On the second daie of Februarie, or the feast of the purification of our blessed ladie, Archbishop Canturburi [...] lord Cobha [...] & lord Buck [...]hurst, of the priuie coun­cell. doctor Iohn White­gift archbishop of Canturburie, William lord Cob­ham lord warden of the fiue ports, and Thomas lord Buckhurst, were chosen and taken to be of hir ma­iesties priuie councell: the two first, to wit, the archbishop and the lord Cobham were sworne the same daie, and the third on the next morrow. And here, as in other places of these chronicles, where we haue set downe certeine collections of right worthie personages in high calling and verie honourable office, we are lead by some reason to deliuer a cata­log of the names (at least) of such archbishops as haue successiuelie possessed the metropolitan see of Canturburie, therein implieng their antiquitie and authoritie, &c: and from thense proceed to saie some­what of the lord Cobhams and lord wardens of the cinque ports, as a matter of some consequence, Pag. 1435, [...] by means of the mutuall aduancement at one instant which hir highnesse of speciall grace vouchsafed them both. And to begin with Canturburie, being first na­med, you shall vnderstand that Augustine the moonke (according to the receiued opinion of chronogra­phers) was the first archbishop which occupied that metropolitan sée, next whome sucéeded one Lauren­tius, then Melitus, Iustus, Honorius, Deusdedit, The­odorus, Brightwaldus, Tatwinus, Nothelmus, Cut­bertus, Beguinus, Lambertus, Athelardus, Wilfre­dus, Theologildus, Athelredus, Plegmundus, Athel­mus, Wolfelmus, Odo Seuerus, Dunstanus, Ethelga­rus, Siricius, Aluricius, Elphegus, Liuingus, Agelno­thus, Edsinus: and so forward with the residue before and after the conquest, The num [...] of archbish [...] of Cantur [...]rie from th [...] first to the [...] which being multiplied by v­nities, doo make vp the complet number of thrée score and twelue.

Where by the waie we might touch the varietie of their names (sith authors therein doo dissent) as al­so the time wherein they liued and flourished, with some commemoration of their acts and deeds, both in church and commonwealth. But this kind of dis­course being ecclesiasticall, is vnproper for this se­cular historie: wherefore labouring no further there­in, we will remit the reader to such authors as Ex professo haue amplie treted of that argument: mind­ing now by waie of note in a few lines to touch the thrée late primats, as they haue succéeded ech other since the coronation and regiment of hir maiestie: the first of whom was Matthew Parker, whose pre­decessor Reg. Poole dieng, he was aduanced, and inioied the same aduancement certeine yeares, (hauing béen the seuentith archbishop of that see) du­ring which time he did much good diuerse waies, deseruing well not onelie of the church, but also [Page 1491] of the commonwealth. But hauing spoken elsewhere of this man, we will here staie our course; conclu­ding this collection of archbishops in their successi­ons, with the two reuerend diuines and docto [...]s, the one Edmund Grindall late deceased; the other Iohn Whi [...]egift now liuing; of whom no more but silence, for vertue dooth sufficientlie commend h [...]r selfe. Now order would, that we should descend into a discourse of the lord Cobhams & lord wardens of the cinque ports, remembred before page 1435, a 10: but herein the line 10 reader is patientlie to put vp the disappointment of his expectation, vpon supposall of some reasonable impe­diment whie the same was not satisfied. And now to the course of our historie orderlie to be continued.

[...]¶ In this yeare 1586, certeine of the lords of hir maiesties most honora [...]le priuie councell made an appointment to haue met at Douer, to surueie a notable peece of worke there latelie performed about the hauen, to the benefit of the whole land▪ Howbeit the said lords, by means of other acci­dents line 20 of importance, staid at the court, and went not that iourneie. Neuerthelesse the lord Cobham, lord warden of the cinque ports, one of hir maiesties priuie councell, repairing thither (accompanied with diuerse knights and gentlemen of great worship) did take the view both of the worke finished, and also con­ferred about the businesse then in hand. Now for so much as that which is alreadie doone, is a perfect and an absolute worke, to the perpetuall maintenance of a hauen in that place, being such a monument as is hardlie to be found written in anie record, it might line 30 séeme absurd that no mention thereof should be made in this chronicle: and that the cost and businesse there­abouts imploied hath not beene vnnecessarie, maie ap­peare by the reasons insuing.

First, Douer hath béene euer reputed the keie and locke (as Matthaeus Parisiensis reporteth, Considerati­ons whie the building of Douer hauen is here recor­ded. Douer the néerest place of England to France. Douer the most conueni­ent place of England for a hauen. or as rather he should haue said) the verie doore and entrance into the realme of England, either for fréend or so, and also the readie passage vnto all nations, but especiallie in­to France, from whense it is not distant about thirtie line 40 English miles, and is commonlie passed in fiue or six houres at the most, and in a prosperous wind within halfe the time. Secondlie, it standeth in the most con­uenient place of all this land to offend the enimie, and to defend either domesticall or forren fréend. Thirdlie, a meane harbor would be there (in the opinion of all skilfull mariners) more beneficiall & commodious for the nauigation of England, than an excellent hauen placed anie where else about the coast thereof. Fourth­lie, all our passengers through the narow seas being line 50 distressed by violence of weather, or by inconuenience of pirasie, Reasons whie a harbor at Douer would be so benefi­ciall. or else by force of the common enimie in the time of warre, might there haue present succor and re­fuge, and both spéedie and easie passage thereinto, or otherwise be best rescued. Fiftlie, of late yeares, the considerations aforesaid haue mooued some noble princes of this land, to bestow infinit tresure to gaine a harborough or hauen in that place, to their great ho­nor, fame, and commendation, to the woonderfull con­tentment of all their subiects, and for the good and be­nefit line 60 of all the neighbors adioining, and strangers pas­sing these narrow seas. Finallie, it hath pleased our most noble queene Elisabeth to vndertake it, A true com­mendation of quéene Elisa­beth. who in all good actions and necessarie works, for the benefit of the realme, & commonwealth of England, hath béene so liberall, carefull, and prouident, as thereby hir glorie and renowme is spread ouer all the face of the earth, and reacheth vnto heauen, where the king of kings sit­teth, and heareth the praises and praiers, not onelie of hir owne people, but of all christians liuing in hir behalfe, for whose good (it séemeth) she was brought foorth and preserued in this world.

And now (I saie) for so much as hir highnesse hath at this present time taken order for the building of a new hauen in this place, and bountifullie imploied great [...] of monie vpon the same (being begun with more probabilitie, iudgement, and circumspec­tion, and accompanied with better successe than euer anie of hir highnesse predecessors haue heretofore had in this case; wherin the most difficult and dangerous worke is alreadie accomplished, so as there is now and euer hereafter will be a verie good hauen, except extr [...]me negligence be vsed in mainteining the same) I thought it a most necessarie ma [...]ter to be here recor­ded, [...]o hir maiesties perpetuall [...]ame, The [...] Douer w [...]ll mainteine a hauen there for euer. and partlie al­so to giue light and incouragment to hir successors in the crowne of England, to attempt and vndertake, and the better to execute and accomplish the like fa­mous enterprise. For actions of far lesse importance are made memorable by historiographers, as in eue­rie chronicle maie appeare.

In this discourse I thought méet to passe ouer the antiquitie of the towne and port of Douer, with the liberties thereof; which togither with the ruines and misfortunes of fire are to be found extant in the per­ambulation of Kent, written by William Lambard esquier. Of Douer castell somewhat might here be said, In peramb. Cant. [...] Douer. but for so much as maister Lambard hath so large­lie discoursed therevpon in his booke, which is likelie to remaine of continuance, I will make bold with the reader to referre him there vnto; and onelie giue this note (to wit) that wheras he iustlie complaineth of the miserable ruines thereof; it hath pleased hir maiestie (in respect of the necessarie maintenance of the same) to bestow more charge of late in reparing and re­edifieng of it, Douer castell reedified by queene Elisa­beth. than hath béene spent thereabouts (as it seemeth) since the first building thereof, whether the same were doone by Iulius Cesar the Romane emperor, or by Aru [...]ragus then king of the Britains (king Edward the fourth onelie excepted) who (as Iohn Rosse reporteth) did throughlie repare it, Edward the fourth bestow­ed ten thou­sand pounds vpon repara­tions of Do­uer castell. bestowing thereon 10000 pounds, insomuch as it is now redu­ced to be a peece of great force and importance, and verie beautifull to behold. Wherein the honorable dis­position of the lord Burghleie lord high treasuror of England is to be commended, who was a principall furtherer thereof, and whose forwardnesse in all mili­tarie affaires is had in admiration among all the best souldiors of England, although he himselfe an aged and a most graue councellor. And in these commen­dations if I should omit the praises of the honorable lord Cobham, lord warden of the cinque ports, and constable of the castell of Douer, &c: I should doo him great wrong. For by his prouidence and mediation, togither with the diligent trauell and industrie of Ri­chard Barrie esquier, lieutenant of the said castell, that worke is accomplished, to the comfort and bene­fit of the whole realme. Within the wals whereof is now also raised such a mount at the north side thereof▪ as thereby the castell is double so strong as before. But omitting all other occasions and matters con­cerning Douer, I will now passe to my purpose.

But yet, before I enter into these last works, The situation of Douer har­bour. I must giue you to vnderstand, that the verie situation of the place ministreth incouragement to the executi­oners, and yeeldeth great fauor and occasion to the at­tempt. For Douer cliffes stand to the sea north and east, the towne being placed at the foot of the northerne cliffes, the castle on the top of the easterne cliffes, cal­led the Castell Raie: so as there is a naturall baie, A naturall rode for ships at Douer. through the which from by north issueth a proper riuer entring into the same baie: & thense runneth through the hauen into the sea. In times past, vntill of late yeares, that onelie [...]aie hath serued them for a rode, and at manie times in some sort hath stood the nauie (but especiallie the fisher botes) in good sted. For in a great northerlie and westerlie wind, the ships were [Page 1536] driuen from the Downs and the foreland to repaire thither, The hauen of Rie decaied, whereby more néed of a har­bour at Do­uer. Ships lost for lacke of sufficient har­bour at Do­uer. where they might lie safelie vntill the wind blew great from by east or south, & then were they dri­uen to depart thense vnto the Camber at Rie (which then was a notable good rode, though now vtterlie de­caied) or into the Isle of Wight. For in a sudden flaw or storme of wind at southeast, there haue beene seuen or eight ships broken all to péeces in one daie vpon the said cliffes. To reléeue and amend the same harbo­rough, and somewhat to mitigat the foresaid incon­uenience, line 10 there was a round tower builded by one Iohn Clarke, The first be­nefit bestowed on Douer har­bour. préest, maister of the maison de Dieu, about the yeare one thousand fiue hundred, at the southwest part of the said baie, which serued somewhat to defend the ships from the rage of the southwest wind, but especiallie to moore the ships which were tied there­vnto. For manie great ringles were fastened to the same tower for that purpose, as it maie yet be séene, sith it standeth there at this houre. And hereby that part of the baie was made so pleasant, as euer after line 20 that corner hath béene named, and is at this daie cal­led Little paradise. Little para­dise. Neuerthelesse this was thought verie insufficient in respect of the place, for the safe­gard of such a multitude of ships as vsuallie laie for harbour in that rode. For besides all strange botes, which commonlie repaired thither, it appeareth in the booke of Doomesdaie, that Douer armed yearelie at his proper charges twentie vessels to the sea by the space of fiftéene daies, In the reigne of Edward the Confessor. with one and twentie able men in ech ship. line 30

Now about the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred fiftie and two, one sir Iohn Thomson clarke, parson of the parish of saint Iames in Douer, being a man ingenious, and séeing the conueniencie and possibilitie of a good hauen to be made in that place, consulted with the cheefe and best mariners of the towne. Among whome it was agréed, that humble sute should be made to the kings maiestie by the state of the towne, for his gratious fauour and aid toward the making of a good hauen there. And it was also line 40 by them all thought meet, that the said sir Iohn Thom­son should exhibit their petition to his highnesse: wher­vnto he agréed, and drew a plot, and prepared a sup­plication in the name and behalfe of the towne, Sir Iohn Thomson préest his sup­plication. con­teining the necessarie causes and reasons, deuises and instructions, for the erection and building thereof. But he told them he was poore, and therefore vnable of his owne proper charges to follow the sute. In which respect they collected among themselues, and deliuered vnto him foure pounds ten shillings, which line 50 he accepted, and foorthwith repaired to the court; where he so demeaned himselfe, as he had present accesse to the king, who heard his sute with great fauor, and debated with him about the contents of his plot, and liked so well of his informations that he willed him to repaire home, and without delaie to returne to his presence, accompanied with some of the best mari­ners or seamen of the towne, and so with commen­dations dismissed him for that time.

When the maisters of the towne vnderstood his gra­ces pleasure, they immediatlie assembled themselues, line 60 and made choise of Edward Maie, Robert Iustice, Richard Cowchie, and Iohn Steward, as the fittest and skilfullest persons to vse conference, and to be imploied in that cause, being all mariners of good ex­perience. These foure and the said sir Iohn Thomson without further staie resorted to the court, with whom when the king had communed, he conceiued of the ne­cessitie of a hauen to be there had, and of the probabi­litie and likelihood of good successe in the enterprise to be performed according to their suggestion. And be­cause his maiestie vnderstood the poore estate of the towne, he granted his gratious aid for the supplie of their want of monie, deliuering at that time out of his owne cofers vnto them the summe of fiue hundred pounds, Fiue hundred pounds giuen by Henrie the eight towards a beginning of Douer works The maison de Dieu of Douer. wherewith he willed them to make a begin­ning of the worke. At which time he bestowed on the said sir Iohn Thomson the maistership of the maison de Dieu of Douer, which was a hospitall, valued at one hundred and twentie pounds by the yeare: the custome and dutie of the which house was (as the an­cient townesmen informe me) to interteine and re­léeue souldiors, and others which came from beyond the seas, hurt or distressed, who were allowed some reléefe there, by the space of certeine daies gratis: which though I find not directlie set downe in record, yet doo I know assuredlie the same to haue beene put in execution, wherewith the verie name of the house is agréeable, and as it were a credible witnesse. The king at that time also appointed the said sir Iohn to be principall surueior of the works, Surueiors & ouerséers. and vnder him the other foure to be ouerseers of the same.

Now am I to giue you to vnderstand, that the drift and deuise of the said sir Iohn Thomson was to erect a huge wall (which he termed by the name of a pierre) from Arcliffe chapell, Sir Iohn Thomsons deuise disco­uered. being the southwest part of the baie directlie towards the east into the maine sea, a­bout 131 rods in length: so as by that meanes the har­borough was to be garded from the rage of all wea­ther, comming from the north, northeast, northwest, and southwest, and so the entrance onelie at east south­east, whereinto when the ships were once brought, they might there lie safe in all weather, at the one side or the other. But the pierre was not finished by 350 foot so far as the foundation thereof (which he cal­led the Molehead) was laid, The Mole­head. which foundation consi­sted of great rocks, brought from a place néere hand, called Hakcliffe, or the castell Raie and Folkestone. This pierre was begun on S. Annes daie 1533, Douer pierre when it was taken in hand and whereof it consisted. and it was compiled of two rowes of maine posts, & great piles of fiue or six & twentie foot long, set at each side close togither, which were let downe and put in cer­teine holes hewed in the great rocks, laid for that purpose: but some of those piles were shod with iron, and driuen into the maine rocke of chalke, with a great engine called a ram. These posts and piles were combined and held togither with iron bolts, and were filled with mightie stones of chalks as also with beach, and other earth: but the bottome consisted altogither of great rocks of stone, which if they had not béene brought thither by a speciall deuise, must néeds haue béene extreame chargeable: for manie of them were of twentie tun a péece, and few vnder.

The practise of this charge is now common, A notable d [...] ­uise to carrie great rocks by water. but it was before that time rare & vnknowne in England, and inuented there by a poore simple man named Iohn Yoong, who first with a nutshell, after with an egshell, & lastlie with a small vessell, made proofe what weight those things could raise & beare in the water; and ha­uing by that experiment made triall, or at least a pro­bable coniecture, that stones of great weight might be raised and carried in the water by greater vessels, he discouered his experience to such as were officers in the worke; who presentlie put in practise & execution the same deuise, & making prouision of great & strong barrels and pipes of wood, caried them to Folkstone, and at low water fastened therto with chaines such huge stones as laie on the shore, neere the low water marke (where the quarrie or mine of those rocks is) so as when the floud or full sea came, the said vessels with the stones thereto fastned rose vp & swam. And if the stone were of such quantitie as two or thrée emptie casks could not lift it vp, then did they ad a barrell or two more, which would not faile to doo it: then did they drag with small botes the casks & stones therevnto ti­ed, to the place where they were disposed to sinke them, & so the worke wherein consisted the greatest difficultie in appearance, was with most ease and least charge ac­complished. Foure pence a daie. [Page 1537] And for this deuise the said Iohn Yoong had a yéerelie stipend giuen vnto him by the king du­ring his life. With these stones, as also by this means was the greatest worke doone, and with great cost and labor these piles were filled vp. The chalke and fil­ling thereof being brought from the north pierre, was conueied thither in a great bote called a Gaboth, which had nine kéeles. A Gaboth. There stands yet of the timber worke of the old pierre foure score foot in length, and [...]o [...]es vpon that part of the pierre, where stood a fort line 10 named the Blacke bulworke.

Now that which was doone on that side, with the helpe of nature at the other two sides made an excel­lent ro [...]e or harborough for the time it continued, and had maintenance. The charge of the pierre. The king for his part spared no charge, for he spent hereabouts (as I am crediblie in­formed) fiftie thousand pounds, nor yet did forbeare a­nie trauell which might further the worke. The kings care for Do­uer pierre. The kings repaire to Do [...]er. For in per­son he purposelie repaired thither diuerse and sundrie times, being distant from the court fiftie miles at line 20 the least; yea his highnes had such care that it should be well performed, that no expert man in water works, either on this side, or beyond the seas, but (if it might be) he was brought thither, or at the least conferred withall. And during the time of all the worke, the kings cofers séemed to stand wide open. The cause of the decaie of the pierre. But alas, th [...] kings care and charge, and the continuall trouble and trauell of officers was such about the worke present, that the prouision for the future maintenance thereof was vtterlie neglected. For the kings absence at his line 30 being at Bullen, his sickenesse at his returne, and finallie his death méeting with the nonage of his son king Edward the sixt, made an end of all this worke: which being once in the state of decaie, there was no reparations nor further proceeding therein, till the time of quéene Marie; in the beginning of whose reign [...] (by the space of two yeares) there was some rumbling thereabout. But the workmen and officers were not well paid; and after bad paiment, no pai­ment, and so all was giuen ouer. Sir Anthonie Aucher line 40 was treasuror in these works, Officers a­bout the pierre. The ruine of Douer pierre. and manie other inferi­or officers also there were, and manie other inferi­or officers also there were, but especiallie of clerks.

But now I am to declare vnto you the lamenta­ble ruine and decaie of this worke, before the end and finishing whereof there was brought along the coast, from by southwest, a maruellous quantitie of beach and bowlder stone, whereof there had béene neuer anie séene before in those parts of that coast, and a great quantitie thereof rested vpon the backe of the pierre, Stone called beach or bowl­der choked vp Douer hauen especiallie before the Blacke bulworke, which (so long line 50 as it might lie there without further annoiance) was (in appearance) a singular helpe for the strength and preseruation of the said worke, but it fell out other­wise. For besides that, that an easterlie great wind would remooue and driue it from that coast, and conse­quentlie from the pierre, which then would lie naked as before, vntill the south and westerne wind turned it backe againe; the pierre through negligence decaieng especiallie at the Blacke bulworke (where the greatest abundance of beach vsuallie rested) it passed through line 60 the decaied places thereof in such measure, as in short time thereby grew a shelfe of beach from that point of the pierre to the east part of the baie, butting to the Castell Raie; so as no entrance thereinto for anie ship remained. And the more that the furthest point of the pierre decaied and waxed shorter, the néerer was the shelfe brought vnto the shore: insomuch as if the resi­due of the pierre had not béene preserued, that shelfe would soone haue béene brought to the verie towne, and so haue choked vp the baie, and béerest all possibili­tie of euer hauing a harbor in that place.

The decaie of the pierre grew now more and more, partlie (as is said) through want of prouidence and cost to be imploied therevpon, Two causes of the decaie of Douer pie rre. and sufficient prouision to mainteine the same: but especiallie through the disorder of the poorer sort of the townesmen, who dailie purloined timber, iron, and all that was anie thing woorth, which they could pull or catch from the decaieng places of the pierre. Some [...]i [...]e no harborough at all at Douer. And now (by meanes of this shelfe) the hauen waxed woorse than euer it was, inso­much as oftentimes a bote that drew but foure foot of w [...]ter could not enter into the mouth thereof, and sometime none at all: for the baie was altogither shut vp, so as the harborough was become a pent, out of the which nothing could passe out or in, sauing the wa­ter that soked through the beach. But the riuer, which issueth out of the towne at a water gate standing at the northeast end of the said pent, in continuance of time would make an issue through some part of the same beach into the sea, sometime at one end, some­time at another, sometime verie shallow, and neuer verie déepe; which issue was alwaies their hauens mouth, vntill a contrarie wind did stop it vp againe, and then they had no entrance at all, vntill the ri­uer had made a new fret, or that they had digged a chanell through the beach, which manie times they were driuen to doo.

The losse of this hauen, and the losse of Calis, How Douer was made desolat. which happened about one time, made such an altera­tion, or rather desolation in and of the towne, as was lamentable and woonderfull to behold. For of a braue, rich, and populous towne, it presentlie became a poore and desolate village, reteining onelie the name and liberties of the famous port of Douer. Neuerthelesse, the necessitie and expedience of a good hauen in that place did still remaine, & a conuenient meane also was left for the accomplishment thereof, as it séemed to diuerse which were wise and of good experience: in­somuch as that verie matter, which was supposed to be the destruction of the late harborough, should now become a principall helpe and furtherance to a new hauen of greater importance, and better securitie than euer it was before. That beach which destroi­ed the pierre helpeth now the hauen. For (as you haue heard) Douer cliffes naturallie defend this baie from all tempests comming from the northeast and northwest; the pierre yet remaining gardeth it from the west and southwest winds; & the shelfe of beach crossing from the end thereof to the Castell Raie, had made such a close pent, as if anie ships could be conueied thereinto, they might there rest in great safetie.

The roome within this close baie conteineth al­most fortie acres, and the riuer (as I haue said) run­neth quite through the same immediatlie into the maine sea at south: so as the said pent being sur­rounded at euerie high water, and lieng almost bare at euerie ebbe, the ouze or [...]l [...]ech grew to be fouretéene or fiftéene foot déepe, the bottome thereof being a maine rocke of chalke: insomuch as a great multi­tude of ships might be placed there in good securitie, if the entrance could be made good. These things con­sidered by men of good capacitie and experience, sun­drie deuises and conceipts were exhibited therabouts, whereof some séemed verie probable; and were the ra­ther heard and commended, for that the worke was so necessarie and beneficiall to the commonwealth. And in that respect, it pleased the queenes maiestie to grant to the towne of Douer, towards the reparing of their hauen, the frée transportation of thirtie thou­sand quarters of wheat, A bountifull gift of quéene Elisabeth to­wards the re­paring of Do­uer hauen. ten thousand quarters of bar­lie and malt, and foure thousand tun of béere, without paieng either custome or impost: which was a gift of no small importance.

For (besides great summes of monie alreadie le­uied and imploied vpon the beginning of these works) the licence or patent was sold to a couple of merchants of London named Iohn Bird, and Thomas Wats, The patent of the quéenes gift sold vnto two mer­chants. after the rate of thrée shillings and foure pence for e­uerie quarter of wheat, and two shillings and eight [Page 1538] pence for euerie quarter of barlie and malt; and the licence of béere being sold to diuerse others amounted to foure thousand marks at the least. Besides all this, it was enacted in the parlement holden the three and twentith yeare of the reigne of hir maiestie, The act of parlement for Douer hauen 23. Elisab. for and in the considerations aforesaid, and for that there was a probable plot contriued by skilfull men, to be perfor­med for a conuenient sum of monie, that for euerie ship, vessell, or craier, whereof anie of hir maiesties subiects were owners, or part-owners, being of the line 10 burthen of twentie tuns or vpwards, loding or discharging within this realme, or pass [...]ng to or fro anie forren countrie, during the space of seuen yeres then next insuing, from fortie daies after the end of the same session of parlement, there should be paid for euerie such voiage by the maister or owner of all such vessels, Thrée pence the tun of euerie vessell allowed to­wards Douer hauen. The tunnage amounted to 1000 pounds yearelie. The tenure of the quéens commission for Douer hauen. &c: the summe of thrée pence for euerie tun of the burthen of such ship, &c.

Hereby there grew great summes of monie to be yearelie leuied toward these works, amounting to one thousand pounds yearelie at the least, and yet the line 20 time not expired by two yeares. After this, hir ma­iestie being carefull that the hauen should with expe­dition be taken in hand, directed hir letters patents, dated the nine and twentith daie of March, in the foure and twentith yeare of hir reigne, to the lord Cobham lord warden of hir cinque ports, &c: sir Thomas Scot, sir Iames Hales knights, Thomas Wootton, Edward Bois, the maior of the towne of Douer present and to come, Richard Barrie lieutenant of line 30 the castell of Douer, Henrie Palmer, Thomas Digs, Thomas Wilford, and William Partridge esquires, all which were of the shire, and men of great wisedome and iudgement, and no small trauellers in matters concerning the common wealth: some of them maruellous expert in affaires and matters of the seas, some in fortifications, some hauing tra­uelled beyond the seas for experience and conference that waie, and to sée the order of forren seaworks and hauens, and none without singular vertues. In line 40 which respect they were commissionated and autho­rised by those presents, to doo, and foresee to be doone from time to time, all things needfull and requisit to be imploied about the reparing and mending of the said hauen, and as might tend to the furtherance of the said seruice: and to choose officers, and assigne their stipends, and the seuerall fées of all ministers, atten­dants and clerks néedfull for the substantiall, necessa­rie, spéedie, and cheape dooing thereof, and therein to set downe particular orders and directions, as might be for the furtherance and accomplishing of the said line 50 works most expedient.

Now for the performance hereof, manie plots by sundrie persons were deuised, Iohn True suru [...]ior gene­rall of Douer hauen. and first of all one Iohn True was commended, or at the least com­mended him selfe to the lords of hir maiesties priuie councell, to whome he made great shew to be an ex­pert enginor, and by their lordships he was sent to Douer, and presented to be generall surueior of the works, as one in whome they reposed great hope of furthering and finishing the said hauen; whereof he line 60 made no doubt, but resolutelie promised the spéedie execution and accomplishing thereof. His deuise and determination was, The deuise of Iohn True. to make within the said baie néere to the shelfe of beach, a long wall from the water gate (out of which the riuer issueth into the harborough) to the blacke bulworke, in length two hundred rods. This wall was to bée made of excel­lent stone at Folkstone, the which he framed after a strange and contrarie kind of workmanship. And there was for this purpose alreadie perfectlie hewed of the same stone seuen thousand foot, and six thou­sand foot more was scapled: he bestowed and spent thereabouts one thousand two hundred fourescore and eight pounds, Stone he [...]ed at Folkestone, amounting to 1288 pounds. as appeareth in the accounts of the treasurors for that time being; and yet there was not one stone of his said long wall laid, nor that hi­therto hath come to anie profitable vse. But this wall if it had beene, or rather could haue béene finished, it would haue cost a hundred thousand pounds, Infinit charge to ac­complish the stone wall. and yet would neuer haue serued the turne. For a stone wall is so contrarie to the nature of that sandie foun­dation, as it can make no good coniunction nor per­fect pent.

For the furtherance of his deuise he would haue plucked downe a great part of the old pierre, where­of there was then too little remaining: Iohn True had ten shil­lings a day for his fée. he detracted the time, for he had ten shillings a daie allowed vnto him for his fée, which perhaps he was loth to forgo. He either could or would not render anie reason to the commissioners of his dooings and finall purpose, but alwaies said he would make them a good hauen, neither would he set downe anie time certeine for the accomplishing thereof. All these matters, with his negligence, delaies, & vntowardlinesse of his works, being aduertised to the lords of hir maiesties coun­cell, he was dismissed. Iohn True is dismissed.

After whom, one Ferdinando Poins, Ferdinando Poins. who had béene conuersant and acquainted with water works in the low countries, and had dealt much about Wool­wich and Erith breaches, offered his seruice for the accomplishing of these works; affirming, that it was an easie matter to bring the same to passe, in such sort as there should soone be a good harborough; refusing not to haue taken the worke to doo by great, either by a plot of his owne deuising, or else by the plot agréed on by the commissioners, and allowed by the lords of the councell. But this Ferdinando Poins, although he séemed a verie good executioner either of his owne, or another mans deuise concer­ning such affaires: yet was he verie loth to discouer his order and maner of working, or anie other de­uise of his owne, least (as he said) he might be pre­uented by some other that would vndertake to doo it by his deuises, better cheape than him selfe could af­foord it, and so he to loose, and other to gaine the benefit of his inuention. Howbeit, in the end he was content to be imploied anie waie, so as therewithall he might haue monie before hand: for Woolwich works did so sticke in his fingers, as moneie was verie palpable and plausible vnto him.

In fine, Poins his groine. he vndertooke to make certeine groins or knocks, which at the hauens mouth should cause such a depth, as thereby the whole harborough should lie drie at a low water, whereby the works about the wals might the better and more conuenientlie bée performed, and the present entrie amended. For it was concluded, that there should bée made a perfect pent within the baie, The pent 16 acres. conteining in quantitie about sixtéene acres, which should be inuironed with a long wall, reaching from aboue the water gate néere to the Castell Raie, extending in length about a hun­dred and twentie rods alongst within the shelfe of beach, directlie towards the end of the pierre, The length of the long wall. where the blacke bulworke was placed; and at the end of the said long wall, The crosse wall. a crosse wall of length about for­tie rods, reaching from that wall directlie crosse to the shore at the northerne cliffe, not far from the townes end. And this should make a perfect pent to conteine and reteine the water of the riuer, which (when the s [...]use standing in the crosse wall should bee opened) might be of force to make and mainteine a depth for an entrance or hauens mouth for shipping to come into the rode, The rode for ships. which lieth betwixt the maine sea and the pent.

In this worke there appeared great difficultie, and so much the more, in that (for the most part) the place where the wall should stand, was continuallie sur­rounded, [Page 1539] and also the sea did euerie tide ouerflow the same, and besides that annoiance, the crosse wall also must crosse the riuer, the course whereof could not be diuerted anie other waie but with extreme charge. The speciall cause whie this harborough was continuallie surrounded, euen at the low water, was for want of a depth at the hauens mouth, which might at an ebbe conueie thense into the sea (more speedilie and abundantlie) all those waters which remained vpon the face of the hauen. To the exe­cution line 10 hereof (I saie) the said Ferdinando Poins was appointed, One thousand pounds to Ferdinando Poins. and towards his charge therabouts there was first deliuered vnto him one thousand pounds, by force of a warrant sent by the commissi­oners for Douer hauen, to Thomas Smith of O­stinhanger esquire, farmer of hir maiesties cu­stomes inwards in the ports of London, Sandwich, Chichester, Southhampton, and Ipswich, with their créeks and members, and the créeke of Wood­bridge, being a member of the port of Yarmouth, line 20 who is neuerthelesse called by the name of Custo­mer Smith, because in times past his office was by letters patents to collect the said custome, Customer Smith. and to yeeld account thereof, as other customers vsual­lie doo, hauing for his fée one hundred and thrée score pounds yearelie. Now for that he was so trustie and sufficient a person euerie waie, there was commit­ted vnto his charge the receipt of all such summes of monie as were due, either for the aforesaid tun­nage, or for the licence of frée transportation of line 30 corne and béere, the which summes as néed required, were by him to be deliuered to the treasuror for Do­uer harborough vpon the councels direction, and a warrant of six of the said commissioners hands.

There might be much written in the renowme and commendation of this man, for his great af­faires and aduentures, as also for other singular ver­tues: but for that he yet liueth, and is generallie knowne, it maie with modestie be deferred; yet thus much I haue said of him, for that he was a speciall sauorer and furtherer of these works, neuer making line 40 delaie of anie paiment appointed or required, but ra­ther disbursing great summes of monie out of his owne cofers to set forwards the same. After the re­ceipt of this thousand pounds, the said F. Poins had 200 more, as it appeareth in those accounts. Trulie, this Ferdinando Poins applied the works industriouslie, and performed some thing profitablie for the draining of the harborough, by making two groins, whereby there was a depth made at the ha­uens mouth. But as it is thought, his worke either line 50 was or might haue béene performed with lesse than halfe that monie: which if he had doone, I would more willinglie haue published his praises. By the premisses it maie appeare, that the life of the hauen consisteth in the pent, and consequentlie in the long wall and crosse wall, without the which no pent could be made, so as wals must be erected. But now the question grew to be how and whereof they should be framed which were to be wrought in the sea, vpon line 60 the sand or beach, through a riuer, &c: and the same wall to withstand the violence and rage of the sea at the one side, Uarietie of deuises. and to hold and reteine a mightie weight of fresh at the other, so as no water might soke through or vnder the same.

Maister True (as you haue heard) would haue made stone wals verie costlie, and without limitati­on of time. Maister Ferdinando Poins would haue raised them with ouze and beach shoueled and cast togither without anie more adoo. An other would haue made a coffin dam, wherof the cost would haue béene infinite. Pet and Baker, being skilfull ship­wrights, with certeine other coparteners, thought a woodden wall most conuenient; and presented to the commissioners a module thereof, deuised and fra­med (for the most part) by one Andrew a carpentar, then seruant to the said Pet: which deuise maister William Burroughs, a verie expert seaman, excée­dinglie liked and commended. Maister True his deuise was reiected as impossible and intollerable. Maister Poins his workemanship was easie for a plaine man of the countrie to conceiue and per­forme: but verie few could be persuaded that his wall would be tight inough to make a pent, consi­sting onlie of slub and beach shoueled together, and lieng so hoouer: for that was his d [...]uise. Neuerthe­lesse, Sir W. Win­ter sent to Do­uer to surueie the harbor, &c. sir William Winter (a man verie skilfull and of great experience in sea matters, being sent to Douer by the lords of hir maiesties priuie councell, with maister William Burroughs and others, to surueie and confer about that hauen with the said commissioners) vnderstanding Ferdinando Poins had delt in the inning of Woolwich & Erith marshes, being also willing to doo him good, gaue fauourable eare vnto him, as to one that propounded an easie and a cheape platforme, and not much vnprobable in his opinion, whose desire was to haue it well per­formed, and with as small charge as might be, for that he was the greatest preferrer of that bill in the parlement house, and yéelded the best reasons for a hauen to be there placed.

At this assemblie were proposed other sundrie mens deuises; namelie, of one Thomas Brooker gentleman, Iohn Stoneham carpentar, Bedwell, &c: and among the rest sir Thomas Scot, Sir Thomas Scot. being a man carefull for the affaires of his countrie, and therewithall verie perspicuous, being wearied with manie fruitlesse conferences, delaies, strange and vntoward deuises, chargeable and vaine at­tempts, and contrarie procéedings; and among o­ther things, hauing had great experience in Rom­neie marsh matters (the greatest businesse whereof consisteth in making and reparing of wals to de­fend the same marsh from the inuasion and inunda­tion of the sea) and dailie seeing the nature and ef­fects therof, weieng also in his mind, that Romneie marsh wals are of greater bulke and force than these need to be, The wals of Romneie marsh subiect to the raging seas. for that they lie more open to the maine sea, and without comparison more subiect to the weight and violent rage thereof; and further knowing that the marsh wals are placed not farre from thense vpon that coast, vpon a foundation in all respects like vnto the same, if not woorse (for some­times they build vpon a verie quicke sand, where one maie thrust downe a pole of a doozzen or twen­tie foot, and not find or feele the bottome) and after he had compared these workes together, perceiuing no impediment whie one rule should not direct two workes of one kind, he conferred with his neigh­bours of Romneie marsh therein, who allowed and confirmed his deuise, and afterward redilie atten­ded on him to Douer, there to approue his opinion with their reasons and experience; and not so onelie, but also to vndertake and performe what soeuer he had set downe or promised in that behalfe. All the com­missioners ioine with sir Thomas Scot, and al­low his deuise. The resi­due of the commissioners (hearing and conceiuing sir Thomas Scots reasons, ioined and confirmed with experience not far fetcht, but ratified by neere neighbours, being persons of good account, which were expert from their childhood in the practise of those kind of works) inclined greatlie vnto his mo­tion; and the rather, for that they knew him to be such a one as would not séeke for priuat gaines. Howbeit, they which exhibited the woodden worke, could not well conceiue hereof, nor easilie consent herevnto. And no waie was thought by them more fit to preferre their owne worke, than to make some offer to doo it by great, which the lords of the coun­cell [Page 1540] greatlie desired, as whereby they might vnder­stand the vttermost charge and time required for the accomplishing thereof. But the price of the woodden wall grew to be so large (for fiue thousand and fiue hundred pounds was the lowest rate of their de­mand for the long wall onelie) that it was much misliked. For first there was no likelihood or possibi­litie that the same should be set fast and vnmoueable wher the slub or sléech is fiftéene foot déepe at the least, Seuen inuin­cible reasons against the woodden wall. and the maine rocke immediatlie vnderneath it. Secondlie, if the same could be erected, yet it must line 10 in short time be so shaken by reason of the weight of the pent water on the one side at low water, and by the violence of the sea on the other side at the floud, that through the vnstedinesse thereof, it could not continue tight. Thirdlie, the nature of the sand and slub was thought to be so different from the conditi­on of woodden boords and planks, whereof this wall was to consist, that though there were no weight or wether that could impech the stedie standing thereof, yet there could be no such firme coniunction betwixt line 20 them, but that the verie weight of the wall it selfe must néeds cause the same to decline to one side or other, whereby water would draine betwixt, by rea­son of the thinnesse of the slub or sleech, which could minister no certeine staie therevnto, nor likelihood that the same should so vnite with the wood, as to stand stedie, and to make a perfect pent in that place: but to helpe that matter, they meant to haue sho­red and braced the said timber wall, in such sort as the same should haue staid the whole worke: yet no line 30 bracing could (as the best opinion was) haue preuai­led to bring that wall to be good or stedie. Fourthlie, it was thought that such a wall so placed, would be subiect to more than ordinarie decaie, by reason that anie woodworke lieng in water, especiallie when it is sometimes wet and sometimes drie, will in short time rot and disioint: so as if the same could be re­pared (whereof there was great doubt made) yet the reparations would be in respect of charge verie in­tollerable. Fiftlie, the delaie of time herein was al­so line 40 disliked, for two yeares being demanded for the accomplishing of that one wall, no time could be promised. Sixtlie, they being demanded whether they had euer séene (either on this side or beyond the seas) anie such wall or worke; they answered, No: but affirmed it to be in their opinions so probable, as they would aduenture to vndertake it for thirtie pounds the rod, but in what space to finish it they could not saie. Seuenthlie, there was required for line 50 the building of this wall 7000 tun of timber, which all Kent and Sussex (without vnrecouerable hurt in depriuation of their timber) was not able to yeeld: and the necessarie carriages for such a prouision could haue béene by no meanes procured, without the vndooing of the inhabitants, and spoile of the countrie. These causes were of force inough to o­uerthrow a woodden wall. The deuise neuerthelesse deserued commendation.

These matters thus mentioned were after­wards debated before the lords of the councell, and line 60 these reasons with manie others were deliuered vn­to their lordships by maister Thomas Digs, the first elected surueior of the works, as from the commissio­ners. The credit of the parties, who were to vnder­take this woodden wall, and their reasons preuailed so much, as diuerse noble and wise men grew to con­ceiue good liking thereof. But the lord treasuror, whose voice and iudgement in all causes of impor­tance hath in all his time worthilie caried the swaie, The lord trea­surors resolu­tion. allowed rather of the marsh works; saieng that if he erred therein, as not seeing but hearing the mat­ter in question, he would erre with discretion, as led by the reasons of the commissioners; who had séene and tried the experience of that kind of worke.

Diuerse liked of Poins his worke, or at the least of his communication: partlie (as it is said) for the cheapnesse supposed, though in déed the contrarie fell out in demand: partlie for the expedition promi­sed, which could neuer haue béene performed: part­lie for that he was knowne to be a speciall executi­oner in Woolwich breaches, being workes defensa­tiue against inuasion of waters, as yet vnaccom­plished, though no small charges haue béene therein imploied, for the recouerie of two thousand acres of excellent marsh land, lieng seuen miles from Lon­don, in the parishes of Plumsted, Erith, &c: lost by a breach made in the wals there with a tempest, Of Woolwich and Erith breaches. about the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and thirtie, to the vndooing of manie, but speciallie of sir Edward Boulton knight: partlie also he was hearkened vnto, for that he was reputed to be a good enginor; partlie for his experience in forren works, partlie for his resolutenesse: but especiallie, for that he made a shew of more cunning than he would vt­ter; so as although his deuise for the erection of the wals was finallie reiected; yet was the matter brought to further conference. For he was com­mended to the lords of hir maiesties priuie councell, and namelie to sir Francis Walsingham knight, Secretarie Walsingham the chiefe di­rector and fur­therer of Do­uer hauen▪ principall secretarie to hir highnesse; to whome was happilie referred the consideration and chiefe direc­tion of all matters concerning these works; wherin he dealt from time to time, with as great care, tra­uell, and circumspection, as though his owne estate had depended vpon the well proceeding thereof. Whatsoeuer was thought necessarie to be doone thereabouts, was alwaies aduertised by the com­missioners vnto him, and his opinion and direction required, and he without good conference and pro­babilitie would enter into no action concerning this matter.

Now therefore he wrote to sir Thomas Scot, [...] re­quiring him to send vp some sufficient person, ac­quainted & exercised in Romneie marsh works, to satisfie the lords of the councell in all such doubts as should be obiected, speciallie by maister Burroughs, who had more liking of the shipwrights maner of worke, than either of the Romneie marsh works ex­hibited by sir Thomas Scot, or of Plumsted works propounded by Ferdinando Poins. Wherein sir Francis Walsingham shewed maister Digs his defense, & his owne good liking of the earthen wals; onelie requiring, that sir Thomas Scot would throughlie informe himselfe by conference with the marshmen, to answer certeine obiections which he there inclosed, sent downe vnto him in writing, con­cerning the passage of the long wall, and the distance thereof from the shore, the hig [...]h and tightnes of the same, the conueniencie of the foundation, the man­ner of stuffe, the time of finishing, the breadth be­low and at the top, the vndertakers thereof, and of their assurance, &c: and lastlie, that some suffici­ent person should be sent vp, to confer in these mat­ters. All which points were so answered by sir Tho­mas Scot, as sir Francis Walsingham was greatlie satisfied thereby. Concerning the dooing thereof by great, sir Thomas Scots aduise was, that (séeing it was a princes charge) it might rather be performed by daie workers and good ouerséers, than by great; wherein no man would aduenture, in respect of the quantitie of the charge and diffi­cultie of the works, without certeintie of great gaines. Neuerthelesse, No dealing by great, in matters of ex­cessiue charge and danger. if it were so set downe by the lords of the priuie councell, that it should be doone no other waie but by great; he himselfe would vn­dertake it better cheape than anie other had profe­red to doo it by fiue hundred marks, and to that effect [Page 1541] would put in verie good and sufficient assurance. Presentlie after the receipt of those letters, sir Thomas Scot sent to the court a kinsman of his, named Reinold Scot, who had béene deputed a surueior of Romneie marsh by the space of foure yeares togither; and Reinold Smith, who had béene clearke of Romneie marsh, and a continuall dealer about those wals by the space of thirtie years. These two repairing first to Douer, to consider of the earth, which should serue to make the wals of the line 10 pent of Douer hauen, and to search where such earth as would serue that turne might most conuenient­lie and néerest hand be had, with pasture for horsses which should be imploied for carriage thereof, pro­céeded to the court at Richmont, where they atten­ded on maister secretarie Walsingham on the mon­daie and tuesdaie before Easter daie 1583: and after conference had with him, they deliuered vnto him certeine notes in writing from sir Thomas Scot, Sir Thomas Scots notes. conteining necessarie orders, and recounting line 20 the charges, businesse, and offices, &c: incident to the erection of these walles, imitating as neere as time, place, and matter would giue leaue, the maner of Romneie marsh works: wherein he remembred or rather required a yeerelie assemblie of commissi­oners at Douer in Easter wéeke, as is by the lords of Romneie marsh at Whitsuntide, with the election of officers, and set downe the dutie and charge of ech officer, the order of the works, what prouision of stuffe should be made, to wit, of timber, thorne, fag­gots, néedels, keies, béetels, piles, pasture, earth, line 30 with totall sums of all officers fées, of all stuffe and prouision, of all the labourers, and of all the caria­ges: which estimat was little or nothing differing from the charge as it fell out, sauing that where he set it downe that both walles might be finished in two summers, Douer pent finished in thrée moneths. he accomplished them in one quar­ter of a yéere, beyond promise or expectation.

Maister secretarie Walsingham (hauing perused these notes, Reinold Scot and Rafe Smith exa­mined by mai­ster secretarie about the wals of the pent. & seene the maner of the works & rates set downe therein) liked verie well thereof: how­be line 40 it, he strictlie examined the parties aforesaid, how those works could be performed at so low prices, and especiallie, how so manie courts could be prouided without commission, or griefe to the countrie, e­uerie court hauing a horsse and a driuer, and all for twelue pence a day, in a place where pastures are for the most part barre [...], and hard to be gotten: and both that and all other things, but especiallie vit­tels extreame déere. But being satisfied herein by the said Reinold Scot & Reinold Smith, he thought line 50 good neuerthelesse to send them two, accompanied with Thomas Digs esquier, and William Bur­roughs gentleman, to confer with sir William Winter, the said Ferdinando Poins, & the Plum­sted men, which were workemen in Woolwich and Erith breaches, who propounded to the said workemen certeine questions at the house of sir William Winter at Tower hill. Questions propounded to Poins and the Plumsted men. Wherein they were demanded amongst other things, whether they euer had heretofore made anie wals, whereby wa­ter line 60 hath beene pent to anie highth, and vpon what foundation or soile they were set, and of what sub­stance their wals were made, and whether they could remedie such wals if they leaked, or could worke in water: and finallie, what they would aske for a rod dooing, and what suerties they could put in for the tightnesse of their worke.

Ferdinando Poins and his Plumsted men answered verie comfortablie to euerie question, they séemed ignorant in nothing, and promised to performe whatsoeuer was required, sauing assu­rance. But they knew not the order of Romneie marsh works, neither could they possiblie haue ac­complished this: for they were onelie good dikers and hodmen, which arts were little pertinent herevnto. Maister secretarie being aduertised how Ferdinando Poins and his pioners of Plumsted shewed themselues in this conference, wherein nei­ther their owne disabilitie, nor the difficultie of: the worke by themselues was anie thing at all doubted of, thought it not amis to aduertise the residue of the lords of the councell thereof: so as if those works might in such wise be by anie thought possible to be performed, then might the marsh works with much more assurance be trusted vnto; and that did mai­ster Burroughs now verie well conceiue and note: neuerthelesse, it was thought expedient by their lordships, that Poins and his workemen should re­paire to Douer to a finall conference in those mat­ters; who perchance might be somewaie at the least imploied in those businesses. Sir Thomas Scots deuise allowed by the lords of the councell. And therefore maister secretarie sent down to sir Thomas Scot, that their lordships had receiued the resolution he grew vnto, vpon conference with the marshmen of Romneie, touching the procéeding in the plot of Douer hauen, and had both well considered & allowed of the same; and that their lordships also had appointed, that on the tuesdaie after Easter wéeke, master Burroughs and maister Poins, with certeine marshmen of Plumsted, should be sent downe to méet and con­fer further with him about the going forwards with the same plot at Douer: at which time such order might be taken and agréed on among the commis­sioners, for the making of all necessarie prouisions for the same, as should be thought most expedient.

On the ninth daie of Aprill next insuing, The resolu­tion at a con­ference at Do­uer. the par­ties aboue specified came to Douer accordinglie, where all the commissioners for that harborough met them, who hauing receiued letters from the lords of the councell to set downe a finall resolu­tion; after long debating of ma [...]ters, agréed that Romneie marshmen should vndertake the worke; and for the better and more spéedie procéeding there­in, the commissioners made election of all necessa­rie officers, and rated their wages in this sort. The treasuror, which was sir Iames Hales knight, Officers elec­ted at Douer. to haue for euerie fiftie pounds receiued and disbursed, six shillings eight pence, and for his clearke fiue pounds yearelie. Iohn Smith the expenditor twen­tie pounds yearelie, his clearke fiue pounds yeare­lie. The common clearke twentie marks, and each sworne man during his attendance eight pence a daie. The generall surueior (that is to saie) maister Digs esquier twentie marks yearelie, which he gaue to Alexander Mindge his deputie.

It was there also ordered, that the deputies sur­ueior, the expenditor, and clearke, should take pre­sent order for the inlarging of the waies for carri­ages to passe; for thorne, fagot, béetels, needels, keies, piles, bauin, and carriages for them, before Whit­suntide following. These things were committed to their charge; but they were afterwards eased by purueiors appointed for those and other purposes; they hauing more to doo otherwise than they could well ouercome. Hauing now discouered the first & second estate of Douer harborough, euerie mans deuise for the amending, or rather erecting of a new hauen in that place, with declaration of hir maie­sties bountie, and the care of the whole state iointlie and seuerallie in that behalfe: I am to make de­scription of the things performed, and of the man­ner of the execution thereof, in which thing consisted the difficultie, and (as some thought) the impossibili­tie of this enterprise.

First therefore you are to vnderstand, that be­fore a hauen could be there erected, there must be made a pent, to conteine abundance of water issu­ing [Page 1542] from the land, which being let out at a sluse, should open & mainteine the hauens mouth; the vio­lence whereof should scowre it so, as neither beach, sand, The commo­ditie of the pent. nor slub might there remaine. The working of these wals in the sea and thorough the chanell, was the great thing to be brought to passe, as hath beene before said. The discouerie therefore of these workes will not be vnprofitable to posteritie, nor vnnecessarie for the time present. Herein I will o­mit all contentions & factions concerning these pro­céedings, line 10 as also all iniurious practises against those works, whense soeuer they sprang: but I would glad­lie giue to euerie one his due commendation, which cannot be doone; because therein I should grow to [...] long. I thought méet also to omit a controuersie ri­sing about the placing of the hauens mouth, excel­lentlie disputed betwixt persons of good acount.

The question was, whether were most conue­nient a more readie and spéedie entrance in times of danger, when contrarie winds permitted no line 20 entrie or abode in anie harbourough, though this entrance were somewhat more shallow, whereby the greatest ships in those cases should be excluded: or a déeper hauens mouth in an other place more con­uenient for great ships, with a more calme ingresse, and a quieter rode, the hauens mouth somewhat more easterlie, and therefore not so good to enter in­to at a southwest wind, which distresseth men most in those seas: wherein (I saie) I forbeare to repeat the arguments of ech side, and the circumstance of that line 30 matter (being now decided and ouerruled) in such sort as I doo the works of the pent, the description whereof maie be profitable to all that shall haue to doo either in hauens or great water breaches. For both Plumsted & Erith marshes, or anie like brea­ches by this means doubtlesse maie easilie and most assuredlie be recouered. Woolwich breach reco­uerable. In the declaration hereof also, the parties which haue deserued commendation or consideration maie perhaps in some sort haue a kind of recompense: for other reward was not loo­ked line 40 after, or sought for by the best executioners here­of, sith the better sort imploied their trauell with great charges, Euerie de­grée willing to set forward this worke. the meaner sort their readie furthe­rance to their power, the poorer people their labor at a small rate to the preferring and performance of this worke; and all with such forwardnesse and wil­lingnes of mind, as the like hath not béene knowne or seene in this age: the beholding whereof would haue amazed anie man vnacquainted with Rome­neie marsh works, from whense the patterne hereof was fetcht, and the officers and chiefe workemen line 50 thereof brought by sir Thomas Scot to Douer. These works were digested and ordered by them, e­uen as a battell is marshalled by officers of the féeld. And trulie it was expedient that good direction should be vsed in this behalfe, for there were to be imploied fiue or six hundred courts about a wall of small bredth at one instant, Six hun­dred courts imploied at once in these works. none to be idle or hin­dered by an other, for the staie of one court a verie little space might be to the works an incredible hin­derance. line 60

The nature and names of the offices and offi­cers herevnto perteining you haue alreadie heard. For as they were at the first set downe by sir Tho­mas Scot, so in all respects was it ordered and con­cluded in that behalfe; sauing that because these works were so great, and required such expedition, as the expenditor was ouercharged with busines, Iohn Smith the [...]penditor. though an expert man trained vp in Romneie marsh in those affaires, trustie, diligent, and euerie waie sufficient: vnto whose office naturallie belong­ed the purueiance of all necessaries, anie waie ap­perteining to the mainteinance of the wals. There was appointed by the commissioners (as chiefe pur­ueior) a gentleman of good sufficiencie named Iohn Keies, Iohn Keies gentleman chiefe pur­ueior. by whose countenance and discreet dealing men were brought to yéeld willinglie anie of their commodities towards the helpe and furtherance of these proceedings for their iust values, which was du­lie answered vnto them, so as no man was séene to complaine of anie iniurie or hard dealing. But when the works, or rather the workers grew to be greater and more in number than was expected, (which came to passe by reason of the multitude of courts and workemen, who proffered their seruice so fast, as from the rate of two hundred, which was at the first set downe, they increased to six hundred) all pastures néere the towne being imploied that waie, manie men were content to make their owne pro­uision, conditionallie to be admitted into the works, insomuch as some hired pasture for their working horsses seuen or eight miles from Douer, and neuer­thelesse came to worke with the first, and continued the whole daie with them that wrought longest. For they came at six of the clocke in the morning, and departed at six of the clocke at night, except extraor­dinarie causes in preuenting inconueniences of great and fowle tides caused them to worke longer. Diuerse brought thither courts from besides Maid­stone and Seuenocke, being thirtie or fortie miles from Douer; and in the end the officers were driuen to put backe and refuse such as made sute to bring courts into the works: and yet had they for their horsse, their court, and their driuer but onelie twelue pence a daie. Which because it séemeth incredible, A hors [...]e, a court, and a driuer for twelue pence the daie. I thought good to discouer and vnfold to the reader in such sort, as he might be resolued and satisfied in the certeintie thereof, and throughlie conceiue not onelie the possibilitie but also the reason of it.

First therefore the time of yeare when that worke was to be doone must be considered, which was in­tended, and by proclamations in certeine market towns notified to haue had beginning the thirtéenth of Maie (when in those parts barleie season is ended) and from that time till haruest or haieng time little is to be doone in husbandrie; and assoone as haruest should begin, their purpose was to leaue this work [...] vntill the yere following. So as in this meane time, that is to saie, from Aprill till haruest, the seruants, & speciallie the cattell of farmers are rather charge­able than anie waie gainefull vnto them, and there­fore at such a time to raise profit by them is double aduantage. Neuerthelesse, he that should make his best commoditie herein, was to looke circumspectlie into the matter, and then might he sée that it was re­quisit to haue two courts: for one boie might driue them both, because whilest the one was driuen, the other was filled, & the same being vnloden or dischar­ged, he went for the other, leauing that to be filled. This filler was a labourer allowed to euerie man which had two courts, for whome the owner of the two courts had ten pence the daie: so as he had for his f [...]ller, his driuer, his two horsses, and his two courts two shillings and ten pence the daie, which amounteth to seuentéene shillings the wéeke. He paied out of the same for the boord of his filler and driuer six shillings weekelie, and so had the owner of cléere wéekelie gaine for his two seruants and two horsses nine shillings, which must all this while haue lien at his charge.

There were among this number certeine double courts, which had double wages; because they were furnished with two horsses in a court, being double in quantitie to the rest, and were speciallie imploied about the cariage of sléech, a more weightie mould than either the chalke or the earth. A single court conteined in length fiue foot, in bredth two foot, The quantitie of one court or tumbrell. and in depth sixteene inches: wherevnto the expenditor [Page 1543] looked [...]erie narrowlie, as also to the suff [...]ciencie an [...] deligence of euerie workem [...]n and [...]orse, so as vpon euerie default their w [...]ges was totted and defal [...], or the offendors excluded from the wo [...]ks, or some times punished with stocks and other [...].

[...]An entrance into this worke was made in the be­ginning of Maie, one thousand fiue hundred foure [...] and th [...]ee, in the fiue and twentith yeare of hir maiesties reigne, with six courts onelie at the crosse w [...]ll▪ & such was the towardlines thereof, as yéelded line 10 so great a brute & promise of good successe, that from that daie f [...]ward there were continuallie cariages brought (at the rate before set downe) beyond all expectation: in so much as by the 27 of Iune, there were assembled in those works 542 courts, and al­most 1000 workemen. And truelie, there consisted so great difficulti [...] in marshalling this multitude (for all were to worke at once, none might staie for other, or be impediment to others worke) as without the paterne of f [...]mer experience the worke could line 20 hardlie haue béene performed.

[...]Heerein Richard Coast and William Norris in­r [...]ts, and the aforenamed Reginald Smith clearke of Romneie marsh were chéefe directors, and as it were marshals, as hauing dailie experience in the like works. For in Romneie marsh there are euerie yeare commonlie imploied at one time about ma­king or mending of some one wall 200 courts at the least, in each court for the most part being two oxen, for whome the owners hire feeding in the marsh, as line 30 they can agrée with the landholders, and yet haue had hitherto for their court and deiuer but ten pence the daie. And this togither with their manner of working would be woonderfull, famous, and much spoken of throughout England, if the continuance of so manie hundred yeares exercise thereof had not qualified the strangenesse and admiration of it. For here (though at Douer it could not be so, A benefit to [...] & [...]east. bicause they wrought altogither with horsbeasts) the mights féed­ing preuaile [...]h so much ouer the daies working, that line 40 bullocks brought to those works leane and out of flesh, are returned from the works most commonlie in verie good plight.

The [...] substance of the wal [...]s.The stuffe carried by these courts for the erection of the walles at Douer, was ear [...]h, being of a hase­lie mould, chalke and flee [...]h, wherevnto the carriages were seuerallie imploid, the most number for earth, whereof the greatest part of the wall consisted; the second for chalke, which mingled and beaten togi­ther with the earth, did make the same more firme, line 50 and was placed in the midst of the wall; the smallest number for sléech, which serued for the out sides onlie. For the same being beaten with béetles to the sides of the wall, The disposing of the works. would by and by cleaue so fast and close therevnto, as thereby the wals were strengthened; and therevpon also the arming might be set much more firmelie than vpon anie other mould. This also preserued the wall from annoiance by rage of wa­ters, almost as well as if they were otherwise armed with thorne and faggot. line 60

There was prouided néere to the castell called Arclif [...]e (whereof Henrie Guilford esquier, Henrie Guil­ford esquier, capteine of Arcliffe ca­stell. being one that tooke especiall care and paines in setting forward that businesse, was then capiteine) two a­cres and a halfe of ground for the prouision of earth for the walles: which ground was distant from the crosse wall about twentie score tailors yards, and for the same the owner had ten pounds, and the soile remaining to himselfe, which in short time will reco­uer to be as good as euer it was. At an other place also called Horsepoole sole, lieng behind S. Iames his church, was more earth prouided, which was alto­gither imploied vpon the long wall, as being neerer therevnto. Hereof euerie court brought commonlie to the walles in one da [...]e abou [...] [...]. The chalke was had from diuerse places of the cli [...]s, som [...]hat [...] to the w [...]ls than the earth, and these b [...]ought about seauenteene or eighté [...]ne lo [...] a daies. The [...] was for the most part had at the [...] part of the [...] in a place called Paradise. And to these seuerall sorts of stuff [...] were seuerall cariages appointed and disposed, as might most [...] serue the t [...]rne, and as occas [...]on seru [...]d▪ for somti [...]s more and sometim [...]s lesse of each sort of mould was necessarilie imploied. S [...]times also the fléech was [...]ad close at the side of the wals, and therefore fewer cariages imploied that wai [...].

Now to make a perfect triall of the worke be­fore the daie limited that all the courts should come in, there was an experiment of great importance performed, which was the making of a bai [...] head, & therby a p [...]nt to keepe the water in or out of a péec [...] of the [...]auen called Little paradise, which place con­teineth about th [...] acres and a halfe of ground in great depth, wherein there riseth manie springs. An [...] in the place where this wall or baie head should be made, the ou [...]e & fléech was twentie f [...]t deepe at the least. Herin also was laid first a [...], and a [...]ter­wards a sluse of great charge, the streame whereof méeting with the course of the great sluse increaseth the force thereof to the benefit of the hauens mouth.

On the thirtéenth daie of Maie, The begin­ning of the great works at Do [...]r. in the yeare of our saluation one thousand fiue hundred eightie and thrée, when the courts, which (by proclamations made one moneth before in diuerse market towns) were to come to begin the works, there were [...] of them prepared and readie furnished for the purpose than were expected. Howbeit, the same was brought to passe by the meanes of sir Thomas Scot and other of the commissioners, who brought bo [...] their owne and their neighbors carriag [...]s, persua­ding all whom they thought able and meet, to set for­ward, and giue incoragement to the execution of these works. But Ro [...]neie marshmen, and such as knew those works, were they indeed which onlie gaue light to others of the true & right maner of wor­king, and of the commoditie insuing hereby; & they in effect supplied those works, vntill the countrie did see which waie to saue themselues, and make profit thereof. But such was the multitude alreadie as­sembled, that (to auoid the difficultie and confusion of so manie courts working togither at the begin­ning, and to doo the better and greater seruice after­wards) the whole course was altered by sir Thomas Scot, by whome it was thought most méet to enter into the execution of both walles (to wit, the long wall and crosse wall) togither, & to diuide the courts into two parts: with whome the said Richard Bar­rie esquier lieutenant of Douer castell willinglie ioined, vndertaking the charge or ouersight of the long wall, as sir Thomas Scot did of the cross [...] wall; and by that meanes all the workmen & courts did with much more conueniencie and spéed accom­plish their worke.

The crosse wall was of more importance, Reasons for the difficultie of the crosse wall. and the difficultie to make it was greater than of the long wall, for manie respects. First, for that the crosse wall standeth néerer to the maine sea than the long wall, and by that meanes this worke more [...]io­lentlie impugned, and sooner interrupted than that of the long wall. Secondlie, they carried the crosse wall through the chanell (a thing verie strange and difficult) and so did they not the long wall. Thirdlie, the ouze and fleech was déeper vnder the crosse wall than vnder the long wall. Fourthlie, the crosse wall was to be made déeper or higher, and broder or wi­der than the long wall. Fiftlie, the tide was to hin­der this worke, by approching sooner, by rising high­er, [Page 1544] and by more violent raging than it did at the o­ther. Sixtlie, the weight of the pent water was to lie altogither vpon this wall, and consequentlie the water would search thereinto more dangerouslie. Seuenthlie, in this wall there was a [...]luse to be laid, which without great circumspection would haue indangered the whole worke. Adde vnto these, that the crosse wall was more suddenlie vndertaken, & of more importance. For vnder fiftéene thousand pounds none euer made offer to doo it before this line 10 time: for the first purpose was to begin with the long wall onlie, or rather a péece thereof, as a worke sufficient to be performed in one summer.

Now if the long wall was thought a worke so difficult, dangerous, costlie, and tedious, what may be thought of the crosse wall? Trulie, had not the o­ther commissioners béene comforted herein by sir Thomas Scot, the impossibilitie presupposed would haue discouraged and ouerthrowne the whole enter­prise. But he with good comfort and confidence en­tred vpon the crosse wall, and maister lieutenant on line 20 the long wall: insomuch as the one was called sir Thomas Scots wall, the other maister lieutenants wall. And certeinlie, they might well so be termed, in respect of the paines, care, and costs imploied vp­on them by those two gentlemen. Sir Thomas Scot dwelt twelue long Kentish miles from Do­uer, yet did he seldome faile to come from his house to the beginning of the worke euerie mondaie mor­ning while the walles were in hand; and from that line 30 daie vntill saturdaie in the euening, when he retur­ned home. He lightlie came first to the walles, and departed with the last: and it behooued him so to doo, in as much as by his meanes onelie this manner of worke was vndertaken, and all other deuises reiec­ted. This worke vndertaken and other re­iected by sir Thomas Scots means. He laie in one Iohn Spritwels house, who kept an inne in Douer, called the Greihound, and there did he and his followers and seruants, togither with maister lieutenant and his companie receiue their diet at a déere hand. For although the castell stand line 40 within a quarter of a mile of the worke, and as neere to the towne; yet was the lieutenants industrie and charge such, as he or his seruants did neuer lightlie returne home from fiue of the clocke in the morning till after supper; but remained alwaies there with sir Thomas Scot, in continuall businesse & extreme charge, not onelie in respect of their owne table, but also in regard of strangers, who came to sée them and the workes, whose charges they commonlie defraied. Besides that, they did (not seldome line 50 times) bestow rewards bountifullie vpon the poore workmen, who vpon sundrie occasions were driuen to worke longer than the rest, and with more diffi­cultie; for some at some times wrought in danger of life, & ofttimes in the waters vp to the was [...] or shoul­ders. And among the rest (to whome I could rather wish a liberall recompense than a due praise) there was in these workes a poore man named Iohn Bowle, Bowle a no­table good workman. borne and brought vp in Romneie marsh, whose dexteritie of hand, fine and excellent inuenti­ons in executing difficult works, and whose willing line 60 mind and painfulnesse for his owne part, with fur­thering and incoraging of others, ought in some calling to haue beene honored, and in his poore estate should not be forgotten. As touching the residue of the commissioners, they for their parts (if they were in health) did almost dailie visit the works, Commissio­ners. with as great care for the good procéedings thereof as was possible.

Sir Iames Hales was this yeare chosen by the generall voice and consent of the commissioners, Treasuror. and with the good allowance of the lords of the coun­cell, treasuror for the works (as sir Thomas Scot was the two yeares precedent) and did not onelie discharge the office and dutie thereof with commen­dation and iust account, which amounted almost to fiue thousand pounds: but beside his often repaire at other times during the works, he did continue there by the space of one whole month, while sir Tho­mas Scot (by meanes of a sicknesse taken vpon the wals) was absent, and all that time kept a bounti­full table, and vsed great diligence, in continuall o­uersight and furtherance of the works, whereof Thomas Digs esquier was generall surueior com­mended thervnto by the lords of the councell, who al­though he made his chiefe abode then at London, yet did he often repaire to the works, and seriouslie bent himselfe to set forward the same there, being also a carefull sollicitor in that behalfe. Certeine of the iu­rats & chiefe magistrats of the towne, were by two at once dailie assigned to be directors and setters foorth of the carriages, Two iura [...] called direc­tors. and to sée the courts well filled: these also did refuse their allowance, being eight pence the daie, and did neuerthelesse verie diligentlie attend vpon their charge: their names were Iohn Watson, Iohn Garret, William Wil­lis, Thomas Brodgat, &c.

There were eight men called guiders standing at eight seuerall stations, or places of most danger, Eight gu [...]ders to guide and helpe the driuers distressed or troubled with their cattell or courts, and to hasten them for­ward: for the default of one did make staie of the whole companie, and these had eight pence the daie. There attended also at the wals eight men called vntingers, Eight vntin­gers. to loose and vndoo the tackle of euerie court immediatlie before the vnloding or sheluing thereof, and were allowed eight pence the daie. Then were there eight sheluers, which pulled downe the courts as soone as they came to the place where it was néedfull to vnlode, Eight she [...] ­uers. and these were chosen of the strongest and nimblest men, hauing ten pence the daie. There were also eight tingers, whose speciall office was to lift vp the courts immediatlie after they were vnloden, and to make fast their tackle; Eight [...] ­gers. for the driuers hasted foorth without making anie staie, otherwise all the companie must haue [...]arried for them; these had eight pence the daie. The number of the laborers which were to shouell abrode and laie e­uen the earth, chalke, and sléech, Laborers. as soone as it was vn­loden was vncerteine, they had six pence and eight pence the daie. A great manie marshmen were as­signed to laie the sléech vpon the sides of the wals, and were called scauelmen, and had twelue pence the daie. The number of béetlemen also were vncer­teine, Scauelmen. Béetlemen. who serued to beat or driue the sléech to the sides of the wals, and to breake the great stones of chalke laid on the wals; as also to leuell the earth, and to worke it close together, hauing for their wages eight pence the daie. Manie marshmen also were appointed to arme the sides of the wals, after they were sléeched, & had twelue pence, Armors. and some sixtéene pence the daie.

The order of arming was in this maner. The order of arming. First beginning at the foot of the wall, they laid downe a row of fagot, through euerie one of the which they driue a néedle or stake about foure foot long, hauing an eie or hole at the great end. Then doo they edder it with thorne and other prouision for that purpose, and lastlie driue a keie or woodden wedge (being one foot and a halfe long) through the eie of the néedle to kéepe downe the edder, which staith downe the fagot. Also there was an inferiour purueior for fagot, thorne, Inferior pur­ueiors. néedles, keies, &c: who for his horse & himselfe was allowed for euerie daie he trauelled two shillings. The clerke of the works, Clerke. Expenditor▪ who kept all the reckonings of the expenditor (through whose hands all the monie passed) he at fiue a clocke in the morning, togither with the expenditor, called euerie one that wrought [Page 1545] that daie, and saw euer [...]e court furnished, and recor­ded all this in his booke, and such as were absent, had no allowance that daie: if they came late, their wa­ges was totted at the expenditors good discretion. There was one Iuline appointed to attend vpon Poins his groins, The groine kéeper. he was a Dutchman, and more expert in those kind of water workes than Poins himselfe, his wages was first (I meane in Poins his time) two shillings a daie, afterwards (to wit) whilest these workes were in hand, and better hus­bandrie was vsed, he had but foure grotes a daie. line 10 And thus much touching the offices and officers du­ties.

The mane [...] of the wall worke.Euerie court was most commonlie filled ouer night, and in the morning at six of the clocke they all approched orderlie to the place where the wall should be made. The first driuer for good consi­deration was chosen to be a sufficient and a dili­gent person, and that court to haue a good gelding: for as he lead [...]he danse, so must they all follow. line 20 When the first court came nigh to the place where he should vnlode, one vntinged it, and the driuer pro­céeded with his court, either into the ouze or water, or as néere therevnto as they could; and bringing his horsse about in his returne, when the taile of the court was turned to the water side, the sheluer plucked downe the lode, as far into the chanell as he could. The driuer neuer staied, but went foorth for a new lode: the tinger runneth after and pulleth vp the court, and fasteneth the tackle, and goeth present­lie line 30 with spéed to doo likewise to another; and so dooth the vntinger. When the whole course of courts (being about two hundred) were vnloden, the laborers with their shouels and béetels plied to make euen the wall against another course came.

Sometimes they wrought a whole daie or two, and laid downe manie thousand lodes of earth and chalke, and no increase séene at night of the worke, either in higth or length▪ in so much as manie suppo­sed that the earth was rather washed awaie than line 40 sunke. And in truth, some part thereof was car­ried awaie with the floud in a rough tide; for all the water in the hauen was manie times discoloured therewith; especiallie, vntill sir Thomas Scot tooke order, How the wall was saued from being wasted. that before euerie floud, not onelie each side of the wall, but the end also should be armed with fagot; & in the morning or after noone (when returne was made to the works) the end where they were to procéed, should be vnarmed againe: which néeded not be doone to the sides, for they carried the whole line 50 breadth of the wall with them. But in truth, the weight of the wall, with the continuall passage ther­vpon, made the whole worke to sinke to the verie rocke; being from the top of the chanell sixtéene foot, and from the face of the water at the floud, al­most as much more. But in the end, it was a woon­der to see how the multitude of carriages (being well plied) preuailed, euen ouer the floud: which though it rose exceeding fast, and was come to the verie brinke or vppermost lane of the wall, a new course of courts came from time to time and sup­plied line 60 the want; which if it should haue staied a mi­nut longer, would haue turned to great losse: for they could haue wrought no longer that tide.

In this maner they procéeded, vntill there was made of the crosse wall about fiue and twentie rods, which they wrought alwaies (as they went) aboue the high water marke (otherwise it could neuer haue béene perform [...]) and so they passed through the chanell or riuer, and caried the wall beyond the same thrée or foure rods, so as the backe water or chanell had no issue to passe downe into the sea; but as it rose aboue [...]he flats, and ran awaie before the end of the wall; whense they continuallie droue it further and further by lengthening the same. How­be it, The inconue­nience which would haue fol [...]owed the diuerting of the riuer ano­ther waie. by this meanes they wrought alwaies in the water, which was verie discommodious. This riuer therefore manie men would haue had turned some other waie; otherwise it was thought, that this wall could not haue béene made, the turning whereof would haue béene diuerse waies inconuenient. First, for the extreame charge; secondlie, the hauens mouth would (for want héereof) haue soone béene swarued vp; thirdlie, Poins his worke, which cost one thousand & two hundred pounds, should haue bin hereby frustrated; fourthlie, the hauen (all that time) and all passage vnto Douer had beene vtterlie taken awaie, to the great hinderance and vndooing of the townsmen there. But sir Thomas Scot, who imploied his head and mind to séeke all aduantages for the setting forward of this worke, and had con­ceiued a perfect plot for the finishing of the same, A sluse made for diuerse good purposes. caused a cut to be made in the wall, and a small fluse to be laid in the verie place where the cha [...]ell did first run, which serued (for the time) not onelie to giue naturall passage to the riuer, and to mainteine the hauens mouth: but as a bridge also for the courts to passe ouer the water, to the further end of the wall; which now by this meanes remained drie and free from water vntill the floud, to the great aduantage and commodi [...]ie of the worke.

This sluse was composed with two arches, in length sixtie foot (besides the splaies) at each end, in breadth eight foot, and in depth also eight food, and the charge thereof amounted not to aboue one hundred marks. In truth, the laieng of this sluse was a verie dangerous and difficult peece of worke, A difficult and dangerous worke. and the executioners thereof worthie of commendation, for with great courage to doo their [...]trie seruice they aduentured their liues in more perill than I can well expresse. Manie were a [...]onied to behold the dangerous case of the workemen, and diuerse depar­ted from the place as being loth to sée the poore mens destruction. Wherein the said Reginald Smith, and the Romneie marshmen dealt with great dexteri­ [...]ie and courage; when all other almost had giuen it ouer, persisting in continuall and extreame trauell thereabouts, by the space of two daies and one night without intermission.

After the cut was digged thorough the wall, the sluse was laid by peecemeale, at the direction of him and the foresaid Richard Coast, William Norris, and Iohn Bowle, whose hands were as busie also as anie others in the dooing thereof. And as they were trauelling hereabouts, the weight of the wall it selfe, with the earth cast out of the trench therevnto, and the multitude of the beholders standing thereon, made a clift or crase therein, consisting of manie hundred lodes of earth, which declined towards the cut where they wrought to laie the sluse, and was re­die to fall vpon them all, so as they were faine to su­staine the side therof with shores which they supported chéefelie with their owne force. Which if they had not doone with great art & labour, by the space of diuers [...] hours together, the wall had fallen into the place where the sluse should haue béene laid, to the destruc­tion of sundrie people, and to the discomfort of ma­nie belonging to the works. But these marshmen neuer gaue ouer, till euerie sticke thereof was laid, at what time ech man reioised that meant well to the works, and diuerse bestowed rewards vpon the workemen, and praise was giuen to God for his fa­uour shewed in that behalfe.

This worke being thus performed, the courts (which during that time were altogither set to worke at maister lieutenants wall) did now diuide them­selues againe, and returne to worke as before at sir Thomas Scots wall, and at euerie side wrought [Page 1546] with singular diligence & great facilitie. Gods blessing and fauour shewed to the works of Do­ [...]er. And God so fauored those works, as there were not lost in all that summer by meanes of foule wether aboue thrée daies and a halfe, wherein either courts or laborers were put from their worke, and in all those busines not one person slaine, and yet almost in euerie acti­on belonging therevnto there was imminent dan­ger, as first you heard in the laieng of the slu [...]e. And manie times in digging of chalke, they stood in the cliffe and vndermined it, so as sometimes an line 10 hundred lode fell downe at once from vnder their feet, and sometimes from aboue their heads; and yet through Gods goodnes, & their diligent care, all esca­ped without hurt: sauing two persons, vpon whom great chalke rocks & much abundance of earth did fall, and yet were recouered without losse of life or of lim. Dangers happilie es­caped. In the passage also of the courts, if (by chance) either man or boie had fallen downe amon­gest them (as sometimes some did) the hill was so stéepe at some places, and the court was so swift, line 20 that there could be no staie made, but the courts must run ouer them, and yet no great harme hath happened that waie. And I my selfe haue séene a court loden with earth passe ouer the bellie or sto­mach of the driuer, and yet he not hurt at all therby. Manie courts also being vnloden (for expedition) were driuen at low waters through the chanell, within the pent, from maister lieutenants wall, whereby they gained more than halfe the waie: and so long as by anie possibilitie they might passe that line 30 waie, they were loth to go about. And when the flood came, the chanell did so suddenlie swell, as manie horsses with their courts and driuers which rode in them were ouertaken, or rather ouerwhelmed with water, and were forced to swim, with great hazard of life, though therat some tooke pleasure. For some­times the boies would strip themselues naked, Boies plaie. and ride in that case in their courts through the chanell, being so high, as they were ducked ouer head and eares: but they knew their horsses would swim and carrie them through the streame, which mini­stred line 40 to some occasion of laughter and mirth. Fi­nallie, this summer, being in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred eightie and thrée, was ve­rie hot and contagious, & the infection of the plague that yeare more vniuersallie dispersed through En­gland than in manie yeares before, and that towne verie much subiect therevnto, by means of through­fare and common passage, and had béene extremelie visited therewith not long before, so as the towne line 50 was abandoned of most men; yea of some of the in­habitants themselues for that cause: and yet God blessed so the works, as in this extraordinarie and populous assemblie, there was in no part of the towne anie death or infection either of townsmen or workmen, which resorted thither from all the parts of England.

And one thing more in mine opinion is to be noted and commended herein, that is to saie, that in all this time, and among all these people, there was neuer anie tumult, fraie, nor falling out, to the dis­quieting line 60 or disturbance of the works, which by that means were the better applied, and with lesse inter­ruption. For they neuer ceased working the whole daie, sauing that at eleuen of the clocke before noone, as also at six of the clocke in the euening, there was a flag vsuallie held vp by the sargent of the towne, in the top of a tower, The flag of li­bertie. except the tide or extraordina­rie busines forced the officers to preuen [...] the houre, or to make some small delaie & staie therof. And pre­sentlie vpon the signe giuen, there was a generall shout made by all the workers: and wheresoeuer a­nie court was at that instant either emptie or lo­den, there was it left, till one of the clocke after noone or six of the clocke in the morning, when they retur­ned to their businesse. But by the space of halfe an houre before the flag of libertie was hanged out, all the court driuers entered into a song, whereof al­though the dittie was barbarous, and the note ru­sticall, the matter of no moment, & all but a iest: yet is it not vnworthie of some briefe note of remem­brance; because the tune or rather the noise thereof was extraordinarie, and (being deliuered with the continuall voice of such a multitude) was verie strange. In this and some other respect, I will set downe their dittie, the words whereof were these:

O Harrie hold vp thy hat, t'is eleuen
Or six.
a clocke,
and a little, little, little past:
My bow is broke, I would vnyoke,
my foot is sore, I can worke no more.

This song was made and set in Romneie marsh, where their best making is making of wals and dikes, and their best setting is to set a néedle or a stake in a hedge: howbeit this is a more ciuill call than the brutish call at the theatre for the comming awaie of the plaiers to the stage. I thinke there was neuer worke attempted with more desire, A commenda­tion of them which wrought or had anie charge about Douer works. nor pro­ceeded in with more contentment, nor executed with greater trauell of workemen, or diligence of offi­cers, nor prouided for with more carefulnesse of commissioners, nor with truer accounts or duer paie, nor contriued with more circumspection of the deuisers and vndertakers of the worke, nor ended with more commendation or comfort: sauing that vpon the seuen & twentith of Iulie, being S. Iames his daie, the verie daie when the crosse wall and the long wall met, and were ioined together, and in ef­fect finished (for both wals were brought aboue the high water marke, and nothing remained to be done of the same but highthening, which might be doone at anie time after) sir Thomas Scot the principall pil­ler of that worke fell sicke vpon the wals, Sir Thomas Scot fell sicke in Douer works. and was conueied thense in a wagon to his house, where he remained six wéeks, more likelie to die than to liue, whose ladie and wife (being a most vertuous and no­ble matrone, & a liuelie paterne of womanhood and sobrietie, the daughter of sir Iohn Baker knight, and the mother of seuentéene children) vsed such dili­gent attendance and continuall care for hir hus­bands recouerie of helth, The death of the ladie Scot. as thereby she brought hir selfe into so weake state of bodie, as being great with two children, she fell sicke; and after hir vn­timelie trauell, being deliuered of a sonne and a daughter, she ended hir mortall life.

This sicknesse of sir Thomas Scot, and that which fell out therevpon, was no small discomfiture to him and all his. And the workmen at Douer made such mone for his sicknesse, and also for his absence, that euerie stréet was replenished with sorrow and gréefe; and the people would be comforted with nothing more, nor anie waie be better incouraged to worke lustilie, than to be told that sir Thomas Scot was well recouered, and would shortlie be amongst them againe. And in truth, they translated their barba­rous musicke into a sorrowfull song, and in stéed of calling to Harrie for their dinner, they called to God for the good health and returne of their best freend sir Thomas Scot, and that with a generall and continuall outcrie, euen in their old accusto­med tune & time. But the courts procéeded in high­thening the wals, vntill they were raised about two foot higher than they were on S. Iames his daie, when the wals met togither; so as the crosse wall is ninetie foot broad in the bottome, The bredth, depth, length, and charge of the long and crosse wall, with the [...]ming▪, &c. and about fiftie foot in the top. The long wall is seuentie foot in the bot­tome, and almost fortie foot in the top, in so much as vpon either wall two courts may méet and passe, or turne without troubling ech other. The length of the [Page 1547] crosse wall is fortie rods, the length of the long wall a hundred and twentie rods. The charge of these two wals, with the appurtenances, amounted to two thousand and seauen hundred pounds, as appeareth in the expenditors books. If there were anie issue or draining of water vnder the wals, it was soone stop­ped by the peise of the wall it selfe, which neuer left sinking till it came to the foundation of the rocke, except (by some ouersight of the workemen) some part thereof were set vpon the beach, which should by order haue béene first remooued, & in that case they benched it, digging a trench at the foot of that part of line 10 the wall, and filling the same with earth, they made it verie tight, and so might anie such place be perfe­cted and amended if need should require. But at this houre there leaketh not a drop of water vnder or through anie part of the wall that anie man maie perceiue or see: A necessarie remedie if water draine vnder the wall so as a full pent shrinketh not anie whit at all betwixt tide and tide, whereas the allow­ance of one foot leakage or fall at the least was requi­red of them, which exhibited the plot of the woodden line 20 wall, which being measured from the top or face of the high pent diminisheth almost one quarter there­of. Expedition necessarie and profitable. And thus betwixt the first of Maie and midst of August, this pent, which was thought vnpossible to be doone in three yeares, was perfectlie finished in lesse than thrée months, and remaineth in so good and sure state, as the longer it standeth, the better and tighter it will be.

If neuer anie thing should be added herevnto, this pent (by reason of the abundance of water retei­ned therein, The state of the wals. and issuing out of the s [...]use) would main­teine line 30 a good hauen in that place: for the violent course therof will alwaies open the hauens mouth, and make a fret there, euen downe to the rocke, al­though it be distant from the same threescore rods; in so much as at this instant there ma [...]e come in at quarter floud a barke of fortie or fiftie tun, and at full sea a ship of thrée hundred tun and vpwards. But when the two iustie heads are once finished (which are now in hand) so as the hauens mouth be perfected▪ anie ship what soeuer maie enter in there­at, line 40 and remaine within that rode in good safetie. But as at manie other times heretofore there hath béene sure triall had of the good effects of this pent, A sure triall latelie made of the good effect of the pent. so now in this last moneth of October one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and six, one gate of the s [...]use being by mischance broken, A ga [...]e of the [...]use broken. so as by the space of foure daies there could be no water reteined within she pent, to scowre the mouth of the hauen, the same was so choked and swarued vp with sand and beach line 50 in that space, as no bote could enter in▪ or passe out of the same: Edward Wootton es­quire ambas­sador into France. insomuch as Edward Wootton esquire, being then at Douer to passe thense in an ambas­sage from hir maiestie to the French king, was for­ced to send to Sandwich for a craier, to transport him to Calis, because no bote of Douer lieng with­in the rode could passe out at the hauens mouth. But assoone as the said gate of the sluse was repared, e­uen the next tide following, The effect of the pent. a vessell of thrée hundred tun might and did easilie passe in and out thereat, line 60 one pent of water had so scowred and depthened the same. Whereby it maie appeare, that neither the cost bestowed, nor the worke performed, hath béene vn­profitablie imploi [...]d, or vnnecessarilie vndertaken.

Now you shall vnderstand, that the small sluse which was first made and laied in the crosse wall in such sort, Of the sluse. and for such purpose as hath béene declared, was taken vp after the said walles were finished, and a sluse of far greater charge was made by the a­foresaid Peter Pet, who vndertooke to doo it by great, and had for the same foure hundred pounds, the laieng whereof did cost two hundred pounds more at the least. This sluse conteineth in length fourescore foot, in bredth sixtéene foot, in depth thir­téene, and hath in it two draw gates. It was one whole moneth in laieng, The lord Cobham re­maineth at Douer one whole mo­neth. all which time the said lord Cobham made his abode there, and kept a most ho­norable and costlie table, furthering those works not onelie with his continuall presence and counte­nance, but also with his good direction, and that not at starts, but from morning till night, and from daie to daie, vntill the full accomplishing thereof.

And in the meane time sir Francis Walsing­ham hir maiesties principall secretarie was not vn­carefull of this action, Sir Francis Walsingham principall fréend to these works. as being the man without whom nothing was doone, directing the course, and alwaie looking into the state thereof, and gaue conti­nuall life thervnto, by prouiding monie for it, where­of when anie want approched, he neuer failed to see or rather to send a sure supplie. Since the finishing of these wals and sluses, Of the lat [...] works. there hath beene much worke and charge imploied about one of the iuttie heads, and beautifieng of the harborough, wherin one George Carie of Deuonshire esquire, and one Iohn Hill an auditor, haue béene the principall directors. But because that worke remaineth as yet vnper­formed, the report thereof shall also remaine to be made by others that shall hereafter haue occasion to write of such affairs.

¶At the assises kept at the citie of Excester, The note of Iohn Hooker aliâs Vowell concerning the sudden and strange sicke­nesse of late happening in Excester. the fourteenth daie of March, in the eight and twentith yeare of hir maiesties reigne, before sir Edmund Anderson knight lord chiefe iustice of the common plees, and sargeant Floredaie one of the ba­rons of the excheker, iustices of the assises in the countie of Deuon and Exon, there happened a ve­rie sudden and a strange sickenesse; first amongst the prisoners of the gaole of the castell of Exon, & then dispersed (vpon their triall) amongst sundrie other persons: which was not much vnlike to the sicke­nesse that of late yeares happened at an assise hol­den at Oxford, before sir Robert [...]ell knight, lord chiefe baron of the excheker, and iustice then of that assise; and of which sickenesse he amongst others died. This sickenesse was verie sharpe for the time, & few escaped, which at the first were infected there­with. It was contagious and infectious, but not so violent, as commonlie the pestilence is; neither dooth there appeare anie outward vlcer or sore.

The origen and cause thereof diuerse men are of diuerse iudgements. Some did impute it, The original [...] cause of this infection whereto im­puted. and were of the mind, that it procéeded from the conta­gion of the gaole, which by reason of the close aire, and filthie stinke, the prisoners newlie come out of a fresh aire into the same, are in short time for the most part infected therewith; and this is common­lie called the gaole sickenesse, and manie die thereof. Some did impute it to certeine poore Portingals, then prisoners in the said gaole. For not long be­fore, Barnard Drake esqui­er. one Barnard Drake esquier (afterwards dubbed [...]ight) had béene at the seas, and meeting [...] certeine Portingals, come from New found land, and laden with fish, he tooke them as a good prise, and brought them into Dartmouth hauen in England; and from thense they were sent, being in number about eight and thirtie persons, vnto the gaole of the castell of Exon, and there were cast into the deepe pit and stinking dungeon.

These men had béene before a long time at the seas, and had no change of apparell, The mischiefe of nastie appa­rell. nor laine in bed, and now lieng vpon the ground without succor or reliefe, were soone infected; and all for the most part were sicke, and some of them died, and some one of them was distracted: and this sickenesse verie soone af [...]er dispersed it selfe among all the residue of the prisoners in the gaole; of which disease manie of [Page 1548] them died, but all brought to great extremities, and verie hardlie escaped. These men, when they were to be brought before the foresaid iustices for their triall, manie of them were so weake and sicke, that they were not able to go nor stand; but were caried from the gaole to the place of iudgement, some vpon handbarrowes, and some betwéene men leading them, and so brought to the place of iustice.

The sight of these mens miserable and pitifull ca­ses, being thought (and more like) to be hunger star­ued line 10 than with sickenesse diseased, mooued manie a mans hart to behold and looke vpon them; but none pitied them more than the lords iustices themselues, and especiallie the lord chiefe iustice himselfe; who vpon this occasion tooke a better order for kéeping all prisoners thensefoorth in the gaole, and for the more often trials: which was now appointed to be quarterlie kept at euerie quarter sessions, The assise at Excester ap­pointed to be quarterlie kept. and not to be posted anie more ouer, as in times past vntill the assises. These prisoners thus brought from out of the line 20 gaole to the iudgement place, after that they had béene staied, and paused a while in the open aire, and somewhat refreshed therwith, they were brought in­to the house, in the one end of the hall néere to the iudges seat, and which is the ordinarie and accu­stomable place where they doo stand to their trials and arreignments.

And howsoeuer the matter fell out, and by what occasion it happened, an infection followed vpon ma­nie and a great number of such as were there in the line 30 court, This sicknes was contagi­ous & mortall. and especiallie vpon such as were néerest to them were soonest infected. And albeit the in [...]ection was not then perceiued, because euerie man depar­ted (as he thought) in as good health as he came thi­ther: yet the same by little and little so crept into such, as vpon whom the infection was sei [...]oned, that after a few daies, and at their home comming to their owne houses, they felt the violence of this pe­stilent sickenesse: wherein more died that were infe­cted, than escaped. And besides the prisoners, manie line 40 there were of good account, and of all other degrées, which died thereof: as by name sargeant Flore­daie who then was the iudge of those trials vpon the prisoners, sir Iohn Chichester, sir Arthur Basset, and sir Barnard Drake knights; Principall men that died of that infec­tion. Thomas Carew of Haccombe, Robert Carie of Clouelleigh, Iohn Fortescue of Wood, Iohn Waldron of Bradféeld, and Thomas Risdone esquires, and iustices of the peace.

The losse of euerie of them was verie great to line 50 the commonwealth of that prouince and countrie: but none more lamented than these two knights, sir Iohn Chichester, Sir Iohn Chichester, and sir Arthur Basset bemo­ned and com­mended. and sir Arthur Basset; who albeit they were but yoong in yeares, yet ancient in wise­dome, vpright in iudgement, and zealous in the mi­nistration of iustice. Likewise Robert Carie, a gentleman striken in yeares, and a man of great experience, knowledge, and learning: he had béene a student of the common lawes of the realme at the temple, and verie well learned both therein, and v­niuersallie seene in all good letters: an eloquent man line 60 of his spéech, effectuall in deliuerie, déepe in iudge­ment, vpright in iustice, and consider at in all his doo­ings. The more worthie were these personages, the greater losse was their deaths to the whole common wealth of that countrie. Eleuen of the iurie with o­ther officers die of this [...]ckenesse. Of the pleb [...]ian and com­mon people died verie manie, and especiallie consta­bles, réeues, and tithing men, and such as were iu­rors, and namelie one iurie of twelue, of which there died eleuen.

This [...]icknesse was dispersed through out all the whole shire, and at the writing hereof in the fine of October, one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and six, it is not altogither extinguished. It resteth for the most part about fouretéene daies and vpwards by a secret infection, before it breake out into his force and violence. At the first comming, it made the peo­ple afraid and dismaid, manie men then pretending rather than performing the amendement of life. So long as the plague was hot and feruent, so long e­uerie man was holie and repentant: but with the slaking of the one, Affliction draweth men to God, &c. followed the forgetfulnesse of the other; euen as it is with a companie of shrewd chil­dren, who so long as the rod is ouer the head, so long feare of correction frameth them to aptnesse, confor­mitie, and obedience.

¶In the chronicles of Ireland, vpon occasion of seruice in the highest office there, An introduct [...] to the histori­call remem­brance of the Sidneis, the father and the sonne, &c. mention was made here and there of sir Henrie Sidneie his sai­engs and dooings, where promise did passe (by means of discoursing his death) that the reader was to lo [...]ke for a full declaration of his life and death in the chro­nicles of England, as course of time should giue di­rection. Now therefore hauing entred into the eight and twentith yeare of hir maiesties gratious go­uernment, and the yeare of Christ 1586, the time most fitlie openeth a readie waie into the historie concerning that nobleman, penned by one that could not be ignorant of his affaires, considering the neerenesse and necessarinesse of his seruice, and therefore as a truth to be receiued.

This right famous, renowmed, worthie, The note of Edmund Molineux tou­ching sir Hen­rie Sidneis life and death. vertu­ous and heroicall knight, by father and mother verie noblie descended, was from his infancie bred and brought vp in the princes court, and in neerenesse to his person vsed familiarlie euen as a companion, and manie times a bedfellow. His education in his youth. After that by course of nature and lawfull descent, this yoong prince was inuested in the kingdome and imperiall crowne, he aduanced this gallant noble gentleman (partlie as it seemed for the singular loue and entire affection he formerlie bare him) to be a principall gentleman of his priuie chamber. For he was then reputed for comelinesse of person, gallantnesse & liuelinesse of spirit, vertue, qualitie, beautie, & good composition of bodie, the onelie od man & paragon of the court. And from time to time this good and most godlie king held such delight in his pleasant, modest, and swéet conuersation and companie, as he would sildome or neuer giue him leaue to be absent from him, till his last breth that he departed this life in his armes at Greenwich. Such excéeding expectation & hope was conceiued of this honorable gentleman in his yong­er yeares, as he was speciallie chosen and sent am­bassador to Henrie the first then French king, His [...] ­ment in am­bassage. con­cerning matter verie important, being at that time not fullie one and twentie yeares old, and performed his charge with that▪ singular commendation, wise­dome, spirit and dexteritie, as at sundrie times not long after, he was emploied in ambassage both in France & Scotland, yea somtime twise in one yere.

He was foure seuerall times lord iustice of Ire­land, Foure times lord iustice, thrise lord deputie of Ireland. and thrée times by speciall appointment and commission sent deputie out of England: at each which seuerall time, he by his wisedome and good gouernement appeased and suppressed a great and an actuall rebellion, the seeds whereof were for the most part sowen and the fire kindled (though smooth­lie and cunninglie hid and couered) before his com­ming, or in the time of his absence▪ He suppressed by force and policie thrée actuall rebelli­ons. In his first depu­tation he suppressed the rebellion of Shane Oneill, and floured the top of the castell of Dublin with the archrebels head. In his second he suppressed the most dangerous insurrection begun and long continued by some of the Butlers. In the third the commotion of the erle of Clanricard, & his two gracelesse hope­lost sonnes Shane and Ulike Bourke.

[Page 1549] He reuiued and put in ex­ecution the lawes for the abolishing of coine and li­uerie.Immediatlie after his first arriuall deputie, he caused the old statutes and ordinances for the aboli­shing of coine and liuerie ( [...]he ancient festering sore and créeping canker of that countrie and com­monwealth) to be reuiued and put in due execution▪ against sundrie persons of calling and note, who were therewithall sharplie touched, wherevpon fol­lowed a long time after great good to the countrie, and a spéedie releefe to the poore oppressed people of that realme. He deuised that the remoter prouinces should be gouerned by presidents, after the imitati­on line 10 of the marches of Wales, from whense he tooke his patterne, being himselfe at that time president, holding opinion that there could be neither better nor a more expedit and easie means to reforme and reduce that barbarous countrie to perfect obedience and ciuilitie, He deuised the planting of presidents in the remoter prouinces. than planting of presidents in the re­moter prouinces, to the end vniuersall iustice might be currant amongst them, whereby the poore might be deliuered from the woonted eractions and tyra­nies of the lords and great ones (by whom they were line 20 dailie spoiled and oppressed) and tast the sweet bene­fits and pleasant fruits of peace and quietnesse, the onelie singular commoditie, and the most happie blessing of wise, politike, and discréet gouerne­ment.

He deuised the lawes for the distribution of the Irish coū ­tries into shire ground.He both first deuised, and consequentlie prudent­lie executed, the plot for the diuision and distributi­on of the Irish countries into shire ground, where­by insued the currencie of hir maiesties writ, which before that time was either not knowne, or at least line 30 neuer vsed amongst them. He in his gouernment aduanced and increased the reuenues of the crowne by waie of custome, He increased the reuenues ten thousand pounds yerlie. impost vpon wines, compositi­ons with the Irishrie for rent and seruice, and other direct and commendable means, as out of casualties creating rents certeine, ten thousand pounds yeare­lie. And by good deuise and policie he had both inten­ded, and would haue brought to passe and performed a farre greater increase, if enuie, spite, and malice of that vnhappie countrie had not crossed him, and oppo­sed line 40 themselues all that they could, by pursse or cre­dit against his honorable, worthie, and commenda­ble seruices & desseins: an example of rare note to be duelie followed, and carefullie executed by his succes­sors, that Ireland may in short time be reduced to beare Irelands charges, and made both honorable and profitable to the crowne (as were to be wished.) He repared the castell of Dubline, being vsed a long time before as a ruinous, vncleane, and filthie place, of no reckoning and accompt, stored onlie with me­chanicall line 50 persons, and some of woorse sort (the consta­ble and his familie excepted) and left the same a con­uenient and fit house for the gouernour to lie in, to which vse it now serueth and is imploied.

He builded the bridge of Athelon ouer the riuer of Shenin, arched it with masonrie and frée stone, strong wall and battlement, and made it of that strength, togither with that spaciousnesse and bredth, as two carts may (in maner) meet afront. His buildings fortifications, and other ne­cessarie works for the benefit and good of the countrie. By build­ing line 60 of which bridge ouer so swift & great a streame, the passage was set open and made frée out of the pale into Conaught, which before (by reason of the strenablenesse of the water) was not passable, which dawnted and appalled the rebels and traitors more, and kept them in greater awe and due obedience, than anie deuise or policie before had doone, or other plot lightlie could then doo. He likewise began the wasling and fortifieng of the towne of Carickfer­gus in Ulster, reedifieng of the towne of Athen­rie in Conaught, the strengthening of Athelon with gates and other fortifications, the foundation and plot of the bridge of Caterlagh, and made a strong goale at Molingar, and walled the same a­bout with stone, to imprison rebels, théeues, and other malefactors. And likewise he begun manie other néedfull and necessarie works in sundrie other places which tended to the great furtherance and aduance­ment of seruice, but he left them Quasi opera inchoata: for he being called awaie so soone, time would not permit and allow him to finish and fullie to end them, or (it may be) by fatall appointment the time is not yet come the countrie deserueth so great a good and benefit of Gods eternall blessing.

He found hir maiesties records laid as it were in an open place, whither anie man (that vouchsafed his paines) might come that would, not defended, but subiect to wind, raine, and all kind of weather, and so in a sort neglected, that they serued now and then (as I haue by good men and good meanes cre­diblie heard reported) in stéed of better litter to rub horsse héeles, He built con­uenient rooms for the kéeping and preserua­tion of the re­cords which before were neglected. which he with great care and diligence caused to be perused and sorted, and prepared an apt place within the castell of Dubline, well trimmed and boorded with a chimneie in the roome, where nei­ther by the moisture of the wals, nor vnseasonable­nesse of the weather, nor other meanes they could be subiect to harme. He prepared fit & conuenient pla­ces and seuerall diuisions to laie them apart, accor­ding to their seuerall natures, and appointed one of discretion and skill to looke to them, who also for his better incoragement was assigned a conuenient fée for his labor. He also caused the statutes, policies, and ordinances of that realme, which laie hid and not knowen to manie (though not destroied but kept in safetie) to be searched, surueied, and ouer viewed, by men of the best learning, skill, and discretion he could find or come by in that realme, giuing them in expresse charge to peruse and read all, He caused th [...] statutes of Ireland to b [...] imprinted which neuer before were published. and to collect such and so manie of them as they should in their dis­cretions iudge and discerne to be expedient and ne­cessarie to be published and knowen, to the end the same might be imprinted, as afterward they were, that no man thensforth might pretend ignorance in the lawes, statutes, & ordinances of his owne coun­trie where he was borne, which euerie man by our lawes is bound to know. And because he both saw and by experience found what defect grew in the ad­ministration of iustice, by reason of kinred, affini­tie, corruption, parcialitie, as otherwise; he deuised, He procured some English­men to be sent ouer, for the better admini­stration of iustice. and earnestlie sought to haue Englishmen sent o­uer to supplie the chéefe places of iustice. And for the better increase of hir maiesties reuenue and profit, he praied the like to serue in the rooms of hir high­nesse attorneie generall and sollicitor.

No man had a greater desire to aduance the pub­like euerie waie than he had, and in opinion great­lie magnified & estéemed all them that were of that mind: for he would manie times saie, that those were things memorable, of perpetuitie, fame, and last, where all priuat things died and perished with their priuat persons. A great fu [...] ­therer of all publike works. The great loue he got him in all pl [...]ces where he serued. Wheresoeuer he was besto­wed to serue, he had such a rare gift, gallant courtlie behauior, and comlinesse of person, as he gained the harts of manie, and such vniuersall liking and lo­uing of all sorts of people toward him, as they were euer desirous and neuer wearie of him; but speciall sute commonlie made of the grauest▪ best, and wisest sort amongst them, when he was reuoked to haue him returne and continue againe amongst them. He was (as best became him) verie aduised, circum­spect, and carefull in the seruice of the state, not one­lie setting apart, but in a sort neglecting all busines of his owne, in respect of his charge. His careful­nesse in the seruice of the state. He was a per­fect orator by nature, hauing such readinesse and fa­cilitie of spéech, flowing eloquence, swéet deliuerie, and passing memorie (for he seldome or neuer forgat anie thing he either read or heard) as he was speci­allie [Page 1550] noted a most rare man of all that did heare him. Such ample instructions he would giue for the framing and writing of his letters, or anie other thing he committed to be conceiued and put downe in writing, and dispose the same in so good order and fine method, as a verie simple man, if he reteined and remembred but a part of that he said and deliue­red, might supplie himselfe with matter inough to the purpose to write of.

And when by occasion he happened vpon some dull line 10 conceipted spirited fellow (as Ireland and Wales now and then bred some such) to whome he had gi­uen instructions to write, who afterwards brought him the same to signe, Uerie expert and able he was of a bad clerke in time to frame a good secretarie. not couched in sort as he liked or would haue it; his temperance, courtesie, and dis­creet modestie was such, as he would neuer shew choler and impatience, rent the paper in péeces, or publikelie disgrace the writer, but bid him not be discouraged for that fault: he could giue him the like instructions againe he gaue him before, but willed line 20 him then to marke and remember them better. At ech seuerall time he was sent deputie into Ireland, he was by occasion, and as time fell out, furnished with a new secretarie. The first was master Ed­ward Waterhouse, now knighted, and one of hir maiesties councell in Ireland. The second master Edmund Tremaine, who after was preferred to be a clearke to hir maiesties councell on hir highnesse person attendant. The third (who although it was thought of manie, who were in that case well able line 30 to iudge) neither in paine, desert, birth, nor breeding was much inferiour to the other two that were be­fore him: yet in fortune, reward, or other recom­pense so far behind them, as this noble gentleman (who trulie honored vertue) master to them all three, would manie times in sort lament, and déepelie be­mone to his good friends, commending highlie this mans paine and diligence, attributing his hard hap to his owne mishap, the time so serued he could not doo him good, which manie times & by sundrie means line 40 he had earnestlie attempted to doo; affirming often in solemne and earnest protestation as well to him as others, that it gréeued him not a little, his fortune was so bad, to come to him now in the declination and wane of the moone: for he was the sole onelie man he had imploied about him in that néerenesse and credit of seruice, wherein he had vsed him, that euer had quailed vnder his hands (for that was the terme he vsed) howbeit, he well hoped time or some good man (in respect his seruice was publike and not line 50 priuat) would repaire that then he could not doo. For he déemed the man right woorthie regard and consi­deration, that had serued him so long (and that in his great and roiall seruices, in so painefull and toile­some a place) without anie great wages, fée, or other interteinment growing to him in perpetuitie or o­ther wais; which was either burthenous to his purse, or procéeding by or from him by anie other degree, to the gentlemans benefit, increase of credit, or further aduancement, in recompense of his long seruice.

He had both a speciall care & likewise a [...]ingular line 60 gift in dispatch of common causes, Of great faci­litie in dis­patch of com­mon causes. and the people in like manner had a passing maruellous desire to be heard & dispatched by him. Therefore as well in part to satisfie their humors and affections, as more com­pletlie to performe the due and full measure of his charge (which was to heare and helpe all as néere as he could) he applied himselfe greatlie therevnto, and would spare no paines, but indure maruellous toile and trauell to rid and dispatch awaie sutors: which he could doo with such dexteritie and woonderfull fa­cilitie, as the same might séeme no wearinesse and tediousnesse at all to him (that was halfe a hell to some others) but rather to be reckoned a kind of recreation and pastime. He made manie beholding vnto him, for he (as much as laie in him) did benefit manie, and had more than an ordinar [...]e desire to doo for all his friends and faithfull followers; and so care­fullie, earnestlie, A great desire to doo for all men. and painfullie he would trauell to aduance their particular sutes, were it sometimes to speake to hir maiestie hir selfe, or to the bodie of hir graue and honorable councell, or to anie priuat councellor apart, as though he had purposelie fol­lowed his owne most weightie causes.

And as he was a most déere, kind, tender, A tender fa­ther to his children and a louing master to his ser­uants. and lo­uing father to his children (for none could loue and estéeme his children more than he did) and noting in them great minds and hautie courages, which drew them by degrees to excesse in expense, and more than an ordinarie liberalitie, he would sometime fatherlie aduise them thus; that if they meant to liue in or­der, they should euer behold whose sonnes, & seldome thinke whose nephues they were: so he was an affable, gentle, courteous, constant, and honourable master to his seruants. For he would often saie, it was an easie matter for them to keepe him, but hard to recouer his loue and fauour, if they had once lost him. And when anie of his noble and most louing friends would commend him greatlie (as manie times they would) that he made much of his old ser­uants (for few that came to him euer went from him, but such as were first aduanced by him to bet­ter preferment) he would answer plesantlie after his woonted mirth; Lord I giue thee thanks, that of those thou gauest me I haue not lost one. He was mar­uellous affable and courteous of nature, of easie ac­cesse, and plesantlie familiar with anie that had oc­casion to repaire vnto him, & strict and precise in the obseruation of good order. For he would seldome breake it in anie respect, but vpon euident, knowne, and most iust cause, or when he was ouerruled (as sometimes he was) by such as had souereigne power to direct and command him. Sol [...]ario homini atque in agro vi­tam agenti opinio iustitiae necessaria est. He was in­tirelie beloued of the officers of hir maie­sties houshold. Extraordinarie courses he alwaies vtterlie misliked, especiallie when order was peruerted, or iustice hindered, whereby the com­mon societie of mans life is onelie preserued and mainteined; which two things speciallie purchased him such vniuersall goodwill euerie where (and namelie amongst the officers of hir maiesties most honorable houshold, with whome he would manie times be familiarlie conuersant) as they haue often wished he might haue beene honored with a white staffe, to haue borne office with authoritie amongst them.

His nature was so tempered with modestie, pietie and patience, as he seldome shewed heat or choler, how greeuous so euer the offense was which was giuen him. He was a fast friend where he pro­fessed friendship, and no reuengefull so when he was offended; & hardlie would he be remooued in friend­ship from his friend or follower, but vpon most iust, certeine, and knowne cause, which he could not smul­ther, and would not hide from the partie. I haue ma­nie times heard him saie, He was dub­bed knight the same daie sir William Ce­cill was. and by occasion haue séene the same written in his owne letters, that he was dubbed knight (by that noble and vertuous prince king Edward) the selfe same daie sir William Ce­cill (then principall secretarie, now lord treasuror of England) was, by meanes wherof and that sir Wil­liam Cecill was (yea euen in those daies) estéemed a most rare man, both for sundrie and singular gifts of nature, learning, wisedome, and integritie: and partlie by the friendlie good offices of that true pa­terne of humanitie and courtesie, sir Iohn Chéeke, then schoolemaster to the king (a choise deare friend to them both) that there began such an entrie of ac­quaintance, knowledge, loue, mutuall goodwill, and intire friendship betwixt them, as continued alwais [Page 1551] [...], and [...] after till his dieng daie▪ A matter of pro [...]ritie it were and intollerable [...]ediousnesse to par [...]cula [...] in amp [...]e maner the ra [...]e qualities of his bodie and mind: wherefore we w [...]ll [...] run them ouer, as loth to abridge his de­serued [...] too liberallie. This noble man was for­tunat in war, and no lesse happie in peace, passing well beloued of his soldiers, vpright in iustice, yet withall inclined to mercie▪ [...]e reuerenced all m [...]n of science, for he would manie times saie, Science was to be honored wheresoeuer it was to be found: line 10 [...]. He omitted not mo [...]ning & euening praier, he was liberall and honorable in ho­spitalitie, his skill far e [...]ce [...]ded other mens in know­ledge and secrets of Ireland, yea of that countrie birth. The loue and affection the Irishrie bare him, [...] manie of them to ciuilitie▪ he was little giuen to sléepe and ease in the night, for he [...]eldome kept his bed aboue six houres if he were in he [...]th neither after [...]e arose would he take in the daie time anie line 20 kind of repose. He would in his iournies wearie and laie vp most of his companie; nothing offended him more than ingratitude; in his dealings his word was his worst; sociable he was with his assistants; he had an intention to haue erected certeine nurse­ries of learning; his seruice was subiect to the eare, and not to the eie, whereby his vertues manie times were suppressed; he was deputie of Ireland, and pre­sident of Wales both at one time.

This noble knight, graue councellor, complet gen­tleman, and most woorthie and rar [...] subiect, departed line 30 this life at the bishops palace at Worcester, the fift daie of Maie, He died at the bishops palace [...] Worcester. in the yeare of our Lord 1586 (being fiftie and seauen yeares old complet▪ wanting onelie one moneth and fiftéene daies) about foure of the clocke in the morning, after he had continued seuen daies sicke of a kind of cold palseie, as the physicians decréed of the disease, which happened vnto him (as it was of m [...]nie said, and of mo thought) by reason of an e [...]tre [...]e cold he tooke vpon the water in his pas­sage line 40 and remooue by barge betwéene Bewdlie and Worcester, not long after he had béene purged, and his bod [...]e not fullie setled, but his pores remaining still [...]en as it is most like) by reas [...]n of an extraor­dinarie loosenes which consequentlie followed the ta­king of his physicke, and could not be stopped; ha­u [...]ng then beene lord president of hir maiesties coun­cell established in the dominion and principalitie of Wales six and twentie years complet, without anie change or alteration, or absolute transferring the line 50 roome or authoritie to anie other in the meane time, for whose death there was great mone and lamen­tation. His death greatlie be­moned. As for his bodie by easie iourneies and short remooues, His corps was buried at Penshurst. it was conueied from Worcester to his house at Penshurst in Kent, verie honourablie and well attended with great traine, ceremonie, and all other things apperteining to funerall order, honor, and solemnitie, where he was honorablie interred the one and twentith daie of Iune following. He was before imbowelled, & his intrals buried in the deans line 60 chapell in the cathedrall church at Worcester; his heart brought to Ludlow, & buried in the toome with his deere beloued daughter Ambrosia, in the little o­ratorie he made in the semicollegiat parish church there, wherein he erected this monument.

The ninth daie of August next following, died the most noble, The time of my ladie Sid­neis death. worthie, beneficent, and bountious ladie, the ladie Marie Sidneie, his onelie spouse and most déere wife, who was eldest daughter vnto that re­nowmed duke Iohn late of Northumberland, and sister to the right honorable and most worthie the erls of Warwike and Leicester, most zealouslie, godlie, and penitentlie, as by the testimonie of some hono­rable and other graue personages is well auouched, and was into [...]ed at Penshurst, in the s [...]me toome with hir d [...]re and honorable husband. During the whole course of hir sicknesse▪ and speciallie a little be­fore it pleased almig [...]tie God to call hir [...]ense to his mercie, she vsed such godlie [...] ▪ earnest and ef­fectuall persuasions to all those about hir, and vnto such others as came of freendlie courtesie to visit [...]ir, to exhort them to repentance and amendment of life, and dehort them from all sinne and lewdnesse, as wounded the consciences▪ and inwardlie pearsed the hearts of manie that heard hir. They left behind them yet liuing most déere pledges, Sir Philip▪ sir Robert and maister Tho­mas Sidneis. noble and wo [...] ­thie resemblances descended of them▪ th [...]ee sonnes, all forward, martiall, and valo [...]ous gentlemen▪ and one onelie daughter, matched in mariage vnto the right honorable Henrie earle of Penbroke, Marie coun­tesse of Pen­broke, William lord Herbert of Cardiffe. whome God hath alreadie blessed with goodlie, rare, and to­wardlie issue: sir Philip Sidneie his sonne & heire, Ad [...] [...]ereditas glori [...] & [...] im [...]tati [...] pert [...]et, a gentleman of great hope, and excéeding e [...]pectation, indowed with manie rare gifts, singular vertues, and other ornaments both of mind and bodie, one ge­nerallie belooued and estéemed of all men; who mat­ched in mariage with the daughter and heire of sir Francis Walsingham knight, The commen­dation of sir Philip Sid­neie. hir maiesties princi­pall secretarie, by whome he hath alreadie a goodlie babe, but a daughter.

This right woorthie, Lord gouer­nor o [...] U [...]ssin­gen, common­lie called Fl [...] ­shing. and thrise renowmed knight sir Philip Sidneie lord gouernor of Ulissingen, ha­uing spent some time in hir maiesties seruice in the low countries, with great honor, speciall credit, and estimation; and withall▪ hauing obteined by his ver­tue, valor, and great policie, such an entrie of entire good will, trust, and authoritie with the states, as his counsels and persuasions could much more preuaile and worke singular effect with them, than anie one mans could doo in anie cause what soeuer that happe­ned to fall in question or debate amongst them: ther­fore earnestlie following the course he then tooke in hand for the aduancement of that seruice, and to win fame (the onelie marke true nobilitie either dooth or ought to leuell at) he imbarked himselfe at Ulissin­gen, accompanied onlie with thrée thousand footmen; and bending his course to Arell, He surprise [...] Arell in Flanders. which lieth in the countie of Flanders, vsed both such diligence and se­crecie in this e [...]pedition, as he surprised the towne, before they could haue intelligence of his comming, without losse or hurt of anie one of his companie. By means whereof, the forts and sconses there néere abouts adioining, being striken vpon the sudden in­to such a feare and amazement, as doubting some further perils to them intended, than anie at the pre­sent well appeared; voluntarilie and simplie gaue themselues and their holds into his hands, & yéelded to his disposition and mercie. And so after he had well refreshed himselfe and his companie in this towne he had thus new taken, he departed thense, & remai­ned in the countrie not farre off, ten or twelue daies next following, till he had vittelled the same & put in a garrison, & left monsieur Pernon there gouernor.

Now in the meane time of his staie, attending these seruices (and because he would alwaies be oc­cupied in some honorable action) he brake a sluse, for­ced a trench, and cut out a banke, that made such an open passage & entrance into the sea, as since it hath drowned and destroied the whole countrie (being well neere now worne into a chanell) the same hauing béene the best and most fertill soile in those parts, He drowned the countrie by making [...] entrie into th [...] sea. and far excéeding anie territorie néere thereabouts, to so great a preiudice and annoiance of the enimie, as by common & well grounded opinion, neither by sluse, or lightlie anie other draine or deuise, that countrie can possiblie be recouered or regained. And this en­terprise was atchiued without making head or other [Page 1552] offer of offense, No resistance made by Mondragon. inuasion, or resistance by Mondra­gon, who was of purpose imploied with sufficient force to defend the countrie, and to haue impeached all these attempts and actions.

Moreouer, his aduise for the seruice intended at Grauelin (dissenting in opinion from others, Grauelin. who were thought the most expert capteins and best re­nowmed and sorted souldiours) gaue such a sufficient proofe of his excellent wit, policie, and ripe iudge­ment; as his onelie act and counsell, with the losse of line 10 a verie few of his companie, wrought all their safe­ties, which otherwise by treacherie had béene most likelie to haue béene intrapped. And so consequentlie going forward in other seruices, at an incounter with the enimie not far from Zutphen, His hurt at the incounter néere Zut­phen. where he that daie most valiantlie serued (for he bare the inuinci­ble mind of an ancient woorthie Romane, who euer where he came made account of victorie) he receiued hurt by a musket shot a little aboue the left knée, which so brake and rifted the bone, and so entred the line 20 thigh vpward towards the bodie, as the bullet could not be found before his bodie was opened. Of which hurt notwithstanding he liued (though in great paine and extreame torment) six and twentie daies follow­ing, The daie of the death of sir Philip Sidneie. and died the seauentéenth daie of October be­tweene two and thrée of the clocke in the afternoone at Arnam in Gelderland.

He greatlie abounded in sundrie good vertues, which euer, where he came, procured him loue, but chéefelie in iustice and liberalitie (a woorthie & most line 30 speciall note in a gouernour) which gained him har­tie loue coupled with fame and honor. Omnis virtus nos ad se allicit, facítque vt dili­gamus eos, in quibus inesse videatur, tamen iusticia & libe­ralitas id maxi­mè efficit. For the which especiallie, those vnder his late charge and gouern­ment so greatlie loued, esteemed, honored, & in a sort adored him when he was aliue; as they made earnest meanes and intreatie to haue his bodie remaine there still with them for memorie when he was dead; and promised that (if they might obteine it) to erect for him as faire a monument as anie prince had in christendome, yea though the same should cost halfe line 40 a tun of gol [...] the building. His bodie was most ho­nourablie conueied from Arnam to London, where it remained at the Minories certeine daies, & from thense brought and remooued on the sixtéenth of Fe­bruarie alongst the stréets through Cheapside, with funerall pompe and solemnitie beseeming so marti­all a gentleman; the ensignes of warre, and pikes trailed vpon the ground, the drums and flutes coue­red with blacke and making a softlie sound, with other statelie shewes of mournfull representati­ons; the earle of Leicester with other honourable line 50 and woorshipfull personages following the dead bo­die, which finallie was interred in Paules church of London.]

About this time one Thomas Louelace, late of Staple inne gentleman, Thomas Louelace con­dig [...]li [...] puni­shed by iudge­ment of the ho­norable court in the Star­chamber for counterfeiting of letters, &c. I. S. for counterfeiting of false and trecherous letters against his own kinred, con­taining most traitorous matter against hir maie­sties owne person, was iudged in the Starchamber to be carried on horsse-backe about Westminster line 60 hall with his face to the horsse taile, and a paper on his backe declaring his offense; then to be set on the pillorie in the palace at Westminster, and there to haue one of his eares cut off: then to ride in like sort into London, and in Cheapside to be set on the pillo­rie vpon a market daie: after that to be conueied into Kent, where standing openlie on the pillorie in the place of assise as before, he should loose his other eare; and lastlie be set vpon the pillorie one market daie in Canturburie, and another at Rochester; his offense and punishment in euerie of the said places openlie read and published: which iudiciall sentence was accordinglie executed.

On sundaie the eight daie of Maie an ambassa­dor, named Henrie Ramelius, Henrie Ra­melius ambas­sador out of Denmarke. intituled Cancellarius Germanicus, arriued at the tower of London. A gen­tleman he was of goodlie personage, somewhat cor­pulent, and of sanguine complexion, verie eloquent likewise and learned, not onelie in the knowledge of diuerse toongs, as Latine, French, Italian, and Ger­man; but also in sundrie sciences. He came in am­bassage from Frederike the second of that name, king of Denmarke, vnto the queens maiestie of England, and arriuing (as you haue heard) at the Tower, was honorablie receiued of the lord Cob­ham and other great estates; who conueied him from thense through Tower stréet into Bishops­gate street, and so to a faire and large house called Crosbies place, where he was well lodged and re­mained.

The said Ramelius, during the time of his tariance had attendance doone him conuenient for his per­son, both by water and by land: The Danish ambassador honorablie in­terteined. the quéens maiesties barges and seruants imploied about him to & from London, the court then being at Gréenwich; whither alwaies when he came, the nobilitie of England failed in no point of courtesie that might be shewed: which he séemed (as he could no lesse) verie accep­tablie to take. Now being in England, and in the English court, he might (and no doubt did) marke the magnificence of hir maiestie, in all respects ad­mirable. The maiestie of the English court. Whereof a notable president was giuen in Whitsunweeke; at what time the said ambassador, being at the court, was accompanied with certeine English lords to hir highnesse chapell, and placed not far from hir excellencie, did heare diuine seruice so melodiouslie said and soong, both by voice and in­struments of consort, Heuenlie mu­sike in the queens cha­pell. as a man halfe dead might thereby haue béene quickened. The gentlemen of the chapell with the rest of the quier bending them­selues both with skill and zeale, that daie to honour their prince according to their place. The bishop of Salisburie and others distinctlie reading part of di­uine seruice, and in presence of all the auditorie doo­ing such obeisance with knée and countenance, as the presence of so gratious a souereigne as they had in their eies did require.

Now when this solemnitie was ended, The ambassa­dor of Den­marke seeth the roiall ser­uice of the quéene of England. hir maie­stie departed; and so did the ambassador, attended vpon and accompanied vnto the place appointed for dinner, where standing néere vnto a faire window fronting into the open court, he might (being in communication, now with one and then with ano­ther English lord, as the L. Charles Howard L. ad­merall, the lord Cobham lord warden of the cinque ports, &c:) behold the roiall seruice of hir maiestie, verie personable gentlemen thereto sorted, carieng couered dishes all of siluer and gilt verie beautifull; themselues in veluet and silke sutable in ech respect, and as decentlie made, so decentlie worn; the trum­pets sounding, and the drums plaieng therevnto: a maruellous delightsome thing to heare, & a passing gallant sight to behold. When dinner was doone, the ambassador was made partaker of such courtlie re­creations as for that time were fit, wherewith he could not but be pleasantlie conceipted; considering that as euerie thing was doone with purpose to de­light: Recreations and disports for prince and people. so he with others must needs be accordinglie affected. And as the better sort had their conuenient disports, so were not the ordinarie people excluded from competent pleasure. For vpon a gréene verie spatious and large, where thousands might stand and behold with good contentment, there bearebaiting & bulbaiting (tempered with other merrie disports) were exhibited: whereat it cannot be spoken what pleasure the people tooke.

Now the daie being far spent, and the sun in his declination, the pastimes ended, and the actors [Page 1553] therein wearie; the ambassador withdrew vnto his lodging by barge to Crosbies place, This Crosbie [...]as a knight, [...] his gift to [...] of [...]ondon, pag. [...], [...]50. where (no doubt) this daies solemnitie was thought vpon, and talked of; if not by him, yet by his traine, and perhaps (as like enough) of both. Now after this, and manie o­ther English courtesies else where, verie bountiful­lie giuen and taken: the ambassador, after the fini­shing of such affaires as he was put in trust with­all, The ambas­ [...]dor depar­ [...]th home to­ [...]ards Den­ [...]arke. taking his leaue both of the court, citie, and countrie, returned towards Denmarke on the thir­tith line 10 daie of Maie next following, whome we will leaue vpon his voiage, and touch other matters hap­pening at home.

In this yeare one thousand fiue hundred foure score and six, [...]ord Ed­ [...]ard earle of Rutland am­bassador into Scotland. and on the fourth daie of Iune, a com­mission was directed from the quéens maiestie then at Gréenewich, tending to the ratification of a firme league of amitie betwéene the two mightie princes, Elisabeth queene of England, and Iames the sixt of that name king of Scots, vpon certeine line 20 causes necessarie and important: the reigne and go­uernement of the said princes, happening in so doubtfull and dangerous times, wherein the prin­ces néere adioining, who will be called catholike, ag­nising the popes authoritie, by mutuall leagues doo knit friendship, for the rooting vp and throwing out of the true, pure, and sincere religion of the gospell, not onelie out of their owne territories and domini­ons, but also out of other forrein kingdoms; and thereto haue obliged their faith. line 30

Least they therefore that loue the religion of the gospell, The quéenes maiestie hath speciall care of christian re­ligion to be preserued and propagated. should seeme lesse carefull for the defense and supportation thereof, than they which earnestlie indeuour to mainteine and vphold that of Rome, least it should be ouerthrowne; the said princes for the greater secu [...]itie of their persons, vpon whose safetie the safetie of the whole people dooth depend, and for the preseruation of the true, ancient, and christian religion, which they now professe; haue thought good that a stricter bond of a mutuall and so­ciall league, [...] league be­tweene Eng­land and Scotland confirmed. than at anie time hitherto hath béene line 40 agreed vpon betweene their maiesties progenitors▪ should now be substantiallie concluded. This league was articulated, and commissioners thereto appoin­ted; the right honorable Edward earle of Rutland, (a complet noble man, answerable to the [...]tymon of his name, and verie well deseruing the poets report:

—nomen virtutilus aequat,
Nec [...]init ingenium nobilitate premi)

the lord William Euers, and also Thomas Ran­dolph esquier: who with their traine of attendants line 50 came to Berwike the ninetéenth of Iune, where (the ambassadors of Scotland being in like sort present) they accomplished the matter, whereto they were commissionated: the articles of the said league in all and euerie part sufficientlie confirmed, Sée more of this ambas­sage in the hi­storie of Scot­land, pag. 456. [...] on the fift of Iulie. All which being dispatched, the said earle of Rutland with his traine returned. This ambassage is reported in the historie of Scotland, wherevnto (for the auoiding of tautologie) we refer the reader. line 60

The horrible conspiracie of [...]abington & [...]ther his [...] traitors [...] s [...]oursed by [...]. F.In the moneth of Iulie a verie dangerous con­spiracie was discouered▪ tending to the subuersion of the state and lamentable confusion of all things: wherein as the turbulent spirited did what they could to procéed, so it pleased God the author of peace to intercept them in the plot of their mischéefous de­uise, and to ouerthrow them in their owne imagined nets. Ringleaders in this pretended treason were certeine gentlemen and others (of whome hereaf­ter by particular name we will speake) who had wa­ded and ventured so far therein, that vpon the no­tice thereof (as God will suffer no such attempts to lie long vndetected) order was taken for a verie strict inquirie and search vniuersallie to be made for their apprehension, which was accordinglie execu­ted, in so much that the conspirators distressed and succorles were put to verie hard shifts by this inqui­sition and pursu [...]e, and in fine apprehended, to the great reioising of the citizens of London, diuerslie testified; as with bonfiers, making merrie in the streets at square and round tables, singing of psalmes, marching about their fiers with tabber an [...] pipe, and giuing manie a showt, that the aire rang withall. In so much that the consideration thereof did so worke in hir highnesse, as herevpon (a thing rare in a prince) she directed letters of thanks to the citie, for the manifold testifications of their loue and loialtie: which because they are materiall (as no word nor title procéeding from so singular a so­uereigne, is to fall to the ground vnrecorded) we are in dutie bound trulie to annex them, as we had them vnder publication. And first a breefe oration of maister Iames Dalton, one of the councellors of the citie of London, in the absence of the recor­der, as followeth.

The oration of maister Iames Dalton, &c.

RIght worshipfull, my good countriemen and citizens of this most noble citie of London: since the late brute and report of a most wicked & traitorous conspira­cie, not onelie to take awaie the life of our most gra­tious souereigne (whom God grant long to liue and reigne ouer vs) but also to stir vp a generall rebel­lion throughout the whole realme: the great and vniuersall ioie of you all of this citie, vpon the appre­hension of diuerse of that most wicked conspiracie of late declared and testified, by manie outward acts and shewes, hath wrought in the queenes most ex­cellent maiestie such a gratious contentment; that it hath mooued hir highnesse, by hir letters signed with hir owne hand, to signifie vnto my lord maior of this citie & his brethren, hir most noble and prince­lie acceptation thereof, and that in such sort, as there­by may appeare, that hir highnesse hath not more, no not so much reioised at the most happie escape of the wicked mischéefe intended against hir owne per­son▪ as at the ioie which hir louing subiects, & namelie you of this citie of London tooke at the apprehension of the practisers of that intended treason.

By occasion whereof, hir highnesse brought to a thankefull remembrance, and acknowledging of Gods infinit blessings bestowed on hir, comparable with anie prince or creature in the world, no world­lie thing more or like accompteth of, than of the hear­tie loue of hir louing and faithfull subiects manie waies, and manie times before now; but especial­lie by this our great ioie in this sort, at this time, and vpon this occasion shewed. And that hir excée­ding great loue and acceptation of our reioising maie the more appeare vnto you: it hath pleased hir highnesse in the same letters to declare, that she de­sireth not longer to liue among vs, than she shall mainteine, continue, nourish, and increase the loue and goodwill of hir subiects towards hir. And this hir highnesse hath willed to be made knowne vnto you all, with this; that she will not faile with all care, and by all good means that apperteine to a christian prince, to seeke the conseruation of you all, so louing and dutifull affected subiects.

This hir maiesties pleasure in part now decla­red, and more to be made knowne vnto you by hir owne letters, which you shall heare read, my lord maior and his brethren haue required me to declare [Page 1554] vnto you all, that they doo heartilie reioise & thanke God for the happie daie of the good acceptation of this your great ioie; & my Sir Wolstan Dixie lord ma­ior of London, Anthonie Ratcliffe, and Henrie Pran­nell shiriffes. lord himselfe hath wil­led me to giue you all heartie thanks in his name; for that in the time of his seruice, your dutifull be­hauiours haue gotten to the citie so noble and woor­thie a testimonie of dutie and loialtie, of so noble and worthie a quéene. Now, for somuch as Gods blessings woonderfullie abound, & one ioie commeth vpon another, let vs not be vnthankefull to God, but acknowledge his goodnesse, and attribute the line 10 same (as in déed we ought) to the sincere religion of almightie God, most godlie established by the quéens most excellent maiestie, which hath taught vs to know God aright, our dutie to our souereigne, and to loue our countrie, and hath made vs dutifull and obedient subiects, reioising at all good things happening to hir maiestie, hir realme, or to anie in hir noble seruice, the true effects of a true and good religion: whereas the contemners thereof, and immoderat affectors of the Romish religion and su­perstitions, line 20 being void of the true knowledge of God, haue declined from God, their allegiance to their prince, their loue to their countrie, and haue become inuenters of mischeefes, bruters and sprea­ders abrode of false and seditious rumors, such as ioie at no good thing; but contrariwise reioise at e­uerie euill successe, the badges and marks of their profession, who haue before this, in this realme and in other hir highnesse dominions, stirred vp rebellion, forren inuasion, and manie times practised the verie line 30 death & destruction of the quéene hir selfe, the ruine & subuersion of the whole realme; the proper effects of their Romish religion.

We haue beheld all these things, and seene in our daies the ruine and mischéefes inuented against others, fall vpon the inuenters them selues; and haue knowne the wicked and violent hands of di­uerse of them, diuerslie to kill and murther them­selues, when most traitorouslie they would, and most happilie they could not, slea the lords annointed. line 40 As we haue knowne all these things, so God bee thanked, that by a better religion, hauing béene bet­ter taught, we haue béene no partakers of their wic­ked deuises, but haue put to our helping hands, as occasion hath serued; and euer readie to ouerthrow the authors and deuisers thereof. And I haue no doubt, but we of this noble citie, who hitherto haue béene alwaies readie, dutifullie and faithfullie to serue hir maiestie vpon all occasions (hir highnesse now so gratiouslie accepting onelie of our reioising line 50 at the apprehension of hir enimies, euen the least part of the dutie of a good subiect to so good a quéene) will be readie euerie one with all that we can make, and with the vttermost aduenture of all our liues, spéedilie to be reuenged vpon all such as shall villa­nouslie and traitorouslie attempt or put in vre anie mischéefe to hir noble person; and in the meane time will haue a better eie and eare to all suspicious and miscontented persons, to their saiengs and dooings, to their false brutes and reports, to the places and line 60 corners of their haunt and resort, to their harborers, companions, aiders and mainteiners. God vphold and continue his religion among vs, and increase our zeale therein, which hath made vs so louing and loiall, and so beloued and acceptable subiects to so worthie a prince; and root out that wicked and Ro­mish religion, that hath made so manie disloiall and traitorous subiects; to whome is both odious & irke­some the long life and prosperous reigne of our most noble queene Elisabeth. God confound all such trai­tors, and preserue hir highnesse long to liue and reigne oure vs. ¶ Hauing thus spoken, the multi­tude all the while no lesse silent than attendant, the speaker verie reuerentlie opened hir maiesties let­ters, & read the same with a verie distinct and audible voice, as followeth.

To our right trustie and welbeloued, the lord maior of our citie of London, and his brethren the aldermen of the same.

RIght trustie and welbeloued, we gréete you well. Being giuen to vnderstand, how greatlie our good and most louing subiects of that citie, did reioise at the apprehension of certeine diuelish and wicked min­ded subiects of ours, that through the great and singular goodnesse of God haue beene detected, to haue most wickedlie and vnnaturallie conspired, not onelie the taking awaie of our owne life, but also to haue stirred vp (as much as in them laie) a generall rebellion throughout our whole realme: we could not but by our owne letters witnesse vn­to you the great and singular contentment we re­ceiued vpon the knowledge thereof; assuring you, that we did not so much reioise at the escape of the in­tended attempt against our owne person, as to see the great ioie our most louing subiects tooke at the apprehension of the contriuers thereof: which to make their loue more apparant, they haue (as we are to our great comfort informed) omitted no outward shew, that by anie externall act might witnesse to the world the inward loue and dutifull affection they beare towards vs. And as we haue as great cause with all thankfulnesse to acknowledge Gods great goodnesse toward vs, through the infinit blessings he laieth vpon vs, as manie as euer prince had; yea rather as euer creature had: yet doo we not for anie worldlie blessing receiued from his diuine maiestie, so greatlie acknowledge the same, as in that it hath pleased him to incline the hearts of our subiects, euen from the first beginning of our reigne; to carie as great loue toward vs, as euer subiects carried toward prince, which ought to moue vs (as it dooth in verie déed) to séeke with all care, & by all good means that apperteine to a christian prince, the conseruation of so louing and dutifull affected subiects: assuring you, that we desire no longer to liue, than while we maie in the whole course of our gouernment carie our selues in such sort, as may not onelie nourish and continue their loue and good will toward vs, but also increase the same. We thinke méet, that these our letters should be communicated in some generall assemblie to our most louing sub­iects the commoners of that citie. Giuen vnder our signet at our castell of Windsor, the eightéenth daie of August one thousand fiue hundred foure score and six, in the eight and twentith yeere of our reigne.

But leauing this princelie president of thanke­fulnes to perpetuall record, we will touch the next occurrence, as course of time ministreth occasion. About this time of the yéere returned into England sir Francis Drake knight, Sir Francis Drake his turne into England [...] his last [...] finished. a man of rare knowlege in nauigation, and verie fortunat in the euent of his enterprises, after manie feats of good seruice accom­plished in forren countries, as at Baion, Hispaniola, S. Dominico, Carthagena, &c: to the admiration of all people amongst whom he came, and contrarie to the expectation of the Spaniards, who vpon sup­posall of places impregnable grew so confident, that they séemed lightlie to estéeme anie purposed force of the enimie, and therefore doubted no kind of an­noiance. Howbeit, they were as safe as he that hangeth by the leaues of a trée in the end of au­tumne, when as the leaues begin to fall. For they [Page 1555] were so terrified at the sight of sacke and spoile, as also doubting a totall wast by fire and swoord, that they were glad to yeeld to composition. And heere, because mention is made of Hispaniola, note ye that it is supposed that Salomon king of Ierusa­lem had his great riches of gold from hense, Hispaniola in old time called Ophir. and that his ships sailed to Ophir (the old name as some af­firme of Hispaniola) by the gulfe of Persia, called Si­nus Persicus. As for Sancto Dominico, it is the cheefe citie in Hispaniola, reported in historie, as touching the building, that there is no citie in Spaine, Tanto line 10 pro tant [...], no not Barsalona, that is to be preferred be­fore it generallie. For the houses are for the most part of stone, as are they of Barsalona, or of so strong and well w [...]ought earth, that it maketh a sin­gular and strong binding.

But leauing description of places, it shall not be amisse hauing now touched (though not with conue­nient dignitie) the last voiage of this singular gentle­man, to annex in this place a memoriall of a former voiage by him attempted, namelie on the thirtéenth line 20 daie of December, in the yere of Christ one thousand fiue hundred seuentie & seuen: at what time accom­panied with fiue tall ships well manned & appointed, he sailed into the wost Indies: & by the same aduen­ture (most luckilie accomplished) eternised his name. At what time the king of Moluccaes admiring his order, & astonied at the hearing of the peales of Eng­lish ordinance, roring like thunder (which he there at his arriuall valiantlie & liberallie discharged) re­ceiued him right honorablie, causing foure gallias­ses line 30 to conduct and bring his ship into the surest har­borough, and him selfe with his companie to his pre­sence. In this voiage he discouered a countrie erst vnknowne, which he named Noua Albion, where by his courteous dealing he so allured and woone the hearts of the inhabitants, that twise they crowned him king. Beyond the large countrie of Chilie, where it hath beene heeretofore thought that nothing had beene but continent and firme land, he found sundrie Ilands, the furthest wherof lieng most south, line 40 he called by hir maiesties name Elisabetha. Now after manie a singular note of his incomparable va­lorousnesse exhibited in places where he came, and purposing to make his aduenture profitable, The returne of sir Francis Drake into England with great riches, &c. he neg­lected no meanes that might stand with his honestie and honor; returning home into England with great riches the six and twentith of September, in the yéere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred and eightie; with one ship onelie. For of the fiue, where­with (at his first setting foorth) he was furnished, he line 50 was forced to set two on fire, the third perished, the fourth came backe and went not forwards at the first. Manie voia­ges of great difficultie haue beene vnderta­ken, but failed in the issue. A voiage of great aduenture and prosperous successe, contrarie to the ackward and frowning hap of sundrie woorthie gentlemen, whose attempts albe­it honorable and commendable, yet matched with misfortune, or at least defectiue in deserued and hoped issue: a sore dicouragement to gentlemen of trauell, and not a little impeaching the art of naui­gation. line 60

And now to resume our former remembrance of the conspirators, you shall vnderstand, that after due examination had, & no rigor vsed either by tor­ture or torment, the wicked wretches guiltie consci­ences driuing them to voluntarie confession, on the seuenth daie of September, Traitors in­dicted, arreig­ned, and con­demned at Westminster. certeine of them were led from the Tower of London to Westminster by water, where they were indicted; first, for intending treason against the queens owne person; secondlie, for stirring ciuill wars within the realme; and third­lie, I. S. for practising to bring in forren power to inuade the land. Seuen of them appeared at Westmin­ster on the thirtéenth daie of September, who all pleaded giltie, and therefore had no iurie, The first seuen condem­ned without anie iurie. but were condemned, and had iudgement on the next mor­row.

On the fiftéenth daie of September, other seuen of them were likewise arreigned at West­minster, who pleading not giltie, were tried by a iurie, found giltie, and had iudgement according­lie. The effect of whose treasons shortlie to touch them were these. Iohn Sauage, The effect of the last seuen their tresons notable. remaining long in France at Rheims, was persuaded by doctor Gil­bert Gifford, that great honor should redound to him, if he would take in hand to change religion, to inuade the realme by forren power, to dispossesse the quéene of England, and to proclame the Scotish queene, and set hir in hir place. All which Sauage promised to doo, or else to lose his life, and therevpon returned into England; where he imparted his pur­pose to Anthonie Babington, requiring his aid therein. Then Iohn Ballard préest, also persuaded the said Babington to the purpose before expressed, promising him aid of threescore thousand men that secretlie should be landed, and told him both how & when (as he thought.) Wherevpon Babington pro­mised and concluded to make a slaughter vpon the councell of hir maiestie in the Starchamber, then to haue sacked London, to haue burned the nauie and chéefest ships, to kill or displace the lords, knights and magistrats, that remained true subiects to our right & lawfull quéene and realme, and also to haue cloied and poisoned the greatest ordinance, &c. These were their purposes.

Now touching the names of the traitors, their behauiours and speaches, with the maner of their executions, you shall vnderstand, that vpon the twentith daie of September, being tuesdaie, Iohn Ballard a preest, and first persuader of Babington to these odious treasons, was laid alone vpon an hurdell, and six others two and two in like sort, all drawne from Tower hill through the citie of Lon­don, vnto a field at the vpper end of Holborne, The place of their execu­tion was sometime the méeting place of their con­sultation. hard by the high waie side to saint Giles in the field, where was erected a scaffold for their execution, & a paire of gallows of extraordinarie hight, as was that where­vpon haughtie Haman was hanged for his ambiti­on, &c: the place likewise so railed to kéepe off horsse­men, as the people might plainelie see the execu­tion. On the first daie the traitors were placed vpon the scaffold, The order of the traitors executed. Iohn Bal­lard preest persuader of Babington to these odious treasons exe­cuted. that the one might behold the reward of his fellowes treason. Ballard the preest, who was the first brocher of this treason, was the first that was hanged, who being cut downe (according to iudgement) was dismembred, his bellie ript vp, his bowels and traitorous heart taken out & throwne into the fire, his head also (seuered from his shoul­ders) was set on a short stake vpon the top of the gallows, and the trunke of his bodie quartered and imbrued in his owne bloud, wherewith the ex­ecutioners hands were bathed, and some of the stan­ders by (but to their great loathing, as not able for their liues to auoid it, such was the throng) beesprink­led. This Ballard, How Ballard was affected at his death. at the verie time of his death not denieng his treason, died an obstinate papist, and in his protestation doubtfullie said, that If he had of­fended the queens maiestie, or anie man else, he was sorie, and so conditionallie desired forgiuenesse. The malicious affection of his heart towards hir highnesse appeared in the trembling passage of death, that whereas his treasons were impious, odious, and damnable, as the most wicked (to wit his confederats for the most part) confessed (as the common fame goeth) that they excéeded the great­nesse of hir maiesties mercie, Ballards so­phisticall as­king of the queens maie­stie forgiue­nesse. which maie not be measured, where there is anie measure in offen­ding.

[Page 1574]And yet in his desire of remission at hir highnesse hands, he added this condition (If) as one that doub­ted if he had offended hir person.

Anthonie Babington esquier execu­ted.Next vnto this préest, Anthonie Babington was made readie to the gallowes, who in euerie point was handled like vnto Ballard; in whome a signe of his former pride was to be obserued. For whereas the rest (through the cogitation of death) were exercised in praier vpon their knées and bare­headed; he (whose turne was next) stood on his féet line 10 with his hat on his head, A note of Ba­bingtons pride at the verie in­stant of his execution. as if he had béene but a be­holder of the execution. Concerning his religion, he died a papist. His treasons were so odious, as the sting of conscience compelled him to acknowledge himselfe a most gréeuous trespasser against the di­uine maiestie, and the quéens highnesse. Next vn­to Babington, Iohn Sa­uage gentle­man executed. Sauage was likewise prepared for the execution. This notable traitor (as the fame go­eth) was the man that conferred with doctor Gif­ford at Paris; The fruites that issue from listening to the counsell of Iesuits, Ro­manists, and Rhemists. and by the confirmations of the line 20 English fugitiues at Rhemes was resolued, and resolutelie determined to kill the quéene. It is like­wise said, that vpon the apprehension of Ballard the préest, Babington accellerated and hastened this Sauage to dispatch his resolution, and that he one­lie deferred the matter for the making of a court-like sute of apparell.

When Sauage was executed, Barnewell was made readie to die, Robert Barnewell gentleman executed. an obstinat papist, who for his treason made conscience his best excuse; howbeit a line 30 rotten conscience, which was infected with the mur­ther of a vertuous quéene; which sith it was so bad, few there were that heard him, but forbad their con­science to pitie him, otherwise than charitablie to be sorowfull for his offense, deseruing so shamefull a fall, and damnable before God and man. After this Barnewell, Chidiocke Tichborne esquire execu­ted. Charls Til­neie a pensio­ner executed. Tichborns turne was serued, a pro­per yoong gentleman, whose humilitie and mone moued much compassion. Tilneie one of the queens maiesties pensioners, next vnto Tichborne, made worke for the hangman, a wretch well worthie of line 40 death, who went about to take awaie hir highnesse life.

Edward A­bington e­squier execu­ted, his thret­ning spéech.The last of these seuen that suffered was Edward Abington, whose father was an officer of good credit in hir highnesse house, and for manie aduancements was bound to saie; God saue good Q. Elisabeth. But his sonne was a notable papist, & an archtrai­tor, who at his death did all that in him laie, to fix a feare in the hearts of the ignorant multitude, with this speech, that there could not choose but be great effusion of bloud in England verie shortlie. But line 50 Gods prouidence maketh it apparant, that the pro­phesies of traitors prooue not euermore scripture. For Throgmorton the traitor said, Throgmor­tons prophesie and Abing­tons of like truth in euent. that before one yeare was expired, the prosperitie & peace of Eng­land should be turned into generall calamitie. How­beit, the date of that diuination is out, & they both (as maie béetide the rest of that rebellious rout in their appointed time) by Gods grace partakers of semblable destinie. This Abington was the last of the first seuen that were executed: and thus ended line 60 that daies worke, to the comfort of Israell, for that the execrable thing which troubled the whole land (and highlie offended the diuine maiestie) was taken a­waie.

Thomas Salisburie esquier execu­ted.On the daie following (according to generall expectation) being the one and twentith daie of Sep­tember, Salisburie was laid alone vpon an hur­dell, and other six, two and two in like maner, all drawne from Tower hill through the citie of Lon­don, The last seuen traitors exe­cuted with great fauour. vnto the former place of execution. Salisbu­rie was the first man that suffered, who in all points was handled as the other seuen the daie before; sauing that he and the latter six were executed with this fauour, that they were permitted to hang vntill they were fullie dead, before the rest of their execution was performed. And albeit this man was blinded with the superstition of papistrie, euen at the point of death, yet he mildlie acknowledged his gréeuous offense against the quéene, Salisburie acknowled­geth his greeuous offense: a note of re­pentance. Uiolence for­bidden by Salisburie. and in his last commendation charged all catholikes (for so he onelie accounted the papists) that they should leaue attempting to set vp their religion by violent hand, and by double and treble repetition exhorted them to patience, and earnestlie forbad them all maner of violence.

After Salisburie was with all possible fauour executed, Dun was stripped into his shirt, Henrie Dun gentleman ex­ecuted. and sée­med penitent for his greeuous offense: who after that with verie earnest persuasions he had like­wise disuaded the Romanists from attempting anie matter of violence, he was executed with excéeding fauour. This Dun (as the report goeth) liued rea­sonable wealthilie, The ambiti­ous humour of Henrie Dun. but it séemeth the man was of a discontented humour, and in dislike with a com­petent vocation; as appeared by this his vaine ima­gination. For in Trinitie terme last▪ comming in­to the Kings bench office, among other pleasant spéeches to one of his familiars; You will maruell (quoth he) to sée me within one quarter of a yeare to walke vp and downe the stréets with twentie men after me. Wherevpon one of his acquain­tance pleasantlie answered, that he feared he should first sée him followed to the gallowes with a thou­sand people. Dun shewed his desire, and the other read his destinie. But let the end of this traitor be a warning to all ambitious men, that destruction followeth presumption, and pride will haue a fall.

When the execution of Dun was finished, the next in that tragedie was Iones. Edward Iones e­squier execu­ted. This traitor (by that which was easie to be gathered of his behauiour at the gallowes) was a verie close papist, of a shrewd reach, and a most dangerous member in this com­mon wealth. For notwithstanding his protestati­on that he disuaded Salisburie from this odious en­terprise; yet his owne talke shewed that his coun­sell procéeded of a feare which he had, that the proud humor of Babington threatened an ouerthrow of their purpose; rather than of anie dutifull zeale that he bare towards the safetie of the quéens ma­iestie. For he neither would him selfe discouer this treason of the highest degrée, neither did he coun­sell his friend Salisburie to preuent his owne dan­ger in detecting the conspiracie of his compani­ons: yea when the odiousnesse thereof brake out in­to publike knowledge, he (contrarie to the generall duetie of a good subiect, and in contempt of a spe­ciall warrant directed vnto him) not onelie refused (as he himselfe confessed) to apprehend Salisburie being in his owne house, but (so far as he might) succoured him, after that he was published to be a firebrand of that most wicked treason. One speci­all thing neuerthelesse, which mooued manie to pitie him aboue the rest, was, because with vehement words he protested, that although he was a catho­like in religion, Forren inua­sion reproued by Iones. yet he so déepelie weied the libertie of his countrie, as that he would be (and euer was) readie to spend his life in withstanding anie forren enimie, French, Italish, Spanish, or whatsoeuer: by whose opinion the tolleration of inuasion was so far from nature and christian duetie, as no excuse or punishment might satisfie the crime.

After Iones had paid the price of his treason, Iohn Tra­uers & Iohn Charnocke gentlemen ex­ecuted. with all possible fauour, then Charnocke was execu­ted, and after him Trauers, both two men (as it see­med) bewitched with an ignorant deuotion; for that in their ends nothing was to be obserued but their [Page 1575] praieng to our ladie, calling vpon saints, ioined with a number of ceremonies, crossings, and bles­sings, &c. So that it appeared that in their praiers, they were bound to forme more than to faith.

When the hangman had giuen these two his hea­uie blessing, Robert Gage executed. Gage prepared himselfe to die, who be­gan his protestation, that there was neuer subiect more bound to a prince than his father was to hir maiestie: and from that reuerend recognisance and true acknowledgement of hir maiesties gratious­nes, Hir maiesties gratiousnesse commended by this traitor. line 10 he fell to excuse him selfe of the odious treasons for which he was to die: but on so weake a ground, as the simplest iudgement then present, found (by the order of his owne confession) that he was a dan­gerous instrument for the pope. He confessed that he accompanied Ballard the seminarie préest (who hatched the great eg of this pestilent practise) into Yorkeshire, Hypocrisie of Robert Gage. & that he wrote a letter for the said préest to a Frenchman or Spaniard of account beyond the seas. To be short, in all the course of his confessi­on, line 20 in indifferent iudgements, he accused him­selfe to be an hollow hearted subiect, and a sound papist. This cunning traitor Gage could neuer haue made a confession of more infamie to him­selfe, than in acknowledging the queens maiesties most excellent fauour, shewed to his father (which a dutifull sonne ought to esteeme a benefit vnto him­selfe) and so to redouble the reproch of his treasons, he condemned himselfe of ingratitude, an vnnatu­rall vice, which the verie foules of the aire abhorre: line 30 as (to vse one example of sufficiencie for a thousand) is reported of the storke; which so often as she hath yoong, casteth one out of the nest for the hire of the house, and reward of him that lodged hir.

The last that suffered was one of the Bella­mies, Ierom Bel­lamie gentle­man executed. whose countenance discouered him to be a setled papist, and who as he could saie little to saue his life; so at the gallows he spake nothing to de­fend his death. Although this traitor had but a dull spirit, yet (as it séemed) he had a malicious heart, line 40 answerable to that of his fréends, who succored Ba­bington and some of his associats, when feare of the law, and shame of their odious treasons, made them to shrowd themselues like foxes in holes and co­uerts. And it séemeth that they were as resolute to follow the treasons of Babington, as they were readie to reléeue him from the danger of the law. Otherwise if this Bellamies brother had not had an accusing conscience, One of the Bellamies hanged him­selfe in the Tower. he would neuer with violent hands haue hanged himselfe.

Thus ended the second daies execution, to the line 50 full satisfaction of the peoples expectation; who ne­uerthelesse (as the daie before) were inwardlie tou­ched with passions ingendred by the déepe impres­sions of the present obiects: but touched they were, as nothing pitieng their deserued deaths, in regard they were most heinous malefactors: but as they were men, in whome humanitie should so haue pre­uailed, as that they should rather haue chosen losse of life & liuelod, than to haue intended the desolation of line 60 their natiue countrie, the depriuation of prince, the deposition of péeres, the destruction of people; and whatsoeuer might séeme as a directorie to bloudshed and slaughter, from the highest gouernor sitting in roialtie adorned with crowne and scepter, to the sucking babe lieng in the cradle wrapped in swa­thing clouts. Ex libello I. Nich. typis C.B. excuso 1581. Which extremities of butcherlie cru­eltie and vnnaturall sauagenesse, haue had an anci­ent purpose of practise, as maie appeare by a clause or two of Iohn Nichols his recantation; where spea­king of Pius Quintus, excommunicating our liege souereigne, he saith that the same was with­in a twelue moneth of the first publication reuiued, and fiue hundred copies printed at Rome, which were dispersed throughout Italie, Spaine, Sée be fore pag 1357, a, 60, &c. 1358, v, 60, &c. & Ger­manie. Whereof what were the contents, is at large set downe in the treatise of execution of iustice in England for treason, not for religion.

But thus saith the same conuert, that a reader of diuinitie positiue, in the hearing of two hundred scholers, vomited these prophane words out of his vncircumcised mouth; that it was lawfull for anie of worship in England, to authorise the vilest wretch that is, to séeke the death of hir highnesse: whose pros­perous estate the Italish préest and Spanish prince doo so maligne, that they would worke woonders, were it not for certeine impedits: as father Pais a Spaniard, The causes that haue so long hindered king Philip to inuade England. reader of diuinitie scholasticall in the Romane college, affirmed in an auditorie of thrée hundred, saieng: Bona papae voluntas trita & manife­sta est, & eius crumena parata: sed R. P. aut metus subtra­hit, aut potestatis defectus vetat, vt suum in Angliam ex­ercitum ducere non audeat. Where (by the waie) would be noted an inuasion long since pretended. And that the quéens maiesties estate was then maliciouslie aimed at, maie appeare by these comminations and threats, that they would burne hir bones, and the bones of all such as loued hir, either aliue or dead; of whome, some were lords temporall, some spiritu­all, &c. Memorandum, that this was to be doone, when they held the sterne of gouernement: which shall be, when errant traitors are good subiects, and ranke knaues honest men.

And now to touch the punishment inflicted vpon the foresaid wretches, there is none (if he be not a sworne aduersarie to the state, and an enimie to iu­stice) but must néeds confesse, that although some of the conspirators were no lesse sharpelie executed, than by law was censured: yet considering the qua­litie of their offense, it was a death tempered with lenitie, if no more but the spéedines of their execution be considered, whereby their paine and smart was but momentanie. Oh with what seueritie did the ancients punish offenses of this nature! And not without cause. For besides that nothing is more vsu­all in all the whole scriptures, than prohibition to kill or to séeke the life or honor, not onelie of the prince, but also of inferior magistrats, although they be wicked (and it is said in Exodus; The reuerend regard that subiects ought to haue of their souereignes, &c. Thou shalt not raile vpon the iudges, neither speake euill of the ruler of the people) so is it prouided by the laws of nations, that not onelie he that hath killed his souereigne, but he also that made the attempt, that gaue counsell, that yeelded consent, that conceiued the thought, is giltie of high treason. Yea, he that was neuer preuented nor taken in the maner, in this point of the souereigne, the law accounteth him as condemned alreadie; and iudgeth him capable of death, that thought once in times past to haue seized vpon the life of his prince, anie repentance that fol­lowed notwithstanding.

And trulie there was a gentleman of Norman­die, who confessed to a Franciscane frier, A gentleman iudged to die because he once thought to haue killed his prince. that he once minded to haue killed king Francis the first: but repented him of that euill thought. The frier gaue him absolution, but yet afterwards informed the king of the same; who sent the gentleman to the parlement at Paris there to be tried, where he was by common consent condemned to die, and after executed. Amongst the Macedonians there was a law, A seuere law against trea­son. that condemned to death fiue of their next kinsfolks that were conuicted of conspiracie against their prince. And most notable is the historie of Ro­milda, who seeing hir towne or citie besieged by a barbarous king, but yet youthfull and wanton; she signified vnto the enimie by messengers, that she would betraie the citizens into his hands, if he would honour hir with mariage. Which when the [Page 1576] king had promised to doo, she in the night season o­pened the gates, and (the people vnwitting and ig­norant) let in forren force. Now the king being entered & in possession, commanded that the towne should be sacked, and all the people slaughtered, Ro­milda excepted, the vse of whose bodie (for his oth sake, which he was loth to violat) he had the same night as in wedlocke: howbeit, the next daie he cast hir off, and betooke hir to twelue scullions by turns to be abused; & lastlie pitcht hir vpon a stake. line 10 Here you haue examples in both sexes (man and woman) of treason and conspiracie most seuerelie executed: A woman tratoresse well rewarded. which if they be compared vnto the suf­ferings of our late offendors, Iesu what ods shall we sée and confesse? And as the ancients had trea­son in mortall hatred; so could they not awaie with ingratitude, as maie be obserued by the laws of Draco (which were said to be written in bloud, they were so sharpe and peremptorie) amongst which, there was a commandement, that if anie man had line 20 receiued a benefit of his neighbor, and it were proo­ued against him long after that he had beene vn­thankefull for it, and had ill acknowledged the good turne receiued; such a one should be put to death. So then we sée how in old time they opposed their affections against particular vices, persecuting them with seueritie, as laboring to supplant them: this age of ours beholdeth ingratitude and treason combined, with a fowle nest of other irkesome and noisome sins, in the hearts of helbounds (for we line 30 maie not vouchsafe them the name of men) brea­thing out the vapors of their venemous infection, to the damnifieng of the whole commonwelth: what fauour then deserue such to find where they haue offended, or rather what rigor are they not worthie to suffer?

Against sée­king after no­uelties, and to teach men to be well adui­sed, &c.Among the Locrians there was a strict decrée, that euerie citizen, desirous to bring in a new law, should come and declare it publikelie before the peo­ple with a halter about his necke; to the end that line 40 if his new law was not thought méet to be recei­ued, and verie profitable for the commonwelth, he might presentlie be strangled with the same rope. If they in old time went so short a waie to worke in a case of vnaduisednesse, to teach others that they vndertake nothing without mature deliberation: what are we taught to be conuenient for such, as breake not their wits either to deuise or prefer new laws; but indeuor what they can to dissolue all law and order, all peace and societie, all gouernment and line 50 subiection; and by the impulsion of a furious mind to let in libertie, contempt, and all the enormities and abuses that accompanie a licentious life? To let passe the pluralitie of examples & authorities of this kind, the number being so great as that they would fill vp Erotostthenes siue; and to saie some­what of seueritie, that by opposition of countrie to countrie in that respect, we maie sée the great diffe­rence betwéene ours and theirs.

Extreame kinds of tor­ments in o­ther countries for treason, &c.It is seueritie to flea men quicke, to chaine them aliue to a stake, in such sort as they maie run round line 60 thereabout, the fier inuironing them on all sides: it is seueritie to haue collops of flesh pluckt from the bodie with hot burning tongs: it is seueritie to be cast downe from a stéepe place starke naked vpon sharpe stakes: it is seueritie to be torne in péeces with wild horsses, and to haue the bones broken vp­on a whéele. All these be extremities of torments awarded by law, and at this daie practised in forren regions for treason, and sometime for crimes of no­thing so dangerous a nature. Finallie, if we confer the seueritie of this execution, exercised vpon rebel­lious and traitorous subiects in a superlatiue degree of disloialtie, with that of other nations commonlie vsed, namelie in principall affaires, which concerne peace and warre, and matters of gouernment, to accept theseruice of runnagate slaues, to place them in authoritie, to change or depose at pleasure anie whatsoeuer; yea to strangle them vpon the least sus­picion or dislike: our seueritie is clemencie. For in this is ripe reason and iudiciall processe; in the other will without wit, & (as commonlie they saie) Omnia pro imperio, nihil pro officio.

And therefore we conclude, that ingratitude be­ing counted vnnaturall, Traitors iustlie rewar­ded, and yet nothing so as they deserue. and treason (a vice vomi­ted out of hell mouth) linked togither with manie knots of other shamefull sinnes, and all concur­ring in the hearts and liues of these outragious conspirators as in a centre: whie should it be thought seueritie to haue iustice iustlie administred, that traitors should be drawne vpon hurdels, stran­gled in a halter, cut downe aliue, dismembred, their bellies ripped, their bowels taken out and burned, their heads chopt from their shoulders, their bodies clouen in foure quarters, and set ouer the gates of London, for the foules of the aire to féed vpon at full? Unto which fowle end maie all such come, as meane anie mischiefe against good quéene Elisa­beth, the lords of hir highnesse councell, the bodie politike of the land, the slander or innouation of true religion, &c: wherein God make prince and people of one mind, and plant in all subiects a reuerend regard of obedience and contentment of present e­state, supported with iustice and religion: A prettie apo­log allusorie to the present case of mal­contents. least lon­ging after nouelties, it fare with them as with the frogs, who liuing at libertie in lakes and ponds, would néeds (as misliking their present intercom­munitie of life) with one consent sue to Iupiter for a king, and so did. Whereat he woondering, gran­ted their desires, and cast them an huge trunke of a trée, which besides that it made a great noise in the water as it fell, to their terrifieng; so it was cumbersome by taking vp their accustomed passage: insomuch that discontented therewithall, they as­saulted Iupiter with a fresh petition, complaining that (besides diuerse mislikes otherwise) the king whom he gaue them was but a senselesse stocke, and vnworthie of obedience: wherefore it would please him to appoint them another indued with life. Wherevpon Iupiter sent the herne among them, who entring into the water, deuoured vp the frogs one after another: insomuch that the residue, sée­ing their new king so rauenouslie gobling vp their fellowes, lamentablie wéeping besought Iupiter to deliuer them from the throte of that dragon and tyrant. But he (of purpose vnchangeable) made them a flat answer, that (will they nill they) the herne should rule ouer them.

Whereby we are taught to be content when we are well, and to make much of good quéene Elisa­beth, by whom we enioie life and libertie, with other blessings from aboue; beséeching God we maie sée a consummation of the world, before the scepter of the kingdome be translated to another. For (as the prouerbe saith) seldome commeth the better. Seldome commeth the better. But to the purpose, this execution being dispatched, and the testimonies thereof dispersed and visible in di­uerse places about the citie, as at London bridge, where the traitors heads were ranged into their se­uerall classes: manie rimes, ballads, and pamph­lets were set foorth by sundrie well affected people, wherein bréefelie were comprised the plot of their conspiracie, the names of the traitors, and their suc­cessiue suffering, which growing common and fami­liar both in citie and countrie, were chanted with no lesse alacritie & courage of the singer; than willing­lie and delightfullie listened vnto of the hearer. So that, what by one meane and what by another, all [Page 1577] England was made acquainted with this horrible conspiracie, not so much admiring the maner of the mischéefes intended, as comforted that hir high­nesse had the holie hand of God ouershadowing hir, the surest protection that prince or people can haue against perill. So that England is replenished with faithfull and louing subiects, though here and there (like darnell among wheate) lurke a viper or aspe waiting opportunitie to bite or sting.

Now to make a complet discourse of all these heauie & tragicall accidents, hauing thus far conti­nued line 10 much important matter concerning the same: the reader is with due regard to peruse the addition following, wherein is argument of aggrauation touching these treasons: which being aduisedlie read, considered, and conferred with the former narrati­on, will yéeld as sound, pithie, and effectuall informa­tion for the knowledge of the conspirators purposed plot, as anie subiect would desire: and more than without gréefe or teares anie true English heart can abide to read or heare. Where, by the waie, is to be line 20 noted, that Marie the Scotish Q. was a principall.

It is apparant by the iudiciall confessions of Iohn Ballard preest, Anthonie Babington, and their con­federats, that the said Iohn Ballard (being a preest of the English seminarie at Rheims) in Lent past (after he and sundrie other Iesuits and preests, of his sect, had trauelled throughout all parts almost of this realme, & labored to their vttermost to bréed in hir maiesties subiects an inclination to rebell a­gainst hir) he went into France, and there treated line 30 and concluded with Barnardino de Mendoza (the Spanish ambassador resiant at Paris) with Charles Paget & Thomas Morgan two English fugitiues, Barnardino de Mendoza, alwaies mis­chéefouslie minded a­gainst the state of Eng­land: note his practises with Ballard. and inexcusable traitors for an inuasion to be made by forren forces into this kingdome. And because no assurance could then be made vnto Mendoza for the interteining, assisting, and good landing of those whome the king his maister, the pope, and the house of Guise should dispatch for that seruice, he sent the said Ballard into England at Whitsuntide last, line 40 with expresse charge to informe the catholikes, that for sundrie important considerations, the king his maister had vowed vpon his soule to reforme Eng­land, or to loose Spaine: and for that purpose had in readinesse such forces & warlike preparations, as the like was neuer séene in these parts of christen­dome. And therefore willed him to stirre the people, and worke the meanes to make some faction to giue them landing & interteinment at their comming: & speciallie to preserue the Scotish Q. in that confusi­on; line 50 letting the catholiks vnderstand, that in case they did not assist the inuaders, they would then enter as conquerors, put no difference betwixt man & man.

With this dispatch Ballard by the speciall directi­on of Morgan (a notorious traitor to this state, yea a professed & sworne seruant vnto the Scotish quéene) repaired to Anthonie Babington, The Scotish quéene is an actor in this purposed con­spiracie. a gentleman to whom the said Scotish Q. vpon the commendation of Morgan & the bishop of Glascow, had long before line 60 written letters of gratulation, & with whom she had secret intelligence by sending of letters & other mes­sages, the space almost of two yeares before. To this gentleman Ballard discouered at large the whole purpose of Mendoza, Paget, & Morgan, and said (as he had in charge) that if happilie a strong partie could be made here to assist the inuasion, and aduance the Scotish queene, men, munition, monie, and vittels should be abundantlie supplied from beyond the seas; and therefore persuaded Babington to sound the whole realme, and to vndertake the action. Ba­bington at the first proposed manie difficulties, but principallie this, that the inuaders or their assistants could haue no hope (the state being so well setled) to preuaile during hir maiesties life. Wherevpon Ballard presentlie replied, that hir life could be no hinderance therein. For vpon like doubts mooued beyond the seas by meanes alreadie laid, Iohn Sauage had vowed and sworne to kill the quéene. Iohn Sa­uage (a conspirator conuicted hereof by his owne confession) through the persuasion and procurement principallie of one William Gifford (an English fugitiue, and reader of diuinitie in the English se­minarie at Rheims) had vowed and sworne to kill hir maiestie, as a thing resolued vpon to be lawfull, honorable, and meritorious.

This difficultie being thus remooued, and Bal­lard from daie to daie continuing his persuasions, and highlie commending the murthering of hir maiestie as a deed of great honor, singular merit, and easie to effectuat: Babington vndertaketh the managing of the whole action: note their tresons. Babington vndertooke the managing of the whole action, and hauing first with his complices entred into manie seuerall propositi­ons of sundrie treasonable natures, as to surprise hir maiesties person by force, to kill the lord treasu­ror, the earle of Leicester, and sir Francis Wal­singham, to remooue hir councellors, and to place new, to murther the nobilitie whilest they were set in administring iustice, to sacke the citie of Lon­don, to fire the nauie of the realme, to surprise some forces and hauens, to furnish the paie of their for­ces by an vniuersall spoile and robbing of the richer sort; hauing (I saie) first entred into these and such like propositions) in fine, he with Ballard and o­thers resolued vpon these thrée principall points: first, that the inuaders should be assisted by a prepa­red readinesse in the people to rebell in diuerse pla­ces, and to ioine with them vpon their first landing; that hir maiestie should be murthered by six gentle­men of resolution; and lastlie, that the Scotish quéene should be aduanced to the crowne of Eng­land. For the better performance of these resolu­tions, Ballard and Babington sounded diuerse, and dealt with manie; and so farre Babington proceeded in short time, that a choise was made by him of the six that should execute the attempt against hir ma­iesties person, that some others were especiallie as­signed by him to attend and assist the inuasion, with direction from Babington to be popular vnto their vttermost; and that himselfe resolued vpon the first assurance either of hir maiesties death, or of the strangers arriuall, to proclame the quéene of Scots queene of England.

Things standing in these terms, The Scotish quéene writ­eth vnto Ba­bington in ci­pher: with his aduise, di­rection, and re­quest. and Babington deferring onelie the execution of this plot, vntill sig­nification therof were giuen to the Scotish queene, and hir good pleasure knowne therein (God so ordei­ning it) the Scotish quéene in Iune last wrote vnto Babington a short letter in cipher, signifieng hir discontent for the breach of their intelligence, and requiring him to send by that bearer a packet recei­ued for hir in Aprill before, and vntill that time re­teined by Babington, as wanting good meanes of conueieng, and therefore fearing the danger of that seruice. Wherevpon Babington vsing that opportu­nitie, both deliuered hir packet vnto that messenger, and by him wrote vnto hir touching euerie particu­lar of this plot aboue mentioned, and how farre he had procéeded therein; signifieng amongst manie o­ther things, how desirous he was to doo hir some seruice, how well it might be performed, if assu­rance were giuen from beyond the seas for that which was vndertaken thense, and how necessa­rie it were that rewards were promised vnto the chéefe actors for their better incoragement, and to be giuen to their posterities, in case they miscaried in the execution. And therefore he required, that she would grant authoritie to some such as it might like hir to giue certeine offices and dignities necessarie [Page 1578] for this action. Unto this letter Babington about twentie daies after in the same cipher, by which he did write before, receiued answer from the Scotish quéene, with which she also sent inclosed (as hir se­cretarie now confesseth) a new alphabet in cipher, to be vsed betwéene them from that time forward.

And in this hir letter she not onelie declared hir good opinion of Babington, gaue him due thanks for his readinesse to doo hir seruice, promi­sed correspondencie in all that she might, and willed line 10 that the resolution being taken, he should with all spéed impart it to Barnardino de Mendoza, consi­dering first what forces on foot or horssebacke he could make, what place for their assemblie, what leaders in euerie shire, what generall or chéefe lea­ders; but also amongst infinit other traitorous di­rections (apparant by the verie letters) she aduised that vpon returne of answer from Mendoza, The Scotish quéenes ad­uise in this mischiefous plot fauoring altogither of inhumanitie. with assurance that all things were in a readinesse, then and not before it should be conuenient to sound the line 20 countrie. And to colour the prouision and prepara­tion, it should be giuen out, that what they did, was not vpon anie euill or disloiall disposition towards hir maiestie, but for the iust defense of catholikes, their bodies, liues, & lands, against the violence of the Puritans, the principall wherof being in the low countries with the chéefe forces of the realme, pur­posed at his returne to ruine not onelie the whole catholikes, but also meant to depriue hir maiestie of the crowne. And that they should giue it out, that line 30 therefore the preparation was for the defense of hir maiestie, and hir lawfull successors, not naming the Scotish quéene: vnder which pretense an associa­tion also might be made amongest the catholikes.

Which being doone, and all things in readinesse both within and without the realme, it should be then time for the six gentlemen to worke, Six gentle­men of resolu­tion, &c. taking order that (because the time would be somewhat vn­certeine of the exploit vpon hir maiesties person) there should be continuallie some men in readinesse line 40 about the court well horssed, to bring word in post into the countrie (by foure seuerall waies for feare of intercepting) when that designment was perfor­med, to the end she might be taken awaie before hir kéeper could either conueie hir awaie or fortifie the place. She wished that some fire might be kindled in Ireland, to the end the councellors attention might be distracted from that part whense the stroke should come, which was from Flanders, Spaine, and the house of Guise. She aduised Babington to deale carefullie and vigilantlie, to prouide all things line 50 necessarie for effecting the enterprise, in such sort that it might take good effect by the grace of God (for so it pleaseth hir to vse the phrase.) Lastlie, after great promises of large requitall to all the conspirators, and manie other particular aduises tending wholie to the subuersion of this state, and depriuation of hir maiesties life, she groweth towards a conclusion, with praier for his good successe in the aforesaid con­spiracie. It were néedlesse to expresse more parti­cularlie the contents of his or hir letters, the origi­nals line 60 themselues being extant and surprised.

To these letters Babington wrote for answer by the same messenger, that so soone as the resolution was fullie taken with Mendoza, he would informe hir more; and therevpon within thrée daies after ad­dressed Ballard towards Mendoza with significa­tion, that all things were here in a readinesse, and attended onelie the arriuall of their forces. But God, who hath alwaies protected hir maiestie in all mercie beyond the expectation of man, euen almost in the verie point of execution, discouered the con­spiracie. Ballard ap­prehended being readie to be imbar­ked and trans­ported ouersea. And therevpon Ballard (being readie to imbarke himselfe) was taken, vpon whose appre­hension Babington forced (as he said) with the ex­treme danger to be discouered, and the no hope of anie pardon for so hatefull an offense, entred a new resolution with Sauage aforenamed & Charnocke, to take hir maiesties life awaie presentlie, otherwise intended to haue béene respited vntill the inuasion, which (as Ballard from the mouth of Mendoza swore) must at the vttermost haue beene performed by September. But Babington, finding himselfe restreined before he wist, and thereby assuring him­selfe that all was knowne, found the meanes to es­cape, in hope to haue recouered the sea, and so to haue saued himselfe and his confederats. Yet af­ter ten daies search through all countries adioin­ing to London, though disguised in clownes attire, and discolored with walnut leaues, he was discoue­red, apprehended, The conspi­rators disgui­sed them­selues, think­ing by that meane to shift the matter. and with some other of the conspi­rators brought vnto London, with greater manife­station of true ioie in the people for their surprise, than toong can expresse or pen maie write.

The apprehension of Ballard and flight of Ba­bington dismaied the rest, and dispersed the other conspirators; yet not so farre, but that iustice hath since laid hold vpon the most of them. And though in the beginning they seemed all resolued to stand vnto the deniall of euerie part of this action; yet such is the force of truth, Magna est ve­ritas & prae­ualet. that without either hope of fauor or feare of torture, they haue all acknowledged the conspiracie, and confessed their seuerall offenses, agnising the Scotish quéene to be the principall comforter, directer, and imbracer of these treasons, and imputing this error to their deceiuable expec­tation of hir future greatnesse in this land, the hope whereof ioined with hir allurements, hath hereto­fore as the world can witnesse (though these could not beware thereby) bred diuerse rebellions within this kingdome, ouerturned manie happie estates, and defiled sundrie families of vnspotted fidelitie in former time.

All which notwithstanding our catholikes and others owe and attribute so great a priuilege to hir person onelie, How the po­pish catholiks are affected to the Scotish queene. that being past expectation (as they terme it) of anie good from the king hir sonne, and not regarding the interest of anie other to the succes­sion of this state, if she by death or otherwise maie not be aduanced vnto this kingdome: they are then determined to set the crowne on the house of Spaine, either by pretense of some putatiue title, to which effect some pamphlets haue béene alreadie composed; or rather (to auoid all controuersies) by some grant and inuesture from the see apostolike: for the dispatch wherof (as the conspirators confesse) doctor Allen an English fugitiue, and some others attend in Rome to sollicit the pope. What the fu­gitiue diuines must doo for their parts. Which being once performed, some of the grauer and more re­uerend sort (as they call them) of our fugitiue di­uines, must secretlie make their repaire hither, and in auricular confession persuade the principall ca­tholikes of this land, and such as are able to swaie the rest, to fauor, mainteine and aduance that title of Spaine against all others, vnder paine of dam­nation. By meanes whereof it is intended that Spaine shall mount to so huge a greatnesse, as to be able of himselfe to giue lawes to all the states of christendome. ¶With this note, being the verie flo­wer and grace of all the former discourse, we will conclude, hauing now no more to saie touching the conspiracie, but these few verses, which we will vse in lieu of a conclusion, and so procéed vnto other matters of consequence, conuenient for the booke:

Quid non papa ruens spondet, modo iussa capessas?
Iu nefariam Ba­bingtoni caetero­rumque coniu­rationem, hexa­stichon.
En diadema tibi, sceptráque, pactus Hymen▪
Dissimilem votis mercedem, nacta, sed ausis
Et sceleri retulit turba nefanda parem.
[Page 1579]Successere rogi regno, coriúque coronae,
Pro sceptro laqueus, pro thalamo tumulus.]

Sir Philip Sidneie slaine at Zutphen in Gelderland: of whome sée more pag. 1554.In this meane time, to wit, on thursdaie the 22 daie of September, sir Philip Sidneie knight, a most valiant & towardlie gentleman, sonne & heire to sir Henrie Sidneie late deceased (as is before shewed, in seruice of his prince, and defense of his countrie, in the warres of the Netherlands) was shot into his thigh with a musket at Zutphen in Gelderland, whereof he died on the 17 of Octo­ber, line 10 whose bodie was conueied into England, to be honourablie buried. On the eight of October, Iohn Low, Seminarie préests execu­ted at Tiborn. Iohn Adams, and Robert Dibdale, being before condemned for treason, in being made préests by authoritie of the bishop of Rome, since the feast of Iohn Baptist in the first yeare of hir ma­iesties reigne, and remaining here after the terme of fourtie daies after session of the last parlement, were drawne to Tiborne, and there hanged, bowel­led, and quartered. line 20

A tempestuous wind in Octo­ber terrible and hurtfull.On the same daie at night being saturdaie, there arose the greatest storme that happened since the wind which some doo call Douer wind; and some others, the wind that blew awaie Calis, which was in the time of the reigne of quéene Ma­rie. For besides great harmes, which happened that night vpon the seas, there were vpon the land in euerie quarter ouerthrowne thereby, houses, cot­tages, barnes, haiestacks, tiles, chimneies, pales, and gates innumerable, and manie trées both great line 30 and small were not onelie torne and rent asunder, but grubd vp by the roots: in so much as vpon the mondaie next in manie places men could not passe on horsebacke in the high waies, by reson of the trées that laie blowne and broken downe crosse ouer­thwart the stréets. The accidents noteworthie by meanes of this blustering wind. And among other strange chan­ces happening in that tempest, I thought good (for a tast) to recite thrée accidents which befell not farre asunder within the countie of Kent. The one was at Sittingborne, where a woman passing in the line 40 stréet by hir neighbors house, saw a great tree stan­ding close by the same, to wauer and wag at the verie root, in such sort as she suspecting the ruine thereof, called vnto hir neighbors who were then in bed, and told them the danger thereof, who presentlie arising, descended from out of the lost where they lodged, and were no sooner departed thense, but downe fell the trée and brake through the roofe of that house, and rested on the bed where they laie.

A strange ac­cident of a walnut trée blowne downe with the wind, &c.There was also blowne downe with the violence line 50 of the same wind not far off a great walnut trée, the armes and branches wherof bare and bent a cou­ple of imps, in such sort as the owner in the mor­ning to saue them, did cut off two branches from the walnut trée, and so departed to the church to heare morning praier: but before he was returned home to dinner, his walnut trée stood as vpright as euer it did, and so remaineth and groweth as before. The third strange chance happened that night at Dartford in the said shire, The third strange chance at the dwelling house of line 60 maister Béere esquire, where by the force of the said wind, all the coping of one side of a great gable hed of bricke (reaching from below the top or roofe of the same house almost to the eaues thereof) was blowne quite ouer the house vnder which it stood, and neuer touched anie part thereof at anie side. By these ac­cidents happening within so small a circuit, it maie be conceiued what great harmes were doone that night throughout the whole realme. For it was thought vniuersall, as was also that which raged in the end of September, wherewithall fell such sharpe shewers of raine, that the drops thereof beating against the faces of trauellers made them to smart, as with twigs of birch: and so vehement they were that they persed through their clothing to their skin: so that manie wringing wet and sore beaten with wind and weather, being verie ill appaid, were glad to shorten their purposed iournies, by taking the next towne for their present succour, where they might sée the roofes and rafters of houses naked of tiles, and heare the donging of belles as they hoong in the steeples, &c. At what time it was reported by people of great age, that they had béene in manie tempests they thanked God, but none comparable to this: which might well be so, if a man were di­sposed to set downe a register of the particular ca­sualties, losses, damages, hurts, hinderances, &c: thereby occasioned. In the table if you looke for tempests and winds, you shall read strange mat­ter and worthie obseruation, though some account this and manie more but ridiculus stuffe: which kind of people I doubt are not of the number that woon­der at Gods works, but are too too much addicted to naturall philosophie.

One of the west gates of the citie of London, Ludgate of London new­lie builded. commonlie called Ludgate, being sore decaied, and in perill to haue fallen, was taken downe, the pri­soners thereof in the meane time remaining vnder the charge of Thomas Lutwich custos or keeper of Ludgate, in the southeast quadrant to the same gate adioining: which quadrant, for the ease of the priso­soners freemen of that citie, was sometime builded by sir Steuen Foster fishmonger, lord maior of that citie, in Anno 1453. And this yeare, the said gate was againe not onelie newlie, but also stronglie and beautifullie builded, at the charges of the citi­zens of the same citie, the foundation whereof, in the name and presence of sir Wolstan Dixie maior, cer­teine of his brethren the aldermen, Anthonie Rat­clife and Henrie Pranell shiriffes, was laid on the second daie of Maie, and so foorthwith so diligentlie applied by William Kirwine frée mason (and o­ther woorkmen of diuerse crafts vnder his charge) who for a certeine sum had taken vpon him for all maner of stuffe & workemanship to the same belon­ging, that the same gate was fullie finished in the space of six moneths or lesse. So that on the 29 daie of October in the same yeare, the said gate was set open to sir William Cicill knight lord treasuror, who first entered the same on horsebacke, accompa­nied of diuerse other honorable persons, and noble men of hir maiesties priuie councell, who all rode to the Guildhall, where on the same daie kept his feast George Barnes lord maior of that citie, after he had taken his oth and charge in the exchecker at Westminster.

On the 29 daie of October the archbishop of Canturburie, the lord treasuror, Parlement at Westminster. and the earle of Derbie, representing the quéens maiesties person, began the high court of parlement by proxe, which session of parlement was at this time assembled for triall of matters concerning Marie quéene of Scots, as more plainlie shall appeare, by that which followeth the end of that session. Anno Reg. 29. The earle of Leicester re­turned from the low coun­tries, and ar­riued in Eng­land. In the moneth of Nouember about the 23 daie, the right honorable lord Robert earle of Leicester, lieutenant generall of all hir maiesties forces in the vnited prouinces of the low countries, returning from thense, arriued at London, and went late to the court, where as he was not so suddenlie come, as forwardlie welcome of the principall, and others, to the great reioising of all estates throughout the whole realme, as maie ap­peare by verses of gratulation, in part as followeth:

Solonem ingenio,
In reditum mag­nanimi herois, Roberti Comitis Lecestrij, [...] gratulatorium T. N.
magnum qui Nestora vincis
Consilio, pietate Numam, grauitate Catonem:
Gratus ades, ter gratus ades, Comes inclyte, ab oris
Teutonicis, salsi emensus vada caerula ponti:
Rauca fuit Wansteda diu, te absente, nec vllas
[Page 1580]Laetitiae ediderat voces: Ilfordia eclypsin
Passa fuit, modulis fleuit Laitona canoris:
Hammáque moestificis vlulauit percita curis.
At veluti auricomus dispellit nubila Titan,
Exhilarat tua sic nostros praesentia vultus
Magne Comes, terrae decus, immortale Britannae,
Magnanimos inter meritò numerande dynastas.

The parle­ment proro­ged.On the second daie of December, the session of parlement (begun the nine & twentith of Octo­ber as is afore shewed) was dissolued & broken vp, line 10 and was proroged vntill the fiue & twentith of Febru­arie next following. The substance and effect of mat­ters handled in the same parlement, is set downe in a letter learnedlie penned, and directed to the right honorable the earle of Leicester, as followeth.

THE COPIE OF A LETTER TO the right honorable the earle of Leicester, lieu­tenant generall of all hir maiesties forces in the vnited prouinces of the low countries, written line 20 before, but deliuered at his returne from thense: with a report of certeine petitions and declarati­ons made to the queenes maiestie at two seuerall times, from all the lords and commons latelie assembled in parlement: and hir maiesties an­sweres therevnto by hir selfe deliuered, though not expressed by the reporter with such grace and life, as the same were vttered by hir maie­stie.

To the right honorable the earle of Leicester, &c.

Note: line 30

ALbeit with earnest desire of my heart (right honorable my verie good lord) I haue alwaies indeuored to doo your lord­ship some acceptable seruice, for the ho­nour you first vouchsafed me from beyond my cra­dle, and after confirmed with the fauorable opinion line 40 wherewith you haue alwaies countenanced me e­uer since, euen thus far onward on my daies, which also togither with my yeares hath increased faster than mine abilitie to performe, being crossed in no­thing more deepelie, than when I was letted by the ouermuch tendering of me by my parents, to at­tend your lordship in your late voiage and honora­ble expedition into the low countries: yet haue I béene euer since most studious to obserue and appre­hend some good occasion, or fit opportunitie, to testi­fie line 50 the dutifull reuerence I beare to your lordship: wherein if hitherto I haue béene slacke in perfor­mance during your absence, it hath procéeded of the care I had, not to interteine your lordship with matter either friuolous or vulgar: though things of that nature might best become my condition, and well agrée with my vnderstanding.

In which cogitation it came to my mind, that the report of the spéeches deliuered by the queens most excellent maiestie in a late and weightie cause line 60 dealt in this parlement, in answer to the petitions presented to hir maiestie the twelfe and foure and twentith daie of Nouember at Richmond by the lord chancellor and speaker, respectiuelie, in the name and behalfe of both estates, accompanied with di­uerse of either sort, would doubtlesse be a thing to your lordship most gratefull, as one euer pleased iustlie to admire the rare perfections of hir mind, and approoued iudgement, wherewith according to your estate and place, deseruedlie, your lordship hath béene vsuallie acquainted: as also worthie of eternall monument and euerlasting memorie, for as much as on the sudden they were deliuered by hir selfe, for answer of a matter propounded, deba­ted, resolued, and digested, with great labor and pre­meditation of the greatest, grauest, wisest, and most choise persons of the whole realme, whereof although I haue but slenderlie purtraied the lineaments, without expressing to life the externall ornaments of hir roiall speach, accompanied with all princelie and gracefull accomplements: yet doubt I not but your lordship will easilie find hir inward vertues, whereof it is impossible for me to make the least ad­umbration.

And because in the dailie expectation of your lord­ships returne, I rested vncerteine how these might come safelie to your lordships hands: I did there­fore aduise to haue this my letter with the included copies to be readie to attend your first arriuall, in gratulation of the safetie thereof, which hath beene long desired. Wherein, as I striue to performe a particular dutie to your lordship, so trust I you will haue that honorable consideration, that in the com­munication thereof with others, there grow not a­nie preiudice to me for my presumption, in aduentu­ring to be a reporter of that, which in the deliuerie wrought so great astonishment to all the hearers, as it exceeded the fulnesse of euerie mans expecta­tion: and therefore, without some fauorable con­struction of mine attempt, I might incurre great blame by my slender maner of report, so to haue ble­mished the excellencie of hir maiesties spéeches, whereof I humblie beséech your lordship to haue fa­uorable regard. Thus referring them to your lord­ships disposition, and my selfe to your fauorable pro­tection, I humblie take my leaue. 25. Nouember. 1586.

Your lordships most humblie in all dutie to command, R. C.

The briefe of the lord chancellors first speach, at the time when he deliuered hir most excellent maiestie a petition in writing, for and in the name of the lords and commons: which speaches were of more length than here are by me collec­ted: but sure I am, the substance there­of is here trulie expressed.

THat the lords and commons, hauing of long time to their intolerable greefe, found, by how manie practises the Sco­tish quéene had compassed the destruc­tion of hir highnesse most roiall person (in whose safetie next vnder God they acknowledged their chiefe felicitie to consist) thereby not onelie to be­reaue them of the sincere and true religion in this realme professed and established, but to bring backe againe this noble realme into the thraldome of Ro­mish tyrannie, and to ouerthrow the happie estate thereof: wherein, although hir highnesse of hir abun­dant, gratious, naturall clemencie, and princelie magnanimitie, hath either lightlie passed them o­uer, or with no small indulgence tolerated, not­withstanding the often and earnest instances of hir nobilitie and commons in sundrie parlements here­tofore: and further hath protected hir from the vio­lent pursute of hir owne people: she yet, as a person obdurat in malice (as it appeareth) continued hir former practises, as had béene latelie manifested by certeine wicked conspiracies plotted by one Antho­nie Babington, and diuerse desperat persons, that had combined and confederated themselues by vow and oth in a most horrible enterprise, by mur­ther to take awaie the life of hir maiestie: wherein the Scotish quéene did not onelie aduise them, but also direct, comfort, and abbet them, with persua­sion, counsell, promise of reward, and earnest obte­station.

[Page 1581]Wherevpon hir maiestie at the earnest request of such as tendered the safetie of hir roiall person, and the quiet of the realme, did direct commission vnder the great seale to sundrie lords and others of hir maiesties priuie councell, & a great number of lords of parlement, of the greatest and most anci­ent degrée, assisted with some of the principall iud­ges of the realme, to heare, examine, and determine the same, according to a statute in that behalfe, made in the seuen and twentith yeare of hir reigne. Who to the number of thirtie and six, hauing atten­ded line 10 the execution of the said commission, and di­uerse daies and times heard the allegations against the said Scotish quéene in hir owne presence and hearing (she being permitted to saie what she would in hir owne excuse) did with one assent, find hir calpable both in priuitie & consent to the said crimes obiected, and also in compassing the quéens maie­sties death.

Which sentence, by hir owne directions, vpon the hearing of the proofes and processe in parlement, line 20 was iudged to haue béene most honorable and iust. And therevpon they all beséech hir maiestie, that for­asmuch as the said quéene of Scots, was the verie ground and onelie subiect, wherevpon such dange­rous practises and complots had béene founded, a­gainst hir maiesties most roiall person, and the e­state of this realme for these manie yeares, to the ouerthrow of sundrie of the nobilitie of the land, and danger of christian religion, and that they could sée line 30 no hope of hir desisting, and hir adherents; but that still hir maiesties safetie must be hazarded, and stand to the euent of the like miraculous discoue­ries.

Therefore, as most humble and instant suppliants, they did vpon their knées at hir most gratious féet, beséech and request in most earnest maner, that as­well for the continuance of Gods religion, the qui­et of this kingdome, preseruation of hir person, and defense of them and their posterities, it would line 40 please hir highnesse to take order, that the said sen­tence might be published, and such further direction giuen, as was requisit in this so weightie a cause, according to the purport and intent of the said sta­tute. Wherein, if hir maiestie (pursuing hir woon­ted clemencie) should now be remisse, besides the imminent danger to hir person, she might by the staie thereof, procure the heauie displeasure of al­mightie God, as by sundrie seuere examples of his iustice in the sacred scriptures dooth appeare. And so line 50 he deliuered to hir maiesties owne hands the peti­tion in writing, which he said had béene with great deliberation assented vnto by all the whole parle­ment.

A SHORT EXTRACT OF SVCH reasons, as were deliuered in speach by maister sar­gent Puckering, speaker of the lower house, be­fore the queens most excellent maiestie in hir pre­sence chamber at Richmond, the twelfe of No­uember 1586, in the eight and twentith yere of hir line 60 reigne, conteining diuerse apparant and imminent dangers, that maie grow to hir maiesties most roi­all person, and to hir realme from the Scotish queene and hir adherents, if remedie be not pro­uided.
First touching the danger of hir maiesties person.

1 BOth this Scotish quéene and hir fa­uorers, doo thinke hir to haue right, not to succeed but to inioie your crowne in possession: and therefore as shée is a most impatient competitor, so will shée not spare anie meanes whatsoeuer, that maie be­reaue vs of your maiestie, the onelie impediment that she inioieth not hir desire.

2 She is obdurat in malice against your roiall person, notwithstanding you haue shewed hir all fauour and mercie, as well in preseruing hir king­dome, as sauing hir life, and saluing hir honor. And therefore there is no place for mercie, since there is no hope that she will desist from most w [...]cked at­tempts: the rather, for that hir malice appeareth such, that she maketh (as it were) hir testament of the same, to be executed after hir death, and appoin­teth hir executors to performe it.

3 She boldlie and openlie professed it lawfull for hir to mooue inuasion vpon you. And therefore, as of inuasion victorie maie insue, and of victorie, the death of the vanquished: so did she thereby not obscurelie bewraie, that she thought it lawfull for hir to destroie your sacred person.

4 She thinketh it not onelie lawfull, but honora­ble also and meritorious to take your life from you, as being alreadie depriued of your crowne by the excommunication of the holie father. And therefore it is like she will (as hitherto she hath doone) conti­nuallie séeke it by whatsoeuer meanes.

5 That she is gréedie of your maiesties death, and preferreth it before hir owne life and safetie: for in hir direction to one of hir laie complices, she aduised (vnder couert termes) that whatsoeuer should become of hir, that tragicall execution should be performed vpon you.

1 IT is most perillous to spare hir, The danger of the ouer­throw of the true religion. that continu­allie hath sought the ouerthrow and suppression of true religion, infected with poperie from hir ten­der youth, and being after that a confederat in that holie league when she came to age, and euer since a professed enimie against the truth.

2 She resteth wholie vpon popish hopes to deli­uer and aduance hir, and is thereby so deuoted to that profession, that aswell for satisfaction of others, as for feeding of hir owne humor, she will supplant the gospell, where and when so euer she maie: which euill is so much the greater, and the more to be a­uoided, as that it staieth the verie soule, and will spread it selfe not onelie ouer England and Scot­land, but also into those parts beyond the seas, where the gospell of God is mainteined, the which cannot but be exceedinglie weakened, by the defection of this noble Iland.

1 As the Lydians said, The perill of the state of the realme. Vnum regem agnoscunt Lydi, duos autem tolerare non possunt: So we saie, Vni­cam reginam Elizabetham agnoscunt Angli, duas autem tolerare non possunt.

2 As she hath alredie by hir allurements brought to destruction more noble men and their houses, to­gither with a greater multitude of the commons of this realme, during hir being here, than she should haue beene able to doo, if she had béene in possession of hir owne crowne, and armed in the field against vs: so will she still be continuall cause of the like spoile, to the greater losse and perill of this estate: and therefore this realme neither can, nor maie in­dure hir.

3 Againe, she is the onelie hope of all disconten­ted subiects, she is the foundation whereon all the euill disposed doo build, she is the root from whense all rebellions and trecheries doo spring: and there­fore whilest this hope lasteth, this foundation stan­deth, and this root liueth, they will reteine heart, and set on foot whatsoeuer their deuises against the realme, which otherwise will fall awaie, die, and come to nothing.

[Page 1582]4 Mercie now in this case towards hir would in the end prooue crueltie against vs all. Nam est quae­dam crudelis misericordia, and therefore to spare hir, is to spill vs.

5 Besides this, it will excéedinglie greeue and in a maner deadlie wound the hearts of all the good subiects of your land, if they shall see a conspiracie so horrible not condignlie punished.

6 Thousands of your maiesties most liege and louing subiects, of all sorts and degrees, that in a line 10 tender zeale of your maiesties safetie, haue most willinglie both by open subscription and solemne vow, entered into a firme and loiall association, and haue thereby protested to pursue vnto the death, by all forcible and possible meanes, such as she is by iust sentence now found to be: can neither discharge their loue, nor well saue their oths, if your maie­stie shall kéepe hir aliue: of which burthen your ma­iesties subiects are most desirous to be reléeued, as the same maie be, if iustice be doone. line 20

7 Lastlie, your maiesties most louing and duti­full commons doubt not, but that as your maiestie is dulie exercised in reading the booke of God: so it will please you to call to your princelie remem­brance, how fearefull the examples of Gods ven­geance be, that are there to be found against king Saule for sparing king Agag, & against king Achab for sauing the life of Benadad; both which were by the iust iudgement of God depriued of their king­doms, for sparing those wicked princes, whome God line 30 had deliuered into their hands, of purpose to be slaine by them, as by the ministers of his eternall and diuine iustice. Wherein full wiselie Salomon proceeded to punishment, when he tooke the life of his owne naturall and elder brother Adonias, for the onelie intention of a marriage, that gaue suspicion of treason against him. Herein we your maiesties most louing and obedient subiects earnestlie de­pend vpon your princelie resolution, which we as­sure our selues shall be to God most acceptable, and line 40 to vs no other than the state of your regall authori­tie maie affoord vs, and the approoued arguments of your tender care for our safetie vnder your charge dooth promise to our expectation.

A REPORT OF HIR MAIESTIES most gratious answer, deliuered by hir selfe ver­ballie, to the first petitions of the lords and com­mons, being the estates of parlement, in hir cham­ber of presence at Richmond, the twelfe daie of line 50 Nouember 1586, at the full almost of eight and twentie yeares of hir reigne. Whereof the re­porter requireth of all that were hearers, a fauora­ble interpretation of his intent, because he fin­deth that he can not expresse the same answera­ble to the originall, which the learned call Pro­totypon.

THe bottomlesse graces and immesura­ble benefits bestowed vpon me by the al­mightie, are, and haue béene such, as I must not onelie acknowledge them, but line 60 admire them, accounting them as well miracles as benefits; not so much in respect of his diuine ma­iestie, with whome nothing is more common than to doo things rare and singular: as in regard of our weakenesse, who can not sufficientlie set foorth his woonderfull works and graces, which to me haue béene so manie, so diuerselie folded and imbroidered one vpon another, as in no sort I am able to ex­presse them. And although there liueth not anie, that maie more iustlie acknowledge themselues infi­nitelie bound vnto God than I, whose life he hath miraculouslie preserued at sundrie times (beyond my merit) from a multitude of perils & dangers: yet is not that the cause, for which I count my selfe the deepeliest bound to giue him my humblest thanks, or to yéeld him greatest recognition; but this which I shall tell you hereafter, which will deserue the name of woonder, if rare things and seldome séene be wor­thie of account. Euen this it is, that as I came to the crowne with the willing hearts of my subiects, so doo I now after eight and twentie yeares reigne, perceiue in you no diminution of good wils, which if happilie I should want, well might I breath, but neuer thinke I liued.

And now, albeit I find my life hath béene full dangerouslie sought, and death contriued by such as no desert procured: yet am I therein so cleare from malice (which hath the propertie to make men glad at the fals and faults of their foes, and make them séeme to doo for other causes, when rancor is the ground) as I protest it is and hath béene my gréeuous thought, that one, not different in sex, of like estate, and my neere kin, should fall into so great a crime: yea I had so little purpose to pur­sue hir with anie colour of malice, that as it is not vnknowen to some of my lords here (for now I will plaie the blab) I secretlie wrote hir a letter vp­on the discouerie of sundrie treasons, that if she would confesse them, and priuatlie acknowledge them by hir letters to my selfe, she neuer should néed be called for them into so publike question. Neither did I it of mind to circumuent hir: for then I knew as much as she could confesse, and so did I write. And if euen yet, now that the matter is made but too apparant, I thought she trulie would repent (as perhaps she would easilie ap­peare in outward shew to doo) and that for hir, none other would take the matter vpon them; or that we were but as two milke maids with pailes vpon our armes, or that there were no more dependencie vp­on vs but mine owne life were onelie in danger, and not the whole estate of your religion and well dooings, I protest (wherein you maie beléeue me, for though I maie haue manie vices, I hope I haue not accustomed my toong to be an instrument of vntruth) I would most willinglie pardon and re­mit this offense.

Or if by my death other nations and kingdoms might trulie saie, that this realme had attained an euer prosperous and florishing estate: I would (I assure you) not desire to liue; but gladlie giue my life, to the end my death might procure you a better prince. And for your sakes it is, that I desire to liue, to kéepe you from a woorse. For as for me, I assure you, I find no great cause I should be fond to liue: I take no such pleasure in it, that I should much wish it; nor conceiue such terror in death, that I should greatlie feare it: and yet I saie not, but if the stroke were comming, perchance flesh and bloud would be mooued with it, and séeke to shun it. I haue had good experience and triall of this world: I know what it is to be a subiect; what to be a souereigne; what to haue good neighbors, and sometime méet euill willers. I haue found treason in trust, séene great benefits little regarded, and in stead of gratefulnesse, courses of purpose to crosse.

These former remembrances, present féeling, and future expectation of euils (I saie) haue made me thinke, An euill is much the better, the lesse while it indureth: & so, them happiest, that are soonest hense: and taught me to beare with a better mind these treasons, than is common to my sex: yea, with a better heart perhaps, than is in some men. Which I hope you will not meerelie impute to my simplici­tie or want of vnderstanding, but rather, that I thus conceiued, that had their purposes taken effect, I [Page 1583] should not haue found the blow, before I had felt it: and though my perill should haue béene great, my paine should haue béene but small and short: wherein, as I would be loth to die so bloudie a death, so doubt I not, but God would haue giuen me grace to be prepared for such an euent, chance when it shall, which I refer vnto his good pleasure. And now, as touching their treasons and conspiracies, togither with the contriuer of them, I will not so preiudicat my selfe and this my realme, as to saie line 10 or thinke, that I might not, without the last sta­tute, by the ancient laws of this land, haue procée­ded against hir, which was not made particularlie to preiudice hir; though perhaps it might then be suspected, in respect of the disposition of such as de­pend that waie. It was so far from being inten­ded to intrap hir, that it was rather an admonition to warne the danger thereof: but sith it is made, and in the force of a law, I thought good, in that which might concerne hir, to proceed according there­vnto, line 20 rather than by course of common law: where­in, if you the iudges haue not deceiued me, or that the books you brought me were not false (which God forbid) I might as iustlie haue tried hir by the an­cient laws of the land.

But you lawiers are so nice in sifting, and scanning euerie word and letter, that manie times you stand more vpon forme than matter, vpon syllables than sense of the law. For in the strictnesse & exact following of common forme, she must haue béene indicted in Staffordshire, haue line 30 holden vp hir hand at the barre, and beene tried by a iurie: a proper course forsooth, to deale in that ma­ner with one of hir estate. I thought it better there­fore, for auoiding of these and more absurdities, to commit the cause to the inquisition of a good number of the greatest and most noble personages of this realme, of the iudges and others of good ac­count, whose sentence I must approoue: and all little enough. For we princes, I tell you, are set on stages, in the sight and view of all the world du­lie line 40 obserued; the eies of manie behold our actions; a spot is soone spied in our garments; a blemish quick­lie noted in our dooings. It behooueth vs therefore to be carefull that our procéedings be iust and hono­rable.

But I must tell you one thing more, that in this last act of parlement you haue brought me vnto a narrow streict, that I must giue direction for hir death, which cannot bée to mée but a most gréeuous and irksome burthen. And least you line 50 might mistake mine absence from this parle­ment (which I had almost forgotten) although there bée no cause whie I should willinglie come amongst multitudes, for that amongst manie some maie bee euill: yet hath it not béene the doubt of anie such danger or occasion that kept me from thense; but onlie the great griefe to heare this cause spoken of; especiallie, that such a one of state and kin should néed so open a declaration, and that this nation should be so spotted with blots of disloial­tie. line 60 Wherein the lesse is my gréefe, for that I hope the better part is mine, and those of the woorse not so much to be accounted of, for that in séeking my de­struction, they might haue spoiled their owne souls. And euen now could I tell you, that which would make you sorie. It is a secret, and yet I will tell it you; although it is knowne I haue the propertie to keepe counsell, but too well oftentimes to mine owne perill. It is not long since mine eies did sée it written, that an oth was taken within few daies, either to kill me, or to be hanged themselues: and that to be performed yer one moneth were ended. Hereby I see your danger in me, and neither can nor will be so vnthankefull or carelesse of your con­sciences, as not prouide for your safetie.

I am not vnmindfull of your oth made in the as­sociation, manifesting your great good wils and af­fections, taken and entered into, vpon good con­science, and true knowledge of the guilt, for safetie of my person, and conseruation of my life: doone (I protest to God) before I heard it, or euer thought of such a matter, vntill a great number of hands with manie obligations were shewed me, at Hamp­ton court, signed and subscribed with the names and seales of the greatest of this land. Which as I doo ac­knowledge as a perfect argument of your true hearts, and great zeale to my safetie: so shall my bond be stronger tied to greater care for all your good. But for as much as this matter is rare, weightie, and of great consequence, I thinke you doo not looke for anie present resolution: the rather, for that, as it is not my maner, in matters of far lesse moment, to giue spéedie answer without due consideration; so in this of such importance, I thinke it verie requisit with earnest praier to beséech his di­uine maiestie, so to illuminat my vnderstanding, and inspire me with his grace, as I maie doo and de­termine that, which shall serue to the establishment of his church, preseruation of your estates, and pros­peritie of this common wealth vnder my charge. Wherein (for that I know delaie is dangerous) you shall haue with all conueniencie our resolution de­liuered by our message. And what euer anie prince maie merit of their subiects, for their approoued testi­monie of their vnfained sinceritie, either by gouer­ning iustlie, void of all parcialitie, or sufferance of anie iniuries doone (euen to the poorest) that doo I as­suredlie promise inuiolablie to performe, for requi­tall of your so manie deserts.

¶ The occasions of the se­cond accesse.

THis answer thus made by hir maiestie, the lords and commons were dismissed. And then hir highnesse some few daies after, vpon deliberation had of this petition, being (as it appeared) of hir mercifull dis­position of nature, and hir princelie magnanimitie, in some conflict with hir selfe what to doo in a cause so weightie and important to hir and the realme, sent by the lord chancellor (as I heard) and by the mouth of an honorable person, and a right worthie member of the lower house, this message to both houses: moouing and earnestlie charging them, to enter into a further consideration, whether there might not be some other waie of remedie, than that they had alreadie required, so far disagreeing from hir owne naturall inclination. Wherevpon, the lords and commons in either houses assembled, had sundrie consultations, both in their seuerall houses generallie, and by priuat committees deputed spe­ciallie. And after conference had betwixt the said committées, it was resolued with vnanimitie of consent amongst them in the lower house, and by vniuersall concord in the vpper house (the question there propounded to euerie one of the lords) that there could be found no other sound and assured meane, in the depth of their vnderstanding, for the continuance of the christian religion, quiet of the realme, and safetie of hir maiesties most roiall person, than that which was conteined in their for­mer petition. The reasons whereof were summa­rilie these that follow, which are more shortlie repor­ted than they were vttered.

A briefe report of the second accesse the foure and twentith of Nouember 1586: and of the answer made in the name of t [...]e lords of the parlement, to a message sent from hir maiestie by the lord chancellor after hir first answer.

THe lord chancellor, accompanied with a­boue fiue or six and twentie lords of par­lement, came before hir highnesse in hir line 10 chamber of presence, to deliuer the reso­lution of all the lords of parlement, concerning a message which he had not long before deliuered from hir maiestie, for further consultation, whether anie other means could be thought of, or found out by anie of them, how the Scotish quéens life might be spared, and yet hir maiesties person saued out of pe­rill, and the state of the realme preserued in quiet; declared, that according to that he had receiued in commandement from hir maiestie, he had impar­ted line 20 the same vnto the lords assembled in the vpper house, whom he found by their generall silence much amazed at the propounding thereof, considering the same had béene before in deliberation amongest them, and resolued vpon, and as appeared by their former petition exhibited to hir highnesse, wherein they had expressed the same resolution.

Notwithstanding, for hir maiesties further satisfac­tion, they had entred into a new consultation, & for that purpose selected a great number of the choisest line 30 persons of the higher house of parlement to confer thereof, either priuatlie or togither with the lower house: which also was doone accordinglie at seuerall times. At all which conferences it was concluded by them all, & so afterwards by the whole assemblie of both houses, that there could be no other assured means for the preseruation of hir maiesties life, and continuance of Gods religion & quiet of this state, than by the full execution of the sentence according to their former petition, instantlie pressing hir ma­iestie line 40 with manie arguments and reasons tending thereto. All which, though by distance from his lord­ship I could not well conceiue, yet this I did re­member preciselie and especiallie was one: that as it were iniustice to denie execution of law at the sute of anie one particular, and the meanest of hir people: so much more not to yeeld to the earnest in­stance and humble praiers of all hir faithfull and louing subiects. And so concluded, with earnest peti­tion for hir maiesties resolute determination and line 50 answer, for a present and spéedie direction by pro­clamation, and otherwise also, according vnto the forme of the statute.

A summarie report of the second speach, vttered by the speaker of the lower house, by direction of all the commons.

THat if hir maiestie should be safe with­out taking awaie the life of the Scotish quéene, the same were most likelie and probablie to grow, by one of these means following.

1 First, that happilie she might be reclamed and become a repentant conuert, agnising hir maie­sties great mercie and fauors in remitting hir hei­nous offense, and by hir loialtie hereafter performe the fruits of such conuersion.

2 Or else by a more streict gard be so kept, as there should be no feare of the like attempts here­after.

3 Or that good assurance might be giuen by oth, bonds or hostages, as cautions for hir good and loi­all demeanor from henseforth.

4 Or lastlie by banishment, the realme might be voided of hir person, and thereby the perils further remooued that grow to hir maiestie by hir presence. The moments whereof being dulie pondered, did yet appeare so light in all their iudgements, that they durst not aduise anie securitie to rest in anie, no not in all of them. For touching hir conuersi­on, it was considered, that if pietie or dutie could haue restreined hir from such heinous attempts, there was cause abundantlie ministred vnto hir on hir maiesties behalfe, when she not onelie protected hir against the violence of hir owne subiects, who pursued hir to death by iustice, but couered hir honor when the same by publike fame was touched, and by verie heinous and capitall crimes (obiected and pro­ued against hir before certeine commissarie dele­gats assigned to examine the same) more than ble­mished; and spared hir life, when for hir former con­spiracies and confederacies with the Northerne re­bels, hir highnesse was with great instance pressed by both the houses in the fouretéenth yeare of hir maiesties reigne, to doo like iustice vpon hir, as now is desired, and as hir treasonable practises then had most iustlie deserued.

And where the penaltie of this act sufficientlie notified vnto hir, should haue terrified hir from so wicked attempts; she hath neuerthelesse insisted in hir former practises, as a person obdurat in malice against hir maiestie, and irrecouerable; so as there was no probable hope of anie conuersion, but ra­ther great doubt and feare of relapse and recidiuati­on, forasmuch as she stood obstinatlie in the deniall of matter most euidentlie prooued, and now most iustlie sentenced against hir, and was not entred into the first part of repentance, the recognition of hir offense, and so much the further off from the true fruits that should accompanie the same.

As for a surer gard & more streict imprisonment, it was resolued that there was no securitie therein, nor yet in the other two means propounded of bonds and hostages: forasmuch as the same meanes that should be practised to take hir maiesties life awaie, (which God forbid) would aptlie serue for the deliue­rie of hir person, and release of the bonds & hostages that should be giuen for cautions in that behalfe: which being vnhappilie atchiued, and to our irrepa­rable losse, who should sue the bonds, or deteine the hostages? Or being deteined, what proportion was there in bonds or hostages whatsoeuer, to counter­uaile the value of so pretious & inestimable a iewell, as hir maiestie is to this realme, & to vs all? But she will solemnlie vow & take an oth, that she will not attempt anie thing to the hurt of hir maiesties person. She hath alreadie sundrie times falsified hir word, hir writing, and hir oth; and holdeth it for an article of religion, that faith is not to be holden with heretiks, of which sort she accounteth your maies­tie and all the professors of the gospell to be: and therfore haue we little reason to trust hir in that, wherof she maketh so small a conscience.

As for banishment, that were a step A malo in pe­ius, to set hir at libertie, a thing so greatlie desired and thirsted for by hir adherents, and by some prin­ces hir alies, who sought hir inlargement chéeflie to make hir a head to be set vp against hir maiestie, in time of inuasion. To the which were added some few reasons collected out of hir owne letters and the confession of Babington, hir instrument and con­spirator: by which appeared how hir owne conscience bewraied what might iustlie fall vpon hir, in case a­nie of hir intended designements came to light, that she might haplie be shut vp in some more close [Page 1585] and strict prison, as the Tower of London, if there befell hir no woorse thing. And in that she directed Babington, in case he failed in the action of hir de­liuerie, that he should neuerthelesse proceed in the residue; which was the death of hir maiestie: who also confessed, that vpon assurance of hir maiesties death, or the arriuall of strangers, he intended to proclame the quéene of Scots, and made no doubt of the desired successe: and therefore hir maiesties death being so earnestlie sought, for aduancement line 10 of this competitor, hir highnesse could not remaine in quietnesse or securitie, if the Scotish queene should longer continue hir life.

THE SECOND ANSWER made by the queens maiestie, deliuered by hir owne mouth, to the second speach, vttered in the names of the lords and commons of the parlement.

FUll gréeuous is the waie, whose go­ing on, and end, bréed cumber for the line 20 hire of a laborious iourneie. I haue striued more this daie than euer in my life, whether I should speake, or vse silence. If I speake and not complaine, I shall dissemble; if I hold my peace, your labour taken were full vaine. For me to make my mone, were strange and rare: for I suppose you shall find few, that for their owne particular, will cumber you with such a care. Yet such I protest hath beene my grée­die desire and hungrie will, that of your consulta­tion line 30 might haue fallen out some other meanes to worke my safetie ioined with your assurance (than that for which you are become such earnest sutors) as I protest, I must néeds vse complaint, though not of you, but vnto you, and of the cause; for that I doo perceiue by your aduises, praiers, and desires, there falleth out this accident, that onelie my iniu­rers bane must be my lifes suertie.

But if anie there liue so wicked of nature, to sup­pose, that I prolonged this time onelie, Pro forma, line 40 to the intent to make a shew of clemencie, thereby to set my praises to the wierdrawers to lengthen them the more: they doo me so great a wrong, as they can hardlie recompense. Or if anie person there be, that thinke or imagine, that the least vaine­glorious thought hath drawne me further herein, they doo me as open iniurie as euer was doone to a­nie liuing creature, as he that is the maker of all thoughts knoweth best to be true. Or if there be a­nie, that thinke, that the lords appointed in com­mission line 50 durst doo no other, as fearing thereby to dis­please, or else to be suspected to be of a contrarie o­pinion to my safetie, they doo but heape vpon me iniurious conceipts. For either those put in trust by me to supplie my place, haue not performed their duties towards me; or else they haue signified vnto you all, that my desire was, that euerie one should doo according to his conscience, and in the course of his procéedings should inioie both fréedome of voice and libertie of opinion; and what they would not o­penlie line 60 declare, they might priuatlie to my selfe haue reuealed. It was of a willing mind and great de­sire I had, that some other meanes might be found out, wherein I should haue taken more comfort, than in anie other thing vnder the sun.

And sith now it is resolued, that my suretie can not be established without a princesse end, I haue iust cause to complaine; that I, who haue in my time pardoned so manie rebels, winked at so manie treasons, and either not produced them, or altogither slipt them ouer with silence, should now be forced to this procéeding, against such a person. I haue besides, during my reigne, séene and heard manie opprobrious books and pamphlets against me, my realme and state, accusing me to be a tyrant; I thanke them for their almes: I beleeue, therein their meaning was to tell me news, and news it is to me in déed; I would it were as strange to heare of their impietie! What will they not now saie, when it shall be spread, that for the safetie of hir life, a maiden queene could be content to spill the bloud, euen of hir owne kinswoman? I maie therefore full well complaine, that anie man should thinke me giuen to crueltie, whereof I am so giltlesse and innocent, as I should slander God, if I should saie he gaue me so vile a mind: yea, I protest, I am so far from it, that for mine owne life I would not touch hir: neither hath my care beene so much bent how to prolong mine, as how to preserue both: which I am right sorie is made so hard, yea so im­possible.

I am not so void of iudgement, as not to sée mine owne perill; nor yet so ignorant, as not to know it were in nature a foolish course, to cherish a swoord to cut mine owne throte; nor so carelesse, as not to weigh that my life dailie is in hazard: but this I doo consider, that manie a man would put his life in danger for the safegard of a king, I doo not saie that so will I: but I praie you thinke, that I haue thought vpon it. But sith so manie haue both written & spoken against me, I praie you giue me leaue to saie somewhat for my selfe, & before you re­turne to your countries, let you know, for what a one you haue passed so carefull thoughts. Wherein, as I thinke my selfe infinitlie beholding vnto you all, that seeke to preserue my life by all the meanes you maie: so I protest vnto you, that there liueth no prince, that euer shall be more mindfull to requite so good deserts. And as I perceiue you haue kept your old woonts, in a generall séeking of the length­ning of my daies: so am I sure that I shall neuer requite it, vnlesse I had as manie liues as you all: but for euer I will acknowledge it, while there is anie breath left me. Although I maie not iustifie, but maie iustlie condemne my sundrie faults and sinnes to God: yet for my care in this gouern­ment, let me acquaint you with my intents.

When first I tooke the scepter, my title made me not forget the giuer: and therefore began, as it be­came me, with such religion, as both I was borne in, bred in, and I trust shall die in. Although I was not so simple, as not to know what danger and pe­rill so great an alteration might procure me: how manie great princes of the contrarie opinion would attempt all they might against me: and ge­nerallie, what enimitie I should breed vnto my selfe: which all I regarded not, knowing that he, for whose sake I did it, might, and would defend me. For which it is, that euer since I haue béene so dange­rouslie prosecuted, as I rather maruell that I am, than muse that I should not be: if it were not Gods holie hand that continueth me, beyond all other ex­pectation. Then entered I further into the schoole of experience, bethinking what it fitted a king to doo: and there I saw, he scant was well furnished, if either he lacked iustice, temperance, magnani­mitie, or iudgement. As for the two latter, I will not boast, my sex dooth not permit it: but for the two first, this dare I saie; amongst my subiects I neuer knew a difference of person, where right was one: nor neuer to my knowledge preferred for fauour, whome I thought not fit for woorth: nor bent my eares to credit a tale that first was told me: nor was so rash, to corrupt my iudgement with my censure, before I heard the cause. I will not saie, but manie reports might fortune be brought me by such as might heare the case, whose parcialitie might mar sometime the matter: for [Page 1586] we princes maie not heare all our selues. But this dare I boldlie affirme, my verdict went euer with the truth of my knowledge. As full well wished Al­cibiades his fréend, that he should not giue anie answer, till he had recited the letters of the alpha­bet: so haue I not vsed ouer sudden resolutions, in matters that haue touched me full neere: you will saie that with me, I thinke.

And therefore, as touching your counsels and consultations, I conceiue them to be wise, honest, line 10 and conscionable: so prouident and carefull for the safetie of my life (which I wish no longer than maie be for your good) that though I neuer can yéeld you of recompense your due: yet shall I indeuour my selfe to giue you cause, to thinke your good will not ill bestowed, and striue to make my selfe worthie for such subiects. And now for your petition, I shall praie you for this present, to content your selues with an answer without answer. Your iudgement I condemne not, neither doo I mistake your rea­sons, line 20 but praie you to accept my thankefulnesse, excuse my doubtfulnesse, and take in good part my answer answerlesse: wherein I attribute not so much to mine owne iudgement, but that I thinke manie particular persons maie go before me, though by my degrée I go before them. Therefore if I should saie, I would not doo what you request, it might peraduenture be more than I thought: and to saie I would doo it, might perhaps bréed perill of that you labour to preserue, being more than in line 30 your owne wisedoms and discretions would séeme conuenient, circumstances of place and time be­ing dulie considered.

Thus far the procéeding against the Scotish quéene, as the same is reported by R. C. Now fol­loweth the publication of the same, which was doone with great port and statelinesse. For vpon tuesdaie, being the sixt daie of December, The sentence giuen against the Scotish queene solemn­lie proclamed. the lord maior of London, assisted with diuers earls, and barons, line 40 the aldermen in their scarlet gownes, the princi­pall officers of the citie, the greatest number of gentlemen of the best accompt in and about the citie, with the number of fourescore of the most graue & worshipfullest citizens, in cotes of veluet, and chaines of gold, all on horsse backe, in most so­lemne and statelie maner, by the sound of foure trumpets, about ten of the clocke in the forenone, made open and publike proclamation and declara­tion of the sentence latelie giuen by the nobilitie a­gainst line 50 the quéene of Scots, vnder the great seale of England, bearing date at Richmont the fourth daie of December, being openlie read by master Se­bright, towne-clerke of London, & with lowd voice solemnelie proclamed by the sargent at armes of the said citie, in foure seuerall places, to wit, at the crosse in Cheape, at the end of Chancerie lane in Fleetstreet, ouer against the Temple, at Leaden hall corner, and at saint Magnus corner néere London bridge.

During which time, the like solemne procla­mations line 60 were made with great solemnities in the countie of Middlesex, namelie in the palace at Westminster, without Temple barre, and in Hol­borne, by the shiriffes of London and Midlesex, as­sisted with sundrie noblemen, gentlemen of good account, and the iustices of peace of the said coun­tie, to the great and woonderfull reioising of the people of all sorts, as manifestlie appeared by their eger running after the portlie traine, their thron­ging to heare the same published, their ringing of bels, making of bonfires, and singing of psalmes in euerie stréet and lane of the citie. The said pro­clamation followeth.

A true copie of the proclamation late­lie published by the queenes maiestie, vnder the great seale of England, for the declaring of the sentence latelie giuen against the queene of Scots, in forme as fol­loweth.

ELisabeth by the grace of God, quéene of England, France, and Ireland, defen­der of the faith, &c. Whereas we were gi­uen to vnderstand very crediblie, though to our great greefe, that diuerse things were, and of late time had beene compassed▪ imagined, and re­solutelie intended, tending directlie to the hurt and destruction of our roiall person, and to the subuersi­on of the state of our realme by forren inuasions and rebellions at home, as well by the quéene of Scots, remaining in our realme vnder our protection, as by manie diuerse other wicked persons with hir pri­uitie, who had fréelie confessed the same, and had therevpon receiued open triall, iudgement, and exe­cution according to the lawes for their deserts. And though in verie truth we were greatlie and deeplie gréeued in our mind, to thinke or imagine that anie such vnnaturall and monstrous acts should be either deuised, or willinglie assented vnto against vs, by hir being a princesse borne, and of our sex and bloud, and one also whose life & honor we had manie times before saued and preserued: yet were we so direct­lie drawne to thinke all the same to be true, by the sight and vnderstanding of such proofes as were ma­nifestlie produced afore vs, vpon matters that had as well procéeded from hir selfe, as from the conspi­rators themselues, who voluntarilie & fréelie with­out anie coercion had confessed their conspirations, both iointlie with hir, and directed by hir, against our person and our realme: and therefore also we saw great reason, to thinke the same ouer dangerous to be suffered to passe onward to take their full effect.

Wherefore we were by sundrie lords of our nobi­litie, and others our louing subiects, earnestlie moo­ued and counselled, to take vndelaied order for the inquisition and examination of all these dangerous enterprises & conspiracies, by sundrie waies direct­lie auowed to be by the said quéen of Scots against vs and our realme certeinlie intended; and also to vse all present meanes with expedition to withstand or rather to preuent the same. And for that we were verie vnwilling to procéed against hir, considering hir birth and estate, by such vsuall sort as by the com­mon lawes of the realme we might haue lawfullie doone, which was by indictment and arreignment by ordinarie iuries: therefore, in respect both of our owne honor, and of hir person, we yéelded, by good aduise giuen to vs, to procéed in the most honorable sort that could be deuised within our realme, to the examination hereof, according to a late act of par­lement, made the thrée and twentith daie of Nouem­ber, in the seuen and twentith yeare of our reigne.

Wherevpon by our commission vnder our great seale of England, bearing date at our castell of Windsore in our countie of Barkeshire, the sixt daie of October now last past, we did (for that pur­pose) according to that statute, assigne, name, and appoint all the lords and others of our priuie coun­cell, and so manie other earls and barons lords of parlement, of the greatest degrée and most ancient of the nobilitie of this our realme, as with the same lords and others of our priuie councell, made vp the number of fortie and two, adding also thereto a further, number according to the tenor of the fore­said act of parlement, of certeine of the cheefest and other principall iudges of the courts of record at Westminster, amounting in the whole to the num­ber [Page 1587] of fortie and seuen, to examine all things com­passed and imagined, tending to the hurt of our roi­all person, as well by the said quéene of Scots, by the name of Marie the daughter & heire of Iames the fift late king of Scots, commonlie called the quéene of Scots & Dowager of France, as by anie other by hir priuitie, and all the circumstances there­of, & therevpon according to the tenor of the said act of parlement, to giue sentence or iudgment, as vpon good proofe the matter vnto them should appeare, as line 10 by the same commission more fullie appeareth.

And where afterwards the more part of the said councellors, lords, and iudges, in our said commissi­on named, that is to saie, the number of six and thir­tie, did in the presence and hearing of the said quéene of Scots, where she remained at our castell of Fo­deringhaie, at diuerse daies and times in publike place, verie exactlie, vprightlie, and with great deli­beration examine all the matters & offenses, where­of she was charged and accused, tending vnto the dangers afore rehearsed and mentioned in our said line 20 commission and all the circumstances thereof, and heard also at large in all fauorable maner, what the same quéene did, or could saie for hir excuse and de­fense in that behalfe. Wherevpon afterwards on the fiue and twentith daie of October now last past, all the said councell, lords, and iudges, that had heard and examined the same cause in the said queenes presence, as afore is mentioned, with one assent and consent, after good deliberation did giue line 30 their sentence and iudgement, in this sort follow­ing.

That after the first daie of Iune, in the seuen and twentith yeare of our reigne, and before the date of our said commission, diuerse things were compassed and imagined within this realme of En­gland by Anthonie Babington, and others, with the priuitie of the said Marie, pretending title to the crowne of this realme of England, tending to the hurt, death, and destruction of our roiall per­son. line 40 And likewise, that after the same first daie of Iune, and before the date of our said commission, the said Marie, pretending title to the same crowne, had compassed & imagined within the same realme, diuers things tending to the hurt, death, and destru­ction of our roiall person, contrarie to the forme of the said statute: which sentence and iudgement the same lords and commissioners haue with one full consent caused to be put in writing, and dulie in­grossed, with the whole processe of their procée­dings therevnto belonging, and haue subscri­bed line 50 the same with their hands, as by a record thereof shewed to vs more fullie and largelie dooth appeare.

And whereas also, sithence the same sentence and iudgement so giuen and recorded, the lords and com­mons in this present parlement assembled, haue also at sundrie times in open parlement, heard and considered the principall euidences, proofes, and cir­cumstances, wherevpon the same sentence and iudgement was grounded, and haue by their pub­like assent in parlement affirmed the same to be a line 60 iust, lawfull, and true sentence, and so haue allowed and approoued the same in writing presented vnto vs: and haue also notified to vs, how déepelie they did foresée the great and manie imminent dangers, which otherwise might and would grow to our per­son, and to the whole realme, if this sentence were not fullie executed: and consequentlie therefore, they did by their most humble and earnest petitions in that behalfe, of one accord, hauing accesse vnto vs (vpon their sundrie requests) most instantlie vp­on their knées, praie, beséech, and with manie rea­sons of great force and importance, mooue and presse vs, that the said sentence and iudgement so iustlie & dulie giuen, and by them approoued, as is aforesaid, might (according to the expresse tenor of the said act of parlement) by our proclamation vnder our great seale be declared and published, and the same also fi­nallie executed.

But after such most earnest request, so made to vs from all the said lords and commons in parle­ment, they perceiuing by our owne speeches and answers, how déepelie we are greeued to heare of these horrible and vnnaturall attempts and acti­ons of that quéene, whose manie former offenses, manifestlie and dangerouslie committed against vs, our crowne and realme, we had ouerpassed with our ouer great clemencie, contrarie to the manie aduises and requests of our subiects, aswell in par­lement as otherwise: and therefore they also vnder­standing from our selfe, how desirous we were to haue some other meanes deuised by them in their seuerall places of parlement, to withstand these mischiefes intended both against our selfe, and the publike quiet state of our realme, and suertie of our good subiects, than by execution of the foresaid sen­tence, as was required: they did after their sundrie consultations apart, and conferences iointlie with one accord, in the names of all the lords of parle­ment, euen by the particular votes of them all as­sembled, and also of the commons with one vniuer­sall assent, representing the state of all our realme, at their seuerall times of accesse vnto vs, alledge, declare, and protest, that vpon their long, manie, & aduised consultations and conferences by our com­mandement, and for our satisfaction in that behalfe had, they could not by anie meanes find or deuise, how the suertie of our roiall person, and the preser­uation of themselues and their posteritie, with the good state of the realme, might be prouided for and continued, without the publication and due execu­tion of the said sentence.

Wherevpon, being not onelie mooued to our gréefe, but also ouercome with the earnest requests, declarations, and important reasons of all our said subiects, the nobles and commons of our realme, whose iudgement, knowledge, and naturall care of vs, and the whole realme, we know dooth farre sur­mount all others, being not so interessed therin, and so iustlie to be esteemed: and perceiuing also the said sentence to haue béene honourablie, lawfullie, and iustlie giuen, agréeable to iustice and to the lawes of our realme: we did yéeld, and doo according to this said statute by this our proclamation vnder our great seale of England, declare, notifie, and publish to all our louing subiects, and other persons whatso­euer, that the said sentence and iudgement is giuen in maner aforesaid, to the intent, that they and eue­rie of them, by this our proclamation may haue full vnderstanding and knowledge thereof. We doo also will you, that you returne this our proclamation in­to to our court of Chancerie, as spéedilie as you maie conuenientlie, with the place and time of the procla­ming thereof therevpon indorsed, whereof faile you not. In witnesse whereof, we haue caused this our proclamation to be made patent, and sealed with the great seale of England. At our manor of Rich­mont the fourth daie of December, the nine and twentith yeare of our reigne, and in the yeare of our Lord God, one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and six.

Now to conclude with a remembrance of perpe­tuitie concerning the queens maiestie, of whose lo­uing care and tender affection towards all hir faith­full subiects as we haue manifold testimonies in the historie of hir highnesse time, whereby their hearts are linked vnto hir maiestie with an indis­soluble [Page 1588] knot of deserued loue and loialtie: so we maie not omit in anie case the publike witnesse of hir highnesse naturall care and mercifull prouidence ouer hir liege people, euen those of the poorer sort, vnto whome the comfortable streames of hir rare regard for their benefit and welfare, in a hard time of scarsitie, doo most plentifullie flow. But because our barren and saplesse stile is insufficient, with conuenient dignitie to describe, naie not so much as to delineat or shadow out this incomparable line 10 pitie and pietie of hir highnesse tender heart to hir commons, I will surcease to intermedle therein, reseruing the same vnto the due consideration of euerie particular member of this bodie politike (whereof hir maiestie is the souereigne head) by the view and perusall of the proclamation and orders here annexed.

A true copie of the said proclamation concerning corne, &c.

THe quéenes most excellent maiestie, line 20 foreséeing the generall dearth growne of corne & other vittels, partlie through the vnseasonablenesse of the yeare past, whereby want hath growne more in some coun­tries than in others, but most of all generallie through the couetousnes & vncharitable gréedines of such as be great cornemasters & ingrosers of corne, vsing all the subtill meanes they can, to worke their owne present vnconscionable gaine against the rules of charitie, which hir maiestie of hir princelie line 30 care and loue towards hir people, vtterlie condem­neth, and earnestlie desireth to remedie, for the re­léefe of the poorer sort. And therefore, hir maiestie with hir princelie care towards hir people, hauing (with the aduise of hir councell) had good considera­tion hereof, dooth by this hir proclamation, giue ex­presse commandement and charge vnto all such to whom it shall or maie apperteine, that such good or­ders as hir maiestie hath commanded to be deuised for that purpose, and now also are sent to all parts line 40 of hir realme, be diligentlie and effectuallie put in spéedie execution: signifieng withall vnto all hir good and louing subiects, that if anie shall be found obstinat or negligent in the due execution, or other­wise in the obseruation thereof, that then vpon due information and proofe thereof made vnto hir high­nesse said councell, which she requireth not to be spa­red by anie, hauing iust cause of complaint, for re­spect of anie person, she hath giuen speciall com­mandement and order, that they shall be spéedilie line 50 called to answer; & therevpon, according to the qua­litie of their offenses, shall receiue sharpe punish­ment, whereby others maie take example to auoid the like contempt, negligence, or other defaults.

And although this dearth hath in sundrie parts of the realme first growne by the visitation of al­mightie God, in the alteration of seasonable wea­ther this last yeare, which neuerthelesse of his great mercie hath not beene so extreme in this realme, as in manie other countries adioining, where the line 60 dearth is by manie occasions manifestlie knowne to be far greater than is in this relme hitherto, or by his goodnesse is like to be: yet it is manifestlie knowne the said dearth to haue bin wilfullie increa­sed in verie manie places of this realme, not onelie by & through the couetousnes of manie ingrosers of corne & cornmasters, but also by vnlawfull transpor­tation of graine, & lacke also of preseruation of store in time requisit. Hir highnesse acknowledging this maner of Gods mercie and fauour in a more fauou­rable measure towards hir countrie and hir people, than to other forren parts neere adioining, hath thought good and necessarie, for a further remedie a­gainst the vncharitable couetousnesse of the corne­masters, as cause shall require, to notifie, that if such as be the great cornemasters and owners of graine, or of other necessarie vittels for food of the poore, shall not be willing, or doo not performe these orders, whereby the poorer sort maie be releeued in the markets at reasonable prices; or that it shall ap­peare that other néedfull vittels shall by couetous­nesse of anie persons grow to excessiue prices, to the pinching of the poorer sort: then hir highnesse dooth hereby signifie, that she will not onelie seuerelie pu­nish the offendors for their cruell couetousnesse and offenses against hir orders; but will also for redresse of the excessiue prices of other néedfull vittels, giue order that reasonable prices shall be set both on corne and other vittels, to be sold for the reléefe of hir ma­iesties poore subiects, according both to hir preroga­tiue roiall, and to the order of iustice, as by speciall law of parlement therefore made in the fiue and twentith yeare of the reigne of hir late noble and deare father king Henrie the eight, is speciallie in such cases prouided. Giuen at Greenewich the se­cond daie of Ianuarie, one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and six, in the nine and twentith yeare of hir highnesse reigne.

Now the said orders before specified, being a matter of coherence (deuised by the speciall com­mandement of hir maiestie, for the releefe and staie of the present dearth of graine within the realme) and published at large, doo here follow (agréeable to that which was sent from the court at Gréenewich abrode into the realme, the second daie of Ianuarie, one thousand fiue hundred foure score and six, in the nine and twentith yere of hir maiesties reigne, by hir maiesties priuie councell) but abridged accor­ding to the annotations. And first; That the iusti­ces shall diuide themselues into sundrie parts to ex­ecute these orders: An abridg­ment of the or­ders deuised for the reléefe of the poore in this time of dearth, &c. To appoint sundrie iuries to inquire of things hereafter following: The oth of the iurors, with charge to inquire what number of persons be in the houses of them that haue store of corne: For badgers, broggers, and carriers of corne: Maltmakers, bakers, and brewers: Bui­ers of corne to sell againe: Buiers of corne vpon the ground: Against such as shall refuse to declare the truth of the matters inquirable: Parties of­fending to appeare afore the councell: A considerati­on of all persons that haue corne, to determine how they shall serue the markets with such portions as they maie spare: The forme of the recognisance to be freelie taken.

Orders to be obserued by such as shall be ap­pointed to serue the markets with corne, for the re­léefe of the poore people first: To whome corne shall be sold, after that the poore are serued: No corne brought to the market vnsold, to be caried out of the towne: None to buie such kind of corne as they shall bring to sell, but by warrant vpon reasonable cause: No corne to be bought & to sell againe: No corne to be bought but in open market: Inquirie to be made against ingrosers: An order for all licences from the iustices of the peace, to be kept in a record: Re­gard to the bakers for kéeping of the sise of bread: Bread faultie in anie excesse to be sold towards the reléefe of the poore: No badger to buie corne but in open market, and with a sufficient licence in wri­ting: The badgers to shew wéekelie their books of buieng: No iustices seruant to be a badger, nor none other, but such as shall be licenced in open sessions: No badger, baker, brewer, or purueior, to buie graine, vntill an houre after the full market begin: Some iustices to be present in the market, to sée the poore reléeued vpon reasonable prices.

Where iustices are wanting in anie hundred [Page 1589] for to appoint some rich persons to supp [...]e the want: That ministers and preachers exhort the rich sort to be liberall to helpe the poore with monie or vittels needfull: To make malt of oates in countries where there hath béene vse thereof: No waste of bread corne superfluouslie, nor anie expense thereof but for féeding of people: Starch. None suffered to make starch of anie graine: Able poore people to be set to worke: Stocks of monie for prouision of works for poore people: Clothiers to continue their worke­folks: line 10 Souldiors hurt, and impotent people, to be relieued in their dwelling places: That no millers be suffered to be common buiers of corne, nor to sell meale, but to attend to the true grinding of the corne brought, & to vse measurable tole these deare seasons: Conferences to be had betwixt the iusti­ces of peace in the shires, and the principall officers of cities and townes corporat for prouisions of graine, for the inhabitants in cities and corporat towns: Order for places exempted from the iuris­diction line 20 of the iustices of peace in the bodies of the shires: Regard to staie all transportation of graine out of the realme: Certificat to be made of the ex­ecution of these orders monethlie to the shiriffe, and he to certifie the same to the priuie councell within euerie fortie daies: To certifie what iustices be ab­sent from the seruice, that such as without iust excuse shall not attend, maie be displaced, and their rooms, if there be need, supplied.

The conclusion of these orders is this Ad verbum, That if anie shall offend against the true meaning line 30 of these instructions, or of anie part thereof, or shall vse anie sinister meane to the defrauding thereof, that such be seuerelie punished according to the lawes; and for such obstinat persons as shall not conforme themselues, the iustices shall at their ple­sure bind them to appeare before the quéenes maie­sties priuie councell by a daie certeine, there to be further delt with by seuere punishment, for the bet­ter example of all others.

F. T.Now as Holinshed and such as with painfull care and loue to their countrie haue thought good before me, to knit vp the seuerall reigne of euerie seuerall king with a generaltie of the seuerall writers in that princes daies: So haue I béene importuned by manie of my friends, to knit vp the said whole hi­storie with a particular catalog of all such as haue purposelie in seuerall histories of this realme, or by the waie in the histories of other countries written of England and English matter. For which cause line 50 (with the title of other anonymall chronicles) I haue here for that purpose, by order of alphabet set downe the same. Wherein, although I shall not set downe euerie mans name, nor of what time & qualitie euerie one was (for he is not liuing I sup­pose that can doo the same) yet hauing doone my good will therein, and that more than perhaps some o­thers would haue doone, I praie thée to beare with the defaults, and accept that which I haue doone and could doo. And although perhaps I maie set downe line 60 one man twise, as first by his name, and then set downe the worke without his name, as another se­uerall thing: yet is it not of purpose doone, or to the end that I would make a great shew, and séeme am­bitious of names or knowledge; but for that I haue not as yet atteined to that perfection, which hereaf­ter I hope to doo in distinguishing of the same. For Rome was not built in one daie, & yet if one daies foundation thereof had not beene first laid, it had neuer béene after builded: and so to the matter.

A, Abbo Floriacensis liued in the time of Dun­stane archbishop of Canturburie, to whome he dedi­cated his booke: Abbas Wiseburgensis, Nicholaus Adams liued in the daies of king Edward the sixt, Alfric Abbas, Alfric that gathered the liues of the saints in Saxonie, which I sometimes had, it maie be that these two were all one man; Alfridus Beuerlacensis thesaurarius whom Leland calleth Al­uredus Fibroleganus; Alanus abbat of Teukesbu­rie, one of the foure that writ the Quadrilogium of Thomas Becket in the time of king Iohn, Alexan­der Hessebiensis; he writ Epitome Britannicae historiae; Alexander Somersetensis, Alexander Staffordiensis, Aelius Spartianus, Alured or Alfred king of Eng­land in the yeare of Christ nine hundred and thrée, Adam Merimuth canon of Paules in the reigne of Richard the second, Anianus Marcellinus, Ri­chardus Angeruil surnamed De Berie, bishop of Durham died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand thrée hundred fortie and fiue; Antoninus, Arnold of London in the time of king Henrie the eight, Asse­rius Meneuensis, Aurelius or Aluredus Riualensis, Robert Auersberie.

B, Sir Nicholas Bacon knight lord kéeper of the great seale vnto queene Elisabeth, Bene­dictus Claudiocestrensis, Balantine a Scot, William Baldwin liued in the time of king Ed­ward the sixt, Stephan Batemaine died in the yere one thousand fiue hundred eightie and foure, Beda an English Saxon died in the yere of Christ seuen hundred thirtie and two, G. de Barrie archdea­con of S. Dauids writ the life of Remigius bishop of Lincolne, Iohn Bale flourished in the time of Edward the sixt, Barnardus Andreas writ a chroni­cle intituled Liber Barnardi Andreae Tolosati poetae laure­ati regij historiographi de vita atque gestis Henrici septimi, in whose time he flourished; Robert Boston in the time of Edward the second, Rafe Baldocke bishop of London vnder Edward the second, Peter Basset in the time of Henrie the fift, whose life he did write; Robert Bale recorder of London, he died in the yere of our Lord one thousand foure hundred thrée score and one about the latter end of the reigne of Richard the second; Edmund Bedenhame writer of the chronicles of Rochester; Iohn Bramus, and not Bromus as saith Bale a moonke of Tedford; Iohn Bracklow a Benedictine moonke, in the yeare one thousand two hundred fourtéene▪ Iohannes Bromp­ton, historiae vetus quam contulit Iornal. monasterio, as hath Mathew Parker In vitis episcop. Cantu. Ferdinando Blake liued in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hundred foure score and foure, Bodinus, Iohn Bou­chet a Frenchman of Aquitaine, Nicholas Bro­dingham or Brodringham, Iohn Bosue of Burie, Blondus Foroliuiensis, Henrie Bradshaw borne in Chester a blacke moonke there in the time of Henrie the eight, Iohn Burgh a moonke in the daies of K. Edward the third, Nicholas Bungeie borne in a towne of the same name in Northfolke in the daies of king Henrie the sixt, sir Iohn Bourchier knight lord Barnes translated Froissard, Bullerus, Roger Bond, Thomas Buckhurst lord Buckhurst now li­uing, Stephan Birchington, George Buckhanan liued in the yere of our Lord one thousand fiue hun­dred and foure score.

C, Thomas Castleford, sir William Cicill knight lord Burleigh lord treasuror of England now liuing, William Caxton liued in the daies of king Edward the fourth, Campbell, Carion a Germane, Caradocus Lancarnauensis liued in the daies of K. Stephan, Iulius Caesar a Romane, Iohn Capgraue borne in Kent an Augustine frier died in the fourth yere of king Edward the fourth, in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred thrée score and foure, Cornelius Hibernensis, Cornelius Tacitus, Albertus Crantz, Iohn Caius died in the reigne of our quéene Elisabeth, William Camp­den [Page 1590] now liuing, George Cauendish gentleman vsher vnto cardinall Woolseie, whose life he did write, Iohn Clinu or Linu an Irishman, he flouri­shed in the yere of Christ one thousand three hundred and fiftie, Rafe Coggeshall abbat of Coggeshall in Essex liued in the time of king Henrie the third and writ the appendix to Radulphus Niger, Thomas Cooper bishop of Winchester now liuing, Richard Carguent flourished in the daies of king Edward the first, Thomas Churchyard now liuing. D, De­metrius a Britaine, Diodorus Siculus, Dionysius, line 10 Dion Cassius, Thomas Dando a Carmelit frier of Marleborow, writ the life of Alphred king of Mer­cia or rather of west Saxons, and liued in the time of king Henrie the sixt; Diouionensis, Dolensis writ De laudibus Britonum.

E, Edmerus a moonke of Canturburie liued in the time of Henrie the second; Elwardus, Eutropius a Romane préest, Enguerrant de Monstrellet a Frenchman, and scholer in Paris in the time of king Henrie the fift; Edmund Campian a Iesuit line 20 brought vp in Oxford, & executed in the yere of our Lord 1581; Iohn Euersoen a moonke of Burie flourished in the time of king Edward the first, and so continued in the time of king Edward the third; Ernulphus bishop of Rochester liued in the time of king Henrie the second, and compiled Textus Roffen­sis, conteining the grants of the lands to the same house, & the copies of sundrie ancient lawes in the Saxon toong, Thomas Elmeham prior of Lenton.

F, Robert Fabian alderman of London, liued in line 30 the time of Henrie the seuenth, Geffreie Fenton now liuing; Samuell and Abraham Flemings both liuing▪ brethren by one bellie, and Londoners borne, Quorum prior historiolam quandam de regimine Mariae nuper Anglorū principis, eám (que) elegantem, Latino idiomate (nun­quā tamē excusam) cōtexuit: posterior in hisce chronicis deter­gēdis atque dilatandis, vna cum vberrimorū indicum accessi­one, plurimùm desudauit; Iohannes Fibernis or Beuer writ the historie of Westminster, Iohn Froissart, Ferculphus, Flaccus Albinus or Alcuinus, Philip line 40 Flattesberie a woorthie Irish gentleman flouri­shed in the yere 1517, Iohn Fourdon a Scot, Iohn Fox a learned diuine, that writ the Acts and Monu­ments, and is now liuing; George Ferres liuing in the yere of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred thrée score and eight, Fabius Questor, Florentius Wigor­nius died about the yeare of our Lord one thousand one hundred and eightéene, being about the eigh­téenth yeare of king Henrie the first.

G, Robert Gagwin a Frenchman, Iohn Greie line 50 bishop of Norwich in king Iohns time, Thomas Gardiner a moonke of Westminster in the time of Henrie the eight; Robert Glouer by office named Somerset now liuing a most rare antiquarie, and woorthily deseruing to be named Scientissimus antiqui­tatū; Francis Guiciardine an Italian liuing in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred three score and eightéene, Laurence Guiciardine, Gildas Sapiens, Gildas Cambrensis, Gildas Badonicus, Gil­das Albanius, Geffreie of Munmouth liued in the line 60 time of king Stephan, Iohn Gower knight died a­bout the second of Henrie the fourth, Giraldus Cambrensis liued in the time of Henrie the second, Richard the first, and king Iohn; Nicholas Gill a Frenchman, Gocelinus first a moonke of saint Ber­rine beyond the seas, and after a moonke of Cantur­burie; Giraldus Cornubiensis De gestis Anglorum, Gulielmus Malmsberie in the daies of K. Stephan, Gulielmus Parus aliàs Gulielmus Nouoburgensis or Newberie, Geruasius Dorobernensis▪ Geruasius Tilberiensis, Richard Grafton in the time of quéene Elisabeth, Robert Gréene, Guido de Columna.

H, Iohn Hales, Hugo Albus Petroburgensis, in the time of king Iohn; Iohn Harding esquier liued in the daies of Edward the fourth, Edward Hall a counsellor of Greies inne flourished in the time of Henrie the eight and Edward the sixt▪ Abrahamus Hartwellus Academicus Cantab▪ that writ in verse Regina literata; Henrie of Marleborow, Gualter Hemigsford a moonke of Gisborne in the daies of Edward the third, Hector Boetius a Scot, Hirman­nus archdeacon in the yeare of our Lord one thou­sand thrée score and ten, Heribert de Bosham one of the foure that writ the life of Thomas Becket, Hoc­let one that liued in the time of Henrie the sixt in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred fiftie and foure, Iohn de Hexam and Richard de Hexam liued in the daies of king Richard the first, Wilfrid Holme vnder Henrie the eight, Raphaell Holinshed in the time of queene Elisabeth, Willi­am Harrison now liuing, Iohn Harrison doctor of arts and of physicke, Rafe Higden aliàs Cestrensis flourished in the time of Edward the third, Iohn Higgins now liuing, Roger Houeden liued in the time of king Iohn, Hugo de sancto Victore; Hugo Abbas Petroburgensis, it maie be that Hugo Ab­bas before & this Hugo were one man, although for this time I suppose the contrarie; Hugo de Genesis an Italian, Iohn Hooker aliàs Uowell now liuing.

I, Iehan de Bauge, Iohannes Maior a Scot, Iohan­nes Seuerianus, Iohannes Carnotensis one of the foure that writ the Quadrilogium of the life of Tho­mas Becket, Iohannes Anglicus writ Historiam au­reā, Iehan Maior de Belgis, Iohannes Londoniensis, Iohn a moonke of Ford, Iossridus Crowlandensis, Ingulfus abbat of Crowland in the daies of Willi­am Conqueror, Thomas Ichingham whome Le­land calleth Thomas Vicanius, Iosephus Domnoni­ensis, Ioceline of Furneis, Peter de Icham or I­tham a moonke, whose booke beginneth Non solùm au­diendis sacrae scripturae verbis aurem sedulus auditor accomo­dare tenetur, which booke Caius de antiquitate Cantab. dooth ascribe to Robert Remington, as after shall appeare; Iulius Capitolinus In vita Antonij Pij.

K, Albertus Krantz a Dane, Kentigernus, Henrie Knighton liued in the time of king Richard the se­cond. L, Lanfrancus that writ a chronicle in Welsh, Stephan Langton bishop of Canturburie writ the life of king Richard the first, Iohn Leland in the time of Henrie the eight and Edward the sixt, Wil­liam Lambard esquire now liuing, and deseruing well of all antiquitie; George Lillie, Humfreie Lhoid, he died in the time of queene Elisabeth; Piers de Longtoft, Thomas Lanquet, Iohn Lesle a Scot bishop of Rosse in Scotland now li­uing, Iohn Langden bishop of Rochester.

M, Marcerius an Englishman, of whom Iohn Baconthorpe speaketh in the prolog of the fourth booke of Senten. quaest. 10. Iohn Maluerne moonke of Worcester continued Ranulphus in the yeare of Christ, one thousand thrée hundred thrée score and sixtéene; Marianus Scotus liued about the yeare of Christ one thousand foure score and ten, Mat­thew Paris, Matthew Westminster aliàs Flores historiarum a moonke of Westminster, and liued in the king time of Edward the third; Thomas More knight lord chancellor of England, Thomas de la More knight liued in the daies of Edward the se­cond, Radulphus Marham, Merlinus Ambrosius, Merlinus Syluester, Melkinus, Nicholas Monta­cute liued in the time of Henrie the sixt, Edmund Molineux now liuing, Sebastian Munster a Ger­mane.

N, Nennius Helius brother to Cassiuelane & Lud kings of Britaine, Nennius Banchorensis, Naucle­rus Alexander Neuill now liuing, Laurence Now­ell died about the sixtéenth yere of quéene Elisabeth, [Page 1591] Nimanus that wrote Eulogium. O, Osbert de Clare prior of Westminster, Osbe [...]nus Dorobernensis in the time of William the Conqueror, Thomas O [...]terborne a Franciscan or greie frier liued in the time of Henrie the fift, Abraham Ortu [...]lius now li­uing a Fleming; Christopher Ocland now liuing sometime schoolemaister in Southworke.

P, William Pakington clerke & treasuror to the blacke prince of his houshold in Gascoigne, Patrici­us Consul, Ioannes de Prato a writer of Aquitaine & protonotarie, Paulus Aemilius, Petrus Blessensis line 10 archdeacon of Bath, Philip de Comines alias mon­sieur de Argentone secretarie to Charles duke of Burgoine, Polydor Uirgill an Urbinat Italian and canon of Paules in the daies of Henrie the eight, Paulus Iouius an Italian bishop of Nucerne, Iohn Pike, Iohn Price knight died in the reigne of queene Elisabeth, William Paten now liuing, Iohn Proctor schoolemaister of Tunbridge to whom I was sometime scholer, Ptolomeus, Dauid Pow­ell now liuing. line 20

R. Iohn Read in the time of Edward the first, Iohn Rastall, Radulphus Londonien [...]is, Radul­phus Niger liued in the daies of king Henrie the third, Radulphus de Diceto deane of Paules in London in the time of king Iohn, Reutha king of Scots. Michaell Ricius, William Rishanger a moonke of saint Albons in the daies of Edward the second. Richester a moonke of Westminster liued in the time of Edward the third, and wrote an excel­lent chronicle beginning at the comming of the line 30 Sa [...]ons in the yeare of our Lord foure hundred for­tie and nine, & continued it vntill the yeare one thou­sand three hundred fortie and eight, conteining eight hundred fourescore and nineteene years; Richardus Deuif [...]en [...]s, Richardus Cadneus, Richardus Elien­sis whose storie beginneth Cum animaduerterem excel­l [...]tiam Ebien [...]is insulae, &c. Richardus Eliensis an o­ther from the former that wrote an other historie of Elie, Robert abbat of saint Michaels mount flo­rished in the yeare of Christ one thousand fiue hun­dred line 40 fiftie and eight; Robertus Montensis, Robertus fi [...]e cognomento, Robertus Remingtonus De gestis Anglorum, cuiu [...] initium, Non s [...]lum audiendis sacrae scrip­tur [...] verbis, &c This saieth Caius In antiquitate Cant [...] ­brigiae. But others attribute that worke to Peter I­cham, See before in the letter I.

Robert Record liuing in the time of quéene Marie, Robert bishop of Hereford which liued in the yeare of our redemption one thousand thrée­score and twelue, Robertus de Paterna that wrote line 50 the register of Oxford, Robert a prior of Shrews­burie, Roger of Abindon, Roger of Winsore, Ro­ger de Windore, Roger of Chester liued in the da [...]es of Edward the third, Iohn R [...]use borne in Warwikeshire liued in the daies of Henrie the se­uenth, and being a canon of Osneie died at War­wike in the yeare of our Lord one thousand foure hundred fourescore and eleuen, Thomas Rudborne archdeacon of Sudberie after bishop of S. Dauids line 60 in Wales liued in the time of Henrie the fourth, Henrie the fift, and Henrie the sixt; Thomas Rud­borne an other from the former was a moonke of Winchester and followed manie other authors, a­mongst which was the said Thomas Rudborne bi­shop of S. Dauids.

S, Saxo Grammaticus a Dane, Samuel Britannus, Sextus Aurelius, Sentleger, Edward Segeswike now liuing, Iohannes Sulgenus or Sullenus, Soli­nus, Sigebertus Gemblacensis, Thomas Spot who liued in the reigne of Edward the first, An­tonius Sabellicus a Uenetian, Iohn Sleidan a Germane, Richard Sowthwell, Reginald Scot now liuing, Simon Dunelmensis, Iohn Stow now liuing, Iohn Knish a Cornish man in the daies of Henrie the eight, Richard Stan [...]hust borne in Ireland now liuing, Sharton now liuing, Iohn Swapham, Stephanides, alias Fitzstephan. T, Ti­tus Liuius Patauiensis, Titus Liuius F [...]ro [...]iensis an Italian liued in the time of Henrie the fift, Iohn Tartor a moonke of Burie, Andrew Theuet a Frenchman, Nicholas Triuet a blacke frier borne in Northfolke sonne to sir Thomas Triuet knight one of the kings iustices liued in the daies of Ed­ward the third, and died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand three hundred twentie and eight; Iohn Tilberie florished in the yere of Christ one thousand one hundred fourescore and ten; Iohn Treuisa a Cornishman préest and vicar of Barkleie, Tele [...]inus a Briton, Francis Boteuile alias Thin now li­uing, Brian Tuke knight liued in the daies of Henrie the eight, Iohn Twine died in the reigne of quéene Elisabeth, William Thorne liued in the daies of Richard the second, Richard Turpin borne of a worshipfull familie in England serued in the garison of Calis, he died in the yeare of our Lord one thousand fiue hundred fortie and one; Tobias Roffensis, Turgotus which liued in the yeare of Christ one thousand ninetie and eight in the time of William Rufus wrote a chronicle of Durham.

V, Veremund a Spaniard, Raphaell U [...]lateran, Giouanni Vilani a Florentine, Ponticus Virunnius an Italian, Iohn Ufford, Iohn Uton. W, Iohn Whethamsted otherwise called Frumentarius a learned man abbat of S. Albons liued in the daies of Henrie the sixt, Roger Wall an herald who in Latine writ the dooings of Henrie the fift, Thomas Walsingham a moonke of the abbeie of S. Albons liued in the reigne of Henrie the sixt, William of Ri [...]all liued in the age of king Stephan, Williel­mus Cantuariensis one of the foure that wrote the Quadrilogium of Thomas Becket liued in the time of king Iohn, Willielmus Gemeticensis, Willielmus filius Stephani a clerke of the Chancerie and deane of the chapell of Thomas Becket in the daies of Henrie the second, Willielmus Summersetensis, Willielmus Crowlandensis (for the other Willi­ams sée in the letter G, in the name of Gulielmus) Thomas Wike canon of Osneie, Iohn Wal­worth, Walterus Excestrensis, Walterus Couen­trensis.

Annales Burtonenses, Memoriale historiarum, Chronica Dunstable, Chronicle of Tinmouth, Anonymall or namelesse chronicles, treating who­lie or in part of England. Chro­nicles of S. Albons, Def [...]orationes Galfridi, Histo­ria obsidionis Eliensis insulae, Chronica, curus inituem, Calendarium Bruti, Chronicle beginning Rex Pictorum, Chronica Westmonast. Chronicle beginning In die­bu [...] sanctissimi regis Edward [...], Chronicle beginning Aeneas cum Ascanio, C [...]ronica chronicorū, Supple­mentum chronicorum, Fasciculus temporū, Historia Richardi secundi beginning De parte Bruti, Eulogiū, Historia Iornalensis, Historia Carina written in La­tine compiled in the thirtéenth yeare of Richard the second by whom it was caused to be written, as the title declareth, which for that it sheweth no name of the author▪ and for that maister For borowed the [...]ame of maister Carie citizen of London, maister For in his Acts and Monuments the second edition calleth the same booke Historia Carina.

The epitome of chronicles from Brute to Hen­rie 6. beginning Ab origine mundi concurrunt anni secun­dū Hebraeos, 6646. Chronicle beginning Chronicorū ve­ro quae sunt imagines historiarum, Chronicle of genealo­gies beginning Cuilibet principi congruum, The chroni­cles of S. Swithin, The commentaries of Hide, The continuances of Roger Houeden beginning Ex­cerpta ex dictis viri religiosi, An other chronicle of S. Al­bons beginning Fecit rex Edwardus tertius comites, Hi­storia [Page 1592] regia vel sancti Edmundi, Chronicle of Elie be­ginning Anno ab incarnatione dominica, 616. qui est an­nus 21, ex quo Augustinus cum socijs ad praedicandum genti Anglorum missus est, Historia Anglorum beginning Considerans historiae Britonum, Pictorum, Scotorum, Saxo­num, Anglorum, Danorum, & Normannorū prolixitatem, &c. Le mere des histories, Les annales de France, Les annales d'Acquitaine, Les grand cronicqz de Britane, Les petit cronicqz de Britane, Les cro­nicqz de Normandi, Le Rosarie, Les genelogies des line 10 roys, Cronicles de Flandres, The chronicles of Lon­don, The chronicle called Brute, The Saxon chroni­cle of the church of Worcester, The Saxon chroni­cle of the abbeie of Peterborrow, The Saxon chro­nicle written in the yeare of Christ eight hundred foure score and fiue, The chronicles of England. Thus far this catalog. Now peraduenture some will looke for a rehearsall omni gatherum of such as haue written in the reigne of our blessed soue­reigne: but herein as it passeth our possibilitie to line 20 satisfie their expectation, their number being infinit, and manie of them vnknowne and vnworthie of re­membrance: so it were to be wished that some fa­uourer of learned mens fame, would comprise their names and works in a particular volume, therein imitating either the order of Bale, or Gesner; or else the commendable method of Iohn Iames the Frislander, printed at Tigurie one thousand fiue hundred fourescore and thrée, either of which courses being taken would well serue the turne. line 30

The con­clusion.Thus far (blessed be Christ) the extent of Eng­lish chronicles; a long labour, of great care and ex­pense: howbeit at length conquered and ouercome, by the benefit of his grace who enableth vs to go through with all things that be good: his name be praised therefore. Wherein if the helpe of such as are furnished with varietie of knowledge, or as by gor­geous shew of words and rich pompe of phrase pre­tend profound skill, had béene as forward to ad­uance line 40 this worke (being of vnexpercted magnitude by means of the multitude of contents) as some of low saile, willing to laie out their poore talent, haue affoorded what furtherance they were able (some­what to the satisfieng of those honest minded men and parteners, at whose great costs and char­ges the same is now newlie printed, though not to their full content­ment who were euer de­sirous and diuers­lie made assaies to haue it so absolute, as nothing might want of due perfection, if the meanes might haue béene obteined) the chronicles of England, both for matter & maner, had béene comparable to anie historie or annals in Christendome. Howbeit perfe­cted as it is, though not with exquisit curiousnes to please euerie fickle fansie, yet according to the pro­portion of skill vouchsafed of God to the dealers therein (men of commendable diligence though not of déepest iudgement) somewhat to satisfie the well affected and indifferent mind, the same is now come abrode, yéelding matter no lesse manifold than the spring dooth floures, and the same maruellous frute­full, if they haue their right vse and due application: which indéed is the verie end of histories and chroni­cles. And so crauing a fauorable acceptation of this tedious trauell, with a toleration of all such defaults as haplie therein lie hidden, and by diligent reading maie soone be spied; we wish that they which best maie, would once in their life grow resolute and at a point, in this laudable kind of studie (most necessa­rie, next to the word of God, for common know­ledge) little or much to exercise their head and hand. Finallie beséeching God to blesse the realme of En­gland, and the pretious iewell of the same (euen good queene Elisabeth) to saue as the apple of his eie; to protect hir with the target of his power against all the pernicious practises of satans instruments; to lengthen the liues of hir highnesse honorable coun­cellors, by whose vigilant policie this whole land fa­reth the better; in preuenting, intercepting and ma­king frustrat (God directing and prospering their consultations and procéedings) all the attempts of traitors, to whom O Lord in vengeance giue the iudgement of Iudas, as they haue beene partakers of his sinne; let them be intangled and taken in the traps of their trecheries, and swallowed vp in the seas of deserued confusion, that they be no more a familie. And we beséech God to increase the multi­tude of loiall subiects, to make them strong in faith towards him, and in loue one with another, that the gospell (which is the doctrine of pacification and obe­dience) maie be glorified in the commonwealth of England, a corner of the world, O Lord, which thou hast singled out for the magnifieng of thy maie­stie, and wherof we praie thee to giue vs a dai­lie remembrance: so shall we make con­science of sin, & addict our selues to the exercises of righte­ousnesse, Amen.

FINIS.

The third table for the Chronicles of England from the conquest vntill this present regiment: wherin the reader is to ob­serue these notes for his better direction; namelie, to seeke for the surnames of persons as more commonlie knowne than the proper; and also when the name faileth to looke for the dignitie, title, office and degree of such persons; as Armenia, Cipriots, Spaine, France, Portingall, Nauarre, Denmarke, if they were kings: Archbishop, Bishop, Pope, Car­nall, Legat, if they were Clergiemen: Chancellors, Treasurors, Lord high constables, Lord wardens of the cinque ports, Duke, Earle, Marquesse, Queene, Duchesse, Countesse, if they were great states: Maior, Sargents at law, Officers, &c: if they were of that degree: knights and esquires excepted, who as they were of renowme, are accordinglie noted by their vsuall names. Likewise for such as haue beene executed as notorious offendors against the prince and the state, to come to the knowledge of their names, looke for the qualitie of their offense; as counterfeting, coineclippers, conspiracie and conspirators, murther and murtherers, rebellion and rebels, treason and trai­tors, preests seminarie, &c: of all which this table affoordeth infinit examples. Finallie, wheresoeuer you find this word (Note) there dooth matter of conside­ration come to hand.

If the reader be not satisfied with this table, let him not blame the order, but his owne conceipt. Gathered by Abraham Fleming.

A.
  • ABbasie of Winchester ob­teined for monie, 21, a 40
  • Abbat Agelnothus, ¶Sée A­gelnothus. O [...] Batte [...]l in re­scuing Winchelseie is put to flight, 427, a 50. Egelsin. ¶Sée Egelsin. Egelwine. ¶Sée Egelwine. Fecknam of Westminster installed, 1132, b 20. Frederike. ¶See Frederike. Ioachim, a man of great fame, 126, a 10. Of Glastenburie an erls son, 42, a 60. Losauage. ¶Sée Lo­sauage. Paule. ¶See Paule. Of saint Augustine cap­teine of an armie, 2 a 10. Of S. Edmundsburie, Robert Lo [...] an earls sonne, 20, a 40. Thurstan, ¶Sée Thurstan. Of Westminster dieth sud­denlie, 516, b 30. ¶Sée Con­spiracie.
  • Abbats ordeined by William Rufus, 20, a 60. They and priors depriued, and whie, 30, b 10. Not to be made knights, &c: note, 30, b 50
  • Abbie of Battell with the roll thereof, 3, 4, 5. The first of white moonks when and by whom founded, 26, a 60. Of S. Albons repared by Lan­franke. 18, a 60
  • Abbies builded thrée by duke William, 15, a 40. Founded in king Stephans time, 64, b 60 Eleuen let out to farme, 26, a 40. Searched and ransac­ked at duke Williams com­mandement, 8, b 50. Suppres­sed, 945, b 50, 946, b 10, 947, b 50. Their lands promised by quéene Marie to be resto­red: note, 1127, b 10, &c. ¶Sée Churches and Nunneries.
  • Ab [...]uration for speking against the popes authoritie, 898, b 30. Of bishop Pecocke, 646, a 60. ¶Sée Bishop Pecocke.
  • Absolution to be purchased from Rome, 214, b 60. Of the clergie sued for from Rome, 201, b 60. Of Oxford by legat Otho, 222, a 50. For vowes & other offenses, 257, b 60. For an oth obteined, 313, b 60. For the offense of di [...]obedience, 201, b 10. Pronounced by car­dinall Poole to the parle­ment house, 1123, b 10
  • Aburgauennie lord arreigned at Westminster, 872, b 10. As­sembleth a power against Wi­at, & putteth them to flight, 1094, a 10, b 20
  • Accusation false for a time pre­uailed but in fine frustrate: note, 223, b 50, 60. Of a iustice for taking of bribes, 243, b 50. Of two noble men that had the custodie of the king and quéene of Scots, 251, a 30. Against prince Henrie to king Henrie the fourth his father, 539, a 10. Uniust re­doundeth to the accusants shame, 937, b 60. Interchang­able and doubtfull tried by combat: note, 992, b 60, 993, a 10. False punished, 968, a 50. By the pillorie: note, 1132, b 30. Of a maister against his seruant whereof followed se­cret vengeance, 1084, b 20, 30
  • Acton knight his rebellion, sur­prised, he and his complices condemned of treason and he­resie, 544, a 60, b 40
  • Adela married to Richard Hen­rie the second his son, 94, a 30
  • Adelicia. ¶Sée Quéene.
  • Admonition. ¶Sée Warning.
  • Adnothus master of the horsse to king Harold slaine in fight 6, a 60
  • Aduenturers, 875, b 10. Soldi­ers and whie so called, 880, b 60, 881, a 10. Their capteine slaine, and they discomfited, 882, b 10. Good seruitors, 882, b 60. Slaine and discomfited, their finall end, 883, b 50. ¶Sée Kréekers.
  • Adulte. ¶Sée Emperour.
  • Adulterie punished with hang­ing, 211, b 60. Seuerelie cor­rected in a maiors time of London, 440, b 10. ¶Sée In­cest and Whoredome.
  • Affinitie ¶Sée Fréendship and Marriage.
  • Agatha the mother of Edgar Etheling driuen by tempest into Scotland, 6, a 30
  • Agelmarus bishop of Theiford deposed and whie, 9, a 20
  • Agelnothus abbat of Glasten­burie, 5, a 10
  • Agincourt battell, 552, b 60. When fought, 618, b 20. The number of the slaine, noble­men prisoners, 555, a 50, 60, b 10, &c.
  • Agréement. ¶Sée Peace.
  • Aire red as though on fier, 38, a 40. Full of clouds, red, yel­low, & gréene, 102, b 60. Rud­die of colour as though it bur­ned and of a sanguine hue, 142, a 10. Séemed to be on a bright fier, 167, a 40. ¶ Sée Sights.
  • Aiske a towne, burned by the English, 810, b 30
  • Alane earle of Britaine aduan­ced by duke William his vn­cle, 7, a 60
  • Alane the blacke earle, issulesse▪ 7, b 20
  • Alane le Rous, issulesse, 7, b 20
  • Alan the son of Stephan, 7, b 30
  • Alanson besieged & yéelded vp, 561, a 40
  • Albemarle besieged by French king, 146, b 30. Woone by the earle of Flanders, 88, b 30
  • Albemarle William, whose son should haue béene made king of England, 22, a 10
  • Alberike ruler of Northum­berland, 13, a 40
  • Albertus de Lasco, &c: his com­ming into England, 1353, b 40. Prepareth for his returne into Poland, 1354, b 60. De­scribed, 1355, a 10. Intertei­ned at Oxford, 50, 60, b 10. His departing thense, 20, ¶Sée Polander.
  • Alderman of London his au­thoritie, 120, a 30. Seuen de­ceased within the space of ten moneths, 1209, b 60, 1132, b 10 ¶Sée Almshouses, Charitie, Londoners, and Schoole.
  • Aldgitha quéene, sister to Ed­win & Mercia sent to Che­ster, 1. a 30
  • Aldred archbishop of Yorke, 1, a 40. Crowneth duke William, 1, b 20. And Mawd quéene, 6, a 60. Dieth for griefe, b 60.
  • Alexander king of Scots de­ceasseth, the manner thereof, 283, a 10
  • Alexander bishop of Lincolne fled into Scotland, 8, a 30
  • Alexander Robert. ¶ Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Alexander. ¶Sée Pope.
  • Alice the daughter of erle Mo­rieine sold for monie, 84, a 60,
  • Allum déere, 791
  • Almaine great and tall incoun­tred withall by the duke of Suffolke, 833, b 60, 834, a 10
  • Almes. ¶Sée Charitie.
  • Almeshouses for the poore, 1311, b 20. Within Bishopsgate, 1062, b 30. Of Dauid Smith for poore widows, 1375, b 50, 1376. For the reliefe of the poore, 1377, b 30
  • Almiramumoli king of the Sa­racens feineth himselfe dead, 124, a 20
  • Altars taken downe and tables set in their roome, 1062, b 10
  • Ambassadour into Denmarke, 892, b 10. 1348. a 20, 30, &c. Sent into France, 110, b 10, 167, a 50, 205, a 60, 209, a 20, 257, a 20, 336, a 20, 351, a 50, 477, a 30, 485, b 30, 546, b 30, 849, a 10, &c: 1229, [Page] a 10, 20, 1129, a 50, 1380, a 50, 60, 1381, all. 1382, a 10, &c. ¶Sée Sackuill. Sent to the generall councell, they come to the councell, 236, b 60. At Cambreie, 260, b 10. Sent into Germanie, 292, b 20. Sent to the king of Almaigne, 260, b 60. To Philip archduke of Bur­gogne, 777, a 50. To the pope, 242, a 20, 365, a 50, 380, a 20, 535, a 20, 30, 381, b 10, 237, a 60, 205, b 10, 179, b 60, 187, a 50, b 30, 29, a 50, 31, b 10, 20, &c. Sent to the king of Scots, 297, b 20, 162, a 60, 163, b 30, 1402, b 30. Sent into Spaine, 248, b 30. To the emperour Charles, 897, b 60. The answer which they receiue, 899, a 10. Sent from Alfonse king of Castile, &c: 100, b 50. Sent from the king of Connagh in Ire­land, 96, b 40. Sent from the emperour, 1093, a 30, 961, a 50, 894, a 30, 891, a 60, 839, a 60: note, 791, a 30, 35, a 10, 38, a 10, 75, a 60. Out of France into England, 1238, a 20. From the K. of Spaine, 808, b 60, 894, a 60, b 10. From the French king with a traine, 848, a 40, 50, 60, 771, a 50, 546, b 30, 1315, b 60, 1316, a 10, 518, a 30, 474, b 40, 350, b 60, 282, b 50, 334, b 60. From the good townes in Flanders, 368, a 60. From the king of Hunga­rie, 894, b 40. Out of Mus­couie, 1132, b 60, 1211, b 50, 60. From the duke of Bur­gogne, 693, b 30, 60. From the pope, 336, a 10. Out of Scotland, 705, a 30, 518, a 60, 159, b 60, 875, b 40. From Swethen about a marriage, 1185, a 60, b 10
  • Ambassador ligier of Spaine. ¶ Sée Mendoza.
  • Ambassage disdainefull, 545, a 10. Roiall into France, 477, a 60
  • Amberuilliers castell taken, 589, a 60
  • Amphibalus bodie found and buried at saint Albons, 101, b 30
  • Amphibologie of this woord daughter, 156, b 10
  • Ambition was Anselme loth to be suspected of, 28, a 10. Of earle Robert of Nor­thumberland, 22, b 10. Of earle Iohn, 132, b 40. In the French and Spanish kings aspiring to the em­pire. 851, a 40, &c. Of arch­bishop Thurstane notable, 38, b 10. Of bishop Long­champe. 129, a 10. Of an old aged bishop of Durham: note, 119, b 40, 50, 60. Of earles suing to be kings, 1, a 30. Of two archbishops, 39, b 60. Of bishops, 38, b 20. Con­tentious, 121, a 30. Of two moonks labouring for an ab­basie, 18, b 60. Of mans na­ture, 76, a 40, 714, a 30. The working thereof, 739, b 60. And fruits thereof: noted in Robert, 12, a 30. It will haue a fall: note, 734, b 60. Note the whole storie, from page 1083, a 60, b 10, &c. 1084, b 10, &c. ¶ Sée Selim and Turke.
  • Amsterdam a towne of great concourse and commerce, in­expugnable, 1430, b 30, 50
  • Anabaptists doo penance and are burned, 946, a 40, 50. Their heresies, recantation, and penance at Pauls crosse, 1260, b 10, 20, 30, &c. Ba­nished. 1261, b 20. Burned in Smithfield, 1261, b 40. Manie in Amsterdam, 1430, b 40
  • Anger and what the heat there­of driueth a man vnto: note, 211, b 10. ¶ Sée Enuie.
  • Angiers citie taken, 158, b 30. Woone of king Iohn by as­sault, 170, a 30. And by him repared, 170, b 30
  • Angleseie inuironed with the sea, 23, a 40
  • Angolesme recouered by the Frenchmen, 369, a 30
  • Aniou, a rode made thereunto by the duke of Clarence, 579, b 60
  • Anne Askew and others ar­reigned and acquited, 968, b 10, &c.
  • Anne Bullen created marchio­nesse of Penbroke, 928, b 30. ¶ Sée Quéene.
  • Anne of Cléeue, a marriage betwéene hir and king Hen­rie the eight concluded, 947, b 60. She is receiued at Ca­lis, landeth in Kent, the or­der of hir receiuing on Black heath, 948, a 40, b 30, The méeting of hir and the king, hir chariot wherein she rode all hir iournie, hir welcome to Gréenewich, 949,, a 50, b 20, 60. She is married to king Henrie the eight, 950, a 10, &c. At quéene Maries coronation, 1091, a 30. Decea­seth, 1133, b 60
  • Annates forbidden to be paid to the pope, 928, a 40
  • Annuities. ¶Sée Patents.
  • Anselme archbishop of Can­turburie elected, 20, a 60. At strife with William Rufus, and whie, 24, a 10. His shift for his paiment to William Rufus and his honest sa­tisfaction, 22, b 10. ¶ Sée Archbishop. Prepareth to auoid the realme by ship, and complaineth to the pope of William Rufus, 26, a 10. His admonition from Rome to William Rufus, retur­neth into England, 27, b 60. At the instance of Hugh earle of Chester commeth o­uer into England, 28, a 10. Restored home, 28, b 20. Go­eth to Rome, 31, b 20. De­nieth to doo homage to Hen­rie the first: note, 29, a 50. Holdeth a councell at West­minster: note, and what was there decréed, 30, a 60. Re­fuseth to consecrat the bi­shops inuested by the king, 31, a 60. Banished, and his sée seized vpon into the kings hands, 32, a 10. Receiued into Henrie the firsts fauour and returneth home, 33, b 20, 30. Held a synod, and what was there decréed, 34, b 10. Writeth to pope Pas­chall that he would not send archbishop Thomas of Yorke his pall, 35, a 20. His cursse feared of king Henrie the first and his bishops, 36, b 30. He falleth sicke, 35, b 60. His death, and what coun­trie man he was, 36, a 30
  • Antedating of the kings seale tresonable and so executed, 953, a 20
  • Anticipation. ¶Sée Subsidie.
  • Antipape, 421, a 50, b 50, 475. a 10, 535, a 10, 24, b 20. ¶Seé Fitzleo, Pope, and Schisme.
  • Antiquitie reuerenced, note the meaning of the proclama­tion, 1321, b 30. Presented vnto quéene Elisabeth at Norwich, 1293, b 30, 1294, a 60, b 10
  • Antwerpe entred into by the Spaniards who plaied the cruell tyrants, 1263, a 10 In­terteineth the duke of Alan­son right roiallie: note, 1332, 1333, &c: to 1344, a 10. Re­ioiseth at the duke of Alan­sons comming, 1331, a 60, ¶ Sée Duke of Alanson.
  • Apparell of king Henrie the eight at his coronation, 801, a 40. Running at the ring, 805, b 60. Of him and his nobles going to méet Maxi­milian, 820, a 10, 20. After the taking of Tornaie, 822, b 60. Sumptuous at quéene Annes coronation, 931, a 10, &c. b 60. Of the duke of A­lanson whereat the French woondered, 1337, a 10. Of William Rufus counted gor­gious then, but now verie simple, 27, b 40. Of Edward the second gorgious and tri­umphant, 322, a 20. Sump­tuous of Richard the second, 501, b 40. Of sir Iohn A­rundell verie sumptuous, 423, b 50. Strange of prince Henrie, sonne to Henrie the fourth, 539, a 30. Gorgi­ous of Richard the seconds court: note, at the verie end of his storie, 544. Of Ed­ward the fourth at an inter­view with the French king, 699, a 60, b 10, &c. Sump­tuous of the earle of Nor­thumberland, 791, a 60. Sumptuous of the duke of Buckingham, 801, a 10. Of great estates, 825, a 20. Statelie in France at a tilt, 834, a 30. Of the earle of Surie receiuing the French kings ambassadors, 148, a 40. Statelie of the duchie of Brabant, 1336, a 20. Of the monsieur of Brabant, 1333, b 60. Of the king of England and France at an interuiew, 851, a 50, b 60, 859, a 60, 860, a 20, 30, 40. Right gorgious in a shew, 807, b 40. Faire sutes gi­uen by king Iohn and the archbishop of Canturburie to their seruants: note, 163, a 60. Disguised souldiers in womens apparell: note, 1188, b 40. Of women wherein a bishop disguiseth himselfe, 132, a 10. Costlie forbidden, 111, b 40. An act for it, 353, a 40, 396, b 40. Of a knight all not worth foure shillings, 1099, b 20. Changed from robes to rags: note, 460, b 30. ¶ Sée Maske.
  • Apparition. ¶ Sée Uision.
  • Appeales to Rome, 213, a 40, 133, a 60, 98, a 50, 210, a 30. Forbidden, &c, 74, a 30. Of the prince of Wales before the French king, 401, a 20
  • Appletrée. ¶ Sée Gun.
  • Apprentises at what time ad­mitted to fellowships of com­panies, 120, a 20
  • Aques besieged by earle Ri­chard, Henrie the seconds sonne, 99, b 40
  • Aquitane full of warre, [...]03, a 50. The grant thereof to the duke of Lancaster reuo­ked, 485, b 10. Recouere [...] by the French, the dignitie [...]nd state of that dukedome, 641, a 40, 50
  • Arbitrement of certeine graue persons in the strife be­twéene William Rufus and his brother Robert reiected, and whie, 21, a 60
  • Archbishop Aldred submitteth himselfe to duke William, 1, a 50. ¶ Sée Aldred. An­selme, ¶ Sée Anselme. A­rundell of Canturburie his answer for the clergie, he chafeth, the kings answer to him, 526, a 20, 40, 60. Bald­wine of Canturburie decea­seth, 130, b 50. Exhorted men to go to warre against the Saracens, 108, a 40. Boni­face of Canturburie vncle to quéene Elenor, 225, a 60. Described, and how he came to be aduanced, 226, a 60. He deceaseth, 767, a 30. Courtneie of Canturburie his visitation, 483, b 60. He excommunicateth the Wicle­nists: note, 484, a 10. Au­thorised by the pope to leuie foure pence of the pound, &c: note, 485, a 20. Cranmer of Canturburie, 929, b 30. ¶ Sée Cranmer. Edmund of Canturburie getteth him to Pontneie to remaine in voluntarie exile, 224, b 60. What caused him to depart England, his death and sur­name, reputed a saint, 225, a 10, 20. Grindall of Can­turburie elected, 1262, a 30. Deceaseth, 1354, a 20. Heath of Canturburie his words vttered in the parlement house touching the procla­ming of quéene Elisabeth, 1170, a 40. Lord chancel­lor, 1130, b 40. Hubert e­lected of Canturburie, lord chéefe iustice, 140, a 30, 145, b 30. Complained of to the pope, 153, a 20. His words at the coronation of king Iohn, 158, b 60. Lord chan­cellor, to the mislike of some: note, 159, b 30. Deceaseth, 169, a 50. Lanfranke. ¶Sée Lanfranke. Langton of Canturburie elected whiles two others were striuing for it, 171, a 10. Neuill of Can­turburie commended, 213, a 60. His conditions, b 10, &c. Parker of Canturburie de­ceaseth, 1261, a 10. His com­mendation, 20. A benefactor diuerse waies, 40, 50, 60, ¶Sée Parker. Rafe of Can­turburies returne into Eng­land out of Normandie, 41, a 10. Dieth, 42, a 60. Reignolds election of Canturburie bred much discord, 169, a 60. Ri­chard of Canturburie elected receiueth his pall, 37, b 20. His consecration disturbed, 85, b 60. His death, and con­ditions: note, 108, a 40. Ro­bert of Canturburie accused by Edward the first to the pope, suspended, 313, b 50. Ro­ger of Canturburie, 64, b 20. Sauage of Canturburie deceaseth, 795, b 30. Ste­phan of Canturburie decea­seth, 210, a 10. Stigand. ¶Sée Stigand. Stratford of Canturburie in Edward [Page] the thirds displesure, he wri­teth vnto him, refuseth to come to the court, 361, a 10, 30, 60. Sudburie of Can­turburie made lord chancel­lour, 424, b 50. Theobald of Canturburie consecrated, 50, a 60. Deceased, 68, b 60. Tho­mas, 9, a 20. ¶Sée Thomas. Wethersheid elected to Can­turburie, 210, a 10. White­gift doctor of diuinitie, thank­full for his aduancements, the armes of both sées which he inioied blasoned, his po­sie answerable to his proper­tie, 1355, b 30, &c. Made of the priuie councell, 1434, b 60. William of Canturburie, 42, a 60
  • Archbishop of Canturburie primat of Ireland, 22, b 50. Made the popes legat, 147, b 50. Besieged Marleburgh castell, 142, a 40. Flieth out of the realme, 59, a 60. Goeth to Rome, 39, b 60. Hath power legantine, 69, a 10. He and king William at conten­tion and whie, 24, a 20, Cap­teine of an armie, 2 a 10. Put by from crowning the king, 1, b 20. Accused of treason by the speaker in parlement, 490, b 40. Condemned to perpetuall imprisonment, 491 a 50. His words at a parle­ment in the behalfe of the clergie, that would be exemp­ted from paieng of subsidies, &c: 301, b 60. His goods con­fiscat, his obstinacie, 302, a 20, 50. Purchaseth a grant of the pope to leuie monie, 238, a 60. Restored to his sée, 514, a 10, His cursse, 241, a 60. He and Winchester made fréends, 247, b 10. Standeth against Henrie the third in defense of his clergie, at contention with the earle of Kent, appealeth to Rome, dieth in his re­turne from thense, 213, a 30, &c. Readie to broch new contention, 204, b 60, Le­gat and lord chéefe iustice of England, 147, b 60
  • Archbishops at contention for primasie: note, 9, a 30. De­cided by the king and bi­shops of the lands, 9, a 60. Sentenced by decrée of the pope, 9, b 40. Go both to Rome, and whie, 31, b 20. At strife, 35. all. For the pri­masie: note, 37, b 40. Tho­rough ambition, 39, b 60. Sue both personallie for their con­secration to the pope, 40, a 10, &c. At strife for a peece of seruice about king Henrie the first, 43, a 40. At strife for carrieng of their crosses, 142, b 20. At strife in king Henrie the eights time, 919, b 30. Of Canturburies sée void foure yeares, and in Henrie the first hands, 37, a 60
  • Archbishops of Canturburie from the first to the last, their names and liues, &c: set downe in a collection, 1435, a 10, &c.
  • Archbishop Geffreie bastard of Yorke, 119, b 10. Obteineth his pall, 130, b 20, Commit­ted to prison: note, 130, b 60. Depriued and whie, 161, b 60. Restored to all his dignities, 163, b 20 Stealeth out of the realme, 170, b 50. Deceasseth, 176, b 10. Gerard of Yorke consecrateth the bishops of Henrie the firsts inuesting, 31, b 10. Receiueth his pall, 31, b 60. Deceaseth, 35, a 10. Greie of Yorke, 182, a 60. Gréenewich, and what summes of monie the pope had of him, 315, a 20. Neuill, 969, b 10, Roger sent to the pope, 72, a 60. For­bidden the vse of the sacra­ments, 76, b 10. Deceaseth, 105, b 20. Sands, 1145, b 50. ¶ Sée Sands. Thomas sometimes Henrie the firsts chapleine and much a doo a­bout his consecration, 35, a 10. &c. Refuseth to come to Can­turburie to be consecrated, 35 a 50. Suspended, &c. 35, b 60, 36, a 10. Hath his pall sent him from the pope, 36, a 50. Submits himselfe to Can­turburie, note the forme, 36, b 30. Dieth, 37, b 40. Thur­stane of Yorke, 37, b 40. Re­stored vpon condition, 40, b 60. Made lieutenant of the north parts, 49, a 20. In armes against the Scots, 49, a 50. Deceaseth, 1211, a 50
  • Archbishop of Yorke acknow­leged primat of all Scot­land, 9, b 20, His subiection to the archbishop of Cantur­burie: note, 9, b 10. Sent o­uer to Guisnes to be kept in safe custodie, 693, b 10. In­constant and variable: note, 683, a 20, 60, b 10. A conspi­rator, he is in armes, 529, b 10, 20. Forbidden to be at Ri­chard the firsts coronation, 143, b 30. The estimation that was had of him, his protesta­tion whie he put on armes, b. 60. He and others arre­sted, put to death, reputed a martyr, 530, a 30, 60, a 10. Of counsell with the Per­sies conspiracie, 522, a 10, 20. Made cardinall, resig­neth his archbishoprike, 279, b 20. Crowneth Henrie the first, and whie, 28, a 20. De­priued of his crosse, 257, b 50. Accurssed by the pope, his constancie: note, 256, b 40. Gouernour of the realme, 229, b 10. Proud, deposed, and out of fauour with Ri­chard the first, 147, b 40. Ac­cused but to no purpose, 143, a 10. His presumptuous demeanor, 98, a 30. He and Elie reconciled by Richard the firsts means, 144, a 60. He and Durham at strife, 133, a 60. Sicke and his place sup­plied, 49, a 60
  • Archbishop of Cullen visiteth Beckets toome, 107, b 60. Of Rome chéefe gouernour of England, 132, b 30. Of saint Andrews in Scotland re­ceiueth his staffe from an al­tar, 41, a 50. A deadlie eni­mie to Henrie the eight, 959, b 10. Of Uienna the popes legat not receiued as legat, and whie, 29, a 40
  • Archbishops of England are in no respect to deale with the pope: note, 24. Their authoritie notablie exempli­ed in Anselme: note, 24, 25. Their election annulled vp­on good causes: note, 210, a 10. Six at London in time of the parlement, 256, a 10
  • Archbishoprike of Canturbu­rie void more than thrée yeares, 225, a 60. Uoid foure yeares: note, 18, b 10. Let out to farme, 206, a 40
  • Archbishopriks giuen to stran­gers by duke William, 9, a 20
  • Archdecons should be decons, 30, b 30
  • Archdeconries not to be let out to farme, 30, b 30
  • Archer good was Henrie the eight, 806, a 40
  • Archer English of the garri­son of Calis, a notable péece of seruice against the enimie, 380, a 60
  • Archers of England driue the French from their siege, 363, a 10. Notable seruice against the Genowaies: note, 372, a 40, 50, Uictorious a­gainst the French, 373, a 60. Seruice against the Scots, 987, a 60. Fulfill a prophe­sie: note, 388, b 50. Force a­gainst the French, 389, a 40, Worthie actiuitie, 396, b 60. Ualiancie against the Spa­niards, 399, a 30. Good ser­uice vnder sir Hugh Caluer­lie, 422, b 50. Under the conduct of a préest, 443, b 50 Shot killeth in a quarell, 447, a 50. Great seruice a­gainst the Spanish & French 448, a 10. Good seruice a­gainst the Saracens, 473, a 60. In the time of a con­spiracie: note, 516, a 30. The greatest force of the Eng­lish armie: note, 553, a 60. Good seruice at Teukesbu­rie field, 687, b 60. Good ser­uice vnder sir Humfreie Talbot, 770, b 30. Good ser­uice against the enimie, 771, a 10. Of the Cornish re­bels whose arrowes were in length a full cloth yard. 782, b 10. Game made with laieng wast of garden [...] in Moore field, 785, a 20. A shew of two hundred in a mai­game before king Henrie the eight, 836, b 40. Gall the French horssemen, 966, a 60
  • Archers Irish, 986, a 20. Dis­comfited, 984, b 40. ¶Sée In­closures.
  • Ard assaulted by the English­men, 528, b 40
  • Arden murthered by the means of his wife a notable whoore: note, 1062, b 40, &c.
  • Arden. ¶Sée Sumeruill.
  • Arks besieged, 819, a 30
  • Arlet duke William Conqu [...] ­rors mother the daughter of a burgesse, 20, a 10
  • Armach in Ireland, where the sée metropolitane is, 100, b 40
  • Armenia, the king thereof com­meth ouer into England for aid against the Turkes, 448, b 50. Sueth for a safe con­duct to come into England, which is denied him, 453, b 30. Would gladlie that a peace betwéene England and France should be concluded, 480. b 30
  • Armetrid [...] the wife of Hugh Lou earle of Chester, 20, a 40
  • Armie called the armie of God and the holie church, 185. a 50
  • Armour, and an ordinance for the same, 105, a 30. ¶ See England.
  • Arnalt knight his valiantnesse, 997, a 10, 40
  • Arrogancie of Becket bla­med, 77, b 10. ¶Sée Ambition and Pride.
  • Arsacid [...]. ¶ Sée Saracens.
  • Arthur made awaie by meanes of his vncle king Iohn, and whie, 7, b 30
  • Arthur the eldest and first son of Henrie the seuenth borne, 769, b 10. Had carnall know­ledge with his wife, he is sent into Wales, 789, a 50, 60, b 20. Deceaseth, 790, b 10
  • Arthur Plantagenet created vicount Lisle, 878, a 50. De­ceaseth in the tower, 955, a 60. ¶ Sée Plantagenet.
  • Arthur of Britaine. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Arundell castell besieged, 30, a 50
  • Arundell knight drowned, his excesse and sumptuous appa­rell, 423, b 10, 60
  • Aske a notable rebell pardoned: note, 942, b 30. He and o­thers practise to raise a new rebellion, 944, a 10, &c. He with his coparteners is exe­ecuted, 944, b 10
  • Assassini. ¶ Sée Saracens,
  • Assemblies vnlawfull an act there against, 1061, a 30
  • Assise of bread published by proclamation: note, 166, a 20, 30
  • Astronomers deceiued, and how they excused their false predictions, 882, b 20. De­ceiued in their predictions▪ 1356, b 30, &c.
  • Attaindors at parlament, 946, b 20. 995, a 10. ¶Sée Trea­son.
  • Audleie lord chéefe capteine of the Cornish rebels ignomi­niouslie drawne vnto Ti­burne and executed, 782, a 10, b 30. Slaine. 649, b 10
  • Audleie knight lord chancel­lor, 929, b 20. Kéeper of the great seale, 928, b 20
  • Auricular confession. ¶ Sée Confession.
  • Auxerre citie taken by sir Ro­bert Knols▪ 391, b 30
B.
  • BAbington and his confede­rats. ¶Sée Traitors.
  • Bacon knight lord kéeper de­ceaseth, 1271, b 60. His epi­taph in Paules, 1272, a 10. Sée more of him, 1286, b 40. ¶ Sée Chancellors.
  • Badbie his notable constancie, 536, a 60
  • Badge of the bright sunne the earle of Marches badge, 660, a 20. Of the earle of Warwike worne in euerie mans cap: note, 678, b 40. Of Richard the second, 500, b 60. Of quéene Elisabeth, note, 1290, b 10
  • Badges a bill against the wea­ring of them, 472, b 60
  • Baffuling what it is among the Scots, 427, a 30
  • Bagot knight and prisoner discloseth secrets of trouble▪ 512, b 50, 60, &c: 513, a 10, &c.
  • Bailiffes first that bare rule in London, 119, b 60. ¶Sée London, and Officers.
  • Bainards castell new built. 788, a 10
  • Baion yéelded to the English­men, 293, b 20
  • Bakers sell bread lacking six [Page] or seuen ounces weight in a penie lofe, 282, b 60. Puni­shed by the pillorie, 259, b 40
  • Bales writing within the com­passe of a penie, 1262, b 10
  • Balioll king of Scots obtei­neth the kingdome of Scot­land, 288, b 60. The forme of his fealtie to the king of En­gland, 288, b 60. 289, b 50. His homage, 290, a 20. Crowned king of Scotland, 349, b 60. Chased out of Scotland, 350, a 20. Doth homage to Ed­ward the third, 350, b 20. De­parteth this life, 308, b 60
  • Banbourgh. ¶ Sée Castell.
  • Banket roiall: note, 254, a 50.825, a 30. Of two hundred and thrée score dishes. 849, a 40. Of two hundred dishes vpon the sudden, 922, b 20. Of thirtie or fortie dishes and not one of them fish nor flesh, 1192, b 50. Full of proper de­uises, 1425, a 30
  • Banketting house of French king describeth, 849, b 10, &c. Of Henrie the eight in his palace at Guisnes, 857, b 60. Within the towne of Calis, 861, b 20, &c. At Westminster builded, 1315, b 10. How gar­nished and decked, 30. The costs and charges thereof, 40
  • Bankerupts practise, 812, b 20
  • Banishment of bishops and o­ther English in duke Willi­ams time, 8, a 30. By whome ordeined, 33, b 50. For twelue moneths, 269, b 10. Of the earle of Cornewall out of the realme, 319, b 60. Perpetuall. 465, a 30
  • Banister the duke of Buck­ingham seruant receiueth the duke in perill of life into his house, 743, b 50. Betraieth him into the hands of his e­nimies for monie, Gods se­cret iudgements vpon him and his children: note, 744, a 50, 60
  • Barnabées daie kept holie daie all London ouer, 1062, b 10
  • Barnard of Newmarch a Norman, 17, a 60
  • Barnes doctor and two mer­chants of the Stilliard did penance at Paules crosse for heresie, 892, b 60. For a ser­mon inuectiue against bishop Gardiner, asketh him for­giuenesse, 950, b 10. He and others executed, 952, b 30
  • Barnet towne how seated, 684, a 10
  • Barnet field. ¶ Sée Battell.
  • Barons foure vnder th [...] earle of Chester, 20, a 20
  • Barton the Scotish pirat, 426, b 20. Incountreth the lord Howard, he is slaine, 811, a 20, &c.
  • Bastard of Burgogne ambas­sadour into England, iusts betwixt him and the lord S [...]ales, 669, a 10, 20
  • Bastard to a king made a bi­shop, 99, b 60
  • Bastards made legitimat, 487, b 10
  • Bath taken by the bishop of Constance, 17, a 40. It and Welles when and by whome vnited, 27, b 50
  • Battell of Agincourt, 552, b 60, 553, a 10, &c. At Barnet, 684, a 10, &c. 685, a 10, &c. Of Bloreheath, 649, a 50, 60, b 10. Of S. Edmundsbu­ [...]ie, 90, b 20. Of North­hampton, 654, b 20. Of Palmesundaie, 664, a 40. Of Saxton. ¶ Sée Palmesun­daie. At Hedgcote or Ban­berie, 672, b 30. At Exham, 666, b 10. At Teukesburie, 687, b 60. The first at saint Albons, 643, a 60, 644, a 20. At Wakefield, 659, b 10. Of thrée long houres betwéene the English & French, great losse on the English side, 601, b 30. Second at saint Al­bons, 660, a 60. Of Morti­mers crosse, 660, a 20. Of Uerneull, 588, a 50, b 40. Of Ferribrig the thirtéenth of March, one thousand foure hundred thrée score and one, wherein twentie thousand were slaine, most knights and gentlemen, 1234, a 50. Be­twéene duke William and his sonne Robert: note, 12, a 40. Betwéene the Danes and Normans verie fierce, 7, a 40. Begun with praier: note, 371, a 60. At Kenils crosse▪ 376, a 20. Of Aulr [...]ie, 396, b 10, &c. Of Sluise where the English were victors, 358, b 10. Of Ba [...]okesbu­rie, 322, a 40. Called the White battell, and why, 325, a 10. Of Borroughbridge, 341, a 10. Of C [...]meran in Uister, 322, b 60. At Dun­bar betwéene the English and Scots in Edward the first time, 299, b 30. Betwéene the earle of Lincolne and the earle of Arthois, 302, b 30, 40, &c. Of Fowkirke, 307, b 30. Betwéene Henrie the third and his barons: note, 267, b all. Of Euesham, 270, a 50. Of Chesterfield, 272, a 40. Betwéene king Ri­chard the third and the earle of Richmond, called Bos­worth field, 758, b 60. At Stoke néere to Newarke betwéene the earle of Lin­colne, &c: and Henrie the se­uenth, 766, b 40, 50, 767, a 10, 20. Of saint Aulbin in Bri­taine betwéene the duke of Britaine and the French king, 769, a 30. At Black­heath, 782, b 10. Of Spurs, 822, a 50. At Floddon betwéen the English and the Sco­tish, 426, 427, 428. Of Pa­uia, 884, a 60, b 10, &c. At Muskleborrow. ¶Sée Leith and Scotland. Staied by Gods prouidence: note, 943, a 30. Of the bridge of Bo­uins, 183, a 60. Sharpe and bloudie betwéene duke Ro­bert and Henrie the first bre­thren, 33, a 10, 20, &c. Thrée things to be forséene by them that shall giue it, 52, b 50, 60. Of Monadmore in Ireland, 59, b 10
  • Battell betwixt fishes, 225, b 60. Of herrings, 600, a 40. Betwixt flies and gnats, 465 b 60. Their slaughter, 466, a 10. ¶ Sée warres.
  • Battell abbeie, why so called and by whome built, 15, a 40. The church to what saint dedicated, 21, a 40. Their ab­bie roll, 3, 4, 5
  • Baulbason a French knight valiant fight [...]th with Henrie the fift hand to hand, 577, a 10, 60
  • Becket Thomas archdecon of Canturburie, 64, b 20. Lord chancellour, 65, a 40. Sent into France, 67, a 50. His & Henrie the seconds first fal­ling out, 68, b 20. His authori­t [...]e. 69, a 10. A better courtier than a preacher, 69, a 30. Pra­ctiseth secret treason, 69, b 10. Receiueth an oth, 70, b 10. Repenteth him thereof, and would haue fled the realme, 70, b 20, &c. Cited to appéere before the king and sentence against him, 70. b 60. Con­demned in fiue hundred markes, 71, a 10. Called to an account, 71, a 20. Will not be persuaded to submit him­selfe to the king, appealeth to Rome, goeth to the court, is reputed a traitor, and dis­allowed to be archbishop, 71, all. His stout courage, 72, a 10. His flight by night, 72, a 40. His complaint to the pope, 72, b 50. Resigneth his pall, 73, a 50. His cursse, 74, b 20. An edict against him, 74, a 20. Six years in exile, 77 a 30. His arrogancie and wilfulnesse in opinion, in fa­uour with the French king, reconc [...]led to Henrie the se­cond the king of England, 77, b all. Is aduised by the French king, returneth into England, is complained of to Henrie the second by the archbishop of Yorke, he is killed, 78, all, 79, all. His death discussed, 82, b 50. The king purgeth himselfe of his death, 83, b 30. Canonized a saint, his holie daie and col­lect for the same, 85, b 10, 20. His toome visited by the French king, 103, a 60. His toome visited by the archbi­shop of Cullen, 107, b 60. His shrine visited by the earle of Flanders, 152, a 60. His sword in the ministration of an oth, 303, b 40. His shrine taken awaie and his dead bones burnt, 945, b 50
  • Becons and the vse of them in countries néere the sea, 752, a 30
  • Bedford castell besieged, 206, b 20. Deliuered to the barons, 185, a 60
  • Bele doctor an vndiscréet and seditious preacher, 841, a 10, 20
  • Belesme. ¶Sée Erle.
  • Bell a seditious préest arreig­ned, condemned, his prophe­sie, his sermon to the rebels, his seditious letter, his exe­cution at saint Albons, 437, a 40, &c.
  • Bell roong at eight of the clocke at night by whom appointed, and whie, 6, a 50. ¶ Sée Chime.
  • Bell castell assaulted and yeél­ded vp to the English, 879, b 30
  • Belman. ¶Sée Common crier.
  • Benbrike doctor poisoned at Rome, 835, b 50
  • Benefices belonging to stran­gers their valuation taken, 236, b 40. The value of them in strangers hands, 247 b 20. Bestowed without con­sent of patrones, 224, a 10. Impropriat, 214, b 60. With request to the pope that he would not meddle with their reseruations, 408, b 60, 409, &c. Inhibited by the king & how: note, 363, b 60. The best in strangers hands, 365, a 60. A proclam [...]tion that all En­glish beneficed men in Rome should returne into Eng­land, 474, b 50, 60. ¶Sée Ad­beies, Bishops, Churches▪ Clergie, Pope, Sequestr [...] ­tion.
  • Beneuolence granted to Ed­ward the fourth, 694, a 50. Put into Henrie the se­uenths head to be leuied ouer the whole land, 792, a 20. An exaction of monie of whose deuise. 771, b 60. ¶Sée Sub­sidie.
  • Beneuolence of the French king to the earle of Rich­mond: note▪ 745, a 40
  • Beningfield knight his chur­lish vsing of the ladie Elisa­beth his prisoner and in his kéeping, 1117, b 40. He is too streict and seuere in his of­fice against the ladie Elisa­beth, 1155, b 10, &c. He grud­geth at the gentle interteine­ment of hir, his rude and vn­gentle behauiour, 1156, a 60, b 10, 20, &c. 60. His cruell dea­ling towards hir, 1157, a 30
  • Berebeating on sundaie reuen­ged by Gods iust iudgment: note, 1353, a 30
  • Berds shauen, and rounded haire in vse with the Nor­mans, 5, b 10
  • Berengaria daugther to the king of Nauarre, king Ri­chard the firsts wife, 126, b 40▪ 127, a 40
  • Berkhamstéed castell surren­dred, 198, a 60
  • Bertie, husband to the duchesse of Suffolke attached by bi­shop Gardiner: note, 1142, b 10, &c. ¶ Sée duchesse Ka­tharine of Suffolke.
  • Berwike fortified, 320, b 10, Taken by the Scots, 383, a 60. Besieged, 350, a 30. Surrendred, 350, a 50. Be­traied to the Scots, 324, a 20. Summoned and woone by Edward the first, 298, a 20, 50. Fortified by Ed­ward the first, 299, a 30▪ Chéeflie regarded, 881. b 40. Yéelded to Henrie the fourth, 530, b 50. The castell woone by the Scots, recouered by the earle of Northampton▪ 446, b 20. Woone by the Scots, 421, a 60. Recoue­red by the earle of Northum­berland, 421, b 10. Woone by the Scots, recouered by the English, 418, a 60. The capteine thereof will not suf­fer the duke of Lancaster to enter, 439, a 10. Deliue­red to the French king and of him possessed, 665, a 60. Woone by the Englishmen, 705, b 60. Deliuered to the lord Stanlie, &c: 706, b 60
  • Betrice Henrie the thirds daughter borne, 230, b 10
  • Beuchamps iournie to the ho­lie land against the Sara­cens, 22, a 60. His valiant­nesse, 88, a 10
  • Beuclerke Henrie why so cal­led, 1 [...], a 60
  • Beuer castell to whom it apper­teined, 189, a 30
  • Beuerleie towne burned, 113, b 20
  • Beumont vicount his daugh­ter married vnto the Scotish king, 110, a 60. Disco [...]fited by the Scots, 323, a 40
  • Beaumont lord of Heinault: [Page] note, 337, a 60, 346, b 60, 347. Forsaketh the king of Eng­lands seruice, 367, b 50, Lord high constable of England, 627, a 20
  • Bible in euerie church com­m [...]nded to be read, 945, b 40. The necessarie vse and bene­fite thereof, 1042, b 50. Pre­sented to quéene Elisabeth which she promiseth the ci­tie often to read ouer, 1175, b 60
  • Bigod Roger his spoiles and booties, 17, a 50. Hugh some­time steward to Henrie the first, 46, b 40. Knight procu­reth a commotion, 943, b 60. Apprehended and executed, 944, a 10, b 10
  • Bilneie burned, 928, a 10
  • Bishop Adrian an Italian of Hereford, Bath and Wels, 771, a 40. Agelmarus. ¶Sée Agelmarus. Alexāder. ¶Sée Alexander. Anthonie of Dur­ham his great reuenues, kept out of the abbeie of Durham, summoned to appeare before Edward the first, refuseth, the conclusion of the strife be­twéene him and the moonks, 315, a 40, &c. Athelmarle Hen­rie the thirds halfe brother bishop of Winchester, 243, a 10. Beauchampe of Salis­burie is sent to the duke of Yorke, &c: to know the lords meaning that were vp in armes, 649, b 60. Beaufort of Winchester sonne to Iohn duke of Lancaster, 590, b 60, 591, a 10, &c. Otherwise cal­led the rich cardinall, decea­sed, and described, 627, b 60, 628. Christianus. ¶ Sée Christianus, Cox of Elie de­ceaseth, his epitaph, 1321, b 60. Egelwinus. ¶ Sée E­gelwinus. Ermenfred. ¶Sée Ermenfred. Fisher of Ro­chester complained of to king Henrie the eight, 911, b 40, 50. Beheaded, 938, a 60. Fo­liot of London embassador to the French king, 72, a 50. For of Durham owner of Norham castell, 782, b 50. Of Excester ambassadour into Scotland, 767, b 50. Of Winchester, 839, b 50, 60. ¶ Sée Corpus Christi college. His wisedome in procuring the clergie to be contributors of monie for Henrie the se­uenths behoofe, 792, a 50, 60. Gardiner bishop of Winche­ster ambassador into France, 939, a 60. ¶ Sée Gardiner. Geffreie of Lincolne king Henries base sonne, 99▪ b 60. His letter to the archbishop of Canturburie, be resigneth his bishoprike, 104, b 10, 40. Gifford of Winchester refu­seth to be consecrated at the archbishop of Yorks hands, and therefore banished and depriued, 31, b 10. ¶Sée Gif­ford. Godfreie of Winche­ster sonne to the lord Richard de Lucie deceaseth, 168, b 30. Graie of Norwich lord lieu­tenant of Ireland, 174, b 30. Graie of Norwich president of the councell, 169, b 10, Grosted of Lincolne decea­sed, his praise, 249, a 10, Har­uie first bishop of Elie, 36, a 30. Horne of Winchester de­ceaseth, 1299, b 60. Hugh of Lincolne his bold courage to king Richard the first, 143, b 60. Deceaseth, a descrip­tion of [...]is dooings, and life presump [...]uous, 162, b 30. Admitted into the number of seints, 163, a 10. Of Co­uentrie res [...]ored to his sée, 147, b 30, Iewell of Salis­burie decea [...]eth, 1226, b 30. Lis [...]e of Elie and the ladie Wake at variance, 392, a 10. Longchampe of Elie the popes legat, his statelie port, 129, a 10 Depriueth bishops, meaneth to kéepe earle Iohn low, besiegeth the castell of Lincolne, raiseth his siege with dishonour, breaketh a­gréements concluded, 129, all. Lord chancellor of Eng­land, 121, a 10. Morton of Elie commended, 791, a 10, Buildeth vpon the dukes ambition, 737, b 10. Deuiseth to be at his owne libertie in his bishoprike of Elie, he satieth into Flanders to the earle of Richmond, 741, a 60, b 10. What pagents he plaid, the high honour wherein he was placed, his subtill vn­dermining of the duke of Glocester, 736, b 10, 30, 50. Defeated the practises of king Richard the third and Peter Landoise, 747, b 60. Adiureth duke Richard to release the realme by some deuise from the present euill estate, 738, a 60. A new con­ference betwéene them, b 20, Made archbishop of Can­turburie, cardinall, and lord chancellor, 767, a 30. Odo. ¶Sée Odo. Osmond. ¶Sée Osmond. Pecocke of Chi­chester abiured at Paules crosse: note, 646, a 20. Pe­ter of Winchester gouernor of king Henrie the third, 202, a 60. Rafe of Durham his warlike exhortation, 49, a 60 [...]. Ralegh of Winchester consecrated by the pope, he stealeth out of the realme, he giueth to the pope six thou­sand marks, 231, b 60. Ra­nulfe. ¶ Sée Ranulfe▪ Rem­clid of Hereford inuested by the king: note, 31, a 50▪ Re­migius. ¶ Sée Remigius. Richard of London trans­lated to the archbishoprike of Canturburie, 37, b 10. Ro­ger of Salisburie put in trust with the gouernement of the realme, 45, b 50. Ruthall of Durham, one of king Hen­rie the seuenths priuie coun­cell, his booke of priuat af­faires vnaduisedlie deliue­red in stéed of the kings, dis­aduantageable to himselfe, 796, b 60. He dieth with griefe, 797, a 10. Samson of Worcester the mouth of the bishops, 36, a 60. Tunstall▪ ¶ Sée Tunstall. Wainsléet of Winchester founder of Magdelene college in Ox­ford, 628, b 10, &c. Walkhelme. ¶ Sée Walkhelme. Walk­her. ¶ Sée Walkher. Walter of Alba bringeth Anselme his pall, 25, b 60. ¶Sée Wal­ter, 1, a 50. Waltham of Sa­lisburie buried of Westmin­ster among the kings, 485, a 40. Warlewa [...]ts words to pope Paschall in behalfe of Henrie the first, 31, b 40. Watson of Winchester decea­seth, 1368, b 60. Wickham of Winchester remembred and commended: note, 526, b 60, 527, a 10, &c. Made lord chan­cellor, 466, b 50. William ¶Sée William. Wolstane. ¶Seée Wolstane.
  • Bishop of Beauuois taken pri­soner, 150, b 50. An aduersa­rie to Richard the first, two of his chapleins come to Ri­chard the first, to intreat that they might wait vpon their maister, but are denied, 151, a 10
  • Bishop of Carleill bold and faithfull, commended, 513, b 40. The first was a prior, and the kings consellor, 44, b 20. Of Constance with others taketh Bath, 17, a 40. Of Couentrie committed to prison, 318, a 30. Of Du­blin made archbishop, 59, b 20. Of Durham created an earle, 119, b 50. Besieged the castell of Tick [...]ill, 142, a 30. Lost his earledome. 144, a 10. Restrained of his libertie, 122, b 60 Chiefe ru­ler of the north parts, 121, a 10. He & earle Patrike at strife, 161, a 10. By letters asswageth the Scotish kings displeasure, hee goeth into Scotland, 785, a 30, 40. Win­neth castels, 307, a 40. Of E­lies taking vp of horses to K. Richard the firsts vse, 122, b 50, 60. Summoned to ap­peare at Reading, his re­turne to London, a declara­tion against him, he yéeldeth vp the tower, 131, all His let­ter to the shiriffe of Kent, 130, b 30. Disguiseth himselfe in womans apparell, he fli­eth, is betraied, and commit­ted to prison, complaineth of his wrongs to the pope, 132, a 10. He deceaseth, 151, b 10. Of Elie imprisoneth arch­bishop Geffreie of Yorke, 130, b 30. Arriueth in England as a simple bishop, 139, b 30. Sent ambassadour to the emperour, 148, a 30. Bani­shed, 50, b 30. Blind of Ex­cester sent to Rome from Henrie the first, 37, b 30. Pat in charge with the citie of London, beheaded by the Londoners, 338, a 40, b 30. Hereford arrested for treson, 335, a 10. His deuise to get monie of the bishops, 251, b 10. Of Ireland elected out of England, 22, a 50. Of Léege murthered, 140, a 10. Of Lincolne visiteth ab­beies, and is suspended by the pope, 244, a 40, 50. Cap­teine of a band of men, 30, a 50. Of London taken vp with reprochfull words, and reuenged by the Londoners, 412, a 20. His palace, where Richard second kept open house, 474, a 10. Stout words to an earle, 458, a 20. Made lord chancellor, 440, b 60. Ambassadour to the empe­rour, 168, b 20. Deane to the archbishop of Canturburie, 35, b 20. Of Norwich in armes against the antipa [...]e, 441, b 50, 60, 442, a 40. Cou­ragious and warlike, 444, a 20. Setteth forward with his armie, & inuadeth Flan­ders, 442, b 10, 50. The or­der of his battell against the Flemings, 443, a 30. His dis­obedience punished, 445, a 20. His armie of fiue hundred footmen and manie horsmen 176, b 50. Returneth out of Flanders into England, 444, b 60. Of Rosse an eni­mie to the English estate, 1370, b 60. Of Salisburies men and the Londoners in a riot, he maketh a great [...]o [...] ­plai [...] of them to the king, 478, a 20, 50. Dreth for thought, 50, b 30. Made lord chancellor, 51, a 10. Shame­fullie m [...]rthered: note, 636, a 10. Of Whiteherne consecra­ted, 119, b 10. Of Winche­ster lent Henrie the fift two hundred thousand pounds▪ 580, b 10, Made a cardinall, 596, b 10. Legated and vnle­gated by the pope, 602, a 60, b 60
  • Bishop earle of Kent, 13, a 60. Capteine of an armie, 7, b 40. Wiped of fiue thousand pounds by William Rufus: note, 20, b 10. Depriued of his staffe by the king, 21, a 40. ¶ Sée Herbert. One reuen­geth anothers death, 12, b 20
  • Bishops chosen principall iu­stices of the realme, 115, b 20. Sent ambassadours to the French king, 112, b 50▪ For­bidden the vse of the sacra­ment, 76, b 10. Disallow arch­bishop Thomas Becket, 71, b 40. Thinke to please God in breaking their oth, 46, b 40. Of Man first and second, 59. b 10. Threatened, 59, a 40. In suspicion to be disloi­all, 50, b 10. Inuesting doon [...] by the kings of England. 29, a 50. ¶Sée William Ru­fus. At strife about crow­ning the king, and saieng masse before him, 37, a 10. Translation from sée to sée, 36, a 30. Of priuie councell and ambassadors to Rome, 31, b 20. Fiue consecrated by Anselme in one daie, 34, a 40. Inuest [...]tures giuen awaie from the king by the popes sentence, 31, b 60. Of a late election Salisburie and He­reford, 30, a 60, b 10. Depri­ued by the bishop of Elie, 129, a 50. Con [...]entious and am­bitious, 121, a 50. Elected and consecrated, 119, a 60, b 10. Quarell with the moonks of Canturburie, 169, b 30. Thrée dead in one yeare, 788, b 20. Restored and others depriued, 1089, a 20. Tra­uell to make peace, 265, a 30. Would rather become mar­tyrs than loose their monie, 252, b 40. Practise to disap­point the archbishop of Can­turburie of his purpose, 243, a 50. Readinesse to resist the Saracens, 209, a 50. Ambas­sadors, 205, a 60. Cannot tell what to saie in the conten­tion betwéene king Wil­liam Rufus and Anselme: note, 25. Of Ireland their names and fées, 22, b 50. Se­ditious and ranke warriors, 17, a 30, 40. In fault that duke William was king of Eng­land, 1, a 40, 50. Submit themselues to duke William, 1, a 40. Sworne to be loiall, 1, b 20. Flie into forren lands and countries, 6, a 20. Sées remooued from small towns to cities of more fame, 11, b 60. In armes against rebellious earls, 11, a 50. Of [Page] Scotland consecrated by the archbishop of Yorke, 9, b 20. Of Excester from the first to the last set downe in a ca­talog, 1300, a 20, 30, 1301, &c. Six receiue the communion, 1185, a 60▪ Depriued, & others succéeding, 1184, b 30. ¶ Sée Ambition, Archbishops, and Consecration.
  • Bishoprike of Carleils erection 44, b 20. Of Elie first erected, 36, a 30. Of Lincolne void seuentéene yeares, 75, a 60, 109, b 40. Of Waterford in I­reland erected, 22, b 40
  • Bishoprikes bestowed by king Henrie his gift thought in­sufficient, 31, a 50. Bought of king William Rufus, 21, a 40. Let out to farme, 26, a 40
  • Bishopsgate new builded, 702, b 60
  • Biskains and Englishmen to­gither by the eares, 813, b 60
  • Blackwagon that followed euill Maie daie, 844, a 60
  • Blackheath field, 782, b 10
  • Blackenesse an hauen towne on the south shore of Scot­land, 989, b 50
  • Blackwell knight smothered to death in a throng, 319, a 10
  • Blacke Will a notorious mur­thering ruffian, 1063, a 50, b 40. Receiueth ten pounds in reward for murthering of Arden, 1065, a 10. Burnt at Flushing, 1066, a 20
  • Blasing star, 1131, b 10, 252, a 50, 204, b 40, 277, b 40, 1344, a 40, 1314, a 50. Of strange ap­péerance. 37, a 40. With other strange sights, 519, b 60. Ue­rie dreadfull for thirtie daies space togither, 225, b 60. In the north of a moneths conti­nuance, 323, a 10. With long & terrible streames, 353, a 20. Appéering in a faire & cleare daie, 11, b 50. ¶ Sée Comet and Starre.
  • Blasphemie of pope Iulie a­gainst God, 1128, a 40. Of a popish preacher seuerelie pu­nished by God, 1128, b 60, 1129, a 10
  • Bleothgent king of Wales par­taker with a rebell, 5, a 20
  • Blewbeard, capteine of rebels, 632, a 20
  • Blockhouses & bulworks buil­ded, 946, b 10
  • Bloreheath field, 649, a 50
  • Bluet Robert bishop of Lin­colne: note, 20, b 10
  • Blunt knight, his notable ser­uice against the French, 540, b 50
  • Bohune Iohn, his wife and issue, 20, a 50
  • Boier maior of Bodwin in Cornwall hanged: note, 1006, b 50, &c: 1007, a 10
  • Boldnesse. ¶ Sée Magnani­mitie, and Words.
  • Bolton prior of S. Bartholo­mews buildeth an house at Harrow on the hill to auoid flouds prognosticated that yeare, 882, b 20
  • Bondage. ¶Sée Seruitude.
  • Bondmen by letters reuocato­rie disfranchised, 437, a 10▪ Letters fo manumission cal­led in, 438, a 10
  • Boner bishop of London em­ploied about the controuersie of Henrie the eights vnlaw­full marriage, 923, b 30. Bea­reth with the enimies of the L. Elisabeth, 1160, a 10. His god was the rood of Paules, 1121, a 60. Writeth to cardi­nall Poole concerning perse­cution, 1164, a 10. Head bro­ken: note, 915, a 60, b 10
  • Bookes anie waie imparing the popes dignitie are forbidden, 1131, a 60. Seditious scatte­red, and the offendors execu­ted, 1353, b 40. Printed & the printer executed, 1357, a 40. Popish dangerous and dam­nable to read or listen vnto, 1391, b 50. Seditious publi­shed against the state, and the offendors executed, 1413, a 50 ¶ Sée Libels.
  • Boorne doctor preaching at Paules crosse hath a dagger throwne at him, 1089, a 60, b 10
  • Bosworth field. ¶Sée Battell.
  • Bounarme with his ten spears all at once about him, 834. a 50
  • Bowes Rafe. ¶Sée Iusts tri­umphant.
  • Bow stéeple builded, 815, b 60
  • Brabanders and the reason of their name: note, 98, b 50, 60, 99, a 10. Ouercome by earle Richard, Henrie the seconds sonne, 98, b 50. The num­ber of 20000 reteined by Hen­rie the second to beare armor, 87, a 50
  • Braie knight of the garter com­mended. 791, a 10
  • Brambre knight executed with an ax of his owne deuise, 464, a 10
  • Brandon knight standardbea­rer to the earle of Richmond slaine, 759, a 50. Knight his pompe at a iusts, 807, b 60. He is created vicount Lis­le, 816, a 30
  • Bread made of bran & puffens, 1022, a 10. Made of ferne rootes, 616, b 60. ¶Sée Assise.
  • Breame. ¶Sée Bruistar.
  • Brest yéelded vp to the duke of Britaine, 487, b 30. Besieged by the duke of Lancaster, and the maner how, 449, b 10. Force intended against it, 1149, b 50
  • Brethren at deadlie hate & pur­suing one another, 32, b 40. Set at variance by factious persons, 32, a 60. In armes one against another, 19, a 10. Forces vnited how valiant & effectuall in warre, 6, b 50, 7, a 20
  • Brereton capteine of the ad­uenturers taken and slaine, 882, b 20
  • Briake in Britaine assaulted & taken, 534, b 30
  • Bribe of fiue hundred markes giuen to come to the popes presence, 80, b 30
  • Bribes the ouerthrow of lawes & good orders: note, 862, b 40. Of a iustice seuerelie handled for taking them, 243, b 50▪ 244, a 10. Hinder the execution of good orders & statutes: note, 380, b 30, 40. Refused, 18, b 60
  • Briberie how it tempteth mens minds: note, 361, b 50. ¶Sée Gifts and Rewards.
  • Bridges made with hard shift, 1138, b 60. In England borne downe with landflouds, 38, a 40. ¶Sée Flouds.
  • Bridgenorth besieged, 30, a 60
  • Bridewell a place which Hen­rie the eight put to vse of ple­sure. 894, a 20. Henrie the eights new palace, a place re­ceiuing noblemen, 873, b 30. The maior and aldermen en­ter and take possession there­of, 1130, b 40. When it became a place to punish vagarant and lewd persons, 1082, b, 10
  • Bristow taken by the earle of Glocester, 48, b 60. ¶ Sée Faire.
  • Britaine was the first name of England & Scotland, 1000, a 10. ¶Sée Earles.
  • Britains plagued by the lord admerall, 814, a 10, &c.
  • Bromleie esquire his manhood, 551, b 10
  • Bromleie knight his decease, 565, b 40. Made capteine of Dampfront, 563, b 30. The old armes of their house, 564, a 30. Knight lord chancellor, 1272, a 20, 1286, b 60
  • Brotherton Thomas K Ed­ward the first his sonne, 309, a 60
  • Browne his seditious bookes procure losse of life, 1353, b 40
  • Browne. ¶Sée Murther.
  • Brunkard Henrie. ¶Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Bruse crowned king of Scot­land, in armes against prince Edward and the English power, put to flight by the erle of Penbroke, fled into Ken­trie, his wife and brethren ta­ken, his words to his wife, he is executed, his lands gi­uen awaie by the king Ed­ward the first, wherein note the end of disloialtie, 314, a 10, 40, 60, b 20, 40, 50
  • Bruse inuadeth England, 332. His ill dealing with Welsh­men, 95, b 30. His wife whose daughter she was, 314, b 20. Pronounced accursed, 324, a 50. Chriueth in his successe, inuadeth England, & raiseth his siege, 322, a 10, b 30, 40
  • Bruistar and Marie Breame smoothered to death, 1353, a 60, b 10
  • Bucchanan reprouing and re­proued, 112, a 30
  • Buckhurst lord made of the pri­uie councell, 1434, b 60. ¶Sée Sackuill.
  • Buggerie committed by a lord and punished, 952, b 20
  • Buieng and selling on the sun­daie a law against it, 624, a 20. ¶ Sée Selling.
  • Buildings of William Rufus verie great and famous, 23, a 60, b 10
  • Bull seditious hanged on the bishop of Londons gate, and the partie executed as a trai­tor, 1221, a 20, &c. 1222, a 30. ¶Sée Felton and Pope.
  • Bullen besieged, assalted, deli­uered vp, the number of them that went foorth of the towne, 964, a 40, b 30, 60. Manie seats of armes exploited be­twixt the English & French, 972, a 40. The Frenchmen busie to build a fort there. 970, a 60, b 10. To be restored to the French king by accord, note how, 973, b 20. And Bul­lenois restored to the French vpon certeine conditions: note, 1061, b 60. Deliuered vp and entered into, a 10, 20 By the French king, 1062, a 10, &c. Besieged by the English­men the king himselfe being present, 775, a 10. The bas [...], a canuasado giuen vnto it, the French haue an ouerthrow, 967, a 20, &c.
  • Bullocke a mercilesse murthe­rer hanged within Bishops­gate: note, 1228, b 20, &c. ¶Sée Murther.
  • Bulmer knight rebuked for re­fusing K. Henrie the eights seruice, and taking the ser­uice of the duke of Bucking­ham, 852, b 60, 853, a 10
  • Burchet gentleman of the mid­dle temple hanged: note, 1259 a 30
  • Burdet knight his valiantnesse against the enimie; note, 590, b 40
  • Burdet knight slaine, 618, a 40
  • Burdet for a word spoken be­headed. 703, a 10
  • Burdeux yéelded againe to the French king, 641. a 30
  • Burgesse of the parlement ar­rested, and what mischéefe thereof insued: note, 955, b 40, &c. 956, a 10, &c.
  • Burgognians ioine with the English host & make it stron­ger, 875, a 30
  • Burlie knight and the earle Uéere in faithfull freendship, 464, a 40. What the same Burlie was: note, a 50, &c.
  • Buriall of duke Williams bodie not suffered without satisfac­tion to the lord of the soile, 15▪ a 50. Of more than two hun­dred ded corpses in the Char­terhouse yard, 379, b 30. Chri­stian forbidden préests con­cubines, 207, b 30. Of nobles and great men in a moonks cowle: note, 195, b 10, 20. Ne­glected: note, 157, a 10. Of the dead doone with honor and reuerence, 576, a 60. For the dead, 1211, b 10. Of dead bodies within their owne parishes, 31, a 10. Of the Iewes at London, 101, b 20. ¶Sée Churchyard new.
  • Burning in the hand when in­acted, 787, a 60, b 10
  • Bursse, ground purchased to build it, the first stone thereof laid, 1209, a 40, 50. Finished & named The roiall exchange by the now quéene Elisabeth, 1224, a 60
  • Bushie knight, 495. ¶ Sée Flatterie.
  • Butcher strangelie saued from drowning, 41, b 30. Hanged for fauouring rebels, 943, a 60
  • Butterwife set on the pillorie. 702, b 40
C.
  • CAdwallon prince of Wales slaine, 103, b 20
  • Caen taken by the English, 559 b 60. Besieged and yéelded to the French king, 630, a 50
  • Cages and stocks ordeined, 792 a 10
  • Caldwell doctor in physicke founder of surgerie lecture in London: note, 1349, a 20, &c. Deceaseth, his distributions in his life, and bequests after his death, his commentaries vpon Paulus Aegineta and o­ther books, his infirmitie that was his end, his age, 1369, b 10, &c. His armes blasoned, his epitaph, 1370, a 10, 20
  • Calendar. ¶Sée Kalendar.
  • Calis, the French commissio­ners would haue rased to the ground, 480, a 40. Preparaciō made to win it, the enimies frustrated, 536, b 10, 40. Be­sieged; note: the commodious­nesse of that towne, 373, b 10. Surrendred to Edward the third, vpon what conditions▪ 377, b 60. Inexpugnable: [Page] note, 375, a 10. Six burgesses thereof presented to Edward the third, 378, a 10. yéelded to the king of England, 378, a 30. Made a colonie o [...] Eng­lish, a practise to betraie it, Edward the third passeth o­uer secretlie thither, 378, a 30, 40, b 40, 60. Not furnished with a sufficient number of men, deliuered to the French, 1135, a 10, b 60. Rifled & spoi­led by the French, the poorest auoid out of the same, con­quered and lost in lesse than eight yéeres, how long in pos­session of the kings of Eng­land, 1136, a 10, 50, b 10, 20. Hauen, the Frenchmens me­ning to destroie the same disappointed, 878, b 50. How the French were in loue with it after it was lost, note the words of the lord Cordes 771, a 20. King Henrie the seauenth saileth thither, 788, a 10, &c. The mart of all English commodities kept there, 778, a 20. The duke of Burgognies armie of 40000 men, 613, b 60. Besieged, he breaketh vp his sie [...]e and fli­eth, 614, a 20, b 30. A report that Richard the second ment to resigne it into the French kings hands, 462, b 10. The ioie that the French made euerie waie for the getting of it, 1136, b 60, 1137, a 10. The French king goeth to visit Calis, 1141, b 20. The losse thereof with what indignati­on quéene Marie taketh it, 1149, b 40. Might haue béene recouered from the French, 1150, b 60. The eleuenth king from the conquest got it, and the eleuenth againe after him lost it, 1161, b 10. Quéene Marie pensile for the losse of it, the cause of hir sicknesse and death, 1151, b 10, 20. Tri­umphs in France for the ge [...]ting againe thereof, 1141, a 30. ¶Sée Calis, Duke, and Uictorie.
  • Caluerleie knight a valiant capteine, 418, b 60. He reco­uereth Marke castell, 419, a 10. His exploits against the French, 419, b 10. His vali­antnes, 422, b 50
  • Cambridge, quéene Elisabeths progresse thither, 1206, b 20, &c. Presenteth a [...]aire & state­lie cup to quéene Elisabeth, 1299, a 10. ¶Sée Emanuell college.
  • Campeius refuseth to giue iudgement in the matter of Henrie the eight his vnlaw­full mariage with quéen Ka­tharine, 908, b 50, 60. ¶Sée Cardinall.
  • Campians description of car­dinall Woolseie, 917, b 20, ¶See préests seminarie.
  • Campbell a Scotish pirat or rouer taken on the sea, 872, b 20
  • Canons regular put in préests places, 100, a 10. Of Yorke refuse to receiue the archbi­shop of Canturburie as their primat, 147, b 60
  • Canonizing of kings déere, 691, a 40
  • Canturburie. ¶ Sée archbi­shoprike.
  • Canutus ment to haue attemp­ted a subduing of London, and what hindered, 7, a 30. Discomfited by the Nor­mans retireth to his ships, 7, a 40. ¶See Os [...]orne.
  • Cardinall Campeius sent into England about Henrie the eight his vnlawfull mariage, 906, b 60, Sent from the pope & the causes of his staieng at Calis, receiued with great pompe, what trash was in­closed in his chests, the pomp of him and Woolseie going to the court, 845, a 10, &c. Of Canturburie, thought the fit­test man to deale with the quéene for surrendring hir sonne, 717, a 50, he vseth ano­ther waie to persuade hir, 720, b 20. De Comos letter to Parrie, touching resoluti­on to kill the quéene, 1388, b 10, &c. Gualo commeth ouer into England, 192, a 20. A co­uetous prelat and fauourer of king Iohn, 187, b 20. Iohan­nes de Anagnia, prohibited to passe no further into Eng­land than Douer, 120, a 60, b 10. Nicholas sent into Eng­land to take awaie the inter­diction, 181, b 20. Octauianus legat into Ireland, 110, b 30. And what words Richard the first vsed to him against Rome, 123, b 50. Otho com­meth into England, the lords grudge at his receiuing without their knowledge, he is praised for his sober beha­uiour, strifes by him are compounded, 221, b 30, &c. He holdeth a synod at London, he goeth to Oxford, a fraie betwixt his men & the scho­lers, his cooke slaine, he com­plaineth to the king, he curs­seth the misdooers, 222, a 10, &c. Made to blush at a Char­terhouse moonks words, 225, b 10. Lieth in the wind still for the popes profit, 224, a 40, &c, b 40. Beginneth to looke to his owne commoditie, 224, a 10. His persuasions to the English cleargie, touching tribute to the pope, frustrate, 208, a 40, 50, &c, b 10. Peito become a begging frier, 1365, b 10. Petrus Hispanus sent from the pope, the cause of his comming, his demand of mo­nie of religious houses, 315, b 50, 60. He preacheth, & curs­seth Bruse the vsurper, 316, a 10. Piergot his trauell to treat a peace betwéene both kings of England & France, 388, b 40: note. Poole made archbishop of Canturburie, 1132, a 10. Was to reduce the church of England to the popes obedience, 1092, a 10. Sent for home into Eng­land, 1092, b 60 The councell diuided about the receiuing of him, 1093, a 10. Arriueth at Douer, his restitution in bloud, commeth to the parle­ment house, his oration there tending to the publike estate, 1122, all. Against the pope, 1365, a 60. Cōmeth to Pauls crosse in great pompe, 1126, a 60. A supplication exhibited vnto him, his authoritie apo­stolike: note, 1123, a 60. His mal [...]ce against Henrie the eight, 1134, b 60. Boners let­ter touching persecution vn­to him, staieth Boners cruel­tie somewhat, a papist but no bl [...]udie papist, halfe suspected for a Lutheran at Rome, an errant traitor, seditious and impudent, his treasons de­tected by his owne brother, woorse than a pagan, 1164, all. Unkind to Henrie the [...]ight that brought him vp, the manner of his death an [...] distribution of his goods, 1165, a 10, 20, &c. Deceaseth, described, 1162, a 60, earnest in burning the bones of the dead, b 10, articles touching the cleargie to be inquired of in his visitation, 30, &c, and the laitie, 1163, a 30. Of Praxed, liberall of the facul­ties: note 428, b 60, 429, a 10, &c. Uiuiano of S. Stephans in mount Celio, 100, a 40. Of Winchester complained a­gainst by the duke of Gloce­ster, 620, a 50, &c. Otherwise called the rich cardinall, de­ceaseth: note, 627, b 20. Wool­seie. ¶Sée Woolseie.
  • Cardinall commeth into Eng­land, receiuing an oth not to preiudice the realme, 239, b 60. He maketh shift for mo­nie, 240, a 10. Two, Iohn and Peter sent into Eng­land in commission from the pope, 8, b 60. Two robbed and the robbers executed, 323, a 60, they cursle the Scots, 3, b 10. Two from the pope to accord the two kings of England and France, 377, b 50. Two come into England about a treatie of peace 354, a 30. Their returne to Rome, a 60. Appointed to treat a peace betwéene England and France, 406, b 30. Sent to the king of England and France, to treat of peace, they gather monie, 295, a 10.
  • Cardinals of England all from the first to the last, collected, 1165, b 10, &c, 1166, 1167, 1168.
  • Careie George knight desirous of combat with the lord Fleming, his letter of chal­lenge, and replie to a former answer, 1218, a 10, 30, b 30
  • Carew baron slaine with a bul­let shot, 817, b 10. Knight ta­ken of the French, 960, b 60. Beheaded: note, 946, a 60. Used as an instrument to appease rebellion in Deuon, 1015, b 30. Charged with the rebellion in Deuonshire, 1022 b 30. ¶Sée Dinham.
  • Carlill destroied by the Danes, repaired and peopled by Wil­liam Rufus, 19, b 50, 60. As­salted by the Scots, 447, b 40
  • Carter an Englishman seruing among the French, but to their disaduantage, an hardie soldiour, and good seruitor, 997, a 20, b 10
  • Cassimere ambassador from the emperor Maximilian: note, 791, a 30. His comming into England, receiuing at Lon­don, going to the court, made knight of the garter, 1271, b 10, &c.
  • Castell of Banbourgh how woone and gotten, 21, b 50. Yéelded vnto king William Rufus, 21, b 60. Of Beauer summoned to yéeld to king Iohn, 189, a 30. Of Biham yéelded, 203, a 30. Chartleie and Beston built, 202, b 50. Of Doll in Britaine belong­ing to earle Rafe, besieged, 11, b 40. Of Douer & Wind­sor could Lewis neuer sub­due, 192, a 60. Yéelded vnto the quéene, 49, a 10. Dooth Lew­is the French labour to get but in vaine, 193, a 30. Of Durham by whom built, 10, b 60. Of Faringdon bui [...], 56, b 20. O [...] Fodringheie taken by dissimulation, 203, a 20. Galiard besieged and woone by the French, 166, b 50. Builded by Richard the first 155, a 60, b 10. Of Horne o­uerthrowne by William Ru­fus, 17, b 40. Of Huntington woone, 92, a 60. Of Ma [...]uai­sin built by William Ru [...]us, and whie, 21, b 50. Of Mont­gom [...]rie built, 203, a 60. Woon by the Welshmen, 21. Of Newarke in whose kéeping, 192, b 20. Where king Iohn died, 194, a 60. Of New­berrie woone, 59, b 30. Nor­ham by whome begun, 42, a 40. Notingham woone by Richard the first, 142, a 60. In whose kéeping, 192, b 60. Of Ramseie where Odolaie fortified against Willi­am Rufus, 17, b 40. Of Richmont néere Gilling­ham builded, 7, b 10. Of Rochester. ¶Sée Rochester. Of Rockingham, 25, a 10. Of Rutland builded, 67, a 30. Of Tickhill yéelded, 142, b 10. Of Tunbridge yéelded into Wil­liam Rufus his hands, 17. b 40
  • Castels besieged and surrende­red to Lewis the French kings sonne, 198, b 20. Woone by the bishop of Durham, 307, a 40. Builded by duke William for the suppressing of rebellions, 6, a 40. Fortified by king Iohn, 192. Besieged by bishops, 142, a 30, 40. De­liuered to king Richard the first, 128, a 60. Deliuered by the king of Scots, 95, a 30. Woone by the Scots, 91, a 60. Held by great men against king Stephan, 48, b 60. Li­cenced to be builded, 47, a 30. Manie builded in king Ste­phans daies, 65, a 10. In num­ber 1115 to be rased, 61, b 20. Fortified by the bishop of Winchester, 54, a 20. Built by the bishop of Salisburie, 50, b 20. Recouered by K. Ste­phan, 50, a 50. Of Bristow & Cardiff, &c: by whome buil­ded, 37, a 50. Fortified against Henrie the first, 30, a 30
  • Castell séene in the aire and ar­med men, 395, a 60
  • Casteller. ¶Sée Shoomaker.
  • Castile inuaded by the duke of Lancaster and the king of Portingale, 450, a 30. Philip king thereof saileth out of Flanders into Spaine, cast by casualtie of sea vpon the English coasts, promiseth to deliuer to Henrie the seuenth the earle of Suffolke, 794, a 20, 30, 50
  • Cat hanged in Cheape disgui­sed like a mas [...]ing préest, 1102, b 50
  • Cataia. ¶ Sée Frobisher.
  • Catesbie and his conditions de­scribed, 722, a 30
  • Cauendish lord chéefe iustice of England beheaded by the re­bels, 434, b 10, 20
  • Cementarius and his mischéef­ous preaching, 173, b 60
  • Chancellor lord elected bishop, 20, b 10
  • Chancellors of England first & last laid downe in a collection, 1272, a 30, 1273, &c. 1286, b 60
  • [Page]Chancerie court by whome in­stituted, 8, a 60. It and Kings­bench kept at Yorke, & from thense remooued to London, 480, a 10
  • Chanell from Torkseie to Lin­colne made by hand, 42, a 40
  • Chapell of our ladie of peace, 486, b 60
  • Chapels none to be newlie built without the bishops consent, 30, b 40
  • Charing crosse and others erec­ted, 285, b 40
  • Charles de Ualois chaseth the Englishmen, his returne in­to France, 294, a 40, b 60. Sent to Bruges, and disap­pointed of his preie, 304, b 40, 50, ¶Sée French king.
  • Charles Iames yoong prince of Scots christened, 1209, b 50
  • Charitie of Henrie the fift, 566, b 20. Of Henrie the sea­uenth, 797, a 20. Of Londo­ners towards the hospitals, 1083, a 10, &c. Of sir Row­land Hill: note, 1060, b 50, 60. Of William Lambe esquier, 1311, a 60, b 10, &c, 1312, 1313. Of sir Andrew Iude, 1062, b 20. Of Iustice Randolph, 1349, a 40, 1354 a 40. Of archb. Parker, 1261, a 20, 30, &c. Of sir William Harper, 1194, b 40. Of sir Roger Manwood, 1377, a 60, b 10, &c. Of sir Wil­liam Peters, 1227, b 50. Of Dauid Smith, 1375, b 50, 1376. Of Iohn Ligh a préest, 796, a 10, 20, &c. Of Kneis­worth maior of London, 792, b 10, 20. Of sir Iohn Allen, twise maior of London, 961, a 60, b 10, &c. Of George Mo­nex maior of London, 830, a 30. Of Thomas Huntlow shiriffe of London, 948, a 10. Of Thomas Gibson shiriffe of London, 945, b 60. Of sir Thomas White, 1092, a 30. Of sir Iohn Gresham, 1131, b 10. Preached before Edward the sixt, and the ef­fects that followed: note, 1081 b 20, &c. It and concord in a commonwealth be things most necessarie: note, 971, b 30 ¶ Sée Almeshouses, Pittie, and Mercie.
  • Charta de Foresta, 308, b 10, 185, b 60, 207, a 40, 306, a 40.
  • Charter of Alexander king of Scotland made to Henrie the third, 233, b 60. The same confirmed by the pope, 235. Of articles concerning a league betwéene Henrie the third & the nobles of Wales, 226, b 60. Of the articles of Dauid of Wales his submis­sion, 227, b 60. Wher Edward the first is acknowledged su­perior lord of Scotland, 286, b, 10, &c, 287, a all. Of king Iohns submission, as it was conueied to the pope at Rome 177, b 50. Of Richard the first concerning turnaments. 146, a 10▪ Conteining articles of the peace and agréement concluded betwixt the two kings read in S. Peters church in Yorke, 96, a 10. Of agréement betweene the king of England and the king of Conagh, 96, b 60. Of king Stephan and the pacificati­on of troubles betwixt him and Henrie Fitzempresse, 62, a 10. Of ma [...]mission gran­ted to the rebels by Richard the second, 434, a 10. Blanke sealed: note, 496, a 10, Confir­med vnder Henrie the thirds acknowledgment and sub­scription of witnesses, 220, b 20. Cancelled and much grée­ued at, 208, b 60.
  • Chartres taken by treason not­withstanding the truce, 607, a 60
  • Chastitie of the ladie Graie, and hir wisdom, 726, a 50. Should such professe as would be ad­mitted subdeacons, 30, b. 30. ¶Sée Clergie.
  • Charugage a certeine dutie for euerie plowland, 229, a 50
  • Chaucer the English poet in what kings time he liued, 541 b 50. ¶Sée Dukes.
  • Chaumount Hugh taken priso­ner. 152, a 10
  • Chéeke knight his deserued commendation: note 1055, a 50, 60, b 10, &c. His treatise shewing how gréeuous sedi­tion is to a commonwealth: note, 1042, 1043, &c, to 1055.
  • Cheinie knight, lord warden of the cinque ports, authorised by Henrie the eight to the christening of the Dolphins daughter, 973, b 50, 60. An e­nimie to Wiat: note, 1094, a 40. Henrie the eights letter to him for a prescript forme of demeanor in the English towards the French, 974, a 40, &c. Lord warden of the cinque ports his death, his old seruices at home and a­broad, much spoken to his praise and honor: note, 1171, a 30, 40, 50, 60, b 10, 20, 30.
  • Cheapside conduit builded, 704, b 10
  • Cheshire made a principalitie, 492, b 40
  • Cheshiremen gard Richard the second, 489, b 50. Slaine: note, 523, b 60
  • Chester abbeie by whome buil­ded, 27, b 60. And who gaue order thereto, 28, b 10. Earle­dome by whome possessed and inioied. 20 a 10
  • Chierburgh besieged by the English, 562, b 50. Yéelded to the Englishmen, 563, a 10. Deliuered to the English, 420, a 10. Possessed by the English, 564, a 40
  • Child of eleuen years old speak­ing strange spéeches, 1315. a 10, &c.
  • Chime of saint Giles without Criplegate to be mainteined, 1312, a 60. ¶Sée Bels.
  • Chimniage. ¶Sée Subsidie.
  • Chinon taken by force of as­sault. 169, b 60
  • Chisie William, a notable théefe hanged, 124, a 20
  • Christ and of a portion of his bloud shewed in a solemne procession, 240, a 40
  • Christ counterfet whipped, 1194, a 10. False apprehended and punished, 203, b 40, 50
  • Christs hospitall erected, 1082, b 10
  • Christians preuaile against the Saracens at Damieta, 202, b 20. It enuious discord, 134, a 20. Beheded by the Turks 133, a 30. And Saracens are a peace 135. Two hundred and thréescore deliuered from the captiuitie of the Turks, by means of one Iohn Fox: note, 1310, b 20. ¶Sée Sara­cens.
  • Christianitie abiured for monie: note, 27, a 40
  • Christianus a bishop of the Danes, & capteine in warre, 7, b 40
  • Christine a quéenes sister, a nun ¶Sée Margaret.
  • Christmas roiall, 807, a 40
  • Christmas shewes, 816, a 10
  • Christmasse called The still Christmasse, 892, b 40
  • Chronicles whereof and whie so named, and their necessarie vse, 1268, 1269
  • Chroniclers deserue a dutifull reuerence, and whie, 1268
  • Church of saint Anthonies in London, when and by whom builded, 779, a 50. Of saint Dunstans in the east defiled with bloud: note, 562, a 20, &c. Of Elie dedicated: note, 246, b 30. Of Hales solemnlie dedicated, 244, b 60, 245, a 10. Of Scotland obedient to the church of England, 97, b 10. Of England sore fléesed of hir wealth, 18, b 30. Ruina­ted by the Danes in the north parts, and verie scant: note, 11, a 20. Depriued of tempo­rall prosperitie, 256, a 50. Im­propriat, and that the bishop of Lincolne had authoritie to institute vicars in them, 246, a 40. Occupied by incum­bents strangers of the popes preferring, what grudge it bred: note, 214, a 60. Spoiles aduantage not the getter: note, 194, a 50. That for feare of the censure thereof the English pledges were relea­sed, 147, b 10, Iewels &c, tur­ned into monie for Richard the first his ransome, 139, b 10. The state thereof in Bec­kets time, 77, a 60. Liuings restored by act of parlement: note, 1130, a 20. Cathedrall to inioie the right of their electi­ons, 409, a 10. Ouerthrowne by an earthquake, 440, b 40. In London striken and bro­ken by tempest, 1185, a 10. Made a kenell of hounds, re­uenged, 23, a 50. ¶Sée Con­secration, Fines, Inuesti­tures, Lands, Schisme.
  • Churchmen. ¶Sée Clergie.
  • Churchyard new néere Bed­lem first made, [...]211, b 10
  • Cicester, the situation thereof, 796, b 10
  • Cicill knight commissioner in­to Scotland, about an accord of peace, 1192, a 30. Created lord treasuror, 1238, a 50. His descent, 1255, b 30
  • Cipriots resist Richard the first his landing, and are pursued, vanquished, 127, a 60, b 10. Their offers in respect of his discontentment & losse, 127, b 60. Submit themselues and are receiued as his subiects, 128, a 40. Their king sub­mitteth himselfe to Richard the first, 128, a 10. Stealeth awaie, & submitteth himselfe againe, is committed prisoner and chained in giues of sil­uer, 128, a 10, 60, b 10
  • Circumcision for loue of a Iewish woman, 203, b 60
  • Cisteaux moonks. ¶Sée monks white.
  • Citie wherof it consisteth, 1046, b 50
  • Cities their necessarie vse and seruice: note, 1047, b 10, 20, 30
  • Citizens, ¶Sée Londoners.
  • Clergie their presumptuous [...]thoritie restreined by acts, 239, b 40. Large offer to Hen­rie the third in a parlement, 255, b 30. Depriued of their liuings and liberties, 8, b, 60, and Normans preferred, 9, a 10. Ricked at by duke Willi­am, against whome note his malice, 9, a 10. Pinched by their pursses, fret and [...]ume against the popes procée­dings in that behalfe, 252, b 30. Resist duke Williams de­crées, and are banished, 8, a 30 Hardlie delt withall, and out of order: note, 24, a 30. Of England complaine to pope Urban against William Ru­fus, 18, b 40. Cardinall Pools articles concerning them, 1162, b 30. Grant halfe of all their spirituall reuenues for one yeare to Henrie the eight, 877, b 20. Complained of by the commons, 911, a 30. Both head and taile one with ano­ther against them, 911, b 10. In danger of a premunire, their offer to Henrie the eight 923, a 20, 30. The same par­doned, 923, b 10. Their sub­mission to H. the eight: note, 923. Speake euill of Henrie the eights procéedings in the reformation of religion, 941, a 20, 30. Conuocation for the reforming of religion, 940, b 60. Complained of for their crueltie Ex officio. 928, a 20. The cause whie so heinouslie offending was so fauoured, 787, a 50, &c. Of two sorts and both desirous to spare their pursses, 792, a 30. Of Exce­ster against Henrie the sixt and the duke of Summerset, in defense of their ecclesiasti­call priuileges, 637, b 30. A bill exhibited against them in the parlement, 545, b 10. Li­bels against them cast abrode 558, b 20. Sorelie brideled, 475, a 30. Inueied against of the Wickleuists. 481, b 60. They complaine of them to the king, 482, a 10. Ignorant and couetous in Richard the seconds time: note, 508 a 30. Mainteined by archbishop Arundell of Canturburie, 526, a 20, 30, &c. Fauoured of Henrie the fourth, 536, a 50. Displeased by Henrie the firsts dooings, 31, a 40. Of England consisted most of préests sonnes, 34, a 20. Ex­empted from dealing in anie temporall cause or office, 30, b 20. To kéepe no women in their house: except, &c, 34, b 10. Of liberties obteined for them, 99, a 40. Against Henrie the second, whome he labou­reth to bridle, 70, a 10. A hea­uie time for them: note, 172, a 50. In what awe they had K. Iohn, 180, b 20, &c. Repining against king Iohn, 184, b 30. More malicious to K. Iohn than he deserued, 196, a 20, 30, &c, b 20. Complaine to Henrie the third against the collecti­ons for the pope, 225, a 10. Of Durham glad to flie into the holie Iland, 7, b 60. Paid a tenth sooner than the time ap­pointed, 355, a 40. Deposed for denieng the subsidie, 406, [...] 20. Presumptuous deme­nors, 335, a 30. Without head: note, 293, a 10. Grant halfe part of their liuings to king Edward the first, 293, a 20. [Page] Grant the eleauenth part of ecclesiasticall things to Ed­ward the first, 285, b 20. And tenths of spirituall liuings to Edward the first, 285, b 50. Continue in deniall of a sub­sidie, 301, b 60. Excuse to be frée from subsidies, &c, 301, b 40. Their pride abhorred of Edward the first, 316, b 20. Oppressed complaine, & the same redressed, 315, b 30. Fi­ned, but the temporaltie par­doned: note▪ 201, b 60. In a miserable case, 302, a 40. Pin­ched with courtesies, beneuo­lences, and aids: note, 315, a 30. Mainteined & defended by archbishop Richard of Can­turburie, 213, a 50. Sore grée­ned at the popes exactions, 224, b 40, &c. ¶Sée Bishops, Churchmen, and Préests.
  • Clerke knight, a valiant cap­teine, 422, a 50
  • Clinton lord admerall, sent a­gainst the rebels in the north, 1212, b 40. Sent out against Brest, 1149, b 60. His seruice in Scotland, 986, 987, 988, 989, b 50. Deceaseth, 1378, b 50, 1379, a 10
  • Clinton Gefferie, a noble man accused of treason, 43, b 50
  • Clinton Atkinson. ¶ Sée Pi­rats.
  • Clothiers in diuerse places re­léeued, 1311, b 40. In Burton had two hundred pounds lent gratis for euer, 1369, b 30
  • Clippers of gold. ¶Sée Coine.
  • Cn [...]to with certeine Danes, arriueth in England: note, 11, b 30
  • Cobham lord with his new sup­plie of soldiors, valiant, 998, a 10, 40. Condemned: note, 493
  • Cobham lord vnable to resist Wiat and his power, 1095, b 50. Made of the priuie coun­cell, 1434, b 60. His lineall descent, 1505, b 30, &c.
  • Cocke of Westminster. ¶ Sée Casteller.
  • Cognisances. ¶ Sée Badges.
  • Coine base, 963, b 10. New, 10 [...]0, b 50. Of small péeces, as six pence, &c, 1194, b 50. New of sundrie sorts, 1193, b 50. Thirtie barrels carried ouer sea for foldiours paie, 229, b 20. Of sundrie sorts in England currant, prohibited by proclamation, 309, a 20. ¶ Sée Monie. Of Edward the first amended, 280, a 20. Of grotes and halfe grotes, first coined, 380, b 10. To be inhansed or abased, 400, b 40. Disanulled, and degrées of Florensmade, 367, a 30. New of gold called the Floren, 366, a 10. Of Ireland refor­med, 174, b 30. Altered, 67, a 40. Of Henrie the seconds changed in forme, and whie, 104, a 30. Crackt, wherein note Henrie the firsts art, 45, b 10. Changed, 540, a 40. Im­based, 1066, b 40. New stam­ped, 667, b 10. Diuerse sorts newlie ordeined, 791, b 60. Of gold set at their valuation, 893, b 60. Salute, 578
  • Coine clipped an ordinance for the same: note, 241, a 10
  • Coine clippers, washers, &c, searched for, 279, b 30
  • Coine clippers both gold and siluer, executed as traitors, 2262, a 40: note, 1270, a 30
  • Coine counter [...]ettors executed, 1271, a 60, 1211, a 60
  • Coiner executed, 792, a 20
  • Colchester castell besieged, and deliuered to king Iohn, 190, b 30
  • Collect deuised in honour of Thomas Becket: note, 85, b 20. ¶ Sée Praiers.
  • Collection. ¶Sée officers.
  • Collingborne a fauourer of the earle of Richmond, his pur­pose to aid him at Poole in Dorsetshire, indicted to be a libellor against the king, he is executed, 746, b 10, &c.
  • Collingham a valorous gentle­man of Sussex, 192, a 50
  • Colonie of southerne men plan­ted in Carlell, 19, b 60
  • Combat appointed at Tuthill, in a controuersie of land, but not tried: note, 1225, b 60, 1226, a 10, &c. With the lord Fleming, sued for by sir George Careie, 1218, a 10. Fought at Westminster, 379, b 50. In a case of debate, ap­pointed and disappointed, 381, a 10. Required betwixt the king of England & France, for triall of all matters in controuersie betwéene them 152, a 30. Purposed in a con­trouersie of lands, 100, b 50. Betwixt Henrie de Essex, and Robert de Montfort, 67, a 20. Fought betwixt two e­squires of differing nations, 446, a 60. Betwéene two dukes, staied by Richard the second, 493, a 60. Appointed betwéene the duke of Lanca­ster, and the duke of Norf­folke, 494, b 30, &c, 495, a 10, &c Betwéene a knight and an esquire, with the maner ther­of: note, 424, b 50, 425, a 10, &c. For triall of treason, in what case lawfull: note, 424, b 10. Betwéene two Scotish gen­tlemen, accusing each other, 992, b 60, 993, a 10. Betwéene Henrie the fift, and monsieur Baulbason, 577, a 10, 60, b 10, &c. Upon triall of manhood betwéene an Englishman & a French, 628, b 40. Appoin­ted and disappointed, 626, b 10. Betwéene Iulian Rome­ron, and Marow, 974, b 60. The French king challen­geth the emperor thereto, and giueth him the lie, 905, b 60
  • Comet. ¶Sée Blasingstar.
  • Commandement bloudie, execu­ted on the English, 10, b 10
  • Common crier for saie of hous­hold stuffe, 1207, a 50
  • Commons proponed certeine articles against the duke of Suffolke, 631, a 30
  • Commotion of the commons in diuerse parts of the realme, by reason of the great subsi­die, and other oppressions, 429 a 60, b 10, &c. In Summer­setshire & other places: note, 1002, a 40. In Yorkeshire, 672, a 10. In Norwich a­gainst the prior of the place: note, 626, a 60. ¶Sée Insur­rection, Rebellion, and Sub­sidie.
  • Communion booke and com­mon praier published, 996, b 10. Confirmed, 1066, a 60.
  • Communion in both kinds, 980, a 10. Receiued of six bi­shops, 1185, a 60
  • Companie lewd, and what mis­chéefe and disorder it wor­keth, 318, b 10. With ill coun­sell how mischéefous, 321, b 10
  • Compassion of an Englishman to a French, 628, b 50. Of Perkin Warbecke counter­fet, 781, a 40
  • Compiegne surrendered to the English by a policie, recoue­red from the French, 587, a 60, b 30.
  • Complaint out of England to Rome against Henrie the third, 222, b 30. Made to the pope by the monks of Christs church of their archbishop, 153, a 20. Of Becket to the pope, 72, b 50. Of Anselme to the pope against William Rufus, 26, a 10. ¶Sée Cler­gie.
  • Compremise. ¶Sée abitrement.
  • Compulsion voluntarie, 1015, a 30
  • Conan the sonne of Alane earle of Britaine, married to a kings daughter, 7, b 30
  • Concubine of the duke of Lan­caster married vnto him, 485, b 60, 486, a 10. Of the duke of Glocester, whom he marieth, 590, a 60. Thrée of Edward the fourth, 725, a 10. ¶ Sée Shores wife, Perers, and Préests.
  • Concubines loue to hir para­mour, notable, 149, b 60
  • Conduit at Walbrooke new built, 1211, a 60. In Holburne founded and finished, 1311, b 60. In Cheapside builded, 704, b 10. At Bishopsgate builded, 792, b 10
  • Confession of the duke of Suf­folke at his beheading, 1100, b 60, 1101, a 10. Of sir Tho­mas Palmer on the scaffold at Tower hill, 1090, a 60. Uoluntarie of Francis Throckmorton the traitor, written to quéene Elisabeth, with his letters of submissi­on: note, 1373, b 60, 1374, &c. Uoluntarie of Parrie the no­table traitor that ment to haue murthered the quéene, 1384, b 60, 1385, 1386, 1387. Of the ladie Iane at hir be­heading, 1099, b 60, 1100, a 10. Of sir Thomas Wiat, before iudgement passed against him, 1104. Of the duke of Northfolke, when he should be executed on Tower hill: note, 1229, b 20, &c, 1230. Of Richard the first his lewd life: note, 126, b 10. Of Iack Straw at the time of his death, 438, b 10. Of the duke of Summerset at his death on the Towerhill, 1068, a 10, b 50. Of the lord Cromwell when he was beheaded, 951, b 20. Of Elisabeth Barton the holie maid of Kent, at hir execution, 937, a 40. Auricu­lar spoken against, and how the same was punished: note, 968, b 30
  • Confirmation of children by the bishop, 1003, a 40
  • Coniers knight, a capteine of Durham tower, 101, a 20. Of rare valiantnesse, 672, a 50
  • Coniunction of Iupiter and Saturne, 484, b 40. Prophe­sied, but the prophesier decei­ued, 1356, b 30, &c.
  • Coniuror suddenlie dieth when a case of his should haue béene tried in law: note, 1271, a 20. Punished: note, 348, a 50, 60, b 10. Hanged, 1314, b 60
  • Connagh in Ireland how sea­ted, 81, b 60. A kingdome, 96, b 40. The king thereof en­treth into the marches of England, he and his are van­quished, 212, b 50, 60. The king is taken and committed to prison, 213, a 10
  • Conquet and diuerse other pla­ces burnt by the lord adme­rall of England, 814, b 10. Taken and burned, 1151, a 10
  • Conrade duke of Austrich. ¶Sée duke.
  • Conscience guiltie of an often­dor vnquiet: note, 1228, b 50, 60. Guiltie in extremitie of sicknesse pincheth sore, 541, a 40. Grudging and accusing what a torment, 735, b 50. Troubled for offense of rebel­lion: note, 18, a 30. Guiltie. ¶Sée Suspicion.
  • Consecration of bishop Samu­ell: note, 22, a 40. Of Ri­chard archbishop of Cantur­burie disturbed by yoong king Henrie, 85, b 60, 86, a 10. Of churches in what respect al­lowed, 30, b 50. Of Thomas archbishop of Yorke vpon his submission, and recouereth his pall 36, b 40. Of the arch­bishop of Yorke deferred: note 35, all. Of bishops denied bi­cause of their inuestiture by the king: note, 31, a 60, b 10. Of the archbishop of Can­turburie by pope Calixtus. 40, a 50. Of Eadmer, where­about was contention, 41, a 20. Of the Lords bodie, 1003, a 50, &c. Of an Irish bishop, 22, b 60
  • Conspiracie against king Wil­liam Rufus, to put him be­side the crowne, 17, a 10, 20, Of Robert earle of Nor­thumberland, and whie, 21, b 30. In Northfolke towards, and how extinguished: note, 1221, b 60, 1222, a 10. Of the lords against Henrie the third, 209, a 50, 60, &c, b 10. Of Foukes de Brent, against Henrie the third, and his [...]oule end, 206, a 40. Against the lord chéefe iustice, 205, a 40. To set prisoners at liber­tie, 333, a 30. Of lords against king Iohn, 184, a 10, 185, a 30, &c. Of lords banding themselues against king Iohn, 185, a 10. Of great men against king Stephan, 48, b 60. Disclosed, and the discloser slaine, 531, b 40. What an ill euent it hath, 530 a 40, 60, b 30, &c. A fresh a­gainst Henrie the fourth, by the earle of Northumberland and others, 529, a 60. Of the Persies with Owen Glen­douer, 521, b 50, 522, 523. De­uised, but not practised, and yet punished: note, 520, a 10. &c. Against Henrie the fourth & the parties executed, 516, [...] 50, 60, b 10, &c. Of the noble­men strangelie disclosed: note 515, a 10, 20. Of the abbat of Westminster against Henrie the fourth: note, 514, b 20, Betwéene the duke of Glo­cester and the abbat of saint Albons, their purpose, & is disclosed, 488, b 10, 40, 50. Of Richard the second against the duke of Glocester, 489, a 60. Of Frenchmen against the English, 568, b 60. Of nobles against Edward the fourth: note, 670, b 20, 30, 671, 672, &c. Of the Parisiens a­gainst the duke of Bedford [Page] punished with death, 586, a 60 At Excester against Richard the third, some of the parties executed, 746, a 10, 30. Of the duke of Buckingham a­gainst Richard the third, had ill successe: note, 743, a 10, &c, 744, a 10, &c. Against Henrie the seauenth, and what an ill end it had, 765, 766, 767, a 10, &c. Against the prince falleth out alwaie to the cōspirators shamefull death, 790, a 30, 40. Traitorous: note, 941, vpon a malcontentment. ¶Sée Lin­colneshiremen. Against the ladie Elisabeth whiles she was in trouble, 1157, a 50, 60, b 10, &c. Against quéene Ma­rie, sorting to an euill end: note, 1132, a 20, 40, 60. Of quéene Maries death, and the offendors executed, 1117, a 60. ¶ Sée Duke of Buc­kingham, Noblemen, Rebel­lion.
  • Conspirators ouerthrowne and discomfited: note, 18, a 10, 20. Extreamlie punished, and that diuerslie, 21, b 60. Uan­quished and punished: note, 188, a 30, 40, An league, and inuade Henrie the seconds dominions, 87, b all. Against Henrie the first, to put him b [...]side the crowne, 29, b 20
  • Constable. ¶ Sée France.
  • Constables of England, called high constables, the office en­ding in the duke of Bucking­ham, 865, b 60, 866, &c.
  • Constance the mother of duke Arthur. ¶Sée Duke.
  • Constance wife to Eustace sent home, 61, a 30
  • Constancie of the archbishop of Yorke, 256, b 40. Of the earle of Carlill at his death, 334, a 60. In martyrdom, 536, a 60. Of a good Iew in christiani­tie, 27, a 60
  • Constantia the daughter of Margaret countesse of Bri­taine, how married, 7, b 30
  • Constantinople the emperor thereof commeth into Eng­land, 222, a 60
  • Contention betwixt the earles of Leicester and Glocester, 261, b 10. Betwéene the two princes of Wales pursued: note, 226, b 20, &c. Betwixt pr [...]lats, 244, b 10. Betwéene Henrie the third, and the bi­shop of Lincolne, 228, b 40. Betwixt Frederike the em­perour and pope Innocent, 224, b 30. Betwixt two Welsh princes for the principalitie, 224, b 10. Betwéene the arch­bishop of Canturburie and the earle of Kent, 213, a 40, &c. Newlie broched by the arch­bishop of Canturburie, 204, b 60. Betwixt the earles of Leceister and Glocester, 259, a 60. About the choosing of the emperor, 155, a 20. Betwéene bishops for superioritie, 133. a 60. Betwixt two ambitious bishops, 121, a 50. Betwéene Henrie the second and Tho­mas Becket, 68, b 20. Be­twéene bishops, 36, b 60, 37, a 10. About the election of the maior of London, 445, a 60. Hot betwéene William Ru­fus & Anselme, 24, 25. ¶Sée Discord, Dissention, Uari­ance.
  • Contracts of marriage to be void without witnesses, 30, b 60. ¶Sée Mariage.
  • Contribution appointed by Henrie the second, 74, a 60
  • Controuersie betwixt king Henrie the third, and the bi­shop of Winchester, 231, b 60, 232, a 10. About the crowne of Scotland, 285, b 60, 286, a all. Betwéene the archbishop of Canturburie & the moonks 120, b 10, Betwixt the nobles and péeres appeased by Hen­rie the first, 38, a 60. ¶ Sée Combat and Contention.
  • Conuocation at Westminster called by bishop Longchamp, 129, a 20. ¶Sée Councell and Synod.
  • Cooke Anthonie. ¶Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Coplan [...] refuseth to deliuer his prisoner the king of Scots to anie except to the king of England, 376, a 60
  • Copsti slaine by Osulfe, 13, a 30
  • Cordes lord a Frenchman ma­keth aduantage of occasion, 770, a 60. His malicious and foolish words, 771, a 20
  • Cornishmen strong archers, 782 b 10. Rebell against Henrie the seauenth, their shamefull end, 781, b 20, 30, &c: 782, a 10, &c.
  • Coronation solemne and state­lie of Richard the second, 416, a 60, b 10, &c, 417, a 10, &c. Of Richard the first roiall, 118, a 30
  • Corpus Christi college in Ox­ford, by whome and when founded, 839, b 50, 60
  • Cosneie besieged by the Dol­phin, & rescued by the duke of Bedford, 582, b 40, 60
  • Cotteshold shéepe transported into Spaine, 668, b 50
  • Couentrie the quéenes Henrie the sixts wife secret harbour. 654, a 30. She is a better capteine than the king hir husband, 654, a 50. The church when and by whom ioined to the sée of Chester, 27, b 60
  • Couetousnesse of Henrie the first: note, 37, a 60. Of Car­dinall Uiuiano noted, 100, a 10, b 10 Of the emperor, ha­uing Richard the first his prisoner, 137, a 30 Of the em­peror notable against honestie and honour, 141, a 20, 30, 40, 50. To be noted in Richard the firsts demands, 124, b 40. Of king Iohn, 184, b 20. Of cardinall Gualo, 187, b 20. Of Gualo notable, 193, a 20. Of duke William, 8, a 40, b 50. Of William Rufus, 18, b 10, 20, b 10. Purchased Hen­rie the seuenth hatred among his people, 791, b 20, 30, 40. Of two moonks, 18, b 50. Of offi­cers in a collection, 139, a 60. Inueighed against, 213, a 60, b 10. Of monie the cause of murther: note, 1228, b 20, &c. Cloaked with an excuse, 37, b 10. ¶ Sée Flemings, and Rome.
  • Councell held at Rockingham castell: and whie, 25, a 10. Held at London, 204, b 60. Generall summoned by the pope, 236, b 20, 237, a 10, &c. In Edward the thirds ship, 368, a 10. Of the cleargie called by the cardinall, 181, b 40. At Yorke, 322, a 60. At Westmin­ster by the archbishop of Canturburie, 162, a 10. At Winchester and traitors pro­clamed, 143, b 10. At Cantur­burie, 120, b 20. At Pipe­well, 119, a 60. At London by king Henrie the first, and whie, 34, a 30. At Oxford, 68, a 60. At Clarendon, 70, a 30. At Tours, 69, a 60. Generall at Rome, 102, b 20. At West­minster, 85, a 60. At Gat­tington, 111, b 60. Of bishops, 71, a 20. At Castill, called by K. Henrie the second. 82, a 40. Of lords at Clarkenwell, 108, b 30. Generall at Pisa, 535, a 20. Prouinciall, 535, a 20. At Stamford, 477, b 30. At Notingham, and who present, 456, a 60. Generall at Constance, 547, a 40. Ge­nerall the prerogatiue of the English nation, 558, a 60. Of Henrie the sixt, most spi­rituall persons: note, 622, b 60. ¶Sée Assemblie, Folk­mote, Parlement, & Synod.
  • Counsell good, the want where­of a cause of committing foule sinnes: note, 18, b 10. Euill of nobles to duke Robert, to put king William his brother from the crowne, 17 a 10, 20. Good of Lanfranke to Willi­am Rufus, to win and kéepe fauour of people, &c, 16, b 10. Of strangers folowed, home­bred refused, 231, a 30 Good giuen, and safelie followed: note, 215, a 10, 20, 30. That bred grudge and mislike be­twéene Henrie the third and his nobles, 205, b 40. Euill turneth to the hurt of the counsellor, 205, a 40. Euill of a bishop to his souereigne, a­gainst the commonwealth, 204, b 60. Euill falleth out ill to the counsell giuer: note, 204, a 40, 50. Euill and lewd companie how mischéeuous, 321, b 10. Good giuen, ill re­warded, 332, a 40. Good not to vse crueltie, 188, a 30. Good ill requited, 184, b 20. Giuen for the which the counsellors were curssed, 168, b 50, 60, 169 a 10. Of euill persons to the sonne against the father, dan­gerous to a state, 86, a 50, b 10 Euill sorteth ill to the coun­sellor, 112, a 50. Lewd fa [...]leth ou [...] ill [...]0 the counsellor, 28, b 30. Euill and dangerous, 430 b 20. Good neglected, 447, b 50. Euill and what inconue­nience followeth it: note, 507, b 50. Taken how to deale with the lords that conspired against Richard the second, 458, b 20. Euill how preua­lent and mischéeuous, 670, b 30, 50, &c. Of the lord Ha­stings to his acquaintance: note, 675, b 10. Of a damsell to the duke of Clarence, 675, a 10, 20. Good regarded of a king: note, 8▪ 2. Ill giuen to a king, 248, a 60. Euill giuen & followed: note, 12, a 40. co­uetous & mischéefous of the earle of Hereford practised, 8, b 60. ¶Sée warnings.
  • Counter in Woodstréet not an­cient, 1129, b 40
  • Counterfet of Richard Plan­taganet, 775, a 60
  • Counterfet earle of Warwike, 785, a 30
  • Counterfet king Edward the sixt, whipped, and executed as a traitor, 1127, a 40, and b 10
  • Counterfet king Richard the second, 515, a 50, 525, b 10
  • Counterfet duke of Yorke. ¶Sée Perkin Warbecke.
  • Counterfet Christ whipped. 1194, a 10
  • Counterfet to be possessed with the diuell, punished by dooing open penance, 1259, b 60
  • Counterfet spirit in a wall without Aldersgate, 1117, b 60. ¶Sée Dissimulation and Dissemblers.
  • Counterfetting of licences, and antedating them, 953, a 20 ¶Sée Antedating.
  • Counterfetting of quéene Eli­sabeths hand, punished as an offense tresonable, 1227, b 60, 1315, a 40
  • Countesse of Bierne a woman receiueth soldiors paie, 230, 30. Of Boughanhir punish­ment for setting the cr [...]wne on Robert Bruse his head: note, 314, a 10. Of Oxford practise to brute that Richard the second was aliue, 525, a 60. Committed to prison, 525, b 20. Deceaseth, 702, b 40, 237 b 20
  • Countesse of Prouance com­meth ouer into England, 231 b 50.240, b 20. Dealeth vn­iustlie wi [...]h Henrie the third hir sonne in law, 238, a 40
  • Countesse of Richmond and Derbie, &c, mother to Henrie the seauenth, 678, a 60
  • Countesse of Salisburie behea­ded, being the last of the right line and nauie of Plantage­net, 953, a 60
  • Countesse of Warwike taketh sanctuarie, 685, b 50
  • Court, certeine lords, ladies, and others put out of Ri­chard the seconds court, 463, a 50, 60
  • Court misliked, 496, a 60
  • Courtneie lord, prisoner in the Towre, he hath priuie eni­mies, 1101, b 10, &c, 1102, a 10, &c.
  • Courtneie earle of Deuonshire goeth ouer into Italie, decea­seth, descended of the bloud roiall, 1129, a 20, 30
  • Couper. ¶Seé Follie.
  • Cox doctor the duke of Sum­mersets ghostlie father at his death, 1069, a 40
  • Cranmer arreigned of treason, 1093, a 30. Nominated arch­bishop of Canturburie, 929, b 30. He, Latimer & Ridlie sent to Oxford to dispute, 1102, b 60. Committed to the tower, 1090, b 60. Examined, con­demned, burned, describ [...]d, 1131, b 20, 30, 60
  • Credulitie how mischéefous, 780, a 40, 50, &c: 781, a 10, &c.
  • Creichton a Scot apprehended with diuerse plots for inuasi­on of this realme, 1387, b 60
  • Creplegate builded, 705, b 40
  • Crispine William taken priso­ner, 33, a 40. ¶ Seé earle.
  • Crofts knight, generall of Ha­dington, 996, b 60 Examined touching the ladie Elisabeth, 1154, a 60. Went to talke with the quéene of Scots, 1188, a 10. His militarie seruice in Scotland, 1187, a 30
  • Crotoie besieged by the duke of Burgognie, & rescued, 616, b 10
  • Crome at Pauls crosse recan­teth, 973, b 30, 40.
  • Cromwell sometimes cardinall Wolfe [...]s seruant, aduanced to Henrie the eights seruice, 913, b 20. Maister of the iew­ell house▪ 929, b 50▪ Created [Page] lord and kéeper of the priuie scale, 941, a 10. Made knight of the garter, 944. b 20. Lord earle of Essex, & great cham­berleine of England, 950, b 50, 60. Committed to the Towre, 951, a 10. The words he spake at his death, 951, b 20. A description of him by sundrie circumstances, b 60, 952, a 10, 20, &c.
  • Crosse called the blacke crosse, 347, b 30. Of the bishop of E­lie and the print thereof, 131, b 60. The signe thereof so­lemnlie vsed by the duke of Lancaster, 505, b 30. And the priuilege of those that tooke vpon them the same, 191, a 60. Preached against Manfred, 252, b 10. Séene in the aire long and large, with a cruci­fix, 113, b 30. In Cheape de­faced: note, 1321, b 30.
  • Crosses red, white, and greéne differencs of nations: note, 111, b 10
  • Crosbie knight his gift to the citie of London, 702, a 50
  • Crowne established by act of parlement: note, 937, a 60. And what king Iohn did for feare to be depriued thereof, 7, b 30. Intailed, 514, a 20. ¶ Seé Oth, Parlement, Succession.
  • Crowne of sedges and bulru­shes set vpon the duke of Yorkes head in derision, 659, b 50
  • Crueltie paid with sudden mis­chéefe, 664, b 20. Of the Bri­tans and Flemings, 525, a 50. Beastlie and barbarous, 528, a 30. Restreined by Gods iudgment, 147, a 40, 50. With­out direction of iustice, 173, b 30 Of king Iohn by the pre­ching of Cementarius a preacher, 173, b 60. Of duke William against the English, 14, a 20, 8, a 30, 40, b 50. Of the Scots, 299, a 60. Of king Malcolme against the Eng­lish, 10, b 10. Of the papists in queéne Maries time toward the martyrs, 1363, a 40, 50. Ioined with victorie, 23, a 50. And extremitie shewed vnto gentlemen by rebels, 1052, b 20. ¶Seé Frenchmen.
  • Culpepper vndermarshall of Calis, 819, b 30
  • Culuerings seauen, called the seauen sisters, taken from the Scots, 829, a 60. ¶ Sée Guns.
  • Cumberland [...]ore spoiled by the Scots. 447, b 40
  • Cumin Robert captein against the Northumbers in a rebel­lion, 6, b 10
  • Curcie Iohn Winneth Dun in Ulster, 100, a 30. His vali­antnesse, 100, b 40
  • Curcie Robert slaine, 67, a 10
  • Curfue, or couer fue, when and whie first instituted, 6, a 50
  • Cursse of duke William against Robert his rebellious sonne, 12. a 40. Or archbishop Geffe­rie of Yorke, 170, b 50. Of Thomas Becket for curtai­ling his horsse, 79, b 60. Of the pope against the archbi­shop of Yorke: note, 256, b 40. Against the troublers of peace, 273, a 40. Upon the people of the south parts of England, 214, b 30. Against the breakers of Oxford sta­tutes, 262, a 10. For oppres­sing of the poore, and how fea­red: note, 175, a 40. Of a le­gat to Lewis the French kings sonne, 200, a 10. A great péece of ecclesiasticall discipline in old time: note, 35, b 60, 36, a 10. Euerie sun­daie to be read, 31, a 20. ¶ Sée Pope.
  • Cursses of the oppressed heard and reuenged: note, 1066, a 50
  • Curthose Robert, Henrie the first his brother, dieth for gréefe, 44, b 50
  • Custome that the kings of Englands eldest sons were euer made dukes of Nor­mandie, 38, a 30. Of buieng and selling of men like oxen & kine, 31, a 10. Of wooll, and the augmentation thereof grudged at: note, 304, b 10. Raised to an higher prices, 303, a 40
D.
  • DArcie lord knight of the garter, generall of a pow­er sent against the Moores, 808, b 60. His companie rea­die at Plimmouth, honoura­blie receiued of the king of Aragons councell, disconten­ted at a bishops declaration, 809, b 10, 40, 60. His returne out of Spaine. 810, a 40
  • Dacres lord arreigned, but found cléere to his great ho­nor, 937, b 60. Arreigned for murther, executed at Ti­burne: note, 954, a 40, 60. Rebelleth, 1213, a 20. Flieth into Scotland, 1213, a 50
  • Dale pewterer his fault and releasment after long impri­sonment: note, 968, b 30
  • Damieta, 202, a 40. ¶Sée Sa­racens.
  • Dampfront yéelded to Henrie the fift, 563, a 20
  • Damport one of the gard hang­ed for robbing, 953, a 60, b 10
  • Danes rob the English mer­chants, and win great prises, 485, a 10. Arriued in Eng­land to ioine with the rebels against duke William, and re­turne dooing nothing, 11, b 30. Winter betwixt Ouse and Trent, 7, a 40. Wasted and ruinated religious places in the north parts, 11, a 20. Un­der the conduct of Canute, &c preuaile mightilie in the North, 6, b 50, 7 a 30. ¶ Sée Normans, Sweine.
  • Darlington knight, lord gardi­an of London, remooued, 478, a 60, b 10
  • Daubeneie lord with others sent against the French king, his feats of armes, 770, b 10, &c. Henrie the seauenths chéefe chamberleine, 779, a 60. Deceaseth, 795, b 10
  • Dauid of Wales reuolteth, and becommeth a rebell, 280, b 60. Condemned of treason, & exe­cuted, 282, a 60, b 10
  • Debate betwixt the dukes of Lancaster and Brunswike, 381, a 10. Betwixt the towns­men and scholers of Oxford: note, 381, b 20. And how it was ended and taken vp, 382 a 50, 60, b 10, &c. ¶Sée Con­tention.
  • Debt of Henrie the third, thrée hundred thousand markes, 252, a 20. Henrie the thirds sparing to bring him out of it, 242, b 20. Maketh foes of fréends: note, 312, a 20
  • Dedication of churches. ¶Sée Church.
  • Déed of gift with the forme thereof in duke Williams time, 7, b 10
  • Delaies did not William Ru­fus vse, but excéeding spéed: note, 23, b 20. Breedeth losse: note, 17, b 60
  • Demands of the pope of a large tenth, 210, b 60. Out of spiri­tuall liuings in England, 208, a 40, 50. In a treatie of peace, 160, b 20. Moderated, 480, a 60. Hard, that hindered the peace betwéene Eng­land and France, 410, a 60, b 10. Too large, & hinder the concluding of peace, 362, a 60. Uerie large for a dowrie of gold and siluer, 124, b 40. Un­reasonable, 233, a 50, 60. Pre­sumptuous of the French king concerning peace, 388, b 10
  • Denie Edward. ¶Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Denmarke king arriueth in England, the citie of London banket him, he departeth into Flanders, 878, a 60, b 10. In­uested into the order of the garter, 1348, a 50
  • Derision of the Englishmen in a [...]ime, 347, a 40. Of quéene Ione, called Ione Make­peace, 347, b 50. Of the duke of Yorke aspiring to the crowne, 659, b 50. Lewis his faire, 200, b 10
  • Derth, 381, a 50. Of corne, 473, a 20, 204, b 30, 292, b 40. In­creaseth, 323, a 30, 260, a 10. By means of raine, 404, b 60, 58, a 60. By extreame cold weather, 217, b 50. After a wet season, 898, b 40. Or vit­tels: note, 959, b 50, 616, b 10. 237, b 50. For space of thrée yeares, 156, b 60. Made mar­kets déere, 284, b 20. Through out all England, 150, b 30. Excéeding great, 257, a 40. In Henrie the thirds campe: note, 248, b 50
  • Derth and plentie, 1133, a 30. Without scarsitie and plentie to them that had monie, 1259, b 10. Where none néeded, 476, b 40
  • Derth and death, 323, b 50, 258, a 30, 97, a 50, 323, a 10, 351, a 40. ¶Sée Scarsitie.
  • Desire hard to be brideled: note 576, a 10
  • Desmond Iohn his miserable end: note, 1366, a 10, &c. ¶Sée more in earle of Desmond.
  • Desperation, 677, a 10
  • Destinie cannot be auoided, 639 b 10
  • Deth of great personages, 312, b 30, 295, b 60, 263, a 10, 247, a 20, 236, a 50, 239, a 60, 241, a 50, 240, b 10, 352, b 10, 20, 231, b 10, 244, b 40, 230, b 50, 228, b 50, 223, b 30, 514, b 10, 1171, b 50, 60, 795, b 10, &c. 30, 791, a 10, 950, a 60, 944, b 60, 108, a 30, &c, 481, a 20, 30. In Spain through heat of that countrie, 450, a 60, b 10, 395, b 30, 237, b 30. And multitudes of peo­ple, 410, a 30. Of learned bi­shops, 249, a 10. In one yeare, 778, b 20. Of seauen aldermen in London within the space of ten moneths, 1209, b 60. ¶Sée Aldermen.
  • Deth preferred before losse of monie, 252, b 40. Great by the flux, 537, a 20. Of peo­ple, 21, a 30. Desperate of Summeruile, 1366, a 20. In Winter, 892, b 30. Of much people in London, &c, 825, a 60. By strange diseases: note, 1132, b 10. By the sword pre­ferred before famishment, 166 b 20. Of old people, 1142, a 50. After a great derth, 97, a 50. Of horsse and men in the English host, 445, b 30. In the North countries, with spoile doone by the Scots, 422, b 60 In Yorke and sun­drie other places, 475, b 10. Of men and beasts, called the third mortalitie, 404, b 20. Af­ter a sort sudden, 397, b 50. Most men, few women, 395, a 50. Of people betwixt Can­dlemas and Easter, 379, b 30. Lamentable, 323, b 50. It en­deth discord: note, 395, a 60. ¶ Sée Buriall.
  • Death sudden of sir Thomas Gresham, 1310, b 50. Of a woman that forsware hir selfe. ¶Sée Periurie. Of a sorcerer: note, 1271, a 20. Of quéene Anne, the wife of Ri­chard the third, 751, a 40. Sudden and dreadfull of a blasphemous preacher, 1128, b 60, 1129, a 10. Of a merci­les & tyrannicall bishop, 1130, a 60. Of the erle of Suffolke: note, 440, a 10. ¶Sée Abbat.
  • Deth and derth, 323, a 10, 258, a 30, 217, b 50, 953, a 10: note, 1049, a 10, 404, b 60, 378, b 20, 30. ¶Sée Mortalitie, Plage, Pestilence, & Sweating sick­nesse.
  • Deuotion superstitious of Hen­rie the yoong prince: note, 107 a 20. ¶Sée Moore knight.
  • Diches about London clensed, 789, b 40, 50
  • Diet of frée cost: note, 1425, b 60 Moderated by an ordinance made by the maior and al­dermen, 959, b 60, 960, a 10. Excessiue restreined, 111, b 40 A statute cōcerning it: note, 396, a 50
  • Digbie Edward. ¶ Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Digcon, ¶Sée Gun.
  • Dimmocke knight his challeng at Richard the thirds coro­nation, 734, a 40. The kings champion, the manner of his tenure at a coronation, 802, a 20. His championlike office, 1180, a 40
  • Dinham esquier high treasuror of England, 650, b 30. Uali­ant, 651, a 20. He and baron Carew with their powers come to Excester, 676, a 40.
  • Diram and Culpepper quéene Katharins paramors, arreig­ned at Guildhall, executed, 954. b 30, 60, 955, a 10
  • Discord what commeth of it, 406, a 10. Unnaturall of bre­thren abhorred, 30, a 10. Be­twéene the French king and his nobles, 103, b 40. Be­twéene Henrie the second and the French king, 107, b 30. Causing ciuill warre that might haue béene foreséene 83 a 10. Mainte [...]ned betwéene sonnes by the mother, 86, b 60 87, a 10. Sowne betwixt Henrie the father and Hen­rie the son, 84, a 20. Increseth betwéene Henrie the second and Thomas Becket: note, 69. b 40. Enuious among the christians, 134, a 20. Betwixt the pope and the emperor, 75, [Page] b 10. Betwixt the cardinall and the archbishop of Can­turburie, 182, a 40. Betwixt king Iohn and his barons, with the causes, 184, b 20. It and concord with their differing effects, 1054, b 20. What it bréedeth, 672, b 40. In an armie the hinderer of all profitable enterprises, 126, a 30. Ciuill, & inconuenien­ces thereof, 636, a 30, b 20. &c, 60. Among the French no­bles, 557, a 60. Giueth oppor­tunitie to the enimie: note, 19, b 10. Offereth occasion of inuasion: note, 21, b 20. How inconuenient, 1, a 40, 50. A­bout trifles, and how vnhap­pie it fell out, 13, b 30, &c. Be­twixt Sauerie de Ma [...]leon and the earle of Salisburie, 206, a 20. Betwixt the Nor­man mariners and them of Baion, 288, b 30. Betwixt Edward the firsts men and the Gantners, 306, a 50 Be­twixt préests and friers, 392, a 20. Of thrée or foure yeares ended by the death of one man, 395, a 60. ¶ Sée Con­tention and Malice.
  • Disme granted of the clergie, 409, a 10. To Edward the first and his brother, 277, b 10. To Henrie the third by the pope, for one whole yeare, 271, b 10
  • Disobedience of the bishop of Norwich to Richard the se­cond punished, 445, a 20. Of the archbishop Thurstane a­gainst Henrie the first, 38, b 10. To Richard the firsts commandement, 140, b 50. 10. Mainteined, 86, b, all, 87, a 50. Of erle Robert of Lei­cester, 89, b 50. In Henrie the sonne to Henrie the second his father, 76, b 10, &c. 77, a 20. To the prince, a sinne most abhominable, 1044, a 40. To the king, is disobedience to God, 1004, b 60. Of a subiect against h [...]s king sen [...]ing for him, 21, b 30. Of the nobles to Edward the first: note, 302, a 60, b 10. It and presumption of the bishop of Durham a­gainst Edward the first: note, 315, a 60, 99, b 10 ¶Sée Rebel [...]ion.
  • Dispensation. ¶Sée Mariage, and Pope.
  • Disputation of grammar scho­lers, 1129, b 10, &c.
  • Dissemblers punished, 203, b 40, 50
  • Dissention among the Noble­men, 451, b 40. Betwéene Ri­chard the second and the par­lement house, 4 2, b 10. And his nobles, 458, a 30. The frutes thereof, 1052, b 40. In France made the earle of Richmond renew his sute, and put him to his shifts, 752, a 60 He hath men and monie of the French king for ho­stages, he is gréeued at the newes of king Richard the thirds intended marriage with his néece, 752, b 30, 50, Ciuill among Noblemen, prosecuted with sword and slaughter: note, 672, a 10, 60. b 10, &c. Betwixt the duke of Glocester and the bishop of Winchester, 590, b 60, 591, a 10. &c. Or [...]er taken by the lords for the pacifieng there­of, 594, b 30, &c, 595, a 10, &c. 620, a 30, 50, &c. Ciuill and the inconuenience thereof, 645, b 20. Among the Scotish nobi­litie, 531, b 40. Betwixt prince Edward and the earle of Glocester, 262, a 60
  • Dissimulation of Edward the seconds wife, 336, b 30. To auoid danger: note, 498, b 60, 490, a 10. Of yoong king Hen­rie: note, 106, b 30. Notable of a wench counterfetting a spirit, 1117, b 60. Of Wolseie, 909, a 10. Of the French king, 774, b 40. Of the duke of Glocester dangerous, 715, b 40. To auoid imminent danger, 124, a 20. Of Richard the first did him no good: note, 135, b 50. Most profound and notable, 721, a 40. Singular of duke Richard the third, 731, b 10, 732, a 30, 40. Of the erle of Warwike, 667, b 20. Of the king of Cipres, 128, a 10. Of Edward the fourth, to passe the countries without dan­ger, and bring his purpose to passe, 679, a 40, &c, b 10, &c. Of the duke of Clarence, 681, b 60. Of the high constable of France, 695, a 50. Of the French king vpon a naugh­tie meaning, 698, b 30. With other ill quali [...]ies: note, 600, b 10, &c. Notable, 548, b 10. O [...] Parrie notorious, 1393, b 20, 1382, b 10. ¶ Sée Flat­terie and Policie.
  • Diuell appeareth in the like­nesse of a frier, 520, a 50
  • Diuision in a realme, and the mortall mischéefe thereof, 630, b 60
  • Diuorse sought betwéene ho­norable personages, 458, a 10. Betwéene Henrie the eight and queen Katharine. ¶Sée Quéene Katharine.
  • Dog in a rochet vnder the name of Gardiner. 1143, a 20
  • Dolphin of France commen­ded, 560, b 20. Fléeseth his old mother of hir treasure, and what mischeefe rose ther­of, 560, b 30. Causeth solemne iusts to be proclamed at Pa­ris, 833, a 10. &c. He is hurt in the hand, b 50. His se­cret malice, 60. Commeth before Bullen with a great pow [...]r. 969, b 60. Causeth himselfe to be proclaimed king of France, 585, b 50. He is tempering with the English, 586, a 10. Sentence against him for the murther of Iohn duke of Burgundie, 578, b 30. Pursued by Henrie the fift, 580, b 60. Whie called king of Berrie, 581, a 10. Calling himselfe king of Sicill, 552, a 40. Deceaseth, 556, a 60. Whie the sunne and heire of euerie French king is so called, 1141, b 60
  • Dolphins taken in the Thams 1083, a 50. At London bridge 447, a 40
  • Douer robbed by the French, 295, b 10. A conuenient and perpetuall harborough for ships: 1545, a 10, &c. The ca­stell inuincible, 191, b 50. De­liuered to Henrie the third, 271, b 60. ¶Sée Castell.
  • Dowrie verie large demanded: note, 124 b 40
  • Drake sir Francis. ¶ Sée Uoiage.
  • Drake sir Bernard knight, de­ceaseth, 1547, b 60, 1548, a 40
  • Drake burning séene in the aire 277, b 40.
  • Dragon fierie séene in diuerse places, 484, b 30. Two séene fighting in the aire, 216, b 30.
  • Dreame of a knight that had long haire: note, 46, a 10. Of Richard the thirds, foretel­ling him of his end, 755, a 50. Of William Rufus: note, 26, b 10. Of a moonke concerning William Rufus, 26, b 20
  • Dreames of Henrie the first, strange and troublesome, 43▪ b 60. Horrible that vexed Ri­chard the second, after the ex­ecution of the earle of Arun­dell, 492, a 20. Import some­what to befall, 44, a 10. And prognosticat the true e­uent of an action, 723, a 30
  • Dreux besieged and rendred to the Englishmen, 580, b 30
  • Drie wednesdaie, 818, b 20
  • Drinke more than ordinarie taken, causeth forgetfulnesse of good aduise, 26, b 30
  • Dronkennesse the ouerthrow of right and manhood: note, 626, b 20
  • Drought, 284, a 40. In the spring, 249, a 30. At Michael­mas, 249, a 30. Great, 245, b 40, 785, a 30. Excéeding great 381, a 40. ¶Sée Summer.
  • Drowning of a lad in a kenell, 1260, a 10. Of people, cattell, &c. by the breaking in of the sea, 220, a 60. Of aboue a thousand men in one place, and more in others: note, 423 a 60, b 10, &c.
  • Drurie capteine his good ser­uice at the rebellion in Norf­folke, 1038, a 40. Knight, his militarie seruice, his ad­uancement, 1216, b 10, 40
  • Duchesse Katharine. of Suf­folke hated of Stephan Gar­diner: note, 1142, a 60, b 10, &c. Hir trouble, persecution, and voluntarie banishment, 1143, 1144, 1145. Of Gloce­ster deceaseth, 514, b 10. Of Yorke mother to Edward the fourth, deceaseth, 779, b 10. Of Salisburie beheaded, 703 b 10. Of Bedford deceaseth, 607, b 50 Of Burgogne hir appeale, 578, a 30. ¶See Mar­garet. Of Saxonie deliuered of a child, 106, a 10, 107, b 60. Of Sauoie, sends for aid to king Henrie the eight against the duke of Gelders, 810, a 50 Bestoweth new cotes on the English souldiors, 810, b 60. Of Angolesme meet about a tretise of peace, 909, b 60
  • Duchmen come into England holding a contrarie opinion to the Romish church, 68, a 50 Two of strange and mon­strous stature, 1322, a 10
  • Dudleie chosen sp [...]aker for the commons at the parlement, 791, b 60. ¶Sée Empson.
  • Dudleie knight lord admerall setteth foorth from London towards Scotland, 961, b 40. Went into France to receiue the French kings oth, his interteinment, 975, a 10, &c. Lord Howard impeacheth the French power, 1140, b 60. Lord Henrie slaine at the be­sieging of saint Quinuns, 1134, b 10, 20. Bishop of Dur­ham of honorable descent de­ceaseth, 761, b 40. Robert, the creation of him baron of Denbigh, and earle of Lei­cester, 1207, a 60, b 10. ¶Sée Earle.
  • Duke Alan of Britain, 52, b 10, 51, b 60. Of Albanie leuieth an armie to inuade England, 875, b 20. Albert of Holland commeth into England, 556, b 60. An earnest mediator for peace, entreth in league with Henrie the fift, 557, a 10, b 20 Albert of Saxonie his poli­cie to get the towne of Dam▪ he sendeth for aid to Henrie the seauenth to win Sl [...]is. 772, a 20, 50
  • Duke of Alanson commeth in­to England, 1322, a 40. De­parteth out of England with all the nobilitie and gentlmen attending vpon him, 1329 At­tempteth diuerse exp [...]oits vn­fortunatlie falling out, 1349, b 60. His ambition spreading like a canker, glad to retire notwithstanding a confident clamor, he sickneth, 1350, a all. Arriueth at Flushing, 1331, a 20. Receiued at Middlebo­rough, 40. Refuseth to ride on horssebacke, b 60. Goeth to see the towne of Ermwiden, 1332, b 10. His ships painted with his owne colours, 20. He prepareth to make his en­trie into Antwerpe, 40. His roiall interteinment: note, 50. Created duke of Brabant▪ the states promise their loial­tie, an offer of the marques­ship of the sacred empire, &c: 1336, all. His posie, & strange habillements, the order of his entring into Antwerpe, 1337, a 10, &c. Saileth towards Antwerpe, landeth at a vil­lage in Brabant, a theater e­rected for him, kissing of his hand, his chaire of estate, o­beisance done to him, 1334, all. The states loialtie vnto him▪ his answere vnto an oration made in their behalf, his pro­mise euen to the shedding of his bloud, he is content to sweare to articles ag [...]éed vp­on 1335, b 10, &c. Keies of Antwerpe presented to him, a canopie caried ouer his head, 1338, a 10, 60. Readie to take his oth of the magistrats and people, it is read in French▪ he casteth largesse of gold & siluer among the people, 1342▪ a 10, &c. The manner of his disease, 1351, a 10. His reso­lutenes to die, 50. Great hope conceiued of him if he had not béene preuented with death▪ b 20. Falleth into an extremi­tie of his maladie and past re­couerie, 40. His words vpon his death bed, 1352, a 10, 30. His departure out of this world like a lampe, whose light faileth for want of oile, 30. His death gréeuouslie la­mented, 50, 60, 1353, a 10
  • Duke Alphonse of Calabrie made knight of the garter, 775, b 20
  • Duke Arthur of Britaine made knight, 160, a 10. His mis­trust in his vncle king Iohn, 160, b 60. Dooth homage to K. Iohn, 162, a 20. Procla­meth himselfe earle of Aniou, &c: 164, b 10. Taken priso­ner, 164, b 60. His mother ac­cuseth K. Iohn for the mur­ther of hir sonne, 166, a 10, 20. Committed to streict prison, 165, a 50. His death verie la­mentable, 165, b all
  • Duke of Aumarle constable of England, 495, b 50. Accused 512, a 10. His answere vnto [Page] Bagots bill, he is appealed of treason, chalengeth triall with the lord Fitzwater, 512, a 10, &c.
  • Duke of Austrich whie he bore king Richard no goodwill, 136, a 10. Threatneth the English hostages with losse of life, 147, a 40. He catcheth a fall beside his horsse, & dieth of the hurt, a 60
  • Duke Beauford of Summerset son vnto him that was slaine, 645, a 10. Conan of Britaine deceasseth, 75, a 10. Geffreie of Britaine his homage, 75, b 60. Guildebald of Urbin in Italie made knight of the garter, 795, b 10. Iohn the second & Philip the second aduancers of the state, 1343, a 30. Philip of Burgognie surnamed the Hardie, 1343. Siward. ¶ Sée Siward. William of Aqui­taine his feined fréendship, 67, b 20. William of Normandie his politike conquest of Eng­land, 1, a 10. ¶Sée William.
  • Duke of Bauier commeth to K. Henrie the fift with a number of horsemen, 577, a 50. He & his troope departeth with king Henrie the fifts fauor, 578, b 10
  • Duke of Bedford against the lord Louell in armes, 764, b 10. Re­gent of England, 558, b 10. Cal­leth a parlement, 581, a 60. He rescueth Cosnie 582, b 60. Gi­ueth the French a great ouer­throw by sea, 557, a 40. Retur­neth into France, 596, a 60. His endeuors in France where he was regent, 585, a 40, b 20, &c. His decease: note, 612, a 50
  • Duke of Britaine pretendeth a right to the earledome of West­merland, 513, b 60. Sendeth ambassadors to Henrie the fift, 582, b 60. His loue to the erle of Richmond and care of his safe­tie, 748, b 20. In armes against the French K. 767, a 10, &c: 768, a 10, &c. The battell is tried, he dieth, a 60. Restored to his dukedome 422, b 20. A fréend to the Englishmen, 444, a 60. His dissimulation, he & the French K. accorded, 427, b 50, 60. Com­meth ouer into Britaine, 408, a 40. Deceaseth, 367, b 40
  • Duke of Buckingham highlie commended, 737, b 40. Rich ar­raie, 801, a 10. Enuied & hated of cardinall Woolseie, 855, b 10, &c. Means to wind him out of Henrie the eights fauor, 855, b 40, 40, 60. Bils of complaints exhibited to him, he depriueth Kneuet of his office, 856, a 10. He & his companie ioine with Henrie the seuenth against Perkin Warbecke, 784, a 50. His words to Q. Elisabeth, 717, b 40. His oration to the maior, aldermen, and commons at Guildhall, 728, a 60, &c. He & Glocester fall out, and whie, 376, a 30. They mistrust one an other▪ 736, a 50. Conspired a­gainst Richard the third, he is a professed enimie to him, his power of wild Welshmen (false­harted) doo faile him, a great water his vndooing, his adhe­rents & their power dispersed, 743, a 30, 50, b 10, 30, 60. The principall cause whie he con­ceiued such inward grudge a­gainst duke Richard the third, 739, b 20. His imaginations to depriue Richard the third, 739, b 40, 60. Rewards promi­sed by proclamation for the at­taching of him, betraied of his owne seruant, beheaded with­out arreignment or iudgement, 744, a 20, 50, b 10. Conuinced with others to worke mischief, 715, a 30. His resolution no [...] to meddle in séeking to obteine the crowne, but by deposing Richard the third to prefer the earle of Richmond thereto, the summe of his purpose, 740, a 60, b 40, 60. Is sent to the duke of Yorke to know the cause of his being in armes, 643, a 40. Destruction deuised and prac­tised, 862, b 50, 60. He is accu­sed & indicted of treason, 863, a 10, &c: 864, a 10, &c. Areigned at Westminster, conuinced of hie treason, iudgement giuen vpon him, beheaded on Towre hill, the last lord high constable of England, 865, a 20, 40. ¶ Sée Duke of Glocester.
  • Duke of Burbons practises to make the Englishmen reuolt from their owne king, 517, b 50. Incampeth néere Rone, slaine at the assalt, 895, b 30, 60. Dieth at London, 610, a 40
  • Duke of Burgognie chiefe dooer in France, 560, b 40. Prepa­reth to besiege Calis, 528, b 40. Enuieth the glorie of the En­glish, 616, b 10. His oth to Hen­rie the fift, 572, b 40. Prepareth an armie against Calis, 613, b 40. His armie of 40000 men, b 60. Besiegeth it, his enterprise to b [...]r the hauen, his bastile ta­ken, he breaketh vp his siege, & flieth, 614, all. He & Charles of France at peace, and what mischiefe insued it, 611, a 50, 60, 612, a 10, &c. Commeth to king Edward the fourth, 695, a 20. He departeth suddenlie to the kings discontentment, a 60, b 10. Departeth from Edward the fourth in a rage, 698, a 30. Commeth in hast to Edward the fourth, 697, a 50. His beha­uiour and spéech, a 60, b 10, &c. Sendeth ambassadors to Ca­lis, 678, a 60. He inuadeth Ed­ward the fourth, &c: 678, b 60, 679, a 10. Deceaseth, 690, a 60, 702, b 20. Murthered, 571, a 60
  • Dukes of Burgognie issued out of the house of France, 1342, b 60, 1343, a 10, &c.
  • Duke of Clarence lord Lionell, 395, b 50. Sent to aid the duke of Orleance, 539, b 60. Mar­cheth towards Guisnes, 540, a 20. Made a rode into An­iou, 579, b 60. He is betraied by Ferguse a Lombard, 580, a 10. He and diuerse nobles slaine, a 20, 30. Before Paris with his armie, 570, b 20. Séeketh to make peace betwéene Edward the fourth and the earle of War­wike, 682, a 50. Weighing the inconuenience of discord, war­eth wise, & slow to aid the earle of Warwike, his dissimulation, 681, a 60, b 1050, 60. He and the earle of Warwike soiourned at Excester to passe ouer the seas, they arriue on the English coasts, 676, b 10, 60. A conspira­tor against his brother Ed­ward the fourth, he taketh the seas, 674, a 40. His promise to a damsell persuading him to peace, 675, a 10, 20, Drowned in a but of Malmescie, 703, a 40
  • Duke of Excester his pithie saieng, 546, a 60. Uncle to Hen­rie the fift, 560, a 30, 40. Cap­teine of Harflue, 556, a 60. His ouerthrow by the French, b 10 With a power at Newarke, 680, b 60. Left for dead but re­couered: note, 685, a 60. Decea­seth, 596, b 60, 598, b 50. Found dead in the sea, 694, b 10
  • Duke of Gelderlands letters to Richard second, 475, b 50. Cō ­meth into England, disuadeth Richard the second [...]rom peace with the French K. 477, b 30
  • Duke of Glocesters protestation vpon his oth, 458, a 10. Arested, 489, a 30. Confesseth all wher­with he was charged, he is smoothered to death: note, 489, a 60, b 10. He & Richard second at priuie grudge, talke betwéene them, 487, b 40, 50. Excused to K. Richard second by the duke of Lancaster & Yorke, he & the abbat of S. Albons conspire, 488, a 40, b 10, &c. Made duke of Ireland, his iournie thither vnlucklie staied, 479, b 50, 60. His iournie into Prutzenland, in great fauour with the com­mons, 475, a 60. A seuere man, 464, a 40. His death, the dooers therein exempted from king Henrie the fourths pardon, 514 a 50. In question, 525, b 40. His deth in part reuenged, 513, b 20 Much adoo about it: note, 512, a 50, 60, 513. a 10. His complaint to Henrie sixt against the car­dinall of Winchester, 620, a 50. Liketh well of the kings ma­riage with the earle of Arme­naks daughter: note, 624, b 60. Winneth Rockesburgh castell, 657, a 60. His deth, & what mis­chiefe followed it, 627, a 60. He is commended: note, b 10, &c. Discharged of all gouernment, the faint quarell piked against him, he is suddenlie murthered, 627, a 10. Ill practises against him vnder faire countenances, 622, b 60. Spoileth Flanders, 614, b 60. Calleth a parlement, Henrie the sixt in France, 607, b 10. Articles against the bishop of Winchester, 591, a 60. Mariage in question, he wax­eth werie of his wife, 590, a 60 He and bishop of Winchester at dissention, 590, a 60, 591, a 10, &c. Murthereth Henrie the sixt in the Towre, 690, b 60. An e­nimie to peace, 697, a 10. Pro­clamation against the lord Ha­stings. &c: 724, a 20. Marieth another mans wife: note, 586, a 30. His behauiour in the assemblie of lords, 722, b 10. His oration to the lords a­gainst the quéene, 717, a 10. His resolution to go through with his diuelish enterprise, 721 b 20 Solicitations tending who­lie to trouble and bloudshed, 714, a 60. His & Buckinghams practises, 715, a 30. Made pro­tector, 716, b 50. ¶ Sée duke of Buckingham.
  • Duke of Guise with a great ar­mie commeth towards Calis, entreth the English frontiers, his policie, 1135, a 20, 40, b 10. His proclamation to bring in monie, plate, &c, 1136, a 10. Marcheth to the towne and fort of Guisnes, 1137, a 40. And monsieur Dandelot with their powers, in a rage with his soldiors, a trumpetter from him to the lord Greie, they haue communication one whole houre, 1139, a 10, 30, b 30 Appointed to be a principall leader and executor of forren inuasion, 1371, b 30, 40, &c, b 60
  • Duke of Hereford appealeth the duke of Northfolke of treason, 493, b 20. Beloued of the people, honourablie interteined with the French king, 493, b 30
  • Duke of Irelands passage stop­ped by the lords, his souldiors reuolt from him, he flieth from his armie, getteth him into Holland, letters found in his trunks, 421, a 10, 50, 60. He and his associats attainted of treason by parlement, 463, b 30
  • Duke of Lancaster and the Lon­doners submit their quarels to the kings order, 416, a 20. He & Yorke excuse the duke of Glo­cester to king Richard the se­cond, 488, a 40. High steward of England at an arreignment, 491, a 60. He & Yorke assemble their powers to resist Richard the seconds dealings, 490, a 10. Returneth into England out of Gascoigne, 467, a 60. Crea­ted, 380, b 50. Debate betwixt him and the duke of Bruns­wike, 381, a 10. Goeth ouer sea with a nauie, and two of Ed­ward the thirds sonnes with him, 382, a 30. Is sent to aid the king of Nauarre, 386, b 30. Persuadeth Edward the third to peace with the French king, 393, b 50. Maketh a iournie in­to France, 404, a 50. Sent into France with an armie, fortifi­eth his campe, 403, b 30, 50. Commeth to Burdeaux, 408, a 50, &c. In danger by the Lon­doners: note, 412, a 20. Goeth into Spaine with an armie, 448, b 60. He landeth at Brest, and winneth two bastides from the French, landeth at Groigue, 449, a 50, 60. He & the king of Portingall alied, they inuade Castile, he returneth out of Portingale into Gas­coigne, 450, a 20. Reconcileth the king and the lords, 467, b 10. Made duke of Aquitaine, 473, a 10. Commeth to Chester citie, the countrie submit them selues vnto him, Holt castell deliuered vnto him, 500, a 10, 30. He and Glocester sent into France to treat of peace, 480, a 30. The grant of the duchie of Aquitane vnto him reuoked 485, b 10. He marieth a ladie of meane estate, whom he kept as his concubine, b 60. Calleth a parlement in Richard the se­conds name, 502, a 10. His be­hauiour to the king, their mée­ting, his demand, & receiuing into London, 501, b 10, 20, 50. His bastards made legitimat, 487, b 10. Ambassador for the K. into France, 475, b 30, A prince of great renowme, 477, a 60. Saileth into Aquitaine, 481, a 60. Solicited to expell king Ri­chard the second, b 60. And to take vpon him the regiment, 497, b 60. The duke of Britain his great fréend, the commons denie to resist the duke, he lan­deth in Yorkeshire, his oth to the lords that aided him, the harts of the commons wholie bent vnto him, he marcheth to Bristow, 498, a 10, 50, 60, b 10, 30, 60. Feasteth strangers, 474, a 20. Enuied of the rebels: note, 431, a 20, &c. Not suffred to enter into the towne of Ber­wike, 439, a 10. Chargeth the erle of Northumberland with manie crimes, commeth to the parlement with a great troop [...] of men, 439, a 20, 60, b 10. Sent into France to treat of peace, 446, a 40. Misliking the man­ners of the court getteth him­selfe [Page] to Killingworth castell, 419, b 20. He & the erle of Cam­bridge appointed protectors, 418, a 20. Saileth to Britaine with a great power, 420, a 60. Getteth him to his castell of Pomfret and fortifieth it, 446, b 60. Laieth challenge to the crowne, 505, b 40. He is placed in the regall throne, b 60. King elect, his words to the lords, 507, a 60. His coronation, pro­clamed by the name of Henrie the fourth, 507, b 10, 30. Inua­ded Scotland with an armie, 445, b 10. Appeached of treason, 445, b 40. His decease, 395, b 10, 496, a 20. ¶Sée Edmund.
  • Duke of Normandie commeth downe into Britaine, 364, b 10
  • Duke of Northfolke in armes a­gainst Wiat, ariueth at Stroud 1094, b 50. He with the capteine of the gard put to their shifts, 1095, a 10. He and Suffolke e­lected into the order of S. Mi­chaell, 929, a 10. Ambassador in­to France, 950, a 50. Henrie the eights lieutenant, 942, b 60. Cōmeth with a power against the rebels in Suffolke, 891, b 40. He & the earle of Surrie on Richard the thirds side, 755, b 20. His constancie & allegiance to Richard third, he is slaine, 759, b 10. Accused of treson, 493 b 20. Obiections against him, 494, a 30. Committed to the Towre, atteinted, and the at­teindor reuersed, 976, b 10, 50. Deceaseth, 514, a 60, b 10, 891, a 60, 1121, b 30. Inuested into the order of S. Michaell, 1209, a 20▪ Sent to the Towre, 1211, b 60. Remoued from the Towre to the Charterhouse, 1222, a 20. Cōmitted to the Towre, 1226, b 30. Arreigned, condemned, and iudged, 1227, b 60. Behea­ded, forren nations write ther­of, his attire, behauior & spéech at his execution: note, 1229, a 50, 60, b 10, &c: 1230
  • Duke of Northumberlands en­terprise against the ladie Ma­rie incouraged, 1085, b 50, 60. His words to the lords of the councell about quéene Iane, who adhered vnto him, he set­teth forward with all speed, 1086, a 10, &c: b 10, 20. Writeth for more succours, 1087, a 30. His sons released out of the Towre, 1127, a 10. Arrested by the earle of Arundell and com­mitted to the Towre with his adherents, 1088, a 60, b 30. Ar­reigned, his request to vnder­stand the opinion of the court in two points, 1089, b 40, 50, His foure requests after his iudgment to die, he with others are executed at Towre hill, 1090, a 10, 50
  • Duke of Orleance partaker with the duke of Britaine against the French king, 768, b 10. How long prisoner in Eng­land, his ransome and release, 618, b 20, 50. Chalenge, 524, b 60 He besieged Uergi in Guien, 525, a 20. Besiegeth townes in Gascoigne, 533, a 50. Commeth to the English armie, 540, b 30. Murthered, 537, a 60
  • Duke Richard his singular dis­simulation, 731, b 10. He spea­keth otherwise than he mea­neth, 731, b 20. His electiō hard to be preferred, 730, b 20. Pre­ferred at last by voices of con­federacie, 730, b 60. Adiured by bishop Morton, their confe­rence, he openeth himselfe and his secrets to the bishop, com­plaineth of lacke of preferment in K. Edwards daies, 738, all. His title to the crowne, with the office and dignitie of a king, he is commended to the people as worthie and suffici­ent, 730, a 20, 30. ¶Sée Duke of Glocester and Richard.
  • Duke of Richmond a martialist or warrior Henrie the eights base sonne, 929, a 10. Henrie Fitzroie Henrie the eights base sonne deceasseth, 941, a 10
  • Duke of Saxonie in disfauour and exile, 105, b 60. Commeth into England, his goodlie sta­ture, 212, b 40. Pardoned and reuoked out of exile, 108, a 10
  • Duke of Suffolke created, 627, b 30. Winneth the goodwill of the quéen Dowager of France 836, b 10. They married togi­ther, b 30. Entreth France with an armie, 879, a 50. Brea­keth vp his armie & commeth to Calis, 881, a 40. Chiual­rie & valiant seruice in France, he knighteth diuerse gentle­men, 879, b 60, 880, all. Hope hindered by cardinall Woolfeie, 839, a 60. And others sent into France to fetch the French quéene into England, 836. a 50. Incountereth with a strong and tall Almaine, 833, b 60. He foileth the Almaine, 834, a 10. Deceasseth, his iust commen­dation, 969, b 30. The com­mons exclaime against him, 631, a 10, 20, 40. Committed to the Towre, his wretched dèth, 632, a 10, 50. He with others brought to the Towre, 1099, a b 10. Committed to the Towre and released, 1088, b 40. Goeth downe into Leicestershire, is a fauourer and furtherer of Wi­ats practises, he is kept out of Couentrie, apprehended, 1095, a 40, 60, b 10. Arreigned, con­demned, beheaded, 1100, b 20, 40, 50. What words he spake to the people at his death, b 60.
  • Duke of Summerset made re­gent of Normandie, and the duke of Yorke discharged, 625, b 30. Made capteine of Calis, 650, b 60. His valiantnesse, 619, a 30. Reuolteth from Edward the fourth, taken & beheaded, 666, a 40, &c: b 20, &c. Made lord protector, 979, a 40, 50. His returne from Scotland, 992, a 60. Not desirous of slaughter, 988, b 20. With his power a­gainst Scotland, 980, a 30, &c: b 30. Sendeth an herald to summon a castell, 981, a 10, 20. Answer to a Scotish herald at armes, 983, b 60. His dili­gence to further the fortifica­tion to Rockesburgh, 991, b 10. His statelie stile with his e­pistle exhortatiue sent to the Scotish nobles, &c: 998, b 10, &c. He & the earle of Warwike out­wardlie fréends, 1062, a 50. And others submit themselues to Edward the fourth, 665, b 60. Againe apprehended and com­mitted to the Towre, 1066, b 60 Charged sir Peter Carew with the rebellion, 1022, b 30. He and the earle of Deuonshire comfort quéene Margaret, 685, b 60. Politiké & puissant, 687, b 60. More hardie than wise, 687, b 60, 688, a 10, &c. Striketh out the lord Wenlocks brains, 688, a 50. His infortunatnesse, 615, b 60. Arested, 642, a 20. Set at libertie, made deputie of Ca­lis, 40, 50. Accuseth the earle of Yorke of high treason, 639, a 50. Burthened with all things that happened amisse, 643, a 40. He is slain, b 10. His displacing out of his protectorships con­sulted on, remoueth in hast with K. Edward sixt to Windsore, his letter to the lord priuie seale 1057, a 20, 50, 60. His letters to the lords, 1058, a 30. A procla­mation with articles against him, b 20, 30, &c. Prisoner, con­mitted to the Towre, articles obiected against him, 1059, b 10, 30, 40, 1060, a 10, &c. Released & restored, 1060, b 10, 20. Deliue­red out of the Towre, 1062, a 50. Arreigned both of fellonie & treason, condemend of fellonie, people murmur at his condem­nation, deliuerd to be executed, his behauior at his death, 1067, a 10, 30, 40, 50, b 40, 60. His words at his death, a sudden noise & feare among the people assembled, 1068, a 10, &c: 50, b 19, 1069, a 60. Described, b 10. Beheaded, 688, b 60
  • Duke of Surrie marshall of En­gland, 493, b 50
  • Duke of Yorke lieutenant gene­rall of England, 497, a 10. Mis­liketh the court & goeth home, 496, a 60. Noted for crueltie, what maner of man he was, his end, 712, a 10, 20. Plantagenet afterwards Richard third, 595 b 40. Made regent of France, enuied of duke of Summer­set, 612, b 10, 617, b 10, 619, a 30. Appointed againe to be regent of Normandie, 625, b 50. A per­secuting enimie to the duke of Summerset: note, 630, b 20. As­sembleth an armie, his words in writing sent to the K. 642, a 50, b 20, &c: 643: a 10. His com­ming against the K. iustified, he is made protector of the realme, 644, b 20. Discharged of his of­fice, 645, a 10, 20. Assembleth an armie, 649, b 30. Cōmeth out of Ireland, his strange demenors bold spéech and oration to the lords of parlement, 655, a 30, &c. Crowned with sedge or bulrushes in derision, 659, b 50. He and his complices flie, 650, b 20. He and others atteinted, 652, a 10, &c. Articles that he and the other earles sent to the archbishop of Canturburie and the commons, 652, b 10, &c. Articles of peace and agrée­ment betwéene him and Hen­rie the sixt, his claime to the crowne, 657, b 20, &c. Procla­med heire apparant to the crowne, he is slaine, 659, a 30, b 10. Tempering about his title to the crowne, 627, b 40. Re­conciliation to Henrie the sixt, he accuseth the duke of Sum­merset of treason, 639, a 40. Set at libertie and whie, his submission to king Henrie the sixt vnder his oth, 639, b 50. Maketh claime to the crowne, 637, a 50. Raiseth a great power to recouer it, his letter to Henrie the sixt, 637, a 50, b 10, 50, 638, a 10, &c. Fauourers executed and spoiled, 653, b 20. Séekes the destruction of the duke of Summerset, banded himselfe with Neuils, 641, b 60. Slaine in Agincourt field, 555, b 60. Buried at Fodring­haie castell, 556, a 20. Taketh indenture sextipartite of the conspired noblemen out of his sonnes bosome: note, 515, a 20▪ Deceaseth, 520, b 30. Accused by his sister the ladie Spen­ser, 527, b 30. His head set on a po [...]e at Yorke, 659, b 60. ¶See Richard the third.
  • Dukes of Glocester infortunate: note, 627, a 50. Of Normandie were the kings of Englands eldest sons, 38, a 30. Of Yorks honorable emulation, 776, a 50
  • Dukes and earles, &c: created, 537, b 60, 546, b 30, 625, a 10, 702, a 60, 1081, a 60, b 10, &c, 1066, b 60, 492, b 40, 448, a 60, 395, b 50. Depriued of their ti­tles, 513, b 10. Of England from the first to the last, all set downe in a collection, 1230, b 30, &c, to 1238, a 10.
  • Duncane a Scot wasteth Ken­dall, 91, b 10
  • Dunkirke woone & sacked by the English, 442, b 50. Taken and burnt by the French, 1150, a 40
E.
  • EAdmer. ¶Sée Archbishop. Eclipse of the sunne strange▪ 102, b 50, 348, b 30, 212, b 40, 229, a 10
  • Eclipse of the moone, 241, a 50. At thirtéene daies old, 212, b 40. Of foure houres continuance, 251, a 50. Of the sunne and moone extraordinarie, 44, a 40. Uerie strange: note, 128, b 50.
  • Eclipses foure in a yere, 961, a 60
  • Edenburgh castell besieged, 353, b 40. Entred forceablie by the English, 962, a 60. Deliuered to Edward the first, 300, a 60. Burnt by Richard the second, 447, b 10. Left desolate, 445, b 10
  • Edgar Etheling where borne, 6, a 30. Pursueth the Normans, 6, b 40. Flieth into Scotland, 7, a 50. Ioineth forces with Osborn against the Normans 6, b 50. Should haue béene made king of England, 1, a 40. And whie he was not aduan­ced to the crowne of England, 1, a 50. Sent into Scotland with an armie, and whie, 23, a 30. The sonne of king Mal­colme to be placed in the king­dome, 23, a 30. In seruice at the warres vnder the Scotish king, 19, b 30. In great ac­count with Robert duke of Normandie, 19, b 50. Depriued of his honor by William Ru­fus, 19, a 50. Obteineth licence of duke William to depart the realme, 14, b 10. Groweth in fa­uour & honor with duke Willi­am, 10, b 60, 11, a 10. Capteine in rebellion against duke Wil­liam after a reconcilement and pardon, described: note, 9, b 60. Second flight into Scotland, 10, a 40. ¶ Sée Edwin.
  • Edgar the K. of Scotlands sister wise to Henrie the first, 29, a 10
  • Edmund son to Henrie the third, 236, a 60. Shewed in parle­ment as K. of Naples, 255, b 10 Inuested king of Sicill & Na­ples, 252, b 60. Created duke of Lancaster, 249, a 10
  • Edmund of Langlie borne, after­wards duke of Yorke, 363, a 30
  • Edmund the great, sonne to Ha­rold, his exploits, 6, a 60
  • Edrike Syluaticus rebelleth in the absence of duke William, 5, a 10
  • Edward the first proclaimed king of England, his coro­nation and beginning of re­giment, 277, all. He entreth in­to [Page] Wales to rescue his people against the Welsh, 281, a 20. Goeth ouer into France, 279, b 20. His fauour and good­will to the princes of Wales, 279, a 10, &c. Dauid of Wales preferreth him in marriage, 279, a 20, &c. Commeth to Chester, 278, a 20. Surna­med Longshank [...] (and whie) borne, 223, b 40. Sendeth an armie into Scotland, 314, a 20. His prouision for his iournie into France, 303, a 50, Putteth prince Edward in prison, 313, b 30. Answer to pope Boniface prouing the right of Scotland to be­long to him, 309, b 60, 310, a 10, &c. Entreth into Scot­land to reuenge the death of his people, 312, a 40. Goeth with an armie into Scot­land, 309, a 50. Uexeth them, &c: b 30. Goeth to Scot­land, 311, a 50. Married to the French kings sister, 309, a 10. His liberalitie towards his nobles, 308, a 40. Earles Marshall and Hereford re­fuse to go ouer with him in­to Flanders, 304. Gardians appointed ouer his sonne in his absence, he passeth ouer into Flanders, b 20. Taketh vpon him the crosse, 284, a 20. Passeth ouer into France, 283, b 30. Recognised for su­perior lord of Scotland: note, 286, all. Summoned to ap­peare at Paris, 290, b 50. Condemned in the French court, 291, b 20. His request made to the Scots denied, 296, a 30. Entreth into Wales 293, b 30. Shift to get mo­nie, 280, a 50. Goeth about to purchase his peoples good­will, 277, b 50. Renounceth the French king, his shift for monie, an excuse that he vsed, 292, b 10, 60. Concludeth a league with the erle of Flan­ders and the earle Bar, 296, b 50. Fortifieth Berwike, 299, a 30, Summoneth and winneth Berwike, 298, a 20, 50. Planteth his siege about Edenburgh castell, 299, b 60. Passeth forth through Scot­land, bringeth the marble stone from thense, the nobili­tie submit themselues vnto him, the forme of their ho­mage, his words accepting it, 301, a all. Meant to haue made a full conquest of Scot­land as he had doon of Wales, 317, a 10. The forme of fealtie that Balioll king of Scots did to him▪ 289, b 60. Appoin­teth wardens for the realme of Scotland, beareth swaie in the election of their chan­cellor, the nobilitie sweare fe­ [...]tie to him: note, 288, a 30, &c. Sickeneth, dieth, is buried at Westminster: his issue, his stature and forme of bodie, his vertues and vices, 316, a 60▪ b 10, &c.
  • Edward the second borne, 282, b 20. When he began his reigne, 318, a 10. He & the erle of Lancaster made fréends, 324, a 40. Goeth into Scot­land, what he did there, his entrance, 320, b 10. Hath his nobles in no regard: note, 318, b 10. Deposed by act of parlement, 340, b 10. Saueth into Wales, 338, b 60. His [...]a­ [...]ourie to the Welshmen, 339, a 10. Sought vnto to resigne his crowne, his griefe therat, 340, b 50, 60. Betraied into his enimies hands, brought to Killingworth castell, 339, b 50 Wi [...]hstood in armes by his wife, 336, 337, 338. Sendeth for his wife and sonne home out of France, 336, b 10, 2 [...]. Writeth to the duke of Bri­taine, 335, b 30. Like to be be­traied, the traitors executed, 333, 334. Goeth to Scotland with an armie, 332, b 50. Subdueth his barons, 330, 331, 332, a 10. In armes a­gainst his enimies, his pro­clamation, 329, b 60. Passeth by a foord, commeth to Tut­burie, causeth hue & crie to be made, 330, a 30, 50. Durst not but yeeld to his nobles re­quest, 327, b 10. He goeth to Canturburie, talketh with lord chamberleine, besiegeth the castell of Léeds, 327, b 10. Affection and loue to P [...]ers Gaueston, 320, a 10. His re­quest for his life, his displea­sure for his deth, 321, a 30, 60. Passeth ouer to France, 318, b 50. Dooth homage to the French king, marrieth his daughter, returneth, is recei­ued into London, crowned, 318, b 60, 319, a 10. Goeth to Berwike, 324, b 50. Passeth into Scotland, what issue his armie had there, he escapeth danger of death, 322, a 20, 40. Murthered, 341, b 60. His nature and conditions, his is­sue, 342, a 10, &c
  • Edward the third borne, 321, b 10. Beginneth his r [...]igne, 343, a 60. Passeth ouer into Calis, inuadeth France, re­turneth for want of vittels, the constable of France de­mandeth battell of him, 383, a 10. Lodgeth his armie néere Berwike, the Scots yéeld vnto him, the realme of Scot­land resigned vnto him, 386, a 50, 60. Thrée kings come vn­him about businesse, 396, a 50. Aduanceth his sons to degrée of honor, 395, b 50. Prepareth to make a iournie to France, arriueth at Calis, 392, b 10, 30 Draweth towards Paris, 393, a 60. Returneth out of France into England, 394, b 30. His foure sons take part with the lord maiors, &c: cha­lenge at [...]usts, 392, a 50. Sore afflicteth the Scots, 386. b 20. His honorable hart to his e­nimie, 379, b 10, Hath Calis surrendred vnto him. ¶ Sée Calis. His pitie towards the poore: note, 375, a 20. His voi­age, inuasion, and victorie a­gainst the French summari­lie set downe in a letter mis­siue, 373, b 30, &c. His words & behauior to his son the yoong prince after his victorie a­gainst the French, 372, b 60. Passeth ouer into Norman­die, his armie, landing, & orde­ring of his soldiors, 369, b 40, &c. His enterprises and at­chiuements against towns & people, his spoile & booties, he is in danger, 370, all. Begin­neth his enterprise against the enimie with praier to God, his dem [...]anor before the battell, 371, a 10, b 30. Hath towns restored him, 360, a 60. Taketh into his hands all the profits that the cardinals, &c: held within his realme, 369, b 30. Goeth ouer into Flanders, 367, b 60. Passeth ouer into Britaine, 364, a 40. Returneth by sea out of Bri­tain, he is in danger of drow­ning. 365, a 30. Feasted by the erle of Flanders, he goeth in­to Zeland, arriueth at the Towre, deleth roundlie with his officers, 360, b 10, &c. Is offended with the archbishop of Canturburie, 361, a 10. Taketh sea, setteth vpon his enimies the French, getteth the victorie, goeth to Gaunt, couenants betwixt him & his confederats, 358, a 50, 60, b 50 359, a 40. Signifieth his right to crowne of France, taketh vpon him the title and armes thereof, 357, a 20, 30. Taketh vpon him the name of K. of France, 356, b 30, and by what right he clamed it, 40, &c. Besiegeth Cambrie, 355, b 20. He raseth his siege, b 40. Hath Flanders at com­mandment, he saileth to Ant­werpe, 354, b 60. His confede­rats, 355, a 10. Practiseth to al [...]enat the Flemings harts from obedience to their earle, 353, b 50. Entreth into Scot­land with an armie, 351, a 10. Maketh spoile by fier and sword, the Scots ordeine a statute in fauor of him, towns fortified by him there, he stu­dieth to gather monie to mainteine his wars, 352, all. Aideth the K. of Scots and whie, 350, a 10. Passeth the sea apparelled like a mer­chant, 348, b 40. Waxeth fée­ble & sicke, 411, a 20. Deceas­seth, his issue, praise, propor­tion of bodie, and vertues, 412, a 40, &c: 413.
  • Edward the fourth borne, 623, a 30. Feasteth the maior and aidermen of London, 705, a 10. He and the French king their interview, the manner thereof: note, 699, a 30, 40, &c. His shift to get monie: note, 694, a 40, &c. He passeth ouer into France, and sendeth a defiance to the French king, 694, b 10, 40. Returneth into England, 701, a 10. Without interruption passeth forward to Yorke, marcheth to the ci­tie gates, receiueth the sacra­ment & an oth, the marquesse Montacute suffereth him to passe by, he cometh to North­hampton, 680, a 30, &c. Dis­praised and [...]owlie spoken of by the earle of Warwike, 671, a 20. His communication with the duke of Burgognie: note, 697, a 50, 60, b 10, &c. Shamefull and slanderous words against him, 698, b 30. His politike foresight, 688, a 20. Commeth to Leicester, prouoketh the earle of War­wike to fight, commeth to Warwike, he and his brother the duke of Clarence recon­ciled vnwitting to the earle of Warwike, 681, a 10, &c. His victorie, and the offering vp of his standard, 685, b 10. Lod­geth with his armie before his enimies, 684, a 10. Set forward against his enimies the nobles of England, 686, a 40. His painfull march with his armie, the ordering of his battels, 687, b 10, 30. Passeth to London, 682, b 30. The Londoners resolue to receiue him, the Towre recouered to his vse, he entreth into Lon­don, 683, a 60, b 10. Arriueth on the coast of Northfolke, then at the head of Humber, landeth at Rauenspurgh, the people let him passe hearing the cause of his comming into the countrie, he passeth to­wards Yorke, 679, a 10, &c. Iudged a vsu [...]per, 678, a 10. His fréends take sanctuarie, 677, b 10. Receiued verie ho­norablie into the citie of Ex­cester, 676, b 30. The citizens beneuolence to him, how long he continued there, b 30, 50. Commeth to Lin, taketh ship to passe ouer sea, the number that passed ouer with him, he arriued at Alquemar [...]e, 675, b 10, 20, 40. Taken prisoner and brought to Warwike ca­stell, 673, a 60. He is deliuered out of captiuitie, commeth to London, b 10, 20. His procla­mation to such as were as­sembled vnder him, 664, b 10. His title to the crowne, 663, b 60, 664 a 10. Proclamed K. 725, b 10. Notablie slandered and spoken against in the duke of Buckinghams ora­tion, 728, a 50, 60, &c, 729. a 10, &c. His words to his mother about marriage, 726, b 30. Slandered in a sermon, 727▪ b 50. His flight into Holland, 727, a 50. The chéefest deuise of the conspirators to depose him, 725, b 60. Described, his qualities, 711, a 40, &c. His thrée concubines, 725, a 10. His last words vttered on his death bed, 708, b 30, 50, &c. Deceaseth, his issue male and female. 710, a 20, &c.
  • Edward the fift his comming to London, 716, b 50. He and his brother murthered in the Towre: note, 734, b 20, &c, 735, all.
  • Edward the sixt borne, 944, a 10 Proclamed king of England rideth through London to Westminster, crowned, 979, a 10, b 10, 30. His letter to the citizens of London, 1059, a 10. He rideth through Lon­don, 1060, b 40. His princelie spéech to doctor Ridleie after his sermon made of mercie & charitie, 1081, b 60. His mes­sage to the rebels of Corne­wall and Deuonshire, 1003, b 60, 1004, a 10. Founder of the hospitals in London, 1082, b 30. His victories against the Scots, 1161, b 10. His feare and mistrust of thrée maria­ges which fell out to be true▪ he falieth sicke & dieth, 1083, b 20, 30, 60. His praisewor­thie qualities, and death re­uealed, 1084, a 30, &c, b 10. His buriall, 1089, a 50. Counter­feited, and the partie execu­ted, 1127, a 40, &c, b 10
  • Edward created prince, 365, a 40. Made knight, 660, b 60. Setteth forward into the ho­lie land, 274, b 60. Traito­rouslie wounded, 275, a 20▪ Getteth diuerse castels, 266, a 60. Escapeth a danger, 269, b 50. He and the earle of Gloce­ster not suffred to come with­in the citie of London, 262, b Euill intreated in manie pla­ces, 262, b 60. Goeth against the Welshmen, 264, a 10. Re­ceiueth the crosse, 274, a [Page] 40. Taketh monie out of the treasurie of the temple, 264, a 60. Arriueth at Acres, in danger to be slaine by trea­son, 275, a 20. Hath the rule of London, he appointeth the maior & shiriffes, 274, b 20. Sent to the king of Castile, 249, b 50. He marrieth the la­die Elenor daughter to king A [...]fonse, b 60. Created prince of Wales. 250, a 10. His wife commeth to London, 252, a 50. Pursueth the Londo­ners, 268, a 10. Imprisoned for riot, 313, b 30. Made knight, and sent into Scot­land, 314, a 30. Goeth ouer in­to Gascoigne, 382, b 50. His procéedings in Aquitane, 383 b 20, &c. Two bishops sent vnto him from the pope, 383, b 50, &c: 384, a 10, &c. His first sonne borne, 397, a 60. And duke of Aquitaine, 332, a 40. Sent into France, 336, a 60. Inuadeth the French dominions, 387, a 10, His or­der where he came, his feats of armes, the passages stop­ped against him, he returneth. lodgeth in the towne of Re­morentius, he is followed by the French king, 387, all. Contenied to come to a par­lée, his offer, his exhortation to his soldiors when he saw he must néeds fight, 388, a 60, b 10, 60. Noblemen that were with him, the number of his armie, both powers ioine is­sue, 389. He obteineth the vic­torie, his méeke oration to the French king his prisoner, he returneth to Burdeaux, brin­geth the French king ouer into England, 390, a 10, b 20, 60. Made lord warden of the realme, 339, b 20. Setteth for­ward into Spaine, 398, a 20. He passeth into Guien, 395, b 60. Put to his shifts for de­fault of monie, he returneth into Gascoigne, constreined to burden his subiects with a sore subsidie, 400, a 10, 30, b 30. Appealed to appéere before the French king, 401, a 10. His answer, a letter publi­shed by him to appease the Gescoignes, b 40. Diseased with sicknesse, 402, b 20. De­ceaseth, buried at Canturbu­rie, his death grieuouslie ta­ken, 410, b 50, 60. Returneth out of France into England, 406, a 60. Married to the erle of Warwikes daughter, 674, b 60. Taken in flight, he is murthered, 688, a 60, b 20
  • Edward called the Blacke prince borne, 348, b 20
  • Edward the third, son of Hen­rie the seuenth christened, 788 a 10
  • Edwin earle of Northumber­land withdraweth from the battell against duke William, 1, a 30. His lands giuen to A­lane earle of Britaine, 7. Re­conciled to king William, 9, b 40. He and Edgar Etheling resist duke William and his Normans, 6, a 10. He & Mar­char submit themselues to duke William, 1, a 50. Slaine of his owne soldiors, 10, a 50. ¶Sée Marchar.
  • Egelsin abbat. ¶Sée Stigand.
  • Egelsin abbat of S. Augustine his martiall mind, vnpatient of forced seruitude, 1, b 50, 2, a 10
  • Egelwine abbat of Euesham [...] warrior, 11, a 50
  • Egelwinus bishop of Durham flieth from Durham: note, 7▪ b 60. In armes against duke William, taken priso­ner, and famished to death, 10▪ a 40, 50
  • Egmond countie lieutenant ge­nerall for king Philip in the low countries, his valiant onset vpon the French, 1150▪ a 60, b 20
  • Egremond knight a capteine rebell, 769, b 50. Flieth into Flanders, 770, a 10
  • Egremond lord Persie, 647, b 30 committed to Newgate, his escape, 645, b 60
  • Election & choise of thrée things 284, b 60
  • Elenor countesse of Britaine deceaseth, 228, b 60
  • Elenor prince Edwards wife commeth to London, 252, a 60
  • Elenor K. Henrie the seconds daughter married to the king of Castile, 98, b 30
  • Elenor Cobham accused of tre­son: note, 622, b 60, 623. a 10. ¶ Sée Marriage, and Quéene.
  • Elephant sent to Henrie the third from the French king, 252. a 30. Two presented to the pope: note, 837, b 10
  • Elie held against Henrie the third, 273, a 50. Spoiled & the church: note, 190, a 40
  • Elisabeth second daughter to king Henrie the eight priso­ner in the Towre, she hath heauie enimies of the clergie, 1101, b 10, &c: 1102, a 10, 20, &c. Hir bloud thirsted after by Gardiner, hir life preserued by master Briges lieutenant of the Towre, 1130, b 20, 30. The whole storie of hir trou­bles in the daies of quéene Marie, and how she was pre­serued, notable to read, 1151, b 50, 60, 1152, 1153, 1154, 1155. Deliuered out of the Towre, hir words to Beningfield knight hir kéeper in the time of durance, 1117, b 40. Procla­med quéene the same daie that Marie died, 1160, a 40. And the ladie Anne of Cléeue ride togither in a rich chariot, 1091 a 30. ¶Sée Quéene.
  • Elisabeth wife to Henrie the se­uenth hir birth, 668, b 50
  • Elisabeth Barton hir practises discouered with hir adhe­rents, she is attainted, becom­meth a nun, 936, a 20, b 10, 60. Bishops giue credit to hir hi­pocriticall dooings, she is exe­cuted, hir confession at hir death, 937, a 10, 20, 30
  • Emmanuell college at Cam­bridge founded, 1396, a 10, &c.
  • Emperor Adulfe breaketh pro­mise with the king of Eng­land and the earle of Flan­ders, 304, b 60
  • Emperor of Constantinople commeth into England, 239, b 60, 519, a 20
  • Emperor Ferdinand deceaseth, foretelleth the vttermost daie of his death, his goodlie issue male and female, 1208, a 10, 20, 30
  • Emperor Charles, preparation for receiuing of him into En­gland, 853, a 50. Landeth in England, méeteth with Hen­rie the eight at Douer, labou­reth to hinder the purposed interuiew betwéene Henrie the eight and the French K▪ saileth into Flanders, 856, a 40, b 60, a 20. Commeth to Calis to K, Henrie the eight, 861, b 20. His interteimnent: note, b 30, &c. And the French king at wars, 781, a 10, Lan­deth at Douer, he and Henrie the eight sweare each to other to obserue the league inter­changeablie made, 873, a 60, b 50. Moderation and tempe­rance at the news of victorie, 885, b 10, 30. And what the French kings mother offe­red him for the deliuerance of hir sonne, he hopeth to recouer more profit by the French king in peace than warres, 886, a 50, 60, b 60. Departeth out of Eng­land into Spaine, 874, a 10. Sendeth Henrie the eight a present, 882, a 40. His an­swer to the English ambas­sador, articles sent to them, he releaseth twelue preiudi­ciall articles to the French king, 898, a 10, 60, b 60. His answer to the English he­ralds and oration, 201, b 30. Cōmandeth that the French king, being his prisoner, should be receiued with ho­nour in all places where he should passe, 887, b 10. A truce betwéene him and the gouer­nors of France, 887, b 60. He visiteth the French king in durance, couenants of accord by him to be performed, 888, a 20, b 60. Commeth to heare what the English & French heralds had to saie, 899, He giueth them libertie to speke, a 40. His munificence: note, 921, a 20. Deceasseth, an ob­sequie kept for him, 1171, b 50
  • Emperor Maximilian & Hen­rie the eight méet roiallie, 820, a 10. Weareth a crosse of S. George as souldier to the king of England Henrie the eight, 821, a 50. Inuested in­to the order of the garter, 1210, a 60. Deceasseth, a de­scription of his qualities, 851, a 10
  • Emperor Sigismund cometh into England, the strange maner of receiuing him at Douer, 556, b 30, 40
  • Emperor concludeth a peace with the French king▪ 965, a 40. Answereth the French kings letters, 904▪ a 30. Gift to Philip prince of Spaine, 1120, a 20. Woone from the king of Englands fréend­ship, 361, b 50. He offereth to be a meane to conclude a peace betwéen the two kings of England and France, 361, b 60. Hath the electing and assigning of the pope, 24, b 20. Commandeth the English herald to leaue his oration behind him in writing, his words to the French he­rald, he giueth him his an­swer in writing, 902, a 10, b 10, 50. Defied by the two kings, the one of England the other of France, 905, b 40. ¶ Sée Spanish king.
  • Emperors. ¶Sée Popes.
  • Empson and Dudlie with their promooters, 791, b 30. Raue­ning woolues and caterpil­lers to the commonwealth, 794, b 20, 30. Atteinted of treason, his words to the lords of the councell to find fauour, 803, b 40, 50, 60. Most of the lords of the councell a­gainst him, sometime recorder of Couentrie, indicted and found guiltie, condemned, 804, a 30, &c. Committed to the Towre, 799, b 50. Behea­ded, 809, a 10
  • Empson an obstinat moonke, the last moonke séene in that clo­thing in England till quéene Maries daies, 952, b 60.
  • Emulation of the dukes of Yorke, 776, a 50
  • Engins to cast stones, 312, a 60
  • England & Scotland like to go together by the eares afresh, 785, a 60. How manie parishes it hath: note, 877, b 50. Pro­uision for the defense thereof▪ 946, b 60. It and Scotland made one by amitie, what a­ble to doo, 1001, a 50. Reconci­led to the catholike church, and what ioie in Rome ther­fore, 1123, b 30. Gouerned by Normans & French kings one hundred twentie and two yeares after William Con­querors comming in, 116, b 40. Diuided into foure parts, and the gouernors: note, 103 a 60. It & France the armes quartered, 356, b 30. How gainfull to the court of Rome 171, a 40. Became tribut [...] ­rie to the pope, 177, b 20. Shrewdlie vexed, subdued, and spoiled in diuerse places by the French, 192, 193. A great nauie of French ships purpose to inuade it, 451, a 20. Manie townes burnt and destroied on the coasts there­of by the French and Spa­nish. ¶Sée Frenchmen, and French king, and Spani­ards, 427. In a lamentable case in the time of duke Wil­liam: note, 5, b 20. Guided by deputies in the absence of duke William, 5, a 10. With­out a king and who towards it, 1, a 40. Furnished with ar­mor and munition, 1193, b 60. Inuasion thereof by forren forces intended: note, 1371, a 10, &c, b 30, 40, &c. To be in­uaded, and diuerse plots ta­ken by traitors and conspi­rators for the practise there­of, 1387, b 60. The pros­peritie thereof during the popes cursses, 1366, a 40. To be inuaded by a Scotish pow­er, 1386, a 10. In a short space brought from a troubled to a peaceable estate, 203, b 20. Subiect to foure and twentie gouernours: note, 259, a 20
  • Englishmen sore afflicted, 552, a 20. The order of their armie and archers at Agincourt battell, 553, a 50. Giue the on­set to the French, both ar­mies ioine battell, 554, a 50, 60. Thrée great victories within a short time togither, 566, b 10. Take diuers towns and castels in France, 568, b 30, &c. Discomfited vnder the duke of Clarence, 580, a 30. A sore conflict betwéene them and the French, 556, b 10. Take castels and townes in Normandie, 559, a 50, &c. Campe greatlie hindered for want of beasts to draw their ordinance, & the king of Na­uars gentle offer to them, 813, a 30, 40, 50. Their nauie & the French incoun­ter [Page] vpon the coasts of Bri­taine, their cruell fight, the French flieth, 815, a 60, b 10, 20. Unrulie behauior being in soldiers seruice, 809, b 30. Manie purposing to set vp­on the French in the hauen are defeated by a mischance, 816, a 50. Ouer rash har­dinesse turneth them to hurt, 829, b 10. Shamefullie abu­sed of Frenchmen and other strangers: note, 840, a 20, &c. Plaie the coragious soldiers in France, 879, all, 880, all. Besieged Heding castell, win a gret bootie from the French 875, a 40, b 10. Negligent for not putting their valiant doo­ings in writing, 965, b 40. Goods arested in Burdeaux, 872, b 40. Good seruice at the taking o [...] Leith in Scotland: note, 962, a 30, &c: 963, a 10. Burne S. I [...]hans de Lu­cie, breake vp their campe at Biskaie, dispersed into sun­drie villages, vnappeasable rage among them, they return out of Biskaie, 814, a 10, &c. Ualiant seruice against the French & Scots, their hors­men discomfited, 994, a 20, b 40. Go by sea and land into Scotland, 980, a 30, &c. The order of the armie in march­ing forward, 980, b 60. Pati­ent in suffering all wants of reléefe, 995, a 40. Manerlie, French vnmanerlie, 699, b 30 In a mutinie & murmuring, 1140, a 20, 30. Loose all by Henrie the sixt, that they got by Henrie the fift. ¶Compare both stories togither, 601. Shamefullie foiled by the French, 601, b 10. Gaine eigh­téene standards and one ban­ner, 590, b 40. And French at hot skirmishes: note, 596, b 10, &c. Compassion to a Frenchman an enimie, 628, b 50. Loose all in France, 629, b 30, &c. In a mutinie, commit­ted to prison, 124, a 40. Ouer­throwne at Formigni, 630, a 30. And Frenchmen fight vp­on a small occasion, 126, a 30. Uictorie against the French & their booties, 144, b 50, 60. Spo [...]e Louthian, 89, a 60. God directeth their battell, fighteth for them, their vali­antnesse: note, 372, a 30. Uic­torie at Halidon hill, 350, a 40. Derided in a rime, 347, a 40. They & Genowaies méet & fight on the seas, 363, b 10. Win the passage ouer the wa­ter of Some against the French, 371, a 20. Make for­raies and rodes into the bor­ders of France, 374, b 60. A­gainst the Scots, incouraged by the quéene, 375, b 50, 60. Obteine the victorie, 376, a 10. Imbateled before Paris, 393 b 10, Lodge with their armie before Paris, 405, b 10. Uic­tori [...] ▪ against the Flemings on the sea, 407, a 20. Burne townes in France, 356, a 10. Discomfited by constable of France, 408, a 20. Flie to saue their liues, a great slaughter of them, and all by the Scots, 322, a 40, 50. Seruice against the French at Leith in Scot­land, 1186, a 40, 1187, all. They giue the French the repulse, 1188, a 50. A number of them slaine, 60, their hot skirmishes 1189, all. They win a trench from the French, 1190, a 30, b 10. Giue them the repulse, b 60. Repelled by the policies of French, 1191, a 50. A num­ber slaine & hurt, 60. Slaine in Scotland, 303, b 10. And Flemings vanquished by the French, 180, a 10. Assaile the French ships, 179, a 50. Spoil the Iles of Orkneie, 518, b 10 Plaie the men, they besiege Ard & Sluis, 528, a 60, b 10, Assalt Briake in Britaine, 534, b 30. The fortune of the earle of saint Paule against them, 538, b 40. Die in Spain by reason of the great heat of that countrie, 450 a 60. Pro­uision to resist the gret power of the French, 451, a 40. Sub­due diuerse townes in Flan­ders and spotle the countrie. 443, b 10. Their armie iournie through France, 426, b 60. Driuen out of Flanders by the French K. 444, a 60. Na­uie ouermatched & ouercome by the Spanish, 420, a 30. Cruellie abused vnder the pretense of peace, by duke William, 10, a 30. Host entreth into Britaine, 427, a 10. They besiege Naunts, breake vp their siege, 427, b 30. Atchiue an exploit against the French 422, a 30, &c. Sailing ouer sea scattered in a tempest, 423, a 60. Ouerthrowne by Scots, 418, b 10. Ouerthrowne by the French, 418, a 10. Cats, not to be caught without mittens 426, b 60. Weapons before the vse of the long bow, 15, b 50. Extremelie hated & handled of duke Will [...]am & his Nor­mans, 8, a 10, 20, 30, 40. Mi­serable estate in the daies of Malcolme, 10, b 10. Seruice in forren lands well liked of duke William, 10, b 60. Kept low by duke William and his Normans, 14, a 10, &c. Chral­dome in the seuere regiment of duke William, 1, b 10. Fair­lie intreated at king William Rufus hands, & why, 17, b 30. Retire to Newhauen with honor, 1397▪ a 10. Much made of at Utricht, 1431, b 40. Win towns from the French, 207, b 10. Sent to Spaine against the Saracens, 213, a 10. Di­stressed by the Welsh, 214, a 20 How manie vnder Henrie the third against the French K. 329, b 40. Ouerthrowne by the Welsh, 255, a 20. Distressed by the Scots, 297, b 50. And the French incounter, 229, b 60. And Welsh at grudge, 278 860. Distressed by the Welsh, 281, a 10, Taken by French, 294, b 10. Uictors by sea a­gainst the French, 290, b 30, 40. Stand in doubt of the Welsh, 307, a 60. Uanqui­shed by the Scots, 311, b 60
  • English gentlemen mainteined by the French warres, 480, b 10. Light & toiesh behauior in the French court, 850, a 10. Discharged of their places & offices vnder quéene Marie the French kings wife, 833, a 10. ¶ Sée Flanders, Fle­mings, French and Scots.
  • Enimie vittelled by the enimie, 426, b 20
  • Enimies domesticall verie roi­allie dealt withall: note, 459, b 30, 40. ¶ Sée Forgiue­nesse.
  • Enuie, and that persons indued therewith are readie to for [...]e matters of suspicion, 95, b 10. Of the lords against the Spensers, 325, a 30. Borne for a ladie bestowed in mar­riage, 164, a 60. Of quéene E­lenor against Arthur, 158, a 60. Of the Flemings, 64, a 30 At anothers prosperitie, 37, a 50. Of the earle of March at Henrie the fourths aduance­ment, 511, a 30. The pursuer of vertue and prowesse, 455, a 30. Issue and fruits there­of: note, 422, b 60. Against an­others honorable aduance­ment, 451, b 60. And spite be­twéene the lords spirituall & temporall, & what mischiefe insued, 1, a 50. How mischief­ous: note, 708, a 50, 60. ¶Sée Discord and Spite.
  • Equalitie in a land how incon­uenient, 1043, a 60. How hurt­full and vnconscionable to wish, b 30
  • Erle Aimer of Penbroke ar­rested, 332, a 50. Alan [...]. ¶Sée Alan. Albericke de Uéere an eloquent pleder for K. Ste­phan, 51, a 30. Slaine in a se­ditious tumult, 54, a 60. A­rundell. ¶Sée Iusts trium­phant. Auberie de Uéere of Oxenford, 480, a 10
  • Erle Baldwin de Riuers of Ile of Wight, 224, a 60. His oration to king Stephans armie, 52, b 50. Belesme of Schrewesburie a factious man: note, 32, a 60. Subdued and banished, 30, a 60. Beau­champe of Warwike protec­tor of England, 424, a 40. Of Warwike deceaseth, 519, b 60 405, a 10. Beauford of Sur­rie deceaseth, 536, b 10. Bi­god of Northfolke a valiant chiefeteine, 47, b 60. Accor­ded with king Henrie the se­cond, 92, a 60, 51, b 60. Bo­linbrooke of Derbie after­wards king, 448, a 90. Bour­chier of Essex deceaseth, 950, a 60
  • Erle Charles of Westmerland, sore iudgements of God vp­on him: note, 1359, a 40. Charles of Flanders mur­thered and issulesse, 43, a 50. Clinton of Lincolne ambas­sador into France, the maner of his interteinment, 1229, a 10, 20. Courtneie of De­nonshire the first destroier of Excester hauen, 1008, a 40. Created, 1089, a 20. Cris­pine of Eureux woundeth Henrie the first, and is taken prisoner, 40, a 60
  • Erle de Gaunt of Lincolne, 192, b 60. Dudleie of War­wike sent into Normandie with an armie, 1195, a 60
  • Erle Edmund of Lancaster sent into Gascoigne, his ser­uice in armes, his death, 296, a 50, &c, b 10. Edmund of Suffolke flieth ouer into Flanders, his disconten­ted mind, 780, a 10 Beheaded 816, a 10. Edward of War­wike, sonne & aire to George duke of Cla [...]ence, beheaded, 703, b 10. Edwin of Nor­thumberland. ¶Sée Edwin, 1, a 30. Eustace. ¶Sée Eu­stace.
  • Erle Ferreis of Derbie com­meth to Chester with twen­tie thousand men, 269, a 60. Fitzosborne. ¶ Sée Fitzos­borne. Fitzpeter created erle of Essex, 159, b 20. Decesseth 181, b 10. Foulke of Anion quarrelleth with Henrie the first, and whi [...], 42, a 50. Ac­cords the kings of England and France, 40, b 60. An eni­mie to Henrie the first: note, 37, a 50, 60. Became alied to Henrie the first, 40, b 20
  • Erle Geffreie Plantagenet, of Aniou married the daugh­ter of Henrie the first, 43, b 10. Putteth awaie his wi [...]e, and taketh hir againe, 44, a 40, Had a sonne by Mawd the empresse, afterwards king of England, 44, b 10. Put to flight by king Stephan, 48, a 30. Raiseth commotions in Flanders, 48, a 20. Dealeth vnfaithfullie, 106, a 60 Dieth 110, a 30. Gerald of Kildare deputie of Ireland, appre­hended, examined, & released, 779, b 20. George of March flieth into England, 518, a 60. Gospatrike. ¶ Sée Gospa­trike. Guido. ¶Sée Guido.
  • Erle Hastings of Penbroke. as he was learning to iust, is wounded to death, 467, b 20. Helias. ¶Sée Helias. Henrie of Essex dishonoured, 67, a 10. Henrie of Huntington his valiantnesse, 50, a 10. Herbert of Penbroke prepareth a­gainst the earle of Warwike, 672, a 60, b 10. Holland of Huntington, 465, b 60. A great exploit doone by him a­gainst the French, 558, b 50, &c. Holland of Kent in fa­uour with Henrie the fourth▪ he marrieth a daughter of a lord of Millain, 532, a 40, 50. Sent to the sea with an ar­mie, 534, b 20. Hugh of Che­ster deceseth, 105, b 10. Hugh of March commeth ouer to Henrie the third, and offereth him seruice, 209, a 10. Wor­keth to induce the Normans and Poictouins to fauour king Henrie the third, 210, a 40. Hugh of Montferrat taken prisoner, 42, b 20. Hubert de Burgh created earle of Kent, and whie, 209, b 60. In Henrie the thirds displeasure: note, 211, b 10. Escapeth out of prison, and taketh sanctuarie, 217, a 30, &c. He is brought backe, re­stored to sanctuarie, rescrued, conueied into Wales, dischar­ged of his office of chéefe ius­tice, taks sanctuarie, reléeued by the Londoners, apprehen­ded, cast in prison, and bani­shed, 215, a 50, &c. Hubert of Morienne and his daughter sold for monie, 84, a 60, b 10
  • Erle Iasper of Penbroke, 678, a 60. Beheadeth Roger Uaughan, passeth ouer into Britaine with his nephue, 693, a 50, 60. Iohn of an am­bitious nature, 132, a 40. No fréend to the bishop of Elie, 132, a 10. In armes to vsurpe the kingdome, 137, b 60. Pur­posed to seize vpon the king­dom in his brothers absence, 134, b 50. Submitteth him­selfe to his brother Richard the first, and craueth pardon for his offense, 146, b 60. Par­doned of all his rebellions, 147, a 10. Iohn Scot of Che­ster poisoned by his wife, his foure sisters, 220, b 60. Iohn of Mortaigne licenced to re­turne into England, 121, b 10
  • [Page]Erle Lambert. ¶Sée Lambert. Lacie of Lincolne deceaseth, his buriall, his request on his death bed, 320, b 30
  • Erle Mandeuill of Essex licen­ced to go into the holie land, 101, a 10. William of Essex taken, 56, a 20. Marchar of Mercia. ¶ Sée Marchar. Marshall of Penbroke his oration in the assemblie of péeres, 197, a 40, Recouereth his castelles taken by the prince of Wales, 205, a 30. Killed with a fall from his horsse, 228, b 60. Deceaseth, his buriall, 202, a 60, 213, b 60 Mathew of Bullongne, 87, b 10. Wounded and dieth, 88, b 40. Montacute of Salisburie a politike man and valiant, 598, b 60. Miles of Hereford, 51, b 10. Deceaseth, 56, a 10. Mortimer of March his good seruice in Ireland, 440, a 30. Slaine by the wild Irish, his issue, 448, b 10. Last erle of March of that name deceseth without issue: note, 590, a 10. Montgomerie. ¶Sée Mont­gomerie. Mowbraie. ¶ Sée Mowbraie. Mulbraie. ¶Sée Mulbraie.
  • Erle Neuill of Westmerland, &c: Prepareth to resist the kings enimies, his subtill po­licie, 529, b 40, 50. Persuadeth king Henrie the fift vnto the conquest of Scotland, 546, a 40. Neuill of Salisburie his issue, 641, b 60
  • Erle Patrike of Salisburie slaine, 75, b 30. Persie of Nor­thumberland created, 1133, a 60. Warden of the whole mar­ches, 875, b 50. Sent to the seas, 455, a 50. Lieutenant of Calis, 475, b 10· Conspi­reth with Owen Glendouer, 521, b 50, 522, 523. Restored, 545, a 20. Beheaded at Yorke, 1257, a 20. Murthered him­selfe in the Tower, 1403, b 50 A quest of inquirie vpon the fact, 50, 1404, all. Buried in the Tower, b 20. The whole maner of killing him­selfe, b 40, &c: to 1419, a 10. Persie of Worcester leaueth the king and flieth to the duke of Lancaster, 500, a 10. Sent ouer into Gascoigne to ap­pease the people, 518, a 10, 20. Petwike of Perch, 67, b 10. Philip of Flanders, 87, b 10. A meane to make peace be­twene the kings of England & France, 114, a 60. His de­uotion at Thomas Beckets toome, 100, b 60. Doth homage to the king of England, 103, b 60. His release made at Henrie the seconds request, 95, a 60. Plantagenet of War­wike son and heire to George duke of Clarence committed to the Tower, 762, a 10
  • Erle Rafe. ¶ Sée Rafe. Rai­mond of Barzelon, 67, b 10. Of Tripolis, 129. Ranulph of Chester taketh his wife the duchesse of Britaine pri­soner, 150, b 20. Laieth séege to Montsorell castell, 199, a 60. He raiseth his séege, 199, b 20. Returneth from the holie land, 202, b 20. Goeth into the holie land, 202, b 40. De­ceaseth, thrise married, the partition of his lands, his ex­ploits, 215, b 40. Reinold of Cornwall base sonne to king Henrie the first departed this life, 95. b 40. Reinold Greie of Kent. 1227, b 40. Decea­seth, 1258, a 20. Richard obei­eth his father Henrie. 109, a 60. Seizeth vpon his father Henrie the seconds treasure, 111, a 30. Is rebelled against, he inuadeth the earle of Tho­lous lands, 112, a 60. Reuol­teth from his father vnto the French king, 113, a 50. Ri­chard of Chester vnder king Henrie the firsts tuition, 32, b 10. He & his wife drowned, 41, b 10. Richard of Clares submission, 92, b 20. Richard of Cornwall returneth out of Gascoigne, 209, a 40. Depar­teth from the court secretlie, ioineth himselfe with the erls of Chester and Penbroke, 209, a 60. King of Almaine, deceaseth, his buriall and is­sue, 275, a 60. His sonne mur­thered, b 20. Richard of Es­sex, 961, a 60. Richard of Glo­cesters submission, 92, b 20. Richard of Glocester dieth, 95, b 50. Richard of Poitow king Henrie the seconds son, his victorie against the Bra­banders, 98, b 50. His sharpe assalt of Talburgh, 104, a 10. Robert of Derbie, 92, a 20. Robert of Glocester Henrie the firsts base sonne, 37, a 50. An enimie to king Stephan, 48, b 50. Described, 53, a 10. Commeth to Glocester, 51, a 60. Father in law to Iohn king Richards brother, 117, a 30. Taken prisoner, 54, a 50. Dieth, 56, b 50. Robert of Le­cester famous and valiant, 134, a 50, 60. Put to flight, 89, a 30. Taken prisoner, 144, b 40, 90, a 40. Offer for his ran­some, 146, b 40. Robert Dud­leie created baron and erle, 1207, a 60, b 10. Inuested into the order of saint Michaell, 1209, a 20. ¶ Sée Erle of Leicester. Robert of Mellent rebelleth against king Hen­rie the first, 42, b 10. Robert of Richmond against the Frenchmen, his martiall acts, in danger to be slaine, 359, b 10, &c: 60. Robert de Belesme of Shrewesburie rebelleth, 30, a 30. Robert de Uéere owner of Hidingham castell, 190, b 50. Ro­bert passeth ouer into Nor­mandie, 55, a 20. Roger Fitz­miles of Hereford, 66, a 10
  • Erle Saier de Quincie of Winchester 199, a 60. Seimor of Hereford lieutenant of the North goeth against the Scots, 961, b 30. His an­swer to the prouost of Eden­borough, 962, a 30. Simon of Hampton, 51, b 60, 52, b 20. Dieth, 60, b 10. Simon of Huntington dieth, 108, a 20. Simon of Leicester maried with Henrie thirds sister, 222 ball. Maketh his possessi­ons into monie and goeth in­to the holie land, 224, a 60, b 10, 225, b 40. Fled ouer into France, 223, b 30. Stanlie of Derbie deceaseth, his life, death, and qualities, 1257, a 60, b 10. Stephan of Bul­longne sworne to the successi­on of the crowne, 43, a 10. ¶Sée Stephan. Strang­bow marieth Dermutius his daughter, 81, a 50. Confi­ned, séeketh king Henrie the seconds fauor, and is pardo­ned, 81, a 50, 60. He maketh surrender to king Henrie the first, b 20. Strangbow of Straguill, 81, a 10. Sum­merset of Worcester sent into France robbed vpon the sea, 1257, b 40, 50, 60
  • Erle Talbot of Shrewesburie and his son manfullie slaine, 639, a 60, b 50. Sent into France with an armie, 817, 840. Theobald of Cham­paigne his descent in armes against the French king, 39, b 20. His countrie inuaded by the French king, 40, b 20. Theodorike of Flanders, 66, b 60. Tiptoft of Worcester beheaded, 678. Turketillus. ¶Sée Turketillus.
  • Erle Ualeran of saint Paule put to flight, 528, b 20. Uéere of Oxford, his charge to his bands of men, his valiant­nesse, 759, a 10, 20. Yéeldeth himselfe to king Edward the fourth, sent ouer sea, and kept prisoner twelue yeares, 693, b 20. Made marquesse of Du­blin, 448, a 60. Created duke of Ireland, 451, b 60. Duke of Ireland, to be safelie con­ducted to the kings presence by the shiriffe of Cheshire, 460 b 60. Deceaseth in misera­ble necessitie: note, 479, b 60. His corps conueied from Louaine into England and there roiallie buried, 485, a 60. Séeketh to be diuorced from his lawfull wife: note, 458, a 10. Sent ouer into Gas­coigne, 294, b 60. His vali­antnesse, 684. b 20. Geiteth out of prison, and he with o­thers go to the erle of Rich­mond, 749, a 10, 20. He liui­eth a power & commeth into England, his valor and chi­ualrie, a 50, 60. He sub­mitteth himselfe and yéeldeth to the king, b 50. The erle of Richmond is glad of him and his companie, b 60. Decea­seth, 950, a 60.
  • Erle Walter of Essex saileth in­to Ireland, 1258, b 60. Decea­seth, 1263, a 40. The place of his birth, 60. His praise in sundrie respects, b 20. Dispo­sed to inlarge his nobilitie, 60 ¶ Sée Erle of Essex. Walthe­of. ¶Sée Waltheof. Warren, 51, b 60. Warren of Surreie his words to Edward the first, 280, b 10. Of Shrewes­burie warden of the Welsh marches, 42, a 40. William of Arundell ambassador to the French king, 72, a 50. Dieth, 98, b 20. William of Kent, William de Ypresse, 54, a 30. William sonne to duke Ro­bert erle of Flanders, 43, a 50. Dieth of wounds, 43, b 20. Duke Robert of Normandies son by Sibill, 34. a 10. William named de Longspée with others go into the holie land, 241, b 50. William of Mortaigne and Bullongne, 68, a 20, 66, b 50. A factious man, 32, a 60. His wilfulnesse and malcontent­ment, b 10. William of Sa­lisburie inuadeth the coun­tries about London, 89, b 30.
  • Erle of Albemerle, 52, a 10, 52, b 10. Whie supposed to betraie the towne, 88, b 30. Of Al­uergnes lands spoiled, 75, a 40 Of Aniou, 55, a 20, ¶ Sée Normandie. Departeth this life, 58, b 20. Of Arminacks daughter aff [...]ed to Henrie the sixt, he, his ladie, sonne & two daughters taken, 624, a 10. An open enimie to England: note, 636, b 10. Of Arundels fréendlie spéech to ladie Eli­sabeth, 1154, a 50. His ex­ploits in France: note, 609, a 10. His death, 610, a 20. Go­eth to sea with fiue hundred men of armes and a thousand archers, 454, a 50. His libera­litie: note, 454, b 50. Saileth into Britaine with a great power, 455, a 10. Returneth into France, 465, b 10. Sent to the sea with a great nauie in aid of the duke of Britaine 465, a 50. Ioineth with the lords in conspiracie, 458, a 60. To be apprehended by the earle of Northumberland, 60. Answer to his indictment, he is condemned, 491, b 10, 50, 60. Executed, 492, a 10, 20. O­uerthrowne in the middest of a water, 56, a 30. Professeth himselfe sorie that he goeth not with the duke of Nor­thumberland against the la­die Marie, 1086, b 10. Appre­hended, 489, b 20. Arreigned, 491, a 60
  • Erle of Bedford and his sonne the lord Russell deceaseth, 1413, b 10. Of Blois his son made bishop of Winchester, 42, a 60. Of Britaine assisted against the French king, he submitteth himselfe, 219, a 10, 20. Of Buckingham sent in­to Britaine to and the duke against the French king, 425, b 60. He maketh knights at his entrance into France, 426, a 30. Displeased with the duke of Britaine, returneth into England, 427, b 60. O [...] Bullogne prepareth six hun­dred ships to inuade Eng­land. 75, a 50
  • Erle of Caerleill raiseth an ar­mie, put to death for treason, 333, a 10, b 20. His iudgment and constancie at his death, 334, a 60. Of Cambridge re­turneth out of Portingale, 441, b 20. His sonne affianced to the king of Portingals daughter, 441, b 20, 40. He and other lords apprehended for treason, 548, b 10. Executed, 50. The effect of his indict­ment, 549, a 30, &c. Of Cha­ster described, 53, a 10. His ex­ploits being the kings lieute­nant, 212, b 20. Withstood the gathering of tenths for the pope, 211, a 50. Bare S. Ed­wards sword before Henrie the third at his mariage, 219, b 40. His oration to the erle of Glocester, 52, a 10. His right and title thereto, and priui­leges, his foure barons vnder him: note, 20, a 20. Dieth, 60, b 10. Of Cornwall marrieth the countesse of Glocester, 213, b 50. Elected emperour, 254, b 10. Stands against the K. his brother for grant of a subsidie, 251, b 40. He lendeth the king monie, 252, a 20. E­lected king of Almaine, taketh his leaue of the king his bro­ther, 256, a 20. And king of Almaine, his protestation to the English ambassadors, he commeth ouer into England, receiueth an oth not to in­fringe the statuts of Oxford, [Page] 261, a all. An intercessor for peace to be had betwixt the pope and the emperour, 226, b 10
  • Erle of Derbies exploits in France and his taking of townes, 368, b 40, &c: 369, a 10, &c. Assembleth an armie, winneth townes, and is vic­torious, 375, a 30, &c. His ex­ploits against the infidels, 473, b 10. Kéepeth Newland bridge, 377, b 20. Ambassa­dor into France, his inter­teinement, 1380, a 50, 60, &c: 1381, all, 1382, a 10, &c. Of Desmond a rebell and others brought to order by the earle of Surrie & his power, 855, b 60. His strange and miserable end, 1365, b 60. His head set on London bridge, 1356, a 20
  • Erle of Essex capteine generall of Uister, in Ireland, 1259, a 20. How he spent his youth­full yeares, 1264, a 10. Per­fect in the scriptures, 1264, a 30. I fauourer of preachers, 40. Expert in chronicles, hi­stories, &c: 50. Indued with martiall knowledge and pro­wesse, b 20. His humanitie, af­fablenesse, &c: 1265, a 10. His [...]quanimitie, 40. He could not awaie with swearing, cha­sing, &c: 50. His deuotion in licknesse, 60. Heauenlie con­templation toward his death, b 10. How his seruants were affected at his spéeches, 30. Eternallie blessed, 60, His e­pitaph geneologicall, 1296, a 10. His deth much lamented, b 2 [...]. Quéene Elisabeths te­stimonie concerning him, 60. Why his epitaph geneologi­call was added to the sermon, 1267, a 10. His counsell to the yoong earle his sonne now a­liue, 20. Goeth to Leger, 1431, b 20
  • Erle of Ew. ¶Sée William.
  • Erle of Flanders his oth, 91, a 10. Assisteth king Sweine to inuade England, 14, a 50. Wounded and dead, 40, b 10. Allu [...]ed from Richard the first to the French K. 126, b 50. His deuotion vnto Tho­mas Beckets shrine, 152, a 60. Winneth townes, 151, b 50. In armes against the Turkes, 164, a 20. Flieth in­to Gant, 354, b 40. He retur­neth and eftsoones flieth, 354, b 50. Forced to a promise of marriage, 376, b 30. Dishono­rable abusing of Edward the third & his owne people, [...]76, b 40. He & his wife arrested, inforced to agrée with the French king, released, & re­turned home, he defieth the French king, til he is accur­sed, his sonne appealeth from an interdiction, 297, a 10, &c. Pacifieth his people, 306, b 40. Feasteth the king of En­gland, 360, b 10. Sendeth to the bishop of Norwich to know the cause of his inua­sion, 442, b 60
  • Erle of Glocesters answer to the earle of Chesters ora [...]ion, 52, a 30. Maketh warre on the Welshmen▪ 281, b 10. Rai­seth a commotion, 272, b 60. Confederateth with the earle of Leicester, 262, b 50. Admo­nished to obtie Henrie the third, the Towre defended a­gainst him, 273, a 10. Sworne to the peace by Henrie the third on his death bed, 276, a 40
  • Erle of Henault defieth the French king, 357, b 60. Of Herefords euill counsell to duke William, 8, b 60. He [...] Lancaster ioine, 329, a 40. They flée, come to Pomfret, the one slaine the other taken, 330, a 40, b 60▪ Of Hertford fo. ra [...]eth the middle marches of Scotland, 969, b 10, 60. Of Huntington politike & wise, 616, b 60, 617, a 10
  • Erle of Kent a bishop, 18, a 60. Dispossessed of his lands, but pardoned of life, but excluded from libertie, 216, a 60, b 10. ¶ Sée Odo. Of Kildare re­stored to his deputiship in I­reland, 878, b 10, 20. Made de­putie of Ireland, 883, b 30. Committed to the Towre by cardinall woolseis meanes, 855, b 20. Executed, 943, b 50. Of Kime otherwise Angus beheaded, 666, b 40
  • Erle of Lancaster vntrulie [...]ai­ned to be surnamed Crooke­backe, 511, a 50. Canonized for a saint, 472, b 50. A great strife whether he should be reputed a saint or no, 331, b 60, 332, a 10. Arreigned, found gu [...]irie, and beheaded, 331, a 40, 60
  • Erle of Leicester brother to the earle of Mellent, 58, b 60. Of­fered to strike the king▪ 89, b 50. In armes against the French king, 138, a 52▪ Put to flight by the French, his valiantnesse at a fresh assault, 154, b 20. Put to a hard shift by the Gascoignes, 246, b 60. Seruice in Gascoigne, 242, a 60. Threateneth the earle of Penbroke, 252, b 40. Resig­neth his gouernment of Gas­coigne, 247, b 60. Danteth his enimies, 245, b 10. Slain, 270, a 60. His sonne raiseth an armie, winneth winche­ster, his armie is discomfited, 270, a all. His pride bringeth the barons to confusion, b 10.
  • Erle of Leicester baron Den­bigh, passeth, ouer sea to the low countries as the quéens lieutenant, 1419, a 20. Arri­ueth at Flushing, 1424, a 20. Saileth towards Middle­borough, b 40. His intertein­ment there, 50. Honourablie feasted in Christmasse time of the states, 1425, a 20. He fea­steth them againe, 40▪ Lan­deth at Williamstat, 60. En­treth into Dort, b 10. Com­meth to Rotherdam, 50. En­treth into Delfe, 60. Magni­ficent interteinment of the quéene, and the bountifull fare he kept for his attendants, in progresse, 1299, a 30. On the right hand of the prince Dolphin, 1337, b 30. Kéepeth saint Georges feast solemnlie at Utricht, 1433, b 20. Inuested with the robes of the order, 60. Commeth to Utricht, and how receiued, 1431, a 60, b 10. A placard conteining the authoritie gi­uen him by the states of the low countries, 1428, b 10, &c, 1429, a 10, &c. Lodgeth in the house where the prince of Orange was slaine, 1426, a 10. Remooueth to Donhage, and worthilie interteined, 30. Interteined at L [...]idon, he rideth to Ske [...]eling, titles of honor ascribed vnto him, 1427 b 60. Commeth to Harlem, and how he was receiued, 1429, b 40, &c, 1430, a 10, &c. Goeth to Amsterdam, and how interteined, 40
  • Erle of Leicesters onelie sonne & he [...]re deceaseth, 1375, b 40.
  • Erle of Lincolne proclaimed heire apparant, 747, a 30. Sonne to Iohn de la Poole, duke of Suf [...]olke, a conspi­ [...]or, 766, a 10. His flight into Flanders, doubted of Henrie the seuenth, he entreth York­shire with his power, trieth battell with the king, he is slaine, 766, b 60, 767, a 10. De­ceaseth, 1378, b 60, 1379, a 10. ¶Sée Lacies.
  • Erle of March duke of Yorke, 659, b 60. The great hope of the people conceiued of him, he is elected king, he taketh vpon him the regiment, 661, a 60, b 10, 40. His badge: note, 660, a 20
  • Erle of Mellent, 51, b 60, 52, b 10. Discontented with the bi­shops in an assemblie, 36, a 60, b 10, 20. A councellor to Hen­rie the first, to hold the title of inuestitures of prelats, 32, a 30. Taken prisoner, 42, b 20. His sonnes praised for their learning: note, 44, a 60. Of Mortaigne taken prisoner, 33, a 40. Mortimer. ¶Sée Mortimer.
  • Erle of Northumberland char­ged by the duke of Lancaster with sundrie crimes, the Londoners are his fréends, they are accorded▪ 439, a 60, b 10. Sent to appre [...]e [...] the erle of Arundell, 458, a 60. His words to the king, in behalfe of the lords [...]ialtie, 459, a 20. His message to Richard the second, 500, b 20. Cléereth him selfe of much suspicion, 525, b 20, 30. Flieth, 530, b 40. A­gainst Westmerland, he is re­stored, 524, a 10, b 10. His re­turne into England, 534, a 30 Slaine, 534, a 60. Murthered by the northerne rebels, 769, b 30, 40. His rich arraie, 791, a 60. Committed to prison by the cardinall Wolseis means, 855, b 60. Arresteth Wolseie. 915, b 20, 30, 40. He and West­merland rebell, and what ill successe it had: note, 1212, 1213. ¶Sée Conspiracie, Erle Persie.
  • Erle of Ormond high treasu­ror of Ireland, 883, b 30. Of Oxford. ¶Sée earle Uéere.
  • Erle of Pearch slaine, 200, a 60. Of Penbroke passeth ouer into Ireland, he is taken pri­soner, his death, 218, a 60, b 10. In danger of taking▪ he is rescued, 217, b 40 Lord war­den of Scotland, 312, b 10. Diligent: note, 201, a 20. Ua­liant manhood, 672, b 60. Dis­contented, waiteth for aduan­tage, 667, a 60. Conductor of the earle of Richmonds com­panie, 748, a 20. Generall of quéen Maries armie against Wiat and his companie, they incounter. 1098, a 30, 60. De­ceaseth, his epitaph, 1213, b 10
  • Erle of Richmond causeth his men to put on armor, he set­teth them in order, and ap­pointeth chiefteins, 755, b 20, 40. His person described, his cause iust and right, a great motiue to the nobles to assi [...] him, incourag [...]ments to his armie to plaie the men, 757, a 50, b 20. His oration by [...] ­chard the third to the chee [...]e­teins of his armie, 755, b 60. Politike, 758, b 60 Prepara­tion of ships and souldiers to the sea, disparkled by tem­pest, he séeth all the English bankes furnished with so [...] ­diors, 744, b 50, 60. Sendeth to know whether they were with him or against him, ar­riueth in Normandie, and passeth by land into Bri­taine, in fauour with the French king, he lamenteth and reioiseth, the lords giue faith and promise each to o­ther for his furtherance, he sweareth to marrie Elisa­beth the daughter to Ed­ward the fourth after posses­sion of the crowne, diuerse of his faction apprehended and executed, 745, a 10, 30, 40, 60, b 10, 20, 50, 60. Arriueth at Milford hauen, his power made strong by accesse of the confederats, he sendeth secret word to his mother & fréend [...] that he ment a direct passage to London, and desired their conference, he is aided of the Welshmen, 753, a 60, b 20, 40. At Lichfield, remooueth his power to Tamworth, [...]nd of a strange chance that happe­ned to him, put to a hard shift. 754, b 10, 30, 50, 60. Informed of his roiall preferment, &c. He maketh the duke of Bri­taine priuie to the matter▪ preparation to bring in, re­ceiue and erect him to the kingdome, 742, b 10, 40, 60. Arteinted in parlement, and all other that fled ouer sea to take his part, 746, a 40. Smal traine for a policie, apparel­led like a page, he attendeth vpon one of his men, he is fauored of forreine and home­borne, he goeth to the French king and requireth succour to recouer the crowne, 748, a 30, 40, b 10, &c, 50. Diuerse Englishmen submit them­selues vnto him in France, 750, a 10. Proffereth to in­counter Richard the third bodie to bodie, 759, a 40. De­uout behauiour after the vic­torie, 760, a 30. Crowned by the lord Stanlie in the field▪ by the name of Henrie the se­uenth, 760, a 40, 50. ¶Sée Henrie the seauenth. Of Rutland put the French ar­mie in danger of an ouer­throw, 1240, b 30. Emploied in martiall affaires about Scotland, 1061, a 10. Detec­teth the nobles conspiracie to king Henrie the fourth, 515, & 40. Sent ouer ambassador in­to France, 519, a 40. His fol­lie the cause of disclosing the noblemens conspiracie, 515, a 10, 20. Being yoong cruellie murthered: note, 659, b 30, Went against the rebels in the north, 1212, b 20 ¶Sée Manners.
  • Erle of Salisburie gathered [...] power, 649, a 20. Charged with treason, his request, he is maineprised, 513, a 50, b 50, 60. Slaine by the Sara­cens, 243, a 10. Deceseth, 150, b 30 S [...]asicke, deceaseth, 207, b 10. Deceaseth, brused at the [Page] iusts, 366, b 60. Slaine, 599, b 30. Of Shrewsburies great diligence, policie and and true seruice against the northerne rebelles, 942, a 30. His loialtie, what he said to them that talked lewdlie of him, prouided of [...]ll souldiors, his oth in presence of the peo­ple necessarie, 942, a 30, 60, b 10, 30, 50. Generall of an ar­mie against the Scots and French, 994, b 60. Commeth to Hadington, and of his doo­ings against the enimie, 995, a 10, 20, 60, b 10, &c. Of Sou­thampton deceaseth, 1062, b 20. Of Suffolke in great fa­uor with K. Richard the se­cond: note, 454, a 40. Put to his shifts and distressed, 790, a 60, b 10. Gréeuouslie char­ged by the parlement house for sundrie offenses, 453, a 60. Flieth ouer into Calis dis­guised: note, 460, b 30. Sudden death, 440, a 10. Of Surreie entreth Scot­land, defacing castelles and towers, his valiant heart, re­ioising at his hap likelie to fight hand to hand with the king of Scots, ambassadors to treat a peace betwene both nations, 783, a 20, 40. High treasuror of England, 781, b 60. Sent with a great power against the northerne rebels, 769, b 60. Ualiant determina­tion to incounter the Scots, the ordering of his armie, 828 a 10, 20. And his sonne the lord admerall with ioined po­wers against the Scots, 825, b 50, 60. Their message to the king of Scots, 826, a 60, b 10. They remooue their camps to and fro as occasion mooueth 827, b 20, 50. High admerall, his attire at the receiuing of the French kings ambassa­dors, 848, a 40. His seruice a­gainst certein rebels, 855, b 50 High admerall and his com­panie come vnto Hampton court, 873, b 60. Entereth Scotland, 306, b 60. His ma­ner of winning Morleis in Britaine, he maketh knights 874, a 30, 40. Sent with an armie to inuade France, com­meth with his power to Ca­lis, returneth into England, 875, a 10, 60, b 10. Inuadeth Scotland and preuaileth a­gainst them, 881, a 60, b 10, &c. And Southampton sent to Calis, 953, a 40. Committed to the Tower notwithstand­ing his submission, 759, b 50. Beheaded, 976, b 40, 50. Of Sussex maketh a iornie into Scotland, his valorous ser­uice, 1222, a 40, &c. Inuadeth Scotland, 1213, b 60. Uiew­eth Hume castell, 1214, a 40. Went against the rebelles in the north, 1212, b 10. Gentle to ladie Elisabeth, 1153, a 50, Uisiteth madam de Parma, 1210, a 60. His iornies du­ring his abode beyond seas, b 10. Interteined of the empe­ror, 20. Saluted of the duke of Austria, 40. Departeth from Uienna, 60. Deceaseth, 1353, b 50. His honorable fu­nerall, 60, 1354, a 10. ¶ Sée Fitzwater. Of saint Giles accorded with king Henrie the second, 85, a 20. Other­wise Tho [...]ouze, 67, b 30. Of saint Paule, reuolteth to the French, 619, b 10. Confedered with the duke of Burgognie, 694, a 30. His counsell vnto king Henrie the first, 488, a 10 Came out of France to sée a chalenge performed at Co­uentrie, 495, a 20. Assalteth the castell of Guisnes, 538, b 40. His fortune against the Englishmen, 538, b 40. Land­ed in the Ile of Wight, he ma­keth spoile, 521, a 60. Decea­seth, 608, b 50
  • Erle of Tholouze lands inua­ded by earle Richard, 112, a 60
  • Erle of Warwike made gouer­nor of king Henrie the sixt, 596, a 50. And others sent to the generall councell, 547, a 50, 60. Denieth that euer he acknowledged himselfe guil­tie of treason, 513, a 30. Assal­ted, 648, b 20. Lord admerall and lieutenant of Calis, he scowreth the seas and taketh a rich prise, 648, a 10, &c. Re­gent of France, 616, a 20. His entrance thereinto, a 60. An­swer to the duke of Clarence his message, 682, b 10. And Edward the fourth incoun­ter, his manfull courage, 684, a 10, &c: b 40. He is slaine, 685, a 10. Followeth king Ed­ward the fourth to foile him. 683, b 40. And the duke of Clarence tooke the seas, he is kept out of Calis, landed at Diepe, 674, a 50, b 30. The loue which the people bore vnto him, 675, a 40. In a cha [...]e because of king Ed­ward the fourths deliuerie, 673, b 30. In Couentrie, pro­uoked to fight by king Ed­ward the fourth, 681, a 10. His housekéeping, instituted go­uernor of the realme, his badge worne in euerie mans cap: note, 678, a 30, 40, b 40. Discourageth king Edward the fourth, and maketh him flie for feare out of England, 675, a 60, b 10, &c, His stan­dard, what ensigne it bore, 673, a 10. The fruits of his malice, 673, a 30. Beareth a continuall grudge vnto king Edward the fourth, his per­suasions to his two brethren against him, 670, b 20, 50, 671, b 10, &c: b 50. Offended with king Edward the fourths marriage, 668, a 60. He kée­peth his gréefe secret, b 20. Sent ouer into France a­bout K. Edward the fourths marriage, 667, b 60. His co­rage, a trustie fréend to king Edward the fourth, 664, a 60 b 10. The right one, order taken for the shewing of him abrode, 765, b 30. Had in feare & gelousie in forren regions▪ 787, b 60. Shewed openlie in procession, 766, a 10. His manlie corage, 982, a 50. His presence greatlie incorageth the English souldiors, 987, a 10, His request and message to the erle of Huntleie, 984, a 20. Arreigned of treason, Confesseth it, submitteth himselfe, is pardoned, 492, a 50, 60, b 10. In highest au­thoritie, 1061, b 10. Commen­ded, he is slaine, 727, a 60. Sent against the rebelles in the north, 1212, b 40. Com­mended, 1205, a 50. Decea­seth, 404, b 20. His valiant­nesse, 1204, a 60. Shot tho­rough the thigh with an har­quebuse, b 50. Noble men of France sent vnto him from the admerall about confe­rence, 1199b 30. Landeth at Newhauen, 1196, a 20. An oth taken by him and his officers 30. He and the Rheingraue talke togither, b 10. He ap­pointed to go against Norf­folke rebels, 1034, b 30. Com­meth to Cambridge, b 40. He sendeth an herald at armes to the rebels offering pardon. &c: 1036, a 10, &c. Counsell giuen him to abandon Nor­wich, goeth foorth to giue the enimies battell, 1038, a 60, b 70. The rebels yéeld to him, & sheweth them mercie, 1039, b 20, Counter [...]et of Warwike ¶Sée Simene [...]. Of Wilt­shire and others spoile New­berie, he saileth ouer seas, 653 b 20, 30. The duke of Buc­kinghams brother 803, b 20. Of Winchester besieged by his owne tenants, 240, b 10. Reprochfullie executed, 339, a 50. Of Worcester gouernor to the prince slippeth from him, 522, b 30. And others beheaded, 523, b 60
  • Erles of Chester the true and famous genealogie, 221, a 10 Tooke end in Iohn Scot, 221, a 10. Of Leicester from the first to the last by successi­on, set downe in a collection, 1419, a 40, &c: vnto 1424, b 10. Of Richmond line that first bare their title of honor of the said castle and towne, 7, b 20
  • Erles created, 332, a 20▪ 568▪ a 60 347, b 60. 892, a 50.912▪ b 50. And dukes created, 395, b 50. And barons, 960, a 20. And lords, 1061, a 40, 1228, a 60, b 10. At a parlement, 353, a 30. Thrée taken and beheaded, 183, b 10
  • Erledome of March purcha­sed, 102, a 50.
  • Erminfred bishop of Sion or Sitlen a chéefe commissioner from pope Alexander, 8, b 60.
  • Ermingard vicount Beau­monts daughter married to William king of Scots, 110, a 60
  • Erthquake, 217, b 50. In Kent, &c: 1313, & 10. Ouer all Eng­land, 109, a 40. Generall in England. 11▪ b 50. In H. the firsts time, 39, b 10. Sensible and visible, 44, b 40. That did much hurt, 440, b 40. In the fourtéenth of duke Williams reigne, 14, a 30. Uniuersall how frightfull and hurtfull, 1311, a 20. &c: That ouer­threw buildings, 239, b 20. At saint Albons counted strange, and whie, 243, a 60. That ouerthrew houses, 241, a 60. Generall, did much hurt, 278, a 30. In diuerse pla­ces of England, 1206, a 20, 30 In sundrie places of Eng­land, and what harme was thereby doone, 1260, b 10. Af­ter a thunder, 204, b 40▪ With lightening and thunder, &c: 277, b 40: note,
  • Erth lifted vp it selfe like a huge towre, 102, b 60. Re­mooued in Dorsetshire, 1353, a 20. And trées soonke and swallowed vp in Kent: note, 1413, b 20, 30. Strangelie moouing in the countie of Hereford, 1224, b 10
  • Esc [...]age demanded: note, 213, a 20. Granted, 233, b 40, 248, a 40, 262, a 10. Paid, 203, a 60. Gathered, twentie shillings of euerie knights fée, 230, b 50. Termed the great, 229, a 50
  • Espeke Walter, the first that brought the order of white monks into England, 26, a 60
  • Essexmen beginers of a shrewd rebellion, 429, b 60. They pro­secute it, 430, &c.
  • Ester daie fell at the highest, namelie on saint Marks daie 167, a 60
  • Esterlings. ¶Sée Riot.
  • Estouteuille Robert taken pri­soner. 33, a 40
  • Euill Maie daie. ¶Sée Rebel­lion of Lincolne.
  • Euers, constable of Douer ca­stell, &c, 480, a 20. Lord that now liueth, his noble ancest­rie 412, b 50. Knight his good seruice in the North, 942, b 30. His prowesse and valiant seruice, 962, b 30. Slaine, 968, a 60
  • Eureux citie yéelded vnto the Frenchmen, 386, b 50. Ta­ken by treason, 619, b 60
  • Eustace earle of Bullongne, a­gainst William Rufus, 17, b 60. Sonne to king Stephen duke of Normandie, 48, a 40. Angrie with his father, 60, a 60. He dieth▪ ¶Sée Moonke.
  • Exactions cause commotions, 626, b 10. Great, 145, a 40. With shifts of extortion prac­tised, 146, a 10. New and strange: note 496, a 20. In­tollerable, 239, b 10. ¶ Sée Couetousnes, Subsidies, &c. Taxes, Tenths, and Tri­butes.
  • Example euill how it preuai­leth, 430, a 60. Of great ones what it dooth for imitation, 845, b 60
  • Execution without iudgement vpon noblemen, 673, a 30, 693, a 50. Of the duke of Buck­ingham without arreign­ment or iudgement, 744, b 10
  • Excester rebelled against duke William, and is subdued, 6, b 10. Preserued from fier, 784, a 10. Besieged, the loialtie of the citizens, 1002, b 40, 60. Citie described, with the sun­drie assaults of the same, 1007 b 10, 1008, 1009, 1010, 1011, 1012, 1013, 1014. Commended for loue and loiall seruice to the king and state: note, 1047 b 40, 50. Noble & true, 1048, a 10. Great practises to pro­cure the citizens thereof to ioine with the Deuonshire rebels: note, 1020, a 30, &c. The antiquitie, foundation, and building of the cathedrall church of saint Peters in Excester, 10 [...]7, a 20, &c. ¶ Sée Clergie, Edward the fourth, and Richard the third.
  • Excommunication denounced against the rebell [...]ous barons in king Iohns time, 188, b 60 Of Romish vsurers, and the excommunicator called to his answer, 219, b 10. A [...]art that made both king and people to quaile, 223, b 60. Of préest for incontinencie, 242, a 60. And suspension thre [...]tned against the English clergie, 239, a 40. Thretned to such as assisted king Iohn, 181, a 50. Of Lewis the French kings sonne by name, 192, a 20. By name and in particular, 190, a [Page] 10. Of king Iohn when it was to be released, 178, b 40. Of Guie de Montfort, 277. a 40. Of duke Leopald for unprisoning of Richard the fourth, 147. a 50. Extended to the dead & buried: note, 392, a 10. Flashed and thundered out against the Wicleuists: note, 484, a 10, &c: Threaten­ed against attempters of tu­mults, 205, b 60. The feare thereof constreined a contri­bution, 211, a 10. Of pope Sixtus quintus estéemed as nothing: note, 1401, a 40, &c: ¶Sée Legats▪ Popes, and Préests.
  • Excheker, and the officers vnto the same by whome insti­tuted, 8, a 60. Remooued from Westminster to North­hampton, 173, a 10. It and the kings bench remooued vnto Shrewesburie, 278, b 10.
  • Excuse of Edward the first to auoid an inconuenience, 308, a 60. Of the clergie to be frée from subsidies, &c: 301, b 40. ¶Sée Couetousnesse.
  • Exham field. ¶Sée Battell.
  • Exton knight a murtherer of king Richard the second 517, a 10. His too late repentance and sorrow▪ a 20. Extortion of William Rufus made him [...]uill spoken of amongest his subiects, 23, b 10. An ordi­nance against it, 260, b 10. ¶Sée Oppression & Usurie.
F.
  • FActions of Yorke and Lan­caster vnpossible to be min­gled without danger of dis­cord, 647, a 40
  • Faire kept at Westminster at saint Edwards tide, 241, a 30 Fiftéene daies togither,, 247, a 20. Of Lewis the French kings sonne in derision, 200, b 10. At Bristow robbed, 263, b 50
  • Falois beséeged and rendered vp to king Henrie the fift, 561 b 10, 60. ¶Sée Arlet.
  • Falshood betwixt brethren, 32, a 60
  • Familie of loue, fiue of that sect stood at Paules crosse, 1261, b 30. Proclamation against them: note, 1314, a 60, b 10.
  • Famine extreme within Rone, 566, b 20. Richard the second died therof, 516, b 60. Suffred, 68, b 20. The cause why Rone was surrendred, 167, b 60. Re­fused, and death by the sword chosen, 166, a 20. The punish­ment of witchcraft, 204, a 10. Lamentable, 323, b 40. ¶Sée Pestilence.
  • Farrer an haberdasher of Lon­don a sore enimie to the ladie Elisabeth, 1159, b 20, 30, &c:
  • Fast generall proclamed and deuoutlie obserued, 1427, b 50
  • Fasts & processions vsed, 260 a 10
  • Fauour. ¶Sée People.
  • Fecknam. ¶Sée Abbat.
  • Fées. ¶Sée Annuities.
  • Feare causeth want of spéech, 659, b 30. Made king Ed­ward the fourth forsake his kingdome, 675, a 60, b 10. What it forceth men vnto, 293 a 20. Causeth restitution of wrongfull deteined townes, 311, b 20. Forceth agréement: note, 114, b 20. Among the people assembled at the duke of Summersets execution, 1068, a 50, b 10, ¶Sée Sus­picion.
  • Fergusa a Lombard betraieth the duke of Clarence, 580, a 10
  • Felton ¶Sée Bull seditious.
  • Ferdinando archduke of Au­strich made knight of the gar­ter, 882, a 60
  • Ferrers lord of misrule at a Christmas at the court, his behauiour and port, 1067, a 60, b 10, &c:
  • Ferrers knight William taken prisoner, 33, a 40
  • Ferrers a traitor. ¶Sée Trea­son.
  • Fescampe William, his deuises of a plaine song whereabout was strife, 13, b 30
  • Feast rare and roiall, 1332, a 60 At quéene Katharins corona­tion, 579, a 10, &c: Sumptu­and full of rare deuises, 1434, a 30
  • Fatherston, aliàs Constable. ¶Sée Counterfet of king Edward the sixt.
  • Feuersham abbeie by whome founded, 58, a 20
  • Fiftéenth granted vnto king Henrie the third by the tem­poraltie, 213, a 10. Of the sixt penie after the rate of mens goods, 312, b 20. Of all the mooueables to be found with­in the realme, 207, a 30. Thrée granted, 402, a 60. ¶Sée Subsidie.
  • Fight among sparows, 397, b 50
  • Finch knight drowned, 1202, b 10
  • Fine for misdemeanor, 704, a 60 Of fiue thousand markes paid to king Henrie the third by the Londoners, 208, b 40. For murther, 122, b 30. Of a kéeper for a prisoners escape, 152, a 20
  • Fines set on prisoners for their ransoms, 144, a 50. Paid for licence to exercise turne­ments, 145, b 60. Set on the nobles by king Iohn for not aiding him against the French king, 167, a 20. For not comming to the church, 1322. Of priests that had wiues, 26, a 30. Extreme leuied vpon the clergie: note, 201, b 60, 202, a 10. Set on the maior of London and the shiriffes, 256, b 30: note. Set on shiriffes heads, 254, a 60. Of foure hundred pounds set vpon aldermens heads of London by king Henrie the seuenth, 795, b 60, 796, a 10. Sessed vpon them that fauo­red the Cornish rebels. 785, a 10. ¶Sée Escuage, Forfeits, and Nobilitie.
  • Fire bursteth out of the earth, 44, b 40. It & the sword Gods angrie angels, 1001, b 10
  • Fish monstrous taken in Norf­folke, 1355, b 60. Of twentie yards long, &c: note, 1259, b 30. Driuen to the English shore, 1206, a 40. Like vnto a man, 168, a 10
  • Fishes of the sea fight, 225, b 60 115, a 10. Monstrous at Downam bridge in Suffolke 1211, a 50. In Westminster hall after the fall of an high floud, 1271, b 50.
  • Fishmongers bound to find [...]oure scholers at the vniuersi­ties, &c: note, 792, b 10. Sore trobled by the maior of Lon­don, 440, b 30. An act against them within the citie of Lon­don, 441, a 50. The statute against them repeled and they restored to their liberties, 442 a 60. Ben [...]fited by iustice Randolph, 1354, a 40, 50.
  • Fitzalan William a conspira [...]or 49, a 10
  • Fitzarnulfe a Londoner procu­reth the citizens to reuenge their cause by rebellion, he is apprehended and executed, 204, a 40
  • Fitzbaldrike shiriffe of Yorke, 10, a 10
  • Fitzempresse Henrie, his re­turne into England 58, a 20. and is knighted, 40
  • Fitzsergus Gilbert killed his brother: note, 98, b 40
  • Fitzgeffreie chamberleine vnto king Richard the first, 128, a 60. His death, b 60
  • Fitzhammon Robert his tale to William Rufus, 26, b 20
  • Fitziohn Eustace a conspira­tor, 49, a 10. Slaine, 67, a 10
  • Fitzleo Peter an vsurping pope, 44, a 50
  • Fitzmiles Roger. ¶Sée Erle.
  • Fitzmoris his miserable end, 1365, b 60
  • Fitzosbert his vnnaturall in­gratitude, and complaint to K. Richard the first against the citie of London, 149, a 40. Whie he ware his long beard, his oration to the people, he is called before the archbishop of Canturburie lord chéefe iu­stice & president of the realme, he flieth into the church of saint Marie Bow, he is at­tached, his concubines, 149, all. Is executed, the archbi­shop of Canturburie euill spoken of for his death, an old whoremonger and new saint 150, a 10, 20
  • Fitzosborne William earle of Hereford, &c: gouernor of England in duke Williams absence, 5, a 10
  • Fitzroie Oliuer sonne to king Iohn, 202, a 20
  • Fitzscroope Richard in armes against Edrike the rebell, 5, a 10
  • Fitzwalter lord deceaseth in Spaine, 450, b 10. Appealeth the duke of Aumerle of trea­son, 512, a 60. He is mainpri­sed, 513, b 60. Earle of Sus­sex, his seruice against the Scots, he is in great danger: note, 986, a 20
  • Fitzwilliams recorder of Lon­don his wisedome in a dan­gerous case. 730, b 30
  • Flanders spoiled by the duke of Glocester, 614, b 60. Wholie at the deuotion of Edward the third, 354, b 60. Interdic­ted, 358, a 10. Diuerse rodes made thereinto by the Eng­lish, and great spoile doone, 454, b 60. Inuaded by the bi­shop of Norwich, 442, b 60. a great part drowned by an exundation, 34, a 60. ¶Sée Erle of Leicester, & League.
  • Flatterie impudent of sir Iohn Bushie to king Ri­chard the second, 490, b 60. Used in a sermon: note, 725, b 40 Notable, 727, b 50, 60, 728, a 10, &c. ¶Sée Dissumu­lation.
  • Fléetwood recorder of London made sargent at law, ¶Sée Sargents at law.
  • Fleming bishop of Lincolne, founder of Lincolne college in Oxford, 604, a 20
  • Fleming knight maister of the ordinance, 991, b 50
  • Fleming lord required to come to parlée with the generall, 1217, b 20. His dishonorable dealing, 30. His double dea­ling, 1218, a 10. His letter to sir George Careie, 1218, a 60
  • Flemings thréescore thousand came to the aid of the earle of Henault, 359, a 10. Released of debts and interdiction, 360▪ a 50. Besiege Aire, and doo much mischéefe the French 377, a 60. Doo what they might to indamage the French behalfe o [...] Eng­lish, 376, b 20. Their hearts alienated from the obedience of their erle, 353, b 50. Swere fealtie to Edward the third, 357, a 40. Uanquished by the earle of Arthois, 303, a 60. Set vpon the Englishmen in their lodgings, 306, b 10. Ba­nished the land, 313, b 50. Their fléete looseth the vic­torie to the English nauie, 454, b 20. Kill an English herald of armes, 443, a 10▪ Discomfited by the English­men, 443, a 40. Sent home in­to Flanders, 92, b 10. Their enuie, 64, a 30. Comming o­uer into England, haue pla­ces appointed them to inha­bit, 34, a 60. Motion to haue Edward the third take vpon him the title to the crowne of France, 356, b 10. Slaine through their owne couetous­nes. 1151, a 20
  • Flies in Februarie the num­ber strange, 1260, a 60. Ma­nie séene, in a yeare, a progno­stication naturall or a plague like to follow, 1050, b 30
  • Flint castell built, 279, b 50
  • Flix, great death thereby in the English host, 550, b 50. By vnwoonted diet, and therevp­on death, 813, b 10. Gotten by exessiue eating of frutes, 476, b 10. Causing a great death, 537, a 20
  • Flodden field, 826, a 40, &c. 427, a 10, &c, 428, a 10, &c.
  • Floren. ¶Sée Coine.
  • Flouds and high waters doo­ing much hurt, 1129, b 50. Foretold by astronomie, but falling out false, 882, b 20. Drowning the marishes on Essex and Kent side, &c, 914, b 40. That hindered a great and bloudie conflict, 943, a 30. That did much hurt, 480, b 60. In the riuer of Thames, 1207, a 50. High by means of a great thaw, 1208, a 60. High that did much hurt, 1310, b 30. Thrée without ebbe betwéene, 540, a 50. High that drowned Westminster hall, 1271, b 50. Great and vi­olent, 161, a 10, 355, b 10. That did great hurt, 220, b 50. In the night, 284, a 30. ¶Sée Bridges, and Riuers.
  • Floure delices thrée, and how they come annexed vnto the armes of England, 15, a 10
  • Flushingers trouble the Eng­lish passengers, 1262, b 40, 50
  • Folkmote at Paules, 262, a 20, 263, a 30, 264, a 30
  • Follie of a couper, 819, b 60
  • Forfeits, 312, b 60. For break­ing peace concluded betwixt Richard the first, and the French king, 148, b 50. ¶Sée Fines.
  • Forgerie of William Rufus to get monie, 20, b 10
  • Forgetfulnes of dutie in yoong men aduanced to dignitie, 76,
  • [Page]Forgtuenesse of an eminie, a notable example, 156, a 30
  • Forrest called New forrest, and what waste & desolation was made to make it, 14, a 30. Of Shirewood pleased king Richard the first verie great­lie, 142, b 10. ¶Sée Frier.
  • Forrests to be seuered the new from the old, 207, a 50. The perambulations of them ap­pointed to bishops, 308, b 30. Seized into duke W. hands, 14, a 20. Their gouernement diuided, 108, a 30. And ordi­nances for them, 153, b 50. King Iohns commandement against the white moonks concerning them, 162, a 40
  • Forster doctor of physicke first reader of surgerie lecture in London, 1349, a 20, 30, &c: his faithfull and fréendlie epitaph vpon doctor Caldwell decea­sed, 1370, a 20
  • Forswearing. ¶Sée Periurie.
  • Fortescue, and the reason of the name, 749, b 30
  • Fortresse, ¶Sée Castell.
  • Fortune. ¶Sée Walden.
  • Fouks de Brent a man of great stomach and rashnesse, 202, a 10. An enimie to rest and qui­etnesse, 206, a 40. His fowle end, 206, b 40. ¶Sée Erle.
  • Founteine flowing with blood, 23, b 20
  • Foules tame leaue houses, and waxing wild get them to the woods, 14, a 60, b 10. Wild for­bidden to be taken, 173, a 10
  • Foulgier Rafe a valiant man, assistant to prince Henries rebellions, 886, b 60. Taken by sir Francis surnamed the Arragonois, 628, b 60
  • Fox, his practise to deliuer cer­teine christians from the Turks, 1310, b 20
  • Foxleie slept more than feure­téene daies & as many nights: note, 972, b 20
  • Fraie at Oxford betwixt legat Othos men and the scholers, 222, a 20. Betwixt the Eng­lish archers and the Hentui­ers, 347, a 20. In saint Dun­stans church in the east, 562, a 20. Neere Clerknwell where the maior of London, &c: was resisted, 641, b 10. In Fléet­stréet betwéene the stréet-dwellers and gentlemen of courts, 646, b 60: note. Be­tween Spaniards and Eng­lishmen about whoores, 1126 b 60. On Clist heath two miles from Excester, 644, a 30. In London against the maior, 636, a 20. Great by night in Fléetstréet, 623, a 30. Where­by insued murther and exe­cution: note, 954, a 20, &c: Betwéene the Almans of king Henrie the eights camp and the Englishmen, 821, a 60. Betwéene the English­men and the townsmen of Sancta Maris. 813, b 60. Betwéene the English and townesmen of Calis vpon a small occasion, 810, a 10. Be­twéene goldsmiths & tailors of London, 274, a 50. Betwixt the monks & citizens of Nor­wich, 275, b 60. Betwixt the Welsh and English, 307, a 60
  • France interdicted by the popes legat, 160, a 60. At diuision in it selfe by ciuill warres, 1195, a 20. The troubles thereof touch most the Q. of England, 1195, b 30. Disqui­eted with two factions, 537, a 50, 60, b 10, &c: Inuaded by duke William, and what wast he made there by fire, &c: 14, b 30. The iorme of the English armie through it, 426, a 60. Their whole puissance van­quished by the English ar­chers, 373, a 60: note and read the order and procéeding of that battell two pages before. The frontiers thereof full of men of warre, 357, b 50. And how king Edward the third tooke vpon him the name of king thereof, 356, b 30. And by what right he claimed it, 40, &c: 357, a 10, 20, &c: And great preparation made in Eng­land for wars against it, 547, a 60. Ciuill discord amongest the nobles thereof, 557, a 60. The oth of the thrée estates, 578, a 30. Henrie the fift ta­keth vpon him to be regent there, 578, a 50. And what townes and castelles king Henrie the fift got. ¶Sée the historie of king Henrie the fift, 563, 564, 565. All lost there through ciuill discord at home 636, b 30, &c: 60. The English lose all there, 629, b 30. The duchie of Britaine incorpo­rated vnto it, 769, b 10. The constable thereof a déepe dis­sembler, 695, a 50. His offer to king Edward the fourth, 698 a 40. All a [...]lant in whose time, 748, b 60, 749, a 10. It is con­cluded in parlement that king Henrie the eight should per­sonallie inuade it, 815, b 50▪ An armie leuied to inuade it, thrée battels appointed with their seuerall lieutenants, 963 b 30, 40, &c: Afflicted by the Englishmen and their aids, 879, a 10, &c: It is agréed a­mong the lords of England to annoie and infest it, 1061, b 30
  • Francis knight slaine in De­uonshire rebellion, 1024, a 20, 60
  • Francis de Ualois, &c. ¶Sée Duke of Alanson.
  • Fratricide, 1270, a 10. ¶Sée Murther.
  • Frederike abbat of saint Al­bons a rich & a puissant pre­lat: note, 9, b 60, 10, a 10
  • Frederike the emperor alied to king Henrie the third, 219, a 60. ¶Sée pope Alexander.
  • Fréendship▪ 395, and 394. ¶Sée Peace. Interteined by affi­finitie, 586, a 40. Feigned of duke William of Aquitane, 67 b 20. Found in a forren coun­trie, 6, a 30. Betwéene the erle of Cornwall and the erle of Penbroke, 209, a 60. Sold for gifts and bribes: note, 361 b 50
  • Fréemen of London, 120, a 20
  • Frée schoole at Wuluerhampton 796, a 10. ¶Sée Schoole.
  • French king maketh warre a­gainst the duke of Norman­die, 58, b 60. Open warres proclamed against him by Q. Marie, 1133, b 10, 20, &c: His son trauelleth in vaine to take Douer, 193, a 30. Sen­deth to the pope, commeth vn­to Calis, taketh the sea, lan­deth in Kent, the lords do him homage, 191, b 10, &c: Go [...]th to visit Calis, 1141, b 20. His sonne mainteineth his pre­tended title to the crowne of England, 191, a 50. Allead­geth that king Iohn is not lawfull king of England, 191 a 20. His sonne came to fight with king Iohn, 183, a 60. Returneth into France, 179, b 40. Burneth his ships, 180 a 20. Inuadeth Flanders, 179, a 10. Displeased for the r [...]conciliation of king Iohn with the pope, he meaneth to procéed in his iorneie against England, 178, b 50, 60. Pre­pareth to inuade England, 176, b 20. Winneth diuerse things from the king of En­gland, 169, b 40. Will not ac­cord to peace with king Iohn 166, b 30, 40. Inuadeth Nor­mandie, 160, a 10. Demands in a treatie of peace, 160, b 20 Maketh warre against king Iohn, 164, a 60. Inuadeth Normandie, 166, b 10. Win­neth towns from king Iohn, 167, b 10. Almost drowned be­ing pursued by king Richard the first, 153, b 10. Pursued by king Richard the first in danger of drowning, 148, a 40 Raiseth his siege from Uer­nuell, 144, b 20. Inuadeth Normandie, 141, b 30. His and earle Iohns offers to haue king Richard the first kept still in prison, 141, a 20. His euill dealing and promise breaking with king Richard the first, 133, b 60. Entereth Gisors, 151, b 60. Confesseth earle Iohn to vsurpe against his brother king Richard the first, 137, b 50. Setteth from Messins towards the holie land, 127, a 40. Maketh an ouerture for peace, he leaueth his séege, 93, b 50. Soweth se­dition betwéene Henrie the father and Henrie the sonne, 84, a 30 Commeth a madding to visit Beckets toome, 103, a 60. Entereth the towne of Mauns and maketh spoile, 114, a 20. Hideth his head at the arriuall of Henrie the se­cond, 112, b 30, 40. His sub­iects arrested in Normandie, 110, b 20. Troubled with a [...]rensie, 519, a 50, 60. Picketh a quarrell against England, 551, a 30. Inuested with the order of the garter, 1382, a 10. Francis the great his court a vniuersitie: note, 1343, a 60 b 10. Deceaseth, an obsequie for him in Paules, 1259, b 50. Commeth to the camp before Newhauen, 1205, a 60. De­ceaseth, an obsequie kept for him, the chéefe mooruers, 1185 a 40, 50. Procureth a peace be­twene duke Robert and Wil­liam Rufus, 19, a 30. His po­licie against the English, 426, b 50. For monie raiseth his séege, and forbeareth to aid duke Robert, 19, a 20. Resto­reth townes in Gascoigne to king Edward for feare, 311, b 20. With an huge armie dri­ueth the English out of Flan­ders, 444, a 60. The order of seruice at his table, 487, a 20, 30. Giueth his daughter to king Richard in marriage, 487, a 10. His priuie practi­ses disclosed by the popes nuntio, 475, a 10. Two of his ships taken with a great prise in them, 453, b 40. Aideth the Scots against the English, 447, a 20. Inuadeth Flan­ders, 303, a 50. His vniust dealing, he renounceth what he had said, 292, a 40. Sendeth out a fléet against England, 295, a 50. Deceaseth, 427 a 10. ¶Sée Normandie, & Philip▪ Arbitrateth a matter betwixt Henrie the third and his no­bles, and giueth sentence a­gainst the barons, 265, b 60. Requested by the pope to make warre against Eng­land, refuseth so to doo, 238, a 20. His brother named Charles made earle of Pro­uance, 238, a 50. Inuadeth the earle of Marches lands, 229, b 30. To whom the earle of Britaine submitteth him­selfe, 219, a 20. His carriages distressed by the earls of Bri­taine & Chester, 214, a 40 De­ceaseth, 205, a 60. His sonnes armie discomfited, and his gentlemen taken prisoners, 200, a 60. Answer to Henrie the third, requiring restituti­on of his right, 203, b 10. As­sembleth an armie, commeth to Calis, his lords request to Edward the third, he retur­neth into Rone, 377, a 40, 60▪ b 30, 60. Licenced depart, goeth ouer to Calis, 394, b 10 His oth of peace, hostages deliuered for him, prisoner in England foure yeares, 395, a 10. Prisoner, & comforted by the prince, whom he thanketh for his bountie, he is brought ouer into England, 390, a 30, b 20, 60. He is sorowfull, he is remooued to Windsore, 391, a 10, 40. Remooued from the ca­stell of Hertford to Somer­ton, his allowance, 392, a 60. His ransome, 394, a 60. Fol­loweth the prince of Wales, 387, b 40. His presumptuous demands, 388, b 10. Commeth to giue the duke of Lancaster battell, 386, b 60. Taken pri­soner, 389, b 40. Departeth out of the field by constraint: note, 372, b 40▪ His great ar­mie, and the seruice doone by them, 360, a 10. Prepareth a great nauie against Fland­ers, 358, a 40. Not of sound memorie, 557, b 10. Consul­teth how to deale with the Englishmen, sendeth defi­ance to Henrie the fift, the number of his armie, 552, a 40, &c. Deceaseth, 584, a 60. Turneth the ciuill dissention of England to his aduan­tage: note, 636, a 30, &c. Prac­tiseth with a witch, 602, a 20 Armed, fled in the night, 602, a 60. Deceaseth, 795, b 40, 50. Described both for person and qualitie, 775, b 40. Dissi­mulation, a motion for a trea­tie of peace with the Eng­lish, 774, b 40, 60. Request for aid against the duke of Bri­taine, 768, a 20. Féedeth Ed­ward the fourth with faire words and promises, 704, b 30. Large offers to Edward the fourth, 704, a 20. Buieth peace with tribute of Ed­ward the fourth: note, 700, b 10. Nothing precise in out­ward shewes of honor, 695, b 20. His spéech to the Eng­lish herald that gaue him de­fiance, 694, b 60, 695, a 10, &c. Dissimulation vpon purpose and ill meaning, 698, a 10. Promiseth the erle of Rich­mond assistance to recouer the crowne, 748, b 50, 60. His beneuolence vnto the earle of [Page] Richmond, 745, a 40. Francis the first coms to the crowne, his praiseworthie properties, 836, a 60. His roiall orna­ments at an interuiew, the description of his person, his rich araie at a iusts, 858, a 50, [...]0, b 50. His and his partners attire at a chalenge, 859, a 60. His furniture and deuise vp­on his ornaments, 860, a 40. Afflicted [...]ith forren power on all sides, 965, a 30, &c. An enimie to all christian prin­ces, his power againts king Henrie the eight and the em­peror, he retireth backe with his armie, 960. His children deliuered when the ransome of their father was paid, 914, a 20, 40. His sitting in his roialties with his great e­states about him, &c: with an oration made to the assemblie, 904, a 30, 40, &c: b 40. His o­ration before an honorable as­semblie at Paris wholie con­cerning the emperor, and sa­uoring of malcontentment, 902, b 60. A writing from him directed to the emperor, 903, b 20. Receiueth the order of the garter, 898, b 20. With the viceroie inbarked, not a little glad of his libertie, not verie hastie to ratifie the accord, complaineth of the emperor to the popes ambassadors, 890 a 30, 50, b 10, 30, 50. His roi­altie restreined, 889, a 20. The manner of his deliuerie out of prison, 990, a 10. Taken pri­soner, whie he desired to sight in plaine field, the manner how he was vanquished and taken, 884, a 40, 60, b 30, 50. Led prisoner to the rocke of Pasqueton, his letter to his mother the regent of France, 885, a 50, b 30. Marrieth the emperor Charles his sister, 889, b 40. Led prisoner into Spaine, extremelie sicke in the castell of Madrill, 887, a 50, b 60. Indurance, is vi­sited by the emperor, his sister the ladie Alanson treateth for him, he is carefull ouer the crowne of France, a treatie touching his deliuerie, 888, a 20, 50, 60, b 20. He and king Henrie the eight at variance: note, 872, a 60, b 10, &c. Atta­cheth the Englishmens goods in Burdeaux, 872, b 40. He & the Spanish begin to aspire to the empire, in hope to be emperor as well as the Spa­nish, builded his hope vpon the humors of the princes of Germanie, resteth vpon the fauour of the pope, 851, a 40, b 10, &c: His toiesh and light behauiour abrode: note, 850, a 10, &c: Deceaseth, the vari­ablenesse of his fortune, 835, b 60, 836, a 10. Procureth the pope to be a meane to Henrie the eight for peace, 831, b 50. Hath his hands full of troble 812, b 40. Writeth to cardinall Woolseie, 848, a 20. Prepa­reth an armie in aid of the Scots, 993, a 60, b 10, &c: Purposeth to surprise Gern­seie and Ierdseie, but is re­pelled, ashamed that anie re­port should passe of his euill successe, perseuereth in his former martiall action, 1055, b 30, 50, 60. The causes that made him to breake vp his campe, b 30. Procéedeth a­gainst prince Edward in iudgement of appeale, 402, a 20. Sent to defie the king of England, the countie of Pon­thieu taken by him, 402, b 10. Prepareth a nauie, 403, b 20. Deceaseth. 396, a 60
  • Frenchmen fall to spoiling and rifling of Calis, 1136, a 10, &c: Netled with the losse of saint Quintines, they take New­nam bridge, and Rie banke, disappoint the Englishmens deuise, they demand a parlée, 1135, a 10, 50, b 10, 30, 60. Shew themselues in their kinds, 192, b 30. In king Iohns time ouerrun, take, spoile, and subdue diuers pla­ces of England, 192, 193. Sent ouer to aid the rebelli­ous barons, 190, b 10. Un­commanded of the king, assalt Rouen, 93, a 60. They & Nor­mans fight, 60, b 50. Doo much hurt in Wales, burne townes, are slaine, returne home, 531, a 30, &c: Their de­mand of the Ile of Wight, 524 b 40. Inuade the Ile of Wight, 524, a 60. Demand a dower for quéene Isabell, 519 a 60. Their practises to make the English reuolt from their owne king, 517, b 60. Breake the law of armes, 1204, b 50. Spoile diuers English ships 1195, a 60 Gather cockles to their losse and undooing, 1192▪ a 20, 50. Their policie in wo­mens apparell: note, 1188, b 40, 50. Repelled by the Eng­lish, 1188, a 50, numbers slaine 60. Driuen into Leith, b 10. Win a trench, 50. Repelled & some slaine, 60. A trench woone from them, 1190, b 10. Repelled by the English, 50. Sent into Scotland to aid the quéene Dowager, 1186, b 40. Ships taken by the En­glishmen, 445, a 10. Burne the towne of Rie, 417, b 50. Spoile the Ile of Wight, burne Portsmouth, Dart­mouth, and Plimmouth, 417, b 60. Their gallies chased from the English costes and vanquished, 427, a 20. They & Spaniards burne and de­stroie diuerse townes on the English costes: note, 427, a 40, 50, &c: Uittell the English for feare: note, 426, b 20. Spoile and burne diuerse townes in the west countrie, 425, b 40. Their admeral per­suadeth the Scots to fight with the English, 447, b 20. Subtiltie, 480, b 20. Fléet setting forward towards England is driuen backe by contrarie winds, 454, a 10. Purpose an inuasion of En­gland with their ships, 451, a 20. Foure hundred slaine be­sides diuerse taken, 304, b 50. Their bloudie victorie, 294, b 10. Slaine handsmooth by the English, 295, a 60. Rob Douer, chased to their ships, discomfited and slaine, 295, b 10, & Forced to retire by the English, 296, a 60. Die tho­row pestilence & other waies, 230, a 60. Their spite toward the English, 241, b 60. Ta­ken at aduantage, 207, b 10. Put to flight at Lincolne, 200, a 60. Their souldiors in a poore estate, 199, b 40. Their pride procureth them hatred, 198, a 10. Fléet assailed and vanquished, 201, a 50, 60. Meant not to fight with the English, 408, b 30. Prospe­rous successe in Poictou, 407 b 30. Withdraw themselues into their fortresses and shire townes, 405, a 60. Take the king of Nauarre, 398, a 40. And English skirmish, the French flie, & submit them­selues, 387, a 60, b 10, 30. Distressed, the ordering of their battell, 388, a 10, 40. Séeke to saue themselues by flight, 389, b 30. Forsake their horsses and fight on foot, 379, a 50, 60. Slaine the daie af­ter the battell, 373, a 30. Dis­comfited and slaine, 369, a 60. Slaine in great numbers, 372, b 50. Loose the passage ouer the water of Some, dis­order amongest them, 371, a 20, b 50. Distressed and dis­comfited, 368, b 40. Their ar­mie discomfited by a few English, 364, a 50. Set vp­on the Flemings in skirmish, 359, b 30. Inuade the costes of England, 355, a 50. Dis­comfited, 554, b 10, 10. Incountred by the earle of Huntington, 558, b 50, &c. Repelled, 996, a 10. Harts dis­couraged with the losse of Rone, 568, b 60. Their vo­luntarie subiection, they yéeld diuerse castels and townes, 561, a 30. Receiued a great ouerthrow by sea by the duke of Bedford, their nauie van­quished, 557, a 40. Rob Hen­rie the fifts campe, 554, b 50. The order of their armie, 553, a 10. Six to one of the English, a 30. Take occasion to inuade the English, 645, b 20. Soone wearie of the French gouernement, 639, b 20. Discomfited, flie: note, 619 a 20. Ouerthrowne, slaine, ta­ken prisoners and slaine, 608, a 60. Breake the peace, and take the town of S. Ualeran, 608, a 10. Faith and honestie, not to be trusted: note, 607, a 60. Recouered in Henrie the sixts time all that they lost in Henrie the fifts daies: note the course of the stories and compare them together, 601, Commit a foule murther by negligence of the watch at Montargis, 597, b 60. When inuincible, 769, a 60. Their loue, 699, b 60. Ouerthrowne to their gréefe and shame, 822, a 20. Land in Sussex, in the Ile of Wight, distressed, the number of their nauie, 969, a 10, 40.60. And English haue manie skirmishes, 972, 973. Dogged nature for a matter of nothing, 894, b 20. In Lon­don all arrested & put to their fines, 873, a 20. Failing in force make supplie by poli­cie, 880, a 60. Scoured of the English, and foiled of the Welsh, 874, b 20. Insolent sau­cinesse against the English, 840, a 40. Their diuelish na­ture, a 50. Foiled at iusts of their challenge and procla­ming: note, 833, 834, a 10, &c. Nauie discomfited by the English, flieth, 815, b 20 Ar­mie approching against the power of Henrie the eight, they get the great gun called the red gun by foolish hardi­nesse of the maister capteine, 818, a 50, b 40. Gallies land in Sussex and burne c [...]rteine cotages, 817, a 20. Crueltie reported by their owne wri­ters, 1056, a 60. Assaile Bul­lognberg, the number of p [...]kes and bils broken vpon them, repelled, fiftéene wagons la­den with their carcases, 997, a 60, b 10, 40, 50. They & the Scots doo resolue to besiege Hadington, 993, a 60, b 10. Remooue their campe, 994, b 50. Dislodged frō before Ha­dington, incamped at Mus­kelburgh, chased, durst not come foorth of their campe, 995, a 10, b 10. Of name taken prisoners, 1150, b 50. Their desperat aduenture and da­stardlinesse, 1139, a 20, b 10. ¶Sée Bullen, Englishmen, and Normans.
  • French gentlemen weare ar­mour vnder their garments, 1350, a 50. Taken prisoners and slaine, a 60
  • Frier Forrest seditious, his ex­cution, 945, a 20, &c. One of Ireland that accused the duke of Lancaster of treason▪ tormented and cruellie put to death, 445, b 40, 60, 446, a 10. Pateshull. ¶Sée Pateshull. Patrike. ¶ Sée Patrike: note. Randoll committed to the Towre, he is slaine by the person of the Towre, 568, b 20
  • Friers beggers, an order for them, 521, a 40. Greie about London change their habits, 789, b 40. Minors when they began and increased, 170, b 60. Obseruants impugne cardinall Woolseis authoritie, 884, a 10. Preachers inhabit Dunstable, 261, b 10
  • Friers suborned to treat a peace betwixt Henrie the third and his lords, 268, a 50. Executed for treason, 220, a 15, &c.
  • Frieries suppressed, 938, a 10, 946, a 30. ¶Sée Abbeis and Religious houses.
  • Frith martyr burned, 937, b 60
  • Frobishers first voiage for the discouerie of Cataia, 1262, a 40. A rumor that he was cast awaie, 50. His secōd voiage to Cataia, 1270, a 40. His third voi [...]ge to Cataia, 1271, a 60
  • Frost extreame, 58, a 60. Bitter and nipping, 881, a 10. Great and long: note, 612, a 60. Of continuance, 11, b 50. Hindering husbandrie: note, 396, b 60, 168, b 30. After a sore floud, 20, b 50. With snow on S. Marks daie, noisome to trées and plants, 238, b 60. With a sharpe Winter, 1257, b 30
  • Frost, called the great frost, 1208, a 60
  • Fuage. ¶Sée Subsidie.
  • Fugitiues practises to execute pope Pius his buls, sediti­ous and nourished in semi­naries beyond seas, 1359. b 10 20, 30, &c. ¶Sée Préests se­minarie. Seditious labour to bring the relme into a war externall and domesticall, 1360, a 60. Furtherers of tre­sons, 1382, b 20. ¶ Sée Par­rie and Treason.
  • Fulco a French préest his ad­monition to Richard the first: note, 156, b 10.
G.
  • GAine. ¶Sée Gift.
  • Game. ¶Sée Wrestling.
  • [Page]Games prohibited as vnlaw­full, 111, b 40
  • Ganteners and king Edward the firsts men at debate, 306, a 50. Mainteine warre against the erle of Flanders, 448, b 30
  • Gard of the prince. ¶Sée Yeo­men.
  • Gardens. ¶Sée Moorefield.
  • Gardiner bishop of Winchester made lord chancellor, 1089, a 10. An enimie to the ladie E­lisabeth, examined of him, 1154 a 30, 40. Derided: note, dog in a rochet, 1143, a 20. The talke betwéene the ladie Eli­sabeth and him, 1158, b 20, 40. Crowneth quéene Marie, 1091, b 30. His tale in the star chamber against the ladie E­lisabeth, 1102, a 20, &c: Prea­cheth at Paules crosse: note, 1126, a 60. His practise a­gainst ladie Elisabeth, 1101, b 40. His old hatred against the duchesse of Suffolke: note 1142, a 60, b 10, &c: 1143, a 10, &c: His death, visited with the sudden stroke of God, a hun­ter for the life of ladie Elisa­beth, 1130, a 40, 60, b 20: note,
  • Garrisons placed in Wales by king Henrie the first, 38, a 10
  • Gascoigns refuse to receiue the king of England for their souereigne 481, b 10. Send to Richard the first, signifieng to him that they ought not to be diuided from the crowne, 485, a 60. Begin to humble themselues, 249, a 10. Com­plaine of their streict hand­ling, 247, b 60. Make warre against the English subiects, they are danted, 245, a 60, b 10 they meane to complaine of the earle of Leicester, their al­legations disprooued, 246, a 20 40. Cease not to make warre against the earle of Leicester, 246, b 60. Rebell, and whie, 248, a 30. Pursue the Welsh­men, 282, a 20. They and o­ther nations how they tooke the death of Richard the se­cond, 517, b all
  • Gaston de Bierne noted for vn­thankfulnesse, 240, a 30. At­tempteth to take the citie of Baion, 250, a 30. Submit­teth himselfe vnto king Hen­rie the third, 242, a 60
  • Gauaro and others executed for murther, his desperat end, 1061, a 50, 60
  • Gaunt besieged by the French king, 179, a 10
  • Geffreie sonne to king Henrie the second, 7, b 30
  • Geffreie king Henrie the se­conds fourth sonne borne, 67, b 10. Marrieth the duchesse of Britaine, 75, a 20
  • Geffreie bishop of Constance in armes against the earle of Camber, 11, a 50
  • Geffreie bishop. ¶Sée Bishop.
  • Geffreie a kings brother rebel­leth, 66, a 30
  • Gelderland▪ ¶Sée Duke.
  • Gelousie and crueltie: note, 115, b 40
  • Genowais stratagems to abash the English: note, 372, a 30, 40. Reteined in the French kings wages, they méet the English on the feas & fight, 363, b 10, 20
  • Gentlemen more trustie than the commons, more woorthie than peom [...]n, 1052, b 10, 60
  • Gerald. ¶Sée Erle Gerald.
  • Gerard de Cambill charged with felonie and treson, 143, a 10
  • Gernseie. ¶Sée Ierdseie.
  • Gifford William bishop of Win­chester commended, 28, b 20
  • Gifford doctor of physicke presi­dent of the college of physici­ans, 1349, b 40
  • Gift of king Henrie teight vnto the citie of London, 976, b 40, 50. Of king Henrie the se­cond to Hugh Lacie, 82, b 20. Large and bountifull refu­sed, 255, b 30. Of the new yeare, 249, a 50. Of erle Ed­wins lands to earle Alane: note the forme, 7, b 10. ¶Sée Crosbie. Large refused being an vngodlie gaine, 147, b 20.
  • Gifts great giuen for the fa­uor of Edward the fourths councellors and lords: note▪ 700, b 20. They pacifie an­ger, procure fauor, 478, b 50, 60. And obteine lost liberties: note, 479, a 10. Of roiall mag­nificence bestowed by the French, 1382, a 20. A meane vsed to win the fauour of the nobilitie, 16, a 10. Not respec­ted, but the mind of the giuer: note, 1179, b 20, 30. Giuen king Henrie the eight in his progresse into Yorkshire, 954, b 10, 20. ¶ Sée Bribes, Presents, and Rewards.
  • Gilbert de Gaunt taken priso­ner and put to his ransome, 7, a 20
  • Gilbert murthered by Liui [...]us, 12, b 30
  • Gilbert capteine of Tunbridge castell, 17, b 40
  • Gilbert knight his voiage to Norimbega, it hath not wish­ed successe, he is seuered from his companie, dead, and neuer heard of, 1369, a 50, 60, b 10
  • Gilford knight, his message of thanks from king Henrie the seuenth to the Kentishmen, 780, a 10. Maister of the horsse vnto king Henrie the eight, 822, b 60
  • Gilford lord Dudleie executed on the Tower hill, 1099, b 30 ¶Sée Sands.
  • Gisors beséeged by king Ri­chard the first, 151, b 60. Be­séeged by the Englishmen, 570, b 50
  • Gita the sister of Sweine king of Denmarke escapeth into Flanders, 6, b 20
  • Glasse house burned, 1261, b 50
  • Glendouers rebellion in Wales, what he was, 518, b 60. The occasion that mooued him to rebell, ouerthrowne, 519, a 10 Reputed a coniuror: note, 520 b 20. Conspireth with the Persis, 521, b 50. His daugh­ter married vnto the earle of March, 521, a 20. He with his Welshmen full of mischéef 519, b 20. He and his Welsh in armes against the lord Greie of Ruthen, preuaileth▪ 519, b 60. Taketh the erle of March prisoner, 520, a 60. Wasted the English marches 525, a 40. Aided by the mar­shall Montmerancie, 531, a 10. His craftie entring the ca­stell Abirus [...]with, 533, b 40. He & fiftéene hundred Welsh­men taken and slaine, 528, a 10. Endeth his life in great miserie, 536, a 10
  • Glocester recouerd & put to fine 266, b 10. Whie it was not as­sulted by quéene Margaret & hir power, 686, a 40. ¶ Sée Duke.
  • Goche his valiant seruice, 587, b 50, 60. Taken prisoner by the loundering of his horsse, 611, b 30. A Welshman, his escape, 630, a 40. Slaine vp­on London bridge, 635, a 30
  • Goodwine. ¶ Sée Edmund.
  • Goring George. ¶ Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Gospatrike earle of Northum­berland is sent against king Malcolme of Scotland: note, 10, a 60, From whome duke William taketh the erledome of Northumberland, & whie, 10, b 50. How he came to be earle of Northumberland, 13, a 30. ¶ Sée Malcolme.
  • Gospell, the shamefull end of a contemner thereof: note, 935, a 60
  • Grace of God, words miscon­striued by the Scots: note, 423, a 20, &c.
  • Grafton Richard slandered by a Scot and defended, 112, a 30. Defended against Bu­chanans slander, 298, b 10, &c.
  • Granado is woone from the Turks or Saracens, 772, b 30. The state and pompe of the same, b 60
  • Grandmesuill Hugh set all vp­on the spoile, 17, a 50
  • Grant of king Henrie the third to his brother, 209, b 20. ¶Sée Patents.
  • Grantham church in Lincolne­shire out of which the people were frighted, 2 [...]4, b 20
  • Grasing inconuenient vnto the commonwealth: note, 862, a 60, b 10
  • Grasse. ¶Sée Mice. 1315, a 60
  • Grauelin fortified by French for a countergarrison to Ca­lis, 444, b 10
  • Grauesend burned by the French and Spanish, 427, a 60
  • Gréefe killeth an archbishop, 6, b 60. Of king Iohn turned into rage, 183, b 10. Cause of a sore and dangerous sick­nesse in king Iohn, 194, a 60, Of mind doubled the cause of king Iohns death, 194, b 50. Killed Dauid the prince of Wales, 238, a 60. Killed king Henrie the seconds heart, 114, b 50. For losse of booties, 194, a 60. For an ouerthrow the death of a king, 958, b 40. The cause of death, 18, a 30, 44, b 60, 50, b 30, 728, a 30, 40: note, 1151, b 10▪ 20, 797, a 10. For vnkindnesse, 88, b 50
  • Greie lord committed vnto the Tower, 952, b 10. Indicted and beheaded, 953, b 60
  • Greie lord of Wilton deputie of Bullen, the letter of king Henrie the eight vnto him, 875, b 40, 50, 60. His seruice verie honorablie accepted of the king, 976, a 40. His re­quest vnto the duke of Sum­merset, 985, a 20. Receiueth possession of Hume castell, 990, b 60
  • Greie lord Iohn duke of Suf­folkes brother arreigned, condemned, pardoned, re­leased, beheaded, 1117, b 60
  • Greie lord capteine of Guisnes, taketh the French at a sléepie aduantage, commendeth his soldiors, 1137, a 50, 60, b 50 The danger that he escaped sitting vpon a forme with two gentlemen, hurt by mis­chance, he consulteth with the Englishmen, 1138, a 30, b 40, 50, 60. His words to his soldiors, being ashamed of their timorousnes, agréeth with the [...]nimie vpon arti­cles, 1140, a 20, 40
  • Greie lord generall of the quéenes armie in Scotland, 1187, a 30. His message to the Frenchmen. 1188
  • Greie Arthur hurt in the shoul­der by shot, 1189, a 10
  • Greie lord of Wilton deceaseth, 1198, a 50
  • Greie Henrie. ¶Sée Iusts tri­umphant.
  • Greies familie aduanced, 668, a 30, 40
  • Gréene, one of Richard the thirds merciles instruments to murther two innocent princes, 734, b 50
  • Gréenfield knight, sir Walter Raleighs lieutenant for the voiage to Uirginia, 1401, b 50. Singled from his com­panie, arriueth in Hispaniola, 60. His valiantnesse against the Spaniards, 1402, a 10. In danger of shipwracke, 20. Chaseth and surpriseth a Spanish ship, 50
  • Gréenwich repared, 788, a 10
  • Gresham knight suddenlie de­ceaseth: note, 1310, b 50
  • Gret Harrie. ¶Sée ship.
  • Gret Oneale. ¶Sée Oneale.
  • Greuill Fulke. ¶ Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Griffin ap Rées dooth much hurt on the marches, 38, a 60
  • Griffin king of Wales depar­teth this life, 152, a 60
  • Griffin of Wales breaketh his necke, 228, b 20
  • Griffin beheaded at Towre hill, 928, a 10
  • Grotes and halfe grotes. ¶Sée Coines.
  • Ground. ¶ Sée Earth.
  • Guido earle of Britaine his fa­ther and his thrée sonnes erls of Britaine, 7, b 20
  • Guenhera and the nobles of Wales make a league with Henrie the third, 226, b 50
  • Guie of Warwike deceaseth, 323, a 10
  • Guildhall inlarged, the chap­pell, 540, b 10
  • Guines. ¶Sée Guisnes.
  • Guisnes, Henrie the eights pa­lace roiall there described: note, 856, b 40, b 50, &c, 857, all. ¶Sée Greie lord capteine of Guisnes.
  • Guise. ¶Sée Duke.
  • Gun called Digeon, 614, b 50, Called the red gun ouer­throwne, & recouered of the French, 818, b 30, 40
  • Gun shot into the court at Gréenwich, 1132, b 50. By casualtie discharged at the quéenes priuie barge, she be­ing therein, and some hurt doone: note, 1310, b 10, &c.
  • Guns of how ancient an inuen­tion, 453, b 50. Of iron when first made, 960, a 20. Gained from the French, 968, a 10. Called handguns and bear­ing of weapons forbidden by proclamation, 1117, b 60. ¶Sée Culuerings.
  • Gunpowder blowes vp a house and killeth fiftéene persons, 1081, a 60. Sha [...]tereth houses in Bucklersberrie, 1208, a 50. Strangelie set on fier dooth much hurt, 1348, b 10
  • Gurguint builder of Norwich castell, 1288, a 10. His spéech, [Page] touching [...]nt [...]q [...]itie, 1189, a 40, &c.
H.
  • HAie at a double price, 785, a 30
  • Ha [...]istones which made men a­mazed, 39, b 10. Of the big­nesse of hens egs, 166, a 60. Of sundrie strange shapes, 1313, b 60. Great, the like not séene, 284, b 20. A mightie storme that did much hurt, 250, a 50. That slue both men and hors­ses: note, 393, b 60, 394, a 10. Square and of sixteene inches about, 1258, b 50. Fashioned like mens heads, 968, b 50
  • Hales bloud and who brought it into England, 275, b 10. Shew­ed at Paules crosse, 946, a 40
  • Hales knight will not assent to the new succession of the crowne, 1083, a 40, 50, 60. In trouble for religion, 1092, b 10. Gre­uouslie tempted, drowneth him­selfe, 1092, b 10, 30, 40
  • Hambleton castell lost, summo­ned, rendered vnto the French king, the number that came foorth thereof, 1057, a 30, 50, b 10
  • Hamblethew fortified by the En­glishmen, 972, b 60
  • Hamont burned. ¶ Sée Here­tike.
  • Hangman hanged, 945, b 40
  • Harding Stephan moonke of Shireborne, 26, a 60
  • Har [...]lo sands, 967, b 60
  • Harflue besieged, 549, b 60. The people desire a parlée, yéelded and sacked, 550, a 30, b 10. Be­sieged by the French, & rescued by the English▪ 557, a 10, 60, woone by the English, 615, b 50. Besieged, 629, b 60. Yéel­ded to the French king, 630, a 10
  • Harleston knight his notable ex­ploit: note, 422, a 20
  • Harlots cause manie murthers, 953, a 10. ¶ Sée Murther and Whoore.
  • Harold king of Man knighted, 238, b 60. ¶ Sée Canutus.
  • Hatred of the English against the Normans, and contrari­wise, 14, a 10. Borne to the Iewes, 121, b 50. Irrecon­ciliable betwéene the dukes of Summerset and Yorke: note, 630, b 20. Great betwéene the duke of Buckingham and car­dinall Woolseie, 855, b 20. A­gainst Richard the third, 738, b 10, &c: 739, 740, 741, Of the earle of Glocester against king Stephan, 48, b 50. ¶Sée En­uie and Malice.
  • Haruest sore hindered by conti­nuall raine, 210, b 50, 322, b 50. Wet and raine, 249, a 30, 397, b 50. Late, 348, b 30: note, 260, a 10
  • Harueie de Yuon his surrender to king Henrie the second, 75, b 60. ¶Sée Bishop.
  • Hastings, the originall of the name, the manner of their armes, 467, b 60. Their grant for exchange of lands, the re­cord by which they executed the office of panteler, 469, a 10, 60. The order and number of clothes laid at the kings table, and how the Hastings had them in sée, 469, a 20. Record wherbie the said office of pant­ler is claimed, the petition for the second swoord, which the earle of Arundell also clai­med, the bill exhibited for the golden spurs, 471, a 10, b 10, 50
  • Hastings lord his counsell to all his acquaintance, 675, b 10. Chamberleine maligned of the king and quéene, 713, a 30. De­scribed, 723, b 60. His life and déeds laid open, 724, a 40, &c. Beheaded. 723, a 20
  • Hastings lord discharged out of the Towre, 1088, b 30
  • Hastings castell, 6, a 40
  • Haukesford knight his practise to kill himselfe, 677, a 10, &c.
  • Hed of wax wrought by necro­mancie speaketh, 484, b 20
  • Heding castell besieged by the Englishmen, 875, a 40
  • Hedgecote field, 672, b 30. ¶ Sée Battell.
  • Helias the pretended earle of Mans his bold words to Wil­liam Rufus, 23, b 60
  • Henrie the first when he began his reigne, 28, a 10. Glad to séeke the peoples fauour, and whie, 28, b 10. Woone the fa­uour of the people from his brother Richard, 28, a 20. His wiues, concubine, and children, his vertues, & vices, 45, a 50. In danger of drowning, 44, b 10. His promises to purchase the peoples fauour, 28, b 40. Reconciled with his brethren Robert and William, 19, a 60. Besieged by his two brethren Robert and William, 19, a 40. His base sonne to whome mar­ried, 37▪ a 40. Passeth ouer in­to Normandie and taketh di­uerse cities, 32, b 30. Per­suaded to renounce his title to the inuestiture of prelats, 32, a 40. Consulteth with his no­bles where to get him a wife, 28, b 30. Hurt in battell a­gainst the French king, his valiantnesse, 40, a 60. Against the consecration of archbishop Thurstane of Yorke, 40, a 50. He and pope Calixtus come to an interuiew at Gisors, 40, b 30. Passeth ouer into Nor­mandie to aid and assist the earle of Champaigne against the French king, 39, b 40. Placeth garrisons in Wales, 38, a 10. He and pope Inno­cent méet at Chartres, 44, a 50. His sonnes and daugh­ters drowned by shipwracke, 41, b 10, Without issue, he mar­rieth againe, 41, b 60. Goeth ouer into Normandie and cre­ateth his sonne William duke, 38, a 30. His passage into Nor­mandie and neuer returneth a­liue, 44, b 30. Departeth this life of a surfet. 45, a 10
  • Henrie the second crowned king, where and by whome. 65. a 10. Offended with the bishops, 70, a 30. Knighteth the king of Scots, 76, a 30. Inuadeth the earle of Aluergnes land, 75, a 40, Inuadeth Wales, 73, b 10. He and the French king haue an interuiew at Coicée, 69, a 40. His & Thomas Bec­kets first falling out, 68, a 20. He and the French king méet at Gisors, 95, a 50. He and his sonnes are accorded vpon con­ditions, 94, a 40. Returneth out of Normandie, 93, a 20. His offer to his sonnes, 89, b 10. Knowth not whom he may trust, 86, b 50. Purgeth him­selfe of Beckets death, 83, b 60. Séeketh to appease the qua­rell betwixt his sonnes, 10 [...], a 60. Passeth into Normandie, he and his sonnes reconciled, 105, b 40. He and the French king come to an interuiew at Vadum S. Remigij, 104, b 50. Rideth all night to meet the French king at Douer, 103, a 60. He and the French king méet at Yurie, 101, b 40, 60. His sonnes wife is brought to bed of a sonne, 101, b 20. A­gainst the Scots, 66, b 30. Goeth into the north, 66, a 20. Negligent in aiding the Chri­stians against the Saracens, 116, a 10. Not so fauourable to the church as he might haue béene, 115, b 60. His vices, 115. b 20. His sonnes and daugh­ters, his base sonnes, the con­stitution of his bodie, his sta­ture, his qualities of mind and bodie, 115, a 20, &c. He and the French king at strife, they talke together, 107, b 20, 40. His words of displeasure to his sonne earle Richard, 114, a 40. He and the French king come to a treatie of peace, 113, a 20. Inuadeth France and maketh wast and spoile, 112, b 60. He and the French kings interuiew betwixt Trie and Gisors, 111, b 10. Passeth in­to Normandie to talke with French king, 110, b 40. His sub­iects arrested in France, 110, b 20. Nothing sorie for the death of Hugh La [...]ie, 110, a 30. He & the patriarch passe o­uer into France, 109, a 50. Message to his sonne earle Ri­chard, 109. His gift to Hugh Lacie, 82, b 20. Sorie for Tho­mas Beckets death, 80, a 30. Laieth his crowne on the al­tar, 67, a 40. Landeth in Ire­land and what he dooth there, 81, b 10. Becommeth seruitor to his sonne, 76, b 10. Made his last will, 77, a 10▪ His sonne crowned at seuentéene yeares old, 76, a 60. He and the French kings interuiew at Gisors, 74, a 60. Whie called Shortman­tell, 115, a 10. Sickeneth and die [...]h, 114, b 50. His dead bodie laie naked a long time, 114, b 60, 115, a 10. His epitaphs, 116, a 40
  • Henrie the third borne at Win­chester, 171, b 60. The begin­ning of his reign, 197, a 10. His coronation and annointing, b 20. The presumptuous procée­dings of the barons against him, 263, a 50. Asked counsell how to procéed in his warres a­gainst the French king, 232, b 20. Maketh hard shift for mo­nie to hire soldiors to assist him, he remooueth towards Wind­sore, commeth to Stratford, 273 a 60, b 10. Laie at Cambridge, 273, a 50. He & the lord wardens of the cinque ports reconciled, 271, b 50. The barons that rose against him, their chéefe cap­teins, 264, b 20. Aided by his two halfe brethren, he incam­peth at Lewes, the barons send him letters, his answer, he de [...]i­eth them, the battell betwéene them, 267, b all. The scholers of Oxford fight against him, 267, a 10. His protestation against the articles at Oxford, 265, b 30. Licenced to passe ouer into France, 263, b 20. Hée falleth sicke of a seuer quar­tane, 263, b 20 In his time ma­nie gouernours ouer the land pernicious to the cōmonw [...]lth, 263, a 60, b 10. Asketh licence to passe ouer sea, 262, a 30. Saileth into France, compoundeth all differences with the French king, 262, a 40. Sore sicke and in despaire of life, 208, a 40. His charges and wastfull ex­penses, 255, b 60. Passeth him­selfe into wales, 255, a 30. Lac­keth monie, 254, b 40. Assai­eth to get monie of the lord [...] temporall, 246, b 60. Maketh great shift for monie to send vnto the pope, and sendeth the pope a warrant to take it vp, 250, b 40. His charges to Gas­coigne, 250, b 10. Demandeth a subsidie, 249, b 20. Offended with them that refused to helpe him with monie, b 40. His dets thrée hundred thousand marks, 252, a 20. Purposeth to go him­selfe into Gascoigne, taketh the sea, ariueth at Burdeaux, 248, b 10, &c. Inuadeth Wales, buil­deth a castell at Gannoke, 236, b 10. Returneth out of Wales, 237, b 40. Flat against the pope his demands and decrées, his proclamation inhibiting monie to be sent to the pope, 238, b 60. 239, a 10. His halfe brethren come to sée him, 239, b 60. Be­ing in solemne procession at Paules: note, 240, a 30. Dis­graced by his nobles in a so­lemne parlement, 240, b 50. His eldest sonne created duke of A­quitaine, 246, b 10. Goeth in­to Wales with an armie, 226, b 40. Rather hindered than hel­ped by the countesse of Bierne, 230, a 40. Spareth to set him­selfe out of debt, 242, b 10. Dri­uen to sell his state for lacke of monie▪ 241, a 20. Procureth a [...] inhibition to the pope, 242, b 10. His mother departeth this life, 239, a 50. Taketh vpon him the crosse, 242, a 40. Highlie offen­ded with the bishops, 246, b 60. Euill spoken of, 231, a 30. Pas­seth ouer into France agains [...] the French king, 229, b 20. His sundrie meanes of impositions to gather monie: note, 229, a 50. His halfe brethren depart the realme, 258, a 50, b 50. They are pursued, and send to the French king for safe conduct, 258, b 60. His seuere sentence against a bribetaking iustice, 243, b 50, &c, 244, a 10. Goeth with an armie towards Scotland, 233, b 40. He and the king of Scots made friends, b 60. Lieth in wait for mens goods, 253, a 10. Fauou­reth not the citie of London, 274, b 20. ¶Sée London. Put to flight, 268, a 20. Returneth into England through France 250, a 60. Goeth ouer vnto the French king, 266, a 40. Like to haue béene destroied at Wood­stocke in his bed: note, 223, a 40. Crowned the second time, and whie, 202, b 30. His mari­age, 219, b 30. Entreth into Wales with an armie, hath but sorie successe, returneth, 217, a 60, b 10, 20. Goeth against the Welshmen but with ill successe▪ 214, a 10. Gathereth monie to­wards his iornie into France, 211, b 60. Saileth ouer into France, hée taketh diuerse townes and castels, getteth the victorie, returneth into Bri­taine, faileth home into Eng­land his owne realme, 211, b 60, 212, all. Prepareth to passe ouer into France, 211, a 60. [Page] Is constreined to agrée with the Welshmen, 210, b 30. In fauor with Normans & Poic­touins, 210, a 50. His grant to his brother, 209, b 10. Glad to appoint a daie of treatie for pa­cification betwéene him & his nobles, 209, b 10. And whie he wold not admit Walter de Ha­melsham archbishop of Can­turburie, 210, a 10. Will in no wise bind & indanger his laie fée to the church of Rome, 208, b 20. Demandeth restitution of parcels of inheritance belong­ing to the crowne, 205, b 60. Purchaseth a bull of the pope for his sufficiencie to gouerne, 205, b 10. Deposeth all the ma­gistrats of the citie of London, &c: 204, b 10. His summons to raise him an armie, the cap­teins of the same, 199, b 50, 60. He requireth restitution of his right of the French king, 203, b 10. Put in full possession of the realme, 201, b 60. His practise to get monie, 241, b 20. Sickneth, 275, a 10. Extreame sicke, his death, buriall, issue, proportion of bodie, conditions good and bad, 276, a 40, &c.
  • Henrie the fourth duke of Lan­caster, proclamed king, 507, b 30 Plan [...]agenet his stile or title, the beginning of his reigne, 509 a 40. His coronation, 510, all. His title to the crowne, 511, a 10 Ment to haue made a iournie a­gainst the infidels, he is vexed with sickenesse, 540, b 60. Of an apoplexie, his death, buriall, is­sue, stature, &c: 541, a 10, &c. His suspicious gelousie toward his son prince of Wales, 539, a 10. Taketh vpon him to defend the Orleanciall faction, 538, b 30. The faction of Orleance sue to him for aid, 537, b 60. Articles of couenants which they offered him, the conditions which they requested of him, 538, a 10, 60. A fauourer of the clergie, 536, a 50. In danger to be taken by the French pirats, 525, b 10. His comming to Berwike, he pre­uaileth against the Scots, he passeth into Wales, looseth his cariages, returneth, 530, b 50, 60 Wanteth monie & can get none of the lords, 527, b 60. Goeth to Yorke, 524, a 10. Charged with periurie, his answer to the mes­sengers that brought the lords articles, he offereth pardon to his aduersaries, his manhood a­gainst them, 523. His answer to the Persies libell, his spéedie diligence against his enimies, he troubleth them with his sud­den comming, 522, a 60, b 40. In armes against the Welshmen, he looseth his labour, 520, b 20, 30. His suspicion grounded vpon a guiltie conscience, his daughter maried into Germanie, 520, b 10 In danger to haue béen destroi­ed in his bed: note, 519, b 20. In­uadeth Scotland, making gret wast, 518, b 20. Causeth Ri­chard the second to be put to a violent death, 516, b 50. Com­meth to the Towre of London, the lords make towards the ci­tie against him, he goeth foorth against them, 515, a 60, b 10, &c. A plot laid for his destruction, at a solemne iusts, 514, b 60. In his time intaileth the crowne, 514, a 10, 20. Suspected not to be well affected towards the church be­fore his cōming to the crowne, 511, b 50, 60. His funerals kept at Canturburie, 543, b 50
  • Henrie the fift, his title, the be­ginning of his reigne, his coro­nation daie verie tempestuous, he altereth his life & maners, 543. His iustice in a progresse, 579, b 40. The king of Scots in his armie, 577, a 10. The duke of Bauier cōmeth to him with a number of horssemen, he and monsieur Baubason fight hand to hand, 577, a 50, 60. The bishop of Winchester lendeth him 20000 pounds, 580, b 10. He sai­leth into France againe, the Scotish king serueth him, he pursueth Dolphin, b 20, 30, 60. Returneth into England with his new wife, 578, b 50, 60. Re­ceiued into Paris, 578, a 10. Taketh vpon him the office of regent of France, 578, a 50. He & the French king at peace, the articles of the same, 572, a 20, &c: 573, a 40, &c. The effects of his oration to the French king, 576 a 10. Condescendeth to a treatie of peace with the French king, 572, a 20. Commeth to Trois to the French king, affieth the French kings daughter, b 20, 30. Plaieth the porters part, 570, a 20. Accursed, his enimies deliuered into his hand, execu­ted, his entrance into Rone, his behauior & others, a legue betwéene him and the duke of Britaine, remaineth at Rone, sendeth his capteins abrode to subdue castels & townes, he re­moueth to Uernon, 568, a 30, 40, 60. A rare & worthie example of equitie in him, 560, b 60. His iu­stice and charitie, 566, a 60, b 40. His wise answer to a presump­tuous French orator, 567, a 60. Aided by the king of Portin­gale, 566, a 20. Towns in Nor­mandie yéelded vnto him, 562, b 50▪ His exploits in France, his victories, & surrenders to him, 561, a 10, &c: 562, 563▪ 564, 565, 566, 567. Arriueth in Norman­die, how he preuailed against his enimies, and taketh castels and townes, 559, a 10. His roiall mo­destie: note, 556, a 40. Wise and valiant chalenge, an example in him what is to be doone after victorie, 555, a 10, 20. His vali­antnesse in slaieng the duke of Alanson, 554, b 20. His campe robbed, b 50. His policie against the French horssemen, his ora­tion to his men, his wish & noble courage, 553, b 30, 40, 50. Pas­seth the riuer of Some with his host, the number of his armie, his iustice in warre, his answer to the French kings defiance, he rideth foorth to take view of the French armie, 552, all. His standard recouered from the French, 551, b 10. Saileth o­uer to France with his host, 549, b 20. His charitable procla­mation, his besieging of Har­flue, 30, 60. He taketh and sac­keth it, his mercifull dealing with the French prisoners, 550, all. His words to certeine traitors of the nobilitie, 548, b 30. Wise answer to the arch­bishop of Brugesse, 547, b 60. His policie in the time of a commotion, 544, b 10. His roiall port, he falleth sicke. 582, b 30, 50. Is brought sicke to Bois de Uincennes, 583, a 10. His aduise vpon his death bed, his decease, his commendation in diuerse respects, 583, all. The maner of his buriall, 584, a 10, &c.
  • Henrie the sixt borne, 581, a 60, b 10. Crowned in Paris, 606, a 40. His coronation at Westmin­ster, 602, b 60. The beginning of his reigne, 585, a 20. Goeth against Kentish rebels with a power, 634, a 50. The ma­ner of his buriall, a description of his person, his canonization to be a saint laboured for, his qualitie, 691, a 10, &c. Sheweth himselfe to the Londoners, he is deliuered vp to the hands of Edward the fourth his enimie, 683, a 30, b 10. Fetcht out of the Towre and restored to his re­giment, 677, b 50. His saieng concerning Henrie of Rich­mond, after king Henrie the se­uenth, b 10. Commended by the earle of Warwike: note, 671, a 10. Assembleth an armie against Edward the fourth and his ad­herents, 664, a 20. His power excéeded king Edwards, b 30. His part discomfited, he with­draweth to Berwike, 665, a 10, 40. Maketh a solemne feast at the reconcilement of the nobles that were at strife: note: crea­teth dukes and knights, 595, b 40, 50, In person goeth with an armie into France, 605, b 20. R [...]turneth out of France into England, 607, b 40. His recei­uing into Excester, the clergie there against him, 637, a 20, 90, &c Practises to put him beside the crowne, letters interchang­able betwixt him and the vsur­per, 637, a 60, b 10, &c. 638, 639. In armes against the duke of Yorke, his answer to the dukes letters, 642, a 60, b 10, 50. The armies ioine, the kings part vanquished, 643, all. Part dis­comfited, he is taken, 654, b 30, 40. Articles of peace and agrée­ment betwéene him & the duke of Yorke, 657, b 20, &c. Letters kept from him of purpose, 644, a 60. He to reigne in name, but not in rule, he to reuoke certeine grants agréed vpon: note, 644, b 20. His power discomfited, flie, 660, b 10. Raiseth an armie against the duke of Yorke, 649, b 50. Present in habit roiall at a solemne procession in Paules, 648, a 60. Flieth, 666, b 20. He is taken, and laid vp in hold, 667, a 30. His deposition described, 1234, b 40. Set vp againe as king, 727, a 60. Sicke, 642, a 20. Murthered in the Towre, 690, b 60. And by whome, 712, b 20.
  • Henrie the seuenth, his birth, age, descent, bringing vp, and port that he bare, & king Henrie the sixt his saieng concerning him, 678, a 60, b 10. One of the bloud of Henrie the sixt, his life a grée [...]e to Edward the fourth, 701, b 10. He taketh sanctuarie, note, 70, b 10, &c. His wife the ladie Elisabeth when borne, 668, b 50. Crowned by the lord Stanlie in the field, 760, a 50, 60. Dooth some honour to Ri­chard the third after his death, in respect of his buriall, 761, a 20. Banisheth all Flemish ware out of his dominions, 778, a 20. He and Maximilian agrée to plague the French men, 774, a 50. Desireth the king of Ca­stile to haue Edmund earle of Suffolke deliuered into his hands, 793, a 30. His progresse into Lancashire, 779, Wanted policie, 790, a 20. His chapels at Westminster built, 790, b 30. His policie against sir Robert Clifford, 778, b 20. He is in a quandarie, 779, a 10. Purposeth warres against France, and openeth the iust cause in parle­ment, 771, b 50. Sendeth espi­als into Flanders for a subtill policie, 777, b 30. He & the quéen dined at sargeants feast kept at Elie house, 779, a 40. Reque­steth a prest of six thousand marks, & goeth into the north, 764, a 30, 50. Maketh out a po­wer against Perkin Warbecke 784, a 20. His gratious pardon to a great number of miserable rebels, 784, b 30. Couetous in his old age, 791, b 20. Saileth to Calis, he and the duke of Burgogne méet at saint Pée­ters church without the towne, 788, a 10, 30. Is loth that the French king should marrie the duchesse of Britaine, 771, a 60. Sendeth the lord Daubnie and the lord Morleie against the French, 770, b 10. Borroweth a great summe of moneie of the chamber of London, 770, a 20. Sendeth foorth his armie a­gainst the French king, 769, a 40. His returne out of the north countrie, his offer to make an attonement betwixt the French king and the duke of Britaine, his loue to quéene Elisabeth, 768, a 10, 40, 60. Assembleth an armie, his power soone increa­sed, his encounter with the conspirators, he ouercommeth, 766, b 10, 20, 30, 60. All the capteines against him slaine, he giueth thanks to God af­ter the victorie, 767, a 20, b 30. Commeth to London, he is crowned king, 762, a 30, b 10. He aduanceth his fréends, re­déemeth his hostages, perfor­meth his promise touching the mariage of Edward the fourths daughter, 763, a 20, 60, b 30. His decease, what children he had, he is described, his quali­ties roiall, his sepulture, execu­tors of his last will, 797, a 20, 30, &c. Roiallie buried, a descrip­tion of the whole pompe: note, 800, a 30, &c.
  • Henrie the eight, duke of Yorke, and afterwards king, his birth, 775, b 60. Proclamed king, his councellors, and riches, 799 a 20, 30. His coronation with the pompe thereof, 801, a 30, 40, &c. Good at tennise plaie, 809, a 10. He and the duke of Suffolke defendors at tilt a­gainst all commers, he recei­ueth a cap of maintenance from pope Iulie, 830, a 60, b 10. A notable good horsseman, 837, a 20. He rideth westward in progresse, a 20. Sendeth for the quéene of Scots & hir hus­band to his court, 838, a 40, &c. Buildeth a castell at Tor­naie, 838, b 40. Sitteth in the starchamber in iudgement, 852, b 60. Intituled defendor of the faith, he writeth against Luther, at variance with the king of France, 872, a 30, 50, 60▪ His minions remoued out of the court, 852, b 10. Glad of the French kings deliuerie out of prison, 889, b 60. Procurer of his libertie, 890, a 60. Al­ledged by the French king as a president of humanitie in case of a captiuated king, 890, b 40. Borroweth 20000 pounds of the citie of London, 874, a 20. [Page] Receiueth a golden rose for a present from pope Clement, 883, a 60. What moo [...]ed him gratiouslie to receiue the la­die regents ambassadors of France, 887. Passeth ouer to Calis, an interuiew betwéene him & the French king, 928, b 40, 60. His base son made erle and duke in one daie, 892, a 40 Sworne to performe the league concluded, 893, a 10. His articles for the reform­ing of religion, 940, b 60. His supremasie confirmed, 938, a 10. Proclamed K. of Ireland, 955, a 60. Taketh a lone of monie, 957, a 10. His muni [...]i­cence to the earle of Angus, archbishop of S. Andrews his dedlie fo, 959, b 10. Sent a power ouer against French king, 960, a 60, b 10. His mes­sage to the lord Greie by sir Thomas Palmer: no [...]e, 975, b 50. Passeth the s [...]as to Bul­len, 964, a 60. Entreth into the towne, returneth to England 965, a 10, 20. Goeth in pro­gresse into Yorkeshire, gifts giuen him, 954, b 10, 20. A good archer and full of a [...]tiuenesse: note, 806, a 40, 50, 60, b 10, 20, &c. Brake more s [...]aues at iusts than the [...]est, & had the prise giuen him, 809, a 50. Runneth at tilt, diuerse pa­st [...]mes wherein he was a prin­cipall actor, he runneth at the ring, 805, a 10, &c: b 6 [...]. Forced to take arms against the Scots, 957, b 30. Magni­ficent and munificent to the French kings ambassad [...]rs, &c: 848, a 10, 20, &c: 849, a 10, &c. Purposeth in person to passe the seas to sée the French K. his brother, 835, b 60. Recei­ueth the order of S. Micha­ell, 898, b 10. He commeth to westminster hall & there sit­teth in iudgement himself vp­on the riots of ill Maie da [...], his gra [...]ious & generall par­don, he and the duke of Suf­folke run at iusts, 844, a 20, 30 50, b 30. Riding to Portes­mouth, appoint [...]th capteins ouer his ships, 815, a 40. His nauie s [...]tteth out, cōcluded in parlement that he should per­sonallie inuade France, [...]15, a 50, b 10, 50. Taketh the popes part against the French K. 611, b 10. He and French K. their interuiew in the vale of Andren, they two make chal­lenge to all commers [...]t iusts, his sumptuous furniture at the said iusts, 858, a 30, b 30, 60. He runneth against mon­sieur Grandeuill, the parte­ners of his challenge, 859, a 30, b 10. His band of men with their deuise on their ap­parell, his interteinment of the French quéene, 860, b 20. He departeth from Guisn [...]s to Calis, and from thense to Graueling to visit the empe­ror, his statelie maske, himself a speciall actor, 861, b 10, 60. He returneth into England, 862, a 40. In person passeth o­uer to France, 817, b 60. The order of his armie, 817, a 10. Incampeth at Arkes, com­meth to the siege, 819, a 20, 30. His power vnited with the emperor Maximilian his sol­diors against Terwine: note, 821, a 50. Entreth into Ter­wine, the citizens are sworne vnto him, marcheth on with his armie to Tornaie, goeth to L [...]sle to visit the yoong prince of Cast [...]le, 822, b 40, 50, 60. His pompe & port, 823, a 10 Maketh certeine gentlemen knights for their good milita­rie seruice, 824, b 50. Falselie reported to be dead, he & his traine ignorant of the waie to his ca [...]pe by means of a mist he besiegeth Tornaie, 823, a 60. Returneth to England, 825, a 60. Méeteth the empe­ror Maximilian, his harnesse and furniture, his spéech to a Scotish herald, his answer to the Sco [...]sh kings letter, 820, a 20, 50, &c. Intitu [...]d Christianissimo by the pope, 831, a 10. His gift to the citie of London: note, 976, b 40, 50. First named supreme head, 923, a 30. And what therevp­on folowed, his voluntarie in­clination to pardon the pre­mun [...]re of the clergie, 923, b 10. His m [...]riage in question, & how determined by diuerse vniuersities, b 30, 40, &c. His oration in the parlement house: note, 971, a 20, &c. He & his quéen at Hauering in the Bowre, 852, b 30. S [...]tteth forward into France, he and the emperor Charles méet at Douer castell, kéepe their Whitsuntide at Canturbu­rie, landeth at Calis, lodgeth in his palace at Guis [...]es, 856, a 20, 50, 60, b 30, 40. His affa­blenes with his yoong cour­tiers made them too saucie & bold: note, 851, a 60 Thank­fulnes to his militarie serui­tors, 829, b 50. The portion intended to be giuen with his daughter Marie in mariage, 850, b 10. His mariage by cō ­sent of all vniuersities iudged vnlawfull, 912, b 60 913, a 10, His mariage with his bro­thers wife in question, 897, a 60. Is desirous to be resol­ued by the opinions of the lerned touching his mariage, 906, b 50. Confesseth that the sting of conscience made him mislike of the mariage, 907, b 60. Submitteth himselfe to the censures of the learned, mistrusteth the legats of sée­king delaies, his affection to the ladie An Bullen, 90 [...], a 20, 50, 60, b 60. Marrieth the ladie Anne Bullen, 929, a 60, Marieth the ladie Ian [...] Sei­mor, 940. Commeth to sée the ladie Anne Cléeue at Roche­ster, 948, b 10. Welcommeth hir to Gréenewich, 949, b 60. He marrieth hir, 950, a 10, &c. His marriage with the ladie Anne of Cléeue iudged vn­lawfull, 952, a 60. Marrieth the ladie Katharine Par, 960 a 30. Maketh his last will & testament, his executors, 976, b 60. Deceaseth, described, commended, 977, a 10, 20, &c.
  • Henrie the prince is s [...]nt a­gainst Robert of Northum­berland, 15, b 40. His disorder of life, 77, a 20. Séeketh to seize vpon the gouernment out of his fathers hands, 86, a 60, b 10. New practises to put his father beside the crowne, 99, b 10. Falleth sicke, 106, a 60. He sendeth to his father, his repentance before his deth, his deth & buriall, 107, a 10. Accused to his father, 539, a 10. Goeth to the court with a gret train, his strange apparell, his comming to the kings presence, the words they both vsed, his request to haue his accusors answer their wrongfull accusations, 539, all. Taketh awaie the crown [...] before his father was dead, he is blamed of his fa­ther the king, his answer, 541, a 30
  • Henrie, the first sonne to Henrie the eight deceaseth, 808, b 50
  • Henrie Fitzroie, K. Henrie the eights base son: note, 892, a 40
  • Henrie the empresse hir son lord Henrie came into England to sée his mother, 55, b 50. Knighted in England, 58, a 40. Marrieth the duchesse of Aquitain, 58, b 60. Returneth into England, he besiegeth Malmesburie castell & is for­ced to raise his siege, 59, b 40. Passeth into Normandie, his puissance, a peace betwéene him and the French king, 54, a 60, b 10
  • Henrie son to the erle of Corn­wall, and king of Almaigne murthered, 275, b 50
  • Henrie the emperour dead at Utrecht, 42, b 60
  • Henrie grace de Dieu, a great ship, otherwise called the gret Henrie, 815, b 40
  • Here long how it was to be worne, 30, b 60. In the court redressed, 42, b 30. The abuse thereof, 44, b 60: note, 46, a 1 [...]
  • Heraclius patriarch of Ierusa­lem, 108, b 10
  • Herald at armes words from the Scotish king to Henrie the eight, & how courteouslie vsed▪ 820, a 40, 50, 60, b 10. Of Scotland richly rewarded of Henrie the eight, 821, a 30. From the K. of England & France to the emperor, the spéeches & behauiors, 898, b 60, 899, all, 900, all. Defiance intimated, 901, b 10. Killed, & the déed dooer executed as a traitor, 390, a 10. Not suffe­red to enter in France: note, 960. a 60, Scotish his message to the duke of Summerset. 983, b 40, &c. English his in­timation to the Edenburgh­ers, 707, b [...]0, &c: 708, a 10, &c, His office, & how the French king rewarded an English herald giuing him defiance, 695, a 10. Insufficient from the French king to the king of England & his spéech, 695, b 30, 40, &c. Well rewarded at Henrie the fourths hands, 518, Slaine, 443, a 10
  • Herbert bishop of Thetford why depriued of his bishops staffe 21, a 40. He came to it by si­monie, 26, a 50
  • Herbert knight of gret pow [...]r a­mong the Welsh: note, 752, b 60
  • Hereford castell deliuered vnto Lewis the French king his sonne, 198, a 50
  • Heremit of Pomefret or Wake­field his prophesie to king Iohn: note, 180, a 30
  • Heretike burned at Norwich, & what opinion he held, 1299, b 20, 30, 1354, b 60
  • Hereward partaker with the English rebels against duke William, 10, a 50
  • Herlowin a noble man in Nor­mandie husband to William conquerors mother, 20, a 10
  • Hertfordshire men sworne vnto Richard the second, 438, a 30
  • Historie writers blamed, 112, a 20
  • Holie land otherwise called Pa­lestine, 120, a 40. In danger, 104, b 50. Whereto Richard the first goeth like a pilgrime, 123, b 10. A [...]d granted to the people thereof, 111, b 20. ¶Sée Ierusalem, and Saracens.
  • Holie maid of Kent. ¶Sée Eli­sabeth Barton.
  • Holland in Lincolneshire spoi­led and made tributarie vnto the French, 193, a 10
  • Holland beyond seas commen­ded, 1426, a 30
  • Holland knight killeth the lord Stafford, 447, a 5 [...]. Made earle of Huntington, 465, b 60
  • Hollocke countie his secretarie hanged, 1431, b 30
  • Homage doone to king Henrie the second by his sonnes, 94, b 40. Of a thousand pounds yearelie, 87. b 20. Doone vnto king Henrie the third by the archbishop of Rone, 241, b 40 By the earle of Sauoie, 238, b 50. Of rebels to a for­ren prince intruding him­selfe vpon the crowne of En­gland, 191, b 30. Of king Henrie the second vnto the French king, 107, b 50. Of king Iohn to the French king, 161, a 60, b 10. By king Edward the first vnto the French king, 283, b 30. Of the Scotish king, &c: vnto the kings of England, 69, a 60, b 10, 20, 95, b 60, 162, a 60, 254, a 40, 50, 290, a 20, 245, a 40, 350, b 20, 587, a 20. Of the Scotish lords vnto king Ed­ward the first, with words of his accepting it: note, 301, a 30, &c. Of the nobles of Scot­land vnto king Edward the first set downe in expresse words: note, 287, b 60, 288, a 10. ¶ Sée Erle of Flan­ders, Malcolme, and Scots.
  • Homilies, when and whie in­stituted to be read in chur­ches, 979, b 50. Comman­ded to be had in churches, 992, a 60
  • Honors change maners: note, 543, b 10, 76, b 10
  • Hope vaine & frustrat, 193, b 50
  • Horne. ¶ Sée Bishop.
  • Horsse flesh powdered and ser­ued in at a banket, 1192, b 60.
  • Horsse stealers, ten hanged at once in Smithfield, 1356, a 10
  • Hose. ¶See Apparell.
  • Hospitall of saint Leonards in Yorke whie and by whome founded, 27, a 10
  • Hospitals builded by archbishop Lanfranke, 18, a 50, ¶See Sauoi [...].
  • Hospitalitie of Richard the se­cond: note, 508, a 10. Of the erle of Warwike: note, 678, a 40
  • Hostages English threatned to loose their liues, 147. Execu­ted for promise broken, 597, b 10. Of France had great loue and libertie shewed them, 396, a 20. For the assurance of the French kings ransome, 394 a 60. Their number, 395, b 60 Deliuered by the Scotish lords on the kings side, 1217, a 10. During the time of a par­lee betwéene enimies, 1139, b 50. French for the deliuerie of Tornaie, &c: in heauines and sorrow courteouslie delt with and roiallie: note, 850, a 30. ¶Sée Pledges.
  • Howard knight lord admerall, [Page] 812, [...] 60. Go [...]th to Biska [...]e, his arriuall, 813, a 10. Abused of the English soldiors, go­eth to Britaine, burneth di­uerse places, knighteth di­uerse gentlemen, the lords of Britains request vnto him, 814, a 50, 60, b 10. He would haue Henrie the eight pre­sent in person at the incoun­ter and is rebuked, he com­meth into the [...]a [...]e where as prior Iehon laie, 816, a 60, b 60. Drowned, 817, a 10
  • Howard knight made lord ad­merall in his brothers roome, 817, a 10, 20. Incountereth with the earls of Leneux and Argile, 828, b 20. Atteinted of treason, dieth prisoner, 940, b 50. In the Towre, 944, b 60.
  • Howard lord gentle and fauou­rable to the ladie Elisabeth, 1158, b 10. Priuie seale decea­seth, 1257, b 40. ¶ Sée Earle of Surrie.
  • Hubert de Burgh assaileth the French fléet, 201, a 50
  • Hugh earle of Chester his ex­ploits against the Welshmen, 23, a 40. Despaireth of life, 28, a 10
  • Hugh earle of Shrewesburie & Arundell his exploits, 23, a 40. Slaine by a rouer: note, 23, a 50
  • Huldorne capt [...]ine rebell execu­ted, 672, a 30
  • Hum [...] castell besieged, yéelded vp, possessed of the English, 990, b 10, &c.
  • Hun hanged in the Lollards towre, his death lamented, & whie, 835, a 10, 20
  • Hunger when people did eat horsses, 1022, a 60
  • Hungerford lord executed for buggerie, 952, b 20
  • Hunsdich paued, 792, a 10
  • Hunsdon lord his descent, he presenteth the order of the [...]arter to the French king, 1206, a 60. He with others go against the rebels in the north, 1212, b 20. Made lord chamberleine, 1413, a 50
  • Hunting fatall of William Ru­fus, 26, b 30, 40. Préests were not to vse it, 97, a 60. A statute made concerning it, 238, b 20
  • Hunting roiall, 473, a 20, 30
  • Huntington earldome by whom and to whom giuen in dow­rie, 11, b 20. Scotish, 66, b 50. The castell woone, 92, a 60
  • Husbandrie hindered by frost, 396, b 60. Diminished where­b [...], and how remedied: note, 862, a 60, b 10. ¶Sée Frosts, and Raine.
I.
  • IAcke Cads rebellion in Kent, 632, a 60. Is at his wits end, disguiseth himselfe, is forsaken of his adherents, proclamation out to take him▪ he is apprehended and execu­ted, 635. Slaieth the Staf­fords, 634, a 60
  • Iacke Straw & his adherents executed, 436, a 50. His con­fession at the time of his deth, 438, b 10
  • Iane the daughter of K. Iohn married to the erle of March, 182, b 60
  • Iane de Ualois sister to the French K. treateth for peace, 360, a 30
  • Iane ladie Gilford proclamed quéene, 1084, b 10. Hath the kéeping of the keies of the Towre, 1087, a 40. Cōmitted to the Towre with hir hus­band the lord Gilford, 1088, b 50. Hir behauior at hir execu­tion, the words which she spake on the scaffold, 1099 b, 40, 50, 60, 1100, a 10, &c.
  • Iaques Arkeneld purposeth the destruction of Gerard Deruse, his house bé [...] set, & he slaine, 368, a 30, &c.
  • Idlenesse & meat of other mens charge what they doo, 1049, b 20
  • Iennie a notorius knowne trai­tor & conferrer with Fran­cis Throckmorton, 1371, b 10
  • Ierdseie. ¶Sée French king.
  • Ierusalem taken by Saladine prince of the Saracens, 110, b 50. With more part of all o­ther townes taken from the christians, 111, a 60. The king thereof dooth fealtie to Richard the first, 127, b 60. The king thereof commeth to England, 205, a 50. ¶Sée Holiela [...]d.
  • Iest of Philip the French king at duke William lieng sicke: note, 14, b 20. Of Richard the first at the castell of Chateau Galliard builded, 155, b 10. Of king Iohn concerning the masse, 196, b 20. Of Edward the fourth and a widow that gaue him monie, 694, a 60. Plesant concerning the strict kéeping of ladie Elisabeth, 1156, b 40. Merie at the rood of Paules, 1121, a 60. Of a cat hanged in Cheape, and of a dog clothed in a rochet cal­led by the name of Gardener, 1143, a 20. Against scripture, iustlie rewarded, 1223, a 50. ¶ Sée Derision and Mocke.
  • Iesuits & massing préests pro­clamed against, 1315, a 40, Sent ouer seas and banished the realme: note well, 1379, a 30, &c: 1380. ¶ Sée Priests seminarie.
  • Iew, and of a good Iewes an­swer to William Rufus, 27, a 60, b 10. Striken by a chri­stian, 118, b 50. Hath his téeth drawne out, 174, a 40. At Teukesburie falleth into a iakes: note, 262, b 60
  • Iewes and christians dispute, 27, b 20. Burnt to death, 119, a 10. Sute to William Ru­fus against Iewes become christians: note▪ 27, a 40. Brought into this land by duke William, 15, a 10. At Lincolne slaine and spoiled, 272, a 20. Inhabiting Lon­don slaine for treson, 267, a 60. Slaine at London, & whie, 263, b 40. Accused & executed for crucifieng of a child, 253, a 50. Charged on paine of han­ging to paie Henrie the third 8000 marks, 252, a 10. Rob­bed in Oxford, 238, b 10. Cō ­streined to helpe Henrie the third with monie, 242, b 30. Released out of prison, 254, a 20. Punished by the purse for a murther committed, 224, a 30. Meant to crucifie a child in spite of Christ, 219, a 30. Generallie imprisoned tho­rough out all England, ha­ted: note, 283, b 20. Banished out of England, and whie, 285, a 50. Drowned, b 10. Giue Henrie third, the third part of all their moueables, 211, b 60. Indicted and puni­shed for abusing the kings coi [...]e, 279, b 30. Crucifie a child, 56, b 20. Grieuouslie taxed, tormented, and impri­soned, 174, a 30. And where they buried their d [...]ad, 101, b 20. Appointed to inroll all their debts, pledges, &c: 145, b 20. Excéedinglie hated and murthered: note, 121, b 50, 122, all. Houses set on fier at London, 118, b 60. Beaten & abused by the people, 118, b 60. Meant to present king Richard with a rich gift, 118, b 40
  • Iewell Iohn. ¶Sée Bishop.
  • Iland discouered. ¶ Sée Se­bastian.
  • Images taken awaie & remo­ued from their places: note, 945, b 10, &c. Remoued out of churches, 979, b 50. Through out the realme pulled downe and defaced, 992, b 20. Taken downe & burned in the stréets 1184, b 60, 1185, a 10
  • Impost. ¶ Sée Custome and Subsidie.
  • Imprecation: note, 248, a 60
  • Incest of king Iohn, 184, b 20
  • Inclosures of the fields about London cast downe and o­uerthrowne by archers of London, 830, a 10. A procla­mation for the laieng of them open, 1002, a 10
  • Incontinenci [...] of Henrie the se­cond, 115, b 30
  • Indenture sextipartite of con­spired noble men: note, 514, b 60, 515, a 20. Tripartite tou­ing conspiracie, 521, b 60
  • Indulgences biennals & trien­nals liberallie granted, 428, b 60
  • Infection. ¶Sée Murren.
  • Infidelitie suspected in William Rufus, 27, b 20
  • Ingratitude: note, 862, b 60. Shrewdlie practised and se­uerelie punished, 743, b 50. 744, a 50. A notable example thereof, 605, b 40. Of Fitzos­bert vnnaturall, 149, a 50. Striketh dead, 50, b 30. In all estates towards Richard the second, 508, a 50, 60. For good seruice vnrewarded, and what followed, 21, b 30. Of Odo for his restitution: note, 17, a 20. Of cardinall Poole to Henrie the right that brought him vp, 1165, a 10
  • Iniurie doone and no reu [...]nge sought: note, 1117, b 40. ¶Sée reuenge.
  • Iniustice, 173, b 30
  • Innocencie no barre against execution, 1066, a 10
  • Innocent hanged for the no­cent 173, a 30
  • Inquisitions taken of diuerse matters: note, 153, b 30. Ta­ken by a iurie of sundrie mat­ters, 145, a 60. Of the losses euerie bishop had and sustei­ned, &c: 180, b 60. Calld Traile baston, 312, b 60. Taken of the misdemeanors of iustices, 312, b 40. For abusors of the kings coine, 279, b 30. For the separating of forrests, 207 a 50. What were the liberties in times past of K Henrie the thirds grandfather: note, 205, a 10. For washers & clippers of monie, 241, a 10. For the va­luation of benefices pertein­ing to strangers, 236, b 40. For offendors abusing cler­gie men strangers, 214, b 40
  • Insurrection about the taking vp of cor [...], 944, a 60. O [...] [...] at 1093, b 10. wherein note what mischefous hurlibu [...] ­ [...]es do chance in a comm [...]t [...] ­ [...] or rebellion, 1094. ¶ Sée Rebellion.
  • Interdiction, 175, a 10. Threat­ned by the pope against the king & his clergie, 171, a 10. Of the land solemnlie rel [...]s [...]d 183, a 20, 360, a [...]0
  • Interteinment vnfit breedet [...] malcontentment, 20, b 60. Of the emperor Sigismund strange: note, 556, b 40, 50. ¶See Fréendship and Hosp [...] ­talitie.
  • Interuiew. ¶Sée Edward the fourth & other kings of Eng­land, as French king, &c.
  • Inuasions punished and other offenses against the kings peace, 312, b 60. ¶ Sée Eng­land and Scots.
  • Inuestitutes of churches thrée daies togither argued vpon, 34, a 30. Of prelats. ¶ See Bishops and Consecration▪
  • Iohannes Cremensis alecherous legat: note, 42, b 40
  • Iohn of Gaunt borne, 357, a 60 Meried, 392, a 20. Duke of Lancaster, 395, b 30 Buried, and his daughter Blanch▪ 405, a 1 [...]
  • Iohn the king proclamed king of England, 157, a 20, b 40, 158 a 10. Made king of Ireland, 109, a 20, 101, a 30. Married 117, a 30. His impatiencie to sée himselfe brideled by his subiects, 186, b 20. Taketh di­uerse castels, 189 all. Aided by forren souldiors against his barons, 187, b 60. Disquieted, departeth into the Ile of Wight, 186, b 50. Crowned K. of England the second time, 165, a 60. From whome the Poictouins reuolt, 164, b 10. Commeth vpon his enimies vnloked for, 164, b 40. Diuers waies molesteth the whit [...] moonks, 163, a 10. Diuorsed from his wife Isabell the daughter of earle Robert of Glocester, 161, b 60. He & the French king come to a parlée 160, b 10. Passeth ouer into Normandie, 160, a 40. Retur­neth out of Normandie, 161, a 40. Inuested duke of Nor­mandie, 158, b 20. Commeth out of Normandie into Eng­land, 158, b 50. Wanting a [...]d a­gainst the French K. com­me [...]h backe to England, 16 [...] b 60. Prepareth an armie to go into France, 168, b 40. Go­eth to the sea, returneth, char­geth certeine of his nobles with treason, 169, a 10, 20, 30. Taketh the sea, maketh was against the French king, 170, a 10, 20. Repareth Angiers, 170, b 30. Writeth to the pope touching the archbishop of Canturburies election, 171, a 40. Threatned with interdic­tion, he & his realme put vn­der the popes cursse, 171, a 10. Passeth into Ireland, 174, a 50. Goeth into Wales with an armie, 174, b 60. Punisheth diuerse that refused to go with him into Wales, 175, a 40. His destruction put in practise by means of the popes legat & the French king, 175, b 40. Deliuereth his crowne to Pandulph, and hath it a­gaine restored, 177, a 60, b 10. His words of fealtie made to [Page] the pope, 178, a 60. What cau­sed him to agree with the pope, 180, b 10. His lords re­fuse to folow him into France 181, a 10. Commended to the pope for an honorable prince, 182, a 10. Remooueth to An­giers, 183, a 60. Inuadeth Britaine, 183, a 40. Taketh vpon him the crosse to go into the holie land, 184 Subscri­beth to his barons notwith­standing his oth, 186. b 10. Cōmeth to his lords to talke of some pacification, 185, b 50 Left desolat of fréends, 185, b 30. Maketh hauocke on the possessions of his aduersaries 193, b 50. His noblemen reuolt from him to K. Lewes, 192, a 10. His children male and fe­male, the description of his person, his fortune, his sai­engs & dooings, 196, a 10, &c. Incestuous & couetous: note, 184, b 20. The popes vassall, 191. a 10. Assembleth a great armie against the French K. 176, b 40. Knéeleth downe to the archbishop of Canturbu­rie, & besought him of forgiue­nes, 810, b 40. His son named Oliuer Fitz [...]oie, 202, a 50 By whose means his nephue Arthur lost his life, & whie, 7, b 30. Falleth sicke of an ague, his raging, 194, a 50, 60. His death diuerslie reported by writers, 194, a 60, b all. Re­ported to an ill purpose, 190, b 20. His buriall, and corpulen­cie, 194, b 60
  • Iohn Ball. ¶Sée Ball.
  • Iohn a Chamber a notorious northerne rebell, 769, b 40, &c. 770, a 10, &c. Hanged like an archtraitor, 770, a 10
  • Iohn Tiler. ¶Sée Tiler.
  • Ione de Are pusell de Dieu, 600, 10, &c, 603, b 50. Taken priso­ner, &c: note, 604, a 50, 60, b 10.
  • Ioie immoderat the cause of death, 955, b 20
  • Ipswich beséeged, 60, b 40
  • Ireland diuided into seuerall e­states, or kingdoms, 80, a 50. Mostlie conquered by Henrie the second, 109, b 60. Foure I­rish kings submit themselues to Richard the second, 481, b 30. The yearelie reuenues thereof in Edward the thirds dais, 481, a 50. Englishmen sent thither to inhabit the Ards in Ulster, 1257, a 20 Soldiors transported thither 1314, a 30. Inuaded by the popes meanes, 1366, b 60 ¶Sée Iohn and Soldiors.
  • Irish doo destroie Angleseie, 237, b 50. Rebelling, kill the English, 275, a 10. Frier ap­peacheth the duke of Lanca­ster of treason, 445, b 40. Mi­serablie tormented and put to death, 446, a 10. To auoid in­to their owne countrie by pro­clamation, 481, a 40. With the lord of Kilmaine arriued at Harflue, 565, b 60. Their good seruice, 566, a 10. Wild spoile the earle of Kildars countrie, 914, a 10. Nobilitie submit themselues to Henrie the eight in England, 957, a 10. Seuen hundred in war­like manner passe thorough London, & muster before king Henrie the eight: note, 963, b 20, 30. Bowes, bagpipes, and darts among them, 1259, a 10.
  • Iron gret want within Scot­land, 323, a 20
  • Isabell daughter to the earle of Glocester maried vnto Iohn K. Richards brother, 117, a 30
  • Isabell the second wife of king Iohn, & what issue she broght him, 161, b 60. Crowned, 162, a 30
  • Isabell Henrie the thirds mo­ther deceaseth, 239, a 50
  • Isabell countesse of Cornwall deceaseth, 225, b 60
  • Isabell wife to emperor Fre­derike, deceaseth, 229, a 10
  • Isabell de Boulbec. ¶ Sée Countesse.
  • Isac. ¶Sée Cipriots.
  • Isleie knight, all his apparell not woorth foure shillings, 1099, b 20
  • Isoldune where seated, 146, b 10
  • Iudge Morgan fell mad: note, 1099, a 60. ¶Sée Iustice.
  • Iudges and other officers com­mitted to the Tower: note, 360, b 40, &c. ¶ Sée Iustices.
  • Iudgement rash in an holie fa­ther, 109, a 20
  • Iudgement secret of God vpon Banister & his children after the attaching of the duke of Buckingham, 744, a 50, 60 ¶Sée Reuenge.
  • Iudith, duke Williams néece, whose daughter & to whome married, & how indowed, 11, b 10
  • Iurie of twelue men ancient, when instituted, & how mat­ters by them should be tried, 8 b 20. That went vpon sir Nicholas Throkmorton, ap­peére in the starchamber, ex­cessiuelie fined, 1121, b 40. Ex­tremelie dealt withall, 1122, a 10. ¶ Seé Throckmorton knight. At Excester assise e­leuen dead: note, 1548, a 60
  • Iustice chiefe of England gi­ueth ouer his office & becom­meth a canon, 103, a 50. An of­fice imposed vpon prelats. ¶Sée Archbishop,
  • Iustice of Henrie the fift: note, 560, b 60, 566, a 60. A notable example of Edward the first vpon his son, 313, b 30. Min­gled with mercie, 797, a 60. And the commendable care of K. Henrie the second thereof: note, 115, a 60. Without re­gard of kinred, 315, a 20. And what folowed vpon the neg­lect of the same, 13, a 10. Part­lie pretended, 734, a 60. Per­uerted when one is hanged for another, 1007, a 20. In warre: note the force therof, 552, a 30. Corrupted. ¶ Seé Bribes.
  • Iustices of peace when & whie instituted, 8, a 60. Itinerants the diuision of their circuits, 97, b 60. Th [...]ir oth, 98, a 10, Die of infection, 1547, b 40. 1548, a 40. Chéefe of England elected & others deposed, 119, b 10. Itinerants cause inquisi­tions to be made in their cir­cuits, 145, a 60. Abuse iu­stice: note, 225, b 20. Keépe the terme for pleés at S. Sa­uiors, 259, b 30. Begin to go their generall circuits, 282, b 20. ¶Seé Sicknesse at Ex­cester and Oxford. Complai­ned of to Edward the first, & punished: note, 284, b 60. 285, a 10, &c. Fined, 312, b 50. Sat neither in the tower nor else­where for a whole yeare, 361, b 20, Restreined from feés, briberie, & gifts, &c: note, 369, b 20, Iurors, &c: brought to blockham feast by the rebels, 430, a 60. Compelled to sub­scribe, 458, b 10
  • Iusts at Blie where P. Ed­ward began to shew proofe of his chiualrie, 254, a 20. At Brackleie, 242, a 10. In Cheapside, 348, b 50. At Cha­lons where prince Edward behaued himselfe Worthilie, 276, a 20. At Dunstable, where king and quéene were present, 363, a 40. At Gréene­wich with goodlie shews, 815 a 10. At Greenwich before the emperor Charles, 873, b 10. Where sir Francis Brian lost one of his eies, 892, b 60. At London, the maior and alder­men chalengers, &c, 392, a 40, 50. In the Tower of London & Gréenewich, 646, b 60. Roi­all in Tuthill field for the space of eight daies, 220, a 10. Deuised to be holden at Ox­ford where Henrie the fourth should haue béene murthered, 514, b 50.60. Within the kings palace of Shine for the space of a moneth, 774, a 30. In Smithfield, 366, a 10, 395, b 60 Roiall, 473, b 30, 40, &c: 474, a 10, &c, 535, b 60. At Westmin­ster with the shews and tri­umphs there, 807, a 50, 60, &c: And some hurt done, 940, b 60 1225, a 30. And much hurt doone among the people, 1315, a 60. By gentlemen of name, to delight nobles of France note, 1316, 1317, 1318, 1319, 1320 1321. At Windsore, 366, a 50. Against all commers, 497, a 10 It & turnie appointed by the lords and by Henrie the third disappointed, 236, b 60. Hand­led in a rougher manner than in these daies, 245, a 10. Wher­at sir Arnold Montensie was slaine: note, 246, b 20. Prohibi­ted by proclamation, 311, b 10. Betwixt the bastard of Bur­gogne & the lord Scales, 669, a 20. With manie a proper de­uised shew, 802, b 10, &c: 803, a 10, &c. Solemne wherin Hen­rie the eight himselfe was a chalenger, 835, b 10. Kept for honor of his sister the French quéene, 838, a 60, b 10, &c: Be­tweéne Henrie the eight and others, 844, b 10, 950, a 30, 850 a 60. Proclamed in sundrie nations, 950, b 60, 951, a 10, &c Roiall in France: note, 858, a 60, b 10, &c: 859, a 10, &c: 860, a 10, &c. At Paris, the nobles go thither, decrées for the same, how long they lasted, with the maner thereof: note, 833, all. At Tornaie for dis­port of the prince of Castile & the duchesse of Sauoie, 825, a 20, ¶Sée Tilt and Turnies.
K.
  • KAlendar. ¶Sée pope Gre­gorie.
  • Katharine daughter to the earle of Huntleie maried to Per­kin the rebell, 780, a 40. Pre­sented to Henrie the seuenth, 784, b. 10
  • Katharine the daughter of Fer­dinando sent ouer into Eng­land out of Spaine, 788, b 40, &c. Married to king Henrie the eight, 801, a 10. ¶Sée quéene Katharine & Henrie the eight.
  • Kelwaie Thomas. ¶Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Kendall wasted, 91, b 10
  • Kentishmen doo lie in wait in woods for the comming of duke William, 2, a 10, Cannot awaie with bondage, and determine to fight with duke William for their lawes and liberties, 2, a 10. The keie of England, 2, b 10. Send a message to duke William, 2, b 10. Had duke William at aduantage, 2, a 20, b 10, &c. Make an hurlie burlie and commit much mischéefe, 677, b 10. Executed for rebel­lion, 693, a 60. Haue thanks of Henrie the seuenth for their good seruice, 780, a 10▪ Rebel­lion vnder Iohn Tiler. ¶Sée Tiler.
  • Ket, his rebellion, a capteine there, 1028, b 50, 60, to 1042, &c. He meant to haue talked with the earle of Warwike, 1037, a 60. Power increaseth▪ 1032, b 60. Apprehended, exa­mined, 1039, 50, 60. Both bro­thers executed, 1240, a 50, 60.
  • Killingworth castell beséeged, deliuered to Henrie the third, 272, b 10. Fortified against Henrie the third, 272, a 30. Holden against Edward the second, 329, b 10
  • King of Armenia. ¶Sée Arme­nia. Of Cipriots. ¶Sée Ci­priots. Of France. ¶ Sée French king. Of Ireland. ¶Sée Ireland. Of Portin­gall. ¶Sée Portingall. Of Spaine. ¶Sée Spaine, &c.
  • King can abide no péere in his owne realme: note, 25, a 50. In name but not in fame: note, 465, a 40. What kind of person he is or should be, 910, b 40. Office hard to discharge 740, a 40. Best kind of go­uernment, 1052, b 30. Iuris­diction absolute in their owne realmes, & that the pope hath nothing there to doo, 24, b 20, &c. Election & aduancement referred to the people, 1, a 40. Oth at his coronation, 1, b 30.
  • Kings college in Cambridge founded: note, 691, b 40, &c.
  • Kingdome to obteine what pro­mises are made, but not kept. ¶Sée Promises & People.
  • Kingston knight is sent to fetch vp Woolseie arested of treason to Henrie the eight, talke be­twixt the said sir William and him, 916, b 30, 50. Prouost marshall, execution of mar­shall law: note, 1006, b 60, his ill iustice, 1007, a 10. Ac­cused of treason, his decease, 1132, a 40.
  • Kiriell sir Thomas, a valiant capteine, 630, a 20.
  • Kisse the pax would not the K. with Becket, 78, a 10. ¶Sée Reconciliation.
  • Kn [...]uet surueior depriued of his office: note, 856, a 10. An in­strument to bring the duke of Buckingham to destruction, 862, b 60
  • Kneuet knight arreigned for striking in the court, iudged to loose his hand, he is pardo­ned, 953, b 10, &c.
  • Kneuet sir Henrie knight dece­seth, 974, b 60.
  • Kneuet Edmund knight, his seruice in Norffolke rebellion 1031, b 30.
  • Knewstub. ¶ Sée Sermon.
  • Knights of the Bath, 511, a 10.733, a 20.931, a 50.
  • Knights order of the Rhodes dissolued, 951, a 40.
  • [Page]Knights of the round table first founded. ¶Sée Order of the garter.
  • Knights templers apprehended, and what laid to their charge 319, a 10, &c
  • Knights thrée hundred of men of armes to be found, 153, a 10 Two hundred fiftie and two besides demilances taken prisoners by king Iohn, 165, a 20. Made by Henrie the third, 240, a 60. According to the value of their lands, 248, a 10. To be made according to their reuenues, 254, a 30. Fées, how manie in Eng­land in king Henrie the third his time, 262, a 20. Foure score made at once, 263, a 20. Made by the duke of Buc­kingham at his entrie into France, 426, a 30, 40, b 30 Made of capteins for good seruice in warre, 551, a 40
  • Knighthood, 595, b 50. To va­lorous gentlemen in seruice of warres, 814, b 20. For good militarie seruice, 824, b 50, 874, a 50, 880, b 40. Urged, or else to make fine, 929, b 40. For seruice doone against the enimie, 962, b 40, &c. 991, b 40 992, a 20, 1216, b 40, 1222, a 60
  • Knolles knight sent with an armie into France, 405, a 20. Borne in Cheshire, his coun­sell not followed, 405, b 60. The feare that the enimies had of him, 406, b 50. His seueritie, 445, b 10. Decea­seth, remembrances of him, 533, b 40
  • Knolles Francis knight sent o­uer to view the state of New­hauen, 1202, b 30. His foure sonnes in a triumphant shew, 1319, b 60. ¶ Sée Auxerre, and Iusts triumphant.
L.
  • LAborers, an act of parlement for the drawing of them in order, 835, b 20
  • Lacie Hugh, and of king Henrie the seconds gift vnto him, 82, b 30. Slaine in Ireland, 109 b 60. His puissance and con­tempt, his diligence to in­large his possessions in Ire­land, 110, a 10
  • Lacie Robert constable of Che­ster hangeth two for spite, 133 b 40
  • Lacie Roger a Norman, 17, a 60
  • Lacie Walter in armes against the rebels, 11, a 50
  • Lacies constables of Chester by inheritance, their estimati­on and credit, 215, b 60, 217, a 10, 20, &c. Erls of Lincolne of whense they had their origi­nall, 20, a 30
  • La [...]gnie on the riuer of Maine beséeged, 608, a 10
  • Lambe esquier, a good common wealths man, deceaseth, his acts and déeds full of charitie: note, 1311, a 60, b 10, &c: 1312, his epitaph, 1313, a 40
  • Lambert earle of Lens, 11, b 10
  • Lambert Simenill. ¶Sée Si­menill.
  • Lamperdeuaux castell builded, 279, b 10. Taken, 281, a 10
  • Lancaster and Yorke house, and the vniting of them in one in­tended, 740, b 40. Furthered 741, a 10, &c: 742, a 10, &c: 743, a 10, &c. Some matter con­cerning both worthie the rea­ding▪ 761, a 20, 30
  • Lancaster house, and how ma­licious Margaret the du­chesse of Burgogne was therevnto, 765, b 10. Enuied 776, a 10
  • Land, and how manie acres an hide conteineth, 13, b 10
  • Lands let out for yearelie rent in duke Williams time, 8, a 40 Morgaged for monie, 17, a 30. Of the church defended and recouered by archbishop Lanfranke: note 18, a 60, b 10
  • Landoise corrupted with re­wards betraieth the earle of Richmond into Richard the thirds hands, 747, b 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 60. His expectation disappointed by the priuie and vnknowne departing of the earle, 748, a 60
  • Lanfranke an Italian the thrée and thirtith archbishop of Canturburie, 9, a 20. His au­thoritie great among all the lords of England, 16, a 30. His counsell to William Ru­fus to winne the nobles fa­uor, 16, a 10. Diligent care for the safetie of William Ru­fus, 17, b 20. In fauor with pope Alexander, 9, a 40. Assi­steth duke William in armes against the rebelles, 9, b 50. Calleth a councell of the cler­gie, 11, b 60. Praised for hold­ing with the moonks, 18, b 10. Enuied for his prosperities sake, 17, a 10, 20. His death, 18 a 40, with a description of cer­teine his qualities, and di­uerse of his acts and déeds, 18 40, a 50
  • Largesse of William Rufus at his coronation: note, 16, a 40
  • Law marshall a burthen intol­lerable, 1052, b 10, Execu­ted, 1199, a 50. 566, a 60, 1007, a 10, &c. ¶Sée Soldi­ors.
  • Law sal [...]ke, 836, a 60, 545, b 40
  • Law of armes: note, 669, a 60, 577, b 40. Uiolated by the French, 1204, b 50. Touch­ing heralds violated, 984, a 40
  • Law of duke William against such as forced anie women, 15, b 50
  • Law to be quite abolished at the rebelles request, 432, a 50
  • Law against buieng and selling on the sundaie, 624, a 20
  • Lawes penall of duke William: note, 14, a 20. Confessed to be vnequall, 8, b 40: note. Of S. Edward supposed most equa [...]l and indifferent, 10, a 20. Of William Rufus sharpe, rigo­rous, and peremptorie, 20, b 10. Of king Henrie the first commanded to be vniuersallie obserued, 181, a 30
  • Lawes written in the Nor­man toong not vnderstood of the English: note, void of conscience and equitie, 8, b 10. Of England ancient abro­gated and established, 8, a 60. Remaine in Kent onelie, 2, b 30
  • Lawes and liberties fought for, 2, a 10
  • Lawiers to plead their cases in English, &c: 396, a 20. Broght to blockham feast by the re­belles, 430, a 60. Fraudulent punished, 950, b 30
  • Lecture. ¶Sée Surgerie.
  • Léeds castell beséeged, 327, b 60, And yéelded, 328, a 10
  • Legat Anselme with his au­thoritie from Rome, 39, b 60 Ferentino gathereth much monie in England, 170, b 10 Gualos practises to get mo­nie, 193, a 20. Iohn de Ana­gnia from Rome to procure peace betweene kings, 113, b 60. Otho cardinall, and what dutie he gathered of the cler­gie, 208, a 30. Pandulph, ¶Sée Pandulph: note.
  • Legat from the pope about re­formation, a bawdie knaue, 42 b 40. With the archbishop of Yorks pall, 36, a 50. ¶ Sée archbishop: note, 29, a 40. A shift by forbearing the name, 239, b 50. ¶ Sée Cardi­nall.
  • Legats from Rome to reconcile the bishop of Elie and the archbishop of Rouen, 137, a 50 They practise for their owne aduantage, 100, b 10. Autho­rised to celebrate a marriage, 98, a 50. Not regarded, they excommunicate, 37, b 30. From the pope about Bec­kets death, 82, b 50
  • League betwixt England and Flanders, 354, b 30. Conclu­ded, 296, b 50. Renewed, 160, a 50. Betwéene England and France, 897, b 50. Rene­wed, 193, b 60: note, 768, b 60 Confirmed, 1229, a 40, 1238, a 30. Betwéene England and Scotland, 1402, b 30. With the Scots and French to annoie the English, 296, a 10. Betwéene the emperour and king Henrie the fift, 557, b 20, &c. Betwéene king Hen­rie the eight and the emperor 959, b 60. Betwéene king Henrie and the duke of Bri­taine, 568, a 60. Betwéene king Henrie the fift and the duke of Burgogne, and how articulated, 575, b 30. With king Henrie the third and the Welsh nobilitie vpon certeine articles, 226, b 50, &c. Secret betwixt the pope and certeine states of Italie, 893, a 10
  • League of peace to breake, an e­uill déed, 820, b 60. ¶ Sée Peace and Truce.
  • Leicester woone by force, 89, a 40. The wals and the castell raced, 98, b 20
  • Leigh knight. ¶Sée Iusts tri­umphant.
  • Leith burned, 990, a 30. More riches found there than was looked for in anie towne of Scotland, 962, a 30. Entred by the English armie, and by them possessed and spoiled: note, 962, a 30. Assailed on the seuenth of Maie, 1191, a 20. The great skirmishes be­twéene the English & French there in quéene Elisabeths time, 1186, b 40, &c. 1187, 1188. 1189. The French men dri­uen into it, 1188, b 10. A fire in it, and augmented with shot of ordinance and windie wether, 1190, a 50. Maipoles set vp therein on Maie daie, b 10. Whie the describing of the siege thereof is so largelie set downe, 1193, a 20. Peace concluded thereabouts, a 40, &c. Burned to the ground, 963, a 20
  • Leofwins malicious mind a­gainst Liuifus: note, 12, b 30
  • Leolin prince of Wales sum­moned to come and doo his homage, 278, a 10. And the Welsh rebels accurssed, 281, a 20. His wife taken from him, he beginneth to make wars, maketh sure for peace, 278, a 50, 60. Restored to hir hus­band, 279, b 10. He sueth for peace, 278, b 10. Beginneth new warres, 279, b 60. In­uadeth Edward the firsts fréends, 281, b 10. Discomfi­ted, 205, a 30. Inuadeth the English borders, 213, b 60. His courage, 214, a 10. Spoi­leth the marches of Eng­land, 217, a 20. Made cuckold and how he reuenged it, 211, b 60. Wasteth and spoileth all the marches betwixt Wales and Shrewesburie, 218, a 30. Deceaseth, 224. Slaine, his head presented to Edward the first, 281, b 40, 60
  • Leopald. ¶ Sée duke of Au­strich.
  • Lerning in the earle of Mel­lents sonnes: note, 44, a 60
  • Letter of king Iohn to his no­bles of England, touching his victories, and taking of duke Arthur prisoner, 165, [...] 10. Of the proud bishop of E­lie to the shiriffe of Kent, 130, b 30. Of the pope to the clear­gie of England for the cele­brating of a holie daie, 85, b 10. Of king Richard the first to the states of England for the deposing the bishop of Elie, 132, a 30. Of the empe­ror to the states of England, touching his deliuerance, 140, b 20. Of Richard the first to the archbishop of Cantur­burie, touching his deliue­rance out of prison, 140, a 50. To the duke of Austrich, clée­ring Richard the first of the death of the marquesse of Montferrat, 136, a 50. Of Henrie the fourth to pope Gregorie and the cardinals, 535, a 40, &c. Of William Northbourgh the kings con­fessor describing the kings voiage into France, 373, b 50, &c. Seditious of a préest, 437, b 30. Of E. W, concerning the earle of Essex Walter Deuereux, 1266, a 60, b 10, &c. Of cardinall Como to Par­rie for resolution to kill quéen Elisabeth, 1388, b 10. Of Creitchton to sir Francis Walsingham touching Par­ries intended murthering of the quéene, 1388, a 10. Of Boner vn [...]o cardinall Poole, concerning persecution, 1164 a 10. Of the councell to Ed­mund Boner as touching quéene Marie conceiued with child, 1123, b 60. Of the ladie Marie, touching hir chalenge vnto the crowne, 1084, b 50. With an an­swer of the lords, 1085, a 40. Of the king to the lord Cheinie, at his going in­to France: note, 1123. Right excellent of the duke of Sum­merset to the Scotish nobili­tie touching the marriage be­twéene Edward the sixt and the quéene of Scots, 998, b 10 &c. 999, 1000, 1001, a 10. Of defiance from the Scotish K. to Henrie the eight, 820. Of the French king prisoner to his mother the regent of France, 884, b 50, 60. Of Gef­ferie the kings base sonne to Richard archbishop of Can­turburie, [Page] 104, b 10. Of Gar­diner to Boner, touching the cel [...]brating of pope Iu [...]ies funerals, 1128, a 60, b 10. Of yoong king Henrie touching the disappointment of arch­bishop Richards consecrati­on. 86, a 10. Of Henrie the se­cond touching the pacificati­on betweene him and Tho­mas Becket, 78, a 20. Of the popes. ¶ See Pope.
  • Letters of the duke of Sum­merset and the lord Russell, 1057, a 60, b 20. Of Henrie the sixt to the duke of Yorke, 638, a 60. Of the duke of Yorke to Henrie the sixt, 637, b 60, 638, a 10, &c. Of the duke of G [...]l­derland to Richard the se­cond: note, 475, b 60, &c. 476, a 10, &c. Concerning prince Edwards dooings and pro­ceedings beyond s [...]a, 384, a 10, &c. Of Parrie to quéene E­lisabeth & lords of the coun­cell after his voluntarie con­fession: note, 1387, a 20, b 10. Of submission and sute of one Francis Throckmorton traitor against quéene E [...]isa­beth and the realme, 1373, a 60, b 60, 1374. He is executed, 1375, b 30. Missiue taken from the quéenes ambassa­dors seruants, 1195, b 20. Seditious of a bishop sent into a forren realme: note, 17, a 10. Treasonable, 428, a 60. Of protection from the French king to the king of England, 102, a 60
  • Letters intercepted, 329, b 10.
  • Letters patents reuoked, 526, b 50
  • Lewin a Welshman hanged: note his treacherie, 299, b 60, 300, a 10, &c,
  • Lewis the French king incli­neth to peace with Henrie the third, 201▪ b 10. Deceaseth 208, b 60, 209, a 10. His sons intituled to the kingdome of England, 201, b 20. Sendeth to his father for aid, 200, b 60. An armie prepard in France to succour him, 201, a 10 His faire, 200, b 10. Mainteineth his title pretended to the crowne of England, 191, a 50 ¶ Sée French king.
  • Lewis le grosse, 34, b 60
  • Lewis. ¶Sée Physician.
  • Libell against cardinall Wool­seie, 895, a 30. Seditious a­gainst Henrie the seuenth, and the libellors executed, 778, a 60. Causing losse of life, 746, b 10 Set on the duke of Northfolks gate forewar­ning him of trecherie against Richard the third, and of his owne safetie, 759, b 10. A­gainst the quéene and realme are false, 1363, a 40. Published in Italian against quéene Elisabeth, and the same an­swered, 1418, a 40. Printed against quéene Elisabeth, 1370, b 60. Against the clear­gie, 558, b 20. ¶Sée Bookes seditious.
  • Liberalitie of Richard the first woonderfull, 126, b 30. Of the earle of Arundell: no [...]e, 454, b 50. Of Edward the first to his nobles, 308▪ a 40. Of sir Thomas Sackuill to the French, 1224, b 60, 1225, a 10. Of William Rufus, 27, a 20. Repented: note, 20, b 10. In a prince commended, 16, b 10
  • Libertie preferred before a kingdome, 726, b 60. Obtei­ned by gentle language, 673, a 60, b 10. Bought with monie, 140, a 20, b 60. ¶ See Ran­some. Obteined by great words and proud brags, 23, b 60, 24, a 10. Desired aboue all things: note, 1046, a 30, 60
  • Liberties. ¶ Sée Lawes, Lon­doners, Priuileges, and Southworke.
  • Licence to build castels, 47, a 30 Of king Richard the first to gather riches, 120, a 60. For the English iusts and turme: note, 145, b 60. Asked of Hen­rie the third of the commonal­tie to passe ouer sea, 262, a 30. To burie the bodies of the rebels. 335, a 60. And that without it none should depart the realme, 20, b 40. To depart the realme, sought and obtei­ned, 14, b 10
  • Li [...], & how dangerous to cre­dit: note, 587, a 50
  • Life to saue what shifts noble­men can be content to make, 460 b 30
  • Lightening. ¶ Sée Th [...]nder.
  • Limerike a kingdome, 101, b 10
  • Limoges besieged, taken by force, 406, a 10, 40. Rendered to king Henrie the second, 107, b 20
  • Lincolne besieged, 56, b 10. Ta­ken, 272, a 10. Woo [...]e o [...] the French, 192, b 60
  • Lincolne castell, 6, a 40
  • Lincolne Iohn the author of the insurrection on ill Maie daie, the griefes particula [...]i­sed in his bill for the cities behoofe, a great enimie to strangers, prosecuteth his in­formation of greeuances by specialties, 840, b 10, 20, 40, 50, 60. Indicted, & wha [...]la [...]d to his charge, he is executed in Cheapside, 843, b 40, 60
  • Lincolneshiremen throw awaie their cotes the lighter to run awaie, 674, a 20. In armes a­gainst Henrie the eight, 941, a 50, &c. They giue ouer their rebellious enterprise, 941, b 10. Submit themselues and receiue a new oth of fealtie, 941, b 20, 30
  • Lisle yéelded vnto the French king, 304, b 40
  • Li [...]leton a iudge of the common plées, 702, b 10
  • Liu [...]fus slaine, and what mis­chiefe thereof insued, 12, b 30
  • Loialtie of the citizens of Ro­uen vnto king Iohn: note, 167, b 40. ¶See Oth.
  • Loiterer described, 1050, b 20
  • London the onelie place for the Iewes to burie their dead, 101, b 20. When their burges­ses were chosen commonlie called their councell, 164, a 40. The bailiffes thereof com­mitted to prison, and whie, 171, b 40. Bridge repared, 172, b 10. Consumed with fier, 176, b 10. Bridge on fier, 791. The kings especiall chamber, 729, b 20. Wall part thereof newlie built, 702, b 60. Sore vexed, assalted, & in sun­drie places spoiled, & burnt, 689, b 10, &c 690, a 10, &c. When it first began to receiue the forme and state of a common­welth, 120, a 20. Of how ma­nie wards it consisteth, 120, a 30. Men of armes & archers lie round about it twentie miles compasse was it were in campe, 451, b 50. The armes thereof augmented by additi­on of a dagger, 436, b 20. Li­berties seized into king Ed­ward the firsts hands, 282, b 60. Confirmed, the rent of the farme of the shiriffes increa­sed, 274, b 40. The liberties thereof seized into Henrie the thirds hands, the shiriffes imprisoned, 251, b 40, &c. Wals decaied and newlie repared, 256, a 40. The custodie there­of committed to the constable of the Towre: note, 256, b 20. Under the rule of prince Ed­ward, &c: he appointeth the maior and shiriffes, 274, b 20, In charge of the bishop of Excester, 338, a 40. Bridge and the towre there taken downe, 1270, a 30. Serued with Thames water by pipes brought into seuerall houses, 1384, b 50. Where much hurt was doone with wind, 19, b 10. A great part of it burned to the ground, 14, b 10. And of the charter gran­ted vnto the citizens by duke William, 15, a 60
  • Londoners prouident and piti­full in the time of scarsitie, 476, b 60, 477, a 10. Pursued by prince Edward, 268, a 10. Refuse to lead the king a thousand pounds, 477, b 50. Reuolt from the duke of Northfolke going against Wiat, 1094, b 60. Take Wiats part, 1095, b 40. Receiuing of the duke of Summerset at his returne out of Scotland, 992, a 60. Keepe S. Barna­bees d [...]ie holie daie, 1062, b 10. Redinesse to ass [...]st Edward the sixt in a motion & worke of charitie, 1082, a 10, 40. They & gentlemen of courts by the eares, 623, a 30 Skir­mish with Iacke Cade and his rebels vpon London bridge, 635, a 10. Prouidence for s [...]fegard o [...] peace, 647, a 50 Loiall and disclosers of trea­sons, 428, a 60. Are spited and enuied at, 42 [...], [...] 20, 30. Abused of strangers whereof follow­ed the riot of ill Maie daie, 840, a 20, &c: b 10, &c: 841, 842, 843, 844. Interteine and ban­ket the king of Denmarke, 878, b 10. Hated of [...]ardinall Woolseie, 895, a 30, 40. Set foorth a power into France, 969, b 10. Lend Henrie the eight 20000 pounds, 874, a 20 Glorious receiuing of Hen­rie the eight, and the emperor Charles, 873, b 10, 20. State­lie and gorgious muster be­fore Henrie the eight: note, 947, a 40, &c: b 10, &c. Conspire to take the empresse Maud, 53, b 60. Sue to king Iohn for a maior and two shiriffes, 172, b 30. Sore affraid of the Cornish rebels, 782, a 50. Re­solue to receiue Edward the fourth, and reuolt from Hen­rie the sixt, 683, a 60. Grant fiue thousand marks to Ed­ward the fourth, which were seized of the fiue and twentie wards, 704, b 60. Loiall to Edward the fourth: note, 689, b 20. Riot against the Iewes at king Richard the firsts coronation, 118, b 10. &c: 119, a 10, &c. Ualiantnesse, & among them of two alder­men, 690, a 50, b 20. Present monie to king Richard the first, 119, b 60. Large priui­leges and liberties, 11 [...], b [...]. And the priuileges of their communaltie by whom gran­ted, 131, b 30. Triumphant receiuing of king Richard the first into the citie, 14 [...]. b 60. Hardlie reported of by an A [...]maine lord, 141, b 60. Serue Richard the first in his butterie at his coron [...] ­tion: note, 143, b 40. Fowle disorder noted, and complai­ned of to Richard the first, 149, a 40. Refused to fight a­gainst the lords, 459, a 10, 60. Speciallie affraid of the French forces, 451, b 30. In perplexitie whether to take part with Richard the second or with the nobles, 462, a 60. They incline to the lords, 462 a 60. Receiuing of the duke of Lancaster, 505, b 40, 50. Fauourers of Wicliffes doc­trine, 440, b 20. Meet the K. and queene on Blackheath, 487, a 60, b 10, &c. Seale to blanke charters, &c: to win Richard the seconds fauour, 469, a 10. Euill reported of for their vnstablenesse, 457, b 20. Commended themselues to the fauour of Richard the second before the deth of Ed­ward, 415, b 40. They submit their quarell with the earle of Lancaster to the kings or­der, 416, a 10. Freends to the earle of Northumberland. 439, b 10. Aiders of the rebels of Kent and Essex, 430, b 60. The lords of the land stand in doubt of them, 426, b 30. Pretilie cousened of a thousand markes by king Henrie the third, 247, b 50. Gift to the duke of Bedford at his returne from beyond sea, 491, a 40. Sued vnto to make choise of two to be their king, 1. a 40. Appointed to kéepe the subsidie granteth by the parlement, 418, b 60. Banished the citie, 283, a 60. Their magistrats deposed a new ordeined in their roonie, 204, b 10. Haue frée warren granted them of king Hen­rie the third, and other liber­ties, 208, a 10. They & the con­stable of the towre at vari­ance, 263, k 60. Outrage whetted with ill counsell, 204 a 40. Haue frée libertie to passe toll frée through all En­gland, 208, b 30. Paie Henrie the third 5000 marks for a fine, 208, b 40. Haue a grant to vse a common seale, 210, a 40. Good deuotion towards the earle of Kent, 215, a 60. Terrified with thunder, 216, b 10. Seruice at the mariage of Henrie the third, 219, b 40, 60. Cast in prison and depri­ued of their liberties, 270, b 50, 60. Sworne to be true to Henrie the third and his heirs, 264, a 30. Riot vpon the bishop of Salisburies men, 478, a 20. Grieuouslie com­plained of to the king, their liberties seized vpon, a gar­dian appointed to gouerne them, their liberties in part confirmed in part condem­ned, gifts presented by them to pacific the kings displea­sure, 478, all. More gifts gi­uen by them to the king, their liberties ratified, 479. a 10, 20. In great disorder, 265, a 60. Curstlie handled, their citie [Page] committed to a gardian or custos: note, 271, a 30, 40. Pardoned by Henrie the thirds charter, 271, b 20. Par­doned for receiuing the earle of Glocester into their citie, 273, b 40. Goldsmiths and tailors togither by the eares, 274, a 50. Rob the house of the lord Greie, 264, a 60. Buie Henrie the thirds plate to his great losse, 241, a 20. They and the abbat of Westminster at strife, 242, b 60. Receiuing in of the countesse of Pro­nance, 231, a 50. Paie a tal­lage and are grieued, 238, b 10 Fined at fiftéene hundred marks for receiuing a bani­shed man into their citie, 236, a 30. Helpe Henrie the third at a pinch, 247, a 10, 20. Haue their liberties restored vnto them, 252, a 60. Called ba­rons in der [...]sion, 247, b 60. Gréedie dealing to the hurt of the commonwelth, 257, a 60 Agrée with the barons, 266, b 20. Spoiled at Croidon, 269, a 30. In an vprore choose new officers, 273, a 30. Glad to submit themselues to Hen­rie the third, put to their fine, 271, a 10. Game of wrestling, and what tumult followed, 204, a 10, &c. Take part with the quéene & hir adher [...]nts, 338, all, 339, a 10. Unrulie & giuen to sedition: note, 338, b 10. Set prisoners at libertie out of the Towre, 338, b 50. Loialtie, auouching to kéepe traitors out of their gates, 338, a 10. Behead a citizen & a bishop in a riot, 338, b 10, 30 Will not permit king Ed­ward the thirds iustices to sit within the citie, 361, b 20. Haue their franchises con­firmed, 343, a 40. Lent Ed­ward the third monie to be paid againe out of the subsi­die monie, 357, b 40. In arms against the duke of Lanca­ster, ment to haue slaine him, 412, a 20. Outrage for words spoken to their bishop, 412, a 20. Commended, 1402, b 10. Foure thousand trained vp for seruice in the field, 1402, a 60, b 10. Muster before quéene Elisabeth at Gréenewich, 1184, b 10. Their thréefold plague, 1206, a 20. Houshold stuffe sold by a common crier or belman, 1207, a 50. Trai­ned vp in the field, 1228, a 50, 60. Loue and hartie goodwill towards quéene Elisabeth, 1377, a 20. Withstand duke William, 1, b 10. Loue to quéene Elisabeth manifested on the daie of hir coronation: note & obserue it well, 1172, 1173, &c: Their farewell vnto hir, going out at Templebar 1178, b 60, Hir last words to them by waie of promise, 1179 a 30
  • Lone of monie taken by Hen­rie the eight, 957, a 10
  • Longchampe. ¶ Sée Bishop of Elie.
  • Longland doctor misliketh of Henrie the eights marriage with his brothers wife, 906, b 20
  • Lords created and made, 480, a 20 Conspiring against Ri­chard the second. ¶Sée No­blemen.
  • Lords and ladies put out of the court, &c. 463, a 50, &c.
  • Lords of misrule. ¶Sée Fer­rers.
  • Losaunge. ¶ Sée Herbert.
  • Losecote field, 674, a 20
  • Lot [...]rie at London called the great lotterie, 1211, a 60, b 10
  • Lou Hugh how he became earle of Chester. 20, a 10, His death and what issue he had, 20, a 40
  • Loue that Edward the second bare Péers Gaueston, 320, a 20. ¶ Sée Péers Gaue­ston, and Edward the second. Of the people to the lord Cabham: note, 544, b 30. Of Henrie the seuenth to his wife ladie Elisabeth, 768, a 60. Of a mother naturall and kind: note, 717, 718, 719, 720, 721. Of the duke of Britaine to the earle of Richmond in­corruptible, 747, b 10, &c: 748, b 20. Unlawfull of Richard the third towards his néece, 751, a 50. Of naughtie men conuerted into deadlie hate, 739, b 10, &c. Wanton mislea­deth and bréedeth discord, 672 b 40, 50. Of the people to the earle of Warwike: note, 679. ¶ Sée Earle of Warwike in Henrie the sixts time, & Ed­ward the fourth. Of a concu­bine to hir paramour, 149, b 60. Of king Richard the se­cond to the earle of Oxford, & earle of Suffolke: note, 454, a 10, 20, 30, 40. ¶ Sée more in Earles. Of the father to the children, preferment to the mother, 486, a 10. Betwéene man and wife exemplified, 481, a 20. Of a Iewish wo­man made a decon, plaid the apostata, 203, b 60. Gotten by liberalitie and profit, 454, b 60 Blind & vngodlie, 586, a 30. And lust with the danger & mischiefe of both, 545, a 40, 50, &c. Unlawfull, with the shamefull end thereof, 937, b 40. Therein is losse euen of life: note, 41, b 30: note, 423, b 20
  • Loue French, 699, b 60
  • Louell William held the castell of Carie, 48, b 60. Lord, his rebellion, he escapeth, 764, a 60 b 30. Arriueth in Flanders, continueth conspiror against Henrie the seuenth. 766, a 20. Knight, sent ouer to Calis with a power, 831, b 40, 50
  • Louiers besieged, 609, a 20. And yéelded vp, 564, a 60, b 10
  • Louelace Thomas. ¶Sée Pu­nishment.
  • Louthian spoiled, 89, a 60
  • Low countries. ¶Sée States.
  • Lucie Richard lord chiefe iu­stice of England deceaseth, 103, a 50
  • Ludlow woone by king Ste­phan, 50, b 10
  • Lumleie lord founder of surge­rie lecture in London: note, 1349, a 20
  • Lupus. ¶Sée Lou.
  • Lust of William Rufus, 18, b 10 ¶ Sée Loue.
M.
  • MAgdalen counterfeted to be king Richard the se­cond, 515, a 50
  • Magistrats authoritie great & peremptorie, 1042, b 10. Are to be honored both in spéech & maners, 1043, a 50
  • Magna charra, 308, b 10, 306, a 40, 185, b 60. Promised to be mainteined, 248, a 40. Confir­med, 207, a 40, 312, b 20
  • Magnanimitie. ¶ Sée Quéene Elisabeth.
  • Magnus, admerall of rouers his exploits, 23, a 50
  • Maid smiteth a maior in the face, 1021, b 10
  • Maie daie the euill. ¶Sée Re­bellion of Lincolne.
  • Maidstone, esquire, offereth to fight in his ladies quarell, 527, b 40
  • Maigame roiall, 806, a 30, 809, a 20, &c.
  • Mainprise, 144, a 50, 513, b 60
  • Maior or Maire, and what the word signifieth, 172, b 50
  • Maior of London sworne to be true to Henrie the third, 264, a 30. An information against him to king Henrie the third, 256, b 10. Discharged of his place for a while, 256, b 20. Condemned to prison and all his goods confiscat, 446, a 50. A seuere punisher of adulte­rie in his time, 440, b 10. Fiue aldermen knighted, 436, b 10. His words at the rebellion of Wat Tiler, 432, b 60. And shiriffes imprisoned at Wind­sore, 478, a 50. Commended for his carefull prouision of corne from beyond the seas in the time of dearth, 476, b 10. His rash and vnaduised an­swer, 458, b 60. Iustlie com­mended, 452, a 40. And his brethren challenge all com­mers at iusts, 392, a 40, 50. Forced to take an oth, 338, b 10. And what order he tooke to sée the kings peace kept: note, 326, b 60. Sworne, and went home in a greie cloke, 795, b 60▪ He and al­dermen feasted by Edward the fourth: note, 705, a 30. Accused of treason: note, 670, a 40. Departeth from sarge­ants feast discontent bicause he sat not highest in the hall: note, 667, b 30. His office and authoritie, 120, a 40. One for the space of twentie and one yeares, 172, b 40. And shiriffs the first that were chosen, 172 b 20. And bailiffes chosen out of the number of fiue and thir­tie burgesses, 164, a 40. And shiriffes resisted at Clerken­well, 641, b 10. And welcom­ming home of Henrie the fift out of France, 556, a 30. That first ware a rich collar of gold and of whose gift, 961, b 10. Of councell vnto Henrie the eight, 961, a 60, b 10. In a gowne of crimson veluet, 931. And aldermen of London in blacke moorning arraie come to Henrie the eight with a heauie sute of ill Maie daie, 843, b 60, 844, a 10. Sometime an officer: note, 764, b 60. Feast first kept at Gui [...]dhall, 789, b 30. ¶Sée Contention, London, and Soldiors.
  • Maiors feast none kept at Guildhall, 1206, a 30, 1211, b 60, 1260, a 10, 1262, a 10
  • Maior of Bodmin in Corne­wall hanged, 1007, a 10. Of Excester smitten on the face by a maid, 1021, b 10, 20. Of Norwich his order of recei­uing the quéene Elisabeth, 1287, a 30, 60, 1288, a 10, &c. Oration in English which he made to the quéene, 1288, a 50, 60, b 40, &c. His gift pre­sented vnto hir 1289, a 10, 20. Purposing to make another oration to the quéene, is wil­led to forbeare, & whie, 1298, b 20. He is knighted, 30.
  • Malcolme king of Scots de­stroieth manie places in the north parts, 10, a 60. Sendeth to duke William to treat of peace, 10, b 40. Dooth homage to duke William for Scot­land, 10, b 50. Marieth Ed­gar Ethelings sister, 6, a 30, Commeth to Glocester, 20, b 60. Did fiue times waste Northumberland: note, 21, a 10. Enioieth the earldome of Huntington, 66, b 50. Inua­deth England, sueth for peace, 19, b 20, 20, b 60. He and his sonne slaine, 21, a 10.
  • Malcontentment, 738, b 60, 790, a 10. Grew to a conspiracie, 941, a 20, 30, &c. Of the earle of Montague: note, 32, b 10. Of Parrie because he might not haue preferment to his liking 1383, b 60. ¶ Sée Counsell, Parrie, and Rebellion.
  • Malcus made and consecrated bishop of Waterford, 22, b 60.
  • Malice of duke William against the English, 9, a 10. ¶ Sée William. of Leoswin breketh into murther, 12, b 30. Be­twéene the two dukes of Burgogne and Orleance, and the chéefe cause thereof, 529, a 40. Of the earle of Cornwall to the citie of Lon­don, 251, b 50. Betwéen king Richard the second, and the duke of Glocester, 487, b 40. Of cardinall Poole against king Henrie the eight, 1134, b 60. Afresh betwixt Edward the fourth and the duke of Clarence, brethren, 703, a 30. Of the earle of War­wicke against Edward the fourth: note, 670, b 10, 50, &c. Of Richard the first and the French king one against an other, 146, a 60. Of the French king against Ri­chard the first: note, 141, a 20. Betwéene dukes of Sum­merset and Yorke: note, 625, b 40, 50. Of the duchesse of Burgogne to the line of Lan­caster, 776, a 10. ¶Sée Mar­garet. Betwéene the duke of Summerset and the duke of Yorke: note, 612, b 10. Of the cardinall Woolscie mor­tall against the duke of Buc­kingham, 855, b 10, 66. Of the Frenchmen and their dogged stomachs, 840, a 20, &c. A­gainste Henrie, breaking out into an intent of mur­ther, and the partie executed, 223, a 40, &c. Of the lords a­gainst the earle of Cornewall increased: note, 319, b 10. Be­twixt great estates about matters of mariage, 774, a 60.
  • Malice incouenient vnto the malicious: not, 17, a 10. Clo­ked bursteth out, 264, a 40. Inferreth murther: note, 489 a 60, b 10. Chirsteth after reuenge: note, 304, b 30. And the nature thereof, 1418, b 60, 1419, a 10. Bursteth out into murther: note, 673, a 30. Wherevpon arise slanders, 63, b 60. Trauelleth still to reuenge, 641, b 60. To appese, a labour dangerous, 646, b 60. In a realme, the mortall mischiefe thereof, 630, b 60. Notablie dissembled: note, 622, b 60. How mischie [...]ouslie it worketh to reuenge, 962, b 40, &c: note, 590, b 60, 591, a [Page] 10, &c. Content with no re­uenge, 431, a 20, &c. ¶Sée En­uie, Hate, and Reuenge.
  • Man Ile taken by Robert Bruse, 318. b 10. ¶Sée Harold.
  • Manners knight lord Roos created earle of Rutland, 892, a 50
  • Manners Thomas knight his militarie seruice in Scot­land, 1216, b 40, &c. ¶ Sée Erle, and Rutland.
  • Manwood lord chéefe baron of the excheker a good common­welths man: note his déeds, 1377, 1378
  • Mallet William shiriffe of Yorke and his familie taken priso­ners and put to ransome, 7, a 20
  • Marble stone whervpon kings of Scots sat at their corona­tion, transferred to Westmin­ster, 301, a 10, 20
  • Marchades a valiant capteine, 154, b 30. 155, b 40. A good ser­uitor in warres, 158, b 30
  • Marcher earle of Mercia flieth into Scotland, 6, a 30. Impri­soned by William Rufus, 16, a 30. Reconciled vnto king William, 9, b 40. Withdraweth from the battell against duke William, 1, a 30. Flieth into Elie for defense against duke William, 10, a 40
  • Margaret Dowglasse priso­ner in the Tower, 940, b 50. Pardoned, released, 945, a 10
  • Margaret the wife of K. Hen­rie whie not crowned, 76, b 60
  • Margaret sister to earle Hugh of Chester, married to Iohn Bohune, 20, a 40
  • Margaret and Christine, the sisters of Edgar Etheling, 6, a 30
  • Margaret the daughter of king William of Scotland maried to earle Conan, 7, b 30
  • Margaret daughter to the quéene of Scots and of the earle Angus borne, 838 a 10
  • Margaret daughter vnto the French king affianced vnto Henrie the kings sonne of se­uen yeres old, 68, a 50. Crow­ned quéene, 82, b 60
  • Margaret duchesse of Salisbu­rie beheaded, 703, b 10
  • Margaret sister to Edward the fourth, sent ouer to the duke of Burgogne: note, 669, b 30, &c.
  • Margaret countesse of Leneux sent to the Towre, 1208, b 20, Deliuered out of the Towre, 1209, b 60
  • Margaret duchesse of Bur­gogne, sister to Edward the fourth, malicious to Lanca­ster house, 765, b 10. Hir ma­lice against the line of Lan­caster, 776, a 10. Hir new coun­terfet of Richard Plantage­genet, 775, a 60
  • Margraue of Baden and his wife great with child come to London, 1208, b 40. She is deliuered of a child, b 50. The quéene giueth the name, 60. ¶Sée Marquesse.
  • Marie the eldest daughter vnto Henrie the eight borne, 838, a 30. Remooueth to Freming­ham castell, 1085, b 40. To Keninghall in Northfolke, hir letters to the councell, with hir chalenge vnto the crowne by right of succession, 1084, b 30, 40. With their an­swer, 1085, a 40. Assembleth hir powers against the duke of Northumberland, 1086, b 40, 50, &c. Wind and wether helpe hir 1087, a 20. Procla­med quéene by the nobilitie, for feare of afterclaps, 1087, a 50. ¶ Sée Quéene.
  • Marie quéene of Scots. ¶Sée Quéene of Scots.
  • Marie countesse of Perch, Hen­rie the first his daughter, drowned, 41, b 10
  • Mariage of kings, and first of king Iohn after his diuorse, 161, b 60. Of Edward the first to the ladie Margaret, sister to the French king, 309, a 10. Of Edward the second and the French king his daughter, ladie Isabell, 318, b 50. Of Edward the thirds si­ster to the duke of Gelder­land, 354, b 60. Of Edward the fourth to Elisabeth Greie being an offensiue mariage: note, 667, b 60. 668, a 10, &c. Of Henrie the third with E­lenor daughter to the earle of Prouance, 219, b 30. Of Ed­ward the sixt and the yoong Scotish quéene Marie, 959, a 40. Newlie mooued, procée­deth not, 980, a 10, 20 &c. Writ­ten of to the nobles of Scot­land: note, 999, a 20, &c. Of Henrie the fift to ladie Ka­tharine, the French kings daughter, crowned quéene, 578, b 50, 60. Solemnitie thereat, 579, all. Of Henrie the sixt to the earle of Arme­naks daughter concluded, note, 624, a 10.624, b 60. To the ladie Margaret daugh­ter to Reiner king of Sicill and Ierusalem, 625, a 40. Of Henrie the seuenth vnto the daughter of Edward the fourth, 764, b 40. Of Henrie the eighth and the duchesse of Alanson the French kings sister reported, 897, a 60. With his brothers wife yet againe in question, 906, b 20. Thoght vnlawfull, and commeth vnto iudgement, 908, a 60, b 50, Common argument in ser­mons, 928, a 20. Yet againe in question with the determina­tions of diuers vniuersities concerning the same, 923, b 20, 50, 924, 925, 926. Debated 906, b 60. By consent of all the vniuersities in christen­dome iudged vnlawfull: note, 912, b 60.913, a 10, &c. With the ladie Anne Bullen, 929, a 60. With the ladie Anne of Cléeue concluded, 947, b 60. Solem­nised, 950, a 10, &c. Iudged vnlawfull, 952, a 60. With the ladie Katharine Par, 960, a 30. Of Richard the second to the French kings daughter, 487, a 10. With the emperors sister, 439, b 50. And the Em­peror of Germanies daugh­ter, 428, b 50. Of Richard the third vnto the ladie Anne, daughter to Richard earle of Warwike, 733, b 60. Betwixt Richard the third and the earle of Richmonds néece, offensiue, 752, b 50.
  • Mariage of princes, and first of Edward the first his eldest sonne and Philip daughter to the earle of Flanders, of­fensiue, 296, b 60 297, a 10. Of Edward prince of Wales and the ladie Marie daughter to the earle of Henault, 337, b 30. To the earle of Warwiks daughter, 674, b 60. Betwixt Henrie the kings sonne se­uen yeares old, &c: 68, a 50. Of Richard, Henrie the thirds brother to the ladie Sanctia, 231, b 50. Betwixt Henrie the thirds sonne and the king of Spaines daughter, 248, b 40. Of Edward, Henrie the thirds sonne, vnto king Al­fonsus daughter, 249▪ b 60. Of Edward the thirds second sonne lord Lionell, vnto the duke of Millans daughter, 400, a 60. His interteinment at Surrie, his receiuing into Millan, b 10
  • Mariage of honourable men, and first of the erle of March and the daughter of Owen Glendouer, 521, a 20. Of the lord Monchensies daughter, to William de Ualence Hen­rie the thirds halfe brother, 240, a 20. Of the lord William Greie with the wife of Paule Peuier, 244, b 60. Of earle Thomas of Flanders, and Ione the widow of Ferdi­nando, 224, a 60. Of earle Rafe of Chester vnto thrée wiues, 215, b 40. Betwéene the emperor Frederike, and Henrie the thirds sister, 219, a 50. Of the earle of Cornewall and the countesse of Gloce­ster, 213, b 50. Of the duke of Lancaster with a ladie of meane estate: note, 485, b 60. Of the duke of Lancasters daughter to the king of Por­tingall, 450, a 10, 20. Of earle Bolinbroke of Derbie to the daughter of earle Bohune of Hereford, 448, b 20. Betwéene the prince of Spaine and the duke of Lancasters daugh­ter, 450, b 40. Of Ambrose Dudlie earle of Warwike to the earle of Bedfords eldest daughter, 1208, b 60. Of Ed­mund earle of Cambridge to the ladie Constance daughter to the king of Spaine, 406, b 60. Of Iohn of Gant duke of Richmond, to the duke of Lancasters daughter, 392, a 30, Promised by constreint of the earle of Flanders and king Edward the thirds daughter, 379, b 30. Of Piers de Gaueston and the daughter of the earle of Glocester, 318, b 40. Of the lord Courtneie with king Edward the fourths daugh­ter, 790, a 40. Betwixt prince Arthur and the ladie Katha­rine daughter to Ferdinand [...] not fullie concluded, and whie 787, b 60, 78 [...], b 30. ¶ Sée Ka­tharine. The solemnitie of the same, 789, a 30. Of the lord Courcie and the king of England king Edward the third his daughter, 397, a 60. Betwixt the king of Castile and the ladie Marie the king his daughter of ten yeres old, 795, b 50, 60. Mooued betwixt the king of Scots and Mar­garet the eldest daughter of king Henrie the seuenth, 785, b 60. Of the earle of Kent to a daughter of lord Barnabe of Millane: note, 535, a 40. Betwixt the earle of Gloce­sters sonne and the daughter of the lord Guie of Angoles­me, 247, b 30. Purposed for the earle of Richmond with Walter Herberts sister, but disappointed, 752, b 60. Con­cluded betwixt the prince of Rothsaie and the duke of Suffolks daughter, 747, a 40. Of the king of Scots and king Edward the fourths se­cond daughter treated vpon▪ 705, a 40. Betwéene the king of Scots sister and the yoong prince of Wales, 665, a 60. Betwixt the duke of Burgo­ni [...]s sonne and heire with la­die Margaret sister to king Edward the fourth, 668, b 10, 669, a 10, &c. Of the duke of Clarence with the earle of Warwikes eldest daughter, 671, b 60. Of duke Arthurs mother to Guie de Towers by a dispensation, 160, b 60. Of the duke of Bedford with the erle of S. Paules daugh­ter, 607, b 60. Of the duke of Glocester with the wife of the duke of Brabant, he aliue: note, 586, a 30. Betwéene the earle of Richmond and king Edward the fourths daugh­ter accorded vpon by oth, 745, b 20. Betweene the duke of Bedford and the sister of the duke of Burgognie, 586, a 40.
  • Mariages of quéenes and ho­norable women, and first of the countesse of Kent of hir owne choosing: note, 534, b 30, &c. Of king Henrie the fourths daughter to the king of Denmarke, 532, a 10, 20. Of quéene Isabell to king Richard the second, widow to the duke of Orleance his son, 519, b 20. Of king Henrie the fourths sister vnto sir Iohn Cornwall, 518, b 50. Of king Henrie the fourths daughter Blanch to the duke of Baui­er, 520, b 10. Of the countesse of Penbroke sister vnto king Henrie the third to Simon Montfort, 222, b 10. Of ladie Ione king Henrie the thirds sister vnto Alexander king of Scots, 203, b 30. Of quéene Isabell Henrie the thirds mother to the earle of March in France, 202, a 60, b 10. Of the ladie Ione de Courtneie king Richard the second his halfe sister to the earle of sain [...] Paule, 424, a 60. Of two of Edward the firsts daughters to two noble men, 285, a 50. Of Elisabeth countesse of Holland king Edward the firsts daughter and the erle of Hereford, 311, b 10. Of the la­die Elen king Edward the firsts daughter, to the duke of Bar a French man, 290, a 60. Of Elisabeth king Ed­ward the firsts daughter vnto the earle of Holland, 301, b 50 Of the countesse of Glocester with sir Rafe Monthermer, 295 b 60. Of Marie quéene of Scots with Henrie Stu­ard eldest sonne to the erle of Leneux, 1208, b 10. Of the countesse of Art [...]ois married to the duke of Burgundie 401, b 60. Of the countesse of Kent a widow and the prince of Wales: note, 395, a 50. Be­twéene the ladie Iane sister vnto king Edward the third and the king of Scots, 347, b 50. Of an earles two daugh­ters to two brethren, 322, a 10 Of the ladie Margaret daughter to king Henrie the seuenth to Iames the fourth king of Scots, 788, b 30, 789, b 10. Of an earles daughter [Page] to an errant rascall and trai­torous rebell, 780, a 40. Of the duchesse of Britaine and Charles the French king 771, b 40. Of the ladie Mar­garet vnto duke Charles how beneficiall to king Ed­ward the fourth, 676, a 10. Of the French ladie Bona to the duke of Millam, 668, a 50. Of quéene Marie with Phi­lip prince of Spaine, of some liked, of most misliked: note, 1093, a 40, &c: b 10. Agréed vpon in parlement, 1102, b 10 Solemnised, with an abstract of the conditions of the same, 1118, b 10, 40, &c: 1119, a &c: 10, 1120, a 10. Of king Iohns daughter ladie Iane vnto the earle of March, 182, b 60. Of Isabell to king Iohn got him enuie, 164, a 60. Of quéen Katharines mother to Hen­rie the sixt, with Owen Ten­ther, 615, a 60. Of the ladie E­lisabeth vnto Edward the fourth, 615, b 30. Of the quéen of Scots and the Dolphin of France, 1056, b 60. Betwéene the ladie Marie Henrie the eights daughter, and the king of Scots, purposed, 883, b 50. Betwéene the ladie Marie eldest daughter to Henrie the eight, and the Dolphin of France pretended, 848, b 10. Of quéene Katharine and Henrie the eight, 801, a 10. Of the ladie Elisabeth, now quéene, to a Spaniard solici­ted, 1157, b 10. Mooued in the parlement, and how answe­red by hir sel [...]e, 1181, a 20, 40, &c: Sued vnto out of Den­marke, 1185, b 10, 20. Of a gen [...]lewoman in flight to a king, 6, a 30
  • Mariage forren, and first be­twéene the king of France and the ladie Margaret, el­dest daughter to Henrie the seuenth, 791, b 10. Betwéene the French kings daughter and Richard the second trea­ted of, 485, b 30. Betwéene the Dolphin of France, and Ed­ward the fourths daughter treated vpon, 703, b 60.704, all. Betwéene the French king and the ladie Marie sister to Henrie the eight, who should haue béene wife to the prince of Castile, 832, a 60, b 10, 20, 30, 40, 50, 60. Betwéene the French kings daughter and the king of Englands sonne, 94, b 30. Betwéene the Dol­phin, and the princesse of Scots, 1141, b 40, 60. Of Le­wes the French kings sonne and Blanch the néece of king Iohn, 161, b 10. Of the French king and the empe­ror Charles his sister, 889, b 40. Made aliance betwéene the pope & the French king, 847. b 30
  • Mariage in generall, and first of one offensiue: note, 222, b all. Fatal [...], 211, b 60. Confir­med from Rome with monie, 222, b 60. Within the degrées of consanguinitie, dispensed withall by the pope, 392, a 30. Not to be forced: note, 376, b 40. Malice betwixt great personages as touching the same, 774, a 60. One intended, another begun and ended: note 667, b 60, 668, a 10, &c. A spirituall thing, and how it should be made, 726, b 30. Purchased with monie, 84, b 10, Wi [...]hin the seuenth degrée of consanguinitie dissolued, 30, b 60, 31, a 10. Broken off & reuenged, 636, b 10. Infortu­nate and vnprofitable to the realme of England, 625, a 60. Betwéene children to com­pose strife, and establish ami­tie betwéene the parents, 1062, a 50 Of princes is not a matter to be tri [...]ed in, 980, a 10, 20, &c. Undertaken with­out the kings assent, made treasonable: note, 940, b 50
  • Mariages two roiall, 788, b 30. Thrée betwéene honourable estates: note, 1803, a 60. Mi­strusted to sort to an euill end: note, b 10. ¶Sée Contracts.
  • Mariners of the cinque ports at deadlie debate: note, 304, b 30. Commended, 281, a 40. Cursse the archbishop of Canturburie and the earle of Penbroke, 169, a 10. ¶Sée Seafaring men.
  • Marisch the traitor executed: note, 230, b 10
  • Marleswine and Gospatrike nobles of Northumberland, flie into Scotland, 6, a 30
  • Marquesse of Baden returneth into his owne countrie, 1209, a 30. Ualiant in chiualrie, 833 b 60. Henrie the eight and hee make a chalenge at iusts, 835, b 10. Entreth into Scot­land, and burneth diuers townes, 875, b 60. Rec [...]iueth the emperour Charles at Graueling, 873, a 60. Forsa­keth the earle of Richmond▪ 752, b. 10. Committed to the Towre, 766, a 50. Deliuered out of the Towre, 768, a 60. Of Excester condemned, ex­ecuted, 946, a 20, 50. Mon­tacute suffereth Edward the fourth to passe by him, 680, b 20. Slaine, 685, a 20. Of Northampton sent into Nor­folke to represse the rebels, 1033, a 20. Maketh shift to escape danger, 1034, b 60. Of Suffolks request, 625, b 60 Chéefest in fauour with king Henrie the sixt and the quéene, 626, b 40. Created duke, 627, b 30
  • Mart of all English commodi­ties kept at Calis, 778, a 20.
  • Martine Sward a valiant cap­teine of the Almans assistant to the erle of Lincolne against Henrie the seuenth a péereles warrior, 766, a 60, b 50. Is slaine, 767, a 10
  • Marton college in Oxford built, 282, b 60
  • Martyrdome, marke the causes thereof, 253, b 20
  • Martyrs in quéene Maries time, the number great that were execu [...]ed, 1363, a 40
  • Martyrs fit for the popes ka­lendar, 1363, b 50, 65, 1366, a 10, &c.
  • Maske, 848, b 60. Roiall, 806, b 60.812, a 40.835, a 40. Both the kings of England and France, 861, a 40. With inten­ded mischéefe, 515, b 50. Be­fore quéene Elisabeth, at hir being in Norwich, 1296, a 40. In the French court of English lords, 860, b 30. Of graue and ancient courtiers, and likewise of youthfull, 852, b 40, &c. Of lords and ladies, 850, a 50, &c. And a banket, Henrie the eight in person present at the cardinals house, 921, b 60. Statelie to solace the emperor and his companie, 861, b 60
  • Mason knight, his f [...]iendlie part towards the duchesse of Suffolke, 1144, b 60. Secre­tarie vnto the French king, 1184, a 30
  • Ma [...]e, from the which a bishop and his deacon could not bée scared by a tempest, 211, b 50. Whereat king Iohn gaue a pretie drie iest, 196, b 20. Con­cerning the celebrating of the same, &c: note, 484, a 40, &c. Abolished, 996, b 10. ¶Sée Iesuits and Priests.
  • Mathild. ¶Sée Maud.
  • Matreuers lord, capteine of Baieux, 560, b 60
  • Maud borne, afterward em­presse, 30, a 30. Besieged in Oxford, 55, a 60. She esca­peth, b 10. Flieth by night out of London, 54, a 10. Ar­mie put to flight, 54, a 30. Go­eth to Bristow, 51, b 30. Fol­loweth the victorie, she com­meth to London, 53, b 40. Be­sieged in Arundell castell, 51, b 10. Landed in England, and what power she brought, 51, a 50. Married to the earle of Aniou, 43, a 50. True to the crowne of England, 43, a 10. Confesseth hir selfe to bée naught of hir bodie, 63, b 50. Hir deceasse, 75, a 60
  • Maud duke Williams wife, the daughter of earle Baldwine, earle of Flanders, 15, a 60. Crowned quéene, 6, a 60. Hir deceasse, 15, a 40
  • Maud daughter and heire to Robert Fitzhammon, Hen­rie the first his base sonne, 37, a 50
  • Maud the wife of Henrie the first, a professed nun, 29, a 10
  • Maud Henrie the first his daughter affianced to the em­peror Henrie, 35, a 10
  • Maud quéene deliuered of a daughter after hir own name, 30, a 30, ¶Sée Quéene.
  • Mauns a citie in Normandie besieged and deliuered, 23▪ b 20. Besieged and taken, 158, b 10. Lost by treason of the citi­zens, recouered, 598, a 50, b 30 Yéelded to the French king, 114, a 40
  • Maunt citie in France burnt by duke William, 14, b 40
  • Maupasse. ¶Sée Uernon.
  • Maximil [...]an king of Romans, prisoned at Bruges by the townesmen, 770, a 40. He and Henrie the seuenth agrée to plague the Frenchmen, the cause of his malice, he dealeth dishonestlie with the king of England to his great vexa­tion, breaketh promise with him, 774, a 60, b 20, 30. Incou­rageth his men to plaie the men, 822, a 40
  • Meaux besieged by the English men, taken by assault, 581, a 50, b 50. The conditions of the surrender thereof vnto Henrie the fift, 582, a 50
  • Mekins burnt in Smithfield, 953, a 40
  • Mellent. ¶Sée Erle.
  • Melune vicount discouereth the purpose of Lewis and the English barons, his death, 193, b 10
  • Melune besieged by king Hen­rie the fift, 576, b 60. Yéelded vp to Henrie the fift, 577, b 20
  • Men barbarous brought from the new sound Ilands, 789, b 60
  • Mendmarket. ¶Sée Umfreuill
  • Mendoza the Spanish Ambas­sador. ¶Sée Throckmorton Francis.
  • Mercia an earldome, 1, a 30
  • Mercie in a warrior, note, 549, b 20. 550, b 60. ¶See Charitie.
  • Merchant of London hanged at Noringham for murther­ing a merchant stranger of Genoa: note, 428 b 30
  • Merchants of England recei­ued into Antwerpe with ge­nerall procession, 783, b 40▪ Sore hindered by a restreint, 778, a 20. Restreined out of Spaine, 1206, a 10. Euillie intreated in Duch land, 1263 a 10. Susteine great losse by sea, 1262, b 20. Complaine vn­to quéene Elisabeth of their wrongs, 1262, b 40. Procla­mation for their frée traffike as before, &c: 1267, b 10. Rob­bed of the Danish pirats, and haue great prises taken from them, 485, a 10. Murther a stranger Genoa, 422, b 60 Staie [...] in Spaine, 905, b 60
  • Merchants strangers fauoured of king Richard the second, their goods restored, 453, b 60. A proclamation concerning them▪ 927, a 50. Staied in England, 905, b 60. Two of the stilliard doo penance for heresie, 892, b 60. ¶ Sée Strangers.
  • Mesure of one length vsed tho­rough out England, 28, b 30 ¶Sée Weights.
  • Meta incognita. ¶ Sée Frobi­sher.
  • Meulone a strong towne yéeld­ed to the English, 571, b 60
  • Meutas Hercules, ¶ Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Mice deuoure grasse in Dansi [...] hundred, and how deuoured [...] note, 1315, a 60, b 10
  • Michaels mount how seated, a great fortification, 19, a 40
  • Midleton knight proclameth himselfe duke, 323, a 60
  • Midsummer watch, 1206, b 10, 1208, b 30. Mainteined, 1210 a 50. ¶Sée Watch.
  • Mildmaie knight founder of Emanuell college in Cam­bridge: note, 1396, a 10
  • Mile and gréene whie so called, 1271, b 60
  • Miles Couerdale preacher in the time of Deuoushire rebel­lion, 1023, b 60
  • Miles, vicar of saint Brides slaine, and the partie executed, 914, b 30
  • Millain woon and rased by Ri­chard the first, 146, b 50
  • Millers man hanged for his maister, 1007, a 30
  • Milnall in Suffolke burned▪ 1210, a 20
  • Mines of gold & siluer in Eng­land, 413, a 40. ¶ Sée Siluer.
  • Ministers more fauoured than other men, 1201, a 40
  • Minsterworth knight execu­ted as a traitor, 411, b 10.
  • Miracles of Fitzosbert wher­by he was thought to be a saint, 149, a 20. Whereby Ro­bert duke of Normandie was made king of Ierusalem, 29, a 60, wrought by Woolstane to his aduantage, 12, a 10, Seén (forsooth) in the daie of Cain­pians execution, 1329, a 60
  • Miracles of the holie maid of Kent. 936, b 50
  • [Page]Mirth, & that after it commeth heauinesse: note 26, b 40, 50 41, b 10
  • Miserie vpon miserie, 422, b, 60 423, a 10, &c. ¶ See Derth and Deth.
  • M [...]st thicke and blind, 373, a 20 Made Henrie the eight and his souldiers vnable to find the waie to his campe, 823 a 60
  • Mistrust in murtherers one of of another, 1063, b 60. Cau­seth carefull custodie, 586, a 60 b 10. On all sides, of all e­states and degrées: note 173 a 10. An enimie to peace, 457, b 10, 60. Of king Henrie the third in his officers, 216, b 40 That the earls of Hereford & Marshall had of Edward the first, 307, a 30. Of the Fle­mings in the earle of Rich­mond, 359, b 20. That the dukes of Buckingham and Glocester had in each other, 736, a 50. Of duke Arthur in his vncle king Iohn, 160, b 60. ¶ Sée Suspicion.
  • Mocke of Henrie the first a­gainst his brother Robert Curthose, 44, b 60. At the maior of Norwich, 1032, b 60 ¶ Sée Derision and Iest.
  • Molineux constable of Chester castell, 460, b 60. Knight slaine: note, 461, b 10
  • Monasteries erected in the north parts at the sute & tra­uell of thrée moonks, &c: 11, a 20. When none lest in all the north parts, 11, a 20. ¶ Sée Abbeies and Religious hou­ses
  • Monie, two falles thereof, 1066, b 50. Henrie the sixts priuie seales for some, 653, b 30. Refused to be lent purchaseth disfauor and reuenge, 162, a 40. Largelie giuen to main­teine war against the Turks, 164, a 20. Carried out of the realme by a legat: note, 170, b 10. Sutes preferred for it, 187, b 20. And what practises Gualo vsed to get it, 193, a 20 A perpetuall order of an hun­dred and [...]oure pounds lent yearelie by course to certeine townes: note, 1092, a 60, b 10 Bu [...]eth liberties and priuile­ges, 119, b 60. And what shi [...]ts king Richard the first made for it, 120, b 40. And of inquisitions to get it: note, 153, b 40. Gotten with extor­tion to procure Richard the first his ransome, 139, a 60, b 10. To make it, offices set to sa [...]e by Richard the first, 142, b 40. Great summes gotten by Richard the first without making of recompense, 143, b 60, 144, a 10. The practises of Richard the first to get it: note, 144, a 10, 20. Much got­ten for licences and grants of iust and turnie, 145, b 60. The meanes practised to get it: note: 145, a 60. Purchaseth erldoms, 102, a 50. Maketh marriages betwéene great states, 84, b 10. Purchaseth fauor to a murtherer, 98, b 40 What shifts Edward the fourth made for it, 694, a 40, 50. The want thereof procu­reth peace, 696, b 50. The de­sire thereof an occasion to of­fend against dutie and hone­stie, 743, b 50, 744, a 50. The meanes that Henrie the sea­uenth practised to get it, 792, b 20. Scant, but vittels abun­dant, 353, a 10 Lent Edward the third by Londoners, 357, b 40. Imploied vpon the com­monwealth, 1354, a 40, 50. Base and fall thereof, 1193, b 50. Well unploied, 1311, b 40 Gathered by cardinals, 295, a 20. Edward the first his shifts to get it, 280, a 50. For­ren forbidden to go as cur­rant, 309, a 20, 30. Edward the first his shifts for it, 292, b 50. Purchaseth the princes fauor, 496, a 10. Of practises to get it by Henrie the third, 208, b 60. What cousening shifts the pope vsed to get it out of England, 211, a 40. Gathered to confirme a mar­riage, 222, b 60. To get it, pra­ctise against practise, 243, a 50. And what indirect means to get it practised by the Romish clergie, 226, a 10, 20, &c. What shifts Henrie the third made to get it, 241, b 20. Procured to the procurers losse, 241, a 20. What shifts Henrie the third made to send it pope Innocent, 250, b 40, &c. Of the bishop of Herefords de­uise to get some of the bi­shops, 251, b 10. More estée­med than life, 252, b 40. For lands morgaged to haue it, 22, a 60, b, 20. Purchaseth fa­uor when nothing els would: note 25, b 40. Receiued to in­force an abiuration of christi­anitie, 27, a 40. Giuen and ta­ken of the French king to raise his séege, 19, a 20. The shamefull shift of William Rufus to get it, 20, b 10. Purchaseth peace, 21, b 10, ¶Sée Cardinall of Praxed, Couetousnes, Gifts, Inqui­sitions, Riches▪
  • Monsieur. ¶ Sée duke of A­lanson.
  • Monsieur Thermes capteine of Calis, his seruice, his de­termination to spoile king Philips countries, sicke of the gowt, 1150, a 10, 30, 50
  • Monmouth castell taken, 270, a 30
  • Monster borne of a woman, 1083, a 40. Maried, 1314, a 40 Of fourscore yeres old, 1313, b 60, 1314, a 10. Of a sow that brought out a pig of strange shape, 37, a 40
  • Monsters bred and brought foorth in diuerse places of England, 1195, a 10
  • Monstreau besieged and taken, 576, a 50
  • Montargis recouered by the English, 606, b 10, ¶ Sée Frenchmen.
  • Monument, ¶Sée Antiquities.
  • Moone in eclipse séene of king Henrie and his traine, 103, a 60, New appéered before hir time, 247, b 40, A strange woonder touching the same, 245, b 30. Turned into a blou­die colour, 39, b 10. Strange fights about it, 102, b 30. Fiue séene in Yorke, 163, a 50
  • Moonke Eustace what he was, 201, a 60, Taken prisoner and beheaded, 201, a 60. Mal­cus. ¶Sée Malcus. Samu­ell. ¶Sée Samuell. When a woonder among the northe­ren people, 11, a 30. Car­thusian apprehended, and an enimie vnto the pope: note, 225, a 60. Conference with the duke of Buckingham his tresonable practises, 863, a 60, b 10, &c. The last that was seene in moonks clothing till queene Ma [...]ies daies, 952, b 60
  • Moonks, when and how they shuld inioin penance, 30, b 50. Should not be godfathers, 30, b 50. Should not hold nor occupie farmes, 30, b 60. At whose hands they should re­ceiue parsonages, &c, 30, b 60. Hindered by the comming of the friers preachers, 26, b 30. Presumptuous stout­nesse, 154, a 60. Displace the secular préests at Dur­ham, 13, a 50. Life, order, and profession what it should be, 18, b 60. Supported by Lanfranke, 18, b 10. Two striuing for preferment dis­missed by a third, 18, b 60. Thrée purposed to restore re­ligion in Northumberland, 11, a 10. Cisteaux to whom the emperor was bountifull, 147, b 20. Cousened by Ri­chard the first, 144, a 10. Of Glastenburie dispersed into diuerse religious houses, 13, b 50. Plaie the men against the abbat and his adherents, 13, b 40. Of Couentrie dis­placed, 129, a 20. Placed in the church and secular ca­nons displaced, 152, b 50. Of Canturburie without know­ledge of king Iohn choose a new archbishop, 169, a 60. Banished, 171, a 30. Of the Charterhouse executed, 938, a 60. Of Christs church com­plaine to the pope of their archbishop, 153, a 20, Called Monachi de charitate, 27, a 10 White when and by whome begunne and brought into England, 26, a 60. Not pri­uileged as other churches cō ­uentuall were, 173, a 60. Delt hardlie withall by king Iohn, 162, a 40. Molested by king Iohn diuerse waies, 163, a 10. Of Norwich. ¶See Friers.
  • Moore knight late vndershiriffe of London, now of Henrie the eight his priuie councell, 841, b 50, The paines he tooke to appease ill Maie daies riot, 842, a 10, 20. Spea­ker for the commons, his ora­tion and behauiour in parle­ment, 876, a 50, 60. Answe­reth the oration of Faber in Henrie the rights behalfe, 895, a 10. Lord chancellor, his oration in the parlement, 910, b 10, &c. An enimie to prote­stants, 913, b 60. Deliuered vp the great seale, 928, b 10. Beheaded, a iester and scoffer at the houre of his deth, 938, b 10, 30. In some sort commen­ded, deuoutlie giuen, in his kind, 939. a 20, 40.
  • Moore Edward. ¶Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Moore fields, ¶Sée Archers.
  • Morgage of a dukedome for moneie, 22, a 60. ¶Sée Lands
  • Morguison the midwaie be­twéene Bullen and Calis, 1061, b 20
  • Moris his deuise for conuei­ance of Thames water, &c. 1348, b 50
  • Morleie lord appealeth the erle of Salisburie, 513, a 50. He is mainprised, b 60. Slaine in battell against the French, 770, b 50
  • Morleis in Britaine woon by the earle of Surrie, 874, a 30.
  • Mortaigne. ¶Sée Erle Mor­taigne.
  • Mortalitie of people verie grée­uous: note, 157, a 10. ¶Sée Derth and Deth.
  • Mortmaine statute established, 280, a 10. Required to be re­pealed, 293, a 30
  • Morton doctor an old English fugitiue, a stirrer vp of rebel­lion in the north, 1361, b 30. His secret ambassage from Rome, 1362, a 30. ¶ Sée Bi­shop Morton, & Archbishop.
  • Mortimer and Audleie bani­shed, 269, b 10
  • Mortimer Hugh against Hen­rie the second, 66, a 10
  • Mortimer king Henrie the thirds lieutenant in Wales, 255, a 30. His reuenge against the Welshmen, 263, b 50
  • Mortimer lord ofWigmore pro­clamed traitor, 338, a 30. In what fauour with Edward the seconds wife, 340, a 50
  • Mortimer earle of March pro­clamed heire apparent to the crowne, 448, a 60, b 10. He ru­leth all things at his pleasure 347, b 60. Enuieth Henrie the fourths aduancement, 511, a 30. His good seruice in Ire­land, 440, a 30. Apprehended in Nottingham castell, 348, b 50. Beareth the blame of e­uill counsell, 347, b 20. Attain­ted, and fiue articles obiected against him, 349, a 40. Com­mitted vnto prison in the Towre, 349, a 10. Breaketh out of the Towre: note, 334, b 60. Shamefullie executed, 349, a 60
  • Mortimers restored to the title and possessions of the earle­dome of March, 381, b 60
  • Moubraie earle of Northum­berland, 17, a 40
  • Montacu [...]e. ¶Sée Erle.
  • Mountcaster, now Newcastell, 11, a 10
  • Mountfort Robert, combat­tant, 67, a 20
  • Mountgomerie Roger earle of Shrewsburie, his wasting and spoiling, 17, a 50, 60, Re­conciled to K. William Ru­fus, 17, b 30. Knight passed o­uer the sea vnto the French king, his reward▪ 701, a 50, 60
  • Mountioie lord made generall of Tornaie, 837, b 40. His stratagem, 965, b 50
  • Mountsorell betwixt Leicester and Lughburrow, 189, b 10. the castell besieged, 199, a 60
  • Mulbraie Robert earle of Nor­thumberland highlie com­mended, 13, a 40, 50
  • Mummerie roiall, 806, b 60. ¶Sée Maske.
  • Munition for warres, and of king Henrie the second his ordinance in that behalfe, 104, a 40. ¶Sée Armour.
  • Murcherdach king of Ireland, 22, a 30. His reuerence to Henrie the first: note, 45, b 30
  • Murren of cattell, 14, a 60. 21, a 30.324, b 30.249, a 60: note, 245, b 60. Uniuersall, 43, b 60. Made flesh déere, 323, a 40
  • Murther committed in Sussex by certeine gentlemen, and they executed: note, 954, a 10, 20. Of two capteins, notablie punished by iustice in the déed dooers, 1061, a 60. Most [Page] shamefullie committed by the meanes of a gentlewoman whoore being a wife: note, 1062, b 40, &c. Mercilesse vp­on the yoong erle of Rutland: note, 659, b 30. Most lamenta­ble of the lord Scales, 654, b 60. Shamefull committed by the lord Sturton, & he han­ged: note, 1133, a 10, 20. In­tended against quéene Ma­ries person, and the offenders executed, 1117, a 60. Of the marquesse of Montferrat, 134, b 40. Cruell of prince Edward, and how iustlie pla­gued and afterwards reuen­ged vpon the murtherers, 688 b 20. Of Henrie the sixt by the duke of Glocester, 690, b 60. Of the yoong princes Ed­ward the fift and his brother in the Tower, how dispat­ched, and how reuenged: note, 734, b 20, &c: 735, a all. Doone vpon the prior of Sheene, 790, b 60. An earle arreigned for the same, 790, b 60. Com­mitted vpon the king of Scots, 1209, b 60. Of a man by his premise, 1213, a 10. Mercilesse doone vpon a mer­chant, and the offenders exe­cuted: note, 1228, b 20, &c. Committed on the g [...]oler of Horsham, and the offender hanged in chaines, 1258, a 10 Most horrible committed by Anthonie Browne vpon George Sanders merchant, and the offenders executed: note, 1258, a 20, &c. It & other mischéefes by Peter Bur­chet, and he hanged, 1259, a 30 &c. Committed on a prentise & the offenders hanged, 1353. b 20 Of an vnna [...]urall bro­ther committed vpon his bro­ther naturall, 1270, a 10. Committed vpon a sargent, & the offender hanged up in Cheape, 1310, b 60. Another at Tiburne for the like of­fense, 1311▪ a 10. Committed vpon a sargent and the par­tie hanged in Fléetstréet, 1348 a 10. Of one cost manie liues, 263, b 40. Heinous of a mer­chant stranger, 422, b 60. Doone vpon Richard the se­cond how abhorred of forren nations, 517, b all. Of Liui­fus how infortunatlie it fell out: note, 12, b 30. Commit­ted at the high altar by an I­talian: note, 275, b 30. For the which a yeoman of the gard was hanged vp, 812, b 10. Through couetousnes com­mitted and punished, 937, b 50 Most vnnaturall: note, 605, b 40. Without mercie vpon a light cause, 118, b 40, &c 119, a 10, 20. Punished with a fine, 122, b 30. It & fellonie com­bined, 1228, b 30. Committed and the partie hanged on Miles end, 1271. b 50. Puni­shed by the pursse, 224, a 30 Most cruell committed in Westminster church, 420, b 10 &c, 60. Wilfull, & an act against mediation for the same, 472, b 60. Reuenged with murther, 13, a 30. Punished with han­ging in chaines, 914, b 30. Will not be concealed: note, 944, a 30. Reuenged by wo­men: note, 605, b 60. Cannot be concealed: note, 1065, a 60, b 10, &c. Not redéemable with monie: note, 1121, b 30. Hen­rie the eight refused to heare it, but put it ouer to triall by common law, 853, a 10. ¶See Slaughter and Burning in the hand, Reuenge, Tempta­tion.
  • Murther of ones selfe to pre­uent iustice: note, 1356, b 10. Desperat of the earle of Northumberland vpon him­selfe being prisoner in the Tower: note, 1403, b 50, 60. The whole storie of the ma­ner and order thereof, 1404, b 40, &c. to 1419, Desperat of ones selfe. ¶Sée Hankesford: note.
  • Murthers cōmitted by préests, 69, b 60.
  • Murtherer of his brother recei­ued into fauour, 98, b 40. No­torious. ¶Sée Blacke Will.
  • Murtherers to be hanged by law, 115, b 10. Of Thomas Becket came to an euill end, 79, b 40.
  • Muscleburrow field. ¶Sée Battell, Leith.
  • Muscouie a cold countrie: note 1083, a 60.
  • Musgraue a rebell, 943, b 60.
  • Muster of horssemen before king Edward the sixt at Gréene­wich: note, 1081, a 60, b 10, &c. Of Pensioners before quéene Elisabeth, 1211. a 60 Of Londoners before quéene Elisabeth at Gréenewich, 1402, a 60, b 10.1228, a 60. Ue­rie triumphant before Henrie the eight, 947, a 40, &c, b 10, &c. At Gréenewich before Q. Elisabeth, 1 [...]84, b 10
  • Mutinie in the English armie 250, a 40 973, a 40.880, b 50. 837. b 50. Edwards, among seruingmen, 1017, a 40. Of souldiors against their cap­teine, 1140, a 30. Betwixt the Englishmen and the towns­men of Lisbone, 124, a 40, Betwéene the English soul­diors and the people of Mes­sina, 124, b 60.125, a 10. A­mong souldiors with outra­gious disorder procuring ex­ecution, 1431, b 30. ¶ Sée Fraie, Riot, and Souldiors.
  • Muttrell besieged by the Eng­lish, 965, a 30, 60. The siege thereat broken vp, 966, b 20.
N
  • NAu [...]r, the king thereof his gentle offer to the English, 813, a 40. His kingdome got­ten to the K. of Spaine, b 40. King without a realme, and whi [...], 821, a 10. Hath Cher­burg restored vnto him that was ingaged, 480, b 60. Ta­ken by the Frenchmen, 398, a 40. Commeth ouer into Eng­land, his constancie suspected, 406, a 10. His roiall answer to the excommunication of pope Sixtus quintus: note, 1401, a 40, &c.
  • Nauie roiall sent forth, 814, b 60 815, a 30. ¶ Sée Englishmen.
  • Naunts besieged by Edward the third, 364, a 60. By the Englishmen, 427, b 20.
  • Nauntwich in Cheshire burnt, 1356, a 30
  • Neal baron. ¶Sée Mawpasse.
  • Necromancie. ¶Sée Hed.
  • Neuill bastard Fauconbridge, 689, a 50. A maister of mis­chéefe, 60. b 10, &c. Beheaded, 693, a 30
  • Neuill knight executed for re­bellion, 953, a 60
  • Neuill discouereth the intended treasons of Parrie against quéene Elisabeth, 1383, a 10, b 50, &c: 1384, a 10, &c
  • Newes of heauinesse to Henrie the first, 41, b 10. That cast duke William in a furie, 6, b 30. That made the people in a great feare, 6, b 60. From the cast, 111, a 60
  • Newarke castell built by the bi­shop of Lincolne, 50, b 20. Re­stored to the bishop of Lin­colne, 202, a 30
  • Newberie spoiled by the earle of Wil [...]shire and others, 653, b
  • Newbolt a yeoman of the gard hanged, 812, b 10
  • Newcastell vpon Tine when founded, 12, b [...]0, Burnt by casuall fire, 241, a 60. ¶Sée Montcaster. 11, a 10
  • Newgate builded, 140, a 60. Set on fire, 1132, a 10. The keeper whereof a stranger would haue murthered: note, 1132, b 30.
  • Newhall in Essex called Beau­lieu, 852, b 30
  • Newhauen, the English fléete commeth afore it, 960, b 60 The French appoint to go out of it, 1200, a 60, b 10. A supplie of soldiors out of Es­sex arriue there, 1197, a 60, b 10. And out of Deuonshire, b 30. Greatlie infected with the plague, 1204, a 50. Articles of agréement touching the sur­render, b 60. A new supplie of souldiors out of North­folke, Suffolke, Willshire, and Glocestershire, 1203, a 10, 50. A fresh supplie of souldiors arriue there, 1202, b 20. An alarum there­to. 1196, a 60. Prises ta­ken & brought thither, 1197, a 10, 20. A proclamation for­bidding resort of souldiours thither without licence, 1202, b 40. The French king com­meth to the campe lieng be­fore it, 1205, a 60. The chéefe cause whie it was yéelded, b 10. Speciall persons that di­ed of the plague there, b 20, 30. Pestilence transported thense to London, b 50
  • Newport besieged by French­men, 771, a 10. Sacked and burnt by the Englishmen, 444, a 10.
  • New yeares gift ¶Sée Gift.
  • Nicholson aliàs Lambert bur­ned, 946, a 10
  • Nigell. ¶Sée Neal.
  • Nightinghale parson of Cron­dall in Kent, his blasphemie in the pulpi [...], punished by God: note, 1128, b 60.1129, a 10
  • Noble. ¶Sée Coine.
  • Nobilitie of England rooted out and beggered by duke Willi­am, 9, a 10. Faine to flie, bi­cause of duke Wilkains tiran­nie, 10, a 40. Their liuings taken awaie by duke Willi­am, 5, b 10. In arms against him and his Normans, 6, a 10▪ Hated of him and his peo­ple, 6, a 20. Forsake their na­tiue countrie, 6, a 20. In ser­uitude to the Normans, 1, b 50. Gréeuouslie fined by Wil­liam Rufus, 20, b 10
  • Nobilitie true described, 1266, b 10 Compared vnto a riuer or floud, &c: note, 1263, b 30
  • Noblemen and king Richard the second at debate, 458, a 30. Indicted of diuerse offenses, 457, b 20. Appeale one another of treason, 512, 513. That con­spired against K. Henrie the fourth, 514, b 30, They come to Circester, the bai­liffe setteth vpon them in their lodgings, they set fire on their lodgings, their disconm­fiture and shamefull end, 515, b 10, &c. They doo yéeld themselues, 516, a 30, 40. Be­headed for conspiracie, 516, a 50, 60. Conspiracie, namelie of the Persi [...]s against Henrie the fourth, 521, b 10, &c. 522, 523. Executed, 530, b 30. Complaine to king Henrie the third of the popes collec­tions, 232, b 10. Reuolting from Lewis the French kings sonne, 199, a 30. Ta­ken prisoners, 200, a 60. That rebelled, in what perplexitie they were, 198, b 40, Their minds drawne from Lewis the French K. sonne, 197, b 40. Offended at Henrie the third, and not without cause, 216, b 60. That tooke part with and against Henrie the third, 264, b all. Proclamed traitors by Henrie the third, 217, a 10. That reuolted from Henrie the third, 266, a 20. Disgrace Henrie the third in a parlement, 240, b 50. Of rare qualities, 1257, b 10. What fort and the wals of a realme, 1263, b 10. That went with the duke of Alanson ouer sea, 1329, b 50, 60, 1330, a 10, &c. Their vantgard distressed, they discomfited and execu­ted, 688, a 40, &c. b 10▪ Diuers that stood against them execu­ted, 464, a 20. At dissention, 451, b 40. Appointed to come in warlike maner to the par­lement, 489, b 60. Apprehended imprisoned, and also indicted, 489, a 20, &c At variance come to the parlement in armour, 439, b 10. Roughlie handled by Richard the second, 489, 490, 491, 492, 493. Against the duke of Summerset to dis­place him, 1057, a 20. 1058, [...] 10. Consult and also practise to diuert the success [...] of the crowne, and how euillie it prooued, note: 1085, a 60, b 10, &c. 1086, 1087. Imprisoned for eating flesh in lent, 960, a 10. At daggers drawing and bloudshed within the Towre note, 722, b 10, &c. 723, a 10 Conspirators executed, 688, b 60. In armes against Ed­ward the fourth vnder quéen Mar [...]aret, the place of their incamping, the ordering of their h [...]ast, 687, a 60, b 40, &c. Conspire against E [...]ward the fourth: note, 670, b 30 &c: 671, &c. A [...] dead [...]ie malice in Henrie the sixts time: note the whole storie, called to a trea­tie, brough [...] to agrée, 647, a 20▪ proclamed traitors, 650, b 60. Their letters excus [...]torie to Henrie the sixt, 651, a 60, b 10, &c. Atteinted, 652, a 10. That continued true and loiall to king Iohn, 175, b 60. Begin to mislike the match which they had made with Lewis, 193, b 40. Dealing with Ri­chard the second as touching his deposing, 502, a 20, &c. ¶ Sée duke of La [...]caster Re­uolting from king Iohn to king Lewis, 192, a 10. Mi­strusted and charged with [Page] treason, 457, b 10, 60. Confer how to preuent the perils pre­tended against them, counsell taken how to deale against them, their messengers to the king, 458, a 40, 60, b 20, 50 The Londoners refuse to fight against them, the lords take an oth togither to prose­ [...]u [...]e their purposed enter­prise, seeke the fauour of the Londoners, come before the kings presence in Westmin­ster hall, their answer and grie [...]es, 459, a 10, 50, 60, b 30, 40, 60. The king reprooueth their dooings, cléered of trea­son by proclamation, 460, a 10, 20, 30. Temper too far with the kings matters, and im­peach his roialtie, 452, b 10, &c. Thirtéene lords appoin­ted to haue the gouernement vnder the king, 453, a 10, 60, b 10. Come to London with a great armie, 461, a 40. Sent to the maior and citizens of London to vnderstand their meaning, 462, a 50. Enter in­to London, the kings words touching their procéedings, they refuse to come vnto the Tower, but after serch made they come before the kings presence, they open their gréefes to the king, 472, b 10, &c. Drowned, 41, b 10. Die, 108, a 20 230, b 50. 228, b 50 ¶Sée Death, Shipwracke.
  • Noise, ¶Sée Sound.
  • Norham castell besieged by the Scots, rescued by the Eng­lish, 782, b 50, 60. Diliuered vp to the Scotish kings hands, 825, b 40, 50
  • Norimbega. ¶Sée Raleigh.
  • Normandie morgaged to Willi­am Rufus and for what, 22, b 20. Townes therein yéelded to Henrie the fift, 562, b 20 Brought into Henrie the fift his suviection, hauing béene a long time from him deteined, 571, a 30. Woone by the earle of Amon, 55, a 20. Inuaded by the French king, 39, b 50 Subdued vnto England on that day fortie yeres past that William Conqueror subdued England to Normandie, 33, b 10. Interdicted, 160, a 60 137, a 60. By the archbishop of Normandie, 151, a 60. Re­couered by the French king after thrée hundred and six­téene yeares kéeping: note, 167, b 60. Lost, the state ther­of, and the causes of the losse, 630, b 50
  • Normans that came with Wil­liam in the conquest of Eng­land, 2, b 40. Rebell, but are subdued to their smart, 612, b 30. Willinglie sworne Eng­lish, 561, a 10. Affraid at Hen­rie the fift his arriuall, 559, a 40. Under duke Robert van­quished, 33, a 20, 30. Inclined more to Henrie the first than to D. Robert, 32, b 20. Their rule and the Frenches ouer England ceaseth, 116, b 40 Set vpon by the English ad­merall, 290, b 10. Their pos­ssessions confiscated, 232, b 40 Whie disherited, 232, b 50 Write to Henrie the third to take their part against the French, 210, a 50. Preferred to clergie mens roomes and liuings, 9, a 10. Rebell against duke William beyond the sea and soone subdued, 10, b 60 Their fashion and guise ta­ken vp of the English, 5, b 10 They hate the nobles euen in the time of peace, 6, a 20. Li­eng in garrison at Yorke and their dismall daie, 6, b 60, 7, a 10. Pursued and slaine by the English, 6, b 30. Giue the Danes the discomfiture, 7, a 40. Haue the nobilitie & com­munaltie in bondage, 1, b 50 Plaie the diuels in wasting & spoiling, 17, a 60. Slaine by the English at Worcester, 17, b 10. Their line touching the heires male in whom ceased, 46, b 10. ¶Seé William duke of Normandie.
  • Norris generall with thrée and twentie ensignes, 1350, b 20 Taketh the sconse of Lite, 1431, b 60. Other exploits by him doone against the enimie, 1432, a 10, &c. b 30
  • Northhampton besieged, 185, a 50. Taken by force, 266, b 50
  • Northcountries pitifullie wa­sted by duke William, 7, b 40
  • Northerne men discomfit the Welshmen, 672, b 20. Spoile the towne of saint Albons, their valiantnes: note, 660, a 50. Rebellion and how sup­pressed, 942, a 10, &c. 943, a 10
  • Northerne prickers plaie the men, 818, a 60
  • Northumberland an erledome, 1, a 30. Rebelleth against duke William, & is subdued, 6, b 10 Taken in possession of the Scots, 53, b 30. ¶Sée Mal­colme.
  • Northumbers ouer whom duke William placeth and displa­ceth diuerse nobles, 13, a 20 Kill Robert Cumin and his companie, 6, b 30
  • Nortons. ¶ Sée Rebels of the north.
  • Norwich how ancient, 1289, a 40. Besieged by the Nor­mans, 11, b 30. Sacked, 272, b 10. Sorelie defaced with fire, 796, a 10. In commotion, their liberties seized into the kings hands, 626, a 60, b 10
  • Notingham taken by the erle of Derbie, 92, a 20. The castell, 6, a 40. How seated, 60, b 50
  • Nouencourt yéelded to Richard the first, 146, b 10
  • Nowell Henrie. ¶Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Nun. ¶Sée Christine.
  • Nuns incontinencie, and dis­placed out of their house, 100, a 10. Not to be godmothers, 30, b 50
  • Nunries. ¶Sée Abbeis and Religious houses.
O.
  • OBedience and what rigo­rous means duke Willi­am vsed to reduce the Eng­lish therunto, 5, b 10, &c. 6, a 40 Of erle Richard to his father Henrie the second, 109, a 60. Of the church of Scotland to the church of England, 97, b 10
  • Occasion taken to inuade Eng­land: note, 19, b 10 Taken of an inuasion, 212, b 40, 50
  • Odo bishop of Baieux, gouer­nor of England in duke Wil­liams absence, 5, a 10▪ In armes against the earle of Cambridge, 11, a 50. Conspi­reth against his nephue Wil­liam Rufus, 17, a 20. Erle of Kent, 13, a 60.18, a 60. In arms against king Williams freends in Kent, 17, a 30. Is sent into Northumberland to reuenge Walk [...]ers death, 12, b 20. Glad to submit himselfe for lacke of vittels, 18, a 10 Lost his liuings in England and returneth into Norman­die, 18, a 10
  • Offendors couer their faults with contrarie causes, 1358, b 60
  • Offense. ¶Sée Punishment.
  • Officer of the maior of London chosen shiriffe and lord maior, 764, b 60. ¶Sée Purueior, Sargent.
  • Officers called to accounts, and of their [...]raudulent dealing, 149, a 10. Go beyond their commission: note, 139, a 60 Of king Iohn oppresse the people, 183, b 50. About Hen­rie the seuenth abuse the com­mon people extremelie, 792, b 10. The cause of manie mens vndooing and other trouble, 794, b 10. Changed throghout the realme, 645, b 60. Chosen by sound aduise, 543, b 40. Of the king of Spaine full of ty­rannicall lordlinesse & villa­nie, 1335, a 50. New made, 509 b 40. Called to accounts, and restitution made out of hand with interest, 215, a 30. In displeasure with king Henrie for their deceit, 216, b 40. Cal­led to accounts how they had spent the kings treasure, 218, b 50. Punished for negligent looking to prisoners, 228, b 30 Appointed in an vprore, 273, a 30. Displaced and others pla­ced, 466, b 40, 60. Committed to the Tower, and new made in place of old discharged: note, 360, b 40, 50, 60. Complained of to king Ed­ward the third and punished, 369, b 10. ¶Sée Excheker and Iustices,
  • Offices set to sale for monie, 142, b 40. Clamed at the coro­nation of Henrie the fourth, 510. a 20
  • Oldcastell knight accused of heresie, scapeeth out of the Tower, 544, a 20, 50. Shif­teth from place to place, he is laid in wait for to be taken, 560, a 60. Taken and woun­ded, executed, 561, b 20, 40
  • Oneile the great of Ireland made knight, 808, a 50
  • Opportunitie taken by the Welshmen to inuade Eng­land, 21, b 10. Not to be neg­lected, 694, a 30. ¶ Sée Occa­sion.
  • Oppression punished: note, 256, b 20. Of the poore communal­tie whereto it grew. ¶ Sée Cursses, Empson, Extortion Officers.
  • Orange prince commeth into England, 1126, b 20. Taketh order for the interteinment of the duke of Alanson, 1330.
  • Oration of the earle Bald­wine to king Stephans ar­mie, 52, b 50. Of the French king to a great assemblie he sitting in his roialties. 904, b 40, &c. Of the duke of Yorke made vnto the lords of parle­ment, 655, b 20. Of prince Edward to the French king taken prisoner, 390, a 30. Of the archbishop of Canturbu­rie after the deposing of Ri­chard the second, 506▪ a 10,, &c Of the bishop of Elie lord chancellor to the lords of the parlement house: note, 459, b 40. Of earle Marshall of Penbroke in the assemblie of peeres, 197, a 40. Of queene Eli [...]abeth which she made to the parlement house: note, 1396, a 50, &c. Of the deputie of the states of the low coun­tries vnto quéene Elisabeth: note, 1411, a 60, b 10, &c: 1412, a 10, &c. In Latine and En­glish of a Dutch minister to quéene Elisabeth being in Norwich, 1293, a 40, b 50. Of quéene Elisabeth to the vni­uersitie in Latine, 1206, b 60, 1207, a 10, &c. Of quéene E­lisabeth by waie of answer in the parlement house touching a motion of marriage, 1181, [...] 40, &c. Of Henrie the fift to the king of France, 576, a 10. Of the duke of Buckingham to the maior of London, al­dermen, and commoners in the Guildhall, 728, a 60, b 10, &c. Of Henrie the seuenth to his armie, 757, a 60. Of king Edward the fourth li­eng on his dethbed: note, 713, a 50, &c. 708, b 50. Of a French herald to Edward the fourth vttered with boldnesse of face and libertie of toong, 695, b 40 Of the French king to an English herald, giuing him defiance, 695, b 60, 696, a 10. &c. Of Faber summarilie set downe, 894, b 50. Of Emp­son to find fauor, 803, b 60. Of Henrie the eight in the parle­ment house, 971, a 20, &c. Of the French king before an honorable assemblie, and fa­uoring of displeasure, 902, b 60. Of sir Thomas Moore in the parlement house, 910, b 10, &c. Of two heralds to the emperor Charles, 899, a 50. Of sir Thomas Moore in the parlement, 876, a 50, 60. Of Tunstall made to the parle­ment, 876, a 20. Of the arch­bishop of Canturburie in the parlement summarilie touch­ed, 812, a 60. Of Perkin War­becke the counterfet vnto the king of Scots, 780, a 50. Of cardinall Poole in the parle­ment house 1122, a 60, b 10, &c. Of quéene Marie in Guild­hall to the Londoners, 1096, a 60, 1097, As touching the restitution of abbeie lands, 1127, b 10, &c. Of archbishop Hubert of Canturburie vnto the lords at the crowning of king Iohn, 158, b 60, 159, a 10 Of the bishop of Durham to his souldiors, 49, a 60. Of the earle of Chester to the earle of Glocester. 52, a 10. In Latine & English of Stephan Lim­bert schoolemaiste r in Nor­wich to quéene Elisabeth at hir being there, 1294, b 40, &c. 1295, a 10, &c. The same high­lie commended by the quéene, 1296, a 20
  • Orator proud & presumptuous, 567, a 40
  • Order of the round table, the feast kept, 280, b 60. Of the ga [...]ter founded: note, and the cause thereof, 366, a 50, &c.
  • Ordinances. ¶ Sée Clergie Ex officio.
  • Orkenie. ¶ Sée Englishmen.
  • Orleance besieged, a bulworke there taken, 599, a 20, 40, The siege broken vp, 601, a 50
  • Osborne with a nauie out of [Page] Denmarke arriueth in Eng­land, and whie, 6, b 50. He is proffered great kindnesse of duke William to depart out of the north countries, 7, b 40, 50
  • Osmond bishop of Salisburie, made the seruice after Salis­burie vse, 15, b 50
  • Osneie abbeie when founded: note, 1080, b 20
  • Ossestrie town in Wales burnt thrise in thrée yers, 1210, a 10
  • Osulfe strangelie slaine by a théefe, 13, a 30
  • Oth for the confirmation of peace betwéen the two kings of England & France doone by proxe: note, 675, a 10, &c. b 10. Of obseruing the leage interchangablie made and ta­ken of Henrie the eight and the emperor Charles, 873, b 50. Most wicked and disloi­all of noblemen against their king, 674, b 60. Falsified by the lord Granuill, 586, a 10 Of fealtie to prince Edward, 226, a 10. Not to infringe the statutes of Oxford, 261, a 50 Corporall receiued vpon the holie mysteries and swoord of Thomas Becket, 303, b 40, Of fidelitie to Edward the third taken of the Flemings, 357, a 40. Concerning the peace betwéene the king of England and France, solem­lie taken in parlement of the states: note▪ 395, b 10. So­lemn of the second K of Eng­land to sée peace peformed, 394, b 40. Of the nobles to be true to prince Richard after his fathers decease, 411, a 30 Of rebels ministred vnto all passengers, 430, a 50. Of the commons of Hertfordshire to Richard the second, 438, a 30 Of the gentlemen of North­folke forced by the rebels, 435 a 30. Of the duke of Lanca­ster & Hereford combattant touching the iustnesse of his quarrell, 495, a 10. Taken of the two kings of England & France for the assurance of both their faithfull meanings 486, b 40. Of Richard the se­cond to performe the noble­mens orders, 465, a 40. Of the lords banded against the king, 459, a 50. Receiued of L [...]ol [...]e prince of Wales to Edward the first: note, 279, a 10. Of Edward the first in his anger to one of his no­bles: note, 302, b 10. Of the French king to aid the sonne against the father, 87, b 10. Forced vpon the lord maior of London, 338, b 10. Of Ed­ward the second at his coro­nation, which hée said hée would not vnswear, 326, b 50 Nothing regarded of Ed­ward the second: 321, b 30. Exacted of Henrie the third by his nobles, 258, b 20. Of Henrie the third at a parle­ment with an imprecation: note, 248, a 60. Of Thomas Becket whereof he repenteth him: note, 70, b 10. Of the earle of Flanders▪ 91, a 10. Of a cardinall not to preiudice the realme, 239, b 60. Giuen to the earle of Glocester by Henrie the third on his death bed, 276, a 40. Of the maior, aldermen, and communaltie of London sworne vnto Hen­rie the third, 264, a 20, &c. Nothing regarded of the French king, 205, b 10. Of Lewes vrged vpon him by Henrie the third, 205, a 60. Of the traitor Parrie in a trea­sonable action, 1386 b 40. In­terchangeable of the duke of Alanson and the people, 1342, a 50, 60 b 10. Of the duke of Alanson read openlie to the people, 1337, a 10. Of K. Ri­chard the first at his coronati­on, 118, a 60. Receiued of the earle of Warwike and other officers at Newhauen, 1196, a 30. Taken of the bishops & barons for their loialtie, 1, b 20. Of duke William at his coronation, 1, b 30. Of duke William solemnlie taken and cruellie broken, 10, a 20. Of William Rufus by saint Lukes face, 27, a 60. Of the thrée estates of France, 578, a 30. Of the duke of Bur­goigne with others to Hen­rie the fift, 572, b 40, &c. 573, a 20. It and submission of the duke of Yorke to Henrie the sixt, 639, b 60. Of the duke of Northfolke kept with the losse of his life, 759, b 10. Cor­porall of the earle of Rich­mond to marie Edward the fourths daughter, 745, b 20 Of the French king at an interuiew, 699, b 60. Taken of the nobilitie in Henrie the firsts time for their fealtie, 38, a 60. Taken of the lords tou­ching the succession of the crowne, 43, a 10▪ Of Lewes the sonne of the French king when hée laboured to get the crowne of England, 191, b 60 Of pope Innocent vsed vpon a complaint, 187, b 10. Of al­legiance to be true to K. Iohn against all other persons, 184 b 10. Of diuerse erls and ba­rons of France to K. Iohn to assist him, 160, b 30. Of K. Iohn when his nobles were vp in armes against him, 185, a 40, 50. Of the earle of Poic­tou Richard the first his ne­phue, 150, a 40. Of aliegiance receiued of the people to Ri­chard the first in his absence, 137, b 40. Of allegiance to K. Richard the first at a coun­cell, 120, b 20. Of Lodoners to be true to king Richard the first and his heires, 131, b 30 Of the king of Cipres to Ri­chard the first, and broken: note, 128, a 10. Of king Ri­chard the first, the king of France and their barons, 125 a 40. Of iustices of itinerants 98, a 10. Taken about a place of méeting, 113, a 20. A dis­pensation for the same, 66, a 60. Of purgation taken so­lemnelie: note, 83, b 30. Ouer all the realme to obserue the kings peace, 148, a 20. Of fe­altie, Saluo semper ordine suo 85, a 60. Of allegiance newlie taken, 173, a 50. Taken and broken for preferment: note, 43, a 10. Touching an act of e­stablishing the crown taken of euerie person of lawfull age, 937, a 60, b 10. It & the sacra­ment taken but not ment to be obserued, 680, a 60. Cru­ellie made and cruellie kept: note, 723, a 10. Of allegiance broken and notablie punished by God: note, 659, b 60. Ad­ded to a promise and the same performed, 14, b 30. Taken to be true to the king and his heires, 14, a 60. Of a noble man by his honor: note, 1214, b 30. Upon the euangelist to stand to the iudgement of ho­lie church, 201, b 30. For re­stitution of heritages, rights, liberties, &c. 201, b 40. Infor­ced, absolued, 313, b 60. Made, broken, and punished, 418, b 50. With protestation in a case of innocencie: note, 458, a 10 Of allegiance confirmed by writing, 496, b 20
  • Oths that the dukes of Bra­bant were accustomed to take 1336, a 10. Corporall recei­ued for performance of agrée­ments, 30. a 20▪ Of obedience willinglie taken to K. Iohn, 157, b 30. Outragious order & discipline for them, 111, b 30 ¶Sée Periurie, Promise, and Uow.
  • Otho the emperor commeth o­uer into England, 170, b 60 ¶ Sée Odo.
  • Otuell an earls sonne, tutor to K. Henrie the first children 20, a 40
  • Ouse riuer: ¶Sée Trent.
  • Owen Glendouer: ¶ Sée Glendouer.
  • Owen prince of Wales slaine, 39 b 10
  • Owles deuoure mice: note a woonder, 1315, a 60, b 10
  • Oxford forsaken of the scho­lers 173, b 30. Uerie forward in preferring quéene Maries religion, 1102, b 10. Quéene Elizabeths progresse thither, 1209, a 60, b 10. The strange sicknesse there at the assise, whereof iudges died, &c. 1270, a 40, b 10. Their maner of in­terteining Albertus de La­sed, 1355, all. The maisters of the vniuersitie summoned to the parlement about the con­clusion of a peace, &c. 255, a 60 The scholers thereof fight against Henrie the third, 267, a 10 ¶Sée Debate, Fraie, Statutes, Treason, & Ua­riance.
P
  • PAckinton strangelie murde­red, 944, a 20
  • Paganels: ¶ Sée Painell.
  • Pagents and shewes sumptu­ous and sightlie, 849, a 10, &c. At quéene Annes coronation 930, a 60, b 10, &c. Upon the sudden at a Candlemas tide, 853, a 60. At the coronation of Henrie the eight, 802, b 40, &c 803, a 10. Of neat deuise, 835, a 40. At quéene Ma­ries coronation, 1091, a 10, &c: In London at the comming ofPhilip and Marie through the citie, 1120, b 60 1121, a 10 Of pleasant inuention, 808, a 60, b 10, &c. At the receiuing of quéen Elisabeth into Nor­wich, 1289.1290, 1291, vnto 1299. In Antwerpe at the re­ceiuing of the duke of Alan­son, 1332, &c to 1344, a 10. Of triumph at the coronation of quéene Elisabeth. 1172, 1173, 1174, 1175, 1176, 1177, 1178, 1179. At a triumphant iusts holden at Westminster, 1316, 1317, 1318, 1319, 1320, 1321. at Christmas. 816, a 20.812, a 20 807, a 40, &c. 839, b 40 On a maidaie, 809, a 20, &c. ¶Sée Sights.
  • Paget lord. ¶Sée Throckmor­ton Francis, and Erle Per­sie of Northumberland.
  • Painell kept the castell of Lud­low, 48, b 60
  • Palace of Henrie the eight at Guisnes described: note, 856, b 40, 50, &c: 857, all.
  • Palatine of Siradia, ¶Sée Al­bertus de Lasco.
  • Palestine. ¶Sée Holie land.
  • Palmer knight beheaded, his words at his death, 1090, a 50 60
  • Palmesundaie field. ¶Sée Bat­tell.
  • Palsgraue of Rhene, his traine come to receiue Henrie the eight, 823, a 20. He and others come ouer into England, 947, b 60
  • Pandulph the popes legat, a practiser of much mischiefe a­gainst king Iohn, 175, a 10, b 40.177, a 10. Made bishop of Norwich, 202, a 60
  • Papists crueltie against the martyrs in quéene Maries time, 1363, a 40, 50. Their ob­iections that priests execu­ted are but scholers and vnar­med, 1367, a 40, 50. They call the protestants heretikes and enimies to the crosse of Christ euen as Achab called Elias the disturber of Israell, him­selfe being the onlie disturber 1125, a 60. Their praiers, & of what little effect they be, 1125, a 10. Animated by rebellion, 1054, a 10. By rebellion haue an ill opinion of Gods holie truth, 1054, b 10. Such as were neuer charged with ca­pitall crimes, 1360, b 60.1361, a 10, &c.
  • Paraphrase of Erasmus com­manded to be had in churches 992, a 60
  • Pardon offred to conspirators and traitors, 650, a 10. Upon mistrust refused, 650, a 10. O [...] ­fered to rebels: note, 431, b 60 At a parlement 396, a 10. Of six yeares and one hundred da [...]es preached, 240, a 60. To Appletrée hauing the halter about his necke, 1310, b 20. With exceptions at quéene Maries coronation, 1091, b 30. Generall to all rebels con­ditionallie published, 1056, b 50. To the liuing, pitie on the dead, 688, b 30, 40. Generall proclamed, 942, b 20. No of­fense excepted, 765, b 20. By proclamation dispersed the Kentish rebels, 635, a 60, At a pinch for treason: note 627, a 50. Upon submission, 146, b 60 147, a 10. For prisoners at a womans sute obteined, 378, a 20. ¶ Sée Forgiuenesse and Parlement.
  • Pardoners two set on the p [...] ­lorie: note, 774, a 40
  • Parrie sueth for licence to tra­uell beyond sea, 1385, a 30. Iu­stifieth himselfe in religion before the inquisitor of Mil­lan, 40. Resolued in the vile plot of his trecherous deuise 60. With what enimies vnto God he linketh himselfe, b 10. He voweth to vndertake the killing of the quéene, 30. And resolued himselfe so to doo, 60. Committed vnto the custodie and examination of sir Fran­cis Walsingham, 1383, a 40. Denieth with protestations whatsoeuer was demanded of him, 60. Examined before certeine lords of the councell, b 20. Committed to the To­wer, 40. His discontentment because he might not haue [Page] preferment to his owne li­king, 60. Confesseth himselfe guiltie of all things contei­ned in his indictment, 1389, b 20. His confession of treasons openlie read by his owne as­sent, 1390, a 30. Iudgement giuen against him, 40. He chargeth the lords of the councell with vntruth, b 50. Reproued, 60. His exclamati­on of outrage and vnpatient­nesse, 1391, a 40. Abuseth the assemblie with termes and words vncouth, 60. The forme of iudgement pronoun­ced against him, b 60. Despe­rat, 1386, a 60. How long his [...]actise was in handling yer it was detected, b 10. His oth in that ill matter, 40. He char­geth Neuill with gréeuous spéeches curssed disloialtie, 60. What mooued him to at­tempt the murthering of the quéene, 1384, a 10. He coun­teth it a déed meritorious, 20. His pestilent humor of ma­lice against hir, 50. How his traitorous practise should haue béene doone, b 10. His re­solutenesse to doo it, 40. His voluntarie confession in the hearing of certeine lords, 60. Certeine obseruations▪ out of his words and writings: note, 1394, all. A dilemma pro­uing that hée died a periured traitor, 1395, b 10. An epi­gram of fit deuise for so vile a wretch, b 30, &c. Rageth at the iustice barre without all reuerence, 1392, a 10. Euen at his execution hee seeketh to cléere himselfe, 20, 30. A de­scription of him by Image and life verie lewd: note, 50, 60, b 10, &c. 1393. His letters vnto quéene Elisabeth and to the lords of the councell, after his voluntarie confession, 1387, a 20, b 10. His treasons prac­tised against quéene Elisa­beth at full declared, 1382, a 50 Described, reconciled to the pope, 60. His malice groweth to an extremitie of mischiefe against quéene Elisabeth, b 60. Saith and vnsaith, to shift of the heuie charge of his treasons, 1388, a 60. Conuic­ted, b 60. Arreigned, 1389, all.
  • Paris, where Henrie the sixt was crowned, 606, a 40. Hen­rie the fift receiued in there, 578, a 10. Edward the third draweth néere it with his po­wer, the Englishmen lie be­fore it, the suburbs burned, 393, a 50, b 10, 30. For multi­tude of people it passeth, 1333, b 50. The duke of Bedfords entrance thereinto, and exe­cuting certeine conspirators, 586, a 60. The treason of the inhabitants, 613, a 40. Yéelded to the French king, 613, a 60
  • Paris garden. ¶Sée Slaugh­ter.
  • Parishes. ¶Sée England.
  • Parker afterwards archbishop of Canturburie, preacheth to the rebels of Northfolk, 1030 b 30, 40, 50. They threaten him, he conueieth himselfe from among them, 1032, a 10 ¶Sée Archbishops of Can­turburie.
  • Parkin. ¶Sée Perkin.
  • Parlement holden at Blacke­friers, 876, a 10. At Cam­bridge, 465, b 40. At Couen­trie, 652, a 10. Made frustrate 659, a 30. At Glocester, 421, a 30 In Ireland, 481, b 40. At Lambeth, 215, b 40. Leicester 591, a 40. London, 261, a 50.251, b 30.257, b 10.250, b 60. Adiorned, 251, a 20.248, b 40.238, b 20.240, b 30.246, b 30, 265, b 20.274, b 10.220, a 10.202, b 10.308, a 60▪ 280, b 40.321, b 20▪ 351, a 10.43, b 40.54, b 20. At Marleburrough, 274 a 20. At Merton in Surrie, 220, a 50. At Northampton, 97, a 60.318, b 30.428, b 20.347, b 20.143, a 40. At No­tingham, 142, b 30. At Ox­ford, 101, a 30.209, b 50.167, a 20. At Rone by the duke of Bedford, 603, a 30. At saint Edmundsburie, 301, b 30, 627 a 20. At Salisburie, 445, b 30.302, a 60. At Shrewsburie, 282, a 60. At Westminster, 278 a 10, 283, a 60.210, b 60.220, a 60.214, b 60.229, a 50.233, a 40 1225, a 20.270, b 60.208, a 20.262, a 10.207, a 30.272, b 40. King Richard the second be­ing in Ireland, 481, b 40, 50. Crownes of England and France intaled to Henrie the sixt, &c: 678, a 20. With an at­teindor and a pardon generall 762, b 20. Wherevnto quéene Elisabeth and hir lords did ride, 1377, a 20.1315, a 50. At Winchester, 259, b 30▪ 480, a 10 270, b 50. At Windsor, 96, b 40.103, a 50. At Yorke. 309, a 10.332, a 10.306.350, b 10. Called by the duke of Bed­ford, Henrie the fift being in France, 581, a 60. It and Ri­chard the second at dissention 452, b 10. Called, Richard the second being prisoner in the Towre, 502, a 10. Called by the duke of Glocester, Henrie the sixt being in France, 607, b 10. Dissolued, quéene E­lisabeth making an oration to the whole house, 1396, a 50, &c. Wherein church liuings are restored: note, 1130, a 20. Whereat Philip and Marie are present, 1122, a 10. Of white bands, 326, b 60▪ Par­lamentum insanum, 258, a 60. Iniurious and offensiue, 493, a 50, 60. Determination con­cerning the intaling of the crowne, 657, a 60. Of seuen wéekes continuance, 521, a 30 Called the laimens parle­ment, 526, a 10. Long, 536, b 10. That wrought woonders, 463, b 10. Of thrée estates of the realme, 781, a 60. Whereto noble men are appointed to come in warlike maner, 489, b 60. Summoned, and new lawes for the common welth enacted, 764, a 40. Called the great parlement, 490, a 60. Called mercilesse, & of a head that spake then, 484, b 20. The lords sit in the house in their armour, 439, b 10. Held on that time fiftie yeares that Edward the third was born, 395, b 60.396, a 10. For the or­der of knighthood, 254, a 30. Proroged, 258, a 10. Maie bée deceiued, 1124, b 60. And that the king of Scots came thi­ther, 97, b 60. Adiorned from place to place, 631, a 30. At di­uision: note, 911, a 30, &c. 912, a 20. Great and solemne, 255, a 60. Called the mad parle­ment, 258, a 60. The first vse thereof in Henrie the first his time, 38, a 60, b 40, 39. The au­thoritie thereof, 1005, b 30, The causes and conditions thereof: note, 452, b 20, 30. The authoritie of both hou­ses granted to certeine per­sons, 493, a 20. ¶Sée Bur­gesse, Councell, Priuilege.
  • Parsonages with a decrée tou­ching the same, 30, b 60
  • Pase doctor described, 871, b 60. His oration in praise of peace 848, b 40. Falleth out of his wits, 907, a 10
  • Pasport giuen to Anselme to depart the land, 26, a 10. ¶Sée Safe conduct.
  • Paten ¶Sée bishop Wainfléet.
  • Patents resumed into Richard the firsts hands by act of par­lement, 143, b 50
  • Pateshull a frier Augustine & a Wickleuist, forsaketh his profession, preacheth openlie against his order, publisheth a libell against his brotherhood, his fauourers, 455, a 60, b 10.
  • Patience of the Englishmen in suffering all wants of reléefe, 995, a 40
  • Patriarch of Ierusalem com­meth into England, 108, b 10
  • Patrike an Augustine frier, se­ditious, and an enimie vnto Lancaster house, 787, a 20
  • Pauia besieged, and how the battell was tried, 884, a 40, 50 60, &c. 10, &c. 8 [...]5, a 10
  • Panier a contemner of the gos­pell and his shamefull end: note, 935, a 60
  • Paule abbat of S. Albons com­mended, 18, a 60
  • Paules church in London dedi­cate, 225, b 50. The gates blew open with a tempest, 1209, a 20 Church steeple finished, 204, a 10. At laie at anchor, 979 b 30. Upon the wether­cocke whereof stood a Duch­man holding a streamer, &c. 1091, a 60. It is burnt by lightning: note, 624, a 50, 14, b 10. Meanes made to repare it, 1194, a 40, &c. Ten thousand pounds insufficient to repare it as it was at first▪ b 10
  • Paulet sir Hugh knight his an­swer vnto the constable of France, at the siege of New­hauen, 1203, b 10
  • Paulet William treasuror deceaseth, his ancient & hono­rable seruice, blessed in his children, 1228, a 30
  • Peace betwéene England and France, 1206, a 50. Conclu­ded, 261, a 60, 832, a 60, b 10 Difficulties about the prac­tise thereof, the French coun­cell accord for it, the contents of the capitulation for it, 834, a 60, b 10, &c. Proclamed, 892, b 10. Concluded & proclamed, 973, b 20. Mooued, 774, b 60 Commissioners sent ouer to Calis about the same, whie the English preferred it be­fore war, a conclusion thereof betwéene both nations, 775, a 10, 30, 60. Treated of at To­wres, 624, a 60. Treated but not concluded, 568, b 10, &c. Conditionallie concluded: note, 1061, b 40, 50, 60. With a mariage, 161, a 50. After we­rie wars, 146, b 50, 60 40, b 60 480, a 40. In memorie wher­of the chapell of our ladie of peace was builded: note, 486, a 50, &c. b 20, 60. Perpetuall treated, 474, b 40.445, a 40 Treated but not obteined, 362, a 50, 60. Treated by the ladie Iane de Ualois, 360, a 30. And articles drawne, 391, b 50 Commissioners appoin­ted to treat thereabouts, 409, a 30. Concluded for one whole yeare, 379, b 40. Condi­tionall at the moderation of the quéene of England, 336, a 30.40. Treted by a cardinall, 295, a 10. Decréed by the pope, 308, b 40. Treated vpon by two duchesses: note, 909, b 60 910, a 60, &c. Betwéene the French king and the empe­ror treated but not concluded, 1129, a 50, 60. Procured be­tweene the king of Spaine and France at the sute of the duchesse of Lorrane, 1151, a 60. Broken by the French king, &c. 402, a 60. Hard to be made betwixt Henrie the se­cond and the French king, 113, b 60. Concluded betwene Henrie the second and the French king with much adoo, 114, a 60. Treated betwéene Henrie the eight, and the French king, by a legat from Rome, 882, b 40. Betwéene Edward the fourth, and the French king, the same arti­culated, 696, b 30, 50, &c. Said to be made by the Holie ghost: note, 700, a 60. Betwéene Henrie the sixt & the French king solemnelie treated at Paris, 611, a 20. Betwéene Henrie the fift & the French king, & the articles of the said peace, 572, a 20, 60.573, a 40, &c. Betwéene king Iohn and the French king after war, 160, b 40. Said to be mooued by the popes Nuncios, 166, b 30. Betwéen Richard the first and the French king, 121, a 30. Betwéene Edward the third and the French king, after manie bloudie skirmi­shes, and vpon what articles, 394, a 10, &c. Betwéene Willi­am Rufus and his brother Robert for monie, 21, b 10 Treated and proclamed after long troubles betwéene Hen­rie the third and his barons: note, 268, a 60, b 10, &c. Paine­fullie procured by the coun­tesse of Wales betwixt the king and the duke of Lanca­ster, 446, b 60. Betwéene Ro­bert and Henrie the first, bre­thren, 30, a 10. Of brethren, namelie Edward the fourth and the duke of Clarence▪ 682, a 10. Betwéene Henrie the second and his sonnes, 89, b 10. Betwéene the king of England and Scotland, 47, b 30.50, a 60. With king Iohn compounded for by the king of Scots, 173, b 10. With the Scots, 607, b 10. Betwixt Edward the first and Leolin prince of Wales vpon arti­cles, 278, b 20, &c. 279, a 10 Betwéene the king of Eng­land and the Scots with the charters of the same, 96, a 10 Sought by king Iohn, but withstood of the French king, 167, a 40. Betwéene the king of France and the king of Spaine solemnelie celebra­ted, 850, b 40. Betwéne Le­wis and Henrie the third af­ter sharpe wars, 201, b 10. Of quéenes by them procured: note, 291, b 50. Betwéene the king of France and the duke of Britaine, with the articles thereof, 427, b 50 [Page] betwéene king Stephan and Henrie Fitz empresse, after their long warres, 61, a 60. Betwixt the two factions of Burgogne and Orleance, 538, b 60. Sought for of Soldan Saladin to Richard the first, and concluded, 135, a 0, Betwéene Charles of France & the duke of Bur­gogne, 611, b 50. And what mischéefe came thereof, 612▪ a 10, &c. Betwéene the emperor Charles and the French K. 888, b 20, 30, &c. Henrie the eight, & the prince of Orange included in the same, whie it set all Christendome in a woondering, 889, a 40, 60, b 10 20. Treated vpon betwéene the emperor Charles and the French K. 870, a 60. Betwixt the K. of Spaine & France, treated of, 1183, b 50. The articles thereof, 1184, a 10. Betwéene France & Scot­land proclamed, 1192, b 10, 20, 30. Articles of the same peace, the end thereof, with the commendation of the same, 1193, a 20, 40, 60. The praise and benefits thereof, 1054, b 60. A treatise thereof before an encounter, 10, b 40. Granted vpon mutuall con­ditions, 10, b 50. Made a pretense to execute inward malice, 10, a 30. Conclu­ded to one partie dishonou­rable, 19, a 20. Sought but not wrought, 226, b 10. Con­temned, and reuenge pursu­ed, note, 204, a 40, 50. Con­cluded after much trouble, 273, b 40. And what a foule end an enimie thereto had, 206, b 40. Hindered by hard demands, 410, a 60, b 10. So­lemnlie made, and rechleslie broken, 402, b 20, Wrought by the grace of the Holie-ghost: note, 393, b 60. Dis­honourable, 347, b 20. Hin­dered with stoutnesse, 352, a 20. Offensiue, 427, b 50, 60. Sought for but not admit­ted: note, 494, b 20. Sought but not obteined: note, 32, b 40. Persuaded, nothing pre­uailed, 146, b 10. Disaduan­tageable, 161, b 10. Displea­sant, 30. After sharpe wars, and victorie: note, 572, b 20, &c. Sought for the supplan­ting of ciuill discord: note, 657, b 10. Procured by want of monie, 696, b 50. Begun betwéene two, an oc­casion thereof betwéene ma­nie, 682, a 20. Sought after much malice & bloudshed be­twéene persons of great ho­nour, 681, a 50▪ Called the wo­mens peace: note, 909, b 60, 910, a 10, &c. Treated vpon at Cambrie, executed: note, 914, a 20. Concluded vpon arti­cles, 98, a 40. After great troubles vpon conditions: note, 94, a 40, b 30. Broken of set purpose: note, 112, a 10. ¶Sée Parlement.
  • Peers Alice is banished the realme: note, 418, b 50. ¶Sée Perers.
  • Péers Gaueston earle of Corn­wall, 318, b 40. Edward the seconds lewd compani­on, 318, 50. Married, 318, b 40. Accursed, 319, b 60. Hated of the noble men, and whie, 319, b 10. Banished the realme, b 60. The king his fauour towards him, made deputie of Ireland, placed in Banburgh castell, bani­shed into Flanders, 320, a 10, 40, b 60. His sawcie abusing of the nobles, they assalt and take him, hée is brought vnto Warwike and beheaded, the king displeased at his death, 321, a 20, &c.
  • Penance at Pauls crosse, note, 943, b 40.936, a 40. Of Ana­baptists, 946, a 40.1260, b 20. Of a most horrible offendor: note, 1558, b 50. Of fiue per­sons of the familie of loue, 1261, b 30. At Paules crosse by a spirit in a wall without Aldersgate, 1117, b 60. Of two wenches counterfeiting themselues to be possessed with the diuell, 1259, b 60, Of bishop Herbert▪ 26, a 50. That the regents and rulers of Oxford did at cardinall O­tho his cursse, 222, a 50. In­ioined vnto the burgesses of Oxford: note, 181, b 40. Of the ladie Cobham for hir in­tended treason against Hen­rie the sixt, 623, a 10. Of doc­tor Barnes and two mer­chants of the Stiliard for heresie, 892, b 60. That a wrongfull iustice did, 284, b 60. With penaltie for murder: note, 562, a 52. Ridiculous: note, 484, a 30
  • Penbroke c [...]niuror. ¶ Sée Sorcerer.
  • Pendleton doctor preaching at Paules crosse hath a gun shot at him, 1117, b 50
  • Penker doctor lost his voice in his sermon, &c: note, 725, b 40
  • Pensioners muster before the quéene Elisabeth, 1211, a 60
  • Peoples fauour fixed when it is once gotten: note, 149, all. 150, a 10, 20. Is Henrie the first glad to séeke, and whie, 28, b 10. Great vn­to the duke of Summerset, 1068, b 40. Sought by faire words, 17, b 30. Their furious reuenge for the death of one whome they loued: note, 12, b 60: What promi­ses to purchase it, 8, b 40. ¶Sée Commons.
  • Perers Alice Edward the third his concubine: note, 410, b 20 Banished the realme, 418, b 50
  • Perkin Warbecke was a long time taken for the yoonger of the two princes whome Ri­chard the third murthered, 734, b 10. The counterfet duke of Yorke, his redie wit to learne all that made for his preferment vnto honour, hée ariueth in Ireland, saileth into France all a [...]ant, re­turneth vnto the ladie Mar­garet his first founder, na­med by hir the white rose of England, 776, a 10, &c. Coun­terfeteth the duke of Yorke verie cunninglie, his true li­nage, his conspiring fautors, 777, a 20, 40, b 50. Sir Wil­liam Stanlie his fauourer, 778, b 40. He attempteth to land in Kent, his men dis­comfited, his capteins taken and executed, he reculeth in­to Flanders, 779, b 40, 60. Saileth into Ireland, and is in sundrie opinions, hée mar­rieth the earle of Huntlies daughter, saith that he is Ed­ward the fourth his lawfull sonne, telleth the Scotish K. how he was preserued & kept aliue, calleth the ladie Mar­gareth his aunt, craueth aid of the Scotish K. toward the re­couerie of the crowne of Eng­land from Henrie the seuenth 780, a 20, &c. His counterfet compassion, 781, a 40. Hée is faine to packe out of Scot­land, his thrée counsellors, hée assalteth Excester, 783, b 50, &c. He taketh sanctuarie, his wife presented to Henrie the seuenth, all his partakers in their shirts with halters a­bout their necks appéere be­fore Henrie the seuenth, he is assalted in sanctuarie, submit­teth himselfe to the K. and is strictlie séene vnto, 784, a 60, b 10, &c. Escapeth from his kée­pers, his confession as it was written with his owne hand, and read openlie vpon a scaf­fold by the standard in Chepe 786, a 10, 20, &c. 787, a 10. Hée corrupted his kéepers, he is executed at Tiburne, 787, a 10, b 30
  • Periurie punished, 46, b 20.680, a 60. By God 1262, a 20. Laid to William Rufus charge by his brother Robert, 21, a 40. ¶Sée Oth & Promise. Laid to Henrie the fourths charge, 524, a 10. ¶Sée Baffuling.
  • Perot sir Thomas knight▪ ¶Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Persecution in England cea­seth, and the protestants re­turne out of exile, 1181, b 50. ¶ Sée Martyr, Religion, Priests s [...]m [...]arie.
  • Persie lord sent against the Scots, 303▪ b 60. Put to flight by the king of Scots, 315, a 10. ¶Sée Conspiracie and Erle.
  • Persiuall ¶Sée Maior and Of­ficer.
  • Peson. ¶Sée Woonder.
  • Pestilence, 473, a 20. In Calis, 803, b 30. Followeth fa­mine, 1049, b 40. In manie places, speciallie in London, 787, b 60. In diuerse parts of the realme, 704, a 60, That deuoured woonderfull multitudes: note, 703, b 20. Hot in London, 1211, b 60. In London, 961, a 40.525, a 60. Among the soldiors at Newhauen, 1204, a 50. The cause that Newhauen fell in­to the hands of the French, 1205, b 10, 20, 30. Transpor­ted from thense to London, 1205, b 50. And what a con­sumption of people it wroght in the citie and suburbs: this was called the great plague, b 60. Like to haue increased, 1260, a 10, 20. In Germa­nie whereof thrée hundred thousand died, 1206, b 10
  • Peterburrough spoiled, 194, a 30
  • Peter pence forbidden to be a­nie more gathered in Eng­land, 397, b 20
  • Peter Landoise. ¶Sée Lan­doise.
  • Peters William knight decea­seth, his charitie, 1227, b 50
  • Petitions thrée that quéene Philip made to hir husband on hir death bed: note, 404, a 20, 30, &c. ¶ Sée Demands and Requests.
  • Pe [...]o cardinall became a beg­ging frier: note, 1365, b 10
  • Peuerell William disherited, 65 b 40
  • Philip his preparation to come into England, the English ambassadors méete him at saint Iames of Compostella, his arriuall in Southhamp­ton, receiued of the nobilitie, interteined of quéene Marie, married vnto hir, what no­bles were attendant on him, the conditions of their mari­age, 1118, all. Installed at Windsor, he and she go throgh London to Westminster, 1120 b 50, 60. Passeth ouer into Flanders to incounter the French king, 1133, b 20, 1129 b 40. His returne into Eng­land, 1133, a 40.
  • Philip the hardie and whie so surnamed, 401, b 60.
  • Philip of Austrich, afterwards K. of Castile or Spaine, lan­deth in west parts of Eng­land, 792, b 40. His honorable interteinment, his bow inui­olablie kept, his deth and de­scription, 793, a 10, 50, 60
  • Philip the French king bribed to procure peace betwéene William Rufus and Robert. 21, b 10. Setteth Robert the sonne against his father Wil­liam, duke of Normandie, 12, a 30. His iest at duke Willi­am lieng sicke, 14, b 20. His death, 34, b 60, 205, a 60. ¶ Sée French king.
  • Philip king Richard the firsts base sonne, slue the vicount of Limoges. 160, b 60
  • Philip quéene of England: ¶ Sée Quéene.
  • Philpot a worthie citizen of London and alderman, 419, b 60. Discloseth treasons, 428 a 60
  • Physician Lewes sheweth to quéene Elizabeth the whole conceit and deuise of vniting the house of Lancaster and Yorke in one, 741, b 50
  • Physicians counsell neglected dangerous to the death, 45, a 10, 20
  • Piemount prince commeth into England, 1126, b 10
  • Piers Exton. ¶Sée Exton.
  • Pilgrime his scrip and staffe, 123, b 10
  • Pilgrims robbed and the théefe hanged: note, 122, a 20
  • Pilgrimage cloked, 183, b 50 The holie pilgrimage, 942, a 20
  • Pilgrimages. ¶ Sée Images.
  • Pipes of lead vnder the ground to conueie water, and when the casting of them was in­uented, 944. a 60. ¶Sée Wa­ter.
  • Pirat Barton. ¶ Sée Bar­ton, Campbell.
  • Pirats on the west seas taken and executed, 1258, a 10. Han­ged at Wapping, 1258, b 40 1271, a 60, 1354, b 10, 20 ¶ Sée Clinton, &c.
  • Pirats had like to haue taken Henrie the fourth, 533, b 10 Followed so that they durst not péepe out, 537, a 30. To the number of twentie and two condemned and iudged to die, 1262, a 10
  • Pittie of Henrie the second to the poore: note, 115, a 50. Of Henrie the seuenth on a com­panie of haltered rebels, 784, [Page] b 40. Of Henrie the sixt nota­ble: note, 691. b 20. Of king Henrie the fift: note, 560. b 60 Of Hubert de Burgh toward duke Arthur of Britaine in prison, 165. b 10. Of Ed­ward the third towards the poore notable, 375. a 20. Of a queene of England vnto six burgesses of Calis: note, 378. a 20. Of captaine Ran­doll notable, 1205. b 10. Foo­lish in dearing with pardo­ning offendors: note. 1049. a 60. Of one the casting awaie of another: note, 41. b 30. On the dead▪ pardon to the liuing, 688. b 30▪ 40. Procureth pe­rill. 423. b. 10.20. ¶ See Charitie.
  • Plage called The great plage, asswaged in London, 1262, a 10. Threefold to the poore citizens, 1209, a 20. A natural prognostication therof, 1050. b. 30. Great in Essex, 480. b 60. In diuerse places of England great, 805. a 10. ¶See Pestilence.
  • Plaie pub [...]ike, and conference there to further the rebellion in Northfolke, but note the is­sue, 1028. b 20.30.1029. 1030. Of a tragedie in Oxford with misfortune. 1209. b 10.
  • Plaies and enterludes forbid­den for a time, 1184. a 50.
  • Planets superiors coniunction, 484. b. 40.
  • Plantagenet the true earle of Warwike a verie innocent, he is executed: note 787. b 20.50 Knight deceaseth in the tow­er, the cause of his trouble, 955. a 60. b 10. &c. The last of the right li [...]e and name, 953, a 60. In whome that name rested▪ 703. b 20. A counterfeit of the ladie Mar­garets imagining, 775. a 60. ¶ See Arthur and Earle.
  • Pledges that duke William led ouer with him into Nor­mandie, 5, a 10. Scotish ap­pointed to passe into England 1187. b 40. ¶See Hostages.
  • Plentie and abundance: note 284. a 40. And dearth, 11 [...]3. a 30. Of vittels, but scarsitie of monie, 353. a 10. See Uittels.
  • Plimmouth burnt, 355. a 60.
  • Pocks wherof manie died▪ 397. b 50.
  • Po [...]r Ranulfe slaine, 106▪ a 20.
  • Poictiers battell when it was, 390. a 10
  • Poictouins reuolt from king Iohn. 164 b 10. Send king Henrie the third word of their readines to reuolt from the French king, 207. a 10. Suspected to haue poiso­ned the English lords, 259. b 50. Discomfited, 217. b 40
  • Poinings knight lieutenant of Turnaie. 825. a 10. Dischar­ged of keeping it, 837. b 40 A valiant captaine sent into Flanders, 772. a 60. Sent into. Ireland with an armie, his valiantnes and successe, 779. a 60. b 10. &c. His decease 969, b. 20.
  • Poisoning, a woman burnt for it at Tunbridge. 1262. a 60. And also at Maidstone, 1226.40. Punished with boiling to death in hot wa­ter. 926. b 60. Practised, and the parties punished with standing on the pillorie, 1258. b. 40. For the which a wench was burnt in Smith­field, 1434, b 10. And execu­tion for the same, 259. b 60. 260. a 10. Bewraied by the sweating of pretious stones, 194. b 20. Of earle Scot of Chester with his wife. 220, b 60. Of the earle of Deuon­shire▪ 646. b 60. In Italie practised: note 795. a 10. &c.
  • Polander, ¶ See Albertus de Lasco.
  • Policie whereby Compiegne was surrendered to the Eng­lish. 587. a 60. Of the Parisi­ons to outreach the duke of Bedford, 586. a 6. Of the French in taking Pon [...] de Larch, 629. a 20. In buieng peace of the English, 700. b 10. &c. Of Edward the fourth against his enimies, 684, a 50. Of Richard the third mischiefous and incestuous, note▪ 350. a 60. Ungratious & tending to the slaughter of princelie innocents, 739. a 20. Of the earle of Richmond in getting the sun at the backe of his souldiers, 758. b 60. To auoid danger 748. a 38. Of Henrie the seuenth against sir Robert Clifford, 778. b 20. In senting forth espials into Flanders, 777. b 30. To pre­uent an intended mischiefe: note 536. b 20 Of duke Al­bert of Saxonie to get the towne of Dam, 772. a 20. Of the English archers a­gainst their enimies shot, 770. b 40. Of Henrie the seuenth to match suspected persons especiallie if they fled, 780. a In surprising the towne of Pont Meulan, a 10. b 10. For a bridge, 617. b 60. Of sir Francis the Arragonois, 619. b 10. Of Henrie the fift in the time of a commotion, 544 b 10. Oftentimes passeth force, 648. a 60. Of the earle of Huntington 617. Of Hen­rie the fift against the French horsemen, 553. b 10: note 564. b 50. For redie bridges, 571. b 40, Of a priest fauoring con­spirators: note 516. a 40. Of the earle of Westmerland, 529 b 40.50.530. a 10. Of the English against the Flemish 454. b 10. Of the French king against the English, 426. b 50.4222. a 60. Da­stardlie of the French king to make Edward the third raise his siege from Calis, 375 b 30. Of the Scots discomfiting the English, 324. b. 60. Of a captaine against the Welsh­men, 236. a 60. a 60. Of the English, 295. a 60. Of the duke of Guise against the English, 1135. b 20. Of the French to make bridges 1138, b. 60. To restraine the people at the duke of Sum­mersets execution, 1067. a 60. b 50. Of a yeoman of the gard a rebell whereby he gat pardon. 844. Of Scattergood a guner to deceiue the French 1192. a 60. Of Frenchmen disguised in womans aparell, 1188. b 50. Of warre by the Kentishmen, 2. a 20. Of the French to giue the English a repulse, 1191. a 50▪ Of duke William in making a part of England waste, 11. a 40. Of the French king to get posses­sion of Uernueill▪ 8.88. a 50. ¶See Dissimulation, Stra­tag [...]m.
  • Pomfret castle rendred to Ed­ward the second, 331. a
  • Pontoise surprised by the Eng­lishmen, 570. a 30. Recouered by them, 17. a 40. Besieged by the French king but valiant­lie defended, b 20. Gotten by French, 618, a 30
  • Pont M [...]ulan surprised by en­trance of a common priuie, 610. b 10
  • Pontorson rendered vnto the Englishmen, 895, a 30.
  • Poole Cardinall, ¶ See Car­dinall Poole and Pope.
  • Pope Adrian, 274. a 40. An Englishman borne. 66. a 50▪ His election to the popedome wondered and whie, he com­meth to Rome, 871. b 30.50. His creation, corruption of the cardinals in his election corrupted with manie vices, 767. a 40, 50. b 21. His pride: note, 69. a 40. His grant to make Iohn king of Ireland, 101. a 30. Maketh profit of his great pardon or heauenlie grace, 788. a 60. Letters for the reliefe of the Holie land, 104. b 50. Fatherlie words to archbishop Lanfranke: note 9. a 50. Depriueth bishops and restoreth them, 9 a 40. Hea­reth the contention for the primasie betweene the archbi­shops, 9. a 30. Sent commissi­oners into England, 8. b 60. He and the emperor Frede­rik at debate, 75. b 10. His an­swer to Beckets complaint, 73. a 30.
  • Pope Boniface prohibiteth Ed­ward the first further to vex the Scots, 309. b 30.
  • Pope Calixius held a councell at Reimes, and consecrateth the archbishop of Canturbu­rie with his owne hands, 40 a 50. A sutor for archbishop Thurstane 40. b 40. His cursse against both archbi­shops of Canturburie and Yorke. 42. a 10.
  • Pope Calestine a friend to arch­bishop Geffreie of Yorke, 130. b 20. Maketh an archbishop of Canturburie legat of all England, 147, b 50.
  • Pope Clements reformation in England, 315. b 40. And what summes of monie are had of the archbishop of Yorke: note 315. a 30. Procureth a peace for one yeare betwixt the two kings of England and France, 379. b 40. Sent two cardinals to accord the two kings of England and France, 377. b 50. Letters in fauor of the bishop of Elie, and how he defendeth his chapleins, 132. a 60. Sendeth Henrie the eight a golden rose, 883. a 60. Pretended a title to the realme of Sicill, 124. b 60. Requireth Henrie the eight personallie to ap­peare at a generall councell, 930. a 10. Taken prisoner by the emperors armie. 1365. a 30. Deceseth, more infortunat than fortunat, 935. b 10. His death preiudiciall, 131. b 60
  • Pope Eugenie sendeth a legat to treat a peace betweene the two kings of England and France, 607. a 50
  • Pope Gelasius the second his death. 40. a 10
  • Pope Gregorie sendeth the bi­shop of Rauenn [...] to treat a peace betwixt England and France, 408. b 50. Messen­gers sent to him about reser­uations of benefices, b 60.409 &c. Denied to be true pope: note, 225. a 60. Sendeth car­dinall Otho into England, 221. b 30. His meanes to mooue the people to a iorneie against the Saracens, 209. b 40. Disgraced by the cardi­nall of Burgis, 514. b 60 His plaine song, whereabouts was great fli [...]e, 13. b 30. His bull against the hearing of a married priests masse, 11. b 60 Deposed by king Henrie the seuenth, 1364. b 10. His faculties granted to Parsons and Campian for England, 1362, b 60. Parries letters to him, & wherto they tended, 1389. a 50. A lewd sermon and full of papisticall adulati­on made at his funerals. 1397. b 40. &c. 1398. &c. vnto 1400. Deceaseth, 1397. a 20. His new kalendar touched, 30.40. &c.
  • Pope Honorius, his legat a bawdie knaue sent into En­gland about reformation, 42. b 40. His legat to king Hen­rie the third, 208, a 10. Main­teiner of king Iohns cause, 193. b 50
  • Pope Hildebrand the first that made warre against the em­peror, 1364. a 40
  • Pope Innocent summoneth a generall councell, 236. b 20 His request for maintenance of the warres against the Turks, 164. a 20. Offereth to king Henrie the third the kingdome of Sicill, 250. b 20. And hath England tributa­rie, 177. b 20. Would not con­firme archbishop Reignolds of Canturburies election, and whie, 169. a 60. His answere to the English ambassadors, 187. a 60. b 10. His licence to king Richard the first to ga­ther riches, 120. a 60. Com­mandeth that the church of Lameth should be raced, 154 a 30. His councell held at Cleremont, 44. a 50. He find­eth fauor at king Henrie the first his hands, and is thank­full, 44. a 50. Sendeth cardi­nals about a treatie of peace, 391. a 30. Aided with monie by king Henrie the third a­gainst the emperor, 224. b 30. Deceaseth, 193. b 50. 274. a 30
  • Pope Iulies election, a descrip­tion of his qualities, and how he came to the popedome, 811, b 30. &c. Sendeth king Henrie the eight a cap of maintenance, &c. Compared to Anteus, his purposes and death, a malcon­tent, 830. b 10. &c. Intituleth king Henrie the eight Chri­stianissimo, his daughters re­quest, a description of his pro­perties, 831. a 20.50.60. Gaue cardinall Pooles authoritie apostolike, 1123. b 10. Dieth, a porkish pope, his monstrous blasphemie against God about a pecocke, 1128. a 10. &c, 50.
  • Pope Leo the tenth his creati­on, 831. b 60. His coronation, a poore prisoner on the same daie twelue moneth of his elec­tion and inthronization▪ 832. a 10. 30. He soliciteth all the princes of christendome a­gainst the Turke, 846. a 10. Receiueth two elephants for a present: note, 837. b 10. His craftie feare, 845. b 30. His decease supposed by poison, the maner and order of his death. 871. a 40▪ &c
  • Pope Martine legateth the bi­shop of Winchester & vnlega­teth him againe, 602. a 60. b 60
  • Pope Othobone named Adrian the fift, 274. a 40
  • Pope Paschall his bulles vnto Anselme of Canturburie, 27. b 60. Grieued bicause his au­thoritie is not regarded in England, 37. b 20. Courte­ouslie receiueth the English [Page] ambassadors, 31. b 20. Autho­riseth Anselm to order things to his owne liking, 34. a 10. His stout words to bishop War [...]wast touching the inue­stiture of churches, 31. b 50. Hath the determining of the strife about bishops inuesting and consecrating, 31. b 10. Writeth most courteouslie to king Henrie the first in An­selms behalfe, 32. a 10 Sicke at Beneuento, dieth, 40. a▪ 10
  • Pope Paule a Romane borne created, 935, b 60
  • Pope Pius, an ambassage to him out of England, certeine notes concerning him. 794. b 50.60. His bull against queen Elisabeth, the effect thereof, 1359, a 60. The practises of traitors to execute it, b 10.20 Harts confession of the inter­pretation thereof, 1363. a 10. His bull seditious hanged on the bishop of Londons gate, 1221. a 20▪ &c. A tresonable action, 1366. b 20
  • Pope Sixtus Quintus succes­sor to Gregorie the thirteenth, excommunicateth princes, and is by them defied, 1401. a 10
  • Pope Urban in mislike with king William Rufus, and whi [...]: note, 24. b 30. His legat for the crowning of erle Iohn king of Ireland, 110. b 20. Whie he could not redresse the English enormities, 18. b 40, Calleth a councell at Clere­mont and whie, 22. a 40. Gi­ueth faculties to a frier Car­melite, 455. a 60. His bene­ficiall pardons to such as would fight against Clement antipape: note 441. a 60. b 60.442. a 40, Sendeth to Ri­chard the second for aid against an antipape, 421. a 50
  • Pope Wibteth aduanced by the emperor against pope Urban, 24. b 20
  • Pope sendeth a frier minor into England to restore Henrie the thirds halfe brethren to their possessions, 261▪ b 50. His nuncio commanded to a­uoid the realme, & sent awaie▪ 237. a 10.30. Allowed ele­uen thousand marks among them of the spiritualtie, 239. b 50. Out of fauour with the lords temporall of Eng­land, 211. a 10. Sendeth his legat to pacifie Henrie the third and his nobles, 271. a 20 Complaineth to Henrie the third and blameth him, and commandeth offendors to be curssed, 214, b 20. Requireth maintenance for his warres against the emperor, 210. b 60 His demands out of spirituall liuings in England, 208. a 40 50, &c. Lacketh monie to mainteine his estate: note, 208 a 40. His chapleine inhibited to leuie monie, 315. b 30. Ex­horteth king Edward the first to make war against France. 311. a 60. His decree of peace betwixt the king of England and France, 308. b 40. His request for the releasing of Iohn Balioll, b 40. Inter­medleth in princes matters, 297. a 10.20. De [...]rous of peace betweene the kings of England and France: note, 388. b 40. His pretended right to be iudge for the title of the realme of Scotland answered: note, 309. b 60.310, a 10. &c. His letters & the deliuerers of them hanged, 392. a 20. Sen­deth two bishops to the prince of Wales, 383. b 50. Inter­dicteth Flanders, 358. a 10. Taketh vpon him to bestow and deale in benefices at his pleasures: note, 365. a 60. b all, 366. a 10. Sendeth a bull for the apprehension of Wic­liffe, 419. a 20. Two at diuisi­on for the dignitie of S. Pe­ters chaire, 484. b 50. Send­eth his nuntio to Richard the second: note whie, 474. b 60. A disputation betwixt di­uines of Oxford and Cam­bridge for their obedience to him, 534, b 50.60. Beareth out the moonks against the king & the archbishop of Can­turburie, 155. a 50. Offended at king Richard the firsts imprisonment, 138. b 40. In­to what a lamentable case he brought king Iohn and his nobles, 186. b 20.30.40. His messengers to persuade the K. of England & the French king to peace, 146, b 10. Sen­deth to take awaie the inter­diction vpon conditions, 181. b 20. He & king Iohn reconci­led, 178▪ b 40. His decree and inhibition contemned, 187. b 30. Threateneth interdiction against king Iohn and the clergie, 171. b 60.172. a 10. Dismisseth two archbishops at strife, and electeth a third, 170. b 60. His dispen­sation for a marriage: note, 160. b 60. Giueth sentence with the moonks of Cantur­burie against the bishops, 170. b 10.20. Interdicteth France and Normandie, 160 a 60. Sendeth his nuncio to France, 166, b 30. He dispen­seth for an oth of allegiance broken by the duke of Yorke. 659, b 60. Send [...] Lionell bishop of Concor [...]ia to the French king, 771. b 10. Poi­soned with the wine that his owne sonne had sent to poison another, 795, a 40. He and the states of Italie in a league, abandoned of all hope, com­poundeth with the imperials a hard article and to be mar­uelled how he might brooke it, the castell where he was pri­soner infected with the plague 893. a 20.50.60. b 20. He & the emperors agents at accord, a heauie paiment for him to discharge, the manner of his going out of prison, 902. a 20. 30.60. He by the instigation of cardinall Poole intendeth mis­cheefe against England, 946. b 60. His supremasie denied in sermons, 937. b 10. Cursseth Henrie the eight & the realme: note, 936. a 60. His autho­ritie banished out of England by proclamation, 914. b 40. He with certeine cardinals flie to the castell of S. Angelo, 896. a 50. His legats scrape and rake monie togither for him: note, 226. a 30. &c. Hath Henrie the second in a seruile subiection: note, 83. b 50.84. a 10. His forces vanquished in Ireland, 1367. a 40. The cause of rebellions in England and of treasons: note, 1366. b 10. His cursses no hinderance of Englands prosperitie, 1366▪ a 40. Not to be suffered to make rebellions in England, 1365. b 40. Kings of christendome neuer suffer him to abridge their titles or rights though they suffer him to haue rule ouer their people, 1365. b 10. And that kings of France, Spaine, and England haue beene against him: note, 1365. a 40, 50.60. Haue cruellie per­secuted emperors: note, 1364. a 60. His title of vniuersall bi­shop is a preamble of anti­christ, 1364. b 60. His authori­tie not warranted by Christ or his two apostles Peter and Paule, 1363, b 60. His bull & the mainteiners thereof onelie condemned of treason, 1361. b 20 Supremasie, no person for the onelie maintenance there­of charged with capitall crime 1361, b 10. Sendeth aid to the earle of Desmond, his banner erected: note, 1314. b 40. His bull, a full proofe that the mainteiners thereof are di­rectlie guiltie of treason: note the words of the bull, &c. 1362 a all. His dutie what it is not, and what it should be, 24. b 40 His decree for confirmation & benediction, 256. a 50▪ Mens deuotion to him waxeth cold, 253, b 50. He is liberall of an­other mans pursse, 250. b 60. Offreth the kingdome of Si­cill to earle of Cornwall, 247. a 40. Complained of to Hen­rie the third, the king writeth vnto him, 232. b 10. A collect to be said for him, another for his election, a woman impri­soned for not praieng for him. 1128. b 20.40.50. An enimie to peace except he might haue his owne will, 226. b 10. Sen­deth for monie to mainteine his wars against the emperor 233. b 20. His letters inter­cepted & staied, 236, b 30. He & French king alied, 847. b 30. His decree that all spirituall men dieng intestat their goods should remaine vnto him, 238 b 60, 237. &c. Requireth the French king to make war a­gainst England, the French king refuseth so to do, 238. a 20 Sendeth for the third part of one yeares profit of euerie be­neficed man resident, 239, b 10. Maketh void the election of archbishop Neuill, 213, b 30 Sueth to Henrie the third for licence to soiorne at Burdeaux 243. a 60. His presence more like to impaire than amend things, b 10. His bull read at Paules crosse, 263. a 10. His grant authorising the bishop of Lincolne to institute vicars in churches impropriat 246. a 40.50. Hath six thousand marks giuen him for a mode­ration: note, 244. a 40. Con­secrateth William Raleigh bi­shop of Winchester, 231. b 60. He and king Iohn at strife, and whie, 171. all. Two die in one yeare, 229. a 10. Sueth vnto Henrie the third for his good will in benefices to be­stow on his friends, 238. b 40. ¶See Antipape, Cardinals, Legats, Mariage, Rome.
  • Poore of three degrees, which to be cherished, & which to be pu­nished, 1082. a 50. &c. And in what places, b 10. &c. Their necessitie relieued by Gods prouidence▪ 1129. a 60. b 10. Prouision of corne for them. 1092. a 50. Prouided for in time of scarsitie, 381. a 50.60
  • Portingall prince commeth to London, 589. b 60
  • Portingall king sendeth aid to Henrie the fift, 566. a 20. Ai­ded with an armie out of En­gland against the king of Ca­stile, 429. a 40. He with duke of Lancaster inuade Castile, 450. a 30. Sendeth six gallies to king Richard the seconds aid, 448. a 10. Deceaseth, an obsequ [...]e for him, 1134. a 10
  • Portgreeues, and the reason of the name, 120. a 10
  • Posie of the duke of Alanson, 1337. a 10. &c. Interpreted, 1340. a 10
  • Praier and inuocation to God before battell enterprised: note 371. a 60. Of queene Elisa­beth as she went to hir coro­nation, 1180. a 10. Supersti­tious of the Scots in a time of mortalitie among the En­glish. 423. a 20
  • Praiers vsed by housholders in the suspicious & troublesome time of duke William, 5. b 50. 6. a 10. For queene Marie being with child that she may be safelie deliuered, 1125. a 20. 50. &c. 1126. a 40. ¶See Col­lect, Papists, and Saints.
  • Preacher at Paules crosse hath a dagger throwne at him, de­fended by the gard, 1089. a 60. b 10.20, 1090. a 20. Hath a gun shot at him, 1117. b 50 Popish blasphemie in the pulpit, and how seuerelie pu­nished by God, 1128. b 60.
  • Preaching of pardon at the shew of a relike, 240. a 60▪ To mooue christians to make a iorneie against the Saracens, 209. b 40. Of a cardinall, 316. a 10. Of the archbishop of Canturburie at the deposing of Edward the second, 340. b 10. Of Cementarius incen­sing K. Iohn to crueltie, 173. b 60. Good wanting, was the cause of rebellion in Deuon­shire, 1015. a 10. ¶See Re­cantation and Sermon.
  • Preferment without looking or seeking obteined, 18. b 60
  • Premunire statute begun, 409. a 60. Whereof followed losse of goods, 951. a 50. A cause of malcontentment: note, 927. b 60, 928. a 10. ¶See Woolseie.
  • Premise hanged in London for killing his maister, 1213. a 10 Killed, & the offendors han­ged, 1353. b 20. ¶See Riot.
  • Present of Cambridge vniuer­sitie to queen Elisabeth. 1299 a 10. Of a Dutch minister to queene Elisabeth at Nor­wich, 1293. b 30, 1294. a 60. b 10. Of white kine and a bull offered to king Iohn, 174. [...] 10. Sent by the Rhengraue to the earle of Warwike, 1197. b 50. That the emperor Charles sent to Henrie the eight, 882, a 40. ¶See Gift.
  • Presents rich & sumptuous sent to Henrie the third, 252, a 30
  • Preest excommunicated for in­continencie, 242. a 60. Com­mitted a shamefull murther▪ 173. a 30. Killeth a frier being prisoner, 568. b 20. Executed for treason, 947. b 50. Han­ged for fauouring of rebels, 943. a 60. b 10. Murthered, and the murtherer hanged in chaines, 814, b 30. A valiant soldior, 988, a 10. Massing ri­diculouslie scorned, 1102, b 50. Seditious. ¶See Simon.
  • Preests that were hunters an act against them, 97. a 60. Their concubines forbidden christian buriall, 207. b 30.40 &c. Religious men hardie souldiers, 443. a 60. Their sonnes not to succeed in their fathers benefices, 30. b 30. Marriage forbidden & whie, 30. b 10.20. Prohibited to marrie and to keepe women, 37. a 20. Sequestred from their wiues, 34. b 20. Mar­ried in what respect to be ex­communicated, 30. b 30. [Page] Should not haunt a [...]ses, and of their apparell, 30. To weare crownes. [...]b 40. All in Normandi [...] [...]m­municated and whie▪ 30. Unchast how punish [...] 3. b 40. Of Rome taken [...] with a whore: note 420. Fauoured, by the esta [...] ­ment of a statute, 54. b 5 [...]0 be arrested offending in­rests, 153. b 60. Use [...] priuie messengers, 68. [...] Hated of king Iohn: n 172. a 60. Their children gi [...]ted by parlement, 10 a 60. ¶ S [...]e Ball, Clerg Moonks, and Policie.
  • Preests seminarie, as Campia [...] Sherwin, Kerbie, Rishton others indicted of high trea­son: note well, 1312. a 50.60. Condemned, 1326. Their behauiors at their execution, 1328. b 60.1329. a 10. Of a miracle (forsooth) on the daie of their death. ¶ See more of them, pag. 1357. a 60. &c. to 1368.1413 a 50. Bani [...]hed, and how courteouslie vsed, by their owne report, 1 [...]13. b 50.60. Executed at Ti [...]urne, 1434. b 50. 1559. b 60. Died for treason and not for [...]eligi­on, 1361. b 40. Not to [...] com­pared to the martyrs [...] died in Q. Maries time [...] num­ber, 1363. a 40.50. Their practises to execute th [...] popes bull, nursseries er [...]d for them, their secret coming in­to the realme to ind [...]e the people to obeie the sa bull, 1359. b all. Foord, S [...]t, and Iohnson, arrained [...] con­demned, with their b [...]auiors and speeches at the [...] death. 1344.1345. Of Kirb, F [...]bie Coteham and Ri [...]dson, 1345.1346.1347. ¶ See Iesuits, Scholers & [...]reson.
  • Prest monie demande [...] of the citie of London [...]o queene Maries behoofe, 100, b 50. Of twentie [...]housan pounds to queene Marie [...] of Lon­don, 142, a 30.
  • Presumption o [...] the [...]rchbishop of Yorke▪ 98. [...]. O [...] Anselme 24. And of R [...]nulf [...] bishop of Chichester, 26 [...] 20. Of car­dinall Otho, 22. a 10. Of an oration in Frech to Henrie the fift: note, 56, a 40. Of a cardinall, 182. a 0. Punished in posteritie, 41 [...] 40. ¶ See Pride.
  • Pride of Henrie, owned and serued of his [...]atir, 76, b 10 Of prelats mislied by king Edward the first▪ 16, b 20. Of the erle of Le [...]ters sons bringeth the baron to confu­sion, 270, b 10. Of [...]e French procureth them ha [...]ed, 198. a 10. Of the duke of [...]rleance, 524. Of Hugh Creshing­ham, 305. a 20. Of [...]andulfe the popes legat not [...]e, 177, a 10. Of pope Alexa [...]er, 99. a 40. Of great ruffes [...]proued and reformed in a [...]ruing­man, 1315. a 20.30. Hath a a fall, 147. b 40: note, 132. a 10. ¶ See Ambition Con­tention, 133. a 60. Prsump­tion, Wolseie.
  • Primasie. ¶ See Archbishops.
  • Prince of Wales alwaies the kings eldest sonne, 1141▪ b 60
  • Printer executed for seditious books, 1357.140.
  • Printing first inuented, 648. b 60
  • Prior Iehan bringeth aid to the French king, 815. b 40. Lieth in Blanke [...]able baie with his power, he looseth one of his best fo [...]sts, a consultation a­bout the assaulting of him, the admerall roweth into the baie where he lieth, 816. a 60. b 30 40.50.60. Lande th [...] Sus­sex with the French gallies, he is driuen to his gallies, 817. a 10. Ariueth [...]n the bor­ders of Sussex, burneth the towne of Brighthemstone, with other mischiefes, he is shot into the eie with on ar­row, 831. b 20.50.
  • Priors executed for treason, 938. a 30. ¶ See Abbats.
  • Priories suppressed▪ [...]48. a 10.
  • Prise rich taken by the earle of Warwicke, 648. b 50. Of wines to the quantitie of two hundred tun, 1196. a 50. More 1197. a 20. Of foure hundred tun of Gascoigne & French wines, 1211. a 20
  • Prises taken by Frenchmen of about fiftie thousand rownes value, 1199. a 10. [...]0.40. Of French goodes [...]aken by the Westerne ships, 968. a 20. ¶See Greenfield.
  • [...]risoner shifting to escape breaketh his necke, 228, b 20. Escaped and the shiriffe of London is punished, 251. b 60 Rescued by an officer, and the rescu [...]rs punished: note, 260, a 50. Carefullie seene vnto: note, 376. a 60. Faithfull, a [...]tab [...]e example, 423. a 50. Chaind in gieues made of sil­uer, 18, a 10. That should haue [...]ne hanged his good seruice, 770. b 30. Brake from th sessions house: note, 906. b 10
  • Prisoners French mercifullie vsed; not▪ 550.60. Pittifullie slaine, 5 [...]4. b 60. Taken in wars an [...] slaine, 608. b 60. Discharged, 1088. b 60. Slaine b [...] French as they were take [...], 601. b 10. Of the Marshalsee breake out, 792. a 10. Soll in open markets: note, 819. b40. Scottish of name taken by the English, 989. a 40. Deliuered out of the tower, 1127. a 10. Relea­sed, 95. a 20. Set at libertie by duke William before his death, 14. b 50. Released in an vprore, 273. a 30. Arraig­ned for not comming to the church, 1322. a 40. Procla­mations for the lawfull taking of them in warre, 1200, b 10. 40. Set at libertie at William Rufus coronation, 16. b 10. Taken diuers nobles & gen­tlemen of France, 200. a 60. Beheaded, 133. a 30. Released without ransome, 201. b 10. Set at libertie out of the tow­er by the Londoners, 338. b 50.60. A conspiracie to set them at libertie, 333. a 30. Honorablie intreated by the prince of Wales: note, 390. a 10. &c. Taken in the warres how honorable intreated by Edward the third, 379. b 10.20. Set at large by rebels. 430. b 50. Saued from the gallowes at a womans sute, note, 378, a 20. ¶See Fines.
  • Priuilege of the parlement. ¶ See Burgesses.
  • Priuileges and freedomes re­uoked by duke William, 8. a 20. Ecclesiasticall defended against Henrie the sixt & his nobles, 637. a 20.30. ¶ See Liberties.
  • Procession in English, 963, b 30
  • Proclamation against the popes authoritie in England, 914. b 40. &c. Traitorous read and the reader apprehended, 1132. b 60. Heauie and greeuous, 664, b 40. Of Henrie the sixt for the taking of Iacke Cade the rebell and [...] fellowes, 635, b 10. &c. For the law­full assise of bread, 166, a [...]. That all English be­nefited men in Rome should returne into England 474. b 50.60. Clearing the lords of treason, 460. a 40. For the a­uoiding of Irishmen, 481. a 40. Touching monie: note, 309. a 20. To auoid stran­gers. 202, b 40. Against pur­u [...]iors 259 d 20. That none should depart out of the relme 20. b 40. Against the familie of loue. 1314▪ a 60, b 10. For the free traffike of merchants as before, &c. 1267, b 10. ¶ See Inclosures.
  • Prodigalitie of duke Robert of Normandie: note, 32, b 20. Of William Rufus, 26. b 10. noted .27, a 10.
  • Progresse of queene Elisabeth. ¶See Queene Elisabeth.
  • Promise to purchase the peopls fauor, 8. b 40. In sicknesse broken in health, 20. a 50. And what slacknes in performance thereof procured: note, 19. b 40 Of Edward the first vrged by his nobles: note, 308, a 50. 60. b 10. Uerie dishonorablie broken, 304. b 60. Made a­gainst loialtie, & withstood by casualtie, 295, a 30. Made to a request and performed: note, 320. b 40. Made solemnelie, wickedlie broken by the F. king, 133. b 60. Broken, and the hostages executed, 597. b 10. Of Edward the fourth made by proclamation broken 688. b 10. Broken with Hen­rie the seuenth by Maximili­an verie dishonorablie: note, 774. b 20.30. Breaking puni­shed with great forfeture, 765 b 40. Of queene Marie made to the gospellers broken, 1161 a 50. Of queene Elisabeth in the parlement house, howsoe­uer God inclined hir heart, 1181. b 20. Of queene Elisa­beth to the citie on the daie of hir coronation: note, 1175. a 20. b 60.1179. a 30. Of the duke of Alanson, euen to the sheding of his blood, 1335. b40
  • Promises of William Rufus to the English clergie, but not kept: note, 17. b 30. Large prooue light in performance, 28 a 40. Faire of king Stephan 47. a 10. Greet and mountein­like, 704. a 20
  • Promoters cause of murmuring &c. among the people, 794. b 10. &c. Troublesome beasts, 791. b 40. Punished, 800. a 10
  • Prophesie of death naturall fell out true in proofe, 1208. a 10. Of a cardinall: note, 388. b 50 Of Ball a seditious preest. 437 a 50. Of the reuolting of the subiects from their prince. 493 b 60 Of the decay of the Per­sies stocke, 534. a 60. Of an heremite of Wakefield to king Iohn, 180. a 30. Of Henrie the fift touching Henrie his sonne the sixt: note, 581. b 10, Of winning France, 546. a 50. Betokening the translati­on of the crowne, 655. a 40. Concerning the duke of Cla­rence his name beginning with a G, 703. a 40. The me­morie whereof appalled Ri­chard the thirds spirits: note, 746. a 10. Of a moonke vnto the duke of Buckingham false 863, a 30, 864. a 30. Fanta­sticall and fallible of the nor­therne men, 1240. b 60. Tou­ching Calis, 1141. b 20: note, 314. b 20. Fulfilled, 281. b 60 282. a 10.945. a 50.678. b 10. Uaine: note▪ [...]21. b 60
  • Prophesies of astronomers false in euent: note, 1356. b 10.20. &c. Diuelish fantasies, 703. a 50. Deceip [...]full to the Norf­folke rebels: note; 1038. b 40. ¶ See Dreames, Signes, and Tokens.
  • Prophet false serued right, 440 a 60
  • Protection. ¶ See Letters, Pasport, and Safe conduct, 102. a 10
  • Protectors of England from the first to the last collected, 1069. b 30. &c. 1070. to 1081.
  • Prosperitie persecuted with ma­lice, 17. a 50.20. Anstable, 412. b 40.413. a 10. Of king Henrie enuied, 37. a 50
  • Prouerbe, Ill will neuer said well, verefied▪ 626. b 60.627. a 10. &c. Man purposeth but God disposeth, verefied, 230. a 60.316. a 60.317 a 10.541. a 10.835. b 60. Ictus piscator sapit applied, 113. a 50. The more knaue the better lucke, verefi­ed in a bucher: note, 113. Pro­fered seruice stinks, verefied, 1331, b [...]0. Hast makes wast verefied, 1202. b 10. He fal­leth into the fire that flieth frō the smoke, verefied, 228. b 20 When I lend I am a friend, when I aske I am a foe, ve­refied, 312. a 10.20. It is good sleeping in a whole skin, vere­fied, 444. b 40. Necessitie hath no law, verefied, 426. b 20. Soone hot soone cold, verefied, 444▪ b 40. One mischiefe ask­eth an other, verefied, 446, a 30 Wit or cunning dearlie bought, verefied, 467, b 20. One sow­eth but an other reapeth, vere­fied, 36. a 40. Hast maketh wast, verefied: note, 41. b 30. As good neuer a whit as ne­uer the better, verefied, 538. b 40. Pitch and paie, verefied▪ 532. a 40. 50. Looke yer you leape practised: note, 519. b 30. Set a beggar on horsse backe and he will ride full gallop, ve­refied▪ 192. b 30. He is an ill cooke cannot licke his owne fingers, verefied, 193, a 20. He makes a rod for his owne taile, verefied, 193, b 10, 20. Plaine fashion is best practi­sed, 695, b 20. Marriage for pleasure repented by leasure, prooued true, 667. b 60. &c. Mariage goeth by destinie verefied, 667, b 60. Ill will neuer said well, verefied, 727. b 10.729, &c. The lambe be­taken to the woolfe to keepe 716. b 50. To giuerosemeat and beat with the spit, verefi­ed, 715, b 40. Crooked of bodie crooked of qualitie, verefied, 712. a 60. b 10. One ill turne requireth another, verefied, 778, a 20. After mirth com­meth mone, 808. b 50. Proffe­red seruice stinkes, verefied, 852. b 50.853, a 10. He that gapeth after other mens goods looseth his owne, verefied, 819. b 60. What the [...]ie vieweth the hart rueth, verefied, 975, b 20. Too much familiaritie breeds contempt, verefied, 852 a 60. b 10. Delaie breedeth danger, verefied, 1086. b 40. To come a daie after the faire verefied, 1136, b 20. Truth purchaseth hate, verefied, 332. a 40. In trust is treason, ve­refied, 743. b 50.60.744▪ a [...]0. [Page] He hath made a rod for his owne taile, verefied, 464. a 10. Faire words make fooles faine, verefied, 191. b 60.144. a 20.
  • Pulpit at Paules crosse all be­raied and beastlie, 1182, a 20
  • Punishment seuere vpon Welsh men, 73. b 10. Of Thomas Louell for counterfetting let­ters: note, 1556. b 60. &c. Ridiculous for a great of­fense: note, 314. a 10
  • Punishments according to the offense, 115, b 10
  • Purseuant of Henrie the third had his hand cut off, 272, a 30
  • Purueior of king Iohn for wheat resisted, and the resi­stors punished: note, 171. b 40
  • Purueiors punished, 369. b 20. Proclamed against, 2 [...]9. b 20. A statute against them, 396, a 10. Set in the pillorie: note, 1181, b 60
Q.
  • QUarrell betwixt the bishops and moonks of Cantur­burie about the archbishops election, 169. b 30. That the French king picketh against England, 518. a 30. Faint picked against the duke of Glocester, 627, a 10. Upon a small cause, 126, a 30. Pro­secuted vnto great mischeefe: note, 304, b 30. Ended with murther, 568. b 20. ¶ See Debate, Fraie, Mutinie, Ri­ot and Warres.
  • Queene Adelicia second wife to Henrie the first, descended of the dukes of Loraine, barren, 41. b 60
  • Queene Aldgitha sent to Che­ster, and whose sister she was, 1. a 30
  • Queene Annes coronation pro­clamed, & the same celebrated with great pompe, 930. a 40. &c. 931.932.933.934. With child. 929. b 40. Brought a bed of queene Elisabeth, 934. b 20. Committed to the tow­er, hir imprecation at the towre gate, she is arreigned, hir words at hir death, 940. a 10. 20.60
  • Queene Anne wife to king Ri­chard the third and daughter to Richard earle of Warwike, 733, b 60
  • Queene Anne wife to king Ri­chard the second deceaseth, 481, a 20
  • Queene Berengaria crowned, the wife of Richard the first, 128. a 40
  • Queene Elenor Richard the firsts mother returneth home into England, 127. a 50
  • Queene Elenor king Iohns mother an enimie to hir ne­phue Arthur, 158. a 60. Brought a bed of a daughter, 69. a 40. Sendeth for speedie succour to king Iohn, 164. b 10. Studieth to mainteine the strife betwixt hir sonnes, 86. b 60.87, a 10. Committed to close prison, 92 b 50. Set at libertie after long imprison­ment, 117. a 50. Deceaseth, 167. b 60
  • Queene Elenor the wife of Henrie the third, 219. Passeth into Normandie, 158, b 10. Forsaketh the world, and be­commeth a nun, 283. b 50. Deceaseth, hir praise, 285. b 30. Hir buriall, 288. b 20
  • Queene Elisabeth crowned and annointed queene, 768. a 60. Deliuered of hir first sonne, 769. b 10. Forward and re­die to further the vniting of the two houses of Lancaster and Yorke, 742. a 10▪20.30. Taketh sanctuarie, 715. b 60. Hir desolut estate, 716. a 30
  • Queene Elisabeth, late wife to Edward the fourth, 615. b. 30 Adiudged to forfeit all hir lands for promise breaking. 765 b 40. She liueth a mise­rable and wretched life, she e­rected a college in Cambridge, b 50.60. Inconstant, she allu­reth hir sonne the marquesse Dorsset home out of France, 750▪ b 20.30. The cardinall thought the fittest man to deale with hir for the surren­dring of hir sonne, reasons whie it was thought meet to fetch him out of sanctuarie, the duke of Buckinghams words vnto hir, 717. a 40. b 10.40. Hir answers to the persuaders, she is loth to part with hir sonne, hir mistrust of the lord protector, she faleth to a resolution touching hir sonnes deliuerie, 719. a 60. b 10.30
  • Queene Elisabeth Greie, wife to Edward the fourth, 668. a 40. Hir father and brother be­headed: note, 673. a 30. De­liuered of a prince, the same christened like a poore mans child, 677. b 10
  • Queene Elisabeth surnamed the good deceaseth, 791. a 10
  • Queene Elisabeth of Castile dieth with issue male, 792. b 20
  • Queen Elisabeth second daugh­ter to Henrie the eight, borne and christened, the statelie or­der thereof: note, 934. b 20. Proclamed queene, the begin­ning of hir reigne, hir remooue from Hatfield, the flourishing estate of this land vnder hir reigne, 1170, b 10.20.40.50. Hir remooue to the Tower, to Summerset house, 1171. a 10.20. Hir praier as she went to be crowned, 1180. a 10. Crow­ned, 1180. a 30. Desirous to know the meaning of the re­presentations of the pagents, 1173. b 30. Listeneth to a childs oration, 1174. b 40. Hir promise with thanks to the citie of London▪ 1175. a 20. b 60. Remooueth from West­minster to the Tower by wa­ter, from thense to Westmin­ster through London, saluteth them that salute hir, pagents and shewes of reioising, 1172. all. Hir words vnto the lord maior of London, 1176, a 30. She receiueth Verbum Dei, kisseth it, and laieth it in hir lap, b 50. She thinketh vpon the cities charge, how willing she was to heare a childs speach 1177▪ b 20. The cities farewell vnto hir, going out at Temple barre, 1178, b 60. Hir last words to the citie by waie of promise, 1178, a 30. Notes of hir mercie &c. a 60. Hir humilitie in receiuing ve­rie trifles thankfullie, b 30. Not forgetfull to glorifie God who glorified hir, b 60 A motion made to hir in the parlement house touching ma­riage, with hir answer therto, hir promise, 1181, a 20, 40. &c. b 20. Determineth to aid the Scots suing for aid, 1186, b 40.1187 a 10. Sued vnto out of Denmarke about mariage, 1185. b 10, 20. Furnisheth hir land with armor and muni­tion, 1193. b 60. Greeued with the losse of Paules steeple, hir beneuolence towards the re­paring thereof, 1194, a 40. And what causes mooued hir to send a power into France, 1195. a 30. b 10.30.40. Hir progresse to & through Cam­bridge, hir oration to the vni­uersitie, 1206. b 20: &c. To Oxford, she maketh an orati­on to the vniuersitie, 1209. a 60. b 10. Hir owne words importing how deerelie she lo­ueth hir people, 1221. b 30. Hir manifold vertues, b 50. Goeth to the Bursie being finished, nameth it the Roiall exchange 1224. a 60. Hir destruc­tion deuised to be practised. ¶ See Priests seminarie, and note it well. Hir answer to the maior of Norwich his o­ration, 1289. a 20. Incoura­ging words vnto Stephan Lambert redie to make an o­ration vnto hir, 1294. b 30. She highlie commendeth [...], 1296. a 20. Hir behauiour [...]f­ter all hir welcomming, 12 [...]7 a 20. Hir departure from th [...] citie heauilie taken, 1298. a 10 20. Hir words at hir [...] with water in hir eies, b 40 Hir progresse into Suffolk and Northfolke, with th whole manner of the sumptuous sights, and whatsoeue [...] else was deuised for pleasur and delight, 1287. a 30. 128 [...]. &c: to 1299. In d [...]nger of gunshot being in he pri [...]ie barge, 1310. b 10. The p [...]ace of hir abode during he time of hir tarriance in Norwich, 1291, a 60. Accom [...]nieth the duke of Alanson t [...] Cantur­burie, 1330, a 30. [...]0. An in­tention to murtherhir, and the partie executo, 1356. a 50. She giueth ad to the de­fense of the low countries, & whie so mooued to doo, 1414. a 50. &c. to 1419. a 10. Shamefullie slandered by hir enimies, and the same answe­red: note, 1418 a 30. &c. Hir oration to the p [...]rlement house note, 1396. a 50. &c. Hir mag­nanimitie knowing Parries vowed treasons against hir & yet concealing it, 1391, a 60. Parries treasonable practises to kill hir and vndoo the whole realme: note well 1382. a 50. 60. &c. to 1385. Hir magna­nimitie in suffering a knowne and sworne traitor against hir to haue accesse vnto and talke with hir, 1383. a 20. Conspi­red against, and hir depriuati­on sought by traitors: note, 1370. a 40.50.60. b 10. &c. to 1375. ¶ See Elisabeth and Babington.
  • Queene Iane proclamed with sound of trumpet queene of England, 1084. b 10. ¶See Iane.
  • Queene Iane deceseth, 544 b 40
  • Queene Ione late wife to king Henrie the fourth arrested by the duke of Bedford and com­mitted. 568. b 10
  • Queene Isabell the wife of king Edward the second, 318. b 60 319. a 10
  • Queene Isabell the second wife of king Iohn. 162. a 30
  • Queene Isabell wife vnto king Richard the second transpor­ted into France, 519. a 60. And conueied to Paris, hir second marriage, b 10.20
  • Queene Isabell married vnto Hugh Brune erle of March 202. a 60
  • Queene Katharine, hir corona­tion, the wife of king Henrie the fift, 578. b 60. Solemnitie there [...]9. a 10 Saileth in­to F [...], 581 b▪ 60
  • Quee [...] [...]atharines coronation, trai [...] and sumptuousnesse, 80 [...]. &c. Deliuered of hir [...] named Henrie▪ 807. a 2 Chooseth lawiers in hir [...] to iustifie hir mariage, [...] speech in [...] of the court, she auouch­ [...]e coniunction good, she [...]rteth out of the court & [...] againe, 907, a 10.50. [...] Procureth a cursse [...] king Henrie the eight [...] his realme from the pope, [...]6. a 60. H [...]r words vpon [...] motion of a diuorse, stand­ [...]th stiffe in the lawfulnesse of [...]ir mariage, 927. a 10. &c, b 60 Accuseth cardinall Woolseie, hath communication with the cardinall in hir priuie cham­ber, refuseth to make sudden answer to a diuorse, 908. a 30. b 10.20. Is diuorsed from king Henrie the eight, 929. b 60, 930. a 10. Princesse Do­wiger, 929. b 30. Deceaseth, 939. b 20
  • Queene Katharine, hir para­mes detected of incontinent liu [...]g, 954. b 30.40. &c. She is attinted by parlement sent to theTower and beheaded▪ 955. 30.40 &c. 50
  • Que [...]e Marie commeth vnto L [...]don, 1088. b 50. Procla­m [...] queene, 1088. a 30. Hir cornation, pompe, and traine 10 [...]. a 20. Hir mariage, di­ue [...] diuerslie affected thera­bo [...], and what they did, 1120. a 6 [...] b 10. A report that she wawith child, 1123. b 40. An what curious order is tak [...] for the yoong prince yet vn [...]rne: note, 1124. all. Ta [...]e betweene hir and hir siste [...] the ladie Elisabeth: note 115 a 10. Hir stout courage and ind of manhood, 1099. a 10. Hir deathconspired, and the p [...]ties executed, 1117. a 60 She [...] cardinal Poole resisted the p [...]e, 1365, a 60. Hir ora­tion [...] Guild [...]all to the Lon­doner [...], 1096▪ a 60▪ Is com­pared if the [...]apists to queene Iudith, 112, b 20. Hir ora­tion touchin the restitution of abbeie land [...] 1127. b 10. &c. Great pre [...]ration & triumph for hir lien [...]n childbed, 1130. b 50.60. [...]hat became of hir child no [...] can tell: note, 1131. a 10 [...]c. Proclameth o­pen warsgainst the French king, th [...]capteins of hir for­ces, 113, b 10.30. With what in [...]nation she tooke the losse of [...]alis, 1149. b 40. Pensife or the losse thereof, sickenet and dieth, 1151. b 10 20. H [...] neuer good successe in anie [...]ing she went about, 1161. 10. How long and when [...]e prospered, hir pro­mise t [...]the gospellers broken, 50.60 Hir ill lucke in the losse of Cas, b 10. In hir child­birth [...]0. With hir husband, 50. Hir finall end and death. 60. The time of hir reigne, 1162 a 10. Hir death, the ma­ner t [...]ereof, thought to be for the l [...]sse of Calis, more bloud spiltin hir reigne than in anie kin [...]s daies before, how vn­pro [...]perous it was vnto hir an [...] hir realme in all respects, 1160. b 10. &c. Buried, and the maner thereof, 1178, b 49
  • Queene Marie king Henrie the rights sister crowned queene of France: note, with what pompe, 833. a 60. b 10. &c. [Page] Dowager of France. ¶ Sée Duke of Suffolke.
  • Quéene Marie Dowager of Scotland deceaseth, 1192, a 10
  • Quéene Margaret the wife of Henrie the sonne of Henrie the second, 82, b 60. Brought a bed, 101, b 20
  • Quéene Margaret wife to Ed­ward the first, deliuered of Thomas Burtherton hir first sonne, 309, a 50
  • Quéene Margaret Henrie the sixt his wife lieth at Couen­trie, she is a better capteine than hir husband the king, 654, a 50. Described, she ta­keth vpon hir the gouerne­ment, & dischargeth the duke of Glocester, 626, b 40, 60 With hir sonne goeth into Wales, 665, a 60. She retur­neth out of France, 666, a 10 Fortunat in hir two battels: note, 660, b 50. Sendeth to the maior of London for vit­tels, some sent by the maior & staid by the commons, she re­turneth northward, 661, a 10, 20, &c. Hir flight, she is rob­bed, 655, a 10. Commeth to Ambois to sée the earle of Warwike, 674, b 50. She with hir son prince Edward land with a power out of France, 685, b 20, She is comforted by the nobles of England, b 60. The feare which she had for hir sonne, 686, a 10. Ta­ken prisoner, 688, b 60
  • Quéene Maud deliuered of a sonne called William, 31, a 30 Departeth this life, 39, b 10
  • Quéene Maud wife to king Stephan sueth for the release of hir husband to the emperor, 53, b 50
  • Quéene Philip wife to king Edward the third, 348, b 20 Deliuered of Iohn of Gaunt hir fourth sonne, 357, a 60 Brought a bed of Edmund Langleie afterwards duke of Yorke, 363, a 30. Deceaseth, hir thrée petitions of the king, hir praise, 404, a 20
  • Quéene of England with hir sonne goeth into Heinault, 337, b 10. They both arriue in Suffolke, she is assisted by the prelats, hir proclamation, 338, a 10, 30. She followeth the king to Oxford, the bishop of Hereford maketh an orati­on to hir armie, she goeth to Glocester and Bristow, the lords cleaue to hir, 339, all. In danger of drowning, 265, a 10 Deliuered of a daughter, 249, a 40.230, b 10, 378, a 50.362, a 30. Deliuered of Edmund, 236 a 50. Hir request & letters withstood by a subiect: note, 376, a 60. Hir liberalitie to­wards king Henrie the third, 249, a 50. Out of fauour with Edward the second hir hus­band, 332, a 40. Sent ouer in­to France to talke with hir brother, 336, a 30
  • Quéene of Denmarke was the daughter of king Henrie the fourth, 513, b 10. She is sent ouer to hir husband, 532, a 20
  • Quéene of Scots and the erle of Angus hir husband come into England, 838, a 20. She commeth vnto the English court, how interteined, 50, 60, &c. Returneth to Scotland, 844, a 20. Conueied into France and maried vnto the Dolphin, 1056, b 60
  • Quéene Dowager of Scotland dooth what she can to procure war against England, 1142, a 10. ¶Sée Agatha, Francis Throckmorton, Margaret, Maud.
  • Quéene mother gouernor of the realme, 548, a 40
  • Quéenes of France and Hun­garie decease, 1171, b 60
  • Quéenes thrée in the English court at once, 838, a 60
  • Quéenes college in Cambridge founded by the ladie Elisa­beth wife to king Edward the fourth▪ 765, b 60
  • Questions in law demanded of the iustices: note, 456, b 20 457, a 10, &c.
R.
  • RAdington knight lord war­den of London, 478, b 10
  • Rafe earle of Cambridge or
    • Northfolke marieth erle Ro­gers sister, 11, a 40
    • His wife besieged in Nor­wich, 11, b 20
  • Rafe the kings collector or proc­tor his extortions or pollings of the people, 24, a 20
  • Rafe bishop of Durham com­mitted to the Tower & whie, 28, b 30. Brake out of prison, and his persuasion to duke Robert, 29, b 40
  • Rafe Wilford. ¶Sée Wilford,
  • Raier founder of S. Bartholo­mews by Smithfield, 31, a 30
  • Raine whereof grew a dearth, 58, a 60▪ 284, b 20. And death, 404, b 60. That did hurt har­uest, 322, b 50. That hindered séed time, 355, a 50. Corne from ripening, 348, b 30. Con­tinuall for a long time: note, 239, b 30. From midsummer to christmasse, 378, b 20. That did hurt vnto houses, trée [...], corne and other things, 241, b 40. Of great continuance and no lesse abundance, 220, a 30 For the space of foure mo­neths togither, 224, a 10 Continuall causing a verie wet season, 895, a 20. Glut­ting and continuall in the spring, 163, a 50. Excessiue. ¶Sée Flouds.
  • Raine of bloud, 101, a 30.278, a 30.649, a 10
  • Raine artificiall of rose water▪ and haile of suger confects, 1355, a 60. ¶ Sée Flouds.
  • Raleigh esquire in danger of the Deuonshire rebels▪ 1016, b 40
  • Raleigh knight his voiage for the discouerie of that land which lieth betwéene Nor­imbega and Florida, 1369, a 20. His preparation for a se­cond voiage, 40. He sailed as far as Cape de Uerde, and arriueth in safetie at Plim­mouth, 60. His chargeable voiage to Uirginia, 1401, b 40 &c. An English colonie esta­blished there, 1402, a 50. His resolution vpon an other voi­age for the supplie of those that were left there, 50
  • Ramelius ambassador out of Denmarke honorablie inter­teined both in court and else­where: note, 1561, b 20
  • Randoll a pitifull capteine, 1205, b 10
  • Randolph iustice. ¶Sée Chari­tie.
  • Ransome of Richard the first out of the emperors hands, 138, b 60. Amounted to the summe of an hundred and fif­tie thousand marks, 140, a 20 Thrée thousand marks ther­of giuen to the white moonks and whie, 147, b 20. Of Ro­bert earle of Leicester, 146, b 40. Of the king of Scots Dauid, 391, a 60. For the moonke Eustace would not be receiued, 201, a 60. Of Q. Margaret, 684, a 10. Of the French king paied and his children deliuered, 914, a 20, 40. Of the French king, 394, b 60. Of a lord by exchange, 606, b 30
  • Ransoms sought for gaine, 7, a 20. For townes, 193, a 60. ¶Sée Fines.
  • Ranulfe bishop of Chichester onlie held with Anselme a­gainst the king: note, 26, a 20
  • Ranulfe de Meschines how he came to be earle of Chester, 20, a 10
  • Ratcliffe knight a fauorer and coadiutor of Richard the third, 725, a 60
  • Ratcliffe Thomas. ¶ Sée Iusts triumphant, and E [...]le of Sussex.
  • Rauishment of anie woman how punished in duke Willi­ams time, 15, b 50
  • Rebellion of Henrie the sonne against his father to put him from the crowne, 99, b 10. Of nobles against erle Richard, 112, a 50. Of Welshmen, 66, b 60. Of Richard against his father Henrie the second, note 94, a 10. Of Geffreie, 66, a 30 Of the Welshmen against king Iohn, and the successe thereof, 176, a 30. Of lords banded against king Iohn: note, 185, a 10, &c. Of the lords against king Iohn, not­withstanding the popes de­crée, 187, b 30. Of the earle of Shrewesburie Robert de Belesme, 30 a 30. In York­shire, and what euent it had, 672, a 20. In the north pa­cified, 689, a 30. In North­folke furthered at a publike plaie, 1028, b 10, 20. In De­uonshire, & capteines names, their number, their hope in o­thers failed, their end: note well, 1002, a 50, 60, b 10, 30 vnto 1026. In Yorkeshire the cause thereof, 1240, b 40, &c. Afresh in Suffolke and Es­sex, and the principals execu­ted, 1062, a 40. In Kent and the causers executed, 1062, a 60. Of Iacke Cade in Kent, verie mischefous: note, 632, a 60, 10, &c. 633, 634, a 10, &c. And what end it had, 635, a 50, 60, b 60. In Ireland, 629, a 30. Of Owen Glen­douer in Wales, 518, b 60, 519 a 10. In the north for a tax or subsidie granted by parle­ment, 769, b 50. In Flan­ders, 770, a 30. In Cornwall for the paiment of a subsidie, 781 b 20. Of the lord Louell, and the end thereof, 764, a 60 b 30. Of Iohn Lincolne, the cause of [...] Maie daie: note, 840, b 10, &c. 841, 842, 843, 444 In the north procéeded from the pope, 1366, b 40 In Suf­folke by the gréeuousnesse of a subsidie, pouertie and necessi­tie capteines therof, it is sup­pressed and the offendors pu­nished, 891, b 10, 20, 30, 40, &c. New in Northfolke inten­ded and bewraied by one of the conspiracie before it burst out, 441, a 20. In the North notable, 942, a 10, &c. The same suppressed, 942, a 10, &c. Of the Lincolnshire men, 941, a 20, 30, &c. In Westmerland, and the cap­teines executed, 943, b 60. Practised in Yorkshire, & the offenders executed, 953, a 60. Of the earle of Aubemarle, 202, a 60. Of the Gascoignes and the cause thereof, 248, a 30. Of the Welshmen, & what caused it: note, 254, b 30 Of the earles of Northum­berland & Westmerland, 1212, and what euill end it had: note, 1213. Of Normans a­gainst duke William, soone suppressed, 10 b 60. Of two earles against duke William punished: note, 11, a 50, 60 Of the sonne against the fa­ther procured by the French king: note, 12, a 20. Of E­drike Siluaticus in the ab­sence of duke William, 5, a 10 Of lords with their adhe­rents executed, 330, b 60, 331, a 40, 60, b 30. Of the Welsh­men chastised, 284, b 10. Of Dauid, 280, b 60. He pursu­eth his enterprise, 281, a all. Condemned, executed, 282, a 60, b 10. Of the Irish against earle Mortimer, 448, b 60. In Scotland by meanes of one William Wallase, 303, a 60, b 10, In England 1358, b 60, 1359, a 10. In diuerse parts of England by reason of a great subsidie and other op­pressions, 429, a 60, b 10, &c. vnto 435. Note the whole course of the storie of Henrie the second, 94, What it pro­cureth vnto rebels: note the words of vicount Melune, 193, b 10. The hurts which it dooth: note in the storie of king Iohn, 190, 191, 192, 193, &c. The benefit thereof in one respect, 1051, b 10. What inconueniences flow from it, 1053, a 10, &c. b 10, &c. Bringeth the bréeders of it to a shamefull end, 777, b 50, 60. ¶ Sée Perkin Warbecke. The fauorers thereof execu­ted: note, 942, a 60, b 10. That it is all princes duties to re­pell the practises thereof, 1360 b 10. Attempted but with e­uill successe: note, 9, b 50. What a mische [...]ous reuenge it wroght vpon the innocent, 5, b 10. The reward thereof, 281, b 40, 60: note, 534, a 20, 30, &c. Note in Robert Bruse 314, a 10, &c. It and execution 316, a 20, &c. 315, a 10. Or­ders taken to preuent it, 439, b 60. ¶Sée Acton, Commo­tion, Excester, Glendouer, Insurrection, Ket, Neuill bastard, Normans, North­umberland, Rebels, Riot, Sedition, Wiat.
  • Rebels would giue awaie the crowne from their souereigne to a stranger, 190, a 50, 60. Excōmunicated by name, 190 a 10. How rewarded, 693, a 30, 60. Their bodies buried by a licence obteined, 335, a 60 Of Essex vp a fresh, scatered and slaine, 436, b 10, 20. Exe­cuted in euerie lordship, b 60 Of saint Albons and Suf­folke their outragious beha­uiors, 434, a 40, b 10. Of [Page] Kent vp againe, 436, a 40. Of Northfolke and their outra­ges, 435, a 20, 30, 40, &c. In Kent and Essex, 429, b 20, 60, They minister an oth to all passengers, they kill lawiers, iustices, &c: an huge number of them, their capteines and ringleaders, they send to Ri­chard the second to come and speake with them, they spoile Southworke & set prisoners at large, aided by the Londo­ners, they pretend a reforma­tion, 430. They burne the Sauoie, their strange deling, their iustice, they put lords to deth, make a pastime to kill men, respect no place, but spoile all, the K. offereth them their pardons, 431. They would haue all lawes aboli­shed, the K. persuadeth them to be quiet, 432. Quite disco­raged, throw downe their we­pons, 433. Seuerelie execu­ted & punished by duke Willi­am, 6, b 40. Of the North ex­ecuted at Tiborne, 1221, b 60. In Ireland their strange & miserable end, 1365, b 60, 1366 a 10, &c. Most dangerouslie couer their faults, 1358, b 60. Uanquished by the quéenes power, fled into forren coun­tries, pretend religion for a defense, their ringleaders, 1319, a 10, &c. Of the North, Hall and Wilkinson executed at Tiborne, 1257, b 20. Ex­ecuted at Durham, 1213, a 10 At Yorke, a 60. Disherited by parlement: note, 270, b 60 Against their prince in a per­plexitie, 198, b 40. Notable pardoned and too well rewar­ded, 942, b 20. Of Suffolke pardoned after their appea­rance in the starchamber, 892 a 20. How miserable and yet mercifullie pardoned, 784, b 40. Fauorers fined, 785, a 10. Of Deuonshire their articles sent to Edward the sixt, with an answer therevnto, 1003, a 30, &c. Executed: note, 944, a 50, b 10. ¶Sée Conspira­tors, Fugitiues, Noblemen, Sandwich and Traitors.
  • Recantation of certeine Ana­baptists at Paules crosse, 1260, b 50. Of Cranmer how detested of him at his death, 1131, b 60. ¶Sée Barnes, and Crome, Smith & Ser­mon.
  • Reconciliation signified by kis­sing of the pax, 78, a 10
  • Rées king of Wales slaine in battell, 20, b 50
  • Rées ap Meridoc accused and executed, 288, b 30
  • Reformation ought to be no pri­uat mans, but the princes ac­tion, 1051, b 20, 60
  • Register for christening and bu­rieng, &c, in euerie church to be kept, 945, a 40
  • Religion altered, 1090, b 40, 1123, b 30. Trouble & per­secutions for it, 1127, a 20. Professors therof persecuted, 1132, a 10. It goeth not by age but by truth, 1143, a 60, Aduanced: note, 992, a 60. Beareth the blame & is coun­ted the cause of rebellion: note, 1054, a 10, 20. Reformed in Edward the sixts daies, 979, b 40, 50, &c. A booke tou­ching the reformation thereof published, 940, b 60. Laid o­pen to great danger, 256, a 50 A conference thereabouts with the clergie on both sides 1182, a 40, &c: 1183 a 10, &c. Restored into the English toong, 1172, a 10. Commissio­ners sent abrode to establish it, 1184, b 50. None charged with capitall crimes being of a contrarie religion, and pro­fessing to withstand forren forces, 1360, b 30, 50, 1361, a 10, &c. Of Rome established by act of parlement: note, 519 a 30. ¶Sée Moonks, Trea­son.
  • Religious houses giuen Hen­rie the eight in parlement, 992, b 10. Giuen to Henrie the eight, 939, b 40. Uisited, 939, a 60. Henrie the eights pro­mises for the well disposing of them, 971, a 60. Suppres­sed, 1184, b 60. ¶ Sée Ab­beies.
  • Reliks, ¶Sée Becket, Christ, Hales.
  • Remes besieged, 392, b 60. The citizens thereof saue their corne fields from destroieng, by sending vittels to the En­glish host, 426, b 10
  • Remelie, ¶Sée bishop.
  • Remelius. ¶ Sée Ramelius.
  • Remigius bishop of Dorchester depriued of his crosier & ring 9, a 40.
  • Remission of sins granted to as manie as would fight against Clement the antipape: note 441, a 60, b 60, 442, a 40
  • Rent for a mans owne lands by the yeare paied, 8, a 40
  • Repentance of yoong king Hen­rie before his death, his su­perstitious deuotion, his death & buriall, 107, a 10. Of rash aduancement: note, 76, b 30. Of an act past, 128, a 10 Of a déed doone not forséeing losses to insue, 170, b 30. Too late, 193, b 40: note 32, a 60, 1104, a 30, 517, & 50. Of Wil­liam Rufus in his sicknesse: note, 20, a 50. Of duke Wil­liam for his crueltie against the English, 14, b 60. Despi­sed of a desperat malefactor at his death, 1061, a 60.
  • Report that Richard ment to yéeld vp Calis to the French kings hands, 462, a 10. False of Henrie the eights death, 823, a 30. Occasion of rebelli­ons, 941, b 40. Of great dis­quietnesse, 777, a 10. How hurtfull and troblesome, 1006 b 10.47, b 50. In the starre­chamber, against ladie Eli­sabeth, 1102, a 10, 40
  • Request granted vpon necessa­rie constraint, 2 b 20. Of the commons denieng a subsidie, 410, b 10. ¶ Sée Demands and Petitions.
  • Reuenge of the Londoners, 338, b 50. Of the people for the death of one whome they fauoured, 12, b 60. Against the dead bodie of duke Willi­am for iniurie past, 15, a 50. Of the duke of Austrich vpon king Richard the first, 136, a 10, 20. Of king Iohn vpon the white moonks, 162, a 40. Of Richard the first a bastard for the death of his father be­ing a king: note, 160, b 60. Sought by the French king for the death of duke Arthur, 167, a 60. Of sir Robert de Twing vpon the Romans, 214, b 60. Of the lord Morti­mer against the Welshmen, 263, b 50. Of Edward the first vpon the Scots, 312, a 40. Of duke William for the losse of his subiects, 10 b 30 Of a bishop in a riotous ma­ner, 247, a 60. Of Henrie the third vpon the bishop of Elie, 247, a 10 Of wrongs & iniu­ries multiplied, 170, a 10, 20, Of iniuries, 137, b 10. Of re­membred grudge, 1089, a 40. A notable example to forbere it: note 1117, b 40. Of an old grudge: note, 636, b 10. Up­on reuenge: note, 840, a 20, 841, a 10, &c. Counselled and pursued: note, 204, a 40, 50, Of an old grudge, 210, a 10 Interchangeable, 204, b 10, For cuckoldrie, 211, b 60. For wast, 257, a 10. Noblie taken: note, 447, b 60. Upon reuenge 446, a 30. With murther, 447, a 50. Neglected where it might haue béene executed: note, 459, b 30, 40. Of mur­ther with murther, 368, a 50, Taken as occasion serued, 340, a 30. Sought for mur­thering a bishop, 12, b 20. Of almightie God vpon lasciui­ous & disordered liuers: note, 424, a 10. ¶ Sée Enuie, Ma­lice, and Murther.
  • Reseruations and prouisions a­postolike, 365, a 60
  • Resignation by compulsion re­compensed, 1134, b 40
  • Restitution of townes to king Edward the third by the French king, 360, b 60
  • Rewards how they preuaile and worke with a wicked mind, 747, b 30, 40. Uerie large offered to the duke of Britaine to betraie the earle of Richmond into Richard the third his hands, 747, a 60 b 10. Corrupt a kéeper of a prisoner, 152, a 20. ¶ Sée Bribes, Gifts▪ Monie.
  • Rhods taken by Soliman Ot­toman the Turke, 876, b 10, &c: Rendered vp vnto him, 877, a 10, 20
  • Rice ap Thomas swereth feal­tie and seruice to the earle of Richmond, 753, b 40. ¶Sée Rées.
  • Rich lord saileth into Ireland, 1258, b 60
  • Richard the first crowned king of England, 117, a 10. In armes against the French king, 146, a 60. His bastard sonne Philips reuenge: note, 160, b 60. His practises to get monie, 143, b 60. 144, a 10, 20 Marieth the ladie Berenga­ria, 128, a 40. His letter to the states of England for the de­posing of the bishop of Elie, 132, a 30. Like to haue béene deliuered into the French kings hands, 140, a 10. He & the French king in armes, they talke togither, the empe­ror disuadeth Richard from peace, the war is renewed be­twixt them, they talke togi­ther againe, a peace conditio­nall concluded, 148, all. Offen­ded with the bishop of Elie lord chancellor, 145, b 30 He transporteth ouer into France, 144, b 10▪ Crowned king anew, 143, b 30. His grant of allowance to the king of Scots when he came to England, 143, a 50. His commandement not obeied, 140, b 50. Winneth Noting­ham castell, 142, a 60. Released out of captiuitie, 141, a 10. Re­turneth into England, his triumphant receiuing into London, 141, b 40, 50. Rai­seth his siege from Gisors, 152, a 10. He and the earle of Tholouse agréed, 151, b 30 His lands wasted by certeine Gascoignes, 137, a 60. Set­teth things to sale for his go­ing to the holie land, 120, a 40 His thrée daughters and how he bestowed them in mariage, 156, b 20. Charged by the em­peror with iniuries doone to the Sicilians, 13 [...], b 20. His wisedome in making his an­swer, 30. Cleared of the mur­thering of the marquesse of Montferrat: note, 136, a 40, 50. Is deliuered to the empe­ror, he is committed close pri­soner, 137, a 30. And the cause of displeasure betwixt him & the duke of Austrich, 136, a 20 The confession of his leud life in a chapell, 126, b 10. Uan­quisheth the Cipriots & cha­seth them out of their campe, 127, b 60. His nauie setteth foorth towards the holie land, 123, a 20. Returneth home out of the holie land, 135, b 20 Slandered for the death of the marquesse Montferrat, 30 He commeth to Uienna, 50 Submitteth himselfe to the duke of Austrich, 136, a 10 Discomfiteth the Saracens néere to port Iaph, 134, a 30 Fell sicke at Cephas and re­couereth, 135, a 50. His talke with king Cancred, 126, b 50 His expenses out of reason & measure, 126, b 30. What were the causes of grudge betwene him and the French king, 126, a 30, &c. He and the king of France receiued a solemne oth, 123, a 40, His demands for the dowrie of his sister, wife to king William, 124, b 40. Arriueth at Messina, 124, b 10. Blameth the court of Rome for couetousnes, 123, b 50. Setteth forward to the holie land, his fléet staied by contrarie winds, 123, b 10, 20 Taketh a castell and hangeth the owner, 123, a 20. Passeth ouer into Normandie, 121, a 20. Desirous of monie, and of his shifts, 120, b 40. Findeth his fathers treasure, the or­der of his coronation, 118, a 20 30. He and the king of France determine to go into the holie land, 117, b 30. Besiegeth Chalus, he is wounded, de­spaireth of his life, ordeineth his testament, 155, b 30, &c. His bequests and legacies, his death, his stature & shape of bodie, his disposition of mind, the vices that were in him, 156, all
  • Richard the second borne, 397, b 60. Counterfeited: note, 515, a 50. Created prince of Wales, 411, a 10. Prince of Chester, 492, b 40. Beginneth his reigne, the Londoners com­mend themselues to his fa­uour before the death of king Edward, 415, a 40, b 40. The solemne maner of his corona­tion: note, 416, a 60. &c. Ma­ried, the solemnitie therat, 487 a 10, 50, 60. &c. His euill go­uernement, 493, a 60. The emperor agréeth with him for his ransome, 139, a 10. Lands assigned vnto him, 30. Order [Page] taken for leuieng of monie for his ransome, 50. Leaueth Conwaie castell and betaketh himselfe to his enimies, 500. b 30. His cognisance or badge, 500, b 60. The parlement house a [...] dissention, he absen­teth himselfe for the space of fortie daies: note, 452, b 10, 50 Loued earle de Ueere of Ox­ford excéedinglie; 453, b 20 ¶ Sée Earle Ueere. His in­ordinat affection towards the duke of Ireland and the earle of Suffolke, 454, a 20. Retri­ [...]eth souldiors on all sides a­gainst the lords, 457, b 60. His maner of gréeting and spea­king to the lords that were banded against him, 459, b 30, 40, 50, 60.460, a 10. A report that he ment to yeeld vp Ca­lis into the French kings hands, 462, a 10. Kéepeth his Christmas in the Tower of London, 462, a 50. Brought to his wits end, 462, b 60. His inconstancie, he is compelled to the nobles request, 463, a 10 30. Ruled not but was ruled: note, 465, a 40. His question to his lords in the councell chamber, taking vpon him the gouernment of all things, he displaceth diuerse officers, &c. 466, b 10, 40. Kept open houshold in the bishop of Lon­don his palace, 474, a 10. Pas­seth ouer into Ireland with a mightie armie, 481, b 20 Knighteth the foure Irish kings and others, 481, b 30 482, a 20. Openeth his gree­uances in the parlement, 490, b 10. Saileth ouer into Ire­land with a great armie, 497, a 10. Letteth the realme to farme, 496, a 60. A gard of Cheshire men about him, 489, b 50. Roiallie receiued into London, and his fauor reco­uered with gifts, 479, b 50, 60 479, a 10. Taketh the death of quéene Anne his wife grée­uouslie, 481, a 20. Goeth ouer to Calis, the interuiew be­twéene him and the French king, both their oths, 486, a 60 b 20, 40. Expenses at the in­teruiew betwéene him & the French king, 487, a 40, 50. He and the duke of Glocesters priuie grudge, 487, b 40. Con­spireth the death of the duke of Glocester, 489, a 60. He and the dukes of Lancaster and Yorke reconciled. 490, a 50 He beareth saitn Edwards arms, 492▪ b 60. Greatlie vex­ed in his sléepe after the exe­cution of the erle of Arundell, 392, a 20. Procureth the popes bull against the brea­kers of his statutes, 493, a 50 His doome betwéene the dukes of Lancaster & Nor­folke, 495, a 60. Affianced and maried to the emperors sister, 439, b 50. Sumptuous in ap­parell, he is committed to the Tower, 501, b 40, 60. Arti­cles obiected against him, wherby he was counted wor­thie to be deposed, 502, a 20, &c. He is persuaded to resigne the crowne to the duke, 503, a 50. A copie of the said volun­tarie renunciation, b 10, 504, a 30. His resignation is confir­med, 505, a 10. The publicati­on of the same, a 30. Retur­neth out of Ireland and lan­deth in Wales, 499, a 60. He despaireth of his safetie, stea­leth awaie from his armie & taketh the castell of Flint, b 20.30. He and his quéene in progresse, 444, b 30. Appoin­ted to be kept in perpetuall prison, 513, a 10, 20. He and his nobles at dissention, 458, a 30. Goeth with an armie a­gainst the Scots, 447, a 30 Burneth Edenburgh castell, b 10. Returneth out of Ire­land, his dealing against the Wickleuists and their fauou­rers, 482, a 20, 40, b 30.483, a 50, &c. Remooueth to saint Al­bans to sée execution doone vpon the rebels, 437, a 20 Calleth in his letters of in­franchising granted vnto the bondmen, 437, a 10. Calleth in all such letters of manumissi­on as the abbat of saint Al­bans had granted vnto his bondmen, 438, a 10. He and the duke of Lancaster accor­ded, 446, b 60. Maketh an a­gréement betweene the duke of Lancaster and the earle of Northumberland, 439, b 20 Depriued, he deliuereth to king Henrie the fourth all the goods that he hath, his death, personage, fortune, 507, b 50 60. His noble housekéeping, and excesse in apparell, the state of the relme in his time, 508, a 10, 20. The commons request against him, 513▪ b 30 His desperat manhood in pri­son, he is murthered, he is brought to the Tower, he is buried at Langlie, forren princes abhor to heare of the shamefull murthering of him, how the Gascoignes tooke his death, 515, all. The sun­drie reports of his death, 516, b 50, 60. Reported to be aliue againe, 525, a 60, b 10.520, a 10 533, a 60.522, b 20. And what harme it bred, 525, a 60
  • Richard the third described, the maner of his natiuitie, his qualities, 712, a 60, b 10. Dis­praised, 737, b 60. Beginneth his vsurped reigne, 732, a 20, b 20. He createth seuentéene knights of the Bath, what péeres and estates were at­tendant on him at his corona­tion, the solemne ceremonies vsed thereat, his wife quéene Anne and hir traine, 733, all. Practiseth the murthering of his nephues, 734, b 20, 30, &c. Proclameth promises of re­wards for the apprehending of the duke of Buckingham, sendeth foorth a nauie to scowre the sea ouer against Britaine, 744, a 10, 40. Com­meth to Excester and is re­ceiued with presents, 746, a 10 Attempteth the duke of Bri­taine to deliuer the earle of Richmond into his hands, 747, a 60. His deuise to in­fringe and defeat the earle of Richmonds purpose, his leud practise to beguile him, 750, a 20. Casteth his loue on his néece purposing to marie hir, 751 a, 50, 60. What noble men he most mistrusted, whie he gaue licence to all in Hames castell to depart in safetie with bag and baggage, b 30, 50. His offenses and euill qualities summarilie tou­ched, a notorious tyrant, 758, a 10, 20. Contemneth the erle of Richmond and his power, sendeth to his fréends for chosen men, the ordering of his armie, 754, a 20, 50, b 10 His forged complaint against his wife to be rid of hir, 751, a 10. His purpose in the case of coniuration against him, his drift in disposing his armie, he preuaileth, 743, a 10, 60, b 10, &c. Calleth home his ships of war from the narrow seas, his pretended mariage offen­siue to the erle of Richmond, 752, a 10, b 50. The princi­pals of his power fall from him, his dreame foretels him of his end, bringeth all his men into a plaine, his oration to the chieftens of his armie, 755, a 30, 40, b 10. His vaine confidence and bootlesse cou­rage, 757, a 10. His armie dis­comfited, fléeth, what per­sons of name were slaine on his side, he himselfe taken and how he might haue escaped, 759. The shamefull cariage of his bodie to Leicester, his badge and cognisance euerie where defaced, the descripti­on of his person and certeine of his behauiors, 760, b 20, 40 50. Honor doone him after his deth by the erle of Richmond his enimie. 761, a 20
  • R [...]chard the second sonne of K. Iohn, 173, a 10
  • Richard the base sonne of king Iohn beheadeth moonke Eu­stace, 201, a 60
  • Richard Henrie the second his sonne affianced to earle Rai­monds daughter. 67, b 20. Prepareth to resist his fa­ther, 94, a 10. Despaireth of good successe, 94, a 10. Sub­mitteth himselfe to his father. 94, a 10
  • Richard, king Henrie the third his brother maried, 231, b 50 ¶Sée Archbishop of Can­turburie.
  • Riches, and what means king Richard the first had to ga­ther them, 120, a 50, 60. Of London great, what then of all England? 141, b 60. They and inheritance, from whom, to whom, and to what end gi­uen, 1043, b 10. The right waie therunto, b 50. Of Hen­rie the eight, 799, a 50. ¶Sée Monie.
  • Richmond built, and whie so named, 788, a 10. On [...]ire, 792, b 20
  • Richmont castell néere Gilling­ham when built, 7, b 10. ¶Sée Erle.
  • Ridlie doctor persuadeth the people in a sermon at Paules crosse in the title of quéene Iane, 1087, a 40. He and La­timer examined for their do­ctrine, 1129, b 60.1130, a 10. Whie he was more rigorous­lie handled than the residue of the bishops, 1089, a 40. His sermon of mercie and charitie before Edward the sixt how effectuall: note, 1081, b 20
  • Rie burnt by the Frenchmen, 417, b 50. The ships thereof win a good prise, 440, a 60
  • Riot at king Richard the first his coronation, 118, b 40, &c. By the Suffolkmen: note, 343, b 10.344, all. 345. Of the people against the Iewes: note, 121, b 50.122, all. Of the Kentishmen: note, 677, b 30. In the citie of London be­twéene strangers of diuers nations and the Londoners, 645, a 30. Made on the Ea­sterlings by the Londoners, 778, a 40. Of prince Edward punished by imprisonment, 313, b 30. Of the Londoners vpon the bishop of Salsburie his men, 478, a 20. Betwixt the earle of Warwike, and the tenants of the abbat of Euesham, 411. a 30. At Calis vpon the cutting of a pursse, 879, b 10. Committed vnder pretense of wrestling, 204, a 20. Toward in west Smith­field, and the principals puni­shed, 1321, b 30, 40. Brought within the compasse of trea­son by a statute, 842, b 50, &c. ¶See Frate, Rebellion.
  • Rithwall king of Wales parta­ker with a rebell, 5, a 20
  • Riuer that suddenlie ceased his course, 493, b 60
  • Riuers that [...]bbed and flowed became shallow, 38, a 40. O­uerflowing and drowning the land, 20 b 30. ¶Seé Thames.
  • Riuers lord and others behea­ded, 715, b 40.725, b 10
  • Riuers Richard. ¶ See Mel­lent.
  • Robert generall of the Nor­mans slain by the Northum­bers, and whie, 6, b 30
  • Robert rebelleth against his fa­ther duke William, and how it came to passe, 12, a 20. Duke of Normandie, solici­ted to come into England to claime the crowne, 29, b 20. Arriueth at Portsmouth, his mild nature, 29, b 60. Com­meth into England to visit his brother Henrie the first, 32, a 50. Proclamed after the deceasse of his father, 16, b 20. Arriueth at Southhampton 17, b 50. How he might haue easilie recouered England from his brother, 17, b 60. Re­turneth out of the holie land, and laboureth to recouer England from Henrie the first, 29, a 60, Ingageth a part of his dukedome for monie, and whie, 17, a 30. His vali­antnesse in fight. 33. a 10. Maketh earnest sute to his brother Henrie for peace, 32 b 40 Prisoner in Cardiff ca­stell and there [...]ieth, 33, b 30 More credulous than suspi­cious, 30, a 20. In disfauour with the English nobilitie and commons, 28, a 20. Cha­sen K. of Ierusalem by rea­son of a miracle, 29, a 60. Mor­gageth his duchie of Nor­mandie to his brother Willi­am Rufus, 22, a 60. It was he whome the nobles would haue had for king being the elder brother, 16, a 30. Retur­neth into Normandie disple­sed with his brother William Rufus, 19, b 40. At discord a­fresh with his brother Wil­liam, 21, a 40. His deuise and desire to bereaue William Rufus his brother of the kingdome of England, 16, b 40. To whome married, and his issue, 34, a 10. Taken pri­soner, 33, a 40. Described, and his lamentable end, 33, b 40.60
  • Robert earle of Northumber­land refuseth to come to king William Rufus, 21, b 30. In­uironeth king Malcolme, 20, b 60, Taketh sanctuarie, 21, b 60. Prisoner in Windsor ca­stell, [Page] and the cause of his con­spiracie, 22, a 10
  • Robert the base sonne of Hen­rie the first married, & made earle of Glocester, 37, a 50. ¶Sée Erle.
  • Robert the onelie sonne & heire of Robert earle of Leicester deceaseth, 1375, b 40
  • Robbers. ¶Sée Théeues.
  • Roch knight sent to the Fléet: note, 968, a 40
  • Rochester besieged, 267, a 60. The castell fortified, and by whom, 17, a 30. Besieged by K. Rufus, 18, a 10. Besieged & yéelded to king Iohn, 188, a 10 40 Restored to the archbishop of Canturburie, 186, b 10. The bridge when builded and by whom, 1377, b 60. How it be­gan to decaie, means to kéepe it repared by act of parlement 1378, a 10, &c,
  • Rochford lord condemned and beheaded with others, 940, a 50
  • Rockesburgh, and the situation thereof, in what sort to bée fortified, 991, a 10, 30, b 10. The same burned by the Scots, 420, a 50
  • Rodorke king of Ulster van­quished, 100, a 30
  • Roger earle of Hereford conspi­reth against duke William, 11, a 40
  • Roges burnt through the eare, 1228, b 10. ¶ Sée Uagabonds
  • Roiall exchange. ¶ Sée Bursse.
  • Roiston set on fire, 531, b 20
  • Rood of grace shewed at Pauls crosse, 945.
  • Rood of Pauls erected: note, 1121, a 50, 60
  • Rookesbie shiriffe of Yorke­shire, his hardie courage to fight, 534, a 40
  • Rome blamed by Richard the first for couetousnesse, 123, b 50. What gaines it had out of England, 171, a 40. Henrie the third would in no wise bind and indanger his l [...]ie sée to it, 208, a 20. Besieged 895, b 60. Taken and sac­ked, 896, a 30, 50. Compositi­ons with the soldiors to saue certaine places vnspoiled, b 60. The spoile verie rich, 897, a 50. Sacked, 1364, a 30. Besieged by the duke of Al­ [...]a and king Philips armie, 50. ¶Sée Pope and Legats.
  • Romans. ¶Sée Triumphs.
  • Rone besieged by Henrie the fift, 565, a 20. Inuironed with enimies and succourlesse, the number within the towne, extreme famine within it, 566 a 20, 30, b 20. They with­in the towne demand parle, a truce for eight daies, arti­cles concerning the yéelding vp thereof, 567, b 60. King Henrie the fift his entrance thereinto, 568, a 40. A con­spiracie of the Frenchmen a­gainst the Englishmen, 568, b 60. The castell like to be taken by treason of the cap­teine, 608, b 20. Yéelded vnto the French king, 629, b 50
  • Rosamund the faire, concubine to Henrie the second, where buried, 196, a 30. Hir cofer, hir death and epitaph, 115, b 50
  • Ros lord reuolteth vnto the Scots, his brother continu­eth faithfull vnto the king of England, 297, b 40
  • Ros a noble man of France ac­cused, 251, a 30, &c.
  • Rouen besieged by the king of France, 92, b 60. Through famine surrendred vnto the king of France, 167, b 50
  • Round table. ¶Sée Windsor ca­stell.
  • Rous knight, a valiant cap­teine, 421, b 30
  • Routs ¶Sée Brabanders.
  • Rufus William his promises to purchase the peoples fauour, 8, b 4. ¶See William Rufus.
  • Rugemont castell: note, 1007, b 60
  • Rulers sundrie in a land weke­neth it, 81, b 30
  • Rumors false spread to worke an alteration, 190, b 20. ¶Sée Report.
  • Running at the quintine, 247, b 50. At the ring, 805, b 60. At tilt, 805, a 10
  • Ruptarij, 99, a 10. ¶Sée Bra­banders.
  • Russell knight his sober and di­scréet vsage in seruice com­mended, 879, b 50
  • Russell lord deliuerer of the ci­tie of Excester: note, 1022, a 60, b 10. Distrusteth himself and is vpon departing out of Deuonshire, he marcheth a­gainst the rebels towards Excester, 1023, a 20, &c. 1024, L. priuie seale his letters to the L. protector, 1057, b 20, a 10 He sueth for peace betwéene the lords, 1058, a 10. ¶Sée Erle of Bedford.
  • Rutland earle lord Edward ambassador into Scotland: note, 1562, a 40
  • Rutland castell built, 279, b 50 Besieged, 280, b 60. Taken, 278, b 10.
  • Rutters, 99, a 10
S.
  • SAbboth, a superstitious and hurtfull obseruation thereof, 262, b 60
  • Sacrament of baptisme how the rebels would haue it mi­nistred, 1003, a 40
  • Sacraments forbidden to bée vsed of the clergie, 76, b 10. Contemned, and how the of­fendor punished, 203, b 60
  • Sacrilege and no sacrilege, 22, b 10. Seuerelie punished, 704, b 50
  • Sackuill knight ambassador to the French king, 1224, b 30. His interteinment verie ho­norable, 40. The first place of his audience, his liberalitie, 60. His return into England 125, a 10, 20. ¶Sée Bucke­hurst.
  • Safe conduct sued for of the king of Armenia, and denied him, 453, b 30. Granted vn­to soldiors, 21, b 10. And the force thereof, 459, b 30. Pre­uaileth not, 103, b 20. ¶Sée Licence, Protection, 104, Cardinall Uiuiano.
  • Sadler sir Rafe knight, treasu­ror of the English armie, 980, b 40. His seruice against the Scots commended, 988, b 30
  • Saie lord treasuror beheaded at the standard in Cheape, 634, b 30
  • Saint Albons destroied, 199, a 10
  • Saint Anthonies. ¶ Sée Church.
  • Saint Bartholomewes by Smithfield when builded, 31 a 30. The hospitall builded in part, 540, a 60
  • Saint Marie Queries made a parish church, 950, a 60, Burned, 176, b 10. Repared. 172, b 10
  • Saint Quintins besieged and taken by the English, 1134, a 60, b 10
  • Saint Thomas hospitall erec­ted, 1082, b 10
  • Saints, and praieng to them misliked by William Rufus: note, 27, b 20
  • Saladine causeth the christian prisoners to be beheaded, 133, a 30. ¶Sée Ierusalem, Sa­racens, Turks.
  • Salike. ¶Sée Law.
  • Salisburie made a citie, 202, b 60
  • Salisburie the traitor. ¶Sée Babington.
  • Salt called Baie salt, déer, 1260 a 50
  • Salute. ¶Sée Coine.
  • Samson. ¶Sée Bishop.
  • Samuell moonke of saint Al­bons made bishop of Dublin, 22, a 30
  • Sanctuarie and of such as flie for succour therevnto: note, 33, b 60. No safe harbour for rebels, 784, a 60. Nor for traitors: note, 764, b 40. ¶Sée Robert of Northumberland, 21, b 60. and Westminster.
  • Sanctuaries their vse and a­buse: note, 718, a 10, &c. Re­streined, 790, b 10
  • Sanders murthered. ¶ Sée Murther.
  • Sanders doctor a mainteiner of the popes bull, 1361, b 30. His miserable end, 1365, b 60
  • Sands knight a whip vnto the Frenchmen, 874, b 10
  • Sands doctor his trouble, per­secution, and voluntarie ba­nishment, 1145, b 50, &c. 1146, 1147, 1148, 1149
  • Sandwich kept by rebels, they sue for pardon, 693, a 10. Spoiled by the French, 645, b 30
  • Saracens discomfited by Ri­chard the first, 134, a 30. Uan­quish the christians and kill the earle of Salisburie with others, 243, a 10. Called Ar­sacides, their generation and dealing with prince Ed­ward, 275, a 30, &c. Against whom went diuerse nobles of England, 225, b 30. Make sore war vpon the christians in Spaine, and are vanqui­shed, 213, a 10. Had the whole land in possession, 205, a 60. Beseege the citie of Damie­ta, 202, a 50. Win the same from the christians, 204, b 50. A iornie against them, 473, a 40. Out of whose hands the whole land was to be recoue­red, 22, a 60. Win lands from the christians, 108, b 10. Traitorouslie kill the mar­quesse of Montferrat, 134, b 40. Yéeld Acres into the christians hands, 132, b 50. Make war against the Por­tingals, 124, a 10. ¶Sée Chri­stians, Granado.
  • Sargent murthered, and the of­fendor hanged in Cheapside, 1310, b 60. Slaine, & the mur­therer hanged in Fléetstréet▪ 1348, a 10. ¶Sée Officer.
  • Sargents at law their fest kept at Elie house, wherat Henrie the seuenth and his quéene were present, 779, a 40. In the archbishop of Canturburies palace, whereat were present Henrie the seuenth with all his nobles, 791, b 50. At Greies inne, 1210, a 10. At the new temple, 1314, a 60
  • Saturne and Iupiter. ¶Sée Planets.
  • Satisfaction that Henrie the second sware to make for the death of Becket, 83, b 50
  • Sauage knight slaine at the siege of Bullo [...]gne, 775, a 50
  • Sauage the traitor, ¶ See Babington.
  • Sauerie de Mauleon, and the earle of Salisburie at dis­cord, 194, a 40.206, a 20. He re­uolteth to the French king, 40. An assistant of king Iohn against his rebels, 187, b 60, 188, a 30, 190, b 10. Sore hurt and wounded, 190, b 60
  • Seuoie burnt by the rebels, 431, a 20. The hospitall, 796, a 50
  • Sawtrie a priest burnt for re­ligion, 519, a 30
  • Scales lord his chiualrie, 669, a 20, &c. Slaine most cruellie: note, 654, b 60
  • Scaliot a blacke smith. ¶ Sée Workmanship.
  • Scarsitie, prouision therea­gainst for the poores behoofe, 476, b 60. ¶Sée Dearth.
  • Scattergood, ¶Sée Policie.
  • Schisme betwéene two popes for the dignitie of saint Pe­ters chaire, 484, b 50. In the church, and wherevpon, 24 b 20
  • Schoole of saint Anthonies in the citie of London, 779, a 50 At Tunbridge, 1062, b 20. At Draiton in Shropshire, 1060, b 60. At Bristow and Reading, 1092, a 30. At Holt in Northfolke founded, 1131, b 10. At Sandwich e­rected, 1377, a 60, b 10. At Sutton Ualens in Kent, 1311, b 10. Founded by arch­bishop Parker, 1261, a 40. In Bedford founded by William Harper, 1194, b 40. Of the merchant tailors ere­cted, 1194, a 10. At Ratcliffe builded, 945, b 60. At Wal­thamstow builded, &c. 830, a 40
  • Scholers disputations, 1129, b 10, &c. Tried from traitors by six questions: note, 1368, a 10, &c. ¶Sée Oxford.
  • Schoolemaisters to teach scho­lers to construe their lessons in English, 396, a 20
  • Scot sir Thomas knight, of Kent, a good politician, excée­dinglie beloued of the people, &c: note, 1539, b 30.1541, a 20.1546, b 40, 50
  • Scot. ¶Sée Erle of Chester.
  • Scotland, Henrie the fift is counselled to the conquest of it, 546, a 40. Inuaded by the lords Ros and Dacres, 874, b 50. Sore spoiled by the erle of Surreie and his power, 878, b 30. Inuaded, and di­uerse townes burned by the English, 875, b 60. It and England at wars, the causes of the same, 957, a 20, &c. And what townes, villages, &c: the English armie burned and spoiled, 963, a 50, 60. The midle marches therof forrai­ed, [Page] 969. v 10. The countrie in­uaded by the erle of Hertford, 969, b 60. An English armie goeth against it, their number arriueth in the land, 961, b 40, 50, 60, An harbour for re­bels and malcontents: note the whole storie of duke Wil­liam & page, 10, b 20. Trouble there, Frenchmen sent thi­ther, the lords thereof that were confedered against the French, 1180, b 30, 40, 60 The earle of Sussex maketh a iournie thereinto, wasted by fire and swoord, 1222, a 40, 50. Inuaded by the erle of Sussex, 1213, b 60. Wa­sted and spoiled by fire and swoord, 1214, 1215, 1216, 1217, 1218, 1219, 1220. Woone fiue times by one king of Eng­land, 999, a 10, Diuerse pla­ces therein burned, besieged and otherwise dealt withall by the English, 990, a 10, &c. Inuaded on the west side, 992, a 30. Places gained there by the English, 992, b 10, 20, &c. An English power both by sea and land sent thither, chiefteins of the armie, 980, a 30, 40, &c. The borderers of England make a rode thereinto, 446, a 20 Inuaded, 445, b 10. ¶Sée Duke of Lancaster. In­uaded by the earle of War­wike, 353, b 20. Countries subdued therein by the Eng­lishmen, 376, a 50. Resigned into the hands of king Ed­ward the third, 386, a 60. When it had great want of men, 323, a 20. Controuer­sie there, about the crowne thereof: note, 285, b 60, 286, all. The kings fealtie set downe in forme, 289, b 60 And his homage, 290, a 20 Edward the first appointed wardens for the same, 288, a 30, &c. That the right and title thereof belonged to Edward the first, note, 309, b 60, 310, a 10. The lord Segraue sent with an ar­mie thither, 311, b 30. ¶Sée Britaine, Church, Henrie the fourth.
  • Scots, their king inuadeth Northumberland, 87, b 60 His thought at the view of the English armie, the or­der of his host, French capteins among them, the Scots are put to the woorst in the right wing, the left wing discomfited, 828, all. The kings magnanimitie, he fighteth himselfe verie va­liantlie, the stoutnesse of his stomach, he is slaine, his bodie found hauing diuerse wounds, 829, a 10, &c. b 30 Serueth king Henrie the fift, 580, b 30, In Henrie the fift his armie, 577, a 10 His letter of defiance to king Henrie the eight, 820. Com­meth to the English parle­ment, 97, b 30. He with o­ther deliuered out of prison, 95, a 10. Dooth homage to king Henrie the second, 73, b 60. Knighted by king Henrie the second, 76, a 30 Slaine by his owne subiects, 771, a 20. Inuadeth Eng­land with a great armie in Perkins behalfe, 781, a 20, b 10, &c. Desireth the la­die Margaret eldest daugh­ter of Henrie the seuenth to wife, 78 [...] ▪ b 60. Dooth ho­mage to Henrie the sixt, 587, a 20, Fled from his siege at Rockesburgh, 615, a 20 Iames is murthered: note, 616, a 10. Besiegeth Rockes­burgh, and is slaine, 657, a 60. Taken prisoner, 91, b 60. Inuadeth Northumber­land, 89, a 50. Inuadeth England, 91, a 60▪ Presen­ted to the king of England, 92, b 10. Deliuereth vp ca­stels, 95, a 30. Dooth ho­mage to the king of Eng­land, 95, b 60. Knight of the garter, 939, a 60. Mur­thered, 1209, b 60. Pro­clameth open wars against England, 518, b 10. In­uadeth England, the lords assemble a power to fight a­gainst him, the quéene pre­sent in person, 375, b 40, &c. He is taken prisoner, 376, a 10. Resigneth the realme of Scotland into the hands of Edward the third, 386, a 60 Ransomed and set at liber­tie, 391, a 60. Sueth for peace vnto king Edward the first, and submitteth himselfe, 300, b 10, &c. Would serue two masters, 297, b 20. Con­cludeth a league with the K. of France, 296, a 10. Re­nounceth his homage vnto the king of England, 245, a 40. Dooth homage vnto the king of England, 299, a 40. Kept Christmas with the king of England at Yorke, 211, b 30. Com­meth vnto London, 263, a 10. Warden of the English mar­ches, 229, b 10. His allegiance to K. Henrie the third, testifi­ed by a charter, 233, b 60. Inuadeth England, 233, a 30. Commeth into Eng­land, 254, a 40. His oth of allegiance vnto Richard the first, 120, b 20, Commeth vn­to king Iohn at Lincolne, 162, a 60. Dooth homage, 69, a 60. 193, a 60. Compoun­deth with king Iohn for peace, 173, b 10. Honoured with the order of knighthood, 176, a 30. Commeth to sée king Richard the first, 143, a 30. His allowance by the grant of king Richard: note, 143, a 50. Hee beareth the swoord before the king, b 30. Maketh sute vnto king Richard the first for Nor­thumberland, 144, a 30. In­tertained honorablie at Can­turburie, 120, b 20. ¶Sée Bi­shop of Durham.
  • Scots inuade the English marches, 47, b 10. 48, a 60. Inuade Northumberland, 49, a 40. They & the English doo bicker, the Scots put to flight, 49, b 50, 60. Pursued, retire, 48, b 40. Inuade the English borders, 782, b 40, 645, b 40, 50. Ouer­throwne by sir Robert Um­freuill, 548, a 30. Inuade the English borders, 560, a 30. They recule home for feare, 560, a 50. With the aid of Tiuidalemen did much hurt in England, 892, a 30. Inuade the bishoprike of Durham, 332, b 10▪ &c, Pri­soners in the archbishop of Yorke his place, 811, a 40. Inuade the borders of Eng­gland, assa [...]led, discomfited, slaine and put to flight, 825, b 20, &c. They and the Eng­lishmen haue a sharpe con­flict, two battels, fought not, but gaue the looking on, they flie at the peale of guns, 829, a 10, 50, b 40. Enter into England and rob the mar­ket folkes going vnto Ber­wike, put to flight and slaine, 383, a 20, 40. Discomfited by the Englishmen, 929, b 10. Moo [...]e warre, and at last sue for peace, 936, a 50, 60. In­force Henrie the eight to warre against them, their double dealing in a negotia­tion of an agréement, 957, b 30, 50. Inuaded by the Englishmen, put to flight, taken prisoners, before the councell in the starchamber, 958, all. They depart into their owne countrie, 959, a 50 Their king dieth for gréefe, 958, b 30. A great power gouerned by noble men goeth against them, 961, b 40, 50, 60, They offer to impeach the English mens passage, flée vnto Edenburgh, 962, a 10, 20, 30. Spoile the English marches, they lose more than they win, assalt the castell of Warke▪ 881, a 60, b 60. Cha­sed and driuen awaie, 862, a 10. All in England appre­hended and fined, 873, a 30. They and the Englishmen incounter, 969, b 50, 60. An ouerthrow on both sides, 970, a 10, &c. Their crueltie a­gainst the Englishmen, 10, b 10. Inuade England, 19, b 10. Ouerthrowne and slaine, and put to flight, 21, a 10. Sue vnto quéene E­lisabeth for aid against the French, 1186, b 40. For re­spit of war, 1214, b 20. Their breach of couenant, 1214, a 50. And common fault, 1217, b 60 They muster foure thousand men, 1219, a 20. Their vaine doubt, they méete the Eng­lish armie, 984. a 60, b 30, Slaine, the maner and the number, 988, a 10, 20, Why so few were taken, their vow, apparell, number of prisoners, spoile of their campe, the fea­ture of their personages, 988, a 10, Such as came to king Henrie the eight, their eb [...] ­sance: note, 991, a 50, Submit and yéeld them selues to the English power: note, 981, b 20, Their subtile practise, 982, a 20, 30, They flie and are sharplie pursued, 987, b 10▪ Cast awaie their munition and furniture, the lighter to be gone, 987, b 30, Charged with ill dealing in the con­trace of marriage betwéene king Edward the sixt and the quéene of Scotland, 999, a 20, &c. Reiect all the benefites proffered in the duke of Summersets exhortation: note, 1001, b 60, Aided by the French king, go to the worst, 993, a 60, &c. They are set at a sta [...]e vpon the sudden, their order both in respect of furniture and disposition, an hot encounter betwéene the English and them: note, 985, b 10, &c, 40, &c. 986, a 10, &c. Persons wounded & slaine, b 10, &c. Hampered for their disloialtie in king Edward the sixts time, 980, 981, 982, Smothered in a caue, discom­fited, and put to flight, slaine and taken prisoners, 982, a 10, 50, 60, Preparation for warre against them, 705, b 10, Enter into Ireland, hard hold betwixt them and the e­nimie, Berwike is betraied vnto them, they winne ca­stels, spoile and burne, they come into Yorke, 324, all. Ac­curssed by the pope, they in­uade England and returne at their pleasure, 325, a 60, b 10, 20. Inuade Northum­berland, 329, a 10. Inuade Ireland, 322, a 60. Great slaughter of them, they spoile the bishop of Durham, and raise their siege, b 20, &c. Take Warke castell, 514, a 60. Burne and spoile in Northumberland, 518, b 40. Ouerthrowne, vanquished at Hameldon, the number slaine, prisoners taken, 520, b 30, 40, 50, 60, Their crueltie verie barbarous, 465, b 20. They gaue the English an ouer­throw, b 20. In the time of treatie they spoile Northum­berland, hauing prouided an armie to inuade England be hardlie persuaded to accept a truce, 466, a 50, 60. Aided a­gainst the English by the French, they inuade the frontiers of England, they spoile Cumberland, assault Carleill, 447, a 20, 40. Burne Warke castell, 444, b 60. Spoile the north parts in the time of dearth, 422, b 60, 423, a 10, &c. Inuade the English borders, spoile whole coun­tries, and carrie awaie great booties, 428, a 10. Their no­bilitie at dissention, their prince staid in Scotland, 531 b 50, 60. Inuade England, 346, b 60. Disloiall to king Edward the third, he assal­teth them, they submit them­selues, 351, all. Their stout­nes hindereth the conclusion of peace, a statute ordeined by them in fauor of king Ed­ward the third, 352, a 30, &c: b 40. Fight with axes, 376, a 10. Sore afflicted by king Edward the third, 386, b 20. Enter into England, and doo much hurt, compounded withall for moneie, 32 [...], a 10. Discomfit the lord Beau­mont, 323, a 40. Accur­ssed and interdicted, 323. b 10. Inuade the Eng­lish borders, 299, a 40. Their crueltie, the castell of Dun­bar rendered to them, put to flight and slaine, 299, b 10▪ 20, &c. 297, b 60. They raise their siege from Carleill, 298, a 10. Disloiall in dealing, 296, a 40. Thir nobles fe­altie vnto king Edward the first set downe in expresse words, 287, b 60, 288, a 10. Their vnfaithfull dealing, 303, b 30. In armes, 303, b 40, 60. At discord, they sue for peace, discomfited, 304, a 10, &c. Promisbrea­kers, they assaile the English, discomfit them, enter into Berwike, inuade Northum­berland, spoile the countrie, returne home, discomfited and slaine, 305, a 10, 50, 60, b 10, 50, 60. Beséege Rockes­borough, 306, b 60, Sum­moned [Page] vnto the parlement at Yorke, 307, a 10. The or­der of their battels▪ their horssemen flie, their archers slaine, 307, b 30, 60. The slaughter of them, 308, a 10: Ulexed by king Edward the first, forbidden so to doo by pope Boniface, 309, a 10. Flie from king Edward the firsts power, hide them­selues, fall to submission, 312, a 40, &c. In armes vnder Bruse, discomfited, 314, a all.
  • Scripture abused: note, 1223, a 50
  • Scroope by king Richard the thirds commission kept a session against diuerse indic­ted of high treason, 746, a 20
  • Sea decreaseth, 38, a 40. Ouerflowne, and dooing much hurt by breaking into the land, 526, b 60, 350, b 50. With huge tides that did much hurt, 220, a 60. Sée­meth to burne: note, 243, a 20. Riseth higher than the naturall course gaue, 244, b 40. Ceased from ebbing and flowing three moneths, 236, b 20. Riseth with ve­rie high tides, 252, a 50. Extraordinarie, 204, b 40.
  • Seafaring men, and of cer­teine orders to be obserued amongest them, 123, a 30
  • Sebastian Gabato his voiage, 1083, a 50. His discouerie of an Iland of rich commo­dities, 785, a 30. Bringeth strange men from the new found Ilands, 789, b 50
  • Secrets disclosed, 511, b 40, 50. Not to be discouered: note, 299, b 60, 300, a 10. Of princes disclosed by a craftie knaue, 812, b 20
  • Sedition to what issue it com­meth, 787, a 30, 40. Sow­ers thereof taken, conuen­ted and executed, 1360, a 10. Condemned by anci­ent lawes made two hun­dred yeares ago, 20. Some condemned, and yet spared from execution, and whie, 30. The mischiefe springing from the same, 1054, b 30. Punished by imprisonment and confiscation, 446, a 50. Sowen by a seditious préest, and by a counterfet earle of Warwike, 765, a 20, &c. How gréeuous vnto a com­monwealth, discoursed by sir Iohn Chéeke knight, 1042, 1043, vnto 1055: note it well, it is woorth the rea­ding ¶ Sée Bookes, Coun­sell, and Letters.
  • Segraue lord in armes against the Scots, taken, woun­ded, and rescued, 311, b 30 &c.
  • Sele common granted vnto the Londoners, 208, a 10. Roi­all old made void, and a new confirmed, 208, b 60. New­lie made, 277, a 20. And the old, with all things sea­led therewith annulled, 145, b 50
  • Selun prince of Turkes his ambition and tyrannie a­gainst his father and af­fines, he ouerthroweth the Sophie of Persia, 846, a 10, 20, 30. Deceaseth, and Soliman dooth succéed, 847, b 20. ¶Sée Saracens.
  • Selling and buieng of men like oxen and ki [...]e, 31, a 10
  • Semor knight sent vnto the Tower, atteinted and behea­ded, 996, a 60
  • Sempringham William decea­seth, 113, b 20
  • Senena. ¶ Sée Guenhe­ra.
  • Sens besieged and taken, 576, a 50
  • Sentlow knight sent vnto the Tower, 1152, b 60
  • Sequestration of benefices: note, a shift to get moneie, 193, a 20
  • Serle maior of London in a ri­ot not estéemed or regarded, 204, a 40
  • Serle, one of king Richard the second his chamber, noi­seth abrode that king Ri­chard is aliue, he is appre­hended, examined for the duke of Glocesters death, drawne through euerie good towne, executed at Lon­don, 525
  • Sermon of George Clo [...]e at Paules crosse offensiue, for the which he was inioined submission: note, 1558, b 10. Of Stephan Gardiner: note, 1126, a 60, Of frier Pateshull, 455, a 60, b 10. Of Bali a seditious préest vnto certeine rebels, 437, a 60, Of the bishop of Ro­chester at king Richard the second his coronation, 417, b 40. Full of slander against king Edward the fourth: note, 727, b 10, &c. That turned the preacher to shame and losse of life: note, 728, a 30, 40. Undiscréet and se­ditious, 841, a 10, 20. In­uectiue against bishop Gardi­ner, and the preacher asketh forgiuenesse, 950, b 10, 20. In Paules church for vic­torie against the Turkes, 1226, b 40. The assemblie thereat, b 50. Made by Iohn Knewstubs, at U­tricht in the low countries, in a statelie assemblie, 1433, b 60. Of doctor Ridleie be­fore king Edward the sixt, what effects it wrought tou­ching charitie, &c: note, 1081, a 20, &c. That procured ri­gorous handling to the prea­cher: note, 1089, a 40. At Paules crosse wherein the people were persuaded vnto the title of quéene Iane, 1087, a 40. At the Spittle without Bishopsgate, and the house of the maior and aldermen by whome built, 702, b 50. Full of papisti­call adulation made at pope Gregorie the thirtéenth his buriall, 1397, b 40, &c. 1398, &c. to 1400. ¶ Sée Orati­on, Preacher, Shaw, Sub­mi [...]ion.
  • Sermons perpetuallie foun­ded at Norwich, 1261, a 60. At Paules crosse none for the space of a quarter of a yeare: note, 1182, a 10, 20. Made to and for the mari­age of king Henrie the eight, with quéene Katharine, 928, a 20. That brought the preacher vnto losse of cre­dit, honestie and life: note, 725, b 30, 40
  • Seruant constant and trustie: note, 500, b 60. Trustie and loiall vnto the ladie Elisa­beth, 1159, b 40. Murthe­ring his maister is hanged, 1213, a 10. Accuseth his maister, and commeth vnto an ill end himselfe: note, 626, b 20. Betraieth his maister for reward: note, 743, b 50, 60 60.744, b 60, ¶See Bani­ster.
  • Seruants wages rated by sta­tute: note, 380, b 30, &c.
  • Seruice [...] remembred, 203, a 40. Good in war vnrewar­ded bréedeth conspiracie: note, [...]1, b 30
  • Seruingman reprooued and reformed: note, 1315, a 20
  • Seruitude none in England before duke Williams com­ming in, 1, b 50. Spur­ned at verie sore, 1, b 50, 2, a 10 forsaking of natiue countrie preferred before it, 6, a 20. Under the Normans signi­fied vnto the world by out­ward testimonie, 5, b 10
  • Sessions. ¶Sée Sicknesse.
  • Sessment refused to be paid as it was leuied, and how pu­nished, 968, a 40. ¶Sée Sub­sidie.
  • Sforce duke of Millan by v­surpation, 761, a 60
  • Shandois lord his false re­port in the Starchamber a­gainst ladie Elisabeth, 1102, a 20. Deceaseth, 1258, a 20
  • Shane Oneale of Ireland dis­comfited by the English po­wer, 1209, b 30. Mangled and hackt in péeces, 1210, a 30 50
  • Shaw maior of London a proud man and a fauourer of king Richard the third, 725, b 40
  • Shaw doctor his sermon that lost him his honestie and his life: note, 725, b 40. Com­mended by the duke of Buck­kingham, 729, b 40. He was taught his lesson yer he came into the pulpit, 727, b 10, &c. 40
  • Shéene the kings manour burnt, 788, a 10
  • Shéepe. ¶Sée Coteshold.
  • Shepherd called the holie shep­herd, 606, b 40
  • Shefféeld lord is lamentablie slaine in the Norfolke rebel­lion, 1034, b 30. Laid to the rebels charge, 1046, b 60 1047, a 10
  • Shellie how he was affectio­ned to Throckmortons trea­sons, 1372, b 20. An ac­tor in the conspiracie of the earle of Northumberland, 1407, b 10
  • Shews of disport with Ro­bin Hood, &c: before king Henrie the eight, 836, b 40, &c, 837, a 10. Of estate on the Twelfe night, 837, b 60. At iusts at Gréenewich. 815, a 10. Of delight where­in great personages were actors, 805, a 10, &c. 806, a 10, &c. Triumphant of proper deuise at the recei­uing of the earle of Leice­ster into the low countries, note well, 1424, b 10, &c. to 1430. ¶ Sée Pagents and Sights.
  • Shift. ¶Sée Policie.
  • Ship roiall called Henrie grace de Dieu, 815, b 40 The Marie rose drowned through negligence: note, 969, a 30. The barke A­gar recouered from the French, 972, a 60. The Regent burnt, 815, b 10 The Greihound cast awaie, 1202, b 10. The great Har­rie burnt, 1090, b 50
  • Ship séene in the aire, 249, a 60
  • Ships English spoiled by the French, 1195, a 60. Of quéene Elisabeth sent foorth into the narrow seas, 1211, a 10. Scowre the narrow seas, 1257, b 50, 60. Their seruice in Ireland, 1314, b 50. Thrée of name woone from the Scots, 989, b 60 Set on fire by the English, 995, b 30. Two of the French kings taken with a prise in them, 453, b 50.524, a 50. Of Rie win a good prise, 440, a 60. Of a strange mold and forme driuen on the coasts of England, 250, a 10
  • Ships and castels séene in the aire, 1313, a 60, b 10 ¶Sée French and Flemish, Thames.
  • Shipwracke, 562, b 10. 365, a 30. Wherein two hundred persons were drowned, 1202, b 10.423, a 60, b 10. La­mentable, 41, b 10. ¶Sée Noblemen.
  • Shiriffes of shires when in­stituted, 8, a 60. Of all shires sent for to the court, 457, b 40. Orders deui­sed for their appearance and bringing of accounts, 254, a 60, Of London put awaie their officers, 961, b 10. ¶Sée London.
  • Shirewood forrest. ¶Sée For­rest.
  • Shooes long piked forbidden, 668, b 30
  • Shoomaker called the cocke of Westminster, his gifts to the hospitals, 1083, a 20
  • Shooting in the long bow when first it came into England, 15 b 50
  • Shores wife king Edward the fourth his concubine: note, 722, b 60. More sued vnto than all the lords in England, 729, a 40. Spoi­led of all that she had, put to open penance, described, 724, b 10, &c.
  • Shordich knight his words to the pope, and the popes to him, 365, b 40, 50
  • Shrewesburie towne partlie burnt, 218, a 30
  • Sickenesse extreame among people in all places, 14, a 60 Strange at Oxford assise, whereof iudges &c, died: note, 1270, a 40, b 10, &c. Strange in Excester, at a sessions there held, like that of Oxford: note, 1547, b 30, &c.
  • Sidneie sir Henrie knight sent ambassador into France▪ 1195, a 40. The historie of his life and death, 1548, b 10, &c.
  • Sidneie sir Philip knight dead of a wound, right ho­nourablie reported of be­yond and on this side the seas: note, 1554, a 60, &c.
  • Sidneie ladie, the said knights mother deceaseth, hir godlie end, 1553, b 30
  • Sights in the aire fearefull [Page] and strange, 1270, a 20. 1313, a [...]0, 484, b 10, &c. 3 [...]5, a 60, 210▪ b 50.249, a [...]0 Of fie [...]e impressions in the a [...]e, 1208, a 40.1260, a 30 1201, b 60. Out of the earth▪ 220, a 10. ¶ See Moone, Pagents, Shews, & Woon­ders.
  • Siluer mines found in Deuon [...]shire: note, 316, b 3 [...]
  • Simon a fraudulent and sedi­tious preest, 7 [...]5, a 10
  • Simenell the counterfeit earle of Warwike, 763, a 20. He is honourablie receiued into Ireland, a 60. Proclamed king of England, 766, a 10 He [...] all his adherents landeth in England, b 10 He is taken, pardoned, and in place of homelie seruice vnder Henrie the seuenth, 767, a 10, [...]0
  • Simonie, wherein note An­seimes opinion, 24, a 50. A practi [...]e in William Rufus his time▪ 24, a 30. A thousand pounds for a bishoprike, 26, a 50. Greatlie abhorred by an archbishop of Canturburie: note, 213, a 60. ¶Sée Abba­sies and Bishopriks.
  • Simplicitie abused, 1063, b 30
  • Siward duke of Northumber­land, 5, a 10
  • Six articles fued for to be re­newed, 1003, b 10. ¶Sée Sta [...]u [...]e.
  • Skinks valourous seruice a­gainst the Spaniards, 1431, a 10, &c. Taketh the towne of Warie, 1429, b 10. Whie he burned [...], 30 Knighted, 1434, a 10. His good seruice against the enimie, 60, b 10▪ &c.
  • Skipwi [...]h Richard. ¶ Sée Iusts triumphant.
  • Slander that went of king Ri­chard for the death of the mar­quesie of Montferrat, 135, b 3 [...], Against king Edward the fourth confirmed: note, 729, b 50, 60. ¶ Sée Sermon.
  • Slanders deuised by malicious heads against quéene Elisa­beth. ¶ Sée Books sediti­ous, Libell, and Quéene E­lisabeth.
  • Slaughter of fiue or six people by the fall of a wall, 1413, a 60 Of eight persons by the fall of a scaffold at Paris garden, 1353, a 30. ¶See Murther.
  • Sleepe of foureteene daies and as manie nights, 972, b 20
  • Smith Thomas esquire and customer, a good common­wealth man: note, 1539, a 20
  • Smith doct [...]r his recantation. 980, a 10
  • Smith embroderer. ¶Sée Cha­ritie.
  • Smithfield sometimes a com­mon laistall and place of exe­cution, 31, a 30. And to that vse since oftentimes applied. ¶Sée Arden and Horssestea­lers.
  • Snow great in Aprill, 1272, a 20, In Maie, 290, a 50
  • Sodomitrie punished in cler­giemen and laiemen, 31, a 10
  • Soldan king of Soria and E­gypt his state, by whose elec­tion they were chosen, two of them slaine, and all Soria & Egypt subdued, 846, a 60, b 10, &c.
  • Soldiors forren arriue to aid king Iohn against his ba­rons, 187, b 60. Set altogi­ther vpon the spoile, 192, b 40 Of certeine ordinances deui­sed by them to be obserued, 125, a 50. English inriched. 770, b 60. Trained vp in tur­mes, 145, b 60. Make a fraie against the lord maior of London, 636, a 20. Commen­ded with words, and rewar­ded with spoiles, 560, a 10 English haue new co [...]es be­stowed vpon them by the du­chesse of Sauoie, 810, b 10 Their vnrulie and drunken behauior noted, 809, b 30▪ 810▪ a 10. Their misbehauior a­gainst the L. admerall, 814. a 50. Of Tornaie rewarded of K. Henrie the eight, 850, b 10. Euill vnder a good capteine, 942, b 30. Slaie their capteine 10, a 50. Their wages borne by the lords and péeres of the realme, 14, a 60. How well af­fected William Rufus was to them, 27, a 10. Prest and re­leased for ten shillings or twentie shillings a man: note, 21, a 60, b 10. Their outrage, a proclamation to restreine it, 1197, a 60. Good orders proclamed to be kept amongst them▪ 1196, b 40. Hanged for reuolting, 1201, a 10. Execu­ted for drawing vpon their capteins, &c, 1202, b 30. Tran­sported into Ireland to van­quish Shane Oneale, 1209, b 30. Yoong trained vp in the field at the citie of Londons charge, 1228, a 50, 60. Tran­sported into Ireland, 1314, a a 30. Sent ouer sea to aid the low countries, 1413, b 10. To what shifts they fall af [...]er dis­camping, 1050, a 60. Reteined on all sides by king Richard the second against the lords, 457, b 60. Hardie of préests and religious men, 443, a 60 A great abuse in the ch [...]ise of them, 45 [...], a 60. Called the crossed souldiors, 441, a 60 442, a 20. Incouraged by hope of gaine, 443, b 40. Out of wa­ges by meanes of peace doo much hurt in France, 395, b 10. Defrauded of their wa­ges and the partie executed as a traitor, 411, b 10. Of the French in a poore estate, 199, b 40. Doo much hurt, they spoile Westminster, they are sacked and are throwne into the Thames, 273, b 20 Their pa [...], a thing preferred before race of men▪ 229, b 20 ¶See Aduentures, Law marshall, Mutinie.
  • Soliman Ottoman besiegeth and taketh Rhodes, 876, b 20. It is yéelded vp vnto him, his contempt of christi­an religion, 877, a 10, 20. Successour after Selims deceasse, 847, b 20.
  • Sophie of Persia. ¶Sée Se­lim.
  • Sorcerie and inchantment. ¶ Sée Coniuror, and Elenor Cobham.
  • Sound most strange and woon­derfull heard, 226, a 10
  • Southhampton burned, 355, b 50
  • Southwell knight his words in the parlement house tou­ching quéene Maries child yet vnborne, 1124, a 50
  • Southwell the archbishop of Yorke his manor, 35, b 30
  • Southworke in the iurisdicti­on of an alderman, 1062, a 60, b 10. Liberties purchased for it, 1062, a 40
  • Spaine a deadlie b [...]ne vnto the English soldiors, 4 [...]0, a 60▪ b 10. The king thero [...] his ar­mie vnder the conduct of the duke of Alua, & the kingdome of Nauarre ioined vnto his▪ 813, b 30, &c. His clame to the empire, 8 [...]1, a 50, 60. He is chosen emperour▪ 852▪ a 30. Philip his proclamation a­gainst English merchants, 1206, a 10. His officers [...] of tyrannicall lordlinesse and vilianie, 1335, a 50. Chased and driuen out of his realme, 397, b 10, 60. His egernes to be reuenged, his dissimulation, 399, a 50, 60 Sendeth an he­rald vnto prince Edward of Wales, 3 [...]8, a 60
  • Spaniards ioined with the English armie against the French, 879, b 60. As [...]a [...]t Rome, take it, sacke it, kill and slaie without exceptio [...]: note, 896, a 10, &c. 897, a [...]0. Enter into Antuerpe, spoi­ling, wounding and killing, 126 [...], a 10. They and others in Ireland slaine, 1314, b 50, 60. Discomfited, 1432, b 10, &c. They bite their fingers for anger, 1433, a 30. They and Englishmen togither by the eares about whoores▪ 1126, b 60. Their manhood a­gainst the French, 1138, a 60. More fauourab [...]e vnto ladie Elisabeth than some Eng­lishmen▪ 1157, b 20. Hanged for murther, 1121. b 30. Their gallies chased from the Eng­lish coasts, and vanquished. 427, a 20. Their Fleet ouer­match the English, 420, a 3 [...]. Uanquished by king Ed­ward the third vpon the sea▪ 379, b 60. Their order of ba [...]tell, 398, b 60. Their number, 399, a 10. Put to flight, the number slaine 3 [...], a 60, b 10. ¶ Sée French­men, Gréenefield, Grana­do.
  • Spenser the yoonger sha [...]ful­lie executed. 33 [...], b [...]
  • Spenser ladie committed vn [...]oward: note, 527, b [...], 30
  • Spensers notable instruments to bring king Edward the second to the liking of all kind of misrule, 321, b 10. En [...]d of t [...]e nobilitie, 325, a 30. Uariance betwéene them and the lords, b 50. The lords in armes against them, their lands inuaded, 326, all. Ba­nished by the decree of the ba­rons, articles wherewith they were charged▪ 327, a 10, &c: Yéeld themselues vnto the law, fauoured of king Ed­ward, and restored to peace and quietnesse, 328, a 20, b 10. Restored to all their inheri­tances and aduan [...]emen [...]s, 332, a 10.
  • Spirit in a wall without Al­dersgate, dooth pena [...]ce at Paules crosse for abusing the people, 1117, b 60
  • Spirits in likenesse of birds seene in the aire, 166, a 60.
  • Spite of the French king at Richard the first, and wh [...]e, 133, b 50. Of Roger Lace in hanging two men, 133, b 40. ¶Sée Enuie, Malice, and Reuenge.
  • Spoile rich and honourable, 201 b 10. Diuided among soldi­ors: no [...]e, 560, a 10. ¶ See Soldiors.
  • S [...]ring [...]dered, 258. a 20 Seemed to be changed [...] winter, [...]
  • Stafford wasted. [...]
  • Stafford knight taken [...] sanctuarie and executed▪ [...]
  • Stafford lord slaine by sir Io [...] Holland: note, 447, a 50. Be­headed, [...]
  • Staffords slaine by Iack C [...]e 634, a [...]0
  • Stamford taken by duke Hen­rie, [...]
  • Stanhope knight comm [...]t [...]ed to the Towre, 1066, b 60. Hee and others beheaded, 1081, a [...]0
  • Stanelie knight, a fauourer of Perkine, Warbecke, [...] of his alienated, [...] from Henrie the seuenth, [...]8, b 40, 50, 60. He is beheaded▪ 779, a 10. He and his archers breake the Scots arra [...], 828 b [...]0
  • Stanelie lord his deuise to a­uoid suspicion of king Ri­chard the third, and to saue his owne life, 754, a 10. He and others meet, embrace and consult, 755, a 20. Set­teth the crowne on the earle of Richmond his head, his bold answer to king Richard his purseuants, 760, a 50, 60 His faithfulnesse, 673, a [...]0 674, a 30
  • Staple of woolles remooued to Calis, 395, b 60. Out of Flanders into England, 381 a 20
  • Starre strange appéered euerie morning for a time: note, 223, b 40. In the constellati­on of Cassiopeia, 1257, a 20
  • Stars falling after a strange maner▪ 231, b 40. Séene at the verie [...]ime of an eclipse, 44, b 40 ¶ See Blasing starre.
  • S [...]arch. ¶ See Wheat.
  • S [...]ates of the low countries, their deputies arriuall in London, their message vnto queene Elisabeth, 1411, a 40. &c. [...]0, b 10, &c. 1412, a 10, &c. Their sure granted, 1412, b 10 1414. a 50, [...] 1419. a 10: note. Sworne vnto the queene of England, and wha [...] authori­tie they gaue the earle of Lei­cester by placard, 1428, all. ¶ See Quéene Elisabeth, Duke of Alanson, and Earle of Leicester.
  • Statute of the six articles, with the extreame procee­ding therein, 946, b 30, 50. Spoken against to the losse of life, 953, a 40. Repealed, 992, b 10. Described, 1005, b 10. Ex Officio reuiued, 1126, b 60. Of premunire begun, 409, a 60. For seruants wa­ges and labourers, 380, b 30, 40. For making of clothes and other things, 380, b 40. Of Mortmaine, 280, a 10
  • Statutes of Westminster ordei­ned, 278, a 10. Established, 285, a 50. Of Glocester, 279, b 10. Called Additamenta. 283, a 60. Of Quo warranto, 280, a 50. Of Eltham, 892, b 50. Of Oxford: note, 262, a 10 Protested against by king Henrie the third, 265, b 30. Repealed, 270, b 50. ¶See Apparell.
  • Stephan when and by whome [...]ee was crowned king, 46, a [Page] 40, 50. His valiantnesse: note, 53, a 60. Ordering of his armie redie to giue bat­tell, 51, b 60. Besiegeth Wallingford, 51, b 30. Win­neth Lincolne, 51, b 50. His power put to flight, 53, a 60 Taken prisoner and led vn­to Mawd the empresse, 53, b 20. He and the earle of Glocester deliuered by ex­change, 54, b 20. En [...]reth Lincolne with the crowne vpon his head, 56, b 60. With an armie commeth to Yorke, 58, a 60. Incampeth néere his enimies the Scots, 47, b 20. Agréeth with the erle of An­iou, 48, a 50, Inuadeth Scotland, 50, a 60. Maketh hast to rescue the north parts, 48, b 40. Burnt the south parts of Scotland, 48, b 50. Hée and Henrie the fourth méet at Dunstable about a peace, they come to Cantur­burie, 64, a 10. His promise to purchase the peoples fauour, 8, b 40. Doubteth whome to trust, 51, a 10. Raiseth his siege 51, b 10. Beginneth to incline his mind vnto peace, 61, a 40. Falleth sicke, 47, b 50. Departeth this life, 64, b 40. A description of his per­son, qualities and actions, 64, b 40, 50
  • Stephan earle of Britaine, 7 b 20. ¶Sée Erle.
  • Stephan Gardiner his orati­on to the councell touching quéene Marie hir mariage, he commendeth the Spanish king, 1093, a 50, 60. ¶Sée Bishop Gardiner.
  • Stigand archbishop of Can­turburie hated, and whie duke William refused to bée crowned at his hands, 1, b 20. His stout message vnto duke William, 2, b 10. Flieth in­to Scotland, 8, a 30. His martiall mind, and vnpatient of forren seruitude, 1, b 50, 2, a 10. Capteine of an armie of Kentishmen, 2, a 10. Depri­ued for thrée speciall causes, 8, b 60. Kept in perpetuall pri­son and there ended his life, 9, a 20
  • Stinke noisome after a thun­der: note, 204, b 20. Filthie after a tempest, 211, b 40. Most horrible in Winch­combe church, 19, a 60. Of Henrie the first his dead bo­die odious, 45, a 20
  • Stoke battell. ¶Sée Bat­tell.
  • Storie doctor impudent and sawcie, his words in the par­lement house, 1180, b 20, 40. An enimie vnto ladie Elisa­beth, 1159, b 60.1160, a 10. Executed for treason, his e­ducation and birth, a persecu­tor and exquisite tormentor of Gods seruants, apprehen­ded, conueied himselfe ouer seas, continuing there a per­secutor, a commissioner to search for English bookes, intended the ouerthrow of England, searched the Eng­glish ships, apprehended by a wile, conueied into England, indicted, arreigned, executed as a traitor: note, 1225, a 40, &c.
  • Stradiotes, 82 [...], b 60, 822, a 10. Described and incountred of the English horssemen, 819, a 60
  • Strangers resort to serue king Stephan, 47, a 50. Courte­ouslie prouided for by king Henrie the firsts intertein­ment, 34, a 60. Outface Eng­lishmen against all honestie and conscience, 840, b 10. In­iuriouslie abused of diuerse yoonkers, 841, b 10, 20, &c. Ap­pointed to depart the realme, 65, b 10. Greatlie grudged at for procuring licences to sell wo [...]d, 893, b 40. Ouer sawcie lewd and knauish in dealing with Englishmen, 841, a 60. b 10. Skirmish with the re­bels of Norwich, 1033, b 10. Went against the Deuonshire rebels, 1003, b 30. Feasted by king Richard the second, and so dooth the duke of Lanca­ster, 474, a 10. Sent for by king Henrie the third to serue him in his wars, 217, a 20. A great complaint exhibited for that they got the best benefi­ces, 365, a 60. In fauour with king Henrie the third, al­waies odious vnto the home­borne, 216, b 50, 60. Ualuation of their benefices taken, 236, b 40. The value of spirituall liuings in their hands, 247, b 20. Kéepe the castell of Windsor, 265, a 40. Mer­chants a new order for them, sent to the towre, 283, b 10. ¶Sée Proclamation.
  • Stratagem of the lord Mont­ioie, 965, b 50.966, a 10. ¶Sée Policie.
  • Stratford bridge vpon Auon builded, 776, b 50
  • Strife amongst the English subiects on the other side the sea, 157, a 60. It & emulation in sumptuous apparelling of seruants, 163, a 60. Betwixt the two archbishops, 142, b 20, Betwixt the laitie and spiritualtie, 526, a 20, Be­twixt the Londoners and the abbat of Westminster, 242 b 60. Betwixt king Henrie the third and his barons, 216, b 40. Betwéene the archbi­shop of Canturburie and the bishop of Winchester, 247, a 50. One ended, all ended: note, 591, b 30. ¶ Sée Quarell and Uariance.
  • Stues suppressed, 972, b 10
  • Stukelie a defamed person and faithlesse beast: note, 1359, a 50
  • Sturton lord committeth a shamefull murther, hée is hanged, 1133, a 10, 20
  • Subsidie demanded and denied 215, a 10.251, a 10. To king Henrie the third by his bro­ther the earle of Cornewall, 251, b 30. Of the richer sort, 236, a 30. Causeth a commo­tion and insurrection in the realme: note, 429, a 60. Gran­ted by the parlement, appoin­ted to be kept of two citizens of London, 418, b 60. For the staie of parlements, 424, a 60. Gréeuous causing manie a bitter cursse and much mis­chiefe, 428, b 40. To be paid by the great men and fat backes, but the poore to go frée, 422, a 10, Granted and appointed to be spent accor­ding to the discretion of the nobilitie, 452, a 50. Of sur­charge, 524, b 20, 30, Pardo­ned, 1090, b 60. Of the laitie 1130, a 30. Uerie sore and in­tollerable laid vpon his sub­iects by William Rufus, 22, a 60. Called the great: note, 815, b 60. To be paid by an­ticipation, 882, a 50. Granted to be paid in thrée yeares: note, 960, a 40. Raised by K. Henrie the first to bestow with his daughter, 38, a 20. Granted of euerie knights sée and clergie, 167, a 30. The collectors thereof complaine to the earle of Northumber­land that they cannot get it: note, 769, b 30, &c. Raised of wools, 292, b 20, Called chim­mage, 401, b 20. Of fuage for the space of fiue yeares, 400, b 40, Dissuaded, 401, b 10. Of wooll, 355, a 30. Of tunnage and poundage, 589, b 60. Of thrée shillings for euerie plowland, 161, a 50. Of the thirtith part of all moouea­ble goods granted vpon con­dition, 220, b 10 Of the forti [...]h part of euerie mans goods towards the discharge of the kings debt, 215, b 40. Of two shillings of euerie plowland, 202, b 10. Of the ninth part of the peoples goods granted to king Edward the first, 306, a 20. Of an eight part of the peoples goods granted, 301, b 30. Of the twentith part of euerie mans goods, 279, b 10. Of foure pense and fiue pense of euerie marke, 332. Of the one halfe of wools through the realme, 354, a 60. Of fiftie thou­sand pounds demanded of the clergie, 406, b 20. Of fiftie shillings of euerie sacke of wooll transportable ouer sea, 383, a 60. Of foure pense of euerie person aboue fortie yeares of age, &c. 410, b 30 Of six and twentie shillings eight pense of euerie sacke of wooll, &c, 3 [...]6, b 10. For euerie last of lether fortie shillings, 357, b 10. For euerie sacke of wooll fortie shillings, 357, b 10. Of a new kind granted by the clergie, 531, b 30. Of the moitie of a tenth and of a fiftéenth, 445, a 10, 20. Of twentie shillings of euerie knights fée, 524, b 10. Of six shillings in the pound, &c: 1225, a 20, 30. Of mooueables and vnmoouea­bles granted, 1184, a 60. Of six shillings in the pound, granted of the spiritualtie, 971, a 10. Of the sixt part of euerie mans goods deman­ded, and what curssing and rebellion followed, 891, a 40 50. Of two shillings of euerie plow land, 142, b 60. Of fiue shillings of euerie hide of land, 153, a 10. Called the great subsidie, about the grant whereof there was hard hold, 877, b 20, 30, &c.
  • Subsidies, an enimie to them was bishop Hugh of Lin­colne, 162, b 50. Of sundrie sorts repeated, 229, a 50 ¶ Sée Contribution, Cu­stome, Fiftéenth, and Rebelli­on.
  • Subdeacons admission not without profession of chasti­tie, 30, b 30
  • Subiection most vile and vnbe­séeming a king: note, 83, b 50 84, a 10. Forren how abhor­red of a valorous mind: note, 192, a 50. Of Yorke vnto the archbish▪ of Canturburie. ¶Sée Archbishop.
  • Subiects bridle their king to his gret unpatience, 186, b 10
  • Submission of the Londoners to Henrie the third, 271, a 10 Of Dauid of Wales to Hen­rie the third conteined in ar­ticles, 227, b 60. Of the duke of Yorke to king Henrie the sixt vnder his oth, 639, b 60 Of king Iohn to the pope te­stified in a charter, 177, b 20, &c. Purchaseth peace and pardon, 203, a 40. By con­straint, 186, b 50, 167, b 50. Of George Closse preacher for a sermon. ¶Sée Sermon.
  • Succession to the crowne con­sulted vpon to be diuerted: note, 1083, b 40, 50, 60. ¶Sée Crowne.
  • Sudburie hill, 686, b 40
  • Suffolke men the first that re­sorted to the ladie Marie a­gainst the duke of Northum­berland. 1086, b 60
  • Summer drie, 780, b 60. Ex­treme: note, 336, b 10. For the space of foure moneths, 220, a 40. From March vntill Iulie, 381, a 40. Wet with manie flouds, 216, b 10 Déere, 381, a 50
  • Summerset. ¶Sée Herald.
  • Summeruile. ¶Sée Traitor.
  • Sunne appeareth like bloud, 332, b 10. Counterfeit séene, 220, a 40
  • Sunnes two appeared, 157, a 10. Thrée séene at once, 793, b 40. Foure beside the accusto­med, 216, b 20
  • Sundaie prophaned and how punished by God: note, 1353, a 30. Buieng & selling a law against it, 624, a 20
  • Superstition. ¶Sée Religion.
  • Supremasie of king Henrie the eight denied and the parties executed, 952, b 50.961, a 60 950, b 10.938, a 10, &c. ¶Sée Pope, Traitor.
  • Surgerie lecture founded in London, and how to be exer­cised: note, 1349, a 20, &c. An excellent institution and for common benefit: note, 1369, b 10, 20.
  • Suspension of the archbishop of Yorke by the archbishop of Canturburie, 35, b 60.36, a 10 Of Ranulfe bishop of Chi­chester: note, 26, a 30. Pro­nounced by a legat in a synod holden at Paules, 271, a 60
  • Suspicion in a prince how mis­chiefous, 738, a 30. Some­times good and aduantagea­ble, 1087, a 50, Cause of ap­prehension and execution: note, 259, b 60.260, a 10. Of Henrie the fourth grounded vpon a guiltie conscience: note, 520, b 10. That he had in his sonne prince Henrie, 539, a 10. ¶Sée Enuie, and Mistrust.
  • Sutors what shifts they made to be heard, 799, b 30
  • Swanescombe in Kent where the Kentishmen met against duke William, 2, a 10
  • Sward, ¶Sée Martine.
  • Sweine king of Denmarke maried earle Goodwins wi­dow, 6, b 20, Reported to in­tend an inuasion of England, 14, a 40. Sendeth his sonnes into England for recouerie of his right, 6, b 50
  • Sweting sickenesse, 794, a 60 The maner thereof, 765, b 60 And the remedie therefore, [Page] 764. a 10. Speedie and deadlie, 844. a 50. Whereof died both mariners and others, 906, a 60. b 10. And remedie against it, 1066, a 60. b 20
  • Synod called by the archbishop of Canturburie, 256. a 30. Held by Anselme, present therat Henrie the fourth with earles and barons, 34, b 10. At Dunstable, 182. a 40. At Lambeth. 280. b 30. At Lon­don, 95. b 50.58. b 40.224. a 40.11. b 60. At Northamp­ton, 271. a 60. At Oxford, 203 b 40. At Reading, 280. a 10. Of bishops held at Westmin­ster. 30. a 60. At Winchester and what was there decreed, 8. b 60. At Windsore about the archbishops primasie, 9. a 10. b 10. At Yorke by the archbishop of Canturburie. 148. a 10. ¶ See Assemblie and Councell.
T.
  • TAilors their malapertnesse at the election of an alder­man. 623. a 40. They and the Goldsmiths of London togi­ther by the eares, 274. a 50. They had six kings of Eng­land brethren of their compa­nie, 790. b 60
  • Talbot William defendeth He­reford in Wales, 48. b 60
  • Talbot knight with his six score archers, 770, b 30.
  • Talbot lord saileth into France 608. b 60.609. a 10. A valiant capteine. 597. b 10. Ransomed by exchange, 606, b 30. Crea­ted erle of Shrewesburie, 623. b 10. ¶ See Erle.
  • Tallage of an eight thousand marks leuied vpon the Iews, 25 [...]. a 10
  • Tame lord of Tame his gentle hart to the ladie Elisabeth, 1156, a 10.20.50
  • Tartas besieged, 619. b 60
  • Tax or tribute leuied on the cō ­mons by duke William, 8. b 50 Leuied throughout the relme, 144. a 20. Of fiue shillings of euerie plough land, 155. a 60 Leuied of the thirteenth part of euerie mans goods, 170. b 40. Leuied of an hundred thousand pounds, 174. b 60.
  • Taxes and subsidies raised in duke Williams time, 5. b 10. Greeuous of D. William vp­on the English, 8. a 30. ¶ See Lone, Subsidie, and Toll.
  • Teemen toll, or Theyme toll. ¶ See Subsidie.
  • Teeth, men borne with fewer than in times past, 379. b 50.
  • Tempests that did much hurt, 473. a. 20.204. b 20.480. b 50.60.793. a 60. b 10. Grislie and hideous 166. a 60. The like neuer seene procuring peace, 393, b 60. That made great waste, 395. a 40. That stroke manie high biuldings. 252. a a 50, Woonderfull, 164, a 40. Most terrible with a stinke, 19. a 60. Of wind and raine veri [...] hideous, 60. a 10. That did exceeding much hurt: note, 254. a 30. Uerie sore, & that lasted sixteene houres, 239. a 30. Boisterous vpon the seas, 1136. b 30.40. That scattered Richard the first his ships sailing into the holie land, 127. a 60.423. a 60. &c. Generall; 424. a 20. By sea and land dooing harme in most shires of England, 1222, b 10. &c. 1223.1224. a 10, &c. Great on Easter daie in the morning, 282, b 30▪ Sore of lightening and thunder, &c. 82. a 60. b 10.46. a 20.231. a 10. Of raine and thunder with an eclipse: note, 372, a 30. Few the like: note, 244, b 20. Ue­rie woonderfull: note, 1142. a 30. That did much hurt 1185 a 10.20. In December, 260. b 30. At Chelmesford, 1208. b 30. Great in Leicester towne: note, 1198. b 40. Strange at London. 211. b 40. By lightening and thunder, with sore hurt doone, 1205. b 10. In Northfolke strange, vehement and hurtfull: note, 1348. b 20. In Richmondshire 1270. a 20. In Suffolke that did much hurt: note, 1270, b 40. ¶ See Wind.
  • Temple gatehouse newlie buil­ded, 918. a 10.
  • Templers, lands belonging to them, 33 [...]. a 40. Three knights of this order in the French kings displeasure, 68 b 60. ¶See Knights.
  • Temptation great with large offers, 747. b 10. Preuaileth euen to violent death; no [...]e, 1092. b 10.30.40. ¶ See Murther.
  • Tenants rebell against their landlord, the erle of Winche­ster: note, 240. b 10
  • Tenths leuied for Henrie the se­conds behoofe, 111, b 60. Three granted, 402. a 60. Of spirituall mens liuings for the space of three yeares, 405. a 20. For three yeares space granted of the clergie vnto Henrie the third, 248, a 40. Granted vnto king Henrie by the cleargie, 213. a 10. Of the spiritualtie granted to the pope, 211. a 10. Of all the mooueables in England, Wales and Ireland, required by the pope, 210. b 60. Of [...] ­clesiasticall liuings granted to Edward the second by the pope, 325. a 50. Demanded of the cleargie by Henrie the third, 246. b 40. To the pope withstood by the earle of Che­ster, 211. a 50. They and first frutes restored to the crowne, 1180. b 10. ¶ See Subsidie.
  • Terme kept at Hereford ca­stell, 1206. a 40.1348. b 40. Begun at Oxford and adior­ned to Westminster, 844. b 60. Adiourned, 1260. a 10. Ad­iorned bicause of the plague, 1211, b 60
  • Termes foure yearlie kept by whome instituted. 8. a 50
  • Terrouan woone by force by the English, 374. b 60
  • Terwin besieged, 817, b 20. By the English, Henrie the eight being present, 821. all. Sore beaten with the English ordi­nance, 819, a 50. Yeelded vp to Henrie the eight, the citizens sworne vnto him, it is burnt and spoiled, 822, b 10.40.50.
  • Testament new translated into English, 913. b 60. ¶ See Gospell.
  • Teukesburie field, 687▪ b 60.
  • Teuther with others taken and beheaded, 660. a 30. ¶ See Mariage.
  • Thames frosen ouer, 1208. a 60 Exceedinglie: note, 274. a 60.263. b 60.58. a 60. And not passable, 942. b 20. Ships and vessels could not come vp the riuer, 612. a 60 Rose with an high tide, 220, a 30. Swolne with high spring tides, &c: note, 26. b 10. So high that Westminster hall was on a floud▪ 1271. b 50▪ Ouerflow­eth and dooth much hurt, 274. b 10. Drowneth all the coun­trie for the space of six miles about Lambeth. 231. a 10. Passable from London bridge to the Tower, it was so shal­low, 38. a 40.50. The water thereof conueied ouer saint Magnus steeple, 1348, b 50. ¶See Tides.
  • Thankfulnes for old seruice, 203 a 40. Of H. the eight to his good militarie seruitors 829. b 50. Of queene Elisabeth vnto hir subiects, &c: note, 1566. b 40 &c.
  • Theater erected for the duke of Alanson to stand vpon and shew himselfe to the people, 1334 a 50
  • Theefe that robbed pilgrims taken and hanged, 123▪ a 20. ¶ See Murtherer, Osulfe.
  • Theeues and robbers verie few or none in England in duke Williams time: note, 15. b 40. An ordinance against them, 248. a 20. Notable, and their whole nest broken, 241. b 20. Appointed to be hanged, 45. b 10. They and murthe­rers saued by th [...]r books and committed to the bishops custodie, 791. b 10. Sacrilegi­ou [...] seuerelie▪ executed, 704, b 50
  • Theobald. ¶ See Erle.
  • Thermes. ¶ See Monsieur.
  • Thetford, a bishops see remooued to Norwich, 26. a 50.
  • Thomas archbishop of Yorke, whie depriued, 9. a 60. A canon of Ba [...]eux the fiue and twentith archbishop of Yorke, 9. a 20. Depriued of his crosier and ring, ibid.
  • Threshers masking: note, 214. b 20
  • Threatning procureth submissi­on: note, 21. b 60
  • Throckmorton sir Nicholas knight arriueth at Newha­uen, 1199. b 40. Arreigned of high treason, the whole man­ner thereof, with his purga­tions: note, 1104. b 10. &c, 1105. to 1117. Eight of his iurie appeare in the starcham­ber, hard iudgement against them, 1121. b 40. Extreame­lie dealt withall, b 60. 1122. a 10. Fiue of his iurie released, 1126. b 40
  • Throckmorton Francis es­quire, some great secrets be­tweene the Scotish queene and him, 1373, a 10. What mooued him to denie his con­fessions at his arreignement, 30. His letter of submission to queene Elisabeth, 60. With a declaration of all his practi­ses treasonable against hir, b 50.60.1374. a 10, &c. Surpri­sed and put to a narrow shift, 1372. a 40. What mind he ca­ried towards queene Elisa­beth, b 60. His treasons com­municable to the erle of Nor­thumberland, 1406. all. Ar­reigned and condemned of high treason, the whole declaration thereof, with the manner of proceeding against him. 1370. a 40.50.60. &c. 1371. &c, to 1375
  • Throckmorton Iohn of Nor­wich a conspirator, executed as a traitor, 1222. a 10. ¶See Traitors.
  • Throng, certeine thrust to death on London bridge, 487. b 10. ¶See Blackwell, Iusts, and Paris garden.
  • Thunder in winter, 249. a 40. 46▪ a 30. With lightening in December, 220. a 40.1206. a 40. At Christmas, and on Christmas daie, 243. b 10.220. a 60. Uerie terrible and fearefull: note, 114. a 60. That made men amazed, 39. b 10. For the space of fifteene daies togither, 236. a 50. 216. b 10. With an earthquake, 217 b 50. Generall and hurtfull▪ 204. b 20. With woonder▪ 284. a 50. ¶ See Tempest and Wind.
  • Thurstan abbat of Gla [...]enbu­rie, and the moonk [...] of that house at strife, and whie, a lewd man: note, 13. b 30. Deposed, returneth into Nor­mandie, 13. b 40. Bu [...]eth his plac [...] againe for fiue hundred pounds, 13. b 60. Refuseth to obeie king Henrie the seconds pleasure, 38. b 10
  • Tiberio an Italian, his vali­antnesse, 965. b 20
  • Tiburne, called The elmes in Edward the thirds time, 349 a 60.
  • Tichborne and his fellow trai­tors. ¶See Babington.
  • Tides two in one houre, 1260. a 20. ¶See Flouds. Raine, Sea, and Thames.
  • Tiler beginner of the rebellion in Dertford in Kent: note, 429. b 20. &c. His procee­dings, 430 &c. A verie craf­tie fellow, his proud sawci­nesse, he is thrust through and slaine, 432. a 30. b 10.40.
  • T [...]neie. ¶See Tichborne.
  • Tilt roiall, with proper deuises thereat, 830. a 60. ¶ See Iusts.
  • Tindall burned, his painfulnes in writing and translating, 939. b 50.60. ¶ See Testa­ment new.
  • Tirrell sir Walter killeth Wil­liam Rufus with an arrow in hunting, by chance: note, 26. b 30
  • Tirrell knight described, 734. b 60. He receiueth the keies of the Tower, purposeth to de­str [...]ie the two princes, dispat­cheth the action, sheweth the whole maner thereof to Ri­chard the third, the murther confessed, he is beheaded for treason, 735. all.
  • Tithes no [...]e to be giuen but to the church, 30. b 40. ¶ See Tenths and Clergie.
  • Tokens foreshewing Wolfeis ruine and fall▪ 915. a 50 [...] b 10. Of victorie: note, 660, a 20. Of things falling out in e­uent, 793, b 10. Of immi­nent misfortune to the lord Hastings, 723. a 40.50.60. &c Prodigious: note, 655. b 20 ¶ See Signs and Woonders.
  • Toles of the Hound: note, 928. a 60. ¶ See Tax.
  • Tonque castell taken by the English, 559. a 50
  • Torments extreme, 445. a 60
  • Tornaie furnished with a strong power of men, besieged, the great number of people at the si [...]ge thereof, 359. a 50.60. b 10, Besieged by the emperor Charles his forces, deliuered to him 871. a 10. Summo­ned by Garter king at armes, the prouosts words to the di­stressed townesmen, it is be­sieged▪ 823. b 10.20.60. On all sides be [...]ieged, and the prouost with eleuen more submit themselues, and yeeld vp the citie to Henrie the eight, 824. a 10. &c. Articles of agree­ment betwixt the kings of England and France for the deliuerie therof to the French &c: note, 848. b 10, &. The maner how it was deliuered [Page] to the French king, 849. b 50 A castell builded there by Henrie the eight, 838. b 40
  • Townes in England burnt by the Frenchmen▪ 417. b 60. In old time how fortified, 443 b 30. In France taken by the earle of Derbie. 368. b 50
  • Tower on London bridge taken downe, 1270. a 30. Newlie builded, 1271, a 10
  • Towre of London new walled about by William Rufus, 23. a 60. Besieged, 54. a 10. De­liuered to the earle of March, 654. b 60. [...]eelded vp to Le­wis the French kings sonne, 192. b 20. At the Londoners commandement, 338. b 60
  • Traile baston, 312. b 60. ¶ S [...]e Inquisition.
  • Traitor Summeruile his mi­serable and desperat death, 1366. a 20. Carter executed at Tiborne, 1357. a 40. Elk [...] for counterfeiting the queenes signet manuell, 1563. Maine executed for denieng the Q. supremasie, 1271. a 10. Nel­son and Sherwood executed for denieng the queenes supre­masie, 1271, a 50. Paine exe­cuted at Tiborne, 1344. a 40 Thomas Woodhouse preest executed, 1258. b 60
  • Traitors, Carneie, Mather, and Rolfe executed, 1227. b 60 Fen, Haddoc [...]e, Munden, Nutter▪ and Somerfoord executed at Tiborne 1369. a 10. [...]rden & Sommeru [...]le ex­ecuted for treason, 1356 a 50 Slade and Bodie execut [...]d, 1356 a 10. Babington▪ Bal­lard, to the number of foure­teene, their wonderfull con­spiracie and sharpe execution: note. 1563, &c.
  • Traitors to the crowne procla­med, 143. b 10. King Henries nobles, 217. a 10. Care not for their liues, so they may atchiue the end of their trea­sons: note, 223. a 40.50. Scholasticall: note, 1367. a 40 &c. Six questions to trie them fromscholers, 1368. a 10 &c. Manie though they haue no armor nor weapon: note, 1367. b 10.30. Their, rebels, and fugitiues practises to exe­cute pope Pius bulles against queene Elisabeth, 1 [...] 59. b 10. Forren continue sending of persons to mooue sedition in the realme, 1360. a 40. Fiue, all of one linage executed, 943. b 50. They & rebels what ig­nominious ends they come to 78 [...]. b 20. Put to flight and proclamed 650. b 20.50. At­tei [...]ted, executed, 652. a 10, &c. Their heads remooued from the tower on London bridge, a set on the gate at the bridge foot, 1270. a 30. For a time may escape but at length come to the gallows, 223. b 60.224. a 10. Executed, wherein note the ancient kind of pu­nishment, 130. b 20. Executed for denieng the queenes supre­masie, 1322. a 30. A declarati­on of queene Elisabeths com­missioners their faucurable dealing for their examining, 1357. a 60. &c. 1358. to 1368 Executed in Lincolnshire and Yorkshire. 767. b 40.50. ¶ See Preests seminarie, Fu­gitiues, Babington, Felton, and Storie.
  • Trauelling commended and dis­commended as necessarie and vnnecessarie. 1568▪ b 50, &c.
  • Treiport suburbs set on fire by the English, 879. a 30
  • Trenchulle lord William, a man of great power, 67. b 60
  • Trent riuer where duke Willi­am pitched his tents against the Danes, 7. a 40. Hoised out of the chanell with a tem­pest, 1142. a 40. Dried vp for the space of a mile, 37 a 40. See Ch [...]ll.
  • Tresham knight made lord of saint Iohns of Ierusalem, 1134. b 60
  • Tresham William. ¶ See Iusts triumphant.
  • Tresilian, chiefe iustice descried by his owne man & executed at Tiborne, 463. b 50
  • Treson against king Henrie the fourth to haue destroied him in his bed: note, 519. b 20. A­gainst Edward the second the traitor executed: note, 333.334 Against Henrie the third by a clerke of Oxford, 223. a 40. Of Thomas Becket, 69. b 10 Of noble men iustl [...]e punished, 515 b 10 &c. Of a Saracen against prince Edward, 275 a 20. Land to the duke of Au­merle, and how he challenged triall, 513. a 60. Of sir Tho­mas Turberuile, & he execu­ted, 295. b 40. Of a messenger disclosing the secrets of Ed­ward the firsts letters, 299. b 60, 300. a 10. Of Foulks de Brent how punished, 208. a 20. Of certeine Iewes, and how reuenged, 267. a 60. No­table of Francis Chrockmor­ton, set downe in full discourse with the maner of proceeding against him: note, 1370. a 50 60, &c. 1371. to 1375. Noto­rious of Parrie to haue mur­thered queene Elisabeth set downe at large: note, 1382. a 50, &c. to 1395. Of erle Per­sie of Northumberland sum­marilie set downe: note, and vnto what foule end he came, 1404. b 40.1405. &c. to 1419, a 10. Of the duke of Bucking­ham. ¶See Duke. Of no­bles for the which they were apprehended, 548. b 10. And ex [...]cuted, b 40. Of erle Iohn moued in the parlement, and iudgement denounced against him, 142. b 60. Laid vnto the archbishop of Canturburies charge by the speaker in par­lement, 490. b 40. Laid to the duke of Northfolke by the duke of Hereford, 493 b 10. Laid to the duke of Lanca­ster, he cleared, and the accuser extrem [...]lie tormented, 445. b 40, &c. In great men, and they executed: note, 946. a 20. &c. 50. Practised against the erle of Richmond, but preuented, 747. a 60. b 10, &c. 60. Of the citizens that lost Mens, 598. a 60. Laid to the bishop of Winchester, with hisanswers, 591. a 60. b 60. Wherewith the dukes of Yorke and Sum­merset mutuallie charge each other, 639. a 50. 60. Against the duke of Clarence, 580, a 10. He is slaine, a 30. Laid to the nobles charge by king Iohn, 169. a 30. Laid to ones charge, and pledges sent to and fro to follow the sute, 143. a 20. Of two sorts punished with death: no [...]e, 1227. b 60. Purposed at a maske a­gainst Henrie the fourth his person, 515. b 50. In letters written by sir Ralfe Ferrers to certeine French lords, ar­rested, released, 428. a 60. b 10. For misgouerning the king and realme, and the parties ex­ecuted, 498. b 60. Tried by a combat: note, 424▪ b 10, &c. 425. a 10, &c. Suspected a­mong the nobles, and inquisi­tion for the same, 457. b 20. Intended and preuented, 295 a 30. Will euer come to light by one meane or other, 333. b 10. It and not religion the cause of the popes fauorers ex­ecution, proued: note, 1366. b 10, &c. 1368. a 40▪ &c. The fauorers thereof punished, 951 a 50.60. Punished in honora­ble personages of both sex, 70▪ b 10. To defraud souldiors of their wages, 411. b 10. Puni­shed by death, though disclo­sed. 11. a 60. It and execution, 945. a 10. b 10▪ 952. b 30.60. Of two persons two waies: note, 928 a 10. [...]13. b 40.598, a 60. b 40. Upon clergie men, 520. a 10, &c. Most seuerelie punished. 1575. b [...]0, &c. ¶ See Chartres, Conspiracie, Ele­nor Cobham, Eureux, Noble men, Paris, Par [...]e, Preests seminarie, Rebellion, Rone castell, Scotish king Iames, Serlo, Traitors, and Wool­seie.
  • Tresuror lord sit [...]eth aboue the lord maior at the sarg [...]nts [...]east, 667. b 20
  • Tresurors of England from the first to the last [...]et downe in a collection, 1238. a 1239. vnto 1257. a 10. ¶ See C [...]ill
  • Tresure great of Richard king of Almaine, 254. b. 20. Of Ri­chard the first where it la [...]e, and deliuered to king Iohn. 157. a 20. Of Henrie the se­cond found at Salisburie▪ 118. a 20. & See Officers.
  • Tribute of ox hides, 96. b 50 Of twelue pense for euerie horsse or [...]oke of oxen, 98. b 10 Of three thousand marks by yeare released, 32, a 50. Leui­ [...]d throughout all England, and how: note, 13. a 60. b 10. Denied vnto the pope with oths and protestations▪ 236 a 60. To be paid vnto the pope moued for the maintenance of his estate, 208. a 40. Of the French king to king Edward for peace and amitie: note, 700 b 10, &c. For Tho [...]ouse 85. a 30. ¶ See Exactions, Subsidies, Taxes, Tenths, and Toll.
  • Triuet knight slaine with a fall from his horsse, 465. b 50
  • Triumphs of the Romans ex­celled all their other shews, 1333. a 20. ¶See Pagents.
  • Tri [...]lfe a noble seruitor in the French affaires. [...]50. b 60
  • Trollop forsaketh the rebellious lords, his estimation, 650, a 60
  • Truce for three yeares betwixt six kings, 466. a 40. Betwixt England and France, 445. a 50. 230▪ b 10. For fiue years, 231. Treated 466. a 10. For three yeares, 214. a 50. Gene­rall, 198, b 10. For three years expired, 219 a 10. For fortie daies, 892. a 60. For a mo­neth, 304 b 60. For eigh­teene moneths, 624. b 10. For six yeares, 607. a 60. For two yeares, 391 a 40.381 a 60.378. a 50.183. b 20. For three yeares, 364. b 30.40 With the conditions of the same, 50 60.365. a 10. For a yeare at the mediation of a woman, 360. a 30.409. b 10. 93. b 50. Conditionall for two yeares, 170. a 60. For foure yeares, 480▪ b 40. For fiftie daies. 160. a 40. 154. b 50. For fiue yeares, 155, a 10. For thirtie yeares, 486 [...]50. Betwixt England and Scotland, 875. b 30.439. a 10 At request of the French king 311, a 60.352. a 10.405. a 30. 89. a 60. With a treatie of a [...]i­ance, 747. a 20. For s [...]uen yeares, 767. b 60.668. b 60. After much mischiefe and trouble, 334. b 30. Betwixt the emperor Charles and the gouernors of France. 887 b 60. Betwixt Henrie the fift and the duke of Burgogne, 558▪ a 10. Betwixt Henrie the sixt and the dutchesse of Burgogne, 6 [...]5. a 30. Be­twixt Henrie the fift and the duke of Britaine, 561. a 50.60 Betwixt Henrie the eight and sundrie Forren princes, 843. a 20. Betwixt the English and the Brit [...]ns for six daies, 814. b 60. Prolonged for a yeare, 477. b 10. Tripartite, 572. a 40 Taken for a moneth, 68. a 40. The benefits insuing from the same, 906. a 60. ¶ See Legu [...] and Peace.
  • Trust in treson: note, 743 b 50.744. a 52. ¶See Treson.
  • Truth purchaseth hatred, 513. [...] 60
  • Tunstall, doctor, meister of the rolles. 849. a 10. Made bi­shop of Durham, 909. b 50. Made bishop of London, 872. a 10. His oration and sermon in the parlement house, 876. a 20. Described and commen­ded, his armes, the offices he bare▪ 1185. b 30.40.50.60. Buildings by him founded, 1186. a 1 [...]. Depriued of his bishoprike, 30. Restored, 40. His death, 50. He and [...]u­deus compared, b 20
  • Turke is mortallie hated of the pope 847 a 10, &c. His vi­ctories against the Soldane, his ambition hath no bounds 846. a 60. b 10, &c.
  • Turks warred against by the earle of Flanders and others, 164. a 20. At the siege of Ui­enna how manie slaine, 913. b 40. Ouerthrowne and van­quished by the christians, prin­cipall men slaine, 1226. b 40. 60. 1227. a 10, &c. ¶ See Ottoman, Rhodes, Sara­cens, Soliman.
  • Turketillus guider of the Da­nish armie against the Nor­mans. 7. b 40
  • Turnaments. ¶ See Char­ter, and [...]urr [...]es.
  • Turnham Stephan committed to prison. 117. a 20
  • Turnies, wherein earle Mar­shall of Penbroke was hurt and died, 228. b 60. Exercised for the training vp of souldi­ors, 145. b 60. At [...]lie be­twixt the southerne and nor­therne men, 221. b 60. ¶See Ius [...]s.
  • Tweed a troublesome and dan­gerous streame. 992. a 10
  • Tyrannie of duke William a­gainst the English: note, 8. a 10.40.15. b 30. Of Richard the second, 489. a 10, &c. ¶ See Crueltie, and William duke of Normandie.
  • Tyrant. ¶ See Richard the third, or Duke of Glocester.
  • Tyrants estate vnquiet: note. 735. b 50
V.
  • VAgabonds and rog [...]s by pro­clamation to auoid the citie of London. 1121. b 10. [...]0. In­creased by rebellions, 1050. a 40. ¶ See Roges.
  • Ualdois profession, their exami­nation, [Page] protestation, stoned to death, 68.60. b 10. ¶See Dutchmen.
  • Ualiantnesse and manhood, 534 a 40, &c. Of king Stephan, 53. a 60
  • Uandement besieged▪ 606. b 50
  • Uandosme taken by king Hen­rie, 90, b 10
  • Uannes besieged by king Ed­ward the third, 364. a 40
  • Uariance betweene the lord chamberleine and the ladie E­lisabeths seruants, 1154. b 50. Betweene one Iohn Court­neie and Philip Duffeld, 1021. a 10. Betwixt the lords and the Spensers, and whie, 325, b 50.326.327: note all. Betwixt the students of Oxford, 26 [...]. b 40. Betwixt the earle of Penbroke and o­thers, [...]57. b 30. Betweene the duke of Lancaster and the earle of Arundell. 481. a 10. Betweene the lord Latimer, and two esquires and to what a bloudie issue it grew, 420. b 10, &c. Betwixt the bishop of Durham and earle Pa­trike, 161 [...] a 10. Betweene sir Iohn Hollands seruants, and the lord Richard Staf­ford, 447. a 40. Uerie roiallie debated: note, 459. b 30.40.50. Betwixt the scholers of Oxford. 466. a 30. Betwixt the Londoners and the constable of the Towre, 263. b 60. Betwixt Henrie the third and the earle of Penbroke, 223. b 20. Be­tweene the two kings of England and France, 872. a 60. b 10. Betweene the Lord Paule Tiptost and Rice ap Meridoc, 283. b 60. Betweene the bishop of Elie and the ladie Wake, 392. a 10. ¶ See Archbi­shop, Contention, Debate, Discord and Strife.
  • Ueere Henrie constable of Gi­sors, 110. b 10
  • Ueere brother to the earle of Oxford, slaine, 772. b 10. ¶See erle Ueere of Oxford.
  • Uenlow besieged by the Eng­lish, 810, b 40
  • Uernueill besieged and obteined by the French, 88 a 10.60. Gotten from the English by crediting a lie, 588, a 60
  • Uernon sir Warren baron of Shipbrooke, 20, a 30
  • Uictorie of the English against the French at the battell of Agincourt, their reioising: note, 555. a 20, &c. Against the Turks by the Christians: note, 1226. b 40.60.1227, a 10, &c. Of king Iohn against his rebels, 188. a 40. Of the English at the battell of Slinse, 358. b 10. Bloudie gotten by the Frenchmen, 294 b 10. Against the Irish and o­thers in Ireland, 1314. b 40. Good of them of Calis against the French king▪ 448. a 30.40, &c. Of the English nauie a­gainst the Flemish fleet▪ 454. b 10. Of the English against Scots signified with a great shout, 988. b 50. Against re­bels, and what is to be doone after the same, 1023. b 60. 1024. a 10. Of the English against the French: note, 997. a 60. b 10, &c. What is to be doone after the obteinment thereof, 760. Consisteth not in multitude but in manlinesse, 758. b 10. Rich and honoura­ble against the French, 201. b 10. What is to be doone after the getting thereof. 885. b 30. Obteined, and God praised: note, 153. b 10. Without bloudshed, 33. a 60. Used with rigor feared: note, 167, a 10. To whome the same is to be ascribed: note, 373. a 10. What is to be doone after the obteinment thereof, 767. b 30. The Spanish manner of thanksgiuing after the getting thereof▪ 773. a 60. Generall processions after it, 589, b 50. Three within a short time falling to the English, 566. b 10. Of Edward the sixt a­gainst the Scots, 1161. b 10. ¶See Battell, Crueltie, and Warre.
  • Uintiesme (a kind of collecti­on) gotten in Ireland for the pope, 226. a 40
  • Virginia an English colonie. ¶See Raleigh.
  • Uision of Richard archbishop of Canturburie, 108. a 40. Of a Iew become a Christian, 27. a 50. Strange appearing to Henrie the second, 83. a 10. Of diuerse likenesses, 484. b 10. ¶ See Dreames.
  • Uisions of admonition are to be esteemed, 83. b 10
  • Uittels plentie sold, good cheape, 778. b 10. [...] See Derth.
  • Ulster in Ireland a kingdome, 100. a 30.
  • Umfreuill knight▪ his exploits in Scotland, 536. b 10. Sur­named Mendmarket, 536.
  • Uniuersitie college in Oxford, when founded, 13. a 50. ¶ See Cambridge & Oxford.
  • Unthankefulnes a vice vnnatu­rall and abhorred. 1506. a 20. Noted in earle Stephan, 43. a 10.20. Of Gaston de Bierne. 240 a 20.
  • Uoiage denturous of sir Hugh Willoughbie, to the losse of his owne and his peoples liues, 1083. a 60. of sir Francis Drake atchiued with extra­ordinarie honor and successe: note, 1567. a 50. &c. ¶ See Frobisher, Gilbert, Green­field Raleigh, Sebastian,
  • Uow inuiolablie kept: note 793 a 50. Professed of a nun bro­ken, 29. a 10. Of chastitie broken: note, 222. b 30. Of king Henrie the first whereof the pope offereth to discharge him, 40. b 50. Of Parrie the traitor to murther queene E­lisabeth, 1385. b 30. And of other traitors to the same end: note, 1583, a 60. Of the Scots noisome to them­selues: note, 988. a 40.
  • Uowes absolued, 257. b 60. ¶ See Oth and Promise.
  • Urswike, king Henrie the sea­uenths chapleine ambassadour into France, 768. a 30. &c.
  • Usurie for the lone of monie for­bidden: note 1062, a 60. Of the Iewes the cause of hating & killing them: note, 122. all.
  • Usurers goods seized, 145▪ b 10. Came from Rome into Eng­land vnder the name of mer­chants: note, 211. a 40. Cal­led Cauisini: note, 211. a 50. Excommunicated, but to no purpose, 219. b 10. Accused & committed to prison, 244. a 60
  • Usurpation: note the whole storie of Richard the third, and Edward the fift: hath no good end. ¶ See Bruse. 314, 315, 316. Commeth to an euill end, 323. a 60.
W.
  • WAinfleet. ¶ See Paten. Wales inuaded by king Wil­liam Rufus, and wasted, 22. b 10. Subdued by duke Willi­am, 12. a 20. Diuided into shires, 282. a 40. The mar­ches thereof sore impoueri­shed, 257, a 40
  • Walden his variable fortune: note, 532. a 10
  • Walon lord came to serue Hen­rie the eight▪ 818. b 60
  • Wallop knight his martiall acts in Normandie, 831. b 40
  • Walkhelme bishop of Winchester 9. a 20
  • Walkeher bishop of Durham had the whole rule of Nor­thumberland, 13. a 40. A fur­therer of monasteries to be e­rected, 11. a 20. Slaine by the Northumbers, & whie: note, 12. b 20
  • Walteof sonne of Siward, 5. a 10 Ualiant, reconciled into the kings fauor, 7. a 50. Earle of Northumberland, North­hampton and Huntington, 11 b 20. Maried duke Williams neece, and his issue, 11. b 10. He and Gospatrike depriued, 10, b 50. Beheaded as a rebell though he disclosed the same: note, 11. a 60. Described, and where he was buried, 11. b 10
  • Walter bishop of Hereford sub­mitteth himselfe to duke Wil­liam, 1, a 50.
  • Walter, knight. ¶ See Mild­maie, and Raliegh.
  • Warre betweene two brethren, kings sonnes, 106, a 50. In Normandie betwixt king Ru­fus and his brother Robert, 21, a 50.60. Of barons against king Iohn: note, 18 [...]. b 10. &c. Proclamed against England by the king of Scots▪ 5 [...]8. b 10. Prepared against France, [...]12. a [...]0. Betwixt England and France, 290. a 60. b 20. Proclamed betwixt England and France, 353. a 10. Prose­cuted with egernesse, 354, 355 Upon a light occasion, 39. b 20. Renewed, 219. a 20. Be­tweene diuerse nations in one yeare ended, 1192. b 60. Ciuill and the miserie of England then, 60. b 60. Maketh no dif­ference of time: note, 1188. b 30. &c. Cert [...]ine ordinances deuised for that time, 125. a 40 The frutes thereof, 610. b 10. Forren better than sedition at home, 1054. b 50. Open not so ill as ciuill, the occasion of manie great inconueniences, 729. a 10. 20. Cannot be mainteined without monie. ¶See Armie, Battell, Bene­uolence, Frenchmen, France, Monie, Munition, Scots, & Subsidie.
  • Warbecke. ¶See Perkin War­becke.
  • Ward Richard ¶See Iusts Triumphant.
  • Wards. ¶See London.
  • Warham doctor of lawes, the sum of his speach to the arch­duke of Burgognie, 777. b 10
  • Warke castell burned by the Scots, 444. b 60
  • Warlwast William taketh from Anselme all that he had: note, 26. a 10
  • Warning of amendment of life, 44. b 10. Reiected both by woonders and dreames, and lested at, 26. b 10.20. Neg­lected cause of inconuenience: note, 83. a 10.20.30.40. Of a French preest giuen to Ri­chard the first: note, 156. b 10 ¶See Uisions.
  • Warren. ¶See Erle
  • Warwike castell taken and ra­sed. 267, a 50.60
  • Waste. ¶See Northcountrie.
  • Wat Tiler. ¶ See Tiler.
  • Watch appointed to be kept by night in cities and burrowes, 248. a 10 It and ward from foure till six, and from six till foure, 327. b 10. The mis­chiefe that groweth by the negligence of them, 597. b 60. In sleepe what aduantage to the enimie, 380. a 60. Found sleeping iustlie serued, 819▪ b 20. At Midsummer discon­tinued, 1062. b 10. ¶See Midsummer.
  • Water conueied from out the Thames by pipes into seue­rall houses, 1348. b 50. ¶See Tides and Thames.
  • Waters executed for Treason, 313. b 40. ¶ See Traitors.
  • Waterquake, 440. b 50.1311. a 50.439. b 40
  • Wednesdaie. 818. b 20. ¶See Drie.
  • Weights and measures, 152, b 10 Reformed after one standard. 209, b 60
  • Weiland lord cheefe iustice of the kings bench, his storie, 284. b 40
  • Well. ¶See Founteine.
  • Welshmen vnder their kings, waste Her [...]ford, 5. a 20. Cru­ellie handled in their ouer­throw, 23. a [...]0. Inuaded by William Rufus, flie into the woods, 23. a 10. Uanquished at Brooknocke by William Rufus, 20. b 40. Inuade England. 21, b 20. They dare not fight in open field, but worke all vpon aduantage, 22. a 20. Preuaile greatlie against the Eng [...]ish, 2 17. Besieged the castell of Montgomerie, 210. a 60. They are discomfi­tes, b 10. &c. Put to flight, 214 a 10. Sent ouer to the aid of the earle of Britaine, 219 a 10 Warre against the lord Mor­timers tenants, 263. b 50. Subiect to the English laws, 244. a 50. Take castels, 329.10. Wastfull without remorse, 351. b 20. Appointed to Ia­ques Arteueid for a gard a­gainst Gerard Denise, 368. a 20. Molest the English sub­iects. 524. a 20. Rebell by the setting on of Owen Glendo­uer, 518. a 60. Waste Cheshire [...]6. b 40. Up in armes, they sue for peace to Henrie the first, 42. a 20.30. Fickle and by what meanes allured to Hen­rie the firsts side, 30. a 60. Moue rebellion, discomfited, and punished, 176. a 30. Not well delt withall, 95. b 30. Their good seruice against the French, 113. a 10. Slaie the shiriffe of Glocestershire, 106. a 20, Their good seruice, 93. b 20. Make war on the Eng­lish marches, seuerelie puni­shed, 73. b 10. Uanquished and slaine, 154. b 20. Win Cardigan, 73. b 40. Rebell, inuaded & subdued, 66. b 60, &c Their valiancie against the French, 874. b 20. Make a riot at Calis, 879. b 10. Dis­comfited by the Northerne men, 672. b 20. Inuade the English marches, 37. b 60. Slaine and discomfited by Henrie the first, on all hands: note, 3 [...] a 10. Subdued, 203. a 60. Flie, 270 a 60. Submit themselues, 67. a 30. Slaine, 673. b 10. Drowned within an ambush: note, [...]36. a 60.
  • Welshwomens villanie against the English dead corpses, 520 a 60. Their beastlie and bar­barous crueltie vpon the dead [Page] carcases of the English, 528. a 30. See Fraie, and Le­win.
  • Wentworth lord deputie of Ca­lis sendeth to the French to demand parlee, 1135. b 50. Taken prisoner, 1136. a 50. Arreigned and acquited, 1184. a 50
  • Westminster spoiled by soldiors, 273. b 20. The palace of the king burned, 815. b 60. The new church there begun, 202. b 10. Inlarged and repared, 237, a 40. Of a cruell mur­ther there committed, 420. b 10.60. The sanctuarie con­firmed by parlement, 421, b 60 The hall founded: note, 23. a 60. b 10. Ouerflowne with waters: note, 1129. b 50. Full of water and not to be gotten into but on horssebacke, 231, a 10. Where botes might haue beene rowed vp and downe, 220. a 40. The new worke there begun, 282, b 60. A new house made within the palace for the arreignment of the lords, 490. b 20
  • Wesell in Cleueland a free towne note, 1144, a 40
  • Weston doctor the duke of Suf­folks ghostlie father, 1100, b 50. Against the ladie Elisa­beth, the lord maiors iudge­ment of him, 1101, b 40.50. resigneth the deanrie of West­minster by compulsion, and is recompensed, 1134, b 40
  • Wether intemperat by coniuring as was thought, 520. b 20. ¶See Tempest.
  • Wharton lord Thomas decea­seth, 1238. a 50
  • Wheat and other corne scarse, with politike orders to re­dresse it for the poore peoples releefe: note, 1588, &c.
  • Whitegift Iohn. ¶See Arch­bishop.
  • Whittington college erected, 540 a 50
  • White meates licenced to be ea­ten in Lent, and noblemen punished for breaking the law, 960, a 10
  • Whoore the cause of a notorious and shamefull murther: note, 1062, b 40, &c. ¶See Con­cubine, Shores wife, Spa­niards, 1126, b 60
  • Whoordome reprooued, and the reproouer taken in the deed dooing, 42. b 50. Strangelie punished by the iust iudge­ment of God, 1353, a 60. b 10 It and murther go together, 953, a 10, 937. b 30, &c.
  • Whoorlepooses taken in the Thames, 928, a 20
  • Wiat knight his insurrection, his proclamation at Maid­stone, he commeth to Roche­ster, meeteth with his adhe­rents, causeth much trouble, 1093. b 10.30.40.50.60. Soliciteth certeine gentlemen to adhere vnto him, an herald of armes sent vnto him, the lord warden desirous to be tempering against him, 1094. a 10.40, &c. A proclamation that none should keepe in his house anie of his faction, he is sent to the Tower, hardlie delt with all at the lieutenants hands, the furniture of his bo­die, 1099 a 60. b 10. Marcheth with his power and executeth [...]eats of armes against the ad­uerse parts, preuaileth against the lord Cobham, 1095. b 40.50.60. His requests, 1096. a 20. Marcheth to Detford Strand, suffereth his priso­ners to go abrode vpon their word, commeth to South­worke, his desperat attempt, he and his complices fall to consultation, at his wits end, 1097, all. He marcheth to Kingstone, commeth vnto the parke corner, and skirmisheth with the queenes power, mar­cheth alongst the wall of S. Iames toward London, sub­mitteth himselfe to the queene, 1098. all. Arreigned, the effect of his indictment, he answe­reth not directlie to the que­stion guiltie or vnguiltie, his exhortation to loialtie, altereth his mind touching the mari­age, his answers to diuerse speaking at his arreignment, 1103. all. His confession, and execution, 1104. a 20.60
  • Wicliffe a secular preest his con­clusions, the cheefest articles that he preached, 411, b 40, &c. He and his fellowes maintei­ned by certeine lords, 412. a 10 His doctrine, 428. b. 50.440. a 30. Fauoured of the Lon­doners. 440. b 20. Maintei­ned by the learned, sentence pronounced against his books 535. b 50.60. Euill spoken of▪ and his followers reproched, 419, a 20
  • Wicliuists increase, 467. a 40. 486. a [...]20. Popes letter to Richard the second against them, a 60. Bewraid by some of their owne sect, 521. a 10. Wrote against the clergie, 481 b 60. They are complained of, they increase, the lords seeke that they might be surprised, 482. a 10.40.60. Richard the seconds commission against them and their sectaries, 483. a 50, &c. Excommunicated. note, 484. a 10, &c. ¶See Pa­teshull.
  • Widow without Aldgate mur­thered, 605. b 40. ¶See Iest and Beneuolence.
  • Widowes prouided for and re­leeued by the charitie of Da­uid Smith: note, 1375. b 50 60.1376
  • Wie riuer, 5. a 20
  • Wife put awaie and taken a­gaine, 44. a 40. Robbed by hir husband and he hanged: note, 1561
  • Wilford the counterfet earle of Warwike, he is executed, 787, a 30 40
  • Wilford knight taken prisoner, 996. b 30
  • Wilfulnesse in opinion of Tho­mas Becket, 77. b 20
  • William duke of Normandie, when he began his reigne, 1. a 10. Crownd king on Christ­mas daie, 1. b 20. Sworne at his coronation, with the sum of his oth, 1. b 30. whie he re­fused to be crowned at arch­bishop Stigands hands, 1. b 20. Tooke an oth and hosta­ges of the nobles and lords of England, 1. b 10. His condi­tions and qualities, 15. a 20. His deuise to disburthen him­selfe of souldiours wages, 14. a 60. What he beareth to his armes. 15. a 10. His descent, 1. a 10. Uanquisheth the Eng­lish power, 1. a 10. And wa­steth certeine countries, a 20.30. Seizeth vpon the Eng­lishmens lands, and renteth them out by the yeare, 8, a 40. His couetous dealing and ex­actions: note, 8. b 50. Maketh a lamentable waste of the north countries, 7. b 40.50.60. Hateth the Englishmen more than euer he did before, 8, a 10. Subdueth certeine rebels that fled to Elie for defense, 10. a 40.50. Glad to deale with the Danes by promises and faire proffers, 7. b 40.50. Present at a synod, wherein note his malice against the English, 9. a 10. Saileth ouer sea, and be­siegeth Doll castle in Bri­taine, 11. b 40. Pitcheth his tents and fighteth against the Danes, and putteth them to flight, 7. a 45. In a perplexitie and glad to creepe in fauour with the English: note, 10. a 10. His oth and promise, with his crueltie and abusing of peace, 10. a 20. Goeth with an huge armie against Malcolme king of Scots, and whie, 10. b 30. His iustice in restoring the right heire, 10. b 50. T [...] ­keth awaie from the English their armor, 6. a 40. Subdu­eth the rebels of Excester▪ 6. b 10. And Wales, 12. a 20. Go­eth ouer into Normandie, lea­uing guides ouer England, 5. a 10. Forced to yeeld to the Kentishmens request, 2. b 20. Hateth the English nobilitie euen in the time of peace, 6. a 20. His three sonnes, their names and places of their birth, 6. a 60. His foure sons, and what he bequeathed to them, 15. a 60. And fiue daughters, b 10. Returneth into England and waxeth ri­gorous against the English 5. a 30. b 10. In possession o [...] London and his promised couetesie, 1. b 10. What stran­gers came in with him at the conquest, their names, 2. b 40. His charter granted to the ci­tie of London, 15. a 60. He is politike, painefull, and tyran­nicall against the English, 6. a 10. Ouerthrowne and woun­ded in battell by his son Ro­bert, 12. a 40.50.60 Falleth sicke in Normandie: note, 14. b 20. In despaire of his life by the Kentishmen, 2. a 40. Departeth this life, in what yeare of his age, 14 b 40 His sepulchre opened, his sta­ture and epitaph. 1 [...]. b 60.
  • William Rufus when he began his reigne, 16. a 10. Crowned king, and of his munificence 16. a 40. What means he v­sed for to purchase the noble mens fauour. 16▪ a 10. Giuen to sensuall lust and couetous­nesse, 18. b 10. In armes a­gainst the Normans, 17. b 20 Inuadeth Wales but to little effect 23. a 10. Goeth ouer in­to Normandie, 23. b 20. A bitter enimie to the popes of Rome, 24. b 20, &c. Renoun­ceth archbishop Anselme for his subiect, 25. a 60. Farmeth archbishopriks, bishoprikes, and abbeies, 26. a 40. Passeth into Normandie, and whie, 19. a 10. Against his brother Robert, 21. a 50. Depriueth bishops▪ 21. a 40. His great courtesie to the English to win their fauours, 17. b 30. In armes against the Welsh­men▪ but with little successe, 22. a 20. Suspected of infide­litie▪ 27. b 20. Falleth sicke at Glocester, 20. a 50. Where bu­ried, his conditions, proportion and no issue, 26. b 60.27. all.
  • William the sonne of Henrie the first made duke of Norman­die. 38. a 30. Drowned, and how he might haue escaped, 41. b 10.30
  • William king of Scotland alied to the earles of Britaine, 7. b 30
  • William bishop of Durham the kings houshold chapleine in armes against the king, 17. a 60. Founder of vniuersitie colledge in Oxford, 13. a 60. Besieged at Durham, forced to yeeld and exiled, 18. a 10. Restored, and dieth for sor­row, and whie, 18. a 30
  • William earle of Ew renoun­ceth Robert, and becommeth king William Rufus man, 22. a 10
  • Willoughbie lord ambassador in­to Denmarke, his oration in Latine to the king, inuesteth the king into the order of the g [...]rter, returneth and arriueth in England, 13 48. a 20, &c.
  • Willoughbie knight found fro­zen to death in his ship: note, 1083. a 60.
  • Willoughbie capteine honoura­blie buried, 1428. a 60
  • Winc [...]ester, an erls sonne bishop there, 42. a 60. ¶See Bishop.
  • Wind monstrous and big, and dooing much harme, 170, b 50. Full of annoiance▪ 914. b 30. 245. a 60, 1310. b 30.1579, a 20, &c. That troubled the skie 226, a 10. Extreme & terrible, 243. a 20. Big and boisterous that blew open Paules gates, 1209. a 20. Tempestuous out of the south, 1260. a 40. That ouerthrew houses▪ 348. b 40. 220. a 60. In diuerse places of England: note, 19. b 10. Continuing six or seuen daies, 395, b 40. For three moneths space hindering the spring, 250. a 50. Prognosticating trouble, 861. a 10. Upon the seas. 1211. a 50
  • Windsore castell repared, 392. a 50. And of the chamber there built called the round table, 366▪ a 20
  • Windsore lord, ¶See Iusts triumphant.
  • Wine prised at a rate, 161. a 20. Sold for thirteene shillings & foure pense the tun, 455. a 10
  • Winter sharpe following a drie summer, 1210. a 60. With great frost, 1257. b 30. An e­nimie to warlike enterprises, 7. a 30. Extreame: note, 38. a 50. More than ordinarie, 163. a 50. Neuer the like 166. a 60 That killed all kind of small foules, 534. a 10. With a deth, 892. b 30
  • Winter sir William knight, and viceadmerall, saileth towards Sotland, 1187. a 10.
  • Wisedome of Richard the first in making his answer, 138, b 40
  • Witch hanged at Feuershom: wherein note the indirect course of iustice, 1560. a 10. Of one that allured the Dol­phin of France to take vpon him the title of K. of France, 602. a 20
  • Witchcraft punished with fa­mine, 203. b 60.204. a 10
  • Wood knighted ¶ See Maior of Norwich.
  • Woodstocke manour by whome builded. 45. b 30
  • Wooduile lord aideth the duke of Britaine without Henrie the seauenths consents, 768. a 40. Slaine, 768. b 40
  • Wooll sold dog chepe by the stone 476. b 50. Sessed at a certeine price, and what for the tran­sporting out of the realme, 365 a 40. Transporting ouer sea, an act against it, 353, a 60. What K. Edward the third might spend a daie there by that which was transported, 383. b 10 [Page] Granted in subsidie by the merchants, 440, a 20. ¶Sée Subsidie, Staple.
  • Wol [...]en cloth of two shillings the [...]rode yard, 789, b 40
  • Waites wi [...]e a notable harlot, [...] shamefull end, 937, b 30, &c.
  • Wol [...]e [...] described, 829, b 60.830, a [...], Made bishop of Dur­ [...]am▪ [...] demandeth a great subsidie, his obstinat an­swer to the motion of the commons, 877, a 50, 60, b 10. Taketh it in scorne to be called brother by the arch­bishop, 848, a 10. Reprooued by Henrie the eight, dissol­ueth the archbishop of Can­turburie his conuocation, 878 a 20.40. His princelie p [...]rt at a banket and other recreati­ons: note, 848, b 50, 60. He will haue euerie man sworne what he is woorth, 874, b 60 Deuiseth [...] destruction of the duke of Buckingham, 862, b 50. Imboldeneth Kne­ [...]t against him, b 60. Accu­seth him to Henrie the eight, 863, b 10, 20. What forren chronic [...]ers report of him, 886 b 30. Altereth the state of Henrie the eight his house­hold, 892, b 40. Erecteth tw [...] new colleges, he excuseth himselfe touching the strei [...] commission for the tax, 891, a 10, 40, 60. His authoritie im­pugned, 884, a 10. Offended at a plaie, and punisheth the author and actors of the same, [...]94, a 50. Goeth ambassador into France, his pompe, the maner of his receiuing by the French king, 897, b 10, 20, 40 Suspected to be against Hen­rie the eight his mariage with quéene Kath [...]rine his brothers wife, 906, b 30. Arti­cles exhibited against him, 911, b 20. At his manor of C [...]wood kéepeth a good house, was to be arrested of treason, prognostications of his fall, arrested, taketh the action in good part, 915, a 10, 30, b 50, 60 His commissions to take vp monie by anticipation, 882, a 50. His ambitious humor, the ordering of the two kings of England and Spaine, their interuiew committed to him, 853, a 20, &c. b 10, 20, &c. 854, all. 855, a 10, &c. His great pompe, put in great trust by the king of England and France, 858, a 20, 30. His li­beralitie by vertue (forsooth) of his spirituall power, 872, b 50. He hateth the duke of Buckingham, causeth the earle of Kildare to be commit­ted to ward, 855, b 20, 30, &c. His crueltie, 894, b 30. His excessiue pride, 845, a 60, b 10 847, b 50. A caueat giuen him by a libell set vp in London, he cannot abide the citizens, 895, a 30, 40, 50. His pompe when he receiued the emperor Charles at Douer, his pride at high masse, 873, a 50, b 40 Returneth out of France, 898, a 60. Is sent ouer to Ca­lis, the emperor receiueth him, carrieth the great seale with him, and there sealeth writs and patents, 870, a 40 b 10, 20, 40. Maketh means to be elected pope, 871, b 10. Sin­geth masse before the two kings of England & France, 861, a 20. Desireth to sée the commission of the arrest, com­mitted to the custodie of cer­teine gentlemen, sickneth sit­ting at the table, falleth into a flux that cost him his life, 916 a 20. In displesure with Hen­rie the eight, articles exhibi­ted against him, sued in a pre­munire, loth to part from the great seale, but yet dischar­ged, calleth all his officers to accounts, goeth to Asher and hath his plentie turned into penurie, condemned in a pre­munire, 909, a 10, 20, 30, 40, 60 b 30, 50. Archbishop of Yorke, cardinall, chancellor of Eng­land, his cardinals hat recei­ued by Kentish gentlemen with great solemnitie, iustice executed by him vpon offen­dors, he erecteth new courts by Henrie the eights commis­sion, 838, b 50, 60. He taketh vpon him to determin causes▪ diuerse péeres offended at him, he hindereth the duke of Suffolks hope, an enimie to peace, 839, a 50, 60, b 10. His aduise to the maior of Lon­don at Ill Maie daies riot, 841, b 30, 40. Licenced to re­paire into Yorkeshire, his col­lege lands seized vpon to the behoofe of Henrie the eight, 913, b 10. Remooue [...]o Rich­mond, prepareth for his iour­neie into the North, 914, a 60 b 10. Auoucheth that he can­not liue, ascribeth his fall to the iust iudgement of God, the complet historie of his be­hauiors, life, and death, 917, 918, 919, 920, 921, 922
  • Wolstan bishop of Worcester and others resist the erle of Here­ford rebelling, 11, a 50. Refu­seth a place of safegard a­gainst the Normans, 17, a 60 b 10. Like to haue béene depo­sed for his insufficiencie of learning, 12, a 10. His mira­cle whereby he kept his bi­shoprike, 12, a 10. Submitteth himselfe to duke William, 1, a 50. Dieth, 27, b 60.
  • Woluerhampton, and how to be rightlie called: note, 796, a 40
  • Womans request preuaileth in a great matter with a great personage, 32, a 50. Pitifull: note, 378, a 20. Their dissimu­lation, 336, b 30. Han [...]ed, drawne and quartered, 944, a 60. Ones request denied occa­sion of much broile, 327, b 40 328, a 10. One treateth for peace, & preuaileth betwéene two kings: note, 360, a 30 One brought to bed of a mon­ster: note, 1314, a 40. One of fourscoure yeres old brought a bed of a monster, 1313, b 60 1314, a 10. One brought to bed of foure children at one bur­then, 1261, b 60
  • Women will hardlie be of one mind, 158, a 60. Their bold­nes in ecclesiasticall matters: note, 484, a 50, 60. That to be seuere against them is disho­norable: note, 314, a 10. Cau­sers of mischéefe: note, 562, a 20. Counterfeiting them­selues one our Ladie the o­ther Marie Magdalen, 203, b 50. Their [...] what mis­chéefe it brée [...]e [...]: note, 626▪ b 6 [...], 627, a all. Reuenge a mur­ther doone vpon one. 605, b 60. Hard to be reconciled, 378, a 60. Their peace, 115 [...], a 60
  • Wonders, 37, a 40, 38, a 40. [...] b 10▪44, b 40.82, a 60, b 10.10 [...], a 30.102, b 30.166, a 60.204, b 60 &c. 210, b 50▪ 216, b 10, 20, 30▪ 225, b 60.226, a 10▪ 239, b 20▪ 245, b 30.252, a 50, &c. 277, b 40 395, a 40 439, b 40, 484, b 10 &c 493, b 60.645, b 10.793, b 10 &c, 40. Of a Dutchman stan­ding on Pauls wethercocke, note, 1091, a 60, b 10. Of pe [...] ­son without tilth growing vpon hard stone & pible, 1129. a 60, b 10. Of a man preserued from drowning, 1223, b 10▪ Of a lad drowned in a kennell 1259, b 60, 1260, a 10. Of a child speaking strange spée­ches, 1315, a 10, &c. Of mice deuouring grasse, 1315, a 60. Of the ground swallowed vp 1413, b 20, 30. Strange estée­med to be warnings: note, 26, b 10. Strange in heauen and earth, 21, a 30. In the aire or element, 142, a 10. Great, and whereof they were to­kens, 204, b 50. What they be­token. 156, b 60.157, a 10, b 10 Of baie trées, 496, b 60. Of a fish like a man: note, 168, a 10. Of fighting fishes, 115, a 10. Of Rosamunds coter, 115 b 60. In the sunne, moone, and the earth, 102, b 40, 50, 60. Of a dead carcase, 1066, a 30. To be noted in a dead corps that laie long in the ground, 779, a 40. ¶Sée Fish, Mir [...]cle, and Monsters.
  • Worcester assalted, 58, b 20. By the Normans, 17, a 60. With the valiantn [...]sse of the people, b 10. Besieged and taken, 266, a 60. The citie burnt by ca­sualtie, 37, b 50
  • Words malicious and foolish of a French lord: note, 771, a 20 Of Henrie the second that cest Becket his l [...]fe, 78, b 30 Of displeasure vttered by the father to his sonne, 114, a 40 Stout of a prelat to a peere, 458, a 20. Of a graue gentle­man spoken on his death bed, doo good, 197, b 40. Whet Hen­rie the third vnto warre. 209, a 10. Faire ouercome, 32, a 50. Make fooles faine, 191, b 60. 144, a 20. Preuaile not, 112, a 20. With fraud: note, 111, a 30 Smooth how mightilie they preuaile euen in the enimie, 673, a 60, b 10. Faire with ill meaning: note, 136, a 10. Procure wounds and death, 954, a 20. Procure wounds and bloudshed, 447, a 40. Wounds and slaughter: note, 13, b 40. Shamefull & slande­rous against Edward the fourth, 698, b 30. Obscure and doubtfull to be opened, 480, b 40. Unaduisedlie spoken a­gainst the prince the price of life: note, 703, a 10. Unde­cent to the lord chancellor pu­nished in the speaker, 1081, a a 50. Gentle appeased strife, 880, b 50. That kindled heat and indignation to reuenge, 172, b 10. Of wrath kindle displeasure and warre, 3 [...], b 10 Faire and gentle wich like behauiour how forceable, 518, a 10. Purchase displeasure, though tr [...]lie spo [...]en, 513, b 40, 50, 60. Miscontru [...]d by the Scots: note, 423, a 20. Multiplied kindle displea­sure, 487, b 50, 60. Roiall and well b [...]séeming a king to re­bellious lords: note, 400, a 10 Wische vttered, appease the wrath of a king: 458, a 10, &c, 50. Opprobrious procure ill will: note, 421, a 20. Of re­proch how mischéefous in is­sue: note, 412, a 20. Great with litle manhood, 23, b 60, 24 a 10. Of desdaine bréeding mischéefe: note, 645, a 30. Pu­nished with standing on the pillorie, and losse of both the cares, 1084, a 20. Mixed with breadfull allegation preuaile much: note, 143, b 60. ¶ Sée Gifts, Oth, and Promises,
  • Works good of duke William before his death, 14, b 50, Of king Henrie the first to win the peoples fauour, 28, b 20
  • Workemanship verie cunning, of comprising much matter in a little roome, 1262, b 10. Of a locke and a keie weighing but one wheatcorne, 1299, b 50, 60
  • Worship to creatures not per­mitted to be doone without the bishops authoritie, 31, a
  • Wotton embassador into Scot­land, of an ancient familie: note, 1402, b 30, &c. 1403, &c.
  • Wrecks by sea pardoned by K. Richard the first, through all his dominions, 126, a 60
  • Wrestling at the hospitall of S. Iames, betwixt the Lon­doners and all commers, 204, a 10, 20, &c. At Clerkenwell a great fraie there, 641, a 60,
  • Wr [...]otheslei [...] lord. ¶See Erle of South hampton.
  • Writing of much matter within a penie compasse, 1262, b 10
Y.
  • YArd. ¶Sée Mesure. Yeoman of the gard his shift to saue himselfe from hang­ing, 844. One hanged, 812, b 10. Two hanged for robbing, 953, a 60, b 10. Their in­stitution or first bringing in, 763, b 50. Defend the prea­cher at Pauls crosse, 1089, b 30, 1090, a 20
  • Yeare of Iubile, 788, a 60. Of woonders, 1588: note▪ 1356, b 60. More talked of than fea­red, 1357, a 10, 20
  • Yorke besieged by duke William 7, a 60. Burned by the Nor­mans and whie, 6, b 60, 7, a 10 The shire subdued to Lewis the French kings son, 193, a 10. The people in a perplex­itie by the means of two ad­uerse parties, 6, b 60. The ca­stell, 6, a 40
  • Yorke place in [...]coffed to Henrie the eight, 923, a 10
  • Yorkeshire. ¶Sée Commotion.
  • Ypres William warlike, 43, b 30 52, a 10. A Fleming, earle of Kent, 54, a 30. Departeth the realme, 65, b 20
  • Ypresse besieged, 443, b 20. The siege broken vp, 444, a 10

These faults to be amended. For sir Iohn Perot, read Pollard, pag. 1551, b 20. For sealed seldome, 1555, b 50 For Henrie the first, read the second, 1548, b 50 The rest good reader, as iudgement shall lead thee, reforme.

FINIS propositi laus Christo nescia FINIS.

Finished in Ianuarie 1587, and the 29 of the Queenes Maiesties reigne, with the full continuation of the former yeares, at the expenses of Iohn Hari­son, George Bishop, Rafe Newberie, Henrie Denham, and Tho­mas Woodcocke.

AT LONDON Printed in Aldersgate street at the signe of the Starre.

Cum priuilegio.

This keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above is co-owned by the institutions providing financial support to the Text Creation Partnership. This Phase I text is available for reuse, according to the terms of Creative Commons 0 1.0 Universal. The text can be copied, modified, distributed and performed, even for commercial purposes, all without asking permission.